dramatic hours in revolutionary history washington crossing the delaware by henry fisk carlton _edited by_ claire t. zyve, ph.d. fox meadow school, scarsdale, new york bureau of publications teachers college, columbia university new york city _how to be a good radio actor_ the play in this book has actually been produced on the radio. possibly you have listened to this one when you tuned in at home. the persons whose voices you heard as you listened, looked just as they did when they left their homes to go to the studio, although they were taking the parts of men and women who lived long ago and who wore costumes very different from the ones we wear today. the persons whose voices you heard stood close together around the microphone, each one reading from a copy of the play in his hand. since they could not be seen, they did not act parts as in other plays, but tried to make their voices show how they felt. when you give these plays you will not need costumes and you will not need scenery, although you can easily arrange a broadcasting studio if you wish. you will not need to memorize your parts; in fact, it will not be like a real radio broadcast if you do so, and, furthermore, you will not want to, since you will each have a copy of the book in your hands. all you will need to do is to remember that you are taking the part of a radio actor, that you are to read your speeches very distinctly, and that by your voice you will make your audience understand how you feel. in this way you will have the fun of living through some of the great moments of history. _how to follow directions in the play_ there are some directions in this play which may be new to you, but these are necessary, for you are now in a radio broadcasting studio, talking in front of a microphone. the word (_in_) means that the character is standing close to the microphone, while (_off_) indicates that he is farther away, so that his voice sounds faint. when the directions (_off, coming in_) are given, the person speaking is away from the microphone at first but gradually comes closer. the words (_mob_) or (_crowd noise_) you will understand mean the sound of many people talking in the distance. both the english and the dialect used help make the characters live, so the speeches have been written in the way in which these men and women would talk. this means that sometimes the character may use what seems to you unusual english. the punctuation helps, too, to make the speeches sound like real conversation; for example, you will find that a dash is often used to show that a character is talking very excitedly. washington crossing the delaware _cast_ general washington colonel reed john honeyman colonel rall a corporal a soldier general knox colonel glover mob voice orderly announcer we take pleasure in presenting this story of washington crossing the delaware. the picture of that famous event is familiar to everyone, but the story of what led up to it, and of its importance in american history is not so well known. the fall and early winter of the year saw the fortunes of washington's army sink very low indeed. beginning with the defeat on long island in late august, washington and his army had met reverse after reverse. they had been forced to retire in succession from manhattan to fort washington, then across the river to fort lee, then from fort lee to hackensack. this succession of defeats and the enforced retirements had disorganized and depleted the army. but even worse than that, it had well-nigh ruined the morale of the civilian population, whose hearty support was absolutely necessary if the war was to be carried on. but now, discouraged and disheartened, the mass of the population gave washington no help, no encouragement, no cooperation. this is the situation on the morning of november , , as we begin our story. washington is in his headquarters at hackensack, new jersey, when colonel joseph reed, his aide, enters-- reed good morning, general washington! washington good morning, colonel, what news? reed not much, i'm afraid, sir. washington have we no information of the british movements yet? reed none! washington what's the matter with our intelligence service? reed it's completely disrupted, sir; and we can get no help from the civilian population. washington i know--they've lost all faith in us, colonel. nothing but a victory can bring us again the loyalty and help of our own people! it's discouraging, colonel, to think that now when we need it more than ever before, we can get no help! reed sir, if we could only turn and strike a quick blow, we might recapture fort lee. washington yes--if i only knew what force of the enemy is holding the fort, and when lord howe expects to bring the rest of his army across the hudson. reed well, we don't know that! washington and without an intelligence service we can't find out! of course if general lee would join me--there wasn't any word from lee this morning, was there? reed none, sir. washington oh, why doesn't he answer? why doesn't he come? it's been more than a week now since i ordered him to join me at once! have you heard any rumor about him? has he left peekskill yet? has he crossed the hudson? reed i haven't heard a word. he hasn't even acknowledged the last half dozen orders i've forwarded to him. washington that's the most discouraging thing of all! if the second in command won't obey orders, is it any wonder that the rest of the army is out of hand? oh, well! we can't hope to do anything without lee's help, so there's nothing for us to do but retreat-- reed again? washington yes, colonel, our small force is uselessly exposed here. we can't risk capture--that would be the end of everything! reed yes, sir. washington if lord howe crosses the hudson in force, we'd be trapped between the hackensack and the passaic rivers. reed i'm afraid so, sir. washington so--we've got to begin our retreat at once. reed the troops are ready to move, sir. it shouldn't take us long to get out of danger with our small force. washington yes, yes, that's one advantage of a small army, isn't it, colonel? at least we can retreat rapidly! i suppose the force we have is even smaller today than it was yesterday? reed i'm afraid so, sir. the morning report showed less than five thousand present and fit for duty! washington if we only had lee's seven thousand! but we haven't. you may order the retreat at once, colonel. reed yes sir, over what route? washington we'll move across the acquackonack bridge, and thence to newark. reed yes, sir. i'll write the orders, sir. (_rattle of paper_) washington colonel john glover with his marblehead regiment will cover the retreat as usual. reed yes, sir. and the advance? washington knox and his artillery will lead. we mustn't lose our guns--the few we have left. reed yes, sir. washington (_half to himself_) retreat--retreat--retreat! is there nothing else in store for us? reed will you sign these, sir? washington yes--the quill. reed here you are, sir. washington thank you. (_rattle of paper_) you may send the orders at once, colonel. reed yes, general. (_calling_) orderly! voice yes, sir. reed deliver these orders at once! voice yes, sir. washington i suppose it's useless to send another order to lee. reed we can send one--i don't think it will have any effect. washington he ought to be informed of where we're going--yes, write him again, tell him we're retreating to newark-- reed very well, sir--and after newark? washington retreat again i suppose. new brunswick--trenton--across the delaware into pennsylvania. reed yes sir, if we have any army left by then. washington we have some loyal souls who will stand with us to the end. we may have to retreat to the back country of pennsylvania; but winter is coming, lord howe is not an energetic foe, and he will hardly press us after the snow falls. then if we can fill up our depleted ranks we'll be ready for him in the spring. reed oh, general, if we could only make one stand against the enemy! make one bold stroke to put new heart into our discouraged countrymen! washington i know--i know, colonel! if lee would only obey my orders! reed very little hope of that! washington i know--and i can't understand his motives! reed why sir, they're perfectly plain to me--and to the rest of the army. washington indeed? reed certainly--he wants to discredit you--to bring about your failure--so that he can succeed to your command! washington so--? (_pause_) well, if lee can bring victory where i have failed, i'll be only too glad to step down in his favor. reed sir, i beg of you, you mustn't even entertain such a thought, why general lee could no more--(_knock_) washington will you see who it is, colonel. reed yes, sir--(_mumble at a distance, then out loud_) general, there's a man here who wants to see you. washington who is it? reed he refuses to give his name, and says his business is private. washington tell him to come in. reed yes, sir--(_off_) come on in, the general will see you. honeyman thankee--thankee, sir. i'm obleeged to ye, sir. (_in_) be ye general washington? washington i am, and what can i do for you? honeyman wal'--general--if ye don't mind--er--er-- washington yes? honeyman i'd like to see ye alone--sir--it's important! washington alone? oh, very well, colonel-- reed i'll go, sir. washington write that letter to lee. reed (_going_) yes, sir. (_door closes_) washington now, what is it? honeyman wal', here i be, general-- washington yes? honeyman an' i've had tarnation's own time gittin' here--i cal'ate half yer army stopped me an' wanted to know my name an' my business--an' they wasn't goin' to let me in when i wouldn't tell 'em. but it takes more'n that to stop john honeyman when he gits sot on doin' something. washington your name is john honeyman? honeyman that's me, sir, an' i promised marthy--that's my wife, sir--that i'd come to see ye--and i come, an' here i be! washington and what can i do for you, mr. honeyman? honeyman nary a thing, general washington. washington then what--? honeyman i come to make ye an offer. washington well? honeyman i'm in a way to find out a lot o' things that's goin' on in the british army. washington so? honeyman aye, ye see, i'm a butcher. washington well? honeyman an' i've got a contract to supply the redcoats with beef. now they think i'm a good tory! but general, i ain't! washington i'm glad to hear that! honeyman an' i figgered that mebbe i could find out things an' tell ye about 'em--if we could fix things up. washington how much do you want for your information? honeyman no! no! general! i ain't tryin' to sell ye nothin'! washington i beg your pardon, mr. honeyman. but i have so many insincere offers. honeyman i know--i know! i hear folks talk. they think i'm a tory! wal', sir, i want they should keep on a-thinkin' it! i cal'ate if i'm a-goin' to be any use to ye, nobody must know i ain't a rip-roarin' all-fired tory. washington certainly! honeyman an' that's the why i wouldn't tell none o' yer men what my name er my business was. washington mr. honeyman, you've shown extraordinary good sense! you're exactly the man i've been looking for! i'm in desperate need of reliable information. and i believe you're the man to get it for me. honeyman i cal'ate i be. washington have you any information now? honeyman a mite. washington well? honeyman lord cornwallis is bringin' , men across the hudson tonight, to git ye. washington we'll be gone. honeyman that's fu'st-rate! now i'll be goin'--an' i'll keep ye informed when i know anything ye ought to know. washington just a moment, honeyman. how are you going to get your information to me? honeyman wal', i figger i might come to see ye-- washington no, you'd be sure to excite suspicion. honeyman i'd be as keerful as could be. washington no--i mustn't even let my own men know you're working for me. honeyman wal'--ye might have me captured now an' agin--tell yer men i'm a notorious tory--an' have 'em be on the lookout fer me particular! then when i've got something fer ye, i'll put myself in the way o' gittin' captured. washington good! that's an excellent idea. i'll have to give you a pretty bad name with my troops. honeyman pshaw--i don't mind that, sir. washington and i don't know how i can reward you. honeyman i don't need no reward to help ye, general washington, i got a duty to do that!--there's only jest one thing, sir-- washington yes? honeyman i'd sorta--er--kinda like my wife an' children protected from the--wal'--the results o' my bein' an active an' notorious tory. washington of course. honeyman ye see, i don't mind what folks think o' me, but marthy--that's my wife, sir--she an' the young un's might git--wal'--treated pretty shabby. washington i understand. i'll give you an order for them to use in case of necessity. honeyman would ye--er--sign it yerself, general? washington certainly! here--i'll write it now. (_rattle of paper_) let's see--(_slowly_) "to the good people of new jersey and all others it may concern: it is ordered that the wife and children of john honeyman of--" where's your home? honeyman grigstown, sir. washington "--of grigstown, the notorious tory now within the british lines and probably acting the part of a british spy, should be protected from all harm and annoyances. this is no protection to honeyman himself." is that satisfactory? honeyman i cal'ate that covers it, sir. washington very well, i'll sign it--(_signing_) there you are, sir. honeyman i'm much obleeged to ye, sir. washington no, honeyman, i'm the one who is your debtor. good day, sir. honeyman good day, general washington. next time ye see me i'll be yer prisoner. announcer and john honeyman left washington's camp to set about making his position secure with the british. he became one of the regular meat contractors for cornwallis's army, which pursued washington across the state of new jersey during the next month. washington did not hurry his retreat, but he always got away. finally about the first of december, he came to trenton, where he halted for a week and sent men up and down the river to collect all the boats on the delaware. he knew that he would be forced to retreat into pennsylvania; and he proposed to leave no means for the enemy to follow him. on december , , the british advance, which consisted of a brigade of hessians under colonel rall, entered trenton; but as usual, washington was half a day ahead of his pursuers, and as the hessians entered the village, the rear guard of the americans was just entering the last of the boats, and safely pulled away to the pennsylvania shore! lord howe, who had joined cornwallis, sent out men to look for boats, but none could be found. the weather turned cold. lord howe was uncomfortable; so he decided to put his troops into winter quarters and let the pursuit go. he had done enough for one season! he and cornwallis arranged to scatter the troops about new jersey to hold that territory, while they went back to new york to enjoy the winter. trenton was left in charge of colonel rall and his brigade of hessians. on december , john honeyman drove a small herd of cattle into trenton, left them standing in front of headquarters, as he went up and knocked on the door. (_knocks_) rall (_off_) come in! come in! honeyman mornin', colonel rall! rall oh, it's you, honeyman! honeyman aye, it's me--an' i got some cattle out front here fer yer quartermaster. rall well, that's good news--my men will be glad to see that beef! now we can give 'em a christmas dinner that'll _be_ a christmas dinner! honeyman all ye need now, colonel, is a mite o' wine, eh? rall never fear, we've got the wine! honeyman wal', ye kin have a fu'st-rate christmas then. rall yes sir! with roast beef and two hogsheads of fine wine--we should do very well. honeyman two? pshaw, is that all? rall why--what's the matter with that? honeyman two hogsheads won't go so far with a whole brigade. rall oh, i haven't got a whole brigade. honeyman ye ain't? rall no, just a thousand men, that's all! why sir, they can all get roarin' drunk on the ration i'll issue 'em. honeyman an' like as not they will, eh, colonel? rall (_chuckling_) well, honeyman, what do you expect o' soldiers? christmas you know--and out here in this god-forsaken place. let 'em get drunk, i say. there's nothing else to do. honeyman wal', colonel, i cal'ate 'tain't often ye find a better officer than ye be! i'd like to serve under ye! rall well, if you want-- honeyman yes, sir. i'd do it if i wasn't helpin' along things in my way by roundin' up food fer the king's men. wal', mebbe ye better sign fer these critters out in front an' i'll be gittin' along. i got to hike over to the next post. er--by the way--how fer is it to the next detachment o' troops? rall oh, about six miles south. honeyman six miles, huh? how fer to the next one north? rall nobody north of us. honeyman eh, nobody north? rall no, i'm command of the flank. this is the last post. honeyman i cal'ate that makes a lot o' hard work fer ye, colonel? rall hard work? honeyman sure, don't ye have to patrol up an' down the river, an' sich like things? rall (_laughing_) what for? honeyman wal', after all, there's _some_ o' the enemy left, ain't there? rall (_laughing_) a half-a-dozen starved ragamuffins. what could they do to my trained hessians? honeyman (_joining in the laugh_) not much, i cal'ate! ye ain't in much danger, an' that's a fact! rall if we had some boats we'd soon make short work of them. but confound the rascals, they made away with all the boats. honeyman ye ain't got no boats, eh? rall not a one! honeyman ye ain't built none, eh? rall why should we? honeyman wal'--if ye want to git across the river-- rall oh, we'll get across as soon as the river freezes over. we'll get the last o' the rebels then. honeyman wal', colonel, good luck to ye. but i hope ye won't be in too big a hurry to capture all the rebels! rall eh, what's that? honeyman er--i'll be out of a job; and so'll ye be, colonel! rall yes, that's right too. well, let's have a look at your cattle and i'll sign for 'em. honeyman come on--you fu'st, sir. rall thanks--hm--how many did you say there were? honeyman there's twenty-two critters there--er, there was when i drove 'em up. rall hm--they look a little scrawny. honeyman best i could git, colonel! rall (_counting_) two--four--five--seven--ten (_etc._) hm--twenty-one's all i make, honeyman. honeyman twenty-one? pshaw now--did one o' them critters go trapsin' off. (_he counts_) yes sir, that's just what's happened. wall--sign fer the twenty-one, an' i'll go out lookin' fer that other critter. rall here you are--let me have that bill--(_rattle of paper_) twenty-one in good condition, signed--rall. there you are. hope you find the other one. honeyman thankee--where's that road off to the left go? rall that--oh, that's the river road. honeyman i cal'ate the critter musta gone that way. rall better keep a sharp lookout if you go down that way. honeyman eh? what fer? rall some o' those ragamuffin rebels might be on this side of the river. honeyman pshaw now--ye don't say! they come across the river, do they? rall yes, once in a while. but they don't dare bother us. but they might pick up a civilian. honeyman oh, i cal'ate i kin take keer o' myself. i got my whip and this halter. rall (_laughing_) that ought to be enough to scare 'em away from you! honeyman (_going_) they'll figger i'm the hangman come out to git 'em--fetchin' my halter along! (_he and_ rall _laugh_) announcer so honeyman started down the river road, cracking his whip and swinging his halter. a couple of miles down the road, four continental soldiers were in hiding. they had been sent out with instructions to pick up a prisoner, if possible, and bring him into washington's headquarters for the purpose of securing information. as honeyman drew near their place of hiding in the brush alongside the river road, the men heard the snapping of his whip. (_crack of whip_) corporal (_low_) what's that? soldier don't know, sounds funny. see anything, corporal? corporal there, i see him! huh, it's just a farmer crackin' his driving whip. soldier yah, i see him. what's he got in his other hand? corporal looks like a piece o' rope. soldier a halter! look, corporal! corporal yep. a halter. well, no use stoppin' him. lie low. we want to get one o' them hessians. by george, though, i'd like to have that whip. soldier what for? corporal to use on the hessians we're goin' to git! soldier you bet. them mercenaries ought to be whipped out o' the country! shootin's too good for 'em--we'd ought to-- corporal sh! he's gettin' closer. soldier say! i know that fellow. corporal yah? what about it? keep quiet, i said! soldier no! listen, corporal, we got to capture him. corporal why? soldier the general issued orders about him. corporal who is he? soldier honeyman! corporal honeyman the tory? soldier that's who it is. let's grab him. corporal men! (_several voices respond_) we're going to take this fellow. all right now--lie low--and when i give the signal, jump! honeyman (_off, coming in_) so-o-o, boss--where's that dang critter gone to? i cal'ate mebbe-- corporal halt! get him boys! honeyman say! what's the matter--what ye doin'! all come on! grab him! get hold of him there! down with him! (_etc._) honeyman (_at same time_) hey, you scoundrels! git off me! leave me be! i'm a peaceable man, ye ain't got no right to do this to me--git off me--git off--i say--hey, leave go my halter! soldiers well, ain't this nice, boys. he's brought along a rope for us to tie him up with, now ain't that thoughtful--here--leave go the rope. honeyman let me up--don't ye tie me up! i'm jest a farmer--out huntin' a stray cow! corporal stray cow, eh? well, we was huntin' a stray coward! (_laughter_) here give me that whip! soldier here ye are, corporal! well boys, take a look at him--this here's honeyman the tory. (_all comment_) corporal all right, throw him into the boat! general washington'll be right pleased to see ye, mister honeyman! come along--oh, ye won't go, eh--well, fetch him, boys. honeyman leave me be! stop it! the king's men'll make ye pay fer this. all hey shut up--grab him tom--stop that kickin', fetch him along. (_etc._) announcer protesting and struggling, honeyman was thrown into the boat and carried to the pennsylvania shore of the delaware. in the meantime, on that very afternoon of december , , washington was holding a council of war with his staff. washington gentlemen, i regret to inform you that congress has fled from philadelphia. all what? fled? left philadelphia? too bad! (_etc._) washington i'm sorry! i asked them particularly to stay there, as i feared the effect on the people of the country. but it seems that even congress has lost faith in the army. knox general washington. washington general knox. knox we've got to do something to re-establish their faith! (_all agree_) washington yes! but what? charles lee is captured--his army gone--we can't look for any help from that quarter. knox sir, can't we go back across the river, suddenly--and strike a blow before the enemy knows what we are up to? washington we'll have to! it's our only hope. but how, when, and where? i had hoped that we might get information that would guide us in our plans. well, we haven't got it! now, much as i hate to make any move without full and complete information, i don't see what else we can do. the river will be frozen over in a week or ten days. that means that the enemy can cross over and chase us whither they please! if we are to do anything, we've got to do it now! i've called you here to lay this before you. will you follow me on a blind chance? all yes! we will! you can count on us, sir. (_etc._) washington i want you all to realize that this is a desperate chance. failure means--well, we might as well face it--it means the end of our cause; but success--well, gentlemen, we can only hope and pray for success! (_knock_) will you see who's at the door, colonel reed? reed yes, sir. washington tell whoever it is to come back later--i'm in council. reed yes, sir. (_a mumble at the door_) i beg pardon, sir, they've just brought in a prisoner. washington good, tell them to wait outside. reed they say, sir, it's honeyman the tory, and you left orders-- washington honeyman? excellent! gentlemen, i must ask you to leave me. all yes sir, general, of course. (_etc._) washington you may hold yourselves in readiness for action. i'll issue the orders shortly. all (_going_) yes, sir. very good, sir. (_etc._) washington bring the prisoner in, colonel reed. reed (_off_) yes, sir. bring him in, men. voices (_coming in_) here you are--come along. (_etc._) corporal here he is, general, that tory you wanted, sir. washington very good, men. you may go. corporal can you handle him safe, sir? washington he seems to be well bound. i think i'll have no trouble. corporal yes, sir. very good, sir. come on, men. we'll wait outside, sir. washington (_loud_) well, honeyman. we've got you at last, eh? honeyman (_loud_) i demand to be set free. ye'll all answer to yer king fer this. (_door shuts_) washington (_low_) what news? honeyman across the river in trenton there ain't but a thousand hessians. washington who's commanding? honeyman colonel rall, and he ain't none too keerful--no patrols up er down the river--nobody at all north of him, and six miles to the nearest post on the south of him. washington excellent--excellent! we can do it! i'll order the attack tomorrow night! we'll trap them! we'll fight for once instead of retreat--we'll-- honeyman beggin' yer pardon, sir. washington well? honeyman if yer figgerin' on attackin', the time is christmas night! washington why? honeyman on christmas the hessians are goin' to git a big issue o' heavy wine, an' wal'--general--ye know soldiers--i don't have to say no more! washington good! christmas night! yes that's it! has colonel rall taken any precautions against surprise? honeyman nary a one that i could see. he ain't a mite o' use fer you er yer soldiers. ragamuffins he called 'em. washington ragamuffins? yes, they are, poor fellows, but honeyman, we'll see--perhaps ragamuffins can fight when they're given the chance--and with this information, you have given us our chance! honeyman wal', sir, i thought ye'd like to know. washington now, shall i turn you lose, honeyman? honeyman no, general, i figger ye'd better treat me like a prisoner er i can't be any more use to ye. washington true, very well then. i'll have you put in the guardhouse and contrive to have you escape. honeyman yes, sir. washington (_calling_) oh, orderly! voice (_off_) yes, sir. washington tell the corporal who's waiting out there to come in and take his prisoner to the guardhouse. orderly yes, sir--corporal, come take charge of your prisoner. corporal (_off, coming in_) come on, men! fall in around the prisoner--and look sharp that he doesn't try anything--forward march! (_sound of feet receding_) washington (_to himself_) christmas night! trenton--god be with us! announcer that night, by some unexplained accident, john honeyman escaped from the guardhouse and returned to the british lines, where he continued his valuable service for the american cause. washington, with the information that honeyman had brought him, was able to lay his plans intelligently and carefully. just after dusk has fallen on christmas night, washington orders his troops to the shore of the river. snow is falling and the wind is howling, as washington and knox stand together near the boat landing--(_wind and murmur of crowd with occasional sharp commands in background through this scene._) washington this weather ought to help us, knox. knox brrr--it's cold enough to keep the hessians indoors--if that's what you mean, general. washington the snow will cover our movements. knox yes--in more ways than one, general. voice (_off_) first brigade is formed, sir. washington very good. (_lower_) order embarkation to begin, knox. knox artillery first, sir? washington no, a company of foot soldiers first to stand guard and protect the landing. knox yes, sir. (_calling_) general green! voice (_off_) yes, sir. knox send one of your companies across first to stand guard and protect the landing. voice very good, sir. company a, into the boats! (_orders and mob confusion_) knox the river looks bad, sir. see all the ice? it looks wicked! washington ice! hm--i hadn't foreseen this. voice (_calling_) general knox! knox what is it? voice the boatmen say they can't make it, sir. washington can't make it? but they've got to! voice sorry sir, they say the floating ice-- washington call colonel glover, knox! knox (_calling_) glover! colonel glover! pass the word for colonel glover. (_order repeated several times at different distances_) washington we've got to get across, knox, we've got to! if this attempt fails, there's nothing left for us! nothing! knox we'll get across, sir, if we have to swim. glover (_coming in_) colonel glover reports, sir. washington colonel glover, can your regiment of seafaring men handle our boats in that river? glover general washington, my men can handle boats in any water! washington the boatmen say they can't cross because of the floating ice. glover sir, my men are _sea_ sailors, not river boatmen--it takes more than ice to scare them off! washington good! put some of them in every boat. glover yes, sir. washington and you will take general charge of the entire fleet. glover very good, sir. washington tell them to listen to general knox's commands. he is the only one whose voice can be heard in this storm! glover very good, sir! (_going out_) this way, the marblehead regiment! this way to the boats! (_mob_) announcer for the next nine hours the difficult work of crossing the ice-filled river went forward. colonel glover and his regiment of seafaring men from marblehead, massachusetts, performed almost miraculous service in landing every man, horse, and gun without losing anything! it was five o'clock in the morning of december when washington, now on the jersey shore of the river, turned to knox--(_wind and crowd noise_) washington has the last boatload landed, knox? knox yes, sir. washington call the men to attention. knox (_calling_) call your men to attention! voices company--company! (_etc._) attention! first regiment is formed, sir, second--(_etc._) knox the men are formed, sir. washington men, we are about to start upon our most important offensive. upon the results of our efforts this morning depends the outcome of our struggle for liberty and independence. i shall take the first brigade and half the artillery with me down the pennington road. the rest of the detachment under command of general green will take the river road. it should take us about four hours to reach the outposts of trenton. now, it is necessary for us to attack simultaneously, so will the officers all set their watches with mine. it is now just five o'clock and ten minutes. at nine o'clock, attack! let every man march quietly, keep in good order in the ranks, give prompt obedience to his officers, and bear in mind the watchword--_victory or death!_ march your men off! voices first regiment--second regiment--company--company--(_etc._) announcer thus, on that cold and stormy december morning, the half frozen, desperate band of ragamuffin soldiers started its march toward trenton--toward its last forlorn hope. washington prayed that he might catch the garrison of hessians unsuspecting and unprepared; but he feared that he had taken so long to effect the crossing of the ice-filled river that he could not surprise the enemy! as a matter of fact, warning was sent to colonel rall, but that officer, secure in his belief that no effective force of colonial soldiers could be sent against him, paid no attention to the warning. it was nearly nine o'clock when the corporal of the advance guard of washington's detachment hurried back to report to the general. corporal general washington, we've sighted the enemy outpost. washington good! halt the brigade, knox. knox brigade! voices company--company! (_etc._) knox halt! washington it lacks five minutes of the time set! oh, corporal-- corporal yes, sir? washington did you see any sign of general green's command on the river road? corporal we saw 'em a half hour ago, sir, as we came over that hill back there. washington were they abreast of us? corporal yes, sir, a little ahead of us, sir. washington good. general knox. knox yes, sir. washington this storm has likely ruined the flintlocks. knox no doubt of that, sir--we'll have to use bayonets. washington order bayonets fixed, and the troops deployed ready to charge bayonets on command. knox brigade, fix bayonets! (_voices repeat order, etc._) shall the artillery lead or follow, sir? washington follow and take position at the head of every street. knox very good, sir. washington hm--two minutes--order the troops deployed. knox deploy your troops--prepare to charge bayonets! (_command repeated--mob noise as order is obeyed_) washington keep your ears open for firing--it's nearly time. (_musketry_) knox there it is, sir! washington green has started! order the charge, knox! and god be with us! knox forward! charge bayonets! ho! (_a great roar from the mob as the charge begins_) announcer so washington and his men swept into the village of trenton, catching the hessians totally unprepared! in an hour and a half it was all over. the disposed army of ragamuffins put the hessians to rout! it was the first great american victory of the revolution, and its effect was enormous. the discouraged colonists suddenly received new heart. hope for the cause of independence had a rebirth, and washington, instead of fighting a losing battle alone, found himself the leader of his countrymen in fact, as well as in name! in crossing the delaware, washington had saved the cause of american independence! * * * * * transcriber's notes page : changed you're to your. (you're name is john honeyman?) page : changed honeywan to honeyman. [illustration: george washington] log cabin to white house series from farm house to the white house the life of george washington his boyhood, youth, manhood, public and private life and services _by_ william m. thayer author of "from log cabin to white house," "from pioneer home to white house," "from tannery to white house," "from boyhood to manhood," etc., etc. _illustrated_ new york hurst & company publishers log cabin to white house series. uniform with this volume. by william m. thayer: from boyhood to manhood--life of benjamin franklin. from farm house to white house--life of george washington. from log cabin to white house--life of james a. garfield, with eulogy by hon. james g. blaine. from pioneer home to white house--life of abraham lincoln, with eulogy by hon. geo. bancroft. from tannery to white house--life of ulysses s. grant. by edward s. ellis: from ranch to white house--life of theodore roosevelt. _price post-paid, ¢. each, or $ . for the set._ hurst & company publishers, new york. copyright, , by james h. earle. to all who honor true manhood, this volume, _representing the elements of success_, from boyhood to manhood in the career and noble character of george washington, "_the father of his country_," is sincerely and affectionately dedicated. preface. every american, old or young, should become familiar with the life of washington; it will confirm their patriotism and strengthen their loyalty. such a character will become an inspiration to them, eliciting nobler aims, and impelling to nobler deeds. washington himself wrote to his step-son, who was in college: "you are now extending into that stage of life when good or bad habits are formed; when the mind will be turned to things useful and praiseworthy or to dissipation and vice. fix on which ever it may, it will stick by you; for you know it has been said, and truly, 'the way the twig is bent the tree's inclined.' this, in a strong point of view, shows the propriety of letting your inexperience be directed by maturer advice, and in placing guard upon the avenues which lead to idleness and vice. the latter will approach like a thief, working upon your passions, encouraged, perhaps, by bad examples, the propensity to which will increase in proportion to the practice of it and your yielding. virtue and vice cannot be allied, nor can idleness and industry; of course if you resolve to adhere to the former of these extremes, an intimacy with those who incline to the latter of them would be extremely embarrassing to you; it would be a stumbling block in your way, and act like a mill-stone hung to your neck; for it is the nature of idleness and vice to obtain as many votaries as they can.... "it is to close application and perseverance that men of letters and science are indebted for their knowledge and usefulness; and you are now at the period of life when these are to be acquired, or lost for ever. as you know how anxious your friends are to see you enter upon the grand theatre of life with the advantages of a finished education, a highly cultivated mind, and a proper sense of your duties to god and man, i shall only add one sentiment before i close this letter and that is, to pay due respect and obedience to your tutors, and affectionate reverence for the president of the college, whose character merits your highest regards. let no bad example, for such is to be met in all seminaries, have an improper influence upon your conduct. let this be such, and let it be your pride to demean yourself in such a manner as to obtain the good will of your superiors and the love of your fellow students." better advice than this was never given to a youth; and to enforce it, we present in this volume the life and character of the great man who so lovingly tendered it. by employing the colloquial style, anecdotal illustration, and thrilling incident, the author hopes more successfully to accomplish his purpose. in the preparation of this work the author has availed himself of the abundant material furnished by washington's well-known biographers, ramsey, weems, marshall, sparks, bancroft, irving, everett, custis, etc., together with the anecdotes of his earlier and later life, found in eulogies, essays, and literary articles upon his life and character, with which the literature of our country abounds. incident is allowed to tell the life story of the subject. the incidents of his boyhood and youth are particularly narrated, that the achievements of ripe manhood may more clearly appear to be the outcome of a life well begun. to such an example parents and guardians can point with confidence and hope. believing that biography should be written and read so as to assure a sharp analysis of character, thereby bringing the real qualities of the subject to the front, and believing, also, that the biographies of the noblest men only should be written for the young, since "example is more powerful than precept," the author sends forth this humble volume, invoking for it the considerate indulgence of critics, and the blessing of divine providence. w. m. t. franklin, mass. contents. i. ancestors and birth. ancestors in england--john and lawrence washington--family of note--the washington manor and irving--sir henry washington in war--english fox hunting--washington and franklin--the washingtons in america--birth of george--house where born--ceremony of placing a slab on it by custis--paulding describes the place--the house described--george baptized--removal to banks of rappahannock--large estates--style of living--vast wilderness--militia--depredations by indians--negro slavery ii. boyhood. reliable information about it--visit to the orchard, and the rebuke to selfishness--george's name growing in the garden--its lesson about god--the hatchet, and it lesson about lying--raising a regiment of soldiers--george's brother in uniform--effect of military display on george--playing soldier--his brother lawrence a good soldier--love greater than war--george's military spirit increasing--george's manly bearing--excels in athletic sports--what fitzhugh said--the sequel iii. school days. his brother lawrence educated in england--leaving home--george at school when five years old--his teacher, hobby--what a biographer says of his progress--the homeschool--his writing-book and thoroughness--a good speller--studying and playing with all his might--best runner, wrestler, etc.--the school grounds a military camp--an english and spanish army of boys--juvenile commander-in-chief--a quarrel that george could not conquer--truth-teller and peacemaker--at mr. williams' school, and a mother's lesson--studying surveying--mimic war--surveying school-grounds--later surveying--settling a difficulty--acting as umpire--what mr. weems says--what mrs. kirkland says iv. method and thoroughness. doing things well--dialogue with lawrence--his "book of forms," and what a schoolmate thought of it--his "book of problems:" its use and abuse--his "book of drawing"--odd moments--preserving bits of prose and verse--what irving says--his "rules of behavior"--what lawrence washington and his wife thought of them--their influence over him--part of them quoted--what everett says of them--author's opinion--sample extract from his copy-book--these show his character--his heart made a level head v. four incidents and their lessons. his father's sudden sickness--george at chotauk--the doctor's opinion--growing worse, and startling revelation--george sent for--he arrived when his father was dying--affecting scene--death and will--the arabian colt--attempt to ride him--the animal killed--george confessing his wrong-doing--the "lowland beauty"--george in love--a human heart after all--what irving says about it--naval officers at vernon--wants to be a midshipman--his mother's opposition, and lawrence's approval--enlists--appears before his mother in naval costume--her grief--he does not go--his true manliness asserts itself vi. his mother. her views of correct family government--secret of george's correct life--what custis says about it--what lawrence washington said--obedience commanded--how she commanded her servants--her one book, next to the bible, consulted--what everett said of it--quotations from it--they teach honesty, industry, fidelity, religion, etc.--her ancestry--courage--afraid of lightning--her singular dream--weems' explanation--care of her family--mr. sparks' tribute--irving's tribute--her son visits her before going to war--her patriotism--taking charge of her own business--her joy over cornwallis' surrender--her son's visit to her--the ball, and his staff introduced to her--compared with napoleon's mother--lafayette's visit to her--her son's visit to her before becoming president--custis' description of the scene--her death, burial, and monument--jackson's eulogy--john adams' words--the mother of such a son, and the son of such a mother vii. young surveyor. his mother's views about his future--the plea of lawrence--goes to live at mount vernon--lawrence's eye on a military life for him--lessons in "the manual exercise"--lessons in "fencing"--reading military treatises--in the family of william fairfax--what the latter thought of him--meets lord fairfax--what everett says of him--what irving says--reading books and fox hunting--an unexpected proposition--becomes a surveyor--his appearance now--keeping a journal--extracts from letter and journal--mode of life described--hardships--what abbott and everett say of his hardships--camping out--in indian wigwam--his journal describes a scene--other entries--what he recorded--sparks' tribute to his thoroughness as a surveyor--everett's tribute--the stevenson family--sports with the seven sons--among his officers, later--greenaway court--appointed public surveyor--in training for the war of seventy-six viii. military honors. the proposition of lawrence, and discussion of it--appointed adjutant-general--ill health of lawrence--decides to spend the winter in barbadoes--george goes with him--lawrence no better--george has the small-pox--returns to virginia in april--lawrence returns in june and dies in six weeks--george one of his executors--what everett says of it--enters masonic lodge--his commission renewed--duties pressing upon him--signs of war--encroachments by the french--the claims of the indians--what a chief said--the governor's conference with gist--mission to the french proposed--george offers his services--interview with governor dinwiddie--a copy of his commission--his companions--visits his mother--letter to french commander ix. mission to the french. the journey begun--route--a storm--a torrent--baggage on canal--visit to shingiss--tanacharisson--monochatica--meeting deserters--learning of the forts from there to new orleans--the half-king--describes his visit to pierre paul, now dead--his speech--pierre paul's reply--indian council and washington's speech--indian's reply--results of the council--indians to conduct them to the fort--journey delayed--way to venango--arrival and conference with the french--dinner scene--information x. french mission--(continued.) the next fort--introduction to commander--arrival of paul's successor--receives dinwiddie's letter--washington draws plan of the fort--his inquiries about certain captures--reparti's reply to dinwiddie--french attempt to bribe indians--injury to white thunder, and delay--return journey--snow--washington and gist leave the party--their adventure--the indian guide--he proves false--a startling episode--the indian disposed of--reaching the river--building a raft--attempt to cross--washington straggling in the water--they reach an island--escape--twenty indian warriors--the indian queen--arrival at williamsburg--interview with the governor--his journal printed xi. his first battle. effect of washington's mission--orders from the king--recruiting--the governor's bounty to soldiers--washington offered the command--talk with a friend--letter to colonel corbin--does not accept command--payne knocks washington down--how the affair ended--what mcguire says of washington's magnanimity--washington takes up his march--meeting captain trent--need of more men--courier announces surrender of fort--declaration of war--washington's prompt action--march to red stone creek and great meadows--the french surprised, and a battle--jumonville killed--entrenching at great meadows--short of supplies--his own chaplain--order against swearing--marching to meet the foe--retreat to great meadows--a hot battle--washington surrenders--return to williamsburg--honors, and larger provisions--death of jumonville justified--dinwiddie's words xii. on general braddock's staff. governor dinwiddie's proposition--washington dissents--dinwiddie insists--washington's letter--his rank reduced from colonel to captain--he resigns, and retires to mount vernon--the enterprise abandoned--a convention of the colonies--the king sends general braddock with army--he demands the services of washington--their correspondence and interview--washington's motive--on the staff--meeting with his mother--the march begins--grand spectacle--braddock's talk with dr. franklin--underrating indian tactics--washington disabled by sickness--talk with braddock about indians--army wagons useless--braddock's temper and love of drink--good disciplinarian--washington's advice rejected--indian allies--how deserted--what scarvoyadi said--surprised by indians--terrible battle--washington's bravery--dr. craik's word--an eye-witness--how british fought--braddock mortally wounded--whole command on washington--retreat--braddock's confession--dies at fort necessity--burial--horrible scenes at duquesne--testimony of a prisoner--words of washington--letter to his mother--letter to his brother xiii. on the frontier. general dunbar a coward--goes into winter quarters in philadelphia--assembly meets--washington's advice to the governor--the assembly timid--washington appointed commander-in-chief of virginia forces--failure of the other expeditions--conference with fairfax--headquarters at winchester--a great scare--its funny termination--washington's appeal to dinwiddie--trouble with captain dagworthy--goes to boston on horseback--meets miss phillips in new york--honors--his return--love in new york--sudden alarm calls him to winchester--hurried steps at defence--letter to loudoun describing the condition of frontier--appeal to dinwiddie for the terrified people--indian atrocities--dreadful scenes described by washington--washington sick four months--changes xiv. a rift in the cloud. great need of the hour--the people timid--washington's mother again--another expedition against duquesne--size of the army--goes to williamsburg--mr. chamberlain's salutation--stops to dine--meets mrs. custis--a widow bewitching--business done--returning, stops to see mrs. custis--a treaty of love--the new road project--washington opposes it--elected to house of burgesses--delay--army moved in september--braddock's folly repeated--washington overruled--his prophecy--major grant--his reckless course--conceit of grant and forbes--marching into an indian ambuscade--a bloody battle--defeat of the english--retreat--where was washington--his views--forbes proposes winter quarters--washington proposes and leads another attack--the enemy escapes from the fort--washington plants flag over it--leaves force to rebuild--french war ended--washington resigns--goes to mount vernon--testimonial of officers xv. his wife and home. who was mrs. custis--rich and beautiful--washington's marriage--what negro said of him--took seat in house of burgesses--happy man--the legislature do him honor--removes to mount vernon--his estates described--sixteen spinning wheels--mrs. washington at the head--irving's description--rank necessarily maintained--company, and english style--mrs. washington's wardrobe--his wardrobe--education of her children--their wardrobe--her kindness to slaves--domestic habits--washington labored on farm--systematic habits--improvements on farm--reclaiming dismal swamp--hunting in winter--interlopers, and the war against them--the hunter conquered--attending episcopal church--mrs. washington a devout christian--building a house of worship--washington at church--death of mrs. washington's daughter--the son wayward--letter about love--king's college, and incident--keeping his books--in her husband's headquarters in winter--death--mount vernon now xvi. commander-in-chief. more indian depredations, and war--washington's conference with mason on english tyranny--taxation without representation--oppressive acts multiplied--the stamp act--patrick henry in the assembly--treason--governor dissolved the assembly--a re-election--washington stands with patrick henry--discussion with fairfax on the state of affairs--dr. franklin before a committee of parliament--friends of america in parliament--next assembly bolder, and dissolved by governor--washington's plan to use no articles taxed--the tax removed except on tea--tea thrown into boston harbor--action of the citizens against british soldiers--day of fasting and prayer--effigies and mock processions boston port bill--washington's journey to ohio in behalf of his old soldiers--first american congress--the chaplain memorial to the king--chatham's defence of the colonies--british soldiers sent to boston--the patriots aroused--battles of lexington and concord--the revolution begun--putnam and the grand rally--second american congress--washington and adams--raise an army, and choose washington for commander-in-chief--adams' opinion of him xvii. in the siege of boston. adams to washington--prepares to take command--letter to mrs. washington--his will--another letter--starts--meets a courier--his journey--legislature--assumes command--mrs. adams' opinion--talk with gen. ward--order and discipline--condition of the army--washington's first order--change wrought--scarcity of powder--feat of knox--washington's headquarters--day of fasting--arrival of supplies--cruelty of british to prisoners--remonstrance against--retaliation--army reduced--feelings of washington--proposed attack on boston--his plan--cannonading described--british repulsed by storm--boston evacuated--british depredation--washington provides for charity at home--mrs. washington in cambridge--his rigid discipline, an incident--old south and north church--a theatre and a scare--british pride humbled--action of congress xviii. defending new york. where the enemy is going--general putnam in command at new york--washington goes there--hears from the enemy--condition of our army in new york--words of washington--letter to his brother--action of congress--plot to seize washington--a conspirator hung--enemy in the harbor--declaration of independence read to the army--statue of george iii. destroyed--putnam and hamilton--sir henry clinton--attacking fort moultrie--cudjo--the army encouraged--the corporal rebuked--the sabbath honored--washington's address--army in bad plight--order against profanity--the enemy moving to capture brooklyn heights--livingston's message--washington's address to army--terrible battle--americans retreat under cover of storm--what sparks says of it--a council of war--deserters--retreat from new york--stand at harlem--nathan hale--washington's daring--great fire in new york--loss in canada--disaffection in army--general lee returns to harlem--council of war--another retreat necessary xix. from harlem to trenton. fort washington and allies--retreat to white plains--looking for a position--the enemy in camp--a battle--falling back to north castle--the enemy withdraw--what washington suspected--advised to evacuate fort washington--the enemy capture the fort--gloomy times--retreat over the hackensack--retreat to newark--general lee disobeying orders--further retreat--boats for seventy miles collected--disappointment and a plot--opposition to washington--retreat to trenton--darkest hour yet--washington still hopeful--will retreat over every river and mountain--general lee's treasonable course--general heath's firmness--crossing the delaware--skill of washington in retreating--lee still disobeys orders--lee's folly and capture--magnanimity of washington xx. battles of trenton and princeton. putnam fortifying philadelphia--congress investing washington with more power--arrival of troops--startling proposition by washington--recrosses the delaware to fight--his address to his army--the battle--the enemy driven--the hessian commander mortally wounded--fruits of this victory--the welcome news spreads--washington sees the time for another blow--over the delaware again--raises money for the army--action of congress--the enemy marching from princeton--a battle--cornwallis outwitted--god on the side of the weak battalions--battle of princeton--an affecting incident--cornwallis at his wits end--results of the battle--fall of general mercer--his bravery to the end--washington goes to morristown for winter quarters--the enemy panic-stricken--driven out of jersey--wonderful achievements in ten days--tributes of praise--camp at morristown broken up--celebrating the lord's supper--encamped at germantown--british fleet appears--washington meets lafayette, and appoints him on his staff--some account of the young nobleman xxi. defeat and victory. plans of the british for --a temperance officer--battle of bennington--grand victory--battle at fort schuyler--indian butchery--miss mccrea murdered by them--battle of brandywine--lafayette wounded--providential care--battle of germantown, and results--washington's daring--forts reduced, and the enemy take philadelphia--burgoyne captured, and his supplies--kosciusko--the british revelling in philadelphia--washington in winter quarters at valley forge--famine in camp, and great sufferings--washington feeding a soldier--a conspiracy against the chief--dr. craik--hamilton--mrs. washington in camp--her pity for soldiers--washington engaged in prayer--baron stuben--pulaski--exchange of distinguished prisoners--alliance with france--council of war--british evacuate philadelphia--pursued--battle of monmouth--a thrilling incident, and dr. griffith--the fifer boy--lee's cowardly conduct--hamilton--washington's exposure to death--grand victory--enemy retreat--lee court-martialed--arrival of french fleet--winter quarters at middlebrook--cruelties of the enemy--massacres of cherry valley and wyoming--scenes at close of --british cruelty to prisoners in the "sugar house" and "jersey prison-ship" xxii. close of the war. treason of arnold--how accomplished--capture and execution of andré--arnold serving in the british army--ravages in virginia--attacking mount vernon--washington goes south--calls at mount vernon--joins lafayette at williamsburg--attacks cornwallis at yorktown--bombardment--governor nelson--taking of two redoubts--washington's narrow escape--surrender of cornwallis--washington's order--fruits of the victory--the formal delivery of cornwallis' sword--delivery of flags--divine service--sickness and death of his step-son--sad scene--help of french fleet--god for small battalions again--washington's war-horse--news of cornwallis' surrender in philadelphia--action of congress, and day of thanksgiving--news in england--washington's plan to push the war xxiii. president of the united states. conference with lafayette--negotiations for war--sir henry clinton--treaty of peace--what america won, and england lost--washington parting with his soldiers--meets congress at annapolis--retires to mount vernon--improvement of his mansion and plantations--encourages education--refuses gift of $ , --generosity to the poor--a pleasing incident--meeting payne again--his industry--in convention to form constitution--elected president--reluctance to accept--journey to new york--ovation at trenton--at new york--his cabinet--style of living--grooming horses--his sickness--tour through new england--example of punctuality--too late for dinner--the pair of horses--presidential mansion--the injured debtor--urged for second presidential term--elected--fruits of it--tour south, and punctuality--amount of his work--thoroughness--civil service reform--lafayette in exile--washington's maxims--offered a third term--farewell address--retirement--his opposition to slavery--emancipation of them--the result xxiv. death and funeral ceremonies. exposure and cold--ignores wise suggestions--severe attack--rawlins bleeds him--believes his end is near, and resignation--his will--the physicians arrive--all remedies fail--his last request--death--mrs. washington's words--what custis says of her--sad tidings spread--action of congress--the senate's letter to president adams--the funeral at mount vernon--sorrow universal--what irving says--eulogy by fisher ames--lord brougham's estimate--everett's final conclusion, and father of his country xxv. eulogy by general henry lee life of washington i ancestors and birth. more than two hundred years ago, when america was chiefly inhabited by indians two brothers, in england, john and lawrence washington, resolved to remove hither. as they were not poor, doomed to eke out a miserable existence from a reluctant soil, it is supposed that _politics_ was the immediate cause of their removal. it was during the reign of cromwell, and he made it hot for his enemies. in a general insurrection was attempted, and the vengeance of cromwell descended upon the heads of all the participants and not a few of their friends, making their land an uncomfortable place for a residence. there is no evidence that these brothers were engaged in the insurrection; but there is quite sufficient proof that the political situation was stormy, subjecting the washington family to frequent molestation. edward everett says: "there is no doubt that the politics of the family determined the two brothers, john and lawrence, to emigrate to virginia; that colony being the favorite resort of the cavaliers, during the government of cromwell, as new england was the retreat of the puritans, in the period which preceded the commonwealth." we suspect that these brothers did not understand indians as well as they did cromwell, or they would not have been so willing to exchange the latter for the former. however, english colonists had settled in the wilderness of virginia, and, possibly, some of their own acquaintances were already there. they knew somewhat of that particular portion of the new world, and what they knew was generally favorable. being young men, too, unmarried, intelligent, adventurous and fearless, life in america appeared to them romantic rather than otherwise. be this as it may, john and lawrence washington removed to this country in , and settled in westmoreland county, virginia. one fact indicates that they belonged to a noble ancestry. lawrence was educated at oxford university, and was a lawyer by profession, and therefore was a young man of rank and promise, while john was engaged in business and resided on a valuable estate at south cove in yorkshire. they were young men of brains and tact, fitted by natural endowments and education to lay the foundation of things in a new country. they descended from an ancestry of honor and influence from the twelfth century. that ancestry lived in warlike times. some of them were renowned for deeds of heroism. all of them were known for loyalty, intelligence and solidity of character. washington irving paid a visit to the ancient "washington's manor" at sulgrave, several years before he wrote the "life of george washington," and he said,-- "it was in a rural neighborhood, where the farm-houses were quaint and antiquated. a part only of the manor-house remained, and was inhabited by a farmer. the washington crest, in colored glass, was to be seen in a window of what is now the buttery. a window, on which the whole family arms was emblazoned, had been removed to the residence of the actual proprietor of the manor. another relic of the ancient manor of the washingtons was a rookery in a venerable grove hard by. the rooks, those staunch adherents to old family abodes, still hovered and cawed about their hereditary nests. in the pavement of the parish church we were shown a stone slab, bearing effigies, on plates of brass, of lawrence washington, gent., and anne his wife, and their four sons and eleven daughters. the inscription, in black letters, was dated ." a nephew of john and lawrence washington, sir henry washington, distinguished himself in the civil wars, under prince rupert, at the storming of bristol, where he broke through the wall with a handful of infantry after the assailants had been beaten off, and led the forces to victory. for his prowess he was promoted, and was in command at worcester, when that place was stormed, at a time when the king fled from oxford in disguise and the loyal cause was in peril. he received a letter from general fairfax, whose victorious army was at haddington, demanding the immediate surrender of worcester. colonel washington replied: "sir,--it is acknowledged by your books, and by report of your own quarter, that the king is in some of your armies. that granted, it may be easy for you to procure his majesty's commands for the disposal of this garrison. till then, i shall make good the trust reposed in me. as for conditions, if i shall be necessitated, i shall make the best i can. the worst i know, and fear not; if i had, the profession of a soldier had not been begun, nor so long continued by your excellency's humble servant." henry washington. for three months he withstood the siege, experiencing hunger and hardship, until his majesty ordered capitulation. irving says of this heroic stand, "those who believe in hereditary virtues may see foreshadowed in the conduct of this washington of worcester, the magnanimous constancy of purpose, the disposition to 'hope against hope,' which bore our washington triumphantly through the darkest days of our revolution." it appears that the washingtons were first in war as well as in peace, centuries ago. there was wealth, fame and influence in the family, from generation to generation. their prominence in the grand hunt of those times proves their high social and public position. irvington says, "hunting came next to war in those days, as the occupation of the nobility and gentry. the clergy engaged in it equally with the laity. the hunting establishment of the bishop of durham (who belonged to the washington family) was on a princely scale. he had his forests, chases and parks, with their train of foresters, rangers and park-keepers. a grand hunt was a splendid pageant, in which all his barons and knights attended him with horse and hound." later, the famous english fox-hunting, in which noblemen engaged with great pomp and expense, engaged the attention of the washingtons. we refer to the fact here, because it will explain certain things connected with the life and times of our george washington in virginia. everett says, "it may be mentioned as a somewhat striking fact, and one i believe not hitherto adverted to, that the families of washington and franklin--the former the great leader of the american revolution, the latter not second to any of his patriotic associates--were established for several generations in the same central county of northamptonshire, and within a few miles of each other; the washingtons at brighton and sulgrave, belonging to the landed gentry of the county, and in the great civil war supporting the royal side; the franklins, at the village of ecton, living on the produce of a farm of thirty acres, and the earnings of their trade as blacksmiths, and espousing,--some of them, at least, and the father and uncle of benjamin franklin among the number,--the principles of the non-conformists. their respective emigrations, germs of great events, in history, took place,--that of john washington, the great-grandfather of george, in , to loyal virginia,--that of josiah franklin, the father of benjamin, about the year , to the metropolis of puritan new england." this brief sketch of the washington family in the mother country must suffice. its history in our country began in , on the west bank of the potomac, about fifty miles from its entrance into chesapeake bay, in westmoreland county. the two brothers, john and lawrence, purchased an estate of several thousand acres there, and erected thereon a comfortable dwelling. in process of time, john married miss anne pope, and went to reside on bridge's creek. two sons, lawrence and john, and a daughter, were the fruits of his union. lawrence, the oldest son, married mildred warner, daughter of colonel augustus warner, by whom he had three children, john, augustine and mildred. the second son, augustine, became the father of george washington. he married jane butler, by whom he had four children--butler, lawrence, augustine and jane. his wife died; and two years thereafter, mary ball, a young lady of great beauty, became his second wife. they were married march , . their first child was george, who was born february , . five other children--betty, samuel, john augustine, charles and mildred--were added to the family. john washington, grandfather of augustine, distinguished himself in military affairs, and became lieutenant-colonel in the wars against the indians. he was one of the largest planters in the colony, and became one of the most influential men. in time he became a magistrate and a member of the house of burgesses. the name of the parish in which he lived--washington--was derived from him. augustine washington, father of george, lived on pope's creek when the latter was born, about one-half mile from the potomac. the house in which george was born was pulled down or burned before the revolution. the site is now designated by a slab, bearing the inscription: here, on the th of february (old style), , george washington was born. the slab was placed there by george washington parke custis--his grandson--sixty-seven years ago. thirty-six years after he performed the grateful act, he published the following account of it in the _alexandria gazette_: "in june, , i sailed on my own vessel, the 'lady of the lake,' a fine top-sail schooner of ninety tons, accompanied by two gentlemen, messrs. lewis and grimes, bound to pope's creek, in the county of westmoreland, carrying with us a slab of freestone, having the following inscription: here, on the th of february, , (old style), george washington was born. "our pilot approached the westmoreland shore cautiously (as our vessel drew nearly eight feet of water), and he was but indifferently acquainted with so unfrequented a navigation. "desirous of making the ceremonial of depositing the stone as imposing as circumstances would permit, we enveloped it in the 'star-spangled banner' of our country, and it was borne to its resting place in the arms of the descendants of four revolutionary patriots and soldiers--samuel lewis, son of george lewis, a captain in baylor's regiment of horse, and a nephew of washington; william grimes, the son of benjamin grimes, a gallant and distinguished officer of the life-guard; the captain of the vessel, the son of a brave soldier wounded in the battle of guilford; and george w. p. custis, the son of john parke custis, aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief before cambridge and yorktown. "we gathered together the bricks of an ancient chimney that once formed the hearth around which washington in his infancy had played, and constructed a rude kind of a pedestal, on which we reverently placed the first stone, commending it to the attention and respect of the american people in general, and to the citizens of westmoreland in particular. "bidding adieu to those who had received us so kindly, we re-embarked and hoisted our colors, and being provided with a piece of canon and suitable ammunition, we fired a salute, awakening the echoes that had slept for ages around the hallowed spot; and while the smoke of our martial tribute to the birth-place of the _pater patriæ_ still lingered on the bosom of the potomac, we spread our sails to a favoring breeze, and sped joyously to our homes." mr. paulding, in his life of washington, describes the place as follows: "a few scanty relics alone remain to mark the spot, which will ever be sacred in the eyes of posterity. a clump of old decayed fig trees, probably coeval with the mansion, yet exists; and a number of vines and shrubs and flowers still reproduce themselves every year, as if to mark its site, and flourish among the hallowed ruins. the spot is of the deepest interest, not only from its associations, but its natural beauties. it commands a view of the maryland shore of the potomac, one of the most majestic of rivers and of its course for many miles towards the chesapeake bay. an aged gentlemen, still living in the neighborhood, remembers the house in which washington was born. it was a low-pitched, single-storied frame building, with four rooms on the first floor, and an enormous chimney at each end on the outside. this was the style of the better sort of houses in those days, and they are still occasionally seen in the old settlements of virginia." irving says that "the roof was steep, and sloped down into low, projecting eaves;" so that an artist's eye can readily see the house as it was. let the reader bear in mind that john washington was the founder of the washington family in america, and george washington was his great-grandson. george was baptized on the th of april following, when he was about six weeks old. mrs. mildred gregory acted as godmother, and mr. beverly whiting and captain christopher brooks, godfathers. when george was four or five years old, his father resolved to move to a plantation on the banks of the rappahannock river, opposite fredericksburg. "there are many advantages in that locality," he remarked to his wife; "besides, the land is better." "there can't be much fault found with the land anywhere in this part of the country," responded mrs. washington. "it needs little but using." "very true; but somehow i have taken a great liking to the banks of the rappahannock," continued mr. washington. "the children will like the change, i know." "that may be; children like change; a novelty just suits them," answered mrs. washington. "i have never known them to express dissatisfaction with this place. they are about as happy as children can well be." "there can be no doubt of that, judging from daily observation," responded her husband, somewhat facetiously. "if a change does not add to the sum total of their happiness, i trust that it will not subtract much from it." "understand me," continued mrs. washington, "i am not setting myself up in opposition to your plan of removing. it may prove the very best thing for us all. we sha'n't know till we try." "well, i think i shall try it," added mr. washington. and he did try it. he removed to the aforesaid locality in the year . the estate was already his own. the reader must know from what has been said already, that estates of two, three and five thousand acres, in virginia, at that time, were common. many wealthy english families, fond of rural life, and coveting ample grounds for hunting and roaming, had settled in the "old dominion," where land was cheap as well as fertile. the washington family was one of them. from the day that john washington and his brother settled in virginia, they and their numerous descendants were large landholders. when george was forty-one years of age, just before the stirring scenes of the revolution, we find him writing to a mr. calvert of george washington parke custis: "mr. custis' estate consists of about _fifteen thousand acres_ of land, a good part of it adjoining the city of williamsburg, and none of it forty miles from that place; several lots in the said city; between two and three hundred negroes, and about eight or ten thousand pounds upon bond, and in the hands of his merchants. this estate he now holds independent of his mother's dower, which will be an addition to it at her death." wealthy families at that time lived in expensive style. they kept their "turn-outs and liveried servants," as we call them now, and made an imposing appearance on public occasions. the proprietors were "gentlemen farmers," whose mansions were conducted on a grand scale of hospitality. everybody was welcome, even indians. when george's father removed to the banks of the rappahannock, one vast, unbroken forest, on either side, met his view. the woodman's axe had opened only here and there a patch of the woods to the light of the sun. these forests abounded with game, and had long been the hunting ground of the red men. the river swarmed with water-fowl of various names and plumage, and often the indian's birch canoe darted over its waters like a spirit. the colony supported a military organization at that time. the indians were friendly to the english colonists, but they might not continue to be. england and france were friendly to each other, also, yet both had an eye upon the same possessions in the new world. there was no telling how soon a resort to arms might be inevitable. the militia must be maintained against the time of need. george was almost too young to appreciate the danger when his ears first listened to tales of indian depredations. "several families murdered in cold blood by roving savages," was the news mr. washington brought home one day. "where? where?" mrs. washington inquired, with evident anxiety. "a long way from here," her husband replied, "but it shows the murderous spirit of indians all the same." "a treacherous race!" remarked mrs. washington. "yes; treacherous indeed!" her husband replied, "there is no telling what is in store for us, in my opinion." "there is no more reason for their murdering white men and woman so far away than there is for their doing it near by us," suggested mrs. washington. "none whatever. revenge, or desire for plunder, prompted the deed, no doubt; and revenge or hope of plunder is just as likely to move them here as there to killing and burning," mr. washington said. occasional startling news of this kind, discussed in the family, was listened to by george, whose precocity took in the situation well for one so young. early in life he had a good understanding of indian character, and of the trouble that might come to the colonists through these savage denizens of the forest. there is good evidence that apprehensions of indian hostilities filled him with anxiety long before they actually commenced. at that time, also, negro slavery existed among the colonists. the large estates were worked by slave labor. the washington family held slaves. some planters owned several hundred. as there was no question raised about the right or wrong of the slave system, it is probable that george's mind was not exercised upon the subject. he grew up in the midst of the institution without calling in question its rectitude. we mention the fact here, because it was one of the early influences of his ancestry and birth-place which must have been offset by home instructions and the rapid unfolding of a singularly manly character. ii. boyhood. it is fortunate that the materials of washington's early life were preserved by one who was rector of the mount vernon parish while members of the family and other friends survived. rev. m. l. weems ministered there seventy-five years ago, and he gathered information from a woman who was neighbor to the washingtons in her childhood, and from john fitzhugh, who was often with george in his early home. in addition, descendants of the family, who had fondly preserved valuable incidents of their illustrious ancestor's boyhood and manhood, furnished them for his biography by their pastor. we are indebted to mr. weems for most of the facts relating to washington's boyhood. in the autumn of , mr. washington went to the door of a neighbor and relative, leading george by the hand. the woman who related the incident to mr. weems was a little girl at that time, and was visiting the family. "will you take a walk with us?" inquired george's father, addressing himself to the girl just mentioned, and her cousin, whose name was washington. "we are going to take a walk in the orchard," continued mr. washington. "it is a fine sight now." both of the parties addressed promptly accepted the invitation, delighted to take a stroll among the trees that were bending under their burden of fruit. a walk of a half-mile brought them to the orchard, where an unusual spectacle awaited them. "oh, see the apples!" exclaimed george. "such a lot of them!" and he clapped his hands and fairly danced in his excitement. "i never saw such a sight," said the girl who accompanied them. "it is a spectacle, indeed!" responded mr. washington. "it is not often we see so much fruit in one field as we see here." it was not so much the enormous crop of apples upon the trees, as it was the great quantity on the ground beneath them that attracted george. the winds had relieved the trees of a portion of their burden, and the ground was literally covered with the luscious fruit. george had never beheld such a display of apples, and his young heart bounded with delight over the scene. they roamed through the orchard for a time, chatting and enjoying the occasion thoroughly, when mr. washington rather disturbed the flow of animal spirits by saying,-- "now, george, look here, my son! don't you remember when this good cousin of yours (referring to the lad who was with them) brought you that fine large apple last spring, how hardly i could prevail on you to divide it with your brothers and sisters, though i promised you that if you would but do it god would give you plenty of apples this fall." george made no reply but hung his head in shame. he had not forgotten his selfishness on that occasion, and he was greatly mortified. his father continued,-- "now, look up, my son; look up, george! see how richly the blessed god has made good my promise to you. wherever you turn your eyes, you see the trees loaded with fine fruit; many of them, indeed, breaking down; while the ground is covered with mellow apples, more than you could eat, my son, in all your life-time." george made no reply. his young companions stood in silence, gazing at him, as if wondering what all this counsel meant. mr. washington waited for his son to speak; and just as he was concluding that george had nothing to say for himself, the latter turned manfully to his father, and said: "_well, pa, only forgive me this time, and see if i am ever stingy any more._" mr. washington had a purpose in going to the orchard, and it was well accomplished. his son got one nobler idea into his head, and one nobler resolve into his heart. henceforth the noble boy would treat selfishness as a foe instead of a friend. mr. washington resorted to the following device to impress his son with a proper conception of god as the creator of all things. in the spring he carefully prepared a bed in the garden, beside the walk, where george would frequently go for pleasure. when the bed was prepared, he wrote george's name in full in the pulverized earth, and sowed the same with cabbage seed. in due time, of course, the seed appeared in green, thrifty shoots, forming the letters as clearly as they stand in the alphabet. george discovered them one day. he was then seven or eight years old. he stood for a moment in silent wonder. "those are letters sure enough," he thought. then he read them aloud, "g-e-o-r-g-e w-a-s-h-i-n-g-t-o-n." with wondering eyes he rushed to the house, and excitedly broke the news. "oh, pa, come here! come here!" "what's the matter, my son? what's the matter?" responded his father. "oh, come here, i tell you, pa; come here!" and the boy could scarcely contain himself, so great was his excitement. "but what is it, my son? can't you tell me what has happened?" "come here, and i'll show you the greatest sight you ever saw in your life!" by this time he was pulling his father along towards the garden, the latter understanding full well what had happened. very soon they reached the bed, where the bright, thrifty cabbage plants had spelled the name of george washington in full. "there, pa!" exclaimed george, pointing to his name in cabbage plants, and exhibiting the greatest astonishment by his appearance. "did you ever see such a sight in all your life-time?" "well, george, it does seem like a curious affair sure enough," his father answered. "but who should make it there, pa? who made it there?" "why, it _grew_ there, of course, my son." "no, pa! no, no! somebody put it there." "then you think it did not grow there by _chance_?" "no, indeed, it never did. that couldn't be." "how is that, my son? don't it look very much like _chance_?" "why, no, pa; did you ever know anybody's name in a plant bed before?" "well, george, might not such a thing happen though i never saw it before?" "yes, pa; but i never saw plants grow up so as to make a single letter of my name before. how could they grow up so as to make _all_ the letters of my name! and all standing one after another so as to spell my name exactly--and all so nice and even, too, at top and bottom! somebody did it. _you_ did it, pa, to scare me, because i am your little boy." "well, george, you have guessed right," answered mr. washington. "i did do it, but not to scare you, my son, but to teach you a great truth which i wish you to understand. i want to introduce you to your _true_ father." "ain't you my _true_ father, pa?" "yes, i am your father, george, as the world calls it, and love you with a father's love. yet, with all my love for you, i am but a poor father in comparison with your _true_ father." "i know well enough whom you mean," continued george. "you mean god, don't you?" "yes, i mean him, indeed, my son. _he_ is your _true_ father," was mr. washington's hearty answer. george went on with his inquiries, and his father, answered, adding at last: "well, then, as you could not believe that _chance_ had made and put together so exactly the letters of your name (though only sixteen), then how can you believe that _chance_ could have made and put together all those millions and millions of things that are now so exactly fitted for your good! eyes to see with; ears to hear with; nose to smell with; a mouth to eat with; teeth to bite with; hands to handle with; feet to walk with; a mind to think with; a heart to love with; a home to live in; parents to care for you, and brothers and sisters to love you! why, look at this beautiful world in which you live, with its golden, light to cheer you by day, and its still night to wrap you in sleep when you are too tired to play; its fruits, and flowers and fields of grass and grain; its horses to draw you and cows to give you milk; its sheep to furnish wool to cloth you, and meat for your food; its sun, moon and stars to comfort you; bubbling springs to quench your thirst; wood to burn that you may be warm in winter; and _ten thousand other good things_--so many that my son could never number them all, or even think of them! could _chance_ bring about all these things so exactly as to suit your _wants_ and _wishes_?" "no, pa, chance could not do it," answered george, really taking in this new view of the world around him. "what was it, then, do you think, my son?" continued his father. "god did it," george replied. "yes, george, it is all the work of god, and nobody else," responded his father. "he gives us all." "does god give me everything? don't you give me _some things_?" george inquired. "i give you something!" exclaimed his father. "how can i give you anything, george? i who have nothing on earth i can call my own; no, not even the breath i draw!" "ain't the house yours, and the garden, and the horses and oxen and sheep?" still inquired george, failing to comprehend the great truth of god's ownership. "oh, no, my son, no! why, you make me shrink into nothing, george, when you talk of all these things belonging to _me_, who can't even make a _grain of sand_! how could i give life to the oxen and horses, when i can't give life even to a fly, my son?" george was introduced into a new world by this lesson, as his father intended that he should be. his precocious mind grasped, finally, the great idea of his "_true_ father," and the lesson never had to be repeated. we have rehearsed this incident somewhat in detail as given by mr. weems, because its influence will be found interwoven with george's future private and public life. another story told by mr. weems is the famous _hatchet_ story, which has been rehearsed to so many children, since that day, to rebuke falsehood and promote truth-telling. his father made him a present of a hatchet with which george was especially delighted. of course he proceeded forthwith to try it, first hacking his mother's pea-sticks, and, finally, trying its edge upon the body of a beautiful "english cherry-tree." without understanding that he was destroying the tree, he chopped away upon it to his heart's content, leaving the bark, if not the solid wood underneath, in a very dilapidated condition. the next morning his father discovered the trespass, and, rushing into the house, under much excitement, he exclaimed: "my beautiful cherry-tree is utterly ruined. who could hack it in that manner?" nobody knew. "i would not have taken five guineas for it," he added, with a long-drawn sigh. the words had scarcely escaped from his lips before george appeared with his hatchet. "george," said his father, "do you know who killed that cherry-tree in the garden?" george had not stopped to think, until that moment, that he had used his hatchet improperly. his father's question was a revelation to him; and he hung his head in a guilty manner for a moment. "george, did you do it?" urged his father. raising his head, and looking his father fully in the face, he replied: "i can't tell a lie, pa; you know i can't tell a lie, i did cut it with my hatchet." mr. washington was well-nigh overcome by this frank and honest reply. for a moment he stood spell bound; then recovering himself, he exclaimed: "come to my arms, my boy! you have paid for the cherry-tree a thousand times over. such an act of heroism is worth more to me than a thousand trees!" mr. weems regards this honest confession the out-growth of previous instructions upon the sin of lying and the beauty of truthfulness. he represents mr. washington as saying to his son: "truth, george, is the loveliest quality of youth. i would ride fifty miles, my son, to see the little boy whose heart is so honest, and his lips so pure, that we may depend on every word he says." "but, oh, how different, george, is the case with the boy who is so given to lying that nobody can believe a word he says. he is looked at with aversion wherever he goes, and parents dread to see him come among their children. o george, rather than see you come to this pass, dear as you are to me, i would follow you to your grave." here george protested against being charged with lying. "do i ever tell lies?" he asked. "no, george, i thank god you do not; and i rejoice in the hope that you never will. at least, you shall never, from me, have cause to be guilty of so shameful a thing. you know i have always told you, and now tell you again, that, whenever by accident you do anything wrong, which must often be the case, as you are but a little boy, without _experience_ or _knowledge_, never tell a falsehood to conceal it; but come bravely up, and tell me of it; and your confession will merit love instead of punishment." as we proceed with this narrative, after having enjoyed this glimpse of george's earliest years, the charming lines of burleigh will find a fitting application. "by honest work and inward truth the victories of our life are won, and what is wisely done in youth for all the years is wisely done; the little deeds of every day shape that within which lives for aye. "no thought so buried in the dark it shall not bear its bloom in light; no act too small to leave its mark upon the young hearts tablet white; our grand achievements, secret springs, are tempered among trivial things. "no soul at last is truly great that was not greatly true at first; in childhood's play are seeds of fate whose flower in manhood's work shall burst. in the clinched fist of baby thor might seem his hammer clutched for war. * * * * * "the firmest tower to heaven up-piled hides deepest its foundation-stone; do well the duty of the child, and manhood's task is well begun; in thunders of the forum yet resounds the mastered alphabet." george was about eight years old when a great excitement arose among the colonists in virginia, and the fife and drum were heard, to announce that england, the mother country, needed soldiers. "a regiment of four battalions is called for, by the king, for a campaign in the west indies," announced mr. washington to his son lawrence, a young man twenty-two years of age. "a good opportunity for me," answered lawrence, who possessed much of the military spirit of his ancestors. "perhaps i can get a commission." "perhaps so," responded his father; "your education ought to place you above the common soldier." lawrence had just returned from england, where he had spent seven years in study, enjoying the best literary advantages the country could afford. "well, i can enlist and then see what can be done," continued lawrence. "the regiment will be raised at once, and i can soon find out whether there is an appointment for me." soon recruiting parties were parading at the sound of fife and drum, and the military spirit was aroused in the hearts of both young and old. the enthusiasm spread and grew like a fire in the wilderness. the colonists were truly loyal to the king, and their patriotism led them, heartily and promptly, into the defence of the english cause in the west indies against the spaniards. recruiting advanced rapidly, and the regiment was soon raised. lawrence obtained a captain's commission, and appeared wearing the insignia of his office. music, drilling, parading, now became the order of the day, and it was a new and exciting scene to george. soldiers in uniform, armed and equipped for war, marching at the sound of music, captivated his soul. it awakened all the ancestral spirit of chivalry that was in his heart. the sight of his big brother at the head of his company, drilling his men in military tactics, filled him with wonder. gladly would he have donned a soldier's suit and sailed with the regiment to the west indies, so wrought upon was his young heart. in due time the regiment embarked for the west indies, and george was obliged to part with his noble brother, to whom he had become strongly attached since his return from england. the departure of so many colonists, and the cessation of military display, left george in a serious frame of mind. for the first time in his life he experienced the sensation of loneliness. however, he had caught the military spirit, and he found relief in playing soldier with his companions. there is no doubt that george inherited somewhat the love and tact for military life for which his english ancestors were renowned; and now that born element of his character was called into active exercise. the recruiting campaign converted him into an amateur soldier. from that time george found more real pleasure in mimic parades and battles than he found in any other sport. a stick, corn-stalk or broom-handle, answered for gun or sword, and the meadow in front of his father's house became his muster-field. here lewis willis, john fitzhugh, william bustle, langhorn dade, and other companions, marched and counter-marched, under the generalship of their young commander, george. soldiering became the popular pastime of the region, in which the boys played the part of the englishmen and spaniards better than boys can do it now. lawrence served two years under admiral vernon in the west indies campaign, and returned to virginia in the autumn of . he proved himself a hero in war. irving says: "he was present at the siege of carthagena, when it was bombarded by the fleet, and when the troops attempted to escalade the citadel. it was an ineffectual attack; the ships could not get near enough to throw their shells into the town, and the scaling ladders proved too short. that part of the attack, however, with which lawrence was concerned, distinguished itself by its bravery. the troops sustained, unflinching, a destructive fire for several hours, and at length retired with honor, their small force having sustained a loss of about six hundred in killed and wounded." lawrence intended to return to england after a brief stay at home. "my record will insure me a promotion in the army," he said to his father, who was averse at first to his return. "very true; but army life is objectionable in many ways," his father replied. "the honors hardly pay." "but my experience for two years has fitted me for that service more than for any other, and that is to be thought of," suggested lawrence. "yes; but other avenues to business are always open to young men of spirit," remarked his father. "nor is it necessary for them to leave the country in order to accomplish a noble purpose." however, mr. washington withdrew his objections to his son's return to the army; though, subsequently, he was pleased that he abandoned the project under the following circumstances. there lived an educated english gentleman in fairfax county by the name of william fairfax. he had charge of a very large estate belonging to his cousin, lord fairfax, of england. this william fairfax had a daughter, anne, as well educated and accomplished as lawrence. mutual respect between lawrence and anne ripened into mutual love, and they became engaged. this unexpected episode in the lives of the promising couple changed the plans of lawrence; and he voluntarily abandoned the idea of returning to the army. the martial spirit of george did not abate when lawrence came home from the war; it rather increased than otherwise. for his ears were regaled with many stories of army life, in which bravery, peril, bloodshed, and hairbreadth escapes were strangely mixed. there was a singular fascination in these tales of war to george; and he never tired of listening to them. the more he heard, the more he enjoyed playing soldier. he was constantly learning military tactics, too, from the lips of his brother. being a bright, intelligent boy, he readily comprehended and appropriated information upon a subject that was so congenial to his heart. lawrence was impressed by the precocity of his little brother, as well as his tact at soldiering, so that he was all the more gratified to nurture his martial spirit by rehearsing his experience in war. lawrence was twenty-four years of age, and george but ten, so that the latter looked up to the former somewhat as a son looks up to a father, drinking in his words as words of wisdom, and accepting his experience as that of an officer of rank. lawrence became his military teacher, really; and the opportunity to george proved a sort of west point. lawrence, and others, too, were very much charmed by george's manly bearing, even before he was ten years old. john fitzhugh said of him, "he was born a man." he was very handsome, large of his age, tall and straight, graceful and dignified in his movements. these qualities were so conspicuous as to attract the attention of strangers. he was very athletic, too, and loved more active sports than playing marbles. he excelled in running, wrestling, leaping, and throwing the bar, sports that were popular at that time. in these things he took the lead. john fitzhugh said of him, as a runner: "he ran wonderfully. we had nobody hereabouts that could come near him. there was a young langhorn dade, of westmoreland, a clean-made, light young fellow, a mighty swift runner, too--but then he was no match for george: langy, indeed, did not like to give it up, and would brag that he had sometimes brought george to a tie. but i believe he was mistaken; for i have seen them run together many a time, and george always beat him easy enough." he would throw a stone further then any other boy. col. lewis willis, who was one of his boon companions, said that he "had often seen george throw a stone across the rappahannock, at the lower ferry of fredericksburg." no other boy could do it. his great physical strength was early displayed in lifting and carrying burdens. the sequel will show how well his marked physical development served him in public life. a boy of less muscular power could not have made a general of such endurance under privations and hardships. much more relating to the boyhood of george washington will appear in subsequent chapters. enough has been said in this chapter to accomplish our purpose. iii. school-days. "we must come to some conclusion before long about lawrence's education," remarked mr. washington to his wife. "it is certain that not much more can be done for him here." "he deserves and must have something better than the schools of this colony can give him," answered mrs. washington. "besides, it will do the boy good to go from home, and mix in such cultivated society as he will have in england." they had often discussed the matter of sending lawrence to england to be educated. the wealthier classes of virginia were accustomed to send their sons to the mother country for a higher education than was possible at home. indeed, it was sending them "home" in one sense, for england was their "home." they were only colonists here, where the schools were poor indeed. neither their good-will nor their money alone could make good schools. they lacked suitable teachers and other facilities, which neither money nor good intentions could furnish. "he should go, if he goes at all, as soon as possible," continued mr. washington. "there is no time to lose when a boy gets to be fifteen years old. eight years at school there will make him twenty-three when he gets through; and by that time he should be prepared to enter upon some pursuit for life." "eight years is a longer time than it is absolutely necessary for him to spend," suggested mrs. washington. "five or six years may be sufficient unless he decides to enter one of the learned professions." "he can't be too well educated, whether he enters a learned profession or not," responded mr. washington. "too much education is quite as impossible as too much honesty; and i do not expect he will ever have too much of the latter." "i shall not deny that," replied mrs. washington. "i shall rejoice as much as you in the best opportunities he can have. i was only suggesting what might be if absolutely necessary to save time or expense." their conclusion was (as stated in the second chapter), to send lawrence to england as soon as his wardrobe could be made ready, in which determination the lad rejoiced more than his parents ever knew. his ambition for an english education was strong; and, boy-like, he coveted a residence in england for a while. within a few weeks he sailed for the mother country, leaving a sensible void in the family. george did not interest himself particularly in the affair, although he might have added an occasional "coo"; for he was only one year old when his big brother left for england. his inexperience was sufficient excuse for his indifference to so important an affair. george went to school when he was five years of age. a man by the name of hobby lived in one of his father's tenements, and he served the public in the double capacity of parish sexton and school-master. it is claimed that he was a wounded soldier with a wooden leg, a kind, christian gentleman, whose very limited education may have qualified him to dig graves and open the house of worship, but not to teach the young. however, he did teach school quite a number of years, and some of his pupils called him "old wooden leg"--a fact that confirms the story of his having but one leg. he could "read, write and cipher" possibly, for that day, but beyond that he made no pretensions. yet, that was the best school george could have at that time. "we hope he will have a better one sometime," his father remarked. "i may not be able to send him to england, but i hope we shall see better schools here before many years have passed." "mr. hobby can teach him a, b, c, as well as any body, i suppose," answered mrs. washington; and he can make a beginning in reading and writing with him, perhaps. "yes, and he may give him a start in arithmetic," added mr. washington. "hobby knows something of addition, subtraction, multiplication and division. but a bright boy will run him dry in two or three years." "mr. hobby will do the best he knows how for george or any other boy," continued mrs. washington. "he is a good man, and looks after the morals of his scholars; and that is a good deal in educating children." "of course it is; it is everything," replied mr. washington. "in that respect, hobby has the confidence of all who know him. he does the very best he can, and the most cultivated people can do no better than that." george was soon on the very best terms with his teacher. the attraction was mutual. hobby saw a bright, studious, obedient boy in george, and george saw a kind, loving and faithful teacher in hobby. in these circumstances commendable progress was immediate in george's career. one of his biographers says of him in hobby's school: "the rapid progress george made in his studies was owing, not so much to his uncommon aptitude at learning, as to the diligence and industry with which he applied himself to them. when other boys were staring out of the window, watching the birds and squirrels sporting among the tree-tops; or sitting idly with their hands in their pockets, opening and shutting their jack-knives, or counting their marbles, or munching apples or corn-dodgers behind their books, or, naughtier still, shooting paper bullets at hobby's wooden leg; our george was studying with all his might, closing his ears to the buzz of the school-room; nor would he once raise his eyes from his book till every word of his lesson was ready to drop from his tongue's end of its own accord. so well did he apply himself, and so attentive was he to everything taught him, that, by the time he was ten years old, he had learned all that the good old grave-digger knew himself; and it was this worthy man's boast, in after years, that he had laid the foundation of washington's future greatness. but what hobby could not teach him at school, george learned at home from his father and mother, who were well educated for those days; and many a long winter evening did these good parents spend in telling their children interesting and instructive stories of olden times, of far-off countries and strange people, which george would write down in his copy book in his neatest, roundest hand, and remember ever afterwards." what this biographer claims was not all the instruction which george received at home. his instruction at hobby's school was supplemented by lessons in reading, penmanship and arithmetic by his father, who was much better qualified than hobby to teach the young. mr. washington was a wise man, and he saw that george's school would prove far more beneficial to him when enforced by such lessons as he himself could impart at home. thus hobby's school really became a force in the education of george, because it was ably supported by the home school. otherwise that first school which george attended might have proved of little value to him. george became mr. hobby's most important pupil, because he was an example of obedience, application, method and thoroughness. "george always does his work well," mr. hobby would say, exhibiting his writing-book to the school. "not one blot, no finger-marks, everything neat and clean." in contrast with some of the dirty, blotted pages in other writing-books, that of george was a marvel of neatness and excellence. "it is just as easy to do the best you can as it is to do poorly," mr. hobby continued, by way of rebuke and encouragement to dull and careless scholars. "george does not have to work any harder to be thorough than some of you do to be scarcely passible. he is a little more careful, that is all." his writing-book, held up to the view of the school with the one most badly defaced, honored george's thoroughness, and sharply reproved the other boy's carelessness. mr. hobby sought to arouse dull scholars by encouragement full as much as he did by punishment. hence, george's neat, attractive writing-book, contrasted with one of the opposite qualities, became a stimulus to endeavor. all could keep their fingers clean if they would, even if they had to go to the banks of the rappahannock to wash them; and no pupil was fated to blot his book, as mr. hobby very plainly showed; so that george's example was a constant benediction to the school. "the scholar who does as well as he can in one thing will do as well as he can in another," said mr. hobby. "george has the best writing-book in school, and he is the best reader and speller. it is because his rule is to do the best he can." it was not expected that george would fail in spelling. he did fail occasionally on a word, it is true, but so seldom that his schoolmates anticipated no failure on his part. in spelling-matches, the side on which he was chosen was expected to win. if all others failed on a word, george was supposed to be equal to the occasion. "well, george, we shall be obliged to depend on you to help us out of this difficulty," mr. hobby had frequent occasion to say, when all eyes would turn to george for the solution. "there is a thousand times more enjoyment in doing things well than there is in doing them poorly," mr. hobby said. "the happiest boy in this school is the boy who is thorough in his studies." the pupils understood the remark perfectly. it was not necessary that their teacher should say whether he meant a particular boy or not. they made their own application. the boy who does his work well is not hid in a corner. it is impossible to hide him. yet, george was at home on the play-ground. he loved the games and sports of his school-days. no boy enjoyed a trial at wrestling, running or leaping, better than he did. he played just as he studied--with all his might. he aspired to be the best wrestler, runner and leaper in school. william bustle was his principal competitor. many and many a time they were pitted against each other in a race or wrestle. "george is too much for him," was the verdict of lewis willis and langhorn dade and others. "in a race george will always win," remarked john fitzhugh. "he runs like a deer." "and he wrestles like a man," said lewis willis. "no boy is so strong in his arms as he is. i am nowhere when he once gets his long arms around me. it's like getting into a vice." "william is about a match for him, though," suggested lewis willis, referring to william bustle. "george has the advantage of him in being taller and heavier." "and quicker," suggested willis. "he is spry as a cat." "old wooden leg was about right when he said that the boy who would write and spell well would do everything else well," remarked langhorn dade. "it is true of george, sure." so george was master of the situation on the play-ground. by common consent the supremacy was conceded to him. he was first in frolic, as, years thereafter, he was "first in war." when the excitement of recruiting for the campaign against the spaniards in the west indies prevailed, and george's military ardor was aroused, he proposed to convert the play-ground into a muster-field, and make soldiers of his schoolmates. "let us have two armies, english and spanish," he said. "i will command the english and william (william bustle) the spanish." and so they recruited for both armies. drilling, parading, and fighting, imparted a warlike appearance to the school-grounds. all other sports were abandoned for this more exciting one, and mr. hobby's pupils suddenly became warriors. "the spaniards must be conquered and driven out of english territory," shouted george to his men. "the spaniards can't be expelled from their stronghold," shouted back their defiant commander, william bustle. "you advance at your peril." "you resist at your peril," replied george. "the only terms of peace are _surrender_, surrender!" "spaniards never surrender!" shouted general bustle; and his men supplemented his defiant attitude with a yell. "we are here to fight, not to surrender!" "forward! march," cried the english general in response to the challenge: and the hostile forces, with sticks and corn-stalks, waged mimic warfare with the tact and resolution of veterans. charges, sieges and battles followed in quick succession, affording great sport for the boys, who were, unconsciously, training for real warfare in the future. william bustle was the equal of george in ability and skill to handle his youthful army, but the latter possessed a magnetic power that really made him commander-in-chief of hobby's school. he was regarded as the military organizer of these juvenile forces, and hence the meritorious author of their greatest fun. one of the stories that has come down to us from george's school-days is honorable to him as a truth-telling boy. a difficulty arose among several boys in school, and it grew into a quarrel. three or four of george's companions were engaged in the melee, and some hard blows were given back and forth. other boys were much wrought upon by the trouble, and allowed their sympathies to draw them to the side of one party or the other. thus the school was divided in opinion upon the question, each party blaming the other with more or less demonstration. "what is this that i hear about a quarrel among you, boys?" inquired master hobby, on learning of the trouble. "dogs delight to bark and bite." the boys made no answer, but looked at each other significantly, some of them smiling, others frowning. mr. hobby continued: "is it true that some of my boys have been fighting?" no one answered. evidently mr. hobby knew more about the affair than any of them supposed. "well, i am not surprised that you have nothing to say about it," added mr. hobby. "there is not much to be said in favor of fighting. but i must know the truth about it. how is it, william (addressing william bustle), what do you know about it?" william glanced his eye over the school-room and hesitated, as if the question put him into a tight place. he had no desire to volunteer information. "speak out," urged his teacher; "we must know the truth about it. i fear that this was not a _sham_ fight from all i can learn. did _you_ fight?" "yes, sir, i did my part," william finally answered with considerable self-possession. "your part?" repeated mr. hobby, inquiringly. "who assigned such a part to you?" "nobody but myself. i don't like to stand and look on when boys are abused." "don't? eh! i wish you would act on that principle when you see some _lessons_ in your class abused, and come to the rescue by learning them. that would be acting to some purpose." this was a sharp rejoinder by the teacher; and william, as well as the other boys, understood its application. "but that talk is neither one thing nor another, william," continued mr. hobby. "waste no more time in this way, but let us have the truth at once. be a man now, though you were not when engaged in a quarrel with your companions." william was now reassured by his master's tone, and he proceeded to give his version of the affair. his statement was simply a vindication of his side of the trouble, and mr. hobby so regarded it. "now, lewis (addressing lewis willis), we will hear what you have to say," continued mr. hobby. "you were engaged in this disgraceful affair, i believe." lewis admitted that he was, but he hesitated about replying. "well, let us have it, if you have anything to say for yourself. there is not much to be said for boys who fight." lewis mustered courage enough to tell his story, which was as one-sided as that of william. he presented _his_ side of the difficulty as well as he could, whereupon mr. hobby remarked: "both of you cannot be right. now, i would like to know how many of you think that william is right. as many scholars as think that william's statement is correct may raise their hands." several hands went up. "those who think that lewis is right may raise their hands." several hands were raised. george did not vote. "did no one attempt to prevent or reconcile this trouble?" inquired mr. hobby--a question that was suggested by the facts he had learned. "george did," answered one of the smaller boys. "ah! george tried to keep the peace, did he? that was noble! but he did not succeed?" mr. hobby added, by way of inquiry. "no, sir," replied the lad. "they did not mind him." "well, i think we will mind him now, and hear what he says," responded the teacher. "a boy who will plead for peace when others fight deserves to be heard; and i think we can depend upon his version of the affair. now, george (turning to george washington), shall we hear what you have to say about this unfortunate trouble?" george hesitated for a moment, as if he would gladly be excused from expressing his opinion, when mr. hobby encouraged him by the remark: "i think we all shall be glad to learn how the quarrel is regarded by a peace-maker." george hesitated no longer, but hastened to give an account of the affair. he did not agree with either of the boys who had spoken, but discovered blame upon both sides, which was a correct view of the case. "and you interposed and tried to reconcile the angry parties?" inquired mr. hobby. "i tried to," modestly answered george, as if conscious that his efforts were of little avail with the belligerents. "your effort is just as commendable as it would have been if it had proved successful," responded mr. hobby in a complimentary manner. "and now, i want to know how many of my scholars, girls and boys, agree with george. you have heard his story. as many of you as agree with george may signify it by raising your hands." there was a prompt and large array of hands. "those who do not agree with george may raise their hands." only three or four hands went up. "i agree with george," added mr. hobby. "i think he has given us a reliable account of the trouble; and you all ought to be ashamed of yourselves that you did not heed his advice, and refuse to quarrel. i shall take time to consider my duty in the circumstances; meanwhile the fighting boys may reflect upon their disgrace." this incident presents two qualities of george's character, always prominent from his earliest school-days. he was known as a truth-teller. his word could be depended upon. he would not tell a falsehood to shield his most intimate companion. his word was so reliable that when he gave an account of the quarrel, not a few of the scholars accepted it simply because it was the statement of truth-telling george. even several whose sympathies were strongly with william or lewis finally voted for george's version. it was their confidence in his adherence to truth that settled their opinion. george was often called a "peace-maker." mr. hobby called him so. his associates and their parents called him so. there could be no hard words or quarrels among his schoolmates with his consent. sometimes an angry boy would charge him with being a "coward" because he always pleaded for peace; but his accuser knew full well that george was no "coward." there was not a braver boy in that "field-school" than he. he proved his bravery by rebuking falsehood and fighting among his class-mates. a cowardly boy yields to the ruling spirit around him; but george never did, except when that spirit was in the interest of peace. soon after the death of george's father, of which we shall speak particularly in another place, his connection with mr. hobby's school was severed. "how would you like to go to mr. williams' school at bridge's creek, george?" his mother inquired. "mr. williams is an excellent teacher, i suppose, the very best there is in virginia." "i should like it," george answered. "can i go?" "i have been thinking of it," his mother responded. "you can live with your brother augustine; the school is not far from his house." "shall i go soon?" asked george. "yes, as soon as you can get ready. you are at an age now when you must attend to the higher branches of knowledge, if ever." "what shall i study?" inquired george. "arithmetic, of course, and i have been thinking of book-keeping and surveying, very important studies for planters and everybody else in these parts." "then you mean i shall be a planter?" george inquired. "yes, there is not much but a planter that you can be in this state; and a good planter may be as useful and honored as a good merchant or lawyer." "i would as soon be a planter as anything else," continued george "and i will try to make a good one." "that is the main thing," responded his mother. "planter, merchant or lawyer, become the best there is, and you will be both prospered and honored. you have learned about all you can at mr. hobby's school; it is time to go up higher." "that will suit me as well as it will you," replied george. "i do not object to going up higher." "some boys act as if they do," rejoined mrs. washington; "but i hope you will never belong to that class. do the best you can in every place, and you will never be ashamed of your conduct." within a few weeks george found himself a member of mr. williams' school, and a resident of his brother augustine's family. arithmetic and book-keeping engaged his attention at once, and, after a few months, surveying was added to his regular studies. mr. williams was a thorough instructor, and believed that scholars should master one branch of study before they took up another. he paid much attention to reading, spelling and penmanship, encouraging his pupils to place a high value upon these common, but fundamental, studies. "you are a good mathematician, george, and surveying will come easy to you," remarked mr. williams. "surveyors will be in great demand in this country before it is many years older." "i should like to understand it," replied george, "and i mean to understand it before i have done going to school." "and the sooner you commence the study of it the better it will be for you," added mr. williams. "you are old enough, and sufficiently advanced to pursue it successfully. by and by you can survey the fields about here, by way of practising the art; and you will enjoy it hugely. it will be better than play." "better than playing soldier?" said george inquiringly, and in a tone of pleasantry. he had already organized the boys in mr. william's school into two armies, and more than one mimic battle had been fought. "yes, better than any sham thing," answered mr. williams. "it will be study and diversion together--work and play--improving mind and body at the same time." "i see, i see," responded george. "i can abandon soldiering for that." but he never did. there was too great fascination about military tactics to allow of that. he devoted himself to surveying with commendable application and rapid progress; but he continued, to some extent, the chief sport of his school-days--mimic war. george was not more than thirteen or fourteen years of age when he surveyed the land about the school-house. he was the first pupil in mr. williams' school who had performed such a practical piece of work, and his school-mates were deeply interested in his exploit. he ranked high as a scholar, and his manly bearing made him appear several years older than he was. he led mr. williams' school, as he did that of mr. hobby, in scholarship, behavior and physical prowess. he seemed born to lead, and his associates were content to have it so. one of his biographers speaks as follows of his first efforts at surveying: "when he had advanced so far in his study as to give him some idea of the proper use and handling of the chain and compass, the two principal instruments employed in this art, he began to put his knowledge into practice by taking surveys of the farms lying in the immediate neighborhood of his school-house. "assisted by his school-mates, he would follow up and measure off, with the help of his long steel chain, the boundary lines between the farms, such as fences, roads, and water-courses; then those dividing the different parts of the same farm; determining at the same time, with the help of his compass, their various courses, their crooks and windings, and the angles formed at their points of meeting or intersection. this would enable him to get at the shape and size not only of each farm, but of every meadow, field and wood composing it. this done, he would make a map or drawing on paper of the land surveyed, whereon would be clearly traced the lines dividing the different parts with the name and number of acres of each attached, while on the opposite page he would write down the long and difficult tables of figures by which these results had been reached. all this he would execute with as much neatness and accuracy as if it had been left with him to decide thereby some gravely disputed land-claim." irving says of him as a surveyor: "in this he schooled himself thoroughly; making surveys about the neighborhood, and keeping regular field-books, in which the boundaries and measurements of the fields surveyed were carefully entered, and diagrams made with a neatness and exactness, as if the whole related to important land transactions instead of being mere school exercises. thus, in his earliest days, there was perseverance and completeness in all his undertakings. nothing was left half done, or done in a hurried and slovenly manner. the habit of mind thus cultivated continued through life; so that however complicated his tasks and overwhelming his cares, in the arduous and hazardous situations in which he was often placed, he found time to do everything, and _to do it well_. he had acquired the magic of method, which of itself works wonders." one day a dispute arose between two pupils respecting a chapter of virginia's early history--captain smith and pocahontas. "she saved his life," exclaimed one. "very true; but she was not the daughter of king opechancanough, as you say," replied the other. "whose daughter was she, then?" "she was powhattan's daughter; and her father was going to kill captain smith." "no, she was not powhattan's daughter; i tell you that opechancanough was her father," rejoined the other with some warmth. "and i tell you that powhattan was her father, and opechancanough was her uncle. if you can't recite history more correctly than that you had better keep still. anybody knows that pocahontas was the daughter of powhattan; and he was the greatest indian chief in virginia." "and you are a conceited, ignorant fellow, to suppose that nobody knows anything but yourself." and so the dispute became more heated, until both parties were greatly excited; whereupon a listening school-mate called out: "leave it to george; he will settle it." "agreed!" responded one. "agreed!" shouted the other. and george was called in to settle the controversy, both parties acquiescing in his decision. george often acted as umpire among the boys in mr. williams' school. sometimes, as in the above instance, both parties chose him for umpire. their confidence in his word and judgment led them to submit cases of trial or controversy to him, whether relating to studies or games. many disputes were thus brought to a speedy termination by his discriminating and candid judgment. mr. weems says of him at this time: "he carried with him his virtues, his zeal for unblemished character, his love of truth and detestation of whatever was false and base. a gilt chariot with richest robes and liveried servants could not have befriended him so well; for, in a short time, so completely had his virtues secured the love and confidence of the boys, his _word_ was just as current among them as a _law_. a very aged gentleman, formerly a school-mate of his, has often assured me that nothing was more common, when the boys were in high dispute about a question of fact, than for some little shaver among the mimic heroes, to call out: "'well, boys, george washington was there; george washington was there; he knows all about it; and if he don't say it was so, why, then we will give it up.' "'done,' exclaimed the adverse party. "then away they would run to hunt for george. soon as his verdict was heard, the difficulty was settled, and all hands would return to play again." another biographer, mrs. kirkland, says, "it is recorded of his school days that he was always head boy; and whether this report be authentic or not, we can easily imagine the case to have been so, not exclusively by means of scholarship, perhaps, but by the aid of certain other qualities, very powerful in school as elsewhere, and which he so exhibited in after life. his probity, courage, ability and high sense of justice were probably evident, even then, for there is every reason to believe their foundations were laid very early. the boys would, therefore, respect him, and choose him for an umpire in their little troubles, as they are said to have done.... he was famous for hindering quarrels, and perhaps his early taste for military manoeuvers was only an accidental form of that love of mathematical combinations (the marked trait of napoleon's earlier years) and the tendency to order, promptness and thoroughness, which characterized him so strikingly in after life. the good soldier is by no means a man with a special disposition to fight." george was such an example of order, neatness, thorough scholarship and exact behavior in mr. williams' school that we shall devote the next chapter to these qualities. iv. method and thoroughness. "these are finely done," remarked lawrence washington to george, after an examination of the maps, copy-books, and writing-books, which george brought with him from mr. williams' school. "it would be difficult for any one to excel them." "it takes considerable time to do them," remarked george. "it takes time to do anything _well_," responded lawrence, "but the habit is worth everything to you." "that is what mr. williams says," answered george. "he talks to the boys often about doing things well." "and no matter what it is that a boy is doing, if it is nothing more than chopping wood, it pays to do it as well as he can," added lawrence. "mr. williams is an excellent teacher." "i think so," responded george. "he makes everything so plain that we can understand him; and he makes us feel that we shall need all we learn most when we become men." "well, if you learn that last lesson thoroughly it will be of great service to you every day," remarked lawrence. "many boys never stop to think that they will soon be men, and so they are not fitted for the duties of manhood when it comes." "mr. williams talks much about method in study and work," continued george. "he says that many persons accomplish little or nothing in life because they are neither systematic nor thorough in what they do. 'a place for everything and everything in its place,' is one of his frequent remarks." "and you must have produced these maps and copy-books under that rule," suggested lawrence. "they are as excellent in orderly arrangement as they are in neatness." george spent his vacation with lawrence, who really had charge of his education after mr. washington died. lawrence married the daughter of william fairfax three months after the death of his father, and settled on the plantation which his father bequeathed to him, near hunting creek, and to which lawrence gave the name of mount vernon, in honor of admiral vernon, under whom he did military service in the west indies, and for whom he cherished profound respect. lawrence was strongly attached to his young brother in whom he discovered the elements of a future noble manhood. he delighted to have him at his mount vernon home, and insisted that he should spend all his time there when out of school. it was during a vacation that lawrence examined his maps and copy-books, as narrated, george having brought them with him for his brother to inspect. one of george's copy-books attracted much attention in school, because it was unlike that of any other scholar, and it was an original idea with him. "what do you call it, george, and what do you ever expect to do with it?" inquired a school-mate. "you can call it what you please," replied george. "i expect that it will be of great service to me when i become a man." "that is looking a long way ahead, it seems to me," rejoined his companion. "i prefer to know what will be of service to me _now_. you can scarcely tell what will be best for you when you become a man." "i know that what i am copying into that book will be of use to me in manhood, because men use these forms. i call it a 'book of forms' for the want of a better name." and george's words denoted entire confidence in his original idea of the use of forms. "well, the book looks well anyway," continued his school-mate holding the copy-book up to view. "as to that, i should like to see any work of yours that does not look well. but what are these forms, anyhow?" "they are receipts, bills of exchange, notes of hand, deeds, wills, land-warrants, bonds and useful forms of that kind," answered george. "if i have them here in this book together, they will be convenient for use ten or twenty years hence." "yes, i see; you can run a lawyer's office on that book," suggested his friend. "a farmer's office, you mean. a farmer may find use for every form there is in that book; and if he does not, it will be no disadvantage to him to understand them." "you are right, george, as you are usually. i shall know where to go for a form when i want to make my will," remarked his companion in a complimentary way. "and i shall be glad to serve you without charge provided you remember me," responded george. "i predict that many men will live who will be glad to consult this book to help them out of difficulties." perhaps the forethought and sagacity of george were foreshadowed more clearly by this copy-book than by any other. its reference to the necessities of manhood was so plain and direct as to prove that he kept preparation for that period of life constantly in view. this book has been carefully preserved, and may be seen to-day at mount vernon. another manuscript volume of his which has been preserved is a book of arithmetical problems. it was customary, when george attended school, to write the solution of problems in arithmetic in a blank-book--not the result merely, but the whole process of solution. sometimes the rules were copied, also, into the book. it was a very good practice for a studious, persevering, conscientious boy like george; but the method was a wretched one for certain indolent pupils to whom study was penance; for this class often relied upon these manuscript volumes to furnish problems solved, instead of resorting to hard study. they were passed around among the idle scholars clandestinely, to help them over hard places without study. mr. williams forbade the deceitful practice, and punished pupils who were discovered in the cheat; nevertheless, poor scholars continued to risk punishment rather than buckle down to persistent study. there is no doubt that george's book of problems, copied in his clear, round hand, did considerable secret service in this way. but the preparation of it was an excellent discipline for george. neatness, application, perseverance, thoroughness, with several other qualities, were indispensable in the preparation of so fair a book. in another copy-book george displayed a talent for sketching and drawing, which elicited mr. williams' commendation. "that portrait is well executed," he said. "you have a talent in that direction, evidently; the likeness is good." it was the face of one of the scholars, drawn with his pen. "have you practised much in this art?" continued mr. williams. "no, sir; only a little, for amusement." "just to see what you could do?" added mr. williams, inquiringly. "yes, that is all." "well, i advise you to cultivate your talent for drawing. these animals are well done, too. practise will give you an ability in this line, which may prove of real service to you in future years." george had drawn animals, also, in the book, and he had given wings to some birds with a flourish of his pen, showing both taste and tact in the use of the pen. george was not a boy who believed in _flourishes_, except those executed in ink. his interest in the art of penmanship drew his attention to these as ornamental and ingenious. "a facile use of the pen will always be serviceable to you," he said to george. "no one can become too skilful in wielding it. but it requires much careful practise." "i have discovered that," answered george. "i do not expect to excel in the art of penmanship." "you may, with your application and perseverance," responded his teacher. "'perseverance conquers all things,' it is said, and i believe it." "but i have not time for everything," remarked george. "odd moments are all the time i can devote to such things." "and odd moments have done much for some boys," added his teacher. "fragments of time well improved have made some men illustrious." "it will take larger fragments of time than i have to make me illustrious," suggested george, dryly. "perhaps not; you are not authorized to come to such a conclusion. there are too many facts known to warrant it. your industry and resolution are equal to it." george accepted the compliment in silence with his usual modesty, considerably encouraged by his teacher's words to persevere in doing things well. this copy-book, containing sketches of his companions and pen-pictures of birds and beasts, has been carefully preserved with others. it is a valuable relic, too, as showing that george was not always the sedate, serious boy he has generally been represented to be; for some of these sketches border upon the comical, and evidently were intended to bring a smile over the faces of his school-mates. mixed with his usually grave and practical way of doing things, they show more of the cheerful, roguish boy than is accorded to george by writers in general. another copy-book contains many extracts, in prose and poetry, which particularly interested george at the time. he was in the habit of preserving in this way choice bits of prose and poetry for future use. they were copied in his clear, fair handwriting, with every _i_ dotted and every _t_ crossed, and every comma and period nicely made and placed. all these copy books, with other proofs of george's thorough scholarship and progress, can now be seen at mount vernon, where he lived and died. irving says of these: "his manuscript school-books still exist, and are models of neatness and accuracy. one of them, it is true, a ciphering book, preserved in the library at mount vernon, has some school-boy attempts at calligraphy; nondescript birds, executed with the flourish of a pen, or profiles of faces, probably intended for those of his school-mates; the rest are all grave and business-like. before he was thirteen years of age he had copied into a volume forms for all kinds of mercantile and legal papers, bills of exchange, notes of hand, deeds, bonds and the like. this early self-tuition gave him throughout life a lawyer's skill in drafting documents, and a merchant's exactness in keeping accounts; so that all the concerns of his various estates, his dealings with his domestic stewards and foreign agents, his accounts with governments, and all the financial transactions, are to this day to be seen posted up in books, in his own handwriting, monuments of his method and unvaried accuracy." there was yet another manuscript more important, really, than those of which we have spoken. it contained one hundred and ten rules for regulating his conduct, to which he gave the title, "rules of behavior in company and conversation." when lawrence washington examined this manuscript he remarked to his wife, "it is remarkable that a boy of his years should make such a collection of rules as this. they are creditable to a much older head than his." "they are not original with him, are they?" responded his wife. "i think not; they must be a collection which he has made from time to time. it would not be possible for a boy of his age to produce such a code of manners and morals out of his own brain. hear this," and he proceeded to read some of the "rules." "associate yourself with men of good quality if you esteem your reputation, for it is better to be alone than in bad company." "good counsel, surely, and well expressed," remarked mrs. washington. "it shows a degree of thoughtfulness and desire to be correct, beyond his years," added lawrence. "the other rules are no less practical and significant." he continued to read: "every action in company ought to be with some sign of respect to those present. "speak not when others speak; sit not when others stand. speak not when you should hold your peace. walk not when others stop." "that is paying attention to little things with a will," remarked mrs. washington. "and that is what impresses me," responded lawrence. "most boys think that such small matters are beneath their notice, when attention to these secures attention to more important things." "very true," replied his wife; "and it certainly shows a desire to be correct in behavior that is commendable." "and as unusual as it is commendable," added lawrence. "it is such a manly view of life as we seldom meet with, except in ripe manhood." "well, read more of his rules," suggested mrs. washington. lawrence continued to read, "in your apparel, be modest, and endeavor to accommodate yourself to nature rather than to procure admiration; keep to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil and orderly, with respect to times and places. "wherein you reprove another, be unblamable yourself, for example is better than precept. "when a man does all he can, though it succeeds not well, blame not him that did it." "not many men reduce these rules to practise very thoroughly," remarked lawrence. "to square one's life by these rules requires uncommon circumspection and decision. few are equal to it." "i think that george comes as near doing it as any one," suggested mrs. washington. "i was just thinking of that," replied lawrence. "i am not sure but his manly bearing is owing to these rules. no one can think enough of them to write them down carefully in a book without being more or less influenced by their lessons." "it would seem so," remarked mrs. washington; "but are there no rules relating to our higher duties to god among the whole number?" "yes, several; but you should remember that these are rules of behavior in company and conversation alone, and not our religious duties. but here is one rule that lies in that direction": "labor to keep in your heart that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." "and here is another": "if you speak of god or his attributes, let it be seriously, in reverence; and honor and obey your parents." "george has done that to perfection," remarked lawrence. "profanity and disobedience, even in their least offensive form, he was never guilty of. and here is still another rule having reference to our higher obligations, which he has observed with commendable carefulness": "let your recreations be manful, not sinful." "i think it is remarkable, as you say, that one so young as george should make such a collection of rules," said mrs. washington. "may it not be that a remarkable future is before him?" "it may be, and i am inclined to think it will be," answered lawrence. "if a bright spring-time is the harbinger of an ample harvest, such a youth must foreshadow noble manhood." thus were george's "rules of behavior in company and conversation" discussed at mount vernon, and the young author of them was more admired in consequence. we will furnish our readers with more of his "rules," since all of them are important, and had much to do, doubtless, with the formation of george's character. "speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, nor at the table; speak not of melancholy things, as death and wounds; and if others mention them, change, if you can, the discourse. tell not your dreams but to your intimate friend. "break not a jest when none take pleasure in mirth; laugh not loud, nor at all, without occasion; deride no man's misfortune, though there seem to be some cause. "speak not injurious words, neither in jest nor earnest; scoff at none, although they give occasion. "seek not to lessen the merits of others; neither give more than due praise. "go not thither where you know not whether you shall be welcome. "give not advice without being asked; and when desired, do it briefly. "reprove not the imperfections of others, for that belongs to parents, masters and superiors. "gaze not on the marks and blemishes of others, and ask not how they came. what you may speak in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. "think before you speak; pronounce not imperfectly, nor bring out your words too hastily, but orderly and distinctly. "when another speaks, be attentive yourself, and disturb not the audience. if any hesitate in his words, help him not, nor prompt him, without being desired; interrupt him not, nor answer him, until his speech be ended. "treat with men at right times about business, and whisper not, in the company of others. "be not in haste to relate news if you know not the truth thereof. "be not curious to know the affairs of others, neither approach those that speak in private. "undertake not what you cannot perform, but be careful to keep your promise. "speak not evil of the absent, for it is unjust. "make no show of taking delight in your victuals. feed not with greediness. cut your food with a knife, and lean not on the table; neither find fault with what you eat. "be not a flatterer; neither play with any one that delights not to be played with. "show not yourself glad at the misfortune of another, though he were your enemy. "it is good manners to prefer them to whom we speak before ourselves, especially if they are above us; with whom in no sort ought we to begin. "strive not with your superiors in an argument, but always submit your judgment to others with modesty. "undertake not to teach your equal in the art him self professes, for it is immodest and presumptuous. "before you advise or find fault with any one, consider whether it ought to be in public or in private; presently, or at some other time; in what terms to do it; and, in reproving, show no sign of anger, but do it with sweetness and mildness. "use no reproachful language against any one, neither curse nor revile. "be not hasty to believe flying reports to the injury of any. "play not the peacock, looking everywhere about you to see if you be well-decked; if your shoes fit well; if your pantaloons sit neatly, and clothes handsomely. "let your conversation be without malice or envy, for it is a sign of a kindly and commendable nature; and in all cases of passion, admit reason to govern. "utter not base and frivolous things amongst grave and learned men, nor very difficult questions or subjects among the ignorant, nor things hard to believe." these are only a part of the rules which george adopted for his instruction and guidance through life. in weighing them, the reader must feel the force of everett's remarks, who said of them, "among his manuscripts still in existence, there is one, written under thirteen years of age, which deserves to be mentioned as containing striking indications of early maturity. the piece referred to is entitled 'rules of behavior in company and conversation.' these rules are written out in the form of maxims, to the number of one hundred and ten." "they form," says mr. sparks, "a minute code of regulations for building up the habits of morals and manners and good conduct in very young persons." whether they were taken in a body from some manual of education, or compiled by washington himself from various books, or framed from his own youthful observation and reflection, is unknown. the first is, perhaps, the more probable supposition. if compiled by a lad under thirteen, and still more, if the fruit of his own meditations, they would constitute a most extraordinary example of early prudence and thoughtfulness. some of the rules which form a part of this youthful code of manners and morals had their influence over washington, and gave a complexion to his habits through life. that a boy of twelve or thirteen years should compile such a code of manners and morals, shows, unmistakably, the bent of his mind. we discover valuable elements of character in the formation and execution of such a purpose. it is equally true, also, that his book of prose and poetical extracts reveals his taste and aims no less surely than his "rules." the following extract, taken from that manuscript volume, tells about the same story of the boy as his "rules of behavior" tell:-- "these are the things, which, once possessed, will make a life that's truly blest; a good estate on healthy soil, not got by vice, nor yet by toil; round a warm fire a pleasant joke, with chimney ever free from smoke; a strength entire, a sparkling bowl, a quiet wife, a quiet soul; a mind, as well as body, whole; prudent simplicity, constant friends, a diet which no art commends, a merry night without much drinking, a happy thought without much thinking. each night by quiet sleep made short, a will to be but what thou art: possessed of these, all else defy, and neither wish nor fear to die; these are the things, which, once possessed, will make a life that's truly blest." his strong love for simple, pure, domestic life appears in this selection--a love for which he was distinguished to the day of his death. the school-days of george ended one month before he was sixteen years of age. mr. hobby and mr. williams were his only teachers, except his parents. "not very rare opportunities," the reader will say. no larger opportunities for mental culture now would be considered meagre indeed. but he made the most of what he had, so that his small advantages did more for him than the best opportunities do for less industrious and noble boys. a strong bond united him to his teacher and schoolmates. it was not so much his scholarship as his character that endeared him to both teacher and pupils. the secret of it was found in his _heart_ rather than his head. his school-mates were moved to tears on parting with him, and so was his teacher. and those tears were a sincere tribute to the unsullied character of the boy. v. four incidents and their lessons. certain incidents occurred in the young life of our hero, which so forcibly illustrate leading elements of his character that we stop here to record them. his father came home one day so sick that he took to his bed at once. it was a severe attack of an old complaint, which he had vainly tried to remove. "you must have the doctor," said mrs. washington, somewhat alarmed by the severity of the attack. "wait a little, and see," replied her husband; "perhaps the usual remedies will relieve me." he kept remedies in the house for such attacks, and mrs. washington soon administered them. but the relief was only partial, and a servant was sent for the doctor. "go in haste," said mrs. washington, as jake mounted the horse and galloped away. "tell the doctor to come as soon as possible," were the last words that jake heard as he dashed forward. mrs. washington was thoroughly alarmed. returning to her husband's bedside, she said: "i want to send for george." "not now," her husband answered. "i think the doctor will relieve me. besides, george has only just got there, and it is not well to disturb him unnecessarily." george had gone to visit friends at chotana, about twenty miles distant, where he proposed to spend his vacation. mrs. washington yielded to her husband's desire, although intense anxiety filled her heart. she seemed to have a presentiment that it was her husband's last sickness. back and forth she went from door to bedroom, and from bedroom to door, awaiting with tremulous emotion the coming of the physician, at the same time employing such remedies as she thought might afford relief. "a very sick man," was the doctor's verdict, "but i think we can relieve him soon." his encouraging words lifted a burden from mrs. washington's heart, although she still apprehended the worst, and yet she could scarcely tell why. "you think that he will recover?" she said to the doctor, as he was leaving the house. "i think so; he is relieved for the present, and i hope that he will continue to improve," the doctor answered; and he answered just as he felt. still mrs. washington could not disguise her fears. she was a devout christian woman, and she carried her burden to the lord. she found some relief in laying her anxieties upon the great burden-bearer. she came forth from communion with the father of mercies more composed if not more hopeful. she possessed a degree of willingness to leave her companion in god's hand. mr. washington was relieved of acute pain, but further than that he did not improve. after continuing several days in this condition, he said to his wife one morning: "you may send for george to-day." "i will," mrs. washington replied, bursting into tears. "i wish i had sent before." "it might have been as well had we known," mr. washington responded, in a suggestive way. "do you think that your sickness will prove fatal?" "i fear so. i think i am losing ground fast. i have failed very much in strength the last twenty-four hours. god's will be done." "i hope i shall have grace to say so honestly." "and i trust that god will give me grace to say so with true submission," continued mr. washington. "i should like to live if it is god's will; but if he orders otherwise, we must accept his ordering as best." mrs. washington could say no more. her cup of sorrow was full and running over. but she sorrowed not as one without hope. both she and her husband had been active christians. they were prominent working members of the episcopal church. they knew, from happy experience, that solace and support were found in divine grace, so that this sudden and terrible affliction did not overtake them unawares, really. they were prepared for it in an important sense. the doctor called just as this interview closed, and he seconded mr. washington's request to send for george. "a great change has come over him since yesterday," he said to mrs. washington. "he just told me that he was sinking," replied mrs. washington. "i fear it is so; and george better be sent for at soon as possible. a few hours may bring the end." the physician spoke as if there were no more ground for hope. "may god have mercy on us," responded mrs. washington, as she hastened from the room, with deep emotion, to despatch a servant for george. mr. washington continued to sink rapidly during the day, his reason at times wavering, though his distress was not acute. conscious that he could not survive many hours, he expressed an anxiety to see george once more, and seemed impatient for his arrival. it was almost night when george arrived, and his father was dying. his mother met him at the door, with emotion too deep for utterance. her tears and despairing look told the story more plainly than words to george. he knew that there was no hope. hastening into his father's presence he was appalled by the change. that cheerful, loving face was struck with death. fastening his eyes upon his son, as if he recognized him, the dying man _looked_ his last farewell. he could not speak nor lift a finger. he was almost "beyond the river." george was completely overcome. throwing himself upon his father's neck, he broke into convulsive sobs, kissing him again and again, and giving way to the most passionate grief. the scene was affecting beyond description. all hearts were melted by the child's artless exhibition of filial love and sorrow. he loved his father with a devotion that knew no bounds, as he had reason to love him. without this paternal friend, life would lose its charm to him, and he "would never be glad any more." so it seemed to him when he first was made conscious that his father was dying. the great sorrow seemed too great for him to bear. his young heart well nigh burst. here we have evidence of what george was as a son. he had not only loved and reverenced his father, but he had obeyed him with true filial respect. obedience was one of his leading virtues. this endeared him to his father. their tender love was mutual. "george thought the world of his father and his father thought the world of him." that dying scene in the family was proof of it. in a few days all that was mortal of augustine washington was committed to the dust, and george was a fatherless boy. as we have already intimated, this sudden affliction changed the current of george's life. different plans and different experiences followed. mr. washington, with characteristic foresight, had made his will. irving says of it, "to lawrence he gave the estate on the banks of the potomac, with other real property, and several shares in iron-works. to augustine, the second son by the first marriage, the old homestead and estate in westmoreland. the children by the second marriage were severally well provided for; and george, when he became of age, was to have the house and lands on the rappahannock." mrs. washington assumed the care of the estate after the death of her husband, and continued her love of fine horses. she possessed several of rare beauty and fleetness. among them was an arabian colt, full grown, broken to the harness, but not to the saddle. he would not allow a man to ride him. he was so high strung, and so fractiously opposed to any one getting upon his back, that mrs. washington had forbidden any one on the farm attempting the feat. george had two or three young friends visiting him, and they were admiring the antics of the colt in the meadow in front of the house. "i should like to ride him," remarked george. "ride him!" exclaimed one of the number. "i thought nobody could ride him. that is what i have heard." "well, i should like to try," continued george. "if i could once get upon his back, i would run the risk anyway. he would prance some, i guess." "i should like to see you try, george," remarked another of his friends present. "you can ride him if any one can. but how do you know that you can't ride him? have you ever tried?" "no." "did any one ever try?" "i believe jake has; or, at least, he has tried to get on his back." "if i were in your place i would see whether i could ride him or not," suggested his friend. "what's the harm?" "mother would not allow it," answered george; "she would expect to see my brains beat out if i should attempt it." "but your mother would like it if you succeeded in riding him," rejoined his friend, by way of inducing him to make the attempt. "i have no doubt she would; but if i should break my neck, instead of the colt, she would not be glad at all." "of course not; but i don't see any particular need of breaking your neck or limbs by making the attempt; and it would be a feather in your cap to manage the colt. suppose we try;" and this proposition was made by george's companion in good faith. "i have no fears for myself," answered george; "there is no danger in trying to get upon his back that i see, and once there, i will risk being thrown." "that is so," continued his friend, "and suppose we try it some day." after some more discussion upon the subject, george agreed to make the attempt to mount the colt early the following morning, and his young friend seconded his decision heartily. the next morning, a full hour before breakfast-time, the boys were out, eager to participate in the sport of conquering a wild colt. the colt appeared to snuff trouble, for he was unusually gay and crank that morning. his head and tail were up, as he went prancing around the field, when the boys put in their appearance. "drive him into a corner!" exclaimed george. "drive the wind into a corner as easily," replied one of the boys, just beginning to appreciate the difficulties of the situation. "well, he must be caught before he can be mounted," said george, philosophically. "i did not promise to mount him until he was bridled." "that is so," responded another boy, more hopeful of results. "that corner yonder is a good place for the business," pointing to the eastward. so they all rallied to drive the colt into the proposed corner; and, in the language of another who has described the scene, "after a deal of chasing and racing, heading and doubling, falling down and picking themselves up again, and more shouting and laughing than they had breath to spare for, they at last succeeded in driving the panting and affrighted young animal into the corner. here, by some means or other (it was difficult to tell precisely how) they managed to bridle him, although at no small risk of a broken head or two from his heels, that he seemed to fling about him in a dozen different directions at once." "lead him away from this corner," said one of the boys. "yes," answered george, "we must go well toward the centre of the field; he will want room to throw me." so, throwing the bridle-reins over the colt's neck, and taking hold of the bridle close by the bits, the animal was led toward the centre of the field. before the boys or the colt were aware of george's purpose, with one bound he leaped upon the colt's back, and, seizing the reins, was prepared for the worst. his playmates were as much astonished as the animal was at this unexpected feat, and they rushed away to escape disaster. "look out, george!" shouted one, as the colt reared and stood upon his hind legs. "he'll throw you, george, if you don't look out!" screamed another, as the animal reversed his position and sent his hind legs high into the air. "stick, george, stick!" they cried, as the colt dashed forward like the wind a few rods, then stopped, reared, and kicked again, as if determined to throw the rider. all the while george's companions were alarmed at the fearful plunges of the animal, fearing that he would dash him to the ground. at length the furious beast took the bits between his teeth and plunged forward upon the "dead run." george had no control over him as he dashed forward like mad. he hung to the reins like a veteran horseman as the wild creature leaped and plunged and kicked. his companions looked on in breathless interest, expecting every moment to see the young rider hurled to the ground. but, to their surprise, the colt stumbled, staggered a few steps, and fell, george still upon his back. they ran to the rescue, when george exclaimed, "the colt is dead!" "dead?" responded one of the boys in astonishment, "more likely his leg is broken." "no, he is dead, sure. see the blood running from his mouth." sure enough, the animal was dying. in his fearful plunging he had ruptured a blood-vessel, and was bleeding to death. in a few moments the young arabian colt was dead. "too bad!" mournfully spoke george, with big tears starting to his eyes. "i wish i had never made the attempt to ride him." "_i_ wish so now," answered one of his companions; "but who ever thought that the colt could kill himself?" "mother will feel bad enough now," continued george. "i am sorry that i have caused her so much trouble." "what shall you tell her?" inquired a companion. "i shall tell her the truth," manfully answered george; "that is all there is to tell about it." the boys were soon at the breakfast-table, as cheerful as the circumstances would permit. "well, boys, have you seen the arabian colt in your walks this morning?" mrs. washington inquired. there was no reply for a moment. the boys looked at each other as if the crisis had come, and they were not quite prepared for it. at length george answered frankly: "mother, the colt is dead." "dead!" his mother exclaimed, "what can you mean, george?" "he is certainly dead, mother." "have you seen him?" "yes; and i know that he is dead." "how could such a thing happen?" said his mother, sadly and musingly. "i will tell you all about it, mother," replied george, resolved upon making a clean breast of the affair. he went on to narrate how he arrived at the conclusion to ride the colt, not forgetting to say that he thought his mother would be pleased with the act if he succeeded in riding the fractious animal successfully. he described the manner of catching, bridling, and mounting the colt, as well as his furious plunging, rearing, and running; and he closed by the honest confession, "i did wrong, mother, and i am very sorry that i attempted to ride the colt. i hope that you will forgive me, and i will never be so disobedient again." "forgive you, my son," his mother answered, evidently too well satisfied with the truthfulness of her boy to think much of her loss, "your frankness in telling me the truth is worth a thousand colts to me. most gladly do i forgive you, and trust that the lesson you are taught by this unfortunate affair will go with you through life." in this incident we discover the daring, adventurous spirit of george. his courage was equal to his honesty. no act of his life approached so nearly to disobedience as this. yet the spirit of disobedience was not in his heart. his mother had forbidden any one to ride the colt, but it was because she feared the colt would injure them. "if i can ride him successfully, and prove that he can be broken to the saddle, mother will be delighted," he reasoned. his thoughts were of pleasing instead of disobeying his mother. were there any doubt on this point, his rehearsal of the whole story, with no attempt to shield himself from censure, together with his sincere desire to be forgiven, settles the question beyond controversy. after george left mr. williams' school, and had gone to reside with his brother lawrence at mount vernon, a companion discovered in his journal several verses that breathed love for an unknown "lowland beauty." "what is this, george?" he asked. "are you the poet who writes such lines as these?" and he read aloud the verses. "to be honest i must acknowledge the authorship," george answered, with his usual frankness. "but there is more truth than poetry in the production, i imagine." "i was suspicious of that," responded his friend. "that means that you fell in love with some bewitching girl, i conclude." "all of that," answered george, with no disposition to conceal anything. "that accounts for your poetical turn of mind," continued his friend. "i have heard it said that lovers take to poetry." "i don't know about that; but i confess to being smitten by the 'lowland beauty,'" was george's honest answer. "who is she, and where does she live?" "that is of no consequence now; she is nothing to me, although she is much in my thoughts." "did she respond to your professions of love?" "i never made any profession of love to her." "how is that?" "i am too young and bashful to take such a step; it would be foolish indeed." "well, to love and keep it to one's self must be misery indeed," continued his companion. "there is something in that," answered george, "and i shall not conceal that it has made me unhappy at times." "and it was a kind of relief to let your tender regard express itself in poetry?" suggested his friend. "exactly so; and you are the only person in the world to whom i have spoken of the affair." we have introduced this incident to show the tender side of george's heart. his gravity, decorum, and thoughtful habit were such as almost to preclude the possibility of his being captivated by a "lowland beauty." but this incident shows that he was much like the average boy of christendom in this regard. irving says: "whatever may have been the reason, this early attachment seems to have been a source of poignant discomfort to him. it clung to him after he look a final leave of school in the autumn of , and went to reside with his brother lawrence at mount vernon. here he continued his mathematical studies and his practice in surveying, disturbed at times by recurrences of his unlucky passion. though by no means of a poetical temperament, the waste pages of his journal betray several attempts to pour forth his amorous sorrows in verse. they are mere common-place rhymes, such as lovers at his age are apt to write, in which he bewails his "'poor, restless heart, wounded by cupid's dart;' and 'bleeding for one who remains pitiless of his griefs and woes.' "the tenor of some of the verses induce us to believe that he never told his love; but, as we have already surmised, was prevented by his bashfulness. "'ah, woe is me, that i should love and conceal! long have i wished and never dare reveal.' "it is difficult to reconcile one's self to the idea of the cool and sedate washington, the great champion of american liberty, a woe-worn lover in his youthful days, 'sighing like a furnace,' and inditing plaintive verses about the groves of mount vernon. we are glad of an opportunity, however, of penetrating to his native feelings, and finding that under his studied decorum and reserve _he had a heart of flesh throbbing with the warm impulses of human nature_." in another place, irving refers to the affair again, and furnishes the following bit of information: "the object of this early passion is not positively known. tradition states that the 'lowland beauty' was a miss grimes of westmoreland, afterwards mrs. lee, and mother of general henry lee, who figured in revolutionary times as light horse harry, and was always a favorite with washington, probably from the recollections of his early tenderness for the mother." george, as we have already intimated, spent his time out of school at mount vernon, with his brother lawrence, who had become a man of considerable repute and influence for one of his years. here he was brought into contact with military men, and occasionally naval officers were entertained by lawrence. often vessels anchored in the river, and the officers enjoyed the abundant hospitality of the mount vernon mansion. george was a close observer of what passed in his new home, and a careful listener to the tales of war and a seafaring life frequently told in his hearing. the martial spirit within him was aroused by these tales of adventure and glory, and he was prepared for almost any hardship or peril in the way of the object of his ambition. besides, his brother was disposed to encourage his aspirations in the direction of a military life. he discovered the elements of a good soldier in the boy, and really felt that distinction awaited him in a military career. "how would you like a midshipman's berth on a british man-of-war?" inquired lawrence. "i should like nothing better," george answered. "you would then be in the service of the king, and have a chance to prove your loyalty by your deeds," added lawrence. "your promotion would be certain." "if i deserved it," added george, with thoughtful interest. "yes, if you deserved it," repeated lawrence; "and i have no doubt that you would deserve it." "but i fear that mother will not consent to such an arrangement," suggested george. "i will confer with her upon the subject," replied lawrence. "i think she will take the same view of it that i do." lawrence did confer with his mother concerning this venture, and found her wholly averse to the project. "i can never consent that he should follow such a life," she said. "but i am sure that he would distinguish himself there, and bring honor to the family," urged lawrence. "character is worth more than distinction," responded mrs. washington. "i fear the effect of such a life upon his character." "george can be trusted in any position, no matter what the temptations may be," lawrence pleaded. "that may be true, and it may not be true," remarked mrs. washington. "we ought not to incur the risk unless absolutely obliged to do it." "if there be a risk," remarked lawrence, doubtfully. "besides," continued mrs. washington, "i could not consent to his going so far from home unless it were impossible for him to gain a livelihood near by." she was unyielding in this interview, and could see no reason why she should consent to such a separation. but lawrence persevered in his efforts to obtain her consent, and finally it was given with manifest reluctance. a writer describes what followed thus: "within a short time a british man-of-war moved up the potomac, and cast anchor in full view of mount vernon. on board of this vessel his brother lawrence procured him a midshipman's warrant, after having by much persuasion gained the consent of his mother; which, however, she yielded with much reluctance and many misgivings with respect to the profession her son was about to choose. not knowing how much pain all this was giving his mother, george was as near wild with delight as could well be with a boy of a nature so even and steady. now, what had all along been but a waking dream was about to become a solemn reality. his preparations were soon made: already was his trunk packed, and carried on board the ship that was to bear him so far away from his native land; and nothing now remained but to bid farewell to the loved ones at home. but when he came and stood before his mother, dressed in his gay midshipman's uniform, so tall and robust in figure, so handsome in face, and so noble in look and gesture, the thought took possession of her mind, that, if she suffered him to leave her then, she might never see him more; and losing her usual firmness and self-control, she burst into tears. "'i cannot consent to let you go,' she said, at length. 'it will break my heart, george.' "'how can i refuse to go now that i have enlisted, and my trunk is on board?' pleaded george. "'order your trunk ashore, and return your uniform, my son, if you do not wish to crush your mother's heart,' responded mrs. washington. 'i cannot bear the thought.'" george was overcome by the spectacle of his mother's grief, and with the tears running down his cheeks he replied, like the young hero that he was: "'mother, i can never go and cause you so much grief. i will stay at home.'" his trunk was brought ashore, his uniform was returned, his tears were wiped away, and he was happier in thus yielding to his mother's reasonable request than he could or would have been in gratifying his own wishes. the higher and nobler qualities of manly character here triumphed over the lower passions and desires. it was an excellent discipline for george, while, at the same time, the incident exhibits the sterling qualities of his heart. the four incidents narrated present different aspects of george's character, and show, without additional proof, that he was an uncommon boy. the several qualities displayed in these experiences lie at the foundation of human excellence. without them the future career of a youth may prove a failure. with them, a manly, virtuous character is well nigh assured. vi. his mother. "obedience and truthfulness are cardinal virtues to be cultivated," remarked mrs. washington to her husband, with whom she frequently discussed the subject of family government. "no son or daughter can form a reliable character without them." "there can be no question about that," answered mr. washington; "and for that reason these virtues are just as necessary for the state as they are for the family; reliable citizens cannot be made without them any more than reliable sons and daughters." "i suppose that god means to make reliable citizens out of obedient and truthful children," continued mrs. washington. "good family government assures good civil government. we must learn to obey before we know how to govern." "and i think that obedience to parents is likely to be followed by obedience to god," responded mr. washington. "disobedience is attended by a state of mind that is inimical to sincere obedience to god." "the bible teaches that plainly," replied mrs. washington. "there is something very tender and impressive in the lesson, 'children, obey your parents in the lord: for this is right. honor thy father and mother; which is the first commandment with promise; that it may be well with thee, and thou mayst live long on the earth.' a longer and better life is promised to those who obey their parents, and it must be because they are led to god thereby." "obedience is the _first_ commandment, according to that," remarked mr. washington, "the most important of all, and i have no doubt of it. we are to begin _there_ in order to make children what they ought to be." "the consequences of disobedience as threatened in the scriptures are fearful," added mrs. washington. "there could scarcely be more startling words than these: 'the eye that mocketh at his father, and despiseth to obey his mother, the ravens of the valley shall pick it out, and the young eagles shall eat it.' disobedience to and irreverence for parents must be wicked, indeed, to warrant such a threatening." here was the secret of mrs. washington's successful family government. that george owed more to faithful maternal example and training than he did to any other influence, he always believed and acknowledged. and obedience was the first commandment in the washington family. george washington parke custis, a grandson, said: "the mother of washington, in forming him for those distinguished parts he was destined to perform, _first taught him the duties of_ obedience, the better to prepare him for those of command. in the well-ordered domicile where his early years were passed, the levity and indulgence common to youth was tempered by a deference and well-regulated restraint which, while it curtailed or suppressed no rational enjoyment usual in the spring-time of life, prescribed those enjoyments within the bounds of moderation and propriety. "the matron held in reserve an authority which never departed from her; not even when her son had become the most illustrious of men. it seemed to say, 'i am your mother, the being who gave you life, the guide who directed your steps when they needed the guidance of age and wisdom, the parental affection which claimed your love, the parental authority which commanded your obedience; whatever may be your success, whatever your renown, next to your god you owe them most to me.' nor did the chief dissent from these truths; but to the last moments of the life of his venerable parent, he yielded to her will the most dutiful and implicit obedience, and felt for her person and character the most holy reverence and attachment." lawrence washington, esq., of chotauk, a relative and playmate of george in boyhood, described the home of the mother as follows: "i was often there with george, his playmate, school-mate, and young man's companion. of the mother i was ten times more afraid than i ever was of my own parents. she awed me in the midst of her kindness, for she was, indeed, truly kind. i have often been present with her sons, proper, tall fellows, too, and we were all as mute as mice; and even now, when time has whitened my locks, and i am the grandparent of a second generation, i could not behold that remarkable woman without feelings it is impossible to describe. whoever has seen that awe-inspiring air and manner so characteristic in the father of his country will remember the matron as she appeared when the presiding genius of her well-ordered household, commanding and being obeyed." mrs. washington commanded obedience of her servants and agents as she did of her children. on one occasion she ordered an employee to perform a certain piece of work in a prescribed way. on going to the field she was disappointed. "did i not tell you to do that piece of work?" she inquired of him. "yes, madam." "did i not direct you _how_ to do it?" "yes, madam." "then why have you not done as you were directed to do?" "because i thought my way of doing it was better than yours," the servant answered. "pray, tell me, who gave you any exercise of judgment in the matter? i _command_ you, sir; there is nothing left for you but to obey." so obedience was the law of her homestead. outside and inside it seemed order, harmony, and efficiency. there was one volume upon which she relied next to the bible,--"sir matthew hale's contemplations, moral and divine." everett said of the influence of this book upon the life of washington, "it would not be difficult to point out in the character of washington some practical exemplification of the maxims of the christian life as laid down by that illustrious magistrate." that mrs. washington made this volume the basis of her home instruction, there is ample proof. the character of her son bore faithful witness to the fidelity with which she taught and enforced the excellent counsels which the distinguished author gave in his "contemplations." it will assist our purpose to cite some of its lessons in brief, as follows: "an humble man leans not to his own understanding; he is sensible of the deficiency of his own power and wisdom, and trusts not in it; he is also sensible of the all-sufficient power, wisdom, and goodness of almighty god, and commits himself to him for counsel, guidance, direction, and strength." "consider what it is thou pridest thyself in, and examine well the nature of the things themselves, how little and inconsiderable they are; at least how uncertain and unstable they are." "thou hast, it may be, wealth, stores of money; but how much of it is of use to thee? that which thou spendest is gone; that which thou keepest is as insignificant as so much dirt or clay; only thy care about it makes thy life the more uneasy." "thou has honor, esteem; thou art deceived, thou hast it not. he hath it that gives it thee, and which he may detain from thee at pleasure." "much time might be saved and redeemed, in retrenching the unnecessary waste thereof, in our ordinary sleep, attiring and dressing ourselves, and the length of our meals as breakfasts, dinners, suppers; which, especially in this latter age, and among people of the better sort, are protracted to an immoderate and excessive length." "gaming, taverns, and plays, as they are pernicious, and corrupt youth; so, if they had no other fault, yet they are justly to be declined in respect to their excessive expense of time, and habituating men to idleness and vain thoughts, and disturbing passions, when they are past, as well as while they are used." "be obstinately constant to your devotion at certain times, and be sure to spend the lord's day entirely in those religious duties proper for it; and let nothing but an inevitable necessity divert you from it." "be industrious and faithful to your calling. the merciful god has not only indulged us with a far greater portion of time for our ordinary occasions than he has reserved for himself, but also enjoins and requires our industry and diligence in it." "honesty and plain dealings in transactions, as well public as private, is the best and soundest prudence and policy, and overmatch craft and subtlety." "to rob for burnt offerings, and to lie for god, is a greater disservice to his majesty than to rob for rapine or lie for advantage." "as he is overcareful that will not put on his clothes for fear of wearing them out, or use his axe for fear of hurting it, so he gives but an ill account of a healthy body that dares not employ it in a suitable occupation for fear of hurting his health." "improve the opportunity of place, eminence, and greatness to serve god and your country, with all vigilance, diligence, and fidelity." "reputation is not the thing primarily to be looked after in the exercise of virtue, for that is to affect the substance for the sake of the shadow, which is a kind of levity and weakness of mind; but look at virtue and the worth of it, as that which is first desirable, and reputation as a fair and useful accession to it." "take a man that is employed as a statesman or politician, though he have much wisdom and prudence, it commonly degenerates into craft and cunning and pitiful shuffling, without the fear of god; but mingle the fear of almighty god with that kind of wisdom, and it renders it noble and generous and honest and stable." "whatever you do, be very careful to retain in your heart a _habit of religion_, that may be always about you, and keep your heart and life always as in his presence, and tending towards him." we might quote much more of equal value from this treasury of wisdom. the book touches humanity at almost every point, and there is scarcely any lesson, relating to the elements of success in life, which it does not contain. industry, perseverance, self-denial, decision, energy, economy, frugality, thoroughness, magnanimity, courage, fidelity, honesty, principle, and religion,--these, and all other indispensable human qualities, receive careful and just attention. and we repeat, george washington's character was formed upon the basis of those instructions, under the moulding power of a superior mother. mrs. washington descended from a family of distinction among the virginia colonists. mr. paulding says of her: "as a native of virginia, she was hospitable by birthright, and always received her visitors with a smiling welcome. but they were never asked to stay but once, and she always speeded the parting guest by affording every facility in her power. she possessed all those domestic habits and qualities that confer value on women, and had no desire to be distinguished by any titles but those of a good wife and mother." she was a very resolute woman, and exercised the most complete self-control in the presence of danger and difficulties. there was but a single exception to this remark, she was afraid of thunder and lightning. at fifteen years of age she was walking with a young female friend, when they were overtaken by a fearful thunder-shower, and her friend was struck by lightning at her side and instantly killed. the terrible calamity wrought seriously upon her nervous system, and from that time she was unable to control her nerves during a thunder-storm. otherwise she was one of the most fearless and resolute women ever born in virginia. mrs. washington was not regarded as a superstitious woman, yet she had a dream when george was about five years old which so deeply impressed her that she pondered it through life. mr. weems gives it as she told it to a neighbor more than once, as follows: "i dreamt," said the mother of washington, "that i was sitting on the piazza of a large new house, into which we had but lately moved. george, at that time about five years old, was in the garden with his corn-stalk plough, busily running little furrows in the sand, in imitation of negro dick, a fine black boy, with whose ploughing george was so taken that it was sometimes a hard matter to get him to his dinner. and so, as i was sitting on the piazza at my work, i suddenly heard in my dream a kind of roaring noise on the _eastern_ side of the house. on running out to see what was the matter, i beheld a dreadful sheet of fire bursting from the roof. the sight struck me with a horror which took away my strength, and threw me, almost senseless, to the ground. my husband and the servants, as i saw in my dream, soon came up; but, like myself, were so terrified at the sight that they could make no attempt to extinguish the flames. in this most distressing state the image of my little son came, i thought, to my mind, more dear and tender than ever, and turning towards the garden where he was engaged with his little corn-stalk plough, i screamed out twice with all my might, '_george_! _george_!' in a few moments, as i thought, he threw down his mimic plough, and ran to me, saying, '_high! ma! what makes you call so angry! ain't i a good boy? don't i always run to you soon as i hear you call_?' i could make no reply, but just threw up my arms towards the flame. he looked up and saw the house all on fire; but instead of bursting out a-crying, as might have been expected from a child, he instantly _brightened_ up and seemed ready to fly to extinguish it. but first looking at me with great tenderness, he said, '_o ma, don't be afraid! god almighty will help us, and we shall soon put it out_.' his looks and words revived our spirits in so wonderful a manner that we all instantly set about to assist him. a ladder was presently brought, on which, as i saw in my dream, he ran up with the nimbleness of a squirrel and the servants supplied him with water, which he threw on the fire from an _american gourd_. but that growing weaker, the flame appeared to gain ground, breaking forth and roaring most dreadfully, which so frightened the servants that many of them, like persons in despair, began to leave him. but he, still undaunted, continued to ply it with water, animating the servants at the same time, both by his words and actions. for a long time the contest appeared very doubtful; but at length a venerable old man, with a tall cap and an iron rod in his hand, like a lightning-rod, reached out to him a curious little trough, like a _wooden shoe_! on receiving this he redoubled his exertions, and soon extinguished the fire. our joy on the occasion was unbounded. but he, on the contrary, showing no more of transport now than of terror before, looked rather sad at the sight of the great harm that had been done. then i saw in my dream that after some time spent as in deep thought, he called out with much joy, '_well ma, now if you and the family will but consent, we can make a far better roof than this ever was_; a roof of such a _quality_ that, if well _kept together_, it will last forever; but if you take it apart, you will make the house ten thousand times worse than it was before.'" mr. weems adds: "this, though certainly a very curious dream, needs no daniel to interpret it, especially if we take mrs. washington's new house for the young colony government; the fire on its east side for north's civil war; the gourd, which george first employed, for the american three and six months' enlistments; the old man, with his cap and iron rod, for dr. franklin; the _shoe-like_ vessel which he reached to george for the sabot, or wooden-shoed nation, the french whom franklin courted a long time for america; and the new roof proposed by george for a staunch, honest republic, that '_equal government_' which, by guarding alike the welfare of all, ought by all to be so heartily beloved as to _endure forever_." there are many anecdotes told of her which illustrate her character better than plain statement. the death of her husband was a crushing blow to her; yet, on the whole, her christian hope triumphed. friends offered to assist her in the management of her large estate, for all the property left to her children was to be controlled by her until they each one became of age. "no," she answered, "god has put the responsibility upon me by the death of my husband, and i must meet it. he will give me wisdom and strength as i need it." "but it is too much care and labor for a woman," suggested one, thinking that what had required the constant and careful attention of a man could not be added to the cares of a woman, whose hands were full with household duties before. "we can bear more and do more than we think we can when compelled by the force of circumstances," replied mrs. washington. "in ourselves we are weak, and can do but little; but by the help of god we are made equal to the demands of duty." "equal to all that comes within the bounds of reason," responded the relative, intending that it was unreasonable for the mother of five young children, the eldest but eleven years old, to undertake so much. "certainly; and the _demands of duty_ are always within the bounds of reason," answered mrs. washington; "that was what i said. providence has laid this burden of care and labor upon me, and upon no one else. while i shall be very thankful for advice and assistance from my friends, i must not shrink from the cares of this new position." it was in this spirit that mrs. washington took up the additional duties devolved upon her by the sudden death of her husband. in view of this fact, mr. sparks paid her the following just tribute: "in these important duties mrs. washington acquitted herself with great fidelity to her trust, and with entire success. her good sense, assiduity, tenderness, and vigilance overcame every obstacle; and, as the richest reward of a mother's solicitude and toil, she had the happiness to see all her children come forward with a fair promise into life, filling the sphere allotted them in a manner equally honorable to themselves, and to the parent who had been the only guide of their principles, conduct, and habits. she lived to witness the noble career of her eldest son, till, by his own rare merits, he was raised to the head of a nation, and applauded and revered by the whole world. it has been said that there never was a great man, the elements of whose greatness might not be traced to the original characteristics or early influence of his mother. if this be true, how much do mankind owe to the mother of washington?" irving said: "she proved herself worthy of the trust. endowed with plain, direct, good sense, thorough conscientiousness, and prompt decision, she governed her family strictly, but kindly, exacting deference while she inspired affection. george, being her eldest son, was thought to be her favorite, yet she never gave him undue preference; and the implicit deference exacted from him in childhood continued to be habitually observed by him to the day of her death. he inherited from her a high temper and a spirit of command, but her early precepts and example taught him to restrain and govern that temper, and to square his conduct on the exact principles of equity and justice. "tradition gives an interesting picture of the widow, with her little flock gathered round her, as was her daily wont, reading to them lessons of religion and morality out of some standard work. her favorite volume was sir matthew hale's 'contemplations, moral and divine.' the admirable maxims therein contained for outward actions, as well as for self-government, sank deep into the mind of george, and doubtless had a great influence in forming his character. they certainly were exemplified in his conduct throughout life. this mother's manual, bearing his mother's name, mary washington, written with her own hand, was ever preserved by him with filial care, and may still be seen in the archives of mount vernon." when her son first engaged in the war against the french and indians, she appeared to be indifferent to the honor conferred upon him. "you must go at the call of your country, but i regret that it is necessary, george," she said, when he paid her his farewell visit. "may the lord go with you, and preserve you and the country!" "and may he preserve and bless you, whether he preserves me or not!" answered her son. "the perils of war render my return uncertain, to say the least; and it is always wise to be prepared for the worst." "i trust that i am prepared for anything that providence orders," responded mrs. washington, "though it is with pain that i approach this separation. these trying times require great sacrifices of all, and we must make them cheerfully." "victory would not be far away if all possessed that spirit," answered the young commander. "if there is patriotism enough in the country to defend our cause, the country will be saved." that washington himself was deeply affected by this interview, his own tears, when he bade his mother final adieu, bore unmistakable witness. when the news of his crossing the delaware, at a time of great peril and gloom in the land, was brought to her, she exclaimed, raising her hand heavenward, "thank god! thank god for the success!" there appeared to be no recognition of peculiar wisdom and skill on the part of her son, though the friends gathered were full of his praise. "the country is profoundly grateful to your son for his achievements," suggested one; "and the praise of his countrymen knows no bounds." "i have no doubt that george deserves well of his country," mrs. washington replied, "but, my good sir, here is too much flattery." "no flattery at all, but deserved praise," her friend and neighbor retorted. "well, i have no fears about george," she replied. "he will not forget the lessons i have taught him; he will not forget _himself_, though he is the subject of so much praise." after her son had left for cambridge, mass., to take charge of the troops, her son-in-law, mr. fielding lewis, offered to lighten her labors by taking care of her property, or some part of it at least. "no, fielding, it is not necessary; i am competent to attend to it myself," she answered. "i did not question your competency; i only wanted to relieve you of some care," the son-in-law answered. "i understand and appreciate your kindness," she said; "but, nevertheless, i must decline your offer. my friends are all very kind to me, and i feel very grateful, but it is better for me to bear this responsibility as long as i can." after discussing the subject still further, mrs. washington yielded in part to his request; she said: "fielding, you may keep my books in order, as your eyesight is better than mine, but leave the executive management to me." when cornwallis surrendered at yorktown, washington despatched a messenger to convey the glad tidings to his mother at fredericksburg. at once her friends and neighbors called with great enthusiasm to honor her as the mother of the conqueror of england. "bless god!" she exclaimed, on receipt of the news. "the war will now be ended, and peace and independence and happiness bless the country." "your son is the most illustrious general in the world," remarked one. "the nation idolizes him," said another. "the soldiers almost worship him," still another. "the saviour of his country," announced a fourth in jubilant state of mind, desiring, at the same time, to gratify his mother. but none of these lofty tributes to her son afforded her pleasure; they seemed to annoy her by causing her to feel that the divine blessing was overlooked. "we must not forget the great giver, in our joy over the success of our arms," she said. she had never forgotten him. during those six long years of conflict, her hope had been inspired, and her comfort found, at the mercy-seat. daily, during the warm season of the year, she had repaired to a secluded spot near her dwelling to pray for her george and her country. at other seasons of the year she daily remembered them within her quiet home. however gratified she may have been with the honors lavished upon her son, she would not allow herself to honor the creature more than the creator. as soon as possible after the surrender of cornwallis, washington visited his mother at fredericksburg, attended by his splendid suite. the latter were extremely anxious to behold and honor the aged matron, whom their illustrious chief respected and loved so sincerely. on arriving at fredericksburg, he quartered his suite comfortably, and then repaired alone and on foot to see his mother, whom he had not seen for over six years. she met him at the door with feelings we cannot conceive, much less describe. in silence and tears they embraced each other, with that tender, mutual pledge of undying love--a kiss. "god has answered my prayers, george, and i praise him that i see your face again," she said. "yes, my dear mother, god has indeed heard your prayers, and the thought that you were interceding for me at the throne of grace was always an inspiration to me," answered the son. "how changed, george!" the mother remarked, scanning his face closely, and noticing that he had grown old rapidly. "you bear the marks of war." "true, men grow old fast in war," the son replied; "but my health is good, and rest and peace will soon make me as good as new." "for that i shall devoutly pray," mrs. washington responded. for an hour, and more, the conversation continued, the mother making many inquiries concerning his health and future plans, the prospects of peace and prosperity to the country, and kindred subjects; but she did not drop a single word respecting his fame. the inhabitants of fredericksburg and vicinity immediately arranged for a grand military ball in honor of gen. washington and his staff. such an occasion would furnish a favorable opportunity for the members of washington's staff to meet his mother. at that time, as now, it was customary for military and civic leaders to allow their joy over happy occasions to ooze out through their heels. we are unable to explain the phenomenon; but the fact remains, that a ball on a grand scale was planned, to which washington's mother was specially invited. her reply to the flattering invitation was characteristic. "although my dancing days are pretty well over, i shall be most happy to contribute what i can to the general festivity." mrs. washington was then over seventy years of age. it was the gayest assembly ever convened in virginia at that time, and perhaps the occasion was the merriest. gay belles and dignified matrons graced the occasion, arrayed in rich laces and bright brocades, the well preserved relics of scenes when neither national misfortune nor private calamity forbade their use. in addition to washington's staff, many other military officers were present, all gorgeously dressed, contributing largely to the beauty and grandeur of the scene. "but despite the soul-soothing charm of music," says a writer, "the fascinations of female loveliness, and the flattering devotion of the gallant brave, all was eager suspense and expectation, until there entered, unannounced and unattended, the mother of washington, leaning on the arm of her son. "the large audience at once paid their respects to the honored guests, the mother of the chief being the central figure of the occasion. washington presented american and european officers to his mother, who wore the simple but becoming and appropriate costume of the virginia ladies of the olden time, while the sincere congratulations of the whole assembly were tendered to her." the writer just quoted continues: "the european strangers gazed long in wondering amazement upon the sublime and touching spectacle. accustomed to the meretricious display of european courts, they regarded with astonishment her unadorned attire, and the mingled simplicity and majesty for which the language and manners of the mother of washington were so remarkable." when the clock struck nine, the venerable lady arose, and said: "come, george, it is time for old people to be at home." then expressing her gratification at being able to be present on so extraordinary an occasion, and wishing the company much joy, she retired, as she came, leaning on the arm of her son. this picture of beautiful simplicity and absence of pride, in the midst of distinguished honors, contrasts finely with a scene in the life of another great general, napoleon. on one occasion, when napoleon gave audience to famous guests, together with several members of his family, his mother advanced towards him. according to a royal custom, the emperor extended his hand to her to kiss, as he had done when his brothers and sisters approached him. "no," responded his mother; "you are the king, the emperor of all the rest, but you are _my son_." mrs. washington was always actuated by a similar sense of propriety; and her demeanor towards the general seemed to say, "you are my son." and the general accepted that exhibition of maternal dignity and love as proper and honorable. at the close of the revolution, lafayette, before leaving the country, visited mrs. washington at her home. one of her grandsons accompanied him to the house. as they approached, the grandson said, pointing to an old lady in the garden: "there is my grandmother in the garden." "indeed!" answered lafayette. "i am happy to find her able to be out." lafayette saluted her in his cordial way on coming up to her, when she replied: "ah, marquis, you see an old woman; but come, i can make you welcome to my poor dwelling without the parade of changing my dress." "i come to bid you adieu before leaving the country," remarked lafayette, when they were seated in the house. "i desired to see you once more." "i assure you that nothing could afford me more real pleasure than to welcome once more to my home so distinguished a friend of my son and my country," mrs. washington answered. "i congratulate you upon having such a son and such a country," continued lafayette. "i trust that i am grateful for both," mrs. washington replied. "i rejoice with you in your son's well-earned fame," continued the distinguished frenchman, "and i am glad that you have lived to see this day." lafayette proceeded to rehearse the patriotic deeds of washington for his country, growing more and more enthusiastic in his praise as he continued, until finally mrs. washington remarked: "_i am not surprised at what george has done, for he was always a good boy._" washington retired to his home at mount vernon at the close of the war, and earnestly entreated his mother to take up her abode with him. "you are too aged and infirm to live alone," he said, "and i can have no greater pleasure than to have you in my family." "i feel truly grateful for your kindness, george, but i enjoy my mode of life," she answered. "i think it is according to the direction of providence." "it would not be in opposition to providence if you should come to live with me," responded washington with a smile. "nevertheless, i must decline. i thank you from the bottom of my heart for your interest and love, _but i feel fully competent to take care of myself_." that settled the question, and she remained at fredericksburg. when washington was elected president of the united states, he paid a farewell visit to his mother. he was about to depart for the seat of government, which was in new york city. "i would gladly have avoided this responsibility for your sake, as well as mine," remarked washington; "but providence seemed to leave me no way of escape, and i have come to bid you an affectionate farewell." "you are in the way of duty, george, and i have no desire to interpose," his mother answered. "my race is almost run, and i shall never see you again in the flesh." "i hope we shall meet again; though at your great age, and with such a serious disease upon you, the end cannot be far away," replied the son. mrs. washington was then eighty-three years of age, and was suffering from a cancer in the breast. "yes, i am old and feeble, and growing more so every day," continued his mother; "and i wait the summons of the master without fear or anxiety." pausing a moment, as if to control emotion, she added, "go, george, and fulfil the high destiny to which providence calls you; and may god continue to guide and bless you!" at this point let mr. custis speak: "washington was deeply affected. his head rested upon the shoulder of his parent, whose aged arm feebly, yet fondly, encircled his neck. that brow, on which fame had wreathed the purest laurel virtue ever gave to created man, relaxed from its lofty bearing. that look, which would have awed a roman senate in its fabrician day, was bent in filial tenderness upon the time-worn features of the aged matron. he wept. a thousand recollections crowded upon his mind, as memory, retracing scenes long passed, carried him back to the maternal mansion and the days of juvenility, where he beheld that mother, whose care, education, and discipline caused him to reach the topmost height of laudable ambition. yet, how were his glories forgotten while he gazed upon her whom, wasted by time and malady, he should part with to meet no more!" washington never saw his mother again. she died aug. , . her last days were characterized by that cheerful resignation to the divine will for which she was ever distinguished, and she passed away in the triumphs of christian faith. her remains were laid in the burial ground of fredericksburg, in a spot which she selected, because it was situated near the place where she was wont to retire for meditation and prayer. for many years her grave was unmarked by slab or monument; but in , silas e. barrows, esq., of new york city, undertook the erection of a monument at his own expense. on the seventh day of may of that year, president jackson laid the corner-stone in the presence of a great concourse of people. it was estimated that more than fifteen thousand persons assembled to honor the dead. the plan of the monument was pyramidical, and the height of the obelisk forty-five feet. a colossal bust of washington adorned the shaft, surmounted by the american eagle sustaining a civic crown above the hero's head, and with the simple inscription: mary, the mother of washington. from president jackson's eulogy on the interesting occasion, we make the following brief extract: "in the grave before us lie the remains of his mother. long has it been unmarked by any monumental tablet, but not unhonored. you have undertaken the pious duty of erecting a column to her name, and of inscribing upon it the simple but affecting words, 'mary, the mother of washington.' no eulogy could be higher, and it appeals to the heart of every american.... the mother and son are beyond the reach of human applause, but the bright example of paternal and filial excellence which their conduct furnishes cannot but produce the most salutary effects upon our countrymen. let their example be before us from the first lesson which is taught the child, till the mother's duties yield to the course of preparation and action which nature prescribes for him.... "fellow citizens, at your request, and in your name, i now deposit this plate in the spot destined for it; and when the american pilgrim shall, in after ages, come up to this high and holy place, and lay his hand upon this sacred column, may he recall the virtues of her who sleeps beneath, and depart with his affections purified and his piety strengthened, while he invokes blessings upon the mother of washington." john adams wrote to his wife concerning a certain statesman: "in reading history, you will generally observe, when you find a great character, whether a general, a statesman, or a philosopher, some female about him, either in the character of a mother, wife, or sister, who has knowledge and ambition above the ordinary level of women; and that much of his eminence is owing to her precepts, example, or instigation in some shape or other." this remark was remarkably illustrated in the career of washington. he always acknowledged his indebtedness to maternal influence. he could say, with john quincy adams, "such as i have been, whatever it was; such as i am, whatever it is; and such as i hope to be in all futurity, must be ascribed, under providence, to the precepts and example of my mother." historians and poets, statesmen and orators, have ever accorded to the mother of washington a signal influence to determine his character and career. and so universal is this sentiment, that the american people consider that the noblest tribute to her memory is the inscription upon her monument: mary, the mother of washington. vii. young surveyor. "george can make his home with me, now that his school-days are over," said lawrence to his mother, anxious to keep his young brother in his own family at mount vernon. "but i need him more than you do," objected mrs. washington; "you can hardly imagine how i miss him." "so do we miss him when he is not here," responded lawrence. "george is good company, as much so as a man of twenty-five years of age. i want very much that he should make his home with me." "i thought he might be of service to me in running the farm, and, at the same time, pursue his studies by himself," continued mrs. washington. "he can study better with me," suggested lawrence, "because i can assist him as well as not." "there is no doubt of that," replied the mother, "and that is the only reason i can see why he should make his home with you." "there is one other reason, mother, and a good one, too." "what is it?" "he will have a better opportunity to get into business if he lives with me. i have much company, and just the class of men to introduce a capable youth like george into some good pursuit." "there is something in that," responded mrs. washington. "there is much in it every way," added lawrence. "george is now at an age when his plans for life should be forming. he is competent to occupy almost any position that offers, and i can be of real service to him in directing and advising him." there is evidence to believe that lawrence had not wholly abandoned the idea of introducing george into military life. he himself had become a man of influence in the state. he was a member of the house of burgesses, and adjutant-general of his district; a gentleman of acknowledged ability and position. he saw in george the foreshadowing of a distinguished man. he had more exalted ideas than his mother of the boy's ability and promise. if he could have him in his family, he could assist him onward and upward, beyond what would be possible if he remained with his mother. it was finally settled that george should take up his abode with lawrence at mount vernon. we need not say that this decision was congenial to george. he was so strongly attached to lawrence, and enjoyed being at mount vernon so much, that he found great delight in removing thither permanently. it proved to be a very important step in his career, as lawrence prophesied it would be. george had not passed his sixteenth birthday. though still a boy, his views and aims of life were those of a man. he pursued arithmetic and surveying under the direction of his brother, with reference to future manhood. nor was that all. one day lawrence surprised him by the inquiry, "george, how would you like to take lessons in the manual exercise of adjutant muse?" "i should like it," george replied. "it may be of service to you at some future day," lawrence continued. "it will do you no harm, surely." "i am ready for the lessons any time," added george. "i have always had a desire to know something in that line." adjutant muse served with lawrence in the war against the spaniards in the west indies, and he was a competent teacher of the manual exercise. it was arranged that he should instruct george in the art. subsequently, also, lawrence made arrangements with monsieur van braam to instruct george in the _art of fencing_. he had an idea that dexterity in the use of his limbs, as well as fire-arms, would be of future use to him. these facts indicate that lawrence did not expect that his young brother would become a farmer. there is traditional evidence that he stated as much to george, whose military aspirations were nurtured in the mount vernon home. adjutant muse encouraged george to read certain treaties upon the art of war, which he offered to loan him. from these volumes he acquired considerable knowledge of the theory of tactics, and of the evolution of troops. no previous branch of study had enlisted his interest more thoroughly than did these works upon military tactics; and we may easily discover the design of providence to prepare him in this way to act a conspicuous part in the achievement of american independence. at mount vernon george met william fairfax, whose daughter lawrence married. he occupied a valuable estate of his cousin lord fairfax, at belvoir, seven or eight miles from mount vernon. he was an english gentleman of culture and wealth, very much respected by all who knew him. mr. fairfax became very much interested in george, regarding him as a youth of rare, manly virtues. "he is a man already," he remarked to lawrence; "very mature for one of his years." "i think so," lawrence answered, "and i hope the way will be opened for his noblest development." "he must visit us at belvoir; i should delight to have him spend much time in my family," mr. fairfax added. "and i should be pleased to have him," responded lawrence. "he would derive great benefit from it." "my sons and daughters would find him a very genial companion," continued mr. fairfax. "i think the benefit from the society of each other would be mutual." in this way george was introduced to the fairfax family, with whom he spent many of his happiest days and weeks. it was one of the most favorable incidents of his young life when he was welcomed to that family, for there he enjoyed society of culture, where character, and neither wealth nor honors, ranked highest. just at that age he needed the influence of education and cultivated manners, and here he found both with the sons and daughters of mr. fairfax. alternately, between this family at belvoir and his brother's family at mount vernon, he enjoyed a discipline of social intercourse, better for him, in some respects, than even mr. williams's school. at belvoir george met lord fairfax, a relative of william fairfax, recently from england. "he was the owner of immense domains in virginia," says mr. everett. "he had inherited through his mother, the daughter of lord culpepper, the original grantee, a vast tract of land, originally including the entire territory between the potomac and rappahannock rivers." mr. everett says of him further: "lord fairfax was a man of cultivated mind, educated at oxford, the associate of the wits of london, the author of one or two papers in the _spectator_, and an _habitué_ of the polite circles of the metropolis. a disappointment in love is said to have cast a shadow over his after life, and to have led him to pass his time in voluntary exile on his virginia estates, watching and promoting the rapid development of the resources of the country, following the hounds through the primeval forests, and cheering his solitary hours by reading and a limited society of chosen friends." the "love affair" to which mr. everett refers is explained by mr. irving as follows: "in the height of his fashionable career he became strongly attached to a young lady of rank, paid his addresses, and was accepted. the wedding day was fixed; the wedding dresses were provided, together with servants and equipages for the matrimonial establishment. suddenly the lady broke her engagement. she had been dazzled by the superior brilliancy of a ducal coronet. "it was a cruel blow alike to the affection and pride of lord fairfax, and wrought a change in both character and conduct. from that time he almost avoided the sex, and became shy and embarrassed in their society, excepting among those with whom he was connected or particularly intimate. this may have been among the reasons which ultimately induced him to abandon the gay world and bury himself in the wilds of america." lord fairfax was charmed by the appearance of george. "a remarkable lad," he said to his relative, william fairfax; "so manly, so intelligent in knowledge beyond his years." "yet not a mere book-worm," replied william. "no boy likes games and hunting better than he." "a capital horseman, i notice," added the nobleman; "strong and powerful for one of his years. yet he likes books. it seems to me that he is unusually fond of reading." lord fairfax possessed quite a number of valuable books, new and rare to george, who had pored over them with absorbing interest. the nobleman inferred that he must possess an unusual taste for reading, and this was really true. "yes, he generally wants to know what the books he meets with contain," responded william. "he has made the contents of such books as he could reach his own." "i must take him out hunting with me," continued lord fairfax. "he will make a good companion, i imagine." lord fairfax delighted in fox-hunting. in england, before he came to this country, his best sport was found in the fox-hunt. he kept his hounds, and all the accoutrements for the chase, so that he was always prepared for the sport. he found increased pleasure in the pastime after george became his companion in the chase. the latter enjoyed it, too, with a keen relish. it was not altogether new to him; he had been occasionally on such excursions with others. but the english nobleman understood fox-hunting as no one else in virginia did. he had learned it as practised by english lords, who live in baronial style. for this reason george enjoyed the wild sport as he never did before. one day george was surprised by a proposition from lord fairfax. "how would you like to survey my lands for me, george? you appear to understand the business." "i should like nothing better if i can do it to suit you," george answered. "i like surveying." "well, the only way for me to do is to survey my land, and sell it, if i would keep 'squatters' off," added lord fairfax. "squatters" were a class of persons took up their abode upon lands which did not belong to them, without leave or license. "you can do it to suit me, i have no doubt," continued the noble lord, "and i can satisfy you as to pay." "i will confer with lawrence about it," said george; "and i shall want to see my mother, also, i have no doubt but that they will think well of the plan." "that is right," answered lord fairfax. "think it over carefully before you decide. you can undertake the work any time." george was not long in consulting lawrence, nor in securing the approval of his mother. he had frequently been home to see his mother, improving every favorable opportunity to show his filial devotion thereby. on this visit, the prospect of an honorable and remunerative pursuit added interest thereto. having obtained the approval of his mother and lawrence, and formally accepted the proposition of lord fairfax, george set to work in earnest preparation for the task. he would be under the necessity of plunging into the wilderness, where savage beasts and savage men might confront him at almost any time. he must travel on horseback with attendants carrying his outfit at considerable disadvantage, shooting game and catching fish for food, and be absent weeks and possibly months at a time. camping out at night, or finding a lodge in some poor cabin, breasting severe storms, encountering indians, and other new experiences required preparation. george william fairfax, a son of william, accompanied him, together with two or three attendants. a writer describes the heroic boy, then sixteen years of age, as follows: "there he is, a tall, handsome youth, with his right arm thrown across the horse's neck, and his left hand grasping his compass-staff. he is clad in a buck-skin hunting-shirt, with leggings and moccasins of the same material, the simple garb of a backwoods man, and one that well becomes him now, as in perfect keeping with the wildness of the surrounding scenery; while in his broad leathern belt are stuck the long hunting-knife and indian tomahawk. in stature he is much above most youths of the same age. he is of a noble, robust form, with high and strong but smooth features, light brown hair, large blue eyes, not brilliant, but beaming with a clear and steady light, as if a soul looked through them that knew no taint of vice or meanness, and a countenance aglow with truth and courage, modest gentleness, and manly self-reliance." "you must continue to keep your journal," said lawrence; "it will be more valuable than ever to you." george had kept a journal of events and experiences for two or three years, and his brother encouraged him in doing it as valuable discipline. "i intend to do it," answered george, "and i shall take more interest in it because i shall have something worth recording." "twenty or thirty years from now you will put a higher value upon your journal than you do now," added lawrence. "i should recommend every youth to keep a journal." "especially in the woods," responded george, facetiously. "yes, in the woods or out; no boy can afford to lose the discipline of it," rejoined lawrence. "for so simple and easy practice it pays a large interest." "small investments and large income! that is what you mean," remarked george. "exactly; my word for it, you will find it so," added lawrence. that journal has proved of far more value than lawrence predicted. after the lapse of over one hundred and thirty years, we are able to learn from it about the hardships, dangers, and severe labors of his surveying expeditions. a few extracts from letters and journal will afford an insight into that important period of his life. he wrote to one of his friends, after an experience of several months, thus: "your letter gave me the more pleasure, as i received it among barbarians, and an uncouth set of people. since you received my last letter i have not slept above three or four nights in a bed; but after walking a good deal all the day, i have lain down before the fire upon a little hay, straw, fodder, or a bear-skin--whichsoever was to be had--with man, wife, and children, like dogs and cats; and happy is he who gets the berth nearest the fire. nothing would make it pass off tolerably but a good reward. a doubloon[a] is my constant gain every day that the weather will permit my going out, and sometimes six pistoles[b]. the coldness of the weather will not allow of my making a long stay, as the lodging is rather too cold for the time of year. i have never had my clothes off, but have lain and slept in them, except the few nights i have been in fredericksburg." [a] $ . [b] a pistole was $ . the entry in his journal for the third day after he started, in march, , was as follows: "worked hard till night, and then returned. after supper we were lighted into a room; and i, not being so good a woodsman as the rest, stripped myself very orderly, and went into the bed, as they called it, when, to my surprise, i found it to be nothing but a little straw matted together, without sheet or anything else, but only one threadbare blanket, with double its weight of vermin. i was glad to get up and put on my clothes, and lie as my companions did. had we not been very tired, i am sure that we should not have slept much that night. i made a promise to sleep so no more, choosing rather to sleep in the open air before a fire." george commenced operations for lord fairfax early in march, when the mountains were still white with snow, and wintry blasts swept over the plains. the heavy rains of spring had swollen the streams into torrents, so that it was perilous to ford them. of course the hardships of such an expedition were largely increased by the rough, cold weather of the season. abbot says: "the enterprise upon which washington had entered was one full of romance, toil, and peril. it required the exercise of constant vigilance and sagacity. though these wilds may be called pathless still there were here and there narrow trails, which the moccasined foot of the savage had trodden for centuries. they led in a narrow track, scarcely two feet in breadth, through dense thickets, over craggy hills, and along the banks of placid streams or foaming torrents." everett says: "the hardships of this occupation will not be fully comprehended by those who are acquainted with the surveyor's duties only as they are practised in old and thickly settled countries. in addition to the want of accommodation, the service was attended by serious perils. in new countries, of which 'squatters' have begun to take possession, the surveyor is at all times a highly unwelcome visitor, and sometimes goes about his duties at the risk of his life. besides this, a portion of the land traversed by washington formed a part of that debatable land, the disputed right to which was the original moving cause of the 'seven years' war.' the french were already in motion, both from canada and louisiana, to preoccupy the banks of the ohio, and the savages in their interest roamed the intervening country up to the settlements of virginia." another entry in his journal is the following: "rained till about two o'clock, and then cleared up, when we were agreeably surprised at the sight of more than thirty indians, coming from war with only one scalp. we had some liquor with us, of which we gave them a part. this, elevating their spirits, put them in the humor of dancing. we then had a war dance. after clearing a large space, and making a great fire in the middle, the men seated themselves around it, and the speaker made a grand speech, telling them in what manner they were to dance. after he had finished, the best dancer jumped up, as one awakened from sleep, and ran and jumped about the ring in the most comical manner. he was followed by the rest. then began their music, which was performed with a pot half full of water, and a deer skin stretched tight over it, and a gourd with some shot in it to rattle, and a piece of horse's tail tied to it to make it look fine. one person kept rattling and another drumming all the while they were dancing." george had never seen indians in their wigwams until his surveying expedition. he had never witnessed a war dance nor been brought face to face with these red men until he engaged in this pursuit for lord fairfax. the indians were friendly, though it was known that they looked upon the encroachments of the english colonists with suspicion, if not with some bitterness. occasionally a wandering band plundered defenceless families and spread consternation abroad. but such hostile demonstrations were exceptional. "strange must have been the emotions which at times agitated the bosom of this pensive, reflective, heroic boy, as at midnight, far away from the haunts of civilization, in the wigwam of the savage, he listened to the wailings of the storm, interrupted only by the melancholy cry of the night-bird, and the howl of wolves and other unknown beasts of prey. by the flickering light of the wigwam fire, he saw, sharing his couch, the dusky form of the indian hunter, his squaw, and his pappooses." other entries in his journal show that george was compelled to submit to privations that were new and strange to him. "travelled up to solomon hedges', esquire, to-day, one of _his majesty's justices of the peace_, in the county of frederick, where we camped. when we came to supper there was neither a knife on the table nor a fork to eat with; but as good luck would have it, we had knives of our own." george put in italics the words indicated, evidently to call attention to the poverty and degradation of some of "his majesty's justices." he had a high-sounding title to his name, but neither knife nor fork! "april : we camped in the woods, and after we had pitched our tent and made a large fire, we pulled out our knapsacks to recruit ourselves. every one was his own cook. our spits were forked sticks, our plates were large chips. as for dishes, we had none." one "blowing, rainy night," george was startled from a sound sleep by the cry of "fire! fire! fire!" he sprung to his feet half asleep, scarcely knowing what unearthly sound awoke him. "your bed is on fire, george," shouted the same companion. "narrow escape for you." sure enough, george discovered that the straw on which he was lying had taken fire, and, but for the timely warning of his more wakeful companion, he must have been severely burned. his diary contained such items as, "the number of acres in each lot surveyed, the quality of the soil, the height of the hills, the growth of plants and trees, the extent of the valleys, and the length, breadth, and course of the streams." on these various topics he reported to his employer, furnishing him thereby the necessary data on which to base a judgment on sale of land. mr. sparks, speaking of the thoroughness of his work as a surveyor, says, "nor was his skill confined to the more simple processes of the art. he used logarithms, and proved the accuracy of his work by different methods. the manuscripts fill several quires of paper, and are remarkable for the care with which they were kept, the neatness and uniformity of the handwriting, the beauty of the diagrams, and a precise method and arrangement in copying out tables and columns of figures. these particulars will not be thought too trivial to be noticed when it is known he retained similar habits through life. his business papers, day-books, ledgers, and letter-books, in which, before the revolution, no one wrote but himself, exhibit specimens of the same studious care and exactness. every fact occupies a clear and distinct place." mr. everett says: "he soon became distinguished for the accuracy of his surveys, and obtained the appointment of a public surveyor, which enabled him to enter his plans as legally valid in the county offices. the imperfect manner in which land surveys at that time were generally executed led in the sequel to constant litigation; but an experienced practitioner in the western courts pronounced in after years that, of all the surveys which had come within his knowledge, those of washington could alone be depended upon." mr. weems mentions george's connection with the family of widow stevenson, with whom he made headquarters while surveying frederick county, which was then very large, embracing what is now berkeley, jefferson, and shenandoah counties. she had seven sons, william, valentine, john, hugh, dick, james, and mark, all stalwart fellows. these seven young men, in herculean size and strength, were equal, perhaps, to any seven sons of any one mother in christendom. this was a family exactly to george's mind, because promising him an abundance of that manly exercise in which he delighted. "come," said valentine, "let us go out to the green, and see who the best man is." the "green" was an extended level field in front of the house, a nice spot for jumping, wrestling, and other sports. by a trial to see which was "the best man," valentine meant to see who would excel in these athletic exercises. "agreed," responded george, "i am tired enough to go to bed, but it always rests me to test my strength." it was just at night, and george had just come in from a trip of several days. he came around to mrs. stevenson's as often as he could, though he camped in the woods at night most of the time. "that is so with me," said dick. "i sleep better after an _indian hug_, or a few long leaps, or a hard run." "provided you beat," suggested john. "i don't believe that it contributes much to your sleep when you are worsted." "don't sleep so soundly, perhaps," replied dick, humorously. "it would give me a pretty long nap to lay george on his back." "yes, i think it would," retorted george. "perhaps you would never wake up, you would be so happy and that would be a great pity." "well, come," urged william, who had been a close listener, "let us see what we can do. it will get to be dark while we are talking." and so they hurried away to the "green" for sport. this was done again and again during his stay with the stevensons. mr. weems says: "here it was that george, after a hard day's toil at surveying, like a young greek training for the olympic games, used to turn out with his sturdy young companions, '_to see_,' as they termed it, '_which was the best man_' at running, jumping, and wrestling. and so keen was their passion for these sports, and so great their ambition to out-do one another, that they would often keep them up, especially on moon shining nights, till bed-time. mrs. stevenson's sons, though not taller than george, were much heavier men; so that at wrestling, and particularly at the _close_ or _indian hug_, he seldom gained much matter of triumphs. but in all trials of agility, they stood no chance with him." mr. weems continues: "from these frederick county gymnastics there followed an effect which shows the very wide difference between participating in innocent and guilty pleasures. while companions in raking and gambling heartily despise and hate one another, and when they meet in the streets pass each other with looks cold and shy as sheep-thieving curs, these virtuous young men, by spending their evenings together in innocent and manly exercises, contracted a friendship which lasted for life. when george, twenty-five years after this, was called to lead the american armies, he did not forget his old friends, but gave commissions to all of them who chose to join the army. william, who was as brave a man as ever shouldered a musket, was advanced as high as the rank of colonel, when he was burned to death by the indians at sandusky. and equally cordial was the love of these young men for george, of whom they ever spoke as of a brother." when washington had attained his highest honors, and the war of independence was over, the stevensons loved to rehearse their runnings and wrestlings with him. said hugh exultingly to some friends: "brother john and i have often laid the conqueror of england on his back." "but we were no match for him in running and jumping," honestly retorted john. it was george's thorough survey and glowing description of a region beyond the blue ridge that induced lord fairfax to erect a costly stone mansion there for his trans-atlantic home. he called it greenaway court, and it became one of the most beautiful and attractive estates in virginia, where the proprietor lived in an expensive style, dispensing a generous hospitality. it was at greenaway court that george first read the history of england. george's success as a surveyor for lord fairfax called the attention of the virginia authorities to him, and he was appointed public surveyor, as stated by mr. everett, whom we have quoted, deriving a discipline therefrom which was of great service to him in his future public career. the business, also, made him familiar with the country, particularly the shenandoah valley, which means "shining daughter of the stars," so that he was able to invest money afterwards to great advantage in real estate. that george did not forget his "lowland beauty," even after his pleasant connection with the fairfax family, is quite evident from one of his letters to an old companion, as follows: dear robin:--as it is the greatest mark of affection and esteem which absent friends can show each other to write and often communicate their thoughts, i shall endeavor from time to time to acquaint you with my situation and employments in life. and i could wish you would take half the pains to send me a letter by any opportunity, as you may be well assured of its meeting with a welcome reception. my place at present is at lord fairfax's, where i might, were i disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there is a very agreeable young lady in the house, colonel george fairfax's wife's sister. but that only adds fuel to the fire, as being often and unavoidably in her company revives my former passion for your lowland beauty; whereas, were i to live more retired from young ladies, i might in some measure alleviate my sorrow, by burying that chaste and troublesome passion in oblivion; and i am very well assured that this will be the only antidote or remedy. providence was sending him to a noble destiny. we can trace the divine discipline all through the privations and responsibilities of his life as surveyor. god was preparing him for the revolution of . mr. frost, one of his biographers, says: "the business of practical surveying undoubtedly formed a very important part of washington's preparation for the office of military commander. it not only hardened and invigorated the already robust frame, but it educated his eye, and accustomed him to judge respecting distances, and advantages of position. by making him an able civil engineer, it laid the foundation of his future eminence in a military capacity. it was more immediately advantageous to him by procuring for him the acquaintance of the principal landholders of the state, and by making known to them his remarkable judgment, good-sense, and ability in the conduct of affairs. the effect of this last circumstance was seen in his appointment, at the age of nineteen, to the office of adjutant-general, with the rank of major. this gave him the charge of a district, with the duty of exercising the militia, inspecting their arms, and superintending their discipline." lord fairfax loved him with the love of a father, but he did not dream that he was becoming the benefactor of england's conqueror. mr. weems says: "little did the old gentleman expect that he was educating a youth who should one day dismember the british empire, and break his own heart, which truly came to pass; for on hearing that washington had captured cornwallis and all his army, he called out to his black servant, 'come, joe, carry me to my bed, for it is high time for me to die.'" viii. military honors. "there is a chance for you, george, in the reorganization of the militia," remarked lawrence, who was personally interested in a movement to improve the soldiery of virginia. "what chance?" george asked. "for an appointment as my successor. the state of my health makes my resignation necessary, and you are competent to take charge of my district." "my youth will prevent that." "not necessarily. youth will not weigh so much against you as a competency will do for you. qualifications for the place is what the authorities will require." "and their attention will naturally be directed to older men, who are well known," suggested george. "but i propose to present your claims, when i forward my resignation, myself," continued lawrence. "you have enjoyed superior opportunities to fit you for such a position; and for the appointing power to know your qualifications is to secure to you the place." "what will be my duties if i get the appointment?" inquired george. "you will be adjutant-general, with the rank of major, and will have charge of the militia in the district. you will have to drill them at stated times, inspect their arms, and make their organization as thorough as possible." "and give all my time to the work?" "no, not all your time will be required. it is no small responsibility to assume, however; but you are equal to it, and it will be a grand school for you. you will have a salary of one hundred and fifty pounds, and you will be held responsible for the efficiency of the militia." "i don't know about taking so much responsibility upon myself," responded george, whose modest estimate of his own abilities was one of his virtues. "experience is indispensable for such a position, it seems to me, and i have not had experience." "well, we will see what can be done," added lawrence. "i have made up my mind to intercede for you as my successor, as the best qualified of any man i know in this district for the position. i may fail, but i shall try." lawrence accomplished his purpose in due time, and george was appointed to the command of the militia in the district, although he was but nineteen years of age. no difficulty was experienced in securing the position for him, for his exploits in the role of surveyor were well known. his character and ability had also given him considerable public notoriety for one of his years. lawrence was in feeble health at this time. pulmonary troubles had been gradually undermining his constitution for two or three years, although he continued to serve the colony in public relations. winter was approaching, and his physician advised a change of climate. the severity of another virginia winter might prove too much for him. "if i go to barbadoes you must go with me," said lawrence to george. "it will not be necessary for you to enter upon your new duties as commander of the district until spring." "then your wife will not go," answered george, inferring that his services would be required because hers could not be had. "no; she will not be able to go, and i cannot think of going alone." "well, i shall be very willing to go," continued george, "and think i shall enjoy the change. that you need to escape from the virginia winter is very evident. you are not as well as you were six months ago." "no one can be so conscious of that as myself," remarked lawrence, with a degree of sadness that pierced george's heart. "i have failed very fast within the last three months, and i sometimes doubt whether a change of climate will do me any good." "perhaps your view of the case is too gloomy," suggested george, whom we ought to call _major_ washington now, but will not at present. "i believe that the foreign air will put new life into you." "that is what i need," responded lawrence, "for the old life within me is rapidly dying out. i must get new strength from some source, or my days are numbered." lawrence was very much depressed at this time, and he was also peevish and difficult to please. george could manage him better than any one else, except his wife, for the reason that his confidence in his young brother was unbounded. the latter knew how to encourage the sick man without concealing from him his true condition. lawrence was certainly in a very critical state of health, and his physician had so announced to his friends. george was alarmed about his brother, although he was confident that a winter in barbadoes would put him in the way of complete restoration. it was settled that they should spend the winter in barbadoes, and hasty preparations were made for the voyage. george had accepted his appointment, but, now arranged to enter upon the duties of the office after his return. he was glad to be able to accompany his brother to a more favorable clime. we have not space to record their experience abroad in detail. it will answer our purpose to record the fact that a change of climate did not improve lawrence washington. on the whole, he continued to fail, so that he returned to virginia late in the spring of , a weaker and less happy man. his sojourn in a warmer country through the winter and spring months proved that he was beyond hope of recovery. george had one experience in barbadoes that we must record. he was attacked by the small-pox with considerable severity, occasioning much anxiety to lawrence. however, he rallied from the attack more rapidly than was expected, his good physical condition enabling him to resist disease as weaker ones cannot. but he carried the marks of the loathsome disease through life. george kept a journal when abroad, as he had done at home, and the entries concerning the small-pox are as follows: "nov. , .--this morning received a card from major clarke, welcoming us to barbadoes, with an invitation to breakfast and dine with him. we went--myself with some reluctance, as the small-pox was in the family. we were received in the most kind and friendly manner by him." that he took the small-pox when on this friendly visit is evident from the entry in his journal for nov. , as follows: "was strongly attacked with the small-pox. sent for dr. lanahan, whose attendance was very constant till my recovery and going out, which were not till thursday, the th of december." we ought to state that in february of , as there was no perceptible improvement in lawrence, dr lanahan decided that he should remove to bermuda in the early spring. this would prolong his stay, and it was agreed that george should return to virginia, and accompany mrs. washington and children to bermuda, where she would meet her husband. george returned, reaching mount vernon about the st of april. but lawrence continued to fail in health, which modified his plans, so that he relinquished the idea of going to bermuda, preferring rather to return to his native land and die. his wife remained at home to await his coming, about the st of june. he lived but six or seven weeks after reaching mount vernon, and died on the th of july, at the age of thirty-four. conscious that his speedy death was inevitable, he made every arrangement necessary for the sad change. he had large possessions, which he left to his wife and only child, though he showed his strong attachment to george by a liberal legacy. in the event of his child's death, the mount vernon estate would revert to george. the child did not long survive, whereupon this valuable estate came into george's possession. although he was but twenty years old when his brother died, he was the chief executor of his will. mr. everett says of him: "george was appointed one of the executors of his will, by which, in the event of the daughter's decease, mount vernon was bequeathed to him. although the youngest of the executors, in consequence of his more thorough knowledge of his brother's affairs, the responsible management of his extensive estates devolved upon him. he did not, however, allow these private engagements to interfere with his public duties. as the probability of a collision on the frontier increased, greater attention was paid to the military organization of the province. on the arrival of governor dinwiddie from england in , it was divided into four military districts, and washington's appointment was renewed as adjutant-general of the northern division, in which several counties were included. the duties devolving upon him under this commission, in attending the reviews of the militia and superintending their exercises, were performed with a punctuality and zeal, which rapidly drew towards him the notice and favor of the community." on the th of november, , george was initiated into the masonic lodge of "free and accepted masons" at fredericksburg, and on the third of march following, he was advanced to the second degree of fellowcraft, and on the th of august next after, he was made a master mason. governor dinwiddie's renewal of george's commission on his return, imposed immediate military duties upon him. the organization and drilling of the militia, inspection of their arms and accoutrements, together with other duties, made a large draft upon his thoughts and labors. still, he found time to be with his brother lawrence during his declining moments, and was with him when he died, performing the last deeds of fraternal love in a manner that honored his noble nature. there was a growing excitement now about the encroachments of the french, and the colonists began to feel that their rights and honor were at stake. it was quite evident that the french designed to gain ascendency in north america, while the english considered that their claim to its rule was pre-eminent. the french had established a line of military fortified posts from canada to the southern part of the mississippi, and they were fast securing a foothold in the beautiful valley of the ohio. the english said: "england discovered this country fifty years ago, and has a better right to it than the french have." france denied this claim, because "her ships were the first which entered the river st. lawrence, and her voyagers, ascending the magnificent stream, discovered that series of majestic lakes, whose fertile shores presented inviting homes for countless millions. her enterprising explorers, in the birch canoe, travelled the solitary windings of the ohio and the mississippi." at the same time the indians justly claimed right and title to the whole country as the aboriginal inhabitants. both english and french might purchase it, or portions of it, of them, but in no other way could they gain possession of it without becoming interlopers and robbers. so here was a fine opportunity for trouble. a keen, quick-witted chief, assuming to ridicule the claims of the english and french, sarcastically said to mr. gist, a representative of the virginian colonists: "whereabouts do the indian lands lie, since the french claim all the land on one side of the ohio river and the english all on the other?" governor dinwiddie found it necessary to send an ambassador to the french on the ohio, to inquire into their claims and purposes. "it is a responsible and perilous undertaking," he said to mr. gist. "who is equal to it?" "i am sure i cannot tell," mr. gist replied. "there ought to be in this famous colony some spirit brave enough to accept the mission, and fully competent to execute it." "yes; but who is it?" "i am unable to answer." "but we must find him," continued the governor. "the time has fully come for virginia to defend the rights of great britain." "there can be no doubt about that," replied mr. gist; "but who will endure the hardships and risk his life on a mission to the ohio is more than i can tell." a writer says of the project: "it was indeed a perilous enterprise; one from which the noblest spirit might recoil. the first garrison which could be reached was on the ohio river, about one hundred and twenty miles below the point where pittsburg now stands. here the french were erecting a strong fortress, to which the indians resorted for trade. there was an intervening wilderness, from the settlements in virginia, to be traversed, of pathless forests, gloomy morasses, craggy mountains, and almost impenetrable thickets, of nearly six hundred miles. bands of savages on the war-path or engaged in the hunt were ever ranging these wilds. many were exasperated by wrongs which they themselves had received, and of which they had heard, inflicted by the white men. the indians in all these northwest regions had welcomed the french as brothers, and truly fraternal relationship existed between them; and they had nearly all learned to hate the english.... it would be very easy for the french so to arrange matters, that a band of savages should massacre and plunder the party of the commissioners, in the depths of the forest, under such circumstances that it would necessarily be regarded as merely a savage outrage." in these circumstances, governor dinwiddie found it difficult to secure a responsible party to accept the commission. he offered it to certain men in whom he had great confidence, but all of them declined. at length, however, major washington, as we will call george now, waited upon the governor, and surprised him by saying: "i have come, governor dinwiddie, to offer my services as commissioner to ohio. if you consider me competent for the position, i will accept it, and do the best i can." "certainly you are competent for this business," answered the governor, "and you are as brave as you are competent. it is a perilous undertaking, and may cost you your life." "i understand that," responded the major; "and i have come to this decision after weighing well the difficulties and dangers. my occupation as surveyor has inured me to hardships, and given me some acquaintance with indian life and character." "that is true," remarked the governor, who was familiar with young washington's success in surveying, as well as with his knowledge of military affairs, "and that experience will be of great value on such a mission as this. i will appoint you commissioner at once, with full powers to plan and perform the expedition." "and what are your wishes about the time of starting?" inquired washington. "as soon as your preparations can be consummated," governor dinwiddie answered. "winter is near by, and the sooner you can start the better." "i can be ready within a few days," replied washington, his answer furnishing a good illustration of his promptness. "just as you please; the whole responsibility is with you, and i will forward your commission as soon as possible," the governor said. we are able to furnish the commission under which washington acted on that important mission, as follows: i, reposing especial trust in the ability, conduct, and fidelity of you, the said george washington, have appointed you my express messenger; and you are hereby authorized and empowered to proceed hence, with all convenient and possible despatch, to that part or place on the river ohio where the french have lately erected a fort or forts, or where the commandant of the french forces resides, in order to deliver my letter and message to him; and, after waiting not exceeding one week for an answer, you are to take leave and return immediately back. to this commission i have set my hand, and caused the great seal of this dominion to be affixed, at the city of williamsburg, the seat of my government, this thirtieth day of october, in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of king george the second, king of great britain, annoque domini, . robert dinwiddie. the news of washington's voluntary offer to act as commissioner to the french on the ohio was received with great satisfaction by the colonists. they took occasion both in public and private to extol his bravery and unselfishness. to a less humble and modest young man the enthusiastic demonstration in his honor would have proved too flattering; but no amount of such praise could develop vanity in washington. hastily he prepared for the expedition. when ready to start, the company consisted of eight persons, as follows: washington; christopher gist; john davidson, an interpreter for the indians; jacob van braam, his old fencing-master, who could speak french; henry steward and william jenkins, experienced "woodsmen;" and two indian guides, barnaby currin and john mcquire. mr. gist was eminently qualified for the post given to him; for having made a settlement between the northwestern ridge of the alleghanies and monongahela river, he had often traversed the country, and was well acquainted with the habits of the indians in the neighborhood through which their route lay. before starting upon this perilous mission, washington paid a flying visit to his mother, who was dearer to him than any other living person. the announcement that he was to proceed to the ohio at once filled her with alarm at first, and she thoroughly regretted that he had assumed the responsibility. however, she took a favorable view of the enterprise, and said: "it is a very responsible trust to be committed to one of your age, george, but god will give you wisdom and watch over you, if you commit your ways to him. my prayers shall not cease to go up for your success and return." with such emotions as unfeigned filial love creates, washington parted from his mother. the following is a copy of the letter which washington carried from governor dinwiddie to the french commander on the ohio: sir:--the lands upon the river ohio, in the western parts of the colony of virginia, are so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of great britain, that it is a matter of equal concern and surprise to me to hear that a body of french forces are erecting fortresses and making settlements upon that river, within his majesty's dominions. the _many_ and _repeated_ complaints i have received of these acts of _hostility_ lay me under the necessity of sending, in the name of the king, my master, the bearer hereof, george washington, esq., one of the adjutants-general of the forces of this dominion, to complain to you of the encroachments thus made, and of the injuries done to the subjects of great britain, in violation of the law of nations, and the treaties now subsisting between the two crowns. if these facts be true, and you think fit to justify your proceedings, i must desire you to acquaint me by whose authority and instructions you have lately marched from canada with an armed force, and invaded the king of great britain's territories, in the manner complained of; that, according to the purpose and resolution of your answer, i may act agreeably to the commission i am honored with, from the king, my master. however, sir, in obedience to my instructions, it becomes my duty to require your peaceable departure; and that you will forbear prosecuting a purpose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding which his majesty is desirous to continue and cultivate with the most christian king. robert dinwiddie. ix. mission to the french. washington left williamsburg on the thirty-first day of october, . he proceeded to fredericksburg, where van braam joined him, thence to alexandria and winchester for supplies and horses, but did not arrive at will's creek, where mr. gist and others of the party were found, until nov. . "now we must depend on you, mr. gist, to pilot us through the wilderness," said washington. "my knowledge of the way ends about where yours begins, i suspect; so we shall commit ourselves to your care." "well, i shall take a straight course to frazier's, on the monongahela river," answered gist. "and who is frazier?" inquired washington. "he is an indian trader, who lives at the mouth of turtle creek." "well acquainted with the country, i suppose he is," suggested washington. "he ought to be, for he has been at his business several years, and is an intelligent, responsible man." "such a man as we need to see, i should think," continued washington; "so i agree to follow you to frazier's without a single objection." "a storm is brewing, and will soon be upon us," said mr. gist. "i fear that a hard time awaits us." "i expect as much as that," replied washington. "such a journey as we propose can be no child's play at any season of the year." that a storm impeded their progress is quite evident from washington's journal: "the excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fallen prevented our reaching mr. frazier, the indian trader's, until thursday, the d." "the french general is dead," was the first announcement of mr. frazier, on learning the object of the expedition. "what!" exclaimed washington, "general pierre paul?" "yes; messengers have been sent to the indian traders down the river announcing his death, and the return of the major part of the army into winter quarters," answered frazier. "a sudden death, no doubt, and it must necessitate some change in the present plans of the french," remarked washington. "doubtless," replied frazier. "he died on the twenty-ninth day of october, nearly a month ago. it will not affect your business, however." "no; but this torrent will," answered washington, alluding to the impassable waters of the monongahela, which the rains had swollen to a flood. "no crossing here except by swimming the horses." "and that will be hardly advisable," rejoined frazier, "since you can take your baggage down to the fork of the ohio in a canoe." "a good suggestion," said washington. "can you provide me with a canoe?" "fortunately i can, and shall be glad to render you any other assistance possible. it is ten miles to the fork, and you will reach there with the horses before the canoe with the baggage." washington engaged the canoe, loaded the baggage upon it, and sent currin and steward down the river with it, while he went with the horses and the rest of the party by land. he arrived at the fort in advance of the canoe, and improved the time to visit shingiss, king of the delawares, a warrior who had been a terror to the english on the frontier, though he was now their friend. shingiss received washington in a friendly manner, though with manifest reserve. when he learned what was the object of his mission, and that an indian council was proposed at logstown, his friendliness grew into cordiality, and he promised not only to be present at the council, but to accompany washington and his party thither. they arrived at logstown on the evening of nov. . washington inquired for tanacharisson, the half-king, and found that he was out at his hunting cabin on little beaver creek, fifteen miles away. tanacharisson was called half-king because his authority was subject to that of the five nations. as the half-king was absent, he repaired to monacatoocha, with john davidson, his indian interpreter, and informed him that he was sent a messenger to the french general, and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the six nations to acquaint them with it. "i gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco," says washington in his journal, "and desired him to send for the half-king, which he promised to do by a 'runner' in the morning, and for other sachems. i invited him and the other great men present to my tent, where they stayed about an hour, and returned." at this place washington met four frenchmen who had deserted from a company at kuskuskas, an indian town on big beaver creek, pennsylvania. through van braam, he inquired: "where do you hail from now?" "from new orleans. we were sent with a hundred men and eight canoe loads of provisions to this place, where we expected to meet as many more men from the forts on this side of lake erie, to convey them and the stores up." "what about the french forts near new orleans?" "there are four small forts between new orleans and twigtwies," one of the frenchmen said. "and how many men?" washington asked. "about forty, and a few pieces of artillery." "what is there at new orleans?" "a large fort at the mouth of the mississippi, with thirty-five companies of forty men each." "how many guns does the fort mount?" "eight carriage guns." "quite a formidable affair," remarked washington. "with courage and skill to correspond they can withstand quite a siege; and what is there at twigtwies?" "several companies, and a fort mounting six guns." "and is that all?" "not exactly. there is a small fort on the ohio, at the mouth of the obaish (wabash), garrisoned by a few men." the information he gathered from these men was valuable to him and the virginia authorities. as soon as the half-king returned, washington called upon him with his interpreter, making known his business, and inviting him to his own tent. the chief cordially accepted the invitation, and he accompanied him on his return. "i understand that you have visited the french commander, to whom i am going," remarked washington, "and perhaps you can give me some information about the ways and distance." "the nearest and levelest way," answered the half-king, "is now impassable on account of many deep and miry savannas." "then we must adopt the next best way," suggested washington. "yes; and that is by the way of venango, at the confluence of french creek and the alleghany," said tanacharisson. "how great is the distance?" "you cannot get to the nearest fort in less than five or six nights' sleep, good travelling." "how were you received at the fort?" continued washington, anxious to make the most of his informant. "general pierre paul was alive then, and he received me sternly," replied the chief. "in what way did he show his sternness?" washington asked. "by his abrupt inquiry, 'what did you come here about?' and he ordered me, in an insolent way, to declare my business." "and what did you tell him?" urged washington. "i made this speech to him," the half-king answered with a smile; and he proceeded to rehearse his address to the french commander. as washington preserved the speech of tanacharisson, together with the french general's reply, we furnish the remainder of the interview from that valuable document: "fathers, i am come to tell you your own speeches, what your own mouths have declared. "fathers, you, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it,--to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another; and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, i here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, i desire you may use it upon me as well as others. "now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. "fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago at a place called montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. i now desire you may dispatch to that place; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land, and not yours. "fathers, i desire you may hear me in civilness; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of obstreperous. if you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers, the english, we would not have been against your trading with us as they do; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. "fathers, both you and the english are white; we live in a country between; therefore the land belongs to neither one nor the other. but the great being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us; so, fathers, i desire you to withdraw, as i have done our brothers, the english; for i will keep you at arm's length. i lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. our brothers, the english, have heard this, and i come now to tell it to you, for i am not afraid to discharge you off this land." this, he said, was the substance of what he spoke to the general, who made this reply: "'now, my child, i have heard your speech; you spoke first, but it is my time to speak now. where is my wampum that you took away with the marks of towns on it? this wampum i do not know, which you have discharged me off the land with; but you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for i will not hear you. i am not afraid of flies or mosquitoes, for indians are such as those; i tell you down that river i will go, and build upon it, according to my command. if the river was blocked up, i have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition, together with their alliances, for my force is as the sand upon the seashore; therefore, here is your wampum. i sling it at you. child, you talk foolish; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. i saw that land sooner than you did; before the shannoahs and you were at war. lead was the man who went down and took possession of that river. it is my land, and i will have it, let who will stand up for or say against it. i will buy and sell with the english (mockingly). if people will be ruled by me they may expect kindness, but not else.' "the half-king told me he had inquired of the general after two englishmen who were made prisoners, and received this answer: "'child, you think it a very great hardship that i made prisoners of those two people at venango. don't you concern yourself with it; we took and carried them to canada, to get intelligence of what the english were doing in virginia.' "he informed me that they had built two forts; one on lake erie, and another on french creek, near a small lake, about fifteen miles asunder, and a large wagon-road between. they are both built after the same model, but different in size, that on the lake the largest. he gave me a plan of them of his own drawing." the indians inquired very particularly after their brothers in carolina jail. they also asked what sort of a boy it was who was taken from the south branch, for they were told by some indians that a party of "french indians had carried a white boy by kuskheskia town, towards the lakes." the indian council which washington convened, assembled at nine o'clock, on the twenty-sixth day of november, and he made the following speech to the rude children of the forest: "brothers, i have called you together in council, by order of your brother, the governor of virginia, to acquaint you that i am sent with all possible despatch to visit and deliver a letter to the french commandant of very great importance to your brothers, the english, and i dare say to you, their friends and allies. "i was desired, brothers, by your brother, the governor, to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best road to the french. you see, brothers, i have gotten thus far on my journey. "his honor likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way, and be a safe-guard against those french indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. i have spoken thus particularly to you, brothers, because his honor, our governor, treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. to confirm what i have said, i give you this string of wampum." the sachems listened to this speech with profound attention, noting every word; and when major washington concluded, they conferred together for some time, when tanacharisson arose, and replied: "now, my brother, in regard to what my brother, the governor, had desired of me, i return you this answer: "i rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers and one people. we shall put heart in hand, and speak to our fathers, the french, concerning the speech they made to me; and you may depend that we will endeavor to be your guard. "brother, as you have asked my advice, i hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until i can provide a company to go with you. the french speech belt is not here; i have to go for it to my hunting cabin. likewise, the people whom i have ordered in are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this; until which time, brother, i must beg you to stay. i intend to send the guard of rincoes, shannoahs, and delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them." washington replied to the half-king: "brother, your offer is a very generous one, for which i heartily thank you; but my orders are to make all possible despatch, so that i am obliged to leave, much against my inclination. my business requires the greatest expedition, and will not admit of so much delay." "we are sorry for this decision, brother," continued tanacharisson; "but we shall not permit you to go without a guard, lest some accident befall you, and, in consequence, reflection be cast upon us. besides, this is a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered into without due consideration; for i intend to deliver up the french speech belt, and make the shannoahs and delawares do the same." accordingly the half-king gave orders to the king shingiss, who was present, to attend on wednesday night with the wampum, and two men of their nation to be in readiness to set out with washington and his party in the morning. but washington did not leave as he designed, because he found that the sachems would be greatly offended if he did. his journal says: "i found it was impossible to go off without offending them in the most egregious manner." the entry in his journal for the next day, nov. , is: "runners were despatched very early for the shannoah chiefs. the half-king himself set out to fetch the french speech belt from his hunting cabin." on the following evening, nov. , tanacharisson returned with the french speech belt, and came to washington's tent in company with monacatoocha and two other sachems. "an indian from venango," said monacatoocha, "has brought news that the french have called all the mingoes, delawares, and several other tribes together, and told them that they intended to have been down the river this fall, but the waters were growing cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to go into quarters, but that they might assuredly expect them in the spring with a far greater number, and requested them to remain passive, and not inter-meddle unless they had a mind to draw all their force upon them, for that they expected to fight the english three years, in which time they should conquer; but that if they should prove equally strong, the french and the english would join to cut them all off and divide the land between them; that, though they had lost their general and some few of their soldiers, yet there were men enough to reinforce them, and make them masters of the ohio." washington inquired concerning the reliability of this information, and was told that "one captain joncaire, their interpreter-in-chief, living at venango, and a man of note in the army, delivered the speech to us." on the next morning, the half-king and monacatoocha appeared very early at washington's tent, and besought him to wait another day. "we have used all diligence possible, but the shannoah chiefs have not brought the wampum ordered, but will be here to-night," the half-king said. "if they should not come in to-night, we will not delay you another day, but will send it after you as soon as it arrives." washington yielded to their request, giving the reason in his journal thus: "when i found them so pressing in their request, and knew that the returning of wampum[c] was the abolishing of agreements, and giving this up was shaking off all dependence upon the french, i consented to stay, as i believed an offence offered at this crisis might be attended with greater ill-consequence than another day's delay." [c] small beads made of shells, used for money. washington's journal continues: "in the evening, late, they came again, and acquainted me that the shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it should not retard the prosecution of our journey. he delivered in my hearing the speech that was to be made to the french by jeskakake, one of their old chiefs, which was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked for, and repeating nearly the same speech he himself had done before. "he also delivered a string of wampum to this chief, which was sent by king shingiss, to be given to kustalogo, with orders to repair to the french and deliver up the wampum. "he likewise gave a very large string of black and white wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the six nations, if the french refused to quit the land at this warning, which was the third and last time, and was the right of this jeskakake to deliver." on the evening before washington left the place, the great men of the indians assembled at their council-house, to discuss the journey, and decide who should go. the result was, that, instead of the numerous convoy promised, they concluded to send but three of their chiefs and one famous hunter. when the company were ready to start, about nine o'clock, on the morning of nov. , and washington found that his escort consisted only of the half-king, jeskakake, white thunder, and the hunter, he said to tanacharisson: "brother, how is this? this is not the complete guard you promised me." "very true, brother," answered the half-king, "but be assured there is no intention to be untrue. when we conferred together last night it was thought so large a number might give the french suspicions of evil designs, and cause them to treat us rudely." the journey was resumed, and proved very wearisome on account of stormy weather and hard traveling. they reached venango, seventy miles distant, on the fourth day of december. venango was situated at the mouth of french creek, on the ohio. seeing the french colors flying from the house of mr. john frazier, an english subject, whom they had driven from his house, washington repaired thither at once, to inquire where the commander of the french forces resided. he found three officers there, one of whom, captain joncaire, of whom monacatoocha had spoken, said: "i command the french now." washington had made known his business, whereupon captain joncaire referred him to an officer in another fort farther on. "but you will stop and dine with us?" said the captain in a very cordial manner. "we shall feel honored by your company." washington accepted the invitation, which turned to his advantage beyond his expectations; for the french officers imbibed so much wine that they became talkative, as well as communicative, and imparted information which they would have withholden when sober. "the french design to take possession of the ohio." said one of the tipsy officers, "and they will do it in spite of all opposition. we know that the english can raise two men to our one, but they are so mortal slow that we can accomplish our object while they are getting ready. the french have an undoubted right to this river, and they will maintain it." washington appreciated his opportunity to gain information, and he plied his inquiries for that purpose. he learned that the french had about fifteen hundred men between that place and lake ontario, but that all except six hundred of them were recalled after the death of general pierre paul. he learned, also, the number of forts the french had erected, and where situated, together with the number of men required to garrison each. hence, the information acquired was worth much more than his dinner. x. french mission--(continued.) monsieur la force and three other soldiers accompanied washington to see the commander at the next fort. the french officers resorted to various stratagems to prevent tanacharisson, jeskakake, white thunder, and the hunter going with washington. the latter understood very well that their object was to have an opportunity to win them over to the french. but washington insisted upon their going with him, and rebuked captain joncaire for his meddlesome disposition. they were four days on their way to visit the commander, being obliged to wade through miry swamps much of the way. they reached the fort on the eleventh day of december. on the th, washington waited upon the commander of the fort and made known his business, at the same time presenting him with the letter of governor dinwiddie. returning the letter, the officer said: "the proper officer for you to see is monsieur reparti, whom the french government has commissioned to fill the position made vacant by the death of general pierre paul. he arrived seven days ago, and is expected at this fort every hour." monsieur reparti did not arrive until the next day, when the second officer in command introduced washington to him. he received governor dinwiddie's letter, and retired to translate it. in a short time, however, he sent for washington and his interpreter to correct the translation, and see that it was well understood. then dismissing washington, reparti called his officers to a council of war. while the french officers were thus engaged in secret, washington had a good opportunity to ascertain the dimensions and equipments of the fort, and draw a plan of the same. he lost no time in making observations which would be of great benefit to his government. the following is a description of the fort which he recorded at the time to carry to governor dinwiddie: "it is situated on the south or west fork of french creek, near the water, and is almost surrounded by the creek and a small branch of it, which form a kind of island. four houses compose the sides. the bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at top, with port-holes cut for cannon, and loop-holes for the small arms to fire through. there are eight six-pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pounds before the gate. in the bastions are a guard-house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's private store, round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. there are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwellings, covered, some with bark and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. there are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, etc. "i could get no certain account of the number of men here; but, according to the best judgment i could form, there are a hundred, exclusive of officers, of whom there are many. i also gave orders to the people who were with me to take an exact account of the canoes which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. this they did, and sold fifty of birch-bark, and a hundred and seventy of pine, besides many others, which were blocked out, in readiness for being made." in his interview with the commander, washington inquired of him: "by what authority have the french made prisoners of several of our english subjects?" "the country belongs to us," answered the commander, "and no englishman has a right to trade upon these waters. i have orders to make prisoners of every englishman who attempts it on these waters." "how about the boy who was captured and carried through this place?" asked washington. "that a boy was captured and carried past here, i will not deny," replied reparti, "but i do not remember the name of the place he came from, nor understand the facts in the case particularly. the indians had two or three scalps with them also." "but i was told at venango that they had _eight_?" retorted washington. reparti was embarrassed here, and evaded an answer. "what has been done with john trotter and james mcclochlan, two pennsylvania traders, whom the french captured and carried away with all their goods?" continued washington. "they were sent to canada, but i understand that they have now gone home," reparti answered. on the next day washington received the commander's reply to governor dinwiddie's letter, and therefore was ready to return. the snow was deep, the weather stormy, and the horses exhausted, so that the homeward journey was undertaken with much discouragement. when about ready to start, washington found that the french were presenting large inducements to his indian guides to remain. he was obliged to resort to strategy, and finally to reprimand, to frustrate their plans. when the french officers saw that all their efforts to detain them were fruitless, they offered them intoxicating liquors in order to overcome them. this device would have succeeded, as the indians loved rum, but for washington's emphatic protest. he charged the french officers with base efforts to hinder his mission, and forbade half-king, with imposing threats, to touch the liquor. in this way he succeeded in his purpose to start on his return journey. just before starting, however, white thunder received an injury, making it necessary for half-king to stay over with him until the next day, and take him down the river in a canoe. "captain joncaire will have a good opportunity to bribe you," suggested washington. "never," replied the half-king; "i know the french better than you do. i am a friend to the english." "but captain joncaire is a plausible frenchman, and he will do his best to influence you," retorted washington. "you must be guarded against his fair speech." the result of this interview was, that the whole party waited for white thunder until the next day. the hardships of the return journey exceeded by far their previous experience, as indicated by washington's journal: "we had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. several times we had liked to have been staved against rocks, and many times were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. at one place the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water; we were therefore obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. we did not reach venango until the d, where we met with our horses. "this creek is extremely crooked. i dare say the distance between the fort and venango cannot be less than one hundred and thirty miles, to follow the meanders." at venango the horses, which currin took there by land, were met, and the men relieved them by distributing the baggage among themselves in packs. in this way they traveled three days, the snow all the while increasing, and the horses becoming weaker and weaker. washington saw that to keep with the party would delay his arrival at williamsburg until the house of burgesses had adjourned, which would be a disappointment to the public, as well as to the governor. if possible, the governor should receive his report before the adjournment of the assembly. "there is only one way for us to go mr. gist," said washington; "you and i must strike right through the wilderness alone, leaving the party to reach there as best they can. my report will be too late if we plod along in this way." "it may be later if we undertake so perilous an adventure alone," responded gist. "there is not one chance in ten of our ever reaching williamsburg in that way." "you are too fearful altogether," replied washington. "i think you and i are equal to the undertaking. no doubt we shall have a rough time of it, but we are used to that; it will be no novelty to us." "i shall abide by your decision," added gist, "for you are commander of this expedition, and my duty is to obey. but i believe that both of us will repent of ever undertaking such an adventure." "well, then, i will take the responsibility," said washington, "and you and i will take the nearest and quickest route home." "which may prove the longest, both in distance and time," retorted gist. washington put the remainder of the party, together with the baggage and horses, into the care of van braam, with instructions and money. he himself had traveled for three days in an "indian's walking dress," but now made a change described in his journal thus: "i took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch-coat. then, with gun in hand and pack on my back, in which were my papers and provisions, i set out with mr. gist, fitted in the same manner, on wednesday, the th." they traveled eighteen miles on that day, and stopped for the night at an indian cabin. washington usually traveled on horseback, so that he was unused to the hardships of such a journey on foot, and he was much exhausted. they arose at two o'clock in the morning to continue their journey. when they reached murdering town, they fell in with an indian who called mr. gist by name. "i saw you at venango," said the indian. then mr. gist recognized him as an indian whom he saw at joncaire's in venango, when they were on their journey to the french fort, which fact made him somewhat suspicious of the redskin. "i am glad to see you," insisted the indian. "how does it happen that you are traveling on foot in this direction?" "our business requires it," was gist's short reply. "when did you leave venango?" the indian continued. mr. gist informed him. "where did you leave your horses and the rest of your party?" mr. gist answered evasively. "and where are you going?" "to the forks of the alleghany as direct as we can go," washington answered. "can you go with us and show us the nearest way?" "i can just as well as not," replied the indian, "and i can take your pack along, too." from this point washington was considerably relieved by transferring his pack to the back of the savage. they traveled very rapidly for ten miles, when washington's feet grew sore, and he became very weary. "you are taking us too much northeasterly," said mr. gist to the indian, suspicious that he was intentionally taking them out of their way. "that is what i think," added washington. "i am quite confident that we are bearing too much to the northeast." the truth was, that both washington and mr. gist were suspicious that the indian was proving treacherous, though neither of them suggested the idea to the other. "but let us encamp here," continued washington, "for i need rest." "i will carry your gun, and that will relieve you," said the indian, a suggestion that strengthened suspicions already awakened. "no; i prefer to carry my own gun," replied washington; "you will do your part if you carry my pack." "but it is not safe to encamp here," the indian added, "for ottawa indians hunt in these woods, and they will scalp an englishman wherever they find him. but if you will go to my cabin you are safe." "and where is your cabin?" inquired gist. "so near that we could hear a gun if fired there now," the indian replied. although strongly suspicious of his designs, both followed him for a distance, steering in a more northerly direction. gist grew uneasy, and stopping, said, "i will go no farther." "a whoop could be heard at my cabin now," the indian insisted. "we shall soon be there." they traveled two miles farther, when washington remarked: "i shall stop at the next place we find water, and you must stop, too," addressing the indian. this was said in a decisive manner. in a few moments they emerged from the woods into a long meadow. the indian was three or four rods in advance of them. suddenly stopping and turning about, the treacherous savage aimed his gun at gist, and fired. "are you shot?" cried washington, rushing forward to his companion. "are you shot?" "no; but it is what i feared from the time we employed the rascal to guide us," answered gist. the shot missed. the indian ran behind a large white oak, washington and gist following after him. approaching the tree, they discovered that he was reloading his gun. "you rascal!" exclaimed gist, raising his musket to give the indian its contents. "no; that won't do," said washington to gist, pushing aside his gun. "we are worse off when you have killed him than we are now." he thought the tribe would avenge his death by killing them. "the villain deserves a bullet through his heart," shouted gist, "and i can put one through with good relish." "very true," answered washington with the most astonishing coolness, "but it is not good policy for us to take his life now." washington took away the indian's gun and compelled him to walk ahead. at the first run of water he ordered him to build a camp fire, as if he designed to encamp there for the night. when this was done gist said to him: "i suppose you were lost, and fired your gun." "no, i was not lost," answered the savage, "i know where my cabin is, and it is not far away." "well, then," continued gist, "do you go home, and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must provide meat for us in the morning." the indian was glad enough to get away without being pierced by a bullet, and he promised them excellent fare the next morning. it was nine o'clock at night when he left them, taking with him his gun, that washington returned to him. gist followed him for quite a distance, to be sure that he was not deceiving them, and then hurried back. "now, since you would not let me shoot the villain," he said to washington, "we must shoulder our packs and hurry away, and walk all night, or we shall never see williamsburg." "you are right, gist, and we will be off at once; and the fellow may keep his meat till we come this way again," replied washington, with as much composure as if their lives had not been in jeopardy. by the light of the camp fire their compass showed them which way to go. the excitement of this perilous episode seemed to rest washington's weary limbs, so that they traveled rapidly through the whole night, finding themselves at the head of piney creek in the morning. washington's journal has the following entry for that day: "the next day we continued traveling until quite dark, and got to the river, two miles above shannopin's. we expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. the ice, i suppose, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities." "what next?" said gist, with an air which indicated that he recalled his warning words to washington about the perils of such a journey. "if the indian's bullet had taken effect we should have been saved some trouble here." "a formidable difficulty, to be sure," answered washington; "but a good share of wit and perseverance may overcome it. no way of getting over this stream, i think, except on a raft." "a raft!" exclaimed gist. "a raft would be swamped in a giffy by that ice. besides, what have we to build a raft with? a hatchet alone will not do it." "a hatchet is much better than nothing," responded washington. "we will try what a hatchet can do towards it. if we fail, we will fail in trying." "try it is, then," said gist, rather admiring washington's hopefulness and pluck than otherwise. "i am at your service, and if anybody can cross the river, i think a man of your grit can." so they set to work to construct a raft, with no implement but a solitary hatchet, consuming a whole day in the work. when the awkward affair was fairly launched, they went on board of it, and pushed off for the opposite shore. about mid-way of the river, the floating ice came down with such violence as to threaten the destruction of the raft. "we can never reach the shore on this craft," said gist, in a tone indicating entire resignation to a watery grave. "can't we stop the raft and let the ice go by?" answered washington, at the same time putting down the setting pole to accomplish this purpose. but the rapidity of the torrent dashed the raft with such violence against the pole that it threw washington into ten feet of water. "hold on!" shouted gist under the greatest alarm; "grasp this oar." and he reached out his oar to washington, who had already caught hold of one of the raft-logs. a severe but short struggle, and he was on the raft again. "a cold bath," remarked washington, as he stood upon the raft again, shaking the water from his drenched clothes. "it is a miracle that you were not drowned," replied gist; "and you would have been if you were as nervous as some people." "i am cool enough now," said washington, his wet clothes already beginning to stiffen on his back in the wintry blast. "i shall not despair so long as i remember that one faithful saint is praying for me," referring to the promise of his mother. they made a desperate effort to keep their craft right side up in the floating ice, but failed in the attempt. "no use!" exclaimed gist. "we must quit the concern and make for that island." "yes; and that immediately, if we would save ourselves," responded washington, as he leaped into the water, followed by gist. the island was but a few rods distant, and they reached it just at night, with the gloomy prospect of remaining shelterless upon it until the next morning. "not much better off here than we were in the water," suggested gist. "my fingers are frozen, and some of my toes; and what is to prevent the freezing of the remainder of my body?" "if we perish, we will perish trying to keep alive," remarked washington. "we have plenty of room to exercise ourselves here, and keep up a circulation, with no fear of being shot at by savages. it will not do to sleep in this predicament." "it will be our last sleep if we do," answered gist. "the cold is rapidly increasing, and i hardly see how any amount of exercise can save us." "be a little more hopeful, gist. i have faith to believe that we shall be saved yet," said washington. "this increasing cold is providential, i think. it will freeze the river before morning, and thus provide a way for us to escape from this island." "well, that is a hopeful view, i confess," replied gist; "but how the biting cold can freeze the river without freezing us is incomprehensible to me." they made a remarkable night of it, and saved their lives by muscular exertion. they dashed about in the cold, gathering hope and courage from hour to hour as the water of the stream congealed harder and harder. in the morning they crossed the river on the ice, truly thankful to a kind providence, which had delivered them from what, to human view, was inevitable death. once upon the other side of the river, they made their way as speedily as possible to the house of mr. frazier, a few miles distant, where they regaled themselves with fire and food to their hearts' content, recounting their adventures, and causing all to wonder that they were still among the living. here washington met twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war, but had returned from great kenhawa, because there they found a family of seven people killed and scalped. "why did you return?" inquired washington of a chief. "for fear the inhabitants might take us to be the murderers," the chief replied. "did the condition of the bodies show that the massacre was recent?" washington inquired further. "not very recent; the bodies were scattered about, and several of them were much eaten by hogs," was the chief's answer. "have you any suspicions as to who the murderers were?" urged washington. "certain marks which they left behind showed that the butchery was done by indians of the ottawa nation," was the information given in answer to his question. mr. frazier informed washington that an indian queen, living three miles distant, had taken offense because he did not call upon her on his way to the fort. as he was obliged to wait two days for horses, he paid her a visit and made her a present of a watch-coat. washington's final entry in his journal is: "tuesday, the st of january, , we left mr. frazier's house, and arrived at mr. gist's, at monongahela, the d, where i bought a horse and saddle. the th, we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the fork of the ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. this day we arrived at will's creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. from the first day of december to the fifteenth, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole journey we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it." washington arrived at williamsburg on the sixteenth day of january, and immediately reported to governor dinwiddie, delivering the reply of the french commander; the belts of wampum from the indian tribes, as pledges of friendship; together with his journal, as his report of the expedition. weems says, "the governor was much pleased with the indian belts, more with the frenchman's letter, but most of all with washington's journal." "i shall have your journal published immediately," said the governor to washington. "i beg your honor not to give it to the public in print," replied washington; "it is a very defective document, written, as it was, in the wilderness, under the most unfavorable circumstances. it was intended for no eyes but yours." "my dear man," said the hearty scotchman, "you are altogether too modest in this matter. i am sure that the document is worthy of the greatest publicity." "but you will grant me the privilege of amending it," pleaded washington, almost frightened at the idea of his journal appearing in print. "indeed, major, there is no time for that now," answered the governor. "the assembly will rise to-morrow or next day, and i want each member to have several copies to carry home with him. you need not give yourself any uneasiness, man, for your journal is worthy of a perusal by the king of great britain, and i intend to present him with a copy." the journal went to press at once, and was in the hands of members of the assembly before the adjournment. it was received with the greatest enthusiasm and praise everywhere, and was published in all the papers of the colony. copies were sent to england, and there it appeared in the journals of the day. xi. his first battle. washington's report concerning the designs of the french created intense excitement in virginia and the neighboring colonies. governor dinwiddie could see no other way to maintain the dignity of his government than by a resort to arms. he so reported to his majesty the king of england. the excitement there became even greater than it was in america. everybody wanted to fight to vindicate the nation's honor. the popular conversation was a declaration of war against the french. the british government was not long in framing instructions to the american colonies, and orders were issued that they should unite in one confederacy and drive the french out of the land. the king directed governor dinwiddie to raise a force in virginia, and the order was received with great enthusiasm. washington was appointed to push recruiting, with headquarters at alexandria. new york and south carolina pledged two independent companies. washington anticipated a rush of volunteers when the governor sent out his call for troops, but the small pay offered did not induce the stalwart yeomanry, and other reliable classes, to relinquish their honorable occupations at home for the hunger and hardships of war. the result was, that a very unreliable class offered to enlist. one writer says: "there gathered about him a rabble of ragamuffins and worthless fellows, who had spent their lives in tramping up and down the country, without settled homes or occupations. some were without hats and shoes; some had coats and no shirts, some had shirts and no coats; and all were without arms, or any keen desire to use them if they had them. all this disgusted and disheartened our youthful colonel not a little, for he was young, and had yet to learn that it is of just such stuff that the beginnings of armies are always made." washington wrote to governor dinwiddie in a very desponding tone, complaining of the want of patriotism in the colony. immediately the governor came to his relief by issuing a proclamation, in which he said: "two hundred thousand acres of the very best land on the head-water of the ohio will be appropriated, and divided among those who enlist and serve during the war." the effect of this order was good, and soon one company was raised and sent forward, under captain trent, to occupy the junction of the monongahela and alleghany rivers, and there erect a fort, before the french could possess it. this was the spot which washington recommended to governor dinwiddie as an admirable location for a fort. when the work of recruiting was completed, the governor offered the command of the whole force to washington, although colonel fry was entitled to it by right of seniority. such was washington's popularity, that governor dinwiddie knew the people would hail the appointment with unfeigned satisfaction. but washington, with his usual modest estimate of himself, said to a friend: "i cannot take the responsibility; i am not equal to it." "that is not for you to say," urged his friend. "the people believe that you are just the man for the place, and will not be satisfied unless you take command." "the command belongs to colonel fry, whose competency no one disputes, and whose age is certainly a qualification in his favor," answered washington. "all that may be true; it probably is true; nevertheless, the governor understands what the popular demand is, and has acted accordingly," his friend retorted. "my advice is, accept the position, and bury your modesty." "it is not modesty," protested washington. "i have too much love for my country to do anything to prejudice her interests." on declining to assume the chief command, washington wrote to colonel corbin, who desired that he should accept, as follows: "the command of the whole forces is what i neither look for, expect, or desire, for i must be impartial enough to confess it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be intrusted with. knowing this, i have too sincere a love for my country to undertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. but, if i could entertain hopes that you thought me worthy of the post of lieutenant-colonel, and would favor me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, i could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness. i flatter myself that, under a skilful commander or man of sense (which i most sincerely wish to serve under), with my own application and diligent study of my duty, i shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and, in time, render myself worthy of the promotion that i shall be favored with now." colonel joshua fry was appointed to the chief command, and washington was made lieutenant-colonel. while washington was attending to his duties at alexandria, an incident occurred which illustrates the strength of his moral character. there was an election for members of the house of burgesses, and the two opposing candidates in that district were colonel george fairfax and a mr. elzey. "i am well acquainted with colonel fairfax," remarked washington to the bystanders, "and i know him to be abundantly qualified for the position. he is able, and a true patriot." "as much can be said of mr. elzey, and perhaps more," replied a man by the name of payne, a great friend and admirer of the latter gentleman. "his experience qualifies him for the office beyond most men in the district." here washington remarked, somewhat sarcastically, that character, after all, in such times, was the highest qualification, a remark that was readily construed into an insinuation that payne's candidate did not possess it, whereupon payne struck him so violently with a stick as to knock him down. a scene followed. washington's friends sprang forward to his rescue, but he was on his feet before their help reached him. they turned upon his assailant. "what do you mean, you dastard?" exclaimed one. "take him into custody"! shouted another. "knock him down!" bawled a third. "no, gentlemen," interrupted washington, just in season to prevent a collision, "do not touch the man. perhaps he was not altogether to blame. my remark was hasty. let us have no more trouble." the officers and others present were nearly as much surprised by washington's intercession for his assailant as they were by the latter's heartless blow, and they stood speechless. the young commander remained until the excitement ceased, when he repaired to his lodgings at the hotel, where he immediately wrote a note to mr. payne, asking him to call in the morning. anticipating a challenge to a duel, payne armed himself with a pistol in the morning before making the call. to his surprise, washington met him at the door with an apology. "i ask your pardon for an offence given in an unguarded moment," he said, grasping his hand. payne was thoroughly embarrassed by this reception, and he was so filled with admiration by the magnanimity of the act, that he became one of washington's warmest friends. their mutual friendship lasted as long as they lived. mr. mcguire very properly says of this deed: "how noble and becoming was this conduct! it was especially admirable in a youthful soldier, whose very profession exposed him to peculiar temptations on such an occasion. how many would have been driven, by the fear of reproach and dread of unfavorable insinuations, to incur the hazards of a duel, thus offering up at the shrine of honor the costly sacrifice of human life. it was not possible that a man like washington, so endowed with moral courage and regard for virtue, should be moved by the fear of man to such a course. he dreaded not the charge of cowardice from the mouths of fools. in his own bosom he had its ample refutation. he was conscious of a fortitude which no dangers could shake. to display it in murdering a fellow-citizen was not his ambition. he had before him the tented field and the enemies of his country, and he was pledged for the hazards of a mortal conflict in her defence. here he was willing to show his courage and lay down his life. he would not do so to gratify revenge, or win applause from the vain." when washington had recruited two more companies of fifty men each, he applied to governor dinwiddie for permission to advance for the better protection of the frontier. having procured the order from the governor, he marched out of camp, equipped not only with arms, but also with implements of labor for constructing a road over which supplies and cannon might be readily transported. this was a great undertaking, since there were giant trees to be felled, hills to be levelled, marshes to be filled, rocks to be blasted, and bridges to be built. so great a work was this, that the little army was fourteen days going thirteen miles. they reached will's creek on the th of april, , where washington unexpectedly met captain trent. "what are you doing here, captain," said washington, somewhat surprised at seeing him. "recruiting my command," answered trent. "i need more men to construct the fort." "that is certain, and we need more men everywhere," responded washington. "it is fearfully hard work to prosecute such a campaign with so few men. but how are you succeeding?" "as well as could be expected under the circumstances. i am thankful for the smallest number of recruits, for forty men to construct and garrison a fort at the forks of the ohio is altogether too small a force." while discussing this matter, ensign ward entered the camp, and surprised both washington and trent by saying: "the garrison at the fort have surrendered to the french." captain trent left ensign ward in command of his force at the forks, while he was recruiting at will's creek. "how can that be?" exclaimed trent, surprised beyond measure. "on the th," the ensign explained, "we were surprised by the appearance of the french fleet in the river, under the command of captain contrecoeur, consisting of three hundred canoes and sixty batteaux, carrying a thousand men and eighteen cannon." "to take possession of the forks and erect a fort for their own defence," interjected washington, who had called the attention of governor dinwiddie to the probability of such an event. "yes, that was what they came for," replied ward; "and they were glad to see one so far under way, no doubt, as it would lighten their labors." "did they make an attack?" inquired washington. "captain contrecoeur planted his cannon to sweep the fort, drew up his men in readiness for an attack, and then sent a demand to the english to surrender in one hour, or he would open fire." "under the circumstances you could not object with much resolution," remarked washington. "i didn't, but surrendered without parleying," replied ward; "and we were allowed to march out bearing our arms and all our tools." "this is a declaration of war," remarked washington, "and we must govern ourselves accordingly." he called his officers together for consultation, and said to them: "the french have now invaded the frontier of the colony, and as i construe my instructions from the government, it is my duty to march forward to meet the invaders." "without reinforcements from colonel fry?" anxiously inquired one of his officers. "no. we can march to the mouth of red stone creek, which is thirty-seven miles above the fort captured by the french, there throw up defences, and await the arrival of reinforcements." a messenger was posted away to colonel fry, while the army took up the line of march to red stone creek, where it hastily intrenched and awaited reinforcements. about the st of may, captain stevens arrived with his company of fifty men. colonel fry remained at his post to complete arrangements and bring up supplies; but he suddenly died, so that washington was forced to act as commander-in-chief. with his little army increased to one hundred and fifty men, washington proceeded to great meadows, making a road suitable for transporting supplies as he advanced, and reaching his destination on the th of may. they had but just encamped when mr. gist arrived. "i have seen the trail of a party within five miles of you, which i am sure were french," he said to washington, under evident excitement. "i am not surprised at that announcement," replied washington. "war is inevitable, and we must accept the issue. we must look after these french." "or they will look after _us_," retorted gist. "the french mean business; there can be no doubt of that. unless we mean business it is all up with us." "i will pursue them at once," continued washington; and he took forty men, leaving the remainder of his force to work on the intrenchments. half-king, with a few indians, joined him, and when it was supposed they were in the vicinity of the french party, two indian scouts were sent forward, who discovered their camp two miles distant. it was in the dawn of the morning, and they had traveled all night through the driving storm and darkness, and, of course, were poorly prepared for battle. but washington determined upon an attack immediately. arranging his own men on the right and the indians on the left, he advanced rapidly upon the enemy. the latter were taken unawares, but they sprang to their arms and opened fire on catching sight of the english. a brief, sharp, bloody encounter ensued, when the french surrendered, having lost ten men killed and one wounded. twenty-one were taken prisoners. washington's loss was one man killed and two or three wounded. among the slain frenchmen was their popular commander, captain jumonville. the twenty-one prisoners were sent, under a strong guard, to governor dinwiddie, with a plea from washington that they should be treated with humanity. he withstood tanacharisson and his redskins, who wanted to slay every one of the prisoners, and rebuked their revengeful spirit. "the french army at the forks will avenge the death of jumonville," said washington to gist, "and the whole force will march against us." "they will if they are like the rest of mankind," responded gist, "and that, too, without waiting for ceremony." "we will be prepared for them," added washington. "it will never do for an army to be caught napping, especially a little one like mine." "but you will fight against great odds," suggested gist; "the french have every advantage in men and means." "true, very true, but we must make our fortifications strong at the meadows, and do the best we can." this little conquering squad of english rejoined the army at the meadows, and proceeded at once to make their fort impregnable. here washington soon received additional reinforcements, swelling his army to four hundred soldiers. among them was a company of one hundred men from north carolina, under captain mackey. the latter officer made some trouble for washington by claiming superiority of rank, because his commission was from the king of england, while washington's was from a provincial governor only. however, this difficulty was soon adjusted through washington's tact and magnanimity. the army was short of provisions at this time, supplies not having been sent forward as washington expected. his men were very much tried, and many of them were exasperated. adding hunger and needless suffering to their pittance of pay was quite enough to demoralize the rank and file. washington could not blame them much, in the circumstances, although the discontent added to his trials. he wrote to governor dinwiddie in his troubles, as follows: "giving up my commission is quite contrary to my intentions. nay, i ask it as a greater favor than any amongst the many i have received from your honor, to confirm it to me. but let me serve voluntarily; then i will, with the greatest pleasure in life, devote my services to the expedition, without any other reward than the satisfaction of serving my country; but to be slaving dangerously for the shadow of pay, through woods, rocks, and mountains, i would rather prefer the great toil of a day laborer, and dig for a maintenance, provided i were reduced to the necessity, than serve upon such ignoble terms.... i hope what i have said will not be taken amiss, for i really believe, were it as much in your power as it is in your inclination, we should be treated as gentlemen and officers, and not have annexed to the most trifling pay that ever was given to english officers the glorious allowance of soldier's diet, a pound of pork, with bread in proportion, per day. be the consequence what it will, i am determined not to leave the regiment, but to be among the last men to quit the ohio." washington preferred to serve his country without pay rather than have the reputation of being paid when receiving but a pittance, and half starved into the bargain. his appeal was a sincere and earnest one for his soldiers. as on former occasions, washington was his own chaplain. twice a day his little army were called to prayers in the fort, which he himself conducted. on the sabbath only works of necessity were performed, and he conducted religious services. sometimes his brief remarks, called forth by the condition of his army, deeply impressed his listeners, who knew that they were honest words from a true heart. he was exceedingly annoyed by the profanity and wickedness of his men, and at one time he issued the following order: "colonel washington has observed that the men of his regiment are very profane and reprobate. he takes this opportunity to inform them of his great displeasure at such practices, and assures them that, if they do not leave them off, they shall be severely punished. the officers are desired, if they hear any men swear or make use of an oath or execration, to order the offender twenty-five lashes immediately, without a court-martial. for a second offence he shall be more severely punished." as the french army did not make its appearance after waiting many days for it, washington resolved to march upon fort duquesne, as the french had named their stronghold at the forks in honor of the governor of canada. leaving captain mackey with his company to garrison the fort, washington advanced towards the forks. but he had marched only thirteen miles when he met several friendly indians, one of whom said: "the french are on the march against you." "how far away?" inquired washington. "a few miles only." "in large force?" "eight hundred frenchmen and four hundred indians." "i can hardly credit that they are coming with so large a force," replied washington. "that is a formidable army for my small army to fight." the indians convinced him that it was even so, whereupon he called a council of war, when it was unanimously decided to retreat to their base of supplies. after two days of wearisome marching, on the retreat, they reached the fort at the great meadows. here many of the men and horses were so exhausted and weak for the want of food that washington decided to make a stand there. he was forced to stop there, and so he named the stockade "fort necessity." the able-bodied soldiers were set to work digging a trench around the fortifications, and felling large trees to obstruct the march of the enemy upon their works. but their labors were far from being completed when, on the morning of july , a wounded sentinel came rushing into camp and shouting, "the enemy is upon us! the french army is here!" the drum beat the soldiers into line quickly, outside of their fortifications, though subsequently they were withdrawn into the fort. about eleven o'clock the enemy opened a heavy fire upon the fort, which was returned with spirit. "waste no powder; fire at discretion; and where-ever you discover a head, pick it off," were washington's instructions to his men. the battle raged all day until eight o'clock in the evening, when the french commander, monsieur de villiers, sent a flag of truce. supposing it was a scheme to get a spy within the fort to discover its strength, washington declined to receive it. but de villiers, evidently thinking the english force was much larger than it actually was, persisted in his application for a parley. he asked that an english officer be sent to him, promising him absolute safety. washington sent van braam, who returned in a short time with articles of capitulation for him to sign, and he was accompanied by de villiers himself. washington declined to sign them until they were amended to suit his wishes. about midnight the articles were signed, and the fort surrendered. on the morning of july , , the little army marched out of the fort, with banners flying and the band playing, carrying their arms with them, so that there was no degradation in the surrender. as the french had killed all of washington's horses and cattle, he could not take away his cannon and heavy baggage; so it was stipulated that these should be protected until he could send for them. in this his first battle, washington lost fifty-eight men, while the french lost two hundred in killed and wounded. washington marched his little army back to williamsburg, where he was received with distinguished honors. the governor tendered him hearty thanks in behalf of the government; and the house of burgesses, which soon assembled, unanimously adopted a vote of thanks "for their bravery, and the gallant manner in which they had conducted themselves in the defence of the country." a resolution was passed, also, granting an appropriation of four hundred pistoles to be distributed among the soldiers who had aided in the expedition. in addition, the assembly made an appropriation of ten thousand dollars, in october following, for the public service; and soon afterwards the english government forwarded fifty thousand dollars for the same purpose. the defeat of washington did not appear to modify the public confidence in him. the people knew full well the great odds against which he contended, and judged him accordingly. that he should defend fort necessity so long and so successfully, when fatigue and hunger were creating discontent, was proof to them of skill and courage; and that he should secure terms of capitulation so honorable, appeared to them a reason of praise rather than censure. french historians have censured washington for the death of jumonville, denominating the attack upon his small party "assassination." they claim that he was sent upon an embassy, of which there is not a shadow of proof. on the other hand, there is positive evidence that jumonville was conducting a reconnoitering party, to ascertain the position and strength of the english. washington's report to governor dinwiddie, and the latter's letter to lord albemarle, establish the facts in the case beyond contradiction. for this reason we introduce them here: "i set out with forty men before ten, and it was from that time till near sunrise before we reached the indians' camp, having marched in small paths, through a heavy rain, and a night as dark as it is possible to conceive. we were frequently tumbling over one another, and often so lost that fifteen or twenty minutes' search would not find the path again. "when we came to the half-king, i counselled with him, and got his assent to go hand in hand and strike the french. accordingly he, monacawacha, and a few other indians, set out with us; and when we came to the place where the troops were, the half-king sent two indians to follow the tracks and discover their lodgment, which they did, at a very obscure place, surrounded with rocks. i, thereupon, in conjunction with the half-king and monacawacha, formed a disposition to attack them on all sides, which we accordingly did; and, after an engagement of fifteen minutes, we killed ten, wounded one, and took twenty-one prisoners. amongst those killed was monsieur jumonville, the commander. the principal officers taken are monsieur drouillon, and monsieur la force, of whom your honor has often heard me speak as a bold, enterprising man, and a person of great subtlety and cunning. these officers pretend that they were coming on an embassy; but the absurdity of this pretext is too glaring, as you will see by the instructions and summons enclosed. their instructions were to reconnoiter the country, roads, creeks, and the like, as far as the potomac, which they were about to do. these enterprising men were purposely chosen out to procure intelligence, which they were to send back by some brisk despatches, _with the mention of the day that they were to serve the summons_, which could be with no other view than to get reinforcements to fall upon us immediately after." governor dinwiddie wrote to lord albemarle as follows: "the prisoners said they were come as an embassy from the fort: but your lordship knows that ambassadors do not come with such an armed force without a trumpet or any other sign of friendship; nor can it be thought that they were on an embassy, by their staying so long reconnoitering our small camp, but more probably that they expected a reinforcement to cut us off." xii. on general braddock's staff. with the quite liberal provisions now made for the public service, governor dinwiddie resolved to increase the army to ten companies of one hundred men each, and capture fort duquesne at once. he sent for washington, now twenty-two years of age, and laid his plan before him. "it will prove disastrous," was washington's prompt answer, to the surprise of the governor. "you surprise me!" rejoined the governor. "with a thousand men i thought the fort could easily be captured." "but you do not take into account the time required to drill the army and march to the fort," answered washington. "winter will be upon us before we are ready to besiege the fort." "i hardly see the need of consuming as much time as you indicate in preparation," suggested the governor. "you would understand it if you had had the experience with a half-drilled army through one campaign, as i have had," replied washington. "but your force was a very small one," suggested governor dinwiddie. "with two or three times as many men you will be able to reduce the fort without the drill." "my experience rather teaches me that the larger the army the more necessary the drill, in order to handle it efficiently," washington replied. "then you are opposed to such a campaign now, under any circumstances, if i understand you," continued the governor. "my judgment decides against the practicability of such an expedition; nevertheless, i am at your service. my duty is to obey." this was washington's sincere reply. governor dinwiddie was a conceited man, jealous of his own authority, and he did not like to be opposed by such a stripling as colonel washington, much less was he willing to abandon a project of his own by the advice of an inferior officer. for this reason he adhered to his original plan, and instructed washington to fill up his regiment to a thousand as soon as possible. with what feelings washington undertook this task may be learned from his letter to william fairfax, esq., president of governor dinwiddie's council: "i have orders to complete my regiment, and not a sixpence is sent for that purpose. can it be imagined that subjects fit for this service, who have been so much impressed with and alarmed at the want of provisions, which was a main objection to enlisting before, will more readily engage now, without money, than they did before with it?... to show you the state of the regiment, i have sent you a report, by which you will perceive what great deficiencies there are of men, arms, tents, kettles, screws (which was a fatal want before), bayonets, cartouch-boxes, and everything else. again, were our men ever so willing to go, for want of the proper necessaries of life they are now unable to do it. the chief part are almost naked, and scarcely a man has either _shoes, stockings, or a hat_. these things the merchants will not credit them for. the country has made no provision. they have no money themselves, and it cannot be expected that the officers will engage for them again, personally having suffered greatly on this head already.... there is not a man that has a blanket to secure him from cold or wet." that the conceited provincial governor was bent upon having his own way is evident from the fact that he wrote privately to england, and secured the passage of an act that made provincial officers of the army inferior to the english officers in rank. under this act, washington's rank would be that of captain instead of colonel. "of course i shall not serve longer in the army under such an arrangement," said washington to mr. fairfax. "not that i covet higher rank, but self-respect requires me to throw up my commission." "for one, i can never blame you," replied fairfax. "the animus of the thing is suited to discourage every soldier in the colony. if england expects the colonies to fight her battles under such an arrangement, she will be greatly disappointed." "so i think," answered washington; "and if i do not mistake the temper of the colonists, they will never submit to such injustice; never. it is but the most reasonable thing that provincial troops should be placed upon the same footing as the king's. they should be as liberally provided for, and enjoy the opportunities of promotion equally with the others." "unless they do, england cannot long claim colonies in north america," added fairfax. as indicated by the foregoing, washington returned his commission, and other officers did the same. the measure which governor dinwiddie adopted to bring washington to terms, and put the army more directly under his own control, suddenly upset his authority. instead of marching upon fort duquesne at once, a speedy abandonment of the enterprise was forced upon him. he could snub washington, but he could not compel him to recruit and lead the army. washington retired to private life at mount vernon. governor dinwiddie was never in such trouble before. fort duquesne haunted him in his sleep. the stripling of a colonel had outwitted his excellency. what could he do? the british government advised a confederacy of the colonies, believing that "in union there is strength." accordingly, a delegate convention was called at albany, "to form a league with the six nations of indians, and to concert among themselves a plan of united operations for defence against the common enemy." the new england states, new york, pennsylvania, and maryland accepted the proposition, and sent delegates to the convention. a league was formed with the six nations, but the convention could not agree upon a plan of common defence acceptable both to the colonies and the british government. benjamin franklin was a member of the convention from pennsylvania, holding the position of postmaster-general under the king at the time and he presented a plan that was accepted by all the delegates except those from connecticut. for the want of complete union, the project was abandoned, and the british ministry took the conduct of the war into their own hands. they promptly adopted measures to force the french government to retire from their advanced position in america. in january, , general braddock was sent from ireland, with two regiments of infantry, well equipped and well drilled. their arrival aroused the depressed colonists to enthusiasm. they forgot the troubles that had divided them, and united to expel the french from the country. general braddock reported to governor dinwiddie at williamsburg, and laid before him his plans of operation. as the fame of the youthful washington had reached him in the old country, his thoughts were very naturally directed to him in this interview. "where is colonel washington," he inquired. "i long to see him." "he is retired from the service, sir," replied the governor. "retired?" exclaimed general braddock. "colonel washington retired? pray, sir, what is the reason?" "he was displeased with the king's order reducing the rank of provincial officers," answered the governor. and he proceeded to explain the matter in full, without exposing his own agency in the matter. general braddock heard him through, when he retorted with indignation: "colonel washington is right. it is a shame for the government to issue such an order, and as unjust as it is shameful." "but your disciplined troops are far more valuable than an undisciplined force like ours," suggested the governor. "granted," answered general braddock; "and so much more credit to colonel washington, who handled undisciplined troops so well. he must be a brave and efficient officer." "he is," responded governor dinwiddie; "no one disputes that." "then he ought to have the chance for promotion that the king's officers do," interrupted the general. "i don't like such partiality. colonel washington must be brought back into service." "i should be glad to see him in active service again, and nothing would please our people more," rejoined the governor. "he is an idol with the colonists, he has proved himself so loyal, brave, and efficient." "well, where is he? i must see him," continued general braddock. he was told that he was on his farm at mount vernon. "then he must leave his farm for the service of his country, as cincinnatus did," interjected braddock. general braddock addressed a letter to him, soliciting an interview, and appealing to him strongly to give his able services to the "common cause." he urged him to join his army, and offered him an honorable position upon his staff. washington was too much of a patriot to allow his personal grievance to interfere with the defence of his country in these circumstances, and he waited upon general braddock at alexandria, and accepted the position. however, he wrote to a friend that it was not altogether patriotism that determined his decision. "i must be ingenuous enough to confess," he wrote, "that i am not a little biassed by selfish considerations. to explain: i wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military profession, and, believing a more favorable opportunity cannot offer than to serve under an officer of general braddock's abilities and experience, it does, you may reasonably suppose, contribute not a little to influence my choice." as soon as possible after the arrival of general braddock, governor dinwiddie called a conference of the governors of five colonies to discuss war measures. the result of the conference was the plan of undertaking three expeditions. "the first of these was to be conducted by braddock, with the british troops, against fort duquesne; the second, under the command of governor shirley of maryland, now honored with the commission of general from the king, was intended for the reduction of the french fort of niagara, and was composed of american regulars and indians; the third was an expedition against crown point, to be undertaken by a regiment of militia." as soon as washington's mother learned that her son had decided to join braddock's army, she hastened to mount vernon in great distress. "i hoped you had quit war forever, george," she said, "and would be content to look after your farm and mother, without exposing yourself to death any more." "a man must be loyal to his country, mother," replied washington. "he is not much of a man if he is not willing to risk his life for his country." "i will not dispute you, george, on that point," continued his mother; "but somehow i had got it into my mind that you were through with war, and i was glad of it. i suppose that a mother's love had more to do with it than patriotism." "but you believe in patriotism?" added washington. "of course i do." "but do not want your son to be patriotic," he quickly added, knowing exactly what course to pursue in order to secure his mother's approval. "not so, george," mrs. washington answered. "i honor patriotism, and if it is _necessary_ for you to join the army again, i am willing. as i said, a mother's love got the better of me for the moment." "it does seem necessary for me to go, mother, in the circumstances," added washington. "as i am situated the refusal might be easily construed into a lack of patriotism. this is a critical time for the colonies, when loyalty and patriotism alone can sustain their cause." "you are right, my son, and i will heartily withdraw my objections," responded mrs. washington, touched by her son's devotion to his country. "my prayers are all that i can give to my country, and these it shall have. that god may protect you through all the dangers and hardships of war, and return you in safety, will be my constant prayer. with his blessing you can be a useful man in war, as in peace, and without it you can expect nothing." thus, as before, washington entered upon the campaign with his mother's pious benediction. on the th of june he left alexandria with braddock's army, recruited to nearly three thousand men. virginia raised three companies of her best marksmen, who joined the british troops. when the march began, and washington took in the grand military display, every soldier well clad and equipped, instead of being ragged and poorly armed, he said, "this is the grandest spectacle i ever beheld." as another has said, "not the shabby, discouraging, inglorious war of men without hats and shoes, kettles and bayonets, but the military array of a young officer's brightest dreams: a host in gallant uniforms, with nodding plumes, the clang of inspiring music, and the dazzling splendor of banners flaunting in the sun. victory was a thing of course. the want of proper equipment had occasioned defeat and mortification. the presence of everything that a soldier's heart could wish or his fancy devise was sure to bring triumph that would extinguish all memory of former failure." general braddock was an experienced officer, but he knew nothing of indian warfare. evidently he regarded the french as his chief antagonists, and supposed that an easy victory could be won. his conversation with benjamin franklin, who visited him, as postmaster-general, to make arrangements for the transmission of the mails to and from the army, reveals much of the general's character. "not a long campaign, i think," he remarked to franklin. "nevertheless a hard one," answered franklin. "in such a country as this, campaigning is attended with serious difficulties." "but difficulties lessen before experienced officers and soldiers," responded braddock. "can you give me any idea of your intended progress?" inquired franklin, for the purpose of drawing him out, and learning what were his real ideas of the country. "after taking fort duquesne," braddock replied, "i am to proceed to niagara; and, having taken that, to frontenac, if the season will allow, and i suppose it will, for duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then i can see nothing to obstruct my march to niagara." "i supposed that it would require a longer time than that to reduce fort duquesne," said washington. "the french have had ample time to strengthen their fortification." "that may be, but i do not apprehend much difficulty in accomplishing my object there," was the general's confident reply. "to be sure, sir," continued franklin, "if you arrive well before duquesne with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified and assisted with a very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. the only danger i apprehend of obstruction to your march is from the ambuscades of the indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and your slender line of troops, nearly four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise on its flanks, and to be cut like thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support one another." general braddock smiled at what he thought was franklin's ignorance, and answered in a self-assuring manner: "these savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to raw american militia; but upon the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make an impression." in describing this interview afterwards, franklin said sarcastically: "i was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession and said no more." washington was so ill after the army reached the great crossings of the youghiogeny, that dr. craik advised him to stop until he rallied. he had been feverish for several days, and for that reason had ridden in a covered wagon. "death is almost inevitable if you continue," said dr. craik. "stop here until the violence of your fever abates, and then you can come up with dunbar's rear division." "i think you are unnecessarily alarmed, doctor," answered washington. "in a few days i shall be all right. it will be a great trial to me to stop here and not advance with the army." "it may prove a greater trial for you to advance," suggested dr. craik. "rest and quiet may restore you speedily now, but it may be too late three days hence." general braddock also appealed to him. "you are altogether too unwell to proceed, colonel washington," he said, "and you must not attempt it." "but i would not miss being with you at the attack upon fort duquesne for five hundred pounds," replied washington. "and you will not if you stop here until you are better; but if you go on, you may be dead and buried by that time, or too sick to participate in the battle," was the general's wise answer. "i will stop here if you will promise that i shall rejoin the army before an engagement," added washington. "i pledge you my word of honor, in the most solemn manner, that it shall be effected." washington remained, soon rallied, and rejoined the army when it was encamped about two miles from the monongahela river. washington had feared disaster, as franklin did, from braddock's ignorance of indian warfare. "let me reconnoitre in advance with the three companies of virginia marksmen," he proposed. "we understand the tactics of the savages, and can fight them in their own way." "allow me to suggest, young man, that the savages will be of little account before my regulars," was braddock's haughty answer, evidently thinking that his youthful aid-de-camp was too officious. "the best disciplined troops are not competent to fight indians in the indian way if they have had no experience with savages," persisted washington. "the order of battle and the usual rules and tactics of war are of no account here." "that may be your opinion and experience," replied the general, "but you have not had the king's efficient troops here before. that makes all the difference in the world." "nevertheless," added washington, "defeat awaits us unless we are prepared to meet indians with their own tactics." before the army took up its line of march from alexandria, washington advised general braddock not to wait for any wagons to be provided. braddock had been disappointed in getting a supply of these; and when dr. franklin visited him, he bargained with him to purchase in pennsylvania, and forward at once, a sufficient number of them, with four horses to each wagon. "army wagons will be a burden to us instead of a help, much of the way," said washington. "the road is narrow and rough, and pack-horses will prove better than wagons." but these suggestions were unheeded by the haughty british officer, who insisted that his army should be provided for and move in the wilds of america as in the cultivated countries of europe. he had too much official pride to allow himself to be instructed by a stripling in virginia. general braddock possessed a high temper, and he was excessively fond of intoxicating drinks. with too much temper and too much drink to carry, he often became an overbearing officer. washington wrote as follows to mr. fairfax at one time: "the general, by frequent breaches of contract, has lost all patience, and for want of that temperance and moderation which should be used by a man of sense upon these occasions, will, i fear, represent us in a light we little deserve; for, instead of blaming individuals, as he ought, he charges all his disappointments to public supineness, and looks upon the country, i believe, as void of honor and honesty. we have frequent disputes on this head, which are maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his, who is incapable of arguing with or giving up any point he asserts, let it be ever so incompatible with reason or common sense." it should be recorded in his favor that general braddock was a strict disciplinarian in the army. each regiment was provided with a chaplain, and every soldier was required to attend prayers each day, and on sunday be present at divine services. he refused to tolerate some practices among his men which are common in armies. the most vicious class of soldiers indulged in a wholesome fear of him. after braddock's army crossed the monongahela, and were within ten miles of duquesne, and no sign nor sound of an enemy was seen or heard, washington grew anxious, and he said: "general, this silence so near the fort in our country is rather ominous than otherwise. a scouting party ought to go forward. we are liable to find ourselves in an ambuscade of indians at any moment." "indians have a poor show in the presence of this force," replied the general. "the king's troops will show you how to handle savages." "i will scour the woods in advance with the virginia provincials if you say the word, general," washington continued, apprehending that they were in the very jaws of danger. he knew very well that french and indian scouts must be near them watching their movements. but braddock declined his offer and they marched on in european style, "three hundred men under colonel gage forming the advanced party, followed by a party of two hundred; and last of all, the general, with the main body, colonel duncan leading the rear with supplies." we should have stated that, in the outset, indians flocked to the english standard; among them white thunder scarooyadi, successor to half-king, who had died, and others, associated with washington in his former campaign. silver heels, so called from his nimbleness, a renowned warrior, came and tendered his services. through washington's entreaty, general braddock received the red warriors kindly, with military honors. he made them presents in the name of the king, and they, in turned, danced and sung war songs. but such was braddock's demeanor towards them subsequently, that they became displeased; and, when their dissatisfaction was intensified by the improper conduct of some young english officers towards bright lightning, the beautiful daughter of white thunder, they all deserted the army in disgust. when within ten miles of duquesne, on the ninth day of july, braddock had no indians in his command. scarooyadi reported to the governor and council of pennsylvania, after braddock's defeat: "it was owing to the pride and arrogance of that great general who came from england. he is now dead, but he was a bad man when he was alive. he looked upon us as dogs, and would never hear anything that was said to him. we often endeavored to advise him, and tell him of the danger he was in with his soldiers; but he never appeared pleased with us, and that was the reason a great many of our warriors left him." he proposed to take up the hatchet again with the english, and said: "let us unite our strength; you are numerous, and all the english governors along your seashore can raise men enough; but don't let those that come from over the great seas be concerned any more. _they are unfit to fight in the woods. let us go ourselves, we that came out of this ground._" three or four o'clock on that ninth day of july, as the advance of the army was ascending a rise of ground, a volley of musketry suddenly arrested their progress. from a ravine, concealed by dense foliage, a deadly fire was poured into their faces. before they had recovered from their surprise, another volley was fired into them from the other side. these volleys mowed them down like grass. yet the enemy could not be seen. the english directed their fire towards the smoke of battle, though but for a moment. for the torrent of lead, shot into their faces, forced the advance back upon the main column, and confusion followed. general braddock bravely sought to rally them, to move forward in orderly columns, as on european battlefields, but his efforts were abortive; for six hundred indians, painted and armed for battle and thirsting for blood, burst from their ambuscade, followed by three hundred french and canadians, sure of victory; and the work of carnage grew terrific. early in the conflict two of braddock's aides-de-camp, captains orme and morris, fell, and washington alone remained to carry the general's orders here and there. without the least regard to personal safety, he galloped over the field, his tall, noble form presenting a rare target for the indian sharpshooters, who took special pains to bring him down. two horses were shot under him, and four balls pierced his clothes; still he was conspicuous everywhere that he could be of service, and for three hours distributed his commander's orders, with the deadly missiles flying around him like hailstones. dr. craik said: "i expected to see him fall every moment. he dashed over the field, reckless of death, when the bullets whistled about him on every side. why he was not killed i cannot divine, unless a watchful providence was preserving him for more important work." one of the principal indian warriors fired at him again and again; and, at his bidding, a score of young braves did the same, without so much as grazing his skin, keeping up their fire until convinced that the great spirit had given to him a charmed life that he might not be shot in battle. mr. paulding gives the description of an eye-witness thus: "i saw him take hold of a brass field-piece as if it had been a stick. he looked like a fury; he tore the sheet-lead from the touch-hole, he placed one hand on the muzzle, the other on the breach; he pulled with this and he pushed with that, and wheeled it round as if it had been nothing. it tore the ground like a plough. the powder monkey rushed up with the fire, and then the cannon began to bark, i tell you. they fought and they fought, and the indians yelled when the rest of the brass cannon made the bark of the trees fly, and the indians came down. that place they call rock hill, and there they left five hundred men dead on the ground." a bullet struck washington's gold watch-seal, and knocked it from his chain. eighty years after the battle that seal was found by a visitor to the battle ground, and it is now preserved among the relics of the washington family. the english officers behaved heroically, and won washington's admiration by their bravery; but the english _soldiers_ acted like cowards. panic-stricken in the first place, they did not recover from their consternation during the engagement. the unearthly yells of the savages, which they had never heard before, seemed to terrify them even more than the whistling of bullets. they lost self-control, disregarded the orders of their officers, and ran hither and thither like frightened sheep. sixty-three of the eighty-five english officers were killed or wounded, a fact that shows how bravely they fought. general braddock proved himself a brave and faithful commander. he did all that mortal man could do to save his army, exposing himself to death from first to last. after three hours of hard fighting, during which time four horses were shot under him, he fell, pierced by several bullets, and was borne from the field. now the whole command depended upon washington, who had taken special pains to have the virginia marksmen fight the indians after their own fashion. their effective tactics had saved the english army from complete destruction. and now washington rallied them afresh, to cover the army in its retreat, bearing their wounded commander as they went. mr. meek's description of the final contest is so particular and graphic that we quote it here: "happily, on the left, where lay the heaviest fire, washington's rangers were posted, but not exposed like the british. for, on hearing the savage yells aforesaid, in a moment they flew each to his tree, like the indians; and, like them, each leveled his rifle, and with as deadly aim. this, through a kind providence, saved braddock's army; for, exulting in their confusion, the savages, grimly painted, and yelling like furies, leaped from their coverts, eager to glut their hellish rage with a total massacre of the british. but, faithful to their friends, washington's rangers stepped forth with joy to met the assailants. then rose a scene sufficient to fill the stoutest heart with horror. _here_ falls the brave virginia blue, under the stroke of his nimbler foe; and _there_, man on man, the indians perish beneath the furious storm of lead. but who can tell the joy of washington, when he saw this handful of his despised countrymen thus gallantly defending their british friends, and, by dint of mortal steel, driving back their blood-thirsty assailants? happy check! for by this time, covered with wounds, braddock had fallen; his aids and officers, to a man, killed or wounded; and his troops, in _hopeless_, _helpless_ despair, flying backwards and forwards from the fire of the indians, like flocks of crowded sheep from the presence of their butchers. washington alone remained unhurt. two horses had been killed under him. showers of bullets had lifted his locks or pierced his regimentals. but still protected by heaven, still supported by a strength not his own, he had continued to fly from quarter to quarter, where his presence was most needed, sometimes animating his rangers, sometimes striving, but in vain, to rally the regulars. 'twas his lot to be close to the brave but imprudent braddock when he fell, and assisted to place him in a tumbril, or little cart. as he was laid down, pale and near spent with loss of blood, he faintly said to washington: "well, colonel, what's to be done now?" "retreat, retreat by all means," answered washington. "the regulars won't fight and the rangers are nearly all killed." "poor fellows! poor fellows!" weakly replied the dying general. "do as you will, colonel, the command is on you." "more than half of the army are dead and wounded," continued washington, "and retreat is all that is left us. the surviving rangers can cover the retreat of the remnant." "pardon me, colonel for rejecting your counsel, which i now deeply regret," the general frankly confessed. "i see it now, but it is all over." the command of the army reverted to colonel dunbar after the fall of braddock; but he was several miles away, on the other side of the monongahela, when the disaster occurred, in charge of the rear division and supplies. hence the authority of washington for the time being. when the retreating army recrossed the river and reached colonel dunbar, and he learned the extent of the disaster, the wildest confusion followed. colonel dunbar proved himself unfit for his position, by losing his self-control, ordering the heavy baggage and supplies to be burned, and hastening the retreat to fort necessity. general braddock died soon after the shattered army reached fort necessity. tradition says that he died in the arms of washington, to whom he gave his favorite servant, bishop, expressing regrets again and again that he had not treated his youthful aid-de-camp with more consideration. washington conducted the funeral services over the remains of the british general, and made it a very impressive ceremony. his voice trembled with emotion when he read the episcopal service, and tears stood in his eyes as he thought of the victory that might have been, instead of the terrible defeat that was. subsequent information received by washington proved that the french at fort duquesne celebrated their victory by a drunken carousal, and that they treated their prisoners with great barbarity. colonel smith, who was a prisoner there, and an eye-witness, subsequently bore the following testimony, after speaking of the victorious savages returning with the spoils of war, such as grenadiers' caps, canteens, muskets, swords, bayonets, rich uniforms, and dripping scalps: "those that were coming in and those who had arrived kept up a constant firing of small arms, and also of the great guns in the fort, which was accompanied by the most hideous shouts and yells from all quarters, so that it appeared to me as if the infernal regions had broken loose. about sundown i beheld a small party coming in with about a dozen of prisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied behind their backs. their faces and parts of their bodies were blackened. these prisoners they burned to death on the banks of the alleghany river, opposite to the fort. i stood on the walls of the fort until i beheld them begin to burn one of these men. they tied him to a stake and kept touching him with fire-brands, red-hot irons, etc., and he screamed in the most doleful manner. the indians, in the mean time, were yelling like infernal spirits. as this scene was too shocking for me, i returned to my lodgings both sorry and sore. "from the best information i could receive, there were only seven indians and four french killed in this battle. five hundred british lay dead in the field, besides what were killed in the river, after their retreat. the morning after the battle i saw braddock's artillery brought into the fort. the same day, also, i saw several indians in the dress of british officers, with the sashes, half-moons, laced hats, etc., which the british wore." washington said: "the french are responsible for these atrocious cruelties, for the indians are their allies, instigated to war by their influence, fighting under their banner, and paid by their money. the burning of our men under the very walls of their fort must have been done by their approval." he embraced the first opportunity after the battle, to write to his mother, that she might know of his safety, and be relieved of any anxiety which exaggerated reports might create. his letter to her was dated fort cumberland, july , , and the first paragraph was: "as i doubt not but you have heard of our defeat, and, perhaps, had it represented in a worse light, if possible, than it deserves, i have taken this opportunity to give you some account of the engagement as it happened within ten miles of the french fort, on wednesday, the th inst." he wrote to his brother: "the virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed. the dastardly behavior of those they called regulars exposed all others that were ordered to do their duty to almost certain death. at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them. "by the all-powerful dispensations of providence i have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation, for i had four bullets through my coat and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side of me." xiii. on the frontier. washington's advice to colonel dunbar was: "reorganize and march upon duquesne. that fort can be captured by strategy." "i can do nothing with an army so demoralized as this," replied dunbar. "we may as well consider this campaign ended. our force is now too much reduced to capture duquesne." "nevertheless i believe that this defeat may be turned into victory," added washington. "at any rate i am not in favor of utterly abandoning the attempt." "better that than to make a second attempt and fail," retorted dunbar. "i do not propose to remain and see the remnant of my army annihilated." "what, then, will you do?" "strike my tents and repair to philadelphia and go into winter quarters," answered dunbar. "go into winter quarters before dog-days have fairly set in!" exclaimed washington, surprised by the suggestion. "what will the people of our country say to that?" "they may say what they please," said dunbar. "the risk is too great for me to assume under the circumstances, and i decide to go into camp in philadelphia." "then there is no alternative for me but to return to williamsburg," added washington, perfectly satisfied that dunbar was too much of a coward to be intrusted with the command of an army. colonel dunbar acted accordingly; struck his tents, and, under the impulse of his excessive fear, hurried his troops off to philadelphia. washington regretfully and sorrowfully marched the virginia force back to williamsburg. news of the disaster had reached that place before his arrival, causing great excitement and sorrow; but when the people looked upon his shattered and diminished force, their hearts were touched, and their fears greatly augmented. nor did they attach blame to washington; on the other hand, the sentiment was universal that, but for his bravery and skill, braddock's army would have been well nigh annihilated. governor dinwiddie immediately called together the assembly to consider what could be done in the crisis. in the meantime he conferred with washington respecting the way of retrieving their loss. "raise a force of two or three thousand men," said washington, "and reduce fort duquesne as soon as possible. under the flush of this victory the french will urge the indians on to devastation and carnage throughout the frontier. a speedy, bold, successful attack upon the fort will prevent such a calamity." "i had not thought of that," answered the governor, "but it is a sensible view of the matter to take. we must protect the country against indian depredations if it be possible." "or we are in a far worse condition than ever," interjected washington. "you know what the indians are under the excitement of victory; _savages_ in the worst sense of the word." "and there will be no mercy shown to the defenceless settlements and the scattered families of the frontier," added the governor. "all the horrors of indian massacre and outrage will be witnessed in our country." governor dinwiddie canvassed the whole subject with washington, so that he was prepared to make definite suggestions to the legislature when that body convened. he advised them to raise two thousand troops and make a liberal appropriation of money, "to carry the war into africa," on the ground that otherwise the enemy would be emboldened to prosecute an aggressive war. when the legislature assembled, leading members opposed aggressive warfare, and advised only defensive operations on the frontier. so they voted to raise a thousand troops only, and appropriated money accordingly, a very great disappointment to washington and those who took the same view of the situation that he did. at the same time washington was appointed commander-in-chief of the virginia forces, with the unusual power of appointing his own field officers and aide-de-camp and secretary. this was on the th of august, . on a former page we said that expeditions against the french and indians at niagara and crown point were planned at the same time the expedition against duquesne was determined upon. both of these expeditions failed. they started from albany, n.y., the first under the command of governor shirley of massachusetts; the other under william johnson, an irishman, who was on intimate terms of friendship with the most powerful chiefs of the six nations. when these two expeditions were fairly under way, news of the disastrous defeat of braddock reached them, and completely demoralized the troops. the indians, who were always inclined to join the winning side, deserted the ranks, and many white soldiers followed their cowardly example. the expedition under johnson accomplished something in another direction; but both expeditions failed, so far as the proposed reduction of niagara and crown point was concerned. "a fatal mistake!" remarked washington to mr. fairfax. "such timid measures are just suited to encourage the enemy." "it cannot be otherwise," answered fairfax. "to provide just enough men to make a good target, and just enough money to pay for shooting them down, is very poor policy, in my judgment." "when it comes to actual service," continued washington, "there will not be over seven hundred reliable soldiers for fighting. to defend three hundred and sixty miles of frontier with this small force is next to impossible. to mass them in one locality will leave other localities exposed; and to divide them up into squads, and scatter them over the whole distance, is arranging them for the enemy to readily cut them off one after another." "a bloody work, that infuriated savages will enjoy," remarked mr. fairfax. "the more i think of it, the more i shrink from the contemplation of the horrible butchery that will probably follow this serious mistake of the government." "yet i accept my appointment, lest a refusal be misconstrued," continued washington. "but i have served so long with inadequate support by the government, followed by disasters, that i had hoped for the most liberal provisions now." "and they should have been freely granted," added mr. fairfax. "no one can be more sensible of my failures than i am," washington remarked with his usual modesty. "if an old proverb will apply to my case, i shall certainly close with a share of success, for surely no man ever made a worse beginning than i have. still, i want a fair chance to redeem my fortunes if i can." in september washington established his headquarters at winchester, beyond the blue ridge, in the beautiful valley of the shenandoah. it was a frontier town, one hundred and forty miles northwest of richmond. he found the people of the town under great alarm in consequence of frequent reports of depredations by french and indians. the town was crowded with men, women, and children, who had fled from their homes in the wilderness to this place for protection, on hearing that the indians were on the war-path. many of these reports were exaggerated, and others had no foundation in truth. for instance, one morning the report came that a party of indians was within twelve miles of the town, pillaging, burning and murdering in the most terrible manner. the report filled the inhabitants with consternation, and women and children were half crazed with fear. washington ordered a company of soldiers to follow him in driving back the foe, but not one of them would respond. their fears were greater than their patriotism. suspecting that the report might be exaggerated, he sent out scouts to learn something more definite. the scouts returned in one hour with the startling intelligence, "the indians are less than four miles away, destroying everything in their track." on being questioned by washington as to the facts in the case, the scouts said, "we heard their yells and guns distinctly, and there is not a shadow of doubt but that they will fall upon winchester within an hour." washington appealed to the soldiers again, and supplemented his appeal by authority and threats. about forty volunteered to accompany him to meet the savage foe. moving with extreme caution and circumspection, they reached the spot where the scouts heard the yells of indian warriors. sure enough, they heard a kind of yell and the discharge of a musket, but nothing that indicated the presence of savages to washington's experienced ear. pressing on a few rods farther, a turn of the road disclosed to washington two drunken soldiers, cursing, yelling and carousing, and occasionally firing off a pistol into the air. he made prisoners of the two worthless fellows, who had proved the scouts to be cowards, conveyed them to winchester, and locked them up. this incident shows that there was little discipline among the soldiers, and little self-possession among the people. in his discouragement, washington wrote to governor dinwiddie: "in all things i meet with the greatest opposition. no orders are obeyed but such as a party of soldiers, or my own drawn sword, enforces. without this, not a single horse, for the most earnest occasion, can be had, to such a pitch has the insolence of these people arrived by having every point hitherto submitted to them. however, i have given up none where his majesty's service requires the contrary, and when my proceedings are justified by my instructions; nor will i, unless they execute what they threaten, that is, 'blow out our brains.'... i would again hint the necessity of putting the militia under a better regulation, had i not mentioned it twice before and a third time may seem impertinent. but i must once more beg leave to declare that, unless the assembly will pass an act to enforce military law in all its parts, i must decline the honor that has been so generously intended me. i see the growing insolence of the soldiers, and the indolence and inactivity of the officers, who are all sensible how limited their punishments are, compared with what they ought to be. in fine, i can plainly see that under the present establishment we shall become a nuisance, an unsupportable charge to our country, and never answer any one expectation of the assembly.... why should it be expected from us, who are all young and inexperienced, to govern and keep up a proper spirit of discipline without laws, when the best and most experienced can scarcely do it with them? if we consult our interest, i am sure it loudly calls for them. i can confidently assert that recruiting, clothing, arming, maintaining, and subsisting soldiers who have since deserted have cost the country an immense sum, which might have been prevented were we under restraints that would terrify the soldiers from such practices." another trial which washington experienced was the refusal of captain dagworthy, in command at fort cumberland, to obey his orders. dagworthy had received his commission from the king, and he claimed that hence he was washington's superior, who received his commission from a provincial governor. this affair created much excitement in washington's command, and his officers drew up a memorial, praying him-- "to appeal to general shirley, who was commander-in-chief of all the british forces in north america, and whose headquarters are in boston. his decision will settle the question forever." washington applied to governor dinwiddie for permission to proceed to boston at once for this purpose, and obtained it. notwithstanding the deep snow and wintry weather, he started upon this mission on the th of february, , accompanied by captains mercer and stewart. they travelled on horseback the whole distance, and "took with them their negro servants, who, riding behind with their master's saddle-bags and portmanteaus, and dressed in fine livery, with gold lace on their fur hats, and blue cloaks, gave quite an air of style and consequence to the little cavalcade." in new york city washington was entertained by beverly robinson, a distinguished citizen, at whose house he met a very accomplished young lady, miss phillips, sister of mrs. robinson. her many attractions captivated the young hero more than any lady friend had done since his experience with the "lowland beauty." however, he did not capitulate, but bore his colors forward to boston, whither his fame had gone before him. he received a warm reception in boston, such as was never accorded to so youthful an officer. his gallant conduct in saving braddock's army from destruction, together with other deeds of heroism, known throughout the colonies, had made him famous; and now, "his tall and commanding form, the manly beauty of his face, his dignified bearing, his rich and handsome dress, and the unequalled skill with which he managed his large and noble horse," awakened admiration in the minds of all beholders. having procured an order from general shirley, under which a commission from a provincial governor was as good as one from the king, washington started upon his return journey, after remaining ten days in boston. he stopped two weeks in new york city with beverly robinson, whose wife's charming sister greatly pleased him. in her he beheld all that was beautiful in person, graceful in accomplishments, and excellent in character. there is no doubt that the young hero, who had withstood the assaults of french and indians combined, had resolved to surrender to the bewitching charms of this damsel. but he found that a true and worthy friend of his had already captured the prize, and was exulting in the possession of her heart. disappointed, but not cast down, he bade the charmer adieu, and hurried away. he reached williamsburg on the twenty-third day of march, after an absence of seven weeks. he had but just arrived when a messenger came dashing into town, the bearer of appalling news. "the indians are approaching winchester in force, burning and plundering as they go!" he shouted. "have you any better evidence of their depredations than rumor?" inquired washington, recalling some experiences of the past, "or do you announce what you _know_ to be a fact?" "the evidence of their approach and plunder is positive," replied the messenger; "and the inhabitants are flocking into town from their pillaged and burning homes." washington was satisfied that the startling tidings was no false alarm, and, putting spurs to his charger, he dashed away to winchester. his arrival reassured the terrified inhabitants and they bravely rallied to defend their homes. everything was put upon a war basis as soon as possible. a few days passed, and washington wrote to the governor as follows: "however absurd it may appear, it is, nevertheless, certain that five hundred indians have it more in their power to annoy the inhabitants than ten times their number of regulars. besides the advantageous way they have of fighting in the woods, their cunning and craft, their activity and patient sufferings are not to be equalled. they prowl about like wolves, and, like them, do their mischief by stealth. they depend upon their dexterity in hunting, and upon the cattle of the inhabitants, for provisions." in an interview with mr. fairfax, washington remarked: "you will recall my prophecy that our frontier will be ravaged until fort duquesne is captured and the french are driven from the ohio." "i remember your prophecy distinctly," replied mr. fairfax; "and now we reap as we sowed. we sowed to the wind, and now we are reaping the whirlwind." "even now it is not too late to recover what has been lost, were the government so disposed," continued washington. "i do not despair only so far as those in authority fail to support military operations. the enemy has appealed to arms, and there is no alternative but to accept the challenge." the following extract from one of his letters to general loudoun, who superseded general shirley as commander-in-chief of the british forces in america, discloses the unhappy condition of affairs: "i am too little acquainted, sir, with pathetic language, to attempt a description of the people's distresses; but i have a generous soul, sensible of wrongs and swelling for redress. but what can i do? i see their situation, know their danger, and participate in their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them further relief than uncertain promises. in short, i see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that unless vigorous measures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants that are now in forts must unavoidably fall, while the remainder are flying before a barbarous foe. in fine, the melancholy situation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous abuse cast upon the officers in general, which reflects upon me in particular, for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kinds, and the distant prospect, if any, of gaining honor and reputation in the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission: and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which i never expect to reap either honor or benefit; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here. the supplicating tears of the women and moving petitions of the men melt me into such deadly sorrow that i solemnly declare, if i know my own mind, i could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." two days afterwards, he addressed another letter to the governor, in which he said: "not an hour, nay, scarcely a minute, passes, that does not produce fresh alarms and melancholy accounts. nor is it possible to give the people the necessary assistance for their defence, on account of the small number of men we have, or that are likely to be here for some time. the inhabitants are removing daily, and in a short time will leave this country as desolate as hampshire, where scarce a family lives." "three families were murdered night before last, at the distance of less than twelve miles from this place; and every day we have accounts of such cruelties and barbarities as are shocking to human nature. it is not possible to conceive the situation and danger of this miserable country. such numbers of french and indians are all round that no road is safe; and here we know not the hour we may be attacked." for nearly two years washington vainly attempted the defence of the frontier, the french and indians all the while plundering and murdering the inhabitants in one locality while he was defending another, multiplying scenes of barbarity as only savages could. the following description of a single scene is by washington himself: "one day as we drew near, through the woods, to a dwelling, suddenly we heard the discharge of a gun. whereupon, quickening our pace, and creeping up through the thick bushes to a fence, we saw what we had dreaded--a party of indians, loaded with plunder, coming out of a house, which, by the smoke, appeared as if it were just set on fire. in a moment we gave the savages a shower of rifle balls, which killed every man of them but one, who attempted to run off, but in vain; for some of our swift-footed hunters gave chase, and soon overtook and demolished him with their tomahawks. on rushing into the house and putting out the fire, we saw a mournful sight indeed: a young woman lying on the bed floated with blood, her forehead cleft with a hatchet, and on her breast two little children, apparently twins, and about nine months old, bathing her bosom with blood flowing from their deeply gashed heads! i had often beheld the mangled remains of my murdered countrymen, but never before felt what i did on this occasion. to see these poor innocents, these little, unoffending angels, just entered upon life, and, instead of fondest sympathy and tenderness, meeting their bloody deaths, and from hands of brothers, too, filled my soul with the deepest horror of sin! "on tracing back into the corn-field the steps of the barbarians, we found a little boy, and beyond him his father, both weltering in blood. it appeared, from the print of his little feet in the furrows, that the child had been following his father's plough; and, seeing him shot down, had set off with all his might to get to the house, to his mother, but was overtaken and destroyed. "and, indeed, so great was the dread of the french and indians throughout the settlements, that it was distressing to call even on those families who yet survived, but, from sickness or other causes, had not been able to get away. the poor creatures would run to meet us, like persons half distracted with joy, and then, with looks blank with terror, would tell that such or such a neighbor's family, perhaps the very night before, was murdered, and that they heard their cries and saw the flames that devoured their house. and also, that they themselves, after saying their prayers at night, never lay down to sleep without first taking leave of one another, as if they never expected to meet again in this world. but when we came to take our leave of these wretched families, my god, what were our feelings! to see the deep, silent grief of the men, and the looks of the poor women and children, as, falling upon their knees, with piercing screams, and eyes wild with terror, they seized our hands or hung to our clothes, entreating us for god's and mercy's sake not to leave them to be murdered! these things so filled my heart with grief, that i solemnly declare to god, if i know myself, i would gladly offer my own life a sacrifice to the butchering enemy, if i could but thereby insure the safety of these my poor, distressed countrymen." washington continued to say to the government that this terrible state of affairs would not cease until fort duquesne was captured; and he entreated, again and again, to be provided with an army large enough to reduce the fort. but all in vain. finally, near the close of the year , his labors and anxieties threw him into a violent fever, and he was conveyed to mount vernon, where he lay for four months, sometimes so sick that his life was despaired of, all the time bearing upon his soul the responsibilities of his public position. his faithful servant bishop, bequeathed to him by general braddock, attended him night and day with singular devotion. it was not until april that he was able to resume his command. when washington returned to his headquarters at winchester, he was unexpectedly cheered by some favorable changes. general loudoun had been superceded by general abercrombie, and governor dinwiddie had been recalled to england. xiv. a rift in the cloud. "the people are disheartened," said washington to mr. fairfax, "and we need successes to inspire hope within them. but this can never be until the king's officers understand how to fight indians." "that is true, no doubt, but i have more hope that general abercrombie will do something effective for this part of the country," answered fairfax. "general loudoun had more than his hands full to look after the troops at the north, so that he could give little attention to our claims." "i wish that it might be so," responded washington; "but the only effective blow that can be struck for us is the reduction of fort duquesne. until that is done, the enemy has a base of supplies, and a refuge from which to sally forth at any time, for pillage and butchery on the frontier. the possession of canada is important, and victories there now would greatly encourage our people. an army of from five to ten thousand men would drive the french and indians before it, and put the english into speedy possession of the ohio." "and that will encourage the people, and put hope and life into them," added fairfax. "and patriotism, too, i should hope," said washington. "our people lack patriotism, and there is no disguising it." one of washington's trials, at that time, was the unwillingness of the people to incur the expense and dangers of war. they appeared to think that sufferings and death alone awaited them in warfare with indians. such harrowing tales of cruelties by the savages had come to them, that they shrank from conflict with the barbarians. mrs. washington was very much opposed to her son going to the ohio again. rumors of another expedition against duquesne reached her, whereupon she wrote to him, entreating him not to undertake the hazardous enterprise. he replied to her as follows: dear mother,--if it is my power to avoid going to the ohio again, i shall; but if the command is pressed upon me by the general voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor upon me to refuse it; and that, i am sure, must and ought to give you greater uneasiness than my going in an honorable command. upon no other terms will i accept it. at present i have no proposals made to me, nor have i any advice of such an intention, except from private hands. general abercrombie surprised washington, however, by issuing an order to organize a strong expedition against duquesne. the newly appointed commander-in-chief appeared to comprehend the situation as his predecessors had not, and washington was overjoyed. the cloud that had enveloped his spirit was lifted, and he saw a brighter future. the northern troops, also, were meeting with successes, and news of their victories gladdened all hearts. the expeditions against louisburg, ticonderoga, and crown point proved fortunate, and the people became more and more hopeful as their advances were known. "there is hope now for our cause," remarked washington to mr. fairfax at williamsburg, very much elated by the prospect before him. "i can see the end now. it looks as if general abercrombie was the right man in the right place." "i hope so," responded mr. fairfax. "he appears to think that two or three times as many troops as you have had before will be none too many to march against duquesne." "there is my hope," continued washington. "an army large enough to strike an effective blow will save both money and men for the government. half enough is cruelly exposing all to defeat and butchery." "so it has proved," remarked fairfax. "to the discouragement and fear of the people throughout this part of the country," replied washington. "but if troops are furnished according to the order now, i have no fear about the result. three thousand from pennsylvania, twelve hundred from north carolina, two thousand from virginia, with seven hundred indians, and as many regulars, will make an army of about eight thousand." "how large a force do you imagine the french have at duquesne?" inquired fairfax. "not over one-third of our number. perhaps not more than one-quarter as many. if the assembly will be as liberal in supplying the virginia soldiers with clothing, rations, arms, blankets, etc., as general abercrombie has been, it will be a wise economy, as well as commendable patriotism." washington was in williamsburg at the time, for the purpose of laying before a committee of the legislature the wants of his little army, and securing liberal supplies. on his way thither an incident occurred which should be narrated here. passing through the county of new kent, on his way to williamsburg, washington approached the baronial estate of mr. chamberlain. the proprietor was near his front gate, and, recognizing washington, who was accompanied by his servant, saluted him, saying: "colonel washington, let it never be said that you passed the house of your father's friend without dismounting. i must insist upon the honor of detaining you as my guest." "i thank you with all my heart, my dear sir, but my business at williamsburg demands haste, and you must excuse me to-day," was washington's reply. "business relating to the expedition against fort duquesne, i suppose?" "yes; and its importance admits of no delay." "nevertheless, i must press my invitation," continued mr. chamberlain, "for surely you must dine somewhere, and it will detain you no longer here than elsewhere. we will not detain you a moment after you have swallowed your dinner. i am too much interested in the capture of duquesne to delay your business." "your patriotism is equal to your hospitality," replied washington, "and i am quite disposed to accept both, in the circumstances." "in that case you will accept my hearty thanks, also," added mr. chamberlain. "do i understand that i may be excused immediately after dinner?" said washington, still hesitating. "immediately, with all the promptness of military discipline." "then, sir, i accept your generous hospitality;" and washington alighted from his horse immediately, saying to his servant bishop, "be sure and have the horses at the door by the time we rise from the dinner-table." "is this the charger and this the servant presented to you by general braddock?" mr. chamberlain inquired as they turned towards the house. "the same, sir." "you honor me, colonel washington, by accepting my invitation to dinner," continued mr. chamberlain. "i rejoice all the more in the opportunity to have you for my guest because i have other friends to dine with me to-day, who will regard it a real pleasure to meet our young and gallant soldier." washington bowed his acknowledgments for the honest compliment, and they passed into the mansion, where he was soon introduced to the other guests, and brought face to face with them in the dining-hall. among the guests was mrs. martha custis, a young widow, accomplished, beautiful, and wealthy, about six months younger than washington. her charming appearance captivated the young hero's heart. he beheld in her such a partner as would make his future life happy. after dinner, instead of discoursing upon the importance of his mission to williamsburg, and rushing for his horse, he entered into familiar conversation with mrs. custis. the longer he talked the more he admired the intelligence, grace, and character of the lady. his faithful servant bishop was at the gate, with the horses, when the party rose from dinner. he waited and waited, wondering and wondering what could delay his master, who was always punctual as the clock. the favorite charger champed his bits and pawed the ground, as if he, too, wondered what had become of his rider's usual promptness. so the moments, and even hours, sped, trying the patience of bishop and the horses. all this while washington was engaged in pleasant conversation with mrs. custis and other guests, the former being the attraction which caused him to modify his views respecting his business at williamsburg. she might not have been a "widow bewitched," but she certainly cast a spell over the hero of monongahela, which he did not throw off; and, after a time of unusual social delight, he accepted an invitation to stop over night. bishop was ordered to put the horses into the stable, and thoughts of war appear to have been banished. the next morning he hurried away to williamsburg, and travelled at such a breakneck speed that bishop was more puzzled than ever over the conduct of his master. he had sacrificed his well-earned reputation for promptitude on the day before, and now he seemed to be no longer merciful to his beast; quite enough to perplex the servant beyond measure. however, washington expedited his business at williamsburg, secured the supplies for his army that he asked, and returned by the way of the "white house" on the pamunkey river, where mrs. custis lived in english style. how long he stopped there we have no means of learning; but long enough to consummate a treaty of love, in which it was stipulated that she should become his bride when the expedition against duquesne had been brought to a close. in this affair washington proved himself to be a true son of adam and brother in our common humanity. he who is too great to be insensible to womanly charms and virtues, and too cold in his nature to love, cannot have an important mission to perform in this world. on his return to winchester he found that the english officers were discussing the practicability of making a new road to duquesne, or, at least, from raystown to duquesne by the way of laurel hill. "better march thither by the old road which general braddock constructed," suggested washington. "his road did not lead him to victory," answered one of the officers naively. "neither will a new road, if that is all you have to depend upon," remarked washington. "the difficulties of making a new road through this rough country are so great that such an enterprise should not be undertaken unless it is absolutely necessary." "we came to this country for such business whenever it is necessary," said general forbes, commander of the expedition. "exactly; but a new road is not necessary to make this expedition against duquesne a success." "how is that?" "because it will consume so much time that winter will be upon us before we can reach the fort. an early movement on the old roads is far more desirable, in my judgment, than a late one on a new road." "but you do not consider that the king's regulars are experienced in such work, and they will not require the time which the provincial troops do to complete such a piece of work." "perhaps so," replied washington in a doubtful tone, as if he recalled the old boast of the english generals about the might of their regulars. he had seen enough of these boasted heroes in the former expedition against duquesne to cause him to decidedly prefer provincial troops. "besides," continued general forbes, "the report of general braddock to his government describes the old road as fearful, in consequence of dense forests, huge rocks, deep morasses, and plunging torrents." "none of these things caused his defeat," remarked washington in rather a sarcastic vein. "as i understand it," added general forbes, "there are not so thick woods and huge rocks, nor so perilous swamps and rivers by the proposed new route as there are by the old. besides, the new road is fifty miles nearer." "the shortest way may prove longer than the longest way if you have the short way to build," was washington's significant reply. the english officers were bound to have their own way, and they decided to make the new road, in view of which washington wrote to the speaker of the assembly: "if this conduct of our leaders does not flow from superior orders, it must flow from a weakness too gross for me to name. nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue." a few days later he wrote: "i believe that all is lost. our enterprise is ruined, and we shall be stopped this winter at the laurel hills." as the sequel will show, washington proved himself to be a prophet. while these warlike preparations were going forward, washington was elected to a seat in the house of burgesses. it was not expected, however, that he would take his seat until the contemplated action against the french at duquesne was consummated. it was in the month of may, , that washington went to williamsburg and found his future wife, when passing through kent county. it was the st of september before the army was ready to strike their tents and take up the march from raystown, where the whole army had assembled. much of this time was fooled away by the english officers, who seemed to think that both french and indians would take to their heels when they saw them coming. washington was greatly annoyed by this unnecessary delay. to him it was ominous of evil. he was impatient to plant the english flag on the walls of duquesne, and to make the beautiful mrs. custis his bride. the sooner the army accomplished the former, the sooner he would realize the latter. to add to his annoyance, general forbes proposed to repeat general braddock's folly, and send his regulars forward as a party of observation. "such an arrangement was the cause of general braddock's defeat," he said to general forbes. "how so?" "his regulars knew nothing about indian warfare. they never saw savages on the field of battle, and so they undertook to fight indians as they did french." "plenty of artillery, with a shower of bullets, whether by regulars or provincials, will do the business," remarked general forbes, showing that he was as ignorant of the way savages fight as braddock was. "i hope i can say, without vanity," continued washington, "that, from long intimacy with these woods, and frequent scouting in them, my men are at least as well acquainted with all the passes and difficulties as any troops that will be employed. i will volunteer to scour the country in advance of the army." "you are brave and unselfish, certainly," answered forbes; "but the regulars would hardly thank me for sending inexperienced troops forward instead of them." "if general braddock's regulars, who were shot down in their tracks, could come to life, they would thank you for doing this very thing," said washington. "then you have no faith in the english army to fight indians." "none at all. braddock's regulars were more terrified by the _yell_ of the savages than they were by the cannon of the french." "well, then, colonel, i think we must redeem the credit of the british regulars by sending them forward at this time," answered general forbes. "if braddock's regulars disgraced their country and cause, as you affirm they did, it is time that forbes's regulars should wipe out the dishonor. and that can be done only by detailing them for the work proposed." "as you please, general," answered washington, seeing that forbes was determined to employ his regulars as a scouting party. "you have my opinion, and you will have my obedience as heartily. nothing that i can do to make this expedition successful shall be withholden." therefore the regulars scoured the country in advance, eight hundred in number. washington wrote again concerning the prospects under these unwise arrangements: "the golden opportunity has been lost, perhaps never more to return. between building a new road and sending forward regulars to meet the indians, our hope of success is small indeed. small parties of indians will effectually demoralize the english by keeping them under continual alarms, and attacking them in ambuscade." the advance party was under the command of major grant, a conceited, overbearing officer, who was as ignorant of indian tactics as a baby. besides, his extreme self-confidence made him boastful and reckless, as he subsequently found to his sorrow and shame. one of washington's biographers says of grant: "he was instructed to find out all he could about the enemy, without suffering the enemy to find out more than he could help about himself, and by all possible means to avoid a battle. but instead of conducting the expedition with silence and circumspection, he marched along in so open and boisterous a manner as made it appear he meant to give the enemy timely notice of his coming, and bully him into an attack even while yet on the way. the french, keeping themselves well-informed by their spies of his every movement, suffered him to approach almost to their very gates without molestation. when he got in the neighborhood of the fort, he posted himself on a hill overlooking it, and began throwing up intrenchments in full view of the garrison. as if all this were not imprudence enough, and as if bent on provoking the enemy to come out and give him battle on the instant, whether or no, he sent down a party of observation to spy out yet more narrowly the inside plan and defences of the fort, who were suffered not only to do this, but even to burn a house just outside the walls, and then return to their intrenchments without a hostile sign betokening the unseen foe so silent, yet watchful, within. "early the next morning, as if to give the enemy warning of the threatened danger, the drums of the regulars beat the _réveille_, and the bag-pipes of the highlanders woke the forest-echoes far and wide with their wild and shrilly din." during all this time there was silence in the fort, and no sign of the enemy anywhere around. "no enemy is here; they have fled before us," said major grant to general forbes. "the english regulars have frightened them out of their wits, and they have taken leg-bail." "an illustration of the old adage, 'discretion is the better part of valor,'" answered forbes. "and these are the heroic french and terrible savages of which that young american colonel tells so much!" continued major grant in a derisive manner. "all i regret is, that they did not stay to fight." "it is too serious a joke to fit out this expedition and march through this wilderness for nothing," added general forbes. "we ought to have one chance at the foe, if nothing more." "well, i am not disappointed in the least," responded grant. "all this talk about the bravery of the french and the savagery of indians is buncomb, and that is all. i will raise the english flag over the fort without a drop of blood being shed. let me advance with the regulars; and captain lewis, with his americans, remain behind with the baggage. we will show you how a fort can be taken." "your order shall be obeyed," replied captain lewis, although he looked with contempt upon the braggart whom he addressed. general braddock's blunder was repeated on that day. the regulars moved forward, and marched directly into an indian ambuscade. with unearthly yells the savages sprang from their hiding places, and poured a terrific fire into the faces of the regulars. at the same time the french rushed out of their fort, sending volley after volley of leaden death into their ranks. the english stood their ground for a moment, then broke and retreated in confusion. the savages, emboldened by their success, rushed on to more fearful slaughter, and between musket and tomahawk, butchery reigned supreme. major lewis, who was left behind with the baggage, leaving fifty men under the charge of captain bullit to guard it, rushed forward with his virginia force to the relief of the regulars. his timely aid checked the advance of the foe; but, in a hand to hand fight with an indian warrior, he was taken prisoner, though not until the warrior lay dead at his feet. major grant was taken prisoner, and would have been tomahawked on the spot but for the interposition of a french officer. the retreat became a complete rout, the savages pursuing with their accustomed yells. captain bullit determined to resist the pursuit of the enemy by piling the baggage across the road for a barricade. behind this, with his fifty men, he poured a deadly fire into the foe as they approached, volley after volley, checking their advance by striking terror to their hearts for a moment. perceiving that he could not long hold out, he resorted to a strategy that would have been regarded barbarous if adopted by indians. irving speaks of it as follows: "they were checked for a time, but were again pressing forward in greater numbers, when bullit and his men held out the signal of capitulation, and advanced, as if to surrender. when within eight yards of the enemy, they suddenly leveled their arms, poured a most effectual volley, and then charged with the bayonet. the indians fled in dismay, and bullit took advantage of this check to retreat, with all speed, collecting the wounded and scattered fugitives as he advanced." the whole of the straggling army did not reach fort loyal harman at laurel hills until the fifth day of november. many of the soldiers, especially the wounded, suffered terribly on the retreat. washington was at raystown when the attack was made upon the advance. why and for what he was there, except by order of the commander, general forbes, we know not. but he joined the beaten and demoralized army at fort loyal harman. "braddock's folly repeated must end in braddock's defeat and shame," he remarked, on hearing of the disaster. "the result is no worse than i feared." "your virginians fought bravely," remarked general forbes to washington, evidently thinking that he had underrated their valor and efficiency. "i am not surprised to hear it," replied washington. "i knew that they would prove themselves equal to the occasion." "braver fellows never met a foe on the battlefield," continued general forbes. "our defeat would have been more bloody and shameful but for them." "and if they had formed the advance, they would not have been caught in an indian ambuscade," remarked washington suggestively. in this unfortunate battle the british lost twenty-one officers and two hundred and seventy-three privates in killed and wounded, more than one-third of the advance under grant. "well," continued general forbes, "this snow and freezing weather will compel us to go into winter quarters here. after this defeat we are not in a condition to attack the fort immediately." "our prospects are not very flattering, it must be confessed," remarked washington, without expressing his opinion of the unnecessary and foolish blunder that had brought them into this plight. had he led his virginia rangers in advance, such a disgraceful record would not have been made. washington prophesied that, between building a new road and sending regulars in advance, defeat was inevitable, and now general forbes proposed to fulfil his prophecy. "what is your advice, colonel washington, under the circumstances?" inquired general forbes, evidently designing to atone somewhat for his previous shabby treatment of the young virginia hero. "is it wise to march against the fort at this late season and in this rough weather?" washington was not at all disposed to give advice after all his previous counsels had been treated with contempt; therefore he prolonged the conversation without gratifying the commanding general with an explicit statement of his opinions. in the midst of their interview two or three prisoners were brought in, and they gave such an account of the weakness and destitution of the french garrison that washington advised an immediate advance upon the fort. "is it possible?" said general forbes, doubting the statement. "it is _possible_," answered washington. "it is an easy matter to find out, however." "we are not exactly prepared for such a movement now," replied the general. "i am at your service, general, with my rangers," answered washington, in a tone which showed that he coveted the business. we strongly suspect that washington was thinking of his promised bride, and desired to close the campaign against duquesne that he might claim her. to go into winter quarters, and leave the fort to be captured another season, would put off his wedding-day far beyond his wishes. the understanding was, that he would not be married until after the fall of duquesne. "your brave and generous offer is accepted, without conditions," general forbes immediately replied, only too glad now to impose the labor and risk upon provincial troops. "i will be ready to move to-morrow," added washington with his usual promptness. "as soon as you please, and in what manner you please. the whole thing is in your hands." "very well, sir; we march to-morrow," added washington as he hurried away. on the next day he took up the line of march towards duquesne, proceeding with extreme caution as he approached the vicinity of the fort. the locality of the recent battle was marked by the dead bodies of their fallen brothers, a sickening spectacle to behold. around them, too, were scattered the bones of comrades who fell in the first battle, three years before, a melancholy reminder of the defeat and death which followed the blundering of conceited officers. no sign of the enemy appeared. silence reigned supreme. scouts reported no trace of the foe. still the "rangers" moved forward with the utmost caution. indians could not surprise them now. coming in sight of the fort, they saw that it was deserted. no flag floated over its walls. on the double-quick, washington led his troops into it, and not a frenchman or indian was found. the wooden buildings were burned to ashes, together with such baggage and other material as the occupants could not carry away in boats. not a cannon, gun, or cartridge remained. washington planted the english flag upon the walls of the fort with his own hand, on the twenty-fifth day of november, . it was learned, subsequently, that on account of the signal victories of the british army in canada, no reinforcements or provisions were received at duquesne. as the french garrison was in urgent need of both, the commander concluded, on the approach of washington's command, that the better part of valor would be to abandon it; hence its evacuation. washington adopted immediate and vigorous measures to rebuild the fort, to which he gave the name of fort pitt, in honor of the great english statesman, through whose influence the british government finally ordered the capture of the fort. leaving a sufficient number of troops to garrison it, he returned to laurel hill, whence he wrote to the governor of virginia, in behalf of his needy soldiers at duquesne, as follows: "considering their present circumstances," he writes: "i would by no means have consented to leave any part of them there, had not the general given me express orders.... by their present nakedness, the advanced season, and the inconceivable fatigues of an uncommonly long and laborious campaign, they are rendered totally incapable of any sort of service; and sickness, death, and desertion must, if they are not speedily supplied, greatly reduce their numbers. to replace them with equally good men will, perhaps, be found impossible." irving says, "one of the first offices of the army, after taking possession of the fort, was to collect and bury, in one common tomb, the bones of their fellow-soldiers who had fallen in the battles of braddock and grant. in this pious duty it is said every one joined, from the general down to the private soldier; and some veterans assisted, with heavy hearts and frequent ejaculations of poignant feeling, who had been present in the scenes of defeat and carnage." the fall of duquesne brought to an end the domination of the french on the ohio, as washington predicted, restoring peace to the frontier. hostile indians hastened to cast in their allegiance to the english, who had become conquerors, thus laying aside both tomahawk and scalping-knife, at least for a season. washington resolved to abandon military life and retire to his estate at mount vernon, exchanging the hardships of war for the blessings of peace. he sent in his resignation, whereupon the officers of his command presented him with a flattering testimonial, from which we make the following extracts: "sir, we, your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg leave to express our great concern at the disagreeable news we have received of your determination to resign the command of that corps in which we have so long served under you. the happiness we have enjoyed, and the honor we have acquired, together with the mutual regard which has always subsisted between you and your officers, have implanted so sensible an affection in the minds of us all, that we cannot be silent on this critical occasion. "in our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, trained us up in the practice of that discipline which alone can constitute good troops, from the punctual observation of which you never suffered the least deviation. "your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick discernment, and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate these genuine sentiments of true honor and passion for glory, from which the greatest military achievements have been derived, first heightened our natural emulation and our desire to excel. how much we improved by those regulations and your own example, with what alacrity we have hitherto discharged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have encountered the severest toil, especially while under your particular directions, we submit to yourself, and flatter ourselves that we have, in a great measure, answered your expectations. "judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected by the loss of such an excellent commander, such a sincere friend, and so affable a companion.... it gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy country will receive a loss no less irreparable than our own. where will it meet a man so experienced in military affairs--one so renowned for patriotism, conduct, and courage? who has so great a knowledge of the enemy we have to deal with?... who, in short, so able to support the military character of virginia? "your approved love to your king and country, and your uncommon perseverance in promoting the honor and true interest of the service, convince us that the most cogent reasons only could induce you to quit it; yet we, with the greatest deference, presume to entreat you to suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on to assist in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, towards which so considerable advances have been already made. in you we place the most implicit confidence. your presence only will cause a steady firmness and vigor to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while led on by the man we know and love." this tribute to the character of an honored commander conveys to the reader a clear view of his illustrious position in the army, confirming the favorable opinions hitherto expressed by the author. xv. his wife and home. washington renounced military life to claim his bride. he was married at the "white house" on the th of january, , a few weeks before his twenty-seventh birthday. mrs. custis was three months younger than the bridegroom. at seventeen years of age, miss martha dandridge (for such was her maiden name) was a gay and beautiful belle, having many suitors, upon none of whom she looked favorably, except colonel daniel parke custis, son of hon. john custis of arlington. to him she was married in . two sons and a daughter were the fruits of this marriage, the eldest of whom died a short time before his father. the biographer of mr. custis records an incident which furnishes a key to the character of this worthy and influential gentleman: "a short time before his death, he sent for a tenant, to whom, in settling an account, he was due one shilling. the tenant begged that the colonel, who had ever been most kind to his tenantry, would not trouble himself at all about such a trifle, as he, the tenant, had forgotten it long ago. 'but i have not,' rejoined the just and conscientious landlord; and bidding his creditor take up the coin, which had been purposely placed on his pillow, exclaimed, 'now my accounts are closed with this world!' and shortly after expired." the loss of both husband and son was a terrible affliction to the youthful widow; yet her christian hope sustained her wonderfully, so that she did not abandon herself to useless repinings. her husband left her his large plantation, and from one to two hundred thousand dollars in money, the care of which, with her two surviving children, imposed new and unusual duties upon her. how well she met these responsibilities is told by her husband's biographer, thus: "mrs. custis, as sole executrix, managed the extensive landed and pecuniary concerns of the estates with surprising ability, making loans on mortgage of moneys, and, through her stewards and agents, conducting the sales or exportations of the crops to the best possible advantage." "beautiful, gifted, with great fascination of manners, unusually accomplished, extremely wealthy, and youthful," as another has said, it is not surprising that, when the usual period of seclusion and mourning had passed, her hand and heart were sought by other worthy men. it was not, however, until she providentially met colonel washington, in the manner we have described, that she was at all disposed to enter into another matrimonial alliance. the wedding of washington was a splendid affair conducted after the old english style that prevailed among wealthy planters. military and civil officers with their wives, graced the occasion. ladies appeared in the costliest brocades, laces, and jewels which the old world could provide. the bride was arrayed in the height of english fashion, her wealth of charms a fit accompaniment to the manly beauty of the bridegroom, who stood six feet and three inches in his shoes, "the tallest and handsomest man of the old dominion." an old negro servant of mrs. custis expressed his views of his new master, as follows: "never seed the like, sir,--never the like of him, though i have seen many in my day,--so tall, so straight! and then, sir, he sat on a horse and rode with such an air! ah, sir, he was like no one else! many of the grandest gentlemen, in the gold lace, were at the wedding, but none looked like the man himself." washington resided at the "white house" three months before taking his seat in the house of burgesses. that he had resolved to abandon a military career, and that his new relation afforded him unalloyed pleasure, is quite evident from what he wrote to a friend: "i am now, i believe, fixed in this seat, with an agreeable partner for life; and i hope to find more happiness in retirement than i ever experienced in the wide and bustling world." from a child, mrs. washington had enjoyed the luxuries and society that wealth multiplies. her own property, now united to that of her husband, amounted to a large fortune. she could live in princely style, although she adopted that style only so far as her social position demanded. there was an aristocratic element that ruled in virginia at that time, embracing the wealthy, cultured, and ruling classes, to which she belonged; and to this standard of living she was obliged to conform. her home was the resort of the wealthiest and most influential people of virginia. after three months had elapsed, washington took his seat in the legislature. that body arranged to honor the hero as soon as he appeared in the house, by a eulogistic address by the speaker. no sooner had he taken his seat, than the speaker, mr. robinson, immediately arose, and, commanding silence, addressed washington in such language of praise as only true patriotism, united with personal friendship, could dictate; enlarging upon his heroic deeds for his country in its time of its greatest peril. as he closed, the whole assembly rose to their feet, and saluted the young colonel with a bow. had an earthquake suddenly shaken the capitol to its centre, washington would not have been more completely surprised. he was confounded. he rose to make his acknowledgments, but, alas! his tongue had forgotten its office. thrice he essayed to speak, and thrice, in spite of every effort, his utterance failed him, save faintly to articulate, "mr. speaker! mr. speaker!" the speaker was equal to the occasion, and came to his relief in one of the best, quick-witted sallies on record. "colonel washington," he exclaimed, "sit down! sit down! your modesty alone is equal to your merit." soon after the adjournment of the legislature, washington removed his family to mount vernon, to devote himself to agricultural pursuits. for fifteen years he continued to abide there in domestic enjoyment. every year of this fifteen he was elected to the house of burgesses, where his counsels and great influence became indispensable. still he was a farmer on a large scale, and devoted himself to the improvement of his estates, and the raising of wheat, corn, and tobacco. the landed estates of both himself and wife must have numbered more than twenty thousand acres, for his mount vernon estate alone amounted to over nine thousand acres. then he owned large tracts of land outside, containing thousands of acres. add to these extensive tracts the custis estates, and we find him one of the largest landholders of north america. a thousand persons were required to perform the labors of his domestic and agricultural establishments, including his negroes. the products of his plantations were shipped to his agent in england; and he came to enjoy such a reputation there as a successful and upright planter, that the usual custom-house inspection of all packages and goods marked "george washington" was omitted. a record of his products before us for a single year shows that he raised ten thousand bushels of corn and seven thousand bushels of wheat. one hundred cows, with oxen, horses, and mules in that proportion, stocked his immense estate. his farming implements, carriages, and the nicer materials for clothing himself and family, were imported from england. with this exception, the linen and woollen cloths used were made by hand on his own plantation. sixteen spinning-wheels were kept in operation. mrs. washington took her position in this immense establishment as mistress, proving that her accomplishments and education under the influence of wealth did not make her vain and aristocratic. unlike many planters' wives of that day, she did not consider that labor was degrading. she was provided with all the servants necessary, but she relinquished to no one, however competent, the oversight of her household affairs. "carrying her keys at her side, and making frequent visits to the various apartments connected with the elaborate arrangements of the table and its 'aids and appliances,' the spotless purity of her attire always remained unsullied by her active participation in the mysteries of each and all." neatness, order, and industry characterized her in the house, as they did her husband on the farm. that great care and responsibility must have devolved upon mrs. washington, appears from irving's description of a virginia estate. "a large virginia estate in those days was a little empire," he says. "the mansion-house was the seat of government, with its numerous dependencies, such as kitchens, smoke-house, work-shops, and stables. in this mansion the planter moved supreme; his steward, or overseer, was his prime minister and executive officer; he had his legion of house negroes for domestic service, and his host of field negroes for the culture of tobacco, indian corn, and other crops, and for other out-of-door labor. their quarter formed a kind of hamlet apart, composed of various huts, with little gardens and poultry yards, all well stocked, and swarms of little negroes gambolling in the sunshine. then there were large wooden edifices for curing tobacco, the staple and most profitable production, and mills for grinding wheat and indian corn, of which large fields were cultivated for the supply of the family and the maintenance of the negroes." at the same time that mrs. washington had to preside over the farm-house for the sake of the one thousand souls on the large estate, she was obliged to conduct her domestic affairs in a costly and fashionable way for the sake of her guests. her wardrobe, furniture, and preparations for special occasions were necessarily elaborate and expensive, for her mansion was the resort of the most distinguished men and women of the country. almost every day some civil or military gentleman of distinction was found at her table. hence, much style and expense were required to maintain her hospitable board. a silver service was demanded by the times, the manners and customs of which were imported from england. all other appointments corresponded with this royal standard. irving says that washington's "intimacy with the fairfaxes and his intercourse with british officers of rank had their influence on his mode of living." mrs. washington had her chariot and four, with driver and black postilion in livery, more, perhaps, to entertain and honor her distinguished guests than for personal enjoyment. her husband usually appeared on horseback. he loved horses, especially fine ones, and most of those in his stables were imported. to each he gave a name, suggested by some quality that attracted his observant eye, as ajax, blueskin, valiant, magnolia (arabian), etc. several noble dogs for fox-hunting were found about his house and stable--vulcan, singer, ringwood, sweetlips, forrester, music, rockwood and truelove. with such preparations, an english baronet and his wife, lord fairfax, the wealthy fox-hunter, provincial governors and generals, or the ordinary farmer, could all be accommodated on the mount vernon estate. an order sent to england in shows that mrs. washington's wardrobe received particular attention: "a salmon-colored tabby (velvet), with satin flowers for sack and coat. "one cap, handkerchief and tucker and ruffles, to be made of brussels lace or point, proper to be worn with the above; to cost £ (one hundred dollars). "two fine flowered lawn aprons. "two pairs women's white silk hose. "six pairs fine cotton do. "six pairs thread do., four threaded. "one pair black and one pair white satin shoes of the smallest fives. "four pairs calimanco do. "one fashionable hat or bonnet. "six pairs women's best kid gloves. "six pairs do. mits. "one doz. round silk lace. "one doz. most fashionable cambric pocket h'k'c'fs. "six lbs. perfumed powder. "one piece narrow white satin ribbon, pearl edge." fashion ruled with mighty power at that time, and mrs. washington was one of its votaries from necessity, if not from choice. her husband, too, paid much attention to dress; nor was it the result of her influence. before he became acquainted with her, in one of his orders sent to england appears the following: "two pairs fine worked ruffles, at s. per pair. "two sets complete shoe brushes. "six pairs thread hose at s. "enough superfine blue cotton velvet for coat, waistcoat, and breeches, with fine silk buttons to match, and necessary trimmings, with garters for the breeches. "six pairs of the very neatest shoes; two pairs double chancelled pumps; two pairs turned ditto; and two pairs stitched shoes; to be made by didsberry, over col. beiler's last. "six pairs gloves; three pairs for riding, with slit tops." as if fearing that the claims of fashion might not be carefully regarded, he added, "if worked ruffles should be out of fashion, send such as are not." an order for an outfit for horse-back riding shows how much attention was paid to comfort and appearance at that time among the wealthy planters of virginia: "one man's riding-saddle, hogskin seat, large-plated stirrups, and everything complete; double-reined bridle and pelham bit, plated. "a very neat and fashionable newmarket saddle-cloth. "a large and best portmanteau, saddle, bridle, and pillion. "cloak-bag, surcingle, checked saddle-cloth, holster, &c. "a riding-frock of a handsome drab-colored broadcloth, with plain, double-gilt buttons. "a riding waistcoat of superfine scarlet cloth and gold lace, with buttons like those of the coat. "a blue surtout coat. "a neat switch whip, silver cap. "black velvet cap for servant." mrs. washington devoted herself to the education of her two children, six and four years of age at the time of her marriage with washington. had their own father been living, he could not have co-operated with their mother more cheerfully and tenderly than washington did. their father left a fortune to each of them, and that fact determined the character and methods of their training, agreeable to the custom of that day and locality. the following order for articles for the children is quite instructive as to the management of the mount vernon home: "for master custis, _ years old_." "one piece irish holland, at s. "two yards fine cambric, at s. "six pocket handkerchiefs, small and fine. "six pairs gloves. "two laced hats. "two pieces india nankeen. "six pairs fine thread stockings. "four pairs coarser do. "four pairs worsted do. "four pairs strong shoes. "four pairs pumps. "one summer suit of clothes, to be made of some thing light and thin. "three fine ivory combs. "two horn do. and two brushes. "one piece black hair-ribbon. "one pair handsome silver shoe and knee buckles. "six little books for children beginning to read. "one light duffel cloak with silver frogs. " s. worth of toys." "for miss custis, _ years old_." "eight yards fine printed linen, at s. d. "one piece irish holland, at s. "two ells fine holland, at s. "eight pairs kid mits. "four pairs gloves. "two pairs silk shoes. "four pairs calimanco do. "four pairs leather pumps. six pairs fine thread stockings. "four pairs worsted do. "half piece flowered dimity. "two yards fine cambric, at s. "two caps, two pairs ruffles, two tuckers, bibs, and aprons, if fashionable. "two fans, two masks, two bonnets. "two m. minikins, one cloth cloak. "one stiffened coat of fashionable silk, made to packthread stays. "six yards ribbon. "two necklaces. "one pair silver sleeve buttons, with stone. "one fashionable, dressed baby, s., and other toys, s. "six pocket handkerchiefs." this insight into the early wedded life of washington, a hundred and twenty years ago, upsets the notions of those people, in our day, who suppose that the sway of fashion belongs to modern times only. mrs. washington was proverbially kind to her slaves, though not more so than her husband. they constituted a part of her family, for whom she had to provide both in health and sickness. this fact explains several entries in his journal concerning the quantity of provisions used. for example, one entry is, "although we keep one hundred and one cows, we have to buy some butter." among their slaves were all kinds of artificers--carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, tailors, wheel-wrights, and so forth. all these were indispensable on such an establishment, since a plantation must necessarily produce whatever ordinary use required. this arrangement imposed increased burdens upon the master of the plantation and the mistress of the house. mrs. washington was as domestic in the house as her husband was practical on the farm. his journal shows that, unlike many of the large planters, he labored with his men on the plantation. "fitted a two-eyed plough instead of a duck-bill plough, and with much difficulty made my chariot wheel-horses plough. put the pole-end horses into the plough in the morning, and put in the postilion and hind horses in the afternoon; but the ground being well swarded over, and very heavy ploughing, i repented putting them in at all, for fear it should give them a habit of stopping in the chariot." "spent the greater part of the day in making a new plough of my own invention." "bottled thirty-five dozen of cider." "seven o'clock a messenger came to inform me that my mill was in great danger of being destroyed by the flood. i immediately hurried off all hands, with shovels, etc., to its assistance, and got there myself just time enough to give it a reprieve for this time, by wheeling gravel into the place the water had washed." "surveyed some lines of my mount vernon tract of land." "employed in running some lines between me and mr. william triplet." "surveyed the water-courses of my mount vernon tract of land, taking advantage of the ice." "laid out a road from mount vernon to the lane of mr. marley's." irving says of washington: "he was an early riser, often before day-break in the winter, when the nights were long. on such occasions he lit his own fire and wrote or read by candle-light. he breakfasted at seven in summer and eight in winter. two small cups of tea and three or four cakes of indian meal (called hoe-cakes) formed his frugal repast. immediately after breakfast he mounted his horse, and visited those parts of the estate where any work was going on, seeing to everything with his own eyes, and often aiding with his own hands." soon after he introduced his wife to his mount vernon estate, he began to improve and adorn the grounds. he made lawns, laid out walks and avenues, set out a great number of ornamental trees, and planted orchards of fruit-trees. he posted himself as far as possible in the science of agriculture, and made many improvements upon his plantations, by reclaiming land and increasing the productive power of the soil. once he conceived the idea of reclaiming the great dismal swamp, and actually explored it with reference to that ultimate purpose. through his agency, the incorporated company known as the dismal swamp company was organized. "this vast morass was about thirty miles long and ten miles wide, and its interior but little known" until washington explored it, and found a lake six miles long and three miles wide near its centre. the large number of guests at mount vernon, and washington's enjoyment in hunting, fishing, and visiting, particularly in winter time, when the cares of his plantation were less numerous, appear from his journal. in the month of january, , are the following entries: " . mr. peake dined here. " . went hunting with john custis and lund washington. started a deer, and then a fox, but got neither. " . went to muddy hole and dogue run. took the dogs with me, but found nothing. warner washington and mr. thurston came in the evening. " . the two col. fairfaxes dined here, and mr. r. alexander and the two gentlemen that came the day before. " . went hunting with mr. alexander, j. custis, and lund washington. killed a fox after three hours' chase. mr. thurston came in the afternoon. " . went a ducking, but got nothing, the creek and rivers being frozen. robert adam dined here. " . went hunting on the neck, and visited the plantation there, and killed a fox after treeing it three times and chasing it three hours. " . dined at belvoir with mrs. washington and mr. and miss custis. " . went up to alexandria, expecting court, but there was none. [he was county judge.] " . went hunting with jackay custis, and killed a fox after a three hours' chase. " . went hunting after breakfast, and found a fox at muddy hole and killed her. mr. temple and mr. robert adam dined here. " . went hunting; and after tracking a fox a good while, the dogs raised a deer and ran out of the neck with it, and did not come home till the next day. " . mr. temple came here. " . dined at belvoir with j. p. custis. " . went hunting, and having found a deer, it ran to the head of the neck before we could stop the dogs. mr. peake dined here." in the following month, february, fox-hunting occupied nine days, and five days were given to surveying. the laws of virginia were very strict against interlopers on the potomac. they were a great nuisance to the wealthy planters on its banks. fishing and duck-hunting lured them thither. one day mrs. washington remarked to her husband, "i think that strangers are at the landing." "are you sure they are strangers?" "yes, i think so," mrs. washington answered. "look and see." "they are strangers, surely," responded washington, after a critical look towards the landing. "an oysterman's craft, i think." "what should an oysterman come to our landing for?" "we shall find out before long, no doubt," washington replied. it was at the landing where the family barge was tied up. the affluent planters kept beautiful barges, imported from england, for the use of their families. washington had one, rowed by six negroes, wearing a kind of uniform of check shirts and black velvet caps. they did find out very soon who the strangers were--an oysterman and his crew. they were a drunken, noisy rabble, who disturbed the neighborhood with their yells and revelry. "they must be sent away," remarked washington, as he hurried toward the landing. but they were not in a condition to listen to his counsels. they were in the defiant state of intoxication, and refused to evacuate. they declared themselves able and determined "to hold the fort." the hero of monongahela was not to be defied in that way. he adopted immediate measures to drive the mob away, but was not successful. finally, summoning his negroes, and organizing a campaign against them, he forced them to leave, though, irving says, "it took a campaign of three days to expel these invaders from the premises." at another time washington was riding over his estate, when the report of a gun on the banks of the river, not far away, startled him. turning his horse in the direction of the report, he soon discovered an interloper in a canoe, making havoc among the canvas-back ducks which were numerous on the river. "stranger," he called. the hunter looked up. "by what authority are you trespassing upon these grounds?" the only reply that washington received was, the hunter aimed his gun at him as if to fire. but the owner of mount vernon had seen guns pointed at him before; and, nothing daunted, he dashed into the river, shouting, "fire if you dare!" seizing the painter of the canoe, he drew it to the shore; then, springing from his horse, he wrested the gun from the hands of the astonished hunter. "i am the proprietor of this estate," he shouted, seizing the fellow by the nape of his neck and pulling him out of his canoe, "and we will see whose rights are to be regarded." the hunter begged for mercy, promising to quit the grounds and never more trespass upon them. washington restored his gun to him, and allowed him to depart without further punishment. mr. and mrs. washington were active and influential members of the episcopal church. irving says: "the episcopal church predominated throughout the 'ancient dominion,' as it was termed. each county was divided into parishes, as in england, each with its parochial church, its parsonage, and glebe. washington was vestryman of two parishes,--fairfax and truro. the parochial church of the former was at alexandria, ten miles from mount vernon; of the latter, at pohick, about seven miles. the church at pohick was rebuilt on a plan of his own, and in a great measure at his expense. at one or other of these churches he attended every sunday, when the weather and the roads permitted. his demeanor was reverential and devout. mrs. washington knelt during the prayers; he always stood, as was the custom at that time." one of mrs. washington's biographers says of her: "it is recorded of this devout christian that never, during her life, whether in prosperity or adversity, did she omit that daily self-communion and self-examination, and those private devotional exercises, which would best prepare her for the self-control and self denial by which she was, for more than half a century, so eminently distinguished. it was her habit to retire to her own apartment every morning after breakfast, there to devote an hour to solitary prayer and meditation." mount vernon was a home of prayer, of course. the presence of guests, however distinguished, never modified the family devotions. these were among the essentials of good family government. in one of washington's orders sent to england is the following: "a small bible, neatly bound in turkey, and "john parke custis" wrote in gilt letters on the inside of the cover. "a neat small prayer-book bound as above, with "john parke custis," as above." the necessity of erecting a new house of worship was discussed in the vestry of truro, and a vote in favor of the project was secured. on the location, the vestrymen were divided. "the old site is the proper one," said mr. george mason, whose residence was near the house of worship. "not at all central," replied another. "yet not so far aside as to discommode any one," responded mason. "i beg leave to dissent from mr. mason," added a third. "the location is inconvenient for my family." "the sacred associations of the spot alone ought to keep the church there," urged mr. mason. "for generations our house of worship has stood there, and the place is hallowed by the sepulchres of our fathers around it." the subject was discussed, pro and con, when washington's opinion was asked. without reserve he remarked: "i cannot agree with my friend mason that the location does not sensibly inconvenience some members of the parish. i think it does, and that a more central locality can be found. neither can i see the force of his argument derived from the contiguity of the grave-yard. churches are erected for the living, and not for the dead. the ashes of the dead can be sacredly protected by a suitable enclosure." the vestry adjourned without deciding upon the location, and before the next meeting, washington carefully surveyed the parish, and made a neat plan of the same, showing that the old location was far from the centre. mr. mason urged with more earnestness than before the claims of the old site. but when washington took his plan of survey from his pocket, and gave ocular demonstration that the old location was at one side of the parish, the new location was adopted at once. rev. lee massey was rector of the church at that time, and he said of washington: "i never knew so constant an attendant on church as washington. and his behavior in the house of god was ever so deeply reverential that it produced the happiest effects on my congregation, and greatly assisted me in my pulpit labors. no company ever kept him from church. i have often been at mount vernon on the sabbath morning when his breakfast-table was filled with guests; but to him they furnished no pretext for neglecting his god and losing the satisfaction of setting a good example. for, instead of staying at home out of false complaisance to them, he used constantly to invite them to accompany him." mrs. washington's daughter died in , after a lingering and painful disease. it was a terrible blow to her; and how severe a blow it was to her husband may be learned from the following incident: coming into the room when his wife's face was buried in her hands, convulsed with grief, he burst into tears, kneeled beside the bed, and poured out his soul in a most fervent prayer that god would yet spare the dear girl for the sake of her mother, and for christ's sake. she had already breathed her last a moment before he entered the room; but, in his great sympathy for his wife, and his own passionate grief, the fact was unrecognized, and he sought relief in prayer. the son was between sixteen and seventeen years of age when the daughter died, and was beginning to be a very wayward boy. he was sent to an episcopal school at annapolis, maryland, where he attended to fox-hunting and other amusements more than he did to his studies. he fell in love, also, with eleanor calvert, daughter of benedict calvert of mount airy, and he entered into a matrimonial engagement with her. mrs. washington was very much tried by the course of the young man, and, after canvassing the whole subject carefully with her husband, he addressed a letter to miss calvert's father, which was a compliment alike to his head and heart. it was a very long letter, and we have space for brief extracts only: mount vernon, april , . "dear sir,--i am now set down to write to you on a subject of importance, and of no small embarrassment to me. my son-in-law and ward, mr. custis, has paid his addresses to your second daughter, and, having made some progress in her affections, has solicited her in marriage. how far a union of this sort may be agreeable to you, you best can tell; but i should think myself wanting in candor were i not to confess that miss nelly's amiable qualities are acknowledged on all hands, and that an alliance with your family will be pleasing to his. "this acknowledgment being made, you must permit me to add sir, that at this, or in any short time, his youth, inexperience, and unripened education, are, and will be, insuperable obstacles, in my opinion, to the completion of the marriage. as his guardian, i consider it my indispensable duty to endeavor to carry him through a regular course of education, and to guard his youth to a more advanced age, before an event on which his own peace and the happiness of another are to depend, takes place.... "if the affection which they have avowed for each other is fixed upon a solid basis, it will receive no diminution in the course of two or three years, in which time he may prosecute his studies, and thereby render himself more deserving of the lady and useful to society. if, unfortunately, as they are both young, there should be an abatement of affection on either side, or both, it had better precede, than follow, marriage. "delivering my sentiments thus freely will not, i hope, lead you into a belief that i am desirous of breaking off the match. to postpone it is all i have in view; for i shall recommend to the young gentleman, with the warmth that becomes a man of honor, to consider himself as much engaged to your daughter as if the indissoluble knot was tied; and, as the surest means of affecting this, to apply himself closely to his studies, by which he will, in a great measure, avoid those little flirtations with other young ladies, that may, by dividing the attention, contribute not a little to divide the affections." the result of this correspondence was that washington took young custis to king's (now columbia) college, new york city, and entered him for two years. but love had so much more control of his heart than learning had of his head, that he remained there only a few months, when he returned to mount vernon, and was married to miss calvert on feb. , . the couple were nineteen and seventeen years of age, respectively, and their marriage proved a very fortunate event for themselves, and the families on both sides. the following incident, illustrative of washington's fine personal appearance, transpired when he accompanied his step-son to new york. it is from the pen of mr. custis: "it was boasted at the table of the british governor that a regiment, just landed from england, contained among its officers some of the finest specimens of martial elegance in his majesty's service; in fact, the most superb-looking fellows ever landed upon the shores of the new world. 'i wager your excellency a pair of gloves,' said mrs. morris, an american lady, 'that i will show you a finer man in the procession to-morrow than your excellency can select from your famous regiment;'--'done, madam!' replied the governor. the morrow came (the fourth of june), and the procession, in honor of the birthday of the king, advanced through broadway to the strains of military music. as the troops filed before the governor, he pointed out to the lady several officers by name, claiming her admiration for their superior persons and brilliant equipments. in rear of the troops came a band of officers not on duty, colonial officers, and strangers of distinction. immediately, on their approach, the attention of the governor was seen to be directed toward a tall and martial figure, that marched with grave and measured tread, apparently indifferent to the scene around him. the lady now archly observed, 'i perceive that your excellency's eyes are turned to the right object; what say you to your wager now, sir?'--'lost, madam,' replied the gallant governor; 'when i laid my wager i was not aware that colonel washington was in new york.'" washington kept his own books at the same time that he attended to the business of his vast estates. the same neatness, method, and accuracy characterized his accounts at mount vernon that characterized his writing books at mr. williams' school. they were models. when mrs. washington went to mount vernon to live, the mansion contained only four square rooms on the ground. in this condition it remained until the close of the revolution. during the revolution she was wont to spend the winter with her husband in his winter quarters. the accommodations were always meagre. one of these winters he occupied a small frame house, unfurnished in the second story. the general could get along with the meagre comforts, but he desired better accommodations for his wife. so he sent for a young mechanic and fellow-apprentice. "mrs. washington will tell you what she wants, and you will make the changes under her direction," he said to them. soon mrs. washington was in their presence. "now, young men," she said, "i care for nothing but comfort here, and should like you to fit me up a beaufet on one side of the room, and some shelves and places for hanging clothes on the other." the mechanic said afterwards that "every morning mrs. washington came up-stairs to see us; and after she and the general had dined, she always called us down to eat at her table. we worked very hard, nailing smooth boards over the rough and worm-eaten planks, and stopping the crevices in the walls made by time and hard usage. we studied to do everything to please so pleasant a lady, and to make some return in our humble way for the kindness of the general." when the work was completed, mrs. washington was surveying it, when the mechanic said, "madam, we have endeavored to do the best we could. i hope we have suited you." "i am astonished," mrs. washington replied. "your work would do honor to an old master, and you are mere lads. i am not only satisfied, but highly gratified with what you have done for my comfort." she was accustomed to say, after the revolution, "i heard the first cannon at the opening, and the last at the closing, of all the campaigns of the revolutionary war." she survived her husband by two years. as death drew near, with mind clear and heart staid on god, she awaited the final summons with calmness and sweet resignation. she called her grandchildren to her bedside, "discoursed to them of their respective duties, spoke of the happy influence of religion, and then triumphantly resigned her spirit into the hands of her saviour," and expired. mount vernon is now in a good state of preservation. a national association of women have charge of the place, that it may be kept in repair, and the relics--furniture, pictures, account books, library, etc.--be preserved for coming generations to see. xvi. commander-in-chief. during the fifteen years of washington's peaceful abode at mount vernon, public affairs were hastening to a crisis. the "seven years' war," beginning with washington's attack upon de jumonville, and ending with the surrender of montreal and all canada, and the signing of the treaty of peace at fontainbleau, in , had closed; but greater things awaited the colonists in the future. scarcely had the people settled down in the enjoyment of peace when an insurrection broke out among the indian tribes, including the delawares, shawnees, and other tribes on the ohio, with whom washington had mingled. it was called "pontiac's war," because pontiac, a famous indian chief, was its master-spirit. he induced the tribes to take up the hatchet against the english. an attack was made upon all the english posts, from detroit to fort pitt (late duquesne). "several of the small stockaded forts, the places of refuge of woodland neighbors, were surprised and sacked with remorseless butchery. the frontiers of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia were laid waste; traders in the wilderness were plundered and slain; hamlets and farm-houses were wrapped in flames, and their inhabitants massacred." washington was not engaged in this indian war, which was short in duration. at the time he was pushing his project of draining the dismal swamp. other things, however, of a public nature enlisted his attention, as the following interview with mr. george mason will show: "it appears that the british government propose to tax the colonies to help pay its debts," remarked mr. mason. "at least, the subject is before parliament for discussion." "yes," answered washington, "and the proposition is as unjust as it is impolitic. after we have helped the king maintain his authority in this country, we must not only pay our own bills, but help him pay his. the colonists will never submit to that." "they never should, whether they will or not," replied mason. "i understand that the british officers have represented to the government that the colonists are rich, and abundantly able to assist in paying the debt of england." "and that comes from entertaining them in an extravagant way, as our leaders did. a few rich families furnished the silver plate and luxuries that dazzled the eyes of british officers." here washington referred to what he never approved, "borrowing silver and begging luxuries" to treat british officers with. "but suppose parliament actually imposes a tax upon us, and sends agents to collect it, what can be done?" "resist the tax," washington replied. "how resist?" "there is but one way to resist; resort to arms." "and there will be a poor show for us against the king's armies," said mason. "and the king's temper," added washington, alluding to the fact that king george the third, then ruling england, was an ambitious, unprincipled, and tyrannical ruler. "the king will not be very merciful towards _rebels_." "no, of course not. i suppose that resistance to the tax will be rebellion." "it cannot be anything else. nevertheless, we can never submit to taxation without representation," added washington, referring to the fact that the colonists had neither voice nor vote in the administration of the british government. "never! even loyalty cannot approve so base an act of injustice." "especially after parliament has gone to the verge of extortion by previous acts," remarked washington. "our ports are now shut against foreign vessels; we can export our productions only to countries belonging to the british crown, and must import goods only from england, and in english ships. neither can we manufacture anything that will interfere with the manufactures of england. these are intolerant measures." "that is so; and i do not wonder that the new england colonies, particularly, should remonstrate against these arbitrary restraints, since their interests are chiefly commercial, and, therefore, more seriously affected by them." "i doubt whether parliament will venture upon so hazardous an experiment," continued washington. "walpole and pitt, not to mention others, are opposed to this measure of deriving a revenue by taxation from the colonies. walpole said, 'it must be a bolder man than myself, and one less friendly to commerce, who should venture on such an expedient. for my part, i would encourage the trade of the colonists to the utmost.' such sentiments must have weight with the government." contrary to washington's expectations, parliament voted, in , that england had a right to tax america; and grenville, then at the head of the government, proceeded to preparations for taxing the colonies. through his influence, also, the "stamp act" was passed in march, , whereby "all instruments in writing were to be executed on stamped paper, to be purchased from the agents of the british government." other oppressive measures, also, were adopted subsequently, such as the appointment of judges by the english commissioners; that offenders should be tried in england for offences committed in america; with acts of lesser importance that infringed upon the rights of the people. these things aroused the indignation of the colonists, and the excitement grew to the highest pitch. in new england violent measures were adopted to express the indignant remonstrance of the people. two months after the passage of the "stamp act" in england, the virginia legislature convened at williamsburg. few of the members sympathized with the british government. a large majority denounced the aforesaid measures as oppressive and tyrannical. among the new members was patrick henry, a young lawyer of fearless courage and fervid eloquence. rising in his seat, he presented a series of resolutions, which declared that the house of burgesses of virginia alone possessed the right to tax the people of that colony, and whoever maintained the contrary should be deemed an enemy to the colony. he supported these resolutions by a speech of surpassing eloquence, surprising his associates by his boldness and powerful oratory. "the resolutions are inflammatory," objected the speaker, mr. robinson. "we can maintain our rights without challenging the arms of the mother-country." "the resolutions are right in principle, but intemperate in spirit," remarked another. "our self-respect demands that we indignantly repel such invasion of our rights as taxation imposes!" exclaimed a third, in full accord with the resolutions. after the discussion had proceeded for a while, a timid spirit being manifested by a few, and indignant remonstrance against british tyranny by the many, patrick henry rose to reply to objections advanced. he vindicated colonial rights under the english constitution by an argument of great power, showing how often and causelessly they had been assailed; and he justified the resolutions by the "cool deliberation" of parliament in fastening the chains of slavery upon them. warming with his theme, he advanced to matchless eloquence, and closed his philippic with such a daring burst of patriotism as startled the assembly. "cæsar had his brutus!" he shouted; "charles his cromwell, and george the third"-- "treason! treason!" cried the speaker. "and george the third may profit by their examples!" finishing the sentence in thunder tones. "sir," he continued, after running his eye over the assembly, "if this be treason (bowing to the speaker) make the most of it!" lieutenant-governor fauquier was alarmed at this disloyal demonstration, and proceeded to dissolve the assembly, though not until the resolutions were adopted in a modified form, still retaining, however, their patriotic spirit. washington supported the resolutions, and condemned the governor for dissolving the assembly; and, as the governor ordered a new election, hoping thereby to secure a legislature of truly loyal members, he recommended the re-election of those who voted for the resolutions, and the non-election of those who voted against them. the people were so impregnated with the spirit of patrick henry, that nearly every man who voted for the resolutions was returned to the next assembly, and nearly all the others were left at home. "patrick henry's course was treasonable," said lord fairfax to washington. "a petition to the king, expressing our grievances, and praying for the removal of these oppressive measures would accomplish far more for us in my judgment." "and yet patrick henry had right, justice, and patriotism on his side," replied washington. "without his spirit we should bend our necks to the british yoke, and become a nation of slaves." "yes; but appeal to the government should precede opposition," suggested fairfax. "we have appealed,--vainly appealed," answered washington. "the new england colonies have remonstrated again and again; but their remonstrances have been spurned. the british government must understand the patriotic spirit that animates our people." "all that is true; but it is not necessary to arouse the wrath of the british lion in order to accomplish that," remarked fairfax. "that is a matter which should not trouble us," replied washington. "our rights and liberties should be maintained at all hazards. and i am heartily in favor of the new england plan to cease using importations on which taxes are imposed." "i am with you in that," said fairfax. "i confess that my sympathies are with the inhabitants of boston, even in their violent demonstrations against the enforcement of these unjust measures." "to what do you particularly refer?" inquired lord fairfax. "the citizens of boston hung the stamp distributor in effigy, broke the windows of his office, and finally tore his office down and made a bonfire of the fragments. they closed their demonstration by pelting the officials, who interfered, with stones. the stamp distributor resigned his office at once." "that is insurrection," remarked fairfax. "very true, and i would not recommend a resort to such extreme measures; certainly not at this stage of affairs. yet i really sympathize with the patriotic spirit that has aroused the people of boston to repel acts of usurpation and tyranny." benjamin franklin had been sent to england as an agent of the colonies to intercede for their rights. he was summoned before a committee of parliament, where the following colloquy occurred: "what was the temper of america towards great britain before the year ?" that was the year of the treaty between england and france, as we have seen. "the best in the world," dr. franklin answered. "they submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedience to the acts of parliament. numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. they were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper. they were led by a thread.... natives of great britain were always treated with particular regard; to be an old england man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us." "and what is their temper now?" "oh, very much altered!" "if the stamp act is not repealed, what do you think will be the consequences?" "a total loss of the respect and affection the people of america bear to this country, and of all the commerce that depends on that respect and affection." "do you think the people of america would submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated?" "no, never, unless compelled by force of arms." this was stating the case without reserve; and, no doubt, it had much to do with the repeal of the stamp act in march, . it should not be overlooked that the colonies had some strong friends in parliament. charles townsend advocated the enforcement of the stamp act. "who are these americans?" he cried. "are they not our children, planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, and protected by our arms?" the brave colonel barré, with cheeks all inflamed with virtuous indignation, replied: "they planted by your care? no, sir; your oppressions planted them in america! they fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to all the evils which a wilderness, filled with blood-thirsty savages, could threaten. and yet, actuated by true english love of liberty, they thought all these evils light in comparison with what they suffered in their own country, and from you, who ought to have been their friends. "they nourished by your indulgence? no, sir; they grew by your neglect! as soon as you began to indulge them, that boasted indulgence was to send them hungry packs of your own creatures to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon their substance! yes, sir; you sent them men, whose behavior has often caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them--men promoted by you to the highest seats of justice in that country, who, to my knowledge, had good cause to dread a court of justice in their own! they protected by your arms? no, sir! they have nobly taken up arms in your defence--have exerted a most heroic valor, amidst their daily labors, for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts gave up all their savings to our emolument!" these words of barré were as just as they were heroic; for, in the "seven years' war" the americans lost about thirty thousand men; and massachusetts alone spent about two hundred and fifty thousand dollars in defence of the country. the next session of the house of burgesses occurred after a congress of delegates from the several colonies met in new york city. the doings of that congress were not suited to make the action of the virginia legislature more conciliatory, for that congressional body denounced the acts of the british parliament, and declared that americans could never submit to such assaults upon their liberties. the virginia assembly was more insurrectionary at the next session, startling the new governor (lord botetourt) to such a degree that he appeared in the council chamber personally, and said: "mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses, i have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." the burgesses adjourned to a private house, and made peyton randolph moderator. here washington presented "a draft of the articles of association, concerted between him and george mason. they formed the ground-work of an instrument signed by all present, pledging themselves neither to import nor use any goods, merchandise, or manufactures taxed by parliament to raise a revenue in america." this plan had been adopted by the new england colonies, and now measures were taken to make it universal. washington adhered scrupulously to the plan, and allowed nothing to come into his house with the tax of england upon it. he wrote to his london agent: "you will perceive, in looking over the several invoices, that some of the goods there required are upon condition that the act of parliament, imposing a duty on tea, paper, etc., for the purpose of raising a revenue in america, is totally repealed; and i beg the favor of you to be governed strictly thereby, as it will not be in my power to receive any articles contrary to our non-importation agreement, which i have subscribed and shall religiously adhere to, and should, if it were as i could wish it to be, ten times as strict." he wrote to george mason: "our all is at stake, and the little conveniences and comforts of life, when set in competition with our liberty, ought to be rejected not with reluctance, but with pleasure.... it is amazing how much this practice, if adopted in all the colonies, would lessen the american imports, and distress the various traders and manufacturers in great britain." washington's prediction was fulfilled. the traders of england were embarrassed by non-importation, and appealed to the government for relief. the tax was removed from all articles except tea. it was retained on tea in order "to show the colonies that england claimed the right of taxation." to the colonies a tax on one article was just as much an invasion of their rights as a tax upon all; so that the last act of parliament was additional proof that england meant to force taxation upon them. of course, as brave and fearless patriots, they resisted. tea was universally discarded. ship-loads of it in boston, new york, and other ports were returned to england, or packed away to perish. in boston seventeen citizens disguised themselves as indians, boarded an english tea-vessel, and cast the tea into the dock. this act aroused the british lion, and he shook his mane and roared. soon an english fleet appeared in boston harbor to reduce the inhabitants to subjection by force of arms. at the same time, the boston port bill was enforced, thereby closing the harbor of that city to commerce. the citizens refused to provide quarters for the english troops, and declared, in public assembly, that quartering british soldiers in the state house and faneuil hall, as the english officers had done, was a still further and graver invasion of their rights. we should have said that the day on which the stamp act went into operation, nov. , , was observed throughout the colonies as a day of fasting and prayer. the day was ushered in by the tolling of bells, as if the funeral ceremonies of the king himself were to be performed. ships displayed their colors at half-mast. business was suspended, and halls and churches were opened for prayer and addresses. washington's journal shows that he spent the day very much as he did his sabbaths, in devout worship in the house of god, and religious exercises at home. in boston a solemn procession bore along the streets effigies of the men who were promoters of the act, burying them with appropriate ceremonies. in new york city a similar procession carried the printed act itself upon a pole, surmounted by a death's head, with a scroll bearing the inscription, "the folly of england and ruin of america." lieutenant-governor colden, who had lent his influence to secure the act, fearing violence, fled to the fort, and garrisoned it with marines from a ship of war. "the mob broke into his stable, drew out his chariot, put his effigy into it, paraded it through the streets to the common (now the park), where they hung it on a gallows. in the evening it was taken down, put again into the chariot, with the devil for a companion, and escorted back by torchlight to the bowling green, where the whole pageant, chariot and all, was burnt under the very guns of the fort." the day on which the boston port bill went into effect was also set apart as a day of fasting, and similar demonstrations were made throughout the colonies. it is necessary to turn aside at this point to speak of washington's visit to ohio in the interest of his officers and soldiers. it will be remembered that the governor of virginia pledged the virginia troops led by washington to the ohio, two hundred thousand acres of the best land in that region. years passed by, and this pledge was not redeemed. the british ministry opposed redeeming the pledge. but washington did not forget the claim of his old associates in the hardships and perils of war. he took the matter in hand, and seized upon an opportune moment to carry out his purpose. he even performed a journey to the ohio to select the best land possible for his deserving comrades. the opportune moment he chose for his journey is described as follows by irving: "the six nations, by a treaty in , had ceded to the british crown, in consideration of a sum of money, all the lands possessed by them south of the ohio. land offices would soon be opened for the sale of them. squatters and speculators were already preparing to swarm in, set up their marks on the choicest spots, and establish what were called preemption rights. washington determined at once to visit the lands thus ceded, affix his mark on such tracts as he should select, and apply for a grant from government, in behalf of the 'soldiers' claim.'" this expedition was attended by considerable danger, as the delawares, shawnees, and mingees considered that their rights were invaded by the action of the six nations. the appearance of white men upon their domains to claim lands was not at all agreeable to them. in these circumstances washington undertook the journey, accompanied by his old friend dr. craik, and servant, with two servants of his own. all were mounted, with an additional horse to carry the baggage. they were twelve days on their way to fort pitt, where they took a large canoe to descend the ohio as far as the great kanawha. colonel croghan, at the fort, engaged two indians to conduct them thither, and john nicholson as interpreter. it was during this trip down the ohio that washington enjoyed rare sport. such herds of deer upon the banks, and flocks of wild turkeys, and such numbers of ducks and geese upon the river, he had never seen before. the canoe was loaded with game. it was on this trip, also, at the mouth of the great kanawha, that washington met the old sachem "who lay in ambush on the banks of the monongahela, and wrought such havoc in braddock's army." the indian chief came to honor washington, accompanied with other warriors. after formal introduction, he addressed him thus, through nicholson the interpreter: "i am a chief, and the ruler over many tribes. my influence extends to the waters of the great lakes, and to the far blue mountains. i have travelled a long and weary path that i might see the young warrior of the great battle. it was on the day when the white man's blood mixed with the streams of our forest that i first beheld this chief; i called to my young men and said, "mark yon tall and daring warrior? he is not of the red-coat tribe: he hath an indian's wisdom, and his warriors fight as we do; himself is alone exposed. quick, let your aim be certain and he dies." our rifles were levelled, rifles which, but for him, knew not how to miss. 'twas all in vain; a power mightier far than we shielded him from harm. he cannot die in battle. i am old, and soon shall be gathered to the great council-fire of my fathers, in the land of shades; but ere i go, there is a something bids me speak in the voice of prophecy. listen! _the great spirit protects that man, and guides his destinies. he will become the chief of nations, and a people yet unborn will hail him as the founder of a mighty empire!_" washington successfully accomplished the object of his mission, and in the end his old companions in arms received their just dues. "fifteen thousand acres were awarded to a field officer, nine thousand to a captain, six thousand to a subaltern, and so on." stobo and van braam, who were with him at great meadows, received nine thousand acres apiece. they were in london at the time, and subsequently washington purchased their claims through his london agent. how perilous his journey was at the time may be inferred from the fact that soon after his return there was another indian outbreak on the banks of the great kanawha, whither washington went, and in the engagement colonel lewis and other virginians lost their lives. the virginia assembly was in session when the boston port bill took effect, and the members voted to make the day one of fasting. they voted, also, at that session, to call a congress of the colonies. other legislatures adopted a like measure; and the first american congress convened in philadelphia on the th of september, . washington was a member of this body, and took a leading part in addressing an able memorial to the king of great britain. patrick henry was asked who was the first man in the american congress at philadelphia, and he answered: "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge of south carolina is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." the patriots felt the need of divine guidance in their deliberations, and elected rev. mr. duché of philadelphia, an episcopal clergyman, chaplain of congress. a few mornings thereafter, news came that the enemy was cannonading boston. it so happened that the psalter for that day included the following passages: "plead my cause, o lord, with them that strive with me. fight against them that fight against me. take hold of shield and buckler, and stand up for my help. draw out also the spear, and stop the way of them that persecute me. say unto my soul, i am thy salvation." the effect upon the assembly was thrilling. john adams wrote to his wife about it: "you must remember this was the morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of boston. i never saw a greater effect upon an audience. it seemed as if heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning. "after this, mr. duché unexpectedly struck out into an extemporaneous prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. episcopalian as he is, dr. cooper himself never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so eloquent and sublime for america, for the congress, for the province of massachusetts bay, and especially for the town of boston." most of the members stood during the prayer, but washington was on his knees. lord chatham was still alive, an old man, feeble and disabled, when that memorial was laid before parliament, and he "crawled" from his sick room into that body to plead for the american cause. the old orator kindled with patriotic fervor as he rose to defend the cause of the oppressed, and he gave utterance to one of the most eloquent and impassioned appeals ever delivered in parliament. our space will allow but a brief extract from it: "for god's sake then, my lords, let the way be instantly opened for reconciliation; i say instantly, or it will be too late forever. the americans tell you--and remember it is the language of the whole continent--they tell you they will _never submit_ to be taxed without their own consent. they insist on a repeal of your laws. they do not ask it as a favor: they claim it as a _right_; they _demand it_. and i tell you the acts must be repealed; they _will_ be repealed: you cannot enforce them. but bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and spirited people. what! satisfy them by repealing a bit of paper? by repealing a piece of parchment? no! you must declare you have _no right to tax_ them; then they may trust you, then they will confide in you. there are, my lords, three millions of whigs in america. three millions of whigs, with arms in their hands, are a _formidable body_! there are, i trust, double that number of whigs in england; and i hope the whigs in both countries will join and make a common cause. they are united by the strongest ties of sentiment and interest, and will therefore, i hope, fly to support their brethren. in this most alarming and distracted state of our affairs, though borne down by a cruel disease, i have crawled to this house, my lords, to give you my best advice, which is, to beseech his majesty that orders may instantly be despatched to general gage to remove the troops from boston; their presence is a source of perpetual irritation and suspicion to those people. how can they trust you with the bayonet at their breasts? they have all the reason in the world to believe that you mean their death or slavery. let us then set to this business in earnest. there is no time to be lost: every moment is big with danger. nay, while i am now speaking, the decisive blow may be struck, and millions involved in the dreadful consequences! the very first drop of blood that is drawn will make a wound perhaps never to be healed--a wound of such rancorous malignity, as will, in all probability, mortify the whole body, and hasten, both on england and america, that dissolution to which all nations are destined.... "my lord, if the ministers thus persevere in misadvising the king, he will be undone. he may, indeed, still wear his crown, but the american jewel out of it, it will not be worth the wearing." although chatham was supported by lord camden, lord shelburne, and the marquis of rockingham, his motion was rejected by a large majority, and nearly seven thousand more troops were forwarded to boston as soon as possible. mr. weems states, what we should have mentioned before, that when england resolved to enforce the tax on tea, and sent a fleet of vessels loaded with the article to boston, and other american ports, in order to test the matter, lord fairfax called upon washington at his home. "a letter from my agent," said washington, "announces that several vessels with cargoes of gunpowder tea are about to set sail to this country. parliament is determined to tax our tea." "why do you call it _gunpowder_ tea?" asked fairfax. "why, i am afraid, my lord," replied washington, "it will prove inflammable, and produce an explosion that will shake both countries." his prediction was fulfilled, showing that he took in the situation, with that sagacity for which he was renowned. general gage was in command of the royal forces in boston. when the port bill went into operation, he removed the legislature to salem. but such was the indignation of the colonists that, when the time of opening its session arrived, he did not dare to proceed thither. the members assembled, however, and, after waiting in vain for general gage, they adjourned to concord, where, immediately, the patriots began to collect arms, ammunition, and other supplies for war. the military force of general gage in boston was increased to such an extent that he soon exhausted his supplies. for relief, he sent out small foraging parties secretly, to seize and appropriate whatever they could lay their hands upon. hearing that there was a magazine of supplies at concord, on the night of april , , he sent out eight hundred picked men, under the command of lieutenant-colonel smith, to destroy it. by some means dr. warren of boston learned of general gage's intentions, and, by a previously concerted signal, gave the alarm. a light in the steeple of the old north church was the signal to certain patriots that the people must be called to arms. a courier on horseback dashed away from charlestown, at breakneck speed, to give the alarm to the sleeping inhabitants of villages between that place and concord. at the top of his voice he cried, to startle the minute-men from their beds, "the regulars are coming!" certain leading patriots on the way must be aroused and told the story of their danger. so, with a furious pound upon their door, and the wild cry, "the regulars are coming!" the heroic patriots were routed from their beds. at lexington mrs. harrington, a brave and trusty heroine, heard the midnight cry, and she sprang from her bed, ran to the chamber door, and shouted to her son, who was a minute-man, "john, get up! the regulars are coming!" by the time day-light began to dawn, the minute-men were in arms, and the whole region round about was fired with the courage and enthusiasm of men resolved to be free or die. when the british troops reached lexington at five o'clock on the morning of april , they found a hundred minute-men drawn up in battle array. major pitcairn rode up to them, and shouted: "disperse, you rebels! throw down your arms and disperse!" his order was followed by a volley of musketry right into the faces of the lexington soldiers, killing four and wounding several others. the minute-men dispersed, and the british troops hurried on to concord. here they met with an unexpectedly hot reception by several hundred minute-men, who had come through the darkness to defend their supplies and the town. every hour their number increased by the accession of heroes, who came from even twenty miles away to meet the foe. the british commander was forced to order a retreat, in which his army suffered even more than it did in the battle. the minute-men, from behind trees, houses, barns, and stone walls, picked off the red-coats, so that when the invaders reached lexington, on their retreat, they were exhausted, depleted, and disheartened. but for the arrival of reinforcements under lord percy, the yankees would have killed or captured colonel smith and all his force. notwithstanding colonel smith was reinforced by "sixteen companies of foot, a corps of marines, and two pieces of artillery," the retreat was continued. all the way from lexington to boston, minute-men, who lived remote from the route, and heard the startling news too late to hurry to concord, annoyed the retreating army by pouring the contents of their muskets into their ranks from covert places where they concealed themselves for bloody work. when the british reached charlestown, they had sustained a loss of sixty-five killed, one hundred and eighty wounded, and twenty-eight prisoners. the americans lost fifty killed and thirty-four wounded. that was the opening of the revolutionary war, in which independence was achieved. on that nineteenth day of april, , was fired the first gun which, john adams said, "was heard around the world." from that moment americans armed themselves, and an army of defence was hastily rallied at cambridge. the assembly of massachusetts was in session at the time, and voted to raise thirteen thousand men in the colony, and ask the other new england colonies to increase the number to thirty thousand. there was scarcely any need of such action by the legislature, however, for the patriotism of the people was unbounded. the concord fight obliterated the last vestige of apathy, and drew forth a spirit of heroism before unknown. from every quarter men rushed to arms voluntarily, ready to sacrifice even life in the common cause. as an example of the unparalleled devotion to the country, israel putnam of connecticut was ploughing in the field when the news of the concord fight reached him. without stopping to go to his house, he jumped upon the back of his horse, instructed his son to carry the intelligence to his mother, and galloped away to join the troops at cambridge. with such courage and patriotism americans rallied for the defense of the country, coming even from the most distant hamlets of new england. the second american congress met in philadelphia about four weeks after the battle of concord. washington was in his seat promptly, wrought up to the highest pitch of determination in the cause of liberty. he had just come from a convention in virginia, in which patrick henry stirred the hearts of all true patriots by one of his indescribable harangues for the american cause, in which he closed with the memorable words: "we must fight! i repeat it, sir, we must fight! an appeal to arms and to the god of hosts is all that is left us!" in that deep and solemn conviction washington met his associates in the second congress at philadelphia. what were his opinions regarding the situation at that time may be learned from his familiar conversation with john adams: "the decisive blow is struck," remarked adams; "the concord fight has made our duty plain." "it could not possibly be made plainer," replied washington, "and the concord fight must convince our oppressors that americans will never yield to their domination." "you are right in that view, colonel washington; the spirit of hostility to tyranny is grander than i dreamed of. it augurs well for the future." "there is no alternative left to the colonies," continued washington; "the army of great britain has deliberately attacked us. the work of this congress should be to create an army, and provide for defence." "in the most liberal manner, too, for that only is patriotic," added adams. "when parliament resorts to belligerent measures against the remonstrances of chatham, burke, barré, pitt, and other worthies, we are justified in putting the worst construction upon their intentions." "nothing can be more obvious," responded washington. "and the british troops must be expelled from boston by force, or our american colonies are reduced to a condition of vassalage. the army that precipitated the attack at concord must be paid for the effrontery, or we are slaves." "without appealing again to the king?" "yes, without appealing again to his majesty. our appeals have been spurned. our entreaties have been interpreted as the pleas of cowardice. our patience has been regarded as pusillanimity. because british oppression has been met by respectful remonstrance instead of indignant denunciation, it has appealed to arms; and that appeal must be promptly met by warlike preparations and the challenge to battle." the second american congress did send another appeal to the king, though not with the vote of washington. it was an able, patriotic paper, setting forth the grievances of the colonists in language that would have moved the hearts of friends to pity. at the same time, however, the members voted to put the colonies upon a war basis. many independent military companies had been organized in the colonies within a few months; and these, by vote, were constituted the continental army, in connection with others to be raised. three millions of dollars were appropriated for supplying arms and stores, and five hundred dollars a month for the salary of a commander-in-chief, to be elected. the provincial army around boston was gathered entirely from the new england colonies, and was wholly without organization or discipline, a motley multitude of men, who left their homes and rushed to camp upon the impulse of patriotic sentiments. john adams moved that congress adopt that army, provide for its support, and elect for it a suitable commander. his speech on the occasion pointed so plainly to washington as the man of all others for commander-in-chief, that the latter gentleman rose from his seat and left the hall. on the following day washington was unanimously elected commander-in-chief of the continental army, a very unexpected honor to him. with much diffidence, and his usual modesty, he arose in his seat to accept the appointment, and said: "though i am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet i feel great distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. however, as the congress desire it, i will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power i possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. i beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. "but lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, i beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room that i this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, i do not think myself equal to the command i am honored with. "as to pay, sir, i beg leave to assure the congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, i do not wish to make any profit from it. i will keep an exact account of my expenses; these, i doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all i desire." his acceptance was received with enthusiastic applause, followed by a resolution, declaring that "they would _maintain_ and _assist_ him and _adhere_ to him with their _lives_ and _fortunes_ in the same cause." the same congress appointed artemas ward, charles lee, philip schuyler, and israel putnam major-generals; and seth pomeroy, richard montgomery, david wooster, william heath, joseph spencer, john thomas, john sullivan, and nathaniel greene brigadier-generals. horatio gates was appointed adjutant-general. these appointments were made with washington's acquiescence, if not at his suggestion. john adams wrote to a friend: "there is something charming to me in the conduct of washington; a gentleman of the first fortunes on the continent, leaving his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease, and hazarding all in the cause of his country. his views are noble and disinterested. he declared, when he accepted the mighty trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not accept a shilling pay." xvii. in the siege of boston. "there is no time to lose," remarked adams to washington. "letters to me from generals warren and ward insist that the undisciplined army cannot be kept together much longer without the aid of congress; and congress has done the best thing it could for the army in appointing you to its command." "i shall lose no time in preparations to take command of the army," replied washington. "i shall repair to cambridge at once." "without returning to mount vernon?" "yes; that would consume too much time. much as i should enjoy a visit home, i must forego the pleasure, and hasten to my command." "a sacrifice, truly," remarked adams. "and one that both my wife and mother will appreciate," added washington, "although the disappointment will be so great to them. our country first, for the sake of our homes." "true, very true; and it is a terrible necessity that makes it true," continued adams. "war is serious business, and under its direful necessities you may never see your loved mount vernon again." "no one can be more sensible of that than myself, but personal pleasure must yield to the demands of patriotism in such a crisis as this. duty is the watchword now." without consuming time for more than the most hasty preparation, washington started for massachusetts, after penning the following tender letter to his wife. the epistle shows so much of his noble character that our narrative would be incomplete without it: philadelphia, june , . my dearest,--i am now set down to write you on a subject which fills me with inexpressible concern; and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased when i reflect upon the uneasiness i know it will give you. it has been determined in congress that the whole army raised for the defence of the american cause shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to boston to take upon me the command of it. you may believe me, my dear patsy, when i assure you in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, i have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and that i should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home than i have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. but as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, i shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose. you might, and i suppose did, perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that i was apprehensive i could not avoid this appointment, as i did not pretend to intimate when i should return. that was the case. it was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment without exposing my character to such censures as would have reflected dishonor upon myself and given pain to my friends. this i am sure could not, and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have lessened me considerably in my own esteem. i shall rely, therefore, confidently on that providence which has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, not doubting but that i shall return safe to you in the fall. i shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness i know you will feel from being left alone. i therefore beg that you will summon your whole fortitude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible. nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen. my earnest and ardent desire is, that you would pursue any plan that is most likely to produce content and a tolerable degree of tranquility; and it must add greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear that you are dissatisfied or complaining at what i really could not avoid. as life is always uncertain, and common prudence dictates to every man the necessity of settling his temporal concerns while it is in his power, and while the mind is calm and undisturbed, i have, since i came to this place (for i had not time to do it before i left home), got colonel pendleton to draft a will for me, by the directions i gave him, which will i now enclose. the provisions made for you in case of my death will, i hope, be agreeable. i shall add nothing more, as i have several letters to write, but to desire that you will remember me to your friends, and to assure you that i am, with the most unfeigned regard, my dear patsy, your affectionate husband. the preparation of his will is expressive of his thoughts and feelings at the time, and it magnifies, also, the sacrifice he was making for his country. it will be noticed that the letter to his wife is dated june , the day after the battle of bunker hill. he knew nothing of that battle, of course; and the fact shows all the more how rapidly public affairs were hastening to a crisis. it was the d of june when he left philadelphia, and just before leaving he addressed another brief letter to his wife, that furnishes a key to his heart: philadelphia, june , . my dearest,--as i am within a few minutes of leaving this city, i could not think of departing from it without dropping you a line, especially as i do not know whether it will be in my power to write again until i get to the camp at boston. i go fully trusting in that providence which has been more bountiful to me than i deserve, and in full confidence of a happy meeting with you in the fall. i have not time to add more, as i am surrounded by company to take leave of me. i retain an unalterable affection for you, which neither time nor distance can change. my best love to jack and nelly, and regards to the rest of the family, concludes me, with the utmost sincerity, your entire geo. washington. two thousand troops had gathered in philadelphia, and he reviewed them before leaving. the whole two thousand escorted him out of the city, and a company of light-horse escorted him to new york, together with generals lee and schuyler. twenty miles from philadelphia he was met by a courier on horseback, bringing particulars of the battle of bunker hill. "how many americans were engaged in it?" washington inquired. "about twelve hundred only." "who led them?" "general prescott." "how many were killed?" "about four hundred and fifty were killed and wounded. the british lost more than half of their men." "what officers fell?" "the brave general warren was one." "did the men fight well?" "never braver men met a foe." "then the liberties of our country are safe," added washington. as grand a welcome as could possibly be given, without the burning of powder, was tendered by the provincial assembly of new york and new jersey. they could burn no powder because the colony possessed but four barrels, having forwarded a thousand barrels to cambridge for the use of the army. washington left general schuyler in command at new york and hastened forward to cambridge, for at new york he received a more detailed account of the battle of bunker hill. this information caused him to hasten his journey; and he reached watertown, where the legislature was sitting, on the second day of july. that body gave him an enthusiastic welcome, and presented a lengthy address to him, in which they spread out the deplorable condition of the army, pledging their prompt aid in its organization and discipline. on the third day of july he was escorted by an imposing cavalcade to cambridge, four miles distant, to take immediate command of the army. notwithstanding the scarcity of powder, his arrival was announced by salvos of artillery; and the sight of him, in his splendid bearing, drew from the admiring thousands the heartiest cheers. the general of whom they had heard so much even more than met their expectations, and their joy knew no bounds. washington wheeled his noble charger under the shadow of the "great elm," where he formally took command of the continental army, thereby making the tree historic to this day. he was forty-three years of age at that time. mrs. john adams was in cambridge when washington arrived, and she wrote of him as follows: "dignity, ease, and complacency, the gentleman and the soldier look, agreeably blended in him. modesty marks every line and feature of his face. these lines of dryden instantly occurred to me: "'mark his majestic fabric! he's a temple sacred by birth, and built by hands divine; his soul's the deity that lodges there, nor is the pile unworthy of the god.'" washington found general artemas ward in command, who informed him that, "we have fourteen thousand five hundred men, including the sick." "how many troops of the king hold boston?" washington inquired. "about eleven thousand of the best disciplined troops that england could send over." "and how many inhabitants of boston are there in the city now?" "seventeen thousand; and it is said that they are treated as rebels, except the tories, who support the cause of the crown. general gage is in command, and generals howe, clinton, and burgoyne arrived with their last reinforcements." "gage was with me twenty years ago in the expedition against duquesne," said washington. "generals howe, clinton, and burgoyne are the best generals the king can send, i suppose." "i judge so. at any rate this army is a mob compared to the royal army in boston. very few of them were ever in the service before. they know nothing about order and discipline, and care as little." "they must learn both as quickly as possible," responded washington. "an army without discipline can be little more than a mob. my first step will be to bring the army under rigid military discipline." washington, accompanied by general lee, took immediate measures to acquaint himself with the condition of the army, and in an incredibly short time had it distributed thus: the right wing was stationed on the heights of roxbury, under the command of major-general ward; the left wing was stationed on winter and prospect hills, in what is now the city of somerville, under command of major-general lee; while the centre, under major-general putnam, occupied cambridge. the army was thus distributed over a line of some twelve miles in length. the army was destitute of clothing, ammunition, and nearly everything for its comfort. the mass of them were dressed as they were clad when they left their farms and work-shops, a dirty, ragged collection of armed men, though resolute and brave. their cry against the king's troops in boston was: "shut them up! starve them out! drive them into their ships, and send their ships out to sea!" to add to the disheartening situation, charlestown lay in ashes, having been set on fire by the enemy's shells at the battle of bunker hill; there were no well-constructed works throughout the whole line of fortifications; insubordination was popular among the troops, who called it _independence_; and still worse, jealousies prevailed among the troops of different colonies. the larger part of the army, nearly ten thousand, belonged to massachusetts, and they were in the worst plight of all. washington made the following magnanimous apology for them: "this unhappy and devoted province has been so long in a state of anarchy, and the yoke has been laid so heavily on it, that great allowances are to be made for troops raised under such circumstances. the deficiency of members, discipline, and stores can only lead to this conclusion: _that their spirit has exceeded their strength_." a british officer wrote home: "the rebel army are in so wretched a condition as to clothing and accoutrements, that i believe no nation ever saw such a set of tatterdemalions. there are few coats among them but what are out at elbows, and in a whole regiment there is scarce a whole pair of breeches." nevertheless, the material for an army in such a crisis was good. the famous general nathaniel greene of rhode island organized three regiments in that province after the concord fight, and he was there with his men, "the best disciplined and appointed troops in the army." connecticut also raised a respectable force, and put them under the command of general israel putnam, who left his plough in the furrow, and galloped off to boston; and they were there. the brave colonel stark of new hampshire, with his "green mountain boys," was there also. other officers of ability were doing all they could with an undisciplined army, while the rank and file were eager to drive the foe out of boston. a leader like washington was needed to organize and manipulate this rough mass of material. a chief like him, too, was indispensable to elevate their moral condition; for drunkenness, revelry, lewdness, profanity, gambling, not to mention other evils, abounded. the following was washington's first order to the army: "the continental congress having now taken all the troops of the several colonies which have been raised, or which may be hereafter raised, for the support and defence of the liberties of america, into their pay and service, they are now the troops of the united provinces of north america; and it is hoped that all distinctions of colonies will be laid aside, so that one and the same spirit may animate the whole, and the only contest be, who shall render, on this great and trying occasion, the most essential service to the great and common cause in which we are all engaged. it is required and expected that exact discipline be observed, and due subordination prevail, through the whole army, as a failure in these most essential points must necessarily produce extreme hazard, disorder, and confusion, and end in shameful disappointment and disgrace. the general most earnestly requires and expects a due observance of those articles of war established for the government of the army, which forbid profane cursing, swearing, and drunkenness. and in like manner he requires and expects of all officers and soldiers, not engaged on actual duty, a punctual attendance on divine service, to implore the blessing of heaven upon the means used for our safety and defence." rev. william emerson was a chaplain in the army, and he wrote as follows of the wonderful change washington wrought in a short time: "there is great overturning in the camp as to order and regularity. new lords, new laws. the generals washington and lee are upon the lines every day. new orders from his excellency are read to the respective regiments every morning after prayers. the strictest government is taking place, and great distinction is made between officers and soldiers. "every one is made to know his place and keep in it, or be tied up and receive thirty or forty lashes, according to his crime. thousands are at work every day from four to eleven o'clock in the morning. it is surprising how much work has been done. the lines are extended almost from cambridge to mystic river, so that very soon it will be morally impossible for the enemy to get between the works, except in one place, which is supposed to be left purposely unfortified to entice the enemy out of their fortresses." "the british army in boston understand their business," remarked washington to his secretary, mr. reed. "their works are thoroughly constructed, and they seem to be provided with every thing that war requires." at that time he had reconnoitered until he had acquired quite a thorough knowledge of their defences. "king george would not be likely to send over others," answered reed. "he is too anxious to awe his rebellious subjects into submission to pursue another course." "well, they are in close quarters now," continued washington, "although, if they understood our weakness, they might fight their way out, and annihilate the american army. i have just discovered that all the powder in the camp will not furnish the soldiers nine cartridges apiece." "no more?" exclaimed reed. "you surprise me!" "you cannot be more surprised than i am. it is a fearful condition for this army to be in." "how can it be so?" added reed, still more surprised. "according to that, powder is scarcer than clothing." "it is true, if my investigation does not mislead," responded washington. "no army was ever in a condition so deplorable; and i would not dare to let my soldiers know the actual state of things, lest they become demoralized." "fortunate for us that so far they are in blissful ignorance of our condition," said reed; "but this state of affairs must not be suffered to continue." "certainly not; i shall take immediate measures to remedy the evil." and he did. agents were sent in different directions to procure ammunition. a vessel was sent to the bermudas for this purpose. expeditions to capture british forts in this country and canada were set on foot. the manufacture of powder was recommended by congress. at that time, the transportation of supplies for an army was a slow and tedious work. there were no railroads, and the facilities for transportation by horses and cattle were far inferior to those of the present day. for example, a little later, henry knox, who was a thriving book-seller in boston when the british took possession of the city, and who fought bravely at bunker hill, was sent to ticonderoga and crown point, which the americans had captured, to bring such artillery and ordnance stores as could be spared. he was instructed, also, to proceed to st. john and montreal, both of which had just been captured by american expeditions under benedict arnold and ethan allen, generals schuyler and montgomery. it was in the depth of winter when knox returned with over fifty cannon, mortars, and howitzers, and a quantity of lead and flints, loaded upon forty sleds, drawn by eighty yoke of cattle. washington procured for knox the commission of colonel soon after he undertook the enterprise. washington's headquarters were established at the cragie house, a spacious building, favorably situated for the commander-in-chief. for many years it was owned by professor longfellow the poet, who died there some years since. order, sobriety, and religion regulated his headquarters. morning and evening prayers were scrupulously maintained, and the whole appearance of the place indicated that the renowned occupant was a christian. washington required the chaplains of all his regiments to conduct prayers morning and evening, and religious services on the sabbath. the officers were required to see that their men attended all these services, since they were observed "for their good." early in the siege of boston, when he felt that "if success ever crowns the american cause, it will be because an all-wise providence controls the affairs of men," washington advised the appointment of a day of fasting and prayer, to intercede for the blessing of god upon the little army at cambridge. congress appointed the day, and the commander-in-chief required its observance throughout the army. religious services were held, all business suspended, and the day was made as quiet and religious as sunday. one of the earliest arrivals at the camp in cambridge, after washington took command, was from virginia, pennsylvania, and maryland, fourteen hundred sharp-shooters, as we should call them now. they were tall, stalwart men, dressed in fringed hunting shirts and round caps. they were received in camp with the wildest demonstrations of joy. a few weeks later a long, lumbering train of wagons, laden with military stores captured on the sea, came into camp. washington had been forced to send out cruisers, by the action of general gage in arming vessels to capture supplies along the american coast. one of his cruisers captured a brigantine ladened with munitions of war,--two thousand stand of arms, one hundred thousand flints, thirty thousand round shot, and thirty-two tons musket balls,--which were taken into cape ann, and transported from thence on wagons to cambridge. in this way, as well as by the action of congress and the provincial legislatures, the army of washington was strengthened and equipped. the british were so thoroughly entrenched in boston, and their army so well disciplined and powerful, that it would have been foolhardy for washington to attack them; besides, an attack would have resulted in burning the city and sacrificing the lives of many friends who lived there. "british officers must understand that men fighting for their country are patriots, and not malefactors," remarked washington to mr. reed, his secretary. "cruelty to prisoners anyway is contrary to all the rules of civilized warfare." "well, we are 'rebels,' you know," replied reed sarcastically, "and general gage thinks that 'rebels' have no claim upon his clemency." "cruelty to prisoners is not confined to general gage," responded washington. "there is no doubt that the king holds allen [ethan] in irons, and his fellow-captives, which is treating prisoners of war as savages do." ethan allen was the famous patriot who led two hundred and thirty men against fort ticonderoga, and captured it in may, . he surprised the commander, and demanded an immediate surrender. "by whose authority do you make this demand?" inquired the officer in charge. "in the name of the great jehovah and the continental congress!" shouted allen. he was captured by general prescott in canada. "were the king's forces in boston to sally forth and conquer our army, the rules of civilized warfare would be of no account to them, i am thinking;" suggested mr. reed. "it behooves us to keep out of their clutches, or die in the attempt." the cruelty of british officers to prisoners was the subject of frequent discussion between washington and his advisers, and finally he wrote to general gage as follows: "i understand that the officers engaged in the cause of liberty and their country, who, by the fortune of war have fallen into your hands, have been thrown indiscriminately into a common jail, appropriated to felons; that no consideration has been had for those of the most respectable rank, when languishing with wounds and sickness, and that some have been amputated in this unworthy situation.... the obligations arising from the rights of humanity and claims of rank are universally binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. these, i should have hoped, would have dictated a more tender treatment of those individuals whom chance or war had put in your power.... my duty now makes it necessary to apprise you that, for the future, i shall regulate all my conduct towards those gentlemen who are, or may be, in our possession, exactly by the rule you shall observe toward those of ours now in your custody. "if severity and hardships mark the line of your conduct, painful as it may be to me, your prisoners will feel its effects. but if kindness and humanity are shown to us, i shall with pleasure consider those in our hands only as unfortunate, and they shall receive from me that treatment to which the unfortunate are ever entitled." the reply of general gage was characteristic of a conceited, ambitious, and domineering officer of the king, and washington closed his reply to it with these words: "i shall now, sir, close my correspondence with you, perhaps forever. if your officers, our prisoners, receive a treatment from me different from that which i wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." subsequently, washington ordered british officers at watertown and cape ann, who were at large on parole, to be confined in the jail at northampton, explaining to them that it was not agreeable to his feelings of humanity, but according to the treatment of americans whom the officers of the crown held as prisoners. but he could not tolerate even this mild form of retaliation, and therefore in a short time he revoked the order, and the prisoners were at large again. "i was never more distressed in mind than i am now," remarked washington to a member of his staff. "why so?" "within a few days this army will be reduced to less than ten thousand men by the expiration of enlistments," answered washington; "and when we can ever attack boston is a problem. for six months i have been waiting for powder, fire-arms, recruits, and what-not; and here we are with the st of january, , right upon us, when several thousand soldiers will leave." "a very discouraging fact indeed," answered the staff officer; "and how will you fill the breach created by their going?" "that is what troubles me. we shall be forced to require soldiers whose term of enlistment expires, to leave their muskets, allowing them fair compensation for the same. and to encourage their successors to bring arms, we must charge each one of them who fails to bring his gun one dollar for the use of the one we provide." "a novel way of recruiting and supplying an army, truly," said the staff officer. "the only way left to us," remarked washington. "yes; and i suppose that any way is better than none." washington wrote to a friend on the th of january: "it is easier to conceive than to describe the situation of my mind for some time past and my feelings under our present circumstances. search the volume of history through, and i much question whether a case similar to ours can be found; namely, to maintain a post against the power of the british troops for six months together without powder, and then to have one army disbanded and another raised within the same distance (musket shot) of a reinforced enemy.... for two months past i have scarcely emerged from one difficulty before i have been plunged into another. how it will end, god, in his great goodness, will direct. i am thankful for his protection to this time." a few days later he wrote: "the reflection of my situation and that of this army produces many an unhappy hour, when all around me are wrapped in sleep. few people know the predicament we are in on a thousand accounts; fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines, from what cause it flows. i have often thought how much happier i should have been, if, instead of accepting the command under such circumstances, i had taken my musket on my shoulder and entered the ranks; or, if i could have justified the measure to posterity and my own conscience, had retired to the back country and lived in a wigwam." still, through his tact and indomitable perseverance, washington found his army in a condition to attack boston in march. he had vainly tried to induce the british troops to leave their comfortable quarters and come out to battle. he had so effectually cut off their supplies by his determined siege that the british government was compelled to send supplies from home. but now he felt that the time for action had come. he called a council of war. "our situation compels action of some kind to save ourselves, even at great risk," he said to his advisers. "there is a cloud over the public mind, and there is danger on the north and on the south. montgomery has fallen before quebec, and our little army in canada is depleted and broken. tryon and the tories are plotting mischief in new york, and dunmore in virginia. clinton, too, is making depredations along the coast." "and what do you propose?" inquired one. "to attack boston." "and take the risk?" "yes; and take the risk, which will prove less, i believe, that the risk incurred by continual inaction." "do you propose an immediate movement?" "on the th of march, the anniversary of the 'boston massacre.' it is a good time to avenge that wrong." on the th of march, , the british troops, who were often insolent and overbearing to the citizens of boston, were attacked and stoned by indignant parties. a brief contest followed, in which four americans were killed and several wounded. this was called the "boston massacre." "i hope that your movement will be successful, but it is a hazardous one," suggested one of the council. "an attack all along the line?" "by no means," answered washington. "the project is hazardous indeed, but that is inevitable. on the night of march i propose to take possession of dorchester heights, throw up breastworks, and by the time the enemy can see the heights in the morning, be prepared to hold the position." "and if the whole british army attack us, what then?" "general putnam shall have a force of four thousand men on the opposite side of the town, in two divisions, under generals sullivan and greene. at a given signal from roxbury, they shall embark at the mouth of charles river, cross under cover of three floating batteries, land in two places in boston, secure its strong posts, force the gates and works at the neck, and let in the roxbury troops. this, in case they make a determined attempt to dislodge us." washington waited for a reply. the bold plan somewhat perplexed his advisers at first, and there was silence for a moment. at length one spoke, and then another, and still another, until every objection was canvassed. the plan was finally adopted, but kept a profound secret with the officers who were to conduct the enterprise. we cannot dwell upon details. agreeable to washington's arrangement, when the expedition with tools, arms, supplies, and other necessaries was ready to move on the evening of march , a terrible cannonading of the british by the american army, at two different points, commenced, under the cover of which our troops reached dorchester heights without attracting the attention of the enemy. the reader may judge of the cannonading by the words of mrs. john adams, who wrote to her husband thus: "i have just returned from penn's hill, where i have been sitting to hear the amazing roar of cannon, and from whence i could see every shell that was thrown. the sound, i think, is one of the grandest in nature, and is of the true species of the sublime. it is now an incessant roar. "i went to bed about twelve, and rose again a little after one. i could no more sleep than if i had been in the engagement; the rattling of the windows, the jar of the house, the continual roar of twenty-four pounders, and the bursting of shells, give us such ideas, and realize a scene to us of which we could scarcely form any conception. i hope to give you joy of boston, even if it is in ruins, before i send this away." what the british beheld on the morning of march , to their surprise and alarm, is best told in the words of one of their officers. "this morning at daybreak we discovered two redoubts on dorchester point, and two smaller ones on their flanks. they were all raised during last night, with an expedition equal to that of 'the genii' belonging to alladin's wonderful lamp. from these hills they command the whole town, so that we must drive them from their post or desert the place." the british general, howe, exclaimed: "the rebels have done more work in one night than my whole army would have done in a month." general howe had superseded general gage some time before this exploit. quickly as possible, general howe began to bombard the new fortifications on dorchester heights. all through the day he cannonaded the little american army, and, under the cover of the bombardment, prepared to land twenty-five hundred picked men at night, and carry the heights by storm. his guns did little damage, however, through the day. washington was present in person, encouraging the soldiers, and directing them in strengthening the fortifications. under the darkness of night general howe sent twenty-five hundred of his best soldiers, in transports, to capture the "rebel works." but a furious northeast storm arose, and beat upon them with such violence that it was impossible to land. they were compelled to postpone the attack until the next night. but the storm continued, and even increased. the wind blew a gale and the rain descended in torrents all through the following day and night, shutting up the enemy within their own quarters, and allowing the americans time to multiply their works and render them impregnable. when the storm ceased, an english officer declared that the americans were invincible in their strong position. that general howe was of the same opinion is evident from the fact that he decided to evacuate boston. had general howe been able to land his troops on the first night, as he planned, there is little doubt that washington would have been driven from the heights as the americans were driven from bunker hill, so that the intervention of the storm seemed peculiarly providential. when washington issued his order, months before, for the strict observance of the sabbath and daily religious service by the army, general lee, who was a godless scoffer, remarked, derisively, "god is on the side of the heaviest battalions." but in this case the storm favored the _weakest_ battalions. general howe conferred with the authorities of boston, and promised to evacuate the city without inflicting harm upon it if the americans would not attack him. otherwise he would commit the city to the flames, and leave under cover of the mighty conflagration. washington wrote to him: "if you will evacuate the city without plundering or doing any harm, i will not open fire upon you. but if you make any attempt to plunder, or if the torch is applied to a single building, i will open upon you the most deadly bombardment." howe promised: yet such was the disposition of the british soldiers to acts of violence, that he was obliged to issue an order that soldiers found plundering should be hanged on the spot; and he had an officer, with a company of soldiers and a hangman, march through the streets, ready to execute his order. it was not, however, until the th of march that the embarkation of the british army commenced. about twelve thousand soldiers and refugees embarked in seventy-eight vessels. the refugees were americans who favored the british cause (called tories), and they did not dare to remain in this country. washington wrote about these refugees: "by all accounts there never existed a more miserable set of beings than those wretched creatures now are. taught to believe that the power of great britain was superior to all opposition, and that foreign aid was at hand, they were even higher and more insulting in their opposition than the regulars. when the order was issued, therefore, for embarking the troops in boston, no electric shock, no sudden clap of thunder, in a word, the last trump, could not have struck them with greater consternation. they were at their wits' end; chose to commit themselves, in the manner i have above described, to the mercy of the waves at a tempestuous season, rather than meet their offended countrymen." with exceeding joy washington beheld the "precipitate retreat" of the british army from boston, but fired not a gun. one of general howe's officers wrote afterwards: "it was lucky for the inhabitants now left in boston that they did not, for i am informed that everything was prepared to set the town in a blaze had they fired one cannon." we have intentionally passed over several incidents, with the rehearsal of which we will bring this chapter to a close. when washington assumed the command of the american army, he left his mount vernon estate in charge of mr. lund washington, continuing to direct its management by correspondence. he expected to return to his home in the autumn, and so encouraged his wife to believe. but in this he was sorely disappointed. his thoughtful and benevolent character appears in one of his early letters to his agent: "let the hospitality of the house with respect to the poor be kept up. let no one go hungry away. if any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessaries, provided it does not encourage them to idleness; and i have no objection to your giving my money in charity to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it is well bestowed. what i mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire that it should be done." many americans feared that the enemy might send a war vessel up the potomac and destroy the mount vernon residence and capture mrs. washington. she was earnestly advised to leave, and repair to a place of safety beyond the blue ridge. but washington sent for her to come to him at cambridge. she was four weeks travelling from mount vernon to cambridge. she performed the journey in her own carriage, a chariot drawn by four fine horses, with black postilions in scarlet and white liveries. this was an english style of equipage, and the public sentiment of that day demanded that the commander-in-chief should adopt it. she was accompanied by her son, and was escorted from place to place by guards of honor. her arrival in cambridge was the signal for great rejoicing. the army received her with the honors due to her illustrious husband. she immediately took charge of washington's headquarters, and soon became as popular in the domestic and social circle as her husband was in camp and field. it was at cambridge that she was first called "lady washington." as an illustration of washington's rigid discipline, an incident is related of his manner of suppressing a disturbance. it was during the winter he was besieging boston. a party of virginia riflemen met a party of marblehead fishermen. the dress of the fishermen was as singular to the riflemen as that of the riflemen was to the fishermen, and they began to banter each other. snow-balls soon began to fly back and forth, and finally hard blows were interchanged. a melee occurred, in which a thousand soldiers participated. hearing of the disturbance, washington hastened to the scene, and, leaping from his horse, he seized two burly virginians by the neck, and held them out at arm's length, at the same time administering a rebuke in words that scattered the combatants as suddenly as a cannonade would have done. the british army committed many depredations in boston during the year they held possession of it. they tore out the pulpit and pews of the old south church, and converted it into a riding-school for general burgoyne's light-horse regiment. they took down the north church and used it for fuel. they used up about three hundred wooden houses in the same way. in the winter a theatre was established for the entertainment of the british soldiers. at one time a british officer wrote a farce entitled, "the blockade of boston," to be played on a given evening. it was a burlesque upon washington and the american army. it represented the commander-in-chief of the american army as an awkward lout, equipped with a huge wig, and a long, rusty sword, attended by a country booby as orderly sergeant, in a rustic garb, with an old fire-lock seven or eight feet long. the theatre was filled to overflowing on the night the farce was announced. it happened that, on the same night, general putnam sent a party of two hundred men to surprise and capture a british guard stationed at charlestown. his daring exploit was successful, though his men were fired upon by the garrison of the fort. the thunder of artillery caused a british officer to believe that the yankees were in motion, and he rushed into the theatre, crying, "the yankees are attacking bunker hill!" at first the audience supposed that this announcement was part of the play. but general howe, who was present, undeceived them by calling out, "officers, to your alarm posts!" the farce turned out to be tragedy, and the curtain fell upon the scene. the audience scattered like a flock of sheep. the failure of the british to hold boston was extremely mortifying to general howe and the english government. when the king's regiments first took possession of the city, one of the officers wrote home: "whenever it comes to blows, he that can run the fastest will think himself well off, believe me. any two regiments here ought to be decimated if they did not beat in the field the whole force of the massachusetts province." general gage said to the king, before leaving england to take command of the forces in boston, "the americans will be lions so long as the english are lambs. give me five regiments and i will keep boston quiet." when general burgoyne was sailing into boston harbor to join his king's army, and his attention was called to the fact that a few thousand undisciplined "rebels" were besieging a town garrisoned by five or six thousand british regulars, he exclaimed in derision: "what! ten thousand peasants keep five thousand king's troops shut up? well, let us get in and we'll soon find elbow-room." he failed to find "elbow room" until he put out to sea. to be driven out of boston, when such a result was considered impossible by the foe, was doubly humiliating to the sons of great britain. it was proportionably glorious to american patriots, and they took possession of the city with exultation and devout thanksgivings to god. congress unanimously adopted a eulogistic resolution, rehearsing the valor and achievements of the commander-in-chief, and ordered a gold medal, with appropriate inscription, to be struck off, and presented to him as a token of the country's gratitude. xviii. defending new york. "what next?" inquired general putnam. "that is a difficult question to answer until i know general howe's destination," replied washington. "then you don't think he is going home?" continued putnam facetiously. "not yet, though i wish he might; then i would go home, too." "but seriously, where do you think he is going?" urged putnam. "i fear that he is bound to new york, for that is a port more important to him than even boston." washington spoke as if he were greatly perplexed. "well," added putnam in his resolute way, "if he is bound for new york it won't do for us to be fooling about here long." "no; and if i were certain that his destination were there, i should put you in command of that post at once," said washington. "besides the importance of the position to him, the large number of tories in that town is a great inducement for him to strike there. governor tryon has been plotting something with them, and who knows but his appearance there will be the signal for them to rise against their own country." "just like 'em," answered putnam. "a man who will turn against his own country ought to dangle at the end of a halter. with the british army outside, and hundreds of traitors inside, new york will make a poor show." "there is no telling what a strong defence of the town can be made with the lord on our side. my hope is in the righteousness of our cause." washington called a council of war in his perplexity. he laid before his military advisers his reasons for supposing that the foe, driven from boston, had sailed for new york. "the english will be chagrined over their defeat here, after all their boasting," said washington, "and we may expect heavier blows in future somewhere. the king will not suffer 'rebels' to remain unmolested. we do well to expect that in future the king will concentrate the military power of his government and hurl it upon us to bring us to terms." it was finally determined to put general putnam in command at new york, and he was hurried away, with all the troops in boston but five regiments, and instructions to complete the fortifications commenced by general lee. two or three months before, in consequence of the appearance of a british fleet, under clinton, in the harbor of new york, and the secret plottings of governor tryon and the tories, washington placed general lee in command there. lee at once arrested leading tories, and sent them to prison, threatening all the rest, in his fiery way, with similar punishment if they continued to aid the enemy. governor tryon fled to a british man-of-war in the harbor, accompanied by several of his political advisers, and from those new headquarters he continued secret intercourse with the tories. new dangers soon arising farther south, general lee was transferred to the southern military department, with headquarters at williamsburg. such was the state of affairs in new york when general putnam took command, with not more than eight thousand available troops in the town and vicinity. washington ordered three thousand militia to go to his aid from connecticut, and as soon as he could arrange affairs in boston he himself hastened to new york with his body-guard, where he arrived on the thirteenth day of april. before this time he had learned that general howe proceeded to halifax, to await large reinforcements from great britain; that his brother, admiral howe, with his naval fleet, would join him there, and then the great army would sail for new york. he did not know, however, at that time, what the british government was doing "to crush the rebels in north america." he learned afterwards that the king, stung to madness by the failure of his army in boston, resolved to avenge the defeat by a terrible blow upon new york. he hired seventeen thousand hessians to join the army, paying them liberally for their services, and these hirelings would swell the invading army to startling proportions. notwithstanding the evacuation of boston, the cause of the patriots never seemed more hopeless than it did when the british army, under the two howes, appeared below new york. "our army in canada is beaten and shattered," washington said, "and our cause is lost there. here it is difficult to tell friend from foe. it is claimed that half of the people in new york are tories, and what communications they may have with the british army, through tryon, it is impossible to tell. we have not half the men absolutely required to hold this position, and what we have are poorly clad and equipped, and not half fed. then we have reason to suspect that the enemy will come with greater inhumanity to man, and that fire and sword will do a more fearful work than ever. what some of the british officers are capable of doing in the way of fiendish devastation was shown in boston, when the burning of every town between that city and halifax was ordered, and portland was laid in ashes." washington wrote to his brother: "we expect a bloody summer in new york and canada; and i am sorry to say that we are not, either in men or arms, prepared for it. however, it is to be hoped that, if our cause is just, as i most religiously believe, the same providence which has in many instances appeared for us will still go on to afford us its aid." congress was in session at philadelphia, and washington went thither to confer with members concerning the summer campaign, and to plead for aid. through his influence, congress added twenty-three thousand militia to the army, including a flying camp of ten thousand. in the midst of these troubles a conspiracy of startling magnitude was discovered. "a part of the plot being," says sparks, "to seize general washington and carry him to the enemy." rev. john marsh of wethersfield, conn., wrote and published the following account of the affair: "about ten days before any of the conspirators were taken up, a woman went to the general and desired a private interview. he granted it to her, and she let him know that his life was in danger, and gave him such an account of the conspiracy as gained his confidence. he opened the matter to a few friends on whom he could depend. a strict watch was kept night and day, until a favorable opportunity occurred, when the general went to bed as usual, arose about two o'clock, told his lady that he was going with some of the provincial congress to order some tories seized, desired she would make herself easy and go to sleep. he went off without any of his aides-de-camp, except the captain of his life-guard; was joined by a number of chosen men, with lanterns and proper instruments to break open houses; and before six o'clock next morning had forty men under guard at the city hall, among whom was the mayor of the city, several merchants, and five or six of his own life-guard. upon examination, one forbes confessed that the plan was to assassinate the general and as many of the superior officers as they could, and to blow up the magazine upon the appearance of the enemy's fleet, and to go off in boats prepared for that purpose to join the enemy." thomas hickey, one of washington's own guard, was proved to be a leader in the plot, and he was sentenced to be hung. the sentence was executed on the twenty-eighth day of june, in a field near bowery lane, in the presence of twenty thousand people. on the same day four of the enemy's warships dropped anchor in the bay. the next morning there were forty ships, and they continued to arrive until one hundred and thirty vessels of war and transports could be distinctly seen with a glass. the british troops were landed on staten island, where nearly all the people were tories, although they had professed to be patriots. while these warlike preparations were going forward, the american congress was discussing the most important subject ever considered by a legislative body--that of american independence; and on the th of july, , the declaration of independence was adopted. the discussion upon the adoption of this important document was conducted in secret session. the people outside knew what was before the assembly, and there was great excitement. for hours citizens gathered about the state house, awaiting the decision with the utmost anxiety. a man was stationed in the steeple of the building to ring the bell when the decisive vote was declared. the bell was imported from england twenty-three years before, and bore this inscription: "proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." when the bell pealed forth the glad news that the declaration of independence was adopted, the joy of the people knew no bounds. the tidings spread from town to town, and awakened the most hearty response. on the ninth day of july, washington caused the declaration to be read at the head of each regiment, and it revived their drooping hopes more than the arrival of ten thousand recruits. in their outburst of gladness, the soldiers indulged themselves in some excesses. there was a leaden statue of george iii, in the bowling green, which they tore from its pedestal, and cut up, to run into bullets. washington thought it was an unnecessary act of violence, denoting insubordination and recklessness, and he rebuked the deed by an order, in which he said: "the general hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a christian soldier, defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country." one day, before the engagement came on, general putnam was crossing a field, which is now the "park," when his attention was called to a company of artillery on drill. observing the company for several minutes, he remarked to the commander: "a well-disciplined company!" "with some more practice they will be," the commander replied modestly. "have they attained to this excellence of drill under your command?" general putnam asked, noticing that the officer could not be more than twenty years of age. "yes, sir; i have enjoyed some opportunities to study military science." "where?" "first in the west indies, where i was born. i was a merchant's clerk there, but longed for a military life, and finally i seized upon the first opportunity to study such books as i could find. after i came to this country my desire for military service did not abate, and i joined captain fleming's company." "general washington must know you," responded putnam as he moved on. we have introduced this incident here because the young commander was alexander hamilton, who became identified with the history of our country. he came to this country at fifteen; entered king's college, where he was the best scholar; joined one of the first volunteer companies organized in new york, and became so efficient that he was made captain of the artillery company he was drilling when general putnam met him. he was not twenty years old at that time. subsequently he became one of washington's wisest counsellors. "in him were united," says another, "the patriot, the soldier, the statesman, the jurist, the orator, and philosopher, and he was great in them all." british ships of war continued to arrive, bringing hessians and scotch highlanders to swell the king's army. still no particular movement to capture the city was made. on the st of july, washington heard from sir henry clinton's fleet. clinton left the british army in boston, in december, , and unexpectedly appeared in the harbor of new york, as we have stated. however, after a conference with governor tryon, he sailed south, saying that he had no intention of attacking new york. clinton soon appeared in charleston harbor, part of an expedition against south carolina, under sir peter parker, and in a few days joined in attacking the fort, six miles below the city. the fort was commanded by sir william moultrie. it was attacked with both fleet and army, on the twenty-eighth day of june, by one of the most terrible bombardments ever known at that time. an experienced british officer said, "it was the most furious fire i ever heard or saw." a few days before, general charles lee advised abandoning the fort. "a mere slaughter-house!" he exclaimed to governor rutledge, who was a true patriot. "a mere slaughter-house! a british man-of-war will knock it to pieces in half an hour!" "nevertheless, holding that fort is necessary to the defence of the city and state," answered rutledge. "the fort must be held." he sent for moultrie. "general moultrie, what do you think about giving up the fort?" he inquired, repeating the advice of general lee. moultrie was indignant, and he replied: "no man, sir, can have a higher opinion of british ships and seamen than i have. but there are others who love the smell of gunpowder as well as they do. give us a plenty of powder and ball, sir, and let them come on as soon as they please." "you shall have plenty of powder and ball," answered rutledge, as he sent moultrie back to his post. the guns of fort moultrie riddled the british ships, and covered their decks with the dead and dying. one hundred and seventy-five men were killed on board the fleet, and as many more wounded. the americans lost but thirty-five, and held the fort. a braver garrison never met a foe. sergeant jaspar saw the flag shot away, and leaped down upon the beach, snatched it up, and returned it to its place, shouting: "hurrah, boys! liberty and america forever!" governor rutledge rewarded him with a sword. sergeant mcdonald was terribly shattered by a cannon-ball, and he called out with his dying breath, "i die, but don't let the cause of liberty die with me!" the enemy's fleet was driven off in a shattered condition. the commander was so deeply humiliated that even his black pilots insulted him. weems says that he called to one of them: "cudjo, what water have you there?" "what water, massa? what water? why, salt water, sure sir! sea water always salt water, ain't he, massa?" "you black rascal, i knew it was salt water; i only wanted to know how _much_ water you have there?" "how much water here, massa? how much water here? god bless me, massa! where i going get quart pot for measure him?" the commander, even in his chagrin and trouble, could not but laugh at cudjo's idea of measuring the atlantic ocean with a quart pot. this discomfited fleet returned to new york and joined the british army. when the news of the signal victory of the patriots at moultrie reached washington, he announced it to the army, and said: "with such a bright example before us of what can be done by brave men fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a double share of shame and infamy if we do not acquit ourselves with courage, and manifest a determined resolution to conquer or die." a detachment of the army was sent to construct works from wallabout bay to red hook. washington rode out one day to inspect the defences, when he approached a subaltern officer who was directing his men to raise a heavy timber to its place. instead of lending a helping hand, the conceited fellow stood, shouting: "hurrah, boys, _n-o-w_, right _up_, _h-e-a-v-e_," etc. "why do you not lend a helping hand?" said washington, whom the officer did not know. "what, sir! i lend a helping hand?" exclaimed the official sprig. "why, sir, i'll have you know that i am _corporal_!" washington leaped from his saddle, laid hold of the timber with the men, and helped lift it to its place. then turning to the "corporal," he said sarcastically: "mr. corporal, my name's george washington. i have come over from new york to inspect the works here; so soon as you have done this piece of work, you will meet me at your commander's, general sullivan's quarters." washington despised officers who felt above their business. on a flying visit to connecticut, he failed to reach his destination on saturday night. early sunday morning he completed the few remaining miles of his journey. on his way, a tithing man came out of a house and inquired of the coachman: "is there any necessity of your travelling on the lord's day?" washington ordered his coachman to stop, and replied: "i have no intention of breaking the laws of connecticut; they meet my most cordial approbation. but i was disappointed in not being able to reach my destination last night, where i shall attend church." washington waited and waited for the enemy to move, and wondered that he did not. putnam wrote to gates: "is it not strange that those invincible troops who were to lay waste all the country, with their fleets and army, dare not put their feet on the main?" about this time general washington made the following address to his army: "the time is now near at hand which must determine whether americans are to be free men or slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. the fate of unborn millions will now depend, under god, on the courage and conduct of this army. our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance or the most abject submission. we have, therefore, to resolve to conquer or die. our own, our country's, honor calls upon us for a vigorous and manly action; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. let us then rely upon the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the supreme being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions." the american army had grown by this time to over twenty thousand men poorly equipped and fed, though not more than fifteen thousand were available for immediate action. congress was slow to provide supplies, and everything dragged. many of the men carried only a spade, shovel or pick-axe. at the call of the country, they responded with shovels in hand, having no guns. they could throw up works, though destitute of arms to repel the foe. it was this destitute condition of our army that led a british officer to write home derisively: "the rebels are armed with scythes and pitchforks." to rebuke the growing vice and recklessness of the army, washington issued the following order: "the general is sorry to be informed that the foolish and wicked practice of profane cursing and swearing, a vice heretofore little known in an american army, is growing into fashion. he hopes the officers will by example, as well as influence, endeavor to check it, and that both they and the men will reflect that we can have little hope of the blessing of heaven on our arms if we insult it by our impiety and folly; added to this, it is a vice so mean and low, without any temptation, that every man of sense and character detests and despises it." on the th of august washington observed a movement of the enemy. "they are embarking," he said to one of his aides, "bound for some point. thirty thousand of them will be able to crush us if, as general lee says, 'god is on the side of heavy battalions.'" he was not long in doubt concerning their destination, for they landed at long island. "they mean to capture brooklyn heights," exclaimed washington; "their designs are clear enough now." "the city is at their mercy if they once capture that position," replied "old put," as the soldiers called general putnam. "they must not be suffered to gain that position." "you must go to general sullivan's aid with six battalions, all the force we can spare," said washington. "there is no time to be lost." in anticipation of such a movement, washington had stationed a body of troops on brooklyn heights under general greene; but the latter was taken sick, and general sullivan succeeded him, and now general putnam was placed in command. no more men could be sent to brooklyn heights, because washington expected the british fleet would attack the city. he received the following message from general livingston of new jersey: "i saw movements of the enemy on staten island, and sent over a spy at midnight, who brought back the following intelligence: twenty thousand men have embarked to make an attack on long island, and up the hudson. fifteen thousand remained on staten island, to attack bergen point, elizabethtown point, and amboy." the spy heard the orders read and the conversation of the generals. "they appear very determined," added he, "and will put all to the sword." again, in expectation of an immediate attack, he addressed the army to inspire them with determined valor, and said: "the enemy have landed upon long island, and the hour is fast approaching on which the honor and success of this army, and the safety of our bleeding country, depend. remember, officers and soldiers, that you are free men, fighting for the blessings of liberty; that slavery will be your portion, and that of your posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves like men. it is the general's express orders that, if any man attempt to skulk, lie down, or retreat without orders, he be instantly shot down for an example." fifteen thousand british troops landed and advanced to seize the heights. it was on the twenty-first day of august, . a terrific battle of seven days followed, in which the slaughter and suffering were fearful. alternate victory and defeat were experienced by both sides. sometimes it was a hand-to-hand fight with bayonets. as washington beheld a detachment of his heroic men pierced to death by hessian bayonets, he wrung his hands in an agony of spirit, and exclaimed: "o good god, what brave fellows i must this day lose!" there were but five thousand americans pitted in this battle against fifteen thousand british, and yet they fought seven days. on the twenty-eighth day of august, the british moved their line of battle to within a mile of the yankee breast-works on the heights. the capture of the heights, with all the american soldiers, seemed inevitable. between them and new york was the east river, which the enemy's fleet commanded. before them was the foe, numbering three to one. to human view there was no hope for the brave little army of patriots. but on that night a storm arose, and a dense fog enveloped the heights. early in the evening the rain began to fall, and, together, fog and rain created a dismal scene. at the same time a brisk breeze sprang up, sufficient to waft the boats across to the new york side. if anything more were needed to prove that god was favoring the smallest battalions, it was the fact that the night was clear on the new york side of the river. "god is propitious to-night," said washington to putnam in a hopeful tone. "under cover of this darkness we must cross the river and save our army." "our only salvation," replied putnam. washington superintended the retreat personally, and, as the fog did not clear away until ten o'clock on the following day, his whole force, with guns and ammunition, were carried across the river before the enemy discovered the retreat. this retreat was regarded as one of the most signal achievements of the war. sparks says, in his "life of washington:" "the retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, has been regarded as one of the most remarkable military events in history, and as reflecting the highest credit on the talents and skill of the commander. so intense was the anxiety of washington, so unceasing his exertions, that for forty-eight hours he did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his horse." "we cannot hold new york," said washington, at a council of war he called immediately. "we are at the mercy of the enemy on every hand." "from brooklyn heights british guns can lay this city in ashes," added putnam. "that is true; but the howes will never order that destruction so long as half the citizens are tories," replied washington. "sure enough; that is a voucher against such a measure," responded putnam. "but if thirty thousand well-armed and well-fed british troops, having possession of all the land and water around manhattan island, can't capture this small and undisciplined army, they don't deserve the name of soldiers." "and now our men are disheartened," continued washington. "we lost nearly two thousand men, killed, wounded, and missing, on brooklyn heights, and many of those who escaped have deserted. we must evacuate the city." "and leave it in flames," added putnam. "yes, apply the torch," said another; "we must do it in self-defence. what a strong position against us it will afford to the enemy!" washington saw reasons for adopting this extreme measure, but he could not take the responsibility. he did write to congress about it, however, as follows: "if we should be obliged to abandon the town, ought it to stand as winter quarters for the enemy? they would derive great convenience from it on the one hand, and much property would be destroyed on the other. at the present, i dare say, the enemy mean to preserve it if they can." on the tenth day of september, congress voted to leave the fate of the city in washington's hands, and he left it unharmed. concerning the alarming desertions after the retreat from brooklyn heights, he wrote, in humane extenuation of the deserters' offence: "men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life, and unaccustomed to the din of arms, totally unacquainted with every kind of military skill, are timid, and ready to fly from their own shadows. besides, the sudden change in their manner of living brings on an unconquerable desire to return to their homes." establishing his headquarters at king's bridge, washington superintended the retreat from new york, which was accomplished without the loss of anything except his heaviest cannon. colonel humphreys wrote: "i had frequent opportunities that day of beholding washington issuing orders, encouraging the troops, flying on his horse covered with foam, wherever his presence was most necessary. without his extraordinary exertions the guards must have been inevitably lost, and it is possible the entire corps would have been cut in pieces." he made a noble stand at harlem heights for three weeks, where he had several encounters with the foe. in one of these, two of his most brilliant officers were killed, colonel knowlton and major leith. knowlton's last words were, "did we drive the enemy in?" speaking of colonel knowlton reminds us of an incident. soon after the retreat from brooklyn, washington said to knowlton: "it is important for me to know the strength of the enemy on long island. can you name a trusty man who will find out?" "i can," answered knowlton. "if he will consent, he is just the man for such service." "send him to me immediately." within a short time nathan hale of connecticut, one of the bravest and most promising young officers in the army, presented himself to the general. "can you ascertain for me the number and strength of the british on long island?" asked washington. "i think i can," replied hale; "i am willing to try." "you understand that it will cost your life if the enemy capture you. it is serious business." "i understand. i understood that when i entered the army," was young hale's cool and heroic reply. "go, then, and quickly as possible obtain the information i so much need." hale went to long island in the capacity of a schoolmaster, obtained the information that washington desired, and on his return was discovered and arrested as a spy. without trial or court-martial he was executed, in extremely aggravating circumstances. "a clergyman, whose attendance he desired, was refused him; a bible, for a moment's devotion, was not procured though he requested it. letters which on the morning of his execution, he wrote to his mother and sister, were destroyed; and this very extraordinary reason was given by the provost-martial, 'that the rebels should not know that they had a man in the army who could die with so much firmness.' unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the least consolation, as amiable and as worthy a young man as america could boast was thus hung as a spy." his last words were: "i lament only that i have but one life to give to the cause of liberty and the rights of man." soon after washington withdrew his defeated army to harlem heights, he heard cannonading at the landing, where breastworks had been thrown up. springing upon his horse, he galloped away in the direction of the firing, and, before he reached the place, he met his soldiers in full retreat before a squad of british, numbering not more than sixty or seventy. he drew his sword, and with threats, endeavored to rally them; but in vain. he was so shocked by their cowardice, and so determined to repel the foe, that he would have dashed forward to his death, had not his aides seized the reins of his charger, and turned him in the other direction. on the th of september, after the british took possession of new york, a fire started one night in a drinking saloon, where soldiers were revelling (perhaps celebrating their triumphal entry into the city), and it spread with great rapidity. the buildings were mostly of wood, so that the devouring flames licked them up as tinder; and although the thousands of british soldiers exerted themselves to the utmost to extinguish the fire, one quarter of the city, about one thousand buildings, was laid in ashes. at this time the army in canada had withdrawn to crown point, numbering about six thousand, one half of them being sick and the other half disheartened and disaffected. general washington ordered them to retire to ticonderoga for safety and rest. the small-pox was spreading among them to an alarming degree. jealousies among officers, dissatisfaction among soldiers, clashing interests among the colonies, and a growing distrust of washington, added to the complications of the american cause, and to the trials of congress and the commander-in-chief. referring to the discordant interests throughout most of the colonies, john adams wrote: "it requires more serenity of temper, a deeper understanding, and more courage than fell to the lot of marlborough, to ride in this whirlwind." by request, general lee returned from the south at this time. he was an accomplished military officer, and his successes at the south added much to his laurels. many regarded him superior to washington. the latter esteemed him highly as an officer of skill and experience. at a council of war held soon after his arrival, general lee said: "a position is not a good one simply because its approaches are difficult. no army can maintain itself with the enemy in front and rear, especially when the enemy's ships command the water on each side, as they do here. your recent experience on long island and in new york shows the danger of such position." "that is very true," answered washington. "we cannot afford to hazard too much in the present condition of the army. i have satisfactory evidence that general howe's purpose is to surround our camp, and capture the whole american army." "and he is not much of a general if he does not do it," responded lee. "for my part, i would have nothing to do with the islands to which you have been clinging so pertinaciously. i would give mr. howe a fee-simple of them." "where and when shall we be in a better condition to meet the enemy?" inquired general george clinton, a brave but inexperienced officer. "we must fight the enemy somewhere; why not here?" "i will answer your inquiry," replied washington. "we shall be in a better condition to meet the foe when the colonies have had time to furnish their quotas of recruits, as recently ordered by congress." at the earnest solicitation of washington, congress had voted that the colonies should furnish eighty-eight battalions, in quotas, according to their abilities; that the pay of officers should be raised; troops serving throughout the war should receive a bounty of twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land, with a new suit of clothes annually. those enlisting for three years were to receive twenty dollars bounty, but no land. this provision was a response to washington's frequent protests against short enlistments and small pay, and it pointed to a reorganization of the army, on a permanent footing, according to washington's frequently expressed ideas. the general had great expectations of relief from this more liberal policy. "our present action should look solely to the safety of the army," interjected lee. "to save it from annihilation or capture is our first duty." "certainly," rejoined washington; "and now let this question be answered definitely: whether (considering that the obstructions in the north river have proved insufficient, and that the enemy's whole force is in our rear on grog point), it is now deemed possible, in our situation, to prevent the enemy from cutting off the communication with the country, and compelling us to fight them at all disadvantages or surrender prisoners at discretion?" every number of the council except general clinton decided that it was impossible to occupy the present position without exposing the army to destruction or capture; hence, another retreat followed. xix. from harlem to trenton. washington withdrew his army to white plains, leaving nearly three thousand of his best troops to garrison fort washington. congress believed that fort washington could hold the hudson secure, and therefore ordered that a strong garrison be left there. it was not according to general washington's idea, after he decided to retreat to white plains, but he yielded to the request of congress. general putnam's obstructions in the river amounted to little. four galleys, mounted with heavy guns and swivels; two new ships, filled with stones, to be sunk at the proper moment; a sloop at anchor, having on board an infernal machine for submarine explosion, with which to blow up the men-of-war; these were among the aids to the fort, together with batteries on either shore, to prevent the enemy ascending the hudson. yet, on the ninth day of october, three british war-ships sailed triumphantly up the river, sweeping through the obstructions, with little damage to themselves. the british pursued the american army. washington threw up intrenchments hastily, designing to make but a temporary stay there. general lee arrived with the rear division of the army, after the temporary fortifications were well under way. "this is but a temporary camp," remarked washington to lee. "yonder height (pointing to the north) is a more eligible location." "i judge so," general lee answered, taking in the situation at once. "let us ride out and inspect the ground for ourselves," proposed washington. and they galloped away. on arriving at the spot, general lee pointed to still another height farther north. "that is the ground we ought to occupy," he said. "well, let us go and view it," replied washington. they had not reached the location when a courier came dashing up to them. "the british are in the camp, sir!" he exclaimed to washington. "then we have other business to attend to than reconnoitering," quickly and coolly replied the general, putting spurs to his horse and returning to camp. "the pickets are driven in, but our army is in order of battle," adjutant-general reed informed him, as he reached headquarters. "gentlemen, return to your respective posts, and do the best you can," the general responded, without the least excitement. by this time the british army was discovered upon the high ground beyond the village, advancing in two columns, "in all the pomp and circumstance of war." general heath wrote afterwards: "it was a brilliant but formidable sight. the sun shone bright, their arms glittered, and perhaps troops never were shown to more advantage." a brief but hard-fought battle followed, in which there was a loss of about four hundred men on each side. the enemy waited for reinforcements, and washington improved the time to fall back to northcastle, five miles, where, in the rocky fastness, he could defy the whole british army. to add to his advantages, the day on which the british commander decided upon an attack, after the arrival of reinforcements, a violent rain set in, and continued through the day, rendering an attack impossible, so that the americans had still more time to strengthen their position. on the night of nov. , a heavy rumbling sound was heard in the direction of the british camp. it continued all through the night, and resembled the noise of wagons and artillery in motion. day break disclosed the cause: the enemy was decamping. long trains were seen moving over the hilly country towards dobb's ferry on the hudson. "a feint!" said general lee, as soon as he discovered the situation. "a retreat, more like," replied another officer. "the enemy sees little hope in attacking this stronghold." "i can hardly believe that so large and well-disciplined an army is going to withdraw without giving battle," responded washington. "no doubt an attack upon fort washington is the immediate purpose; and then, perhaps an invasion into the jerseys." there was much speculation among the officers as to the meaning of this manoeuvre, and all of them were in more or less perplexity. washington wrote immediately to governor livingston of new jersey and hurried a messenger away with the letter: "they have gone towards north river and king's bridge. some suppose they are going into winter quarters, and will sit down in new york without doing more than investing fort washington. i cannot subscribe wholly to this opinion myself. that they will invest fort washington is a matter of which there can be no doubt, and i think there is a strong probability that general howe will detach a part of his force to make an incursion into the jerseys, provided he is going to new york. he must attempt something on account of his reputation, for what has he done as yet with his great army?" satisfied that general howe intended to capture fort washington, he advised its evacuation. he wrote to general greene: "if we cannot prevent vessels from passing up the river, and the enemy are possessed of all the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? i am, therefore, inclined to think that it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at mount washington; but as you are on the spot, i leave it to you to give such orders as to evacuating mount washington as you may judge best, and so far revoking the orders given to colonel morgan, to defend it to the last." general greene took the responsibility to hold the fort; and when colonel morgan received a demand from the enemy to surrender, he replied: "i shall defend the fort to the last." after a manly resistance, however, he was forced to surrender; and the fort, with its garrison of twenty-eight hundred men, and abundant stores, passed into the hands of the enemy. the prisoners were taken to new york and confined in the notorious british prison-ship, where they suffered long and terribly. this was a very unfortunate affair for the american cause, and caused the commander-in-chief great anxiety. he wrote to his brother about it in a gloomy mood, and said: "in ten days from this date there will not be above two thousand men, if that number, of the fixed, established regiments on this side of the hudson river, to oppose howe's whole army; and very little more on the other, to secure the eastern colonies, and the important passes leading through the highlands to albany, and the country about the lakes.... i am wearied almost to death with the retrograde movement of things, and i solemnly protest that a pecuniary reward of twenty thousand pounds a year would not induce me to undergo what i do, and, after all, perhaps to lose my character; as it is impossible, under such a variety of distressing circumstances, to conduct matters agreeably to public expectation." washington's command was now at fort lee (formerly fort constitution). the next movement of the enemy was designed to hem them in between the hudson and hackensack, and capture them. the commander-in-chief ordered a hasty retreat, the want of horses and wagons making it necessary to abandon a large quantity of baggage, stores, and provisions, and even the tents and all the cannon except two twelve pounders. the retreat over the hackensack was successfully performed, and here washington ordered colonel greyson to send the following message to general lee: "remove the troops under your command to this side of the north river, and there wait for further orders." the next day washington wrote to lee: "i am of opinion, and the gentlemen about me concur in it, that the public interest requires your coming over to this side of the hudson with the continental troops." not more than three thousand soldiers were with washington at hackensack, without intrenching tools, tents, and necessary supplies. to risk an engagement in these circumstances was hazardous in the extreme, and a further retreat became inevitable. leaving three regiments to guard the passages of the hackensack, and to serve as covering parties, he withdrew to newark, on the west bank of the passaic. to add to the perils of his situation, the term of enlistment of general mercer's command was about to expire. he must have reinforcements, or his entire army would be destroyed. he hurried away colonel reed to governor livingston of new jersey, and general mifflin to philadelphia, to implore aid. at the same time he depended upon general lee for immediate reinforcements, not doubting that the latter was obeying his orders; but, to his amazement, a letter from lee revealed the startling fact that he had not moved from northcastle. washington renewed his orders to lee to move with all possible despatch and come to his rescue. he said: "the enemy are pushing on, and part of them have crossed the passaic. their plans have not entirely unfolded, but i shall not be surprised to find that philadelphia is the object of their movement." "we cannot make a stand here," said general greene. "by no means," answered washington. "my hope is to make a stand at brunswick, on the raritan; or, certainly, to dispute the passage of the delaware." "our retreat to brunswick must be hastened, or the enemy will be upon us," added greene. the retreat was precipitated; and when the rear-guard of washington's command was leaving one end of newark, the vanguard of the british army was entering at the other. on reaching brunswick, washington wrote at once to governor livingston, instructing him to collect all the boats and river craft on the delaware for seventy miles, remove them to the western bank of the river, away from the enemy, and guard them. he was doomed to additional disappointment at brunswick. colonel reed raised no troops in new jersey, and many of those raised by general mifflin in pennsylvania were deserting. the term of enlistment of general mercer's command had expired, and no inducement or entreaties could prevail upon them to remain. he could not muster over four thousand men. still worse, a letter from general lee to colonel reed disclosed the fact that the former had not given heed to the orders of his chief, and he was still at northcastle. moreover, the letter revealed that general lee was plotting against him. colonel reed was absent when the letter arrived, and, according to his custom, washington opened the letter, supposing it related to military business. what was his surprise to find that the letter contained insinuations against himself, and also implicated colonel reed, his old friend, in a plot to make lee commander-in-chief. we will say here, once for all, that, while general lee was an able military officer, he was an ambitious, arrogant, and deceitful man. on his return from the south, his fame had reached the zenith, and some thought he ought to lead the american army. washington's continued retreats increased this feeling, until general lee evidently thought there was a fair prospect of the removal of washington, and his own promotion to commander-in-chief. even colonel reed entertained this opinion, though afterwards he saw his mistake, and made suitable amends. this explains lee's conduct before and after washington retired from brunswick. judge jay related the following incident: "a short time before the death of john adams, i was conversing with my father about the american revolution. suddenly he remarked: "'ah, william! the history of that revolution will never be known. nobody now alive knows it but john adams and myself.' "'you surprise me, father; to what can you refer?' "'the proceedings of the old congress.' "'what proceedings?' "'those against washington; from first to last there was a bitter party against him.'" the "old congress" sat with closed doors, so that the public learned only what it was wise to disclose. washington waited for recruits at brunswick until the st of december. on that day the vanguard of the british army appeared on the opposite side of the raritan. washington destroyed the end of the bridge next to the village, to intercept the pursuit of the enemy, and retreated. stopping at princeton temporarily, he left twelve hundred troops there, under lord stirling and general stephens, to keep an eye on the foe, and continued his retreat to trenton. while the american army decreased from week to week, the british army in pursuit was augmented; for, through the jerseys, general howe impressed men, horses, and wagons, and at the same time many tories flocked to his standard. he issued a proclamation, also, offering pardon and protection to all citizens who would take the oath of allegiance to the king. there was so little hope of the american cause at that time, and washington's army appeared so plainly to be near destruction, that many citizens took the oath and joined the british army, as they thought, from absolute necessity. "many who had been prominent in the cause, hastened to take advantage of this proclamation," says irving. "those who had the most property to lose were the first to submit; the middle ranks remained generally steadfast in this time of trial." a british officer wrote to his friends in london: "the rebels continue flying before our army. lord cornwallis took the fort opposite brunswick, plunged into raritan river, and seized the town.... such a panic has seized the rebels that no part of the jerseys will hold them, and i doubt whether philadelphia itself will stop their career. the congress have lost their authority.... they are in such consternation that they know not what to do. the two adamses are in new england; franklin gone to france; lynch has lost his senses; rutledge has gone home disgusted; dana is persecuting at albany; and jay is in the country, playing as bad a part, so that the fools have lost the assistance of the knaves." "this," says sparks, "was the gloomiest period of the war. the campaign had been little else than a series of disasters and retreats. the enemy had gained possession of rhode island, long island, the city of new york, staten island, and nearly the whole of the jerseys, and seemed on the point of extending their conquests into pennsylvania. by the fatal scheme of short enlistments, and by sickness, the effective force with general washington had dwindled away, till it hardly deserved the name of an army." still washington was hopeful, and expected that the cause of right would triumph. when and how he could not tell; but he continued to say, "that providence which has brought us out of many difficulties will yet crown our righteous cause with success." "i expected substantial aid from the jerseys," he said to general mercer. "i am disappointed that the people have not flocked to our standard." "i am more than disappointed," replied mercer; "i am shocked and vexed at the cowardice of the people." "what think you," continued washington, "if we should retreat to the back part of pennsylvania, would the pennsylvanians support us?" the mountainous regions of pennsylvania were the field of his early exploits against the french and indians, and mercer was with him there. "if the lower counties give up, the back counties will do the same," mercer answered in a desponding way. "we must then retire to augusta county, virginia," responded washington, his indomitable spirit rising superior to all discouragements. "numbers will repair to us for safety, and we will try a predatory war. if overpowered, we must cross the alleghanies." before this time, colonel reed said to him one day, "when shall we stop this everlasting retreating and make a stand?" washington answered, without the least show of resentment: "if it becomes necessary, we will retreat over every river and mountain in america." such an unconquerable spirit receives its reward at last. lee did not leave northcastle until the last of november. true, he ordered general heath to a movement that he claimed would support washington; but when general heath found that lee was not obeying the orders of the commander-in-chief, he refused to entertain his commands. "i am amenable to the commander-in-chief, and cannot supply you with troops as you order," he said. "in point of _law_ you are right," said lee, "but in point of policy i think you are wrong. i am going into the jerseys for the salvation of america; i wish to take with me a larger force than i now have, and request you to order two thousand of your men to march with me." "i cannot spare that number." "then order one thousand." "no, not a thousand." "how many, then?" continued lee. "not one," answered heath. "i may as well bring this matter to a point at once; not a single man will i furnish from this post by _your_ order." "then," exclaimed lee in an excited manner, "i will order them myself." "that makes a wide difference," rejoined heath. "you are my senior, but i have received positive written instructions from him who is superior to us both, and i will not _myself_ break those orders. read them." he handed washington's letter to lee, in which he positively forbade the removal of any troops from that post. "the commander-in-chief is now at a distance," said lee, after reading the letter, "and he does not know what is necessary here as well as i do." turning to major huntington, lee said authoritatively: "you will order two regiments (designating the two) to march early to-morrow morning to join me." general heath was surprised and indignant at lee's assumption of authority, and he said to the major, "issue such orders at your peril!" then turning to lee, he added: "sir, if you come to this post, and mean to issue orders here which will break the positive ones i have received i pray you do it completely yourself, and through your own deputy adjutant-general, who is present, and not draw me or any of my family in as partners in the guilt." "it is right," answered lee. "colonel scammel, do you issue the order." "i have one more request to make," interrupted general heath, "and that is, that you will be pleased to give me a certificate that you _exercise command_ at this post, and order from it these regiments." lee objected, but general george clinton, who was present, said: "that is a very reasonable request, general lee, and surely you cannot refuse it." without replying, he immediately wrote the following: "for the satisfaction of general heath, and at his request, i do certify that i am commanding officer, at this present writing, in this post, and that i have, in that capacity, ordered prescott's and wyllis' regiments to march." the next morning general lee rode up to heath's door, and said: "upon further consideration i have concluded not to take the two regiments with me. you may order them to return to their former post." evidently the ambitious and conceited general had come to the conclusion that "discretion is the better part of valor." general lee did not cross the hudson until the th of december, moving snail-like, although he knew that washington's army was in imminent peril. "do come on," washington's last plea was; "your arrival may be fortunate, and, if it can be effected without delay, it may be the means of preserving a city whose loss must prove of the most fatal consequence to the cause of america." the "city" referred to was philadelphia. washington had written to him that the enemy was designing to capture philadelphia, a calamity that must be prevented if possible. at this time washington had removed the baggage and stores of his army across the delaware. being reinforced, however, by fifteen hundred pennsylvania militia, he resolved to march back to princeton and await developments. on his way he met general stirling, who had evacuated princeton, as cornwallis was marching upon it with a large force. returning to trenton, he hastily collected all the boats possible, and conveyed his whole force over the delaware, including general stirling's command from princeton. the rear-guard had scarcely crossed the river when cornwallis appeared in the distance with his "bannered hosts." as washington had taken possession of all the boats and transports, the enemy could not cross. the tact and skill of washington as a general were as conspicuous in his retreat through the jerseys as they were on any battlefield. thomas paine accompanied the army, and he wrote: "with a handful of men we sustained an orderly retreat for near an hundred miles, brought off our ammunition, all our field-pieces, the greatest part of our stores, and had four rivers to pass. none can say that our retreat was precipitate, for we were three weeks in performing it, that the country might have time to come in. twice we marched back to meet the enemy, and remained out until dark. the sign of fear was not seen in our camp; and had not some of the cowardly and disaffected inhabitants spread false alarms through the country, the jerseys had never been ravaged." on the th of december, general lee had marched no farther than vealtown, eight miles from morristown. he continued to disregard washington's appeals and instructions, receiving one almost every day. in some of them the commander-in-chief showed that his patience was well nigh exhausted. "i am surprised that you should be in doubt about the route you are to take after my definite instructions," he wrote on the th of december. "i have so frequently mentioned our situation, and the necessity of your aid, that it is painful for me to add a word on the subject," he wrote on the same day. at vealtown lee left his troops in command of general sullivan, and took up his own quarters at a "tavern" in baskingridge, three miles off. he was very partial to "_taverns_" especially if well stocked with certain articles to please his palate. on the next morning, about o'clock, general lee was writing at the table, and major wilkinson was looking out of the window. the latter arrived early in the morning with a letter from his commander, general gates, and general lee was replying to it. "the british cavalry are upon us!" shouted wilkinson in consternation. "where?" exclaimed lee, springing from his chair. "right here, around the house," answered wilkinson, who beheld a detachment of british cavalry surrounding the tavern. "where are the guards?" cried out lee, in his surprise and horror. "why don't they fire?" it was a cold morning, and the guards had stacked their arms, and passed around to the south side of the house to sun themselves. they scarcely observed the enemy's presence until they heard the demand to surrender. "if general lee does not surrender in five minutes i will set fire to the house!" at the same time the guards were chased in different directions. the demand for lee to surrender was repeated, and he did surrender. hastily he was put upon wilkinson's horse, which stood at the door, and within three hours the enemy were exulting over him at brunswick. "no one to blame but himself," remarked heath. "good enough for him," said many americans. general sullivan was now in command, and he joined the commander-in-chief as soon as possible. in wilkinson's memoir it is said that lee delayed so strangely in order to intercept the enemy in pursuit of washington; and it is added: "if general lee had anticipated general washington in cutting the cordon of the enemy between new york and the delaware, the commander-in-chief would probably have been superseded. in this case lee would have succeeded him." washington was too magnanimous to exult over the fall of lee. notwithstanding his knowledge of lee's plans to supersede him, he wrote to his brother: "before you receive this letter, you will undoubtedly have heard of the capture of general lee. this is an additional misfortune; and the more vexatious, as it was by his own folly and imprudence, and without a view to effect any good, that he was taken. as he went to lodge three miles out of his own camp, and within twenty miles of the enemy, a rascally tory rode in the night to give notice of it to the enemy, who sent a party of light-horse, who seized him, and carried him off with every mark of triumph and indignity." xx. battles of trenton and princeton. washington was so anxious for the safety of philadelphia, that he appointed general putnam to command the post, with instructions to fortify the city at once. at the same time he advised congress to remove to baltimore; and that body, after hastily completing the business before them, adjourned to meet in the latter city on the th of december. by this time his army numbered about five thousand available men. one thousand militia from new jersey, and fifteen hundred from pennsylvania, with five hundred germans from the latter state, was a very encouraging increase of his worn and wasted army. then he had word that general gates was coming on with seven regiments detached by schuyler from the northern department. washington was hopeful again, and began to plan an attack upon the enemy. before congress adjourned to meet at baltimore, they clothed washington with unusual powers. they voted: "until congress orders otherwise, general washington shall be possessed of all power to order and direct all things relative to the department and to the operations of war." in the days of ancient rome, such power would have constituted him a military dictator. it was conferred in answer to a remarkable communication from washington himself, one of the most able, practical, and faithful public documents extant, in which he said: "it may be thought that i am going a good deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these measures or advise thus freely. a character to lose, an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse." washington immediately recruited three battalions of artillery. he promised those whose time of enlistment had expired an increase of twenty-five per cent to their pay if they would remain, and ten dollars bounty for six weeks' service. "it is no time to stand upon expense," he said. on the th of december, general sullivan arrived with lee's army. the men were in a bad plight, many of them sick and exhausted, others ragged and desponding. on the same day, also, general gates arrived with the remnants of four regiments from the northern army. "now is our time to strike a blow that shall put heart into the friends of our cause," said washington to general greene. "i am at your service in any enterprise that will do that," answered greene. "explain." "i propose an immediate attack upon the enemy," said washington. "well, there is no cowardice in that proposition," remarked greene. "to recross the delaware that is filled with ice, and attack the enemy in his own camp, this wintry weather, is worthy of the commander-in-chief of the american army." "howe has gone into winter quarters in new york," continued washington. "his troops are scattered about loosely, because he thinks the rebel army is powerless. cornwallis has left our front, and returned to new york. the hessians are stationed along the delaware, facing us, and are thinking more of a good time, probably, in this christmas season, than they are of us. it is a good time to surprise them." "perhaps so," answered greene. "how about crossing the river with so much floating ice in it?" "that is not an insuperable barrier," replied washington. "besides, if we wait until the river is frozen over, the enemy will surprise us." "you are resolved to attack them?" added greene. "yes, on the th, which is close by." general greene and the other officers entered into the plan with all their hearts, as soon as they fully comprehended it. the night of the th was the earliest moment the army could move. the intervening time would be required for preparation. "a good chance to avenge the loss of fort washington, and the wrongs inflicted upon the people of jersey by the hessians," remarked general greene to his command. the hessians had been reckless and destructive in their march through the jerseys. "miserable hirelings, these hessians!" exclaimed major wilkinson, by way of stirring up the soldiers to crave an attack upon them. "such wretches, fighting us for mere pay, without caring whether liberty or slavery reigns, deserve to be shot." the night of the th was a boisterous one. a storm was coming on, and the delaware rolled tempestuously. but, undismayed, washington ordered the army to move at dark. he crossed the delaware nine miles above trenton, where there were fifteen hundred hessians and a troop of british light-horse, to march down upon the town. general ewing, with his force, was to have crossed a mile below the town, but was prevented by the quantity of ice. general putnam, with the troops occupied in fortifying philadelphia, crossed below burlington. when washington was ready to march, after crossing the river, a furious storm of snow and sleet began to beat in the faces of the troops, to impede their progress. it was eight o'clock before the head of the column reached the village. seeing a man chopping wood, washington inquired: "which way is the hessian picket?" "i don't know," the man replied. "you may tell," said captain forest of the artillery, "for that is general washington." the man changed his aspect instantly. raising both hands heavenward, he exclaimed: "god bless and prosper you!" then pointing to a house, he said: "the picket is in that house, and the sentry stands near that tree." rising in his stirrups, and waving his sword in the air, washington addressed his troops: "there, boys, are the enemies of your country! all i ask of you is to remember what you are about to fight for! march!" soon the battle began. it was a complete surprise to the foe. they rallied at first, and undertook to make a stand, but were unable to breast the storm of shot that beat into their very faces. the british light-horse fled from the town, together with other troops, none of which could have escaped if general ewing and general cadwalader had been able to cross the river, and coöperate with washington, according to his plan. they were to guard the only way of retreat open to the enemy. the battle was short and decisive. many hessians were killed, and their brave commander, colonel rahl, fell mortally wounded. he was conveyed carefully to the house of a quaker lady, where general washington paid him a visit before leaving town. "the misfortunes of war are to be deplored," remarked washington, taking the dying man by the hand, and expressing his sympathy for him. "death is preferable to life with this dishonor," answered rahl. washington spoke in praise of the bravery of his men, to which rahl replied, though he was really suffering the agony of death: "i entreat you, general washington, not to take anything from my men but their arms." "i will not," answered washington; and he kept the promise. washington took about a thousand prisoners in this battle, including thirty-two officers. his seizure of artillery and stores, also, was quite large. with prisoners and stores he recrossed the delaware to his camp. the fame of this brilliant exploit spread from town to town, reviving the despondent hopes of the many in sympathy with the american cause. despatches from cadwalader and reed assured washington that the british army, fleeing from trenton, had spread consternation everywhere among the enemy. trenton, bordentown, and other places were deserted by the foe, who, panic-stricken by the victory of washington, fled in confusion. washington saw that now was his time to drive the british from the jerseys. he sent to generals mcdougall and maxwell at morristown, ordering them to collect as large a force of militia as possible, and harass the retreating enemy in the rear. he wrote to general heath, also, to come down at once from the highlands, with the eastern militia; and he despatched gentlemen of influence in different directions, to arouse the militia to revenge the wrongs inflicted upon the people by the hessians. he said: "if what they have suffered does not rouse their resentment, they must not possess the feelings of humanity." on the th of december, washington crossed the delaware again with a portion of his troops, though two days were consumed in the passage of all of them, on account of the ice and boisterous weather. a portion of his troops were expecting to go home at the end of the month, as the term of their enlistment expired; but washington drew them up in line, and addressed them, appealing to their patriotism, inviting them to re-enlist, and offering them ten dollars bounty for six weeks' service. most of them remained. taking advantage of the power vested in him, the commander-in-chief wrote to robert morris, "the patriot financier at philadelphia," pleading for hard money to meet the emergency. "if you could possibly collect a sum, if it were but one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds, it would be of service." scarce as hard money was, morris obtained the amount of a wealthy quaker, and forwarded it to washington by express the next morning. after the victory at trenton, congress, in session at baltimore, took additional action to invest washington with all necessary powers; and that body said, in their communication to him: "happy is it for this country that the general of their forces can safely be entrusted with the most unlimited power, and neither personal security, liberty, or property, be in the least degree endangered thereby." as soon as the news of the capture of the hessians at trenton reached new york, general howe hurried cornwallis off to princeton, where about eight thousand of his army were wintering, with instructions to attack washington. on the second day of january, , the latter posted his troops on the east side of a small stream, the assumpink, learning that cornwallis was marching upon him. about mid-day cornwallis approached with five or six thousand troops, and attempted to cross the river; but the americans repulsed him. the engagement continued until dark, when cornwallis proposed to cease hostilities and rest until morning. "nay," said sir william erskine; "now is your time to make sure of washington." "oh, no!" replied cornwallis; "our troops are fatigued and need rest. the old fox can't make his escape now; for, with the delaware behind him, so filled with floating ice that he cannot cross, we have him completely surrounded. to-morrow morning, fresh and strong, we will fall upon him, and take him and his rag-a-muffins all at once!" "ah, my lord!" rejoined sir william, "if washington be the soldier that i think he is, you will not see him there to-morrow morning." the escape of the american army seemed impossible. with a superior force of the british in front, well armed and fresh, and the impossibility of recrossing the delaware, together with deep mud in the roads, the capture of washington, to human view, seemed inevitable. early in the evening washington conceived the idea of making a forced march to princeton during the night, to capture the enemy's stores there, and then push on to brunswick for additional booty. but then the mud was so deep that such a march would not be possible. while he was thus revolving the matter, the wind suddenly shifted, the clouds broke, and freezing cold weather set in, so that within two hours the ground became solid, and the army could move. again god proved to the astonished commander-in-chief that he was not always "on the side of the heaviest battalions." stirring up his camp-fire anew, and setting a score of shovellers to work within hearing distance of the foe, to deceive him, washington moved off as quietly as possible to princeton with his army. there he met a force cornwallis had left behind, and a desperate battle followed, in which the americans were victorious. at first colonel mawhood's celebrated regiment charged upon the advance of the american army, driving them back in confusion. but washington, ever ready for such an emergency, rode to the front, brandishing his sword, and calling upon his men to follow. placing himself in front, directly facing the foe, he stopped for a moment, as if to say to his army, "will you suffer the enemy to shoot your general?" they could not resist the appeal, and with a yell they turned and dashed forward, with irresistible might, driving all before them, and the victory was theirs. colonel fitzgerald, one of washington's aides, was so affected by his commander's daring, that he dropped the reins on his horse's neck and drew his cap over his eyes, that he might not see him shot from his horse. while waiting in this agony of suspense, a shout of triumph rent the air. "the british are running!" "the victory is ours!" the air was rent with the shouts of the victors. lifting his cap, and looking for his loved commander, he beheld him, as the smoke of the battle cleared, safe and unharmed, waving his hat and cheering his soldiers on to pursue the foe. bursting into tears for very joy, he spurred his horse to washington's side, and exclaimed: "thank god, your excellency is safe!" grasping the colonel's hand in gladness, washington answered: "away, my dear colonel, and bring up the troops. the day is our own!" when cornwallis awoke in the early dawn, he found that his "fox" had escaped. "that is just what i feared," said sir william erskine. "where can he have gone?" cornwallis inquired, almost bewildered by the unexpected revelation. just then booming cannon in the distance explained. "there!" exclaimed sir william; "there is washington now, cutting up our troops!" "capturing our stores at brunswick!" shouted cornwallis in reply, as he took in the situation, and thought what a haul the rebel general would make in capturing the seventy thousand pounds in money, and the vast quantity of arms, ammunition, and stores at brunswick. almost franticly he dashed about to hurry his army away to the latter place, where he arrived to find everything safe, and himself outwitted again. the battle of princeton, though short, was a costly one to the americans. one general, two colonels, one major, and three captains were killed. from twenty to thirty others were killed and wounded. the british lost one hundred killed and wounded, and three hundred prisoners. the american general slain was mercer, whom washington called "the worthy and brave general mercer." early in the conflict his horse was shot under him, and on foot he was attempting to rally his men, when a blow from the butt of a british musket felled him to the ground. "call for quarters, you mean rebel!" shouted a british officer. "i am not a rebel," retorted mercer; "i am a true soldier of liberty, fighting for his country;" and, as he spoke he thrust his sword at the nearest man. then he was bayoneted, and left for dead. he was subsequently borne to the house of a mr. clark, where he was nursed until he died, a few days thereafter. washington supposed that he was killed on the field, until he was on his way to morristown. on learning that he was still alive, he despatched major george lewis with a flag and letter to cornwallis, requesting that the bearer be allowed to remain with, and nurse, the wounded general. a few days afterwards, mercer died in the arms of lewis. the story spread in the american army that the british bayoneted general mercer after he gave up his sword. but he said to major lewis, who inquired about it: "the tale which you have heard, george, is untrue. my death is owing to myself. i was on foot endeavoring to rally my men, who had given way before the superior discipline of the enemy, when i was brought to the ground by a blow from a musket. at the same moment the enemy discovered my rank, exulted in their having taken the rebel general, as they termed me, and bid me ask for quarters. i felt that i deserved not so opprobrious an epithet, and determined to die, as i had lived, an honored soldier in a just and righteous cause; and without begging my life or making reply, i lunged with my sword at the nearest man. they then bayoneted and left me." washington did not pursue the enemy far, nor push on to brunswick. most of his troops had been two days and nights without sleep, and they were completely exhausted, so that further engagements without rest were preposterous. he determined to go into winter quarters at morristown, and marched directly to that place. stopping at pluckamin to rest his soldiers for a short time, he wrote to general putnam: "the enemy appear to be panic-struck. i am in hopes of driving them out of the jerseys. keep a strict watch upon the enemy. a number of horsemen, in the dress of the country, must be kept constantly going backward and forward for this purpose." occupying the mountainous region of morristown, and reinforcing his little army, he harassed the enemy to such an extent that cornwallis was forced to draw in all his out-posts, so that his land communication with new york was completely cut off. hamilton wrote: "the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a powerful army, straitened within narrow limits by the phantom of a military force, and never permitted to transgress those limits with impunity." the british were driven out of the jerseys at every point except amboy and brunswick, and the remarkable exploit awakened the wonder, and admiration of even our enemies. everywhere that the achievements of washington, from dec. , , to jan. , , were made known, his fame was greatly augmented. no such bold and glorious deeds could be found in the annals of military renown. this was the verdict of the country; and from that moment the american cause grew stronger. from that day to this the battles of trenton and princeton, including the crossing and recrossing of the delaware, have been accorded the brightest pages of history by writers of every age. it is said that frederick the great of prussia declared that the deeds of washington, in the ten days specified, "were the most brilliant of any in the annals of military achievements." the italian historian, botta, wrote: "achievements so stirring gained for the american commander a very great reputation, and were regarded with wonder by all nations, as well as by the americans. the prudence, constancy, and noble intrepidity of washington were admired and applauded by all. by unanimous consent, he was declared to be the saviour of his country; all proclaimed him equal to the most renowned commanders of antiquity, and especially distinguished him by the name of the 'american fabius.' his name was in the mouths of all; he was celebrated by the pens of the most distinguished writers. the most illustrious personages of europe lavished upon him their praises and their congratulations." washington continued in his winter quarters at morristown until near the close of may. learning that a british fleet of a hundred transports, bearing eighteen thousand soldiers, had sailed from new york, and suspecting that philadelphia was the place of its destination, he broke up his camp and marched toward that city. his whole force was but seven thousand three hundred men. while encamped at morristown, washington found that the lord's supper would be celebrated by the presbyterian church on a certain sabbath. he called upon the pastor, dr. johns, and inquired: "does it accord with the canons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination?" "most certainly," the doctor answered; "ours is not the presbyterian table, general washington, but the lord's table; and hence we give the lord's invitation to all his followers, of whatever name." washington replied, "i am glad of it; that is as it ought to be; but as i was not quite sure of the fact, i thought i would ascertain it from yourself, as i propose to join with you on that occasion. though i am a member of the church of england, i have no exclusive partialities." he encamped at middlebrook, ten miles from brunswick; thence advanced to coryell ferry, thirty miles from philadelphia, where he learned that a british fleet of two hundred and twenty-eight sail had appeared off the capes of delaware. he marched at once to germantown, six miles from philadelphia. here he could personally superintend the defences of the city by daily visits thither. one day he dined with several members of congress, and was introduced to a french nobleman, the marquis de lafayette. the latter had heard of the american struggle for liberty, led by the heroic washington, and, in common with the lovers of freedom in every land, he was charmed by the story. he had an interview with silas deane, who was in paris with dr. franklin and arthur lee, as commissioners, to consummate alliance with the french, the result of which was his coming to this country. washington welcomed lafayette with genuine cordiality, and on that day commenced a life-long friendship with him. "we ought to feel embarrassed in presenting ourselves before an officer just from the french army," he said. "it is to learn, and not to instruct, that i came here," was lafayette's polite and modest reply. lafayette addressed a communication to congress, in which he said: "after many sacrifices i have a right to ask two favors: one is to serve at my own expense; the other, to commence serving as a volunteer." washington was attracted to lafayette from the first, and he invited him immediately to a place on his staff. lafayette was a remarkable character. he was left an orphan at thirteen years of age, with a large fortune. being a favorite in the court of louis, he received a commission in the army at fifteen years of age. he was married at sixteen, and two years later resolved to remove to america and join in fighting the battle of liberty. his purpose becoming known, the government prevented his securing a passage. determined not to be frustrated in his purpose, he purchased a vessel, and prepared to sail. his arrest being ordered, he escaped to passage, where he boarded a vessel bound for the west indies. when fairly under way, fearing that the english colonists in the west indies might arrest him, he hired the captain to proceed direct to the american coast. congress commissioned him major-general soon after he joined the american army, the youngest major-general ever known in america, if not in the world. his intimate relations and aid to washington make this brief notice necessary. xxi. defeat and victory. the plan of the british for was, for general howe, with twenty thousand men, to land at the head of elk river, and march north through philadelphia; while general burgoyne, starting from canada with ten thousand men, should march south to meet howe, rallying both tories and indians to his standard. the militia of pennsylvania, delaware, and northern virginia were called out to defend philadelphia; and washington advanced to wilmington. in order to impress the tories of philadelphia, he marched through the city at the head of his column, with lafayette at his side, making an imposing display that captivated the friends of liberty, and awed the tories. it was in this campaign that an officer of the army dined with washington at his headquarters. several guests graced the occasion. when, agreeable to the prevailing custom, the general proposed to drink a glass of wine with him, the officer replied, "you will have the goodness to excuse me, as i have made it a rule not to take wine." the other guests were surprised. they regarded the act as a direct insult to the commander-in-chief. washington read their feelings in their faces, and he remarked: "gentlemen, my friend is right; i do not wish any of my guests to partake of anything against their inclination, and i certainly do not wish them to violate any established _principle_ in their social intercourse with me. i honor mr. ---- for his frankness, for his consistency in thus adhering to an established rule which can never do him harm, and for the adoption of which, i have no doubt, he has good and sufficient reasons." while washington was watching the british fleet, general burgoyne was advancing from the north, his hessian soldiers and indian allies indulging themselves in terrifying and plundering the defenceless inhabitants. on the th of august the battle of bennington was fought, in which the american troops, under the brave general stark, won a decisive victory. stark addressed his troops in words of cheer before going into battle, and closed by saying: "now, my men, there are the red-coats. before night they must be ours, or molly stark will be a widow." stark captured thirty-two british officers, five hundred and sixty-four privates, four brass field-pieces, a thousand stand of arms, and a large quantity of ammunition. the moral effect of this victory was grand. the farmers rushed to the american camp, to follow up the victory by surrounding burgoyne, cutting off his supplies, and driving him to saratoga. washington hailed the victory with great joy, and proclaimed it at the head of his army to inspire his troops to nobler deeds. another bloody battle was fought at fort schuyler, where the americans bravely defended and held the fort. the indians conducted so much like fiends incarnate that even the hessians were shocked. a hessian officer wrote: "these savages are heathen; huge, warlike, and enterprising, but wicked as satan. some say they are cannibals, but i do not believe it; though, in their fury, they will tear the flesh of the enemy with their teeth." a miss mccrea, daughter of a new jersey clergyman, was visiting friends at the north. her lover was a tory, and he was in the british army, so that she felt no anxiety at the approach of burgoyne. early one morning she was startled by the horrid yells of savages, who had surrounded the house where she was visiting. before she was scarcely aware of her peril, they burst into the house, in their wild fury, seized her, and bore her away in triumph. while they were disputing as to whom the prize belonged, a drunken chief buried his tomahawk in her head, whereupon she was scalped and left dead upon the ground. nine days after the battle of bennington, washington learned that general howe was landing his troops in elk river, seventy miles from philadelphia. it was not, however, until the th of september that the two armies met, and the battle of brandywine was fought. washington had eleven thousand men, and howe eighteen thousand. it was a sanguinary contest, in which the americans were defeated, with a loss of twelve hundred. lafayette conducted himself with great coolness and bravery, and was wounded by a bullet that passed through his leg. the consternation in philadelphia was now appalling. many of the citizens fled; congress adjourned to lancaster; confusion and dismay turned the city into bedlam. washington retreated to germantown to prepare for another battle. he was beaten, but not dismayed. another instance of the providential care over washington occurred just before the battle of brandywine. in disguise, accompanied by a single officer in a hussar dress, he reconnoitered one day. major ferguson beheld him at a distance, and, supposing he belonged to the enemy, he ordered three riflemen to steal near to him and fire. but, for some unaccountable reason, he recalled the riflemen before they fired. what was his surprise on the next day to learn that the supposed enemy, whom he would have shot, was his own general, washington! howe could not ascend the delaware to philadelphia because it was defended by forts mifflin and mercer. he prepared to attack them. a large force of british were at germantown, and on the night of oct. , washington performed a march of fifteen miles and attacked them. a quick and signal victory perched upon his banners, and the enemy fled in confusion. the victory was turned into defeat, however, by a serious blunder. the british had been driven three miles, leaving tents and baggage behind, and were still on the retreat when in the dense fog, several jersey and maryland regiments approaching, were mistaken for british reinforcements. the cry was raised: "we are surrounded and retreat cut off!" whereupon the americans retreated in confusion. general sullivan wrote of washington in that battle: "i saw, with great concern, our brave commander-in-chief exposing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy, in such a manner that regard for my country obliged me to ride to him and beg him to retire. he, to gratify me and others, withdrew a short distance; but his anxiety for the fate of the day soon brought him up again, where he remained till our troops had retreated." at great sacrifice of men and money, the british removed the obstructions from the river, and took possession of philadelphia. dr. franklin was in paris when the news reached him, "howe has taken philadelphia." "no," replied franklin, "philadelphia has taken howe." the sequel proved that franklin had an eye upon the future. although the prospect was gloomy in pennsylvania, glad tidings came to washington from the north. the americans completely surrounded burgoyne's army at saratoga, so that farther retreat was impossible. on the th of october, , after holding a council of war, burgoyne surrendered to general gates, remarking: "the fortune of war has made me your prisoner." "i shall always be ready to testify that it has not been through any fault of your excellency," gates replied. burgoyne's army was reduced from nine thousand men, to five thousand seven hundred and fifty-two. these prisoners were allowed a free passage to europe, under the irrevocable condition not to serve again in the british ranks. seven thousand stand of arms, a large number of tents, a long train of artillery, and a great quantity of clothing and stores fell into the hands of the victors. the celebrated polish patriot kosciusko was chief engineer in gates' command when burgoyne was captured. the british made philadelphia their winter quarters, where the troops indulged themselves in almost unrestrained revelry. they forced many sympathizers with the american cause to vacate their dwellings for the accommodation of their own number; and many were quartered upon patriotic families, with the express understanding that failure to supply their wants would be resented. washington went into winter quarters at valley forge, about twenty miles from philadelphia. the tale of suffering connected with that place during that long, dreary winter, is known to the world. arriving there, many of the troops without blankets or shoes, ragged, worn out, and desponding, they were exposed to the snows and blasts of december until they could cut down trees and build their own huts. two days after encamping, general huntington reported to washington: "my brigade are out of provisions, nor can the commissary obtain any meat." general varnum reported: "three days successively we have been destitute of bread. two days we have been entirely without meat." against his own judgment, in order to prevent mutiny in his army, washington was forced to forage the country and seize supplies wherever he could find them, paying for them in money, or certificates redeemable by congress. yet we find washington writing thus: "for some days past there has been little less than a famine in the camp. a part of the army has been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest, three or four days. naked and starving as they are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiers, that they have not been ere this excited by their suffering to a general mutiny and desertion." sickness and mortality prevailed to an alarming extent among the troops, while scarcely any medicines were at hand. even scores of horses perished by hunger and the severity of the weather. one day circumstances drew washington's attention to a hungry soldier who was on guard. the general had just come from his own table and he said: "go to my table and help yourself." "i can't; i am on guard," the soldier replied. immediately taking the soldier's gun to play the part of sentinel, washington said, "go." the soldier enjoyed the first square meal he had eaten for two days, and at the same time he learned that his general had true sympathy with the "boys," and that official distinction did not lift him above the humblest of their number. with his army in such a deplorable condition, and his cannon frozen up and immovable, washington knew very well that, almost any day, the british might march out of philadelphia and capture or annihilate his entire command. his anxiety and trouble can be more easily imagined than described. to add to the trials of that winter, washington learned of a conspiracy against him, the object of which was to supersede him by general gates as commander-in-chief. his old friend dr. craik wrote to him: "notwithstanding your unwearied diligence and the unparalleled sacrifice of domestic happiness and care of mind which you have made for the good of your country, yet you are not wanting in secret enemies, who would rob you of the great and truly deserved esteem your country has for you. base and villanous men, through chagrin, envy, or ambition, are endeavoring to lessen you in the minds of the people, and taking underhand methods to traduce your character," etc. generals gates, mifflin, and conway were engaged in this plot; but their timely and complete exposure redounded to the honor of washington. the duel which general hamilton fought with general conway, in which the latter was severely wounded, grew out of this affair. hamilton could not endure the presence of an officer who was secretly plotting against his chief. in the month of february mrs. washington joined her husband at valley forge, to share his winter quarters with him, as she had done at cambridge and morristown. she wrote to a friend: "the general's apartment is very small; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first. "the commander-in-chief shared the privations of the camp with his men. his cabin was like theirs." the presence of mrs. washington at valley forge was a blessing to the army. she occupied her time fully in caring for the sick, sewing and mending for the "boys," and making herself generally useful. again the commander-in-chief interceded with congress for more liberal pay for his soldiers. alluding to the sufferings of his soldiers, he wrote: "to see men without clothes to cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie on, without shoes (for the want of which their marches might be traced by the blood from their feet), and almost as often without provisions as with them, marching through the frost and snow, and at christmas taking up their winter quarters within a day's march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover them till it could be built, and submitting without a murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience which, in my opinion, cannot be paralleled." it was during this memorable winter at valley forge that a man by the name of potts was strolling through the woods, when he heard the sound of a human voice. cautiously approaching the spot whence the voice proceeded, what was his surprise to discover washington on his knees engaged in earnest prayer for his country. on returning home, potts called to his wife, "sarah, sarah, all is well. george washington will triumph!" "what is the matter now, isaac? thee seems moved," mrs. potts replied. (they were quakers.) "i have this day seen what i never expected to see," mr. potts continued. "thee knows that i have always thought the sword and the gospel utterly inconsistent, and that no man could be a soldier and a christian at the same time. but george washington has this day convinced me of my mistake." he then described the scene he had witnessed, adding: "if george washington be not a man of god, i am greatly deceived; and still more shall i be deceived if god does not, through him, work out a great salvation for america." baron steuben, a renowned european general, coming to this country at this juncture to proffer his services, through the influence of dr. franklin, washington induced congress to commit the reorganization of the army to him. this proved a fortunate arrangement for the future of the army and country, next to the appointment of general green quarter-master-general. previously a distinguished pole, thaddeus kosciusko, who was educated in the military school at warsaw, had come to him with a letter from dr. franklin. "and what do you seek here?" inquired washington. "to fight for american independence," replied kosciusko. "what can you do?" "try me." washington welcomed him heartily, and throughout the revolution he proved to be an able and faithful ally. count pulaski, another famous general of poland, had joined the american army at the solicitation of dr. franklin, who introduced him by letter to washington. washington had corresponded with the british general respecting an exchange of general lee and ethan allen, but he was unable to effect an exchange until this winter of his trials at valley forge. general prescott, who captured allen in canada, ironed him, and sent him to england, was himself captured in the summer of ; and washington proposed to exchange him for general lee, and colonel campbell for colonel allen. it was not, however, until near the close of the long dreary winter at valley forge that his proposition was accepted. lee rejoined the army, but allen returned to his home in vermont, where he hung up his sword and retired to private life. in the spring of , the glad news came that an alliance with france was accomplished, and henceforth the struggling colonies might expect assistance from that country. at the same time a war between france and england was imminent, a calamity that would prove favorable to the patriots of america, since the british government could not keep its army in philadelphia and wage a war with france. lafayette was instrumental in consummating the alliance with france. for this purpose he left the united states in , and returned in march, . his own country received him with open arms, and honored him by appointing him to one of the highest positions in their army. in the month of may there were some indications that the enemy were about to evacuate philadelphia. the news that a french fleet under count d'estaing was about to sail to this country, to aid the colonies in their fight for independence, caused sir henry clinton, who had succeeded howe in the command of the british army, to fear that he might be blockaded in the delaware. "shall we allow the enemy to leave the city without attacking them?" inquired washington at the council of war. "yes," promptly answered general lee, just restored to his command. "if they will go, let them go. this army is too weak to attack the british in their stronghold." "the two armies are now nearly equal in numbers," said washington, "and experience has so far shown that the british have had nothing to boast whenever they have come in conflict with an equal number of americans." "very true," responded lee; "but let them evacuate if they will. the risk of a battle is too great to run. i would build a bridge of gold for them if they would retreat over it." washington, lafayette, wayne, and cadwalader were the only members of the council who favored an immediate attack. without deciding the question, washington requested each one to furnish his opinion in writing. before this was done, however, the city was evacuated. on the eighteenth day of june the whole british army crossed the delaware into new jersey, eleven thousand strong, with an immense baggage and provision train, and marched for new york by way of new brunswick and amboy. the american army was in pursuit as speedily as possible. "we must compel an engagement," said washington, eager to give the foe a sound drubbing before it was too late. "and we must do it as soon as possible," answered lafayette. "there is no time to lose, neither," said greene. general lee was opposed to a general engagement. they were near monmouth court-house, and it was the night of june . general lee had command of the advance, five thousand picked men, and his orders were, "attack the enemy to-morrow." at midnight a horseman was galloping up to washington's headquarters, when the sentinel challenged him. "doctor griffith, chaplain and surgeon in the virginia line, on business highly important with the commander-in-chief." "officer of the guard!" cried the sentinel. that officer appeared. doctor griffith repeated his errand. "impossible; my orders are positive," replied the guard. "but i must," persisted the doctor. "you cannot," repeated the guard. "the commander-in-chief is intensely engaged." "present, sir, my humble duty to his excellency, and say that dr. griffith waits upon him with secret and important intelligence, and craves an audience of only five minutes duration." he was soon ushered into washington's presence. "the nature of the communication i am about to make to your excellency must be my apology for disturbing you at this hour of the night," observed the doctor. "while i am not permitted to divulge the names of the authorities from which i have obtained my information, i can assure you they are of the very first order, whether in point of character or attachment to the cause of american independence. i have sought this interview to warn your excellency against the conduct of major-general lee in to-morrow's battle. my duty is fulfilled, and i go now to pray to the god of battles for success to our arms, and that he may always have your excellency in his holy keeping." doctor griffith retired, and the battle of monmouth was fought on the next day. washington, with his aides, was approaching the scene of action, when he met a little fifer boy who archly observed: "they are all coming this way, your honor." "who are coming, my little man?" inquired general knox. "why, our boys, your honor; our boys, and the british right after them," answered the fifer. "impossible!" exclaimed washington, and put spurs to his horse. sure enough, he soon met general lee's advance in full retreat. "what is the meaning of all this, sir?" he called out to general lee. the latter was dumbfounded, and made no reply. "i demand, sir, to know the reason of this retreat," shouted washington in a tone of anger. "by my own order," answered lee, vexed by the commander's sharp address. "go to the rear, you cowardly poltroon!" shouted washington, thoroughly aroused and indignant over the conduct of the officer. at that juncture, his favorite aid, lieutenant-colonel hamilton, leaped from his horse and, drawing his sword, addressed the general: "we are betrayed! your excellency and the army are betrayed! and the time has come when every true friend of america and her cause must be ready to die in their defence!" under the magic influence of the commander-in-chief the retreat was speedily arrested, and one of the most glorious victories of the revolution achieved. washington was almost ubiquitous in his exertions, and his noble white charger galloped over the battlefield, utterly regardless of danger, until the splendid beast sank under the excessive heat, and died. immediately the general mounted another war-horse of equal spirit, and, brandishing his sword high in the air, called to the troops: "stand fast, my boys, and receive your enemy! the southern troops are advancing to support you!" on the evening before, the officers drew up a memorial to washington, entreating him not to expose himself in battle, as he did at princeton, trenton, and other places. dr. craik, who was present, remarked: "it will not have the weight of a feather with him." then referring to the indian chief's prophecy on the banks of the ohio, "the great spirit protects him; he cannot be shot in battle," he added, "i believe it." in the bloody contest of the next day, a round shot from the british artillery ploughed the ground directly in front of the general, throwing up a cloud of dirt over his person. "dat wash very near!" exclaimed baron stuben. dr. craik and several of the officers who were together on the previous evening were witnesses. pleased by this remarkable confirmation of his faith in the indian's prophecy, dr. craik smiled and, without uttering a word, pointed his finger towards heaven, as much as to say, "the great spirit protects him." at the close of the day the battle-ground was in possession of the americans. washington's orders were to attack the foe again as soon as they began to move in the morning. but in the morning no enemy could be found; they had silently retreated during the night. the americans lost two hundred and twenty killed and wounded; and the british two hundred and fifty, and one hundred prisoners. major-general lee was court-martialed for his conduct on the field of monmouth, and was suspended from all command for one year. many believed that he was an arch-traitor, who deserved a halter, although the evidence of it was not then conclusive. but eighty years thereafter (in ), papers were discovered in lee's handwriting, in which he communicated to lord and sir william howe, while he was a prisoner in new york, a plan for subjugating the colonies. the only explanation of his conduct, after the fall of fort washington, is found in his treasonable designs. he never returned to the service. on the th of july washington received news of the arrival of the french fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the line and six frigates, and four thousand men for a land force. immediate consultation with the commander, count d'estaing, led him to cross the hudson and establish his army at white plains. rhode island was in the possession of the british, and washington proposed to recover it by the united action of his army and the french fleet. after several weeks of rough campaigning, washington was compelled to abandon his purpose, because the eccentric d'estaing resolved to take his fleet to boston for rest and repairs. for the winter of -' he stationed his army in cantonments from long island sound to the delaware, while his own headquarters were near middlebrook. this arrangement was designed to protect the country and watch the enemy. the next year, , the enemy carried on a predatory war, striking here and there with detachments of troops, plundering, burning, and ravaging the neighborhood. washington was fully occupied in repulsing the enemy engaged in this sort of warfare. as illustration of the cruel measures adopted by the british commander, an expedition was sent to connecticut; they captured the fort at new haven, destroyed all the vessels in the harbor, with all the artillery, ammunition, and stores, and plundered several private houses. they burned the town of fairfield, destroying ninety-seven dwelling houses, sixty-seven barns and stables, forty-eight store-houses, three places of worship, two school-houses, a court-house, a jail, and all the vessels and public stores they could lay their hands on. norwalk was also burned in the same ruthless manner; and the depredations extended into massachusetts, injuring or destroying such towns as offered good harbors for privateers. exasperated by the reluctance of the tories to flock to the british standard, and the numerous desertions of english and germans from his army, king george sent his emissaries to instigate the savages of the mohawk to plunder and butchery. the terrible massacres of cherry valley and wyoming, in which hundreds of men, women, and children were remorselessly slaughtered, and their habitations committed to the flames, followed. the brutality of those scenes are known to the world, because they are matters of history. some of the ablest statesmen of england fearlessly denounced the king and his court for prosecuting a war with such barbarity. lord chatham declared: "were i an american as i am an englishman, i would never lay down my arms: never, _never_, never!" the king and his court maintained, however, that they were justified in resorting to any measures to subdue american rebels. two remarkable expeditions which washington organized that year were those which captured stoney point, under general wayne; and paulus hook, under major henry lee. these grand achievements inspirited the american army, and did much to convince the british that they were engaged in a fruitless attempt to reduce the colonies to their domination. as winter approached, the french fleet, which sailed from boston to the west indies, appeared off the southern coast, to co-operate with general lincoln, who commanded the southern department. on this account the british commander was compelled to operate in that direction. washington, whose headquarters had been at west point for several months, went into winter quarters at morristown, where the experience of valley forge was repeated with additional rigor. the cruel treatment of americans captured by the british had long engaged washington's attention, and reference to it here is in point. many of their prisoners were confined in old ships, where they suffered all that hunger, thirst, filth, and abuse could inflict. on account of the dreadful sufferings endured by the prisoners, these ships were called "floating hells." the "jersey prison ship" and the old "sugar house," converted into prisons by lord howe, are notorious for their infamous character in american history. congress appealed in vain to the commanding british general, and washington wrote to him upon the subject again and again. in one letter washington said: "from the opinion i have ever been taught to entertain of your lordship's humanity, i will not suppose that you are privy to proceedings of so cruel and unjustifiable a nature; and i hope that, upon making the proper inquiry, you will have the matter so regulated that the unhappy persons whose lot is captivity may not in the future have the miseries of cold, disease, and famine added to their other misfortunes.... i should not have said thus much, but my injured countrymen have long called upon me to endeavor to obtain a redress of their grievances, and i should think myself as culpable as those who inflict such severities upon them were i to continue silent." a rev. mr. andros of massachusetts was confined in the "jersey prison ship." after his escape and the close of the war, he published a small book detailing the sufferings of its occupants. one brief paragraph therefrom is all our space will permit. "her dark and filthy exterior corresponded with the death and despair reigning within. it is supposed that eleven thousand american seaman perished in her. none came to relieve their woes. once or twice, by order of a stranger on the quarter-deck a bag of apples was hurled promiscuously into the midst of hundreds of prisoners, crowded as thick as they could stand, and life and limb were endangered in the struggle. the prisoners were secured between the decks by iron gratings; and when the ship was to be cleared of watch, an armed guard forced them up to the winches, amid a roar of execrations and reproaches, the dim light adding to the horrors of the scene. thousands died whose names have never been known, perishing when no eye could witness their fortitude, nor praise their devotion to their country." the brave lingan, hero of fort washington, was confined in the "jersey;" and it was amid the horrors around him that he exclaimed: "sweet, o my country, should be thy liberties, when they are purchased at this monstrous price!" custis relates that one day, when a coffin was brought in which proved too short for the dead comrade, and it was proposed to cut off his head in order to adapt the body to the receptacle, lingan "sprang from his couch of pain, and, laying his hand upon the lifeless corpse of the departed soldier, swore he would destroy the first man who should thus mutilate the body of his friend." xxii. close of the war. the treason of arnold in contributed, on the whole, to the fidelity of the army in . the poorest soldier in the ranks scorned "to become an arnold." washington placed arnold in command at west point in . arnold had long been interceding for the position, and it was found subsequently that he had been in treasonable correspondence with the british commander fifteen months when he assumed command of that post. the correspondence was commenced voluntarily by arnold, and was conducted on the part of sir henry clinton by his aid, major john andré, under the signature of john anderson. general arnold was harassed by burdensome debts. he was a gambler, too, and, of course, devoid of moral principle. his object was to pay his debts with british gold. his correspondence ripened into a plan by arnold to deliver west point into the hands of the british, for which purpose a midnight meeting was arranged between him and major andré. the meeting occurred at dobb's ferry, when arnold delivered to andré a plan of the works at west point, together with a plan of attack by the british, when the post would be surrendered on the ground that the american troops were too few to hold it. the papers were concealed in andré's stockings. on his return, even after he had passed the american lines, three patriotic representatives of the new york yeomanry, john paulding, isaac van wart, and david williams, stopped him, the first aiming his musket at his head. "gentlemen, i hope you belong to our party," said andré with as much composure as he could command. "what party?" responded paulding. "the lower party," replied andré. "we do," they said. "i am a british officer, and have been up the country on particular business," continued andré, now feeling that he was among friends. he was deceived by the dress which paulding wore,--that of a refugee. paulding had been a prisoner in the hands of the british, confined in that terrible prison known as the "sugar house." he was released only four days before. in that place his citizen's suit was taken from him, and replaced by the refugee garb, so that the barbarity of andré's countrymen became the cause of his detection. "i must not be detained for a moment," continued andré, taking out his gold watch, the sight of which showed to his captors that he was a man of consequence. "we are americans, and you are our prisoner!" exclaimed paulding. andré was astounded by this revelation, and he was ready to pay any amount of money to his captors if they would let him go. "dismount!" shouted paulding, seizing his horse's bridle. "beware, gentlemen, or you will get yourselves into trouble," replied andré. "we will take care of that," retorted paulding. "any letters about you?" "no." "we'll find out about that," said paulding; and they proceeded to search him. finding nothing of a suspicious character about his clothes, they were disposed to let him proceed, when paulding said: "boys, i am not satisfied; his boots must come off." his boots were drawn off, and the concealed papers were found in his stockings. "my god!" exclaimed paulding, "he is a spy." they conducted their prisoner to north castle, and he was finally hung as a spy. arnold escaped to a british man-of-war, and figured thereafter as a general in the king's army, despised even by those who commissioned him. near the close of the winter of , and through the spring, the enemy committed many depredations on our coast, in which arnold played a conspicuous part. in virginia and connecticut his command wantonly destroyed a large amount of property. new london was burned under his generalship. washington employed every means possible to capture the traitor, but in vain. the british directed their chief efforts against the south, designing to spread consternation by their terrible ravages. richmond was laid in ashes. along the shores of the potomac and chesapeake they plundered and burned. they threatened to destroy washington's home at mount vernon, and landed for the purpose of applying the torch to every building. the agent, lund washington, saved the property from destruction by furnishing the enemy with a large quantity of supplies. when the general heard what his agent had done, he wrote to him as follows: "i am very sorry to hear of your loss; i am a little sorry to hear of my own; but that which gives me most concern is, that you should go on board the enemy's vessels, and furnish them with refreshments. it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard that, in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my house and laid the plantation in ruins." in july, , washington planned an attack upon new york by the combined french and american forces. but his purpose was suddenly changed by hearing that the portion of the french fleet at the west indies, under count de grasse, had sailed for the chesapeake. cornwallis was at yorktown with his command, and his capture would give the americans an illustrious prisoner. general lafayette, who had returned from france, was in virginia, looking after the british general as well as he could. immediately washington put his army in motion for virginia, leaving only troops enough to guard the passes of the hudson. he marched directly for williamsburg, to join lafayette. on his way he called at mount vernon, from which he had been absent six years. "here, unannounced, he darted into his home, like the first sunbeam after a storm, only to disappear again under as black a cloud as any of those that had brought the thunder. he had come but to tell his wife that he was on his way to seek a battle, an unequal though glorious contest, from which he might never return." washington joined lafayette at williamsburg on the th of september. hastily arranging the siege of yorktown, cornwallis was surprised, one bright morning, to find that the heights around him were swarming with american soldiers, and the bay in front securely occupied by the french fleet. on the th of october the bombardment of the british works commenced with terrible earnestness. an eye witness said: "general washington put the match to the first gun, and a terrible discharge of cannon and mortars immediately followed." "what part of the town can be most effectively cannonaded?" washington inquired of governor nelson, who was present. pointing to a large, fine house on an eminence, the governor replied: "that is probably the headquarters of the enemy; fire at that." it was governor nelson's own residence. four days the cannonading continued with great effect. at the expiration of that time, washington ordered the capture of two redoubts, lying between him and the british works. these redoubts were so near as to prove a great annoyance to the american troops. to the americans was assigned the capture of one, and to the french the capture of the other. at the point of the bayonet these redoubts were taken; not a gun was fired. as soon as lafayette held possession of the redoubt taken by the americans, he despatched a message to baron de viomenil announcing the fact, and inquired where the baron was. "tell the marquis," answered the baron, "that i am not in mine, but i will be in five minutes;" and he was. during the whole of the bombardment, washington, as usual, was seen in the most exposed positions, cheering his men and directing the assault. one day, as he stood beside the grand battery with knox and lincoln, and shot and shell flew around him, one of his aides, anxious for his general's safety, remarked: "that is a very exposed situation, general." "if you think so, you are at liberty to step back," washington promptly answered. just then a musket ball struck the cannon in the embrasure, rolled along, and fell at the general's feet. "my dear general, we can't spare you yet," exclaimed general knox, grasping washington's arm. "only a spent ball," responded washington coolly; "no harm was done." on the th of october cornwallis sent a flag, with a letter, to washington, asking for a cessation of hostilities twenty-four hours, that consultation might be had respecting terms of surrender. it was not, however, until the th that the terms of capitulation were agreed upon, and the renowned cornwallis with his army became washington's prisoners. the time and method of the formal surrender being agreed upon, washington warned his troops against any exultant demonstrations that might wound the feelings of the conquered. "my brave fellows," he said, "let no sensation of satisfaction for the triumphs you have gained induce you to insult your fallen enemy. let no shouting, no clamorous huzzaing, increase their mortification. posterity will huzza for us." by the surrender of cornwallis, washington received over seven thousand prisoners, and one hundred and sixty pieces of cannon. counting the sailors, negroes, and tories who became prisoners, the whole number amounted to nearly twelve thousand. thatcher describes the scene of the formal surrender as follows: "about two o'clock the garrison sallied forth, and marched between the two columns (the americans on one side and the french on the other) with slow and solemn steps, colors cased, and drums beating a british march. they were all well clad, having been furnished with new suits prior to the capitulation. they were led by general o'hara on horseback, who, riding up to general washington, took off his hat and apologized for the non-appearance of lord cornwallis, on account of indisposition. washington received him with dignified courtesy, but pointed to major-general lincoln as the officer who was to receive the submission of the garrison. by him they were conducted into a field where they were to ground their arms. in passing through the line formed by the allied army, their march was careless and irregular, and their aspect sullen. the order to "ground arms" was given by their platoon officers with a tone of deep chagrin, and many of the soldiers threw down their muskets with a violence sufficient to break them. this irregularity was checked by general lincoln; yet it was inexcusable in brave men in their unfortunate predicament. the ceremony over, they were conducted back to yorktown, to remain under guard until removed to their places of destination." there were twenty-eight stand of colors to be delivered up. twenty-eight british captains, each bearing a flag, were drawn up in line. opposite to them, twenty-eight american sergeants were placed to receive the colors. at a given signal the colors were surrendered. the next day washington addressed his army in words of gratulation and tender regard. he issued the following order, also, to the army: "divine service is to be performed to-morrow in the several brigades and divisions. the commander-in-chief earnestly recommends that the troops not on duty shall universally attend, with that seriousness of deportment and gratitude of heart which the recognition of such reiterated and astonishing interpositions of providence demand of us." in the midst of this rejoicing, washington received the sad intelligence that his step-son, john parke custis, was lying at the point of death. mr. custis accompanied his mother, mrs. washington, to cambridge, the first winter of the revolution, and became one of her husband's aides. he was taken sick after the army invested yorktown, and no hope of his recovery was entertained. he longed to live, however, to witness the surrender of cornwallis. on the day of the ceremony of capitulation, he was taken from his bed and conveyed to the place, where he might behold the scene. the ceremony over, he was willing to be conveyed to elthain, where he was taken immediately. within thirty hours thereafter, the message came to the general that custis was in a dying condition. at midnight washington, accompanied by a single officer and groom, started on horseback for elthain. by rapid riding he reached there in the morning twilight. "is there no hope?" he said to dr. craik, who met him at the door. the doctor shook his head. bursting into tears, washington stepped into an adjoining room to indulge his grief, requesting to be left alone. while bowed in sorrow there, custis expired. on entering the chamber of death, washington lovingly embraced the weeping wife and mother, now a widow, tears responding to tears, his deep sorrow showing how dearly he loved the departed one. when he was able to control his grief, he turned to the group of sorrowing friends, and said: "from this moment i adopt his two youngest children as my own." his presence being demanded at yorktown, without rest or refreshment he mounted a fresh horse, and returned thither before his absence was known, except to some of his aides. it deserves to be recorded that the capture of cornwallis could not have been accomplished without the co-operation of the french fleet; so that the reader has before him the remarkable fact that, in washington's early military career, he joined the english to conquer the french, while in his closing military life, twenty-five years thereafter, he joined the french to conquer the english. another example of the divine blessing upon small battalions was furnished by the surrender at yorktown. cornwallis planned, during the siege, to withdraw his troops over the river in sixteen large boats, which he collected for the purpose, and, having reached gloucester point, escape to new york. on the night arranged for the flight, a violent storm arose, so that it was impossible for him to cross the river. that was his last, lost opportunity. divine providence thwarted his purpose, and gave victory to american arms. in the siege of yorktown washington rode a splendid sorrel charger, white-faced and white-footed, named nelson, and "remarkable as the first nicked horse seen in america." the general cherished this fine animal with strong affection. "this famous charger died at mount vernon many years after the revolution at a very advanced age. after the chief had ceased to mount him, he was never ridden, but grazed in a paddock in summer, and was well cared for in winter; and as often as the retired farmer of mount vernon would be making a tour of his grounds, he would halt at the paddock, when the old war-horse would run, neighing, to the fence, proud to be caressed by the great master's hand." no sooner did cornwallis surrender than the commander-in-chief despatched a courier on horseback to philadelphia, to bear the glad tidings to congress. it was past midnight when the courier reached the city, and the night watchmen, on their respective beats, had just cried, "twelve o'clock and all is well!" they caught the glad news with joy, and the next hour they cried: "one o'clock, and cornwallis is taken!" wakeful citizens in bed could scarcely believe their ears. they started up, and listened. again the joyful tidings were repeated: "cornwallis is taken!" hundreds sprang from their beds in wild delight. lights began to appear in the dwellings, darting from room to room. soon men and women rushed from their habitations into the streets in the greatest excitement. some were half dressed, scarcely knowing, in their exuberance of joy, whether they were in the flesh or out. many wept to hear the news confirmed, and as many laughed. not a few caught up the watchmen's cry, and ran from street to street, announcing, at the top of their voices: "cornwallis is taken! cornwallis is taken!" every minute added to the throng in the streets; men, women, and children joining in the exhilarating exercise of sounding out their excessive delight upon the night air. neighbors clasped hands and embraced each other to express their gladness. many were too full for utterance; they broke down in tears with their first attempt to join in the general acclaim. such a varied, impulsive, uncontrollable expression of joy was never before witnessed in that city. soon the bell on the old state-house rang out its gladsome peals, the same old bell that signalled the adoption of the declaration of independence, july , . other bells, one after another, united in the grand chorus of jubilation, supplemented by the thunder of artillery from the fortifications about the city, until every method of expressing real joy seemed to combine, as if by magical art. at an early hour on the next morning congress convened, and listened to the reading of washington's letter, announcing the surrender of cornwallis. the scene can be better imagined than described. that body was quite unfitted for the transaction of any business, except that which eulogized the commander-in-chief, and the brave men who had fought the battles of the country. irving says: "congress gave way to transports of joy. thanks were voted to the commander-in-chief, to the counts de rochambeau and de grasse, to the officers of the allied armies generally, and to the corps of artillery and engineers especially. two stands of colors, trophies of the capitulation, were voted to washington; two pieces of field ordnance to de rochambeau and de grasse; and it was decreed that a marble column, commemorative of the alliance between france and the united states, and of the victory achieved by their associated arms, should be erected in yorktown." finally, congress issued a proclamation, appointing a day for general thanksgiving and prayer, in acknowledgment of this signal interposition of divine providence. this done, congress adjourned to assemble, at a later hour, in a public house of worship, there to join, with the grateful multitude, in praise and thanksgiving to god for his blessing upon the cause of liberty. when the news of cornwallis' surrender reached england, the disappointment and chagrin were well-nigh universal. the british ministry were astounded by the unexpected tidings. lord germain announced the fact to lord north. "and how did he take it?" inquired a public man. "as he would have taken a ball in the breast," replied germain. "what did he say?" "he opened his arms and exclaimed wildly, as he paced up and down the apartment, 'o god, it is all over!'" as soon as washington could leave he retired to mount vernon for a few days, from which place he wrote to general greene: "i shall remain but a few days here, and shall proceed to philadelphia, when i shall attempt to stimulate congress to the best improvement of our late success by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. my greatest fear is that congress, viewing this stroke in too important a point of light, may think our work too nearly closed, and will fall into a state of languor and relaxation. to prevent the error, i shall employ every means in my power; and if, unhappily, we sink into that fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." to another he wrote: "the hand of providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations." xxiii. president of the united states. "now we must follow up this grand victory with harder blows," remarked washington to lafayette. "then you do not believe the war is ended yet?" lafayette replied inquiringly. "of course not. the king will not yield to 'rebels' so willingly as that. we must concentrate our entire force upon new york now." "every lover of his country ought to be stimulated to greater deeds now," added lafayette. "and congress ought to respond promptly and liberally to the demands of the hour," said washington. "the legislatures of the several colonies ought to be prompt and liberal, also, in providing men and means. give us men and supplies equal to the emergency, and our independence can be permanently established." washington waited upon congress personally, and he wrote letters to the governors of the several colonies, pleading for more liberal aid than ever, that the war might be successfully prosecuted to the bitter end. while these negotiations were progressing, the king superseded sir henry clinton by the appointment of sir guy carleton as commander-in-chief of the british army. the latter commander was in favor of peace, and he appealed to the british parliament for conciliatory action; nor was his plea in vain. after a long and acrimonious struggle, parliament adopted a resolution advising reconciliation. from that moment, peace negotiations were commenced, but were not fully consummated until nov. , , at paris. it was the nineteenth day of april, , when the welcome news, received in this country, was announced to the army. the surrender of cornwallis at yorktown, contrary to the expectations of washington, thus proved to be the end of the war. in just eight years from the time the first battle of the revolution was fought at lexington, april , , the proclamation of peace was made to the army. "thus ended a long and arduous conflict, in which great britain expended near a hundred millions of money, with a hundred thousand lives, and won nothing. america endured every cruelty and distress, lost many lives and much treasure, but delivered herself from a foreign dominion, and gained a rank among the nations of the earth." the enemy evacuated new york and other posts and returned to england, and washington occupied the same, and proceeded to disband the army. addressing his officers and companions in arms, with deep emotion he said: "with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you. i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former have been glorious and honorable. i cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." he could say no more. tears blinded his eyes, and emotion caused his voice to tremble. silently, one after another, these heroes of many battles and sufferings approached and grasped his hand. no one spoke a word. each felt more than language could express. the scene was affecting beyond description. congress was in session at annapolis, and thither he journeyed to return his commission. a perfect ovation attended him all the way. the occupants of every town, village, and farmhouse turned out to hail the conqueror. men, women, and children vied with each other in demonstrations of love and honor. cannon pealed, bells rung, music wafted, voices sounded, banners waved, in honor "of the only man," as jefferson said, "who had the confidence of all." congress received him in a manner to attest their profoundest respect and love. resigning his commission, he said: "having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." our american cincinnatus retired to his farm and plough, which he left eight years before at the call of his country. he designed to spend the remainder of his days in retirement at mount vernon. his large estates demanded his attention, and his tastes for agricultural pursuits adapted him to the situation. under his careful and efficient supervision, his mount vernon estate rapidly improved. he enlarged his house, so that he might accommodate the numerous distinguished visitors who now paid him their respects. he studied agriculture by consulting the best authorities, doing it not alone for the purpose of improving his own estates, but also to aid his newly emancipated country in developing its resources. he lent his great influence to educational and religious enterprises, so essential to the stability and progress of the free and independent colonies. through his influence, two companies were organized to extend the navigation of the james and potomac rivers. grateful for his aid in creating enterprises of so great public benefit, the general assembly presented him with one hundred and fifty shares of the stock, worth fifty thousand dollars. he declined to accept the large gift, saying: "what will the world think if they should hear that i have taken fifty thousand dollars for this affair? will they not suspect, on my next proposition, that money is my motive? thus for the sake of money, which, indeed, i never coveted from my country, i may lose the power to do her some service, which may be worth more than all money." he assured the assembly that if they would contribute the amount for a national university in what is now the district of columbia, and a literary institution in rockbridge county, since called washington college, he should esteem their gift even more than he would were he to accept and devote it to his own private use; and they complied with his wishes. as before the war, he continued to remember the poor, whose veneration for him was greater than ever. his methods of assisting them were often original, and always practical; as, for example, keeping a boat on the potomac for their use in fishing. here was an opportunity for them to obtain subsistence without sacrificing the virtues of industry and self-reliance. mr. peake, who had charge of one of his plantations, said: "i had orders to fill a corn-house every year for the sole use of the poor in my neighborhood, to whom it was a seasonable and most precious relief, saving numbers of poor women and children from miserable famine, and blessing them with a cheerful plenteousness of bread." one year, when there was a scarcity of corn, and the price of it went up to a dollar per bushel, the suffering among the poor was much increased. washington ordered his agent to distribute all that could be spared from the granaries, and he purchased several hundred bushels in addition, at the high price, to be used in charity. governor johnson of maryland, a hero of ' , related the following incident to mr. weems: the governor went to the virginia springs for his health. the place was crowded with people, but he secured "a mattress in the hut of a very honest baker" whom he knew. the baker did a large business, and every day mr. johnson noticed that many poor negroes came for loaves, and took them away without paying a cent. "stophel," said mr. johnson one day, "you seem to sell a world of bread here every day, but notwithstanding that, i fear you don't gain much by it." "what makes you think so?" replied stophel. "you credit too much." "not i, indeed, sir; i don't credit at all." "ay, how do you make that out? don't i see the poor people every day carrying away your bread, and yet paying you nothing?" "pshaw! what of that? they will pay me all in a lump at last." "at _last_!" exclaimed the governor, "at the _last day_, i suppose. you think the almighty will stand paymaster, and wipe off all your old scores for you at a dash." "not by any means, squire. the poor bakers can't give such long credit; but i will tell you how we work the matter. washington directed me to supply these poor people at his expense, and i do it. believe me, squire, he has often, at the end of the season, paid me as much as eighty dollars, and that, too, for poor creatures who did not know the hand that fed them; for i had strict orders from him not to mention it to anybody." in a former chapter we learned the magnanimity of his conduct towards one payne, who knocked him down for a supposed insult. mr. payne relates that after the revolution he called upon washington at mount vernon. "as i drew near the house," he says, "i began to experience a rising fear lest he should call to mind the blow i had given him in former days. washington met me at the door with a kind welcome, and conducted me into an adjoining room where mrs. washington sat. "'here, my dear,' said he, presenting me to his lady, 'here is the little man you have so often heard me talk of, and who, on a difference between us one day, had the resolution to knock me down, big as i am; i know you will honor him as he deserves, for i assure you he has the heart of a true virginian.'" mr. payne adds: "he said this with an air which convinced me that his long familiarity with war had not robbed him of his nobleness of heart. and mrs. washington looked at him as if he appeared to her greater and lovelier than ever." the same industry distinguished him on his return to his farms, for which he was so well known before the war. his rule was to rise at four o'clock and retire at nine. the forenoon was employed in labor and overseeing the work on his plantations. the presence of company did not interrupt his systematic methods. he would say to such: "gentlemen, i must beg leave of absence this forenoon. here are books, music, and amusements; consider yourselves at home, and be happy." but washington was not allowed to remain long in private life. in , a convention assembled in philadelphia to form a confederacy of states. washington was a member of that body, and was unanimously made its presiding officer. the convention sat four months, in which time the confederacy of states was consummated, called the united states, with the present constitution essentially. this new order of things required the election of a president, and washington was unanimously elected. he was inaugurated on the thirtieth day of april, , in the city of new york, then the seat of government. that the position was not one of his own seeking is quite evident from a letter which he wrote to general knox: "my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution, so unwilling am i, in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without the competency of political skill, abilities, and inclinations which are necessary to manage the helm." his journey to new york was accomplished in his own carriage, drawn by four horses. no king or conqueror was ever treated to a more enthusiastic ovation than was he from mount vernon to new york. the expression of a lad to his father indicates the exalted notions which the common people entertained of the great general. on getting a good view of him the lad exclaimed: "why, pa, he is only a man, after all!" at trenton, where he crossed the delaware with his retreating, depleted army, his welcome was both imposing and beautiful. upon the bridge an arch was erected, adorned with laurel leaves and flowers. upon the crown of the arch, formed of leaves and flowers, were the words: "december th, ." beneath was the sentence: "the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters!" the president was obliged to pass under this arch to enter trenton, where the female portion of the population met him. on one side little girls dressed in white stood, each one bearing a basket of flowers. on the other side were arranged the young ladies, and behind them the married women. the moment washington and his suit approached the arch, the girls scattered their flowers before him, and the whole company of females sung the following ode, written for the occasion by governor howell: "welcome, mighty chief! once more welcome to this grateful shore! now no mercenary foe aims again the fatal blow. aims at thee the fatal blow. virgins fair and matrons grave, those thy conquering arm did save, build for thee triumphal bowers. strew, ye fair, his way with flowers! strew your hero's way with flowers!" the reader may well suppose that his reception in new york as the _first_ president of the united states, and the "greatest general on earth," as many supposed, was grand indeed. no expense or pains were spared to make it worthy of the occasion. washington called to his cabinet, thomas jefferson, secretary of state; alexander hamilton, secretary of the treasury; general knox, secretary of war; edmund randolph, attorney-general; and john jay, chief justice. he said, in his inaugural address: "when i contemplate the interposition of providence, as it was visibly manifested in guiding us through the revolution, in preparing us for the reception of a general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of america towards one another after its adoption, i feel myself oppressed and almost overwhelmed with a sense of the divine munificence. i feel that nothing is due to my personal agency in all those complicated and wonderful events, except what can simply be attributed to the exertions of an honest zeal for the good of my country." the parade and pomp attending the first presidency in new york city exceeded anything of the kind we behold at the present day. considering the condition of the country, as compared with its wealth and prominence now, the style of living and display in presidential circles was remarkable. washington rode in a chariot drawn by six fine horses, attended by a retinue of servants. these horses were expensively caparisoned. his stable, under the charge of bishop, his favorite servant, held twelve of the finest horses in the country. two of them were splendid white chargers for the saddle. after the seat of government was removed to philadelphia, the stables were under the care of german john, "and the grooming of the white chargers will rather surprise the moderns." mr. custis says: "the night before the horses were to appear on the street, they were covered over with a paste, of which whiting was the principal component part; then the animals were swathed in body-cloths, and left to sleep upon clean straw. in the morning the composition had become hard, was well rubbed in and curried and brushed, which process gave to the coats a beautiful, glossy, and satin-like appearance. the hoofs were then blacked and polished, the mouths washed, teeth picked and cleansed, and the leopard-skin housings being properly adjusted, the white chargers were led out for service." while the seat of government was in new york the president visited the new england states. he had been brought almost to the door of death by a malignant carbuncle, and it was thought, on his recovery, that such a tour would be beneficial. besides, the people of new england were clamorous to see him. the sickness referred to confined him to his room six weeks, during which time "dr. bard never quitted him." the public anxiety was very great, and the president understood full well that his condition was very critical. one day he said to the doctor: "i want your candid opinion as to the probable termination of this sickness." "your condition is serious, but i expect that you will recover," dr. bard replied. "do not flatter me with vain hopes," responded the president. "i am not afraid to die, and i am prepared to hear the worst." "i confess, mr. president, that i am not without serious apprehensions," added the doctor. "whether to-night or twenty years hence makes no difference; i know that i am in the hands of a good providence," was the royal answer of the christian ruler. his tour through the new england states was attended with every demonstration of honor that love and confidence could devise. at boston the president's well-known punctuality set aside all conventional rules, and asserted its superiority. a company of cavalry volunteered to escort him to salem. the time appointed to start was o'clock in the morning. when the old south clock struck the hour, the escort had not appeared; nevertheless washington started, and reached charles river bridge before the cavalry overtook him. the commander of the cavalry once belonged to washington's "military family," and the latter turned to him and said: "major, i thought you had been too long in my family not to know when it was eight o'clock." at philadelphia, to which place the seat of government was removed in , the president frequently entertained members of congress at his own table. they soon learned that there was no waiting for guests in his mansion. precisely at the hour, washington took his seat at the table, whether guests had arrived or not. one day a member came in ten minutes after the family were seated at the dining table. the president greeted him with the remark: "we are punctual here." he arranged with a gentleman to meet him with reference to the purchase of a pair of horses. he named the hour. the owner of the horses was ten minutes behind the time, and he found the president engaged with other parties. it was a whole week before he was able to see the president again. the latter taught the dilatory man an important lesson. at philadelphia, a house belonging to robert morris, the national financier, was rented, and converted into a presidential mansion as imposing and elegant, for that day, as the "white house" at washington is for our day. it was not contemplated to make philadelphia the permanent seat of government. washington thought the capital should be located on the potomac, and it was respect for his judgment especially that located it where it is. one reuben rouzy owed washington a thousand pounds. an agent of the president, without his knowledge, brought an action against rouzy for the money, in consequence of which he was lodged in jail. a friend of the debtor suggested that washington might know nothing of the affair, whereupon rouzy sent a petition to the president for his release. the next post brought an order for his release, with a full discharge, and a severe reprimand to the agent. rouzy was restored to his family, who ever afterwards remembered their "beloved washington" in their daily prayers. providence smiled upon the debtor, so that in a few years he offered the whole amount, with interest, to washington. "the debt is already discharged," said washington. "the debt of my family to you, the preserver of their parent, can never be discharged," answered rouzy. "i insist upon your taking it." "i will receive it only upon one condition," added the president. "and what is that?" "that i may divide it among your children," replied washington. the affair was finally settled on this basis, and the amount was divided at once among the children. the success of his first presidential term created the universal desire that he should serve a second term. "it is impossible; my private business demands my attention," he said to jefferson. "public business is more important," suggested jefferson. "besides, the confidence of the whole union is centred in you." "i long for home and rest," retorted washington. "i am wearing out with public service." "i trust and pray god that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquility and happiness to the public good," remarked hamilton, joining in the plea for a second term of service. "it will be time enough for you to have a successor when it shall please god to call you from this world," said robert morris; thus limiting the demands of his country only by the demand of death. his objections were overcome, and he was unanimously elected to a second term, and was inaugurated march , , in philadelphia. his second presidential term proved equally successful with the first. serious difficulties with england, france, and spain were settled; a treaty with the indian tribes was affected, and a humane policy adopted towards them. the mechanic arts, agriculture, manufactures, and internal improvements, advanced rapidly under his administration. domestic troubles disappeared, and peace and harmony prevailed throughout the land; in view of which, jefferson said: "never did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great and to place him in the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an everlasting remembrance." during his presidency he made a tour through the southern states. his arrangement for the same furnishes a remarkable illustration of the order and punctuality for which he was known from boyhood. thinking that the heads of the several state departments might have occasion to write to him, he wrote out his route thus: "i shall be, on the eighth of april, at fredericksburg; the eleventh, at richmond; the fourteenth, at petersburg; the sixteenth, at halifax; the eighteenth, at tarborough; the twentieth, at newtown;" and thus on to the end, a journey of nineteen hundred miles. custis says: "his punctuality on that long journey astonished every one. scarcely would the artillery-men unlimber the cannon when the order would be given, 'light your matches; the white chariot is in full view!'" washington rode in a white chariot. his industry, which had become proverbial, enabled him to perform a great amount of work. general henry lee once said to him: "mr. president, we are amazed at the amount of work you are able to accomplish." "i rise at four o'clock, sir, and a great deal of the work i perform is done while others are asleep," was washington's reply. at the same time his _thoroughness_ and method appeared in everything. mr. sparks says: "during his presidency it was likewise his custom to subject the treasury reports and accompanying documents to the process of tutelar condensation, with a vast expenditure of labor and patience." another biographer says: "his accounts, while engaged in the service of his country, were so accurately kept, that to this hour they are an example held up before the nations." in all these things the reader must note that "the boy is father of the man." under his administration there was no demand, as now, for "civil service reform." his nearest relative and best friend enjoyed no advantage over others for position. real qualifications and experience for office he required. alluding to the severity with which he treated the idea of giving friends and favorites position, a public man remarked: "it is unfortunate to be a virginian." at the close of his long service, he wrote: "in every nomination to office, i have endeavored, as far as my own knowledge extended, or information could be obtained, to make fitness of character my primary object." at one time two applicants for an important office presented their appeals, through friends. one of them was an intimate friend of the president, often at his table. the other was a political enemy, though a man of experience. no one really expected that his political enemy would be appointed, but he was. "your appointment was unjust," a person dared to say to washington. "i receive my friend with a cordial welcome," answered washington. "he is welcome to my house and welcome to my heart; but, with all his good qualities, he is not a man of business. his opponent is, with all his political hostility to me, a man of business. my private feelings have nothing to do with this case. i am not george washington, but president of the united states; as george washington, i would do this man any kindness in my power; but as president of the united states, i can do nothing." in washington was deeply affected by the news of lafayette's exile and incarceration in germany. he took measures at once to secure his release, if possible, and sent him a thousand guineas. lafayette's son, who was named after the american general, george washington lafayette, came to this country, accompanied by his tutor, when his father was driven into exile. after the close of washington's public life, young lafayette became a member of his family at mount vernon. his father was not liberated until . the following maxims, gleaned from his prolific writings, disclose the principles which governed his actions in public life, and at the same time they magnify his ability as a writer. when we reflect that his schooldays embraced instruction only in reading, writing, and arithmetic, to which he added surveying later, the clearness and elegance of his style become a matter of surprise. his epistolary correspondence is a model to all who would attain excellence in the art; and his grasp of thought and practical view of government and science, are unsurpassed by any statesman. of the large number of notable extracts we might collect from his writings, we have space for a few only, as follows: "our political system may be compared to the mechanism of a clock, and we should derive a lesson from it; for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in order if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neglected." "common danger brought the states into confederacy; and on their union our safety and importance depend." "remember that actions, and not the commission, make the officer. more is expected from him than the title." "knowledge is, in every country, the surest basis of public happiness." "true friendship is a plant of slow growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks of adversity before it is entitled to the appellation." "to share the common lot, and participate in conveniences which the army, from the peculiarity of our circumstances, are obliged to undergo, has with me, been a fundamental principle." "the value of liberty is enhanced by the difficulty of its attainment, and the worth of character appreciated by the trial of adversity." "it is our duty to make the best of our misfortunes, and not suffer passion to interfere with our interest and the public good." "in my estimation, more permanent and genuine happiness is to be found in the sequestered walks of connubial life than in the giddy rounds of promiscuous pleasure, or the more tumultuous and imposing scenes of successful ambition." "without virtue and without integrity, the finest talents and the most brilliant accomplishments can never gain the respect and conciliate the esteem of the truly valuable part of mankind." "few men have virtue to withstand the highest bidder." "a good moral character is the first essential in a man. it is, therefore, highly important to endeavor not only to be learned, but virtuous." "the eyes of argus are upon us, and no slip will pass unnoticed." "it is much easier to avoid disagreements than to remove discontents." "the man who would steer clear of shelves and rocks, must know where they lie." "do not conceive that fine clothes make fine men, any more than fine feathers make fine birds." "we ought not to look back, unless it be to derive useful lessons from past errors, and for the purpose of profiting by dear-bought experience." "gaming is the child of avarice, the brother of iniquity, and the father of mischief." "religion is as necessary to reason as reason is to religion. the one cannot exist without the other." "the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which heaven itself has ordained." "whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail, in exclusion of religious principle." we might fill many pages with similar quotations from his writings, but must forbear. he was urged strongly to serve his country a third presidential term, but he resolutely declined. retiring from public service, he left a remarkable farewell address to the people of the united states, which is here given in full. every american boy who has patriot blood in his veins will delight in being familiar with its every thought and precept. farewell address. friends and fellow-citizens: the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprize you of the resolution i have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. . the acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your sufferages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i have been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. . i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my determination to retire. . the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. . in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and the guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. . profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benevolence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. . here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motives to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. . the unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. . for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of america, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest; here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. . the north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. the east, in a like intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. the west derives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as _one nation_. any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. . while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parties combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resources, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty; in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. . these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of government for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'tis well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. . in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations,--northern and southern, atlantic and western,--whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain and that with spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? . to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution, which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. . all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force--to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp to themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. . towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you speedily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. one method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. . i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. the spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitor, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. . without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. . there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of a popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. . it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of public weal against invasions by the others, has seen evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to constitute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in a way which the constitution designates; but let there be no change by usurpation: for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. . of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 'tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? . promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit: one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace; and remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulations of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; and the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. . observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? . in the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. the nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim. . so likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. it leads also to the concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. . as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinions, to influence or awe public councils! such an attachment of small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellites of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate, to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. . europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. . why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 'tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extra ordinary emergencies. . harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalent for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. . in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: but if i may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, and guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. how far, in the discharge of my official duties, i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and to the world. to myself the assurance of my own conscience is, that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. . in relation to the still subsisting war in europe, my proclamation on the d of april, , is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempt to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. . the consideration which respects the right to hold the conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose upon every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will be best referred to your own reflection and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. . though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. george washington. on closing his presidential career, march , , washington retired to mount vernon, to spend the remnant of his days in retirement. it was not long, however, before the prospect of a war with france prompted the nation to ask him to take command of its armies, to which he consented, although he declared that there would be no war--a conclusion which subsequent events fully justified. john adams was president, and he wrote to washington: "we must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. there will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." having said nothing particularly concerning washington as a slave-holder, we may add, in closing this chapter, that he believed, with jefferson, that slavery was a cruel wrong, and ought to be abolished. he said to jefferson, before he was president: "i never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase; it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law." in another letter he says, "i can only say there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than i do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority, and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting." during his presidency in new york, mrs. washington's favorite maid ovey ran away, and she besought her husband to take measures to find her. laughing, washington replied: "i, who have been fighting for liberty, would appear finely in pursuit of a runaway slave!" he freely expressed his abhorrence of slavery to lafayette during the war; and when the latter purchased an estate in cayenne, with the intention of freeing the slaves upon it, washington wrote to him: "your late purchase is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. would to god a like spirit might diffuse itself generally in the minds of the people of this country!" his will provided for the emancipation of his slaves, so far as possible. "under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held he could not manumit them." but the will ran thus: "upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves whom i hold _in my own right_ shall receive their freedom." after his death, mrs. washington proceeded to emancipate the slaves, agreeable to his wishes, at expressed in his last "will and testament." xxiv. death, and funeral ceremonies. in december, , there came a cold, bleak morning, with drizzling rain and sleet. "i would not go out this uncomfortable day," mrs. washington said to her husband, observing that he was preparing to go out to his daily task. "it is not much of a storm," washington replied. "besides, i have a piece of work under way that i must superintend." "i fear that you will take cold," continued mrs. washington. "sitting at the fire is more fitting for a man of your age than exposing yourself in such a storm." he went, however, nor returned until almost time for dinner. his locks were covered with snow and sleet, and he was quite wet. mrs. washington advised him to change his apparel, but he declined, saying: "the wet is of little consequence. i shall soon be dry." in the evening he read aloud to his family as usual although he was somewhat hoarse. the next day, the storm was still more severe, and he remained within doors, complaining of a slight cold. again he read aloud to his family in the evening. this was on friday, the thirteenth day of december. on retiring, mr. lear, his private secretary, said to him: "general, you had better take something for your cold." "no," replied washington; "you know that i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came." about three o'clock in the morning he awoke with a chill, feeling very unwell. still, he would not allow his wife to get up, fearing that she might take cold. a servant came in to build a fire, when he sent for mr. rawlins, an overseer, to bleed him, which, at that time, was a method of treatment universally adopted. the overseer was accustomed to bleed negroes, but he hesitated to practise on washington. "i would not be bled; you need more strength instead of less," interposed his wife, but washington had confidence in the method. "don't be afraid," he said to the overseer; "make the orifice large enough." but he grew worse rapidly, and early in the morning dr. craik was sent for. washington said to mr. lear, his private secretary: "i cannot last long. i feel that i am going. i believed from the first that the attack would prove fatal." "i hope not," answered mr. lear, rather surprised by these words. "the doctor will give you relief, i trust, when he arrives." "do you arrange and record all my military letters and papers; arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else," washington continued. "that i will do," replied mr. lear; "but i hope you will live many years yet." "do you think of anything else it is essential for me to do? for i am confident that i shall continue but a very short time with you," continued washington. "i can think of nothing," answered mr. lear, and then repeated his opinion that he was not so near the end. smiling, the great man responded: "i am certainly near the end, and i look forward to the hour of dissolution with perfect resignation." turning to mrs. washington, he said, "go to my desk, and in the private drawer you will find two papers; bring them to me." the papers were brought, when he added, taking one paper in each hand: "these are my wills. preserve this one, and burn the other." dr. craik arrived about ten o'clock, and remained with him until his death. drs. brown and dick were sent for, and every effort possible made to save his life. "i am much obliged for all your care and attention," he said to the physicians; "but do not trouble yourselves any more about me. let me pass away quietly. i cannot last long." later he said to dr. craik: "doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go." he was then struggling for breath. at eight o'clock in the evening he appeared unable to speak. mr. lear says: "i aided him all in my power, and was gratified in believing he felt it, for he would look upon me with eyes speaking gratitude, but unable to utter a word without great distress." at ten o'clock he appeared to make a desperate effort to speak, and at length said to mr. lear: "i am just going. have me decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead." mr. lear signified his assent by a nod. as if not satisfied with that, washington looked up to him again, and said: "do you understand me?" "yes, sir," mr. lear answered distinctly. "it is well," added the dying man--the last words he spoke. mr. lear describes the closing scene thus: "about ten minutes before he expired, his breathing became much easier; he lay quietly. he withdrew his hand from mine and felt his own pulse. i spoke to dr. craik, who sat by the fire; he came to the bedside. the general's hand fell from his wrist; i took it in mine and placed it on my breast. dr. craik closed his eyes, and he expired without groan or struggle." mrs. washington had been sitting in silent grief all the while, at the foot of the bed; but now she inquired with calmness: "is he gone?" no one could answer; hearts were too full for utterance. but mr. lear "held up his hand as a signal that he was gone." "it is well," responded mrs. washington, with firm, unfaltering voice. "all is over now; i shall soon follow him; i have no more trials to pass through." mr. custis says, "close to the couch of the sufferer resting her head upon that ancient book with which she had been wont to hold pious communion a portion of every day for more than half a century, was the venerable consort, absorbed in silent prayer, and from which she only arose when the mourning group prepared to lead her from the chamber of the dead. such were the last hours of washington." the news of the ex-president's death spread rapidly for that day when railroads and telegraphs were unknown, and the sadness and mourning were universal. congress was in session at philadelphia, but did not receive the sad intelligence until the th of december, the day of the funeral at mount vernon. the members of congress appeared to be overwhelmed by the calamity, and immediately adjourned. on assembling the next day, they eulogized both by speech and resolution the illustrious dead; ordered that a marble monument, bearing the record of his great achievements, be erected at washington; and appointed general henry lee to deliver a eulogy before both branches of congress on the th. the senate addressed an eloquent and pathetic letter to president adams, in which it was said: "on this occasion it is manly to weep. to lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. our country mourns a father. the almighty disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. it becomes us to submit with reverence to him, 'who maketh darkness his pavilion.'... thanks to god, his glory is consummated! washington yet lives on earth, in his spotless example; his spirit is in heaven. "let his country consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labors and his example are their inheritance." the funeral ceremonies were performed at mount vernon on the th, under the direction of rev. mr. davis, rector of the parish, assisted by other clergymen. the people came from many miles around to pay a grateful tribute of respect to the honored dead. almost the entire population of alexandria, nine miles distant, was there, including its military companies. eleven pieces of cannon were sent from that city, and one of its leading citizens, robert morris, anchored a schooner in the potomac, in front of the mount vernon residence, from which minute-guns were fired during the funeral exercises and the march of the long procession to the tomb. his remains were deposited in the old family vault, which was so dilapidated that the proprietor was thinking of building a new one. only two or three days before he was taken sick, he called the attention of his nephew to the spot where he should build it, and, referring to other work demanding his attention, he added: "but the tomb must be built first, since i may need it first." it would be quite impossible to describe the scene of sorrow that pervaded the country when the death of washington became known. congress enacted that the d of february, washington's birthday, should be observed for funeral services throughout the nation. every method of expressing grief known to an afflicted people was called into requisition. houses of worship, public halls, state capitals, schoolrooms, stores, and even dwellings were hung in mourning draperies on that day. sermons, eulogies, and resolutions by public bodies were multiplied throughout the union. the sorrow was universal. irving says: "public testimonials of grief and reverence were displayed in every part of the union. nor were these sentiments confined to the united states. when the news of washington's death reached england, lord bridport, who had command of a british fleet of nearly sixty sail of the line, lying at torbay, lowered his flag half-mast, every ship following the example; and bonaparte, first consul of france, on announcing his death to the army, ordered that black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the public service for ten days." the great american orator of that day, fisher ames, delivered a eulogy before the massachusetts legislature, in which he said: "the fame he enjoyed is of the kind that will last forever; yet it was rather the effect than the motive of his conduct. some future plutarch will search for a parallel to his character. epaminondas is perhaps the brightest name of all antiquity. our washington resembled him in his purity and the ardor of his patriotism; and like him, he first exalted the glory of his country." lord brougham said: "how grateful the relief which the friend of mankind, the lover of virtue, experiences, when, turning from the contemplation of such a character [napoleon], his eye rests upon the greatest man of our own or of any age; the only one upon whom an epithet, so thoughtlessly lavished by men, may be innocently and justly bestowed!" edward everett, by whose efforts and influence "the ladies' mount vernon association of the union" were enabled to purchase (twenty-five years ago) two hundred acres of the estate, including the mansion-house and tomb, for preservation and improvement, says, in his biography of washington: "in the final contemplation of his character, we shall not hesitate to pronounce washington, of all men that have ever lived, the greatest of good men and the best of great men!" posterity honors itself by calling him "the father of his country!" xxv. eulogy by general henry lee. in obedience to your will, i rise, your humble organ, with the hope of executing a part of the system of public mourning which you have been pleased to adopt, commemorative of the death of the most illustrious and most beloved personage this country has ever produced; and which, while it transmits to posterity your sense of the awful event, faintly represents your knowledge of the consummate excellence you so cordially honor. desperate, indeed, is any attempt on earth to meet correspondently this dispensation of heaven; for while, with pious resignation, we submit to the will of an all-gracious providence, we can never cease lamenting, in our finite view of omnipotent wisdom, the heart-rending privation for which our nation weeps. when the civilized world shakes to its centre; when every moment gives birth to strange and momentous changes; when our peaceful quarter of the globe, exempt, as it happily has been, from any share in the slaughter of the human race, may yet be compelled to abandon her pacific policy, and to risk the doleful casualties of war; what limit is there to the extent of our loss? none within the reach of my words to express; none which your feelings will not disavow. the founder of our federate republic, our bulwark in war, our guide in peace, is no more. oh that this were but questionable! hope, the comforter of the wretched, would pour into our agonizing hearts its balmy dew; but, alas! there is no hope for us. our washington is removed forever. possessing the stoutest frame and purest mind, he had passed nearly to his sixty-eighth year in the enjoyment of high health, when, habituated by his care of us to neglect himself, a slight cold, disregarded, became inconvenient on friday, oppressive on saturday, and, defying every medical interposition, before the morning of sunday, put an end to the best of men. an end did i say? his fame survives, bounded only by the limits of the earth and by the extent of the human mind. he survives in our hearts, in the growing knowledge of our children, in the affections of the good throughout the world; and when our monuments shall be done away, when nations now existing shall be no more, when even our young and far-spreading empire shall have perished, still will our washington's glory unfaded shine, and die not, until love of virtue cease on earth, or earth itself sink into chaos. how, my fellow-citizens, shall i single to your grateful hearts his pre-eminent worth? where shall i begin in opening to your view a character throughout sublime? shall i speak of his warlike achievements, all springing from obedience to his country's will, all directed to his country's good? will you go with me to the banks of the monongahela to see your youthful washington supporting, in the dismal hour of indian victory, the ill-fated braddock, and saving, by his judgment and by his valor, the remains of a defeated army, pressed by the conquering savage foe? or when oppressed america, nobly resolving to risk her all in defence of her violated rights, he was elevated by the unanimous voice of congress to the command of her armies, will you follow him to the high grounds of boston, where, to an undisciplined, courageous, and virtuous yeomanry, his presence gave the stability of system, and infused the invincibility of love of country? or shall i carry you to the painful scenes of long island, york island, and new jersey, when, combating superior and gallant armies, aided by powerful fleets, and led by chiefs high in the roll of fame, he stood the bulwark of our safety, undismayed by disaster, unchanged by change of fortune? or will you view him in the precarious fields of trenton, where deep glooms, unnerving every arm, reigned triumphant through our thinned, worn down, unaided ranks, himself unmoved? dreadful was the night! it was about this time of winter. the storm raged; the delaware, rolling furiously with floating ice, forbade the approach of man. washington, self-collected, viewed the tremendous scene; his country called. unappalled by surrounding dangers, he passed to the hostile shore; he fought, he conquered. the morning sun cheered the american world. our country rose on the event, and her dauntless chief, pursuing his blow, completed on the lawns of princeton what his vast soul had conceived on the shores of the delaware. thence to the strong grounds of morristown he led his small but gallant band, and through an eventful winter, by the high efforts of his genius, whose matchless force was measurable only by the growth of difficulties, he held in check formidable hostile legions, conducted by a chief experienced in the art of war, and famed for his valor on the ever-memorable heights of abraham, where fell wolfe, montcalm, and, since, our much lamented montgomery, all covered with glory. in this fortunate interval, produced by his masterly conduct, our fathers, ourselves, animated by his resistless example, rallied around our country's standard, and continued to follow her beloved chief through the various and trying scenes to which the destinies of our union led. who is there that has forgotten the vales of brandywine, the fields of germantown, or the plains of monmouth? everywhere present, wants of every kind obstructing, numerous and valiant armies encountering, himself a host, he assuaged our sufferings, limited our privations, and upheld our tottering republic. shall i display to you the spread of the fire of his soul by rehearsing the praises of the hero of saratoga and his much loved compeer of the carolina? no: our washington wears not borrowed glory. to gates, to greene, he gave, without reserve, the applause due to their eminent merit; and long may the chiefs of saratoga and of eutaws receive the grateful respect of a grateful people. moving in his own orbit, he imparted heat and light to his most distant satellites; and, combining the physical and moral force of all within his sphere, with irresistible weight he took his course, commiserating folly, disdaining vice, dismaying treason, and invigorating despondency, until the auspicious hour arrived when, united with the intrepid forces of a potent magnanimous ally, he brought to submission the since conqueror of india; thus finishing his long career of military glory with a lustre corresponding with his great name, and in this, his last act of war, affixing the seal of fate to our nation's birth. to the horrid din of war sweet peace succeeded; and our virtuous chief, mindful only of the public good, in a moment tempting personal aggrandizement, hushed the discontents of growing sedition, and, surrendering his power into the hands from which he had received it, converted his sword into a plough-share, teaching an admiring world that to be truly great you must be truly good. were i to stop here, the picture would be incomplete and the task imposed unfinished. great as was our washington in war, and much as did that greatness contribute to produce the american republic, it is not in war alone his pre-eminence stands conspicuous; his various talents, combining all the capacities of a statesman with those of a soldier, fitted him alike to guide the councils and the armies of our nation. scarcely had he rested from his martial toils, while his invaluable parental advice was still sounding in our ears, when he who had been our shield and our sword was called forth to act a less splendid but more important part. possessing a clear and penetrating mind, a strong and sound judgment, calmness and temper for deliberation, with invincible firmness and perseverance in resolutions maturely formed, drawing information from all, acting from himself with incorruptible integrity and unvarying patriotism, his own superiority and the public confidence alike marked him as the man designed by heaven to lead in the great political, as well as military, events, which have distinguished the area of his life. the finger of an overruling providence pointing at washington was neither mistaken nor unobserved, when, to realize the vast hopes to which our revolution had given birth, a change of political system became indispensable. how novel, how grand, the spectacle! independent states stretched over an immense territory, and known only by common difficulty, clinging to their union as the rock of their safety, deciding, by frank comparison of their relative condition, to rear on that rock, under the guidance of reason, a common government, through whose commanding protection liberty and order, with their long train of blessings, should be safe to themselves and the sure inheritance of their posterity! this arduous task devolved on citizens selected by the people, from a knowledge of their wisdom and confidence in their virtue. in this august assembly of sages and of patriots, washington of course was found; and, as if acknowledged to be most wise where all were wise, with one voice he was declared their chief. how well he merited this rare distinction, how faithful were the labors of himself and his compatriots, the work of their hands, and our union, strength, and prosperity, the fruits of that work best attest. but to have essentially aided in presenting to his country this consummation of her hopes, neither satisfied the claims of his fellow-citizens on his talents, nor those duties which the possession of those talents imposed. heaven had not infused into his mind such an uncommon share of its ethereal spirit to remain unemployed, nor bestowed on him his genius unaccompanied by the corresponding duty of devoting it to the common good. to have framed a constitution, was showing only, without realizing, the general happiness. this great work remained to be done; and america, steadfast in her preference, with one voice summoned her beloved washington, unpractised as he was in the duties of civil administration, to execute this last act in the completion of the national felicity. obedient to her call, he assumed the high office with that self-distrust peculiar to his innate modesty, the constant attendant of pre-eminent virtue. what was the burst of joy through our anxious land on this exhilarating event is known to us all. the aged, the young, the brave, the fair rivalled each other in demonstrations of their gratitude; and this high-wrought, delightful scene was heightened in its effect by the singular contest between the zeal of the bestowers and the avoidance of the receiver of the honors bestowed. commencing his administration, what heart is not charmed with the recollection of the pure and wise principles announced by himself as the basis of his political life? he best understood the indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and individual felicity. watching with an equal and comprehensive eye over this great assemblage of communities and interests, he laid the foundations of our national policy in the unerring, immutable principles of morality, based on religion, exemplifying the pre-eminence of free government by all the attributes which win the affections, of its citizens, or command the respect of the world. "o fortunatos dimium sua si bona norint!" leading through the complicated difficulties produced by previous obligations and conflicting interests, seconded by succeeding houses of congress, enlightened and patriotic, he surmounted all original obstructions and brightened the path of our national felicity. the presidential term expiring, his solicitude to exchange exaltation for humility returned with a force increased with increase of age; and he had prepared his farewell address to his countrymen, proclaiming his intention, when the united interposition of all around him, enforced by the eventful prospects of the epoch, produced a further sacrifice of inclination to duty. the election of president followed, and washington, by the unanimous vote of the nation, was called to resume the chief magistracy. what a wonderful fixture of confidence! which attracts most our admiration: a people so correct or a citizen combining an assemblage of talents forbidding rivalry, and stifling even envy itself? such a nation deserves to be happy; such a chief must be forever revered. war, long menaced by the indian tribes, now broke out; and the terrible conflict, deluging europe with blood, began to shed its baneful influence over our happy land. to the first outstretching his invincible arm, under the orders of the gallant wayne, the american eagle soared triumphant through distant forests. peace followed victory, and the melioration of the condition of the enemy followed peace. god-like virtue, which uplifts even the subdued savage! to the second he opposed himself. new and delicate was the conjuncture, and great was the stake. soon did his penetrating mind discern and seize the only course continuing to us all the blessings enjoyed. he issued his proclamation of neutrality. this index to his whole subsequent conduct was sanctioned by the approbation of both houses of congress, and by the approving voice of the people. to this sublime policy he invariably adhered, unmoved by foreign intrusion, unshaken by domestic turbulence. "justum et tenacem propositi virum, non civium ardor prava jubentium, non vultus instantis tyranny mente quatit solida." maintaining his pacific system at the expense of no duty, america, faithful to herself and unstained in her honor, continued to enjoy the delights of peace, while afflicted europe mourns in every quarter, under the accumulated miseries of an unexampled war, miseries in which our happy country must have shared had not our pre-eminent washington been as firm in council as he was brave in the field. pursuing steadfastly his course, he held safe the public happiness, preventing foreign war and quelling internal disorder, till the revolving period of a third election approached, when he executed his interrupted but inextinguishable desire of returning to the humble walks of private life. the promulgation of his fixed resolution stopped the anxious wishes of an affectionate people from adding a third unanimous testimonial of their unabated confidence in the man so long enthroned in their hearts. when before was affection like this exhibited on earth? turn over the records of greece, review the annals of mighty rome, examine the volumes of modern europe, you search in vain. america and her washington only afford the dignified exemplification. the illustrious personage, called by the national voice in succession to the arduous office of guiding a free people, had no difficulties to encounter. the amicable effort of settling our difficulties with france, begun by washington and pursued by his successor in virtue, as in station, proving abortive, america took measures of self-defence. no sooner was the public mind roused by a prospect of danger than every eye was turned to the friend of all, though secluded from public view and gray in public service. the virtuous veteran, following his plough,[d] received the unexpected summons with mingled emotions of indignation at the unmerited ill-treatment of his country, and of a determination once more to risk his all in her defence. [d]: general washington, though opulent, gave much of his time and attention to physical agriculture. the annunciation of these feelings in his affecting letter to the president, accepting the command of the army, concludes his official conduct. _first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen_, he was second to none in the humble and endearing scenes of private life; uniform, dignified, and commanding, his example was as edifying to all around him as were the effects of that example lasting. to his equals he was condescending; to his inferiors, kind; and to the dear object of his affections, exemplarily tender; correct throughout, vice shuddered in his presence, and virtue always felt his fostering hand; the purity of his private character gave effulgence to his public virtues. his last scene comported with the whole tenor of his life. although in extreme pain, not a sigh, not a groan escaped him; and with undisturbed serenity he closed his well-spent life. such was the man america has lost; such was the man for whom our nation mourns. methinks i see his august image, and hear falling from his venerable lips these deep-sinking words: "cease, sons of america, lamenting our separation. go on and confirm, by your wisdom, the fruits of our joint councils, joint efforts, and common dangers; reverence religion; diffuse knowledge throughout your lands; patronize the arts and sciences; let liberty and order be inseparable companions. control party spirit, the bane of free government; observe good faith to, and cultivate peace with, all nations; shut up every avenue to foreign influence; contract rather than extend national connections; rely on yourselves only; be americans in thought, word, and deed. thus will you give immortality to that union which was the constant object of my terrestrial labors; thus will you preserve undisturbed, to the latest posterity, the felicity of a people to me most dear; and thus will you supply (if my happiness is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the round of pure bliss high heaven bestows." log cabin to white house series [illustration: book cover] a famous series of books, formerly sold at $ . per copy, are now popularized by reducing the price less than half. the lives of these famous americans are worthy of a place in any library. a new book by edward s. ellis--"from ranch to white house"--is a life of theodore roosevelt, while the author of the others, william m. thayer, is a celebrated biographer. from ranch to white house; life of theodore roosevelt. from boyhood to manhood; life of benjamin franklin. from farm house to white house; life of georg from log cabin to white house; life of james a. garfield. from pioneer home to white house; life of abraham lincoln. from tannery to white house; life of ulysses s. grant. success and its achievers. tact, push and principle. these titles, though by different authors, also belong to this series of books: from cottage to castle; the story of gutenberg, inventor of printing. by mrs. e. c. pearson. capital for working boys. by mrs. julia e. m'conaughy. price, postpaid, for any of the above ten books, ¢. a complete catalogue sent for the asking. hurst & co. publishers, new york boy inventors series stories of skill and ingenuity by richard bonner cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the boy inventors' wireless telegraph. blest with natural curiosity,--sometimes called the instinct of investigation,--favored with golden opportunity, and gifted with creative ability, the boy inventors meet emergencies and contrive mechanical wonders that interest and convince the reader because they always "work" when put to the test. the boy inventors' vanishing gun. as thought, a belief, an experiment; discouragement, hope, effort and final success--this is the history of many an invention; a history in which excitement, competition, danger, despair and persistence figure. this merely suggests the circumstances which draw the daring boy inventors into strange experiences and startling adventures and which demonstrate the practical use of their vanishing gun. the boy inventors' diving torpedo boat. as in the previous stories of the boy inventors, new and interesting triumphs of mechanism are produced which become immediately valuable, and the stage for their proving and testing is again the water. on the surface and below it, the boys have jolly, contagious fun, and the story of their serious, purposeful inventions challenge the reader's deepest attention. any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york border boys series mexican and canadian frontier series by fremont b. deering. cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the border boys on the trail. what it meant to make an enemy of black ramon de barios--that is the problem that jack merrill and his friends, including coyote pete, face in this exciting tale. the border boys across the frontier. read of the haunted mesa and its mysteries, of the subterranean river and its strange uses, of the value of gasolene and steam "in running the gauntlet," and you will feel that not even the ancient splendors of the old world can furnish a better setting for romantic action than the border of the new. the border boys with the mexican rangers. as every day is making history--faster, it is said, than ever before--so books that keep pace with the changes are full of rapid action and accurate facts. this book deals with lively times on the mexican border. the border boys with the texas rangers. the border boys have already had much excitement and adventure in their lives, but all this has served to prepare them for the experiences related in this volume. they are stronger, braver and more resourceful than ever, and the exigencies of their life in connection with the texas rangers demand all their trained ability. any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york bungalow boys series live stories of outdoor life by dexter j. forrester. cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the bungalow boys. how the bungalow boys received their title and how they retained the right to it in spite of much opposition makes a lively narrative for lively boys. the bungalow boys marooned in the tropics. a real treasure hunt of the most thrilling kind, with a sunken spanish galleon as its object, makes a subject of intense interest at any time, but add to that a band of desperate men, a dark plot and a devil fish, and you have the combination that brings strange adventures into the lives of the bungalow boys. the bungalow boys in the great north west. the clever assistance of a young detective saves the boys from the clutches of chinese smugglers, of whose nefarious trade they know too much. how the professor's invention relieves a critical situation is also an exciting incident of this book. the bungalow boys on the great lakes. the bungalow boys start out for a quiet cruise on the great lakes and a visit to an island. a storm and a band of wreckers interfere with the serenity of their trip, and a submarine adds zest and adventure to it. any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york motor rangers series high speed motor stories by marvin west. cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the motor rangers' lost mine. this is an absorbing story of the continuous adventures of a motor car in the hands of nat trevor and his friends. it does seemingly impossible "stunts," and yet everything happens "in the nick of time." the motor rangers through the sierras. enemies in ambush, the peril of fire, and the guarding of treasure make exciting times for the motor rangers--yet there is a strong flavor of fun and freedom, with a typical western mountaineer for spice. the motor rangers on blue water; or, the secret of the derelict. the strange adventures of the sturdy craft "nomad" and the stranger experiences of the rangers themselves with morello's schooner and a mysterious derelict form the basis of this well-spun yarn of the sea. the motor rangers' cloud cruiser. from the "nomad" to the "discoverer," from the sea to the sky, the scene changes in which the motor rangers figure. they have experiences "that never were on land or sea," in heat and cold and storm, over mountain peak and lost city, with savages and reptiles; their ship of the air is attacked by huge birds of the air; they survive explosion and earthquake; they even live to tell the tale! any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york dreadnought boys series tales of the new navy by capt. wilbur lawton author of "boy aviators series." cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the dreadnought boys on battle practice. especially interesting and timely is this book which introduces the reader with its heroes, ned and herc, to the great ships of modern warfare and to the intimate life and surprising adventures of uncle sam's sailors. the dreadnought boys aboard a destroyer. in this story real dangers threaten and the boys' patriotism is tested in a peculiar international tangle. the scene is laid on the south american coast. the dreadnought boys on a submarine. to the inventive genius--trade-school boy or mechanic--this story has special charm, perhaps, but to every reader its mystery and clever action are fascinating. the dreadnought boys on aero service. among the volunteers accepted for aero service are ned and herc. their perilous adventures are not confined to the air, however, although they make daring and notable flights in the name of the government; nor are they always able to fly beyond the reach of their old "enemies," who are also airmen. any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york motor maids series wholesome stories of adventure by katherine stokes. cloth bound. illustrated. price, ¢. per vol., postpaid [illustration: book cover] the motor maids' school days. billie campbell was just the type of a straightforward, athletic girl to be successful as a practical motor maid. she took her car, as she did her class-mates, to her heart, and many a grand good time did they have all together. the road over which she ran her red machine had many an unexpected turning,--now it led her into peculiar danger; now into contact with strange travelers; and again into experiences by fire and water. but, best of all, "the comet" never failed its brave girl owner. the motor maids by palm and pine. wherever the motor maids went there were lively times, for these were companionable girls who looked upon the world as a vastly interesting place full of unique adventures--and so, of course, they found them. the motor maids across the continent. it is always interesting to travel, and it is wonderfully entertaining to see old scenes through fresh eyes. it is that privilege, therefore, that makes it worth while to join the motor maids in their first 'cross-country run. the motor maids by rose, shamrock and heather. south and west had the motor maids motored, nor could their education by travel have been more wisely begun. but now a speaking acquaintance with their own country enriched their anticipation of an introduction to the british isles. how they made their polite american bow and how they were received on the other side is a tale of interest and inspiration. any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. hurst & company--publishers--new york "orations" by john quincy adams "the jubilee of the constitution, delivered at new york, april , , before the new york historical society." fellow-citizens and brethren, associates of the new york historical society: would it be an unlicensed trespass of the imagination to conceive that on the night preceding the day of which you now commemorate the fiftieth anniversary--on the night preceding that thirtieth of april, , when from the balcony of your city hall the chancellor of the state of new york administered to george washington the solemn oath faithfully to execute the office of president of the united states, and to the best of his ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states--that in the visions of the night the guardian angel of the father of our country had appeared before him, in the venerated form of his mother, and, to cheer and encourage him in the performance of the momentous and solemn duties that he was about to assume, had delivered to him a suit of celestial armor--a helmet, consisting of the principles of piety, of justice, of honor, of benevolence, with which from his earliest infancy he had hitherto walked through life, in the presence of all his brethren; a spear, studded with the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence; a sword, the same with which he had led the armies of his country through the war of freedom to the summit of the triumphal arch of independence; a corselet and cuishes of long experience and habitual intercourse in peace and war with the world of mankind, his contemporaries of the human race, in all their stages of civilization; and, last of all, the constitution of the united states, a shield, embossed by heavenly hands with the future history of his country? yes, gentlemen, on that shield the constitution of the united states was sculptured (by forms unseen, and in characters then invisible to mortal eye), the predestined and prophetic history of the one confederated people of the north american union. they had been the settlers of thirteen separate and distinct english colonies, along the margin of the shore of the north american continent; contiguously situated, but chartered by adventurers of characters variously diversified, including sectarians, religious and political, of all the classes which for the two preceding centuries had agitated and divided the people of the british islands--and with them were intermingled the descendants of hollanders, swedes, germans, and french fugitives from the persecution of the revoker of the edict of nantes. in the bosoms of this people, thus heterogeneously composed, there was burning, kindled at different furnaces, but all furnaces of affliction, one clear, steady flame of liberty. bold and daring enterprise, stubborn endurance of privation, unflinching intrepidity in facing danger, and inflexible adherence to conscientious principle, had steeled to energetic and unyielding hardihood the characters of the primitive settlers of all these colonies. since that time two or three generations of men had passed away, but they had increased and multiplied with unexampled rapidity; and the land itself had been the recent theatre of a ferocious and bloody seven years' war between the two most powerful and most civilized nations of europe contending for the possession of this continent. of that strife the victorious combatant had been britain. she had conquered the provinces of france. she had expelled her rival totally from the continent, over which, bounding herself by the mississippi, she was thenceforth to hold divided empire only with spain. she had acquired undisputed control over the indian tribes still tenanting the forests unexplored by the european man. she had established an uncontested monopoly of the commerce of all her colonies. but forgetting all the warnings of preceding ages--forgetting the lessons written in the blood of her own children, through centuries of departed time--she undertook to tax the people of the colonies without their consent. resistance, instantaneous, unconcerted, sympathetic, inflexible resistance, like an electric shock, startled and roused the people of all the english colonies on this continent. this was the first signal of the north american union. the struggle was for chartered rights--for english liberties--for the cause of algernon sidney and john hampden--for trial by jury--the habeas corpus and magna charta. but the english lawyers had decided that parliament was omnipotent--and parliament, in its omnipotence, instead of trial by jury and the habeas corpus, enacted admiralty courts in england to try americans for offences charged against them as committed in america; instead of the privileges of magna charta, nullified the charter itself of massachusetts bay; shut up the port of boston; sent armies and navies to keep the peace and teach the colonies that john hampden was a rebel and algernon sidney a traitor. english liberties had failed them. from the omnipotence of parliament the colonists appealed to the rights of man and the omnipotence of the god of battles. union! union! was the instinctive and simultaneous cry throughout the land. their congress, assembled at philadelphia, once--twice--had petitioned the king; had remonstrated to parliament; had addressed the people of britain, for the rights of englishmen--in vain. fleets and armies, the blood of lexington, and the fires of charlestown and falmouth, had been the answer to petition, remonstrance, and address.... the dissolution of allegiance to the british crown, the severance of the colonies from the british empire, and their actual existence as independent states, were definitively established in fact, by war and peace. the independence of each separate state had never been declared of right. it never existed in fact. upon the principles of the declaration of independence, the dissolution of the ties of allegiance, the assumption of sovereign power, and the institution of civil government, are all acts of transcendent authority, which the people alone are competent to perform; and, accordingly, it is in the name and by the authority of the people, that two of these acts--the dissolution of allegiance, with the severance from the british empire, and the declaration of the united colonies, as free and independent states--were performed by that instrument. but there still remained the last and crowning act, which the people of the union alone were competent to perform--the institution of civil government, for that compound nation, the united states of america. at this day it cannot but strike us as extraordinary, that it does not appear to have occurred to any one member of that assembly, which had laid down in terms so clear, so explicit, so unequivocal, the foundation of all just government, in the imprescriptible rights of man, and the transcendent sovereignty of the people, and who in those principles had set forth their only personal vindication from the charges of rebellion against their king, and of treason to their country, that their last crowning act was still to be performed upon the same principles. that is, the institution, by the people of the united states, of a civil government, to guard and protect and defend them all. on the contrary, that same assembly which issued the declaration of independence, instead of continuing to act in the name and by the authority of the good people of the united states, had, immediately after the appointment of the committee to prepare the declaration, appointed another committee, of one member from each colony, to prepare and digest the form of confederation to be entered into between the colonies. that committee reported on the twelfth of july, eight days after the declaration of independence had been issued, a draft of articles of confederation between the colonies. this draft was prepared by john dickinson, then a delegate from pennsylvania, who voted against the declaration of independence, and never signed it, having been superseded by a new election of delegates from that state, eight days after his draft was reported. there was thus no congeniality of principle between the declaration of independence and the articles of confederation. the foundation of the former was a superintending providence--the rights of man, and the constituent revolutionary power of the people. that of the latter was the sovereignty of organized power, and the independence of the separate or dis-united states. the fabric of the declaration and that of the confederation were each consistent with its own foundation, but they could not form one consistent, symmetrical edifice. they were the productions of different minds and of adverse passions; one, ascending for the foundation of human government to the laws of nature and of god, written upon the heart of man; the other, resting upon the basis of human institutions, and prescriptive law, and colonial charter. the cornerstone of the one was right, that of the other was power.... where, then, did each state get the sovereignty, freedom, and independence, which the articles of confederation declare it retains?--not from the whole people of the whole union--not from the declaration of independence--not from the people of the state itself. it was assumed by agreement between the legislatures of the several states, and their delegates in congress, without authority from or consultation of the people at all. in the declaration of independence, the enacting and constituent party dispensing and delegating sovereign power is the whole people of the united colonies. the recipient party, invested with power, is the united colonies, declared united states. in the articles of confederation, this order of agency is inverted. each state is the constituent and enacting party, and the united states in congress assembled the recipient of delegated power--and that power delegated with such a penurious and carking hand that it had more the aspect of a revocation of the declaration of independence than an instrument to carry it into effect. none of these indispensably necessary powers were ever conferred by the state legislatures upon the congress of the federation; and well was it that they never were. the system itself was radically defective. its incurable disease was an apostasy from the principles of the declaration of independence. a substitution of separate state sovereignties, in the place of the constituent sovereignty of the people, was the basis of the confederate union. in the congress of the confederation, the master minds of james madison and alexander hamilton were constantly engaged through the closing years of the revolutionary war and those of peace which immediately succeeded. that of john jay was associated with them shortly after the peace, in the capacity of secretary to the congress for foreign affairs. the incompetency of the articles of confederation for the management of the affairs of the union at home and abroad was demonstrated to them by the painful and mortifying experience of every day. washington, though in retirement, was brooding over the cruel injustice suffered by his associates in arms, the warriors of the revolution; over the prostration of the public credit and the faith of the nation, in the neglect to provide for the payments even of the interest upon the public debt; over the disappointed hopes of the friends of freedom; in the language of the address from congress to the states of the eighteenth of april, --"the pride and boast of america, that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature." at his residence at mount vernon, in march, , the first idea was started of a revisal of the articles of confederation, by the organization, of means differing from that of a compact between the state legislatures and their own delegates in congress. a convention of delegates from the state legislatures, independent of the congress itself, was the expedient which presented itself for effecting the purpose, and an augmentation of the powers of congress for the regulation of commerce, as the object for which this assembly was to be convened. in january, , the proposal was made and adopted in the legislature of virginia, and communicated to the other state legislatures. the convention was held at annapolis, in september of that year. it was attended by delegates from only five of the central states, who, on comparing their restricted powers with the glaring and universally acknowledged defects of the confederation, reported only a recommendation for the assemblage of another convention of delegates to meet at philadelphia, in may, , from all the states, and with enlarged powers. the constitution of the united states was the work of this convention. but in its construction the convention immediately perceived that they must retrace their steps, and fall back from a league of friendship between sovereign states to the constituent sovereignty of the people; from power to right--from the irresponsible despotism of state sovereignty to the self-evident truths of the declaration of independence. in that instrument, the right to institute and to alter governments among men was ascribed exclusively to the people--the ends of government were declared to be to secure the natural rights of man; and that when the government degenerates from the promotion to the destruction of that end, the right and the duty accrues to the people to dissolve this degenerate government and to institute another. the signers of the declaration further averred, that the one people of the united colonies were then precisely in that situation--with a government degenerated into tyranny, and called upon by the laws of nature and of nature's god to dissolve that government and to institute another. then, in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colonies, they pronounced the dissolution of their allegiance to the king, and their eternal separation from the nation of great britain--and declared the united colonies independent states. and here as the representatives of the one people they had stopped. they did not require the confirmation of this act, for the power to make the declaration had already been conferred upon them by the people, delegating the power, indeed, separately in the separate colonies, not by colonial authority, but by the spontaneous revolutionary movement of the people in them all. from the day of that declaration, the constituent power of the people had never been called into action. a confederacy had been substituted in the place of a government, and state sovereignty had usurped the constituent sovereignty of the people. the convention assembled at philadelphia had themselves no direct authority from the people. their authority was all derived from the state legislatures. but they had the articles of confederation before them, and they saw and felt the wretched condition into which they had brought the whole people, and that the union itself was in the agonies of death. they soon perceived that the indispensably needed powers were such as no state government, no combination of them, was by the principles of the declaration of independence competent to bestow. they could emanate only from the people. a highly respectable portion of the assembly, still clinging to the confederacy of states, proposed, as a substitute for the constitution, a mere revival of the articles of confederation, with a grant of additional powers to the congress. their plan was respectfully and thoroughly discussed, but the want of a government and of the sanction of the people to the delegation of powers happily prevailed. a constitution for the people, and the distribution of legislative, executive, and judicial powers was prepared. it announced itself as the work of the people themselves; and as this was unquestionably a power assumed by the convention, not delegated to them by the people, they religiously confined it to a simple power to propose, and carefully provided that it should be no more than a proposal until sanctioned by the confederation congress, by the state legislatures, and by the people of the several states, in conventions specially assembled, by authority of their legislatures, for the single purpose of examining and passing upon it. and thus was consummated the work commenced by the declaration of independence--a work in which the people of the north american union, acting under the deepest sense of responsibility to the supreme ruler of the universe, had achieved the most transcendent act of power that social man in his mortal condition can perform--even that of dissolving the ties of allegiance by which he is bound to his country; of renouncing that country itself; of demolishing its government; of instituting another government; and of making for himself another country in its stead. and on that day, of which you now commemorate the fiftieth anniversary--on that thirtieth day of april, --was this mighty revolution, not only in the affairs of our own country, but in the principles of government over civilized man, accomplished. the revolution itself was a work of thirteen years--and had never been completed until that day. the declaration of independence and the constitution of the united states are parts of one consistent whole, founded upon one and the same theory of government, then new in practice, though not as a theory, for it had been working itself into the mind of man for many ages, and had been especially expounded in the writings of locke, though it had never before been adopted by a great nation in practice. there are yet, even at this day, many speculative objections to this theory. even in our own country there are still philosophers who deny the principles asserted in the declaration, as self-evident truths--who deny the natural equality and inalienable rights of man--who deny that the people are the only legitimate source of power--who deny that all just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. neither your time, nor perhaps the cheerful nature of this occasion, permit me here to enter upon the examination of this anti-revolutionary theory, which arrays state sovereignty against the constituent sovereignty of the people, and distorts the constitution of the united states into a league of friendship between confederate corporations. i speak to matters of fact. there is the declaration of independence, and there is the constitution of the united states--let them speak for themselves. the grossly immoral and dishonest doctrine of despotic state sovereignty, the exclusive judge of its own obligations, and responsible to no power on earth or in heaven, for the violation of them, is not there. the declaration says, it is not in me. the constitution says, it is not in me. "oration at plymouth, december , , in commemoration of the landing of the pilgrims." among the sentiments of most powerful operation upon the human heart, and most highly honorable to the human character, are those of veneration for our forefathers, and of love for our posterity. they form the connecting links between the selfish and the social passions. by the fundamental principle of christianity, the happiness of the individual is interwoven, by innumerable and imperceptible ties, with that of his contemporaries. by the power of filial reverence and parental affection, individual existence is extended beyond the limits of individual life, and the happiness of every age is chained in mutual dependence upon that of every other. respect for his ancestors excites, in the breast of man, interest in their history, attachment to their characters, concern for their errors, involuntary pride in their virtues. love for his posterity spurs him to exertion for their support, stimulates him to virtue for their example, and fills him with the tenderest solicitude for their welfare. man, therefore, was not made for himself alone. no, he was made for his country, by the obligations of the social compact; he was made for his species, by the christian duties of universal charity; he was made for all ages past, by the sentiment of reverence for his forefathers; and he was made for all future times, by the impulse of affection for his progeny. under the influence of these principles, "existence sees him spurn her bounded reign." they redeem his nature from the subjection of time and space; he is no longer a "puny insect shivering at a breeze"; he is the glory of creation, formed to occupy all time and all extent; bounded, during his residence upon earth, only to the boundaries of the world, and destined to life and immortality in brighter regions, when the fabric of nature itself shall dissolve and perish. the voice of history has not, in all its compass, a note but answers in unison with these sentiments. the barbarian chieftain, who defended his country against the roman invasion, driven to the remotest extremity of britain, and stimulating his followers to battle by all that has power of persuasion upon the human heart, concluded his persuasion by an appeal to these irresistible feelings: "think of your forefathers and of your posterity." the romans themselves, at the pinnacle of civilization, were actuated by the same impressions, and celebrated, in anniversary festivals, every great event which had signalized the annals of their forefathers. to multiply instances where it were impossible to adduce an exception would be to waste your time and abuse your patience; but in the sacred volume, which contains the substances of our firmest faith and of our most precious hopes, these passions not only maintain their highest efficacy, but are sanctioned by the express injunctions of the divine legislator to his chosen people. the revolutions of time furnish no previous example of a nation shooting up to maturity and expanding into greatness with the rapidity which has characterized the growth of the american people. in the luxuriance of youth, and in the vigor of manhood, it is pleasing and instructive to look backward upon the helpless days of infancy; but in the continual and essential changes of a growing subject, the transactions of that early period would be soon obliterated from the memory but for some periodical call of attention to aid the silent records of the historian. such celebrations arouse and gratify the kindliest emotions of the bosom. they are faithful pledges of the respect we bear to the memory of our ancestors and of the tenderness with which we cherish the rising generation. they introduce the sages and heroes of ages past to the notice and emulation of succeeding times; they are at once testimonials of our gratitude, and schools of virtue to our children. these sentiments are wise; they are honorable; they are virtuous; their cultivation is not merely innocent pleasure, it is incumbent duty. obedient to their dictates, you, my fellow-citizens, have instituted and paid frequent observance to this annual solemnity, and what event of weightier intrinsic importance, or of more extensive consequences, was ever selected for this honorary distinction? in reverting to the period of our origin, other nations have generally been compelled to plunge into the chaos of impenetrable antiquity, or to trace a lawless ancestry into the caverns of ravishers and robbers. it is your peculiar privilege to commemorate, in this birthday of your nation, an event ascertained in its minutest details; an event of which the principal actors are known to you familiarly, as if belonging to your own age; an event of a magnitude before which imagination shrinks at the imperfection of her powers. it is your further happiness to behold, in those eminent characters, who were most conspicuous in accomplishing the settlement of your country, men upon whose virtue you can dwell with honest exultation. the founders of your race are not handed down to you, like the fathers of the roman people, as the sucklings of a wolf. you are not descended from a nauseous compound of fanaticism and sensuality, whose only argument was the sword, and whose only paradise was a brothel. no gothic scourge of god, no vandal pest of nations, no fabled fugitive from the flames of troy, no bastard norman tyrant, appears among the list of worthies who first landed on the rock, which your veneration has preserved as a lasting monument of their achievement. the great actors of the day we now solemnize were illustrious by their intrepid valor no less than by their christian graces, but the clarion of conquest has not blazoned forth their names to all the winds of heaven. their glory has not been wafted over oceans of blood to the remotest regions of the earth. they have not erected to themselves colossal statues upon pedestals of human bones, to provoke and insult the tardy hand of heavenly retribution. but theirs was "the better fortitude of patience and heroic martyrdom." theirs was the gentle temper of christian kindness; the rigorous observance of reciprocal justice; the unconquerable soul of conscious integrity. worldly fame has been parsimonious of her favor to the memory of those generous companions. their numbers were small; their stations in life obscure; the object of their enterprise unostentatious; the theatre of their exploits remote; how could they possibly be favorites of worldly fame--that common crier, whose existence is only known by the assemblage of multitudes; that pander of wealth and greatness, so eager to haunt the palaces of fortune, and so fastidious to the houseless dignity of virtue; that parasite of pride, ever scornful to meekness, and ever obsequious to insolent power; that heedless trumpeter, whose ears are deaf to modest merit, and whose eyes are blind to bloodless, distant excellence? when the persecuted companions of robinson, exiles from their native land, anxiously sued for the privilege of removing a thousand leagues more distant to an untried soil, a rigorous climate, and a savage wilderness, for the sake of reconciling their sense of religious duty with their affections for their country, few, perhaps none of them, formed a conception of what would be, within two centuries, the result of their undertaking. when the jealous and niggardly policy of their british sovereign denied them even that humblest of requests, and instead of liberty would barely consent to promise connivance, neither he nor they might be aware that they were laying the foundations of a power, and that he was sowing the seeds of a spirit, which, in less than two hundred years, would stagger the throne of his descendants, and shake his united kingdoms to the centre. so far is it from the ordinary habits of mankind to calculate the importance of events in their elementary principles, that had the first colonists of our country ever intimated as a part of their designs the project of founding a great and mighty nation, the finger of scorn would have pointed them to the cells of bedlam as an abode more suitable for hatching vain empires than the solitude of a transatlantic desert. these consequences, then so little foreseen, have unfolded themselves, in all their grandeur, to the eyes of the present age. it is a common amusement of speculative minds to contrast the magnitude of the most important events with the minuteness of their primeval causes, and the records of mankind are full of examples for such contemplations. it is, however, a more profitable employment to trace the constituent principles of future greatness in their kernel; to detect in the acorn at our feet the germ of that majestic oak, whose roots shoot down to the centre, and whose branches aspire to the skies. let it be, then, our present occupation to inquire and endeavor to ascertain the causes first put in operation at the period of our commemoration, and already productive of such magnificent effects; to examine with reiterated care and minute attention the characters of those men who gave the first impulse to a new series of events in the history of the world; to applaud and emulate those qualities of their minds which we shall find deserving of our admiration; to recognize with candor those features which forbid approbation or even require censure, and, finally, to lay alike their frailties and their perfections to our own hearts, either as warning or as example. of the various european settlements upon this continent, which have finally merged in one independent nation, the first establishments were made at various times, by several nations, and under the influence of different motives. in many instances, the conviction of religious obligation formed one and a powerful inducement of the adventures; but in none, excepting the settlement at plymouth, did they constitute the sole and exclusive actuating cause. worldly interest and commercial speculation entered largely into the views of other settlers, but the commands of conscience were the only stimulus to the emigrants from leyden. previous to their expedition hither, they had endured a long banishment from their native country. under every species of discouragement, they undertook the voyage; they performed it in spite of numerous and almost insuperable obstacles; they arrived upon a wilderness bound with frost and hoary with snow, without the boundaries of their charter, outcasts from all human society, and coasted five weeks together, in the dead of winter, on this tempestuous shore, exposed at once to the fury of the elements, to the arrows of the native savage, and to the impending horrors of famine. courage and perseverance have a magical talisman, before which difficulties disappear and obstacles vanish into air. these qualities have ever been displayed in their mightiest perfection, as attendants in the retinue of strong passions. from the first discovery of the western hemisphere by columbus until the settlement of virginia which immediately preceded that of plymouth, the various adventurers from the ancient world had exhibited upon innumerable occasions that ardor of enterprise and that stubbornness of pursuit which set all danger at defiance, and chained the violence of nature at their feet. but they were all instigated by personal interests. avarice and ambition had tuned their souls to that pitch of exaltation. selfish passions were the parents of their heroism. it was reserved for the first settlers of new england to perform achievements equally arduous, to trample down obstructions equally formidable, to dispel dangers equally terrific, under the single inspiration of conscience. to them even liberty herself was but a subordinate and secondary consideration. they claimed exemption from the mandates of human authority, as militating with their subjection to a superior power. before the voice of heaven they silenced even the calls of their country. yet, while so deeply impressed with the sense of religious obligation, they felt, in all its energy, the force of that tender tie which binds the heart of every virtuous man to his native land. it was to renew that connection with their country which had been severed by their compulsory expatriation, that they resolved to face all the hazards of a perilous navigation and all the labors of a toilsome distant settlement. under the mild protection of the batavian government, they enjoyed already that freedom of religious worship, for which they had resigned so many comforts and enjoyments at home; but their hearts panted for a restoration to the bosom of their country. invited and urged by the open-hearted and truly benevolent people who had given them an asylum from the persecution of their own kindred to form their settlement within the territories then under their jurisdiction, the love of their country predominated over every influence save that of conscience alone, and they preferred the precarious chance of relaxation from the bigoted rigor of the english government to the certain liberality and alluring offers of the hollanders. observe, my countrymen, the generous patriotism, the cordial union of soul, the conscious yet unaffected vigor which beam in their application to the british monarch: "they were well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land. they were knit together in a strict and sacred bond, to take care of the good of each other and of the whole. it was not with them as with other men, whom small things could discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves again at home." children of these exalted pilgrims! is there one among you who can hear the simple and pathetic energy of these expressions without tenderness and admiration? venerated shades of our forefathers! no, ye were, indeed, not ordinary men! that country which had ejected you so cruelly from her bosom you still delighted to contemplate in the character of an affectionate and beloved mother. the sacred bond which knit you together was indissoluble while you lived; and oh, may it be to your descendants the example and the pledge of harmony to the latest period of time! the difficulties and dangers, which so often had defeated attempts of similar establishments, were unable to subdue souls tempered like yours. you heard the rigid interdictions; you saw the menacing forms of toil and danger, forbidding your access to this land of promise; but you heard without dismay; you saw and disdained retreat. firm and undaunted in the confidence of that sacred bond; conscious of the purity, and convinced of the importance of your motives, you put your trust in the protecting shield of providence, and smiled defiance at the combining terrors of human malice and of elemental strife. these, in the accomplishment of your undertaking, you were summoned to encounter in their most hideous forms; these you met with that fortitude, and combated with that perseverance, which you had promised in their anticipation; these you completely vanquished in establishing the foundations of new england, and the day which we now commemorate is the perpetual memorial of your triumph. it were an occupation peculiarly pleasing to cull from our early historians, and exhibit before you every detail of this transaction; to carry you in imagination on board their bark at the first moment of her arrival in the bay; to accompany carver, winslow, bradford, and standish, in all their excursions upon the desolate coast; to follow them into every rivulet and creek where they endeavored to find a firm footing, and to fix, with a pause of delight and exultation, the instant when the first of these heroic adventurers alighted on the spot where you, their descendants, now enjoy the glorious and happy reward of their labors. but in this grateful task, your former orators, on this anniversary, have anticipated all that the most ardent industry could collect, and gratified all that the most inquisitive curiosity could desire. to you, my friends, every occurrence of that momentous period is already familiar. a transient allusion to a few characteristic instances, which mark the peculiar history of the plymouth settlers, may properly supply the place of a narrative, which, to this auditory, must be superfluous. one of these remarkable incidents is the execution of that instrument of government by which they formed themselves into a body politic, the day after their arrival upon the coast, and previous to their first landing. that is, perhaps, the only instance in human history of that positive, original social compact, which speculative philosophers have imagined as the only legitimate source of government. here was a unanimous and personal assent, by all the individuals of the community, to the association by which they became a nation. it was the result of circumstances and discussions which had occurred during their passage from europe, and is a full demonstration that the nature of civil government, abstracted from the political institutions of their native country, had been an object of their serious meditation. the settlers of all the former european colonies had contented themselves with the powers conferred upon them by their respective charters, without looking beyond the seal of the royal parchment for the measure of their rights and the rule of their duties. the founders of plymouth had been impelled by the peculiarities of their situation to examine the subject with deeper and more comprehensive research. after twelve years of banishment from the land of their first allegiance, during which they had been under an adoptive and temporary subjection to another sovereign, they must naturally have been led to reflect upon the relative rights and duties of allegiance and subjection. they had resided in a city, the seat of a university, where the polemical and political controversies of the time were pursued with uncommon fervor. in this period they had witnessed the deadly struggle between the two parties, into which the people of the united provinces, after their separation from the crown of spain, had divided themselves. the contest embraced within its compass not only theological doctrines, but political principles, and maurice and barnevelt were the temporal leaders of the same rival factions, of which episcopius and polyander were the ecclesiastical champions. that the investigation of the fundamental principles of government was deeply implicated in these dissensions is evident from the immortal work of grotius, upon the rights of war and peace, which undoubtedly originated from them. grotius himself had been a most distinguished actor and sufferer in those important scenes of internal convulsion, and his work was first published very shortly after the departure of our forefathers from leyden. it is well known that in the course of the contest mr. robinson more than once appeared, with credit to himself, as a public disputant against episcopius; and from the manner in which the fact is related by governor bradford, it is apparent that the whole english church at leyden took a zealous interest in the religious part of the controversy. as strangers in the land, it is presumable that they wisely and honorably avoided entangling themselves in the political contentions involved with it. yet the theoretic principles, as they were drawn into discussion, could not fail to arrest their attention, and must have assisted them to form accurate ideas concerning the origin and extent of authority among men, independent of positive institutions. the importance of these circumstances will not be duly weighed without taking into consideration the state of opinion then prevalent in england. the general principles of government were there little understood and less examined. the whole substance of human authority was centred in the simple doctrine of royal prerogative, the origin of which was always traced in theory to divine institution. twenty years later, the subject was more industriously sifted, and for half a century became one of the principal topics of controversy between the ablest and most enlightened men in the nation. the instrument of voluntary association executed on board the "mayflower" testifies that the parties to it had anticipated the improvement of their nation. another incident, from which we may derive occasion for important reflections, was the attempt of these original settlers to establish among them that community of goods and of labor, which fanciful politicians, from the days of plato to those of rousseau, have recommended as the fundamental law of a perfect republic. this theory results, it must be acknowledged, from principles of reasoning most flattering to the human character. if industry, frugality, and disinterested integrity were alike the virtues of all, there would, apparently, be more of the social spirit, in making all property a common stock, and giving to each individual a proportional title to the wealth of the whole. such is the basis upon which plato forbids, in his republic, the division of property. such is the system upon which rousseau pronounces the first man who inclosed a field with a fence, and said, "this is mine," a traitor to the human species. a wiser and more useful philosophy, however, directs us to consider man according to the nature in which he was formed; subject to infirmities, which no wisdom can remedy; to weaknesses, which no institution can strengthen; to vices, which no legislation can correct. hence, it becomes obvious that separate property is the natural and indisputable right of separate exertion; that community of goods without community of toil is oppressive and unjust; that it counteracts the laws of nature, which prescribe that he only who sows the seed shall reap the harvest; that it discourages all energy, by destroying its rewards; and makes the most virtuous and active members of society the slaves and drudges of the worst. such was the issue of this experiment among our forefathers, and the same event demonstrated the error of the system in the elder settlement of virginia. let us cherish that spirit of harmony which prompted our forefathers to make the attempt, under circumstances more favorable to its success than, perhaps, ever occurred upon earth. let us no less admire the candor with which they relinquished it, upon discovering its irremediable inefficacy. to found principles of government upon too advantageous an estimate of the human character is an error of inexperience, the source of which is so amiable that it is impossible to censure it with severity. we have seen the same mistake committed in our own age, and upon a larger theatre. happily for our ancestors, their situation allowed them to repair it before its effects had proved destructive. they had no pride of vain philosophy to support, no perfidious rage of faction to glut, by persevering in their mistakes until they should be extinguished in torrents of blood. as the attempt to establish among themselves the community of goods was a seal of that sacred bond which knit them so closely together, so the conduct they observed toward the natives of the country displays their steadfast adherence to the rules of justice and their faithful attachment to those of benevolence and charity. no european settlement ever formed upon this continent has been more distinguished for undeviating kindness and equity toward the savages. there are, indeed, moralists who have questioned the right of the europeans to intrude upon the possessions of the aboriginals in any case, and under any limitations whatsoever. but have they maturely considered the whole subject? the indian right of possession itself stands, with regard to the greater part of the country, upon a questionable foundation. their cultivated fields; their constructed habitations; a space of ample sufficiency for their subsistence, and whatever they had annexed to themselves by personal labor, was undoubtedly, by the laws of nature, theirs. but what is the right of a huntsman to the forest of a thousand miles over which he has accidentally ranged in quest of prey? shall the liberal bounties of providence to the race of man be monopolized by one of ten thousand for whom they were created? shall the exuberant bosom of the common mother, amply adequate to the nourishment of millions, be claimed exclusively by a few hundreds of her offspring? shall the lordly savage not only disdain the virtues and enjoyments of civilization himself, but shall he control the civilization of a world? shall he forbid the wilderness to blossom like a rose? shall he forbid the oaks of the forest to fall before the axe of industry, and to rise again, transformed into the habitations of ease and elegance? shall he doom an immense region of the globe to perpetual desolation, and to hear the howlings of the tiger and the wolf silence forever the voice of human gladness? shall the fields and the valleys, which a beneficent god has formed to teem with the life of innumerable multitudes, be condemned to everlasting barrenness? shall the mighty rivers, poured out by the hand of nature, as channels of communication between numerous nations, roll their waters in sullen silence and eternal solitude of the deep? have hundreds of commodious harbors, a thousand leagues of coast, and a boundless ocean, been spread in the front of this land, and shall every purpose of utility to which they could apply be prohibited by the tenant of the woods? no, generous philanthropists! heaven has not been thus inconsistent in the works of its hands. heaven has not thus placed at irreconcilable strife its moral laws with its physical creation. the pilgrims of plymouth obtained their right of possession to the territory on which they settled, by titles as fair and unequivocal as any human property can be held. by their voluntary association they recognized their allegiance to the government of britain, and in process of time received whatever powers and authorities could be conferred upon them by a charter from their sovereign. the spot on which they fixed had belonged to an indian tribe, totally extirpated by that devouring pestilence which had swept the country shortly before their arrival. the territory, thus free from all exclusive possession, they might have taken by the natural right of occupancy. desirous, however, of giving amply satisfaction to every pretence of prior right, by formal and solemn conventions with the chiefs of the neighboring tribes, they acquired the further security of a purchase. at their hands the children of the desert had no cause of complaint. on the great day of retribution, what thousands, what millions of the american race will appear at the bar of judgment to arraign their european invading conquerors! let us humbly hope that the fathers of the plymouth colony will then appear in the whiteness of innocence. let us indulge in the belief that they will not only be free from all accusation of injustice to these unfortunate sons of nature, but that the testimonials of their acts of kindness and benevolence toward them will plead the cause of their virtues, as they are now authenticated by the record of history upon earth. religious discord has lost her sting; the cumbrous weapons of theological warfare are antiquated; the field of politics supplies the alchemists of our times with materials of more fatal explosion, and the butchers of mankind no longer travel to another world for instruments of cruelty and destruction. our age is too enlightened to contend upon topics which concern only the interests of eternity; the men who hold in proper contempt all controversies about trifles, except such as inflame their own passions, have made it a commonplace censure against your ancestors, that their zeal was enkindled by subjects of trivial importance; and that however aggrieved by the intolerance of others, they were alike intolerant themselves. against these objections, your candid judgment will not require an unqualified justification; but your respect and gratitude for the founders of the state may boldly claim an ample apology. the original grounds of their separation from the church of england were not objects of a magnitude to dissolve the bonds of communion, much less those of charity, between christian brethren of the same essential principles. some of them, however, were not inconsiderable, and numerous inducements concurred to give them an extraordinary interest in their eyes. when that portentous system of abuses, the papal dominion, was overturned, a great variety of religious sects arose in its stead in the several countries, which for many centuries before had been screwed beneath its subjection. the fabric of the reformation, first undertaken in england upon a contracted basis, by a capricious and sanguinary tyrant, had been successively overthrown and restored, renewed and altered, according to the varying humors and principles of four successive monarchs. to ascertain the precise point of division between the genuine institutions of christianity and the corruptions accumulated upon them in the progress of fifteen centuries, was found a task of extreme difficulty throughout the christian world. men of the profoundest learning, of the sublimest genius, and of the purest integrity, after devoting their lives to the research, finally differed in their ideas upon many great points, both of doctrine and discipline. the main question, it was admitted on all hands, most intimately concerned the highest interests of man, both temporal and eternal. can we wonder that men who felt their happiness here and their hopes of hereafter, their worldly welfare and the kingdom of heaven at stake, should sometimes attach an importance beyond their intrinsic weight to collateral points of controversy, connected with the all-involving object of the reformation? the changes in the forms and principles of religious worship were introduced and regulated in england by the hand of public authority. but that hand had not been uniform or steady in its operations. during the persecutions inflicted in the interval of popish restoration under the reign of mary, upon all who favored the reformation, many of the most zealous reformers had been compelled to fly their country. while residing on the continent of europe, they had adopted the principles of the most complete and rigorous reformation, as taught and established by calvin. on returning afterward to their native country, they were dissatisfied with the partial reformation, at which, as they conceived, the english establishment had rested; and claiming the privilege of private conscience, upon which alone any departure from the church of rome could be justified, they insisted upon the right of adhering to the system of their own preference, and, of course, upon that of non-conformity to the establishment prescribed by the royal authority. the only means used to convince them of error and reclaim them from dissent was force, and force served but to confirm the opposition it was meant to suppress. by driving the founders of the plymouth colony into exile, it constrained them to absolute separation irreconcilable. viewing their religious liberties here, as held only by sufferance, yet bound to them by all the ties of conviction, and by all their sufferings for them, could they forbear to look upon every dissenter among themselves with a jealous eye? within two years after their landing, they beheld a rival settlement attempted in their immediate neighborhood; and not long after, the laws of self-preservation compelled them to break up a nest of revellers, who boasted of protection from the mother country, and who had recurred to the easy but pernicious resource of feeding their wanton idleness, by furnishing the savages with the means, the skill, and the instruments of european destruction. toleration, in that instance, would have been self-murder, and many other examples might be alleged, in which their necessary measures of self-defence have been exaggerated into cruelty, and their most indispensable precautions distorted into persecution. yet shall we not pretend that they were exempt from the common laws of mortality, or entirely free from all the errors of their age. their zeal might sometimes be too ardent, but it was always sincere. at this day, religious indulgence is one of our clearest duties, because it is one of our undisputed rights. while we rejoice that the principles of genuine christianity have so far triumphed over the prejudices of a former generation, let us fervently hope for the day when it will prove equally victorious over the malignant passions of our own. in thus calling your attention to some of the peculiar features in the principles, the character, and the history of our forefathers, it is as wide from my design, as i know it would be from your approbation, to adorn their memory with a chaplet plucked from the domain of others. the occasion and the day are more peculiarly devoted to them, and let it never be dishonored with a contracted and exclusive spirit. our affections as citizens embrace the whole extent of the union, and the names of raleigh, smith, winthrop, calvert, penn and oglethorpe excite in our minds recollections equally pleasing and gratitude equally fervent with those of carver and bradford. two centuries have not yet elapsed since the first european foot touched the soil which now constitutes the american union. two centuries more and our numbers must exceed those of europe itself. the destinies of their empire, as they appear in prospect before us, disdain the powers of human calculation. yet, as the original founder of the roman state is said once to have lifted upon his shoulders the fame and fortunes of all his posterity, so let us never forget that the glory and greatness of all our descendants is in our hands. preserve in all their purity, refine, if possible, from all their alloy, those virtues which we this day commemorate as the ornament of our forefathers. adhere to them with inflexible resolution, as to the horns of the altar; instil them with unwearied perseverance into the minds of your children; bind your souls and theirs to the national union as the chords of life are centred in the heart, and you shall soar with rapid and steady wing to the summit of human glory. nearly a century ago, one of those rare minds to whom it is given to discern future greatness in its seminal principles, upon contemplating the situation of this continent, pronounced, in a vein of poetic inspiration, "westward the star of empire takes its way." let us unite in ardent supplication to the founder of nations and the builder of worlds, that what then was prophecy may continue unfolding into history--that the dearest hopes of the human race may not be extinguished in disappointment, and that the last may prove the noblest empire of time. [illustration: washington] [illustration: washington and the american republic by benson j. lossing new-york: virtue and yorston] washington and the american republic. by benson j. lossing, _author of "pictorial history of the civil war," "field-book of the revolution," "field-book of the war of ," etc. etc._ volume iii. new york: virtue & yorston, dey street. entered according to act of congress, in the year , by virtue & yorston, in the office of the librarian of congress at washington. [transcriber's note: the caret (^) has been used to mark subscript in the text version. a table of contents has been added. obvious printer errors, including punctuation, have been corrected. all other inconsistencies have been left as they were in the original.] contents page chapter i chapter ii chapter iii chapter iv chapter v chapter vi chapter vii chapter viii chapter ix chapter x chapter xi chapter xii chapter xiii chapter xiv chapter xv chapter xvi chapter xvii chapter xviii chapter xix chapter xx chapter xxi chapter xxii chapter xxiii chapter xxiv chapter xxv chapter xxvi chapter xxvii chapter xxviii chapter xxix chapter xxx chapter xxxi chapter xxxii chapter xxxiii chapter xxxiv chapter xxxv chapter xxxvi chapter xxxvii chapter xxxviii chapter xxxix chapter xl chapter xli chapter xlii chapter xliii chapter xliv washington memorials analytical index illustrations in vol. iii. portrait of washington (after stuart) frontispiece. washington at valley forge vignette title. washington's headquarters near newburg entrance of the american army into new york, november , washington presiding in the convention, portraits of rufus king, john dickinson, gouverneur morris, oliver ellsworth, and john rutledge washington entering trenton reception of president washington at new york, april , portraits of commanders hopkins, talbot, paul jones, dale, and barry portrait of john adams washington. chapter i. washington receives cheering news from greene--siege of fort ninety-six--success of partisan corps elsewhere--capture of augusta by the americans--rawdon approaches ninety-six--greene abandons the siege--rawdon retires to orangeburg followed by greene--greene encamps on the high hills of santee--stewart and cruger at orangeburg--rawdon goes to england--battle at eutaw springs--the upper country in possession of the americans--services of marion and other partisans--british confined to the seaboard--death of john parke custis--washington adopts his children--washington co-operates with congress--joins the army on the hudson--discontents in the army--proposition to make washington king--his rebuke--peace movements--washington's caution--junction of the french and american armies--evacuation of savannah and charleston. we have observed, that with the capture of cornwallis and his army, the war for independence was virtually ended, but that some blood flowed afterward, and that hostile forces were arrayed against each other for several months longer, before the two nations agreed to fight no more. let us take a brief survey of events, from the siege of yorktown until the declaration of peace, and the departure of the last british troops from our shores. on the evening of the ninth of october, just as lincoln, having completed the first parallel before yorktown, ordered a battery to open upon the british works, washington received encouraging intelligence from general greene in the far south. greene was then encamped upon the high hills of santee, having, a little more than a week previous to the date of his letter, been engaged in a bloody battle with the enemy at eutaw springs. in a former chapter we left greene on his march to attack fort ninety-six, situated in abbeville district in south carolina, within about six miles of the saluda river. it was then garrisoned by five hundred and fifty loyalists, under the command of lieutenant-colonel cruger, of new york. sumter having cut off all communication between camden and ninety-six, cruger had not received rawdon's orders to join brown at augusta, but remained, and was using every endeavor to strengthen his works. greene arrived before ninety-six on the twenty-second of may, with less than a thousand regulars and a few raw militia. kosciuszko, the brave pole, was his chief engineer, and under his direction the americans commenced making regular approaches, by parallels, for the works were too strong to be taken by assault. for almost a month the work went on, enlivened by an occasional sortie and skirmish. then news came that lord rawdon was approaching with a strong force to the relief of cruger. greene's troops were full of spirit, and were anxious to storm the works before his lordship's arrival. consent was given by the commander, and on the eighteenth an assault was made, and a bloody contest ensued. the americans were repulsed, and on the following day greene raised the siege and retreated across the saluda. rawdon pursued him a short distance, and, having accomplished the object of his errand, wheeled, and marched toward orangeburg. while the siege of ninety-six was in progress, partisan corps were elsewhere successful. lee captured fort galphin, twelve miles below augusta, and then sent an officer to the latter post to demand its surrender from brown. the summons was disregarded, and lee, pickens, and clarke, commenced a siege. it lasted several days, and on the fifth of june, the fort and its dependencies at augusta were surrendered to the republicans. lee and pickens then joined greene at ninety-six, and with him retreated beyond the saluda. and now greene and rawdon changed their relative positions, the former becoming the pursuer of the latter, in his march toward orangeburg. finding rawdon strongly entrenched there, greene deemed it prudent not to attack him; and the sickly season approaching, he crossed the congaree with his little army, and encamped upon the high hills of santee, below camden, where pure air and water might be found in abundance. considering the post at ninety-six quite untenable, rawdon ordered lieutenant-colonel cruger to abandon it and join him at orangeburg. there rawdon was met by lieutenant-colonel stewart, who had come up from charleston with an irish regiment. as greene had gone into summer-quarters apparently, and the american partisans were just then quiet, his lordship left all his forces in charge of stewart, went down to charleston, and embarked for europe to seek the restoration of his health. soon after encamping on the high hills of santee, greene detached sumter with about a thousand light troops to scour the lower country and beat up the british posts in the vicinity of charleston. his assistants were those bold partisans, lee, marion, horry, the hamptons, and other brave republican leaders, with troops accustomed to the swamps and sandy lowlands. these performed excellent service in preparing the way for the expulsion of the enemy from the interior of south carolina. early in august greene was reinforced by north carolina troops, under general sumner; and toward the close of the month, he broke up his encampment, crossed the wateree, and marched upon orangeburg. stewart, who had been joined by cruger, immediately retreated to eutaw springs, near the southwest bank of the santee, and there encamped. greene followed, and on the morning of the eighth of september, a very severe battle commenced. the british were finally expelled from the camp, leaving their tents standing, and almost everything but their arms behind them. greene's troops, unmindful of their commander's orders, had spread themselves through the abandoned camp to plunder, eat, and drink, when the enemy unexpectedly and suddenly renewed the battle. after a bloody conflict of four hours the americans were compelled to give way. "it was by far the most obstinate fight i ever saw," greene wrote to washington. stewart feeling insecure, for the american partisan legions were hovering around him, retreated toward charleston that night. on the morning of the ninth greene advanced and took possession of the battle-field, and sent detachments in pursuit of stewart. a victory was claimed by both parties. washington seemed to consider it as such for greene. "fortune," he said, in a letter to him, "must have been coy indeed, had she not yielded at last to so persevering a pursuer as you have been." yet there was no victory in the case. the advantage evidently lay with the americans. the contest had been a most sanguinary one. the loss of the americans in killed, wounded, and missing, was five hundred and fifty-five; that of the british six hundred and ninety-three. the bravery, skill, and caution of greene, and the general good conduct of his troops, were applauded by the whole country. congress ordered a gold medal to be struck in commemoration of the event, and presented to greene. a british standard captured on that occasion was also presented to him. many of his troops being sick, greene again retired to the high hills of santee, where he remained until the middle of november. there, on the thirtieth of october, he was informed of the glorious events at yorktown, and the day was made jubilant with the rejoicings of the army. the whole upper country of the carolinas and georgia was now in possession of the republicans. nothing remained to be done, but to drive in the british outposts, and hem them within the narrow precincts of their lines at charleston and savannah. marion, sumter, lee, and other partisans, performed this service effectually. greene finally crossed the congaree and moved with his army to the vicinity of charleston. the object of his campaign was accomplished. he had driven the enemy to the margin of the sea, and he was prepared to keep them there. marion and his men lingered around the headwaters of the cooper river to watch their movements, and to prevent their incursions beyond charleston. st. clair had come down from yorktown, and had driven the british from wilmington. governor rutledge had called the legislators of south carolina together at jacksonboro', to re-establish civil government in that state, and greene's army lay as a guard between them and the enemy at charleston. in that city and savannah only, did the british have a foothold south of the delaware at the close of ; and wayne, with vigilant eye and supple limb, lay not far from the latter place, closely watching the british there. the war was virtually at an end in the south. let us turn to the consideration of washington's movements after the capitulation at yorktown. in the midst of the rejoicings because of the great victory, washington's heart was made sad by domestic affliction. his stepson, john parke custis, who had followed him to the field as his aid-de-camp, sickened before the close of the siege. anxious to participate in the pleasures of the victory, he remained in camp until the completion of the surrender, when he retired to eltham, the seat of colonel bassett, who had married mrs. washington's sister. his malady (camp-fever) had increased, and washington sent doctor craik with him. a courier was also despatched to mount vernon for his wife and mother; and on the fifth of november, having arranged all public business at yorktown, washington set out for eltham. he arrived there, as he wrote to lafayette, "time enough to see poor mr. custis breathe his last." the grief of washington was very great, and he wept bitterly. he had watched over that young man from his earliest childhood with paternal affection and solicitude; and with pride he had seen him take public position as a member of the virginia assembly. now, at the age of twenty-eight years, he was taken from him. the mother was almost unconsolable, and the young wife was sorely smitten by the bereavement. washington's heart deeply sympathized with them, and there, in the death-chamber, he formally adopted the two younger children of mrs. custis, who thenceforth became members of his family. these were eleanor parke custis, who married lawrence lewis, the favorite nephew of washington, and george washington parke custis, who lived until the autumn of . washington proceeded directly from eltham to mount vernon, only halting at fredericksburg to see his mother, and join in some public ceremonials there, in honor of himself and the french officers. but he sought not the quiet of his home for purposes of repose, for he was not to be seduced into the practices engendered by a fancied security because of the late brilliant victory. on the contrary, his apprehensions were painfully awakened to the danger which the prevalence of such confidence might occasion, and he wrote to general greene, saying:-- "i shall remain but a few days here, and shall proceed to philadelphia, where i shall attempt to stimulate congress to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign, the next year. my greatest fear is, that congress, viewing this stroke in too important a point of light, may think our work too nearly closed, and will fall into a state of languor and relaxation. to prevent this error, i will employ every means in my power, and if unhappily we sink into that fatal mistake no part of the blame shall be mine." a little later he wrote to greene from philadelphia, saying: "i am apprehensive that the states, elated by the late success, and taking it for granted that great britain will no longer support so losing a contest, will relax in their preparations for the next campaign. i am detained here by congress to assist in the arrangements for the next year; and i shall not fail, in conjunction with the financier, the minister of foreign affairs, and the secretary at war, who are all most heartily well-disposed, to impress upon congress, and get them to impress upon the respective states, the necessity of the most vigorous exertions." [illustration: washington's headquarters near newburg] washington had been received in philadelphia with distinguished honors, at the close of november. with his usual energy and industry, he pressed forward military arrangements for the campaign of , and by his continual importunities, he awakened congress to the importance of being prepared for another year of active duty in the field. on the tenth of december that body, by resolution, made a requisition of men and money from the southern states, and the resolve was warmly seconded by washington, in letters to the respective governors of those states. franklin, at the same time, was using the most strenuous exertions in france to procure more aid from that power; and when intelligence of the capitulation of yorktown reached the french court, vergennes promised a loan of six millions to the united states. washington remained four months in philadelphia, and then joined the army near newburg, on the hudson. the allied forces had been dissolved. the troops under the marquis st. simon had sailed from the chesapeake in de grasse's fleet early in november; the french troops, under rochambeau, remained in virginia; the remainder of the american army, after st. clair's force was detached to the south, proceeded northward, under the command of lincoln, and took post on the hudson and in the jerseys, so as to be ready to operate against new york in the spring; and lafayette, perceiving no probability of active service immediately, obtained leave of absence from the congress, and returned to france to visit his family. we have already noticed the proceedings in the british house of commons on the subject of peace with the americans. early in may, , sir guy carleton arrived in new york as the successor of sir henry clinton in the chief command of the british forces; and in a letter dated the seventh of that month, he informed washington that he and admiral digby were joint commissioners to make arrangements for a truce or peace. even this friendly approach of british officials did not make washington any the less vigilant and active, and he continued his preparations for further hostilities, with all the means in his power. with the dawning of the day of peace great discontents in the army were developed. it prevailed equally among officers and private soldiers, and originated in the destitute condition of the troops at that time, and the conviction that the army would be disbanded without provision being made for the liquidation of the claims upon the government for the pay of arrearages, and the promised half-pay of the officers for a term of years after the conclusion of the war. the prospect was, indeed, gloomy. for a long time the public treasury had been empty; and thousands of the soldiers, many of them invalids, made so by their hard service for their country, would be compelled to seek a livelihood in the midst of the desolation which war had produced. in this state of things, and with such prospects, many sighed for a change. they lost faith in the republican form of government, as they saw it in its practical workings under the _articles of confederation_, and they earnestly desired something stronger--perhaps an elective or constitutional monarchy. washington had perceived these growing discontents with anxiety, and was urging congress to do something to allay them, when he received a letter from colonel lewis nicola, a veteran and well-bred officer of the pennsylvania line, which filled him with the greatest apprehensions. in it nicola, no doubt, spoke the sentiments of a great many of his fellow-officers and soldiers at that time. he attributed all current evils, and those in anticipation, to the existing form of government, and then urged the necessity and expediency of adopting a mixed one like that of england. having fortified his position by argument, nicola added:-- "in this case it will, i believe, be uncontroverted, that the same abilities which have led us through difficulties apparently unsurmountable by human power to victory and glory--those qualities, that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army--would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to separate them. it may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as i propose some title apparently more moderate; but, if all other things were once adjusted, i believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the title of king, which i conceive would be attended with some national advantage." how little did even nicola, who was very intimate with washington, comprehend the true character of his disinterested patriotism in all its breadth and depth! the commander-in-chief perceived that nicola was only the organ of a dangerous military faction, whose object was to create a new government through the active energies of the army, and to place their present leader at the head. he sympathized with the army in its distresses, but this movement met with his severest rebuke. "_sir_," said washington, in a responsive letter to nicola, "with a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, i have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. be assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of this war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army as you have expressed, and which i must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. for the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. i am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. if i am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. at the same time, in justice to my own feelings, i must add, that no man possesses a more serious wish to see ample justice done to the army than i do; and, as far as my power and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature. i am, etc." this stern rebuke at once silenced the faction, and checked all further movement in the direction of king-making. how brightly did the patriotism of washington shine out in this affair! at the head of a victorious army; beloved and venerated by it and by the people; with personal influence unbounded, and with power in possession for consummating almost any political scheme not apparently derogatory to good government, he receives from an officer whom he greatly esteems, and who speaks for himself and others, an offer of the sceptre of supreme rule and the crown of royalty! what a bribe! yet he does not hesitate for a moment; he does not stop to revolve in his mind any ideas of advantage in the proposed scheme, but at once rebukes the author sternly but kindly, and impresses his signet of strongest disapprobation upon the proposal. history can not present a parallel. the summer of passed away without much apparent progress being made toward a definite and permanent arrangement for peace. at the beginning of august, carleton and digby wrote a joint letter to washington, informing him that they had good authority for saying, that negotiations for peace had been commenced at paris, by commissioners, and that the british representatives in that conference, would first propose the independence of the united states as a basis. but washington, taught by past experience, was still doubtful of the reality of all these professions. "jealousy and precaution," he said, "at least can do no harm. too much confidence and supineness may be pernicious in the extreme." no wonder he still doubted. the british government had not yet made any offer for a general cessation of hostilities. the americans had allies whose interests must be consulted. hostilities might cease in the united states, according to recent enactments of parliament, but the very forces then on our shores, might be sent to make war upon the french dominions in the west indies. the public faith required that the interests of france should be considered in the negotiations for peace; and until a cessation of general hostilities should be officially proclaimed by great britain, washington resolved to be prepared for a renewal of the war. thus viewing affairs, the commander-in-chief advised rochambeau, who was then (august, ) at baltimore, to march his troops to the banks of the hudson, and form a junction with the american army. this was accomplished at the middle of september, the first division of the french army crossing the hudson at king's ferry on the fifteenth. the american forces were at verplanck's point, opposite, to receive them, all arranged in their best attire, their tents decked with evergreens, and their bands playing french marches. in the meantime british troops had been leaving the southern shores of the united states, and others were preparing to depart. they evacuated savannah on the eleventh of july, and sailed for new york, when the "keys of the city of savannah" were delivered to major jackson, by a committee of british officers, under the direction of general wayne. on the same day the american army, led by wayne, entered the city, and royal authority in every form ceased for ever in georgia. general leslie, the british commander at charleston, was not in a condition to leave on account of a want of provisions. when he was apprized of the proceedings in parliament in favor of peace, he proposed to general greene a cessation of hostilities. like a true soldier, greene took no such responsibility, but referred the whole matter to congress, while relaxing not one whit of his vigilance. leslie then asked permission to purchase supplies for his army, that he might evacuate charleston. the wary greene refused to allow it, for in so doing he might be nourishing a viper that would sting him. leslie then resorted to force to obtain supplies; and late in august he sent an expedition up the combahee for the purpose. general gist, with some maryland troops, was there to oppose him, and the british were compelled to retreat to charleston. in the skirmish that ensued, the noble colonel john laurens, who had volunteered in the service, was killed. he was mourned by all as a great public loss; and his was about the last blood that flowed in the war for independence.[ ] on the fourteenth of december following, the british evacuated charleston, and on the ensuing day the americans, under general greene, marched into the city and took possession. he and his army were greeted as deliverers. from the windows, balconies, and housetops, handkerchiefs waved, and the mingled voices of women and children shouted, "god bless you, gentlemen! welcome! welcome!" that evening the last hostile sail was seen beyond charleston bar, as a white speck upon the horizon. at the close of the year only new york city was held in possession by british troops. footnotes: [ ] john laurens was a son of henry laurens, president of the continental congress in . he joined the army early in , and was wounded in the battle of germantown. he continued in the army (with the exception of a few months), under the immediate command of washington, until after the surrender of cornwallis, in which event he was a conspicuous participant as one of the commissioners appointed to arrange the terms. early in , he was sent on a special mission to france to solicit a loan of money and to procure arms. he was successful, and on his return received the thanks of congress. within three days after his arrival in philadelphia, he had settled all matters with congress, and departed for the army in the south under greene. there he did good service, until his death, on the combahee, on the twenty-seventh of august, , when he was but twenty-nine years of age. washington, who made him his aid, loved him as a child. he declared that he could discover no fault in him, unless it was intrepidity, bordering on rashness. "poor laurens," wrote greene, "has fallen in a paltry little skirmish. you knew his temper, and i predicted his fate. the love of military glory made him seek it upon occasions unworthy his rank. the state will feel his loss." he was buried upon the plantation of mrs. stock, in whose family he spent the evening previous to his death in cheerful conversation. a small enclosure, without a stone, marks his grave. chapter ii. death of joseph huddy--retaliation resolved upon--case of captain asgill--peace proceedings in the british parliament--preliminary treaty negotiated and signed at paris--discontents in the army--memorial of officers sent to congress--inflammatory address circulated in camp--meeting of officers called--washington determines to control the matter--the meeting and its results--washington's address--its effects--patriotic resolutions--intelligence of peace received by washington--its proclamation to the army--justice to the soldiers--furloughs freely granted--virtual dissolution of the army--conference between washington and carleton--departure of lafayette--cincinnati society--address to governors of states--mutiny of pennsylvania troops--congress adjourns to princeton--washington's tour to the north--invited to princeton--a bronze statue of washington voted by congress. a very painful affair occupied the attention of washington in the autumn of , when his judgment and his sympathies were placed in opposition. in the neighborhood of freehold, in new jersey, lurked a band of marauding tories, known as pine robbers. one of these named philip white, notorious for his depredations, had been caught by the new jersey people, and killed while attempting to escape, when being conducted to monmouth jail. his partisans in new york vowed revenge. captain huddy, a warm whig, then in confinement in new york, was taken by a party of loyalists under captain lippincott, to the jersey shore, near sandy hook, and hanged. upon huddy's breast the infamous lippincott placed a label, on which, after avowing that the act was one of vengeance, he placed the words in large letters-- "up goes huddy for philip white." from the neighboring country went forth a strong cry for retaliation. washington submitted the case to a board of general officers, when it was agreed that lippincott should be demanded as a murderer, for execution, and if sir henry clinton would not give him up, retaliation should be exercised upon some british officer in the possession of the americans. sir henry refused. at the same time the congress, by resolution, approved washington's course, and he proceeded to select a british officer for execution, by lot, from among prisoners at lancaster, pennsylvania. it fell upon captain asgill, a young man nineteen years of age, an officer of the guards, and only son and heir of sir charles asgill. efforts were immediately set on foot to save asgill. for a long time the matter remained in suspense, but washington, firm in his purpose, was deaf to all entreaty. lippincott was tried by a court-martial, and acquitted, it appearing that he was acting under the verbal orders of governor franklin, who was at the head of the board of associated loyalists. general carleton, meanwhile, had succeeded sir henry clinton in command at new york. he condemned the proceedings in the case of huddy, and broke up the board of loyalists. thus, in time, the most prominent features of the case became changed. meanwhile lady asgill had written a most pathetic letter to the count de vergennes, the french minister, imploring him to intercede on behalf of her son. vergennes, at the request of the king and queen, to whom he showed the letter, wrote to washington, soliciting the liberation of young asgill. the count's letter was referred to congress. that body had already admitted the prisoner to parole; and to the great relief of washington, he received orders from congress, early in november, to set captain asgill at liberty. the case of asgill excited washington's deepest sympathies. he was an amiable and honorable young man. "i felt for him," wrote the commander-in-chief, "on many accounts; and not the least, when viewing him as a man of honor and sentiment, i considered how unfortunate it was for him that a wretch who possessed neither, should be the means of causing him a single pang or a disagreeable sensation." on the twenty-fifth of july, , the british parliament passed a bill to enable the king to consent to the independence of the united states, and the monarch signed it, though with reluctance. richard oswald was immediately appointed, with full powers, to negotiate a treaty of peace with the new republic, on the basis of its independence. the american ministers abroad, franklin, adams, and jay, were constituted commissioners for the united states, to treat for peace, and on the thirtieth of november, preliminary articles were signed by them respectively at paris. henry laurens, who had arrived at paris, from london, while the negotiations were in progress, had joined the american commissioners, and he also signed the treaty. washington, meanwhile, had been anxiously preparing the way for the anticipated disbanding of the army. congress, through utter inability, had done really nothing to allay the discontents in the army; and the commander-in-chief was fearful, that during the idle hours of a winter encampment, those discontents would assume the form of absolute mutiny. he drew his forces to his former encampment, near newburg, and there calmly awaited the issue of events. almost daily there were bold conferences of officers and soldiers in the camp, when the prospects of the future were discussed, sometimes angrily, and always warmly. finally, in december, , the officers, in behalf of the army, sent a committee with a memorial to the congress, in which they represented the real hardships of their condition, and proposed that a specific sum should be granted them for the money actually due them, and as a commutation for the half-pay of the officers. this memorial elicited a long and warm debate in congress, its character and its propositions being viewed differently by different minds. the entire winter passed away, and nothing satisfactory was done in the supreme legislature for the suffering soldier. at length forbearance appeared to many as no longer a virtue, and some officers resolved not to wait for justice in idle expectation of its appearance from the halls of legislation. a plan was arranged among a few, "for assembling the officers, not in mass, but by representation; and for passing a series of resolutions, which, in the hands of their committee, and of their auxiliaries in congress, would form a new and powerful lever" of operations. major john armstrong, a young officer six-and-twenty years of age, and aid-de-camp of gates, was chosen to write an address to the army, suitable to the subject, and this, with an anonymous notification of a meeting of officers, was circulated privately on the tenth of march, .[ ] that address exhibited superior talent in the writer, and its tone was calculated to make a deep impression upon the minds of the malcontents. after preparing their feelings for a relinquishment of faith in the justice of their country, which had been already much weakened by real and fancied injuries, he remarked:-- "faith has its limits as well as temper, and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into cowardice or plunging into credulity. this, my friends, i conceive to be your situation; hurried to the verge of both, another step would ruin you forever. to be tame and unprovoked, when injuries press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you deserved the chains you broke." he then took a review of the past and present--their wrongs and their complaints--their petitions and the denials of redress--and then said: "if this, then, be your treatment while the swords you wear are necessary for the defense of america, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division; when these very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but wants, infirmities, and scars? can you, then, consent to be the only sufferers by the revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor? if you can, go, and carry the jest of tories and the scorn of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world! go, starve, and be forgotten." the writer now changed from appeal to advice. "i would advise you, therefore," he said, "to come to some final opinion upon what you can bear and what you will suffer. if your determination be in proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of government. change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial; assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively, spirited, and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. let two or three men who can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up _your last remonstrance_--for i would no longer give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of _memorial_." he advised them to talk boldly to congress, and to warn that body that the slightest mark of indignity from them now would operate like the grave, to part them and the army for ever; "that in any political event, the army has its alternative. if peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, that, courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh on.' let it represent also, that should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more reputable." copies of these papers were placed in the hands of the commander-in-chief on the day when they were circulated, and with consummate sagacity and profound political wisdom, he resolved to guide and control the proceedings in a friendly manner at the meeting of officers, rather than to check them by authority. in general orders the next morning, he referred to the anonymous papers, as disorderly, and utterly disapproved of by the commander-in-chief. at the same time he requested that the general and field officers, with one officer of each company, and a proper representation of the staff of the army, should assemble at a place designated, at twelve o'clock on saturday, the fifteenth, for the purpose of hearing the report of the committee of the army to congress. with masterly skill he requested the senior officer (general gates, whom he suspected, and doubtless with justice, of being the chief actor in the drama) to preside at the meeting. when this order appeared, armstrong prepared and issued another address, more subdued in tone, but so adroitly worded, as to convey the idea that washington approved of the scheme, the time of the meeting only being changed. this interpretation washington frustrated, by private conversation with the principal officers, in whose good sense and integrity he had confidence. the minds of these he impressed with a sense of the danger that must attend any rash act at such a crisis; and he inculcated moderation and forbearance. he thus prepared the best men in camp to deliberate at the coming conference, without passion or prejudice. the meeting was held pursuant to the order of washington. there was a full attendance of officers, and gates presided. there was a raised platform at one end of the room in which the meeting was held, on which gates and others sat. upon this washington took a seat, and when the meeting was called to order, he advanced upon the platform, while the most solemn silence prevailed in the assembly, and read an address which he had prepared for the occasion. it was compact in thought, dignified and patriotic in expression, and mild in language, yet severe in implication.[ ] when he had concluded the reading, washington retired without uttering a word, leaving the officers to deliberate without restraint. the address had a most powerful and salutary effect. the conference was brief. they did not deliberate long, but proceeded to pass resolutions offered by knox, and seconded by putnam, by unanimous vote, thanking the commander-in-chief for the course he had pursued; expressing their unabated attachment to his person and their country; declaring their unshaken confidence in the good faith of congress, and their determination to bear with patience their grievances, until, in due time, they should be redressed. gates, as president of the meeting, signed the address, and on the eighteenth, washington, in general orders, expressed his satisfaction. thus was frustrated, by the sagacity, prudence, and wisdom of washington, the most dangerous scheme by which the liberties of america were put in jeopardy, next to the treason of arnold. it had no _wicked_ features in common with that treason, but its practical effects, if carried out, might have been almost equally disastrous. to the president of congress washington wrote, when he transmitted to that body an account of the affair just narrated:-- "the result of the proceedings of the grand convention of officers, which i have the honor of sending to your excellency, for the inspection of congress, will, i flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude of their country." the excitement caused by these events had scarcely died away, when intelligence of the signing of the preliminary treaty of peace reached the commander-in-chief. that intelligence came to him in despatches from robert l. livingston, the secretary for foreign affairs, and also in a letter from alexander hamilton, and other new york delegates in congress. it had been sent to them in the french ship, _triomphe_, despatched for the purpose by count de estiang, at the request of lafayette. washington immediately wrote to governor clinton, saying:-- "i take the first moment of forwarding to your excellency the despatches from the secretary of foreign affairs, which accompany this. they contain, i presume, all the intelligence respecting peace, on which great and glorious event, permit me to congratulate you with the greatest sincerity." upon the envelope, bearing the superscription of this letter, washington wrote, in a bold hand, and with a broad dash under it--peace. on the nineteenth of april, the seventh anniversary of the earlier bloodshedding in the war for independence, at lexington and concord, the intelligence of peace was officially proclaimed to the army in general orders. "the generous task," washington said, "for which we first flew to arms, being accomplished; the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged, and firmly secured, and the characters of those who have persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of _the patriot army_, nothing now remains, but for the actors of this mighty scene, to pursue a perfect, unvarying consistency of character through the very last act; to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the military theatre with the same approbation of angels and men, which has crowned all their former virtuous actions." ever mindful of the interests of his soldiers, washington had procured the passage of a resolution in congress, that the services of the men engaged in the war, did not expire until the definitive treaty of peace should be ratified, but that the commander-in-chief might grant furloughs according to his own judgment, and permit the men to take their arms home with them. washington used this prerogative freely, but judiciously, and, by degrees, the continental army was virtually disbanded, except a small force at headquarters; for those dismissed on furlough were never called back to service. "once at home," says irving, "they sank into domestic-life; their weapons were hung over their fireplaces--military trophies of the revolution, to be prized by future generations." on the sixth of may washington held a personal conference with sir guy carleton, at tappan, in relation to the transfer of certain posts in the united states occupied by british troops, and other arrangements; and two days afterward, egbert benson, william s. smith, and daniel parker, were appointed commissioners on the part of the americans, to inspect and superintend the embarkation of the tories, who were about to leave for nova scotia, with their property. several thousands of these unfortunate people left new york for that far-east country, where, one of them observed, were "nine months of winter, and three months of cold weather every year." in view of the approaching dissolution of the army, and their final separation, the officers in camp, most of whom had worked shoulder to shoulder in the eight years struggle, yearned for some bond of association, whereby they should continue to be like brothers, not only in the memory of the past, but in personal intercourse, and friendly association. the idea of a society to be formed of all the officers of the revolution, american and foreign, was conceived by the large-hearted knox, and on the thirteenth of may, at the quarters of the baron steuben, a committee that had been appointed for the purpose, submitted a plan to a meeting of officers. it was adopted, and an association called the _society of the cincinnati_, was formed. that name was adopted, because, like the noble roman, lucius quintius cincinnatus, they were about to return to private life and their several employments, after serving the public. the chief objects of the society were to promote cordial friendship and indissoluble union among themselves; to commemorate by frequent re-unions the great struggle they had just passed through; to use their best endeavors for the promotion of human liberty; to cherish good feeling between the respective states; and to extend benevolent aid to those of the society whose circumstances might require it. they formed a general society, and elected washington the president, and knox the secretary. the former held his office until his death, and was succeeded by general alexander hamilton. for greater convenience, state societies were organized, which were auxiliary to the parent society. to perpetuate the association, it was provided in the constitution, that the eldest male descendant of an original member should be entitled to membership on the decease of such member, "in failure thereof, the collateral branches, who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and members." during the remainder of his life, washington manifested a great interest in this society, and the re-unions were seasons of real enjoyment for the members.[ ] on the eighth of june washington addressed a circular letter to the governors of all the states, on the subject of the disbanding of the army. it was a most able paper, evidently prepared with care after much thought, and presenting, for the consideration of his countrymen, topics and opinions of the greatest importance. with admirable skill he drew a picture of the enviable condition and position of the united states, and their citizens, and then remarked:-- "such is our situation, and such our prospects; but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us--notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the united states of america, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national character for ever; this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of european politics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. for, according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "with this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. i will therefore speak to your excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. i am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may perhaps remark, i am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what i know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives--the part i have hitherto acted in life--the determination i have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter--the ardent desire i feel and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, i flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that i could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve, the opinions contained in this address. "there are four things which i humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, i may even venture to say, to the existence of the united states, as an independent power. " st. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. " dly. a sacred regard to public justice. " dly. the adoption of a proper peace establishment. and, " thly. the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the united states, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. "these are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independence and national character must be supported. liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country." with close and admirable logic he expatiated upon these four heads; and with the earnestness of most profound conviction, he urged the importance of union, and the vesting of the federal congress with greater power. he then made a warm and generous plea for the army, while treating upon the subject of public justice. concerning proposed half-pay and commutation, he observed:-- "as to the idea, which i am informed has, in some instances, prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever; that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services then to be performed: it was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service; it was a part of their hire. i may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independency; it is, therefore, more than a common debt, it is a debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged." after giving a sufficient apology for treating upon political topics, he concluded by saying:-- "i have thus freely declared what i wished to make known, before i surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. the task is now accomplished. i now bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your state, at the same time i bid a last farewell to the cares of office and all the employments of public life." but, six long months of official labor, with all the anxieties and cares incident thereto, were before the commander-in-chief. even at the very moment when he was sending forth his address, and making a noble plea to his country for justice to the army, a part of that army was bringing dishonor upon the whole, by mutinous proceedings. about eighty newly-recruited soldiers of the pennsylvania line, stationed at lancaster, marched in a body to philadelphia, where they were joined by about two hundred from the barracks in that city. the whole body then proceeded, with drum and fife, and fixed bayonets, to the statehouse, where the pennsylvania legislature and the continental congress were in session, with the avowed purpose of demanding a redress of specified grievances from the state authorities. they placed a guard at every door, and sent a message in to the president and council, threatening them with violence if their demands were not complied with in the course of twenty minutes. the congress, feeling themselves outraged, and doubting the strength of the local government to protect them against any armed mob that might choose to assail them, sent a courier to washington with information of these proceedings, and then adjourned to meet at princeton, in new jersey. this event occurred on the twenty-first of june, and the congress reassembled at princeton on the thirtieth. washington received information of the mutiny on the twenty-fourth, and immediately detached general howe, with fifteen hundred men to quell the insurrection and punish the leaders. at the same time he wrote a letter to the president of congress, in which he expressed his sorrow and indignation that a mob of men, "contemptible in number, and equally so in point of service, and not worthy to be called soldiers," should have so insulted the "sovereign authority of the united states." he then vindicated the rest of the army upon whom the act might cast dishonor. but the mutiny was quelled before howe reached philadelphia, and bloodshed was prevented. while waiting, "with little business and less command," for the definitive treaty, washington made a tour northward from newburg, of about seven hundred and fifty miles. governor clinton accompanied him. they set out on the seventeenth of july, ascended the hudson to albany, visited the places made memorable by burgoyne's defeat, passed down lake george in light boats, and over to ticonderoga, from the foot of that beautiful sheet of water. they returned by nearly the same route to schenectady, and then went up the mohawk as far as fort schuyler (now rome); thence to wood creek, a tributary of oneida lake, by which there was a water-communication with lake ontario, at oswego, and then traversed the country between the mohawk and otsego lake. they were absent nineteen days, and performed a greater part of the journey on horseback, much of it through an unbroken wilderness. to the chevalier de chastellux, washington wrote in october, respecting this tour:-- "prompted by these actual observations i could not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of the united states, from maps and the information of others; and could not but be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the goodness of that providence, which has dealt its favors to us with so profuse a hand. would to god we may have wisdom enough to improve them. i shall not rest contented till i have explored the western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire." over all that region where then the primeval forest stood, the hand of industry has spread the varied beauties and blessing of cultivation; and where the solitary indian then prowled with his rifle or arrow, in search of game for his appetite, a busy population, inhabiting cities and villages, and thousands of pleasant cottages or stately mansions, now dwell. on his return to headquarters, washington found a resolution of the congress, calling him to princeton, where that body was in session. the chief object was to have him near them for consultation and aid in the several arrangements for peace. the congress engaged a house, suitably furnished, for his use, at rocky hill, a few miles distant, and he set out for princeton on the eighteenth of august, leaving general knox in command at newburg. on the twenty-sixth he had a formal public audience with congress, when that body presented a most affectionate address to him, in which they said:-- "it has been the particular happiness of the united states, that during a war so long, so dangerous, and so important, providence has been graciously pleased to preserve the life of a general, who has merited and possessed the uninterrupted confidence and affection of his fellow-citizens. in other nations, many have performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks of the public. but to you, sir, peculiar praise is due. your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and independence of your country. they deserve the grateful acknowledgments of a free and independent nation." this honorable reception was grateful to the feelings of washington, for, next to the approval of his god and his conscience, he coveted that of his country. congress had already voted him a rarer honor, an honor such as the senate of old rome was fond of conferring upon the heroes of the commonwealth. on the seventh of august they had-- "_resolved_ (unanimously, ten states being present), that an equestrian statue of general washington be erected at the place where the residence of congress shall be established," and a committee appointed for the purpose reported a plan for a pedestal to support the statue, with historical _basso relievos_ upon it, and an appropriate inscription. but this statue, like many other monumental testimonials, ordered by the old congress, was never made. washington submitted to the unpleasant operation of having a plaster-cast taken from his face, to be sent to the sculptor in europe who should be employed to execute the statue; but the cast was broken, and as he would not submit to the manipulations again, the effort was abandoned. on the third of september the definitive treaty for peace was signed at paris, and by a proclamation dated the eighteenth day of october, , all officers and soldiers of the continental army, absent on furlough, were discharged from further service; and all others who had engaged to serve during the war, were to be discharged from and after the third of november. on the second of november, washington, yet at rocky hill, issued his last general orders, in which he addressed his soldiers as a father speaking to his children, and bade them an affectionate farewell.[ ] he then waited quietly for the british to evacuate new york city, that he might go thither with a few troops that would remain in camp under knox, take formal possession, and then hasten to the seat of congress and resign his commission of commander-in-chief of the american armies into their hands. footnotes: [ ] the following is a copy of the notification: "a meeting of the field-officers is requested at the public building on tuesday next at eleven o'clock. a commissioned officer from each company is expected, and a delegate from the medical staff. the object of this convention is to consider the late letter of our representatives in philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain." [ ] the following is a copy of the address:-- "gentlemen: by an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together; how inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide. in the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of the army. the author of the piece is entitled to much credit for the goodness of his pen, and i could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the address should have had more charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises." when washington had concluded this paragraph, he paused, took out his spectacles, begged the indulgence of the audience while he put them on, and observed, "you see i have grown gray in your service, and am now growing blind." the effect was electrical, and many an eye was moistened by tears called forth by the incident. he then proceeded:-- "but he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country have no part; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design. that the address is drawn with great art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the united states, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proofs than a reference to the proceedings. "thus much, gentlemen, i have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to show upon what principles i opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to be held on tuesday last, and not because i wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity, consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. if my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you that i have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. but, as i was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as i have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as i have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as i have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy when i have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, that i am indifferent to its interests. but how are they to be promoted? the way is plain, says the anonymous addresser. 'if war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself.' but who are they to defend? our wives, our children, our farms, and other property which we leave behind us? or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness, with hunger, cold, and nakedness? "'if peace takes place, never sheathe your swords,' says he, 'until you have obtained full and ample justice.' this dreadful alternative of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms against it--which is the apparent object--unless congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. my god! what can this writer have in view by recommending such measures? can he be a friend to the army? can he be a friend to this country? rather, is he not an insidious foe? some emissary, perhaps, from new york, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent? and what a compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature? "but, here, gentlemen, i will drop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. a moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. there might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that writing. "with respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, i spurn it, as every man, who regards that liberty and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. the freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep, to the slaughter. i can not, in justice to my own belief, and what i have great reason to conceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided opinion that that honorable body entertains exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice; that their endeavors to discover and establish funds for this purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, i have not a doubt. but, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. why, then, should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all europe for its fortitude and patriotism? and for what is this done? to bring the object we seek nearer? no; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. for myself (and i take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice, a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me), a recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience i have experienced from you under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection i feel for an army i have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to declare, in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty i owe my country; and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities. "while i give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability i am possessed of in your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. and let me conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of america, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. "by thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of your enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice; you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, 'had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.'"--_journals of congress_, viii - . [ ] a full account of this society, with drawings of the orders worn by the members, and the certificate of membership, may be found in the first volume of _lossing's field-book of the revolution_. [ ] the following is a copy of washington's last general order:-- "rocky hill, near princeton, _november , ._ "the united states in congress assembled, after giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent, and faithful service, having thought proper, by their proclamation bearing date the sixteenth of october last, to discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service, from and after to-morrow, which proclamation having been communicated in the public papers for the information and government of all concerned; it only remains for the commander-in-chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the united states (however widely dispersed individuals who compose them may be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell. "but before the commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past: he will then take the liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects; of advising the general line of conduct which in his opinion ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the address by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from them in the performance of an arduous office. "a contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object for which we contended against so formidable a power, can not but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. the disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. the singular interpositions of providence in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the united states, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement, for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle. "it is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe the distresses which in several instances have resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors of an inclement season: nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. every american officer and soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness--events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they probably ever happen again. for who has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such raw materials? who that was not a witness could imagine that the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon; and that men who came from different parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of brothers? or who that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils? "it is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description; and shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been obtained? in such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors? in such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to competence. to those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the west will yield a most happy asylum for those who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking personal independence. nor is it possible to conceive that any one of the united states will prefer a national bankruptcy, and dissolution of the union, to a compliance with the requisitions of congress, and the payment of its just debts; so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil operations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid. "in order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of the good people of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all the troops that, with strong attachments to the union, they should carry with them into civil society the most conciliating dispositions; and that they should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens than they have been persevering and victorious as soldiers. what though there should be some envious individuals who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet let such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of intemperate conduct; let it be remembered that the unbiassed voice of the free citizens of the united states has promised the just reward, and given the merited applause; let it be known and remembered that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still excite the men who composed them to honorable actions, under the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise, were in the field. every one may rest assured that much, very much of the future happiness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community. and, although the general has so frequently given it as his opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that unless the principles of the federal government were properly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost for ever; yet he can not help repeating on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every soldier who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow-citizens, toward effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends. "the commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting to enable the soldier to change the military character into that of a citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior which has generally distinguished not only the army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through the course of the war. from their good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences: and while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has received from every class, and in every instance. he presents his thanks, in the most serious and affectionate manner, to the general officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions as for their ardor in promoting the success of the plans he had adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of their several departments, and to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers for their extraordinary patience in suffering as well as their invincible fortitude in action. to various branches of the army the general takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. he wishes more than bare profession were in his power; that he was really able to be useful to them all in future life. he flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe that, whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has been done. and being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer, in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the god of armies. may ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others! with these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. the curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed for ever." chapter iii. british troops leave the city of new york--american troops and civil authorities enter and take possession--the british and american troops contrasted--parting scene between washington and his officers--washington settles his accounts with the united states--journey to annapolis--complimentary dinner and ball there--washington resigns his commission--his retirement to private life at mount vernon--letters to his friends on the subject--washington's dreams of quiet life. it was late in november, , before the british troops were prepared to leave new york, so large was the number of persons, and so great was the quantity of goods to be first conveyed away. at length sir guy carleton gave washington notice when he would be ready to surrender the city. governor clinton summoned the members of the state council to convene at eastchester on the twenty-first of november, to prepare for the re-establishment of civil government in new york city and its vicinity, and a detachment of troops came down from west point to be ready to take possession of the posts about to be evacuated by the british. carleton appointed the twenty-fifth of november as the day for the evacuation, and before that time the british troops were drawn in from the surrounding posts. on the morning of the twenty-fifth washington and governor clinton were at harlem, with the detachment from west point, under general knox; and during the morning they all moved toward the city, and halted at the bowery. the troops were composed of light-dragoons, light-infantry, and artillery, and were accompanied by the civil officers of the state. [illustration: entrance of the american army into new york, november , .] between twelve and one o'clock the british troops were embarked. the fleet immediately weighed anchor, and with a favoring breeze sailed out the narrows. the american troops and the civil authorities then marched in and took formal possession. washington and clinton, with their respective suites, led the procession, escorted by a troop of westchester cavalry. then followed the lieutenant-governor and members of the council, general knox and the officers of the army, the speaker of the assembly, and a large procession of citizens on horseback and on foot. the evacuation of the british, and the entrance of the americans, produced in the inhabitants mingled feelings of joy and sadness. the whigs greatly rejoiced at their deliverance, while the families of loyalists were saddened by the change. there was a marked contrast between the troops that left and the troops that came. "we had been accustomed for a long time to military display in all the finish and finery of garrison life," said an american lady to mr. irving; "the troops just leaving us were as if equipped for show, and with their scarlet uniforms and burnished arms, made a brilliant display; the troops that marched in, on the contrary, were ill-clad and weather-beaten, and made a forlorn appearance; but they were _our_ troops, and as i looked at them and thought upon all they had done and suffered for us, my heart and my eyes were full, and i admired and gloried in them the more, because they _were_ weather-beaten and forlorn."[ ] but joy was the predominant feeling, and on that night the city was a scene of public festivity, and demonstrations of unbounded pleasure. the governor gave a feast, and splendid fireworks illuminated the town. on the fourth of december washington was prepared for a journey to annapolis, where the congress was in session, to resign his commission into their hands. a handsome barge was made ready to convey him from the whitehall ferry to paulus's hook (now jersey city), and lay at the stairs, ready manned at twelve o'clock. meanwhile washington and his officers had assembled in the parlor of fraunce's tavern, near by, to take a final leave of each other. marshall has left on record, a brief but touching narrative of the scene. as the commander-in-chief entered the room, and found himself in the midst of his officers--his old companions-in-arms, many of whom had shared with him the fortunes of war from its earliest stages--his tender feelings were too powerful for concealment, and defied his usual self-command. filling a glass of wine, and taking it in his hand, he turned upon his friends a sad but benignant countenance, and said:-- "with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." after lifting the wine to his lips, and drinking a farewell benediction, he added, while his voice trembled with emotion:-- "i can not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." general knox being nearest, first turned to him. washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand in silence, and embraced him affectionately, while his eyes were suffused with tears. in the same affectionate manner, every officer took leave of him. not a word was spoken. feeling held speech in abeyance. the tear of manly sensibility was in every eye, and in dignified silence they all followed their beloved chief as he left the room, passed through a corps of light-infantry, and walked to whitehall to embark. having entered the barge, he turned to the tearful friends upon the wharf, and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. they stood and watched the barge until it was hidden from their view by an angle of the battery, when, in silent and solemn procession, they all returned to the place where they had assembled. washington stopped a few days in philadelphia, where he adjusted his accounts with the comptroller of the treasury. these were all in perfect order, from the beginning of the war until the moment of settlement, on the thirteenth of december. they were entirely in his own hand-waiting. the gross amount was almost seventy-five thousand dollars, in which were included moneys expended for secret service and in various incidental charges. for his own services he would receive nothing. washington's journey from new york to annapolis, in maryland, was one continued ovation. the people everywhere received him with enthusiasm; and public meetings, legislative assemblies, and learned and religious institutions, greeted him with addresses. he arrived at annapolis on friday, the nineteenth of december, where he was joined by mrs. washington and many warm personal friends. on the following day he addressed a note to the congress, inquiring when, and in what manner it would be proper to offer his resignation; and on monday he was present at a dinner ordered by that body. in the evening he attended a grand ball given in his honor. on tuesday, the twenty-third, washington wrote to the baron steuben--"this is the last letter i shall write while i continue in the service of my country. the hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve to-day; after which i shall become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac." at the hour named the chief was before the assembled congress, of whom general thomas mifflin was president. the hall was filled with public functionaries and military officers, accompanied by ladies; and in the gallery was mrs. washington and many more ladies than were on the floor below. washington was conducted to the hall by secretary thomson, when the president said, "the united states in congress assembled, are prepared to receive your communication." washington then arose, and in a dignified manner, and clear, rich voice, said:-- "mr. president: the great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i now have the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the united states of becoming a respectable nation, i resign with satisfaction the appointment i accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. the successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of providence, and the assistance i have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest. while i repeat my obligations to the army in general, i should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. it was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. permit me, sir, to recommend in particular those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress. i consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." president mifflin replied: "sir--the united states, in congress assembled, receive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances, and while it was without funds or a government to support you. you have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through all disasters and changes. you have, by the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. you have persevered, until these united states, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled, under a just providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence; in which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations. having defended the standard of liberty in this new world; having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens. but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages. we feel with you our obligations to the army in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers who have attended your person to this affecting moment. we join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. and for you, we address to him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be as happy as they have been illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world can not give." washington, now a private citizen, hastened to his beloved home on the potomac, accompanied on the way by many friends, among whom was colonel walker, one the aids of the baron steuben. by his hand, he sent a letter to governor george clinton--the first that he wrote after his retirement from office--in which he said: "the scene is at last closed. i am now a private citizen on the banks of the potomac. i feel myself eased of a load of public care. i hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues." it was on christmas eve when washington reached mount vernon. it must have been a happy and a merry christmas in that beautiful home, for the toils and dangers of war were over, peace was smiling upon all the land, and the people were free and independent. the enjoyment of his home, under these circumstances, was an exquisite one to the retired soldier; and in his letters to his friends he gives frequent and touching evidence of his happiness in private life. to lafayette he wrote on the first of february:-- "at length, my dear marquis, i am become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac, and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life. i am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. i have not only retired from all public employments, but i am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction. envious of none, i am determined to be pleased with all; and this my dear friend, being the order of my march, i will move gently down the stream of life, until i sleep with my fathers." a little later he wrote to madam lafayette, saying:-- "freed from the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp, from the cares of public employment and the responsibility of office, i am now enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree; and in a small villa, with the implements of husbandry and lambkins around me, i expect to glide gently down the stream of life, till i am entombed in the mansion of my fathers. "come, then, let me entreat you, and call my cottage your home; for your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would. you will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet with rustic civility; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life. it will diversify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the court, when you return to versailles. in these wishes and most respectful compliments, mrs. washington joins me." notwithstanding washington's retirement was so perfect as to amount to positive isolation for a month or more, on account of the effects of an intensely severe winter, which closed almost every avenue to mount vernon, and suspended even neighborly intercourse, he found it extremely difficult to divest himself of the habits of the camp. "strange as it may seem," he wrote to general knox on the twentieth of february, "it is nevertheless true, that it was not till lately i could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as i waked in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that i was no longer a public man, nor had anything to do with public transactions. "i feel now, however, as i conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burthen on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed; and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an eager eye the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way; and into which none but the all-powerful guide and dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling." surely, if ever a man had cause for serenity of mind while taking a retrospect of his public and private life, it was george washington. from his youth he had walked in the path of truth and rectitude, and throughout his long public career of about thirty years, at the time of his retirement from the army, not a stain of dishonor--not even the suspicion of a stain--had ever been seen upon his character. his moral escutcheon was bright, his conscience was unqualifiedly approving, his country loved him above all her sons. with a sincere desire to spend the remainder of his days as a simple farmer upon the potomac, without the ambition of being famous, or the expectation of being again called into public life, he resumed his old domestic habits, and prepared for the enjoyment of the evening of his days undisturbed by the turmoils of society around him. "my manner of living is plain," he wrote to a friend, "and i do not mean to be put out by it. a glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready, and such as will be content to partake of them, are always welcome. those who expect more will be disappointed." but washington's modest dream of quietude and simplicity of life in his home at mount vernon was not realized. footnotes: [ ] life of washington, iv. . chapter iv. washington's private affairs--improvements commenced--remuneration for services declined--visitors flock to mount vernon--tour to the ohio--indian sachem and his prophecy--washington's interest in internal improvements--his letter to governor harrison--action of the virginia legislature--formation of companies--washington declines receiving a donation of stock for his own benefit--disposition of it--distinguished visitors at mount vernon--washington's correspondence burdensome--mr. lear--artists and literary men--pine and houdon at mount vernon--agricultural pursuits and improvements--washington's domestic life after the war. washington took a careful survey of all his affairs, on retiring from the public service, and perceived that much was to be done to retrieve losses, and to make his estate an agreeable home, and suitable to his position in life. the mansion, two stories in height, with only four rooms on a floor, was too small to accommodate the visitors who he well knew, might be expected at mount vernon, and he had already determined to commence its enlargement with the opening of the spring, as well as the adornment of the grounds around it, and the improvement of his farms. to do this required a large outlay of time and money; and, notwithstanding washington had an ample fortune for a private gentleman of moderate tastes, he perceived the necessity of practising economy. his private affairs had become somewhat deranged, and his fortune diminished during the war; and he knew that the current expenses of his household must thereafter be materially increased. at this juncture, when economy appeared so necessary, his consistency as a servant of the public without pecuniary reward, was tested. the temptation came in the specious form of a proposed testimonial of public gratitude for his services, and was so delicately presented to his mind, as almost to leave a doubt of its real purpose. it originated with the supreme executive council of pennsylvania, who, a few days before washington resigned his commission at annapolis, remarked as follows in their instructions to the delegates in congress from that state:-- "though his excellency, general washington, proposes in a short time to retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his character so splendid and venerable, that, it is highly probable, the admiration and esteem of the world may make his life in a very considerable degree public, as numbers will be desirous of seeing the great and good man, who has so eminently contributed to the happiness of a nation. his very services to his country, may, therefore, subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to interpose. "we are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and generosity of his soul. he thinks himself amply rewarded for all his labors and cares, by the love and prosperity of his fellow-citizens. it is true, no rewards they can bestow can be equal to his merits. but they ought not to suffer those merits to be burdensome to him. we are convinced that the people of pennsylvania would regret such a consequence. "we are aware of the delicacy with which this subject must be treated. but relying upon the good sense of congress, we wish it may engage their early attention." president mifflin forwarded a copy of these instructions to washington, because it was thought advisable not to lay them before congress without his knowledge and approbation. true to the consistency of his character, washington promptly declined the intended favor. "i can not but feel," he said, in reply to mifflin, "the greatest obligations to the supreme executive council of pennsylvania. but as my sentiments on the subject of their instructions have been long and well known to the public, i need not repeat them to your excellency on the present occasion." all proceedings on the subject were accordingly stopped. with the opening of the spring of , numerous visitors began to make their way to mount vernon. many of them were officers, and some of them poor soldiers of the war just closed, who went to pay the homage of their affections to the general under whom they had so long served with delight. others were persons of distinction, from the various states and from abroad; and others went there out of mere curiosity, to see the great man of the nation in his retirement. every one received the attentions of a generous hospitality from the master; and in these offices he was nobly seconded by mrs. washington, whose cheerful good sense and excellent management, made her home a delightful spot for all who entered it. of all the visitors who came to mount vernon during that first year of washington's retirement, none was more cordially welcomed than lafayette, who landed in new york early in august, and reached mount vernon on the seventeenth of the same month. he remained there twelve days, during which time the mansion was crowded with guests who came to meet the great friend of america; and when he departed for baltimore, quite a large cavalcade of gentlemen accompanied him far on his way. in september, washington made quite an extensive tour westward, over the alleghany mountains, to visit his lands on the ohio and great kanawha rivers. he was accompanied by doctor craik, his old companion-in-arms in the french and indian war, and who had accompanied him to the same region in . they travelled in true soldier style--tent, pack-horses, and a few supplies, relying for their food chiefly upon their guns and fishing-tackle. owing to accounts of discontents and irritation among the indian tribes, washington did not think it prudent to descend the ohio, and they proceeded no farther west than the monongahela, which river they ascended, and then went southward through the wilderness, until they reached the shenandoah valley, near staunton. they returned to mount vernon on the fourth of october, having travelled on horseback, in the course of forty-four days, six hundred and eighty miles. it was during their first tour, according to the late mr. custis, that washington was visited by a venerable indian sachem, who regarded him with the utmost reverence, as a god-protected hero. he would neither eat, drink, nor smoke with washington; and finally, when a fire was kindled, he arose and addressed him through nicholson, an interpreter, in the following terms:-- "i am a chief, and the ruler over many tribes; my influence extends to the waters of the great lakes, and to the far, blue mountains. i have travelled a long and weary path, that i might see the young warrior of the great battle. it was on the day, when the white man's blood, mixed with the streams of our forest, that i first beheld this chief; i called to my young men, and said, mark yon tall and daring warrior, he is not of the red-coat tribe--he hath an indian's wisdom, and his warriors fight as we do--himself is alone exposed. quick, let your aim be certain, and he dies. our rifles were levelled, rifles which, but for him, knew not how to miss. it was all in vain, for a power mightier far than we, shielded him from harm. he can not die in battle. i am old, and soon shall be gathered to the great council-fire of my fathers, in the land of shades; but ere i go, there is a something, bids me speak, in the voice of prophecy. listen! _the great spirit protects that man, and guides his destinies--he will become the chief of nations, and a people yet unborn, will hail him as the founder of a mighty empire!_" this prophetic speech made a deep impression upon the companions of washington; and always afterward, on the field of battle, doctor craik remembered it, and was fully persuaded that his friend would come out of the storm of conflict unharmed. and so he did. it is a singular fact, that washington never received the slightest wound in battle. washington took an active interest in all that concerned the development of the internal resources of the country; and one of the objects of his tour westward in , was the observation of the courses, and the character of the streams flowing into the ohio; the distance of their navigable parts to those of the rivers east of the mountains, and the distance of the portage between them. he had conceived the idea that a communication, by canals, might be formed between the potomac and james rivers, and the waters of the ohio, and thence to the great chain of northern lakes. this idea had assumed the tangible shape of a well-matured scheme of internal improvement, and he had attempted to form a company for the purpose, when the kindling of the war for independence put a stop to every enterprise of that kind. washington now desired to awaken new interest in the matter, and in a long and able letter to benjamin harrison, then governor of virginia, written in october, , he set forth the advantages to be expected by such a system of inland navigation. this letter was "one of the ablest, most sagacious, and most important productions of his pen," says mr. sparks, "presenting first a clear statement of the question, and showing the practicability of facilitating the intercourse of trade between the east and the west, by improving and extending the water communications."[ ] washington then proceeded, by a train of admirable arguments and illustrations, to explain the commercial and political value of such a measure, in giving strength to the union of the states, and promoting the prosperity of the country, by multiplying the resources of trade. "i need not remark to you, sir," he said, "that the flanks and rear of the united states are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it which lies immediately west of us, with the middle states. for what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? how entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the spaniards on their right, and great britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? what, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection toward us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens), will be the consequence of their having formed close connections with both or either of those powers, in a commercial way? it needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. "the western states (i speak now from my own observation) stand, as it were, upon a pivot. the touch of a feather would turn them any way. they have looked down the mississippi, until the spaniards, very impolitically, i think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way; and they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could glide gently down the stream, without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long land transportations and unimproved roads. these causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. but smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it. "a combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for virginia, than for any other state in the union, to fix these matters. the jealous and untoward disposition of the spaniards on the one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of great britain on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of detroit, niagara, and oswego (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the union), may be improved to the greatest advantage by this state, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that country, and embrace the present moment to establish it. it only wants a beginning. the western inhabitants would do their part toward its execution. weak as they are, they would meet us at least halfway, rather than to be driven into the arms of foreigners, or to be made dependent upon them; which would eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, or a war between the united states and one or the other of those powers, most probably with the spaniards." washington's letter had a powerful effect upon the public mind. governor harrison laid it before the virginia legislature, and that body received it with the greatest favor. thus encouraged in his scheme, washington hastened to richmond to give his personal attention to the matter; and on the morning after his arrival (november sixteenth) he was waited upon by a committee of the assembly, with patrick henry at their head, who, in the name of the body whom they represented, testified their reverence for his character and affection for his person. the virginia assembly proceeded to appoint a commission to make the requisite surveys, and washington returned to mount vernon, accompanied by lafayette, whom he had met in richmond. the marquis remained there a few days, and then departed for the seaboard, never to visit the united states again, until he became an old man, and the republic he had assisted in founding, had grown fifty years older. washington's scheme for internal improvements occupied much of his attention, and he corresponded largely upon the subject. his plan, at first, contemplated more especially the interests of virginia and maryland, but it expanded in his mind so as to embrace the whole union. in a letter written on the fourteenth of december, to richard henry lee, then recently elected president of congress, he urged the necessity of action by that body, and suggested that the western waters should be explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid down, and a perfect map made of the country; that in the sale of public lands, the united states should make a reservation of all mines, minerals, and salt-springs, for special sale; and that a medium price should be adopted for the western lands, sufficient to prevent a monopoly, but not to discourage actual settlers. he wished to discountenance the land-jobbers and "roaming speculators," who were disquieting the indians, and to encourage the useful citizen. he perceived the necessity of doing something to regulate the matter, for, he said, "the spirit of emigration is great. the people have got impatient, and, though you can not stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way. it is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil." late in december, washington was invited to annapolis by the virginia assembly, to assist in arranging matters with the assembly of maryland, respecting his scheme for uniting the potomac and james rivers, with those of the west. he attended the conference, and chiefly through his exertions two companies were formed for the purpose, under the auspices of the respective governments, and he was appointed president of both. they were called respectively, the _potomac company_, and the _james river company_. thus it will be seen, that during the first year after the close of the revolution, washington set in motion that vast scheme of internal improvements, which has had a powerful and salutary influence upon the destinies of our country. again washington's consistency was put to the test. grateful for his past services, and conscious of the advantages to the virginia commonwealth, of the great scheme of improvement which he had now set in motion, they, by unanimous vote, offered to present to him fifty shares in the potomac company, valued at ten thousand dollars, and one hundred shares in the james river company, valued at twenty-five thousand dollars. aware of his resolution not to receive any pecuniary gift from the public, the legislature, in the preamble to the resolution, said:-- "it is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of george washington toward his country; and it is their wish in particular, that those great works for its improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country." this mark of his countrymen's appreciation, was, of course, gratifying to washington, but again, true to his convictions and his vows, he declined to receive the donation for his own benefit; but, as a matter of expediency, he offered to accept the shares, provided the legislature would allow him to appropriate them to the use of some object of a public nature. the assembly cheerfully acceded to his proposition. as the encouragement of education was a subject in which he felt deeply interested, he made over the shares of the james river company to an institution in rockbridge county, called _liberty hall academy_, and those of the potomac company he bequeathed in perpetuity for the endowment of a university in the district of columbia, under the auspices of the general government. _liberty hall_ afterward became the flourishing _washington college_, but the national university has never been established. other examples of washington's interest in educational institutions, are on record. he cheerfully accepted the chancellorship of william and mary college at williamsburg; during many years he gave two hundred and fifty dollars annually for the instruction of poor children in alexandria; and by his will he left four thousand dollars, the net income of which was to be used for the same object. "other examples," says sparks, after enumerating these and other benevolent acts of the great and good man, "might be cited; and from his cautious habit of concealing from the world his deeds of charity, it may be presumed many others are unknown, in which his heart and his hand were open to the relief of indigent merit." we have observed that washington's dreams of repose at mount vernon were not realized. visitors from the old and the new world constantly increased, and among them came that champion of liberty, catharine macaulay graham, whose pen had done noble service in the cause of human rights. she came with her husband, and professed to have crossed the atlantic for the sole purpose of testifying, in person, her respect and admiration for the character and deeds of washington. "a visit from a lady so celebrated in the literary world," he wrote to knox, "can not but be very flattering to me." his correspondence increased so rapidly, that it soon began to be burdensome. to richard henry lee he wrote in february, , when transmitting to him a mass of papers which he had received from the pious countess of huntington, explaining her scheme for christianizing the american indians: "many mistakingly think that i am retired to ease, and to that kind of tranquillity which would grow tiresome for want of employment; but at no period of my life, not in the eight years i served the public, have i been obliged to write so much myself, as i have done since my retirement. was this confined to friendly communication, and to my own business, it would be equally pleasing and trifling; but i have a thousand references to old matters, with which i ought not to be troubled, but which, nevertheless, must receive some answer." in a letter to general knox he amplified this topic a little, saying: "it is not the letters from my friends which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. it is reference to old matters with which i have nothing to do; applications which oftentimes can not be complied with; inquiries which would require the pen of a historian to satisfy; letters of compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the common-place business, which employs my pen and my time, often disagreeably. indeed, these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and unless i can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences." for more than two years after the war, washington kept neither clerk nor secretary. at length the labor became insupportable, and through the kind offices of general lincoln, he procured the services of tobias lear, a talented young gentleman of new hampshire, who had recently left harvard college with honor. mr. lear took a social position at mount vernon, as one of the family at table and among the guests, and became greatly beloved by washington. he remained there several years, accompanied the general to new york when he went there to take the chair of chief magistrate of the nation, and continued in his family until after the seat of government was removed to philadelphia. he was again a resident at mount vernon, after the death of his wife, and was present when the master of the mansion died. mr. lear relieved washington of much of the drudgery of the pen, and also took charge of the instruction of his adopted children, master and miss custis. washington was also annoyed by the applications of artists and literary men, the former for him to give them sittings for his portrait, and the latter for materials for either his biography, or a general history of the revolution. he positively refused compliance with the latter request, but occasionally indulged the former. at the solicitation of francis hopkinson, he sat to robert edge pine, a diminutive englishman and excellent artist. pine was a warm republican, and came to america to collect portraits of distinguished persons for the purpose of painting a series of pictures illustrative of the war for independence. soon after pine left mount vernon, houdon, the eminent french portrait-sculptor was there, at the request of the legislature of virginia, who had ordered a statue of washington to be executed for the statehouse at richmond. for such a purpose, and under such auspices, washington was willing to submit to the manipulations of art, even those so unpleasant as the moulding of the face in plaster, and he wrote to houdon, on his arrival in new york: "it will give me pleasure, sir, to welcome you to the seat of my retirement; and whatever i have, or can procure, that is necessary to your purpose, or convenient and agreeable to your wishes, you must freely command, as inclination to oblige you will be among the last things in which i shall be found deficient, either on your arrival or during your stay." houdon made a plaster-mould from washington's face, modelled a complete head and bust in clay, made a cast from that, took the latter to france, and from it executed the statue now in the capitol at richmond. he made careful measurements of washington's figure, and in paris, gouverneur morris stood for it. during nearly all of the year , washington was engaged much of the time in the ornamentation of the grounds around the mansion he had greatly enlarged, and in the improvement of his farms. the relief from the pen afforded him by mr. lear, gave him time for pursuits of this nature, which he so much loved, and his diary abounds with brief records of his planting of trees and sowing of seeds. his mount vernon estate was divided into five farms, and several hundred acres of woodland. the mansion-house farm was his great care and delight, yet he managed the other four with skill and prudence. on them he had over fifty draught-horses, a dozen mules, more than three hundred head of black cattle, three hundred and sixty sheep, and a large number of swine that ran wild in the woods. he was fond of improvements of every kind. the king of spain hearing that he was anxious to procure the best breed of asses in europe, for the propagation of mules on his estate, sent him a magnificent jack and two jennies. with this jack, and another sent to him by lafayette, at about the same time, he raised some noble mules from his coach-mares. in a few years the mount vernon estate became stocked with a very superior breed, some of them rising to the height of sixteen hands. from arthur young, an english agriculturist, washington received many precious seeds, improved implements, and good advice in the laying out and management of farms. his early life habits were resumed--his early rising, his frugal breakfast, his ride over his estate, and his exact method in everything. he loved amusements still, but of a more quiet kind than those of his younger days. the pleasures of the chase were relinquished. his kennel was broken up, and his hounds, some of them a present from lafayette, were given away. washington was a most cheerful, companionable man at home, yet always dignified. "general washington is, i believe," said mr. lear, after two years residence in his family, "almost the only man of an exalted character, who does not lose some part of his respectability by an intimate acquaintance. i have never found a single thing that could lessen my respect for him. a complete knowledge of his honesty, uprightness, and candor in all his private transactions, has sometimes led me to think him more than a man." in his family he was peculiarly kind and affectionate. between himself and mrs. washington the most perfect harmony existed. in all his intercourse with his wife, he was most considerate. mrs. lewis (nelly custis) said she had often seen mrs. washington, when she had something to communicate, or a request to make, at a moment when the general's mind was entirely abstracted from the present, seize him by the button to command his attention, when he would look down upon her with a most benignant smile, and, become at once attentive to her wishes, which were never slighted. thus, in the management of his estate, the entertainment of his guests, correspondence with his friends at home and abroad, and the contemplation of years of peaceful life that lay before him, washington's hours glided away for a season. meanwhile the political horizon of his country began to darken, and omens of a fearful storm appeared. the people looked to their ancient pilot for help, and at the hour when he was dreaming most sweetly of domestic quiet, they called him to take the helm, for the ship of state was in danger. he was soon at the post of responsibility, upon the turbulent sea of political life. footnotes: [ ] life of washington, page . chapter v. jealousies of the states--weakness of congress--views of washington and his compatriots--washington's letter to james warren on the confederation--conference at mount vernon--washington suggests a national commercial convention--hamilton's views of the confederation--the continentalist--hamilton recommends a general convention of states to amend the confederation--seconded by the new york legislature--letter of jay to washington--washington's reply--an impending crisis--washington's second letter to jay--washington's influence in his retirement--convention at annapolis a failure--another recommended--washington appointed a delegate from virginia--he hesitates--congress recommends a convention--washington accepts the appointment and proceeds to philadelphia. we have had occasion, from time to time, to notice the jealousies of individual states toward the continental congress during the war, and the consequent weakness of that body, as an executive of the will of the people, at times when strength and energetic action were most needed. it was with great difficulty that the states were brought to agree to the _articles of confederation_, and nothing but the pressure of a common danger, which required unity of action, could have induced them to surrender even so much of their individual sovereignty as those articles required. when, therefore, the common danger had passed, and the people felt security in the pursuits of peace, sectional and provincial pride began to operate powerfully in dissolving the union of the states. the congress, doubtful of their power, and but little relied upon by the great mass of the people as an instrument for the promotion of national prosperity, were incompetent to execute treaties, to regulate commerce, or to provide for the payment of debts contracted for the confederation, amounting in the aggregate, foreign and domestic, to a little more than forty millions of dollars. and that body itself was often distracted by party dissentions, and rendered powerless to exercise even its acknowledged authority, through disagreement. to washington and other sagacious minds, the articles of confederation had been regarded as essentially defective as a system of government, long before the war had ceased. they perceived the necessity for a greater centralization of power in the general government; and that necessity became painfully apparent when peace came, and the people of the several states found themselves in the condition of independent sovereignty. the system of credit for the extinction of the national debt, and to provide for the national expenditures, devised by the congress, was tardily accepted by most of the states, and utterly neglected by others. local interests and prejudices were consulted instead of the national welfare; treaty stipulations were disregarded, and the confederation became, in many respects, a dead letter. "the confederation appears to me," washington wrote to james warren, in october, , "to be little more than a shadow without the substance, and congress a nugatory body, their ordinances being little attended to. to me it is a solecism in politics, indeed, it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation (who are the creatures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short duration, and who are amenable for every action, and may be recalled at any moment, and are subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental in producing) sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of the same. by such policy as this the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and, from the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness. "that we have it in our power to become one of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy toward one another, and keep good faith with the rest of the world. that our resources are ample and increasing, none can deny; but while they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes of europe, into contempt. "it has long been a speculative question among philosophers and wise men, whether foreign commerce is of real advantage to any country; that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by the convenience and wealth which it brings. but the decision of this question is of very little importance to us. we have abundant reason to be convinced, that the spirit of trade which pervades these states, is not to be restrained. it behooves us, then, to establish just principles; and this can not, any more than other matters of national concerns, be done by thirteen heads differently constructed and organized. the necessity, therefore, of a controlling power is obvious; and why it should be withheld is beyond my comprehension." a little earlier than this, washington had been engaged in grave discussions at mount vernon, with commissioners who had been appointed by the assemblies of virginia and maryland, to form a compact in relation to the navigation of the potomac and pocomoke rivers, and a part of chesapeake bay. during the conference he suggested the idea of a conjunction of the several states in arrangements of a commercial nature, over which the congress, under the articles of confederation, had no control. in this suggestion lay the kernel of future most important action, which finally led to the great result of a convention of the states, the abandonment of the old confederation, and the adoption of the federal constitution. but earlier far than this, one of the most extraordinary young men of the last century--indeed, of any century--had, with wonderful sagacity, perceived the evils that would naturally be developed by a weak central government, and had pleaded eloquently with the people to give the congress more power. that young man was alexander hamilton, who, as early as , put forth his views on the subject in a series of papers, under the title of _the continentalist_. he was then only twenty-four years of age, yet no man in the country appeared to have clearer views of what constituted true national policy, than he. indeed, he spoke with the wisdom of a statesman of threescore years; and with washington and others he deeply lamented the mischievous effects of the practical influence of the doctrine of state rights in its ultra phases. "an extreme jealousy of power," he said, "is the attendant of all popular revolutions, and has seldom been without its evils. it is to this source we are to trace many of the fatal mistakes which have so deeply endangered the common cause; particularly that defect--a want of power in congress." the _continentalist_ was published in the _new york packet_, printed at fishkill, in duchess county, and the series were devoted chiefly to a discussion of the defects of the confederation. they excited great local and general interest; and finally hamilton succeeded in having the subject of a general convention brought before the new york legislature, in , while in session at poughkeepsie. the idea was a popular one with them, and on sunday, the twenty-first of july, , that body passed a series of resolutions, in the last of which it was remarked, "that it is essential to the common welfare, that there should be as soon as possible, a conference of the whole on the subject, and that it would be advisable for this purpose to propose to congress to recommend, and to each state to adopt, the measure of assembling a general convention of the states, specially authorized to revise and amend the confederation, reserving the right to the respective legislatures to ratify their determination." this recommendation was pondered in other states, but the public authorities were not ready to adopt it. at length the suggestion of washington, concerning a general commercial convention, was acted upon by the virginia legislature. that action drew a letter from john jay to washington, in march, , in which he said:-- "experience has pointed out errors in our national government which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from our tree of liberty. the correction proposed by virginia may do some good, and would, perhaps, do more if it comprehended more objects. an opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revising the articles of confederation would be expedient. whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be attained by it is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain. i think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness." to this washington responded in may, saying: "i coincide perfectly in sentiment with you, my dear sir, that there are errors in our national government which call for correction; loudly, i would add; but i shall find myself happily mistaken, if the remedies are at hand. we are certainly in a delicate situation; but my fear is, that the people are not yet sufficiently _misled_ to retract from error. to be plain, i think there is more wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils. under this impression i scarcely know what opinion to entertain of a general convention. that it is necessary to revise and amend the articles of confederation, i entertain no doubt; but what may be the consequences of such an attempt, is doubtful. yet something must be done, or the fabric must fall, for it certainly is tottering." it was the general impression, at that time, that an alarming crisis in public affairs was at hand, and during the whole summer of , washington was in constant correspondence with leading minds in different parts of the country. to jay he again wrote in august, saying:-- "i do not conceive we can long exist as a nation, without having lodged somewhere a power, which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states. to be fearful of investing congress with powers, constituted as that body is, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. could congress exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? by the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election? we must take human nature as we find it. perfection falls not to the share of mortals. "many are of opinion, that congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in application to the states, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and command obedience. be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity when thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. if you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. what then is to be done? they can not go on in the same train for ever. it is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever.... i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. from thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph to our enemies to verify their predictions!... would to god that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. "retired as i am from the world," he continued, "i frankly acknowledge i can not feel myself an unconcerned spectator. yet, having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions could have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. they have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner," he said, referring to his circular to the governors of the states in the summer of ; "i had then, perhaps, some claim to public attention, i consider myself as having none at present." his sentiments and opinions _did_ have great weight, and in his retirement at mount vernon, washington exercised a most powerful influence. to the patriotic and thoughtful, his words were oracular, and the ear of the nation leaned in earnest silence toward mount vernon at that crisis, to catch the faintest whisper from the lips of the retired soldier, who was about to emerge as a sagacious statesman. in september, , commissioners met at annapolis, at the suggestion of the legislature of virginia, "to take into consideration the trade of the united states," and "to report to the several states such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them," would enable "the united states in congress assembled," effectually to provide for such a uniform system in their commercial relations as might be necessary to their common interest and their social harmony. only five states (virginia, delaware, pennsylvania, new jersey, and new york) were represented in the convention. the deputies assembled on the eleventh, and appointed john dickenson, of pennsylvania, chairman. a committee was appointed to prepare a draft of a report to be made to the legislatures of the several states there represented. that committee reported on the fourteenth, when, as a majority of the states were not represented in the convention, it was thought advisable to postpone further action. they adjourned, after recommending to the several states the appointment of deputies to meet in convention for a similar purpose, in may following. they also prepared a letter to congress, to accompany a copy of the report to the several states represented, in which the defects of the _articles of confederation_ were set forth. when the virginia assembly met, they resolved to appoint seven delegates to represent that state in the proposed convention, and placed washington's name at the head of the list of deputies selected. the appointment was made by the unanimous voice of the assembly, and the fact was first communicated to him by mr. madison. washington was embarrassed. he heartily approved of the measure, and was willing to leave the retirement of private life for a season, to serve his country in a dark and critical hour; but he could not do so at that time, without being obnoxious to the charge of inconsistency, and of disrespect to a class of his fellow-citizens, who, above all others, he most loved. "i presume you have heard, sir," he said to madison, "that i was first appointed, and have since been re-chosen, president of the society of the cincinnati; and you may have understood, also, that the triennial general meeting of this body is to be held in philadelphia the first monday in may next. some particular reasons, combining with the peculiar situation of my private concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for retirement and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains which i begin to feel very sensibly, induced me to address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of my intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be re-chosen president." under these circumstances, and as the convention was to assemble at the same place and at about the same time, he felt that he ought to decline serving, for he could not appear there without giving offence to the members of the society. they might, with reason, have grounds for suspecting his sincerity, or even of his having deserted the officers who had so nobly supported him during the war for independence. he, therefore, in reply to the governor's official notification of his appointment, expressed a wish that some other gentleman should be substituted for himself. washington did not absolutely refuse to serve, and governor randolph suggested that perhaps before the time for the assembling of the convention the objections in his mind might be removed. his name was therefore continued at the head of the virginia convention. time moved on, and the subject of the convention of the states occupied a large place in the public mind. washington received many letters. some of these from his warm, personal friends expressed doubts of the propriety of his attending the convention, and others advised against it. some thought that, as it did not originate with the supreme legislature, acting under the articles of confederation which that convention was called to revise, it would be illegal; and those who were very tender of washington's character, and had doubts concerning the results of such convention, advised against his going, as his brilliant reputation might suffer, should the whole affair prove abortive; while others, having heard insinuations that the opposers of the convention were monarchists, advised his going, to show that he favored it, and to give the weight of his name to a really republican movement in which the best interests of his country were involved. circumstances did finally occur which removed all objections from washington's mind. the congress legalized the convention by a resolution which declared it expedient, and fixing the day for its meeting. that day was the second monday in may, and was chosen in reference to the general meeting of the society of the cincinnati, which was to take place a week earlier, that, thereby, washington might be allowed to meet with his brothers of the fraternity if he chose. another circumstance was the insinuation just alluded to, that the opponents of the convention were monarchists, who were willing to have the difficulties and dangers of the country increase, under the weak control of the confederation, until republicanism should become hateful to the people; and a third circumstance was a dangerous insurrection in massachusetts which had grown out of efforts to enforce federal laws. washington was unwilling to be classed among the opponents of the convention, or to remain inactive, while violence was assuming to defy all law, and when an era of anarchy in his country seemed about to dawn. added to these considerations, and the sanction of the convention by law, his friends, whose minds had been changed in the course of a few months, now urged him, by every consideration of patriotism, to come forth from his retirement, for the salvation of the country depended in a great measure upon his exertions. washington no longer hesitated, and prepared to go to the convention at the head of the virginia deputies. he resolved not to go uninformed upon the great subject that would engage the attention of that body, and he commenced a course of preparation. "his knowledge of the institutions of his country and of its political forms," says sparks, "both in their general character and minute affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long experience, was probably as complete as that of any other man. but he was not satisfied with this alone. he read the history and examined the principles of the ancient and modern confederacies. there is a paper in his handwriting which contains an abstract of each, and in which are noted, in a methodical order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority they possessed, their modes of operation, and their defects. the confederacies analyzed in this paper are the lycian, amphictyonic, achæn, helvetic, belgic, and germanic. he also read the standard works on general politics and the science of government, abridging parts of them, according to his usual practice, that he might impress the essential points more deeply on his mind." he resolved to do all in his power, in that convention, to affect a radical cure of the political maladies with which his country was afflicted. washington set out from mount vernon on the ninth of may, in his carriage, for philadelphia, to attend the convention. he arrived at chester on the thirteenth, and was there met by general mifflin (who was then the speaker of the pennsylvania assembly), generals knox and varnum, colonels humphreys and meigs, and majors jackson and nicholas, by whom he was escorted toward philadelphia. at gray's ferry, on the schuylkill, a company of light-horse under colonel miles met and escorted him into the city, when the bells were rung in honor of his arrival. on the pressing invitation of mr. and mrs. robert morris, he took lodgings with them; and as soon as the dust of travel could be removed, he called upon doctor franklin, who was at that time president of the commonwealth of pennsylvania. the following day was the time appointed for the assembling of the convention. [illustration: washington presiding in the convention. ] chapter vi. the convention of states--washington chosen president of the convention--randolph's speech and resolutions--number and names of delegates--notice of some of them--franklin in the convention of --the leading speakers in the convention--position of the members in regard to precedents--synopsis of randolph's plan--pinckney's sketch--national and state-rights men--patterson's plan--virginia and new jersey plans--hamilton dissents from both--his character, speech, and scheme--all plans and amendments referred to a committee for revision--a constitution reported and adopted--critical periods in the convention--subjects for differences--washington's apprehensions and views--patriotism of hamilton--the constitution signed--remarks by washington and franklin--close of the convention. on monday, the fourteenth day of may, , those delegates to the convention called to revise the articles of confederation who were then in philadelphia, assembled in the large room in the statehouse, since known as independence hall; but it was not until friday, the twenty-fifth, that seven states, the number required by congress to form a quorum, were represented, and the convention was organized. on that day, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, virginia, and north and south carolina, were represented by an aggregate number of twenty-seven delegates; and on the nomination of robert morris, in behalf of the state of pennsylvania, washington was, by unanimous vote, elected president of the convention. william jackson was chosen secretary; and on monday, the twenty-eighth, edmund randolph, of virginia, at the request of his colleagues, opened the business of the convention by an elaborate speech, in which he showed the defects of the articles of confederation, illustrated their utter inadequacy to secure the peace and safety of the republic, and the absolute necessity of a more energetic government. when he closed his remarks, he offered for the consideration of the convention fifteen resolutions; not as a system of organic law, but as leading principles whereon to form a new government. very soon after the commencement of the session, eleven states were represented. new hampshire sent delegates at the close of june, but the rhode island assembly refused to elect any. some of the most influential men of that little commonwealth united in a letter to the convention, in which they expressed warm sympathy with the movement. sixty-one delegates had been appointed at the beginning of july, but only about fifty served in the convention.[ ] these were among the most illustrious citizens of the republic, most of whom had been distinguished for worth of character, talents, and patriotism, during the late struggle for the independence of the colonies. eighteen of them were at that time members of the continental congress. it is not proposed to consider in detail, nor even in a synoptical manner, the proceedings of that convention, which occupied several hours each day for four months. we will merely glance at the men and measures, contemplate the result, and leave the reader to seek, in special sources, for information concerning the important and interesting subject of the formation of our federal constitution.[ ] [illustration: portraits of rufus king, john dickinson, gouverneur morris, oliver ellsworth, and john rutledge] next to washington, the venerable doctor franklin, then a little over eighty-one years of age, was the most conspicuous member. thirty-three years before, he had submitted to a convention of colonial delegates, held at albany, a plan for a confederation, similar to our federal constitution, but it was not adopted. it satisfied neither the board of trade to whom it was submitted, nor the colonial assemblies who discussed it. "the assemblies did not adopt it," he said, "as they all thought there was too much _prerogative_ in it, and in england it was judged to have too much of the _democratic_." dickinson, johnson, and rutledge, had been members of the stamp-act congress in . the first and last had been compatriots with washington in the congress of , and sherman, livingston, read, and wythe, had shared the same honors. the two latter, with franklin, sherman, gerry, morris, clymer, and wilson, had signed the declaration of independence. washington, mifflin, hamilton, and cotesworth pinckney, represented the continental army; and the younger members, who became prominent after the declaration of independence, were hamilton, madison, and edmund randolph. the latter was then governor of virginia, having succeeded patrick henry. the leading speakers in the long and warm debates elicited by the resolutions of governor randolph and others, were king, gerry, and gorham, of massachusetts; hamilton and lansing, of new york; ellsworth, johnson, and sherman, of connecticut; paterson, of new jersey, who presented a scheme counter to that of randolph; franklin, wilson, and morris, of pennsylvania; dickinson, of delaware; martin, of maryland; randolph, madison, and mason, of virginia; williamson, of north carolina; and the pinckneys, of south carolina. such were the men with whom washington was associated in the contrivance and construction of a new system of government. "at that time," says curtis, "the world had witnessed no such spectacle as that of the deputies of a nation, chosen by the free action of great communities, and assembled for the purpose of thoroughly reforming its constitution, by the exercise and with the authority of the national will. all that had been done, both in ancient and in modern times, in forming, moulding, or modifying constitutions of government, bore little resemblance to the present undertaking of the states of america. neither among the greeks nor the romans was there a precedent, and scarcely an analogy." the great political maxim established by the revolution was the original residence of all human sovereignty in the people; and the statesmen in the federal convention had scarcely any precedent, in theory or practice, by which they might be governed in parcelling out so much of that sovereignty as the people of the several states should be willing to dismiss from their local political institutions, in making a strong and harmonious federal republic, that should be at the same time harmless toward reserved state-rights. randolph's resolutions proposed: first, to correct and enlarge the articles of confederation, so as to accomplish the original objects of common defence, security of liberty, and general welfare. secondly, to make the right of suffrage in the national legislature proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as might seem best in different cases. thirdly, to make the national legislature consist of two branches; the members of the first to be elected by the people of the several states at certain intervals for a specified term. they were to be of a prescribed age, entitled to liberal emolument for their public services, and to be ineligible to any office, state or federal, except such as pertained to the functions of that first branch, during their service; also to be ineligible to re-election until after a certain space of time succeeding their term of service. fourthly, to have the members of the second branch elected by those of the first from among those who should be nominated by the state legislatures; to hold their offices "for a term sufficient to insure their independency;" to be liberally paid for their services, and to be subject to restrictions similar to those of the first. fifthly, to have each branch invested with power to originate acts; to give the national legislature the right to legislate in all cases where the state governments might be incompetent, or in which the harmony of the confederation might be interrupted by the exercise of individual legislation; to negative all laws passed by the individual states that might contravene the articles of union; and to call forth the whole union against any member of the confederation that should fail to fulfil its stipulated duty. sixthly, to institute a national executive, to be chosen periodically, liberally remunerated, and to be ineligible to a second official term. seventhly, to constitute the executive and a convenient number of the national judiciary a council of revision, who should have authority to examine every act of the national legislature before it should operate, and of every individual legislature before a negative thereon should be final, the dissent of said council amounting to a rejection unless such act be again passed, or that of such particular legislature should be again negatived by a specified number of members of each branch. eighthly, to establish a national judiciary, the members of which should hold office during good behavior; and to define their duties, powers, privileges, and emoluments. ninthly, to provide for the admission of new states into the union. tenthly, to guaranty a republican form of government to each state and territory. eleventhly, to provide for a continuation of a congress with its delegated powers, until a new constitution should be established. twelfthly, to make provision for the amendment of the article of union whenever it should seem necessary, the assent thereto of the national legislature to be required. thirteenthly, to require the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers within the several states to be bound by oath to support the union. fourteenthly, to submit the amendments made by the convention, after the approbation of the same by congress, "to an assembly or assemblies of representatives, recommended by the several legislatures, to be expressly chosen by the people, to consider and decide thereon." upon general principles, the scheme of randolph, called the "virginia plan," was highly approved; but there were many zealous and pure-minded patriots in that convention, who regarded the preservation of state sovereignty, in all its integrity, as essential to the stability of the republic. holding the "virginia plan" to be an infringement upon the prerogatives of such sovereignty, they opposed it with vehemence. this plan and a sketch submitted by charles pinckney, which appears to have furnished the outline of the constitution as finally adopted, was referred to a committee. the question arose at the beginning, and frequently recurred, "what limit has the convention in revising the articles of confederation? and has it power to prepare an entirely new system of government?" it was properly argued, that as a favorably-received resolution in mr. randolph's plan proposed to submit the matter finally to popular conventions in the several states, that question need not to be considered. the debates were carried on warmly, day after day, in committee of the whole house, and the convention soon became divided into national and state-rights men, the representatives of six of the states being in favor of the broad national view, and five for the state-rights view. randolph's resolutions were taken up consecutively and debated for a fortnight, when, after many modifications, they were reported back to the house. paterson, of new jersey, then immediately brought forward a counter scheme, which was called the "new jersey plan," and embodied the peculiar views of the state-rights party. it proposed to preserve the continental congress as the federal legislature, with additional power to levy duties on foreign importations; to impose stamp and postage taxes; to collect, without hinderance, requisitions not promptly met by the states; and to regulate commerce with foreign nations. it proposed a plural federal executive and a federal judiciary, and made acts of congress and foreign treaties supreme laws. paterson's plan and randolph's modified resolutions were referred to a new committee, and the whole question concerning a national government was again considered. again debates ran high. in the course of these, hamilton, who had come into the convention with more courage and fixed plan than any other member, avowed his dissent from both the schemes before the committee. he was listened to with the most profound respect; and gray-haired men, as they looked upon his delicate form and youthful features, were filled with wonder at the display of his great genius for political construction, his extensive knowledge of the means by which true conservative liberty might be secured, and his thorough comprehension of the wants and resources of his country. he had come into the convention fully prepared to propound a solution of the great questions which he knew would perplex the members; and at the close of an elaborate and in many respects most extraordinary speech, he offered a written sketch of a system, not, he said, for discussion in the committee, nor with the idea that the public mind was yet prepared for it, but as explanatory of his own views and introductory to some amendments he intended to propose. he then departed for new york, leaving his two colleagues, who took the state-rights view of the matter, to represent his state in the convention. they too soon left, and never returned. day after day and week after week the debates continued, sometimes with great courtesy, and sometimes with considerable acrimony, until the tenth of september, when all plans and amendments which had been adopted by the convention were placed in the hands of a committee for revision and arrangement. hamilton, who had returned to the convention at the middle of august, was placed upon that committee, having for his associates messrs. madison, king, johnson, and gouverneur morris. to the latter was intrusted the task of giving the finish to the style and arrangement of the instrument. it was then reported to the convention, taken up clause by clause, discussed, somewhat amended, and ordered to be engrossed. on the fifteenth it was agreed to as amended, by all the states present, and on the seventeenth a fair copy was brought in to receive the signatures of the members. many times, during that long session of almost four months, there were serious apprehensions of failure, the views of members differed so essentially upon important points. one of the most exciting of these questions which elicited zealous debates, was a proposition for the general government to assume the debts of the respective states. the debts of the several commonwealths were vastly unequal, and the proposition was therefore distasteful to several. for example, those of massachusetts and south carolina amounted to more than ten and a half millions of dollars, while those of all the other states did not exceed, in the aggregate, fifteen millions. but the most serious subject for difference was that of representation in the senatorial branch of the national legislature, the smaller states claiming, and the larger ones opposing, the exercise of the rule of equality. for a long time an equal division of votes on that point had been reiterated, and most of the members began to feel assured that no compromise could be effected. but the matter was finally adjusted by mutual concessions, and a plan for the construction of the senate upon the basis of an equal number of representatives from each of the states, large and small, was adopted. frequently during the session of the convention, washington had serious apprehensions concerning the result. he perceived with much anxiety a disposition to withhold power from the national legislature, which, in his opinion, was the chief cause of the inadequacy of the confederation to fulfil its mission. "happy indeed will it be," he wrote to david stuart on the first of july, "if the convention shall be able to recommend such a firm and permanent government for this union, that all who live under it may be secure in their lives, liberty, and property; and thrice happy would it be if such a recommendation should obtain. everybody wishes, everybody expects something from the convention; but what will be the final result of its deliberations the book of fate must disclose. persuaded i am, that the primary cause of all our disorders lies in the different state governments, and in the tenacity of that power which pervades the whole of their systems. whilst independent sovereignty is so ardently contended for, whilst the local views of each state, and separate interests by which they are too much governed, will not yield to a more enlarged scale of politics, incompatibility in the laws of different states, and disrespect to those of the general government, must render the situation of this great country weak, inefficient, and disgraceful. it has already done so, almost to the final dissolution of it. weak at home, and disregarded abroad, is our present condition, and contemptible enough it is." "thirteen governments," he wrote on the fifteenth of august, "pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; whereas, a liberal and energetic constitution, well checked and well watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of respectability and consequence to which we had the fairest prospect of attaining." and again: "i confess that my opinion of public virtue is so far changed, that i have my doubts whether any system, without means of coercion in the sovereign, will enforce due obedience to the ordinances of a general government, without which everything else fails." although washington took no part in the debates of the convention, his opinions, concurrent with those of hamilton, were firmly and strongly expressed, and had great influence. the constitution as finally framed and adopted did not receive his unqualified approval. he had decided objections to several of its features; but he accepted it as a whole, as the best that could be obtained under the circumstances, firmly persuaded that it was a great step in advance of the confederation, and that experience in its workings would suggest necessary amendments, for which ample provision was made. in fact, the instrument did not wholly please a single member of the convention. it was, to a considerable extent, a patchwork of compromises, and many doubted its being ratified by a majority of the states. hamilton regarded the constitution as adopted with feelings of disappointment. it lacked the strength that he desired it to possess; but, like washington, he yielded his private sentiments and impulses to the consideration of the public good. his own plan, which he had urged with all his eloquence and energy, differed radically from the one adopted; yet, with a nobleness of spirit which challenges our highest admiration, he sacrificed the pride of opinion, and when the constitution had passed the ordeal of severest criticism and amendment by the convention, he avowed himself ready to sign it, and urged others, who hesitated, to do the same "no man's ideas are more remote from the plan than my own," he said; "but is it possible to deliberate between anarchy and confusion on one side, and the chance of good on the other." a large majority of the members desired that the instrument should go forth to the people, not only as the act of the convention, but with the individual sanction and signatures of their representatives. franklin, desirous of having it promulgated with such sanction, arose with a written speech in his hand when the engrossed copy was brought in, in which, with pleasant words, he endeavored to allay the irritated temper of some of the delegates, and procure for the constitution unanimous signature. mr. wilson read the speech, and it was closed with a form suggested by gouverneur morris, which might be signed without implying personal approval of the instrument: "done by consent of the states present. in testimony whereof, we have subscribed," et cetera. the appeals of hamilton and franklin, a few approving words of washington, and the example of madison and pinckney, secured the signatures of several dissatisfied members; and all present, except mason and randolph of virginia, and gerry of massachusetts, signed the constitution.[ ] the absence of the colleagues of mr. hamilton (yates and lansing), who had left the convention in disgust on the first of july, caused new york to be regarded as not officially present; but, to secure for the proceedings the weight of a name so important as that of hamilton, in the place that should have been filled by his state, was recited "mr. hamilton of new york." "there is a tradition," says curtis, "that when washington was about to sign the instrument, he rose from his seat, and holding the pen in his hand, after a short pause, pronounced these words: 'should the states reject this excellent constitution, the probability is that an opportunity will never again offer to cancel another in peace--the next will be drawn in blood.' while the members were signing, doctor franklin, looking toward the chair occupied by washington, at the back of which a sun was painted, observed to the persons near him: 'i have often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that sun behind the president, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting: at length i have the happiness to know it is a rising, not a setting sun.'" the great convention adjourned on the seventeenth of september, after directing a copy of the constitution, with an accompanying letter, to be sent to the congress. the journal of the convention was placed in the hands of washington (by whom it was afterward deposited in the department of state); and on the following morning he wrote in his dairy: "the business being thus closed, the members adjourned to the city tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other; after which, i returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers from, the secretary of the convention, and retired to meditate on the momentous work which had been executed, after not less than five, for a large part of the time six, and sometimes seven hours' sitting every day (except sundays, and the ten days' adjournment to give a committee an opportunity and time to arrange the business) for more than four months." footnotes: [ ] the following are the names of the delegates: _new hampshire_--john langdon, john pickering, nicholas gilman, and benjamin west. _massachusetts_--francis dana, elbridge gerry, nathaniel gorham, rufus king, and caleb strong. _connecticut_--william samuel johnson, roger sherman, and oliver ellsworth. _new york_--robert yates, john lansing, jr., and alexander hamilton. _new jersey_--david brearly, william churchill houston, william paterson, john neilson, william livingston, abraham clark, and jonathan dayton. _pennsylvania_--thomas mifflin, robert morris, george clymer, jared ingersoll, thomas fitzsimons, james wilson, gouverneur morris, and benjamin franklin. _delaware_--george read, gunning bedford, jr., john dickinson, richard bassett, and jacob broom. _maryland_--james m'henry, daniel of st. thomas jenifer, daniel carroll, john francis mercer, and luther martin. _virginia_--george washington, patrick henry (refused to serve, and james m'clure was nominated in his place), edmund randolph, john blair, james madison, jr., george mason, and george wythe. _north carolina_--richard caswell, alexander martin, william richardson davie, richard dobbs spaight, and willie jones: caswell and jones having declined to serve, william blount and hugh williamson were chosen in their places. _south carolina_--john rutledge, charles pinckney, charles cotesworth pinckney, and pierce butler. _georgia_--william few, abraham baldwin, william pierce, george walton, william houston, and nathaniel pendleton. [ ] curtis's _history of the origin, formation, and adoption of the constitution of the united states_ is by far the most ample and reliable source of information on this subject. [ ] the following are the names of the delegates who signed the constitution: geo. washington, _president, and deputy from virginia_. _new hampshire_--john langdon, nicholas gilman. _massachusetts_--nathaniel gorham, rufus king. _connecticut_--william samuel johnson, roger sherman. _new york_--alexander hamilton. _new jersey_--william livingston, david brearly, william paterson, jonathan dayton. _pennsylvania_--benjamin franklin, thomas mifflin, robert morris, george clymer, thomas fitzsimons, jared ingersoll, james wilson, gouverneur morris. _delaware_--george reed, gunning bedford, jr., john dickinson, richard bassett, jacob broom. _maryland_--james m'henry, daniel of st. thomas jenifer, daniel carroll. _virginia_--john blair, james madison, jr. _north carolina_--william blount, richard dobbs spaight, hugh williamson. _south carolina_--john rutledge, charles c. pinckney, charles pinckney, pierce butler. _georgia_--william few, abraham baldwin. _attest_: william jackson, _secretary_. chapter vii. the constitution submitted to the state legislatures--the great conflict of opinions--washington's letters to mrs. graham and lafayette on the subject--hamilton prepares for the battle--his preliminary remarks--opposition to the constitution--_the federalist_--stormy debates in state conventions--ratification of the constitution--measures for establishing the new government--washington's thankfulness for the result--washington spontaneously nominated for the presidency--his great reluctance to enter upon public life again--letters to his friends on the subject--washington elected president of the united states--preparations for leaving home--visit to, and parting with his mother--his journey to the seat of government like a triumphal procession--honors by the way--arrival and reception at new york--his sense of responsibility. the congress, on the twenty-eighth of september, unanimously resolved to send the constitution adopted by the convention, and the accompanying letters, to the legislatures of the several states, and to recommend them to call conventions within their respective jurisdictions to consider it. and it was agreed, that when nine of the thirteen states should ratify it, it should become the fundamental law of the republic. and now commenced the first great and general conflict of political opinions since the establishment of the independence of the united states; and in each of the several commonwealths, men of the first rank in talent, social position, and sound moral and political integrity, became engaged in the discussion of the great question of national government. that conflict had commenced in the general convention, but the proceedings of that body were under the seal of secrecy. yet the positions assumed by the delegates in the general discussion in their several states, revealed the fact that extreme diversity of opinion had prevailed in the convention, and that the constitution was composed of compromises marked with the scars of severe conflict. referring to these differences of opinion in the convention, washington remarked to catharine macaulay graham, in a letter written on the sixteenth of november, that "the various and opposite interests which were to be conciliated, the local prejudices which were to be subdued, the diversity of opinions and sentiments which were to be reconciled, and, in fine, the sacrifices which were necessary to be made on all sides for the general welfare, combined to make it a work of so intricate and difficult a nature, that i think it is much to be wondered at that anything could have been produced with such unanimity as the constitution proposed.... whether it will be adopted by the people or not remains yet to be determined." to lafayette he wrote in february following: "it appears to me little short of a miracle that the delegates from so many states, different from each other, as you know, in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to well-founded objections." after alluding to its obvious defects, he continued:-- "with regard to the two great points, the pivots upon which the whole machine must move, my creed is simply: first, that the general government is not invested with more powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government; and, consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quantity of power delegated to it. secondly, that these powers, as the appointment of all rulers will for ever arise from, and at short stated intervals recur to, the free suffrage of the people, are so distributed among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, into which the general government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people. "i would not be understood, my dear marquis, to speak of consequences which may be produced, in the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and listlessness in the preservation of the natural and inalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide. it will at least be a recommendation to the proposed constitution, that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any government hitherto instituted among mortals. we are not to expect perfection in this world; but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. should that which is now offered to the people of america be found an experiment less perfect than it can be made, a constitutional door is left open for its amelioration." hamilton, with his usual marvellous sagacity, clearly perceived the shaping of the conflict to be fought, and at once assumed the panoply of a most acute contestant in its favor. "the new constitution," he wrote immediately after the adjournment of the convention, "has in favor of its success these circumstances: a very great weight of influence of the persons who framed it, particularly in the universal popularity of general washington. the good will of the commercial interest throughout the states, which will give all its efforts to the establishment of a government capable of regulating, protecting, and extending the commerce of the union. the good will of most men of property in the several states, who wish a government of the union able to protect them against domestic violence, and the depredations which the democratic spirit is apt to make on property; and who are, besides, anxious for the respectability of the nation. the hopes of the creditors of the united states that a general government, possessing the means of doing it, will pay the debt of the union. a strong belief, in the people at large, of the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve the existence of the union, and of the necessity of the union to their safety and prosperity; of course, a strong desire of change, and a predisposition to receive well the propositions of the convention." very soon hamilton, with other _federalists_, as the supporters of the constitution were called, found it necessary to put forth all his intellectual energies in defence of that instrument. conventions were speedily called in the several states to consider it, and the friends and opponents of the constitution marshalled their respective antagonistic forces with great skill and zeal. in virgina, patrick henry, george mason, and richard henry lee, opposed the constitution with all their power and influence, chiefly because it would, in a degree, annul state rights, and base the sovereignty too absolutely upon the popular will. mason led in the opposition, and henry gave him the support of his eloquence. his arguments were those of all other opponents; and with the leaders in his own and other states, he raised the cry, which soon became general, that the new constitution had no bill of rights and no sufficient guaranties for personal liberty. they cited the experience of the past to show, that of all national governments a democratic one was the most unstable, fluctuating, and short-lived; and that despotism, arising from a centralization of power in the national government on one hand, and anarchy, incident to the instability of democracy--"the levelling spirit of democracy" denounced by gerry as "the worst of political evils"--on the other, were the scylla and charybdis between which the republic would, in the opinion of their opponents, be placed, with almost a certainty of being destroyed. these views were ably combated in a series of political essays written by hamilton and madison, with a few numbers by john jay, which were published in a new york newspaper, the object being, as stated by hamilton in the first number, "a discussion of the utility of the union; the insufficiency of the confederation to preserve that union;" and "the necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object." these essays, under the general title of _the federalist_, were written with uncommon ability, exerted a powerful influence, and present an admirable treatise on the philosophy of our federal constitution.[ ] long and stormy debates occurred in the state conventions; and it was not until the twenty-first of june, , that new hampshire, the ninth state in order, ratified the constitution.[ ] it then became the organic law of the republic. the congress, when testimonials of ratification were received from a sufficient number of states, appointed the first wednesday of january, , for the people of the united states to choose electors of a president in accordance with the provisions of the constitution; the first wednesday in february following for the electors to meet and make a choice; and the first wednesday in march ensuing for the new government to meet for organization in the city of new york. while these discussions were going on, washington remained at mount vernon, a most anxious spectator of the progress of political events, especially in his own state, where the opposition to the constitution was very powerful and well organized. he took no direct part in the proceedings of his state convention. "there is not, perhaps, a man in virginia," he wrote to general lincoln, "less qualified than i am to say, from his own knowledge and observation, what will be the fate of the constitution here; for i very seldom ride beyond the limits of my own farms, and am wholly indebted to those gentlemen who visit me for any information of the disposition of the people toward it; but, from all i can collect, i have not the smallest doubt of its being accepted." washington's views were freely expressed in conversations at mount vernon and in his letters, and they had great weight; and when, finally, the seal of approbation of the constitution was set by new hampshire and his own state, and that instrument became the supreme law of the land, his heart was filled with gratitude to the great disposer of events for his manifest protection of the american people from the calamities with which they had so long been threatened. "we may, with a kind of pious and grateful exultation," he wrote to governor trumbull, "trace the finger of providence through those dark and mysterious events which first induced the states to appoint a general convention, and then led them, one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect the object into an adoption of the systems recommended by that general convention; thereby, in all human probability, laying a lasting foundation for tranquillity and happiness, when we had too much reason to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us." the people of the union, as if governed by one impulse, now turned to washington as the man who, above all others, was best qualified to become the chief magistrate of the nation. he was informally nominated by hamilton, almost before the members of the convention that framed and adopted the constitution had reached their homes. in a paper from which we have just quoted, published immediately after the adjournment of the convention, hamilton said: "if the government be adopted, it is probable general washington will be the president of the united states. this will insure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good administration. a good administration will conciliate the confidence and affection of the people, and perhaps enable the government to acquire more consistency than the proposed constitution seems to promise for so great a country." it was soon apparent to washington that the universal sentiment of the people was in favor of his election to the chief magistracy. almost every letter from his friends expressed a desire that he should accept the office when tendered to him, as it surely would be, by the electors chosen by the people; and before the elections were held, so general was the presumption that washington would be the first president of the united states, that he received many letters soliciting appointments to office. these annoyed him exceedingly; for the subject, he said, never failed to embarrass and distress him beyond measure. the prospect of again being called into public life, in an arena in which difficulties more formidable and perplexing than those in a military sphere must be encountered, gave him great uneasiness. he loved his home, his family, and the quiet pursuits of agriculture; and he desired, above all earthly boons, the privilege of reposing among these. to hamilton he wrote, as early as august, : "you know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that i am not guilty of affectation when i tell you, that it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm." in october he again wrote to hamilton, saying: "in taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light i have been able to place it, i will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that i have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as i have been taught to expect i might, and perhaps must ere long, be called to make a decision." to governor trumbull he wrote in december: "may heaven assist me in forming a judgment; for at present i see nothing but clouds and darkness before me. thus much i may safely say to you in confidence; if ever i should, from any apparent necessity, be induced to go from home in a public character again, it will certainly be the greatest sacrifice of feelings and happiness that ever was or ever can be made by me." to lafayette he had written several months before, in reply to a hint of the marquis that he would be called to the presidency, and said: "it has no enticing charms and no fascinating allurements for me.... at my time of life and under my circumstances, the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment." as the time approached when he should make a decision, the mind of washington was greatly exercised, and to all his friends he sincerely declared that no other consideration than the solemn requirements of his country could induce him to accept the office. these sentiments he expressed with full freedom to his intimate friend, colonel henry lee, who had written to washington with great warmth on the subject, and said: "solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convinced as i continue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper improvement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the new government may have an auspicious beginning. to effect this, and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain that again you will be called forth. the same principles of devotion to the good of mankind which have invariably governed your conduct, will, no doubt, continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose and happiness.... if the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which providence rarely, if ever, gave to the lot of man." to this washington replied: "the principal topic of your letter is to me a point of great delicacy indeed--insomuch that i can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch upon it.... you are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely until my final hour. but the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me uninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct i had prescribed to myself indispensable. "should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument's sake alone let me say it) should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might i not, after the declarations i have made (and heaven knows that they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition? nay, farther, would there not be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? now, justice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require that i should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. though i prize as i ought the good opinion of my fellow-citizens, yet, if i know myself, i would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. "while doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my god, my country, and myself, i could despise all the party clamor and unjust censure which might be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. i am conscious that i fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that i do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. and certain i am, whensoever i shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. if i declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance; but a belief that some other person, who had less pretense and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties fully as satisfactorily as myself." to lafayette he wrote, after the elections were held in january, , but before the electoral college met to make choice of a president: "i can say little or nothing new, in consequence of the repetition of your opinion, on the expediency there will be for my accepting the office to which you refer. your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends than with my own feelings. in truth, my difficulties increase and multiply as i draw toward the period when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer, in one way or another. should circumstances render it in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, i shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which i shall probably receive no credit from the world. if i know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs; and in that case, if i can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy which, if pursued, will insure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. i think i see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and happy people. happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity." these sentences, taken from washington's letters to his most intimate friends, show how little ambitious he was for the fame of statesmanship, and how honestly and eagerly he yearned for the quiet and obscurity of domestic life. at the same time, they reveal the true motives which led the great patriot to enter upon public employment, namely, a sincere love for his country, and a ready willingness to labor for the promotion of its best interests. at the prescribed time the elections took place, and the college, by unanimous voice, made choice of washington for president of the united states, and john adams for vice-president. true to his convictions of duty, the great leader of the armies of america consented to be the pilot of the ship of state for four years, and prepared accordingly to leave his beloved mount vernon for the stormy sea of public life. these preparations were made with sincere reluctance; and the delay of a month in forming a quorum of congress, so that the votes for president were not counted officially until the beginning of april, was regarded by washington with heartfelt satisfaction. "the delay," he said in a letter to general knox on the first of april, "may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence i tell _you_ (with the _world_ it would obtain little credit) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit, who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am i, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to manage the helm. i am sensible that i am embarking the voice of the people and a good name of my own on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them, heaven alone can foretell. integrity and firmness are all i can promise. these, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although i may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the world can not deprive me." the senate was organized on the sixth of april. the electoral votes were counted, and washington was declared duly chosen president of the united states for four years from the fourth of march preceding. john langdon, a senator from new hampshire, had been chosen president of the senate _pro tempore_, and he immediately wrote an official letter to washington notifying him of his election. this was borne by charles thomson, the secretary of the continental congress from its first session in . he reached mount vernon at about noon on the fourteenth, and on the evening of the sixteenth washington wrote in his diary: "about ten o'clock i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life and domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york with mr. thomson and colonel humphreys, with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." meanwhile, the illustrious soldier, who was about to assume the most exalted civil duties that can be delegated to man, had made a quick journey to fredericksburg, the residence of his mother, to bid her, what both of them considered, and what proved to be, a final adieu. she was then about fourscore years of age, and suffering from an acute and incurable malady. their meeting was tender, and their parting peculiarly touching. "the people, madam," said washington to his mother, "have been pleased, with the most flattering unanimity, to elect me to the chief magistracy of these united states; but, before i can assume the functions of my office, i have come to bid you an affectionate farewell. so soon as the weight of public business, which must necessarily attend the outset of a new government, can be disposed of, i shall hasten to virginia, and--" "you will see me no more," said the matron, interrupting him. "my great age," she continued, "and the disease which is fast approaching my vitals, warn me that i shall not be long in this world; i trust in god that i may be somewhat prepared for a better. but go, george, fulfill the high destiny which heaven appears to have intended you for: go, my son; and may that heaven's and a mother's blessing be with you always!"[ ] washington was accompanied in his journey from mount vernon to new york (the then seat of the federal government) by secretary thomson and colonel humphreys, preceded in a stage by his private secretary, tobias lear. he desired to go in as private a manner as possible; but his wishes were thwarted by the irrepressible enthusiasm and love of his countrymen along the route. he was met at the very threshold of his own estate by a cavalcade of citizens of alexandria--his neighbors and personal friends--who invited him to partake of a public dinner. he could not refuse; and, at the table, his feelings were most sensibly touched by the words of the mayor, who said: "the first and best of our citizens must leave us; our aged must lose their ornament, our youth their model, our agriculture its improver, our infant academy its protector, our poor their benefactor.... farewell! go, and make a grateful people happy; a people who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this new sacrifice for their interests." washington's feelings allowed him to make only a short reply. "words fail me," he said. "unutterable sensations must, then, be left to more expressive silence, while from an aching heart i bid all my affectionate friends and kind neighbors farewell!" all the way to the city of new york, the president's journey was a continued ovation. at every large town and village he was hailed with the most joyous acclamations. deputations of the most valued inhabitants met him everywhere and formed escorts and processions. at baltimore he was greeted by the ringing of bells and the thunders of artillery. at the frontier of pennsylvania he was met by general mifflin (then governor of the state) and judge peters at the head of a large cavalcade of citizens; and at chester a grand procession, led by general st. clair, formed an escort for the president into philadelphia. this swelled in numbers and increased in interest as they approached the city. at gray's ferry, over the schuylkill, triumphal arches were reared; and from one of these, as washington passed under it, angelica peale (a little daughter of the painter, charles willson peale), who was concealed in foliage, let down a civic crown upon his head, while the multitude filled the air with long and loud huzzas. at least twenty thousand people lined the road from the river to the city; and at every step the president was saluted with the cries, "long live george washington!" "long live the father of his people!" [illustration: washington entering trenton] washington and his suite were entertained at a sumptuous banquet given at the city tavern, at which the leading members of the state and city governments were present. in the evening there was a magnificent display of fireworks, such as the philadelphians had never before seen. at the banquet, the mayor of the city presented to washington an official address, in behalf of himself and the council, in which a complimentary reference to the president's public services was made. "when i contemplate the interposition of providence," said washington in reply, "as it was visibly manifested in guiding us through the revolution, in preparing us for the reception of the general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of america toward one another after its adoption, i feel myself oppressed and almost overwhelmed with a sense of divine munificence. i feel that nothing is due to my personal agency in all these wonderful and complicated events, except what can be attributed to an honest zeal for the good of my country." the military of philadelphia prepared to escort the president to trenton the next morning, but rain prevented, and washington and suite journeyed in a close carriage. toward noon the clouds broke, and as they approached the delaware the sun beamed out brightly, and a great crowd of people came to welcome the father of his country to the spot where, many years before, he had given a blow of deliverance, the most brilliant that was struck during the war. the contrast between the scenes that now broke upon his vision and those at the same place in the dark winter of -' , when hope for the republican cause had almost expired, and the sun of liberty for his country appeared to be setting among the clouds of utter despondency, must have created the most lively sensations of joy in his bosom. memory with its sombre pencil drew the picture of the past, while present perception with its brilliant pencil portrayed passing events, that quickened the pulse and made the heart leap with pleasure. upon the very bridge over which, less than thirteen years before, washington had fled before the troops of cornwallis, a triumphal arch, made by the women of new jersey, was now placed, bearing mementoes of his triumphs there, and the words: "the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters." and as he passed under that arch, the way was lined with mothers and daughters, all dressed in white, while thirteen young girls in like apparel, with wreaths upon their heads, and holding baskets of flowers in their hands, strewed blossoms in the way and sang:-- "welcome, mighty chief! once more, welcome to this grateful shore; now no mercenary foe aims again the fatal blow-- aims at thee the fatal blow. "virgins fair and matrons grave, those thy conquering arm did save, build for thee triumphal bowers: strew, ye fair, his way with flowers! strew your hero's way with flowers!" before he left trenton, the president sent a brief note to the ladies who prepared this memorable reception, in which he said: "general washington can not leave this place without expressing his acknowledgments to the matrons and young ladies who received him in so novel and grateful a manner at the triumphal arch, for the exquisite sensations he experienced in that affecting moment. the astonishing contrast between his former and his actual situation at the same spot, the elegant taste with which it was adorned for the present occasion, and the innocent appearance of the white-robed choir who met him with the gratulatory song, have made such an impression on his remembrance as, he assures them, will never be effaced." [illustration: reception of president washington at new york, april , .] over the same route across new jersey along which washington fled toward the close of , with his wasting little army, before an exulting foe, and in the midst of secret enemies on every side, he now made his way among a happy and peaceful people, who received him everywhere with the open arms of love and veneration, while the air was filled with the shouts of multitudes, the booming of cannon, and the ringing of bells. he arrived at elizabethtown point, a few miles from new york, on the morning of the twenty-third of april, and there he was received by committees of both houses of congress, officers of the federal, state, and municipal governments, and a large number of citizens who had collected from all parts of the country. a splendid barge had been constructed for the occasion, to carry the president to new york, and in it he embarked immediately after his arrival. it was manned by thirteen masters of vessels in white uniforms, commanded by commodore james nicholson; and other beautiful barges, fancifully decorated, conveyed the congressional committees and the heads of departments. other boats joined them on the way, some of them bearing musicians; and when they approached the city, whose shores and wharves, and every part of fort george and the battery, were covered with people, there was a grand flotilla in the procession, the oars keeping time with instrumental music. all the vessels in the harbor but one were gayly decked with flags, and upon two of them parties of ladies and gentlemen sang gratulatory odes as the barge of the president approached. the exception was the spanish man-of-war _galveston_, which displayed no token of respect. a general feeling of indignation began to prevail, when in an instant, as the president's barge came abreast of her, her yards were manned as if by magic; every part of her rigging displayed flags of all nations, with the effect of an immense shrub bursting suddenly into gorgeous bloom; and the roar of thirteen cannon, discharged in quick succession, attested the reverence and respect of the spanish admiral for the illustrious washington. the effect upon the multitude was electrical, and over bay and city a shout, long and loud, floated upon the noontide air. washington was received at the stairs of murray's wharf by his old friend governor clinton; and his loved companion-in-arms, general knox, was there to welcome him, with a host of others of the army of the revolution, who had come, some of them long distances, to look once more upon the face of their beloved chief, to feel the grasp of his hand, and to hear his voice. a carriage was in waiting to convey the president to his lodgings in osgood's house, in cherry-street, and a carpet had been spread, from the wharf to the vehicle, for him to tread upon. but he preferred to walk. a long civic and military train followed. from the streets, windows, balconies, and roofs, he was greeted with shouts and the waving of handkerchiefs. all the bells in the city rang out a joyful welcome; and from colonel bauman's artillery heavy peals of cannon joined the chorus. the president and a large company dined with governor clinton; and in the evening, the streets, though very wet after a warm shower, were filled with people to witness a general illumination of the houses. while the name of washington was spoken with reverence by every lip; while in the ears of senators were yet ringing the remarkable words of vice-president adams--"if we look over the catalogues of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents or consuls, kings or princes, where shall we find one whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor; who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and fellow-citizens with equal unanimity?" while the occasion of his arrival "arrested the public attention beyond all powers of description"--"the hand of industry was suspended, and the pleasures of the capital were centered in a single enjoyment," that great man, exercised by a modest estimate of his own powers in a degree amounting almost to timidity, wrote in his diary:-- "the display of boats which attended and joined us on this occasion, some with vocal and some with instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships; the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people which rent the skies as i passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (considering the reverse of this scene, which may be the case, after all my labors to do good) as they are pleasing." and a few days after his inauguration he wrote to edward rutledge: "though i flatter myself the world will do me the justice to believe that, at my time of life and in my circumstances, nothing but a conviction of duty could have induced me to depart from my resolution of remaining in retirement, yet i greatly apprehend that my countrymen will expect too much from me.... so much is expected, so many untoward circumstances may intervene, in such a new and critical situation, that i feel an insuperable diffidence in my own abilities. i feel, in the execution of the duties of my arduous office, how much i shall stand in need of the countenance and aid of every friend to myself, of every friend to the revolution, and of every lover of good government." how nobly, ay, and how sadly, do these feelings of washington--his humiliating sense of the great responsibility laid upon him when he assumed the office of the chief magistrate of the republic--contrast with the eager aspirations of mere politicians to sit in the seat of that illustrious and conscientious man! how the spectacle illustrates the words of the poet:-- "fools rush in where angels fear to tread!" footnotes: [ ] "the first number of the _federalist_," says j. c. hamilton in his _history of the republic of the united states_, "was written by hamilton, in the cabin of a sloop, as he was descending the hudson, and was published on the th of october, . after the publication of the seventh, it was announced: 'in order that the whole subject of the papers may be as soon as possible laid before the public, it is proposed to publish them four times a week.'" it was originally intended to comprise the series within twenty, or at most twenty-five numbers, but they extended to eighty-five. of these hamilton wrote sixty-five. concerning these papers, washington wrote to hamilton, at the close of august, : "i have read every performance which has been printed on one side and the other of the great question lately agitated, so far as i have been able to obtain them; and, without an unmeaning compliment, i will say, that i have seen no other [than _the federalist_] so well calculated, in my judgment, to produce conviction in an unbiassed mind, as the production of your _triumvirate_. when the transient circumstances and fugitive performances which attended this crisis shall have disappeared, that work will merit the notice of posterity, because in it are candidly and ably discussed the principles of freedom and the topics of government, which will be always interesting to mankind, so long as they shall be connected in civil society." [ ] the several states ratified the constitution in the following order:-- delaware, december , ; pennsylvania, december , ; new jersey, december , ; georgia, january , ; connecticut, january , ; massachusetts, february , ; maryland, april , ; south carolina, may , ; new hampshire, june , ; virginia, june , ; new york, july , ; north carolina, november , ; rhode island, may , . [ ] custis's _recollections and private memoirs of washington_, page . chapter viii. the inauguration of washington as first president of the united states--new york crowded with strangers--proceedings on the morning of the inauguration--divine services in the churches--military procession formed--washington escorted to the federal hall--the inaugural ceremonies--chancellor livingston--acclamations of the people--the president's inaugural address--services in st. paul's church--responses of congress to the inaugural address--washington's replies--general view of public affairs--the vast labors before the president--his counsellors. thursday, the thirtieth of april, was the appointed day for washington to take the oath of office. for almost a fortnight, strangers from every part of the union had been making their way to new york to participate in the inaugural ceremonies; and every place of public entertainment, and many private houses, were filled to overflowing. "we shall remain here," wrote a young lady from philadelphia to her friend, "even if we have to sleep in tents, as so many will have to do. mr. williamson had promised to engage us rooms at fraunces's, but that was jammed long ago, as was every other decent public house; and now, while we are waiting at mr. vandervoort's, in maiden lane, till after dinner, two of our beaux are running about town, determined to obtain the best places for us to stay at, which can be opened for love, money, or the most persuasive speeches."[ ] at dawn on the morning of the thirtieth, colonel bauman's artillery fired a national salute at the bowling green, and very soon afterward the streets were filled with citizens and strangers all dressed for a gala-day. at nine o'clock all the church bells of the city rang out a call for the people to assemble in their respective places of public worship, "to implore the blessings of heaven on the nation, its favor and protection to the president, and success and acceptance to his administration:" and when the throngs left the churches, martial music enlivened the town, for the military companies were forming into grand procession to escort washington to the federal hall in wall street, at the head of broad street, where the inaugural ceremonies were to be held. at twelve o'clock the procession, under the general command of colonel morgan lewis, began to form in cherry street before the president's house; and at half-past twelve washington entered his carriage, accompanied by colonel humphreys, his aid-de-camp, and tobias lear, his private secretary, and proceeded to the federal hall, escorted by a large number of the military, and followed by heads of departments, members of congress, foreign ministers, and other distinguished citizens and strangers. when near the federal hall, washington and his attendants alighted from the carriages, and were conducted by a marshall to the senate-chamber, at the door of which the president was received by vice-president adams (who had been inaugurated some time before) and conducted to his seat. in the presence of both houses of congress then assembled, the vice-president, addressing washington, said: "sir, the senate and house of representatives of the united states are ready to attend you to take the oath required by the constitution, which will be administered by the chancellor of the state of new york." washington responded: "i am ready to proceed;" when the vice-president, senators, and chancellor, led the way to the open outside gallery at the front of the hall, in full view of the vast multitude that, with upturned faces and hushed voices, filled the streets. the scene that ensued was most solemn and momentous; and the immediate actors in it felt the weight of great responsibility resting upon them. the entrance of the president upon the balcony "was hailed by universal shouts," says washington irving, who, though quite a young child, was present, and distinctly remembers the scene. "he was evidently moved by this demonstration of public affection. advancing to the front of the balcony, he laid his hand upon his heart, bowed several times, and then retreated to an arm-chair near the table. the populace appeared to understand that the scene had overcome him, and were hushed at once into profound silence."[ ] after a few moments washington rose again and came forward, and stood between two of the supporting pillars of the gallery, in full view of the people. his noble and commanding form was clad in a suit of fine, dark-brown cloth, manufactured in hartford, connecticut. at his side was a steel-hilted dress-sword. he wore white silk stockings and plain silver shoe-buckles, and his hair was dressed in the fashion of the time and uncovered. on one side of him stood chancellor livingston, who had come out of the revolution with his soul filled with intense love for his country, and who was one of the most effective orators of his day. "his acknowledged integrity and patriotism," says doctor francis, "doubtless added force to all he uttered. franklin termed him the american cicero; and in him were united all those qualities which, according to that illustrious roman, are necessary in the perfect orator."[ ] he was dressed in a fall suit of black cloth, and wore the robe of office. on the other side was the vice-president, in a claret-colored suit, of american manufacture. between the president and the chancellor was mr. otis, the secretary of state. he was a small man, dressed with scrupulous neatness, and held in his hand an open bible upon a rich crimson cushion. near this most conspicuous group stood roger sherman, richard henry lee, alexander hamilton, generals knox and st. clair, the baron steuben, and other distinguished men. chancellor livingston administered the oath with slow and distinct enunciation, while washington's hand was laid upon the bible held by mr. otis. when it was concluded, the president said, in a distinct voice, "i swear." he then bowed his head, kissed the sacred volume, and as he assumed an erect posture, he with closed eyes said, with solemn supplicating tone, "so help me god!" "it is done!" said the chancellor; and, turning to the multitude, he waved his hand, and shouted: "long live george washington, president of the united states!" the exclamation was echoed and re-echoed, long and loud, by the people. "the scene," wrote an eye-witness, "was solemn and awful beyond description.... the circumstances of the president's election, the impression of his past services, the concourse of spectators, the devout fervency with which he repeated the oath, and the reverential manner in which he bowed down and kissed the sacred volume--all these conspired to render it one of the most august and interesting spectacles ever exhibited." it seemed, from the number of witnesses, to be a solemn appeal to heaven and earth at once. at the close of the ceremonies, washington bowed to the people and retired to the senate chamber, where he read his inaugural address to both houses of congress there assembled. it was short, direct, and comprehensive. he alluded in a most touching manner to the circumstances which placed him in the position he then held. "on the one hand," he said, "i was summoned by my country, whose voice i can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which i had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years.... on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. in this conflict of emotions, all i dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected." he expressed his devout gratitude to god for his providential watchfulness over the affairs of his country; declined the exercise of his constitutional duty of recommending measures for the consideration of congress, not being yet acquainted with the exact state of public affairs, yet called their attention to necessary amendments of the constitution; and concluded by saying:-- "when i was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which i contemplated my duty required that i should renounce every pecuniary compensation. from this resolution i have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions that produced it, i must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which i am placed may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require." to this expression of his disinterested patriotism he added a renewal of grateful acknowledgments to the father of all, and supplication for further aid, protection, and guidance. when the delivery of the inaugural address was ended, the president, with the members of both houses of congress, proceeded to st. paul's church (where the vestry had provided a pew for his use), and joined in suitable prayers which were offered by dr. provost, the lately-ordained bishop of the protestant episcopal church in the diocese of new york, and who had been appointed chaplain to the senate. from the church washington retired to his residence, under the conduct of a committee appointed for that purpose. the people spent the remainder of the day in festal enjoyments, and closed it with fireworks, bonfires, and illuminations. when the two houses of congress reassembled, each appointed a committee to prepare a response to the president's inaugural address. mr. madison prepared that of the representatives, and it was presented on the eighth of may, in a private room of the federal hall. "you have long held the first place in the esteem of the american people," they said; "you have often received tokens of affection; you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues; you enjoy the highest, because the truest, honor of being the first magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth. "we well know the anxieties with which you have obeyed a summons, from the repose reserved for your declining years, into public scenes, of which you had taken your leave for ever. but the obedience was due to the occasion. it is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes you to your station; and we can not doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction with which an ardent love for your fellow-citizens must review successful efforts to promote their happiness." after referring to his declaration concerning pecuniary emoluments for his services, they concluded by saying: "all that remains is, that we join in our fervent supplications for the blessings of heaven on our country, and that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens." on the eighteenth of may, the entire senate waited upon the president at his own house, to present their response. after congratulating him on the complete organization of the federal government, they said:-- "we are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have called you from a retreat chosen with the fondest predilections, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years: we rejoice, and with us all america, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you have returned once more to public life. in you all parties confide, in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exertions, and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman will tend to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government, and dignity and splendor to that country which your skill and valor, as a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence." to this washington replied: "the coincidence of circumstances which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assistance i may expect from counsels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy, seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my administration than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate, i now feel myself inexpressibly happy in a belief that heaven, which has done so much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence before our political felicity shall have been completed; and in a conviction that the senate will, at all times, co-operate in every measure which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated republic. thus supported by a firm trust in the great arbiter of the universe, aided by the collective wisdom of the union, and imploring the divine benediction in our joint exertions in the service of our country, i readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting to make a nation happy." it was indeed an arduous task, especially for conscientious men like washington and his compatriots. the circumstances of the country and the temper of the people demanded the exercise of great wisdom and discretion in trying the experiment of a new form of government, concerning which there was yet a great diversity of sentiment. doubts, fears, suspicions, jealousies, downright opposition, were all to be encountered. the late conflict of opinions had left many wounds. a large proportion of them were partially healed, others wholly so; but deep scars remained to remind the recipients of the turmoil, and the causes which incited it. although eleven states had ratified the constitution, yet only three (new york, delaware, and georgia) had accepted it by unanimous consent. in others it was ratified by meagre majorities. north carolina hesitated, and rhode island had refused to act upon the matter. the state-rights feeling was still very strong in most of the local legislatures, and many true friends of the constitution doubted whether the general government would have sufficient power to control the actions of the individual states. the great experiment was to be tried by the representatives of the nation while listening to the sad lessons derived from the history of all past republics, and beneath the scrutiny of an active, restless, intelligent, high-spirited people, who were too fond of liberty to brook any great resistance to their inclinations, especially if they seemed to be coincident with the spirit of the revolution. the republic to be governed was spread over a vast territory, with an ocean front of fifteen hundred miles, and an inland frontier of three times that extent. cultivation and permanent settlements formed but a sea-selvedge of this domain; for beyond the alleghanies but comparatively few footsteps of civilized man had yet trodden. in the valleys of the ohio, kentucky, and tennessee, empires were budding; but where half the states of the union now flourish the solitude of the wilderness yet reigned supreme. could the regions beyond the alleghanies have remained so, there would have been less cause for anxiety; but over those barriers a flood of emigration had begun to flow, broad and resistless; and during the first years of washington's administration those wilds became populated with a hardy race, who found upon the bosom of the mississippi a grand highway for carrying the products of their fertile soil to the markets of the world. that great river was controlled by the spaniards seated at its mouth, who, in traditions, race, and aspirations, had no affinity with the people of the new republic. they sat there as a barrier between the settlers and the sea; and even before washington left his home on the potomac, conflicting rumors had reached him respecting the impatience of the western settlers because of that barrier. they had urged the congress of the confederation to open it by treaty, but that congress was too feeble to comply. now one tongue of rumor said that they would soon organize an expedition to capture new orleans; another tongue asserted that the spaniards, aided by british emissaries, were intriguing with leading men in the great valleys to effect a separation of the union, and an attachment of the western portion to the crown of spain. these things gave washington and his co-workers great uneasiness. another cause for anxiety was the refusal of great britain to give up some of the frontier forts, in compliance with an article of the definitive treaty of peace of , on the plea that the united states had violated another article of the same treaty in allowing the debts due to british subjects, which had been contracted before the war, to remain unpaid. this was regarded by the americans as a mere pretext to cover a more important interest, namely, the monopoly of the fur-trade with the indians. it was alleged, also, that the hostile attitude toward the united states then lately assumed by several of the western tribes was caused by the mischievous influence of the british officers who held those posts, and their emissaries among the savages. at the same time, the finances of the country were in a most deplorable state. a heavy domestic and foreign debt presented importunate creditors at the door of government; the treasury was empty; public credit was utterly prostrated, and every effort of the late government to fund the public debt had failed. the foreign commerce of the country, owing to the feebleness of the confederation, was in a most unsatisfactory condition. the conduct of the british government in relation to trade with the united states had been, since the conclusion of the war, not only ungenerous, but insolent and oppressive; and at the same time, the corsairs of the barbary powers on the southern shores of the mediterranean sea, whose princes were fattening upon the spoils of piracy, were marauding upon american merchant-vessels with impunity, and carrying the crews into slavery. the younger pitt, in , had proposed a scheme in the british parliament for the temporary regulation of commercial intercourse with the united states, the chief feature of which was the free admission into the west india ports of american vessels laden with the products of american industry; the west india people to be allowed, in turn, like free trade with the united states. but the ideas of the old and unwise navigation laws, out of which had grown the most serious dispute between the colonies and the mother-country twenty-five years before, yet prevailed in the british legislature. pitts's proposition was rejected; and an order soon went forth from the privy council for the entire exclusion of american vessels from west india ports, and prohibiting the importation thither of the several products of the united states, even in british bottoms. notwithstanding this unwise and narrow policy was put in force, mr. adams, the american minister at the court of st. james, proposed, in , to place the navigation and trade between all the dominions of the british crown and all the territories of the united states upon a basis of perfect reciprocity. this generous offer was not only declined, but the minister was haughtily assured that no other would be entertained. mr. adams immediately recommended his government to pass navigation acts for the benefit of its commerce; but the confederation had not power or vitality sufficient to take action. some of the states attempted to legislate upon commercial matters, and the subject of duties for revenue; but their efforts were fruitless, except in discovering the necessity of a strong central power, and putting in motion causes which led to the formation of the federal government. the earliest efforts of the new government, as we shall perceive presently, were directed to the maturing of schemes for imposing discriminating duties; and the eyes of british legislators were soon opened to the fact that american commerce was no longer at the mercy of thirteen distinct legislative bodies, nor subject to foreign control. they perceived the importance of the american trade, and of a reciprocity in trade between the two countries. they perceived, also, that the interests of american commerce were guarded and its strength nurtured by a central power of great energy; and very soon a committee of parliament submitted a proposition, asking the united states to consent to a commercial arrangement precisely such as had been offered by mr. adams a few years before, and rejected with disdain. thus we perceive that, at the very outset, subjects of vast interest connected with domestic and foreign affairs--the preservation of the union, the allaying of discontents, the liquidation of the public debt, the replenishment of the treasury, the integrity of treaties, the conciliation of hostile indian tribes, the regulation and protection of commerce, the encouragement of trade, the creation of a revenue, the establishment of an independent national character, and the founding of a wise policy for the government--presented themselves in stern array to the mind of washington, and almost overwhelmed him, by the magnitude of their proportions, with a sense of his impotence in giving general direction to the vast labors to be performed. he had few precedents as an executive officer to guide him, and no experience as the chief of civil affairs. "i walk, as it were, upon untrodden ground," he said; but, like a wise man, he asked counsel of those upon whose judgment he could rely. at that moment the president was without constitutional advisers. executive departments had not yet been organized; but in john jay as secretary for foreign affairs, in general knox as secretary of war, in samuel osgood, walter livingston, and arther lee, as controllers of the treasury--all of whom had been appointed by the old congress--he found men of large experience, enlightened views, sturdy integrity, and sound judgment. with these, and madison and hamilton, sherman and chancellor livingston, and other personal friends, washington commenced with courage the great task before him. footnotes: [ ] griswold's _republican court_, page . [ ] life of washington, iv. . [ ] address before the philolexian society of columbia college, . chapter ix. washington's novel position--the spirit of the people--appearance of the democratic element in society--the question of a title for the president discussed in congress--the result--discretion necessary--washington asks advice concerning ceremonials--responses--washington's arrangement for visits of ceremony--jealousy of the people--silly stories concerning the pomp of the president and vice-president--customs of the levees established--grand balls--mrs. washington's journey to new york--her reception--her drawing-rooms--washington's habits of living. washington's position was a novel one in every particular. he was the chosen head of a people who had just abolished royal government with all its pomp and parade, its titles and class immunities, but who were too refined, and too conscious of their real social and political strength as a basis for a great nation, to be willing to trample upon all deferential forms and ceremonies that might give proper dignity to, and respect for deserving rulers, without implying servility. in the convention that framed the constitution, the representatives of the people exhibited this conservative feeling in a remarkable degree; and the extreme democratic sentiment, such as afterward sympathized with the radicals of the french revolution, was yet only a fledgling, but destined to grow rapidly, and to fly with swift wing over the land. yet the spirit was manifest, and its coalescence with the state-rights feeling made circumspection in the arrangement of the ceremonials connected with the president and his household extremely necessary. already the question of a title for the president had been discussed in congress, and had produced a great deal of excitement in different quarters. the subject appears to have been suggested by mr. adams, the vice-president; and on the twenty-third of april the senate appointed richard henry lee, ralph izard, and tristram dalton, a committee "to consider and report what style or titles it will be proper to annex to the offices of president and vice-president of the united states." on the following day the house of representatives appointed a committee to confer with that of the senate, and the joint committee reported that it was "improper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles of office expressed in the constitution." the house adopted the report by unanimous vote, but the senate did not concur. the question then arose in the senate whether the president should not be addressed by the title of _his excellency_, and the subject was referred to a new committee, of which mr. lee was chairman. a proposition in the house to appoint a committee to confer with the new senate committee elicited a warm debate. the senate committee, meanwhile, reported in favor of the title of _his highness the president of the united states of america, and protector of their liberties_; but they did not press the matter, as the inauguration had taken place in the meantime, and the house had addressed the chief magistrate, in reply to his inaugural address, simply as _president of the united states_. with a view to preserve harmonious action, the senate determined to address him in the same way; at the same time resolving that, "from a decent respect for the opinion and practice of civilized nations, whether under monarchical or republican forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles of respectability to the office of their chief magistrate, and that, in intercourse with foreign nations, a due respect for the majesty of the people of the united states may not be hazarded by an appearance of singularity, the senate have been induced to be of opinion that it would be proper to annex a respectable title to the office of the president of the united states." this was the last action in congress upon the subject, but it was discussed in the newspapers for some time afterward. the excitement upon the subject ran high in some places for a while, and mr. lee and mr. adams, the reputed authors of the proposition, were quite unpopular. it gave washington, who was averse to all titles, much uneasiness, lest, he said, it should be supposed by some, unacquainted with the facts, that the object they had in view was not displeasing to him. "the truth is," he said, "the question was moved before i arrived, without any privity or knowledge of it on my part, and urged, after i was apprized of it, contrary to my opinion; for i foresaw and predicted the reception it has met with, and the use that would be made of it by the adversaries of the government. happily this matter is now done with, i hope never to be revived." the effect of this movement upon the public mind gave washington a perception of the necessity of great circumspection in the arrangement of ceremonials, to which allusion has just been made. he also perceived the greater necessity of so regulating his personal matters as to secure the most time for attention to public business; for, immediately after his inauguration, he found that he was master neither of himself nor his home. "by the time i had done breakfast," he wrote to dr. stuart, "and thence till dinner, and afterward till bed-time, i could not get rid of the ceremony of one visit before i had to attend to another. in a word, i held no leisure to read or to answer the despatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters." as usual, washington sought the advice of those in whom he had confidence. to vice-president adams, jay, hamilton, and madison, he addressed a series of nine questions, and desired them to reflect upon and answer them. these all had reference to his intercourse with the public: whether a line of conduct equally distant from an association with all kinds of company on the one hand, and from a total seclusion from society on the other, would be proper; how such a system should best be made known to the public; whether one day in every week would not be sufficient to devote to visits of compliment; whether he should receive direct applications from those having business with him, setting apart a certain hour every morning; whether the customs of the presidents of the old congress, in giving large dinner-parties to both sexes twice a-week, ought not to be abolished, and invitations to dine at the president's house, informal or otherwise, be limited, in regard to persons, to six, eight, or ten official characters, including in rotation the members of both houses of congress, on days fixed for receiving company; whether the public would be satisfied if he should give four great entertainments in a year, on such occasions as the anniversary of the declaration of independence, the alliance with france, the peace with great britain, and the organization of the general government; whether the president should make and receive informal visits from friends and acquaintances, for purposes of sociability and civility, and, if so, in what way they should be made so as not to be construed into visits from the president of the united states; and finally, whether it might not be advantageous for the president to make a tour through the united states during the recess of congress, in order to become better acquainted with the people, and the circumstances and resources of the country. "the president," he said at the close of his queries, "in all matters of business and etiquette, can have no object but to demean himself in his public character in such a manner as to maintain the dignity of his office, without subjecting himself to the imputation of superciliousness or unnecessary reserve." to these queries the gentlemen addressed promptly responded in writing. the vice-president, who, as minister abroad, had seen much of royal etiquette, and become somewhat fascinated, as jefferson said, "by the glare of royalty and nobility," spoke of chamberlains, aids-de-camp, and masters of ceremonies; for he regarded the presidential office "equal to any in the world." "the royal office in poland," he said, "is a mere shadow in comparison with it;" and he thought that "if the state and pomp essential to that great department were not in a good degree preserved, it would be in vain for america to hope for consideration with foreign powers." he thought it would be necessary to devote two days each week to the reception of complimentary visits; that application to a minister of state should be made by those who desired an interview with the president; and in every case the character and business of the visitor should be communicated to the chamberlain or gentleman in waiting, who should judge whom to admit and whom to exclude. he thought the time for receiving visits should be limited to one hour each day; that the president might informally invite small parties of official characters and strangers of distinction to dine with him, without exciting public clamor; and that he might, as a private gentleman, make and receive visits; but in his official character, he should have no other intercourse with society than such as pertained to public business. hamilton desired the dignity of the presidential office to be well sustained, but intimated that care would be necessary "to avoid extensive disgust or discontent." although men's minds were prepared, he said, for a "pretty high tone in the demeanor of the executive," he doubted whether so high as might be desirable would be tolerated, for the notions of equality were too strong to admit of a great distance being placed between the president and other branches of the government. he advised a public _levee_ of half an hour once a-week; that formal entertainments should be given, at most, four times a year, on the days mentioned by washington; that informal invitations to family dinners might be given to official characters; that heads of departments, foreign ministers of some descriptions, and senators, should alone have direct access to the person of the president, and only in matters pertaining to the public business. the opinions of his friends so nearly coinciding with that of his own, washington proceeded to act upon them, but with a wise discretion. he had already adopted the plan of designating certain times for visits of compliment, and he gave a public intimation that these would be on tuesday and friday of each week, between the hours of two and three o'clock. on these occasions there was no ostentatious display. on the contrary, the president received his visitors in a simple manner; conversed with them freely after introduction, if opportunities were afforded; and in every respect, while maintaining perfect dignity, he made all feel that he was their fellow-citizen. "these visits are optional," he said in a letter to dr. stuart; "they are made without invitation.... gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat with each other, and act as they please. a porter shows them into the room, and they retire from it when they choose, without ceremony. at their first entrance they salute me, and i them, and as many as i can, i talk to. what 'pomp' there is in all this i am unable to discover." the last clause refers to a sentence in dr. stuart's letter, in which he spoke of public clamors, in some places in virginia, originating generally with the opponents of the constitution and the government organized under it, on account of alleged practices on the part of the president and vice-president, which were regarded as monarchical in their tendency. an untrue report was circulated that the vice-president (who, it must be confessed, was quite high in his notions) never appeared publicly except with a coach and six horses! it created much excitement in virginia, and the opponents of the government made much use of it. the _levees_ of the president were cited as examples of the rapid growth of aristocracy. among other stories, it was alleged that at the first _levee_ an ante-chamber and presence-room were provided in the presidential mansion; and that, when those who were to pay court were assembled, the president, preceded by colonel humphreys as herald, passed through the ante-chamber to the door of the inner room. this was first entered, according to the untruthful account, by humphreys, who called out, with a loud voice, "the president of the united states!" another silly story went abroad, that at the ball given in honor of the president, soon after his inauguration, he and mrs. washington were seated in state upon a raised sofa at the head of the room; that each gentleman, when going to dance, led his partner to the foot of the sofa and made a low bow, and that when the dance was over, he again took his partner to make obeisance to the president and his lady before they retired to their chairs! the subject of etiquette in the president's home, and in his intercourse with the public at large, was of far more consequence, under the circumstances, than might appear at first thought. it seems to have been left chiefly to colonel humphreys, who had lately been jefferson's secretary of legation in paris, to arrange the whole matter; yet several months elapsed before washington felt that he was treading upon sure ground. as late as november, he made the following entry in his diary: "received an invitation to attend the funeral of mrs. roosevelt (the wife of a senator of this state), but declined complying with it--first, because the propriety of accepting any invitation of this sort appeared very questionable; and, secondly (though to do it in this instance might not be improper), because it might be difficult to discriminate in cases which might thereafter happen." the customs established during washington's administration concerning _levees_, the president not returning visits, et cetera, have ever since prevailed, and the chief magistrate of the republic is never seen in the position of a private citizen. we have alluded to the ball given in honor of washington after his inauguration. it was a brilliant affair, and surpassed anything of the kind ever before seen in new york. preparations had been made by the managers of the city assemblies to have the ball on the evening of the inauguration day; but, hearing that mrs. washington could not accompany her husband, it was postponed. the time when she would arrive being uncertain, the ball was given a week afterward. it was attended by the president and vice-president, a large majority of the members of both houses of congress, the governor and other new york state officers, foreign ministers, many military characters, and a large number of distinguished citizens. "the collection of ladies," wrote one who was present, "was numerous and brilliant, and they were dressed with consummate taste and elegance." "on this occasion," says griswold, "an agreeable surprise was prepared by the managers for every woman who attended. a sufficient number of fans had been made for the purpose in paris, the ivory frames of which displayed, as they were opened, between the hinges and the elegant paper covering, an extremely well-executed medallion portrait of washington in profile, and a page was appointed to present one, with the compliments of the managers, as each couple passed the receiver of the tickets."[ ] on the evening of the fourteenth of may, the count de moustier, the french minister, gave a splendid ball in honor of the president, at his residence in m'comb's house, in broadway, afterward occupied by washington as the presidential mansion. the whole arrangement was directed by his sister, the marchioness de brienne, who was an amateur artist of considerable distinction. "i heard the marchioness declare," wrote a lady who was present, "she had exhausted every resource to produce an entertainment worthy of france." mrs. washington did not leave mount vernon until tuesday, the nineteenth of may, when she set out for new york in her travelling carriage, drawn by four horses, accompanied by her two grandchildren, eleanor parke and george washington parke custis, and a small escort of horse. she was everywhere greeted with demonstrations of the greatest affection. when she approached baltimore she was met by a cavalcade of citizens. in the evening, fireworks were discharged in honor of the fair guest, and a band of musicians serenaded her. when she approached philadelphia she was met by the president of the commonwealth, the speaker of the assembly, two troops of dragoons, and a large number of citizens, who escorted her toward the schuylkill. seven miles from philadelphia she was met by a large company of women in carriages, who formed an escort, and at gray's ferry all partook of a collation. there mrs. robert morris joined mrs. washington in her carriage, and as the procession entered the city the bells rang out a merry peal, and cannon thundered a cordial welcome. mrs. washington remained in philadelphia, a guest of mrs. morris, until monday morning, when she set out for new york, accompanied by that lady. all through new jersey she received the most affectionate attentions, and at elizabethtown was the guest of governor livingston. at elizabethtown point she was met by her husband, who, attended by robert morris and other distinguished men, had come from new york in his splendid barge to receive her. as they approached the city they were saluted by thirteen discharges of cannon, and were followed to their residence by a crowd of the citizens. on the day after mrs. washington's arrival, the president invited a few official characters to a family dinner. no clergyman being present, washington himself asked a blessing before the company took their seat at table. the dinner was simple, and no special etiquette was observed on that occasion. a single glass of wine was offered to each guest, with the toast which washington invariably gave on such occasions--"to all our friends;" and when it was drunk, the president arose, led the way to the drawing-room, and each one departed when he pleased, without ceremony. such continued to be the simple hospitality of president washington's table. on the evening of the twenty-eighth, two days after her arrival, mrs. washington held her first _levee_, or drawing-room. it was attended by nearly all of the leading characters in social and political life then in the federal metropolis. "there was no place for the intrusion of the rabble in crowds, or for the mere coarse and boisterous partisan," says colonel stone in some remarks upon these receptions. "there was no place for the vulgar electioneerer or impudent place-hunter. on the contrary, they were select, and more courtly than have been given by any of washington's successors. proud of her husband's exalted fame, and jealous of the honors due, not only to his own lofty character, but to the dignified station to which a grateful country had called him, mrs. washington was careful, in her drawing-rooms, to exact those courtesies to which she knew he was entitled, as well on account of personal merit as of official consideration. none, therefore, were admitted to the _levees_ but those who had either a right by official station to be there, or were entitled to the privilege by established merit and character." mrs. washington's receptions were on friday evenings, and were always closed at precisely nine o'clock. notwithstanding the entire absence of all pomp or parade on these occasions, cavilers spoke of them sometimes in ill-natured and offensive terms, as "court levees" and "queenly drawing-rooms."[ ] washington always held the sabbath-day sacred to worship and repose, and no visitors were received by him on that day. sometimes an intimate acquaintance would spend the evening with him. he usually attended public worship with his family in the morning, and in the afternoon he retired to study, to read, to meditate, or to write private letters. in public as in private life, he was temperate in all things, and frugal in his household expenses. he employed the celebrated tavern-keeper, samuel fraunces (whose daughter, it will be remembered, once saved washington's life by revealing the murderous intentions of one of his life-guard) as his steward. everything was governed by a well-regulated economy, which had a most salutary effect in restraining extravagant living, toward which new york society had then a strong tendency. the president's example in that particular was powerful. washington preserved, in his movements, a certain degree of state, not offensive to the well-informed or right-minded. he had a fine coach, and, as at mount vernon, he kept superb horses, six of which, on some few occasions, were driven at one time before his carriage. the family carriage was generally drawn by four horses, when rides were taken in the country for exercise, with "mrs. washington and the children." his servants usually wore livery, and he sometimes was accompanied by outriders. such was the state in which many wealthy gentlemen moved at that day, especially in virginia; and none knew better than those who made these things an occasion to revile the new government, that nothing was further from the mind and heart of washington, in the practice of these customs, than a desire for ostentatious display. footnotes: [ ] griswold's _republican court_, page . [ ] the late mr. custis, mrs. washington's grandson, giving an account of these receptions at the presidential mansion in philadelphia, says:-- "when mrs. washington received company it was on friday, commencing about seven, and ending about nine o'clock. two rooms were thrown open. the furniture that was thought handsome in those days would be considered barely decent in modern times. the principal ornament was a glass chandelier in the largest room, burning wax lights. the chair of the lady of the president was a plain arm-chair lined with green morocco leather. "the ladies visiting the drawing-room were always attended by gentlemen. it was not the habit for very young girls to be present at the drawing-room, but only those of the age when it is proper for ladies to go into company. upon the ladies being introduced they were seated, and the president, who always attended the drawing-room, passed round the circle, paying his respects to each in succession; and it was a common remark, among the chit-chat of the drawing-room, that the chief was no inconsiderable judge of female beauty, since he was observed to tarry longer than usual when paying his compliments to miss sophia chew, a charming belle of philadelphia in that time. "refreshments were handed round by servants in livery; and about that period first appeared the luxury, now so universal, of ice-cream. introductions to eminent personages and conversation formed the entertainments of the drawing-room. cards were altogether unknown. "but the leading and most imposing feature of the drawing-room was the men of mark, the 'revolutionaries,' both civil and military, who were to be seen there. the old officers delighted to pay their respects to the wife of washington, and to call up the reminiscences of the headquarters, and of the 'times that tried men's souls.' these glorious old chevaliers were the greatest beaux of the age, and the recollections of their gallant achievements, together with their elegant manners, made them acceptable to the ladies everywhere. they formed the _élite_ of the drawing-room. general wayne--the renowned 'mad anthony'--with his aids-de-camp, lewis and de butts, frequently attended, with mifflin, walter stewart, colonel hartley, and many others. indeed, there was often to be met with at the mansion of the first president an assemblage of intellect and honor, public virtue and private worth, exalted merit and illustrious services, such as the world will never see again." chapter x. washington begins his official labors--the foreign and domestic relations of the united states--dangerous illness of the president--public anxiety and his own calmness--slow convalescence--death of washington's mother--proceedings in congress in reference to revenue, the judiciary and executive departments--debates concerning the appointing power--amendments of the constitution--establishment of the judiciary--washington's appointment of cabinet and judicial officers--adjournment of congress--thanksgiving-day appointed. with a most earnest desire to be a faithful public servant, washington commenced his labors as soon as possible after the inauguration. his first care was to make himself acquainted with the exact condition of his country; and for that purpose he personally inspected all of the most important official documents issued since the establishment of the confederacy, and called, unofficially, upon the heads of the several departments to report, in writing, the condition of things connected with the operations of their respective bureaux. in this pursuit he labored almost incessantly, examining with care the archives of the departments, making notes of important foreign correspondence, and collating his garnered facts so as to make them most convenient for use. the foreign relations of the united states were, on the whole, satisfactory. with the exception of england, the feeling of the european powers toward the new republic was friendly. the resentments caused by the long war with the mother-country were blunted, but by no means deprived of their strength; and the fact that the british government still held possession of western posts, in violation of treaty stipulations, to which allusion has already been made, was a cause of much irritation on the part of the americans. and this was increased, as we have observed, by the supposed malign influence of british officers over the tribes of indians between the lakes and the ohio and mississippi rivers, whose military strength was computed at five thousand warriors, one third of whom were, at the time in question, standing in open hostility to the united states. in the far southwest, the powerful creeks, six thousand strong, were at war with georgia, while the entire regular force of the united states did not exceed six hundred men. we have already alluded to the relative position of the spaniards in the southwest, and their disposition to exclude the americans from the navigation of the southern mississippi to its mouth. an attempt to open that navigation by treaty had failed; and there was an almost undefinable boundary-line between the spanish possessions and those of the united states, about which a dispute had arisen that threatened unpleasant relations with spain. france, the old ally of the new republic, was still friendly; but its government was then shaken by a terrible revolution just commenced, in which lafayette took a conspicuous part. of this we shall speak hereafter. up to the time in question, the representatives of france in america had exhibited the most friendly disposition. count de moustier, the successor of the chevalier de luzerne, was assiduous in his attentions; and washington had scarcely commenced the exercise of his executive functions, before that embassador, who had been more than a year in the country, sought a private interview with him, preparatory, as he said, to diplomatic negotiations concerning the commerce between the two nations. he was anxious to secure for his country superior advantages in commercial arrangements, and seemed to feel that france, as an ally, was entitled to more consideration than other nations. washington reciprocated his expressions of friendship, gave him assurance of the most friendly feeling toward france on the part of the people and government of the united states; but, with a wise caution, did not commit himself to any future policy in regard to commercial or other intercourse with the nations of europe. while zealously engaged in his public duties, washington was prostrated by violent disease, in the form of malignant anthrax or carbuncle boil upon his thigh, and for several days his life was seriously jeoparded. fortunately for himself and the republic, there was a physician at hand, in the person of doctor samuel bard, by whose well-directed skill his life was spared. while the malady was approaching its crisis, doctor bard never left his patient, but watched the progress of the disease with the greatest anxiety. on one occasion, when they were alone in the room, washington, looking earnestly in the doctor's face, said: "do not flatter me with vain hopes; i am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst." bard replied with an expression of hope, but with an acknowledgment of apprehension. to this the president calmly answered: "whether to-night or twenty years hence makes no difference--i know that i am in the hands of a good providence." while washington was so calm under his severe affliction--for his sufferings were intense--the public mind was greatly agitated upon the subject of his illness; for momentous interests were suspended upon the result of the disease. every hour, anxious inquiries were made at the presidential mansion. people listened with the most intense concern to every word that was passed from the lips of the physician to the public ear; and there was a sense of great relief when his convalescence was announced. but his recovery was very slow. on the twenty-eighth of july he was enabled for the first to receive a few visits of compliment, notwithstanding he had considered his health as restored three weeks earlier. "but," he wrote to mr. m'henry, "a feebleness still hangs upon me, and i am much incommoded by the incision which was made in a very large and painful tumor on the protuberance of my thigh. this prevents me from walking or sitting. however, the physician assures me it has had a happy effect in removing my fever, and will tend very much to the establishment of my general health." as late as the eighth of september he wrote to doctor craik, saying: "though now freed from pain, the wound given by the incision is not yet healed." before he had fairly recovered, the president heard of the death of his mother, who expired at fredericksburg, on the twenty-fifth of august, at the age of little more than eighty-two years, forty-six of which she had passed in widowhood. the event was touchingly alluded to in the pulpits of new york; and at the first public _levees_ of the president, after her death was known, members of the two houses of congress and other persons wore badges of mourning. when washington had fully recovered, he resumed his labors for the public good with the greatest ardor. the congress had been chiefly employed, meanwhile, in framing laws necessary to the organization of the government. the most important of these, in the senate, was an act for the establishment of a judiciary, and in the house of representatives an act providing a revenue by an imposition of discriminating duties upon imports. the latter subject had received the earliest attention of the house, for, in the condition in which the new government found the national finances, it was an all-important one. mr. madison brought it to the attention of congress, only two days after the inauguration, by a suggestion, in the first committee of the whole on the state of the union, to adopt a temporary system of imposts, by which the exhausted treasury might be replenished. upon the questions which this proposition gave birth to, long and able debates ensued, in which the actual state of the trade, commerce, and manufactures of the country were quite fully developed. from the published reports of these debates washington collated a mass of facts which aided him much in his future labors, and in drawing conclusions concerning public measures. an act for the collection of revenue through the medium of imposts was finally passed, and the principle was recognised of discriminating duties for the protection of american manufactures. the plan then adopted became the basis of our present revenue system. another important question that engaged congress during its first session was the establishment of executive departments, the heads of which should be the counsellors and assistants of the president in the management of public affairs. hitherto these functions had been performed by those officers who had been appointed, some of them several years before, by congress under the old confederation. john jay had been secretary for foreign affairs (an equivalent to secretary of state) since ; general knox had been at the head of the war department since the close of , when he succeeded general lincoln; and the treasury department was still managed by a board, at that time consisting of samuel osgood, walter livingston, and arthur lee. congress established three executive departments--treasury, war, and foreign affairs (the latter afterward called department of state)--the heads of which were to be styled secretaries, instead of ministers as in europe, and were to constitute, with the president of the united states, an executive council. in the organization of these departments, the important question arose, in what manner might the high officers who should fill them be appointed or removed? many believed that the decision of this question would materially influence the character of the new government; and the clause in the act to "establish an executive department to be denominated the department of foreign affairs," which declared the secretary thereof to be removable by the president, was debated with great warmth. it was contended that such a prerogative given to the president was in its character so monarchical that it would, in the nature of things, convert the heads of departments into mere tools and creatures of his will; that a dependence so servile on one individual would deter men of high and honorable minds from engaging in the public service; and that the most alarming dangers to liberty might be perceived in such prerogative. it was feared, they said, that those who advocated the bestowment of such power upon the president were too much dazzled with the splendor of the virtues which adorned the then incumbent of the office; and that they did not extend their views far enough to perceive, that an ambitious man at the head of the government might apply the prerogative to dangerous purposes, and remove the best of men from office. the idea that a man could ever be elected by the people of the united states to the office of chief magistrate, who was so lost to a sense of right, and so indifferent to public odium, as to remove a good man from office, was treated by the opposite party as absurd; and after a discussion which lasted several days, it was decided to give the removing power to the president, the action of the senate being necessary only in the matter of appointment. another important matter acted upon during the first session of congress was that of amending the constitution. it was brought to the attention of the national legislature in the president's inaugural speech; for he conceived that the amendments which had been proposed by the minorities in the several state conventions called to consider the constitution, deserved the careful consideration of those in authority, not only because of the nature of the propositions, but because such a consideration might be productive of good will toward the government, even in the minds of its opponents. mr. madison brought the subject before congress, pursuant to pledges which he found himself compelled to give in the virginia convention in order to secure the ratification of the constitution. these amendments amounted in the aggregate to no less than one hundred and forty-seven, besides separate bills of rights proposed by virginia and new york. some of them, made in different states, were identical in spirit, and sometimes in form; and yet, it is worthy of remark that not one of these proposed amendments, judged by subsequent experience, was of a vital character. how well this fact illustrates the profound wisdom embodied in our constitution! sixteen amendments were finally agreed to by congress and submitted to the several state legislatures. ten of these were subsequently ratified, and now form a part of the federal constitution. this early action of congress in deference to the opinions of minorities in the several states had a most happy effect. it reconciled many able men to the new government, and gave it strength at an hour when it was most needed. the senate, meanwhile, had adopted measures for the establishment of a federal judiciary. a plan embodied in a bill drafted by ellsworth, of connecticut, was, after several amendments, concurred in by both houses. by its provisions, the judiciary as established consisted of a supreme court, having one chief justice and five associate justices, who were to hold two sessions annually at the seat of the federal government. circuit and district courts were also established, which had jurisdiction over certain specified cases. appeals from these lower courts to the supreme court of the united states were allowed, as to points of law, in all civil cases where the matter in dispute amounted to two thousand dollars. a marshal was to be appointed for each district, having the general power of a sheriff, who was to attend all courts, and was authorized to serve all processes. a district attorney, to act for the united states in all cases in which the federal government might be interested, was also to be appointed for each district. such, in brief outline and in general terms, was the federal judiciary organized at the commencement of the government, and which is still in force, with slight modifications. the government being completely organized by acts of congress, and a system of revenue for the support of the government being established, washington proceeded to the important duty of filling the several offices which had been created. this was a most delicate and momentous task, for upon a right choice, especially in the heads of the executive departments, depended much of the success of his administration. he had contemplated the subject with much deliberation, and when the time came for him to act he was fully prepared. at that time the post of secretary of the treasury was the most important of all. everything pertaining to the finances of the country was in confusion, and needed a skillful hand in re-arranging and systematizing the inharmonious and incoherent fiscal machinery, so as to ascertain the actual resources of the treasury, and to adopt measures for restoring the credit of the country upon a basis of perfect solvency. "my endeavors," washington wrote before he assumed the office of chief magistrate, "shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit." to robert morris, the able financier of the revolution, washington turned with a feeling that he was the best man for the head of the treasury department. immediately after his inauguration, he inquired of morris: "what are we to do with this heavy debt?" "there is but one man in the united states," replied morris, "who can tell you--that is alexander hamilton. i am glad," he added, "that you have given me this opportunity to declare to you the extent of the obligations i am under to him." this hint determined washington to offer the important position of secretary of the treasury to hamilton. at the beginning of his administration he gave that gentleman assurances that he should call him to his cabinet in that capacity; and he frequently consulted him in reference to fiscal matters and cognate subjects during the summer. and when, in september, the office was formally tendered to hamilton, he accepted it, although it was at the sacrifice of the emoluments of a lucrative profession. some of his friends remonstrated with him on that account, because it would not be just to his growing family. "of that i am aware," the patriot replied; "but i am convinced it is the situation in which i can do most good." he entered upon the duties of his office almost immediately, with a full assurance that he should perform what he had often expressed a belief that he could do--the restoration of the public credit. general henry knox, the efficient leader of the artillery during the revolution, the sincere friend of washington, and a prudent, industrious, faithful, and honest man, was retained in the office of secretary of war. to edmund randolph, washington offered the responsible position of attorney-general of the united states. they had differed materially in their opinions concerning the federal constitution, and it will be remembered that randolph refused to sign it; but he had in a great degree become reconciled to the measure; and at no time was the friendship between himself and washington interrupted by their diversity of political sentiments. washington knew randolph's great worth and eminent abilities, and urged him to accept the office. he complied, and some months afterward entered upon its duties. john jay, one of the brightest minds of the remarkable century in which he lived, and an acute lawyer, was chosen to fill the office of chief justice of the united states. "i have a full confidence," wrote washington to mr. jay, "that the love which you bear to our country, and a desire to promote the general happiness, will not suffer you to hesitate a moment to bring into action the talents, knowledge, and integrity, which are so necessary to be exercised at the head of that department which must be considered the keystone of our political fabric." mr. jay accepted the office; and for his associates on the bench, the president selected william cushing, then chief justice of massachusetts; james wilson, of pennsylvania, a very conspicuous member of the general convention of ; robert h. harrison, then chief justice of maryland, who during a large portion of the war for independence had been one of washington's most loved confidential secretaries; john blair, one of the judges of the court of appeals in virginia; and john rutledge, the bold, outspoken patriot of south carolina. harrison declined, and james iredell, of north carolina, was substituted. the office of secretary of state remained to be filled. to that important post the president invited thomas jefferson, whose long and varied experience in public affairs at home and abroad thoroughly qualified him for the duties of that office. he was then the minister plenipotentiary of the united states at the french court, having succeeded doctor franklin. he had obtained leave to return home for a few months. he sailed from havre to england late in september, and embarked from cowes for america. he landed at norfolk on the twenty-third of november; and on his way to monticello, his beautiful seat near charlottesville in virginia, he received a letter from washington, dated the thirteenth of october, in which he was invited to a seat in the cabinet as secretary of state. "in the selection of characters," the president said, "to fill the important offices of government, i was naturally led to contemplate the talents and disposition which i knew you to possess and entertain for the service of your country; and without being able to consult your inclination, or to derive any knowledge of your intentions from your letters either to myself or to any of your friends, i was determined, as well by motives of private regard as a conviction of public propriety, to nominate you for the department of state, which, under its present organization, involves many of the most interesting objects of the executive authority." mr. jefferson, who had become enamored with the leaders and the principles of the french revolution then just inaugurated by the destruction of the bastile and other acts, preferred to remain in europe; but, yielding to the wishes of the president, he signified his willingness to accept the office. he was fearful that he would not be equal to the requirements of the station; but, he said, "my chief comfort will be to work under your eye, my only shelter the authority of your name, and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you and implicitly executed by me." the office of secretary of the navy was not created until early in , when war with france was anticipated. a navy was then formed, and a naval department established; and at the close of april, benjamin stoddart, of georgetown, in the district of columbia, was appointed the secretary, and became a cabinet officer. the postmaster-general did not become an executive officer until , the first year of president jackson's administration, when william t. barry entered the cabinet as the head of the post-office department. since then a new department has been established, called the department of the interior, the head of which is a cabinet officer. the congress adjourned on the twenty-ninth of september, after a session of more than six months, to meet again on the first monday in january. their last act was to appoint a joint committee to wait on the president and "request that he would recommend to the people of the united states a day of public thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many and signal favors of almighty god, especially by affording them an opportunity peacefully to establish a constitution of government for their safety and happiness." the president complied, and by proclamation he recommended that the twenty-sixth of november "be devoted by the people of these states to the service of that great and glorious being who is the beneficent author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may thus all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks for his kind care and protection of the people of this country previous to their becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interpositions of his providence, in the course and conclusion of the late war; for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty, which we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national one now recently instituted; for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and, in general, for all the great and various favors which he has been pleased to confer upon us." chapter xi. washington departs on a tour through new england--his cordial reception everywhere--honors on the route--invited to partake of governor hancock's hospitality while he remains in boston--washington declines, but agrees to dine with him--conflicting preparations for receiving the president at boston--washington escorted to the verge of boston--delay occasioned by disputes concerning a point of etiquette--washington disgusted--the dispute settled--a grand reception--the governor of a state assumes superior dignity to the president of the united states--his humiliation--an eye-witness's account of the matter--honors bestowed upon the president at boston--he journeys to portsmouth--returns through the interior to new york--position of north carolina and rhode island. immediately after the adjournment of congress, washington prepared to make a tour through new england, in order to become better acquainted with public characters there, the temper of the people toward the new government, and the circumstances and resources of the country. he had asked the advice of his counsellors on the propriety of such a journey, immediately after his inauguration, and now he again talked with hamilton and madison about it. they thought it desirable; and on the morning of thursday, the fifteenth of october, he set out in his carriage drawn by four horses, and accompanied by major jackson, his aid-de-camp, and tobias lear, his private secretary, with six servants. all papers appertaining to foreign affairs he left under the temporary control of mr. jay. the president was accompanied some distance out of the city by chief-justice jay, general knox, and colonel hamilton. his diary kept during his tour exhibits his constant and minute observations concerning the agricultural resources, and mechanical and other industrial operations, of the country through which he passed. at every considerable town on his route he was greeted by the authorities and the people, and everywhere he received demonstrations of the greatest personal respect and affection. on approaching new haven on saturday, the seventeenth, he was met by the governor and lieutenant-governor of connecticut (huntington and wolcott), and roger sherman, the mayor of the city. the governor and the congregational ministers of the city presented to him addresses, in which they congratulated him on the restoration of his health. he remained in new haven until monday morning, and then journeyed on to hartford accompanied by an escort of cavalry and citizens. at middletown and other places on the way he was received by escorts, and greeted with the ringing of bells, and sometimes the firing of cannon. increasing demonstrations of respect met him as he proceeded. at hartford all business was suspended during his stay; and, in all the towns, every class of citizens thronged the places of his presence to see the face of their beloved friend. grateful as these demonstrations were to the feelings of washington, as evidences of personal and official respect, they were not consonant with his desires. he wished to travel in the quiet manner of a private citizen, for he was ever averse to ostentatious displays of every kind. but his wishes could not control the actions of his fellow-citizens, and he yielded with a good grace to their receptions. near brookfield, between palmer and worcester, the president was met by a messenger sent by john hancock, then governor of massachusetts, to give notice of measures that had been arranged for the chief magistrate's reception on his approach to, and entrance into the city of boston, the capital of the commonwealth. governor hancock also invited him to make his house his home while in boston. washington courteously declined the governor's invitation to partake of his hospitality. "could my wish prevail," he said, "i should desire to visit your metropolis without any parade or extraordinary ceremony. from a wish to avoid giving trouble to private families i determined, on leaving new york, to decline the honor of any invitation to quarters which i might receive while on my journey; and, with a view to observe this rule, i had requested a gentleman to engage lodgings for me during my stay in boston." on the receipt of this letter, governor hancock wrote by the return courier to the president, expressing his regret that he could not have the honor of entertaining him at his house as a guest, and begging that he and his _suite_ would honor him with their company at dinner, _en famille_, on the day of their arrival. washington accepted the invitation, and on saturday, the twenty-fourth of october, he passed through cambridge, and approached boston toward meridian. preparations had been made for the reception of the president by governor hancock and the municipal authorities of boston, each independently of the other, and without consultation. this produced a disagreeable, but in some respects laughable scene in the ceremonies of the day. both parties sincerely desired to pay the highest honors to the chief magistrate of the nation, but political considerations separated the governor and the selectmen of boston. the governor claimed the right, as chief officer of the state, of receiving and welcoming in person the expected guest at the entrance to the capital; while the selectmen said, "you should have met him at the boundary of the _state_; but when he is about to enter the _town_, it is the right of the municipal authorities to receive him." the controversy was unsettled when the president and _suite_, under a military escort commanded by general brooks, passed through roxbury and were ready to enter boston. washington and major jackson had left the carriage, and had mounted horses prepared for them; and as the whole procession passed over the neck it was stopped, without apparent cause, for a long time. the contending parties, executive and municipal, had their respective carriages drawn up, each with the determination to receive and do honors to the president; and for more than an hour aides and marshals were posting between the leaders of the contending parties, endeavoring to effect a reconciliation. the sky was cloudy and the atmosphere raw, sour, and most disagreeable.[ ] washington finally inquired the cause of the delay, and, being informed, he asked, with evident impatience, whether there was any other avenue into the town. he was about to wheel his horse and seek one, and leave the contestants about etiquette to settle their dispute at leisure--when he was informed that the matter had been arranged, the governor's party having yielded to the municipal authorities. the war of words being ended, the procession moved on. the president was formally welcomed by the selectmen, and was received into the city with acclamations of joy, the ringing of bells, and the firing of cannon. a magnificent arch was raised for washington to pass under, and the streets, doors, and windows were filled with well-dressed people of both sexes. the president rode with his hat off, and with a calm, dignified air, without bowing to the people as he passed; but when he had reached a balcony of the old statehouse, and he was saluted by a long procession of citizens, he occasionally returned the salutations.[ ] when the ceremonials were over, he was conducted to his lodgings, at mrs. ingersoll's--a fine brick house, at the corner of tremont and court streets--accompanied by the lieutenant-governor and council, and vice-president adams, who was then in boston. a fine company of light-infantry, commanded by the distinguished harrison gray otis, was a guard of honor on the occasion. washington made the following record in his diary that evening: "having engaged yesterday to take an informal dinner with the governor to-day, but under a full persuasion that he would have waited upon me so soon as i should have arrived, i excused myself upon his not doing it, and informing me through his secretary that he was too much indisposed to do it, being resolved to receive the visit. dined at my lodgings, where the vice-president favored me with his company." this record alludes to an amusing display of official pride on the part of governor hancock, which washington, in the most dignified way, completely humbled. hancock's wealth, public services, and official position, placed him in the highest rank of social life at that time; and he had conceived the opinion that, as governor of a state and within the bounds of his jurisdiction, etiquette made it proper for him to receive the first visit, even from the president of the united states. he therefore omitted to meet washington on his first arrival, or to call upon him; but, lacking courage to avow the true reason, he pleaded indisposition. the true cause of the omission had been given to the president, and he determined to resist the governor's foolish pretensions. he therefore excused himself from the engagement to dinner, and dined, as he says, at his own lodgings, with vice-president adams as his guest. hancock soon perceived that he had made a great mistake, and sent three gentlemen that evening to express to washington his concern that he had not been in a condition to call upon him as soon as he entered the town. "i informed them," says washington in his diary, "in explicit terms, that i should not see the governor unless it was at my own lodgings." the next day (sunday), on consultation with his friends, hancock determined to waive the point of etiquette; and at noon he sent a message to washington that he would do himself the honor of visiting him within half an hour, notwithstanding it was at the hazard of his health. washington immediately returned a note in reply to the governor, informing him that he would be at home until two o'clock, and adding, with the most polished irony: "the president need not express the pleasure it will give him to see the governor; but, at the same time, he most earnestly begs that the governor will not hazard his health on the occasion." hancock made the visit within the specified time. after recording in his diary his attendance upon public worship in the morning and afternoon, washington added: "between the two i received a visit from the governor, who assured me that indisposition alone prevented him from doing it yesterday, and that he was still indisposed; but as it had been suggested that he expected to _receive_ the visit from the president, which he knew was improper, he was resolved at all hazards to pay his compliments to-day." thus the matter ended; and the next day the president drank tea with the governor, the latter not having been injured by his exposure in calling upon washington.[ ] the president remained in boston until thursday, the twenty-ninth, during which time he received many calls and addresses, and visited the manufacturing establishments in the city, and the french ships-of-war in the harbor. on the twenty-seventh he had a busy day. in his diary he recorded: "at ten o'clock in the morning received the visits of the clergy of the town. at eleven, went to an oratorio; and between that and three o'clock received the addresses of the governor and council of the town of boston[ ]--of the president, et cetera, of harvard college, and of the cincinnati of the state; after which, at three o'clock, i dined at a large and elegant dinner at faneuil hall, given by the governor and council, and spent the evening at my lodgings." of all the addresses, none were so grateful to him as that from his old companions-in-arms, the members of the cincinnati. "after the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the hudson," they said, "which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpected meeting. on this occasion we can not avoid the recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which you conducted us; and while we contemplate the trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon other trials and other services, alike important, and in some points of view equally hazardous. for the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long, very long may your invaluable life be preserved; and as an admiring world, while considering you as a soldier, have wanted a comparison, so may your virtues and talents as a statesman leave it without a parallel." to these remarks washington replied: "dear, indeed, is the occasion which restores intercourse with my associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace participated with those whose virtue and valor so largely contributed to procure them. to that virtue and valor your country has confessed her obligations. be mine the grateful task to add to the testimony of a connection which it was my pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyment of peace and freedom." on board the french vessels in the harbor were about thirty officers who had served in america during the revolution, and several of these were members of the society of the cincinnati in france. of these the admiral, viscount de pondevez, the marquis de traversay, and the chevalier de braye (the marquis de galhsoneire being ill on board his ship) accompanied the cincinnati in presenting their address. on the following day the president was conveyed on board the flag-ship of the french admiral, in the beautiful barge of the ship _illustrious_, having the flag of the united states at the bow, and that of france at the stern. it was steered by a major and rowed by midshipmen, and the president was received on board with the homage given to sovereigns. "the officers," says one account, "took off their shoes, and the crew all appeared with their legs bared." "going and coming," says washington in his diary, "i was saluted by the two frigates which lay near the wharves, and by the seventy-fours after i had been on board of them. i was also saluted, going and coming, by the fort on castle island." washington continued his tour eastward as far as portsmouth, in new hampshire, passing through salem and newburyport on the way. he was attended nearly the whole distance by military escorts. he left boston on the morning of the twenty-ninth. eight o'clock was the hour appointed for departure. the escort that was to accompany him was not ready, and the punctual president, ever deprecating delays, and fearing some other question of etiquette was to be settled, left the laggards to overtake him on the road. he enjoyed the hospitalities of the executive of new hampshire (general sullivan) and the citizens of portsmouth, for several days. there he gave mr. gulligher, a boston painter, one sitting for his portrait, at the request of several of the inhabitants of that city, and also partook of a public dinner and attended a ball given in his honor.[ ] from portsmouth washington journeyed toward new york by an interior route, passing through exeter, haverhill, andover, lexington, watertown, uxbridge, pomfret (where general putnam lived), and arrived at hartford on monday, the ninth of november. he reached new york in the afternoon of the thirteenth, his health much benefitted by the journey, and his store of knowledge of the people and the country greatly increased. he had been everywhere received as a father, and he left behind him many pleasant memories, which the participants cherished as long as life lasted.[ ] the excess of adulation to which the president had been exposed during his tour in new england was deprecated by the more thoughtful, but none found fault with the matter seriously. trumbull, the author of mcfingal, said good-naturedly in a letter to his friend oliver wolcott: "we have gone through all the popish grades of worship, and the president returns all fragrant with the odor of incense." it will be observed that in this tour the president avoided rhode island altogether. the reason was that that state, and north carolina, had not yet ratified the federal constitution, and were so far regarded as foreign states that tonnage duties were imposed upon the vessels of each coming into any port of the other eleven states. but this unpleasant position of the two commonwealths was soon changed. on the very day when washington reached new york from his eastern tour, a convention of north carolina voted to ratify the constitution; and on the twenty-ninth of may following, rhode island was admitted into the union. footnotes: [ ] washington took cold on that occasion. in his diary, the following monday, he recorded: "the day being rainy and stormy, myself much disordered by a cold and inflammation in my left eye, i was prevented from visiting lexington," etc. sullivan, in his familiar letters, tells us that, for several days afterward, a severe influenza prevailed at boston and in its vicinity, and was called the _washington influenza_. it may not be inappropriate to mention that a similar epidemic prevailed all over new england and a part of new york, after the visit of president tyler to boston, in , which was called the _tyler grippe_. [ ] washington wrote in his diary, under date of saturday, october twenty-fourth: "suffice it to say, that at the entrance of the town i was welcomed by the selectmen in a body. then following the lieutenant-governor and council in the order we came from cambridge (preceded by the town corps, very handsomely dressed), we passed through the citizens classed in their different professions and under their own banners, till we came to the statehouse, from which, across the street, an arch was thrown, in the front of which was this inscription, 'to the man who unites all hearts;' and on the other, 'to columbia's favorite son.' on one side thereof, next the statehouse, in a panel decorated with a trophy, composed of the arms of the united states, of the commonwealth of massachusetts, and our french allies, crowned with a wreath of laurel, was this inscription--'boston relieved, march , .' this arch was handsomely ornamented, and over the centre of it a canopy was erected twenty feet high, with the american eagle perched on the top. after passing through the arch, and entering the statehouse at the south end and ascending to the upper floor, and returning to the balcony at the north end, three cheers were given by a vast concourse of people who by this time had assembled at the arch. then followed an ode, composed in honor of the president, and well sung by a band of select singers. after this three cheers, followed by the different professions and mechanics, in the order they were drawn up with their colors, through a lane of the people which had thronged about the arch, under which they passed. the streets, the doors, the windows, and tops of the houses, were crowded with well-dressed ladies and gentlemen." [ ] the venerable samuel breck, of philadelphia, now [ ] in the eighty-ninth year of his age, communicated to me in a letter dated may twenty-fifth, , the following interesting reminiscences of washington's visit to boston on the occasion under consideration. after giving me a most interesting account of matters connected with the french vessels there, mr. breck says:-- "at the time when admiral de pondevez was lying with his fleet in the harbor of boston, general washington, the first president of the united states, who was making a tour east during the recess of congress, arrived there. he was received with open arms and hearty cheers by the people. in his honor a triumphal arch was raised, with appropriate mottoes, near the old statehouse. under this he passed in great state. i stood at a window close by, and saw him enter the balcony of that building and show himself to the thousands who came from far and near to greet him. i saw all that passed, heard the fine anthems that were composed for the occasion, and gazed with admiring eyes upon his majestic figure. "the procession that had accompanied him from the entrance of the town took up its line of march again, after these ceremonies, and accompanied him to the house selected for his residence, which stood at the corner of tremont and court streets. it was a handsome brick building. a beautiful company of light-infantry served as a guard of honor, commanded by the well-known and greatly distinguished harrison gray otis. "governor hancock had prepared a great dinner at his house, to which he invited the french admiral, the officers of the fleet, and many of the principal citizens. a notion had got into hancock's head, that the governor of a state was a kind of king or sovereign in his own territory, and that it would be derogatory to his station to pay the first visit to any one, even the president of the united states; and, acting always upon this rule, he sent an invitation to general washington to dine with him, but excused himself from calling on him, alleging that sickness detained him at home; thus covering by a lame apology the resolution which he dared not openly exercise toward the president. washington, who had received some hint of this absurd point of etiquette which sought to exalt the head of a part above the head of the whole, sent his aid-de-camp, major william jackson, with a message to his excellency, declining the invitation to dinner, and intimating that if his health permitted him to receive company, it would admit of his visiting him. "my father dined at the governor's, and about sunset brought admiral de pondevez and several of his officers, who spent the evening with us. the dinner-party went off heavily, owing to the general disappointment in not meeting the president. meantime the french ships-of-war in the harbor were dressed in variegated lamps, and bonfires blazed in the streets. the ladies wore bandeaux, cestuses, and ribands, stamped and embroidered with the name of washington; some in gold and silver letters, and some in pearls. "about ten o'clock i accompanied the admiral to the wharf of embarkation for his ship. as we passed the house where the president lodged, de pondevez and his party expressed great surprise at the absence of all sort of parade or noise. 'what!' said he, 'not even a sentinel? in europe,' he added, 'a brigadier-general would have a guard; and here this great man, the chief of a nation, does not permit it!' "the next day was sunday, and immediately after morning service, mr. joseph russell, an intimate friend of the governor, called at our house, and told my father that his excellency had swallowed the bitter pill, and was then on his way to visit the president--to which step he had been urged by a report that the people generally condemned his false pride." [ ] the address from the town was accompanied by a request, in behalf of the ladies of boston, that he would sit for his portrait, to be placed in faneuil hall, that others might be copied from it for their respective families. on account of a want of time he was compelled to decline, but promised to have it painted for them after his return to new york. [ ] "at half-after seven," he says in his diary, "i went to the assembly, where there were about seventy-five well-dressed, and many of them very handsome ladies, among whom (as was also the case at the salem and boston assemblies) were a greater proportion with much blacker hair than are usually seen in the southern states." [ ] between uxbridge and pomfret, the president lodged at an inn kept by mr. taft, where he was so much pleased with the family, that on his arrival at hartford he wrote the following letter to mr. taft:-- "hartford, _ th november, ._ "sir: being informed that you have given my name to one of your sons, and called another after mrs. washington's family, and being moreover very much pleased with the modest and innocent looks of your two daughters, patty and polly, i do for these reasons send each of these girls a piece of chintz; and to patty, who bears the name of mrs. washington, and who waited more upon us than polly did, i send five guineas, with which she may buy herself any little ornament she may want, or she may dispose of them in any other manner more agreeable to herself. as i do not give these things with a view to have it talked of, or even to its being known, the less there is said about the matter the better you will please me. but, that i may be sure the chintz and money have got safe to hand, let patty, who i dare say is equal to it, write me a line, informing me thereof, directed to 'the president of the united states at new york.' i wish you and your family well, and am your humble servant, "geo. washington." chapter xii. first act in the french revolution--lafayette's participation in it--american sympathy in the movement--washington's expression of feelings--opening of the second session of congress--washington's message--precedents established--hamilton's report on the public debt and public credit--his financial scheme--the plan before congress--assumption of state debts--financial measures adopted by congress--effects of the discussion of the subject--washington's opinions--his letter concerning sectional jealousies. during the summer of a revolution had broken out in france, and its influence was soon materially felt in the politics of the united states. it was severe at the beginning and terrible in its subsequent course. for a long time the enormous corruptions of state had been apparent, and an attempted cure by the most violent means appeared inevitable to the thoughtful and sagacious. the french monarch was a weak man and governed much by bad advisers; and he often refused to listen to the true friends of himself and france when they talked of political and social reforms. among these was the good, and brave, and generous lafayette, who loved the king for his many virtues, but loved france and her true glory, based upon the welfare and prosperity of her people, far more. lafayette's principal associates in the scheme of reform were the duke de rochefoucauld and m. candorcet. these and one or two others were regarded as the leaders. they aimed to obtain for france a constitution similar to that of england, which they regarded as the most perfect model of human government then known. they desired to retain the throne, but to diminish very materially the power of the monarch. they desired a house of peers, with legislative powers similar to that of england, but restricted in number to one hundred members. they desired a house of representatives, to be chosen by the great body of the people from among themselves, and to make the government a constitutional monarchy upon a republican basis. with this view lafayette with his coadjutors had labored for several months, when, in the assembly of notables in april, he boldly demanded a series of reforms, and among others a national assembly. "what!" exclaimed the count d'artois, one of louis's bad advisers, "do you make a motion for the states-general?"--"yes, and even more than that," quickly responded lafayette. that _more_ was a charter from the king, by which the public and individual liberty should be acknowledged and guarantied by the future states-general. the measure was carried, and early in may a session of the states-general was opened at versailles. had the king now listened to the advice of his true friends, and made concessions, all would have been well. but he ordered the hall of the national assembly, or states-general, to be closed. he also allowed german troops from every quarter to gather around paris, and when requested by the national assembly to send them away he refused. m. necker, the patriotic controller of the treasury, and other ministers who favored reform were dismissed, and the populace became greatly excited. for three days there were scenes of violence in the french capital that presaged the most terrible results. the national assembly decreed the establishment of an armed militia of forty-eight thousand men, when no less than two hundred and seventy thousand citizens enrolled themselves. arms were seized, and the greatest exasperation appeared on every side. again the removal of the troops around paris was demanded. "i alone," replied the king, "have the right to judge of the necessity, and in that respect i can make no change." forbearance was no longer a virtue; and the state-prison, called the bastile, being regarded as one of the strongholds of despotism, was attacked and taken by the people on the fourteenth of july. the conquering thousands then marched in triumph to the city-hall. the chief supporters of the king fled, and louis, finding himself abandoned, hurried to the national assembly to make peace with it. "heaven knows," he exclaimed, "that the nation, and i are one--i confide myself wholly to you. help me, in this crisis, to save the state. relying on the attachment and security of my subjects, i have ordered the troops to leave paris and versailles. i beseech you to make known my intentions to the capital!" lafayette and another hurried to the city-hall, in paris, to inform the people of the king's declarations. "he has hitherto been deceived," he said, "but he now sees the merit and justness of the popular cause." the enthusiasm was general at this announcement. tears of joy were shed, and the revolution appeared to be at an end. the king confirmed the nomination of lafayette as the commander-in-chief of the national guard, by which he was put at the head of four millions of armed citizens; and the nation breathed free with hope. but the wily duke of orleans, who desired the destruction of the king for the base purposes of his own exaltation, excited suspicions among the people, and a demand for the king's presence at the tuilleries was made. louis went voluntarily from versailles to paris, followed by sixty thousand citizens and a hundred deputies of the assembly, and there formally accepted the declaration of the rights of man, which was presented to him. this set the minds of the people at rest, and quiet was restored to the capital and to france. but lafayette was filled with apprehension for the future. to colonel john trumbull, who was about to leave france for the united states at the close of summer, he communicated a special message to washington concerning the state of affairs in france. after speaking of the changes already effected and the hopes for the future, he said: "unhappily, there is one powerful and wicked man, who, i fear, will destroy this beautiful fabric of human happiness--the duke of orleans." he had already been accused, and no doubt justly, of sending hired assassins to versailles to murder louis and the royal family, that he might be made regent of the kingdom. "he does not, indeed," said lafayette, "possess talent to carry into execution a great project; but he possesses immense wealth, and france abounds in marketable talents. every city and town has young men eminent for abilities, particularly in the law--ardent in character, eloquent, ambitious of distinction, but poor." such was the material that composed the leaders in the reign of terror which speedily followed, and deluged paris in blood. the revolution in france, under the direction of lafayette and his associates, was thorough as far as it went, yet it was conservative. it elicited the warmest sympathies of the american people, and washington was rejoiced at the promise thus made of happiness for the french nation. "the revolution which has taken place with you," he wrote to lafayette in october, "is of such magnitude, and of so momentous a nature, that we hardly yet dare to form a conjecture about it. we however trust, and fervently pray, that its consequences may prove happy to a nation in whose fate we have so much cause to be interested, and that its influence may be felt with pleasure by future generations." to the count de rochambeau he said: "i am persuaded i express the sentiments of my fellow-citizens, when i offer our earnest prayer that it may terminate in the permanent honor and happiness of your government and people." the connection of the revolution, the first act of which we have delineated in outline, with the administration of washington, will be developed hereafter. it has been given here because it was appropriate in the order of time. few public events of importance occurred in the united states, after washington's return from his eastern tour, until the reassembling of congress, early in january, . the day appointed for that assembling was the fourth, but there was not a quorum of the two houses until the eighth, when the session was formally opened by washington in person, with an address which he read in the senate chamber. according to a record in his diary, it was done with considerable state, conformably to arrangements made by general knox and colonel humphreys.[ ] in that address the president recommended adequate provision for the common defence, having special reference to indian hostilities; an appropriation for the support of representatives of the united states at foreign courts and other agents abroad; the establishment of a federal rule of naturalization; measures for the encouragement of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and literature; and adequate provision for the interest on the public debt. as at the opening of the first session, both houses now waited upon the president with formal answers to his message, and the various recommendations contained in it were referred to an equal number of committees. the latter practice has ever since been adhered to. three important questions, involving the establishment of precedents, were discussed and decided early in the session of . the first was a decision, in accordance with the report of a joint committee of both houses, that the last session of each congress should expire on the third of march. the second was in relation to the unfinished business of the former session. on the report of a joint committee, a rule was established that everything might be taken up where it had been left off at the adjournment, except bills which after having passed one house had stopped in the other. these were to be considered as lost, and were not to be revived except in the form of new matter. the third question was as to the official intercourse of the heads of departments with congress. the question grew out of an intimation from mr. hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, that he was ready to make a report on the national debt and the support of the public credit, according to the requirements of a resolution passed at the last session. the question was, shall the report be made orally or in writing? the decision was that it should be in writing; and ever since, the heads of departments have held intercourse with congress only in writing, the secretary of the treasury reporting directly to congress, the other secretaries through the president. hamilton's financial scheme was the most important subject that occupied the attention of congress during that session. it was submitted to the house on the fifteenth of january. it was a most masterly performance, and commanded the profound attention and respect of the whole country. it boldly enunciated principles based upon the broad foundation of common honesty, by which, in the opinion of the secretary, the united states ought to be governed in relation to the public debt. the report opened with an able and comprehensive argument in elucidation and support of these principles the fundamental ground of the whole argument being the justice and policy of making adequate provision for the final payment of the federal and state debts. these debts amounted in the aggregate to a large sum. hamilton estimated the foreign debt due to the account of france, to private creditors in holland, and a small sum in spain, at about eleven and three quarter millions of dollars. this sum included the arrears of interest (more than a million and a half of dollars) which had accumulated on the french and spanish loans since , and installments of the french loan overdue. the domestic debt, including interest to the end of , and an allowance for unliquidated claims of two millions of dollars (principally unredeemed continental money), he estimated at about forty-two and a half millions, nearly a third part of which was arrears of interest. the domestic debt was due originally to officers and soldiers of the war for independence; farmers who had furnished supplies for the army, or suffered losses by seizure of their products; and capitalists who had loaned money to the continental congress during the war, or spent their fortunes freely in support of the cause. these were sacred debts; but the position into which the paper which represented these outstanding claims had fallen, afforded a specious argument against the propriety of paying their nominal value to the holders. so long had public justice delayed in liquidating these claims, that they had sunk to one sixth of their nominal value, and a greater portion of the paper was held by speculators. it thus lost the power with which it appealed to the public sympathy when in the hands of the original holders, and there was a general sentiment against a full liquidation of these claims. it was therefore suggested that the principle of a scale of depreciation should be applied to them, as had been done in the case of the continental money, in paying them--that is, at the rates at which they had been purchased by the holders. it was especially urged that this principle should be applied to the arrears of interest, then accumulated to an amount almost equal to one half the principal. in his report, hamilton took strong grounds against this idea, as being unjust, dishonest, and impolitic. in the latter point of view, he justly argued that public credit was essential to the new federal government, and without it sudden emergencies, to which all governments as well as individuals are exposed, could not be met promptly and efficiently. public credit, he said, could only be established by the faithful discharge of public debts in strict conformity to the terms of contract. in the case in question the contract was to pay so much money to the holders of the certificates, or to their assignees. this was plain, and nothing but a full and faithful discharge of the nominal value of the debt could satisfy the contract. thus he argued concerning the principal, and he applied the same logic to the accumulated overdue interest. it ought to have been paid when due, according to contract, and was as much an honest debt as the principal. hamilton went further. he strongly recommended the assumption of the state debts by the federal government, amounting in the aggregate, overdue interest included, to about twenty-five millions of dollars. both descriptions of debts, he argued, were contracted for the same objects, and were in the main the same. indeed, a great part of the particular debts of the states had arisen from assumptions by them on account of the union, and it was most equitable that there should be the same measure of retribution for all. the secretary considered such assumption "a measure of sound policy and substantial justice." the entire debt, federal and state, foreign and domestic, for the payment of which he recommended measures of provision, was almost eighty millions of dollars. the secretary, after giving the whole subject a thorough investigation and discussion, proposed that a loan should be opened to the full amount of the debt, federal and state, upon the following terms:-- "_first._ that for every one hundred dollars subscribed payable in the debt, as well interest as principal, the subscriber should be entitled to have two thirds founded on a yearly interest of six per cent. (the capital redeemable at the pleasure of the government by the payment of the principal), and to receive the other third in lands of the western territory at their then actual value. or, "_secondly._ to have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of four per cent., irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars upon the hundred, per annum, both on account of principal and interest, and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands as in the preceding case. or, "_thirdly._ to have sixty-six and two thirds of a dollar funded at a yearly interest of six per cent., irredeemable also by any payment exceeding four dollars and two thirds of a dollar upon the hundred, per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have at the end of ten years twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption." in addition to these propositions, the creditors were to have an option of vesting their money in annuities on different plans; and it was also recommended to open a loan at five per cent. for ten millions of dollars, payable one half in specie and the other half in the debt, irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars upon the hundred, per annum, both of principal and interest. the secretary also proposed an augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand that would be made upon it; and a duty on domestic spirits was also recommended. serious trouble grew out of the latter measure when adopted and put in force. hamilton's report, sent to congress on the fourteenth of january, was taken up for consideration in the house of representatives on the twenty-eighth; but action was postponed until the eighth of february. its propositions, especially the one relating to the assumption of the state debts, were vehemently opposed, chiefly because of their tendency to a centralization of power, as giving an undue influence to the general government, and as being of doubtful constitutionality. many in different parts of the union thought they saw great political evil in this financial union of the states; and virginia, above all others, most earnestly opposed the scheme. it was believed that the funding of the state debts would materially benefit the northern states, in which was almost the entire capital of the country, while the southern states could see no benefit for themselves. finally, on the ninth of march, a bill predicated upon the secretary's report passed in committee of the whole by a small majority, and went to the house for discussion. this continued from time to time until august, when, on the fourth, an act was passed embodying essentially the several propositions in hamilton's report. it authorized the president to borrow twelve millions of dollars, if so much were found necessary, for discharging the arrears of interest and the overdue installments of the foreign debt, and for the paying off the whole of that debt, could it be effected on advantageous terms, the money thus borrowed to be reimbursed within fifteen years. it also authorized the opening of a new loan, payable in certificates of the domestic debt at par value, and in continental bills of credit at the rate of one hundred for one. certificates were to be issued for subscriptions in the interest of the domestic debt to the full amount, redeemable at the pleasure of the government, and bearing interest at the rate of three per cent., the interest to be paid quarterly, and to commence with the first day of january, ; all interest becoming due on continental certificates, up to that time, to be funded as above. subscriptions in the principal of the domestic debt were to bear interest at six per cent.; but upon one third of the amount, entitled "deferred stock," the interest was not to commence till the year . this interest was not to be redeemable at a faster rate than eight dollars upon the hundred, annually, including the yearly interest, and it was left to the option of the public creditors to subscribe, or not, to this new loan. the amount of state debts assumed by the general government, by the act, was twenty-one millions, five hundred thousand dollars. for this the act authorized an additional loan, payable in certificates of the state debts, which were distributed among the states in specific proportions;[ ] but no certificates were to be received except such as had been issued for services or supplies during the war. "the effect of this measure," says marshall, "was great and rapid. the public paper suddenly rose, and was for a short time above par. the immense wealth which individuals acquired by this unexpected appreciation could not be viewed with indifference. those who participated in its advantages regarded the author of a system to which they were so greatly indebted, with an enthusiasm of attachment to which scarcely any limits were assigned. to many others, this adventitious collection of wealth in particular hands was a subject rather of chagrin than of pleasure; and the reputation which the success of his plans gave to the secretary of the treasury was not contemplated with unconcern." the discussions which hamilton's report produced in and out of congress, in the public press and in private circles, fearfully agitated the country, and called forth the first regular and systematic opposition to the principles on which the affairs of the union were administered. in this discussion washington was greatly interested, yet he avoided all semblance of participation in it. he heartily approved of hamilton's plan for restoring the public credit and laying the foundation of national policy, as the most perfect that human wisdom had yet devised; but he concealed his opinions in his own breast, except when in private conversation with intimate friends. he looked with ineffable disgust upon the sectional jealousies which the discussion revealed; and in an able letter to dr. stuart, written toward the close of march, in reply to remarks of that gentleman concerning a spirit of jealousy in virginia toward the eastern states, he spoke out warmly. the latter section of the union had united in favor of hamilton's scheme, while virginia, for reasons already alluded to, opposed it. stuart wrote: "it is represented that the northern phalanx is so firmly united as to bear down all opposition, while virginia is unsupported even by those whose interests are similar to hers.[ ] colonel lee tells me that many who were warm supporters of the government are changing their sentiments, from a conviction of the impracticability of union with states, whose interests are so dissimilar to those of virginia." "i am sorry such jealousies as you speak of should be gaining ground, or are poisoning the minds of the southern people," washington wrote in reply. "but admit the fact, which is alleged as the cause of them, and give it full scope--does it amount to more than was known to every man of information before, at, and since the adoption of the constitution? was it not always believed that there are some points which peculiarly interest the eastern states? and did any one who reads human nature, and more especially the character of the eastern people, conceive that they would not pursue them steadily by a combination of their force? are there not other points which equally concern the southern states? if these states are less tenacious of their interest, or if, whilst the eastern move in a solid phalanx to effect their views, the southern are always divided, which of the two is most to be blamed? that there is a diversity of interests in the union none have denied; that this is the case also in every state is equally certain; and that it even extends to the counties of individual states can be as readily proved. instance the southern and northern parts of virginia, the upper and lower parts of south carolina. have not the interests of these always been at variance? witness the county of fairfax. have not the interests of the people of that county varied, or the inhabitants been taught to believe so? these are well-known truths; and yet, it did not follow that separation was to result from the disagreement. "to constitute a dispute there must be two parties. to understand it well, both parties and all the circumstances must be fully heard; and, to accommodate differences, temper and mutual forbearance are requisite. common danger brought the states into confederacy, and on their union our safety and importance depend. a spirit of accommodation was the basis of the present constitution. can it be expected, then, that the southern or eastern parts of the empire will succeed in all their measures? certainly not. but i will readily grant that more points will be carried by the latter than the former, and for the reason which has been mentioned, namely, that in all great national questions they move in unison, whilst the others are divided. but i ask, again, which is most blameworthy--those who see, and will steadily pursue their interest, or those who can not see, or seeing will not act wisely? and i will ask another question, of the highest magnitude in my mind, to wit: if the eastern and northern states are dangerous in union, will they be less so in separation? if self-interest is their governing principle, will it forsake them, or be restrained by such an event? i hardly think it would. then, independently of other considerations, what would virginia, and such other states as might be inclined to join her, gain by a separation? would they not, most unquestionably, be the weaker party?" footnotes: [ ] the following is the record:-- "according to appointment, at eleven o'clock i set out for the city-hall in my coach, preceded by colonel humphreys and major jackson in uniform (on my two white horses), and followed by messrs. lear and nelson in my chariot, and mr. lewis, on horseback, following them. in their rear were the chief justice of the united states, and secretary of the treasury and war departments, in their respective carriages, and in the order they are named. at the outer door of the hall i was met by the doorkeepers of the senate and house, and conducted to the door of the senate chamber; and passing from thence to the chair through the senate on the right, and house of representatives on the left, i took my seat. the gentlemen who attended me followed and took their stand behind the senators, the whole rising as i entered. after being seated, at which time the members of both houses also sat i arose (as they also did) and made my speech, delivering one copy to the president of the senate, and another to the speaker of the house of representatives; after which, and being a few moments seated, i retired, bowing on each side to the assembly (who stood) as i passed, and descending to the lower hall, attended as before, i returned with them to my house." [ ] the following were the amounts: new hampshire, $ , ; massachusetts, $ , , ; rhode island, $ , ; connecticut, $ , , ; new york, $ , , ; new jersey, $ , ; pennsylvania, $ , , ; delaware, $ , ; maryland, $ , ; virginia, $ , , ; north carolina, $ , , ; south carolina, $ , , ; georgia, $ , . [ ] south carolina joined new england in favor of hamilton's scheme. chapter xiii. arrival of jefferson at the seat of government--his republicanism shocked--monarchical sentiments entertained by some--hamilton induces jefferson to support his financial measures--location of the seat of government agreed upon--jefferson's suspicions--his dislike of hamilton--washington unsuspicious of dissention in his cabinet--birth of the _federal_ and _republican_ parties--slavery and the slave-trade discussed--the result--difficulties with the indian tribes--negotiations and war--relations with great britain and spain--secret service--gouverneur morris and major beckwith. after a tedious journey of a fortnight from richmond, mr. jefferson arrived at the seat of government on the twenty-first of march, when the debate on the assumption of the state debts was at its bitterest point. he had returned to america after several years of diplomatic service in france, with a sincere desire to spend the remainder of his days in private life. but he was met at the house of his brother-in-law, on his way from norfolk (where he landed) to his home at monticello, by washington's letter, already mentioned, inviting him to his cabinet as secretary of state. the diplomat was disappointed. he had seen, and in a degree had participated in, the opening act in the drama of the french revolution. he had, as we have observed, become deeply enamored of the leaders in the revolt, and the political sentiments they had proclaimed; and he preferred to remain in france, if he was to be continued in public employment. but the terms of washington's invitation were such, that jefferson's sense of duty and reverence for the president would not allow him to refuse, and after due deliberation he accepted the office. on his arrival at new york, jefferson found many things to surprise and startle him. a wonderful change had apparently taken place in political life during his residence in europe; and being thoroughly imbued with republican principles and a deep-seated hatred of monarchy, his suspicions and jealousies were most painfully alive. he saw dangers to the state lurking in every recess where the full light of clear perceptions did not fall. "i found a state of things," he wrote some years afterward, "which, of all i had contemplated, i least expected. i had left france in the first year of her revolution, in the fervor of natural rights and zeal for reformation. my conscientious devotion to these rights could not be heightened, but it had been aroused and excited by daily exercise. the president received me cordially, and my colleagues and circle of principal citizens apparently with welcome. the courtesies of dinner-parties given me, as a stranger newly arrived among them, placed me at once in their familiar society. but i can not describe the wonder and mortification with which the table conversations filled me. politics were the chief topic, and a preference of kingly over republican government was evidently the favorite sentiment. an apostate i could not be, nor yet a hypocrite; and i found myself, for the most part, the only advocate on the republican side of the question, unless among the guests there chanced to be some member of that party from the legislative houses." that there were men of character in the united states at that time who desired a monarchical form of government, evidence is not wanting. some of them had been loyalists during the war. washington spoke of them in , before the assembling of the convention that framed the federal constitution, as men who either had "not consulted the public mind," or who lived "in a region more productive of monarchical ideas than was the case in the southern states." but that any officer of the government, on jefferson's arrival, had a desire for kingly rule, there is no positive evidence. the most earnest advocate for a strong, energetic, consolidated government, was alexander hamilton; yet he never expressed a _desire_ for a monarchical government in america. in his speech in the constitutional convention on the eighteenth of june, , he lauded the british constitution as the best ever devised by man, and said that he doubted whether anything short of a government like that of great britain (a constitutional monarchy) would do in america. these sentiments were uttered when everything like order appeared to be on the verge of destruction, and a strong arm, independent of the popular will, seemed necessary for the establishment of public strength and individual security. the crisis was passed, the federal constitution was formed, and hamilton gave it his zealous support. yet, to the close of his life, he considered the constitution too weak to perform the great duties assigned it. hamilton was always frank and unreserved in the expression of his political views; and immediately after jefferson's arrival at the seat of government, the secretary of the treasury pressed upon his attention the importance of the assumption of the state debts--a measure which had been rejected. "he observed," says jefferson in his account of the matter, "that the members of the administration ought to act in concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern; that the president was the centre on which all administrative questions ultimately rested; that, the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends might effect a change in the vote, and the machinery of government, now suspended, might be again set in motion." to this jefferson replied that he was a stranger to the whole matter; that if the rejection of the proposition really, as hamilton alleged, endangered the union, it was important to reconsider it; and then proposed that the secretary of the treasury should meet two or three friends at table the next day to discuss the subject. the dinner and the discussion took place; and it was "finally agreed," says jefferson, "that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the union and of concord among the states was more important, and that therefore it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which, some members should change their votes." at that time the question, where shall the seat of the federal government be permanently located? was a subject of violent contest, the people in new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, wishing it to be in their respective states. debates had run high upon the subject in congress, and the public press had discussed it vigorously. it being observed at jefferson's dinner-party that a reconsideration of the assumption bill, and its adoption, would be "a bitter pill" to the southern states, it was proposed that "some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them." the location of the seat of government was chosen as the soother. the contest had narrowed, geographically, so that it lay between philadelphia on the delaware and georgetown on the potomac. it was proposed to give it to philadelphia for ten years, and to georgetown permanently thereafter, believing that "that might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone." "two of the potomac members agreed to change their votes," says jefferson, "and hamilton undertook to carry the other point. in doing this, the influence he had established over the eastern members, with the agency of robert morris with those of the middle states, effected his side of the engagement." the assumption bill was carried, and the location of the seat of government was settled. congress agreed to make philadelphia its residence for ten years, during which time the public buildings should be erected at some point on the potomac that the president might select. subsequently a territory ten miles square, lying on both sides of the potomac in maryland and virginia, was ceded by those states to the united states, and called the district of columbia. thus the matter was settled. when jefferson's sensitive republicanism took the alarm to which we have alluded, he became suspicious of all around him. his feelings toward hamilton changed, until he considered him a monarchist in principle, and regarded all his financial schemes as intended to strengthen the general government, centralize power, and make the treasury the controlling lever of public affairs, the chief of which, with almost autocratic puissance, might direct everything to suit his own political views. with this impression, retrospection made him angry and resentful. he regarded the manner in which hamilton had procured his aid in effecting the measure of assumption as a snare by which he had been entrapped, and he characterized the measure itself as a fiscal manoeuvre, to which he had "ignorantly and innocently been made to hold the candle." this was the beginning of those dissentions in his cabinet which afterward gave the president so much trouble. they had grown to mischievous proportions at a time when he believed there was perfect harmony among his constitutional advisers. he had never experienced the sentiment of jealousy himself, and he was the last man to suspect it in others; and at the time when jefferson and hamilton were regarding each other with a spirit of rivalry, washington wrote to lafayette, saying: "many of your old acquaintances and friends are concerned with me in the administration of this government. by having mr. jefferson at the head of the department of state, mr. jay of the judiciary, hamilton of the treasury, and knox of war, i feel myself supported by able coadjutors who harmonize extremely well." out of the rivalry between jefferson and hamilton, and the conflict of their opinions respecting the national jurisprudence and french politics, grew the two political parties known respectively, for about twenty years, as _federal_ and _republican_. we shall observe that growth as we progress in our narrative. while congress and the nation were agitated by discussions concerning the public debt, another topic elicited a still more exciting discussion: it was african slavery and the slave-trade. slavery then existed in all the states of the union except massachusetts, in whose constitution a clause had been inserted for the purpose of tacitly abolishing the system from the commonwealth. pennsylvania had adopted measures with the same view, and had been imitated by connecticut, rhode island, and new hampshire. new york, new jersey, delaware, and maryland, had prohibited the further importation of slaves; and in virginia and maryland restrictions upon emancipation had been repealed. a desire to get rid of the system appeared to prevail throughout the union. the presbyteries of new york and pennsylvania, composing a united synod, had constituted themselves as the general assembly of the presbyterian church in america; and that representative body issued a pastoral letter in , in which they strongly recommended the abolition of slavery, and the instruction of negroes in letters and religion. the methodist church, then rising into notice, even refused slaveholders a place in their communion; and the quakers had made opposition to slavery a part of their discipline. in these benevolent movements washington sympathized; for he desired to see the system extinguished by some just method. it was only a few days after the commencement of the debate on the public debt, that a petition from the yearly meeting of the quakers of pennsylvania and delaware, with another from that of new york, was laid before the house of representatives. a motion for reference to a special committee caused a warm debate, and some of those who opposed its reception spoke sneeringly of "the men in the gallery," who were the quaker deputation appointed to look after the petition.[ ] it was laid upon the table that day; and at the opening of the session on the following morning, another petition on the same subject, from the pennsylvania society for the abolition of slavery, was presented. it was signed by benjamin franklin (president of the society), then in the last weeks of his life. the petition was read, and then the quaker memorial was called up. the excitement in the house was very great. the movement was denominated an improper interference with state rights, or at least an act of imprudence; and judge burke, of south carolina, declared that if these memorials were entertained by commitment, the act would "sound an alarm and blow the trumpet of sedition through the southern states." the question was mainly a constitutional one, but the debates took great latitude. it was finally agreed to commit the memorials, by a vote of forty-three to eleven. they were referred to a committee consisting of one member from each of the states of new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, and virginia. a month afterward, that committee reported seven resolutions: first, that the general government was expressly restrained from prohibiting the carrying on of the slave-trade until the year ; second, that by a fair construction of the constitution, congress was equally restrained from interfering with slavery, in the matter of emancipation, in the several states; third, that congress had no power to interfere in the internal regulations of slavery in the several states; fourth, that congress had the right, by virtue of the revenue laws, to levy a tax of ten dollars upon every person imported as property under the special permission of any of the states; fifth, that congress had power to regulate or to interdict the african slave-trade, carried on by citizens of the united states for the supply of foreign countries; sixth, that congress had the right to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in the united states, to be employed in the supply of foreign countries with slaves from africa; seventh, that congress would exercise their authority to its full extent, to promote the humane objects set forth in the memorial of the quakers. this report called forth zealous and sometimes angry debates for a whole week, when it was finally agreed, at the suggestion of fisher ames, seconded by madison and others, by a vote of twenty-nine to twenty-five, to enter the report at length upon the journal of the house, where it might be consulted in the future, and to take no further action. thus ended the first agitation of the still pending "slavery question" in congress. in a letter to doctor stuart, in june, referring to a complaint of the tardiness of congress, washington remarked: "the introduction of the quaker memorial respecting slavery was, to be sure, not only _ill-timed_, but occasioned a great waste of time. the final decision thereon, however, was as favorable as the proprietors of this species of property could well have expected, considering the light in which slavery is viewed by a large part of this union." while topics of a domestic nature agitated the public mind and occupied the attention of the national legislature, the foreign relations of the government (in which expression may be included the relations with hostile indian tribes) were far from satisfactory. we have already alluded to the hostile attitude of some of the tribes in the northwest and southwest, among whom it was suspected british emissaries were at work. those of the southwest, especially the creek nation, had been in a disturbed state for some time, and difficulties with the authorities of georgia had caused an open rupture a little earlier than the period in question. the creeks were governed by an accomplished chief, alexander m'gillivray, the son of a loyalist scotchman, of that name, and a creek woman of a leading family. he had been well educated, and his father designed him for commercial pursuits. he loved study more than ledgers; and his father owning large possessions in georgia, the young man looked forward to wealth and social position. but the revolution swept all away. his father's property was confiscated, and young m'gillivray took refuge with the creeks, his heart filled with hatred of the republicans. he was brave, fluent in speech, popular with the leading men, and soon rose to the rank of head chief; and no doubt he stirred up his nation to assume an attitude hostile to the americans. the creeks, with m'gillivray at their head, had also established a close alliance with the spaniards, who held possession of florida. the spanish governor of that province courted the young half-blood chief, and he was honored with a colonelcy in the military service of spain. through the spaniards, the creeks could readily obtain arms and ammunition in exchange for their furs; and thus, in point of strength, they were the most formidable enemies to the united states among the indian nations. good policy caused the united states government to send commissioners to treat with the creeks; and in the autumn of , general lincoln, colonel humphries, and david griffin--a commission appointed by washington--met deputies of that confederacy on the oconee, to hold a treaty. m'gillivray was at the head of the deputation. he received the american commissioners kindly, and expressed a desire for friendship; but when he found that they did not propose to restore to the creeks their lands about which they had disputed with the georgians, he abruptly ended the conference, promising, however, to remain peaceable until further negotiations could be had. in march, , washington despatched colonel marinus willett on a new mission to the creeks. he succeeded in persuading m'gillivray to go to new york, to carry on negotiations there. attended by twenty-eight sachems, chiefs, and warriors, he arrived at the federal capital on the twenty-third of june, having been received with much attention at the principal towns on the line of his journey. the members of the tammany society of new york, arrayed in indian costume, escorted m'gillivray and his party into the city; and the creek chief, being the son of a scotchman, was made an honorary member of the st. andrew's society. these attentions, and the gracious manner in which he was received by the president, made a deep impression on m'gillivray's mind. general knox, the secretary of war, was appointed to negotiate with him. a satisfactory treaty, founded upon mutual concessions, was made; and one of the last acts of washington during the second session of the first congress was the approval of that treaty. it was signed by the contracting parties on the seventh of august, and was ratified on the thirteenth, the day after congress adjourned. meanwhile, the aspect of indian affairs in the country northwest of the ohio, into which a stream of emigration was rapidly flowing, claimed the serious consideration of the government. a territorial government for that region had been ordained in , and the domain was called the northwest territory. general arthur st. clair was appointed governor. as we have observed, the indians in that vicinity had shown much hostility to the americans ever since the close of the revolution. they were encouraged by sir john johnson, then indian agent on that frontier, and by sir guy carleton, who was again governor of canada, to insist upon re-establishing the ohio as the indian boundary. they swarmed upon the banks of that river, waylaid the boats of emigrants, and even crossed the stream and made incursions into kentucky, to attack frontier stations there. the president was convinced, by long experience with the indians, that on the failure of negotiations with them, sound policy and true economy, not less than humanity, required the immediate employment of force, which should go as a scourge into the very heart of their country. such were now the relations between the northwestern tribes and the united states; and in the autumn, a military force eleven hundred strong, under the command of general harmer, was directed by the president to march against the miami village on the scioto, where chilicothe now stands. after some successes and defeats the americans withdrew, and the indians became more insolent and bold. at this time a general european war appeared inevitable. a long-pending controversy between spain and great britain remained unsettled. it was believed that france would side with spain; and it was thought to be a favorable time for the united states to press upon great britain the necessity of complying with the yet unfulfilled articles of the treaty of . accordingly, as early as january, , gouverneur morris, then in paris, was commissioned by washington to proceed to london, as private agent of the united states, to sound the british ministry on the subject. at that time there was no diplomatic intercourse between the united states and great britain. mr. adams had returned home, and the court of st. james had never sent a minister to the united states. morris opened a communication with the english minister for foreign affairs, but was unable to make much satisfactory progress for some time. as late as the first of july, washington made the following record in his diary: "having put into the hands of the vice president of the united states the communication of mr. gouverneur morris, who had been empowered to make informal inquiries how well disposed the british ministry might be to enter into commercial relations with the united states, and to fulfil the articles of peace respecting our western posts, and the slaves which had been carried from this country, he expressed his approbation that this step had been taken, and added that the disinclination of the british cabinet to comply with the two latter and to evade the former, as evidently appears from the correspondence of mr. morris with the duke of leeds (the british minister for foreign affairs), was of a piece with their conduct toward him whilst minister at that court, and just what he expected, and that to have it ascertained was necessary. "he thought, as a rupture between england and spain was almost inevitable, that it would be our policy and interest to take part with the latter, as he was very apprehensive that new orleans was an object with the former of their possessing, which would be very injurious to us; but he observed, at the same time, that the situation of our affairs would not justify the measure, unless the people [of the united states] themselves should take the lead in the business." this was also considered a favorable time for the united states to urge upon spain their claims to the free navigation of the mississippi river. mr. carmichael, the american chargé d'affaires at the court of madrid, was instructed not only to press this point with earnestness, but to use his best endeavors to secure the unmolested use of that river in future, by obtaining a cession of the island of new orleans and of the floridas, offering as an equivalent the sincere friendship of the united states, by which the territories of spain west of the mississippi might be secured to that government. evidence was not wanting that great britain apprehended an alliance of the united states with spain in the war that seemed to be impending; and also that, in the event of war, the arms of great britain would be directed against the spanish settlements in america, to the disadvantage of the united states. sir guy carleton (now lord dorchester) was continued in the government of canada. he had asked leave to pass through new york on his way to england. it was readily granted. and now, under the pretext of making a formal acknowledgment for the contest, he despatched his aid-de-camp, major beckwith, to sound the american government, and ascertain, if possible, its disposition toward the two disputing nations. major beckwith first approached hamilton, the secretary of the treasury. after acknowledging the courtesy of the united states government in offering to comply with the wishes of lord dorchester, he observed that the prospect of a war between great britain and spain would prevent or defer his lordship's departure for england. "he next proceeded to observe," says hamilton in his written report of the interview which he laid before the president, "that lord dorchester had been informed of a negotiation commenced on the other side of the water, through the agency of mr. morris; mentioning, as the subscriber understood principally by way of proof of lord dorchester's knowledge of the transaction, that mr. morris had not produced any regular credentials, but merely a letter from the president directed to himself; that some delays had intervened, partly on account of mr. morris's absence on a trip to holland, as was understood, and that it was not improbable these delays and some other circumstances may have impressed mr. morris with an idea of backwardness on the part of the british ministry. that his lordship, however, had directed him to say that an inference of this sort would not, in his opinion, be well founded, as he had reason to believe that the cabinet of great britain entertained a disposition, not only toward a friendly intercourse, but toward an alliance with the united states." "major beckwith then proceeded to speak of the particular cause of the expected rupture between spain and great britain, observing it was one in which all commercial nations must be supposed to favor the views of great britain. that it was therefore presumed, should a war take place, that the united states would find it to their interest to take part with great britain rather than with spain." major beckwith then, in the name of lord dorchester, disclaimed any influence, under the sanction of british authorities, over the western tribes, unfavorable to the interests of the citizens of the united states; and concluded by producing a letter signed by dorchester, which contained sentiments similar to those expressed by the bearer, with an assurance that "his lordship knew too well the consequences of such a step, to have taken it without a previous knowledge of the intentions of the cabinet." washington's impression of this semi-official overture from great britain is expressed in the following record in his diary on the eighth of july: "the aspect of this business, in the moment of its communication to me, appeared simply and no other than this: 'we did not incline to give any satisfactory answer to mr. morris, who was _officially_ commissioned to ascertain our intentions with respect to the evacuation of the western posts within the territory of the united states, and other matters, until by this unauthenticated mode we can discover whether you will enter into an alliance with us, and make common cause against spain. in that case we will enter into a commercial treaty with you, and _promise perhaps_ to fulfil what we already stand engaged to perform.'" the president referred the matter to his cabinet, with a request that they would give it their serious consideration. they did so; and on the fourteenth it was agreed to treat beckwith's communications very civilly--to intimate, delicately, that they carried no marks official or authentic; nor, in speaking of alliance, did they convey any definite meaning by which the precise object of the british cabinet could be discovered. "in a word," says washington in his diary, "that the secretary of the treasury was to extract as much as he could from major beckwith, and to report to me, without committing, by any assurances whatever, the government of the united states, leaving it entirely free to pursue, unreproached, such a line of conduct in the dispute as her interest and honor shall dictate." it was evident that the british government were willing that their relations with the united states should remain unchanged, until they should perceive what course european affairs were likely to take. for about nine months morris remained in london, endeavoring to accomplish the objects of his mission; but, at the end of that time, the views of the british government, on all the main topics of discussion, were as much hidden in a cloud of uncertainty as when he first presented washington's letter to the duke of leeds, as his credentials. the powers given to mr. morris were withdrawn; because, to further press the subject of a commercial treaty, or the exchange of ministers, or the evacuation of the western posts, on the part of the united states, would be useless and dishonorable; and it was resolved to pause in action until the government had become strong enough to speak in decisive tones, and prepare to maintain words with works. finding the french government, then embarrassed by its own internal difficulties, disinclined to take part in the quarrel with great britain, spain, unable alone to cope with her foe, yielded every point in the controversy, and the dispute was settled. footnotes: [ ] in his diary under date of march the sixteenth, , washington recorded: "exercised on horseback, between ten and twelve o'clock; previous to this, i was visited (having given permission) by mr. warner mifflin, one of the people called quakers, active in pursuit of the measures laid before congress for emancipating the slaves. after much general conversation, and an endeavor to remove the prejudices which, he said, had been entertained of the motives by which the attending deputations from their society were actuated, he used arguments to show the immorality, injustice, and impolicy of keeping these people in a state of slavery; with declarations, however, that he did not wish for more than a gradual abolition, or to see any infraction of the constitution to effect it. to these i replied, that as it was a matter which might come before me for official decision, i was not inclined to express any sentiments on the merits of the question before this should happen." chapter xiv. adjournment of congress--washington's opinion of their conduct--his public labors--tour on long island--severe illness of the president--voyage to rhode island--in retirement at mount vernon--lafayette's position--key of the bastile presented to washington--washington's hopes for the future of the united states--his neutral policy foreshadowed--indian war in the west. congress adjourned on the twelfth of august, after a session of about seven months, during which time questions of great importance had been met, discussed, and settled; not always, it must be confessed, in a conciliatory spirit. in a partial defense of the national legislature, in a letter to doctor stuart, washington remarked: "i do not mean, however, from what i have here said, to justify the conduct of congress in all these movements; for some of their movements, in my opinion, have been injudicious, and others unseasonable; whilst the questions of assumption, residence, and other matters, have been agitated with a warmth and intemperance, with prolixity and threats, which, it is to be feared, have lessened the dignity of that body, and decreased that respect which was once entertained for it. and this misfortune is increased by many members, even among those who wish well to the government, ascribing in letters to their respective states, when they are defeated in a favorite measure, the worst motives for the conduct of their opponents, who, viewing matters through another medium, may and do retort in their turn; by which means jealousies and distrusts are spread most impolitically far and wide, and will, it is to be feared, have a most unhappy tendency to injure our public affairs, which, if wisely managed, might make us, as we are now by europeans thought to be, the happiest people upon earth." the session just closed had been a season of great labor for the president. the cares of state had been many and important, and the affairs of france had occupied much of his attention. some days his application to public business was so continuous, from early morning until evening, that he omitted his usual exercise in the open air. he managed, however, to make a tour of four days, in his carriage, upon long island. he travelled eastward as far as huntington, making (as appears by his diary) careful observations of the country and its resources. he proceeded from brooklyn, through flatbush and new utrecht, to gravesend, on the extreme western point of the island, and then eastward to jamaica by the middle road. from jamaica he journeyed to south hempstead, and then to hart's tavern in brookhaven, from which place he struck across toward the north shore of the island by coram to setauket. on the third day of his journey (april the twenty-third) he went through smithstown to huntington, where he dined; and then turning westward, he drove to oyster bay and lodged. early the following morning he passed through mosquito cove, and breakfasted at hendrick onderdonk's, at the head of a bay, the site of the present village of roslyn, or hempstead harbor. he dined at flushing, reached brooklyn ferry before sunset, and home at twilight. incessant application to business made severe inroads upon the health of the president, and on the tenth of may he was seized with a severe illness, which reduced him to the verge of dissolution. he was confined to his chamber for several weeks, and it was not until the twenty-fourth of june that he was able to resume his diary. his chief difficulty was inflammation of the lungs, and he suffered from general debility until the close of the session of congress in august. then, accompanied by jefferson, he made a voyage to newport, rhode island, especially for the benefit of his health, and incidentally to have personal intercourse with the leading inhabitants there, he having, as we have observed, avoided the soil of rhode island when on his eastern tour, that state not then being a member of the union. it had recently entered by adopting the federal constitution. the sea-voyage was beneficial to the health of the president; and soon after his return, at the close of august, he set out with his family for mount vernon, there to seek repose from the turmoil of public life, and the sweet recreation which he always experienced in the midst of agricultural employments in that happy retreat. he carried with him to mount vernon a curious present which he received from his friend lafayette, just before the adjournment of congress. it was the ponderous iron key of the bastile--that old fortress of despotism in paris which the populace of that city captured the year before, and which had been levelled to the ground by order of the marquis, who was still at the head of the revolution in france. washington had watched the course of his friend with great anxiety; for he loved the marquis as a brother. the career upon which he had entered was a most difficult and perilous one. "never has any man been placed in a more critical situation," the marquis de luzerne wrote to washington. "a good citizen, a faithful subject, he is embarrassed by a thousand difficulties in making many people sensible of what is proper, who very often feel it not, and who sometimes do not understand what it is." "he acts now a splendid but dangerous part," wrote gouverneur morris. lafayette himself felt the perils of his position. "how often, my well-beloved general," he wrote to washington early in the year, "have i regretted your sage counsels and friendly support. we have advanced in the career of the revolution without the vessel of state being wrecked against the rocks of aristocracy or faction.... at present, that which existed has been destroyed; a new political edifice is forming; without being perfect, it is sufficient to assure liberty. thus prepared, the nation will be in a state to elect in two years a convention which can correct the faults of the constitution." alas! those two years had scarcely passed away before the hopeful champion of freedom was a prisoner, far away from his home, in an austrian dungeon. but we will not anticipate. two months later, lafayette wrote a most hopeful letter to washington. "our revolution," he said, "pursues its march as happily as is possible with a nation which, receiving at once all its liberties, is yet subject to confound them with licentiousness." he then spoke of the hinderances to speedy success in the establishment of a sound republican government, and said: "after having avowed all this, my dear general, i will tell you, with the same frankness, that we have made an admirable and almost incredible destruction of all the abuses, of all the prejudices; that all which was not useful to the people--all which did not come from them--has been retrenched; that, in considering the situation, topographical, moral, and political, of france, we have effected more changes in ten months than the most presumptive patriots could have hoped, and that the reports about our anarchy, our internal troubles, are greatly exaggerated." in conclusion, the marquis said: "permit me, my dear general, to offer you a picture representing the bastile, such as it was some days after i had given orders for its demolition, with the main key of the fortress of despotism. it is a tribute which i owe as a son to an adopted father--as an aid-de-camp to my general--as a missionary of liberty to its patriarch." the picture and key were placed in the hands of thomas paine, then in london, who was intending soon to visit the united states. his destination was changed to france, and after considerable delay he forwarded the precious mementoes, with a letter, in which he said:-- "i feel myself happy in being the person through whom the marquis has conveyed this early trophy of the spoils of despotism, and the first ripe fruit of american principles transplanted into europe, to his great master and patron. when he mentioned to me the present he intended for you, my heart leaped with joy.... that the principles of america opened the bastile is not to be doubted, and therefore the key comes to the right place." on the receipt of these presents early in august, washington wrote to lafayette, saying: "i have received your affectionate letter of the seventeenth of march by one conveyance, and the token of the victory gained by liberty over despotism by another; for both which testimonials of your friendship and regard, i pray you to accept my sincerest thanks. in this great subject of triumph for the new world and for humanity in general, it will never be forgotten how conspicuous a part you bore, and how much lustre you reflected on a country in which you made the first displays of your character." referring in the same letter to the treaty which had been concluded with the creeks, he said: "this event will leave us at peace from one end of our borders to the other, except when it may be interrupted by a small refugee banditti of cherokees and shawnees, who can be easily chastised, or even extirpated, if it shall become necessary." he then added:-- "gradually recovering from the distress in which the war left us, patiently advancing in our task of civil government, unentangled in the crooked politics of europe, wanting scarcely anything but the free navigation of the mississippi (which we must have, and as certainly shall have as we remain a nation), i have supposed that, with the undeviating exercise of a just, steady, and prudent national policy, we shall be the gainers, whether the powers of the old world may be in peace or war, but more especially in the latter case. in that case, our importance will certainly increase, and our friendship will be coveted." the last clause foreshadows that neutral policy which washington assumed for the government of the united states at a little later period, when great efforts were made to involve it in the meshes of european politics, by active sympathy with the democratic movements in france. rest at mount vernon was grateful to the wearied chief of the republic. yet it was not absolute repose. as a conscientious public servant; as the chief officer of a government yet in a comparatively formative state, and charged with the highest trusts that can be committed to mortal man, he felt most sensibly the care of state, even in his quiet home on the banks of the potomac. one subject, in particular, filled him with anxiety. he had ordered the chastisement of the indians in the ohio country, and troops had gone thither for the purpose. he had deprecated a war with the deluded savages, but good policy appeared to demand it; and on the thirtieth of september an expedition set out from fort washington, where the city of cincinnati now stands, under general harmer, a veteran of the revolution. but from that time until his arrival in philadelphia, at the close of november, washington remained in profound ignorance of the operations or the fate of the expedition. on the second of november he wrote to general knox, the secretary of war, expressing his surprise that no information of the expedition had been received, and saying: "this, in my opinion, is an undertaking of a very serious nature. i am not a little anxious to know the result of it.... this matter, favorable or otherwise in the issue, will require to be laid before the congress, that the motives which induced the expedition may appear." on his arrival in philadelphia, washington received a letter from governor clinton, of new york, giving an account of harmer's ill success against the indians, reported by captain brant, the celebrated mohawk warrior of the revolution. "if this information of captain brant be true," washington wrote to clinton in reply, "the issue of the expedition against the indians will indeed prove unfortunate and disgraceful to the troops, who suffered themselves to be ambuscaded." it was even so. the expedition, as we have already observed, failed in its efforts, and the savages took courage for future operations. an expensive war of four or five years' duration ensued. chapter xv. seat of government at philadelphia--consequences of the removal--renting of the presidential mansion--washington's prudence and economy illustrated--the president and family in philadelphia--mrs. washington's receptions--gayety in the metropolis--washington and his public duties--his second annual message and its suggestions--hamilton's national bank scheme--opposition to it--a bank established--new tariff scheme adopted--excise law--establishment of a mint--indian affairs--st. clair appointed commander-in-chief in the northwest--adjournment of congress. philadelphia, as we have already observed, was chosen to be the residence of the federal government for ten years; and there, in the courthouse, on the first monday in december, , the first congress assembled to hold their third session. the removal of the seat of government from new york had caused much dissatisfaction in that quarter, while many philadelphians experienced equal dissatisfaction, but for different reasons. rents, prices of provisions, and other necessaries of life, greatly advanced. "some of the blessings anticipated from the removal of congress to this city are already beginning to be apparent," wrote a philadelphian. "rents of houses have risen, and i fear will continue to rise shamefully; even in the outskirts they have lately been increased from fourteen, sixteen, and eighteen pounds, to twenty-five, twenty-eight, and thirty. this is oppression. our markets, it is expected, will also be dearer than heretofore." washington was subjected to considerable personal annoyance by the change. during the recess of congress, he commissioned mr. lear, his private secretary, to rent a house for his use in philadelphia. one owned by robert morris appeared to be the most eligible of all; but, for a long time, washington could not procure an answer to his prudent question, "what will be the rent?" both the state and city authorities, through committees, had offered to provide at their own expense a home for the president; but washington declined the generous offer. he preferred the independence of a resident in his own hired house; and he was also convinced that the offer was made because of a desire to have philadelphia become the permanent residence of the government. the erection of a presidential mansion would be an argument in favor of the scheme. washington preferred a more southern location. he was to choose the spot. he wished to have his views unbiassed; so he refused all offers to lessen his expenses at the cost of the city of philadelphia, or of the commonwealth of pennsylvania. time after time washington wrote to lear about the rent of morris's house. "he has most assuredly," he said, "formed an idea of what ought to be the rent of the tenement in the condition he left it; and with this aid, the committee ought, i conceive, to be as little at a loss in determining what it should rent for, with the additions and alterations which are about to be made, and which ought to be done in a plain and neat, and not by any means extravagant, style." he was satisfied that the committee were delaying with the intention of having the rent paid by the public; and he foresaw that he might be subjected to heavy bills of expense in fixing and furnishing the house in an extravagant manner. "let us for a moment suppose," he said, "that the rooms (the new ones, i mean) were to be hung with tapestry, or a very rich and costly paper, neither of which would suit my present furniture; that costly ornaments for the bow-windows, extravagant chimney-pieces and the like, were to be provided; that workmen, from extravagance of the times, for every twenty shillings' worth of work would charge forty shillings; and that advantage would be taken of the occasion to newly paint every part of the house and buildings; would there be any propriety in adding ten or twelve-and-a-half per cent. for all this to the rent of the house in its original state, for the two years that i am to hold it? if the solution of these questions is in the negative, wherein lies the difficulty of determining that the houses and lots, when finished according to the proposed plan, ought to rent for so much? when all is done that can be done," he added, "the residence will not be so commodious as that i left in new york, for there (and the want of it will be found a real inconvenience at mr. morris's) my office was in the front room below, where persons on business immediately entered; whereas, in the present case, they will have to ascend two pairs of stairs, and to pass by the public rooms as well as the private chambers, to get to it."[ ] it must be remembered that washington refused to receive a salary for his services as president of the united states, but stipulated that the amount of his expenses should be paid by the government. in regulating these expenses, he was as careful to avoid extravagance as if his private purse had to be drawn upon to pay. in new york he lived frugally,[ ] and he resolved to continue, in philadelphia, the same unostentatious way of living, not only on his own account, but for the benefit of those connected with the government who could not afford to spend more than their salaries. his example had a most salutary effect. an illustrative case may be cited. when oliver wolcott, of connecticut, was appointed first auditor of the treasury, he, like a prudent man, would not accept the office until he could visit new york, and ascertain whether he could live upon the salary of fifteen hundred dollars a year. he came to the conclusion that he could live upon one thousand, and he wrote to his wife, saying: "the example of the president and his family will render parade and expense improper and disreputable." what a significant commentary! the rent of morris's house was at last fixed at three thousand dollars a year; and on the twenty-second of november washington set out for philadelphia, accompanied by his family, in a chariot drawn by four horses. they were allowed to travel without parade, and on reaching philadelphia, on the twenty-eighth, they found their house ready for their reception. yet it was nearly a month before they were prepared to receive company. mrs. washington's first _levee_ or reception in philadelphia was on friday, the twenty-fifth of december, where, according to eye-witnesses, there was an assemblage of "the most brilliant, beautiful, well-dressed, and well educated women that had ever been seen in america." the season opened gayly. "i should spend a very dissipated winter," wrote the vice-president's wife to a friend, "if i were to accept one half the invitations i receive, particularly to the routs, or tea-and-cards." the city, for a few weeks after the assembling of congress, appeared to be intoxicated. but washington and his wife were proof against the song of the syren. they could not be seduced from their temperate habits in eating, drinking, and sleeping, by the scenes of immoderate pleasure around them. they held their respective _levees_ on tuesdays and fridays, as in new york, without the least ostentation; and congressional and official dinners were served in a plain way, without any extravagant displays of plate, ornament, or variety of dishes. mrs. washington's _levees_ always closed at nine o'clock. when the great clock in the hall struck that hour, she would say to those present, with a complacent smile, "the general always retires at nine, and i usually precede him." in a few minutes the drawing-room would be closed, the lights extinguished, and the presidential mansion would be as dark and quiet before ten o'clock as the house of any private citizen. washington entered upon his public duties with great energy on his arrival in philadelphia. his health was almost perfectly restored, and subjects of profound interest demanded the attention of congress. that body assembled on the sixth of december, and on the eighth, in the presence of both houses sitting in the senate-chamber, the president delivered, in person, his second annual message. he opened by congratulating congress on the financial prosperity of the country, the import duties having produced, in a little more than thirteen months, the sum of one million, nine hundred thousand dollars. he had without difficulty obtained a loan in holland for the partial liquidation of the foreign debt; and, in consequence of the increasing confidence in the government, certificates of the domestic debt had greatly increased in value. he informed them that kentucky was about to ask for admission into the union as a sovereign state. he called their attention to the indian war commenced in the northwestern territory; and after some allusion to the disturbed state of europe, growing out of recent events in france, he suggested measures for the protection of american commerce in the mediterranean sea, where it was continually exposed to the depredations of corsairs of the barbary powers. he called their attention to regulations concerning the consular system that had been proposed and partially established; to the creation of a mint, the right of coinage being delegated to the federal government alone; to a uniform system of weights and measures; to a reorganization of the post-office system, and a uniform militia. the two most important measures brought forward at the beginning of the session were, a plan for a national bank, and a tax on ardent spirits distilled within the united states. in a former communication to congress, the secretary of the treasury recommended the establishment of a national bank, as a useful instrument in the management of the finances of the country; and now, at the opening of a new session, he presented a special report, in which the policy of such a measure was urged with hamilton's usual strength and acuteness of logic. he argued upon premises resting on the alleged facilities afforded to trade by banks, and the great benefits to be expected from a national one in a commercial point of view. he chiefly dwelt upon the topic of the convenience to the government of a paper medium in which to conduct its monetary transactions, and especially as a ready resource for such temporary loans as might from time to time be required. such reasons, utterly without force in the light of subsequent experience, were wise and important at that time, and commended themselves to the people of the united states, because they had not forgotten the convenience afforded by the bank of north america, established by robert morris in , chiefly for the purpose of assistance to himself in the difficult office of superintendent of finance. that was the first experiment in america in the issue of a currency redeemable at sight--a promissory note payable on demand--which had been the practice of the bank of england for nearly a hundred years. it was a system so much superior to the colonial loan-office plans, and the scheme upon which the continental paper-money had been issued during the earlier years of the war for independence, that the people generally received hamilton's recommendation with favor. but it met with determined opposition in congress. the anti-federal feeling which from the close of had manifested itself, principally in criticisms upon the federal constitution, now assumed the shape of a party opposed to the financial policy of the administration. at the head of this opposition was mr. jefferson, the secretary of state; and the herald's trumpet for the tilt was sounded by the virginia assembly, in the adoption of a resolution, declaring so much of the late act of congress as provided for the assumption of the state debts "repugnant to the constitution of the united states," and "the exercise of a power not expressly granted to the general government." that clause of the act for funding the continental debt, which restrained the government from redeeming at pleasure any part of that debt, was denounced as "dangerous to the rights, and subversive of the interests, of the people." the bank project encountered very little opposition in the senate, where the bill originated; but in the house it was assailed vehemently, chiefly on the ground of its being unconstitutional. its policy was questioned, and the utility of banking systems stoutly denied. the arguments on both sides, in relation to the constitutionality of the measure (the constitution being utterly silent on the subject), assumed on frequent occasions an extremely metaphysical tone. it was argued, in favor of a bank, that the power to establish one was implied in the powers delegated to congress by the constitution to collect a revenue, and to pay the debts of the united states, and in the authority expressly granted to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying those powers into execution. on the twentieth of january , the bank bill passed the senate without a division, and on the eighth of february it passed the house of representatives by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty. before signing it, the president requested the written opinion of each member of his cabinet as to its constitutionality, and his reasons for such opinion. they promptly complied. the cabinet was divided. hamilton and knox strongly maintained that it was constitutional: jefferson and randolph (the attorney-general) as strongly contended that it was unconstitutional. washington examined the whole subject with great deliberation, and then put his signature to the act. that act gave a charter to the institution limited to twenty years, and for that period congress renounced the power of establishing any other bank. the capital was to be ten millions of dollars, divided into twenty-five thousand shares of four hundred dollars each; eight millions to be subscribed by individuals, and the other two millions by the united states. it was to be managed by twenty-five directors, chosen annually by the stockholders, and its headquarters were to be at philadelphia. the opponents of the bank, and especially mr. jefferson, presumed to censure the president because, in the conscientious exercise of his power, he made the act a law by affixing his signature. the secretary of state had other than constitutional grounds for his opposition to the measure. he had conceived an irrepressible distrust of hamilton. it seemed almost like a monomania. he considered the bank as one of the engines in a scheme intended by hamilton to make the national legislature subservient to, and under the direction of, the treasury, for the purpose of promoting his monarchical schemes. he afterward affirmed that washington was deceived by hamilton, and that he did not perceive the drift or effect of his financial schemes; and ungenerously and unfairly remarked, that, "unversed in financial projects and calculations and budgets, his approbation of them was bottomed on his confidence in the man." no person knew better than mr. jefferson the unfairness of this assertion. none knew better than he how little washington was prone to be swayed in his judgment by partiality either toward a man or a measure. he always weighed everything with the greatest care and most profound wisdom, and the opinions of friends and foes were always submitted to the alembic of his keen penetration, and the tests of his almost unfailing sagacity, before they were acted upon. "hamilton and myself," wrote jefferson, "were daily pitted in the cabinet like two cocks." the personal resentments and consequent prejudices of the secretary of state appear to have frequently warped his judgment and fettered his generosity. an increase of duties on imported spirits, and an excise tax on those produced at home, in order to increase the revenue required by the charges growing out of the assumption of the state debts, recommended by the secretary of the treasury and submitted to the consideration of congress in the form of an act, excited warm discussion. an attempt was made to strike out the excise, but failed; and after animated and sometimes violent debates, it was carried by a vote in the house of thirty-five to twenty-one.[ ] the portion of the act relating to excise was received with indignation in some parts of the country, and led, as we shall hereafter observe, to actual insurrection in western pennsylvania. the establishment of a national mint also occupied the attention of congress at this session. at the conclusion of the war for independence, the continental congress requested robert morris, the minister of finance, to lay before them his views upon the subject of coins and currency. the labor of preparing a report upon the subject was assigned to the able assistant financier, gouverneur morris. it was prepared with great care, and presented in . morris's first effort was to harmonize the currency of all the states. he ascertained that the one thousand, four hundred and fortieth part of a spanish dollar was a common divisor for the various currencies. starting with that fraction as a unit, he proposed the following table of moneys:-- ten units to be equal to one penny. ten pence to one bill. ten bills, one dollar (about seventy-five cents of our present currency). ten dollars one crown. congress debated the subject from time to time until , when mr. jefferson proposed a different scheme. he recommended four coins upon the basis of the spanish dollar, as follows:-- a golden piece of the value of ten dollars. a dollar in silver. a tenth of a dollar in silver. a hundredth of a dollar in copper. in congress adopted mr. jefferson's scheme, and in made provision for coinage upon that basis. this was the origin of our decimal currency--the copper _cent_, the silver _dime_ and _dollar_, and the golden _eagle_. since then, several other coins of different values, having the decimal basis, have been made of gold and silver; and a smaller cent, made of metallic composition, has been coined. mr. jefferson, soon after he came into the cabinet, urged the necessity of a uniform and national coinage, "to banish the discordant pounds, shillings, pence, and farthings of the different states, and to establish in their stead the new denominations." the subject received some attention during that session, and was agitated in the next (the one we are now considering); but it was not until the second of april, , that laws were enacted for the establishment and regulation of a mint. thereafter there was much delay, and the mint was not in full operation until january, . during that interval its performances were chiefly experimental, and the variety of silver and copper coins, now so much sought after by collectors, were struck. the most noted of these is the "washington cent," so called because it bore the head of washington on one side. it was a long time before congress decided upon a proper device for the coins, and the debates that occurred upon the subject were interesting and sometimes amusing. during this short session, full official reports of harmer's expedition were laid before congress; and his repulse, and the increasing danger to the western settlements from the indians on the frontier, caused that body to authorize an addition to the standing military force of a second regiment of infantry, nine hundred strong. by the same act the president was authorised to appoint, for such term as he should think proper, a major-general and a brigadier-general, and to call into service, in addition to the militia, a corps of two thousand six months' levies, and a body of mounted volunteers. the conduct of the troops under harmer was stigmatized as disgraceful. it was thought proper to place the new expedition about to be organized under the command of another officer. st. clair was then at the seat of government. he was governor of the northwestern territory, and well acquainted with the country and the movements of the indians; and washington, having confidence in his old friend and companion-in-arms, conferred upon him the general command. yet suffering chagrin and mortification because of the disasters to harmer's expedition on account of indian ambuscades, the president, when he took leave of st. clair, warned him against them in a most solemn manner, saying: "you have your instructions from the secretary of war. i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of surprise! you know how the indians fight. i repeat it--_beware of a surprise!_" at that time, three famous seneca chiefs from western new york--corn-planter, half town, and big tree--were at the seat of government, and offered to visit their dusky brethren in the ohio region, and try to persuade them to bury the hatchet. washington, who had a most earnest desire for peace with the savages, accepted their offer, saying: "by this humane measure you will render these mistaken people a great service, and probably prevent their being swept off the face of the earth. the united states require that these people should only demean themselves peaceably." he concluded his remarks with the following words, which were indicative of a scheme for civilizing the indians which had occupied his mind for a long time: "when you return to your country, tell your nation that it is my desire to promote their prosperity, by teaching them the use of domestic animals, and the manner that the white people plough and raise so much corn; and if, upon consideration, it would be agreeable to the nation at large to learn those arts, i will find some means of teaching them, at such places within their country as shall be agreed upon." with the admission of kentucky and vermont into the union as sovereign states, and providing for the increase and pay of the army, the first congress closed its labors. they had, within two years, performed a great work; and no body of men, except those who composed the continental congress during the earlier years of the revolution, so fairly deserve our sincere gratitude as they. within that time, with washington at their head, they had set in motion the machinery of the federal government, laid the foundations of its policy, and placed the united states firmly in the position of a leading nation among the states of the world. the term of service of the first congress expired on the third of march, ; but washington did not leave philadelphia for mount vernon until late in the month. footnotes: [ ] washington's residence in new york was first at osgood's house, no. cherry street, which by subsequent changes was made to front on franklin square. he afterward occupied the more commodious house of mr. m'comb, where the french minister, m. de moustier, had resided. it was on broadway, west side, below trinity church. that was the one alluded to in washington's letter. an english traveller who visited the president there described the drawing-room as "lofty and spacious; but," he added, "the furniture was not beyond that found in the dwellings of opulent americans in general, and might be called plain for its situation. the upper end of the room had glass doors, which opened upon a balcony, commanding an extensive view of the hudson river and the jersey shore opposite." [ ] mr. custis relates that fraunces, the steward, once purchased the first shad of the season for the president's table, as he knew washington to be extravagantly fond of fish. he placed it before washington at table as an agreeable surprise. the president inquired how much he paid for the shad. "two dollars," was fraunces's reply. "take it away," said the president--"i will not encourage such extravagance in my house." fraunces had no scruples of that kind, and the fish was devoured by himself and other members of the household. [ ] the act imposed a duty varying from twenty to forty cents a gallon, according to strength, on imported liquors; and an excise on domestic liquors varying, according to the strength, from nine to twenty-five cents a gallon on those distilled from grain, and from eleven to thirty cents on those made from molasses or other imported product. stringent regulations were made for the collection of this excise. chapter xvi. washington journeys to mount vernon--his tour through the southern states--visits the moravians at salem--results of his observations--condition and resources of the country--the federal city--opening of the second congress--lafayette and his perplexities--the jacobin club--flight and arrest of the king--the constitution accepted by him--grand fete on the occasion--party lines drawn in the united states--views of hamilton and jefferson--adams's _discourses on davila_--paine's _rights of man_--jefferson's endorsement of the latter--his ungenerous charges against adams and hamilton--washington disturbed by party feuds. washington left philadelphia for home on monday, the twenty-first of march, prepared for a tour through the southern states. he was accompanied as far as chester by mr. jefferson, the secretary of state, and general knox, the secretary of war--the only heads of departments then remaining in philadelphia. he travelled by chestertown, in maryland, to rock hall, on the eastern shore of the chesapeake, where he and his suite, with horses, carriage, et cetera, embarked for annapolis. they arrived at that city on the morning of the twenty-fifth, after a night of peril on the bay in the midst of a storm of wind, rain, and lightning. the president was cordially received by the governor and other dignitaries. on the twenty-eighth he reached georgetown, and partook of a public dinner given by the mayor and corporation. there he met the commissioners appointed under the residence law, and examined the surveys of the federal city made by andrew ellicott, and plans of public buildings by major l'enfant. it was left to the discretion of the president, it will be remembered, to choose a place on the potomac, between the east branch and conococheague, for the federal city. he chose the land between the villages of georgetown and carrollsburg; and on his arrival he found disputes running very high between the inhabitants of the two places respecting the location of the public buildings, the landholders in each desiring their village to be the favored one. washington requested the contestants to meet him the next day. he then frankly told them that the dispute in which they were engaged did not comport with either their own interest or that of the public; that while each party was aiming to obtain the public buildings, they might, by placing the matter on a contracted scale, defeat the measure altogether, not only by procrastination, but for want of means to carry on the work; that neither the offer of land from georgetown or carrollsburg for the public buildings, separately, was adequate to the end of insuring the object; that both together did not comprehend more ground, nor would afford greater means, than was required for the federal city; and that, instead of contending which of the two should have it, they had better, by combining more offers, make a common cause of it, and thereby secure it to the district. the parties saw the wisdom of the president's suggestion, that while they were contesting for the shadow they might lose the substance, and they mutually agreed, in writing, to surrender for public purposes one half of the land they severally possessed. this business being finished, washington rode on to mount vernon, where he arrived on the evening of the thirtieth of march. on the seventh of april the president resumed his tour southward. "i was accompanied," he says in his diary, "by major jackson. my equipage and attendants consisted of a chariot and four horses drove in hand, a light baggage-wagon and two horses, four saddle-horses, besides a led one for myself; and five, to wit, my valet-de-chambre, two footmen, coachman, and postillion." previous to leaving mount vernon, he wrote to the secretaries of state, treasury, and war, giving them information concerning the time when he expected to be at certain places on his route, and desiring them, in case of important occurrences, to communicate with him, that he might, if necessary, return to the seat of government. so judicious were his arrangements, and so fortunate was the journey, that washington reached the several places designated at the time contemplated.[ ] honors awaited the president at every step. receptions, escorts, artillery salutes, and public dinners, everywhere testified the respect of the people, and many invitations to private entertainments were given him: he declined all. among others was one from his kinsman, william washington (a hero of the southern campaign), to make his house in charleston his home while there. the president's reply in this case exhibits the spirit of the whole: "i can not comply with your invitation without involving myself in inconsistency," he said; "as i have determined to pursue the same plan in my southern as i did in my eastern visit, which was, not to incommode any private family by taking up my quarters with them during my journey. it leaves me unencumbered by engagements, and, by a uniform adherence to it, i shall avoid giving umbrage to any, by declining all such invitations." at richmond, washington inspected the works in progress of the james river navigation company, of which he was president, and received from colonel carrington, the marshall of that judicial district, the pleasing assurance that the people generally were favorable to the federal government. to ascertain the temper of the people, become personally acquainted with the leading citizens, and to observe the resources of the country, were the grand objects of the president's tour, and he was rejoiced to find evidences that his own state was gradually perceiving the value and blessings of the union. at richmond he was entertained at a public dinner, and escorted far on toward petersburg by a cavalcade of gentlemen. having been much incommoded by dust, and finding an escort of horse was preparing to accompany him from petersburg, washington caused inquiries as to the time he would leave the town to be answered, that he should endeavor to do it before eight o'clock in the morning. he managed to get off at five, by which means he avoided the inconvenience above-mentioned. at wilmington, in north carolina, he was received by a military and civic escort, entertained at a public dinner, and attended a ball given in his honor in the evening. at newbern he received like homage, where the dinner and the ball were given at the palace built by governor tryon about twenty-five years before. on the morning of the second of may he breakfasted at the country-seat of governor pinckney, a few miles from charleston; and when he arrived at haddrell's point, across the mouth of the cooper river, he was met by general pinckney, edward rutledge, and the recorder of the city, in a twelve-oared barge, rowed by twelve captains of american vessels, elegantly dressed. this was accompanied by a great number of other boats with gentlemen and ladies in them; and the gay scene, as the flotilla proceeded toward the city, was enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. at the wharf he was met by the governor and other civil officers, amid the thunder of artillery; and by the cincinnati and a civic and military escort he was conducted to his lodgings. washington remained in charleston a week, and then departed for savannah. there he was greeted by general wayne, general m'intosh, and other companions-in-arms, and remained several days. he left for augusta on the fifteenth, dined at mulberry grove (the seat of mrs. general greene) that day, and reached augusta on the eighteenth. there governor telfair, judge walton, and others, led in offering ceremonial honors to the illustrious guest. on the twenty-first the president turned his face homeward, travelling by way of columbia and camden in south carolina, charlotte, salisbury, salem, guilford and hillsborough in north carolina, and harrisburg, williamsburg, and frederickburg, to mount vernon. at salem, a moravian settlement, he halted for the purpose of seeing governor martin, who, he was informed, was on his way to meet the president. he spent a day there, visiting the social and industrial establishments of the community, and attended their religious services in the evening. a committee in behalf of the community presented an address to him, to which he made a brief reply.[ ] he reached home on the twelfth of june, having made a most satisfactory journey of more than seventeen hundred miles, after starting from mount vernon, in sixty-six days, with the same team of horses. "my return to this place is sooner than i expected," he wrote to hamilton, "owing to the uninterruptedness of my journey by sickness, from bad weather, or accidents of any kind whatsoever," for which he had made an allowance of eight days. washington returned to philadelphia on the sixth of july. "i am much pleased," he wrote to colonel humphreys, then in paris, on the twentieth, "that i have undertaken the journey, as it has enabled me to see with my own eyes the situation of the country through which we travelled, and to learn more accurately the disposition of the people than i could from any information." his observations filled his mind with joy in contemplating the future. "the country appears," he said, "to be in a very improving state, and industry and frugality are becoming much more fashionable than they have hitherto been. tranquillity reigns among the people, with that disposition towards the general government which is likely to preserve it. they begin to feel the good effects of equal laws and equal protection. the farmer finds a ready market for his produce, and the merchant calculates with more certainty on his payments. manufactures have as yet made but little progress in that part of the country, and it will probably be a long time before they are brought to that state to which they have already arrived in the middle and eastern parts of the union. each day's experience of the government of the united states seems to confirm its establishment, and to make it more popular. a ready acquiescence in the laws made under it shows in a strong light the confidence which the people have in their representatives, and in the upright views of those who administer the government." "our public credit stands on that ground which, three years ago, it would have been a species of madness to have foretold. the astonishing rapidity with which the newly-instituted bank was filled gives an unexampled proof of the resources of our countrymen, and their confidence in public measures. on the first day of opening the subscription, the whole number of shares (twenty thousand) were taken up in one hour, and application made for upwards of four thousand shares more than were granted by the institution, besides many others that were coming in from different quarters." in reference to the future seat of government the president said: "i am now happy to add, that all matters between the proprietors of the soil and the public are settled to the mutual satisfaction of both parties, and that the business of laying out the city, the grounds for public buildings, walks, et cetera, is advancing under the inspection of major l'enfant with pleasing prospects." l'enfant, who had served as an engineer in the continental army, and was employed to furnish a plan for, and make a survey of, the federal city, spent a week at mount vernon, immediately after washington's return from his southern tour, in submitting his plans to the president, and in consulting with him about the future. these plans were approved by washington, and met the approbation of congress when laid before them at the next session. the city was laid out upon a plot containing eight square miles. the first session of the second congress commenced at philadelphia on the twenty-fourth of october, in conformity to an act of the last session of the first congress. washington had spent a greater portion of the summer in the federal city, in close attention to public duties; but for six weeks previous to the assembling of the national legislature he remained in the seclusion of mount vernon. it was not for him a season of repose. every mail brought him numerous letters, most of them on public business. many of them gave him themes for deep and solemn meditation; for national affairs at home and abroad were assuming forms and attitudes that occasioned him much anxiety. the french revolution, in which his friend lafayette was engaged as a chief actor, was exhibiting a most alarming and disappointing aspect to the friends of genuine liberty; and the dreams of the marquis, that his country was speedily to be redeemed from disorder and corrupt rule, were disturbed by dismal visions of reality. "whatever expectations i had conceived of a speedy termination to our revolutionary troubles," he wrote to washington as early as the previous march, "i still am tossed about in the ocean of factions and commotions of every kind; for it is my fate to be attacked on each side with equal animosity; on the one by the aristocratic, slavish, parliamentary, clerical--in a word, by all the enemies to my free and levelling doctrine--and on the other by the orleans factions, anti-royal, licentious, and pillaging parties of every kind: so that my personal escape from amidst so many hostile bands is rather dubious, although our great and good revolution is, thank heaven, not only insured in france, but on the point of visiting other parts of the world, provided the restoration of public order is soon obtained in this country, where the good people have been better taught how to overthrow despotism than they can understand how to submit to the laws. to you, my dear general, the patriarch and generalissimo of universal liberty, i shall render exact accounts of the conduct of your deputy and aid in that great cause." in may he wrote: "i wish it were in my power to give you an assurance that our troubles are at an end, and our constitution totally established. but, although dark clouds are still before us, we have come so far as to foresee the moment when the legislative corps will succeed this convention; and, unless foreign powers interfere, i hope that within four months your friend will have resumed the life of a private and quiet citizen. the rage of parties, even among the patriots, is gone as far as it is possible, short of bloodshed; but, although hatreds are far from subsiding, matters do not appear so much disposed as they formerly were towards collision among the supporters of the popular cause. i myself am exposed to the envy and attacks of all parties--for this simple reason, that whoever acts or means wrong finds me an insuperable obstacle. and there appears a kind of phenomenon in my situation--all parties against me, and a national popularity, which, in spite of every effort, has remained unchanged.... given up to all the madness of license, faction, and popular rage, i stood alone in defence of the law, and turned the tide into the constitutional channel." a little later, lafayette wrote: "the refugees hovering about the frontiers; intrigues in most of the despotic and aristocratic cabinets; our regular army divided into tory officers and undisciplined soldiers; licentiousness among the people not easily repressed; the capital, that gives the tone to the empire, tossed about by anti-revolutionary or factious parties; the assembly fatigued by hard labor, and very unmanageable--cause me sometimes to be filled with alarm." these few sentences lift the curtain slightly from the terrible drama, then in cautious rehearsal, which was soon openly acted before the great audience of the nations. in place of constitutional order, there was the anarchy of faction in the french capital and throughout the provinces. the club of forty gentlemen and men of letters, who met in the hall of the jacobin monks long before the states-general convened, had now grown up to a vast and popular association known as the jacobin club. they were the avowed and determined adversaries of monarchy and all aristocratic titles and privileges, and contemners of christianity; and they had started a journal for the dissemination of their ultra-democratic and irreligious doctrines, having for its watchwords--_liberty and equality_. it was puissant in spreading the spirit of revolt and disaffection to the king, and the greatest license began to prevail among the people. the king and his family were insulted in public. lafayette, disgusted with the refractory spirit that began to prevail among the national guards, resigned the command of them, but resumed it at the urgent solicitation of sixty battalions. the democratic spirit became more and more insolent, and at length the king and his family fled from paris in disguise. terror prevailed among all classes. a crisis seemed impending. political dissolution appeared at hand. but the monarch was arrested at varennes and taken back to paris under an escort of thirty thousand national guards. the helpless king assured the assembly that he had no intention of leaving france, but wished to live quietly at a distance from the capital, until government should in a degree be restored and the constitution settled. his justification was that he was subjected to too many insults in the capital, and that the personal safety of the queen was imperilled. the populace were not satisfied. on the twentieth of july they met in the elysian fields, with robespierre at their head, and petitioned for the dethronement of the king. four thousand troops fired upon them and killed several hundred. then and there, in the exasperation of the people and the appearance of robespierre, the epoch of the reign of terror dawned. yet lafayette and his friends held the factions in check. the constitution was completed early in september, and was accepted by the king, who solemnly swore that he would "employ all the powers with which he was intrusted in maintaining the constitution declared by the national assembly." proclamation of this act was made throughout the kingdom, and a grand festival in commemoration of the event took place in the elysian fields. one hundred thousand citizens danced on that occasion; festoons of many-colored lamps were suspended between the trees; every half hour, one hundred and thirty pieces of cannon thundered along the banks of the seine; and on a tree planted upon the site of the bastile was a placard inscribed-- "here is the epoch of liberty; we dance on the ruins of despotism; the constitution is finished-- long live patriotism!" on the thirtieth, the king made a speech to the assembly, when the president proclaimed: "the constituent assembly declares their mission fulfilled and their sittings terminated." then opened a new act in the french revolution. while this revolution was thus progressing, half-formed, half-understood political maxims, that were floating upon the tide of social life in the united states, were crystallizing into distinct tenets and assuming strongly antagonistic party positions. the electric forces, so to speak, which produced this crystallization, proceeded from the president's cabinet, where the opinions of the secretaries of the treasury and of the state were at direct variance, and were now making constant war upon each other. hamilton regarded the federal constitution as inadequate in strength to perform its required functions, and believed that weakness to be its greatest defect; and it was his sincere desire, and his uniform practice, so to construe its provisions as to give the greatest strength to the executive in the administration of public affairs. jefferson, on the other hand, contemplated all executive power with distrust, and desired to impair its vitality and restrain its operations, believing with paine that a weak government and a strong people were the best guaranties of liberty to the citizen. he saw in the funding system, the united states bank, and the excise law, instruments for enslaving the people, and believed that the rights of the states and liberties of the inhabitants were in danger. and as hamilton was the originator of these measures, and they constituted prominent features of the administration, jefferson found himself, at the opening of the new congress, arrayed politically with the opposers of the president and the general government, and in the position of arch-leader. not content with an expression of his opinions, he charged his opponents, and especially hamilton, with corrupt and anti-republican designs, selfish motives, and treacherous intentions; and then was inaugurated that system of personal vituperation which, from that time until the present, has disgraced the press and the politicians of our country, and brought odium upon us as a nation. the party of which jefferson was the head called themselves republicans, and warmly sympathized with the radical revolutionists in france; while the great majority of the people--the conservative men of the country--who were favorable to hamilton's financial schemes and the constitution, were called federalists. in the adjustment of party lines at this time, there was a very small party that appeared to be a cross between the two, as manifested by john adams in a series of essays which he published in the united states gazette, the acknowledged organ (if organ it had) of the administration, entitled "discourses on davila." these were an analysis of davila's _history of the civil wars in france_ in the sixteenth century; and the aim of mr. adams was to point out to his countrymen the danger to be apprehended from factions and ill-balanced forms of government. in these essays he maintained that as the great spring of human activity, especially as related to public life, was self-esteem, manifested in the love of superiority and the desire of distinction, applause, and admiration, it was important in a popular government to provide for the moderate gratification of all of them. he therefore advocated a liberal use of titles and ceremonial honors for those in office, and an aristocratic senate. to counteract any undue influence on the part of the senate, he proposed a popular assembly on the broadest democratic basis; and to keep in check the encroachment of each upon the other, he recommended a powerful executive. he thought liberty to all would be thus secured. from the premises which formed the basis of his reasoning, mr. adams concluded that the french constitution, which disavowed all distinctions of rank, which vested the legislative authority in a single assembly, and which, though retaining the office of king, divested him of nearly all actual power, must, in the nature of things, prove a failure. in the publication of these essays, adams was most unfortunate. he appears not to have presented his ideas concerning his political system with sufficient clearness to be understood. he was, indeed, greatly misunderstood, and was charged with advocating a monarchy and a hereditary senate and presidency; with the greatest inconsistency, because, in , he had written and published in london an excellent "defence of the american constitution;" and with political heresy, if not actual apostasy, because of that inconsistency. twenty years later, when speaking of these essays, mr. adams said: "this dull, heavy volume still excites the wonder of its author--first, that he could find, amid the constant scenes of business and dissipation in which he was enveloped, time to write it; secondly, that he had the courage to oppose and publish his own opinions to the universal opinion of america, and indeed of all mankind." others were no less astonished, for the same reasons. these essays were published in , and filled jefferson with disgust. he already began to suspect hamilton of anti-republican schemes, and he now cherished the idea that there was a conspiracy on foot, headed by adams and hamilton, to overthrow the republican institutions of the united states, and on their ruins to erect a mixed government like that of england, composed of a monarchy and aristocracy. to counteract these political heresies, paine's rights of man, which he wrote in reply to burke's pamphlet on the french revolution (a performance which adams held in "perfect detestation," but which other patriots regarded as one of which any man might be proud), was reprinted and circulated in the united states, with a complimentary note from mr. jefferson at its head--"a note which mr. jefferson declared he neither desired nor expected to have printed;" not because he did not approve of paine's doctrines, but because he did not wish to take such responsibility at that crisis and while in his official position. he rejoiced, however, at the reprint of paine's essay. "paine's pamphlet," he said in a letter to mr. short, the american _chargé d'affaires_ at paris, "has been published and read with general applause here;" and then he proceeds to charge "adams, jay, hamilton, knox, _and many of the cincinnati_," with endeavoring "to make way for a king, lords, and commons." "the second" (jay), he said, "says nothing; the third [hamilton] is open. both are dangerous. they pant after union with england, as the power which is to support their projects, and are most determined anti-gallicans." this, as time has demonstrated, was a most unjust and ungenerous charge. so thoroughly was mr. jefferson then imbued with the spirit of the french revolution, in its most democratic and destructive aspect--so bitter was his hatred of monarchy and aristocracy--that his judgment seemed entirely perverted, his usual charity utterly congealed; and every man who differed with him in opinion was regarded as a conspirator against the rights of mankind. in after years, when the passions of the times had passed away, he reiterated his opinion that adams and hamilton were at that time seeking the subversion of republican institutions in the united states. "the one [adams]," he said, "was for two hereditary branches, and an honest elective one; the other [hamilton] for an hereditary king, with a house of lords and commons, corrupted to his will, and standing between him and the people. hamilton was indeed a singular character. of acute understanding, disinterested, honest, and honorable in all private transactions, amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in private life, yet so bewitched and perverted by british example, as to be under thorough conviction that corruption was essential to the government of a nation. mr. adams had originally been a republican. the glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to england, had made him believe their fascination a necessary ingredient in government." the best refutation of the opinion of jefferson concerning hamilton's views is contained in the whole tenor of that great man's life, and in the close private and political friendship that existed between the sagacious washington and hamilton until death separated them. paine's original pamphlet was dedicated "to the president of the united states," and that dedication was retained in the reprint. that and jefferson's note produced quite a stir. because of certain language in the pamphlet, paine had been prosecuted for libel by the british government, and had fled to france; and this apparent endorsement of his essay by the government of the united states, in the persons of the president and secretary of state, was offensive to that of great britain. major beckwith, the aid-de-camp of governor carleton already mentioned, expressed his surprise that the pamphlet should have been published under such auspices, because it seemed to imply unfriendliness toward his government. he was satisfied, however, when assured that the president knew nothing of the reprint of the pamphlet, and that the publication of the note by the secretary of state was unauthorized. the matter disturbed the friendly relations between mr. adams and mr. jefferson for a short time. frank explanations healed the breach for a moment; but they differed too widely in their ideas concerning some of the exciting questions of the day to act together as political friends. indeed, they soon became decided political antagonists, and washington was greatly disturbed by party dissentions in his cabinet and in congress. footnotes: [ ] "i shall be," he said, "on the eighth of april at fredericksburg, the eleventh at richmond, the fourteenth at petersburg, the sixteenth at halifax, the eighteenth at tarborough, the twentieth at newbern, the twenty-fifth at wilmington, the twenty-ninth at georgetown, south carolina; on the second day of may at charleston in south carolina, halting there five days; on the eleventh at savannah, halting there two days. then leaving the line of mail, i shall proceed to augusta; and according to the information i shall receive there, my return by an upper road will be regulated." [ ] the following is the address of the moravians to the president:-- "happy in sharing the honor of a visit from the illustrious president of the union to the southern states, the brethren of wachovia humbly beg leave, upon this joyful occasion, to express their highest esteem, duty, and affection, for the great patriot of this country. "deeply impressed as we are with gratitude to the great author of our being for his unbounded mercies, we can not but particularly acknowledge his gracious providence over the temporal and political prosperity of the country, in the peace whereof we do find peace, and wherein none can take a warmer interest than ourselves; in particular, when we consider that the same lord who preserved your precious person in so many imminent dangers has made you, in a conspicuous manner, an instrument in his hands to forward that happy constitution, together with those improvements, whereby our united states begin to flourish, over which you preside with the applause of a thankful nation. "whenever, therefore, we solicit the protection of the father of mercies over this favored country, we can not but fervently implore his kindness for your preservation, which is so intimately connected therewith. "may this gracious lord vouchsafe to prolong your valuable life as a further blessing, and an ornament of the constitution, that by your worthy example the regard for religion be increased, and the improvements of civil society encouraged. "the settlements of the united brethren, though small, will always make it their study to contribute as much as in them lies to the peace and improvement of the united states, and all the particular parts they live in, joining their ardent prayers to the best wishes of this whole continent that your personal as well as domestic happiness may abound, and a series of successes may crown your labors for the prosperity of our times and an example to future ages, until the glorious reward of a faithful servant shall be your portion. "signed, in behalf of the united brethren in wachovia: "frederick william marshall, "john daniel k�hler, "christian lewis benzien. "_salem, the st of june_, ." to which the president of the united states was pleased to return the following answer:-- "_to the united brethren of wachovia:_ "gentlemen: i am greatly indebted to your respectful and affectionate expression of personal regard, and i am not less obliged by the patriotic sentiment contained in your address. "from a society whose governing principles are industry and the love of order, much may be expected towards the improvement and prosperity of the country in which their settlements are formed, and experience authorizes the belief that much will be obtained. "thanking you with grateful sincerity for your prayers in my behalf, i desire to assure you of my best wishes for your social and individual happiness. "g. washington." chapter xvii. the new congress--aaron burr senator--scope of washington's annual address--st. clair's expedition against the indians--character of his army--surprise and defeat--effect of the event on washington--wayne appointed to succeed st. clair--appearance of parties in congress--opposing newspapers--apportionment bill--veto first applied--washington yearns for private life--expresses his desires to jefferson and madison--valedictory address contemplated--madison requested to prepare one--a remarkable letter from jefferson--washington consents to a re-election. washington read his third annual address to the assembled congress on the twenty-fifth of october. before him were most of the members of the previous congress. nearly all of the retiring senators had been re-elected. among the new ones was roger sherman of connecticut, george cabot of massachusetts, and aaron burr of new york. the latter was elected as the successor to general schuyler, and now, for the first time, appeared prominent among statesmen. he had been appointed attorney-general of new york by governor clinton, and, in respect to talent and influence, was a rising man. artful and fascinating, he had secured the votes of a sufficient number of federalists in the state legislature to gain his election, and he went into congress a decided opponent of the administration; not on principle, for that never influenced him, but on account of personal hostility to the president, whom he hated because of his virtues. in the house there were several new members, and the number of those opposed to the policy of the administration had been considerably increased, the elections in several of the states having been warmly contested. jonathan trumbull, son of the patriotic governor of connecticut, was chosen speaker. in his address, the president congratulated congress on the general prosperity of the country, the success of its financial measures, and the disposition generally manifested to submit to the excise law. he dwelt at considerable length upon indian affairs, recommending a just, impartial, and humane policy toward the savages, as the best means of securing peace on the frontier. he announced that the site of the federal capital had been selected and the city laid out on the bank of the potomac. he again called their attention to the subject of a reorganization of the post-office department, the establishment of a mint, the adoption of a plan for producing uniformity in weights and measures, and making provision for the sale of the public lands of the united states. the expedition against the indians in the northwest had, meanwhile, been in progress, with varying fortunes, sometimes successful and sometimes not. at length painful rumors, and finally positive statements, came that a terrible calamity had overtaken st. clair and his command. these troops had assembled in the vicinity of fort washington (now cincinnati) early in september, and consisted nominally of two thousand regulars and one thousand militia, including a corps of artillery and several squadrons of horse. they were compelled to cut a road through the wilderness, and erect forts to keep up communication between the ohio and the wabash, the base of their operations. desertions were numerous, and the refuse of western population often filled the places of these delinquents. insubordination prevailed; and, to increase st. clair's difficulties, he was so afflicted with the gout that he could not walk, and had to be lifted on and off his horse. at length the little army, reduced to fourteen hundred effective men, rank and file, by desertion and the absence of a corps sent to apprehend deserters, had penetrated to a tributary of the wabash fifteen miles south of the miami villages, and almost a hundred from fort washington. there, before sunrise on the fourth of november, while the main body were encamped in two lines on rising ground, and the militia upon a high flat on the other side of the stream a quarter of a mile in advance, they were surprised and fiercely attacked by a large number of indians, who fell first upon the militia, and then with deadly power upon the regulars. great carnage ensued. the enemy, concealed in the woods, poured a destructive fire upon the troops from almost every point. st. clair, unable to mount his horse, was carried about in a litter, and gave his orders with discretion and the most perfect coolness. nearly all the officers and half the army were killed. for two hours and a half the desperate contest raged. finally st. clair ordered a retreat. it at once became a disorderly flight. the artillery, baggage, and many of the wounded, were left behind. many of the troops threw away their arms, ammunition, and accoutrements. some of the officers divested themselves of their fusees, that their flight might not be impeded. the general was mounted upon a lazy pack-horse, who could not be spurred into a gallop; but, as the enemy did not pursue more than a mile or two, st. clair and the survivors of the battle escaped to fort jefferson, a distance of twenty-five miles. the retreat was continued the next day toward fort washington, where the shattered army arrived on the eighth. the entire loss was estimated at six hundred and seventy-seven killed, including thirty women, and two hundred and seventy-one wounded. the late richard rush, of philadelphia, has left on record the following graphic account of the effect which the intelligence of st. clair's defeat had upon washington. it was from an eye-witness:-- "an anecdote i derived from colonel lear," says mr. rush, "shortly before his death in , may here be related, showing the height to which washington's passion would rise, yet be controlled. it belongs to his domestic life, with which i am dealing, having occurred under his own roof, while it marks public feeling the most intense, and points to the moral of his life. i give it in colonel lear's words, as near as i can, having made a note of them at the time. "toward the close of a winter's day in , an officer in uniform was seen to dismount in front of the president's house, in philadelphia, and giving the bridle to his servant, knocked at the door of the mansion. learning from the porter that the president was at dinner, he said he was on public business and had despatches for the president. a servant was sent into the dining-room to give the information to mr. lear, who left the table and went into the hall, where the officer repeated what he had said. mr. lear replied that, as the president's secretary, he would take charge of the despatches and deliver them at the proper time. the officer made answer that he had just arrived from the western army, and his orders were to deliver them with all promptitude, and to the president in person; but that he would wait his directions. mr. lear returned, and in a whisper imparted to the president what had passed. general washington rose from the table and went to the officer. he was back in a short time, made a word of apology for his absence, but no allusion to the cause of it. he had company that day. everything went on as usual. dinner over, the gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of mrs. washington, which was open in the evening. the general spoke courteously to every lady in the room, as was his custom. his hours were early, and by ten o'clock all the company had gone. mrs. washington and mr. lear remained. soon mrs. washington left the room. "the general now walked backward and forward for some minutes without speaking. then he sat down on a sofa by the fire, telling mr. lear to sit down. to this moment there had been no change in his manner since his interruption at the table. mr. lear now perceived emotion. this rising in him, he broke out suddenly: 'it's all over! st. clair's defeated--routed; the officers nearly all killed--the men by wholesale--the rout complete! too shocking to think of!--and a surprise in the bargain!' "he uttered all this with great vehemence. then he paused, got up from the sofa, and walked about the room several times, agitated, but saying nothing. near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds, when his wrath became terrible. "'yes!' he burst forth, 'here, on this very spot, i took leave of him: i wished him success and honor. "you have your instructions," i said, "from the secretary of war: i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! i repeat it--beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight us." he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet, to suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hacked by a surprise--the very thing i guarded him against! o god! o god! he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country? the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of heaven!' "this torrent came out in tone appalling. his very frame shook. 'it was awful!' said mr. lear. more than once he threw his hands up as he hurled imprecations upon st. clair. mr. lear remained speechless--awed into breathless silence. "the roused chief sat down on the sofa once more. he seemed conscious of his passion, and uncomfortable. he was silent; his wrath began to subside. he at length said, in an altered voice, 'this must not go beyond this room.' another pause followed--a longer one--when he said, in a tone quite low: 'general st. clair shall have justice. i looked hastily through the despatches--saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars. i will hear him without prejudice: he shall have full justice.' "'he was now,' said mr. lear, 'perfectly calm. half an hour had gone by; the storm was over, and no sign of it was afterward seen in his conduct or heard in his conversation.'"[ ] "the first interview of the president with st clair after the fatal fourth of november," says the late mr. custis[ ] (who was present), "was nobly impressive. the unfortunate general, worn down by age, disease, and the hardships of a frontier campaign, assailed by the press, and with the current of popular opinion setting hard against him, repaired to his chief, as to a shelter from the fury of so many elements. washington extended his hand to one who appeared in no new character; for, during the whole of a long life, misfortune seemed 'to have marked him for her own.' poor old st. clair hobbled up to his chief, seized the offered hand in both of his, and gave vent to his feelings in an audible manner." st. clair's case was investigated by a committee of the house of representatives, and he was honorably acquitted. but public sentiment was against him, and he resigned his commission. the alarm on the frontier, caused by st. clair's defeat, produced prompt and appropriate action in congress, and an army of five thousand men for frontier service was authorized. the impetuous general wayne (of whom washington said, at this time, "he has many good points as an officer, and it is to be hoped that time, reflection, good advice, and above all a due sense of the importance of the trust committed to him, will correct his faults, or cast a shade over them") was appointed commander-in-chief, and colonel otho h. williams, of maryland, and colonel rufus putnam, then in the ohio country, brigadiers under him. wayne was then in the prime of life, being forty-seven years of age; and washington, believing that an energetic campaign would retrieve the losses of st. clair and produce a decisive and salutary effect upon the indians, counted much upon the prowess and executive force of that officer. nor was he disappointed. additional revenue was required to support the increased army; and upon a motion being made in congress to call upon the secretary of the treasury to report the ways and means of raising it, the first decided opposition to that officer and the measures of the administration, in complicity with jefferson's personal dislike of hamilton, appeared in the national legislature. such report was called for, however; and the discussions that ensued upon this and other topics were sometimes very acrimonious, and caused washington much painful apprehension. the press, at the same time, was fostering party spirit with the most pernicious aliment. in the previous autumn, a paper in the interest of the republican party and in opposition to fenno's _united states gazette_, called the _national gazette_, was established. philip freneau, a warm whig of the revolution and a poet of considerable local eminence, who had been editor of a new york paper, and who was called to philadelphia at that time by mr. jefferson to fill the post of translating clerk in the state department, was installed as editor of the new opposition paper. jefferson patronized it for the avowed purpose of presenting to the president and the american people correct european intelligence, derived from the _leyden gazette_ instead of through the alleged polluted channel of english newspapers. but it soon became the vehicle of bitter attacks upon all measures of the administration which did not originate with, or were approved by, mr. jefferson; and the character of the secretary became thereby seriously compromised before the american people. he was charged, with great plausibility, with being the author of many anonymous political articles in freneau's paper; but he solemnly declared the accusation to be untrue. congress adjourned on the eighth of may. during the session, washington had for the first time exercised the veto power intrusted to the president by the constitution. the occasion was the passage of an apportionment bill based upon the census of the population of the united states, lately taken, which in its provisions appeared to conflict with the constitution. that instrument provided that the representatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand persons. this ratio would leave a fraction in each state (in some more, in some less) unrepresented. to obviate this difficulty, the senate originated a bill which exhibited a new principle of apportionment. it assumed as a basis the total population of the united states, and not the population of separate states, as that upon which the whole number of representatives should be determined. this aggregate was divided by thirty thousand. the quotient giving one hundred and twenty as the number of representatives, that number was apportioned upon the several states according to their population, allotting to each one member for every thirty thousand, and distributing the remaining members, to make up the one hundred and twenty, among the states having the largest fractions. after much debate, the house concurred in the senate's bill, and it was submitted to the president for his signature. the only question that arose was as to its constitutionality. the president consulted his cabinet. jefferson and randolph decided that it was unconstitutional; knox could not express a definite opinion; and hamilton rather favored the bill. after due deliberation washington returned it with his objections. "a few of the hottest friends of the bill," says jefferson in his anas, "expressed passion, but the majority were satisfied; and both in and out of doors," he rather ill-naturedly added, "it gave pleasure to have at length an instance of the negative being exercised." the distractions in his cabinet, the increasing virulence of party spirit continually manifested in congress, and the cares of government, began to make washington thoroughly weary of public life, and early in he resolved to retire from it at the end of the term for which he had been elected to the presidency. he had more than a year to serve; but he determined to let his resolution be made known to the public at an early day. he first announced it to his nearest friends and associates. among these were jefferson and madison, the latter a representative from virginia, and then taking the position of a republican leader in the house. to jefferson, washington had opened his mind on the subject as early as the close of february, at the same time saying that he should consider it unfortunate if his retirement should cause that of other great officers of the government. at that time, the president was becoming painfully aware that the differences in his cabinet were systematic, instead of incidental as at first. with madison, washington held frequent conversations upon the subject of his retirement, but nothing definite was determined when they left philadelphia at the close of the session. the president went so far, however, as to ask madison to revolve this subject in his mind, and advise him as to the proper time and the best mode of announcing his intention to the people. but madison always urged him to relinquish the idea for the public good, and jefferson desired him to remain in office for the same reason. congress having adjourned on tuesday, the eighth of may, on the tenth washington set out alone for mount vernon, leaving his family in philadelphia. he carried with him several copies of paine's _rights of man_, already alluded to, fifty of which he received from the author a day or two before he left philadelphia.[ ] with peculiar delight he sat down amid the cool shadows and quiet retreats of his loved home on the potomac, at the season of flowers; and the desire to leave the turmoils of public life appears to have taken hold of him with a strength which he had never felt before. he resolved to be governed by his inclinations; and on the twentieth he wrote to madison, announcing his intention in unequivocal terms, and repeating the request for advice which he had made before leaving philadelphia. "i have not been unmindful," he said, "of the sentiments expressed by you in the conversations just alluded to. on the contrary, i have again and again revolved them with thoughtful anxiety, but without being able to dispose my mind to a longer continuation in the office i have now the honor to hold.... nothing but a conviction that my declining the chair of government, if it should be the desire of the people to continue me in it, would involve the country in serious disputes respecting the chief magistrate, and the disagreeable consequences which might result therefrom in the floating and divided opinions which seem to prevail at present, could in any wise induce me to relinquish the determination i have formed.... under these impressions, then, permit me to reiterate the request i made to you at our last meeting, namely, to think of the proper time and the best mode of announcing the intention, and that you would prepare the latter. in revolving this subject myself, my judgment has always been embarrassed.... i would fain carry my request to you further than is asked above, although i am sensible it would add to your trouble. but as the recess may afford you leisure, and as i flatter myself you have dispositions to oblige me, i will without apology desire, if the measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to produce public good or private honor, that you would turn your thoughts to a valedictory address from me to the public." he desired madison to express, "in plain and modest terms," his feelings: that having endeavored to do his duty in the office he held, and age coming on apace, he desired to retire to private life, believing that rotation in the elective offices might be more congenial with the ideas of the people, of liberty and safety--that with such views, he took leave of them as a public man, and invoked the continuance of every blessing of providence upon his country, "and upon all those who are the supporters of its interests, and the promoters of harmony, order, and good government." washington then suggested four topics to be remarked upon, as follows: first, that we are all children of the same country, great and rich, and capable of being as prosperous and happy as any which the annals of history exhibit; and that the people have all an equal interest in the great concerns of the nation. second, that the extent of our country, the diversity of our climate and soil, and the various productions of the states, are such as to make one part not only convenient, but indispensable to other parts, and may render the whole one of the most independent nations in the world. third, that the government, being the work of the people, and having the mode and power of amendment engrafted upon the constitution, may, by the exercise of forbearance, wisdom, good will, and experience, be brought as near perfection as any human institution has ever been; and therefore, that the only strife should be, who should be foremost in facilitating and finally accomplishing such great and desirable objects, by giving every possible support and cement to the union. fourth, "that, however necessary it may be to keep a watchful eye over public servants and public measures, yet there ought to be limits to it; for suspicions unfounded and jealousies too lively are irritating to honest feelings, and oftentimes are productive of more evil than good." with these general hints, washington left the matter in madison's hands. at the same time, he asked that friend to give him hints also as to "fit subjects for communication" in his next annual message to congress. in all this we see the acts of an eminently wise man, intent solely upon the public good, seeking aid in his arduous labors from those in whom he had confidence. a month later, madison replied to the president's letter, giving his opinion, that if he was determined to retire, it would be expedient and highly proper for him to put forth a valedictory address through the public prints; at the same time he expressed a hope that washington would "reconsider the measure in all its circumstances and consequences," and that he would acquiesce in one more sacrifice, severe as it might be, to the desires and interests of his country. with the letter madison sent a draft of an address, and in reference to it remarked: "you will readily observe that, in executing it, i have aimed at that plainness and modesty of language which you had in view, and which indeed are so peculiarly becoming the character and the occasion; and that i had little more to do, as to the matter, than to follow the just and comprehensive outline which you had sketched. i flatter myself, however, that in everything which has depended on me, much improvement will be made before so interesting a paper shall have taken its last form." in a letter to the president, written on the twenty-third of may, jefferson expressed his concern at the determination of the president. "when you first mentioned to me your purpose of retiring from the government," he said, "though i felt all the magnitude of the event, i was in a considerable degree silent. i knew that to such a mind as yours persuasion was idle and impertinent; that, before forming your decision, you had weighed all the reasons for and against the measure, had made up your mind in full view of them, and that there could be little hope of changing the result. pursuing my reflections, too, i knew we were some day to try to walk alone, and, if the essay should be made while you should be alive and looking on, we should derive confidence from that circumstance and resource if it failed. the public mind, too, was then calm and confident, and therefore in a favorable state for making an experiment. but the public mind is no longer so confident and serene, and that for causes in which you are no way personally mixed." he then went on at great length in denunciation of the funding system, as one calculated and even _intended_ to "corrupt the legislature," and as the chief instrument in efforts to establish a monarchical and aristocratical government upon the ruins of the confederation--of preparing the way "for a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy, of which the english constitution is to be the model." he then said:-- "the confidence of the whole union is centred in you. your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence and secession. north and south will hang together if they have you to hang on; and if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its effects, your presence will give time for trying others, not inconsistent with the union and peace of the states. "i am perfectly aware of the oppression under which your present office lays your mind, and with the ardor with which you pant for domestic life. but there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims as to control the predilections of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. this seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by providence in forming your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate; and it is to motives like these, and not to personal anxieties of mine or others who have no right to call on you for sacrifices, that i appeal, and urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the aspect of things. should an honest majority result from a new and enlarged representation; should those acquiesce whose principles or interests they may control, your wishes for retirement would be gratified with less danger, as soon as that shall be manifest, without awaiting the completion of the second term of four years. one or two sessions will determine the crisis; and i can not but hope that you can resolve to add more to the many years you have already sacrificed to the good of mankind."[ ] these were wise and patriotic words, and, no doubt, had much effect upon washington's mind. the critical state of public affairs, the growing animosities of party spirit, the urgent pleadings of all his friends, the ardent desires of the people in all parts of the country, and his willingness to serve his country in any hour of her need, caused him, as usual, to sacrifice personal inclinations to the public welfare, and he consented to be a candidate for re-election. washington made a verbal reply to mr. jefferson's letter when he met him in philadelphia. he dissented from most of the secretary's views of public policy, and defended the assumption of the state debts and the excise law. as to the united states bank, he did not believe that discontents concerning it were found far from the seat of government. he assured mr. jefferson that he had spoken with many people in maryland and virginia during his late journey, and found them contented and happy. according to notes made by mr. jefferson at the time, he and the president had a friendly discussion of the whole matter. washington was very decided in his opinions, having weighed the subject with his sound judgment. but his words had no effect upon jefferson. footnotes: [ ] _washington in private life_, by richard rush. [ ] _recollections and private memoirs of washington_, page . [ ] in his letter accompanying the books, paine remarked: "the work has had a run beyond any thing that has been published in this country on the subject of government, and the demand continues. in ireland it has had a much greater. a letter i received from dublin, tenth of may, mentioned that the fourth edition was then on sale. i know not what number of copies were printed at each edition, except the second, which was ten thousand. the same fate follows me here as i _at first_ experienced in america--strong friends and violent enemies. but as i have got the ear of the country, i shall go on, and at least show them, what is a novelty here, that there can be a person beyond the reach of corruption." [ ] randall's life of thomas jefferson ii chapter xviii. jefferson's letter gives washington pain--his letters to lafayette and others--ungenerous suspicions--washington lays before hamilton a synopsis of complaints against the administration--hamilton's replies--he denounces his accusers--complete rupture between hamilton and jefferson--newspaper disputes--freneau's affidavit--washington annoyed and alarmed by the feud--seeks to heal the breach--correspondence between the president and the contending secretaries--spirit of that correspondence--hostilities to the excise laws--the president's proclamation--another effort to reconcile the disputing secretaries--washington unanimously re-elected president of the united states. those portions of jefferson's letter which related to public measures gave washington a great deal of pain. they formed the first strong avowal of his able friend and coadjutor of his deep-seated suspicions of living conspiracies against the liberties of the united states, and his opposition to the measures which he considered the implements of treason in the hands of the conspirators. they were the evidences of a schism in the president's cabinet which destroyed its unity and prophesied of serious evils. jefferson's correspondence at that period shows the bias of his mind; and, in the light of subsequent experience, while we view him as a true patriot, jealous of his country's rights, we can not but regard him as a monomaniac at that time. he saw in every supporter of hamilton and his measures a conspirator, or the dupe of a conspirator; and he seemed, vain-gloriously, to believe that his own political perceptions were far keener than those of washington and all the world beside. to lafayette he wrote: "a sect has shown itself among us, who declare they espoused our constitution, not as a good and sufficient thing in itself, but only as a step to an english constitution--the only thing good and sufficient in itself, in their eyes. it is happy for us that these are preachers without followers, and that our people are firm and constant in their republican purity. you will wonder to be told that it is from the eastward chiefly that these champions for a king, lords, and commons come. they get some important associates from new york, and are puffed up by a tribe of _agioteurs_ which have been hatched in a bed of corruption, made up after the model of their beloved england. too many of these stockjobbers and kingjobbers have come into our legislature--or rather, too many of our legislature have become stockjobbers and kingjobbers. however, the voice of the people is beginning to make itself heard, and will probably cleanse their seats at the next election." to others he wrote in a similar vein; and he seemed to be constantly haunted by the ghost of kings, lords, and commons, sitting in the seat of the republican president and of the popular congress. washington pondered these things with great anxiety, and on the twenty-ninth of july he wrote a private and confidential letter to hamilton, in which he set forth, under twenty-one distinct heads, a summary of objections to the measures of the administration, drawn chiefly from jefferson's letter to the president just alluded to. "these," he said, "as well as my memory serves me, are the sentiments which, directly and indirectly, have been disclosed to me. to obtain light and to pursue truth being my sole aim, and wishing to have before me explanations of, as well as the complaints on, measures in which the public interest, harmony, and peace, are so deeply concerned, and my public conduct so much involved, it is my request, and you would oblige me by furnishing me with your ideas upon the discontents here enumerated; and for this purpose i have thrown them into heads, or sections, and numbered them, that those ideas may be applied to the correspondent numbers." hamilton answered in the required form on the eighteenth of august. "you will observe here and there," he remarked in his preface, "some severity appears. i have not fortitude enough always to bear with calmness calumnies which necessarily include me, as a principal agent in the measures censured, of the falsehood of which i have the most unqualified consciousness. i trust i shall always be able to bear as i ought imputations of errors of judgment; but i acknowledge that i can not be entirely patient under charges which impeach the integrity of my public motives or conduct. i feel that i merit them _in no degree_; and expressions of indignation sometimes escape me in spite of every effort to suppress them. i rely on your goodness for the proper allowances." he then, under the head of _objections and answers respecting the administration of the government_, ably justified all measures which distinguished that administration. when treating upon the charges that "the funding of the debt had furnished effectual means of corruption of such a portion of the legislature as turned the balance between the honest voters whichever way it was directed," he manifested much indignation. "this is one of those assertions," he said, "which can only be denied, and pronounced to be malignant and false. no facts exist to support it. the asserters assume to themselves, and to those who think with them, infallibility. take their words for it, they are the only honest men in the community." "as far as i know," he said, "there is not a member of the legislature who can properly be called a stockjobber or a paper-dealer. there are several of them who were proprietors of public debt in various ways; some for money lent and property furnished for the use of the public during the war, others for sums received in payment of debts; and it is supposable enough that some of them had been purchasers of the public debt, with intention to hold it as a valuable and convenient property, considering an honorable provision for it as a matter of course. "it is a strange perversion of ideas, and as novel as it is extraordinary, that men should be deemed corrupt and criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their country. yet i believe the number of members of congress is very small who have ever been considerable proprietors in the funds. as to improper speculations on measures depending before congress, i believe never was any body of men freer from them." to the charge that the federalists contemplated the establishment of a monarchy, hamilton said: "the idea of introducing a monarchy or aristocracy into this country, by employing the influence and force of a government continually changing hands towards it, is one of those visionary things that none but madmen could meditate, and that no wise man will believe. "if it could be done at all, which is utterly incredible, it would require a long series of time, certainly beyond the life of any individual, to effect it. who then would enter into such a plot? for what purpose of interest or ambition? "to hope that the people may be cajoled into giving their sanctions to such institutions is still more chimerical. a people so enlightened and so diversified as the people of this country can surely never be brought to it but from convulsions and disorders, in consequence of the arts of popular demagogues. "the truth unquestionably is, that the only path to a subversion of the republican system of the country is by flattering the prejudices of the people, and exciting their jealousies and apprehensions, to throw affairs into confusion and bring on civil commotion. tired at length of anarchy or want of government, they may take shelter in the arms of monarchy for repose and security." the rupture between hamilton and jefferson was now complete, and the violence of party spirit manifested by the gazettes of fenno and freneau was greatly augmented. the latter became more and more personal in his attacks upon the administration; and hamilton, who was held up by name as a monarchist at heart, believing that the assaults originated in the hostility of jefferson, in whose office freneau was employed, at length turned sharply upon his assailant. over an anonymous signature he inquired, in fenno's paper, whether the government salary given to freneau was paid him for translations, or for calumniating those whom the voice of the nation had called to the administration of public affairs; whether he was rewarded as a public servant, or as a disturber of the public peace by false insinuations. "in common life," he said, "it is thought ungrateful for a man to bite the hand that puts bread in his mouth; but if a man is hired to do it the case is altered." again he said, after giving a history of the establishment of freneau's paper: "an experiment somewhat new in the history of political manoeuvres in this country; a newspaper instituted by a public officer, and the editor of it regularly pensioned with the public money in the disposal of that officer.... but, it may be asked, is it possible that mr. jefferson, the head of a principal department of the government, can be the patron of a paper the evident object of which is to decry the government and its measures? if he disapproves of the government itself, and thinks it deserving of his opposition, can he reconcile it to his own personal dignity and the principles of probity to hold an office under it, and employ the means of official influence in that opposition? if he disapproves of the leading measures which have been adopted in the course of his administration, can he reconcile it with the principles of delicacy and propriety to hold a place in that administration, and at the same time to be instrumental in vilifying measures which have been adopted by majorities of both branches of the legislature, and sanctioned by the chief magistrate of the union?" this brought out an affidavit from freneau, in which he exculpated mr. jefferson from all complicity in the establishment, the conduct, or the support of his paper. the feud between hamilton and jefferson gave washington great concern and no little mortification. both ministers discharged the duties of their respective offices to the entire satisfaction of the president. he had endeavored, on his own part, not to allow his private views to interfere with them in the performance of those duties; but he now found himself compelled to take part in the dispute. that part was the noble one of pacificator. he desired most earnestly to heal the breach, and on the twenty-third of august he wrote to jefferson on the subject. after referring to the hostilities of the indians, and the possible intrigues of foreigners to check the growth of the united states, he said:-- "how unfortunate and how much to be regretted is it, that while we are encompassed on all sides with armed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissentions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. the latter, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, i believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder, and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be lost, perhaps for ever. "my earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore, is that instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yieldings on all sides. under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly and, if possible, more prosperously. without them, everything must rub; the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting. "i do not mean to apply this advice or these observations to any particular person or character. i have given them in the same general terms to other officers of the government; because the disagreements, which have arisen from difference of opinion, and the attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of government and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and can not fail, i think, of producing unhappy consequences at home and abroad." to hamilton he wrote three days afterward, expressing his regret that subjects could not be discussed with temper on the one hand, or decisions submitted to without the motives which led to them improperly implicated on the other. "when matters get to such lengths," he said, "the natural inference is that both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, and that a middle course would be found the best, until experience shall have decided on the right way, or (which is not to be expected, because it is denied to mortals) there shall be some infallible rule by which we could forejudge events. "having premised these things, i would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each other, and, instead of those wounding suspicions and irritating charges with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which can not fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there may be mutual forbearance and temporizing yielding _on all sides_. without these, i do not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or how the union of the states can be much longer preserved.... my earnest wish is that balsam may be poured into all the wounds which have been given, to prevent them from gangrening, and from those fatal consequences which the community may sustain if it is withheld." these letters were answered by hamilton and jefferson on the same day (september the ninth), one dated at philadelphia and the other at monticello. "i most sincerely regret," wrote hamilton, "the causes of the uneasy sensations you experience. it is my most anxious wish, as far as may depend upon me, to smooth the path of your administration, and to render it prosperous and happy. and if any prospect shall open of healing or terminating the differences which exist, i shall most cheerfully embrace it, though i consider myself as the deeply injured party. the recommendation of such a spirit is worthy of the moderation and wisdom which dictated it. and if your endeavors should prove unsuccessful, i do not hesitate to say that, in my opinion, the period is not remote when the public good will require _substitutes_ for the _differing members_ of your administration. the continuance of a division must destroy the energy of government, which will be little enough with the strictest union. on my part there will be the most cheerful acquiescence in such a result. "i trust, sir, that the greatest frankness has always marked, and will always mark, every step of my conduct toward you. in this disposition, i can not conceal from you that i have had some instrumentality of late in the retaliations which have fallen upon certain public characters, and that i find myself placed in a situation not to be able to recede _for the present_. "i considered myself as compelled to this conduct by reasons, public as well as personal, of the most cogent nature. i _know_ that i have been an object of uniform opposition from mr. jefferson, from the moment of his coming to the city of new york to enter upon his present office. i know from the most authentic sources that i have been the frequent subject of the most unkind whispers and insinuations from the same quarter. i have long seen a formed party in the legislature, under his auspices, bent upon my subversion. i can not doubt, from the evidence i possess, that the _national gazette_ was instituted by him for political purposes, and that one leading object of it has been to render me and all the measures connected with my department as odious as possible. nevertheless, i can truly say, that, except explanations to confidential friends, i never, directly or indirectly, retaliated or countenanced retaliation till very lately. i can even assure you that i was instrumental in preventing a very severe and systematic attack upon mr. jefferson by an association of two or three individuals, in consequence of the persecution which he brought upon the vice-president by his indiscreet and light letter to the printer, transmitting paine's pamphlet. "as long as i saw no danger to the government from the machinations which were going on, i resolved to be a silent sufferer of the injuries which were done me. i determined to avoid giving occasion to anything which could manifest to the world dissentions among the principal characters of the government--a thing which can never happen without weakening its hands, and in some degree throwing a stigma upon it. "but when i no longer doubted that there was a formed party deliberately bent upon the subversion of measures, which in its consequences would subvert the government; when i saw that the undoing of the funding system in particular (which, whatever may be the original merits of that system, would prostrate the credit and honor of the nation, and bring the government into contempt with that description of men who are in every society the only firm supporters of government) was an avowed object of the party, and that all possible pains were taking to produce that effect by rendering it odious to the body of the people, i considered it as a duty to endeavor to resist the torrent, and, as an effectual means to this end, to draw aside the veil from the principal actors. to this strong impulse, to this decided conviction, i have yielded, and i think events will prove that i have judged rightly. "nevertheless, i pledge my honor to you, sir, that if you shall hereafter form a plan to reunite the members of your administration upon some steady principle of co-operation, i will faithfully concur in executing it during my continuance in office; and i will not, directly or indirectly, say or do anything that shall endanger a feud." mr. jefferson answered washington, that no one regretted the dissentions in the cabinet more than himself. "though i take to myself," he said, "no more than my share of the general observations of your letter, yet i am so desirous even that you should know the whole truth, and believe no more than the whole truth, that i am glad to seize every occasion of developing to you whatever i do or think relative to the government, and shall therefore ask permission to be more lengthy now than the occasion particularly calls for, or would otherwise, perhaps, justify. "when i embarked in the government, it was with a determination to intermeddle not at all with the legislature, and as little as possible with my co-departments. the first and only instance of variance from the former part of my resolution i was duped into by the secretary of the treasury, and made a tool for forwarding his schemes, not then sufficiently understood by me; and of all the errors of my political life, this has occasioned me the deepest regret.... if it has been supposed that i have ever intrigued among the members of the legislature to defeat the plans of the secretary of the treasury, it is contrary to all truth.... that i have utterly, in my private conversations, disapproved of the system of the secretary of the treasury i acknowledge and avow; and this was not merely a speculative difference. his system flowed from principles adverse to liberty, and was calculated to undermine and demolish the republic by creating an influence of his department over the members of the legislature. i saw this influence actually produced, and its first fruits to be the establishment of the great outlines of his project, by the votes of the very persons who, having swallowed his bait, were laying themselves out to profit by his plans; and that, had these persons withdrawn, as those interested in a question ever should, the vote of the disinterested majority was clearly the reverse of what they made it. these were no longer the votes, then, of the representatives of the people, but of deserters from the rights and interests of the people." mr. jefferson then proceeded to justify his opinions and conduct, and to defend himself against hamilton's charges in fenno's paper, which were: first, that he (jefferson) had written letters from europe to his friends in america to oppose the constitution while it was depending; second, with a desire not to pay the public debt; third, with setting up a paper to decry and slander the government. jefferson pronounced all these charges false. he declared that no man approved of more of the constitution than himself--vastly more than hamilton did; and that he was ever anxious to pay the public debt. "this," he said, "makes exactly the difference between colonel hamilton's views and my own. i would wish the debt paid to-morrow; he wishes it never to be paid, but always to be a thing wherewith to corrupt and manage the legislature." mr. jefferson acknowledged that he favored the establishment of freneau's newspaper for reasons already alluded to,[ ] because he thought juster views of european affairs might be obtained through publications from the _leyden gazette_ than any other foreign source. "on the establishment of his paper," said mr. jefferson, "i furnished him with the _leyden gazettes_, with an expression of my wish that he would always translate and publish the material intelligence they contained; and i continued to furnish them from time to time, as regularly as i received them. but as to any other direction or indication of my wish, how his press should be conducted, what sort of intelligence he should give, what essays encourage, i can protest, in the presence of heaven, that i never did by myself or any other, directly or indirectly, write, dictate, or procure any one sentiment or sentence to be inserted _in his or any other gazette_, to which my name was not affixed, or that of my office." while jefferson avowed his desire for harmony in the cabinet, he felt the lash of hamilton too keenly to accept reconciliation with him. he avowed his intention to retire from his office at the close of the president's term; and intimating an intention to make an appeal to the country over his own signature, he said: "to a thorough disregard of the honors and emoluments of office i join as great a value for the esteem of my countrymen; and conscious of having merited it by an integrity which can not be reproached, and by an enthusiastic devotion to their rights and liberty, i will not suffer my retirement to be clouded by the slanders of a man whose history, from the moment at which history can stoop to notice him, is a tissue of machinations against the liberty of the country which has not only received and given him bread, but heaped its honors on his head."[ ] the spirit of jefferson's letter afforded washington no hope for reconciliation between the secretaries. the contrast between his and hamilton's was remarkable. hamilton held affectionate, courteous, forbearing, and patriotic language toward the president; jefferson's exhibited much of the opposite qualities; and his implacable hatred of the man whom he had scourged into active retaliation is very marked. it gave washington great pain, for he had the highest esteem for the contestants. at that time there were grave reasons why officers of the cabinet should for the moment forget personal difficulties, and come as a unit to the aid of the president. there were signs of disorder, and violence, and serious insurrection in the land. the excise law enacted in , and modified and made less offensive during the last session of congress, was yet vehemently opposed in some parts of the country. in western pennsylvania, in particular, hostility to it had become the sentiment of an organized party, and combinations were formed to prevent the execution of it. a public meeting was held at pittsburgh on the twenty-first of august, at which resolutions were adopted disapproving of the law, and appointing a committee to correspond with other committees in different parts of the union on the subject. it was really a rebellious movement, as the temper of their closing resolution indicated.[ ] information of these proceedings having reached the secretary of the treasury, he sent to the president all necessary papers on the subject for his information, assuring him that he should submit to the attorney-general the question whether the persons composing the meeting at pittsburgh had not committed an indictable offence. he gave it as his opinion that it was expedient to exert the full form of the law against the offenders. "if this is not done," he said, "the spirit of disobedience will naturally extend, and the authority of the government will be prostrated. moderation enough has been shown: it is time to assume a different tune." in subsequent letters he recommends the issuing of a proclamation on the subject by the president, and sent a draft of one to washington. the president approved the measure, submitted it to jefferson, and on the fifteenth of september he issued a proclamation, countersigned by the secretary of state, in which he warned all persons to desist from such unlawful combinations and proceedings, and requiring all courts, magistrates, and officers to bring the offenders to justice. copies of this proclamation were sent to the governor of pennsylvania, and also to the chief magistrates of north and south carolina, where a similar defiance of law has been manifested. in this matter washington proceeded with great prudence and caution. he felt indignant at the great outrage thus offered to the government, but was unwilling to employ force while more peaceful measures were left untried. "i have no doubt," he said, "the proclamation will undergo many strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be answered by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to ulterior arrangements:" that is to say, the employment of regular troops as a last resort. as washington intimated it might not, the proclamation produced no salutary effect. too many of the civil magistrates themselves were concerned in the insurrectionary movements, and the few who were not were totally incapable of maintaining the sovereignty of the laws. with moderation the government instituted legal proceedings against the offenders; liquors distilled in the rebellious counties were seized on their way to market by revenue officers; and the agents of the army were directed to purchase only those spirits upon which a duty had been paid. having their interests thus touched, the manufacturers of liquors would gladly have complied with the laws, but the people would not allow them. subsequently, more serious defiance of the laws in western pennsylvania compelled the president to order a military force into that region. this we will consider hereafter. at the middle of october, washington made another and last effort to restore peace to his cabinet. jefferson had recently returned to philadelphia, and his first care was to forward to the president extracts from his letter written while the adoption of the constitution was pending, washington wrote to him on the eighteenth, and said: "i did not require the evidence of the extracts, which you enclosed to me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of the united states, or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country: but i regret, deeply regret, the difference in opinions which have divided you and another principal officer of the government, and i wish devoutly there would be an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings. "a measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils. the contrary will inevitably introduce confusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind can not think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end. for i will frankly and solemnly declare, that i believe the views of both of you to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salutariness of the measures which are the subjects of dispute. why, then, when some of the best citizens in the united states--men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting--are to be found some on one side and some on the other of the questions which have caused these agitations, should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowances for those of the other? i could, and indeed was about to, add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when i am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. i have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line may be marked out by which both of you could walk." washington's efforts were unavailing. the breach between hamilton and jefferson was too wide and deep to be healed, and the president determined to check, as much as possible, if he could not control their hostility. in one thing, however, these men, sincere patriots at heart, perfectly agreed, namely, a desire that washington should consent to a re-election. as we have already observed, such being the universal wish of the people, washington reluctantly consented, and he was again chosen president of the united states by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. footnotes: [ ] see page [ ] for the correspondence in full, see hamilton's works, volume iv; sparks's life and writings of washington, volume x; randall's life of jefferson, volume ii. [ ] the following is the resolution referred to: "that, whereas some men may be found amongst us, so far lost to every sense of virtue and feeling for the distresses of this country as to accept offices for the collection of the duty: _resolved_, that in future we will consider such persons as unworthy of our friendship, have no intercourse or dealings with them, withdraw from them every assistance, withhold all the comforts of life which depend upon those duties that as men and fellow-citizens we owe to each other, and upon all occasions treat them with that contempt they deserve; and that it be, and is hereby, most earnestly recommended to the people at large to follow the same line of conduct toward them." chapter xix. foreign relations of the united states--europe and the united states--the federalists a conservative party--aspect of the french revolution--washington doubts its success--increase of the republican party--washington's re-election--gouverneur morris in france--other ministers--gloomy forebodings--jefferson's impatience--troubles of the french king--lafayette in difficulty--tuilleries attacked and the king dethroned--reign of terror--lafayette's flight, arrest, and imprisonment--bloody work in paris--jefferson justifies the jacobins--washington's sympathy for lafayette's family--appeal of the marchioness--washington powerless to aid. the foreign relations of the united states were at this time peculiar and somewhat anomalous. popular sentiment, the expression of the sovereignty of the nation, was mixed in character and yet crude in form, and it was difficult to discern precisely in what relation it stood to the disturbed nationalities of europe. separated from the old world by a vast ocean, the public mind here was not so immediately and powerfully acted upon by passing events as it would have been, if only an imaginary line of political demarcation had been drawn between the new republic and convulsed communities; and its manifestations were less demonstrative than implied. all europe was effervescing with antagonistic ideas; and the wisest and the best men in the old world stood in wonder and awe in the midst of the upheaval of social and political systems that were hoary with age, and apparently as settled in their places as the oceans and continents. france, the old ally and friend of the united states, was the centre of the volcanic force that was shaking the nations; and with instinctive motion the potentates, alarmed for the stability of their thrones, had assumed the attitude of implacable enemies to the new power that was bearing rule in that kingdom. as the car of revolution rolled onward, carrying king louis to the scaffold, they felt the hot breath of avenging justice upon their own foreheads, and they called out their legions for defence and to utter a solemn and effective protest. the people were awed in the presence of gleaming bayonets. in the autumn of , nearly all europe was in arms against france. in the united states, where revolution had done its work nobly and wisely, and the experiment of self-government was working successfully, sympathy for the struggling people of france and of all europe was powerful and untrammelled. without inquiry, it cheered on the patriots of france, with lafayette at their head, when they were struggling for a constitution; and when it was gained, and the king accepted it, great satisfaction was felt by every american citizen in whose bosom glowed the love of freedom for its own sake. with this feeling was mingled a dislike of great britain; first, because the remembrance of her oppression and her warfare against the independence of the united states were fresh in the minds of the american people; secondly, because her government yet refused compliance with the terms of a solemn treaty made ten years before; and, thirdly, because her attitude was hostile to the republican movement in france. thus old alliances and old hatreds, and a desire to see all people free, made those of the united states sympathize strongly with those of france in their revolutionary movements, and to hate the enemies of that nation in its avowed struggle for liberty. but there were wise, and prudent, and thoughtful men in the united states, who had made the science of government a study, and human nature their daily reading, who perceived principles of self-destruction in the french constitution. they saw its want of balances, and the course of the representatives under it, which must inevitably allow the gallery to rule the legislature, and mobs to give color to the opinions of the executive. they clearly perceived, what lafayette and his compatriots had already deeply lamented, that the true elements of self-government did not belong to the french nation; that with liberty they were rapidly degenerating into licentiousness; and that the constitution must prove as powerless as a rope of sand in restraining the passions of the people. and some of them, as we have seen, who wrote or spoke in favor of a well-balanced and potent government were branded by ungenerous men as the advocates of royalty and aristocracy, and held up to the people as traitors to republicanism, and fit subjects for the finger of scorn to point at. they were charged with blind prejudice in favor of british institutions, and as conspirators for the re-establishment of british rule in america. but the conservative or federal party, as they were called, were more powerful if not so numerous as their opponents; and when europe armed against the old ally of the united states, the government of the latter, professedly representing the popular sentiment, was so restrained by the wise caution of those who held the sceptre of political power, that it presented the anomalous character of a warm-hearted, deeply-sympathizing champion of freedom, apparently in the ranks of the enemies of liberty. washington had hailed with satisfaction the dawn of popular liberty in france, and earnestly desired the success of those who were working for the establishment of republicanism there; but his wisdom and sagacity evidently made him doubtful of their success, even from the beginning. in the course of his correspondence, we find him often expressing earnest _wishes_ for the happy results concerning which lafayette had dreamed so fondly, but he never expressed a _hope_, because he never felt it; and when, in the summer and autumn of , the revolution in france assumed a bloody and ferocious character, and the noble goal toward which his friend the marquis had so enthusiastically pressed was utterly lost sight of in the midst of the lurid smoke of a self-constituted tyranny, as bad in feature and act as the foulest on history's records, he was disgusted, and with the conservative party, then fortunately holding the reins of executive and legislative power, he resolved that the government of the united states should stand aloof from all entanglements with european politics. the doctrines of jefferson and his party, having sympathy with the french revolution and enmity to great britain among its prime elements, was rapidly gaining ground in the united states, because the avowed principles of that party were in accordance with the proclivities of the great mass of the people, who were moved by passion rather than by reason. yet that very people, although aware of the sentiments of washington and his supporters in the government, re-elected him by unanimous voice, thereby showing their great love for, and unbounded confidence in, the man of men. john adams, who was again a candidate for the vice-presidency, was opposed by governor george clinton of new york, and was elected by not a large majority. he received in the electoral college seventy votes, and clinton fifty. the kentucky electors voted for jefferson for the same office, and one vote was cast by a south carolina delegate for aaron burr. we have just hinted at the progress of violence in france in the autumn of . let us take a nearer view for a moment; for such scrutiny is necessary to the elucidation of political events in the united states a few months later. gouverneur morris, who, as we have seen, was sent on a semi-official embassy to england, was appointed full minister at the french court, after jefferson's retirement from that post. mr. morris was a federalist, and his appointment was not pleasant to mr. jefferson and his political friends. with morris's commission, the president wrote a friendly, and at the same time admonitory, letter to the new minister. he frankly enumerated all the objections that had been made to his appointment, and intimated that he thought the charge of his being a favorite with the aristocracy in france, and anti-republican in his sentiments, especially as regarded the french revolution, were too well founded upon the tenor of his conduct. "not to go further into detail," he said, "i will place the ideas of your political adversaries in the light in which their arguments have presented them to me, namely: that the promptitude with which your lively and brilliant imagination displays itself allows too little time for deliberation and correction, and is the primary cause of those sallies which too often offend, and of that ridicule of character which begets enmity not easy to be forgotten, but which might easily be avoided if it were under the control of more caution and prudence. in a word, that it is indispensably necessary that more circumspection should be observed by our representatives abroad than they conceive you are inclined to adopt. in this statement you have the _pros_ and _cons_. by reciting them i give you a proof of my friendship, if i give none of my policy or judgment. i do it on the presumption that a mind conscious of its own rectitude fears not what is said of it, but will bid defiance to shafts, that are not baited with accusations against honor or integrity. of my good opinion and of my friendship and regard you may be assured." count de moustier had been succeeded as french minister to the united states by m. ternant, a more agreeable gentleman; and diplomatic intercourse had been opened with great britain, by the arrival of mr. hammond as minister plenipotentiary of that government, in the previous autumn, and the appointment, on the part of the united states, of thomas pinckney, of south carolina, as minister to the court of st. james. mr. hammond was the first minister great britain had deigned to send to the united states, and john adams was the only person who had been sent in the same capacity from his government to the british court. for some years there had been no diplomatic intercourse between the two countries. mr. morris arrived in paris, in may, , and on the second of june he was introduced to the king and queen. two days afterward he presented a letter from the president to his majesty--a letter which, according to morris, gave several members of the _corps diplomatique_ a high idea of washington's wisdom. "it is not relished by the democrats," morris wrote to the president, "who particularly dislike the term '_your people_;' but it suits well the prevailing temper, which is monarchical." mr. morris was very active in his duties there; and while he communicated officially to jefferson and hamilton everything necessary for them to know, he kept washington constantly apprized, by both public and private letters, of the true state of affairs in france, his accounts revealed shocking scenes of anarchy and licentiousness in the french capital. he truly represented that lafayette, in endeavoring to check excesses, had lost his popularity. "were he to appear just now in paris," he wrote, "unattended by his army, he would be torn to pieces." these tidings gave washington great concern; while jefferson, because of the gloomy future which these letters foreshadowed and the unfavorable commentary which they made upon the french revolution, was very impatient. with his blind devotion to democracy, and his ungenerous judgment concerning all who differed from him, he spoke of morris as "a high-flying monarchy man, shutting his eyes and his faith to every fact against his wishes, and believing everything he desired to be true," and keeping the president's mind "constantly poisoned with his forebodings." almost the next vessel from europe rebuked these unfair expressions, by confirming the most gloomy anticipations of morris. anarchy had seized upon unhappy france. from the head of his army at maubeuge, lafayette had sent a letter to the national assembly, denouncing in unmeasured terms the conduct of the jacobin club as inimical to the king and constitution; but it was of no avail. day after day the disorder in the capital increased; and on the twentieth of june the populace, one hundred thousand in number, professedly incensed because the king had refused to sanction a decree of the national assembly against the priesthood, and another for the establishment of a camp of twenty thousand men near paris, marched to the tuilleries with pikes, swords, muskets, and artillery, and demanded entrance. the gates were finally thrown open, and at least forty thousand armed men went through the palace and compelled the king, in the presence of his family, to put the _bonnet rouge_, or red cap of liberty, upon his head. hearing of these movements, lafayette hastened to paris, presented himself at the bar of the national assembly, and in the name of the army demanded the punishment of those who had thus insulted the king in his palace and violated the constitution. but he was powerless. a party had determined to abolish royalty. on the third of august, _pelíon_, in the assembly, demanded that the king should be excluded from the throne. the unhappy monarch, perceiving the destructive storm that was impending, endeavored on the sixth to escape from the tuilleries in the garb of a peasant. he was discovered by a sentinel, and all paris was thrown into the greatest commotion. two days afterward the assembly, by a handsome majority, acquitted lafayette of serious charges made against him by the jacobins. the populace were dissatisfied, and, as they could not touch the general, they determined that the king whom he supported should be deposed. members of the assembly who had voted in favor of lafayette were insulted by armed men who surrounded the legislative hall; and the national legislature declared their sitting permanent until order should be restored. at midnight on the ninth of august the tocsin was sounded in every quarter, and the _generale_ was beat. early the next morning the tuilleries were attacked by the populace, and the king and his family, attended by the swiss guard, fled for protection to the national assembly. in the conflict that ensued nearly every man of that guard was butchered, and the national assembly decreed the suspension of the king's authority. monarchy in france was now overthrown, and with it fell lafayette and the constitutional party. all were involved in one common ruin. the jacobins denounced the marquis in the national assembly, procured a decree for his arrest, and sent emissaries to seize him. then the reign of terror was inaugurated. at first lafayette resolved to go to paris and boldly confront his accusers. it would have been madness. he perceived it, and, yielding to the force of circumstances, set off from his camp at sedan, with a few faithful friends, to seek a temporary asylum in holland until he could make his way to the united states. but he and his companions were first detained at rochefort, the first austrian post, and afterward cast into a dungeon at olmutz. when intelligence of these events reached washington he was greatly shocked, and the sad fate of his friend grieved him sorely. every arrival from europe brought tidings still more dreadful than the last. "we have had a week of unchecked murders," morris wrote to jefferson on the tenth of september, "in which some thousands have perished in this city. it began with two or three hundred of the clergy, who had been shut up because they would not take the oaths prescribed by the law, and which they said were contrary to their conscience. thence _these executors of speedy justice_ went to the _abbaye_, where the persons were confined who were at court on the tenth of august. these were despatched also, and afterward they visited the other prisons. all those who were confined either on the accusation or suspicion of crimes were destroyed." morris then detailed other horrors; yet mr. jefferson, looking upon the whole movement against monarchy and aristocracy as essentially right, and based upon the same principles as that of the american revolution, persisted in regarding the jacobins, who were the chief promoters of these bloody deeds, and who had laid violent hands on the constitution and its supporters, as "republican patriots." he was shocked, but was neither disappointed nor very sorrowful. he looked upon the whole affair as an indispensable struggle of freemen in the abolition of monarchy and all its prerogatives and injustice; and he deplored the death of the innocent who had fallen, but only as he should have done "had they fallen in battle." "the liberty of the whole earth," he said, "was depending on the issue of the contest; and was ever such a prize won with so little innocent blood? my own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause," he continued; "but rather than that it should have failed, i would have seen half the earth desolated. were there but an adam and eve left in every country, and left free, it would have been better than it now is." when fully assured of lafayette's fate, washington felt an ardent desire to befriend his family, consisting of his wife and young children. he knew that their situation, in the raging storm, must be dreadful at the best; and on the first information of their probable residence, at the close of january, , he addressed the following letter to the marchioness:-- "if i had words that could convey to you an adequate idea of my feelings on the present situation of the marquis de lafayette, this letter would appear to you in a different garb. the sole object in writing to you now is, to inform you that i have deposited in the hands of mr. nicholas van staphorst, of amsterdam, two thousand three hundred and ten guilders, holland currency, equal to two hundred guineas, subject to your orders. "this sum is, i am certain, the least i am indebted for services rendered to me by the marquis de lafayette, of which i never yet have received the account. i could add much; but it is best, perhaps, that i should say little on this subject. your goodness will supply my deficiency. "the uncertainty of your situation, after all the inquiries i have made, has occasioned a delay in this address and remittance; and, even now, the measure adopted is more the effect of a desire to find where you are, than from any knowledge i have obtained of your residence." soon after this letter was despatched, washington received one from the marchioness, dated at chavaniac on the eighth of october, , which came by the way of england. it was accompanied by a letter from an english farmer who had resided several months in the family of lafayette, in which, speaking of the marchioness, he said: "her present situation is truly affecting; separated from her husband without the means of hearing from him, herself in captivity under the safeguard of the municipality, she is anxiously expecting the decision of his and her own destiny. under these circumstances, she relies on your influence to adopt such measures as may effectuate their mutual freedom." the marchioness was then a prisoner, in utter ignorance of the real fate of her husband. she had been commanded by the jacobins to repair to paris about the time when the attack was made upon the tuilleries and the destruction of the swiss guard; but they subsequently allowed her to reside at the place from which her letter was dated. in that letter she made a solemn appeal to washington and the nation to aid her in procuring the liberty of her husband. "he was taken by the troops of the emperor," she said, "although the king of prussia retains him a prisoner in his dominions. and while he suffers this inconceivable persecution from the enemies without, the faction which reigns within keeps me a hostage at one hundred and twenty leagues from the capital. judge, then, at what distance i am from him. in this abyss of misery, the idea of owing to the united states and to washington the life and liberty of m. de lafayette kindles a ray of hope in my heart. i hope everything from the goodness of the people with whom he has set an example of that liberty of which he is now made the victim. and shall i dare speak what i hope? i would ask of them through you for an envoy, who shall go to reclaim him in the name of the republic of the united states wheresoever he may be found, and who shall be authorized to make, with the power in whose charge he may be placed, all necessary engagements for his release, and for taking him to the united states, even if he is there to be guarded as a captive. if his wife and his children could be comprised in this mission, it is easy to judge how happy it would be for her and for them; but if this would in the least degree retard or embarrass the measure, we will defer still longer the happiness of a reunion. may heaven deign to bless the confidence with which it has inspired me! i hope my request is not a rash one." washington was powerless to aid his friend. his heart yearned to do so, but there were no means that, in the then political condition of europe, could be used with any hope of success, except giving unofficial instructions to american ministers abroad to make every effort in their power to procure his release, and this was done. "the united states," says sparks, "had neither authority to make _demands_, nor power to enforce them. they had no immediate intercourse with prussia or austria, and were in no condition to ask the favors or avenge the tyranny of the rulers of those countries, who were only responsible for the treatment of lafayette, and whose pleasure it was, if not their policy and interest, to keep him in chains." the whole matter was very painful to washington, especially as a great delay in his letter made the marchioness feel that she was neglected by her husband's dearest friend, and that husband deserted by the nation for whose freedom he had so nobly fought. referring to a former letter, she said:-- "has this letter reached you? was it necessary that it should arrive to excite your interest? i can not believe it. but i confess that your silence, and the abandonment of m. de lafayette and his family for the last six months, are of all our evils the most inexplicable to me." then assuring washington that the fate of her husband was in a measure in the hands of the president and government of the united states, and that she, not allowed to have any communication with him, could do nothing for him, she said, "i will only add that my confidence in general washington, though severely tried, remains firm, and that i dare make to him a tender of my homage, and of my high esteem of his character." although lafayette was a citizen of the united states, an american officer, and no more in the french service, his adopted government could do nothing effectual in his behalf, and for three years he lay in the dungeon at olmutz. his wife and daughter were permitted to share his dungeon life; and finally his eldest son, bearing the name of washington, came to seek an asylum in the united states. his reception here we shall consider hereafter. chapter xx. clouds gathering--jealousy of executive influence--angry party debates--calls for information respecting financial affairs--hamilton charged with being a defaulter--his reply and the result--veneration for washington touched by party rancor--forms to be observed at his second inauguration--the ceremony--account by an eye-witness--washington called to mount vernon--death of his nephew--intelligence of declaration of war against england by france--of the death of king louis--excitement in the united states in favor of the french revolutionists--popular manifestations of sympathy in boston and elsewhere--dangerous tendency of that sympathy--citizen genet and his mission--washington hastens back to philadelphia--cabinet council--proclamation of neutrality--opposition to the measure. when the last session of the second congress commenced in philadelphia on the fifth of november, , ominous clouds were gathering in the political horizon, which gave washington many apprehensions of an impending storm. party spirit was growing more and more violent; war with the indians in the northwest was progressing; discontents with the operations of the excise laws were assuming alarming aspects; the attitude of the european governments brought serious questions to those who controlled public affairs in the united states; and the cabinet, where unity of feeling was necessary in order to counsel the president well, was yet torn by dissentions, with no prospect of their being healed. there was much apparent good feeling among the members of congress when they first met, but action upon public business soon aroused party spirit in all its rancor. it was first summoned from its sleep by a motion for the secretaries of war and of the treasury to attend the house, and give such information as they might possess concerning the conduct of the indian war in the northwest, with which there was much public dissatisfaction. this proposition raised a cry of alarm from those in the house opposed to the administration. it was resisted as unconstitutional, and threatening to subject the house to executive influence that might be dangerous--that heads of departments would control the legislature. a motion to refer the portion of the president's message relating to the redemption of the public debt to the secretary of the treasury, to report a plan, called forth still more angry opposition, and jefferson's charges of corruption were heard on every side. the secretary of the treasury was violently assailed; and dark insinuations were made that members of the house were implicated with hamilton in dishonest proceedings in relation to the assumption of state debts, the operation of the indian war, etc. and when hamilton, in his report, offered a scheme for the redemption of the public debt that effectually silenced the clamors of his enemies, who had insisted that he regarded that debt as a public blessing and meant to fix it upon the country as an incubus, they changed their plans of opposition. they called upon the president first for particular information as to the several sums of money borrowed by his authority, the terms of the loans, and the application of the money. these questions being explicitly answered, another call was made by an unscrupulous member of the opposition, from virginia, for more minute information upon financial matters. he made an elaborate speech in presenting the motion, in which, in effect, he charged the secretary of the treasury with being a defaulter to the amount of a million and a half of dollars! other charges having a similar bearing upon the integrity of hamilton were made, and the administration was most foully aspersed. the speaker--acting, it was believed, under the influence of his superiors in office--based his charges upon the letter of returns and other treasury statements. these charges were met by hamilton in a calm and dignified report, which ought to have disarmed malignity and made implacable party spirit hide its head in shame. it was baffled for a moment, but not dismayed; and, selecting points in the secretary's management of the financial concerns of the government, the accuser already alluded to proceeded to frame nine resolutions of censure, for which he asked the vote of the house. the result was, says a careful and candid historian, "much to raise the character of the secretary of the treasury, by convincing the great body of impartial men, capable of understanding the subject, that, both as regarded talent and integrity, he was admirably qualified for his office, and that the multiplied charges against him had been engendered by envy, suspicion, and ignorance."[ ] up to this time, the opposition had not ventured to show any disrespect to washington. he had wisely avoided assuming in any degree the character of a leader of a party, and had labored with conscientious zeal for the public good, without the least regard to private friendships, or with feelings of enmity toward personal friends who had deserted his administration. madison was now a leader of the opposition, yet washington esteemed him none the less, because he believed him to be honest and patriotic. but now, party rancor was gradually usurping the place of that veneration which every man felt for the character of washington; and that jealousy of everything aristocratic in fact or appearance which was at that moment inaugurating a republic in france, with a baptism of blood, hesitated not to show personal disrespect to the president. the people in different parts of the union, with spontaneous affection, prepared to celebrate the birthday of washington on the twenty-second of february, , with balls, parties, visits of congratulation, etc. many members of congress were desirous of waiting upon the president, in testimony of their respect for the chief magistrate of the republic, and a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour for that purpose, when quite an acrimonious debate ensued. the opposition, with real or feigned alarm, denounced the proposition as a species of homage unworthy of republicans; a tendency to monarchy; the setting up of an idol for hero-worship, dangerous to the liberties of the nation! freneau's paper condemned the birthday celebration; and in view of the great dangers to which the republic was exposed by the monarchical bias of many leading men, a new jersey member of the republican party in the house moved that the mace carried by the marshall on state occasions--"an unmeaning symbol, unworthy the dignity of a republican government"--be sent to the mint, broken up, and the silver coined and placed in the treasury. the peculiar state of public feeling at that time, irritated by prophets of evil, affords a reasonable excuse for these jealousies. washington was not unmindful of these signs, and the necessity of paying due respect even to the prejudices of the people; and as the time for his second inauguration was drawing near, he asked the opinions of his cabinet concerning the forms to be used on that occasion. jefferson and hamilton proposed that he should take the oath of office privately at his own house, a certificate of the fact to be deposited in the state department. knox and randolph proposed to have the ceremony in public, but without any ostentatious display. washington's opinion coincided with the latter; and at a cabinet meeting held on the first of march, mr. jefferson being the only absentee, it was agreed that the oath should be administered by judge cushing, of the supreme court of the united states, in public, in the senate chamber, on the fourth of the month, at twelve o'clock at noon, and that the "president go without form, attended by such gentlemen as he shall choose, and return without form except that he be preceded by the marshall." accordingly, a little before twelve o'clock, the president rode from his residence to the congress hall in his cream-colored coach drawn by six horses, preceded by the marshall, as proposed, and accompanied by a great concourse of citizens, and took the oath in the senate chamber. the heads of departments, foreign ministers, members of congress, and as many spectators as could find room in the apartment, were present. previous to the administration of the oath by judge cushing, washington arose and said:-- "fellow-citizens: i am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its chief magistrate. when the occasion proper for it shall arrive, i shall endeavor to express the high sense i entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of the united states of america. previous to the execution of any official act of the president, the constitution requires an oath of office. this oath i am now about to take, and in your presence; that if it shall be found, during my administration of the government, i have in any instance violated, willingly or knowingly, the injunction thereof, i may, besides incurring constitutional punishment, be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony." the oath was then administered, and the president returned to his residence as he came.[ ] it was with sincere reluctance that washington entered upon the duties of the office of chief magistrate of the nation for a second term. "to you," he said in a letter to colonel humphreys (then abroad) soon after his inauguration--"to you, who know my love of retirement and domestic life, it is unnecessary to say, that in accepting this reappointment i relinquish those personal enjoyments to which i am peculiarly attached. the motives which induced my acceptance are the same which ever ruled my decision when the public desire--or, as my countrymen are pleased to denominate it, the _public good_--was placed in the scale against my personal enjoyments and private interest. the latter i have ever considered as subservient to the former; and perhaps in no instance of my life have i been more sensible of the sacrifice than at the present; for at my age the love of retirement grows every day more and more powerful, and the death of my nephew will, i apprehend, cause my private concerns to suffer very much."[ ] on account of this death, washington made a hurried visit to mount vernon in april, and while there the important intelligence reached him that france had declared war against england and holland, an event which prophesied a general european war. almost simultaneously with this intelligence came that of the execution of king louis, by order of the national convention of france. the king, who had been a mere shuttle-cock of faction for two years, was beheaded on the twenty-first of january, with circumstances of brutality which make humanity shudder. his death had been long predestinated by the ferocious men who ruled france, and, to accomplish it with a semblance of justice, he had been accused of crimes of which he was utterly innocent. even at the last moment, when standing before the implement of death, he was made to feel the brutality of men in power. he looked complacently upon the vast multitude who came to see him die, and was about to say a few words, when the officer in charge, with ferocious emphasis, said, "_no speeches! come, no speeches!_" and ordered the drums to be beaten and the trumpets to be sounded. louis was heard to say, "i forgive my enemies; may god forgive them, and not lay my innocent blood to the charge of the nation! god bless my people!" thus perished a monarch, patriotic and amiable, but too weak in intellectual and moral power to control the terrible storm of popular vengeance which a long series of abuses had engendered. for many months washington had watched with great anxiety the manifestations of public feeling in the united states while the bloody work of the french revolution was progressing. he saw with alarm the spirit of that revolution, so widely different from that which had shaken off the fetters of kingly rule in america, working insidiously into the constitution of the politics of the united states, and passion assuming the control of reason in the minds of his people. this was specially manifested by an outburst of popular feeling when the proclamation of the french republic reached america, and news that french arms had made a conquest of the austrian netherlands. forgetting the friendship of holland during our war for independence, and the spirit of genuine liberty (of which that, flaunting its bloody banners in france, was but a ferocious caricature) which had prevailed in the netherlands and made it the asylum of the persecuted for conscience' sake for centuries, the people of boston and other places held a celebration in honor of the temporary victory. in the new england capital there was a grand barbecue. an ox was roasted whole, and then, decorated and elevated upon a car drawn by sixteen horses, the flags of france and the united states displayed from its horns, it was paraded through the streets, followed by carts bearing sixteen hundred loaves of bread and two hogsheads of punch. these were distributed among the people; and at the same time a party of three hundred, with samuel adams (lieutenant-governor of massachusetts) at their head, assisted by the french consul, sat down to dinner in faneuil hall. to the children of all the schools, who were paraded in the streets, cakes were presented bearing the inscription, "_liberty and equality_." by public subscription, the sums owed by prisoners for debt, in jail, were paid, and the victims were set free. there was a general jubilee in boston on that barbecue day. with a similar spirit the news of the death of the king was hailed by the leaders of the republican party in the united states; and when intelligence of the french declaration of war against england went over the land, a fervor of enthusiasm in favor of the old ally was awakened which called loudly for compliance with the spirit and letter of the treaty of , by which the united states and france became allies in peace and war. by that treaty the united states were bound to guarantee the french possessions in america; and by a treaty of commerce executed at the same time, french privateers and prizes were entitled to shelter in the american ports, while those of the enemies of france should be excluded. there was now a wide-spreading sentiment in favor of an active participation with france, on the part of the united states, in her struggles against armed europe; and many, in the wild enthusiasm of the moment, would not have hesitated an instant in precipitating our country into a war. indeed, for a while, the universal sentiment was a cheer for republican france, whose convention had declared, in the name of the french nation, that they would grant fraternity and assistance to every people who wished to recover their liberty; and they charged the executive power to send the necessary orders to the generals "to give assistance to such people, and to defend those citizens who may have been, or who may be, vexed for the cause of liberty." filled with the spirit of this declaration, and charged with the performance of political functions seldom exercised by _diplomats_, edmund charles genet--"citizen genet," as he was termed in the new nomenclature of the french republic--came to america at this time, as the representative of that republic, to supersede the more conservative m. ternant. genet was a man of culture, spoke the english language fluently, possessed a pleasing address, was lively, frank, and unguarded, and as fiery as the most intense jacobins could wish. he arrived at charleston, south carolina, on the eighth of april, five days after the news of the french declaration of war reached new york. his presence intensified the enthusiasm with which the country was then glowing; and for a moment, until sober reason assumed the sceptre, all opposition to the revolutionary sentiment was swept away by the tide of popular zeal for a cause that seemed identical with that which secured independence to the united states. "is it wonderful," says the latest biographer of jefferson, "that american popular sympathy swelled to a pitch of wild enthusiasm, when an emissary came from the new republic, surrounded with its prestige; proclaiming wild, stirring doctrines; declaring the unbounded affection of his country for the united states; scorning the arts of old diplomacy, and mixing freely with the democratic masses; not declining to talk of the important objects of his mission in promiscuous assemblies of plain working men; and exhibiting in his deportment that practical democracy, that fraternity, which men in his position, of english blood, never exhibit?"[ ] these events excited the deepest anxiety in the mind of washington. he had no confidence whatever in the men at the head of public affairs in france--the self-constituted government of that unhappy nation. "those in whose hands the government is intrusted," he said in a letter to governor lee, "are ready to tear each other to pieces, and will, more than probably, prove the worst foes the country has." he deeply deplored the wild enthusiasm which was threatening to involve his country in the european war then kindling. "unwise would we be in the extreme," he wrote to gouverneur morris a month before, "to involve ourselves in the contests of european nations, where our weight would be but small, though the loss to ourselves would be certain." with such views washington hastened back to philadelphia; for he foresaw the necessity for announcing the disposition of his country toward the belligerent powers, and the propriety of restraining as far as possible his fellow-citizens from taking part in the contest. he immediately despatched an express to philadelphia with the following letter to mr. jefferson, the secretary of state:-- "your letter of the seventh was brought to me by the last post. war having actually commenced between france and great britain, it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. i therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay; for i have understood that vessels are already designated as privateers and are preparing accordingly. such other measures as may be necessary for us to pursue, against events which it may not be in our power to avoid or control, you will also think of, and lay them before me on my arrival in philadelphia, for which place i will set out to-morrow." washington reached philadelphia on the seventeenth, and on the nineteenth held a cabinet council, having on the previous day submitted to each member of his cabinet the following questions for their consideration:-- "i. shall a proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of the united states in the war between france and great britain, etc.? shall it contain a declaration of neutrality, or not? what shall it contain? "ii. shall a minister from the republic of france be received? "iii. if received, shall it be absolutely without qualifications; and if with qualifications, of what kind? "iv. are the united states obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with france as applying to the present situation of the parties? may they either renounce them, or hold them suspended till the government of france shall be _established_? "v. if they have the right, is it expedient to do either, and which? "vi. if they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaties still in operation? "vii. if the treaties are to be considered as now in operation, is the guaranty in the treaty of alliance applicable to a defensive war only, or to war either offensive or defensive? "viii. does the war in which france is engaged appear to be offensive or defensive on her part? or of a mixed and equivocal character? "ix. if of a mixed and equivocal character, does the guaranty, in any event, apply to such a war? "x. what is the effect of a guaranty such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the united states and france? "xi. does any article in either of the treaties prevent ships of war, other than privateers, of the powers opposed to france, from coming into the ports of the united states to act as convoys to their own merchantmen? or does it lay any other restraint upon them more than would apply to the ships of war with france? "xii. should the future regent of france send a minister to the united states, ought he to be received? "xiii. is it necessary or advisable to call together the two houses of congress, with a view to the present posture of european affairs? if it is, what should be the _particular_ object of such a call?"[ ] the cabinet meeting to consider these questions was held at the president's house. all the heads of departments and the attorney-general were present; and after a protracted discussion, it was unanimously determined that a proclamation should issue forbidding citizens of the united states to take part in any hostilities on the seas, with or against any of the belligerent powers, and warning them against carrying to any such powers any of those articles deemed contraband according to the modern usage of nations; and enjoining them from all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation toward those at war. it was also unanimously agreed that a minister from the republic of france should be received. the remaining questions were postponed for further consideration. in the excited state of the public mind, and the proclivity of the popular feeling toward sympathy with france, washington's proclamation met with the severest censures. neither his unbounded popularity nor the reverence for his character, as a wise, and honest, and patriotic man, were proof against the operations of that feeling; and the proclamation was assailed with the greatest vehemence. every epithet in the vocabulary of the opposition party was applied to it. it was stigmatized as a royal edict, an unwarrantable and daring assumption of executive power, and an open manifestation, of the president and his political friends, of partiality for england and hostility to france. and it seems fair to infer, from his letters at that time, that mr. jefferson, who reluctantly voted in the cabinet for the proclamation, governed by his almost fanatical hatred of hamilton and his sympathy with the french regicides, secretly promoted a feeling so hostile to the administration. the wisdom of the proclamation,[ ] and the position of neutrality which the government of the united states assumed at that time, was soon apparent, and has been fully vindicated by the logic of subsequent events. footnotes: [ ] hildreth's history of the united states, second series, i, . [ ] an eye-witness of the scene when washington read his annual message to congress has left a pleasant account of it on record. "as the president alighted, and, ascending the steps, paused upon the platform, looking over his shoulder, in an attitude that would have furnished an admirable subject for the pencil, he was preceded by two gentlemen bearing long white wands, who kept back the eager crowd that pressed on every side to get a nearer view. at that moment i stood so near that i might have touched his clothes; but i should as soon have thought of touching an electric battery. i was penetrated with a veneration amounting to the deepest awe. nor was this the feeling of a schoolboy only; it pervaded, i believe, every human being that approached washington; and i have been told that, even in his social and convivial hours, this feeling, in those who were honored to share them, never suffered intermission. i saw him a hundred times afterward, but never with any other than that same feeling. the almighty, who raised up for our hour of need a man so peculiarly prepared for its whole dread responsibility, seems to have put an impress of sacredness upon his own instrument. the first sight of the man struck the heart with involuntary homage, and prepared everything around him to obey. when he 'addressed himself to speak,' there was an unconscious suspension of the breath, while every eye was raised in expectation. "the president, having seated himself, remained in silence, serenely contemplating the legislature before him, whose members now resumed their seats, waiting for the speech. no house of worship, in the most solemn pauses of devotion, was ever more profoundly still than that large and crowded chamber. "washington was dressed precisely as stuart has painted him in lord lansdowne's full-length portrait--in a full suit of the richest black velvet, with diamond knee-buckles, and square silver buckles set upon shoes japanned with the most scrupulous neatness, black silk stockings, his shirt ruffled at the breast and wrists, a light dress-sword; his hair profusely powdered, fully dressed, so as to project at the sides, and gathered behind in a silk bag, ornamented with a large rose of black riband. he held his cocked hat, which had a large black cockade on one side of it, in his hand, as he advanced toward the chair, and when seated, laid it on the table. "at length, thrusting his hand within the side of his coat, he drew forth a roll of manuscript, which he opened, and rising held it in his hand, while, in a rich, deep, full, sonorous voice, he read his opening address to congress. his enunciation was deliberate, justly emphasized, very distinct, and accompanied with an air of deep solemnity, as being the utterance of a mind profoundly impressed with the dignity of the act in which it was occupied, conscious of the whole responsibility of its position and action, but not oppressed by it." [ ] this was george a. washington, to whom had been intrusted the management of affairs at mount vernon during the master's absence at the seat of government. he was seized with alarming symptoms of pulmonary disease early in . he was greatly beloved by washington, and his sickness gave the president much pain, and was a frequent topic in letters to his friends. to lafayette he wrote as early as june, :-- "i am afraid my nephew george, your old aid, will never have his health perfectly re-established. he has lately been attacked with the alarming symptoms of spitting large quantities of blood, and the physicians give no hopes of restoration, unless it can be effected by a change of air and a total dereliction from business, to which he is too anxiously attentive. he will, if he should be taken from his family and friends, leave three fine children, two sons and a daughter. to the eldest of the boys he has given the name of fayette, and a fine-looking child he is." to general knox he wrote:-- "i thank you most sincerely for the medicine you were so obliging as to send for my nephew, and for the sympathetic feeling you express for his situation. poor fellow! neither, i believe, will be of any avail. present appearances indicate a speedy dissolution. he has not been able to leave his bed, except for a few moments to sit in an arm-chair, since the fourteenth or fifteenth of last month. the paroxysm of the disorder seems to be upon him, and death, or a favorable turn to it, must speedily follow." the sufferer was then residing upon a small estate in hanover. he lingered for several weeks, and then expired; and on the twenty-fourth of february washington wrote to his widow:-- "my dear fanny: to you, who so well knew the affectionate regard i had for our departed friend, it is unnecessary to describe the sorrow with which i was afflicted at the news of his death, although it was an event i had expected many weeks before it happened. to express this sorrow with the force i feel it, would answer no other purpose than to revive in your breast that poignancy of anguish, which by this time i hope is abated. the object of this letter is to convey to your mind the warmest assurance of my love, friendship, and disposition to serve you. these i also profess to bear in an eminent degree for your children." he then invites her to make mount vernon the home of herself and children. "you can go to no place," he said, "where you will be more welcome, nor to any where you can live at less expense or trouble." the young widow appears to have declined the offer of a home at mount vernon, preferring to keep house in alexandria, but offering to resign the charge of her eldest son, fayette, into washington's keeping. in march the president wrote to her, saying:-- "the carriage which i sent to mount vernon for your use i never intended to reclaim; and now, making you a formal present of it, it may be sent for whenever it suits your convenience and be considered as your own. i shall, when i see you, request that fayette may be given up to me, either at that time or as soon after as he is old enough to go to school. this will relieve you of that portion of attention which his education would otherwise call for."--_mount vernon and its associations_, pages , . [ ] _the life of thomas jefferson_, by henry s. randall, ll.d., ii, . [ ] sparks's washington, x, , . [ ] the following is copy of the proclamation:-- "whereas it appears that a state of war exists between austria, prussia, sardinia, great britain, and the united netherlands, on the one part, and france on the other; and the duty and interest of the united states require that they should, with sincerity and good faith, adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers; "i have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the united states to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those powers respectively; and to exhort and warn the citizens of the united states carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition. "and i do hereby also make known, that whosoever of the citizens of the united states shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the laws of nations, by committing, aiding, or abetting hostilities against any of the said powers, or by carrying to them any of those articles which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations, will not receive the protection of the united states against such punishment or forfeiture; and further, that i have given instructions to those officers to whom it belongs, to cause prosecutions to be instituted against all persons who shall, within the cognizance of the courts of the united states, violate the law of nations with respect to the powers at war, or any of them. "in testimony whereof, i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of philadelphia, the twenty-second day of april, , and of the independence of the united states the seventeenth. "george washington" chapter xxi. genet's arrival and reception at charleston--his object in landing there--he commissions privateers--operations of two vessels--arrival of _l'embuscade_ at philadelphia--genet's reception at philadelphia--he presents his credentials--a banquet in his honor--democratic clubs--extravagances--scenes in new york--conservative feeling triumphant--hamilton's views of the french revolution--genet's speech on presentation to the president--jefferson's suspicions--his unkind treatment of washington--genet's official letter--his demands not complied with--action of the cabinet concerning his privateering schemes. genet, as we have observed, landed at charleston, in south carolina, instead of a port near the seat of the government to which he came accredited. the circumstance was not regarded of much consequence at the time, as it might have been the result of accident; but the development of his designs, in accordance with secret instructions from his government, soon revealed the fact that he chose that southern port for his destination, because its contiguity to the west indies would give it peculiar convenience as a resort for privateers, the employment of which was a part of the programme of his diplomatic functions. genet came in the french frigate _l'embuscade_, and was received with most enthusiastic rejoicings by governor moultrie and the citizens of charleston. this reception, acting upon his ardent nature, made him forgetful of his relations to the government to which he was sent; and with a zeal untempered by sound judgment, and a mind mistaking the evanescent demonstrations of personal respect, and the exhibition of popular feeling toward the french republic in that southern city for the settled convictions of the american people, he commenced the performance of his duties under his secret instructions, before he laid his credentials before the united states government, and asked for his reception as the representative of his nation. by these private instructions, assuming that the american executive might not be sufficiently compliant with the wishes of the french government, he was authorized to employ, with the _people_ of the united states, the same policy which had been so successfully used in europe in producing revolutions. genet was provided with blank commissions, both naval and military; and while enjoying the flattering attentions at charleston for several days, he undertook to authorize the fitting out and arming of vessels in that port as privateers, to depredate upon the commerce of england and other nations at war with france. for this purpose he granted commissions, enlisted men, and, by authority assumed by him under a decree of the convention, he constituted all consuls of france the heads of courts of admiralty, to try, condemn, and authorize the sale of all property seized by the privateer cruisers sailing under genet's _letters of marque_. two of these privateers, manned chiefly by americans, soon put to sea under the french flag, cruised along the carolina coasts, and captured many homeward-bound british vessels and took them into the port of charleston. the frigate in which genet came to america became one of these privateers, and proceeded northward toward philadelphia, plundering the sea on her way. the french minister travelled to philadelphia by land, and reached that city on the sixteenth of may. his journey was like a continued ovation. the whole country through which he passed, electrified by the french revolution, appeared alive with excitement; and the honors which the republicans, in their antipathy to aristocracy, had been anxious to withhold from washington because it was man-worship, were lavished upon the person of the representative of the french republic without stint. on approaching philadelphia he was met at gray's ferry, on the schuylkill, by a considerable number of persons, who had come to welcome him to the federal capital, and to escort him to his lodgings;[ ] and on the following day he received addresses from several societies and from the citizens at large, who waited upon him in a body. meanwhile, _l'embuscade_ had arrived at philadelphia with a british vessel, called _the grange_, as a prize; and intelligence of genet's unwarrantable proceedings at charleston in authorizing privateers had been received. yet so wild and unthinking was the popular enthusiasm that appeared on the surface of society, that scarcely a word in condemnation of his conduct was offered. on the contrary, these things appeared to increase the zeal of his political sympathizers, and made genet's reception, in some respects, more flattering to his personal and national pride. in a letter to madison at this time, jefferson, influenced by the exultation of the movement, and in apparent forgetfulness of the serious offence which the ardent genet had committed against the dignity of the united states and the courtesy of nations, wrote:-- "the war between france and england seems to be producing an effect not contemplated. all the old spirit of , rekindling the newspapers from boston to charleston, proves this; and even the monocrat papers are obliged to publish the most furious philippics against england. a french frigate took a british prize (the _grange_) off the capes of delaware, the other day, and sent her up here. upon her coming into sight, thousands and thousands of the _yeomanry_ of the city crowded and covered the wharves. never was there such a crowd seen there; and when the british colors were seen reversed, and the french flying above them, they burst into peals of exultation. i wish we may be able to repress the spirit of the people within the limits of a fair neutrality.... we expect genet daily." so eager were the republicans of philadelphia to do honor to genet, that, before he had presented his credentials to the president, he was invited to an evening feast. indeed, preparations for his reception and the "republican dinner" had been made several days before, and this invitation was only a part of the programme. genet was delighted by this demonstration--a demonstration (arranged chiefly by the labors of peter s. duponceau, who came to america originally as the secretary of baron steuben, and who was now secretary of a secret society of frenchmen, which met at barney m'shane's, sign of the bunch of grapes, number twenty-three north third street) that should strike with terror the "cowardly, conservative, anglo-men, and monarchists," led by president washington; and his joy was heightened by reading an approving history of the proceedings in freneau's paper, the organ of the secretary of state. he even seemed for a moment to doubt the expediency of presenting his credentials at all, because washington was evidently not ready to comply with all his wishes, and he believed that the whole american people were friends of france, and the enemies of all her opponents. genet, however, did present his credentials on the nineteenth of may, and was officially accredited. in that ceremony his pride was touched and his enthusiasm was abated. he found in the presence of washington an atmosphere of dignity and greatness wholly unexpected, and thoroughly overpowering. he felt his littleness in the presence of that noble representative of the best men and the soundest principles of the american republic, and he returned from the audience abashed and subdued; for the genuine courtesy exhibited by the president, and the words of sincere friendship for the french nation which he uttered, had touched genet's sensibilities; while the severe simplicity and dignity of manner, and the absence of that effervescent enthusiasm in the midst of which he had been cast since his arrival, administered rebuke alike to the adulators in public places, and his own pretentious aspirations. he had come with secret instructions to foment war between the united states and england for the benefit of france, but that single interview with washington made him feel, for the time, that his efforts must result in failure; for the word of the chief magistrate was yet almost as omnipotent as law with the greater portion of his countrymen. genet was relieved of the chill by the evening banquet, where all was enthusiasm and boisterous mirth. it was given at oeller's hotel, and quite a large number of republicans were at the board. a patriotic ode written in french, by duponceau, and translated into english by freneau, was sung; and the marseilles hymn was chanted by genet and the company, the minister adding two stanzas composed by himself, and having special reference to the navy. this followed the reception of a deputation of sailors from the frigate _l'embuscade_, who, when they entered the room, were received by the guests with a "fraternal embrace." the table was decorated with the tree of liberty and the french and american flags; and after the last regular toast of the evening was given, the _bonnet rouge_, or red cap of liberty, was placed first upon the head of genet, and then upon each one present in turn, the recipient being expected, under the inspiration of the emblem of freedom, to utter a patriotic sentiment. the national flags were finally delivered to the french sailors, who "swore to defend till death these tokens of liberty, and of american and french fraternity." to the superficial observer, the great mass of the people seemed carried away with a monomaniac frenzy. democratic societies were founded in imitation of jacobin clubs; everything that was respectable in society was denounced as aristocratic; politeness was looked upon as a sort of _lese republicanisme_; the common forms of expression in use by the _sans culottes_ were adopted by their american disciples; the title "citizen" became as common in philadelphia as in paris; and in the newspapers it was the fashion to announce marriages as partnerships between "citizen" brown, smith, or jones, and the "citess," who had been wooed to such an association. entering the house of the president, citizen genet was astonished and indignant at perceiving in the vestibule a bust of louis xvi, whom his friends had beheaded, and he complained of this "insult to france." at a dinner, at which governor mifflin was present, a roasted pig received the name of the murdered king, and the head, severed from the body, was carried round to each of the guests, who, after placing the liberty cap on his own head, pronounced the word "tyrant!" and proceeded to mangle with his knife that of the luckless creature doomed to be served for so unworthy a company! one of the democratic taverns displayed as a sign a revolting picture of the mutilated and bloody corpse of marie antoinette.[ ] nor was this enthusiasm confined to philadelphia. in his admirable daguerreotype of old new york, the venerable doctor francis has given a vivid picture, from memory, of the effect of genet's arrival and sojourn in the country. speaking of the arrival of _l'embuscade_, he says: "the notoriety of the event and its consequences enables me to bring to feeble recollection many of the scenes which transpired in this city at that time: the popular excitement and bustle; the liberty cap; the _entrée_ of citizen genet; the red cockade; the song of the _carmagnole_, in which with childish ambition i united; the _rencontre_ with the _boston_ frigate, and the commotion arising from jay's treaty. though i can not speak earnestly from actual knowledge, we must all concede that these were the times when political strife assumed a formidable aspect--when the press most flagrantly outraged individual rights and domestic peace--when the impugners of the washingtonian administration received new weapons, with which to inflict their assaults upon tried patriotism, by every arrival from abroad announcing france in her progress. the federalists and the anti-federalists now became the federal and the republican party; the _carmagnole_ sung every hour of every day in the streets, and on stated days at the belvidere club-house, fanned the embers and enkindled that zeal which caused the overthrow of many of the soundest principles of american freedom. even the yellow fever, which, from its novelty and its malignity, struck terror into every bosom, and was rendered more lurid by the absurd preventive means of burning tar and tar-barrels in almost every street, afforded no mitigation of party animosity; and greenleaf with his _argus_, freneau with his _time-piece_, and cobbett with his _porcupine gazette_, increased the consternation, which only added to the inquietude of the peaceable citizen, who had often reasoned within himself that a seven-years' carnage, through which he had passed, had been enough for one life." "much i saw--much has been told me by the old inhabitants now departed," says doctor francis. "when the entire american nation, nay, when the civilized world at large, seemed electrified by the outbreak of the revolution in france, it necessarily followed, as the shadow does the substance, that the american soul, never derelict, could not but enkindle with patriotic warmth at the cause of that people whose loftiest desire was freedom--of that people who themselves had, with profuse appropriation, enabled that very bosom, in the moment of hardest trial, to inhale the air of liberty. successive events had now dethroned the monarchy of france, and the democratic spirit was now evolved in its fullest element. it was not surprising that the experienced and the sober champions who had effected the great revolution of the colonies should now make the cause of struggling france their own; and as victors already in one desperate crisis, they seemed ready to enter into a new contest for the rights of man. the masses coalesced and co-operated. cheering prospects of sympathy and of support were held out in the prospective to their former friends and benefactors abroad. jealousy of britain--affection for france--was now the prevailing impulse, and the business of the day was often interrupted by tumultuous noises in the streets. groups of sailors might be seen collected on the docks and at the shipping, ready to embark on a voyage of plunder; merchants and traders, in detached bodies, might be seen discussing the hazards of commerce; the schools liberated from their prescribed hours of study, because of some fresh report of _l'embuscade_ or of _genet_; the schoolmaster uttering in his dismissal a new reason for the study of the classics, by expounding with oracular dignity to his scholars, _vivat respublica_, broadly printed as the caption of the playbill or the pamphlet just issued."[ ] but, fortunately for the united states, there were many strong, sober, and patriotic men, who had looked calmly upon the storms of the french revolution, and wisely interpreted its portents. on the same day when genet was received by the president and feasted by the republicans, an address was presented to washington, signed by three hundred of the principal merchants and other "solid men" of philadelphia, declaring their high sense of the wisdom and goodness which dictated his late proclamation of neutrality; and that the signers, believing that nothing was necessary to the happiness of the united states but a continuance of peace, not only would heed that proclamation themselves, but discountenance, in the most pointed manner, any contrary disposition in others. in his reply, washington, with his usual dignity and discretion, expressed a hope that, in the critical juncture of public affairs, the people would evince as much freedom in pursuing peace, as they had previously displayed valor in vindicating their just rights. the conservative class to whom we have alluded was composed of the best materials of american society. they were firm, consistent, and quiet; and while the noise that attended the demonstrations in favor of the french revolution appeared to the shallow and timid as the voice of the nation, a very large majority of the people doubtless sympathized with the restraining measures of the president. among those who had wisely interpreted the teachings of the revolution in france, and deprecated the infatuation of his countrymen who had adopted the doctrines of the jacobins, was hamilton. to a friend who had expressed his sorrow because of the aspect of the public feeling at that time, he revealed his views freely--views which were held in common with washington and the great conservative party of which he was the head. "i agree with you," hamilton said, "in the reflections you make on the tendency of public demonstrations of attachment to the cause of france. 'tis certainly not wise to expose ourselves to the jealousy and resentment of the rest of the world, by a fruitless display of zeal for that cause. it may do us much harm, and it can do france no good (unless, indeed, we are to embark in the war with her, which nobody is so hardy as to avow, though some secretly machinate it). it can not be without danger and inconvenience to our interests, to impress on the nations of europe an idea that we are actuated by the _same spirit_ which has, for some time past, fatally misguided the measures of those who conduct the affairs of france, and sullied a cause once glorious, and that might have been triumphant. the cause of france is compared with that of america during its late revolution. would to heaven that the comparison were just. would to heaven that we could discern in the mirror of french affairs the same decorum, the same gravity, the same order, the same dignity, the same solemnity, which distinguished the cause of the american revolution. clouds and darkness would not then rest upon the issue as they now do. i own i do not like the comparison. when i contemplate the horrid and systematic massacres of the second and third of september; when i observe that a murat and a robespierre, the notorious prompters of those bloody scenes, sit triumphantly in the convention and take a conspicuous part in its measures--that an attempt to bring the assassins to justice has been abandoned; when i see an unfortunate prince, whose reign was a continued demonstration of the goodness and benevolence of his heart, of his attachment to the people of whom he was the monarch, who, though educated in the lap of despotism, had given repeated proofs that he was not the enemy of liberty, brought precipitately and ignominiously to the block without any substantial proof of guilt, as yet disclosed--without even an authentic exhibition of motives, in decent regard to the opinions of mankind; when i find the doctrines of atheism openly advanced in the convention, and heard with loud applauses; when i see the sword of fanaticism extended to force a political creed upon citizens who were invited to submit to the arms of france as the harbingers of liberty; when i behold the hand of rapacity outstretched to prostrate and ravish the monuments of religious worship, erected by those citizens and their ancestors; when i perceive passion, tumult, and violence, usurping those seats where reason and cool deliberation ought to preside--i acknowledge that i am glad to believe there is no real resemblance between what was the cause of america and what is the cause of france; that the difference is no less great than that between liberty and licentiousness. i regret whatever has a tendency to confound them, and i feel anxious, as an american, that the ebullitions of inconsiderate men among us may not tend to involve our reputation in the issue."[ ] genet had scarcely reached the seat of government, before his conduct in authorizing the fitting out of privateers, and the capture of _the grange_ by _l'embuscade_, called forth complaints from mr. hammond, the british minister at philadelphia. genet, in his address to the president on presenting his credentials, had disavowed any wish to involve the united states in the pending war. "we wish you to do nothing," he said, "but what is for your own good, and we will do all in our power to promote it. cherish your own peace and prosperity. you have expressed a willingness to enter into a more liberal commerce with us; i bring full powers to form such a treaty, and a preliminary decree of the national convention to lay open our country and its colonies to you, for every purpose of utility, without your participating in the burden of maintaining and defending them. we see in you the only person on earth who can love us sincerely, and merit to be so loved." this was uttered while the secret instructions in his pocket authorized him to foment discord between the united states and great britain; to set the government of our republic at defiance, if necessary; and in the face of his open insult to the government by his acts at charleston. and yet mr. jefferson, apparently blinding his eyes to passing events in genet's brief career here, said in a letter to madison, in reference to the french minister's speech, "it was impossible for anything to be more affectionate, more magnanimous, than the purport of genet's mission.... he offers everything and asks nothing." "yet i know," jefferson added, "that the offers will be opposed, and suspect they will not be accepted. in short, my dear sir, it is impossible for you to conceive what is passing in our conclave; and it is evident that _one or two_ [meaning hamilton and knox] at least, under pretence of avoiding war on the one side, have no great antipathy to run foul of it on the other, and to make a part in the confederacy of princes against human liberty." thus, on all occasions, the secretary of state ungenerously charged those of his official associates who could not lovingly embrace the bloody french jacobins as brothers, with monarchical principles, and designs to subvert the government of the united states. to washington he expressed the same suspicions; and, from his own record in his _anas_, he appears to have been rebuked by the president, and to have persisted in a most unfriendly course. "he [the president] observed," he said, "that if anybody wanted to change the form of our government into a monarchy, he was sure it was only a few individuals, and that no man in the united states would set himself against it more than himself; but that this was not what he was afraid of--his fears were from another quarter--_that there was more danger of anarchy being introduced_." washington, according to the same record, then spoke with great warmth concerning the hostility of freneau as manifested in his newspaper. he despised all personal attacks upon himself; but, he said, not a solitary act of the government had escaped the slanderer's assaults. he adverted to the fact that freneau (evidently for the impudent purpose of insulting washington) sent him three of his papers every day; and mr. jefferson records these facts in a way that shows the enjoyment he seemed to derive from such evidences of great annoyance displayed by the president. "he was evidently sore and worn," wrote mr. jefferson, "and i took his intention to be, that i should interpose in some way with freneau--perhaps withdraw his appointment of translating clerk in my office. but i will not do it." "it appears to us," says mr. irving,[ ] "rather an ungracious determination on the part of jefferson to keep this barking cur in his employ, when he found him so annoying to the chief, whom he professed, and we believe with sincerity, to revere.[ ] neither are his reasons for so doing satisfactory, savoring as they do of those strong political suspicions already noticed. 'his [freneau's] paper,' observed he, 'has saved our constitution, which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has been checked by no means so powerfully as by that paper. it is well and universally known that it has been that paper which checked the career of the monocrats. the president, not sensible of the designs of the party, has not, with his usual good sense and _sang froid_, looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen that though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the good have preponderated immensely.'" on the day succeeding his presentation to the president, genet addressed an official letter to mr. jefferson, announcing his mission, as follows:-- "single, against innumerable hordes of tyrants and slaves who menace her rising liberty, the french nation would have a right to reclaim the obligations imposed on the united states by the treaties she has contracted with them, and which she has cemented with her blood; but strong in the greatness of her means, and of the power of her principles, not less redoubtable to her enemies than the virtuous arm which she opposes to their rage, she comes, in the very time when the emissaries of our common enemies are making useless efforts to neutralize the gratitude, to damp the zeal, to weaken or cloud the view of your fellow-citizens; she comes, i say, that generous nation, that faithful friend, to labor still to increase the prosperity and add to the happiness which she is pleased to see them enjoy. "the obstacles raised with intentions hostile to liberty, by the perfidious ministers of despotism--the obstacles whose object was to stop the rapid progress of the commerce of the americans and the extension of their principles, exist no more. the french republic, seeing in them but brothers, has opened to them, by the decrees now enclosed, all her ports in the two worlds; has granted them all the favors which her own citizens enjoy in her vast possessions; has invited them to participate the benefits of her navigation, in granting to their vessels the same rights as her own; and has charged me to propose to your government to establish, in a truly family compact--that is, in a national compact--the liberal and fraternal basis on which she wishes to see raised the commercial and political system of two people, all whose interests are blended. i am invested, sir, with the powers necessary to undertake this important negotiation, of which the sad annals of humanity offer no example before the brilliant era at length opening on it."[ ] notwithstanding the boast, in this letter, of his country being "strong in the greatness of her means," genet had opened his diplomatic correspondence by a request for immediate payment, by anticipation, of the remaining installments of the debt due france by the united states, amounting to two millions, three hundred thousand dollars, and offered, as an inducement, to invest the amount in provisions and other american products, to be shipped partly to the st. domingo, and partly to france. but neither his propositions for an alliance nor his application for money were received with favor. the united states government well knew that his assurance that the offered relaxation of commercial restrictions, as a boon of pure good will toward the americans, was only a convenient plan for obtaining needed supplies. the request for money was met by a candid statement by the secretary of the treasury, that his government had no means of anticipating the payment of the french debt, except by borrowing money in europe, which could not be done then on reasonable terms. hamilton also told genet that, even were there no other obstacle, the anticipation of payment at that time might be regarded by great britain as a breach of neutrality. this reply greatly offended the french minister, and he threatened to make the debt to france available for his purpose, by giving assignments of it in payment for provisions and other supplies. hamilton calmly replied that his government would decidedly object to that procedure, and expressed a hope that, in a matter of mutual concern, nothing would be done but by mutual consent. while the british minister, in view of the dereliction of duty on the part of his government, manifested in its omission to comply with some of the stipulations of the treaty of , should have been comparatively silent, the grounds of some of his complaints were too obviously just, not to be seriously considered. cabinet meetings were accordingly held, and the subject was fully discussed. the capture of _the grange_ within american waters (in delaware bay), and the demand, not only for its restitution, but of all others captured on the high seas by the privateers authorized by genet, made by the british minister, was the chief topic. it was unanimously agreed that _the grange_ should be restored, but there was a difference of opinion respecting the others. hamilton and knox, assuming, as a basis for argument, that it is the duty of a neutral nation to remedy every injury sustained by armaments fitted out in its ports, were of opinion that the government should interpose to restore the prizes. jefferson and randolph contended that the case should be left to the decision of courts of justice; arguing, that if the courts should decide the commissions given by genet to be invalid, they would, as a matter of course, order restitution to be made.[ ] washington reserved his decision upon this point, and took time to deliberate. the cabinet had agreed unanimously that the jurisdiction of every independent nation, within the limits of its own territory, being of a nature to exclude the exercise of any authority therein by any foreign power, the proceedings complained of, not being warranted by any treaty, were usurpations of national sovereignty and violations of neutral rights, a repetition of which it was the duty of the government to prevent. also, that the efficacy of the laws should be tried against those citizens of the united states who had joined in perpetrating the offence. these principles being considered as settled, the president directed the secretary of state to communicate the fact to the ministers of france and great britain. circular letters, also, were addressed to the governors of several states requiring their co-operation, with military force if necessary, to carry out the principles and rules agreed upon. footnotes: [ ] the number of people who met and welcomed genet at gray's ferry was greatly exaggerated, as usual on such occasions, by the friends of the movement. it was called "a great concourse of citizens," but hamilton, who was then in philadelphia, and whose truthfulness has never been questioned, placed the number at an insignificant figure. in a letter to a friend, he said, "it is seldom easy to speak with absolute certainty in such cases, but from all i could observe, or have been able to learn, i believe the number would be stated high at a hundred persons." of a meeting convened at evening to receive mr. genet, hamilton said, "from forty to one hundred persons give you the extremes of the number present." on the ensuing evening a much greater number attended. altogether the demonstration, in _numbers_, was a failure. [ ] griswold's _republican court_, page . [ ] _old new york, or reminiscences of the past sixty years_, pages - , inclusive. [ ] hamilton's works, v. . [ ] life of washington, v. . [ ] a little later, jefferson wrote to madison: "the president is not well; little lingering fevers have been hanging about him for a week or ten days, and affect his looks most remarkably. he is also extremely affected by the attacks made and kept up on him in the public papers. i think he feels these things more than any other person i ever yet met with. i am sincerely sorry to see them." how utterly insincere appears the last clause of this paragraph, compared with the one next preceding it! the most scurrilous of the attacks alluded to proceeded from freneau, a clerk in mr. jefferson's office! [ ] _letter to mr. jefferson, secretary of state_, dated "philadelphia, may d, , second year of the republic." [ ] "during these proceedings," says chief-justice jay, "the circuit court was held at richmond by the chief justice, who in his charge to the grand jury explained the obligations of the united states as a neutral nation, and directed the jury to present all persons within their district guilty of violating the laws of nations with respect to any of the belligerent powers. the charge was well calculated to strengthen the government, by letting the public perceive that the supreme court would fearlessly discharge its duty, in punishing acts forbidden by the neutral position of the nation."--_life and writings of john jay_, i. . chapter xxii. genet's letter to the secretary of state on the subject of treaty guaranties--the question reconsidered by the cabinet--their decision and genet's anger--genet supported and misled by the republicans--his indecorous correspondence with the secretary of state--madness of the populace--hamilton and madison--position of the government assailed--washington on the democratic societies--called to mount vernon--genet fits out a privateer at philadelphia--measures to prevent her sailing--washington returns to philadelphia--a cabinet council--genet defies the government--one of the american privateers acquitted--washington laments the disaffection of the people, but swerves not--determination to have genet recalled--proceedings in the cabinet--washington's wrath. the action of the cabinet gave umbrage to genet, and he wrote a spirited letter to the secretary of state. he assented to the restoration of "the grange," she having been captured within american waters, but he protested most vehemently against all interference on the part of the united states with the privateers at sea. he alleged that they were armed and furnished by french residents in charleston, were commanded by french officers, or americans who knew of no law or treaty to restrain their action, and that they had gone to sea with the consent of the governor of south carolina. he argued, that as the treaty of commerce secured to the parties the right of bringing prizes into each other's ports, it followed that their right to the control and disposal of prizes so brought in, was conceded to each. as the treaty of only forbade each party allowing _enemies_ to fit out privateers in their respective ports, it was fair to conclude that there was also conceded a mutual right in the parties themselves to fit out privateers in the ports of the other. he insisted that the americans on board the privateers had, for the time, entered the service of france and renounced the protection of the united states, and that therefore they were no longer responsible to their own government for their acts. notwithstanding the want of decorum in some portions of genet's letter, the president and his cabinet reconsidered the questions at issue in the light of the minister's arguments. their opinions remained unchanged, and genet was informed that the privateer then in the delaware, bearing his name, must forthwith leave american waters; that orders had been sent to all the ports of the united states for the seizure of all vessels fitted out as privateers, and to prevent the sale of any prizes captured by such vessels; and also for the arrest of henfield and singleterry, two americans, who had enlisted on board the _citizen genet_ at charleston. the decision and action of the cabinet made genet very angry, and he resolved not to acquiesce in it. he was led to believe that the great body of the american people, grateful for what france had done in times past, were ready to go all lengths in his favor, short of actual war. he had heard clamors among the people, and read violent paragraphs in the republican newspapers against the position of neutrality taken by the government, and he resolved to encourage privateering, and to defend his position before the american people by his pen. at that time, freneau's paper was assisted in its warfare upon the administration by another called the _general advertiser_, known afterward as the _aurora_. it was edited by a grandson of doctor franklin, whose french education caused him to favor the fanaticism of that people in their revolutionary movements. it was sometimes more virulent in its vituperation than freneau's _gazette_, and both urged genet to go forward, heedless of the executive and his cabinet, at the same time charging washington himself with an intention of joining in the league of kings against the french republic.[ ] "i hope," said a writer in freneau's paper, "the minister of france will act with firmness and spirit. the _people_ are his friends, or the friends of france, and he will have nothing to apprehend; for, _as yet_, the people are the sovereigns of the united states. too much complacency is an injury done to his cause; for, as every advantage is already taken of france (not by the _people_), further condescension may lead to further abuse. if one of the leading features of our government is pusillanimity, when the british lion shows his teeth, let france and her minister act as becomes the dignity of their cause, and the honor and faith of nations."[ ] the arrest and indictment of the two americans on board the _citizen genet_ added greatly to the irritation of the french minister. "the crime laid to their charge," said genet in a letter to jefferson on the first of june--"the crime which my mind can not conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state, is the serving of france, and defending with her children the common glorious cause of liberty. "being ignorant of any positive law or treaty which deprives americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of france from on board their vessels, i call upon your intervention, sir, and that of the president of the united states, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments animating them, and by the act of their engagement, anterior to every act to the contrary, the right of french citizens, if they have lost that of american citizens. i renew at the same time, sir, the requisition which i made in favor of another french officer, detained for the same cause and for the same object." to this appeal jefferson replied by sending genet a copy of the opinion of the attorney-general of the united states, who decided that the prisoners had acted in violation of treaties, and were guilty of an indictable offence. in a subsequent note, the secretary of state reiterated the opinion of the president that it was the right of every nation, and the duty of neutral nations, to prohibit acts of sovereignty within their limits, injurious to either of the belligerent powers; that the granting of military commissions within the united states by any foreign authority was an infringement of their sovereignty, especially when granted to american citizens as an inducement to act against the duty which they owed to their country; and that it was expected that the french privateers would immediately leave the waters of the united states. genet, with impudent pertinacity, denounced these doctrines as contrary to right, justice, the law of nations, and even the proclamation of neutrality by the president; and when he was informed that a french privateer, fitted out in new york, had been seized by a body of militia acting under the authority of governor clinton, he was greatly enraged, and demanded its immediate "restitution, with damages and interest, and also the immediate" "restitution, with damages and interest, of the french prizes arrested and seized at philadelphia." but the government was unmoved. the prisoners were not released, nor the vessels restored; whereupon genet ventured to declare that he "would appeal from the president to the people." his only excuse for this rash assertion was his utter ignorance of the character of the president and people whose actions, in concerns so momentous, he assumed to control or defy. he seemed really to have imagined that the love of france and the sentiment of republicanism were so strong among the people of the united states, that he would be able to overthrow the government. he had already said, in a letter to jefferson, "every obstruction by the government of the united states to the arming of french vessels must be an attempt on the rights of man, upon which repose the independence and laws of the united states; a violation of the ties which unite france and america; and even a manifest contradiction of the system of neutrality of the president; for, in fact, if our merchant-vessels or others are not allowed to arm themselves, when the french alone are resisting the league of all the tyrants against the liberty of the people, they will be exposed to inevitable ruin in going out of the ports of the united states, which is certainly not the intention of the people of america. this fraternal voice has resounded from every quarter around me, and their accents are not equivocal. they are pure as the hearts of those by whom they are expressed; and the more they have touched my sensibility, the more they must interest in the happiness of america the nation i represent; the more i wish, sir, that the federal government should observe, as far as in its power, the public engagements contracted by both nations, and that, by this generous and prudent conduct, they will give at least to the world the example of a true neutrality, which does not consist in the cowardly abandonment of their friends in the moment when danger menaces them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do no better, to the obligations they have contracted with them. it is by such proceedings that they will render themselves respectable to all the powers--that they will preserve their friends, and deserve to augment their numbers." all around the french minister there was a sea of passion while the controversy was progressing. the republican party became more and more bold in their denunciations. open expressions of enthusiastic devotion to france, and of hatred toward all the powers at war with that republic, were heard on every side. every measure of the government that tended to thwart the views of genet was assailed with the most malignant zeal. the president's proclamation of neutrality, as we have observed, was branded as a "royal edict." it was condemned as having been issued without authority, and in contradiction with the treaties with france; as contrary to the gratitude which was due to that country by the people of the united states, and out of time and unnecessary; and a series of articles written by hamilton in support of the proclamation, over the signature of _pacificus_, were assailed in another series against the proclamation, written by madison (at the suggestion of jefferson) over the signature of _helvidius_, as having "been read with singular pleasure and applause by the foreigners and degenerate citizens among us, who hate our republican government and the french revolution." the declaration that "the duty and interest of the united states required that they should, with sincerity and good faith, adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers," was assailed as a monstrous doctrine, and gave the greatest umbrage to genet and his friends. the latter insisted that the french minister's demands were sanctioned by solemn treaties, and that his interpretation of the instruments was correct. the wrongs inflicted upon america by great britain, and the aid given to the struggling patriots by france, were recited in most pathetic terms; and the questions were significantly asked, "shall the services of the one, as well as the injuries of the other, be forgotten? shall a friend and an enemy be treated with equal favor? shall neither gratitude nor resentment constitute a feature of the american character?" it was concluded that there was a natural and inveterate hostility between monarchies and republics; that the present combination against france was a combination against liberty in every part of the world; and that the destinies of america were inseparably connected with those of the french republic. they declared that the conduct of the executive, in withholding privileges to which france was said to be entitled by the most solemn engagements, was indicative of a desire to coalesce with despots in a crusade against liberty, furnishing to the french republic just motives for war; and that all her moderation and forbearance were required to restrain her from declaring it against the united states. they went so far, as we have seen, as to exhort genet not to relax in his endeavors to maintain the just rights of his country; and he received assurances of the steady and affectionate support of the american people. genet was taught to believe that washington was acting under the influence of a british monarchical faction, and that everything was to be hoped from the predominance of republicanism in the new congress then in progress of being chosen. it was now midsummer, and the whole social and political fabric of the union was shaken by these party contentions; and the democratic societies of which we have spoken, secret and open, were exceedingly active. "that these societies," washington observed, "were instituted by the artful and designing members (many of their body, i have no doubt, mean well, but know little of the real plan), primarily to sow among the people the seeds of jealousy and distrust of the government, by destroying all confidence in the administration of it, and that these doctrines have been budding and blowing ever since, is not new to any one who is acquainted with the character of their leaders, and has been attentive to their manoeuvres. "can anything be more absurd, more arrogant, or more pernicious to the peace of society, than for self-created bodies, forming themselves into permanent censors, and under the shade of night, in a conclave, resolving that acts of congress, which have undergone the most deliberate and solemn discussion by the representatives of the people, chosen for the express purpose, and bringing with them from the different parts of the union the sense of their constituents, endeavoring, as far as the nature of the thing will admit, to form _their will_ into laws for the government of the whole--i say, under these circumstances, for a self-created _permanent_ body (for no one denies the right of the people to meet occasionally to petition for, or remonstrate against, any act of the legislature) to declare that _this act_ is unconstitutional, and _that act_ is pregnant with mischiefs, and that all who vote contrary to their dogmas are actuated by selfish motives or under foreign influence, nay, are traitors to their country? is such a stretch of arrogant presumption to be reconciled with laudable motives, especially when we see the same set of men endeavoring to destroy all confidence in the administration, by arraigning all its acts, without knowing on what ground or with what information it proceeds?" while the controversy was at its height, washington was suddenly called to mount vernon by the death of the chief manager of his estates. he was absent a little more than a fortnight. meanwhile, an incident occurred which brought the controversy between the united states government and the french minister to a crisis. a british merchant-vessel was captured by _l'embuscade_, sent to philadelphia, and there genet, under the very eye of the federal authorities and in direct opposition to the decision of washington and his cabinet, undertook to equip her as a privateer, under the new name of _le petite democrat_. this movement was discovered by hamilton on the sixth of july. he communicated the facts to the cabinet, with whom washington had left the control of the public affairs during his absence, and an investigation was ordered. it was ascertained that the vessel would probably sail on a cruise the next day, and governor mifflin was called upon to interfere. at midnight he sent alexander dallas, his secretary, to request genet to desist from his unlawful course, and to inform him that the vessel would be detained by force if he refused compliance. the minister flew into a rage, declared that the president was not the sovereign of the country, and had no right, without consulting congress, to give such instructions as he had done to state governors; that he was a misled man, and wholly under the influence of the enemies of france and human liberty; and then again expressed his determination to appeal to the people. genet refused to give mifflin any distinct pledges, and early in the morning the governor ordered out one hundred and twenty of the militia to take possession of the privateer. mr. jefferson, who perceived the rashness of genet's course, now took the matter in hand, and at a personal interview tried to persuade him to detain the privateer until the president's return to the seat of government. the secretary of state was not more successful than the secretary of governor mifflin. genet stormed like a madman. jefferson was unable, most of the time, to thrust in a word, and he sat in silence while the angry minister poured out the vials of his wrath upon the united states government. he declared that any attempt to seize the vessel would be resisted by the crew; that he had been thwarted in all his plans by the government; and that he was half a mind to leave the country in disgust, as he could not be useful to his nation here. he censured the president severely, and declared that on washington's return he should press him to convene the congress immediately. jefferson stopped him at the subject of calling a congress, and explained to him the threefold character of the government; assuring him that all questions which had arisen between himself and the executive belonged only to that department, and that, were congress in session, the matters would not be carried to them, nor would they take any notice of them. genet was surprised, and inquired if the congress were not the sovereign? jefferson replied that they were sovereign only in making laws; that the executive was the sovereign in executing them, and the judiciary in construing them. "but at least," said genet, "congress are bound to see that the treaties are observed." "there are very few cases," replied jefferson, "arising out of treaties, which congress can take notice of. the president is to see that treaties are observed." "to whom then is the nation to appeal, if the president decides against a treaty?" quickly inquired genet. "the constitution has made the president the last appeal," replied jefferson. genet was confounded by his own ignorance, shrugged his shoulders, and, making a bow, remarked that he would not compliment mr. jefferson on such a constitution. genet had now become cool, assured mr. jefferson that the privateer was not yet ready for sea, and, without promising that she should not sail before the president's return, said that it would be necessary for her to shift her position to the lower end of the town to receive supplies, and gave the secretary to understand that she would not leave before washington's return to philadelphia. jefferson accepted his remarks as honest assurance, and governor mifflin dismissed his soldiers; but hamilton and knox, having no faith in the minister's word, proposed the immediate erection of a battery below the city, where fort mifflin stood in the revolution, with guns mounted to prevent the privateer's going down the river. jefferson, fearing further to offend genet, refused to concur in this measure, and the next day the vessel went down the river as far as chester. washington returned to philadelphia on the eleventh, and received some papers, concerning the events we have just described, from mr. jefferson, with an intimation that they required "instant attention." they aroused the president's indignation. "what is to be done in the case of the _little sarah_ [the original name of the _petite democrat_] now at chester?" he asked, in a note written to mr. jefferson on the spur of the moment. "is the minister of the french republic to set the acts of this government at defiance _with impunity_, and then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? what must the world think of such conduct, and of the government of the united states in submitting to it? "these are serious questions. circumstances press for a decision, and, as you have had time to consider them (upon me they come unexpectedly), i wish to know your opinion upon them, even before to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone." mr. jefferson assured washington that the privateer was not yet ready for sea, and that genet had promised that she should not sail before the decision of the president in her case should be known. in a cabinet council held the next day, it was resolved to detain in the ports of the united states all privateers which had been equipped therein, and this decision was immediately communicated to genet. in defiance of it, the french minister sent the privateer to sea; and yet the republicans, forgetful of all national dignity, commended the representative of a foreign nation in thus offering a marked insult to the chief magistrate and the government of the republic. at about the same time, henfield, one of the prisoners indicted, under the advice of the attorney-general, for having enlisted on board the french privateer at charleston, was tried. the populace, instigated by the opposition leaders, took the part of the prisoner, and the jury acquitted him. at once the opposition press heaped obloquy upon the administration, for having attempted what they were pleased to call an unlawful measure. they asked, scornfully, "what law had been offended, and under what statute was the indictment supported? are the american people already prepared to give to a proclamation the force of a legislative act, and to subject themselves to the will of the executive? but," they said, "if the people are already sunk to such a state of degradation, are they to be punished for violating a proclamation which had not been published when the offence was committed, if indeed it could be termed an offence to engage with france combatting for liberty against the combined despots of europe?" and when the prisoner was acquitted, the event was celebrated with extravagant marks of joy and exultation.[ ] these events annoyed washington exceedingly. he perceived the spirit of the french revolution animating his own people, making them regardless of law and justice, and drunk with ideas that tended to anarchy and confusion. he perceived the futility of attempts to enforce laws in support of the doctrines of his proclamation of neutrality, and the disposition of a large class of people to thwart that conservative policy which he advised as being most conducive to the welfare of the state. yet, strong in his consciousness of rectitude, he swerved not a line from his prescribed course of duty. "as it respects myself," he said in a letter to governor lee on the twenty-first of july, "i care not; for i have a consolation within, that no earthly efforts can deprive me of; and that is, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. the arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable point of me; though, whilst i am up as a _mark_, they will be continually aimed. the publications in freneau's and bache's papers are outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and are passed by in silence, by those at whom they were aimed. the tendency of them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and in my opinion ought to alarm them, because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to the effect." matters had now reached a point where forbearance toward the insolent french minister was no longer required by the most exacting courtesy. his official communications, and public and private acts, were becoming too offensive to be longer tolerated by the government, without virtually abdicating authority and acknowledging its utter incompetency. so the president called the cabinet together at the beginning of august to consult upon the matter, when the whole official correspondence between jefferson and genet, and the conduct of the latter, were thoroughly reviewed. the result was, a determination that the french government should be requested to recall their minister, because he was offensive to that of the united states. jefferson recommended great delicacy in the terms of this request; the others were favorable to a peremptory demand for his recall; while knox, whose indignation had been thoroughly aroused by the conduct of genet, proposed to dismiss him at once without consulting his government. it was at length agreed that a letter should be written to gouverneur morris, the american minister in paris, in which should be given a statement of the case, with accompanying documents, with directions to lay the whole subject before the executive council of france; also that a letter, the same in substance as the one written to morris, should be sent to genet. it was also proposed to publish the whole correspondence, as an appeal to the people of the united states and the world, in justification of the action of the administration. jefferson opposed the proposition on the ground that it would make matters worse. he said genet would appeal, also; that anonymous writers would take up the subject; that public opinion would still be divided; and there would be a difference of opinion in congress, likewise, for the matter must be laid before them. "it would," jefferson said, "be a contest between the president and genet." washington took fire at this last suggestion. wearied and annoyed by the continual dissentions in his cabinet, and the unjust abuse of his political opponents, the idea that he should stand before the world as a contestant with a man like genet, and be subjected to the ribaldry of the press, touched his sensitive nature at the most tender point. at that moment, knox, with peculiar mal-appropriateness, "in a foolish, incoherent sort of speech," says jefferson, "introduced the pasquinade, lately printed, called _the funeral of george washington_"--a parody on the decapitation of the french king, in which the president was represented as placed on a guillotine. "the president," says mr. jefferson, "was much inflamed; got into one of those passions [which only for a moment and very rarely occurred] where he can not control himself; ran on much on the personal abuse that had been bestowed upon him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his, since he had been in the government, which was not done on the purest motives; that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since; that he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made an emperor of the world." and yet, he said with most emphatic indignation, "they are charging me with wanting to be king!" when washington ceased there was a pause. all had remained silent during this burst of passion, and it was with some difficulty that the questions at issue were resumed. the president soon recovered his equanimity, and opened the subject again by saying that there was no necessity for deciding the question of an appeal to the people on genet's recall at that moment. the propositions already agreed to respecting the letter to gouverneur morris might be put into execution, and events would doubtless show whether an appeal would be necessary or not. the cabinet agreed to send a circular to all the collectors of customs, instructing them in their duty respecting ships of the belligerent nations within the waters of the united states. it was also agreed that information should be communicated to the british minister that compensation would be made to the owners of british vessels captured by french privateers, fitted out within the united states, previous to the notice given to genet that such equipments would not be allowed; but that in future the british government must regard the efforts of that of the united states, to prevent the arming of privateers within its waters, as a full discharge of all neutral obligations. at the same time, genet was called upon to give up all the vessels captured previous to the notice above alluded to, as otherwise the french government would be held responsible for the amount of necessary indemnities; also, all vessels captured within the waters of the united states, those waters being defined as within a marine league from the exterior coast. footnotes: [ ] life and writings of john jay, i. . [ ] greenleaf's _patriotic register_, at new york, and the _boston chronicle_ echoed these sentiments, and the smaller opposition journals throughout the country re-echoed the strain. [ ] marshall, ii. . chapter xxiii. unpleasant relations with great britain--the united states aggrieved by the practice of the british cruisers toward neutrals, and in the impressment of seamen--also, concerning the giving up of western posts, and tampering with the indians--relations with spain--threatened dissolution of the cabinet--jefferson's uneasiness--his official letter to gouverneur morris--genet's anger and accusative insinuations--events in new york--genet's reception there--his insolent letter to jefferson unnoticed--his complaints--decline of his popularity--yellow fever in philadelphia--washington retires to mount vernon to avoid it--doctor rush--abatement of the fever--washington returns to philadelphia. while washington's cabinet was thus perplexed by the conduct of the french minister, it was equally so by the relations of the governments of the united states and great britain. as we have observed, a diplomatic intercourse between the two governments did not commence until the federal constitution had established the republic upon a more solid basis. then mr. hammond was appointed british minister to the united states, and took up his residence in philadelphia; and mr. pinckney, appointed united states minister to great britain, repaired to london. we have also observed that the evacuation of some of the western posts by the british, and other stipulations of the treaty of , yet remained uncomplied with when mr. hammond came. these causes for complaint on the part of the united states, and the establishment of just commercial relations between the two governments, had been the chief subjects for negotiation since his arrival. at the time in question, no progress had been made toward accommodation, and for this reason a large number of the americans felt more disposed to take part with their old ally, and against their old enemy. in fact, the catalogue of grievances suffered by the people of the united states at the hand of great britain had increased, new difficulties having grown out of the belligerent position of europe at the time we are considering. france, as we have seen, by a decree of her national convention, had placed the shipping of neutrals during the pending war on the same footing as that of her own; and, in consequence, a rich commerce had presented itself to american merchantmen, of which they took advantage. great britain paid no attention to this decree, but claimed for its cruisers the right to seize french property, even on board american vessels. the british also refused to recognise as neutral the trade between france and her west india colonies, carried on in american bottoms, which the pressure of war had created. the british government had also instructed their cruisers to seize and bring in all vessels employed in carrying breadstuffs to french ports, even though vessel and cargo should be neutral property; claiming the right, contrary to modern usage, of preventing, by all means in her power, supplies being carried to her enemy, her statesmen having conceived the idea of destroying the french revolution by starvation. such vessels and cargoes were, however, to be paid for on proof being presented of their neutral character, and bonds being given to land in countries at peace with great britain. it is proper to state, that, at about the time in question, the french government--under the pressure of circumstances, and driven to it, they said, "by their implacable and ferocious enemies"--authorized the same system of seizure, with promises to pay. the british _did_ pay, the french did _not_, and on that score the americans more highly respected the former than the latter. a more serious ground of complaint against great britain was the authority given to the commanders of british ships of war to make up any deficiency in their crews, by pressing into their service british-born seamen, wherever found, not within the immediate jurisdiction of any foreign state. under this authority, many american merchant-vessels were crippled, while in mid-ocean, by british seamen being taken from them. nor were british seamen alone taken. it was sometimes difficult to distinguish an englishman from an american; and as the commanders of vessels-of-war were not very strict in their scrutiny, native-born americans were frequently dragged on board british vessels, and kept in slavery in the royal service for years. american seamen were thus pressed into foreign service, even within the jurisdiction of the united states. the remonstrances of the latter government against these outrages were unheeded, and bitter feelings were engendered. and yet another serious cause of difficulty with, and resentment toward great britain existed in the hostile position of the indian tribes in the northwest. abortive attempts were made by the united states' commissioners to form a treaty with some of them. the indians insisted upon making the ohio river the boundary between themselves and the white people, and to this they inflexibly adhered. it was generally believed that the government of canada encouraged them to persevere in this claim. indeed, information obtained from the indians themselves made the suspicion plausible, and the justice of that suspicion was enforced by the tenacity with which the british held on to the western posts, under the pretext, however, that the portion of the treaty of relating to the payment of debts to british creditors, contracted by americans previous to the revolution, had not yet been fulfilled by the government of the united states, or promised to be by any decisions of the federal courts. these several causes of complaint against the british government, viewed superficially by the people, caused great irritation in the public mind, and a corresponding sympathy for france, the avowed and active enemy of great britain. that sympathy, as we have seen, gave strength to the insolent pretensions of genet. added to this was a decision in the federal court at richmond, which declared that, according to the treaty of , debts due from american citizens to british merchants previous to the revolution must be paid. this gave intensity to the excitement, and the cry of usurpation on the part of the federal judiciary, which had frequently been raised by the opposition, now went over the land with vehement cadence. the relations of the united states with spain rather strengthened genet's position. the mississippi river was still closed to the americans; and the creek and cherokee indians, evidently encouraged by spanish emissaries among them, assumed a position hostile to the united states. it was also asserted that propositions had been made by spain to great britain inimical to the united states. these facts and rumors inflamed the people of the extreme south and west; and as a part of genet's programme of operations in this country contemplated an armed invasion of louisiana and the opening of the mississippi, he and his cause were very popular with the settlers in the great valleys beyond the mountains of the southwest. while these things were perplexing washington's cabinet, the dissentions in that cabinet were more perplexing to the president. and yet, so profoundly was washington impressed with the skill, judgment, forecast, and patriotism of the chief contestants, jefferson and hamilton, that he contemplated the loss of their service, in their respective stations, with the greatest solicitude. such contemplations were pressed upon his mind during the season of contest with genet, which we have just considered. toward the close of june, hamilton notified the president that "considerations relative both to the public interest and to his own delicacy" had brought him to the conclusion of resigning at the close of the ensuing session of congress; and on the thirty-first of july, jefferson informed him that, at the close of the ensuing month of september, he should "beg leave to retire to scenes of greater tranquillity from those for which," he said, "i am every day more and more convinced that neither my talents, tone of mind, nor time of life fit me." these communications distressed the president; and on the sixth of august he called upon mr. jefferson at his house, a little out of philadelphia, and expressed himself greatly concerned because of the threatened desertion of those on whom he most relied, in this the hour of greatest perplexity to the government. he did not know where he should look to find suitable characters to fill up the offices. mere talents, he said, did not suffice for the department of state; for its duties required a person conversant with foreign affairs, and perhaps with foreign courts. "he expressed great apprehensions," says jefferson in his _anas_, "at the fermentation which seemed to be working in the mind of the public; that many descriptions of persons, actuated by different causes, appeared to be uniting [alluding to the democratic societies]; what it would end in he knew not; a new congress was to assemble, more numerous, and perhaps of a different spirit; and the first expression of their sentiments would be important." he then urged jefferson to remain until the close of the next session, if no longer. jefferson pleaded his repugnance to public life, and especially the uneasiness of the position in which he was placed. he and hamilton were bitter enemies, and his course, he said, had caused "the wealthy aristocrats, the merchants connected closely with england, the newly-created paper factions," to bear him peculiar hatred. thus surrounded, he said, his "words were caught, multiplied, misconstrued, and even fabricated and spread abroad," to his injury. disclaiming any knowledge of the views of the republican party at that time, he gave it as his opinion that they would be found strong supporters of the government in all measures for the public welfare; that in the next congress they would attempt nothing material but to make that body independent; and that though the manoeuvres of mr. genet might produce some embarrassment, he would be abandoned by the republicans and all true friends of the country the moment they knew the nature and tendency of his conduct. the want of candor exhibited by mr. jefferson in these assurances, recorded by his own pen, must have been plainly visible to washington. the idea that the secretary, the head and front of the republican party, should be ignorant of their "views," and that the "party" would desert genet when they should know "the nature of his conduct," when that party were his continual backers and supporters, is simply absurd; and it is difficult to believe that washington on that occasion, as mr. jefferson says, actually asserted his belief "in the purity of the motives" of that party.[ ] jefferson consented to remain longer in the cabinet, and wrote the vigorous and high-toned letter to gouverneur morris on the subject of genet's recall--a letter forming one of the most admirable state papers ever issued from that department. that letter gave genet great umbrage, and in his comments he bitterly reproached jefferson because he had allowed himself to be made "an ungenerous instrument" of attack upon him, after having made him believe that he was his friend, and "initiating him into the mysteries which had influenced his hatred against all those who aspired to absolute power." it seems, from other remarks of genet, that the tone of jefferson's private conversations with the minister upon public topics had differed materially from that of his official communications. genet intimated this when he said that "it was not in his character to speak, _as many people do_, in one way, and to act in another--to have an official language, and a language confidential."[ ] while the subject of genet's recall was pending, the minister proceeded to new york. already the common sense of the people began to prevail over the nonsense of passion and feeling. business-men--and the whole population of the country had interests directly associated with business-men--began to reflect upon the tendency of the doctrines of genet, and clearly perceived that their practical effect would be the involvement of the united states in a war with england, and the sweeping of all their commerce from the ocean. from the moment when these reflections were heeded, there was a pause in the popular expressions of enthusiasm in favor of genet. the last libations of fulsome adulation were poured out on his arrival in new york in september, while the whole town and surrounding country were wild with excitement. the frigate _l'embuscade_, while lying in the harbor of new york, had been challenged to single combat by the british frigate _boston_, then cruising off sandy hook. _l'embuscade_ accepted the challenge; a severe battle ensued; captain courtenay, commander of the _boston_, was killed; and the french vessel returned in triumph to new york. multitudes of people gathered upon the wharves and greeted her with loud cheers. the excitement was intensified by the arrival, on the same day, of a french fleet from chesapeake bay, which anchored in the hudson river. the commander of _l'embuscade_, and the officers of the other french vessels, were regarded as almost superhuman by the most enthusiastic sympathizers with the french revolution; and tri-colored ribbons and cockades were seen on every side, while the streets were made resonant with the marsellaise hymn and the carmagnole. while this new phase of excitement was at its culmination, the booming of cannon and the merry peal of the bells announced the approach of citizen genet. he was at paulus' hook (now jersey city), opposite new york, and thousands of his friends immediately gathered in "the fields" (now city-hall park) to adopt measures for his reception. a committee of escort was appointed, and genet entered the city, amid the acclamations of an excited populace, with all the pomp of a conqueror. "addresses were made to him," says mr. irving, "expressing devoted attachment to the french republic, and abjuring all neutrality in regard to its heroic struggle. 'the cause of france is the cause of america,' cried the enthusiasts; 'it is time to distinguish its friends from its foes.' genet looked around him. the tri-colored cockade figured in the hats of the shouting multitude; tri-colored ribbons fluttered from the dresses of females in the windows; the french flag was hoisted on the top of the tontine coffee-house (the city exchange), surmounted by the cap of liberty. can we wonder that what little discretion genet possessed was completely overborne by this tide of seeming popularity?" genet had scarcely touched this cup of delight with his lips, when a copy of jefferson's letter to morris came to embitter the intoxicating draught. he received the document on the fifteenth of september, with assurances that, out of regard to the interests of france, the president would receive mr. genet's communications in writing, and respect him as the representative of his government until his successor should arrive, as long as his deportment should be of the tenor usually observed by embassadors toward independent nations. genet was stung to the quick; and, three days after the receipt of this letter, he wrote a most angry reply to jefferson, in which, as we have just noticed, he accused him of playing false to his professions of friendship, and charged the disfavor in which he was held by the government to the machinations of "aristocrats, partisans of monarchy, partisans of england and her constitution and consequently enemies of the principles which all good frenchmen had imbued with religious enthusiasm;" and who, "instead of a democratic embassador, would prefer a minister of the ancient _regimé_, very complaisant, very gentle, very disposed to pay court to people in office, to conform blindly to everything which flattered their views and projects; above all, to prefer to the sure and modest society of good farmers, simple citizens, and honest artisans, that of distinguished personages who speculate so patriotically in the public funds, in the lands, and in the paper of government." among the twelve enumerated great grievances of which genet complained, was, that at his first interview with the president, the latter did not speak to _him_, specially, but of the friendship of the united states toward france; that he did not, with partisan enthusiasm, announce a single sentiment on the french revolution, "while all the towns from charleston to philadelphia had made the air resound with their most ardent wishes for the french republic." he complained that the president had admitted to a private audience, before his arrival, "noailles[ ] and talon, known agents of the french counter-revolutionists;" that the "first magistrate of a free people decorated his parlor with certain medallions" of the murdered king and his family, "which served at paris as signals of rallying;" that when he applied to the secretary of war to lend his government some cannon and firearms for defensive use in the windward islands, that functionary had "the front to answer, with an ironical carelessness, that the principles established by the president did not permit him to lend the french so much as a pistol!" and, lastly, that the president, in spite of the french minister's "respectful insinuations," had deferred "to convoke congress immediately in order to take the true sentiments of the people, to fix the political system of the united states, and to decide whether they would break, suspend, or tighten their bonds with france." jefferson, who had become heartily disgusted with genet, took no notice of this angry and insolent letter, and the speedily-changed tone of public feeling toward the writer justified the silence. his threat of appealing from the president to the people--in other words, to excite an insurrection for the purpose of overthrowing the government--had shocked the national pride, and many considerate republicans, who had been zealous in the cause of the french revolution, paused while listening to the audacious words of a foreigner, who presumed to dictate a course of conduct for the beloved washington to pursue. the rumor of genet's threat first went abroad in august, and met him, while on a visit to new york, in the form of a statement in one of the public papers. his partisans denied the truth of the statement, when chief-justice jay and rufus king (the latter a leading member of congress) assumed the responsibility of it in a published note dated the twelfth of august. the fact was thus established, notwithstanding the violent assaults made by genet's partisans upon the integrity of messrs. jay and king; and on the very day when, as we have observed, he was received in new york in the midst of pealing bells and roaring cannon, a public meeting was held, in which his insolence was rebuked, and the policy of washington's proclamation of neutrality strongly commended. similar meetings were held throughout the union, and there soon appeared a demonstration of public sentiment, the existence of which was not suspected by the partisans of genet. his more violent friends attempted to check the counter-current, but in vain. when they could no longer deny the fact of his menace, they unwisely advocated his right to appeal from the president to the people. but this advocacy, and genet's own intemperate conduct, damaged his interests past recovery. the tide of his popularity began rapidly to ebb, and in the public mind there was commenced a strong and irresistible reaction in favor of the federal government. during the summer of , a malignant fever, with slow but sure steps, invaded the city of philadelphia. one after another of the inhabitants fell before its pestilential breath, until at length physicians and the voice of daily experience pronounced it infectious. it was, in truth, the deadly _yellow fever_ that had fastened its fangs upon the doomed city. with the conviction of imminent peril, the population began to move. those whose circumstances permitted them to leave fled to the country; and as august, with its hot days and cool, moist nights, drew to a close, its intensity fearfully increased. it respected neither age nor class. early in september, hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, was prostrated by it, but recovered; and on the ninth, washington with his family left for mount vernon, leaving directions about his household with general knox, who resolved to remain, contrary to the advice of the president. "i think it would not be prudent," said washington, "either for you or the clerks in your office, or the office itself, to be too much exposed to the malignant fever, which, by well-authenticated report, is spreading through the city.... i sincerely wish and pray that you and yours may escape untouched, and when we meet again, that it may be under circumstances more pleasing than the present." washington would have remained longer, but mrs. washington, alarmed for the safety of the whole family (the house in which they lived being in a manner blockaded by the disorder), prevailed on him to leave. the fever continued to rage with great violence until late in october, when frost checked its progress. before it ceased, between three and four thousand of the inhabitants of philadelphia perished. there was mourning in almost every family; and during the ensuing session of congress, there was very little gayety in the federal capital. some of the physicians fled like cowards from the field of battle, while others remained and assumed the two-fold functions of physicians and nurses, during those dark days of the autumn of . among the latter was the eminent doctor rush, whose courage and philanthropy are matters of history.[ ] the progress of the disease in philadelphia was watched by the president at mount vernon with great solicitude, as the autumn wore away, for it was near the time for the assembling of a new congress, and public affairs demanded their earliest and most serious attention. september passed away, and much of october had gone, before the fever abated. meanwhile, he proposed to call the congress together at germantown, or some other place near philadelphia, at a safe distance from the pestilence. he had some doubt concerning his power to change the place of meeting, or to call them together at all, and asked the opinion of mr. randolph, the attorney-general. that gentleman expressed his belief that the president had not the power, and suggested the propriety of the congress assembling at some place within the limits of philadelphia, and then adjourning to some more remote and safe position. in the event of their not so assembling at the proper time, the "extraordinary occasion" contemplated by the constitution would occur, and the president then, clearly, had the right to call them together at the most suitable place. he also asked the opinions of other members of his cabinet on the subject; but the abatement of the disease rendered any change unnecessary. at the close of october washington set out for philadelphia with his family, and there, on the second of december, the new congress assembled. footnotes: [ ] in a letter to richard henry lee, written at mount vernon a few weeks later, washington said: "on fair ground it would be difficult to assign reasons for the conduct of those [the republican party] who are arraigning, and, so far as they are able, constantly embarrassing, the measures of government with respect to its pacific disposition towards the belligerent powers in the convulsive dispute which agitates them. but their motives are too obvious to those who have the means of information, and have viewed the different grounds which they have taken, to mistake their object. it is not the cause of france, nor i believe of liberty, which they regard; for, could they involve this country in war (no matter with whom) and disgrace, they would be among the first and loudest of the clamorous against the expense and impolicy of the measure." [ ] genet's letter to jefferson, september , . [ ] de noailles was a young french nobleman, who married a sister of madame lafayette, and served with distinction at the siege of yorktown, in . like his brother-in-law, the marquis, he had engaged warmly in the french revolution, in its earlier stages, but, like him, found himself in a proscribed party, and obliged to fly for safety. he came to the united states by way of england, and early in may he was in philadelphia with his friend talon, seeking an audience with washington. the latter, with his usual circumspection, declined any direct communication with him until the object of his visit should be known. in a note to hamilton, washington remarked, "i pray you intimate to him [viscount de noailles], gently and delicately, that if the letters or papers which he has to present are, knowingly to him, of a nature which relates to public matters, and not particularly addressed to me, or if he has any verbal communications to make of a similar kind, i had rather they should come through a proper channel. add thereto, generally, that the peculiar situation of european affairs at this moment, my good wishes for his nation aggregately, my regard for those of it, in particular, with whom i have had the honor of an acquaintance, my anxious desire to keep this country in peace, and the delicacy of my situation, render a circumspect conduct indispensably necessary on my part. i do not, however, mean by this that i am to withhold from him such civilities as are common to others. those more marked, notwithstanding our former acquaintance, would excite speculations, which had better be avoided." [ ] dr. benjamin rush was then in the prime of life, being forty-eight years of age. he had already achieved the highest success in his profession as a writer and practitioner; and as a member of the continental congress, and signer of the declaration of independence, he had a wide-spread popularity. he founded the philadelphia dispensary in , and was one of the principal founders of dickinson college, at carlisle, in pennsylvania. he was professor of medical science in the medical college of philadelphia, and also in the medical college of pennsylvania. he was president of the american anti-slavery society and other associations for the good of mankind. "in private life," says doctor john w. francis, "his disposition and deportment were in the highest degree exemplary. admired and courted for his intellectual endowments, he riveted to him the affections of all who enjoyed the pleasure of an intimate acquaintance. the affability of his manners, the amiableness of his temper, and the benevolence of his character, were ever conspicuous. he was ardent in his friendships, and forgiving in his resentments; and yet, entertaining a due regard for himself and a high sense of honor, he possessed a manly independence of spirit which disdained everything mean and servile. he had an extraordinary command of language, and always imparted his thoughts in a peculiarly impressive and eloquent manner. those who had the happiness to experience the delights of his conversation will long recollect with pleasure his unassuming modesty, and the rich stores of knowledge he poured forth on the most instructive topics. even when his opinions were solicited, they were given, not as the dictates or admonitions of a superior, but as the kind advice of a friend and equal. he never evinced any of that haughtiness and affectation of importance which sometimes attaches to men of eminence, and which so materially lessens the pleasures and comforts of social life."--_sketch of the life and character of the late doctor benjamin rush_, in the _american medical and philosophical register_, july, . chapter xxiv. assembling of the third congress--its character--recommendations in washington's annual message--his special message concerning relations with europe--his notice of genet--opinions of the cabinet concerning the message--washington supported by congress--jefferson's report on commercial relations--his parting missile cast at genet--jefferson's retirement from office--washington's confidence in him--correspondence--jefferson at home--madison's resolutions based on jefferson's report. the third congress assembled at philadelphia on the second of december. in the senate, many of the leading members of former sessions remained, having their places either by holding over or by re-election. many of the old members of the house of representatives had also been re-chosen, and yet there were a great many changes in that body. the elements of party strife were active among them all, and it was evident to every man that a great struggle was impending. the aggressions of the british and the intrigues of genet continued to inflame the zeal of the republicans, and they carried their partiality to france to a degree of absolute fanaticism. to many minds, open war between england and the united states appeared inevitable. washington's annual message, delivered at the opening of congress, was calculated to still the turbulent waves of faction, had reason and judgment, and not passion and fanaticism, swayed the opinions of men. he expressed his sense of the continued confidence of the people in re-electing him to the high office of chief-magistrate of the nation; and then, in firm, explicit, and dignified terms, spoke of existing public affairs, especially the measures he had taken, in consequence of the war in europe, to preserve peace at home and to protect the rights and interests of the united states. he pressed upon congress the necessity of placing the country in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from other governments the fulfilment of their duties toward his own. "the united states ought not," he said, "to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it. if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." with such suggestions, he urged them to adopt measures for increasing the amount of arms and ammunition in the arsenals, and to improve the militia establishment. he assured them that every reasonable effort had been made to adjust the causes of dissention with the indians north of the ohio, and yet war with them continued. he alluded to the political connection of the united states with europe, and promised to give them, in a subsequent communication, a statement of occurrences which related to it, that had passed under the knowledge of the executive. the president urged the house of representatives to adopt measures for the "regular redemption and discharge of the public debt," as a matter of the first importance; and announced the necessity of an augmentation of the public revenue to meet all proper demands upon the treasury. he concluded by saying, "permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. but, as the legislative proceedings of the united states will never, i trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the public happiness languish for the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operation." on the fifth of december, according to promise, washington laid before congress the documents relating, not only to genet and his mission, but to negotiations with england and other european governments. in his message accompanying these documents, after alluding to the general feeling of friendship for the united states exhibited by the representative and executive bodies of france, the president spoke as follows of the insolent genet:-- "it is with extreme concern i have to inform you, that the proceedings of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him. their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home. so far as his acts, or those of his agents, have threatened our immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. where their danger was not imminent, they have been borne with from sentiments of regard to his nation, from a sense of their friendship toward us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to long remain exposed to the action of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order." he then alluded to the spoliations which had been committed upon the commerce of the united states by the cruisers of the belligerent powers, and the restrictions upon american commerce attempted to be enforced by the commanders of british vessels pursuant to instructions of their government. he also called attention to the inexecution of the treaty of , and the relations of the united states and spain. "the message," says hildreth, "as originally drafted by jefferson, contained a contrast between the conduct of france and england, especially in relation to commercial facilities, highly favorable to the former. this had been objected to by hamilton, who considered the disposition of the people toward france a serious calamity, and that the executive ought not, by echoing her praises, to nourish that disposition. in his opinion, the balance of commercial favors was decidedly with the british; the commercial offers made by france were the offspring of the moment, growing out of circumstances that could not last. to evade hamilton's objections, jefferson consented to some modifications of the message. hamilton then insisted that the papers relating to the non-execution of the treaty of peace, and to the stopping of the corn-ships, ought not to be communicated, unless in a secret message, as the matters therein discussed were still unsettled, and the tendency of the communication was to inflame the public mind against great britain. jefferson was a good deal alarmed at this threatened suppression of his diplomatic labors; but washington decided that all the papers should be communicated without any restrictions of secrecy, even those respecting the corn-ships, which all the cabinet except jefferson had advised to withhold." in a letter to his wife, written on the nineteenth of december, john adams, referring to the sentence in washington's special message in relation to the french minister, said, "the president has considered the conduct of genet very nearly in the same light with columbus, and has given him a bolt of thunder. we shall see how this is supported by both houses. we shall soon see whether we have any government or not in this country." doubting whether washington would be sustained by congress, adams continued: "but, although he stands at present as high in the admiration and confidence of the people as ever he did, i expect he will find many bitter and desperate enemies arise in consequence of his just judgment against genet." in this, adams was mistaken. the house, where the opposition was most rampant, determined, and unscrupulous, responded most affectionately to the president's message, and tacitly rebuked the demagogues for their personal abuse of washington. they expressed their satisfaction at his re-election, and their confidence in the purity and patriotism of his motives, in all his acts, especially in again consenting, at the call of his country, to fill the presidential chair. "it is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid, without the reproach of flattery; and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favor of the public happiness." both houses, likewise, in the face of the popular excitement in favor of france, approved of the president's course in regard to that country and its representative; and while the lower house was guarded in its terms of approval of the proclamation of neutrality that had been so loudly condemned by the partisan press, the senate pronounced it "a measure well-timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation and calculated to promote it." jefferson's official connection with washington was now drawing to a close. he had consented to remain in the cabinet until the end of the current year. with the completion and submission of some able state papers he finished his career as secretary of state. one of them was an elaborate report called for by a resolution of congress adopted in february, , on the state of trade of the united states with different countries; the nature and extent of exports and imports, and the amount of tonnage of american shipping. it also specified the various restrictions and prohibitions by which american commerce was embarrassed and greatly injured, and recommended the adoption of discriminating duties, as against great britain, to compel her to put the united states on a more equal footing, she having thus far persistently declined to enter into any treaty stipulations on the subject. jefferson's last official act was the administration of a deserved rebuke to genet. that meddling functionary had sent to him translations of the instructions given him by the executive council of france, desiring the president to lay them officially before both houses of congress, and proposing to transmit, from time to time, other papers to be laid before them in like manner. "i have it in charge to observe," said jefferson to genet in a letter on the thirty-first of december, "that your functions as the minister of a foreign nation here are confined to the transactions of the affairs of your nation with the executive of the united states; that the communications which are to pass between the executive and legislative branches can not be a subject for your interference; and that the president must be left to judge for himself what matters his duty, or the public good, may require him to propose to the deliberations of congress. i have, therefore, the honor of returning you the copies sent for distribution, and of being, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant." even this did not keep genet quiet. throughout all the storm that had agitated his cabinet, and the hostility of jefferson and his party to the measures of the administration, washington never withheld from the secretary of state his confidence in his wisdom and patriotism; and the latter left office with the happy consciousness that he carried with him into retirement the friendship of one, of whom he said in after years, "his integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible i have ever known; no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. he was indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, and good, and great man"[ ] on the last day of the year, mr. jefferson offered his resignation in the following letter to the president: "having had the honor of communicating to you, in my letter of the last of july, my purpose of retiring from the office of secretary of state at the end of the month of september, you were pleased, for particular reasons, to wish its postponement to the close of the year. that time being now arrived, and my propensities to retirement daily more and more irresistible, i now take the liberty of resigning the office into your hands. be pleased to accept with it my sincere thanks for all the indulgences which you have been so good as to exercise toward me in the discharge of its duties. conscious that my need of them have been great, i have still ever found them greater, without any other claim on my part than a firm pursuit of what has appeared to me to be right, and a thorough disdain of all means which were not as open and honorable as their object was pure. i carry into my retirement a lively sense of your goodness, and shall continue gratefully to remember it. "with very sincere prayers for your life, health, and tranquillity, i pray you to accept the homage of great and constant respect and attachment." to this washington replied the next day as follows: "i yesterday received, with sincere regret, your resignation of the office of secretary of state. since it has been impossible to prevail upon you to forego any longer the indulgence of your desire for private life, the event, however anxious i am to avert it, must be submitted to. "but i can not suffer you to leave your station without assuring you that the opinion which i had formed of your integrity and talents, and which dictated your original nomination, has been confirmed by the fullest experience, and that both have been eminently displayed in the discharge of your duty. "let a conviction of my most earnest prayers for your happiness accompany you in your retirement; and while i accept, with the warmest thanks, your solicitude for my welfare, i beg you to believe that i always am, dear sir, &c." edmund randolph, the attorney-general, took jefferson's place in the cabinet, and his own was filled by william bradford, of pennsylvania. mr. jefferson left the seat of government as soon as possible after withdrawing from public life; and a fortnight after his resignation he arrived at monticello, his beautiful home in the interior of virginia, in full view of the blue ridge along a continuous line of almost sixty miles. he was then fifty years of age. his whole family, with all his servants, were at his home to receive him; and so delightful was this, his first experience of private life for many long years, that he resolved to abandon himself to it entirely. he boasted, almost a month after he left philadelphia, that he had not seen a newspaper since his flight from the cares of government, and he declared that he thought of never taking one again. "i think it is montaigne," he wrote to edmund randolph on the third of february, "who has said that ignorance is the softest pillow on which a man can rest his head. i am sure it is true, as to anything political, and shall endeavor to estrange myself to everything of that character." but his hatred of hamilton, and his persistence in regarding the political friends of that gentleman as necessarily corrupt, would not allow party feud to sleep in his mind, and he added, in the next sentence, "i indulge myself on one political topic only; that is, in declaring to my countrymen the shameless corruption of a portion of the representatives to the first and second congress, and their implicit devotion to the treasury." meanwhile, the report of jefferson on commercial affairs was eliciting warm debates in congress. in that report he had suggested two methods for modifying or removing commercial restrictions: first, by amicable arrangements with foreign powers; and, secondly, by counteracting acts of the legislature. with the design, as we have seen, of distressing france by cutting off her supplies, two orders in council were issued by the british government, one in june and the other in november, which bore heavily upon the commercial prosperity of the united states. by the first order, british cruisers were instructed to stop all ships laden with corn, flour, or meal (corn-ships already alluded to), bound to any french port, and send them to any convenient port, home or continental, where the cargoes might be purchased in behalf of the british government. by the second, british ships-of-war and privateers were required to detain all vessels laden with goods produced in any colony belonging to france, or with provisions for any such colony, and bring them to adjudication before british courts of admiralty. these were such flagrant outrages upon the rights of neutrals, that the united states government strongly remonstrated against them as unjust in principle and injurious in their practical effects. it was to these orders in council and their effects that the president pointed in his annual message, when urging the necessity of placing the country in a state of defense, and in a position to assert its just rights.[ ] mr. jefferson's report gave rise to a series of resolutions offered, by mr. madison on the third of january, , the leading idea of which was that of opposing commercial resistance to commercial injury, and to enforce a perfect equality by retaliating impositions on the assumption that the commercial system of great britain was hostile to that of the united states. this scheme embodied the idea of a proposition made by madison in the first congress. his resolutions now took wider range, however, than did his proposition then. it was now proposed to impose restrictions and additional duties on the manufactures and navigation of nations which had no commercial treaties with the united states, and a reduction of duties on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations with which such treaties existed. footnotes: [ ] letter to doctor walter jones, january , . [ ] in allusion to the annual and special messages of washington at this time, the eminent charles james fox made the following remarks in the british parliament on the thirty-first of january, :-- "and here, sir, i can not help alluding to the president of the united states, general washington, a character whose conduct has been so different from that which has been pursued by ministers of this country. how infinitely wiser must appear the spirit and principles manifested in his late addresses to congress than the policy of modern european courts! illustrious man! deriving honor less from the splendor of his situation than from the dignity of his mind; before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance, and all the potentates of europe (excepting the members of our own royal family) become little and contemptible! he has had no occasion to have recourse to any tricks of policy or arts of alarm; his authority has been sufficiently supported by the same means by which it was acquired, and his conduct has uniformly been characterized by wisdom, moderation, and firmness. feeling gratitude to france for the assistance received from her in that great contest which secured the independence of america, he did not choose to give up the system of neutrality. having once laid down that line of conduct, which both gratitude and policy pointed out as most proper to be pursued, not all the insults and provocations of the french minister, genet, could turn him from his purpose. intrusted with the welfare of a great people, he did not allow the misconduct of another with respect to himself, for one moment, to withdraw his attention from their interest. he had no fear of the jacobins; he felt no alarm for their principles, and considered no precaution as necessary in order to stop their progress. "the people over whom he presided he knew to be acquainted with their rights and their duties. he trusted to their own good sense to defeat the effect of those arts which might be employed to inflame or mislead their minds; and was sensible that a government could be in no danger while it retained the attachment and confidence of its subjects; attachment, in this instance, not blindly adopted--confidence not implicitly given, but arising from the conviction of its excellence, and the experience of its blessings. i can not, indeed, help admiring the wisdom and fortune of this great man. by the phrase 'fortune,' i mean not in the smallest degree to derogate from his merit. but, notwithstanding his extraordinary talent and exalted integrity, it must be considered as singularly fortunate that he should have experienced a lot which so seldom falls to the portion of humanity, and have passed through such a variety of scenes without stain and reproach. it must indeed create astonishment, that, placed in circumstances so critical, and filling for a series of years a station so conspicuous, his character should never once have been called in question; that he should in no one instance have been accused either of improper insolence or of mean submission in his transactions with foreign nations. for him it has been reserved to run the race of glory, without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career." chapter xxv. debates on madison's resolutions--their fate--proceedings in regard to algerine corsairs--commencement of a navy--first committee of ways and means--frigates ordered to be built--naval officers appointed--genet recalled--arrival of his successor--genet marries and becomes an american citizen--excitement against great britain--appointment of a special envoy to the british court discussed--john jay appointed--belligerent action in congress--james monroe appointed morris's successor in france--adjournment of congress--washington visits mount vernon--rebellious movements in kentucky--washington's comments thereon. madison's resolutions elicited very warm, and at times, violent debates. the subject was of a purely commercial nature; but the questions it involved were so interwoven with political considerations, that the debates inevitably assumed a political and partisan aspect. the federalists plainly saw that the recommendations in jefferson's report, and in the resolutions of madison, hostility to england and undue favor toward france, neither position being warranted by a wise policy, nor consistent with neutrality. the republicans, on the other hand, regarded the scheme as equitable in itself, and as absolutely necessary for the assertion of the rights of neutral nations, and the protection of american commerce from insult, aggression, and plunder. these debates, which commenced on the thirteenth of january, continued until the third of february, with few intermissions; and the house was so nearly equally divided in sentiment, that the first resolution, authorizing commercial restrictions, was passed by a majority of only five. this was subsequently rejected in the senate by the casting vote of the vice-president, and the further consideration of the whole subject was postponed until march. when it was resumed, the progress of events had given such new complexion to the whole matter, that it was indefinitely postponed. a new and important subject for legislation was brought up at this time. very soon after the close of the revolution, the piratical practices of corsairs belonging to the barbary powers on the southern shores of the mediterranean sea, and particularly of algiers, had suggested the importance of a naval establishment for the protection of the infant commerce of the new-born nation. many american merchant-ships, trading in the mediterranean sea, were captured by these corsairs, their cargoes appropriated by the pirates, and their crews sold into slavery. toward the close of , president washington called the attention of congress to the subject, and at the same time mr. jefferson, the secretary of state, who had made himself thoroughly acquainted with the facts when in france, gave many interesting details in an official report on the subject. colonel david humphreys was appointed a commissioner to treat with the dey or governor of algiers concerning his corsairs; but that semi-barbarian--proud, haughty, and avaricious--was not disposed to relinquish his share of the profitable sea-robberies carried on under his sanction. "if i were to make peace with everybody," he said, "what should i do with my corsairs? what should i do with my soldiers? they would take off my head for the want of other prizes, not being able to live on their miserable allowance!" this was certainly good logic for the perplexed dey, but it did not convince humphreys of the justice of piratical practices; and, at the close of , he wrote to the government of the united states, "if we mean to have a commerce, we must have a navy to defend it. besides, the very _semblance of this_ would tend more toward enabling us to maintain our neutrality, in the actual critical state of affairs in europe, than all the declarations, reasonings, concessions, and sacrifices, that can possibly be made." washington had communicated to the house on the twenty-third day of december, in a confidential message, the state of affairs with algiers; and its consideration with closed doors brought about a debate as to whether the public should at any time, or under any circumstances, be excluded from the galleries of the halls of congress. this, however, interrupted the business only for a short time. on the second of january, a committee was appointed to report the amount of force necessary to protect american commerce against the algerine corsairs, and the ways and means for its support. this was the first committee of ways and means ever appointed by congress, questions of that sort having been hitherto referred to the secretary of the treasury. it indicated an opposition majority in the house, but, as we have seen in the case of madison's resolutions, it was very small. finally, in the spring of , congress passed an act to provide for a naval armament, because, as the preamble recited, "the depredations committed by the algerine corsairs on the commerce of the united states, render it necessary that a naval force should be provided for its protection." the bill met with strenuous opposition: first, because the time required to form a navy would be too long, the pressing exigency of the case requiring immediate action; and, secondly, because it would be cheaper to purchase the friendship of algiers by paying a money-tribute, as had been done for some time by european nations, or to purchase the protection of those nations. it appears strange that suggestions so degrading to the character of a free and independent nation should not have been met with indignant rebuke. the bill was passed by a small majority. the president was authorized to provide four frigates, to carry forty-four guns each, and two to carry thirty-six guns each, and to equip, man, and employ them. the act also gave him some discretion about the size and metal of the vessels. washington, impressed with the stern necessity that called for this armament, immediately ordered the six vessels to be built, one each at boston, new york, philadelphia, portsmouth in virginia, and portsmouth in new hampshire. he also, with the advice and consent of the senate, proceeded to appoint six naval commanders and other officers; and thus was commenced the navy of the united states.[ ] [illustration: american naval commanders] during the progress of the debates on madison's resolutions, washington communicated to congress evidences of efforts on the part of genet to excite the people of portions of the union against the spanish authorities on its southwestern border, and to organize military expeditions against louisiana and the floridas. it was now determined to bear with the insolence and mischievous meddling of the french minister no longer; and, at a cabinet council, it was agreed that his diplomatic functions should be suspended, the privileges resting thereon to be denied him, and his person arrested. this was the only course for the government to pursue for the preservation of its dignity, and perhaps the safety of the republic. this resolution was about to be put into execution, when a despatch was received from gouverneur morris announcing genet's recall. the french minister of foreign affairs had, as soon as he heard of genet's misconduct, reprobated it as unauthorized by his government, and appointed m. fauchet secretary of the executive council to succeed him. at the same time the french government asked the recall of gouverneur morris, whose views of democracy, as he saw it daily in paris, did not coincide with the doctrines of the jacobins. morris was recalled, and washington, with a liberal spirit, nominated james monroe, a political opponent, as his successor. he knew that monroe would be acceptable to the french convention, and likely, therefore, to be useful to his government. fauchet was a keen diplomatist, and came as the representative of an administration more radical in its democracy than the one that appointed genet. the girondists had fallen, and the government of france had passed into the hands of danton and robespierre, the leaders of the jacobins. the reign of terror was now in full force. the republican constitution had been suspended, and the convention had assumed despotic powers with bloody proclivities. even the warmest sympathizers with the french revolution, in america, stood appalled at the aspect of affairs there; and many began to doubt, after all, whether english liberty was not preferable to french liberty.[ ] fauchet arrived at philadelphia in february, and genet had liberty to return to france. but he did not choose to trust his person to the caprices of his countrymen in that time of anarchy and blood, and he remained in america. he married cornelia tappen, daughter of governor clinton, of new york, and became a resident of that state. he at once disappeared from the firmament of politics, but was an excellent citizen of his adopted country, and took great interest in agriculture. his course as minister has been ably defended; but the verdict of impartial history condemns it as unwise and unwarrantable, to say the least. he died at his residence in greenbush, opposite albany, in july, . another subject now violently agitated the american people. the news of the british orders in council concerning the french colonial trade had produced great excitement in commercial circles at philadelphia and new york. it was considered a flagrant act of injustice toward neutrals, and both parties vehemently condemned the british government. in congress a resolution was offered for the raising of fifteen thousand men to serve two years, and for other preparations for war; and it was at this juncture that madison's commercial resolutions, as we have observed, were called up, debated, and indefinitely postponed. while the debates on these resolutions were pending, the feeling against great britain was further stimulated by the publication, in new york, of a reputed speech of lord dorchester (carleton), governor of canada, to a deputation of indians of lower canada, who had attended a great council of savage tribes, in the ohio country, in . in this speech, dorchester, it was alleged, openly avowed his opinion that war between the united states and great britain would be commenced that year, and that "a new line between the two nations must be drawn by the sword." this document was pronounced a forgery. but it had its intended effect in increasing the hatred of great britain in the hearts of a very large portion of the american people. congress, under the excitement of the moment, passed a joint resolution, laying an embargo for thirty days, and afterward for thirty days longer, for the purpose of preventing british supply-ships carrying provisions to their fleet in the west indies. it was also proposed to enroll an army of eighty thousand minute-men, to man forts and be ready for action; also an additional standing army of twenty thousand men. war with great britain now seemed inevitable. to avert it, was washington's most anxious solicitude; and, firm in his purpose of preserving for his country neutrality and peace, he resolved to make an experiment for the maintenance of both, by sending an envoy extraordinary to england to open negotiations anew. it required great heroism to attempt such a course; for the popular excitement was intense, and the idea of holding any further intercourse with england was scouted as pusillanimous. the tri-colored cockade was seen upon every side, and the partisans of the french regicides appeared again to rule the popular will for the hour. while the public mind was thus agitated, the president received despatches from mr. pinckney, the resident american minister in london, advising him that the offensive orders in council of the previous november, concerning neutral ships, had been revoked, and that lord grenville, in conversation, had assured mr. pinckney that that measure had not been intended for the special vexation of american commerce, but to distress france. this intelligence subdued the belligerent tone of the opposition for a moment; yet they showed no reluctance to an open rupture with great britain, affecting to regard grenville's words as insincere. their vehement opposition to the appointment of a special envoy was speedily renewed, and unscrupulous partisans kept up the war-cry. the opposition press and the democratic societies used every means to inflame the populace and increase the exasperation of their feelings toward great britain; and they declared that the crisis had arrived when decision and energy, not moderation toward that government, was demanded. but these manifestations had no sensible effect upon washington. his purpose had been adopted after mature reflection. his sagacious mind perceived clearly the probability of success, and his moral heroism, as on all other occasions, was proof against animadversions. he hesitated only when the question, who shall be appointed? was presented. washington's first preference for the mission was hamilton; but the earliest intimation of this preference that reached the public ear raised a storm of opposition. the proposed mission itself was condemned as a cowardly advance to the british government; and a member of the house of representatives addressed an earnest letter to the president, opposing the mission in general terms, and in an especial manner deprecating the appointment of hamilton as the envoy to be employed. senator james monroe also took upon himself the task of remonstrating with washington, in writing, against the nomination of hamilton, assuring him that it would be injurious to the public interest and to the interest of the president himself; and proposed to explain his reasons at a private interview. washington declined the interview, but requested mr. monroe to submit to him, in writing, any facts he might possess which would disqualify the secretary of the treasury for the mission; and added: "colonel hamilton and others have been mentioned, but no one is yet absolutely decided upon in my mind. but, as much will depend, among other things, upon the abilities of the person sent, and his knowledge of the affairs of this country, and as i am alone responsible for a proper nomination, it certainly behooves me to name such a one as, in my judgment, combines the requisites for a mission so peculiarly interesting to the peace and happiness of this country." nothing more was heard from mr. monroe on the subject. hamilton, with his usual disinterestedness, relieved the president by advising him to choose, for the proposed envoy, chief-justice jay. in a long letter to the president, written on the fifteenth of april, in which he took a general and comprehensive view of national affairs and the relative position of the country to england, he recommended him to nominate, as special minister to england, a person who should "have the confidence of those who think peace still within our reach, and who may be thought qualified for the mission," with an observation to congress that it was done "with an intention to make a solemn appeal to the justice and good sense of the british government;" at the same time, to make an "earnest recommendation that vigorous and effectual measures may be adopted to be prepared for war." hamilton then alluded to the fact that washington had contemplated nominating him for the mission; and after saying that he was well aware of the obstacles that existed, and that he would be "completely and entirely satisfied with the election of another," he nominated mr. jay, as "the only man in whose qualifications for success there would be thorough confidence.... i think," he continued, "the business would have the best chance possible in his hands, and i flatter myself that his mission would issue in a manner that would produce the most important good to the nation." "let me add, sir," said hamilton in conclusion, "that those whom i call the sober-minded men of the country, look up to you with solicitude on the present occasion. if happily you should be the instrument of still rescuing the country from the dangers and calamities of war, there is no part of your life, sir, which will produce to you more real satisfaction, or true glory, than that which shall be distinguished by this very important service." washington took hamilton's advice, and, in the following message to the senate, nominated mr. jay for the mission:-- "_gentlemen of the senate:_--the communications which i have made to you during the present session, from the despatches of our minister in london, contain a serious aspect of our affairs with great britain. but, as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted zeal before the last resource, which has so often been the scourge of nations, and can not fail to check the advancing prosperity of the united states, is contemplated, i have thought proper to nominate, and do hereby nominate, john jay as envoy extraordinary of the united states to his britannic majesty. "my confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in london continues undiminished. but a mission like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for a friendly adjustment of our complaints, and a reluctance to hostility. going immediately from the united states, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country, and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with sincerity." mr. jay had recently arrived in philadelphia from new york, and consented to accept the nomination. it was confirmed by the senate on saturday, the nineteenth of april, by a majority of eighteen to eight; aaron burr being among the few who opposed it, it being his practice to dissent from every measure proposed by washington. conscious of the urgency of his mission, mr. jay made immediate preparations for his departure; and on the twelfth of may he embarked at new york, with colonel john trumbull, the artist, as his secretary. he was accompanied to the ship by about a thousand of his fellow-citizens, who desired thus to testify their personal respect and their interest in his mission of peace. a few days preceding, the democratic society of philadelphia issued a most inflammatory denunciation of the mission and the minister; and the opposition in the lower house of congress succeeded in adopting a resolution to cut off all intercourse with great britain. it was lost in the senate by the casting vote of vice-president adams; "not," as washington remarked in a letter to tobias lear on the sixth of may, "as it is said and generally believed, from a disinclination to the ulterior expedience of the measure, but from a desire to try the effect of negotiation previous thereto." mr. monroe, acting under instructions from the virginia legislature, proposed in the senate to suspend by law the article of the treaty of peace which secured to british creditors the right of recovering in the united states their honest debts. this proposition was frowned down by every right-minded man in that chamber. another delicate matter connected with the foreign relations of the united states now occupied the mind of washington. the french government, as we have observed, on recalling genet, asked that of the united states to recall mr. morris. washington was anxious to appoint a judicious successor--one that would be acceptable to the french, and who would not compromise the neutrality of his own country. he confided in pinckney, and desired mr. jay, in the event of his mission being successful, to remain in london as resident minister. pinckney would then be sent to france. but jay would not consent to the arrangement. washington then offered the french mission to robert r. livingston, chancellor of the state of new york, who, with his extensive and influential family connections, was in politics a republican. livingston declined, and the president finally offered it to james monroe. he consented to serve, and his nomination was confirmed by the senate on the twenty-eighth of may. soon after this, john quincy adams, son of the vice-president, was appointed minister at the hague in place of mr. short, jefferson's secretary of legation in france, who went to spain to ascertain what carmichael, the american minister there, was doing, his government being unable to hear from him except at long intervals. mr. monroe arrived in paris toward the middle of august, and immediately sent to the president of the convention the following letter:-- "_citizen-president:_--having, several days since, arrived with a commission from the president of the united states of america, to represent those states in quality of minister plenipotentiary at the capital of the french republic, i have thought it my duty to make my mission known as early as possible to the national representatives. it belongs to them to determine the day, and to point out the mode, in which i am to be acknowledged the representative of their ally and sister republic. i make this communication with the greater pleasure, because it affords me an opportunity, not only to certify to the representatives of the free citizens of france my personal attachment to the cause of liberty, but to assure them at the same time, in the most positive way, that the government and people of america take the highest interest in the liberty, success, and prosperity of the french republic." robespierre had lately fallen. his bloody rule was at an end. for some time he had been hated by the convention, to which body reason and conscience were bringing their convictions. on the twenty-eighth of july the convention resolved to crush him. billaud varennes, in a speech replete with invective, denounced him as a tyrant; and when robespierre attempted to speak, his voice was drowned with cries of "down with the tyrant! down with the tyrant!" a decree of outlawry was then passed, and he and some of his friends were ordered to immediate execution. with their fall the reign of terror ended. the nation breathed freer, and the curtain fell upon one of the bloodiest tragedies in the history of the race. it was at this auspicious moment that monroe appeared. the sentiments of his letter were so much in consonance with the feelings of the hour, that it is said the president of the convention embraced monroe affectionately when they met. it was decreed that the american and french flags should be entwined and hung up in the hall of the convention, as an emblem of the union of the two republics; and monroe, not to be outdone in acts of courtesy, presented the banner of his country to the convention in the name of his people. congress adjourned on the ninth of june to the first monday in the succeeding november. the session had been a stormy one. questions of national policy had arisen, which called forth some of the most animated and eloquent discussions ever held upon the floor of the house of representatives; and when the adjournment took place, questions were pending, the solution of which caused many an anxious hour to the president and the friends of the republic. as soon as washington could make proper arrangements, he set out on a flying visit to mount vernon. many persons had predicted that the yellow fever would reappear in philadelphia during that summer; and, to guard his family against the dangers of its presence, he removed them to a pleasant house at germantown. on the eighteenth of june he left for the potomac; and at baltimore he wrote a brief letter to gouverneur morris, assuring him of his undiminished personal friendship, notwithstanding his recall. at mount vernon he wrote another, in which washington evinced his consciousness that vigilant eyes were upon all his public movements, and not with friendly intent. "the affairs of this country," he said to morris ironically, "can not go wrong; there are so many watchful guardians of them, and such infallible guides, that no one is at a loss for a director at every turn." washington did not return to philadelphia quite as early as he had anticipated, owing to an injury to his back, received while using exertions to prevent himself and horse being precipitated among the rocks at the falls of the potomac, at georgetown, whither he went on a sunday morning to view the canal and locks at that place, in which he felt a deep interest. he was back, however, early in july, and was soon informed of popular movements in western pennsylvania and in kentucky, which presented the serious question whether the government had sufficient strength to execute its own laws. the movement in kentucky was the result, in a great degree, of genet's machinations, and the influence of the democratic societies. it is true, there had been dissatisfaction among the people there for several years, because the spanish government kept the mississippi closed against american commerce. now, that dissatisfaction assumed the form of menace. during the recent session of congress, the people of that region sent a remonstrance to the supreme legislature respecting the navigation of the mississippi. it was intemperate and indecorous in language. it charged the government with being under the influence of a local policy, which had prevented its making a single real effort for the security of the commercial advantages which the people of the west demanded, and cast aspersions upon the several departments of government. they also intimated that they would leave the union if their grievances were not speedily redressed, and the "great territorial right" of the free navigation of the mississippi secured to them. this remonstrance was referred to a committee by the senate, who reported, that such rights to the navigation of the great river as were sought by the western people were well asserted in the negotiations then going on at madrid; and on the recommendation of the committee, the senate resolved that the president should be requested to communicate to the governor of kentucky such part of the pending treaty between the united states and spain as he might deem advisable, and not inconsistent with the course of the negotiation. the house of representatives also passed a resolution, expressing their conviction that the president was doing all in his power to bring about the negotiation as speedily as possible. the demagogues at the west, who hoped to profit by the excitement and bring about hostilities with the spaniards in louisiana, refused to be soothed by these assurances; and at a convention of a number of the principal citizens of kentucky, assembled at lexington, the following intemperate and indecorous resolutions were adopted:-- "that the general government, whose duty it is to put us in possession of this right [free navigation of the mississippi] have, either through design or mistaken policy, adopted no effectual measures for its attainment. "that even the measures they have adopted have been uniformly concealed from us, and veiled in mysterious secrecy. "that civil liberty is prostituted, when the servants of the people are suffered to tell their masters, that communications which they may judge important may not be intrusted to them." these resolutions concluded with a recommendation of county meetings, of county committees of correspondence, and of a convention when it might be judged expedient, to deliberate on the proper steps for the attainment and security of their just rights. no doubt the leaders in these movements felt indignant because an expedition, which had been prepared in the west for an invasion of louisiana under the auspices of genet, had been frustrated by the vigilance of the president, who, when informed of the fact, had ordered general wayne, then in the ohio country, to establish a military post at an eligible place on the ohio river, to stop any armed men who should be going down that stream. this interference with what they had been taught to believe were their inalienable rights was considered a very great grievance. in a private letter, on the tenth of august, washington referred to these movements in kentucky, and said, after expressing a conviction that there "must exist a predisposition among them to be dissatisfied:" "the protection they receive, and the unwearied endeavors of the general government to accomplish, by repeated and ardent remonstrances, what they seem to have most at heart--namely, the navigation of the mississippi--obtain no credit with them, or, what is full as likely, may be concealed from them, or misrepresented by those _societies_, which, under specious colorings, are spreading far and wide, either from real ignorance of the measures pursued by the government, or from a wish to bring it, as much as they are able, into discredit; for what purposes, every man is left to his own conjectures." washington continued: "that similar attempts to give discontent to the public mind have been practised with too much success in some of the western counties in this state [pennsylvania], you are, i am certain, not to learn. actual rebellion against the laws of the united states exists at this moment, notwithstanding every lenient measure, which could comport with the duties of the public officers, has been exercised to reconcile them to the collection of taxes upon spirituous liquors and stills. what may be the consequence of such violent and outrageous proceedings is painful in a high degree, even in contemplation. but, if the laws are to be so trampled upon with impunity, and a minority, a small one too, is to dictate to the majority, there is an end put, at one stroke, to republican government; and nothing but anarchy and confusion are to be expected hereafter. some other man or society may dislike another law, and oppose it with equal propriety, until all laws are prostrate, and every one--the strongest, i presume--will carve for himself." washington alluded to the rebellious movement in western pennsylvania, at that time, known in history as "the whiskey insurrection." footnotes: [ ] the following are the names of the officers appointed by washington: john barry, samuel nicholson, silas talbot, richard dale, thomas truxton, james sever, _commanders_; joshua humphreys, george cleghorn, forman cheeseman, john morgan, david stodder, james hackett, _naval constructors_; isaac coxe, henry jackson, john blagge, w. pennock, jeremiah yellott, jacob sheafe, _navy agents_. [ ] a striking caricature appeared a little earlier than this, entitled _the contrast_. it was in the form of two medallions, one called _english liberty_, and the other _french liberty_. on the former is seen britannia, holding the pileus and cap of liberty in one hand with magna charta, and in the other the scales of justice. at her feet stoops a lion; and on the placid sea, in the distance, is a british merchant-vessel under full sail. under the medallion are the words, "religion, morality, loyalty, obedience to the laws, independence, personal security, justice, inheritance, protection, property, industry, national prosperity, happiness." on the latter medallion is a fury, in the form of a woman; her hair formed of serpents; flames issuing from her cestus of snakes; in one hand a bloody sword, in the other a trident--the head of a man, streaming with blood upon one prong, and a human heart upon each of the others; while under her feet is a prostrate, naked, headless man. in the distance is seen a street lamp, with a man hanging by the neck from its supporting bracket. under this medallion are the words, "atheism, perjury, rebellion, treason, anarchy, murder, equality, madness, cruelty, injustice, treachery, ingratitude, idleness, famine, national and private ruin, misery." below all is the significant question, "_which is best_?" chapter xxvi. the whiskey insurrection in western pennsylvania--a glance at its progress--washington's proclamation--his opinion of the influence of the democratic societies--a military force called out--their leaders--peace commissioners and the result of their mission--washington joins the military at carlisle--the veteran morgan in the field--his correspondence with washington--insurgents alarmed--washington at fort cumberland and bedford--lee the commander-in-chief of the army--washington returns to philadelphia--march of the army over the mountains--the insurrection quelled without bloodshed. while the inhabitants of kentucky were talking of insurrection, those of some of the western counties of pennsylvania actually lifted the arm of defiance against the general government. in august, , acts were committed in opposition to the ministers of the law, which called for the interference of the powers of the federal executive, and the episode in our history known as "the whiskey insurrection" was inaugurated. properly to understand its character, we must take a brief glance at its antecedents. some of these have already been alluded to in our consideration of the revenue system of the new government. among other taxes recommended by secretary hamilton for the support of the government, and authorized by a bill reported in the house of representatives in january, , was one upon domestic distilled spirits and distilleries. as whiskey was almost entirely a luxury, and not a necessity, it seemed a just subject for levying a duty upon. and the college of physicians of philadelphia advocated it as desirable both to the morals and bodily health of the people. the bill was passed and received washington's signature. it imposed a tax of from nine to twenty-six cents a gallon upon spirits distilled from grain. regulations for the collection of these duties were made and officers appointed to collect them. opposition to the law manifested itself in various parts of the union immediately after its passage, but nowhere so prominently as in pennsylvania. in july, , a public meeting on the subject was held at red stone (brownsville), when it was arranged that county committees should be convened at the different shire towns of alleghany, fayette, washington, and westmoreland counties. in august, at a meeting of another committee already alluded to,[ ] one of the resolutions adopted, as we have seen, declared, after condemning the law, that whosoever should accept office under it should be considered an enemy to his country, should be treated with contempt, and all intercourse with him be dissolved. these resolutions were published in a pittsburgh paper and produced a feverish excitement. early in september another meeting was held in pittsburgh. twelve delegates were present, and many complaints against the government, in connection with the excise law, were recited. they adopted a representation to congress, and a remonstrance to the legislature of pennsylvania, against the excise on whiskey. not long after this, a collector of the revenue for two of the counties before-named was seized, tarred and feathered, and deprived of his horse, by some armed men in disguise. the perpetrators were known, however, and processes were issued against them from the district court of pennsylvania; but the public feeling was so strongly against the law, west of the alleghany mountains, that, as a marshal to whom the writ was committed for execution said, "any attempt to serve it would have occasioned the most violent opposition from a greater portion of the inhabitants;" and he declared that if he had attempted it, he believed he would not have returned alive. the resistance to law now assumed most alarming aspects. the meetings, said secretary hamilton in a report upon the subject, "composed of very influential persons, and conducted without moderation and prudence, were justly chargeable with the excesses which have from time to time been committed, serving to give consistency to an opposition, which had at length matured to a point that threatened the foundations of the government and the union, unless speedily and effectually subdued." the working of the federal government was then merely experimental, and those who had charge of the complicated and precious machine, and regarded it as the very ark of freedom, used its powers with wise caution. therefore, while occasional outrages in connection with the excise laws were perpetrated, it was thought best to let coercive measures against the law-breakers remain untried, until at the next session of congress some modifications of the law might be made to allay excitement. in may, , an act of congress became a law which materially modified the provisions of the excise act. the duty on whiskey and stills was so reduced as to silence all complaints on that head. all serious objections to the old law were considered, and the act was so amended as to promise peace; but there were men of influence who would not accept these concessions, and they kept up the opposition excitement. the well-disposed citizens were intimidated by the violent ones of the opposition. in august, , a meeting of the malcontents was held at pittsburgh, at which resolutions were passed no less objectionable than those adopted the year before. after denouncing the tax on spirituous liquors, they concluded by declaring that they considered it their duty to "persist in remonstrances to congress and every other legal measure that might obstruct the operations of the law." almost daily outrages were committed, and three or four counties of western pennsylvania assumed many of the features of openly rebellious communities. it was then that washington, under the advice of hamilton and others, issued his proclamation of september the sixteenth, , warning all persons to desist from such unlawful combinations, _et cetera_.[ ] some legal steps were taken against the malcontents, but these and the proclamation were of little effect toward subduing the rebellious and quieting the excitement. the officers of the law were still defied, denounced, insulted, and abused. at the next session of congress ( -' ) inefficient efforts were made to amend the excise laws. the forbearance of the federal government was construed by the ringleaders of the opposition as weakness, and they became more bold. distillers who were willing to comply with the law were abused. finally, the congress passed an act, which became a law in , calculated to strengthen the executive arm in enforcing obedience. this law made the opposition still more earnest and bold; and few men in the district of country where they exercised a sort of reign of terror dared openly to dissent from their views. so general was the combined influence of actual disaffection upon one portion of the community, and dread of the violence of the turbulent, among the others, that out of the family connection of general neville, inspector of revenues, the employées of the government, and two others, there were none in pittsburgh who dared to condemn these lawless proceedings, for fear of personal harm. mails were robbed; neville's house was twice attacked and finally burned by an armed party of lawless men; and preparations were made to seize fort fayette, in that region. among the leaders of the insurgents was one bradford, who, by common consent, appears to have assumed the position of commander-in-chief. at this time the insurrectionary spirit had spread into adjoining counties of maryland and virginia, and bradford and his associate leaders issued a call for the assembling of the militia on braddock's field, on the first of august, with arms and accoutrements, and provisions for four days. within three days seven thousand men were assembled, some of them out of curiosity, but a greater part with the determination to follow, in resistance to the federal and state governments, wherever bradford and others might lead. it was bradford's design to seize fort pitt and its arms and ammunition; but he found most of the militia officers unwilling to co-operate in such an overt act of treason. but they readily consented to the perpetration of outrages against excise officers, and the whole country in that region was governed, for the moment, by the combined powers of mobocracy and military despotism. when intelligence of these proceedings reached the president, he called his cabinet into council. all regarded the movement as a critical one for the republic. the example of the insurgents in pennsylvania might become infectious; for the democratic societies, spread all over the land, while they professed to oppose and deprecate violence, openly denounced the excise laws, and, no doubt, secretly fomented rebellion against the federal government. it was agreed in the cabinet council that forbearance must now end, and the effective power of the executive be put forth to suppress the rising rebellion. accordingly, on the seventh of august, washington issued a proclamation warning the insurgents to disperse, and declaring, that if tranquillity should not be restored in the disturbed counties before the first of september, an armed force would be employed to compel submission to the laws.[ ] at the same time the president made a requisition on the governors of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, for militia sufficient to compose an army of twelve thousand men. to the chief magistrate of the latter state, his friend and companion-in-arms, general henry lee, washington wrote privately, from germantown, on the twenty-sixth of august, and said, "it is with equal pride and satisfaction i add, that, as far as my information extends, this insurrection is viewed with universal indignation and abhorrence, except by those who have never missed an opportunity, by side-blows and otherwise, to attack the general government.... i consider this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the democratic societies, brought forth, i believe, too prematurely for their own views, which may contribute to the annihilation of them. "that these societies were instituted by the artful and designing members (many of their body, i have no doubt, mean well, but know little of the real plan), primarily to sow among the people the seeds of jealousy and distrust of the government, by destroying all confidence in the administration of it, and that their doctrines have been budding and blowing ever since, is not new to any one who is acquainted with the character of their leaders and has been attentive to their manoeuvres. i early gave it as my opinion, to the confidential characters around me, that if these societies were not counteracted (not by prosecutions, the ready way to make them grow stronger), or did not fall into disesteem from the knowledge of their origin, and the views with which they had been instituted by their father, genet, for purposes well known to the government, they would shake the government to its foundation. time and circumstances have confirmed me in this opinion, and i deeply regret the probable consequences; not as they will effect me personally--for i have not long to act on this theatre, and sure i am that not a man amongst them can be more anxious to put me aside than i am to sink into the profoundest retirement--but because i see, under a display of popular and fascinating disguises, the most diabolical attempts to destroy the best fabric of human government and happiness that has ever been presented for the acceptance of mankind." washington's proclamation had very little effect in suppressing the lawless acts of the insurgents, and on the twenty-fifth of september he issued a second proclamation, in which he vividly described the perverse spirit in which the lenient propositions of the government had been met, and declared his determination to reduce the refractory and lawless men to obedience.[ ] the president now determined to act with vigor against the insurgents. he appointed governor lee, of virginia, the commander-in-chief. general mifflin, of pennsylvania, was appointed his second in command. governor howell, of new jersey, the third; and general daniel morgan, the veteran leader of the riflemen in the war for independence, the fourth. general hand, of pennsylvania, was appointed adjutant-general. from the best information that the president could obtain, it was supposed that there were in the rebellious counties about sixteen thousand men capable of bearing arms, and that at least seven thousand of them might be brought into the field. it was therefore resolved to employ a sufficient force at once to put down all opposition. the number of militia first called for was twelve thousand; it was subsequently increased to fifteen thousand. the place of rendezvous appointed for the new jersey troops under howell, and the pennsylvanians under mifflin, was bedford, in pennsylvania. those from virginia and maryland--the former under general morgan, and the latter under general smith, the hero of fort mifflin in , and now the baltimore member of congress--assembled at cumberland, on the potomac. the latter formed the left wing of the gathering army, and were directed to march across the mountains by braddock's road. those under mifflin and howell composed the right wing, and were ordered to cross the mountains by the more northern route, over which forbes and his army crossed in . these martial preparations were made after every peaceful effort had been exhausted. as we have observed, the president had issued two proclamations before ordering the militia into the field. he had also, at the time of issuing the first proclamation, appointed three federal commissioners--senator ross, mr. bradford, the attorney-general, and yates, a judge of the supreme court of pennsylvania--to visit the insurgent counties, with discretionary powers to arrange, if possible, prior to the fourteenth of september, an effectual submission to the laws, offering lenient terms to the offenders. these were joined by chief-justice m'kean and general irvine, commissioners appointed by the state of pennsylvania. at the same time, governor mifflin issued two proclamations--one calling the pennsylvania legislature together; the other requiring submission on the part of the rioters, and announcing his determination to obey the president's call for militia. these commissioners had crossed the mountains together, and at parkinson's ferry they found representatives from almost every town of four insurgent counties, two hundred in number, assembled in convention, having judge cook, of fayette county, for their president, and albert gallatin, afterward a distinguished officer of the federal government, for their secretary. the business was in charge of a vigilance committee of sixty. near the place of meeting, which was upon a commanding eminence under the shade of trees, stood a liberty-pole, bearing a placard with the words, "liberty and no excise! no asylum for cowards and traitors!" the vigilance committee appointed a sub-committee of fifteen to confer with the state and federal commissioners. on that committee were, bradford, the chief leader of the insurgents, gallatin, cook, marshall, and brackenridge, the latter a young and ambitious lawyer of pittsburgh. all of these, except bradford, perceiving the dangers with which they were surrounded, were favorable to submission. bradford's voice was for war, and the organization of a separate and independent state west of the mountains. this committee declared the propositions of the commissioners to be reasonable, and to the town organizations the whole matter of submission was referred. these generally refused compliance. the federal commissioners returned to philadelphia and reported the virtual failure of their mission. then it was that the president issued his proclamation of the twenty-fifth of september, and prepared to use coercive measures. washington determined to lead the army in person against the insurgents, if it should appear to be expedient. he accordingly left philadelphia at the beginning of october, accompanied by the secretary of war, whose department was left in charge of hamilton, the secretary of the treasury. just before he left, the president received a letter from the venerable morgan, written at winchester on the twenty-fourth of september. "i am sorry to understand," wrote the brave old rifleman, "the difficulty experienced in the state of pennsylvania to raise the quota of men to suppress that horrid insurrection on their frontiers.[ ] the state of virginia seems to be unanimous and determined to suppress it; and it is my opinion that we shall, in a very few days, have men enough to do that business. for my part, i wish i was at morgantown at this time with two thousand men, which would be as many as i could ask, with what would join me at this place, to bring these people to order.... i wish an accommodation may not be patched up with these rioters, under an apprehension of not getting troops to suppress them. virginia could, and would, furnish an army sufficient for that purpose.... i don't wish to spill the blood of a citizen; but i wish to march against these people, to show them our determination to bring them to order, and to support the laws. i took the liberty to write you this, lest your intelligence might not be so good, or that this might throw some light, or be of some service." this letter, from his old companion-in-arms, was only one of many of similar tone that washington received at that time. coming from such an esteemed veteran (with whom was the president's favorite nephew, lawrence lewis, as aid-de-camp), it was peculiarly grateful to washington, and he responded in earnest tone, from carlisle, on the eighth of october. "although i regret the occasion," he said, "which has called you into the field, i rejoice to hear you are there, and because it is probable i may meet you at fort cumberland, whither i shall proceed as soon as i see the troops at this rendezvous in condition to advance. at that place, or at bedford, my ulterior resolution must be taken, either to advance with the troops into the insurgent counties of this state, or to return to philadelphia, for the purpose of meeting congress, the third of next month. imperious circumstances alone can justify my absence from the seat of government whilst congress is in session; but if these, from the disposition of the people in the refractory counties and the state of the information i expect to receive at the advanced posts, should appear to exist, the lesser must yield to the greater duties of my office, and i shall cross the mountains with the troops; if not, i shall place the command of the combined troops under the orders of governor lee, of virginia, and repair to the seat of government." in a private letter to randolph, the secretary of state, on the following day, the president said, "the insurgents are alarmed, but not yet brought to their proper senses. every means is devised by themselves and their associates to induce a belief that there is no necessity for troops crossing the mountains; although we have information, at the same time, that part of the people there are obliged to embody themselves to repel the insults of another part." the pennsylvania troops moved forward from carlisle on the tenth of october, and washington proceeded to fort cumberland, the place of rendezvous for the maryland and virginia troops, where he arrived on the sixteenth. quite a large number were already there, and fifteen hundred more from virginia were near at hand. there washington received such information as convinced him that the spirits of the insurgents were broken, and that the greatest alarm prevailed in their ranks. he hastened on to bedford, thirty miles distant, and there this intelligence was confirmed. satisfied that his presence would be no longer needed with the army, he arranged a plan of operations against the insurgents, and prepared to return to philadelphia; "but not," he said in a letter to randolph, "because the impertinence of mr. bache [editor of the "general advertiser," the opposition paper] or his correspondent has undertaken to pronounce that i can not constitutionally command the army whilst congress are in session." the command of the army was left with governor lee. on the twentieth of october he received from washington his instructions, drawn by hamilton, with a letter from the president's own hand, in which he said, "i can not take my departure without conveying to you, through the army under your command, the very high sense i entertain of the enlightened and patriotic zeal for the constitution and the laws, which has led them cheerfully to quit their families, homes, and the comforts of private life, to undertake, and thus far to perform, a long and fatiguing march, and to encounter and endure the hardships and privations of a military life.... no citizens of the united states can ever be engaged in a service more important to their country. it is nothing less than to consolidate and to preserve the blessings of that revolution which, at much expense of blood and treasure, constituted us a free and independent nation. it is to give the world an illustrious example, of the utmost consequence to the cause of mankind." then cautioning the troops against committing the least infraction of the laws, or trenching upon the functions of the civil authorities, he thanked them for the readiness with which they had seconded him "in the most delicate and momentous duty the chief magistrate of a free people can have to perform." hamilton remained with the army as the president's civil representative; also the secretary of war; and washington hastened back to philadelphia, where he arrived on the twenty-sixth of october. the troops crossed the alleghany mountains in a heavy rain, marching sometimes in mud up to their knees. the two wings formed a junction at uniontown; and as they advanced into the insurgent country, all signs of rebellion disappeared. the leaders fled, and all upon whom rested the eye of suspicion quailed in its glance and hastened to make excuses. early in november, lee issued a proclamation, confirming an amnesty that had been offered to those entitled to it, and calling upon all of the inhabitants to take the oath of allegiance to the united states. many arrests were soon afterward made. a large number were dismissed at once because of a want of evidence against them; others were bound over to keep the peace; and a few were sent to philadelphia for trial.[ ] two only were convicted of capital offences--one of arson, the other of robbing the mails--and these, because of palliating circumstances, were finally pardoned by the president. most of the troops were speedily withdrawn from the disaffected counties and dismissed; but a body of twenty-five hundred, under general morgan, remained encamped in the district through the winter. thus terminated a rebellion, that at one time threatened the very existence of the union, without the shedding of a drop of blood. this result was owing chiefly to the wisdom, prudence, energy, and personal popularity of washington; and that which appeared so ominous of evil was overruled for the production of good. the government was amazingly strengthened by the event. the federal authority was fully vindicated; and the general rally in its support when the chief sounded his bugle-call, even of those who had hitherto leaned toward the opposition, was a significant omen of future stability and power. every honest man expressed his reprobation of the violent resistance to law; and the democratic societies, the chief fomenters of the insurrection, showed symptoms of a desire to be less conspicuous. hamilton, who had always distrusted the strength of the government in such an emergency, was now perfectly convinced of its inherent power; and both he and washington regarded the affair as a fortunate circumstance for the nation. in relation to this event and its effects, washington, in a letter to mr. jay, written soon after his return to philadelphia from the different rendezvous of the troops, said that the subject would be represented differently according to the wishes of some and the prejudices of others, who might exhibit it as an evidence of what had been predicted, namely, that the people of the new republic were unable to govern themselves. "under this view of the subject," he said, "i am happy in giving it to you as the general opinion that this event having happened at the time it did was fortunate, although it will be attended with considerable expense. "that the self-created societies," he continued, "which have spread themselves over this country have been laboring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and of course discontent, thereby hoping to effect some revolution in the government, is not unknown to you. that they have been the fomenters of the western disturbances, admits of no doubt in the mind of any one who will examine their conduct; but, fortunately, they precipitated a crisis for which they were not prepared, and thereby have unfolded views which will, i trust, effectuate their annihilation sooner than it might otherwise have happened; at the same time, that it has afforded an occasion for the people of this country to show their abhorrence of the result, and their attachment to the constitution and the laws; for i believe that five times the number of militia that was required would have come forward, if it had been necessary, in support of them. "the spirit which blazed out on this occasion, as soon as the object was fully understood and the lenient measures of the government were made known to the people, deserves to be communicated. there are instances of general officers going at the head of a single troop, and of light companies; of field-officers, when they came to the places of rendezvous, and found no command for them in that grade, turning into the ranks, and proceeding as private soldiers, under their own captains; and of numbers, possessing the first fortunes in the country, standing in the ranks of private men, and marching day by day with their knapsacks and haversacks at their backs, sleeping on straw with a single blanket in a soldier's tent, during the frosty nights which we have had, by way of example to others. nay, more; many young quakers of the first families, character, and property, not discouraged by the elders, have turned into the ranks and are marching with the troops. "these things have terrified the insurgents, who had no conception that such a spirit prevailed; but, while the thunder only rumbled at a distance, were boasting of their strength, and wishing for and threatening the militia by turns, intimating that the arms they should take from them would soon become a magazine in their hands. their language is much changed indeed, but their principles want correction. "i shall be more prolix in my speech to congress on the commencement and progress of this insurrection than is usual in such an instrument, or than i should have been on any other occasion; but as numbers at home and abroad will hear of the insurrection, and will read the speech, that may know nothing of the documents to which it might refer, i conceived it would be better to encounter the charge of prolixity by giving a cursory detail of facts, that would show the prominent features of the thing, than to let it go naked into the world, to be dressed up according to the fancy or inclination of the readers, or the policy of our enemies."[ ] footnotes: [ ] page [ ] see page . [ ] the following is a copy of the proclamation. its preamble contains such a complete summary of the causes which called forth the proclamation, that we give the document entire:-- "whereas, combinations to defeat the execution of the laws laying duties upon spirits distilled within the united states, and upon stills, have, from the time of the commencement of those laws, existed in some of the western parts of pennsylvania: and whereas, the said combinations, proceeding in a manner subversive equally of the just authority of government and of the rights of individuals, have hitherto effected their dangerous and criminal purpose by the influence of certain irregular meetings, whose proceedings have tended to encourage and uphold the spirit of opposition by misrepresentations of the laws calculated to render them odious; by endeavors to deter those who might be so disposed from accepting offices under them through fear of public resentments and of injury to person and property, and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual violence to surrender or forbear the execution of them; by circulating vindictive measures against all who should otherwise, directly or indirectly, aid in the execution of the said laws, or who, yielding to the dictates of conscience and to a sense of obligation, should themselves comply therewith; by actually injuring and destroying the property of persons who were understood to have so complied; by inflicting cruel, humiliating punishments upon private citizens, for no other cause than that of appearing to be the friends of the laws; by interrupting the public officers on the highways, abusing, assaulting, and otherwise ill-treating them; by going to their houses in the night, gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers, and committing other outrages; employing for these unwarrantable purposes the agency of armed banditti, disguised in such a manner as for the most part to escape discovery: and whereas, the endeavors of the legislature to obviate objections to the said laws, by lowering the duties and by other alterations conducive to the convenience of those whom they immediately affected (though they have given satisfaction in other quarters), and the endeavors of the executive officers to conciliate a compliance with the laws, by expostulation, by forbearance, and even by recommendations founded on the suggestion of local considerations, have been disappointed of their effect by the machinations of persons whose industry to excite resistance has increased with the appearance of a disposition among the people to relax in their opposition and to acquiesce in the laws; insomuch that many persons in the said western parts of pennsylvania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate acts which i am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying war against the united states; the said persons having, on the sixteenth and seventeenth of july last, proceeded in arms (on the second day amounting to several hundred) to the house of john neville, inspector of the revenues for the fourth survey of the districts of pennsylvania--having repeatedly attacked the said house with the persons therein, wounding some of them; having seized david lenox, marshal of the district of pennsylvania, who previously thereto had been fired upon while in the execution of his duty by a party of men, detaining him for some time prisoner, till for the preservation of his life and obtaining of his liberty he found it necessary to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of certain official duties, touching processes issuing out of the court of the united states; and having finally obliged the said inspector of the revenue and the marshal, from considerations of personal safety, to fly from this part of the country, in order, by a circuitous route, to proceed to the seat of government, avowing as the motives of these outrageous proceedings an intention to prevent by force of arms the execution of the said laws, to oblige the said inspector of the revenues to renounce his office, to withstand by open violence the lawful authority of the government of the united states, and to compel thereby an alteration in the measures of the legislature, and a repeal of the laws aforesaid: and whereas, by a law of the united states entitled, 'an act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions,' it is enacted, 'that whenever the laws of the united states shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any state, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by that act, the same being notified by an associate justice or the district judges, it shall be lawful for the president of the united states to call forth the militia of said state to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. and if the militia of a state, where such combinations may happen, shall refuse or shall be insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the president, if the legislature of the united states shall not be in session, to call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other state or states most convenient thereto as may be necessary; and the use of the militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the ensuing session; _provided always_, that whenever it may be necessary in the judgment of the president to use the military force hereby directed to be called forth, the president shall forthwith, and previous thereto, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time:' and whereas, james wilson, an associate justice, on the fourth instant, by writing under his hand, did, from evidence which had been laid before him, notify to me that 'in the counties of washington and alleghany, in pennsylvania, the laws of the united states are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshal of that district:' "and whereas, it is in my judgment necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress the combination aforesaid, and to cause the laws to be duly executed; and i have accordingly determined so to do, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal the most solemn conviction that the essential interests of the union demand it, that the very existence of government and the fundamental principles of social order are materially involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of all good citizens are seriously called upon as occasion may require, to aid in the effectual suppression of so fatal a spirit: "wherefore, and in pursuance of the provision above recited, i, george washington, president of the united states, do hereby command all persons, being insurgents as aforesaid, and all others whom it may concern, on or before the first day of september next, to disperse and return peaceably to their respective abodes. and i do moreover warn all persons whomsoever against aiding, abetting, or comforting, the perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable acts; and do require all officers, and other citizens, according to their respective duties and the law of the land, to exert their utmost endeavors to prevent and suppress such dangerous proceedings. "in testimony whereof, i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of philadelphia, the seventh day of august, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and of the independence of the united states of america the nineteenth. george washington" [ ] the following is a copy of the second proclamation:-- "whereas, from a hope that the combination against the constitution and laws of the united states, in certain of the western counties of pennsylvania, would yield to time and reflection, i thought it sufficient, in the first instance, rather to _take measures_ for calling forth the militia than immediately to embody them; but the moment is now come when the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission to law, have been only partially accepted; when every form of conciliation not inconsistent with the being of government has been adopted without effect; when the well-disposed in those counties are unable by their influence and example to reclaim the wicked from their fury, and are compelled to associate in their own defence; when the proffered lenity has been perversely misinterpreted into an apprehension that the citizens will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of examining the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring through emissaries to alienate the friends of order from its support, and inviting its enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insurrection; when it is manifest that violence would continue to be exercised upon every attempt to enforce the laws; when, therefore, government is set at defiance, the contest being whether a small portion of the united states shall dictate to the whole union, and, at the expense of those who desire peace, indulge a desperate ambition: "now, therefore, i, george washington, president of the united states, in obedience to that high and irresistible duty consigned to me by the constitution 'to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,' deploring that the american name should be sullied by the outrages of citizens on their own government, commiserating such as remain obstinate from delusion, but resolved, in perfect reliance on that gracious providence which so signally displays its goodness toward this country, to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the laws, do hereby declare and make known, with a satisfaction which can be equalled only by the merits of the militia summoned into service from the states of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, that i have received intelligence of their patriotic alacrity in obeying the call of the present, though painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force, which according to every reasonable expectation is adequate to the exigency, is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; that those who shall have confided or shall confide in the protection of government shall meet full succor under the standard and from the arms of the united states; that those who, having offended against the laws, have since entitled themselves to indemnity, will be treated with the most liberal good faith, if they shall not have forfeited their claim by any subsequent conduct, and that instructions are given accordingly. "and i do moreover exhort all individuals, officers, and bodies of men, to contemplate with abhorrence the measures leading, directly or indirectly, to those crimes which produce this resort to military coercion; to check, in their respective spheres, the efforts of misguided or designing men to substitute their misrepresentation in the place of truth, and their discontents in the place of stable government; and to call to mind, that as the people of the united states have been permitted, under the divine favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation, and in an enlightened age, to elect their own government, so will their gratitude for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished by firm exertion to maintain the constitution and the laws. "and, lastly, i again warn all persons whomsoever and wheresoever, not to abet, aid or comfort the insurgents aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at their peril; and i do also require all officers and other citizens, as far as may be in their power, to bring under the cognizance of the laws all offenders in the premises. "in testimony whereof, i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. done at the city of philadelphia, the twenty-fifth day of september, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and of the independence of the united states of america the nineteenth. george washington." [ ] when the use of military force was first suggested, randolph, the secretary of state, expressed his fears that such a measure would bring on a general collision that might destroy the union. governor mifflin partook of this fear. "the pennsylvanians," says hildreth, "at first, were rather backward, and a draft ordered by mifflin seemed likely--by reason, it was said, of defects in the militia laws--to prove a failure. but the legislature, on coming together, having first denounced the insurgents in strong terms, to save the delays attendant on drafting, authorized the government to accept volunteers, to whom a bounty was offered. as if to make up for his former hesitation, and with a military sensibility to the disgrace of failing to meet the requisition, mifflin, in a tour through the lower counties, as in several cases during the revolutionary struggle, by the influence of his extraordinary popular eloquence, soon caused the ranks to be filled up. as a further stimulus, subscriptions were opened to support the wives and children of the volunteers during their absence,"--_history of the united states_, second series, i, . [ ] among these was herman husbands, then a very old man, who had figured conspicuously in the revolutionary movement in north carolina, previous to the war for independence, known as _the regulator war_. he was arrested on suspicion of being an active fomenter of the insurrection. this, however, seems not to have been the case, "i know that his sentiments were always in favor of the excise law," wrote a friend of husbands to the president, "and that he did all that he could to prevent the people of the western counties from opposing the execution of the law; and i know he is a good friend of liberty and his country." husbands was released, at about the first of january, . [ ] washington was so impressed with the sense of danger to be apprehended by the democratic societies, that he contemplated making them a topic in his forthcoming annual message to congress. in a letter to the secretary of state, written at fort cumberland on the sixteenth of october, he said, "my mind is so perfectly convinced, that if these self-created societies can not be discontinued they will destroy the government of this country, that i have asked myself, while i have been revolving on the expense and inconvenience of drawing so many men from their families and occupations as i have seen on their march, where would be the impropriety of glancing at them in my speech, by some such idea as the following: 'that, however distressing this expedition will have proved to individuals, and expensive to the country, the pleasing spirit which it has drawn forth in support of law and government will immortalize the american character, and is a happy presage that future attempts, of a certain description of people, to disturb the public tranquillity will prove equally abortive.'" mr. randolph, though a democrat, was favorable to some such expression of sentiment regarding these societies. in a letter, to which the president's was a response, he had intimated the propriety of taking advantage of the prevailing reprobation of the insurrection, to put down those societies. "they may now, i believe, be crushed," he said. "the prospect ought not to be lost." washington did allude to them in his annual message, as we shall observe presently. chapter xxvii. meeting of congress--washington's message--his views of the whiskey insurrection--denunciation of the democratic societies--debates in congress on the subject--weakness of the opposition--jefferson's angry letter to madison--decline of the democratic societies--wayne's success--end of the indian war--hamilton and knox retire from office--correspondence between them and washington--their successors--close of the third congress--a national university proposed--washington's views--his disposition of navigation companies' shares. the members of congress came tardily to the federal capital in the autumn of ; and it was not until the nineteenth of november, sixteen days after the time appointed for the commencement of the session, that they were ready to listen to the president's sixth annual message. as he had intimated to mr. jay that he should, washington, in that message, dwelt at considerable length on the subject of the late insurrection, taking a complete outline survey of all the facts and circumstances, and drawing conclusions therefrom. "while there is cause to lament," he said, "that occurrences of this nature should have disgraced the name, or interrupted the tranquillity, of any part of our community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations for the misfortune. it has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow-citizens understand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that, notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as ready to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions, as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. it has been a spectacle displaying to the highest advantage the value of republican government, to behold the most and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as private soldiers, pre-eminently distinguished by being the army of the constitution--undeterred by a march of three hundred miles over rugged mountains, by the approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. nor ought i to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic co-operations which i have experienced from the chief magistrates of the states to which my requisitions have been addressed. "to every description of citizens, indeed, let praise be given. but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of american happiness, the constitution of the united states. let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. and when, in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have traced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." the boldness of washington was conspicuous in thus officially denouncing the democratic societies, because he well knew that his words of severe reprobation would arouse their hottest resentment. but, conscious of his own integrity, and well assured of the support of all good men, he hesitated not a moment. some democratic members of the senate, the most prominent of whom were burr and jackson, showed great ill feeling; but the majority in that body gave it their approval. in the lower house it created a good deal of angry altercation, for the opposition were powerful there. they exhibited their disapprobation on the first draft of their answer to the president's message, by passing the matter over in silence. to this draft an amendment was offered, reprobating the "self-created societies," which, "by deceiving and inflaming the ignorant and weak, may naturally be supposed to have stimulated the insurrection." it then denounced them as "institutions not strictly unlawful, yet not less fatal to good order and true liberty, and reprehensible in the degree that our system of government approaches to perfect political freedom." it was this amendment that caused the debate. those who opposed it did so cautiously, and exhibited their sense of the waning popularity of these societies, by taking care to disclaim their own personal connection with them. it was contended that the term "self-created societies" involved all voluntary associations whatever; that the right of censure was sacred; and that the societies would retort. others contended that the question was not, whether the societies were legal, but whether they were mischievous. if they were so, the representatives of the people, presumed to be the guardians of the republic, ought to declare it, and not, by silence, give an implied contradiction to the president's statements. a motion to strike out the words "self-constituted societies" elicited a warm debate. "it has been argued," said one of the members (sedgwick) who traced the origin of these societies to genet, "that to censure them might be construed into an attack on the freedom of public discussion. he was sorry," he said, "to see a disposition to confound freedom and licentiousness. was there not an obvious distinction between a cool, dispassionate, honest, and candid discussion, and a false, wicked, seditious misrepresentation of public men and public measures? the former was within the province of freemen; it was, indeed, their duty; the latter was inconsistent with moral rectitude, and tended to the destruction of freedom and to the production of every evil that could afflict a community." the speaker then described the democratic societies as "self-created, without delegation or control, not emanating from the people, or responsible to them; not open in their deliberations; not admitting any but those of their own political opinions; permanent in their constitution, and of unlimited duration." these, he said, "modestly assumed the character of popular instructors, guardians of the people, guardians of the government. every man in the administration who had assented to its acts they had loaded with every species of calumny--slanders--which they knew to be such. they had not even spared that character supposed to have been clothed with inviolability--not the paltry inviolability of constitutional proscription, but an inviolability infinitely more respectable, founded on the public gratitude, and resulting from disinterested and invaluable services." the motion upon which this debate arose was finally carried in committee of the whole, but by a very small majority. the struggle was renewed when it was reported to the house. finally, a compromise was effected by inserting in the address a declaration of great concern on the part of the house, "that any misrepresentations whatever of the government and its proceedings, either by individuals or combinations of men, should have been made, and so far have been credited as to foment the flagrant outrage which had been committed on the laws." it was very evident, from the debates and the votes on this and other questions brought up by the president's message, that the government was growing stronger, and the opposition in congress weaker. jefferson, the father of the opposition, who had declared that his retiracy from the political world should be profound, was alarmed at these manifestations of the declining strength of his party, and he was moved to let his voice be heard once more. on the twenty-eighth of december he wrote to madison, the republican leader in the lower house, an angry letter concerning the president's remarks about the "self-created societies," saying:-- "the denunciation of the democratic societies is one of the extraordinary acts of boldness of which we have seen so many from the faction of monocrats. it is wonderful indeed that the president should have permitted himself to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom of discussion, the freedom of writing, printing, and publishing." after making an ungenerous attack upon the society of the cincinnati, he proceeded: "i here put out of sight the persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to slander the friends of popular rights; and i am happy to observe that, as far as the circle of my observation and information extends, everybody has lost sight of them, and views the abstract attempt on their natural and constitutional rights in all its nakedness. i have never heard, or heard of, a single expression or opinion which did not condemn it as an inexcusable aggression." then, in full sympathy with the whiskey insurrectionists, he said: "and with respect to the transactions against the excise law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in the torrent of governmental opinions, or that we do not know what these transactions have been. we know of none which, according to the definitions of the law, have been anything more than riotous. there was, indeed, a meeting to consult about a separation. but to consult on a question does not amount to a determination of that question in the affirmative, still less to the acting on such a determination; but we shall see, i suppose, what the court lawyers, and courtly judges, and would-be embassadors will make of it. the excise law is an infernal one. the first error was to admit it by the constitution; the second, to act on that admission; the third and last will be, to make it the instrument of dismembering the union, and setting us all afloat to choose what part of it we will adhere to. the information of our militia returned from the westward is uniform, that though the people there let them pass quietly, they were objects of their laughter, not of their fear; that one thousand men could have cut off their whole force in a thousand places of the alleghany; that their detestation of the excise law is universal, and has now associated to it a detestation of the government; and that separation, which perhaps was a very distant and problematical event, is now near, and certain, and determined in the mind of every man. i expected to have seen some justification of arming one part of society against another; of declaring a civil war the moment before the meeting of that body which has the sole right of declaring war; of being so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and rising at a feather against our friends; of adding a million to the public debt, and deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can." but the medicines of most powerful friends could not cure the mortal malady that now afflicted the democratic societies. as it happened with genet, their founder, so it now happened with these societies; the great mass of the people had learned to reprobate them. the denunciations of the president, co-operating with the downfall of the jacobin clubs in france--kindred societies--soon produced their dissolution. monroe, in an official despatch, had set in its true light the character of the jacobin clubs, as interfering with the government; and in the united states, their _confréres_, the democratic societies, soon sank into merited obscurity. in his message, washington announced that "the intelligence from the army under the command of general wayne was a happy presage to military operations against the hostile indians north of the ohio." wayne, as we have seen, had succeeded st. clair after that veteran's unfortunate defeat in the autumn of . he marched into the indian country in , and near the spot where st. clair was surprised he built fort recovery. there he was attacked by the indians at the close of june, , but without receiving much damage. general scott arrived there not long afterward from kentucky, with eleven hundred volunteers, and then wayne advanced to the confluence of the maumee and au glaize rivers, "the grand emporium," as he called it, of the indians. they fled precipitately; and there wayne built a strong stockade, for the permanent occupation of that beautiful country, and called it fort defiance. the main body of the indians had retired down the maumee about thirty miles, where they took a hostile attitude. with about three thousand men, wayne marched against them, and near the present maumee city he fought and defeated them, on the twentieth of august. he then laid waste their country, and the trading establishment of the british agent in their midst was burned. there seemed little doubt that he had stirred up the savages against the americans. wayne fell back to fort defiance three days after the battle; and at the beginning of november, after a successful campaign of three months, during which time he had marched three hundred miles along a road cut by his own army, gained an important victory, driven the indians from their principal settlement, and left a strong post in the heart of their country, he placed his army into winter-quarters at greenville. the western tribes were humbled and disheartened; and early in august, the following year, their principal chiefs and united states' commissioners met at greenville and made a treaty of peace. the indians ceded to the united states a large tract of land in the present states of michigan and indiana, and for more than ten years afterward the government had very little trouble with the western savages. in his message, washington urged the adoption of some definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. "nothing," he said, "can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents." at his request, hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, prepared a plan, digested and arranged on the basis of the actual revenues for the further support of the public credit. it was one of the ablest state papers of the many that had proceeded from his pen during his official career. it was reported on the twentieth of january, , and this was hamilton's last official act. he had, on the first of december, immediately after his return from western pennsylvania, addressed the following letter to the president:-- "i have the honor to inform you that i have fixed upon the last of january next, as the day for my resignation of my office of secretary of the treasury. i make this communication now, that there may be time to mature such an arrangement as shall appear to you proper to meet the vacancy when it occurs." mr. hamilton resigned his office on the thirty-first of january. it was with deep regret, as in the case of mr. jefferson, that washington found himself deprived of the services of so able an officer. "after so long an experience of your public services," he said in a note to hamilton on the second of february, "i am naturally led, at this moment of your departure from office (which it has always been my wish to prevent), to review them. in every relation which you have borne to me, i have found that my confidence in your talents, exertions, and integrity, has been well placed. i the more freely render this testimony of my approbation, because i speak from opportunities of information which can not deceive me, and which furnish satisfactory proof of your title to public regard." to this hamilton replied on the following day, saying, "my particular acknowledgments are due for your very kind letter of yesterday. as often as i may recall the vexations i have endured, your approbation will be a great and precious consolation. it was not without a struggle that i yielded to the very urgent motives which compelled me to relinquish a station in which i could hope to be, in any degree, instrumental in promoting the success of an administration under your direction; a struggle which would have been far greater had i supposed that the prospect of future usefulness was proportioned to the sacrifices made." justice to a growing family was the chief cause of hamilton's resignation. "the penurious provision made for those who filled the high executive departments in the american government," says marshall, "excluded from a long continuance in office all those whose fortunes were moderate, and whose professional talents placed a decent independence within their reach. while slandered as the accumulator of thousands by illicit means, colonel hamilton had wasted in the public service great part of the property acquired by his previous labors, and had found himself compelled to decide on retiring from his political station."[ ] oliver wolcott, of connecticut, who had been the federal comptroller under hamilton for some time, was appointed to succeed that officer; and general knox, who had offered his resignation as secretary of war at the close of the year, was succeeded by timothy pickering, who was at that time the postmaster-general. "after having served my country nearly twenty years," wrote knox in his letter tendering his resignation on the twenty-eighth of december, "the greatest portion of which under your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance that i find myself constrained to withdraw from so honorable a station. but the natural and powerful claims of a numerous family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential interests. in whatever situation i shall be, i shall recollect your confidence and kindness with all the fervor and purity of affection of which a grateful heart is susceptible." washington always loved knox. his frankness and good nature, his eminent integrity and unswerving faithfulness in every period of his public career, endeared him to the president; and it was with sincere sorrow that he experienced the official separation. "the considerations which you have often suggested to me," washington wrote in reply to knox, "and which are repeated in your letter as requiring your departure from your present office, are such as to preclude the possibility of my urging your continuance in it. this being the case, i can only wish it was otherwise. i can not suffer you, however, to close your public service without uniting with the satisfaction which must arise in your own mind from a conscious rectitude, my most perfect persuasion that you have deserved well of your country. my personal knowledge of your exertions, whilst it authorizes me to hold this language, justifies the sincere friendship which i have ever borne for you, and which will accompany you in every situation in life." the last session of the third congress closed on the third of march, . for a little while, washington's mind was relieved in a degree from the pressure of political duties, and a matter of different but interesting nature occupied it at times. it will be remembered that the legislature of virginia presented to washington, as a testimony of their gratitude for his public services, fifty shares in the potomac company, and one hundred shares in the james river company--corporations created for promoting internal navigation in virginia--and that he accepted them with the understanding that he should not use them for his own private benefit, but apply them to some public purpose. an opportunity for such application, that commended itself to washington's judgment, had not occurred until this time, when a plan for the establishment of a university at the federal capital, on the potomac, was talked of. "it has always been a source of serious reflection and sincere regret with me," he said in a letter to the commissioners of the federal city on the twenty-eighth of january, "that the youth of the united states should be sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education. although there are doubtless many, under these circumstances, who escape the danger of contracting principles unfavorable to republican government, yet we ought to deprecate the hazard attending ardent and susceptible minds from being too strongly and too early prepossessed in favor of other political systems, before they are capable of appreciating their own. "for this reason, i have greatly wished to see a plan adopted, by which the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres, could be taught in their fullest extent, thereby embracing all the advantages of european tuition, with the means of acquiring the liberal knowledge which is necessary to qualify our citizens for the exigencies of public as well as private life; and (which with me is a consideration of great magnitude) by assembling the youths from the different parts of this republic, contributing, from their intercourse and interchange of information, to the removal of prejudices, which might, perhaps, sometimes arise from local circumstances." washington then suggested the federal city as the most eligible place for such an institution; at the same time offering, in the event of the university being established upon a scale as extensive as he described, and the execution of it being commenced under favorable auspices in a reasonable time, to "grant in perpetuity fifty shares in the navigation of the potomac river towards the endowment of it." about four weeks after this, washington received a letter from mr. jefferson, on the subject that had a bearing upon the disposition of his shares, the former having on some occasion asked the advice of the latter concerning the appropriation of them. mr. jefferson now informed washington that the college at geneva, in switzerland, had been destroyed, and that mr. d'ivernois, a genevan scholar who had written a history of his country, had proposed the transplanting of that college to america. it was proposed to have the professors of the college come over in a body, it being asserted that most of them spoke the english language well. jefferson was favorable to the establishment of the proposed new college within the state of virginia; but washington, with practical sagacity, concluded that it would not be wise to have two similar institutions. he preferred having one excellent institution, and that at the federal capital, and gave his reasons at length for his opinion, at the same time adding--after stating to mr. jefferson the fact that he had offered the fifty shares of the potomac company to the commissioners--"my judgment and my wishes point equally strong to the application of the james river shares [one hundred] to the same object at the same place; but, considering the source from whence they were derived, i have, in a letter i am writing to the executive of virginia on this subject, left the application of them to a seminary within the state, to be located by the legislature." in his letter to governor brooke, above referred to, washington said: "the time is come when a plan of universal education ought to be adopted in the united states. not only do the exigencies of public life demand it, but, if it should be apprehended that prejudice would be entertained in one part of the union against another, an efficacious remedy will be to assemble the youth from every part, under such circumstances as will, by the freedom of intercourse and collision of sentiment, give to their minds the direction of truth, philanthropy, and mutual conciliation." he then expressed his preference of the proposed university at the federal capital, as the object of his appropriation, but left the matter at the disposal of the legislature. that body, in resolutions, approved of his appropriation of the fifty shares in the potomac company to the proposed university, and requested him to appropriate the hundred shares in the james river company "to a seminary at such place in the upper country, as he may deem most convenient to a majority of the inhabitants thereof."[ ] footnotes: [ ] life of washington, ii, [ ] see page of this volume. chapter xxviii. jay's mission to england--its specific objects--his arrival in london--his judicious conduct there--difficulties in the way of negotiation--jay's encouraging letter to washington--his letter to the secretary of state--the provisions of the treaty--its reception by washington--he keeps its provisions secret--opposition to the treaty--meeting of the senate--the treaty discussed and its ratification recommended--a synopsis of its contents made public. mr. jay's mission to england had been from its inception a cause of much anxiety to washington. its object was beneficent and patriotic in the highest degree, and yet it had been opposed with the bitterest party spirit, and regarded with distrust even by friends of the administration, who had watched the ungenerous and despotic course of the british government toward the united states ever since the peace of . mr. jay's instructions contemplated three important objects to be obtained by treaty. these were, compensation for the losses sustained by american merchants in consequence of the orders in council; a settlement of all existing disputes in relation to the treaty of peace; and a commercial treaty. great discretion was to be given to the envoy. he was to consider his instructions as recommendatory, not as peremptory. only two restrictions were imposed upon him. one was, not to enter into any stipulation inconsistent with the existing engagements of the united states with france; the other was, not to conclude any commercial treaty that did not secure to the united states a direct trade in their own vessels, of certain defined burdens, with the british west india islands, in whatever articles were at present allowed to be carried in british bottoms. mr. jay was fully impressed with the importance of his mission and the necessity of prompt action. he arrived at falmouth on the evening of the eighth of june, and the same night he forwarded a letter to lord grenville, the secretary for foreign affairs, announcing his arrival. he reached london a few days afterward, took lodgings at the royal hotel, pall mall, and on the fifteenth addressed the following note to lord grenville:-- "my lord: you have doubtless received a letter which i had the honor of writing to you from falmouth. i arrived here this morning. the journey has given me some health and much pleasure, nothing having occurred on the road to induce me to make it shorter. "colonel trumbull does me the favor to accompany me as secretary; and i have brought with me a son, whom i am anxious should form a right estimate of whatever may be interesting to our country. will you be so obliging, my lord, as to permit me to present them to you, and to inform me of the time when it will be most agreeable to your lordship that i should wait upon you, and assure you of the respect with which i have the honor to be, &c." mr. jay's appearance in london was at a time when all europe was in a state of the most feverish excitement. robespierre and his bloody companions were revelling in all the wantonness of irresponsible power. the reign of terror was at its height, and the resentment against france by all true friends of freedom in europe, and especially the british nation, was hot and uncompromising. england, supported by russia, austria, and spain, was waging war against the revolutionists; and at the moment of jay's arrival, the nation was madly rejoicing because of a splendid victory obtained by lord howe over the french fleet. the fact that a large party in the united states warmly sympathized with france, the late proceedings of congress manifesting a disposition hostile to great britain, and the remaining soreness of wounded pride experienced by england in the loss of her colonies, combined with the stirring events then occurring in europe, made the moment apparently inauspicious for a mission like that of mr. jay. it required, on the part of the minister, the exercise of the most discreet courtesy. the views entertained by the two nations as to their rights and interests were so opposed, on several points, that reconciliation appeared almost impossible. the americans complained that, contrary to express provisions of the treaty of , a large number of negroes had been carried away by the evacuating british armies at the south, and for the losses thereby sustained by the owners compensation was demanded. the british contended that the claim in the treaty referred to did not apply to negroes who had been set at liberty in the course of the war, under proclamations of the british commanders; and as those carried away were all of that kind, no compensation should be allowed. the americans also complained of the continued occupancy of the western posts by british garrisons, and attributed the protracted hostility of the indian tribes, to the influence of the british commanders there. they also alleged numerous invasions of their neutral rights, not only under the orders in council, issued as instructions to the commanders of british cruisers, but in the seizure of many vessels without sufficient warrant, and their condemnation by the local admiralty courts. they also complained of the impressment into the british service of seamen from on board american vessels, and the exclusion of american shipping from the trade to the british west indies. the british were unwilling to relinquish their right of impressment, as a means of manning their fleets at that important crisis; and they regarded the claim of the americans to an equal participation in the west india trade as unreasonable, because it would require england to renounce the long-settled principles of her commercial system. the most important questions to be settled, and those which involved matters most dangerous to the peace between the two countries, were those of neutral rights and the occupancy of the western posts. such in brief were the chief points in the controversy to be settled by treaty. "by a deportment respectful yet firm," says marshall, "mingling a decent deference for the government to which he was deputed, with a proper regard for the dignity of his own, this minister avoided those little asperities which frequently embarrass measures of great concern, and smoothed the way to the adoption of those which were suggested by the real interests of both nations."[ ] mr. jay found lord grenville commissioned by the king to treat with him, and the sincerity and candor of each soon led to the highest degree of mutual confidence. "instead of adopting the usual wary but tedious mode of reducing every proposition to writing," says mr. jay's biographer,[ ] "they conducted the negotiation chiefly by conferences, in which the parties frankly stated their several views, and suggested the way in which the objections to these views might be obviated. it was understood that neither party was to be committed by what passed in these conversations, but that the propositions made in them might be recalled or modified at pleasure. in this manner the two ministers speedily discovered on what points they could agree, where their views were irreconcilable, and on what principles a compromise might be effected." while at fort cumberland, in october, washington received a most gratifying letter from mr. jay, accompanied by despatches from mr. randolph, the secretary of state. they came by the packet _william penn_. mr. jay's letter was dated the fifth of august. concerning the business of his mission he wrote as follows:-- "i am this moment returned from a long conference with lord grenville. our prospects become more and more promising as we advance in the business. the compensation cases (as described in the answer) and the amount of damages will, i have reason to hope, be referred to the decision of commissioners, mutually to be appointed by the two governments, and the money paid without delay on their certificates, and the business closed as speedily as may be possible. the question of admitting our vessels into the islands under certain limitations is under consideration, and will soon be decided. a treaty of commerce is on the carpet. all things being agreed, the posts will be included. they contend that the article about the _negroes_ does not extend to those who came in on their proclamations, to whom (being vested with the property in them by the right of war) they gave freedom, but only to those who were, _bona fide_, the property of americans when the war ceased. they will, i think, insist that british debts, so far as _injured_ by lawful impediments, should be repaired by the united states by decision of mutual commissioners. these things have passed in conversation, but no commitments on either side, and not to have any official weight or use whatever. "the king observed to me, the other day, 'well, sir, i imagine you begin to see that your mission will probably be successful.'--'i am happy, may it please your majesty, to find that you entertain that idea.'--'well, but don't you perceive that it is like to be so?'--'there are some recent circumstances (the answer to my representation, etc.) which induce me to flatter myself that it will be so.' he nodded with a smile, signifying that it was to those circumstances that he alluded. the conversation then turned to indifferent topics. this was at the drawing-room. "i have never been more unceasingly employed than i have been for some time past and still am; i hope for good, but god only knows. the _william penn_ sails in the morning. i write these few lines in haste, to let you see that the business is going on as fast as can reasonably be expected, and that it is very _important_ that peace and quiet should be preserved for the present. on hearing last night that one of our indiamen had been carried into halifax, i mentioned it to lord grenville. he will write immediately by the packet on the subject. indeed, i believe they are endeavoring to restore a proper conduct toward us _everywhere_; but it will take some time before the effects will be visible. i write all this to you in _confidence_, and for your own _private_ satisfaction. i have not time to explain my reasons, but they are _cogent_. i could fill some sheets with interesting communications if i had leisure, but other matters press, and must not be postponed; for 'there is a tide in the affairs of men,' of which every moment is precious. whatever may be the issue, nothing in my power to insure success shall be neglected or delayed."[ ] to mr. randolph he wrote: "i shall persevere in my endeavors to acquire the confidence and esteem of this government--not by improper compliances, but by that sincerity, candor, truth, and prudence, which, in my opinion, will always prove to be more wise and more effectual than finesse and chicane. formal discussions of disputed points should, in my judgment, be postponed until the case becomes desperate; my present object is to accommodate, rather than to convert or convince. men who sign their names to arguments seldom retract. if, however, my present plan should fail, i shall then prepare and present such formal, and at the same time such temperate and _firm_, representations as may be necessary to place the claims and conduct of the two governments in their proper point of view." a treaty was finally signed at london, on the nineteenth of november, , by mr. jay and lord grenville, and submitted to their respective governments for ratification. it was defective in some parts and objectionable in others; but, as it was the best that could be obtained, mr. jay was induced to sign it. in a private letter to washington, written on the same day that he signed the treaty, mr. jay said, "to do more was impossible. i ought not to conceal from you," he added, "that the confidence reposed in your personal character was visible and useful throughout the negotiation." to the secretary of state he wrote:-- "the long-expected treaty accompanies this letter. the difficulties which retarded its accomplishment frequently had the appearance of being insurmountable. they have at last yielded to modifications of the articles in which they existed, and to that mutual disposition to agreement which reconciled lord grenville and myself to an unusual degree of trouble and application. they who have levelled uneven ground know how little of the work afterward appears. "since the building is finished, it can not be very important to describe the scaffolding, nor to go into all the details which respected the business. my opinion of the treaty is apparent from my having signed it. i have no reason to believe or conjecture that one more favorable to us is attainable." this treaty provided for the establishment of three boards of commissioners; one to determine the eastern boundary of the united states, by deciding which was the river st. croix named in the treaty of peace in ; another to ascertain the amount of losses which british subjects had experienced in consequence of legal impediments to the recovery of debts due them by citizens of the united states, contracted before the revolution--such amount, on their report being made, to be paid by the government of the united states; and a third to estimate the losses sustained by american citizens in consequence of irregular and illegal captures by british cruisers, for which the sufferers had no adequate remedy in suits of law--such losses to be paid by the british government. it was provided that the western posts should be given up to the united states on the first of june, , in consideration of the adjustment of the ante-revolutionary debts, the then residents in their respective neighborhoods having the option of remaining, or of becoming american citizens. the important indian traffic in the interior was left open to both nations, by a mutual reciprocity of inland trade and free intercourse between the north american territories of the two nations, including the navigation of the mississippi. the british were to be allowed to enter all american harbors, with the right to ascend all rivers to the highest port of entry. this reciprocity did not extend to the possessions of the hudson's bay company, nor to the admission of american vessels into the harbors of the british north american colonies, nor to the navigation of the rivers of those colonies below the highest port of entry. it was stipulated that the subjects or citizens of one government, holding lands in the dominions of the other government, should continue to hold them without alienage; nor, in the event of war or other national differences, should there be any confiscation by either party of debts, or of public or private stocks, due to or held by the citizens or subjects of the other. in a word, there should be no disturbance of existing conditions of property; and merchants and traders on each side should enjoy the most complete protection and security for their property. the foregoing is the material substance of the first ten articles of the treaty, which it was declared should be perpetual; the remaining eighteen, having reference chiefly to the regulation of commerce and navigation between the two countries, were limited in their operations to two years after the termination of the war in which great britain was then engaged. the commercial portion of the treaty provided for the admission of american vessels into british ports in europe and the east indies, on terms of equality with british vessels. but participation in the east indian coasting trade, and the trade between european and british east indian ports, was left to rest on the contingency of british permission. the right was also reserved to the british to meet the existing discrimination in the american tonnage and import duties by countervailing measures. american vessels, not exceeding seventy tons burden, were to be allowed to trade to the british west indies, but only on condition of a renunciation, during the continuance of the treaty, of the right to transport from america to europe any of the principal colonial products. british vessels were to be admitted into american ports without any further addition to the existing discriminating duties, and on terms equal to the most favored nations. it was also stipulated that privateers should give bonds, with security, to make equivalent restitution for any injury they might inflict upon neutrals, in the event of the condemnation of any prize. other provisions, favorable to neutral property captured by privateers, were made; and it was determined that the list of contraband articles should include, besides ammunition and warlike implements, all articles serving directly for the equipment of vessels, except unwrought iron and fir-plank. it was also provided that no vessel attempting to enter a blockaded port should be captured, unless previously notified of the blockade; that neither nation should allow enlistments within its territory by any third nation at war with the other; nor should the citizens or subjects of either be allowed to accept commissions from such third nation, or to enlist in its service--citizens or subjects acting contrary to this stipulation to be treated as pirates. provision was also made for the exercise of hospitality and courtesy between ships-of-war and privateers of the two countries; also for prohibiting the arming of privateers of any nation at war with either of the contracting parties, or fitting them out in the ports of the other; and for excluding the privateers of a third nation from the ports of the contracting parties, which had made prizes of vessels belonging to citizens or subjects of either country. it was also agreed that neither nation should allow vessels or goods of the other to be captured in any of its bays or other waters, or within cannon-shot of its coast. it was further stipulated, that in the event of war between the two nations, the citizens or subjects of each, residing within the limits of the other, should be allowed to continue peaceably in their respective employments, so long as they should behave themselves properly. it was also provided that fugitives from justice, charged with murder or forgery, should be mutually given up. such was the substance of the famous treaty, the ratification of which caused a tempest in the political atmosphere, whose fury shook the union to its foundation, and proved to the utmost test the stability of the character and popularity of washington. rumors of the conclusion of a treaty reached the congress before its adjournment in march, ; but the treaty itself did not arrive until two days afterward. the president received it on the fifth of march, but its contents were kept a profound secret for several months. washington studied it carefully, fully digested every article, and resolved to ratify it, should it be approved by the senate. parts of it he approved, parts he disapproved; but he saw in it the basis for a satisfactory adjustment of the relations of the two governments, and a guaranty of peace. the president issued a circular calling the senate together in june, for the purpose of considering the treaty. he resolved to keep its provisions a secret until that time, because there was a predisposition in the public mind to condemn it. already, as we have seen, the appointment of a special envoy to negotiate with great britain had been denounced as a cowardly overture, and degrading to the united states; and it was declared that the mission of a special envoy, if one was to be sent, should be to make a formal and unequivocal demand of reparation for wrongs inflicted on our commerce, the payment of damages to owners of slaves carried away, and the immediate surrender of the western posts. a large party in the united states had resolved that the treaty, whatever it might be, especially if it should remove all pretexts for a war with great britain, should be rejected; and, even before its arrival, preparations for opposition were made. in the course of a few days after washington received it, and had submitted it, under the seal of strict privacy, to mr. randolph, the secretary of state, sufficient information concerning it leaked out to awaken public distrust, and yet not enough was known for the formation of any definite opinion concerning it. but instantly the opposition press commenced a crusade against it. "americans, awake!" cried a writer in one of these. "remember what you suffered during a seven-years' war with the satellites of george the third (and i hope the last). recollect the services rendered by your allies, now contending for liberty. blush to think that america should degrade herself so much as to enter into _any kind of treaty_ with a power, now tottering on the brink of ruin, whose principles are directly contrary to the spirit of republicanism. "the united states are a republic. is it advantageous to a republic to have a connection with a monarch? treaties lead to war, and war is the bane of a republican government. if the influence of a treaty is added to the influence which great britain has already in our government, we shall be colonized anew. "commercial treaties are an artificial means to obtain a natural end--they are the swathing bands of commerce that impede the free operations of nature. treaties are like partnerships; they establish intimacies which sometimes end in profligacy, and sometimes in ruin and bankruptcy, distrust, strife, and quarrel. "_no treaty_ ought to have been made with great britain, for she is famed for perfidy and double dealing; her polar star is interest; artifice, with her, is a substitute for nature. to make a treaty with great britain is forming a connection with a monarch; and the introduction of the fashions, forms, and precedents of monarchical governments has ever accelerated the destruction of republics. "if foreign connections are to be formed, they ought to be made with nations whose influence would not poison the fountain of liberty, and circulate the deleterious streams to the destruction of the rich harvest of our revolution. _france_ is our natural ally; she has a government congenial with our own. there can be no hazard of introducing from her, principles and practices repugnant to freedom. that gallant nation, whose proffers we have neglected, is the sheet-anchor that sustains our hopes; and should her glorious exertions be incompetent to the great object she has in view, we have little to flatter ourselves with from the faith, honor, or justice of great britain. the nation on whom _our political existence depends_, we have treated with indifference bordering on contempt. _citizens_, your only security depends on _france_; and, by the conduct of your government, that security has become precarious. "to enter into a treaty with great britain at the moment when we have evaded a treaty with france; to treat with an enemy against whom france feels an implacable hatred, an enemy who has neglected no means to desolate that country and crimson it with blood, is certainly insult. citizens of america, sovereigns of a free country, your hostility to the french republic has been spoken of in the national convention, and a motion for an inquiry into it has been only suspended from prudential motives--the book of account may soon be opened against you. what then, alas, will be your prospects! to have your friendship questioned by that nation is indeed alarming!" such was the logic--or rather the mad, seditious cry of faction--employed to forestall public opinion, and defeat the noble and humane intentions of the government. the democratic societies, though infirm and tottering, joined in the clamor. one of these in virginia exclaimed, "shall we americans, who have kindled the spark of liberty, stand aloof and see it extinguished when burning a bright flame in france, which hath caught it from us? if all tyrants unite against a free people, should not all free people unite against tyrants? yes, let us unite with france, and stand or fall together." the massachusetts society, in an address to all sister societies of the union, put forth similar sentiments, and declared that the political interests of the united states and france were "one and indivisible." the pennsylvania society exhorted that of new york to be ready and oppose the treaty if its provisions should be found dishonorable to the country; and newspapers and pamphleteers joined in the general cry of factious opposition. the senate, pursuant to proclamation, assembled at philadelphia on the eighth of june. some changes had taken place in the material of that body, favorable to the government. mr. jay's treaty, with accompanying documents, was laid before it on the first day of the session. that gentleman had arrived from england a fortnight previously, and found himself elected governor of the state of new york by a large majority; and when he landed, he was greeted by thousands of his fellow-citizens, who gathered to welcome their new chief magistrate, and to testify their respect to the envoy who had so faithfully, as they believed, executed a mission of peace. a great crowd attended him to his dwelling, and the firing of cannon and ringing of bells attested the public joy. he immediately resigned his seat as chief justice of the united states, and three days after his arrival home he took the oath of office as governor of the state of new york. the senate held secret sessions when considering the treaty, and for a fortnight it was discussed in that body with the greatest freedom and candor. finally, on the twenty-fourth of june, the senate by a vote of twenty to ten--precisely a constitutional majority--advised the ratification of the treaty, that article excepted which related to the west india trade. "an insuperable objection," says marshall, "existed to an article regulating the intercourse with the british west indies, founded on a fact which is understood to have been unknown to mr. jay. the intention of the contracting parties was to admit the direct intercourse between the united states and those islands, but not to permit the productions of the latter to be carried to europe in the vessels of the former. to give effect to this intention, the exportation from the united states of those articles which were the principal productions of the islands was to be relinquished. among these was cotton. this article, which a few years before was scarcely raised in sufficient quantity for domestic consumption, was becoming one of the richest staples of the southern states. the senate, being informed of this fact, advised and consented that the treaty should be ratified on condition that an article be added thereto, suspending that part of the twelfth article which related to the intercourse with the west indies. "although, in the mind of the president, several objections to the treaty had occurred, they were overbalanced by its advantages; and, before transmitting it to the senate, he had resolved to ratify it, if approved by that body. the resolution of the senate presented difficulties which required consideration. whether they could advise and consent to an article which had not been laid before them, and whether their resolution was to be considered as the final exercise of their power, were questions not entirely free from difficulty. nor was it absolutely clear that the executive could ratify the treaty, under the advice of the senate, until the suspending article should be introduced into it. a few days were employed in the removal of these doubts; at the expiration of which, intelligence was received from europe which suspended the resolution which the president had formed. "the english papers contained an account, which, though not official, was deemed worthy of credit, that the order of the eighth of june, , for the seizure of provisions going to french ports, was renewed. in the apprehension that this order might be construed and intended as a practical construction of that article in the treaty which seemed to favor the idea that provisions, though not generally contraband, might occasionally become so, a construction in which he had determined not to acquiesce, the president thought it wise to reconsider his decision. of the result of this reconsideration there is no conclusive testimony. a strong memorial against this objectionable order was directed; and the propositions to withhold the ratification of the treaty until the order should be repealed; to make the exchange of ratifications dependent upon that event; and to adhere to his original purpose of pursuing the advice of the senate, connecting with that measure the memorial which had been mentioned, as an act explanatory of the sense in which his ratification was made, were severally reviewed by him. in conformity with his practice of withholding his opinion on controverted points until it should become necessary to decide them, he suspended his determination on these propositions until the memorial should be prepared and laid before him."[ ] the senate, on voting to recommend the ratification of the treaty, removed the seal of secrecy, but forbade any publication of the treaty itself. regardless alike of the rules of the senate, and of official decorum, senator mason, of virginia, sent to bache, the editor of the _aurora_ (the democratic newspaper) a full abstract of the treaty, which was published on the second of july. in this, mason had only anticipated washington, who, to counteract statements concerning the contents of the treaty, and malignant comments which began to appear, had resolved to have the whole document published. footnotes: [ ] life of washington, ii, . [ ] his son, william jay. [ ] life and writings of john jay, by his son, william jay, i, . [ ] life of washington, ii, . chapter xxix. termination of jay's treaty--washington withholds his signature to the ratification--efforts to intimidate him--violent proceedings in philadelphia and new york--proceedings of the selectmen of boston--riotous proceedings in new york--hamilton and others stoned--opposition to the treaty--chamber of commerce in favor of the treaty--movements in philadelphia--denunciations of jay and the treaty in the southern states--disunion threatened--washington's letter to the selectmen of boston--washington at mount vernon--his hasty return to the seat of government--fauchet's letter intercepted--confidence withdrawn from randolph--the ratification of the treaty signed--randolph and fauchet--randolph's vindication of his conduct--his repentance. the publication of the contents of the treaty produced a blaze of excitement throughout the country. the author of the treaty, the senators who approved of its ratification, and the president, were all vehemently denounced. great indignation had already been expressed because the entire negotiation had been involved in mysterious secrecy; because the document had not been immediately made public on its reception by the president; and because the senate deliberated upon it with closed doors. the partisans of france had used every effort, during the spring and summer, to excite the people against great britain; and it was evident, from the tone of opposition writers and declaimers, that no possible adjustment of difficulties with that country, which might promise a future friendly intercourse between the two nations, would be satisfactory.[ ] it was asserted that any treaty of amity and commerce with great britain under the circumstances, whatever might be its principles, was a degrading insult to the american people, a pusillanimous surrender of their honor, and a covert injury to france. they affected to regard the compact as an alliance; an abandonment of an ancient ally of the united states, whose friendship had given them independence, and whose current victories, at that moment challenging the admiration of the world, still protected them, for an alliance with the natural enemy of that friend, and with an enemy of human liberty. they spoke of the court of great britain as the most faithless and corrupt in the world, and denounced the result of jay's mission as a surrender of every just claim upon a rapacious enemy for restitution on account of great wrongs. these denunciations had great immediate effect. all acknowledged that the treaty was not as favorable to the united states as the latter had a right to expect; and "public opinion did receive a considerable shock," says marshall. men unaffected by the spirit of faction felt some disappointment on its first appearance; therefore, when exposed to the public view, continues marshall, "it found one party prepared for a bold and intrepid attack, but the other not ready in its defence. an appeal to the passions, prejudices, and feelings of the nation might confidently be made by those whose only object was its condemnation; while reflection, information, and consequently time, were required by men whose first impressions were not in its favor, but who were not inclined to yield absolutely to those impressions." as we have observed, washington, for a specific purpose, withheld his signature in ratification of the treaty. the vote of the senate recommending its ratification, with the stipulation that one article should be added, suspending so much of another as seemed requisite, and requesting the president to open without delay further negotiation on that head, presented serious questions to his mind. he had no precedent for his guide. could the senate be considered to have ratified the treaty before the insertion of the new article? was the act complete and final, so as to make it unnecessary to refer it back to that body? could the president affix his official seal to an act before it should be complete? these were important questions, and demanded serious reflection. the opponents of the treaty, aware of the cause of the delay in its ratification, resolved to endeavor to intimidate the president and prevent his signing it. the most violent demonstrations, by word and deed, were made against it. on the fourth of july, a great mob assembled in philadelphia, and paraded the streets with effigies of jay and the ratifying senators. that of jay bore a pair of scales: one was labelled "_american liberty and independence_;" and the other, which greatly preponderated, "_british gold_." from the mouth of the figure proceeded the words, "_come up to my price, and i will sell you my country_." the effigies were committed to the flames amid the most frightful yells and groans. public meetings were assembled all over the country to make formal protests against the treaty. they were called ostensibly to "deliberate upon it," but they were frequently tumultuous, and always declamatory. a large meeting was held in boston on the tenth of july. the chief actors there denounced the treaty as not containing one single article honorable or beneficial to the united states. it was disapproved of by unanimous vote, and a committee of fifteen, appointed to state objections, in an address to the president, reported no less than twenty. they were adopted by the meeting without debate, and were sent to the president accompanied by a letter from the selectmen of boston. only a few of the stable inhabitants of boston appear to have been concerned in this matter, and the wealthy merchants and some other rich men who attended the meeting, and whose fears were excited by the leaders of the opposition, were made mere tools of on the occasion. a meeting for a similar purpose was held in front of the city-hall, in wall street, new york, on the eighteenth of july, pursuant to a call of an anonymous handbill. there the opposition gathered in great numbers, and there also was a large number of the friends of the treaty, who succeeded at first in electing a chairman. they were then about to adjourn to some more convenient place, when brockholst livingston, mr. jay's brother-in-law, and a leader of the opposition, urged the meeting to proceed instantly, as the president might ratify the treaty at any moment. indeed, the whole livingston family, with the eminent chancellor at their head, were now in the ranks of the opposition, and exerted a powerful influence. "with more than thoughtless effrontery," says doctor francis, "they fanned the embers of discontent." hamilton, rufus king, and other speakers, occupied the balcony of the city-hall. the former, with sweet and persuasive tones, had uttered conciliatory words, and spoken in favor of adjournment, when the meeting became a good deal disturbed by conflicting sentiments and stormy passions. just then an excited party of the opposition, who had held a meeting at the bowling green, with william l. smith, a son-in-law of vice-president adams, as chairman, and who had burned a copy of the treaty in front of the government house, marched up broadway, with the american and french flags unfurled, and joined the meeting. the turbulence of the assembly was greatly increased by this addition; and while hamilton and king "were addressing the people in accents of friendship, peace, and reconciliation, they were treated in return with a shower of stones, levelled at their persons, by the exasperated mob gathered in front of the city-hall."[ ] "these are hard arguments," said hamilton, who was hit a glancing blow upon the forehead by one of the stones. a question was finally taken on a motion to leave the decision on the treaty to the president and senate, when both sides claimed a majority. then some person, utterly ignoring the presence of a chairman, moved the appointment of a committee of fifteen, to report to another meeting (to be held two days afterward) objections to the treaty. he read a list of names of gentlemen that should form that committee, and, at the close of clamorous shouts, he declared them duly appointed by the vote. the meeting finally broke up in great confusion. the adjourned meeting was attended by only the opponents of the treaty; and brockholst livingston, chairman of the committee of fifteen, reported twenty-eight condemnatory resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote. "these resolutions," says hildreth, "while expressing great confidence in the president's wisdom, patriotism, and independence, were equally confident that his 'own good sense' must induce him to reject the treaty, as 'invading the constitution and legislative authority of the country; as abandoning important and well-founded claims against the british government; as imposing unjust and impolitic restraints on commerce; as injurious to agriculture; as conceding, without an equivalent, important advantages to great britain; as hostile and ungrateful to france; as committing our peace with that great republic; as unequal toward america in every respect; as hazarding her internal peace and prosperity; and as derogatory from her sovereignty and independence."[ ] on the very next day (july ), the new york chamber of commerce, representing the commercial interests of that city, adopted resolutions diametrically opposed to those offered by livingston. these set forth that the treaty contained as many features of reciprocity as, under the circumstances, might be expected; that the arrangements respecting british debts were honest and expedient; and that the agreement concerning the surrender of the western posts and for compensation for spoliations, and their prevention in future, were wise and beneficial. if the treaty had been rejected, they said, war with all its attendant calamities would have ensued, and they were satisfied with what had been done. on the twenty-fourth of july a similar meeting was held in philadelphia. among the leaders who denounced the treaty by speech and acts were chief-justice m'kean, alexander j. dallas (the secretary of the commonwealth), general muhlenburg (late speaker of the house of representatives), and john swanwick (representative elect in congress). a committee of fifteen was appointed by the meeting to convey the sentiments of the assemblage to the president, who was then at mount vernon, in the form of a memorial. that instrument was read twice and agreed to without debate. the treaty was then thrown to the populace--consisting chiefly, as wolcott said in a letter to the president, of "the ignorant and violent classes"--who placed it upon a pole, and, proceeding to the house of the british minister, burned it in the street in front of it. they performed a like ceremony in front of the dwelling of the british consul, and also of mr. bingham, an influential federalist, with loud huzzas, yells, and groans. at the south, equally hostile feelings toward the treaty and its friends were manifested. john rutledge, then chief justice of south carolina, denounced the treaty in violent language at a public meeting. he said it was destitute of a single article that could be approved, and reproached jay with being either a knave or a fool--with corruption or stupidity--in having signed it. the stanch old patriot, christopher gadsden, denounced it in terms equally decisive; and charles cotesworth pinckney, at the close of a violent harangue, moved to request the president to take steps to have jay impeached. "if he had not made this public exposure of his conduct and principles," said pinckney, "he might one day have been brought forward, among others, as a candidate for our highest office: but the general and deserved contempt which his negotiations have brought both his talents and principles into, would for ever, he trusted, secure his fellow-citizens from the dangerous and unwise use which such a man would have made of the powers vested in a president." the meeting appointed a committee of fifteen to report their sentiments at another gathering. it was done on the twenty-second of july. the report contained severe criticisms upon the several articles of the treaty, and recommended a memorial to the president, asking him not to ratify it. meanwhile the populace trailed a british flag through the streets, and then burned it at the door of the british consul. while these meetings were occurring in the principal cities, the opposition press all over the country was alive with the subject, and its denunciations were sometimes so violent that it was difficult to find words strong enough to express them. the democratic societies, vivified by the excitement, were also active with a sort of galvanic life. one of these in south carolina resolved, "that we pledge ourselves to our brethren of the republican societies throughout the union, as far as the ability and individual influence of a numerous society can be made to extend, that we will promote every constitutional mode to bring john jay to trial and to justice. he shall not escape, if guilty, that punishment which will at once wipe off the temporary stain laid upon us, and be a warning to traitors hereafter how they sport with the interests and feelings of their fellow-citizens. he was instructed, or he was not: if he was, we will drop the curtain; if not, and he acted of and from himself, we shall lament the want of a guillotine." the pendleton society of the same state declared their "abhorrence and detestation of a treaty which gives the english government more power over us as states than it claimed over us as colonists--a treaty, involving in it pusillanimity, stupidity, ingratitude, and treachery." in virginia, the grand panacea for all political evils of the federal government, disunion, was again presented. the following specimen of the prescription, taken from a virginia newspaper, will suffice as an example:-- "notice is hereby given, that in case the treaty entered into by that damned arch-traitor, john jay, with the british tyrant should be ratified, a petition will be presented to the next general assembly of virginia at their next session, praying that the said state may recede from the union, and be under the government of one hundred thousand free and independent virginians. "p. s. as it is the wish of the people of the said state to enter into a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, with any other state or states of the present union who are averse to returning again under the galling yoke of great britain, the printers of the (at present) united states are requested to publish the above notification.--_richmond, july , _." even at that early period of the republic, neither newspaper editors, nor political combinations, nor gatherings of clamorous assemblies, could make any sensible impression on the real strength of the union. nor did these individual or public demonstrations move washington from his steady march in the line of duty, or in his allegiance to what he discerned to be truth and justice. on his way to his home on the potomac, he was overtaken at baltimore, on the eighteenth of july, by the committee from boston, bearing to him the proceedings of the great public meeting there on the subject of the treaty. he immediately sent the papers back to mr. randolph, the secretary of state, with a request that he would confer upon the subject with the other two secretaries and the attorney-general, and transmit the opinion of the cabinet to him as early as possible. the whole affair, he had no doubt, was intended to place him "in an embarrassed situation." the cabinet members, after consultation, wrote out replies to the boston authorities in accordance with their views, and sent them to the president. he weighed them carefully, and on the twenty-eighth of july he addressed the following letter to the selectmen of boston:--[ ] "in every act of my administration i have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. my system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations; to contemplate the united states as one great whole; to consider that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection; and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country. "nor have i departed from this line of conduct, on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of the thirteenth instant. "with a predilection for my own judgment, i have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. but the constitution is the guide, which i never can abandon. it has assigned to the president the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the senate. it was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. "under this persuasion, i have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. to the high responsibility attached to it i freely submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. while i feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, i can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." to these noble sentiments washington firmly adhered, and they were the basis of his replies to all similar communications. before this letter was sent, washington received many private and public letters on the subject, as well as newspaper accounts of meetings all over the country. he perceived that a crisis had arrived, when he must act promptly and energetically, in accordance with his convictions of right. he saw that the excitement throughout the union was becoming formidable, and he resolved to return to philadelphia immediately, summon his cabinet, and propose to ratify the treaty without delay--notwithstanding such return would be to him a great personal sacrifice. "whilst i am in office," he said to randolph in his letter announcing his determination to return, "i shall never suffer private convenience to interfere with what i conceive to be my official duty." this was one of the great maxims of his life. "i view the opposition," he said, "which the treaty is receiving from the meetings in different parts of the union, in a very serious light; not because there is more weight in any of the objections which are made to it than was foreseen at first, for there is none in some of them, and gross misrepresentations in others; nor as it respects myself personally, for this shall have no influence on my conduct, plainly perceiving, and i am accordingly preparing my mind for it, the obloquy which disappointment and malice are collecting to heap upon me. but i am alarmed at the effect it may have on, and the advantage the french government may be disposed to make of, the spirit which is at work to cherish a belief in them that the treaty is calculated to favor great britain at their expense. whether they believe or disbelieve these tales, the effect it will have upon the nation will be nearly the same; for, whilst they are at war with that power, or so long as the animosity between the two nations exists, it will, no matter at whose expense, be their policy, and it is to be feared will be their conduct, to prevent us from being on good terms with great britain, or her from deriving any advantages from our trade, which they can hinder, however much we may be benefitted thereby ourselves. to what length this policy and interest may carry them is problematical; but when they see the people of this country divided, and such a violent opposition given to the measures of their own government pretendedly in their favor, it may be extremely embarrassing, to say no more of it. "to sum the whole up in a few words, i have never, since i have been in the administration of the government, seen a crisis, which in my judgment has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one side or the other. from new york there is, and i am told will further be, a counter current; but how formidable it may appear i know not. if the same does not take place at boston and other towns, it will afford but too strong evidence that the opposition is in a manner universal, and would make the ratification a very serious business indeed. but, as it respects the french, even counter resolutions would, for the reasons i have already mentioned, do little more than weaken in a small degree the effect the other side would have." two days afterward (the thirty-first of july) he wrote to mr. randolph, informing him that he should not set out for philadelphia until he should receive answers to some letters, and then said:-- "to be wise and temperate, as well as firm, the present crisis most eminently calls for. there is too much reason to believe, from the pains which have been taken, before, at, and since the advice of the senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally imagined. this i have lately understood to be the case in this quarter, from men who are of no party, but well disposed to the present administration. how should it be otherwise, when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts; that their rights have not only been _neglected_, but absolutely _sold_; that there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the benefits are all on the side of great britain; and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest and to have been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to oppress the french, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and sound policy? in time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly turn; but, in the meanwhile, this government, in relation to france and england, may be compared to a ship between the rocks of scylla and charybdis. if the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the french, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences which may follow as it respects great britain. "it is not to be inferred from hence that i am disposed to quit the ground i have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge should compel it; for there is but one straight course, and that is, to seek truth and pursue it steadily. "but these things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary, and that they are strong evidences of the necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determination of government into effect, with prudence as it respects our own people, and with every exertion to produce a change for the better from great britain." randolph, at washington's request, had made a rough draft of a memorial, intended to meet all objections to the treaty. this had been sent to mount vernon, and in reference to it the president said:-- "the memorial seems well designed to answer the end proposed; and by the time it is revised and new-dressed, you will probably (either in the resolutions, which are or will be handed to me, or in the newspaper publications, which you promised to be attentive to) have seen all the objections against the treaty which have any real force in them, and which may be fit subjects for representation in the memorial, or in the instructions, or both. "but how much longer the presentation of the memorial can be delayed without exciting unpleasant sensations here, or involving serious evils elsewhere, you, who are at the scene of information and action, can decide better than i. in a matter, however, so interesting and pregnant with consequences as this treaty, there ought to be no precipitation; but, on the contrary, every step should be explored before it is taken, and every word weighed before it is uttered or delivered in writing." washington arrived at philadelphia on the eleventh of august. his return was hastened by a mysterious letter from colonel pickering, the secretary of war, dated the thirty-first of july. "on the subject of the treaty," he said, "i confess i feel extreme solicitude, and for a _special reason_, which can be communicated to you only in person. i entreat, therefore, that you will return with all convenient speed to the seat of government. in the meantime, for the reason above referred to, i pray you to decide on no important political measure, in whatever form it may be presented to you. mr. wolcott and i (mr. bradford concurring) waited on mr. randolph, and urged his writing to request your return. he wrote in our presence, but we concluded a letter from one of us also expedient." on the day after his arrival, the president called a cabinet meeting. mr. pickering had already explained the mysterious hints in his letter, by handing to washington some papers which had excited suspicions concerning secretary randolph's conduct. when the cabinet had convened, the president submitted the question, "what shall be done with the treaty?" randolph not only insisted upon the repeal of the provision order already alluded to, as a preliminary to ratification, but took the ground that the treaty ought not to be ratified at all, pending the war with great britain and france. the other members of the cabinet were in favor of immediate ratification, with a strong memorial against the provision order. in this opinion washington coincided, and on the eighteenth the ratification was signed by the president. randolph was directed to complete the memorial which he had commenced, and also instructions for further negotiations. washington's feelings had been deeply moved by the papers which pickering placed in his hands. the chief of these was a despatch of m. fauchet, the french minister, to his government, late in the autumn of , and which had been intercepted. in that despatch, fauchet gave a sketch of the rise of parties in the united states, in substantial accordance with jefferson's views, and then he commented freely upon the whiskey insurrection in western pennsylvania, then drawing to a close. echoing the sentiments of the democratic leaders, fauchet, professing to have his information from randolph, declared that the insurrection grew out of political hostility to hamilton. it was hamilton's intention, he said, in enforcing the excise, "to mislead the president into unpopular courses, and to introduce absolute power under pretext of giving energy to the government." in his further comments, the minister, in deprecation of the conduct of professed republicans, and the general co-operation with the president in putting down the insurrection, said: "of the governors whose duty it was to appear at the head of the requisitions, the governor of pennsylvania alone [mifflin] enjoyed the name of republican. his opinions of the secretary of the treasury, and of his systems, were known to be unfavorable. the secretary of this state [dallas] possessed great influence in the popular society of philadelphia, which in its turn influenced those of other states; of course he merited attention. it appears that these men, with others unknown to me, were balancing to decide on their party. two or three days before the proclamation was published, and of course before the cabinet had resolved on its measures, mr. randolph came to me with an air of great eagerness, and made to me the overtures of which i have given an account in my no. .[ ] "thus, with some thousands of dollars, the republic could have decided on civil war or on peace! thus the consciences of the pretended patriots of america already have their prices! what will be the old age of this government, if it is thus already decrepit?" after speaking of hamilton's financial schemes as the instrument of making "of a whole nation a stock-jobbing, speculating, and selfish people," and asserting that "riches alone here fix consideration, and, as no one likes to be despised, they are universally sought after," he makes some exceptions among the leading republicans by name, and continues:-- "as soon as it was decided that the french republic purchased no men to do their duty, there were to be seen individuals, about whose conduct the government could at least form uneasy conjectures, giving themselves up with scandalous ostentation to its views, and ever seconding its declarations. the popular societies [democratic] soon emitted resolutions stamped with the same spirit, which, although they may not have been prompted by love of order, might nevertheless have been omitted, or uttered with less solemnity. then were seen, coming from the very men whom we have been accustomed to regard as having little friendship for the treasurer, harangues without end, in order to give a new direction to the public mind." this despatch had been intercepted at sea, found its way to the british cabinet, and was forwarded to mr. hammond, the british minister at philadelphia. he placed it in the hands of mr. wolcott, the secretary of the treasury, for he ascribed the delay in the ratification of the treaty to randolph's influence. it was translated by mr. pickering, and he, as we have seen, submitted it to the president on his arrival at the seat of government. washington revolved it in his mind with great concern; but other matters of greater moment demanding his immediate attention after his arrival, he postponed all action upon it until the question of ratifying the treaty should be settled. on the day after the signing of that instrument, the president, in the presence of all the cabinet officers, handed the intercepted despatch to mr. randolph, with a request that he should read it and make such explanations as he might think fit. this was the first intimation mr. randolph had of the existence of such a letter. he perused it carefully without perceptible emotion, and with equal composure he commented upon each paragraph in order. he declared that he had never asked for, nor received, any money from the french minister for himself or others, and had never made any improper communications to fauchet of the measures of the government. he said that he wished more leisure to examine the letter, and he proposed to put further observations in writing. he complained, perhaps justly, of the president's manner in bringing the subject to his notice, without any private intimation of such intention; and he added, that in consideration of the treatment he had received, he could not think of remaining in office a moment longer. on the same day randolph tendered his resignation to the president. in his letter accompanying it, he said, "your confidence in me, sir, has been unlimited, and, i can truly affirm, unabused. my sensations, then, can not be concealed, when i find that confidence so suddenly withdrawn, without a word or distant hint being previously dropped to me. this, sir, as i mentioned in your room, is a situation in which i can not hold my present office, and therefore i hereby resign it. "it will not, however, be concluded from hence that i mean to relinquish the inquiry. no, sir--very far from it. i will also meet any inquiry; and to prepare for it, if i learn there is a chance of overtaking mr. fauchet before he sails, i will go to him immediately.[ ] "i have to beg the favor of you to permit me to be furnished with a copy of the letter, and i will prepare an answer to it; which i perceive that i can not do with the few hasty memoranda which i took with my pencil. i am satisfied, sir, that you will acknowledge one piece of justice to be due on this occasion, which is, that until an inquiry can be made, the affair shall continue in secrecy under your injunction. for, after pledging myself for a more specific investigation of all the suggestions, i here most solemnly deny that any overture came from me, which was to produce money to me or any others for me; and that in any manner, directly or indirectly, was a shilling ever received by me; nor was it ever contemplated by me that one shilling should be applied by mr. fauchet to any purpose relative to the insurrection." on the following day, washington wrote to mr. randolph: "whilst you are in pursuit of means to remove the strong suspicions arising from this letter, no disclosure of its contents will be made by me, and i will enjoin the same on the public officers who are acquainted with the purport of it, unless something will appear to render an explanation necessary on the part of the government, and of which i will be the judge." he afterward said, "no man would rejoice more than i, to find that the suspicions which have resulted from the intercepted letter were unequivocally and honorably removed." a message from randolph reached fauchet before he was ready to embark, and the minister wrote to the late secretary, a declaration, denying that the latter had ever indicated a willingness to receive money for his own use, and also affirming that, in his letter to his government, he did not say anything derogatory to mr. randolph's character. with this declaration from the retiring french minister, and a reliance upon the general tenor of his conduct while in the cabinet, randolph proceeded to prepare his vindication, at the same time publicly boasting to his friends, with a vindictive spirit, that he would bring things to view which would affect washington more than anything which had yet appeared. among other things which he proposed to do, in order to damage the reputation of washington, was, to undertake to show, by the president's own letter to him on the twenty-second of july, that he (washington) was opposed to the treaty which he had now so eagerly signed; and that the intercepted despatch had been communicated to washington as part of a scheme concocted between the british minister and the cabinet officers to insure the ratification of the treaty, to drive randolph from office, and to crush the republican party in the united states. the paragraph in washington's letter on which randolph intended to base this charge was as follows: "my opinion respecting the treaty is the same now that it was; namely, not favorable to it, but that it is better to ratify it in the manner the senate have advised, and with the reservation already mentioned, than to suffer matters to remain as they are, unsettled." the letter from which this is copied was on file in the office of the secretary of state; and randolph, with evidences of a strangely bitter feeling toward washington, applied to him for a copy of it, that he might publish it in his vindication. "you must be sensible, sir," he said, "that i am inevitably driven to the discussion of many confidential and delicate points. i could, with safety, immediately appeal to the people of the united states, who can be of no party. but i shall wait for your answer to this letter, so far as it respects the paper desired, before i forward to you my general letter, which is delayed for no other cause. i shall also rely that any supposed error in the general letter in regard to facts will be made known to me, that i may correct it if necessary, and that you will consent to the whole affair, howsoever confidential and delicate, being exhibited to the world. at the same time, i prescribe to myself the condition not to mingle anything which i do not seriously conceive to belong to the subject." utterly mistaking the character of washington, and ungenerously presuming that the president would withhold his consent to the publication of the letter referred to, randolph published in the _philadelphia gazette_, two days after he wrote to washington, the paragraph in his application which has just been quoted, and with it a note to the editor, saying, "the letter from which the enclosed is an extract relates principally to the requisition of a particular paper. my only view at present is to show to my fellow-citizens what is the state of my vindication." washington was then at mount vernon, and the letter, an extract from which was published, could not have reached him when that paragraph was made public. it passed washington while on his way to philadelphia, and he did not receive it until the twentieth of october, twelve days after it was written. on the following day, washington, with a perfect consciousness of his own rectitude at all times and under all circumstances, and with a noble generosity to which his assailant showed himself a stranger, wrote to him as follows:-- "it is not difficult, from the tenor of your letter, to perceive what your objects are. but, that you may have no cause to complain of the withholding of any paper, however private and confidential, which you shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature, i have directed that you should have the inspection of my letter of the twenty-second of july, agreeably to your request; and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve _any_ and _every_ private and confidential letter i ever wrote to you; nay, more--every word i ever uttered to you, or in your hearing, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication. i grant this permission, inasmuch as the extract alluded to manifestly tends to impress on the public mind an opinion that something has passed between us, which you should disclose with reluctance, from motives of delicacy with respect to me." in reference to randolph's proposition to submit his vindication to the inspection of washington, the latter remarked, "as you are no longer an officer of the government, and propose to submit your vindication to the public, it is not my desire, nor is it my intention, to receive it otherwise than through the medium of the press. facts you can not mistake, and, if they are fairly and candidly stated, they will invite no comments." in december the pamphlet appeared, entitled, "a vindication of mr. randolph's resignation," in which was a narrative of the principal events which we have just been considering, the correspondence between the president and randolph, the whole of fauchet's letter, and randolph's remarks. "from the nature of the circumstances," says sparks, "mr. randolph had a difficult task to perform, as he was obliged to prove a negative, and to explain vague expressions and insinuations connected with his name in fauchet's letter." the statements which he made in proof of his innocence were not such as to produce entire conviction. "he moreover," continues sparks, "allowed himself to be betrayed into a warmth of temper and bitterness of feeling not altogether favorable to his candor. after all that has been made known, the particulars of his conversations with fauchet and his designs are still matters of conjecture." in after life, mr. randolph deeply regretted the course that he pursued toward washington at this time. in a letter to judge bushrod washington, written in the summer of , he said: "i do not retain the smallest degree of that feeling which roused me fifteen years ago against some individuals. for the world contains no treasure, deception, or charm, which can seduce me from the consolation of being in a state of good will towards all mankind; and i should not be mortified to ask pardon of any man with whom i have been at variance, for any injury which i may have done him. if i could now present myself before your venerated uncle, it would be my pride to confess my contrition, that i suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it might, to use some of those expressions respecting him, which, at this moment of my indifference to the ideas of the world, i wish to recall, as being inconsistent with my subsequent conviction."[ ] it was thus with all the assaults ever made upon the character of washington. they always failed to injure it in the slightest degree; and the sharpest and best-tempered shafts of malignity fell blunted and harmless from the invulnerable shield of his spotless integrity. footnotes: [ ] at a civic feast in philadelphia, on the first of may, which was attended by a great number of american citizens, to celebrate the recent victories of france, the subjoined toasts were given. the managers of the feast sent the following invitation to president washington:-- "sir: the subscribers, a committee in behalf of a number of american, french, and dutch citizens, request the honor of your company to a civic festival, to be given on friday, the seventeenth of april, appointed to celebrate the late victories of the french republic, and the emancipation of holland." the feast was postponed until the first of may. washington did not attend; but the occasion was honored by the presence of the french minister and consul, and the consul of holland. the following are the toasts:-- " . the republic of france, whose triumphs have made this day a jubilee; may she destroy the race of kings, and may their broken sceptres and crowns, like the bones and teeth of the mammoth, be the only evidence that such monsters ever infested the earth. " . the republic of france; may the shores of great britain soon hail the tri-colored standard, and the people rend the air with shouts of 'long live the republic!' " . the republic of france; may her navy clear the ocean of pirates, that the common high way of nations may no longer, like the highways of great britain, be a receptacle for robbers. " . the republic of france; may all free nations learn of her to transfer their attachment from men to principles, and from individuals to the people. " . the republic of france; may her example, in the abolition of titles and splendor, be a lesson to all republics to destroy those leavens of corruption. " . the republic of holland; may the flame of liberty which they have rekindled never be permitted to expire for want of vigilance and energy. " . the republic of holland; may her two sisters, the republics of france and america, form with her an invincible triumvirate in the cause of liberty. " . the republic of holland; may she again give birth to a van tromp and a de ruyter, who shall make the satellites of george tremble at their approach, and seek their safety in flight. " the republic of holland; may that fortitude which sustained her in the dire conflict with philip the second, and the success that crowned her struggles, be multiplied upon her in the hour of her regeneration. " . the republic of holland; may that government which they are about establishing have neither the balances of aristocracy nor the checks of monarchy. " . the republic of america; may the sentiment that impelled her to resist a british tyrant's will, and the energy which rendered it effectual, prompt her to repel usurpation in whatever shape it may assail her. " . the republic of america; may the aristocracy of wealth, founded upon the virtues, the toils, and the blood of her revolutionary armies, soon vanish, and, like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a wreck behind. " . the republic of america; may her government have public good for its object, and be purged of the dregs of sophisticated republicanism. " . the republic of america; may the alliance formed between her and france acquire vigor with age, and that man be branded as the enemy of liberty who shall endeavor to weaken or unhinge it. " . the republic of america; may her administration have virtue enough to defy the ordeal of patriotic societies, and patriotism enough to cherish instead of denouncing them." [ ] _old and new york_, by j. w. francis, m. d., ll.d. "edward livingston," says doctor francis, (afterwards so celebrated for his louisiana code,) "was, i am informed, one of the violent numbers by whom the stones were thrown." [ ] history of the united states, second series, i, . [ ] the names of the selectmen who addressed him were ezekiel price, thomas walley, william boardman, ebenezer seaver, thomas crafts, thomas edwards, william little, william scollay, and jesse putnam. [ ] in "no. ," written, it is supposed, some time in august, fauchet, alluding to the breaking out of the whiskey insurrection, said: "scarce was the commotion known when the secretary of state [mr. randolph] came to my house. all his countenance was grief. he requested of me a private conversation. 'it is all over,' he said to me; 'a civil war is about to ravage our unhappy country. four men, by their talents, their influence, their energy, may save it. but--debtors of english merchants--they will be deprived of their liberty if they take the smallest step. could you lend them instantaneous funds sufficient to shelter them from english persecution?' this inquiry astonished me. it was impossible for me to make a satisfactory answer. you know my want of power and my defect of pecuniary means. i shall draw myself from the affair by some common-place remarks, and by throwing myself on the pure and disinterested principles of the republic." [ ] fauchet had been superseded by m. adet, and had gone to new york to embark for france, when this difficulty occurred. [ ] marshall's _life of washington_, ii. appendix, note xx. chapter xxx. violence of party spirit--inflammatory appeals to the people--washington menaced with impeachment, and charged with plundering the treasury--newspaper discussions--hamilton in defence of the treaty--jefferson's appeal to madison to come to the rescue--proceedings in boston--reconstruction of the cabinet--arrival of young lafayette--washington's friendship for him--caution and expediency--the exiles and the congress--their home at mount vernon--their departure for france. the ratification of the treaty increased the violence of party spirit. the batteries of fiercest vituperation were now opened upon the president, and the habitual courtesy with which he had been treated was lost sight of in the fury of party hate. the opponents of the treaty saw only one more expedient to defeat it, now that they had failed to intimidate washington or cause him to withhold his signature. they started the idea, as a forlorn hope, that although the president might ratify, it still rested with the house of representatives to refuse, if they chose, the pecuniary means to carry the treaty into effect, and thus to nullify it. they, therefore, resolved to use every effort to accomplish their purposes in this way. the elections in the several states were not yet completed, and they felt confident that a majority had already been chosen who were hostile to the treaty. the most inflammatory addresses were circulated, to influence the people against the president and the treaty, and to form a public opinion that should bear with potency upon the supreme legislature. "the president," said one of these addresses, "has thrown the gauntlet, and shame on the coward heart that refuses to take it up. he has declared war against the people, by treating their opinions with contempt; he has forfeited his claim to their confidence, by acting in opposition to their will. our liberties are in jeopardy, and we must either rescue them from the precipice or they will be lost for ever. one hope offers itself to us, and a consolatory one, too--the house of representatives of the united states. as we have looked in vain for patriotism from the president, let us turn our eyes toward that body; they are our immediate representatives; they feel our wants, participate in our injuries, and sympathize in our distresses. they never will submit to have our country degraded; they never will be passive under the outrages upon our constitution; they never will be the instruments of voting away the people's rights. as our application to the president has been treated with scorn, let us make our appeal to that body which has the power of impeachment, and we shall not find them step-fathers of their country. a treaty which has bartered away their rights can not, will not, be submitted to. let us then, fellow-citizens, rally round our representatives, and we may still be free!" such appeals had a powerful effect; and a writer in the _aurora_ went so far as to charge washington with having used the public money for his own private use! the charge was maintained with the most unblushing effrontery. when congress met, petitions were forwarded to the house of representatives from all parts of the union, bitterly denouncing the treaty, and praying that body to stand in the breach and rescue the country from the usurpations of the president and senate. the newspapers discussed the subject with great warmth; and brockholst livingston, over the signature of "decius," assailed the treaty with great ability. this aroused hamilton, who had both spoken and written in favor of the treaty. he came to the tournament most gallantly, and, over the signature of "camillus," he dealt such powerful blows with his battle-axe of fact and logic; that "decius" was quickly unhorsed. jefferson, with his eagle vision, had watched the combat with intense interest from his eyry at monticello; and when he saw the force of hamilton's reasoning, and the power it must have upon the people, he shouted to madison to join the lists and do battle against "camillus," and a smaller champion called "curtius." "hamilton," he exclaimed in a letter to madison on the twenty-first of september, "is really a colossus to the anti-republican party. without numbers, he is a host within himself. they have got themselves into a defile, where they might be finished; but too much security on the republican part will give time to his talents and indefatigableness to extricate them. we have had only middling performers to oppose to him. in truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can meet him. his adversaries have begun the attack, he has the advantage of answering them, and remains unanswered himself. a solid reply might yet completely demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered strength from the weakness of the attack." with his usual alarm-bell notes, jefferson then spoke of "hamilton, jay," etc., as engaged "in the boldest act they ever ventured on to undermine the government;" and exclaimed, in conclusion, "for god's sake, take up your pen and give a fundamental reply to 'curtius' and 'camillus.'"[ ] the opposition found other champions of the treaty to meet than newspaper writers. the friends of that instrument and the government rallied in various forms. a few days before the president signed the ratification, the boston chamber of commerce, like that of new york, representing a large and influential class to be affected by the treaty, passed a resolution, with only one dissenting voice, in favor of ratification. some violent boston republicans, to counteract these expressions, used the mobocratic argument and paraded an effigy of jay in the streets, and concluded the performance by burning it, attacking the house of the editor of a federal paper (from which they were repulsed by firearms), and keeping the new england capital in a disturbed state for several days. philadelphia merchants, on the contrary, in large numbers, signed a memorial taking ground in favor of the treaty. this was imitated elsewhere, and these memorials went into the house of representatives with the denunciatory petitions. in the midst of all this storm, washington remained calm, with his hand firmly resting upon the helm of state, and his eye steadily fixed upon the great compass and chart of integrity by which his course was always determined. in a reply to a friendly letter from general knox, who assured him of a changing opinion in new england in favor of the treaty, he said:-- "next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents would be the highest gratification my mind is susceptible of; but, the latter being secondary, i can not make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings can be discovered, as the touchstone of public sentiment. if any power on earth could, or the great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, there is no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe that would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as i remain a servant of the public. but as i have found no better guide, hitherto, than upright intentions and close investigation, i shall adhere to those maxims while i keep the watch, leaving it to those who will come after me to explore new ways, if they like or think them better." during the autumn, while these public discussions were at their height, washington was called upon to reconstruct his cabinet on account of the resignation of randolph, the secretary of state, and the death of bradford, the attorney-general, both events having occurred in august. the president found some difficulty in filling randolph's place. "in the appointment of the great officers of government," washington wrote to colonel carrington in october, "my aim has been to combine geographical situation, and sometimes other considerations, with abilities and fitness of _known_ characters." he had offered the place successively to judge paterson, of new jersey, thomas johnson, of maryland, charles cotesworth pinckney, of south carolina, and patrick henry, of virginia; but they all declined. in his letter to henry, who, it was understood, was not very well pleased with the treaty, washington said:-- "i persuade myself, sir, it has not escaped your observation that a crisis is approaching, that must, if it can not be arrested, soon decide whether order and good government shall be preserved, or anarchy and confusion ensue. i can most religiously aver, i have no wish that is incompatible with the dignity, happiness, and true interest of the people of this country. my ardent desire is, and my aim has been, as far as depended upon the executive department, to comply strictly with all our engagements, foreign and domestic; but to keep the united states free from political connection with every other country, to see them independent of all, and under the influence of none. in a word, i want an _american_ character, that the powers of europe may be convinced we act for _ourselves_, and not for others. this, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad and happy at home; and not, by becoming the partisans of great britain or france, create dissentions, disturb the public tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps for ever, the cement which binds the union." after considerable delay, colonel pickering was transferred to the department of state, and james m'henry, of maryland, was appointed secretary of war. at the close of november, charles lee, of virginia, accepted the office of attorney-general, as the successor of bradford, and at the opening of congress the cabinet was in working order, with apparently harmonious elements. it was during these political agitations that george washington lafayette, a son of the marquis, arrived in the united states, to claim an asylum at the hands of washington. he could not have appeared at a more inopportune moment; for political reasons rendered it inexpedient for the president, as such, to receive him; and to place him in his family might cause perplexities, connected with political affairs, prejudicial to the public tranquillity. we have already noticed the flight of lafayette from france before the fury of jacobin fanaticism, and his incarceration in an austrian dungeon, while his family were left to be the sport of fortune. in that dungeon the marquis was confined almost three years, in a cell three paces broad and five and a half long, containing no other ornament than two french verses which rhymed with the words "to suffer and to die." and yet his great soul went out to his suffering fellow-man as free as the air of heaven; and with a toothpick (for he was deprived of pen and ink) he wrote to a princess, who sympathized with him, on a scrap of paper which came to him almost miraculously, and with soot and water, these noble words: "i know not what disposition has been made of my plantation at cayenne, but i hope madame lafayette will take care that the negroes who cultivate it shall preserve their liberty." he had set them all free. the marchioness, as soon as she was allowed the privilege, hastened to olmutz with her daughters to share the dungeon with the husband and father; while their son, whom they had named in honor of their illustrious friend, came to the united states with his tutor, m. frestel, consigned to the fatherly care of washington. young lafayette was then about seventeen years of age. the two exiles arrived at boston at the close of the summer of , and they immediately sent information of the fact to the president, who was just on the point of leaving philadelphia for mount vernon. washington's first impulse was to take the young man to his bosom and cherish him as a son; but, as we have observed, grave reasons of state denied him that pleasure. after brief reflection, he sent the letters of the exiles, to senator cabot, of boston, saying:-- "to express all the sensibility which has been excited in my breast by the receipt of young lafayette's letter, from the recollection of his father's merits, services and sufferings, from my friendship for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and father to his son, is unnecessary."[ ] let me in a few words declare that i will be his friend; but the manner of becoming so, considering the obnoxious light in which his father is viewed by the french government, and my own situation as the executive of the united states, requires more time to consider, in all its relations, than i can bestow on it at present, the letters not having been in my hands more than an hour, and i myself on the point of setting out for virginia to fetch my family back, whom i left there about the first of august. "the mode, which at the first view strikes me as the most eligible to answer his purposes and to save appearances, is, first, to administer all the consolation to the young gentleman that he can derive from the most unequivocal assurances of my standing in the place of, and becoming to him, a father, friend, protector, and supporter. but, secondly, for prudential motives, as they relate to myself, his mother and friends whom he has left behind, and to my official character, it would be best not to make these sentiments public; and of course it would be ineligible that he should come to the seat of the general government, where all the foreign characters (particularly those of his own nation) are residents, until it is seen what opinions will be excited by his arrival; especially, too, as i shall be necessarily absent five or six weeks from it, on business in several places. thirdly, considering how important it is to avoid idleness and dissipation, to improve his mind, and to give him all the advantages which education can bestow, my opinion and my advice to him are, if he is qualified for admission, that he should enter as a student in the university in cambridge, although it should be for a short time only; the expense of which, as also for every other means for his support, i will pay.... let me pray you, my dear sir, to impress upon young lafayette's mind, and indeed upon that of his tutor, that the reasons why i do not urge him to come to me have been frankly related, and that their prudence must appreciate them with caution. my friendship for his father, so far from being diminished, has increased in the ratio of his misfortunes; and my inclination to serve the son will be evidenced by my conduct." general knox, then in boston, took much interest in the young lafayette. in a letter to washington, on the twenty-first of september, he said, "he goes by the name of motier [a family name of his father], concealing his real name, lest some injury should arise to his mother, or to a young mr. russell of this town, now in france, who assisted in his escape." knox spoke of the exile as "a lovely young man, of excellent morals and conduct." mr. cabot readily undertook the duty solicited by washington. he found lafayette and his tutor in much perplexity. the attempt at concealment was futile. "already m. motier is known to too many persons," wrote mr. cabot, "and a public festival announced by the french consul for monday next, at which all their citizens in this vicinity are expected to attend, occasions serious embarrassments; to which is added, that some circumstances of delicacy relative to the family in which they are placed, make an immediate removal proper." he further informed him that they were about to depart for new york, where they expected to be accommodated in the country-house of a french gentleman, their friend, where they would remain in retirement, until they should receive further directions from washington. mr. cabot gave them letters to colonel wadsworth and colonel hamilton, and they departed. in november, soon after his return to philadelphia, washington wrote an affectionate letter to young lafayette, in which, after telling him the causes which rendered it necessary for them both to be circumspect, and desiring him to repair with his tutor to colonel hamilton, in the city of new york, who would see that they were well provided for, he said:-- "how long the causes which have withheld you from me may continue, i am not able at this moment to decide; but be assured of my wishes to embrace you, so soon as they shall have ceased, and that, whenever the period arrives, i shall do it with fervency. in the meantime, let me begin with fatherly advice to you to apply closely to your studies, that the season of your youth may be improved to the utmost, that you may be found the deserving son of a meritorious father." to m. frestel, washington wrote at the same time, after directing him to read his letter to his pupil: "to the above i shall just add, that, as the preceptor and friend of m. de lafayette, i pray you to count upon my attentions and friendship, and learn that it is my expectation that you will accompany him in whatever situation he may be placed; and moreover that you will let me know, at all times, what he has occasion for." the congress at length took official notice of the presence of the son of lafayette; and on the eighteenth of march, , the house of representatives passed the following resolution and order:-- "information having been given to this house that a son of general lafayette is now within the united states; _resolved_, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the truth of the said information, and report thereon; and what measures it would be proper to take if the same be true, to evince the grateful sense entertained by the country for the services of his father. "ordered, that mr. livingston, mr. sherburne, and mr. murray, be appointed a committee pursuant to the said resolution." as chairman of the committee, mr. livingston wrote to young lafayette as follows:-- "sir: actuated by motives of gratitude to your father, and eager to seize every opportunity of showing their sense of his important services, the house of representatives have passed the resolution which i have the pleasure to communicate. the committee being directed to inquire into the fact of your arrival within the united states, permit me to advise your immediate appearance at this place, that the legislature of america may no longer be in doubt, whether the son of lafayette is under their protection, and within the reach of their gratitude. "i presume to give this advice as an individual personally attached to your father, and very solicitous to be useful to any person in whose happiness he is interested. if i should have that good fortune on this occasion, it will afford me the greatest satisfaction." this letter, and the resolutions of the house of representatives, young lafayette forwarded to president washington, and asked his advice as to the course he should pursue. washington advised him to come to philadelphia at the opening of the next session of congress, occupy a room in his house, but to avoid society as much as possible. he complied, and remained in philadelphia until the following spring, when washington, on becoming a private citizen, embraced the son of his friend as if he had been his own child, and bore him to his home on the potomac. there he remained until early in october, when the joyful news of the release of his father from confinement, and his restoration to his country and friends, caused him to leave for the seaboard to depart for france. he and m. frestel sailed from new york on the twenty-sixth of october, . as young lafayette was about to leave mount vernon, washington placed a letter in his hands for his father, in which he said:-- "from the delicate and responsible situation in which i stood as a public officer, but more especially from a misconception of the manner in which your son had left france, till explained to me in a personal interview with himself, he did not come immediately into my family on his arrival in america, though he was assured, in the first moments of it, of my protection and support. his conduct, since he first set his feet on american ground, has been exemplary in every point of view, such as has gained him the esteem, affection, and confidence of all who have had the pleasure of his acquaintance. his filial affection and duty, and his ardent desire to embrace his parents and sisters in the first moments of their release, would not allow him to wait the authentic account of this much-desired event; but, at the same time that i suggested the propriety of this, i could not withhold my assent to the gratification of his wishes to fly to the arms of those whom he holds most dear, persuaded as he is, from the information he has received, that he shall find you all in paris. "m. frestel has been a true mentor to george. no parent could have been more attentive to a favorite son; and he richly merits all that can be said of his virtues, of his good sense, and of his prudence. both your son and he carry with them the vows and regrets of this family and all who know them. and you may be assured that yourself never stood higher in the affections of the people of this country than at the present moment."[ ] footnotes: [ ] randall's life of jefferson, ii, . [ ] the late richard rush relates an interesting incident, illustrative of the feelings of washington on account of the misfortunes of his noble friend. mr. bradford, the attorney-general, who lived directly opposite the residence of washington, was spending an evening with the president, when the conversation reverted to lafayette. washington spoke with great seriousness, contrasted the marquis's hitherto splendid career with that of his present forlorn and suffering condition; and at length became so deeply affected that his eyes filled with tears, and his whole great soul was stirred to its very depths. "magnanimous tears they were," says mr. rush, "fit for the first of heroes to shed--virtuous, honorable, sanctified!" mr. bradford, who deeply sympathized with the feelings of washington, was much affected at the spectacle, and, retiring to his own house, wrote some simple and touching verses, called the "lament of washington." they were an impromptu effusion from his heart. [ ] see _mount vernon and its associations_, pages - , inclusive. chapter xxxi. washington's seventh annual message--treaty with the indians--other indian relations--treaty with algiers--treaty with spain--picture of national prosperity--forbearance in congress recommended--responses to the president's message--action of legislatures on the treaty--letter to gouverneur morris--washington's political creed--he is prepared to meet any action of congress--presentation of the french flag to the united states--the french constitution and the national convention--action in congress concerning the french flag. on the eighth of december, , washington read his seventh annual address to the assembled congress. it contained a gratifying summary of the events of the year in which his government and country were concerned. he had the pleasure of informing them officially of the "termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war," in which the army had been engaged with the indians of the northwest territory, by the treaty made by wayne at grenville, to which we have already alluded. that treaty was doubtless more easily consummated, after wayne's victories, because of the knowledge that the western posts were about to be given up to the united states. by that treaty, a tract of twenty-five thousand square miles was ceded to the united states, lying in one body east of a defined line, and including the eastern and southern part of the present state of ohio. they also ceded sixteen detached portions of territory in the region westward of that line, most of them two miles square, but several of them much larger. these included the sites of some of our most flourishing villages and cities in the west. as an equivalent for these cessions, the indians were to receive goods to the amount of twenty thousand dollars in presents, and an annual allowance of articles to the value of nine thousand, five hundred dollars, to be distributed proportionately among the tribes who were parties to the treaty. "at the exchange of prisoners which took place on this occasion," (conclusion of the treaty,) says hildreth, "many affecting incidents occurred. the war as against kentucky had lasted for almost twenty years, during which period a large number of white people had been carried into captivity. wives and husbands, parents and children, who had been separated for years, were now restored to each other. many of the younger captives had quite forgotten their native language, and some of them absolutely refused to leave the savage connections, into whose families they had been taken by adoption."[ ] the indian relations on the southwestern frontier were not so satisfactory. former treaties had been confirmed, and there were signs of permanent peace; but the reckless violence of some of the white settlers, in perpetrating bloody outrages upon the indians, kept that section of the union in a state of great inquietude. in his message, the president announced amicable relations with the new emperor of morocco, who in a letter had certified his recognition of a treaty made with his father. "with peculiar satisfaction i add," said washington, "that information has been received from an agent deputed on our part to algiers, importing that the terms of a treaty with the dey and regency of that country had been adjusted, in such a manner as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace, and the restoration of our unfortunate fellow-citizens from a grievous captivity." we have already observed the appointment of colonel humphreys as the agent to algiers alluded to. he was then diplomatic agent of the united states at lisbon. he came home for the special purpose of making arrangements for his negotiation, and returned to lisbon deputed to purchase a peace of the barbary powers. from lisbon, humphreys proceeded to paris to confer with mr. monroe, and to solicit the mediation of the french government, leaving discretionary powers with mr. donaldson, who had accompanied him as consul to tunis and tripoli; to conclude a peace upon the best terms to be obtained, when a favorable opportunity should occur. on the fifth of september, , donaldson signed a treaty, by which, in consideration of the release of the american captives and a guaranty of peace in the future, it was agreed to pay to the dey of algiers the sum of seven hundred and sixty-three thousand dollars, besides an annual tribute in stores, which, at their real value, amounted to about forty-eight thousand dollars. besides these sums, a biennial present of nine or ten thousand dollars was required, and twenty thousand more on the appointment of a consul. the president also announced that mr. pinckney, who had been sent on a special mission to spain concerning the navigation of the mississippi river, had been successful, the stipulation being that it should be free to both parties throughout its entire length. he believed this would lead the way to the settlement of "a foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship the united states had uniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate." the treaty which had caused so much commotion throughout the union was alluded to in a manner almost as if incidental. "though not before officially disclosed to the house of representatives," the president said, "you, gentlemen, are all apprized that a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation has been negotiated with great britain, and that the senate have advised and consented to its ratification upon a condition which excepts part of one article. agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment i was able to form of the public interest, after full and mature deliberation, i have added my sanction. the result on the part of his britannic majesty is unknown. when received, the subject will without delay be placed before congress." in contemplation of the general relations of the united states, the president said: "while many of the nations of europe, with their american dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrection, in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burdens, which press upon all the departments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of government, our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquillity--a tranquillity the more satisfactory because maintained at the expense of no duty. faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures prosper beyond example, the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the aggregate benefit which derives from a neutral position. our population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine calculations, proportionally augments our strength and resources, and guaranties our future security. every part of the union displays indications of rapid and various improvement; and with burdens so light as scarcely to be perceived, with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies, with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much to say that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equalled." with such a picture before them, a picture faithful and true in form and coloring, how pitiful must have appeared to the wise, and thoughtful, and generous, those miserable party feuds and personal animosities which disturbed the peace of the commonwealth--mere loathsome cobwebs, spun by selfishness, across a piece of gorgeous tapestry--spots upon the sun of a glorious national career! foreseeing the heats of party strife in the national legislature, the president, after commending to their consideration several important objects, counselled temperate discussion, "and mutual forbearance where there may be a difference of opinion." this advice, always timely, was especially apposite at that time. the senate gave a cordial response to the message; but the opposition being in the majority in the lower house, a clause in the response reported by a committee appointed to prepare it, in which was expressed "undiminished confidence" in the president, was objected to. the opposition also desired to strike out from the senate's address the expression of a belief that the president's foreign policy was an "enlightened, firm, and persevering endeavor to preserve peace, freedom, and prosperity." some members affirmed that their confidence in the president had been very much diminished by "a late transaction" (signing the ratification of jay's treaty); and that they believed such was the case among the people at large. the address of the representatives was finally, after much debate, recommitted, and the objectionable clause was modified so as to read thus: "in contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character." already the legislatures of the different states had taken action on the treaty. governor shelby, in his message to the legislature of kentucky, assailed it as containing stipulations that were unconstitutional. the lower house agreed with him, but the senate would not concur. the virginia house of delegates approved of the action of their senators in voting against the treaty, and rejected a resolution declaring undiminished confidence in the president. the maryland legislature denounced the assaults on the president, and declared their "unabated reliance on his integrity, judgment, and patriotism." the pennsylvania senate took similar action; and the legislature of new hampshire denounced the seditious declaimers against the treaty and the administration. north carolina would not stand by virginia in her action; but the south carolina legislature declared the treaty "highly injurious to the general interests of the united states." the matter was not acted upon by the senate, however, and the subject was not again taken up. the legislature of delaware approved of the treaty; while governor samuel adams, in his address to the general court of massachusetts, spoke of the treaty as "pregnant with evil." the massachusetts senate considered any action on the subject as an interference with the powers delegated to the general government; while the house, by a decided vote, suggested that "respectful submission on the part of the people to the constituted authorities," was "the surest means of enjoying and perpetuating the invaluable blessings of our free and representative government." rhode island approved of the action of the senate and the chief magistrate; and in new york, as well as in rhode island and massachusetts, a proposition made by resolutions in the virginia legislature, that the constitution of the united states should be so amended as to admit the house of representatives to a share in the treaty-making power, and otherwise abridging the powers of the government, was rejected or laid on the table. the tardiness of the british government in the performance of its acts of justice toward the united states, and the present apparent hesitation in ratifying the treaty, perplexed washington; for this seeming unfriendliness was used as a weapon by the opposition. accordingly, toward the close of the year, he attempted to remind that government of its duty, in an unofficial way, through gouverneur morris, who, having been succeeded by mr. monroe as minister to the french republic, was now in england, and on quite intimate terms with lord grenville and other ministers, and members of the privy council. in a letter to morris, on the twenty-second of december, after giving at much length a narrative of the causes of complaint against the british government, washington said:-- "i give you these details (and if you should again converse with lord grenville on the subject, you are at liberty unofficially to mention them, or any of them, according to circumstances) as evidences of the impolitic conduct of the british government towards these united states, that it may be seen how difficult it has been for the executive, under such an accumulation of irritating circumstances, to maintain the ground of neutrality which had been taken; and at a time when the remembrance of the aid we had received from france in the revolution was fresh in every mind, and while the partisans of that country were continually contrasting the affections of _that_ people with the unfriendly disposition of the _british government_. and that, too, as i have observed before, while _their own_ sufferings during the war with the latter had not been forgotten. "it is well known that peace has been (to borrow a modern phrase) the order of the day with me since the disturbances in europe first commenced. my policy has been, and will continue to be while i have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all, being thoroughly convinced that it is our policy and interest to do so. nothing short of self-respect, and that justice which is so essential to a national character, ought to involve us in war; for sure i am, if this country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance in a just career to any power whatever; such, in that time, will be its population, wealth, and resources.... "in a government as free as ours, where the people are at liberty and will express their sentiments (oftentimes imprudently, and, for want of information, sometimes unjustly), allowances must be made for occasional effervescences; but, after the declaration i have here made of my political creed, you can run no hazard in asserting that the executive branch of this government never has suffered, nor will suffer while i preside, any improper conduct of its officers to escape with impunity, nor give its sanction to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens. "by a firm adherence to these principles, and to the neutral policy which has been adopted, i have brought on myself a torrent of abuse in the factious papers of this country, and from the enmity of the discontented of all descriptions. but, having no sinister objects in view, i shall not be diverted from my course by these, nor any attempts which are or shall be made to withdraw the confidence of my constituents from me. i have nothing to ask; and, discharging my duty, i have nothing to fear from invective. the acts of my administration will appear when i am no more, and the intelligent and candid part of mankind will not condemn my conduct without recurring to them." fortified by such conscious rectitude, washington was well prepared to meet whatever action the supreme legislature of his country might take concerning the great question at issue. we have already observed the cordial reception of mr. monroe by the french government, and the decree of the national convention that the respective flags of the american and french republics should be united and suspended in their hall, as a token of eternal friendship between the two nations. mr. monroe, it will be remembered, reciprocated this generous feeling, by presenting to the assembly the flag of the united states. when, afterward, mr. adet came to america as the successor of fauchet, the french minister, he bore a letter from the committee of safety to the congress, and the banner of the french republic for the government of the united states. he arrived in the summer of , when the whole country was in a ferment respecting the treaty with great britain; and partly on that account, but chiefly because he supposed his communication on the subject of the flag must be made to the congress direct, he did not announce to the president that complimentary portion of his mission until late in december. adet had then been made aware that the presentation of the colors to the government must be made through the president only; and as that presentation would be an occasion for rejoicing, because of a friendly feeling between the two nations, washington appointed the first of january, --"a day of general joy and congratulation"--as the time when he would receive the token of amity. the colors of france were presented to the president for his country, together with the letter of the french committee of safety to the congress, at washington's residence, in the presence of a large number of distinguished characters. adet, in a speech on the occasion, presented in glowing colors the position of france as the great dispensatory of free opinions in the old world--as "struggling not only for her own liberty, but for that of the human race. assimilated to, or rather identified with, free people by the form of her government," he said, "she saw in them only friends and brothers. long accustomed to regard the american people as her most faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of america, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny." a reply to this address, under the peculiar circumstances in which washington was placed, required the exercise of much discretion. it was necessary to express generous feelings adapted to the occasion, without the utterance of sentiments, concerning the powers then at war, inconsistent with the position of neutrality which the united states had assumed. the president accordingly said:-- "born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to its permanent establishment in my own country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted wheresoever, in any country, i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. but, above all, the events of the french revolution have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. to call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. wonderful people! ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits. i rejoice that the period of your toils and your immense sacrifices is approaching. i rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution,[ ] designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. i rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm--liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders--now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government; a government which, being formed to secure the happiness of the french people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the united states by its resemblance to their own. on these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. "in delivering to you these sentiments, i express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the french revolution; and they will certainly join with me in purest wishes to the supreme being, that the citizens of our sister-republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace that liberty which they have purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. "i receive, sir, with lively sensibility the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisements of your nation, the colors of france, which you have now presented to the united states. the transaction will be announced to congress, and the colors will be deposited with the archives of the united states, which are at once the evidence and the memorials of their freedom and independence. may these be perpetual, and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence!" washington transmitted to congress the letter from the committee of safety, the french colors, and copies of the speeches of adet and himself at the presentation, on the fourth of january; whereupon, the house of representatives, by resolution, requested the president to make known to the representatives of the french people "the most sincere and lively sensibility" which was excited by this honorable testimony of the existing sympathy and affections of the two republics; that the house rejoiced "in the opportunity thereby afforded to congratulate the french nation upon the brilliant and glorious achievements" which they had accomplished during the present afflictive war; and hoped that those achievements would be attended with a perfect attainment of their object, and "the permanent establishment of the liberty and happiness of a great and magnanimous people." on the sixth of january, the senate also passed resolutions expressive of the pleasure they felt on the reception of this evidence of the continued friendship of the french republic, and of a desire that the "symbol of the triumphs and enfranchisement of that great people," as expressed by washington in his reply to the french minister, might contribute to cherish and perpetuate the sincere affection by which the two republics were so happily united. it was at first proposed, in a resolution offered in the senate, that the president should communicate the sentiments of that body to the proper organ of the french government; but this was opposed, because, it was said, the complimentary correspondence between the two nations had reached a point where, if ever, it ought to cease. this amendment was carried by a strict party vote. footnotes: [ ] history of the united states, second series, i, . [ ] the letter brought by adet was from the committee of safety, which, under the revolutionary system in france, was the department charged with foreign intercourse. after his departure a new order of things was established. on the thirty-first of may, , the revolutionary tribunal was, by a decree of the national convention, abolished in france. on the twenty-third of june, a committee, appointed for the purpose, presented the draft of a new constitution, modelled in many respects after that of the united states. the reading of it, which occupied several hours, was frequently interrupted by the loudest bursts of applause. at the conclusion, it was decreed that the discussion of the instrument should be opened on the fourth of july. on the sixth of september, the people of france met in primary assemblies for the purpose of accepting or rejecting the new constitution. the armies of the eastern and western pyrenees accepted it on that day, and so did a great majority of the french nation. the result was announced in the convention on the tenth of september, with information that two thirds of the members of that body had been re-elected. in consequence of that acceptance, a dreadful riot broke out in paris on the sixth of october, which lasted several days; but the insurgents were finally overpowered by the convention troops. many persons were slain on both sides, and ringleaders of the riot were soon afterward executed. the french constitution established an executive directory, composed of five members, who ruled in connection with two legislative chambers, called respectively the council of ancients, and the council of five hundred. the directory were formally installed at the luxembourg, in paris, on the first of november, . on the same day a pen-picture of the convention was published at paris, signed real. "the convention," he said, "has terminated its sittings. where is the tacitus who shall write the history of its glorious actions and its abominable excesses? obscure men, sent to devise laws, have during a dictation of three years displayed an energy, a greatness, and a ferocity, which no longer allow us to envy either the virtues of ancient rome or the wild atrocities of the first cesars. physicians, lawyers, and attorneys' clerks, became suddenly professed legislators, and warriors full of boldness. they have overturned all europe, and changed its system. "with a daring hand they have signed the death-warrant of the successor of an hundred kings, and in one day broken the sceptre for which an existence of fourteen centuries had procured a religious and fanatical veneration. on that day they threw down the gauntlet before astonished europe; and william the conqueror, when he burnt his fleet, did not place himself with more audaciousness between victory and death. without money, without credit, without arms, artillery, saltpetre, and armies; betrayed by dumorier; valenciennes being taken by the austrians; toulon in the hands of the english; the king of prussia under the walls of landau, and a country of ninety leagues extent devoured by one hundred and fifty thousand vendeans, they published a decree, and on a sudden all france became a vast manufactory of arms and saltpetre; one million, four hundred thousand men sprang up ready armed; the king of prussia was defeated near landau, the austrians repulsed near maubenge, the english routed near hondschoote, the vendeans annihilated at lavenay, and the tri-colored flag was hoisted on the walls of toulon. "their folly disconcerted the wisdom of ancient politics; songs and the charging step defeated the celebrated tactics of the germans; generals just left the ranks--obscure generals, who but a few months before were simple sergeants--conceived and executed the plan of the campaign of which will always remain the admiration of military men, and defeated the most celebrated generals, the pupils and companions of the great frederick. holland was conquered in january by the inexperienced troops; and what louis xiv, in the zenith of his glory, did not dare to conceive, the french, by founding a republic, have carried into effect, and planted the tri-colored standard on the banks of the rhine. "it is amidst this long tempest, amidst proscriptions and scaffolds, this dreadful convention has opened the road to glory; after having desolated the world, it has exhausted against itself its devouring energy. two parties, by turns victorious and vanquished, have been sent to the scaffold by a third, which, embracing always the cause of the strongest, preserved itself by sometimes striking against the mountain, sometimes against the plain. "voracious men! your pernicious versatility has produced all the evils which have devastated france; your wickedness, which you call wisdom, has overflowed my native land with blood; and posterity will ask, with wonder, 'what was the political opinion of those who condemned danton, brissot, lacroix, and ducos; who advised with robespierre and lanjunais, billaud de varennes, and barrere?' voracious men! you will be despised by the present generation, and detested by posterity. convention! the murders and atrocities which thy reign has produced will be handed down to posterity, and will not be credited." such was a life-picture, drawn by a master-hand, of the men and the government with whose operations the leaders of a strong party in the united states endeavored with mad zeal, for three years, to involve their own government; a catastrophe prevented only, so far as human agency was concerned, by the fearless courage and profound wisdom of washington in maintaining neutrality. chapter xxxii. return of jay's treaty--it is proclaimed to be the law of the land--the opposition offended--house of representatives call upon the president for all papers relating to the treaty--debates thereon--action of the cabinet--the president's reply--he refuses to accede to the call of the house--consideration of his refusal in the house of representatives--blount's resolutions--debates on the treaty--speeches of madison, gallatin, and ames--effect of ames's speech--decision of the committee of the whole house--final vote. the treaty with great britain, ratified by king george, was returned to the united states government in february, much to the relief of its friends, and indeed of all parties. "we are wasting our time in the most insipid manner, waiting for the treaty," wrote john adams to his wife on the tenth of january. "nothing of any consequence will be done till that arrives, and is mauled and abused, and then acquiesced in. for the _antis_ must be more numerous than i believe them, and made of sterner stuff than i conceive, if they dare hazard the surrender of the posts and the payment for spoliations, by any resolution of the house that shall render precarious the execution of the treaty on our part." the federal constitution declaring a treaty, when duly ratified by the contracting powers, to be the law of the land, washington, on the last day of february, issued a proclamation announcing the one just concluded with great britain, as such. this had been a mooted point. the president's proclamation decided that the treaty was law without further action of congress; and it now remained for that body to make provision for carrying it into effect. the president sent it to both houses on the first day of march, with the following brief message:-- "the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation concluded between the united states and his britannic majesty having been duly ratified, and the ratifications having been exchanged at london on the twenty-eighth of october, one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-five, i have directed the same to be promulgated, and herewith transmit a copy thereof for the information of congress." this action was the signal for both parties to prepare for a great struggle. the opposition, who had openly denied the right of the president to even _negotiate_ a treaty of commerce, because, they said, it practically gave to the executive and senate the power to regulate commerce, were highly offended because the president had ventured to issue this proclamation before the sense of the house of representatives had been declared on the obligations of the instrument. this feeling assumed tangible form when, on the seventh of march, edward livingston, of new york, offered a resolution calling upon the president for copies of all papers relating to the treaty. this resolution, as modified on motion of madison, was as follows:-- "_resolved_, that the president of the united states be requested to lay before this house a copy of the instructions given to the minister of the united states, who negotiated the treaty with great britain, communicated by his message of the first instant, together with the correspondence and documents relating to the said treaty, excepting such of said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed." a warm debate immediately arose, and speedily took the form of a discussion on the nature and extent of the treaty-making power. "the friends of the administration maintained," says marshall, "that a treaty was a contract between two nations, which, under the constitution, the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, had a right to make; and that it was made when, by and with such advice and consent, it had received his final act. its obligations then became complete on the united states, and to refuse to comply with its stipulations was to break the treaty and to violate the faith of the nation. "the opposition contended that the power to make treaties, if applicable to every object, conflicted with powers which were vested exclusively in congress. that either the treaty-making power must be limited in its operations, so as not to touch objects committed by the constitution to congress, or the assent and co-operation of the house of representatives must be required to give validity to any compact, so far as it might comprehend those objects. a treaty, therefore, which required an appropriation of money or any act of congress to carry it into effect, had not acquired its obligatory form until the house of representatives had exercised its powers in the case. they were at full liberty to make, or to withhold, such appropriation, or other law, without incurring the imputation of violating any existing obligation, or breaking the faith of the nation."[ ] at the outset, a member had inquired the object of mr. livingston's motion, since on that would depend its propriety. it was contended, that if the impeachment of either mr. jay or the president was intended, it was a proper motion; but not so if the constitutionality of the treaty was to be questioned, because that must depend on the treaty itself. it was further inquired whether the house proposed to consider whether a better treaty might not have been made. mr. livingston did not disavow either of the objects suggested, but stated as his principal reason, a firm conviction that the house was vested with a discretionary power, allowing it to carry the treaty into execution or not. this consideration was made the chief point in the debate, in which albert gallatin took a leading part in favor of the resolution, well supported by madison, livingston, giles, and baldwin, and others of less note. it was opposed by smith, of south carolina, murray, harper, hillhouse, and others. about thirty speeches on either side were made, and the debate did not terminate until the twenty-fourth of the month. during this debate, the eloquent fisher ames was a member of the house, but was compelled by ill health to be silent. it was a great trial for the patriot, for he saw the need of soldiers for the contest. he had been, from the beginning, a warm friend of the government; and now, at what he deemed a crisis, he wished to lift up his voice in defence of its measures. to a friend in springfield he wrote on the ninth of march, saying:-- "i sit now in the house; and, that i may not lose my temper and my spirits, i shut my ears against the sophisms and rant against the treaty, and divert my attention by writing to you. "never was there a time when i so much desired the full use of my faculties, and it is the very moment when i am prohibited even attention. to be silent, neutral, useless, is a situation not to be envied. i almost wish ***** was here, and i at home, sorting squash and pumpkin seeds for planting. "it is a new post for me to be in. i am not a sentry, not in the ranks, not in the staff. i am thrown into the wagon as part of the baggage. i am like an old gun that is spiked or the trunnions knocked off, and yet am carted off, not for the worth of the old iron, but to balk the enemy of a trophy. my political life is ended, and i am the survivor of myself, or rather the troubled ghost of a politician, that am condemned to haunt the field of battle where i fell. whether the government will long outlive me is doubtful. i know it is sick, and, many of the physicians say, of a mortal disease. a crisis now exists, the most serious i ever witnessed, and the more dangerous because it is not dreaded. yet, i confess, if we should navigate the federal ship through this strait, and get out again into the open sea, we shall have a right to consider the chance of our government as mended. we shall have a lease for years--say four or five; not a freehold--certainly not a fee simple. "how will the yankees feel and act when the day of trial comes? it is not, i fear, many weeks off. will they let the casuists quibble away the very words, and adulterate the generous spirit of the constitution? when a measure passes by the proper authorities, shall it be stopped by force? sophistry may change the form of the question, may hide some of the consequences, and may dupe some into an opinion of its moderation when triumphant; yet the fact will speak for itself. the government can not go to the halves. it would be another, a worse government, if the mob, or the leaders of the mob in congress,[ ] can stop the lawful acts of the president, and unmake a treaty. it would be, either no government, or instantly a government of usurpation and wrong.... i think we shall beat our opponents in the end, but the conflict will light up a fierce war." ames grew stronger; and at length, in the final debate in congress upon the subject of the treaty, his eloquence was heard, like the tones of a trumpet, and with great effect, as we shall presently observe. livingston's motion was carried, on the twenty-fourth of march, by the decisive vote of sixty-two to thirty-seven. a committee of the house, deputed for the purpose, carried the vote to the president, who replied that he would take the request into consideration. he immediately summoned a cabinet council, and laid the matter before them in the form of two queries; first, on the right of the house, under the circumstances, to make such a call; and secondly, whether it would be expedient to furnish the papers, even though the belief might be entertained that the house had no right to call for them. he also referred the matter to colonel hamilton for his opinion. the cabinet members were unanimous in opinion, that he ought not to comply with the requisitions of the house. each of them stated, in writing, the grounds of his opinion; and chief-justice ellsworth, who had lately been appointed to the bench of the supreme court of the united states, had, while the debate was in progress, drawn up an opinion coincident with the views of washington and his cabinet. hamilton also transmitted to the president a long and able paper, in which, with his usual force of unanswerable logic, he sustained the action of the cabinet, and fortified the president's views. in acknowledging the receipt of this paper on the thirty-first of march, the president said:-- "i had from the first moment, and from the fullest conviction in my own mind, resolved to _resist the principle_, which was evidently intended to be established by the call of the house of representatives; and only deliberated on the manner in which this could be done with the least bad consequences. to effect this, three modes presented themselves. first, a denial of the papers _in toto_, assigning concise but cogent reasons for that denial; secondly, to grant them in whole; or, thirdly, in part; accompanied in both the last-mentioned cases with a pointed protest against the right of the house to control treaties, or to call for papers without specifying their object, and against the compliance being drawn into a precedent. "i had as little hesitation in deciding that the first was the most tenable ground; but, from the peculiar circumstances of the case, it merited consideration, if the _principle_ could be saved, whether facility in the provision might not result from a compliance. an attentive examination of the subject and papers, however, soon convinced me that to furnish _all_ the papers would be highly improper, and that a partial delivery of them would leave the door open for as much calumny as a refusal of them altogether; perhaps more, as it might, and i have no doubt would, be said that all such as were essential to the purposes of the house were withheld. "under these impressions, i proceeded, with the heads of departments and the attorney-general, to collect materials, and to prepare an answer, subject, however, to revision and change according to circumstances. this was ready on monday, and proposed to be sent in on tuesday; but it was delayed until i should hear from you, which happened on that day about noon. this induced a further postponement until yesterday, notwithstanding the apparent and anxious solicitude, which was visible in all quarters, to learn the result of the application. "finding that the draft which i had prepared embraced the most if not all the principles, which were detailed in yours of yesterday, though not the reasonings; that it would take considerable time to copy yours; and, above all, having understood that if the papers were refused, a fresh demand with strictures on my conduct was to be expected, i sent in the answer, which was ready, and have reserved yours, as a copious resource, in case the matter should go any further."[ ] washington gave a decided negative to the request of the house. it appears to have been unexpected. the opposition were not prepared for such boldness and firmness on the part of the executive, and it "appeared to break," says marshall, "the last cord of that attachment which had theretofore bound some of the active leaders of the opposition to the person of the president." amid all the excitements of party contests, there was real affection and respect for washington on the part of those who were politically opposed to him; but this act, so much like defiance of the popular will as expressed by the house of representatives, in the eyes of the unreflecting, seemed, for the moment, to extinguish every lingering spark of affection in the bosom of his old friends, now his political enemies. after a week's delay, the president's message was taken up in committee of the whole, with two resolutions offered by blount, of north carolina, declaratory of the sense of the house respecting its own power on the subject of treaties. these embodied doctrines contrary to those expressed in the message. the first, after disclaiming any pretensions on the part of the house to "any agency in making treaties," asserted, that "when a treaty stipulated regulations on any of the subjects submitted by the constitution to the power of congress, it must depend for its execution, as to such stipulations, on a law to be passed by congress," and that the house had a right to deliberate on the expediency or inexpediency of such law, and pass or reject it as they might determine. the second resolution asserted, that in applications to the president for information, the house was not bound to specify for what purpose such information was wanted. these resolutions took a rather less untenable position than had been maintained in argument, and were quite inexplicit on an essential part of the question. after a brief debate, in which madison was chief speaker in favor of the resolutions, they were adopted by a vote of fifty-seven to thirty-five. while this exciting subject was before congress, the treaties with the indians, with the dey of algiers, and with spain respecting the navigation of the mississippi, had been ratified by the president and senate, and communicated to the house of representatives. it was moved to refer them to the committee of the whole house; but, for several days in succession, the motion was voted down. it was finally carried; and on the thirteenth of april, the moment the committee of the whole was organized by the chairman taking his seat, mr. sedgwick, of massachusetts, arose and moved "that provision ought to be made by law for carrying into effect, with good faith, the treaties lately concluded with the dey and regency of algiers, the king of great britain, the king of spain, and certain indian tribes northwest of the ohio." the opposition were completely surprised by this unexpected movement, and an angry altercation ensued. they complained loudly of the manner in which an attempt was made to force action upon the four treaties together, and resented what they deemed the ungenerous sharp practice of their opponents, because it was in contravention of the solemn vote of the house lately recorded upon their journals, declaratory of their right to exercise a free discretion over the subject. it was contended, on the other hand, that, as the four treaties formed part of one system, if one was rejected, it might be expedient to reject the others also. after a warm debate, it was agreed to dispose of the other treaties before taking up that with great britain. in accordance with this determination, the action of the house on the other treaties was such as not to contradict the claim set up by blount's resolutions, and they were disposed of without any difficulty. the treaty with great britain was taken up on the fifteenth of april. its friends, in and out of congress, supposing that on a subject which had so long agitated the community, the mind of every member was settled, and that an attempt to make converts by either party through debates would be futile, urged an immediate decision of the matter. they felt confident that the majority would not dare to meet the country on such an issue as the withholding of means for the execution of the treaty; but that majority, though knowing they had the power to break the treaty, were unwilling to do so without first embracing an opportunity for giving satisfactory reasons for their action. they therefore called for discussion. "the expectation," says marshall, "might not unreasonably be entertained, that the passions belonging to the subject would be so inflamed by debate as to produce the expression of a public sentiment favorable to their wishes; and if in this they should be disappointed, it would be certainly unwise, either as a party or as a branch of the legislature, to plunge the nation into embarrassments in which it was not disposed to entangle itself, and from which the manner of extricating it could not be distinctly perceived." the friends of the treaty did not shrink from discussion; and the debate, which lasted a fortnight, was opened by madison with a speech, elaborate in its details and carefully prepared. he maintained that there was the grossest want of reciprocity exhibited in that part of the treaty that related to the settlement of disputes growing out of the compact of . the british, he asserted, got all they asked--the debts due their merchants with damages in the shape of interest. we got nothing, he said, for the valuable negroes carried away, and we received nothing for damages accruing from the long detention of the western posts. and they, he said, were received with conditions respecting the indian trade which made them almost useless to us, as to influence over the savage tribes, in which alone their greatest value consisted; and he considered the agreement to pay the american claims for spoliations as no offset for the loss of the negroes. the same want of reciprocity, he said, prevailed in the portion of the treaty respecting neutral rights and the law of nations. by it we yielded the favorite principle, long ago enunciated, that "free ships make free goods," and had actually added naval stores and even provisions to the list of contraband articles. he severely animadverted upon the provisions which conceded to british subjects the right to hold lands within the territory of the united states; the stipulation concerning the navigation of the mississippi; and the permission to open all american ports to british shipping, while our own vessels were excluded from the colonial harbors. the latter measure, allowing great britain to retain her colonial monopoly and preserve intact her colonial system, he denounced as "a phenomenon which had filled him with more surprise than he knew how to express." and more vehement than all, because it interfered with his favorite scheme of commercial coercion, was madison's denunciations of the provisions which prevented the americans from retaliating upon the british, in the event of their making commercial restrictions to our disadvantage by further discriminations. he concluded with scouting the idea that war would ensue if the treaty should be rejected, because the hostilities england were then waging with france were quite as much as she was able to manage at that time. madison's speech alarmed the country, especially the sensitive mercantile classes, for whose losses, by spoliations, the treaty made provision, and those who were dependant upon trade, because they feared its influence in causing the inexecution of the treaty, and consequent war with great britain, by which their interests would be seriously effected. other classes were also alarmed; indeed, all who loved peace and deprecated quarrels, much less physical contests, with other nations, trembled for the fate of the treaty. the country was violently agitated. public meetings were held in all parts of the united states, and the strength of parties was once more fully tried. petitions were sent in to congress from all the great marts of business in the country in favor of ratification; while counter meetings were held and counter petitions were sent in from various places. insurance against captures on the high seas could no longer be obtained for vessels or goods; and a sudden blow was given to commerce, which threatened financial ruin. to add to the confusion, bond, the british _chargé des affaires_, had intimated, that if the house of representatives, refused the necessary appropriation to carry the treaty into effect, the western posts would not be given up at the stipulated time, now near at hand. he also took that occasion to insist upon an explanatory article concerning a clause in wayne's treaty with the indians, by which they had agreed to allow no trader to reside among them, unless licensed by the authorities of the united states; for it seemed to be in contradiction with the provisions of the treaty under consideration, a mutual free-trade with the indian tribes being guarantied thereby. this menace and this demand created much irritation; yet it did not in the least affect the tide of popular sentiment in favor of the treaty which was continually rising. this fact was clearly discerned by both parties, and the friends of the treaty protracted the debate, in order that, before the vote should be taken, public opinion might be so expressed, as to have an omnipotent effect in its favor. at this moment, when the debate had been going on for several days and the spirit of the opposition began to flag, albert gallatin came to the support of his party, in a speech which at once gave him the position of republican leader in the house, the honor of which had been divided between madison and giles, of virginia. gallatin was a native of geneva, in switzerland, and then only thirty years of age. he had been only eleven years in the country, two of which he had served the people of his adoption in a military capacity. after the revolution he established himself on the monongahela, in western pennsylvania, where his talents soon caused him to be called into public life. he was engaged, as we have seen, in the whiskey insurrection, but with patriotic intentions, as he alleged; and by a large popular vote he was elected to a seat in the house of representatives. although a foreign accent was plainly visible when he spoke, he was so fluent in language, so earnest in manner, and so logical in argument, that his youth and foreign birth were forgotten for the moment, and he was listened to with the greatest pleasure. gallatin had heard the speeches on both sides with marked attention, and was prepared to take new ground in his own. quoting from vattel on the law of nations, he went on to show that slaves, being real estate, were not a subject of booty, but, on the restoration of peace, fell back to their former owners, like the soil to which they were attached. he attempted to excite, evidently for party purposes, sectional hatred by declaring that while the rights of the south and west had been sacrificed by the treaty, in respect to negroes, the indian trade, and the navigation of the mississippi, means had been found to protect the commercial interests of the north. with the same breath, however, he denounced the commercial articles of the treaty as utterly worthless, and adroitly charged the senate, by insinuation, with ignorance respecting the east indian trade, falsely assuming that because the treaty did not, by express provisions, secure the east indian coasting trade, and the direct voyage from india to europe by american vessels, that these privileges had been relinquished. like madison, he regarded the provision respecting neutrals as yielding everything to the semi-piratical policy of great britain. he contended strenuously for the dishonest measure of sequestration of private debts due to british subjects, as a means of coercion, and condemned that most just provision of the treaty, bearing upon that subject, without stint. while we have promised full indemnity to england, he said, for every possible claim against us, we had abandoned every claim of a doubtful nature, and agreed to receive the western posts under the most degrading restrictions concerning the trade with the indians. we had gained nothing, he said, by the arrangements respecting trade and navigation, while we had parted with "every pledge in our hands, every power of restriction, every weapon of self-defence." he admitted that if this treaty should be rejected, another as favorable might not be obtained; but he argued, that while the united states would lose the western posts and the indemnity for spoliations, they would be pecuniary gainers by escaping the payment of the british debts. he did not wish, nor did his party, an utter rejection of the treaty, but a suspension or postponement of it, until the british should cease their encroachments, and reparations for such wrongs might be obtained. he scouted as utterly chimerical, the idea that war would necessarily follow such postponement, or even a positive rejection; and he treated the menaces of the dissolution of the union with scorn. he significantly asked, who will dissolve the government? the opposition majority had no motive for doing it, and he did not believe that the federalists would, at the first failure of their power, revenge themselves by overthrowing the government. he expressed his belief that the people, from one end of the union to the other, were strongly attached to the constitution, and that they would punish any party or set of men who should attempt to subvert it. he rested in full security on the people, against any endeavor to destroy the union or the government. he regarded the cry of disunion and of war as designed only to work upon the fears of congress, and force an acquiescence in the treaty. "it was the fear of being involved in a war," he said, "that the negotiations with great britain had originated; under the impression of fear the treaty had been negotiated and signed; fear had promoted its ratification; and now, every imaginary mischief was conjured up to frighten the house, to deprive it of that discretion which it had the right to exercise, to force it to carry this treaty into effect." he also charged the merchants of philadelphia and other seaports[ ] with having formed a combination to produce alarm, and to make their efforts more effectual, had also combined to cease insuring vessels, purchasing produce, or transacting any business, to induce the people to join in the attempt to force the house to pass laws for carrying the treaty into effect. "to listen calmly to this denunciation of washington and jay," says hildreth, "as having pusillanimously surrendered the honor of their country--washington in setting on foot and in ratifying, and jay in having negotiated, the treaty--coming as it did from the mouth of one whose evident youth and foreign accent might alone serve to betray him as an adventurer, whose arrival in the country could hardly have been long anterior to the termination of the revolutionary struggle, was somewhat too much for human nature to bear. there was also something a little provoking in the denunciation of the merchants as having conspired to terrify the house, coming from a man who had first obtained general notoriety, it was now hardly four years since, by the publication of his name at the bottom of a series of resolutions, of which the avowed object was to frighten public officers from the discharge of their duty by threats of a social interdict and non-intercourse--a method of proceeding which had ended in violent resistance to the laws and armed insurrection. nor is it very surprising, all things considered, that many of the federalists were inclined to look on gallatin as a foreign emissary, a tool of france, and employed and paid to make mischief."[ ] tracy, of connecticut, replied to the most prominent points of gallatin's speech. he denied that vattel gave any such opinion as to slaves, as set forth by gallatin; and called attention to the fact that the british did not refuse to restore them as booty, but because they were men set free by having joined the british standard, that freedom being the chief inducement held out to them. other points he commented upon with equal force. he warmed with his theme, and at length became severely personal. the opposition, he said, ask, with an air of triumphant complacency, how is there to be war, if we are not disposed to fight, and great britain has no motive for hostilities? "but look at the probable state of things," he continued: "great britain is to retain the western posts, and with them, the confidence of the indians; she makes no compensation for the millions spoliated from our commerce, but adds new millions to our already heavy losses. would americans quietly see their government strut, look big, call hard names, repudiate treaties, and then tamely put up with new and aggravated injuries? whatever might be the case in other parts of the union, his constituents were not of a temper to dance round a whiskey-pole one day, cursing the government, and to sneak, the next day, into a swamp, on hearing that a military force was marching against them. they knew their rights, and, if the government were unable, or unwilling, to give them protection, they would find other means to secure it. he could not feel thankful to any gentleman for coming all the way from geneva to accuse americans of pusillanimity." this allusion to gallatin elicited cries of order from many of the opposition, and for awhile the excitement in the house was intense. the chairman decided that mr. tracy was in order, and desired him to go on. he disclaimed any intention to be personal, asked pardon for any improprieties of which he might have been guilty in the heat of debate, and excused himself with the plea, that such charges against the american government and people, from such a source, were naturally very offensive. fourteen days had now been occupied with this debate, when fisher ames, of massachusetts, whose feebleness of health had kept him away from the house a part of the session, and made him a quiet spectator until now, arose in his place, and addressed the assemblage on the great subject. it was known that he was to speak on that day (twenty-eighth of april), and the house was crowded with an audience eager to hear the orator. he was pale, tottering, hardly able to stand on his feet, when he first arose, but as he became warmed with the subject, his whole being seemed to gather strength every moment, and he delivered a speech which was never forgotten by those who heard it. it was the great speech of the session, exhibiting a wonderful comprehension of human nature and the springs of political action; logic the most profound; the most biting ridicule, and pathetic eloquence. his speech exhibits such a summary, in its allusions, to the scope of the arguments of the opposition, and throws such light upon the growth and state of parties, that we make long extracts from it. "the suggestion a few days ago," he said, "that the house manifested symptoms of heat and irritation, was made and retorted as if the charge ought to create surprise, and would convey reproach. let us be more just to ourselves and the occasion. let us not effect to deny the existence and the intrusion of some portion of prejudice and feeling into the debate, when, from the very structure of our own nature, we ought to anticipate the circumstance as a probability; and when we are admonished by the evidence of our senses that it is a fact, how can we make professions for ourselves, and offer exhortations to the house, that no influence should be felt but that of duty, and no guide respected but that of the understanding, while the peal to rally every passion of man is continually ringing in our ears? our understandings have been addressed, it is true, and with ability and effect; but, i demand, has any corner of the heart been unexplored? it has been ransacked to find auxiliary arguments; and, when that attempt failed, to awaken the sensibility that would require none. every prejudice and feeling has been summoned to listen to some peculiar style of address; and yet we seem to believe and to consider a doubt as an affront, that we are strangers to any influence but that of unbiassed reason.... it is very unfairly pretended, that the constitutional right of this house is at stake, and to be asserted and preserved only by a vote in the negative. we hear it said, that this is a struggle for liberty, a manly resistance against the design to nullify the existence of this assembly, and to make it a cypher in the government; that the president and senate, the numerous meetings in the cities, and the influence of the general alarm of the country, are the agents and instruments of a scheme of coercion and terror, and in spite of the clearest convictions of duty and conscience. "it is necessary to pause here, and inquire whether suggestions of this kind be not unfair in their very texture and fabric, and pernicious in all their influences. they oppose an obstacle in the path of inquiry, not simply discouraging, but absolutely insurmountable. they will not yield to argument; for, as they were not reasoned up, they can not be reasoned down. they are higher than a chinese wall in truth's way, and built of materials that are indestructible. while this remains, it is vain to say to this mountain, be thou cast into the sea. for i ask of the men of knowledge of the world, whether they would not hold him for a blockhead, that should hope to prevail in an argument, whose scope and object is to mortify the self-love of the expected proselyte? i ask further, when such attempts have been made, whether they have not failed of success? the indignant heart repels the conviction that is believed to debase it.... let me expostulate with gentlemen to admit, if it be only by way of supposition, and for a moment, that it is barely possible they have yielded too suddenly to their own alarms for the powers of this house; that the addresses which have been made with such variety of forms, and with so great dexterity in some of them, to all that is prejudice and passion in the heart, are either the effects or the instruments of artifice and deception, and then let them see the subject once more in its singleness and simplicity.... "the doctrine has been avowed, that the treaty, though formally ratified by the executive power of both nations, though published as a law for our own by the president's proclamation, is still a mere proposition submitted to this assembly, no way distinguishable, in point of authority or obligation, from a motion for leave to bring in a bill, or any other original act of ordinary legislation. this doctrine, so novel in our country, yet so dear to many precisely for the reason, that in the contention for power, victory is always dear, is obviously repugnant to the very terms, as well as the fair interpretation of our own resolution (mr. blount's). we declare, that the treaty-making power is exclusively vested in the president and senate, and not in the house. need i say that we fly in the face of that resolution, when we pretend that the acts of that power are not valid until we have concurred in them. it would be nonsense, or worse, to use the language of the most glaring contradiction, and to claim a share in a power which we at the same time disclaim, as exclusively vested in other departments. what can be more strange than to say, that the compacts of the president and senate with foreign nations are treaties without our agency, and yet, that those compacts want all power and obligation until they are sanctioned by our concurrence. it is not my design, in this place, if at all, to go into a discussion of this part of the subject. i will, at least for the present, take it for granted that this monstrous opinion stands in little need of remark, and, if it does, lies almost out of the reach of refutation." after discussing the subject of bad faith on the part of the united states, in refusing to execute the treaty, with a clear and comprehensive view of the obligations of nations, mr. ames continued:-- "i shall be asked, why a treaty so good in some articles, and so harmless in others, has met with such unrelenting opposition? and how the clamors against it, from new hampshire to georgia, can be accounted for? the apprehensions so extensively diffused on its first publication, will be vouched as proof that the treaty is bad, and that the people held it in abhorrence. "i am not embarrassed to find an answer to this insinuation. certainly a foresight of its pernicious operation could not have created all the fears that were felt or effected: the alarm spread faster than the publication of the treaty; there were more critics than readers. besides, as the subject was examined, those fears have subsided. the movements of passion are quicker than those of the understanding: we are to search for the causes of first impressions, not in the articles of this obnoxious and misrepresented instrument, but in the state of the public feeling. "the fervor of the revolutionary war had not entirely cooled, nor its controversies ceased, before the sensibility of our citizens was quickened with a tenfold vivacity, by a new and extraordinary subject of irritation. one of the two great nations of europe underwent a change which has attracted all our wonder, and interested all our sympathy. whatever they did, the zeal of many went with them, and often went to excess. these impression met with much to inflame, and nothing to restrain them. in our newspapers, in our feasts, and some of our elections, enthusiasm was admitted a merit, a test of patriotism; and that made it contagious. in the opinion of party, we could not love or hate enough. i dare say, in spite of all the obloquy it may provoke, we were extravagant in both. it is my right to avow, that passions so impetuous, enthusiasm so wild, could not subsist without disturbing the sober exercise of reason, without putting at risk the peace and precious interests of our country. they were hazarded. it will not exhaust the little breath i have left, to say how much, nor by whom, or by what means they were rescued from the sacrifice. shall i be called upon to offer my proofs? they are here. they are everywhere. no one has forgotten the proceedings of . no one has forgotten the capture of our vessels, and the imminent danger of war. the nation thirsted, not only for reparation, but vengeance. suffering such wrongs, and agitated by such resentments, was it in the power of any words of compact, or could any parchment, with its seals, prevail at once to tranquillize the people? it was impossible. treaties in england are seldom popular, and least of all, when the stipulations of amity succeed to the bitterness of hatred. even the best treaty, though nothing be refused, will choke resentment, but not satisfy it. every treaty is as sure to disappoint extravagant expectations, as to disarm extravagant passions; of the latter, hatred is one that takes no bribes; they who are animated by a spirit of revenge, will not be quieted by the possibility of profit. "why do they complain that the west indies are not laid open? why do they lament that any restriction is stipulated on the commerce of the east indies? why do they pretend, that if they reject this, and insist upon more, more will be accomplished? let us be explicit--more would not satisfy. if all was granted, would not a treaty of amity with great britain still be obnoxious? have we not this instant heard it urged against our envoy, that he was not ardent enough in his hatred of great britain? a treaty of amity is condemned because it was not made by a foe, and in the spirit of one. the same gentleman, at the same instant, repeats a very prevailing objection, that no treaty should be made with the enemy of france. 'no treaty,' exclaim others, 'should be made with a monarch or a despot; there will be no naval security while those sea-robbers prevail on the ocean; their den must be destroyed; that nation must be extirpated.' "i like this, sir, because it is sincerity. with feelings such as these we do not pant for treaties. such passions seek nothing, and will be content with nothing, but the destruction of their object. if a treaty left king george his island it would not answer, not if he stipulated to pay rent for it. it has been said, the world ought to rejoice if great britain was sunk in the sea; if, where there are now men, and wealth, and laws, and liberty, there were no more than a sandbank, for the sea-monsters to fatten on--a space for the storms of the ocean to mingle in conflict. "i object nothing to the good sense or humanity of all this. i yield the point that this is a proof that the age of reason is in progress. let it be philanthropy, let it be patriotism, if you will; but it is no indication that any treaty would be approved. the difficulty is not to overcome the objections to the terms; it is to restrain the repugnance to any stipulations of amity with the party. "having alluded to the rival of great britain, i am not unwilling to explain myself. i effect no concealment, and i have practised none. while those two great nations agitate all europe with their quarrels, they will both equally endeavor to create an influence in america; each will exert all its arts to range its strength on its own side. how is this to be effected? our government is a democratical republic; it will not be disposed to pursue a system of politics, in submission to either france or england, in opposition to the general wishes of the citizens; and if congress should adopt such measures, they would not be pursued long, nor with much success. from the nature of our government, popularity is the instrument of foreign influence. without it, all is labor and disappointment. with that auxiliary, foreign intrigue finds agents, not only volunteers, but competitors for employment, and anything like reluctance is understood to be a crime. has britain this means of influence? certainly not. if her gold could buy adherents, their becoming such would deprive them of all political power and importance. they would not wield popularity as a weapon, but would fall under it. britain has no influence, and, for reasons just given, can have none. she has enough; and god forbid she ever should have more. france, possessed of popular enthusiasm, of party attachments, has had, and still has, too much influence on our politics. any foreign influence is too much, and ought to be destroyed. i detest the man, and disdain the spirit, that can bend to a mean subserviency to the views of any nation. it is enough to be american; that character comprehends our duties, and ought to engross our attachments. "but i would not be misunderstood. i would not break the alliance with france. i would not have the connection between the two countries even a cold one. it should be cordial and sincere; but i would banish that influence, which, by acting on the passions of the citizens, may acquire a power over the government." the speaker then drew a picture of the national disgrace, in the eyes of the world, that would be caused by a breach of national faith; and he appealed with inexpressible power to the hearts and understandings of the members, on this all-important consideration. he probed, with keen and searching precision, the jesuitical position assumed by the house, in disclaiming any participation in the treaty-making power, and yet claiming the right to decide upon the merits of a treaty, and to defeat its execution. he then dwelt upon the evils that would accrue, in the form of a loss to the mercantile community, of five millions of dollars promised in payment for spoliations; and the renewal of indian wars on the frontier, if the western posts should not be given up. "on this theme," he said, "my emotions are unutterable. if i could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, i would swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance, it should reach every log-house beyond the mountains. i would say to the inhabitants, wake from your false security--your cruel dangers; your more cruel apprehensions are soon to be torn open again. in the daytime your path through the woods will be ambushed; the darkness of midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. you are a father--the blood of your sons shall fatten your cornfields. you are a mother--the war-whoop shall waken the sleep of the cradle. "on this subject you need not expect any deception on your feelings. it is a spectacle of horror which can not be overdrawn. if you have nature in your hearts, they will speak a language, compared with which, all i have said, or can say, will be poor and frigid.... by rejecting the posts, we light the savage fires--we bind the victims. this day we undertake to render account to the widows and orphans our decision will make--to the wretches that will be roasted at the stake--to our country--and i do not deem it too serious to say, to conscience and to god. we are answerable; and if duty be anything more than a word of imposture, if conscience be not a bugbear, we are preparing to make ourselves as wretched as our country.... "the idea of war has been treated as a bugbear. this levity is, at least, unseasonable, and, most of all, unbecoming some who resort to it. who has forgotten the philippics of ? the cry then was, reparation--no envoy--no treaty--no tedious delays. now, it seems, the passion subsides, or, at least, the hurry to satisfy it. great britain, they say, will not wage war upon us. "in , it was urged by those who now say, no war, that if we built frigates, or resisted the piracies of algiers, we could not expect peace. now they give excellent comfort truly. great britain has seized our vessels and cargoes to the amount of millions; she holds the posts; she interrupts our trade, say they, as a neutral nation; and these gentlemen, formerly so fierce for redress, assure us, in terms of the sweetest consolation, great britain will bear all this patiently. but let me ask the late champions of our rights, will our nation bear it? let others exult because the aggressor will let our wrongs sleep for ever. will it add, it is my duty to ask, to the patience and quiet of our citizens, to see their rights abandoned? will not the disappointment of their hopes, so long patronized by the government, now in the crisis of their being realized, convert all their passions into fury and despair?... "look again at this state of things. on the seacoast, vast losses uncompensated; on the frontier, indian war and actual encroachment on our territory; everywhere discontent; resentments tenfold more fierce because they will be more impotent and humbled; national discord and abasement. the disputes of the old treaty of , being left to rankle, will revive the almost extinguished animosities of that period. wars in all countries, and most of all in such as are free, arise from the impetuosity of the public feelings. the despotism of turkey is often obliged by clamor to unsheathe the sword. war might, perhaps, be delayed, but could not be prevented. the causes of it would remain, would be aggravated, would be multiplied, and soon become intolerable. more captures, more impressments would swell the list of our wrongs, and the current of our rage. i make no calculation of the arts of those whose employment it has been, on former occasions, to fan the fire; i say nothing of the foreign money and emissaries that might foment the spirit of hostility, because this state of things will naturally run to violence. with less than their former exertion they would be successful. "will our government be able to temper and restrain the turbulence of such a crisis? the government, alas! will be in no capacity to govern. a divided people, and divided councils! shall we cherish the spirit of peace, or show the energies of war? shall we make our adversary afraid of our strength, or dispose him, by the measures of resentment and broken faith, to respect our rights? do gentlemen rely on the state of peace because both nations will be more disposed to keep it? because injuries and insults still harder to endure, will be mutually offered?... "is there anything in the prospect of the interior state of the country, to encourage us to aggravate the dangers of a war? would not the shock of that evil produce another, and shake down the feeble and then unbraced structure of our government? is this a chimera? is it going off the ground of matter of fact to say, the rejection of the appropriation proceeds upon the doctrine of a civil war of the departments? two branches have ratified a treaty, and we are going to set it aside. how is this disorder in the machine to be rectified? while it exists its movements must stop; and when we talk of a remedy, is that any other than the formidable one of a revolutionary interposition of the people? and is this, in the judgment even of my opposers, to execute, to preserve the constitution, and the public order? is this the state of hazard, if not of convulsion, which they can have the courage to contemplate and to praise; or beyond which their penetration can reach and see the issue? they seem to believe, and they act as if they believed, that our union, our peace, our liberty, are invulnerable and immortal; as if our happy state was not to be disturbed by our dissentions, and that we are not capable of falling from it by our unworthiness. some of them have, no doubt, better nerves and better discernment than mine. they can see the bright aspects and happy consequences of all this array of horrors. they can see intestine discords, our government disorganized, our wrongs aggravated, multiplied, and un-redressed, peace with dishonor, or war without justice, union, or resources, in 'the calm lights of mild philosophy....' "let me cheer the mind, weary, no doubt, and ready to despond on this prospect, by presenting another which it is in our power to realize. is it possible for a real american to look at the prosperity of this country without some desire for its continuance, without some respect for the measures which, many will say, produced, and all will confess, have preserved it? will he not feel some dread that a change of system will reverse the scene? the well-grounded fears of our citizens, in , were removed by the treaty, but are not forgotten. then they deemed war nearly inevitable, and would not this adjustment have been considered, at that day, as a happy escape from the calamity? the great interest and the general desire of our people was to enjoy the advantages of neutrality. this instrument, however misrepresented, affords americans that inestimable security. the cause of our disputes are either cut up by the roots, or referred to a new negotiation after the end of the european war. this was gaining everything. this, alone, would justify the engagements of the government. for, when the fiery vapors of war lowered in the skirts of our horizon, all our wishes were concentrated in this one, that we might escape the desolation of the storm. this treaty, like a rainbow on the edge of the cloud, marked to our eyes the space where it was raging, and afforded, at the same time, the sure prognostic of fair weather. if we reject it the vivid colors will grow pale; it will be a baleful meteor, portending tempest and war. "let us not hesitate, then, to agree to this appropriation to carry it into faithful execution. thus we shall save the faith of our nation, secure its peace, and diffuse the spirit of confidence and enterprise that will augment its prosperity. the progress of wealth and improvement is wonderful, and some will think, too rapid. the field for exertion is fruitful and vast; and if peace and good government should be preserved, the acquisitions of our citizens are not so pleasing as the proofs of their industry, as the instruments of their future success. the rewards of exertion go to augment its power. profit is every hour becoming capital. the vast crop of our neutrality is all seed-wheat, and is sown again, to swell, almost beyond calculation, the future harvest of prosperity. in this progress what seems to be fiction is found to fall short of experience.... when i come to the moment of deciding the vote, i start back with dread from the edge of the pit into which we are plunging. in my view, even the minutes i have spent in expostulation, have their value, because they protract the crisis, and the short period in which alone we may resolve to escape it. "i have thus been led by my feelings to speak more at length than i had intended. yet i have, perhaps, as little personal interest in the event as any one here. there is, i believe, no member who will not think his chance to be a witness of the consequences greater than mine. if, however, the vote should pass to reject, and a spirit should rise, as it will, with the public disorders, to make 'confusion worse confounded,' even i, slender and almost broken as my hold upon life is, may outlive the government and constitution of my country." with this touching peroration mr. ames closed his remarkable speech, and sat down. for a brief moment there was perfect silence in the house. "judge iredell and i happened to sit together," wrote vice-president adams, describing the scene. "our feelings beat in unison. 'my god! how great he is,' says iredell; 'how great he has been!'--'noble!' said i. after some time iredell breaks out, 'bless my stars! i never heard anything so great since i was born.'--'divine!' said i; and thus we went on with our interjections, not to say tears, to the end. tears enough were shed. not a dry eye, i believe, in the house, except some of the jackasses who had occasioned the necessity of the oratory. these attempted to laugh, but their visages 'grinned horribly ghastly smiles.' they smiled like foulon's son-in-law when they made him kiss his father's dead and bleeding hand. perhaps the speech may not read as well. the situation of the man excited compassion, and interested all hearts in his favor. the ladies wished his soul had a better body."[ ] the vote was about to be taken, immediately after the conclusion of ames's speech, when the opposition, alarmed on account of the effect it had probably produced, carried an adjournment. there was a little speaking upon the subject the next day, but no one dared to attempt an answer to ames's words, or assail his positions. the vote stood forty-nine to forty-nine, when general muhlenburg, chairman of the committee of the whole, decided the matter by casting his vote for the resolution. it was reported to the house on the thirteenth of may, and, after some delay, the resolution, unamended, declaring that it was expedient to pass laws necessary for carrying the treaty into effect, was adopted, fifty-one to forty-eight, the northern members voting for and the southern against it. footnotes: [ ] life of washington. [ ] he referred to livingston, the author of the resolutions before the house, who was one of the leaders of the populace in new york when hamilton and king were stoned, while speaking in favor of the treaty, at a public meeting. [ ] the following is a copy of washington's message to the house of representatives on the thirtieth of march, , assigning his reasons for not complying with their resolution of the twenty-fourth:-- "with the utmost attention i have considered your resolution of the twenty-fourth instant, requiring me to lay before your house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, together with a correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed. "in deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible to lose sight of the principle, which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle. "i trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the constitution has enjoined upon the president as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either house of congress as a right; and with truth i affirm that it has been, as it will continue to be while i have the honor to preside in the government, my constant endeavor to harmonize with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the united states, and my sense of the obligation it imposes to 'preserve, protect, and defend the constitution,' will permit. "the nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy; and, even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions, which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other powers. the necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate; the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. to admit, then, a right in the house of representatives to demand, and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent. "it does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. i repeat, that i have no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my situation will permit, or the public good shall require, to be disclosed; and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with great britain were laid before the senate when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice. "the course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the house, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the constitution of the united states. "having been a member of the general convention, and knowing the principles on which the constitution was formed, i have ever entertained but one opinion on this subject; and, from the first establishment of the government to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion--that the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, provided two thirds of the senators present concur; and that every treaty, so made and promulgated, thenceforward became the law of the land. it is thus that the treaty-making power has been understood by foreign nations; and, in all the treaties made with them, we have declared, and they have believed, that when ratified by the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, they became obligatory. in this construction of the constitution, every house of representatives has heretofore acquiesced; and, until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared, to my knowledge, that this construction was not the true one. nay, they have more than acquiesced; for, till now, without controverting the obligations of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. "there is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with the opinions entertained by the state conventions, when they were deliberating on the constitution; especially by those who objected to it because there was not required, in _commercial treaties_, the consent of two thirds of the whole number of the members of the senate, instead of two thirds of the senators present; and because, in treaties respecting territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three fourths of the whole number of both houses respectively was not made necessary. "it is a fact decided by the general convention, and universally understood, that the constitution of the united states was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. "and it is well known that, under this influence, the smaller states were admitted to an equal representation in the senate with the larger states, and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers; for on the equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and political safety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. "if other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the general convention, which i have deposited in the office of the department of state. in those journals it will appear that a proposition was made, 'that no treaty should be binding on the united states which was not ratified by a law,' and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. "as, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the house of representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with great britain exhibits, in itself, all the objects requiring legislative provision, and on these the papers called for can throw no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be preserved, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbids a compliance with your request. george washington." [ ] earnest petitions from these had been sent in to congress, representing that the property of merchants of the united states, to the amount of five millions of dollars, had been taken from them by the subjects of great britain, for which they wanted restitution, and, for that purpose, prayed for measures to execute the provisions of the treaty. [ ] history of the united states, second series, i, . [ ] letter to mrs. adams, april , . chapter xxxiii. jefferson's apprehensions concerning jay's treaty--his opinion of gallatin--of the treaty-making power--his letter to mazzei--its effects--disclosure of a confidential paper--jefferson disclaims any participation in the act--his letter to washington, and the reply--ungenerous attacks on washington's character--provision for carrying the treaty into effect--diplomatic changes--washington at mount vernon--efforts to procure the liberation of lafayette--washington's letter to the emperor of germany--washington's farewell address--its authorship. according to the prediction of vice-president adams, the british treaty, after having been "mauled and abused," was "acquiesced in." "the treaty will go into operation, and be supported by a great majority of the people," wrote jay on the first of may; "a majority comprising the greater part of the men most distinguished by talents, worth, and weight."[ ] but there were many honest men--men who loved their country, were jealous of its honor, and ready to make personal sacrifices, if necessary, for the commonwealth--who regarded the triumph of the government party, on this occasion, as a public calamity. among these was mr. jefferson, who, from his retirement at monticello, sent forth, now and then, the thunderbolts of his wrath against political opponents and their measures. he had watched the progress of the treaty in every stage of the ordeal to which it was subjected in congress, and occasionally gave his views to his friends. he was deeply enamored of gallatin, and with acute perception, as time demonstrated, he foresaw the value of the young genevese to his adopted country. "if mr. gallatin," he said, in a letter to madison on the sixth of march, concerning the operations of the treasury, "would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with a clear view of our finances, and put them into a form as simple as they will admit, he will merit immortal honor." after gallatin's speech on the treaty, mr. jefferson again wrote to madison, saying, "it is worthy to be printed at the end of the federalist, as the only rational commentary on the part of the constitution to which it relates." in reference to the power of the house of representatives, in the matter of treaties, mr. jefferson remarked in the same letter, "i see no harm in rendering their sanction necessary, and not much harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power, except as to making peace. if you decide in favor of your right to refuse your co-operation in any case of treaty, i wonder on what occasion it is to be used, if not in one where the rights, the interest, the honor, and faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed; when a faction has entered into a conspiracy with the enemies of their country, to chain down the legislature at the feet of both; when the whole mass of your constituents have condemned this work in the most unequivocal manner, and are looking to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the avarice and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary machinations of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the only honest man [the president] who has assented to it. i wish that his honesty and his political errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim--'curse on his virtues, they have undone his country.'"[ ] on the twenty-fourth of april, in a letter to his friend, philip mazzei,[ ] then in florence--a letter which afterward drew down upon the author the most severe comments--he said, "the aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left us. in place of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly through the war, an anglican monarchical and aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is, to draw over us the substance, as they have already done the form, of the british government. the main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so is a great mass of talent. against us are the executive; the judiciary; two out of three branches of the legislature; all the officers of the government; all who want to be officers; all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty; british merchants, and americans trading on british capital; speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well as the sound parts of the british model. it would give you a fever were i to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies; men who were samsons in the field and solomons in the council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot england. in short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained, only by unremitting labors and perils. but we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight and wealth on the good side is so great, as to leave no danger that force will ever be attempted against us. we have only to awake and snap the lilliputian cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which succeeded our labors."[ ] a little later, when the government had triumphed in the matter of the treaty, and the public acquiesced, mr. jefferson wrote to monroe, in paris; "you will have seen, by their proceedings, the truth of what i have always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in influence over the people, who have supported his judgment against their own, and that of their representatives. republicanism must lie on its oars, resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks best for them." in this manner the professedly retired statesman, deceived by demagogues, taking bache's abusive and unscrupulous "aurora" as his compass in current politics, and with his judgment sadly warped by his prejudices, he threw out, in various directions, ungenerous insinuations against washington, who, at that moment, was confiding implicitly in jefferson's integrity, justice, sincerity, and personal friendship. he would not allow himself to be even suspicious of any duplicity or dishonor on the part of his late secretary, even when that gentleman himself supposed washington had reason to suspect him. in bache's "aurora," on the ninth of june, were disclosed, by an anonymous writer, a series of questions submitted by washington, in strict confidence, to the cabinet in , concerning the reception of genet, and the force of the treaty with france. these were published with the evident design to prejudice the executive in the public mind. this startled jefferson, and he thought it necessary to put in an immediate disclaimer of all participation in the matter. he wrote to washington on the nineteenth of june, saying, in reference to the document, "it having been confided to but few hands, makes it truly wonderful how it should have got there. i can not be satisfied as to my own part, till i relieve my mind by declaring--and i attest everything sacred and honorable to the declaration--that it has got them, neither through me nor the paper confided to me. this has never been from under my own lock and key, or out of my own hands. no mortal ever knew from me that these questions had been proposed." mr. jefferson then expressed his belief, that one who had been their mutual friend "thought it worth while to sow tares" between the president and himself, and denounced him as an "intriguer, dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of his table, where, alone, he could hear him."[ ] the person here alluded to was general henry lee, of virginia, who had lately become attached to the federal party, and incurred the political enmity of jefferson. this letter drew from washington a most noble reply. on the sixth of july he wrote: "if i had entertained any suspicions before, that the queries, which have been published in bache's paper, proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary would have removed them; but the truth is, i harbored none. i am at no loss to conjecture from what source they flowed, through what channel they were conveyed, and for what purpose they and similar publications appear. they were known to be in the hands of mr. parker in the early part of the last session of congress. they were shown about by mr. giles during the session, and they made their public exhibition about the close of it. "perceiving and, probably, hearing, that no abuse in the gazettes would induce me to take notice of anonymous publications against me, those who were disposed to do me _such friendly offices_, have embraced, without restraint, every opportunity to weaken the confidence of the people; and, by having the whole game in their hands, they have not scrupled to publish things that do not, as well as those which do exist, and to mutilate the latter, so as to make them subserve the purposes which they have in view. "as you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly, to conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion i had conceived you entertained of me; that, to your particular friends and connections you have described, and they have denounced, me as a person under a dangerous influence; and that, if i would listen more to some other opinions, all would be well. my answer invariably has been, that i had never discovered anything in the conduct of mr. jefferson to raise suspicion in my mind of his insincerity; that, if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the sole objects of my pursuit; that there were as many instances, within his own knowledge, of my having decided _against_, as in _favor_, of the opinions of the persons evidently alluded to; and, moreover, that i was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. in short, that i was no party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them." this portion of washington's letter must have been felt by mr. jefferson as a severe rebuke of his real insincerity, in throwing out precisely such insinuations as washington here alludes to. washington continued:-- "to this i may say, and very truly, that, until within the last year or two, i had no conception that parties would, or even could, go the length i have been witness to; nor did i really believe, until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within those of possibility, that, while i was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth, and wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, i should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of these be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that, too, in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. but enough of this, i have already gone further in the expression of my feelings than i intended."[ ] when congress had disposed of the treaty by voting appropriations for the purpose of executing it, nothing remained to complete the business but the appointment of the several officers to carry out its provisions. these were immediately made. david howell, of rhode island, was made commissioner for ascertaining the true river st. croix; messrs. fitzsimons and innes (the latter soon succeeded by mr. sitgreaves) were appointed commissioners on the subject of british debts; and messrs. gore and pinckney commissioners for settling claims for british spoliations. some diplomatic changes were made at about this time; rufus king was appointed minister to england, in place of thomas pinckney, who wished to return home; colonel humphreys was appointed minister to spain, in place of mr. carmichael, deceased; john quincy adams, son of the vice-president, left the hague, to which he had been accredited, and succeeded humphreys at lisbon; and mr. murray took adam's place in holland. the president was authorized to appoint two or more agents, one to reside in great britain, the others at such points as the executive might choose, to investigate and report concerning all impressments of american seamen by british cruisers. the interesting session of congress during which jay's treaty had been the chief topic of debate, was now drawing to a close, and washington looked to the brief period of repose from public duties, at mount vernon, that would succeed the legislative turmoil, with the greatest pleasure. that moment of release came on the first day of june, when the congress adjourned. the president's thoughts now turned toward his long-tried friends, and the sweet enjoyments of private life toward which he was hastening. among the former, the marquis de lafayette held a prominent place in his heart. he was yet a prisoner in a far-off dungeon, and his family in exile. feeble was the arm of any man to give him liberty, especially one stretched toward him from the new republic beyond the sea. yet washington left no means untried to liberate his friend. compelled by circumstances and state policy to be cautious, he was, nevertheless, persevering in his efforts. he well knew that his formal interposition in behalf of the illustrious captive would be unavailing. but he employed the american ministers at european courts in expressing, on every convenient opportunity, unofficially, the interest which the president took in the fate of his friend, and to use every fair means in their power to obtain his release. while lafayette was in the hands of the prussian authorities, james marshall was sent to berlin as a special and confidential agent to solicit his discharge. before marshall's arrival, lafayette had been delivered by the king of prussia into the hands of the emperor of germany. mr. pinckney, the united states minister in london, was then instructed to indicate the wishes of the president concerning the prisoner, to the austrian minister in england, and to solicit the powerful mediation of the british cabinet. these efforts failed, and washington, disdaining to make further application to the deputies of sovereignty, whose petty tyranny was proverbial, determined to go to the fountain-head of power in the dominion where his friend was suffering, and, on the fifteenth of may, he wrote as follows to the emperor of germany:-- "it will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may sometimes exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. finding myself precisely in this situation at present, i take the liberty of writing this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology for it. "in common with the people of this country, i retain a strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the marquis de lafayette; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. it is natural, therefore, that i should sympathize with him and his family in their misfortunes, and endeavor to mitigate the calamities which they experience; among which, his present confinement is not the least distressing. "i forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. permit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment, and the confiscation of his estates, and the indigence and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the mediation of humanity? allow me, sir, on this occasion to be its organ, and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions, and under such restrictions, as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. "as it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances, i would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe, that this request appears to me to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom which form the basis of sound policy and durable glory. "may the almighty and merciful sovereign of the universe keep your majesty under his protection and guidance." this letter was transmitted to mr. pinckney, and by him sent to the emperor, through his minister in great britain. "how far it operated," says marshall, "in mitigating immediately the rigor of lafayette's confinement, or in obtaining his liberation, remains unascertained." washington left philadelphia for mount vernon on the thirteenth of june, accompanied by his family, and remained there about two months. during that retirement he made his final arrangements for leaving public life for ever at the close of his term of office, which would occur in march following. we have observed his great reluctance to consent to a second nomination for the chief-magistracy of the republic. the best interests of the commonwealth seemed to require the sacrifice on his part, and it was given, but with a full determination not to yield again, unless there appeared greater danger hovering over his beloved country, which his instrumentality might avert. to this determination he had adhered; and it was always with inexpressible satisfaction that he looked forward to the day when his public labors should cease. but, for cogent reasons, he never made this declaration publicly, until within the last few months of his second administration. his confidential friends well knew his determination, however, and the people generally suspected it. "those who dreaded a change of system," says marshall, "in changing the person of the chief-magistrate, manifested an earnest desire to avoid this hazard, by being permitted once more to offer to the public choice a person, who, amidst all the fierce conflicts of party, still remained the object of public veneration." but his resolution was fixed. the safety of the nation did not, at that time, seem to require him to remain at its head, notwithstanding there were many and great perils besetting it; and while he was at mount vernon he completed the final draft of a "farewell address to the people of the united states," to be published in time for them to choose his successor at the appointed season. that address had been the subject of deep and anxious thought; and, at the special request of the president, madison, jefferson, hamilton, jay, and perhaps others, had given him suggestions in writing, topical and verbal. these he took with him to mount vernon, and in the quiet of his library he arranged the address in proper form, using the suggestions of madison and hamilton very freely. in the form in which it finally appeared, it remains the noblest production of washington's mind and heart; and has been pronounced by alison, the eminent british historian, unequalled by any composition of uninspired wisdom. it is a political legacy which not only the countrymen of washington, but the inhabitants of the civilized world ought to value as one of the most precious gifts ever bestowed by man upon his race. it is permeated with the immortal spirit of a true man, a true patriot, and a true christian.[ ] footnotes: [ ] letter to lord grenville. [ ] jefferson's memoirs and correspondence, iii., . [ ] mazzei was an italian, who came to virginia just before the war for independence commenced, bringing with him about a dozen experienced grape culturists of his own country, for the purpose of attempting that business in america, and the manufacture of wine. he formed a stock company, of whom mr. jefferson was one, and a considerable sum was raised for the undertaking. an estate adjoining mr. jefferson's was purchased for the experiment, but the scheme failed. mazzei went to europe as an agent of some kind for the state of virginia, leaving his family in america, and did not return. his wife died, and mazzei wrote to mr. jefferson for legal evidence of her death, and other important information. in his reply, the strong language concerning political affairs in america, which we have quoted, was incidentally used in the conclusion. mazzei was an ardent republican. he translated that portion of the letter into italian, and without asking jefferson's permission to do so, published it in a florentine journal. it was republished in the french journals, translated into english, and, about a year after it was written, it appeared in the american federal newspapers, with, it was alleged, many errors and interpolations. it placed jefferson in an unpleasant dilemma, yet he had such faith in washington's confidence in him, that he conceived that that great and good man would not construe any portion of his remarks as aimed at the president, and, by the advice of his friends, he kept silent, neither avowing or disavowing the letter as his. it became the subject of fierce attacks for a long time, even through the canvass in , which resulted in the election of mr. jefferson to the presidency of the united states. i have before me a caricature, published as a frontispiece to robert g. harper's "observations on the dispute between the united states and france," printed in , in which is represented mr. jefferson on bended knee before an altar, on which is a flame, fed by papers bearing the names of _age of reason_, _godwin_, _aurora_, _chronicle_, _j. j. rousseau_, _voltaire_, _ruins of volney_, _helvetius_, &c. on the short shaft is inscribed, "altar to gallic despotism." it is entwined by a serpent, who seems to be the instrument of the devil, whose horned head is seen rising behind the platform of the altar, upon which lies sacks for consumption, marked, _american spoliations_, _dutch restitution_, _sardinia_, _flanders_, _venice_, _spain_, _plunder_, &c. over the flame on the altar hovers an angry american eagle, gazed upon by the all-seeing eye. the eagle has just snatched from the hand of mr. jefferson a scroll, on which is written _constitution and independence, u. s. a_., that he was about to commit to the flames. from his other hand is falling another scroll, inscribed, _to mazzei_. the composition is entitled, "the providential detection." [ ] jefferson's memoirs and correspondence, iii., . [ ] jefferson's memoirs and correspondence, iii., . [ ] sparks's "life and writings of washington," xi., . in a note to this letter, mr. sparks says: "no correspondence, after this date, between washington and jefferson appears in the letter-books, except a brief note the month following, upon an unimportant matter. it has been reported and believed, that letters and papers, supposed to have passed between them, or to relate to their intercourse with each other at subsequent dates, were secretly withdrawn from the archives of mount vernon, after the death of the former." washington's unlimited confidence in mr. jefferson's sincerity appears to have been finally shaken. in a letter to john nicholson, in march, , he said, "nothing short of the evidence you have adduced, corroborative of intimations which i had received long before through another channel, could have shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friendship which i had conceived was possessed for me by the person to whom you allude." [ ] the following is a copy of washington's "farewell address." it was first published in the "philadelphia advertiser," in september, . it occupied, in manuscript, thirty-two pages of quarto letter-paper, sewed together as a book. "friends and fellow-citizens:--the period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the united states, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprize you of the resolution i have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. "i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. "the acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. "i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. "the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say, that i have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. "in looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not infrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and the guaranty of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. "here, perhaps i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare, which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motives to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. "the unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. "for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. here, every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. "the _north_, in an unrestrained intercourse with the _south_, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the _south_ in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the _north_, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the _north_, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. the _east_, in a like intercourse with the _west_, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. the _west_ derives from the _east_ supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the _secure_ enjoyment of indispensable _outlets_ for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. any other tenure by which the _west_ can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. "while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parties combined can not fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which, opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. "these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue of the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. "in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by _geographical_ discriminations, _northern_ and _southern_, _atlantic_ and _western_; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi: they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain and that with spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? "to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute: they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is, the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. "all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominions. "towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. one method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is indeed little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. "i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. "without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. "it serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. "there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of a popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. and, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warning, it should consume. "it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can, at any time, yield. "of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice; and let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule, indeeds, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? "promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulations of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential you should practically bear in mind, that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassments inseparable from the selection of the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. "observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, that might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be, that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? "in the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. the nation, which indulges toward another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some decree a slave. it is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. the nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. "so, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the allusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. it leads, also, to concessions to the favorite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. "as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! such an attachment of a small or weak, toward a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little _political_ connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. "europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. hence she most be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. "why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand on foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my own opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. "in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but, if i may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. how far in the discharge of my official duties, i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself, the assurance of my own conscience, that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. "in relation to the still subsisting war in europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of april, , is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. "the considerations, which respects the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this occasion, to detail. i will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflection and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. "though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, i am unconscious of intentional error: i am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. "george washington. "united states, "_september , _." there has been some discussion, within a few years past, concerning the authorship of washington's farewell address, it having been claimed for general hamilton, because a draught of it, varying but little in form and substance from the document under that title which we have given in the preceding pages, was found, in hamilton's handwriting, among his papers, soon after his death in . the subject has been thoroughly examined by horace binney, esq., of philadelphia, in a volume of two hundred and fifty pages, published in the autumn of . after a most searching analysis of every fact bearing upon the subject to be found in the writings of washington, madison, hamilton, and others, he arrives at an inevitable conclusion, which he gives in the following words:-- "washington was, undoubtedly, the original designer of the farewell address; and not merely by general or indefinite intimations, but by the suggestion of perfectly definite subjects, of an end or object, and of a general outline, the same which the paper now exhibits. his outline did not appear so distinctly in his own plan, because the subjects were not so arranged in it as to show that they were all comprehended within a regular and proportional figure; but when they came to be so arranged in the present address, the scope of the whole design is seen to be contained within the limits he intended, and to fill them. the subjects were traced by him with adequate precision, though without due connection, with little expansion, and with little declared bearing of the parts upon each other, or toward a common centre; but they may now be followed with ease in their proper relations and bearing in the finished paper, such only excepted as he gave his final consent and approbation to exclude. "in the most common and prevalent sense of the word among literary men, this may not, perhaps, be called authorship; but in the primary etymological sense--the quality of imparting growth or increase--there can be no doubt that it is so. by derivation from himself, the farewell address speaks the very mind of washington. the fundamental thoughts and principles were his; but he was not the composer or writer of the paper. "hamilton was, in the prevalent literary sense, the composer and writer of the paper. the occasional adoption of washington's language does not materially take from the justice of this attribution. the new plan, the different form, proceeded from hamilton. he was the author of it. he put together the thoughts of washington in a new order, and with a new bearing; and while, as often as he could, he used the words of washington, his own language was the general vehicle, both of his own thoughts, and for the expansion and combination of washington's thoughts. hamilton developed the thoughts of washington, and corroborated them--included several cognate subjects, and added many effective thoughts from his own mind, and united all into one chain by the links of his masculine logic. "the main trunk was washington's; the branches were stimulated by hamilton; and the foliage, which was not exuberant, was altogether his: and he, more than washington, pruned and nipped off, with severe discrimination, whatever was excessive--that the tree might bear the fruits which washington desired, and become his full and fit representative.... "we have explicit authority for regarding the whole man as compounded of body, soul, and spirit. the farewell address, in a lower and figurative sense, is likewise so compounded. if these were divisible and distributable, we might, though not with full and exact propriety, allot the soul to washington, and the spirit to hamilton. the elementary body is washington's, also; but hamilton has developed and fashioned it, and he has symmetrically formed and arranged the members, to give combined and appropriate action to the whole. this would point to an allotment of the soul and the elementary body to washington, and of the arranging, developing, and informing spirit, to hamilton--the same characteristic which is found in the great works he devised for the country, and are still the chart by which his department of the government is ruled. "the farewell address itself, while in one respect--the question of its authorship--it has had the fate of the _eikon basilike_, in another it has been more fortunate; for no iconoclasts has appeared, or ever can appear, to break or mar the image and superscription of washington, which it bears, or to sully the principles of the moral and political action in the government of a nation, which are reflected from it with his entire approval, and were, in fundamental points, dictated by himself."--_"an inquiry into the formation of washington's farewell address_," by horace binney, page . chapter xxxiv. washington at mount vernon--public matters claim his attention--monroe and the french government--his public reception as minister--the display disapproved of at home--his concessions to the french--his indiscreet promise of pecuniary aid--jay's mission--monroe asks jay for a copy of his treaty for the french government--jay's refusal--monroe offended--misapprehension and resentment of the french government--monroe recalled--mr. pinckney his successor--monroe's defence--washington's justification of his own course. as we have observed, washington enjoyed the pleasures of retirement and partial repose at mount vernon, for about two months in the summer of . yet he was not wholly free from the cares and anxieties incident to his official station. his farewell address to his countrymen, as we have seen, was then carefully prepared for the public consideration; but subjects of more immediate importance, connected with national affairs, demanded and received his attention. jay's treaty had relieved the country from all apprehension of immediate war with great britain, and, at the same time, it had increased the unfriendly feeling between the government of the united states and that of france. the latter had discovered that washington's original proclamation of neutrality, and his efforts to preserve that position for his government, were sincere, and not, as had been hoped, mere tricks to deceive the british cabinet; and the french directory, and their partisans in america, were disappointed and greatly chagrined. for a long time the administrators of government in france, exercising a most intolerant and relentless despotism, had been jealous of every act of friendship, or even of leniency performed toward great britain by the americans; and mr. monroe, an avowed partisan of france, was received, at first with distrust. but with singular adroitness, discretion, and good judgment, monroe managed to place himself, very speedily, high in the estimation of the government to which he was accredited. we have already noticed, incidentally, his presentation of the american flag to the national convention of france, and the reciprocity of the compliment by m. adet, almost a year afterward. the inauguration of these courtesies by monroe at paris, had been immediately followed by a public display of national amity, in which the representative of the united states so thoroughly committed his government to a political alliance with france, as to make washington's plan of neutrality appear like a piece of diplomatic finesse. it was ordained that the american minister should be formally received by the french government, in a public manner. he was, accordingly, introduced into the national convention, where he presented a written address, glowing with the warmest expressions of friendship for france and the french people, and admiration of their magnanimity, their fortitude, their valor, and their wisdom. to this the president of the convention replied, with even greater enthusiasm. he alluded to the union of the two governments, as "not merely a diplomatic alliance," but as "the sweetest, the most frank fraternity"--"for ever indissoluble--for ever the dread of tyrants, the safeguard of the liberties of the world, and the preserver of all the social and philanthropic virtues. "in bringing to us, citizen," continued the president, "the pledge of this union, so dear to us, you could not fail to be received with the liveliest emotions. five years ago, a usurper of the sovereignty of the people would have received you with the pride which belongs to vice, thinking it much to have given to the minister of a free people some token of an insolent protection. but to-day, the sovereign people themselves, by the organ of their faithful representatives, receive you; and you see the tenderness, the effusion of soul, that accompanies the simple and touching ceremony! i am impatient to give you the fraternal embrace, which i am ordered to give in the name of the french people. come and receive it in the name of the american people, and let this spectacle complete the annihilation of an impious coalition of tyrants." at this affectionate appeal monroe stepped forward, and received the president's "national embrace," and afterward, the warm congratulations of the assembly. he was offered the confiscated house of one of the nobility as a place of residence; and, for a few days, he was the idol of the french people. then came the less ethereal operations of the grave business of his office; and when the pageant was all over--the apotheosis completed--mr. monroe found himself afflicted with many cares, and assailed by many annoyances. clamorous american ship-masters and merchants flocked to his diplomatic residence, and preferred urgent claims; some for cargoes which they had been compelled to sell to the french government, and some asking the liquidation of dishonored bills, drawn by french agents in america, in payment for provision shipped to france, or the french west indies. in many forms complaints and claims were made by monroe's countrymen upon the french government, and the minister found a host of unpleasant duties to perform, for he did not wish to break the charm of that "sweetest, most frank fraternity," to the preservation of which he had so recently pledged his constituents. he, therefore, made some extraordinary concessions in relation to claims founded on breaches of the french treaty, in the seizure of enemy's goods in american vessels. he asked the french government to rescind the order authorizing such seizures, not because it would be just--be in accordance with treaty provisions--but because it would be for the pecuniary and commercial interests of france to do so. he was even so careful not to wound french pride, as to assure that government that he had no instructions to complain of that order as a breach of the treaty; and that, should it be thought productive of real benefit to france, the american government and people would bear it, not only with patience, but with pleasure. when intelligence of monroe's theatrical performances at his reception reached his government, it produced much mortification, and the secretary of state, in an official letter, suggested to him that the american cabinet expected nothing more than a private reception, and an oral speech; and reminded him that the government he was sent to represent was neutral, and that such a display might be offensive to other governments, especially to those of england and spain, with both of whom important negotiations were then in progress. he was also reminded that circumstances might arise, when it would be necessary "to explain away or disavow an excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool system of neutrality." the french government, evidently insincere in their "national embraces," and believing the other party to be equally so, determined to test the friendship of their allies. at that time the republic was heavily pressed with pecuniary embarrassments, and the united states were asked for a loan to relieve that pressure. monroe, without the least particle of authority, unhesitatingly expressed his opinion, that his government would give to their dear ally any aid in their power to bestow; and he suggested three sources whence money might be obtained, namely: the separate states, the general government, and individuals. he went so far as to enter into a formal agreement concerning the equivalent in services, which france should give for such pecuniary aid, the most important of which was an active alliance in seizing the western posts still held by the british, and the conquest of the louisiana country, inhabited by the french and spanish, west of the mississippi. france was also to assist the united states through a war with england and spain, if one should occur. this would practically place the american republic in the position of an entire dependent upon the european one--a position utterly unnecessary, and incompatible with the interests and dignity of a free and independent nation. mr. monroe urged his government to loan france five millions of dollars, in order to secure her good will and active alliance. but his proposition met with no favor at home, except among the ultra partisans of the french republic; and he was officially reminded that it had been, and still was, the invariable policy of the president to have his country as independent as possible of every nation upon the face of the earth--a policy which he had pursued from the beginning; "not assumed now for the first time, but wise at all times, and certain, if steadily pursued, to protect his country from the effects of commotions in europe." jay's mission, from the beginning, had produced uneasiness and distrust in the diplomatic circles of france and spain, and perplexed monroe and his political friends. giving greater latitude to the spirit of his instructions than their letter could possibly warrant, monroe assured the french government that jay's authority was strictly limited to a demand of reparation for injuries; and this assurance produced the impression that jay had no authority to conclude a treaty of navigation and commerce. not more than a fortnight after monroe made these assurances, intelligence came that a treaty of commerce had actually been negotiated with the british government, and signed by the contracting parties. mr. monroe's imprudence, and his zeal in the cause of france, now placed him in an unpleasant dilemma. he received from mr. jay the assurance that he would soon send him, in cipher, the principal heads of the treaty. but that would not be sufficient to appease the offended french government, and mr. monroe immediately sent a confidential person to mr. jay for a complete copy of the document. "'tis necessary to observe," he said, "_that as nothing will satisfy this government but a copy of the instrument itself_, and which, as our ally, it thinks itself entitled to, so it will be useless for me to make to it any communication _short of that_. i mention this that you may know precisely _the state of my engagements here_, and how i deem it my duty to act under them, in relation to _this object_." mr. jay, as in duty bound, civilly declined to send a copy of the treaty; and in his reply to mr. monroe's letter, took the occasion to give that gentleman his views on national independence and the duties of ministers. "you must be sensible," he said, "that the united states, as a free and independent nation, have an unquestionable right to make any pacific arrangements with other powers which mutual convenience may dictate, provided those arrangements do not interdict or oppugn their prior engagements with other states. "whether this adjustment was consistent with our treaty with france? struck me as being the only question which would demand or receive the consideration of that republic; and i thought it due to the friendship subsisting between the two countries, that the french government should have, without delay, the most perfect satisfaction on that head." he then referred to his former communications, and gave him the following exact and literal extract from the treaty:-- "nothing in this treaty contained, shall, however, be construed or operate contrary to former and existing public treaties with other sovereigns or states." after speaking of his former intention to communicate to mr. monroe some of the most interesting particulars of the treaty, "but in the most perfect confidence," mr. jay continued:-- "as that instrument has not yet been ratified, nor received the ultimate forms necessary to give it validity; as further questions respecting parts of it may yet arise, and give occasion to further discussions and negotiations, so that, if finally concluded at all, it may then be different from what it now is, the impropriety of making it public at present is palpable and obvious; such a proceeding would be inconvenient and unprecedented. it does not belong to ministers who negotiate treaties to publish them, even when perfected, much less treaties not yet completed, and remaining open to alteration or rejection. such acts belong exclusively to the governments who form them. "i can not but flatter myself, that the french government is too enlightened and reasonable to expect that any consideration ought to induce me to overleap the bounds of my authority, or to be negligent of the respect which is due to the united states. that respect, and my obligations to observe it, will not permit me to give, without the permission of their government, a copy of the instrument in question to any person, or for _any purpose_; and by no means for the purpose of being submitted to the consideration and judgment of the councils of a _foreign nation_, however friendly."[ ] soon after this, john trumbull, mr. jay's secretary of legation, was about to pass through paris, and he was authorized to make to mr. monroe a confidential communication concerning the provisions of the treaty. but the incensed minister refused to receive this or any communication in a form that he could not instantly lay before the french government. he afterward attempted to obtain a copy of the treaty from thomas pinckney, who passed through paris on his way to spain, but that gentleman would not betray jay's confidence, and monroe and the french government were compelled to wait until the authorized publication of the treaty the following summer. mr. monroe felt himself aggrieved by what he deemed the want of confidence in him by the president and his cabinet, who had appointed him. he felt that the administration had injured him; and that the honor and credit of the united states were compromised by their refusal to redeem his promises of aid to the french republic, their "ally and friend." his first and natural impulse was to resign his post, but alleged patriotic, as well as personal considerations, induced him to remain. he held the most intimate private relations with the members of the committee of public safety and other officers of the french government, and appears to have enjoyed their confidence while he remained there. but, whether from his undue attachment to the french republic, his opposition to jay's treaty, or his mistaken notions of american interests, mr. monroe appears to have done little, after his correspondence with mr. jay, to allay ill feeling toward his country on the part of the french government. he had been specially instructed, when sent envoy to france, to explain the views and conduct of the government of the united states in forming the treaty with england; and for this purpose ample documents were furnished him. but it appears from his own letters (published in his defence after his return, in ),[ ] that he omitted to use them. uninstructed in the truths which should have been given them, the french government utterly misinterpreted the actions and misconceived the views of the united states; and when informed that the house of representatives would execute the treaty made by jay, they became very bitter in their resentment, and exhibited their animosity by allowing a french privateer to capture an american merchant-vessel. washington and his cabinet were satisfied that the amity between the two nations would be wholly destroyed, if mr. monroe should remain longer in france, as the accredited representative of his government, and his recall was resolved upon.[ ] to choose a proper person required great caution, sagacity, and discretion. it was the duty of the president to make the choice, and to take the responsibility of his appointment, the congress not being in session. with great care, after consultation, he contemplated the character of his contemporaries in public life, and fixed upon two--john marshall and charles cotesworth pinckney--either of whom he considered well fitted for the responsible and delicate station. marshall was the first choice, but private considerations compelled him to decline, when the president addressed the following letter to mr. pinckney:-- "the situation of affairs, and the interests of this country, as they relate to france, render it indispensably necessary that a faithful organ near that government, able and willing to explain its views, and to ascertain those of france, should immediately fill the place of our present minister plenipotentiary in paris. policy requires that this character, to be essentially serviceable, should be well attached to the government of his own country, and not obnoxious to the one to which he is sent. where, then, can a man be found that would answer this description better than yourself? "it is a fact too notorious to be denied, that the greatest embarrassments under which the administration of this government labors, proceed from the counteraction of people among ourselves, who are more disposed to promote the views of another nation, than to establish a national character of their own; and that, unless the virtuous and independent men of this country will come forward, it is not difficult to predict the consequences. such is my decided opinion.... "had not the case been important and urgent, i might have hesitated longer; but, in finding a character of the description i have mentioned, you will be at no loss to perceive the difficulty which occurs. he must be a man whose abilities and celebrity of character are well known to the people of this country, whose honor and integrity are unimpeached, and who ought, as far as the nature of the case will admit, to be acceptable to all parties. doubtless many such there are; but those who have been either in the legislative or executive departments of the general government, and are best known to me, have been so decisive in their politics, and, possibly, so frank and public in their declarations, as to render it very difficult to choose from among them one in whom the confidence of this country could be placed, and the prejudices of the others not excited." mr. pinckney accepted the appointment, and made immediate preparations for his departure for france. "though my affairs have not, hitherto, been arranged as i could wish them," he said in his letter of acceptance, "the manner in which you state our political situation, and the interests of this country as they relate to france, oblige me to accept your appointment without hesitation. i am only apprehensive that your friendship has been too partial to the little merit i may possess, and that matters intrusted to me may fail through my want of ability." monroe had the misfortune to lose the confidence of his own government and that of the french republic at about the same time. hoping that the house of representatives would refuse to execute the british treaty, and thus appease the french directory, he had been quiet for some time, when, in february, , he received a communication from de la croix, the french minister for foreign affairs, informing him, that since the ratification of jay's treaty, the directory considered the alliance between france and the united states at an end; that adet was to be recalled, and a special minister was to be sent out to make the announcement, and act as agent for his government. it was intimated, too, that monroe could not fulfil the promises he had made, and that all the assurances of his inaugural as minister were fallacious. monroe remonstrated, and in a special interview with the directory, professed his willingness to answer all objections that might be made against the treaty. he was soon afterward furnished with a report on the subject of american relations, signed by de la croix, in which the government was charged with the non-execution of treaty obligations, in several particulars. to these charges monroe made a reply, which washington considered very satisfactory: but it did not change the course of the directory; and in the autumn they issued an "_arret_," ordering the seizure of british property found on board american vessels, and of provisions bound for england. this was a direct violation of the provisions of the treaty between the united states and france, and exhibited a disposition decidedly hostile. this correspondence reached the president soon after his appointment of pinckney as monroe's successor; and a little later he received a letter from mr. monroe, written in cipher, on the twenty-fourth of march, which had been unaccountably delayed in its transmission. in that communication monroe took occasion to say, that a long, private letter, written by washington to gouverneur morris toward the close of december, , had got into the hands of the french directory, and produced an ill effect. washington replied to this letter on the twenty-fifth of august. he acknowledged the genuineness of the letter; "but," he said, "i deny that there is anything contained in it that the french government could take exception to, unless the expression of an ardent wish that the united states might remain in peace with all the world, taking no part in the disputes of any part of it, should have produced this effect. i also gave it as my further opinion, that the sentiments of the mass of citizens in this country were in unison with mine. "confidential as this letter was expected to be, i have no objection to its being seen by anybody; and there is some mistake in saying i had no copy thereof, when there is a press one now before me, in which i discover no expression that in the eye of liberality and candor would be deemed objectionable." after summing up the substance of his letter, washington said, in conclusion: "my conduct in public and private life, as it relates to the important struggle in which the latter nation is engaged, has been uniform from the commencement of it, and may be summed up in a few words: that i have always wished well to the french revolution; that i have always given it as my decided opinion, that no nation had a right to intermeddle in the internal concerns of another; that every one had a right to form and adopt whatever government they like best to live under themselves; and that, if this country could, consistently with its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality, and thereby preserve peace, it was bound to do so by motives of policy, interest, and every other consideration that ought to actuate a people situated as we are, already deeply in debt, and in a convalescent state from the struggle we have been engaged in ourselves. "on these principles i have steadily and uniformly proceeded, bidding defiance to calumnies calculated to sow seeds of distrust in the french nation, and to excite their belief of an influence possessed by great britain in the councils of this country, than which nothing is more unfounded and injurious." footnotes: [ ] letter of jay to monroe, dated february , .--life and writings of john jay, vol. i., page . [ ] entitled "a view of the conduct of the executive of the united states, connected with the mission to the french republic, during the years , ' , & ' ." [ ] washington asked the opinion of his cabinet on the subject of a change of ministers, and at a meeting on the second of july, the three secretaries, pickering, wolcott, and m'henry, addressed a letter to him, in which they said:-- "on the expediency of this change we are agreed. we think the great interests of the united states require, that they have near the french government some faithful organ to explain their real views, and to ascertain those of the french. our duty obliges us to be explicit. although the present minister plenipotentiary of the united states at paris has been amply furnished with documents, to explain the views and conduct of the united states, yet his own letters authorize us to say, that he has omitted to use them, and thereby exposed the united states to all the mischiefs which could flow from jealous and erroneous conceptions of their views and conduct. whether this dangerous omission arose from such an attachment to the cause of france as rendered him too little mindful of the interests of his own country, or from mistaken views of the latter, or from any other cause, the evil is the same. we, therefore, conceive it to be indispensably necessary, that the present minister plenipotentiary of the united states at paris should be recalled, and another american citizen appointed in his stead.... in confirmation of our opinion of the expediency of recalling mr. monroe, we think the occasion requires that we communicate a private letter from him, which came to our hands since you left philadelphia. this letter corresponds with other intelligence of his political opinions and conduct. a minister who has thus made the notorious enemies of the whole system of government his confidential correspondents in matters which affect that government, can not be relied on to do his duty to the latter. this private letter we received in confidence. among other circumstances that will occur to your recollection, the anonymous letters from france to thomas blount and others are very noticeable. we know that montflorence was the writer, and that he was the chancellor of the consul skipwith; and, from the connection of mr. monroe with those persons, we can entertain no doubt the anonymous letters were written with his privity. "these anonymous communications from officers of the united states in a foreign country, on matters of a public nature, and which deeply concern the interests of the united states in relation to that foreign country, are proofs of sinister designs, and show that the public interests are no longer safe in the hands of such men." the attorney-general, in his letter to the president, said: "i have formed an opinion that our minister plenipotentiary at paris ought not to be permitted to continue there any longer, than until the arrival of his successor; and that it is not only expedient, but absolutely necessary, that he should be immediately recalled, and another minister appointed. upon this subject i concur in sentiment with the heads of departments, as expressed in their letter of the second instant." the attorney-general then gave, as reasons for his opinion--first, that "from his letters in the office of the department of state, it appears he has neglected or failed to justify, or truly represent, to the republic of france the conduct and motives of his own country, relative to the treaty with great britain." secondly, that "his correspondence with the executive of the united states has been, and is, infrequent, unsatisfactory, reserved, and without cordiality or confidence on his part." "i might add other reasons, if they were necessary," continued the attorney-general; "for instance, that he corresponds less confidentially with the executive of the united states, than with the opposers and libellers of his administration; and that there is too much reason to believe he is furthering the views of a faction in america, more than the peace and happiness of the united states." chapter xxxv. presidential election approaching--method of election--measures of political parties--spurious letters republished--washington's farewell address published--reception of the address--affection of the people--candidates for the presidency--cockade proclamation--adet's charges against the government--appeal to the passions--meeting of congress--the president's last annual message--its recommendations--military academy--west point--relations with france--answer of the two houses of congress--praise of washington and his administration opposed--his friends in a large majority--personal abuse--malignant letter from thomas paine, and adet's pamphlet--washington's remarks on their publication. the appointed hour for a new presidential election was now drawing near. at that time no nomination for chief-magistrate was formally made, nor officially announced. the letter of the constitution was adhered to, and the people were called upon to choose electors only, who, when they should meet at the time specified by the constitution, should ballot for whomsoever they pleased for president. yet the politicians and the leaders of parties in the congress usually held up to the view of the people candidates who afterward received the consideration of the electoral college. the electors were therefore chosen in reference, first, to their partisan character, and secondly, to their partiality to some particular man prominent in the political field. it was well known to washington's more intimate friends, that he would not consent to re-election. his reserve on that subject, and the long delay in making a public announcement of his intention to retire to private life puzzled the politicians. the president's political enemies were more active than ever. we have already noticed the publication of certain queries proposed by washington to his cabinet, respecting the reception of genet, by which it was hoped to prejudice him in the public mind by proving, by implication, his hostility to france. another weapon used by his unscrupulous enemies, for the purpose of degrading him in the eyes of the american people, was the republication of a series of spurious letters, purporting to have been written by washington. they were first published in london, in , and republished in rivington's _royal gazette_, in february, . these letters, it was charged, were written by washington from the army to members of his family, in which he expressed private views of public affairs quite inconsistent with his acts as commander-in-chief, or his professions as a patriot. it was alleged that billy, his body-servant, had been captured, and that these letters, or copies of them, were found in a portmanteau in the servant's possession. but the original fabricator of the letters missed his aim. it was well known that billy had never been in the hands of the enemy;[ ] and, in a short time, this attempt to injure washington was forgotten, and the letters were buried in oblivion. but the hyena of political partisanship dragged them from the grave almost twenty years later, and they were republished with a new title,[ ] and put forth as genuine, very soon after the appearance of two volumes of washington's official letters, which had been copied, by permission, in the office of the secretary of state, carried to london, and there printed. in order to give more force to the intended effect of these spurious letters, a preface to the new edition was carefully written, which contained the following paragraph:-- "since the publication of the two volumes of general washington's 'original letters to the congress,' the editor has been repeatedly applied to for the general's 'domestic and confidential epistles,' first published soon after the beginning of the american war. these epistles are here offered to the public, together with a copious appendix, containing a number of official letters and papers, not to be found in the general's original letters above noticed; but the collection must certainly be looked upon as in a mutilated state, so long as it remains unaccompanied with the epistles, etc., which are now respectfully submitted to the patronage of the public, and which form a supplement absolutely necessary to make the work complete. that this collection of 'domestic and confidential epistles' will be regarded as a valuable acquisition by a very great majority of the citizens of the united states, is presumable from the prevailing taste of all well-informed people. men not precluded by ignorance from every degree of literary curiosity, will always feel a solicitude to become acquainted with whatever may serve to throw light on illustrious personages. history represents them acting on the stage of the world, courting the applause of mankind. to see them in their real character we must follow them behind the scenes, among their private connections and domestic concerns." nothing in our modern political warfare has equalled, in meanness and moral turpitude, this assassin-stab at the character of a public man. washington, with proper dignity, treated it as he had done other slanders, with that contemptuous silence which it deserved. but that very silence was construed into an acknowledgment of the truth of the words of the calumny. "the malignant commentators on this spurious text," says marshall, "would not admit the possibility of its being apocryphal." while political and partisan abuse was pouring most copiously upon the head of the president, his farewell address appeared. it was published, as we have seen, at about the middle of september, and produced a great sensation throughout the country. the ribald voice of party-spirit was for a moment subdued in tone, if not silenced, for it was deprived of the theme of washington's renomination, which had been a convenient excuse for attacks upon his character. in every part of the union sentiments of veneration for the author were manifested. some of the state legislatures directed the address to be entered at large upon their journals. it was published in every newspaper in the land, and in many of those in foreign countries; and in legislative bodies and social and diplomatic circles abroad, it was for some time a fruitful topic of remark. from the time of its publication until the expiration of the term of his presidency, washington received public addresses from all the state legislatures which were convened within that period. many public bodies, also, addressed him with affectionate words, expressing cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years that he had filled the office of chief-magistrate of the nation.[ ] already the strong hold which his person and character had taken of the affections of his countrymen had been fully evinced. names of men having great political influence had been held up to the people in several states as his successor, but were not satisfactory. "in districts where the opposition to his administration was most powerful," says marshall, "where all his measures were most loudly condemned; where those who approved his system possessed least influence; the men who appeared to control public opinion on every other subject found themselves unable to move it on this. even the most popular among the leaders of the opposition were reduced to the necessity of surrendering their pretensions to a place in the electoral body, or of pledging themselves to bestow their suffrages on the actual president. the determination of his fellow-citizens had been unequivocally manifested, and it was believed to be apparent that the election would again be unanimous, when he announced his resolution to withdraw from the honors and the toils of office." "the president declining to be again elected," wrote oliver wolcott, "constitutes a most important epoch in our national affairs. the country meet the event with reluctance, but they do not feel that they can make any claim for the further services of a man who has conducted their armies through a successful war; has so largely contributed to establish a national government; has so long presided over our councils and directed the public administration, and in the most advantageous manner settled all national differences, and who can leave the administration when nothing but our folly and internal discord can render the country otherwise than happy." the federalists and republicans now marshalled their forces for the election. their respective chiefs were brought forward. john adams, whose official station placed him in the line of promotion, and whose public services, ability, and sterling integrity were well known to the nation, was the choice of the federalists for the presidency, and thomas pinckney, the accomplished diplomat, for the vice-presidency. the republican party chose mr. jefferson, to use a modern political phrase, as their standard-bearer. with these names as watchwords, the party leaders went into the contest for presidential electors in november. that contest was warm in every doubtful state. the parties seemed equally balanced, and the final result of the action of the electoral college, unlike the operations of the canvass in our day, could not be determined beforehand. while the canvass was in progress, adet, the french minister, imitating genet, attempted to influence the political action of the american people. the british treaty, the recall of monroe, and the appointment of pinckney as his successor at paris, offended him, and a few weeks after the departure of pinckney, he made a formal communication of the decree of his government, already mentioned, which evinced a spirit of hostility. in his accompanying letter he entered into an elaborate defence of the decree, and renewed complaints which he had before urged, that british ships-of-war were allowed to recruit their crews by pressing into their service sailors from american vessels. further imitating genet, by appealing to the people, adet sent his communication to be printed in the _aurora_, at the same time that it was forwarded to the state department. this was followed, in the course of a few days, by a proclamation, signed by adet, calling upon all frenchmen residing in america, in the name of the french directory, to wear the tri-colored cockade, which he termed "the symbol of a liberty the fruit of eight years' toil and five years' victories;" and assured those he addressed, that any frenchman who should hesitate to comply, should not be allowed the aid of french consular chanceries, or the national protection. immediately after this "cockade proclamation" was issued, that token of attachment to the french republic abounded. it was worn by many americans as well as frenchmen, and it became the badge of party distinction for several years. adet followed up his proclamation by another missile, sent simultaneously to the state department and the _aurora_, demanding "the execution of that contract [treaty of ] which assured to the united states their existence, and which france regarded as the pledge of the most sacred union between two people, the freest upon earth." he assumed that his government was "terrible to its enemies, but generous to its allies," and prefaced his summary of alleged violations of the international compact, by a flourish of rhetoric intended to impress the american people. "when europe rose up against the republic, at its birth," he said, "and menaced it with all the horrors of famine; when on every side france could not calculate on any but enemies, their thoughts turned toward america, and a sweet sentiment then mingled itself with those proud feelings which the presence of danger, and the desire of repelling it, produced in their hearts. in americans they saw friends. those who went to brave tempests and death upon the ocean, forgot all dangers in order to indulge the hope of visiting that american continent where, for the first time, the french colors had been displayed in favor of liberty. under the guaranty of the law of nations, under the protecting shade of a solemn treaty, they expected to find in the ports of the united states an asylum as sure as at home; they thought, if i may use the expression, there to find a second country. the french government thought as they did. o hope worthy of a faithful people, how hast thou been deceived! so far from offering the french the succors which friendship might have given without compromising itself, the american government, in this respect, violated the obligations of treaties." this exordium was followed by a summary of instances of bad faith on the part of the united states, beginning, as he said, with the president's "insidious proclamation of neutrality," and aggravated by the late treaty with great britain. adet announced the fact that the french directory, as an expression of their dissatisfaction with what they considered equivalent to a treaty of alliance between the united states and great britain, had given him orders to suspend his ministerial functions, and to return home. "but the cause," he added, "which had so long restrained the just resentment of the executive directory from bursting forth, now tempered its effects. the name of america, notwithstanding the wrongs of its government, still excited sweet emotions in the hearts of frenchmen; and the executive directory wished not to break with a people whom they loved to salute with the appellation of a friend." therefore, the suspension of his functions was not to be regarded as a rupture between france and the united states, but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government of the united states "returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations." this extraordinary letter closed with the following peroration, intended to stimulate the anti-british feeling among the americans, and to influence the action of the electoral college in their choice of chief-magistrate of the republic:-- "alas! time has not yet demolished the fortifications with which the english roughened this country, nor those the americans raised for their defence; their half-rounded summits still appear in every quarter, amid plains, on the tops of mountains. the traveller need not search for the ditch which served to encompass them; it is still open under his feet. scattered ruins of houses laid waste, which the fire had partly respected, in order to leave monuments of british fury, are still to be found. men still exist who can say, 'here a ferocious englishman slaughtered my mother; there my wife tore her bleeding daughter from the hands of an unbridled englishman!' alas! the soldiers who fell under the sword of the britons are not yet reduced to dust; the laborer, in turning up his fields, still draws from the bosom of the earth their whitened bones, while the ploughman, with tears of tenderness and gratitude, still recollects that his fields, now covered with rich harvests, have been moistened with french blood; while everything around the inhabitants of this country animates them to speak of the tyranny of great britain, and of the generosity of frenchmen; when england had declared a war of death, to revenge herself on france for having consecrated with her blood the independence of the united states; at such a moment their government makes a treaty of amity with their ancient tyrant, the implacable enemy of their ancient ally! o americans! covered with noble scars! o you, who have so often flown to death and to victory with french soldiers! you who know those genuine sentiments which distinguish the true warrior! whose hearts have always vibrated with those of your companions in arms! consult them to-day to know what they experience. recollect, also, that magnanimous souls, if they resent an affront with liveliness, know also how to forget one. let your government return to itself, and you will still find in frenchmen faithful friends and generous allies!" the second session of the fourth congress convened on the fifth of december, and washington met both houses, for the last time, on the seventh. his message was short, but comprehensive, dignified, and temperate. he took a general view of the condition of the country, in which he adverted to the existing relations with the indians; the delay in delivering up the western posts, according to the provisions of jay's treaty; the proceedings of the commissioners to determine the northeastern boundary of the united states; the action of other commissioners under the treaty; the appointment of agents to reside in great britain and the west indies, "for the protection and relief of american seamen;" and the relations with algiers. he urged an increase of the naval force of the united states as indispensable. "it is in our own experience," he said, "that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. to secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. this may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party, as may, first or last, leave no other option." he advised them to "begin, without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and equipping of ships-of-war," and to be prepared for all future contingencies. he urged upon them the importance of measures for fostering and encouraging domestic manufactures, especially those articles which might be needed in the event of war. "ought our country," he said, "to remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply, precarious, because liable to be interrupted? if the necessary articles should, in this mode, cost more in time of peace, will not the security and independence thence arising form an ample compensation?" he also recommended the fostering care of the government in promoting agriculture, the predominant interest of the country. "in proportion as nations advance in population and other circumstances of maturity," he said, "this truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more an object of public patronage. institutions grow up supported by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated with greater propriety?" he again urged the expediency of establishing a national university and a military academy. "however pacific the general policy of the nation may be," he said, in reference to the military school, "it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies. the first would impair the energies of its character, and both would hazard its safety, or expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided. besides, that war might not depend upon its own choice. in proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples, superficially viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince, that the art of war is at once comprehensive and complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state, is always of great moment to the security of a nation. this, therefore, ought to be a serious care of every government." these and former suggestions on this subject made by washington, were finally acted upon by the congress, and in march, , an act was passed for the establishment of such an institution at west point, in the hudson highlands.[ ] but little was done, however, until the breaking out of war, in , when a corps of professors was appointed, and the institution was organized. washington made the following temperate remarks, in his message, concerning the disputes with france: "while, in our external relations, some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret i mention, that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. our trade has suffered, and is suffering, extensive injuries in the west indies, from the cruisers and agents of the french republic; and communications have been received from its minister here, which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority; and which are, in other respects, far from agreeable. it has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony, and a perfect friendly understanding with that republic. the wish remains unabated; and i shall persevere in the endeavor to fulfil it, to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country; nor will i easily cease to cherish the expectation, that a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship, on the part of the republic, will eventually insure success. in pursuing this course, however, i can not forget what is due to the character of our government and nation; or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen." in conclusion washington observed: "the situation in which i now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the united states, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced; and i can not omit the occasion to congratulate you, and my country, on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplication to the supreme ruler of the universe, and sovereign arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the united states; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved; and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." the answer of the senate to this speech embraced all of its topics, and approved every sentiment it contained. after alluding to the prosperous condition of the united states, especially in their domestic relations, the senate said: "while contemplating the causes that produce this auspicious result, we must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system, and the wisdom of the legislative provisions; but we should be deficient in gratitude and justice, did we not attribute a great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents of your administration, which have been conspicuously displayed in the most trying times, and on the most critical occasions: it is, therefore, with the sincerest regrets that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your country. "when we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military, as well during the struggles of the american revolution as the convulsive periods of a recent date, we can not look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards accompanying you; and without mingling, with our fellow-citizens at large, in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness that sensibility and attachment can express. the most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain, arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to your successors, and the united states will thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration." the reply of the house was equally warm in personal compliments. "we have ever concurred with you," they said, "in the most sincere and uniform disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate, and it is, of course, with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any interruption of our harmony with the french republic has occurred; for we feel, with you and with our constituents, the cordial and unabated wish to maintain a perfect friendly understanding with that nation. your endeavors to fulfil that wish, and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the french republic and the united states, can not fail, therefore, to interest our attention. and while we participate in the full reliance you have expressed in the patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope that a mutual spirit of justice and moderation will insure the success of your perseverance. "when we advert to the internal situation of the united states," they continued, "we deem it equally natural and becoming to compare the present period with that immediately antecedent to the operation of the government, and to contrast it with the calamities in which the state of war still involves several of the european nations, as the reflections deduced from both tend to justify as well as to excite a warmer admiration of our free constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful sense of piety toward almighty god for the beneficence of his providence, by which its administration has been hitherto so remarkably distinguished. "and while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of the present form of government, we can not forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from office. "as no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it can not fail to awaken. the gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so eminently instrumental to the achievements of the revolution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. your obedience to the voice of duty and your country, when you quitted, reluctantly, a second time, the retreat you had chosen, and accepted the presidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service, and an earnest of the patriotism and success which have characterized your administration. as the grateful confidence of the citizens in the virtues of their chief-magistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present occasion. "yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice displayed, by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to mankind, than valuable to a republic. although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the lustre of a character already conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation; yet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves, and to our nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves, at this moment, the faithful interpreters), to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated. "the spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offering, by its representatives, the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lustre (a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit of which it is the voluntary testimony. "may you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear; may your own virtues and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, and the choicest of future blessings. for our country's sake, for the sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants." when the committee presented this address to the house, some of the more zealous of the opposition, among whom was mr. giles, of virginia, warmly opposed it. he moved that the whole of it in which the character and influence of the president were eulogized should be expunged. he expressed his belief that the _want_ of "wisdom and firmness" in the administration had conducted the affairs of the nation to a crisis which threatened greater calamities than any that had before occurred. he did not regret the president's retiring from office. he hoped he would do so, and enjoy the happiness that awaited him in retirement. he believed that it would more conduce to that happiness that he should retire, than if he should remain in office. he believed that the government of the united states, founded on the broad basis of the people, required no single man to administer it. the people were competent to manage governmental affairs; and they would be in a calamitous situation indeed, if one man were essential to the existence of the government. he believed that there were a thousand men in the united states capable of filling the presidential chair, and he was willing to trust to the discernment of the people in making a proper choice. though the voice of all america should declare the president's retiring a calamity, he could not join in the declaration, because he did not conceive it to be a misfortune. he had always, he said, disapproved of the measures of the administration in regard to foreign relations, and so had many members of the house, and he should not now disavow former opinions, without being first convinced of having been in error. he perceived more cause than ever for adhering to his old opinions. the course of events had pointed out their propriety; and, if he was not much mistaken, a crisis was at hand which would confirm them. he desired gentlemen who were willing to compliment the president to have some respect for the feelings of others. the administration party in the house strenuously opposed the motion to expunge. they admitted that there might be many who were able to fill the presidential chair with equal ability with washington, but there was not one who possessed, in a similar degree, the confidence of the people. the regrets of his constituents, because of his proposed retirement, had been expressed in every part of the union, and the voice of the people coincided with the sentiments of the address. the motion to expunge was lost by a large majority. only twelve members recorded themselves in the affirmative, among whom was andrew jackson, who had just taken his seat in the house, as a representative of tennessee. while adet was fulminating his thunders against the administration, and the opposition in the house were doing all in their power to injure the president, the _aurora_ newspaper was pouring out its venom with increased malignity. "if ever a nation was debauched by a man," said a correspondent of that paper, on the twenty-third of december, "the american nation has been debauched by washington. if ever a nation was deceived by a man, the american nation has been deceived by washington. let his conduct, then, be an example to future ages. let it serve to be a warning that no man may be an idol. let the history of the federal government instruct mankind, that the mask of patriotism may be worn to conceal the foulest designs against the liberties of the people." at about the same time, a malignant pamphlet, in the form of a letter from thomas paine to washington, was issued from the office of the _aurora_. paine had been a member of the national assembly of france, and thrown into prison. application had been made to the united states government for his release, but, as in the case of lafayette, it could do nothing. this seeming neglect kindled the ire of paine, who had, at this time, become an habitual drunkard. he had, in consequence, also become morose in disposition, and dogmatical in his opinions to an insufferable degree. monroe sympathized with him; and under his roof, in paris, paine wrote the virulent letter alluded to, and sent it to bache, of the _aurora_, to print and disseminate. the following extract will be sufficient to exhibit its tone and temper:-- "the part i acted in the american revolution is well known; i shall not here repeat it. i know, also, that had it not been for the aid received from france in men, money, and ships, that your cold and unmilitary conduct (as i shall show in the course of this letter) would, in all probability, have lost america; at least she would not have been the independent nation she now is. you slept away your time in the field till the finances of the country were completely exhausted, and you have but little share in the glory of the final event. it is time, sir, to speak the undisguised language of historical truth. "elevated to the chair of the presidency, you assumed the merit of everything to yourself, and the natural ingratitude of your constitution began to appear. you commenced your presidential career by encouraging and swallowing the grossest adulation; and you travelled america, from one end to the other, to put yourself in the way of receiving it. you have as many addresses in your chest as james the second. as to what were your views (for if you are not great enough to have ambition, you are little enough to have vanity) they can not be directly inferred from expressions of your own; but the partisans of your politics have divulged the secret." how false and malignant are the assertions in this paragraph (which is a fair specimen of the whole letter), the readers of these volumes well know. it appears strange that a gentleman like monroe, who was afterward an honored chief-magistrate of the republic, should have been so infatuated as to allow such a libel to go from under his roof. the _aurora_ press also issued a pamphlet at this time, entitled "notes from citizen adet, minister plenipotentiary of the french republic near the united states of america, to the secretary of state of the united states." it was printed in french, with an english translation facing each page. it contained the correspondence to which we have alluded, and occupied, in the two languages, ninety-five pages. in reference to this pamphlet, washington wrote to his friend, doctor stuart, early in january:-- "as to what effect m. adet's conduct has had, or will have, on the public mind, you can form a better opinion than myself. one of the objects which he had in view, in timing the publication, is too apparent to require explanation. some of his own zealots do not scruple to confess that he has been too precipitate, and thereby injured the cause he meant to enforce; which is to establish such an influence in this country as to sway the government, and to control its measures. evidences of this design are abundant, and new proofs are exhibiting themselves to illustrate the fact; and yet, lamentable thought! a large party, under real or pretended fears of british influence, are moving heaven and earth to aid him in his designs. it is a fact well known, for history proves it, that from the restless temper of the french, and the policy of that nation, they attempt openly or covertly, by threats or soothing professions, to influence the conduct of most governments. that they have attempted it with us a little time will show. but, finding that a neutral conduct had been adopted, and would not be relinquished by those who administered the government, the next step was to try the people; and to work upon them, several presses and many scribblers have been employed to emblazon the improper acts of the british government and its officers, and to place them in all the most exaggerated and odious points of view of which they were susceptible; to complain that there was not only a deficiency of friendship, but a want of justice also, in the executive toward france, the cause of which, say they, is to be found in a predilection for great britain. this not working so well as was expected, from a supposition that there was too much confidence in, and, perhaps, personal regard for, the present chief-magistrate and his politics, the batteries latterly have been levelled at him particularly and personally. although he is soon to become a private citizen, his opinions are to be knocked down, and his character reduced as low as they are capable of sinking it, even by resorting to absolute falsehoods. as an evidence whereof, and of the plan they are pursuing, i send you a letter from mr. paine to me, printed in this city, and disseminated with great industry. others of a similar nature are also in circulation. "to what lengths the french directory will ultimately go, it is difficult to say; but, that they have been led to the present point by our own people, i have no doubt. whether some, who have done this, would choose to accompany them any further or not, i shall not undertake to decide. but i shall be mistaken if the candid part of my countrymen, although they may be under a french influence, do not see and acknowledge that they have imbibed erroneous impressions of the conduct of this government toward france, when the communication which i promised at the opening of the session, and which will be ready in a few days, comes before the public. it will be seen, if i mistake not, also, that country has not such a claim upon our gratitude as has been generally supposed; and that this country has violated no engagement with it, been guilty of no act of injustice toward it, nor been wanting in friendship when it could be rendered without departing from the neutral station we had taken and resolved to maintain." footnotes: [ ] "although i never wrote, nor even saw one of these letters until they issued from new york in print," wrote washington to a friend, in january, , "yet the author of them must have been tolerably well acquainted in, or with some person of my family, to have given the names and some circumstances, which are grouped in the mass of erroneous details. but, of all the mistakes which have been committed in this business, none is more palpable, or susceptible of detection, than the manner in which it is said they were obtained, by the capture of my mulatto, billy, with a portmanteau. all the army under my immediate command could contradict this, and i believe most of them know, that no attendant of mine, nor a particle of my baggage, ever fell into the hands of the enemy during the whole course of the war." [ ] the title was "epistles, domestic, confidential, and official, from general washington; written about the commencement of the american contest, when he entered on the command of the army of the united states. new york, printed by g. robinson and j. bull. london, reprinted by f. h. rivington, no. st. paul's churchyard, ." in order to give the affair the appearance of genuineness, and to make a volume of respectable size, several important public despatches, which actually passed between washington and the british commanders; and also, a selection from several of his addresses, orders, and instructions, were added. [ ] a selection from washington's replies to these addresses may be found in the twelfth volume of sparks' "life and writings of washington." [ ] for a notice of a general plan of a military academy at west point, prepared by washington, see sparks's "life and writings of washington," viii., . chapter xxxvi. friendly overtures to france--pickering's historical and explanatory letter to pinckney--washington's suggestions--french outrages upon american commerce--results of the presidential election--john adams the nation's choice--his forebodings respecting his household--washington's sale of superfluities--mrs. washington's last drawing-room--birthday festivities--washington's emotions--letters to his friends on his retirement--farewell dinner--his declarations respecting the spurious letters--inauguration of adams--washington's parting words--adams's inaugural address--a tinge of jealousy--elegant entertainment given to washington--violent attacks upon him by the "aurora"--the editor beaten and humbled. sincerely desirous of maintaining a good understanding with the french, the president, early in january, requested mr. pickering, the secretary of state, to address a letter to mr. pinckney, the united states minister in france, stating in full the causes of difficulty between the two governments, examining and reviewing the same, and submitting, with his letter, a mass of relative documents, by which the whole matter might be fully understood. pickering's letter and the documents were laid before congress on the nineteenth of january, accompanied by a message from the president, in which he said that the immediate object of mr. pinckney's mission to france was, "to make to that government such explanations of the principles and conduct of our own, as by manifesting our good faith, might remove all jealousy and discontent, and maintain that harmony and good understanding with the french republic which it had been his constant solicitude to preserve. a government which required only a knowledge of the _truth_ to justify its measures, could but be anxious to have this fully and frankly displayed." previous to the completion of the letter to pinckney, washington wrote to pickering, suggesting that some such summing up as the following might be proper:-- "that the conduct of the united states toward france has been, as will appear from a foregoing statement, regulated by the strictest principles of neutrality. "that there has been no attempt in the government to violate our treaty with that country, to weaken our engagements therewith, or to withhold any friendship we could render, consistent with the neutrality we had adopted. "that peace has been our primary object; but, so far has it been from inducing us to acquiesce silently in the capturing of our vessels, impressing our seamen, or in the misconduct of the naval or other officers of the british government, that no instance can be produced of authenticated facts having passed unnoticed, and, where occasion required it, without strong remonstrances. "that this government, seeing no propriety in the measure, nor conceiving itself to be under any obligation to communicate to the ministers of the french republic all the unpleasant details of what had passed between it and the british minister here, or with the minister of foreign affairs at the court of london on these accounts, conscious of its fair dealing toward all the belligerent powers, and wrapped up in its own integrity, little expected, under the circumstances which have been enumerated, the upbraidings it has met with; notwithstanding, it now is, as it always has been, the earnest wish of the government to be on the best and most friendly footing with the republic of france; and we have no doubt, after giving this candid exposition of facts, that the directory will revoke the orders under which our trade is suffering, and will pay the damages it has sustained thereby." this allusion to depredations upon american commerce by french cruisers, hinted at a state of things which the united states government could not long endure in silence. according to a report made by the secretary of state toward the close of the session, in which he made a full exhibit of the wrongs inflicted by the french on american commerce, it appears that enormous depredations had been committed in the west indies. all vessels having contraband articles on board, no matter whither bound, were decreed to be good prizes; and the cargoes of neutral vessels bound to or from british ports, or even to dutch or french settlements in the possession of the british, or cleared out for the west indies generally, were seized and confiscated. the crews of american vessels captured were generally treated with indignity, and frequently with cruelty. "bitter complaints," says hildreth, "were made of commodore barney, then in the west indies with his two frigates. he was accused of treating with contemptuous indifference and neglect his fellow-citizens brought in as prisoners by the french privateers, and even of having shown his contempt for his country by hoisting the american ensign union down. yet, when he arrived in the chesapeake for the purpose of learning and carrying to france the result of the presidential election, though he boasted of having in his pocket the orders of the french directory to capture all american vessels, and declared that if jefferson was not chosen president war would be declared by france within three months, he was not the less, on that account, honored and feasted by infatuated politicians who read the _aurora_, and believed washington to be a traitor!"[ ] the votes of the electoral college for president of the united states were opened and counted in the senate on the eighth of february. the result showed a very close balance of political parties. the whole number of votes was one hundred and thirty-eight, making seventy necessary to a choice. of these, john adams, the incumbent vice-president, received seventy-one, and thomas jefferson sixty-nine votes. thomas pinckney, late minister to great britain, received fifty-nine votes, aaron burr thirty, samuel adams fifteen, oliver ellsworth eleven, george clinton seven, john jay five, james iredell three, george washington two, john king two, samuel johnson two, and charles c. pinckney, then in france, one. at that time the person who received the highest number of the electoral votes was declared to be president, and the person who had the next highest number was declared to be vice-president. after reading the result, mr. adams sat down for a moment, and then rising, said:-- "john adams is elected president of the united states for four years, to commence with the fourth day of march next; and thomas jefferson is elected vice-president of the united states for four years, to commence with the fourth day of march next. and may the sovereign of the universe, the ordainer of civil government on earth, for the preservation of liberty, justice, and peace, among men, enable both to discharge the duties of these offices conformably to the constitution of the united states, with conscientious diligence, punctuality, and perseverance."[ ] "the die is cast," wrote the new president elect to his wife, on the following day, "and you must prepare yourself for honorable trials. i must wait to know whether congress will do anything or not to furnish my house. if they do not, i will have no house before next fall, and then a very moderate one, with very moderate furniture." he had written to mrs. adams a few days before, saying: "i hope you will not communicate to anybody the hints i give you about our prospects; but they appear every day worse and worse. house-rent at twenty-seven hundred dollars a year, fifteen hundred dollars for a carriage, one thousand for one pair of horses, all the glasses, ornaments, kitchen furniture, the best chairs, settees, plateaus, &c., all to purchase; all the china, delph [delft] or wedgewood, glass and crockery, of every sort to purchase." washington now prepared, with feelings of the most exquisite pleasure, to retire from public life. everything which would be unnecessary at mount vernon he offered for sale. "the president," wrote mr. adams to his wife, "has a pair of horses to sell; one nine, the other ten years old, for which he asks a thousand dollars.... he must sell something to enable him to clear out. when a man is about retiring from public life, and sees nothing but a ploughshare between him and the grave, he naturally thinks most upon that. "when charles the fifth resigned his empire and crown, he went to building his coffin. when i contemplated a retirement, i meditated the purchase of mr. vesey's farm; and thought of building a tomb in my own ground, adjoining to the burying-yard. the president is now engaged in his speculations upon a vault which he intends to build for himself, not to sleep but to lie down in.... our friend says she is afraid president washington will not live long. i should be afraid, too, if i had not confidence in his farm and his horse. he must be a fool, i think, who dies of chagrin when he has a fine farm and a narragansett mare that paces and canters. but i don't know but all men are such fools. i think a man had better wear than rust." in february, when he could begin to count the days and hours that lay between him and that retirement he so much coveted, washington wrote to his old and dear friends upon the subject with much feeling; and every day brought him new proofs of the love and veneration in which he was held by the people. his birthday was celebrated in philadelphia in a manner unequalled before. a grand ball was given at the amphitheatre, in the evening, at which washington and his lady were present. mrs. washington held a "drawing-room" in the afternoon, at which there was a crowd of people. "it was rendered affecting beyond all expression," said an eye-witness, "by its being, in some degree, a parting scene. mrs. washington was moved even to tears, with the mingled emotions of gratitude for such strong proofs of public regard, and the new prospect of the uninterrupted enjoyment of domestic life: she expressed herself something to this effect. i never saw the president look better, or in finer spirits, but his emotions were too powerful to be concealed. he could sometimes scarcely speak. three rooms of his house were almost entirely full from twelve to three, and such a crowd at the door it was difficult to get in. "at the amphitheatre, at night, it is supposed there were at least twelve hundred persons. the show was a very brilliant one; but such scrambling to go to supper that there was some danger of being squeezed to death. the vice-president handed in mrs. washington, and the president immediately followed. the applause with which they were received is indescribable. the same was shown on their return from supper. the music added greatly to the interest of the scene. the president staid until between twelve and one; the vice-president till near two. both were serenaded with repeated huzzas long after they had been in bed. the latter slept so soundly that he knew nothing of it till next morning, though it is said 'yankee doodle' was one of the tunes played."[ ] the eight years of washington's administration of public affairs, as chief-magistrate of the republic, were now drawing to a close. they had been years of toil, anxiety, and vexation. they had been stormy years; yet, like a rock in the ocean, or the mountain rising from the plain, he had stood unshaken by the surges or the winds. with that serenity of mind which arises from the consolations of a conscience void of offence toward god and man, he took a retrospective view; and with the eagerness of a prisoner about to be released from his cell, to breathe the free air of heaven and repose in peace in the bosom of his home, he approached the hour when he should bid adieu to the incessant labor and turmoil of political life. to his long-tried and dearly-loved friend, general knox, he wrote as follows two days before his retirement:-- "to the wearied traveller who sees a resting-place, and is bending his body to lean thereon, i now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this in peace is too much to be endured by some. to misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration, are objects which can not be relinquished by those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. the consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, and the approving voice of my country, unequivocally expressed by its representatives, deprive their sting of its poison, and place in the same point of view the weakness and malignity of their efforts.... "the remainder of my life, which in the course of nature can not be long, will be occupied in rural amusements; and, though i shall seclude myself as much as possible from the noisy and bustling crowd, none would, more than myself, be regaled by the company of those i esteem at mount vernon; more than twenty miles from which, after i arrive there, it is not likely that i ever shall be. "as early in next week as i can make arrangements for it, i shall commence my journey for mount vernon. to-morrow, at dinner, i shall, as a servant of the public, take my leave of the president elect, of the foreign embassadors, the heads of departments, &c., and the day following, with pleasure, i shall witness the inauguration of my successor to the chair of government." there was a large company of ladies and gentlemen at the dinner, on the third of march, when washington, in a somewhat informal manner, bade them all farewell. "during the dinner," wrote bishop white, who was one of the guests, "much hilarity prevailed; but, on the removal of the cloth, it was put an end to by the president--certainly without design. having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile on his countenance, saying, 'ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time i shall drink your health as a public man. i do it with sincerity, and wishing you all possible happiness.' there was an end to all hilarity, and the cheeks of mrs. liston, wife of the british minister, were wet with tears." on that morning washington performed an act of justice to himself, which he had refrained from doing while in office. it was in the form of a letter to mr. pickering, the secretary of state, giving his own statement concerning the spurious letters which we have already noticed--their dates, addresses, and signatures, and all the facts in the case, the chief of which we have already noted. "these well-known facts," he said, "made it unnecessary, during the war, to call the public attention to the forgery by any express declaration of mine; and a firm reliance on my fellow-citizens, and the abundant proofs which they gave of their confidence in me, rendered it alike unnecessary to take any formal notice of the revival of the imposition during my civil administration. but as i can not know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which will this day take place, i have thought it a duty that i owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above recited; and to add my solemn declaration that the letters herein described[ ] are a base forgery, and that i never saw or heard of them until they appeared in print. "the present letter i commit to your care, and desire that it may be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity." on the fourth of march, john adams, washington's successor, was inaugurated the second president of the united states. the event took place in the hall of the representatives, which was densely crowded with spectators. mr. jefferson, the new vice-president, had just taken his seat as president of the senate. that body had been convened by washington for the occasion; and now, with their presiding officer, they went into the representatives' hall, where a large audience of ladies and gentlemen were collected to witness the inaugural ceremonies. in front of the speaker's chair sat chief-justice ellsworth, who was to administer the oath, with three other judges of the supreme court of the united states (cushing, wilson, and iredell). the new vice-president and secretary of the senate took their seats on the right; and on the left sat the speaker and clerk of the late house of representatives. at a signal the doors were thrown open, and a crowd rushed in and filled the galleries. very soon loud cheering was heard in the streets, and a few moments afterward washington entered, followed by the president elect. the whole audience arose and greeted them with enthusiastic cheers. [illustration: john adams] when the two dignitaries were seated perfect silence prevailed. washington then arose, and with the most commanding dignity and self-control, proceeded to read, in a firm, clear voice, a brief valedictory. an eye-witness yet ( ) living,[ ] has made the following interesting record of this portion of the scene:-- "when general washington delivered his farewell address, in the room at the southeast corner of chestnut and sixth streets, i sat immediately in front of him. it was in the room congress occupied. the table of the speaker was between the two windows on sixth street. the daughter of doctor c----,[ ] of alexandria, the physician and intimate friend of washington, mrs. h----,[ ] whose husband was the auditor, was a very dear friend of mine. her brother washington was one of the secretaries of general washington. young dandridge, a nephew of mrs. washington, was the other. i was included in mrs. h----'s party to witness the august, the solemn scene. mr. h---- declined going with mrs. h----, as she had determined to go early, so as to secure the front bench. it was fortunate for miss c----[ ] (afterward mrs. l----)[ ], that she could not trust herself to be so near her honored grandfather. my dear father stood very near her. she was terribly agitated. there was a narrow passage from the door of entrance to the room, which was on the east, dividing the rows of benches. general washington stopped at the end to let mr. adams pass to the chair. the latter always wore a full suit of bright drab, with lash or loose cuffs to his coat. he always wore wrist ruffles. he had not changed his fashions. he was a short man, with a good head. with his family he attended our church twice a day. general washington's dress was a full suit of black. his military hat had the black cockade. there stood the 'father of his country,' acknowledged by nations--the first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen. no marshals with gold-colored scarfs attended him--there was no cheering--no noise; the most profound silence greeted him, as if the great assembly desired to hear him breathe, and catch his breath in homage of their hearts. mr. adams covered his face with both his hands; the sleeves of his coat, and his hands, were covered with tears. every now and then there was a suppressed sob, i can not describe washington's appearance as i felt it--perfectly composed and self-possessed till the close of his address: then, when strong nervous sobs broke loose, when tears covered the faces, then the great man was shaken. i never took my eyes from his face. large drops came from his eyes. he looked to the youthful children who were parting with their father, their friend, as if his heart was with them, and would be to the end." when washington concluded his brief valedictory, mr. adams arose, took the oath of office, and then delivered his inaugural address, which he had prepared with much care--an address that had the rare good fortune of pleasing all parties. he sketched, with a few brief touches of a master's pencil, an outline history of the federal constitution, defined his own position in regard to it from the beginning, and then thus feelingly alluded to the retiring president:-- "such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed), which the people of america have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations, for eight years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducted a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. "in that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing; and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of his country which is opening from year to year. may his name be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace!" the hearts of the audience had already been made tender by the farewell words of washington; and this allusion to him, in the inaugural address of his successor, made tears flow copiously--"scarcely a dry eye but washington's, whose countenance was as serene and unclouded as the day," wrote adams to his wife. with a little tinge of evident jealousy, adams again wrote to the same correspondent, a few days afterward, saying: "it is the general report that there was more weeping than there has ever been at the representation of any tragedy. but whether it was from grief or joy, whether from the loss of their beloved president, or from the accession of an unbeloved one, or from the pleasure of exchanging presidents without tumult, or from the novelty of the thing, or from the sublimity of it arising from the multitude present, or whatever other cause, i know not. one thing i know, i am a being of too much sensibility to act any part well in such an exhibition. perhaps there is little danger of my having such another scene to feel or behold. "the stillness and silence astonishes me. everybody talks of the tears, the full eyes, the streaming eyes, the trickling eyes, &c., but all is enigma beyond. no one descends to particulars to say why or wherefore; i am, therefore, left to suppose that it is all grief for the loss of their beloved." when washington left the hall and entered his carriage, the great audience followed, and were joined by an immense crowd in the streets, who shouted long and loud as the retiring president and his suite moved toward his dwelling. the new president and all others were forgotten in that moment of veneration for the beloved friend, upon whose face few in that vast assemblage would ever look again. "i followed him in the crowd to his own door," said the late president duer, of columbia college, "where, as he turned to address the multitude, his countenance assumed a serious and almost melancholy expression, his voice failed him, his eyes were suffused with tears, and only by his gestures could he indicate his thanks, and convey his farewell blessing to the people." the merchants of philadelphia, to testify their love for washington, gave to him a splendid banquet and other entertainments that evening, in the amphitheatre, which had been decorated with appropriate paintings by charles willson peale, who, twenty-five years before, had painted, at mount vernon, the first portrait ever drawn of washington, in the costume of a virginia colonel. one of the newspapers of the day thus describes a compliment that was paid to the first president on that occasion, which had been suggested and executed by mr. peale:-- "upon entering the area the general was conducted to his seat. on a signal given the band played 'washington's march,' and a scene, which represented simple objects in the rear of the principal seat, was drawn up and discovered emblematical paintings. the principal was a female figure as large as life, representing america, seated on an elevation composed of sixteen marble steps. at her left side stood the federal shield and eagle, and at her feet lay the _cornucopia_; in her right hand she held the indian calumet of peace supporting the cap of liberty; in the perspective appeared the temple of fame; and, on her left hand, an altar dedicated to public gratitude, upon which incense was burning. in her left hand she held a scroll inscribed 'valedictory;' and at the foot of the altar lay a plumed helmet and sword, from which a figure of general washington, large as life, appeared retiring down the steps, pointing with his right hand to the emblems of power which he had resigned, and with his left to a beautiful landscape representing mount vernon, in front of which oxen were seen harnessed to the plough. over the general appeared a _genius_, placing a wreath of laurels on his head." the heads of departments, foreign ministers, and distinguished strangers in philadelphia, were present on that gala occasion; and with that display of taste, fashion, gayety, and refinement, ended the public life of washington. these honors paid to the retiring chief-magistrate with the most heartfelt sincerity, excited the jealousy, enmity, and malignity of his political enemies in a most remarkable degree. nothing was too base for them to employ in attempts to injure his character, and lower him in the esteem of his countrymen. a pamphlet written by "jasper dwight, of vermont," and published in december, , which contained most severe strictures upon the farewell address, was circulated with increased zeal.[ ] the _aurora_ overflowed with gall. its columns were filled with the most virulent attacks upon him. his denunciation of the spurious letters made the calumniators writhe, and, with the fiendish malice of assassins, they thrust his character with weapons of foulest form. three days after his retirement one of the most violent of these attacks appeared in the _aurora_, attributed to doctor lieb, a republican member of the pennsylvania assembly. it was dated on the day of adams's inauguration. he said:-- "'lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation,' was the pious ejaculation of a man who beheld a flood of happiness rushing upon mankind. if ever there was a time that would license the reiteration of the exclamation, that time is now arrived; for the man, who is the source of all the misfortunes of our country, is this day reduced to a level with his fellow-citizens, and is no longer possessed of power to multiply evils upon the united states. if ever there was a period for rejoicing, this is the moment; every heart in unison with the freedom and happiness of the people, ought to beat high with exultation that the name of washington, from this day, ceases to give a currency to political iniquity, and to legalize corruption. a new era is now opening upon us, an era which promises much to the people; for public measures must now stand upon their own merits, and nefarious projects can no longer be supported by a name. when a retrospect is taken of the washingtonian administration for eight years, it is a subject of the greatest astonishment that a single individual should have cankered the principles of republicanism in an enlightened people, just emerged from the gulf of despotism, and should have carried his designs against the public liberty so far, as to have put in jeopardy its very existence. such, however, are the facts, and, with these staring us in the face, this day ought to be a jubilee in the united states." these and similar articles excited the public indignation to the highest endurable pitch; and bache, the publisher of the _aurora_, was severely beaten, when, a few days afterward, he, with some friends, visited the frigate _united states_, then on the stocks at the philadelphia navy-yard. a son of the contractor gave the flagellation. the public clamor became so great, that bache, in mortal fear of further personal violence, thought it prudent to state, in his paper, that doctor lieb's article was not written by the editor, but came from a correspondent. footnotes: [ ] history of the united states, second series, i., . [ ] journals of congress, february , . [ ] letter of honorable james iredell to his wife, february , . [ ] the following is washington's description of the letters:-- "new york, june th, . to mr. lund washington, at mount vernon, fairfax county, virginia.--g. w." "to john parke custis, esq., at the hon. benedict calvert's, esq., mount airy, maryland, june th, .--george washington." "new york, july th, . to mr. lund washington, at mt. vernon, fairfax county, virginia.--g. w." "new york, july , . to mr. lund washington.--g. w." "new york, july , . to mr. lund washington.--g. w." "new york, july d, . to mr. lund washington--g. w." "june th, . to mrs. washington.--g. w." [ ] mrs. susan r. echard, daughter of colonel read, now ( ) living in philadelphia, at the age of eighty-four years. the venerable rembrandt peale, of the same city, who, two years before, painted washington's portrait from life, and now in his eighty-third year, was also present in the gallery on that occasion, and his recollection agrees with that of mrs. echard. [ ] craik. [ ] harrison. [ ] custis. [ ] lewis. [ ] it was in the form of a "letter to george washington, president of the united states." dwight was a violent republican, and an uncompromising advocate for the immediate and total abolition of slavery in the united states. because washington was a slaveholder, he considered him extremely vulnerable on that point, and in his "letter" he twice alludes to the fact. "had the french revolution," he said, "commenced ten years later, or you retired to the shades of mount vernon four years ago, the friends of public virtue would still proudly boast of one great man free from the breath of public dispraise, and your fondly partial country, forbearing to inquire whether or not you were chargeable with mental aberrations, would vaunt in you this possession of the phoenix." after making strictures on the events of the past four years, he said: "would to god! you had retired to a private station four years ago, while your public conduct threw a veil of sanctity round you, which you have yourself rashly broken down. your fame would have been safe, your country without reproach, and i should not have the mortifying task of pointing out the blind temerity with which you come forward to defend the religion of christ, who exist in the violation of its most sacred obligations, of the dearest ties of humanity, and in defiance of the sovereign calls of morality and liberty--by dealing in human slaves." again, after asserting that "posterity will in vain search for the monuments of wisdom" in his administration, he says they will, on inquiry, find that had he obtained promotion, as he expected, for the services rendered after braddock's defeat, his sword would have been drawn against his country; and that they would discover "that the great champion of american freedom, the rival of timoleon and cincinnatus, twenty years after the establishment of the republic, was possessed of five hundred of the human species in slavery, enjoying the fruits of their labor without remuneration, or even the consolations of religious instruction--that he retained the barbarous usages of the feudal system, and kept men in livery--and that he still affected to be the friend of the christian religion, of civil liberty, and moral equality--and to be, withal, a disinterested, virtuous, liberal, and unassuming man." chapter xxxvii. washington leaves philadelphia for mount vernon--receives honors by the way--his arrival home--his enjoyment of private life--letters to his friends--his own picture of his daily life--entertainment of strangers burdensome--invites his nephew to mount vernon--nelly custis and her suitors--washington's letter to her--lawrence lewis preferred--washington's dream of permanent repose disturbed by a gathering storm--early associations recalled--again summoned into public life. washington left philadelphia for mount vernon on the ninth of march, a private citizen and a happy man. he was accompanied by mrs. washington and her grand-daughter, eleanor parke custis; and by george washington lafayette and his preceptor, m. frestel, whose arrival and residence in the united states we have already noticed. george washington parke custis, the brother of eleanor, or "nelly," as she was familiarly called, was then in college at princeton, where he had been for several months. the letters which have been preserved by the custis family, of the correspondence between washington and that adopted son, during the college life of the latter, are very interesting, and exhibit the father of his country in a light in which he is not viewed by history in her delineation of him, namely, as the father of a talented but wayward boy. ever desirous of giving words of encouragement and the meed of praise to the deserving, washington handed to young bartholomew dandridge, his private secretary, on the morning of his departure for mount vernon, the following letter:-- "your conduct, during a six years' residence in my family, having been such as to meet my full approbation, and believing that a declaration to this effect would be satisfactory to yourself, and justice requiring it from me, i make it with pleasure, and in full confidence that those principles of honor, integrity, and benevolence, which i have reason to believe have hitherto guided your steps, will still continue to mark your conduct. i have only to add a wish, that you may lose no opportunity of making such advances in useful acquirements as may benefit yourself, your friends, and mankind; and i am led to anticipate an accomplishment of this wish, when i consider the manner in which you have hitherto improved such occasions as offered themselves to you. "the career of life on which you are now entering, will present new scenes and frequent opportunities for the improvement of a mind desirous of obtaining useful knowledge; but i am sure you will never forget that, without virtue and without integrity, the finest talents and the most brilliant accomplishments can never gain the respect, or conciliate the esteem, of the truly valuable part of mankind." on his journey to the potomac, the retired president received every mark of respect, love, and veneration, from the people. "last evening," said a baltimore paper of the thirteenth of march, "arrived in this city, on his way to mount vernon, the illustrious object of veneration and gratitude, george washington. his excellency was accompanied by his lady and miss custis, and by the son of the unfortunate lafayette and his preceptor. at a distance from the city he was met by a crowd of citizens, on horse and foot, who thronged the road to greet him, and by a detachment of captain hollingsworth's troop, who escorted him through as great a concourse of people as baltimore ever witnessed. on alighting at the fountain inn, the general was saluted with reiterated and thundering huzzas from the spectators."[ ] "the attentions we met with on our journey," wrote washington to mr. m'henry, the secretary of war, "were very flattering, and by some, whose minds are differently formed from mine, would have been highly relished; but i avoided, in every instance, when i had any previous knowledge of the intention, and could by earnest entreaties prevail, all parade and escorts." he seldom succeeded, for intelligence of his approach went before him, and citizens and soldiers hastened to do homage to the great patriot and chief. washington arrived at mount vernon on the evening of the fourteenth of march. never did the threshold of his mansion receive a happier man. the servants flocked around him like children come to greet a returning father, and there was joy in the household and all over the estate of mount vernon. the master fairly revelled in the luxury of private life and the repose of domestic enjoyment. yet he did not sit down, an idle man and indifferent spectator of passing events. "let me pray you to have the goodness," he wrote to mr. m'henry, "to communicate to me occasionally such matters as are interesting, and not contrary to the rules of your official duty to disclose. we get so many details in the gazettes, and of such different complexions, that it is impossible to know what credence to give to any of them." now, escaped from the turmoils of politics, washington resolved to cast the burden of speculations concerning them from his mind. during almost his entire administration, the politics of france had been a constant source of anxiety to him, and had given him more real vexation, directly and indirectly, than all other matters of his public life combined. "the conduct of the french government," he now wrote, "is so much beyond calculation, and so unaccountable upon any principle of justice, or even of that sort of policy which is familiar to plain understandings, that i shall not now puzzle my brains in attempting to develop the motives of it." to oliver wolcott he wrote in may: "for myself, having turned aside from the broad walks of political into the narrow paths of private life, i shall leave it with those whose duty it is to consider subjects of this sort [the calling of an extraordinary session of congress], and, as every good citizen ought to do, conform to whatsoever the ruling powers shall decide. to make and sell a little flour annually, to repair houses (going fast to ruin), to build one for the security of my papers of a public nature, and to amuse myself in agricultural and rural pursuits, will constitute employment for the few years i have to remain on this terrestrial globe. if, also, i could now and then meet the friends i esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest to my enjoyments; but if ever this happens, it must be under my own vine and fig-tree." washington was not unsocial, yet he loved to be away from the great gathering-places of men and the tumults of public life. he loved his friends warmly; and those for whom he had a thorough esteem--a friendship based upon the perception of genuine qualities of head and heart that made them trustworthy--were always most welcome to his retreat on the banks of the potomac. with such friends he kept up a cordial correspondence; and in many of his letters, immediately after his retirement, he spoke of his domestic employments and pleasures. "retired from noise myself," he wrote to general heath, "and the responsibility attached to public employment, my hours will glide smoothly on. my best wishes, however, for the prosperity of our country, will always have the first place in my thoughts; while to repair buildings, and to cultivate my farms, which require close attention, will occupy the few years, perhaps days, i may be a sojourner here, as i am now in the sixty-sixth year of my peregrinations through life." to secretary m'henry he wrote, in joyous mood, at the close of may: "i am indebted to you for several unacknowledged letters; but never mind that: go on as if you had answers. you are at the source of information, and can find many things to relate; while i have nothing to say that would either inform or amuse a secretary of war in philadelphia. "i might tell that i begin my diurnal course with the sun; that, if my hirelings are not in their places at that time, i send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition; that, having put these wheels in motion, i examine the state of things further; that, the more they are probed, the deeper i find the wounds which my buildings have sustained by an absence and neglect of eight years; that, by the time i have accomplished these matters, breakfast (a little after seven o'clock, about the time i suppose you are taking leave of mrs. m'henry) is ready; that, this being over, i mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employ me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which i rarely miss seeing strange faces--come, as they say, out of respect for me. pray, would not the word curiosity answer as well? and how different this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board! the usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if not prevented by company, i resolve that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, i will retire to my writing-table and acknowledge the letters i have received; but, when the lights are brought, i feel tired, and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next will do as well. the next night comes, and with it the same causes for postponement, and so on. "this will account for your letters remaining so long unacknowledged; and, having given you the history of a day, it will serve for a year, and i am persuaded you will not require a second edition of it. but it may strike you that, in this detail, no mention is made of any portion of time allotted for reading. the remark would be just, for i have not looked into a book since i came home; nor shall i be able to do it until i have discharged my workmen, probably not before the nights grow longer, when possibly i may be looking in doomsday-book." washington soon became wearied with the continual visits of strangers, to which he alluded in his letter to mr. m'henry, and he resolved to adopt some plan of relief that should be consistent with the most genuine hospitality. he had an accomplished and favorite nephew, lawrence lewis, son of his sister elizabeth. he invited him to make mount vernon his home, and to assume the duties of entertainer of company when the master should desire repose. "as both your aunt and i," he said, in his letter of invitation, "are in the decline of life, and regular in our habits, especially in our hours of rising and going to bed, i require some person (fit and proper) to ease me of the trouble of entertaining company, particularly of nights, as it is my inclination to retire (and, unless prevented by very particular company, i always do retire), either to bed or to my study, soon after candlelight. in taking those duties (which hospitality obliges me to bestow on company) off my hands, it would render me a very acceptable service."[ ] young lewis accepted his uncle's invitation with pleasure, for he loved the society of such as he knew he should meet at mount vernon. there was also a charmer there for young men, in the person of nelly custis, a gay, beautiful, and accomplished girl of eighteen years, who was the life of a social party, and a beam of sunshine in the family circle. as his adopted daughter, washington had watched over her with parental solicitude. tradition says that he frequently inculcated the most valuable precepts when talking seriously with her; and in his most playful mood would give her words of wisdom that took root in her mind and heart. this fact is so well exhibited in the following letter of his, written to nelly, when she was about sixteen years of age, that we give it entire. it was on the occasion of her first attendance at a ball, an account of which she had given him in a letter:-- "phila., _january , ._ "your letter, the receipt of which i am now acknowledging, is written correctly and in fair characters, which is an evidence that you command, when you please, a fair hand. possessed of these advantages, it will be your own fault if you do not avail yourself of them; and, attention being paid to the choice of your subjects, you can have nothing to fear from the malignancy of criticism, as your ideas are lively, and your descriptions agreeable. let me touch a little now on your georgetown ball; and happy, thrice happy, for the fair who were assembled on the occasion, that there was a man to spare; for had there been seventy-nine ladies and only seventy-eight gentlemen, there might, in the course of the evening, have been some disorder among the caps, notwithstanding the apathy which _one_ of the company entertains for the '_youth_' of the present day, and her determination 'never to give herself a moment's uneasiness on account of any of them.' a hint here: men and women feel the same inclinations to each other _now_ that they always have done, and which they will continue to do until there is a new order of things; and _you_, as others have done, may find, perhaps, that the passions of your sex are easier raised than allayed. do not, therefore, boast too soon or too strongly of your insensibility to, or resistance of, its powers. in the composition of the human frame there is a good deal of inflammable matter, however dormant it may lie for a time, and like an intimate acquaintance of yours, when the torch is put to it, _that_ which is _within you_ may burst into a blaze; for which reason, and especially, too, as i have entered upon the chapter of advices, i will read you a lecture drawn from this text. "love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it is therefore contended that it can not be resisted. this is true in part only, for, like all things else, when nourished and supplied plentifully with aliment, it is rapid in its progress; but let these be withdrawn, and it may be stifled in its birth, or much stinted in its growth. for example, a woman (the same may be said of the other sex) all beautiful and accomplished, will, while her hand and heart are undisposed of, turn the heads and set the circle in which she moves on fire. let her marry, and what is the consequence? the madness _ceases_, and all is quiet again. why? not because there is any diminution in the charms of the lady, but because there is an end of hope. hence it follows that love may and therefore ought to be under the guidance of reason; for, although we can not avoid first impressions, we may assuredly place them under guard: and my motives for treating on this subject are to show you, while you remain eleanor parke custis, spinster, and retain the resolution to love with moderation, the propriety of adhering to the latter resolution, at least until you have secured your game, and the way by which it may be accomplished. "when the fire is beginning to kindle, and your heart growing warm, propound these questions to it: 'who is this invader? have i a competent knowledge of him? is he a man of good character? a man of sense?' for, be assured, a sensible woman can never be happy with a fool. 'what has been his walk of life? is he a gambler, a spendthrift, or drunkard? is his fortune sufficient to maintain me in the manner i have been accustomed to live, and my sisters do live, and is he one to whom my friends can have no reasonable objection?' if these interrogatories can be satisfactorily answered, there will remain but one more to be asked; that, however, is an important one, 'have i sufficient ground to conclude that his affections are engaged by me?' without this, the heart of sensibility will struggle against a passion that is not reciprocated--delicacy, custom, or call it by what epithet you will, having precluded all advances on your part. the declaration, without the _most indirect_ invitation of yours, must proceed from the man, to render it permanent and valuable; and nothing short of good sense and an easy, unaffected conduct, can draw the line between prudery and coquetry. it would be no great departure from truth to say that it rarely happens otherwise than that a thorough-paced coquette dies in celibacy, as a punishment for her attempts to mislead others, by encouraging looks, words, or actions, given for no other purpose than to draw men on to make overtures, that they may be rejected. "this day, according to our information, gives a husband to your elder sister, and consummates, it is to be presumed, her fondest desires. the dawn with us is bright, and propitious, i hope, of her future happiness, for a full measure of which she and mr. law have my earnest wishes. compliments and congratulations on this occasion, and best regards are presented to your mamma, doctor stuart, and family; and every blessing--among which a good husband, when you want and deserve one--is bestowed on you by yours, affectionately."[ ] young lewis found a rival in the person of a son of the eminent charles carroll, of carrollton, whose suit was decidedly encouraged by mrs. washington. this young man had just returned from europe, where he had been educated; and he displayed in his deportment and conversation all the social graces derived from foreign travel. nelly was also pleased with the young man; and her brother, then at school in annapolis, could not conceal his satisfaction. so he ventured to say, in a letter to washington: "i find that young mr. c---- has been at mount vernon, and, report says, to address my sister. it may be well to subjoin an opinion, which i believe is general in this place, viz., that he is a young man of the strictest probity and morals, discreet without closeness, temperate without excess, and modest without vanity; possessed of those amiable qualities and friendship which are so commendable, and with few of the vices of the age. in short, i think it a most desirable match, and wish that it may take place with all my heart." washington relished neither the interference of the suitor with his nephew's "current of true love," nor the volunteer opinion of nelly's brother; and he abruptly closed the correspondence on the subject with young custis, by saying: "young mr. c---- came here about a fortnight ago, to dinner, and left us next morning after breakfast. if his object was such as you say has been reported, it was not declared here; and therefore the less is said upon the subject, particularly by your sister's friends, the more prudent it will be until the subject develops itself more." other suitors appeared at that time, and the assaults made upon the young lady's heart seem to have given washington and his wife much anxiety. "i was young and romantic then," she said to a lady, from whose lips mr. irving has quoted[ ]--"i was young and romantic then, and fond of wandering alone by moonlight in the woods of mount vernon. grandmamma thought it wrong and unsafe, and scolded and coaxed me into a promise that i would not wander in the woods again _unaccompanied_. but i was missing one evening, and was brought home from the interdicted woods to the drawing-room, where the general was walking up and down with his hands behind him, as was his wont. grandmamma, seated in her great arm-chair, opened a severe reproof." "poor miss nelly," says mr. irving, "was reminded of her promise, and taxed with her delinquency. she knew that she had done wrong, admitted her fault, and essayed no excuse; but, when there was a slight pause, moved to retire from the room. she was just shutting the door, when she overheard the general attempting, in a low voice, to intercede in her behalf. 'my dear,' observed he, 'i would say no more: perhaps she was not alone.' "his intercession stopped miss nelly in her retreat. she reopened the door, and advanced up to the general with a firm step. 'sir,' said she, 'you brought me up to speak the truth; and when i told grandmamma i was alone, i hope you believed _i was alone_.' "the general made one of his most magnanimous bows. 'my child,' replied he, 'i beg your pardon.'" as we shall observe presently, lawrence lewis triumphed in his suit over all competitors, and the beautiful nelly custis became his bride. without the least suspicion that his sweet dream of repose in the bosom of his family, amid the quiet scenes of rural life, would ever be disturbed while he lived, washington now applied himself to the repairs of his buildings, and the general improvement of his estate. "at the age of sixty-five," he wrote to the earl of radnor, "i am now recommencing my agricultural and rural pursuits, which were always more congenial to my temper and disposition than the noise and bustle of public employments; notwithstanding so small a portion of my life has been engaged in the former." to the reverend william gordon he wrote: "rural employments, while i am spared--which, in the natural course of things, can not be long--will now take the place of toil, responsibility, and the solicitude attending the walks of public life; and with a desire for the peace, happiness, and prosperity of a country, in whose service the prime of my life has been spent, and with best wishes for the tranquillity of all nations and all men, the scene to me will close--grateful to that providence which has directed my steps, and shielded me in the various changes and chances through which i have passed from my youth to the present moment." and now, too, the associations of his earlier life, when he was a farmer at mount vernon, brought pleasing pictures of the past to his memory, and he seemed to yearn for a renewal of those social pleasures which had been the delight of his young manhood. to mrs. fairfax, in england, who had resided at ruined belvoir, and had been a beloved member of the society of that neighborhood, he wrote, in may, :-- "five-and-twenty years have nearly passed away since i have considered myself as permanently residing at this place, or have been in a situation to indulge myself in a familiar intercourse with my friends by letter or otherwise. during this period, so many important events have occurred, and such changes in men and things have taken place, as the compass of a letter would give you but an inadequate idea of; none of which events, however, nor all of them together, have been able to eradicate from my mind the recollection of those happy moments, the happiest of my life, which i have enjoyed in your company. "worn out in a manner by the toils of my past labor, i am again seated under my vine and fig-tree, and i wish i could add that there are none to make us afraid; but those whom we have been accustomed to call our friends and allies are endeavoring, if not to make us afraid, yet to despoil us of our property, and are provoking us to acts of self-defence which may lead to war. what will be the result of such measures, time, that faithful expositor of all things, must disclose. my wish is to spend the remainder of my days, which can not be many, in rural amusements, free from the cares from which public responsibility is never exempt. "before the war, and even while it existed, although i was eight years from home at one stretch, except the _en-passant_ visits made to it on my marches to and from the siege of yorktown, i made considerable additions to my dwellinghouse, and alterations in my offices and gardens; but the dilapidation occasioned by time, and those neglects which are coextensive with the absence of proprietors, have occupied as much of my time within the last twelve months, in repairing them, as at any former period in the same space; and it is a matter of sore regret, when i cast my eyes toward belvoir, which i often do, to reflect that the former inhabitants of it, with whom we lived in such harmony and friendship, no longer reside there, and that the ruins can only be viewed as the memento of former pleasures." but, at the very time when he wrote this letter, the clouds of difficulty between the united states and france were thickening; a storm of war was evidently brewing, and the mutterings of the thunder were becoming more and more audible. in that hour of gloom, when the billows were beating heavily upon the ship of state, and the hurricane began to howl, his countrymen, remembering the faith, and fortitude, and courage, and skill, of their venerated pilot for eight years of commotion, turned anxious eyes and more anxious hearts toward mount vernon, wishing to call him from his retirement to face once more the enemies of their country; yet tenderly hesitating, because they loved him too well to disturb unnecessarily the needed repose he was then enjoying. a crisis came; dangers thickened on every side, and the united voices of his countrymen again called washington into public life. footnotes: [ ] sparks's life and writings of washington, xi. , note. [ ] ms. letter quoted by irving, v. . [ ] recollections and private memoirs of washington, by george washington parke custis, page . washington wrote many other letters to his sprightly foster-child, but they have been lost or destroyed. these serve to show how his comprehensive mind had moments of thought and action to bestow on all connected with him, and how deeply his affections were interested in the family of his wife, who were cared for as if they were his own. they were written at a time when the cares of state, as president of the republic, were pressing heavily upon him. [ ] life of washington, v. . chapter xxxviii. prosperity of the united states--troubles with france continued--indignities offered to mr. pinckney--monroe's leave-taking--insulting speech of the president of the french directory--pinckney leaves paris--special session of congress--president adams's message--his recommendations--washington's solicitude--changes in public sentiment--action of congress--special envoys sent to france--washington's opinions concerning the embassy and the chances of war--langhorne's correspondence--jefferson's position--lafayette's release--rochambeau. washington retired from the chair of state at a time when his country was enjoying the highest degree of prosperity. through the wisdom of hamilton and the firmness of the president, a sound credit at home had been created, and an immense floating debt funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors, and to all except ignorant or unscrupulous partisans. an ample revenue was provided for; all difficulties which a system of internal taxation is liable to encounter at the outset, had been removed; and the authority of and thorough respect for the federal government were firmly established. means had been provided for the gradual extinguishment of the public debt; a large portion of it had been actually discharged; and a system, which had finally brought about an almost entire extinction of it when the war of broke out, had been matured. the agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example; and the numerous indian tribes, warlike and hostile, that inhabited the western frontiers and the immense country beyond, even to the west of the mississippi, had been taught, by sad experience, the folly of opposing the power of the united states, and were then at peace with them. the foreign relations of the united states were in a condition more desirable than at any time since the establishment of the government, except in regard to france. the differences with spain had been adjusted; the free navigation of the mississippi had been acquired; and the use of new orleans as a commercial _dépôt_, for a specific time, had been secured. the causes which, at one time, threatened a war between the united states and great britain, had been removed by diplomacy; and the military posts on the frontier, which served as nuclei of indian hostilities, had passed into the possession of the government of the united states. treaties not perfectly satisfactory, but nevertheless advantageous by comparison with the past, had been made with algiers and tripoli; and as tunisian corsairs had never depredated upon american commerce, the mediterranean sea was now opened to the mercantile marine of the united states. such, in brief outline, were the condition and position of the united states, when washington retired from public life; yet over the bright future, discerned by the eye of faith, hung an ominous cloud, growing blacker and blacker every day. france, haughty, imperious, dictatorial, and ungenerous, had severed with ruthless hand the bond of friendship between itself and the united states, and had cut the tether of legal restraint which kept her corsairs from depredating upon american commerce. her course, unjust and unwise, indicated inevitable war, unless she should draw back, for peace with her could not be maintained with honor upon terms which her insolence dictated. her government had declared, on the recall of monroe, that no other minister from the united states should be received until that power should fully redress the grievances of which the republic complained; and pinckney, whose letter of credence declared that he had been sent "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfounded impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union," was not received. pinckney was not only denied a reception, but was ordered to quit the territory of france. he claimed the right to a passport and safe escort, but these were denied, while measures for his expulsion were not put into operation. in that position he remained some time. meanwhile, monroe, unmindful of the insult offered to his country in the person of its accredited representative, instead of leaving france indignantly himself, consented to play a part in another scene more unworthy of him than that enacted at his reception. the directory, evidently for the purpose of treating the united states government with contempt, decreed a formal audience to monroe, to present his letters of recall and to take his leave. on that occasion, monroe warmly acknowledged "the important services rendered by france to america;" congratulated the republic on its victories, and the excellence of its constitution; and expressed his earnest wishes that a close union and perfect harmony might exist between the two governments. to this the president of the directory responded in pompous and high-sounding words. "minister plenipotentiary of the united states," he said, "by presenting this day to the executive directory your letter of recall, you offer a very strange spectacle to europe. rich in her freedom, surrounded by the train of her victories, strong in the esteem of her allies, france will not stoop to calculate the consequences of the condescension of the american government to the wishes of its ancient tyrants. the french republic expects, however, that the successors of columbus, raleigh, and penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to france. they will weigh in their wisdom the magnanimous friendship of the french people with the crafty caresses of perfidious men, who meditate to bring them again under their former yoke. assure the good people of america, mr. minister, that, like them, we admire liberty; that they will always possess our esteem, and find in the french people that republican generosity which knows how to grant peace as well as how to cause its sovereignty to be respected. as for you, mr. minister plenipotentiary, you have ever battled for principles; you have known the true interests of your country depart with our regret. we restore in you a representative to america; we preserve the remembrance of a citizen whose personal qualities did honor to that title." toward the close of january, , pinckney was notified that, having resided in paris nearly two months without special permission, he was amenable to law. he immediately applied for and obtained his passports, and on the third of february he departed for holland, whence he sent despatches to his government, presenting the state of his mission. they were received on the twenty-fifth of march, and produced much excitement. the indignities to which the united states minister had been subjected, and the continued capture of american merchant-vessels by french privateers, some of them commanded by americans, caused president adams to issue a proclamation, convening the congress in special session on the fifteenth of may. a change in public opinion was now perceptible. the people began to understand the real character and designs of the french, the chief of which was to sow the seeds of bitter discord between the _government_ and the _people_ of the united states--a task in which genet and adet zealously labored. "the speech of the president of the directory," said adams, in his opening address to the congress, "discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities toward the united states. it evinces a disposition to separate the people from their government; to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests, from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince france and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear, and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest.... "i should have been happy," he continued, "to throw a veil over the late transactions of the french government, if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all europe and america, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity that they can not be disguised, and will not soon be forgotten." mr. adams then expressed his sincere desire for reconciliation with france, and announced his intention to institute a fresh attempt at negotiation for that object; but he recommended the congress to provide, meanwhile, effectual measures for defence, especially in the increase and strengthening of the navy. from his retirement, washington looked out upon the moving panorama of national affairs with great solicitude. he took a lively interest in all that was passing, in which the welfare of his country was involved. "it remains to be seen," he said in a letter to thomas pinckney, lately arrived from europe, "whether our country will stand upon independent ground, or be directed in its political concerns by any other nation. a little time will show who are its true friends, or, what is synonymous, who are true americans.... the president's speech will, i conceive, draw forth, mediately or immediately, an expression of the public mind; and, as it is the right of the people that this should be carried into effect, their sentiments ought to be unequivocally known, that the principles on which the government has acted, and which, from the president's speech, are likely to be continued, may either be changed, or the opposition, that is endeavoring to embarrass every measure of the executive, may meet effectual discountenance. things can not and ought not to remain any longer in their present disagreeable state. nor should the idea that the government and the people have different views, be suffered any longer to prevail, at home or abroad; for it is not only injurious to us, but disgraceful also, that a government constituted as ours is should be administered contrary to their interests, if the fact be so." public sentiment had now begun to assume a character coincident with that expressed by washington. because of the failure of jefferson to be elected president of the united states, the french directory signified their disapprobation and resentment, by issuing a decree against american commerce, equal in its effects to the worst practices of the british cruisers in their impressment of seamen, and seizure of vessels and goods of neutrals. it was intended by the french to be little short of a declaration of war. these outrages and insults of the french directory had a powerful effect in arresting the fanaticism in regard to france that had so long prevailed; while the _aurora_ and other democratic newspapers, not daring, in the face of public opinion, to justify them, attempted to cast all the blame upon jay's treaty. the congress moved with caution in carrying out the recommendations of the president. there was a decided federal majority in each branch of the national legislature, and both houses responded to the president's speech in terms of approval. several members, who had usually acted with the opposition, voted in favor of resolutions for supporting the honor of the country; and the senate, by unanimous vote, confirmed the nomination, by the president, of charles cotesworth pinckney, elbridge gerry, and john marshall, as special envoys to the french republic, clothed with ample powers. they were to act jointly and severally as ministers plenipotentiary, the object of their mission being, as the president expressed it, to "dissipate umbrages, remove prejudices, rectify errors, and adjust all differences, by a treaty between the two powers." while the president and congress were making these peaceful provisions for maintaining a good understanding, measures for defence were adopted. an act was passed to prevent american citizens from fitting out or employing privateers against nations at peace with the united states. the exportation of arms and ammunition was prohibited, and the importation of the same encouraged, by law. the president was also authorized to call out the militia to the number of eighty thousand, and to accept of the services of volunteers. a small naval force was also provided for, and means for extraordinary expenses incident to a state of war. washington had doubts of the success of the new mission. in a letter to timothy pickering, at the close of august, he said: "candor is not a more conspicuous trait in the character of governments than it is of individuals. it is hardly to be expected, then, that the directory of france will acknowledge its errors, and tread back its steps immediately. this would announce at once that there has been precipitancy and injustice in the measures they have pursued; or that they were incapable of judging, and had been deceived by false representations. pride would be opposed to all these; and i can scarcely think the directory will relinquish the hold it has upon those who more than probably have suggested and promoted the measures they have been pursuing. i rather suppose that they will lower their tone by degrees, and, as is usual, place the change to the credit of _french magnanimity_." yet washington had no fears concerning a war with france. to pickering he wrote: "i can say with truth that my mind has never been alarmed by any fears of a war with france. i always knew that this government had no desire to go to war with that or any other country; and i as firmly believed that no power, without a _semblance of justice_, would declare war against it. that france has stepped far beyond the line of rectitude, can not be denied; that she has been encouraged to do so by a party among ourselves is, to my mind, equally certain; and when it is considered, moreover, that enriching themselves and injuring great britain were the expected consequences of their spoliation's, i could account, though not on honorable principles in them, for their going to a certain point; but i never did believe that they would declare an open war against us, or compel us, if they foresaw that would be the result, to declare it against them." in the autumn of , washington received a letter dated "warren, albemarle county," and signed "john langhorne," in which the writer condoled with him on the aspersions of his character by his political opponents, and suggested that he ought not to allow them to disturb his repose. this letter was a forgery, there being no such person as john langhorne, and was evidently intended to draw from washington some expressions that might be used to his injury, and serve a party purpose. but washington, ever guarded, let fall no word in his reply that could be so used. "for the divisions which have taken place among us, with respect to our political concerns," he said, "for the attacks which have been made upon those to whom the administration of the government has been intrusted by the people, and for the calumnies which are levelled at all those who are disposed to support the measures thereof, i feel, on public account, as much as any man can do, because in my opinion much evil and no good can result to this country from such conduct. so far as these attacks are aimed at me personally, it is, i can assure you, a misconception, if it be supposed i feel the venom of the darts." this letter appears to have been written by a person whose name has never been given to the public. the fraud was discovered by a gentleman who lived near the residence of mr. jefferson. he was informed of a letter in the charlottesville post-office, in the well-known handwriting of washington, addressed to one whose name was unknown in that neighborhood; and he immediately apprized washington, not only of that fact, but that his reply was sent for by a person whose political sentiments were averse to those of the late administration. washington furnished his informant with a copy of the correspondence; and that gentleman, on investigation, expressed his opinion that the "plot" originated with jefferson. washington appears to have considered that opinion of some weight, for, in a response to the letter of his informant, he said: "if the person whom you _suspect_, was really the author of the letter under the signature of _john langhorne_, it is not at all surprising to me that the correspondence should have ended where it did; for the penetration of that man would have perceived, at the first glance, that nothing was to be drawn from that mode of attack. in what form the next invidious attempts may appear, remains to be discovered." there is no evidence that mr. jefferson had any knowledge of the matter until the forgery was exposed, and his name had been connected with it by washington's informant, whom he denominated his "malignant neighbor." that neighbor was john nicholas, commonly known as "clerk john," who, mr. randall says, "was a weak-headed, absurd busybody, with that restless itching for notoriety which renders a man, destitute of ability, sense, or delicacy, almost indifferent as to the subject."[ ] washington was naturally indignant at this attempt to ensnare him, and his feelings were much disturbed by the alleged secret attacks upon him and his public measures by jefferson and his friends. as we have already observed, he lost confidence in the genuineness of jefferson's professions of friendship; and, from this time, there was no correspondence between them. at about this time, washington received the welcome news of the liberation of his friend lafayette, and his expected speedy departure for america. also a pamphlet on the "military and political situation of france," by general dumas, an officer who had served under rochambeau at yorktown. on the subject of his friend's release, he wrote to m. de la colombe, who had been lafayette's adjutant-general when the latter commanded the national guard, and who was then in philadelphia, saying: "i congratulate you on the happy event of the liberation of our mutual friend, whose reception in this country will be, i am sure, cordial from all descriptions of people; from none more than myself. the answer given by him to the minister is noble, and worthy of himself.[ ] the only regret i should feel on his arrival in america, if it should happen soon, would be his disappointment at not finding his son here. "i said all i could with decency, both to him and m. frestel, to induce their awaiting direct accounts from the prisoners before their departure; but the eagerness of the former to embrace his parents in the first moments of their release from a cruel imprisonment, was not to be restrained." these two great men and loving friends never met again on earth. circumstances caused lafayette to remain in europe, and his visit to america was deferred more than a quarter of a century, when he came as the nation's guest. dumas's pamphlet, to which we have just alluded, and the author's accompanying letter, awakened pleasant emotions in the bosom of washington, for intelligence of an old companion-in-arms was conveyed. "general rochambeau," wrote dumas, "is still at his country-seat near vendôme. he enjoys there tolerably good health, considering his great age, and reckons, as well as his military family, amongst his most dear and glorious remembrances, that of the time we had the honor to serve under your command." this announcement gave washington real pleasure, for he had heard from time to time vague rumors of the vicissitudes of rochambeau--first as field-marshal, in command of the revolutionary army of the north; then as a thwarted and disappointed man, dwelling in retirement; and then as a victim prepared for the guillotine, but saved by a sudden change in public affairs. he was glad to know that the general was enjoying repose in his old age. rochambeau survived all the tempests of the revolution, was honored by napoleon with the cross of grand officer of the legion of honor, and a marshal's pension, and died in , at the age of eighty-two years. footnotes: [ ] life of jefferson, ii. . [ ] the emperor of austria communicated to lafayette, through the marquis de chasteler, his intention to liberate him from his confinement at olmutz, on certain conditions, to which the marquis refused to accede. in his reply to de chasteler, lafayette said:-- "his majesty, the emperor and king, demands an assurance that, immediately after my release, i will depart for america. this is an intention which i have often manifested; but since, in the actual state of things, an assurance to this effect would seem to recognise a right to impose this condition upon me, i think it not proper to satisfy such a demand. "his majesty, the emperor and king, has done me the honor to signify that, as the principles which i profess are incompatible with the security of the austrian government, it is his wish that i should never again enter his dominions without his special permission. there are duties from which i can not release myself--duties which i owe to the united states, and above all to france; nor can i consent to any act which shall derogate from the rights of my country over my person. "with these reservations, i can assure the marquis de chasteler that it is my fixed determination never again to set my foot in any country which yields obedience to his imperial majesty the king of bohemia and hungary."--sparks's life of washington, vol. xi., note ix. of the appendix. chapter xxxix. american envoys in paris--directory seeking money--talleyrand and his agents--propositions for an apology, loan, and bribe--indignant refusal--attempts to frighten the envoys--two of them ordered out of france--they all leave--excitement in the united states--congress prepares for war--patriotic addresses to the president--hamilton calls washington to the rescue of his country--washington's response--the president perplexed--he turns to washington--appeal of the secretary of war--washington's replies--is appointed commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states--hamilton urges him to accept--the president sends him a commission--secretary of war at mount vernon--washington accepts the appointment--his selection of officers. the three united states envoys--pinckney, gerry, and marshall--met in paris on the fourth of october, , and were approached by the wily diplomat, m. de talleyrand, minister for foreign affairs, in a spirit not at all pleasing either to their expectations or their desires. they had been sent upon a mission of peace, charged with honorable purposes, and were met with propositions insulting and disgraceful. on their arrival, the envoys sent a joint letter to talleyrand, informing him of their presence and purposes, and requesting him to appoint a time for receiving copies of their letters of credence. he informed them that he was then engaged upon a report to the directory on american affairs, and that, when it should be completed, he would inform them what was to be done. at the same time he sent them permits (cards of hospitality) to reside in paris meanwhile. the directory had resolved to extort money from the envoys, if possible; and in the course of a few days after their first communication with talleyrand, that minister, through secret agents, began to sound them. one of these informed them that he had, as if by accident, learned through talleyrand's private secretary that the directory were very much exasperated at the tone of the president's speech at the opening of the special session of congress. another, a partner in a noted commercial house in paris, volunteered to answer their drafts to any amount; a third called on them, and, in a private interview with pinckney, said that he had a message from talleyrand, suggesting a plan by which a reconciliation between the two governments might be brought about. that "plan" proposed that some of the most offensive passages in the president's speech should be expunged or softened before the envoys should be received; a loan to be made to the republic; and a _douceur_ to the directory of nearly two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. the envoys were astonished, but resolved to treat the matter in such a way that they might ascertain the real sentiments of the french government, without exciting suspicions. shortly afterward (october twentieth), talleyrand's secret agent again appeared before the envoys, and introduced mr. bellamy, a citizen of hamburg, who came as an intimate friend of the minister for foreign affairs, but without, as he said, any diplomatic authority. he assured the envoys that talleyrand was well disposed toward the united states; that if the offensive portions of the president's speech should be expunged, the loan made, and the _douceur_ given, a new treaty would be made, and all would be well. "we want money," said bellamy, speaking for his principals--"a great deal of money." another conference was held on the following day, when the secret agent and bellamy breakfasted with the envoys. it was stated that the directory insisted upon an apology, or its equivalent, for the offensive words of the president; but bellamy gave it as his private opinion that the matter might be compromised with money. at that conference the amount of the loan was fixed at six millions four hundred thousand dollars, to be secured by dutch "inscriptions," or obligations extorted from them by the french; and the _douceur_ to the directory at two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. "the proposition for a loan can not be met by any construction of our instructions," said the envoys. "one of us, however, will return home and consult our government on that point, provided the directory will agree to suspend, in the interval, all further captures of american vessels, and all proceedings on captures already made." the agents of the directory were quite surprised at this answer. bellamy spoke of the resentment of that body, and said that, if money could not be had from the envoys, the apology would be expected. to his astonishment, he was informed that such a proceeding was wholly out of the question; that the president had exercised his constitutional privilege in giving to congress his ideas on national affairs, and that in doing so he had only stated facts in regard to french relations with which the american people were already familiar. the agents seemed greatly astonished at the audacity of the envoys, and withdrew, satisfied that they could accomplish nothing. an interview between the envoys and talleyrand was arranged for the twenty-seventh. the minister repeated, in substance, the proposition of his agents; but the representatives of america were firm. finally, after more unofficial interviews with other agents of the directory, who had endeavored to frighten the american ministers by menaces of the hostility of france; who had painted, in glowing colors, the immense power and resources of the french nation, and the dangers to be apprehended from its indignation; who claimed that in the friendship of france alone could america look for safety--the envoys told them plainly: "gentlemen, we will not give you a dollar. before coming here, we should not have thought it possible that such an offer would have been made to us. a transaction such as you propose, would be disgraceful to all parties concerned." and then it was that pinckney made that terse and indignant remark which has become proverbial: "millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute!" startled by the indignation and boldness of the envoys, the agent of the executive government intimated that if they would pay, for the private use of the directory, the sum named, by way of _fees_, as they would pay a lawyer, they might remain in paris until they should receive further orders from home respecting the loan required for the government. this base proposition to purchase the services of the directory was rejected with disdain; and the french executive government, in the persons of its agents, withdrew abashed, and did not prosecute the disgraceful measures any further. indeed, the envoys refused to have any further intercourse with them. the american ministers remained several months in paris, urging the objects of their mission at all proper times, but without success. the directory refused to acknowledge them in their official character, and they were, from time to time, importuned for money by talleyrand, in his unofficial visits to them. finally, perceiving that their reception was out of the question, they prepared a full statement, in a letter addressed to talleyrand, in which they made explanations, and gave proofs unequivocal of the friendliness of the government of the united states toward that of france. to this talleyrand made an elaborate reply, and the envoys, in april, met it with a rejoinder. talleyrand's tactics were now changed, and he endeavored by various attempts to induce pinckney and marshall, who were federalists, voluntarily to relinquish their station, and leave negotiations with gerry, who belonged to the republican party, and was supposed to sympathize with the french directory. in this the wily diplomat did not succeed. satisfied that nothing could seduce them from the path of rectitude, the directory ordered those two envoys to quit the territories of the french republic immediately; while, to aggravate the insult to the american government, mr. gerry, because he belonged to a party favorable to france, was permitted to remain. gerry, frightened (as he afterward said, in excuse for his conduct) by talleyrand's threat of an immediate declaration of war against the united states by france if he should leave, consented to remain. yet he refused to sanction the expulsion of his colleagues. he would not treat independently of them; and, finally, the entire embassy returned home. marshall left france at the middle of april, gerry on the twenty-sixth of july, but pinckney was detained until october, on account of the ill health of his daughter. during the whole time of these attempts at negotiation, the french directory allowed many gross insults to the united states government to be perpetrated. open war was waged upon american commerce by french cruisers; and the american flag floating over a vessel was deemed a sufficient justification for the capture and condemnation of such vessel. when the final despatches of the envoys reached the public eye and ear in the united states, there was an outburst of indignation over all the land, that proclaimed the dignity of true patriotism in the presence of mere party considerations. the nation felt insulted by the attempt to degrade the republic into a tributary dependant of france; and the indignities offered to the representatives of their government, and the injuries inflicted upon their commerce, were resented with great warmth. the words of pinckney were reported, and in every part of the continent was heard the cry--"millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute!" and yet there were those slavish enough to justify france, by criminating the american government. the _aurora_ was foremost in this labor; and, preparatory to such defense, it had published talleyrand's reply to the statement of the envoys, which had been received by bache before it reached the government of the united states. it was argued that the intentions of france were not really hostile; that men under british influence, who wished for war, had misrepresented her conduct; that, admitting her position to be hostile, she only demanded those marks of friendship which, at a critical moment, she had herself afforded america; that the real interests of the united states required a compliance with the demands of the directory for a loan and a bribe; that it would cost more money to resist than to comply; that resistance would be inevitably ineffectual; and that national honor was never secured by national defeat. but such logic, degrading and unpatriotic in tendency, did not suit the temper of the american people at that time. a war-spirit was aroused not easily to be appeased, except by the ministrations of justice. in congress, vigorous measures for defence and retaliation were adopted. means for administering chastisement for injuries received, and for repelling those which were threatened, were provided with willing alacrity. a regular army was authorized. a regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the permanent establishment; and the president was authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry, to serve during the continuance of existing difficulties with france, if not sooner discharged. he was also authorized to appoint officers for a provisional army, and to receive and organize volunteer corps, which should be exempt from ordinary militia duty. these measures of congress were fully approved by the great mass of the people. the president received addresses from all parts of the union, whose spirit attested the patriotic sentiment of the nation; and the executive, in turn, warmed by like sentiments, made responses that sustained the ardor of the people. then arose spontaneously in every mind the question, "who shall command our army in this crisis?" and in every mind was the same response. all hearts turned instinctively toward washington as the only man in the nation fitted for that important trust. the loud, harsh voice of party spirit was hushed to a whisper; and men who had joined in the clamor of reproach against the late president because of his public measures, were among the first, in this hour of peril, to turn to him as the only leader in whom they might implicitly trust. intimations of this nature reached washington almost daily while congress were busy in preparing for war; and finally, near the close of may, hamilton, in a confidential and highly interesting letter, wrote to him, saying:-- "at the present dangerous crisis of public affairs, i make no apology for troubling you with a political letter. your impressions of our situation, i am persuaded, are not different from mine. there is certainly great probability that we may have to enter into a very serious struggle with france; and it is more and more evident that the powerful faction which has for years opposed the government is determined to go every length with france. i am sincere in declaring my full conviction, as the result of a long course of observation, that they are ready to _new model_ our constitution, under the _influence_ or _coercion_ of france; to form with her a perpetual alliance, _offensive_ and _defensive_; and to give her a monopoly of our trade, by _peculiar_ and _exclusive_ privileges. this would be in substance, whatever it might be in name, to make this country a province of france. neither do i doubt that her standard, displayed in this country, would be directly or indirectly seconded by them, in pursuance of the project i have mentioned. "it is painful and alarming to remark that the opposition faction assumes so much a geographical complexion. as yet, from the south of maryland, nothing has been heard but accounts of disapprobation of our government, and approbation of our apology for france. this is a most portentous symptom, and demands every human effort to change it. "in such a state of public affairs, it is impossible not to look up to you, and to wish that your influence could in some proper mode be brought into direct action." hamilton then suggested the propriety of washington's taking a tour southward, which would call out the people in public demonstrations, and would give him an opportunity of expressing sentiments which would throw the weight of his character into the scale of the government, and revive an enthusiasm for his person that might be turned into a right channel. he concluded by saying: "you ought to be aware, my dear sir, that in the event of an open rupture with france, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country; and, though all who are attached to you will, from attachment, as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom i converse that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. all your past labor may demand, to give it efficacy, this further--this great sacrifice." notwithstanding these alarm-bell notes from hamilton, in whose political sagacity washington had unbounded confidence, he could not bring himself to believe that actual war between the two countries would ensue. "you may be assured," he replied, "that my mind is deeply impressed with the present situation of our public affairs, and not a little agitated by the outrageous conduct of france toward the united states, and at the unparalleled conduct of its partisans, who aid and abet their measures. you may believe further, from assurances equally sincere, that, if there was anything in my power, which could be done with consistency, to avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should be rendered with hand and heart. "but, my dear sir, dark as matters appear at present, and expedient as it is to be prepared at all points for the worst that can happen--and no one is more disposed to this measure than i am--i can not make up my mind yet for the expectation of _open war_, or, in other words, for a formidable invasion by france. i can not believe, although i think them capable of anything bad, that they will attempt to do more than they have done; or that, when they perceive the spirit and policy of this country rising into resistance, and that they have falsely calculated upon support from a large part of the _people_ thereof to promote their views and influence in it, they will not desist even from these practices, unless unexpected events in europe, and their possession of louisiana and the floridas, should induce them to continue the measure. and i believe further, that, although the _leaders_ of their party in this country will not change their sentiments, they will be obliged, nevertheless, to change their plan, or the mode of carrying it on, from the effervescence which is appearing in all quarters, and from the desertion of their followers, which must frown them into silence, at least for awhile. "if i did not view things in this light, my mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it is; for, if a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty or a call from my country should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, i should prepare for the relinquishment, and go with as much reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as i should do to the tomb of my ancestors. "to say at this time, determinately, what i should do under such circumstances, might be improper, having once before departed from a similar resolution; but i may declare _to you_, that, as there is no conviction in my breast that i could serve my country with more efficiency in the command of the armies it might levy than many others, an expression of its wish that i should do so must, somehow or other, be unequivocally known, to satisfy my mind, that, notwithstanding the respect in which i may be held on account of former services, a preference might not be given to a man more in his prime; and it might well be supposed, too, that i should like precisely to know who would be my coadjutors, and whether you would be disposed to take an active part, if arms are to be resorted to."[ ] president adams found himself placed in a most perplexing position by the authority given him by congress to form a provisional army, with its complement of major-generals and their subordinate officers. he had no military knowledge upon which his judgment might rely. among the surviving officers of the revolution, he perceived none in whom he felt implicit confidence as a wise adviser, or as a proper person for generalissimo of the new army; and, like all his fellow citizens, he turned to washington as the mæcenas upon whose sagacious counsels the safety of the republic depended in that critical hour. he well knew how painful it would be for the retired president to be again drawn into active public life; and he also well knew that it had ever been a controlling maxim of washington's life never to allow personal considerations to interfere with the public welfare. impressed with this fact, adams wrote to washington on the twenty-second of june, saying: "in forming an army, whenever i must come to that extremity, i am at an immense loss whether to call on all the old generals, or to appoint a young set. if the french come here, we must learn to march with a quick step, and to attack, for in that way only they are said to be vulnerable. i must tax you sometimes for advice. we must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. there will be more efficiency in it than in many an army." four days afterward, m'henry, the secretary of war, wrote: "you see how the storm thickens, and that our vessel will soon require its ancient pilot. will you--may we flatter ourselves that, in a crisis so awful and important, you will accept the command of all our armies? i hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united." the letters of the president and of the secretary of war were detained on the way. they both reached washington on the fourth of july, and were answered on the same day. he assured the president that, as far as was in his power, he should be ready to support the administration; and, "to render it easy, happy, and honorable," he said, "you may command me without reserve." after alluding to his former opinion that the united states were in no danger of invasion from a foreign power, he added: "but this seems to be an age of wonders; and it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless france (for purposes of providence far beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter its own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. "from a view of the past and the present," he continued, "and from the prospect of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. in case of _actual invasion_ by a formidable force, i certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. if there be good cause--which must be better known to the government than to private citizens--to expect such an event, delay in preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence." after again expressing his conviction that the french would not, in the face of the unequivocal display of public opinion in the united states in favor of resenting the national insults, proceed to the extremity of actual war, he said: "having with candor made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only that i should add, that, to those who know me best, it is best known that, if imperious circumstances should induce me to renounce the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life--at a period, too, when repose is most congenial to nature, and a calm indispensable to contemplation--it would be productive of sensations more easily conceived than expressed." washington concluded his letter with valuable hints about officering the provisional army. he suggested that the "old set of generals," who were in the war for independence, might not have "sufficient activity, energy, and health," for the widely-different service into which they would be called; and that the more energetic of younger officers should be preferred. he specially advised the president to be very judicious in the choice of the general staff of the army. "if this corps," he said, "is not composed of respectable characters, who have a knowledge of the duties of their respective departments--able, active, and firm, and of incorruptible integrity and prudence, and withal such as the commander-in-chief can place entire confidence in--his plans and movements, if not defeated altogether, may be so embarrassed and retarded as to amount nearly to the same thing." to m'henry, washington wrote with all the freedom of intimate friendship, saying: "i see, as you do, that clouds are gathering, and that a storm may ensue; and i find, too, from a variety of hints, that my quiet under these circumstances does not promise to be of long continuance.... as my whole life has been dedicated to my country, in one shape or another, for the poor remains of it, it is not an object to contend for ease and quiet, when all that is valuable in it is at stake, farther than to be satisfied that the sacrifice i should make of them is acceptable and desired by my country. "the principles by which my conduct has been actuated through life would not suffer me, in any great emergency, to withhold any services i could render, required by my country; especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power, contrary to every principle of justice, and in violation of solemn compacts and laws, which govern all civilized nations.... in circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territorial rights, it would be difficult at any time for me to remain an idle spectator under the plea of age and retirement. with sorrow, it is true, i should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness i now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which, possibly, my strength and powers might be found incompetent. these, however, should not be stumbling-blocks in _my own_ way; but there are other things highly important for me to ascertain and settle before i could give a decided answer to your question. "first, the propriety, in the opinion of the public, so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversation, of my appearing again on a public theatre, after declaring the sentiments i did in my valedictory address, of september, . "secondly, a conviction in my own breast, from the best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country that the military force of it should be committed to my charge; and-- "thirdly, that the army now to be formed should be so appointed as to afford a well-grounded hope of its doing honor to the country, and credit to him who commands it in the field. on each of these heads you must allow me to make observations." washington then proceeded to give his views in detail, upon these three points, without reserve. he did not feel at liberty to do so to the president directly, because his excellency had only _hinted_ his wishes in delicate terms. his habits of intimacy with the secretary of war, and that officer's more explicit solicitations, made him feel free to lay his sentiments before him. at the same time, he gave mr. m'henry liberty to show his letter to the president. on the second of july, before washington had received these letters, president adams nominated him to the senate as "lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of all the armies raised and to be raised in the united states." the senate confirmed the nomination, by unanimous vote, on the same day; and secretary m'henry was despatched to mount vernon a few days afterward, to bear the commission to washington. he also bore a letter from the president, and open instructions concerning his interview with the new commander-in-chief.[ ] "mr. m'henry, secretary of war," wrote the president, "will have the honor to wait on you in my behalf, to impart to you a step i have ventured to take, which i should have been happy to have communicated in person, had such a journey, at this time, been in my power. my reasons for this measure will be too well known to need any explanation to the public. every friend and every enemy to america will comprehend them at first blush. to you, sir, i owe all the apology i can make. the urgent necessity i am in of your advice and assistance--indeed, of your conduct and direction of the war--is all i can urge; and that is a sufficient justification to myself and to the world. i hope it will be so considered by yourself. mr. m'henry will have the honor to consult you upon the organization of the army, and upon everything relating to it." on the day of the nomination, m'henry wrote to washington, not knowing at that moment that he would be the bearer of the general's commission. after speaking of the nomination and the confirmation, he added: "thus you are again called upon by all voices to fill a station which all think you alone qualified for at this moment. i know what must be your feelings, and how many motives you must have for preferring the privacy you are in the enjoyment of, to the troubles and perplexities of a commander of an army. this, however, is the crowning sacrifice which i pray to god you may agree to make for the sake of your country, and give the last finish to a fame nothing short of such a call and the present occasion could have been capable of increasing." on the eighth of july, hamilton wrote to washington, saying: "i was surprised that your nomination had been without any previous consultation of you. convinced of the goodness of the motives, it would be useless to scan the propriety of the step. it is taken, and the question is, 'what, under the circumstances, ought to be done?' i use the liberty which my attachment to you and to the public authorizes, to offer my opinion that you should not decline the appointment. it is evident that the public satisfaction at it is lively and universal. it is not to be doubted that the circumstances will give an additional spring to the public mind--will tend much to unite, and will facilitate the measures which the conjunction requires. on the other hand, your declining would certainly produce the opposite effects--would throw a great damp upon the ardor of the country, inspiring the idea that the crisis was not really serious or alarming. at least, then, let me entreat you--and in this all your friends, indeed all good citizens, will unite--that, if you do not give an unqualified acceptance, that you accept provisionally, making your entering upon the duties to depend on future events, so that the community may look up to you as their certain commander. but i prefer a simple acceptance." the meeting of washington and the secretary of war was cordial, and their communications were free and unreserved. the former had reflected upon the situation of his country, and its demands upon his services, and had, though with a heavy heart, determined to accept the appointment, provided he could be permitted to select for the higher departments of the army, and especially for the military staff, those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. m'henry assured him that his wishes in that respect would be complied with; and, before the secretary left, washington gave him a list of officers, according to an arrangement which he should recommend.[ ] on the thirteenth of july, washington wrote his letter of acceptance to president adams, and placed it in the hands of the secretary of war, who left mount vernon on that day. "i can not express," he said, "how greatly affected i am at this new proof of public confidence, and the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication; at the same time, i must not conceal from you my earnest wish that the choice had fallen on a man less declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war. "you know, sir, what calculations i had made relative to the probable course of events on my retiring from office, and the determination i had consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode. you will, therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations i must have experienced to bring my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to leave scenes i sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. "it was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to, recent transactions. the conduct of the directory of france toward our country, their insidious hostilities to its government, their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it, the evident tendency of their arts and those of their agents to countenance and invigorate opposition, their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations, their war upon our defenceless commerce, their treatment of our minister of peace, and their demands amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments with those which my countrymen have so generally expressed in their addresses to you. believe me, sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and prudent measures of your administration. they ought to inspire universal confidence; and will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. "satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavored to avert the war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust the final result to that kind providence which has heretofore and so often signally favored the people of these united states. "thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person, of every description, to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when everything we hold dear is so seriously threatened, i have finally determined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states; with the reserve only, that i shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. "in making this reservation, i beg to be understood that i do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army which you may think i can afford. i take the liberty also to mention that i must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public, and that i can not receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment before entering into a situation to incur expense." footnotes: [ ] hamilton expressed his willingness to enter the army, if he should be invited to a station in which the service he might render might be proportionate to the sacrifice he was to make. "if you command," he said, "the place in which i should hope to be most useful is that of inspector-general, with a command in the line. this i would accept." [ ] the following were m'henry's instructions:-- "it is my desire that you embrace the first opportunity to set out on your journey to mount vernon, and wait on general washington with the commission of lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, which, by the advice and consent of the senate, has been signed by me. "the reasons and motives which prevailed on me to venture on such a step as the nomination of this great and illustrious character, whose voluntary resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office i now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and important to escape the observation of any part of america or europe. but, as it is a movement of great delicacy, it will require all your address to communicate the subject in a manner that shall be inoffensive to his feelings, and consistent with all the respect that is due from me to him. "if the general should decline the appointment, all the world will be silent, and respectfully acquiesce. if he should accept, all the world, except the enemies of his country, will rejoice. if he should come to no decisive determination, but take the subject into consideration, i shall not appoint any other lieutenant-general until his conclusion is known. "his advice in the formation of a list of officers would be extremely desirable to me. the names of lincoln, morgan, knox, hamilton, gates, pinckney, lee, carrington, hand, muhlenburg, dayton, burr, brooks, cobb, smith, as well as the present commander-in-chief, may be mentioned to him, and any others that occur to you. particularly i wish to have his opinion on the men most suitable for inspector-general, adjutant-general, and quartermaster-general. "his opinion on all subjects would have great weight, and i wish you to obtain from him as much of his reflections upon the names and the service as you can." [ ] the arrangement was as follows:-- alexander hamilton, inspector. } charles c. pinckney, } major-generals. henry knox, or, if either refuses, } henry lee, } henry lee (if not major-general), } john brooks, } william s. smith, or } brigadiers. john eager howard, } edward hand, or } jonathan dayton, or } adjutant-general william s. smith (if not brigadier),} edward carrington, quartermaster-general. james craik, director of hospitals. chapter xl. hamilton acting commander-in-chief--arrangement of general officers--mortification of knox--his letter to washington--a soothing reply--knox offers himself as aid-de-camp--the president's indecision--washington's decided letter to the president--his arrangement of generals confirmed--tardiness in recruiting--remissness of the secretary of war--another letter to knox--he declines serving under hamilton--general pinckney's generous course--meeting of the generals in philadelphia--arrangements for the army--hamilton left in command--washington's suggestions--correspondence with lafayette. having accepted the appointment of commander-in-chief of the provisional army, washington entered at once upon the duties of his office by preparations for its organization. "i have consented to embark once more on the boundless ocean of responsibility and trouble," he wrote to hamilton; and added, "i rely upon you as a coadjutor and assistant in the turmoils i have consented to encounter." this, as we have observed, was washington's desire from the first moment when it appeared probable that he would be invited to take the leadership of the army; and, as we have seen, he placed hamilton first on the list of his generals, in his suggestions to the secretary of war. his reasons for this selection were given to the president many weeks afterward, when there appeared to be a disposition on the part of adams to reverse the order, and place knox at the head of the general staff. "although colonel hamilton," he said, "has never acted in the character of a general officer, yet his opportunities, as the principal and most confidential aid of the commander-in-chief, afforded him the means of viewing everything on a larger scale than those whose attention was confined to divisions or brigades, who knew nothing of the correspondences of the commander-in-chief, or of the various orders to or transactions with the general staff of the army. these advantages, and his having served with usefulness in the old congress, in the general convention, and having filled one of the most important departments of government with acknowledged abilities and integrity, have placed him on high ground, and made him a conspicuous character in the united states, and even in europe.... he is enterprising, quick in his perceptions, and his judgment intuitively great; qualities essential to a military character." thus appreciating hamilton, washington did not hesitate to place him in the position of acting commander-in-chief of the provisional army, it having been stipulated, as we have observed, that the lieutenant-general should not be called to the field unless under certain contingencies. washington's arrangement of the rank of his major-generals was made solely with reference to the public good. he apprehended that both knox and pinckney (the latter yet in europe) would feel aggrieved at the promotion of hamilton over their heads, they being his seniors in age and superiors in rank. yet he could not act otherwise than in accordance with the convictions of his judgment. and in placing the veteran knox below pinckney, he consulted the interests of his country rather than his own feelings. in communicating to knox the fact of his appointment, washington said: "as you have always found, and i trust ever will find, candor a prominent part of my character, i must add that causes, which would exceed the limits of an ordinary letter to explain, are in the way of such an arrangement as might render your situation perfectly agreeable; but i fondly hope that the difficulty will not be insurmountable in your decision." he then informed him that he had chosen colonel hamilton as his second in command, and general pinckney next; saying of the latter gentleman, that he was active, spirited, and intelligent, who, it was understood at the south, had made military tactics as much if not more his study than any officer in the continental army during the revolution. "his character, in other respects, in that quarter," he said, "before his late embassy, was also high; and throughout the union it has acquired celebrity by his conduct as minister and envoy. his connections are numerous, and their influence extensive. when to these considerations i add, as my decided opinion, for reasons unnecessary to enumerate, that if the french intend an invasion of this country in force, their operations will commence south of maryland, and probably of virginia, you will see at once the importance of embarking this gentleman and all his connections heartily in all the active scenes that would follow." he then expressed a hope that, in the impending struggle for everything that ought to be dear and sacred to freemen, former rank would be forgotten; and that, among the fit and chosen characters, the only contention would be, who should be foremost in zeal and patriotism at that crisis to serve his country, in whatever situation circumstances might place him. knox was deeply mortified by the preference given to hamilton and pinckney; and, in the moments of irritated pride, and at the impulse of deeply-wounded feelings, he wrote a warm reply to washington. "yesterday," he said, "i received your favor of the sixteenth instant, which i opened with all the delightful sensations of affection which i always before experienced upon the receipt of your letters. but i found, in its perusal, a striking instance of that vicissitude of human affairs and friendships which you so justly describe. i read it with astonishment, which, however, subsided in the reflection that few men well know themselves, and therefore that for more than twenty years i have been acting under a perfect delusion. conscious myself of entertaining for you a sincere, active, and invariable friendship, i easily believed it was reciprocal. nay, more; i flattered myself with your esteem, and respect in a military point of view. but i find that others, greatly my juniors in rank, have been, upon a scale of comparison, preferred before me. of this, perhaps, the world may also concur with you, that i have no just reason to complain. but every intelligent and just principle of society required, either that i should have been previously consulted on an arrangement in which my feelings and happiness have been so much wounded, or that i should not have been dragged forth to public view at all, to make the comparison so conspicuously odious. "i revere the cause of my country far beyond all my powers of description. i am charmed with its honorable and dignified proceedings relatively to foreign nations, under the former and present administrations of the supreme executive; and i shall be proud of an honorable opportunity of sealing the truth of these opinions with my blood. it will be to me a malignant shaft of fate, indeed, if i am to be excluded from active service by a constant sense of public insult and injury. "it would be absurd in me," he said, "to complain of an arrangement already made, with any view to a change." he then took a general survey of the whole matter, in an expostulary tone; expressed his belief that there had been some "management," of which washington was not apprized; and that, if there should be an invasion of the south, mr. pinckney might submit to the arrangement for a time. "but, if no such pressure should exist," he continued, "i have mistaken his character greatly if he will accept." after many remarks respecting the probable course of events in connection with the french, he said:-- "if such a train of events should occur (and events infinitely less probable have occurred in thick succession for the last seven years), all the military energy of america will be required. then an opportunity may be afforded in which a better value may be set upon my services than at the present, and i may be permitted to exert myself unshackled by any degradation of character. "i have received no other notification of an appointment than what the newspapers announce. when it shall please the secretary of war to give me the information, i shall endeavor to make him a suitable answer. at present, i do not perceive how it can possibly be to any other purport than in the negative.... in whatever situation i shall be," he said in conclusion, "i shall always remember with pleasure and gratitude the friendship and confidence with which you have heretofore honored me." this letter gave washington great pain. he loved knox very sincerely, and would not, without good cause, say or do anything to wound his feelings. he always spoke of him with the warmth of the most disinterested friendship. "there is no man in the united states," he wrote to president adams a few weeks later, "with whom i have been in habits of greater intimacy, no one whom i have loved more sincerely, nor any for whom i have had a greater friendship. but esteem, love, and friendship, can have no influence on my mind, when i conceive that the subjugation of our government and independence are the objects aimed at by the enemies of our peace, and where possibly our all is at stake." washington made an early reply to knox's epistle. "your letter," he said, "has filled my mind with disquietude and perplexity in the extreme; but i will say nothing in reply, intentionally, that shall give you a moment's pain." he then entered into an elaborate history of the circumstances under which the appointments were made, showing that such haste had been exercised, that the first intimation he had of his own appointment was from a newspaper paragraph and a private note from the secretary of war; and that it was impossible for him to consult general knox, who was then in boston, previous to the nomination of the general officers. feeling that his statements in a former letter ought to have been sufficiently explanatory to general knox, washington continued: "i do not know that these explanations will afford you any satisfaction, or produce any change in your determination, but it was just to myself to make them. if there has been any management in the business, it has been concealed from me. i have had no agency therein, nor have i conceived a thought on the subject that has not been disclosed to you with the utmost sincerity and frankness of heart. and now, notwithstanding the insinuations, which are implied in your letter, of the vicissitudes of friendship and the inconstancy of mine, i will pronounce with decision that it ever has been, and, notwithstanding the unkindness of the charge, ever will be, for aught i know to the contrary, warm and sincere. "i earnestly wished, on account of that friendship, as well as on the score of military talents, to have had the assistance of you and colonel hamilton in the arduous scenes with which we are threatened. i wish it still devoutly, as well on public as on private accounts; for dissentions of this sort will have an unhappy effect among the friends of government, while it will be sweet consolation to the french partisans, and food for their pride." washington's letter touched the heart of knox, and soothed his wounded spirit. "in your welcome and much-esteemed favor," he wrote in reply, "i recognize fully all the substantial friendship and kindness which i have always so invariably experienced from you." his former letter was written, he said, "under a pressure of various ideas, all sharpened by a strong sense of the comparison which had been publicly made between others" and himself. but, he said, in conclusion, "it is certainly far from my intention to embarrass, or to force myself unbidden into a station designed for another. it is neither my nature nor practice to excite dissention. i shall, therefore, submit to any proper authority. but, if an invasion shall take place, i shall deeply regret all circumstances which would insuperably bar my having an active command in the field. but, if such a measure should be my destiny, i shall fervently petition to serve as one of your aids-de-camp, which, with permission, i shall do with all the cordial devotion and attachment of which my soul is capable." during the autumn of , washington's time was alternately devoted to the business of his estate, and the duties of his responsible office. the latter occupied much the larger portion of his thoughts and exertions. difficulties, which gave him much trouble in the old war, now appeared--namely, questions of rank, and tardiness in the recruiting-service. the friends of knox, lacking that officer's love and veneration for washington, importuned the president, in whose hands resided the power to make military appointments, to reverse the order in which the lieutenant-general had named the major-generals. adams was secretly hostile to hamilton at that time, and was not favorable to his promotion; and he was strongly inclined to place knox at the head of the military staff, pinckney second, and hamilton third. this inclination produced some dissentions in his cabinet, when the jealous irritability of his temper, and his egotistical reliance upon his own judgment, made him resolve to change the order of the major-generals. when this subject, and the fact that the president intended to appoint an adjutant-general without the chief's concurrence, came before washington in official form, he wrote a decided letter to adams, giving him to understand that he should consider a refusal to place hamilton in the front rank, a breach of an agreement, not formally made, but fully implied, by the terms upon which the commander-in-chief accepted the appointment--a breach sufficient to justify his own resignation. this settled the matter, and the arrangement of the major-generals made by washington was not changed. in the same letter, the chief complained of the tardiness in the recruiting-service. "we are now near the end of september," he said, "and not a man recruited, nor a battalion-officer appointed, that has come to my knowledge. the consequence is, that the spirit and enthusiasm, which prevailed a month or two ago, and would have produced the _best_ men in a short time, are evaporating fast, and a month or two hence may induce but a few, and those perhaps of the _worst_ sort, to enlist. instead, therefore, of having the augmented force in a state of preparation, and under a course of discipline, it is now to be raised, and possibly may not be in existence when the enemy is in the field. we shall have to meet veteran troops, inured to conquest, with militia or raw recruits." washington also complained, at this time, of the remissness of the secretary of war in giving him full information. in a friendly but decisive tone he wrote to mr. m'henry on the subject. "short letters," he said, "taking _no notice_ of suggestions or queries, are unsatisfactory and distressing. considering the light in which i think my services have placed me, i should expect more attention from the _secretary of war_; but from mr. m'henry, as a friend and coadjutor, i certainly shall look for it." a month later, washington wrote a friendly letter to knox, urging him to accept the proffered appointment. the president had not, till then, made his final decision as to the relative position of knox and hamilton. the commander-in-chief again dwelt upon the cause of the selection. "if an amicable arrangement could have been settled between generals hamilton, pinckney, and yourself, previous to the nomination, it would have been perfectly satisfactory to me; but driven as i was to make it myself, at the time and in the manner it was transmitted, i was governed by the best views and best evidence i could obtain of the public sentiment relative thereto. the senate acted upon it under an impression that it was to remain so, and in that light the matter is understood by the public; and it would be uncandid not to add that i have found no cause since to believe that i mistook that sentiment. "we shall have," he continued, "either _no war_ or a _severe contest_ with france. in either case, if you will allow me to express my opinion, this is the most eligible time for you to come forward. in the first case, to assist with your counsel and aid in making judicious provisions and arrangements to avert it; in the other case, to share in the glory of defending your country, and, by making all secondary considerations yield to that great and primary object, display a mind superior to embarrassing punctilios at so critical a moment as the present. "after having expressed these sentiments, with the frankness of undisguised friendship, it is hardly necessary to add that, if you should finally decline the appointment of major-general, there is none to whom i would give a more decided preference as aid-de-camp, the offer of which is highly flattering, honorable, and grateful to my feelings, and for which i entertain a high sense. but, my dear general knox--and here, again, i speak to you in the language of candor and friendship--examine well your mind upon this subject. do not unite yourself to the suite of a man whom you may consider as the primary cause of what you call a degradation, with unpleasant sensations. this, while it was growing upon you, would, if i should come to the knowledge of it, make me unhappy; as my first wish would be, that my military family and the whole army should consider themselves as a band of brothers, willing and ready to die for each other." before this letter reached knox, he had heard of the decision of the president to place hamilton in the position for which washington had nominated him, and he had written to the secretary of war, declining the appointment, if compelled to serve under hamilton and pinckney, saying, "no officer can consent to his own degradation by serving in an inferior station." general pinckney's course was more patriotic and generous. he arrived at new york, from france, at the middle of october. washington had awaited this event with anxiety, for he was fearful that he might have a repetition of the difficulties with general knox. but pinckney cheerfully acquiesced in the arrangement, and accepted his commission. he expressed his pleasure at seeing the name of hamilton at the head of the major-generals, and applauded the commander-in-chief for his sagacity and discernment in placing it there. he also expressed his regret that general knox had declined his appointment, and that his feelings had been severely wounded by being outranked. he added, "if the authority which appointed me to the rank of second major in the army, will revise the arrangement, and place general knox before me, i will neither quit the service nor be dissatisfied." at the request of the secretary of war, washington repaired to philadelphia as early in november as a due regard to health would allow, the yellow fever having prevailed in that city during the autumn. he was requested to meet there generals hamilton and pinckney, to make arrangements respecting the provisional army about to be raised. m'henry had prepared a series of thirteen questions for their consideration, and washington propounded fourteen more, all bearing upon the construction and disposition of the army. for almost five weeks the three generals were closely engaged in the consideration of this subject, and thus the result of their deliberations was reduced to proper arrangement, in the form of two letters to the secretary of war, which were prepared by hamilton and signed by washington. while in philadelphia on this occasion, the latter was present at the opening of congress. this was his last visit to the seat of the federal government. washington returned to mount vernon about the twentieth of december, leaving the executive department of the provisional army in the hands of general hamilton. he still adhered to the opinion that there would be no actual war with france, or at least that the people of the united states need not have any fear of a french invasion; yet he acted upon the wise principle of being prepared. on his way home, being detained, he wrote out some general suggestions for the guidance of the secretary of war in the disposition of the army. arriving at mount vernon, washington was delighted with a letter from lafayette, who spoke with much feeling of the pleasure he derived from conversations with his son about that pleasant home on the potomac. the marquis then adverted to politics, and said it was his full persuasion that the french directory seriously desired to be at peace with the united states. under this conviction, he expressed a hope that washington would use his "influence to prevent the breach from widening, and to insure a noble and enduring reconciliation." in his reply to this portion of the letter, washington said, "you have expressed a wish worthy of the benevolence of your heart." he assured him that no man could deprecate a rupture between the two governments more than he. "you add," he said, "that the executive directory are disposed to an accommodation of all differences. if they are sincere in this declaration, let them evidence it by their actions; for words, unaccompanied therewith, will not be much regarded now. i would pledge myself that the government and people of the united states will meet them heart and hand, at a fair negotiation; having no wish more ardent than to live in peace with all the world, provided they are suffered to remain undisturbed in their just rights.... on the politics of europe, i shall express no opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or who is wrong. i wish well to all nations and to all men. my politics are plain and simple. i think every nation has a right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it may be most happy, provided it infracts no right, or is not dangerous to others; _and that no governments ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another_, except for the security of what is due to themselves." chapter xli. gloomy aspect of affairs--washington's hopefulness--the french directory alarmed--new mission to france--opposition to it--washington's views--envoys depart for france--napoleon bonaparte at the head of french affairs--result of the mission--washington at home--correspondence with young custis--marriage of nelly custis--preparations for improvements--washington makes his will--letter to lawrence lewis--plan for managing his estates--washington's latest correspondence. at the opening of the year , the political firmament was dark with the portentous clouds of war. washington yet viewed them with calmness, for he fully believed that they would pass by and leave his country unscathed by the lightning and the hail. already they had begun to break, and let the sunlight through. but these promises were discerned by few, while they were clear and full to the mental eye of the commander-in-chief and other sagacious men. they perceived that the military preparations made so vigorously by the united states had already begun to produce an effect upon the belligerent feelings of the french directory. the appointment of washington to the chief command of the american armies had filled the boastful leaders in france with alarm; and the wily talleyrand, with a sagacity possessed by few of his compeers, had already turned his thoughts toward reconciliation, and made indirect exertions to induce the united states to offer amicable overtures. he at length wrote to the french secretary of legation at the hague, intimating that any minister plenipotentiary which the american government might be pleased to send to france, to negotiate for the settlement of existing difficulties between the two countries, would undoubtedly be received with all due respect. a copy of this letter was immediately communicated by the secretary to william vans murray, the united states minister at the hague, who transmitted it to his government. mr. murray's despatch gave president adams much joy. he had been greatly perplexed by the belligerent attitude assumed by the united states and france toward each other. he now perceived an open door of escape from the whole difficulty; and, apparently without considering the impropriety, under the circumstances, of making any overtures to the french republic, he laid the whole matter before the senate on the eighteenth of february, at the same time nominating mr. murray to be minister plenipotentiary to that republic. the president pledged himself that mr. murray should not enter france without having first received direct and unequivocal assurances from talleyrand that he should be received as full minister, and be treated with by an officer of equal grade. this nomination took the country by surprise. much as washington desired peace, he was unwilling to obtain it by a sacrifice of national dignity. to timothy pickering he wrote on the third of march, saying: "the unexpectedness of the event communicated in your letter of the twenty-first ultimo did, as you may suppose, surprise me not a little. but far, very far indeed, was this surprise short of what i experienced the next day, when, by a very intelligent gentleman, immediately from philadelphia, i was informed that there had been no _direct_ overture from the government of france to that of the united states for a negotiation; on the contrary, that m. talleyrand was playing the same loose and round-about game he had attempted the year before with our envoys, and which, as in that case, might mean anything or nothing, as would subserve his purposes best. "had we approached the ante-chamber of this gentleman when he opened the door to us," he continued, "and there waited for a formal invitation into the interior, the governments would have met upon equal ground, and we might have advanced or receded according to circumstances, without commitment. in plain words, had we said to m. talleyrand, through the channel of his communication, 'we still are, as we always have been, ready to settle by fair negotiation all differences between the two nations upon open, just, and honorable terms, and it rests with the directory (after the indignities with which _our_ attempts to effect this have been treated), if they are equally sincere, to come forward in an unequivocal manner, and prove it by their acts'--such conduct would have shown a dignified willingness on our part to negotiate, and would have proved their sincerity on the other. under my present view of the subject, this would have been the course i should have pursued, keeping equally in view the horrors of war and the dignity of the government." the disposition throughout the country to avoid war if possible, had great influence upon the president and the senate; but, before the latter made a decision on the nomination of mr. murray, the whole subject was seriously considered. it was finally concluded to associate two others with murray. the president accordingly nominated oliver wolcott and patrick henry. these nominations were immediately confirmed by the unanimous vote of the senate. the latter gentleman declined the commission, on account of his advanced age and increasing debilities, but with the assurance that "nothing short of absolute necessity" could induce him to withhold what little aid he could give "an administration whose abilities, patriotism, and virtue, deserved the gratitude and reverence of all their fellow citizens." governor william r. davie, of north carolina, was appointed in henry's place; and mr. murray, still at the hague, was instructed to apprize talleyrand of the appointments, but to inform him that the envoys would not embark until the directory should give assurances that they would be received with courtesy due to their rank, and treated with on terms of perfect equality. he was also instructed not to have any further informal communications with agents of the french republic. it was october before the president received assurances of the proper reception of the envoys, and they did not leave for france until november. meanwhile, although war between the two nations had not been formally declared, it actually existed upon the ocean. hostile collisions had taken place between vessels belonging to the two governments; and upward of three hundred private american vessels had been armed for self-defence. from the beginning, some of the best friends of mr. adams had deprecated the new mission to france. the nominations had been made by the president without consulting his cabinet; and both pickering, the secretary of state, and m'henry, the secretary of war, lamented the occurrence, not only because it was undignified, but because it was likely to complicate the already perplexing relations with the french. they remonstrated, but the president refused to listen. hamilton, gouverneur morris, and other supporters of the administration, were equally opposed to the measure, but the president paid little heed to their opinions. this produced a feud between the president and his cabinet, which made washington uneasy, for the times were too ominous of mischief to the government to make such feud otherwise than perilous in a degree to the commonwealth. "i have, some time past," wrote washington to pickering late in november, just after the departure of the envoys, "viewed the political concerns of the united states with an anxious and painful eye. they appear to me to be moving by hasty strides to a crisis; but in what it will result, that being, who sees, foresees, and directs all things, alone can tell. the vessel is afloat, or very nearly so, and, considering myself as a passenger only, i shall trust to the mariners (whose duty it is to watch) to steer it into safe port." fortunately for all parties concerned, when the american envoys reached france, a change in the french government had taken place. napoleon bonaparte was at the head of the civil and military affairs of the nation, with the title of first consul. the weak directory had yielded to the increasing powers of that wonderful man, and his energy and audacity had rescued france from impending anarchy and ruin. he promptly received the united states embassadors; and, several months afterward, he concluded a treaty with them, and gave them such assurances of friendship, that, on their return home, the provisional army was disbanded. the commander-in-chief, meanwhile, had been laid in the grave. washington did not live to see the clouds break and disperse according to the prophecies of his faith. we have anticipated events, in order that a glimpse might be given of the conclusion of the difficulties with france. let us now turn back to the beginning of , and consider washington personally during that last year of his life. to his family it opened with joy, and closed in sorrow. at the beginning of the year, there were preparations in progress at mount vernon for an event which gave pleasure to washington--the marriage of lawrence lewis, his favorite nephew, with nelly custis, his adopted daughter, of whose mutual attachment we have already spoken. at the same time, washington was much perplexed concerning nelly's brother george, who was then a youth of eighteen, talented but wayward. he had been in college for a few years, first at princeton and then at annapolis; and now, on account of his unwillingness to return to the latter place, he had been for some time pursuing his studies at home, under the eye of his foster father, but with indifferent success. the correspondence between them, for several years, to which allusion has already been made, reveals the anxiety with which washington watched the development of his foster-son--sometimes hoping, sometimes almost despairing, yet always kind, though firm.[ ] nelly custis was married at mount vernon on friday, the twenty-second of february, , washington's birthday. it was a bright and beautiful day. "the early spring flowers were budding in the hedges, and the blue-bird, making its way cautiously northward, gave a few joyous notes in the garden that morning. the occasion was one of great hilarity at mount vernon, for the bride was beloved by all; and major lewis, the bridegroom, had ever been near to the heart of his uncle, since the death of his mother, who so much resembled her illustrious brother, that when, in sport, she would place a chapeau on her head, and throw a military cloak over her shoulders, she might easily have been mistaken for the chief."[ ] it was the wish of nelly that her foster-father should wear, on that occasion, the splendidly-embroidered uniform which the board of general officers had adopted as the costume of the commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, but he could not be persuaded to wear a suit bedizened with tinsel. he preferred the plain old continental blue and buff, and the modest, black-ribbon cockade. magnificent white plumes, which general pinckney had presented to him, he gave to the bride; and to the reverend thomas davis, rector of christ church, alexandria, who performed the marriage ceremony, he presented an elegant copy of mrs. macaulay's history of england, in eight octavo volumes, saying, when he handed them to him: "these, sir, were written by a remarkable lady, who visited america many years ago; and here is also her treatise on the _immutability of moral truth_, which she sent me just before her death. read it, and return it to me." with characteristic modesty, washington made no allusion to the fact that mrs. macaulay (catharine macaulay graham) crossed the atlantic, in the spring of , for no other purpose, as she avowed, than to see the great leader of the american armies, whom she revered as a second moses.[ ] during the spring, washington made preparations for changes and improvements in his estate. he appeared at times to feel that the end of his earthly pilgrimage was near. in a letter written to mr. m'henry in march, after alluding to the inconvenience of leaving home, on public business, on account of the demands upon his attention by his private affairs, he said: "this is not all, nor the worst; for, being the executor, the administrator, and trustee, for others' estates, my greatest anxiety is to leave all these concerns in such a clear and distinct form, that no reproach may attach itself to me when i shall have taken my departure for the land of spirits." in april, he surveyed with his own hands, and made a chart of some lands belonging to him near alexandria, which he bequeathed to the late mr. custis. "to complete this," he wrote, "employed nearly three days."[ ] in july, he wrote and executed his last will and testament. it was written entirely by himself; and at the bottom of each page of the manuscript he signed his name in full--george washington.[ ] in september, lawrence lewis, who, with his wife, was still residing at mount vernon, applied to washington for a portion of his estate. lewis was then on a visit with his friends at fredericksburg, and washington wrote to him as follows:-- "mount vernon, _ th september, ._ "dear sir: from the moment mrs. washington and myself adopted the two youngest children of the late mr. custis, it became my intention (if they survived me, and conducted themselves to my satisfaction) to consider them in my will when i was about to make a distribution of my property. this determination has undergone no diminution, but is strengthened by the connection one of them has formed with my family. "the expense at which i live, and the unproductiveness of my estate, will not allow me to lessen my income while i remain in my present situation. on the contrary, were it not for occasional supplies of money in payment for lands sold within the last four or five years, to the amount of upward of fifty thousand dollars, i should not be able to support the former without involving myself in debt and difficulties. "but as it has been understood, from expressions occasionally dropped from nelly custis, now your wife, that it is the wish of you both to settle in this neighborhood, contiguous to her friends, and as it would be inexpedient as well as expensive for you to make a purchase of land, when a measure which is in contemplation would place you on more eligible ground, i shall inform you that, in the will which i have made, which i have by me, and have no disposition to alter, that the part of my mount vernon tract which lies north of the public road leading from the gum spring to colchester, containing about two thousand acres, with the dogue-river farm, mill, and distillery, i have left you. gray's heights is bequeathed to you and her jointly, if you incline to build on it; and few better sites for a house than gray's hill and that range, are to be found in this country or elsewhere. "you may also have what is properly dogue-run farm, the mill, and distillery, on a just and equitable rent; as also the lands belonging thereto, on a reasonable hire, either next year, or the year following--it being necessary, in my opinion, that a young man should have objects of employment. idleness is disreputable under any circumstances; productive of no good, even when unaccompanied by vicious habits; and you might commence building as soon as you please, during the progress of which mount vernon might be made your home. "you may conceive that building before you have an absolute title to the land is hazardous. to obviate this, i shall only remark that it is not likely any occurrence will happen, or any change take place, that would alter my present intention (if the conduct of yourself and wife is such as to merit a continuance of it); but be this as it may, that you may proceed on sure ground with respect to the buildings, i will agree--and this letter shall be an evidence of it--that if hereafter i should find cause to make any other disposition of the property _here_ mentioned, i will pay the actual cost of such buildings to you or yours. "although i have not the most distant idea that any event will happen that could effect a change in my present determination, nor any suspicions that you or nelly could conduct yourselves in such a manner as to incur my serious displeasure, yet, at the same time that i am inclined to do justice to others, it behooves me to take care of myself, by keeping the staff in my own hands. "that you may have a more perfect idea of the landed property i have bequeathed to you and nelly in my will, i transmit a plan of it, every part of which is correctly laid down and accurately measured, showing the number of fields, lots, meadows, &c., with the contents and relative situation of each; all of which, except the mill and swamp, which has never been considered as a part of dogue-run farm, and is retained merely for the purpose of putting it into a better state of improvement, you may have on the terms before-mentioned. "with every kind wish for you and nelly, in which your aunt, who is still much indisposed, unites, "i remain your affectionate uncle, "geo. washington." little did any of the parties concerned then suppose that in less than three months the hand that penned this letter would be paralyzed by death; and that the will, so lately written by that hand, would so soon call for executors. during the autumn, washington digested a complete system of management for his estate for several succeeding years, in which were tables designating the rotation of crops. the document occupied thirty folio pages, all written in his clear and peculiar style. it was completed only four days before his death, and was accompanied by a letter to james anderson, the manager of his farms, dated on the same day (december th), in which he gave him some special directions, as if the master was about to depart on a journey. this appears the more singular, as washington expected to reside at home, and exercise a personal supervision of the whole. in his letter to anderson, washington remarked:-- "economy in all things is as commendable in the manager as it is beneficial and desirable to the employer; and, on a farm, it shows itself in nothing more evidently or more essentially than in not suffering any provender to be wasted, but, on the contrary, in taking care that every atom of it be used to the best advantage; and likewise in not permitting the ploughs, harness, and other implements of husbandry, and the gears belonging to them, to be unnecessarily exposed, trodden under foot, run over by carts, and abused in other respects. more good is derived from attending to the minutiæ of a farm than strikes people at first view; and examining the farmyard fences, and looking into the fields to see that nothing is there but what is allowed to be there, is oftentimes the means of producing more good, or at least of avoiding more evil, than can be accomplished by riding from one working-party or overseer to another. i have mentioned these things, not only because they have occurred to me, but because, although apparently trifles, they prove far otherwise in the result." during the year, washington had conducted the preparations of the provisional army for the field almost wholly through the medium of letters. these were numerous and sometimes voluminous, and exhibit his constant watchfulness and care. one of his later letters to the secretary of war was in reference to a plan of hamilton's for _hutting_ the troops then in the field; and the last letter which, it is believed, he ever wrote--having been penned on the day when he was attacked by fatal disease--was to general hamilton, on a topic of public interest. hamilton had communicated to the secretary of war his views concerning the establishment of a military academy. a copy of this paper he transmitted to the commander-in-chief, with a request that he would give it his consideration. to this washington replied:-- "the establishment of an institution of this kind, upon a respectable and extensive basis, has ever been considered by me as an object of primary importance to this country; and, while i was in the chair of government, i omitted no proper opportunity of recommending it, in my public speeches and otherwise, to the attention of the legislature. but i never undertook to go into a detail of the organization of such an academy; leaving this task to others, whose pursuit in the path of science, and attention to the arrangement of such institutions, had better qualified them for the execution of it. for the same reason, i must now decline making any observations on the details of your plan; and, as it has already been submitted to the secretary of war, through whom it will naturally be laid before congress, it might be too late for alterations, if any should be suggested. i sincerely hope that the subject will meet with due attention, and that the reasons for its establishment, which you have so clearly pointed out in your letter to the secretary, will prevail upon the legislature to place it upon a permanent and respectable footing." footnotes: [ ] the young man alluded to was the late george washington parke custis, of arlington house, virginia, who lived to become the last surviving executor of washington's will, and who died at his seat, on the tenth of october, , when in the seventy-seventh year of his age. mr. custis prepared for the press a series of articles concerning the public and private life of his foster-father, which the present writer arranged, annotated, and published, under the title of "recollections and private memoirs of washington, by his adopted son." in that work is given a series of letters, composing portions of a correspondence between washington and young custis, during the period when the latter was in college, first at princeton, in new jersey, and then at annapolis, in maryland. from washington's letters the following extracts have been taken, to show the parental solicitude which he felt for this talented but somewhat wayward boy, who was the idol of his grandmother, mrs. washington:-- "philadelphia, _ th november, ._ "dear washington: yesterday's mail brought me your letter of the twelfth instant, and under cover of this letter you will receive a ten dollar bill, to purchase a gown, &c., if proper. but as the classes may be distinguished by a different insignia, i advise you not to provide these without first obtaining the approbation of your tutors; otherwise you may be distinguished more by folly than by the dress. "it affords me pleasure to hear that you are agreeably fixed; and i receive still more from the assurance you give of attending closely to your studies. it is you yourself who is to derive immediate benefit from these. your country may do it hereafter. the more knowledge you acquire, the greater will be the probability of your succeeding in both, and the greater will be your thirst for more. "i rejoice to hear you went through your examination with propriety, and have no doubt but that the president has placed you in the class which he conceived best adapted to the present state of your improvement. the more there are above you, the greater your exertions should be to ascend; but let your promotion result from your own application, and from intrinsic merit, not from the labors of others. the last would prove fallacious, and expose you to the reproach of the daw in borrowed feathers. this would be inexcusable in you, because there is no occasion for it, forasmuch as you need nothing but the exertion of the talents you possess, with proper directions, to acquire all that is necessary; and the hours allotted for study, if properly improved, will enable you to do this. although the confinement may feel irksome at first, the advantages resulting from it, to a reflecting mind, will soon overcome it. "endeavor to conciliate the good will of _all_ your fellow-students, rendering them every act of kindness in your power. be particularly obliging and attentive to your chamber-mate, mr. forsyth; who, from the account i have of him, is an admirable young man, and strongly impressed with the importance of a liberal and finished education. but, above all, be obedient to your tutors, and in a particular manner respect the president of the seminary, who is both learned and good. "for any particular advantages you may derive from the attention and aid of mr. forsyth, i shall have a disposition to reward. one thing more, and i will close this letter. never let an indigent person ask, without receiving _something_, if you have the means; always recollecting in what light the widow's mite was viewed." philadelphia, _nov_. , . "the assurances you give me of applying diligently to your studies, and fulfilling those obligations which are enjoined by your creator and due to his creatures, are highly pleasing and satisfactory to me. i rejoice in it on two accounts: first, as it is the sure means of laying the foundation of your own happiness, and rendering you, if it should please god to spare your life, a useful member of society hereafter: and, secondly, that i may, if i live to enjoy the pleasure, reflect that i have been, in some degree, instrumental in effecting these purposes. "you are now extending into that stage of life when good or bad habits are formed; when the mind will be turned to things useful and praiseworthy, or to dissipation and vice. fix on whichever it may, it will stick by you; for you know it has been said, and truly, that 'as the twig is bent so it will grow.' this, in a strong point of view, shows the propriety of letting your inexperience be directed by maturer advice, and in placing guard upon the avenues which lead to idleness and vice. the latter will approach like a thief, working upon your passions--encouraged, perhaps, by bad examples--the propensity to which will increase in proportion to the practice of it, and your yielding. this admonition proceeds from the purest affection for you; but i do not mean by it that you are to become a stoic, or to deprive yourself, in the intervals of study, of any recreations or manly exercise which reason approves. "'tis well to be on good terms with all your fellow-students, and i am pleased to hear you are so; but while a courteous behavior is due to all, select the most deserving only for your friendships, and, before this becomes intimate, weigh their dispositions and character _well_. true friendship is a plant of slow growth; to be sincere, there must be a congeniality of temper and pursuits. virtue and vice can not be allied; nor can idleness and industry. of course, if you resolve to adhere to the two former of these extremes, an intimacy with those who incline to the latter of them would be extremely embarrassing to you: it would be a stumbling-block in your way, and act like a millstone hung to your neck, for it is the nature of idleness and vice to obtain as many votaries as they can. "i would guard you, too, against imbibing hasty and unfavorable impressions of any one. let your judgment always balance well before you decide; and even then, where there is no occasion for expressing an opinion, it is best to be silent, for there is nothing more certain than that it is at all times more easy to make enemies than friends. and besides, to speak evil of any one, unless there are unequivocal proofs of their deserving it, is an injury for which there is no adequate reparation. for, as shakespeare says, 'he that robs me of my good name enriches not himself, but renders me poor indeed,' or words to that effect. keep in mind that scarcely any change would be agreeable to you at _first_, from the sudden transition, and from never having been accustomed to shift or rough it; and, moreover, that if you meet with collegiate fare, it will be unmanly to complain. my paper reminds me it is time to conclude." "mount vernon, _th june_, . "your letter of the twenty-ninth ultimo came to hand by the post of friday, and eased my mind of many unpleasant sensations and reflections on your account. it has, indeed, done more--it has filled it with pleasure more easy to be conceived than expressed; and if your sorrow and repentance for the disquietude occasioned by the preceding letter--your resolution to abandon the ideas which were therein expressed--are sincere, i shall not only heartily forgive, but will forget also, and bury in oblivion all that has passed.... "you must not suffer the resolution you have recently entered into, to operate as the mere result of a momentary impulse, occasioned by the letters you have received from hence. this resolution should be founded on sober reflection, and a thorough conviction of your error; otherwise it will be as wavering as the wind, and become the sport of conflicting passions, which will occasion such a lassitude in your exertions as to render your studies of little avail. to insure permanency, think seriously of the advantages which are to be derived, on the one hand, from the steady pursuit of a course of study to be marked out by your preceptor, whose judgment, experience, and acknowledged abilities, enables him to direct them; and, on the other hand, revolve as seriously on the consequences which would inevitably result from an indisposition to this measure, or from an idle habit of hankering after unprofitable amusements at your time of life, before you have acquired that knowledge which would be found beneficial in every situation--i say _before_, because it is not my wish that, having gone through the essentials, you should be deprived of any rational amusement _afterward_; or, lastly, from dissipation in such company as you would most likely meet under such circumstances, who but too often mistake ribaldry for wit, and rioting, swearing, intoxication, and gambling, for manliness." young custis was placed in the college at annapolis in the spring of , when washington wrote to mr. m'dowell, the president, as follows:-- "mr. custis possesses competent talents to fit him for any studies, but they are counteracted by an indolence of mind which renders it difficult to draw them into action. doctor stuart having been an attentive observer of this, i shall refer you to him for the development of the causes, while justice from me requires i should add, that i know of no vice to which this inertness can be attributed. from drinking and gaming he is perfectly free; and if he has a propensity to any other impropriety, it is hidden from me. he is generous, and regardful of truth. "as his family, fortune, and talents (if the latter can be improved), give him just pretensions to become a useful member of society in the councils of his country, his friends, and none more than myself, are extremely desirous that his education should be liberal, polished, and suitable for this end." young custis did not remain long at annapolis. he was now eighteen years of age, and his mind was filled with visions of military glory. he received the appointment of cornet of horse, early in january, , and was soon afterward promoted to the position of aid-de-camp to general pinckney. as the army was not called to the field, he remained at mount vernon, awaiting orders. meanwhile, washington endeavored to keep him engaged in his studies, but with little success, as appears by the following extract from a letter to doctor stuart, young custis's stepfather, written on the twenty-second of january, , soon after the cornet received his appointment:-- "dear sir: washington leaves this to-day on a visit to hope park, which will afford you an opportunity to examine the progress he has made in the studies he was directed to pursue. "i can, and i believe i do, keep him in his room a certain portion of the twenty-four hours, but it will be impossible for me to make him attend to his books if inclination on his part is wanting; nor, while i am out, if he chooses to be so, is it in my power to prevent it. i will not say this is the case, nor will i run the hazard of doing him injustice, by saying he does not apply as he ought to what has been prescribed; but no risk will be run, and candor requires i should declare it as my opinion that he will not derive much benefit in any course which can be marked out for him at this place, without an _able_ preceptor always with him. i believe washington means well, but has not resolution to act well." for the entire correspondence alluded to, and a vast amount of information concerning the private life of washington, the reader is referred to custis's _recollections and private memoirs_ of the father of his country. [ ] lossing's _mount vernon and its associations_, page . [ ] ib., page . [ ] the original chart of this survey, made by washington's own hand, is preserved by the daughter of mr. custis (mrs. colonel robert e. lee), at arlington house. a _facsimile_ of it is published in custis's _recollections and private memoirs of washington_. [ ] the following is a true copy of washington's will:-- in the name of god, amen. i, george washington, of mount vernon, a citizen of the united states, and lately president of the same, do make, ordain, and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand, and every page thereof subscribed with my name, to be my last will and testament, revoking all others. _imprimis._--all my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid; and the legacies, hereinafter bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed. _item._--to my dearly beloved wife, _martha washington_, i give and bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. my improved lot in the town of alexandria, situated on pitt and cameron streets, i give to her and her heirs for ever; as i also do my household and kitchen furniture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may think proper. _item._--upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves whom i hold _in my own right_ shall receive their freedom. to emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower-negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences, to the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower-negroes are held, to manumit them.[ ] and whereas, among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all, who come under the first and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years; and, in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. the negroes thus bound are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the commonwealth of virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. and i do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth, of any slave i may die possessed of, under any pretence whatsoever. and i do, moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. and to my mulatto man, _william_, calling himself _william lee_, i give immediate freedom, or, if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active employment), to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so; in either case, however, i allow him an annuity of thirty dollars, during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first; and this i give him, as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war. _item._--to the trustees (governors, or by whatsoever other name they may be designated) of the academy in the town of alexandria, i give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or, in other words, twenty of the shares which i hold in the bank of alexandria, toward the support of a free school, established at, and annexed to, the said academy, for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons, as are unable to accomplish it with their own means, and who, in the judgment of the trustees of the said seminary, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. the aforesaid twenty shares i give and bequeath in perpetuity; the dividends only of which are to be drawn for and applied, by the said trustees for the time being, for the uses above mentioned; the stock to remain entire and untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof, should render a removal of this fund necessary. in either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above. and to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence whereof an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid toward the support of this institution. _item._--whereas, by a law of the commonwealth of virginia, enacted in the year , the legislature thereof was pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services i had rendered the public during the revolution, and partly, i believe, in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive from the extension of its inland navigation under legislative patronage, to present me with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company, established for the purpose of extending the navigation of james river from the tide-water to the mountains; and also with fifty shares, of £ sterling each, in the corporation of another company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the river potomac from the tide-water to fort cumberland; the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which i had adopted, and had never departed from, viz., not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services i could render my country in its arduous struggle with great britain for its rights, and because i had evaded similar propositions from other states in the union; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation that, if it should be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares to _public uses_, i would receive them on those terms with due sensibility; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honorable manner;--i proceed after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare; that, as it has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these united states sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised, on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils. looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation), my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure, than the establishment of a university in a central part of the united states, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof may be sent for the completion of their education, in all the branches of polite literature, in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good government, and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment, by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country. under these impressions, so fully dilated-- _item._--i give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares which i hold in the potomac company (under the aforesaid acts of the legislature of virginia), toward the endowment of a university, to be established within the limits of the district of columbia, under the auspices of the general government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand toward it; and, until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in the bank of columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the treasurer of the united states for the time being, under the direction of congress, provided that honorable body should patronize the measure; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock are to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained; of which i have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by the legislative authority, or from any other source. _item._--the hundred shares, which i hold in the james river company, i have given, and now confirm in perpetuity, to and for the use and benefit of liberty hall academy, in the county of rockbridge, in the commonwealth of virginia. _item._--i release, exonerate, and discharge the estate of my deceased brother, _samuel washington_, from the payment of the money which is due to me for the land i sold to _philip pendleton_ (lying in the county of berkeley), who assigned the same to him, the said _samuel_, who by agreement was to pay me therefor. and whereas, by some contract (the purport of which was never communicated to me) between the said _samuel_ and his son, _thornton washington_, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance having passed from me, either to the said _pendleton_, the said _samuel_, or the said _thornton_, and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has been alienated; it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the premises; and these are, to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said _thornton washington_ (who is also dead) devised the same, or to his heirs for ever, if he died intestate; exonerating the estate of the said _thornton_, equally with that of the said _samuel_, from payment of the purchase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said _pendleton_, would amount to more than a thousand pounds. and whereas two other sons of my said deceased brother _samuel_, namely, _george steptoe washington_ and _lawrence augustine washington_, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were committed, brought under my protection, and, in consequence, have occasioned advances on my part, for their education at college and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars, over and above the sums furnished by their estate, which sum it may be inconvenient for them or their father's estate to refund; i do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate from the payment thereof, my intention being, that all accounts between them and me, and their father's estate and me, shall stand balanced. _item._--the balance due to me from the estate of _bartholomew dandridge_, deceased (my wife's brother), and which amounted on the first day of october, , to four hundred and twenty-five pounds (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son, _john dandridge_, who was the acting executor of his father's will), i release and acquit from the payment thereof. and the negroes, then thirty-three in number, formerly belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on my account, in the year (_blank_), and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of _mary_, widow of the said _bartholomew dandridge_, with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same for the time past, or to come, during her natural life; at the expiration of which, i direct that all of them who are forty years old and upward shall receive their freedom; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age, and then be free. and, to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concerning the same. and i further direct, that the heirs of the said _bartholomew dandridge_ shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negroes, according to the tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. _item._--if _charles carter_, who intermarried with my niece, _betty lewis_, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of fredericksburg, it is my will and desire, that my executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. _item._--to my nephew, _william augustine washington_, and his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting), a lot in the town of manchester (opposite to richmond), no. , drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of one or two hundred-acre lots, and two of three half-acre lots, in the city and vicinity of richmond, drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased _william byrd_, are given; as is also a lot which i purchased of _john hood_, conveyed by _william willie_ and _samuel gordon_, trustees of the said _john hood_, numbered , in the town of edinburgh, in the county of prince george, state of virginia. _item._--to my nephew, _bushrod washington_,[ ] i give and bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate to my civil and military administration of the affairs of this country. i leave to him also such of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, i give and bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. _item._--having sold lands which i possessed in the state of pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with _george clinton_, late governor of new york, in the state of new york, my share of land and interest in the great dismal swamp, and a tract of land which i owned in the county of gloucester,--withholding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration money should be paid,--and having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the great kenhawa, and a tract upon difficult run, in the county of loudoun, it is my will and direction, that whensoever the contracts are fully and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made, agreeably to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock; the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, are to inure to my said wife during her life; but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general distribution hereafter directed. _item._--to the _earl of buchan_ i recommit the "box made of the oak that sheltered the great sir _william wallace_, after the battle of falkirk," presented to me by his lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request "to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country, who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." whether easy or not to select the man, who might comport with his lordship's opinion in this respect, is not for me to say; but, conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the goldsmiths' company of edinburgh, who presented it to him, and, at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me, i do give and bequeath the same to his lordship; and, in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honor of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favorable sentiments with which he accompanied it. _item._--to my brother, _charles washington_, i give and bequeath the gold-headed cane left me by dr. _franklin_ in his will. i add nothing to it, because of the ample provision i have made for his issue. to the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, _lawrence washington_ and _robert washington_, of chotanck, i give my other two gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, i leave one of the spyglasses, which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. to my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend, dr. _craik_, i give my bureau (or, as the cabinet-makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. to dr. _david stuart_ i give my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. to the reverend, now _bryan, lord fairfax_, i give a bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, presented to me by the right reverend _thomas wilson_, bishop of sodor and man. to general _de lafayette_ i give a pair of finely-wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. to my sisters-in-law, _hannah washington_ and _mildred washington_, to my friends, _eleanor stuart, hannah washington_, of fairfield, and _elizabeth washington_, of hayfield, i give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. these bequests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementoes of my esteem and regard. to _tobias lear_ i give the use of the farm, which he now holds in virtue of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife (for and during their natural lives), free from rent during his life; at the expiration of which, it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter directed. to _sally b. haynie_ (a distant relation of mine) i give and bequeath three hundred dollars. to _sarah green_, daughter of the deceased _thomas bishop_, and to _ann walker_, daughter of _john alton_, also deceased, i give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me; each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. to each of my nephews, _william augustine washington_, _george lewis_, _george steptoe washington_, _bushrod washington_, and _samuel washington_, i give one of the swords, or couteaux, of which i may die possessed; and they are to choose in the order they are named. these swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheathe them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self-defence, or in defence of their country and its rights: and, in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof. and now, having gone through these specific devises, with explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design of them, i proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my estate, in manner following; first.--to my nephew, _bushrod washington_, and his heirs (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were bachelors, and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my estate during my military services in the former war between great britain and france, that, if i should fall therein, mount vernon, then less extensive in domain than at present, should become his property), i give and bequeath all that part thereof, which is comprehended within the following limits, viz. beginning at the ford of dogue run, near my mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of little hunting creek, at the gum spring, until it comes to a knoll opposite to an old road, which formerly passed through the lower field of muddy-hole farm; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed; thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of the tract between _thompson mason_ and myself: thence with that line easterly (now double ditching, with a post-and-rail fence thereon) to the run of little hunting creek; thence with that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late _humphrey peake_ and me, to the tide water of the said creek; thence by that water to potomac river; thence with the river to the mouth of dogue creek; and thence with the said dogue creek to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford; containing upwards of four thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the mansion-house, and all other buildings and improvements thereon. second.--in consideration of the consanguinity between them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself, as on account of the affection i had for, and the obligation i was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revolution, afterwards devoting his time to the superintendence of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public employments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful; for these reasons, i say, i give and bequeath to _george fayette washington_ and _lawrence augustine washington_, and their heirs, my estate east of little hunting creek, lying on the river potomac, including the farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to _tobias lear_, as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and twenty-seven acres, be it more or less; which said estate it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between them, according to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious and disinterested men; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. in the mean time, if the termination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. third.--and whereas it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren of my wife in the same light as i do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them; more especially by the two whom we have raised from their earliest infancy, namely, _eleanor parke custis_ and _george washington parke custis_; and whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with _lawrence lewis_, a son of my deceased sister, _betty lewis_, by which union the inducement to provide for them both has been increased; wherefore i give and bequeath to the said _lawrence lewis_, and _eleanor parke lewis_, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my mount vernon estate, not already devised to my nephew, _bushrod washington_, comprehended within the following description, viz. all the land north of the road leading from the ford of dogue run to the gum spring, as described in the devise of the other part of the tract to _bushrod washington_, until it comes to the stone and three red or spanish oaks on the knoll; thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between mr. _mason_ and me); thence with that line westerly along the new double ditch to dogue run, by the tumbling dam of my mill; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned. to which i add all the land i possess west of the said dogue run and dogue creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby; together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improvements on the premises, making together about two thousand acres, be it more or less. fourth.--actuated by the principle already mentioned, i give and bequeath to _george washington parke custis_, the grandson of my wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract i hold on four mile run, in the vicinity of alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, no. , in the city of washington. fifth.--all the rest and residue of my estate real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found (a schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed), i desire may be sold by my executors, at such times, in such manner, and on such credits (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the specific property cannot be made without), as in their judgment shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties concerned; and the moneys arising therefrom to be divided into twenty-three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. to _william augustine washington_, _elizabeth spotswood_, _jane thornton_, and the heirs of _ann ashton_, sons and daughters of my deceased brother, _augustine washington_, i give and bequeath four parts; that is, one part to each of them. to _fielding lewis_, _george lewis_, _robert lewis_, _howell lewis_, and _betty carter_, sons and daughters of my deceased sister, _betty lewis_, i give and bequeath five other parts; one to each of them. to _george steptoe washington_, _lawrence augustine washington_, _harriot parks_, and the heirs of _thornton washington_, sons and daughters of my deceased brother _samuel washington_, i give and bequeath other four parts; one to each of them. to _corbin washington_, and the heirs of _jane washington_, son and daughter of my deceased brother, _john augustine washington_, i give and bequeath two parts; one to each of them. to _samuel washington_, _frances ball_, and _mildred hammond_, son and daughters of my brother _charles washington_, i give and bequeath three parts; one part to each of them. and to _george fayette washington_, _charles augustine washington_, and _maria washington_, sons and daughter of my deceased nephew, _george augustine washington_, i give one other part; that is, to each a third of that part. to _elizabeth parke law_, _martha parke peter_, and _eleanor parke lewis_, i give and bequeath three other parts; that is, a part to each of them. and to my nephews, _bushrod washington_ and _lawrence lewis_, and to my ward, the grandson of my wife, i give and bequeath one other part; that is, a third thereof to each of them. and, if it should so happen, that any of the persons whose names are here enumerated (unknown to me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of such deceased person shall, notwithstanding, derive all the benefits of the bequest, in the same manner as if he or she was actually living at the time. and, by way of advice, i recommend it to my executors not to be precipitate in disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold), if from temporary causes the sale thereof should be dull; experience having fully evinced, that the price of land, especially above the falls of the river and on the western waters, has been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. and i particularly recommend it to such of the legatees (under this clause of my will), as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my stock in the potomac company, in preference to the amount of what it might sell for; being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the money can be applied, will be so productive as the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation (and thus, from the nature of things, it must be, ere long), and more especially if that of the shenandoah is added thereto. the family vault at mount vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, i desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the vineyard enclosure, on the ground which is marked out; in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations (now in the old vault), and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be deposited. and it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration. lastly, i constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, _martha washington_, my nephews, _william augustine washington_, _bushrod washington_, _george steptoe washington_, _samuel washington_, and _lawrence lewis_, and my ward, _george washington parke custis_ (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years), executrix and executors of this my will and testament; in the construction of which it will be readily perceived, that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draft; and that, although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incorrect; but, having endeavored to be plain and explicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, i hope and trust that no disputes will arise concerning them. but if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from the want of legal expressions, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understanding; two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two; which three men, thus chosen, shall, unfettered by law or legal constructions, declare their sense of the testator's intention; and such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the supreme court of the united states. _in witness of all and of each of the things herein contained, i have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of july, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,[ ] and of the independence of the united states the twenty-fourth._ george washington. * * * * * schedule of property _comprehended in the foregoing will, which is directed to be sold; and some of it conditionally is sold; with descriptive and explanatory notes relative thereto._ in virginia. price. acres. dollars. dollars. loudoun county, difficult run, , _a_ loudoun and fauquier, ashby's bent, , } _b_ chattin's run, , } _b_ berkeley, south fork of bullskin, head of evan's m., in wormeley's line, ---- , _c_ frederic, bought from mercer, , _d_ hampshire, on potomac river, above b., , _e_ acres. price. dollars. gloucester, on north river, about , _f_ nansemond, near suffolk, one third of acres, , _g_ great dismal swamp, my dividend thereof, about , _h_ ohio river, round bottom, little kenhawa, sixteen miles lower down, opposite big bent, ------ , _i_ great kenhawa, near the mouth, west, east side, above, mouth of cole river, opposite thereto, burning spring, ---- ------ , _k_ maryland. charles county , _l_ montgomery county, , _m_ pennsylvania. great meadows , _n_ new york. mohawk river, about , _o_ northwest territory. on little miami, ditto, ditto, ------ , _p_ kentucky. rough creek, ditto, adjoining, ------ , _q_ lots. city of washington. two near the capitol, square , cost dollars, and with buildings, , _r_ nos. , , , and , the last three water lots on the eastern branch, in square , containing together , square feet, at cents, , _s_ alexandria. corner of pitt and prince streets, half an acre, laid out into building lots, three or four of which are let on ground rent, at three dollars per foot, , _t_ winchester. a lot in the town, of half an acre, and another on the common, of about six acres, supposed, _u_ bath, or warm springs. two well-situated and handsome buildings, to the amount of £ , _v_ stock. dollars. united states per cent. , ditto, deferred, , ditto, per cent. , ------ , ------ , _w_ potomac company, shares, cost each £ sterling, , _x_ james river company, shares, each cost dollars, _y_ bank of columbia, shares, dollars each, , } _z_ bank of alexandria, , } _z_ besides shares in the free school,-- . stock living. one covering horse, carriage horses, riding horses, brood mares, working horses and mares, covering jacks and young ones, she-asses, working mules, younger ones, head of horned cattle, head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the precise number unknown. [symbol: hand with pointing finger.] my manager has estimated this live stock at £ ; but i shall set it down, in order to make a round sum, at , -------- aggregate amount, $ , * * * * * notes. (_a_) this tract, for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation than the quality of its soil; though that is good for farming, with a considerable proportion of ground that might very easily be improved into meadow. it lies on the great road from the city of washington, alexandria, and georgetown, to leesburgh and winchester, at difficult bridge, nineteen miles from alexandria, less from the city of georgetown, and not more than three from matildaville, at the great falls of potomac. there is a valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is conditionally sold for the sum annexed in the schedule. (_b_) what the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts are, i know not; but, compared with those above the ridge, and others below them, the value annexed will appear moderate; a less one would not obtain them from me. (_c_) the surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation, or properties of any sort, sells currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. the lowest price is affixed to these. (_d_) the observations made in the last note apply equally to this tract; being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, although it lies in another county. (_e_) this tract, though small, is extremely valuable. it lies on potomac river, about twelve miles above the town of bath, or warm springs, and is in the shape of a horseshoe; the river running almost around it. two hundred acres of it are rich low grounds, with a great abundance of the largest and finest walnut trees; which, with the produce of the soil, might (by means of the improved navigation of the potomac) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty miles only by land. (_f_) this tract is of second-rate gloucester low ground. it has no improvements thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in fish and oysters. it was received in payment of a debt (carrying interest), and valued in the year , by an impartial gentleman, at £ . n. b. it has lately been sold, and there is due thereon a balance, equal to what is annexed in the schedule. (_g_) these acres are the third part of an undivided purchase made by the deceased fielding lewis, thomas walker, and myself, on full conviction that they would become valuable. the land lies on the road from suffolk and norfolk, touches (if i am not mistaken) some part of the navigable water of nansemond river. the rich dismal swamp is capable of great improvement, and from its situation must become extremely valuable. (_h_) this is an undivided interest, which i hold in the great dismal swamp company, containing about acres, with my part of the plantation and stock thereon, belonging to the company in the said swamp. (_i_) these several tracts of land are of the first quality, on the ohio river, in the parts where they are situated; being almost, if not altogether, river bottoms. the smallest of these tracts is actually sold at ten dollars an acre, but the consideration therefor not received. the rest are equally valuable, and sold as high; especially that which lies just below the little kenhawa, and is opposite to a thick settlement on the west side of the river. the four tracts have an aggregate breadth upon the river of sixteen miles, and are bounded thereby for that distance. (_k_) these tracts are situated on the great kenhawa river, and the first four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. it is acknowledged by all who have seen them (and of the tract containing , acres, which i have been on myself, i can assert), that there is no richer or more valuable land in all that region. they are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the schedule, that is, , dollars; and, if the terms of that sale are not complied with, they will command considerably more. the tract, of which the acres is a moiety, was taken up by general andrew lewis and myself, for and on account of a bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguish. (_l_) i am but little acquainted with this land, although i have once been on it. it was received (many years since) in discharge of a debt to me from daniel jenifer adams, at the value annexed thereto, and must be worth more. it is very level; lies near the river potomac. (_m_) this tract lies about thirty miles above the city of washington, not far from kittoctan. it is good farming land; and, by those who are well acquainted it, i am informed that it would sell at twelve or fifteen dollars per acre. (_n_) this land is valuable on account of its local situation, and other properties. it affords an exceeding good stand on braddock's road from fort cumberland to pittsburgh, and, besides a fertile soil, possesses a large quantity of natural meadow, fit for the scythe. it is distinguished by the appellation of the great meadows, where the first action with the french in was fought. (_o_) this is the moiety of about acres, which remains unsold of acres on the mohawk river (montgomery county), in a patent granted to daniel coxe, in the township of coxborough and carolina, as will appear by deed from marinus willett and wife to george clinton, late governor of new york, and myself. the latter sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what remains unsold will fetch that or more. (_p_) the quality of these lands, and their situations, may be known by the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. they lie in the vicinity of cincinnati; one tract near the mouth of the little miami; another seven, and the third ten miles up the same. i have been informed, that they will command more than they are estimated at. (_q_) for the description of these tracts in detail, see general spotswood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. besides the general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous (and settlers are moving that way very fast), will be found very valuable, as the rough creek, a branch of green river, affords ample water for furnaces and forges. lots. city of washington. (_r_) the two lots near the capitol, in square , cost me dollars only. but in this price i was favored, on condition that i should build two brick houses, three stories high each. without this reduction, the selling prices of those lots would have cost me about dollars. these lots, with the buildings thereon, when completed, will stand me in , dollars at least. (_s_) lots nos. , , , and , on the eastern branch, are advantageously situated on the water; and, although many lots, much less convenient, have sold a great deal higher, i will rate these at cents the square foot only. alexandria. (_t_) for this lot, although unimproved, i have refused dollars. it has since been laid out into proper sized lots for building on; three or four of which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a foot on the street, and this price is asked for both fronts on pitt and prince streets. winchester. (_u_) as neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price; but, as both are well situated, it is presumed that the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable valuation. bath. (_v_) the lots in bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recollection, between fifty and sixty pounds, twenty years ago; and the buildings thereon, one hundred and fifty pounds more. whether property there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the houses are, i am ignorant; but suppose they are not valued too high. stock. (_w_) these are the sums which are actually funded; and though no more in the aggregate than dollars, stand me in at least ten thousand pounds, virginia money; being the amount of bonded and other debts due to me, and discharged during the war, when money had depreciated in that rate,--[symbol of hand with pointing finger] and was so settled by public authority. (_x_) the value annexed to these shares is what they have actually cost me, and is the price affixed by law; and, although the present selling price is under par, my advice to the legatees (for whose benefit they are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money) is, that each should take and hold one; there being a moral certainty of a great and increasing profit arising from them in the course of a few years. (_y_) it is supposed that the shares in the james river company must be productive. but of this i can give no decided opinion, for want of more accurate information. (_z_) these are the nominal prices of the shares in the banks of alexandria and columbia; the selling prices vary according to circumstances; but, as the stocks usually divide from eight to ten per cent. per annum, they must be worth the former, at least, so long as the banks are conceived to be secure, although from circumstances they may sometimes be below it. the value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than quantity of the different species of it, and this again upon the demand, and judgment or fancy of purchasers. george washington. mount vernon, _july_ , . [ ] it appears that the testator omitted the word "nine,"--sparks. [ ] as general washington never had any children, he gave the larger part of his property to his nephews and nieces, and the children of mrs. washington's son by her first marriage. the principal heir was bushrod washington, son of his brother, john augustine washington.--sparks. [ ] this paragraph answers the question which has sometimes been asked, with an unfriendly spirit, "why did not washington manumit his slaves during his lifetime?" he was ever anxious to give them freedom, and to see the system abolished from the republic. in , he wrote to lafayette: "the scheme which you propose, as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country, from the state of bondage in which they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. i shall be happy to join you, in so laudable a work." to robert morris he wrote in october : "there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is, by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting. but when slaves, who are happy and contented with their present masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them; when masters are taken unawares by these practices; when a conduct of this kind begets discontent on one side and resentment on the other; and when it happens to fall on a man whose purse will not measure with that of the society [quakers], and he loses his property for want of means to defend it; it is oppressive in such a case, and not humanity in any, because it introduces more evils than it can cure." to john f. mercer, of virginia, he wrote, a few months later: "i never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law." in , he wrote to tobias lear, his private secretary, then in england, endeavoring to negotiate the sale of some of washington's wild lands, that one object he had in view in making sales was to place himself in a position to emancipate his slaves. "another motive," he wrote--"which is, indeed, more powerful than all the rest--is, to liberate a certain species of property, which i possess, very reluctantly to my own feelings, but which imperious necessity compels," &c. in , he wrote to his nephew, lawrence lewis: "i wish, from my soul that the legislature of this state could see the policy of a gradual abolition of slavery. it might prevent much future mischief." chapter xlii. washington at the close of his life--exposure to a storm--takes cold--its fatal effects--tobias lear's account of his sickness and death--his funeral--intelligence of his death reaches congress--proceedings of the two houses--action of the president of the united states--national mourning--funeral oration by general lee--effect of washington's death abroad--honors to his memory--fontanes' funeral oration at paris. when the winter of set in, cold and stormy, toward the middle of december, and ice began to grow thick in the coves and creeks of the potomac, washington, enjoying a degree of robust health and vigor of mind and body uncommon for men of his years and labors, was found still engaged in his out-of-door employments, unmindful of the frosty air and inclement weather. his whole aspect gave promise of many years of serene old age. his nephew, lawrence lewis, was with him most of the time at this period, and the family circle at mount vernon was full of joy, contentment, and peace. one frosty morning, washington and his nephew walked out together, when the former pointed out to the latter some of his projected improvements near the mansion. among other places, he showed him the spot where he proposed to erect a new family burial-vault. he spoke of its form and dimensions, and then said, "this change i shall make the first of all, for i may require it before the rest." "when i parted from him," said major lewis, in long-after years, "he stood on the steps of the front door, where he took leave of myself and another. he had taken his usual ride, and the clear, healthy flush on his cheek, and his sprightly manner, brought the remark from both of us that we had never seen the general look so well. i have sometimes thought him decidedly the handsomest man i ever saw; and when in a lively mood, so full of pleasantry, so agreeable to all with whom he associated, i could hardly realize that he was the same washington whose dignity awed all who approached him." two or three days afterward, the weather changed. in his diary, under date of december th, washington noted that there was wind and rain; and that at night, when the clouds had dispersed, there was "a large circle around the moon." on the following day, a storm of snow set in at one o'clock, p. m., which soon changed, first to hail, and then to rain. washington was caught out in it. as usual, he had been in the saddle since ten o'clock in the morning, inspecting operations upon the mansion-house farm at various places, and returned in time for dinner at three o'clock. mr. lear, his former private secretary, and who had, on his appointment to the chief command of the army, resumed that post, was now with him. he had just finished some letters, and given them to washington to frank, when he observed snow hanging to the general's hair about his neck, and he expressed a fear that he might be wet. "oh, no," washington replied; "my great-coat has kept me quite dry." he then franked the letters, at the same time observing that the storm was becoming too heavy for a servant to ride in it all the way to the post-office, at alexandria. it being late dinner-time, the food all upon the table, and the family waiting for him, he sat down to the meal without changing his damp clothes. on rising the following morning, washington complained of a sore throat. he had evidently taken cold the preceding day. the snow lay three inches deep upon the ground, and was still falling. he omitted his usual ride, and remained within-doors until noon, when the clouds broke, and the sun came out warm. he occupied himself before dinner in marking some trees on the lawn, between the mansion and the high river-bank, that were to be cut down; and with his compass and chain he traced out several lines for improvements. a hoarseness, that had troubled him a little all day, grew worse after dinner; yet he regarded it as of very little importance. at twilight it was quite distressing, yet he was cheerful all the evening. he sat in the parlor with mrs. washington and mr. lear. mr. lewis and young custis were absent; and mrs. lewis, just confined with her first child, was in her chamber. newspapers were brought in early in the evening. washington looked them over, and, when he found anything interesting, he would read it aloud as well as his hoarseness would permit. at about nine o'clock, mrs. washington withdrew and went up to mrs. lewis's chamber, when the general requested mr. lear to read to him the debates of the virginia assembly, then in session, on the election of senator and governor. "on hearing mr. madison's observations respecting mr. monroe," says mr. lear, who wrote a detailed account of washington's sickness and death, "he appeared much affected, and spoke with some degree of asperity on the subject, which i endeavored to moderate, as i always did on such occasions. on his retiring, i observed to him that he had better take something to remove his cold. he answered: 'no, you know i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came.'" mr. lear's account of the brief sickness and speedy death of washington is so short, yet circumstantial and perspicuous, and may not be condensed without injury to its completeness, that we will give it in his own words:-- "between two and three o'clock on saturday morning" (the fourteenth), says mr. lear, "he awoke mrs. washington, and told her that he was very unwell, and had an ague. she observed that he could scarcely speak, and breathed with difficulty, and would have got up to call a servant; but he would not permit her, lest she should take a cold. as soon as the day appeared, the woman (caroline) went into the room to make fire, and mrs. washington sent her immediately to call me. i got up, put on my clothes as quickly as possible, and went to his chamber. mrs. washington was then up, and related to me his being ill, as before stated. i found the general breathing with difficulty, and hardly able to utter a word intelligibly. he desired mr. rawlins (one of the overseers) might be sent for, to bleed him before the doctor could arrive. i despatched a servant instantly for rawlins, and another for doctor craik, and returned again to the general's chamber, where i found him in the same situation as i had left him. "a mixture of molasses, vinegar, and butter, was prepared, to try its effects upon his throat; but he could not swallow a drop. whenever he attempted it, he appeared to be distressed, convulsed, and almost suffocated. rawlins came in soon after sunrise, and prepared to bleed him. when the arm was ready, the general, observing that rawlins appeared to be agitated, said, as well as he could speak, 'don't be afraid.' and when the incision was made, he observed, 'the orifice is not large enough.' however, the blood ran pretty freely. mrs. washington, not knowing whether bleeding was proper or not in the general's situation, begged that much might not be taken from him, lest it should be injurious, and desired me to stop it; but, when i was about to untie the string, the general put his hand to prevent it, and, as he could not speak, he said,' more, more.' mrs. washington being still very uneasy, lest too much blood should be taken, it was stopped after taking about half a pint. finding that no relief was obtained from bleeding, and that nothing would go down the throat, i proposed bathing it externally with _sal volatile_, which was done; and in the operation, which was with the hand, and in the gentlest manner, he observed, 'it is very sore.' a piece of flannel, dipped in _sal volatile_, was put around his neck, and his feet bathed in warm water, but without affording any relief. "about eight o'clock in the morning, he expressed a desire to get up. his clothes were put on, and he was led to a chair by the fire. he found no relief from that position, and lay down again about ten o'clock. "in the meantime, before doctor craik arrived, mrs. washington desired me to send for doctor brown, of port tobacco, whom doctor craik had recommended to be called, if any case should ever occur that was seriously alarming. i despatched a messenger immediately for doctor brown between eight and nine o'clock. doctor craik came in soon after; and, upon examining the general, he put a blister of cantharides upon the throat, took some more blood from him, and had a gargle of vinegar and sage-tea prepared; and ordered some vinegar and hot water, for him to inhale the steam of it, which he did; but, in attempting to use the gargle, he was almost suffocated. when the gargle came from the throat, some phlegm followed, and he attempted to cough, which the doctor encouraged him to do as much as possible; but he could only attempt it. about eleven o'clock, doctor craik requested that doctor dick might be sent for, as he feared doctor brown would not come in time. a messenger was accordingly despatched for him. about this time the general was bled again. no effect, however, was produced by it, and he remained in the same state, unable to swallow anything. "doctor dick came about three o'clock, and doctor brown arrived soon after. upon doctor dick's seeing the general, and consulting a few minutes with doctor craik, he was bled again. the blood came very slow, was thick, and did not produce any symptoms of fainting. doctor brown came into the chamber soon after, and, upon feeling the general's pulse, the physicians went out together. doctor craik returned soon after. the general could now swallow a little. calomel and tartar-emetic were administered, but without any effect. "about half-past four o'clock, he desired me to call mrs. washington to his bedside, when he requested her to go down into his room, and take from his desk two wills which she would find there, and bring them to him, which she did. upon looking at them, he gave her one, which he observed was useless, as being superseded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and took the other and put it into her closet. "about five o'clock, he was helped up again; and, after sitting about half an hour, he desired to be undressed and put to bed, which was done. "after this was done, i returned to his bedside and took his hand. he said to me: 'i find i am going. my breath can not last long. i believed from the first that the disorder would prove fatal. do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers.[ ] arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else; and let mr. rawlins finish recording my other letters, which he has begun.' i told him this should be done. he then asked if i recollected anything that was essential for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. i told him that i could recollect nothing, but that i hoped he was not so near his end. he observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. "in the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress from the difficulty of breathing, and frequently changed his posture in bed. on these occasions, i lay upon the bed, and endeavored to raise him, and turn him with as much ease as possible. he appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions, and often said, 'i am afraid i shall fatigue you too much;' and, upon my assuring him that i could feel nothing but a wish to give him ease, he replied, 'well, it is a debt we must pay to each other; and i hope, when you want aid of this kind, you will find it....' "about five o'clock, doctor craik came again into the room, and, upon going to the bedside, the general said to him: 'doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed, from my first attack, that i should not survive it. my breath can not last long.' the doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word. he retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire, absorbed in grief. "between five and six o'clock, doctor dick and doctor brown came into the room, and with doctor craik went to the bed, when doctor craik asked him if he could sit up in the bed. he held out his hand, and i raised him up. he then said to the physicians: "'i feel myself going. i thank you for your attentions; but i pray you to take no more trouble about me. let me go off quietly. i can not last long.' they found that all which had been done was without effect. he lay down again, and all retired except doctor craik. he continued in the same situation, uneasy and restless, but without complaining; frequently asking what hour it was. when i helped him to move, at this time, he did not speak, but looked at me with strong expressions of gratitude. "about eight o'clock, the physicians came again into the room, and applied blisters and cataplasms of wheat-bran to his legs and feet, after which they went out, except doctor craik, without a ray of hope. i went out about this time, and wrote a line to mr. law and mr. peter, requesting them to come with their wives (mrs. washington's grand-daughters) as soon as possible to mount vernon. "about ten o'clock, he made several attempts to speak to me before he could effect it. at length he said: 'i am just going. have me decently buried; and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead.' i bowed assent, for i could not speak. he then looked at me again, and said, 'do you understand me?' i replied, 'yes.'--''tis well,' said he. "about ten minutes before he expired (which was between ten and eleven o'clock), his breathing became easier. he lay quietly; he withdrew his hand from mine, and felt his own pulse. i saw his countenance change. i spoke to doctor craik, who sat by the fire he came to the bedside. the general's hand fell from his wrist. i took it in mine, and pressed it to my bosom. doctor craik put his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh. "while we were fixed in silent grief, mrs. washington, who was sitting at the foot of the bed, asked with a firm and collected voice, 'is he gone?' i could not speak, but held up my hand, as a signal that he was no more. ''tis well,' said she, in the same voice; 'all is over now. i shall soon follow him; i have no more trials to pass through.'[ ] "at the time of his decease, doctor craik and myself were in the situation before-mentioned. mrs. washington was sitting near the foot of the bed. the general's servant, christopher, who had been in the room, and standing nearly all day, stood near the bedside. caroline, molly, and charlotte, were in the room, standing near the door. mrs. forbes, the housekeeper, was frequently in the room during the day and evening.[ ] "as soon as doctor craik could speak, after the distressing scene was closed, he desired one of the servants to ask the gentlemen below to come up-stairs. when they came to the bedside, i kissed the cold hand which i had held to my bosom, laid it down, and went to the other end of the room, where i was for some time lost in profound grief, until aroused by christopher, desiring me to take care of the general's keys, and other things, which were taken out of his pockets, and which mrs. washington directed him to give to me. i wrapped them in the general's handkerchief, and took them to my room." "it may be asked," says mr. custis, "'why was the ministry of religion wanting to shed its peaceful and benign lustre upon the last hours of washington? why was he, to whom the observances of sacred things were ever primary duties through life, without their consolations in his last moments?' we answer, circumstances did not permit. it was but for a little while that the disease assumed so threatening a character as to forbid the encouragement of hope; yet, to stay that summons which none may refuse, to give still further length of days to him whose time-honored life was so dear to mankind, prayers were not wanting to the throne of grace. close to the couch of the sufferer, resting her head upon that ancient book with which she had been wont to hold pious communion a portion of every day for more than half a century, was the venerable consort, absorbed in silent prayer, and from which she only arose when the mourning group prepared to lead her from the chamber of the dead."[ ] washington's body was brought down from the chamber at midnight, and laid out in the drawing-room; and on the following morning (sunday) a plain mahogany coffin was procured from alexandria, and mourning ordered for the family, the overseers, and the domestics.[ ] on the same day, several of the relatives, who had been sent for, arrived, among whom was mrs. stuart, the mother of mrs. washington's grandchildren. mr. lewis and young custis were in new kent, and only arrived home in time to be present at the funeral, a servant having been despatched for them. the family wished the burial to be postponed for a week, to give an opportunity for some of washington's relatives at a distance to be there. but the physicians decided that the disease of which he died, being of an inflammatory nature, it would not be proper to keep the body so long. the time of the funeral was therefore fixed at twelve o'clock, meridian, on wednesday, the eighteenth. the reverend mr. davis, of alexandria, who had officiated at a wedding at mount vernon ten months before, was invited to perform the burial service, according to the beautiful ritual of the protestant episcopal church. having received information from alexandria that the military and freemasons were desirous of showing their respect for their chief and brother, by following his body to the grave, mr. lear ordered provisions to be prepared for a large number of people, as some refreshment would be expected by them. and mr. robert hamilton, of alexandria, wrote to mr. lear that a schooner of his would anchor off mount vernon, to fire minute-guns while the body was passing from the mansion to the tomb. the arrangements for the procession at the funeral were made by colonels little, simms, and deneale, and doctor dick. the old family vault was opened and cleaned, and mr. lear ordered an entrance-door to be made for it, that it might not be again closed with brick. mr. stewart, adjutant of the alexandria regiment, of which washington had once been colonel, went down to mount vernon to view the ground for the procession. the people began to collect at mount vernon on wednesday, at eleven o'clock; but, owing to a delay of the military, the time for the procession was postponed until three o'clock. the coffined body of the illustrious patriot lay, meanwhile, beneath the grand piazza of the mansion, where he had so often walked and mused. between three and four o'clock the procession moved, and, at the same time, minute-guns were fired from the schooner anchored in the potomac. the pall-bearers were colonels little, simms, payne, gilpin, ramsay, and marsteler. colonel blackburn preceded the corpse. colonel deneale marched with the military. the procession moved out through the gate at the left wing of the house, and proceeded round in front of the lawn, and down to the vault on the right wing of the house. the following was the composition and order of the procession:-- the troops, horse and foot, with arms reversed. music. the clergy, namely, the rev. messrs. davis, muir, moffat, and addison. the general's horse, with his saddle, holsters, and pistols, led by two grooms (cyrus and wilson), in black. the body, borne by the masons and officers. principal mourners, namely: mrs. stuart and mrs. law, misses nancy and sally stuart, miss fairfax and miss dennison, mr. law and mr. peter, mr. lear and doctor craik, lord fairfax and ferdinando fairfax. lodge no. . corporation of alexandria. all other persons, preceded by mr. anderson and the overseers. when the body arrived near the vault, at the bottom of the lawn, on the high bank of the potomac, the cavalry halted; the infantry moved forward and formed the in-lining; the masonic brethren and citizens descended to the vault, and the funeral services of the church were read by the reverend mr. davis. he also pronounced a short discourse. the masons then performed their peculiar ceremonies, and the body was deposited in the vault. three general discharges of arms were then given by the infantry and the cavalry; and eleven pieces of artillery, which were ranged back of the vault and simultaneously discharged, "paid the last tribute to the entombed commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states." the sun was now setting, and mournfully that funeral assembly departed for their respective homes.[ ] the federal congress was in session at philadelphia when intelligence of the death of washington reached that city. it was first communicated, on the morning of the eighteenth of december (the day of the funeral), by a passenger in the stage, to an acquaintance. the news spread rapidly, and soon reached the house of representatives, when, immediately after the journals were read, the honorable john marshall, of virginia, arose, and in a voice tremulous with the deepest emotion said:-- "mr. speaker, information has just been received that our illustrious fellow-citizen, the commander-in-chief of the american army, and the late president of the united states, is no more. though this distressing intelligence is not certain, there is too much reason to believe its truth. after receiving information of this national calamity, so heavy and so afflicting, the house of representatives can be but ill fitted for public business. i move you, therefore, that we adjourn." the house immediately adjourned until the next day at eleven o'clock. when the house reassembled on the morning of the nineteenth, mr. marshall addressed them as follows:-- "mr. speaker, the melancholy event, which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. our washington is no more! the hero, the patriot, and the sage of america--the man on whom in times of danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed--lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. "if, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth and such the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole american nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a public manifestation of that sorrow which is so deep and so universal. "more than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide-spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. "having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier in the citizen. "when the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, i trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our revolution had promised to bestow. "in obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination pursue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy which will, i trust, yet preserve our peace, our honor, and our independence. "having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by withdrawing from his station to the peaceful walks of private life. "however the public confidence may change, and the public affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. "let us, then, mr. speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. let the grand council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. for this purpose i hold in my hand some resolutions, which i take the liberty of offering to the house. "_resolved_, that this house will wait on the president of the united states, in condolence of this national calamity. "_resolved_, that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house wear mourning during the session. "_resolved_, that a joint committee of both houses be appointed, to report measures suitable to the occasion; and expressive of the profound sorrow with which congress is penetrated on the loss of a citizen, first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen."[ ] the house proceeded to appoint a committee of sixteen, with marshall at their head, to act conjointly with a corresponding senate committee in carrying out the last resolution. a message was soon afterward received from the president, communicating a letter from mr. lear that announced the death of washington. he sent the same to the senate; and that body, on the twenty-third, adopted an appropriate address to the executive, and received from him a response.[ ] the secretary of war issued an order on the nineteenth, requesting general hamilton to carry into effect the directions of congress concerning funeral honors to the commander-in-chief, and the wearing of crape in token of mourning. for that purpose, hamilton issued general orders, prefaced by a most touching eulogy of the dead. "the voice of praise," he said, "would in vain endeavor to exalt a character unrivalled on the lists of true glory. words would in vain attempt to give utterance to that profound and reverential grief which will penetrate every american bosom, and engage the sympathy of an admiring world." the secretary of the navy also issued orders in accordance with the resolutions of congress and the direction of the president. vessels in domestic and foreign ports were ordered to "be put in mourning for one week, by wearing their colors half-mast high," and the officers and marines were directed to wear crape on the left arm for six months. on the twenty-third, both houses of congress adopted the following joint resolutions:-- "_resolved_, by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america, in congress assembled. that a marble monument be erected by the united states at the capitol of the city of washington, and that the family of general washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. "_and be it further resolved_, that there be a funeral procession from congress hall to the german lutheran church, in memory of general george washington, on thursday, the twenty-sixth instant, and that an oration be prepared, at the request of congress, to be delivered before both houses that day; and that the president of the senate and speaker of the house of representatives be desired to request one of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the same. "_and be it further resolved_, that it be recommended to the people of the united states to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. "_and be it further resolved_, that the president of the united states be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to mrs. washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress will ever bear for her person and character, of their condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of providence; and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of general washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution.[ ] "_resolved_, that the president of the united states be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the united states the recommendation contained in the third resolution." in accordance with the second of the foregoing resolutions. general henry lee, of virginia, then a member of congress, and one of the committee of sixteen, was invited to pronounce the funeral oration. he was one of washington's favorites. throughout the war for independence, he had been admired and beloved by the commander-in-chief for his manly and soldierly qualities, and he had ever been a welcome guest at mount vernon. the choice of orator was an appropriate one. both houses of congress went in a body to the german lutheran church, in fourth street, above arch, to listen to the oration.[ ] a vast concourse of citizens was also in attendance; and the m'pherson blues, a corps of about three hundred young men, mostly from the best families of philadelphia, attended as a guard of honor on that occasion. only six of that corps are known to be alive at this time.[ ] on the thirtieth of december, the congress resolved "that it be recommended to the people of the united states to assemble on the twenty-second day of february next, in such numbers and manner as may be convenient, publicly to testify their grief for the death of general george washington, by suitable eulogies, orations, and discourses, or by public prayers." the president was requested to issue his proclamation in accordance with this resolution, which he did on the sixth of january; and the birthday of the illustrious washington, usually celebrated with gayety and festivity, was made, in the year , an occasion of funeral solemnities. the death of washington produced a profound sensation in europe. the english newspapers were filled with eulogies on his character. on hearing of his death, lord bridport, who was in command of a british fleet of almost sixty sail, at torbay, on the coast of devon, ordered every ship to lower her flag to half-mast; and bonaparte, then first consul of france, announced his death to his army, and ordered black crape to be suspended from all the flags and standards in the french service for ten days. in paris, the citizens showed many demonstrations of respect; and on the " th pluviose" (eighth of february, ), louis de fontanes pronounced an impassioned funeral oration in his honor, in the temple of mars.[ ] footnotes: [ ] in a letter to general hamilton, written a month afterward, mr. lear says: "to judge washington the general left by will all his public and private papers. a few hours before his death he observed to him--'i am about to change the scene. i can not last long. i believed from the first the attack would be fatal. do you arrange all my papers and accounts, as you know more about these things than any one else.'"--_works of hamilton_, vi. . there must have been a change of the word _me_ to _him_, in transcribing this letter for the press, because in no account is the judge mentioned as having been present during washington's last sickness. [ ] mrs. washington died at mount vernon, on the twenty-second of may, , in the seventy-first year of her age. [ ] a picture of the room in which washington died, and the bed on which he expired, may be seen in lossing's _mount vernon and its associations_. [ ] custis's recollections, &c., p. . [ ] at the head of the coffin was placed an ornament, inscribed surge ad judicum. at about the middle were the words gloria deo; and upon a silver plate was the record-- general george washington, departed this life on the th december, , Ã�t. . the coffin was lined with lead: and upon a cover of the same material, to be put on after the coffin was laid in the vault, was a silver shield, nearly three inches in length, inscribed-- george washington, born feb. , . died december , . [ ] _mount vernon and its associations._ [ ] these resolutions were drawn by general henry lee, who was not present at the time. [ ] the following is a copy of the senate's address, and the president's reply:-- _to the president of the united states:_ "the senate of the united states respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of general george washington. this event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. "on this occasion it is manly to weep. to lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. our country mourns a father. the almighty disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. it becomes us to submit with reverence to him 'who maketh darkness his pavilion.' "with patriotic pride we review the life of our washington, and compare him with those of other countries who have been pre-eminent in fame. ancient and modern times are diminished before him. greatness and guilt have too often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. the destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. it reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendor of victory. the scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory. he has travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honor; he has deposited it safely, where misfortune can not tarnish it, where malice can not blast it. favored of heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. "such was the man whom we deplore. thanks to god, his glory is consummated! washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example; his spirit is in heaven. "let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labors and his example are their inheritance." the president's answer. "_ december, ._ "_gentlemen of the senate:_ "i receive with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. "in the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that i have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. i have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. "among all our original associates in that memorable league of this continent, in , which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in america, he was the only one remaining in the general government. although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, i feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother, yet i derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world. "the life of our washington can not suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. the attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. for himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory: for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of providence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. "his example is now complete; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. if a traian found a pliny, a marcus aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians. "john adams." [ ] in compliance with these resolutions, president adams wrote a letter to mrs. washington on the subject, and received the following reply:-- "mount vernon, _december , ._ "sir: while i feel, with keenest anguish, the late dispensation of divine providence, i can not be insensible to the mournful tributes of respect and veneration which are paid to the memory of my dear deceased husband; and, as his best services and most anxious wishes were always devoted to the welfare and happiness of his country, to know that they were truly appreciated and gratefully remembered affords no inconsiderable consolation. "taught by the great example which i have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, i must consent to the request made by congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit to me; and, in doing this, i need not, i can not, say what a sacrifice of individual feeling i make to a sense of public duty. "with grateful acknowledgments and unfeigned thanks for the personal respect and evidences of condolence expressed by congress and yourself, i remain, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, "martha washington." the president transmitted her letter to congress, accompanied by the following message:-- "_gentlemen of the senate, and gentlemen of the house of representatives:_ "in compliance with the request in one of the resolutions of congress on the twenty-third of december last, i transmitted a copy of those resolutions, by my secretary, mr. shaw, to mrs. washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress will ever bear to her person and character; of their condolence in the late afflicting dispensation of providence; and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of general george washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. as the sentiments of that virtuous lady, not less beloved by this nation than she is at present greatly afflicted, can never be so well expressed as in her own words, i transmit to congress her original letter. "it would be an attempt of too much delicacy to make any comments upon it; but there can be no doubt that the nation at large, as well as all the branches of the government, will be highly gratified by any arrangement which may diminish the sacrifices she makes of her individual feelings. "john adams. "united states, _january , _." the proposed monument has not been erected. an unsuccessful effort was made, in , to have the remains of the illustrious dead removed to the federal capital, and placed beneath such monument. now that the home and tomb of washington have, through the efforts of the women of the united states, become the property of the nation, every american should rejoice that his dust will ever remain to consecrate them. [ ] the following is a copy of general lee's oration:-- "in obedience to your will, i rise, your humble organ, with the hope of executing a part of the system of public mourning which you have been pleased to adopt, commemorative of the death of the most illustrious and most beloved personage this country has ever produced; and which, while it transmits to posterity your sense of the awful event, faintly represents your knowledge of the consummate excellence you so cordially honor. "desperate, indeed, is any attempt on earth to meet correspondently this dispensation of heaven; for while, with pious resignation, we submit to the will of an all-gracious providence, we can never cease lamenting, in our finite view of omnipotent wisdom, the heart-rending privation for which our nation weeps. when the civilized world shakes to its centre; when every moment gives birth to strange and momentous changes; when our peaceful quarter of the globe, exempt, as it happily has been, from any share in the slaughter of the human race, may yet be compelled to abandon her pacific policy, and to risk the doleful casualties of war--what limit is there to the extent of our loss? none within the reach of my words to express; none which your feelings will not disavow. "the founder of our federate republic, our bulwark in war, our guide in peace, is no more! oh, that this were but questionable! hope, the comforter of the wretched, would pour into our agonizing hearts its balmy dew; but, alas! there is no hope for us. our washington is removed for ever! possessing the stoutest frame and purest mind, he had passed nearly to his sixty-eighth year, in the enjoyment of high health, when, habituated by his care of us to neglect himself, a slight cold, disregarded, became inconvenient on friday, oppressive on saturday, and, defying every medical interposition, before the morning of sunday, put an end to the best of men. an end did i say? his fame survives, bounded only by the limits of the earth and by the extent of the human mind! he survives in our hearts, in the growing knowledge of our children, in the affections of the good throughout the world; and, when our monuments shall be done away--when nations now existing shall be no more--when even our young and far-spreading empire shall have perished--still will our washington's glory unfaded shine, and die not, until love of virtue cease on earth, or earth itself sink into chaos. "how, my fellow-citizens, shall i single to your grateful hearts his pre-eminent worth? where shall i begin in opening to your view a character throughout sublime? shall i speak of his warlike achievements, all springing from obedience to his country's will--all directed to his country's good? "will you go with me to the banks of the monongahela, to see your youthful washington supporting, in the dismal hour of indian victory, the ill-fated braddock, and saving, by his judgment and by his valor, the remains of a defeated army, pressed by the conquering savage foe? or, when oppressed america, nobly resolving to risk her all in defence of her violated rights, he was elevated by the unanimous voice of congress to the command of her armies, will you follow him to the high grounds of boston, where, to an undisciplined, courageous, and virtuous yeomanry, his presence gave the stability of system, and infused the invincibility of love of country? or shall i carry you to the painful scenes of long island, york island, and new jersey, when, combatting superior and gallant armies, aided by powerful fleets, and led by chiefs high in the roll of fame, he stood the bulwark of our safety, undismayed by disaster, unchanged by change of fortune? or will you view him in the precarious fields of trenton, where deep glooms, unnerving every arm, reigned triumphant through our thinned, worn down, unaided ranks, himself unmoved? dreadful was the night! it was about this time of winter. the storm raged; the delaware, rolling furiously with floating ice, forbade the approach of man. washington, self-collected, viewed the tremendous scene; his country called. unappalled by surrounding dangers, he passed to the hostile shore; he fought--he conquered! the morning sun cheered the american world. our country rose on the event; and her dauntless chief, pursuing his blow, completed on the lawns of princeton what his vast soul had conceived on the shores of the delaware. "thence to the strong grounds of morristown he led his small but gallant band; and through an eventful winter, by the high efforts of his genius, whose matchless force was measurable only by the growth of difficulties, he held in check formidable hostile legions, conducted by a chief experienced in the art of war, and famed for his valor on the ever-memorable heights of abraham, where fell wolfe, montcalm, and, since, our much-lamented montgomery, all covered with glory. in this fortunate interval, produced by his masterly conduct, our fathers, ourselves, animated by his resistless example, rallied around our country's standard, and continued to follow her beloved chief through the various and trying scenes to which the destinies of our union led. "who is there that has forgotten the vales of brandywine, the fields of germantown, or the plains of monmouth? everywhere present, wants of every kind obstructing, numerous and valiant armies encountering, himself a host, he assuaged our sufferings, limited our privations, and upheld our tottering republic. shall i display to you the spread of the fire of his soul, by rehearsing the praises of the hero of saratoga, and his much-loved compeer of the carolinas? no; our washington wears not borrowed glory. to gates--to greene--he gave, without reserve, the applause due to their eminent merit; and long may the chiefs of saratoga and of the eotaws receive the grateful respect of a grateful people! "moving in his own orbit, he imparted heat and light to his most distant satellites; and, combining the physical and moral force of all within his sphere, with irresistible weight he took his course, commiserating folly, disdaining vice, dismaying treason, and invigorating despondency, until the auspicious hour arrived when, united with the intrepid forces of a potent and magnanimous ally, he brought to submission the since conqueror of india; thus finishing his long career of military glory with a lustre corresponding with his great name, and in this, his last act of war, affixing the seal of fate to our nation's birth. "to the horrid din of war sweet peace succeeded; and our virtuous chief, mindful only of the public good, in a moment tempting personal aggrandizement, hushed the discontents of growing sedition, and, surrendering his power into the hands from which he had received it, converted his sword into a ploughshare--teaching an admiring world that, to be truly great, you must be truly good. "were i to stop here, the picture would be incomplete, and the task imposed unfinished. great as was our washington in war, and much as did that greatness contribute to produce the american republic, it is not in war alone that his pre-eminence stands conspicuous; his various talents, combining all the capacities of a statesman with those of a soldier, fitted him alike to guide the councils and the armies of our nation. scarcely had he rested from his martial toils, while his invaluable parental advice was still sounding in our ears, when he who had been our shield and our sword was called forth to act a less splendid but more important part. "possessing a clear and penetrating mind, a strong and sound judgment, calmness and temper for deliberation, with invincible firmness and perseverance in resolutions maturely formed, drawing information from all, acting from himself with incorruptible integrity and unvarying patriotism, his own superiority and the public confidence alike marked him as the man designed by heaven to lead in the great political as well as military events which have distinguished the era of his life. "the finger of an overruling providence pointing at washington was neither mistaken nor unobserved, when, to realize the vast hopes to which our revolution had given birth, a change of political system became indispensable. "how novel, how grand the spectacle--independent states stretched over an immense territory, and known only by common difficulty, clinging to their union as the rock of their safety, deciding by frank comparison of their relative condition to rear on that rock, under the guidance of reason, a common government, through whose commanding protection liberty and order, with their long train of blessings, should be safe to themselves and the sure inheritance of their posterity! "this arduous task devolved on citizens selected by the people, from a knowledge of their wisdom, and confidence in their virtue. in this august assembly of sages and of patriots, washington, of course, was found; and, as if acknowledged to be most wise where all were wise, with one voice he was declared their chief. how well he merited this rare distinction--how faithful were the labors of himself and his compatriots, the work of their hands and our union, strength, and prosperity--the fruits of that work best attest. "but to have essentially aided in presenting to his country this consummation of her hopes, neither satisfied the claims of his fellow-citizens on his talents, nor those duties which the possession of those talents imposed. heaven had not infused into his mind such an uncommon share of its ethereal spirit to remain unemployed, nor bestowed on him his genius unaccompanied by the corresponding duty of devoting it to the common good. to have framed a constitution, was showing only, without realizing, the general happiness. this great work remained to be done; and america, steadfast in her preference, with one voice summoned her beloved washington, unpractised as he was in the duties of civil administration, to execute this last act in the completion of the national felicity. obedient to her call, he assumed the high office with that self-distrust peculiar to his innate modesty, the constant attendant of pre-eminent virtue. what was the burst of joy through our anxious land on this exhilarating event, is known to us all. the aged, the young, the brave, the fair, rivalled each other in demonstrations of their gratitude; and this high-wrought, delightful scene was heightened in its effect by the singular contest between the zeal of the bestowers and the avoidance of the receiver of the honors bestowed. commencing his administration, what heart is not charmed with the recollection of the pure and wise principles announced by himself as the basis of his political life? he best understood the indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and individual felicity. watching with an equal and comprehensive eye over this great assemblage of communities and interests, he laid the foundations of our national policy in the unerring, immutable principles of morality, based on religion; exemplifying the pre-eminence of free government by all the attributes which win the affections of its citizens or command the respect of the world. "'o fortunatos dimium sua sibona norint!' "leading through the complicated difficulties produced by previous obligations and conflicting interests, seconded by succeeding houses of congress, enlightened and patriotic, he surmounted all original obstructions, and brightened the path of our national felicity. "the presidential term expiring, his solicitude to exchange exaltation for humility returned with a force increased with increase of age; and he had prepared his farewell address to his countrymen, proclaiming his intention, when the united interposition of all around him, enforced by the eventful prospects of the epoch, produced a further sacrifice of inclination to duty. the election of president followed, and washington, by the unanimous vote of the nation, was called to resume the chief magistracy. what a wonderful fixture of confidence! which attracts most our admiration--a people so correct, or a citizen combining an assemblage of talents forbidding rivalry, and stifling even envy itself! such a nation deserves to be happy; such a chief must be for ever revered. "war, long menaced by the indian tribes, now broke out; and the terrible conflict, deluging europe with blood, began to shed its baneful influence over our happy land. to the first, outstretching his invincible arm, under the orders of the gallant wayne, the american eagle soared triumphant through distant forests. peace followed victory, and the melioration of the condition of the enemy followed peace. godlike virtue, which uplifts even the subdued savage! "to the second he opposed himself. new and delicate was the conjuncture, and great was the stake. soon did his penetrating mind discern and seize the only course continuing to us all the blessings enjoyed. he issued his proclamation of neutrality. this index to his whole subsequent conduct was sanctioned by the approbation of both houses of congress, and by the approving voice of the people. "to this sublime policy he invariably adhered, unmoved by foreign intrusion, unshaken by domestic turbulence. "'justum et tenacem propositi virum, non civium ardor prava jubentium, non vultus instantis tyranni mente quatit solida.' "maintaining his pacific system at the expense of no duty, america, faithful to herself and unstained in her honor, continued to enjoy the delights of peace, while afflicted europe mourns in every quarter under the accumulated miseries of an unexampled war--miseries in which our happy country must have shared had not our pre-eminent washington been as firm in council as he was brave in the field. "pursuing steadfastly his course, he held safe the public happiness, preventing foreign war and quelling internal disorder, till the revolving period of a third election approached, when he executed his interrupted but inextinguishable desire of returning to the humble walks of private life. "the promulgation of his fixed resolution stopped the anxious wishes of an affectionate people from adding a third unanimous testimonial of their unabated confidence in the man so long enthroned in their hearts. when, before, was affection like this exhibited on earth? turn over the records of greece--review the annals of mighty rome--examine the volumes of modern europe--you search in vain. america and her washington only affords the dignified exemplification. "the illustrious personage, called by the national voice in succession to the arduous office of guiding a free people, had no difficulties to encounter. the amicable effort of settling our difficulties with france, begun by washington and pursued by his successor in virtue as in station, proving abortive, america took measures of self-defence. no sooner was the public mind roused by a prospect of danger, than every eye was turned to the friend of all, though secluded from public view and gray in public service. the virtuous veteran, following his plough, received the unexpected summons with mingled emotions of indignation at the unmerited ill-treatment of his country, and of a determination once more to risk his all in her defence. "the annunciation of these feelings, in his affecting letter to the president, accepting the command of the army, concludes his official conduct. "_first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen_, he was second to none in the humble and endearing scenes of private life; uniform, dignified, and commanding, his example was as edifying to all around him as were the effects of that example lasting. "to his equals, he was condescending; to his inferiors, kind; and to the dear object of his affections, exemplarily tender. correct throughout, vice shuddered in his presence, and virtue always felt his fostering hand. the purity of his private character gave effulgence to his public virtues. "his last scene comported with the whole tenor of his life. although in extreme pain, not a sigh, not a groan, escaped him; and with undisturbed serenity he closed his well-spent life. such was the man america has lost; such was the man for whom our nation mourns. "methinks i see his august image, and hear falling from his venerable lips these deep-sinking words:-- "'cease, sons of america, lamenting our separation. go on and confirm by your wisdom the fruits of our joint councils, joint efforts, and common dangers; reverence religion; diffuse knowledge throughout your lands; patronize the arts and sciences; let liberty and order be inseparable companions. control party spirit, the bane of free government; observe good faith to, and cultivate peace with, all nations; shut up every avenue to foreign influence; contract rather than extend national connections; rely on yourselves only; be americans in thought, word, and deed. thus will you give immortality to that union which was the constant object of my terrestrial labors; thus will you preserve undisturbed to the latest posterity the felicity of a people to me most dear; and thus will you supply (if my happiness is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the round of pure bliss high heaven bestows.'" [ ] may, . the following are the names and present ages of the survivors: samuel breck, eighty-nine; s. palmer, eighty; s. f. smith, eighty; charles n. bancker, eighty-four; quentin campbell, eighty-four; and john f. watson, the annalist of philadelphia and new york, eighty-one. [ ] "france," said fontanes, "unbiassed by those narrow prejudices which exist between nations, and admiring virtue wherever it be found, decrees this tribute of respect to the manes of washington. at this moment she contributes to the discharge of a debt due by two nations. no government, whatever form it bears, or whatever opinions it holds, can refuse its respect to this great father of liberty. the people who so lately stigmatized washington as a rebel, regard even the enfranchisement of america as one of those events consecrated by history and by past ages. such is the veneration excited by great characters. the american revolution, the contemporary of our own, is fixed for ever. washington began it with energy, and finished it with moderation. he knew how to maintain it, pursuing always the prosperity of his country; and his aim alone will justify, at the tribunal of the most high, enterprises so extraordinary. "to pronounce the eulogy of the hero of america, requires the sublimest eloquence of the first of orators. i reflect, with sentiments of admiration, that this temple, ornamented with the trophies of valor, was raised up in an age of genius--an age which produced as many great writers as illustrious commanders. then, the memory of heroes was intrusted to orators whose genius gave immortality. now, military glory shines with lustre, and in every country the glory of the fine arts is shrouded in darkness. my voice is too feeble to be heard on an occasion so solemn and momentous, and so new to me. but as that voice is pure--as it has never flattered any species of tyranny--it has never been rendered unworthy of celebrating heroism and virtue." "nevertheless, these funeral and military honors will speak to all hearts. it needs not the aid of speech, to raise strong and indescribable emotions. the mourning which the first consul orders for washington, declares to france that washington's example is not lost. it is less for the illustrious general, than for the benefactor and friend of a great people, that the crape of mourning now covers our banners and the uniform of our warriors. neither do we prepare that unmeaning pomp, so contrary to policy and humanity, in which insult is offered to misfortune, contempt to venerable ruins, and calumny to the tomb. every exalted idea, every useful truth, is seen in this assembly. i speak, before warriors, the honorable praise of a warrior, firm in adversity, modest in victory, and magnanimous in every stage of fortune. "before the ministers of the french republic i speak the praises of a man whom ambition never swayed and whose every care tended to the welfare of his country; a man who, unlike others that have changed empires, lived in peace in his native land; and in that land which he had freed, and in which he had held the highest rank, died as a simple individual. "general washington offers examples not less worthy of imitation. amid all the disorders of camps, amid all the excesses inseparable from a civil war, humanity took refuge in his tent, and was never repulsed. in triumph and in defeat, he was always as tranquil as wisdom, as simple as virtue. the finer feelings of the heart never abandoned him, even in those moments when his own interest would seem to justify a recurrence to the laws of vengeance.... "it is these extraordinary men, who appear at intervals on this vast scene, with characters commanding and illustrious. an unknown and superior cause sends them when it is fit, to lay the foundations of new or to build up the ruins of old empires. it is in vain that these men step aside or mingle with the crowd. destiny leads them on; they are carried from obstacle to obstacle, from triumph to triumph, until they arrive at the summit of power. something supernatural animates all their thoughts. an irresistible movement is given to all their enterprises. the multitude still seek them among themselves, and find them not; they raise their eyes, and see in a sphere, dazzling with light and glory, those whom their ignorance and envy would call rash. "washington had not those high and commanding traits which strike every mind. he displayed more order and justice, than force and elevation, in his ideas. he possessed, above all, in an eminent degree, that quality which some call vulgar, but which very few possess--that quality not less useful to the government of states than to the conduct of life, and which gives more tranquillity than emotion to the soul, and more happiness than glory to those who possess it. it is of good sense that i speak. audacity destroys, genius elevates, good sense preserves and perfects. genius is charged with the glory of empires; but good sense alone assures their safety and repose. his end portrayed all the domestic virtues, as his life had been an illustrious example in war and politics. america regarded with respect the mansion which contained her defender. from that retreat, where so much glory dwelt, sage counsels issued, which had no less weight than in the days of his power. but death has swept all away; he died in the midst of those occupations which sweeten domestic life, and support us in the infirmities of age. "from every part of that america he delivered, the cry of grief is heard. it belonged to france to echo back the mournful sound; it ought to vibrate on every generous heart. the shade of washington, on entering beneath this lofty dome, will find a turenne, a catinat, a condé, all of whom have fixed their habitation here. if these illustrious warriors had not served in the same cause during life, yet the fame of all will unite them in death. opinions, subject to the caprices of the world and to time--opinions, weak and changeable, the inheritance of humanity--vanish on the tomb; but glory and virtue live for ever. when departed from this stage, the great men of every age and of every place become in some measure compatriots and contemporaries. they form but one family in the memory of the living; and their examples are renewed in every successive age. thus, within these walls, the valor of washington attracts the regard of condÃ�; his modesty is applauded by turenne; his philosophy draws him to the bosom of catinat. a people who admit the ancient dogma of a transmigration of souls will often confess that the soul of catinat dwells in the bosom of washington. "the voice of republicanism, which resounds from every part of these walls, ought to please, above all, the defenders of america. can they not love these soldiers who, after their example, repelled the enemies of their country? we approach with pleasure those veterans, whose trophies add lustre to these walls, and some of whom have gained laurels with washington in the wilds of carolina and virginia. "but there is something more due to the memory of washington: it is the union of france and america.[ ] it is the happiness of each; it is peace between the two nations. it now seems to me that washington calls to all france from the very summit of this dome: 'magnanimous people! you, who know so well how to honor glory, i have conquered for independence; the happiness of my country was the reward of that victory. imitate not the first half of my life; it is the second that recommends me to posterity.' "yes, thy counsels shall be heard, o washington! o warrior! o legislator! o citizen without reproach! he who, _while yet young_, rivals thee in battles, shall, like thee, with his triumphant hands, heal the wounds of his country. even now we have his disposition, his character, for the pledge; and his warlike genius, unfortunately necessary, shall soon lead sweet peace into this temple of war. then the sentiment of universal joy shall obliterate the remembrance of oppression and injustice. already the oppressed forget their ills, in looking to the future. the acclamations of every age will be offered to the hero who gives happiness to france, and seeks to restore it to a contending world." [ ] the new american envoys were then in paris, on a mission of reconciliation and brotherhood. chapter xliii. washington's character. our chronicle of the career of washington is finished. we have traced the details of that career, from his birth through all the vicissitudes of an eventful life of more than sixty years, with conscientious fidelity to truth and justice. we have seen him first a generous, truthful boy; and then a handsome, robust, manly youth, perfectly self-reliant, bearing the implements of a professional surveyor's vocation through the forests of virginia, and gaining that knowledge of woodcraft which afterward proved of essential service to him. we have seen him, at the age of twenty-one years, traversing a portion of the same wilderness and beyond, bearing the commission and responsibilities of a military officer, and intrusted with service the most delicate yet most arduous, requiring for its performance the combined abilities of pioneer, soldier, and diplomat. we have seen him returning, crowned with success, and receiving the applause of his countrymen. we have seen him, a little later, leading a military expedition into that wilderness, to roll back a wave of french encroachment supported by deluded savages, and exhibiting the wisdom of a veteran in his marches, conflicts, and retreats. and, later still, we have seen him wisely advising a british general how to fight, but to be answered with contempt. we have seen him left to act upon the principles involved in that advice, when his commander was laid low, and permitted to save, by most brave and judicious management, the remnant of the broken army. we have seen him in other campaigns of that old french and indian war, always judicious, brave, and successful, and always evidently god-protected; and we have seen that devotion to his country rewarded by the love and admiration of his fellow-men, and the affections and fortune of one of the loveliest of virginia's daughters who became his wife, and was his companion, solace, and joy, during the remaining forty years of his life. we have seen him a chosen member of the virginia house of burgesses year after year, always remarkable for his wisdom, his patriotism, and his prudence; always conservative, yet never lagging when a crisis demanded action--one of the most decisive when reconciliation with the mother-country was evidently impossible, and a resort to arms absolutely necessary. we have seen him at the kindling of that war, a sage and influential member of the grand national council; and soon afterward called by that body to the supreme leadership of the armies formed to fight for liberty and independence. we have seen him so devoted to the high and holy trust committed to his case, that for more than six years he never crossed the threshold of his delightful mansion on the potomac, where he had enjoyed many long years of connubial happiness, the pleasures of social intercourse, and the delights of rural pursuits. we have seen him at the close of a successful seven years' war for independence, venerated and almost worshipped by a grateful people, refusing a proffered crown, resigning his commission into the hands of the power that gave it, and retiring to private life at his own dear mount vernon. and we have seen him in that delightful retreat, entertaining friends and strangers with the most generous hospitality, and receiving the homage of the great and the good of all lands. we have seen him called from that retirement to take the lead in the formation of a new code of organic laws for the government of the infant nation in whose nativity he had performed the most conspicuous part; and then, by the spontaneous voice of the whole people, summoned to the helm of state under that more perfect form of government which he and his compatriots had devised. we have seen him as the chief magistrate of the republic, firm almost beyond precedent in his loyalty to the best interests of his country, unmoved by the appeals of sympathy, unseduced by the wiles of politicians, unappalled by the shocks of faction and the surges of popular commotions. we have seen him leave the cares and honors of office, even while the nation was imploring him to remain, and retiring to private life with the blessed assurance of repose and a serene old age. we have seen him leaving that repose at the call of the people, and again cheerfully preparing to serve his country, as the leader of its armies, to repel hostile invasion. and we have seen him go down into the grave, without any of the infirmities of old age--with step elastic, eye undimmed, countenance fresh and youthful in appearance, and intellect unclouded, until the last--leaving to his countrymen the image of an almost perfect man, in all the beautiful proportions of mental, moral, and physical vigor, while the world lamented, and eulogy found him one of its noblest and most suggestive themes. it remains for us now to consider his character and his habits of life in the social relations. historians, biographers, essayists, and personal friends, have drawn pictures of that wonderful man (whose proportions, in comparison of others, grow more colossal every day) with pencils somewhat partial, perhaps, as is natural, but graphic and generally truthful. it is not for us, at this remote distance from the period and theatre of his life, to attempt to delineate him with any expectation of improving upon these originals. we will be content to group some of their pictures, in whole and in part, in such a way, that all knowledge essential to a just appreciation of the _whole_ character of washington may be obtained by the reader who may have followed us in the long narrative of his public life, recorded on the pages of these volumes. in making up the group, we shall borrow freely from the limners, beginning with the graphic outline of one of his most devoted and well-appreciated personal friends, and his first biographer, chief-justice marshall. "his manners were rather reserved than free, though they partook nothing of that dryness and sternness which accompany reserve when carried to an extreme; and on all proper occasions he could relax sufficiently to show how highly he was gratified by the charms of conversation and the pleasures of society. his person and whole deportment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, unmingled with haughtiness, of which all who approached him were sensible; and the attachment of those who possessed his friendship and enjoyed his intimacy was ardent, but always respectful. his temper was humane, benevolent, and conciliatory; but there was a quickness in his sensibility to anything apparently offensive, which experience had taught him to watch and to correct. "in the management of his private affairs he exhibited an exact yet liberal economy. his funds were not prodigally wasted on capricious and ill-examined schemes, nor refused to beneficial though costly improvements. they remained, therefore, competent to that expensive establishment which his reputation, added to a hospitable temper, had in some measure imposed upon him, and to those donations which real distress has a right to claim from opulence. he made no pretensions to that vivacity which fascinates, or to that wit which dazzles, and frequently imposes on the understanding. more solid than brilliant, judgment rather than genius constituted the most prominent feature of his character. without making ostentatious professions of religion, he was a sincere believer in the christian faith, and a truly devout man. "as a military man, he was brave, enterprising, and cautious. that malignity which has sought to strip him of all the higher qualities of a general, has conceded to him personal courage, and a firmness of resolution which neither dangers nor difficulty could shake. but candor will allow him other great and valuable endowments. if his military course does not abound with splendid achievements, it exhibits a series of judicious measures adapted to circumstances, which probably saved his country. "placed, without having studied the theory or been taught in the school of experience the practice of war, at the head of an undisciplined, ill-organized multitude, which was impatient of the restraints and unacquainted with the ordinary duties of the camp, without the aid of officers possessing those lights which the commander-in-chief was yet to acquire, it would have been a miracle indeed had his conduct been absolutely faultless. but, possessing an energetic and distinguishing mind, on which the lessons of experience were never lost, his errors, if he committed any, were quickly repaired; and those measures which the state of things rendered most advisable, were seldom if ever neglected. inferior to his adversary in the number, the equipment, and in the discipline of his troops, it is evidence of real merit that no great and decisive advantages were ever obtained over him; and that the opportunity to strike an important blow never passed away unused. he has been termed the american fabius; but those who compare his actions with his means, will perceive at least as much of marcellus as fabius in his character. he could not have been more enterprising, without endangering the cause he defended; nor have put more to hazard, without incurring justly the imputation of rashness. not relying upon those chances which sometimes give a favorable issue to attempts apparently desperate, his conduct was regulated by calculations made upon the capacities of his army and the real situation of his country. "in his civil administration, as in his military career, ample and repeated proofs were exhibited of that practical good sense, of that sound judgment, which is perhaps the most rare and is certainly the most valuable quality of the human mind. devoting himself to the duties of his station, and pursuing no object distinct from the public good, he was accustomed to contemplate at a distance those critical situations in which the united states might probably be placed; and to digest, before the occasion required action, the line of conduct which it would be proper to observe. taught to distrust first impressions, he sought to acquire all the information which was attainable, and to hear, without prejudice, all the reasons which could be urged for or against a particular measure. his own judgment was suspended until it became necessary to determine; and his decisions, thus maturely made, were seldom if ever to be shaken. his conduct therefore was systematic, and the great objects of his administration were steadily pursued. "respecting, as the first magistrate of a free government must ever do, the real and deliberate sentiments of the people, their gusts of passion passed over without ruffling the smooth surface of his mind. trusting to the reflecting good sense of the nation for approbation and support, he had the magnanimity to pursue its real interests, in opposition to its temporary prejudices; and, though far from being regardless of popular favor, he could never stoop to retain, by deserving to lose it. in more instances than one, we find him committing his whole popularity to hazard, and pursuing steadily, in opposition to a torrent that would have overwhelmed a man of ordinary firmness, that course which had been dictated by a sense of duty. "in speculation, he was a real republican, devoted to the constitution of his country, and to that system of equal political rights on which it is founded. but between a balanced republic and a democracy the difference is like that between order and chaos. real liberty, he thought, was to be preserved only by preserving the authority of the laws and maintaining the energy of government. scarcely did society present two characters which, in his opinion, less resembled each other, than a patriot and a demagogue. "no man has ever appeared upon the theatre of public action whose integrity was more incorruptible, or whose principles were more perfectly free from the contaminations of those selfish and unworthy passions which find their nourishment in the conflicts of party. having no views which required concealment, his real and avowed motives were the same; and his whole correspondence does not furnish a single case from which even an enemy would infer that he was capable, under any circumstances, of stooping to the employment of duplicity. no truth can be uttered with more confidence than that his ends were always upright, and his means always pure. he exhibits the rare example of a politician to whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions to foreign governments and to his own countrymen were always sincere. in him was fully exemplified the real distinction which for ever exists between wisdom and cunning, and the importance as well as truth of the maxim, 'honesty is the best policy.' "if washington possessed ambition, that passion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles or controlled by circumstances, that it was neither vicious nor turbulent. intrigue was never employed as the means of its gratification, nor was personal aggrandizement its object. the various high and important stations to which he was called by the public voice, were unsought by himself; and, in consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to a general conviction that the interests of his country would be thereby promoted, than to an avidity for power. "neither the extraordinary partiality of the american people, the extravagant praises which were bestowed upon him, nor the inveterate opposition and malignant calumnies which he encountered, had any visible influence upon his conduct. the cause is to be looked for in the texture of his mind. to him, that innate and unassuming modesty which adulation would have offended, which the voluntary plaudits of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which never intruded upon others his claims to superior consideration, was happily blended with a high and correct sense of personal dignity, and with a just consciousness of that respect which is due to station. without exertion, he could maintain the happy medium between that arrogance which wounds and that facility which allows the office to be degraded in the person who fills it. "it is impossible to contemplate the great events which have occurred in the united states under the auspices of washington, without ascribing them, in some measure, to him. if we ask the causes of the prosperous issue of a war, against the successful termination of which there were so many probabilities; of the good which was produced, and the ill which was avoided, during an administration fated to contend with the strongest prejudices that a combination of circumstances and of passions could produce; of the favor of the great mass of his fellow-citizens, and of the confidence which, to the last moment of his life, they reposed in him--the answer, so far as these causes may be found in his character, will furnish a lesson well meriting the attention of those who are candidates for political fame. "endowed by nature with a sound judgment and an accurate, discriminating mind, he feared not that laborious attention which made him perfectly master of those subjects, in all their relations, on which he was to decide. and this essential quality was guided by an unvarying sense of moral right, which would tolerate the employment only of those means that would bear the most rigid examination; by a fairness of intention which neither sought nor required disguise; and by a purity of virtue which was not only untainted, but unsuspected. "washington's character, so perfect in its harmonious combination of the best and greatest qualities that constitute the true man, has endured the test of criticism for three quarters of a century; and every time it passes through the crucible of severe analysis, in the hands of masters, it appears more perfect than before the ordeal. to this task the best minds of europe have brought their keenest powers of research, and the conclusion is always the same." "the bold and successful passages of the delaware, and the surprise of the hessians," says one of our most accomplished essayists, "awaked in frederick of prussia the sympathy and high appreciation which he manifested by the gift of a sword, with an inscription exclusively in praise of washington's generalship. the moderation of his nature, the heroic balance of his soul, whereby elation was kept in abeyance in the hour of success, not less nobly than despair in the day of misfortune, attracted the french philosopher, habituated as he was, in the history of his own nation, to the association of warlike and civic fame with the extremes of zeal and indifference, of violence and caprice. in his estimation, the good sense and moral consistency of washington and his compatriots naturally offered the most remarkable problem. accordingly, guizot bears witness chiefly to this unprecedented union of comprehensive designs and prudential habits, of aspiration and patience, in the character of washington; and, doubtless through the contrast with the restless ambition which marks the lives of his own illustrious countrymen, is mainly struck with the fact that, 'while capable of rising to the level of the highest destiny, he might have lived in ignorance of his real power, without suffering from it.' the italian patriot, obliged to vent his love of country in terse dramatic colloquies, and through the lips of dead heroes, is thrilled with the grand possibilities of action, through the realization of his sentiments by achievement, opened to washington. even the poor indians, so often cajoled out of their rights as to be thoroughly incredulous of good faith among the pale-faces, made him an exception to their rooted distrust. 'the white men are bad,' said an aboriginal chief, in his council-speech, 'and can not dwell in the region of the great spirit, _except washington_.' and lord brougham, in a series of analytical biographies of the renowned men of the last and present century, which indicate a deep study and philosophical estimate of human greatness, closes his sketch of washington by the emphatic assertion that the test of the progress of mankind will be their appreciation of his character."[ ] at his installation as chancellor of the university of edinburgh, in the spring of , lord brougham, in his address, after speaking of napoleon and wellington, said: "but in washington we may contemplate every excellence, military and civil, applied to the service of his country and of mankind--a triumphant warrior, unshaken in confidence when the most sanguine had a right to despair; a successful ruler in all the difficulties of a course wholly untried--directing the formation of a new government for a great people, the first time so vast an experiment had ever been tried by man; voluntarily and unostentatiously retiring from supreme power with the veneration of all parties, of all nations, of all mankind, that the rights of men may be conserved, and that his example might never be appealed to by vulgar tyrants. it will be the duty of the historian and the sage, in all ages, to omit no occasion of commemorating this illustrious man; and until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and in virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of washington." one of the most beautiful of the many eulogies of the great patriot was written, soon after his death, by an unknown hand (supposed to be that of an english gentleman), on the back of a cabinet profile likeness of washington, executed in crayon, by sharpless. it is in the form of a monumental inscription. the following is a copy of it:-- washington, the defender of his country, the founder of liberty, the friend of man. history and tradition are explored in vain for a parallel to his character. in the annals of modern greatness he stands alone, and the noblest names of antiquity lose their lustre in his presence. born the _benefactor of mankind_, he was signally endowed with all the qualities appropriate to his _illustrious career_. _nature_ made him _great_, and, heaven-directed, he made _himself virtuous_. called by his country to the _defence_ of her _soil_, and the _vindication_ of her _liberties_, he led to the field _her patriot armies_; and, displaying in rapid and brilliant succession the united powers of _consummate prudence_ and heroic valor, he triumphed in arms over the most powerful nation of modern europe; his sword giving _freedom to america_, his counsels breathing _peace to the world_. after a short repose from the _tumultuous vicissitudes_ of a sanguinary war, the astounding energies of washington were again destined to a _new course_ of _glory and usefulness_. _the civic wreath_ was spontaneously placed by the _gratitude_ of the _nation_ on the brow of the deliverer _of his_ country. he was twice _solemnly invested_ with the powers of _supreme magistracy_, by the _unanimous voice_ of _a free people_; and in his exalted and arduous station, his _wisdom_ in the _cabinet_ transcended the _glories of the field_. the _destinies_ of _washington_ were now complete. having passed the meridian of a _devoted life_, having founded on the pillars of national independence the _splendid fabric_ of a great republic, and having firmly established the empire of the west, he solemnly deposited on the _altar of his country_ his _laurels_ and his _sword_, and retired to the _shades_ of private life. a _spectacle_ so _new_ and so _sublime_, was contemplated by _mankind_ with the _profoundest admiration_; and the name of washington, adding new _lustre_ to _humanity_, resounded _to the remotest regions of the earth_. _magnanimous in youth_, glorious through life, great in death, his highest ambition the _happiness of mankind_, his _noblest victory_ the _conquest of himself_. bequeathing to america the _inheritance_ of his _fame_, and building his _monument_ in the _hearts of his countrymen_, he lived, the _ornament_ of the eighteenth century; he died, lamented by a mourning world. footnotes: [ ] _essays, biographical and critical; or, studies of character_. by henry t. tuckerman. chapter xliv. washington's habits and personal appearance. washington, as we have observed in the earlier portion of this work, was passionately fond of field-sports; and during the first years of his married life, and even to the kindling of the revolution, he frequently indulged in the pleasures of the chase. he was an admirable equestrian, but was not a successful sportsman. he engaged in the chase more for the pleasure produced by the excitement, than for the honors of success. he had quite a large kennel of hounds, and a fine stud of horses. of these he kept, with his own hand, a careful register, in which might be found the names, ages, and marks of each. with these, his companions of the chase, he was as carefully punctual in his attentions as to any other business of his life. among the names of his horses were those of chinkling, valiant, ajax, magnolia, blueskin, etc. magnolia was a full-blooded arabian, and was used for the saddle upon the road. among the names of his hounds were vulcan, ringwood, singer, truelove, music, sweetlips, forester, rockwood, etc. it was his pride (and a proof of his skill in hunting) to have his pack so critically drafted, as to speed and bottom, that in running, if one leading dog should lose the scent, another was at hand immediately to recover it; and thus, when in full cry, to use a racing-phrase, you might "cover the pack with a blanket." mr. custis, in his _recollections of washington_, has given some interesting incidents of his life as a sportsman. "during the season," he says, "mount vernon had many sporting guests from the neighborhood, from maryland, and elsewhere. their visits were not of days, but weeks; and they were entertained in the good old style of virginia's ancient hospitality. washington, always superbly mounted, in true sporting costume, of blue coat, scarlet waistcoat, buckskin breeches, top-boots, velvet cap, and whip with long thong, took the field at daybreak, with his huntsman, will lee, his friends and neighbors." they usually hunted three times a week, if the weather was favorable. on the hunting-mornings, breakfast was served at candlelight. washington seldom partook of anything but indian-corn cakes and milk. at dawn the whole cavalcade would leave mount vernon, and frequently before sunrise the dogs would be in full cry after a fox, washington usually rode a horse named _blueskin_, a fiery animal, of great endurance, and of a dark, iron-gray color. billy (who was washington's body-servant during the war) always kept with the hounds; "and, mounted on _chinkling_," says custis, "a french horn at his back, throwing himself almost at length on the animal, with his spurs in flank, this fearless horseman would rush at full speed, through brake and tangled wood, in a style at which modern huntsmen would stand aghast." when the chase was ended, the party would return to mount vernon to dinner, where other than sporting guests were frequently assembled to greet them. the table was always furnished generously; and the expensive style in which washington kept up his establishment before the revolution may be inferred from an entry in his diary, in , in which he says, "would any one believe that, with a _hundred and one cows_, actually reported at a late enumeration of the cattle, i should still be obliged to buy butter for my family?" during the war, these pleasures were suspended, nor was the sporting establishment ever revived, to any great extent. lafayette sent washington some hounds in , but increasing private and public duties caused the master of mount vernon to neglect the pleasures in which he once took such delight. it must not be supposed that, during those years of social enjoyment, washington neglected any duties. as a member of the virginia house of burgesses, he was assiduous, punctual, and faithful. as a farmer, he was careful, prudent, and skilful; and he managed his estate of eight thousand acres with such signal industry and ability, that he was considered a model agriculturist. he did not leave his farms to the entire care of his overseers. he continually exercised a general supervision of his affairs, except when absent on public business; and even then, through weekly reports, which he required his manager to transmit to him regularly, he had a perfect knowledge of all operations, and sometimes gave lengthy and minute directions. while washington's table was always bountifully supplied for his guests, he seldom partook of those preparations of the cook which specially please the appetite. he was very abstemious, and never indulged to excess in eating or drinking. his breakfast-hour was seven o'clock in summer, and eight in winter. he usually made a frugal meal of indian cakes, honey, and tea or coffee, then mounted his horse and visited every part of his estate, where the current operations seemed to require his presence, leaving his guests to enjoy themselves with books and papers, or otherwise, according to their choice. he rode upon his farms entirely unattended, opening the gates, pulling down and putting up the "bars," and inspecting with careful eye every agricultural operation. sometimes the tour of his farms in the course of the morning might average, in distance, twelve or fifteen miles. the late mr. custis has left on record a description of his appearance on one of these occasions, in the latter years of his life, which he gave to a gentleman who was out in search of washington. "you will meet, sir" said young custis to the inquirer, "with an old gentleman riding alone, in plain drab clothes, a broad-brimmed white hat, a hickory switch in his hand, and carrying an umbrella with a long staff, which is attached to his saddle-bow--that person, sir, is general washington." he dined at three o'clock, when he always ate heartily, but of simple food. his usual beverage was small-beer and cider, and madeira wine. of the latter he often drank several small glasses at a sitting. he took tea and toast, or a little well-baked bread, early in the evening; conversed with or read to his family when there were no guests; and usually, whether there was company or not, retired for the night at about nine o'clock. he was an early riser, and might be found in his library from one to two hours before daylight in winter, and at dawn in summer. his toilet, plain and simple, was soon made. a single servant prepared his clothes, and laid them in a proper place at night, for use in the morning. he always dressed and shaved himself, and a servant combed and tied his hair. always neat in his dress and appearance, yet he never wasted precious moments upon his toilet; for he regarded time, not as a gift, but a loan, for which he must account to the great master. the economy practised at mount vernon was always exercised by washington while in public office. he had engaged samuel fraunces, the noted innkeeper in new york, as the steward of his household when he was president of the united states. "we are happy to inform our readers," said fenno's _gazette_, "that the president is determined to pursue that system of regularity and economy in his household which has always marked his public and private life. as a proof of this, we learn that the steward is obliged, by his articles of agreement, to exhibit weekly a fair statement of the receipts and expenditures of moneys by him, for and on account of the president's household, to such person as the president may appoint to inspect the same; together with the several bills and receipts of payment for those articles which may be purchased by him, when such bills and receipts can be obtained. and it is likewise strongly inculcated on the steward to guard against any waste or extravagance that might be committed by the servants of the family."[ ] the late reverend ashbel green has left on record the following personal reminiscences of washington during his residence in philadelphia as chief magistrate of the nation: "after a great deal of talking, and writing, and controversy, about the permanent seat of congress, under the present constitution, it was determined that philadelphia should be honored with its presence for ten years, and that afterward its permanent location should be in the city of washington, where it now is. in the meantime, the federal city was in building; and the legislature of pennsylvania voted a sum of money to build a house for the president--perhaps with some hope that this might help to keep the seat of the general government in the capital, for philadelphia was then considered as the capital of the state. what was lately the university of pennsylvania, was the structure erected for this purpose. but as soon as general washington saw its dimensions, and a good while before it was finished, he let it be known that he would not occupy it--that he should certainly not go to the expense of purchasing suitable furniture for such a dwelling; for it is to be understood, in those days of stern republicanism, nobody thought of congress _furnishing_ the president's house; or, if perchance such a thought did enter into some aristocratic head, it was too unpopular to be uttered. "president washington, therefore, rented a house of mr. robert morris, in market street, between fifth and sixth streets, on the south side, and furnished it handsomely, but not gorgeously. there he lived, with mrs. washington; mr. lear (his private secretary) and his wife, and mrs. washington's grandchildren, making a part of the family. young custis had a private tutor, employed by the president, who was engaged to attend on his pupil one hour in the winter mornings, before breakfast; and who, then, commonly breakfasted with the president and his family. the president ate indian-cakes for breakfast, after the virginia fashion, although buckwheat-cakes were generally on the table. washington's dining parties were entertained in a very handsome style. his weekly dining-day, for company, was thursday, and his dining-hour was always four o'clock in the afternoon. his rule was, to allow five minutes for the variation of clocks and watches, and then go to the table, be present or absent whoever might. he kept his own clock in the hall, just within the outward door, and always exactly regulated. when lagging members of congress came in, as they often did, after the guests had sat down to dinner, the president's only apology was, 'gentlemen (or sir), we are too punctual for you. i have a cook who never asks whether the company has come, but whether the hour has come,' the company usually assembled in the drawing-room, about fifteen or twenty minutes before dinner, and the president spoke to every guest personally on entering the room. "he was always dressed in a suit of black, his hair powdered and tied in a black queue behind, with a very elegant dress-sword, which he wore with inimitable grace. mrs. washington often, but not always, dined with the company, sat at the head of the table, and if, as was occasionally the case, there were other ladies present, they sat each side of her. the private secretary sat at the foot of the table, and was expected to be quietly attentive to all the guests. the president himself sat half way from the head to the foot of the table, and on that side he would place mrs. washington, though distant from him, on his right hand. he always, unless a clergyman was present, at his own table, asked a blessing, in a standing posture. if a clergyman were present, he was requested both to ask a blessing, and to return thanks after dinner. the centre of the table contained five or six large silver or plated waiters, those of the ends circular or rather oval on one side, so as to make the arrangement correspond with the oval shape of the table. the waiters between the end-pieces were in the form of parallelograms, the ends about one third part of the length of the sides; and the whole of these waiters were filled with alabaster figures, taken from the ancient mythology, but none of them such as to offend, in the smallest degree, against delicacy. on the outside of the oval, formed by the waiters, were placed the various dishes, always without covers; and outside the dishes were the plates. a small roll of bread, enclosed in a napkin, was laid by the side of each plate. the president, it is believed, generally dined on one dish, and that of a very simple-kind. if offered something, either in the first or second course, which was very rich, his usual reply was, 'that is too good for me.' he had a silver pint cup or mug of beer placed by his plate, which he drank while dining. he took one glass of wine during dinner, and commonly one after. he then retired (the ladies having gone a little before him), and left his secretary to superintend the table till the wine-bibbers of congress had satisfied themselves with drinking. his wines were always the best that could be obtained. nothing could exceed the order with which his table was served. every servant knew what he was to do, and did it in the most quiet and yet rapid manner. the dishes and plates were removed and changed with a silence and speed that seemed like enchantment." washington's personal appearance, and deportment in public and private life, have often been the theme of description. in the year , an english gentleman, of intelligence and culture, was a guest at the presidential mansion, in new york, after washington had left franklin square, and taken up his abode in "m'comb's house," on the west side of broadway, near trinity church. the following account of that visit, supposed to be from the pen of hazlitt, appeared in the london _new monthly magazine_: "i remember my father telling me he was introduced to washington, in , by an american friend. a servant, well looking and well dressed, received the visitants at the door, and by him they were delivered over to an officer of the united states service, who ushered them into the drawing-room, in which mrs. washington and several ladies were seated. there was nothing remarkable in the person of the lady of the president; she was matronly and kind, with perfect good breeding. she at once entered into easy conversation, asked how long he had been in america, how he liked the country, and such other familiar but general questions. in a few minutes the general was in the room. it was not necessary to announce his name, for his peculiar appearance, his firm forehead, roman nose, and a projection of the lower jaw, his height and figure, could not be mistaken by any one who had seen a full-length picture of him, and yet no picture accurately resembled him in the minute traits of his person. his features, however, were so marked by prominent characteristics, which appear in all likenesses of him, that a stranger could not be mistaken in the man. he was remarkably dignified in his manners, and had an air of benignity over his features which his visitant did not expect, being rather prepared for sternness of countenance. "after an introduction by mrs. washington, without more form than common good manners prescribes, 'he requested me,' said my father, 'to be seated; and, taking a chair himself, entered at once into conversation. his manner was full of affability. he asked how i liked the country, the city of new york; talked of the infant institutions of america, and the advantages she offered, by her intercourse, for benefiting other nations. he was grave in manner, but perfectly easy. his dress was of purple satin. there was a commanding air in his appearance which excited respect, and forbade too great a freedom toward him, independently of that species of awe which is always felt in the moral influence of a great character. in every movement, too, there was a polite gracefulness equal to any met with in the most polished individuals in europe, and his smile was extraordinarily attractive. it was observed to me that there was an expression in washington's face that no painter had succeeded in taking. it struck me no man could be better formed for command. a stature of six feet, a robust but well-proportioned frame, calculated to sustain fatigue, without that heaviness which generally attends great muscular strength and abates active exertion, displayed bodily power of no mean standard. a light eye and full--the very eye of genius and reflection, rather than of blind, passionate impulse. his nose appeared thick, and, though it befitted his other features, was too coarsely and strongly formed to be the handsomest of its class. his mouth was like no other that i ever saw; the lips firm, and the under jaw seeming to grasp the upper with force, as if its muscles were in full action when he sat still. neither with the general nor with mrs. washington was there the slightest restraint of ceremony. there was less of it than i ever recollect to have met with where perfect good breeding and manners were at the same time observed. to many remarks washington assented with a smile or inclination of the head, as if he were by nature sparing in his conversation, and i am inclined to think this was the case. an allusion was made to a serious fit of illness he had recently suffered; but he took no notice of it. i could not help remarking that america must have looked with anxiety to the termination of his indisposition. he made no reply to my compliment but by an inclination of the head. his bow at my taking leave i shall never forget. it was the last movement which i saw that illustrious character make, as my eyes took their leave of him for ever, and it hangs a perfect picture upon my recollection. the house of washington was in the broadway, and the street front was handsome. the drawing-room in which i sat was lofty and spacious; but the furniture was not beyond that found in dwellings of opulent americans in general, and might be called plain for its situation. the upper end of the room had glass doors, which opened upon a balcony, commanding an extensive view of the hudson river, interspersed with islands, and the jersey shore on the opposite side. a grandson and daughter resided constantly in the house with the general, and a nephew of the general's, married to a niece of mrs. washington, resided at mount vernon, the general's family-seat in virginia; his residence, as president, keeping him at the seat of government.' the levees held by washington, as president, were generally crowded, and held on tuesday, between three and four o'clock. the president stood, and received the bow of the person presented, who retired to make way for another. at the drawing-room, mrs. washington received the ladies, who courtesied, and passed aside without exchanging a word. tea and coffee, with refreshments of all kinds, were laid in one part of the rooms; and, before the individuals of the company retired, each lady was a second time led up to the lady-president, made her second silent obeisance, and departed. nothing could be more simple, yet it was enough." the late mr. custis, in his _recollections of washington_, says: "with all its developments of muscular power, the form of washington had no appearance of bulkiness; and so harmonious were its proportions, that he did not appear so passing tall as his portraits have represented. he was rather spare than full during his whole life; this is readily ascertained from his weight. the last time he weighed was in the summer of , when, having made the tour of his farms, accompanied by an english gentleman, he called at his mill and was weighed. the writer placed the weight in the scales. the englishman, not so tall, but stout, square built, and fleshy, weighed heavily, and expressed much surprise that the general had not outweighed him, when washington observed that the best weight of his best days never exceeded from two hundred and ten to two hundred and twenty pounds. in the instance alluded to, he weighed a little rising two hundred and ten. in the prime of life, washington stood six feet two inches, and measured precisely six feet when attired for the grave. "the power of washington's arm was displayed in several memorable instances: in his throwing a stone from the bed of the stream to the top of the natural bridge; another over the palisades into the hudson; and yet another across the rappahannock, at fredericksburg. of the article with which he spanned this noble and navigable stream, there are various accounts. we are assured that it was a piece of slate, fashioned to about the size and shape of a dollar, and which, sent by an arm so strong, not only spanned the river, but took the ground at least thirty yards on the other side. numbers have since tried this feat, but none have cleared the water. 'tis the 'douglas cast,' made in the days when virginia's men were strong, as her maids are fair; when the hardy sports of the gymnasium prepared the body to answer the 'trumpet-call to war,' and gave vigor and elevation to the mind; while our modern habits would rather fit the youth 'to caper nimbly in a lady's chamber.' "while the late and venerable charles willson peale was at mount vernon, in , engaged in painting the portrait of the provincial colonel, some young men were contending in the exercise of pitching the bar. washington looked on for a time, then grasping the missile in his master-hand, whirled the iron through the air, which took the ground far, very far, beyond any of its former limits; the colonel observing, with a smile, 'you perceive, young gentlemen, that my arm yet retains some portion of the vigor of my earlier days.' he was then in his fortieth year, and probably in the full meridian of his physical powers; but those powers became rather mellowed than decayed by time, for 'his age was like a lusty winter, frosty yet kindly;' and, up to his sixty-eighth year, he mounted a horse with surprising agility, and rode with the ease and gracefulness of his better days. his personal prowess, that elicited the admiration of a people who have nearly all passed from the stage of life, still serves as a model for the manhood of modern times. "in the various exhibitions of washington's great physical powers, they were apparently attended by scarcely any effort. on one occasion, when quite a young man, he was present while others were trying their strength in wrestling. he had retired to the shade of a tree, intent upon the perusal of a favorite volume; and it was only when the champion of the games strode through the ring, calling for nobler competitors, and taunting the student with the reproach that it was the fear of encountering so redoubted an antagonist that kept him from the ring, that washington closed his book, and, without divesting himself of his coat, calmly walked into the arena, observing that fear formed no part of his being. then, grappling with the champion, the struggle was fierce, but momentary, 'for,' said the vanquished hero of the arena, 'in washington's lion-like grasp, i became powerless, and was hurled to the ground with a force that seemed to jar the very marrow in my bones;' while the victor, regardless of the shouts that proclaimed his triumph, leisurely retired to his shade, and the enjoyment of his favorite volume. "washington's powers were chiefly in his limbs: they were long, large, and sinewy. his frame was of equal breadth from the shoulders to the hips. his chest, though broad and expansive, was not prominent, but rather hollowed in the centre. he had suffered from a pulmonary affection in early life, from which he never entirely recovered. his frame showed an extraordinary development of bone and muscle; his joints were large, as were his feet; and could a cast have been preserved of his hand, to be exhibited in these degenerate days, it would be said to have belonged to the being of a fabulous age. during lafayette's visit to mount vernon in , he said to the writer: 'i never saw so large a hand on any human being, as the general's. it was in this portico, in , that you were introduced to me by the general. you were a very little gentleman, with a feather in your hat, and holding fast to _one finger_ of the good general's remarkable hand, which was all you could do, my dear sir, at that time.'" a late anonymous writer says: "i saw this remarkable man four times. it was in the month of november, , i first beheld the father of his country. it was very cold, the northwest wind blowing hard down the potomac, at georgetown, d. c. a troop of light-horse, from alexandria, escorted him to the western bank of the river. the waves ran high, and the boat which brought him over seemed to labor considerably. several thousand people greeted his arrival with swelling hearts and joyful countenances. the military were drawn up in a long line to receive him; the officers, pressed in regimentals, did him homage. i was so fortunate as to walk by his side, and had a full view of him. although only about ten years of age, the impression his person and manner then made on me is now perfectly revived. he was six feet and one inch high, broad and athletic, with very large limbs, entirely erect, and without the slightest tendency to stooping; his hair was white, and tied with a silk string; his countenance lofty, masculine, and contemplative; his eye light gray. he was dressed in the clothes of a citizen, and over these a blue surtout of the finest cloth. his weight must have been two hundred and thirty pounds, with no superfluous flesh; all was bone and sinew; and he walked like a soldier. whoever has seen, in the patent-office at washington, the dress he wore when resigning his commission as commander-in-chief, in december, , at once perceives how large and magnificent was his frame. during the parade, something at a distance suddenly attracted his attention; his eye was instantaneously lighted up as with the lightning's flash. at this moment i see its marvellous animation, its glowing fire, exhibiting strong passion, controlled by deliberate reason. "in the summer of , i again saw the chief. he rode a purely white horse, seventeen hands high, well proportioned, of high spirit: he almost seemed conscious that he bore on his back the father of his country. he reminded me of the war-horse whose 'neck is clothed with thunder.' i have seen some highly-accomplished riders, but not one of them approached washington; he was perfect in this respect. behind him, at the distance of perhaps forty yards, came billy lee, his body-servant, who had perilled his life in many a field, beginning on the heights of boston, in , and ending in , when cornwallis surrendered, and the captive army, with inexpressible chagrin, laid down their arms at yorktown. billy rode a cream-colored horse, of the finest form; and his old revolutionary cocked hat indicated that its owner had often heard the roar of cannon and small-arms, and had encountered many trying scenes. billy was a dark mulatto. his master speaks highly of him in his will, and provides for his support. "some time during this year, perhaps, i saw him at seeme's tavern, in georgetown. the steps, porch, and street, were crowded with persons desirous of beholding the man. i viewed him through a window. the most venerable, dignified, and wealthy men of the town were there, some conversing with him. washington seemed almost a different being from any of them, and, indeed, from any other person ever reared in this country. his countenance was not so animated as when i first saw him, for then his complexion was as ruddy as if he were only twenty years old. "a few months before his death, i beheld this extraordinary man for the last time. he stopped at the tavern opposite the presbyterian church, in bridge street, georgetown. at that time, a regiment of soldiers was stationed in their tents, on the banks of rock creek, and frequently attended doctor balch's church, dressed in their costume, and powdered after the revolutionary fashion. i attended their parade almost every day; and, on one of these occasions, i recognised washington riding on horseback, unaccompanied by any one. he was going out to see his houses on capitol hill, as i supposed. they were burnt by the british, in . my youthful eye was riveted on him until he disappeared, and that for ever. i was surprised that he did not once look at the parade, so far as i could discover; on the contrary, he appeared indifferent to the whole scene." "of the remarkable degree of awe and reverence that the presence of washington always inspired," says mr. custis, "we shall give one out of a thousand instances. during the cantonment of the american army at the valley forge, some officers of the fourth pennsylvania regiment were engaged in a game of 'fives.' in the midst of their sport, they discovered the commander-in-chief leaning upon the enclosure, and beholding the game with evident satisfaction. in a moment, all things were changed. the ball was suffered to roll idly away; the gay laugh and joyous shout of excitement were hushed into a profound silence, and the officers were gravely grouped together. it was in vain the chief begged of the players that they would proceed with their game; declared the pleasure he had experienced from witnessing their skill; spoke of a proficiency in the manly exercise that he himself could have boasted of in other days. all would not do. not a man could be induced to move, till the general, finding that his presence hindered the officers from continuing the amusement, bowed, and, wishing them good sport, retired." a writer in the _national intelligencer_, a few years ago, gave the following sketch of the personal appearance of washington:-- "the description given by 'r' [a correspondent of the _intelligencer_] of washington's approach to the hall of congress in philadelphia, has freshly awakened my own reminiscences of the same scene. its vivid truth can not be surpassed. i stood with him on that same stone platform, before the door of the hall, elevated by a few steps from the pavement, when the carriage of the president drew up. it was, as he describes it, white, or rather of a light cream-color, painted on the panels with beautiful groups, by cipriani, representing the four seasons. the horses, according to my recollection, were white, in unison with the carriage, 'r.' says they were bays; perhaps he is more correct. as he alighted, and, ascending the steps, paused upon the platform, looking over his shoulder, in an attitude that would have furnished an admirable subject for the pencil, he was preceded by two gentlemen bearing long white wands, who kept back the eager crowd that pressed on every side to get a nearer view. at that moment i stood so near, that i might have touched his clothes; but i should as soon have thought of touching an electric battery. i was penetrated with a veneration amounting to the deepest awe. nor was this the feeling of a schoolboy only; it pervaded, i believe, every human being that approached washington; and i have been told that, even in his social and convivial hours, this feeling in those who were honored to share them never suffered intermission. i saw him a hundred times afterward, but never with any other than that same feeling. the almighty, who raised up for our hour of need a man so peculiarly prepared for its whole dread responsibility, seems to have put an impress of sacredness upon his own instrument. the first sight of the man struck the heart with involuntary homage, and prepared everything around him to obey, when he 'addressed himself to speak,' there was an unconscious suspension of the breath, while every eye was raised in expectation. "at the time i speak of, he stood in profound silence, and had that statue-like air which mental greatness alone can bestow. as he turned to enter the building, and was ascending the staircase leading to the congressional hall, i glided along unperceived, almost tinder cover of the skirts of his dress, and entered instantly after him into the lobby of the house, which was of course in session to receive him. on either hand, from the entrance, stood a large cast-iron stove; and, resolved to secure the unhoped-for privilege i had so unexpectedly obtained, i clambered, boy-like, on this stove (fortunately then not much heated), and from that favorable elevation enjoyed, for the first time (what i have since so many thousands of times witnessed with comparative indifference), an uninterrupted view of the american congress in full session, every member in his place. shall i be pardoned for saying its aspect was very different from what we now witness? there was an air of decorum, of composure, of reflection, of gentlemanly and polished dignity, which has fled, or lingers only with here and there a 'relic of the olden time.' "the house seemed then as composed as the senate now is when an impressive speech is in the act of delivery. on washington's entrance, the most profound and death-like stillness prevailed. house, lobbies, gallery, all were wrapped in the deepest attention; and the souls of that entire assemblage seemed peering from their eyes on the noble figure which deliberately, and with an unaffected but surpassing majesty, advanced up the broad aisle of the hall between ranks of standing senators and members, and slowly ascended the steps leading to the speaker's chair. i well remember, standing at the head of the senate, the tall, square, somewhat gaunt form of mr. jefferson; conspicuous from his scarlet waistcoat, bright blue coat, with broad, bright buttons, as well as by his quick and penetrating air, and high-boned, scottish cast of features. there, too, stood general knox, then secretary of war, in all the sleek rotundity of his low stature, with a bold and florid face, open, firm, and manly, in its expression. but i recollect that my boyish eye was caught by the appearance of de yrujo, the spanish embassador. he stood in the rear of the chair, a little on one side, covered with a splendid diplomatic dress, decorated with orders, and carrying under his arm an immense _chapeau-bras_, edged with white ostrich-feathers. he was a man totally different in his air and manner from all around him, and the very antipode especially of the man on whom all eyes but his seemed fixed as by a spell. i saw many other very striking figures grouped about and behind the speaker's chair, but i did not know their names, and had no one to ask: besides, i dared not open my lips. "the president, having seated himself, remained in silence, serenely contemplating the legislature before him, whose members now resumed their seats, waiting for the speech. no house of worship, in the most solemn pauses of devotion, was ever more profoundly still than that large and crowded chamber. "washington was dressed precisely as stuart has painted him in lord lansdowne's full-length portrait--in a full suit of the richest black velvet, with diamond knee-buckles, and square silver buckles set upon shoes japanned with the most scrupulous neatness, black silk stockings, his shirt ruffled at the breast and wrists, a light dress-sword, his hair profusely powdered, fully dressed, so as to project at the sides, and gathered behind in a silk bag, ornamented with a large rose of black ribbon. he held his cocked hat, which had a large black cockade on one side of it, in his hand, as he advanced toward the chair, and, when seated, laid it on the table. "at length, thrusting his hand within the side of his coat, he drew forth a roll of manuscript, which he opened, and rising, held it in his hand, while in a rich, deep, full, sonorous voice, he read his opening address to congress. his enunciation was deliberate, justly emphasized, very distinct, and accompanied with an air of deep solemnity, as being the utterance of a mind profoundly impressed with the dignity of the act in which it was occupied, conscious of the whole responsibility of its position and action, but not oppressed by it. there was ever about the man something which impressed the observer with a conviction that he was exactly and fully equal to what he had to do. he was never hurried; never negligent; but seemed ever prepared for the occasion, be it what it might. if i could express his character in one word, it would be appropriateness. in his study, in his parlor, at a _levee_, before congress, at the head of the army, he seemed ever to be just what the situation required him to be. he possessed, in a degree never equalled by any human being i ever saw, the strongest, most ever-present sense of propriety. it never forsook him, and deeply and involuntarily impressed itself upon every beholder. his address was of moderate length. the topics i have, of course, forgotten; indeed, i was not of an age to appreciate them: but the air, the manner, the tones, have never left my mental vision, and even now seem to vibrate on my ear. "a scene like this, once beheld, though in earliest youth, is never to be forgotten. it must be now fifty years ago, but i could this moment sit down and sketch the chamber, the assembly, and _the_ man. "having closed the reading, he laid down the scroll, and, after a brief pause, retired, as he had entered; when the manuscript was handed, for a second reading, to mr. beckley, then clerk of the house, whose gentlemanly manner, clear and silver voice, and sharp articulation, i shall ever associate with the scene. when shall we again behold such a congress and such a president?" to make the picture of the personal appearance of washington more complete, the following, from _sullivan's familiar letters_, is added: "the following are recollections of washington, derived from repeated opportunities of seeing him during the last three years of his public life. he was over six feet in stature; of strong, bony, muscular frame, without fullness of covering, well formed and straight. he was a man of most extraordinary physical strength. in his own house, his action was calm, deliberate, and dignified, without pretension to gracefulness or peculiar manner, but merely natural, and such as one would think it should be in such a man. his habitual motions had been formed before he took command of the american armies, in the wars of the interior, and in the surveying of wilderness lands, employments in which grace and elegance were not likely to be acquired. at the age of sixty-five, time had done nothing toward bending him out of his natural erectness. his deportment was invariably grave; it was sobriety that stopped short of sadness. his presence inspired a veneration and a feeling of awe rarely experienced in the presence of any man. his mode of speaking was slow and deliberate, not as though he was in search of fine words, but that he might utter those only adapted to his purpose. it was the usage of all persons in good society to attend mrs. washington's _levee_ every friday evening. he was always present. the young ladies used to throng around him, and engage him in conversation. there were some of the well-remembered _belles_ of that day who imagined themselves to be favorites with him. as these were the only opportunities which they had of conversing with him, they were disposed to use them. one would think that a gentleman and a gallant soldier, if he could ever laugh or dress his countenance in smiles, would do so when surrounded by young and admiring beauties. but this was never so: the countenance of washington never softened, nor changed its habitual gravity. one, who had lived always in his family, said that his manner in public life was always the same. being asked whether washington _could_ laugh, this person said this was a rare occurrence, but one instance was remembered when he laughed most heartily at her narration of an incident in which she was a party concerned, and in which he applauded her agency. the late general cobb, who was long a member of his family during the war, and who enjoyed a laugh as much as any man could, said that he never saw washington laugh, excepting when colonel scammel (if this was the person) came to dine at headquarters. scammel had a fund of ludicrous anecdotes, and a manner of telling them, which relaxed even the gravity of the commander-in-chief. "general cobb also said that the forms of proceeding at headquarters were exact and precise, orderly and punctual. at the appointed moment, washington appeared at the breakfast-table. he expected to find all the members of his family (cobb, hamilton, humphreys, were among them) awaiting him. he came dressed for the day, and brought with him the letters and despatches of the preceding day, and a short memoranda of the answers to be made; also the substance of orders to be issued. when breakfast was over, these papers were distributed among his aids, to be put into form. soon afterward he mounted his horse to visit the troops, and expected to find on his return, before noon, all the papers prepared for his inspection and signature. there was no familiarity in his presence; it was all sobriety and business. his mode of life was abstemious and temperate. he had a decided preference for certain sorts of food, probably from early associations. throughout the war, as it was understood in his military family, he gave a part of every day to private prayer and devotion. "while he lived in philadelphia, as president, he rose at four in the morning; and the general rule of his house was, that the fires should be covered and the lights extinguished at a certain hour: whether this was nine or ten is not recollected. "in the early part of his administration, great complaints were made by the opposition of the aristocratic and royal demeanor of the president. mr. jefferson makes some commentaries on this subject, which do no credit to his heart or his head. these are too _little_ to be transcribed from the works of this '_great and good man_.' doctor stuart, of virginia, wrote to him of the dissatisfaction which prevailed on this subject in virginia. in the fifth volume of marshall, page , will be found an extract of washington's vindication of his conduct, and a most satisfactory one, which shows the proper character of mr. jefferson's 'anas.' these complaints related, in particular, to the manner of receiving such visitors as came from respect or from curiosity, of which there were multitudes. the purpose of washington was, that such visitors should accomplish their objects without a sacrifice of time, which he considered indispensable to the performance of his public duties. "he devoted one hour every other tuesday, from three to four, to these visits. he understood himself to be visited as the _president_ of the united states, and not on his own account. he was then to be seen by anybody and everybody; but required that every one who came should be introduced by his secretary, or by some gentleman whom he knew himself. he lived on the south side of chestnut street, just below sixth. the place of reception was the dining-room in the rear, twenty-five or thirty feet in length, including the bow projecting into the garden. mrs. washington received visitors in the two rooms on the second floor, from front to rear. "at three o'clock, or at any time within a quarter of an hour afterward, the visitor was conducted to this dining-room, from which all seats had been removed for the time. on entering, he saw the tall figure of washington, clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yellow gloves on his hands; holding a cocked hat, with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. he wore knee and shoe buckles; and a long sword, with a finely-wrought and polished steel hilt, which appeared at the left hip; the coat worn over the blade, and appearing from under the folds behind. the scabbard was white polished leather. "he stood always in front of the fireplace, with his face toward the door of entrance. the visitor was conducted to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pronounced, that he could hear it. he had the very uncommon faculty of associating a man's name and personal appearance so durably in his memory as to be able to call any one by name who made him a second visit. he received his visitor with a dignified bow, while his hands were so disposed as to indicate that the salutation was not to be accompanied with shaking hands. this ceremony never occurred in these visits, even with the most near friends, that no distinctions might be made. "as visitors came in, they formed a circle around the room. at a quarter past three the door was closed, and the circle was formed for that day. he then began on the right, and spoke to each visitor, calling him by name, and exchanging a few words with him. when he had completed his circuit, he resumed his first position, and the visitors approached him in succession, bowed, and retired. by four o'clock this ceremony was over. "on the evenings when mrs. washington received visitors, he did not consider _himself_ as visited. he was then as a private gentleman, dressed usually in some colored coat (the only one recollected was brown, with bright buttons), and black on his lower limbs. he had then neither hat nor sword; he moved about among the company, conversing with one and another. he had, once a fortnight, an official dinner, and select companies on other days. he sat, it is said, at the side, in a central position; mrs. washington opposite; the two ends were occupied by members of his family, or by his personal friends." footnotes: [ ] fraunces was a man of taste in his profession, and was fond of display, regardless of expense. on this account the president had frequent occasion to reprove him. he desired to live conformably to his high station, but he naturally abhorred waste and extravagance, and insisted that his household should be conducted with due regard to economy and usefulness. an illustrative anecdote is given. the first shad of the season was bought by fraunces for the table of washington, who was very fond of fish. it was served for breakfast in the best style, and set before the president, who asked the steward, "what kind of fish is this?"--"a fine shad," replied fraunces. "it is very early in the season for shad," said the president; "how much did you pay for it?"--"two dollars," responded the steward. "two dollars!" exclaimed the president. "i can never encourage this extravagance at my table; take it away--i will not touch it." the shad was removed; and the steward, who felt no repugnance to the fish on account of its cost, made of it a hearty breakfast for himself. washington memorials. in the doric hall of the massachusetts state house, in boston, near chantrey's statue of washington, may be seen two stones with inscriptions commemorative of the father and uncle of the two washingtons who emigrated to america in , as mentioned on page of volume i. the history of these stones is revealed in the following correspondence: executive department, council chamber, boston, march , . _to the honorable house of representatives:_ i have the honor to present to the general court, as a gift to the commonwealth of massachusetts from one of its citizens, certain memorials of great historic interest. the home and resting-place of the ancestors of george washington were until recently unvisited by and unknown to americans. in the genealogical table appended to the "life of washington" by our distinguished fellow-citizen, mr. jared sparks, it is stated that lawrence washington, the father of john washington (who emigrated to virginia in ), was buried at brington; but though both mr. sparks and washington irving visited sulgrave, an earlier home of the washingtons, neither of these learned biographers appear by their works to have repaired to this quiet parish in northamptonshire. our fellow-citizen, the honorable charles sumner, on a recent visit to england, identified certain inscriptions in the parish church of brington, near althorp, as being those of the father and uncle of john washington, the emigrant to virginia, who was the great-grandfather of the father of his country. earl spencer, the proprietor of althorp, so honorably known as an early advocate of parliamentary reform, sought out the quarry from which, more than two centuries ago, these votive tablets were taken, and caused others to be made which are exact _facsimiles_ of the originals. these he has presented to mr. sumner, who has expressed the desire that memorials so interesting to all americans may be placed where they may be seen by the public, and has authorized me to offer them to the commonwealth, if it be the pleasure of the legislature to order them to be preserved in some public part of the state house. i send with this a letter addressed to myself by the learned historian of washington, bearing testimony to the great interest of these memorials, and expressing the desire that they may (mr. sumner assenting) be placed in the capitol. a letter from mr. sumner to mr. sparks also accompanies this message, describing the church at brington, and some of the associations which cluster around the resting-place of the ancestors of our washington. john a. andrew. * * * * * mr. sparks to the governor. cambridge, february , . dear sir: i enclose a copy of a highly interesting letter from mr. charles sumner, describing the church at brington, near althorp, in northamptonshire. in this church were deposited the remains of lawrence washington, who was the father of john and lawrence washington, the emigrants to america, and who was therefore the last english ancestor of george washington. a copy of the inscription on the stone which covers the grave of lawrence washington, and also of another inscription over the grave of his brother robert washington, who was buried in the same church, are given with exactness in mr. sumner's letter. as far as i am aware, these inscriptions are now for the first time made known in this country. the earl spencer has sent to mr. sumner two stones, being from the same quarry, and having the same form and dimensions as the originals, and containing a _facsimile_ of the inscriptions. it has been suggested that these stones ought to be placed in the state house, where they may be accessible to the public, and my opinion on the subject has been asked. as they are unquestionably genuine memorials of the washington family, and possess on this account a singular historical interest, i cannot imagine that a more appropriate disposition of them could be made. i understand that mr. sumner would cheerfully assent to such an arrangement, and i cannot doubt that your excellency will be well inclined to take such measures as may effectually aid in attaining so desirable an object. i am, sir, very respectfully yours, jared sparks. his excellency john a. andrew, _governor of massachusetts._ * * * * * mr. sumner to mr. sparks. boston, november , . my dear sir: since our last conversation, the earl spencer has kindly sent to me precise copies of the two "memorial stones" of the english family of george washington, which i have already described to you as harmonizing exactly with the pedigree which has the sanction of your authority. these are of the same stone and of the same size with the originals, and have the original inscriptions--being in all respects _facsimiles_. they will, therefore, give you an exact idea of these most interesting memorials in the parish church of brington, near althorp, in northamptonshire. the largest is of lawrence washington, the father of john washington, who emigrated to america. it is a slab of bluish-gray sandstone, and measures five feet and nine inches long, and two feet and seven inches broad. here is the inscription: here lieth the bodi of lavrence washington sonne and heire of robert washington of sovlgrave in the countie of northampton esquier who married margaret the eldest daughter of william butler of tees in the countie of sussexe esquier, who had issu by her sonns and daughters which lavrence decessed the of december a. dni . thou that by chance or choyce of this hast sight know life to death resignes as daye to night; but as the sunns retorne revives the day so christ shall us though turnde to dust & clay. above the inscription, carved in the stone, are the arms of the washingtons, with an additional quartering of another family. the other is of robert washington, and of elizabeth his wife. robert was the uncle of the emigrant. this is a slab of the same sandstone, and measures three feet and five inches long, and two feet and six inches broad. the inscription is on a small brass plate set into the stone, and is as follows: [illustration: decoration] here lies interred y^e bodies of elizab. washington widdowe who changed this life for imortalitie y^e ^th of march . as also y^e body of robert washington gent. her late husband second sonne of robert washington of solgrave in y^e county of north. esq^r. who depted this life y^e ^th of march . after they lived lovingly together many years in this parish. on a separate brass, beneath the inscription, are the arms of the washingtons without any addition. these, as you are well aware, have the combination of stars and stripes, and are sometimes supposed to have suggested our national flag. in heraldic language, there are bars of gules and argent, with three mullets, or stars. [illustration: here·lieth·the·bodi·of·lavrence washington·sonne·&·heire·of robert·washington·of·sovlgrave in·the·covntie·of·northampton esqvier·who·maried·margaret the·eldest·davghter·of·william bvtler·of·tees·in·the·covntie of·svssexe·esqvier·who·had·issv by·her· ·sonns·&· ·davghters which·lavrence·decessed·the· of·december·a: d[^n]i: thov·that·by·chance·or·choyce of·this·hast·sight know·life·to·death·resignes as·daye·to·night bvt·as·the·svnns·retorne revives·the·daye so·christ·shall·vs thovgh·tvrnde·to·dvst·&·clay] in the interesting chapter on the "origin and genealogy of the washington family," which you give in the appendix to your "life of washington," it appears that lawrence, the father of the emigrant, died th december, and was buried at brington, th december, . but the genealogical tables, which you followed, gave no indication of the locality of this church. had it appeared that it was the parish church of the spencer family in northamptonshire, the locality, which i believe has not been heretofore known in our country, would have been precisely fixed. in point of fact, the slab which covers lawrence washington is in the chancel of the church, by the side of the monuments of the spencer family. these are all in admirable preservation, with full-length effigies, busts, or other sculptural work, and exhibit an interesting and connected series of sepulchral memorials from the reign of henry viii. to the present time. among them is a monument of the early english sculptor, nicholas stone; another from nollekins from a design by cipriani, and another by flaxman, with exquisitely beautiful personifications of faith and charity. beneath repose the successive representatives of this illustrious family, which has added to its aristocratic claims by services to the state, and also by the unique and world-famous library collected by one of its members. in this companionship will be found the last english ancestor of our washington. the other slab, covering robert, the uncle of the emigrant, is in one of the aisles of the nave, where it is scraped by the feet of all who pass. the parish of brington is between seven and eight miles from the town of northampton, not far from the centre of england. it is written in domesday book "brinintone" and also "brintone." it contains about , acres, of which about , acres belong to earl spencer, about acres to the rector in right of the church, and about acres to other persons. the soil is in general a dark-colored loam, with a small trace of clay towards the north. nearly four-fifths of the whole is pasture and feeding land. in the village still stands the house said to have been occupied by the washingtons when the emigrant brother left them. you will see a vignette of it on the title-page of the recent english work entitled "the washingtons." over the door are carved the words, "the lord giveth; the lord taketh away. blessed be the name of the lord;" while the parish register gives a pathetic commentary by showing that, in the very year when this house was built, a child had been born and another had died in this family. the church, originally dedicated to the virgin, stands at the northeast angle of the village, and consists of an embattled tower with five bells, a nave, north and south aisles, a chancel, a chapel, and a modern porch; the tower is flanked by buttresses of two stages. the present fabric goes back in its origin to the beginning of the th century, nearly two hundred years before the discovery of america. the chancel and chapel, where repose the spencers and lawrence washington, were rebuilt by sir john spencer, the purchaser of the estate, at the beginning of the th century. they afford one of the latest specimens of the tudor style of architecture. the church is beautifully situated on the summit of the highest ground of brington, and is surrounded by a stone wall flanked on the inside by trees. dibdin says that a more complete picture of a country churchyard is rarely seen. a well-trimmed walk encircles the whole of the interior, while the fine gothic windows at the end of the chancel fill the scene with picturesque beauty. the register of the parish, which is still preserved, commences in . from this it appears that wm. proctor was the rector from to , covering the period of the last of the washingtons there. the following further entries occur relating to this family: . "mr. lawrence washington was buried xvth day of december." . "mr. philip curtis & mis amy washington were married august ." . "mr. robert washington was buried march ye th." ---- "mrs. elizabeth washington, widow, was buried march ye th." of one of the ministers in this church we have an interesting glimpse in evelyn's "memoirs" (vol. i. p. ), where the following entry will be found, under date of july, : "dr. jeffreys, the minister of althorp, who was my lord's chaplain when embassador in france, _preached the shortest discourse i ever heard_; but what was defective in the amplitude of his sermon, he had supplied in the largeness and convenience of the parsonage-house." at a short distance--less than a mile--is althorp, the seat of the spencers, surrounded by a park of five hundred acres, of which one of the gates opens near the church. there are oak-trees bordering on the churchyard, which were growing at the time of the purchase of the estate in the reign of henry vii. evelyn was often here a delighted visitor. on one occasion he speaks of "the house or rather palace at althorp" (vol. i. p. ). in another place he describes it as "placed in a pretty open bottom, very finely watered, and flanked with stately woods and groves in a park" (vol. i. p. ). let me add that there is an engraving of althorp at this time, by the younger vosterman, a dutch artist. [illustration: the washington house, brington.] [illustration: inscription over the door of the washington house, brington.] there is one feature of the park which excited the admiration of evelyn, and at a later day of mrs. jameson, who gives to it some beautiful pages in her "visits and sketches at home and abroad." it is the record of the time when different plantations of trees was begun. while recommending this practice in his "sylva," evelyn remarks, "the only instance i know of the like in our country, is in the park at althorp." there are six of these commemorative stones. the first records a wood planted by sir john spencer, in and ; the second, a wood planted by sir john spencer, son of the former, in ; the third, a wood planted by robert, lord spencer, in and ; the fourth, a wood planted by sir william spencer, knight of the bath, afterwards lord spencer, in . the latter stone is ornamented with the arms of the spencers, and on the back is inscribed, "up and bee doing, and god will prosper." it was in this scenery and amidst these associations that the washingtons lived. when the emigrant left in , these woods must have been well-grown. it was not long afterwards that they arrested the attention of evelyn. the household books at althorp show that for many years the washingtons were frequent guests there. the hospitality of this seat has been renowned. the queen of james i. and the prince henry, on their way to london, in , were welcomed there in an entertainment, memorable for a masque from the vigorous muse of ben jonson (ben jonson's works, vol. vi. p. ). charles i. was at althorp, in , when he received the first intelligence of the approach of those pursuers from whom he never escaped until his life had been laid down upon the scaffold. in , king william was there for a week, and, according to evelyn, was "mightily entertained" (vol. ii. p. ). at least one of the members of this family was famous for hospitality of a different character. evelyn records that he used to dine with the countess of sunderland--the title then borne by the spencers--"when she invited _fire-eaters_, stone-eaters, and opera-singers, after the fashion of the day" (vol. i. pp. , , ). the family was early and constantly associated with literature. spencer, the poet, belonged to it, and to one of its members he has dedicated his "tears of the muses." it was for alice spencer that milton is said to have written his "arcades," and sir john harrington has celebrated her memory by an epigram. the sacharissa of waller was the lady dorothy sidney, wife of the first earl of sunderland, the third lord spencer, who perished fighting for king charles i. at newbury. i do not dwell on the other associations of a later day, as my object is simply to allude to those which existed in the time of the washingtons. "the nobility of the spencers has been illustrated and enriched by the trophies of marlborough; but i exhort them to consider the 'fairy queen' as the most precious jewel of their coronet." thus wrote gibbon in his memoirs, and all must feel the beauty of the passage. perhaps it is not too much to say that this nobility may claim another illustration from its ties of friendship and neighborhood with the family of washington. it cannot doubt that hereafter the parish church of brington will be often visited by our countrymen, who will look with reverence upon a spot so closely associated with american history. i trust that this little sketch, suggested by what i saw at althorp, during a brief visit last autumn, will not seem irrelevant. besides my own personal impressions, and the volumes quoted, i have relied upon dibdin's "Ã�des althorpianæ," so interesting to all bibliographical students, and especially upon baker's "history of northamptonshire"--one of those magnificent local works which illustrate english history--to which you refer in your appendix, but which was not completed till some time after the "life of washington" appeared. of course, the memorial stones which i have received from lord spencer are of much historic value, and i think that i shall best carry out the generous idea of the giver by taking care that they are permanently placed where they can be seen by the public; perhaps at the state house, near chantrey's beautiful statue of washington--if this should be agreeable to the commonwealth. pray pardon this long letter, and believe me, my dear sir, with much regard, ever sincerely yours, charles sumner. jared sparks, esq. the commonwealth of massachusetts, by its representatives, thanked mr. sumner, and directed the memorial stones to be placed where they now are. analytical index. a. abercrombie, major-general, letter of dinwiddie to, recommending washington for promotion into the royal army, i. ; on unity in the colonies, i. ; dilatory movements of--haughtiness of, toward the provincials, i. ; lord loudoun superseded by, in , i. ; his expedition against ticonderoga and crown point, i. ; cowardice of, at ticonderoga, i. ; fort george erected by, i. ; the calumniator of americans in england, i. . academy, military, establishment of one urged on congress by washington, iii. ; washington's letter to hamilton in relation to, iii. . acadia, early history of, i. ; removal of the population of, i. . acadians, cruelties perpetrated by, on the english frontier settlers, i. . accounts of washington, i. , , iii. . ackland, lady, visit of, to the american camp at bemis's heights, ii. ; biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . ackland, major, wounded at hubbardton, ii. ; death of, at saratoga (_note_), ii. . adams, john, prediction of, in , i. ; extract from the autobiography of (_note_), i. ; his account of the choice, by congress, of a commander-in-chief, i. ; his admiration of washington, i. ; movements of washington on the schuylkill criticised by, ii. ; treaty of peace signed by, in , iii. ; liberal commercial offer made by, to the british government, iii. ; opinions of, on presidential etiquette, iii. ; his "discourses on davila," iii. ; elected vice-president in , iii. ; a candidate for the presidency in , iii. ; letters of, to his wife, on learning his election to the presidency, iii. ; inauguration of, iii. ; jealous of the popularity of washington, iii. ; special session of congress convened by, in , iii. ; letter of, to washington, anticipating war with france, iii. ; advice of washington to, respecting the choice of generals, iii. ; washington nominated by, as commander-in-chief, in , iii. ; inclination of, to reverse washington's arrangement of the major-generals, iii. ; anxiety of, to avert a war with france, iii. ; feud between, and his cabinet, iii. ; message of, to congress, in relation to mrs. washington and funeral honors to her husband, iii. . adams, john quincy, appointed minister to the hague in , iii. . adams, mrs. john, lament of, for the death of warren, i. ; remarks of, on the personal appearance of washington, i. ; her description of the cannonade of boston, ii. . adams, samuel, integrity of, i. ; active in throwing the tea overboard in boston harbor, i. ; noble sentiments expressed by, i. ; outlawed by a proclamation of general gage, i. ; not concerned in _conway's cabal_ (_note_), ii. ; part taken by, in celebrating the french victories in holland, iii. . addresses of the second continental congress to the people of great britain and ireland, i. , . address, washington's farewell, iii. . adet, m., colors of france presented to washington by, iii. ; reply of washington to the speech of, iii. ; attempts of, to influence the american people, iii. ; extraordinary letter addressed by, to the _aurora_ and to the state department, iii. ; pamphlet issued by, from the press of the _aurora_, iii. . agriculture, congress urged by washington to foster, iii. . aix-la-chapelle, boundaries in america left unsettled by the treaty of, i. ; violation of the treaty of, by the french, i. . albany, congress of delegates from the colonies assembled at, in , i. . alexandria, washington stationed at, in , i. ; washington introduced to the assembled governors at, in , i. ; bequest of washington to the academy in, iii. ; lots owned by washington in, at the time of his death, iii. . algiers, attention of congress called by washington to relations with--colonel humphreys appointed to treat with the dey of, iii. ; payment of tribute to, advocated in congress in , iii. ; treaty adjusted with, in , iii. . aliquippa, queen, interview of washington with, i. . allen, colonel ethan, expedition of, against ticonderoga, i. ; disappointed in his desire to invade canada, i. ; retreat of, from st. john on the sorel, i. ; letter of, to the provincial congress of new york, urging the invasion of canada, i. ; an outlaw by act of the new york legislature--admitted to the floor of the provincial congress of new york, i. ; letter of thanks from, to the provincial congress of new york, i. ; letter of, to governor trumbull, in relation to the invasion of canada--disappointment of, at his rejection by the green mountain boys, i. ; remark of montgomery respecting, i. ; body of canadians raised by--unauthorized attempt upon montreal made by, i. ; defeated and made prisoner, i. ; brutal treatment of, by prescott, i. ; his letter of remonstrance to prescott, i. ; subsequent history of (_note_), i. ; schuyler and washington on the insubordination of, i. , ; letter of washington to howe, in relation to the harsh treatment of--lenient treatment of, in england, ii. . "american association," articles of, i. ; the signers of (_note_), i. ; the quakers adverse to, i. ; measures for the enforcement of, adopted in all the colonies in , i. ; popularity of, in new york, i. . "american continental army" constituted, i. . ames, fisher, letter of, in relation to the congressional debates on jay's treaty, iii. ; speech of, in the house of representatives, on the subject of jay's treaty, iii. ; extracts from the speech of, iii. - ; powerful impression produced by the speech of, iii . amherst, major-general sir jeffery, expedition of, against louisburg, in , i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; appointed to the chief command in america in , i. ; ticonderoga taken possession of by, i. ; fortifications built at crown point by, i. . ancestry of washington traceable for six hundred years, i. . anderson, captain ephraim, fire-ships constructed by, ii. . anderson, james, washington's farm manager, letter of washington to, iii. . andré, major john, among the prisoners taken at st. john on the sorel, i. ; correspondence of mrs. arnold with, ii. ; sent by sir henry clinton to confer with arnold--arrest of, at tarrytown, ii. ; condemned to the death of a spy, ii. ; execution of, ii ; names of the captors of, ii. . annapolis, irving's description of fashionable society in, before the revolution, i. ; first theatrical performance in america at, in , i. ; journey of washington to, from new york, in --ball given at, in honor of washington, iii. ; short stay of young custis at the college at (_note_), iii. . anthrax, malignant, washington attacked by, in , iii. . appearance, personal, of washington, i. , iii. , , , , . arbuthnot, admiral, arrival of, in new york, with troops, ii. ; fleet of, damaged off cape hatteras, ii. ; french blockaded by, in newport, ii. . armstrong, colonel john, kittanning destroyed by, in , i. ; medal presented to, i. . armstrong, major john, addresses to the continental army written by, in , iii. , . arnold, benedict, expedition undertaken by, against ticonderoga--disappointment of, at finding allen in the field before him, i. ; a volunteer in allen's expedition, i. ; protest sent by, to the provincial congress of massachusetts, i. ; st. john on the sorel captured and afterward abandoned by, i. ; experience of, at sea in early life, i. ; proposition of, to the continental congress, for the invasion of canada, i. ; dislike of, for allen (_notes_), i. , ; commission thrown up by, i. ; friendly reception of, by washington, i. ; letter of general gates to, at watertown (_note_), i. ; expedition against quebec intrusted to, i. ; instructions of washington to, on his departure for quebec, i. ; address of, to the inhabitants of canada (_note_), i. ; private letter of washington to, i. ; departure of, from newburyport, i. ; army of, reduced by sickness and desertion, i. ; treachery of indian messengers of, i. ; desertion of, by colonel enos, with his whole division--unparalleled hardships endured by the troops of, i. ; encampment of, on the eastern shore of lake megantic, i. ; destruction of vessels of, while descending the chaudière--message of, to montgomery, carried by young aaron burr, i. ; joined at sertignan by norridgewock indians, i. ; friendly reception of, by the _habitans_ of the valley of the chaudière--approach of, known in quebec through indian treachery--fears excited in quebec by the arrival of the troops of, at point levi, i. ; names of men in the expedition of, afterward distinguished, i. ; operations of, at quebec, delayed by a snowstorm--heights of abraham scaled by, i. ; reliance of, on the friendliness of the people of quebec, i. ; retirement of, from before quebec--communication of, with montgomery, i. ; commendation of, by washington for his conduct in the quebec expedition, i. ; wounded in the attempt to storm the fortifications of quebec, i. ; withdrawal of, to an entrenched camp--attempts of, to cut off supplies from the garrison of quebec, i. ; made brigadier-general, ii. ; his urgent request of reinforcements from wooster--letter of, to congress, urging further efforts for the conquest of canada, ii. ; sorties from quebec repelled by--compelled to resort to continental money for the purchase of supplies, ii. ; ineffective fire opened by, upon quebec--small-pox in the camp of--arrival of general wooster at the camp of--departure of, for montreal, ii. ; letter of schuyler to, expressing regret at the conduct of wooster, ii. ; efforts of, to obtain a surrender of prisoners, from captain forster, ii. ; warning given to, at montreal, of the approach of the british, ii. ; goods of montreal merchants seized by (_note_), ii. ; retreat of, from montreal, ii. ; narrow escape of, from the british at longueuil, ii. ; the last man that left the shores of canada, ii. ; flotilla constructed by, at ticonderoga--post taken by, with his flotilla, at _isle-aux-têtes_, ii. ; great intrepidity displayed by, in a naval engagement on lake champlain, ii. ; destruction of the vessels of--crown point abandoned by, ii. ; complaints of, ii. ; washington's concern at the neglect of, by congress, ii. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to his claims to promotion, ii. ; wonderful escape of, while harassing tryon's retreat from danbury, ii. , ; made major-general by congress--appointed by washington to the command at peekskill, ii. ; recommended by washington to take the place of st. clair, ii. ; boldness and activity of, at bemis's heights, ii. ; jealousy of general gates excited against, ii. ; deprived of his command by gates, ii. ; letters of, to gates, urging him to attack burgoyne, ii. , ; activity of, at the second battle near bemis's heights, ii. ; wounded at bemis's heights in the leg maimed at quebec, ii. ; philadelphia taken possession of by, on the departure of clinton, ii. ; expensive habits of, in philadelphia--marriage of, to miss shippen--charges preferred against, by the people of philadelphia--sentenced by a court-martial to a reprimand, ii. ; cautious advances made by, to clinton, ii. ; command at west point solicited by, ii. ; price of the treason of, ii. ; letter of jameson received by, while at breakfast--escape of, from west point, ii. ; attempt to abduct, made by sergeant champe, ii. ; hated and despised by the british, ii. ; persons suspected of complicity with, ii. ; predatory excursion of, to virginia--efforts of, to capture governor jefferson, ii. ; ravaging expedition of, on the shores of connecticut, ii. . arnold, mrs., early correspondence of, with major andré, ii. , ; ordered by the executive council of pennsylvania to leave the state, ii. . _articles of confederation_, adoption of, ii. ; substance of (_note_), ii. ; considered defective by washington as a system of government--letter of washington to james warren, in relation to, iii. ; letters of washington and jay in relation to a revision of, iii. ; convention to amend, proposed by commissioners at annapolis, iii. . asgill, captain, selected by lot for execution--sympathies of washington excited for, iii. . ashe, general, surprised by prevost, at brier creek, ii. . asses, sent to washington by the king of spain and by lafayette, iii. . atlee, colonel samuel j., made prisoner at the battle of long island--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . _aurora_, abstract of jay's treaty sent to the editor of, by senator mason, iii. ; libel of washington published in, iii. ; confidential questions of washington to his cabinet relating to the reception of genet, published in, iii. ; extraordinary letter of adet addressed to, in , iii. ; malignant language of, in , in relation to washington--malignant letter of paine to washington issued from the press of, iii ; a pamphlet issued from the press of, by adet, iii. ; virulent attacks upon the character of washington, published in, in , iii. ; public indignation excited against--editor of, severely beaten, iii. ; american government criminated by, in defence of france, iii. . awe, inspired by the presence of washington, iii. , . b. bache, editor of the _aurora_, washington's opinion of his journal, iii. ; severely beaten, iii. . baker, captain remember, prisoners made by, i. . baird, sir james, his brutal treatment of general woodhull when a prisoner (_note_), ii. . ball in honor of washington's inauguration, iii. ; in celebration of the birthday of washington in , iii. . baltimore, effect of the news of the battle of lexington at, i. ; continental congress adjourned to, ii. ; reception of washington at, on his way to mount vernon, in , iii. . bank, national, advocated by hamilton, iii. ; popularity of hamilton's plan for--opposition of jefferson to, iii. ; bill creating, signed by washington, iii. . barbados, visit of lawrence and george washington to, in , i. . barbary powers, impunity of their piracies in , iii. . bard, doctor, assiduous attention of, to washington, during his illness in , iii. . barney, commodore, bad conduct of, in the west indies, iii. . barnsfare, captain, death of montgomery in the attempt to surprise the battery of, i. . barré, isaac, wolfe's adjutant-general at quebec, i. ; "conciliatory bill" of lord north denounced by, i. . barren hill, escape of lafayette from the british at, ii. . barrett, colonel, militia assembled under, at concord, i. . barry, william t., placed at the head of the post-office department in , iii. . barton, lieutenant-colonel william, general prescott made prisoner by, ii. . baskingridge, surprise and capture of general lee at, ii. . bassett, colonel, death of j. p. custis at the house of, at eltham, iii. . bastile, in france, destruction of, iii. ; key of, sent to washington by lafayette, iii. . bath, buildings owned by washington in, at the time of his death, iii. . baume, colonel, sent by burgoyne to seize provisions at bennington, ii. ; death of, at the battle of bennington, ii. . baylor, colonel, party of horse under, surprised by general grey, ii. . beckwith, major, mission of, to the united states, in , iii. ; washington's opinion of the mission of--action of washington's cabinet with regard to, iii. . bedell, colonel, fort at chamblée captured by a party under the command of, i. ; stationed at the cedars with new hampshire troops, ii. ; cowardice of, ii. , . beekman, james, headquarters of general howe in new york, at the house of, ii. . belvoir, seat of honorable william fairfax, i. ; mansion of, destroyed by fire, i. ; regret of washington for the destruction of, iii. . bellamy, mr., agent of talleyrand in the attempt to extort money from american envoys, iii. ; astonishment of, at the boldness of the envoys, iii. . beman, nathan, ethan allen's guide at ticonderoga, surviving in (_note_), i. . bemis's heights, entrenched camp established on, by gates, by the advice of kosciuszko, ii. ; force and position of the army of gates at--arrival of burgoyne in the neighborhood of, ii. ; inactivity of gates at, ii. ; anxiety of arnold to renew the battle at--comparative loss of the british and americans in the battle at, ii. ; retirement of burgoyne from, ii. ; second battle near, begun by morgan and his riflemen, ii. . bennington, colonel baume sent by burgoyne to seize provisions at, ii. ; disastrous consequences to burgoyne, of colonel baume's defeat at, ii. . bequests left by washington to various persons as mementoes, iii. . bernard, governor, attempts of, to bribe the leading men of boston, i. ; petitioned by the massachusetts assembly to remove the troops from boston--departure of, for england, in , i. . beverage of washington, iii. . beverly, skirmish of the _nautilus_ with a privateer at, i. . bigelow, major, mountain ascended by, in expectation of a distant view of quebec, i. . billy, body-servant of washington, spurious letters of washington alleged to have been found in the possession of, iii. . bingham, mr., jay's treaty burned in front of the house of, in philadelphia, iii. . binney, horace, conclusions arrived at by, respecting the authorship of washington's farewell address (_note_), iii. . birthday of washington, acrimonious debate in congress respecting the celebration of, in , iii. ; celebration of, in , iii. . birthplace of washington, i. , . bishop, the body-servant of washington, transferred to him by braddock, i. . blair, john, appointed associate judge of the supreme court in , iii. . "blockade of boston," a farce composed by the british officers during the siege--not written by burgoyne (_note_), ii. ; turned into a tragedy by knowlton's attack on charlestown, ii. . blount, resolutions offered in congress by, respecting the treaty-making power, iii. ; resolutions of, adopted, iii. . board of trade and plantations, attempts of, to control the colonies, i. . bonaparte, napoleon, treaty concluded by, with the american envoys, iii. ; honors paid to the memory of washington by, iii. . bond, british _chargé_, threat and complaint of, in relation to jay's treaty, iii. . boquet, colonel, letter of washington to, in relation to a proposed new road to fort duquesne, i. . boscawen, _alcide_ and _lys_ taken by, i. ; at the siege of louisburg in --biographical notice of (_note_), i. . boston, reception of washington in, in --population of, in , i. ; troops landed at, in , under cover of cannon from the ships-of-war, i. ; "massacre" at, i. ; troops removed from, after the "massacre"--vengeance threatened against, for the destruction of tea in the harbor, i. ; port of, closed by act of parliament, i. ; sympathy with, in virginia, i. , ; money sent from london to assist the suffering poor of, i. ; the only spot in massachusetts in where the king's government was obeyed, i. ; rumored bombardment of, i. ; removal of troops from, advocated by lord chatham, i. ; intercourse of, with the country, cut off by general gage, i. ; position of the british and american forces at the siege of, i. ; scarcity and sickness in the british army in, i. ; sufferings of the patriots in, during the siege, i. ; a portion of the inhabitants of, sent away by general gage--number of residents and troops in, during the siege (_note_), i. ; question as to the bombardment of, submitted by washington to the committee of congress, i. ; desecration of churches in, by british troops during the siege, i. ; oppressive measures of general howe toward the people of, i. ; secret expedition fitted out by general howe in the harbor of, ii. ; anxiety of washington to drive the british out of, ii. , , ; the small-pox in the british army in--ammunition expended by the british in the defence of (_note_), ii. ; anxiety of washington for a direct assault upon--council of war adverse to an attack upon, ii. ; cannonade and bombardment of, in anticipation of the attempt upon dorchester heights--cannonade of, heard at the distance of a hundred miles, ii. ; resolution of general howe to evacuate, ii. ; consternation of the tories of, at howe's preparations for departure from, ii. ; spared by general howe on condition of his being allowed to depart unmolested, ii. ; outrages committed by howe's troops at the evacuation of, ii. ; scene presented at the evacuation of--prizes taken at sea by the americans during the siege of (_note_), ii. : sorrow of the tories on leaving--troops glad to get away from, ii. ; entrance of the americans into, ii. ; visitors prohibited from entering without passes, ii. ; damage done to buildings in--"liberty-tree" at, cut down (_note_), ii. ; large amount of property left behind by howe at the evacuation of--efforts of washington to establish order in, ii. ; address of the selectmen of, to washington--congratulatory letters, in relation to the evacuation of, addressed to washington (_note_), ii. ; measures of washington for the defence of, ii. ; apprehensions of the people of, of the return of howe--operations for the defence of, carried on by colonel gridley, ii. ; plan of general lincoln for driving the british fleet from the harbor of--british store-ships captured in the harbor of, ii. ; effect in england of the news of the flight of the army from, ii. ; speech of the duke of manchester on the abandonment of, ii. ; the ministry attacked by barré and burke in relation to the abandonment of, ii. ; reception of washington in, on his tour in --dispute between the selectmen of, and governor hancock, in relation to the reception of washington, iii. ; influenza prevalent at, a few days after washington's visit (_note_), iii. ; reminiscences of samuel breck, of washington's visit to, in (_note_), iii. ; letter of washington to the selectmen of, in relation to jay's treaty, iii. . _boston_, french frigate _l'embuscade_ challenged by, iii. . "boston massacre," history of, i. - ; anniversary of, fixed upon for taking possession of dorchester heights, ii. ; anniversaries of, observed in boston (_note_), ii. . boston neck, defence of, by colonel robinson, i. ; fortifications erected on, by howe, i. ; fortifications on, demolished by order of washington, ii. . botetourt, lord, arrival of, in virginia, in --junius's description of--remark of walpole respecting--his erroneous impressions of the colonists, i. ; palace of, at williamsburg--parade of, on opening the virginia assembly, i. ; illusions of, rapidly dispelled, i. ; virginia assembly dissolved by, i. ; good faith and justice of--statue erected to the memory of, i ; death of, followed by a change of public sentiment in virginia, i. . botta, charles, eloquent remarks of, on the achievements of washington in the jerseys, ii. . boudinot, elias, commissary general of prisoners, in the summer of , ii. . bowdoin, james, characteristic letter of general lee to, ii. . boyd, colonel, defeated by colonel pickens, ii. . braddock, edward, father of general braddock--daughters of, i. . braddock, general, walpole's description of, i. ; heartlessness of--in the battle of fontenoy--stationed at gibraltar in , i. ; anecdote of anne bellamy, illustrating the character of--arrival of, in hampton roads, i. ; conference of, with governor dinwiddie at williamsburg--first general orders of, issued from alexandria--anxiety of, to procure the services of washington, i. ; invitation of, to washington to become one of his family--washington's reasons for joining, i. ; meeting of, with the colonial governors, at alexandria, i. ; three distinct expeditions planned by, i. ; letter of, to lord halifax, in relation to pennsylvania and maryland, i. ; disappointments and difficulties of--appoints washington his aid-de-camp, i. ; irritation of, at the indifference of the colonies, i. ; franklin in the camp of, at fredericktown--his extreme confidence of success--conversation of franklin with, in relation to his expedition, i. ; franklin urged by, to procure wagons for the use of the army, i. ; his commendation of washington and franklin, i. ; war-dance of indians in the camp of, at will's creek--effective force of, at will's creek, i. ; names of men afterward distinguished, in the camp of, i. ; delay at will's creek fatal to, i. ; slow march of the army of, i. ; advice of washington to, to press forward rapidly, i. ; illness of washington on his march with--washington left at the youghiogany by the orders of, i. ; continued fears of ambuscades in the army of, i. ; son of monacatoocha killed by grenadiers of, by mistake, i. ; funeral honors paid by, to the son of monacatoocha, i. ; his fatal rejection of indian aid--forces of, greatly exaggerated in the french camp, i. ; location of the camp of, on the eve of his defeat, i. ; details of the defeat of, i. - ; bravery displayed by, on the field of battle, i. ; mortal wound received by, i. ; death of, near great meadows, on the th of july, --funeral service at the grave of, read by washington--grave of, still to be seen (_note_), i. ; depressing influence of the memory of the defeat of, i. . bradford, a leader in the whiskey insurrection, iii. ; in favor of forming an independent western state, iii. . bradford, william, successor of randolph as attorney-general, iii. ; lines written by, on the sufferings of lafayette, iii. . bradstreet, colonel, expedition of, against fort frontenac--assistance lent to, by general stanwix--joined by red head and his indian warriors, i. ; surrender of the fort to--malignant fever among the troops of, i. ; detroit relieved by, in , i. . brand, bishop of quebec, refusal of, to issue a _mandement_ in the interest of the british government, i. . brandywine, movements of the american and british armies in the neighborhood of, ii. ; battle of--lafayette a volunteer in the battle of, ii. ; lafayette wounded at the battle of, ii. ; skilful movement of general greene at the battle of--retreat of the american army from, to chester, ii. ; opinion of general knox in regard to the battle of--sullivan censured for allowing himself to be surprised at--killed and wounded at the battle of--letter of washington to congress, in relation to the battle at, ii. ; conspicuous bravery of count pulaski at the battle of, ii. . brant, joseph, biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . brant, and walter butler, cherry valley desolated by, ii. . breadstuffs, neutral vessels carrying, seized by the cruisers of england and france in , iii. . breakfast-hour of washington, iii. . breck, samuel, his reminiscences of washington's visit to boston in (_note_), iii. . breed's hill, fortified by colonel prescott, instead of bunker's hill, i. ; neal's lines on the fortification of--fire opened upon, from ships-of-war, i. ; excitement in boston during the cannonade upon, i. : troops at, reinforced by stark's regiment--new england flag hoisted at (_note_), i. ; preparations for the attack upon, i. ; suspicion of treachery among the defenders of--arrival of doctor warren and general pomeroy at, i. ; arrival of colonel stark at the rail-fence breastwork at--british plan of attack upon, i. ; carnage among the british at, i. ; second attack upon, under general howe, i. ; second retreat of the british from--numerous spectators of the battle on, i. ; watched by sir henry clinton from copp's hill--failure of ammunition of americans at, i. ; rapid retreat of the americans from, i. ; terrible price paid by the british for their victory at--immense gain of the americans by the battle of--british loss at, according to general gage (_note_), i. . bridport, lord, flags of the fleet of, at torbay, lowered to half-mast, at the death of washington, iii. . brienne, marchioness de, ball in honor of washington directed by, iii. . brier creek, general ashe surprised by prevost at, ii. . brooke, governor, letter of washington to, in relation to education, iii. . brooklyn, defensive works prepared by general greene at, ii. ; appeal made by washington to the troops at (_note_), ii. ; sullivan superseded in command at, by putnam--disorderly conduct of the troops at, on the approach of the british, ii. ; description of the defensive works in the neighborhood of--roads in the rear of--minute description of the defensive works near, where to be found (_note_), ii. ; plan of the british march upon, ii. ; putnam's camp at, visited by washington, ii. ; american works at, taken possession of by the british, ii. . brougham, lord, panegyric pronounced by, upon the character of washington, iii. . broughton, captain, the first naval commission granted to, by washington, in , i. . brown, doctor, of port tobacco, washington attended by, in his last illness, iii. . brown, major john, sent by general schuyler into canada as confidential agent, i. ; letter of, to governor trumbull, in relation to the invasion of canada--report of, as to the defenceless condition of canada, i. ; unauthorized attempt made upon montreal by, in concert with ethan allen, i. . brunswick, duke of, mercenaries furnished by, ii. . brunswick, one bed occupied by franklin and adams at, ii. ; critical position of the american army at, ii. ; disappointment of cornwallis in not finding washington at, ii. ; headquarters of sir william howe at, ii. . brush, crean, ordered by howe to seize clothing in boston, ii. . buchan, earl of, box of the oak that sheltered wallace recommitted to, by the will of washington, iii. . buffalo river, fort built on, by the french, in , i. . buford, colonel, massacre of a body of troops under, by colonel tarleton, ii. . bull, governor, letters of the british government to, seized and sent to congress, i. . bunker's hill, occupied by the british the night after the battle of lexington, i. ; fortification of, intrusted to colonel prescott, i. ; intrenchments commenced on, by putnam, i. ; battle of, see _breed's hill_; cruel treatment by general gage, of prisoners taken at, i. ; general sir henry clinton placed in command of a redoubt on, i. . burgoyne, general, biographical notice of, i. ; interview with general lee proposed by, i. ; intelligence of the movements of, in canada, sent to washington by schuyler--doubts of washington as to the force of, ii. ; new york invaded by, ii. ; composition of the army of--doubts of schuyler as to the intentions of--indians unwillingly employed by, ii. ; faithlessness of the indians employed by, ii. , ; crown point taken possession of by, pompous proclamation issued by, ii. ; proclamation of washington in reply to, ii. ; mount hope and sugar-loaf hill taken possession of, by, ii. ; fate of, foretold by washington--progress of, toward fort edward, ii. , ; indian allies of, troublesome--humanity of, ii. ; large bounty offered by, for prisoners--humane instructions of, to his indian allies (_note_), ii. ; want of provisions in the army of, ii. ; defeat of baume at bennington a disastrous blow to, ii. ; perplexity and alarm of, after the battle of bennington, ii. ; silent march of, down the valley of the hudson, ii. ; retirement of, from bemis's heights--cheering news received by, from sir henry clinton, ii. ; anxiety of, to hear from clinton, ii. ; compelled to fight or fly, ii. ; deplorable situation of, ii. ; buildings of schuyler at saratoga burned by, ii. ; arms laid down by the army of--army of, marched to virginia as prisoners-of-war--reception of, and his officers, in the american camp, ii. : impression made upon, by the generosity of schuyler--a guest at the house of schuyler at albany, ii. ; importance of the surrender of, to the republican cause, ii. ; effect in congress and in parliament of the news of the surrender of--speech of chatham in relation to the surrender of--effect on the continent of europe of the news of the surrender of, ii. . burke, edmund, on the conduct of the british naval commanders, i. ; eloquence of, in opposition to the stamp-act, i. ; extract from a speech of, on american taxation (_note_), i. ; conciliatory resolutions presented by, in parliament, i. ; despondent view taken by, of american affairs, ii. . burke's history of virginia, terms of the association to exclude british merchandise printed in, i. . burr, aaron, sent with a verbal message to montgomery by arnold, i. ; with arnold in his quebec expedition, i. ; forlorn hope placed under the command of, by montgomery, i. ; not with montgomery when he fell (_note_), i. ; troops of putnam led out of new york by, ii. ; a senator in the congress of --personal hostility of, to washington, iii. ; systematic opposition of, to washington, iii. . butler, colonel zebulon, defence of wyoming attempted by, ii. . butler, john, massacre at wyoming by tories and indians under the command of, ii. . butler, walter, and brant, cherry valley desolated by, ii. . buttrick, major, attack made by, upon the british at concord, i. . byron, admiral, arrival of, at new york, as successor to lord howe, ii. . byron, lord, lines of, in allusion to washington's refusal of compensation, i. . c. cabinet of washington, dissentions in, in , iii. . cadwalader, general, duel of, with conway, ii. . caghnawaga tribe of indians, efforts of schuyler to conciliate, i. ; mistake of captain baker respecting (_note_), i. . caldwell, reverend james, murder of the wife of, at connecticut farms, ii. . callbeck, mr., and others, made prisoners by captains broughton and selman--letter of thanks addressed by, to washington, i. . cambridge, departure of washington from philadelphia to take command of the army at, i. ; confusion at, on the approach of the british to breed's hill, i. ; reflections on the mission of washington, on his taking command of the army at, i. ; journey of washington, to, performed on horseback, i. ; reception of washington at--dwelling occupied by washington at, i. ; arrival of gates and sullivan in the camp at, i. ; letters of washington to congress from the camp at, i. - ; declaration of congress read to the troops in camp at, i. ; arrival of southern riflemen at the camp at, i. ; army at, arranged by washington into three grand divisions--the headquarters of washington at the siege of boston--putnam's division stationed at, i. ; inactivity of the army at, i. ; officers of the army at, consulted by washington, as to an attack upon the british in boston, i. ; council of war held at, adverse to an attack--letter of washington to congress in relation to the state of the army at, i. ; efforts of washington to reorganize the army at, i. ; deficiency of skilful engineers at, i. ; artillery and stores conveyed to, from lake champlain, by colonel knox, i. ; trials of washington in the camp at, i. ; difficulties attending the reorganization of the army at, i. ; bad condition of arms and ammunition at, i. ; intrenchments thrown up by the army at, i. ; improved state of affairs at--letter of general greene on the privations of the troops at (_note_), i. ; fruit-trees in the neighborhood of, consumed as firewood (_note_), i. ; mrs. washington in the camp at, i. ; burning of the king's speech at, ii. ; weakness of the army at, in january, , ii. , ; extraordinary difficulties of washington while in command of the army at, ii. ; councils of war held at, ii. , . camden, set on fire and abandoned by lord rawdon, ii. . campbell, captain john, death of, in the battle at moore's-creek bridge, ii. . campbell, lieutenant-colonel archibald, and seven hundred men, made prisoners in boston harbor, ii. ; letter of, to washington, complaining of his treatment as a prisoner, ii. . campbell, lord, royal power abdicated by, in south carolina, ii. ; badly wounded in the attack upon fort sullivan, ii. . canada, conquest of, urged upon the british government by franklin (_note_), ii. ; surrender of, to the english, in , i. ; prediction of the duke de choiseul in relation to the loss of, i. ; people of, indisposed to revolution, i. ; address of the second continental congress to the people of--resolution of the second continental congress not to invade, i. ; loyalty of the people of, to the british crown, i. ; address of congress to, contrasted with its language to the people of england, i. ; efforts of sir guy carleton to secure the loyalty of the people of, i. ; auspicious moment for the conquest of, i. ; proposition to invade, made by colonel ethan allen, i. ; cautious proceedings of congress in relation to the invasion of, i. ; tardy gathering of the troops for--letter of ethan allen to governor trumbull in relation to the invasion of, i. ; secret agents sent into, by general schuyler, i. ; delays in the invasion of, i. ; address of general schuyler to the inhabitants of, i. ; defenceless condition of, i. ; address of arnold to the inhabitants of (_note_), i. ; measures of congress with regard to, ii. ; exertions made for the relief of the troops in, ii. ; general lee named by washington for command in, ii. ; chief command of the troops in, given to lee by congress--change of plans of congress with regard to, ii. ; alienation of the people of, ii. ; committee of civilians appointed by congress to visit, ii. ; abandonment of, considered necessary by schuyler, ii. ; total disaffection of the people of, toward the cause of the patriots, ii. ; troops sent toward, under general thompson, ii. ; commissioners appointed to form a union with--instructions of the commissioners sent to, ii. ; indisposition of the people of, to a union with the colonies, ii. ; committee of congress confer with washington, gates, and mifflin, on affairs in, ii. ; efforts of congress to retain possession of, ii. ; letter of washington to schuyler in relation to affairs in--deplorable condition of the american army in, ii. ; defeat of general thompson in, ii. ; end of the invasion of, ii. ; plan of congress for the invasion of, abandoned by the advice of washington, ii. ; opposition of washington to the french plan for the invasion of, ii. . canadians, battalion of, authorized by congress to be raised, ii. . canes, gold-headed, left by washington to various persons, iii. . capital, the federal, location of, determined in , iii. ; surveys and plans of buildings of, examined by washington--location of, chosen by washington, iii. ; land surrendered for, by georgetown and carrollsburg, iii. . cardillac, incredulity of, as to the profitable navigation of the western rivers, i. . carleton, sir guy, at the head of wolfe's grenadiers at quebec, i. ; efforts of, to secure the loyalty of the canadians, i. ; defeat of, by colonel seth warner at longueuil, i. ; montreal abandoned by, on the approach of montgomery, i. ; escape of, to quebec, i. ; opportune arrival of, at quebec, i. ; determination of, to defend quebec, i. ; his humane treatment of prisoners taken at the siege of quebec, i. ; reliance of, upon reinforcements from england for the defence of quebec, ii. ; pursuit of the americans by, on their retreat from before quebec--stores and prisoners taken by--great humanity of, toward the sick and prisoners, ii. ; noble proclamation of, with regard to sick fugitives, ii. ; not the policy of, to make prisoners (_note_), ii. ; efforts of, to create a navy on lake champlain, ii. ; crown point taken possession of by, on its abandonment by arnold, ii. ; army of reserve, under the command of, in canada, ii. ; successor of sir henry clinton as british commander-in-chief, iii. ; personal interview of washington with, at tappan, iii. . carlisle and roberts, quakers, hanged as spies, i. . _carmagnole_ sung in the streets of new york in , iii. . carmichael, mr., _chargé d'affaires_ at madrid in , iii. . carpenters' hall, in philadelphia, first place of meeting of the continental congress, i. . carroll, charles, in the commission appointed to form a union with canada, ii. ; son of, a suitor for the hand of nelly custis, iii. . carroll, reverend john, associated with the commission to form a union with canada, ii. ; return of, from canada, in company with franklin, ii. . carter, charles, mention made of, in washington's will, iii. . caswell, colonel, in command of minute-men in the battle at moore's-creek bridge--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . catawba indians, bad conduct of, in the expedition against fort duquesne in (_note_), i. . catholics, generally the friends of liberty during the revolutionary struggle, i. . cedars, colonel bedell stationed at, with a body of new hampshire troops, ii. . ceremonials, opinions of adams, jay, hamilton, and madison, sought by washington in relation to, iii. . chamberlayne, mr., washington introduced to martha custis by, i. . chamblée, capture of the fort at, by a party under colonel bedell--arms and ammunition taken at, i. ; flag of the seventh british regiment found in the fort at--letter of montgomery to robert livingston, relating to the fort at (_note_), i. ; retreat of sullivan from, ii. . character of washington, iii. . charleston, arms and ammunition in the magazines of, seized by the patriots, i. ; activity of the patriots in, ii. ; admiral parker's unsuccessful attack upon, ii. ; saved by the dilatory movements of the british, ii. ; siege of, by sir henry clinton, ii. ; bombardment of--surrender of, to the british--general lincoln and his army made prisoners at--ill treatment by the british of the prisoners taken at, ii. ; effect in the south of the fall of, ii. ; evacuation of, by the british, iii. ; reception of washington at, on his southern tour in , iii. . charlestown, set on fire by order of general gage--description of the carcass used at (_note_), ii. . charlotte, general greene at, ii. . chase, the, washington's chief amusement before the revolution, i. . chase, samuel, in the commission appointed to form a union with canada, ii. . chastellux, chevalier de, his description of hospitality as it was at mount vernon, i. ; letter of washington to, respecting his northern tour in , iii. . chatham, earl of, revolutionary measures deprecated by (_note_), i. ; extract from a speech of, on the free spirit of the colonies, i. ; on the infatuation of government in provoking resistance in the colonies, i. ; language of, in commendation of the proceedings of the continental congress, i. ; his commendation of the state-papers of the first continental congress, i. ; correspondence of, with lady chatham, in relation to american affairs, i. ; letter of, to lord stanhope, relative to american affairs--franklin introduced into the house of lords by, i. ; proposition made by, in the house of lords, that the troops should be removed from boston--extraordinary speech of, in support of his proposition, i. ; little influence of the speech of, within the house, i. ; profound sensation caused out of doors by the speech of--remark of franklin respecting the speech of--friends of, in the house of lords--plan of, for the settlement of troubles in america--franklin consulted by, in the preparation of his plan of settlement (_note_), i. ; hurried rejection of the plan of, in the house of lords--plan of, approved by franklin, i. ; confined to his house with the gout, ii. ; last speech of, in parliament, ii. . (see _william pitt_.) chatham, lady, unwillingness of, that lord pitt should bear arms against the colonists (_note_), i. . chaudière, valley of the, reminiscences of the "good bostonians" still preserved in, i. . cherokees, colonel montgomery sent against in --subdued by colonel grant in , i. . cherry valley desolated by butler and brant, ii. . chesapeake bay, arrival of the british fleet in--movements of his army directed toward, by washington, ii. ; landing of sir william howe and his army at the head of, ii. ; night of peril passed on, by washington, on his southern tour, iii. . chester, retreat of the american army to, from the brandywine, ii. . chew, chief justice, banishment of, to fredericksburg, i. . chew's house, loss of the battle of germantown owing to the delay at, ii. . childhood, frame of washington precociously large in, i. . christ church, in philadelphia, divine service attended at, by the second continental congress, i. . christianity, washington a sincere believer in, iii. . church, doctor benjamin, placed by congress at the head of the army hospital, i. ; convicted of treasonable correspondence (_note_), i. . church of england, washington a communicant of, i. . cilley, colonel, captured cannon turned upon the british by, at bemis's heights, ii. . _cincinnati, society of_, instituted--deep interest felt by washington in--washington and hamilton successive presidents of, iii. ; address from the members of the, in boston, iii. . _citizen genet_, a privateer fitted out at charleston by genet--the arrest of american citizens on board, iii. ; irritation of genet at the arrests on, iii. . city tavern, philadelphia, meeting at, of delegates to the first continental congress, i. ; convention to form the constitution adjourn to, iii. ; washington and suite entertained at, in , iii. . clarke, major george rogers, operations of, in the west, ii. ; biographical notice of, ii. . clergy, sides taken by the various denominations of, during the progress of the revolution, i. . clinton, colonel james, at fort constitution, ii. ; bayonet-wound received by, ii. . clinton, general george, energy and activity of, in defence of new york, ii. ; troops assembled by, at fort montgomery, ii. ; at fort montgomery with new york militia, ii. ; efforts of, to prevent the passing of the _rose_ and _phoenix_, ii. ; three thousand men under the command of, at kingsbridge, ii. ; silver bullet taken by, from a spy--silver bullet still in possession of the family of (_note_), ii. ; letter of washington to, communicating the news of the signing of the treaty of peace, iii. ; northern tour of washington in company with, in , iii. ; reception of washington by, in new york, in , iii. ; a candidate for the vice-presidency in , iii. . clinton, general sir henry, a volunteer at breed's hill, i. ; biographical notice of, i. ; placed in command of a redoubt on bunker's hill, i. ; arrival of, in the harbor of new york--peaceful professions of, and departure, ii. ; robert howe and cornelius harnett excepted from the proclamation of pardon by, ii. ; proclamation offering pardon laughed at by the people of charleston, ii. ; night-march of, from flatlands to the heights overlooking bedford, ii. ; capture of the fortresses in the hudson highlands by, ii. , ; messenger of, bearing a silver bullet to burgoyne, hanged as a spy, ii. ; activity of, in new york--scheme of washington for the abduction of, ii. ; washington dissuaded by hamilton from attempting the abduction of, ii. ; reduction of the force under the command of, ii. ; evacuation of philadelphia admirably managed by, ii. ; slow march of, through new jersey, ii. ; emissaries of, to the pennsylvania mutineers, hanged as spies, ii. . clothes of washington, before the revolution, obtained from london, i. . coach, fine one kept by washington in , iii. . cobble hill, intrenchments cast up on, by troops under generals putnam and heath, i. . cochran, captain, powder-receiver at charleston (_note_), i. . cochran, doctor john, letter of washington to, on the style of living at west point (_note_), ii. . coffin of washington, inscriptions on, iii. . cohoes falls, retreat of schuyler to, ii. . collier, sir george, ravages by the squadron of, on elizabeth river, ii. ; assistance rendered by, to sir henry clinton on the hudson--ravages of, in connecticut, ii. ; destruction of an american flotilla by, in penobscot bay, ii. . collins, captain, powder belonging to the province of virginia seized by, in , i. . colonies, new era in the history of, i. ; pay of troops raised in (_note_), i. ; growth of democratic ideas in, i. ; a viceroyalty suggested for, i. ; little indebted to the mother-country, i. ; cost of the french and indian war to (_note_), i. ; commercial policy of england toward, i. . colonists, french and english, characteristics of, i. , . commission as colonel resigned by washington in , i. ; commission as commander-in-chief received by washington, form of (_note_), i. ; resignation of, by washington, iii. . "common sense," a pamphlet by thomas paine, powerful influence of, ii. ; general lee's opinion of it (_note_), ii. . concord, troops sent by general gage to seize the stores at, i. ; preparations made at, to resist the troops under colonel smith--militia assembled at, under colonel barrett, i. ; british attacked by major buttrick at--stores at, partially secured, i. . confederation, old, discussions that led to the abandonment of, iii. ; resolutions of the new york legislature in relation to, iii. . congregationalists opposed to the rule of great britain, i. . congress, general colonial, proposition for, by the massachusetts assembly, i. ; copy of the circular letter of massachusetts, inviting (_note_), i. ; meeting of, in new york--names of the delegates to (_note_), i. ; proceedings of, applauded by the provincial assemblies, i. ; recommended by franklin, i. , . congress, continental, proposed by virginia in , i. ; simultaneous proposition for, by virginia and massachusetts, i. ; the first, importance of, to the best interests of mankind, i. ; almost simultaneous declaration of the colonies in favor of, i. ; names of the delegates to (_note_), i. : assembling of, at philadelphia, in , i. ; journeys of the delegates to, like ovations--journey of washington to, in company with patrick henry and edmund pendleton, i. ; reception of the delegates to, in philadelphia--honors paid to the delegates to, from massachusetts, i. ; account of the organization of, i. - ; peyton randolph chosen president of--charles thomson chosen secretary of, i. ; noble character of the men composing, i. ; opening speech of patrick henry in, i. ; regulations adopted by, i. ; mr. duché requested to read prayers in, i. ; washington the only delegate who knelt during prayer in, i. ; names of the first committee appointed by--difficult points to be decided at, i. ; resolves of the suffolk county convention laid before, i. ; resolution of, limiting its action to infringed rights--duration of the sessions of (_note_), i. ; non-importation resolutions offered in, by r. h. lee, i. ; dangerous plan of union submitted to, by joseph galloway, i. , ; non-exportation proposed and debated in, i. ; great diversity of opinion in, among the delegates--loyal address to the king resolved on by--opposition of the virginia delegates in, to non-exportation (_note_), i. ; declaration of rights unanimously adopted by, i. ; the _american association_ signed by every delegate present at, i. ; the petition of congress to the king, the last public act of, i. ; profound sensation produced everywhere by the publication of the proceedings of, i. ; sympathy with, expressed by chatham in a letter to stephen sayre, i. ; no record of the part washington took in, i. ; washington the best informed man in, i. ; state-papers of, i. , . congress, second continental, journey of washington to, in company with patrick henry and benjamin harrison--organization of--secrecy of the proceedings of, i. ; resolution of, respecting the spoils taken at ticonderoga by ethan allen, i. ; washington appointed chairman of the committees of, on military affairs--"conciliatory resolutions" of lord north laid before--vigorous preparations of, for the defence of the country--resolution of, to petition the king, i. ; address of, to the inhabitants of canada--day of fasting and prayer appointed by, i. ; resolution of, to raise companies of riflemen, i. ; john adams's account of the deliberations of, as to the choice of a commander-in-chief, i. - ; instructions of, to washington, as commander-in-chief (_note_), i. ; major generals appointed by, i. - ; brigadier-generals appointed by, i. ; measures of, in relation to the issue of paper money, i. ; regulations of, for the army, i. ; letters of washington to, i. , - , ; loyalty to the king declared by, i. ; declaration adopted by, setting forth the causes for armed resistance, i. ; the idea of reparation from the mother-country repudiated by, i. , ; letter of thanks of, to the lord-mayor and corporation of london, i. ; petition to the king, written by john dickinson, adopted by, i. ; address to the people of great britain adopted by, i. ; commissioners of indian affairs appointed by--services at christ church attended by, on the fast-day, i. ; addresses of, to the assembly of jamaica, and to the people of ireland--"conciliatory resolution" of the house of commons taken into consideration by, i. ; franklin placed at the head of the post-office department by--army hospital established by, i. ; adjournment of, i. ; wise caution of, i. ; "declaration" of, read to the troops in camp, i. ; jealous of concentrated military power--deference of, to the opinions of washington in military matters, i. ; refusal of washington to part with detachments for coast-defence, sanctioned by, i. ; colonels allen and warner introduced upon the floor of, i. ; the green mountain boys recommended by, for the invasion of canada, i. ; members of, in the camp at cambridge, i. , ; questions submitted by washington to the committee of, sitting at cambridge, i. ; resolutions adopted by, for a reorganization of the army at cambridge, i. ; attention of, called to the necessity of organizing a naval force, i. ; letters of washington to i. , ii. ; resolution of thanks of, to washington, on the evacuation of boston, ii. ; medal in gold ordered by, ii. ; action of, with regard to loyalists and tories, ii. ; the attention of, drawn to affairs in canada, ii. ; committee appointed by, for the purpose of maintaining a european correspondence, ii. ; washington invited to the floor of--recommendations of washington adopted by, ii. ; "board of war and ordnance" appointed by, ii. ; resolution of, in relation to the claims of generals schuyler and gates, ii. ; measures taken by, for a more permanent organization of the army, ii. ; adjourned to baltimore--almost unlimited powers granted by, to putnam in philadelphia, ii. ; create washington dictator for six months, ii. ; of inferior to that of -' , ii. ; increased powers granted to washington by, after the battle of the brandywine, ii. ; letter of hamilton to george clinton on the degeneracy of, ii. ; degeneracy of, lamented by washington, ii. , ; adjournment of, to princeton, iii. ; little confidence of the mass of the people in, iii. . congress, federal, scene in on the occasion of washington's opening address, iii. , ; executive departments established by, in , iii. ; hamilton's report on finance made to, in writing, iii. ; remarks of washington upon that of , iii. ; messages of washington to, iii. , , , ; party spirit manifested in, iii. , ; charges brought against hamilton in, iii. ; defensive measures urged upon, by washington, iii. ; language of washington to, respecting genet, iii. ; debate in, as to the propriety of the consideration of any question with closed doors--the first committee of ways and means appointed in--act passed by, in , for providing a naval armament--money-tribute to algiers advocated in, iii. ; debate in, respecting the treaty-making power--debate in, respecting a resolution offered by edward livingston, iii. ; message of washington to, on refusing to furnish papers relating to jay's treaty (_note_), iii. ; last annual message of washington to, iii. ; language of the two houses of, in reply to washington's last annual message, iii. ; special session of, convened by president adams, in --extract from the address of adams to, iii ; measures of, for national defence, in , iii. ; washington present at the opening of, in , iii. ; resolutions of, on the occasion of the death of washington, iii. , . congress, provincial, of massachusetts, john hancock president of--benjamin lincoln secretary of--address of, to general gage, i. ; explanations made to, by general gage--preparations for armed resistance made by, i. ; proceedings of, denounced by general gage--minute-men enrolled by, i. . connecticut, opposed to franklin's plan for the union of the colonies, i. ; ill feeling toward general schuyler among the troops from, (_note_), i. ; minute-men summoned to supply the place of troops from, i. ; governor trumbull and general greene on the conduct of the troops of (_note_), i. ; arrival in the camp at new york of a troop of light-horse from, ii. ; refusal of the troop from, to do duty, ii. ; bad conduct of troops from, at kip's bay, ii. . connolly, doctor john, the side of the crown taken by, ii. ; imprisoned at baltimore, ii. . constitutional society of england, money sent by, by the hand of franklin, for the sufferers at lexington--john horne tooke, the philologist, a prominent member of (_note_), i. . constitution, federal, convention to form, iii. - ; names of the signers of (_note_), iii. ; anecdote of franklin in connection with the signing of, iii. ; submitted by congress to the state legislatures, iii. ; henry, mason, and lee, adverse to, iii. ; when ratified by the several states (_note_), iii. ; backwardness of some of the states in ratifying, iii. ; subject of the amendment of, before congress, in , iii. ; adopted by rhode island in , iii. ; considered by hamilton inadequate to its functions, iii. . contemplations, moral and divine, extracts from, i. - . continental army, condition and discipline of--dress and accoutrements of (_note_), i. ; position and numbers of, when adopted by congress, i. ; command of, formally taken by washington, i. ; letters of washington to congress respecting the condition and position of, i. - ; first general order issued by washington to (_note_), i. ; hunting-shirts recommended by washington for the use of, i. ; dissatisfaction produced in, by several appointments of general officers--returns of, presented by general gates (_note_), i. ; deficiency in the numbers, discipline, and stores of, i. ; details respecting its condition, by a chaplain, i. ; great deficiency in its supply of ammunition, i. , ; disposition of, by washington, at the siege of boston, i. ; want of powder in, i. ; trouble caused in, by sectional jealousies--petty conspiracies among the subordinate officers of, i. ; letter of washington to colonel reed, complaining of the mercenary spirit pervading, i. ; early departure of the connecticut troops from, i. ; weakness of, in january, , ii. , ; letter of washington to colonel reed on the condition of, ii. ; names of officers of the new regiments of (_note_), ii. ; excellent footing of, in the spring of , ii. ; kind of punishments inflicted in (_note_), ii. ; personal popularity of washington in, ii. ; committee appointed by congress to inquire into the condition of, ii. ; great reduction in the force of, ii. , ; destitution of, ii. ; necessities of, supplied by pennsylvania, ii. ; measures adopted by congress to increase the efficiency of, ii. ; winter-quarters of the various divisions of, in -' , ii. ; discontents in, in , iii. , ; gradual disbandment of, in , iii. ; circular letter of washington to state governors in relation to the disbandment of, iii. ; last general order of washington to (_note_), iii. . continental money, great depreciation of--the whole country flooded with counterfeits of, ii. . continental village, destruction of, by governor tryon (_note_), ii. . _continentalist_, a series of papers written by alexander hamilton, iii. . contrecoeur, french commandant at fort le boeuf, in , i. . convention, commercial, suggestion of washington concerning, iii. , . convention, national, of france, pen-picture of (_note_), iii. . convention to amend the confederation proposed, iii. ; washington placed at the head of the virginia delegation to, iii. ; circumstances which induced washington to attend, iii. ; books read by washington before attending, iii. ; meeting and organization of--washington elected president of, iii. ; names of the delegates to (_note_), iii. ; franklin a conspicuous member of--distinguished men in, iii. ; resolutions of edmund randolph in, iii. ; warm debates in--part taken by hamilton in, iii. ; apprehensions of washington as to the final result of, iii. ; influence of washington in, iii. ; adjournment of, iii. . conway, general, letter of washington to congress, adverse to his appointment as major-general, ii. ; supposed author of a pamphlet injurious to the character of washington--anonymous letters in disparagement of washington written by, ii. ; appointed inspector-general, and raised to the rank of major-general, by congress, ii. ; short and sharp letter of washington to--dismay in the _cabal_ caused by washington's letter to, ii. ; thorough exposure of the character of--resignation of, accepted by congress, ii. ; severely wounded in a duel with cadwalader--penitent letter written to washington by, while in the expectation of speedy death--recovery of, and return to france, ii. . _conway's cabal_, history of, ii. ; existence of, discovered by washington--colonel wilkinson's agency in exposing, ii. ; exposure of, to the world, ii. ; letter of washington to patrick henry in relation to, ii. . cook, captain james, the navigator, with wolfe at quebec, i. . cooke, governor nicholas, of rhode island, cheering letter written to washington by, i. ; supply of powder sent by, to the camp at cambridge, i. ; acting governor of rhode island in place of governor wanton (_note_), i. . cornstalk, night-attack of, upon colonel lewis, i. . cornwallis, lord, embarkation of, for north carolina, with seven regiments, ii. ; outrages committed by the troops of, in north carolina--robert howe's plantation desolated by, ii. ; march of, into philadelphia, ii. ; congratulations of the quakers offered to, ii. ; disappointment of, at not finding boats at trenton--carelessness of, in stationing his troops in detachments, ii. ; hears "thunder" from princeton, ii. ; stinging reply of washington to, in relation to the brutal conduct of his troops, ii. ; attempt of, to surprise general lincoln at boundbrook, ii. ; weak and wicked policy of, in south carolina, ii. ; dependence placed by, upon tarleton and ferguson, ii. ; alarm of, at the movements of marion, ii. ; dangerous position of, ii. ; perilous situation of, at yorktown, ii. ; surrender of, at yorktown, ii. ; devastations of, in the south (_note_), ii. . correspondence, committees of, originated in massachusetts, i. , . correspondence, intercolonial committees of, first appointed in virginia, i. , ; rhode island first after virginia in appointing--severe condemnation of, by "massachuttensis," i. . correspondence, burdensome nature of washington's, in , iii. ; extracts from washington's with george w. p. custis (_note_), iii. . council, executive, organization of, in , iii. . courtship, washington's, account of, by g. w. p. custis, i. . coventry, earl of, prophetic speech of, ii. . cowpens, defeat of tarleton by morgan at, ii. . "cragie house," now longfellow's (_note_), i. . craik, doctor james, at great meadows, i. ; at the battle of the monongahela, i. : braddock's wounds dressed by, i. ; warning of, to washington, as to his attack of dysentery in , i. ; with washington on his visit to the ohio country in , i. ; indian chief seen by, who at the battle of the monongahela had fired at washington fifteen times, i. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to the _conway cabal_, ii. ; western tour of, in company with washington, in , iii. ; washington attended by, in his last illness, iii. . cramahé, approach of arnold to quebec disbelieved by, i. ; in quebec during the siege by arnold, i. . creeks, at war with georgia in , iii. ; difficulties of the united states with, in --alliance of, with the spaniards, iii. ; united states commissioners sent to treat with--colonel marinus willett sent on a mission to--treaty made with, in , iii. . cresap, colonel, washington a guest of, in , i. ; innocent of the murder of logan's relatives (_note_), i. . "_crisis_," an anti-ministerial journal published in london and new york, in (_note_), i. . "_crisis_," a series of pamphlets written by thomas paine in -' (_note_), ii. . croghan, george, envoy from pennsylvania to the miamis, i. . cross creek, in north carolina, commission granted by governor martin to highlanders at, ii. . crown point, movements of the expedition against, under colonel johnson, i. ; dieskau defeated, severely wounded, and made prisoner, while marching to the defence of, i. ; fortifications erected on, by amherst, in , i. ; surrender of, to colonel warner, in , i. ; remains of the army of the north assembled at, ii. ; wretched condition of the troops at, ii. , ; sullivan informed of his being superseded by general gates at--efforts of schuyler and gates to reorganize the army of the north at--dilapidated condition of the fort at, ii. ; washington unfavorable to the abandonment of--letters of washington to schuyler and gates, in relation to the abandonment of, ii. ; possession taken of, by general carleton, ii. . cully, old, his recollections of washington's courtship, i. . culpepper county minute-men, description of the dress of, ii. . currency, continental, i. ; form of the bills of (_note_), i. . currency, decimal, origin of the, iii. . curtis, remarks of, on the convention to amend the federal confederation, iii. . cushing, william, appointed associate judge of the supreme court in , iii. . custis, daniel parke, father of martha custis, i. . custis, eleanor parke, adopted by washington, iii. ; washington accompanied by, to mount vernon in , iii. ; precepts inculcated by washington into the mind of--letter of washington to, on love and marriage, iii. ; a son of charles carroll of carrollton a suitor for the hand of, iii. ; anecdote respecting, told by mr. irving, iii. ; preparations for the marriage of, with lawrence lewis, iii. ; marriage of, at mount vernon, on washington's birthday, in , i. ; continental blue-and-buff suit worn by washington at the wedding of, iii. . custis, george washington parke, adopted by washington, iii. ; in college at princeton in --interesting correspondence of washington with, preserved in the custis family, iii. ; correspondence of, with washington, respecting the attentions paid by young carroll to his sister, iii. ; anxiety of washington for the welfare of--negligence of, in the pursuit of his studies--extracts from the correspondence of washington with (_note_), iii. ; aid-de-camp to general pinckney in , iii. ; lands bequeathed to, by washington, near alexandria, iii. , ; lands bequeathed to, surveyed by washington's own hands in , iii. ; absent from mount vernon at the time of washington's death--his description of washington's personal appearance when riding over his farms, iii. . custis, john parke, son of mrs. washington, difficult task of washington as the guardian of--plans of travel of, opposed by mrs. washington--particulars of the estate of, according to a letter of washington (_note_), i. ; enamored of miss calvert--letter of washington to mr. calvert, recommending a postponement of the marriage of, i. ; at king's college, in new york--hamilton a fellow-student with--effect upon, of the death of his sister, i. ; marriage of, to miss calvert, in --letter of washington to doctor cooper, in relation to the marriage of, i. ; washington's aid, ii. ; death of, at eltham--children of, adopted by washington, iii. . custis, martha, introduction of washington to, i. ; marriage of, to washington, in january, , i. . custis, miss, daughter of mrs. washington, sickness of, i. ; death of, at mount vernon, in , i. . customs commissioners mobbed in boston, i. . d. dagworthy, captain, position of, settled by governor shirley, i. . dallas, alexander j., hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . dalrymple, colonel, reserve of troops left under the command of, at staten island, ii. . danbury, expedition to destroy stores at, under governor tryon, ii. ; private as well as public property destroyed at, ii. . dancing-days of washington over in (_note_), i. . dandridge, bartholomew, private secretary of washington--letter of washington to, expressing approbation of his conduct, iii. ; provision in the will of washington respecting the heirs of, iii. . dartmouth, lord, instructions of, to general gage, as to his conduct in massachusetts, i. ; reply of an american to a remark of, as to the number of delegates to the first congress (_note_), i. . d'aubrey, colonel, defeated and made prisoner by sir william johnson near fort niagara, i. . davenant, sir william, expedition of, intercepted by cromwell's fleet (_note_), i. . davidson, john, indian interpreter with washington on his ohio expedition, i. , . davie, governor william r., associated with murray as envoy to france in , iii. . davis, reverend thomas, volumes presented to, by washington, at the marriage of nelly custis, iii. ; invited to officiate at the funeral of washington, iii. . deane, silas, sent to paris as a secret agent of congress--his unfitness for the trust, ii. ; embarrassing engagements entered into by, ii. . dearborn, captain, his dog eaten by famishing soldiers in arnold's quebec expedition (_note_), i. ; made prisoner at the siege of quebec, i. . death of washington, iii. ; why no clergyman was present at, iii. ; action of congress on receiving intelligence of, iii. ; sensation produced in europe by the news of (_note_), iii. . de beaujeu, captain, intrusted with the ambuscade at the battle of the monongahela, i. ; death of, in the battle, i. . de berdt, dennis, letter of, brought from england by lord howe, ii. ; a copy of the letter of, sent to washington and to congress, ii. . deborre, general, disaster brought upon the american army by, at the battle of the brandywine, ii. . debt, foreign, of the united states in , according to hamilton--domestic, in , iii. . declaration of independence, ii. ; copies of, signed only by john hancock, distributed throughout the country--signed on the second of august, , ii. ; proofs of the allegations contained in, where to be found (_note_),--names of the delegates who signed (_note_),--original parchment of, much injured by a writing-master in (_note_), ii. ; order issued by washington to the troops in new york in relation to, ii. ; publicly read in new york on the tenth of july--influence of, upon the popular mind in europe, ii. ; comments of mirabeau and napoleon upon, ii. ; read to the army of the north at fort independence, ii. . declaration of rights adopted by the first continental congress, written by samuel adams (_note_), i. . declaratory act, why supported by william pitt--condemnation of, by gadsden, i. ; apprehensions of washington respecting, i. ; right claimed by, denied by the colonial assemblies, i. . decoudray, major-general, his expectations of rank in the american army--letter of washington to congress in relation to the claims of--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . de fermoy, folly of, at ticonderoga, ii. . de grasse, arrival of the fleet of, in the chesapeake, ii. ; admiral graves attacked by, off the capes of virginia, ii. ; visit of washington to, ii. . de heister, part taken by, in the battle of long island, ii. . de kalb, baron, slow march of, to the relief of charleston, ii. ; mortally wounded in the battle at sanders's creek--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . delaplace, ticonderoga surrendered by, to ethan allen, i. . delaware river, baggage and stores of washington removed across, ii. ; army sent across by washington during the night--boats on, destroyed by order of washington, ii. ; weakness of washington's army at the time of his retreat over, ii. ; gravity of washington after his retreat over, ii. ; washington's plan for attacking the british posts on, ii. ; christmas-day appointed by washington for attacking the british on, ii. ; troops ferried over by colonel glover and marblehead fisherman, ii. , ; letter of gates presented to washington at, by wilkinson, ii. ; voice of knox heard across, ii. ; passage of the american army to the jersey side, ii. ; attempt of sir william howe to destroy the obstructions in, ii. ; efforts of howe to get possession of the forts on, ii. ; loss of the forts on, owing to the selfish ambition of general gates, ii. , ; destruction of the american fleet on--full possession of, obtained by the british, ii. ; crossed by washington in pursuit of sir henry clinton, ii. ; rapid march of the allies toward, ii. . de levi, march of, upon quebec, i. ; rapid retreat of, to montreal, i. . departments, executive, not organized in , iii. ; when established by congress, iii. . desertions, frequency of, from the continental army, ii. . d'estaing, count, arrival of the fleet of, in the delaware--departure of, for sandy hook, ii. ; correspondence of, with washington--attempt to destroy the british fleet in raritan bay abandoned by, ii. ; arrival of, at newport--departure of, from newport, to meet the fleet of lord howe--return of, to newport, and subsequent departure for boston, ii. ; exasperation caused by the conduct of, ii. ; letter of, to congress, relative to his abandonment of rhode island--soothing letter written to, by washington, ii. ; departure of, for the west indies, ii. . detroit, relieved by colonel bradstreet in , i. . devotion, private, of washington, iii. . de wessingtons, knights of the palatinate of durham, i. . de yrujo, spanish embassador, dress of, iii. . diary of washington, extract from, in relation to his visit to boston in (_note_), iii. , ; extract from, describing the opening of congress in (_note_), iii. ; extract from, in relation to morris's mission to england, iii. . dick, doctor, called in, at washington's last illness, iii. . dickinson, john, of pennsylvania, influence of his quaker friends upon (_note_), i. ; petition to the king written by, adopted by the continental congress, i. ; views of, on the terms of reconciliation brought by lord howe, ii. . dictator, washington made, ii. ; emotions of washington on receiving the resolution conferring the powers of, ii. ; wise exercise by washington of his powers as, ii. . dieskau, baron, departure of, from france, for the st. lawrence, in , i. ; defeat of, by colonel william johnson, at lake george--wounded and a prisoner, i. ; subsequent history of (_note_),--designs of, in case of success (_note_), i. ; general lyman's share in the defeat of, i. , ; defeated by new england men, i. ; parliamentary grants to the provinces that contributed to the defeat of, i. . diet of washington when at cambridge, i. . dignity of manner of washington, iii. . dinner, farewell, of washington, on the eve of his retirement from the presidency, iii. . dinner-hour of washington, iii. . dinner-table of washington, iii. . dinwiddie, governor, measures against the french on the ohio recommended by, i. ; washington sent by, to the french commandant on the ohio, i. ; efforts of, in anticipation of the french and indian war, i. ; disputes of, with the virginia house of burgesses, i. ; efforts of, to raise troops to meet the french on the ohio, i. ; letter of washington to, complaining of the inadequate pay of the colonial army officers, i. ; measures of, after the surrender of fort necessity, i. ; remark of, respecting colonial assemblies, i. ; duplicity of, in his conduct toward washington, i. , , ; refusal of, to give up the prisoners taken by washington in the skirmish with jumonville, i. ; conduct of, in relation to prisoners, retaliated by contrecoeur, i. ; letter of washington to, after the battle of the monongahela, i. ; opposed to the command of the virginia forces being given to washington, i. ; his recommendation of washington for promotion, i. ; ambiguous orders of, to washington, i. ; letters of washington to, recommending offensive war on the ohio, i. , ; correspondence of washington with, in relation to lord loudonn, i. ; contemptible conduct of, toward washington, i. ; letter of washington to, in relation to certain slanders, i. ; departure of, for england--contrast between his character and that of washington--death of, in (_note_), i. . "discourses on davila," essays published by john adams, iii. . dismal swamp, project of washington for draining--description of, i. ; the "green sea" of, explored by washington, i. . district of columbia, funds bequeathed by washington for the endowment of a university in, iii. . districts, military, of virginia, washington in charge of one in , i. . disunion, threatened in virginia, in case jay's treaty should be ratified, iii. . divine service, washington a regular attendant upon, i. . documents, public, careful examination of, by washington, iii. . donaldson, mr., treaty with algiers signed by, in , iii. . donop, count, mortally wounded in an attack upon fort mercer, ii. . donville, sent toward fort cumberland with a party of indians--humane instructions of dumas to--defeat of, by a virginian named paris--death of--scalp of, sent to washington, and by him forwarded to governor dinwiddie, i. . dorchester heights, proposed to be taken possession of and fortified, ii. ; preparations for the attempt upon, ii. , ; taken possession of, at night, by general thomas--lines of fortification upon, drawn by gridley, ii. ; alarm of howe on seeing the american fortifications on--reinforcements taken to, by washington, in anticipation of an attack by earl percy, ii. ; fortifications upon, strengthened by washington, ii. ; british attack upon, prevented by a tempest, ii. . dorchester neck, houses on, destroyed by order of general howe, ii. ; cannonade upon boston from, ii. . dress of washington when president, iii. , , . drucour, chevalier de, the defender of louisburg, i. . drummond, lord, flag of truce borne by--account of the previous movements of, ii. ; parole of honor violated by--reproof administered to, by washington, ii. ; rumors respecting the mission of--subsequent acquaintance of, with general lee (_note_), ii. . duché, reverend jacob, invited to read prayers in the continental congress, i. , ; psalm read by, and prayer of, i. ; sermon preached by, on the fast-day, in christ church, philadelphia, before the continental congress--extract from the sermon of, preached before congress (_note_)--tory party subsequently joined by (_note_), i. ; republicanism abjured by (_note_), ii. ; letter of, to washington, advising his abandonment of the revolution (_note_)--death of, in philadelphia, in (_note_), ii. . duer, president, incident related by, in connection with the retirement of washington from office, iii. . dumas, general, pamphlet written by, on the military and political situation of france, iii. ; letter of, to washington, iii. . dumas, m., letter of franklin to, requesting him to become a diplomatic agent--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . dumas, successor of contrecoeur at fort duquesne--humane instructions of, to donville, i. . dunbar, colonel, cowardly conduct of, after braddock's defeat, i. , ; remark of franklin on the retreat of, i. . dunmore, earl of, successor of lord botetourt as governor of virginia--dislike of the people of virginia for, i. ; unsuited for his position as governor, i. ; friendly relations of, with washington, i. , ; claims of the soldiers to bounty-lands urged on, by washington, i. ; assembly of virginia dissolved by, i. , ; court circle of, at williamsburg, i. ; ball in honor of the wife of, attended by washington, i. ; training of the independent companies in virginia warmly commended by, i. ; expedition of, against the indians on the scioto, in , i. ; willingness of, to make peace, i. ; suspicions excited against, by his conduct of the campaign, i. ; powder of the province seized by, i. ; flight of, from williamsburg, i. ; enmity of, toward the colonists, ii. ; defeat of the forces sent by, to destroy hampton, ii. ; freedom proclaimed by, to slaves--republican printing-press, stolen by, from norfolk, ii. ; defeat of, by the virginians, near norfolk, ii. ; norfolk laid in ashes by, ii. ; atrocious plans of, discovered by means of an intercepted letter, ii. ; cruelties of, on the coasts of the southern states, ii. ; movements of, on the elizabeth river, ii. ; ravages of, ii. , ; driven from gwyn's island by general andrew lewis--mount vernon threatened by--slaves kidnapped by, from virginia plantations--final departure of, from america, ii. . duquesne, french and english civilization contrasted by (_note_), i. . dwight, doctor, on the popular feeling with regard to independence (_note_), ii. . dwight, jasper, severe strictures by, upon washington's farewell address--extract from a pamphlet by, charging washington with being a slaveholder (_note_), iii. . dysentery, washington attacked by, in , i. . e. _eagle_, lord howe's flag-ship, attempt to destroy (_note_), ii. . eastchester, hessian chasseurs attacked near, by colonel hand, ii. . east india company, proposition of, to parliament, in relation to the tea-tax--brief notice of (_note_), i. ; tea from the vessels of, not allowed to be sold, i. ; tea of, thrown overboard in boston harbor--compensation offered to, by the colonies, for the destruction of their tea, i. . easton, colonel, despatched by montgomery to the mouth of the sorel, to intercept carleton, i. ; capture of carleton's fleet by, with prisoners and stores--general prescott taken prisoner by--escape of carleton from, to quebec, i. . echard, mrs. susan, interesting record left by, of the scene at the reading of washington's valedictory in , iii. . eden, governor, of maryland, government of maryland abdicated by--treasonable correspondence of, ii. . education, early, of washington, i. . education, interest taken by washington in the cause of, iii. . elizabeth river, ravages of sir george collier on, ii. . elizabethtown point, reception of washington at, in , by members of congress, iii. . ellicott, andrew, surveys of the federal city made by, iii. . embargo laid on british shipping in , iii. . enos, colonel, his desertion of arnold on the march to canada, i. . episcopacy, proposed by bute and others to be established in the colonies (_note_), i. . episcopal clergy, generally loyal during the revolutionary struggle, i. . estate of washington, portions directed by his will to be sold, iii. . etiquette, queries of washington in relation to, addressed to adams, jay, hamilton, and madison, iii. . eulogy, anonymous, on the character of washington, on the back of a likeness by sharpless, iii. . eutaw springs, battle at, iii. . everett, mr., remarks of, in relation to washington's expedition to the ohio, i. . excise act, passed in , iii. , ; opposition made to, at pittsburgh and elsewhere, in , iii. ; measures of washington for the enforcement of, iii. ; modification of, in , iii. ; resistance to, in western pennsylvania, iii. - ; further efforts in congress to amend, iii. ; denounced by the democratic societies--proclamation of washington in support of (_note_), iii. . executors of the will of washington, iii. . f. fairfax, bryan, urged by washington to become a candidate for the virginia house of burgesses--much attached to the british government (_note_), i. ; letters of washington to, urging the uselessness of petitions to the throne, i. , , ; conservative and timid, i. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to the revolutionary agitation, i. ; visit of, to valley forge--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . fairfax county courthouse, resolutions adopted at, by washington and others, in , i. - ; resolutions adopted at, readopted at the williamsburg convention, i. . fairfax, george william, educated in england, i. ; washington's first surveying expedition undertaken in company with, i. ; departure of, for england, to take possession of estates, i. . fairfax, honorable william, father-in-law of lawrence washington, i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. . fairfax, mrs., letter of washington to, from mount vernon, in , iii. . fairfax, thomas, the sixth lord, antiquity of the family of--brief biographical notice of, i. ; personal appearance of, i. ; splendid fortune and large estates of, i. , , ; liberality and mode of living of, i. ; young washington his companion in hunting, i. ; regard of, for young washington, i. ; a contributor to the _spectator_ (_note_), i. . fairfax, thomas, the tenth lord, at woodburne, maryland, in (_note_), i. . falls of the potomac, hurt received by washington at, iii. . falmouth, bombarded and burnt by a squadron under lieutenant mowatt, i. ; conduct of mowatt at, disapproved of by the british ministry, i. . farewell address, washington's, iii ; authorship of, according to horace binney (_note_), iii. ; sensation produced by, iii. ; strictures upon, by jasper dwight, of vermont, iii. . farewell dinner of washington on the eve of his retirement from office, iii. . farms of washington, admirably managed by him, iii. . farnum, jonathan, body of doctor warren identified by, i. . fauchet, m., appointed by the french government to succeed genet--intercepted papers written by, placed in the hands of washington--suspicion thrown on the integrity of randolph by the papers of (_note_), iii. ; a mercenary spirit charged upon americans by, iii. . fauquier, governor, arrival of, from england, i. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the abandonment of fort duquesne, i. ; washington resigns his commission to, after the capture of fort duquesne, i. ; opposed to the stamp-act--adverse to a colonial congress, i. . febiger, at the battle of breed's hill, i. ; with arnold at quebec, i. . _federal_ and _republican_ parties, origin of, iii. . _federalist_, a series of essays by hamilton, madison, and jay, iii. ; washington's opinion respecting (_note_), iii. . _federalists_, hamilton their leader, iii. . ferguson, captain patrick, party of infantry under count pulaski surprised by--expedition of, against little egg harbor, ii. ; dependence placed upon, by cornwallis--body of tories raised by, in aid of cornwallis--encampment of, at king's mountain, ii. ; defeat and death of, at king's mountain, ii. . field-sports, fondness of washington for, iii. . finances, deplorable state of, in , iii. . flatbush, halt of the british at, on the way to brooklyn, ii. . fleury, louis, a captain in the continental army, ii. ; bravery displayed by, at the battle of the brandywine, ii. . folsom, nathan, commander of new-hampshire forces, i. . fontanes, louis de, funeral oration pronounced by, in paris, in honor of washington, iii. . forbes, general, appointed by pitt to command the expedition against fort duquesne in , i. ; an early commencement of the campaign urged upon, by washington-- excessive caution of, i. ; advice of washington to, in relation to military movements, i. ; anecdote of indians in connection with the sickness of (_note_)--respect of, for the opinions of washington, i. ; sickness and weariness of, on his approach to fort duquesne, i. ; death of, in philadelphia (_note_), i. . forbes, the gunsmith, disclosures made by, of a tory conspiracy, ii. . forster, captain, surrender of the fort at the cedars to, ii. . fort anne, retreat of the americans from, to fort edward, ii. . fort constitution, general greene left in command of, ii. . fort cumberland, washington ordered to, i. , ; donville sent toward, i. ; virginia troops assembled at, i. ; letter of washington from, to colonel boquet, in relation to regimental clothing, i. ; a rendezvous of troops sent against the whiskey insurrection in , iii. . fort duquesne, effect at, of the news of jumonville's death, i. ; expedition against, proposed by braddock, i. ; history of braddock's expedition against, i. - ; m. dumas, successor of contrecoeur at, i. ; general forbes appointed to command the expedition against, in , i. ; new road to, from raystown, decided upon by general forbes, i. ; washington in favor of braddock's road to, i. ; delays in the expedition against, i. , , ; effect in the camp at, of the news of the victory at louisburg, i. ; major grant sent by colonel boquet to reconnoitre--sortie from, upon grant's highlanders, i. ; admirable conduct at, of the virginians under captain bullitt, i. ; french at, deserted by the indians--reward offered by general forbes for a deserter from--british flag planted on the smoking ruins of, by washington, on the th of november, , i. ; name of changed to fort pitt--pittsburgh now stands upon the site of, i. . fort edward, cowardice of general webb at, i. ; approach of burgoyne to, ii. . fort frontenac, expedition undertaken against, by colonel bradstreet--description of, i. ; surrender and demolition of--important influence of the surrender of, i. . fort galpin, capture of, by lee, iii. . fort george, at coram, long island, surprised by major tallmadge, ii. . fort george, in new york, cannon removed from, by captain lamb, ii. . fort george, on lake george, erected by abercrombie in , ii. ; letter of washington to schuyler, in relation to the abandonment of (_note_), ii. . fort griswold, massacre at, ii. . fort independence, opposite ticonderoga, constructed by the advice of colonel john trumbull (_note_), ii. , . fort independence, near kingsbridge, disregard of the garrison of, of heath's summons to surrender, ii. . fort johnson, near charleston, republican flag raised on, the first in the south--description of the flag raised on (_note_), ii. . fort johnston taken possession of, by militia-men under colonel john ashe, ii. . fort le boeuf, washington at, in , i. . fort lee, evacuation of, ordered by washington--landing of cornwallis near, ii. ; precipitate flight of the americans from, ii. . fort loudoun, erected by washington at winchester, in , i. . fort mercer, attack upon, by hessians under count donop--gallant defence of, by colonel greene--count donop mortally wounded in the attack upon, ii. ; ineffectual attempt of general greene to relieve, ii. . fort mifflin, british attack upon, ii. ; escape of the garrison of, to fort mercer, ii. . fort montgomery, completion of the obstructions at, recommended by greene, knox, and others, ii. ; vessels at, abandoned and burned by the republicans, ii. ; obstructions at, destroyed by the british fleet, ii. . fort moultrie, formerly called fort sullivan, ii. . fort necessity, letters of washington from, to governor dinwiddie, i. ; queen aliquippa at, i. ; military road prepared near, by washington, i. ; washington determines to await the approach of de villiers at, i. ; strengthened by captain robert stobo--deserted by the indians on the approach of the french, i. ; great caution of the french in attacking--capitulation of washington at, i. ; terms of capitulation at, supposed to have been intentionally mistranslated by van braam, i. ; abandoned by washington on the th of july, , i. . fort niagara, expedition against, in , under prideaux and johnson--death of prideaux before, i. ; skill and courage displayed by sir william johnson at the siege of--defeat of french and indians near--capitulation of, to sir william johnson--garrison of, sent prisoners to new york, i. . fort pitt, a portion of washington's command left at, in , in garrison, i. ; besieged by shingis in , i. ; visit of washington to, in , on his way to the ohio country--white mingo and george croghan met by washington at, i. . fort putnam, long island, conflict witnessed by washington from, ii. . fort recovery, built by general wayne in , iii. . fort schuyler, invested by st. leger with a body of tories and indians, ii. . fort sullivan, erected by colonel moultrie, ii. ; attack made upon, by a british fleet, ii. ; the attack upon, as described by a british writer, ii. ; deficient supply of ammunition in--great loss of life in the british ships engaged in the attack upon, ii. ; name of, changed to fort moultrie, ii. ; great importance of the american victory at, ii. . fort washington, washington against attempting its defence, ii ; surrender of, to general howe--comparative loss of british and americans at, ii. ; attack upon, proposed by lafayette, ii. . fort william henry, besieged by montcalm in --brave defence of, by colonel george monro, i. ; massacre at, by montcalm's indians (_note_)--total demolition of, by montcalm, i. . forts, western, refusal of the british to give up according to the treaty of , iii. . fosdyke, captain, attempt of, to destroy the _rose_ and _phoenix_, ii. . fox, charles james, his commendation of american resistance, i. ; remarks of, on the character of washington (_note_), iii. . fox-hunting at mount vernon, i. . frame of washington, iii. . france, designs of, against the english colonies, i. ; war declared against, by england, in , i. ; sentiments of, toward england and the colonies, ii. ; communication made by a secret agent of, to jay, franklin, and jefferson--letter of captain william hull, in relation to secret agents of (_note_), ii. ; arms and ammunition furnished by, in aid of the americans, ii. ; selfish policy of the government of, toward england and america, ii. ; fête in the camp at valley forge, in celebration of the treaty with, ii. ; danger of relaxation of american efforts, on the conclusion of the treaty with, ii. ; the alliance with, a source of uneasiness to washington, ii. ; commercial advantages sought by, in , iii. ; disappointment caused to lafayette by the course of the revolution in, iii. ; progress of the revolution in, - ; nearly all europe in arms against, in --sympathy in the united states for the people of, iii. , , ; thoughts of wise men respecting the revolution in, iii. ; disgust of washington at the bloody character assumed by the revolution in, iii. ; gloomy accounts of the revolution in, written by gouverneur morris, from paris, iii. ; efforts of lafayette for the preservation of order in, iii. ; influence of the revolution in, on american politics, iii. ; war declared by, against england, in --king of, put to death by the national convention, iii. ; enthusiasm in favor of, in the united states, in --possessions of, in america, guarantied by the treaty of , iii. ; little confidence of washington in the government of, iii. ; cabinet meeting held by washington to consider relations with, iii. ; british orders in council in relation to the colonial trade of, iii. ; toasts given at a civic feast in philadelphia to celebrate the victories of (_note_), iii. ; a constitution established in, in (_note_), iii. ; pen-picture of the convention of (_note_), iii. ; action of congress on the presentation of colors of, by adet, iii. ; annoyance of the government of, at the execution of jay's treaty, iii. ; charles cotesworth pinckney appointed minister to, in , iii. ; depredations committed by the cruisers of, on american commerce, iii. , , ; war with, threatened in , iii. ; address of the directory of, to monroe, on receiving his letters of recall, iii. ; mr. pinckney notified to leave--designs of the government of, toward the united states, iii. ; change in public opinion in regard to, iii. ; three special envoys sent to, in , iii. ; attempts of the government of, to extort money from american envoys, iii. ; loan and bribe sought by the directory of, iii. ; indignation of the american people excited against--conduct of, justified by the _aurora_, iii. ; sustained by public sentiment in the southern states, iii. ; disbelief of washington in the probability of war with, iii. , , , ; actual existence of war with, in , iii. ; new mission to, deprecated by the friends of adams--termination of the difficulties with, iii. . francis, doctor, reminiscences of, in relation to the arrival of genet, iii. , . franklin, benjamin, his plan of union of the colonies, i. ; his opinion of the colonial governors--on the progress of the colonies--on the proprietaries of pennsylvania, i. ; in the camp of braddock--conversation of, with braddock, i. ; urged by braddock to procure wagons for the use of the army, i. ; provisions obtained through the efforts of, for the regiments of dunbar and halket--first meeting of, with washington, at fredericktown, in --highly spoken of, by braddock, in his despatches, i. ; his little confidence in braddock's success, i. ; remark of, on dunbar's retreat, after the defeat of braddock, i. ; short military career of (_note_), i. ; washington welcomed to philadelphia by, in , i. ; efforts of, in london, in opposition to the stamp-act, i. ; letter of, to charles thomson, in relation to the stamp-act, i. ; examination of, before a committee of parliament, i. ; opinion of, as to the tea-tax, i. ; duplicity of governor hutchinson exposed by, i. ; insulted by solicitor-general wedderburne (_note_)--office of postmaster-general of the colonies taken from (_note_), i. ; general congress proposed by, i. , ; activity of, in circulating the state papers of the continental congress, i. ; introduced by lord chatham into the house of lords, i. ; remark of, in relation to a speech of lord chatham's--compliment paid to, by lord chatham, in the house of lords (_note_), i. ; interviews of, with admiral howe and miss howe (_note_), i. ; letters of, to mr. strahan and doctor priestley (_note_), i. ; placed by the second continental congress at the head of the post-office department--post-office account-book of, still preserved (_note_), i. ; letter of, to doctor priestley, on the progress of british arms in america, i. ; on the committee appointed by congress to visit the camp at cambridge, i. ; balance of salary paid to, by massachusetts, for services as colonial agent--money sent from england by the hands of, for the sufferers at lexington, i. ; at the head of a commission appointed to form a union with canada, ii. ; return of, from canada, in company with the reverend john carroll, ii. ; treaty of peace signed by, in , iii. ; meeting of washington with, in , iii. . fraser, general, mortally wounded at the second battle near bemis's heights, on the th of october, , ii. ; funeral of, at twilight, ii. . fraunces, samuel, washington's steward in new york, in , iii. , ; anecdote of (_note_), iii. , . fraunces's tavern, parting of washington and his officers at, in new york, iii. . frazier, trading-house of, on the monongahela, i. , . frederick the great, contempt of, for the german mercenaries, ii. ; his opinion of washington's achievements in the jerseys (_note_), ii. ; his appreciation of washington as a general, iii. . fredericksburg (patterson), camp of washington at, ii. . fredericktown, washington and franklin meet at, for the first time, in , i. . freemasons, desirous of being present at the funeral of washington, iii. . french and indian war, cost of, to the colonies, i. . french officers, blank commissions for, sent to washington by congress, ii. . freneau, philip, editor of the _national gazette_ in , iii. ; jefferson's own account of his connection with the journal of, iii. ; washington annoyed by the attacks of, iii. ; good done by the paper of, according to jefferson--remarks of irving respecting jefferson's support of, iii. ; washington's opinion of the journal of, iii. . frestel, m., arrival of, in the united states, with young lafayette, in , iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to young lafayette, iii. ; encomium bestowed upon, by washington, iii. ; with young lafayette at mount vernon in , iii. . fry, colonel joshua, commander of the troops destined for the ohio in --washington his second in command, i. ; sudden death of, i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. . funeral honors paid by congress to the memory of washington, iii. . "_funeral of george washington_," a pasquinade, introduced by knox at a cabinet council, iii. . funeral of washington, iii. ; order of the procession at, iii. . funeral orations at the death of washington, iii. , . g. gadsden, colonel christopher, control of troops in charleston assumed by, ii. ; confinement of, in the castle of st. augustine, ii. ; hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . gage, colonel thomas (afterward general), with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; friendly letter of, to washington, i. ; troops of, brought into boston, to awe the inhabitants, i. ; governor of massachusetts in , i. ; received in boston with respect, i. ; contest of, with the massachusetts assembly--fortifications built by, on boston neck, i. ; instructions of lord dartmouth to, as to his conduct in massachusetts, i. ; fruitless attempts of, to prevent political assemblages, i. ; letter of doctor warren to, in relation to an agreement violated by him, i. ; martial law declared by, i. ; charlestown set on fire by order of, i. ; anxiety of, to escape to new york, i. ; had been a personal friend of washington, i. ; letters of washington to, in relation to his treatment of prisoners, i. , ; verses on the cattle-stealing of, i. ; summoned to england by the king--biographical notice of (_note_), i. . gallatin, albert, secretary of a convention in opposition to the excise laws in , iii. ; resolution of edward livingston, demanding papers relating to jay's treaty, sustained by, iii. ; conspicuous part taken by, in the debates on jay's treaty, iii. ; remarks of hildreth on the speech of--replied to, by tracy, of connecticut, iii. ; regard of jefferson for, iii. . galloway, joseph, dangerous plan of union of, i. ; plan of union of, opposed by patrick henry and samuel adams, i. ; plan of, rejected by a majority of one, i. ; subsequently a violent loyalist (_note_), i. ; agents of, hanged as spies and traitors, i. . gardner, colonel, death of, while marching to the help of prescott, at breed's hill, i. . _gaspé_, account of the burning of the, i. . gates, captain horatio (afterward general), with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; chosen by congress adjutant-general--biographical notice of, i. ; at the camp at cambridge, i. ; appointed by congress to the command of the army in canada, ii. , ; sent to philadelphia by washington, to confer with congress, ii. ; appointed major-general by congress, ii. ; ambitious character of, ii. , , ; insinuations of, calculated to injure schuyler, ii. ; extraordinary powers granted to, by congress--unpleasant feelings produced in the army by the unusual powers granted to (_note_), ii. ; surprise of schuyler at the conduct of--duplicity of, ii. , ; letter of schuyler to washington in relation to the claims of, ii. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to the abandonment of crown point, ii. ; order and discipline restored by, to the army of the north, ii. ; appointed by congress to the command of the army at ticonderoga, ii. ; slanders of schuyler written by--impertinent letter written by, to washington, ii. ; refusal of, to act under schuyler--admitted to the floor of congress through the instrumentality of roger sherman, ii. ; machinations of, against schuyler, ii. ; chosen by congress to command the northern army, ii. ; literary vanity of (_note_), ii. ; military movements of, criticised by john adams, ii. ; courteous reception of, by schuyler, ii. ; estimate of the character of, by gouverneur morris, ii. ; force and position of the army of, at bemis's heights, ii. ; jealousy of, greatly excited against arnold, ii. ; inactivity of, until after the capture of the hudson highlands, ii. ; letter of washington to, requesting the aid of morgan's corps, ii. ; desire of, to see washington entirely defeated, ii. ; conspiracy in congress and the army to elevate, over washington, ii. ; correspondence of, with washington, in relation to a letter of conway, ii. ; challenge sent to, by wilkinson (_note_),--placed at the head of a new board of war, ii. ; intention of the friends of, to have him made commander-in-chief--expedition against canada planned by, to detach lafayette from washington, ii. ; appointed by congress to command the army of the south--prophetic warning of general lee to, ii. ; great things expected from, in the south, ii. ; combined attack of cornwallis and rawdon upon--total defeat of, at sanders's creek, ii. ; letter of, to washington, after his defeat, ii. ; inquiry into the conduct of, at camden, ii. ; meeting of officers at newburg presided at by, iii. . genealogy of the washington family, i. . _general advertiser_, edited by a grandson of franklin--action of genet supported by, iii. . genet, edmund charles, arrival of, at charleston, in --practical democracy of, iii. ; secret reasons of, for landing at charleston--enthusiastic reception of, iii. ; _letters of marque_ issued by, iii. ; reception of, at philadelphia, iii. , ; abashed in the presence of washington, iii. ; banquet given in honor of, in philadelphia--offended at seeing a bust of louis xvi. in the house of the president, iii. ; doctor francis on the reception of, in new york, iii. , ; complaints of mr. hammond of the conduct of--duplicity of, iii. ; jefferson's opinion of the mission of, iii. ; letter of, to jefferson, announcing his mission, iii. ; propositions of, not received with favor by the united states government, iii. ; letter of, to the secretary of state, in relation to privateers, iii. ; privateer fitted out by, ordered to leave american waters, iii. ; letter of, to jefferson, in relation to the arrest of american citizens on board the _citizen genet_, iii. ; appeal of, from the president to the people--letter of, to jefferson, on neutrality, iii. ; party contentions respecting the claims of, iii. ; outrageous conduct of, with regard to _le petit democrat_-- misapprehensions of, corrected by jefferson, iii. ; government determines to request the recall of--irritation of washington at the idea of a contest with, iii. ; required to give up all vessels captured by his privateers, iii. ; popularity of, in the southwest, iii. ; visit of, to new york, iii. ; angry letter written by, to jefferson, iii. ; jefferson disgusted with, iii. ; revulsion of public feeling with regard to, iii. ; rebuke administered to, by jefferson--washington's course in relation to, approved by congress, iii. ; recalled by the government of france--m. fauchet appointed to succeed, iii. ; marriage of, to the daughter of governor clinton--death of, at greenbush, in , iii. . _gentlemen associators_, inactivity of, i. , , . george ii., biographical notice of (_note_), i. . george iii., determination of, to bring the colonies into unconditional submission, i. ; caricature of, published in england, i. ; speech of, at the opening of parliament in , ii. ; electoral troops of (_note_), ii. ; goodness of heart of, ii. ; leaden statue of, in new york, converted into bullets, ii. ; portrait of, in nassau hall, princeton, injured by a cannon-shot (_note_), ii. ; conversation of jay with, in , iii. ; ratification of jay's treaty by, in , iii. . georgia, colony of, planted in the year of washington's birth, i. ; personal description of representatives from, in the continental congress, in (_note_), i. ; invasion of, by colonel campbell--general robert howe, in command of the americans in--command of the royal forces in, taken by general prevost, ii. . germain, lord george, his approbation of general howe's abandonment of boston, ii. , . german mercenaries, high price paid for, by the british government, ii. ; employment of, condemned in the house of commons, ii. ; departure of, from england, for the st. lawrence, ii. . germantown, army of washington encamped at, ii. ; retreat of washington to, after the battle of the brandy wine--thirty hogsheads of rum sent to the troops at, by order of congress, ii. ; account of the battle at, ii. - ; the delay at chew's house the cause of the loss of the battle of, ii. ; retreat of the american army at, covered by general greene--comparative losses of the british and americans at, ii. ; the british almost defeated at, ii. ; impression produced in europe by the battle at, ii. ; proposed assemblage of congress at, in , iii. ; family of washington at, in , iii. . gerry, elbridge, special envoy to france in , iii. ; detention of, in france, by a threat of talleyrand, iii. . gibbon, the historian, doubts of, as to british success in america--political character of (_note_), i. . giles, mr., motion of, in congress, to expunge certain language complimentary to washington, iii. ; motion of, sustained by andrew jackson, iii. . gist, christopher, employed by the ohio company, in , to explore their lands, i. ; washington's guide in his ohio expedition, i. ; his narrative of adventures in company with washington, i. ; guide of general braddock, i. . glover, colonel, evacuation of new york by patriot troops commenced under the superintendence of, ii. ; troops ferried over the delaware by, ii. , . gordon, doctor, letter of washington to, denying any intention to resign the command of the army (_note_), ii. ; letter of washington to, from mount vernon, in , iii. . goshen meeting-house, retreat of washington from, ii. . governors, colonial, meeting of, at new york, i. . governor's island, taken possession of, by a body of continentals, ii. . grafton, duke of, advice given to the king by, ii. . graham, catharine macaulay, visit of, to mount vernon, iii. ; letter of washington to, on the formation of the federal constitution, iii. . grahame, doctor, on the character of washington, i. , . _grange_, the, a british vessel, captured by _l'embuscade_, iii. ; complaints of mr. hammond respecting the capture of, iii. ; restoration of, determined on by the american government, iii. . grant, colonel (afterward general), cherokees subdued by, in , i. ; at the battle of long island, ii. , ; foolish boast of, in the house of commons, heard by lord stirling (_note_), ii. . grattan, the champion of civil and religious freedom, i. . graves, admiral, arrival of, at new york, ii. ; attacked by de grasse off the capes of virginia, ii. . gray's ferry, triumphal arches reared at, in honor of washington, in , iii. . great britain, suspected policy of, in relation to the american colonies, i. ; address of the second continental congress to the people of, i. ; unsettled relations with, in , iii. ; treatment of neutral shipping by, in --services of british-born seamen claimed by, iii. ; western posts retained by--irritation of the american people against, in --judicial decision respecting debts due to merchants of, before the revolution, iii. ; war with, imminent in -' , iii. , ; discriminating duties as against, recommended by jefferson, iii. ; subjects in dispute with, in , iii. . great kenawha, voyage of washington down the ohio to the mouth of, in , i. ; ascended by washington fourteen miles--indian met with at, who had fired at washington fifteen times, i. ; night-attack upon colonel lewis at, i. ; tour of washington to visit, in , iii. . great meadows, washington at, i. ; fort necessity erected at, i. ; rumored approach of de villiers toward, with twelve hundred men, i. ; inactivity of south-carolinians at, i. , ; washington's comments on de villiers's account of the affair at (_note_), i. ; killed and wounded at, i. ; washington's conduct at, approved by the governor and council, i. . greaton, captain, forage belonging to the british destroyed by, i. . greenburg hills, encampment of the allied armies among, ii. . greene, lieutenant-colonel christopher, with arnold in his expedition against quebec, i. , ; murder of, ii. . greene, nathanael, services of, in the field, commenced after the battle of lexington, i. ; appointed brigadier-general in the continental army, i. ; address made by, to washington, welcoming him to the camp at cambridge, i. ; conduct of the new england troops defended by, i. ; defensive works prepared by, at brooklyn, ii. ; sickness of, when the british landed on long island, ii. ; urgency of, for the destruction of new york, ii. ; tour of inspection of, to the forts on the hudson highlands, ii. ; skilful movement of, at the battle of the brandywine, ii. ; retreat of the american army at germantown covered by, ii. ; important service rendered by, to the army at valley forge, as quartermaster, ii. ; chosen to supersede gates in command of the southern forces, ii. ; arrival of, at charlotte, ii. ; confidence inspired among the southern republicans by the presence of, ii. ; retreat of, from the catawba to virginia, followed by cornwallis--return of, to north carolina, ii. ; repulse of, by cornwallis, at guilford courthouse--surprise and defeat of, by lord rawdon, at hobkirk's hill, ii. ; siege of ninety-six by, iii. ; letters of washington to, urging the necessity for preparations for a campaign in , iii. ; charleston taken possession of by, iii. . greene, mrs. general, visit of washington to, on his southern tour, iii. . green mountain boys, recommended by congress for the invasion of canada, i. ; ethan allen rejected by, i. ; insubordination of, i. , . green, reverend ashbel, his personal reminiscences of washington, iii. . greenway court, hospitality of lord fairfax at, i. ; letter of washington from, at the age of fifteen, i. ; library at, accessible to young washington, i. . grenville, george, the stamp-act submitted to the house of commons by, i. ; reply of pitt to an interrogatory of--christened "the gentle shepherd," i. . grey, general, party of horse under colonel baylor surprised by, ii. . gridley, captain samuel, inefficiency of (_note_), i. . gridley, colonel, good discipline of his corps of artillery, i. ; lines of the intrenchments on breed's hill drawn by, at night, i. ; wounded at breed's hill, i. ; lines of fortification upon dorchester heights drawn by, ii. . grier, mrs., fortitude displayed by, while accompanying arnold's quebec expedition, i. . griffiths, david, warning of lee's treachery at monmouth given by, on the eve of the battle, ii. . grimes, miss, afterward mrs. lee, supposed youthful passion of washington for, i. . guilford courthouse, battle of, ii. . guizot, encomium pronounced by, upon the character of washington, iii. . gulligher, mr., one sitting given to, by washington, at portsmouth, in , iii. . gunpowder, gage's seizure of, at cambridge, i. . h. habits of washington, iii. . hale, captain nathan, sent by washington as a spy to long island, ii. ; manner of the death of, ii. . hale, colonel, apology for the surrender of, to an inferior force (_note_), ii. . halifax, general howe at, ii. . halket, major, letter of washington to, in relation to the route to fort duquesne, i. . halket, sir peter, death of, at the battle of the monongahela, i. . hamilton, alexander, concerned in the seizure of cannon at fort george, in new york, ii. ; commencement of washington's acquaintance with (_note_)--high commendation of, by general greene, ii. ; at the battle of white plains, ii. ; false information put into the hands of a spy, by a trick of (_note_), ii. ; admitted to the military family of washington at middlebrook--confidence of washington in--captain graydon's recollections of, ii. ; saved by the speed of his horse--letter of, to congress, giving warning of the rapid approach of howe, ii. ; sent to philadelphia by washington to procure supplies for the troops--note of instructions of washington to, ii. ; sent by washington to gates for reinforcements--obstructed by putnam, ii. ; authority assumed by, by the advice of governor clinton, ii. ; misunderstanding between washington and (_note_), ii. ; _the continentalist_ written by, iii. ; opinions of washington concurrent with, on the new constitution, iii. ; success of the new constitution argued by, iii. ; informal nomination of washington for the presidency by, iii. ; opinions of, with regard to presidential etiquette, iii. ; testimony of robert morris to the financial ability of--made secretary of the treasury by washington, iii. ; financial scheme of, presented to congress in , iii. ; discussions caused by the financial report of, iii. , ; admiration of, for the british constitution, iii. ; hostility of jefferson to, iii. , , , , ; a national bank advocated by, iii. ; at the head of the _federalists_, iii. ; re-election of washington desired by, iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to his feud with jefferson, iii. ; charges brought against, in congress, in , iii. ; falsity of the charges brought against, iii. ; remarks of, in relation to the revolution in france, iii. ; intention of, to resign his position in the cabinet, iii. ; attacked with yellow fever in , iii. ; wish of washington to send him as envoy extraordinary to england--nomination of, opposed by monroe, iii. ; letter of, to washington, nominating jay as minister to england, iii. ; with the army sent to put down the whiskey insurrection, in , iii. ; plan prepared by, for the redemption of the public debt--office resigned by, in , iii. ; succeeded by oliver wolcott, iii. ; stones thrown at, while addressing a meeting in new york, iii. ; jay's treaty defended by, through the press, iii. ; letter of washington to, giving reasons for not furnishing to congress papers relating to jay's treaty, iii. ; suggestions of, used by washington in the preparation of his farewell address, iii. ; letter of, to washington, in , in relation to the troubles with france, iii. ; willing to accept the office of inspector-general in (_note_), iii. ; letter of, to washington, urging his acceptance of the commission of commander-in-chief, iii. ; placed by washington at the head of his list of generals, in --washington's high appreciation of, iii. ; conference of, with m'henry and pinckney, in relation to the provisional army in , iii. ; executive department of the provisional army left by washington in the hands of, iii. ; adverse to adams's hasty sending of envoys to france, iii. ; last letter written by washington addressed to, iii. . hamilton, robert, minute-guns fired from the schooner of, at washington's funeral, iii. . hammond, mr., minister plenipotentiary from england to the united states in , iii. ; attention paid to the complaints of, iii. ; unsettled relations with england on the arrival of, iii. ; intercepted papers of m. fauchet's placed by, in the hands of mr. wolcott, iii. . hampton, unsuccessful attempt of lord dunmore to destroy, ii. . hancock, john, desire of, to be appointed commander-in-chief, i. , ; outlawed by general gage, i. ; appointed major-general of massachusetts militia--desirous of military distinction (_note_), ii. ; the declaration of independence first printed with his name alone--letter of, to washington, enclosing the declaration of independence, ii. ; official pride of, iii. ; visit paid by, to washington, in boston, iii. . handbills, incendiary, dispersed in the british camp at boston, i. . hand, colonel, hessian chasseurs attacked by, near eastchester, ii. ; stationed near the present site of fort hamilton, with riflemen, ii. ; stacks of wheat and hay burned by--biographical notice of, ii. ; march of the british checked by, at flatbush, ii. ; appointed adjutant-general in the force sent against the whiskey insurgents, in , iii. . hands, great size of washington's, iii. . harlem heights, fortified camp of washington upon, ii. ; letters of washington from, to congress, on the state of the army, ii. . harlem plains, battle on, ii. . harmar, general, expedition of, against indians on the scioto, in , iii. ; ill success of the expedition of, in the ohio country, in , iii. . harrington, jonathan, fifer of the minute-men at lexington (_note_), i. . harrison, benjamin, washington's journey to the second continental congress in company with, i. ; his condemnation of the petition of congress to the king, i. ; letter of washington to, in relation to inland navigation, iii. . harrison, robert h., appointed associate judge of the supreme court in , iii. . hartford, journey of washington to, to confer with french officers, ii. ; reception of washington in, in , iii. . hartley, david, scheme of, for conciliating the colonies, i. . harvard college, degree of doctor of laws conferred upon washington by, ii. ; names attached to the instrument conferring the degree (_note_), ii. . haviland, colonel, with amherst at the siege of montreal, in , i. . hawley, major joseph, words of, quoted by patrick henry (_note_), i. . hazelwood, captain, fire-ships constructed by, on the hudson, ii. . hazlitt's description of washington's personal appearance, iii. . head of elk, sir william howe at, ii. ; risk of capture run by washington at, ii. . heath, general, militia under the command of, at the battle of lexington, i. ; appointed brigadier general in the continental army, i. ; brief biographical notice of, i. ; despatched with troops for the defence of new york, ii. ; dislike of general lee for, ii. , ; graphic account written by, of an interview with general lee (_note_), ii. ; commendation of, by washington--picture given by, of the destitution of the american army (_note_), ii. ; disregard paid to his summons by the garrison of fort independence, ii. ; letter of washington to, after his retirement to private life, iii. . hedges, solomon, primitive style of living of, i. . heights of abraham, scaled by arnold at the siege of quebec, i. . hendrik, sachem of the mohawks, speech of, i. . henfield, arrest of, for enlisting on the privateer _citizen genet_, iii. ; trial and acquittal of, iii. . henry, judge john joseph, extract from his narrative relating to arnold's quebec expedition, i. . henry, patrick, resolutions offered by, in the virginia assembly, in relation to the stamp-act, i. ; washington present at the debate on the resolutions offered by, i. ; the friends of the resolutions of, re-elected, i. ; washington's journey to the first and second continental congresses in company with, i. , ; powerful speech of, at the opening of the first continental congress, i. ; his opinion of washington and rutledge, i. ; resolutions offered by, at the second virginia convention, i. ; payment for the powder seized by lord dunmore, obtained by, i. ; predictions of, on the subject of independence, ii. ; letter of washington to, revealing the weakness of his army, ii. ; anonymous letter received by, from the _conway cabal_, ii. ; adverse to the constitution, iii. ; letter of washington to, in , when offering him the office of secretary of state, iii. ; mission to france declined by, in , iii. . herbert, mr., remarks of, on hunting in america (_note_), i. . herrick, captain, expedition of, against skenesborough, i. . hertburn, william de, of wessington manor, i. . hesse cassel, landgrave of, mercenaries furnished by, ii. . hesse, prince of, mercenaries furnished by, ii. . hessians, reliance placed on, by the british ministry, ii. ; land offered to such as would leave the british service--resolution of congress printed and circulated among, as tobacco papers (_note_), ii. ; kind treatment by washington of those made prisoners at trenton, ii. ; brutal conduct of, in new jersey, ii. . hewling, j. m., song written by, ii. . hickey, thomas, arrested on a charge of conspiracy against the life of washington, ii. ; condemnation and execution of, ii. . highlanders, scotch, loyalty of, ii. , . highland passes, measures of general george clinton for the defence of, ii. . highlands of the hudson, measures taken to repress insurrection in, ii. ; imminent peril of the country below, ii. ; measures taken by washington for the defence of, ii. ; impression made upon washington by the grandeur of their scenery, ii. . hildreth, remarks of, respecting washington's message to the third congress, iii. . hinman, colonel, placed in command of the lake forts by governor trumbull--difficulties of, with arnold, i. ; want of discipline among the troops of, i. . hobby, first schoolmaster of washington, i. , . hobkirk's hill, defeat of greene by lord rawdon at, ii. . holland, noble conduct of the states-general of, ii. ; sentiments of, toward england and the colonies, ii. ; gunpowder shipped from, to america, in gin-bottles, ii. . "_home_," a term used by washington when speaking of england, as late as , i. . homestead of the washington family in virginia, i. . hopkins, commodore esek, squadron under the command of--his disobedience of orders, ii. ; dismissed from the service, ii. . horsemanship of washington, iii. . horses, fine stud kept by washington, iii. . hotham, commodore, departure of, for america, with hessians, ii. . houdon, the sculptor, at mount vernon--the statue of washington at richmond executed by, iii. . hounds, kennel of, kept by washington, iii. ; sent by lafayette to washington in , iii. . howe, admiral lord, sent with a fleet to co-operate with general howe--unwillingness of, to serve against the americans, ii. ; powers of, as a peace-commissioner, ii. ; efforts of, to communicate with washington--letter of dennis de berdt to joseph reed, brought from england by, ii. ; refusal of washington to receive the letter sent by, ii. , ; "circular" and "declaration" of, directed by congress to be published, ii. ; terms of reconciliation offered by, such as could not be accepted, ii. ; no part of his design to attack new york with the shipping (_note_), ii. ; committee appointed by congress to confer with, ii. ; account of the conference with, published in england (_note_), ii. ; letter of franklin to, in relation to the question of reconciliation (_note_), ii. ; in the delaware with his fleet, ii. . howe, colonel robert, in command of patriot troops in norfolk, ii. , . howe, general sir william, with wolfe at the siege of quebec, i. ; address of, to his soldiers, at breed's hill, i. ; disposition of, friendly toward the americans--friendship between franklin and, i. ; successor to general gage, i. ; confidence of, in the strength of his position in boston, ii. ; evacuation of boston by, ii. , ; departure of, from boston, hastened by the fear of a general assault, ii. ; intentions and movements concealed by, ii. , , , , , , ; british prisoners and store-ships taken in boston harbor through the negligence of, ii. ; retirement of, to halifax, ii. : defence of, in parliament, by the duke of manchester, ii. ; arrival of, in the harbor of new york, ii. ; assistance expected by, from the loyalists, ii. ; colonel patterson sent to washington by, with a letter from lord howe, ii. ; large and well-appointed army under the command of, at staten island, ii. ; proclamation issued by, to the people of long island, ii. ; misgivings of, as to ultimate success, ii. ; humanity of--efforts of, to recruit his army with tories, ii. ; advances of, on the east river, ii. ; movements of, at white plains, ii. ; houses in new jersey burned by, ii. ; landing of, at the head of chesapeake bay, ii. ; march of, hindered by the want of horses and wagons--proclamation issued by, ii. ; dilatoriness of--humanity of (_note_), ii. ; marching and counter-marching of, along the schuylkill, ii. ; march of, upon philadelphia, ii. ; supplies from the country cut off from, ii. ; resignation of, accepted by the british ministry--sir henry clinton the successor of--fête at philadelphia, in honor of, on his departure, ii. . howe, lord edward, in the expedition against ticonderoga, under general abercrombie, i. ; death of--money appropriated in massachusetts for a monument to, in westminster abbey, i. . howe, richard and william, commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies, ii. . howell, david, appointed commissioner for ascertaining the true river st. croix, iii. . howell, governor, third in command in the force sent to put down the whiskey insurrection in , iii. . hubbardton, battle at, ii. ; major ackland wounded at, ii. . huddy, captain, hanged by loyalists under captain lippincott, iii. . hudson highlands, account of the capture of, by sir henry clinton, ii. - . hudson's river, commencement of fortifications on, ii. , ; measures of general howe for taking possession of, ii. ; vessels sent up, by general howe, anchored in tappaan sea, ii. ; movements of the _rose_ and _phoenix_ on, ii. ; obstructions placed in, ii. , ; attempt of captains fosdyke and thomas to destroy the _rose_ and _phoenix_, ii. ; property destroyed on, by british vessels-of-war, ii. . huguenot settlers, descendants of, on the side of the patriots in the revolutionary struggle, i. . humphreys, colonel, subject of presidential etiquette intrusted to, iii. ; letter of washington to, after his southern tour, in , iii. ; letter of washington to, speaking of his love of retirement, iii. ; appointed a commissioner to treat with the dey of algiers--formation of a navy recommended by, iii. ; appointed minister to spain in , iii. . hunting-costume of washington before the revolution, iii. . hunting-days at mount vernon before the revolution, iii. . hunting-shirts recommended by washington for the continental army, i. . huntington, countess of, papers transmitted to washington by, in relation to the christianization of the indians, iii. . husbands, herman, arrested on suspicion of being concerned in the whiskey insurrection (_note_), iii. . hutchinson, governor, an enemy to free institutions, though a native--duplicity of, discovered by doctor franklin--letters of, read in secret session of the massachusetts assembly, by samuel adams, i. ; removal of, petitioned for--excitement in england on the publication of the letters of (_note_), i. ; superseded by general gage, i. ; hung in effigy at boston, i. . i. illness of washington in , iii. ; in , iii. . improvements, internal, attention of washington given to, iii. . inauguration, washington's first, iii. ; solemnity of the scene at, iii. ; address of washington at, iii. ; ball given at, in honor of washington's, iii. . inauguration. washington's second--address of washington at, iii. ; description of, by an eye-witness (_note_), iii. . independence, not aimed at by the first continental congress--sentiments of delegates in regard to (_note_), i. ; letter of joseph reed to dartmouth, in relation to, i. ; the idea of, not prevalent out of new england, i. ; not aimed at by the second continental congress, i. ; advocated by thomas paine, in his "common sense," ii. ; growing desire for, in the public mind, ii. , , ; subject of, brought before congress by richard henry lee--testimony of doctor dwight, as to the popular feeling on the subject of (_note_)--predictions of patrick henry with regard to, ii. ; otis, samuel adams, franklin, and john adams, early in favor of, ii. ; steps taken in various colonies in relation to, ii. ; resolution in relation to, offered by john adams in congress, ii. ; committee appointed by congress to prepare a declaration of--resolution of, adopted on the second of july, , ii. ; continued debates in congress on the subject of, ii. ; friends and opponents of, in congress--unanimous vote of the thirteen colonies in favor of the declaration of, ii. ; declaration of, as voted for, ii. - ; reluctant consent of george iii. to, iii. . indian prophecy respecting the destinies of washington, iii. . indians, insight into the character of, acquired by washington while surveying, i. ; their views of french and english claims, i. ; necessity of conciliating, urged by washington, i. ; power of, for mischief, i. ; necessity of employing, to oppose indians, i. ; anecdote illustrating the simplicity of (_note_), i. ; commissioners appointed by the second continental congress to treat with, i. ; hostility of, in , iii. ; desire of washington to civilize, iii. ; hostile position of, in the northwest, in , iii. ; the use of, recommended by washington to general schuyler, ii. . ingersoll, jared, his resignation of his office as stamp-distributor--advice of franklin to (_note_), i. . innes, colonel, washington under the orders of, when at great meadows, i. ; personal attachment of dinwiddie to, i. ; anxiety of dinwiddie that he should supplant washington in the command of the virginia troops, i. , . iredell, james, description by, of a ball in celebration of washington's birthday, iii. . ireland, troops voted by the parliament of, for the american service, ii. ; address of the second continental congress to the people of, i. . iroquois, early friendship of, with the english, i. , . irving, washington, the inauguration of washington witnessed by, iii. ; remarks of, on jefferson's support of freneau, iii. ; anecdote of nelly custis told by, iii. . isle aux noix, expedition of schuyler and montgomery against, i. ; address issued from, by general schuyler, to the inhabitants of canada, i. ; retreat of the american army to, from canada, ii. . isle la motte, retreat of sullivan to, ii. . j. jack, captain, the wild hunter of the juniata, anecdote of (_note_), i. . jackson, andrew, his view of the character of washington in , iii. . jackson. major, aid-de-camp of washington in , iii. . jackson, robert, letter of, in relation to young washington's going to sea, i. . jacobs, captain, a chief of the delaware indians, death of, at kittanning, i. ; death of the giant son of, at kittanning, i. . jamaica, address of the second continental congress to the assembly of, i. . _james river company_, washington president of--one hundred shares in, offered to washington by the virginia legislature, iii. ; works of, examined by washington in , iii. . jasper, sergeant, extraordinary courage displayed by, ii. ; sword presented to, by governor rutledge, ii. ; death of, at savannah, supporting the colors of his regiment (_note_), ii. . jay, john, treaty of peace signed by, in , iii. ; correspondence of, with washington, on the revision of the articles of confederation, iii. ; a contributor to _the federalist_, iii. ; appointed chief-justice by washington, iii. ; envoy extraordinary to england in --mission of, denounced by the democratic society of philadelphia, iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the whiskey insurrection, iii. ; anxiety of washington respecting the mission of, iii. ; letters addressed by, to lord grenville, iii. ; conversations of, with lord grenville--letter of, to washington, stating the progress of negotiations in london, iii. ; conversation of, with george iii., iii. ; treaty signed by, at london, iii. ; elected governor of the state of new york, iii. ; burned in effigy in philadelphia, iii. ; suggestions of, used by washington in preparing his farewell address, iii. ; letter of, to mr. monroe in paris, on refusing a copy of his treaty, iii. . jay's treaty, provisions of, iii. - ; language of the opposition press in relation to, iii. ; hostility of the democratic societies to, iii. ; ratification of, recommended by the senate, iii. ; abstract of, published in the _aurora_, iii. ; violent opposition to, throughout the country, iii. ; meetings of the enemies of, held in boston and new york, iii. ; resolutions adverse to, adopted at a meeting held in new york, iii. ; resolutions in favor of, adopted by the new-york chamber of commerce--copies of, burned in the streets of philadelphia, iii. ; opposition to, in south carolina, iii. ; letter of washington in relation to, to the selectmen of boston, iii. ; letters of washington to randolph, in relation to, iii. , ; objections to, answered in a memorial written by randolph, iii. ; ratification of, signed by washington, iii. ; virulence of party spirit in relation to, iii. ; the boston chamber of commerce in favor of the ratification of--memorial in favor of, signed by the merchants of philadelphia, iii. ; letter of washington to general knox in relation to, iii. ; assailed by governor shelby, of kentucky--action of the various state legislatures in relation to, iii. ; delay in the ratification of, on the part of the british government, iii. ; ratification of, by george iii., in , iii. ; conspicuous part taken by albert gallatin in the debates on, iii. , ; message of washington to congress, on refusing to furnish papers relating to (_note_), iii. ; speech of tracy, of connecticut, on, iii. ; speech of fisher ames on, iii. ; extracts from ames's speech on, iii. - ; powerful impression produced by the speech of, iii. ; commissioners appointed to carry out the provisions of, iii. ; unfriendly feeling with france increased by, iii. ; hostile demonstrations of the french directory on the ratification of, iii. . jefferson, thomas, resolutions of, adopted by the virginia house of burgesses in (_note_), i. ; letter of washington to, in relation to arnold's incursion, ii. ; narrow escape of, from tarleton, at monticello, ii. ; appointed secretary of state by washington, iii. ; admiration of, for the leaders of the french revolution, iii. ; suspicions and jealousies of, iii. , ; question of the assumption of the state debts pressed upon, by hamilton, iii. ; change of the feelings of, toward hamilton, iii. ; voyage of, to newport, in , in company with washington, iii. ; dislike of, for hamilton, iii. ; new coins recommended by, in , iii. ; executive power distrusted by, iii. ; personal vituperation indulged in by--at the head of the _republicans_, iii. ; disgust of, with adams's "discourses of davila," iii. ; imbued with the spirit of the french revolution--language of, in after-years, respecting adams and hamilton, iii. ; antagonism of, toward adams, in , iii. ; desire of, that washington should remain in office, iii. ; letters of, to washington, iii. , ; vanity of--letter of, to lafayette, iii. ; letters of washington to, iii. , , , , ; re-election of washington desired by, iii. ; jacobins in paris called "patriots" by, iii. ; freneau's annoyance of washington enjoyed by, iii. ; insincerity of (_note_), iii. ; letter of genet to, in relation to the arrest of americans on the _citizen genet_, iii. ; intention of, to resign his position in the cabinet--unwillingness of washington to accept the resignation of, iii. ; want of candor of, displayed toward washington, iii. ; letter written by, to gouverneur morris, in relation to genet's recall, iii. ; rebuke administered by, to genet, iii. ; encomium pronounced by, upon the character of washington--resignation of, as secretary of state, iii. ; letter of, from monticello, to edmund randolph, iii. ; debates in congress on the report of, on commercial affairs, iii. ; letter of, to madison, in relation to self-created societies, iii. ; sympathy of, with the whiskey insurrectionists, iii. ; apprehensions entertained by, concerning jay's treaty--his admiration of gallatin, iii. ; letter of, to madison, in relation to jay's treaty, iii. ; caricature of, printed in (_note_), iii. ; insinuations thrown out by, against washington--disclaimer by, of any agency in furnishing to the _aurora_ certain confidential matter, iii. ; confidence of washington in the sincerity of, iii. ; washington's confidence in, finally shaken (_note_), iii. ; suggestions of, used by washington in preparing his farewell address, iii. ; a candidate for the presidency in , iii. ; elected vice-president in , iii. ; non-election of, to the presidency, offensive to the french directory, iii. ; suspected of being the real author of the letter to washington from "john langhorne," iii. ; confidence lost by washington in the professions of friendship of, iii. . jervis, afterward earl st. vincent, with wolfe at quebec, i. . johnson, colonel guy, body of savages collected by, on the frontier, ii. ; in canada, with warriors of the six nations, ii. . johnson, colonel william, expedition under, against crown point, proposed by general braddock, i. ; agency of, with the six nations--biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; his defeat of dieskau, i. ; made a baronet by the british government--his defeat of dieskau principally by the aid of new-england men--applause bestowed on, due to others, i. ; fort niagara taken by, in , i. ; sway maintained by, over the six nations--death of, by apoplexy, in , i. . johnson, sir john, loyalty of, and of his brothers-in-law, i. ; his scotch highlanders disarmed by schuyler, ii. ; escape of, to canada, ii. . johnson, doctor samuel, author of "taxation no tyranny," ii. . johnson hall, fortified by sir john johnson, ii. . johnson, lady, detained as a hostage in albany (_note_), ii. . johnson, thomas, office of secretary of state offered to, by washington, in , iii. . joncaire, captain, french indian agent, i. ; washington entertained by, at venango, i. ; efforts of, to detach tanacharisson from washington's party on the ohio, i. . jonquière, marquis de la, governor of canada, i. . judiciary, federal, ellsworth's plan of, iii. . jumonville, attack of washington upon, i. ; misrepresentations in relation to the death of--bancroft on washington's attack upon, i. ; defence of washington in relation to his attack on, i. - ; papers found on the person of, i. ; washington's attack on, vindicated by mr. sparks, i. . "_jumonville_," a poem in french, by thomas, i. . _junius_, notice of the letters of (_note_), i. ; extract from the letters of, i. . k. kalm, peter, independence of the colonies foretold by, in , i. . kennedy, captain, house, no. broadway, new york, built by (_note_), ii. . kennel, washington's, broken up in , iii. . kentucky, dissatisfaction among the people in, in , iii. ; intemperate resolutions passed at a convention of the citizens of, iii. ; letter of washington in relation to the popular movements in, iii. . kiashuta, washington at the hunting-camp of, in the ohio country, in , i. . king, rufus, stones thrown at, while addressing a meeting in new york, on the subject of jay's treaty, iii. ; appointed minister to england, in place of pinckney, iii. . king's bridge, fortifications erected at, ii. ; secret attack upon the british at, planned by washington, ii. . king's mountain, defeat of a body of tories, under ferguson, at--important influence of the victory at, ii. . kingston, extreme fatigue of the troops of washington on the march from, to pluckemin, ii. . kip's bay, landing of the british at--bad conduct of the militia and connecticut troops at, ii. . kirkland, moses, important papers found in possession of, ii. . kittanning, destruction of, in , by colonel armstrong, i. . knapp, sergeant uzal, the last survivor of washington's life-guard (_note_), ii. . knowlton, captain, breastwork constructed by, at breed's hill, i. ; british guard surprised by, at charlestown, ii. ; death of, on harlem plains, ii. . knox, captain henry (afterward general), service performed by, at breed's hill, i. ; appointed to command the artillery at cambridge, i. ; artillery and ordnance-stores transported by, from lake champlain to cambridge, i. ; recommended by washington to the general command of the artillery, ii. ; powerful voice of, ii. ; sent to massachusetts to hasten the raising of a battalion of artillery, ii. ; idea of the society of the cincinnati conceived by, iii. ; letters of washington to, iii. , ; retained by washington as secretary of war in , iii. ; stay of, in philadelphia, during the presence of the yellow fever in , iii. ; succeeded by timothy pickering as secretary of war--cause of the resignation of, iii. ; letter of washington to, on the occasion of the resignation of, iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to jay's treaty, iii. ; interest taken by, in the welfare of young lafayette, iii. ; letter of washington to, on the eve of retirement from office, iii. ; letter of washington to, informing him of his position in the provisional army, iii. ; mortification of, at the preference given to hamilton and pinckney--warm reply written by, to washington, iii. ; esteem of washington for--second letter of washington to, in relation to his appointment as major-general, iii. ; president adams petitioned by the friends of, to reverse washington's order of the major-generals, iii. ; letter of washington to, urging his acceptance of the appointment proffered, iii. ; determination of, not to serve under hamilton and pinckney, iii. . knyphausen, general, garrison at new york left under the command of, ii. ; springfield, in new jersey, set on fire by, ii. . kosciuszko, thaddeus, first interview of, with washington, ii. ; subsequent history of, ii. ; at the siege of ninety-six, iii. . l. la colombe, m. de, letter of washington to, announcing the liberation of lafayette, iii. . lacy, general, orders of washington to, for the arrest of quakers near valley forge, i. . lafayette, george washington, asylum sought by, in the united states, iii. ; arrival of, in the united states, in , iii. ; letter of washington to senator cabot, of boston, in relation to the reception of, iii. ; attempted _incognito_ of, under the name of motier--letter of washington to, iii. ; official notice taken of, by congress--letter of a committee of congress addressed to, iii. ; the guest of washington at philadelphia and mount vernon--letter of washington respecting, to his father, iii. ; with washington at mount vernon in , iii. . lafayette, madame, invited by washington to visit mount vernon, iii. ; letter of washington to, in , iii. ; letter of, to washington, iii. ; second letter of, to washington--shares the prison of lafayette at olmutz, iii. . lafayette, marquis de, washington's first acquaintance with, ii. ; vessel fitted out at the expense of, ii. , ; visit of, to london, ii. ; voyage of, to america, in company with de kalb and other officers--commissioned major-general of the continental army, ii. ; impatience of, for actual command (_note_), ii. ; appointed to the command of an expedition against canada, ii. ; hostility of gates toward washington discovered by, ii. ; escape of, from the british at barren hill, ii. ; the honor of leading the advance at monmouth solicited by, ii. ; departure of, for france, to procure aid for the americans, ii. ; letters of washington to, ii. ; iii. , , , , ; fruits of the secret mission of, to the court of versailles, ii. ; escape of cornwallis prevented by, ii. ; return of, to france, in , iii. ; visit of, to mount vernon, in , iii. ; jack sent to washington by, iii. ; conspicuous part taken by, in the french revolution, iii. , ; commander-in-chief of the national guard in paris, in --language of, respecting the duke of orleans, iii. ; conservative influence of, iii. ; key of the bastile sent to washington by--difficult position of, in france, in , iii. ; hopeful letter written by, to washington, iii. ; disappointment of, at the course of the french revolution, iii. ; letters of, in relation to his position in france, addressed to washington, iii. ; efforts of, to preserve order in france, iii. ; acquitted by the national assembly, of charges made against him by the jacobins--attempt of, to escape to the united states, by way of holland--in prison at olmutz, iii. ; desire of washington to befriend the family of, iii. ; washington powerless to aid, iii. ; confinement of, in an austrian dungeon, iii. ; incident showing washington's feelings toward (_note_), iii. ; efforts of washington to obtain the liberation of, iii. ; liberation of, from the prison at olmutz--reply of, to de chasteler with regard to proposed conditions of release (_note_), iii. ; letter received by washington from, at the close of , iii. ; hounds sent by, to washington, in , iii. . la force, a meddlesome french commissary, i. ; energy and activity of, i. ; escape of, from prison at williamsburg (_note_), i. . lake champlain, efforts of sir guy carleton to create a navy on, ii. ; naval engagement on, between arnold and captain pringle, ii. . "lake of the dismal swamp," lines from, i. . lamb, captain, severely wounded in the assault upon quebec, under montgomery and arnold, i. ; cannon removed by, from fort george, in new york, ii. . lancaster, meeting of recruits at, iii. . land-grants to soldiers engaged in the french and indian war, efforts of washington to secure, i. . langdon, president, "declaration" of congress read by, to the troops at cambridge, i. . "langhorne, john," letter of condolence of, addressed to washington in , iii. . la salle, french claims to the ohio based on the discoveries by, i. . laurens, colonel john, sent to europe, to seek more aid in men and money, ii. ; influence with the french government of, washington's letter to, ii. ; death of--biographical notice of, iii. . laurens, henry, treaty of peace signed by, in , iii. . lear, tobias, secretary of washington at mount vernon, iii. ; master and miss custis educated by, iii. ; admiration of, for the private character of washington, iii. ; washington's power to control his feelings witnessed by, iii. ; use of a farm left to, by washington, iii. ; resident at mount vernon in , iii. ; account written by, of the last illness of washington, iii. - . lechmere's point, intrenchment commenced on, by putnam, i. . ledyard, colonel, murder of, by major bromfield, ii. . lee, arthur, address of wilkes, lord-mayor of london, written by, i. . lee, charles, of virginia, successor of bradford, as attorney-general, in , iii. . lee, general charles, talents and acquirements of, i. ; account of the early life of, i. - ; estate purchased by, in virginia--appointed second major-general by the second continental congress, i. ; remarks of mrs. mercy warren on the personal appearance of (_note_), i. ; disgust of washington at the impiety of, i. ; a personal interview proposed to, by burgoyne, at boston neck, i. ; sent to new york to disarm the tories, ii. ; ambition of, ii. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to the long-island tories, ii. ; headquarters of, in new york, ii. ; appointed by congress commander-in-chief of the southern department, ii. , ; named by washington for the chief command of the army in canada, ii. ; washington's opinion of the military abilities of, ii. ; activity of, in improving the defences of new york, ii. ; differences of, with the city authorities of new york, ii. ; letters of, to washington, in relation to the defences of new york, ii. , ; cannon removed by, from the grand battery at new york, ii. ; contempt of, for official titles (_note_), ii. ; little regard paid by, to the provincial congress of new york, ii. , ; high-handed measures of, with regard to tories, ii. ; anxiety of, to attack lord dunmore on the elizabeth river, ii. ; joyful reception of, in charleston, ii. ; exertions of, to put charleston in a state of defence, ii. ; his opinion of fort sullivan, ii. ; great deference paid to the opinions of, on military affairs-- self-esteem and impertinence of, ii. ; instructions given by washington to, at north castle, ii. ; duplicity of, toward washington, ii. ; reliance of washington on--excuses of, for disobeying washington's orders, ii. ; characteristic letter of, to james bowdoin, ii. ; disingenuous use made by, of a letter from washington (_note_), ii. ; letter written by washington to, from newark, ii. ; dislike of, to general heath, ii. , ; letter of, to colonel reed, reflecting on washington, ii. ; neglect of, to join washington in new jersey, ii. ; congress in the dark concerning the movements of--impudence and heartlessness of, ii. ; attempt of, to disparage washington to governor cook, of rhode island, ii. ; selfish ambition of, ii. ; urged by washington to join him in order to defend philadelphia, ii. ; found by wilkinson at baskingridge--ill-natured letter concerning washington written by, to general gates, ii. ; surprise and capture of, by a party of british dragoons at baskingridge, ii. ; various opinions respecting the capture of--suspicions of the fidelity of, ii. ; capture of, providential, ii. ; rigorous confinement of, by the british, as a deserter, ii. ; letter of, to congress, professing to have important matter to communicate--captivity of, not hard to be borne, ii. ; treacherous conduct of, ii. ; letter of washington to general howe, offering hessian officers in exchange for, ii. ; perplexity of howe as to what should be done with (_note_), ii. ; exchanged for general prescott--hesitation of, to take the oath of allegiance, ii. ; adverse to an attack upon sir henry clinton in new jersey, ii. ; the command of the corps of, given to lafayette, ii. ; command of his corps resumed by, ii. ; unaccountable retreat of, before the british--mysterious warning given to washington with respect to lee, ii. ; extreme irritation of washington at the conduct of, ii. ; disrespectful letters of, to washington, ii. , ; placed under arrest, ii. ; great ability of his defence, ii. ; suspended from all command for a year--"queries, political and military," published by (_note_)--letter of washington to joseph reed respecting, ii. ; his expulsion from the army--duel fought by, with colonel laurens (_note_)--impudent letter of, to congress (_note_)--curious will of (_note_)--death of, in , ii. ; proved to have been a traitor, by a document recently discovered--his plan for the subjugation of the colonies, ii. ; willing to be a traitor to both parties, ii. ; guarantied against loss by congress (_note_), ii. . lee, general henry, letter of washington to, in relation to democratic societies, iii. ; commander-in-chief of the force sent to put down the whiskey insurrection in , iii. ; instructions of washington to--proclamation issued by, after crossing the alleghanies, iii. ; enmity of jefferson toward, iii. ; funeral oration pronounced by, on the occasion of the death of washington, iii. . lee, richard henry, letter of washington to, seeking statistical information as to virginia, i. ; resolutions of sympathy with massachusetts offered by, in the continental congress, i. ; non-importation resolution offered by, in the continental congress, i. ; encouraging letter of, to washington, in camp at cambridge, i. ; letter of thanks from congress to the city of london written by, i. ; adverse to the constitution, iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the "republican" party (_note_), iii. . lee, william, mulatto man, liberated by the will of washington, iii. . _l'embuscade_, arrival of genet in, at charleston, iii. ; _the grange_, an english ship, taken by, iii. ; doctor francis on the arrival of, in new york, iii. ; challenged by the british frigate _boston_, iii. . l'enfant, plans of public buildings in the federal city drawn by, iii. , ; plans of, approved by washington, iii. . _le petit democrat_, a privateer fitted out by genet, iii. ; sent to sea by genet, in violation of his pledge, iii. . leslie, captain, death of, at the battle of princeton, ii. . leslie, colonel, unsuccessful attempt of, to seize arms at salem, i. . letters, spurious, charged to have been written by washington, iii. ; denounced by washington, iii. . levees, mrs. washington's, iii. , , . levees of washington, iii. , , . lewis, lawrence, invited by washington to reside at mount vernon, iii. ; marriage of, with nelly custis, iii. ; strong personal resemblance between the mother of, and washington, iii. ; property left to, by washington, iii. , ; absent from mount vernon at the time of washington's death, iii. . lewis, major andrew, unsuccessful expedition of, to the town of the shawnees, i. ; night-attack upon, by cornstalk, i. ; lord dunmore suspected of having contrived the attack upon, i. ; dunmore driven from gwyn's island by, ii. ; biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . lewis, mrs., testimony of, to the amiability of washington at home, iii. . lexington, samuel adams and john hancock in danger at--warning of the approach of troops sent to, by doctor warren--minute-men collected at, under captain parker, i. ; minute-men killed at, by troops under major pitcairn--the british fired first at (_note_), i. ; losses of the british and americans at, i. ; effect in england of the news of the battle of, i. ; the battle of, the beginning of the revolutionary war, i. ; resolutions of various colonies, after the battle of, to raise troops, i. - ; effect of the news of the battle of, at mount vernon, i. . lexington, kentucky, intemperate resolutions passed at a convention of citizens at, in , iii. . liberty, english and french, contrasted (_note_), iii. . _liberty hill academy_, shares made over to, by washington, iii. . liberty-tree, at boston, account of (_note_), i. ; lines alluding to (_note_), ii. ; fourteen cords of wood furnished by, ii. . lieb, doctor, violent attack upon the character of washington, in the _aurora_, attributed to, iii. . life-guard, washington's, conspiracy of several members of, against the life of washington--organization of (_note_)--flag and uniform of (_note_), ii. ; sergeant uzal knapp the last survivor of (_note_), ii. . lillington, colonel, in command of minute-men in the battle at moore's-creek bridge--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . lincoln, general benjamin, plan of, for driving the british fleet from boston harbor, ii. ; commissioned major-general in the continental army--attempt by lord cornwallis to surprise, at boundbrook, ii. ; in command of the republican troops in the south, ii. ; pursuit of general prevost by, ii. ; a prisoner-of-war to the british at charleston, ii. ; surrender at yorktown conducted by, ii. . lineage of washington traceable for six hundred years, i. . liston, mrs., tears shed by, at washington's farewell dinner, iii. . litchfield jail, connecticut, mathews, mayor of new york, and other tories, sent to, ii. . little egg harbor, expedition against, under the command of captain patrick ferguson, ii. . little meadows, washington at, in , i. . little miami, lands owned by washington on, at the time of his death, iii. . livery, order of washington for, i. . live stock owned by washington at the time of his death, iii. . livingston, brockholst, hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. ; jay's treaty assailed by, through the press, iii. . livingston, chancellor, oath administered to washington by, in , iii. . livingston, edward, resolution offered in congress by, demanding papers relating to jay's treaty, iii. , ; letter of washington to hamilton respecting the resolution of, iii. . livingston, governor, of new jersey, letter of sympathy from, to washington, ii. . logan, the mingo chief, relatives of, killed, i. ; speech sent by, to lord dunmore, i. . logstown, washington at, in and in , i. . london, transcript of an order of washington to his agent in (_note_), i. ; petition of the merchants of, in relation to american affairs, i. . long island, instructions of washington to putnam, relative to the seizure of tories on, ii. ; british troops landed on, ii. , , ; tories at the west end of, ordered by the new-york convention to be arrested, ii. ; the best of washington's troops at the battle of, never before engaged, ii. ; reliance of washington on providence, expressed on the eve of the battle of, ii. ; american loss in the battle of, not accurately known--causes of the loss of the battle of, ii. ; evacuation of, by the american army, ii. ; "dreadful mistake" made by colonel scammel during the evacuation of, ii. ; evacuation of, facilitated by a heavy fog, ii. ; condition of the army after the battle of, ii. ; tour of washington in, in , iii. . longueuil, narrow escape of arnold from the british at, ii. . loudoun, lord, washington recommended to, for promotion--biographical notice of (_note_), ; almost viceregal power of, i. ; indolence and indecision of, i. , ; letter addressed by washington to, i. ; flattering acknowledgment of washington's letter to--washington at the council held by, in philadelphia, i. ; disappointment of washington as to the results of his interview with--remark of franklin in relation to, i. ; insolent speech of, in the northern council of governors, i. ; mystery drawn by, around his plans--at the head of six thousand provincial troops in --delays and indecision of--determines upon an expedition against louisburg, i. ; embargo laid by, on all ships in american ports--suspected of sharing the profits of army and navy contractors--failure of his expedition against louisburg, i. ; close of his inglorious campaign in the north--superseded, in , by general abercrombie, i. . louisburg, lord loudoun's expedition against, in , i. ; amherst's expedition against, in --wolfe, boscawen, and montgomery, at the siege of, i. ; present condition of the site of the fortress of--french standards taken at, hung in st. paul's cathedral at london, i. . louis, colonel, a caghnawaga chief, farewell taken of, by arnold and others, ii. . louisiana, invasion of, contemplated by genet, iii. ; an expedition for the invasion of, in , frustrated by washington, iii. . lovell, james, a leader of _conway's cabal_, in congress--spirit of _conway's cabal_ revealed by a letter of, to gates, ii. . loyalists, action of congress with regard to, ii. ; largely relied on by the british ministry, ii. . luzerne, chevalier de, arrival of, at west point, ii. . lyman, general, his share in the defeat of dieskau, i. , . m. macaulay, mrs., history of england written by, presented by washington to reverend thomas davis, iii. . m'crea, jane, death of, ii. ; general gates's false statement as to the manner of her death, ii. ; false account of the manner of her death told by burke--popular story respecting the death of (_note_), ii. . m'donald, allan, the husband of flora, among the scotch loyalists in north carolina, ii. ; made prisoner at the battle at moore's-creek bridge, ii. . m'donald, donald, commander-in-chief of the loyal highlanders in north carolina, ii. ; royal ensign set up by, at cross creek, ii. ; retreat of, pursued by moore, ii. ; made prisoner after the battle at moore's-creek bridge, ii. . m'donald, flora, biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . m'dowell, president of the college at annapolis, letter of washington to, respecting young custis (_note_), iii. . m'gillivray, alexander, head chief of the creek indians in --made a colonel in the service of spain, iii. ; made an honorary member of the st. andrew's society in new york--treaty negotiated with, by general knox, iii. . m'ginnes, captain, death of, i. . m'henry. james, appointed secretary of war in , iii. ; letters of washington to, after his retirement to private life, iii. - ; urgency of, with washington, to resume the command of the army, iii. , ; despatched to mount vernon with washington's commission as commander-in-chief, iii. ; instructions of adams to, on setting out for mount vernon (_note_), iii. ; interview of, with washington, at mount vernon, iii. ; list of officers given to, by washington (_note_), iii. ; negligent correspondence of, as secretary of war, complained of by washington, iii. ; conference of, with hamilton and pinckney, respecting the provisional army, in , iii. ; letter of washington to, expressing anxiety respecting his various trusts, iii. . machias, british vessels captured at, i. . mackay, captain, letter of washington to dinwiddie, in relation to the claims of, i. ; respect of washington for, i. ; in the trenches at fort necessity, i. . m'kean, chief-justice, hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . mackenzie, captain robert, correspondence of, with washington, i. , . maclean, colonel, march of, to the relief of st. john on the sorel, i. ; driven back by majors brown and livingston, i. ; arrival of, at quebec, during the siege by arnold, i. ; and his scotch highlanders the only reliable defence of quebec, i. ; arnold's summons to surrender disregarded by, i. ; stationed at deschambault with an advanced corps, ii. . m'leod, alexander, a leader among the scotch highlanders in north carolina, ii. ; killed in the battle at moore's-creek bridge, ii. . m'neare, doorkeeper of the second continental congress, i. . m'pherson, plan of, for the destruction of the british fleet in boston harbor, i. . m'pherson blues, survivors of, in may, (_note_), iii. . madison, a contributor to _the federalist_, iii. ; desire of, that washington should remain in office, iii. ; letter addressed to, by washington, in relation to his desire to retire from public life, iii. ; esteem of washington for, iii. ; resolutions of, in relation to commercial restrictions and duties, iii. ; debates in congress on the resolutions of, iii. ; urged by jefferson to attack jay's treaty though the press, iii. ; speech of, denouncing jay's treaty, iii. ; alarm occasioned by the speech of, iii. ; suggestions of, used by washington in the preparation of his farewell address, iii. . magaw, colonel, fort washington left in charge of, ii. ; his surrender of fort washington, ii. . malmedy, monsieur, washington annoyed by the importunities of, ii. . mamaroneck, attack made upon rogers at, by colonel haslet, ii. . manchester, duke of, his speech in parliament, on the evacuation of boston, ii. . mandamus councillors obnoxious to the whigs (_note_), i. . manly, captain, english store-ship captured by--brass mortar taken by, christened _congress_ by putnam and mifflin, i. . manufactures, congress urged by washington, in , to foster, iii. . marion, general francis, movements of, in the south, ii. , ; repulse of, at georgetown, on winyaw bay, ii. ; camp of, on snow's island--flight of colonel watson before, ii. . markoe, captain, washington escorted by, on his way to cambridge, i. . marshall, john, mission to france declined by, iii. ; special envoy to france in , iii. ; ordered to leave the territories of the french republic, iii. ; death of washington announced in congress by, iii. ; character of washington, as given by, iii. . martin, governor, of north carolina, alarm and perplexity of, ii. ; letter of, to general gage, intercepted--cannon in front of the palace of, carried off by the patriots--flight of, to fort johnston, on cape-fear river--accessory in inciting a servile insurrection on tar river, ii. ; flight of, on board the british sloop-of-war _cruiser_--confidence of, in the loyalty of many in north carolina--assistance expected by, from clinton and cornwallis, ii. ; proclamation sent forth by, from on board the _scorpion_--commissions sent by, to the highlanders and other loyalists in north carolina, ii. ; the last royal governor of north carolina--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . maryland, government of, abdicated by eden, ii. ; property owned by washington in, at the time of his death, iii. . mason, george, correspondence of, with washington, in relation to the exclusion of british merchandise, i. ; as a statesman (_note_), i. ; adverse to the constitution, iii. . massachusetts, heavy taxes paid by the people of, in , i. ; action of the british parliament toward, i. ; persons charged with treason in, to be sent to england for trial--sympathy of virginia with, i. ; assembly of, adjourned by governor bernard to cambridge, i. ; committees of correspondence originated in, i. , ; oppressive measures adopted by parliament toward, i. ; first steps toward revolution taken by, i. ; noble action of the provincial congress of, i. ; preparations for war made by the provincial congress of, i. ; general assembly of, how constituted (_note_), i. ; promptness of the militia of, in supplying vacancies in the camp at cambridge, i. . mathews, david, mayor of new york, arrest of, i. ; removed from new york to litchfield--kind treatment of, in connecticut (_note_), ii. . maxims of washington in youth, i. ; chief-justice marshall's opinion of--remarks of mr. sparks respecting, i. . mazzei, philip, letter of jefferson to, asserting the growth of a monarchical party--biographical notice of (_note_), iii. ; jefferson's letter translated by, and published in florence (_note_), i. . medal in gold ordered by congress in commemoration of the evacuation of boston, ii. . megantic, lake, encampment of arnold on the eastern shore of, i. . meigs, lieutenant-colonel, british stores at sag harbor destroyed by, ii. . melvin, james, hardships endured in arnold's quebec expedition described by, i. . mercer, colonel, death of, at oswego, i. . mercer, doctor hugh, with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; at the destruction of kittanning, i. ; commissioned a brigadier-general, ii. ; backwardness of recruits for the flying camp of, at amboy, ii. ; watch to be kept by, over west jersey, ii. ; night-march on princeton led by, ii. ; attacked by colonel mawhood at princeton, ii. ; left for dead in a bayonet-charge of mawhood's men, ii. ; biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . merchandise, british, refusal of the colonists to purchase, i. , ; associations with the object to exclude, i. , ; views of washington on the exclusion of, i. ; letter of george mason to washington, on the exclusion of, i. . mercier, chevalier de, architect of fort duquesne, i. . methodist church, early opposition of, to slavery, iii. . middlebrook, camp of washington established at--strength of the army at, ii. ; ample equipments of the army at--vigilance of washington when at, ii. ; forces concentrated by washington at, ii. ; anxiety of general howe to draw washington from his camp at, ii. ; perplexity of washington at, with regard to the movements of the british, ii. , ; captain graydon's account of a visit to the american army at, ii. ; headquarters of washington at, in , ii. . mifflin, thomas, urgency of, though a quaker, to resort to arms if necessary, i. ; invited for the first time to a council of war, ii. ; commissioned brigadier-general by congress, ii. ; appointed major-general in the continental army, ii. ; leader of _conway's cabal_, in the army, ii. ; duties as quartermaster neglected by, ii. ; address of, as president of congress, to washington, on the latter's resigning his commission, iii. ; second in command in the force sent against the whiskey insurrection in , iii. . militia, washington's opinion of, i. ; ii. , , , , ; panic in colonel rufus putnam's regiment of, at white plains, ii. ; refusal of, to man the lines at fort washington, ii. ; complaint of washington at having to depend upon, ii. ; president adams authorized to call out eighty thousand, iii. . militia, virginia, unrestricted power given to washington to draft, in , i. . mint, national, establishment of, iii. , . minute-men, origin of the, i. ; many enrolled in massachusetts in , i. ; monument to the memory of, at lexington (_note_), i. ; summoned to supply the place of connecticut troops, i. ; proposal to enroll eighty thousand in , iii. . mirabeau, remarks of, on the declaration of independence, ii. . "_mischianza_," the, a fête at philadelphia, in honor of the brothers howe, ii. . mississippi river, control of, in the hands of the spaniards in , iii. ; claims to the free navigation of, urged upon spain, iii. ; free navigation of, demanded by the people of kentucky in , iii. ; free navigation of, secured by treaty with spain in , iii. . mohawk river, land owned by washington on, at the time of his death, iii. . monacatoocha, captured while with braddock's army, i. ; a son of, killed by mistake--son of, buried with military honors, i. . money, continental, measures of congress in relation to the issue of, i. ; form of the bills of (_note_), i. . monmouth, account of the battle of, ii. - ; bad conduct of general lee at, ii. ; death of colonel monckton at--losses of the british and americans at, ii. ; advance of washington from, to brunswick, ii. . monongahela, fort built at the fork of, by the advice of tanacharisson, i. ; battle of the, miraculous escapes of washington at, i. ; consequences of the battle of the, i. ; reputation of washington increased by his conduct at the battle of the, i. ; the defeat at the, balanced by the victory at lake george, i. . monro, colonel george, his brave defence of fort william henry against montcalm, i. ; capitulation of, to montcalm, i. . monroe, james, sent as minister to france in --letter of, on his arrival in paris, to the president of the national convention, iii. ; auspicious moment of his arrival in france, iii. ; reception of, by the french government--address of the national convention to, iii. ; cares and annoyances of--mortification caused to the american government by the conduct of, in france, iii. ; imprudent assurances given by, to the french government, iii. ; application of, for a copy of jay's treaty, refused by mr. jay, iii. ; little good accomplished by, in france, iii. ; recall of, determined upon--letter addressed to washington respecting, by officers of the government (_note_), iii. ; the confidence of the french government lost by, iii. ; letter addressed to, by washington, defending his policy toward france--satisfactory reply made by, to the charges of the french government, iii. ; refusal of the french government to receive any other minister, on the recall of, iii. ; unworthy part played by, on presenting his letters of recall to the french government, iii. . montcalm, marquis de, successor to dieskau in canada, i. ; siege of oswego by, i. ; humanity and politeness of--faithlessness of, according to graham (_note_), i. ; fort william henry besieged by, in , i. ; force of, at quebec, i. ; vigilance of--unsuccessful attempt of wolfe to storm the intrenchments of, i. ; incredulity of, as to wolfe's having scaled the heights of abraham, i. ; mortal wound received by--letter of, to general townshend, recommending prisoners to humane treatment--and wolfe, monument erected to, i. . montgomery, richard, by the side of wolfe in the attack upon louisburg in , i. ; appointed brigadier-general in the continental army--brother-in-law of robert r. livingston, i. ; letter of, to general schuyler, in relation to his movement on isle aux noix--schuyler's affection for and confidence in, i. ; siege of st. john on the sorel conducted by, i. ; insubordination in the camp of, at st. john, i. , ; blamed for generosity toward prisoners, i. , ; determination of, to advance on montreal, i. ; anxiety of, on his entering canada, for a junction with arnold--troops of, unwilling to follow him to canada--montreal abandoned by sir guy carleton on the approach of--large quantities of woollen clothing found in montreal by--anxiety of, to proceed to quebec, i. , ; mortification of, at the unwillingness of his troops to advance on quebec, i. ; letter of, to schuyler, complaining of the want of _gentlemen_ among his officers, i. ; deserted by many of his new-england troops and green mountain boys, i. ; determination of, to retire from the public service--major-general's commission bestowed upon, by congress, i. ; junction of, with arnold, at point aux trembles, i. ; departure of, for quebec, from point aux trembles, in a snowstorm--holland house the headquarters of, at the siege of quebec--inadequate means of, for the investment of quebec, i. ; letters of, to the citizens of quebec, conveyed within the walls by the agency of a woman, i. ; breast-works of ice erected by, destroyed, i. ; plan of, for an assault, delayed by dissentions among his officers--last letter written by, to general schuyler (_note_), i. ; plans of, made known to carleton by deserters--plan of attack changed by, i. ; death of, while heading an attack upon a battery in charge of captain barnsfare, i. ; party led by, driven back to wolfe's cove, i. ; remains of, subsequently removed to new york--monument erected to the memory of, by order of congress--british officers affected by the death of--eulogium pronounced over the remains of, by governor carleton, i. . monticello, retirement of jefferson to, in , iii. . montour, an indian interpreter with washington at great meadows, i. . montreal, siege of, by amherst, in --capitulation of, i. ; a provincial congress recommended to the people of, by montgomery, i. ; arnold in command at, ii. ; arrival at, of the commissioners to form a union with the colonies, ii. ; retreat of arnold from, on the approach of the british--goods of merchants of, seized by arnold (_note_), ii. . moore, colonel james, donald m'donald pursued by, to moore's creek, ii. . moore's-creek bridge, the battle at, the first of the revolution below the roanoke, ii. ; impulse given by the victory at, to the revolution in the south, ii. . moravians, of salem, in north carolina, address of, to washington (_note_), iii. . morgan, doctor john, successor of doctor church at the head of the army hospital, i. . morgan, general daniel, with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; anecdote of, i. , ; arrival of, at cambridge, with a body of southern riflemen--marks upon the back and breast of, i. ; with arnold in his expedition against quebec, i. , ; made prisoner at the siege of quebec, i. ; sent with his riflemen to the assistance of gates, ii. ; at bemis's heights, ii. ; testimony of gates to the value of the corps of, ii. ; pursuit of, by tarleton, ii. ; defeat of tarleton by, at the cowpens, ii. ; escape of, from cornwallis, ii. ; fourth in command in the force sent against the whiskey insurrection in , iii. ; correspondence of, with washington, in relation to the whiskey insurrection, iii. . morocco, relations with, in , iii. . morris, gouverneur, stands to houdon, in paris, for washington's statue, iii. ; agent of the united states in london, in , iii. ; extract from the diary of washington in relation to the mission of, iii. ; mission of, unsuccessful, iii. ; report of, on the currency, in , iii. ; successor of jefferson at the french court, iii. ; gloomy accounts written by, from paris, iii. ; language of jefferson respecting, iii. ; recall of, demanded by the french government, iii. ; james monroe appointed the successor of, iii. , ; letter of washington to, expressing anxiety for the ratification of jay's treaty, iii. ; private letter of washington to, intercepted by the french government, iii. ; adverse to adams's hasty sending of envoys to france in , iii. . morris, robert, letter of washington to, complaining of defection in the republican ranks, ii. ; important service rendered by, to washington, at trenton, by a loan of money, ii. ; declension in the character of congress remarked by, ii. ; money borrowed by, of rochambeau, ii. ; lodgings taken by washington at the house of, in , iii. ; testimony of, to the abilities of hamilton, iii. ; house of, in philadelphia, selected for the residence of washington, iii. ; rent of house of, iii. . morris, roger, headquarters of washington at the house of, on harlem heights, ii. . morristown, design of washington to make his winter-quarters in the neighborhood of--activity of washington at, ii. ; headquarters of washington in the freemasons' tavern at--military family of washington at, ii. ; precautions taken by washington against small-pox in the camp at, ii. ; the bulk of the army at, composed of militia, ii. ; letters of washington in relation to the condition of the army at, ii. ; camp at, broken up, ii. ; sufferings of the republicans at, ii. , ; meeting of the pennsylvania troops at, ii. . mother of washington, character and habits of--her single weakness, i. ; sir matthew hale's "contemplations" a favorite book of, i. ; opposition of, to george's entering the navy, i. ; fondness of, for fine horses, i. ; her son's visit to, on his return from great meadows, i. ; opposition of, to her son's joining braddock, i. ; opposed to her son's taking any part in the frontier wars, i. ; visit of washington to, at fredericksburg, in , iii. ; death of, in , iii. . moultrie, colonel, fort on sullivan's island, in charleston harbor, taken possession of by--national flag made under the directions of (_note_), ii. ; strong fort erected by, on sullivan's island, ii. ; defence of fort sullivan by, ii. ; pair of colors presented to, by the ladies of charleston--colors presented to, now in the tower of london (_note_)--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . mount defiance, works at ticonderoga, and on mount independence, commanded by, ii. . mount vernon, the home of washington in his nineteenth year, i. ; return of washington to, after braddock's defeat, i. ; washington an invalid at, in , i. ; washington arrives at, with its future mistress, i. ; life of washington at, at the close of the french and indian war, i. ; became washington's by the death of the daughter of his brother lawrence (_note_)--as it was when the abode of washington, i. ; agricultural products of the estate of, i. ; generous scale of hospitality at, before the revolution--names of distinguished visitors at, i. ; tranquil years passed by washington at, before the revolution, i. ; return of washington to, on the dissolution of the first continental congress, i. ; the headquarters of military councils in the winter of -' , i. ; busy life of washington at, in , i. ; news of the battle of lexington at, i. ; alarm occasioned at, by the movements of lord dunmore (_note_), ii. ; threatened by lord dunmore, ii. ; return of washington to, at the conclusion of the war, iii. ; numerous visitors at, in , iii. , ; visit of lafayette to, iii. ; washington's improvements at, in , iii. ; influence of washington on public affairs while in retirement at, iii. ; young lafayette and m. frestel at, in , iii. ; habits of washington at, after his retirement to private life, iii. ; lawrence lewis invited by washington to reside at, iii. ; occupation of washington at, in , iii. ; washington recalled from, to public life, in , iii. . moustier, count de, ball given in honor of washington by, iii. . muhlenburg, general, hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . murray, general, with amherst at the siege of montreal in , i. . murray, mr., successor of adams as minister to holland in , iii. ; copy of a letter of talleyrand transmitted by, to the government at washington--nominated by adams minister plenipotentiary to france, iii. ; oliver wolcott, and governor davie, of north carolina, associated with, as envoys to france, iii. . muse, adjutant, the manual exercise acquired by washington with, i. , ; with washington at great meadows, i. ; alleged cowardice of, i. ; caustic letter of washington to (_note_), i. . n. nantasket road, stay of the british fleet in, after the evacuation of boston, ii. . nash, general, death of, at germantown, ii. ; biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . natanis, chief of the norridgewock indians, with arnold in his quebec expedition--made prisoner at quebec (_note_), i. . _national gazette_, philip freneau editor of, in , iii. . natural bridge, in virginia, washington's initials carved upon, in , i. . navigation, inland, ideas of washington in relation to, iii. . navy, washington at the age of fifteen about to enter, i. ; measures taken by the continental congress for the organization and regulation of, i. ; commencement of, in , iii. ; officers of, appointed by washington in (_note_), iii. ; increase of, urged by washington, in , iii. ; increase of, recommended by adams, in the prospect of a war with france, iii. . neal, john, lines by, on the fortification of breed's hill, i. . nelson, governor, patriotism displayed by, at the siege of yorktown, ii. . netherlands, rejoicings in boston, in , at the conquest of, by france, iii. . neutrality, efforts of washington to preserve, in , iii. ; proclamation of washington enjoining, iii. ; laws in relation to, sustained in , iii. . neville, general, house of, at pittsburgh, burned by insurgents, in , iii. . newark, entrance of cornwallis into, at the moment of washington's retreat from, ii. . new berne, north carolina, spirit of opposition to british rule prevalent in, in --provincial convention of republicans called at--assemblage of the legislature at, ii. ; visit of washington to, on his southern tour, in , iii. . newburg, washington with the army at, iii. ; discontents in the army at, iii. ; addresses of armstrong to the army at, iii. , ; address read by washington to a meeting of officers at (_note_), iii. ; resolutions of a meeting of officers at, iii. ; letter of washington to the president of congress in relation to the meeting at, iii. . newburyport, departure of arnold from, for the invasion of canada, i. . newcastle, duke of, his ignorance and incapacity--anecdote of, told by horace walpole (_note_), i. ; horatio gates consulted by, in relation to the colonies--advice of mr. hanbury to, i. . new england, liberality and heroism of, in colonial times, i. ; dieskau defeated by men principally from, i. ; tour of washington through, in , iii. ; demonstrations of respect paid to washington in, iii. , . newfoundland, measures of lord north hostile to the new-england fisheries at, i. . new hampshire, late ratification of the federal constitution in, iii. . new-hampshire grants, history of, i. . new haven, rejection of washington in, in , iii. . new jersey, treasury of the province of, taken possession of by the people, after the battle of lexington, i. ; measures taken by washington for the defence of, ii. ; despondency of the people of, ii. ; governor livingston powerless in, ii. ; british protections taken by persons in (_note_), ii. ; indignation of the people of, at the brutal conduct of the hessians, ii. ; proclamation issued in, by washington, in relation to loyalists, ii. ; course of conduct of washington censured by members of the legislature of, ii. ; americans left in possession of, by general howe, ii. ; remonstrance of troops from, with the legislature--mediation of washington in favor of troops from, ii. ; sum of money raised by the ladies of, for the army, ii. ; mutiny of troops of, at pompton, ii. . newport, threatened by captain wallace, ii. ; tories of, deprived of their arms by general lee--oath administered by general lee to the tories of, ii. ; the french blockaded in, by admiral arbuthnot, ii. ; voyage of washington to, in , accompanied by jefferson, iii. . new rochelle, post taken at, by lord howe, ii. . new york, population of, in , i. ; powers of the governor and legislature of, suspended--sympathy of all the other colonies with, i. ; british ministers misled by the loyal bearing of the assembly of, i ; loyalty of, in , i. ; refusal of the assembly of, to sanction the proceedings of the first continental congress--provincial congress assembled in, i. ; functions of government assumed by the provincial congress of--large proportion of troops furnished by, for the continental army (_note_), i. ; arrival of washington in the city of, on his way to cambridge--address of the president of the provincial congress of, to washington, i. ; peculiar position of the province of--influence of the loyalists in, i. ; plan of the british ministry for taking possession of, ii. ; measures recommended by congress for the defence of--machinations of tryon in, ii. ; alarm occasioned in, by the action of lee against the tories, ii. ; flight of tories from, ii. , ; effect in, of the news of the evacuation of boston, ii. ; measures of washington for the defence of, ii. ; respect paid to washington on his way to, from boston--fortified by lord stirling, ii. ; extreme caution of the provincial congress of, ii. ; list of names of the vigilance committee appointed by the whigs of, ii. ; alarm occasioned in, by broadsides from the _asia_, ii. ; temporizing policy of the provincial congress of, ii. ; batteries in and near, in march, (_note_), ii. ; placed under martial law by general putnam, ii. ; headquarters of washington in--society broken up in, ii. ; communications between the people of, and the king's ships, ii. ; measures of congress for the defence of, ii. ; schemes of the tories in, under the direction of tryon, ii. , ; inadequacy of the force at, for its defence, ii. , ; declaration of independence read to the troops in--statue of george iii. in, destroyed by a party of soldiers and citizens, ii. ; excitement caused in, by broadsides from british ships, ii. ; arrival of lord howe at--tories in prison in, removed to the interior, ii. ; sectional jealousies in the camp at, ii. , ; backwardness of recruits in joining the camp at, ii. ; defensive works in the neighborhood of, ii. ; the abandonment of, by washington, recommended by the state convention, ii. ; fire-ships constructed to destroy british vessels in the harbor of, ii. ; deficiency in numbers and discipline of the army of washington at, ii. ; alarm occasioned in, by the firing in the battle of long island, ii. ; destruction of, proposed by washington, and urged by general greene, ii. , , ; desertions from the american army at, after the battle of long island, ii. , ; washington directed by congress not to destroy--rumors respecting the burning of, in the british camp, ii. ; letter of washington respecting the designs of the british against--evacuation of, proposed by washington, ii. ; inhabitants of, recommended by washington to remove from, ii. ; evacuation of, commenced under the superintendence of colonel glover, ii. ; more than seven years in the possession of the british, ii. ; great fire in, immediately after its occupation by the british--origin of the great fire in (_note_), ii. ; new york and rhode island, the british confined to, ii. ; harbor of, frozen over in the winter of -' , ii. ; movements of the allies in the neighborhood of, ii. - ; relief to the southern states by the movements at, ii. ; evacuation of, by the british, iii. ; legislature of, in favor of a closer federal union, iii. ; journey of washington to, in , iii. ; reception of washington at, in , iii. ; frugal habits of washington in, iii. ; houses occupied by washington in (_note_), iii. . new windsor, headquarters of governor clinton at, ii. . niagara, expedition against, under governor shirley, proposed by general braddock, i. ; failure of shirley's expedition against, i. . nicola, colonel lewis, letter of, to washington, urging his assumption of the title of king, iii. ; reply of washington to, iii. . ninety six, siege of, by general greene, iii. . noailles, viscount de, refuge taken by, in america (_note_), iii. . norfolk, distress of the loyalists on board the ships at, ii. ; laid in ashes by lord dunmore, ii. ; destroyed by the republicans under colonel stevens--barracks erected at, by lord dunmore, ii. . north carolina, "regulators" of, in , i. ; loyalty of, in , i. ; provincial congress formed in, i. ; embarkation of cornwallis for, with seven regiments, ii. ; outrages of cornwallis in, ii. ; increase of the revolutionary feeling in, ii. ; martin the last royal governor of, ii. ; hesitation of, to ratify the federal constitution, iii. . north castle, retreat of washington from white plains to, ii. ; perplexity of washington at, as to the movements of general howe, ii. . northern american army, bad condition of, in the autumn of , ii. . north, lord, chosen prime minister in , i. ; character and personal appearance of--early opposition of, to the americans (_note_), i. ; proposal of, to continue the duty on tea, i. ; large majority of, in the house of commons, in , i. ; caricatures of, published in england, i. ; preparatory measures of, for the coercion of the colonies, i. ; address to the king relative to american affairs moved by. i. ; bill hostile to the trade of new england brought forward by, i. ; "conciliatory bill" brought forward by, i. ; misrepresentations of the evacuation of, boston made by. ii. ; decisive conciliatory measures proposed by, in relation to the colonies--opposition to the measures of, by lord chatham, ii. ; washington's opinion of the proposed measures of, ii. ; the bills of, treated with scorn throughout the country, ii. ; resignation by, of the premiership, after the surrender at yorktown, ii. . northwest territory, general arthur st. clair appointed governor of--hostility of the indians in--force sent against, under general harmar, iii. ; peace made with the indians in, in , iii. ; lands owned by washington in, at the time of his death, iii. . nova scotia, conquest of, by general winslow, in , i. ; washington adverse to a proposed expedition against, i. ; embarkation of tories for, in , iii. . o. ogden, matthias, with arnold in his expedition against quebec, i. . ohio, account of washington's mission to the french commander on the, in , i. - . ohio company, object and constitution of, i. ; movements of, in , i. . ohio country, journey of washington to the, in , i. ; abundance of game in the, i. . ohio expedition, perils and sufferings of washington and his party while on the, i. . ohio, policy of driving the french beyond the, advocated by washington, i. . "old dominion," why so called (_note_), i. . old south church, in boston, used as a riding-school by burgoyne's dragoons, i. . onondaga towns, destruction of, ii. . orders in council, british, in , iii. ; revocation of, iii. . orme, captain, letter of, to washington, urging him to become one of the family of general braddock, i. ; his opinion of colonial troops--biographical notice of (_note_), i. . orne, azar, appointed major-general of massachusetts militia, ii. . oswegatchie river, fort at the mouth of, a rendezvous of indians and tories, ii. . oswego, supplies thrown into, by bradstreet, i. ; siege of, by montcalm, in , i. ; death of colonel mercer at--capitulation of the fort at, i. . otis, james, eloquent speeches made by, i. , ; misfortunes and death of (_note_), i. . p. paine, thomas, "common sense" written by, ii. ; influence of his writings in keeping alive the spirit of the revolution (_note_), ii. ; agency of, in transmitting the key of the bastile from lafayette to washington--letter of, to washington, accompanying the key, iii. ; malignant letter addressed to washington by, iii. ; extracts from the letter of, written from the house of monroe, in paris, iii. . palfrey, william, letter of washington to, respecting the tories in portsmouth, i. . pall-bearers at the funeral of washington, iii. . paris, a virginian, defeat of donville by, i. . paris, treaty of, vast extent of territory given to england by, i. . parker, captain, minute-men at lexington under the command of, i. . parker, captain, sent up the hudson river in the _phoenix_ by general howe, ii. , . parker, sir peter, arrival of, with a british fleet, off charleston bar, ii. ; attack of the fleet of, upon fort sullivan, ii. ; wounded in the attack upon fort sullivan, ii. . parliament, accordance of, with the king, in measures against massachusetts, i. ; confidence of, that the "rebellion" would soon subside, ii. . parsons, general, biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . paterson, judge, office of secretary of state offered to, by washington, in , iii. . paulus's hook, capture of, by captain henry lee, ii. . peace, negotiations for, commenced at paris, iii. ; commissioners appointed to negotiate a treaty of, iii. ; treaty of, signed by franklin, adams, jay, and henry laurens, iii. ; news of the treaty of, iii. ; definitive treaty of, when signed, iii. . peace of , washington introduced into a wider field of action by, i. . peale, angelica, civic crown placed upon the head of washington by, iii. . peale, charles willson, earliest portrait of washington painted by, iii. . peekskill, unsuccessful attempt of the british to seize stores at, ii. ; recommended by washington as a point for the concentration of troops, ii. ; eight regiments of the forces from massachusetts ordered by washington to, ii. . pemberton, israel, objection of, to the sunday-laws of new england, i. ; warm answer to the objections of, by john adams, i. . pendleton, edmund, washington's journey to the first continental congress in company with, i. . penn, governor, friendly to the patriots (_note_), i. ; banished to fredericksburg, in virginia, i. ; petition intrusted to, for presentation to the king, i. . pennibecker's mill, washington's army encamped at, ii. . pennsylvania, early popularity of washington in, i. ; indian depredations on the frontier of, in , i. ; peace secured on the frontier of, by the destruction of kittanning by colonel armstrong, i. ; conduct of the troops from, ii. , , ; weakness of washington's army in, ii. ; necessities of the continental army supplied by, ii. ; mutiny at morristown of the troops from, ii. ; proposal of the executive council of, to bestow a pecuniary reward on washington, iii. ; resistance in the western parts of, to the excise laws, in , iii. ; letter of washington respecting rebellious movements in, in , iii. ; commencement of the "whiskey insurrection" in the western counties of, iii. ; volunteers raised in, in , through the eloquence of mifflin (_note_), iii. ; property owned by washington in, at the time of his death, iii. . penobscot bay, destruction of an american flotilla in, by admiral collier, ii. . percy, lord, british reinforcements brought up by, at the battle of lexington, i. ; narrow escape of, at cambridge, i. . peyroney, chevalier de, with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. . philadelphia, number of houses in, in , i. ; private entertainments in, in (_note_), i. ; measures taken by the people of, after the battle of lexington, i. ; the continental army marched by washington through the streets of, ii. ; application of hamilton to the ladies of, for clothing for the troops, ii. ; march of cornwallis into--fortifications of, taken possession of by the british--cannonade opened upon, by frigates in the delaware, ii. ; the capture of, disastrous to the british cause, ii. ; washington urged to make an attack upon, ii. ; language of marshall, in relation to washington's prudence in not attacking, ii. ; preparations of the british for leaving, ii. ; evacuation of, by sir henry clinton, by order of the british ministry, ii. ; sum of money raised by the ladies of, for the patriot army, ii. ; reception of washington at, in , iii. ; chosen in as the seat of government for ten years, iii. ; effects of the removal of the seat of government to, iii. ; arrival of washington in, in --mrs. washington's first _levee_ in, iii. ; washington's proclamation in approved by the "solid men" of, iii. ; yellow fever in, in , iii. ; left by washington during the visit of the yellow fever in , iii. ; banquet given by the merchants of, on washington's retirement from office, iii. ; last visit of washington to, iii. . philipse family in new york, great landed estates of (_note_), i. . philipse, mary, washington's admiration of, i. ; undeclared passion of washington for, i. . pickens, colonel, colonel boyd defeated by, ii. . pickering, colonel, letter of, to washington, hinting suspicions of randolph, iii. ; successor of randolph, as secretary of state, in , iii. ; letters of washington to, iii. , , . pinckney, charles cotesworth, hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. ; office of secretary of state offered to, by washington, in , iii. ; letter of washington to, urging his acceptance of the mission to france, iii. ; refusal of the french government to receive, iii. ; ordered to leave france, iii. , ; notified by the french government to leave paris, iii. ; special envoy to france in , iii. ; indignant reply of, to the agents of the french directory, iii. ; appointed major-general in the provisional army, in (_note_), iii. ; encomium passed by washington upon the character of, iii. ; willingness of, to serve as major-general under hamilton--conference of, with m'henry and hamilton, respecting the provisional army, in , iii. . pinckney, thomas, minister to the court of st. james in , iii. ; a candidate for the vice-presidency in , iii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the troubles with france, iii. . pine, robert edge, portrait of washington painted by, iii. . pitcairn, major, sent by general gage to seize stores at concord, i. ; attack made by the soldiers of, upon the minute-men at lexington, i. . pitt, lord, unwillingness of lady chatham that he should bear arms against the colonists (_note_), i. ; instructions of washington to arnold respecting, i. . pitt, william, placed at the head of the british ministry--lord loudoun recalled by--expeditions proposed by, against louisburg, ticonderoga, and fort duquesne--general forbes appointed by, to lead the expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; measures of the virginia assembly in response to the wishes of, i. ; conquest of canada aimed at by, i. ; effect upon, of the news of the disaster at ticonderoga, i. ; design of, to complete the conquest of canada in , i. ; his plan of the campaign in america in , i. ; on the american "_subjects_," i. ; opposition of, in the house of commons, to the stamp-act--reply of, to an interrogatory of grenville, i. ; his commendation in parliament of the colonists for resisting the stamp-act, i. ; his denial of the right of england to tax the colonies, i. ; made earl of chatham--medley cabinet of, in , described by burke (_note_), i. ; various oppressive measures toward the colonies attempted by the cabinet of, i. ; declining popularity of, as earl of chatham--foolish fondness of, for display (_note_), i. ; astonishing effect of the return of, to public life, in , i. ; opposition of, to lord north, i. , . (see _lord chatham_.) pitt, william (the younger), liberal commercial policy of, in , iii. . pittsburgh, a noble monument to the memory of william pitt, i. ; resolution adopted at, in , in relation to the excise law (_note_), iii. ; resistance in, to the excise law, iii. . ploughed hill, occupied by washington at the siege of boston, i. . poacher, washington's chastisement of a, i. . pohick church, in truro parish, virginia, history of--characteristic anecdote of washington in connection with, i. ; condition of, when visited by the author in (_note_)--extract from the record-book of (_note_), i. . polson, william, with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. . pomeroy, seth, appointed brigadier-general in the continental army--brief biographical notice of, i. ; courage displayed by, at breed's hill, i. ; retirement and death of, i. . pondevez, viscount de, reception of washington by, on board the _illustrious_, in , iii. . pontiac, hostile confederation brought about by, among the indian tribes--frontier forts seized by indians under the direction of, i. ; detroit besieged by, in --death of, at cahokia, i. . pope's creek, domain of washington's ancestors on, i. , . poplopen's creek, fortress erected at the mouth of, ii. . porterfield, captain, with arnold in his expedition against quebec, i. . portsmouth, new hampshire, fort at, taken possession of by sullivan and langdon, i. ; sullivan sent to prepare the fort at, for the defence of the town, i. ; visit of washington to, in , iii. . post, christian frederick, an emissary of general forbes among the western indians (_note_), i. . post-office department, franklin placed at the head of, by the second continental congress, i. . potomac, barge kept on, by washington, at mount vernon, i. . potomac company, fifty shares in, offered to washington by the virginia legislature--washington president of, iii. . pott's grove, washington at, ii. . potts, isaac, the house of, the headquarters of washington at valley forge, ii. ; iron foundry and forge of, called "valley forge" (_note_)--washington seen by, in the woods, at prayer (_note_), ii. . pownall, governor, statement of, of the number of troops in the french forts and settlements (_note_), i. . prayers read by washington in camp near fort necessity, i. . presbyterian church, abolition of slavery recommended by, in , iii. . presbyterians almost all whigs during the progress of the revolution, i. . prescott, colonel william, fortification of bunker's hill intrusted to--personal appearance of--breed's hill chosen by, instead of bunker's, i. ; voluntary exposure of, at breed's hill (_note_), i. ; narrow escape of, at breed's hill, i. . prescott, general, capture of, by rhode-island republicans, ii. ; exchange of, for general lee, ii. , . preston, captain, boston mob fired upon by the soldiers of--and his men tried for murder, and acquitted, by a boston jury, i. ; his obstinate defence of the fort at st. john on the sorel, i. ; honorable terms of surrender granted to, by montgomery, i. . prevost, general, invasion of south carolina by, ii. . price, mr., assistance rendered by, to montgomery, at montreal, i. . priestley. doctor, letters of franklin to (_note_), i. , . princeton, troops left at, by washington, under lord stirling and general adam stephen, ii. ; night-march of washington upon--advance led by mercer in the night-march on, ii. ; troops at, animated by the presence of washington, ii. ; defeat of the british at, ii. ; strong impression produced on the public mind by the battle at, ii. ; captain leslie, son of the earl of devon, killed at--american losses at, ii. ; long-continued quiet of the two armies after the battle at, ii. ; adjournment of congress to, iii. ; address of congress to washington at, iii. . prisoners, cruel treatment of, by general gage, i. ; correspondence between washington and gage in relation to the treatment of, i. - ; ill treatment of, retaliated by washington, i. ; numbers taken by the british and americans respectively, down to the close of , ii. ; letter of washington to general howe, relative to an exchange of--cruel treatment of, by the british, ii. ; letter of washington to the president of congress, in relation to the treatment of, ii. ; letter of washington to lord howe, in relation to the treatment of, ii. ; reply of lord howe to the letter of washington, ii. ; joint commission proposed, to settle questions in relation to--refusal of washington to exchange an equal number of healthy for sickly, ii. ; difficulties respecting the exchange of, ii. ; commissioners appointed to regulate the exchange of, ii. . privateers fitted out by order of washington, i. ; decision of washington's cabinet, in , respecting, iii. ; act of congress in relation to, in , iii. . proclamation issued by washington, enjoining neutrality, in --language of (_note_), iii. ; approved by the "solid men" of philadelphia, iii. ; controversy respecting, between hamilton and madison, iii. . proclamations issued by washington in , addressed to the insurgents in pennsylvania (_note_), iii. , . property of washington directed by his will to be sold, iii. ; notes of washington in relation to, iii. . prophecy, indian, respecting the destinies of washington, iii. . prospect hill, shell thrown to, from boston, by the british, ii. . providence, washington's acknowledgment of a, i. . provincials, admirable conduct of, at the battle of the monongahela, i. , . provost, doctor, prayers offered by, at the inauguration of washington, iii. . pulaski, count, awaiting an appointment to a troop of horse, ii. ; conspicuous bravery of, at the battle of the brandywine, ii. ; force of infantry under the command of, surprised and massacred by ferguson, ii. ; mortally wounded at the siege of savannah, ii. . putnam, colonel rufus, appointed brigadier under wayne in , iii. . putnam, general israel, at the defeat of dieskau, i. , ; with abercrombie at ticonderoga, i. ; taken prisoner by the french and indians in , i. ; at cambridge with a body of connecticut men, i. ; appointed by congress associate major-general with philip schuyler i. ; efforts of, to turn the fugitives at bunker's hill, i. ; "impregnable fortress" of, on cobble hill, i. ; intrenchment on lechmere's point begun by, i. ; sent to new york to assume the chief command there, ii. ; martial law proclaimed by, in new york, ii. ; left in command at new york by washington--instructions of washington to, relative to the seizure of long-island tories, ii. ; obstructions sunk in the hudson river, near fort washington, under the direction of, ii. ; command of the troops in brooklyn given to, on the approach of the british, ii. ; neglect of, to secure the hill-passes in the neighborhood of bedford, ii. ; escape of the troops of, from new york, under the guidance of aaron burr, ii. ; almost unlimited powers granted to, by congress in philadelphia, ii. ; outwitted by sir henry clinton, ii. , ; narrow escape of, from british dragoons, ii. . q. quakers, adverse to a union of the colonies, i. ; opposition of, to the american association, i. , ; account of a meeting of, in , from pennsylvania and new jersey, i. ; "testimony" of the, i. ; as a body friends of the king to the end of the war, i. , ; harsh condemnation of the "testimony" of, by christopher marshall (_note_), i. ; the "testimony" of, repudiated by a large number of--military company of, called _the quaker company_--aid and comfort given to the enemy by--records of meetings of, found to be treasonable, i. ; names of, banished to fredericksburg (_note_)--spies upon washington in camp at valley forge--orders issued by washington respecting, i. ; roberts and carlisle, members of the sect of, hanged as spies--apology for the conduct of, i. ; adverse to a day of fasting and prayer appointed by congress (_note_), i. ; congratulations of, offered to cornwallis on his entrance into philadelphia, ii. ; memorial of, in relation to slavery, laid before congress in , iii. ; volunteers from, among the troops sent to put down the "whiskey insurrection" in , iii. . quebec, siege of, by general wolfe, i. - ; capitulation of, to general townshend--general murray left to defend--siege of, by de levi, in , i. ; opportune arrival of lord colville at, i. ; expedition against, intrusted to arnold, i. ; instructions of washington to arnold on his departure for, i. - ; approach of arnold known in, through indian treachery--terror of the people of, on the arrival of arnold at point levi, i. ; maclean's highlanders the only reliable defence of, during the siege by arnold, i. ; small british squadron sent from boston for the relief of, i. ; probable success of the americans at, reported to washington by captain freeman, i. ; reliance of sir guy carleton upon troops from england for the defence of, ii. ; garrison of, reinforced--sortie from, led by carleton, upon the americans on the plains of abraham--retreat of the american army from, to chamblée and st. john, ii. . quincy, josiah, biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; letters of, written from london, in relation to the revolutionary struggle, i. - ; extract from a speech of, delivered in boston, in (_note_), i. ; scheme of, for protecting the harbor of boston, i. . r. radnor, earl of, letter of washington to, from mount vernon, in , iii. . ralle, colonel, surprise of, at trenton, ii. ; mortal wound received by, at the head of his grenadiers, ii. ; visited at his quarters by washington and greene, ii. . randolph, edmund, resolutions of, in the convention to amend the federal confederation, iii. ; appointed by washington attorney-general in , iii. ; successor of jefferson as secretary of state, iii. ; letters of washington to, in relation to jay's treaty, iii. , ; suspicions thrown on the integrity of, by intercepted papers of fauchet, iii. ; office in the cabinet resigned by, iii. ; correspondence of, with washington, in relation to the matter of fauchet's intercepted papers, iii. - ; implications in fauchet's papers denied by--written declaration of fauchet in favor of--threats of, to damage the reputation of washington, iii. ; vindication of, published by himself, iii. ; regret of, in after-life, for his course toward washington, iii. . randolph, peyton, chosen president of the first continental congress, i. ; name of, presented to the british government in a bill of attainder (_note_), i. ; chosen president of the second continental congress, i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. . rappahannock, house and lands on the, bequeathed to george washington by his father, i. ; stone thrown across the, by washington, at fredericksburg, iii. . raritan, bridge of boats over the, constructed by general howe, ii. rawlins, mr., washington bled by, in his last sickness, iii. . "recollections and private memoirs of washington." by g. w. p. custis, extracts from (_note_), iii. . red hook, long island, redoubt erected upon, ii. . reed, colonel joseph, of philadelphia, letter of, to the earl of dartmouth, in relation to the general congress, i. ; extract from a letter of, on the continental congress, i. ; letter of, in relation to the unanimity of feeling in the colonies in opposition to the claims of parliament, i. ; letter of, to lord dartmouth, denying that independence was aimed at, i. ; washington's private secretary at cambridge, i. ; letter of washington to, on the condition of the continental army, ii. ; letter of washington to, alluding to the difficulties of his position at cambridge, ii. , ; sent by washington to meet lieutenant brown, bearing a flag from lord howe, ii. ; despondent letter of, in relation to the prospects of the republic (_note_), ii. ; letters of, to general lee, ii. , ; unfaithfulness of, to washington, ii. ; letter of general lee to, reflecting on washington--disaffection of, discovered by washington, ii. ; explanatory letters of, to washington, ii. ; prisoners taken by, near princeton, ii. . regulators of north carolina, in , i. ; defeated by governor try on, and the leaders hanged, i. ; junction of, with the tories--respect of, for the oath given to tryon (_note_), ii. . reidesel, baroness, with her husband in the camp of burgoyne, ii ; account left by, of the generous conduct of schuyler, ii. . religion, washington's opinion of the importance of, to the well-being of a state, i. . _republican_ and _federal_ parties, origin of, iii. . _republicans_, jefferson at the head of the party, iii. . revere, paul, people incited by, to seize the fort at portsmouth, i. ; bills of the first issue of continental money engraved by (_note_), i. . rhode island, batteries of newport seized by the people of, i. ; army voted by the assembly of, after the battle of lexington, i. ; complete equipment of the troops from, in the army at cambridge, i. ; tories of, quiet after the visit of general lee, ii. ; combined efforts of the american and french forces to recapture, ii. ; singular conduct of d'estaing at, ii. ; severe engagement at quaker hill, on--arrival of sir henry clinton at--irritation caused by the failure to recapture, ii. ; and new york, the british confined to, ii. ; refusal of, to ratify the federal constitution, iii. ; not visited by washington, in his tour through new england, in , iii. ; federal constitution adopted by, in --visit of washington to, in , iii. . richmond hill, washington and his military family occupants of the mansion at, in , ii. . richmond, visit of washington to, on his southern tour, iii. . riflemen, american, origin of the indian-like dress of, i. . "rights of man," paine's, detested by john adams, but admired by jefferson, iii. ; apparently endorsed by washington and jefferson, iii. ; several copies taken by wellington to mount vernon--statement of paine respecting the sale of (_note_), iii. . rivington, the tory printer, type and presses of, destroyed by sears, ii. . roberts and carlisle, quakers, hanged as spies, i. . robespierre, fall of, in , iii. . robinson, colonel, defence of boston neck by, i. . robinson, speaker, letters of washington to, urging the invasion of the ohio country, i. , ; letter of washington to, in relation to the conduct of governor dinwiddie, i. ; advice of, to washington, not to resign his commission, i. ; address of, on the part of the virginia house of burgesses, to washington, i. . rochambeau, count de, arrival of french troops under the command of, at newport, ii. ; blockaded in newport by admiral arbutbnot, ii. ; conference of washington with, at weathersfield, ii. ; money borrowed of, by robert morris, ii. ; death of, at the age of eighty-two, iii. . rockingham, marquis of, speech of, in parliament, on the evacuation of boston, ii. . rocky hill, near princeton, house engaged by congress at, for the use of washington, iii. ; last general order of washington dated at, iii. . roebuck, doctor, efforts of, to counteract the influence of franklin in england, i. . rogers, major, suspicious conduct of, ii. ; british army joined by, ii. ; arrested, by order of washington, at south amboy (_note_), ii. ; queen's rangers embodied by, ii. ; attack made upon the rangers of, by colonel haslet, at mamaroneck, ii. . roxbury, description of the fort at (_note_), i. ; general ward's division stationed at, at the siege of boston, i. . roxbury neck, burning of brown's house at, i. . royal american regiment, formation of, proposed, i. . _royal gazette_, spurious letters published in, in , charged to have been written by washington, iii. . rules of behavior, fifty-four, from an early manuscript volume of washington, i. - . rush, doctor benjamin, courage and philanthropy of--biographical notice of (_note_), iii. . rutledge, john, patrick henry's opinion of, as an orator, i. ; made governor of south carolina--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. ; military works constructed by, near charleston, ii. ; made dictator by the legislature of south carolina ii. ; appointed associate judge of the supreme court in , iii. ; hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . s. sabbath, observance of the, by washington, iii. . sag harbor, destruction of british stores at, by lieutenant-colonel meigs, ii. . st. clair, colonel arthur, despatched by general thompson against maclean, at three rivers, ii. ; commissioned major-general in the continental army, ii. ; force under the command of, at ticonderoga, ii. ; ticonderoga evacuated by, ii. ; pursued by burgoyne, ii. ; retreat of, to fort edward, ii. ; superseded in the northern department by arnold, ii. ; suspicions excited against, ii. ; appointed governor of the northwest territory, iii. ; expedition of, against the indians in the northwest, iii. , ; caution given to, by washington, iii. ; surprise and defeat of, iii. ; considerate conduct of washington toward, iii. . st. clair. sir john, military posts visited by, in , i. . st. john, unauthorized descent upon, by captains broughton and selman, i. . st. john on the sorel, capture and abandonment of, by arnold, i. ; retreat of ethan allen from--reinforcements sent to, by governor carleton, i. ; surrender of, to montgomery--clothing out of the captured stores allowed by montgomery to the garrison of--major andré among the prisoners taken at, i. . st. leger, colonel, junction of, with sir john johnson, at oswego, ii. . st. pierre, legardeur de, his reception of washington at fort le boeuf, i. ; audience given by, to tanacharisson and his brother-chiefs, i. ; reply of, to the letter of governor dinwiddie, i. ; efforts of, to detain tanacharisson and other chiefs of washington's party, i. ; death of, i. . salem, massachusetts, patriotism of the people of, i. ; unsuccessful attempt of colonel leslie to seize arms at, i. . salem, north carolina, visit of washington to a moravian settlement at, in , iii. . sanders's creek, total defeat of gates at, by lords cornwallis and rawdon, ii. . santee, greene on the high hills of, iii. . saratoga, militia of massachusetts and connecticut desired by washington to rendezvous at, ii. ; destruction by burgoyne of schuyler's buildings at, ii. . savannah, seizure of powder in, by the patriots, i. ; combined attack of lincoln and d'estaing upon--count pulaski mortally wounded at the siege of, ii. ; gloom spread through the south by the repulse at, ii. ; evacuation of, by the british, iii. ; visit of washington to, on his southern tour, in , iii. . sayre, stephen, letter of the earl of chatham to, commending the continental congress, i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; arrest of, in london (_note_), ii. . scalps, prices paid for, in early colonial times (_note_), i. . school, washington's application at, i. . schoolbooks, manuscript, of washington, still in existence, i. . schoolfellows, washington's, their regard for him, i. , . schuyler, philip, at oswego in , i. ; commander at fort george in , i. . schuyler, philip, appointed third major-general under washington--brief biographical notice of--in the second continental congress, i. ; instructions left with, by washington, on his departure for cambridge, i. ; affectionate letter of, to washington, at cambridge, i. ; powers granted to, by the second continental congress, i. ; ordered to take possession of st. john and montreal--command of the northern army taken by, i. ; alarming letters received by, from tryon county, i. : letter of, to washington, in relation to affairs at ticonderoga--return of troops in the colony of new york made by (_note_), i. ; letter of sympathy of washington to, describing affairs in the camp at cambridge, i. ; determination of, to invade canada--efforts of, to secure the neutrality of the six nations, i. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the invasion of canada, i. ; address to the people of canada issued by, from isle aux noix, i. ; movements of, against st. john, i. ; sickness of, on his expedition against st. john, i. , ; his commendation of montgomery to the continental congress, i. ; major brown and colonel ethan allen sent into canada by--compelled by sickness to give up his command to montgomery, i. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to the insubordination of troops, i. ; feeling against, among the connecticut troops (_note_), i. ; letter of, to washington, expressing his determination to retire from public life, i. ; ill feeling toward, among the troops from connecticut, i. , ; directed by congress to establish his headquarters at albany, ii. ; disappointment of, at the disastrous turn of affairs in canada--cheering words of washington written to, ii. ; sir john johnson and his scotch highlanders disarmed by, ii. ; calumnies circulated respecting, ii. , , , ; almost constant bodily sickness of, ii. ; letter of, to washington, in relation to gates's claims of precedence, ii. ; resentment of gates disavowed by the generous conduct of, ii. ; frank and honest character of--resolution of, to resign his commission, ii. ; indignation of, at a letter written by colonel joseph trumbull, ii. ; neglect of his letters by congress--censured by congress for offensive language, ii. ; character of, thoroughly vindicated in congress--fully reinstated in command in the northern department--assiduity of, as military commander in philadelphia, ii. ; some of the slanders of, probably originated with gates, ii. ; energetic action of, on the approach of burgoyne, ii. ; efforts of, to hinder the march of burgoyne, ii. ; wonderful forecast of washington displayed in a letter to, ii. ; testimony of irving to the noble qualities of, ii. ; machinations of gates and others against, ii. ; ordered by congress to the headquarters of the army, ii. ; retreat of, to cohoes falls, ii. ; "responsibility" taken by, in sending relief to fort schuyler, ii. ; great exertions of, to check the progress of burgoyne, ii. ; exclusion of, by gates, from his first council of war, ii. ; buildings of, at saratoga, burned by burgoyne, ii. . seabury, reverend samuel, carried off to new haven by sears, ii. . seamen, british-born, claimed by england when found on neutral vessels, iii. . sears, captain isaac, scheme of, for disarming tories in new york, ii. ; type and presses of rivington, the tory printer, destroyed by, ii. ; plan of, for disarming the tories in new york, favorably considered by washington and lee, ii. . sears, captain robert, entrance of, into new york, at the head of a body of troops--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. ; british stores seized by, at turtle bay, ii. . sedgwick, mr., of massachusetts, motion made by, in congress, to provide for the execution of certain treaties, in --warm debate on the motion of, iii. . senate, response of, to washington's inaugural, in , iii. . seneca indians, name given to washington by, ii. . seymour, colonel, troop of horse of, dismissed by washington, ii. ; mortification and generosity of, ii. ; graydon's description of his troop of connecticut light horse (_note_), ii. . sharpe, governor, appointed to the command of all the colonial forces--invitation of, to washington, to re-enter the army, i. ; his letter to washington returned, i. ; remark of the king respecting the honesty of--superseded by general braddock in the command of the colonial forces, i. . shenandoah, the valley of, famous for its abundance of winged game, i. . sherburne, major henry, sent to the relief of the fort at the cedars--indian ambuscade fallen into by, ii. . shingis, head sachem of the delawares, with washington in , i. ; active with the french in , i. . shirley, governor, washington's respect for, i. ; failure of his expedition against niagara, i. ; visit of washington to, in new england, in , i. ; his reception of washington in boston, i. ; biographical notice of (_note_), i. . shuldham, admiral, alarm of, on seeing the americans on dorchester heights, ii. . silliman, general, militia collected by, to resist tryon in his expedition against danbury--joined by wooster and arnold, ii. . simcoe, lieutenant-colonel, queen's rangers commanded by, ii. . singleterry, arrest of, for enlisting on the privateer _citizen genet_, iii. . six nations, seduced from the english interest after the destruction of the forts at oswego, i. ; efforts of general schuyler to secure the neutrality of--hostile attitude assumed by, through the influence of sir john johnson (_note_), i. ; induced to throw off their neutrality by the johnsons, ii. . skene, major philip, a noted loyalist, with burgoyne, ii. . skenesborough, expedition of captain herrick against, i. ; galleys destroyed at, by the british, ii. . slavery, action of several states in relation to, before --petitions in relation to, laid before congress in , iii. ; resolutions reported by a congressional committee in relation to, iii. ; remark of washington on the action of congress in relation to, iii. ; anxiety of washington for the abolition of (_note_), iii. . slaves, washington charged by jasper dwight with being a dealer in, iii. ; provision made by the will of washington for the liberation of, iii. , . slave-trade, resolution adverse to the, adopted at the williamsburg convention, in , i. ; the american association agree to discontinue the, i. ; action of various states in relation to the, before , iii. . slocum, lieutenant, in the battle at moore's-creek bridge--anecdote of the wife of, told by mrs. ellett (_note_), ii. . small-pox, washington attacked by, in barbados--permanent traces of, on the countenance of washington, i. ; precautions taken against, in the camp at morristown, ii. . smallwood, colonel, regiment of, sent by general mercer to reinforce the army in new york, ii. . smallwood's regiment, admirable conduct of, in the battle of long island, ii. . smith, adam, unfriendly to american freedom, i. . smith, colonel, sent by general gage to seize stores at concord, i. ; courthouse at concord set on fire by troops under--retreat of, from concord, i. ; wounded in the leg near lexington--command of, saved by the arrival of lord percy--extreme exhaustion of the soldiers of, i. . societies, democratic, in , condemnation of, by washington, iii. ; excise laws denounced by, iii. ; letter of washington to general henry lee, in relation to, iii. ; washington's opinion of (_note_), iii. ; denounced by washington in his sixth annual message--debates in congress, in relation to, iii. ; gradual dissolution of, iii. ; hostility of, to jay's treaty, iii. . sons of liberty, associations of, i. . sorel, condition of the republican army at the, after the flight from quebec, ii. . south carolina, money sent to london from, in support of the bill of rights, i. ; royal power abdicated in, by lord campbell, ii. ; changes in the civil government of--happiness caused among the people of, by the change of government (_note_), ii. ; comparative quiet in, after the repulse of the british at charleston, ii. ; citizens of, in the northern army, ii. ; invasion of, by sir henry clinton, ii. ; hostility in, toward jay's treaty, iii. . south-carolinians, inactivity of, at great meadows, i. , . southern tour of washington in , iii. ; equipage and attendants of washington during, iii. ; plan of (_note_)--honors paid to washington during, iii. . spain, king of, asses sent to washington by, iii. ; unpleasant relations with, threatened in , iii. ; relations of the united states with, iii. , . spencer, joseph, appointed brigadier-general in the continental army, i. ; offence taken by, at the promotion of general putnam, i. ; sent to new york with a brigade, ii. . stable of washington before the revolution, i. . stafford county, virginia, removal of the washington family to, in , i. . stamp-act, submitted to the house of commons by george grenville--the proposal of, how received in the colonies, i. : opposition of william pitt to, in the house of commons, i. ; signed march , --letter of franklin to charles thomson in relation to--provisions of (_note_), i. ; signed by the king in the incipient stages of insanity, i. ; excitement in the colonies on the news of its becoming a law--resolutions offered in the virginia assembly in relation to, i. ; letter of washington to francis dandridge in london, in relation to, i. ; popular action in opposition to, i. , ; franklin examined before a committee of parliament in relation to, i. ; repeal of, i. ; pitt's commendation of the colonists for resisting--declaration of charles james fox in relation to the (_note_), i. . stamp-officers, refusal of the people of boston to compensate, for their losses, i. . stanhope, earl, letter of lord chatham to, relative to american affairs, i. . stanwix, colonel, washington placed under the orders of, while at winchester, in , i. ; letter of washington to, advocating offensive measures against the french on the frontiers, i. ; letter of washington to, requesting a favorable mention to general forbes, i. ; assistance lent by, to colonel bradstreet, at the siege of fort frontenac, i. ; his share in the campaign of , i. . stark, john, with abercrombie at ticonderoga, i. ; body of volunteers assembled by, i. ; at breed's hill, i. ; victory at bennington obtained by militia under the command of, ii. ; commission of brigadier given to, by congress, ii. . state debts, assumption of, recommended by hamilton, iii. ; amount of the several (_note_), iii. . staten island, troops landed at, from the british fleet, in , ii. , , ; large number of troops at, under the command of general howe, ii. ; unsuccessful descent upon, by lord stirling, ii. . stature of washington (_note_), i. , iii. , , , . stephen, adam, with washington at great meadows, i. ; with braddock in his expedition against fort duquesne, i. ; commissioned major-general in the continental army, ii. ; biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . steuben, baron von, arrival of, in the camp at valley forge, ii. ; office of inspector-general accepted by--unacquainted with the english language, ii. ; american regulars never beaten after having been drilled by, ii. . stevens, colonel, norfolk, virginia, destroyed by republicans under, ii. . stillwater, battle of, ii. . stirling, lord, command in new york devolved upon--biographical notice of (_note_)--british store-ship taken by (_note_), ii. ; measures of, for the defence of new york, ii. ; highland fortifications visited and inspected by, ii. ; skirmish of, with general grant, near gowanus bay, ii. ; made prisoner by de heister at the battle of long island, ii. ; appointed major-general in the continental army, ii. ; agency of, in exposing _conway's cabal_, ii. . stobo, captain robert, engineer at fort necessity, i. ; detained a prisoner by the french at quebec and montreal, i. , ; information sent by, from fort duquesne to the english camp, i. ; letter of, afterward found by the french in braddock's cabinet-- subsequent career of (_note_), i. . stock, united states and other, held by washington at the time of his death, iii. . stoddart, benjamin, appointed secretary of the navy in , iii. . stono ferry, engagement at, ii. . stony brook, bridge at, made impassable by major kelly--forded by the troops of cornwallis, ii. . stony point, fort on, captured by the british, ii. ; plan of washington for the capture of--capture of, by wayne, ii. ; guns of, opened on fort lafayette and british shipping--dismantled and abandoned by the americans--reoccupied by sir henry clinton, ii. . strahan, mr., an eminent london printer, remarkable letter of franklin to (_note_), i. . strength of arm of washington, iii. . stuart, doctor david, letters of washington to, iii. , , , . suffolk county, in massachusetts, convention held in, i. ; resolves of the convention of, laid before the continental congress, i. . sulgrave, domain of, granted by henry viii. to lawrence washington, in , i. . sullivan, john, appointed brigadier-general in the continental army, i. ; biographical notice of, i. ; ordered by washington to seize certain tories in portsmouth as hostages, i. ; the successor of thomas in command at the sorel, ii. ; sanguine letter of, from the sorel, ii. ; letter of washington to congress respecting, ii. ; melancholy words of, in relation to affairs in canada, ii. ; retreat of, before burgoyne, ii. , ; demoralization of the troops under the command of, ii. ; mortification of, at being superseded by gates, ii. , ; departure of, from crown point, on the arrival of gates, ii. ; placed in temporary command of the troops on long island--superseded by putnam, ii. ; made prisoner in the battle of long island, ii. ; verbal message sent by, to congress, by lord howe, ii. ; warm reply of washington to the complaints of, ii. ; unsuccessful expedition of, against the british on staten island (_note_), ii. ; mischief caused at the battle of the brandywine by the sensitiveness of, ii. ; expedition of, against the indians on the genesee river, ii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to reforms in the army, ii. ; letter of washington to, advocating executive departments, ii. . _sullivan's familiar letters_, personal appearance of washington described in, iii. . sumter, general, movements of, in the south, ii. ; total defeat of, by tarleton, ii. ; sent by greene with light-troops into the neighborhood of charleston, iii. . sunday, custom, in virginia, of using it for political purposes (_note_), i. . sunday-laws of new england offensive to the quakers, i. . surveying-expedition, washington's first, journal of, still preserved--extracts from the journal of, i. ; extracts from a letter of washington written during, i. . surveyor, washington's experience as, a preparation for his high destiny, i. , , . surveys of washington, correctness of, i. . swede's ford, general howe at, ii. . swords left by washington to his nephews, iii. . t. table kept by washington before the revolution, iii. ; abstemious habits of washington at, iii. ; washington's at philadelphia, iii. . taft, mr., letter of washington to, from hartford, in (_note_), iii. . talleyrand, m. de, insulting propositions of, to the american envoys in paris, iii. ; attempts of, to procure a _douceur_ from the american envoys, iii. , ; interview of, with the american envoys, iii. ; declaration of war against the united states threatened by, iii. ; indirect efforts of, toward bringing about a reconciliation with the united states, iii. ; copy of a letter of, transmitted by william vans murray to the government at washington--letter of washington respecting the "fast and loose game" of, iii. . tallmadge, major, fort george, at coram, surprised by, ii. . tanacharisson, remonstrance of, with duquesne, against the aggressions of the french--interview of, with franklin, in pennsylvania, i. ; belt of wampum presented to, at great meadows, i. ; desertion of, on the approach of the french--subsequent history of (_note_), i. . tarleton, colonel, massacre by, of a body of troops under colonel buford, ii. ; defeated by morgan at the cowpens, ii. ; total defeat of general sumter by, ii. . tarrytown, arrest of major andré at, ii. . "taxation no tyranny," by doctor johnson, remarkable passage struck out of (_note_), ii. . "taxation without representation tyranny," i. . tea, universally proscribed in the colonies in , i. ; thrown overboard in boston harbor, i. . tenbroeck, general, opportune arrival of, at the second battle near bemis's heights, ii. . ternant, m., successor of count de moustier, as french minister to the united states, iii. ; arrival of, at newport, ii. . thacher, doctor, personal appearance of washington described by, i. ; testimony of, as to the skill of the southern riflemen, i. . thanksgiving, day of, recommended by washington in , iii. . theatre, first visit of washington to, made in barbados, i. . thomas, john, appointed brigadier-general in the continental army, i. ; dorchester heights taken possession of by, ii. ; appointed to command the army in canada, ii. ; weakness of the americans before quebec on his arrival in camp--council of war called by, decide upon a retreat toward montreal, ii. ; death of, of small-pox, at chamblée, ii. . thompson, colonel, sir henry clinton held in check by, at fort sullivan, in charleston harbor, ii. ; sir henry clinton driven back by the riflemen of, ii. , . thompson, colonel william, the british driven to their boats by, from lechmere's point, i. ; commissioned a brigadier-general, ii. ; chief command in new york assumed by, ii. ; troops sent toward canada under, ii. ; defeated and made prisoner in canada, ii. . thomson, charles, chosen secretary of the continental congress--biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; opinion of, as to the superiority of the first congress (_note_), i. ; chosen secretary of the second continental congress, i. : letter borne to washington by, informing him of his election to the presidency, iii. . three rivers, disastrous expedition of general thompson against maclean at, ii. . throck's neck, troops of lord howe landed at--transfer of troops from, to pell's neck, ii. . ticonderoga, fort at, erected by the french in , i. ; attack upon, under abercrombie and lord howe, i. ; admirable conduct of the troops at the siege of--inactivity and indifference of johnson's indians at, i. ; effect upon pitt of the news of the disaster at, i. ; taken possession of by amherst in , i. ; expeditions undertaken against, by colonels allen and arnold, i. ; valuable stores taken at, by allen, i. ; resolution of congress respecting the spoils taken at, i. ; want of discipline among the troops at, under colonel hinman, i. ; generals schuyler, gates, and arnold, present at--command of the army at, devolved upon gates, ii. ; preparation of a flotilla at, intrusted to general arnold, ii. ; apprehended attack upon, by general carleton--colonel wayne in command of, ii. : general heath ordered by washington to go to, with massachusetts regiments, ii. : invested by the british under burgoyne, ii. ; garrison of--the british cannon on mount defiance, ii. ; abandoned by st. clair, ii. ; letters of washington to schuyler, in relation to the evacuation of, ii. , , . tilghman, colonel, news of the surrender at yorktown borne to philadelphia by, ii. . titles, presidential, discussions in congress respecting, iii. : washington averse to, iii. . toilet of washington, iii. . toleration, religious, of washington and john adams (_note_), i. . tooke, john horne, a prominent member of the constitutional society of england (_note_), i. . tories, treatment of, recommended by washington, i. ; action of congress with regard to, ii. ; conditional pardon offered to, by congress, ii. : embarkation of, for nova scotia, in , iii. . _town-destroyer_, a name given to washington by the seneca indians, ii. . townshend, taxation of the colonies announced by, i. . tracy, of connecticut, reply of, to the speech of albert gallatin, on jay's treaty, iii. . trent, captain, mission of, to the ohio, in , i. ; timidity of, i. . trenton, arrival of washington at, with his fugitive army, ii. ; officers' watches set by washington's before the attack upon, ii. ; complete surprise of colonel ralle and the hessians in--narrow escape of washington at (_note_), ii. ; rapid retreat of washington from, ii. ; conduct of the troops at, commanded by washington, ii. ; important influence of the victory at, ii. ; despatch of washington to congress, in relation to the affair at, ii. ; washington joined by cadwalader and mifflin at, ii. ; washington attacked by cornwallis at, ii. ; left at night by washington, ii. ; reception of washington at, in , iii. . trumbull, governor jonathan, of connecticut, kind words of, to washington--biographical notice of--correspondence of, with washington, in --extract from the travels of de chastellux in relation to (_note_), i. ; connecticut levies detained by, for coast-defence, ordered to camp by washington, i. ; mortification of, at the conduct of the connecticut troops in the continental army, i. ; letter of, expressive of sympathy with general gates, ii. ; tories sent to the care of, by washington, ii. ; letter of washington to, acknowledging the finger of providence, iii. ; chosen speaker of the house of representatives, in , iii. . trumbull, john, lines from a poem written by, i. ; in the family of washington at cambridge, i. ; eminence opposite ticonderoga fortified on the recommendation of, ii. ; secretary of john jay on his mission to england in , iii. . trumbull, joseph, appointed commissary-general of the continental army, i. ; his resignation of the office of commissary-general, ii. . tryon county, new york, savages and tories in, in , i. . tryon, governor, arrival of, in new york, on the same day as washington, i. ; unscrupulous character of, i. ; machinations of, in new york, ii. ; refuge taken by, on board the sloop-of-war _halifax_, ii. ; proclamation issued by, from on board the _duchess of gordon_, ii. ; schemes of new-york tories under the direction of, ii. , ; expedition undertaken by, to destroy stores at danbury, ii. ; retreat of, from danbury, harassed by wooster, arnold, and others, ii. ; escape of, aided by sir william erskine, ii. ; indignation aroused by the atrocities of, ii. ; copies of lord north's bills sent by, to washington--resolutions of congress relating to--tories sent to, by washington, ii. ; ravages of, in connecticut, in conjunction with collier--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . tucker, dean, proposal of, that parliament should separate the colonies from the empire--biographical notice of (_note_), i. . tuckerman, henry t., extract from the writings of, in relation to washington's trials at cambridge, i. . tupper, major, lighthouse in boston harbor destroyed by, i. ; row-galleys under the command of, sent up the hudson to annoy the _rose_ and _phoenix_, ii. . turtle bay, british stores seized at, by sears, ii. . twigtwees, described by mr. gist (_note_), i. . u. union flag, when unfurled, ii. . union of the colonies, franklin's plan of, i. . university, national, anxiety of washington for the establishment of, iii. , , , , , . v. valedictory address, washington's, iii. , , . valley forge, chosen by washington as a place for winter-quarters, ii. ; sufferings of the patriot army on its march to, ii. ; huts constructed at, by the army, ii. , ; forcible means used by washington to obtain supplies for the army at (_note_), ii. , ; extreme hardships endured by the patriot army at, ii. ; committee of arrangements appointed by congress to visit washington at, ii. ; mrs. washington and other ladies at--washington's headquarters at, at the house of isaac potts--name of, derived from the foundry and forge of isaac potts (_note_), ii. ; desertions from the camp at, ii. ; arrival at, of the news of the treaty with france, ii. ; oath of allegiance administered by washington to the officers at, ii. ; camp at, broken up on the departure of the british from philadelphia, ii. . van braam, jacob, washington's fencing-master, i. , ; with washington on his expedition to the ohio in , i. , ; with washington at great meadows, i. ; alleged treachery of, i. , ; detained a prisoner by the french, i. , ; subsequent adventures of, i. . vaudreuil, marquis de, successor of duquesne--characteristic anecdote of (_note_), i. ; capitulation of, at montreal, i. . vault, family, of washington, wish of washington to have it rebuilt, iii. ; new family, spot indicated for, by washington, a few days before his death, iii. . vealtown, troops of general lee at, ii. . vernon, admiral, notice of, i. . verplanck's point, fort on, captured by the british, ii. ; junction of the french and american troops at, iii. . veto-power, first exercise of it by washington, iii. . vose, major, lighthouse destroyed by, on nantasket point, i. . virginia, condition of, in the time of charles ii., i. ; washington in charge of one of the military districts of, in , i. ; washington appointed, in , commander of all the forces of, i. ; difficulty of raising troops in, to protect the frontier, after braddock's defeat, i. ; governor dinwiddie's estimate of the population of (_note_), i. ; defenceless condition of the frontiers of, i. , ; substantial character of breakfast in, before the revolution (_note_), i. ; indignation of the people of, at the right claimed by parliament to tax the colonies, i. ; early efforts made in, to cast off the burden of negro slavery--instructions of the king to the governor of, in relation to the slave-trade, i. ; address of the assembly of, to the king, on the slave-trade, i. ; successive prorogations of the house of burgesses of, by lord dunmore, i. ; short but memorable session of the house of burgesses of, in , i. ; intercolonial committees of correspondence originated in, i. , ; dissolutions of the house of burgesses of, by lord dunmore, i. , ; warlike spirit pervading, in , i. ; troops of, reviewed by washington in the winter of -' , i. ; effect in, of the news of the battle of lexington--powder of the province of, seized by lord dunmore, i. ; royal power ended in, i. ; invasion of, by cornwallis, ii. ; legislature of, in , adverse to british creditors recovering their just debts, iii. ; disunion threatened in, in case jay's treaty should be ratified, iii. ; property owned in, by washington, at the time of his death, iii. . virginia convention proposed, to consider a proposition for a continental congress, i. ; resolutions adopted at, i. - ; eloquent speech of washington at--delegates to the general congress appointed at, i. . virginia convention, the second, held at richmond in , i. ; resolutions offered at, by patrick henry, i. ; eloquent speech of patrick henry at, i. , ; delegates to the second continental congress elected at, i. . _virginia gazette_, slanders of washington in, in , i. . virginia house of burgesses, washington a candidate for, in , i. ; cost of washington's election to, i. ; washington for fifteen years a member of, i. ; distinguished members of, in , i. ; sympathy of, with massachusetts--resolutions adopted by, in opposition to those of parliament--dissolved by lord botetourt, i. . virginia planters, life of, before the revolution, i. . virginia troops, letters of washington in relation to the command of, i. ; commission as commander of, resigned by washington--flattering address to washington by the officers of, i. . visitors, washington annoyed by, at mount vernon, iii. ; how received by washington when president, iii. . w. waldeck, prince of, mercenaries furnished by, ii. . wallace, captain, legalized piracy of--newport threatened by, ii. ; sent in the _rose_ up the hudson river, ii. . walpole, horace, on young washington's love of the "whistling of bullets" (_note_), i. . wanton, governor, blunt answer of, to sir james wallace, i. . war-dance, indian, witnessed by washington and fairfax, at colonel cresap's, in , i. ; in the camp of braddock at will's creek, i. . war, directions as to the mode of declaring, given by dinwiddie to washington (_note_), i. . ward, ensign, capitulation of, to contrecoeur, in , i. . ward, general artemas, in command of troops in the neighborhood of boston after the battle of lexington, i. ; inefficiency of, i. ; appointed first major-general under washington, i. . warren, doctor joseph, stay of, in boston, to watch the british army and the tories, i. ; warning sent by, to adams and hancock, at lexington, i. ; narrow escape of, at cambridge, i. ; letter of, to general gage, in relation to his want of good faith, i. ; a volunteer at breed's hill, i. ; death of, at the close of the battle of breed's hill, i. ; lament of the wife of john adams for--everett on the death of--biographical notice of, i. ; remains of, buried by the british, with proper honors--subsequent disposition of the remains of, i. . warren, james, appointed major-general of massachusetts militia, ii. ; letter of washington to, in relation to the articles of confederation, iii. . warren, mrs. mercy, remarks of, on the personal appearance of washington and general lee, i. . washington, augustine, brother of george, the family homestead at pope's creek bequeathed to, by his father, i. ; marriage of, with anne aylett--george an inmate in the family of, when at the school of mr. williams, i. ; letter of george to, in , in relation to his ill-requited service of the state, i. ; independent virginia company trained by, i. . washington, augustine, father of george, character of, i. , ; death of, in , i. . washington, bushrod, papers and property bequeathed to, by washington, iii. , . washington, captain william, division of general greene led by, at trenton, ii. . washington, charles, franklin's gold-headed cane bequeathed to, by washington, iii. . washington city, lots owned by washington in at the time of his death, iii. . washington family in virginia, early history of, i. . washington, george, birthplace of, i. , ; lineage of, i. ; early education of, i. ; maxims of, in youth, i. ; marriage of, i. ; stature of (_note_), i. , iii. , ; dress of, i. , iii. , , ; style of living of, before the revolution, i. ; devotion of, i. , iii. , ; table of, i. , iii. - ; will of, iii. ; estate of, iii. ; death of, iii. ; funeral of, iii. ; fondness of, for field-sports, iii. ; toilet of, iii. ; strength of arm of--weight of, iii. ; frame of, iii. ; great size of hands of, iii. ; awe inspired by the presence of, iii. , . washington, george a., death of, in --affection of washington for (_note_)--kindness of washington to the widow of (_note_), iii. ; carriage presented to, by washington (_note_), iii. . washington, george fayette, property bequeathed to, by washington, iii. . washington, john and lawrence, emigrate to virginia in , i. . washington, joseph, the "_defensio pro populo_" of milton translated by--a friend of the "commonwealth," and author of several works--damage done by, to the cause of the stuarts, i. . washington, lawrence augustine, property bequeathed to, by washington, iii. . washington, lawrence, brother of george, educated in england, i. , ; in the british attack upon carthagena in , i. ; marriage of, to miss fairfax, i. ; affection of, for his brother george, i. , ; a member of the virginia house of burgesses, i. ; attacked by consumption--visit of, to barbados, in company with his brother george, in , i. ; death of, at mount vernon, in , i. . washington, lawrence, mayor of northampton in the reign of henry viii., i. . washington, lund, the general's agent at mount vernon--letter of washington to, in relation to remuneration of his services, i. ; instructions of washington to, in relation to charity and frugality, i. . washington, mrs., sickness of the daughter of, i. ; death of the daughter of, in , i. ; letter of washington to, respecting his election as commander-in-chief--letters of washington to, destroyed by (_note_), i. ; invited by her husband to join him at cambridge, i. ; mode of travelling of, i. ; ball proposed in honor of, i. ; arrival of, in the camp at cambridge, i. ; inoculated for the small-pox, in philadelphia (_note_), ii. ; considerate conduct of washington toward, iii. ; honors paid to, on her way to new york in , iii. ; first _levee_ of, iii. ; _levees_ of, in philadelphia, iii. ; property left to, by washington, iii. ; resignation of, at the death of her husband, iii. ; letter of, to president adams, in relation to proposed national funeral honors to her husband, iii. . washington, samuel, provisions of the will of washington respecting the heirs of, iii. . washington, sir henry, colonel under prince rupert in , i. ; defender of worcester against cromwell's general, fairfax, in , i. . washington, sir lawrence and anne, monument of, in the parish church of garsdon, i. . washington, sir william, brother-in-law of villiers, duke of buckingham, i. . washington, william augustine, property left to, by washington, iii. . washington, william, invitation of, at charlestown, declined by washington, iii. . waterbury, general, gallantry of, in a naval engagement on lake champlain, ii. . watertown, address of james warren to washington, on his arrival at, in , i. . waxhaw, body of republicans surprised and massacred by tarleton on the banks of the, ii. . wayne, general anthony, shabby regimentals of, at middlebrook, ii. ; sent by washington to annoy the rear of howe's army--night-attack upon, by the british under general grey, ii. ; court-martial demanded by, ii. ; attack led by, at the battle of germantown, ii. ; exploits of, in new jersey, ii. ; capture of stony point by, ii. ; efforts of, to quell the mutiny of the pennsylvania troops--picture drawn by, of the sufferings of the army at morristown (_note_), ii. ; cornwallis attacked by, at old jamestown, ii. ; savannah taken possession of by, iii. ; appointed commander-in-chief of the army in the northwest, iii. ; operations of, against the northwestern indians, iii. ; results of his treaty with the indians in the northwest, iii. . weathersfield, conference of washington with rochambeau at, ii. . webb, general, cowardly conduct of, at fort edward, i. . weight of washington, iii. . wessington, john de, prior of a convent in , i. . west indies, american vessels excluded from, iii. ; depredations on american vessels in, committed by french cruisers, iii. ; complaints of the conduct of commodore barney in, iii. . west point, fortifications at, commenced by bernard romans, ii. ; headquarters of washington at--letter of washington to doctor cochran, showing the style of living at (_note_), ii. ; information given to the british by arnold, respecting, ii. ; the military academy at, suggested by washington, iii. . wheatley, phillis, a slave, biographical notice of, ii. ; her correspondence with washington, ii. , ; poem written by, addressed to washington, ii. . whipple, captain, the schooner _gaspé_ taken and burned by a party under--threat of sir james wallace to hang, i. ; vessels placed under the command of, by the assembly of rhode island, i. . "whiskey insurrection," language of washington in relation to the, iii. ; history of the, iii. - ; sympathy of jefferson with those engaged in the, iii. . white, bishop, present at the opening of the continental congress, i. ; present at washington's farewell dinner, iii. . whitemarsh, encampment of washington near, ii. ; efforts of howe to draw the americans out of their position at, ii. ; retreat of howe from, to philadelphia--washington blamed by his enemies in congress for not fighting at, ii. . white, philip, a "pine robber," killed by the jersey people, iii. . white plains, adjournment of the provincial congress of new york to (_note_), ii. ; headquarters of washington in the neighborhood of, ii. ; account of the battle at, ii. - ; losses sustained by the british and americans at the battle of, ii. ; sufferings of the american army after the battle of, ii. ; disgraceful conduct of some of washington's troops at (_note_), ii. . wilkes, john, conspicuous part taken by, in favor of the americans, i. ; lord-mayor of london, address of, to the king, on american affairs--biographical notice of (_note_), i. ; his contemptuous treatment of a royal proclamation, i. ; speech of, in parliament, in relation to the british flight from boston, ii. . wilkinson, captain james, sent by arnold to the relief of the cedars (_note_), ii. ; interview of, with general lee, at the moment of his capture, ii. ; connection of, with _conway's cabal_, ii. . william and mary college, chancellorship of, accepted by washington, iii. . williams, colonel ephraim, surprised by dieskau, while marching to the relief of fort edward--biographical notice of (_note_), i. . williams, otho holland, with the southern riflemen at the camp at cambridge, i. ; appointed brigadier under wayne, in , iii. . williams, second schoolmaster of washington, i. , . williamsburg, convention at, proposed, to consider a proposition for a continental congress, i. ; resolutions adopted at the convention held at, in , i. - ; convention at, in --eloquent speech of washington at--delegates to the general congress appointed at, i. ; preparations made at, by the allies, for the siege of yorktown, ii. . will of washington, true copy of (_note_), iii. . will's creek, retreat of washington to, from great meadows, in , i. ; indian war-dance at, in braddock's camp, i. ; fatal delay of braddock at, i. . wilmington, headquarters of washington at, ii. ; visit of washington to, on his southern tour, in , iii. . wilson, james, appointed associate judge of the supreme court in , iii. . winchester, headquarters of washington at, in , i. ; fort loudoun erected by washington at, i. ; irksomeness of washington's duties at, i. ; property owned by washington in the town of, iii. . winter hill, lee's division stationed at, at the siege of boston, i. . woedtke, baron de, commissioners to canada accompanied by, ii. ; intemperate habits of--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . wolcott, oliver, letter of, to his wife, in relation to the frugal habits of washington, iii. ; letter of, in relation to washington's declining the presidency for a third term, iii. ; letter of washington to, after his retirement to private life, iii. . wolfe, brigadier-general james, at the taking of louisburg in , i. ; reliance of the english people upon, in the expedition against quebec--character of, as described by walpole (_note_)--names of men, afterward distinguished, in the expedition of, against quebec, i. ; monckton sent by, to occupy point levi, i. ; unsuccessful attempt of, to storm montcalm's intrenchments, i. ; on a sick-bed concerts with saunders, a plan for scaling the heights of abraham--news of the repulse and subsequent success of, received by pitt on the same day (_note_)--presentiment of death upon the mind of, i. ; impromptu stanzas composed by, on the eve of the attack--gray's elegy quoted by, on his way to the heights of abraham, i. ; last words and death of, i. ; and montcalm, joint monument erected to the memory of--biographical notice of (_note_), i. . woodhull, general, commissioned to drive the live stock to hempstead, ii. ; made a prisoner and brutally treated by sir james baird (_note_), ii. . woodhull, reverend doctor john, reference to manuscript letters of (_note_)--anecdote respecting (_note_), ii. . wooster, david, appointed brigadier-general in the continental army--brief biographical notice of, i. ; invited to the neighborhood of new york by the provincial congress (_note_), i. ; directed by washington to join general schuyler at lake champlain--apprehensions of washington respecting, i. ; patriotic letter of, to schuyler--refusal of the officers and men under, to sign the articles of war (_note_), i. ; fear or jealousy of, with regard to arnold, ii. ; testimony of congressional commissioners as to his unfitness for command (_note_), ii. ; death of, at danbury, ii. ; resolution of congress to erect a monument to the memory of--biographical notice of (_note_), ii. . writs of assistance issued in --universal opposition to--speech of james otis on the subject of, i. . wyoming massacre, ii. . y. year of trial, washington's, ii. . yellow fever in philadelphia, in , iii. ; in the autumn of , iii. . york, congress adjourned to, ii. . yorke, sir joseph, his estimate of general lee, ii. . yorktown, perilous position of cornwallis at, ii. ; invested by the allies--position of the allies at, ii. ; desperate effort of cornwallis to escape from, ii. ; patriotism displayed by governor nelson at--surrender of cornwallis at, ii. ; articles of capitulation at (_note_)--imposing scene of the surrender at, ii. ; loss sustained by the british at (_note_), ii. ; measures of congress on receiving news of the surrender at, ii. ; importance of the surrender at--effect in england of the surrender at, ii. . youghiogany, attempt of washington to descend, in , i. ; washington left at, sick, by order of general braddock, i. . young, arthur, seeds and implements sent to washington by, iii. . the end. commemoration of washington's birthday, february , our american holidays washington's birthday its history, observance, spirit, and significance as related in prose and verse, with a selection from washington's speeches and writings edited by robert haven schauffler new york dodd, mead and company preface the popular idea of washington has recently begun to veer away from the vision of an eighteenth century demigod in a wig,--an old-fashioned statue in dusky bronze, stern and forbidding. we are swinging around toward the idea of a loveable, fallible, very human personality with humor, a hot temper, and a genuine love of pleasure. accordingly, in gathering material for this book the editor has passed by those earlier writers who are mainly responsible for this distorted view; and he has aimed to gather here the essays, orations poems, stories, and exercises which best exhibit the modern conception of washington; together with a selection from his own writings and the finest of the elder tributes to the memory of our greatest national hero. note the editor and publishers wish to acknowledge their indebtedness to houghton, mifflin & company; doubleday, page & company; j.b. lippincott & co.; mr. david mckay, john macy, and others who have very kindly granted permission to reprint selections from works bearing their copyright. contents introduction i the day washington's birthday _oliver wendell holmes_ washington's birthday _margaret e. sangster_ the birthday of washington _anonymous_ washington's birthday _george howland_ washington and our schools and colleges _charles w. eliot_ crown our washington _hezekiah butterworth_ washington-month _will carleton_ ii early years a glimpse of washington's birthplace _grace b. johnson_ something of george washington's boyhood _anonymous_ washington's training _charles wentworth upham_ washington as he looked iii the general washington is appointed commander-in-chief _sydney george fisher_ washington at trenton _richard watson gilder_ george washington valley forge _henry armitt brown_ washington at valley forge _canon r.g. sutherland_ a frenchman's estimate of washington in _claude c. robin_ iv the president washington and the constitution _john m. harlan_ washington's administration _edward s. ellis_ washington _mary wingate_ washington's inauguration _edward everett hale_ washingtoniana lessons from the washington centennial _george a. gordon_ president washington's receptions _william sullivan_ the foreign policy of washington _charles james fox_ v last days george washington _hamilton wright mabie_ washington's last days _elisabeth eggleston seelye_ the mount vernon tribute the words of washington _daniel webster_ vi tributes memorials of washington _henry b. carrington_ from the "commemoration ode" _harriet monroe_ washington's statue _henry theodore tuckerman_ tributes washington's name in the hall of fame _margaret e. sangster_ estimates of washington washington's religious character _william m'kinley_ washington _anonymous_ vii washington's place in history the highest pedestal _william e. gladstone_ washington in history _chauncey m. depew_ to the shade of washington _richard alsop_ the majestic eminence of washington _chauncey m. depew_ for a little pupil _anonymous_ washington's fame _asher robbins_ washington, the brightest name on history's page _eliza cook_ washington, the patriot viii the whole man george washington _john hall ingham_ historical memorabilia of washington _h.b. carrington_ a bird's-eye view of washington _henry mitchell maccracken_ the character of washington _daniel webster_ mount vernon, the home of washington _william day_ the unselfishness of washington _robert treat paine_ the genius of washington _edwin p. whipple_ washington's service to education _charles w.e. chapin_ address at the dedication of the washington monument _john w. daniel_ the character of washington _henry cabot lodge_ ix anecdotes and stories anecdotes of washington the abuse of washington _thomas wentworth higginson_ providential events in the life of washington _irving allen_ characteristics of washington great george washington _kate douglas wiggin and nora a. smith_ headquarters in _paul leicester ford_ x selections from washington's speeches and writings selections from the rules of civility said by washington washington before the battle of long island, august, from various letters, speeches, and addresses washington's farewell to the army president washington's response to the french ambassador on receipt of the colors of france, washington's farewell address xi exercises decorations for washington's birthday exercises some years in washington's life _m. lizzie stanley_ something better _clara j. denton_ the states crowning washington _kate bowles sherwood_ the new george washington _anonymous_ in praise of washington introduction a good deal of american history was once violently distorted by the partisanship of the eighteenth century, frozen solid by its icy formalism, and left thus for the edification of succeeding generations. for example, it was not until that franklin's autobiography was by accident given to the world in the simple natural style in which he wrote it. the book had been "edited" by franklin's loyalist grandson, and had been cut and tortured into the pompous, stilted periods that were supposed to befit the dignity of so important a personage. when john bigelow published the original with all its naïveté and homely turns of phrases and suppressed passages, he shed a flood of light upon benjamin franklin. but not _such_ a flood as has still more recently been shed upon our struggle for independence, and the hero who led it. mr. sydney george fisher[ ] has shown how the history of the revolution has been garbled by the historians into the story of a struggle between a villainous monster on the one hand, and a virtuous fairy on the other: he has shown how a period that is said to have changed the thought of the world like the epochs of socrates, of christ, of the reformation, and of the french revolution, has been described in a series of "able rhetorical efforts, enlarged fourth-of-july orations, or pleasing literary essays on selected phases of the contest." these writers have ignored the fearful struggle of the patriots with the loyalists, the early leniency of england as expressed in the conduct of general howe, the clinton-cornwallis controversy, and many other important subjects. in short, their design was--as mr. wister has happily put it, "to leave out any facts which spoil the political picture of the revolution they chose to paint for our edification; a ferocious, blood-shot tyrant on the one side, and on the other a compact band of 'fathers,' downtrodden and martyred, yet with impeccable linen and bland legs." in view of this state of affairs, it is not strange that washington should have shared in the general misrepresentation. like franklin's, his writings, too, were altered by villainous editors. in his letters, for example, such a natural phrase as "one hundred thousand dollars will be but a flea-bite" was changed to "one hundred thousand dollars will be totally inadequate." the editors were aided in their refrigerating enterprise by a throng of partisan biographers, first among whom was the rev. mr. weems, that arch-manipulator of facts for moral purposes. they were helped also by many of our old sculptors and painters, who were evidently more concerned to portray a grand american hero in a wig than to give us a real man of flesh and blood. "by such devices," writes owen wister,[ ] "was a frozen image of george washington held up for americans to admire, rigid with congealed virtue, ungenial, unreal, to whom from our school-days up we have been paying a sincere and respectful regard, but a regard without interest, sympathy, heart--or, indeed, belief. it thrills a true american to the marrow to learn at last that this far-off figure, this george washington, this man of patriotic splendor, the captain and savior of our revolution, the self-sacrificing and devoted president, was a man also with a hearty laugh, with a love of the theater, with a white-hot temper ... a constant sportsman, fox-hunter, and host...." "the unfreezing of washington was begun by irving, but was in that day a venture so new and startling, that irving, gentleman and scholar, went at it gingerly and with many inferential deprecations. his hand, however, first broke the ice, and to-day we can see the live and human washington, full length. he does not lose an inch by it, and we gain a progenitor of flesh and blood." since irving the thawing process has been carried on with growing success by such able biographers as lodge and scudder, hapgood and ford, woodrow wilson, owen wister, and frederick trevor hill. as yet this new idea of washington's essential humanity has seemed too novel and startling to make its way deep into the popular conviction. i say "new idea." in reality it is a very old idea; only it has been smothered by the partisan writers of history and biography. certainly the accounts of the first celebrations of washington's birthday do not sound as though our ancestors were trying to work up their enthusiasm over a steel-engraving hero. "it was the most natural thing," writes walsh,[ ] "for our forefathers to choose washington's birthday as a time for general thanksgiving and rejoicing, and it is interesting to note that the observance was not delayed until after the death of washington. washington had the satisfaction of receiving the congratulations of his fellow-citizens many times upon the return of his birthday, frequently being a guest at the banquets given in honor of the occasion. in fact, after the revolution, washington's birthday practically took the place of the birthday of the various crowned heads of great britain, which had always been celebrated with enthusiasm during colonial times. when independence was established, all these royal birthdays were cast aside, and the birthday of washington naturally became one of the most conspicuous in the calendar of america's holidays. "it may be interesting at this time to look back upon those early days of the republic and see how the newly liberated citizens attested their admiration for their great general and the first president of their country. but the people did not wait until washington was raised to the highest position his country could give him before honoring his birthday. "the first recorded mention of the celebration is said to be the one in _the virginia gazette_ or _the american advertiser_ of richmond: 'tuesday last being the birthday of his excellency, general washington, our illustrious commander-in-chief, the same was commemorated here with the utmost demonstrations of joy.' the day thus celebrated was february , , the old style in the calendar not having then been everywhere and for every purpose abandoned. indeed, the stone placed as late as in on the site of his birthplace in westmoreland county, virginia, had the following inscription: 'here, the th of february, , george washington was born.' "twelve months later the th was commemorated at talbot court-house in maryland. on the same day a number of gentlemen met in a tavern in new york. one had written an ode. another brought a list of toasts. all, before they went reeling and singing home, agreed to assemble in future on the same anniversary and make merry over the birth of washington. "next year they had an ampler opportunity. in the previous october the british troops had evacuated new york city, which was gradually recovering from the distresses of the long war. the demonstrations were not very elaborate, but they were intensely patriotic. in a newspaper of february , , we find an interesting account of this first public celebration in new york: "'wednesday last being the birthday of his excellency, general washington, the same was celebrated here by all the true friends of american independence and constitutional liberty with that hilarity and manly decorum ever attendant on the sons of freedom. in the evening an entertainment was given on board the east india ship in this harbor to a very brilliant and respectable company, and a discharge of thirteen cannon was fired on this joyful occasion.' "a club called a 'select club of whigs' assembled in new york on the evening of february , and a brief account of the proceedings at its meeting was sent to the _new york gazette_, with an amusing song, written, it was stated, especially for this occasion. the following stanzas will serve as a sample of this effusion of poetical patriotism: americans, rejoice; while songs employ the voice, let trumpets sound. the thirteen stripes display in flags and streamers gay, 'tis washington's birthday, let joy abound. long may he live to see this land of liberty flourish in peace; long may he live to prove a grateful people's love and late to heaven remove, where joys ne'er cease. fill the glass to the brink, washington's health we'll drink, 'tis his birthday. glorious deeds he has done, by him our cause is won, long live great washington! huzza! huzza! "the following is also an interesting example of newspaper editorial patriotism which appeared in the _new york gazette_ at the same time: 'after the almighty author of our existence and happiness, to whom, as a people, are we under the greatest obligations? i know you will answer "to washington." that great, that gloriously disinterested man has, without the idea of pecuniary reward, on the contrary, much to his private danger, borne the greatest and most distinguished part in our political salvation. he is now retired from public service, with, i trust, the approbation of god, his country, and his own heart. but shall we forget him? no; rather let our hearts cease to beat than an ungrateful forgetfulness shall sully the part any of us have taken in the redemption of our country. on this day, the hero enters into the fifty-third year of his age. shall such a day pass unnoticed? no; let a temperate manifestation of joy express the sense we have of the blessings that arose upon america on that day which gave birth to washington. let us call our children around us and tell them the many blessings they owe to him and to those illustrious characters who have assisted him in the great work of the emancipation of our country, and urge them by such examples to transmit the delights of freedom and independence to their posterity.' "it is also interesting to know that new york city was not the only place in the country remembering washington's birthday in this year . the residents of richmond, virginia, were not forgetful of the day, and in the evening an elegant entertainment and ball were given in the capitol building, which, we are informed, were largely attended. so late as , kentucky and virginia persisted in preserving the old style date. but we have documentary evidence that in the tammany society of new york celebrated the day on february . the society had been organized less than a year, and it is interesting to see that it did not allow the first washington's birthday in its history to pass by without fitting expressions of regard for the man who was then living in the city as president of the united states. washington, at that time, lived in the lower part of broadway, a few doors below trinity church. congress was in session in the old city hall, on the corner of wall and nassau streets, now occupied by the sub-treasury. new york was the capital of the country, but it was the last year that it enjoyed that distinction, for before the close of the seat of government was removed to philadelphia, where it remained until , when permanent governmental quarters were taken up at washington. it may be of interest to know how the founders of this famous political organization commemorated washington's birthday. fortunately, the complete account of this first tammany celebration has been preserved. it was published in a new york newspaper, a day or two after the event, as follows: "'at a meeting of the society of st. tammany, at their wigwam in this city, on monday evening last, after finishing the ordinary business of the evening, it was unanimously resolved: that the d day of february be, from this day and ever after, commemorated by this society as the birthday of the illustrious george washington, president of the united states of america. the society then proceeded to the commemoration of the auspicious day which gave birth to the distinguished chief, and the following toasts were drank in porter, the produce of the united states, accompanied with universal acclamations of applause: . may the auspicious birthday of our great grand sachem, george washington, ever be commemorated by all the real sons of st. tammany. . the birthday of those chiefs who lighted the great council fire in . . the glorious fourth of july, , the birth of american independence. . the perpetual memory of those sachems and warriors who have been called by the kitchi manitou to the wigwam above since the revolution. . the births of the sachems and warriors who have presided at the different council fires of the thirteen tribes since . . our chief sachem, who presides over the council fire of our tribe. . the th of may, which is the birthday of our titular saint and patron. . the birth of columbus, our secondary patron. . the memory of the great odagh 'segte, first grand sachem of the oneida nation, and all his successors. . the friends and patrons of virtue and freedom from tammany to washington. . the birth of the present national constitution, th of september, . . the sachems and warriors who composed that council. . may the guardian genius of freedom pronounce at the birth of all her sons--where liberty dwells, there is his country. "'after mutual reciprocations of friendship on the joyous occasion, the society adjourned with their usual order and harmony.' "in washington ever since the first president was inaugurated it had been the practice of the house to adjourn for half an hour to congratulate him on the happy return of his natal day. but this observance was dropped in , on account of the animosities excited by the jay treaty. "the philadelphians, always patriotic, never allowed washington's birthday to go by without the celebration. in a number of old revolutionary officers belonging to the first brigade of pennsylvania militia had a 'very splendid entertainment at mr. hill's tavern in second street, near race street.' according to a philadelphia newspaper account, the company was numerous and truly respectable, and among the guests on that occasion were the governor of pennsylvania, thomas mifflin, and mr. muhlenberg, speaker of the house of representatives. at all these patriotic banquets it was customary to give as many toasts as there were states in the union, so that during the early years we invariably find that thirteen toasts was the rule. as new states were added, however, extra toasts were added to the list. just when this custom died out can perhaps not be definitely determined, but probably the rapid increase of the states may have had something to do with it, as the diners probably saw that it was taxing their drinking abilities too heavily with the addition of each new state. however, at this philadelphia celebration the toasts were fifteen, as two new states had recently been added, and among some of the most interesting are the following: the people of the united states--may their dignity and happiness be perpetual, and may the gratitude of the nation be ever commensurate with their privileges. the president of the united states--may the evening of his life be attended with felicity equal to the utility and glory of its meridian. the fair daughters of america--may the purity, the rectitude, and the virtues of their mind ever continue equal to their beauty and external accomplishments. the republic of france--wisdom and stability to her councils, success to her armies and navies, and may her enemies be compensated for their defeats by the speedy and general diffusion of that liberty which they are vainly attempting to suppress. may columbia be ever able to boast a jefferson in council, a hamilton in finance, and, when necessary, a washington to lead her armies to conquest and glory. the day--may such auspicious periods not cease to recur till every day in the year shall have smiled on columbia with the birth of a washington. our unfortunate friend the marquis de lafayette--may america become shortly his asylum from indignity and wrong, and may the noon and evening of his life be yet honorable and happy in the bosom of that country where its morning shone with such unclouded splendor. "in conclusion, the newspaper account of this celebration states that 'the afternoon and evening were agreeably spent in social pleasures and convivial mirth, and the conduct of the whole company was marked by that politeness, harmony, and friendship which ought ever to characterize the intercourse of fellow-citizens and gentlemen.' "balls and banquets, it will be seen, were the chief methods employed in celebrating the day, and there was hardly a town so small that it could not manage to have at least one of these functions in honor of george washington. the early newspapers for a month, and often longer, after the d of february, were filled with brief accounts of these celebrations from different localities. many of them are very interesting, showing, as they do, the patriotism of the people, as well as their customs and habits in their social entertainments. for instance, when washington's birthday was celebrated in alexandria, virginia, in , the _baltimore advertiser_ gives us the following amusing account of a ball held at wise's tavern: "'the meeting was numerous and brilliant. joy beamed in every countenance. sparkling eyes, dimpled cheeks dressed in smiles, prompted by the occasion, with all the various graces of female beauty, contributed to heighten the pleasure of the scene. at an interesting moment a portrait of the president, a striking likeness, was suddenly exhibited. the illustrious original had been often seen in the same room in the mild character of a friend, a pleased and pleasing guest. the song of "god bless great washington, long live great washington," succeeded. in this prayer many voices and all hearts united. may it not be breathed in vain.'" in course of time washington's birthday was made a legal holiday in one state after another, until to-day it is legally recognized in every state but alabama. but as it gradually became legalized, so it also became formalized little by little, until, in some parts of america, the very phrase, "a washington's birthday celebration," came to mean a sort of exercise in hypocrisy,--a half-hearted attempt to galvanize a dead emotion into life. this attitude toward washington as a man was due largely to the misrepresentations of the early literature. three distinct eras in our regard for him as a public character have been pointed out by bradley t. johnson:[ ] the generation which fought the revolution, framed and adopted the constitution, and established the united states were impressed with the most profound veneration, the most devoted affection, the most absolute idolatry for the hero, sage, statesman. in the reaction that came in the next generation against "the old soldiers," who for thirty years had assumed all the honors and enjoyed all the fruits of the victory that they had won, accelerated by the division in american sentiment for or against the french revolution, it came to be felt, as the younger generation always will feel, that the achievements of the veterans had been greatly overrated and their demigod enormously exaggerated. they thought, as english harry did at agincourt, that "old men forget: yet all shall be forgot, but they'll remember with advantages what feats they did that day." the fierce attacks of the jeffersonian democracy on washington, his principles, his life, and his habits, exercised a potent influence in diminishing the general respect for his abilities felt by the preceding generation; and washington came to be regarded as a worthy, honest, well-meaning gentleman, but with no capacity for military and only mediocre ability in civil affairs. this estimate continued from the beginning of jefferson's administration to the first of grant's. neither marshall nor irving did much during that period to place him in a proper historical light.... but in the last twenty-five years there has been a steady drift toward giving washington his proper place in history and his appropriate appreciation as soldier and statesman. the general who never won a battle is now understood to have been the revolution itself, and one of the great generals of history. the statesman who never made a motion, nor devised a measure, nor constructed a proposition in the convention of which he was president, is appreciated as the spirit, the energy, the force, the wisdom which initiated, organized, and directed the formation of the constitution of the united states and the union by, through, and under it; and therefore it seems now possible to present him as the virginian soldier, gentleman, and planter, as a man, the evolution of the society of which he formed a part, representative of his epoch, and his surroundings, developed by circumstances into the greatest character of all time--the first and most illustrious of americans. henry cabot lodge,[ ] writing in , was one of the first to discover "the new washington." "the real man," he wrote, "has been so overlaid with myths and traditions, and so distorted by misleading criticisms, that ... he has been wellnigh lost. we have the religious and statuesque myth, we have the weems myth (which turns washington into a faultless prig), and the ludicrous myth of the writer of paragraphs. we have the stately hero of sparks, and everett, and marshall, and irving, with all his great deeds as general and president duly recorded and set down in polished and eloquent sentences; and we know him to be very great and wise and pure, and, be it said with bated breath, very dry and cold.... in death as in life, there is something about washington, call it greatness, dignity, majesty, what you will, which seems to hold men aloof and keep them from knowing him. in truth he was a difficult man to know.... "behind the popular myths, behind the statuesque figure of the orator and the preacher, behind the general and the president of the historian, there was a strong, vigorous man, in whose veins ran warm, red blood, in whose heart were stormy passions and deep sympathy for humanity, in whose brain were far-reaching thoughts, and who was informed throughout his being with a resistless will." it is a shameful thing that there should ever have been any doubt in american minds of the true significance of washington either as man or soldier or statesman. but the writers of our day have decided that--if they can help it--the sins of the fathers are not going to be visited upon "the third and fourth generation." the call has gone out for modern champions of our ancient champion; and literature has responded with a will. it takes long, however, to straighten out a national misconception. the new literature has not yet had time to take hold of the popular imagination. but when it does, and when we cease to regard the father of our country as a demigod, and begin to love him as a man, then washington's birthdays everywhere will lose their stiff, perfunctory, bloodless character, and recover the inspiring, emotional quality of the early celebrations. r.h.s. footnotes: [ ] in "the true history of the american revolution" and "the struggle for american independence." [ ] "the seven ages of washington." [ ] in "curiosities of popular customs." [ ] "general washington." [ ] introduction to "george washington." i the day washington's birthday[ ] by oliver wendell holmes welcome to the day returning, dearer still as ages flow, while the torch of faith is burning, long as freedom's altars glow! see the hero whom it gave us slumbering on a mother's breast; for the arm he stretched to save us be its morn forever blest! vain is empire's mad temptation! not for him an earthly crown! he whose sword has freed a nation strikes the offered scepter down. see the throneless conqueror seated, ruler by a people's choice; see the patriot's task completed; hear the father's dying voice: "by the name that you inherit, by the sufferings you recall, cherish the fraternal spirit; love your country first of all! listen not to idle questions if its bands may be untied; doubt the patriot whose suggestions strive a nation to divide." father! we, whose ears have tingled with the discord notes of shame; we, whose sires their blood have mingled in the battle's thunder-flame,-- gathering, while this holy morning lights the land from sea to sea, hear thy counsel, heed thy warning; trust us while we honor thee. footnotes: [ ] _by permission of the publishers, houghton, mifflin & co_. * * * * * washington's birthday by margaret e. sangster 'tis splendid to live so grandly that long after you are gone, the things you did are remembered, and recounted under the sun; to live so bravely and purely, that a nation stops on its way, and once a year, with banner and drum, keeps its thought of your natal day. 'tis splendid to have a record, so white and free from stain that, held to the light, it shows no blot, though tested and tried amain; that age to age forever repeats its story of love, and your birthday lives in a nation's heart, all other days above. and this is washington's glory, a steadfast soul and true, who stood for his country's honor when his country's days were few. and now when its days are many, and its flag of stars is flung to the breeze in defiant challenge, his name is on every tongue. yes, it's splendid to live so bravely, to be so great and strong, that your memory is ever a tocsin to rally the foes of the wrong; to live so proudly and purely that your people pause in their way, and year by year, with banner and drum, keep the thought of your natal day. * * * * * the birthday of washington anonymous the birthday of the "father of his country!" may it ever be freshly remembered by american hearts! may it ever reawaken in them a filial veneration for his memory; ever rekindle the fires of patriotic regard for the country which he loved so well, to which he gave his youthful vigor and his youthful energy; to which he devoted his life in the maturity of his powers, in the field; to which again he offered the counsels of his wisdom and his experience as president of the convention that framed our constitution; which he guided and directed while in the chair of state, and for which the last prayer of his earthly supplication was offered up, when it came the moment for him so well, and so grandly, and so calmly, to die. he was the first man of the time in which he grew. his memory is first and most sacred in our love, and ever hereafter, till the last drop of blood shall freeze in the last american heart, his name shall be a spell of power and of might. yes, gentlemen, there is one personal, one vast felicity, which no man can share with him. it was the daily beauty and towering and matchless glory of his life which enabled him to create his country, and at the same time secure an undying love and regard from the whole american people. "the first in the hearts of his countrymen!" yes, first! he has our first and most fervent love. undoubtedly there were brave and wise and good men before his day, in every colony. but the american nation, as a nation, i do not reckon to have begun before , and the first love of that young america was washington. the first word she lisped was his name. her earliest breath spoke it. it still is her proud ejaculation; and it will be the last gasp of her expiring life! yes; others of our great men have been appreciated--many admired by all--but him we love; him we all love. about and around him we call up no dissentient, discordant, and dissatisfied elements--no sectional prejudice nor bias--no party, no creed, no dogma of politics. none of these shall assail him. yes; when the storm of battle blows darkest and rages highest, the memory of washington shall nerve every american arm and cheer every american heart. it shall relume that promethean fire, that sublime flame of patriotism, that devoted love of country, which his words have commended, which his example has consecrated. * * * * * washington's birthday by george howland welcome, thou festal morn! never be passed in scorn thy rising sun, thou day forever bright with freedom's holy light, that gave the world the sight of washington. unshaken 'mid the storm, behold that noble form-- that peerless one-- with his protecting hand, like freedom's angel stand the guardian of our land, our washington. then with each coming year, whenever shall appear that natal sun, will we attest the worth, of one true man to earth, and celebrate the birth of washington. traced there in lines of light, where all pure rays unite, obscured by none; brightest on history's page, of any clime or age, as chieftain, man, and sage, stands washington. name at which tyrants pale, and their proud legions quail, their boasting done; while freedom lifts her head, no longer filled with dread, her sons to victory led by washington. now the true patriot see, the foremost of the free, the victory won. in freedom's presence bow, while sweetly smiling now, she wreaths the smiling brow of washington. then with each coming year, whenever shall appear that natal sun, shall we attest the worth of one true man to earth, and celebrate the birth of washington. * * * * * washington and our schools and colleges by charles w. eliot the brief phrase--the schools and colleges of the united states--is a formal and familiar one; but what imagination can grasp the infinitude of human affections, powers, and wills which it really comprises? but let us forget the outward things called schools and colleges, and summon up the human beings. imagine the eight million children actually in attendance at the elementary schools of the country brought before your view. each unit in this mass speaks of a glad birth, a brightened home, a mother's pondering heart, a father's careful joy. in all that multitude, every little heart bounds and every eye shines at the name of washington. the two hundred and fifty thousand boys and girls in the secondary schools are getting a fuller view of this incomparable character than the younger children can reach. they are old enough to understand his civil as well as his military achievements. they learn of his great part in that immortal federal convention of , of his inestimable services in organizing and conducting through two presidential terms the new government,--services of which he alone was capable,--and of his firm resistance to misguided popular clamor. they see him ultimately victorious in war and successful in peace, but only through much adversity and many obstacles. next, picture to yourselves the sixty thousand students in colleges and universities--selected youth of keen intelligence, wide reading, and high ambition. they are able to compare washington with the greatest men of other times and countries, and to appreciate the unique quality of his renown. they can set him beside the heroes of romance and history--beside david, alexander, pericles, cæsar, saladin, charlemagne, gustavus adolphus, john hampden, william the silent, peter of russia, and frederick the great, only to find him a nobler human type than any one of them, more complete in his nature, more happy in his cause, and more fortunate in the issues of his career. they are taught to see in him a soldier whose sword wrought only mercy and justice for mankind; a statesman who steadied a remarkable generation of public men by his mental poise and exalted them by his singleness of heart; and a ruler whose exercise of power established for the time on earth a righteous government by all and for all. and what shall i say on behalf of the three hundred and sixty thousand teachers of the united states? none of them are rich or famous; most of them are poor, retiring, and unnoticed; but it is they who are building a perennial monument to washington. it is they who give him a million-tongued fame. they make him live again in the young hearts of successive generations, and fix his image there as the american ideal of a public servant. it is through the schools and colleges and the national literature that the heroes of any people win lasting renown; and it is through these same agencies that a nation is molded into the likeness of its heroes. the commemoration of any one great event in the life of washington and of the united states is well, but it is nothing compared with the incessant memorial of him which the schools and colleges of the country maintain from generation to generation. what a reward is washington's! what an influence is his and will be! one mind and will transfused by sympathetic instruction into millions; one life pattern for all public men, teaching what greatness is and what the pathway to undying fame! * * * * * crown our washington by hezekiah butterworth arise! 'tis the day of our washington's glory; the garlands uplift for our liberties won. oh sing in your gladness his echoing story, whose sword swept for freedom the fields of the sun! not with gold, nor with gems, but with evergreens vernal, and the banners of stars that the continent span, crown, crown we the chief of the heroes eternal, who lifted his sword for the birthright of man! he gave us a nation to make it immortal; he laid down for freedom the sword that he drew, and his faith leads us on through the uplifting portal of the glories of peace and our destinies new. not with gold, nor with gems, but with evergreens vernal, and the flags that the nations of liberty span, crown, crown him the chief of the heroes eternal, who laid down his sword for the birthright of man! lead, face of the future, serene in thy beauty, till o'er the dead heroes the peace star shall gleam, till right shall be might in the counsels of duty, and the service of man be life's glory supreme. not with gold, nor with gems, but with evergreens vernal, and the flags that the nations in brotherhood span, crown, crown we the chief of the heroes eternal, whose honor was gained by his service to man! o spirit of liberty, sweet are thy numbers! the winds to thy banners their tribute shall bring while rolls the potomac where washington slumbers, and his natal day comes with the angels of spring. we follow thy counsels, o hero eternal! to highest achievement thy school leads the van, and, crowning thy brow with the evergreen vernal, we pledge thee our all to the service of man! * * * * * washington-month[ ] by will carleton february--february-- how your moods and actions vary or to seek or shun! now a smile of sunlight lifting, now in chilly snowflakes drifting; now with icy shuttles creeping silver webs are spun. now, with leaden torrents leaping, oceanward you run, now with bells you blithely sing, 'neath the stars or sun; now a blade of burdock bring to the suffering one; february--you are very dear, when all is done: many blessings rest above you, you one day (and so we love you) gave us washington. footnotes: [ ] _by permission of the author_. ii early years a glimpse of washington's birthplace by grace b. johnson from _the christian endeavor world_ seldom visited and almost unknown is the wakefield farm in virginia, the birthplace of our first president. recent attempts have been made to popularize the place, but there is little to attract the ordinary traveler; and its distance from a city makes excursions impracticable. lying on the potomac river, about seventy miles below the city of washington, one edge of the estate reaches down a steep, wooded bank to dip into the water, while, stretching back, it rambles on in grassy meadows and old stubble-fields to the corn-lands and orchards of the adjoining plantations. skirting the land on one side is pope's creek, formerly bridges' creek, which in washington's time was used as the main approach to the estate. on this side there is an easy, undulating slope; but this entrance has been abandoned. only at high tide can small boats enter the creek, and another way had to be adopted. an iron pier nearly two miles away has been built, and is the landing-place for large and small craft. all is quiet here now. there is only the rustle of the leaves, the drowsy hum of insects, and the interrupted discourse of the preacher-bird in the clump of trees near which stood the first home of washington, to break the stillness on a summer day. no one lives here. indeed, no one has lived here since the fire which destroyed the house and negro cabins, in washington's boyhood. but here the baby life was spent, in the homestead founded by his great-grandfather, john washington, who came from england in . only a heap of broken bits grown over with catnip showed the place of the great brick chimney the first time i visited the farm; and the second time these, too, were gone. now a plain, graceful shaft, bearing the simple inscription, "washington's birthplace," and below, "erected by the united states, a.d. ," marks the place. from the monument through the trees, can be seen the gleaming river, rippling its way silently to the bay, and over all rests the same brooding sense of peace and quietness which one feels at mt. vernon or at arlington, the city of our nation's dead. * * * * * something of george washington's boyhood anonymous from _the evangelist_ george washington was born at a time when savagery had just departed from the country, leaving freshness and vigor behind. the indian had scarcely left the woods, and the pirate the shore near his home. his grandfather had seen his neighbor lying tomahawked at his door-sill, and his father had helped to chase beyond the mountains the whooping savages that carried the scalps of his friends at their girdle. the year his brother was born, john maynard's ship had sailed up the james river with the bloody head of blackbeard hanging to the bowsprit. he had only one uncle, a brother lawrence, and a cousin augustine, all older than he, but the youngest of his older brothers was twelve years of age when george was born, while his cousin augustine was only four years older, and his cousin lawrence six years older than himself. when he was seven years old his sister betty was a little lass of six. two brothers, samuel and john, were nearing their fourth and fifth birthdays. charles, his baby brother, was still in his nurse's arms. early the shadow of death crossed his boyish path, for his baby sister, mildred, born soon after he was seven, died before he was nine. the first playmate washington had, out of his own immediate family, was another lawrence washington, a very distant cousin, who lived at chotauk on the potomac, and who, with his brother, robert washington, early won washington's regard, and kept it through life. when washington made his will he remembered them, writing, "to the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, lawrence washington and robert washington, i give my other two gold-headed canes having my arms engraved on them." it was at chotauk, with lal and bob washington, that george washington first met with traffic between the old world and the new. there was no money used except tobacco notes, which passed among merchants in london and amsterdam as cash. foreign ships brought across the ocean goods that the virginians needed, and the captains sold the goods for these tobacco notes. much of washington's time was spent with these boys, and when he grew old he recalled the young eyes of the chotauk lads, as they, with him, had stood on the river-bank vainly trying to see clearly some object beyond vision, and in memory of the time he wrote in his will, "to each i leave one of my spy-glasses which constituted part of my equipage during the late war." of washington's first school there is no record or tradition other than that gathered by parson weems. he says: "the first place of education to which george was ever sent was a little old field school kept by one of his father's tenants, named hobby, an honest, poor old man, who acted in the double capacity of sexton and schoolmaster. of his skill as a gravedigger tradition is silent; but for a teacher of youth his qualifications were certainly of the humbler sort, making what is generally called an a, b, c schoolmaster. while at school under mr. hobby he used to divide his playmates into parties and armies. one of them was called the french and the other american. a big boy named william bustle commanded the former; george commanded the latter, and every day with cornstalks for muskets and calabashes [gourds] for drums, the two armies would turn out and march and fight." * * * * * washington's training by charles wentworth upham among the mountain passes of the blue ridge and the alleghanies, a youth is seen employed in the manly and invigorating occupation of a surveyor, and awakening the admiration of the backwoodsmen and savage chieftains by the strength and endurance of his frame and the resolution and energy of his character. in his stature and conformation he is a noble specimen of a man. in the various exercises of muscular power, on foot, or in the saddle, he excels all competitors. his admirable physical traits are in perfect accordance with the properties of his mind and heart; and over all, crowning all, is a beautiful, and, in one so strong, a strange dignity of manner, and of mien--a calm seriousness, a sublime self-control, which at once compels the veneration, attracts the confidence, and secures the favor of all who behold him. that youth is the leader whom heaven is preparing to conduct america through her approaching trial. as we see him voluntarily relinquishing the enjoyments, luxuries, and ease of the opulent refinement in which he was born and bred, and choosing the perils and hardships of the wilderness; as we follow him fording swollen streams, climbing rugged mountains, breasting the forest storms, wading through snowdrifts, sleeping in the open air, living upon the coarse food of hunters and of indians, we trace with devout admiration the divinely appointed education he was receiving to enable him to meet and endure the fatigues, exposures, and privations of the war of independence. soon he was called to a more public sphere of action; and we again, follow him in his romantic adventures as he travels the far-off wilderness, a special messenger to the french commander on the ohio, and afterwards, when he led forth the troops of virginia in the same direction, or accompanied the ill-starred braddock to the blood-stained banks of the monongahela. everywhere we see the hand of god conducting him into danger, that he might extract from it the wisdom of an experience not otherwise to be obtained, and develop those heroic qualities by which alone danger and difficulty can be surmounted; but all the while covering him with a shield. when we think of him, at midnight and in midwinter, thrown from a frail raft into the deep and angry waters of a wide and rushing western river, thus separated from his only companion through the wilderness with no aid for miles and leagues about him, buffeting the rapid current and struggling through driving cakes of ice; when we behold the stealthy savage, whose aim against all other marks is unerring, pointing his rifle deliberately at him, and firing over and over again; when we see him riding through showers of bullets on braddock's fatal field, and reflect that never, during his whole life, was he ever wounded, or even touched by a hostile force--do we not feel that he was guarded by an unseen hand, warding off every danger? no peril by flood or field was permitted to extinguish a life consecrated to the hopes of humanity and to the purposes of heaven. for more than sixteen years he rested from his warfare, amid the shades of mount vernon; ripening his mind by reading and reflection, increasing his knowledge of practical affairs, entering into the whole experience of a citizen at home and on his farm, and as a delegate to the colonial assembly. when, at last, the war broke out, and the unanimous voice of the continental congress invested him, as the exigency required, with almost unbounded authority, as their commander-in-chief, he blended, although still in the prime of his life, in the mature bloom of his manhood, the attributes of a sage with those of a hero. a more perfectly fitted and furnished character has never appeared on the theater of human action than when, reining up his war-horse beneath the majestic and venerable elm, still standing at the entrance of the watertown road to cambridge, george washington unsheathed his sword and assumed the command of the gathered armies of american liberty. * * * * * washington as he looked from _the christian endeavor world_ according to captain mercer, the following describes washington when he took his seat in the house of burgesses in : he is as straight as an indian, measuring six feet two inches in his stockings, and weighing one hundred and seventy-five pounds. his head is well shaped, though not large, and is gracefully poised on a superb neck, with a large, and straight rather than prominent nose; blue-gray penetrating eyes, which are widely separated and overhung by heavy brows. a pleasing, benevolent, though commanding countenance, dark-brown hair, features regular and placid, with all the muscles under control, with a large mouth, generally firmly closed. houdon's bust accords with this description. iii the general washington is appointed commander-in-chief[ ] by sydney george fisher on the th of june, the day before the battle of bunker hill, the congress, having accepted massachusetts' gift of the army before boston, gave the command of it to colonel george washington, of virginia, and made him a general and commander-in-chief of all the forces of the patriot cause. hancock, it is said, had ambitions in that direction, and was somewhat disappointed at the choice. but the fitness of washington for the office was generally admitted as soon as john adams urged his appointment. he would conciliate the moderate patriots, for he had clung to the old arguments as long as possible, and refrained from forcing events. if substantial independence of parliament and the ministry could be secured, he was willing to allow the king a vague or imaginary headship until in the course of years that excrescence should slough away. many were inclined to think that a new england general should command the new england army that was gathered before boston; but they were obliged to admit that the appointment of a general from virginia, the most populous and prosperous of the colonies, would tend to draw the southern interest to the patriot cause. washington was forty-three years old, which was the right age for entering upon the supreme command in what might be a long war. he had distinguished himself by helping to rescue braddock's defeated army in , and he had taken a more or less prominent part in the subsequent campaigns which ended in driving the french out of canada. this military education and experience seemed slight, and not equal to that of the british officers who would be opposed to him. but it was american experience, no colonist was any better equipped, and he was of a larger intelligence than putnam, ward, and other americans who had served in the french war. his strong character and personality had impressed themselves upon his fellow-delegates in the congress. it was this impressive personality which made his career and brought to him grave responsibility without effort on his part to seek office or position. when he was only twenty-one the governor of virginia had sent him through the wilderness to interview the french commander near lake erie, a mission which required the hardihood of the hunter and some of the shrewd intelligence of the diplomat. but much to the surprise of travelers and visitors, washington never appeared to be a brilliant man. he was always a trifle reserved, and this habit grew on him with years. his methods of work were homely and painstaking, reminding us somewhat of lincoln; and the laborious carefulness of his military plans seemed to european critics to imply a lack of genius. but it was difficult to judge him by european standards, because the conditions of the warfare he conducted were totally unlike anything in europe. he never commanded a real army with well-organized departments and good equipment. his troops were usually barefooted, half-starved, and for several years incapable of performing the simplest parade manoeuvre. brilliant movements, except on a small scale, as at princeton, were rarely within his reach; and large complicated movements were impossible because he had not the equipment of officers and organization for handling large bodies of men spread out over a great extent of country. he was obliged to adopt the principle of concentration and avoid making detachments or isolated movements that could be cut off by the british. to some of his contemporaries it therefore seemed that his most striking ability lay in conciliating local habits and prejudices, harmonizing discordant opinions, and holding together an army which seemed to the british always on the eve of disbanding. he reasoned out, however, in his own way, the peculiar needs of every military position, and how he did this will appear more clearly as our narrative progresses. he often spoke of his own lack of military experience, as well as of the lack of it in the officers about him; and this seems to have led him to study every situation like a beginner, with exhaustive care, consulting with everybody, calling councils of war on every possible occasion, and reasoning out his plans with minute carefulness. this method, which his best friends sometimes ridiculed, was in striking contrast to the method of one of his own officers, general greene, and also to the method of grant in the civil war. both greene and grant dispensed altogether with laborious consultations and councils of war. but the laborious method was well suited to washington, whose mind was never satisfied unless it could strike a balance among a great mass of arguments and details which must be obtained from others, and not through his own imagination. he liked to reserve his decision until the last moment, and this trait was sometimes mistaken for weakness. his preparedness and devotion to details remind us of napoleon. his cautious, balancing, weighing habit, developed by lifelong practice, runs through all his letters and every act of his life, appearing in some of the great events of his career as a superb and masterful equipoise. it became very impressive even to those who ridiculed it; it could inspire confidence through years of disaster and defeat; and it enabled him to grasp the general strategy of the war so thoroughly that no military critic has ever detected him in a mistake. as a soldier he fought against distinguished british officers four pitched battles--long island, brandywine, germantown, and monmouth; in the first three of which he was defeated, and the last was a draw. he conducted two sieges--boston and yorktown--in both of which he was successful; and he destroyed two outposts--trenton and princeton--in a manner generally regarded as so brilliant and effective that he saved the patriot cause from its first period of depression. his characteristics as a soldier were farseeing judgment and circumspection, a certain long-headedness, as it might be called, and astonishing ability to recover from and ignore a defeat. in his pitched battles, like long island and brandywine, he knew that defeat was probable, and he prepared for it.[ ] he was compelled to act so much on the defensive, and the british methods were so slow, that his activities in the field were not numerous when we consider that he was in command for seven years. the greater part of his time and energy was employed in building up the cause by mild, balanced, but wonderfully effective arguments; reconciling animosities by tactful precautions; and by the confidence his personality inspired preventing the army from disbanding. a large part of this labor was put forth in writing letters of wonderful beauty and perfection in the literary art, when we consider the end they were to accomplish. complete editions of his writings of this sort usually fill a dozen or more large volumes; and there have been few if any great generals of the world who have accomplished so much by writing, or who have been such consummate masters of language. sufficient care has not always been taken to distinguish between the different periods of his life. he aged rapidly at the close of the revolution; his reserved manner and a certain "asperity of temper," as hamilton called it, greatly increased; and some years afterwards, when president, he had become a very silent and stiffly formal man, far different from the young soldier who, in the prime of life, drew his sword beneath the old elm at cambridge to take command of the patriot army. the virginians of his time appear to have had occupations and social intercourse which educated them in a way we are unable to imitate. washington in his prime was a social and convivial man, fond of cards, fine horses, and fox-hunting. although not usually credited with book learning, his letters and conduct in the revolution show that he was quite familiar with the politics of foreign countries and the general information of his time. we have not yet learned to appreciate the full force of his intellect and culture. footnotes: [ ] from "the struggle for american independence," by sydney george fisher. copyright by j.b. lippincott & co., philadelphia. [ ] limiting by his foresight the extent of his loss, guarding by his disposition security of retreat, and repairing with celerity the injury sustained, his relative condition was often ameliorated, although victory adorned the brow of his adversary.--lee, _memoirs_, vol. i, p. . * * * * * washington at trenton[ ] _the battle monument, october , _ by richard watson gilder since ancient time began ever on some great soul god laid an infinite burden-- the weight of all this world, the hopes of man. conflict and pain, and fame immortal are his guerdon! and this the unfaltering token of him, the deliverer--what though tempests beat, though all else fail, though bravest ranks be broken, he stands unscared, alone, nor ever knows defeat such was that man of men; and if are praised all virtues, every fame most noble, highest, purest--then, ah! then, upleaps in every heart the name none needs to name. ye who defeated, 'whelmed, betray the sacred cause, let go the trust; sleep, weary, while the vessel drifts unhelmed; here see in triumph rise the hero from the dust! all ye who fight forlorn 'gainst fate and failure; ye who proudly cope with evil high enthroned; all ye who scorn life from dishonor's hand, here take new heart of hope. here know how victory borrows for the brave soul a front as of disaster, and in the bannered east what glorious morrows for all the blackness of the night speed surer, faster. know by this pillared sign for what brief while the powers of earth and hell can war against the spirit of truth divine, or can against the heroic heart of man prevail. footnotes: [ ] _by permission of the publishers, houghton, mifflin & co._ * * * * * george washington from "_washington and the generals of the revolution_" it is a truth, illustrated in daily experience, and yet rarely noted or acted upon, that, in all that concerns the appreciation of personal character or ability, the instinctive impressions of a community are quicker in their action, more profoundly appreciant, and more reliable, than the intellectual perceptions of the ablest men in the community. upon all those subjects that are of moral apprehension, society seems to possess an intelligence of its own, infinitely sensitive in its delicacy, and almost conclusive in the certainty of its determinations; indirect, and unconscious in its operation, yet unshunnable in sagacity, and as strong and confident as nature itself. the highest and finest qualities of human judgment seem to be in commission among the nation, or the race. it is by such a process, that whenever a true hero appears among mankind, the recognition of his character, by the general sense of humanity, is instant and certain: the belief of the chief priests and rulers of mind, follows later, or comes not at all. the perceptions of a public are as subtly-sighted, as its passions are blind. it sees, and feels, and knows the excellence, which it can neither understand, nor explain, nor vindicate. these involuntary opinions of people at large explain themselves, and are vindicated by events, and form at last the constants of human understanding. a character of the first order of greatness, such as seems to pass out of the limits and course of ordinary life, often lies above the ken of intellectual judgment; but its merits and its infirmities never escape the sleepless perspicacity of the common sentiment, which no novelty of form can surprise, and no mixture of qualities can perplex. the mind--the logical faculty--comprehends a subject, when it can trace in it the same elements, or relations, which it is familiar with elsewhere: if it finds but a faint analogy of form or substance, its decision is embarrassed. but this other instinct seems to become subtler, and more rapid, and more absolute in conviction, at the line where reason begins to falter. take the case of shakespeare. his surpassing greatness was never acknowledged by the learned until the nation had ascertained and settled it as a foregone and questionless conclusion. even now, to the most sagacious mind of this time, the real ground and evidence of its own assurance of shakespeare's supremacy, is the universal, deep, immovable conviction of it in the public feeling. there have been many acute essays upon his minor characteristics; but intellectual criticism has never grappled with shakespearian art, in its entireness and grandeur, and probably it never will. we know not now wherein his greatness consists. we cannot demonstrate it. there is less indistinctness in the merit of less eminent authors. those things which are not doubts to our consciousness, are yet mysteries to our mind. and if this is true of literary art, which is so much within the sphere of reflection, it may be expected to find more striking illustration in great practical and public moral characters. these considerations occur naturally to the mind in contemplating the fame of washington. an attentive examination of the whole subject, and of all that can contribute to the formation of a sound opinion, results in the belief that general washington's _mental_ abilities illustrate the very highest type of greatness. his _mind_, probably, was one of the very greatest that was ever given to mortality. yet it is impossible to establish that position by a direct analysis of his character, or conduct, or productions. when we look at the incidents or the results of that great career--when we contemplate the qualities by which it is marked from its beginning to its end--the foresight which never was surprised, the judgment which nothing could deceive, the wisdom whose resources were incapable of exhaustion--combined with a spirit as resolute in its official duties as it was moderate in its private pretensions, as indomitable in its public temper as it was gentle in its personal tone--we are left in wonder and reverence. but when we would enter into the recesses of that mind--when we would discriminate upon its construction, and reason upon its operations--when we would tell how it was composed, and why it excelled--we are entirely at fault. the processes of washington's understanding are entirely hidden from us. what came from it, in counsel or in action, was the life and glory of his country; what went on within it, is shrouded in impenetrable concealment. such elevation in degree, of wisdom, amounts almost to a change of kind, in nature, and detaches his intelligence from the sympathy of ours. we cannot see him as he was, because we are not like him. the tones of the mighty bell were heard with the certainty of time itself, and with a force that vibrates still upon the air of life, and will vibrate forever. but the clock-work, by which they were regulated and given forth, we can neither see nor understand. in fact, his intellectual abilities did not exist in an analytical and separated form; but in a combined and concrete state. they "moved altogether when they moved at all." they were in no degree speculative, but only practical. they could not act at all in the region of imagination, but only upon the field of reality. the sympathies of his intelligence dwelt exclusively in the national being and action. its interests and energies were absorbed in them. he was nothing out of that sphere, because he was everything there. the extent to which he was identified with the country is unexampled in the relations of individual men to the community. during the whole period of his life he was the thinking part of the nation. he was its mind; it was his image and illustration. if we would classify and measure him, it must be with nations, and not with individuals. this extraordinary nature of washington's capacities--this impossibility of analyzing and understanding the elements and methods of his wisdom--have led some persons to doubt whether, intellectually, he was of great superiority; but the public--the community--never doubted of the transcendant eminence of washington's abilities. from the first moment of his appearance as the chief, the recognition of him, from one end of the country to the other, as the man--the leader, the counselor, the infallible in suggestion and in conduct--was immediate and universal. from that moment to the close of the scene, the national confidence in his capacity was as spontaneous, as enthusiastic, as immovable, as it was in his integrity. particular persons, affected by the untoward course of events, sometimes questioned his sufficiency; but the nation never questioned it, nor would allow it to be questioned. neither misfortune, nor disappointment, nor accidents, nor delay, nor the protracted gloom of years, could avail to disturb the public trust in him. it was apart from circumstances; it was beside the action of caprice; it was beyond all visionary, and above all changeable feelings. it was founded on nothing extraneous; not upon what he had said or done, but upon what he was. they saw something in the man, which gave them assurance of a nature and destiny of the highest elevation--something inexplicable, but which inspired a complete satisfaction. we feel that this reliance was wise and right; but why it was felt, or why it was right, we are as much to seek as those who came under the direct impression of his personal presence. it is not surprising, that the world recognizing in this man a nature and a greatness which philosophy cannot explain, should revere him almost to religion. the distance and magnitude of those objects which are too far above us to be estimated directly--such as stars--are determined by their parallax. by some process of that kind we may form an approximate notion of washington's greatness. we may measure him against the great events in which he moved; and against the great men, among whom, and above whom, his figure stood like a tower. it is agreed that the war of american independence is one of the most exalted, and honorable, and difficult achievements related in history. its force was contributed by many; but its grandeur was derived from washington. his character and wisdom gave unity, and dignity, and effect to the irregular, and often divergent enthusiasm of others. his energy combined the parts; his intelligence guided the whole: his perseverance, and fortitude, and resolution, were the inspiration and support of all. in looking back over that period, his presence seems to fill the whole scene; his influence predominates throughout; his character is reflected from everything. perhaps nothing less than his immense weight of mind could have kept the national system, at home, in that position which it held, immovably, for seven years; perhaps nothing but the august respectability which his demeanor threw around the american cause abroad, would have induced a foreign nation to enter into an equal alliance with us upon terms that contributed in a most important degree to our final success, or would have caused great britain to feel that no great indignity was suffered in admitting the claim to national existence of a people who had such a representative as washington. what but the most eminent qualities of mind and feeling--discretion superhuman--readiness of invention, and dexterity of means, equal to the most desperate affairs--endurance, self-control, regulated ardor, restrained passion, caution mingled with boldness, and all the contrarieties of moral excellence--could have expanded the life of an individual into a career such as this? if we compare him with the great men who were his contemporaries throughout the nation; in an age of extraordinary personages, washington was unquestionably the first man of the time in ability. review the correspondence of general washington--that sublime monument of intelligence and integrity--scrutinize the public history and the public men of that era, and you will find that in all the wisdom that was accomplished or was attempted, washington was before every man in his suggestions of the plan, and beyond every one in the extent to which he contributed to its adoption. in the field, all the able generals acknowledged his superiority, and looked up to him with loyalty, reliance, and reverence; the others, who doubted his ability, or conspired against his sovereignty, illustrated, in their own conduct, their incapacity to be either his judges or his rivals. in the state, adams, jay, rutledge, pinckney, morris--these are great names; but there is not one whose wisdom does not vail to his. his superiority was felt by all these persons, and was felt by washington himself, as a simple matter of fact, as little a subject of question, or a cause of vanity, as the eminence of his personal stature. his appointment as commander-in-chief was the result of no design on his part; and of no efforts on the part of his friends; it seemed to take place spontaneously. he moved into the position, because there was a vacuum which no other could supply: in it, he was not sustained by government, by a party, or by connections; he sustained himself; and then he sustained everything else. he sustained congress against the army, and the army against the injustice of congress. the brightest mind among his contemporaries was hamilton's; a character which cannot be contemplated without frequent admiration, and constant affection. his talents took the form of genius, which washington's did not. but active, various, and brilliant, as the faculties of hamilton were, whether viewed in the precocity of youth, or in the all-accomplished elegance of maturer life--lightning-quick as his intelligence was to see through every subject that came before it, and vigorous as it was in constructing the argumentation by which other minds were to be led, as upon a shapely bridge, over the obscure depths across which his had flashed in a moment--fertile and sound in schemes, ready in action, splendid in display, as he was--nothing is more obvious and certain than that when mr. hamilton approached washington, he came into the presence of one who surpassed him in the extent, in the comprehension, the elevation, the sagacity, the force, and the ponderousness of his mind, as much as he did in the majesty of his aspect and the grandeur of his step. the genius of hamilton was a flower, which gratifies, surprises, and enchants; the intelligence of washington was a stately tree, which in the rarity and true dignity of its beauty is as superior as it is in its dimensions. * * * * * valley forge by henry armitt brown _from centennial address delivered at valley forge, june , _ the century that has gone by has changed the face of nature, and wrought a revolution in the habits of mankind. we to-day behold the dawn of an extraordinary age. man has advanced with such astounding speed, that, breathless, we have reached a moment when it seems as if distance had been annihilated, time made as nought, the invisible seen, the intangible felt, and the impossible accomplished. already we knock at the door of a new century, which promises to be infinitely brighter and more enlightened and happier than this. we know that we are more fortunate than our fathers. we believe that our children shall be happier than we. we know that this century is more enlightened than the past. we believe that the time to come will be better and more glorious than this. we think, we believe, we hope, but we do not know. across that threshold we may not pass; behind that veil we may not penetrate. it may be vouchsafed us to behold it, wonderingly, from afar, but never to enter in. it matters not. the age in which we live is but a link in the endless and eternal chain. our lives are like sands upon the shore; our voices, like the breath of this summer breeze that stirs the leaf for a moment, and is forgotten. the last survivor of this mighty multitude shall stay but a little while. the endless generations are advancing to take our places as we fall. for them, as for us, shall the years march by in the sublime procession of the ages. and here, in this place of sacrifice, in this vale of humiliation, in this valley of the shadow of death, out of which the life of america rose regenerate and free, let us believe, with an abiding faith, that to them union will seem as dear, and liberty as sweet, and progress as glorious, as they were to our fathers and are to you and me, and that the institutions which have made us happy, preserved by the virtue of our children, shall bless the remotest generation of the time to come. and unto him who holds in the hollow of his hand the fate of nations, and yet marks the sparrow's fall, let us lift up our hearts this day, and unto his eternal care commend ourselves, our children, and our country. * * * * * washington at valley forge by canon r.g. sutherland with his lean, ragged levies, undismayed, he crouched among the vigilant hills; a show to the disdainful, heaven-blinded foe. unlauded, unsupported, disobeyed, thwarted, maligned, conspired against, betrayed-- yet nothing could unheart him. wouldst thou know his secret? there, in that thicket on the snow, washington knelt before his god, and prayed. close in their lair for perilous months and days he held in leash his wolves, grim, shelterless, gaunt, hunger-bitten, stanch to the uttermost; then, when the hour was come for hardiness rallied, and rushed them on the reeling host; and monmouth planted yorktown's happy bays! * * * * * a frenchman's estimate of washington in by claude c. robin from _magazine of american history_. _the following extract from a letter written by abbé robin, chaplain in the french army in america, and bearing date "camp of phillipsburg, august , ," a few weeks after his arrival in this country, is very suggestive. this letter was the first of a series of thirteen letters from the abbé while in america, which were published in paris in . he writes_: i have seen general washington, that most singular man--the soul and support of one of the greatest revolutions that has ever happened, or can happen. i fixed my eyes upon him with that keen attention which the sight of a great man always inspires. we naturally entertain a secret hope of discovering in the features of such illustrious persons some traces of that genius which distinguishes them from, and elevates them above, their fellow mortals. perhaps the exterior of no man was better calculated to gratify these expectations than that of general washington. he is of a tall and noble stature, well proportioned, a fine, cheerful, open countenance, a simple and modest carriage; and his whole mien has something in it that interests the french, the americans, and even enemies themselves, in his favor. placed in a military view, at the head of a nation where each individual has a share in the supreme legislative authority, and where coercive laws are yet in a degree destitute of vigor, where the climate and manners can add but little to their energy, where the spirit of party, private interest, slowness and national indolence, slacken, suspend, and overthrow the best concerted measures; although so situated he has found out a method of keeping his troops in the most absolute subordination; making them rivals in praising him; fearing him when he is silent, and retaining their full confidence in him after defeats and disgrace. his reputation has, at length, arisen to a most brilliant height; and he may now grasp at the most unbounded power, without provoking envy or exciting suspicion. he has ever shown himself superior to fortune, and in the most trying adversity has discovered resources until then unknown: and, as if his abilities only increased and dilated at the prospect of difficulty, he is never better supplied than when he seems destitute of everything, nor have his arms ever been so fatal to his enemies, as at the very instant when they thought they had crushed him forever. it is his to excite a spirit of heroism and enthusiasm in a people who are by nature very little susceptible of it; to gain over the respect and homage of those whose interest it is to refuse it, and to execute his plans and projects by means unknown even to those who are his instruments; he is intrepid in dangers, yet never seeks them but when the good of his country demands it, preferring rather to temporize and act upon the defensive, because he knows such a mode of conduct best suits the genius and circumstances of the nation, and all that he and they have to expect, depends upon time, fortitude, and patience; he is frugal and sober in regard to himself, but profuse in the public cause; like peter the great, he has by defeats conducted his army to victory; and like fabius, but with fewer resources and more difficulty, he has conquered without fighting, and saved his country. such are the ideas that arise in the mind at the sight of this great man, in examining the events in which he had a share, or in listening to those whose duty obliges them to be near his person, and consequently best display his character. in all these extensive states they consider him in the light of a beneficent god, dispensing peace and happiness around him. old men, women, and children press about him when he accidentally passes along, and think themselves happy, once in their lives, to have seen him--they follow him through the towns with torches, and celebrate his arrival by public illuminations. the americans, that cool and sedate people, who in the midst of their most trying difficulties, have attended only to the directions and impulses of plain method and common sense, are roused, animated, and inflamed at the very mention of his name: and the first songs that sentiment or gratitude has dictated, have been to celebrate general washington. iv the president washington and the constitution by john m. harlan it is the concurring judgment of political thinkers, that no event in all the history of the anglo-saxon race has been more far-reaching in its consequences than the organization of the present government of the united states. and it is in every sense appropriate to connect the name of washington with the constitution which brought that government into existence. it is appropriate because his splendid leadership of the revolutionary armies made it possible to establish upon this continent a government resting upon the consent of the governed, yet strong enough to maintain its existence and authority whenever assailed. but it is especially appropriate for the reason that he was among the first of the great men of the revolutionary period to discern the inherent defects in the articles of confederation; and but for his efforts to bring about a more perfect union of the people, the existing constitution, it is believed, would not have been accepted by the requisite number of states. he was indeed the pioneer of the union established by that constitution. of the accuracy of these statements there is abundant evidence. we are only in the spring-time of our national life, and yet we have realized all that washington could possibly have anticipated from the creation of the present government. what more could be desired in a system of government than is secured in the existing organizations of the general and state governments with their respective powers so admirably adjusted and distributed as to draw from gladstone the remark that the american constitution was "the most wonderful work ever struck off at one time by the brain and purpose of man"? despite the fears of many patriotic statesmen at the time of the adoption of the constitution, that that instrument would destroy the liberties of the people, every genuine american rejoices in the fullness of a grateful heart that we have a government under which the humblest person in our midst has a feeling of safety and repose not vouchsafed to the citizen or subject of any other country; with powers ample for the protection of the life of the nation and adequate for all purposes of a general nature, yet so restricted by the law of its creation in the exercise of its powers, that it cannot rightfully encroach upon those reserved to the states or to the people. i will not allude to or discuss particular theories of constitutional construction, but i may say, and i am glad that it can be truthfully said, that the mass of the people concur in holding that only by maintaining the just powers of both the national and state governments can we preserve in their integrity the fundamental principles of american liberty. * * * * * washington's administration[ ]-- - by edward s. ellis washington's patriotism.--washington would have preferred to spend the remainder of his life in his tranquil home at mount vernon, but his patriotism would not allow him to disregard the call of his country. he had so little money at the time, that his home was threatened by the sheriff, and he had to borrow funds with which to pay his most pressing debts. washington's inauguration.--the president-elect left mount vernon on april , and the entire journey to new york was a continual ovation. he received honors at almost every step of the way, and was welcomed to the nation's capital by the joyous thousands who felt that no reward could be too great for the illustrious patriot that had enshrined himself forever in the hearts of his loving countrymen. the inauguration ceremonies took place april , in federal hall, on the present site of the sub-treasury building. chancellor robert r. livingston of new york administered the oath, in a balcony of the senate chamber, in full view of the vast concourse on the outside, who cheered the great man to the echo. other ceremonies followed, washington showing deep emotion at the manifestation of love and loyalty on the part of all. the first constitutional congress.--the first session of the first constitutional congress was chiefly occupied in setting the government machinery in motion. the following nominations for the first cabinet were made by washington, and confirmed by the senate: thomas jefferson, secretary of foreign affairs, afterward known as secretary of state; alexander hamilton, secretary of the treasury; henry knox, secretary of war; and edmund randolph, attorney-general. john jay was appointed chief justice of the supreme court, with john rutledge, james wilson, william cushing, robert h. harrison, and john blair associates. (the senate refused to confirm the nomination of rutledge.) federalists and republicans.--the most urgent question was that of finance. hamilton handled it with great skill. the debt of the confederation and states was almost eighty million dollars. hamilton's plan, as submitted to congress, called for the payment by the united states of every dollar due to american citizens, and also the war debt of the country. there was strong opposition to the scheme, but it prevailed. the discussions in congress brought out the lines between the federalists and the republicans, or, as they were afterward called, democrats. the federalists favored the enlargement of the powers of the general government, while the republicans insisted upon holding the government to the exact letter of the constitution, and giving to the individual states all rights not expressly prohibited by the constitution. the seat of government.--north carolina did not adopt the constitution until november , . little rhode island sulked until massachusetts and connecticut proposed to parcel her between them, when she came to terms and adopted the constitution, may , . it was decided to transfer the seat of government to philadelphia until , when it was to be permanently fixed upon the eastern bank of the potomac. the third session of the first congress, therefore, was held in philadelphia, on the first monday in december, . through the efforts of hamilton, the united states bank and a national mint were established in that city, and did much to advance the prosperity of the country. a protective tariff.--in , hamilton made a memorable report to congress. in it he favored a protective tariff, recommending that the materials from which goods are manufactured should not be taxed, and advising that articles which competed with those made in this country should be prohibited. these and other important features were embodied in a bill, which was passed february , . trouble with the indians.--trouble occurred with the indians in the northwestern territory and in the south. georgia was dissatisfied with the treaty, by which a considerable part of the state was relinquished to the indians. the difficulty in the northwest was much more serious. general harmar was sent to punish the red men for their many outrages, but was twice defeated. then general st. clair took his place. before he set out, washington impressively warned him against being surprised, but he, too, was beaten, and his army routed with great slaughter. "mad anthony" wayne now took up the task, with nearly three thousand men, and completed it thoroughly. at fallen timbers, august , , he met the combined tribes and delivered a crushing defeat, from which the indians did not recover for years. one year later, eleven hundred chiefs and warriors met the united states commissioners at fort greenville and signed a treaty of peace, relinquishing at the same time a vast tract of land lying in the present states of indiana and michigan. the whiskey rebellion.--among the important laws passed by congress was one imposing a duty on distilled spirits. this roused great opposition in western pennsylvania, where whiskey was the principal article of manufacture and trade. the revolt there assumed such formidable proportions that it became known as the "whiskey rebellion," and the president was compelled to call out the militia, fifteen thousand strong, to suppress it. washington's second term.--washington did not desire a second term, but his countrymen would not permit him to decline. he again received all the electoral votes cast, while the next highest number went to john adams. strong party spirit was shown, hamilton being the leader of the federalists, and jefferson the foremost republican. "citizen genet."--during washington's administrations, france was plunged into the bloodiest revolution known in history. her representative in this country was edmond charles genet (zheh-na), better known as "citizen genet." landing at charleston, south carolina, in april, , he did not wait to present his credentials to the government, but began enlisting soldiers and fitting out privateers for the french service. many thoughtless citizens encouraged him, but the wise washington, finding that genet defied him, ended the business by compelling his country to recall him. jay's treaty.--there was much trouble also with great britain, but a treaty was finally arranged with her by our special envoy, john jay. one of its provisions guaranteed payment to british citizens of debts due them before the war. this caused much opposition, but the time came when it was admitted that jay's treaty was one of the best made by our government. footnotes: [ ] from "young people's history of our country." thomas r. shewell & co., . * * * * * washington by mary wingate o noble brow, so wise in thought! o heart, so true! o soul unbought! o eye, so keen to pierce the night and guide the "ship of state" aright! o life, so simple, grand and free, the humblest still may turn to thee. o king, uncrowned! o prince of men! when shall we see thy like again? the century, just passed away, has felt the impress of thy sway, while youthful hearts have stronger grown and made thy patriot zeal their own. in marble hall or lowly cot, thy name hath never been forgot. the world itself is richer, far, for the clear shining of a star. and loyal hearts in years to run shall turn to thee, o washington. * * * * * washington's inauguration[ ] by edward everett hale on the fourth of march, , elbridge gerry, who had been chosen to the senate of the united states, wrote thus from new york to john adams: my dear friend: i find, on inquiry, that you are elected vice-president, having three or four times the number of votes of any other candidate. maryland threw away their votes on colonel harrison, and south carolina on governor rutledge, being, with some other states which were not unanimous for you, apprehensive that this was a necessary step to prevent your election to the chair. on this point they were mistaken, for the president, as i am informed from pretty good authority, has a unanimous vote. it is the universal wish of all that i have conferred with, and indeed their expectation, that both general washington and yourself will accept; and should either refuse, it will have a very disagreeable effect. the members present met to-day in the city hall, there being about eleven senators and thirteen representatives, and not constituting a quorum in either house, they adjourned till to-morrow. mrs. gerry and the ladies join me in sincere regards to yourself, your lady, colonel and mrs. smith, and be assured i remain, etc. e. gerry. so slow was the movement of news in those days, and so doubtful, even after the election, were all men as to its results, adams would not start from braintree, his home, till he knew he was elected, nor washington from mt. vernon. charles thompson, the secretary of the old congress, arrived at mt. vernon on the fourteenth of april and communicated to washington the news of his election. no quorum of the house of representatives had been formed until the first of april, nor of the senate until the sixth. these bodies then counted the electoral vote, with the result predicted by gerry in his letter written two days before. washington waited a day before starting to the seat of government. on the sixteenth of april he started for new york. he writes in his diary: about ten o'clock i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life and to domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york in company with mr. thompson and colonel humphries, with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations. the journey began with a public dinner at alexandria. said the gentlemen of alexandria in their address to him: farewell!... go!... and make a grateful people happy, a people who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their interest. and washington in his reply said: at my age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or advantages could i propose to myself, for embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life? the journey went on with similar interruptions. the rule so often laid down by the virginians afterward that that is the best government which governs least, was certainly well kept until the thirteenth of april. to this hour the adventurous cyclist, stopping at some wayside inn to refresh himself, may find upon the wall the picture of the maidens and mothers of trenton in new jersey. here washington met a deputation sent to him by congress. a triumphal arch had been erected, and a row of young girls dressed in white, a second row of ladies, and a third of their mothers, awaited him. as he passed, the girls scattered flowers, and sang the verses which judge marshall has preserved: welcome, mighty chief, once more welcome to this grateful shore; now no mercenary foe aims again the fatal blow-- aims at thee the fatal blow. virgins fair and matrons grave, these thy conquering arm did save. build for thee triumphal bowers, strew, ye fair, his way with flowers-- strew your hero's way with flowers. his progress through new jersey was everywhere accompanied by similar festivities--"festive illuminations, the ringing of bells, and the booming of cannon." he had written to governor clinton, that he hoped he might enter new york without ceremony; but this was hardly to be expected. a committee of both houses met him at elizabethtown; he embarked in a splendid barge manned by thirteen pilots, masters of vessels, and commanded by commodore nicholson; other barges and boats fell in in the wake; and a nautical procession swept up the bay of new york. on board two vessels were parties of ladies and gentlemen, who sang odes as washington appeared. the ships in the harbor were dressed in colors and fired salutes as he passed. on landing at murray's wharf he was welcomed by governor clinton and general knox. it is of the landing at this point that the anecdote is told that an officer asked washington's orders, announcing himself as commanding his guard. washington, with his ready presence of mind, begged him to follow any directions he had already received in the arrangements, but said that for the future the affection of his fellow-citizens was all the guard that he required. at the end of the day, in his diary, the sad man says: the acclamations of the people filled my mind with sensations as painful as pleasing. it was some days before the formal inauguration. the two houses of congress did not know by what title they should address him, and a committee had been appointed to discuss this subject. it was finally agreed that the address should be simply, "to the president of the united states"--a form which has remained to the present day. the inauguration finally took place on the thirtieth of april. on the thirtieth at last all things were ready, and the inauguration went forward. the place was at what they then called federal hall, in new york, and chancellor livingstone administered the oath: i do solemnly swear that i will faithfully administer and execute the office of president of the united states, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states. a salute of thirteen guns followed, amid the cheers of thousands of people. washington then delivered his inaugural speech to both houses in the senate chamber. after this ceremony he walked to st. paul's church, where the bishop of new york read prayers. maclay, who was a senator in the first congress, says: he was agitated and embarrassed more than he ever was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. he trembled and several times could scarce make out to read his speech, though it must be supposed he had often read it before. fisher ames says: he addressed the two houses in the senate chamber. it was a very touching scene, and quite of a solemn kind. his aspect, grave almost to sadness, his modesty, actually shaking, his voice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for close attention. john adams had taken his place as president of the senate two days before. as he did not always in after life speak any too cordially of washington, it is worth noting that at this critical period he said that he congratulated the people of america on "the prospect of an executive authority in the hands of one whose portrait i shall not pretend to draw.... were i blessed with powers to do justice to his character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence, or affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. this can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues which have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. may i nevertheless be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents or consuls, kings or princes, where shall we find one whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor? who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and fellow-citizens with equal unanimity? qualities so uncommon are no common blessings to the country that possesses them. by these great qualities and their benign effects has providence marked out the head of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none." whether on this occasion, there were too much ceremony was a question discussed at the time, in connection with the heated discussion as to the etiquette of the new administration. there is a correspondence between washington and an old friend, stuart, of virginia, who had told him that the people of that state accused him of "regal manners." washington's reply, with his usual good sense, answers a good many questions which are bruited to-day. dr. albert shaw, in the _review of reviews_, once brought some of these questions forward. "how far is it right for the people of a free state to kill their magistrates by inches?" this is the question reduced to its simplest terms. it was generally understood, when the late governor greenhalge died in massachusetts, that his career, invaluable to the people of that state and of the country, had been cut off untimely by a certain etiquette, which obtains in massachusetts, that whenever there is a public dinner the governor of the state must be present and make a speech. with reference to a somewhat similar notion, washington says: before the present custom was established i was unable to attend to any business whatever. gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time i rose from breakfast, often before, until i sat down to dinner. to please everybody was impossible. i therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined public advantage with private convenience. in another place he says: had i not adopted the principle of returning no visits, i should have been unable to have attended to any sort of business. in contrast with the simple ceremonies at which a sensitive democracy took exception, we find now that a great nation considers no honors too profuse for the ceremonies which attend the inauguration of its chief magistrate. footnotes: [ ] reprinted from _the independent_. * * * * * washingtoniana _extracts from the contemporary newspapers and other accounts of the inauguration of our first president in _ from _the massachusetts sentinel_, may , : new york, may . yesterday the great and illustrious washington, the favorite son of liberty, and deliverer of his country, entered upon the execution of the office of first magistrate of the united states of america; to which important station he had been unanimously called by the united voice of the people. the ceremony which took place on this occasion was truly grand and pleasing, and every heart seemed anxious to testify the joy it felt on so memorable an event. his excellency was escorted from his house by a troop of light dragoons, and the legion, under the command of colonel lewis, attended by a committee of the senate and house of representatives, to federal hall, where he was formally received by both houses of congress, assembled in the senate chamber; after which he was conducted to the gallery in front of the hall, accompanied by all the members when the oath prescribed by the constitution was administered to him by the chancellor of this state, who then said-- "long live george washington, "president of the united states;" which was answered by an immense concourse of citizens, assembled on the occasion, by the loudest plaudit and acclamation that love and veneration ever inspired. his excellency then made a speech to both houses, and then proceeded, attended by congress, to st. paul's church, where divine service was performed by the right rev. samuel provost, after which his excellency was conducted in form to his own house. in the evening a most magnificent and brilliant display of fireworks was exhibited at the fort, under the direction of colonel beuman. the houses of the french and spanish ministers were illuminated in a superb and elegant manner; a number of beautiful transparent paintings were exhibited, which did infinite credit to the parties concerned in the design and execution. * * * * * april . we have had this day one of those impressive sights which dignify and adorn human nature. at nine o'clock all the churches were opened--and the people, in prodigious numbers, thronged these sacred temples--and, with one voice, put up their prayers to almighty god for the safety of the president. at twelve the procession moved to the federal state house, where in the gallery fronting broad street, in the presence of an immense concourse, his excellency took the oath, the book being placed on a velvet cushion. the chancellor then proclaimed him president--and in a moment the air trembled with the shouts of the citizens, and the roar of artillery. his excellency, with that greatness of soul--that dignity and calmness, which are his characteristics--then bowed to his "fellow-citizens"--who again huzzaed. * * * * * from "_history of the arts of design in america_," by william dunlap: major l'enfant was a native of france; he was employed to rebuild after a design of his own the old new york city hall in wall street, fronting broad street; making therefrom the federal hall of that day ( ). the new building was for the accommodation of congress; and in the balcony upon which the senate chamber opened, the first president of the united states was inaugurated. a ceremony which i witnessed, and which for its simplicity, the persons concerned in it, the effect produced upon my country and the world, in giving stability to the federal constitution, by calling washington to administer its blessings, remains on my mind unrivaled by any scene witnessed, through a long life, either in europe or america. * * * * * from dunlap's "_school history of new york_": in , i saw washington divested of the garb of war, place his hand on the bible, and swear to support that constitution under which i have since lived happily half a century. between the pillars of the old city hall, in wall street, as altered for the reception of the federal congress, in view of thousands who filled broad street as far as the eye could extend its view, and every avenue within sight of the building, the man of the people's choice was announced to them, as the first president of the united states of america. * * * * * abstract of account in _new york packet_: new york, may , . yesterday at two o'clock was solemnly inaugurated into office, our illustrious president. the ceremony was begun by the following procession from the federal house to the president's house, viz.: troop of horse assistants committee of representatives committee of senate gentlemen to be admitted in the senate chamber gentlemen in coaches citizens on foot on their arrival, the president joined the procession in his carriage and four, and the whole moved through the principal streets to the state house in the following order: troop of horse infantry sheriff on horseback committee of representatives committee of senate president and assistants (president's suite) assistants gentlemen to be admitted in the senate chamber gentlemen in coaches citizens on foot when the van reached the state house, the troops opening their ranks formed an avenue, through which, after alighting, the president, advancing to the door, was conducted to the senate chamber, where he was received by both branches of congress, and by them accompanied to the balcony or outer gallery in front of the state house, which was decorated with a canopy and curtains of red interstreaked with white for the solemn occasion. in this public manner the oath of office required by the constitution was administered by the chancellor of this state, and the illustrious washington thereupon declared by the said chancellor, president of the united states, amidst the repeated huzzas and acclamations of a numerous and crowded audience. after the inauguration, the president, returning to the senate chamber, delivered a speech to both houses of congress. after this the president, accompanied by both houses of congress, proceeded on foot to st. paul's church (where divine service was performed by the right rev. dr. provost, suitable to the immediate occasion) in the following order, viz.: troop of horse infantry door keeper and messenger of representatives clerk representatives speaker president and vice-president president's suite senators secretary door keeper and messenger of the senate gentlemen admitted into the senate chamber sheriff citizens constables, marshals, etc., on each side of the members of congress at proper distances, from the front of the representatives to the rear of the senators. in the evening fireworks were displayed under the direction of colonel bauman.--the brilliancy and excellency of them does honor to the projector. the houses of their excellencies the french and spanish ambassadors were most elegantly illuminated on this auspicious occasion. * * * * * extract of a letter from a gentleman in new york to his friend in philadelphia, dated may , : yesterday the great patriot washington took a solemn charge of the liberties of america. the magnificence and splendor of the procession, from his house to the federal building, commanded the admiration of every beholder. but above all, the solemnity which appeared while he took the oath of office, was truly affecting. the silent joy which every rank of spectators exhibited in their countenances, bespoke the sincere wishes of their hearts. i could have wished you to have been a spectator. the fireworks exhibited in the evening were truly brilliant; and the illuminations and transparent paintings of the spanish and french ambassadors surpassed even conception itself. * * * * * new york, may , . we feel satisfied in adding to the account given in yesterday's paper of the inauguration of the president,--that his excellency on that great day, was dressed in a complete suit of elegant broadcloth of the manufacture of his country.--_pennsylvania packet_, may , . from the _gazette of the united states_: the president, accompanied by his excellency the vice-president, the speaker of the house of representatives, and both houses of congress, went to st. paul's chapel, where divine service was performed by the right rev. dr. provost, bishop of the episcopal church in this state, and chaplain to the senate. the religious solemnity being ended, the president was escorted to his residence. * * * * * evening celebration the transparent paintings exhibited in various parts of the city, on thursday evening, were equal at least to anything of the kind ever before seen in america. that displayed before the fort at the bottom of broad-way did great honor to its inventors and executors, for the ingenuity of the design, and goodness of the workmanship; it was finely lighted and advantageously situated: the virtues, fortitude,[ ] justice,[ ] and wisdom[ ] were judiciously applied; of the first, all america has had the fullest evidence; and with respect to the two others, who does not entertain the most pleasing anticipations. his excellency don gardqui's residence next caught the eye--and fixed it in pleasing contemplation: the _tout-en-semble_ here, formed a most brilliant front; the figures well fancied. the graces suggested the best ideas; and the pleasing variety of emblems, _flowers_, shrubbery, _arches_, &c., and above all the moving pictures, that figured in the windows or, as it were, in the _background_, created by fixing the transparencies between the windows, afforded a new--an animated and enchanting spectacle. the residence of his excellency, count meustier, was illuminated in a stile of novel elegance; the splendid bordering of lamps round the windows, doors, &c., with the fancy pieces of each window; and above all the large designs in front, the allusions, of which we cannot at present particularly describe, did great honor to the taste and sentiment of the inventor. the above two instances of attention to honor this great and important occasion, so highly interesting to our "dear country," evince the friendship, the delicacy, and politeness of our illustrious allies. the portrait of "the father of his country" exhibited in broad-street, was extremely well executed, and had a fine effect. there was an excellent transparency, also shown at the theatre, and at the corner, near the fly-market: in short, emulation and ingenuity were alive; but perhaps were in no instance exhibited to greater advantage than in the display of fireworks, which, from one novelty to another, continued for two hours, to surprise by variety, taste, and brilliancy. the illumination of the federal state house was among the most agreeable of the exhibitions of the evening; and the ship carolina formed a beautiful pyramid of stars: the evening was fine--the company innumerable--everyone appeared to enjoy the scene, and no accident casts the smallest clouds upon the retrospect. * * * * * may . yesterday morning the president received the compliments of his excellency the vice-president, his excellency the governor of this state, the principal officers of the different departments; the foreign ministers; and a great number of other persons of distinction. we are informed that the president has assigned every tuesday and friday, between the hours of two and three, for receiving visits; and that visits of compliment on other days, and particularly on sundays, will not be agreeable to him. it seems to be a prevailing opinion that so much of the president's time will be engaged by the various and important business imposed upon him by the constitution, that he will find himself constrained to omit returning visits, or accepting invitations to entertainments. footnotes: [ ] the president. [ ] the senate. [ ] the representatives of the united states. * * * * * lessons from the washington centennial by george a. gordon picture to yourselves the joy and expectation of that day which saw the establishment of our government a century ago. as the patriots of that day in the midst of festivity and joy look back upon famine and nakedness and peril and sword, upon battlefields and garments rolled in blood, as they think of their emergence from the long struggle weary and exhausted, as they recall their precarious existence as a nation under the articles of confederation, as they behold the blessing of god upon their faith and courage and energy, can we not hear those voices, hushed so long ago, speaking to us and assuring us that they that sow in tears shall reap in joy? we think of the founding of our government and we recall at this moment the representatives of three generations of statesmen, washington and hamilton, clay and webster, lincoln and sumner. our attention will be concentrated on the unique and commanding figure of the first president. through the renewed study and statement of his public career many lessons, familiar indeed, but of fresh importance, will be read into the hearts of our country. we cannot doubt in the case of washington the fact of a divine call. joshua was not more evidently called to command the armies of israel than washington to lead the forces of the united colonies. david was not more signally summoned from the sheep-folds to the throne of his people than washington from his quiet home on the potomac to the seat of supreme power over his countrymen. there was not a single believer in the divine being in the constitutional congress who did not hear in the voice of john adams, when he moved the appointment of george washington as commander-in-chief of all the forces raised or to be raised, the creation and appointment of god. so, in his election and re-election to the office of president, hamilton set forth the clearness and urgency of the call in the remark that circumstances left washington no option. that wonderful triumphal procession from mount vernon to new york, through baltimore, philadelphia, and trenton, is in response to the appeal and command not only of earth, but of heaven. as the nation's first president was called of god, so is the nation itself called. the divine ideal is before it as it was before him. god had work for washington; he had work for his nation; he had work for every one of his fellow-citizens. an ideal good is before every man, and divine power behind him. let him consent to the control of the power. the nation's life and each individual life within it is founded on the sense of obligation. we have in the model of washington a definition of duty in the special sense of the term, in the saying, "i most heartily wish the choice may not fall upon me. the wish of my soul is to spend the evening of my days as a private citizen on my farm." there is the power of inclination, the pleading of personal ease and comfort, the assertion of individual good. in all this there is nothing wrong, until it comes into conflict with the national call, with the universal good. then came the fight between the special and the general, the private and the public, the individual and the universal good. the hope of a nation is in the choice of office of its best men. the historic peril of the republic lies in the choice of unfit men for eminent official position. this is our peril. it is well we are becoming more and more alive to it. nevertheless it is well to remember that there have been times in our history when the voice of electors has been the voice of god. when washington was elected, the fittest man was chosen. his was the rule of the wisest and best man. there are few living who will not confess that abraham lincoln was another example of the choice by the people of the best man. we turn in hope to the great future. after he had taken the oath, washington bowed his head, kissed the bible, and, with the deepest feeling, uttered the words, "so help me god." there was his hope. there is the hope of every man. there is the hope of the nation. * * * * * president washington's receptions by william sullivan he devoted one hour every other tuesday, from three to four, to these visits. he understood himself to be visited as the "president of the united states," and not on his own account. he was not to be seen by anybody and everybody; but required that everyone who came should be introduced by his secretary, or by some gentleman whom he knew himself. he lived on the south side of market street, just below sixth. the place of reception was the dining-room in the rear, twenty-five or thirty feet in length, including the bow projecting over into the garden. mrs. washington received her visitors in the two rooms on the second floor, from front to rear. at three o'clock, or at any time within a quarter of an hour afterward, the visitor was conducted to this dining-room, from which all seats had been removed for the time. on entering, he saw the tall, manly figure of washington, clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yellow gloves on his hands; holding a cocked hat with cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather, about an inch deep. he wore knee and shoe buckles; and a long sword with a finely wrought and polished steel hilt. the scabbard was white polished leather. he stood always in front of the fireplace, with his face toward the door of entrance. the visitor was conducted to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pronounced that he could hear it. he had the very uncommon faculty of associating a man's name and personal appearance so durably in his memory, as to be able to call anyone by name, who made a second visit. he received his visitor with a dignified bow, while his hands were so disposed of as to indicate that the salutation was not to be accompanied with shaking hands. this ceremony never occurred in these visits, even with his most near friends, that no distinction might be made. as these visitors came in, they formed a circle round the room. at a quarter-past three, the door was closed, and the circle was formed for that day. he then began on the right and spoke to each visitor, calling him by name and exchanging a few words with him. when he had completed his circuit he resumed his first position, and the visitors approached him in succession, bowed, and retired. by four o'clock the ceremony was over. on the evenings mrs. washington received visitors, he did not consider himself as visited. he was then as a private gentleman, dressed usually in some colored coat and waistcoat, often brown with bright buttons, and black on his lower limbs. he had then neither hat nor sword; he moved about among the company, conversing with one and another. he had once a fortnight an official dinner, and select companies on other days. he sat (it is said) at the side in a central position, mrs. washington opposite; the two ends were occupied by members of his family, or by personal friends. * * * * * the foreign policy of washington by charles james fox how infinitely superior must appear the spirit and principles of general washington, in his late address to congress, compared with the policy of modern european courts! illustrious man!--deriving honor less from the splendor of his situation than from the dignity of his mind! grateful to france for the assistance received from her in that great contest which secured the independence of america, he yet did not choose to give up the system of neutrality in her favor. having once laid down the line of conduct most proper to be pursued, not all the insults and provocations of the french minister, genet, could at all put him out of his way or bend him from his purpose. it must, indeed, create astonishment that, placed in circumstances so critical, and filling a station so conspicuous, the character of washington should never once have been called in question; that he should in no one instance have been accused either of improper insolence or of mean submission in his transactions with foreign nations. it has been reserved for him to run the race of glory without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career. the breath of censure has not dared to impeach the purity of his conduct, nor the eye of envy to raise its malignant glance to the elevation of his virtues. such has been the transcendent merit and the unparalleled fate of this illustrious man! how did he act when insulted by genet? did he consider it as necessary to avenge himself for the misconduct or madness of an individual by involving a whole continent in the horrors of war? no; he contented himself with procuring satisfaction for the insult by causing genet to be recalled, and thus at once consulted his own dignity and the interests of his country. happy americans! while the whirlwind flies over one quarter of the globe, and spreads everywhere desolation, you remain protected from its baneful effects by your own virtues and the wisdom of your government. separated from europe by an immense ocean, you feel not the effect of those prejudices and passions which convert the boasted seats of civilization into scenes of horror and bloodshed. you profit; by the folly and madness of the contending nations, and afford, in your more congenial clime, an asylum to those blessings and virtues which they wantonly contemn, or wickedly exclude from their bosom! cultivating the arts of peace under the influence of freedom, you advance by rapid strides to opulence and distinction; and if by any accident you should be compelled to take part in the present unhappy contest,--if you should find it necessary to avenge insult or repel injury,--the world will bear witness to the equity of your sentiments and the moderation of your views; and the success of your arms will, no doubt, be proportioned to the justice of your cause. v last days george washington[ ] by hamilton wright mabie on the th of march, , washington went to the inauguration of his successor as president of the united states. the federal government was sitting in philadelphia at that time, and congress held sessions in the courthouse on the corner of sixth and chestnut streets. at the appointed hour washington entered the hall, followed by john adams, who was to take the oath of office. when they were seated, washington arose and introduced mr. adams to the audience, and then proceeded to read in a firm, clear voice his brief valedictory--not his great "farewell address," for that had already been published. a lady who sat on "the front bench," "immediately in front" of washington, describes the scene in these words: there was a narrow passage from the door of entrance to the room. general washington stopped at the end to let mr. adams pass to the chair. the latter always wore a full suit of bright drab, with loose cuffs to his coat. general washington's dress was a full suit of black. his military hat had the black cockade. there stood the "father of his country," acknowledged by nations the first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen. no marshals with gold-colored scarfs attended him; there was no cheering, no noise; the most profound silence greeted him as if the great assembly desired to hear him breathe. mr. adams covered his face with both his hands; the sleeves of his coat and his hands were covered with tears. every now and then there was a suppressed sob. i cannot describe washington's appearance as i felt it--perfectly composed and self-possessed till the close of his address. then, when strong nervous sobs broke loose, when tears covered the faces, then the great man was shaken. i never took my eyes from his face. large drops came from his eyes. he looked as if his heart was with them, and would be to the end. on washington's retirement from the presidency one of his first employments was to arrange his papers and letters. then, on returning to his home, the venerable master found many things to repair. his landed estate comprised eight thousand acres, and was divided into farms, with inclosures and farm buildings. and now, with body and mind alike sound and vigorous, he bent his energies to directing the improvements that marked his last days at mount vernon. in his earlier as well as in later life, his tour of the farms would average from eight to twelve or fourteen miles a day. he rode upon his farms entirely unattended, opening his gates, pulling down and putting up his fences as he passed, visiting his laborers at their work, inspecting all the operations of his extensive establishment with a careful eye, directing useful improvements, and superintending them in their progress. he usually rode at a moderate pace in passing through his fields. but when behind time, this most punctual of men would display the horsemanship of his earlier days, and a hard gallop would bring him up to time so that the sound of his horse's hoofs and the first dinner bell would be heard together at a quarter before three. a story is told that one day an elderly stranger meeting a revolutionary worthy out hunting, a long-tried and valued friend of the chief, accosted him, and asked whether washington was to be found at the mansion house, or whether he was off riding over his estate. the friend answered that he was visiting his farms, and directed the stranger the road to take, adding, "you will meet, sir, with an old gentleman riding alone in plain drab clothes, a broad-brimmed white hat, a hickory switch in his hand, and carrying an umbrella with a long staff, which is attached to his saddle-bow--that person, sir, is general washington." precisely at a quarter before three the industrious farmer returned, dressed, and dined at three o'clock. at this meal he ate heartily, but was not particular in his diet with the exception of fish, of which he was excessively fond. touching his liking for fish, and illustrative of his practical economy and abhorrence of waste and extravagance, an anecdote is told of the time he was president and living in philadelphia. it happened that a single shad had been caught in the delaware, and brought to the city market. his steward, sam fraunces, pounced upon the fish with the speed of an osprey, delighted that he had secured a delicacy agreeable to the palate of his chief, and careless of the expense, for which the president had often rebuked him. when the fish was served, washington suspected the steward had forgotten his order about expenditure for the table, and said to fraunces, who stood at his post at the sideboard, "what fish is this?" "a shad, sir, a very fine shad," the steward answered. "i know your excellency is particularly fond of this kind of fish, and was so fortunate as to procure this one--the only one in market, sir, the first of the season." "the price, sir, the price?" asked washington sternly. "three--three dollars," stammered the conscience-stricken steward. "take it away," thundered the chief, "take it away, sir! it shall never be said that my table set such an example of luxury and extravagance." poor fraunces tremblingly did as he was told, and the first shad of the season was carried away untouched, to be speedily discussed in the servants' dining-room. although the farmer of mount vernon was much retired from the business world, he was by no means inattentive to the progress of public affairs. when the post-bag arrived, he would select his letters and lay them aside for reading in the seclusion of his library. the newspapers he would peruse while taking his single cup of tea (his only supper) and read aloud passages of peculiar interest, remarking the matter as he went along. he read with distinctness and precision. these evenings with his family always ended at precisely nine o'clock, when he bade everyone good-night and retired to rest, to rise again at four and renew the same routine of labor and enjoyment. washington's last days, like those that preceded them in the course of a long and well-spent life, were devoted to constant and careful employment. his correspondence both at home and abroad was immense. yet no letter was unanswered. one of the best-bred men of his time, washington deemed it a grave offense against the rules of good manners and propriety to leave letters unanswered. he wrote with great facility, and it would be a difficult matter to find another who had written so much, who had written so well. general harry lee once observed to him, "we are amazed, sir, at the vast amount of work you get through." washington answered, "sir, i rise at four o'clock, and a great deal of my work is done while others sleep." he was the most punctual of men, as we said. to this admirable quality of rising at four and retiring to rest at nine at all seasons, this great man owed his ability to accomplish mighty labors during his long and illustrious life. he was punctual in everything, and made everyone about him punctual. so careful a man delighted in always having about him a good timekeeper. in philadelphia the first president regularly walked up to his watchmaker's to compare his watch with the regulator. at mount vernon the active yet punctual farmer invariably consulted the dial when returning from his morning ride, and before entering his house. the affairs of the household took order from the master's accurate and methodical arrangement of time. even the fisherman on the river watched for the cook's signal when to pull in shore and deliver his catch in time for dinner. among the picturesque objects on the potomac, to be seen from the eastern portion of the mansion house, was the light canoe of the house's fisher. father jack was an african, an hundred years of age, and although enfeebled in body by weight of years, his mind possessed uncommon vigor. and he would tell of days long past, when, under african suns, he was made captive, and of the terrible battle in which his royal sire was slain, the village burned, and himself sent to the slave ship. father jack had in a considerable degree a leading quality of his race--somnolency. many an hour could the family of washington see the canoe fastened to a stake, with the old fisherman bent nearly double enjoying a nap, which was only disturbed by the jerking of the white perch caught on his hook. but, as we just said, the domestic duties of mount vernon were governed by clock time, and the slumbers of fisher jack might occasion inconvenience, for the cook required the fish at a certain hour, so that they might be served smoking hot precisely at three. at times he would go to the river bank and make the accustomed signals, and meet with no response. the old fisherman would be quietly reposing in his canoe, rocked by the gentle undulations of the stream, and dreaming, no doubt, of events "long time ago." the importune master of the kitchen, grown ferocious by delay, would now rush up and down the water's edge, and, by dint of loud shouting, cause the canoe to turn its prow to the shore. father jack, indignant at its being supposed he was asleep at his post, would rate those present on his landing, "what you all meck such a debil of a noise for, hey? i wa'nt sleep, only noddin'." the establishment of mount vernon employed a perfect army of domestics; yet to each one were assigned special duties, and from each one strict performance was required. there was no confusion where there was order, and the affairs of this estate, embracing thousands of acres and hundreds of dependents, were conducted with as much ease, method, and regularity as the affairs of a homestead of average size. mrs. washington was an accomplished housewife of the olden time, and she gave constant attention to all matters of her household, and by her skill and management greatly contributed to the comfort and entertainment of the guests who enjoyed the hospitality of her home. the best charities of life were gathered round washington in the last days at mount vernon. the love and veneration of a whole people for his illustrious services, his generous and untiring labors in the cause of public utility; his kindly demeanor to his family circle, his friends, and numerous dependents; his courteous and cordial hospitality to his guests, many of them strangers from far distant lands; these charities, all of which sprang from the heart, were the ornament of his declining years, and granted the most sublime scene in nature, when human greatness reposes upon human happiness. on the morning of the th of december, , the general was engaged in making some improvements in the front of mount vernon. as was usual with him, he carried his own compass, noted his observations, and marked out the ground. the day became rainy, with sleet, and the improver remained so long exposed to the inclemency of the weather as to be considerably wetted before his return to the house. about one o'clock he was seized with chilliness and nausea, but having changed his clothes, he sat down to his indoor work. at night, on joining his family circle, he complained of a slight indisposition. upon the night of the following day, having borne acute suffering with composure and fortitude, he died. in person washington was unique. he looked like no one else. to a stature lofty and commanding he united a form of the manliest proportions, and a dignified, graceful, and imposing carriage. in the prime of life he stood six feet, two inches. from the period of the revolution there was an evident bending in his frame so passing straight before, but the stoop came from the cares and toils of that arduous contest rather than from years. for his step was firm, his appearance noble and impressive long after the time when the physical properties of men are supposed to wane. a majestic height was met by corresponding breadth and firmness. his whole person was so cast in nature's finest mould as to resemble an ancient statue, all of whose parts unite to the perfection of the whole. but with all its development of muscular power, washington's form had no look of bulkiness, and so harmonious were its proportions that he did not appear so tall as his portraits have represented. he was rather spare than full during his whole life. the strength of washington's arm was shown on several occasions. he threw a stone from the bed of the stream to the top of the natural bridge, virginia, and another stone across the rappahannock at fredericksburg. the stone was said to be a piece of slate about the size of a dollar with which he spanned the bold river, and it took the ground at least thirty yards on the other side. many have since tried this feat, but none have cleared the water. in some young men were contending at mount vernon in the exercise of pitching the bar. the colonel looked on for a time, then grasping the missile in his master hand, he whirled the iron through the air, and it fell far beyond any of its former limits. "you see, young gentlemen," said the chief with a smile, "that my arm yet retains some portion of my early vigor." he was then in his fortieth year, and probably in the fullness of his physical powers. those powers became rather mellowed than decayed by time, for "his age was like lusty winter, frosty yet kindly," and up to his sixty-eighth year he mounted a horse with surprising agility, and rode with ease and grace. rickets, the celebrated equestrian, used to say, "i delight to see the general ride, and make it a point to fall in with him when i hear he is out on horseback--his seat is so firm, his management so easy and graceful, that i, who am an instructor in horsemanship, would go to him and learn to ride." in his later day, the general, desirous of riding pleasantly, procured from the north two horses of a breed for bearing the saddle. they were well to look at, and pleasantly gaited under the saddle, but also scary, and therefore unfitted for the service of one who liked to ride quietly on his farm, occasionally dismounting and walking in his fields to inspect improvements. from one of these horses the general sustained a fall--probably the only fall he ever had from a horse in his life. it was upon a november evening, and he was returning from alexandria to mount vernon, with three friends and a groom. having halted a few moments, he dismounted, and upon rising in his stirrup again, the horse, alarmed at the glare from a fire near the roadside, sprang from under his rider, who came heavily to the ground. his friends rushed to give him assistance, thinking him hurt. but the vigorous old man was upon his feet again, brushing the dust from his clothes, and after thanking those who came to his aid, said that he had had a very complete tumble, and that it was owing to a cause no horseman could well avoid or control--that he was only poised in his stirrup, and had not yet gained his saddle when the scary animal sprang from under him. bred in the vigorous school of frontier warfare, "the earth for his bed, his canopy the heavens," washington excelled the hunter and woodsman in their athletic habits, and in those trials of manhood which filled the hardy days of his early life. he was amazingly swift of foot, and could climb steep mountains seemingly without effort. indeed, in all the tests of his great physical powers he appeared to make little effort. when he overthrew the strong man of virginia in wrestling, upon a day when many of the finest athletes were engaged in the contest, he had retired to the shade of a tree intent upon the reading of a book. it was only after the champion of the games strode through the ring calling for nobler antagonists, and taunting the reader with the fear that he would be thrown, that washington closed his book. without taking off his coat he calmly observed that fear did not enter his make-up; then grappling with the champion, he hurled him to the ground. "in washington's lion-like grasp," said the vanquished wrestler, "i became powerless, and went down with a force that seemed to jar the very marrow in my bones." the victor, regardless of shouts at his success, leisurely retired to his shade, and again took up his book. washington's powers were chiefly in his limbs. his frame was of equal breadth from the shoulders to the hips. his chest was not prominent, but rather hollowed in the center. he never entirely recovered from a pulmonary affection from which he suffered in early life. his frame showed an extraordinary development of bone and muscle; his joints were large, as were his feet; and could a cast of his hand have been preserved, it would be ascribed to a being of a fabulous age. lafayette said, "i never saw any human being with so large a hand as the general's." of the awe and reverence which the presence of washington inspired we have many records. "i stood," says one writer, "before the door of the hall of congress in philadelphia, when the carriage of the president drew up. it was a white coach, or, rather, of a light cream color, painted on the panels with beautiful groups representing the four seasons. as washington alighted, and, ascending the steps, paused on the platform, he was preceded by two gentlemen bearing large white wands, who kept back the eager crowd that pressed on every side. at that moment i stood so near i might have touched his clothes; but i should as soon have thought of touching an electric battery. i was penetrated with deepest awe. nor was this the feeling of the schoolboy i then was. it pervaded, i believe, every human being that approached washington; and i have been told that even in his social hours, this feeling in those who shared them never suffered intermission. i saw him a hundred times afterward, but never with any other than the same feeling. the almighty, who raised up for our hour of need a man so peculiarly prepared for its whole dread responsibility, seems to have put a stamp of sacredness upon his instrument. the first sight of the man struck the eye with involuntary homage, and prepared everything around him to obey. "at the time i speak of, he stood in profound silence and had the statue-like air which mental greatness alone can bestow. as he turned to enter the building, and was ascending the staircase to the congressional hall, i glided along unseen, almost under the cover of the skirts of his dress, and entered into the lobby of the house, which was in session to receive him. "at washington's entrance there was a most profound silence. house, lobbies, gallery, all were wrapped in deepest attention. and the souls of the entire assemblage seemed peering from their eyes as the noble figure deliberately and unaffectedly advanced up the broad aisle of the hall between ranks of standing senators and members, and slowly ascended the steps leading to the speaker's chair. "the president, having seated himself, remained in silence, and the members took their seats, waiting for the speech. no house of worship was ever more profoundly still than that large and crowded chamber. "washington was dressed precisely as stuart has painted him in full-length portrait--in a full suit of the richest black velvet, with diamond knee-buckles and square silver buckles set upon shoes japanned with most scrupulous neatness; black silk stockings, his shirt ruffled at the breast and waist, a light dress sword, his hair profusely powdered, fully dressed, so as to project at the sides, and gathered behind in a silk bag ornamented with a large rose or black ribbon. he held his cocked hat, which had a large black cockade on one side of it, in his hand, as he advanced toward the chair, and when seated, laid it on the table. "at length thrusting his hand within the side of his coat, he drew forth a roll of manuscript which he opened, and rising, read in a rich, deep, full, sonorous voice his opening address to congress. his enunciation was deliberate, justly emphasized, very distinct, and accompanied with an air of deep solemnity as being the utterance of a mind conscious of the whole responsibility of its position, but not oppressed by it. there was ever about the man something which impressed one with the conviction that he was exactly and fully equal to what he had to do. he was never hurried; never negligent; but seemed ever prepared for the occasion, be it what it might. in his study, in his parlor, at a levee, before congress, at the head of the army, he seemed ever to be just what the situation required. he possessed, in a degree never equaled by any human being i ever saw, the strongest, most ever-present sense of propriety." in the early part of washington's administration, great complaints were made by political opponents of the aristocratic and royal demeanor of the president. particularly, these complaints were about the manner of his receiving visitors. in a letter washington gave account of the origin of his levees: "before the custom was established," he wrote, "which now accommodates foreign characters, strangers, and others, who, from motives of curiosity, respect for the chief magistrate, or other cause, are induced to call upon me, i was unable to attend to any business whatever; for gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling after the time i rose from breakfast, and often before, until i sat down to dinner. this, as i resolved not to neglect my public duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives: either to refuse visits altogether, or to appropriate a time for the reception of them.... to please everybody was impossible. i, therefore, adopted that line of conduct which combined public advantage with private convenience.... these visits are optional, they are made without invitation; between the hours of three and four every tuesday i am prepared to receive them. gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat with each other, and act as they please. a porter shows them into the room, and they retire from it when they choose, without ceremony. at their first entrance they salute me, and i them, and as many as i can talk to." an english gentleman, after visiting president washington, wrote: "there was a commanding air in his appearance which excited respect and forbade too great a freedom toward him, independently of that species of awe which is always felt in the moral influence of a great character? in every movement, too, there was a polite gracefulness equal to any met with in the most polished individuals of europe, and his smile was extraordinarily attractive.... it struck me no man could be better formed for command. a stature of six feet, a robust but well-proportioned frame calculated to stand fatigue, without that heaviness which generally attends great muscular strength and abates active exertion, displayed bodily power of no mean standard. a light eye and full--the very eye of genius and reflection. his nose appeared thick, and though it befitted his other features, was too coarsely and strongly formed to be the handsomest of its class. his mouth was like no other i ever saw: the lips firm, and the under jaw seeming to grasp the upper with force, as if its muscles were in full action when he sat still." such washington appeared to those who saw and knew him. such he remains to our vision. his memory is held by us in undying honor. not only his memory alone, but also the memory of his associates in the struggle for american independence. homage we should have in our hearts for those patriots and heroes and sages who with humble means raised their native land--now our native land--from the depths of dependence, and made it a free nation. and especially for washington, who presided over the nation's course at the beginning of the great experiment in self-government and, after an unexampled career in the service of freedom and our human-kind, with no dimming of august fame, died calmly at mount vernon--the father of his country. footnotes: [ ] from "heroes every child should know." copyright, , by doubleday, page & co. * * * * * washington's last days[ ] by elizabeth eggleston seelye once more before he died washington was called into public life for a short time. president adams had sent three commissioners to france. the french minister, talleyrand, treated them ill, and sent secret agents to them to let them know that nothing would be done until they paid large bribes. the three americans sent home cipher dispatches in which they told how they had been received. president adams thought best to publish these dispatches, putting the letters x, y, and z in place of the names of the secret agents. these papers came to be known as the x, y, and z dispatches, and they caused great excitement in america. the cry was, "millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute," and the war spirit rose very high. everyone wished washington to be the leader in case there should be war with france. president adams accordingly wrote to washington, asking him to accept the command of the new army which was to be formed. washington accepted, on condition that he was not to be called into service unless there should really be war, and that he should be allowed to name the chief officers who were to serve under him. he wished to put a young and able man second in command--for old officers seldom make good ones--so he chose hamilton first, then pinckney, and then knox. adams disliked hamilton, and tried to place knox second in command, as this old officer thought his due. there was some trouble between washington and adams on this point, but adams was forced to give way to the great leader. washington went to philadelphia in the fall of , to work over army plans with his major-generals. it seemed possible that he might have to lead the americans against one of napoleon's great armies. but though he made careful preparations, washington did not believe that there would be war. he thought, however, that preparing for war would be the best way to bring about peace. and so it proved; for no sooner did talleyrand see that the americans were really aroused than he caused it to be intimated to the american minister at holland that he would treat another envoy better. adams accordingly sent one to france, and war was finally averted, though the news of the settlement did not reach america until after the death of her great general. washington had said, "i am of a short-lived family, and cannot remain long upon the earth." in fact, his sister and all of his brothers except one died before he did. according to his usual careful habits, he made out a long paper, in which he planned how his estates should be managed for several years, with a rotation of crops. he finished this paper only four days before his death. the day before he was taken ill he walked out with his nephew, lawrence lewis, who was married to nelly custis and living at mount vernon, and talked to him about building a new family vault. "this change," said he, "i shall make first of all, for i may require it before the rest." on the th of december, , washington made the tour, as usual, of his plantations. the weather was very bad. there was rain, hail, and snow falling at different times, and a cold wind blowing. it was after three o'clock when he returned. mr. lear, his secretary, brought him some letters to be franked, for he intended to send them to the post office that afternoon. washington franked the letters, but said that the weather was too bad to send a servant out with them. lear noticed that the general's neck appeared to be wet, and that there was snow clinging to his hair. he spoke to him about it, but washington said that he was not wet, as his greatcoat had protected him. he went to dinner, which was waiting for him, without changing his clothes. the next day he complained of a sore throat, and remained in the house in the morning, as it was snowing hard. in the afternoon, however, he went out to mark some trees which he wished cut down, between the house and the river. he was quite hoarse by evening. he sat in the parlor, however, with mrs. washington and lear, reading the papers which had been brought from the post office. he read some things aloud in spite of his hoarseness. at nine o'clock mrs. washington went to the room of her granddaughter nelly, whose first child had recently been born. the two gentlemen continued to read the papers, and washington seemed cheerful. once he became excited over some political event, and used some of the strong words he could command on occasion. before they went to bed, lear advised the general to take something for his cold. "no," said washington; "you know i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came." during the night, however, he had a chill, and awoke mrs. washington, telling her that he felt ill. she wished to get up, but he would not allow her to do this, lest she should take cold. when the servant came into the room to make a fire at daylight, mrs. washington sent for lear, and got up herself. the general was now breathing with difficulty, and could scarcely speak. lear sent for dr. craik, and meantime washington told him to send for mr. rawlins, an overseer, to bleed him. rawlins came soon after sunrise, and trembled at the prospect of opening a vein on the great man's arm. "don't be afraid," said washington; and when the vein had been opened, he added, "the orifice is not large enough." mrs. washington did not approve of the bleeding before the doctor came, but washington said, "more, more." it was a universal remedy in those days, but it brought no relief to the sufferer. during the day three doctors arrived. washington was bled three times; blisters were applied to the throat and the feet; all that medical science could do in that day was tried, but without success. the disease was an acute laryngitis, and could have been relieved only by tracheotomy, which was not practical in the south, though it had been tried in philadelphia at an earlier date. about half-past four in the afternoon the sick man asked mrs. washington to go downstairs and fetch two wills from his desk. he looked at them, and asked her to burn one of them, which she did. lear now came to his bedside and took his hand. "i find i am going," washington said to him. "my breath cannot last long. i believed from the first that the disorder would prove fatal. do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers. arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than anyone else, and let mr. rawlins finish recording my other letters which he has begun." washington asked lear whether he thought of anything else that ought to be done; he had but a very short time, he said, to remain with his friends. the secretary answered that he could think of nothing, and that he hoped the general was not so near his end as he thought. washington smiled, and said that he certainly was, "and that, as it was a debt which we must all pay, he looked on the event with perfect resignation." sometimes he seemed to be in pain and distress from the difficulty of breathing, and was very restless. lear would then lie down upon the bed and raise and turn him as gently as possibly. washington often said, "i am afraid i shall fatigue you too much"; and when the young man assured him that he wished for nothing but to give him ease, washington replied: "well, it is a debt we must pay to each other, and i hope that when you want aid of this kind you will find it." he noticed that his servant, christopher, had been standing most of the day, and told him to sit down. he asked when his nephew lewis and his adopted son custis, who were away from home, would return. when his lifelong friend, dr. craik, came to his bedside, he said: "doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed from my first attack that i should not survive it. my breath cannot last long." the doctor was unable to answer from grief, and could only press his hand. he afterward said to all the physicians: "i feel myself going. i thank you for your attentions; but, i pray you, take no more trouble about me. let me go off quietly; i cannot last long." he continued to be restless and uneasy, but made no complaints, only asking now and then what time it was. when lear helped him to move, he gave the secretary a look of gratitude. about ten o'clock at night he made several efforts to speak to lear before he could do so. he finally said: "i am just going. have me decently buried; and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead." lear nodded, for he could not speak. "do you understand?" asked washington. "yes." "'tis well," said the dying man. about ten minutes before death his breathing became easier; he felt his own pulse, and the expression of his face changed. one hand presently fell from the wrist of the other. lear took it in his and pressed it to his bosom. mrs. washington, who sat near the foot of the bed, asked in a firm voice, "is he gone?" lear was unable to speak, but made a sign that washington was dead. "tis well," said she; "all is now over; i shall soon follow him; i have no more trials to pass through." washington died on december , , in his sixty-eighth year. all his neighbors and relatives assembled to attend his funeral; the militia and freemasons of alexandria were present; eleven pieces of artillery were brought to mount vernon to do military honors, and a schooner which lay in the potomac fired minute guns. washington's horse, with saddle, holster, and pistols, was led before the coffin by two grooms dressed in black. the body was deposited in the old family vault, after short and simple ceremonies. washington was deeply mourned all over the united states, for never had a man been so beloved by his own countrymen. washington left all of his estates to his wife for life; after her death they were to be divided between his nephews and nieces, and mrs. washington's grandchildren. he made his nephew, bushrod washington, his principal heir, leaving mount vernon to him. he said that he did this partly because he had promised the young man's father, his brother, john augustine, when they were bachelors, to leave mount vernon to him in case he should fall in the french war. he willed that all his negro slaves should be set free on the death of his wife. he said that he earnestly wished that it might be done before this, but he feared it would cause trouble on account of their intermarriages with the dower negroes who came to mrs. washington from her first husband, and whom he had no right to free. he willed also that such should be comfortably clothed and fed by his heirs. to his five nephews he left his swords, with the injunction that they were "not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be in self-defense, or in defense of their country and its rights; and in the latter case to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof." washington's life is an open book. he knew that he was making history, and he kept careful copies of all his most important letters and writings, so that it is impossible that there should be doubts on any very important point. so jealous was he of his own honorable reputation, that his last act as president was to file a denial of the authenticity of some spurious letters which were attributed to him by his political enemies. these letters were first published during the revolution by the english, and purported to be written by washington to lund washington, to mrs. washington, and to john parke custis. the person who wrote them knew something of washington's private affairs, but he made the american general say things which represented him as opposed to the independence of the colonies. it was asserted that washington in his retreat from new york left his servant billy behind, and that these papers were found in a handbag which the valet carried. as it was well known in the army that billy had never been captured, washington did not then think it needful to deny having written these letters; but when they were brought forward again by his enemies during the last years of his presidency, he was alarmed lest they should go down to history as his own. most of washington's writings which are preserved show him to us only as a grave public character, and lives of washington drawn mainly from this source are apt to make the great man seem unnaturally cold, dignified, remote, and impressive. so usual has this view of washington become, that there is a common belief that he never laughed aloud--a belief which there are many stories to refute. washington had immense physical courage. in all the battles in which he fought he exposed himself fearlessly. his moral courage was even greater. he never shrank from doing what he thought right because it was likely to make him unpopular. perhaps washington's greatest qualities were his wisdom and prudence. these traits were very important in the leader of a young people engaged in a revolutionary struggle. he had few brilliant military successes, but it is impossible to say what he might not have done had he not been weighed down by immense difficulties. his influence over men was great, and those who were under him loved him. he was never swayed by mean motives, his actions were always honorable, and he was generous even to those who were his bitter opponents. though he was a man of action, he thought deeply on many subjects. "never," said jefferson, "did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him in the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an everlasting remembrance." footnotes: [ ] "the story of washington." d. appleton & co., . * * * * * the mount vernon tribute[ ] washington the defender of his country, the founder of liberty, the friend of man. history and tradition are explored in vain for a parallel to his character. in the annals of modern greatness, he stands alone, and the noblest names of antiquity lose their lustre in his presence. born the benefactor of mankind, he united all the qualities necessary to an illustrious career. nature made him great; he made himself virtuous. called by his country to the defence of her liberties, he triumphantly vindicated the rights of humanity, and on the pillars of national independence laid the foundations of a great republic. twice invested with the supreme magistracy, by the unanimous voice of a free people, he surpassed in the cabinet the glories of the field, and voluntarily resigning the sceptre and the sword, retired to the shades of private life. a spectacle so new and so sublime was contemplated with the profoundest admiration; and the name of washington, adding new lustre to humanity, resounded to the remotest regions of the earth. magnanimous in youth, glorious through life, great in death, his highest ambition the happiness of mankind, his noblest victory the conquest of himself, bequeathing to posterity the inheritance of his fame, _and building his monument in the hearts of his countrymen,_ he lived the ornament of the eighteenth century, and died regretted by a mourning world. footnotes: [ ] the author of this inscription is not known. it has been transcribed from a manuscript copy written on the back of a picture-frame, in which is set a miniature likeness of washington, and which hangs in one of the rooms of the mansion at mount vernon, where it was left some time after washington's death.--h.b. carrington. * * * * * the words of washington by daniel webster _delivered at the laying of the cornerstone of the new wing of the capitol at washington, july , _ washington! methinks i see his venerable form now before me. he is dignified and grave; but concern and anxiety seem to soften the lineaments of his countenance. the government over which he presides is yet in the crisis of experiment. not free from troubles at home, he sees the world in commotion and arms all around him. he sees that imposing foreign powers are half disposed to try the strength of the recently established american government. mighty thoughts, mingled with fears as well as with hopes, are struggling within him. he heads a short procession over these then naked fields; he crosses yonder stream on a fallen tree; he ascends to the top of this eminence, whose original oaks of the forest stand as thick around him as if the spot had been devoted to druidical worship, and here he performs the appointed duty of the day. and now, if this vision were a reality; if washington now were actually amongst us, and if he could draw around him the shades of the great public men of his own day, patriots and warriors, orators and statesmen, and were to address us in their presence, would he not say to us: "ye men of this generation, i rejoice and thank god for being able to see that our labors, and toils, and sacrifices, were not in vain. you are prosperous, you are happy, you are grateful. the fire of liberty burns brightly and steadily in your hearts, while duty and the law restrain it from bursting forth in wild and destructive conflagration. cherish liberty, as you love it; cherish its securities, as you wish to preserve it. maintain the constitution which we labored so painfully to establish, and which has been to you such a source of inestimable blessings. preserve the union of the states, cemented as it was by our prayers, our tears, and our blood. be true to god, to your country, and to your duty. so shall the whole eastern world follow the morning sun, so contemplate you as a nation; so shall all generations honor you, as they honor us; and so shall that almighty power which so graciously protected us, and which now protects you, shower its everlasting blessings upon you and your posterity!" great father of your country! we need your words; we feel their force, as if you now uttered them with lips of flesh and blood. your example teaches us, your affectionate addresses teach us, your public life teaches us, your sense of the value of the blessings of the union. those blessings our fathers have tasted, and we have tasted, and still taste. nor do we intend that those who come after us shall be denied the same high function. our honor, as well as our happiness, is concerned. we cannot, we dare not, we will not, betray our sacred trust. we will not filch from posterity the treasure placed in our hands to be transmitted to other generations. the bow that gilds the clouds in the heavens, the pillars that uphold the firmament, may disappear and fall away in the hour appointed by the will of god; but, until that day comes, or so long as our lives may last, no ruthless hand shall undermine that bright arch of union and liberty which spans the continent from washington to california! vi tributes memorials of washington[ ] by henry b. carrington modern history, oratory, and poetry are so replete with tributes to the memory of washington, that the entire progress of the civilized world for more than a century has been shaped by the influence of his life and precepts. the memorial shaft at the national capital, which is the loftiest of human structures, and is inner-faced by typical expressions of honor from nearly all nations, is a fit type of his surmounting merit. the ceremonies which attended the cornerstone consecration and signalized its completion are no less an honor to the distinguished historian and statesman who voiced the acclamations of the american people than a perpetual testimonial worthy of the subject honored by the occasion and by the monument. when the world pays willing tribute, and the most ambitious monarch on earth would covet no higher plaudit than that he served his people as faithfully as washington served america, it is difficult to fathom the depths of memorial sentiment and place in public view those which are the most worthy of study and appreciative respect. the national life itself throbs through his transmitted life, and the aroma of his grace is as consciously breathed by statesmen and citizens to-day as the invisible atmosphere which secures physical vitality and force. senator vance of north carolina, thus earnestly commends to the youth of america the brightness and beauty of the great example: greater soldiers, more intellectual statesmen, and profounder sages have doubtless existed in the history of the english race, perhaps in our own country, but not one who to great excellence in the threefold composition of man, the physical, intellectual, and moral, has added such exalted integrity, such unaffected piety, such unsullied purity of soul, and such wondrous control of his own spirit. he illustrated and adorned the civilization of christianity, and furnished an example of the wisdom and perfection of its teachings which the subtlest arguments of its enemies cannot impeach. that one grand, rounded life, full-orbed with intellectual and moral glory, is worth, as the product of christianity, more than all the dogmas of all the teachers. the youth of america who aspire to promote their own and their country's welfare should never cease to gaze upon his great example, or to remember that the brightest gems in the crown of his immortality, the qualities which uphold his fame on earth and plead for him in heaven, were those which characterized him as the patient, brave, christian gentleman. in this respect he was a blessing to the whole human race no less than to his own countrymen, to the many millions who annually celebrate the day of his birth. such sentiments fitly illustrate the controlling element of character which made the conduct of washington so peerless in the field and in the chair of state. his first utterances upon assuming command of the american army before boston, on the d of july, , were a rebuke of religious bigotry and an impressive protest against gaming, swearing, and all immoral practices, which might forfeit divine aid in the great struggle for national independence. succeeding orders, preparatory to the battle of long island, in august, , breathe the same spirit,--that which transfused all his activities, as with celestial fire, until he surrendered his commission with a devout and public recognition of almighty god as the author of his success. footnotes: [ ] from the "patriotic reader." lippincott co. * * * * * from the "commemoration ode" _world's columbian exposition, chicago, october , _ by harriet monroe washington when dreaming kings, at odds with swift-paced time, would strike that banner down, a nobler knight than ever writ or rhyme with fame's bright wreath did crown through armed hosts bore it till it floated high beyond the clouds, a light that cannot die! ah, hero of our younger race! great builder of a temple new! ruler, who sought no lordly place! warrior, who sheathed the sword he drew! lover of men, who saw afar a world unmarred by want or war, who knew the path, and yet forbore to tread, till all men should implore; who saw the light, and led the way where the gray world might greet the day; father and leader, prophet sure, whose will in vast works shall endure, how shall we praise him on this day of days, great son of fame who has no need of praise? how shall we praise him? open wide the doors of the fair temple whose broad base he laid. through its white halls a shadowy cavalcade of heroes moves o'er unresounding floors-- men whose brawned arms upraised these columns high, and reared the towers that vanish in the sky,-- the strong who, having wrought, can never die. * * * * * washington's statue by henry theodore tuckerman the quarry whence thy form majestic sprung has peopled earth with grace, heroes and gods that elder bards have sung, a bright and peerless race; but from its sleeping veins ne'er rose before a shape of loftier name than his, who glory's wreath with meekness wore, the noblest son of fame. sheathed is the sword that passion never stained; his gaze around is cast, as if the joys of freedom, newly gained, before his vision passed; as if a nation's shout of love and pride with music filled the air, and his calm soul was lifted on the tide of deep and grateful prayer; as if the crystal mirror of his life to fancy sweetly came, with scenes of patient toil and noble strife, undimmed by doubt or shame; as if the lofty purpose of his soul expression would betray-- the high resolve ambition to control, and thrust her crown away! o, it was well in marble firm and white to carve our hero's form, whose angel guidance was our strength in fight, our star amid the storm! whose matchless truth has made his name divine and human freedom sure, his country great, his tomb earth's dearest shrine. while man and time endure! and it is well to place his image there upon the soil he blest: let meaner spirits, who its councils share, revere that silent guest! let us go up with high and sacred love to look on his pure brow, and as, with solemn grace, he points above, renew the patriot's vow! tributes _extract from an address by president gary of the union league club, at the celebration of washington's birthday at the auditorium, chicago, february , _ it is needless to dispute with others as to washington's rank in minor things. we know that for us and for our country his is the greatest name that lives; that in the grand struggle and march for freedom he was humanity's greatest leader, and that through us as a nation he gave to the world its chiefest example of republican self-government and now that his greatness is acknowledged and his praises sung the world round, our hearts swell with pride and gratitude that he is ours; our countryman; our great american; our washington. not the safe and invincible general merely, not the wise first president, but george washington, the sublime personality, greatest seen when all props and scaffoldings of rank and station are torn away. * * * * * from green's "_history of the english people_": no nobler figure ever stood in the forefront of a nation's life. washington was grave and courteous in address; his manners were simple and unpretending; his silence and the serene calmness of his temper spoke of a perfect self-mastery; but little there was in his outer bearing to reveal the grandeur of soul which lifts his figure with all the simple majesty of an ancient statue, out of the smaller passions, the meaner impulses of the world around him. it was only as the weary fight went on that the colonists learned, little by little, the greatness of their leader--his clear judgment, his calmness in the hour of danger or defeat; the patience with which he waited, the quickness and hardness with which he struck, the lofty and serene sense of duty that never swerved from its task through resentment or jealousy, that never, through war or peace, felt the touch of a meaner ambition; that knew no aim save that of guarding the freedom of his fellow-countrymen; and no personal longing save that of returning to his own fireside when their freedom was secured. it was almost unconsciously that men learned to cling to washington with a trust and faith such as few other men have won, and to regard him with reverence which still hushes us in presence of his memory. * * * * * washington's is the mightiest name of earth--long since mightiest in the cause of civil liberty; still mightiest in moral reformation. on that name no eulogy is expected. it cannot be. to add brightness to the sun, or glory to the name of washington, is alike impossible. let none attempt it. in solemn awe pronounce the name, and in its naked deathless splendor leave it shining on. abraham lincoln. * * * * * washington cannot be stripped of any part of his credit for patriotism, wisdom, and courage; for the union of enterprise with prudence; for integrity and truthfulness; for simply dignity of character; for tact and forbearance in dealing with men; above all for serene fortitude in the darkest hour of his cause, and under trials from the perversity, insubordination, jealousy, and perfidy of those around him, severer than any defeat. goldwin smith. * * * * * the life of our washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. the attributes and decorations of royalty could have only served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a single exception to her universal rule. for himself he had lived enough to life and to glory. for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal. his example is complete, and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. john adams. * * * * * his character, though regular and uniform, possessed none of the littleness which may sometimes belong to these descriptions of men. it formed a majestic pile, the effect of which was not inspired, but improved, by order and symmetry. there was nothing in it to dazzle by wildness, and surprise by eccentricity. it was of a higher species of moral beauty. it contained everything great and elevated, but it had no false or trivial ornament. it was not the model cried up by fashion and circumstance: its excellence was adapted to the true and just moral taste, incapable of change from the varying accidents of manners, of opinions, and times. general washington is not the idol of a day, but the hero of ages. anonymous. * * * * * washington stands alone and unapproachable like a snow peak rising above its fellows into the clear air of morning, with a dignity, constancy, and purity which have made him the ideal type of civic virtue to succeeding generations. james bryce. * * * * * pale is the february sky, and brief the midday's sunny hours; the wind-swept forest seems to sigh for the sweet time of leaves and flowers. yet has no month a prouder day, not even when the summer broods o'er meadows in their fresh array, or autumn tints the glowing woods. for this chill season now again brings, in its annual round, the morn when, greatest of the sons of men, our glorious washington was born! * * * * * amid the wreck of thrones shall live unmarred, undimmed, our hero's fame, and years succeeding years shall give increase of honors to his name. william cullen bryant. * * * * * washington, the warrior and legislator! in war contending, by the wager of battle, for the independence of his country, and for the freedom of the human race; ever manifesting amidst its horrors, by precept and example, his reverence for the laws of peace and the tenderest sympathies of humanity: in peace soothing the ferocious spirit of discord among his countrymen into harmony and union; and giving to that very sword, now presented to his country, a charm more potent than that attributed in ancient times to the lyre of orpheus. john quincy adams. * * * * * george washington may justly be pronounced one of the greatest men whom the world has produced. greater soldiers, more intellectual statesmen, and profounder sages have doubtlessly existed in the history of the english race--perhaps in our own country--but no one who to great excellence in each of these fields has added such exalted integrity, such unaffected piety, such unsullied purity of soul, and such wondrous control of his own spirit. that one grand rounded life, full-orbed with intellectual and moral glory, is worth, as the product of christianity, more than all the dogmas of all the teachers. he was a blessing to the whole human race, no less than to his own countrymen--to the many millions who celebrate the day of his birth. zebulon b. vance. * * * * * first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen, he was second to none in the humble and endearing scenes of private life; pious, just, humane, temperate, and sincere, uniform, dignified, and commanding, his example was as edifying to all around him, as were the effects of that example lasting. henry lee. * * * * * happy was it for america, happy for the world, that a great name, a guardian genius, presided over her destinies in war. the hero of america was the conqueror only of his country's foes, and the hearts of his countrymen. to the one he was a terror, and in the other he gained an ascendency, supreme, unrivaled, the triumph of admiring gratitude, the reward of a nation's love. jared sparks. * * * * * the sword of washington! the staff of franklin! oh sir, what associations are linked in adamant with these names! washington, whose sword, as my friend has said, was never drawn but in the cause of his country, and never sheathed when wielded in his country's cause. franklin, the philosopher of the thunderbolt, the printing-press, and the plowshare. john quincy adams. * * * * * others of our great men have been appreciated,--many admired by all. but him we love. him we all love. about and around him we call up no dissentient and discordant and dissatisfied elements, no sectional prejudice nor bias, no party, no creed, no dogma of politics. none of these shall assail him. when the storm of battle blows darkest and rages highest, the memory of washington shall nerve every american arm and cheer every american heart. it shall relume that promethean fire, that sublime flame of patriotism, that devoted love of country, which his words have commended, which his example has consecrated. rufus choate. * * * * * where may the wearied eyes repose when gazing on the great, where neither guilty glory glows nor despicable state? yes,--one, the first, the last, the best, the cincinnatus of the west, whom envy dared not hate, bequeathed the name of washington to make men blush there was but one. lord byron. * * * * * _from "washington's vow," by john greenleaf whittier, read at the dedication of the washington arch, at new york city, _ how felt the land in every part the strong throb of a nation's heart? as its great leader gave, with reverent awe, his pledge to union, liberty, and law! that pledge the heavens above him heard, that vow the sleep of centuries stirred. in world-wide wonder listening peoples bent their gaze on freedom's great experiment. * * * * * thank god! the people's choice was just! the one man equal to his trust. wise without lore, and without weakness good, calm in the strength of flawless rectitude. * * * * * our first and best--his ashes lie beneath his own virginia sky. forgive, forget, oh! true and just and brave, the storm that swept above thy sacred grave. * * * * * then let the sovereign millions where our banner floats in sun and air, from the warm palm-lands to alaska's cold, repeat with us the pledge, a century old! let a man fasten himself to some great idea, some large truth, some noble cause, even in the affairs of this world, and it will send him forward with energy, with steadfastness, with confidence. this is what emerson meant when he said: "hitch your wagon to a star." these are the potent, the commanding, the enduring men,--in our own history, men like washington and lincoln. they may fail, they may be defeated, they may perish; but onward moves the cause, and their souls go marching on with it, for they are part of it, they have believed in it. henry van dyke. * * * * * o name forever to thy country dear! still wreath'd with pride, "still uttered with a tear!" thou that could'st rouse a nation's host to arms, could'st calm the spreading tumult of alarms, of civil discord, awe the threatening force and check even anarchy's licentious course! long as exalted worth commands applause, long as the virtuous bow to virtue's laws, long as thy reverence and honor join'd, long as the hero's glory warms the mind, long as the flame of gratitude shall burn, or human tears bedew the patriot's urn, thy sound shall dwell on each columbian tongue and live lamented in elegiac song! till some bold bard, inspired with delphic rage! shall with thy lusters fire his epic page! in fate's vast chronicle of future time, the mystic mirror of events sublime where deeds of virtue gild each pregnant page and some grand epoch makes each coming age, where germs of future history strike the eye and empires' rise and fall in embryo lie, though statesmen, heroes, sages, chiefs abound yet none of worth like washington's are found! * * * * * rear to his name a monument sublime! bid art and genius all their powers bestow, and let the pile with life and grandeur glow. high on the top let fame with trumpet's sound, announce his god-like deeds to worlds around! let pallas lead her hero to the field, in wisdom's train, and cover with her shield. a sword present to dazzle from afar and flash bright terrors through the ranks of war. with port august let oak-wreath'd freedom stand and hail him father of the chosen land; with laurels deck him, with due honors greet, and crowns and scepters place beneath his feet; let peace, her olive blooming like the morn, and kindred plenty with her teeming horn, with commerce, child, and regent of the main, while arts and agriculture join the train, rear a sad altar, bend around his urn, and to their guardian, grateful incense burn! let history calm, in thoughtful mood reclin'd, record his actions to enrich mankind, and poesy divine his deeds rehearse in all the energy of epic verse! to future ages there let mercy own he never from her bosom forc'd a groan; here let a statesman, there a reverend sage to mark and emulate his steps engage, columbia widow'd, count his virtues o'er, around his tomb her pearly sorrows pour, and mild religion of celestial mien point to her patron's place, in realms unseen! then stamp in gold the monument above the mournful tribute of a nation's love! but not alone in scenes where glory fir'd, he mov'd, no less, in civic walks admir'd! though long a warrior, choice of human blood, as brutus noble, and as titus good! to all that formed the hero of the age, he joined the patriot and the peaceful sage, the statesman powerful and the ruler just, no less illustrious than the chief august; and to condense his characters in one, the god-like father of his country shone! _from an old magazine_. * * * * * hail, brightest banner that floats on the gale, flag of the country of washington, hail! red are thy stripes with the blood of the brave; bright are thy stars as the sun on the wave; wrapt in thy folds are the hopes of the free. banner of washington!--blessings on thee! traitors shall perish and treason shall fail; kingdoms and thrones in thy glory grow pale! thou shalt live on, and thy people shall own loyalty's sweet, when each heart is thy throne; union and freedom thine heritage be. country of washington!--blessings on thee! william s. robinson. * * * * * point of that pyramid whose solid base rests firmly founded on a nation's trust, which, while the gorgeous palace sinks in dust, shall stand sublime, and fill its ample space. elected chief of freemen! greater far than kings whose glittering parts are fixed by birth-- nam'd by thy country's voice for long try'd worth, her crown in peace, as once her shield in war! deign, washington, to hear a british lyre, that ardent greets thee with applausive lays, and to the patriot hero homage pays. o, would the muse immortal strains inspire, that high beyond all greek and roman fame, might soar to times unborn, thy purer, nobler name! doctor aikin. * * * * * had he, a mortal, the failings attached to man?--was he the slave of avarice? no. wealth was an object too mean for his regard, and yet economy presided over his domestic concerns; for his mind was too lofty to brook dependence. was he ambitious? no. his spirit soared beyond ambition's reach. he saw a crown high above all human grandeur. he sought, he gained, and wore that crown. but he had indeed one frailty--the weakness of great minds. he was fond of fame, and had reared a colossal reputation. it stood on the rock of his virtue. this was dear to his heart. there was but one thing dearer. he loved glory, but still more he loved his country. that was the master passion, and with resistless might it ruled his every thought and word and deed. gouverneur morris. * * * * * washington! father and deliverer of his country! what sweetness dwells in his name--a name sounded by million-tongued fame through her golden trumpet into distant worlds. the sooty african that traverses niger's sandy waste--the algerian desperate in fight--the half-lived laplander--the arabian, swift as the wind--the scythian--the inoffensive brahmin,--have all heard it, and when mentioned, revere it. william clark frazer. * * * * * three times washington's character saved the country; once by keeping up the courage of the nation till the revolutionary war was ended; then, by uniting the nation in the acceptance of the federal constitution; thirdly, by saving it from being swept away into anarchy and civil war during the immense excitement of the french revolution. such was the gift of washington, a gift of god to the nation, as far beyond any other of god's gifts as virtue is more than genius, as character is more than intellect, as wise conduct is better than outward prosperity. james freeman clarke. * * * * * patriots of america--and military officers of every name, view the great example that is set before you. emulate the virtues of washington, and in due time your heads will also be adorned with the wreath of honor. here you learn what is true and unfading glory. you will see that it is not the man who is led on by the blind impulse of ambition; who rushes into the midst of embattled hosts, merely to show his contempt of death; or who wastes fair cities or depopulates rich provinces,--to spread far the terrors of his name--who is admired and praised as the true hero and friend of mankind;--but the man, who, in obedience to the public voice, appears in arms for the salvation of his country, shuns no perils in a just cause, endeavors to alleviate instead of increase the calamities of war, and whose aim is to strengthen and adorn the temple of liberty, as resting on the immovable basis of virtue and religion. the voice of justice and the voice of suffering humanity forbid us to bestow the palm of true valor on the mad exploits of the destroyers of mankind. washington's delight was to save, not to destroy. his greatest glory is that with small armies and the loss of few lives--compared with the wastes of other wars--he made his country free and happy. robert davidson. * * * * * brave without temerity, laborious without ambition, generous without prodigality, noble without pride, virtuous without severity--washington seems always to have confined himself within those limits where the virtues, by clothing themselves in more lively but more changeable and doubtful colors, may be mistaken for faults. inspiring respect, he inspires confidence, and his smile is always the smile of benevolence. marquis chastelleux. * * * * * god has given this nation many precious gifts; but the chief gift of all, the one, we may say, which has added something to every other one, is the gift of this great soldier, this great statesman, this great and good man, this greatest of all americans, past, present--past, if not to come. our heritage from him is illustrious above all others. anonymous. * * * * * great without pomp, without ambition brave, proud, not to conquer fellow-men, but save; friend to the weak, a foe to none but those who plan their greatness on their brethrens' woes; aw'd by no titles--undefil'd by lust-- free without faction--obstinately just; warm'd by religion's sacred, genuine ray, that points to future bliss the unerring way; yet ne'er control'd by superstition's laws, that worst of tyrants in the noblest cause. --_from a london newspaper_. * * * * * extract from a translation of a dutch ode to washington. dr. o'calla has made a literal translation; alfred b. street, of albany, the poetical translation. no lofty monument thy greatness needs; the freedom which america from thee received, and happiness of thy great deeds the everlasting monument shall be. thy proud foot trampled on the british chain; but o! beware lest some false foreign power rivet his fetters on thy land again, for despots smile while waiting for their hour. how deeply touched, humanity! your soul, when you beheld the grateful tears that rained down a glad nation's cheek, as freedom's goal was by that nation's might in triumph gained. o, fatherland, whoever loves thy fame, sighing shall mourn thy glory lost, when won; freedom, when leaving thee, lit up her flame within the patriot heart of washington. when time shall sink in everlasting gloom, and death with time shall cease for evermore; when the dead burst the cerements of the tomb, as the last trumpet breaks in thunder o'er; then as it feels its pulses once more free, let every heart columbia claims as son beat first for god, but let its next throb be for the eternal bliss of washington. * * * * * the character of washington! who can delineate it worthily? modest, disinterested, generous, just, of clean hands and a pure heart, self-denying and self-sacrificing, seeking nothing for himself, declining all remuneration beyond the reimbursement of his outlays, scrupulous to a farthing in keeping his accounts, of spotless integrity, scorning gifts, charitable to the needy, forgiving injuries and injustices, brave, fearless, heroic, with a prudence ever governing his impulses, a wisdom ever guiding his valor, true to his friends, true to his country, true to himself, fearing god, no stranger to private devotion or public worship, but ever recognizing a divine aid and direction in all that he accomplished. his magnetism was that of merit, superior, surpassing merit; the merit of spotless integrity, of recognized ability, and of unwearied willingness to spend and be spent in the service of his country. robert c. winthrop. * * * * * one of the best of modern americans, james russell lowell, who was born on the same day of the month as washington, february d, , wrote shortly before his death, to a schoolgirl, whose class proposed noticing his own birthday: "whatever else you do on the twenty-second of february, recollect, first of all, that on that day a really great man was born, and do not fail to warm your hearts with the memory of his service, and to brace your minds with the contemplation of his character. the rest of us must wait uncovered till he be served." elbridge s. brooks. * * * * * the fame of washington stands apart from every other in history, shining with a truer luster and a more benignant glory. with us his memory remains a national property, where all sympathies, throughout our widely extended and diversified empire meet in unison. under all dissensions and amid all the storms of party, his precepts and example speak to us from the grave with a paternal appeal; and his name--by all revered--forms a universal brotherhood, a watchword of our union. irving and fiske. * * * * * the soul of washington was one of the grandest of all ages that takes its equal rank with greek and roman and hebrew names of renown for humane and prime worth, names that seem written not in our poor records, but on the sky's arch--names in the broad sunshine of whose moral glory, spreading through the world, all the little fires which men have made with the kindling of words from abstract conceptions,--go out. for however otherwise a man may be distinguished--unless there be in him a spirit of love, devotion, and self-sacrifice, we feel he lacks the very pith and beauty of manhood; and though he may be a great performer with his pen as one plays well on a musical instrument, a great being he is not. _christian examiner_. * * * * * it will be the duty of the historian and the sage of all nations to let no occasion pass of commemorating this illustrious man; and until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and virtue, be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of washington. lord brougham. * * * * * the character of washington may want some of those poetical elements, but it possessed fewer inequalities and a rarer union of virtues than perhaps ever fell to the lot of any other man. prudence, firmness, sagacity, moderation, an overruling judgment, an immovable justice, courage that never faltered, patience that never wearied, truth that disdained all artifice, magnanimity without alloy. it seems as if providence had endowed him in a pre-eminent degree with the qualities requisite to fit him for the high destiny he was called upon to fulfill. irving and fiske. * * * * * washington's name in the hall of fame by margaret e. sangster republics are ungrateful, but ours, its best-loved son still keeps in memory green, and wreathes the name of washington. as year by year returns the day that saw the patriot's birth, with boom of gun and beat of drum and peals of joy and mirth, and songs of children in the streets and march of men-at-arms, we honor pay to him who stood serene 'mid war's alarms; and with his ragged volunteers long kept the foe at bay, and bore the flag to victory in many a battle's day. we were a little nation then; so mighty have we grown that scarce would washington believe to-day we were his own. with ships that sail on every sea, and sons in every port, and harvest-fields to feed the world, wherever food is short, and if at council-board our chiefs are now discreet and wise, and if to great estate and high, our farmers' lads may rise, we owe a debt to him who set the fashion of our fame, and never more may we forget our loftiest hero's name. great knightly soul who came in time to serve his country's need, to serve her with the timely word and with the valiant deed, along the ages brightening as endless cycles run undimmed and gaining luster in the twentieth century's sun, first in our hall of fame we write the name all folk may ken, as first in war, and first in peace, first with his countrymen. * * * * * estimates of washington george washington, the brave, the wise, the good. supreme in war, in council, and in peace. washington, valiant, without ambition; discreet, without fear; confident, without presumption. dr. andrew lee. * * * * * more than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this, our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. chief justice marshall. * * * * * let him who looks for a monument to washington look around the united states. your freedom, your independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious growth are a monument to him. kossuth. * * * * * more than all, and above all, washington was master of himself. if there be one quality more than another in his character which may exercise a useful control over the men of the present hour, it is the total disregard of self when in the most elevated positions for influence and example. charles francis adams. * * * * * washington's religious character by william m'kinley _in an address, february , _ though washington's exalted character and the most striking acts of his brilliant record are too familiar to be recounted here, yet often as the story is retold, it engages our love and admiration and interest. we love to record his noble unselfishness, his heroic purposes, the power of his magnificent personality, his glorious achievements for mankind, and his stalwart and unflinching devotion to independence, liberty, and union. these cannot be too often told or be too familiarly known. a slaveholder himself, he yet hated slavery, and provided in his will for the emancipation of his slaves. not a college graduate, he was always enthusiastically the friend of liberal education.... and how reverent always was this great man, how prompt and generous his recognition of the guiding hand of divine providence in establishing and controlling the destinies of the colonies and the republic.... washington states the reasons of his belief in language so exalted that it should be graven deep in the mind of every patriot: no people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of man more than the people of the united states. every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consents of so many distinguished communities from which the events resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the same seems to presage. the reflections arising out of the present crisis have forced themselves strongly upon my mind. you will join me, i trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government are more auspiciously commenced. in his farewell address, washington contends in part: ( ) for the promotion of institutions of learning; ( ) for cherishing the public credit; ( ) for the observance of good faith and justice toward all nations.... at no point in his administration does washington appear in grander proportions than when he enunciates his ideas in regard to the foreign policy of the government: observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct. can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. * * * * * washington anonymous we are met to testify our regard for him whose name is intimately blended with whatever belongs most essentially to the prosperity, the liberty, the free institutions, and the renown of our country. that name was a power to rally a nation in the hour of thick-thronging public disasters and calamities; that name shone amid the storm of war, a beacon light to cheer and guide the country's friends; its flame, too, like a meteor, to repel her foes. that name in the days of peace was a loadstone, attracting to itself a whole people's confidence, a whole people's love, and the whole world's respect; that name, descending with all time, spread over the whole earth, and uttered in all the languages belonging to the tribes and races of men, will forever be pronounced with affectionate gratitude by everyone in whose breast there shall arise an aspiration for human rights and human liberty. washington stands at the commencement of a new era, as well as at the head of the new world. a century from the birth of washington has changed the world. the country of washington has been the theater on which a great part of that change has been wrought, and washington himself a principal agent by which it has been accomplished. his age and his country are equally full of wonders, and of both he is the chief. it is the spirit of human freedom, the new elevation of individual man, in his moral, social, and political character, leading the whole long train of other improvements, which has most remarkably distinguished the era. society has assumed a new character; it has raised itself from beneath governments to a participation in governments; it has mixed moral and political objects with the daily pursuits of individual men, and, with a freedom and strength before altogether unknown, it has applied to these objects the whole power of the human understanding. it has been the era, in short, when the social principle has triumphed over the feudal principle; when society has maintained its rights against military power, and established on foundations never hereafter to be shaken its competency to govern itself. vii washington's place in history the highest pedestal by william e. gladstone when i first read in detail the life of washington, i was profoundly impressed with the moral elevation and greatness of his character, and i found myself at a loss to name among the statesmen of any age or country many, or possibly any, who could be his rival. in saying this i mean no disparagement to the class of politicians, the men of my own craft and cloth, whom in my own land, and my own experience, i have found no less worthy than other men of love and admiration. i could name among them those who seem to me to come near even to him. but i will shut out the last half century from the comparison. i will then say that if, among all the pedestals supplied by history for public characters of extraordinary nobility and purity, i saw one higher than all the rest, and if i were required at a moment's notice to name the fittest occupant for it, i think my choice at any time during the last forty-five years would have lighted, as it would now light, upon washington. * * * * * washington in history by chauncey m. depew no man ever stood for so much to his country and to mankind as george washington. hamilton, jefferson, adams, madison, and jay each represented some of the elements which formed the union. washington embodied them all. the superiority of washington's character and genius were more conspicuous in the formation of our government and in putting it on indestructible foundations than leading armies to victory and conquering the independence of his country. "the union in any event" is the central thought of the "farewell address," and all the years of his grand life were devoted to its formation and preservation. do his countrymen exaggerate his virtues? listen to guizot, the historian of civilization: "washington did the two greatest things which in politics it is permitted to man to attempt. he maintained by peace the independence of his country, which he conquered by war. he founded a free government in the name of the principles of order, and by re-establishing their sway." hear lord erskine, the most famous of english advocates: "you are the only being for whom i have an awful reverence." remember the tribute of charles james fox, the greatest parliamentary orator who ever swayed the british house of commons: "illustrious man, before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance." contemplate the character of lord brougham, pre-eminent for two generations in every department of human thought and activity, and then impress upon the memories of your children his deliberate judgment: "until time shall be no more will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of washington." blot out from the page of history the names of all the great actors of his time in the drama of nations, and preserve the name of washington, and the century would be renowned. * * * * * to the shade of washington by richard alsop exalted chief, in thy superior mind what vast resource, what various talents joined! tempered with social virtue's milder rays, there patriot worth diffused a purer blaze; formed to command respect, esteem, inspire, midst statesmen grave, or midst the social choir, with equal skill the sword or pen to wield, in council great, unequaled in the field, mid glittering courts or rural walks to please, polite with grandeur, dignified with ease; before the splendors of thy high renown how fade the glow-worn lusters of a crown; how sink diminished in that radiance lost the glare of conquest, and of power the boast. let greece her alexander's deeds proclaim; or cæsar's triumphs gild the roman name; stripped of the dazzling glare around them cast, shrinks at their crimes humanity aghast; with equal claim to honor's glorious meed. see attila his course of havoc lead! o'er asia's realms, in one vast ruin hurled. see furious zingis' bloody flag unfurled. on base far different from the conqueror's claim rests the unsullied column of thy fame; his on the woes of millions proudly based, with blood cemented and with tears defaced; thine on a nation's welfare fixed sublime, by freedom strengthened and revered by time. he, as the comet, whose portentous light spreads baleful splendor o'er the glooms of night, with chill amazement fills the startled breast. while storms and earthquakes dire its course attest, and nature trembles, lest, in chaos hurled, should sink the tottering fabric of the world. thou, like the sun, whose kind propitious ray opes the glad morn and lights the fields of day, dispels the wintry storm, the chilling rain, with rich abundance clothes the smiling plain, gives all creation to rejoice around, and life and light extends o'er nature's utmost bound. though shone thy life a model bright of praise, not less the example bright thy death portrays, when, plunged in deepest we, around thy bed, each eye was fixed, despairing sunk each head, while nature struggled with severest pain, and scarce could life's last lingering powers retain: in that dread moment, awfully serene, no trace of suffering marked thy placid mien, no groan, no murmuring plaint, escaped thy tongue, no lowering shadows on thy brow were hung; but calm in christian hope, undamped with fear, thou sawest the high reward of virtue near, on that bright meed in sweetest trust reposed, as thy firm hand thine eyes expiring closed, pleased, to the will of heaven resigned thy breath, and smiled as nature's struggles closed in death. * * * * * the majestic eminence of washington by chauncey m. depew _in an address, february , _ "time's noblest offspring is the last." as the human race has moved along down the centuries, the vigorous and ambitious, the dissenters from blind obedience and the original thinkers, the colonists and state builders, have broken camp with the morning, and followed the sun till the close of day. they have left behind narrow and degrading laws, traditions, and castes. their triumphant success is pushing behind every bayonet carried at the order of kaiser or czar; men, who, in doing their own thinking, will one day decide for themselves the problems of peace and war. the scenes of the fifth act of the grand drama are changing, but all attention remains riveted upon one majestic figure. he stands the noblest leader who ever was intrusted with his country's life. his patience under provocation, his calmness in danger, and lofty courage when all others despaired, his prudent delays when delay was best, and his quick and resistless blows when action was possible, his magnanimity to defamers and generosity to his foes, his ambition for his country and unselfishness for himself, his sole desire of freedom and independence for america, and his only wish to return after victory to private life, have all combined to make him, by the unanimous judgment of the world, the foremost figure of history. * * * * * for a little pupil anonymous "napoleon was great, i know, and julius cæsar, and all the rest, but they didn't belong to us, and so i like george washington the best." * * * * * washington's fame by asher robbins it is the peculiar good fortune of this country to have given birth to a citizen whose name everywhere produces a sentiment of regard for his country itself. in other countries, whenever and wherever this is spoken of to be praised, it is called the country of washington. i believe there is no people, civilized or savage, in any place however remote, where the name of washington has not been heard, and where it is not respected with the fondest admiration. we are told that the arab of the desert talks of washington in his tent, and that his name is familiar to the wandering scythian. he seems, indeed, to be the delight of humankind, as their beau-ideal of human nature. no american, in any part of the world, but has found the regard for himself increased by his connection with washington, as his fellow-countryman; and who has not felt a pride, and has occasion to exult, in the fortunate connection? a century and more has now passed away since he came upon the stage, and his fame first broke upon the world; for it broke like the blaze of day from the rising sun--almost as sudden, and seemingly as universal. the eventful period since that era has teemed with great men, who have crossed the scene and passed off. some of them have arrested great attention--very great. still washington retains his preëminent place in the minds of men; still his peerless name is cherished by them in the same freshness of delight as in the morn of its glory. history will keep a record of his fame; but history is not necessary to perpetuate it. in regions where history is not read, where letters are unknown, it lives, and will go down from age to age, in all future time, in their traditionary lore. who would exchange this fame, the common inheritance of our country, for the fame of any individual which any country of any time can boast? i would not; with my sentiments i could not. * * * * * washington _the brightest name on history's page_ by eliza cook land of the west! though passing brief the record of thine age, thou hast a name that darkens all on history's wide page! let all the blasts of fame ring out,--thine shall be loudest far; let others boast their satellites,--thou hast the planet star. thou hast a name whose characters of light shall ne'er depart; 'tis stamped upon the dullest brain, and warms the coldest heart; a war-cry fit for any land where freedom's to be won; land of the west! it stands alone,--it is thy washington! rome had its cæsar, great and brave, but stain was on his wreath; he lived the heartless conqueror, and died the tyrant's death. france had its eagle, but his wings, though lofty they might soar, were spread in false ambition's flight, and dipped in murder's gore. those hero-gods, whose mighty sway would fain have chained the waves-- who flashed their blades with tiger zeal to make a world of slaves-- who, though their kindred barred the path, still fiercely waded on, oh, where shall be _their_ "glory" by the side of washington! he fought, but not with love of strife; he struck but to defend; and ere he turned a people's foe, he sought to be a friend; he strove to keep his country's right by reason's gentle word, and sighed when fell injustice threw the challenge sword to sword. he stood the firm, the wise, the patriot, and the sage; he showed no deep, avenging hate, no burst of despot rage; he stood for liberty and truth, and daringly led on till shouts of victory gave forth the name of washington. no car of triumph bore him through a city filled with grief; no groaning captives at the wheels proclaimed him victor-chief; he broke the gyves of slavery with strong and high disdain, but cast no scepter from the links when he had rent the chain. he saved his land, but did not lay his soldier trappings down to change them for a regal vest and don a kingly crown. fame was too earnest in her joy, too proud of such a son, to let a robe and title mask her noble washington. england, my heart is truly thine, my loved, my native earth,-- the land that holds a mother's grave and gave that mother birth! oh, keenly sad would be the fate that thrust me from thy shore and faltering my breath that sighed, "farewell for evermore!" but did i meet such adverse lot, i would not seek to dwell where olden heroes wrought the deeds for homer's song to tell. "away, thou gallant ship!" i'd cry, "and bear me safely on, but bear me from my own fair land to that of washington." * * * * * washington, the patriot _an extract from president mckinley's address on washington, taken from a report in the cleveland leader_ washington and the american republic are inseparable. you cannot study history without having the name of washington come to you unbidden. bancroft said, "but for washington the republic would never have been conceived; the constitution would not have been formed, and the federal government would never have been put in operation." washington felt that the revolution was a struggle for freedom, and it was by his strong character and wonderful patriotism that the army was held together during the prolonged and perilous war. in all the public affairs of the colonies washington was the champion of right. his military career has never been equaled. he continued at the head of his army until the close of the war, overcoming jealousies and intrigues, which only the greatest courage and the sublimest wisdom could do. the ideal he had ever cherished was one in which the individual could have the greatest liberty, consistent with the country's best interests, and it was with this ideal constantly in mind that he carried on the war and embodied the principles of liberty within the government. washington had many temptations, but the greatest of them came after the victory was achieved. at the time when the army was in revolt, when there was dissatisfaction in congress, and consternation and distress throughout the colonies, it was proposed that the original plan of government be abandoned and that washington be chosen as the military ruler or dictator. washington's strong reproval of such proposals and his insistence upon the stronger government, showed his unselfish regard for the country. a weaker man might have weakened, a bad one would, but washington was determined to embody into the government all that had been achieved by the war. washington in what he did had no precedents. he and his associates made the chart which assisted them in guiding the new government. he established credit, put the army and navy on a permanent basis, fostered commerce, and was ever on the side of education. everything that he did demonstrates his marvelous foresight. we cannot afford to spare the inspiration that comes from washington. it promotes patriotism and gives vigor to national life. washington's views on slavery were characterized by a high sense of justice and an exalted conscience. he was the owner of slaves by inheritance, all his interests were affected by slavery, yet he was opposed to it, and in his will he provided for the liberation of his slaves. he set the example for emancipation. he hoped for, prayed for, and was willing to vote for what lincoln afterward accomplished. viii the whole man george washington by john hall ingham this was the man god gave us when the hour proclaimed the dawn of liberty begun; who dared a deed, and died when it was done, patient in triumph, temperate in power,-- not striving like the corsican to tower to heaven, nor like great philip's greater son to win the world and weep for worlds unwon, or lose the star to revel in the flower. the lives that serve the eternal verities alone do mold mankind. pleasure and pride sparkle awhile and perish, as the spray smoking across the crests of cavernous seas is impotent to hasten or delay the everlasting surges of the tide. * * * * * historical memorabilia of washington compiled by h.b. carrington . february (february , o.s.), born. . surveyor of lands at sixteen years of age. . military inspector and major at nineteen years of age. . adjutant-general of virginia. . commissioner to the french. . colonel, and commanding the virginia militia. . aide-de-camp to braddock in his campaign. . again commands the virginia troops. . resigns his commission. . january . married. . elected member of virginia house of burgesses. . commissioner to settle military accounts. . in first continental congress. . in second continental congress. . june . elected commander-in-chief. . july . in command at cambridge. . march . expels the british from boston. . august . battle of long island. . august . masterly retreat to new york. . september . gallant, at kipp's bay. . october . battle of harlem heights. . october . battle near white plains. . november . enters new jersey. . december . occupies right bank of the delaware. . december . clothed with "full power." . december . plans an offensive campaign. . december . battle of trenton. . january . battle of princeton. . july. british driven from new jersey, during. . july . marches for philadelphia. . september . battle of brandywine. . september . offers battle at west chester. . october . battle of germantown. . winters at valley forge. . june . battle of monmouth. . british again retire from new jersey. . again at white plains. . at middlebrook, new jersey, and new windsor. . winters at morristown, new jersey. . confers with rochambeau as to plans. . threatens new york in june and july. . joins lafayette before yorktown. . october . surrender of cornwallis. . november . farewell to the army. . november . occupies new york. . december . parts with his officers. . december . resigns his commission. . presides at constitutional convention. . march . elected president of the united states. . april . inaugurated at new york. . march . re-elected for four years. . september . farewell to the people. . march . retires to private life. . july . appointed commander-in-chief. . december . died at mount vernon. * * * * * a bird's-eye view of washington[ ] by henry mitchell maccracken george washington was a son of augustine washington and his second wife, mary ball, and a descendant of john washington, who emigrated from england about , during the protectorate of cromwell. he was born in the english colony of virginia, in westmoreland county, on february , . his education was simple and practical. to the common english instruction of his time and home, young washington added bookkeeping and surveying. the three summers preceding his twentieth year he spent in surveying the estate of lord fairfax on the northwest boundary of the colony, an occupation which strengthened his splendid physical constitution to a high point of efficiency, and gave him practice in topography,--valuable aids in the military campaigning which speedily followed. in , at nineteen, he was made adjutant in the militia, with the rank of major. in the following year he inherited the estate of mount vernon. in the winter of - , at twenty-one, he was sent by the governor of virginia on a mission to the french posts beyond the alleghanies. soon after his return he led a regiment to the headwaters of the ohio, but was compelled to retreat to the colony on account of the overwhelming numbers of the french at fort duquesne. in braddock's defeat, july , , washington was one of the latter's aides, and narrowly escaped death, having had two horses shot under him. during the remaining part of the french and indian war, he was in command of the virginia frontier, with the rank of colonel, and occupied fort duquesne in . on january , , he married a wealthy widow, mrs. martha custis, and removed to mount vernon. the administration of his plantations involved a large measure of commerce with england, and he himself with his own hand kept his books with mercantile exactness. soon after the outbreak of hostilities, washington was appointed by the continental congress, at forty-three years of age, commander-in-chief of the armies of the revolution, and assumed their control at cambridge on july , . in he occupied boston, lost new york, then brilliantly restored the drooping spirit of the land at trenton and princeton. in the year following he lost philadelphia, and retreated to valley forge. threatened by the jealousy of his own subordinates, he put to shame the cabal formed in the interests of gates, who had this year captured burgoyne. for three years, - , he maintained himself against heavy odds in the jerseys, fighting at monmouth the first year, reaching out to capture stony point the next year, and the third year combating the treason of arnold. in , he planned the cooping up of cornwallis on the peninsula of yorktown, with the aid of the french allies, and received his surrender on october th. resigning his commission at annapolis, december , , he returned to his estate at mount vernon, but vastly aided the incipient work of framing the constitution by correspondence. in may, , he took his seat as president of the constitutional convention at philadelphia. he was inaugurated the first president of the united states in april, , after a unanimous election. he was similarly reflected in , but refused a third term in . in the face of unmeasured vituperation he firmly kept the nascent nation from embroiling herself in the wars of france and england. retiring again to mount vernon in the spring of , he nevertheless accepted, at sixty-six years of age, the post of commander-in-chief of the provisional army raised in to meet the insolence of the french directorate. in december, , while riding about his estates during a snowstorm, he contracted a disease of the throat, from which he died on december , . he provided by his will for the manumission of his slaves, to take effect on the decease of his widow. no lineal descendants can claim as an ancestor this extraordinary man. he belongs to his country. his tomb is at mount vernon, and is in keeping of the women of america. footnotes: [ ] from "the hall of fame." published by g.p. putnam's sons, new york, . * * * * * the character of washington by daniel webster _a speech delivered at a public dinner, washington, february , _ _the power of the name of washington_ we are met to testify our regard for him whose name is intimately blended with whatever belongs most essentially to the prosperity, the liberty, the free institutions, and the renown of our country;. that name was of power to rally a nation, in the hour of thick-thronging public disasters and calamities; that name shone, amid the storm of war, a beacon light, to cheer and guide the country's friends; it flamed, too, like a meteor, to repel her foes. that name, in the days of peace, was a lodestone, attracting to itself a whole people's confidence, a whole people's love, and the whole world's respect. that name, descending with all time, spreading over the whole earth, and uttered in all the languages belonging to the tribes and races of men, will forever be pronounced with affectionate gratitude by everyone in whose breast there shall arise an aspiration for human rights and human liberty. we perform this grateful duty, gentlemen, at the expiration of a hundred years from his birth, near the place so cherished and beloved by him, where his dust now reposes, and in the capital which bears his own immortal name. all experience evinces that human sentiments are strongly influenced by association. the recurrence of anniversaries, or of longer periods of time, naturally freshens the recollection, and deepens the impression, of events with which they are historically connected. renowned places, also, have a power to awaken feeling, which all acknowledge. no american can pass by the fields of bunker hill, monmouth, and camden, as if they were ordinary spots on the earth's surface. whoever visits them feels the sentiment of love of country kindling anew, as if the spirit that belonged to the transactions which have rendered these places distinguished still hovered round, with power to move and excite all who in future time may approach them. _washington's great moral example to the youth of america_ but neither of these sources of emotion equals the power with which great moral examples affect the mind. when sublime virtues cease to be abstractions, when they become embodied in human character, and exemplified in human conduct, we should be false to our own nature if we did not indulge in the spontaneous effusions of our gratitude and our admiration. a true lover of the virtue of patriotism delights to contemplate its purest models; and that love of country may be well suspected which affects to soar so high into the regions of sentiment as to be lost and absorbed in the abstract feeling, and becomes too elevated or too refined to glow with fervor in the commendation or the love of individual benefactors. all this is unnatural. it is as if one should be so enthusiastic a lover of poetry as to care nothing for homer or milton; so passionately attached to eloquence as to be indifferent to tully[ ] and chatham; or such a devotee to the art, in such an ecstasy with the elements of beauty, proportion, and expression, as to regard the masterpieces of raphael and michel angelo with coldness or contempt. we may be assured, gentlemen, that he who really loves the thing itself, loves its finest exhibitions. a true friend of his country loves her friends and benefactors, and thinks it no degradation to commend and commemorate them. the voluntary outpouring of the public feeling, made to-day, from the north to the south, and from the east to the west, proves this sentiment to be both just and natural. in the cities and in the villages, in the public temples and in the family circles, among all ages and sexes, gladdened voices to-day bespeak grateful hearts and a freshened recollection of the virtues of the father of his country. and it will be so, in all time to come, so long as public virtue is itself an object of regard. the ingenuous youth of america will hold up to themselves the bright model of washington's example, and study to be what they behold; they will contemplate his character till all its virtues spread out and display themselves to their delighted vision; as the earliest astronomers, the shepherds on the plains of babylon, gazed at the stars till they saw them form into clusters and constellations, overpowering at length the eyes of the beholders with the united blaze of a thousand lights. _a wonderful age and country_ gentlemen, we are at a point of a century from the birth of washington; and what a century it has been! during its course, the human mind has seemed to proceed with a sort of geometric velocity, accomplishing for human intelligence and human freedom more than had been done in fives or tens of centuries preceding. washington stands at the commencement of a new era, as well as at the head of the new world. a century from the birth of washington has changed the world. the country of washington has been the theater on which a great part of that change has been wrought, and washington himself a principal agent by which it has been accomplished. his age and his country are equally full of wonders; and of both he is the chief. if the poetical prediction, uttered a few years before his birth, be true; if indeed it be designed by providence that the grandest exhibition of human character and human affairs shall be made in this theater of the western world; if it be true that, "the four first acts already past, a fifth shall close the drama with the day; time's noblest offspring is the last"; how could this imposing, swelling, final scene be appropriately opened, how could its intense interest be adequately sustained but by the introduction of just such a character as our washington? _the spark of human freedom_ washington had attained his manhood when that spark of liberty was struck out in his own country which has since kindled into a flame and shot its beams over the earth. in the flow of a century from his birth, the world has changed in science, in arts, in the extent of commerce, in the improvement of navigation, and in all that relates to the civilization of man. but it is the spirit of human freedom, the new elevation of individual man, in his moral, social, and political character, leading the whole long train of other improvements, which has most remarkably distinguished the era. society, in this century, has not made its progress, like chinese skill, by a greater acuteness of ingenuity in trifles; it has not merely lashed itself to an increased speed round the old circles of thought and action; but it has assumed a new character; it has raised itself from _beneath_ governments to a participation in governments; it has mixed moral and political objects with the daily pursuits of individual men; and, with a freedom and strength before altogether unknown, it has applied to these objects the whole power of the human understanding. it has been the era, in short, when the social principle has triumphed over the feudal principle; when society has maintained its rights against military power, and established, on foundations never hereafter to be shaken, its competency to govern itself. _a new governmental experiment_ it was the extraordinary fortune of washington that, having been intrusted in revolutionary times, with the supreme military command, and having fulfilled that trust with equal renown for wisdom and for valor, he should be placed at the head of the first government in which an attempt was to be made on a large scale to rear the fabric of social order on the basis of a written constitution, and of a pure representative principle. a government was to be established without a throne, without an aristocracy, without castes, orders, or privileges; and this government, instead of being a democracy existing and acting within the walls of a single city, was to be extended over a vast country of different climates, interests, and habits, and of various communions of our common christian faith. the experiment certainly was entirely new. a popular government of this extent, it was evident, could be framed only by carrying into full effect the principle of representation or of delegated power; and the world was to see whether society could, by the strength of this principle, maintain its own peace and good government, carry forward its own great interests, and conduct itself to political renown and glory. by the benignity of providence, this experiment, so full of interest to us and to our posterity forever, so full of interest, indeed, to the world in its present generation and in all its generations to come, was suffered to commence under the guidance of washington. destined for this high career, he was fitted for it by wisdom, by virtue, by patriotism, by discretion, by whatever can inspire confidence in man toward man. in entering on the untried scenes, early disappointment and the premature extinction of all hope of success would have been certain, had it not been that there did exist throughout the country, in a most extraordinary degree, an unwavering trust in him who stood at the helm. _the world interested in the experiment_ i remarked, gentlemen, that the whole world was and is interested in the result of this experiment. and is it not so? do we deceive ourselves, or is it true that at this moment the career which this government is running is among the most attractive objects to the civilized world? do we deceive ourselves, or is it true that at this moment that love of liberty and that understanding of its true principles which are flying over the whole earth, as on the wings of all the winds, are really and truly of american origin? _importance of the english revolution of _ at the period of the birth of washington there existed in europe no political liberty in large communities, except in the provinces of holland, and except that england herself had set a great example, so far as it went, by her glorious revolution of . everywhere else, despotic power was predominant, and the feudal or military principle held the mass of mankind in hopeless bondage. one-half of europe was crushed beneath the bourbon scepter, and no conception of political liberty, no hope even of religious toleration, existed among that nation which was america's first ally. the king was the state, the king was the country, the king was all. there was one king, with power not derived from his people, and too high to be questioned; and the rest were all subjects, with no political right but obedience. all above was intangible power, all below quiet subjection. a recent occurrence in the french chamber shows us how public opinion on these subjects is changed. a minister had spoken of the "king's subjects." "there are no subjects," exclaimed hundreds of voices at once, "in a country where the people make the king!" gentlemen, the spirit of human liberty and of free government, nurtured and grown into strength and beauty in america, has stretched its course into the midst of the nations. like an emanation from heaven, it has gone forth, and it will not return void. it must change, it is fast changing, the face of the earth. our great, our high duty is to show, in our own example, that this spirit is a spirit of health as well as a spirit of power; that its benignity is as great as its strength; that its efficiency to secure individual rights, social relations, and moral order, is equal to the irresistible force with which it prostrates principalities and powers. the world, at this moment, is regarding us with a willing, but something of a fearful, admiration. its deep and awful anxiety is to learn whether free states may be stable, as well as free; whether popular power may be trusted, as well as feared; in short, whether wise, regular, and virtuous self-government is a vision for the contemplation of theorists, or a truth established, illustrated, and brought into practice in the country of washington. _the united states a western sun_ gentlemen, for the earth which we inhabit, and the whole circle of the sun, for all the unborn races of mankind, we seem to hold in our hands, for their weal or woe, the fate of this experiment. if we fail, who shall venture the repetition? if our example shall prove to be one not of encouragement, but of terror, not fit to be imitated, but fit only to be shunned, where else shall the world look for free models? if this great _western sun_ be struck out of the firmament, at what other fountain shall the lamp of liberty hereafter be lighted? what other orb shall emit a ray to glimmer, even, on the darkness of the world? there is no danger of our overrating or overstating the important part which we are now acting in human affairs. it should not flatter our personal self-respect, but it should reanimate our patriotic virtues and inspire us with a deeper and more solemn sense both of our privileges and of our duties. we cannot wish better for our country, nor for the world, than that the same spirit which influenced washington may influence all who succeed him; and that the same blessing from above, which attended his efforts, may also attend theirs. _washington's farewell address_ the principles of washington's administration are not left doubtful. they are to be found in the constitution itself, in the great measures recommended and approved by him, in his speeches to congress, and in that most interesting paper, his farewell address to the people of the united states. the success of the government under his administration is the highest proof of the soundness of these principles. and, after an experience of thirty-five years, what is there which an enemy could condemn? what is there which either his friends, or the friends of the country, could wish to have been otherwise? i speak, of course, of great measures and leading principles. in the first place, all his measures were right in their intent. he stated the whole basis of his own great character, when he told the country, in the homely phrase of the proverb, that honesty is the best policy. one of the most striking things ever said of him is, that "_he changed mankind's ideas of political greatness_."[ ] to commanding talents, and to success, the common elements of such greatness, he added a disregard of self, a spotlessness of motive, a steady submission to every public and private duty, which threw far into the shade the whole crowd of vulgar great. the object of his regard was the whole country. no part of it was enough to fill his enlarged patriotism. his love of glory, so far as that may be supposed to have influenced him at all, spurned everything short of general approbation. it would have been nothing to him that his partisans or his favorites outnumbered, or outvoted, or outmanaged, or outclamored, those of other leaders. he had no favorites; he rejected all partisanship; and, acting honestly for the universal good, he deserved, what he so richly enjoyed, the universal love. his principle it was to act right, and to trust the people for support; his principle it was not to follow the lead of sinister and selfish ends, nor to rely on the little arts of party delusion to obtain public sanction for such a course. born for his country and for the world, he did not give up to party what was meant for mankind. the consequence is, that his fame is as durable as his principles, as lasting as truth and virtue themselves. while the hundreds whom party excitement, and temporary circumstances, and casual combinations, have raised into transient notoriety, sink again, like thin bubbles, bursting and dissolving into the great ocean, washington's fame is like the rock which bounds that ocean, and at whose feet its billows are destined to break harmlessly forever. _his conduct of america's foreign relations_ the maxims upon which washington conducted our foreign relations were few and simple. the first was an entire and indisputable impartiality towards foreign states.[ ] he adhered to this rule of public conduct, against very strong inducements to depart from it, and when the popularity of the moment seemed to favor such a departure. in the next place, he maintained true dignity and unsullied honor in all communications with foreign states. it was among the high duties devolved upon him to introduce our new government into the circle of civilized states and powerful nations. not arrogant or assuming, with no unbecoming or supercilious bearing, he yet exacted for it from all others entire and punctilious respect. he demanded, and he obtained at once, a standing of perfect equality for his country in the society of nations; nor was there a prince or potentate of his day, whose personal character carried with it, into the intercourse of other states, a greater degree of respect and veneration. he regarded other nations only as they stood in political relations to us. with their internal affairs, their political parties and dissensions, he scrupulously abstained from all interference; and, on the other hand, he repelled with spirit all such interference by others with us or our concerns. his sternest rebuke, the most indignant measure of his whole administration, was aimed against such an attempted interference. he felt it as an attempt to wound the national honor, and resented it accordingly. _foreign influence a foe of republican government_ the reiterated admonitions in his farewell address show his deep fears that foreign influence would insinuate itself into our counsels through the channels of domestic dissension, and obtain a sympathy with our own temporary parties. against all such dangers he most earnestly entreats the country to guard itself. he appeals to its patriotism, to its self-respect, to its own honor, to every consideration connected with its welfare and happiness, to resist, at the very beginning, all tendencies toward such connection of foreign interests with our own affairs. with a tone of earnestness nowhere else found, even in his last affectionate farewell advice to his countrymen, he says, "against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (i conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government." _the advantages of american isolation_ lastly, on the subject of foreign relations, washington never forgot that we had interests peculiar to ourselves. the primary political concerns of europe, he saw, did not affect us. we had nothing to do with her balance of power, her family compacts, or her successions to thrones. we were placed in a condition favorable to neutrality during european wars, and to the enjoyment of all the great advantages of that relation. "why, then," he asks us, "why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?" indeed, gentlemen, washington's farewell address is full of truths important at all times, and particularly deserving consideration at the present. with a sagacity which brought the future before him, and made it like the present, he saw and pointed out the dangers that even at this moment most imminently threaten us. i hardly know how a greater service of that kind could now be done to the community, than by a renewed and wide diffusion of that admirable paper, and an earnest invitation to every man in the country to reperuse and consider it. its political maxims are invaluable; its exhortations to love of country and to brotherly affection among citizens, touching; and the solemnity with which it urges the observance of moral duties, and impresses the power of religious obligation, gives to it the highest character of truly disinterested, sincere, parental advice. _washington's domestic policy_ the domestic policy of washington found its pole-star in the avowed objects of the constitution itself. he sought so to administer that constitution as to form more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. these were objects interesting in the highest degree, to the whole country, and his policy embraced the whole country. among his earliest and most important duties was the organization of the government itself, the choice of his confidential advisers, and the various appointments to office. this duty, so important and delicate, when a whole government was to be organized, and all its offices for the first time filled, was yet not difficult to him, for he had no sinister ends to accomplish, no clamorous partisans to gratify, no pledges to redeem, no object to be regarded but simply the public good. it was a plain, straightforward matter, a mere honest choice of good men for the public service. _his first cabinet_ his own singleness of purpose, his disinterested patriotism, were evinced by the selection of his first cabinet, and by the manner in which he felled the seats of justice, and other places of high trust. he sought for men fit for offices; not for offices which might suit them. above personal considerations, above local considerations, above party considerations, he felt that he could only discharge the sacred trust which the country had placed in his hands, by a diligent inquiry after real merit, and a conscientious preference of virtue and talent. the whole country was the field of his selection. he explored that whole field, looking only for whatever it contained most worthy and distinguished. he was, indeed, most successful, and he deserved success for the purity of his motives, the liberality of his sentiments, and his enlarged and manly policy. _important measures of his administrations_ washington's administration established the national credit, made provision for the public debt, and for that patriotic army whose interests and welfare were always so dear to him; and, by laws wisely framed, and of admirable effect, raised the commerce and navigation of the country, almost at once, from depression and ruin to a state of prosperity. nor were his eyes open to these interests alone. he viewed with equal concern its agriculture and manufactures, and, so far as they came within the regular exercise of the powers of this government, they experienced regard and favor. it should not be omitted, even in this slight reference to the general measures and general principles of the first president, that he saw and felt the full value and importance of the judicial department of the government. an upright and able administration of the laws he held to be alike indispensable to private happiness and public liberty. the temple of justice, in his opinion, was a sacred place, and he would profane and pollute it who should call any to minister in it, not spotless in character, not incorruptible in integrity, not competent by talent and learning, not a fit object of unhesitating trust. _his opinion of the dangers of party spirit_ among other admonitions washington has left us, in his last communication to his country, an exhortation against the excesses of party spirit. a fire not to be quenched, he yet conjures us not to fan and feed the flame. undoubtedly, gentlemen, it is the greatest danger of our system and of our time. undoubtedly, if that system should be overthrown, it will be the work of excessive party spirit, acting on the government, which is dangerous enough, or acting in the government, which is a thousand times more dangerous; for government then becomes nothing but organized party, and, in the strange vicissitudes of human affairs, it may come at last, perhaps, to exhibit the singular paradox of government itself being in opposition to its own powers, at war with the very elements of its own existence. such cases are hopeless. as men may be protected against murder, but cannot be guarded against suicide, so government may be shielded from the assaults of external foes, but nothing can save it when it chooses to lay violent hands on itself. _his love of the union_ finally, gentlemen, there was in the breast of washington one sentiment so deeply felt, so constantly uppermost, that no proper occasion escaped without its utterance. from the letter which he signed in behalf of the convention when the constitution was sent out to the people, to the moment when he put his hand to that last paper in which he addressed his countrymen, the union,--the union was the great object of his thoughts. in that first letter he tells them that to him and his brethren of the convention, union appears to be the greatest interest of every true american; and in that last paper he conjures them to regard that unity of government which constitutes them one people as the very palladium of their prosperity and safety, and the security of liberty itself. he regarded the union of these states less as one of our blessings, than as the great treasure-house which contained them all. here, in his judgment, was the great magazine of all our means of prosperity; here as he thought, and as every true american still thinks, are deposited all our animating prospects, all our solid hopes for future greatness. he has taught us to maintain this union, not by seeking to enlarge the powers of the government, on the one hand, nor by surrendering them, on the other; but by an administration of them at once firm and moderate, pursuing objects truly national, and carried on in a spirit of justice and equity. _the american nation unique_ the extreme solicitude for the preservation of the union, at all times manifested by him, shows not only the opinion he entertained of its importance, but his clear perception of those causes which were likely to spring up to endanger it, and which, if once they should overthrow the present system, would leave little hope of any future beneficial reunion. of all the presumptions indulged by presumptuous men, that is one of the rashest which looks for repeated and favorable opportunities for the deliberate establishment of a united government over distinct and widely extended communities. such a thing has happened once in human affairs, and but once; the event stands out as a prominent exception to all ordinary history; and unless we suppose ourselves running into an age of miracles, we may not expect its repetition. washington, therefore, could regard, and did regard nothing as a paramount political interest but the integrity of the union itself. with a united government, well administered, he saw that we had nothing to fear; and without it, nothing to hope. the sentiment is just, and its momentous truth should solemnly impress the whole country. if we might regard our country as personated in the spirit of washington, if we might consider him as representing her, in her past renown, her present prosperity, and her future career, and as in that character demanding of us all to account for our conduct, as political men or as private citizens, how should he answer him who has ventured to talk of disunion and dismemberment? oh how should he answer him who dwells perpetually on local interests, and fans every kindling flame of local prejudice? how should he answer him who would array state against state, interest against interest, and party against party, careless of the continuance of that unity of government which constitutes us one people? the political prosperity which this country has attained, and which it now enjoys, has been acquired mainly through the instrumentality of the present government. while this agent continues, the capacity of attaining to still higher degrees of prosperity exists also. we have, while this lasts, a political life capable of beneficial exertion, with power to resist or overcome misfortunes, to sustain us against the ordinary accidents of human affairs, and to promote, by active efforts, every public interest. but dismemberment strikes at the very being which preserves these faculties. it would lay its rude and ruthless hand on this great agent itself. it would sweep away, not only what we possess, but all power of regaining lost, or acquiring new possessions. it would leave the country not only bereft of its prosperity and happiness, but without limbs, or organs, or faculties, by which to exert itself hereafter in the pursuit of that prosperity and happiness. _dismemberment of the united states the greatest of evils_ other misfortunes may be borne, or their effects overcome. if disastrous war should sweep our commerce from the ocean, another generation may renew it; if it exhaust our treasury, future industry may replenish it; if it desolate and lay waste our fields, still, under a new cultivation, they will grow green again, and ripen to future harvests. it were but a trifle even if the walls of yonder capitol were to crumble, if its lofty pillars should fall, and its gorgeous decorations be all covered by the dust of the valley. all these might be rebuilt. but who shall reconstruct the fabric of demolished government? who shall rear again the well-proportioned columns of constitutional liberty? who shall frame together the skillful architecture which unites national sovereignty with state rights, individual security, and public prosperity? no, if these columns fall, they will be raised not again. like the coliseum and the parthenon, they will be destined to a mournful, a melancholy immortality. bitterer tears, however, will flow over them than were ever shed over the monuments of roman or grecian art; for they will be the remnants of a more glorious edifice than greece or rome ever saw, the edifice of constitutional american liberty. but let us hope for better things. let us trust in that gracious being who has hitherto held our country as in the hollow of his hand. let us trust to the virtue and the intelligence of the people, and to the efficacy of religious obligation. let us trust to the influence of washington's example. let us hope that that fear of heaven which expels all other fear, and that regard to duty which transcends all other regard, may influence public men and private citizens, and lead our country still onward in her happy career. full of these gratifying anticipations and hopes, let us look forward to the end of that century which is now commenced. a hundred years hence, other disciples of washington will celebrate his birth, with no less of sincere admiration than we now commemorate it. when they shall meet, as we now meet, to do themselves and him that honor, so surely as they shall see the blue summits of his native mountains rise in the horizon, so surely as they shall behold the river on whose banks he lived, and on whose banks he rests, still flowing on toward the sea, so surely may they see, as we now see, the flag of the union floating on the top of the capitol; and then, as now, may the sun in his course visit no land more free, more happy, more lovely, than this our own country! footnotes: [ ] at the beginning of the nineteenth century marcus tullius cicero was often called tully. [ ] a remark by fisher ames ( - ), of massachusetts,--perhaps the extremest federalist of his time. [ ] the famous phrase, "honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none," was not washington's but jefferson's. * * * * * mount vernon, the home of washington by william day _the following lines were written on the back of a picture at mount vernon_: there dwelt the man, the flower of human kind, whose visage mild bespoke his nobler mind. there dwelt the soldier, who his sword ne'er drew but in a righteous cause, to freedom true. there dwelt the hero, who ne'er killed for fame, yet gained more glory than a cæsar's name. there dwelt the statesman, who, devoid of art, gave soundest counsels from an upright heart; and, o columbia, by thy sons caressed, there dwelt the father of the realms he blessed; who no wish felt to make his mighty praise, like other chiefs, the means himself to raise; but there retiring, breathed in pure renown, and felt a grandeur that disdained a crown. * * * * * the unselfishness of washington by robert treat paine to the pen of the historian must be resigned the more arduous and elaborate tribute of justice to those efforts of heroic and political virtue which conducted the american people to peace and liberty. the vanquished foe retired from our shores, and left to the controlling genius who repelled them the gratitude of his own country, and the admiration of the world. the time had now arrived which was to apply the touchstone to his integrity, which was to assay the affinity of his principles to the standard of immutable right. on the one hand, a realm to which he was endeared by his services almost invited him to empire; on the other, the liberty to whose protection his life had been devoted, was the ornament and boon of human nature. washington could not depart from his own great self. his country was free. he was no longer a general. sublime spectacle! more elevating to the pride of virtue than the sovereignty of the globe united to the scepter of the ages! enthroned in the hearts of his countrymen, the gorgeous pageantry of prerogative was unworthy the majesty of his dominion. that effulgence of military character which in ancient states has blasted the rights of the people whose renown it had brightened, was not here permitted, by the hero from whom it emanated, to shine with so destructive a luster. its beams, though intensely resplendent, did not wither the young blossoms of our independence; and liberty, like the burning bush, flourished, unconsumed by the glory which surrounded it. to the illustrious founder of our republic it was reserved to exhibit the example of a magnanimity that commanded victory, of a moderation that retired from triumph. unlike the erratic meteors of ambition, whose flaming path sheds a disastrous light on the pages of history, his bright orb, eclipsing the luminaries among which it rolled, never portended "fearful change" to religion, nor from its "golded tresses" shook pestilence on empire. what to other heroes has been glory, would to washington have been disgrace. to his intrepidity it would have added no honorary trophy, to have waded, like the conqueror of peru, through the blood of credulous millions, to plant the standard of triumph at the burning mouth of a volcano. to his fame, it would have erected no auxiliary monument to have invaded, like the ravager of egypt, an innocent though barbarous nation, to inscribe his name on the pillar of pompey. * * * * * the genius of washington[ ] by edwin p. whipple the history, so sad and so glorious, which chronicles the stern struggle in which our rights and liberties passed through the awful baptism of fire and blood, is eloquent with the deeds of many patriots, warriors, and statesmen; but these all fall into relations to one prominent and commanding figure, towering up above the whole group in unapproachable majesty, whose exalted character, warm and bright with every public and private virtue, and vital with the essential spirit of wisdom, has burst all sectional and national bounds, and made the name of washington the property of all mankind. this illustrious man, at once the world's admiration and enigma, we are taught by a fine instinct to venerate, and by a wrong opinion to misjudge. the might of his character has taken strong hold upon the feelings of great masses of men; but, in translating this universal sentiment into an intelligent form, the intellectual element of his wonderful nature is as much depressed as the moral element is exalted, and consequently we are apt to misunderstand both. mediocrity has a bad trick of idealizing itself in eulogizing him, and drags him down to its own level while assuming to lift him to the skies. how many times have we been told that he was not a man of genius, but a person of "excellent common sense," of "admirable judgment," of "rare virtues"! and, by a constant repetition of this odious cant, we have nearly succeeded in divorcing comprehension from his sense, insight from his judgment, force from his virtues, and life from the man. accordingly, in the panegyric of cold spirits, washington disappears in a cloud of commonplaces; in the rhodomontade of boiling patriots, he expires in the agonies of rant. now, the sooner this bundle of mediocre talents and moral qualities, which its contrivers have the audacity to call george washington, is hissed out of existence, the better it will be for the cause of talent and the cause of morals; contempt of that is the condition of insight. he had no genius, it seems. o no! genius, we must suppose, is the peculiar and shining attribute of some orator, whose tongue can spout patriotic speeches, or some versifier, whose muse can "hail columbia," but not of the man who supported states on his arm, and carried america in his brain. the madcap charles townshend, the motion of whose pyrotechnic mind was like the whiz of a hundred rockets, is a man of genius; but george washington raised up above the level of even eminent statesmen, and with a nature moving with the still and orderly celerity of a planet round the sun,--he dwindles, in comparison, into a kind of angelic dunce! what is genius? is it worth anything. is splendid folly the measure of its inspiration? is wisdom that which it recedes from, or tends towards? and by what definition do you award the name to the creator of an epic, and deny it to the creator of a country? on what principle is it to be lavished on him who sculptures in perishing marble the image of possible excellence, and withheld from him who built up in himself a transcendent character indestructible as the obligations of duty, and beautiful as her rewards? indeed, if by the genius of action you mean will enlightened by intelligence, and intelligence energized by will,--if force and insight be its characteristics, and influence its test,--and, especially, if great effects suppose a cause proportionately great, that is, a vital causative mind,--then is washington most assuredly a man of genius, and one whom no other american has equaled in the power of working morally and mentally on other minds. his genius, it is true, was of a peculiar kind, the genius of character, of thought, and the objects of thought solidified and concentrated into active faculty. he belongs to that rare class of men,--rare as homers and miltons, rare as platos and newtons, who have impressed their characters upon nations without pampering national vices. such men have natures broad enough to include all the facts of a people's practical life, and deep enough to discern the spiritual laws which underlie, animate, and govern those facts. washington, in short, had that greatness of character which is the highest expression and last result of greatness of mind; for there is no method of building up character except through mind. indeed, character like his is not _built_ up, stone upon stone, precept upon precept, but _grows_ up, through an actual contact of thought with things,--the assimilative mind transmuting the impalpable but potent spirit of public sentiment, and the life of visible facts, and the power of spiritual laws, into individual life and power, so that their mighty energies put on personality, as it were, and act through one centralizing human will. this process may not, if you please, make the great philosopher or the great poet; but it does make the great _man_,--the man in whom thought and judgment seem identical with volition,--the man whose vital expression is not in words, but deeds,--the man whose sublime ideas issue necessarily in sublime acts, not in sublime art. it was because washington's character was thus composed of the inmost substance and power of facts and principles, that men instinctively felt the perfect reality of his comprehensive manhood. this reality enforced universal respect, married strength to repose, and threw into his face that commanding majesty which made men of the speculative audacity of jefferson, and the lucid genius of hamilton, recognize, with unwonted meekness, his awful superiority. footnotes: [ ] from "character and characteristic men." published by houghton, mifflin & co. * * * * * washington's service to education by charles w.e. chapin washington's ideas concerning education have the approval of educators of our day. he was in advance of his age; it is a question if we have quite caught up with him. of the two plans of his mature years and ripened experience, one has been realized, the west point idea, which brings together, from every state and territory of the union, young men to be trained for military service; that other plan of a national university, with schools of administration and statesmanship, is yet being considered. washington shared neither the least nor the most of the educational advantages of his colony. the elder brothers, lawrence and augustine, had realized their father's hopes, and had been sent to england for their schooling as he had been for his, but the early death of the father defeated that plan for george, so he obtained the early preparation for his life work from the "home university," over which mary washington presided, a loving and wise head. at times george was with his brother augustine at bridges creek, to be near the best parish school, and then he was at home; but all the time he was advancing rapidly in that school of men and affairs. "he was above all things else, a capable, executive boy," says woodrow wilson in his biography. "he loved mastery and he relished acquiring the most effective means of mastery in all practical affairs. his very exercise books, used at school, gave proof of it." as he did these things with care and industry, so he followed with zest the spirited diversions of the hunt and the life in fields and forests. very early he put his knowledge of the surveyor's art to practical test, and applied the chain and logarithm to the reaches of the family lands. his skill came to the notice of lord fairfax, who wished to know the extent of the lands he had inherited in the new world. washington, though but sixteen, was equal to the task; in a month's time, after fording swollen streams and penetrating the forests, he presented to lord fairfax maps and figures which showed him the extent and boundaries of his estate. for three years washington followed this fascinating yet perilous work, and then, being strongly recommended by lord fairfax, and himself being able to show in clear, round style his mastery of the art and science of surveying, he received in from the president of william and mary college the appointment as official surveyor for culpeper county; such a certificate was equivalent to a degree of civil engineer in those days. thus from an institution of higher learning, george washington received the first public recognition of service, and of merit. it was the turning point in his life; it opened up fully the path to those experiences which equipped him for that efficient service in the french and indian war, and the revolution. the honorable position of chancellor had been held by the bishops of london from the foundation of the college in to the revolution. the old statute defining the duties of the office is interesting: "the chancellor is to be the mæcenas, or patron of the college; such a one as by his favor with the king and by his interest with all other persons in england may be enabled to help in all the college affairs. his advice is to be taken, especially in such arduous and momentous affairs as the college shall have to do in england. if the college has any petitions at any time to the king, let them be presented by the chancellor." we can imagine a grim smile on washington's countenance as he read the provisions made concerning the functions of his office, especially that of conferring with the king. in his letter to samuel griffin, esq., rector of the college, accepting his appointment, he says: "influenced by a heartfelt desire to promote the cause of science in general and the prosperity of the college of william and mary in particular, i accept the office of chancellor in the same, and request you will be pleased to give official notice thereof to the learned body who have thought proper to honor me with the appointment. i confide fully in their strenuous endeavors for placing the system of education on such a basis as will render it most beneficial to the state, and the republic of letters, as well as to the more extensive interests of humanity and religion." this call to the leadership of education in his own state antedated his election to the presidency of the new republic by a year, and he continued in that service to the college of william and mary until the close of his life. about the close of the revolution, the state of maryland began to broaden its educational institutions. the school of kent county at chestertown was placed in under the charge of the rev. dr. william smith, the minister of the parish who had been president of the college of philadelphia until its charter was revoked. dr. smith conducted the academy at chestertown with great energy and ability, and in the visitors of the academy asked that it be made a college; the legislature made provision that when a total endowment of five thousand pounds currency should be provided for the school, it should be incorporated into a college, with enlarged courses of study and suitable professors, and should be denominated washington college, "in honorable and perpetual memory of his excellency, general washington, the illustrious and virtuous commander-in-chief, of the armies of the united states." in five months the energetic trustees raised $ , ; washington contributed fifty guineas. the college was at once incorporated, and in the following year, at its first commencement, its endowment had increased to $ , . it was the first college in maryland; washington was elected as a member of the first board of visitors, but being with the army at newburgh, was unable to take his place on the board, until the second commencement of the college in . five years later, the college bestowed upon washington the degree of doctor of laws; his letter of acknowledgment expressed the sentiment that, "in civilized societies the welfare of the state and the happiness of the people are advanced or retarded in proportion as the morals and education of the youth are attended to. i cannot forbear on this occasion to express the satisfaction which i feel on seeing the increase of our seminaries of learning through the extensive country, and the general wish which seems to prevail for establishing and maintaining these valuable institutions." the old college has suffered by fire, and the vicissitudes of fortune, yet it has lived through the years, and is to-day doing a prosperous and noble work. the potomac and virginia company, and the james river company were among those organizations for transportation which washington aided for the opening up of the country. there was a recognition of his services to the country, and the legislature of virginia in , through patrick henry, then governor, gave washington fifty shares in the potomac and virginia company, and one hundred shares in the james river company. washington replied that he had resolutely shut his hand against every pecuniary recompense during the revolutionary struggle; and that he could not change that position. he added that, if the legislature would allow him to turn the gifts from his own private emolument to objects of a public nature, he would endeavor to select objects which would meet the most enlightened and patriotic views of the assembly of virginia. the proposition met with hearty approval, and washington held the stock in both companies, awaiting the time when proper and worthy objects should be found for the benefactions. in he proposed to edmund randolph and thomas jefferson, that the revenue of the stock in those companies be used for the establishment of two schools, one upon each river, for the education of poor children, particularly those whose parents had fallen in the struggle for liberty. the idea was a noble one, yet washington's call to the large service of the college of william and mary as its chancellor, and to the country as its president, prevented him from carrying it out. he carried out the spirit of his idea by giving fifty pounds a year for the instruction of poor children in alexandria, and by making large provision for the education of the sons of soldiers. in he honored a princeton commencement by his presence, and bestowed upon the college a gift of fifty pounds. a tour through georgia in gave him opportunity to visit and approve of the academy of augusta. about the same time the indomitable kirkland, missionary to the iroquois, was trying every source of influence and money in behalf of an academy in oneida county, new york, to be located near the old property line, where both the sons of the settlers and the children of the forest might be educated. his visit to philadelphia secured a generous benefaction from washington, and at the same time his influence and that of others, so that congress appropriated $ , yearly to "instruct the iroquois in agriculture and the useful arts." washington had now matured his idea of a national university. he was ready to lay it before the country, and to be the first contributor to its endowment. virginia was taking new interest in its schools and the influence of william and mary college was widening: there was a demand for more thoroughly equipped academies. the school at augusta, which the revolution had been the means of christening liberty hall, had become prominent. in washington settled upon liberty hall as the proper recipient of the one hundred shares in the james river company to augment its endowment. in accepting the gift the name of the academy was changed, and the trustees were able to sign themselves, "the trustees of washington academy, late liberty hall." washington was greatly touched by the honor, and ascribed his ability to make the donation to "the generosity of the legislature of the commonwealth of virginia." the institution prospered. about a new charter was granted with larger powers, under the name of washington college. john robinson, a soldier of the revolution under washington, gave, in emulation of his illustrious commander, his entire estate to washington college; from it the trustees realized $ , toward the endowment. the stock of the james river company, which washington transferred to the college, to-day yields an income of six per cent, on $ , , and, after prospering years, the college has now a productive endowment of $ , , and a property worth $ , . the country has passed through many critical periods since washington's day, and the union is stronger than ever. the old college is a witness to the all-healing power of time and kinship, for its name has again been added to: it is washington and lee university now; and thus is joined with the name of the father of his country the name of one whom the south has ever loved, whom the north long since forgave, and whose memory the country will ever cherish. the revolutionary war was a costly experiment of education in military affairs in the field; it cost heavily in blood and treasure. washington realized that preparation for service in the army must be had in military schools. from the very beginning of the war until the end of his life, by official message and by letter, washington urged the importance of military instruction. in his message to congress in he said: "the institution of a military academy is recommended by cogent reasons. however pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies. in proportion as the observance from the necessity of practicing the rules of the military art, ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting by proper establishments the knowledge of that art. a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of war is extensive and complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that the possession of it in its most important and perfect state is always of great moment to the security of a nation." congress did make provision for the carrying out of many of the president's recommendations; it created a new grade in the army, that of _cadet_, to which young men exclusively were admitted, and money was appropriated for their education in the science of war that they might be prepared for positions of command. but congress delayed the potential part of the plan; it did not collect the regiment of artillerists and engineers at a single station, nor did it erect buildings for the uses of education. the idea did not die; in congress made the first of those provisions for a military academy with the plan and scope which washington had so persistently urged. west point was chosen as the place of its location. that academy has more than once demonstrated the wisdom of the far-seeing washington. west point is the realization of washington's plans for a national school of military instruction. to-day it represents to the country the important features of that plan for a national university. by his last will and testament, washington bequeathed the fifty shares of stock in the potomac company to the establishment of a national university in the central part of the united states; he made provision that until such a university should be founded the fund should be self-accumulating by the use of the dividends in the purchase of more stock, to still further augment the endowment fund. in the transfers and changes of commercial life apparent record of that stock has been lost, yet that last will bequeathed an ideal which in indirect ways is still inspiring our national educational system. let us take our place by the side of a student of our national history and institutions, as after a walk through the buildings across that noble plain at west point he sits down to meditate, on the granite steps of the "battle monument." he is where the history of yesterday abides, but about him is represented the strength and life of the nation, and the strong military figures of officers, cadets, and soldiers from every section of our country. he feels the wisdom of that great desire of washington's that the life and thought of the widely separated sections of the rising empire should become homogeneous and unified by the meeting of the young men of the land in a central school, during the years of training for the country's service at arms. this student of history would feel how that hope had been fulfilled by the loyal service which the sons of west point to so large a degree rendered the union in its days of peril; and with deep gratitude would he acknowledge that enthusiastic loyalty with which the north and south, the east and west, as represented at west point and throughout the country, rushed to its service to release those islands of the sea from the thraldom and tyranny of a medieval monarchy. then the vista of the future would open before him, and he would see that larger hope and plan of washington's realized in the city of his name. there in that center in the nation's life he would see young men assembling in the national schools of administration, commerce, consular service, and finance, to study questions of government and international relations. he would see reaching to all the lands of earth a peace more beautiful than that of the river below him; and wider and deeper than that western ocean where now is flying our flag of hope and promise. * * * * * address at the dedication of the washington monument by john w. daniel _delivered in the hall of the house of representatives, february , _ mr. president of the united states, senators, representatives, judges, mr. chairman, and my countrymen:--alone in its grandeur stands forth the character of washington in history; alone like some peak that has no fellow in the mountain range of greatness. "washington," said guizot, "washington did the two greatest things which in politics it is permitted to man to attempt. he maintained by peace the independence of his country, which he had conquered by war. he founded a free government in the name of the principles of order and by re-establishing their sway." washington did, indeed, do these things. but he did more. out of disconnected fragments, he molded a whole, and made it a country. he achieved his country's independence by the sword. he maintained that independence by peace as by war. he finally established both his country and its freedom in an enduring frame of constitutional government, fashioned to make liberty and union one and inseparable. these four things together constitute the unexampled achievement of washington. the world has ratified the profound remark of fisher ames, that "he changed mankind's ideas of political greatness." it has approved the opinion of edward everett, that he was "the greatest of good men, and the best of great men." it has felt for him, with erskine, "an awful reverence." it has attested the declaration of brougham that he was "the greatest man of his own or of any age."... conquerors who have stretched your scepter over boundless territories; founders of empires who have held your dominions in the reign of law; reformers who have cried aloud in the wilderness of oppression; teachers who have striven to cast down false doctrines, heresy, and schism; statesmen whose brains have throbbed with mighty plans for the amelioration of human society; scar-crowned vikings of the sea, illustrious heroes of the land, who have borne the standards of siege and battle, come forth in bright array from your glorious fanes, and would ye be measured by the measure of his stature? behold you not in him a more illustrious and more venerable presence? statesman, soldier, patriot, sage, reformer of creeds; teacher of truth and justice, achiever and preserver of liberty, the first of men, founder and saviour of his country, father of his people--this is he, solitary and unapproachable in his grandeur! oh, felicitous providence that gave to america our washington! high soars into the sky to-day, higher than the pyramid or the dome of st. paul's or st. peter's--the loftiest and most imposing structure that man has ever reared--high soars into the sky to where--"earth highest yearns to meet a star" the monument which "we the people of the united states" have uplifted to his memory. it is a fitting monument, more fitting than any statue. for his image could only display him in some one phase of his varied character. so art has fitly typified his exalted life in yon plain, lofty shaft. such is his greatness, that only by a symbol could it be represented. as justice must be blind in order to be whole in contemplation, so history must be silent that by this mighty sign she may disclose the amplitude of her story. no sum could now be made of washington's character that did not exhaust language of its tributes and repeat virtue by all her names. no sum could be made of his achievements that did not unfold the history of his country and its institutions--the history of his age and its progress--the history of man and his destiny to be free. but, whether character or achievement be regarded, the riches before us only expose the poverty of praise. so clear was he in his great office that no ideal of the leader or ruler can be formed that does not shrink by the side of the reality. and so has he impressed himself upon the minds of men, that no man can justly aspire to be the chief of a great, free people, who does not adopt his principles and emulate his example. we look with amazement on such eccentric characters as alexander, cæsar, cromwell, frederick, and napoleon, but when washington's face rises before us, instinctively mankind exclaims: "this is the man for nations to trust and reverence, and for rulers to follow." drawing his sword from patriotic impulse, without ambition and without malice, he wielded it without vindictiveness, and sheathed it without reproach. all that humanity could conceive he did to suppress the cruelties of war and soothe its sorrows. he never struck a coward's blow. to him age, infancy, and helplessness were ever sacred. he tolerated no extremity unless to curb the excesses of his enemy, and he never poisoned the sting of defeat by the exultation of the conqueror. peace he welcomed as a heaven-sent herald of friendship; and no country has given him greater honor than that which he defeated; for england has been glad to claim him as the scion of her blood, and proud, like our sister american states, to divide with virginia the honor of producing him. fascinated by the perfection of the man, we are loath to break the mirror of admiration into the fragments of analysis. but, lo! as we attempt it, every fragment becomes the miniature of such sublimity and beauty that the destructive hand can only multiply the forms of immortality. grand and manifold as were its phases, there is yet no difficulty in understanding the character of washington. he was no veiled prophet. he never acted a part. simple, natural, and unaffected, his life lies before us--a fair and open manuscript. he disdained the arts which wrap power in mystery in order to magnify it. he practiced the profound diplomacy of truthful speech--the consummate tact of direct attention. looking ever to the all-wise disposer of events, he relied on that providence which helps men by giving them high hearts and hopes to help themselves with the means which their creator has put at their service. there was no infirmity in his conduct over which charity must fling its veil; no taint of selfishness from which purity averts her gaze; no dark recess of intrigue that must be lit up with colored panegyric; no subterranean passage to be trod in trembling, lest there be stirred the ghost of a buried crime. a true son of nature was george washington--of nature in her brightest intelligence and noblest mold; and the difficulty, if such there be, in comprehending him, is only that of reviewing from a single standpoint the vast procession of those civil and military achievements which filled nearly half a century of his life, and in realizing the magnitude of those qualities which were requisite to their performance--the difficulty of fashioning in our minds a pedestal broad enough to bear the towering figure, whose greatness is diminished by nothing but the perfection of its proportions. if his exterior--in calm, grave, and resolute repose--ever impressed the casual observer as austere and cold, it was only because he did not reflect that no great heart like his could have lived unbroken unless bound by iron nerves in an iron frame. the commander of armies, the chief of a people, the hope of nations could not wear his heart upon his sleeve; and yet his sternest will could not conceal its high and warm pulsations. under the enemy's guns at boston he did not forget to instruct his agent to administer generously of charity to his needy neighbors at home. the sufferings of women and children thrown adrift by war, and of his bleeding comrades, pierced his soul. and the moist eye and trembling voice with which he bade farewell to his veterans bespoke the underlying tenderness of his nature, even as the storm-wind makes music in its undertones. disinterested patriot, he would receive no pay for his military services. refusing gifts, he was glad to guide the benefaction of a grateful state to educate the children of his fallen braves in the institution at lexington which yet bears his name. without any of the blemishes that mark the tyrant, he appealed so loftily to the virtuous elements in man, that he almost created the qualities which his country needed to exercise; and yet he was so magnanimous and forbearing to the weaknesses of others, that he often obliterated the vices of which he feared the consequences. but his virtue was more than this. it was of that daring, intrepid kind that, seizing principle with a giant's grasp, assumes responsibility at any hazard, suffers sacrifice without pretense of martyrdom, bears calumny without reply, imposes superior will and understanding on all around it, capitulates to no unworthy triumph, but must carry all things at the point of clear and blameless conscience. scorning all manner of meanness and cowardice, his bursts of wrath at their exhibition heighten our admiration for the noble passions which were kindled by the aspirations and exigencies of virtue. invested with the powers of a dictator, the country bestowing them felt no distrust of his integrity; he, receiving them, gave assurance that, as the sword was the last support of liberty, so it should be the first thing laid aside when liberty was won. and keeping the faith in all things, he left mankind bewildered with the splendid problem whether to admire him most for what he was or what he would not be. over and above all his virtues was the matchless manhood of personal honor to which confidence gave in safety the key of every treasure on which temptation dared not smile, on which suspicion never cast a frown. and why prolong the catalogue? "if you are presented with medals of cæsar, of trajan, or alexander, on examining their features you are still led to ask what was their stature and the forms of their persons; but if you discover in a heap of ruins the head or the limb of an antique apollo, be not curious about the other parts, but rest assured that they were all conformable to those of a god." * * * * * "rome to america" is the eloquent inscription on one stone of your colossal shaft--taken from the ancient temple of peace that once stood hard by the palace of the cæsars. uprisen from the sea of revolution, fabricated from the ruins of bartered bastiles, and dismantled palaces of unrighteous, unhallowed power, stood forth now the republic of republics, the nation of nations, the constitution of constitutions, to which all lands and times and tongues had contributed of their wisdom, and the priestess of liberty was in her holy temple. when marathon had been fought and greece kept free, each of the victorious generals voted himself to be first in honor, but all agreed that miltiades was second. when the most memorable struggle for the rights of human nature of which time holds record was thus happily concluded in the muniment of their preservation, whoever else was second, unanimous acclaim declared that washington was first. nor in that struggle alone does he stand foremost. in the name of the people of the united states, their president, their senators, their representatives, and their judges do crown to-day with the grandest crown that veneration has ever lifted to the brow of glory, him whom virginia gave to america, whom america had given to the world and to the ages, and whom mankind with universal suffrage has proclaimed the foremost of the founders of empire in the first degree of greatness; whom liberty herself has anointed as the first citizen in the great republic of humanity. encompassed by the inviolate seas, stands to-day the american republic, which he founded--a freer greater britain--uplifted above the powers and principalities of the earth, even as his monument is uplifted over roof and dome and spire of the multitudinous city. long live the republic of washington! respected by mankind, beloved of all its sons, long may it be the asylum of the poor and oppressed of all lands and religions--long may it be the citadel of that liberty which writes beneath the eagle's folded wings, "we will sell to no man, we will deny to no man, right and justice." long live the united states of america! filled with the free, magnanimous spirit, crowned by the wisdom, blessed by the moderation, hovered over by the angel of washington's example, may they be ever worthy in all things to be defended by the blood of the brave, who know the rights of man and shrink not from their assertion; may they be each a column, and all together, under the constitution, a perpetual temple of peace, unshadowed by a cæsar's palace, at whose altar may freely commune all who seek the union of liberty and brotherhood. long live our country! oh, long through the undying ages may it stand far removed in fact as in space from the old world's feuds and follies; alone in its grandeur and its glory, itself the immortal monument of him whom providence commissioned to teach man the power of truth and to prove to the nations that their redeemer liveth. * * * * * the character of washington by henry cabot lodge for many years i have studied minutely the career of washington, and with every step the greatness of the man has grown upon me; for analysis has failed to discover the act of his life which, under the conditions of the time, i could unhestitatingly pronounce to have been an error. such has been my experience, and, although my deductions may be wrong, they at least have been carefully and slowly made. i see in washington a great soldier, who fought a trying war to a successful end impossible without him; a great statesman, who did more than any other man to lay the foundations of a republic which has endured in prosperity for more than a century. i find in him a marvelous judgment which was never at fault, a penetrating vision which beheld the future of america when it was dim to other eyes, a great intellectual force, a will of iron, an unyielding grasp of facts, and an unequaled strength of patriotic purpose. i see in him, too, a pure and high-minded gentleman of dauntless courage and stainless honor, simple and stately of manner, kind and generous of heart. such he was in truth. the historian and the biographer may fail to do him justice, but the instinct of mankind will not fail. the real hero needs not books to give him worshipers. george washington will always receive the love and reverence of men, because they see embodied in him the noblest possibilities of humanity. ix anecdotes and stories anecdotes of washington washington's relations with children are most interesting. he always wrote of them as the "little ones." through his life he adopted or assumed the expenses of nine of the children of his "kith and kin." dumas says that he arrived at providence with washington at night. "the whole population had assembled from the suburbs; we were surrounded by a crowd of children carrying torches, all were eager to approach the person of him whom they called their father, and pressed so closely around us that they hindered us from proceeding. general washington was much affected, stopped a few moments, and, pressing my hand, said, 'we may be beaten by the english, it is the chance of war; but behold an army which they can never conquer.'" * * * * * in journeying through new england, washington spent a night in a private house where all payment was refused. writing to his host he said: "being informed that you have given my name to one of your sons, and called another after mrs. washington's family, and being, moreover, very much pleased with the modest and innocent looks of your two daughters, patty and polly, i do for these reasons send each of these girls a piece of chintz; and to patty, who bears the name of mrs. washington, and who waited upon us more than polly did, i send five guineas with which she may buy herself any little ornament, or she may dispose of them in any manner more agreeable to herself. as i do not give these things with a view to have it talked of, or even its being known, the less there is said about the matter the better you will please me; but, that i may be sure the chintz and money have got safe to hand, let patty, who i dare say is equal to it, write me a line informing me thereof, directed to the president of the united states at new york." * * * * * once the general was engaged in earnest consultation with colonel pickering until after night had fairly set in. washington prepared to stay with the colonel over night, provided he had a spare blanket and straw. "oh yes," said primus, who was appealed to, "plenty of straw and blankets, plenty." two humble beds were spread side by side in the tent and the officers laid themselves down, while primus seemed to be busy with duties that required his attention before he himself could sleep. he worked, or appeared to work, until the breathing of the prostrate gentlemen satisfied him that they were sleeping, and then seating himself upon a box, he leaned his head upon his hands to obtain such repose as he could. in the middle of the night washington awoke. he looked about and descried the negro. he gazed at him awhile and then spoke. "primus," said he, "primus!" primus started up and rubbed his eyes. "what, general?" said he. washington rose up in his bed. "primus," said he, "what do you mean by saying that you had straw and blankets enough? here you have given up your blankets and straw to me, that i may sleep comfortably, while you are obliged to sit through the night." "it's nothing, general," said primus! "it's nothing! i'm well enough! don't trouble yourself about me, general, but go to sleep again. no matter about me, i sleep very good!" "but it is matter, it is matter," said washington. "i cannot do it, primus. if either is to sit up, i will. but i think there is no need of either sitting up. the blanket is wide enough for two. come and lie down with me." "oh no, general!" said primus, starting and protesting against the proposition. "no, let me sit here." "i say come and lie down here!" said washington. "there is room for both; i insist upon it." he threw open the blanket as he spoke, and moved to one side of the straw. primus professes to have been exceedingly shocked at the idea of lying under the same covering with the commander-in-chief, but his tone was so resolute and determined that he could not hesitate. he prepared himself therefore and laid himself down by washington; on the same straw under the same blanket, the general and the negro servant slept until morning. * * * * * an anecdote characteristic of washington is related by professor mcvickar, in his narrative of "the life of dr. bard," who attended washington during a severe illness in . it was a case of anthrax (carbuncle) so malignant as for several days to threaten mortification. during this period dr. bard never quitted him. on one occasion being left alone with him, general washington, looking steadily in his face, desired his candid opinion as to the probable termination of his disease, adding with that placid firmness which marked his address, "do not flatter me with vain hopes, i'm not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst." dr. bard's answer, though it expressed hope, acknowledged his apprehensions. the president replied: "whether to-night or twenty years hence, makes no difference; i know that i am in the hands of a good providence." * * * * * george washington to his nephew, bushrod washington: remember, that it is not the mere study of the law, but to become eminent in the profession of it, which is to yield honor and profit. the first was your choice, let the second be your ambition; that the company in which you will improve most, will be least expensive to you; and yet i am not such a stoic as to suppose that you will, or think it right that you should always be in company with senators and philosophers; but of the young and the juvenile kind let me advise you to be choice. it is easy to make acquaintances, but very difficult to shake them off, however irksome and unprofitable they are found, after we have once committed ourselves to them. * * * * * while absent from mount vernon washington wrote to his manager: although it is last mentioned, it is foremost in my thoughts to desire you will be particularly attentive to my negroes in their sickness, and to order every overseer positively to be so likewise; for i am sorry to observe that the generality of them view these poor creatures in scarcely any other light than they do a draught horse or an ox, neglecting them as much when they are unable to work instead of comforting and nursing them when they lie in a sick bed. * * * * * a part of each day was always set apart for meditation and devotion; nor this in time of peace only, for we are told that one day while the americans were encamped at valley forge, the owner of the house occupied by the general, a quaker, strolled up the creek, and when not far from his mill, heard a solemn voice. he walked quietly in the direction of it and saw washington's horse tied to a sapling. in a thicket near by was the chief, upon his knees in prayer, his cheeks suffused with tears. * * * * * during the revolutionary war, general washington's army was reduced at one time to great straits, and the people were greatly dispirited. one of them who left his home with an anxious heart one day, as he was passing the edge of a wood near the camp, heard the sound of a voice. he stopped to listen, and looking between the trunks of the large trees he saw general washington engaged in prayer. he passed quietly on, that he might not disturb him; and on returning home, told his family, "america will prevail," and then related what he had heard and seen. * * * * * the abuse of washington by thomas wentworth higginson on the last day in office washington wrote to knox comparing himself to "the weary traveler who sees a resting-place, and is bending his body to lean thereon. to be suffered to do this in peace," he added, "is too much to be endured by some." accordingly on that very day a philadelphia newspaper dismissed him with a final tirade, worth remembering by all who think that political virulence is on the increase: "lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation" was the exclamation of a man who saw a flood of blessedness breaking in upon mankind. if ever there was a time that allowed this exclamation to be repeated, that time is the present. the man who is the source of all our country's misery is this day reduced to the rank of his fellow-citizens, and has no longer the power to multiply the woes of these united states. now more than ever is the time to rejoice. every heart which feels for the liberty, and the happiness of the people must now beat with rapture at the thought that this day the name of washington ceases to give currency to injustice and to legalize corruption.... when we look back upon the eight years of washington's administration, it strikes us with astonishment that one man could thus poison the principles of republicanism among our enlightened people, and carry his designs against the public liberty so far as to endanger its very existence. yet such is the fact, and if this is apparent to all, this day they should form a jubilee in the united states. * * * * * providential events in the life of washington by irving allen from _the independent_ at this season of the anniversary of washington's birth, it seems especially appropriate to recall certain singular circumstances in the life of the greatest of americans--events remarkable in themselves in whatever light they may be viewed; whether, in accordance with the tenets of modern spiritism and, to a certain extent, in harmony with the doctrines of swedenborg and his followers in human affairs of departed spirits; or if, on the other hand, we adopt the simple teachings of the sacred scriptures, and acknowledge the truth with men and their affairs. authentic history records no less than six marvelous instances in which the life of washington was saved under circumstances seemingly little less than miraculous. the first of these wonderful escapes from impending peril occurred during the period of washington's sole recorded absence from the american continent--when he accompanied his brother lawrence, then fatally ill with consumption, to the barbadoes. _smallpox_ they sailed in september of , george being then in the twentieth year of his age. before the brothers had been a fortnight in the island the younger, the future hero of the revolution, was attacked with smallpox in its "natural" and virulent form. this disease was not then the fangless monster with which we are familiar, but was terrific in its assaults and almost invariably fatal; yet washington recovered in something less than three weeks, and retained through his life but slight marks of the malady. one of general washington's biographers well says, in reference to this incident, in the life of the first president, that, "it may well be doubted whether in any of his battles he was in equal danger. if the disease entered an army, it was a foe more to be dreaded than embattled hosts.... but it belongs to that class of diseases of which, by a mysterious law of our nature, our frames are, generally speaking, susceptible but once.... thus it came to pass, that, in the morning of his days, washington became (humanly speaking) safe from all future danger from this formidable disease." the reader of american history will remember that the smallpox appeared among the british troops in boston in the fall of ; that it ravaged our army in canada in the following spring; that it prevailed the same year at ticonderoga, and in at morristown. regarding this last occasion of its appearance, washington said, in a letter to governor henry, of virginia, where vaccination was not permitted: you will pardon my observation on smallpox because i know it is more destructive to the army than the enemies' sword and because i shudder whenever i reflect upon the difficulties of keeping it out. this was the tremendous peril from which washington was comparatively safe after his twentieth year. "if," says a very eminent writer, "to refer this to an overruling providence be a superstition, i desire to be accounted superstitious." _the journey to venango_, the next imminent danger to which washington was exposed, and from which his escape was well-nigh miraculous, was on the occasion of his historic expedition to the headquarters of the french governor at venango, in . the journey itself, in the winter season, of five or six hundred miles through an unsettled country, most of it constantly traveled by natives at enmity with the english, was one continued story of danger and escape. it was but two years after this trip of washington's to venango that english soldiers--surrendered prisoners of war--were tortured to death by the savage natives within sight of fort duquesne. on his return from the fulfillment of his mission, washington traversed the forest with a single companion and an indian guide. just at nightfall, on one of the days of their perilous journey, their savage attendant suddenly turned, and at a distance of but fifteen paces fired on washington, happily without evil result. after this alarming experience the two companions pursued their way alone, footsore and weary, through the woods, with the sure knowledge that the savages were on their trail. reaching the alleghany river on a night of december, they found it encumbered with drifting ice, and only to be crossed by means of a raft which, with only "one poor hatchet," cost them an entire day's labor to construct. when crossing the river, washington, while using the setting pole, was thrown violently into the water at a depth of ten feet, and saved his life by grasping a log. they spent the night, in their frozen clothing, on a little island on which, had they been forced to stay till sunrise, they would, beyond question, have fallen into the hands of the indians; but the intense cold which froze the feet of washington's companion, also sealed the river and enabled them to escape on the ice. _another mission_ the year following the mission to venango ( ) colonel washington was sent in command of a small force in the same direction; but by reason of the greatly superior strength of the enemy, the expedition resulted in a calamitous retreat. by a singular coincidence, the compulsory evacuation of the english stronghold--"fort necessity," as it was called--occurred on the _fourth of july_, --a date afterward made forever glorious in great measure by the inestimable services of the young commander of this earlier and ill-fated military expedition. but such were the ability, energy, and power evinced by its youthful commander, that the disaster resulted in his own greatly enhanced reputation as a born leader of men. _braddock and washington_ in the following year ( ) a gigantic effort was made by england to recover lost ground, and to repair the military misadventures of . the history of braddock's disastrous expedition is familiar to every schoolboy in the land. at this period, colonel washington had retired from the army in disgust at the unjust regulations which gave undue preference to officers holding commissions from the crown over abler men--some of them their seniors of the same rank--in the service of the provinces. he was, however, at length induced--in great measure from motives of the purest patriotism, and partly, no doubt, from his strong leaning toward a military career--to accept a position on the staff of the commanding general, braddock, a soldier of courage and large experience, but, as events afterward proved, a haughty, self-willed, and passionate man. during the passage of braddock's forces through the alleghany mountains, washington was attacked by so violent and alarming a sickness that its result was for a time extremely uncertain; on his partial recovery the general caused him to move with the heavy artillery and baggage. in this position washington remained two weeks, returning to the general's headquarters on the eighth of july, the day preceding the fatal battle of the monongahela. on the morning of this day--forever and sadly memorable in american annals--washington mounted his horse, weak and worn by sickness, but strong in hope and courage. these are his own words uttered in other and better days: the most beautiful spectacle i had ever beheld was the display of the british troops on that eventful morning.... the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn grandeur on the left. _braddock's defeat_ it is needless to repeat here the tale of that day of defeat and slaughter. historians have recorded its events, and poets have sung its story. throughout the action washington was in the thickest of the fight. "i expected every moment to see him fall," wrote dr. craik, his physician and friend. it was during this disastrous battle that washington escaped perhaps the most imminent peril of his life. in company with dr. craik, in the year , he descended the ohio river on a journey of observation to the great kanawha, and it was there that an incident occurred, which is thus described by irving: here washington was visited by an old sachem, who approached him with great reverence and addressed him through nicholson, the interpreter. he had come, he said, a great distance to see him. on further discourse, the sachem made known that he was one of the warriors in the service of the french, who lay in ambush on the banks of the monongahela, and wrought such havoc to braddock's army. he declared that he and his young men had singled out washington, as he made himself conspicuous riding about the field of battle with the general's orders, and fired at him repeatedly, but without success; whence they concluded that he was under the protection of the great spirit, that he had a charmed life, and could not be slain in battle. washington himself wrote thus to his brother: by all the powerful dispensations of providence, i have been protected beyond all human probability and expectations; for i had four bullets through my coat and two horses shot under me; yet i escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side. his marvelous preservation was the subject of general remark; mr. davies, later president of princeton college, used these words in an address a few weeks after the braddock defeat: that heroic youth, colonel washington, whom i cannot but hope providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country. _escape from a marriage_ the next apparently providential intervention in the affairs of the hero of the revolution is connected with very different scenes from those of battle and carnage; it may, perhaps, be fairly described as a narrow escape from a marriage which, while it might have proved a happy alliance in so far as washington himself was concerned, would almost certainly have resulted in the loss of his inestimable services to his country. washington's attachment to mary philipse is a fact beyond reasonable question; his offer of marriage to that young lady is somewhat traditional. it is certain, however, that during his necessary absence on military duty, captain morris, his associate aide-de-camp in the monongahela engagement, became a successful suitor for the hand of miss philipse. what is far less generally known is the fact that, had washington been successful in his early matrimonial aspirations, he would certainly have remained a loyal adherent of the royal cause, and would thus have been lost to his native land. evidences of the justice of this theory are by no means lacking. the relatives and friends of the lady were nearly all devoted to the cause of england; washington was the associate of many of them; and captain morris, his successful rival, remained in the british service during his life. there can be, i think, little doubt that, in the event of his marriage with miss philipse, washington, like captain morris, would have returned to england and been forever lost to america. mrs. morris survived her illustrious admirer twenty-five years, dying about the year . _washington unrewarded_ a striking historical fact,--as strange as it is authentic--is the treatment of washington by the english government after the death of braddock. had general braddock survived his terrible misfortune the result might well have been very different; for it is matter of history that the youthful officer had the undivided confidence of his commander. but by the british ministry, and even by the king himself, the young hero of the fatal battle was treated with scarcely disguised contempt and neglect. in a letter to the british war minister, governor dinwiddie speaks of colonel washington as a man of great merit and resolution, adding: i am confident, that, if general braddock had lived, he would have recommended him to the royal favor, which i beg your interest in recommending. the sole results were a half-rebuke from the king, and a malicious fling from the lips of horace walpole. for more than three years washington labored incessantly, by personal effort and by means of influential intercessors, to secure a royal commission. in view of what the world knows now of washington's well-nigh matchless ability as a soldier, and remembering especially the reputation he had already acquired--amazing in so youthful an officer--his persistent neglect by the military authorities "at home," and particularly the stubborn and doltish determination on the part of the king to ignore the man and his almost unexampled services, suggests the theory that the heart of king george, of england, was as truly and providentially "hardened" as was that of his royal prototype, pharaoh, of ancient times. for, finding that all his efforts were ineffectual and believing that the chief object of the war was attained by the capture of fort duquesne, and the final defeat of the french on the ohio, the young hero retired after five years of arduous and ill-requited service, in the words of a great writer of our own land and time: the youthful idol of his countrymen, but without so much as a civil word from the fountain of honor. and so, when after seventeen years of private life he next appeared in arms, it was as the "commander-in-chief of the army of the united colonies, and of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them." the same writer elsewhere remarks: such was the policy by which the horse guards occasionally saved a major's commission for a fourth son of a duke, by which the crown lost a continent; and the people of the united states gained a place in the family of nations. the voice of history cries aloud to powerful governments, in the administration of their colonies: "discite justitiam moniti." _a furious conflict_ the last of the six marvelous escapes of our hero from impending and fatal disaster occurred during the historic night march of washington and the american army on princeton, where, on the third of january, , he compassed the entire destruction of one regiment of the enemy, and captured or forced to ignoble retreat two others. this battle was the subject of one of colonel trumbull's most famous paintings; and it was during this engagement--as washington himself told the illustrious artist--that he was in greater peril than even at the time of braddock's defeat. in the height of the battle the two armies were for a brief season in furious conflict, and washington between them within range of both fires. washington irving writes: his aide, colonel fitzgerald, losing sight of him in the heat of the fight when enveloped in smoke and dust, dropped the bridle on the neck of his horse and drew his hat over his eyes, giving him up for lost. when he saw him, however, emerging from the cloud, waving his hat, and beheld the enemy giving way, he spurred up to his side: "thank god," cried he, "your excellency is safe!" "away, my dear colonel, and bring up the troops," was washington's reply; "the day is our own." trumbull's immortal picture shows us the hero of that decisive battle standing on the memorable day of princeton by the side of his white war-horse. says an eloquent writer: well might he exult in the event of the day, for it was the last of a series of bold and skilful manoeuvres and successful actions, by which, in three weeks, he had rescued philadelphia, driven the enemy from the banks of the delaware, recovered the state of new jersey, and, at the close of a disastrous campaign, restored hope and confidence to the country. such are the six memorable events which it well becomes the american people to recall with devout gratitude and awe, realizing anew the providence that watches alike over human beings and the affairs of nations, and recognizing the solemn truth that ever, as, signally, in those times that tried the souls of men, "god fulfills himself in many ways." * * * * * characteristics of washington _von braam and washington_ washington began to be a soldier in his boyhood. during the british campaign against the west indies, lawrence washington, george's half-brother, made the acquaintance of a dutchman, named jacob von braam, who afterwards came to virginia. these young men were great heroes to the ten-year-old george. von braam took the lad in hand and began his military education. he drilled him in the manual of arms and sword exercise, and taught him fortification and engineering. all the theory of war which washington knew was gained from von braam; the practice he was soon to gain in the field. _washington's athletic skill_ many stories are told which show washington's athletic skill. during a surveying expedition he first visited the natural bridge, in virginia. standing almost directly under it, he tossed a stone on top, a distance of about two hundred feet. he scaled the rocks and carved his name far above all others. he was said to be the only man who could throw a stone across the potomac river. washington was never more at home than when in the saddle. "the general is a very excellent and bold horseman," wrote a contemporary, "leaping the highest fences and going extremely quick, without standing on his stirrups, bearing on his bridle, or letting his horse run wild." after his first battle washington wrote to his brother, "i heard the bullets whistle about me, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." but years after, when he had learned all there was to know of the horrors of war, he said, sadly, "i said that when i was young." _punctuality_ punctuality was one of washington's strong points. when company was invited to dinner, he made an allowance of only five minutes for variation in watches. if the guests came late he would say: "we are too punctual for you. i have a cook who does not ask if the company has come, but if the hour has come." in a letter to a friend he wrote: "i begin my diurnal course with the sun; if my hirelings are not in their places by that time i send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition." a letter to his sister, betty, shows his businesslike manner: "if your son howell is with you and not usefully employed in your own affairs, and should incline to spend a few months with me in my office as a writer (if he is fit for it), i will allow him at the rate of a year, provided he is diligent in discharging the duties of it from breakfast till dinnertime.... i am particular in declaring beforehand what i require, so that there may be no disappointment or false expectations on either side." _his stepchildren_ washington's relations with his stepchildren show a very pleasant side of his character. we find him ordering from london such articles as " shillings' worth of toys, little books for children beginning to read, fashionable-dressed baby to cost shillings, and a box of gingerbread toys and sugar images, or comfits." later he sent for " very good spinet," for patsey, as martha parke custis was called. his niece, hariot, who lived in the washington home from to , was a great trial to him. "she has," he wrote, "no disposition to be careful of her clothes, which she dabs about in every hole and corner, and her best things always in use, so that she costs me enough." one of the characteristics of a truly great man is his readiness to ask pardon. once when nelly custis, mrs. washington's granddaughter, was severely reprimanded for walking alone by moonlight in the grounds of mount vernon, washington tried to intercede for the girl. "perhaps she was not alone; i would say no more," he said. "sir," said nelly custis, "you have brought me up to speak the truth, and when i told grandmamma that i was alone, i hoped that you would believe me." "my child," said washington, bowing in his courtly fashion, "i beg your pardon." _his temper_ stuart, the portrait painter, once said to general lee that washington had a tremendous temper, but that he had it under wonderful control. while dining with the washingtons, general lee repeated the first part of stuart's remark. mrs. washington flushed and said that mr. stuart took a great deal upon himself. then general lee said that mr. stuart had added that the president had his temper under wonderful control. washington seemed to be thinking for a moment, then he smiled and said, "mr. stuart is right." _his smile_ the popular idea that washington never laughed is well-nigh exploded. nelly custis said, "i have sometimes made him laugh most heartily from sympathy with my joyous and extravagant spirits." when the news came from dr. franklin in france that help was promised from that country, general washington broke into a laugh, waved his cocked hat, and said to his officers, "the day is ours!" another story is to the effect that while present at the baptism of a child of a mr. wood, he was so surprised to hear the name given as george washington that he smiled. senator maclay tells of his smiling at a state dinner, and even toying with his fork. various sources testify that a smile lent an unusual beauty to his face. at one time, as washington entered a shop in new york, a scotch nursemaid followed him, carrying her infant charge. "please, sir, here's a bairn was named after you." "what is his name?" asked the president. "washington irving, sir." washington put his hand upon the child's head and gave him his blessing, little thinking that "the bairn" would write, as a labor of love, a life of washington. while at his newburgh headquarters the general was approached by aaron burr, who stealthily crept up as he was writing, and looked over his shoulder. although washington did not hear the footfall, he saw the shadow in the mirror. he looked up, and said only, "mr. burr!" but the tone was enough to make burr quail and beat a hasty retreat. a man who, well for himself, is nameless, made a wager with some friends that he could approach washington familiarly. the president was walking up chestnut street, in philadelphia, when the would-be wag, in full view of his companions, slapped him on the back and said, "well, old fellow, how are you this morning?" washington looked at him, and in a freezing tone asked, "sir, what have i ever said or done which induces you to treat me in this manner?" _thoughtfulness_ after washington's retirement from the presidency, elkanah watson was a guest at mount vernon. he had a serious cold, and after he retired he coughed severely. suddenly the curtains of his bed were drawn aside, and there stood washington with a huge bowl of steaming herb tea. "drink this," he said, "it will be good for that cough." washington possessed in a peculiar degree the great gift of remembering faces. once, while visiting in newburyport, he saw at work in the grounds of his host an old servant whom he had not seen since the french and indian war, thirty years before. he knew the man at once, and stopped and spoke kindly to him. _modesty_ any collection of anecdotes about washington is sure to refer to his extreme modesty. upon one occasion, when the speaker of the assembly returned thanks in glowing terms to colonel washington for his services, he rose to express his acknowledgments, but he was so embarrassed that he could not articulate a word. "sit down, mr. washington," said the speaker, "your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language which i possess." when adams suggested that congress should appoint a general, and hinted plainly at washington, who happened to sit near the door, the latter rose, "and, with his usual modesty, darted into the library room." washington's favorite quotation was addison's "'tis not in mortals to command success," but he frequently quoted shakespeare. _taste for literature_ his taste for literature is indicated by the list of books which he ordered for his library at the close of the war: "life of charles the twelfth," "life of louis the fifteenth," "life and reign of peter the great," robertson's "history of america," "voltaire's letters," vertol's "revolution of rome," "revolution of portugal," goldsmith's "natural history," "campaigns of marshal turenne," chambaud's "french and english dictionary," locke "on the human understanding," and robertson's "charles the fifth." "light reading," he wrote to his step-grandson, "(by this i mean books of little importance) may amuse for the moment, but leaves nothing behind." _his dress_ although always very particular about his dress, washington was no dandy, as some have supposed. "do not," he wrote to his nephew in , "conceive that fine clothes make fine men any more than fine feathers make fine birds. a plain, genteel dress is more admired and obtains more credit than lace or embroidery in the eyes of the judicious and sensible." sullivan thus describes washington at a levee: "he was dressed in black velvet, his hair full dress, powdered, and gathered behind in a large silk bag, yellow gloves on his hands; holding a cocked hat, with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. he wore knee and shoe buckles, and a long sword.... the scabbard was of white polished leather." after cornwallis's surrender at yorktown, washington said to his army: "my brave fellows, let no sensation of satisfaction for the triumphs you have gained induce you to insult your fallen enemy. let no shouting, no clamorous huzzaing increase their mortification. it is sufficient for us that we witness their humiliation. posterity will huzza for us." while there are many stories which show washington's straightforwardness, here is one which shows much diplomacy. he was asked by volney, a frenchman and a revolutionist, for a letter of recommendation to the american people. this request put him in an awkward position, for there were good reasons why he could not give it, and other good reasons why he did not wish to refuse. taking a sheet of paper, he wrote: c. volney needs no recommendation from geo. washington. * * * * * great george washington[ ] by kate douglas wiggin and nora a. smith all this time while george washington had been growing up,--first a little boy, then a larger boy, and then a young surveyor,--all this time the french and english and indians were unhappy and uncomfortable in the country north of virginia. the french wanted all the land, so did the english, and the indians saw that there would be no room for them, whichever had it, so they all began to trouble each other, and to quarrel and fight. these troubles grew so bad at last that the virginians began to be afraid of the french and indians, and thought they must have some soldiers of their own ready to fight. george washington was only nineteen then, but everybody knew he was wise and brave, so they chose him to teach the soldiers near his home how to march and to fight. then the king and the people of england grew very uneasy at all this quarreling, and they sent over soldiers and cannon and powder, and commenced to get ready to fight in earnest. washington was made a major, and he had to go a thousand miles, in the middle of winter, into the indian and french country, to see the chiefs and the soldiers, and find out about the troubles. when he came back again, all the people were so pleased with his courage and with the wise way in which he had behaved, that they made him lieutenant-colonel. then began a long war between the french and the english, which lasted seven years. washington fought through all of it, and was made a colonel, and by and by commander of all the soldiers in virginia. he built forts and roads, he gained and lost battles, he fought the indians and the french; and by all this trouble and hard work he learned to be a great soldier. in many of the battles of this war, washington and the virginians did not wear a uniform, like the english soldiers, but a buckskin shirt and fringed leggings, like the indians. from beginning to end of some of the battles, washington rode about among the men, telling them where to go and how to fight; the bullets were whistling around him all the time, but he said he liked the music. by and by the war was over; the french were driven back to their own part of the country, and washington went home to mount vernon to rest, and took with him his wife, lovely martha washington, whom he had met and married while he was fighting the french and indians. while he was at mount vernon he saw all his horses again,--"valiant" and "magnolia" and "chinkling" and "ajax,"--and had grand gallops over the country. he had some fine dogs, too, to run by his side, and help him hunt the bushy-tailed foxes. "vulcan" and "ringwood" and "music" and "sweetlips" were the names of some of them. you may be sure the dogs were glad when they had their master home again. but washington did not have long to rest, for another war was coming, the great war of the revolution. little children cannot understand all the reasons for this war, but i can tell you some of them. you remember in the story of thanksgiving i told you about the pilgrim fathers, who came from england to this country because their king would not let them pray to god as they liked. that king was dead now, and there was another in his place, a king with the name of george, like our washington. now our great-grandfathers had always loved england and englishmen, because many of their friends were still living there, and because it was their old home. the king gave them governors to help take care of their people, and soldiers to fight for them, and they sent to england for many things to wear and to eat. but just before this revolutionary war, the king and the great men who helped him began to say that things should be done in this country that our people did not think right at all. the king said they must buy expensive stamps to put on all their newspapers and almanacs and lawyer's papers, and that they must pay very high taxes on their tea and paper and glass, and he sent soldiers to see that this was done. this made our great-grandfathers very angry. they refused to pay the taxes, they would not buy anything from england any more, and some men even went on board the ships, as they came into boston harbor, and threw the tea over into the water. so fifty-one men were chosen from all over the country, and they met at philadelphia, to see what could be done. washington was sent from virginia. and after they had talked very solemnly, they all thought there would be great trouble soon, and washington went home to drill the soldiers. then the war began with the battle of lexington, in new england, and soon washington was made commander-in-chief of the armies. he rode the whole distance from philadelphia to boston on horseback, with a troop of officers; and all the people on the way came to see him, bringing bands of music and cheering him as he went by. he rode into camp in the morning. the soldiers were drawn up in the road, and men and women and children who had come to look at washington were crowded all about. they saw a tall, splendid, handsome man in a blue coat with buff facings, and epaulets on his shoulders. as he took off his hat, drew his shining sword, and raised it in sight of all the people, the cannon began to thunder, and all the people hurrahed and tossed their hats in the air. of course, he looked very splendid, and they all knew how brave he was, and thought he would soon put an end to the war. but it did not happen as they expected, for this was only the beginning, and the war lasted seven long years. fighting is always hard, even if you have plenty of soldiers and plenty for them to eat; but washington had very few soldiers, and very little powder for the guns, and little food for the men to eat. the soldiers were not in uniform, as ours are to-day; but each was dressed just as he happened to come from his shop or his farm. washington ordered hunting shirts for them, such as he wore when he went to fight the indians, for he knew they would look more like soldiers if all were dressed alike. of course many people thought that our men would be beaten, as the war went on; but washington never thought so, for he was sure our side was right. i hardly know what he would have done, at last, if the french people had not promised to come over and help us, and to send us money and men and ships. all the people in the army thanked god when they heard it, and fired their guns for joy. a brave young man named lafayette came with the french soldiers, and he grew to be washington's great friend, and fought for us all through the revolution. many battles were fought in this war, and washington lost some of them, and a great many of his men were killed. you could hardly understand how much trouble he had. in the winter, when the snow was deep on the ground, he had no houses or huts for his men to sleep in; his soldiers were ragged and cold by day, and had not blankets enough to keep them warm by night; their shoes were old and worn, and they had to wrap cloths around their feet to keep them from freezing. when they marched to the delaware river, one cold christmas night, a soldier who was sent after them, with a message for washington, traced them by their footprints on the snow, all reddened with the blood from their poor cut feet. they must have been very brave and patient to have fought at all, when they were so cold and ragged and hungry. washington suffered a great deal in seeing his soldiers so wretched, and i am sure that with all his strength and courage, he would sometimes have given up hope, if he had not talked and prayed to god a great deal, and asked him to help him. in one of the hardest times of the whole war, washington was staying at a farmer's house. one morning he rode out very early to visit the soldiers. the farmer went into the fields soon after, and as he was passing a brook where a great many bushes were growing, he heard a deep voice from the thicket. he looked through the leaves, and saw washington on his knees, on the ground, praying to god for his soldiers. he had fastened his horse to a tree, and come away by himself to ask god to help them. at last the war came to an end; the english were beaten, and our armies sent up praise and thanks to god. then the soldiers went quietly back to their homes, and washington bade all his officers good-by, and thanked them for their help and their courage. the little room in new york where he said farewell is kept to show to visitors now, and you can see it some day yourselves. then washington went home to mount vernon to rest; but before he had been there long, the people found out that they must have someone to help take care of them, as they had nothing to do with the king of england any more; and they asked washington to come and be the first president of the united states. so he did as they wished, and was as wise and good, and as careful and fine a president as he had been surveyor, soldier, and general. you know we always call washington the father of his country, because he did so much for us, and helped to make the united states so great. after he died, there were parks and mountains and villages and towns and cities named for him all over the land, because people loved him so, and prized so highly what he had done for them. in the city of washington there is a building where you can see many of the things that belonged to the first president, when he was alive. there is his soldier's coat, his sword, and in an old camp chest are the plates and knives and forks that he used in the revolution. there is a tall, splendid monument of shining gray stone in that city, that towers far, far, above all the highest roofs and spires. it was built in memory of george washington by the people of the united states, to show that they loved and would always remember the father of his country. footnotes: [ ] from "the story hour" by kate douglas wiggin and nora a. smith. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers. * * * * * headquarters in [ ] by paul leicester ford on september , a group of horsemen, occupying a slight eminence of ground on the island of manhattan, were gazing eastward. below and nearer the water were spread lines of soldiers behind intrenchments, while from three men-of-war lying in the river came a heavy cannonade that swept the shore line and spread over the water a pall of smoke which, as it drifted to leeward, obscured the long island shore from view. "'tis evidently a feint, your excellency," presently asserted one of the observers, "to cover a genuine attack elsewhere--most likely above the haarlem." the person addressed--a man with an anxious, care-worn face that made him look fifty at least--lowered his glass, but did not reply for some moments. "you may be right, sir," he remarked, "though to me it has the air of an intended attack. what think you, reed?" "i agree with mifflin. the attack will be higher up. hah! look there!" a rift had come in the smoke, and a column of boats, moving with well-timed oars, could for a moment be seen as it came forward. "they intend a landing at kip's bay, as i surmised," exclaimed the general. "gentlemen, we shall be needed below." he turned to reed and gave him an order concerning reinforcements, then wheeled, and, followed by the rest, trotted over the plowed field. once on the highway, he spurred his horse, putting him to a sharp canter. "what troops hold the works on the bay, mifflin?" asked one of the riders. "fellows' and parsons' brigades, brereton." "if they are as good at fighting as at thieving, they'll distinguish themselves." "ay," laughed mifflin. "if the red coats were but chickens or cattle, the new england militia would have had them all captured ere now." "they'll be heard from to-day," said a third officer. "they've earthworks to git behind, and they'll give the british anuther bunker hill." "then you ought to be quick, general putnam," said brereton, "for that's the fighting you like." the road lay in the hollow of the land, and not till the party reached a slight rise were they able once more to get a glimpse of the shores of the bay. then it was to find the flotilla well in toward its intended landing-place, and the american troops retreating in great disorder from their breastworks. exclamations of surprise and dismay sprang from the lips of the riders, and their leader, turning his horse, jumped the fence and galloped across the fields to intercept the fugitives. five minutes brought them up to the runaways, who, out of breath with the sharpness of their race, had come to a halt, and were being formed by their officers into a little less disorder. "general fellows, what was the reason for this shameful retreat?" demanded the general, when within speaking distance. "the men were seized with a panic on the approach of the boats, your excellency, and could not be held in the lines." washington faced the regiments, his face blazing with scorn. "you ran before a shot had been fired! before you lost a man, you deserted works that have taken weeks to build, and which could be held against any such force." he paused for a moment, and then, drawing his sword, called with spirit: "who's for recovering them?" a faint cheer passed down the lines; but almost as it sounded, the red coats of fifty or sixty light infantry came into view on the road, a skirmishing party thrown forward from the landing to reconnoiter. had they been howe's whole army, however, they could not have proved more effective, for instantly the two brigades broke and dissolved once more into squads of flying men. at such cowardice, washington lost all control of himself, and, dashing in among the fugitives, he passionately struck right and left with the flat of his sword, thundering curses at them; while putnam and mifflin, as well as the aides, followed his example. it was hopeless, however, to stay the rush; the men took the blows and the curses unheeding, while throwing away their guns and scattering in every direction. made frantic by such conduct, washington wheeled his horse. "charge!" he cried, and rode toward the enemy, waving his sword. if the commander-in-chief had hoped to put some of his own courage into the troops by his example, he failed. not a man of the runaways ceased fleeing. none the less, as if regardless of consequences in his desperation, washington rode on, until one of the aides dashed his spurs into his horse and came up beside his general at a mad gallop. "your excellency!" he cried, "'tis but hopeless, and will but end in--" then, as his superior did not heed him, he seized the left rein of his horse's bridle, and, pulling on it, swung him about in a large circle, letting go his hold only when they were riding away from the enemy. washington offered no resistance, and rode the hundred yards to where the rest of his staff were standing, with bowed head. nothing was said as he rejoined the group, and blueskin, disappointed in the charge for which he had shown as much eagerness as his rider, let his mind recur to thoughts of oats; finding no control in the hand that held his bridle, he set out at an easy trot toward headquarters. they had not ridden many yards ere washington lifted his head, the expression of hopelessness, which had taken the place of that of animation, in turn succeeded by one of stern repose. he issued three orders to as many of the riders, showing that his mind had not been dwelling idly on the disaster, slipped his sword into its scabbard, and gathered up his reins again. "there!" thought blueskin, as a new direction was indicated by his bit, "i'm going to have another spell of it riding all ways of a sunday, just as we did last night. and it's coming on to rain." rain it did very quickly; but from post to post the horsemen passed, the sternly silent commander speaking only when giving the necessary orders to remedy so far as possible the disaster of the afternoon. not till eleven, and then in a thoroughly drenched condition, did they reach the morris house on haarlem heights. it was to no rest, however, that the general arrived; for, as he dismounted, major gibbs of his life guards informed him that the council of war he had called was gathered, and only awaited his attendance. "get you some supper, gentlemen," he ordered, to such of his aides as were still of the party, "for 'tis likely that you will have more riding when the council have deliberated." "'tis advice he might take himself to proper advantage," said one of the juniors, while they were stripping off their wet coverings in a side room. "ay," asserted brereton. "the general uses us hard, tilghman, but he uses himself harder." then aloud he called, "billy!" "yis, sah!" "make a glass of rum punch and take it in to his excellency." "foh de lord, sah, i doan dar go in, an' yar know marse neber drink no spirits till de day's work dun." "make a dish of tea, then, you old coward, and i'll take it to him so soon as i get these slops off me. 'fore george! how small-clothes stick when they're wet!" the make-shift meal was still unfinished when the general's body-servant appeared with the tea. taking it, brereton marched boldly to the council door, and, giving a knock, he went in without awaiting a reply. the group of anxious-faced men about the table looked up, and washington, with a frown, demanded, "for what do you interrupt us, sir?" the young officer put the tea down on the map lying in front of the general. "billy didn't dare take this to your excellency, so i made bold to e'en bring it myself." "this is no time for tea, colonel brereton." "'tis no time for the army to lose their general," replied the aide. "i pray you drink it, sir, for our sake, if you won't for your own." a kindly look supplanted the sternness of the previous moment on the general's face. "i thank you for your thoughtfulness, brereton," he said, raising the cup and pouring some of the steaming drink into the saucer. footnotes: [ ] from "janice meredith." dodd, mead & co. x selections from washington's speeches and writings selections from the rules of civility [copied by washington at the age of fourteen from an old translation of a french book of . "washington was entirely aware," writes owen wister, "of the great influence for good exerted upon his own character by the rules of civility. it is a misfortune for all american boys in all our schools to-day, that they should be told the untrue and foolish story of the hatchet and the cherry tree, and denied the immense benefit of instruction from george washington's authentic copy-book."] show not yourself glad at the misfortune of another, though he were your enemy. when you see a crime punished you may be inwardly pleased; but always show pity to the suffering offender. superfluous compliments and all affectation of ceremony are to be avoided, yet, where due, they are not to be neglected. do not express joy before one sick or in pain, for that contrary passion will aggravate his misery. when a man does all he can, though it succeed not well, blame not him that did it. be not hasty to believe flying reports to the disparagement of any. in your apparel be modest, and endeavor to accommodate nature, rather than to procure admiration; keep to the fashion of your equals. associate yourself with men of good quality, if you esteem your own reputation; for 'tis better to be alone than in bad company. speak not injurious words neither in jest nor in earnest; scoff at none, although they give occasion. gaze not at the marks or blemishes of others, and ask not how they came. what you may speak in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. nothing but harmony, honest industry, and frugality are necessary to make us a great people. first impressions are generally the most lasting. it is therefore absolutely necessary, if you mean to make any figure upon the stage, that you should take the first steps right. there is a destiny which has the control of our actions not to be resisted by the strongest efforts of human nature. let your heart feel for the afflictions and distresses of everyone, and let your hand give in proportion to your purse; remembering always the widow's mite, but that it is not everyone who asketh that deserveth charity; all, however, are worthy the inquiry, or the deserving may suffer. i consider storms and victory under the direction of a wise providence who no doubt directs them for the best purposes, and to bring round the greatest degree of happiness to the greatest number. happiness depends more upon the internal frame of a person's mind, than on the externals in the world. the thinking part of mankind do not form their judgments from events, and that chief equity will ever attach equal glory to those actions which deserve success, as to those which have been crowned with it. to see plants rise from the earth and flourish by the superior skill and bounty of the laborer, fills a contemplative mind with ideas which are more easy to be conceived than expressed. to constitute a dispute there must be two parties. to understand it well, both parties and all the circumstances must be fully heard; and to accommodate differences, temper and mutual forbearance are requisite. idleness is disreputable under any circumstances; productive of no good, even when unaccompanied by vicious habits. it is not uncommon in prosperous gales to forget that adverse winds blow. economy in all things is as commendable in the manager, as it is beneficial and desirable to the employer. it is unfortunate when men cannot or will not see danger at a distance; or seeing it, are undetermined in the means which are necessary to avert or keep it afar off. every man who is in the vigor of life ought to serve his country in whatever line it requires, and he is fit for. rise early, that by habit it may become familiar, agreeable, healthy, and profitable. it may, for a while, be irksome to do this, but that will wear off; and the practice will produce a rich harvest forever thereafter, whether in public or in private walks of life. * * * * * said by washington to be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. * * * * * there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. * * * * * the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained. * * * * * the very idea of the power and right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. * * * * * if there was the same propensity in mankind for investigating the motives, as there is for censuring the conduct, of public characters, it would be found that the censure so freely bestowed is oftentimes unmerited and uncharitable. * * * * * where is the man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defense of his own person and property to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and gratitude? there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity. * * * * * against the insidious wiles of foreign influence the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake. * * * * * it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world. * * * * * the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is to have with them as little political connection as possible. * * * * * there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. * * * * * why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor? or caprice? * * * * * the name american must always exalt the just pride of patriotism. * * * * * to the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest should be indignantly frowned upon. * * * * * let us impart all the blessings we possess, or ask for ourselves, to the whole family of mankind. * * * * * let us erect a standard to which the wise and honest may repair. * * * * * 'tis substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. * * * * * it is incumbent upon every person of every description to contribute to his country's welfare. * * * * * it would be repugnant to the vital principles of our government virtually to exclude from public trusts, talents and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth. * * * * * give such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce less dependent on foreign bottoms. * * * * * i have never made an appointment from a desire to serve a friend or relative. * * * * * labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire, conscience. * * * * * washington before the battle of long island, august, the time is now near at hand which must probably determine whether americans are to be freemen or slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness from which no human effort will deliver them. the fate of unborn millions will now depend, under god, on the courage and conduct of this army. our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. we have, therefore, to resolve to conquer or to die. our own, our country's honor, calls upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. let us, then, rely on the goodness of our cause and the aid of the supreme being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. the eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us; and we shall have their blessings and praises if, happily, we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. let us, therefore, animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world that a freeman contending for liberty on his own ground is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth. liberty, property, life, and honor are all at stake. upon your courage and conduct rest the hopes of our bleeding and insulted country. our wives, children, and parents expect safety from us only; and they have every reason to believe that heaven will crown with success so just a cause. the enemy will endeavor to intimidate by show and appearance; but remember they have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave americans. their cause is bad,--their men are conscious of it; and, if opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works and knowledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. every good soldier will be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution. * * * * * from various letters, speeches, and addresses _to the captains of several independent companies in virginia. philadelphia, june, _ "gentlemen, "i am now about to bid adieu to the companies under your respective commands, at least for a time. i have launched into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for my abilities, and far, very far, beyond my experience. i am called by the unanimous voice of the colonies to the command of the continental army; an honor i did not aspire to, an honor i was solicitous to avoid, upon a full conviction of my inadequacy to the importance of the service. i have only to beg of you, therefore, before i go, by no means to relax in the discipline of your respective companies. "i cannot doubt but the asserters of freedom and the right of the constitution are possessed of your most favorable regards and wishes for success. as descendants of freedom, and heirs with us of the same glorious inheritance, we flatter ourselves that, though divided by our situation, we are firmly united in sentiment. the cause of virtue and liberty is confined to no continent or climate. it comprehends within its capacious limits the wise and good, however dispersed and separated in space and distance." _to the inhabitants of the island of bermuda_ "while we are contending for our own liberty, we should be very cautious not to violate the rights of conscience in others, ever considering that god alone is the judge of the hearts of men, and to him only they are answerable." _to colonel benedict arnold, _ "the man who means to commit no wrong will never be guilty of enormities; consequently he can never be unwilling to learn what is ascribed to him as foibles. if they are really such, the knowledge of them in a well-disposed mind will go half way towards a reform. if they are not errors he can explain and justify the motives of his actions." _to patrick henry, valley forge, th march, _ "i have ever been happy in supposing that i had a place in your esteem, and the proof you have afforded makes me peculiarly so. the favorable light in which you hold me is truly flattering; but i should feel much regret, if i thought the happiness of america so intimately connected with my personal welfare as you so obligingly seem to consider it. all i can say is, that she has ever had, and i trust she ever will have, my honest exertions to promote her interest. i cannot hope that my services have been the best; but my heart tells me they have been the best that i could render. "however it may be the practice of the world and those who see objects but partially or through a false medium, to consider _that_ only as meritorious which is attended with success, i have accustomed myself to judge human actions very differently, and to appreciate them by the manner in which they are conducted more than by the event; which it is not in the power of human foresight and prudence to command. "my political creed is, to be wise in the choice of delegates, support them like gentlemen while they are our representatives, give them complete powers for all federal purposes, support them in the due exercise thereof, and lastly, to compel them to close attendance in congress during their delegation. "we ought not to look back unless it is to derive useful lessons from past errors, and for the purpose of profiting by dearly bought experience. to enveigh against things that are past and irremediable is unpleasing; but to steer clear of the shelves and rocks we have struck upon is the part of wisdom, equally as incumbent on political as other men who have their own little bark or that of others to navigate through the intricate paths of life, or the trackless ocean, to the haven of security or rest." _extracts from a circular letter addressed to the governors of all the states on disbanding the army, newburgh, june, _ "sir:--the great object for which i had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country, being accomplished, i am now preparing to resign it into the hands of congress, and to return to that domestic retirement which it is well known i left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which i have never ceased to sigh, through a long and painful absence, and in which i meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose. but before i carry this resolution into effect, i think it a duty incumbent on me to make this, my last official communication; to congratulate you on the glorious events which heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer my sentiments respecting some important subjects which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquillity of the united states, to take my leave of your excellency as a public character, and to give my final blessing to that country in whose service i have spent the prime of my life, for whose sake i have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being so extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own." from the same circular letter: "the foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined than at any former period. the researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government." from the same: "the free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the power and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head--a sacred regard to public justice--the adoption of a proper peace establishment, and the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the united states which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community--these are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independence and national character must be supported. liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country." from the same: "i now make it my earnest prayer that god would have you and the state over which you preside in his holy protection, that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to the government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another and for their fellow-citizens of the united states at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field, and finally that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the divine author of our blessed religion, and without an humble imitation of whose example in these things we can never hope to be a happy nation." _washington on slavery_ "there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than i do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority, and this as far as my suffrage will go shall never be wanting." _in a letter to lafayette, washington expresses his views on commerce_ "although i pretend to no peculiar information respecting commercial affairs, nor any foresight into the scenes of futurity, yet, as a member of an infant empire, as a philanthropist by character, and if i may be allowed the expression, as a citizen of the great republic of humanity at large, i cannot help turning my attention sometimes to this subject. i would be understood to mean i cannot avoid reflecting with pleasure on the probable influence that commerce may hereafter have on human manners and society in general. on these occasions i consider how mankind may be connected like this one great family of fraternal ties. i indulge a fond, perhaps an enthusiastic idea, that as the world is evidently much less barbarous than it has been, its melioration must still be progressive; that nations are becoming more humanized in their policy, that the subjects of ambition and causes for hostility are daily diminishing, and in fine, that the period is not very remote when the benefits of a liberal and free commerce will pretty generally succeed to the devastations and horrors of war. "men's minds are as varied as their faces, and where the motives to their actions are pure, the operation of the former is no more to be imputed to them as a crime than the appearance of the latter; for both being the work of nature, are equally unavoidable. liberality and charity, instead of clamor and misrepresentation, which latter only serve to foment the passions without enlightening the understanding, ought to govern in all disputes about matters of importance." _from a letter, _ "if it can be esteemed a happiness to live in an age productive of great and interesting events, we of the present age are very highly favored. the rapidity of national revolutions appears no less astonishing than their magnitude. in what they will terminate is known only to the great ruler of events; and confiding in his wisdom and goodness, we may safely trust the issue to him, without perplexing ourselves to seek for that which is beyond human ken, only taking care to perform the parts assigned to us in a way that reason and our own conscience approve." _from a speech to both houses of congress, _ "to administer justice to and receive it from every power with whom they are connected will, i hope, be always found the prominent feature in the administration of this country; and i flatter myself that nothing short of imperious necessity can occasion a breach with any of them. "knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. in one of which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential. to the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways; by convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and to provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the latter, and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachment with an inviolable respect to the laws." _from a speech to both houses of congress, _ "let praise be given to every description of citizens. let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of american happiness, the constitution of the united states. let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those, from every clime, daily seeking a dwelling in our land. "let us unite, therefore, in imploring the supreme ruler of nations to spread his holy protection over these united states; to enable us at all times to root out internal seditions and put invasion to flight; to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already conferred; and to verify the anticipations of this government being a safeguard to human rights." * * * * * washington's farewell to the army _dated at rocky hill, near princeton, new jersey, november , _ it is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description. and shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been obtained? in such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens and the fruits of their labors? to those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment, and the extensive and fertile regions of the west will yield a most happy asylum to those who, fond of domestic employment, are seeking personal independence. little is now wanting to enable the soldier to change the military character into that of a citizen but that steady and decent behavior which has distinguished not only the army under this immediate command, but the different detachments and separate armies through the course of the war. to the various branches of the army the general takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country and his prayers to the god of armies. may ample justice be done them here, and may favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others! with these wishes and this benediction the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. the curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed forever! * * * * * president washington's response to the french ambassador on receipt of the colors of france, born, sir, in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure it a permanent establishment in our own country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited whensoever, in any country, i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. but above all, the events of the french revolution have produced the deepest solicitude as well as the highest admiration. to call your nation brave were to pronounce but common praise. wonderful people! ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits. i rejoice that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. i rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution designated to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. i rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm, liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government; a government which, being formed to secure the happiness of the french people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the united states by its resemblance to their own. on these glorious events accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. in delivering to you these sentiments, i express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the french revolution; and they will cordially join with me in purest wishes to the supreme being that the citizens of our sister republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy, in peace, that liberty which they have purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness which liberty can bestow. i receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisements of your nation, the colors of france, which you have now presented to the united states. the transaction will be announced to congress, and the colors will be deposited with those archives of the united states which are at once the evidences and the memorials of their freedom and independence. may these be perpetual; and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence! * * * * * washington's farewell address _to the people of the united states. september , _ friends and fellow-citizens: the period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the united states, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprise you of the resolution i have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. the impressions, with which i first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say, that i have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire for them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it. here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so: for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty, which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourself to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. here, every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. the _north_, in an unrestrained intercourse with the _south_ protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the _south_, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the _north_, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the _north_, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. the _east_, in a like intercourse with the _west_, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. the _west_ derives from the _east_ supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the _secure_ enjoyment of indispensable _outlets_ for its own productions to the weight, influences, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as _one_ nation. any other tenure by which the _west_ can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionally greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. in contemplating the causes, which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by _geographical_ discriminations, _northern_ and _southern_, _atlantic_ and _western_; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain, and that with spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute, they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances tn all times have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction, to give an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above descriptions may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. one method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable, from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security, and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one party against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. there is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of a popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. and, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administrations, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of the position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. but let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious men, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felcity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of a popular government. the rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden, which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that the public opinion should co-operate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant, that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from this selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? in the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. the nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence frequent collisions, obstinate, venomed, and bloody contests. the nation prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. so likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little _political_ connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but, if i may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. how far in the discharge of my official duties i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. in relation to the still subsisting war in europe, my proclamation of the d of april, , is the index of my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives of both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. the considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. xi exercises decorations for washington's birthday exercises the hall in which the exercises in celebration of washington's birthday are held should be decorated with all the patriotic emblems obtainable,--flags, banners, flowers, etc.; including a portrait of washington centrally and prominently exhibited, with the motto, "first in war, etc.," and the figures and , the dates of his birth and death; the former trimmed with flowers, the latter with crepe. nothing available should be omitted to render the hall as bright and attractive as possible. the orations should be delivered by boys, but the other portions of the exercises may be rendered by girls, or by both girls and boys, as may be found most suitable to the text and the occasion. * * * * * some years in washington's life by m. lizzie stanley an exercise for boys from "_the popular educator_" _let the scholars who represent the ghosts of the vanished years stand in the background and come forth as they are called. each should bear in his hand a standard with the date of his year in large letters upon it, or wear a badge with the same. hang a large picture of washington on the wall; above it place the motto, "first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen," and beneath it the dates of his birth and death_. scholar. this wintry month of storm and cold doth in its rough old heart enfold a memory bright as burnished gold, which still lives on while years grow old. it pales not with the lapse of time, but burns with steady glow sublime-- through all the years from age to age, a light upon our history's page-- the name and memory of one, our country's hero--washington. school. go, ring the bells and fire each gun in honor of george washington. scholar. come, boys, let's have some historic fun, its theme to be grand washington, 'tis better far than simple play, so range yourselves in close array, while each in turn his deeds do cite, and thus we'll keep his memory bright. scholar. call up the ghosts of the vanished years, and question each as he appears. school. aha! ye years that thought ye were gone, we'll call you back with your faces wan. (six or more voices in concert.) arise, thou ghost of seventeen thirty-two, and to our questions give us answers true. what knowest thou of washington, the grave? what canst thou tell of washington, the brave? (_arise _.) in february of my year, unto my mind 'tis very clear, upon the twenty-second day, in old virginia far away, was born a sweet and gentle child, on whom the heavens looked down and smiled. voices. is that all thou canst tell? (_ speaks again_.) ah! there's another thing, just one: they called the child george washington. on all things else i am but dumb; ask of the years that after come. [_retire._ voices. arise, ye ghosts of his youthful days, and tell us of his acts and ways. (_arise , , , , , and . each speaks in turn_.) . in seventeen hundred thirty-three he was a baby, full of glee. . in seventeen hundred thirty-five he was a child, all wide-awake, alive. . i speak for seventeen thirty-eight, he told no falsehood, small or great. . thus speak the lips of seventeen forty-one: his work in copybooks was nearly done. . in seventeen hundred forty-three he loved in military sports to be. . my days of seventeen fifty-two no finer form could bring to view. voices. away, ye years! no more, no more! [_they retire_. arise, thou ghost of fifty-four. (_arise ._) the french and indian war this year begun, its first gun fired by youthful washington; the shots flew fast from hidden foe, and many a one was then laid low, yet never a wound that grand form felt, though shots like rain at him were dealt. old indian chiefs declared a charm preserved his life from every harm. [_retire._ voices. come forth, ye vanished seventeen seventy-five. no man methinks that knew thee is alive. (_arise ._) i proudly rise from the vanished past, behold a dark cloud gathering fast! at first no bigger than a hand, 'tis spreading over all the land, and men are hurrying here and there, their brows all grave with anxious care. upon the green at cambridge gaze, list to the shouts the people raise, as on his war-horse, proud and calm, sits he, the nation's strong right arm; beneath the spreading elm-tree's shade, commander-in-chief he there is made of young america's armies all. who is it thus the people call? 'tis washington, the star of light, that shone through all the country's night. [_retire._ voices. come back, ye years that now are o'er, and tell us of this man yet more. (_arise and . in concert_.) together we rise to speak his fame, who won a grand, immortal name at trenton and at princeton too. more brilliant deeds where can we view? on history's page they brightly gleam. him "first in war" we rightly deem. [_retire._ voices. behold a shadow dark and weighty! stand forth, thou ghost of seventeen eighty. (_arise _.) hunger and cold, and suffering great in my last days was the sad fate of washington and his soldiers brave. the name "hard winter" to me clave. but still the grand old patriot fire within one breast did ne'er expire. in cause so grand he placed a faith sublime, that far outweighed the sorrows of the time. [_retire._ voices. what canst thou tell us, seventeen eighty-one, of this far-famed, immortal washington? (_arise _.) i see the british soldiers, one by one, surrendering their arms to washington. the war of revolution now is o'er, and joyful shouts from every hillside pour. as soon as war's black flag is furled, the admiration of the world, bearing the love of countless grateful hearts, george washington unto his home departs. the "first in war," and "first in peace," his memory shall never cease. [_retire._ voices. once more we call. come forth and shine, spirit of seventeen eighty-nine. (_arise _.) my year beheld george washington above all men the ruling one, of the united states first president, his name a glory to our country lent. [_retire._ voices. come forth, thou ghost, the last in line; come back, oh seventeen ninety-nine. (_arise _.) i rise with sorrow in my face, which time can never quite efface. in the last month of the last year of the last century (dost thou hear?) there passed away a kingly soul, and sadly all the bells did toll; the people mourned their leader much; their feelings in one mighty rush! swept back o'er all the years gone by, and heartfelt was the nation's cry o'er washington whom tongue and pen proclaim the first in hearts of countrymen. [_retire._ school. "first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen." voices. who would have thought the vanished years could come back thus with smiles and tears! (_the years come back in procession, in advance, and recite together_.) together we come farewell to say, ere in our graves we hide away. till another year hath passed its round, our voices shall utter forth no sound. our lips have only told a part about this great and noble heart; but go and study history's page, you'll find him there from age to age. before we go a challenge brave we send unto this year, and on till time shall end, to e'er produce a greater one than _our_ immortal washington. [_pass out in order, repeating_ "_farewell, farewell!_" _if there is a bell on the school-building, have some boy at this point ring it with bright, quick strokes_. scholar. list! i hear the bells a-ringing, high within their steeples swinging. loud let them ring, and ring, and ring, and all abroad their music fling, for honor doth belong to him whose memory ages cannot dim. school. ay, ring the bells, and raise the shout, and drag the massive cannon out, let all unite as though in one to praise immortal washington. _school sing in closing "speed our republic" etc., or some other patriotic hymn_. * * * * * something better by clara j. denton _for a very little girl_ i cannot be a washington, however hard i try, but into something i must grow as fast the days go by. the world needs women, good and true, i'm glad i can be one, for that is even better than to be a washington. * * * * * the states crowning washington by kate bowles sherwood _for forty-five children_ this exercise will require forty-five children, boys or girls, or both, as most convenient. where a stage and curtain are obtainable, have the speakers grouped upon the stage at rise of curtain. if a stage and curtain are impossible let the speakers sit near the platform, each coming forward quickly, as the predecessor retires. a bust or framed portrait of washington must occupy the center of the stage or platform; surrounding it must be an arch containing forty-five nails. each speaker at the close of speech hangs upon a nail the wreath he or she carries. where flowers cannot be obtained in the winter time, use wreaths of evergreen. if a stage is possible, but not a curtain, the states may form at back of schoolroom and march upon the stage in time to martial or patriotic music. each state may wear a badge with name if convenient. . maine comes marching on as one to crown immortal washington. . new hampshire brings him honor, too, in offerings both sweet and true. . vermont here comes to take her stand to crown him with a lavish hand. . massachusetts, pilgrim state, proclaims him hero grand and great. . rhode island comes with willing feet to place a garland fair and sweet. . connecticut, with laurel's light, would keep our hero's honor bright. . new york, a mighty empire now, still crowns her gallant leader's brow. . pennsylvania holds him great, who spurned a crown to make a state. . new jersey, trenton can't forget, her hero claims her honor yet. . delaware will wreathe her bays to tell our hero's matchless praise. . maryland crowns the peaceful heart unspoiled by cruel deed or art. . virginia hails her first-born son, the proud and peerless washington. . west virginia will proclaim the splendors of a patriot's name. . north carolina's wreath is brought to him who independence wrought. . south carolina follows on to twine a wreath for washington. . georgia exalts him high who made the flag of freedom fly. . alabama's lore is pure, for him whose fame shall aye endure. . florida a tribute brings to him exalted over kings. . ohio twines with generous hand the garlands of a goodly land. . indiana's wreath is green for him of grave and gentle mien. . illinois cannot forget that washington is speaking yet. . michigan with love is stirred for him who always kept his word. . wisconsin hangs the victor's palm for him, in peace or tumult calm. . kentucky would his praise prolong, for fortitude and valor strong. . missouri comes with gifts of love for washington's all men above. . iowa exalts the man who shaped his life on honor's plan. . minnesota will revere the name that all the world holds dear. . nebraska brings from summits high immortal gifts that cannot die. . kansas speaks of duties done, of battles fought and victories won. . mississippi tells the tale of glorious acts that never pale. . louisiana counts the deeds by duty done where valor leads. . arkansas brings an offering bright to him who struggled for the right . texas will her honor show to faithful friend and generous foe. . tennessee exultant bears the crown a conquering hero wears. . nevada from her mountain height has plucked this garland kissed with light. . california's thousand flowers will crown this patriot of ours. . oregon brings offerings rare for him she holds in loving care. montana, from the mountains blue, has brought him love, and honor, too. . north dakota loves him well, and comes his valiant deeds to tell. . south dakota follows on to crown the patriot washington. . washington is proud to claim the glory of his noble name. . colorado ever true will bring him loving garlands, too. . wyoming from her mountain height would crown the man who stood for right. . idaho brings garlands fair for him whose life's beyond compare. . utah comes with fadeless pine in his immortal crown to shine. _chorus of states_ we all will honor washington, his fame will ever lead us on to better lives and nobler deeds, to guard our land in all her needs, to keep us ever kind and true to friends, and home, and country, too, in virtue strong, in honor bright, the foe of wrong, the friend of right. we all will honor washington, the first in war when wrong was done. the first in peace when freedom came to crown him with immortal fame, the first in all our hearts to-day, to bind us all as one for aye, while battle and freedom lead us on we all will honor washington. (_issued under the auspices of the george washington memorial association. used by permission of the new england publishing co_.) * * * * * the new george washington anonymous _to be recited by a small boy_ i am six years old, and like play and fun. i mean to grow up like george washington. so, when mother said, "who ate all the pie?" i, spoke like a man, and said, "it was i." but she didn't say she'd rather lose the pie, and know that her boy would not tell a lie. she just shut me up where i couldn't see, then sent me to bed without any tea. * * * * * in praise of washington _for nine pupils_ first pupil.--to the historian few characters appear so little to have shared the common frailties and imperfections of human nature as that of washington. _william smyth_. second pupil.--no matter what may have been the immediate birthplace of such a man as washington! no clime can claim, no country can appropriate him; the boon of providence to the human race, his fame is eternity, his residence creation. _charles phillips_. third pupil.--as a ruler of mankind, he may be proposed as a model. deeply impressed with the original rights of human nature, he never forgot that the end, and meaning, and aim of all just government was the happiness of the people. _william smyth_. fourth pupil.--as a general, he marshaled the peasant into a veteran, and supplied by discipline the absence of experience. as a statesman, he enlarged the policy of the cabinet into the most comprehensive system of general advantage; and such was the wisdom of his views and the philosophy of his counsels that to the soldier and the statesman he almost added the character of the sage. _charles phillips_. fifth pupil.--immortal man! he took from the battle its crime, and from the conquest its chains; he left the victorious the glory of his self-denial, and turned upon the vanquished only the retribution of his mercy. happy, proud america! the lightnings of heaven yielded to your philosophy! the temptations of earth could not seduce your patriotism! _charles phillips_. sixth pupil.--it is the happy combination of rare talents and qualities, the harmonious union of the intellectual and moral powers, rather than the dazzling splendor of any one trait which constitutes the grandeur of his character. _jared sparks_. seventh pupil.--washington did the two greatest things which, in politics, man can have the privilege of attempting. he maintained, by peace, that independence of his country which he had acquired by war. he founded a free government, in the name of the principles of order, and by re-establishing their sway. _guizot_. eighth pupil.--greater soldiers, more intellectual statesmen, and profounder sages have doubtless existed in the history of the english race, perhaps in our own country, but not one who to great excellence in the threefold composition of man--the physical, intellectual, and moral--has added such exalted integrity, such unaffected piety, such unsullied purity of soul, and such wondrous control of his own spirit. he illustrated and adorned the civilization of christianity, and furnished an example of the wisdom and perfection of its teachings which the subtlest arguments of its enemies cannot impeach. _vance_. ninth pupil.-- he fought, but not with love of strife; he struck but to defend; and, ere he turned a people's foe, he sought to be a friend. he strove to keep his country's right by reason's gentle word and sighed when fell injustice threw the challenge sword to sword. he stood, the firm, the calm, the wise, the patriot and sage; he showed no deep, avenging hate, no burst of despot rage; he stood for liberty and truth, and dauntlessly led on, till shouts of victory gave forth the name of washington. _eliza cook_. in concert.-- washington, the brave, the wise, the good. supreme in war, in council, and in peace. valiant without ambition, discreet without fear, confident without presumption. in disaster, calm; in success, moderate; in all, himself. the hero, the patriot, the christian. the father of nations, the friend of mankind, who, when he had won all, renounced all, and sought in the bosom of his family and of nature, retirement, and in the hope of religion, immortality. _inscription at mount vernon_. george washington: farmer being an account of his home life and agricultural activities by paul leland haworth author of the path of glory, reconstruction and union, america in ferment, etc. with many illustrations, facsimilies of private papers, and a map of washington's estate drawn by himself [illustration: _by permission of the mount vernon ladies' association_ mount vernon stable built in showing also the powell coach] "the aim of the farmers in this country (if they can be called farmers) is, not to make the most they can from the land, which is or has been cheap, but the most of the labour, which is dear; the consequence of which has been, much ground has been _scratched_ over and none cultivated or improved as it ought to have been: whereas a farmer in england, where land is dear, and labour cheap, finds it his interest to improve and cultivate highly, that he may reap large crops from a small quantity of ground." washington to arthur young, december , . preface the story of george washington's public career has been many times told in books of varying worth, but there is one important aspect of his private life that has never received the attention it deserves. the present book is an attempt to supply this deficiency. i desire to acknowledge gratefully the assistance i have received from messrs. gaillard hunt and john c. fitzpatrick of the library of congress, mr. hubert b. fuller lately of washington and now of cleveland, colonel harrison h. dodge and other officials of the mount vernon association, and from the work of paul leicester ford, worthington c. ford and john m. toner. above all, in common with my countrymen, i am indebted to heroic ann pamelia cunningham, to whose devoted labor, despite ill health and manifold discouragements, the preservation of mount vernon is due. to her we should be grateful for a shrine that has not its counterpart in the world--a holy place that no man can visit without experiencing an uplift of heart and soul that makes him a better american. paul leland haworth. contents chapter i a man in love with the soil. ii building an estate. iii virginia agriculture in washington's day. iv washington's problem. v the student of agriculture. vi a farmer's records and other papers. vii agricultural operations and experiments before the revolution. viii conserving the soil. ix the stockman. x the horticulturist and landscape gardener. xi white servants and overseers. xii black slaves. xiii the farmer's wife. xiv a farmer's amusements. xv a critical visitor at mount vernon. xvi profit and loss. xvii odds and ends. xviii the vale of sunset. index. list of illustrations mount vernon stable, built in , showing also the powell coach. mount vernon, showing kitchen to the left and covered way leading to it. the washington family. driveway from the lodge gate. the porter's lodge. one of the artificial mounds. the tree upon it was set out by mrs. grover cleveland. the seed house. beyond lay the vegetable garden. the mount vernon kitchen (restored). map of mount vernon drawn by washington and sent by him to arthur young in . gully on a field of union farm, showing susceptibility to erosion. looking across part of dogue run farm to "woodlawn," the home of nelly custis lewis. first page of washington's digest of duhamel's husbandry. dogue run below the site of the mill. on the road to the mill and pohick church. part of washington's plan for his sixteen-sided barn. bill of lading for "royal gift". experimental plot, with servants' quarters (restored) in background. west front of mansion house, showing bowling green and part of serpentine drive. first page of the diary for . part of a manager's weekly report. the butler's house and magnolia set out by washington the year of his death. spinning house--last building to the right. weekly report on the work of the spinners. the flower garden. a page from a cash memorandum book. one of washington's tavern bills. chapter i a man in love with the soil one december day in the year a virginia gentleman sat before his desk in his mansion beside the potomac writing a letter. he was a man of fifty-six, evidently tall and of strong figure, but with shoulders a trifle stooped, enormously large hands and feet, sparse grayish-chestnut hair, a countenance somewhat marred by lines of care and marks of smallpox, withal benevolent and honest-looking--the kind of man to whom one could intrust the inheritance of a child with the certainty that it would be carefully administered and scrupulously accounted for to the very last sixpence. the letter was addressed to an englishman, by name arthur young, the foremost scientific farmer of his day, editor of the _annals of agriculture_, author of many books, of which the best remembered is his _travels in france_ on the eve of the french revolution, which is still read by every student of that stirring era. "the more i am acquainted with agricultural affairs," such were the words that flowed from the writer's pen, "the better i am pleased with them; insomuch, that i can no where find so great satisfaction as in those innocent and useful pursuits. in indulging these feelings i am led to reflect how much more delightful to an undebauched mind is the task of making improvements on the earth than all the vain glory which can be acquired from ravaging it, by the most uninterrupted career of conquests." thus wrote george washington in the fulness of years, honors and experience. surely in this age of crimson mists we can echo his correspondent that it was a "noble sentiment, which does honor to the heart of this truly great man." happy america to have had such a philosopher as a father! "i think with you that the life of a husbandman is the most delectable," he wrote on another occasion to the same friend. "it is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. to see plants rise from the earth and flourish by the superior skill and bounty of the laborer fills a contemplative mind with ideas which are more easy to be conceived than expressed." the earliest washington arms had blazoned upon it " cinque foiles," which was the herald's way of saying that the bearer owned land and was a farmer. when washington made a book-plate he added to the old design spears of wheat to indicate what he once called "the most favorite amusement of my life." evidently he had no fear of being-called a "clodhopper" or a "hayseed!" nor was his enthusiasm for agriculture the evanescent enthusiasm of the man who in middle age buys a farm as a plaything and tries for the first time the costly experiment of cultivating the soil. he was born on a plantation, was brought up in the country and until manhood he had never even seen a town of five thousand people. first he was a surveyor, and so careful and painstaking was he that his work still stands the test. later he became a soldier, and there is evidence to show that at first he enjoyed the life and for a time had military ambitions. when braddock's expedition was preparing he chafed at the prospect of inaction and welcomed the offer to join the general's staff, but the bitter experiences of the next few years, when he had charge of the herculean task of protecting the settlers upon the "cold and barren frontiers ... from the cruel incursions of a crafty savage enemy," destroyed his illusions about war. after the capture of fort duquesne had freed virginia from danger he resigned his commission, married and made a home. soon after he wrote to an english kinsman who had invited him to visit london: "i am now i believe fixed at this seat with an agreeable consort for life. and hope to find more happiness in retirement than i ever experienced amidst a wide bustling world." thereafter he quitted the quiet life always with reluctance. amid long and trying years he constantly looked forward to the day when he could lay down his burden and retire to the peace and freedom of mount vernon, there to take up again the task of farming. as commander-in-chief of the armies of the revolution and as first president of the republic he gave the best that was in him--and it was always good enough--but more from a sense of duty than because of any real enthusiasm for the rôle of either soldier or statesman. we can well believe that it was with heartfelt satisfaction that soon after independence was at last assured he wrote to his old comrade-in-arms the marquis de chastellux: "i am at length become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac, where under my own vine and fig-tree free from the bustle of a camp and the intrigues of a court, i shall view the busy world with calm indifference, and with serenity of mind, which the soldier in pursuit of glory, and the statesman of a name, have not leisure to enjoy." years before as a boy he had copied into a wonderful copy-book that is still preserved in the library of congress some verses that set forth pretty accurately his ideal of life--an ideal influenced, may we not believe, in those impressionable years by these very lines. these are the verses--one can not call them poetry--just as i copied them after the clear boyish hand from the time-yellowed page: true happiness these are the things, which once possess'd will make a life that's truly bless'd a good estate on healthy soil, not got by vice nor yet by toil; round a warm fire, a pleasant joke, with chimney ever free from smoke: a strength entire, a sparkling bowl, a quiet wife, a quiet soul, a mind, as well as body, whole prudent simplicity, constant friend, a diet which no art commends; a merry night without much drinking a happy thought without much thinking; each night by quiet sleep made short a will to be but what thou art: possess'd of these, all else defy and neither wish nor fear to die these are things, which once possess'd will make a life that's truly bless'd. george washington did not affect the rôle of a cincinnatus; he took it in all sincerity and simpleness of heart because he loved it. nor was he the type of farmer--of whom we have too many--content to vegetate like a lower organism, making scarcely more mental effort than one of his own potatoes, parsnips or pumpkins. as the pages that follow will reveal, he was one of the first american experimental agriculturists, always alert for better methods, willing to take any amount of pains to find the best fertilizer, the best way to avoid plant diseases, the best methods of cultivation, and he once declared that he had little patience with those content to tread the ruts their fathers trod. if he were alive to-day, we may be sure that he would be an active worker in farmers' institutes, an eager visitor to agricultural colleges, a reader of scientific reports and an enthusiastic promoter of anything tending to better american farming and farm life. chapter ii building an estate augustine washington was a planter who owned thousands of acres of land, most of it unimproved, besides an interest in some small iron works, but he had been twice married and at his death left two broods of children to be provided for. george, a younger son--which implied a great deal in those days of entail and primogeniture--received the farm on the rappahannock on which his father lived, amounting to two hundred and eighty acres, a share of the land lying on deep run, three lots in frederick, a few negro slaves and a quarter of the residuary estate. he was also given a reversionary interest in mount vernon, bequeathed to his half-brother lawrence. the total value of his inheritance was small, and, as virginia landed fortunes went, he was left poorly provided for. much of washington's youth was spent with lawrence at mount vernon, and as an aside it may be remarked here that the main moulding influence in his life was probably cast by this high-minded brother, who was a soldier and man of the world. by the time he was sixteen the boy was on the frontier helping lord thomas fairfax to survey the princely domain that belonged to his lordship, and received in payment therefor sometimes as much as a doubloon a day. in he patented five hundred fifty acres of wild land in frederick county, "my bullskin plantation" he usually called it, payment being made by surveying. in he had funds sufficient to buy four hundred fifty-six acres of land of one james mccracken, paying therefor one hundred twelve pounds. two years later for one hundred fifteen pounds he bought five hundred fifty-two acres on the south fork of bullskin creek from captain george johnston. in he acquired from a certain darrell five hundred acres on dogue run near mount vernon, paying three hundred fifty pounds. it is evident, therefore, that very early he acquired the "land hunger" to which most of the virginians of his day were subject, as a heritage from their english ancestry. in the england of that day, in fact, no one except a churchman could hope to attain much of a position in the world unless he was the owner of land, and until the passage of the great reform bill in he could not even vote unless he held land worth forty shillings a year. in virginia likewise it was the landholder who enjoyed distinction and consideration, who was sent to the house of burgesses and was bowed and scraped to as his coach bumped along over the miserable roads. the movement to cities did not begin until after the industrial revolution, and people still held the healthy notion that the country was the proper place in which to live a normal human existence. in lawrence washington died. as already stated, he was the proprietor by inheritance of mount vernon, then an estate of two thousand five hundred acres which had been in the washington family since , being a grant from lord culpeper. lawrence had fought against the spaniards in the conflict sometimes known as the war of jenkins's ear, and in the disastrous siege of cartagena had served under admiral vernon, after whom he later named his estate. he married anne fairfax, daughter of sir william fairfax, and for her built on his estate a new residence, containing eight rooms, four to each floor, with a large chimney at each end. [illustration: mount vernon, showing kitchen to the left and covered way leading to it] [illustration: _from a painting by t.p. rossiter and l.r. mignot_ the washington family] lawrence washington was the father of four children, but only an infant daughter, sarah, survived him, and she died soon after him. by the terms of his father's and lawrence's wills george washington, after the death of this child, became the ultimate inheritor of the mount vernon estate, but, contrary to the common idea, anne fairfax washington, who soon married george lee, retained a life interest. on december , , however, the lees executed a deed granting said life interest to george washington in consideration of an annual payment during anne lee's lifetime of fifteen thousand pounds of tobacco or the equivalent in current money[ ]. mrs. lee died in and thereafter washington owned the estate absolutely. that it was by no means so valuable at that time as its size would indicate is shown by the smallness of the, rent he paid, never more than four hundred sixty-five dollars a year. many eighty-acre farms rent for that much to-day and even for more. [ ] from entries in washington's account book we know that this equivalent in was £ . ; during each of the next four years it was £ . , and for it was £ . . up to washington was so constantly engaged in fighting the french and indians that he had little time and opportunity to look after his private affairs and in consequence they suffered. in he wrote from the shenandoah valley to an english agent that he should have some tobacco to sell, but could not say whether he did have or not. his pay hardly sufficed for his personal expenses and on the disastrous fort necessity and braddock campaigns he lost his horses and baggage. owing to his absence from home, his affairs fell into great disorder from which they were extricated by a fortunate stroke. this stroke consisted in his marriage to martha custis, relict of the wealthy daniel parke custis. the story of his wooing the young widow has been often told with many variations and fanciful embellishments, but of a few facts we are certain. from a worldly point of view mrs. custis was the most desirable woman in all virginia, and the young officer, though not as yet a victor in many battles, had fought gallantly, possessed the confidence of the colony and formed a shining exception to most of the tidewater aristocracy who continued to hunt the fox and guzzle madeira while a cruel foe was harrying the western border. matters moved forward with the rapidity traditional in similar cases and in about three weeks and before the colonel left to join forbes in the final expedition against fort duquesne the little widow had been wooed and won. after his return from that expedition washington resigned his commission and on the th of january, , they were married at her "white house" on york river and spent their honeymoon at her "six chimney house" in williamsburg. the young groom and farmer--as he would now have styled himself--was at this time not quite twenty-seven years old, six feet two inches high, straight as an indian and weighed about one hundred and seventy-five pounds. his bones and joints were large, as were his hands and feet. he was wide-shouldered but somewhat flat-chested, neat-waisted but broad across the hips, with long arms and legs. his skin was rather pale and colorless and easily burned by the sun, and his hair, a chestnut brown, he usually wore in a queue. his mouth was large and generally firmly closed and the teeth were already somewhat defective. his countenance as a whole was pleasing, benevolent and commanding, and in conversation he looked one full in the face and was deliberate, deferential and engaging. his voice was agreeable rather than strong. his demeanor at all times was composed and dignified, his movements and gestures graceful, his walk majestic and he was a superb horseman[ ]. [ ] adapted from a description written by his comrade-in-arms, george mercer. the bride brought her husband a "little progeny" consisting of two interesting stepchildren; also property worth about a hundred thousand dollars, including many negro slaves, money on bond and stock in the bank of england. soon we find him sending certificates of the marriage to the english agents of the custis estate and announcing to them that the management of the whole would be in his hands. the dower negroes were kept separate from those owned by himself, but otherwise he seems to have made little distinction between his own and mrs. washington's property, which was now, in fact, by virginia law his own. when martha wanted money she applied to him for it. now and then in his cash memorandum books we come upon such entries as, "by cash to mrs. washington for pocket money £ ." as a rule, if there were any purchases to be made, she let george do it and, if we may judge from the long list of tabby colored velvet gowns, silk hose, satin shoes, "fashionable summer cloaks & hatts," and similar articles ordered from the english agents she had no reason to complain that her husband was niggardly or a poor provider. if her "old man"--for she sometimes called him that--failed in anything she desired, tradition says that the little lady was in the habit of taking hold of a button of his coat and hanging on until he had promised to comply. he managed the property of the two children with great care and fidelity, keeping a scrupulous account in a "marble colour'd folio book" of every penny received or expended in their behalf and making a yearly report to the general court of his stewardship. how minute this account was is indicated by an entry in his cash memorandum book for august , : "charge miss custis with a hair pin mended by c. turner" one shilling. her death (of "fitts") in added about ten thousand pounds to mrs. washington's property, which meant to his own. there can be no question that the fortune he acquired by the custis alliance proved of great advantage to him in his future career, for it helped to make him independent as regards money considerations. he might never have become the father of his country without it. some of his contemporaries, including jealous-hearted john adams, seem to have realized this, and tradition says that old david burnes, the crusty scotsman who owned part of the land on which the federal city was laid out, once ventured to growl to the president: "now what would ye ha' been had ye not married the widow custis?" but this was a narrow view of the matter, for washington was known throughout the colonies before he married the custis pounds sterling and was a man of too much natural ability not to have made a mark in later life, though possibly not so high a one. besides, as will be explained in detail later, much of the custis money was lost during the revolution as a result of the depreciation in the currency. following his marriage washington added largely to his estate, both in the neighborhood of mount vernon and elsewhere. in he bought of his friend bryan fairfax two hundred and seventy-five acres on difficult run, and about the same time from his neighbor, the celebrated george mason of gunston hall, he acquired one hundred acres next that already bought of darrell. negotiations entered into with a certain clifton for the purchase of a tract of one thousand eight hundred six acres called brents was productive of much annoyance. clifton agreed in february, , to sell the ground for one thousand one hundred fifty pounds, but later, "under pretence of his wife not consenting to acknowledge her right of dower wanted to disengage himself ... and by his shuffling behavior convinced me of his being the trifling body represented." washington heard presently that clifton had sold the land to another man for one thousand two hundred pounds, which fully "unravelled his conduct ... and convinced me that he was nothing less than a thorough paced rascal." ultimately washington acquired brents, but had to pay one thousand two hundred ten pounds for it. during the next few years he acquired other tracts, notably the posey plantation just below mount vernon and later often called by him the ferry farm. with it he acquired a ferry to the maryland shore and a fishery, both of which industries he continued. by he paid quit rents upon an estate of five thousand five hundred eighteen acres in fairfax county; on two thousand four hundred ninety-eight acres in frederick county; on one thousand two hundred fifty acres in king george; on two hundred forty in hampshire; on two hundred seventy-five in loudoun; on two thousand six hundred eighty-two in loudoun faquier--in all, twelve thousand four hundred sixty-three acres. the quit rent was two shillings and sixpence per hundred acres and amounted to £ . . . in addition to these lands in the settled parts of virginia he also had claims to vast tracts in the unsettled west. for services in the french and indian war he was given twenty thousand acres of wild land beyond the mountains--a cheap mode of reward, for the ohio region was to all intents and purposes more remote than yukon is to-day. many of his fellow soldiers held their grants so lightly that he was able to buy their claims for almost a song. the feeling that such grants were comparatively worthless was increased by the fact that to become effective they must be located and surveyed, while doubt existed as to whether they would be respected owing to conflicting claims, jurisdictions and proclamations. [illustration: the porter's lodge] [illustration: driveway from the lodge gate] washington, however, had seen the land and knew it was good and he had prophetic faith in the future of the west. he employed his old comrade captain william crawford to locate and survey likely tracts not only in what is now west virginia and western pennsylvania, but beyond the ohio river. settlement in the latter region had been forbidden by the king's proclamation of , but washington thought that this was merely a temporary measure designed to quiet the indians and was anxious to have picked out in advance "some of the most valuable land in the king's part." in other words he desired crawford to act the part of a "sooner," in the language of more than a century later. in this period a number of companies were scrambling for western lands, and washington, at one time or another, had an interest in what was known as the walpole grant, the mississippi company, the military company of adventurers and the dismal swamp company. this last company, however, was interested in redeeming lands about dismal swamp in eastern virginia and it was the only one that succeeded. in he estimated the value of his share in that company at twenty thousand dollars. washington took the lead in securing the rights of his old soldiers in the french war, advancing money to pay expenses in behalf of the common cause and using his influence in the proper quarters. in august, , he met many of his former officers at captain weedon's in fredericksburg, and after they had dined and had talked over old times, they discussed the subject of their claims until sunset, and it was decided that washington should personally make a long and dangerous trip to the western region. in october he set out with his old friend doctor james craik and three servants, including the ubiquitous billy lee, and on the way increased the party. they followed the old braddock road to pittsburgh, then a village of about twenty log cabins, visiting en route some tracts of land that crawford had selected. at pittsburgh they obtained a large dugout, and with crawford, two indians and several borderers, floated down the ohio, picking out and marking rich bottom lands and having great sport hunting and fishing. the region in which they traveled was then little known and was unsettled by white men. daniel boone had made his first hunting trip into "the dark and bloody ground of kaintuckee" only the year before, and scattered along the banks of the ohio stood the wigwam villages of the aboriginal lords of the land. at one such village washington met a chief who had accompanied him on his memorable winter journey in to warn out the french, and elsewhere talked with indians who had shot at him in the battle of the monongahela and now expressed a belief that he must be invulnerable. at the mingo town they saw a war party of three score painted iroquois on their way to fight the far distant catawbas. between the indians and the white men peace nominally reigned, but rumors were flying of impending uprisings, and the red man's smouldering hate was soon to burst into the flame known as lord dunmore's war. once the party was alarmed by a report that the indians had killed two white men, but they breathed easier on learning that the sole basis of the story was that a trader had tried to swim his horse across the ohio and had been drowned. in spite of uncertainties, the voyagers continued to the great kanawha and paddled about fourteen miles up that stream. near its mouth washington located two large tracts for himself and military comrades and after interesting hunting experiences and inspecting some enormous sycamores--concerning which matters more hereafter--the party turned back, and washington reached home after an absence of nine weeks. two of washington's western tracts are of special interest. one had been selected by crawford in and was "a fine piece of land on a stream called chartiers creek" in the present washington county, southwest of pittsburgh. crawford surveyed the tract and marked it by blazed trees, built four cabins and cleared a patch of ground, as an improvement, about each. later washington, casting round for some one from whom to obtain a military title with which to cover the tract, bought out the claim of his financially embarrassed old neighbor captain john posey to three thousand acres, paying £ . . , or about two cents per acre. crawford, now a deputy surveyor of the region, soon after resurveyed two thousand eight hundred thirteen acres and forwarded the "return" to washington, with the result that in governor dunmore of virginia granted a patent for the land. in the meantime, however, six squatters built a cabin upon the tract and cleared two or three acres, but crawford paid them five pounds for their improvements and induced them to move on. to keep off other interlopers he placed a man on the land, but in a party of rambunctious scotch-irishmen appeared on the scene, drove the keeper away, built a cabin so close in front of his door that he could not get back in, and continued to hold the land until after the revolution. by that time crawford himself was dead--having suffered the most terrible of all deaths--that of an indian captive burnt at the stake. the other tract whose history it is worth our while to follow consisted of twelve hundred acres on the youghiogheny river, likewise not far from pittsburgh. it bore seams of coal, which washington examined in and thought "to be of the very best kind, burning freely and abundance of it." in the spring of he sent out a certain gilbert simpson, with whom he had formed a sort of partnership, to look after this land, and each furnished some laborers, washington a "fellow" and a "wench." simpson managed to clear some ground and get in six acres of corn, but his wife disliked life on the borderland and made him so uncomfortable with her complaints that he decided to throw up the venture. however, he changed his mind, and after a trip back east returned and, on a site noticed by the owner on his visit, built a grist mill on a small stream now called washington's run that empties into the youghiogheny. this was one of the first mills erected west of the alleghany mountains and is still standing, though more or less rebuilt. the millstones were dug out of quarries in the neighborhood and the work of building the mill was done amid considerable danger from the indians, who had begun what is known as dunmore's war. simpson's cabin and the slave quarters stood near what is now plant no. of the washington coal and coke company. the tract of land contains valuable seams of coal and with some contiguous territory is valued at upward of twenty million dollars. washington had large ideas for the development of these western lands. at one time he considered attempting to import palatine germans to settle there, but after careful investigation decided that the plan was impracticable. in he bought four men convicts, four indented servants, and a man and his wife for four years and sent them and some carpenters out to help simpson build the mill and otherwise improve the lands. next year he sent out another party, but indian troubles and later the revolution united with the natural difficulties of the country to put a stop to progress. some of the servants were sold and others ran away, but simpson stayed on in charge, though without making any financial settlement with his patron till . at the close of the revolution washington wrote to president john witherspoon of princeton college that he had in the western country patents under signature of lord dunmore "for about , acres, and surveys for about , more, patents for which were suspended by the disputes with great britain, which soon followed the return of the warrants to the land office. ten thousand acres of the above thirty lie upon the ohio; the rest on the great kenhawa, a river nearly as large, and quite as easy in its navigation, as the former, the whole of it is rich bottom land, beautifully situated on these rivers, and abounding plenteously in fish, wild-fowl, and game of all kinds." he could have obtained vast land grants for his revolutionary services, but he stuck by his announced intention of receiving only compensation for his expenses. he continued, however, to be greatly interested in the western country and was one of the first americans to foresee the importance of that region to the young republic, predicting that it would become populated more rapidly than any one could believe and faster than any similar region ever had been settled. he was extremely anxious to develop better methods of communication with the west and in made a trip up the mohawk river to the famous oneida or great carrying place to view the possibilities of waterway development in that region--the future course of the erie canal. soon after he wrote to his friend the chevalier de chastellux: "i could not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these united states and could not but be struck by the immense extent and importance of it, and of the goodness of that providence which has dealt its favors to us with so profuse a hand. would to god we may have wisdom enough to improve them. i shall not rest contented till i have explored the western country, and traversed those lines or great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire." in partnership with george clinton he bought, in , a tract of six thousand acres on the mohawk, paying for his share, including interest, one thousand eight hundred seventy-five pounds. in he sold two-thirds of his half for three thousand four hundred pounds and in his will valued the thousand acres that remained at six thousand dollars. this was a speculation pure and simple, as he was never in the region in which the land lay but once. on december , , in an ever memorable scene, washington resigned his commission as commander of the continental army and rode off from annapolis to mount vernon to keep christmas there for the first time since . the next eight months he was busily engaged in making repairs and improvements about his home estate, but on september first, having two days before said good-by to lafayette, who had been visiting him, he set off on horseback to inspect his western lands and to obtain information requisite to a scheme he had for improving the "inland navigation of the potomac" and connecting its head waters by canal with those of the ohio. the first object was rendered imperative by the settlement of squatters on part of his richest land, some of which was even being offered for sale by unscrupulous land agents. with him went again his old friend doctor craik. their equipage consisted of three servants and six horses, three of which last carried the baggage, including a marquee, some camp utensils, a few medicines, "hooks and lines," madeira, port wine and cherry bounce. stopping at night and for meals at taverns or the homes of relatives or friends, they passed up the picturesque potomac valley, meeting many friends along the way, among them the celebrated general daniel morgan, with whom washington talked over the waterways project. at "happy retreat," the home of charles washington in the fertile shenandoah valley, beyond the blue ridge, washington met and transacted business with tenants who lived on his lands in that region. on september fifth he reached bath, the present berkeley springs, where he owned two thousand acres of land and two lots. here fifteen years before he had come with his family in the hope that the water would benefit poor "patey" custis, and here he met "the ingenious mr. rumney" who showed him the model of a boat to be propelled by steam. at bath the party was joined by doctor craik's son william and by the general's nephew, bushrod washington. twelve miles to the west washington turned aside from the main party to visit a tract of two hundred forty acres that he owned on the virginia side of the potomac. he found it "exceedingly rich, & must be very valuable--the lower end of the land is rich white oak in places springey ... the upper part is ... covered with walnut of considerable size many of them." he "got a snack" at the home of a mr. mccracken and left with that gentleman the terms upon which he would let the land, then rode onward and rejoined the others. the cavalcade passed on to fort cumberland. there washington left the main party to follow with the baggage and hurried on ahead along braddock's old road in order to fill an appointment to be at gilbert simpson's by the fifteenth. passing through the dark tangle of laurel known as the shades of death, he came on september twelfth to the opening among the mountains--the great meadows--where in in his rude little fort of logs, aptly named fort necessity, he had fought the french and had been conquered by them. he owned the spot now, for in crawford had bought it for him for " pistols[ ]," thirty years before, as an enthusiastic youth, he had called it a "charming field for an encounter"; now he spoke of it as "capable of being turned to great advantage ... a very good stand for a tavern--much hay may be cut here when the ground is laid down in grass & the upland, east of the meadow, is good for grain." [ ] doubtless he meant pistoles, coins, not weapons. not a word about the spot's old associations! the same day he pushed on through the mountains, meeting "numbers of persons & pack horses going in with ginseng; & for salt & other articles at the markets below," and near nightfall reached on the youghiogheny river the tract on which gilbert simpson, his agent, lived. he found the land poorer than he had expected and the buildings that had been erected indifferent, while the mill was in such bad condition that "little rent, or good is to be expected from the present aspect of her," he was, in fact, unable to find a renter for the mill and let the land, twelve hundred acres, now worth millions, for only five hundred bushels of wheat! the land had cost him far more than he had received from it. simpson had not proved a man of much energy and even had he been otherwise conditions in the region would have prevented him from accomplishing much in a financial way, for there was little or no market for farm produce near at hand and the cost of transportation over the mountains was prohibitive. during the revolution, however, simpson had in some way or other got hold of some paper currency and a few months before had turned over the worthless bills to washington. a century later the package was sold at auction, and the band, which was still unbroken, bore upon it in washington's hand: "given by gilbt. simpson, june, ." at simpson's washington was met by a delegation from the squatters on his holdings on miller's run or chartiers creek, "and after much conversation & attempts in them to discover all the flaws they could in my deed &c." they announced that they would give a definite answer as to what they would do when washington reached the land in dispute. he drew near the neighborhood on the following saturday, but the next day "being sunday, and the people living on my land, _apparently_ very religious, it was thought best to postpone going among them till to-morrow." on monday, in company with several persons including the high sheriff, captain van swearingen, or "indian van," captain of one of the companies in morgan's famous rifle corps, he proceeded to the land and found that, of two thousand eight hundred thirteen acres, three hundred sixty-three were under cultivation and forty more were in meadow. on the land stood twelve cabins and nine barns claimed by fourteen different persons, most or all of whom were doughty scotch-irishmen. washington was humane enough to see that they had something to urge in their behalf and offered to sell them the whole tract at twenty-five shillings an acre, or to take them as tenants, but they stubbornly refused his offers and after much wrangling announced their intention to stand suit. ejectment proceedings were accordingly brought by washington's attorney, thomas smith of carlisle. the case was tried in before the supreme court of pennsylvania and resulted in washington's favor. in washington sold the tract to a certain matthew richey for twelve thousand dollars, of which three thousand one hundred eighty dollars was to be paid in cash and the rest in three annual instalments. richey died in , and washington's heirs had difficulties in their attempts to collect the remainder. leaving these legal matters to be disposed of by lawyers, washington turned back without visiting his kanawha or ohio lands, and on october fourth reached mount vernon, having traveled on horseback about six hundred eighty miles. one result of his trip was the formation of the potomac company, but this is a subject that lies without the scope of this book. [illustration: the seed house, beyond lay the vegetable garden] [illustration: one of the artificial mounds. the tree upon it was set out by mrs. grover cleveland.] from that time onward he bought occasional tracts of lands in various parts of the country or acquired them in discharge of debts. by the death of his mother he acquired her land on accokeek creek in stafford county, near where his father had operated an iron furnace. washington's landed estate as listed in his will amounted to about sixty thousand two hundred two acres, besides lots in washington, alexandria, winchester, bath, manchester, edinburgh and richmond. nine thousand two hundred twenty-seven acres, including mount vernon and a tract on four mile run, he specifically bequeathed to individuals, as he did some of the lots. the remaining lots and fifty thousand nine hundred seventy-five acres (some of which land was already conditionally sold) he directed to be disposed of, together with his live stock, government bonds and shares held by him in the potomac company, the dismal swamp company, the james river company and the banks of columbia and alexandria--the whole value of which he conservatively estimated at five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. the value of the property he specifically bequeathed, with his slaves, which he directed should be freed, can only be guessed at, but can hardly have been short of two hundred and twenty thousand dollars more. in other words, he died possessed of property worth three-quarters of a million and was the richest man in america. not all of the land that he listed in his will proved of benefit to his heirs. the title to three thousand fifty-one acres lying on the little miami river in what is now ohio and valued by him at fifteen thousand two hundred fifty-five dollars proved defective. in a law, signed by himself, had passed congress requiring the recording of such locations with the federal secretary of state. washington's locations and surveys of this ohio land had already been recorded in the virginia land office, and with a carelessness unusual in him he neglected to comply with the statute. after his death certain persons took advantage of the defect and seized the lands, and his executors failed to embrace another opportunity given them to perfect the title, with the result that the lands were lost. the matter rested until a few years ago when some descendants of the heirs set their heads together and one of them, robert e. lee, jr., procured his appointment in by the court of fairfax county as administrator _de bonis non_ of washington's estate. it was, of course, impossible to regain the lands--which lie not far from cincinnati and are worth vast sums--so the movers in the matter had recourse to that last resort of such claimants--congress--and, with the modesty usually shown by claimants, asked that body to reimburse the heirs in the sum of three hundred and five thousand one hundred dollars--that is, one hundred dollars per acre--with interest from the date of petition. thus far congress has not seen fit to comply, nor does there seem to be any good reason why it should do so. the land cost washington a mere bagatelle, it was lost through the neglect of himself and his executors, and not one of the persons who would benefit by such a subsidy from the public funds is his lineal descendant. as a mere matter of public policy and common sense it may well be doubted whether any claim upon government, no matter how just in itself, should be reimbursed beyond the third generation. the heirs urge in extenuation of the claim that washington refused to accept any compensation for his revolutionary services, but it is answered that it is hardly seemly for his grand nephews and grand nieces many times removed to beg for something that the father of his country himself rejected. one wonders whether the claimants would dare to press their claims in the presence of their great kinsman himself! chapter iii virginia agriculture in washington's day the virginia of george washington's youth and early manhood was an imperial domain reaching from atlantic tidewater through a thousand leagues of forests, prairies and mountains "west and northwest" to the south sea. only a narrow fringe along the eastern coast was settled by white men; the remainder was a terra incognita into which knights of the golden horseshoe and indian traders had penetrated a short distance, bringing back stories of endless stretches of wolf-haunted woodland, of shaggy-fronted wild oxen, of saline swamps in which reposed the whitened bones of prehistoric monsters, of fierce savage tribes whose boast was of the number of scalps that swung in the smoke of their wigwams. even as late as the fertile shenandoah valley beyond the blue ridge formed the extreme frontier, while in general the "fall line," where the drop from the foothills to the coastal plain stops navigation, marked the limit of settlement. at the time that washington began to farm in earnest eastern virginia had, however, been settled for one hundred fifty-two years. yet the population was almost wholly rural. williamsburg, the capital, was hardly more than a country village, and norfolk, the metropolis, probably did not contain more than five thousand inhabitants. the population generally was so scattered that, as has been remarked, a man could not see his neighbor without a telescope or be heard by him without firing a gun. a large part of the settled land was divided up into great estates, though there were many small farms. some of these estates had been acquired for little or nothing by cavalier favorites of the colonial governors. a few were perfectly enormous in size, and this was particularly the rule on the "northern neck," the region in which mount vernon was situated. the holding of lord thomas fairfax, the early friend and patron of washington, embraced more than a score of modern counties and contained upward of five million acres. the grant had been made by fairfax's grandfather, lord culpeper, the coproprietor and governor of virginia. the virginia plantation of was much more sufficient unto itself than was the same plantation of the next century when methods of communication had improved, articles from the outside world were easier to obtain, and invention was beginning to become "the mother of necessity." many of the large plantations, in fact, bore no small resemblance to medieval manors. there was the planter himself residing with his family in the mansion, which corresponded to the manor house, and lording it over a crowd of white and black dependents, corresponding to serfs. the servants, both white and black, dwelt somewhat apart in the quarters, rude log huts for the most part, but probably as comfortable as those of the saxon churls of the time of the plantagenets. the planter's ownership over the persons of his dependents was, however, much more absolute than was that of the norman lord, for on the manors the serfs could not be sold off the land, a restriction that did not apply in virginia either to black slaves or indentured servants. on the manor, furthermore, the serf had his own bits of ground, for which he paid rent in kind, money or service, and the holdings passed from father to son; on the plantation the slave worked under an overseer on his master's crops only and had nothing that he could call his own--not even his wife or children. in the matter of the organization of industries there was a closer resemblance. the planter generally raised the staple articles of food for his family and slaves, as did the lord, and a large proportion of the other articles used or consumed were manufactured on the place. a son of george mason, washington's close friend and neighbor, has left us the following description of industry at gunston hall: "my father had among his slaves carpenters, coopers, sawyers, blacksmiths, tanners, curriers, shoemakers, spinners, weavers, and knitters, and even a distiller. his woods furnished timber and plank for the carpenters and coopers, and charcoal for the blacksmith; his cattle killed for his own consumption and for sale, supplied skins for the tanners, curriers, and shoemakers; and his sheep gave wool and his fields produced cotton and flax for the weavers and spinners, and his own orchards fruit for the distillers. his carpenters and sawyers built and kept in repair all the dwelling-houses, barns, stables, ploughs, harrows, gates, etc., on the plantations, and the outhouses of the house. his coopers made the hogsheads the tobacco was prized in, and the tight casks to hold the cider and other liquors. the tanners and curriers, with the proper vats, etc., tanned and dressed the skins as well for upper as for lower leather to the full amount of the consumption of the estate, and the shoemakers made them into shoes for the negroes. a professed shoemaker was hired for three or four months in the year to come and make up the shoes for the white part of the family. the blacksmiths did all the iron work required by the establishment, as making and repairing ploughs, harrows, teeth, chains, bolts, etc. the spinners, weavers, and knitters made all the coarse cloths and stockings used by the negroes, and some of fine texture worn by the white family, nearly all worn by the children of it. the distiller made every fall a good deal of apple, peach, and persimmon brandy. the art of distilling from grain was not then among us, and but few public distilleries. all these operations were carried on at the home house, and their results distributed as occasion required to the different plantations. moreover, all the beeves and hogs for consumption or sale were driven up and slaughtered there at the proper seasons, and whatever was to be preserved was salted and packed away for distribution." nevertheless the plantation drew upon the outside world for many articles, especially luxuries, and the owner had to find the wherewithal to make payment. the almost universal answer to this problem was--tobacco. it was not an ideal answer, and historians have scolded the departed planters vigorously for doing the sum in that way, yet the planters were victims of circumstances. they had no gold or silver mines from which to draw bullion that could be coined into cash; the fur trade was of little importance compared with that farther north; the europe of that day raised sufficient meat and grain for its own use, and besides these articles were bulky and costly to transport. but europe did have a strong craving for the weed and, almost of necessity, virginians set themselves to satisfying it. they could hardly be expected to do otherwise when a pound of tobacco would often bring in england more than a bushel of wheat, while it cost only a sixtieth part as much to send it thither. it is estimated that prior to the revolution virginia often sent out annually as much as ninety-six thousand hogsheads of tobacco. tobacco took the place of money, and debts, taxes and even ministers' salaries were paid in it. the disadvantages of tobacco culture are well known. of all crops it is perhaps the most exhausting to the soil, nor was a large part of virginia particularly fertile to begin with. much land was speedily ruined, but nothing was so cheap and plentiful in that day as land, so the planter light-heartedly cleared more and let the old revert to the wilderness. any one who travels through the long settled parts of virginia to-day will see many such old fields upon which large forest trees are now growing and can find there, if he will search closely enough, signs of the old tobacco ridges. only heroic measures and the expenditure of large sums for fertilizer could make such worn-out land again productive. washington himself described the character of the agriculture in words that can not be improved upon: "a piece of land is cut down, and left under constant cultivation, first in tobacco, and then in indian corn (two very exhausting plants), until it will yield scarcely anything; a second piece is cleared, and treated in the same manner; then a third and so on, until probably there is but little more to clear. when this happens, the owner finds himself reduced to the choice of one of three things--either to recover the land which he has ruined, to accomplish which, he has perhaps neither the skill, the industry, nor the means; or to retire beyond the mountains; or to substitute quantity for quality in order to raise something. the latter has been generally adopted, and, with the assistance of horses, he scratches over much ground, and seeds it, to very little purpose." the tobacco industry was not only ruinous to the soil, but it was badly organized from a financial standpoint. three courses were open to the planter who had tobacco. he might sell it to some local mercantile house, but these were not numerous nor as a rule conveniently situated to the general run of planters. he might deposit it in a tobacco warehouse, receiving in return a receipt, which he could sell if he saw fit and could find a purchaser. or he could send his tobacco direct to an english agent to be sold. if a great planter and particularly if situated upon navigable water, this last was the course he was apt to follow. he would have his own wharf to which once or twice a year a ship would come bringing the supplies he had ordered months before and taking away the great staple. if brought from a distance, the tobacco was rarely hauled to the wharf in wagons--the roads were too wretched for that--instead it was packed in a great cylindrical hogshead through which an iron or wooden axle was put. horses or oxen were then hitched to the axle and the hogshead was rolled to its destination. by the ship that took away his tobacco the planter sent to the english factor a list of the goods he would require for the next year. it was an unsatisfactory way of doing business, for time and distance conspired to put the planter at the factor's mercy. the planter was not only unlikely to obtain a fair price for his product, but he had to pay excessive prices for poor goods and besides could never be certain that his order would be properly filled. washington's experiences with his english agents were probably fairly typical. near the close of he complained that thomas knox of bristol had failed to send him various things ordered, such as half a dozen scythes and stones, curry combs and brushes, weeding and grubbing hoes, and axes, and that now he must buy them in america at exorbitant prices. not long afterward he wrote again: "i have received my goods from the recovery, and cant help again complaining of the little care taken in the purchase: besides leaving out half and the most material half too! of the articles i sent for, i find the sein is without leads, corks and ropes which renders it useless--the crate of stone ware don't contain a third of the pieces i am charged with, and only two things broken, and everything very high charged." in september of the same year he ordered, among other things, busts of alexander the great, julius caesar, charles xii of sweden, frederick the great, prince eugene and the duke of marlborough; also of two wild beasts. the order was "filled" by sending him a group showing aeneas bearing his father from troy, two groups with two statues of bacchus and flora, two ornamental vases and two "lyons." "it is needless for me to particularise the sorts, quality, or taste i woud choose to have them in unless it is observd," he wrote a year later to robert gary & company of london apropos of some articles with which he was dissatisfied, "and you may believe me when i tell you that instead of getting things good and fashionable in their several kind, we often have articles sent us that coud only have been used by our forefathers in the days of yore--'tis a custom, i have some reason to believe, with many shop keepers, and tradesmen in london when they know goods are bespoke for transportation to palm sometimes old, and sometimes very slight and indifferent goods upon us taking care at the same time to advance , , or perhaps pr. ct. upon them." to his london shoemaker he wrote, november , , that the last two pairs of dog leather pumps scarce lasted twice as many days. to his tailor he complained on another occasion of exorbitant prices. "i shall only refer you generally to the bills you have sent me, particularly for a pompadour suit forwarded last july amounting to £ . . without embroidery, lace or binding--not a close fine cloth neither--and only a gold button that woud not stand the least wear." another time he mentions that his clothes fit poorly, which is not strange considering that measurements had to be sent three thousand miles and there, was no opportunity to try the garments on with a view to alterations. we may safely conclude, therefore, that however elegant virginia society of that day may have been in other respects, it was not distinguished for well fitting clothes! most virginia planters got in debt to their agents, and washington was no exception to the rule. when his agents, robert gary & company, called his attention to the fact, he wrote them, that they seemed in a bit of a hurry considering the extent of past dealings with each other. "mischance rather than misconduct hath been the cause of it," he asserted, explaining that he had made large purchases of land, that crops had been poor for three seasons and prices bad. he preferred to let the debt stand, but if the agents insisted upon payment now he would find means to discharge the obligation. not all planters could speak so confidently of their ability to find means to discharge a debt, for the truth is that the profits of tobacco culture were by no means so large as has often been supposed. a recent writer speaks of huge incomes of twenty thousand to eighty thousand pounds a year and asserts that "the ordinary planter could count on an income of from £ , to £ , ." the first figures are altogether fabulous, "paper profits" of the same sort that can be obtained by calculating profits upon the geometrical increase of geese as illustrated in a well known story. even the last mentioned sums were realized only under the most favorable conditions and by a few planters. much of the time the price of the staple was low and the costs of transportation and insurance, especially in time of war, were considerable. washington himself had a consignment of tobacco captured by the french. the planters were by no means so prosperous as is often supposed and neither was their life so splendid as has often been pictured. writers seem to have entered into a sort of conspiracy to mislead us concerning it. the tendency is one to which southern writers are particularly prone in all that concerns their section. if they speak of a lawyer, he is always a profound student of the law; of a soldier, he is the bravest tenderest knight that ever trod shoe leather; of a lady, she is the most beautiful that ever graced a drawing-room. the old virginia life had its color and charm, though its color and charm lay in large part in things concerning which the writers have little or nothing to say. it is true that a few planters had their gorgeous coaches, yet martha washington remembered when there was only one coach in the whole of virginia, and throughout her life the roads were so wretched that those who traveled over them in vehicles ran in imminent danger of being overturned, with possible dislocation of limbs and disjointing of necks. virginians had their liveried servants, mahogany furniture, silver plate, silks and satins; an examination of the old account books proves that they often had these and many other expensive things, along with their madeira and port wine. but the same books show that the planter was chronically in debt and that bankruptcy was common, while accounts left by travelers reveal the fact that many of the mansion houses were shabby and run down, with rotting roofs, ramshackle doors, broken windows into which old hats or other garments had been thrust to keep the wind away. in a word, a traveler could find to-day more elegance in a back county of arkansas than then existed in tidewater virginia. the tobacco industry was a culture that required much labor. in the spring a pile of brush was burned and on the spot thus fertilized and made friable the seed were sowed. in due course the ground was prepared and the young plants were transplanted into rows. later they must be repeatedly plowed, hoed and otherwise cultivated and looked after and finally the leaves must be cut or gathered and carried to the dry house to be dried. one man could care for only two or three acres, hence large scale cultivation required many hands--result, the importation of vast numbers of indentured servants and black slaves, with the blighting effects always consequent upon the presence of a servile class in a community. [illustration: _by permission of the mount vernon ladies' association_ the mount vernon kitchen (restored)] although tobacco was the great staple, some of the virginia planters had begun before the revolution to raise considerable crops of wheat, and most of them from the beginning cultivated indian corn. from the wheat they made flour and bread for themselves, and with the corn they fed their hogs and horses and from it also made meal for the use of their slaves. in the culture of neither crop were they much advanced beyond the egyptians of the times of the pyramids. the wheat was reaped with sickles or cradles and either flailed out or else trampled out by cattle and horses, usually on a dirt floor in the open air. washington estimated in that the average crop of wheat amounted to only eight or ten bushels per acre, and the yield of corn was also poor. so much emphasis was laid upon tobacco that many planters failed to produce food enough. some raised none at all, with the result that often both men and animals were poorly fed, and at best the cost of food and forage exhausted most of the profits. a somewhat similar condition exists in the south to-day with regard to cotton. almost no attention was paid to conserving the soil by rotation of crops, and even those few planters who attempted anything of the sort followed the old plan of allowing fields to lie in a naked fallow and to grow up in noxious weeds instead of raising a cover crop such as clover. washington wrote in : "my countrymen are too much used to corn blades and corn shucks; and have too little knowledge of the profit of grass land." and again in : "the general custom has been, first to raise a crop of indian corn (maize) which, according to the mode of cultivation, is a good preparation for wheat; then a crop of wheat; after which the ground is respited (except for weeds, and every trash that can contribute to its foulness) for about eighteen months; and so on, alternately, without any dressing, till the land is exhausted; when it is turned out, without being sown with grass-seeds, or reeds, or any method taken to restore it; and another piece is ruined in the same manner. no more cattle is raised than can be supported by lowland meadows, swamps &c. and the tops and blades of indian corn; as very few persons have attended to growing grasses, and connecting cattle with their crops. the indian corn is the chief support of the labourers and their horses." as for the use of fertilizer, very little was attempted, for, as jefferson explained, "we can buy an acre of new land cheaper than we can manure an old one." it was this cheapness of land that made it almost impossible for the virginians to break away from their ruinous system--ruinous, not necessarily to themselves, but to future generations. conservation was then a doctrine that was little preached. posterity could take care of itself. only a few persons like washington realized their duty to the future. in the matter of stock as well as in pure agriculture the virginians were backward. they showed to best advantage in the matter of horses. virginia gentlemen were fond of horses, and some owned fine animals and cared for them carefully. a randolph of tuckahoe is said to have had a favorite dapple-gray named "shakespeare" for whom he built a special stable with a sort of recess next the stall in which the groom slept. generally speaking, however, even among the aristocracy the horses were not so good nor so well cared for as in the next century. among the small farmers and poorer people the horses were apt to be scrubs, often mere bags of bones. a scientific english agriculturist named parkinson, who came over in , tells us that the american horses generally "leap well; they are accustomed to leap from the time of foaling; as it is not at all uncommon, if the mare foal in the night, for some part of the family to ride the mare, with the foal following her, from eighteen to twenty miles next day, it not being customary to walk much. i think that is the cause of the american horse having a sort of amble: the foal from its weak state, goes pacing after the dam, and retains that motion all its life. the same is the case with respect to leaping: there being in many places no gates, the snake or worm-fence (which is one rail laid on the end of another) is taken down to let the mare pass through, and the foal follow: but, as it is usual to leave two or three rails untaken down, which the mare leaps over, the foal, unwilling to be left behind, follows her; so that, by the time it is one week old, it has learned to leap three feet high; and progressively, as it grows older, it leaps higher, till at a year old, it will leap its own height." sheep raising was not attempted to any great extent, partly because of the ravages of wolves and dogs and partly because the sheep is a perverse animal that often seems to prefer dying to keeping alive and requires skilled care to be made profitable. the breeds were various and often were degenerated. travelers saw holland or rat-tailed sheep, west indian sheep with scant wool and much resembling goats, also a few spanish sheep, but none would have won encomiums from a scientific english breeder. the merino had not yet been introduced. good breeds of sheep were difficult to obtain, for both the english and spanish governments forbade the exportation of such animals and they could be obtained only by smuggling them out. in arthur young expressed astonishment when told that wolves and dogs were a serious impediment to sheep raising in america, yet this was undoubtedly the case. the rich had their foxhounds, while every poor white and many negroes had from one to half a dozen curs--all of which canines were likely to enjoy the sport of sheep killing. mr. richard peters, a well informed farmer of pennsylvania, said that wherever the country was much broken wolves were to be found and bred prodigiously. "i lay not long ago at the foot of south mountain, in york county, in this state, in a country very thickly settled, at the house of a justice of the peace. through the night i was kept awake by what i conceived to be a jubilee of dogs, assembled to bay the moon. but i was told in the morning, that what disturbed me, was _only_ the common howling of wolves, which nobody there regarded. when i entered the _hall of justice_, i found the 'squire giving judgment for the reward on two wolf whelps a countryman had taken from the bitch. the _judgment-seat_ was shaken with the intelligence, that the wolf was coming--_not to give bail_--but to devote herself or rescue her offspring. the animal was punished for this _daring contempt_, committed in the face of the court, and was shot within a hundred yards of the tribunal." virginians had not yet learned the merits of grass and pasture, and their cattle, being compelled to browse on twigs and weeds, were often thin and poor. many ranged through the woods and it was so difficult to get them up that sometimes they would not be milked for two or three days. often they gave no more than a quart of milk a day and were probably no better in appearance than the historian lecky tells us were the wretched beasts then to be found in the scottish highlands. hogs received even less care than cattle and ran half wild in the woods like their successors, the famous southern razor-backs of to-day, being fed only a short period before they were to be transformed into pork. says parkinson: "the real american hog is what is termed the wood-hog: they are long in the leg, narrow on the back, short in the body, flat on the sides, with a long snout, very rough in their hair, in make more like a fish called a perch than anything i can describe. you may as well think of stopping a crow as those hogs. they will go a distance from a fence, take a run, and leap through the rails, three or four feet from the ground, turning themselves sidewise. these hogs suffer such hardships as no other animal could endure. it is customary to keep them in the woods all winter, as there is no thrashing or fold-yards; and they must live on the roots of trees, or something of that sort, but they are poor beyond any creature that i ever saw. that is probably the cause why american pork is so fine. they are something like forest-sheep. i am not certain, with american keeping and treatment, if they be not the best: for i never saw an animal live without food, except this; and i am pretty sure they nearly do that. when they are fed, the flesh may well be sweet: it is all young, though the pig be ten years old." "the aim of the farmers in this country (if they can be called farmers)," wrote washington to arthur young in , "is, not to make the most they can from the land, which is or has been cheap, but the most of the labour, which is dear; the consequence of which has been, much ground has been _scratched_ over and none cultivated or improved as it ought to have been: whereas a farmer in england, where land is dear, and labour cheap, finds it his interest to improve and cultivate highly, that he may reap large crops from a small quantity of ground." no clearer statement of the differences between american and european agriculture has ever been formulated. down to our own day the object of the american farmer has continued to be the same--to secure the largest return from the expenditure of a given amount of labor. but we are on the threshold of a revolution, the outcome of which means intensive cultivation and the realization of the largest possible return from a given amount of land. that washington saw the distinction so clearly is of itself sufficient proof that he pondered long and deeply upon agricultural problems. chapter iv washington's problem "no estate in united america," wrote washington to arthur young in , "is more pleasantly situated than this. it lies in a high, dry, and healthy country, miles by water from the sea, and, as you will see by the plan, on one of the finest rivers in the world. its margin is washed by more than ten miles of tide water; from the beds of which and the innumerable coves, inlets, and small marshes, with which it abounds, an inexhaustible fund of mud may be drawn as a manure, either to be used separately or in a compost.... "the soil of the tract of which i am speaking is a good loam, more inclined, however, to clay than sand. from use, and i might add, abuse, it is become more and more consolidated, and of course heavier to work.... "this river, which encompasses the land the distance above mentioned, is well supplied with various kinds of fish at all seasons of the year; and, in the spring, with great profusion of shad, herring, bass, carp, perch, sturgeon, etc. several fisheries appertain to the estate; the whole shore, in short, is one entire fishery." the mount vernon estate, amounting in the end to over eight thousand acres, was, with the exception of a few outlying tracts, subdivided into five farms, namely, the mansion house farm, the union farm, the dogue run farm, muddy hole farm and the river farm. on the mansion house farm stood the owner's residence, quarters for the negroes and other servants engaged upon that particular estate, and other buildings. the land in general was badly broken and poor in quality; much of it was still in woodland. the river farm lay farthest up the potomac, being separated from the others by the stream known as little hunting creek. visitors to mount vernon to-day, traveling by trolley, cross this farm and stream. it contained more tillable ground than any other, about twelve hundred acres. in it had an "overlooker's" house of one large and two small rooms below and one or two rooms above, quarters for fifty or sixty negroes, a large barn and stables gone much to decay. muddy hole farm lay across little hunting creek from the river farm and back of the mansion house farm and had no frontal upon the potomac. it contained four hundred seventy-six acres of tillable soil and had in a small overlooker's house, "covering for about negroes, and a tolerable good barn, with stables for the work-horses." union farm lay just below the mansion house farm and contained nine hundred twenty-eight acres of arable land and meadow. in it had, in washington's words, "a newly erected brick barn, equal, perhaps, to any in america, and for conveniences of all sorts, particularly for sheltering and feeding horses, cattle, &c. scarcely to be exceeded any where." a new house of four rooms was building, and there were quarters for fifty odd negroes. on this farm was the old posey fishery and ferry to maryland. dogue run farm, of six hundred fifty acres, lay back of union farm and upon it in stood the grist mill and later a distillery and the famous sixteen-sided "new circular barn, now finishing on a new construction; well calculated, it is conceived, for getting grain out of the straw more expeditiously than the usual mode of threshing." it had a two-room overseer's house, covering for forty odd negroes, and sheds sufficient for thirty work horses and oxen. washington considered it much the best of all his farms. it was this farm that he bequeathed to nelly custis and her husband, lawrence lewis, and upon it they erected "woodlawn," which is shown in the photograph herewith reproduced. not long since i rambled on foot over the old estate and had an opportunity to compare the reality, or what remains of it, with washington's description. i left the mansion house, often visited before, and strolled down the long winding drive that runs between the stunted evergreens and oaks through the old lodge gate and passed from the domain, kept trim and parklike by the association, out upon the unkempt and vastly greater part of the old mount vernon. it was early morning, about the hour when in the long past the master of the estate used to ride out on his tour of inspection. the day was one of those delicious days in early autumn when earth and sky and air and all things in nature seem kindly allied to help the heart of man leap up in gladness and to enable him to understand how there came to be a poet called wordsworth. meadow-larks were singing in the grass, and once in an old hedgerow over-grown with sweet-smelling wild honeysuckle i saw a covey of young quails. these hedgerows of locust and cedar are broken now, but along the old road to the mill and pohick church and between fields the scattered trees and now and then a bordering ditch are evidences of the old owner's handiwork. then and later i visited all the farms, the site of the old mill, of which only a few stones remain, the mill stream, the fishery and old ferry landing. i walked across the gullied fields and examined the soil, i noted the scanty crops they bear to-day and gained a clearer idea of what washington's problem had been than i could have done from a library of books. truly the estate is "pleasantly situated," though even to-day it seems out of the world and out of the way. one must go far to find so satisfying a view as that from the old mansion house porch across the mile of shining water to the maryland hills' crowned with trees glorified by the midas-touch of frost. the land does lie "high" and "dry," but we must take exception to the word "healthy." in the summer and fall the tidal marshes breed a variety of mosquito capable of biting through armor plate and of infecting the devil himself with malaria. in the general's day, when screens were unknown, a large part of the population, both white and black, suffered every august and september from chills and fever. the master himself was not exempt and once we find him chronicling that he went a-hunting and caught a fox and the ague. what he says as regards the fisheries is all quite true and in general they seem to have been very productive. herring and shad were the chief fish caught and when the run came the seine was carried well out into the river in a boat and then hauled up on the shelving beach either by hand or with a windlass operated by horse-power. there were warehouses and vats for curing the fish, a cooper shop and buildings for sheltering the men. the fish were salted down for the use of the family and the slaves, and what surplus remained was sold. now and then the landing and outfit was rented out for a money consideration, but this usually happened only when the owner was away from home. at the old posey fishery on union farm the industry is still carried on, though gasoline engines have been substituted for the horse-operated winch used in drawing the seines. lately the industry has ceased to be very productive, and an old man in charge told me that it is because fishermen down the river and in chesapeake bay are so active that comparatively few fish manage to get up so far. the mount vernon estate in the old days lacked only one quality necessary to make it extremely productive, namely, rich soil! only ignorance of what good land really is, or an owner's blind pride in his own estate, can justify the phrase "a good loam." on most of the estate the soil is thin, varying in color from a light gray to a yellow red, with below a red clay hardpan almost impervious to water. to an observer brought up on a farm of the rich middle west, mount vernon, except for a few scattered fields, seems extremely poor land. for farming purposes most of it would be high at thirty dollars an acre. much of it is so broken by steep hills and deep ravines as scarcely to be tillable at all. those tracts which are cultivated are very susceptible to erosion. deep gullies are quickly worn on the hillsides and slopes. at one time such a gully on union farm extended almost completely across a large field and was deep enough to hide a horse, but washington filled it up with trees, stumps, stones, old rails, brush and dirt, so that scarcely a trace of it was left. in places one comes upon old fields that have been allowed to revert to broom sedge, scrub oak and scrub pine. one is astonished at the amount that has never been cleared at all. only by the most careful husbandry could such an estate be kept productive. it never could be made to yield bumper crops. the situation confronting "farmer washington" was this: he had a great abundance of land, but most of it on his home estate was mediocre in quality. some of that lying at a distance was more fertile, but much of it was uncleared and that on the ohio was hopelessly distant from a market. with the exception of mount vernon even those plantations in virginia east of the blue ridge could not be looked after in person. he must either rent them, trust them to a manager, or allow them to lie idle. even the mount vernon land was distant from a good market, and the cost of transportation was so great that he must produce for selling purposes articles of little bulk compared with value. finally, he had an increasing number of slaves for whom food and clothing must be provided. his answer to the problem of a money crop was for some years the old virginia answer--tobacco. his far western lands he left for the most part untenanted. those plantations in settled regions but remote from his home he generally rented for a share of the crop or for cash. the staple articles that he produced to feed the slaves were pork and corn, eked out by herring from the fishery. from his accounts we find that in he made thirty-four thousand one hundred sixty pounds of tobacco; the next year sixty-five thousand thirty-seven pounds; in , eighty-nine thousand seventy-nine pounds, which appears to have been his banner tobacco crop. in the quantity fell to forty-one thousand seven hundred ninety-nine pounds; in , to twenty-nine thousand nine hundred eighty-six pounds, and in to only about five thousand pounds. thereafter his crop of the weed was negligible, though we still find occasional references to it even as late as , when he states that he has twenty-five hogsheads in the warehouses of alexandria, where he has held it for five or six years because of low prices. [illustration: looking across part of dogue run farm to "woodlawn," the home of nelly custis lewis] [illustration: gully on a field of union farm, showing susceptibility to erosion] he tried to raise a good quality and seems to have concentrated on what he calls the "sweet scented" variety, but for some reason, perhaps because his soil was not capable of producing the best, he obtained lower prices than did some of the other virginia planters, and grumbled at his agents accordingly. he early realized the ruinous effects of tobacco on his land and sought to free himself from its clutches by turning to the production of wheat and flour for the west india market. ultimately he was so prejudiced against the weed that in we find him in a contract with a tenant named gray, to whom he leased a tract of land for ten pounds, stipulating that gray should make no more tobacco than he needed for "chewing and smoaking in his own family." late in life he decided that his land was not congenial to corn, in which he was undoubtedly right, for the average yield was only about fifteen bushels per acre. in the corn country farmers now often produce a hundred. he continued to raise corn only because it was essential for his negroes and hogs. in he contracted with william a. washington to supply him with five hundred barrels annually to eke out his own crop. even this quantity did not prove sufficient, for we find him next year trying to engage one hundred barrels more. before this time his main concern had come to be to conserve his soil and he had turned his attention largely to grass and live stock. of these matters more hereafter. chapter v the student of agriculture washington took great pains to inform himself concerning any subject in which he was interested and hardly was he settled down to serious farming before he was ordering from england "the best system now extant of agriculture," shortly afterward he expressed a desire for a book "lately published, done by various hands, but chiefly collected from the papers of mr. hale. if this is known to be the best, pray send it, but not if any other is in high esteem." another time he inquires for a small piece in octavo, "a new system of agriculture, or a speedy way to grow rich." among his papers are preserved long and detailed notes laboriously taken from such works as tull's _horse-hoeing husbandry_, duhamel's _a practical treatise of husbandry, the farmer's compleat guide,_ home's _the gentleman farmer_, and volumes of young's _annals of agriculture_. the abstracts from the _annals_ were taken after the revolution and probably before he became president, for the first volume did not appear until . from the handwriting it is evident that the digests of tull's and duhamel's books were made before the revolution and probably about . in the midst of the notes on chapter eight of the _compleat guide_ there are evidences of a long hiatus in time--mr. fitzpatrick of the manuscript division of the library of congress thinks perhaps as much as eight or ten years. a vivid imagination can readily conceive washington's laying aside the task for the more important one of vindicating the liberties of his countrymen and taking it up again only when he had sheathed the sword. but all we can say is that for some reason he dropped the work for a considerable time, the evidence being that the later handwriting differs perceptibly from that which precedes it. as most of washington's agricultural ideas were drawn from these books, it is worth while for us to examine them. i have not been able to put my hands on washington's own copies, but in the library of the department of agriculture i have examined the works of tull, duhamel and young. tull's _horse-hoeing husbandry_ was an epoch-making book in the history of english agriculture. it was first published in and the third edition, the one i have seen and probably the one that washington possessed, appeared in . possibly it was the small piece in octavo, "a new system of agriculture, or a speedy way to grow rich" concerning which he wrote to his agent. it deals with a great variety of subjects, such as of roots and leaves, of food of plants, of pasture, of plants, of weeds, of turnips, of wheat, of smut, of blight, of st. foin, of lucerne, of ridges, of plows, of drill boxes, but its one great thesis was the careful cultivation by plowing of such annuals as potatoes, turnips, and wheat, crops which hitherto had been tended by hand or left to fight their battle unaided after having once been planted. duhamel's book was the work of a frenchman whose last name was monceau. it was based in part upon tull's book, but contained many reflections suggested by french experience as well as some additions made by the english translator. the english translation appeared in , the year of washington's marriage. it dealt with almost every aspect of agriculture and stock raising, advocated horse-hoeing, had much to say in favor of turnips, lucerne, clover and such crops, and contained plates and descriptions of various plows, drills and other kinds of implements. it also contained a detailed table of weather observations for a considerable time, which may have given washington the idea of keeping his meteorological records. young's _annals_ was an elaborate agricultural periodical not unlike in some respects publications of this sort to-day except for its lack of advertising. it contains records of a great variety of experiments in both agriculture and stock raising, pictures and descriptions of plows, machines for rooting up trees, and other implements and machines, plans for the rotation of crops, and articles and essays by experimental farmers of the day. among its contributors were men of much eminence, and we come upon articles by mr. william pitt on storing turnips, mr. william pitt on deep plowing; george iii himself contributed under the pen name of "ralph robinson." the man who should follow its directions even to-day would not in most matters go far wrong. as one looks over these publications he realizes that the scientific farmers of that day were discussing many problems and subjects that still interest those of the present. the language is occasionally quaint, but the principles set down are less often wrong than might be supposed. to be sure, tull denied that different plants require different sorts of food and, notes washington, "gives many unanswerable reasons to prove it," but he combats the notion that the soil ever causes wheat to degenerate into rye. this he declares "as ridiculous as it would be to say that an horse by feeding in a certain pasture will degenerate into a bull." and yet it is not difficult to discover farmers to-day who will stubbornly argue that "wheat makes cheat." tull also advocated the idea that manure should be put on green and plowed under in order to obtain anything like its full benefit, as well as many other sound ideas that are still disregarded by many american farmers. washington eagerly studied the works that have been mentioned, and much of his time when at mount vernon was devoted to experiments designed to ascertain to what extent the principles that were sound in england could be successfully applied in an american environment. chapter vi a farmer's records and other papers washington was the most methodical man that ever lived. he had a place for everything and insisted that everything should be kept in its place. there was nothing haphazard about his methods of business. he kept exact accounts of financial dealings. his habit of setting things down on paper was one that developed early. he kept a journal of his surveying experiences beyond the blue ridge in , another of his trip to barbadoes with his brother lawrence in - , another of his trip to fort le boeuf to warn out the french, and yet another of his fort necessity campaign. the words are often misspelled, many expressions are ungrammatical, but the handwriting is good and the judgments expressed, even those set down when he was only sixteen, are the mature judgments of a man. a year after his marriage he began a formal diary, which he continued until june , , the time of his appointment to command the army of the revolution. he called it his _diary_ and later _where, & how my time is spent_. in it he entered the happenings of the day, his agricultural and other experiments, a record of his guests and also a detailed account of the weather. his attention to this last matter was most particular. often when away from home he would have a record kept and on his return would incorporate it into his book. exactly what advantages he expected to derive therefrom are not apparent, though i presume that he hoped to draw conclusions as to the best time for planting crops. in reading it i was many times reminded of a cleveland octogenarian who for fifty-seven years kept a record twice a day of the thermometer and barometer. near the end of his life he brought the big ledgers to the western reserve historical society, and i happened to be present on the occasion. "you have studied the subject for a long time," i said to him. "are there any conclusions you have been able to reach as a result of your investigation?" he thought a minute and passed a wrinkled hand across a wrinkled brow. "nothing but this," he made answer, "that cleveland weather is only constant in its inconstancy." we would gladly exchange some of these meteorological details for further information about washington's own personal doings and feelings. of the latter the diaries reveal little. washington was an objective man, above all in his papers. he sets down what happens and says little about causes, motives or mental impressions. when on his way to yorktown to capture cornwallis he visited his home for the first time in six weary years, yet merely recorded: "i reached my own seat at mount vernon (distant miles from the hd. of elk) where i staid till the th." not a word of the emotions which that visit must have roused! for almost six years after there is a gap in the diary, though for some months of he sets down the weather. on may i, , he begins a new record, which he calls a _journal_, and he expresses regret that he has not had time to keep one all the time. the subjects now considered are almost wholly military and the entries reveal a different man from that of . the grammar is better, the vocabulary larger, the tone more elevated, the man himself is bigger and broader with an infinitely wider viewpoint. from november , , for more than three years there is another blank, except for the journal of his trip to his western lands already referred to. but on january , , he begins a new _diary_ and thenceforward continues it, with short intermissions, until the day of his last ride over his estate. a few of the diaries and journals have been lost, but most are still in existence. some are in the congressional library and there also is the toner transcript of these records. the transcript makes thirty-seven large volumes. the diary is one of the main sources from which the material for this book is drawn. the original of the record of events for is a small book, perhaps eight or ten inches long by four inches wide and much yellowed by age. part of the first entry stands thus: "january , tuesday "visited my plantations and received an instance of mr. french's great love of money in disappointing me of some pork because the price had risen to . after he had engaged to let me have it at s." on his return from his winter ride he found mrs. washington "broke out with the meazles." next day he states with evident disgust that he has taken the pork on french's own terms. the weather record for was kept on blank pages of _the virginia almanac_, a compendium that contains directions for making "indico," for curing bloody flux, for making "physick as pleasant as a dish of chocolate," for making a striking sun-dial, also "a receipt to keep one's self warm a whole winter with a single billet of wood." to do this last "take a billet of wood of a competent size, fling it out of the garret-window into the yard, run down stairs as hard as ever you can drive; and when you have got it, run up again with it at the same measure of speed; and thus keep throwing down, and fetching up, till the exercise shall have sufficiently heated you. this renew as often as occasion shall require. _probatum est_." this receipt would seem worth preserving in this day of dear fuel. as washington had great abundance of wood and plenty of negroes to cut it, he probably did not try the experiment--at least such a conclusion is what writers on historical method would call "a safe inference." [illustration: first page of washington's digest of duhamel's husbandry] there is in the almanac a rhyme ridiculing physicians and above the march calendar are printed the touching verses: "thus of all joy and happiness bereft, and with the charge of ten poor children left: a greater grief no woman sure can know, who,--with ten children--who will have me now." also there are some other verses, very broad and "not quite the proper thing," as kipling has it. but it must not be inferred that washington approved of them. washington also kept cash memorandum books, general account books, mill books and a special book in which he recorded his accounts with the estate of the custis children. these old books, written in his neat legible hand, are not only one of our chief sources of information concerning his agricultural and financial affairs, but contain many sidelights upon historical events. it is extremely interesting, for example, to discover in one of the account books that in at mount vernon he lent general charles lee--of monmouth fame--£ , and "to ditto lent him on the road from phila to cambridge at different times" £ . more, a total of £ . . in later years lee intrigued against washington and said many spiteful things about him, but he never returned the loan. the account stood until , when it was settled by alexander white, lee's executor. in the cash memorandum books we can trace washington's military preparations at the beginning of the revolution. thus on june , , being then at philadelphia, he enters: "by expences bringing my horses from baltimore," £ . . next day he pays thirty pounds for "cartouch boxes &c. for prince wm. comp." june , "by covering my holsters," £ . . ; "by a cersingle," £ . . ; "by books--military," £ . . . he was preparing for gage and howe and cornwallis and whether the knowledge contained in the books was of value or not he somehow managed for eight years to hold his opponents at bay and ultimately to win. at cambridge, july tenth, he spends three shillings and four pence for a "ribbon to distinguish myself," that is to show his position as commander; also £ . . for "a pair of breeches for will," his colored body servant. a vast number of papers bear witness to his interest in agriculture and with these we are particularly concerned. he preserved most of the letters written to him and many of these deal with farming matters. during part of his career he had a copying press and kept copies of his own important letters, while many of the originals have been preserved, though widely scattered. when away from home he required his manager to send him elaborate weekly reports containing a meteorological table of each day's weather, the work done on each farm, what each person did, who was sick, losses and increases in stock, and other matters of interest. scores of these reports are still in existence and are invaluable. he himself wrote--generally on sunday--lengthy weekly letters of inquiry, direction, admonition and reproof, and if the manager failed in the minutest matter to give an account of some phase of the farm work, he would be sure to hear of it in the proprietor's next letter. washington's correspondence on agricultural matters with arthur young and sir john sinclair, eminent english agriculturists, was collected soon after his death in a volume that is now rare. in it are a number of letters written by other american farmers, including thomas jefferson, relative to agriculture in their localities. these letters were the result of inquiries made of washington by young in . in order to obtain the facts desired washington sent out a circular letter to some of the most intelligent farmers in the middle states, and the replies form perhaps our best source of information regarding agricultural conditions in that period. because of this service and of his general interest in agricultural matters washington was elected a foreign honorary member of the english board of agriculture and received a diploma, which is still preserved among his papers. some of washington's other agricultural papers have been printed in one form and another, but a great number, and some the most interesting, can still be consulted only in manuscript. washington bequeathed his books and papers, along with his mansion house, to his nephew, bushrod washington, an associate justice of the federal supreme court. judge washington failed to appreciate fully the seriousness of the obligation thus incurred and instead of safeguarding the papers with the utmost jealousy gave many, including volumes of the diary, to visitors and friends who expressed a desire to possess mementoes of the illustrious patriot. in particular he permitted reverend william buel sprague, who had been a tutor in the family of nelly custis lewis, to take about fifteen hundred papers on condition that he leave copies in their places. the judge also intrusted a considerable portion to the historian jared sparks, who issued the first considerable edition of washington's writings. sparks likewise was guilty of giving away souvenirs. bushrod washington died in and left the papers and letter books for the most part to his nephew john corbin washington. in the nation purchased of this gentleman the papers of a public character, paying twenty-five thousand dollars. the owner reserved the private papers, including invoices, ciphering book, rules of civility, etc., but in sold these also to the same purchaser for twenty thousand dollars. the papers were kept for many years in the department of state, but in the administration of theodore roosevelt most of them were transferred to the library of congress, where they could be better cared for and would be more accessible. bushrod washington gave to another nephew, john augustine washington, the books and relics in the dining-room of the mansion house. in course of time these were scattered, some being bought for the boston athenaeum, which has decidedly the larger part of washington's library; others were purchased by the state of new york, and yet others were exhibited at the centennial exposition and were later sold at auction. among the relics bought by new york was a sword wrongly said to have been sent to the general by frederick the great. one hundred and twenty-seven of his letters, mostly to william pearce, his manager at mount vernon during a portion of his presidency, were bought from the heirs of pearce by the celebrated edward everett and now belong to the long island historical society. these have been published. his correspondence with tobias lear, for many years his private secretary, are now in the collection of thomas k. bixby, a wealthy bibliophile of st. louis. these also have been published. the one greatest repository of papers is the library of congress. furthermore, through the unwearying activities of j. m. toner, who devoted years to the work, the library also has authenticated copies of many papers of which it does not possess the originals. all told, according to mr. gaillard hunt, who has them in charge, the washington manuscripts in the library of congress is the largest collection of papers of one person in the world. the collection contains about eighteen thousand papers in his own hand, press copies, or drafts in the writing of his secretaries, and many times that number of others. as yet all except a small part are merely arranged in chronological order, but soon it is to be sumptuously bound in royal purple levant. the color, after all, is fitting, for he was a king and he reigns still in the hearts of his countrymen. benjamin franklin knew the great men of earth of his time, the princes and kings of blood royal. near the close of his life he wrote in his will: "my fine crabtree walking-stick with a gold head, curiously wrought in the form of a cap of liberty, i give to my friend, and the friend of mankind, general washington. if it was a sceptre, he has merited it, and would become it." and thus thackeray, who knew the true from the false, the dross from pure gold: "which was the most splendid spectacle ever witnessed, the opening feast of prince george in london or the resignation of washington? which is the noble character for ages to admire--yon fribble dancing in lace and spangles, or yonder hero who sheathes his sword after a life of spotless honor, a purity unreproached, a courage indomitable, and a consummate victory? which of these is the true gentleman? what is it to be a gentleman? is it to have lofty aims, to lead a pure life, to keep your honor virgin; to have the esteem of your fellow-citizens, and the love of your fireside; to bear good fortune meekly; to suffer evil with constancy; and through evil or good to maintain truth always? show me the happy man whose life exhibits these qualities, and him will we salute as gentleman, whatever his rank may be; show me the prince who possesses them, and he may be sure of our love and loyalty." 'tis often distance only that lends enchantment, but it is washington's proud pre-eminence that he can bear the microscope. having read thousands of his letters and papers dealing with almost every conceivable subject in the range of human affairs, i yet feel inclined, nay compelled, to bear witness to the greatness of his heart, soul and understanding. he was human. he had his faults. he made his mistakes. but i would not detract a line from any eulogium of him ever uttered. words have never yet been penned that do him justice. chapter vii agricultural operations and experiments before the revolution a detailed account of all of washington's agricultural experiments would require several hundred pages and would be tedious reading. all that i shall attempt to do is to give some examples and point the way for any enthusiast to the mass of his agricultural papers in the library of congress and elsewhere. at the outset it should be stated that he worked under extremely different conditions from those of to-day. any american farmer of the present who has a problem in his head can have it solved by writing to the nearest government experiment station, a good farm paper, an agricultural college, the department of agriculture, or in some favored districts by consulting the local county "agent." washington had no such recourse. there was not an agricultural college or agricultural paper in the whole country; the department of agriculture was not created until near the end of the next century; county "agents" were as unthought of as automobiles or electric lights; there was not a scientific farmer in america; even the philadelphia society for the promotion of agriculture was not founded until . in his later years our farmer could and did write to such foreign specialists as arthur young and sir john sinclair, but they were englishmen unfamiliar with american soils and climate and could rarely give a weighty answer propounded to them by an american. if washington wished to know a thing about practical farming, he usually had to find it out for himself. this state of affairs accounts for his performing some experiments that seem absurd. thus in the fall of we find him sowing "a few oats to see if they would stand the winter." any country boy of to-day could tell him that ordinary oats sown under such conditions in the latitude of mount vernon would winter kill too badly to be of much use, but washington could not know it till he had tried. in another category was his experiment in march, , with lucerne. lucerne is alfalfa. it will probably be news to most readers that alfalfa--the wonderful forage crop of the west, the producer of more gold than all the mines of the klondike--was in use so long ago, for the impression is pretty general that it is comparatively new; the fact is that it is older than the christian era and that the name alfalfa comes from the arabic and means "the best crop." evidently our farmer had been reading on the subject, for in his diary he quotes what "tull speaking of lucerne, says." he tried out the plant on this and several other occasions and had a considerable field of it in . his success was not large with it at any time, for the mount vernon soil was not naturally suited to alfalfa, which thrives best in a dry and pervious subsoil containing plenty of lime, but the experiment was certainly worth trying. in this same year, , we find him sowing clover, rye, grass, hope, trefoil, timothy, spelt, which was a species of wheat, and various other grasses and vegetables, most of them to all intents and purposes unknown to the virginia agriculture of that day. he also recorded an interesting experiment with fertilizer. april , , he writes in his diary: "mixed my composts in a box with the apartments in the following manner, viz. no. is three pecks of earth brought from below the hill out of the acre field without any mixture. in no. is two pecks of sand earth and one of marle taken out of the said field, which marle seemed a little inclined to sand. has pecks of sd. earth and of river sand. " has a peck of horse dung " has mud taken out of the creek " has cow dung " has marle from the gulleys on the hillside, wch. seem'd to be purer than the other " sheep dung " black mould from the gulleys on the hill side, wch. seem'd to be purer than the other " clay got just below the garden "all mixed with the same quantity and sort of earth in the most effective manner by reducing the whole to a tolerable degree of fineness and rubbing them well together on a cloth. in each of these divisions were planted three grains of wheat, of oats, and as many of barley, all of equal distances in rows and of equal depth done by a machine made for the purpose. the wheat rows are next the numbered side, the oats in the middle, and the barley on the side next the upper part of the garden. two or three hours after sowing in this manner, and about an hour before sunset i watered them all equally alike with water that had been standing in a tub abt two hours exposed to the sun." three weeks later he inspected the boxes and concluded that nos. and gave the best results. the plows of the period were cumbersome and did their work poorly. consequently in march, , washington "fitted a two eyed plow instead of a duck bill plow", and tried it out, using his carriage horses in the work. but this new model proved upon the whole a failure and a little later he "spent the greater part of the day in making a new plow of my own invention." next day he set the new plow to work "and found she answerd very well." a little later he "got a new harrow made of smaller and closer teethings for harrowing in grain--the other being more proper for preparing the ground for sowing." much of his attention in the next few years was devoted to wheat growing, for, as already related, he soon decided gradually to discontinue tobacco and it was imperative for him to discover some other money crop to take its place. we find him steeping his seed wheat in brine and alum to prevent smut and he also tried other experiments to protect his grain from the hessian fly and rust. noticing how the freezing and thawing of the ground in spring often injured the wheat by lifting it out of the ground, he adopted the practice of running a heavy roller over the wheat in order to get the roots back into the ground and he was confident that when the operation was performed at the proper time, that is when the ground was soft and the roots were still alive, it was productive of good results. in june, , he "dug up abt. a load of marle to spread over wheat land for experiment." in he came to the conclusion that most farmers began to cut their wheat too late, for of course cradling was a slow process--scarcely four acres per day per cradler--and if the acreage was large several days must elapse before the last of the grain could be cut, with the result that some of it became so ripe that many of the kernels were shattered out and lost before the straw could be got to the threshing floor. by careful experiments he determined that the grain would not lose perceptibly in size and weight if the wheat were cut comparatively green. in wheat-growing communities the discussion as to this question still rages--extremists on one side will not cut their wheat till it is dead ripe, while those on the other begin to harvest it when it is almost sea-green. in washington entered into an agreement with john carlyle and robert adams of alexandria to sell to them all the wheat he would have to dispose of in the next seven years. the price was to be three shillings and nine pence per bushel, that is, about ninety-one cents. this would not be far from the average price of wheat to-day, but, on the one side, we should bear in mind that ninety-one cents then had much greater purchasing power than now, so that the price was really much greater, and, on the other, that the cost of raising wheat was larger then, owing to lack of self-binders, threshing machines and other labor-saving devices. the wheat thus sold by washington was to be delivered at the wharf at alexandria or beside a boat or flat on four mile run creek. the delivery for was - / bushels; for , , - / bushels; for , , - / bushels; for --a bad year-- , - / bushels; for , , - / bushels of wheat and , - / bushels of corn; for , , - / bushels of wheat. thereafter he ground a good part of his wheat and sold the flour. he owned three mills, one in western pennsylvania, already referred to, a second on four mile run near alexandria, and a third on the mount vernon estate. this last mill had been in operation since his father's day. it was situated near the mouth of the stream known as dogue run, which was not very well suited for the purpose as it ran from the extreme of low water in summer to violent floods in winter and spring. thus his miller, william a. poole, in a letter that wins the sweepstakes in phonetic spelling, complains in that he has been able to grind but little because "she fails by want of water." at other times the master sallies out in the rain with rescue crews to save the mill from floods and more than once the "tumbling dam" goes by the board in spite of all efforts. the lack of water was partly remedied in by turning the water of piney branch into the run, and about the same time a new and better mill was erected, while in further improvements were made. during the whole period flatboats and small schooners could come to the wharf to take away the flour. corn and other grains were ground, as well as wheat, and the mill had considerable neighborhood custom, the toll exacted being one-eighth. only a few stones sticking in a bank now remain of the mill. washington divided his flour into superfine, fine, middlings and ship stuff. it was put into barrels manufactured by the plantation coopers and much of it ultimately found its way to the west india market. a tradition--much quoted--has it that barrels marked "george washington, mount vernon," were accepted in the islands without any inspection, but mr. j.m. toner, one of the closest students of washington's career, contended that this was a mistake and pointed to the fact that the virginia law provided for the inspection of all flour before it was exported and the placing of a brand on each barrel. however this may be, we have washington's own word for it, that his flour was as good in quality as any manufactured in america--and he was no boaster. [illustration: dogue run below the site of the mill] [illustration: on the road to the mill and pohick church] that his flour was so good was in large measure due to the excellent quality of the wheat from which it was made. by careful attention to his seed and to cultivation he succeeded in raising grain that often weighed upward of sixty pounds to the bushel. after the revolution he wrote: "no wheat that has ever yet fallen under my observation exceeds the wheat which some years ago i cultivated extensively." his idea of good cultivation in these years was to let his fields lie fallow at certain intervals, though he also made use of manure, marl, etc., and in tried the experiment of sowing two bushels of salt per acre upon fallow ground, dividing the plot up into strips eight feet in width and sowing the alternate strips in order that he might be able to determine results. he imported from england an improved rotheran or patent plow, and, having noticed in an agricultural work mention of a machine capable of pulling up two or three hundred stumps per day, he expressed a desire for one, saying: "if the accounts are not greatly exaggerated, such powerful assistance must be of vast utility in many parts of this wooden country, where it is impossible for our force (and laborers are not to be hired here), between the finishing of one crop and preparations for another, to clear ground fast enough to afford the proper changes, either in the planting or farming business." these were his golden days. he was not so rich as he was later nor so famous, but he was strong and well and young, he had abundant friends, and his neighbors thought well enough of him to send him to the burgesses and to make him a vestryman of old pohick church; if he felt the need of recreation he went fishing or fox-hunting or attended a horse race or played a game of cards with his friends, and he had few things to trouble him seriously. but fussy kings and ministers overseas were meddling with the liberties of subjects and were creating a situation out of which was to come a mighty burden--a burden so atalantean that it would have frightened most men, but one that he was brave enough and strong enough to shoulder and with it march down to immortality. chapter viii conserving the soil the revolution rudely interrupted washington's farming experiments, and for eight long years he was so actively engaged in the grim business of checkmating howe and clinton and cornwallis that he could give little time or thought to agriculture. for more than six years, in fact, he did not once set foot upon his beloved fields and heard of his crops, his servants and his live stock only from family visitors to his camps or through the pages of his manager's letters. peace at last brought him release. he had left mount vernon a simple country gentleman; he came back to it one of the most famous men in the world. he wasted no time in contemplating his laurels, but at once threw himself with renewed enthusiasm into his old occupation. his observation of northern agriculture and conversations with other farmers had broadened his views and he was more than ever progressive. he was now thoroughly convinced of the great desirability of grass and stock for conserving the soil and he was also wide awake to the need of better tools and methods and wished to make his estate beautiful as well as useful. much of his energy in - was devoted to rebuilding his house and improving his grounds, and to his trip to his ohio lands--all of which are described elsewhere. no diary exists for except that of the trip to the ohio, but from the diary of we learn that he found time to experiment with plaster of paris and powdered stone as fertilizers, to sow clover, orchard grass, guinea grass and peas and to borrow a scow with which to raise rich mud from the bed of the potomac. the growing poverty of his soil, in fact, was a subject to which he gave much attention. he made use of manure when possible, but the supply of this was limited and commercial fertilizers were unknown. as already indicated, he was beginning the use of clover and other grasses, but he was anxious to build up the soil more rapidly and the potomac muck seemed to him a possible answer to the problem. there was, as he said, "an inexhaustible fund" of it, but the task of getting it on the land was a heavy one. having heard of a horse-power dredge called the _hippopotamus_ that was in use on the delaware river, he made inquiries concerning it but feared that it would not serve his purpose, as he would have to go from one hundred to eight hundred or a thousand yards from high water-mark for the mud--too far out for a horse to be available. mechanical difficulties and the cost of getting up the mud proved too great for him--as they have proved too great even down to the present--but he never gave up the idea and from time to time tried experiments with small plots of ground that had been covered with the mud. his enthusiasm on the subject was so great that noah webster, of dictionary fame, who visited him in this period, says that the standing toast at mount vernon was "success to the mud!" every scientific agriculturist knows that erosion is one of the chief causes of loss in soil fertility and that in the basins and deltas of streams and rivers there is going to waste enough muck to make all of our land rich. but the cost of getting this fertility back to the soil has thus far proved too great for us to undertake the task of restoration. it is conceivable, however, that the time may come when we shall undertake the work in earnest and then the dream of washington will be realized. the spring and summer of proved excessively dry, and the crops suffered, as they always do in times of drought. the wheat yield was poor and chinch bugs attacked the corn in such myriads that our farmer found "hundreds of them & their young under the blades and at the lower joints of the stock." by the middle of august "nature had put on a melancholy look." the corn was "_fired_ in most places to the ear, with little appearance of yielding if rain should now come & a certainty of making nothing if it did not." like millions of anxious farmers before and after him, he watched eagerly for the rain that came not. he records in his diary that on august th a good deal of rain fell far up the river, but as for his fields--it tantalizingly passed by on the other side, and "not enough fell here to wet a handkerchief." on the eighteenth, nineteenth and twenty-second clouds and thunder and lightning again awakened hopes but only slight sprinkles resulted. on the twenty-seventh nature at last relented and, to his great satisfaction, there was a generous downpour. the rain was beneficial to about a thousand grains of cape of good hope wheat that washington had just sown and by the thirty-first he was able to note that it was coming up. for several years thereafter he experimented with this wheat. he found that it grew up very rank and tried cutting some of it back. but the variety was not well adapted to virginia and ultimately he gave it up. in this period he also tried siberian wheat, put marl on sixteen square rods of meadow[ ], plowed under rye, and experimented with oats, carrots, eastern shore peas, supposed to be strengthening to land, also rib grass, burnet and various other things. he planted potatoes both with and without manure and noted carefully the difference in yields. at this time he favored planting corn in rows about ten feet apart, with rows of potatoes, carrots, or peas between. he noted down that his experience showed that corn ought to be planted not later than may th, preferably by the tenth or perhaps even as early as the first, in which his practice would not differ much from that of to-day. but he came to an erroneous conclusion when he decided that wheat ought to be sown in august or at the latter end of july, for this was playing into the hands of his enemy, the hessian fly, which is particularly destructive to early sown wheat. later he seems to have changed his mind on that point, for near the end of his life he instructed his manager to get the wheat in by september th. another custom which he was advocating was that of fall and winter plowing and he had as much of it done as time and weather would permit. all of his experiments in this period were painstakingly set down and he even took the trouble in to index his agricultural notes and observations for that year. [ ] "on sixteen square rod of ground in my lower pasture, i put bushels of what we call marle viz on of these, no. wt. corner were placed bushels--on others so. wt. corner bushels--on others so. et. corner bushels--and on the remaining - bushels. this marle was spread on the rods in these proportions--to try first whether what we have denominated to be marie possesses any virtue as manure--and secondly--if it does, the quantity proper for an acre." his ultimate conclusion was that marl was of little benefit to land such as he owned at mount vernon. many of his experiments were made in what he called his "botanical garden," a plot of ground lying between the flower garden and the spinner's house. but he had experimental plots on most or all of his plantations, and each day as he made the rounds of his estate on horseback he would examine how his plants were growing or would start new experiments. the record of failures is, of course, much greater than of successes, but that is the experience of every scientific farmer or horticulturist who ventures out of the beaten path. even burbank, the wizard, has his failures--and many of them. one of washington's successes was what he called a "barrel plough." at that time all seed, such as corn, wheat and oats had to be sown or dropped by hand and then covered with a harrow or a hoe or something of the kind. washington tried to make a machine that would do the work more expeditiously and succeeded, though it should be said that his plans were not altogether original with him, as there was a plan for such a machine in duhamel and another was published by arthur young about this time in the _annals of agriculture_, which washington was now perusing with much attention. richard peters also sent yet another plan. washington's drill, as we should call it to-day, consisted of a barrel or hollow cylinder of wood mounted upon a wheeled plow and so arranged that as the plow moved forward the barrel turned. in the barrel, holes were cut or burnt through which the corn or other seed could drop into tubes that ran down to the ground. by decreasing or increasing the number of holes the grain could be planted thicker or thinner as desired. to prevent the holes from choking up he found it expedient to make them larger on the outside than on the inside, and he also found that the machine worked better if the barrel was not kept too full of seed. behind the drills ran a light harrow or drag which covered the seed, though in rough ground it was necessary to have a man follow after with a hoe to assist the process. a string was fastened to this harrow by which it could be lifted around when turning at the ends of the rows, the drill itself being managed by a pair of handles. washington wrote to a friend that the drill would not "work to good effect in land that is very full either of stumps, stones, or large clods; but, where the ground is tolerably free from these and in good tilth, and particularly in light land, i am certain you will find it equal to your most sanguine expectation, for indian corn, wheat, barley, pease, or any other tolerably round grain, that you may wish to sow or plant in this manner. i have sown oats very well with it, which is among the most inconvenient and unfit grains for this machine.... a small bag, containing about a peck of the seed you are sowing, is hung to the nails on the right handle, and with a small tin cup the barrel is replenished with convenience, whenever it is necessary, without loss of time, or waiting to come up with the seed-bag at the end of the row." as washington says, the drill would probably work well under ideal conditions, but there were features of it that would incline, i have no doubt, to make its operator swear at times. there was a leather band that ran about the barrel with holes corresponding to those in the barrel, the purpose of the band being to prevent the seeds issuing out of more than one hole at the same time. this band had to be "slackened or braced" according to the influence of the atmosphere upon the leather, and sometimes the holes in the band tended to gape and admit seed between the band and the barrel, in which case washington found it expedient to rivet "a piece of sheet tin, copper, or brass, the width of the band, and about four inches long, with a hole through it, the size of the one in the leather." washington was, however, very proud of the drill, and it must have worked fairly well, for he was not the man to continue to use a worthless implement simply because he had made it. he even used it to sow very small seed. in the summer of he records: "having fixed a roller to the tale of my drill plow, & a brush between it and the barrel, i sent it to muddy hole & sowed turnips in the intervals of corn[ ]." [ ] another passage from his papers in which he mentions using his drill plow is also illustrative of the emphasis he placed upon having the seed bed for a crop properly prepared. the passage describes his sowing some spring wheat and is as follows: " th [of april, ].--sowed sixteen acres of siberian wheat, with eighteen quarts, in rows between corn, eight feet apart. this ground had been prepared in the following manner: . a single furrow; . another in the same to deepen it; . four furrows to throw the earth back into the two first, which made ridges of five furrows. these, being done some time ago, and the sowing retarded by frequent rains, had got hard; therefore, . before the seed was sown, these ridges were split again by running twice in the middle of them, both times in the same furrow; . after which the ridges were harrowed; and, . where the ground was lumpy, run a spiked roller with a harrow at the tail of it, which was found very efficacious in breaking the clods and pulverizing the earth, and would have done it perfectly, if there had not been too much moisture remaining from the late rains. after this, harrowing and rolling were necessary, the wheat was sown with the drill plough on the reduced ridges eight feet apart, as above mentioned, and harrowed in with the small harrow belonging to the plough. but it should have been observed, that, after the ridges were split by the middle double furrows, and before they were closed again by the harrow, a little manure was sprinkled in." no man better understood the value of good clean seed than did he, but he had much trouble in satisfying his desires in this respect. often the seed he bought was foul with weed seeds, and at other times it would not grow at all. once he mentions having set the women and "weak hands" to work picking wild onions out of some eastern shore oats that he had bought. he advocated planting the largest and finest potatoes instead of the little ones, as some farmers out of false ideas of economy still make the mistake of doing, and he followed the same principle that "the best will produce the best" in selecting all seed. he also appreciated the importance of getting just the right stand of grain--not too many plants and not too few--upon his fields and conducted investigations along this line. he laboriously calculated the number of seed in a pound troy of various seeds and ascertained, for example, that the number of red clover was , , of timothy , , of "new river grass" , and of barley , . knowing these facts, he was able to calculate how much ought to be sowed of a given seed to the acre. the spectacle of the former commander of the armies of a continent engaging in such minute labor is ridiculous or sublime, according to the viewpoint! in the spring of the year that he helped to frame the federal constitution he "sowed the squares no. & at this place [dogue run] with oats in the following manner--viz--the east half of no. with half a bushel of oats from george town--and the west half with a bushel of poland oats--the east half of no. with half a bushel of the poland oats and the west half with a bushel of the george town oats. the objects, and design of this experiment, was to ascertn. things-- st. which of these two kinds of oats were best the george town (which was a good kind of the common oats)-- d. whether two or four bushels to the acre was best--and d. the difference between ground dunged at the rate of load or bushels to the acre and ground undunged." this experiment is typical of a great many others and it resulted, of course, in better yields on the manured ground and showed that two bushels of seed were preferable to four. but if he ever set down the result of the experiment as regards the varieties, the passage has escaped me. while at fredericksburg this year visiting his mother and his sister betty lewis he learned of an interesting method of raising potatoes under straw and wrote down the details in his diary. a little later when attending the federal convention he kept his eyes and ears open for agricultural information. he learned how the pennsylvanians cultivated buckwheat and visited the farm of a certain jones, who was getting good results from the use of plaster of paris. with his usual interest in labor-saving machinery he inspected at benjamin franklin's a sort of ironing machine called a mangle, "well calculated," he thought, "for table cloths & such articles as have not pleats & irregular foldings & would be very useful in large families." this year he had in wheat seven hundred acres, in grass five hundred eighty acres, in oats four hundred acres, in corn seven hundred acres, with several hundred more in buckwheat, barley, potatoes, peas, beans and turnips. in he raised one thousand eighty-eight bushels of potatoes on one plantation, but they were not dug till december and in consequence some were badly injured by the frost. an experiment that year was one of transplanting carrots between rows of corn and it was not successful. he worked hard in these years, but, as many another industrious farmer has discovered, he found that he could do little unless nature smiled and fickle nature persisted in frowning. in the rain seemed to forget how to fall, and in how to stop falling. some crops failed or were very short and soon he was so hard up that he was anxious to sell some lands or negroes to meet debts coming due. in february, , in sending fifteen guineas to his mother, he wrote: "i have now demands upon me for more than £ , three hundred and forty odd of which is due for the tax of ; and i know not where or when i shall receive one shilling with which to pay it. in the last two years i made no crops. in the first i was obliged to buy corn, and this year have none to sell, and my wheat is so bad i can neither eat it myself nor sell it to others, and tobacco i make none. those who owe me money cannot or will not pay it without suits, and to sue is to do nothing; whilst my expenses, not from any extravagance, or an inclination on my part to live splendidly, but for the absolute support of my family and the visitors who are constantly here, are exceedingly high." to bad crops were joined bad conditions throughout the country generally. the government of the confederation was dying of inanition, america was flooded with depreciated currency, both state and continental. in western massachusetts a rebellion broke out, the rebels being largely discouraged debtors. a state of chaos seemed imminent and would have resulted had not the federal convention, of which washington was a member, created a new government. ultimately this government brought order and financial stability, but all this took time and washington was so financially embarrassed in when he traveled to new york to be inaugurated president that he had to borrow money to pay the expenses of the journey. after having set the wheels of government in motion he made an extended trip through new england and whenever public festivities would permit he examined into new england farm methods and took copious notes. on the first day up from new york he saw good crops of corn mixed with pumpkins and met four droves of beef cattle, "some of which were very fine--also a flock of sheep.... we scarcely passed a farm house that did not abd. in geese." his judgment of new england stock was that the cattle were "of a good quality and their hogs large, but rather long legged." the shingle roofs, stone and brick chimneys, stone fences and cider making all attracted his attention. the fact that wheat in that section produced an average of fifteen bushels per acre and often twenty or twenty-five was duly noted. on the whole he seems to have considered the tour enjoyable and profitable in spite of the fact that on his return through connecticut the law against sabbath traveling compelled him to remain over sunday at perkins' tavern and to attend church twice, where he "heard very lame discourses from a mr. pond." about washington had begun a correspondence with arthur young and also began to read his periodical called the _annals of agriculture_. the _annals_ convinced him more than ever of the superiority of the english system of husbandry and not only gave him the idea for some of the experiments that have been mentioned, but also made him very desirous of adopting a regular and systematic course of cropping in order to conserve his soil. taking advantage of an offer made by young, he ordered (august , ) through him english plows, cabbage, turnip, sainfoin, rye-grass and hop clover seed and eight bushels of winter vetches; also some months later, velvet wheat, field beans, spring barley, oats and more sainfoin seed. he furthermore expressed a wish for "a plan of the most complete and useful farmyard, for farms of about acres. in this i mean to comprehend the barn, and every appurtenance which ought to be annexed to the yard." young was as good as his word. although english law forbade the exportation of some of these things--a fact of which washington was not aware--he and sir john sinclair prevailed upon lord grenville to issue a special permit and in due course everything reached mount vernon. part of the seeds were somewhat injured by being put into the hold of the vessel that brought them over, with the result that they overheated--a thing that troubled washington whenever he imported seeds--but on the whole the consignment was in fair order, and our farmer was duly grateful. the plows appeared excessively heavy to the virginians who looked them over, but a trial showed that they worked "exceedingly well." to young's plan for a barn and barnyard washington made some additions and constructed the barn upon union farm, building it of bricks that were made on the estate. he later expressed a belief that it was "the largest and most convenient one in this country." it has now disappeared almost utterly, but young's plan was subsequently engraved in the _annals_. in return for the exertions of young and sinclair in his behalf washington sent over some american products and also took pains to collect information for them as to the state of american agriculture. his letters show an almost pathetic eagerness to please these good friends and it is evident that in his farming operations he regarded himself as one of young's disciples. he was no egotist who believed that because he had been a successful soldier and was now president of the united states he could not learn anything from a specialist. the trait was most commendable and one that is sadly lacking in many of his countrymen, some of whom take pride in declaring that "these here scientific fellers caint tell me nothin' about raisin' corn!" young and sir john sinclair were by no means his only agricultural correspondents. even noah webster dropped his legal and philological work long enough in to propound a theory so startlingly modern in its viewpoint that it is worthy of reproduction. said he: "while therefore i allow, in its full extent, the value of stable manure, marl, plaster of paris, lime, ashes, sea-weed, sea-shells & salt, in enriching land, i believe none of them are absolutely necessary, but that nature has provided an inexhaustible store of manure, which is equally accessible to the rich and the poor, & which may be collected & applied to land with very little labor and expense. this store is the _atmosphere_, & the process by which the fertilizing substance may be obtained is vegetation." he added that such crops as oats, peas, beans and buckwheat should be raised and plowed under to rot and that land should never be left bare. as one peruses the letter he recalls that scientists of to-day tell us that the air is largely made up of nitrogen, that plants are able to "fix it," and he half expects to find webster advocating "soil innoculation" and speaking of "nodules" and "bacteria." throughout the period after the revolution our farmer's one greatest concern was to conserve and restore his land. when looking for a new manager he once wrote that the man must be, "above all, midas like, one who can convert everything he touches into manure, as the first transmutation toward gold; in a word, one who can bring worn-out and gullied lands into good tilth in the shortest time." he saved manure as if it were already so much gold and hoped with its use and with judicious rotation of crops to accomplish his object. "unless some such practice as this prevails," he wrote in , "my fields will be growing worse and worse every year, until the crops will not defray the expense of the culture of them." he drew up elaborate plans for the rotation of crops on his different farms. not content with one plan, he often drew up several alternatives; calculated the probable financial returns from each, allowing for the cost of seed, cultivation and other expenses, and commented upon the respective advantages from every point of view of the various plans. the labor involved in such work was very great, but washington was no shirker. he was always up before sunrise, both in winter and summer, and seems to have been so constituted that he was most contented when he had something to do. perhaps if he had had to engage in hard manual toil every day he would have had less inclination for such employment, but he worked with his own hands only intermittently, devoting his time mostly to planning and oversight. one such plan for dogue run farm is given on the next page. to understand it the reader should bear in mind that the farm contained five hundred twenty-five arable acres divided into seven fields, each of which contained about seventy-five acres. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ no. of | | | | | | | | fields | | | | | | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | corn | |buckwheat | clover | clover | clover | | and | wheat | for | wheat | or | or | or | |potatoes| | manure | | grass | grass | grass | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | clover | corn | |buckwheat | clover | clover | | or | and | wheat | for | wheat | or | or | | grass |potatoes| | manure | | grass | grass | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | clover | clover | corn | |buckwheat | clover | | or | or | and | wheat | for | wheat | or | | grass | grass |potatoes| | manure | | grass | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | clover | clover | clover | corn | |buckwheat | | or | or | or | and | wheat | for | wheat | | grass | grass | grass |potatoes| | manure | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | | clover | clover | clover | corn | |buckwheat | wheat | or | or | or | and | wheat | for | | | grass | grass | grass |potatoes| | manure | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ |buckwheat | clover | clover | clover | corn | | | for | wheat | or | or | or | and | wheat | | manure | | grass | grass | grass |potatoes| | ------------------------------------------------------------------------ | |buckwheat | clover | clover | clover | cornr | | wheat | for | wheat | or | or | or | and | | | manure | | grass | grass | grass |potatoes| ------------------------------------------------------------------------ of this rotation he noted that it "favors the land very much; inasmuch as there are but three corn crops [i.e. grain crops] taken in seven years from any field, & the first of the wheat crops is followed by a buck wheat manure for the second wheat crop, wch. is to succeed it; & which by being laid to clover or grass & continued therein three years will a ford much mowing or grassing, according as the seasons happen to be, besides being a restoration to the soil--but the produce of the sale of the crops is small, unless encreased by the improving state of the fields. nor will the grain for the use of the farm be adequate to the consumption of it in this course, and this is an essential object to attend to." in a second table he estimated the amount of work that would be required each year to carry out this plan of rotation, assuming that one plow would break up three-fourths of an acre per day. this amount is hardly half what an energetic farmer with a good team of horses will now turn over in a day with an ordinary walking plow, but the negro farmer lacked ambition, the plows were cumbersome, and much of the work was done with plodding oxen. the table follows: [illustration (table): planting chart] he estimated that seventy-five acres of corn would yield, at twelve and a half bushels per acre, - / bushels, worth at two shillings and sixpence per bushel £ . . . in this field potatoes would be planted between the rows of corn and would produce, at twelve and a half bushels per acre, - / bushels, worth at one shilling per bushel £ . . . two fields in wheat, a total of one hundred fifty acres, at ten bushels per acre, would yield one thousand five hundred bushels, worth at five shillings per bushel three hundred seventy-five pounds. three fields in clover and grass and the field of buckwheat to be turned under for manure would yield no money return. in other words the whole farm would produce three thousand three hundred seventy-five bushels of grain and potatoes worth a total of £ . . . a second alternative plan would yield crops worth £ . . ; a third, about the same; a fourth, £ . . ; a fifth, providing for two hundred twenty-five acres of wheat, £ . . ; a sixth, £ . number five would be most productive, but he noted that it would seriously reduce the land. number six would be "the d. most productive rotation, but the fields receive no rest," as it provided for neither grass nor pasture, while the plowing required would exceed that of any of the other plans by two hundred eighty days. on a small scale he tried growing cotton, botany bay grass, hemp, white nankeen grass and various other products. he experimented with deep soil plowing by running twice in the same furrow and also cultivated some wheat that had been drilled in rows instead of broadcasted. in he built a new sixteen-sided barn on the [illustration: part of washington's plan for his sixteen-sided barn] dogue run farm. the plan of this barn, drawn by washington himself, is still preserved and is reproduced herewith. he calculated that one hundred and forty thousand bricks would be required for it and these were made and burnt upon the estate. the barn was particularly notable for a threshing floor thirty feet square, with interstices one and a half inches wide left between the floor boards so that the grain when trodden out by horses or beat out with flails would fall through to the floor below, leaving the straw above. this floor was to furnish an illustration of what washington called "the almost impossibility of putting the overseers of this country out of the track they have been accustomed to walk in. i have one of the most convenient barns in this or perhaps any other country, where thirty hands may with great ease be employed in threshing. half the wheat of the farm was actually stowed in this barn in the straw by my order, for threshing; notwithstanding, when i came home about the middle of september, i found a treading yard not thirty feet from the barn-door, the wheat again brought out of the barn, and horses treading it out in an open exposure, liable to the vicissitudes of the weather." i think we may safely conclude that this was one of those rare occasions when george lost his temper and "went up in the air!" under any conditions treading or flailing out wheat was a slow and unsatisfactory process and, as washington grew great quantities of this grain, he was alert for a better method. we know that he made inquiries of arthur young concerning a threshing machine invented by a certain winlaw and pictured and described in volume six of the _annals_, and in he watched the operation of baron poelnitz's mill on the winlaw model near new york city. this mill was operated by two men and was capable of threshing about two bushels of wheat per hour--pretty slow work as compared with that of a modern thresher. and the grain had to be winnowed, or passed through a fan afterward to separate it from the chaff. finally in he erected a machine on plans evolved by william booker, who came to mount vernon and oversaw the construction. next april he wrote to booker that the machine "has by no means answered your expectations or mine," at first it threshed not quite fifty bushels per day, then fell to less than twenty-five, and ultimately got out of order before five hundred bushels had been threshed, though it had used up two bands costing between eight and ten pounds. booker replied that he had now greatly improved his invention and would come to mount vernon and make these additions, but whether or not he ever did so i have failed to discover. by the burden of the estate had become so heavy that washington decided to rent all of it except the mansion house farm and accordingly he wrote to arthur young telling his desire in the hope that englishmen might be found to take it over. one man, parkinson, of whom more hereafter, came to america and looked at one of the farms, but decided not to rent it. washington's elaborate description of his land in his letter to young, with an accompanying map, forms one of our best sources of information regarding mount vernon, so that we may be grateful that he had the intention even though nothing came of it. the whole of mount vernon continued to be cultivated as before until the last year of his life when he rented dogue run farm to his nephew, lawrence lewis. as a public man he was anxious to improve the general state of american agriculture and in his last annual message to congress recommended the establishment of a board of agriculture to collect and diffuse information and "by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist a spirit of discovery and improvement." in this recommendation the example of the english board of agriculture and the influence of his friend arthur young are discernible. it would have been well for the country if congress had heeded the advice, but public opinion was not then educated to the need of such a step and almost a century passed before anything of much importance was done by the national government to improve the state of american agriculture. in farming as in politics washington was no standpatter. notwithstanding many discouragements, he could not be kept from trying new things, and he furnished his farms with every kind of improved tool and implement calculated to do better work. at his death he owned not only threshing machines and a dutch fan, but a wheat drill, a corn drill, a machine for gathering clover seed and another for raking up wheat. yet most of his countrymen remained content to drop corn by hand, to broadcast their wheat, to tread out their grain and otherwise to follow methods as old as the days of abel for at least another half century. he was the first american conservationist. he realized that man owes a duty to the future just as he owes a debt to the past. he deplored the already developing policy of robber exploitation by which our soil and forests have been despoiled, for he foresaw the bitter fruits which such a policy must produce, and indeed was already producing on the fields of virginia. he was no misanthropic cynic to exclaim, "what has posterity ever done for us that we should concern ourselves for posterity?" his care for the lands of mount vernon was evidence of the god-given trait imbedded in the best of men to transmit unimpaired to future generations what has been handed down to them. his agricultural career has its lessons for us, even though we should not do well to follow some of his methods. the lessons lie rather in his conception of farming as an honorable occupation capable of being put on a better and more scientific basis by the application of brains and intelligence; in his open-minded and progressive seeking after better ways. many of his experiments failed, it is true, but for his time he was a great farmer, just as he was a great patriot, soldier and statesman. patient, hard-working, methodical, willing to sacrifice his own interests to those of the general good, he was one of those men who have helped raise mankind from the level of the brute and his whole career reflects credit upon human nature. peace hath its victories no less renowned than war, and the picture of the american cincinnatus striving as earnestly on the green fields of mount vernon as he did upon the scarlet ones of monmouth and brandywine, is one that the world can not afford to forget. chapter ix the stockman a various times in his career washington raised deer, turkeys, hogs, cattle, geese, negroes and various other forms of live stock, but his greatest interest seems to have been reserved for horses, sheep and mules. from his diaries and other papers that have come down to us it is easy to see that during his early married life he paid most attention to his horses. in he kept a stallion both for his own mares and for those of his neighbors, and we find many entries concerning the animal. successors were "leonidas," "samson," "steady," "traveller" and "magnolia," the last a full-blooded arabian and probably the finest beast he ever owned. when away from home washington now and then directed the manager to advertise the animal then reigning or to exhibit him in public places such as fairs. mares brought to the stallion were kept upon pasture, and foal was guaranteed. many times the general complained of the difficulty of collecting fees. during the revolution he bought twenty-seven worn-out army mares for breeding purposes and soon after he became president he purchased at lancaster, pennsylvania, thirteen fine animals for the same use. these last cost him a total of £ . . , the price of the highest being £ . . and of the cheapest £ . . these mares were unusually good animals, as an ordinary beast would have cost only five or six pounds. in november, , he had on his various mount vernon farms a total of one hundred thirty horses, including the arabian already mentioned. among the twenty-one animals kept at the mansion house were his old war horses "nelson" and "blewskin," who after bearing their master through the smoke and dangers of many battles lived in peace to a ripe old age on the green fields of virginia. in his last days he bought two of the easy-gaited animals known as narragansetts, a breed, some readers will recall, described at some length by cooper in _the last of the mohicans._ a peculiarity of these beasts was that they moved both legs on a side forward at the same time, that is, they were pacers. washington's two proved somewhat skittish, and one of them was responsible for the only fall from horseback that we have any record of his receiving. in company with major lewis, mr. peake, young george washington custis and a groom he was returning in the evening from alexandria and dismounted for a few moments near a fire on the roadside. when he attempted to mount again the horse sprang forward suddenly and threw him. the others jumped from their horses to assist him, but the old man got up quickly, brushed his clothes and explained that he had been thrown only because he had not yet got seated. all the horses meanwhile had run away and the party started to walk four miles home, but luckily some negroes along the road caught the fugitives and brought them back. washington insisted upon mounting his animal again and rode home without further incident. this episode happened only a few weeks before his death. like every farmer he found that his horses had a way of growing old. those with which he had personal associations, like "blueskin" and "nelson," he kept until they died of old age. with others he sometimes followed a different course. in we find his manager, whiting, writing: "we have several old horses that are not worth keeping thro winter. one at ferry has not done one days work these months. at muddy hole one a horse with the pole evil which i think will not get well the other an old mare was not capable of work last summer. likewise the horse called old chatham and the lame horse that used to go in the waggon now in a one horse cart. if any thing could be got for them it might be well but they are not worth keeping after christmas." no doubt a sentimental person would say that washington ought to have kept these old servants, but he had many other superannuated servants of the human kind upon his hands, so he replied that whiting might dispose of the old horses "as you judge best for my interest." now and then his horses met with accidents. thus on february , , his horse "jolly" got his right foreleg "mashed to pieces," probably by a falling limb. "did it up as well as i could this night." "saturday, feb. d. had the horse slung upon canvas and his leg fresh set, following markleham's directions as well as i could." two days later the horse fell out of the sling and hurt himself so badly that he had to be killed. of washington's skill as a trainer of horses his friend de chastellux writes thus: "the weather being fair, on the th, i got on horseback, after breakfasting with the general--he was so attentive as to give me the horse he rode, the day of my arrival, which i had greatly commended--i found him as good as he is handsome; but above all, perfectly well broke, and well trained, having a good mouth, easy in hand, and stopping short in a gallop without bearing the bit--i mention these minute particulars, because it is the general himself who breaks all his own horses; and he is a very excellent and bold horseman, leaping the highest fences, and going extremely quick, without standing upon his stirrups, bearing on the bridle, or letting his horse run wild,--circumstances which young men look upon as so essential a part of english horsemanship, that they would rather break a leg or an arm than renounce them." comparatively few farmers in virginia kept sheep, yet as early as washington's overseer at mount vernon reported sixty-five old sheep and forty-eight lambs; seven years later the total number was one hundred fifty-six. the next year he records that he "put my english ram lamb to ewes," so that evidently he was trying to improve the breed. what variety this ram belonged to he does not say. near the end of his career he had some of bakewell's breed, an english variety that put on fat rapidly and hence were particularly desirable for mutton. during his long absences from home his sheep suffered grievously, for sheep require a skilled care that few of his managers or overseers knew how to give. but sheep were an important feature of the english agriculture that he imitated, and he persisted in keeping them. in he had over six hundred. "before i left home in the spring of ," he wrote to arthur young, "i had improved that species of my stock so much as to get - / lbs of wool as the average of the fleeces of my whole flock,--and at the last shearing they did not yield me - / lbs.--by procuring (if i am able) good rams and giving the necessary attention, i hope to get them up again for they are with me, as you have declared them to be with you, that part of my stock in which i most delight." in , by request, he sent young "a fleece of a midling size and quality." young had this made up into cloth and returned it to the general. in we find our farmer giving such instructions to whiting as to cull out the unthrifty sheep and transform them into mutton and to choose a few of the best young males to keep as rams. whiting, however, did not manage the flock well, for the following february we find pearce, the new manager, writing: "i am sorry to have to inform you that the stock of sheep at both union and dogue run farms are some of them dicing every week--& a great many of them will be lost, let what will be done--since i came i have had shelters made for them & troughs to feed them in & to give them salt--& have attended to them myself & was in hopes to have saved those that i found to be weak, but they were too far gone--and several of the young cattle at dogue run was past all recovery when i come & some have died already & several more i am afraid must die before spring, they are so very poor and weak." washington, according to his own account, was the first american to attempt the raising of mules. soon after the revolution he asked our representative in spain to ascertain whether it would be possible "to procure permission to extract a jack ass of the best breed." at that time the exportation of these animals from spain was forbidden by law, but florida blanca, the spanish minister of state, brought the matter to the attention of the king, who in a fit of generosity proceeded to send the american hero two jacks and two jennets. one of the jacks died on the way over, but the other animals, in charge of a spanish caretaker, reached boston, and washington despatched an overseer to escort them to mount vernon, where they arrived on the fifth of december, . an interpreter named captain sullivan was brought down from alexandria, and through him the general propounded to the caretaker many grave inquiries regarding the care of the beasts, the answers being carefully set down in writing. [illustration: bill of lading for "royal gift"] "royal gift," as he was duly christened, probably by the negro groom, peter, who seems to have considered it beneath his dignity to minister to any but royalty, was a large animal. according to careful measurements taken on the porch at mount vernon he was fifteen hands high, and his body and limbs were very large in proportion to his height; his ears were fourteen inches long, and his vocal cords were good. he was, however, a sluggish beast, and the sea voyage had affected him so unfavorably that for some time he was of little use. in letters to lafayette and others washington commented facetiously upon the beast's failure to appreciate "republican enjoyment." ultimately, however, "royal gift" recovered his strength and ambition and proved a valuable piece of property. he was presently sent on a lour of the south, and while in south carolina was in the charge of colonel william washington, a hero of the cowpens and many other battles. the profits from the tour amounted to $ . , yet poor "royal gift" seems to have experienced some rough usage on the way thither, arriving lame and thin and in a generally debilitated condition. the general wrote to the colonel about it thus: "from accounts which i have received from some gentlemen in virginia he was most abominably treated on the journey by the man to whom he was entrusted;--for, instead of moving him slowly and steadily along as he ought, he was prancing (with the jack) from one public meeting or place to another in a gate which could not but prove injurious to an animal who had hardly ever been out of a walk before--and afterward, i presume, (in order to recover lost time) rushed him beyond what he was able to bear the remainder of the journey." no doubt the beast aroused great curiosity along the way among people who had never before set eyes upon such a creature. we can well believe that the cry, "general washington's jackass is coming!" was always sufficient to attract a gaping crowd. and many would be the sage comments upon the animal's voice and appearance. in lafayette sent washington from the island of malta another jack and two jennets, besides some chinese pheasants and partridges. the animals landed at baltimore in november and reached mount vernon in good condition later in the month. to campion, the man who accompanied them, washington gave " louis dores for his trouble." the new jack, the "knight of malta," as he was called, was a smaller beast than "royal gift," and his ears measured only twelve inches, but he was well formed and had the ferocity of a tiger. by crossing the two strains washington ultimately obtained a jack called "compound," who united in his person the size and strength of the "gift" with the courage and activity of the "knight." the general also raised many mules, which he found to be good workers and more cheaply kept in condition than horses. henceforward the peaceful quiet of mount vernon was broken many times a day by sounds which, if not musical or mellifluous, were at least jubilant and joyous. evidently the sounds in no way disturbed the general, for in we find him describing the acquisitions in enthusiastic terms to arthur young. he called the mules "a very excellent race of animals," cheap to keep and willing workers. recalling, perhaps, that a king's son once rode upon a mule, he proposes to breed heavy ones from "royal gift" for draft purposes and lighter ones from the "knight" for saddle or carriage. he adds: "indeed in a few years, i intend to drive no other in my carriage, having appropriated for the sole purpose of breeding them, upwards of twenty of my best mares." ah, friend george, what would the world not give to see thee and thy wife martha driving in the mount vernon coach down pennsylvania avenue behind four such long-eared beasts! in all his stock raising, as in most other matters, washington was greatly hampered by the carelessness of his overseers and slaves. it is notorious that free negroes will often forget or fail to water and feed their own horses, and it may easily be believed that when not influenced by fear, slaves would neglect the stock of their master. among the general's papers i have found a list of the animals that died upon his mount vernon estate from april , , to december , . in that period of about twenty months he lost thirty-three horses, thirty-two cattle and sixty-five sheep! considering the number of stock he had, a fifth of that loss would have been excessive. during most of the period he was away from home looking after the affairs of the nation and in his absence his own affairs suffered. hardly a report of his manager did not contain some bad news. thus one of january, , states that "the young black brood mare, with a long tail, which came from pennsylvania, said to be four years old next spring ... was found with her thigh broke quite in two." this happened on the mansion house farm. on another farm a sheep was reported to have been killed by dogs while a second had died suddenly, perhaps from eating some poisonous plant. dogs, in fact, constituted an ever present menace to the sheep and it was only by constant watchfulness that the owner kept his negroes from overrunning the place with worthless curs. in he wrote to his manager: "i not only approve of your killing those dogs which have been the occasion of the late loss, & of thinning the plantations of others, but give it as a positive order that after saying what dog, or dogs shall remain, if any negro presumes under any pretence whatsoever, to preserve, or bring one into the family, that he shall be severely punished, and the dog hanged.--i was obliged to adopt this practice whilst i resided at home, and from the same motive, that is for the preservation of my sheep and hogs.... it is not for any good purpose negroes raise, and keep dogs; but to aid them in their night robberies; for it is astonishing to see the command under which the dogs are." after the revolution, in imitation of english farmers, he made use of hurdles in pasturing sheep and milk cows. thereby he secured more even distribution of the manure, which was one of his main objects in raising stock. washington's interest in cattle seems to have been less intense than was the case with some other kinds of stock. he always had a great number of cows, bulls, oxen and calves upon his farms--in over three hundred "black cattle" of all sorts. he was accustomed to brand his cattle with the letters "g.w.," the location of the brand on the body indicating the farm on which the beast was raised. to what extent he endeavored to improve the breed of his cattle i am unable to say, but i have found that as early as he owned an english bull, which in july he killed and sold to the crew of the british frigate _boston_, which lay in the potomac off his estate. in he made inquiries looking toward the purchase of an improved bull calf from a cattle breeder named gough, but upon learning that the price was two hundred dollars he decided not to invest. gough, however, heard of washington's interest in his animals, and being an admirer of the general, gave him a calf. an english farmer, parkinson, who saw the animal in , describes him in terms the reverse of enthusiastic, and of this more hereafter. a large part of the heavy work on all the farms was done by oxen. in november, , there were thirteen yoke of these beasts on the mount vernon estate and the number was sometimes still larger. in washington recorded putting "a collar on a large bull in order to break him to the draft.--at first he was sulky and restive but came to by degrees." the owner always aimed to have enough oxen broken so that none would have to be worked too hard, but he did not always succeed in his aim. when they attained the age of eight years the oxen were usually fattened and killed for beef. the management of the milk cows seems to have been very poor. in may, , we find the absent owner writing to his manager: "if for the sake of making a little butter (for which i shall get scarcely anything) my calves are starved, & die, it may be compared to stopping the spigot, and opening the faucit." evidently the making of butter was almost totally discontinued, for in his last instructions, completed only a few days before his death, he wrote: "and it is hoped and will be expected, that more effectual measures will be pursued to make butter another year; for it is almost beyond belief, that from cows actually reported on a late enumeration of the cattle, that i am obliged to _buy butter_ for the use of my family." in his later years he became somewhat interested in the best methods of feeding cattle and once suggested that the experiment be tried of fattening one bullock on potatoes, another on corn, and a third on a mixture of both, "keeping an exact account of the time they are fatting, and what is eaten of each, and of hay, by the different steers; that a judgment may be formed of the best and least expensive mode of stall feeding beef for market, or for my own use." during his early farming operations his swine probably differed little if at all from the razor-backs of his neighbors. they ranged half wild in the woods in summer and he once expressed the opinion that fully half the pigs raised were stolen by the slaves, who loved roast pork fully as well as did their master. in the fall the shoats were shut up to fatten. more than a hundred were required each year to furnish meat for the people on the estate; the average weight was usually less than one hundred forty pounds. farmers in the middle west would to-day have their poland chinas or durocs of the same age weighing two hundred fifty to three hundred pounds. still the smallness of washington's animals does not necessarily indicate such bad management as may at first glance appear. until of considerable size the pigs practically made their own living, eating roots and mast in the woods, and they did not require much grain except during fattening time. and, after all, as the story has it, "what's time to a hawg?" in his later years he seems to have taken more interest in his pigs. by he had decided that when fattening they ought to be put into closed pens with a plank floor, a roof, running water and good troughs. a visitor to mount vernon in says that he had "about of the guinea kind, with short legs and hollow back," so it is evident that he was experimenting with new breeds. these guinea swine were red in color, and it is said that the breed was brought to america from west africa by slave traders. it was to these animals that washington fed the by-products of his distillery. in the slaughtering of animals he tried experiments as he did in so many other matters. in he killed a wether sheep which weighed one hundred three pounds gross. he found that it made sixty pounds of meat worth three pence per pound, five and a half of tallow at seven and a half pence, three of wool at fifteen pence, and the skin was worth one shilling and three pence, a total of £ . . . one object of such experiments was to ascertain whether it was more profitable to butcher animals or sell them on the hoof. washington also raised chickens, turkeys, swans, ducks, geese and various other birds and beasts. in gouverneur morris sent him two chinese pigs and with them "a pair of chinese geese, which are really the foolishest geese i ever beheld; for they choose all times for setting but in the spring, and one of them is even now [november] actually engaged in that business." of some golden pheasants that had been brought from china the general said that before seeing the birds he had considered that pictures of them must be "only works of fancy, but now i find them to be only portraits." the fact is that his friends and admirers sent him so many feathered or furred creatures that toward the end of his life he was the proprietor of a considerable zoo. notwithstanding mismanagement by his employees and slaves, washington accumulated much valuable domestic stock. in his will, made the year of his death, he lists the following: " covering horse, cob. horses-- riding do--six brood mares-- working horses and mares,-- covering jacks & young ones she asses-- working mules-- younger ones. head of horned cattle. head of sheep, and the large stock of hogs, the precise number unknown." he further states that his manager believes the stock worth seven thousand pounds, but he conservatively sets it down at fifteen thousand six hundred fifty-three dollars. chapter x the horticulturist and landscape gardener washington's work as a horticulturist prior to the educating influences of the revolution was mostly utilitarian. that he had a peach orchard as early as is proven by an entry in his diary for february : "laid in part, the worm of a fence round the peach orchard." just where this orchard stood i am not quite certain, but it was probably on the slope near the old tomb. he learned how to propagate and "wed" his own trees and in was particularly active. on march st he recorded that he had "grafted cherries, viz bullock hearts, very fine may cherry, coronation. also grafted magnum bonum plums. also planted nuts of the mediterranean pame in the pen where the chestnut grows--sticks by east. note, the cherrys and plums came from collo. masons nuts from mr. gr[een's.] set out cuttings of the madeira grape." a little later he grafted quinces on pear and apple stocks; also he grafted "spanish pairs," "butter pears," "bergamy pears," "newtown pippins," " of the maryland red strick," etc., and transplanted thirty-five young crab scions. these scions he obtained by planting the pumice of wild crab apples from which cider had been made. they were supposed to make hardier stocks than those grown from ordinary seeds. he grafted many cherries, plums, etc., in march, , and yet again in the spring of , when he put english mulberry scions on wild mulberry stocks. in that year "peter green came to me a gardener." in and he planted grapes in the inclosure below the vegetable garden and in march, , he again grafted cherries and also planted peach seeds and seeds of the "mississippi nut" or pecan. long before this he had begun to gather fruits from his early trees and vines. being untroubled by san jose scale and many other pests that now make life miserable to the fruit grower, he grew fine products and no doubt enjoyed them. his esthetic sense was not yet fully developed, but he was always desirous of having his possessions make a good appearance, and by was beginning to think of beautifying his grounds. in that year he expressed a wish that he later carried out, namely to have about his mansion house every possible specimen of native tree or shrub noted for beauty of form, leaf or flower. even amid the trials of the revolution this desire was not forgotten. in he directed lund washington, his manager, to plant locusts and other ornamental trees and shrubs at the ends of the house. he wrote that such trees would be more likely to live if taken from the open fields than from the woods because the change of environment would be less pronounced. to what extent the work was carried i have been unable to ascertain, for, as elsewhere stated, very little of his correspondence with his manager during these years survives. he returned from the revolution with a strong desire to beautify his estate, a desire in part due no doubt to seeing beautiful homes elsewhere and to contact with cultured people, both americans and foreigners. one of his first tasks was to rebuild and enlarge his house. from a small house of eight rooms he transformed mount vernon into the present large mansion, ninety-six feet and four inches long by thirty-two feet in depth, with two floors and an attic, an immense cellar and the magnificent portico overlooking the potomac. the plans and specifications he drew with his own hands, and those who have visited the place will hardly deny that the mansion fits well into its setting and that, architects tell us, is a prime consideration. the flagstones for the floor of the portico he imported from whitehaven, england, and these still remain in place, though many are cracked or broken. the portico runs the entire length of the house, is over fourteen feet deep and its floor is one hundred twenty-four feet ten and one-half inches above high water-mark, according to calculations made by washington himself. from it one commands miles of the potomac and of the maryland shore and there are few such noble prospects in america. washington owned a telescope and spy glasses and with them could watch the movements of ships and boats on the river. the portico was a sort of trysting place for the family and visitors on summer afternoons and evenings, and some of the thirty or so windsor chairs bought for it are still in existence. [illustration: west front of mansion house, showing bowling green and part of serpentine drive] [illustration: experimental plot, with servants' quarters (restored) in background] this was the second time our farmer reconstructed his house, as in - he had made numerous alterations[ ]. in he paid john patterson £ . . for work done upon it, and the whole house was pretty thoroughly renovated and remodeled in preparation for the reception of a new mistress. in march, , we find the owner contracting with william triplett "to build me two houses in front of my house (plastering them also) and running walls to them from the great house and from the great house to the washouse and kitchen also." by the "front" he means the west front, as that part toward the river is really the rear of the mansion. hitherto the house had stood detached and these walls were the originals of the colonnades, still a noticeable feature of the building. [ ] in a frenchman was engaged to panel the main hall and apply stucco ornaments to the ceilings of the parlor and dining-room. owing to the absence of a diary of his home activities during we can not trace in detail his work that year upon either his house or grounds, but we know such facts as that he was ordering materials for the house and that he had his french friend malesherbes and others collecting vines and plants for him. with january , , he began a new diary, and from it we ascertain that on the twelfth, on a ride about his estate, he observed many trees and shrubs suitable for transplanting. thereafter he rarely rode out without noticing some crab, holly, magnolia, pine or other young tree that would serve his purpose. he was more alive to the beauties of nature than he had once been, or at least more inclined to comment upon them. on an april day he notes that "the flower of the sassafras was fully out and looked well--an intermixture of this and red bud i conceive would look very pretty--the latter crowned with the former or vice versa." he was no gushing spring poet, but when the sap was running, the flowers blooming and the birds singing he felt it all in his heart--perhaps more deeply than do some who say more about it. on january th of this year he began laying out his grounds on a new plan. this plan, as completed, provided for sunken walls or "haw has!" at the ends of the mansion, and on the west front a large elliptical lawn or bowling green such as still exists there. along the sides of the lawn he laid out a serpentine drive or carriage way, to be bordered with a great variety of shade trees on each side and a "wilderness" on the outside. at the extreme west, where the entrance stood, the trees were omitted so that from the house one could see down a long vista, cut through the oaks and evergreens, the lodge gate three-quarters of a mile away. on each side of the opening in the lawn stood a small artificial mound, and just in front of the house a sun-dial by which each day, when the weather was clear, he set his watch. a sun-dial stands on the same spot now but, alas, it is not the original. that was given away or sold by one of the subsequent owners. this same spring our farmer records planting ivy, limes and lindens sent by his good friend governor clinton of new york; lilacs, mock oranges, aspen, mulberries, black gums, berried thorns, locusts, sassafras, magnolia, crabs, service berries, catalpas, papaws, honey locusts, a live oak from norfolk, yews, aspens, swamp berries, hemlocks, twelve horse chestnut sent by "light horse harry" lee, twelve cuttings of tree box, buckeye nuts brought by him the preceding year from the mouth of cheat river, eight nuts from a tree called "the kentucke coffee tree," a row of shell bark hickory nuts from new york, some filberts from "sister lewis." his brother john sent him four barrels of holly seeds, which he sowed in the semicircle north of the front gate; in the south semicircle, from the kitchen to the south "haw ha!"; and from the servants' hall to the north "haw ha!" nor did he neglect more utilitarian work, for in april he grafted many cherries, pears and other fruit trees. such work was continued at intervals till his death. in raising fruit, as in many other things, he was troubled by the thieving propensities of the slaves. september tenth of this year he records that because of the scarcity of apples and the depredations that were being committed "every night upon the few i have, i found it necessary (tho much too early) to gather and put them up for winter use." the spring of proved an exceptionally dry one and he was forced to be absent from home several days, leaving the care of the trees and shrubs to his careless lazy servants. he records that they _said_ that they watered them according to directions, but he seems to doubt it. at all events, "most of my transplanted trees have a sickly look.--the small pines in the wilderness are entirely dead.--the larger ones in the walks, for the most part appear to be alive (as yet)--almost the whole of the holly are dead--many of the ivy, wch. before looked healthy & well seem to be declining--few of the crab trees had put forth leaves; not a single ash tree has unfolded its buds; whether owing to the trees declining or any other cause, i know not.... the lime trees, which had some appearance of budding when i went away, are now withering--and the horse chestnut & tree box from colo. harry lee's discover little signs of shooting.--the hemlock is almost entirely dead, & bereft of their leaves;--and so are the live oak.--in short half the trees in the shrubberies & many in the walk are dead & declin[in]g." nevertheless he refused to be discouraged and proceeded to plant forty-eight mahogany tree seeds brought by his nephew, george a. washington, from the west indies. he also set out a "palmetto royal" in the garden and sowed or planted sandbox trees, palmettos, physic nuts, pride of chinas, live oaks, accacias, bird peppers, "caya pepper," privet, guinea grass, and a great variety of chinese grasses, the names of which, such as _"in che fa," "all san fa" "se lon fa,"_ he gravely set down in his diary. the dry weather continued and presently he notes that all the poplars, black gums and pines, most of the mulberries, all of the crab apples and papaws, most of the hemlock and sassafras, and several of the cedars are dead, while the tops of the live oaks are dead but shoots are coming up from the trunks and roots. the chinese grasses are in a bad way, and those that have come up are almost entirely destroyed either by insects or drought. none of this grass survived the winter, though he took the trouble to cover it with straw. during the fall of and spring of he sowed the lawn with english grass seeds, replaced the dead trees in the serpentine walks and shrubberies, and sent two hundred and fifteen apple trees to his river plantation. he made the two low mounds already mentioned and planted thereon weeping willows. he set out stocks of imported hawthorns, four yellow jessamines, twenty-five of the palinurus for hedges, forty-six pistacia nuts and seventy-five pyramidical cypress, which last were brought to him by the botanist michaux from the king of france. as was one of the wettest summers ever known, his plants and trees lived better than they had done the preceding year. during this period and until the end of his life he was constantly receiving trees and shrubs from various parts of the world. thus in he sent to alexandria by thomas jefferson a bundle of "poccon [pecan] or illinois nut," which in some way had come to him at philadelphia. he instructed the gardener to set these out at mount vernon, also to sow some seeds of the east india hemp that had been left in his care. the same year thirty-nine varieties of tropical plants, including the bread fruit tree, came to him from a well wisher in jamaica. at other times he sowed seeds of the cucumber tree, chickory and "colliflower" and planted ivy and wild honeysuckle. again he once more planted pecans and hickory nuts. it can hardly be that at his advanced age he expected to derive any personal good from either of these trees, but he was very fond of nuts, eating great quantities for dessert, and the liking inclined him to grow trees that produced them. in this, as in many other matters, he planted for the benefit of posterity. in order to care for his exotic plants he built adjoining the upper garden a considerable conservatory or hothouse. in this he placed many of the plants sent to him as presents and also purchased many others from the collection of the celebrated botanist, john bartram, at philadelphia. the structure, together with the servants' quarters adjoining, was burned down in december, , and when the historian lossing visited mount vernon in nothing remained of these buildings except bare walls crumbling to decay. of the movable plants that had belonged to washington there remained in only a lemon tree, a century plant and a sago palm, all of which have since died. the conservatory and servants' quarters have, however, been rebuilt and the conservatory restocked with plants such as washington kept in it. the buildings probably look much as they did in his time. one of the sights to-day at mount vernon is the formal garden, which all who have visited the place will remember. strangely enough it seems impossible to discover exactly when this was laid out as it now stands. the guides follow tradition and tell visitors that washington set out the box hedge, the principal feature, after his marriage, and that he told martha that she should be mistress of this flower garden and he the master of the vegetable garden. it is barely possible that he did set out the hedges at that time, but, if so, it must have been in , for no mention is made of it in the diary begun in . in april, , we find by his diary that he planted twelve cuttings of the "tree box" and again in the spring of he planted in his shrubberies some holly trees, "also ... some of the slips of the tree box." but of box hedges i can find no mention in any of the papers i have seen. one guess is about as good as another, and i am inclined to believe that if they were planted in his time, it was done during his presidency by one of his gardeners, perhaps butler or the german, ehler. they may have been set out long after his death. at all events the garden was modeled after the formal gardens of europe and the idea was not original with him. east of the formal garden lies a plot of ground that he used for agricultural experiments. the vegetable garden was south of the bowling green and separated from it by a brick wall. here utility was lord and a great profusion of products was raised for the table. washington took an interest in its management and i have found an entry in his diary recording the day that green peas were available for the first time that year. evidently he was fond of them. the bent of our farmer's mind was to the practical, yet he took pride in the appearance of his estate. "i shall begrudge no reasonable expense that will contribute to the improvement and neatness of my farms," he wrote one of his managers, "for nothing pleases me better than to see them in good order, and everything trim, handsome, and thriving about them; nor nothing hurts me more than to find them otherwise." live hedges tend to make a place look well and it was probably this and his passion for trees that caused washington to go in extensively for hedges about his farms. they took the place of wooden fences and saved trees and also grew more trees and bushes. his ordinary course in building a fence was to have a trench dug on each side of the line and the dirt thrown toward the center. upon the ridge thus formed he built a post and rail fence and along it planted cedars, locusts, pines, briars or thorn bushes to discourage cattle and other stock. the trenches not only increased the efficiency of the fence but also served as ditches. in many places they are still discernible. the lines of the hedges are also often marked in many places by trees which, though few or none can be the originals, are descended from the roots or seeds of those trees. cedar and locust trees are particularly noticeable. [illustration: first page of the diary for ] in our farmer had five thousand white thorn sent from england for hedge purposes, but they arrived late in the spring and few survived and even these did not thrive very well. another time he sent from philadelphia two bushels of honey locust seed to be planted in his nursery. these are only instances of his activities in this direction. much of what he undertook as a planter of trees failed for one reason or another, most of all because he attended to the business of his country at the expense of his own, but much that he attempted succeeded and enough still remains to enable us to realize that by his efforts he made his estate attractive. he was no barbarian or philistine. he had a sense of beauty and it is only in recent years that his countrymen, absorbed in material undertakings, have begun to appreciate the things that he was enjoying so long ago. "the visitor at mount vernon still finds a charm no art alone could give, in trees from various climes, each a witness of the taste that sought, or the love that sent them, in fields which the desolating step of war reverently passed by, in flowers whose root is not in graves, yet tinged with the lifeblood of the heart that cherished them from childhood to old age. on those acres we move beneath the shade or shelter of the invisible tree which put forth whatever meets the eye, and has left some sign on each object, large or small. still planted beside his river, he brings forth fruit in his season. nor does his leaf wither." chapter xi white servants and overseers in colonial virginia, as in most other new countries, one of the greatest problems that confronted the settlers was that of labor. it took human muscle to clear away the forest and tend the crops, and the quantity of human muscle available was small. one solution of the problem was the importation of black slaves, and of this solution as it concerned washington something will be said in a separate chapter. another solution was the white indentured servant. some of these white servants were political offenders, such as the followers of monmouth, who were punished by transportation for a term of years or for life to the plantations. others were criminals or unfortunate debtors who were sold in america instead of being sent to jail. others were persons who had been kidnapped and carried across the sea into servitude. yet others were men and women who voluntarily bound themselves to work for a term of years in payment of their passage to the colonies. by far the largest number of the white servants in washington's day belonged to this last-mentioned class, who were often called "redemptioners." some of these were ambitious, well-meaning people, perhaps skilled artisans, who after working out their time became good citizens and often prospered. a few were even well educated. in favor of the convicts, however, little could be said. in general they were ignorant and immoral and greatly lowered the level of the population in the southern states, the section to which most of them were sent. whether they came to america of their own free will or not such servants were subjected to stringent regulations and were compelled to complete their terms of service. if they ran away, they could be pursued and brought back by force, and the papers of the day were full of advertisements for such absconders. owing to their color and the ease with which they found sympathizers among the white population, however, the runaways often managed to make good their escape. to give a complete list of washington's indentured servants, even if it were possible, would be tedious and tiresome. for the most part he bought them in order to obtain skilled workmen. thus in we find him writing to a doctor ross, of philadelphia, to purchase for him a joiner, a brick-layer and a gardener, if any ship with servants was in port. as late as he bought the time of a dutchman named overdursh, who was a ditcher and mower, and of his wife, a spinner, washer and milker; also their daughter. the same year he "received from on board the brig anna, from ireland, two servant men for whom i agreed yesterday--viz--thomas ryan, a shoemaker, and cavan bowen a tayler redemptioners for years service by indenture." these cost him twelve pounds each. the story of his purchase of servants for his western lands is told in another place, as is also that of his plan to import palatines for the same purpose. on the day of lexington and concord, but before the news of that conflict reached virginia, two of his indentured servants ran away and he published a lengthy advertisement of them in the virginia _gazette_, offering a reward of forty dollars for the return of both or twenty dollars for the return of either. they were described as follows: "thomas spears, a joiner, born in _bristol_, about years of age, feet inches and a half high, slender made. he has light grey or blueish colored eyes, a little pock-marked, and freckled, with sandy colored hair, cut short; his voice is coarse, and somewhat drawling. he took with him a coat, waistcoat, and breeches, of light brown duffil, with black horn buttons, a light colored cloth waistcoat, old leather breeches, check and oznabrig shirts, a pair of old ribbed ditto, new oznabrig trowsers, and a felt hat, not much the worse for wear. william webster, a brick maker, born in _scotland_, and talks pretty broad. he is about feet six inches high and well made, rather turned of , with light brown hair, and roundish face.... they went off in a small yawl, with turpentine sides and bottom, the inside painted with a mixture of tar and red lead." in the course of his business career washington also employed a considerable number of free white men, who likewise were usually skilled workers or overseers. he commonly engaged them for the term of one year and by written contracts, which he drew up himself, a thing he had learned to do when a boy by copying legal forms. many of these papers still survive and contracts with joiners and gardeners jostle inaugural addresses and opinions of cabinet meetings. as a rule the hired employees received a house, an allowance of corn, flour, meat and perhaps other articles, the money payment being comparatively small. some of the contracts contain peculiar stipulations. that with a certain overseer provided: "and whereas there are a number of whiskey stills very contiguous to the said plantations, and many idle, drunken and dissolute people continually resorting the same, priding themselves in debauching sober and well-inclined persons the said edd. voilett doth promise as well for his own sake as his employers to avoid them as he ought." probably most readers have heard of the famous contract with the gardener philip bater, who had a weakness for the output of stills such as those mentioned above. it was executed in and, in consideration of bater's agreement "not to be disguised with liquor except on times hereinafter mentioned," provided that he should be given "four dollars at christmas, with which he may be drunk four days and four nights; two dollars at easter to effect the same purpose; two dollars at whitsuntide to be drunk for two days; a dram in the morning, and a drink of grog at dinner at noon." washington's most famous white servant was thomas bishop, who figures in some books as a negro. he had been the personal servant of general braddock, and tradition says that the dying general commended him to washington. at all events washington took him into his service at ten pounds per year and, except for a short interval about , bishop remained one of his retainers until death. it was bishop and john alton who accompanied washington on his trip to new york and boston in --that trip in the course of which, according to imaginative historians, the young officer became enamored of the heiress mary phillipse. doubtless the men made a brave show along the way, for we know that washington had ordered for them " complete livery suits for servants; with a spare cloak and all other necessary trimmings for two suits more. i would have you choose the livery by our arms, only as the field of arms is white, i think the clothes had better not be quite so, but nearly like the inclosed. the trimmings and facings of scarlet, and a scarlet waist coat. if livery lace is not quite disused, i should be glad to have the cloaks laced. i like that fashion best, and two silver laced hats for the above servants." when the revolution came bishop was too old to take the field and was left at home as the manager of a plantation. he was allowed a house, for he had married and was now the father of a daughter. he lived to a great age, but on fair days, when the farmer was at home, the old man always made it a point to grasp his cane and walk out to the road to see his master ride by, to salute him and to pass a friendly word. he seems to have thought of leaving mount vernon with his daughter in , for the president wrote to pearce: "old bishop must be taken care of whether he goes or stays." he died the following january, while washington was away in philadelphia. custis tells an amusing story of bishop's daughter sally. following the revolution two of washington's aides-de-camp, colonels smith and humphreys, the latter a poet of some pretensions, spent considerable time at mount vernon arranging the general's military papers. one afternoon smith strolled out from the mansion house for relaxation and came upon sally, then in her teens and old enough to be interesting to a soldier, milking a cow. when she started for the house with the pail of milk the colonel gallantly stepped forward and asked to be permitted to carry it. but sally had heard from her father dire tales of what befell damsels who had anything to do with military men and the fact that smith was a fine-looking young fellow in no way lessened her sense of peril. in great panic she flung down the pail, splashing the contents over the officer, and ran screaming to the house. smith followed, intent upon allaying her alarm and ran plump into old bishop, who at once accused him of attempting to philander with the girl, turned a deaf ear to all the colonel's explanations, and declared that he would bring word of the offense to his honor the general, nay more, to mrs. washington! in great alarm the colonel betook himself toward the mansion house pondering upon some way of getting himself out of the scrape he had fallen into. at last he bethought himself of billy lee, the mulatto body servant, and these two old soldiers proceeded to hold a council of war. smith said: "it's bad enough, billy, for this story to get to the general's ears, but to those of the lady will never do; and then there's humphreys, he will be out upon me in a d--d long poem that will spread my misfortunes from dan to beersheba!" at last it was decided that billy should act as special ambassador to bishop and endeavor to divert him from his purpose. meanwhile bishop had got out his old clothes--cumberland cocked hat and all--of the period of the french war, had dressed with great care and, taking up his staff, had laid his line of march straight to the mansion house. billy met him midway upon the road and much skirmishing ensued, billy taking two lines of attack: first, that smith was a perfect gentleman, and, second, that bishop had no business to have such a devilishly pretty daughter. finally these tactics prevailed, bishop took the right about, and a guinea dropped into the ambassador's palm completed the episode. in due time sally lost her dreadful fear of men and married the plantation carpenter, thomas green, with whose shiftless ways, described elsewhere, washington put up for a long time for the sake of "his family." ultimately green quitted washington's service and seems to have deserted his wife or else died; at all events she and her family were left in distressed circumstances. she wrote a letter to washington begging assistance and he instructed his manager to aid her to the extent of £ but to tell her that if she set up a shop in alexandria, as she thought of doing, she must not buy anything of his negroes. he seems to have allowed her a little wood, flour and meat at killing time and in instructed pearce that if she and her family were really in distress, as reported, to afford them some relief, "but in my opinion it had better be in anything than money, for i very strongly suspect that all that has, and perhaps all that will be given to her in that article, is applied more in rigging herself, than in the purchase of real and useful necessaries for her family." by his will washington left sally green and ann walker, daughter of john alton, each one hundred dollars in "consideration of the attachment of their father[s] to me." alton entered washington's service even before bishop, accompanying him as a body servant on the braddock campaign and suffering a serious illness. he subsequently was promoted to the management of a plantation and enjoyed washington's confidence and esteem. it was with a sad heart that washington penned in his diary for : "last night jno. alton an overseer of mine in the neck--an old & faithful servant who has lived with me odd years died--and this evening the wife of thos. bishop, another old servant who had lived with me an equal number of years also died." the adoption of mrs. washington's two youngest grandchildren, nelly custis and george washington custis, made necessary the employment of a tutor. one applicant was noah webster, who visited mount vernon in , but for some reason did not engage. a certain william shaw had charge for almost a year and then in tobias lear, a native of new hampshire and a graduate of harvard, was employed. it is supposed that some of the lessons were taught in the small circular building in the garden; washington himself refers to it as "the house in the upper garden called the school house." lear's duties were by no means all pedagogical and ultimately he became washington's private secretary. in philadelphia he and his family lived in the presidential mansion. washington had for him "a particular friendship," an almost fatherly affection. his interest in lear's little son lincoln was almost as great as he would have bestowed upon his own grandson. apropos of the recovery of the child from a serious illness he wrote in : "it gave mrs. washington, myself, and all who knew him sincere pleasure to hear that our little favourite had arrived safe and was in good health at portsmouth--we sincerely wish him a long continuance of the latter--that he may be always as charming and promising as he now is--that he may live to be a comfort and blessing to you--and an ornament to his country. as a token of my affection for him i send him a ticket in the lottery that's now drawing in the federal city; if it should be his fortune to draw the hotel, it will add to the pleasure i feel in giving it." truly a rather singular gift for a child, we would think in these days. let us see how it turned out. the next may washington wrote to lear, then in europe on business for the potomac navigation company, of which he had become president: "often, through the medium of mr. langdon, we hear of your son lincoln, and with pleasure, that he continues to be the healthy and sprightly child he formerly was. he declared if his ticket should turn up a prize, he would go and live in the federal city. he did not consider, poor little fellow, that some of the prizes would hardly build him a baby house nor foresee that one of these small tickets would be his lot, having drawn no more than ten dollars." lear's first wife had died the year before of yellow fever at the president's house in philadelphia, and for his second he took the widow of george a. washington--fanny--who was a niece of martha washington, being a daughter of anna dandridge bassett and colonel burwell bassett. this alliance tended to strengthen the friendly relations between lear and the general. in washington's last moments lear held his dying hand and later penned a noble description of the final scene that reveals a man of high and tender sentiments with a true appreciation of his benefactor's greatness. washington willed him the use of three hundred sixty acres east of hunting creek during life. when fanny lear died, lear married frances dandridge henley, another niece of mrs. washington. lear's descendants still own a quilt made by martha washington and given to this niece. during part at least of washington's absence in the french war his younger brother john augustine, described in the general's will as "the intimate friend of my ripened age," had charge of his business affairs and resided at mount vernon. the relations with this brother were unusually close and washington took great interest in john's eldest son bushrod, who studied law and became an associate justice of the federal supreme court. to bushrod the general gave his papers, library, the mansion house farm and other land and a residuary share in the estate. i am inclined to believe that during - john augustine did not have charge, as mount vernon seems to have been under the oversight of a certain humphrey knight, who worked the farm on shares. he was evidently a good farmer, for in william fairfax, who kept a friendly eye upon his absent neighbor's affairs, wrote: "you have some of the finest tobacco & corn i have seen this year," the summer was, however, exceedingly dry and the crop was good in a relative sense only. knight tried to keep affairs in good running order and the men hard at work, reporting "as to ye carpentrs i have minded em all i posably could, and has whipt em when i could see a fault." knight died september , , a few months before washington's marriage. washington's general manager during the revolution was lund washington, a distant relative. he was a man of energy and ability and retired against protests in . unfortunately not much of the correspondence between the two has come down to us, as lund destroyed most of the general's letters. why he did so i do not know, though possibly it was because in them washington commented freely about persons and sections. in one that remains, for example, written soon after his assumption of command at cambridge, the general speaks disparagingly of some new england officers and says of the troops that they may fight well, but are "dirty fellows." when the british visited mount vernon in lund conciliated them by furnishing them provisions, thereby drawing down upon himself a rebuke from the owner, who said that he would rather have had his buildings burned down than to have purchased their safety in such a way. nevertheless the general appreciated lund's services and the two always remained on friendly terms. lund was succeeded by major george augustine washington, son of the general's brother charles. from his youth george augustine had attached himself to his uncle's service and fought under him in the revolution, a part of the time on the staff of lafayette. the general had a strong affection for him and in furnished him with money to take a trip to the west indies for his health. contrary to expectations, he improved, married fanny bassett, and for several years resided at mount vernon. but the disease, consumption, returned and, greatly to his uncle's distress, he died in . washington helped to care for the widow until she became the wife of tobias lear. two other nephews, robert lewis and howell lewis, were in turn for short intervals in charge of affairs, but presently the estate was committed to the care of an englishman named anthony whiting, who was already overseer of two of the farms. like his predecessor he was a victim of consumption and died in june, . washington showed him great kindness, repeatedly urging him not to overexert, to make use of wines, tea, coffee and other delicacies that had been sent for the use of guests. as whiting was also troubled with rheumatism, the president dropped affairs of state long enough to write him that "flannel next the skin [is] the best cure for, & preventative of the rheumatism i have ever tried." yet after whiting's death the employer learned that he had been deceived in the man--that he "drank freely--kept bad company at my house in alexandria--and was a very debauched person." william pearce, who followed whiting, came from the eastern shore of maryland, where he owned an estate called "hopewell." his salary was a hundred guineas a year. a poor speller and grammarian, he was nevertheless practical and one of the best of all the managers. he resigned in on account of rheumatism, which he thought would prevent him from giving business the attention it deserved. washington parted from him with much regret and gave him a "certificate" in which he spoke in the most laudatory terms of his "honesty, sobriety industry and skill" and stated that his conduct had given "entire satisfaction." they later corresponded occasionally and exchanged farm and family news in the most friendly way. the last manager, james anderson, was described by his employer as "an honest, industrious and judicious scotchman." his salary was one hundred forty pounds a year. though born in a country where slaves were unknown, he proved adaptable to virginia conditions and assisted the overseers "in some chastisements when needful." as his employer retired from the presidency soon after he took charge he had not the responsibility of some who had preceded him, for washington was unwilling to be reduced to a mere cipher on his own estate. seeing the great profusion of cheap corn and rye, anderson, who was a good judge of whisky, engaged the general in a distillery, which stood near the grist mill. the returns for were £ . . - / , with - / gallons still unsold. washington's letters to his managers are filled with exhortations and sapient advice about all manner of things. he constantly urged them to avoid familiarities with the blacks and preached the importance of "example," for, "be it good or bad," it "will be followed by all those who look up to you.--keep every one in their place, & to their duty; relaxation from, or neglect in small matters, lead to like attempts in matters of greater magnitude." the absent owner was constantly complaining that his managers failed to inform him about matters concerning which he had inquired. hardly a report reached him that did not fail to explain something in which he was interested. this was one of the many disadvantages of farming at long range. in washington described his overseers to pearce, who was just taking charge, in great detail. stuart is competent, sober and industrious, but talkative and conceited. "if he stirs early and works late ... his talkativeness and vanity may be humored." crow is active and possessed of good judgment, but overly fond of "visiting and receiving visits." mckoy is a "sickly, slothful and stupid fellow." butler, the gardener, may mean well, but "he has no more authority over the negroes he is placed over than an old woman would have." ultimately he dismissed butler on this ground, but as the man could find no other job he was forced to give him assistance. the owner's opinions of davy, the colored overseer at muddy hole farm, and of thomas green, the carpenter, are given elsewhere. in the same letter he exhorted pearce to see what time the overseers "turn out of a morning--for i have strong suspicions that this, with some of them, is at a late hour, the consequences of which to the negroes is not difficult to foretell. all these overseers as you will perceive by their agreements, which i here with send, are on standing wages; and this with men who are not actuated by the principles of honor or honesty, and not very regardful of their characters, leads naturally to endulgences--as _their_ profits whatever may be _mine_, are the same whether they are at a horse race or on the farm." from the above it will appear that he did not believe that the overseers were storing up any large treasury of good works. in the revolution he wrote that one overseer and a confederate, "i believe, divide the profits of my estate on the york river, tolerably between them, for the devil of anything do i get." later he approved the course of george a. washington in depriving an overseer of the privilege of killing four shoats, as this gave him an excuse when caught killing a pig to say that it was one of those to which he was entitled. even when honest, the overseers were likely to be careless. they often knew little about the stock under their charge and in making their weekly reports would take the number from old reports instead of actually making the count, with the result that many animals could die or disappear long before those in charge became aware of it. [illustration: part of manger's weekly report] washington's carpenters were mostly slaves, but he usually hired a white man to oversee and direct them. in , for example, he engaged for this purpose a certain jonathan palmer, who was to receive forty pounds a year, four hundred pounds of meat, twenty bushels of corn, a house to live in, a garden, and also the right to keep two cows. the carpenters were required not only to build houses, barns, sheds and other structures, but also boats, and had to hew out or whipsaw many of the timbers and boards used. the carpenter whose name we meet oftenest was thomas green, who married sally bishop. i have seen a contract signed by green in , by which he was to receive annually forty-five pounds in virginia currency, five hundredweight of pork, pasture for a cow, and two hundred pounds of common flour. he also had the right to be absent from the plantation half a day in every month. he did not use these vacations to good advantage, for he was a drunken incompetent and tried washington's patience sorely. washington frequently threatened to dismiss him and as often relented and green finally, in , quit of his own accord, though washington thereafter had to assist his family. the employment of white day labor at mount vernon was not extensive. in harvest time some extra cradlers were employed, as this was a kind of work at which the slaves were not very skilful. payment was at the rate of about a dollar a day or a dollar for cutting four acres, which was the amount a skilled man could lay down in a day. the men were also given three meals a day and a pint of spirits each. they slept in the barns, with straw and a blanket for a bed. with them worked the overseers, cutting, binding and setting up the sheaves in stools or shocks. laziness in his employees gave our farmer a vast deal of unhappiness. it was an enemy that he fought longer and more persistently than he fought the british. in his early career a certain "young stephens," son of the miller, seems to have been his greatest trial. "visited my plantations," he confides to his diary. "severely reprimanded young stephens for his indolence, and his father for suffering it." "visited my quarters & ye mill according to custom found young stephens absent." "visited my plantations and found to my great surprise stephens constantly at work." "rid out to my plantn. and to my carpenters. found richard stephens hard at work with an ax--very extraordinary this!" to what extent the change proved permanent we do not know. but even though the reformation was absolute, it mattered little, for each year produces a new crop of lazybones just as it does "lambs" and "suckers." enough has been said to show that our farmer was impatient, perhaps even a bit querulous, but innumerable incidents prove that he was also generous and just. thus when paper currency depreciated to a low figure he, of his own volition, wrote to lund washington that he would not hold him to his contract, but would pay his wages by a share in the crops, and this at a time when his own debtors were discharging their indebtedness in the almost worthless paper. if ever a square man lived, washington was that man. he believed in the golden rule and he practiced it--not only in church, but in business. it was not for nothing that as a boy he had written as his one hundred tenth "rule of civility": "labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." in looking through his later letters i came upon one, dated january , , from pearce stating that davenport, a miller whom washington had brought from pennsylvania, was dead. he had already received six hundred pounds of pork and more wages than were due him as advances for the coming year. what should be done? asked the manager. "his wife and children will be in a most distressed situation." as i examined the papers that followed i said to myself: "i will see if i know what his answer will be." i thought i did, and so it proved. back from philadelphia came the answer: "altho' she can have no _right_ to the meat, i would have none of it taken from her.--you may also let her have middlings from the mill,--and until the house may become indispensably necessary for the succeeding miller, let her remain in it.--as she went from these parts she can have no friends (by these i mean relations) where she is. if therefore she wishes to return back to his, or her own relations, aid her in doing so." not always were his problems so somber as this. consider, for example, the case of william m. roberts, an employee who feared that he was about to get the sack. "in your absence to richmond," writes anxious william, november , , "my wife & i have had a most unhappy falling out which i shall not trouble you with the praticlers no farther than this. i hapened to git to drinking one night as she thought two much. & from one cros question to a nother matters weare carred to the langth it has been. which mr. lund washington will inform you for my part i am heartily sorry in my sole my wife appares to be the same & i am of a pinion that we shall live more happy than we have don for the fewter." in his dealings with servants washington was sometimes troubled with questions that worry us when we are trying to hire "mary" or "bridget." thus when mrs. washington's ill health necessitated his engaging in a housekeeper he made the following minute and anxious inquiries of bushrod washington at richmond concerning a certain mrs. forbes: "what countrywoman is she? "whether widow or wife? if the latter "where her husband is? "what family she has? "what age she is? "of what temper? "whether active and spirited in the execution of her business? "whether sober and honest? "whether much knowledge in cookery, and understands ordering and setting out a table? "what her appearance is? "with other matters which may occur to you to ask,--and necessary for me to know. "mrs. forbes will have a warm, decent and comfortable room to herself, to lodge in, and will eat of the victuals of our table, but not set at it, at any time _with us_, be her appearance what it may, for if this was _once admitted_, no line satisfactory to either party, perhaps, could be drawn thereafter.--it might be well for me to know however whether this was admitted at govr. brookes or not." considerate and just though he was, his deliberate judgment of servants after a long and varied experience was that they are "necessary plagues ... they baffle all calculation in the accomplishment of any plan or repairs they are engaged in; and require more attention to and looking after than can be well conceived." perhaps the soundest philosophy upon this trying and much debated servant question is that of miles standish, who proceeded, however, straightway to violate it. chapter xii black slaves it is one of the strange inconsistencies of history that one of the foremost champions of liberty of all time should himself have been the absolute owner and master of men, women and children. visitors at mount vernon saw many faces there, but only a few were white faces, the rest were those of black slaves. on each farm stood a village of wooden huts, where turbaned mammies crooned and piccaninnies gamboled in the sunshine. the cooks, the house servants, the coachmen, the stable boys, almost all the manual workers were slaves. even the mansion house grounds, if the master was away, were apt to be overrun with black children, for though only the progeny of a few house servants were supposed to enter the precincts, the others often disregarded the prohibition, to the destruction of the farmer's flowers and rare shrubs. from his father washington inherited ten or a dozen slaves and, as occasion required or opportunity offered, he added to the number. by he paid taxes on forty-nine slaves, in on eighty-seven and in on one hundred thirty-five. presently he found himself overstocked and in expressed a wish to barter for land some "negroes, of whom i every day long more to get clear of[ ]." still later he declared that he had more negroes than could be employed to advantage on his estate, but was principled against selling any, while hiring them out was almost as bad. "what then is to be done? something or i shall be ruined." [ ] in he bought a "fellow" for £ . , another named jack for £ . and a woman called clio for £ . two years later he acquired two negro men and a woman for £ , and from governor dinwiddie a woman and child for £ . in he got gregory for £ . . mount vernon brought him eighteen more. mrs. washington was the owner of a great many slaves, which he called the "dower negroes," and with part of the money she brought him he acquired yet others. the year of his marriage he bought will for £ , another fellow for £ , hannah and child for £ and nine others for £ . in he acquired two of fielding lewis for £ , seven of lee massey for £ , also one-handed charles for £ . two years later he bought two men and a woman of the estate of francis hobbs for £ . , the woman being evidently of inferior quality, for she cost only £ . another slave purchased that year from sarah alexander was more valuable, costing £ . judy and child, obtained of garvin corbin, cost £ . two mulattoes, will and frank, bought of mary lee in , cost £ . and £ , and will became famous as a body servant; adam and frank, bought of the same owner, cost £ . he bought five more slaves in . some writers say that this was his last purchase, but it is certain that thereafter he at least took a few in payment of debts. in he took a census of his slaves on the mount vernon estate. on the mansion house farm he had sixty-seven, including will or billy lee, who was his "val de chambre," two waiters, two cooks, three drivers and stablers, three seamstresses, two house maids, two washers, four spinners, besides smiths, a waggoner, carter, stock keeper, knitters and carpenters. two women were "almost past service," one of them being "old and almost blind." a man, schomberg, was "past labour." lame peter had been taught to knit. twenty-six were children, the youngest being delia and sally. at the mill were miller ben and three coopers. on the whole estate there were two hundred sixteen slaves, including many dower negroes. if our farmer took any special pains to develop the mental and moral nature of "my people," as he usually called his slaves, i have found no record of it. nor is there any evidence that their sexual relations were other than promiscuous--if they so desired. marriage had no legal basis among slaves and children took the status of their mother. instances occurred in which couples remained together and had an affection for their families, but the reverse was not uncommon. this state of affairs goes far toward explaining moral lapses among the negroes of to-day. i have found only one or two lists of the increase of the slaves, one being that transmitted by james anderson, manager, in february, , to the effect that "there are negro children born, & one dead--at river farm ; born at mansion house, lina ; at union farm born & one dead--it was killed by worms. medical assistance was called--but the mothers are very inattentive to their young." just why the managers, when they carefully mentioned the arrival of calves, colts, lambs and mules, did not also transmit news of the advent of the more valuable two-legged live stock, is not apparent. in many reports, however, in accounting for the time of slaves, occur such entries as: "by cornelia in child bed days." occasionally the fact and sex of the increase is mentioned, but not often. washington was much more likely to take notice of deaths than of increases. "dorcas, daughter of phillis, died, which makes negroes lost this winter," he wrote in . he strove to safeguard the health of his slaves and employed a physician by the year to attend to them, the payment, during part of the time at least, being fifteen pounds per annum. in this physician was a certain james laurie, evidently not a man of exemplary character, for washington wrote, april , , "doctr. laurie came here. i may add drunk." another physician was a doctor brown, another doctor william rumney, and in later years it was washington's old friend doctor craik. i have noticed two instances of washington's sending slaves considerable distances for medical treatment. one boy, christopher, bitten by a dog, went to a "specialist" at lebanon, pennsylvania, for treatment to avert madness, and another, tom, had an operation performed on his eyes, probably for cataract. when at home the farmer personally helped to care for sick slaves. he had a special building erected near the mansion house for use as a hospital. once he went to winchester in the shenandoah region especially to look after slaves ill with smallpox "and found everything in the utmost confusion, disorder, and backwardness. got blankets and every other requisite from winchester, and settied things on the best footing i could." as he had had smallpox when at barbadoes, he had no fear of contagion. among the entries in his diary are: "visited my plantations and found two negroes sick ... ordered them to be blooded." "found that lightening had struck my quarters and near negroes in it, some very bad but by letting blood recovered." "found the new negro cupid ill of a pleurisy at dogue run quarter and had him brot home in a cart for better care of him.... cupid extremely ill all this day and night. when i went to bed i thought him within a few hours of breathing his last." however, cupid recovered. in his contracts with overseers washington stipulated proper care of the slaves. once he complained to his manager that the generality of the overseers seem to "view the poor creatures in scarcely any other light than they do a draught horse or ox; neglecting them as much when they are unable to work; instead of comforting and nursing them when they lye on a sick bed." again he wrote: "when i recommended care of and attention to my negros in sickness, it was that the first stage of, and the whole progress through the disorders with which they might be seized (if more than a slight indisposition) should be closely watched, and timely applications and remedies be administered; especially in the pleurisies, and all inflammatory disorders accompanied with pain, when a few day's neglect, or want of bleeding might render the ailment incurable. in such cases sweeten'd teas, broths and (according to the nature of the complaint, and the doctor's prescription) sometimes a little wine, may be necessary to nourish and restore the patient; and these i am perfectly willing to allow, when it is requisite." yet again he complains that the overseers "seem to consider a negro much in the same light as they do the brute beasts, on the farms, and often times treat them as inhumanly." his slaves by no means led lives of luxury and inglorious ease. a friendly polish poet who visited mount vernon in was shocked by the poor quarters and rough food provided for them. he wrote: "we entered some negroes' huts--for their habitations cannot be called houses. they are far more miserable than the poorest of the cottages of our peasants. the husband and his wife sleep on a miserable bed, the children on the floor. a very poor chimney, a little kitchen furniture amid this misery--a tea-kettle and cups.... a small orchard with vegetables was situated close to the hut. five or six hens, each with ten or fifteen chickens, walked there. that is the only pleasure allowed to the negroes: they are not permitted to keep either ducks or geese or pigs." yet all the slaves he saw seemed gay and light-hearted and on sundays played at pitching the bar with an activity and zest that indicated that they managed to keep from being overworked and found some enjoyment in life. to our farmer's orderly and energetic soul his shiftless lazy blacks were a constant trial. in his diary for february, , he records that four of his carpenters had only hewed about one hundred twenty feet of timber in a day, so he tried the experiment of sitting down and watching them. they at once fell to with such energy and worked so rapidly that he concluded that each one ought to hew about one hundred twenty-five feet per day and more when the days were longer. a later set of carpenters seem to have been equally trifling, for of them he said in : "there is not to be found so idle a set of rascals.--in short, it appears to me, that to make even a chicken coop, would employ all of them a week." "it is observed by the weekly report," he wrote when president, "that the sowers make only six shirts a week, and the last week caroline (without being sick) made only five;--mrs. washington says their usual task was to make nine with shoulder straps, & good sewing:--tell them therefore from me, that what _has_ been done _shall_ be done by fair or foul means; & they had better make a choice of the first, for their own reputation, & for the sake of peace and quietness otherwise they will be sent to the several plantations, & be placed at common labor under the overseers thereat. their work ought to be well examined, or it will be most shamefully executed, whether little or much of it is done--and it is said, the same attention ought to be given to peter (& i suppose to sarah likewise) or the stockings will be knit too small for those for whom they are intended; such being the idleness, & deceit of those people." "what kind of sickness is betty davis's?" he demands on another occasion. "if pretended ailments, without apparent causes, or visible effects, will screen her from work, i shall get no work at all from her;--for a more lazy, deceitful and impudent huzzy is not to be found in the united states than she is." "i observe what you say of betty davis &ct," he wrote a little later, "but i never found so much difficulty as you seem to apprehend in distinguishing between _real_ and _feigned_ sickness;--or when a person is much _afflicted_ with pain.--nobody can be very sick without having a fever, nor will a fever or any other disorder continue long upon any one without reducing them.--pain also, if it be such as to yield entirely to its force, week after week, will appear by its effects; but my people (many of them) will lay up a month, at the end of which no visible change in their countenance, nor the loss of an oz of flesh, is discoverable; and their allowance of provision is going on as if nothing ailed them." he not only deemed his negroes lazy, but he had also a low opinion of their honesty. alexandria was full of low shopkeepers who would buy stolen goods from either blacks or whites, and washington declared that not more than two or three of his slaves would refrain from filching anything upon which they could lay their hands. [illustration: spinning house--last building to the right] [illustration: the butler's house and magnolia set out by washington the year of his death] he found that he dared not leave his wine unlocked, because the servants would steal two glasses to every one consumed by visitors and then allege that the visitors had drunk it all. he even suspected the slaves of taking a toll from the clover and timothy seed given them to sow and adopted the practice of having the seed mixed with sand, as that rendered it unsalable and also had the advantage of getting the seed sown more evenly. corn houses and meat houses had to be kept locked, apples picked early, and sheep and pigs watched carefully or the slaves took full advantage of the opportunity. nor can we at this distant day blame them very much or wax so indignant as did their master over their thieveries. they were held to involuntary servitude and if now and then they got the better of their owner and managed to enjoy a few stolen luxuries they merely did a little toward evening the score. but it was poor training for future freedom. the black picture which washington draws of slavery--from the master's standpoint--is exceedingly interesting and significant. the character he gives the slaves is commended to the attention of those persons who continually bemoan the fact that freedom and education have ruined the negroes. one of the famous "rules of civility," which the boy washington so carefully copied, set forth that persons of high degree ought to treat their inferiors "with affibility & courtesie, without arrogancy." there is abundant evidence that when he came to manhood he was reasonably considerate of his slaves, and yet he was a master and ruled them in martinet fashion. his advice to a manager was to keep the blacks at a proper distance, "for they will grow upon familiarity in proportion as you will sink in authority." the english farmer parkinson records that the first time he walked with general washington among his negroes he was amazed at the rough manner in which he spoke to them. this does not mean that washington cursed his negroes as the mate of a mississippi river boat does his roustabouts, but i suspect that those who have heard such a mate can form an idea of the _tone_ employed by our farmer that so shocked parkinson. military officers still employ it toward their men. corporal punishment was resorted to on occasion, but not to extremes. the master writes regarding a runaway: "let abram get his deserts when taken, by way of example; but do not trust to crow to give it to him;--for i have reason to believe he is swayed more by passion than by judgment in all his corrections." tradition says that on one occasion he found an overseer brutally beating one of the blacks and, indignant at the sight, sprang from his horse and, whip in hand, strode up to the overseer, who was so affrighted that he backed away crying loudly: "remember your character, general, remember your character!" the general paused, reprimanded the overseer for cruelty and rode off. among his slaves were some that were too unruly to be managed by ordinary means. in the early seventies he had such a one on a plantation in york county, will shag by name, who was a persistent runaway, and who whipped the overseer and was obstreperous generally. another slave committed so serious an offense that he was tried under state law and >vas executed. when a bondman became particularly fractious he was threatened with being sent to the west indies, a place held in as much dread as was "down the river" in later years. in washington sent such a fellow off and to the captain of the ship that carried the slave away he wrote: "with this letter comes a negro (tom) which i beg the favor of you to sell in any of the islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bring me in return for him "one hhd of best molasses "one ditto of best rum "one barrel of lymes, if good and cheap "one pot of tamarinds, containing about lbs. "two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats, about lbs. each. and the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. that this fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho he was by no means remarkable for the former, and never practiced the latter till of late) i shall not pretend to deny. but that he is exceedingly healthy, strong, and good at the hoe, the whole neighborhood can testify, and particularly mr. johnson and his son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope that he may with your good management sell well, if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale." another "misbehaving fellow" named waggoner jack was sent off in and was sold for "one pipe and quarter cask" of wine. somewhat later ( ) matilda's ben became addicted to evil courses and among other things committed an assault and battery on sambo, for which he received corporal punishment duly approved by our farmer, whose earnest desire it was "that quarrels be stopped." evidently the remedy was insufficient, for not long after the absent owner wrote: "i am very sorry that so likely a fellow as matilda's ben should addict himself to such courses as he is pursuing. if he should be guilty of any atrocious crime that would affect his life, he might be given up to the civil authority for trial; but for such offenses as most of his color are guilty of, you had better try further correction, accompanied by admonition and advice. the two latter sometimes succeed where the first has failed. he, his father and mother (who i dare say are his receivers) may be told in explicit language, that if a stop is not put to his rogueries and other villainies, by fair means and shortly, that i will ship him off (as i did waggoner jack) for the west indies, where he will have no opportunity of playing such pranks as he is at present engaged in." a few of the negroes occupied positions of some trust and responsibility. one named davy was for many years manager of muddy hole farm, and washington thought that he carried on his work as well as did the white overseers and more quietly than some, though rather negligent of live stock. each year at killing time he was allowed two or three hundredweight of pork as well as other privileges not accorded to the ordinary slave. still his master did not entirely trust him, for in we find that washington suspected davy of having stolen some lambs that had been reported as "lost." the most famous of the mount vernon negroes was william lee, better known as billy, whose purchase from mary lee has already been noticed. billy was washington's valet and huntsman and served with him throughout the revolution as a body servant, rode with him at reviews and was painted by savage in the well-known group of the president and his family. naturally billy put on airs and presumed a good deal upon his position. on one occasion at monmouth the general and his staff were reconnoitering the british, and billy and fellow valets gathered on an adjoining hill beneath a sycamore tree whence billy, telescope in hand, surveyed the enemy with much importance and interest. washington, with a smile, called the attention of his aides to the spectacle. about the same time the british, noticing the group of horsemen and unable to distinguish the color of the riders, paid their respects to billy and his followers in the shape of a solid shot, which went crashing through the top of the tree, whereupon there was a rapid recession of coat tails toward the rear. billy was a good and faithful servant and his master appreciated the fact. in we find washington writing to his philadelphia agent: "the mullatto fellow, william, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. she has been in an infirm condition for some time, and i had conceived that the connexion between them had ceased; but i am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' i never wished to see her more, i can not refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years. after premising this much, i have to beg the favor of you to procure her a passage to alexandria." next year while billy and his master were engaged in surveying a piece of ground he fell and broke his knee pan, with the result that he was crippled ever after. when washington started to new york in to be inaugurated billy insisted upon accompanying him, but gave out on the way and was left at philadelphia. a little later, by the president's direction, lear wrote to return billy to mount vernon, "for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly ... but if he is still anxious to come on here the president would gratify him, altho' he will be troublesome--he has been an old and faithful servant, this is enough for the president to gratify him in every reasonable wish." when billy was at mount vernon he worked as a shoemaker. he kept careful note of visitors to the place and if one arrived who had served in the revolution he invariably received a summons to visit the old negro and as invariably complied. then would ensue a talk of war experiences which both would enjoy, for between those who had experienced the cold at valley forge and the warmth of monmouth there were ties that reached beyond the narrow confines of caste and color. and upon departure the visitor would leave a coin in billy's not unwilling palm. as later noted in detail, washington made special provision for billy in his will, and for years the old negro lived upon his annuity. he was much addicted to drink and now and then, alas, had attacks in which he saw things that were not. on such occasions it was customary to send for another mulatto named westford, who would relieve him by letting a little blood. there came a day when westford arrived and proceeded to perform his customary office, but the blood refused to flow. billy was dead. washington's kindness to billy was more or less paralleled by his treatment of other servants. even when president he would write letters for his slaves to their wives and "tel bosos" and would inclose them with his own letters to mount vernon. he appreciated the fact that slaves were capable of human feelings like other men and in , when trying to purchase a mason, he instructed his agent not to buy if by so doing he would "hurt the man's feelings" by breaking family ties. even when dying, noting black cristopher by his bed, he directed him to sit down and rest. it was a little thing, but kindness is largely made up of little things. the course taken by him in training a personal servant is indicated by some passages from his correspondence. writing from the capital to pearce, december, , regarding a young negro, washington says: "if cyrus continues to give evidence of such qualities as would fit him for a waiting man, encourage him to persevere in them; and if they should appear to be sincere and permanent, i will receive him in that character when i retire from public life if not sooner.--to be sober, attentive to his duty, honest, obliging and cleanly, are the qualifications necessary to fit him for my purposes.--if he possess these, or can acquire them--he might become useful to me, at the same time that he would exalt, and benefit himself." "i would have you again stir up the pride of cyrus," he wrote the next may, "that he may be the fitter for my purposes against i come home; sometime before which (that is as soon as i shall be able to fix on time) i will direct him to be taken into the house, and clothes to be made for him.--in the meanwhile, get him a strong horn comb and direct him to keep his head well combed, that the hair, or wool may grow long." once when president word reached his ears that he was being criticized for not furnishing his slaves with sufficient food. he hurriedly directed that the amount should be increased and added: "i will not have my feelings hurt with complaints of this sort, nor lye under the imputation of starving my negros, and thereby driving them to the necessity of thieving to supply the deficiency. to prevent waste or embezzlement is the only inducement to allowancing them at all--for if, instead of a peck they could eat a bushel of meal a week fairly, and required it, i would not withold or begrudge it them." there is good reason to believe that washington was respected and even beloved by many of his "people." colonel humphreys, who was long at mount vernon arranging the general's papers, wrote descriptive of the return at the close of the revolution: "when that foul stain of manhood, slavery, flowed, through afric's sons transmitted in the blood; hereditary slaves his kindness shar'd, for manumission by degrees prepared: return'd from war, i saw them round him press and all their speechless glee by artless signs express." on the whole we must conclude that the lot of the mount vernon slaves was a reasonably happy one. the regulations to which they had to conform were rigorous. their master strove to keep them at work and to prevent them from "night walking," that is running about at night visiting. their work was rough, and even the women were expected to labor in the fields plowing, grubbing and hauling manure as if they were men. but they had rations of corn meal, salt pork and salt fish, whisky and rum at christmas, chickens and vegetables raised by themselves and now and then a toothsome pig sequestered from the master's herd. when the annual races were held at alexandria they were permitted to go out into the world and gaze and gabble to their heart's content. and, not least of all, an inscrutable providence had vouchsafed to ham one great compensation that whatever his fortune or station he should usually be cheerful. the negro has not that "sad lucidity of mind" that curses his white cousin and leads to general mental wretchedness and suicide. some of the mount vernon slaves were of course more favored than were others. the domestic and personal servants lived lives of culture and inglorious ease compared with those of the field hands. they formed the aristocracy of colored mount vernon society and gave themselves airs accordingly. nominally our farmer's slaves were probably all christians, though i have found no mention in his papers of their spiritual state. but tradition says that some of them at dogue run at least were voudoo or "conjuring" negroes. washington owned slaves and lived his life under the institution of slavery, but he loved it not. he was too honest and keen-minded not to realize that the institution did not square with the principles of human liberty for which he had fought, and yet the problem of slavery was so vast and complicated that he was puzzled how to deal with it. but as early as he wrote to john f. mercer, of virginia: "i never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my _first_ wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law." the running away of his colored cook a decade later subjected him to such trials that he wrote that he would probably have to break his resolution. he did, in fact, carry on considerable correspondence to that end and seems to have taken one man on trial, but i have found no evidence that he discovered a negro that suited him. in , in explaining to tobias lear his reasons for desiring to sell some of his western lands, he said: "_besides these i have another motive which_ makes me earnestly wish for these things--it is indeed more powerful than all the rest--namely to liberate a certain species of property which i possess very repugnantly to my own feelings; but which imperious necessity compels, and until i can substitute some other expedient, by which expenses, not in my power to avoid (however well i may be disposed to do it) can be defrayed." later in the same year he wrote to general alexander spotswood: "with respect to the other species of property, concerning which you ask my opinion, i shall frankly declare to you that i do not like even to think, much less to talk of it.--however, as you have put the question, i shall, in a few words, give _my ideas_ about it.--were it not then, that i am principled agt. selling negroes, as you would cattle at a market, i would not in twelve months from this date, be possessed of one as a slave.--i shall be happily mistaken, if they are not found to be a very troublesome species of property ere many years pass over our heads." "i wish from my soul that the legislature of the state could see the policy of a gradual abolition of slavery," he wrote to lawrence lewis three years later. "it might prevent much future mischief." his ideas on the subject were in accord with those of many other great southerners of his day such as madison and jefferson. these men realized the inconsistency of slavery in a republic dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, and vaguely they foresaw the irrepressible conflict that was to divide their country and was to be fought out on a hundred bloody battle-fields. they did not attempt to defend slavery as other than a temporary institution to be eliminated whenever means and methods could be found to do it. not until the cotton gin had made slavery more profitable and radical abolitionism arose in the north did southerners of prominence begin to champion slavery as praiseworthy and permanent. and yet, though washington in later life deplored slavery, he was human and illogical enough to dislike losing his negroes and pursued runaways with energy. in october, , he spent seven shillings in advertising for an absconder, and the next year paid a minister named green four pounds for taking up a runaway. in he advertised rewards for the capture of "negro tom," evidently the man he later sold in the west indies. the return of henry in cost him £ . . several slaves were carried away by the british during the revolution and seem never to have been recovered, though the treaty of peace provided for the return of such slaves, and washington made inquiries concerning them. in , apropos of a girl who had absconded to new england, he excused his desire to recapture her on the ground that as long as slavery was in existence it was hardly fair to allow some to escape and to hold others. a rather peculiar situation arose in with regard to some of his "people," his attorney general, randolph, had taken some slaves to philadelphia, and the blacks took advantage of the fact that under pennsylvania law they could not be forced to leave the state against their will. fearing that some of his own servants might do likewise, washington directed lear to get the slaves back to mount vernon and to accomplish it "under pretext that may deceive both them and the public," which goes to show that even george washington had some of the guile of the serpent. during this period he was loath to bring the fact that he was a slaveholder too prominently before the public, for he realized the prejudice already existing against the institution in the north. when one of his men absconded in he gave instructions not to let his name appear in any advertisement of the runaway, at least not north of virginia. his final judgment on slavery is expressed in his will. "upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire," he wrote, "that all the slaves which i hold _in my own right_ shall receive their freedom--to emancipate them during her life, would tho earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriages with the dower negroes as to excite the most painful sensations,--if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held to manumit them." the number of his own slaves at the time of his death was one hundred twenty-four. of dower negroes there were one hundred fifty-three, and besides he had forty leased from a mrs. french. he expressly forbade the sale of any slave or his transportation out of virginia, and made provision for the care of the aged, the young and the infirm. he gave immediate freedom to his mulatto man, calling himself william lee, or if he should prefer it, being physically incapacitated, he might remain in slavery. in either case he was to have an annuity of thirty dollars and the "victuals and cloaths he has been accustomed to receive." "this i give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war." as a matter of fact, mrs. washington preferred to free her own and the general's negroes as soon as possible and it was accordingly done before her death, which occurred in . one of the servants thus freed, by name cary, lived to the alleged age of one hundred fourteen years and finally died in washington city. he was a personage of considerable importance among the colored population of the capital, and on fourth of july and other parades would always appear in an old military coat, cocked hat and huge cockade presented by his master. his funeral was largely attended even by white persons. chapter xiii the farmer's wife martha dandridge's first husband was a man much older than herself and her second was almost a year younger. before she embarked upon her second matrimonial venture she had been the mother of four children, and having lost two of these, her husband, her father and mother, she had known, though only twenty-seven, most of the vital experiences that life can give. perhaps it was well, for thereby she was better fitted to be the mate of a man sober and sedate in disposition and created by nature to bear heavy burdens of responsibility. in view of the important places her husband filled, it is astonishing how little we really know of her. washington occasionally refers to her in his letters and diaries, but usually in an impersonal way that gives us little insight into her character or activities. she purposely destroyed almost all the correspondence that passed between her and her husband and very little else remains that she wrote. from the few letters that do survive it is apparent that her education was slender, though no more so than that of most women of her day even in the upper class. she had a fondness for phonetic spelling, and her verbs and subjects often indulged in family wrangles. she seems to have been conscious of her deficiencies in this direction or at least to have disliked writing, for not infrequently the general acted as her amanuensis. but she was well trained in social and domestic accomplishments, could dance and play on the spinet--in short, was brought up a "gentlewoman." that she must in youth have possessed charm of person and manners is indicated by her subjugation of daniel parke custis, a man of the world and of much greater fortune than herself, and by her later conquest of washington, for, though it be admitted in the latter case that george may not have objected to her fortune, we can not escape the conclusion that he truly loved her. in fact, the match seems to have been ideally successful in every respect except one. the contracting parties remained reasonably devoted to each other until the end and though tradition says that martha would sometimes read george a curtain lecture after they had retired from company, there remains no record of any serious disagreement. though not brilliant nor possessed of a profound mind, she was a woman of much good sense with an understanding heart. nor did she lack firmness or public spirit. edmund pendleton relates that when on his way to the continental congress in he stopped at mount vernon, "she talked like a spartan mother to her son on going to battle. 'i hope you will all stand firm--i know george will,' she said." the poorest artisan in boston with nothing to lose but his life did not embrace the patriot cause with any greater eagerness than did these washingtons with their broad acres and thousands of pounds on bond. there is every reason to believe that martha washington was helpful to her husband in many ways. at home she was a good housewife and when washington was in public life she played her part well. no brilliant sallies of wit spoken by her on any occasion have come down to us, but we know that at valley forge she worked day and night knitting socks, patching garments and making shirts for the loyal band of winter patriots who stood by their leader and their cause in the darkest hour of the revolution. a norristown lady who paid her a call in the little stone house that still stands beside the schuylkill relates that "as she was said to be so grand a lady, we thought we must put on our best bibs and bands. so we dressed ourselves in our most elegant ruffles and silks, and were introduced to her ladyship. and don't you think we found her _knitting with a specked apron on!_ she received us very graciously, and easily, but after the compliments were over, she resumed her knitting." but the marriage was a failure in that there were no children. no doubt both wanted them, for washington was fond of young people and many anecdotes are handed down of his interest in little tots. some one has remarked that he was deprived of offspring in order that he might become the father of his country. toward those near and dear to her martha washington was almost foolishly affectionate. in one of her letters she tells of a visit "in westmoreland whare i spent a weak very agreabley. i carred my little patt with me and left jackey at home for a trial to see how well i coud stay without him though we ware gon but won fortnight i was quite impatiant to get home. if i at aney time heard the doggs barke or a noise out, i thought thair was a person sent for me. i often fancied he was sick or some accident had happened to him so that i think it is impossible for me to leave him as long as mr. washington must stay when he comes down." any parent who has been absent from home under similar circumstances and who has imagined the infinite variety of dreadful things that might befall a loved child will sympathize with the mother's heart--in spite of the poor spelling! patty custis was an amiable and beautiful girl who when she grew up came to be called "the dark lady." but she was delicate in health. some writers have said that she had consumption, but as her stepfather repeatedly called it "fits," i think it is certain that it was some form of epilepsy. her parents did everything possible to restore her, but in vain. once they took her to bath, now berkeley springs, for several weeks and the expenses of that journey we find all duly set down by colonel washington in the proper place. as paul leicester ford remarks, some of the remedies tried savored of quackery. in the diary, for february , , we learn that "joshua evans who came here last night put an iron ring upon patey and went away after breakfast." perhaps evans failed to make the ring after the old medieval rule from three nails or screws that had been taken from a disinterred coffin. at any rate the ring did poor patty little good and a year later "mr. jno. johnson who has a nostrum for fits came here in the afternoon." in the spring of the dark lady died. her death added considerably to washington's possessions, but there is every evidence that he gave no thought to that aspect of the matter. "her delicate health, or perhaps her fond affection for the only father she had ever known, so endeared her to the 'general', that he knelt at her dying bed, and with a passionate burst of tears prayed aloud that her life might be spared, unconscious that even then her spirit had departed." the next day he wrote to his brother-in-law: "it is an easier matter to conceive than describe the distress of this family: especially that of the unhappy parent of our dear patey custis, when i inform you that yesterday removed the sweet innocent girl [who] entered into a more happy & peaceful abode than any she has met with in the afflicted path she hitherto has trod." before this john parke custis, or "jacky," had given his stepfather considerable anxiety. jacky's mind turned chiefly from study to dogs, horses and guns and, in an effort, to "make him fit for more useful purposes than horse races," washington put him under the tutorship of an anglican clergyman named jonathan boucher, who endeavored to instruct some of the other gilded virginia youths of his day. but latin and greek were far less interesting to the boy than the pretty eyes of eleanor calvert and the two entered into a clandestine engagement. in all respects save one the match was eminently satisfactory, for the calvert family, being descended from lord baltimore, was as good as any in america, and miss nelly's amiable qualities, wrote washington, had endeared her to her prospective relations, but both were very young, jack being about seventeen, and the girl still younger. while consenting to the match, therefore, washington insisted that its consummation should be postponed for two years and packed the boy off to king's college, now columbia. but martha washington was a fond and doting mother and, as patty's death occurred almost immediately, jack's absence in distant new york was more than she could bear. he was, therefore, allowed to return home in three months instead of two years, and in february, , was wedded to the girl of his choice. mrs. washington felt the loss of her daughter too keenly to attend, but sent this message by her husband: "my dear nelly.--god took from me a daughter when june roses were blooming--he has now given me another daughter about her age when winter winds are blowing, to warm my heart again. i am as happy as one so afflicted and so blest can be. pray receive my benediction and a wish that you may long live the loving wife of my happy son, and a loving daughter of "your affectionate mother, "m. washington." the marriage, it may be added here, sobered john custis. he and his bride established themselves at abingdon on the potomac, not far from mount vernon, and with their little ones were often visitors, especially when the general was away to the war and mrs. washington was alone. toward the close of the war jack himself entered the army, rose to the rank of colonel and died of fever contracted in the siege of yorktown. thus again was the mother's heart made sorrowful, nor did the general himself accept the loss unmoved. he at once adopted the two youngest children, eleanor and george washington parke, and brought them up in his own family. eleanor custis, or "nelly," as she was affectionately called, grew up a joyous, beautiful cultured girl, who won the hearts of all who saw her. the polish poet, julian niemcewicz, who visited mount vernon in , wrote of her as "the divine miss custis.... she was one of those celestial beings so rarely produced by nature, sometimes dreamt of by poets and painters, which one cannot see without a feeling of ecstacy." as already stated, she married the general's nephew, lawrence lewis. in september, , washington told the pair that they might build a house on grey's heights on the dogue run farm and rent the farm, "by all odds the best and most productive i possess," promising that on his death the place should go to them. death came before the house was built, but later the pair erected on the heights "woodlawn," one of the most beautiful and pretentious places in fairfax county. george washington parke custis grew up much such a boy as his father was. he took few matters seriously and neglected the educational opportunities thrown in his way. washington said of him that "from his infancy i have discovered an almost unconquerable disposition to indolence in everything that did not tend to his amusements." but he loved the boy, nevertheless, and late in life custis confessed, "we have seen him shed tears of parental solicitude over the manifold errors and follies of our unworthy youth." the boy had a good heart, however, and if he was the source of worry to the great man during the great man's life, he at least did what he could to keep the great man's memory green. he wrote a book of recollections full of filial affection and latin phrases and painted innumerable war pictures in which washington was always in the foreground on a white horse "with the british streaking it." washington bequeathed to him a square in the city of washington and twelve hundred acres on four mile run in the vicinity of alexandria. upon land near by inherited from his father custis built the famous arlington mansion, almost ruining himself financially in doing so. upon his death the estate fell to his daughter, mrs. robert e. lee, and it is now our greatest national cemetery. mrs. washington not only managed the mount vernon household, but she looked after the spinning of yarn, the weaving of cloth and the making of clothing for the family and for the great horde of slaves. at times, particularly during the revolution and the non-importation days that preceded it, she had as many as sixteen spinning-wheels in operation at once. the work was done in a special spinning house, which was well equipped with looms, wheels, reels, flaxbrakes and other machinery. most of the raw material, such as wool and flax and sometimes even cotton, was produced upon the place and never left it until made up into the finished product. in the white man and five negro girls employed in the work produced - / yards of linen, - / yards of woolen cloth, yards of linsey and yards of cotton cloth. with his usual pains washington made a comparative statement of the cost of this cloth produced at home and what it would have cost him if it had been purchased in england, and came to the conclusion that only £ . . would be left to defray the expense of spinning, hire of the six persons engaged, "cloathing, victualling, wheels, &c." still the work was kept going. a great variety of fabrics were produced: "striped woolen, wool plaided, cotton striped, linen, wool-birdseye, cotton filled with wool, linsey, m's and o's, cotton indian dimity, cotton jump stripe, linen filled with tow, cotton striped with silk, roman m., janes twilled, huccabac, broadcloth, counter-pain, birdseye diaper, kirsey wool, barragon, fustian, bed-ticking, herring-box, and shalloon." in non-importation days mrs. washington even made the cloth for two of her own gowns, using cotton striped with silk, the latter being obtained from the ravellings of brown silk stockings and crimson damask chair covers. the housewife believed in good cheer and an abundance of it, and the larders at mount vernon were kept well filled. once the general protested to lund washington because so many hogs had been killed, whereupon the manager replied that when he put up the meat he had expected that mrs. washington would have been at home and that he knew there would be need for it because her "charitable disposition is in the same proportion as her meat house." [illustration: weekly report on the work of the spinners] she had a swarm of relatives by blood and marriage and they visited her long and often. the burwells, the bassetts, the dandridges and all the rest came so frequently that hardly a week passed that at least one of them did not sleep beneath the hospitable roof. even her stepmother paid her many visits and, what is more, was strongly urged by the general to make the place her permanent home. when mrs. washington was at home during the revolution her son and her daughter-in-law spent most of their time there. after the revolution her two youngest grandchildren resided at mount vernon, and the two older ones, elizabeth and martha, were often there, as was their mother, who married as her second husband doctor stuart, a man whom washington highly esteemed. it would be foolish to deny that mrs. washington did not take pleasure in the honors heaped upon her husband or that she did not enjoy the consideration that accrued to her as first lady of the land. yet public life at times palled upon her and she often spoke of the years of the presidency as her "lost days." new york and philadelphia, she said, were "not home, only a sojourning. the general and i feel like children just released from school or from a hard taskmaster.... how many dear friends i have left behind! they fill my memory with sweet thoughts. shall i ever see them again? not likely unless they come to me, for the twilight is gathering around our lives. i am again fairly settled down to the pleasant duties of an old-fashioned virginia-housekeeper, steady as a clock, busy as a bee, and cheerful as a cricket." that she did not overdraw her account of her industry is borne out by a mrs. carrington, who, with her husband, one of the general's old officers, visited mount vernon about this time. she wrote: "let us repair to the old lady's room, which is precisely in the style of our good old aunt's--that is to say, nicely fixed for all sorts of work--on one side sits the chambermaid, with her knitting--on the other, a little colored pet learning to sew, an old decent woman, with her table and shears, cutting out the negroes' winter clothes, while the good old lady directs them all, incessantly knitting herself and pointing out to me several pair of nice colored stockings and gloves she had just finished, and presenting me with a pair half done, which she begs i will finish and wear for her. her netting too is a great source of amusement and is so neatly done that all the family are proud of trimming their dresses with it." this domestic life was dear to the heart of our farmer's wife, yet the home-coming did not fail to awaken some melancholy memories. to mrs. george fairfax in england she wrote, or rather her husband wrote for her: "the changes which have taken place in this country since you left it (and it is pretty much the case in all other parts of this state) are, in one word, total. in alexandria, i do not believe there lives at this day a single family with whom you had the smallest acquaintance. in our neighborhood colo. mason, colo. mccarty and wife, mr. chickester, mr. lund washington and all the wageners, have left the stage of human life; and our visitors on the maryland side are gone and going likewise." how many people have had like thoughts! one of the many sad things about being the "last leaf upon the tree" is having to watch the other leaves shrivel and drop off and to be left at last in utter loneliness. like her husband, mrs. washington was an early riser, and it was a habit she seems to have kept up until the end. she rose with the sun and after breakfast invariably retired to her room for an hour of prayer and reading the scriptures. her devotions over she proceeded with the ordinary duties of the day. she seems to have been somewhat fond of ceremony and to have had a considerable sense of personal dignity. a daughter of augustine washington, who when twelve years of age spent several weeks at mount vernon, related when an old woman that every morning precisely at eleven o'clock the mistress of the mansion expected her company to assemble in the drawing-room, where she greeted them with much formality and kept them an hour on their good behavior. when the clock struck twelve she would rise and ascend to her chamber, returning thence precisely at one, followed by a black servant carrying an immense bowl of punch, from which the guests were expected to partake before dinner. some of the younger girls became curious to discover why her "ladyship" retired so invariably to her room, so they slipped out from where she was entertaining their mothers, crept upstairs and hid under her bed. presently lady washington entered and took a seat before a large table. a man-servant then brought a large empty bowl, also lemons, sugar, spices and rum, with which she proceeded to prepare the punch. the young people under the bed thereupon fell to giggling until finally she became aware of their presence. much offended, or at least pretending to be, she ordered them from the room. they retired with such precipitancy that one of them fell upon the stairway and broke her arm. another story is to the effect that one morning nelly custis, miss dandridge and some other girls who were visiting nelly came down to breakfast dressed dishabille and with their hair done up in curl papers. mrs. washington did not rebuke them and the meal proceeded normally until the announcement was made that some french officers of rank and young charles carroll, of carrollton, who was interested in miss custis, had driven up outside, whereupon the foolish virgins sprang up to leave the room in order to make more conventional toilets. but mrs. washington forbade their doing so, declaring that what was good enough for general washington was good enough for any guest of his. she spoiled george washington custis as she had his father, but was more severe with eleanor or nelly. washington bought the girl a fine imported harpsichord, which cost a thousand dollars and which is still to be seen at mount vernon, and the grandmother made nelly practise upon it four or five hours a day. "the poor girl," relates her brother, "would play and cry, and cry and play, for long hours, under the immediate eye of her grandmother." for no shirking was allowed. the truth would seem to be that lady washington was more severe with the young--always excepting jacky and george--than was her husband. he would often watch their games with evident enjoyment and would encourage them to continue their amusements and not to regard him. he was the confidant of their hopes and fears and even amid tremendous cares of state found time to give advice about their love affairs. for he was a very human man, after all, by no means the marble statue sculptured by some historians. yet no doubt mrs. washington's severity proceeded from a sense of duty and the fitness of things rather than from any harshness of heart. the little old lady who wrote: "kiss marie. i send her two handkerchiefs to wipe her nose," could not have been so very terrible! she was beloved by her servants and when she left mount vernon for new york in young robert lewis reported that "numbers of these poor wretches seemed most affected, my aunt equally so." at alexandria she stopped at doctor stuart's, the home of two of her grandchildren, and next morning there was another affecting scene, such as lewis never again wished to witness--"the family in tears--the children a-bawling--& everything in the most lamentable situation." although she was not the paragon that some writers have pictured, she was a splendid home-loving american woman, brave in heart and helpful to her husband, neither a drone nor a drudge--in the true scriptural sense a worthy woman who sought wool and flax and worked willingly with her hands. as such her price was far beyond rubies. as has been remarked before, no brilliant sayings from her lips have been transmitted to posterity. but i suspect that the shivering soldiers on the bleak hillsides at valley forge found more comfort in the warm socks she knitted than they could have in the _bon mots_ of a madame de stael or in the grace of a josephine and that her homely interest in their welfare tied their hearts closer to their leader and their country. it is not merely because she was the wife of the hero of the revolution and the first president of the republic that she is the most revered of all american women. chapter xiv a farmer's amusements no one would ever think of characterizing george washington as frivolous minded, but from youth to old age he was a believer in the adage that all work and no play makes jack a dull boy--a saying that many an overworked farmer of our own day would do well to take to heart. like most virginians he was decidedly a social being and loved to be in the company of his kind. this trait was noticeable in his youth and during his early military career, nor did it disappear after he married and settled down at mount vernon. until the end he and mrs. washington kept open house, and what a galaxy of company they had! scarcely a day passed without some guest crossing their hospitable threshold, nor did such visitors come merely to leave their cards or to pay fashionable five-minute calls. they invariably stayed to dinner and most generally for the night; very often for days or weeks at a time. after the revolution the number of guests increased to such an extent that mount vernon became "little better than a well-resorted inn." artists came to paint the great man's picture; the sculptor houdon to take the great man's bust, arriving from alexandria, by the way, after the family had gone to bed; the marquis de lafayette to visit his old friend; mrs. macaulay graham to obtain material for her history; noah webster to consider whether he would become the tutor of young custis; mr. john fitch, november , , "to propose a draft & model of a machine for promoting navigation by means of a steam"; charles thomson, secretary of the continental congress, to notify the general of his election to the presidency; a host of others, some out of friendship, others from mere curiosity or a desire for free lodging. the visit of lafayette was the last he made to this country while the man with whose fame his name is inseparably linked remained alive. he visited mount vernon in august, , and again three months later. when the time for a final adieu came washington accompanied him to annapolis and saw him on the road to baltimore. the generous young benefactor of america was very dear to washington, and the parting affected him exceedingly. soon after he wrote to the departed friend a letter in which he showed his heart in a way that was rare with him. "in the moment of our separation," said he, "upon the road as i travelled, and every hour since, i have felt all the love, respect, and attachment for you with which length of years, close connextion, and your merits have inspired me. i have often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight i ever should have of you." it was a true foreboding. often in times that followed washington was to receive tidings of his friend's triumphs and perilous adventures amid the bloody turmoil of the french revolution, was to entertain his son at mount vernon when the father lay in the dark dungeons of olmütz, but was never again to look into his face. years later the younger man, revisiting the grateful republic he had helped to found, was to turn aside from the acclaiming plaudits of admiring multitudes and stand pensively beside the tomb of his leader and reflect upon the years in which they had stood gloriously shoulder to shoulder in defense of a noble cause. even when washington was at the seat of government many persons stopped at mount vernon and were entertained by the manager. several times the absent owner sent wine and other luxuries for the use of such guests. when he was at home friends, relatives, diplomats, delegations of indians to visit the great white father swarmed thither in shoals. in young lafayette and his tutor, monsieur frestel, whom washington thought a very sensible man, made the place, by invitation, their home for several months. in the summer of that year washington wrote to his old secretary, tobias lear: "i am alone at _present_, and shall be glad to see you this evening. unless some one pops in unexpectedly--mrs. washington and myself will do what i believe has not been done within the last twenty years by us,--that is to set down to dinner by ourselves." washington was the soul of hospitality. he enjoyed having people in his house and eating at his board, but there is evidence that toward the last he grew somewhat weary of the stream of strangers. but neither then nor at any other time in his life did he show his impatience to a visitor or turn any man from his door. his patience, was sorely tried at times. for example, we find in his diary under date of september , : "at night, a man of the name of purdie, came to offer himself to me as a housekeeper or household steward--he had some testimonials respecting his character--but being intoxicated, and in other respects appearing in an unfavorable light i informed him that he would not answer my purpose, but that he might stay all night." no matter how many visitors came the farmer proceeded about his business as usual, particularly in the morning, devoting dinner time and certain hours of the afternoon and evening to those who were sojourning with him. he was obliged, in self-defense, to adopt some such course. he wrote: "my manner of living is plain, and i do not mean to be put out by it. a glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready, and such as will be content to partake of them are always welcome. those who expect more will be disappointed." after his retirement from the presidency he induced his nephew lawrence lewis to come to mount vernon and take over some of the duties of entertaining guests, particularly in the evening, as washington had reached an age when he was averse to staying up late. lewis not only performed the task satisfactorily, but found incidental diversion that led to matrimony. every visitor records that the farmer was a kind and considerate host. elkanah watson relates that one bitter winter night at mount vernon, having a severe cold that caused him to cough incessantly, he heard the door of his chamber open gently and there stood the general with a candle in one hand and a bowl of hot tea in another. doubtless george and martha had heard the coughing and in family council had decided that their guest must have attention. washington was a cavalier, not a puritan, and had none of the old new england prejudice against the theater. in fact, it was one of his fondest pleasures from youth to old age. in his barbadoes journal he records being "treated with a play ticket by mr. carter to see the tragedy of george barnwell acted." in he attended a performance at fredericksburg and thereafter, whenever occasion offered, which during his earlier years was not often, he took advantage of it. he even expressed a desire to act himself. after his resignation and marriage opportunities were more frequent and in his cash memorandum books are many entries of expenditures for tickets to performances at alexandria and elsewhere. thus on september , , in his daily record of _where & how my time is spent_ he writes that he "& mrs. washington & ye two children were up to alexandria to see the inconstant or way to win him acted." next day he "stayd in town all day & saw the tragedy of douglas playd." such performances were probably given by strolling players who had few accessories in the way of scenery to assist them in creating their illusions. in september, , when at annapolis to attend the races, he went to plays four times in five days, the fifth day being sunday. two years later, being in new york city, he saw _hamlet_ and _cross purposes_. on many occasions both in this period of his life and later he went to sleight of hand performances, wax works, puppet shows, animal shows, "to hear the armonica," concerts and other entertainments. the "association" resolutions of frugality and self-denial by the continental congress put an end temporarily to plays in the colonies outside the british lines and put washington into a greater play, "not, as he once wished, as a performer, but as a character." there were amateur performances at valley forge, but they aroused the hostility of the puritanical, and congress forbade them. washington seems, however, to have disregarded the interdiction after yorktown. he had few opportunities to gratify his fondness for performances in the period of - , but during his presidency, while residing in new york and philadelphia, he was a regular attendant. he gave frequent theater parties, sending tickets to his friends. word that he would attend a play always insured a "full house," and upon his entrance to his box the orchestra would play _hail columbia_ and _washington's march_ amid great enthusiasm. the _federal gazette_ described a performance of _the maid of the mill,_ which he attended in , as follows: "when mr. hodgkinson as lord ainsworth exhibited nobleness of mind in his generosity to the humble miller and his daughter, patty; when he found her blessed with all the qualities that captivate and endear life, and knew she was capable of adorning a higher sphere; when he had interviews with her upon the subject in which was painted the amiableness of an honorable passion; and after his connection, when he bestowed his benefactions on the relatives, etc., of the old miller, the great and good washington manifested his approbation of this interesting part of the opera by the tribute of a tear." another amusement that both the farmer and his wife enjoyed greatly was dancing. in his youth he attended balls and "routs" whenever possible and when fighting french and indians on the frontier he felt as one of his main deprivations his inability to attend the "assemblies." after his marriage he and his wife went often to balls in alexandria, attired no doubt in all the bravery of imported english clothes. he describes a ball of in these terms: "went to a ball at alexandria, where musick and dancing was the chief entertainment, however, in a convenient room detached for the purpose abounded great plenty of bread and butter, some biscuits, with tea and coffee, which the drinkers of could not distinguish from hot water sweet'ned--be it remembered that pocket handkerchiefs served the purposes of table cloths & napkins and that no apologies were made for either. i shall therefore distinguish this ball by the stile and title of the bread & butter ball." a certain mr. christian conducted a dancing school which met at the homes of the patrons, and the custis children, john parke and martha, were members, as were elizabeth french of rose hill, milly posey and others of the neighborhood young people. in the class met four times at mount vernon and we can not doubt that occasionally the host danced with some of the young misses and enjoyed it. an established institution was the election ball, which took place on the night following the choice of the delegate to the burgesses. washington often contributed to the expenses of these balls, particularly when he was himself elected. no doubt they were noisy, hilarious and perhaps now and then a bit rough. much has been written of the dances by which washington and his officers and their ladies helped to while away the tedium of long winters during the revolution, but the story of these has been often told and besides lies outside the limits of this book, as does the dancing at new york and philadelphia during his presidency. there is much conflicting evidence regarding washington's later dancing exploits. some writers say that he never tripped the light fantastic after the revolution and that one of his last participations was at the fredericksburg ball after the capture of cornwallis when he "went down some dozen couple in the contra dance." it is certain, however, that long afterward he would at least walk through one or two dances, even though he did not actually take the steps. one good lady who knew him well asserts that he often danced with nelly custis, and he seems to have danced in when he was sixty-four. but to the invitation to the alexandria assembly early in he replied: "mrs. washington and myself have been honored with your polite invitation to the assemblies of alexandria this winter, and thank you for this mark of your attention. but, alas! our dancing days are no more. we wish, however, all those who have a relish for so agreeable and innocent an amusement all the pleasure the season will afford them." nor was he puritanical in respect to cards. from his account books we find that he ordered them by the dozen packs, and his diaries contain such entries as "at home all day over cards, it snowing." to increase the interest he not infrequently played for money, though rarely for a large amount. "loo" and whist seem to have been the games played, but not "bridge" or draw poker, which were then unknown. from entries in his cash memorandum books it is evident that he loved a quiet game rather frequently. thus in his memorandum for i find the entry for september five: "to cash won at cards" £ . . four days later he writes: "to cash won at cards at mrs. calverts" ten shillings. but on september th he lost £ . ; on september th, £ , and on october th, six shillings. two days later his luck changed and he won £ . , while on the seventh he won £ . . this was the most serious game that i have found a record of, and the cards must either have run well for him or else he had unskilful opponents. the following march, when attending the burgesses at williamsburg, he got into a game, probably at mrs. campbell's tavern, where he took his meals, and dropped £ . . in one of his account books i find two pages devoted to striking a balance between what he won and what he lost from january , , to january , . in that time he won £ . . and lost £ . . . hence we find the entry: "by balance against play from jany. to this date ... £ . . ." but he must have had a lot of fun at a cost of that six pounds three shillings and three pence! it should be remarked here that gaming was then differently regarded in virginia from what it is now. many even of the episcopal clergymen played cards for money and still kept fast hold upon their belief that they would go to heaven. the same may also be said of lotteries, in which washington now and then took a flier. many of the churches of that day, even in new england, were built partly or wholly with money raised in that way. january , , washington states that he has received sixty tickets in the delaware lottery from his friend lord stirling and that he has "put of the above sixty into the hands of the revd. mr. magowan to sell." and "the revd." sold them too! in his journal of the trip to barbadoes taken with his brother lawrence we find that on his way home he attended "a great main of cks [cocks] fought in yorktown between gloucester & york for pistoles each battle & ye. odd." occasionally he seems to have witnessed other mains, but i have found no evidence that he made the practice in any sense a habit. as a counterweight to his interest in so brutal a sport i must state that he was exceedingly fond of afternoon teas and of the social enjoyments connected with tea drinking. tea was regularly served at his army headquarters and in summer afternoons on the mount vernon veranda. there is abundant evidence that he also enjoyed horse racing. in september, , he mentions going "to a purse race at accotinck," a hamlet a few miles below mount vernon where a race track was maintained. in he attended the annapolis races, being a guest of the governor of maryland, and he repeated the trip in . in the following may he went to a race and barbecue at johnson's ferry. george washington custis tells us that the farmer kept blooded horses and that his colt "magnolia" once ran for a purse, presumably losing, as if the event had been otherwise we should probably have been informed of the fact. in washington went to alexandria "to see the jockey club purse run for," and i have noticed a few other references to races, but i conclude that he went less often than some writers would have us believe. washington was decidedly an outdoor man. being six feet two inches tall, and slender rather than heavily made, he was well fitted for athletic sports. tradition says that he once threw a stone across the rappahannock at a spot where no other man could do it, and that he could outjump any one in virginia. he also excelled in the game of putting the bar, as a story related by the artist peale bears witness. of outdoor sports he seems to have enjoyed hunting most. he probably had many unrecorded experiences with deer and turkeys when a surveyor and when in command upon the western border, but his main hunting adventure after big game took place on his trip to the ohio in . though the party was on the move most of the time and was looking for rich land rather than for wild animals, they nevertheless took some hunts. on october twenty-second, in descending the stretch of the ohio near the mouth of little beaver creek and above the mingo town, they saw many wild geese and several kinds of duck and "killed five wild turkeys." three days later they "saw innumerable quantities of turkeys, and many deer watering and browsing on the shore side, some of which we killed." he does not say whether they shot this game from the canoe or not, but probably on sighting the game they would put to shore and then one or more would steal up on the quarry. their success was probably increased by the fact that they had two indians with them. few people are aware of the fact that what is now west virginia and ohio then contained many buffaloes. below the mouth of the great hockhocking the voyagers came upon a camp of indians, the chief of which, an old friend who had accompanied him to warn out the french in , gave washington "a quarter of very fine buffalo." a creek near the camp, according to the indians, was an especial resort for these great beasts. fourteen miles up the great kanawha the travelers took a day off and "went a hunting; killed five buffaloes and wounded some others, three deer, &c. this country abounds in buffaloes and wild game of all kinds; as also in all kinds of wild fowls, there being in the bottoms a great many small grassy ponds, or lakes, which are full of swans, geese, and ducks of different kinds." how many of the buffaloes fell to his gun washington does not record, but it is safe to assume that he had at least some shots at them. and beyond question he helped to devour the delicious buffalo humps, these being, with the flesh of the bighorn sheep, the _ne plus ultra_ of american big game delicacies. the region in which these events took place was also notable for its big trees. near the mouth of the kanawha they "met with a sycamore about sixty yards from the river of a most extraordinary size, it measuring, three feet from the ground, forty-five feet round [almost fifteen feet through], lacking two inches; and not fifty yards from it was another, thirty-one feet round." when at home, washington now and then took a gun and went out after ducks, "hairs," wild turkeys and other game, and occasionally he records fair bags of mallards, teal, bald faces and "blew wings," one of the best being that of february , , when he "went a ducking between breakfast and dinner & killed mallards & bald faces." it is doubtful whether he was at all an expert shot. in fact, he much preferred chasing the fox with dogs to hunting with a gun. fox hunting in the virginia of that day was a widely followed sport. it was brought over from england and perhaps its greatest devotee was old lord fairfax, with whom washington hunted when still in his teens. fairfax, whose seat was at greenway court in the shenandoah valley, was so passionately fond of it that if foxes were scarce near his home he would go to a locality where they were plentiful, would establish himself at an inn and would keep open house and welcome every person of good character and respectable appearance who cared to join him. the following are some typical entries from washington's _where & how my time is spent_: "jany. st. ( ) fox huntg. in my own neck with mr. robt. alexander and mr. colville--catchd nothing--captn. posey with us." there were many similar failures and no successes in the next six weeks, but on february twelfth he records joyfully, "catchd two foxes," and on the thirteenth "catch more foxes." march , , "hunting again, & catchd a fox with a bobd tail & cut ears, after hours chase in wch. most of the dogs were worsted." march twenty-ninth, "fox hunting with jacky custis & ld. [lund] washington--catchd a fox after hrs. chase." november twenty-second, "went a fox huntg. with lord fairfax & colo. fairfax & my br. catchd foxes." for two weeks thereafter they hunted almost every day with varying success. september , , he records: "catchd a rakoon." on january , , the dogs ran a deer out of the neck and some of them did not get home till next day. the finding of a deer was no uncommon experience, but on no occasion does the chase seem to have been successful, as, when hard pressed, the fugitive would take to the water where the dogs could not follow. january , , the hunters "found both a bear and a fox but got neither." bear and deer were still fairly plentiful in the region, and the fact serves to indicate that the country was not yet thickly settled, nor is it to this day. in november, , washington and jack custis went to colonel mason's at gunston hall, a few miles below mount vernon, to engage in a grand deer drive in which many men and dogs took part. mason had an estate of ten thousand acres which was favorably located for such a purpose, being nearly surrounded by water, with peninsulas on which the game could be cornered and forced to take to the river. on the first day they killed two deer, but on the second they killed nothing. no doubt they had a hilarious time of it, dogs baying, horsemen dashing here and there shouting at the top of their voices, and with plenty of fat venison and other good cheer at the hall that night. washington's most remarkable hunting experience occurred on the twenty-third of january, , when he records: "went a hunting after breakfast & found a fox at muddy hole & killed her (it being a bitch) after a chase of better than two hours & after treeing her twice the last of which times she fell dead out of the tree after being therein sevl. minutes apparently well." lest he may be accused of nature faking, it should be explained that the tree was a leaning tree. occasionally the foxes also took refuge in hollow trees, up which they could climb. the day usually ended by all the hunters riding to mount vernon, belvoir, gunston hall, or some other mansion for a bountiful dinner. mighty then were the gastronomic feats performed, and over the madeira the incidents of the day were discussed as nimrods in all ages are wont to do. being so much interested in fox hunting, our farmer proceeded, with his usual painstaking care, to build up a pack of hounds. the year was probably the period of his greatest interest in the subject and his diary is full of accounts of the animals. hounds were now, in fact, his hobby, succeeding in interest his horses. he did his best to breed according to scientific principles, but several entries show that the dogs themselves were inclined blissfully to ignore the laws of eugenics as applied to hounds. among his dogs in this period were "mopsey," "taster," "tipler," "cloe," "lady," "forester" and "captain." august , , we learn that "lady" has four puppies, which are to be called "vulcan," "searcher," "rover," and "sweetlips." like all dog owners he had other troubles with his pets. once we find him anointing all the hounds that had the mange "with hogs lard & brimstone." again his pack is menaced by a suspected mad dog, which he shoots. the revolution broke rudely in upon the farmer's sports, but upon his return to mount vernon he soon took up the old life. knowing his bent, lafayette sent him a pack of french hounds, two dogs and three bitches, and washington took much interest in them. according to george washington custis they were enormous brutes, better built for grappling stags or boars than chasing foxes, and so fierce that a huntsman had to preside at their meals. their kennel stood a hundred yards south of the old family vault, and washington visited them every morning and evening. according to custis, it was the farmer's desire to have them so evenly matched and trained that if one leading dog should lose the scent, another would be at hand to recover it and thus in full cry you might cover the pack with a blanket. the biggest of the french hounds, "vulcan," was so vast that he was often ridden by master custis and he seems to have been a rather privileged character. once when company was expected to dinner mrs. washington ordered that a lordly ham should be cooked and served. at dinner she noticed that the ham was not in its place and inquiry developed that "vulcan" had raided the kitchen and made off with the meat. thereupon, of course, the mistress scolded and equally, of course, the master smiled and gleefully told the news to the guests. billy lee, the colored valet who had followed the general through the revolution, usually acted as huntsman and, mounted on "chinkling" or some other good steed, with a french horn at his back, strove hard to keep the pack in sight, no easy task among the rough timber-covered hills of fairfax county. on a hunting day the farmer breakfasted by candlelight, generally upon corn cakes and milk, and at daybreak, with his guests, billy and the hounds, sallied forth to find a fox. washington always rode a good horse and sometimes wore a blue coat, scarlet waistcoat, buckskin breeches, top boots and velvet cap and carried a whip with a long thong. when a fox was started none rode more gallantly or cheered more joyously than did he and as a rule he was in at the death, for, as jefferson asserts, he was "the best horseman of his age, and the most magnificent figure that could be seen on horseback." the fox that was generally hunted was the gray fox, which was indigenous to the country. after the revolution the red fox began to be seen occasionally. they are supposed to have come from the eastern shore, and to have crossed chesapeake bay on the ice in the hard winter of - . custis tells of a famous black fox that would go ten or twenty miles before the hounds and return to the starting-point ready for another run next day. after many unsuccessful chases billy recommended that the black reynard be let alone, saying he was near akin to another sable and wily character. thereafter the huntsman was always careful to throw off the hounds when he suspected that they were on the trail of the black fox. this story may or may not be true; all that i can say is that i have found no confirmation of it in washington's own writings. neither have i found there any confirmation of the story that mrs. washington and other ladies often rode out to see the hunts. washington had avenues cut through some of his woods to facilitate the sport and possibly to make the riding easier for the ladies. upon the whole, however, i incline to the opinion that generally at least martha stayed at home visiting with lady friends, attending to domestic concerns and superintending the preparation of delectable dishes for the hungry hunters. i very much doubt whether she would have enjoyed seeing a fox killed. the french hounds were, at least at first, rather indifferent hunters. "went out after breakfast with my hounds from france, & two which were lent me, yesterday, by mr. mason," says the farmer the day of the first trial; "found a fox which was run tolerably well by two of the frh. bitches & one of mason's dogs--the other french dogs shewed but little disposition to follow--and with the second dog of mason's got upon another fox which was followed slow and indifferently by some & not at all by the rest until the sent became so cold it cd. not be followed at all." two days later the dogs failed again and the next time they ran two foxes and caught neither, but their master thought they performed better than hitherto, december th: "after an early breakfast [my nephew] george washington, mr. shaw and myself went into the woods back of the muddy hole plantation a hunting and were joined by mr. lund washington and mr. william peake. about half after ten o'clock (being first plagued with the dogs running hogs) we found a fox near colo masons plantation on little hunting creek (west fork) having followed on his drag more than half a mile; and run him with eight dogs (the other getting, as was supposed after a second fox) close and well for an hour. when the dogs came to a fault and to cold hunting until minutes after when being joined by the missing dogs they put him up afresh and in about minutes killed up in an open field of colo mason's every rider & every dog being present at the death." eight days later the pack chased two foxes, but caught neither. the next hunt is described as follows: "went a fox hunting with the gentlemen who came here yesterday with ferdinando washington and mr. shaw, after a very early breakfast.--found a fox just back of muddy hole plantation and after a chase for an hour and a quarter with my dogs, & eight couple of doctor smiths (brought by mr. phil alexander) we put him into a hollow tree, in which we fastened him, and in the pincushion put up another fox which, in an hour and minutes was killed--we then after allowing the fox in the hole half an hour put the dogs upon his trail & in half a mile he took to another hollow tree and was again put out of it but he did not go yards before he had recourse to the same shift--finding therefore that he was a conquered fox we took the dogs off, and came home to dinner." [illustration: the flower garden, by permission of the mount vernon ladies' association] custis asserts that washington took his last hunt in , but in the diary under date of december , , i find that he went out with major george a. washington and others on that day, but found nothing, and that he took still another hunt in january, , and chased a fox that had been captured the previous month. this, however, is the last reference that i have discovered. no doubt he was less resilient than in his younger days and found the sport less delightful than of yore, while the duties of the presidency, to which he was soon called, left him little leisure for sport. he seems to have broken up his kennels and to have given away most or all of his hounds. later he acquired a pair of "tarriers" and took enough interest in them to write detailed instructions concerning them in . washington's fishing was mostly done with a seine as a commercial proposition, but he seems to have had a mild interest in angling. occasionally he took trips up and down the potomac in order to fish, sometimes with a hook and line, at other times with seines and nets. he and doctor craik took fishing tackle with them on both their western tours and made use of it in some of the mountain streams and also in the ohio. while at the federal convention in he and gouverneur morris went up to valley forge partly perhaps to see the old camp, but ostensibly to fish for trout. they lodged at the home of a widow named moore. on the trip the farmer learned the pennsylvania way of raising buckwheat and, it must be confessed, wrote down much more about this topic than about trout. a few days later, with gouverneur morris and mr. and mrs. robert morris, he went up to trenton and "in the evening fished," with what success he does not relate. when on his eastern tour of he went outside the harbor of portsmouth to fish for cod, but the tide was unfavorable and they caught only two. more fortunate was a trip off sandy hook the next year, which was thus described by a newspaper: "yesterday afternoon the president of the united states returned from sandy hook and the fishing banks, where he had been for the benefit of the sea air, and to amuse himself in the delightful recreation of fishing. we are told he has had excellent sport, having himself caught a great number of sea-bass and black fish--the weather proved remarkably fine, which, together with the salubrity of the air and wholesome exercise, rendered this little voyage extremely agreeable." our farmer was extremely fond of fish as an article of diet and took great pains to have them on his table frequently. at mount vernon there was an ancient black man, reputed to be a centenarian and the son of an african king, whose duty it was to keep the household supplied with fish. on many a morning he could be seen out on the river in his skiff, beguiling the toothsome perch, bass or rock-fish. not infrequently he would fall asleep and then the impatient cook, who had orders to have dinner strictly upon the hour, would be compelled to seek the shore and roar at him. old jack would waken and upon rowing to shore would inquire angrily: "what you all mek such a debbil of a racket for hey? i wa'nt asleep, only noddin'." another colored factotum about the place was known as tom davis, whose duty it was to supply the mansion house with game. with the aid of his old british musket and of his newfoundland dog "gunner" he secured many a canvasback and mallard, to say nothing of quails, turkeys and other game. after the revolution washington formed a deer park below the hill on which the mansion house stands. the park contained about one hundred acres and was surrounded by a high paling about sixteen hundred yards long. at first he had only virginia deer, but later acquired some english fallow deer from the park of governor ogle of maryland. both varieties herded together, but never mixed blood. the deer were continually getting out and in february, , one returned with a broken leg, "supposed to be by a shot." seven years later an english buck that had broken out weeks before was killed by some one. the paddock fence was neglected and ultimately the deer ran half wild over the estate, but in general stayed in the wooded region surrounding the mansion house. the gardener frequently complained of damage done by them to shrubs and plants, and washington said he hardly knew "whether to give up the shrubs or the deer!" the spring before his death we find him writing to the brothers chickesters warning them to cease hunting his deer and he hints that he may come to "the disagreeable necessity of resorting to other means." george washington custis, being like his father "jacky" an enthusiastic hunter, long teased the general to permit him to hunt the deer and at last won consent to shoot one buck. the lad accordingly loaded an old british musket with two ounce-balls, sallied forth and wounded one of the patriarchs of the herd, which was then chased into the potomac and there slain. next day the buck was served up to several guests, and custis long afterward treasured the antlers at arlington house, the residence he later built across the potomac from the federal city. upon the whole we must conclude that washington was one of the best sportsmen of all our presidents. he was not so much of an izaak walton as was one of his successors, nor did he pursue the lion and festive bongo to their african lairs as did another, but he had a keen love of nature and the open country and would have found both the mighty hunter and the mighty angler kindred spirits. chapter xv a critical visitor at mount vernon about thirty miles down the river potomac, a gentleman, of the name of grimes, came up to us in his own boat[ ]. he had some little time before shot a man who was going across his plantation; and had been tried for so doing, but not punished. he came aboard, and behaved very politely to me: and it being near dinner time, he would have me go ashore and dine with him: which i did. he gave me some grape-juice to drink, which he called port wine, and entertained me with saying he made it himself: it was not to my taste equal to our port in england, nor even strong beer; but a hearty welcome makes everything pleasant, and this he most cheerfully gave me. he showed me his garden; the produce of which, he told me, he sold at alexandria, a distance of thirty miles. his garden was in disorder: and so was everything else i saw about the place; except a favourite stallion, which was in very good condition--a pretty figure of a horse, and of proper size for the road, about fifteen hands high. he likewise showed me some other horses, brood-mares and foals, young colts, &c. of rather an useful kind. his cattle were small, but all much better than the land. [ ] this chapter is taken from _a tour of america in , , and _, by richard parkinson, who has already been several times quoted. parkinson had won something of a name in england as a scientific agriculturist and had published a book called the _experienced farmer_. he negotiated by letter with washington for the rental of one of the mount vernon farms, and in , without having made any definite engagement, sailed for the potomac with a cargo of good horses, cattle and hogs. his plan for renting washington's farm fell through, by his account because it was so poor, and ultimately he settled for a time near baltimore, where he underwent such experiences as an opinionated englishman with new methods would be likely to meet. soured by failure, he returned to england, and published an account of his travels, partly with the avowed purpose of discouraging emigration to america. his opinion of the country he summed up thus: "if a man should be so unfortunate as to have married a wife of a capricious disposition, let him take her to america, and keep her there three or four years in a country-place at some distance from a town, and afterwards bring her back to england; if she do not act with propriety, he may be sure there is no remedy." i have rearranged his account in such a way as to make it consecutive, but otherwise it stands as originally published. he praised the soil very highly. i asked him if he was acquainted with the land at mount vernon. he said he was; and represented it to be rich land, but not so rich as his. yet his i thought very poor indeed; for it was (as is termed in america) _gullied_; which i call broken land. this effect is produced by the winter's frost and summer's rain, which cut the land into cavities of from ten feet wide and ten feet deep (and upwards) in many places; and, added to this, here and there a hole, which makes it look altogether like marlpits, or stone-quarries, that have been carried away by those hasty showers in the summer, which no man who has not seen them in this climate could form any idea of or believe possible.... in two days after we left this place, we came in sight of mount vernon; but in all the way up the river, i did not see any green fields. the country had to me a most barren appearance. there were none but snake-fences; which are rails laid with the ends of one upon another, from eight to sixteen in number in one length. the surface of the earth looked like a yellow-washed wall; for it had been a very dry summer; and there was not any thing that i could see green, except the pine trees in the woods, and the cedars, which made a truly picturesque view as we sailed up the potomac. it is indeed a most beautiful river. when we arrived at mount vernon, i found that general washington was at philadelphia; but his steward[ ] had orders from the general to receive me and my family, with all the horses, cattle, &c. which i had on board. a boat was, therefore, got ready for landing them; but that could not be done, as the ship must be cleared out at some port before anything was moved: so, after looking about a few minutes at mount vernon, i returned to the ship, and we began to make way for alexandria.... [ ] no doubt anderson, washington's last manager. when i had been about seven days at alexandria, i hired a horse and went to mount vernon, to view my intended farm; of which general washington had given me a plan, and a report along with it--the rent being fixed at eighteen hundred bushels of wheat for twelve hundred acres, or money according to the price of that grain. i must confess that if he would have given me the inheritance of the land for that sum, i durst not have accepted it, especially with the incumbrances upon it; viz. one hundred seventy slaves young and old, and out of that number only twenty-seven[ ] in a condition to work, as the steward represented to me. i viewed the whole of the cultivated estate--about three thousand acres; and afterward dined with mrs. washington and the family. here i met a doctor thornton, who is a very pleasant agreeable man, and his lady; with a mr. peters and his lady, who was a grand-daughter of mrs. washington. doctor thornton living at the city of washington, he gave me an invitation to visit him there: he was one of the commissioners of the city. [ ] most certainly a mistake. i slept at mount vernon, and experienced a very kind and comfortable reception; but did not like the land at all. i saw no green grass there, except in the garden: and this was some english grass, appearing to me to be a sort of couch-grass; it was in drills. there were also six saintfoin plants, which i found the general valued highly. i viewed the oats which were not thrashed, and counted the grains upon each head; but found no stem with more than four grains, and these a very light and bad quality, such as i had never seen before: the longest straw was of about twelve inches. the wheat was all thrashed, therefore i could not ascertain the produce of that: i saw some of the straw, however, and thought it had been cut and prepared for the cattle in the winter; but i believe i was mistaken, it being short by nature, and with thrashing out looked like chaff, or as if chopped with a bad knife. the general had two thrashing machines, the power given by horses. the clover was very little in bulk, and like chaff; not more than nine inches long, and the leaf very much shed from the stalk. by the stubbles on the land i could not tell which had been wheat, or which had been oats or barley; nor could i see any clover-roots where the clover had grown. the weather was hot and dry at that time; it was in december. the whole of the different fields were covered with either the stalks of weeds, corn-stalks, or what is called sedge--something like spear-grass upon the poor limestone in england; and the steward told me nothing would eat it, which is true. indeed, he found fault with everything, just like a foreigner; and even told me many unpleasant tales of the general, so that i began to think he feared i was coming to take his place. but (god knows!) i would not choose to accept of it: for he had to superintend four hundred slaves, and there would be more now. this part of his business especially would have been painful to me; it is, in fact, a sort of trade of itself. i had not in all this time seen what we in england call a corn-stack, nor a dung-hill. there were, indeed, behind the general's barns, two or three cocks of oats and barley; but such as an english broad-wheeled waggon would have carried a hundred miles at one time with ease. neither had i seen a green plant of any kind: there was some clover of the first year's sowing: but in riding over the fields i should not have known it to be clover, although the steward told me it was; only when i came under a tree i could, by favour of the shade, perceive here and there a green leaf of clover, but i do not remember seeing a green root. i was shown no grass-hay of any kind; nor do i believe there was any. the cattle were very poor and ordinary, and the sheep the same; nor did i see any thing i liked except the mules, which were very fine ones, and in good condition. mr. gough had made a present to general washington of a bull calf. the animal was shown to me when i first landed at mount vernon, and was the first bull i saw in the country. he was large, and very strong-featured; the largest part was his head, the next his legs. the general's steward was a scotchman, and no judge of animals--a better judge of distilling whiskey. i saw here a greater number of negroes than i ever saw at one time, either before or since. the house is a very decent mansion: not large, and something like a gentleman's house in england, with gardens and plantations; and is very prettily situated on the banks of the river potowmac, with extensive prospects.... the roads are very bad from alexandria to mount vernon. the general still continuing at philadelphia, i could not have the pleasure of seeing him; therefore i returned to alexandria. i returned [to mount vernon some weeks later] ... to see general washington. i dined with him; and he showed me several presents that had been sent him, viz. swords, china, and among the rest the key of the bastille. i spent a very pleasant day in the house, as the weather was so severe that there were no farming objects to see, the ground being covered with snow. would general washington have given me the twelve hundred acres i would not have accepted it, to have been confined to live in that country; and to convince the general of the cause of my determination, i was compelled to treat him with a great deal of frankness. the general, who had corresponded with mr. arthur young and others on the subject of english farming and soils, and had been not a little flattered by different gentlemen from england, seemed at first to be not well pleased with my conversation; but i gave him some strong proofs of his mistakes, by making a comparison between the lands in america and those of england in two respects. first, in the article of sheep. he supposed himself to have fine sheep, and a great quantity of them. at the time of my viewing his five farms, which consisted of about three thousand acres cultivated, he had one hundred sheep, and those in very poor condition. this was in the month of november. to show him his mistake in the value and quality of his land, i compared this with the farm my father occupied, which was less than six hundred acres. he clipped eleven hundred sheep, though some of his land was poor and at two shillings and sixpence per acre--the highest was at twenty shillings; the average weight of the wool was ten pounds per fleece, and the carcases weighed from eighty to one hundred twenty pounds each: while in the general's hundred sheep on three thousand acres, the wool would not weigh on an average more than three pounds and a half the fleece, and the carcases at forty-eight pounds each. secondly, the proportion of the produce in grain was similar. the general's crops were from two to three[ ] bushels of wheat per acre; and my father's farm, although poor clay soil, gave from twenty to thirty bushels. [ ] a misstatement, of course. during this conversation colonel lear, aide-de-camp to the general, was present. when the general left the room, the colonel told me he had himself been in england, and had seen arthur young (who had been frequently named by the general in our conversation); and that mr. young having learnt that he was in the mercantile line, and was possessed of much land, had said he thought he was a great fool to be a merchant and yet have so much land; the colonel replied, that if mr. young had the same land to cultivate, it would make a great fool of _him_. the colonel did me the honour to say i was the only man he ever knew to treat general washington with frankness. the general's cattle at that time were all in poor condition: except his mules (bred from american mares), which were very fine, and the spanish ass sent to him as a present by the king of spain. i felt myself much vexed at an expression used at dinner by mrs. washington. when the general and the company at table were talking about the fine horses and cattle i had brought from england, mrs. washington said, "i am afraid, mr. parkinson, you have brought your fine horses and cattle to a bad market; i am of opinion that our horses and cattle are good enough for our land." i thought that if every old woman in the country knew this, my speculation would answer very ill: as i perfectly agreed with mrs. washington in sentiment; and wondered much, from the poverty of the land, to see the cattle good as they were. the general wished me to stay all night; but having some other engagement, i declined his kind offer. he sent colonel lear out after i had parted with him, to ask me if i wanted any money; which i gladly accepted. chapter xvi profit and loss a biographer whose opinions about washington are usually sound concludes that the general was a failure as a farmer. with this opinion i am unable to agree and i am inclined to think that in forming it he had in mind temporary financial stringencies and perhaps a comparison between washington and the scientific farmers of to-day instead of the juster comparison with the farmers of that day. for if washington was a failure, then nine-tenths of the southern planters of his day were also failures, for their methods and results were much worse than his. it must be admitted, however, that comparatively little of his fortune, which amounted at his death to perhaps three-quarters of a million dollars, was made by the sale of products from his farm. few farmers have grown rich in that way. washington's wealth was due in part to inheritance and a fortunate marriage, but most of all to the increment on land. part of this land he received as a reward for military services, but much of it he was shrewd enough to buy at a low rate and hold until it became more valuable. the task of analyzing his fortune and income in detail is an impossible one for a number of reasons. we do not have all the facts of his financial operations and even if we had there are other difficulties. a farmer, unlike a salaried man, can not tell with any exactness what his true income is. the salaried man can say, "this year i received four thousand dollars," the farmer can only say--if he is the one in a hundred who keeps accounts--"last year i took in two thousand dollars or five thousand dollars," as the case may be. from this sum he must deduct expenses for labor, wear and tear of farm machinery, pro rata cost of new tools and machinery, loss of soil fertility, must take into account the fact that some of the stock sold has been growing for one, two or more years, must allow for the butter and eggs bartered for groceries and for the value of the two cows he traded for a horse, must add the value of the rent of the house and grounds he and his family have enjoyed, the value of the chickens, eggs, vegetables, fruit, milk, meat and other produce of the farm consumed--as he proceeds the problem becomes infinitely more complex until at last he gives it up as hopeless. this much, however, is plain--a farmer can handle much less money than a salaried man and yet live infinitely better, for his rent, much of his food and many other things cost him nothing. in washington's case the problem is further complicated by a number of circumstances. as a result of his marriage he had some money upon bond. for his military services in the french war he received large grants of land and the payment during the revolution of his personal expenses, and as president he had a salary of twenty-five thousand dollars a year. yet another difficulty discloses itself when we come to examine his cash accounts. we find, for example, that from august , , to september, , leaving out of the reckoning his military receipts, he took in a total of about eighty thousand one hundred sixty-seven pounds. what then more simple than to divide this sum by seven and ascertain his average receipts during the years of the revolution? but when we come to examine some of the details more closely we are brought to pause. we discover such facts as that in a small steer, supposed to weigh about three hundred pounds, brought five hundred pounds in money! a sheep sold for one hundred pounds; six thousand five hundred sixty-nine pounds of dressed beef brought six thousand five hundred sixty-nine pounds; the stud fee for "steady" was sixty pounds. in other words, the accounts in these years were in depreciated paper and utterly worthless for our purposes. washington himself gave the puzzle up in despair toward the end of the war and paid his manager in produce, not money. we of to-day have, in fact, not the faintest conception of the blessing we enjoy in a uniform and fairly stable monetary system. even before the days of the "continentals" there was depreciated paper afloat that had been issued by the colonial governments and, unless the fact is definitely stated, when we come upon figures of that period we can never be sure whether they refer to pounds sterling or pounds paper, or, if the latter, what kind of paper. people had to be constantly figuring the real value of pennsylvania money, or virginia money or massachusetts money, and one meets with many such calculations on the blank leaves of washington's account books. even metallic money was a chinese puzzle except to the initiated, there were so many kinds of it afloat. among our farmer's papers i have found a list of the money that he took with him to philadelphia on one occasion-- joes, half joes, one-eighteenth joes, doubloons, pistole, moidores, half moidore, double louis d'or, single louis d'or, guineas, half guineas, besides silver and bank-notes. the depreciation of the paper currency during the revolution proved disastrous to him in several ways. when the war broke out much of the money he had obtained by marriage was loaned out on bond, or, as we would say to-day, on mortgage. "i am now receiving," he soon wrote, "a shilling in the pound in discharge of bonds which ought to have been paid me, & would have been realized before i left virginia, but for my indulgences to the debtors." in he said that six or seven thousand pounds that he had in bonds upon interest had been paid in depreciated paper, so that the real value was now reduced to as many hundreds. some of the paper money that came into his hands he invested in government securities, and at least ten thousand pounds of these in virginia money were ultimately funded by the federal government for six thousand two hundred and forty-six dollars in three and six per cent. bonds. and yet, by examining washington's accounts, one is able to estimate in a rough way the returns he received from his estate, landed and otherwise. we find that in ten months of he took in £ , ; from january , , to january , , about £ , ; in , £ , ; from august , , to august , , £ , ; in , £ , ; in , about £ , . included in some of these entries, particularly the earlier ones, are payments of interest and principal on his wife's share of the custis estate. of the later ones, that for --a bad farming year--includes rentals on more than a score of parcels of land amounting to £ . , £ rental on his fishery, payments for flour, stud fees, etc. upon the average, therefore, i am inclined to believe that his annual receipts were roughly in the neighborhood of ten thousand dollars to fifteen thousand dollars a year from his estate. as regards mount vernon alone, he sometimes made estimates of what the crop returns ought to be; in other words, counted his chickens before they were hatched. thus in he drew up alternative plans and estimated that one of these, if adopted, ought to produce crops worth a gross of £ , , another £ , , and a third £ , , but that from these sums £ , , £ , and £ , respectively would have to be deducted for seed, food for man and beasts, and other expenses. a much better idea of the financial returns from his home estate can be obtained from his actual balances of gain and loss. one of these, namely for , which was a poor year, was as follows: balance of gain and loss, dr. gained cr. lost dogue run farm . . mansion house .. . . - / union farm .... . . - / muddy hole farm . . - / river farm .... . . spinning ....... . . smith's shop .. . . - / hire of head distillery .... . . overseer ..... . . jacks ......... . traveler ...... . (stud horse) shoemaker ..... . . fishery ....... . . - / by clear gain on dairy ......... . . the estate.....£ . . - / mr. paul leicester ford considered this "a pretty poor showing for an estate and negroes which had certainly cost him over fifty thousand dollars, and on which there was live stock which at the lowest estimation was worth fifteen thousand dollars more." in some respects it was a poor showing. yet the profit washington sets down is about seven per cent. upon sixty-five thousand dollars, and seven per cent. is more than the average farmer makes off his farm to-day except through the appreciation in the value of the land. the truth is, however, that mount vernon, including the live stock and slaves, was really worth in nearer two hundred thousand dollars than sixty-five thousand, so that the actual return would only be about two and a fourth per cent. but washington failed to include in his receipts many items, such as the use of a fine mansion for himself and family, the use of horses and vehicles, and the added value of slaves and live stock by natural increase. besides in some other years the profits were much larger. and lastly, in judging a man's success or failure as a farmer, allowance must be made for the kind of land that he has to farm. the mount vernon land was undoubtedly poor in quality, and it is probable that washington got more out of it than has ever been got out of it by any other person either before or since. much of it to-day must not pay taxes. washington died possessed of property worth about three-quarters of a million, although he began life glad to earn a doubloon a day surveying. the main sources of this wealth have already been indicated, but when all allowance is made in these respects, the fact remains that he was compelled to make a living and to keep expenses paid during the forty years in which the fortune was accumulating, and the main source he drew from was his farms. not much of that living came from the custis estate, for, as we have seen, a large part of the money thus acquired was lost. during his eight years as commander-in-chief he had his expenses--no more. of the eight years of his presidency much the same can be said, for all authorities agree that he expended all of his salary in maintaining his position and some say that he spent more. yet at the end of his life we find him with much more land than he had in , with valuable stocks and bonds, a house and furniture infinitely superior to the eight-room house he first owned, two houses in the federal city that had cost him about $ , , several times as many negroes, and live stock estimated by himself at $ , and by his manager at upward of twice that sum. such being the case--and as no one has ever ventured even to hint that he made money corruptly out of his official position--the conclusion is irresistible that he was a good business man and that he made farming pay, particularly when he was at home. it is true that only three months before his death he wrote: "the expense at which i live, and the unproductiveness of my estate, will not allow me to lessen my income while i remain in my present situation. on the contrary, were it not for occasional supplies of money in payment for lands sold within the last four or five years, to the amount of upwards of fifty thousand dollars, i should not be able to support the former without involving myself in debt and difficulties," this must be taken, however, to apply to a single period of heavy expense when foreign complications and other causes rendered farming unprofitable, rather than to his whole career. furthermore, his landed investments from which he could draw no returns were so heavy that he had approached the condition of being land poor and it was only proper that he should cut loose from some of them. chapter xvii odds and ends in an age when organized charity was almost unknown the burden of such work fell mainly upon individuals. being a man of great prominence and known to be wealthy, the proprietor of mount vernon was the recipient of many requests for assistance. ministers wrote to beg money to rebuild churches or to convert the heathen; old soldiers wrote to ask for money to relieve family distresses or to use in business; from all classes and sections poured in requests for aid, financial and otherwise. it was inevitable that among these requests there should be some that were unusual. perhaps the most amusing that i have discovered is one written by a young man named thomas bruff, from the fountain inn, georgetown. he states that this is his second letter, but i have not found the first. in the letter we have he sets forth that he has lost all his property and desires a loan of five hundred pounds. his need is urgent, for he is engaged to a beautiful and "amiable" young lady, possessed of an "estate that will render me independent. whom i cannot marry in my present situation.... all my happyness is now depending upon your goodness and without your kind assistance i must be forever miserable--i should have never thought of making application to you for this favor had it not been in consequence of a vision by night since my fathers death who appeared to me in a dream in my misfortunes three times in one night telling me to make applycation to you for money and that you would relieve me from my distresses. he appeared the other night again and asked me if i had obeyed his commands i informed him that i had wrote to you some time ago but had received no answer nor no information relative to the business he then observed that he expected my letter had not come to hand and toald me to write again i made some objections at first and toald him i thought it presumption in me to trouble your excellency again on the subject he then in a rage drew his small sword and toald me if i did not he would run me through. i immediately in a fright consented." one might suppose that so ingenious a request, picturing the deadly danger in which a young man stood from the shade of his progenitor, especially a young man who was thereby forced to keep a young lady waiting, would have aroused washington's most generous impulses and caused him to send perhaps double the amount desired. possibly he was hard up at the time. at all events he indorsed the letter thus: "without date and without success." many times, however, our farmer was open-handed to persons who had no personal claim on him. for example, he loaned three hundred and two pounds to his old comrade of the french war--robert stewart--the purpose being to buy a commission in the british army. so far as i can discover it was never repaid; in fact, i am not sure but that he intended it as a gift. another advance was that made to charles l. carter, probably the young man who later married a daughter of washington's sister, betty lewis. most of the story is told in the following extract from a letter written by carter from fredericksburg, june , : "with diffidence i now address you in consequence of having failed after my first voyage from china, to return the two hundred dollars you favored me with the loan of. be assured dr. sir that i left goods unsold at the time of my departure from philadelphia on the second voyage, & directed that the money arising therefrom should be paid to you, but the integrity of my agent did not prove to be so uncorrupted as i had flattered myself. i have, at this late period, sent by mr. g. tevis the sum of two hundred dollars with interest therefrom from the th of march to the st june, . that sum has laid the foundation of a pretty fortune, for which i shall ever feel myself indebted to you." he added that he had been refused the loan by a near relation before washington had so kindly obliged him and that his mother, who was evidently acquainted with washington, joined in hearty thanks for the benefit received. washington had experienced enough instances of ingratitude to be much pleased with the outcome of this affair. he replied in the kindest terms, but declined to receive the interest, saying that he had not made the loan as an investment and that he did not desire a profit from it. another recipient of washington's bounty was his old neighbor, captain john posey. posey sold washington not only his ferry farm but also his claim to western lands. he became financially embarrassed, in fact, ruined; his family was scattered, and he made frequent applications to washington for advice and assistance. washington helped to educate a son, st. lawrence, who had been reduced to the hard expedient of tending bar in a tavern, and he also kept a daughter, milly, at mount vernon, perhaps as a sort of companion to mrs. washington. the captain once wrote: "i could [have] been able to [have] satisfied all my old arrears, some months agoe, by marrying [an] old widow woman in this county. she has large soms [of] cash by her, and prittey good est.--she is as thick as she is high---and gits drunk at least three or foure [times] a weak---which is disagreable to me--has viliant sperrit when drunk--its been [a] great dispute in my mind what to doe,--i beleave i shu'd run all resks--if my last wife, had been [an] even temper'd woman, but her sperrit, has given me such [a] shock--that i am afraid to run the resk again." evidently the captain did not find a way out of his troubles by the matrimonial route, for somewhat later he was in jail at queenstown, presumably for debt, and we find in one of washington's cash memorandum books under date of october , : "by charity--given captn. posey," four pounds. one of the sons later settled in indiana, and the "pocket" county is named after him. another boy toward whose education washington contributed was the son of doctor james craik--the boy being a namesake. doctor craik was one of washington's oldest and dearest friends. he was born in scotland two years before washington saw the light at wakefield, graduated from edinburgh university, practised medicine in the west indies for a short time and then came to virginia. he was washington's comrade in arms in the fort necessity campaign, was subsequently surgeon general in the continental army, and accompanied washington to the ohio both in and . he married mariane ewell, a relative of washington's mother, and resided many years in alexandria. he was a frequent visitor at mount vernon both as a friend and in a professional capacity, and washington declared that he would rather trust him than a dozen other doctors. few men were so close to the great man as he, and he was one of the few who in his letters ventured to tell chatty matters of gossip. thus, in august, , he wrote a letter apropos of the bad health of george a. washington and added: "my daughter nancy is there [mt. vernon] by way of amusement awhile. she begins to be tired of her fathers house and i believe intends taking an old batchelor mr. hn. for a mate shortly." another young lady, miss muir, who had recently gone to long island for the benefit of the sea baths was "pursued" by a mr. donaldson and the latter now writes that "he shall bring back a wife with him." craik was a thorough believer in washington's destiny, and in the dark days of the revolution would hearten up his comrades by the story of the indian chieftain met upon the ohio in who had vainly tried to kill washington in the battle of the monongahela and had finally desisted in the belief that he was invulnerable. to friends, family, church, education and strangers our farmer was open-handed beyond most men of his time. his manager had orders to fill a corn-house every year for the sole use of the poor in the neighborhood and this saved numbers of poor women and children from extreme want. he also allowed the honest poor to make use of his fishing stations, furnishing them with all necessary apparatus for taking herring, and if they were unequal to the task of hauling the seine, assistance was rendered them by the general's servants. to lund washington he wrote from the camp at cambridge: "let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. let no one go hungry away. if any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessaries, provided that it does not encourage them to idleness; and i have no objection to you giving my money in charity to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it well bestowed. what i mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire it should be done. you are to consider that neither _myself nor wife_ is now in the way to do these good offices." his relations with his own kindred were patriarchal in character. his care of mrs. washington's children and grandchildren has already been described. he gave a phaeton and money to the extent of two thousand five hundred dollars to his mother and did not claim possession of some of the land left him by his father's will. to his sister betty lewis he gave a mule and many other presents, as well as employment to several of her sons. he loaned his brother samuel (five times married) considerable sums, which he forgave in his will, spent "near five thousand dollars" on the education of two of his sons, and cared for several years for a daughter harriot, notwithstanding the fact that she had "no disposition ... to be careful of her cloaths." to his nephew, bushrod washington, he gave money and helped him to obtain a legal education, and he assisted another nephew, george a. washington, and his widow and children, in ways already mentioned. over forty relatives were remembered in his will, many of them in a most substantial manner. in the matter of eating and drinking washington was abstemious. for breakfast he ordinarily had tea and indian cakes with butter and perhaps honey, of which he was very fond. his supper was equally light, consisting of perhaps tea and toast, with wine, and he usually retired promptly at nine o'clock. dinner was the main meal of the day at mount vernon, and was served punctually at two o'clock. one such meal is thus described by a guest: "he thanked us, desired us to be seated, and to excuse him a few moments.... the president came and desired us to walk in to dinner and directed us where to sit, (no grace was said).... the dinner was very good, a small roasted pigg, boiled leg of lamb, roasted fowls, beef, peas, lettice, cucumbers, artichokes, etc., puddings, tarts, etc. etc. we were desired to call for what drink we chose. he took a glass of wine with mrs. law first, which example was followed by dr. croker crakes and mrs. washington, myself and mrs. peters, mr. fayette and the young lady whose name is custis. when the cloth was taken away the president gave 'all our friends.'" the general ordinarily confined himself to a few courses and if offered anything very rich would reply, "that is too good for me." he often drank beer with the meal, with one or two glasses of wine and perhaps as many more afterward, often eating nuts, another delicacy with him, as he sipped the wine. he was, in fact, no prohibitionist, but he was a strong believer in temperance. he and the public men of his time, being aristocrats, were wine drinkers and few of them were drunkards. the political revolution of , ushered in by jackson, brought in a different type--westerners who drank whisky and brandy, with the result that drunkenness in public station was much more common. many of the virginia gentlemen of washington's day spent a fourth or even a third of their income upon their cellars. he was no exception to the rule, and from his papers we discover many purchases of wine. one of the last bills of lading i have noticed among his papers is a bill for "two pipes of fine old london particular madeira wine," shipped to him from the island of madeira, september , . one wonders whether he got to toast "all our friends" out of it before he died. [illustration: one of washington's tavern bills] his sideboard and table were well equipped with glasses and silver wine coolers of the most expensive construction. as in many other matters, his inventive bent turned in this direction. having noticed the confusion that often arose from the passing of the bottles about the table he designed when president a sort of silver caster capable of holding four bottles. they were used with great success on state occasions and were so convenient that other people adopted the invention, so that wine _coasters_, after the washington design, became a part of the furniture of every fashionable sideboard. to cool wine, meat and other articles, washington early adopted the practice of putting up ice, a thing then unusual. in january, , he prepared a dry well under the summer house and also one in his new cellar and in due time had both filled. june fifth he "opened the well in my cellar in which i had laid up a store of ice, but there was not the smallest particle remaining.--i then opened the other repository (call the dry well) in which i found a large store." later he erected an ice house to the eastward of the flower garden. his experience with the cellar well was hardly less successful than that of his friend, james madison, on a like occasion. madison had an ice house filled with ice, and a skeptical overseer wagered a turkey against a mint julep that by the fourth of july the ice would all have disappeared. the day came, they opened the house, and behold there was enough ice for exactly _one_ julep! truly a sad situation when there were _two_ virginia gentlemen. mention of madison in this connection calls to mind the popular notion that it was his wife dolly who invented ice-cream. i believe that her biographers claim for her the credit of the discovery. the rôle of the iconoclast is a thankless one and i confess to a liking for dolly, but i have discovered in washington's cash memorandum book under date of may , , the entry: "by a cream machine for ice," £ . . --that is an ice-cream freezer. the immortal dolly was then not quite twelve years old. washington seems to have owned three coaches. the first he ordered in london in in preparation for his marriage. it was to be fashionable, genteel and of seasoned wood; the body preferably green, with a light gilding on the mouldings, with other suitable ornaments including the washington arms. it was sent with high recommendations, but proved to be of badly seasoned material, so that the panels shrunk and slipped out of the mouldings within two months and split from end to end, much to his disgust. such a chariot was driven not with lines from a driver's box, but by liveried postillions riding on horseback, one horseman to each span. the second coach he had made in philadelphia in at a cost of two hundred and ten pounds in specie. it was decidedly better built. the last was a coach, called "the white chariot," bought second hand soon after he became president. it was built by clarke, of philadelphia, and was a fine vehicle, with a cream-colored body and wheels, green venetian blinds and the washington arms painted upon the doors. in this coach, drawn by six horses, he drove out in state at philadelphia and rode to and from mount vernon, occasionally suffering an upset on the wretched roads. it was strong and of good workmanship and its maker heard with pride that it had made the long southern tour of without starting a nail or a screw. this coach was purchased at the sale of the general's effects by george washington parke custis and later in a curious manner fell into the possession of bishop meade, who ultimately made it up into walking sticks, picture frames, snuff boxes and such mementoes. at mount vernon to-day the visitor is shown a coach which the official handbook states is vouched for as the original "white chariot." in reality it seems to be the coach once owned by the powell family of philadelphia. it is said to have been built by the same maker and on the same lines, and washington may have ridden in it, but it never belonged to him. most people think of washington as a marble statue on a pedestal rather than as a being of flesh and blood with human feelings, faults and virtues. he was self-contained, he was not voluble, he had a sense of personal dignity, but underneath he was not cold. he was really hot-tempered and on a few well-authenticated occasions fell into passions in which he used language that would have blistered the steel sides of a dreadnaught. yet he was kind-hearted, he pitied the weak and sorrowful, and the list of his quiet benefactions would fill many pages and cost him thousands of pounds. he was even full of sentiment in some matters; on more than one occasion he provided positions that enabled young friends or relatives to marry, and i shrewdly suspect that he engineered matters so that the beloved nelly custis obtained a good husband in the person of his nephew, lawrence lewis. i might say much more tending to show his human qualities, but i shall add only this: having for many years studied his career from every imaginable point of view, i give it as my deliberate opinion that perhaps no man ever lived who was more considerate of the rights and feelings of others. not even lincoln had a bigger heart. chapter xviii the vale of sunset washington looked forward to the end of his presidency as does "the weariest traveler, who sees a resting-place, and is bending his body to lay thereon." "methought i heard him say, 'ay.' i am fairly out, and you are fairly in; see which of us is the happiest," wrote john adams to his wife abigail. and from mount vernon nelly custis informed a friend that "grandpapa is very well and much pleased with being once more farmer washington." the eight years of toilsome work, which had been rendered all the harder by much bitter criticism, had aged him greatly and this helped to make him doubly anxious to return to the peace and quiet of home for his final days. and yet he was affected by his parting from his friends and associates. a few partisan enemies openly rejoiced at his departure, but there were not wanting abundant evidences of the people's reverence and love for him. it is a source of satisfaction to us now that his contemporaries realized he was one of the great figures of history and that they did not withhold the tribute of their praise until after his death. as we turn the thousands of manuscripts that make up his papers we come upon scores of private letters and public resolutions in which, in terms often a bit stilted but none the less sincere, a country's gratitude is laid at the feet of its benefactor. the mount vernon to which he returned was perhaps in better condition than was that to which he retired at the end of the revolution, for he had been able each summer to give the estate some personal oversight; nevertheless it was badly run down and there was much to occupy his attention. in april he wrote: "we are in the midst of litter and dirt, occasioned by joiners, masons, painters, and upholsterers, working in the house, all parts of which, as well as the outbuildings, are much out of repair." anderson remained with him, but washington gave personal attention to many matters and exercised a general oversight over everything. like most good farmers he "began his diurnal course with the sun," and if his slaves and hirelings were not in place by that time he sent "them messages of sorrow for their indisposition." having set the wheels of the estate in motion, he breakfasted. "this being over, i mount my horse and ride around my farms, which employs me until it is time for dinner, at which i rarely miss seeing strange faces.... the usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea bring me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if not prevented by company, i resolve that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, i will retire to my writing table and acknowledge the letters i have received, but when the lights are brought i feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. the next night comes, and with it the same causes of postponement, and so on.... i have not looked into a book since i came home; nor shall i be able to do it until i have discharged my workmen, probably not before the nights grow longer, when possibly i may be looking in doomsday book." he had his usual troubles with servants and crops, with delinquent tenants and other debtors; he tried booker's threshing machine, experimented with white indian peas and several varieties of wheat, including a yellow bearded kind that was supposed to resist the fly, and built two houses, or rather a double house, on property owned in the federal city--he avoided calling the place "washington." a picture of the farmer out upon his rounds in these last days has been left us by his adopted son, george washington parke custis. custis relates that one day when out with a gun he met on the forest road an elderly gentleman on horseback who inquired where he could find the general. the boy told the stranger, who proved to be colonel meade, once of washington's staff, that the general was abroad on the estate and pointed out what direction to take to come upon him. "you will meet, sir, with an old gentleman riding alone in plain drab clothes, a broad-brimmed white hat, a hickory switch in his hand, and carrying an umbrella with a long staff, which is attached to his saddle-bow--that person, sir, is general washington." those were pleasant rides the old farmer took in the early morning sunshine, with the birds singing about him, the dirt lanes soft under his horse's feet, and in his nostrils the pure air fragrant with the scent of pines, locust blossoms or wild honeysuckle. when he grew thirsty he would pause for a drink at his favorite gum spring, and as he made his rounds would note the progress of the miller, the coopers, the carpenters, the fishermen, and the hands in the fields, how the corn was coming up or the wheat was ripening, what fences needed to be renewed or gaps in hedges filled, what the increase of his cattle would be, whether the stand of clover or buckwheat was good or not. he was the owner of all this great estate, he was proud of it; it was his home, and he was glad to be back on it once more. for he had long since realized that there are deeper and more satisfying pleasures than winning battles or enjoying the plaudits of multitudes. an english actor named john bernard who happened to be in virginia in this period has left us a delightfully intimate picture of the farmer on his rounds. bernard had ridden out below alexandria to pay a visit and on his return came upon an overturned chaise containing a man and a woman. about the same time another horseman rode up from the opposite direction. the two quickly ascertained that the man was unhurt and managed to restore the wife to consciousness, whereupon she began to upbraid her husband for carelessness. "the horse," continues bernard, "was now on his legs, but the vehicle was still prostrate, heavy in its frame and laden with at least half a ton of luggage. my fellow-helper set me an example of activity in relieving it of internal weight; and when all was clear we grasped the wheel between us and to the peril of our spinal columns righted the conveyance. the horse was then put in and we lent a hand to help up the luggage. all this helping, hauling and lifting occupied at least half an hour under a meridian sun, in the middle of july, which fairly boiled the perspiration out of our foreheads." after the two samaritans had declined a pressing invitation to go to alexandria and have a drop of something, the unknown, a tall man past middle age, wearing a blue coat and buckskin breeches, exclaimed impatiently at the heat and then "offered very courteously," says bernard, "to dust my coat, a favor the return of which enabled me to take a deliberate survey of his person." the stranger then called bernard by name, saying that he had seen him play in philadelphia, and asked him to accompany him to his house and rest, at the same time pointing out a mansion on a distant hill. not till then did bernard realize with whom he was speaking. "mt. vernon!" he exclaimed. "have i the honor of addressing general washington?" with a smile washington extended his hand and said: "an odd sort of introduction, mr. bernard; but i am pleased to find that you can play so active a part in private and without a prompter." then they rode up to the mansion house and had a pleasant chat[ ]. [ ] this anecdote is accepted by mr. lodge in his life of washington, but doubt is cast upon it by another historian. all that can be said is that there is nothing to disprove it and that it is not inherently improbable. upon his retirement from the presidency our farmer had told oliver wolcott that he probably would never again go twenty miles from his own vine and fig tree, but the troubles with france resulted in a quasi-war and he was once more called from retirement to head an army, most of which was never raised. he accepted the appointment with the understanding that he was not to be called into the field unless his presence should be indispensable, but he found that he must give much of his time to the matter and be often from home, while a quarrel between his friends knox and hamilton over second place joined with republican hostility to war measures to add a touch of bitterness to the work. happily war was avoided and, though an adjustment of the international difficulties was not reached until , washington was able to spend most of the last months of his life at mount vernon comparatively undisturbed. yet things were not as once they were. mrs. washington had aged greatly and was now a semi-invalid often confined to her bed. the farmer himself came of short-lived stock and realized that his pilgrimage would not be greatly prolonged. twice during the year he was seriously ill, and in september was laid up for more than a week. his brother charles died and in acknowledging the sad news he wrote: "i was the first, and am, now, the last of my father's children by the second marriage, who remain. "when i shall be _called upon to follow them_ is known only to the giver of life. when the summons comes, i shall endeavor to obey it with good grace." and yet there were gleams of joy and gladness. "about candlelight" on his birthday in nelly custis and his nephew, lawrence lewis, were wedded. the bride wished him to wear his gorgeous new uniform, but when he came down to give her away he wore the old continental buff and blue and no doubt all loved him better so. often thereafter the pair were at mount vernon and there on november twenty-seventh a little daughter came as the first pledge of their affection. as always there was much company. in august came a gallant kinsman from south carolina, once colonel but now general william washington of cowpens fame, and for three days the house was filled with guests and there was feasting and visiting. november fifteenth washington "rode to visit mr. now lord fairfax," who was back from england with his family, and the renewal of old friendships proved so agreeable that in the next month the families dined back and forth repeatedly. nor did the farmer cease to labor or to lay plans for the future. he entered into negotiations for the purchase of more land to round out mount vernon and surveyed some tracts that he owned. on the tenth of december he inclosed with a letter to anderson a long set of "instructions for my manager" which were to be "most strictly and pointedly attended to and executed." he had rented one of the farms to lawrence lewis, also the mill and distillery, and was desirous of renting the fishery in order to have less work and fewer hands to attend to; in fact, "an entire new scene" was to be enacted. the instructions were exceedingly voluminous, consisting of thirty closely written folio pages, and they contain plans for the rotation of crops for several years, as well as specific directions regarding fencing, pasturage, composts, feeding stock, and a great variety of other subjects. in them one can find our farmer's final opinions on certain phases of agriculture. to draw them up must have cost him days of hard labor and that he found the task wearing is indicated by the fact that in two places he uses the dates and when he obviously meant and . there was no hunting now nor any of those other active outdoor sports in which he had once delighted and excelled, while "alas! our dancing days are no more." happily he was able to ride and labor to the last, yet more and more of his time had to be spent quietly, much of it, we may well believe, upon the splendid broad veranda of his home. unimaginative and unromantic though he was, what visions must sometimes have swept through the brain of that simple farmer as he gazed down upon the broad shining river or beyond at the clustered maryland hills glorified by the descending sun. perchance in those visions he saw a youthful envoy braving hundreds of miles of savage wilderness on an errand from which the boldest might have shrunk without disgrace. then with a handful of men in forest green it is given to that youth to put a continent in hazard and to strike on the slopes of laurel hill the first blow in a conflict that is fought out upon the plains of germany, in far away bengal and on most of the seven seas. for an instant there rises the delirium of that fateful day with braddock beside the ford of the monongahela when "down the long trail from the fort to the ford, naked and streaked, plunge a moccasined horde: huron and wyandot, hot for the bout; shawnee and ottawa, barring him out. "'twixt the pit and the crest, 'twixt the rocks and the grass, where the bush hides the foe and the foe holds the pass, beaujeu and pontiac, striving amain; huron and wyandot, jeering the slain," the years pass and the same figure grown older and more sedate is taking command of an army of peasantry at war with their king. dorchester heights, brooklyn, fort washington, trenton, princeton, brandywine, valley forge, monmouth, morristown, the sun of yorktown; green, gates, arnold, morgan, lee, lafayette, howe, clinton, cornwallis--what memories! lastly, a cincinnatus grown bent and gray in service leaves his farm to head his country's civil affairs and give confidence and stability to an infant government by his wisdom and character. here, with bared heads, let us take leave of him--a farmer, but "the greatest of good men and the best of great men." the end index adams, abigail, letter of husband to about washington's retirement, . adams, john: believes washington was made by marriage with custis money, ; on washington's retirement, . ague, prevalence of along the potomac, . alfalfa, _see "lucerne"_. alton, john, a servant of washington's, , , . anderson, james: manager of mount vernon, , ; sends list of the increase of slaves, ; mentioned by parkinson, ; remains with washington, ; final instructions to, . _anna_, brings indentured servants from ireland, . _annals of agriculture_ used by washington, , ; nature of, ; plan of drill published in, ; washington begins to read, ; plan of barn in, ; threshing machine described in, . _a practical treatise of husbandry_: used by washington, ; its author, . barrel plough: washington makes one, ; operation of, - . bartram, john, washington obtains plants from, . bassett, fanny, matrimonial adventures of, , . bater, philip, washington agrees to let him get drunk on certain days, . bath (berkeley springs): washington's land at, ; patty custis taken to, . bear, one chased by the hounds, . belvoir, fox hunting dinners at, . bernard, john, peculiar meeting of with washington, - . bishop, sally: custis' story of, - ; marries thomas green, ; later history of, . bishop, thomas, history of, - . bixby, thomas k., owns the lear papers, . "blueskin," one of washington's war horses, , . board of agriculture: washington elected honorary member of, ; he is influenced by example of, . booker, william: makes threshing machine for washington, , ; mentioned, . boston athenaeum, buys washington relics, . _boston_, british frigate, washington sells bull to, . "botanical garden": used for experimental purposes, ; location of, . boucher, jonathan, teaches john parke custis, . bowen, cavan, indentured servant, bought, . bowling green: laid out by washington, ; mentioned, . box hedge, doubtful history of, , . braddock, gen. edward: washington joins staff of, , ; bishop his servant, ; mentioned, , . brents, washington purchases, . bruff, thomas, amusing request for a loan, - . bullskin plantation, washington patents, . burbank, luther, mentioned, . burnes, david, quizzes washington about his marriage, . butler,--: a gardener, ; dismissed, . calvert, eleanor: love affair with john parke custis, ; letter of martha washington to, ; for second husband marries doctor stuart, . campbell's tavern, washington in card game at, . campion,--, brings "knight of malta," . cape of good hope wheat, washington experiments with, . carrington, mrs. edward, describes martha washington's sewing activities, , . carroll, charles, interested in nelly custis, . carter, charles h., returns a loan, , . gary, freedman, death of at great age, . cattle: poor quality of, , ; number lost in twenty months, ; washington's experiences with, et seq.; number owned in , ; parkinson's poor opinion of, , . chastellux, marquis de: washington describes to him the delights of his retirement, ; letter of washington to about inland navigation, ; on washington's horsemanship, . chinch bugs, a bad year for, . chinese geese, gouverneur morris sends some to washington, . chinese pigs, a gift to washington, . christian, mr., dancing master, , . cincinnatus: washington did not affect rôle of, ; picture of the american at mount vernon, ; mentioned, . clifton,--, fails to abide by a bargain with washington, . clinton, george: in partnership with washington in a land speculation, ; sends young trees and vines to washington, . coaches: washington's experiences with, , ; mentioned, . compost, washington experiments with, - . "compound," a jackass, . congress, washington recommends establishment of a board of agriculture to, , . conservationist, washington the first, . copy-book, washington's, verses quoted from, . corn: some raised in virginia, , ; chief food of laborers and horses, ; washington's experience growing, ; his opinion as to the proper time for planting, . craik, dr. james: tours western country with washington, et seq., et seq.; physician to mount vernon, ; fishes with washington, ; relations of washington with, , . craik, william, accompanies washington on western trip of , . crawford, captain william: washington's western agent, ; descends the ohio with washington, ; locates lands for washington, ; trouble of with squatters, ; burnt at stake, ; buys great meadows for washington, . _cross purposes_, washington sees performance of, . crow,--: overseer, ; not to be trusted with punishing slaves, . cupid, near death of pleurisy, . custis children: washington guardian of, , ; his accounts with the estate of, . custis, daniel parke, first husband of martha washington, , . custis, elizabeth, frequent visitor at mount vernon, . custis, george washington parke: sees washington fall from a horse, ; story of sally bishop, ; adopted, ; biography of, - ; spoiled by his grandmother, ; says "magnolia" ran in a race, ; account of french hounds, et seq.; slays a stag, ; story of a black fox, ; in error as to washington's last hunt, ; leaves word picture of washington out on his rounds, . custis, john parke: biography of, , ; member of dancing class, ; fox hunting with washington, ; deer hunting at mason's, . custis, martha (patty): hairpin of mended, ; taken to bath for her health, ; biography of, - ; member of dancing class, . custis, martha, a frequent visitor at mount vernon, . custis, nelly: builds "woodlawn," ; adopted by washington, ; is given dogue run farm, ; rebuked by grandmother, ; compelled to practise music, ; washington dances with, ; mentioned, ; secures a good husband, ; says washington is pleased with being once more a farmer, ; marriage of, . cyrus, to be made a waiting man, . dandridge, martha, _see "martha washington"_ . darrell,--: washington buys land from, ; mentioned, . davenport,--, dies and leaves family in distress, , . davis, betty, a lazy impudent huzzy, , . davis, tom, mount vernon hunter, . davy: colored overseer of muddy hole farm, ; suspected of stealing lambs, . deer: washington's tame animals, , ; deer seen on ohio, ; deer hunt at george mason's, , ; custis shoots a buck, , . dismal swamp company, washington's interest in, , . dogs, kill sheep, , , . _see also "hounds_." dogue run, used as a mill stream, . dogue run farm: described, , ; rotation plans for, ; sixteen-sided barn built upon, ; excellent threshing floor of this barn, ; rented to lawrence lewis, ; conjuring negroes at, ; given to lawrence lewis and his wife, ; financial return from in , . dower negroes: belong to custis estate, ; number of in , . drill, _see "barrel plough_." duhamel du monceau, henri louis, his treatise on husbandry abstracted by washington, , , . dunmore, lord, issues a land patent to washington, . dutch fan, one owned by washington at the time of his death, . eastern shore oats, wild onions picked out of, . eastern shore peas, experiment with, . evans, joshua, puts iron ring on patty custis, . everett, edward, buys the pearce papers, . fairfax, anne: wife of lawrence washington, ; marries george lee and sells her life interest in mount vernon to george washington, . fairfax, lord thomas: employs george washington as a surveyor, ; vast land holdings of, ; fondness of fox hunting, ; hunts with washington, . fairfax, sir william, father of wife of lawrence washington, . _farmer's compleat guide_: used by washington, ; abstracts from, . _federal gazette_, describes theatrical performance witnessed by washington, . ferry, bought of posey, . ferry farm, bought by washington, , . fertilizer: experiments with marl, , , ; with mud, - ; experiment fertilizing oats, ; noah webster's advanced ideas regarding, , ; washington wants a manager who can convert everything he touches into manure, ; _see also "compost" and "rotation of crops"_. fishery: bought of posey, ; description of, , ; returns from in , . fitch, john, visits washington to interest him in steam navigation, . fitzpatrick, john c, on handwriting of the digest from the _compleat guide,_ . florida blanca, helps washington obtain a jackass, , . flour: washington's classification of, ; excellent quality of, . forbes, mrs., washington's inquiries about, , . ford, paul leicester: opinion of remedies tried on patty custis, ; on washington's success as a farmer, . fox hunting: account of washington's experiences at, - ; mentioned, . franklin, benjamin: gives washington a cane, ; washington inspects mangle belonging to, . frederick the great, mythical story of his sending a sword to washington, . french, daniel, breaks contract for sale of corn, , . french, mrs. daniel, washington hires slaves from, . french, elizabeth, member of dancing class, . frestel, monsieur, accompanies george w. lafayette to mount vernon, . garden: doubtful history of part of the flower garden, ; the vegetable garden, . _gentleman farmer_, used by washington, . _george barnwell_, washington sees tragedy of acted, . george, prince, compared with washington by thackeray, . george iii, contributes to _annals of agriculture_ under pen name of "ralph robinson," . george town oats, sown, . golden pheasants, washington astonished by, . gough,--: gives washington a bull calf, ; parkinson thinks it a poor animal, . graham, mrs. macaulay, visits mount vernon, . great kanawha: washington visits, ; land of upon, ; hunts buffaloes near, , . great meadows, owned by washington, . greer, thomas: marries sally bishop, ; his laziness, ; mentioned, . grenville, lord, issues special permit for sending seeds to washington, . guinea swine, some owned by washington, . "gunner," a hunting dog, . gunston hall, fox hunting dinners at, . _hamlet_, washington sees performance of, . haw has: constructed at ends of mansion house, ; mentioned, . hedgerows, lines of still visible, . hedges: traces of still discernible, , ; history of, , ; _see also "box hedge_." henley, frances dandridge, marries tobias lear, . hessian fly: washington experiments to protect his wheat from, ; plays into hands of by early sowing, . _hippopotamus_, dredge used on delaware river, . hogs: described by parkinson, , ; washington's, , - ; large stock of in , . home,--, his book on farming digested by washington, . _horse-hoeing husbandry_: used by washington, ; an epoch-making work, . horses: in virginia, , ; american described by parkinson, , ; washington's stallions, ; brood mares bought by him, ; his war horses, ; thrown from a narragansett, ; his worn-out animals, ; accidents to, ; his skill as a trainer of described by de chastellux, , ; losses of in twenty months, ; number of in , . horticulture, washington's activities in, et seq. hounds: washington builds up a pack of, et seq.; names of some of them, ; the french hounds, et seq. humphreys, colonel: at mount vernon, ; smith fears he will write a poem, ; poem of about washington's slaves quoted, . hunt, gaillard, on washington manuscripts in the library of congress, . ice house, washington's, , . indentured servants: classes of, ; washington's dealings with, - . jack, mount vernon fisherman, . jackasses: washington's, et seq., ; stud fees of in , . jackson, andrew, ushers in an era of whisky drinkers, . jefferson, thomas: explains why land is misused, ; agricultural correspondence with washington, ; carries bundle of pecan trees to alexandria for washington, ; opposed to slavery, . johnson, john, brings nostrum for fits, . johnston, george, sells land to washington, . "jolly," a horse, gets leg broken, . jones,--, washington visits farm of, . knight, humphrey, manages mount vernon, . "knight of malta," a jackass, his history, , . knox, thomas, one of washington's english agents, , . "lady," has four puppies, . lafayette, george w., stay of at mount vernon, , , . lafayette, marquis de: visits washington, ; washington's letter to regarding "royal gift," ; sends washington a jackass and two jennets, ; last visit to washington, ; sends washington some hounds, . lame peter, taught to knit, . laurie, dr. james, comes to mount vernon drunk, . lear, lincoln, washington's interest in, - . lear, tobias: correspondence of with washington published, ; biography of, - ; marries widow of george a. washington, , ; writes directions about billy lee, ; washington explains to him his desire for selling western lands, ; directed to get slaves out of pennsylvania, ; letter of washington to, ; parkinson's conversation with, ; gives parkinson money, . lee, general charles: story of washington's loans to, , ; mentioned, . lee, george, marries widow of lawrence washington, . lee, henry: sends washington cuttings of the tree box, ; they show little signs of growing, . lee, robert e., jr., administrator _de bonis non_ of washington's estate, . lee, william (billy): accompanies washington to the ohio, ; breeches bought for, ; helps get colonel smith out of a scrape, - ; val de chambre, ; history of, - ; freed, ; acts as huntsman, , . "leonidas," a stallion, . lewis, betty: visit of washington to, ; sends brother some filberts, ; washington gives her a mule, ; mentioned, . lewis, howell, manages mount vernon, . lewis, lawrence: builds "woodlawn," ; rents dogue run farm, , ; with uncle on a ride, ; washington expresses wish to that virginia would abolish slavery, ; helps washington entertain guests, , ; possible part of washington in furthering love affair of, ; marriage of, . lewis, nelly custis, _see "nelly custis"_. lewis, robert: manages mount vernon, ; describes tearful scenes on departure of martha washington, . library of congress, washington papers in, , , , . little miami river, history of washington's lands upon, - . long island historical society, pearce-washington papers in, . lossing, benson j., visit of to mount vernon, . lucerne, washington experiments with, , . mccracken, washington buys land from, . mckoy,--, overseer, . madison, dolly, did not invent ice cream, , . madison, james: story of his ice house, ; opposed to slavery, . "magnolia": a blooded arabian stallion, , ; in a race, . magowan, rev. mr., sells lottery tickets, . _maid of the mill_, washington witnesses performance of, . mansion house: view from porch of, ; bequeathed to bushrod washington, ; bishop starts for, ; grounds of overrun with negro children, ; hospital for slaves built near, ; mentioned, , , ; bernard visits, . mansion house farm: described, ; washington will not rent, ; bequeathed to bushrod washington, ; financial loss on in , . manure, _see "fertilizer"_. marl, washington experiments with, , , . mason, george: description of industry upon estate of, - ; is dead, ; deer hunting at, , . matilda's ben, misbehavior of, . meade, colonel, visits washington, . mercer, john f., washington's letter to about slavery, . meteorological table, manager required to keep, . michaux, andré, botanist, brings pyramidical cypress from the king of france, . military company of adventurers, washington a member of, . mill: washington's mill on the youghiogheny, , ; his mill on four mile run, ; that on dogue run, , , . mississippi company, washington interested in, . morgan, general daniel: talks over inland waterways question with washington ; mentioned, . morris, gouverneur: sends washington chinese pigs and geese, , ; goes fishing with him, . mosquitoes, prevalence of about mount vernon, . mount vernon: washington retires to, ; given to lawrence washington, ; george washington spends part of youth at, ; early history of, ; life interest of anne lee in bought by washington, ; estate, , , , ; bequeathed to bushrod washington, ; description of, et seq.; visit of owner in , ; seeds sent by young reach, ; booker builds threshing machine at, , ; washington attempts to rent, ; washington's care for the lands of, ; number of horses on in , ; number of sheep on, ; resounds with jubilant sounds, ; number of oxen on, , ; house rebuilt, - ; successive managers of, - ; employment of white labor at, ; slaves seen at, ; number of slaves on in , ; lot of slaves at, , ; edmund pendleton at, ; managed by mrs. washington, ; larders of kept well filled, ; custis grandchildren reside at, ; visitors at, - ; dancing class meets at, ; tea served on portico of, ; fox hunting dinners at, ; the fisherman of, ; described by parkinson, et seq., ; washington's estimate of probable crops on, ; land of poor, ; value of in , ; coach shown there to-day not washington's, ; nelly custis writes from, ; condition of on washington's retirement, ; last months of owner's life spent at, ; mentioned, , , , , , , , , , , . mount vernon association, . muddy hole farm: described, ; barrel plough used at, ; its colored overseer, , ; loss on in , . mules: washington raises, et seq.; proposes to drive them to his carriage, ; number of in , . narragansetts, two bought by washington, . negroes, _see "slaves."_ "nelson," one of washington's war horses, , . new england, washington's observations of agriculture in, . niemcewicz, julian: describes condition of negroes at mount vernon, , ; opinion of nelly custis, . "old chatham," a worn-out horse, . overdursh,--, dutch redemptioner bought with his family, . oxen: used in farm work, ; number of in , ; fattened and killed when eight years old, . palatines: washington considers importing, , ; mentioned, . palmer, jonathan, overseer, contract of, . parkinson, james: description of american live stock, - ; considers renting one of washington's farms, ; on washington's tone toward his slaves, ; his account of mount vernon and washington's farming operations, - . patterson, john, paid for carpenter work, . peaches, washington raises, . pearce, william: letters of washington to, ; describes poor condition of the sheep, ; letter to about bishop, ; manages mount vernon, ; overseers described to, ; letter from about the dead miller's family, ; direction to about cyrus, . perkins' tavern, washington stays over sunday at, . peters, richard: quoted regarding wolves, ; sends plan of drill to washington, . philadelphia society for the promotion of agriculture, founded, . phillipse, mary, washington's alleged infatuation with, . piney branch, turned into dogue run, . pitt, william, a contributor to the _annals of agriculture, _ . plow: washington invents one, ; buys a rotheran, . poelnitz, baron, washington inspects threshing machine belonging to, . pohick church, washington a vestryman of, . poland oats, sown in experimental plot, . pond, rev., "lame discourses" of, . poole, william, letter of regarding want of water in mill stream, . posey, captain john: fox hunting with washington, ; washington's relations with, ; bankrupt and in jail, , . posey, milly: member of dancing class, ; stays at mount vernon, . posey, st. lawrence, washington helps to educate, . posey plantation, bought by washington, . potatoes: method of growing under straw, ; quantity raised in , . randolph, edmund, slaves of in pennsylvania refuse to return to virginia, . redemptioners, a class of indentured servants, . richey, matthew, washington sells part of his western lands to, . river farm: described, , ; financial return from in , . robert gary & company: english agents of washington, , ; washington falls in debt to, . roberts, william m., amusing letter of, . roosevelt, theodore, transfers washington papers to library of congress, . ross, doctor, washington asks him to buy him some white servants, . rotation of crops: how practised in america, ; washington's elaborate plans for, et seq. "royal gift," a jackass, his history, - . "rules of civility," quoted, . rumney, dr. william, physician to mount vernon, . ryan, thomas, indentured servant, bought, . "samson," a stallion, . seed: washington anxious to have the best, ; counts number of grains in a pound of several varieties, ; obtains some from england, , . serpentine drive, laid out by washington, . shag, will, a runaway, . shaw, william, tutor to the custis children, . sheep: raising of not much attempted, ; breeds of, ; much troubled by wolves and dogs, , ; washington's, et seq.; number lost in twenty months, ; he suspects an overseer of stealing lambs, ; parkinson's opinion of, , . siberian wheat, experiment with, . simpson, gilbert, one of washington's western agents, , , , , . sinclair, sir john: washington corresponds with, , : helps obtain seeds for washington, ; washington sends some american products to, . sixteen-sided barn, mentioned, . slaves: washington inherits from his father, ; some sent to the west to simpson's, , ; steal fruit, ; as solution of labor problem, ; detailed account of washington's, - . smith, colonel, adventure with sally bishop, - . smith, thomas, washington's attorney in case against the squatters, . spears, thomas, indentured servant, runs away, . spotswood, gen. alexander, washington's letter to apropos of slavery, . sprague, william b., is given some of the washington papers, . squatters: on washington's western land, , ; delegation from meet washington at simpson's, ; dispossessed, . stallions, list of those kept by washington, . "steady," a stallion, , . stephens, richard, his laziness, . stewart, robert, washington's loan to, . stuart, overseer, . sullivan, captain, interpreter of directions regarding "royal gift," . swearingen, captain van, accompanies washington on mission to squatters, . sycamores, enormous ones measured by washington, , . thackeray, william m., quoted regarding washington, , . thomson, charles, notifies washington of his election to the presidency, . threshing machine: washington experiments with, , ; owns one at time of death, ; parkinson says general has two, ; uses one of booker's model, . tobacco: place of in virginia agriculture, - ; washington's experience with, ; discontinues growing of, . tom, sent to west indies, , . toner, j.m.: his transcripts of washington papers, , ; opinion of regarding inspection of washington's flour in the west indies, . "traveler": a stallion, ; stud fee of, . triplett, william, constructs outbuildings, . tull, jethro: his book on horse-hoeing abstracted by washington, , ; some of his ideas, ; quoted by washington, . turkeys: washington raises, , ; wild variety mentioned, . union farm: described, , ; fishery on, ; gully upon, ; new brick barn after young's plans built upon, ; financial return from in , . virginia, agriculture and life in, - . _virginia almanac,_ weather record kept by washington in, . _virginia gazette,_ washington advertises escaped servants in, . voilett, edward, agrees to avoid stills, . "vulcan," raid of on kitchen, . waggoner jack, sold in west indies, . walker, ann, daughter of john alton, receives a bequest from washington, . walpole grant, washington interested in, . washington, augustine, bequests of to george, . washington, augustine, jr., daughter of describes martha washington's activities, , . washington, bushrod: accompanies washington on western trip, ; inherits mansion house and papers, ; fails to safeguard papers properly, ; educated by his uncle, ; asked to make inquiries about mrs. forbes, ; assisted by his uncle, . washington, george a.: brings mahogany seeds from west indies, ; widow of marries tobias lear, ; manages mount vernon, , ; course of approved, ; fox hunting, , ; ill health of, ; aided by his uncle, . washington, harriot, helped by her uncle, . washington, john a., manages mount vernon, , . washington, john a., inherits books and relics of washington, . washington, john c, sells washington papers to the nation, . washington, lawrence: inherits mount vernon, ; influence of upon george, ; biography of, ; mentioned, . washington, lund: directed to set out trees at end of mansion house, ; manages mount vernon during the revolution, ; washington's generous dealings with, ; will inform owner of delinquencies of roberts, ; opinion of washington's charity, , ; is dead, ; fox hunting with washington, , ; instructions to concerning the poor, . washington, martha: marriage of washington to, , ; family of by first husband, ; her financial affairs, , ; remembers when there was but one coach in virginia, ; "broke out with the meazles," ; tradition concerning her authority over the flower garden, ; bishop threatens to tell of colonel smith's escapade, ; gives a quilt to her niece, ; on the required work of the sewing servants, ; chapter about, - ; keeps open house, ; "vulcan" steals one of her hams, ; parkinson's mention of, , , ; her husband's care of her grandchildren, ; drinks a glass of wine, . washington, mary: death of, ; son visits, ; son sends money to, , . washington, samuel, financial assistance received by from general washington, . washington, william: has charge of "royal gift" in south carolina, , ; visits mount vernon, . washington, william a., george washington buys corn from, , . watson, elkanah, anecdote of visit to mount vernon, . weather record, kept by washington, , . webster, noah: says toast at mount vernon was "success to the mud," ; explains how fertility can be obtained from the air, , ; visit of mentioned, , . webster, william, indentured servant, runs away, . western lands, history of washington's, - . wheat: how reaped and threshed, ; washington turns to cultivation of, ; washington rolls in spring, ; his sales of before the revolution, , ; grinds into flour, ; excellent quality of washington's wheat before the revolution, ; experiments with cape of good hope and siberian, ; opinion as to proper time for sowing, ; acreage in , . white, alexander, pays general lee's debt to washington, . white chariot, history of, , . whiting, anthony: writes concerning worn-out horses, , ; instructed to cull out the unthrifty sheep, , ; manager of mount vernon, . "wilderness": washington sets out, ; many trees dead in, . wine coasters, invented by washington, . witherspoon, john, washington describes his western lands to, . "woodlawn," home of nelly custis, , . young, arthur: letters of washington to about his interest in farming, , ; astonished that wolves and dogs hinder sheep raising in america, ; washington explains differences between american and european agriculture to, ; describes his estate to, et seq., ; his _annals of agriculture_ used by washington, , ; washington's correspondence with, , , ; sends inquiries regarding american agriculture, ; obtains seeds for washington, , ; sends plan for barn, ; washington sends agricultural information to, ; washington inquires of regarding a threshing machine, ; influence of upon washington, ; letter of washington to about his sheep, ; about his mules, ; mentioned by parkinson, . the life of george washington by john marshall ( - ) an index edited by david widger project gutenberg editions contents ## volume i. ## volume ii. ## volume iii. ## volume iv. ## volume iv. volumes, chapters and stories life of washington, volume i. contents chapter i. commission of cabot.... his voyage to america.... views of discovery relinquished by henry vii.... resumed by elizabeth.... letters patent to sir humphry gilbert.... his voyages and death.... patent to sir walter raleigh.... voyage of sir richard grenville.... colonists carried back to england by drake.... grenville arrives with other colonists.... they are left on roanoke island.... are destroyed by the indians.... arrival of john white.... he returns to england for succour.... raleigh assigns his patent.... patent to sir thomas gates and others.... code of laws for the proposed colony drawn up by the king. chapter ii. voyage of newport.... settlement at jamestown.... distress of colonists.... smith.... he is captured by the indians.... condemned to death, saved by pocahontas.... returns to jamestown.... newport arrives with fresh settlers.... smith explores the chesapeake.... is chosen president.... new charter.... third voyage of newport.... smith sails for europe.... condition of the colony.... colonists determine to abandon the country.... are stopped by lord delaware.... sir thomas dale.... new charter.... capt. argal seizes pocahontas.... she marries mr. rolf.... separate property in lands and labour.... expedition against port royal.... against manhadoes.... fifty acres of land for each settler.... tobacco.... sir thomas dale.... mr. yeardley.... first assembly.... first arrival of females.... of convicts.... of african slaves.... two councils established.... prosperity of the colony.... indians attempt to massacre the whites.... general war.... dissolution of the company.... arbitrary measures of the crown.... sir john harvey.... sir william berkeley.... provincial assembly restored.... virginia declares in favour of charles ii.... grant to lord baltimore.... arrival of a colony in maryland.... assembly composed of freemen.... william claybourne.... assembly composed of representatives.... divided into two branches.... tyrannical proceedings. chapter iii. first ineffectual attempts of the plymouth company to settle the country.... settlement at new plymouth.... sir henry rosewell and company.... new charter.... settlements prosecuted vigorously.... government transferred to the colonists.... boston founded.... religious intolerance.... general court established.... royal commission for the government of the plantations.... contest with the french colony of acadié.... hugh peters.... henry vane.... mrs. hutchison.... maine granted to gorges.... quo warranto against the patent of the colony.... religious dissensions.... providence settled.... rhode island settled.... connecticut settled.... war with the pequods.... new haven settled. chapter iv. massachusetts claims new hampshire and part of maine.... dissensions among the inhabitants.... confederation of the new england colonies.... rhode island excluded from it.... separate chambers provided for the two branches of the legislature.... new england takes part with parliament.... treaty with acadié.... petition of the non-conformists.... disputes between massachusetts and connecticut.... war between england and holland.... machinations of the dutch at manhadoes among the indians.... massachusetts refuses to join the united colonies in the war.... application of new haven to cromwell for assistance.... peace with the dutch.... expedition of sedgewic against acadié.... religious intolerance. chapter v. transactions succeeding the restoration of charles ii.... contests between connecticut and new haven.... discontents in virginia.... grant to the duke of york.... commissioners appointed by the crown.... conquest of the dutch settlements.... conduct of massachusetts to the royal commissioners.... their recall.... massachusetts evades a summons to appear before the king and council.... settlement of carolina.... form of government.... constitution of mr. locke.... discontents in the county of albemarle.... invasion from florida.... abolition of the constitution of mr. locke.... bacon's rebellion.... his death.... assembly deprived of judicial power.... discontents in virginia.... population of the colony. chapter vi. prosperity of new england.... war with philip.... edward randolph arrives in boston.... maine adjudged to gorges.... purchased by massachusetts.... royal government erected in new hampshire.... complaints against massachusetts.... their letters patent cancelled.... death of charles ii.... james ii. proclaimed.... new commission for the government of new england.... sir edmond andros.... the charter of rhode island abrogated.... odious measures of the new government.... andros deposed.... william and mary proclaimed.... review of proceedings in new york and the jerseys.... pennsylvania granted to william penn.... frame of government.... foundation of philadelphia laid.... assembly convened.... first acts of the legislature.... boundary line with lord baltimore settled. chapter vii. new charter of massachusetts.... affairs of new york.... war with france.... schenectady destroyed.... expedition against port royal.... against quebec.... acadié recovered by france.... pemaquid taken.... attempt on st. johns.... peace.... affairs of new york.... of virginia.... disputes between england and france respecting boundary in america.... recommencement of hostilities.... quotas of the respective colonies.... treaty of neutrality between france and the five nations.... expedition against port royal.... incursion into massachusetts.... plan for the invasion of canada.... port royal taken.... expedition against quebec.... treaty of utrecht.... affairs of new york.... of carolina.... expedition against st. augustine.... attempt to establish the episcopal church.... invasion of the colony.... bills of credit issued.... legislature continues itself.... massacre in north carolina by the indians.... tuscaroras defeated.... scheme of a bank. chapter viii. proceedings of the legislature of massachusetts.... intrigues of the french among the indians.... war with the savages.... peace.... controversy with the governor.... decided in england.... contests concerning the governor's salary.... the assembly adjourned to salem.... contest concerning the salary terminated.... great depreciation of the paper currency.... scheme of a land bank.... company dissolved by act of parliament.... governor shirley arrives.... review of transactions in new york. chapter ix. war with the southern indians.... dissatisfaction of carolina with the proprietors.... rupture with spain.... combination to subvert the proprietary government.... revolution completed.... expedition from the havanna against charleston.... peace with spain.... the proprietors surrender their interest to the crown.... the province divided.... georgia settled.... impolicy of the first regulations.... intrigues of the spaniards with the slaves of south carolina.... insurrection of the slaves. chapter x. war declared against spain.... expedition against st. augustine.... georgia invaded.... spaniards land on an island in the alatamaha.... appearance of a fleet from charleston.... spanish army re-embarks.... hostilities with france.... expedition against louisbourg.... louisbourg surrenders.... great plans of the belligerent powers.... misfortunes of the armament under the duke d'anville.... the french fleet dispersed by a storm.... expedition against nova scotia.... treaty of aix la chapelle.... paper money of massachusetts redeemed.... contests between the french and english respecting boundaries.... statement respecting the discovery of the mississippi.... scheme for connecting louisiana with canada.... relative strength of the french and english colonies.... defeat at the little meadows.... convention at albany.... plan of union.... objected to both in america and great britain. chapter xi. general braddock arrives.... convention of governors and plan of the campaign.... french expelled from nova scotia, and inhabitants transplanted.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... battle of monongahela.... defeat and death of general braddock.... expedition against crown point.... dieskau defeated.... expedition against niagara.... frontiers distressed by the indians.... meeting of the governors at new york.... plan for the campaign of .... lord loudoun arrives.... montcalm takes oswego.... lord loudoun abandons offensive operations.... small-pox breaks out in albany.... campaign of opened.... admiral holbourne arrives at halifax.... is joined by the earl of loudoun.... expedition against louisbourg relinquished.... lord loudoun returns to new york.... fort william henry taken.... controversy between lord loudoun and the assembly of massachusetts. chapter xii. preparations for the campaign of .... admiral boscawen and general amherst arrive at halifax.... plan of the campaign.... expedition against louisbourg, ticonderoga, and crown point.... general abercrombie repulsed under the walls of ticonderoga.... fort frontignac taken.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... preparations for the campaign of .... general amherst succeeds general abercrombie.... plan of the campaign.... ticonderoga and crown point taken.... army goes into winter quarters.... french repulsed at oswego.... defeated at niagara.... niagara taken.... expedition against quebec.... check to the english army.... battle on the plains of abraham.... death of wolfe and montcalm.... quebec capitulates.... garrisoned by the english under the command of general murray.... attempt to recover quebec.... battle near sillery.... quebec besieged by monsieur levi.... siege raised.... montreal capitulates.... war with the southern indians.... battle near the town of etchoe.... grant defeats them and burns their towns.... treaty with the cherokees.... war with spain.... success of the english.... peace. chapter xiii. opinions on the supremacy of parliament, and its right to tax the colonies.... the stamp act.... congress at new york.... violence in the towns.... change of administration.... stamp act repealed.... opposition to the mutiny act.... act imposing duties on tea, &c., resisted in america.... letters from the assembly of massachusetts to members of the administration.... petition to the king.... circular letter to the colonial assemblies.... letter from the earl of hillsborough.... assembly of massachusetts dissolved.... seizure of the sloop liberty.... convention at fanueil hall.... moderation of its proceedings.... two british regiments arrive at boston.... resolutions of the house of burgesses of virginia.... assembly dissolved.... the members form an association.... general measures against importation.... general court convened in massachusetts.... its proceedings.... is prorogued.... duties, except that on tea, repealed.... circular letter of the earl of hillsborough.... new york recedes from the non-importation agreement in part.... her example followed.... riot in boston.... trial and acquittal of captain preston. chapter xiv. insurrection in north carolina.... dissatisfaction of massachusetts.... corresponding-committees.... governor hutchinson's correspondence communicated by dr. franklin.... the assembly petition for his removal.... he is succeeded by general gage.... measures to enforce the act concerning duties.... ferment in america.... the tea thrown into the sea at boston.... measures of parliament.... general enthusiasm in america.... a general congress proposed.... general gage arrives.... troops stationed on boston neck.... new counsellors and judges.... obliged to resign.... boston neck fortified.... military stores seized by general gage.... preparations for defence.... king's speech.... proceedings of parliament.... battle of lexington.... massachusetts raises men.... meeting of congress.... proceedings of that body.... transactions in virginia.... provincial congress of south carolina.... battle of breed's hill. notes footnotes illustrations general washington ruins of the old brick church built at jamestown in plymouth, massachusetts, in penn seeking freedom for imprisoned friends great meadows and the site of fort necessity general braddock's grave the death of wolfe on the plains of abraham the boston tea party life of washington, volume ii. contents chapter i. birth of mr. washington.... his mission to the french on the ohio.... appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment of regular troops.... surprises monsieur jumonville.... capitulation of fort necessity.... is appointed aid-de-camp to general braddock.... defeat and death of that general.... is appointed to the command of a regiment.... extreme distress of the frontiers, and exertions of colonel washington to augment the regular forces of the colony.... expedition against fort du quesne.... defeat of major grant.... fort du quesne evacuated by the french, and taken possession of by the english.... resignation of colonel washington.... his marriage. chapter ii. colonel washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american forces.... arrives at cambridge.... strength and disposition of the two armies.... deficiency of the americans in arms and ammunitions.... falmouth burnt.... success of the american cruisers.... distress of the british from the want of fresh provisions.... measures to form a continental army.... difficulty of re-enlisting the troops.... plan for attacking boston.... general lee detached to new york.... possession taken of the heights of dorchester.... boston evacuated.... correspondence respecting prisoners. chapter iii. invasion of canada meditated.... siege of st. john's.... capture of fort chamblée.... carleton defeated at longueisle.... st. john's capitulated.... montreal surrenders.... arnold's expedition.... he arrives before quebec.... retires to point aux trembles.... montgomery lays siege to quebec.... unsuccessful attack on that place.... death of montgomery.... blockade of quebec.... general thomas takes command of the army.... the blockade raised.... general sullivan takes the command.... battle of the three rivers.... canada evacuated.... general carleton constructs a fleet.... enters lake champlain.... defeats the american flotilla.... takes possession of crown point.... retires into winter quarters. chapter iv. transaction in virginia.... action at great bridge.... norfolk evacuated.... burnt.... transactions in north carolina.... action at moore's creek bridge.... invasion of south carolina.... british fleet repulsed at fort moultrie.... transactions in new york.... measures leading to independence.... independence declared. chapter v. lord and sir william howe arrive before new york.... circular letter of lord howe.... state of the american army.... the british land in force on long island.... battle of brooklyn.... evacuation of long island.... fruitless negotiations.... new york evacuated.... skirmish on the heights of haerlem.... letter on the state of the army. chapter vi. the british land at frog's neck.... the american army evacuates york island, except fort washington.... both armies move towards the white plains.... battle of the white plains.... the british army returns to kingsbridge.... general washington crosses the north river.... the lines of fort washington carried by the british, and the garrison made prisoners.... evacuation of fort lee.... weakness of the american army.... ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.... general washington retreats through jersey.... general washington crosses the delaware.... danger of philadelphia.... capture of general lee.... the british go into winter quarters.... battle of trenton.... of princeton.... firmness of congress. chapter vii. american army inoculated.... general heath moves to kingsbridge.... returns to peekskill.... skirmishes.... state of the army.... destruction of stores at peekskill.... at danbury.... expedition to sagg harbour.... camp formed at middlebrook.... sir william howe moves out to somerset court house.... returns to amboy.... attempts to cut off the retreat of the american army to middlebrook.... lord cornwallis skirmishes with lord stirling.... general prescott surprised and taken.... the british army embarks. chapter viii. general washington commences his march to the delaware.... takes measures for checking burgoyne.... british army land at elk river.... general washington advances to brandywine.... retreat of maxwell.... defeat at brandywine.... slight skirmish near the white horse, and retreat to french creek.... general wayne surprised.... general howe takes possession of philadelphia.... removal of congress to lancaster. chapter ix. measures to cut off the communication between the british army and fleet.... battle of germantown.... measures to intercept supplies to philadelphia.... attack on fort mifflin.... on red bank.... the augusta blows up.... fort mifflin evacuated.... fort mercer evacuated.... the british open the communication with their fleet.... washington urged to attack philadelphia.... general howe marches out to chestnut hill.... returns to philadelphia.... general washington goes into winter quarters. chapter x. inquiry into the conduct of general schuyler.... burgoyne appears before ticonderoga.... evacuation of that place,... of skeensborough.... colonel warner defeated.... evacuation of fort anne.... proclamation of burgoyne.... counter-proclamation of schuyler.... burgoyne approaches fort edward.... schuyler retires to saratoga,... to stillwater.... st. leger invests fort schuyler.... herkimer defeated.... colonel baum detached to bennington.... is defeated.... brechman defeated.... st. leger abandons the siege of fort schuyler.... murder of miss m'crea.... general gates takes command.... burgoyne encamps on the heights of saratoga.... battle of stillwater.... burgoyne retreats to saratoga.... capitulates.... the british take forts montgomery and clinton.... the forts independence and constitution evacuated by the americans.... ticonderoga evacuated by the british. chapter xi. defects in the commissary departments.... distress of the army at valley forge.... the army subsisted by impressments.... combination in congress against general washington.... correspondence between him and general gates.... distress of the army for clothes.... washington's exertions to augment the army.... congress sends a committee to camp.... attempt to surprise captain lee.... congress determines on a second expedition to canada.... abandons it.... general conway resigns.... the baron steuben appointed inspector general.... congress forbids the embarkation of burgoyne's army.... plan of reconciliation agreed to in parliament.... communicated to congress and rejected.... information of treaties between france and the united states.... complaints of the treatment of prisoners.... a partial exchange agreed to. notes footnotes illustrations wakefield�the birthplace of george washington the washington family burial ground the historic washington elm at cambridge, massachusetts independence hall, philadelphia washington's headquarters at white plains washington crossing the delaware the saratoga battle monument washington's headquarters at valley forge life of washington, volume iii. contents chapter i. incursion into jersey.... general lacy surprised.... attempt on lafayette at barren hill.... general howe resigns the command of the british army.... is succeeded by sir h. clinton.... he evacuates philadelphia, and marches through the jerseys.... a council of war which decides against attacking the british on their march.... battle of monmouth.... general lee arrested.... sentenced to be suspended for one year.... thanks of congress to general washington and his army. chapter ii. count d'estaing arrives with a french fleet.... meditates an attack on the british fleet in new york harbour.... relinquishes it.... sails to rhode island.... lord howe appears off rhode island.... both fleets dispersed by a storm.... general sullivan lays siege to newport.... d'estaing returns.... sails for boston.... sullivan expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders.... raises the siege of newport.... action on rhode island.... the americans retreat to the continent.... count d'estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with sullivan in a letter to congress.... general washington labours successfully to heal these discontents.... lord howe resigns the command of the british fleet.... colonel baylor's regiment surprised.... captain donop defeated by colonel butler.... expedition of the british against egg harbour.... pulaski surprised. chapter iii. arrival of the british commissioners.... terms of conciliation proposed.... answer of congress to their propo[pg iv]sitions.... attempts of mr. johnson to bribe some members of congress.... his private letters ordered to be published.... manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifesto of congress.... arrival of monsieur girard, minister plenipotentiary of france.... hostilities of the indians.... irruption into the wyoming settlement.... battle of wyoming.... colonel dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.... distress of the settlement.... colonel clarke surprises st. vincent.... congress determines to invade canada.... general washington opposes the measure.... induces congress to abandon it. chapter iv. divisions in congress.... letters of general washington on the state of public affairs.... invasion of georgia.... general howe defeated by colonel campbell.... savannah taken.... sunbury surrenders.... georgia reduced.... general lincoln takes command of the southern army.... major gardener defeated by general moultrie.... insurrection of the tories in south carolina.... they are defeated by colonel pickens.... ash surprised and defeated.... moultrie retreats.... prevost marches to charleston.... lincoln attacks the british at stono ferry unsuccessfully.... invasion of virginia. chapter v. discontents in a part of the american army.... letter from general washington on the subject.... colonel van schaick destroys an indian settlement.... expedition against the indians meditated.... fort fayette surrendered to the british.... invasion of connecticut.... general wayne storms stony point.... expedition against penobscot.... powles hook surprised by major lee.... arrival of admiral arbuthnot.... of the count d'estaing.... siege of savannah.... unsuccessful attempt to storm that place.... siege raised.... victory of general sullivan at newtown.... spain offers her me[pg v]diation to the belligerents.... declares war against england.... letter from general washington to congress respecting the annual formation of the army.... the army goes into winter quarters. chapter vi. south carolina invaded.... the british fleet passes the bar, and gets possession of the harbour of charleston.... opinion of general washington on the propriety of defending that place.... sir henry clinton invests the town.... tarleton surprises an american corps at monk's corner.... fort moultrie surrendered.... tarleton defeats colonel white.... general lincoln capitulates.... buford defeated.... arrangements for the government of south carolina and georgia.... sir henry clinton embarks for new york.... general gates takes command of the southern army.... is defeated near camden.... death of de kalb.... success of general sumpter.... he is defeated. chapter vii. distress in the american camp.... expedition against staten island.... requisitions on the states.... new scheme of finance.... committee of congress deputed to camp.... resolution to make up depreciation of pay.... mutiny in the line of connecticut.... general knyphausen enters jersey.... sir henry clinton returns to new york.... skirmish at springfield.... exertions to strengthen the army.... bank established in philadelphia.... contributions of the ladies.... farther proceedings of the states.... arrival of a french armament in rhode island.... changes in the quartermaster's department.... enterprise against new york abandoned.... naval superiority of the british. chapter viii. treason and escape of arnold.... trial and execution of major andré.... precautions for the security of west[pg vi] point.... letter of general washington on american affairs.... proceedings of congress respecting the army.... major talmadge destroys the british stores at coram.... the army retires into winter quarters.... irruption of major carleton into new york.... european transactions. chapter ix. transactions in south carolina and georgia.... defeat of ferguson.... lord cornwallis enters north carolina.... retreat out of that state.... major wemys defeated by sumpter.... tarleton repulsed.... greene appointed to the command of the southern army.... arrives in camp.... detaches morgan over the catawba.... battle of the cowpens.... lord cornwallis drives greene through north carolina into virginia.... he retires to hillsborough.... greene recrosses the dan.... loyalists under colonel pyle cut to pieces.... battle of guilford.... lord cornwallis retires to ramsay's mills.... to wilmington.... greene advances to ramsay's mills.... determines to enter south carolina.... lord cornwallis resolves to march to virginia. chapter x. virginia invaded by arnold.... he destroys the stores at westham and at richmond.... retires to portsmouth.... mutiny in the pennsylvania line.... sir h. clinton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers.... they compromise with the civil government.... mutiny in the jersey line.... mission of colonel laurens to france.... propositions to spain.... recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods.... reform in the executive departments.... confederation adopted.... military transactions.... lafayette detached to virginia.... cornwallis arrives.... presses lafayette.... expedition to charlottesville, to the point of fork.... lafayette forms a junction with wayne.... cornwallis retires to the lower country.... general washington's letters are intercepted.... action near jamestown.[pg vii] chapter xi. farther state of affairs in the beginning of the year .... measures of mr. morris, the superintendent of finances.... designs of general washington against new york.... count rochambeau marches to the north river.... intelligence from the count de grasse.... plan of operations against lord cornwallis.... naval engagement.... the combined armies march for the chesapeake.... yorktown invested.... surrender of lord cornwallis. notes. footnotes. illustrations george washington, by gilbert stuart martha washington, by gilbert stuart george washington, by john trumbull the ruins of stony point�on the hudson beverly robinson mansion at west point where washington stayed during andré's trial the moore house at yorktown, virginia life of washington, volume iv. contents chapter i. greene invests camden.... battle of hobkirk's hill.... progress of marion and lee.... lord rawdon retires into the lower country.... greene invests ninety six.... is repulsed.... retires from that place.... active movements of the two armies.... after a short repose they resume active operations.... battle of eutaw.... the british army retires towards charleston. chapter ii. preparations for another campaign.... proceedings in the parliament of great britain. conciliatory conduct of general carleton.... transactions in the south.... negotiations for peace.... preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the united states and great britain.... discontents of the american army.... peace.... mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line.... evacuation of new york.... general washington resigns his commission and retires to mount vernon. chapter iii. general washington devotes his time to rural pursuits.... to the duties of friendship.... and to institutions of public utility.... resolves of congress and of the legislature of virginia for erecting statues to his honour.... recommends improvement in inland navigation.... declines accepting a donation made to him by his native state.... the society of the cincinnati.... he is elected president.... the causes which led to a change of the government of the united states.... circular letter of general washington to the governors of the several states. chapter iv. differences between great britain and the united states.... mr. adams appointed minister to great britain.... discontents excited by the commercial regulations of britain.... parties in the united states.... the convention at annapolis.... virginia appoints deputies to a convention at philadelphia.... general washington chosen one of them.... insurrection at massachusetts.... convention at philadelphia.... a form of government submitted to the respective states, as ratified by eleven of them.... correspondence of general washington respecting the chief magistracy.... he is elected president.... meeting of the first congress. chapter v. the election of general washington officially announced to him.... his departure for the seat of government.... marks of affection shown him on his journey.... his inauguration and speech to congress.... his system of intercourse with the world.... letters on this and other subjects.... answers of both houses of congress to the speech.... domestic and foreign relations of the united states.... debates on the impost and tonnage bills.... on the power of removal from office.... on the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans of revenue.... on the style of the president.... amendments to the constitution.... appointment of executive officers, and of the judges.... adjournment of the first session of congress.... the president visits new england.... his reception.... north carolina accedes to the union. chapter vi. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... report of the secretary of the treasury on public credit.... debate thereon.... bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.... adjournment of congress.... treaty with the creek indians.... relations of the united states with great britain and spain.... the president visits mount vernon.... session of congress.... the president's speech.... debates on the excise.... on a national bank.... the opinions of the cabinet on the law.... progress of parties.... war with the indians.... defeat of harmar.... adjournment of congress. chapter vii. general st. clair appointed commander-in-chief.... the president makes a tour through the southern states.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... debate on the bill for apportioning representatives.... military law.... defeat of st. clair.... opposition to the increase of the army.... report of the secretary of the treasury for raising additional supplies.... congress adjourns.... strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of parties.... disagreement between the secretaries of state and treasury.... letters from general washington.... opposition to the excise law.... president's proclamation.... insurrection and massacre in the island of st. domingo.... general wayne appointed to the command of the army.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasury, rejected.... congress adjourns.... progress of the french revolution, and its effects on parties in the united states. notes. footnotes. list of illustrations george washington livingston manor, dobbs ferry, new york the long room in fraunces' tavern, new york city the old senate chamber at annapolis, maryland, where washington resigned his commission the room in which the first constitutional convention met in philadelphia washington taking the oath of office view of the old city or federal hall, new york, in tomb of mary, mother of washington life of washington, volume iv. contents chapter i. g. washington again unanimously elected president.... war between great britain and france.... queries of the president respecting the conduct to be adopted by the american government.... proclamation of neutrality.... arrival of mr. genet as minister from france.... his conduct.... illegal proceedings of the french cruisers.... opinions of the cabinet.... state of parties.... democratic societies.... genet calculates upon the partialities of the american people for france, and openly insults their government.... rules laid down by the executive to be observed in the ports of the united states in relation to the powers at war.... the president requests the recall of genet.... british order of th of june, .... decree of the national convention relative to neutral commerce. chapter ii. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... his message on the foreign relations of the united states.... report of the secretary of state on the commerce of the united states.... he resigns.... is succeeded by mr. randolph.... mr. madison's resolutions founded on the above report.... debate thereon.... debates on the subject of a navy.... an embargo law.... mission of mr. jay to great britain.... inquiry into the conduct of the secretary of the treasury, terminates honourably to him.... internal taxes.... congress adjourns. chapter iii. genet recalled.... is succeeded by mr. fauchet.... gouverneur morris recalled, and is succeeded by mr. monroe.... kentucky remonstrance.... intemperate resolutions of the people of that state.... general wayne defeats the indians on the miamis.... insurrection in the western parts of pennsylvania.... quelled by the prompt and vigorous measures of the government.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... democratic societies.... resignation of colonel hamilton.... is succeeded by mr. wolcott.... resignation of general knox.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... treaty between the united states and great britain.... conditionally ratified by the president.... the treaty unpopular.... mr. randolph resigns.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... colonel m'henry appointed secretary at war.... charge against the president rejected..... treaty with the indians north-west of the ohio.... with algiers.... with spain.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... mr. adet succeeds mr. fauchet..... the house of representatives call upon the president for papers relating to the treaty with great britain.... he declines sending them.... debates upon the treaty making power.... upon the bill for making appropriations to carry into execution the treaty with great britain.... congress adjourns.... the president endeavours to procure the liberation of lafayette. chapter iv. letters from general washington to mr. jefferson.... hostile measures of france against the united states.... mr. monroe recalled and general pinckney appointed to succeed him.... general washington's valedictory address to the people of the united states.... the minister of france endeavours to influence the approaching election.... the president's speech to congress.... he denies the authenticity of certain spurious letters published in .... john adams elected president, and thomas jefferson vice president.... general washington retires to mount vernon.... political situation of the united states at this period.... the french government refuses to receive general pinckney as minister.... congress is convened.... president's speech.... three envoys extraordinary deputed to france.... their treatment.... measures of hostility adopted by the american government against france.... general washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american army.... his death.... and character. notes. footnotes. list of illustrations president washington martha washington george washington george washington's bedroom at mount vernon george washington martha washington's bedroom at mount vernon mount vernon resting-place of george and martha washington at mount vernon the riverside library george washington by william roscoe thayer to harriet sears amory with the best wishes of her old friend the author preface to obviate misunderstanding, it seems well to warn the reader that this book aims only at giving a sketch of george washington's life and acts. i was interested to discover, if i could, the human residue which i felt sure must persist in washington after all was said. owing to the pernicious drivel of the reverend weems no other great man in history has had to live down such a mass of absurdities and deliberate false inventions. at last after a century and a quarter the rubbish has been mostly cleared away, and only those who wilfully prefer to deceive themselves need waste time over an imaginary father of his country amusing himself with a fictitious cherry-tree and hatchet. the truth is that the material about george washington is very voluminous. his military records cover the eight years of the revolutionary war. his political work is preserved officially in the reports of congress. most of the public men who were his contemporaries left memoirs or correspondence in which he figures. above all there is the edition, in fourteen volumes, of his own writings compiled by mr. worthington c. ford. and yet many persons find something that baffles them. they do not recognize a definite flesh and blood virginian named washington behind it all. even so sturdy an historian as professor channing calls him the most elusive of historic personages. who has not wished that james boswell could have spent a year with wellington on terms as intimate as those he spent with dr. johnson and could have left a report of that intimacy? in this sketch i have conceived of washington as of some superb athlete equipped for every ordeal which life might cause him to face. the nature of each ordeal must be briefly stated; brief also, but sufficient, the account of the way he accomplished it. i have quoted freely from his letters wherever it seemed fitting, first, because in them you get his personal authentic statement of what happened as he saw it, and you get also his purpose in making any move; and next, because nothing so well reveals the real george washington as those letters do. whoever will steep himself in them will hardly declare that their writer remains an elusive person beyond finding out or understanding. in the course of reading them you will come upon many of those "imponderables" which are the secret soul of statecraft. and so with all humility--for no one can spend much time with washington, and not feel profound humility--i leave this little sketch to its fate, and hope that some readers will find in it what i strove to put in it. w.r.t. cambridge, massachusetts _june , _ contents i. origins and youth ii. marriage. the life of a planter iii. the first gun iv. boston freed v. trenton and valley forge vi. aid from france; traitors vii. washington returns to peace viii. welding the nation ix. the first american president x. the jay treaty xi. washington retires from public life xii. conclusion index abbreviations of titles frequently referred to _channing_ = edward channing: _history of the united states_. new york: macmillan company, iii, iv. . _fiske_ = john fiske: _the critical period of american history, - _. boston: houghton mifflin company. . _ford_ = worthington c. ford: _the writings of george washington_. vols. new york: g.p. putnam's sons. - . _ford_ = worthington c. ford: _george washington_. vols. paris: goupil; new york: charles scribner's sons. . _hapgood_ = norman hapgood: _george washington_. new york: macmillan company. . _irving_ = washington irving: _life of george washington_. new york: g.p. putnam. . _lodge_ = henry cabot lodge: _george washington_. vols. american statesman series. boston: houghton mifflin company. . _marshall_ = john marshall: _the life of george washington_. vols. philadelphia. . _sparks_ = jared sparks: _the life of george washington_. boston. _wister_ = owen wister: _the seven ages of washington_. new york: macmillan company. . george washington chapter i origins and youth zealous biographers of george washington have traced for him a most respectable, not to say distinguished, ancestry. they go back to the time of queen elizabeth, and find washingtons then who were "gentlemen." a family of the name existed in northumberland and durham, but modern investigation points to sulgrave, in northamptonshire, as the english home of his stock. here was born, probably during the reign of charles i, his great-grandfather, john washington, who was a sea-going man, and settled in virginia in . his eldest son, lawrence, had three children--john, augustine, and mildred. of these, augustine married twice, and by his second wife, mary ball, whom he married on march , , there were six children--george, betty, samuel, john augustine, charles, and mildred. the family home at bridges creek, near the potomac, in westmoreland county, was washington's birthplace, and (february , old style) february , new style, , was the date. we hear little about his childhood, he being a wholesomely unprecocious boy. rumors have it that george was coddled and even spoiled by his mother. he had very little formal education, mathematics being the only subject in which he excelled, and that he learned chiefly by himself. but he lived abundantly an out-of-door life, hunting and fishing much, and playing on the plantation. his family, although not rich, lived in easy fashion, and ranked among the gentry. no life of george washington should fail to warn the reader at the start that the biographer labors under the disadvantage of having to counteract the errors and absurdities which the reverend mason l. weems made current in the life he published the year after washington died. no one, not even washington himself, could live down the reputation of a goody-goody prig with which the officious scotch divine smothered him. the cherry-tree story has had few rivals in publicity and has probably done more than anything else to implant an instinctive contempt of its hero in the hearts of four generations of readers. "why couldn't george washington lie?" was the comment of a little boy i knew, "couldn't he talk?" weems pretended to an intimacy at mount vernon which it appears he never had. in "blackwood's magazine" john neal said of the book, "not one word of which we believe. it is full of ridiculous exaggerations." and yet neither this criticism nor any other stemmed the outpouring of editions of it which must now number more than seventy. weems doubtless thought that he was helping god and doing good to washington by his offensive and effusive support of rudimentary morals. weems had been dead a dozen years when another enemy sprang up. this was the worthy jared sparks, an historian, a professor of history, who collected with much care the correspondence of george washington and edited it in a monumental work. sparks, however, suffered under the delusion that something other than fact can be the best substance of history. according to his tastes, many of washington's letters were not sufficiently dignified; they were too colloquial, they even let slip expressions which no man conscious that he was the model of propriety, the embodiment of the dignity of history, could have used. so mr. sparks without blushing went through washington's letters and substituted for the originals words which he decided were more seemly. again the public came to know george washington, not by his own words, but by those attributed to him by an overzealous stylist-pedant. well might the father of his country pray to be delivered from the parsons. one of the earliest records of washington's youth is the copy, written in his beautiful, almost copper-plate hand, of "rules of civility & decent behavior, in company and conversation." these maxims were taken from an english book called "the young man's companion," by w. mather. it had passed through thirteen editions and contained information upon many matters besides conduct perhaps washington copied the maxims as a school exercise; perhaps he learned them by heart. they are for the most part the didactic aphorisms which greatly pleased our worthy ancestors during the middle of the eighteenth century and later. some of the entries referred to simple matters of deportment: you must not turn your back on persons to whom you talk. others touch morals rather than manners. one imagines that the parson or elderly uncles allowed themselves to bestow this indisputably correct advice upon the youths whom they were interested in. a boy brought up rigidly on these doctrines could hardly fail to become a prig unless he succeeded in following the last injunction of all: "labor to keep alive in your heart, that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." when he was eleven years old, washington's father died, and his older half-brother, lawrence, who inherited the estate now known as mount vernon, became his guardian. lawrence had married the daughter of a neighbor, william fairfax, agent for the large fairfax estate. fairfax and he had served with the colonial forces at cartagena under admiral vernon, from whom the washington manor took its name. lord fairfax, william's cousin and head of the family, offered george work on the survey of his domain. george, then a sturdy lad of sixteen, accepted gladly, and for more than two years he carried it on. the fairfax estate extended far into the west, beyond the immediate tidewater district, beyond the fringe of sparsely settled clearings, into the wilderness itself. the effect of his experience as surveyor lasted throughout george washington's life. his self-reliance and his courage never flagged. sometimes he went alone and passed weeks among the solitudes; sometimes he had a companion whom he had to care for as well as for himself. but besides the toughening of his character which this pioneer life assured him, he got much information, which greatly influenced, years later, his views on the development, not only of virginia, but of the northwest. perhaps from this time there entered into his heart the conviction that the strongest bond of union must sometime bind together the various colonies, so different in resources and in interests, including his native commonwealth. from journals kept during some of his expeditions we see that he was a clear observer and an accurate reporter; far from bookish, but a careful penman, and conscious of the obligation laid upon him to acquire at least the minimum of polite knowledge which was expected of a country gentleman such as he aspired to be. here is an extract in which he describes the squalid conditions under which he passed some of his life as a woodsman and surveyor. we got our suppers and was lighted into a room and i not being so good a woodsman as ye rest of my company, striped myself very orderly and went into ye bed, as they calld it, when to my surprize, i found it to be nothing but a little straw matted together without sheets or any thing else, but only one thread bare blanket with double its weight of vermin, such as lice, fleas, etc. i was glad to get up (as soon as ye light was carried from us). i put on my cloths and lay as my companions. had we not been very tired, i am sure we should not have slep'd much that night. i made a promise not to sleep so from that time forward, chusing rather to sleep in ye open air before a fire, as will appear hereafter. wednesday th. we set out early and finish'd about one o'clock and then travelled up to frederick town, where our baggage came to us. we cleaned ourselves (to get rid of ye game we had catched ye night before), i took a review of ye town and then return'd to our lodgings where we had a good dinner prepared for us. wine and rum punch in plenty, and a good feather bed with clean sheets, which was a very agreeable regale. the longest of washington's early expeditions was the "journey over the mountains, began fryday the th of march / ." the mountains were the alleghanies, and the trip gave him a closer acquaintance than he had had with indians in the wilds. on his return, he stayed with his half-brother, lawrence, at mount vernon, or with lord fairfax, and enjoyed the country life common to the richer virginians of the time. towns which could provide an inn being few and far between, travellers sought hospitality in the homes of the well-to-do residents, and every one was in a way a neighbor of the other dwellers in his county. so both at belvoir and at mount vernon, guests were frequent and broke the monotony and loneliness of their inmates. i think the reputation of gravity, which was fixed upon washington in his mature years, has been projected back over his youth. the actual records are lacking, but such hints and surmises as we have do not warrant our thinking of him as a self-centred, unsociable youth. on the contrary, he was rather, what would be called now, a sport, ready for hunting or riding, of splendid physical build, agile and strong. he liked dancing, and was not too shy to enjoy the society of young women; indeed, he wrote poems to some of them, and seems to have been popular with them. and still, the legend remains that he was bashful. from our earliest glimpses of him, washington appears as a youth very particular as to his dress. he knew how to rough it as the extracts of his personal journals which i have quoted show, and this passage confirms: i seem to be in a place where no real satisfaction is to be had. since you received my letter in october last, i have not sleep'd above three or four nights in a bed, but, after walking a good deal all the day, i lay down before the fire upon a little hay, straw, fodder, or bearskin, which ever is to be had, with man, wife, and children, like a parcel of dogs and cats, and happy is he who gets the berth nearest the fire. there's nothing would make it pass off tolerably but a good reward. a doubloon is my constant gain every day that the weather will permit my going out, and sometimes six pistoles. the coldness of the weather will not allow of my making a long stay, as the lodging is rather too cold for this time of year. i have never had my clothes off but lay and sleep in them, except the few nights i have lay'n in frederic town.[ ] [footnote : hapgood, p, .] later, when washington became master of mount vernon, his servants were properly liveried. he himself rode to hounds in the approved apparel of a fox-hunting british gentleman, and we find in the lists of articles for which he sends to london the names of clothes and other articles for mrs. washington and the children carefully specified with the word "fashionable" or "very best quality" added. still later, when he was president he attended to this matter of dress with even greater punctilio. one incident of this early period should not be passed by unmentioned. admiral vernon offered him an appointment as midshipman in the navy, but washington's mother objected so strongly that washington gave up the opportunity. we may well wonder whether, if he had accepted it, his career might not have been permanently turned aside. had he served ten or a dozen years in the navy, he might have grown to be so loyal to the king, that, when the revolution came, he would have been found in command of one of the king's men-of-war, ordered to put down the rebels in boston, or in new york. thus fate suggests amazing alternatives to us in the retrospect, but in the actual living, fate makes it clear that the only course which could have happened was that which did happen. in the health of washington's brother, lawrence, became so bad from consumption that he decided to pass the winter in a warm climate. he chose the island of barbados, and his brother george accompanied him. shortly before sailing, george was commissioned one of the adjutants-general of virginia, with the rank of major, and the pay of £ a year. they sailed on the potomac river, perhaps near mount vernon, on september , , and landed at bridgetown on november d. the next day they were entertained at breakfast and dinner by major clark, the british officer who commanded some of the fortifications of the island. "we went," says george washington, in a journal he kept, "myself with some reluctance, as the smallpox was in his family." thirteen days later, george fell ill of a very strong case of smallpox which kept him housed for six weeks and left his face much disfigured for life with pock marks, a fact which, so far as i have observed his portraits, the painters have carefully forgotten to indicate. the brothers passed a fairly pleasant month and a half at the barbados. major clark, and other gentlemen and officials of the island, showed them much attention. they enjoyed the hospitality of the beefsteak and tripe club, which seems to have been the fashionable club. on one occasion, washington was taken to the play to see the "tragedy of george barnwell." this may have been the first time that he went to the theatre. he refers to it in his journal with his habitual caution: was treated with a play ticket by mr. carter to see the tragedy of george barnwell acted: the character of barnwell and several others was said to be well perform'd there was musick a dapted and regularly conducted by mr. but lawrence washington's consumption did not improve: he grew homesick and pined for his wife and for mount vernon. the physicians had recommended him to spend a full year at barbados, in order to give the climate and the regimen there a fair trial, but he could not endure it so long, and he sailed from there to bermuda, whence he shortly returned to virginia and mount vernon. george, meanwhile, had also gone back to virginia, sailing december , , and arriving february , . even from his much-mutilated journal, we can see that he travelled with his eyes open, and that his interests were many. as he mentioned in his journal thirty persons with whom he became acquainted at the barbados, we infer that in spite of bashfulness he was an easy mixer. this short journey to the barbados marks the only occasion on which george washington went outside of the borders of the american colonies, which became later, chiefly through his genius, the united states.[ ] [footnote : j.m. toner: _the daily journal of major george washington in - _ (albany, n.y., ).] in july, , lawrence washington died of the disease which he had long struggled against. he left his fortune and his property, including mount vernon, to his daughter, sarah, and he appointed his brother, george, her guardian. she was a sweet-natured girl, but very frail, who died before long, probably of the same disease which had carried her father off, and, until its infectious nature was understood, used to decimate families from generation to generation. to have thrust upon him, at the age of twenty, the management of a large estate might seem a heavy burden for any young man; but george washington was equal to the task, and it seems as if much of his career up to that time was a direct preparation for it. he knew every foot of its fields and meadows, of its woodlands and streams; he knew where each crop grew, and its rotation; he had taken great interest in horses and cattle, and in the methods for maintaining and improving their breed; and now, of course being master, his power of choosing good men to do the work was put to the test. but he had not been long at these new occupations before public duties drew him away from them. though they knew it not, the european settlers in north america were approaching a life-and-death catastrophe. from the days when the english and the french first settled on the continent, fate ordained for them an irrepressible conflict. should france prevail? should england prevail? with the growth of their colonies, both the english and the french felt their rivalry sharpened. although distances often very broad kept them apart in space, yet both nations were ready to prove the terrible truth that when two men, or two tribes, wish to fight each other, they will find out a way. the french, at new orleans, might be far away from the english at boston; and the english, in new york, or in philadelphia, might be removed from the french in quebec; but in their hatreds they were near neighbors. the french pushed westward along the st. lawrence to the great lakes, and from lake erie, they pushed southward, across the rich plains of ohio, to the ohio river. their trails spread still farther into the western wilderness. they set up trading-posts in the very region which the english settlers expected to occupy in the due process of their advance. at the junction of the monongahela and ohio rivers, they planted fort duquesne, which not only commanded the approach to the territory through which the ohio flowed westward, but served notice on the english that the french regarded themselves as the rightful claimants of that territory. in governor dinwiddie, of virginia, had sent a commissioner to warn the french to cease from encroaching on the lands in the ohio wilderness which belonged to the king of england, but the messenger stopped one hundred and fifty miles short of his goal. therefore, the governor decided to despatch another envoy. he selected george washington, who was already well known for his surveying, and for his expedition beyond the mountains, and doubtless had the backing of the fairfaxes and other influential gentlemen. washington set out on the same day he received his appointment from governor dinwiddie (october , ), engaged jacob van braam, a hollander who had taught him fencing, to be his french interpreter; and christopher gist, the best guide through the virginia wilderness, to pilot the party. in spite of the wintry conditions which beset them, they made good time. washington presented his official warning to m. joncaire, the principal french commander in the region under dispute, but he replied that he must wait for orders from the governor in quebec. one object of washington's mission was to win over, if possible, the indians, whose friendship for either the french or the english depended wholly on self-interest. he seems to have been most successful in securing the friendship of thanacarishon, the great seneca chief, known as the half-king. this native left it as his opinion that the colonel was a good-natured man, but had no experience; he took upon him to command the indians as his slaves, and would have them every day upon the scout and to attack the enemy by themselves, but would by no means take advice from the indians. he lay in one place from one full moon to the other, without making any fortifications, except that little thing on the meadow, whereas, had he taken advice, and built such fortifications as i advised him, he might easily have beat off the french. but the french in the engagement acted like cowards, and the english like fools.[ ] [footnote : quoted by lodge, i, .] believing that he could accomplish no more at that time, washington retraced his steps and returned to williamsburg. governor dinwiddie, being much disappointed with the outcome of the expedition, urged the virginian legislature to equip another party sufficiently strong to be able to capture fort duquesne, and to confirm the british control of the ohio. the burgesses, however, pleaded economy, and refused to grant funds adequate to this purpose. nevertheless, the governor having equipped a small troop, under the command of colonel fry, with washington as second, hurried it forth. during may and june they were near the forks, and with the approach of danger, washington's spirit and recklessness increased. in a slight skirmish, m. de jumonville, the french commander, was killed. fry died of disease and washington took his place as commander. perceiving that his own position was precarious, and expecting an attack by a large force of the enemy, he entrenched himself near great meadows in a hastily built fort, which he called fort necessity, and thought it possible to defend, even with his own small force, against five hundred french and indians. he miscalculated, however. the enemy exceeded in numbers all his expectations. his own resources dwindled; and so he took the decision of a practical man and surrendered the fort, on condition that he and his men be allowed to march out with the honors of war. they returned to virginia with little delay. the burgesses and the people of the state, though chagrined, did not take so gloomy a view of the collapse of the expedition as washington himself did. his own depression equalled his previous exaltation. as he thought over the affairs of the past half-year in the quiet of mount vernon, the feeling which he had had from the start, that the expedition had not been properly planned, or directed, or reënforced in men and supplies, was confirmed. governor dinwiddie's notion that raw volunteers would suffice to overcome trained soldiers had been proved a delusion. the inadequate pay and provisions of the officers irritated washington, not only because they were insufficient, but also because they fell far short of those of the english regulars. in his penetrating biography of washington, senator lodge regards his conduct of the campaign, which ended in the surrender of great meadows, and his narrative as revealing washington as a "profoundly silent man." carlyle, senator lodge says, who preached the doctrine of silence, brushed washington aside as a "bloodless cromwell," "failing utterly to see that he was the most supremely silent of the great men of action that the world can show." let us admit the justice of the strictures on carlyle, but let us ask whether washington's letters at this time spring from a "silent" man. he writes with perfect openness to governor dinwiddie; complains of the military system under which the troops are paid and the campaign is managed; he repeatedly condemns the discrimination against the virginian soldiers in favor of the british regulars; and he points out that instead of attempting to win the popularity of the virginians, they are badly treated. their rations are poor, and he reminds the governor that a continuous diet of salt pork and water does not inspire enthusiasm in either the stomach or the spirit. no wonder that the officers talk of resigning. "for my own part i can answer, i have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials, and, i flatter myself, resolution to face what any man durst, as shall be proved when it comes to the test, which i believe we are on the borders of." in several other passages from letters at this time, we come upon sentiments which indicate that washington had at least a sufficiently high estimation of his own worth, and that his genius for silence had not yet curbed his tongue. there is the famous boast attributed to him by horace walpole. in a despatch which washington sent back to the governor after the little skirmish in which jumonville was killed, washington said: "'i heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound.' on hearing of this the king said sensibly, 'he would not say so if he had been used to hear many.'" this reply of george ii deserves to be recorded if only because it is one of the few feeble witticisms credited to the hanoverian kings. years afterward, washington declared that he did not remember ever having referred to the charm of listening to whistling bullets. perhaps he never said it; perhaps he forgot. he was only twenty-two at the time of the great meadows campaign. no doubt he was as well aware as was governor dinwiddie, and other virginians, that he was the best equipped man on the expedition, experienced in actual fighting, and this, added to his qualifications as a woodsman, had given him a real zest for battle. in their discussion over the campfire, he and his fellow officers must inevitably have criticized the conduct of the expedition, and it may well be that washington sometimes insisted that if his advice were followed things would go better. not on this account, therefore, must we lay too much blame on him for being conceited or immodest. he knew that he knew, and he did not dissemble the fact. silence came later. the result of the expeditions to and skirmishes at the forks of the ohio was that england and france were at war, although they had not declared war on each other. a chance musket shot in the backwoods of virginia started a conflict which reverberated in europe, disturbed the peace of the world for seven years, and had serious consequences in the french and english colonies of north america. the news of washington's disaster at fort necessity aroused the british government to the conclusion that it must make a strong demonstration in order to crush the swelling prestige of the french rivals in america. the british planned, accordingly, to send out three expeditions, one against fort duquesne, another against the french in nova scotia, and a third against quebec. the command of the first they gave to general edward braddock. he was then sixty years old, had been in the regular army all his life, had served in holland, at l'orient, and at gibraltar, was a brave man, and an almost fanatical believer in the rules of war as taught in the manuals. during the latter half of , governor dinwiddie was endeavoring against many obstacles to send another expedition, equipped by virginia herself, to the ohio. only in the next spring, however, after braddock had come over from england with a relatively large force of regulars, were the final preparations for a campaign actually made. washington, in spite of being the commander-in-chief of the virginia forces, had his wish of going as a volunteer at his own expense. he wrote his friend william byrd, on april , , from mount vernon: i am now preparing for, and shall in a few days set off, to serve in the ensuing campaign, with different views, however, from those i had before. for here, if i can gain any credit, or if i am entitled to the least countenance and esteem, it must be from serving my country without fee or reward; for i can truly say, i have no expectation of either. to merit its esteem, and the good will of my friends, is the sum of my ambition, having no prospect of attaining a commission, being well assured it is not in gen'l braddock's power to give such an one as i would accept of. the command of a company is the highest commission vested in his gift. he was so obliging as to desire my company this campaign, has honoured me with particular marks of his esteem, and kindly invited me into his family--a circumstance which will ease me of expences that otherwise must have accrued in furnishing stores, camp equipages, etc. whereas the cost will now be easy (comparatively speaking), as baggage, horses, tents, and some other necessaries, will constitute the whole of the charge.[ ] [footnote : ford, i, - .] the army began to move about the middle of may, but it went very slowly. during june washington was taken with an acute fever, in spite of which he pressed on, but he became so weak that he had to be carried in a cart, as he was unable to sit his horse. braddock, with the main army, had gone on ahead, and washington feared that the battle, which he believed imminent, would be fought before he came up with the front. but he rejoined the troops on july th. the next day they forded the monongahela and proceeded to attack fort duquesne. writing from fort cumberland, on july th, washington gave governor dinwiddie the following account of braddock's defeat. the one thing happened which washington had felt anxious about--a surprise by the indians. he had more than once warned braddock of this danger, and benjamin franklin had warned him too before the expedition started, but braddock, with perfect british contempt, had replied that though savages might be formidable to raw colonials, they could make no impression on disciplined troops. the surprise came and thus washington reports it: when we came to this place, we were attacked (very unexpectedly) by about three hundred french and indians. our numbers consisted of about thirteen hundred well armed men, chiefly regulars, who were immediately struck with such an inconceivable panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. the officers, in general, behaved with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffered, there being near killed and wounded--a large proportion, out of the number we had! the virginia companies behaved like men and died like soldiers; for i believe out of three companies that were on the ground that day scarce thirty were left alive. capt. peyroney and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed; capt. polson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. in short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops (so-called) exposed those who were inclined to do their duty to almost certain death; and, at length, in despite of every effort to the contrary, broke and ran as sheep before hounds, leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, and, in short, everything a prey to the enemy. and when we endeavored to rally them, in hopes of regaining the ground and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success as if we had attempted to have stopped the wild bears of the mountains, or rivulets with our feet; for they would break by, in despite of every effort that could be made to prevent it. the general was wounded in the shoulder and breast, of which he died three days after; his two aids-de-camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of recovery; colo. burton and sr. john st. clair are also wounded, and i hope will get over it; sir peter halket, with many other brave officers, were killed in the field. it is supposed that we had three hundred or more killed; about that number we brought off wounded, and it is conjectured (i believe with much truth) that two thirds of both received their shot from our own cowardly regulars, who gathered themselves into a body, contrary to orders, ten or twelve deep, would then level, fire and shoot down the men before them.[ ] [footnote : ford, i, - - .] in this admirable letter washington tells nothing about his own prowess in the battle, where he rode to all parts of the field, trying to stem the retreat, and had two horses shot under him and four bullet holes in his coat. he tried to get the troops to break ranks and to screen themselves behind rocks and trees, but braddock, helpless without his rules, drove them back to regular formation with the flat of his sword, and made them an easy mark for the volleys of the enemy. washington's personal valor could not fail to be admired, although his audacity exposed him to unjustified risks. on reaching fort cumberland he wrote to his brother john, on july th: as i have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, i take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and assuring you, that i have not as yet composed the latter. but, by the all-powerful dispensations of providence, i have been protected beyond all human probability and expectation.[ ] [footnote : ibid. - .] the more he thought over the events of that day, the more was he amazed--"i join very heartily with you in believing," he wrote robert jackson on august d, "that when this story comes to be related in future annals, it will meet with unbelief and indignation, for had i not been witness to the fact on that fatal day, i should scarce have given credit to it even _now_."[ ] [footnote : ford, i, .] although washington was thoroughly disgusted by the mismanagement of military affairs in virginia, he was not ready to deny the appeals of patriotism. from mount vernon, on august , , he wrote his mother: honored madam, if it is in my power to avoid going to the ohio again, i shall; but if the command is pressed upon me, by the general _voice_ of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor upon me to refuse; and _that_, i am sure must or _ought_ to give you greater uneasiness, than my going in an honorable command, for upon no other terms i will accept of it. at present i have no proposals made to me, nor have i any advice of such an intention, except from private hands.[ ] [footnote : ibid. - .] braddock's defeat put an end to campaigning in virginia for some time. the consternation it caused, not only held the people of the sparse western settlements in alarm but agitated the tidewater towns and villages. the burgesses and many of the inhabitants had not yet learned their lesson sufficiently to set about reorganizing their army system, but the assembly partially recognized its obligation to the men who had fought by voting to them a small sum for losses during their previous service. washington received £ , but his patriotic sense of duty kept him active. in the winter of , however, owing to a very serious illness, he resigned from the army and returned to mount vernon to recuperate. during the long and tedious weeks of sickness and recovery, washington doubtless had time to think over, to clarify in his mind, and to pass judgment on the events in which he had shared during the past six or seven years. from boyhood that was his habit. he must know the meaning of things. an event might be as fruitless as a shooting star unless he could trace the relations which tied it to what came before and after. hence his deliberation which gave to his opinions the solidity of wisdom. audacious he might be in battle, but perhaps what seems to us audacity seemed to him at the moment a higher prudence. if there were crises when the odds looked ten to one against him, he would take the chance. he knew the incalculable value of courage. his experiences with the british regulars and their officers left a deep impression on him and colored his own decisions in his campaigns against the british during the revolutionary war. to genius nothing comes amiss, and by genius nothing is forgotten. so we find that all that washington saw and learned during his years of youth--his apprenticeship as surveyor, his vicissitudes as pioneer, tasks as indian fighter and as companion of the defeated braddock--all contributed to fit him for the supreme work for which fate had created him and the ages had waited. chapter ii marriage. the life of a planter war is like the wind, nobody can tell into whose garden it may blow desolation. the french and indian war, generally called now the seven years' war, beginning as a mere border altercation between the british and french backwoodsmen on the banks of the upper ohio river, grew into a struggle which, by the year , when washington retired from his command of the virginia forces, spread over the world. a new statesman, one of the ablest ever born in england, came to control the english government. william pitt, soon created earl of chatham, saw that the british empire had reached a crisis in its development. incompetence, inertia, had blurred its prestige, and the little victories which france, its chief enemy, had been winning against it piecemeal, were coming to be regarded as signs that the grandeur of britain was passing. pitt saw the gloomy situation, and the still gloomier future which it seemed to prophesy, but he saw also the remedy. within a few months, under his direction, english troops were in every part of the world, and english ships of war were sailing every ocean, to recover the slipping elements and to solidify the british empire. just as pitt was taking up his residence at downing street, robert clive was winning the battle of plassey in india, which brought to england territory of untold wealth. two years later james wolfe, defeating the french commander, montcalm, on the plains of abraham, added not only quebec, but all canada, to the british crown, and ended french rivalry north of the great lakes. victories like these, seemingly so casual, really as final and as unrevisable as fate, might well cause englishmen to suspect that destiny itself worked with them, and that an englishman could be trusted to endure through any difficulties to a triumphant conclusion. beaten at every point where they met the british, the french, even after they had secured an alliance with spain, which proved of little worth, were glad to make peace. on february , , they signed the treaty of paris, which confirmed to the british nearly all their victories and left england the dominant power in both hemispheres. the result of the war produced a marked effect on the people of the british colonies in north america. "at no period of time," says chief justice marshall, in his "life of washington," "was the attachment of the colonists to the mother country more strong, or more general, than in , when the definitive articles of the treaty which restored peace to great britain, france, and spain, were signed."[ ] but we who know the sequel perceive that the seven years' war not only strengthened the attachment between the colonies and the mother country, but that it also made the colonies aware of their common interests, and awakened among them mutual friendship, and in a very brief time their sense of unity prevailed over their temporary enthusiasm for england. george iii, a monarch as headstrong as he was narrow, with insanity lurking in his mind, succeeded to the throne in , and he seized the first opportunity to get rid of his masterful minister, william pitt. he replaced him with the earl of bute, a scotchman, and a man of ingenious parts, but with the incurable tory habit of insisting that it was still midnight long after the sun was shining in the forenoon of another day. [footnote : marshall: _the life of george washington_ (philadelphia, , vols.), ii, .] before the treaty was signed and the world had begun to spin in a new groove, which optimists thought would stretch on forever, an equally serious change had come to the private life of george washington. to the surprise of his friends, who had begun to doubt whether he would ever get married, he found his life's companion and married her without delay. the notion seems to have been popular during his lifetime, and it certainly has continued to later days, that he was too bashful to feel easy in ladies' society. i find no evidence for this mistaken idea. although little has been recorded of the intimacies of washington's youth, there are indications of more than one "flame" and that he was not dull and stockish with the young women. as early as , we hear of the low-land beauty who had captivated him, and who is still to be identified. even earlier, in his school days, he indulged in writing love verses. but we need not infer that they were inspired by living damsels or by the muses. "oh ye gods why should my poor resistless heart stand to oppose thy might and power-- * * * * * "in deluding sleepings let my eyelids close that in an enraptured dream i may in a rapt lulling sleep and gentle repose possess those joys denied by day."[ ] [footnote : quoted by wister, .] cavour said that it was easier for him to make italy than to write a poem: washington, who was also an honest man, and fully aware of his limitations, would probably have admitted that he could make the american republic more easily than a love song. but he was susceptible to feminine charms, and we hear of betsy fauntleroy, and of a "mrs. meil," and on his return to mount vernon, after braddock's defeat, he received the following round robin from some of the young ladies at belvoir: dear sir,--after thanking heaven for your safe return i must accuse you of great unkindness in refusing us the pleasure of seeing you this night. i do assure you nothing but our being satisfied that our company would be disagreeable should prevent us from trying if our legs would not carry us to mount vernon this night, but if you will not come to us tomorrow morning very early we shall be at mount vernon. s[ally] fairfax ann spearing eliz'th dent apparently washington's love affairs were known and talked about among his group. what promised to be the most serious of his experiences was with mary philipse, of new york, daughter of frederick philipse, one of the richest landowners in that colony, and sister-in-law of beverly robinson, one of washington's virginian friends. washington was going to boston on a characteristic errand. one of the minor officers in the regular british army, which had accompanied braddock to virginia, refused to take orders from washington, and officers of higher grade in virginia troops, declaring that their commissions were assigned only by colonial officials, whereas he had his own from king george. this led, of course, to insubordination and frequent quarrels. to put a stop to the wrangling, washington journeyed to boston, to have governor shirley, the commander-in-chief of the king's forces in the colonies, give a decision upon it. the governor ruled in favor of washington, who then rode back to virginia. but he spent a week in new york city in order to see his enchantress, mary philipse, and it is even whispered that he proposed to her and that she refused him. two years afterwards she married lieutenant-colonel roger morris, and during the revolution the morris house was washington's headquarters; the morrises, who were tories, having fled. persons have speculated why it was that so many of the young women whom washington took a fancy to, chilled and drew back when it came to the question of marriage. one very clever writer thinks that perhaps his nose was inordinately large in his youth, and that that repelled them. i do not pretend to say. so far as i know, psychologists have not yet made a sufficiently exact study of the nose as a determining factor in matrimony, to warrant an opinion from persons who have made no special study of the subject. the plain fact was that by his twenty-fifth year, washington was an unusually presentable young man, more than six feet tall, broad-shouldered, very strong, slender and athletic, carefully polite in his manners, a boon companion, though he talked little, a sound and deliberate thinker; moreover, the part he had taken in the war with the indians and the french made him almost a popular hero, and gave him a preëminent place among the virginians, both the young and the old, of that time. the possession of the estate of mount vernon, which he had inherited from his half-brother, lawrence, assured to him more than a comfortable fortune, and yet gossip wondered why he was not married. thackeray intimates that washington was too evidently on the lookout for a rich wife, which, if true, may account for some of the alleged rebuffs. i do not believe this assertion, nor do i find evidence for it. washington was always a very careful, farseeing person, and no doubt had a clear idea of what constitutes desirable qualifications in marriage, but i believe he would have married a poor girl out of the workhouse if he had really loved her. however, he was not put to that test. one may day washington rode off from mount vernon to carry despatches to williamsburg. he stopped at william's ferry for dinner with his friend major chamberlayne. at the table was mrs. daniel parke custis, who, under her maiden name of martha dandridge, was well known throughout that region for her beauty and sweet disposition. she was now a widow of twenty-six, with two small children. her late husband, colonel custis, her elder by fifteen years, had left her a large estate called white house, and a fortune which made her one of the richest women in virginia. from their first introduction, washington and she seemed to be mutually attracted. he lingered throughout the afternoon and evening with her and went on to williamsburg with his despatches the next morning. having finished his business at the capitol, he returned to william's ferry, where he again saw mrs. custis, pressed his suit upon her and was accepted. characteristic was it that he should conclude the matter so suddenly; but he had had marriage in his intentions for many years. during the summer washington returned to his military duties and led a troop to fort duquesne. he found the fort partly demolished, and abandoned by the french; he marched in and took it, and gave it the name of fort pitt, in recognition of the great statesman who had directed the revival of british prestige. the fort, thus recovered to english possession, stood on the present site of pittsburgh. i quote the following brief letter from washington to mrs. custis, as it is almost the only note of his to her during their engagement that has been preserved: we have begun our march for the ohio. a courier is starting for williamsburg, and i embrace the opportunity to send a few words to one whose life is now inseparable from mine. since that happy hour when we made our pledges to each other, my thoughts have been continually going to you as another self. that an all powerful providence may keep us both in safety is the prayer of your ever faithful and affectionate friend.[ ] [footnote : p.l. ford, _the true george washington_, .] late in that autumn washington returned for good from his western fighting. on january , (old style), his marriage to mrs. custis took place in st. peter's church, near her home at the white house. judging from the fine writing which old historians and new have devoted to describing it, virginia had seen few such elegant pageants as upon that occasion. the grandees in official station and in social life were all there. francis fauquier was, of course, gorgeous in his governor's robes but he could not outshine the bridegroom, in blue and silver with scarlet trimmings, and gold buckles at his knees, with his imperial physique and carriage. the reverend peter mossum conducted the episcopal service, after which the bride drove back with a coach and six to the white house, while washington, with other gentlemen, rode on horseback beside her acting as escort. the bridal couple spent two or three months at the white house. the custis estates were large and in so much need of oversight that if washington had not appeared at this time, a bailiff, or manager, would have had to be hired for them. henceforth washington seems to have added the care of the white house to that of mount vernon, and the two involved a burden which occupied most of his time, for he had retired from the army. his fellow citizens, however, had elected him a member of the house of burgesses, a position he held for many years; going to williamsburg every season to attend the sessions of the assembly. on his first entrance to take his seat, mr. robinson, the speaker, welcomed him in virginia's name, and praised him for his high achievements. this so embarrassed the modest young member that he was unable to reply, upon which speaker robinson said, "sit down, mr. washington, your modesty is equal to your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language that i possess." in all his life, probably, washington never heard praise more genuine or more deserved. he had just passed his twenty-seventh year. in the house of burgesses he had the reputation of being the silent member. he never acquired the art of a debater. he was neither quick at rebuttal nor at repartee, but so surely did his character impress itself on every one that when he spoke the assembly almost took it for granted that he had said the final word on the subject under discussion. how careful he was to observe the scope and effects of parliamentary speaking appears from a letter which he wrote many years later. agriculture has always been a particularly fine training-ground for statesmen. to persons who do not watch it closely, it may seem monotonous. in reality, while the sum of the conditions of one year tally closely with those of another, the daily changes and variations create a variety which must be constantly watched and provided for. a sudden freshet and unseasonable access of heat or cold, a scourge of hail, a drought, a murrain among the cattle, call for ingenuity and for resourcefulness; and for courage, a higher moral quality. constant comradeship with nature seems to beget placidity and quiet assurance. from using the great natural forces which bring to pass crops and the seasons, they seem to work in and through him also. the banker, the broker, even the merchant, lives in a series of whirlwinds, or seems to be pursuing a mirage or groping his way through a fog. the farmer, although he be not beyond the range of accident, deals more continually with causes which regularly produce certain effects. he knows a rainbow by sight and does not waste his time and money in chasing it. no better idea of washington's activity as a planter can be had than from his brief and terse journals as an agriculturist. he sets down day by day what he did and what his slaves and the free employees did on all parts of his estate. we see him as a regular and punctual man. he had a moral repugnance to idleness. he himself worked steadily and he chided the incompetent, the shirkers, and the lazy. a short experience as landowner convinced him that slave labor was the least efficient of all. this conviction led him very early to believe in the emancipation of the slaves. i do not find that sentiment or abstract ideals moved him to favor emancipation, but his sense of fitness, his aversion to wastefulness and inefficiency made him disapprove of a system which rendered industry on a high plane impossible. experience only confirmed these convictions of his, and in his will he ordered that many slaves should be freed after the death of mrs. washington. he was careful to apportion to his slaves the amount of food they needed in order to keep in health and to work the required stint. he employed a doctor to look after them in sickness. he provided clothing for them which he deemed sufficient. i do not gather that he ever regarded the black man as being essentially made of the same clay as the white man, the chief difference being the color of their skin. to washington, the slave system seemed bad, not so much because it represented a debased moral standard, but because it was economically and socially inadequate. his true character appears in his making the best of a system which he recognized as most faulty. under his management, in a few years, his estate at mount vernon became the model of that kind of plantation in the south. whoever desires to understand washington's life as a planter should read his diaries with their brief, and one might almost say brusque, entries from day to day.[ ] washington's care involved not only bringing the mount vernon estate to the highest point of prosperity by improving the productiveness of its various sections, but also by buying and annexing new pieces of land. to such a planter as he was, the ideal was to raise enough food to supply all the persons who lived or worked on the place, and this he succeeded in doing. his chief source of income, which provided him with ready money, was the tobacco crop, which proved to be of uncertain value. by washington's time the virginians had much diminished the amount and delicacy of the tobacco they raised by the careless methods they employed. they paid little attention to the rotation of crops, or to manuring, with the result that the soil was never properly replenished. in his earlier days washington shipped his year's product to an agent in glasgow or in london, who sold it at the market price and sent him the proceeds. the process of transportation was sometimes precarious; a leaky ship might let in enough sea water to damage the tobacco, and there was always the risk of loss by shipwreck or other accident. washington sent out to his brokers a list of things which he desired to pay for out of the proceeds of the sale, to be sent to him. these lists are most interesting, as they show us the sort of household utensils and furniture, the necessaries and the luxuries, and the apparel used in a mansion like mount vernon. we find that he even took care to order a fashionably dressed doll for little martha custis to play with. [footnote : see for instance in w.c. ford's edition of _the writings of george washington_, ii, - . diary for , - . diary for .] the care and education of little martha and her brother, john parke custis, washington undertook with characteristic thoroughness and solicitude. he had an instinct for training growing creatures. he liked to experiment in breeding horses and cattle and the farmyard animals. he watched the growth of his plantations of trees, and he was all the more interested in studying the development of mental and moral capacities in the little children. in due time a tutor was engaged, and besides the lessons they learned in their schoolbooks, they were taught both music and dancing. little patsy suffered from epilepsy, and after the prescriptions of the regular doctors had done no good, her parents turned to a quack named evans, who placed on the child's finger an iron ring supposed to have miraculous virtues, but it brought her no relief, and very suddenly little martha custis died. washington himself felt the loss of his unfortunate step-daughter, but he was unflagging in trying to console the mother, heartbroken at the death of the child. jack custis was given in charge of the reverend jonathan boucher, an anglican clergyman, apparently well-meaning, who agreed with washington's general view that the boy's training "should make him fit for more useful purposes than horse-racing." in spite of washington's carefully reasoned plans, the youth of the young man prevailed over the reason of his stepfather. jack found dogs, horses, and guns, and consideration of dress more interesting and more important than his stepfather's theories of education. washington wrote to parson boucher, the teacher: had he begun, or rather pursued his study of the greek language, i should have thought it no bad acquisition; ... to be acquainted with the french tongue is become a part of polite education; and to a man who has the prospect of mixing in a large circle, absolutely necessary. without arithmetic, the common affairs of life are not to be managed with success. the study of geometry, and the mathematics (with due regard to the limits of it) is equally advantageous. the principles of philosophy, moral, natural, etc. i should think a very desirable knowledge for a gentleman.[ ] [footnote : w.c. ford, _george washington_ ( ), i, - .] there was nothing abstract in young jack custis's practical response to his stepfather's reasoning; he fell in love with miss nelly calvert and asked her to marry him. washington was forced to plead with the young lady that the youth was too young for marriage by several years, and that he must finish his education. apparently she acquiesced without making a scene. she accepted a postponement of the engagement, and custis was enrolled among the students of king's college (subsequently columbia) in new york city. even then, his passion for an education did not develop as his parents hoped. he left the college in the course of a few months. throughout john custis's perversities, and as long as he lived, washington's kindness and real affection never wavered. although he had now taught himself to practice complete self-control, he could treat with consideration the young who had it not. by nature washington was a man of business. he wished to see things grow, not so much for the actual increase in value which that indicated, as because increase seemed to be a proof of proper methods. not content, therefore, with rounding out his holdings at mount vernon and mrs. washington's estate at the white house, he sought investment in the unsettled lands on the ohio and in florida, and on the mississippi. it proved to be a long time before the advance of settlement in the latter regions made his investments worth much, and during the decade after his marriage in , we must think of him as a man of great energy and calm judgment who was bent not only on making mount vernon a model country place on the outside, but a civilized home within. in its furnishings and appointments it did not fall behind the manors of the virginia men of fashion and of wealth in that part of the country. before washington left the army, he recognized that his education had been irregular and inadequate, and he set himself to make good his defects by studying and reading for himself. there were no public libraries, but some of the gentlemen made collections of books. they learned of new publications in england from journals which were few in number and incomplete. doubtless advertising went by word of mouth. the lists of things desired which washington sent out to his agents, robert cary and company, once a year or oftener, usually contained the titles of many books, chiefly on architecture, and he was especially intent on keeping up with new methods and experiments in farming. thus, among the orders in may, , among a request for "desert glasses and stand for sweetmeats jellies, etc.; lbs. spirma citi candles; stockings etc.," he asks for "the newest and most approved treatise of agriculture--besides this, send me a small piece in octavo--called a new system of agriculture, or a speedy way to grow rich; longley's book of gardening; gibson upon horses, the latest edition in quarto." this same invoice contains directions for "the busts--one of alexander the great, another of charles xii, of sweden, and a fourth of the king of prussia (frederick the great); also of prince eugene and the duke of marlborough, but somewhat smaller." do these celebrities represent washington's heroes in ? as time went on, his commissions for books were less restricted to agriculture, and comprised also works on history, biography, and government. but although incessant activity devoted to various kinds of work was a characteristic of washington's life at mount vernon, his attention to social duties and pleasures was hardly less important. he aimed to be a country gentleman of influence, and he knew that he could achieve this only by doing his share of the bountiful hospitality which was expected of such a personage. virginia at that time possessed no large cities or towns with hotels. when the gentry travelled, they put up overnight at the houses of other gentry, and thus, in spite of very restricted means of transportation, the inhabitants of one part of the country exchanged ideas with those of another. in this way also the members of the upper class circulated among themselves and acquired a solidarity which otherwise would hardly have been possible. we are told that mount vernon was always full of guests; some of these being casual strangers travelling through, and others being invited friends and acquaintances on a visit. there were frequent balls and parties when neighbors from far and near joined in some entertainment at the great mansion. there were the hunt balls which washington himself particularly enjoyed, hunting being his favorite sport. fairfax county, where mount vernon lay, and its neighboring counties, fauquier and prince william, abounded in foxes, and the land was not too difficult for the hunters, who copied as far as possible the dress and customs of the foxhunters in england. possibly there might be a meeting at mount vernon of the local politicians. at least once a year washington and his wife--"lady," as the somewhat florid virginians called her--went off to williamsburg to attend the session of the house of burgesses. washington seldom missed going to the horse-races, one of the chief functions of the year, not only for jockeys and sporting men, but for the fashionable world of the aristocracy. thanks to his carefulness and honesty in keeping his accounts, we have his own record of the amounts he spent at cards--never large amounts, nor indicative of the gamester's passion. thus washington passed the first ten years of his married life. a stranger meeting him at that time might have little suspected that here was the future founder of a nation, one who would prove himself the greatest of americans, if not the greatest of men. but if you had spent a day with washington, and watched him at work, or listened to his few but decisive words, or seen his benign but forcible smile, you would have said to yourself--"this man is equal to any fate that destiny may allot to him." chapter iii the first gun meanwhile the course of events was leading toward a new and unexpected goal. chief justice marshall said, as i have quoted, that , the end of the french-indian war, marked the greatest friendship and harmony between the colonies and england. the reason is plain. in their incessant struggles with the french and the indians, the colonists had discovered a real champion and protector. that protector, england, had found that she must really protect the colonies unless she was willing to see them fall into the hands of her rival, france. putting forth her strength, she crushed france in america, and remained virtually in control not only of the colonies and territory from the atlantic to the mississippi, but also of british america. in these respects the colonies and the mother country seemed destined to be bound more closely together; but the very spirit by which britain had conquered france in america, and france in india, and had made england paramount throughout the world, prevented the further fusion, moral, social, and political, of the colonies with the mother country. that spirit was the imperial spirit, which plassey and quebec had called to life. the narrow hanoverian king, who now ruled england, could not himself have devised the british empire, but when the empire crystallized, george iii rightly surmised that, however it had come about, it meant a large increase in power for him. the colonies and dependencies were to be governed like conquered provinces. evidently, the hindus of bengal could hardly be treated in the same fashion as were the colonists of massachusetts or virginia. the bengalese knew that there was no bond of language or of race between them and their conquerors, whereas american colonists knew that they and the british sprang from the same race and spoke the same language. one of the first realizations that came to the british imperialists was that the ownership of the conquered people or state warranted the conquerors in enriching themselves from the conquered. but while this might do very well in india, and be accepted there as a matter of course, it would be most ill-judged in the american colonies, for the colonists were not a foreign nor a conquered people. they originally held grants of land from the british crown, but they had worked that land themselves and settled the wilderness by their own efforts, and had a right to whatever they might earn. the tory ideals, which took possession of the british government when lord bute succeeded to william pitt in power, were soon applied to england's relations to the american colonies. the seven years' war left england heavily in debt. she needed larger revenues, and being now swayed by imperialism, she easily found reasons for taxing the colonies. in she passed the stamp act which caused so much bad feeling that in less than a year she decided to repeal it, but new duties on paper, glass, tea, and other commodities were imposed instead. in the north, massachusetts took the lead in opposing what the colonists regarded as the unconstitutional acts of the crown. the patriotic lawyer of boston, james otis, shook the colony with his eloquence against the illegal encroachments and actual tyranny of the english. other popular orators of equal eminence, john and samuel adams and josiah quincy, fanned the flames of discontent. even the most radical did not yet whisper the terrible word revolution, or suggest that they aspired to independence. they simply demanded their "rights" which the arrogant and testy british tories had shattered and were withholding from them. at the outset rebels seldom admit that their rebellion aims at new acquisitions, but only at the recovery of the old. next to massachusetts, virginia was the most vigorous of the colonies in protesting against british usurpation of power, which would deprive them of their liberty. although virginia had no capital city like boston, in which the chief political leaders might gather and discuss and plan, and mobs might assemble and equip with physical force the impulses of popular indignation, the old dominion had means, just as the highland clans or the arab tribes had, of keeping in touch with each other. patrick henry, a young virginia lawyer of sturdy scotch descent, by his flaming eloquence was easily first among the spokesmen of the rights of the colonists in virginia. in the "parsons cause," a lawsuit which might have passed quickly into oblivion had he not seen the vital implications concerned in it, he denied the right of the king to veto an act of the virginia assembly, which had been passed for the good of the people of virginia. in the course of the trial he declared, "government was a conditional compact between the king, stipulating protection on the one hand, and the people, stipulating obedience and support on the other," and he asserted that a violation of these covenants by either party discharged the other party from its obligations. doctrines as outspoken as these uttered in court, whether right or wrong, indicated that the attorney who uttered them, and the judge who listened, and the audience who applauded, were not blind worshippers of the illegal rapacity of the crown. patrick henry was the most spectacular of the early champions of the colonists in virginia, but many others of them agreed with him. among these the weightiest was the silent george washington. he said little, but his opinions passed from mouth to mouth, and convinced many. in he wrote to francis dandridge, an uncle of mrs. washington: the stamp act imposed on the colonies by the parliament of great britain, engrosses the conversation of the speculative part of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation, as a direful attack upon their liberties, and loudly exclaim against the violation. what may be the result of this, and of some other (i think i may add) ill-judged measures, i will not undertake to determine; but this i may venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to the mother country will fall greatly short of the expectations of the ministry; for certain it is, that an whole substance does already in a manner flow to great britain, and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our importations must be hurtful to their manufacturers. and the eyes of our people, already beginning to open, will perceive, that many luxuries, which we lavish our substance in great britain for, can well be dispensed with, whilst the necessaries of life are (mostly) to be had within ourselves. this, consequently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary stimulation to industry. if great britain, therefore, loads her manufacturies with heavy taxes, will it not facilitate these measures? they will not compel us, i think, to give our money for their exports, whether we will or not; and certain i am, none of their traders will part from them without a valuable consideration. where then, is the utility of the restrictions? as to the stamp act, taken in a single view, one and the first bad consequence attending it, i take to be this, our courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible, (or next of kin to it), under our present circumstances, that the act of parliament can be complied with, were we ever so willing to enforce the execution; for, not to say, which alone would be sufficient, that we have not money to pay the stamps, there are many other cogent reasons, to prevent it; and if a stop be put to our judicial proceedings, i fancy the merchants of great britain, trading to the colonies, will not be among the last to wish for a repeal of it.[ ] [footnote : ford, ii, - .] this passage would suffice, were there not many similar which might be quoted, to prove that washington was from the start a loyal american. a legend which circulated during his lifetime, and must have been fabricated by his enemies, for i find no evidence to support it either in his letters or in other trustworthy testimony, insinuated that he was british at heart and threw his lot in with the colonists only when war could not be averted. in the merchants of philadelphia drew up an agreement in which they pledged themselves to practise non-importation of british goods sent to america. washington's wise neighbor and friend, george mason, drafted a plan of association of similar purport to be laid before the virginia burgesses. but lord botetourt, the new royal governor, deemed some of these resolutions dangerous to the prerogative of the king, and dissolved the assembly. the burgesses, however, met at anthony hay's house and adopted mason's association. washington, who was one of the signers of the association, wrote to his agents in london: "i am fully determined to adhere religiously to it." five years had now elapsed since the british tories attempted to fix on the colonies the stamp act, and although they had withdrawn that hateful law, the relations between the mother country and the colonists had not improved. far from it. the english issued a series of irritating provisions which convinced the colonists that the government had no real desire to be friendly, and that, on the contrary, it intended to make no distinction between them and the other conquered provinces of the crown. then and always, the english forgot that the colonists were men of their own stock, equally stubborn in their devotion to principles, and probably more accessible to scruples of conscience. so they were not likely to be frightened into subjection. the governing class in england was in a state of mind which has darkened its judgment more than once; the state of mind which, when it encounters an obstacle to its plans, regards that obstacle as an enemy, and remarks in language brutally frank, though not wholly elegant: "we will lick him first and then decide who is right." in king george iii, who fretted at all seasons at the slowness with which he was able to break down the ascendency of the whigs, manipulated the government so as to make lord north prime minister. lord north was a servant, one might say a lackey, after the king's own heart. he abandoned lifelong traditions, principles, fleeting whims, prejudices even, in order to keep up with the king's wish of the moment. after lord north became prime minister, the likelihood of a peaceful settlement between the crown and the colonies lessened. he ran ahead of the king in his desire to serve the king's wishes, and george iii, by this time, was wrought up by the persistent tenacity of the whigs--he wished them dead, but they would not die--and he was angered by the insolence of the colonists who showed that they would not shrink from forcibly resisting the king's command. on both sides of the atlantic a vehement and most enlightening debate over constitutional and legal fundamentals still went on. although the king had packed parliament, not all the oratory poured out at westminster favored the king. on the contrary, the three chief masters of british eloquence at that time, and in all time--edmund burke, william pitt, and charles james fox--spoke on the side of the colonists. reading the magnificent arguments of burke to-day, we ask ourselves how any group in parliament could have withstood them. but there comes a moment in every vital discussion when arguments and logic fail to convince. passions deeper than logic controlled motives and actions. the colonists contended that in proclaiming "no taxation without representation," they were appealing to a principle of anglo-saxon liberty inherent in their race. when king george, or any one else, denied this principle, he denied an essential without which anglo-saxon polity could not survive, but neither king george nor lord north accepted the premises. if they had condescended to reply at all, they might have sung the hymn of their successors a hundred years later: "we don't want to fight, but by jingo! if we do, we've got the men, we've got the ships, we've got the money too." meanwhile, the virginia planter watched the course of events, pursued his daily business regularly, attended the house of burgesses when it was in session, said little, but thought much. he did not break out into invective or patriotic appeals. no doubt many of his acquaintances thought him lukewarm in spirit and non-committal; but persons who knew him well knew what his decision must be. as early as april , , he wrote his friend, george mason: at a time, when our lordly masters in great britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of american freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty, which we have derived from our ancestors. but the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. that no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use a--ms in defence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life depends, is clearly my opinion. yet a--ms, i would beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the dernier resort. addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to parliament, we have already, it is said, proved the inefficiency of. how far, then, their attention to our rights and privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, by starving their trade and manufacturers, remains to be tried.[ ] [footnote : ford, ii, - .] thus wrote the silent member six years before the outbreak of hostilities, and he did not then display any doubt either of his patriotism, or of the course which every patriot must take. to his intimates he spoke with point-blank candor. years later, george mason wrote to him: i never forgot your declaration, when i had last the pleasure of being at your house in , that you were ready to take your musket upon your shoulder whenever your country called upon you. some writers point out that washington excelled rather as a critic of concrete plans than of constitutional and legal aspects. perhaps this is true. assuredly he had no formal legal training. there were many other men in massachusetts, in virginia, and in some of the other colonies, who could and did analyze minutely the colonists' protest against taxation without representation, and the british rebuttal thereof; but washington's strength lay in his primal wisdom, the wisdom which is based not on conventions, even though they be laws and constitutions, but on a knowledge of the ways in which men will react toward each other in their primitive, natural relations. in this respect he was one of the wisest among the statesmen. he does not seem to have joined in such clandestine methods as those of the committees of correspondence, which samuel adams and some of the most radical patriots in the bay state had organized, but he said in the virginia convention, in : "i will raise one thousand men, subsist them at my own expense and march myself at their head for the relief of boston."[ ] the ardor of washington's offer matched the increasing anger of the colonists. lord north, abetted by the british parliament, had continued to exasperate them by passing new bills which could have produced under the best circumstances only a comparatively small revenue. one of these imposed a tax on tea. the colonists not only refused to buy it, but to have it landed. in boston a large crowd gathered and listened to much fiery speech-making. suddenly, a body of fifty men disguised as mohawk indians rushed down to the wharves, rowed out to the three vessels in which a large consignment of tea had been sent across the ocean, hoisted it out of the holds to the decks and scattered the contents of three hundred and forty chests in boston harbor. [footnote : _john adams's diary_, august , , quoting lynch.] the boston tea party was as sensational as if it had sprang from the brain of a paris jacobin in the french revolution. it created excitement among the american colonists from portsmouth to charleston. six more of the colonies enrolled committees of correspondence, pennsylvania alone refusing to join. in every quarter american patriots felt exalted. in england the reverse effects were signalized with equal vehemence. the mock indians were denounced as incendiaries, and the town meetings were condemned as "nurseries of sedition." parliament passed four penal laws, the first of which punished boston by transferring its port to salem and closing its harbor. the second law suspended the charter of the province and added several new and tyrannical powers to the british governor and to crown officials. on september , , the first continental congress met in philadelphia. except georgia, every colony sent delegates to it. the election of those delegates was in several cases irregular, because the body which chose them was not the legislature but some temporary body of the patriots. nevertheless, the congress numbered some of the men who were actually and have remained in history, the great engineers of the american revolution. samuel adams and john adams went from massachusetts; john jay and philip livingston from new york; roger sherman from connecticut; thomas mifflin and edward biddle from pennsylvania; thomas mckean from delaware; george washington, patrick henry, peyton randolph, edmund pendleton, and richard h. lee from virginia; and edward and john rutledge from south carolina. although the congress was made up of these men and of others like them, the petitions adopted by it and the work done, not to mention the freshets of oratory, were astonishingly mild. probably many of the delegates would have preferred to use fiery tongues. samuel adams, for instance, though "prematurely gray, palsied in hand, and trembling in voice," must have had difficulty in restraining himself. he wrote as viciously as he spoke. "damn that adams," said one of his enemies. "every dip of his pen stings like a horned snake." patrick henry, being asked when he returned home, "who is the greatest man in congress," replied: "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge of south carolina is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." the rumor had it that washington said, he wished to god the liberties of america were to be determined by a single combat between himself and george. one other saying of his at this time is worth reporting, although it cannot be satisfactorily verified. "_more blood will be spilled on this occasion_, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, _than history has ever yet furnished instances of_ in the annals of north america." the language and tone of the "summary view"--a pamphlet which thomas jefferson had issued shortly before--probably chimed with the emotions of most of the delegates. they adopted (october , ) the "declaration of rights," which may not have seemed belligerent enough for the radicals, but really leaves little unsaid. a week later congress agreed to an "association," an instrument for regulating, by preventing, trade with the english. having provided for the assembling of a second congress, the first adjourned. as a symbol, the first congress has an integral importance in the growth of american independence. it marked the first time that the american colonies had acted together for their collective interests. it served notice on king george and lord north that it repudiated the claims of the british parliament to govern the colonies. it implied that it would repel by force every attempt of the british to exercise an authority which the colonists refused to recognize. in a very real sense the congress thus delivered an ultimatum. the winter of / saw preparations being pushed on both sides. general thomas gage, the british commander-in-chief stationed at boston, had also thrust upon him the civil government of that town. he had some five thousand british troops in boston, and several men-of-war in the harbor. there were no overt acts, but the speed with which, on more than one occasion, large bodies of colonial farmers assembled and went swinging through the country to rescue some place, which it was falsely reported the british were attacking, showed the nervous tension under which the americans were living. as the enthusiasm of the patriots increased, that of the loyalists increased also. among the latter were many of the rich and aristocratic inhabitants, and, of course, most of the office-holders. until the actual outbreak of hostilities they upheld the king's cause with more chivalry than discretion, and then they migrated to nova scotia and to england, and bore the penalty of confiscation and the corroding distress of exile. in england during this winter, pitt and burke had defended the colonies and the whig minority had supported them. even lord north used conciliatory suggestions, but with him conciliation meant that the colonies should withdraw all their offensive demands and kneel before the crown in penitent humiliation before a new understanding could be thought of. meanwhile colonel washington was in virginia running his plantations to the best of his ability and with his mind made up. he wrote to his friend bryan fairfax (july , ): as i see nothing, on the one hand, to induce a belief that the parliament would embrace a favorable opportunity of repealing acts, which they go on with great rapidity to pass, and in order to enforce their tyrannical system; and on the other, i observe, or think i observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can i expect any redress from a measure, which has been ineffectually tried already? for, sir, what is it we are contending against? is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea because burthensome? no, it is the right only, we have all along disputed, and to this end we have already petitioned his majesty in as humble and dutiful manner as subjects could do[ ].... and has not general gage's conduct since his arrival, (in stopping the address of his council, and publishing a proclamation more becoming a turkish bashaw, than an english governor, declaring it treason to associate in any manner by which the commerce of great britain is to be affected) exhibited an unexampled testimony of the most despotic system of tyranny, that ever was practised in a free government? in short, what further proofs are wanted to satisfy one of the designs of the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if i mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation? what hope then from petitioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter? shall we after this, whine and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in vain? or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a prey to despotism?[ ] [footnote : ford, ii, - .] [footnote : _ibid_., - .] in the early autumn washington wrote to captain robert mackenzie, who was serving in the regular british army with gage at boston: i think i can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or intent of that government, (massachusetts) or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of these valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure.[ ] [footnote : _ibid_., .] in the following spring the battles of lexington and concord, on april th, began the war of the american revolution. a few weeks later, a second continental congress met in philadelphia. the delegates to it, understanding that they must prepare for war, proceeded to elect a commander-in-chief. there was some jealousy between the men of virginia and those of massachusetts. the former seemed to think that the latter assumed the first position, and indeed, most of the angry gestures had been made in boston, and boston had been the special object of british punishment. still, with what may seem unexpected self-effacement, they did not press strongly for the choice of a massachusetts man as commander-in-chief. on june , , congress having resolved "that a general be appointed to command all the continental forces raised or to be raised for the defence of american liberty," proceeded to a choice, and the ballots being taken, george washington, esq., was unanimously elected. on the next day the president of the congress, mr. john hancock, formally announced the election to colonel washington, who replied: mr. president, though i am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet i feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. however, as the congress desire it, i will enter upon the momentous duty and exert every power i possess in the service and for the support of the glorious cause. i beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. but lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, i beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that i this day declare with the utmost sincerity i do not think myself equal to the command i am honored with. as to pay, sir, i beg leave to assure the congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, i do not wish to make any profit from it. i will keep an exact account of my expenses. those i doubt not they will discharge, and that is all i desire.[ ] [footnote : ford, ii, - - , - .] accompanied by lee and schuyler and a brilliant escort, he set forth on june st for boston. before they had gone twenty miles a messenger bringing news of the battle of bunker hill crossed them. "did the militia fight?" washington asked. on being told that they did, he said: "then the liberties of the country are safe." then he pushed on, stopping long enough in new york to appoint general schuyler military commander of that colony, and so through connecticut to the old bay state. there, at cambridge, he found the crowd awaiting him and some of the colonial troops. on the edge of the common, under a large elm tree broad of spread, he took command of the first american army. it was the second of july, . chapter iv boston freed thus began what seems to us now an impossible war. although it had been brooding for ten years, since the stamp act, which showed that the ties of blood and of tradition meant nothing to the british tories, now that it had come, the colonists may well have asked themselves what it meant. probably, if the colonists had taken a poll on that fine july morning in , not one in five of them would have admitted that he was going to war to secure independence, but all would have protested that they would die if need be to recover their freedom, the old british freedom, which came down to them from runnymede and should not be wrested from them. a british tory, at the same time, might have replied: "we fight, we cannot do less, in order to discipline and punish these wretches who assume to deny the jurisdiction of the british crown and to rebel against the authority of the british parliament." a few years before, an english general had boasted that with an army of five thousand troops he would undertake a march from canada, through the colonies, straight to the gulf of mexico. and colonel george washington, who had seen something of the quality of the british regulars, remarked that with a thousand seasoned virginians he would engage to block the five thousand wherever he met them. the test was now to be made. the first thing that strikes us is the great extent of the field of war. from the farthest settlements in the northeast, in what is now maine, to the border villages in georgia was about fifteen hundred miles; but mere distance did not represent the difficulty of the journey. between boston and baltimore ran a carriage road, not always kept in good repair. most of the other stretches had to be traversed on horseback. the country along the seaboard was generally well supplied with food, but the supply was nowhere near large enough to furnish regular permanent subsistence for an army. a lack of munitions seriously threatened the colonists' ability to fight at all, but the discovery of lead in virginia made good this deficiency until the year , when the lead mine was exhausted. more important than material concerns, however, was the diversity in origin and customs among the colonists themselves. the total population numbered in nearly two and one half million souls. of these, the slaves formed about , . the three largest colonies, virginia, massachusetts, and pennsylvania contained , inhabitants, of which a little more than one half were slaves. pennsylvania, the third colony, had a total of , , mostly white, while south carolina had , , of whom only , were white. connecticut, on the other hand, had , with scarcely any blacks. the result was a very mottled population. the new englanders had already begun to practise manufacturing, and they continued to raise under normal conditions sufficient food for their subsistence. south of the mason and dixon line, however, slave labor prevailed and the three great staples--tobacco, indigo, and rice--were the principal crops. where these did not grow, the natives got along as best they could on scanty common crops, and by raising a few sheep and hogs. as the war proceeded, it taught with more and more force the inherent wastefulness of slave labor in the south. it was inefficient, costly, and unreliable. the battle of bunker hill was at once hailed as a patriot victory, but the rejoicing was premature, for the americans had been forced to retreat, giving up the position they had bravely defended. nevertheless, the opinion prevailed that they had won a real victory by withstanding through many hours of a bloody fight some of the best of the british regiments. washington took command of the american army at cambridge, he was faced with the great task of organizing it and of forming a plan of campaign. the congress had taken over the charge of the army at boston, and the events had so shaped themselves that the first thing for washington to do was to drive out the british troops. to accomplish this he planned to seal up all the entrances into the town by land so that food could not be smuggled in. the british had a considerable fleet in boston harbor, and they had to rely upon it to bring provisions and to keep in touch with the world outside. washington had his headquarters at the craigie house in cambridge, some half a mile from harvard square and the college. he was now forty-three years old, a man of commanding presence, six feet three inches tall, broad-shouldered but slender, without any signs of the stoutness of middle age. his hands and feet were large. his head was somewhat small. the blue-gray eyes, set rather far apart, looked out from heavy eyebrows with an expression of attentiveness. the most marked feature was the nose, which was fairly large and straight and vigorous. the mouth shut firmly, as it usually does where decision is the dominant trait. the lips were flat. his color was pale but healthy, and rarely flushed, even under great provocation. all that had gone before seemed to be strangely blended in his appearance. the surveyor lad; the indian fighter and officer; the planter; the foxhunter; the burgess; you could detect them all. but underlying them all was the permanent washington, deferent, plain of speech, direct, yet slow in forming or expressing an opinion. most men, after they had been with him awhile, felt a sense of his majesty grow upon them, a sense that he was made of common flesh like them, but of something uncommon besides, something very high and very precious. washington found that he had sixteen thousand troops under his command near boston. of these two thirds came from massachusetts, and connecticut halved the rest. during july congress added three thousand men from pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia. they lacked everything. in order to give them some uniformity in dress, washington suggested hunting-shirts, which he said "would have a happier tendency to unite the men and abolish those provincial distinctions which lead to jealousy and dissatisfaction." among higher officers, jealousy, which they made no attempt to dissemble or to disguise, was common. two of the highest posts went to englishmen who proved themselves not only technically unfit, but suspiciously near disloyalty. one of these was charles lee, who thought the major-generalship to which congress appointed him beneath his notice; the other was also an englishman, horatio gates, adjutant-general. a third, thomas, when about to retire in pique, received from washington the following rebuke: in the usual contests of empire and ambition, the conscience of a soldier has so little share, that he may very properly insist upon his claims of rank, and extend his pretensions even to punctilio;--but in such a cause as this, when the object is neither glory nor extent of territory, but a defense of all that is dear and valuable in private and public life, surely every post ought to be deemed honorable in which a man can serve his country.[ ] [footnote : ford, _george washington_, i, .] besides the complaints which reached washington from all sides, he had also to listen to the advice of military amateurs. some of these had never been in a battle and knew nothing about warfare except from reading, but they were not on this account the most taciturn. many urged strongly that an expedition be sent against canada, a design which washington opposed. his wisdom was justified when richard montgomery, with about fifteen hundred men, took montreal--november , --and after waiting several weeks formed a junction with benedict arnold near quebec, which they attacked in a blinding snowstorm, december , . arnold had marched up the kennebec river and through the maine wilderness with fifteen hundred men, which were reduced to five hundred before they came into action with montgomery's much dwindled force. the commander of quebec repulsed them and sent them flying southward as fast as the rigors of the winter and the difficulties of the wilderness permitted. by the end of july, meanwhile, washington had brought something like order into the undisciplined and untrained masses who formed his army, but now another lack threatened him: a lack of gunpowder. the cartridge boxes of his soldiers contained on an average only nine charges of ball and gunpowder apiece, hardly enough to engage in battle for more than ten minutes. washington sent an urgent appeal to every town, and hearing that a ship at bermuda had a cargo of gunpowder, american ships were despatched thither to secure it. in such straits did the army of the united colonies go forth to war. by avoiding battles and other causes for using munitions, they not only kept their original supply, but added to it as fast as their appeals were listened to. washington kept his lines around boston firm. in the autumn general gage was replaced, as british commander-in-chief, by sir william howe, whose brother richard, lord howe, became admiral of the fleet. but the howes knew no way to break the strangle hold of the americans. how washington contrived to create the impression that he was master of the situation is one of the mysteries of his campaigning, because, although he had succeeded in making soldiers of the raw recruits and in enforcing subordination, they were still a very skittish body. they enlisted for short terms of service, and even before their term was completed, they began to hanker to go home. this caused not only inconvenience, but real difficulty. still, washington steadily pushed on, and in march, , by a brilliant manoeuvre at dorchester heights, he secured a position from which his cannons could bombard every british ship in boston harbor. on the th of march all those ships, together with the garrison of eight thousand, and with two thousand fugitive loyalists, sailed off to halifax. boston has been free from foreign enemies from that day to this. chapter v trenton and valley forge howe's retreat from boston freed massachusetts and, indeed, all new england from british troops. it also gave washington the clue to his own next move. he was a real soldier and therefore his instinct told him that his next objective must be the enemy's army. accordingly he prepared to move his own troops to new york. he passed through providence, norwich, and new london, reaching new york on april th. congress was then sitting in philadelphia and he was requested to visit it. he spent a fortnight during may in philadelphia where he had conferences with men of all kinds and seems to have been particularly impressed, not to say shocked, by the lack of harmony which he discovered. the members of the congress, although they were ostensibly devoting themselves to the common affairs of the united colonies, were really intriguing each for the interests of his special colony or section. washington thought this an ominous sign, as indeed it was, for since the moment when he joined the revolution he threw off all local affiliation. he did his utmost to perform his duty, clinging as long as he could to the hope that there would be no final break with england. throughout the winter, however, from almost every part of the country the demands of the colonists for independence became louder and more urgent and these he heard repeated and discussed during his visit to the congress. on may st he wrote his brother john augustine washington: things have come to that pass now, as to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of great britain; also, that she is capable of the most delusive acts; for i am satisfied, that no commissioners ever were designed, except hessians and other foreigners; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. the first has been too effectually accomplished, as many members of congress, in short, the representation of whole provinces, are still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation; and though they will not allow, that the expectation of it has any influence upon their judgment, (with respect to their preparations for defence,) it is but too obvious, that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their proceedings. it is not in the nature of things to be otherwise; for no man, that entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense and run the same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who believes that he must conquer, or submit to unconditional terms, and its concomitants, such as confiscation, hanging, etc. etc.[ ] [footnote : ford, iv, .] the hessians to whom washington alludes were german mercenaries hired by the king of england from two or three of the princelings of germany. these hessians turned a dishonest penny by fighting in behalf of a cause in which they took no immediate interest or even knew what it was about. during the course of the revolution there were thirty thousand hessians in the british armies in america, and, as their owners, the german princelings, received £ apiece for them it was a profitable arrangement for those phlegmatic, corpulent, and braggart personages. the americans complained that the hessians were brutal and tricky fighters; but in reality they merely carried out the ideals of their german fatherland which remained behind the rest of europe in its ideals of what was fitting in war. being uncivilized, they could not be expected to follow the practice of civilized warfare. when washington returned to his headquarters in new york, he left the congress in philadelphia simmering over the question of independence. almost simultaneously with washington's return came the british fleet under howe, which passed sandy hook and sailed up new york harbor. he brought an army of twenty-five thousand men. washington's force was nominally nineteen thousand men, but it was reduced to not more than ten thousand by the detachment of several thousand to guard boston and of several thousand more to take part in the struggle in canada, besides thirty-six hundred sick. the colonists clung as if by obsession to their project of capturing quebec. the death of montgomery and the discomfiture of benedict arnold, which really gave a quietus to the success of the expedition, did not suffice to crush it. only too evident was it that quebec could be taken. canada would fall permanently into american control, and cease to be a constant menace and the recruiting ground for new expeditions against the central colonies. august was drawing to a close when the two armies were in a position to begin fighting. the british, who had originally camped upon staten island where nature provided them with a shelter from attack, had now moved across the bay to long island. there general sullivan, having lost eleven or twelve hundred men, was caught between two fires and compelled to surrender with the two thousand or more of his army which remained after the attack of the british. washington watched the disaster from brooklyn, but was unable to detach any regiments to bring aid to sullivan, as it now became clear to him that his whole army on long island might easily be cut off. he decided to retreat from the island. this he did on august th, having commandeered every boat that he could find. he ferried his entire force across to the new york side with such secrecy and silence that the british did not notice that they were gone. a heavy fog, which settled over the water during the night, greatly aided the adventure. the result of the battle of long island gave the british great exultation and correspondingly depressed the americans. on the preceding fourth of july they had declared their independence; they were no longer colonies but independent states bound together by a common interest. they felt all the more keenly that in this first battle after their independence they should be so ignominiously defeated. they might have taken much comfort in the thought that had howe surprised them on their midnight retreat across the river, he might have captured most of the american army and probably have ended the war. washington's disaster sprang not from his incompetence, but from his inadequate resources. the british outnumbered him more than two to one and they had control of the water; an advantage which he could not offset. one important fact should not be forgotten: new york, both city and state, had been notoriously loyalist--that is, pro-british--ever since the troubles between the colonists and the british grew angry. governor tryon, the governor of the state, made no secret of his british preferences; indeed, they were not preferences at all, but downright british acts. having won the battle of long island, lord howe thought the time favorable for acting in his capacity as a peacemaker, because he had come over with authority to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the colonists' quarrel. he appealed, therefore, to the congress of philadelphia, which appointed a committee of three--benjamin franklin, john adams, and edward rutledge to confer with lord howe. the conference, which exhibited the shrewd quality of john adams and of franklin, the politeness of rutledge, and the studied urbanity of lord howe, simply showed that there was no common ground on which they could come to an agreement. the american commissioners returned to philadelphia and lord howe to new york city and there were no further attempts at peacemaking. having brought his men to new york, washington may well have debated what to do next. the general opinion seemed to be that new york must be defended at all costs. whether washington approved of this plan, i find it hard to say. perhaps he felt that if the american army could hold its own on manhattan for several weeks, it would be put into better discipline and prepared either to risk a battle with the british, or to retreat across the hudson toward new jersey. he decided that for the moment at least he would station his army on the heights of harlem. from the house of colonel morris, where he made his headquarters, he wrote on september , , to the president of the congress: "we are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of our army." the term of service of most of the soldiers under washington would expire at the end of the year, and he devoted the greater part of the letter to showing up the evils of the military system existing in the american army. a soldier [he said] reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with patience, and acknowledges the truth of your observations, but adds that it is of no more importance to him than to others. the officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him and he cannot ruin himself and family to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally interested, and benefited by his labors. the few, therefore, who act upon principles of disinterestedness, comparatively speaking, are no more than a drop in the ocean. it becomes evident to me then, that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a day, as the war must be carried on systematically, and to do it you must have good officers, there are in my judgment no other possible means to obtain them but by establishing your army upon a permanent footing and giving your officers good pay. this will induce gentlemen and men of character to engage; and, till the bulk of your officers is composed of such persons as are actuated by principles of honor and a spirit of enterprise, you have little to expect from them.[ ] [footnote : ford, iv, .] washington proceeds to argue that the soldiers ought not to be engaged for a shorter time than the duration of the war, that they ought to have better pay and the offer of a hundred or a hundred and fifty acres of land. officers' pay should be increased in proportion. "why a captain in the continental service should receive no more than five shillings currency per day for performing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the british service receives ten shillings for, i never could conceive." he further speaks strongly against the employment of militia--"to place any dependence upon [it] is assuredly resting upon a broken staff." washington wrote thus frankly to the congress which seems to have read his doleful reports without really being stimulated, as it ought to have been, by a determination to remove their causes. probably the delegates came to regard the jeremiads as a matter of course and assumed that washington would pull through somehow. very remarkable is it that the commander-in-chief of any army in such a struggle should have expressed himself as he did, bluntly, in regard to its glaring imperfections. doing this, however, he managed to hold the loyalty and spirit of his men. in the american civil war, mcclellan contrived to infatuate his troops with the belief that his plans were perfect, and that only the annoying fact that the confederate generals planned better caused him to be defeated; and yet to his obsessed soldiers defeat under mcclellan was more glorious than victory under lee or stonewall jackson. i take it that washington's frankness simply reflected his passion for veracity, which was the cornerstone of his character. the strangest fact of all was that it did not lessen his popularity or discourage his troops. to his intimates washington wrote with even more unreserve. thus he says to lund washington ( th september): in short, such is my situation that if i were to wish the bitterest curse to an enemy on this side of the grave, i should put him in my stead with my feelings; and yet i do not know what plan of conduct to pursue. i see the impossibility of serving with reputation, or doing any essential service to the cause by continuing in command, and yet i am told that if i quit the command, inevitable ruin will follow from the distraction that will ensue. in confidence i tell you that i never was in such an unhappy, divided state since i was born. to lose all comfort and happiness on the one hand, whilst i am fully persuaded that under such a system of management as has been adopted, i cannot have the least chance for reputation, nor those allowances made which the nature of the case requires; and to be told, on the other, that if i leave the service all will be lost, is, at the same time that i am bereft of every peaceful moment, distressing to a degree. but i will be done with the subject, with the precaution to you that it is not a fit one to be publicly known or discussed. if i fall, it may not be amiss that these circumstances be known, and declaration made in credit to the justice of my character. and if the men will stand by me (which by the by i despair of), i am resolved not to be forced from this ground while i have life; and a few days will determine the point, if the enemy should not change their place of operations; for they certainly will not--i am sure they ought not--to waste the season that is now fast advancing, and must be precious to them.[ ] [footnote : ford, iv, .] the british troops almost succeeded in surrounding washington's force north of harlem. washington retreated to white plains, where, on october th, the british, after a severe loss, took an outpost and won what is called the "battle of white plains." henceforward washington's movements resembled too painfully those of the proverbial toad under the harrow; and yet in spite of lord howe's efforts to crush him, he succeeded in escaping into new jersey with a small remnant--some six thousand men--of his original army. the year thus closed in disaster which seemed to be irremediable. it showed that the british, having awakened to the magnitude of their task, were able to cope with it. having a comparatively unlimited sea-power, they needed only to embark their regiments, with the necessary provisions and ammunition, on their ships and send them across the atlantic, where they were more than a match for the nondescript, undisciplined, ill-equipped, and often badly nourished americans. the fact that at the highest reckoning hardly a half of the american people were actively in favor of independence, is too often forgotten. but from this fact there followed much lukewarmness and inertia in certain sections. many persons had too little imagination or were too sordidly bound by their daily ties to care. as one planter put it: "my business is to raise tobacco, the rest doesn't concern me." over the generally level plains of new jersey, george washington pushed the remnant of the army that remained to him. he had now hardly five thousand men, but they were the best, most seasoned, and in many respects the hardiest fighters. in addition to the usual responsibility of warfare, of feeding his troops, finding quarters for them, and of directing the line of march, he had to cope with wholesale desertions and to make desperate efforts to raise money and to persuade some of those troops, whose term was expiring, to stay on. his general plan now was to come near enough to the british centre and to watch its movements. the british had fully twenty-five thousand men who could be centred at a given point. this centre was now trenton, and the objective of the british was so plainly philadelphia that the continental congress, after voting to remain in permanence there, fled as quietly as possible to baltimore. on december th washington wrote from the camp near the falls of trenton to john augustine washington: if every nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with all possible expedition, i think the game is pretty near up, owing, in great measure, to the insidious acts of the enemy, and disaffection of the colonies before mentioned, but principally to the accursed policy of short enlistments, and placing too great a dependence on the militia, the evil consequences of which were foretold fifteen months ago, with a spirit almost prophetic. ... you can form no idea of the perplexity of my situation. no man, i believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties, and less means to extricate himself from them. however, under a full persuasion of the justice of our cause, i cannot entertain an idea that it will finally sink, though it may remain for some time under a cloud.[ ] [footnote : ford, v, .] washington stood with his forlorn little array on the west bank of the delaware above trenton. he had information that the british had stretched their line very far and thin to the east of the town. separating his forces into three bodies, he commanded one of these himself, and during the night of christmas he crossed the river in boats. the night was stormy and the crossing was much interrupted by floating cakes of ice; in spite of which he landed his troops safely on the eastern shore. they had to march nine miles before they reached trenton, taking colonel rall and his garrison of hessians by surprise. more than a thousand surrendered and were quickly carried back over the river into captivity. the prestige of the battle of trenton was enormous. for the first time in six months washington had beaten the superior forces of the british and beaten them in a fortified town of their own choosing. the result of the victory was not simply military; it quickly penetrated the population of new jersey which had been exasperatingly loyalist, had sold the british provisions, and abetted their intrigues. now the new jersey people suddenly bethought them that they might have chosen the wrong side after all. this feeling was deepened in them a week later when, at princeton, washington suddenly fell upon and routed several british regiments. by this success he cleared the upper parts of new jersey of british troops, who were shut once more within the limits of new york city and long island. in january, , no man could say that the turning-point in the american revolution had been passed. there were still to come long months, and years even, of doubt and disillusion and suffering; the agony of valley forge; the ignominy of betrayal; and the slowly gnawing pain of hope deferred. but the fact, if men could have but seen it, was clear--trenton and princeton were prophetic of the end. and what was even clearer was the supreme importance of george washington. had he been cut off after princeton or had he been forced to retire through accident, the revolution would have slackened, lost head and direction, and spent itself among thinly parcelled rivulets without strength to reach the sea. washington was a necessary man. without him the struggle would not then have continued. sooner or later america would have broken free from england, but he was indispensable to the liberty and independence of the colonies then. this thought brooded over him at all times, not to make him boastful or imperious, but to impress him with a deeper awe, and to impress also his men with the supreme importance of his life to them all. they grew restive when, at princeton, forgetful of self, he faced a volley of muskets only thirty feet away. one of his officers wrote after the trenton campaign: our army love their general very much, but they have one thing against him, which is the little care he takes of himself in any action. his personal bravery, and the desire he has of animating his troops by example, makes him fearless of danger. this occasions us much uneasiness. but heaven, which has hitherto been his shield, i hope will still continue to guard so valuable a life.[ ] [footnote : hapgood, .] robert morris, who had already achieved a very important position among the patriots of new york, wrote to washington: heaven, no doubt for the noblest purposes, has blessed you with a firmness of mind, steadiness of countenance, and patience in sufferings, that give you infinite advantages over other men. this being the case, you are not to depend on other people's exertions being equal to your own. one mind feeds and thrives on misfortunes by finding resources to get the better of them; another sinks under their weight, thinking it impossible to resist; and, as the latter description probably includes the majority of mankind, we must be cautious of alarming them. washington doubtless thanked morris for his kind advice about issuing reports which had some streaks of the rainbow and less truth in them. he did not easily give up his preference for truth. common prudence [he said] dictates the necessity of duly attending to the circumstances of both armies, before the style of conquerors is assumed by either; and i am sorry to add, that this does not appear to be the case with us; nor is it in my power to make congress fully sensible of the real situation of our affairs, and that it is with difficulty (if i may use the expression) that i can, by every means in my power, keep the life and soul of this army together. in a word, when they are at a distance, they think it is but to say, presto begone, and everything is done. they seem not to have any conception of the difficulty and perplexity attending those who are to execute. after the battle of princeton, washington drew his men off to the heights of morristown where he established his winter quarters. the british had gone still farther toward new york city. both sides seemed content to enjoy a comparative truce until spring should come with better weather; but true to his characteristic of being always preparing something, howe had several projects in view, any one of which might lead to important activity. if ever a war was fought at long range, that war was the american revolution. howe received his orders from the war office in london. every move was laid down; no allowance was made for the change which unforeseeable contingencies might render necessary; the young under-secretaries who carefully drew up the instructions in london knew little or nothing about the american field of operations and simply relied upon the fact that their callipers showed that it was so many miles between point x and point y and that the distance should ordinarily be covered in so many hours. with washington himself the case was hardly better. there were few motions that he could make of his own free will. he had to get authority from the continental congress at philadelphia. the congress was not made up of military experts and in many cases it knew nothing about the questions he asked. the members of the congress were talkers, not doers, and they sometimes lost themselves in endless debate and sometimes they seemed quite to forget the questions washington put to them. we find him writing in december to beg them to reply to the urgent question which he had first asked in the preceding october. he was scrupulous not to take any step which might seem dictatorial. the congress and the people of the country dreaded military despotism. that dread made them prefer the evil system of militia and the short-term enlistments to a properly organized standing army. to their fearful imagination the standing army would very quickly be followed by the man on horseback and by hopeless despotism. the olympians in london who controlled the larger issues of war and peace whispered to the young gentlemen in the war office to draw up plans for the invasion, during the summer of , of the lower hudson by british troops from canada. general burgoyne should march down and take ticonderoga and then proceed to albany. there he could meet a smaller force under colonel st. leger coming from oswego and following the mohawk river. a third army under sir william howe could ascend the hudson and meet burgoyne and st. leger at the general rendezvous--albany. it was a brave plan, and when burgoyne started with his force of eight thousand men high hopes flushed the british hearts. these hopes seemed to be confirmed when a month later burgoyne took ticonderoga. the americans attributed great importance to this place, an importance which might have been justified at an earlier time, but which was now really passed, and it proved of little value to burgoyne. pursuing his march southward, he found himself entangled in the forest and he failed to meet boats which were to ferry him over the streams. the military operations during the summer and autumn of might well cause the americans to exult. the british plan of sending three armies to clear out the forces which guarded or blocked the road from canada to the lower hudson burst like a bubble. the chief contingent of men, under general burgoyne, seems to have strayed from its route and to have been in need of food. hearing that there were supplies at bennington, burgoyne turned aside to that place. he little suspected the mettle of john stark and of his green mountain volunteers. their quality was well represented by stark's address to his men: "they are ours to-night, or molly stark is a widow." he did not boast. by nightfall he had captured all of burgoyne's men who were alive (august , ). only one reverse marred the victories of the summer. this was at oriskany in august, . an american force of or men fell into an ambush, and its leader, general herkimer, though mortally wounded, refused to retire, but continued to give directions to the end. oriskany was reputed to be the most atrocious fight of the revolution. joseph brant, the mohawk chief, led the indians, who were allies of the english. in spite of this, burgoyne seemed to lose resolution, uncertain whither to turn. he instinctively groped for a way that would take him down the hudson and bring him to albany, where he was to meet british reënforcements. but he missed his bearings and found himself near saratoga. here general gates confronted him with an army larger than his own in regulars. on october th they fought a battle, which the british technically claimed as a victory, as they were not driven from their position, but it left them virtually hemmed in without a line of escape. burgoyne waited several days irresolute. he hoped that something favorable to him might turn up. he had a lurking hope that general clinton was near by, coming to his rescue. he wavered, gallant though he was, and would not give the final order of desperation--to cut their way through the enemy lines. instead of that he sought a truce with gates, and signed the convention of saratoga (october th), by which he surrendered his army with the honors of war, and it was stipulated that they should be sent to england by english ships and paroled against taking any further part in the war. the victory of saratoga had much effect on america; it reverberated through europe. only the peculiar nature of the fighting in america prevented it from being decisive. washington himself had never dared to risk a battle which, if he were defeated in it, would render it impossible for him to continue the war. the british, on the other hand, spread over much ground, and the destruction of one of their armies would not necessarily involve the loss of all. so it was now; burgoyne's surrender did little to relieve the pressure on washington's troops on the hudson, but it had a vital effect across the sea. since the first year of the war the americans had hoped to secure a formal alliance with france against england, and among the french who favored this scheme there were several persons of importance. reasons were easily found to justify such an alliance. the treaty of paris in had dispossessed france of her colonies in america and had left her inferior to england in other parts of the world. here was her chance to take revenge. the new king, louis xvi, had for foreign minister count de vergennes, a diplomat of some experience, who warmly urged supporting the cause of the american colonists. he had for accomplice beaumarchais, a nimble-witted playwright and seductive man of the world who talked very persuasively to the young king and many others. the americans on their side had not been inactive, and early in silas deane, a member of congress from connecticut, was sent over to paris with the mission to do his utmost to cement the friendship between the american colonies and france. deane worked to such good purpose that by october, , he had sent clothing for twenty thousand men, muskets for thirty thousand and large quantities of ammunition. a fictitious french house, which went by the name of hortalaz et cie, acted as agent and carried on the necessary business from paris. by this time military adventurers in large numbers began to flock to america to offer their swords to the rebellious colonials. among them were a few--de kalb, pulaski, steuben, and kosciuszko--who did good service for the struggling young rebels, but most of them were worthless adventurers and marplots. almost any american in paris felt himself authorized to give a letter of introduction to any frenchman or other european who wished to try his fortunes in america. one of the notorious cases was that of a french officer named ducoudray, who brought a letter from deane purporting to be an agreement that ducoudray should command the artillery of the continental army with the rank and pay of a major-general. washington would take no responsibility for this appointment, which would have displaced general knox, a hardy veteran, an indefectible patriot, and washington's trusted friend. when the matter was taken up by the congress, the demand was quickly disallowed. the absurdity of allowing silas deane or any other american in paris, no matter how meritorious his own services might be, to assign to foreigners commissions of high rank in the american army was too obvious to be debated. to illustrate the character of washington's miscellaneous labors in addition to his usual household care of the force under him, i borrow a few items from his correspondence. i borrow at random, the time being october, , when the commander-in-chief is moving from place to place in northern new jersey, watching the enemy and avoiding an engagement. a letter comes from richard henry lee, evidently intended to sound washington, in regard to the appointment of general conway to a high command in the american army. washington replies with corroding veracity. [matuchin hill, october, .] if there is any truth in the report that congress hath appointed ... brigadier conway a major-general in this army, it will be as unfortunate a measure as ever was adopted. i may add, (and i think with truth) that it will give a fatal blow to the existence of the army. upon so interesting a subject, i must speak plain. the duty i owe my country, the ardent desire i have to promote its true interests, and justice to individuals, requires this of me. general conway's merit, then, as an officer, and his importance in this army, exists more in his imagination, than in reality. for it is a maxim with him, to leave no service of his own untold, nor to want anything, which is to be obtained by importunity.[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, .] it does not appear that lee fished for letters of introduction for himself or any of his friends after this experiment. he needed no further proof that george washington had the art of sending _complete_ answers.[ ] [footnote : for the end of conway and his cabal see _post_, , .] on october , , desertions being frequent among the officers and men, washington issued this circular to pulaski and colonels of horse: i am sorry to find that the liberty i granted to the light dragoons of impressing horses near the enemy's line has been most horribly abused and perverted into a mere plundering scheme. i intended nothing more than that the horses belonging to the disaffected in the neighborhood of the british army, should be taken for the use of the dismounted dragoons, and expected, that they would be regularly reported to the quartermaster general, that an account might be kept of the number and the persons from whom they were taken, in order to a future settlement.--instead of this, i am informed that under pretence of the authority derived from me, they go about the country plundering whomsoever they are pleased to denominate tories, and converting what they get to their own private profit and emolument. this is an abuse that cannot be tolerated; and as i find the license allowed them, has been made a sanction for such mischievous practices, i am under the necessity of recalling it altogether. you will therefore immediately make it known to your whole corps, that they are not under any pretence whatever to meddle with the horses or other property of any inhabitant whatever on pain of the severest punishment, for they may be assured as far as it depends upon me that military execution will attend all those who are caught in the like practice hereafter.[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, .] one finds nothing ambiguous in this order to pulaski and the colonels of horse. a more timid commander would have hesitated to speak so curtly at a time when the officers and men of his army were deserting at will; but to washington discipline was discipline, and he would maintain it, cost what it might, so long as he had ten men ready to obey him. passing over three weeks we find washington writing from headquarters on november th to sir william howe, the british commander-in-chief, in regard to the maltreatment of prisoners and to proposals of exchanging officers on parole. i must also remonstrate against the maltreatment and confinement of our officers--this, i am informed, is not only the case of those in philadelphia, but of many in new york. whatever plausible pretences may be urged to authorize the condition of the former, it is certain but few circumstances can arise to justify that of the latter. i appeal to you to redress these several wrongs; and you will remember, whatever hardships the prisoners with us may be subjected to will be chargeable on you. at the same time it is but justice to observe, that many of the cruelties exercised towards prisoners are said to proceed from the inhumanity of mr. cunningham, provost-martial, without your knowledge or approbation.[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, .] the letter was sufficiently direct for sir william to understand it. if these extracts were multiplied by ten they would represent more nearly the mass of questions which came daily to washington for decision. the decision had usually to be made in haste and always with the understanding that it would not only settle the question immediately involved, but it would serve as precedent. the victory of saratoga gave a great impetus to the party in france which wished louis xvi to come out boldly on the side of the americans in their war with the british. the king was persuaded. vergennes also secured the coöperation of spain with france, for spain had views against england, and she agreed that if a readjustment of sovereignty were coming in america, it would be prudent for her to be on hand to press her own claims. on february , , the treaty between france and america was signed.[ ] long before this, however, a young french enthusiast who proved to be the most conspicuous of all the foreign volunteers, the marquis de lafayette, had come over with magnificent promises from silas deane. on being told, however, that the congress found it impossible to ratify deane's promises, he modestly requested to enlist in the army without pay. washington at once took a fancy to him and insisted on his being a member of the commander's family. [footnote : the treaty was ratified by congress may , .] while burgoyne's surrendered army was marching to boston and cambridge, to be shut up as prisoners, washington was taking into consideration the best place in which to pass the winter. several were suggested, wilmington, delaware, and valley forge--about twenty-five miles from philadelphia--being especially urged upon him. washington preferred the latter, chiefly because it was near enough to philadelphia to enable him to keep watch on the movements of the british troops in that city. valley forge! one of the names in human history associated with the maximum of suffering and distress, with magnificent patience, sacrifice, and glory. the surrounding hills were covered with woods and presented an inhospitable appearance. the choice was severely criticised, and de kalb described it as a wilderness. but the position was central and easily defended. the army arrived there about the middle of december, and the erection of huts began. they were built of logs and were by feet each. the windows were covered with oiled paper, and the openings between the logs were closed with clay. the huts were arranged in streets, giving the place the appearance of a city. it was the first of the year, however, before they were occupied, and previous to that the suffering of the army had become great. although the weather was intensely cold, the men were obliged to work at the buildings, with nothing to support life but flour unmixed with water, which they baked into cakes at the open fires ... the horses died of starvation by hundreds, and the men were obliged to haul their own provisions and firewood. as straw could not be found to protect the men from the cold ground, sickness spread through their quarters with fearful rapidity. "the unfortunate soldiers," wrote lafayette in after years, "they were in want of everything; they had neither coats, hats, shirts nor shoes; their feet and their legs froze till they became black, and it was often necessary to amputate them." ... the army frequently remained whole days without provisions, and the patient endurance of the soldiers and officers was a miracle which each moment served to renew ... while the country around valley forge was so impoverished by the military operations of the previous summer as to make it impossible for it to support the army. the sufferings of the latter were chiefly owing to the inefficiency of congress.[ ] [footnote : f.d. stone, _struggle for the delaware_, vi, ch. .] no one felt more keenly than did washington the horrors, of valley forge. he had not believed in forming such an encampment, and from the start he denounced the neglect and incompetence of the commissions. in a letter to the president of the congress on december , , he wrote: since the month of july we have had no assistance from the quartermaster-general, and to want of assistance from this department the commissary-general charges great part of his deficiency. to this i am to add, that, notwithstanding it is a standing order, and often repeated that the troops shall always have two days' provisions by them, that they might be ready at any sudden call; yet an opportunity has scarcely ever offered of taking an advantage of the enemy, that has not either been totally obstructed or greatly impeded, on this account. and this, the great and crying evil, is not all. the soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by congress, we see none of, nor have we seen them, i believe, since the battle of brandywine. the first, indeed, we have now little occasion for; few men having more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one, and some none at all. in addition to which, as a proof of the little benefit received from a clothier-general, and as a further proof of the inability of an army, under the circumstances of this, to perform the common duties of soldiers, (besides a number of men confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in farmers' houses on the same account,) we have, by a field-return this day made, no less than two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp unfit for duty, because they are barefoot and otherwise naked. by the same return it appears, that our whole strength in continental troops, including the eastern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of general burgoyne, exclusive of the maryland troops sent to wilmington, amounts to no more than eight thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that since the th instant our numbers fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particularly on account of blankets (numbers having been obliged, and still are, to sit up all night by fires, instead of taking comfortable rest in a natural and common way), have decreased near two thousand men. we find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter-quarters or not (for i am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the remonstrance), reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones and equally insensible of frost and snow; and moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages i have described ours to be, which are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well-appointed and provided for a winter's campaign within the city of philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the states of pennsylvania and jersey. but what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is, that these very gentlemen,--who were well apprized of the nakedness of the troops from ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers worse clad than others, and who advised me near a month ago to postpone the execution of a plan i was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of congress for seizing clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten days agreeably to a decree of the state (not one article of which, by the by, is yet come to hand)--should think a winter's campaign, and the covering of these states from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicable a business. i can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, i feel superabundantly for them, and, from my soul, i pity those miseries, which it is neither in my power to relieve or prevent. it is for these reasons, therefore, that i have dwelt upon the subject, and it adds not a little to my other difficulties and distress to find, that much more is expected of me than is possible to be performed, and that upon the ground of safety and policy i am obliged to conceal the true state of the army from public view, and thereby expose myself to detraction and calumny.[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, , .] mrs. washington, as was her custom throughout the war, spent part of the winter with the general. her brief allusions to valley forge would hardly lead the reader to infer the horrors that nearly ten thousand american soldiers were suffering. "your mamma has not yet arrived," washington writes to jack custis, "but ...expected every hour. [my aide] meade set off yesterday (as soon as i got notice of her intention) to meet her. we are in a dreary kind of place, and uncomfortably provided." and of this reunion mrs. washington wrote: "i came to this place, some time about the first of february when i found the general very well, ... in camp in what is called the great valley on the banks of the schuylkill. officers and men are chiefly in hutts, which they say is tolerably comfortable; the army are as healthy as can be well expected in general. the general's apartment is very small; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first."[ ] [footnote : p.l. ford, _the true george washington_, .] while the americans languished and died at valley forge during the winter months, sir william howe and his troops lived in philadelphia not only in great comfort, but in actual luxury. british gold paid out in cash to the dealers in provisions bought full supplies from one of the best markets in america. and the people of the place, largely made up of loyalists, vied with each other in providing entertainment for the british army. there were fashionable balls for the officers and free-and-easy revels for the soldiers. almost at any time the british army might have marched out to valley forge and dealt a final blow to washington's naked and starving troops, but it preferred the good food and the dissipations of philadelphia; and so the winter dragged on to spring. howe was recalled to england and general sir henry clinton succeeded him in the command of the british forces. he was one of those well-upholstered carpet knights who flourished in the british army at that time, and was even less energetic than howe. we must remember, however, that the english officers who came over to fight in america had had their earlier training in europe, where conditions were quite different from those here. especially was this true of the terrain. occasionally a born fighter like wolfe did his work in a day, but this was different from spending weeks and months in battleless campaigns. the philadelphians arranged a farewell celebration for general howe which they called the _meschianza_, an elaborate pageant, said to be the most beautiful ever seen in america, after which general howe and general clinton had orders to take their army back to new york. as much as could be shipped on boats went that way, but the loads that had to be carried in wagons formed a cavalcade twelve miles long, and with the attending regiment advanced barely more than two and a half miles a day. washington, whose troops entered philadelphia as soon as the british marched out, hung on the retreating column and at monmouth engaged in a pitched battle, which was on the point of being a decisive victory for the americans when, through the blunder of general lee, it collapsed. the blunder seemed too obviously intentional, but washington appeared in the midst of the mêlée and urged on the men to retrieve their defeat. this was the battle of which one of the soldiers said afterwards, "at monmouth the general swore like an angel from heaven." he prevented disaster, but that could not reconcile him to the loss of the victory which had been almost within his grasp. those who witnessed it never forgot washington's rage when he met lee and asked him what he meant and then ordered him to the rear. washington prepared to renew the battle on the following day, but during the night clinton withdrew his army, and by daylight was far on his way to the seacoast. washington followed up the coast and took up his quarters at white plains. chapter vi aid from france; traitors this month of july, , marked two vital changes in the war. the first was the transfer by the british of the field of operations to the south. the second was the introduction of naval warfare through the coming of the french. the british seemed to desire, from the day of concord and lexington on, to blast every part of the colonies with military occupation and battles. after washington drove them out of boston in march, , they left the seaboard, except newport, entirely free. then for nearly three years they gave their chief attention to new york city and its environs, and to jersey down to, and including, philadelphia. on the whole, except for keeping their supremacy in new york, they had lost ground steadily, although they had always been able to put more men than the americans could match in the field, so that the americans always had an uphill fight. part of this disadvantage was owing to the fact that the british had a fleet, often a very large fleet, which could be sent suddenly to distant points along the seacoast, much to the upsetting of the american plans. the french alliance, ratified during the spring, not only gave the americans the moral advantage of the support of a great nation, but actually the support of a powerful fleet. it opened french harbors to american vessels, especially privateers, which could there take refuge or fit out. it enabled the continentals to carry on commerce, which before the war had been the monopoly of england. above all it brought a large friendly fleet to american waters, which might aid the land forces and must always be an object of anxiety to the british. such a fleet was that under count d'estaing, who reached the mouth of delaware bay on july , , with twelve ships of the line and four frigates. he then went to new york, but the pilots thought his heavy draught ships could not cross the bar above sandy hook; and so he sailed off to newport where a british fleet worsted him and he was obliged to put into boston for repairs. late in the autumn he took up his station in the west indies for the winter. this first experiment of french naval coöperation had not been crowned by victory as the americans had hoped, but many of the other advantages which they expected from the french alliance did ensue. the opening of the american ports to the trade of the world, and incidentally the promotion of american privateering, proved of capital assistance to the cause itself. the summer and autumn of passed uneventfully for washington and his army. he was not strong enough to risk any severe fighting, but wished to be near the enemy's troops to keep close watch on them and to take advantage of any mistake in their moves. we cannot see how he could have saved himself if they had attacked him with force. but that they never made the attempt was probably owing to orders from london to be as considerate of the americans as they could; for england in that year had sent out three peace commissioners who bore the most seductive offers to the americans. the government was ready to pledge that there should never again be an attempt to quell the colonists by an army and that they should be virtually self-governing. but while the commissioners tried to persuade, very obviously, they did not receive any official recognition from the congress or the local conventions, and when winter approached, they sailed back to england with their mission utterly unachieved. rebuffed in their purpose of ending the war by conciliation, the british now resorted to treachery and corruption. i do not know whether general sir henry clinton was more or less of a man of honor than the other high officers in the british army at that time. we feel instinctively loath to harbor a suspicion against the honor of these officers; and yet, the truth demands us to declare that some one among them engaged in the miserable business of bribing americans to be traitors. where the full guilt lies, we shall never know, but the fact that so many of the trails lead back to general clinton gives us a reason for a strong surmise. we have lists drawn up at british headquarters of the americans who were probably approachable, and the degree of ease with which it was supposed they could be corrupted. "ten thousand guineas and a major-general's commission were the price for which west point, with its garrison, stores, and outlying posts, was to be placed in the hands of the british."[ ] the person with whom the british made this bargain was benedict arnold, who had been one of the most efficient of washington's generals, and of unquestioned loyalty. major john andré, one of clinton's adjutants, served as messenger between clinton and arnold. on one of these errands andré, somewhat disguised, was captured by the americans and taken before washington, who ordered a court-martial at once. fourteen officers sat on it, including generals greene, lafayette, and steuben. in a few hours they brought in a verdict to the effect that "major andré ought to be considered a spy from the enemy, and that agreeable to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought to suffer death." [ ] throughout the proceedings andré behaved with great dignity. he was a young man of sympathetic nature. old steuben, familiar with the usage in the prussian army, said: "it is not possible to save him. he put us to no proof, but a premeditated design to deceive."[ ] [footnote : channing, iii, .] [footnote : channing, iii, .] [footnote : _ibid_., .] he was sentenced to death by hanging--the doom of traitors. he did not fear to die, but that doom repelled him and he begged to be shot instead. washington, however, in view of his great crime and as a most necessary example in that crisis, firmly refused to commute the sentence. so, on the second of october, , andré was hanged. this is an appropriate place to refer briefly to one of the most trying features of washington's career as commander-in-chief. from very early in the war jealousy inspired some of his associates with a desire to have him displaced. he was too conspicuously the very head and front of the american cause. some men, doubtless open to dishonest suggestions, wished to get rid of him in order that they might carry on their treasonable conspiracy with greater ease and with a better chance of success. others bluntly coveted his position. perhaps some of them really thought that he was pursuing wrong methods or policy. however it may be, few commanders-in-chief in history have had to suffer more than washington did from malice and faction. the most serious of the plots against him was the so-called conway cabal, whose head was thomas conway, an irishman who had served in the french army and had come over early in the war to the colonies to make his way as a soldier of fortune. he seems to have been one of the typical irishmen who had no sense of truth, who was talkative and boastful, and a mirthful companion. it happened that washington received a letter from one of his friends which drew from him the following note to brigadier-general conway: a letter, which i received last night, contained the following paragraph: "in a letter from general conway to general gates he says, 'heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it.'"[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, .] it was characteristic of washington that he should tell conway at once that he knew of the latter's machinations. nevertheless washington took no open step against him. the situation of the army at valley forge was then so desperately bad that he did not wish to make it worse, perhaps, by interjecting into it what might be considered a matter personal to himself. in the congress also there were members who belonged to the conway cabal, and although it was generally known that washington did not trust him, congress raised his rank to that of major-general and appointed him inspector-general to the army. on this conway wrote to washington: "if my appointment is productive of any inconvenience, or otherwise disagreeable to your excellency, as i neither applied nor solicited for this place, i am very ready to return to france." the spice of this letter consists in the fact that conway's disavowal was a plain lie; for he had been soliciting for the appointment "with forwardness," says mr. ford, "almost amounting to impudence." conway did not enjoy his new position long. being wounded in a duel with an american officer, and thinking that he was going to die, he wrote to washington: "my career will soon be over, therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. you are in my eyes the great and good man. may you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues."[ ] but he did not die of his wound, and in a few months he left for france. after his departure the cabal, of which he seemed to be the centre, died. [footnote : sparks, .] the story of this cabal is still shrouded in mystery. whoever had the original papers either destroyed them or left them with some one who deposited them in a secret place where they have been forgotten. persons of importance, perhaps of even greater importance than some of those who are known, would naturally do their utmost to prevent being found out. two other enemies of washington had unsavory reputations in their dealings with him. one of these was general horatio gates, who was known as ambitious to be made head of the american army in place of washington. gates won the battle of saratoga at which burgoyne surrendered his british army. washington at that time was struggling to keep his army in the highlands, where he could watch the other british forces. it was easy for any one to make the remark that washington had not won a battle for many months, whereas gates was the hero of the chief victory thus far achieved by the americans. the shallow might think as they chose, however: the backbone of the country stood by washington, and the trouble between him and gates came to no further outbreak. the third intriguer was general charles lee, who, like gates, was an englishman, and had served under general braddock, being in the disaster of fort duquesne. when the revolution broke out, he took sides with the americans, and being a glib and forth-putting person he talked himself into the repute of being a great general. the americans proudly gave him a very high commission, in which he stood second to washington, the commander-in-chief. but being taken prisoner by the british, he had no opportunity of displaying his military talents for more than two years. then, when washington was pursuing the enemy across jersey, lee demanded as his right to lead the foremost division. at monmouth he was given the post of honor and he attacked with such good effect that he had already begun to beat the british division opposed to him when he suddenly gave strange orders which threw his men into confusion. lafayette, who was not far away, noticed the disorder, rode up to lee and remarked that the time seemed to be favorable for cutting off a squadron of the british troops. to this lee replied: "sir, you do not know the british soldiers; we cannot stand against them; we shall certainly be driven back at first, and we must be cautious."[ ] washington himself had by this time perceived that something was wrong and galloped up to lee in a towering passion. he addressed him words which, so far as i know, no historian has reported, not because there was any ambiguity in them, and lee's line was sufficiently re-formed to save the day. lee, however, smarted under the torrent of reproof, as well he might. the next day he wrote washington a very insulting letter. washington replied still more hotly. lee demanded a court-martial and was placed under arrest on three charges: "first, disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy agreeably to repeated instructions; secondly, misbehavior before the enemy, in making an unnecessary, disorderly and shameful retreat; thirdly, disrespect to the commander-in-chief in two letters written after the action."[ ] by the ruling of the court all the charges against general lee were sustained with the exception that the word "shameful" was omitted. lee left the army, retired to philadelphia, and died before the end of the revolution. general mifflin, another conspicuous member of the cabal, resigned at the end of the year, december, . so the traducers of washington were punished by the reactions of their own crimes. [footnote : sparks, , note .] [footnote : sparks, . sparks tells the story that when washington administered the oath of allegiance to his troops at valley forge, soon after lee had rejoined the army, the generals, standing together, held a bible. but lee deliberately withdrew his hand twice. washington asked why he hesitated. he replied, "as to king george, i am ready enough to absolve myself from all allegiance to him, but i have some scruples about the prince of wales." (ibid., .)] that the malicious hostility of his enemies really troubled washington, such a letter as the following from him to president laurens of the congress well indicates. he says: i cannot sufficiently express the obligation i feel to you, for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which i am so deeply interested. i was not unapprized that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice; which, conscious as i am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. but my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences, which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. as i have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, i would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. the anonymous paper handed to you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to congress. this i am the more inclined to the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or who may be privy to the contents. my enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. they know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defence, i might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. they know i cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets, which it is of the utmost moment to conceal. but why should i expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? merit and talents, with which i can have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. my heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would permit; yet i may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error. (valley forge, january, .)[ ] [footnote : ford, vi, .] such was the sort of explanation which was wrung from the silent man when he explained to an intimate the secrets of his heart. to estimate the harassing burden of these plots we must bear in mind that, while washington had to suffer them in silence, he had also to deal every day with the congress and with an army which, at valley forge, was dying slowly of cold and starvation. there was literally no direction from which he could expect help; he must hold out as long as he could and keep from the dwindling, disabled army the fact that some day they would wake up to learn that the last crumb had been eaten and that death only remained for them. on one occasion, after he had visited philadelphia and had seen the congress in action, he unbosomed himself about it in a letter which contained these terrible words: if i was to be called upon to draw a picture of the times and of men, from what i have seen, and heard, and in part know, i should in one word say that idleness, dissipation and extravagance seems to have laid fast hold of most of them. that speculation--peculation--and an insatiable thirst for riches seems to have got the better of every other consideration and almost of every order of men. that party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day whilst the momentous concerns of an empire--a great and accumulated debt--ruined finances--depreciated money--and want of credit (which in their consequences is the want of everything) are but secondary considerations, and postponed from day to day--from week to week as if our affairs wear the most-promising aspect. the events of made a lasting impression on king george iii. the alliance of france with the americans created a sort of reflex patriotism which the government did what it could to foster. british imperialism flamed forth as an ideal, one whose purposes must be to crush the french. the most remarkable episode was the return of the earl of chatham, much broken and in precarious health, to the king's fold. to the venerable statesman the thought that any one with british blood in his veins should stand by rebels of british blood, or by their french allies, was a cause of rage. on april , , the great chatham appeared in the house of lords and spoke for imperialism and against the americans and french. there was a sudden stop in his speaking, and a moment later, confusion, as he fell in a fit. he never spoke there again, and though he was hurried home and cared for by the doctors as best they could, he died on the eleventh of may. at the end he reverted to the dominant ideal of his life--the supremacy of england. so his chief rival in parliament, edmund burke, who shocked more than half of england by seeming to approve the nascent french revolution, died execrating it. the failure of the commission on reconciliation to get even an official hearing in america further depressed george iii, and there seemed to have flitted through his unsound mind more and more frequent premonitions that england might not win after all. having made friendly overtures, which were rejected, he now planned to be more savage than ever. in the american privateers won many victories which gave them a reputation out of proportion to the importance of the battles they fought, or the prizes they took. chief among the commanders of these vessels was a scotchman, john paul jones, who sailed the bonhomme richard and with two companion ships attacked the serapis and the scarborough, convoying a company of merchantmen off flamborough head. night fell, darkness came, the bonhomme richard and the serapis kept up bombarding each other at short range. during a brief pause, pearson, the british captain, called out, "have you struck your colors?" at which jones shouted back, "i have not yet begun to fight." before morning the serapis surrendered and in the forenoon the victorious bonhomme richard sank. europe rang with the exploit; not merely those easily thrilled by a spectacular engagement, but those who looked deeper began to ask themselves whether the naval power that must be reckoned with was not rising in the west. meanwhile, washington kept his uncertain army near new york. the city swarmed with loyalists, who at one time boasted of having a volunteer organization larger than washington's army. these later years seem to have been the hey-day of the loyalists in most of the colonies, although the patriots passed severe laws against them, sequestrating their property and even banishing them. in places like new york, where general clinton maintained a refuge, they stayed on, hoping, as they had done for several years, that the war would soon be over and the king's authority restored. in the south there were several minor fights, in which now the british and now the americans triumphed. at the end of december, , clinton and cornwallis with nearly eight thousand men went down to south carolina intending to reduce that state to submission. one of washington's lieutenants, general lincoln, ill-advisedly thought that he could defend charleston. but as soon as the enemy were ready, they pressed upon him hard and he surrendered. the year ended in gloom. the british were virtually masters in the carolinas and in georgia. the people of those states felt that they had been abandoned by the congress and that they were cut off from relations with the northern states. the glamour of glory at sea which had brightened them all the year before had vanished. john paul jones might win a striking sea-fight, but there was no navy, nor ships enough to transport troops down to the southern waters where they might have turned the tide of battle on shore. during the winter the british continued their marauding in the south. for lack of troops washington was obliged to stay in his quarters near new york and feel the irksomeness of inactivity. general nathanael greene, a very energetic officer, next indeed to washington himself in general estimation, commanded in the south. at the cowpens (january , ) one of his lieutenants--morgan, a guerilla leader--killed or captured nearly all of tarleton's men, who formed a specially crack regiment. a little later washington marched southward to virginia, hoping to coöperate with the french fleet under rochambeau and to capture benedict arnold, now a british major-general, who was doing much damage in virginia. arnold was too wary to be caught. cornwallis, the second in command of the british forces, pursued lafayette up and down virginia. clinton, the british commander-in-chief, began to feel nervous for the safety of new york and wished to detach some of his forces thither. cornwallis led his army into yorktown and proceeded to fortify it, so that it might resist a siege. now at last washington felt that he had the enemy's army within his grasp. sixteen thousand american and french troops were brought down from the north to furnish the fighting arm he required. yorktown lay on the south shore of the york river, an estuary of chesapeake bay. on the opposite side the little town of gloucester projected into the river. in yorktown itself the english had thrown up two redoubts and had drawn some lines of wall. the french kept up an unremitting cannonade, but it became evident that the redoubts must be taken in order to subdue the place. washington, much excited, took his place in the central battery along with generals knox and lincoln and their staff. those about him recognized the peril he was in, and one of his adjutants called his attention to the fact that the place was much exposed. "if you think so," said he, "you are at liberty to step back." shortly afterward a musket ball struck the cannon in the embrasure and rolled on till it fell at his feet. general knox took him by the arm. "my dear general," he exclaimed, "we can't spare you yet." "it is a spent ball," washington rejoined calmly; "no harm is done." when the redoubts were taken, he drew a long breath and said to knox: "the work is done, and well done."[ ] lord cornwallis saw that his position was desperate, if not hopeless. and on october th he made a plucky attempt to retard the final blow, but he did not succeed. that evening he thought of undertaking a last chance. he would cross the york river in flatboats, land at gloucester, and march up the country through virginia, maryland, pennsylvania, and new york. any one who knew the actual state of that region understood that cornwallis's plan was crazy; but it is to be judged as the last gallantry of a brave man. during the night he put forth on his flatboats, which were driven out of their course and much dispersed by untoward winds. they had to return to yorktown by morning, and at ten o'clock cornwallis ordered that a parley should be beaten. then he despatched a flag of truce with a letter to washington proposing cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours. washington knew that british ships were on their way from new york to bring relief and he did not wish to grant so much delay. he, therefore, proposed that the formal british terms should be sent to him in writing; upon which he would agree to a two hours' truce. it was the morning of the th of october that the final arrangement was made. washington, on horseback, attended by his staff, headed the american line. his troops, in worn-out uniforms, but looking happy and victorious, were massed near him. count rochambeau, with his suite, held place on the left of the road, the french troops all well-uniformed and equipped; and they marched on the field with a military band playing--the first time, it was said, that this had been known in america. "about two o'clock the garrison sallied forth and passed through with shouldered arms, slow and solemn steps, colors cased, and drums beating a british march."[ ] general o'hara, who led them, rode up to washington and apologized for the absence of lord cornwallis, who was indisposed. washington pointed o'hara to general lincoln, who was to receive the submission of the garrison. they were marched off to a neighboring field where they showed a sullen and dispirited demeanor and grounded their arms so noisily and carelessly that general lincoln had to reprove them. [footnote : irving, iv, .] [footnote : irving, iv, .] with little delay washington went back to the north with his army, expecting to see the first fruits of the capitulation. there were nearly seventeen thousand allied troops at yorktown of whom three thousand were militia of virginia. the british force under cornwallis numbered less than eight thousand men. months were required before the truce between the two belligerents resulted in peace. but the people of america hailed the news of yorktown as the end of the war. they had hardly admitted to themselves the gravity of the task while the war lasted, and being now relieved of immediate danger, they gave themselves up to surprising insouciance. a few among them who thought deeply, washington above all, feared that the british might indulge in some surprise which they would find it hard to repel. but the american revolution was indeed ended, and the american colonies of were indeed independent and free. even in the brief outline of the course of events which i have given, it must appear that the american revolution was almost the most hare-brained enterprise in history. after the first days of lexington and concord, when the farmers and country-folk rushed to the centres to check the british invaders, the british had almost continuously a large advantage in position and in number of troops. and in those early days the colonists fought, not for independence, but for the traditional rights which the british crown threatened to take from them. now they had their freedom, but what a freedom! there were thirteen unrelated political communities bound together now only by the fact of having been united in their common struggle against england. each had adopted a separate constitution, and the constitutions were not uniform nor was there any central unifying power to which they all looked up and obeyed. the vicissitudes of the war, which had been fought over the region of twelve hundred miles of coast, had proved the repellent differences of the various districts. the slave-breeder and the slave-owner of virginia and the states of the south had little in common with the gnarled descendants of the later puritans in new england. what principle could be found to knit them together? the war had at least the advantage of bringing home to all of them the evils of war which they all instinctively desired to escape. the numbers of the disaffected, particularly of the loyalists who openly sided with the king and with the british government, were much larger than we generally suppose, and they not only gave much direct help and comfort to the enemy, but also much indirect and insidious aid. in the great cities like new york and philadelphia they numbered perhaps two fifths of the total population, and, as they were usually the rich and influential people, they counted for more than their showing in the census. how could they ever be unified in the american republic? how many of them, like the traitorous general charles lee, would confess that, although they were willing to pass by george iii as king, they still felt devotion and loyalty to the prince of wales? some of those who had leaned toward loyalism, to be on what they supposed would prove the winning side, quickly forgot their lapse and were very enthusiastic in acclaiming the patriotic victory. those irreconcilables who had not already fled did so at once, leaving their property behind them to be confiscated by the government. on only one point did there seem to be unanimity and accord. that was that the dogged prosecution of the war and the ultimate victory must be credited to george washington. others had fought valiantly and endured hardships and fatigues and gnawing suspense, but without him, who never wavered, they could not have gone on. he had among them some able lieutenants, but not one who, had he himself fallen out of the command by wound or sickness for a month, could have taken his place. the people knew this and they now paid him in honor and gratitude for what he had done for them. if there were any members of the old cabal, any envious rivals, they either held their peace or spoke in whispers. the masses were not yet weary of hearing aristides called the just. chapter vii washington returns to peace nearly two years elapsed before the real settlement of the war. the english held new york city, charleston, and savannah, the strong garrisons. it seemed likely that they would have been glad to arrange the terms of peace sooner, but there was much inner turmoil at home. the men who, through thick and thin, had abetted the king in one plan after another to fight to the last ditch had nothing more to propose. lord north, when he heard of the surrender of yorktown, almost shrieked, "my god! it is all over; it is all over!" and was plunged in gloom. a new ministry had to be formed. lord north had been succeeded by rockingham, who died in july, , and was followed by shelburne, supposed to be rather liberal, but to share king george's desire to keep down the whigs. negotiations over the terms of peace were carried on with varying fortune for more than a year. john adams, john jay, and benjamin franklin were the american peace commissioners. the preliminaries between great britain and america were signed on december , , and with france and spain nearly two months later. the dutch held out still longer into . washington, at his headquarters in newburgh, new york, had been awaiting the news of peace, not lazily, but planning for a new campaign and meditating upon the various projects which might be undertaken. to him the news of the actual signing of the treaty came at the end of march. he replied at once to theodorick bland; a letter which gave his general views in regard to the needs and rights of the army before it should be disbanded: it is now the bounden duty of every one to make the blessings thereof as diffusive as possible. nothing would so effectually bring this to pass as the removal of those local prejudices which intrude upon and embarrass that great line of policy which alone can make us a free, happy and powerful people. unless our union can be fixed upon such a basis as to accomplish these, certain i am we have toiled, bled and spent our treasure to very little purpose. we have now a national character to establish, and it is of the utmost importance to stamp favorable impressions upon it; let justice be then one of its characteristics, and gratitude another. public creditors of every denomination will be comprehended in the first; the army in a particular manner will have a claim to the latter; to say that no distinction can be made between the claims of public creditors is to declare that there is no difference in circumstances; or that the services of all men are equally alike. this army is of near eight years' standing, six of which they have spent in the field without any other shelter from the inclemency of the seasons than tents, or such houses as they could build for themselves without expense to the public. they have encountered hunger, cold and nakedness. they have fought many battles and bled freely. they have lived without pay and in consequence of it, officers as well as men have subsisted upon their rations. they have often, very often, been reduced to the necessity of eating salt porke, or beef not for a day, or a week only but months together without vegetables or money to buy them; or a cloth to wipe on. many of them do better, and to dress as officers have contracted heavy debts or spent their patrimonies. the first see the doors of gaols open to receive them, whilst those of the latter are shut against them. is there no discrimination then--no extra exertion to be made in favor of men in these peculiar circumstances, in the event of their military dissolution? or, if no worse cometh of it, are they to be turned adrift soured and discontented, complaining of the ingratitude of their country, and under the influence of these passions to become fit subjects for unfavorable impressions, and unhappy dissentions? for permit me to add, tho every man in the army feels his distress--it is not every one that will reason to the cause of it. i would not from the observations here made, be understood to mean that congress should (because i know they cannot, nor does the army expect it) pay the full arrearages due to them till continental or state funds are established for the purpose. they would, from what i can learn, go home contented--nay--_thankful_ to receive what i have mentioned in a more public letter of this date, and in the manner there expressed. and surely this may be effected with proper exertions. or what possibility was there of keeping the army together, if the war had continued, when the victualls, clothing, and other expenses of it were to have been added? another thing, sir, (as i mean to be frank and free in my communications on this subject,) i will not conceal from you--it is the dissimilarity in the payments to men in civil and military life. the first receive everything--the others get nothing but bare subsistence--they ask what this is owing to? and reasons have been assigned, which, say they, amount to this--that men in civil life have stronger passions and better pretensions to indulge them, or less virtue and regard for their country than us,--otherwise, as we are all contending for the same prize and equally interested in the attainment of it, why do we not bear the burthen equally?[ ] [footnote : ford, x, .] the army was indeed the incubus of the americans. they could not fight the war without it, but they had never succeeded in mastering the difficulties of maintaining and strengthening it. the system of a standing army was of course not to be thought of, and the uncertain recruits who took its place were mostly undisciplined and unreliable. when the exigencies became pressing, a new method was resorted to, and then the usual erosion of life in the field, the losses by casualties and sickness, caused the numbers to dwindle. long ago the paymaster had ceased to pretend to pay off the men regularly so that there was now a large amount of back pay due them. largely through washington's patriotic exhortations had they kept fighting to the end; and, with peace upon them, they did not dare to disband because they feared that, if they left before they were paid, they would never be paid. washington felt that, if thousands of discontented and even angry soldiers were allowed to go back to their homes without the means of taking up any work or business, great harm would be done. the love of country, which he believed to be most important to inculcate, would not only be checked but perverted. they already had too many reasons to feel aggrieved. why should they, the men who risked their lives in battle and actually had starved or frozen in winter quarters, go unpaid, whereas every civilian who had a post under the government lived at least safely and healthily and was paid with fair promptitude? they felt now that their best hope for justice lay in general washington's interest in their behalf; and that interest of his seems now one of the noblest and wisest and most patriotic of his expressions. washington had need to be prepared for any emergency. thus a body of officers deliberated not only a mutiny of the army, but a _coup d'état_, in which they planned to overthrow the flimsy federation of the thirteen states and to set up a monarchy. they wrote to washington announcing their intention and their belief that he would make an ideal monarch. he was amazed and chagrined. he replied in part as follows, to the colonel who had written him: i am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address, which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs, that can befall my country. if i am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. i must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army than i do; and, as far as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed to the extent of my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind and never communicate, as from yourself to any one else, a sentiment of the like nature.[ ] [footnote : sparks, .] the turmoil of the army continued throughout the year and into the next. the so-called "newburgh address" set forth the quarrel of the soldiers and washington's discreet reply. on april , , the eighth anniversary of the first fighting at concord, a proclamation was issued to the american army announcing the official end of all hostilities. in june washington issued a circular letter to the governors of the states, bidding them farewell and urging them to guard their precious country. many of the american troops were allowed to go home on furlough. in company with governor clinton he went up the hudson to ticonderoga and then westward to fort schuyler. being invited by congress, which was then sitting at annapolis, he journeyed thither. before he left new york city arrangements were made for a formal farewell to his comrades in arms. i quote the description of it from chief justice marshall's "life of washington": this affecting interview took place on the th of december. at noon, the principal officers of the army assembled at frances' tavern; soon after which, their beloved commander entered the room. his emotions were too strong to be concealed. filling a glass, he turned to them and said, "with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you; i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." having drunk, he added, "i cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand." general knox, being nearest, turned to him. incapable of utterance, washington grasped his hand, and embraced him. in the same affectionate manner, he took leave of each succeeding officer. in every eye was the tear of dignified sensibility; and not a word was articulated to interrupt the majestic silence and the tenderness of the scene. leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to white hall, where a barge waited to convey him to powles' hook (paulus hook). the whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. having entered the barge, he turned to the company; and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. they paid him the same affectionate compliment, and after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled.[ ] [footnote : marshall, iv, .] marshall's description, simple but not commonplace, reminds one of ville-hardouin's pictures, so terse, so rich in color, of the barons of france in the fifth crusade. the account once read, you can never forget that majestic, silent figure of washington being rowed across to paulus hook with no sound but the dignified rhythm of the oars. not a cheer, not a word! his reception by congress took place on tuesday, the twenty-third of december, at twelve o'clock. again i borrow from chief justice marshall's account: when the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to recall to the mind the various interesting scenes which had passed since the commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators, and many respectable persons, among whom were the legislative and executive characters of the state, several general officers, and the consul general of france, were admitted on the floor of congress. the representatives of the sovereignty of the union remained seated and covered. the spectators were standing and uncovered. the general was introduced by the secretary and conducted to a chair. after a decent interval, silence was commanded, and a short pause ensued. the president (general mifflin) then informed him that "the united states in congress assembled were prepared to receive his communications." with a native dignity improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general rose and delivered the following address: "_mr. president_: "the great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and on presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty and pleased with the opportunity afforded the united states, of becoming a respectable nation, i resign with satisfaction the appointment i accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. "the successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of providence, and the assistance i have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest. "while i repeat my obligations to the army in general, i should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. it was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress. "i consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country, to the protection of almighty god, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." after advancing to the chair, and delivering his commission to the president, he returned to his place, and received standing, the answer of congress which was delivered by the president. in the course of his remarks, general mifflin said: "having defended the standard of liberty in this new world: having taught a new lesson useful to those who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action, with the blessings of your fellow citizens; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command: it will continue to animate remotest ages."[ ] [footnote : marshall, iv, .] the meeting then broke up, and washington departed. he went that same afternoon to virginia and reached mount vernon in the evening. we can imagine with what satisfaction and gratitude he, to whom home was the dearest place in the world, returned to the home he had seen only once by chance since the beginning of the revolution, eight years before. probably few of those who had risen to the highest station in their country said, and felt more honestly, that they were grateful at being allowed by fate to retire from office, than did washington. to be relieved of responsibility, free from the hourly spur, day and night, of planning and carrying out, of trying to find food for starving soldiers, of leading forlorn hopes against the truculent enemy, must have seemed to the weary and war-worn general like a call from the hesperides. men of his iron nature, and of his capacity for work and joy in it, do not, of course, really delight in idleness. they may think that they crave idleness, but in reality they crave the power of going on. it took comparatively little effort for washington to fall into his old way of life at mount vernon, although there, too, much was changed. old buildings had fallen out of repair. there were new experiments to be tried, and the general purpose to be carried out of making mount vernon a model place in that part of the country. whether he would or not, he was sought for almost daily by persons who came from all parts of the united states, and from overseas. hospitality being not merely a duty, but a passion with him, he gladly received the strangers and learned much from them. from their accounts of their interviews we see that, although he was really the most natural of men, some of them treated him as if he were some strange creature--a holy white elephant of siam, or the grand lama of tibet. age had brought its own deductions and reservations. it does not appear that parties rode to hounds after the fox any more at mount vernon. and then there were the irreparable gaps that could not be filled. at belvoir, where his neighbors the fairfaxes, friends of a lifetime, used to live, they lived no more. one of them, more than ninety years old, had turned his face to the wall on hearing of the surrender at yorktown. another had gone back to england to live out his life there, true to his tory convictions. washington had sincerely believed, no doubt, that he was to spend the rest of his life in dignified leisure, and especially that he would mix no more in political or public worries; but he soon found that he had deceived himself. the army, until it officially disbanded at the end of , caused him constant anxiety interspersed with fits of indignation over the indifference and inertia of the congress, which showed no intention of being just to the soldiers. the reason for its attitude seems hard to state positively. may it be that the congress, jealous since the war began of being ruled by the man on horseback, feared at its close to grant washington's demands for it lest they should bring about the very thing they had feared and avoided--the creation of a military dictatorship under washington? when vergennes proposed to entrust to washington a new subsidy from france, the congress had taken umbrage and regarded such a proposal as an insult to the american government. should they admit that the government itself was not sufficiently sound and trustworthy, and that, therefore, a private individual, even though he had been a leader of the revolution, must be called into service? from among persons pestered by this obsession, it was not surprising that the idea should spring up that washington was at heart a believer in monarchy and that he might, when the opportunity favored, allow himself to be proclaimed king. several years later he wrote to his trusted friend, john jay: i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. from thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find, that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! would to god, that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.[ ] [footnote : hapgood, .] in the renewal of his life at mount vernon, washington gave almost as much attention to the cultivation of friendship as to that of his estate. he pursued with great zest the career of planter-farmer. "i think," he wrote a friend, "with you, that the life of a husbandman of all others is the most delectable. it is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. to see plants rise from the earth and flourish by the superior skill and bounty of the laborer fills a contemplative mind with ideas which are more easy to be conceived than expressed."[ ] [footnote : hapgood, .] the cultivation of his friendships he carried on by letters and by entertaining his friends as often as he could at mount vernon. to benjamin harrison he wrote: "my friendship is not in the least lessened by the difference, which has taken place in our political sentiments, nor is my regard for you diminished by the part you have acted."[ ] [footnote : _ibid_., .] how constantly the flock of guests frequented mount vernon we can infer from this entry in his diary for june , : "dined with only mrs. washington which, i believe, is the first instance of it since my retirement from public life." to his young friend lafayette he wrote without reserve in a vein of deep affection: at length, my dear marquis, i am become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac; and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, i am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. i have not only retired from all public employments, but i am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartful satisfaction. envious of none, i am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, i will move gently down the stream of life, until i sleep with my fathers.[ ] [footnote : hapgood, .] in september, , he made a journey on horseback, with a pack-train to carry his tents and food, into the northwestern country, which had especially interested him since the early days when fort duquesne was the goal of his wandering. he observed very closely and his mind was filled with large imaginings of what the future would see in the development of the northwest. since his youth he had never lost the conviction that an empire would spring up there; only make the waterways easy and safe and he felt sure that a very large commerce would result and with it the extension of civilization. in a memorial to the legislature he urged that virginia was the best placed geographically of all the states to undertake the work of establishing connection with the states of the northwest, and he suggested various details which, when acted upon later, proved to be, as sparks remarked, "the first suggestion of the great system of internal improvements which has since been pursued in the united states." on returning to mount vernon, he entertained lafayette for the last time before he sailed for france. after he had gone, washington wrote him this letter in which appears the affection of a friend and the reverie of an old man looking somewhat wistfully towards sunset, "and after that the dark": in the moment of our separation, upon the road as i travelled, and every hour since, i have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. i often asked myself as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight i ever should have of you? and, though i wished to say no, my fears answered yes. i called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that i was now descending the hill i had been fifty-two years climbing, and that, though i was blest with a good constitution, i was of a short-lived family and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. these thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again. we should not overlook the fact that washington declined all gifts, including a donation from virginia, for his services as general during the war. he had refused to take any pay, merely keeping a strict account of what he spent for the government from to . this amounted to over £ , and covered only sums actually disbursed by him for the army. unlike marlborough, nelson, and wellington, and other foreign chieftains on whom grateful countrymen conferred fortunes and high titles, washington remains as the one great state-founder who literally _gave_ his services to his country. sparks gives the following interesting account of the way in which washington spent his days after his return to mount vernon: his habits were uniform, and nearly the same as they had been previous to the war. he rose before the sun and employed himself in his study, writing letters or reading, till the hour of breakfast. when breakfast was over, his horse was ready at the door, and he rode to his farms and gave directions for the day to the managers and laborers. horses were likewise prepared for his guests, whenever they chose to accompany him, or to amuse themselves by excursions into the country. returning from his fields, and despatching such business as happened to be on hand, he went again to his study, and continued there till three o'clock, when he was summoned to dinner. the remainder of the day and the evening were devoted to company, or to recreation in the family circle. at ten he retired to rest. from these habits he seldom deviated, unless compelled to do so by particular circumstances.[ ] [footnote : sparks, , .] this list does not include the item which washington soon found the greatest of his burdens--letter-writing. his correspondence increased rapidly and to an enormous extent. many mistakenly think [he writes to richard henry lee] that i am retired to ease, and to that kind of tranquility which would grow tiresome for want of employment; but at no period of my life, not in the eight years i served the public, have i been obliged to write so much myself, as i have done since my retirement.... it is not the letters from my friends which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. it is references to old matters, with which i have nothing to do; applications which often cannot be complied with; inquiries which would require the pen of a historian to satisfy; letters of compliment as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the commonplace business which employs my pen and my time often disagreeably. these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and unless i can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences.[ ] [footnote : irving, iv, .] when we remember that washington used to write most of his letters himself, and that from boyhood his handwriting was beautifully neat, almost like copper-plate, in its precision and elegance, we shall understand what a task it must have been for him to keep up his correspondence. a little later he employed a young new hampshire graduate of harvard, tobias lear, who graduated in , who served him as secretary until his death, and undoubtedly lightened the epistolary cares of the general. but washington continued to carry on much of the letter-writing, especially the intimate, himself; and, like the adamses and other statesmen of that period, he kept letter-books which contained the first drafts or copies of the letters sent. another source of annoyance, to which, however, he resigned himself as contentedly as he could, was the work of the artists who came to him to beg him to sit for his picture or statue. of the painters the most eminent were charles peale and his son rembrandt. of the sculptors houdon undoubtedly made the best life-sized statue--that which still adorns the capitol at richmond, virginia--and from the time it was first exhibited has been regarded as the best, most lifelike. another, sitting statue, was made for the state of north carolina by the italian, canova, the most celebrated of the sculptors of that day. the artist shows a roman costume, a favorite of his, unless, as in the case of napoleon, he preferred complete nudity. this statue was much injured in a fire which nearly consumed the capitol at raleigh. the english sculptor, chantrey, executed a third statue in which washington was represented in military dress. this work used to be shown at the state house in boston. of the many painted portraits of washington, those by gilbert stuart have come to be accepted as authentic; especially the head in the painting which hung in the boston athenaeum as a pendant to that of martha washington, and is now in the boston museum of fine arts. but as i remarked earlier, the fact that none of the painters indicate the very strong marks of smallpox (which he took on his trip to barbados) on washington's face creates a natural suspicion as to accuracy in detail of any of the portraits. perhaps the divergence among them is not greater than that among those of mary, queen of scots, and indicates only the marked incapacity of some of the painters who did them. we are certainly justified in saying that washington's features varied considerably from his early prime to the days when he was president. we have come to talk about him as an old man because from the time when he was sixty years old he frequently used that expression himself; although, as he died at sixty-seven, he was never really "an old man." one wonders whether those who lived among pioneer conditions said and honestly believed that they were old at the time when, as we think, middle age would hardly have begun. thus abraham lincoln writes of himself as a patriarch, and no doubt sincerely thought that he was, at a time when he had just reached forty. the two features in washington's face about which the portraitists differ most are his nose and his mouth. in the early portrait by charles peale, his nose is slightly aquiline, but not at all so massive and conspicuous as in some of the later works. his mouth, and with it the expression of the lower part of his face, changed after he began to wear false teeth. is it not fair to suppose that the effigies of washington, made in later years and usually giving him a somewhat stiff and expansive grin, originated in the fact that his false set of teeth lacked perfect adjustment? thus washington dropped into the ways of peace; working each day what would have been a long stint for a strong young man, and thinking, besides, more than most men thought of the needs and future of the country to which he had given liberty and independence. his chief anxiety henceforth was that the united states of america should not miss the great destiny for which he believed the lord had prepared it. chapter viii welding the nation the doubt, the drifting, the incongruities and inconsistencies, the mistakes and follies which marked the five years after form what has been well called "the critical period of american history." they proved that the conquests of peace may not only be more difficult than the conquests of war, but that they may outlast those of war. who should be the builders of the ship of state? those who had courage and clear vision, who loved justice, who were patient and humble and unflagging, and who believed with an ineluctable conviction that righteousness exalteth a nation; they were the simple fishermen who in the little church at torcello predicted the splendor and power of venice; they were the stern pioneers of plymouth and boston who laid the foundations of an empire greater than that of rome. it happened that during the american revolution and immediately afterward, a larger number of such men existed in what had been the american colonies than anywhere else at any other time in history. at the beginning of the revolution, within a few weeks of the declaration of independence, some of these men, impelled by a common instinct, adopted articles of confederation which should hold the former colonies together and enable them to maintain a common front against the enemy during the war. the congress controlled military and civic affairs, but the framers of the articles were wary and too timid to grant the congress sufficient powers, with the result that washington, who embodied the dynamic control of the war, was always most inadequately supported; and as he fared, so fared his subordinates. at the end of the war the americans found that they had won, not only freedom, but also independence, the desire for which was not among their original motives. each of the thirteen states was independent; they all felt the need of a union which would enable them to protect themselves; of a common coinage and postage; of certain common laws for criminal and similar cases; of a common government to direct their affairs with other nations. but by habit and by training each was local rather than national in its outlook. the georgian had nothing in common with the men of massachusetts bay whose livelihood depended upon fisheries, or with the virginian of the western border, to whom his relations with the indians were his paramount concern. the rhode islander, busy with his manufactures, knew and cared nothing for the south carolinian with his rice plantations. how to find a common denominator for all these? that was the business of them all. the one thing which washington regarded as likely and against which he wished to have every precaution taken, was a possible attempt of the english to pick a quarrel over some small matter and bring on a renewal of the war. fortunately for the americans, this did not happen. washington knew our weakness so well that he could see how easy it would be for a bold and determined enemy to do us great if not fatal harm. but he did not know that the english themselves were in an almost desperate plight. by rodney's decisive victory at sea they began to recover their ascendancy against the coalition, but it was then too late to disavow the treaty. in parliament george iii had been defeated; the defeat meaning a very serious check to the policy which he had pursued for more than twenty years to fix royal tyranny on the british people. king george's system of personal government, himself being the person, had broken down and he could not revive it. nearly seventy years were to elapse before queen victoria, who was as putty in the hands of her german husband, prince albert, rejoiced that she had restored the personal power of the british sovereign to a pitch it had not known since her grandfather george iii. the american revolution had illustrated the fatal weakness of the congress as an organ of government, and the articles merely embodied the vagueness of the american people in regard to any real régime. the congress has been much derided for its shortcomings and its blunders, although in truth not so much the congress, as those who made it, was to blame. they had refused, in their timidity, to give it power to exercise control. it might not compel or enforce obedience. it did require general washington during the war to furnish a regular report of his military actions and it put his suggestions on file where many of them grew yellow and dusty; but he might not strike, do that decisive act by which history is born. their timidity made them see what he had accomplished not nearly so plainly as the dictator on horseback whom their fears conjured up. during the war the sense of a common danger had lent the congress a not easily defined but quite real coherence, which vanished when peace came, and the local ideals of the states took precedence. take taxation. congress could compute the quota of taxes which each state ought to pay, but it had no way of collecting or of enforcing payment. it took eighteen months to collect five per cent of the taxes laid in . of course a nation could not go on with such methods. no law binding all the states could be adopted unless every one of the thirteen states assented. unanimity was almost unattainable; as when governor clinton of new york withheld his approval of a measure to improve a system of taxation to which the other twelve states had assented; so rhode island, the smallest of all, blocked another reform which twelve states had approved. our foreign relations must be described as ignominious. jefferson had taken franklin's place as minister to france, but we had no credit and he could not secure the loan he was seeking. john adams in london, and john jay in madrid, were likewise balked. jay had to submit to the closing of the lower mississippi to american shipping. he did this in the hope of thereby conciliating spain to make a commercial treaty which he thought was far more important than shipping. our people in the southwest, however, regarded the closing of the river as portending their ruin, and they threatened to secede if it were persisted in. pennsylvania and new jersey threw their weight with the southerners and congress voted against the jay treaty. that was the time when the corsairs of the barbary states preyed upon american shipping in the mediterranean and seized crews of our vessels and sold them into slavery in northern africa. that there was not in the thirteen states sufficient feeling of dignity to resent and punish these outrages marks both their dispersed power and lack of regard for national honor. after the states, virtually bankrupt at home, discordant, fickle, and aimless, and without credit or prestige abroad, were filled with many citizens who recognized that the system was bad and must be amended. the wise among them wrote treatises on the remedies they proposed. the wisest went to school of experience and sought in history how confederations and other political unions had fared. washington wrote for his own use an account of the classical constitutions of greece and rome and of the more modern states; of the amphictyonic council among the ancient, and the helvetic, belgic, and germanic among the more recent. john adams devoted two massive volumes to an account of the medieval italian republics. james madison studied the achaian league and other ancient combinations. there were many other men less eminent than these--there was a peletiah webster, for instance. washington viewed the situation as a pessimist. was it because the high hopes that he had held during the war, that america should be the noblest among the nations, had been disappointed, or was it because he saw farther into the future than his colleagues saw? on may , , he writes intimately to john jay: ... we are certainly in a delicate situation; but my fear is that the people are not yet sufficiently _misled_ to retract from error. to be plainer, i think there is more wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils. under this impression i scarcely know what opinion to entertain of a general convention. that it is necessary to revise and amend the articles of confederation, i entertain no doubt; but what may be the consequences of such an attempt is doubtful. yet something must be done, or the fabric must fall, for it certainly is tottering. ignorance and design are difficult to combat. out of these proceed illiberal sentiments, improper jealousies, and a train of evils which oftentimes in republican governments must be sorely felt before they can be removed. the former, that is ignorance, being a fit soil for the latter to work in, tools are employed by them which a generous mind would disdain to use; and which nothing but time, and their own puerile or wicked productions, can show the inefficacy and dangerous tendency of. i think often of our situation, and view it with concern. from the high ground we stood upon, from the plain path which invited our footsteps, to be so fallen! so lost! it is really mortifying.[ ] [footnote : ford, xi, .] one of the chief causes of the discontents which troubled the public was the increasing number of persons who had been made debtors after the war by the more and more pressing demands of their creditors. these debtors knew nothing about economics; they only knew that they were being crushed by persons more lucky than themselves. in massachusetts they broke out in actual rebellion named after the man who led it, daniel shays. they were put down by the more or less doubtful appeal to veterans of the national army, but their ebullition was not forgotten as a symptom of a very dangerous condition. in representatives from five states met in a convention at annapolis to consider the hard times and the troubles in trade. washington, hamilton, and madison were thought to be behind the convention, which accomplished little, but made it clear that a large general convention ought to meet and to discuss the way of securing a strong central government. this convention was discussed during that summer and autumn, and a call was issued for a meeting in the following spring at philadelphia. virginia turned first to washington to be one of its delegates, but he had sincere scruples against entering public life again. he wrote to james madison on november th: although i had bid adieu to the public walks of life in a public manner, and had resolved never more to tread upon public ground, yet if, upon an occasion so interesting to the well-being of the confederacy, it should have appeared to have been the wish of the assembly to have employed me with other associates in the business of revising the federal system, i should, from a sense of obligation i am under for repeated proof of confidence in me, more than from any opinion i should have entertained of my usefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to do so with any degree of consistency.[ ] [footnote : ford, xi, .] washington's disinclination to abandon the quiet of mount vernon and the congenial work he found there, and to be plunged again into political labors, was perhaps his strongest reason for making this decision. but a temporary aggravation ruled him. the society of the cincinnati, of which he was president, had aroused much odium in the country among those who were jealous or envious that such a special privileged class should exist, and among those who really believed that it had the secret design of establishing an aristocracy if not actually a monarchy. washington held that its original avowed purpose, to keep the officers who had served in the revolution together, would perpetuate the patriotic spirit which enabled them to win, and might be a source of strength in case of further ordeals. but when he found that public sentiment ran so strongly against the cincinnati, he withdrew as its president and he told madison that he would vote to have the society disbanded if it were not that it counted a minority of foreign members. stronger than a desire for a private life and for the ease of mount vernon was his sense of duty as a patriot; so that when this was strongly urged upon him he gave way and consented. spring came, the snows melted in the northern states, and through the month of april the delegates to this convention started from their homes in the north and in the south for philadelphia. the first regular session was held on may th, although some of the delegates did not arrive until several weeks later. they sat in independence hall in the same room where, eleven years before, the declaration of independence had been adopted and signed. of the members in the new convention, george washington was easily the first. his commanding figure, tall and straight and in no wise impaired by eight years' campaigns and hardships, was almost the first to attract the attention of any one who looked upon that assembly. he was fifty-five years old. next in reputation was the patriarch, benjamin franklin, twenty-seven years his senior, shrewd, wise, poised, tart, good-natured; whose prestige was thought to be sufficient to make him a worthy presiding officer when washington was not present. james madison of virginia was among the young men of the convention, being only thirty-six years old, and yet almost at the top of them all in constitutional learning. more precocious still was alexander hamilton of new york, who was only thirty, one of the most remarkable examples of a statesman who developed very early and whom death cut off before he showed any signs of a decline. one figure we miss--that of thomas jefferson of virginia, tall and wiry and red-curled, who was absent in paris as minister to france. massachusetts sent four representatives, important but not preëminent--elbridge gerry, nathaniel gorham, rufus king, and caleb strong. new york had only two besides hamilton; robert yates and john lansing. pennsylvania trusted most to benjamin franklin, but she sent the financier of the revolution, robert morris, and gouverneur morris; and with them went thomas mifflin, george clymer, thomas fitzsimmons, jared ingersoll, james wilson--all conspicuous public men at the time, although their fame is bedraggled or quite faded now. wilson ranked as the first lawyer of the group. of the five from little delaware sturdy john dickinson, a man who thought, was no negligible quantity. connecticut also had as spokesmen two strong individualities--roger sherman and oliver ellsworth. maryland spoke through james mchenry and daniel carroll and three others of greater obscurity. virginia had george washington, president of the convention, and james madison, active, resourceful, and really accomplishing; and in addition to these two: edmund randolph, the governor; george mason, washington's hard-headed and discreet lawyer friend; john blair, george wythe, and james mcclurg. from south carolina went three unusual orators, john rutledge, c.c. pinckney and charles pinckney, and pierce butler. georgia named four mediocre but useful men. in this gathering of fifty-five persons, the proportion between those who were preëminent for common sense and those who were remarkable for special knowledge and talents was very fairly kept. most of them had had experience in dealing with men either in local government offices or in the army. socially, they came almost without exception from respectable if not aristocratic families. of the fifty-five, twenty-nine were university or college bred, their universities comprising oxford, glasgow, and edinburgh besides the american harvard, william and mary, yale, princeton, and columbia. the two foremost members, washington and franklin, were not college bred. among the fifty-five we do not find john adams and thomas jefferson, who, as i have said, were in europe on official business. john jay also was lacking, because, as it appears, the anti-federalists did not wish him to represent them in the convention; but his influence permeated it and the wider public, who later read his unsigned articles in "the federalist." samuel adams, patrick henry, and richard henry lee stayed at home. general nathanael greene, the favorite son of rhode island, would have been at the convention but for his untimely death a few weeks before the preceding christmas. owing to delays the active business of the convention halted, although for at least a fortnight the members who had come promptly carried on unofficial discussions. washington, being chosen president without a competitor, presided, with perhaps more than his habitual gravity and punctilio. the members took their work very seriously. the debates lasted five or six hours a day, and, as they were continued consecutively until the autumn, there was ample time to discuss many subjects. the convention adopted strict secrecy as its rule, so that its proceedings were not known by the public nor was any satisfactory report of them kept and published. at the time there was objection to this provision, and now, after more than a century and a third, we must regret that we can never know many points in regard to the actual give and take of discussion in this the most fateful of all assemblies. but from madison's memoranda and reminiscences we can infer a good deal as to what went on. the wisdom of keeping the proceedings secret was fully justified. the framers of the constitution knew that it was to a large degree a new experiment, that it would be subjected to all kinds of criticism, but that it must be judged by its entirety and not by its parts; and that therefore it must be presented entire. at the outset some of the members, foreseeing opposition, were for suggesting palliatives and for sugar-coating. some of the measures they feared might excite hostility. to these suggestions washington made a brief but very noble remonstrance which seemed deeply to impress his hearers. and no one could question that it gave the keynote on which he hoped to maintain the business of the convention. "it is too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted," washington said very gravely. "perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained. if, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterward defend our work? let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair; the event is in the hand of god."[ ] among the obstacles which seemed very serious--and many believed they would wreck the convention--was the question of slavery. by this time all the northern part of the country favored its abolition. even virginia was on that side. for practical planters like george washington knew that it was the most costly and least productive form of labor. they opposed it on economic rather than moral grounds. farther south, however, especially in south carolina where the negroes seemed to be the only kind of laborers for the rice-fields, and in those regions where they harvested the cotton, the whites insisted that slavery should be maintained. the contest seemed likely to be very fierce between the disputants, and then, with true anglo-saxon instinct, they sought for a compromise. the south had regarded slaves as chattels. the compromise brought forward by madison consisted in agreeing that five slaves should count in population as three. by this curious device a negro was equivalent to three fifths of a white man. such a compromise was, of course, illogical, leaving the question whether negroes were chattels or human beings with even a theoretical civil character undecided. but many of the members, who saw the illogic quite plainly, voted for it, being dazzled if not seduced by the thought that it was a compromise which would stave off an irreconcilable conflict at least for the present; so washington, who wished the abolition of slavery, voted for the compromise along with charles cotesworth pinckney, the south carolinian who regarded slavery as higher than any of the ten commandments. [footnote : fiske, _critical period_, .] the second compromise referred to the slave trade, which was particularly defended by south carolina and georgia. the raising of rice and indigo in those states caused an increasing death-rate among the slaves. the slave trade, which brought many kidnapped slaves from africa to those states was needed to replenish the number of slaves who died. virginia had not yet become an important breeding-place of slaves who were sold to planters farther south. the members of the convention who wished to put an end to this hideous traffic proposed that it should be prohibited, and that the enforcement of the prohibition should be assigned to the general government. pinckney, however, keen to defend his privileged institution and the special interests of his state, bluntly informed the convention that if they voted to abolish the slave trade, south carolina would regard it as a polite way of telling her that she was not wanted in the new union. to think of attempting to form a union without south carolina amazed them all and made them pliable. although there was considerable opposition to giving the general government control over shipping, this provision was passed. the northerners saw in it the germs of a tariff act which would benefit their manufacturers, and they agreed that the slave trade should not be interfered with before and that no export tax should be authorized. the third compromise affected representation. the convention had already voted that the congress should consist of two parts, a senate and a house of representatives. by a really clever device each state sent two members to the senate, thus equalizing the small and large states in that branch of the government. the house, on the other hand, represented the people, and the number of members elected from each state corresponded, therefore, to the population. as i do not attempt to make even a summary of the details of the convention, i should pass over many of the other topics which it considered, often with very heated discussion. the fundamental problem was how to preserve the rights of the states and at the same time give the central government sufficient power. by devices which actually worked, and for many years continued to work, this conflict was smoothed over, although sixty years later the question of state rights, intertwined with that of slavery, nearly split the nation in the war of secession. there was much question as to the term for which the president should be elected and whether by the people or by congress. some were for one, two, three, four, ten, and even fifteen years. rufus king, grown sarcastic, said: "better call it twenty--it's the average reign of princes." alexander hamilton and gouverneur morris stood for a life service with provision for the president's removal in case of malfeasance. these gentlemen, in spite of their influence in the convention, stirred up a deep-seated enmity to their plan. few instincts were more general than that which drew back from any arrangement which might embolden the monarchists to make a man president for a ten or fifteen years' term or for life. this could not fail to encourage those who wished for the equivalent of an hereditary prince. the convention soon made it evident that they would have none but a short term, and they chose, finally, four years. there was a debate over the question of his election; should he be chosen directly by the legislature, or by electors? the strong men--mason, rutledge, roger sherman, and strong--favored the former; stronger men--washington, madison, gerry, and gouverneur morris--favored the latter, and it prevailed. nevertheless, the electoral college thus created soon became, and has remained, as useless as a vermiform appendix. towards the end of the summer the convention had completed its first draft of the constitution; then they handed their work over to a committee for style and arrangement, composed of w.s. johnson of north carolina, hamilton, gouverneur morris, madison, and king. then, on september th, the constitution of the united states was formally published. this document, done "by the unanimous consent of the states present," was sent to the governor or legislature of each state with the understanding that its ratification by nine states would be required before it was proclaimed the law of the land. in his diary for monday, the seventeenth of september, , washington makes this entry: met in convention, when the constitution received the unanimous consent of states and colo. hamilton's from new york [the only delegate from thence in convention], and was subscribed to by every member present, except governor randolph and colo. mason from virginia, & mr. gerry from massachusetts. the business being thus closed, the members adjourned to the city tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other. after which i returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers from the secretary of the convention, and retired to meditate on the momentous wk. which had been executed, after not less than five, for a large part of the time six and sometimes hours sitting every day, [except] sundays & the ten days adjournment to give a comee. [committee] opportunity & time to arrange the business for more than four months.[ ] [footnote : ford, xi, .] one likes to think of washington presiding over that convention for more than four months, seeing one suggestion after another brought forward and debated until finally disposed of, he saying little except to enforce the rules of parliamentary debate. no doubt his asides (and part of his conversation) frankly gave his opinion as to each measure, because he never disguised his thoughts and he seems to have voted when the ballots were taken--a practice unusual to modern presiding officers except in case of a tie. his summing-up of the constitution, which he wrote on the day after the adjournment in a hurried letter to lafayette, is given briefly in these lines: it is the result of four months' deliberation. it is now a child of fortune, to be fostered by some and buffeted by others. what will be the general opinion, or the reception of it, is not for me to decide; nor shall i say anything for or against it. if it be good, i suppose it will work its way; if bad, it will recoil on the framers. a month later, in the seclusion of mount vernon, he spread the same news before his friend general knox: ... the constitution is now before the judgment-seat. it has, as was expected, its adversaries and supporters. which will preponderate is yet to be decided. the former more than probably will be most active, as the major part of them will, it is to be feared, be governed by sinister and self-important motives, to which everything in their breasts must yield.... the other class, he said, would probably ask itself whether the constitution now submitted was not better than the inadequate and precarious government under which they had been living. if there were defects, as doubtless there were, did it not provide means for amending them? then he concludes with a gleam of optimism: ... is it not likely that real defects will be as readily discovered after as before trial? and will not our successors be as ready to apply the remedy as ourselves, if occasion should require it? to think otherwise will, in my judgment, be ascribing more of the amor patriae, more wisdom and more virtue to ourselves, than i think we deserve.[ ] [footnote : ford, xi, .] nearly five months later, february , , he wrote lafayette what we may consider a more deliberate opinion: as to my sentiments with respect to the merits of the new constitution, i will disclose them without reserve, (although by passing through the post-office they should become known to all the world,) for in truth i have nothing to conceal on that subject. it appears to me, then, little short of a miracle, that the delegates from so many different states (which states you know are also different from each other), in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to well-founded objections. nor am i yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or indiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real (though not radical) defects. the limits of a letter would not suffer me to go fully into an examination of them; nor would the discussion be entertaining or profitable. i therefore forbear to touch upon it. with regard to the two great points (the pivots upon which the whole machine must move), my creed is simply, st. that the general government is not invested with more powers, than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government; and consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quantity of power delegated to it. nd. that these powers (as the appointment of all rulers will for ever arise from, and at short, stated intervals recur to, the free suffrage of the people), are so distributed among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, into which the general government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people. i would not be understood, my dear marquis, to speak of consequences, which may be produced in the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners and listlessness for the preservation of the natural and unalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful usurpations, that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently guarded and secured; as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide. it will at least be a recommendation to the proposed constitution, that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any government hitherto instituted among mortals hath possessed. we are not to expect perfection in this world; but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. should that which is now offered to the people of america, be found on experiment less perfect than it can be made, a constitutional door is left open for its amelioration.[ ] [footnote : ford, xi, - .] thus was accomplished the american constitution. gladstone has said of it in well-known words that, just "as the british constitution is the most subtle organism which has proceeded from the womb and the long gestation of progressive history, so the american constitution is so far as i can see the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man."[ ] note that gladstone does not name a single or an individual man, which would have been wholly untrue, for the american constitution was struck off by the wisdom and foresight of fifty-five men collectively. there were among them two or three who might be called transcendent men. it gained its peculiar value from the fact that it represents the composite of many divergent opinions and different characters. [footnote : w.e. gladstone, _north american review_, september, .] just before the members broke up at their final meeting in independence hall, benjamin franklin amused them with a characteristic bit of raillery. on the back of the president's black chair, a half sun was carved and emblazoned. "during all these weeks," said franklin, "i have often wondered whether that sun was rising or setting. i know now that it is a rising sun." the first state to ratify the constitution was delaware, on december , . pennsylvania followed on december th, and new jersey on december th. ratifications continued without haste until new hampshire, the ninth state, signed on june , . four days later, virginia, a very important state, ratified. new york, which had been anti-federalist throughout, joined the majority on july th. north carolina waited until november st, and little rhode island, the last state of all, did not come in until may , . but, as the adherence of nine states sufficed, the affirmative action of new hampshire on june , , constituted the legal beginning of the united states of america. no test could be more winnowing than that to which the constitution was subjected during more than eighteen months before its adoption. in each state, in each section, its friends and enemies discussed it at meetings and in private gatherings. in new york, for instance, it was only the persistence of alexander hamilton and his unfailing oratory, unmatched until then in this country, that routed the anti-federalists at poughkeepsie and caused the victory of the federalists in the state. in virginia, patrick henry, who had said on the eve of the revolution, "i am not a virginian, but an american," still held out. nevertheless, the more the people of the country discussed the matter, the surer was their conviction that washington was right when he intimated that they must prefer the new constitution unless they could show reason for supposing that the anarchy towards which the old order was swiftly driving them was preferable. during the autumn of peaceful electioneering went on throughout the country. among the last acts of that thin wraith, the continental congress, was a decree that presidential electors should be chosen on the first wednesday of january, ; that they should vote for president on the first wednesday in february, and that the new congress should meet on the first wednesday in march. the state of new york, where anti-federalists swarmed, did not follow the decree--with the result that that state, which had been behindhand in signing the declaration of independence, failed through the intrigues of the anti-federalists to choose electors, and so had no part in the choice of washington as president of the united states. the other ten states performed their duty on time. they elected washington president by a unanimous vote of sixty-nine out of sixty-nine votes cast. the vice-presidential contest was perplexing, there being many candidates who received only a few votes each. many persons thought that it would be fitting that samuel adams, the father of the revolution, should be chosen to serve with washington, the father of his country; but too many remembered that he had been hostile to the federalists until almost the end of the preliminary canvass and so they did not think that he ought to be chosen. the successful man was john adams, who had been a robust patriot from the beginning and had served honorably and devotedly in every position which he had held since . on april th washington's election was notified to him, and on the th he bade farewell to mount vernon, where he had hoped to pass the rest of his days in peace and home duties and agriculture, and he rode in what proved to be a triumphal march to new york. that city was chosen the capital of the new nation. streams of enthusiastic and joyous citizens met and acclaimed him at every town through which he passed. at trenton a party of thirteen young girls decked out in muslin and wreaths represented the thirteen states, and perhaps brought to his mind the contrast between that day and thirteen years before when he crossed the delaware on boats amid floating cakes of ice and the pelting of sleet and rain. on april d he entered new york city. a week later at noon a military escort attended him from his lodging to federal hall at the corner of wall and nassau streets, where a vast crowd awaited him. washington stood on a balcony. all could witness the ceremony. the secretary of the senate bore a bible upon a velvet cushion, and chancellor livingston administered the oath of office. washington's head was still bowed when livingston shouted: "long live george washington, president of the united states!" the crowds took up the cheer, which spread to many parts of the city and was repeated in all parts of the united states. chapter ix the first american president the inauguration of washington on april , , brought a new type of administration into the world. the democracy which it initiated was very different from that of antiquity, from the models of greece and of rome, and quite different from that of the italian republics during the middle age. the head of the new state differed essentially from the monarchs across the sea. although there were varieties of traditions and customs in what had been the colonies, still their dominant characteristic was british. according to the social traditions of virginia, george washington was an aristocrat, but in contrast with the british, he was a democrat. he believed, however, that the president must guard his office from the free-and-easy want of decorum which some of his countrymen regarded as the stamp of democracy. at his receptions he wore a black velvet suit with gold buckles at the knee and on his shoes, and yellow gloves, and profusely powdered hair carried in a silk bag behind. in one hand he held a cocked hat with an ostrich plume; on his left thigh he wore a sword in a white scabbard of polished leather. he shook hands with no one; but acknowledged the courtesy of his visitors by a very formal bow. when he drove, it was in a coach with four or six handsome horses and outriders and lackeys dressed in resplendent livery. after his inauguration he spoke his address to the congress, and several days later members of the house and of the senate called on him at his residence and made formal replies to his inaugural address. after a few weeks, experience led him to modify somewhat his daily schedule. he found that unless it was checked, the insatiate public would consume all his time. every tuesday afternoon, between three and four o'clock, he had a public reception which any one might attend. likewise, on friday afternoons, mrs. washington had receptions of her own. the president accepted no invitations to dinner, but at his own table there was an unending succession of invited guests, except on sunday, which he observed privately. interviews with the president could be had at any time that suited his convenience. thus did he arrange to transact his regular or his private business. inevitably, some of the public objected to his rules and pretended to see very strong monarchical leanings in them. but the country took them as he intended, and there can be no doubt that it felt the benefit of his promoting the dignity of his office. equally beneficial was his rule of not appointing to any office any man merely because he was the president's friend. washington knew that such a consideration would give the candidate an unfair advantage. he knew further that office-holders who could screen themselves behind the plea that they were the president's friends might be very embarrassing to him. as office-seekers became, with the development of the republic, among the most pernicious of its evils and of its infamies, we can but feel grateful that so far as in him lay washington tried to keep them within bounds. in all his official acts he took great pains not to force his personal wishes. he knew that both in prestige and popularity he held a place apart among his countrymen, and for this reason he did not wish to have measures passed simply because they were his. accordingly, in the matter of receiving the public and in granting interviews and of ceremonials at the presidential residence, he asked the advice of john adams, john jay, hamilton, and jefferson, and he listened to many of their suggestions. colonel humphreys, who had been one of his aides-de-camp and was staying in the presidential residence, acted as chamberlain at the first reception. humphreys took an almost childish delight in gold braid and flummery. at a given moment the door of the large hall in which the concourse of guests was assembled was opened and he, advancing, shouted, with a loud voice: "the president of the united states!" washington followed him and went through the paces prescribed by the colonel with punctilious exactness, but with evident lack of relish. when the levee broke up and the party had gone, washington said to colonel humphreys: "well, you have taken me in once, but, by god, you shall never take me in a second time."[ ] irving, who borrows this story from jefferson, warns us that perhaps jefferson was not a credible witness. [footnote : irving, v, .] congress transacted much important business at this first session. it determined that the president should have a cabinet of men whose business it was to administer the chief departments and to advise the president. next in importance were the financial measures proposed by the secretary of the treasury. washington chose for his first cabinet ministers: thomas jefferson, who had not returned from paris, as secretary of state, or foreign minister as he was first called; alexander hamilton, secretary of the treasury; general henry knox, secretary of war; and edmund randolph, attorney-general. of these, hamilton had to face the most bitter opposition. throughout the revolution the former colonies had never been able to collect enough money to pay the expense of the war and the other charges of the confederation. the confederation handed over a considerable debt to the new government. besides this many of the states had paid each its own cost of equipping and maintaining its contingent. hamilton now proposed that the united states government should assume these various state debts, which would aggregate $ , , and bring the national debt to a total of $ , , . hamilton's suggestion that the state debts be assumed caused a vehement outcry. its opponents protested that no fair adjustment could be reached. the assumptionists retorted that this would be the only fair settlement, but the anti-assumptionists voted them down by a majority of two. in other respects, hamilton's financial measures prospered, and before many months he seized the opportunity of making a bargain by which the next congress reversed its vote on assumption. in less than a year the members of congress and many of the public had reached the conclusion that new york city was not the best place to be the capital of the nation. the men from the south argued that it put the south to a disadvantage, as its ease of access to new york, new jersey, and the eastern states gave that section of the country a too favorable situation. there was a strong party in favor of philadelphia, but it was remembered that in the days of the confederation a gang of turbulent soldiers had dashed down from lancaster and put to flight the convention sitting at philadelphia. nevertheless, philadelphia was chosen temporarily, the ultimate choice of a situation being farther south on the potomac. jefferson returned from france in the early winter. the discussion over assumption was going on very virulently. it happened that one day jefferson met hamilton, and this is his account of what followed: as i was going to the president's one day, i met him [hamilton] in the street. he walked me backwards and forwards before the president's door for half an hour. he painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been wrought; the disgust of those who were called the creditor states; the danger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the states. he observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern; that the president was the centre on which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him and support, with joint efforts, measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends, might effect a change in the vote, and the machine of government now suspended, might be again set into motion. i told him that i was really a stranger to the whole subject, that not having yet informed myself of the system of finance adopted, i knew not how far this was a necessary sequence; that undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of our union at this incipient stage, i should deem it most unfortunate of all consequences to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be yielded, i proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and i would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and i thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the union. the discussion took place. i could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because i was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. but it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the union and of concord among the states was more important, and that, therefore, it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some members should change their votes. but it was observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the southern states, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. there had before been projects to fix the seat of government either at philadelphia or at georgetown on the potomac; and it was thought that, by giving it to philadelphia for ten years, and to georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, solve in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. so two of the potomac members (white and lee, but white with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, and hamilton undertook to carry the other point. in doing this, the influence he had established over the eastern members, with the agency of robert morris with those of the middle states, effected his side of the engagement.[ ] [footnote : _jefferson's works_, ix, .] as a result of hamilton's bargain, the bill for assumption was passed, and it was agreed that philadelphia should be the capital for ten years and that afterwards a new city should be built on the banks of the potomac and made the capital permanently. during the summer of washington suffered the most serious sickness of his entire life. the cause was anthrax in his thigh, and at times it seemed that it would prove fatal. for many weeks he was forced to lie on one side, with frequent paroxysms of great pain. after a month and a half he began to mend, but very slowly, so that autumn came before he got up and could go about again. his medical adviser was dr. samuel bard of new york, and irving reports the following characteristic conversation between him and his patient: "do not flatter me with vain hopes," said washington, with placid firmness; "i am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst." the doctor expressed hope, but owned that he had apprehensions. "whether to-night or twenty hence, makes no difference," observed washington. "i know that i am in the hands of a good providence."[ ] his friends thought that he never really recovered his old-time vigor. that autumn, as soon as congress had adjourned, he took a journey through new england, going as far as portsmouth and returning in time for the opening of the second congress. [footnote : irving, v, .] the government was now settling down into what became its normal routine. the cabinet was completed by the appointment of jefferson as secretary of state and edmund randolph as attorney-general. jefferson would have preferred to go back to france as american minister, but in a fulsome letter he declared himself willing to accept any office which washington wished him to fill. the supreme court was organized with john jay as chief justice, and five associate justices. washington could not fail to be aware that parties were beginning to shape themselves. at first the natural divisions consisted of the federalists, who believed in adopting the constitution, and those who did not. as soon as the thirteen states voted to accept the constitution, the anti-federalists had no definite motive for existing. their place was taken principally by the republicans over against whom were the democrats. a few years later these parties exchanged names. a fundamental difference in the ideas of the americans sprang from their views in regard to national and state rights. some of them regarded the state as the ultimate unit. others insisted that the nation was sovereign. these two conflicting views run through american history down to the civil war, and even in washington's time they existed in outline. washington himself was a federalist, believing that the federation of the former colonies should be made as compact and strongly knit as possible. he had had too much evidence during the revolution of the weakness of uncentralized government, and yet his virginia origin and training had planted in him a strong sympathy for state rights. in washington's own cabinet dwelt side by side the leaders of the two parties: thomas jefferson, the secretary of state, though born in virginia of high aristocratic stock, was the most aggressive and infatuated of democrats. alexander hamilton, born in the west indies and owing nothing to family connections, was a natural aristocrat. he believed that the educated and competent few must inevitably govern the incompetent masses. his enemies suspected that he leaned strongly towards monarchy and would have been glad to see washington crowned king. president washington, believing in assumption, took satisfaction in hamilton's bargain with jefferson which made assumption possible. for the president saw in the act a power making for union, and union was one of the chief objects of his concern. the foremost of hamilton's measures, however, for good or for ill, was the protective tariff on foreign imports. experience has shown that protection has been much more than a financial device. it has been deeply and inextricably moral. it has caused many american citizens to seek for tariff favors from the government. compared with later rates, those which hamilton's tariff set were moderate indeed. the highest duties it exacted on foreign imports were fifteen per cent, while the average was only eight and a half per cent. and yet it had not been long in force when the government was receiving $ , a month, which enabled it to defray all the necessary public charges. hamilton, in the words of daniel webster, "smote the rock of national resources and copious streams of wealth poured forth. he touched the dead corpse of public credit and it stood forth erect with life." the united states of all modern countries have been the best fitted by their natural resources to do without artificial stimulation, in spite of which fact they still cling, after one hundred and thirty-five years, to the easy and plausible tariff makeshift. washington himself believed that the tariff should so promote industries as to provide for whatever the country needed in time of war. two other financial measures are to be credited to hamilton. the first was the excise, an internal revenue on distilled spirits. it met with opposition from the advocates of state rights, but was passed after heated debate. the last was the establishment of a united states bank. all of hamilton's measures tended directly to centralization, the object which he and washington regarded as paramount. in washington made a second trip through the eastern states, taking pains to visit rhode island, which was the last state to ratify the constitution (may , ). these trips of his, for which the hostile might have found parallels in the royal progresses of the british sovereigns, really served a good purpose; for they enabled the people to see and hear their president; which had a good effect in a newly established nation. washington lost no opportunity for teaching a moral. thus, when he came to boston, john hancock, the governor of massachusetts, seemed to wish to indicate that the governor was the highest personage in the state and not at all subservient even to the president of the united states. he wished to arrange it so that washington should call on him first, but this washington had no idea of doing. hancock then wrote and apologized for not greeting the president owing to an unfortunate indisposition. washington replied regretting the governor's illness and announcing that the schedule on which he was travelling required him to quit boston at a given time. governor hancock, whose spectacular signature had given him prominence everywhere, finding that he could not make the president budge, sent word that he was coming to pay his respects. washington replied that he should be much pleased to welcome him, but expressed anxiety lest the governor might increase his indisposition by coming out. this little comedy had a far-reaching effect. it settled the question as to whether the governor of a state or the president of the united states should take precedence. from that day to this, no governor, so far as i am aware, has set himself above the president in matters of ceremonial. one of the earliest difficulties which washington's administration had to overcome was the hostility of the indians. indian discontent and even lawlessness had been going on for years, with only a desultory and ineffectual show of vigor on the part of the whites. washington, who detested whatever was ineffectual and lacking in purpose, determined to beat down the indians into submission. he sent out a first army under general st. clair, but it was taken in ambush by the indians and nearly wiped out--a disaster which caused almost a panic throughout the western country. washington felt the losses deeply, but he had no intention of being beaten there. he organized a second army, gave it to general wayne to command, who finally brought the six nations to terms. the indians in the south still remained unpacified and lawless. washington made another prolonged trip, this time through the southern states, which greatly improved his health and gave an opportunity of seeing many of the public men, and enabled the population to greet for the first time their president. meanwhile the seeds of partisan feuds grew apace, as they could not fail to do where two of the ablest politicians ever known in the united states sat in the same cabinet and pursued with unremitting energy ideas that were mutually uncompromising. thomas jefferson, although born of the old aristocratic stock of virginia, had early announced himself a democrat, and had led that faction throughout the revolution. his facile and fiery mind gave to the declaration of independence an irresistible appeal, and it still remains after nearly one hundred and fifty years one of the most contagious documents ever drawn up. going to france at the outbreak of the french revolution, he found the french nation about to put into practice the principles on which he had long fed his imagination--principles which he accepted without qualification and without scruple. returning to america after the organization of the government, he accepted with evident reluctance the position of secretary of state which washington offered to him. in the cabinet his chief adversary or competitor was alexander hamilton, his junior by fourteen years, a man equally versatile and equally facile--and still more enthralling as an orator. hamilton harbored the anxiety that the united states under their new constitution would be too loosely held together. he promoted, therefore, every measure that tended to strengthen the central government and to save it from dissolution either by the collapse of its unifying bonds or by anarchy. in the work of the first two years of washington's administration, hamilton was plainly victorious. the tariff law, the excise, the national bank, the national funding bill, all centralizing measures, were his. washington approved them all, and we may believe that he talked them over with hamilton and gave them his approval before they came under public discussion. thus, as hamilton gained, jefferson plainly lost. but washington did not abandon his sound position as a neutral between the two. he requested jefferson and edmund randolph to draw up objections to some of hamilton's schemes, so that he had in writing the arguments of very strong opponents. meanwhile the french revolution had broken all bounds, and jefferson, as the sponsor of the french over here, was kept busy in explaining and defending the gallic horrors. the americans were in a large sense law-abiding, but in another sense they were lawless. nevertheless, they heard with horror of the atrocities of the french revolutionists--of the drownings, of the guillotining, of the imprisonment and execution of the king and queen--and they had a healthy distrust of the jacobin party, which boasted that these things were natural accompaniments of liberty with which they planned to conquer the world. events in france inevitably drove that country into war with england. washington and his chief advisers believed that the united states ought to remain neutral as between the two belligerents. but neutrality was difficult. in spite of their horror at the french revolution, the memory of our debt to france during our own revolution made a very strong bond of sympathy, whereas our long record of hostility to england during our colony days, and since the declaration of independence, kept alive a traditional hatred for great britain. while it was easy, therefore, to preach neutrality, it was very difficult to enforce it. an occurrence which could not have been foreseen further added to the difficulty of neutrality. in the spring of the french republic appointed edmond charles genêt, familiarly called "citizen genêt," minister to the united states. he was a young man, not more than thirty, of very quick parts, who had been brought up in the bureau of foreign affairs, had an exorbitant idea of his own importance, and might be described without malice as a master of effrontery. the ship which brought him to this country was driven by adverse winds to charleston and landed him there on april th. he lost no time in fitting out a privateer against british mercantile vessels. the fact that by so doing he broke the american rule of neutrality did not seem to trouble him at all; on the contrary, he acted as if he were simply doing what the united states would do if they really did what they wished. as soon as he had made his arrangements, he proceeded by land up the coast to philadelphia. jefferson was exuberant, and he wrote in exultation to madison on the fifth of may, concluding with the phrase, "i wish we may be able to repress the spirit of the people within the limits of a fair neutrality." if there be such things as crocodile tears, perhaps there may also be crocodile wishes, of which this would seem to be one. a friend of hamilton's, writing about the same time, speaks in different terms, as follows: he has a good person, a fine ruddy complexion, quite active, and seems always in a bustle, more like a busy man than a man of business. a frenchman in his manners, he announces himself in all companies as the minister of the republic, etc., talks freely of his commission, and, like most europeans, seems to have adopted mistaken notions of the penetration and knowledge of the people of the united states. his system, i think, is to laugh us into war if he can.[ ] [footnote : irving, v, .] citizen genêt did not allow his progress up the coast to be so rapid that he was deprived of any ovation. the banquets, luncheons, speech-makings, by which he was welcomed everywhere, had had no parallel in the country up to that time. they seemed to be too carefully prepared to be unpremeditated, and probably many of those who took part in them did not understand that they were cheering for a cause which they had never espoused. one wonders why he was allowed to carry on this personal campaign and to show rude unconcern for good manners, or indeed for any manners except those of a wayward and headstrong boy. it might be thought that the secretary of state abetted him and in his infatuation for france did not check him; but, so far as i have discovered, no evidence exists that jefferson was in collusion with the truculent and impertinent "citizen." no doubt, however, the shrewd american politician took satisfaction in observing the extravagances of his fellow countrymen in paying tribute to the representative of france. at philadelphia, for instance, the city which already was beginning to have a reputation for spinster propriety which became its boast in the next century, we hear that "... before genêt had presented his credentials and been acknowledged by the president, he was invited to a grand republican dinner, 'at which,' we are told, 'the company united in singing the marseillaise hymn. a deputation of french sailors presented themselves, and were received by the guests with the fraternal embrace.' the table was decorated with the 'tree of liberty,' and a red cap, called the cap of liberty, was placed on the head of the minister, and from his travelled in succession from head to head round the table."[ ] [footnote : jay's _life_, i, .] but not all the americans were delirious enthusiasts. hamilton kept his head amid the whirling words which, he said, might "do us much harm and could do france no good." in a letter, which deserves to be quoted in spite of its length, he states very clearly the opinions of one of the sanest of americans. he writes to a friend: it cannot be without danger and inconvenience to our interests, to impress on the nations of europe an idea that we are actuated by the same spirit which has for some time past fatally misguided the measures of those who conduct the affairs of france, and sullied a cause once glorious, and that might have been triumphant. the cause of france is compared with that of america during its late revolution. would to heaven that the comparison were just! would to heaven we could discern, in the mirror of french affairs, the same decorum, the same gravity, the same order, the same dignity, the same solemnity, which distinguished the cause of the american revolution! clouds and darkness would not then rest upon the issue as they now do. i own i do not like the comparison. when i contemplate the horrid and systematic massacres of the nd and rd of september, when i observe that a marat and a robespierre, the notorious prompters of those bloody scenes, sit triumphantly in the convention, and take a conspicuous part in its measures--that an attempt to bring the assassins to justice has been obliged to be abandoned--when i see an unfortunate prince, whose reign was a continued demonstration of the goodness and benevolence of his heart, of his attachment to the people of whom he was the monarch, who, though educated in the lap of despotism, had given repeated proofs that he was not the enemy of liberty, brought precipitately and ignominiously to the block without any substantial proof of guilt, as yet disclosed--without even an authentic exhibition of motives, in decent regard to the opinions of mankind; when i find the doctrine of atheism openly advanced in the convention, and heard with loud applause; when i see the sword of fanaticism extended to force a political creed upon citizens who were invited to submit to the arms of france as the harbingers of liberty; when i behold the hand of rapacity outstretched to prostrate and ravish the monuments of religious worship, erected by those citizens and their ancestors; when i perceive passion, tumult, and violence usurping those seats, where reason and cool deliberation ought to preside, i acknowledge that i am glad to believe there is no real resemblance between what was the cause of america and what is the cause of france; that the difference is no less great than that between liberty and licentiousness. i regret whatever has a tendency to confound them, and i feel anxious, as an american, that the ebullitions of inconsiderate men among us may not tend to involve our reputation in the issue.[ ] [footnote : _hamilton's works_, .] citizen genêt continued his campaign unabashed. he attempted to force the united states to give arms and munitions to the french. receiving cool answers to his demands, he lost patience, and intended to appeal to the american people, over the head of the government. he sent his communication for the two houses of congress, in care of the secretary of state, to be delivered. but washington, whose patience had seemed inexhaustible, believed that the time had come to act boldly. by his instruction jefferson returned the communication to genêt with a note in which he curtly reminded the obstreperous frenchman of a diplomat's proper behavior. as the american government had already requested the french to recall genêt, his amazing inflation collapsed like a pricked bladder. he was too wary, however, to return to france which he had served so devotedly. he preferred to remain in this country, to become an american citizen, and to marry the daughter of governor clinton of new york. perhaps he had time for leisure, during the anticlimax of his career, to recognize that president washington, whom he had looked down upon as a novice in diplomacy, knew how to accomplish his purpose, very quietly, but effectually. a century and a quarter later, another foreigner, the german ambassador, count bernstorff, was allowed by the american government to weave an even more menacing plot, but the sound sense of the country awoke in time to sweep him and his truculence and his conspiracies beyond the atlantic. the intrigues of genêt emphasized the fact that a party had arisen and was not afraid to speak openly against president washington. he held in theory a position above that of parties, but the theory did not go closely with fact, for he made no concealment of his fundamental federalism, and every one saw that, in spite of his formal neutrality, in great matters he almost always sided with hamilton instead of with jefferson. when he himself recognized that the rift was spreading between his two chief cabinet officers, he warned them both to avoid exaggerating their differences and pursuing any policy which must be harmful to the country. patriotism was the chief aim of every one, and patriotism meant sinking one's private desires in order to achieve liberty through unity. washington himself was a man of such strict virtue that he could work with men who in many matters disagreed with him, and as he left the points of disagreement on one side, he used the more effectively points of agreement. i do not think that jefferson could do this, or hamilton either, and i cannot rid myself of the suspicion that jefferson furnished philip freneau, who came from new york to philadelphia to edit the anti-washington newspaper, with much of his inspiration if not actual articles. the objective of the "gazette" was, of course, the destruction of hamilton and his policy of finance. if hamilton could be thus destroyed, it would be far easier to pull down washington also. lest the invectives in the "gazette" should fail to shake washington in his regard for hamilton, jefferson indited a serious criticism of the treasury, and he took pains to have friends of his leave copies of the indictment so that washington could not fail to see them. the latter, however, by a perfectly natural and characteristic stroke which jefferson could not foresee, sent the indictment to hamilton and asked him to explain. this hamilton did straightforwardly and point-blank--and jefferson had the mortification of perceiving that his ruse had failed. hamilton, under a thin disguise, wrote a series of newspaper assaults on jefferson, who could not parry them or answer them. he was no match for the most terrible controversialist in america; but he could wince. and presently b.f. bache, the grandson of benjamin franklin, brought his unusual talents in vituperation, in calumny, and in nastiness to the "aurora," a blackguard sheet of philadelphia. washington doubtless thought himself so hardened to abuse by the experience he had had of it during the revolution that nothing which freneau, bache, and their kind could say or do, would affect him. but he was mistaken. and one cannot fail to see that they saddened and annoyed him. he felt so keenly the evil which must come from the deliberate sowing of dissensions. he cared little what they might say against himself, but he cared immensely for their sin against patriotism. before his term as president drew to a close, he was already deciding not to be a candidate for a second term. he told his intention to a few intimates--from them it spread to many others. his best friends were amazed. they foresaw great trials for the nation and a possible revolution. hamilton tried to move him by every sort of appeal. jefferson also was almost boisterous in denouncing the very idea. he impressed upon him the importance of his continuing at that crisis. he had not been president long enough to establish precedents for the new nation. there were many volatile incidents which, if treated with less judgment than his, might do grievous harm. one wonders how sincere all the entreaties to washington were, but one cannot doubt that the great majority of the country was perfectly sincere in wishing to have him continue; for it had sunk deep into the hearts of americans that washington was himself a party, a policy, an ideal above all the rest. and when the election was held in the autumn of , he was reëlected by the equivalent of a unanimous vote. chapter x the jay treaty there is no doubt that washington in his olympian quiet took a real satisfaction in his election. on january , , he wrote to governor henry lee of virginia: a mind must be insensible indeed not to be gratefully impressed by so distinguished and honorable a testimony of public approbation and confidence; and as i suffered my name to be contemplated on this occasion, it is more than probable that i should, for a moment, have experienced chagrin, if my reëlection had not been by a pretty respectable vote. but to say i feel pleasure from the prospect of commencing another term of duty would be a departure from the truth,--for, however it might savor of affectation in the opinion of the world (who, by the by, can only guess at my sentiments, as it never has been troubled with them), my particular and confidential friends well know, that it was after a long and painful conflict in my own breast, that i was withheld, (by considerations which are not necessary to be mentioned), from requesting in time, that no vote might be thrown away upon me, it being my fixed determination to return to the walks of private life at the end of my term.[ ] [footnote : ford, xii, .] washington felt at his reëlection not merely egotistic pleasure for a personal success, but the assurance that it involved a triumph of measures which he held to be of far more importance than any success of his own. the american nation's new organism which he had set in motion could now continue with the uniformity of its policy undisturbed by dislocating checks and interruptions. much, very much depended upon the persons appointed to direct its progress, and they depended upon the president who appointed them. in matters of controversy or dispute, washington upheld a perfectly impartial attitude. but he did not believe that this should shackle his freedom in appointing. according to him a man must profess right views in order to be considered worthy of appointment. the result of this was that washington's appointees must be orthodox in his definition of orthodoxy. his first important act in his new administration was to issue a proclamation of neutrality on april d. although this document was clear in intent and in purpose, and was evidently framed to keep the united states from being involved in the war between france and england, it gave offence to partisans of either country. they used it as a weapon for attacking the government, so that washington found to his sorrow that the partisan spites, which he had hoped would vanish almost of their own accord, were become, on the contrary, even more formidable and irritating. at this juncture the coming of genêt and his machinations added greatly to the embarrassment, and, having no sense of decency, genêt insinuated that the president had usurped the powers of congress and that he himself would seek redress by appealing to the people over the president. i have already stated that, having tolerated genêt's insults and menaces as far as he deemed necessary, washington put forth his hand and crushed the spluttering frenchman like a bubble. persons who like to trace the sardonic element in history--the element which seems to laugh derisively at the ineffectual efforts of us poor mortals to establish ourselves and lead rational lives in the world as it is--can find few better examples of it than these early years of the american republic. in the war which brought about the independence of the american colonies, england had been their enemy and france their friend. now their instinctive gratitude to france induced many, perhaps a majority of them, to look with effusive favor on france, although her character and purpose had quite changed and it was very evident that for the americans to side with france would be against sound policy and common sense. neutrality, the strictest neutrality, between england and france was therefore the only rational course; but the american partisans of these rivals did their utmost to render this unachievable. much of washington's second term see-sawed between one horn and the other of this dilemma. the sardonic aspect becomes more glaring if we remember that the united states were a new-born nation which ought to have been devoting itself to establishing viable relations among its own population and not to have been dissipating its strength taking sides with neighbors who lived four thousand miles away. in the autumn of jefferson insisted upon resigning as secretary of state. washington used all his persuasiveness to dissuade him, but in vain. jefferson saw the matter in its true light, and insisted. perhaps it at last occurred to him, as it must occur to every dispassionate critic, that he could not go on forever acting as an important member of an administration which pursued a policy diametrically opposed to his own. after all, even the most adroit politicians must sometimes sacrifice an offering to candor, not to say honesty. at the end of the year he retired to the privacy of his home at monticello, where he remained in seclusion, not wholly innocuous, until the end of . edmund randolph succeeded him as secretary of state. whether it was owing to the departure of jefferson from the cabinet or not, the fact remains that washington concluded shortly thereafter the most difficult diplomatic negotiation of his career. this was the treaty with england, commonly called jay's treaty. the president wished at first to appoint hamilton, the ablest member of the cabinet, but, realizing that it would be unwise to deprive himself and his administration of so necessary a supporter, he offered the post to john jay, the chief justice of the supreme court. the quality, deemed most desirable, which it was feared jay might lack, was audacity. but he had discretion, tact, and urbanity in full share, besides that indefinable something which went with his being a great gentleman. the president, writing to gouverneur morris, who had recently been recalled as minister to france, said: my primary objects, to which i have steadily adhered, have been to preserve the country in peace, if i can, and to be prepared for war if i cannot, to effect the first, upon terms consistent with the respect which is due to ourselves, and with honor, justice and good faith to all the world. mr. jay (and not mr. jefferson) as has been suggested to you, embarked as envoy extraordinary for england about the middle of may. if he succeed, well; if he does not, why, knowing the worst, we must take measures accordingly.[ ] [footnote : ford, xii, . mount vernon, june , .] jay reached london early in june, , and labored over the treaty with the british negotiators during the summer and autumn, started for home before christmas, and put the finished document in washington's hands in march. from the moment of his going enemies of all kinds talked bitterly against him. the result must be a foregone conclusion, since john jay was regarded as the chief anglo-maniac in america after hamilton. they therefore condemned in advance any treaty he might agree to. but their criticism went deeper than mere hatred of him: it sprang from an inveterate hatred of england, which dated from before the revolution. since the treaty of the english seemed to act deliberately with studied truculence, as if the americans would not and could not retaliate. they were believed to be instigating the indians to continuous underhand war. they had reached that dangerous stage of truculence, when they did not think it mattered whether they spoke with common diplomatic reticence. lord dorchester, the governor-general of canada, and to-day better known as sir guy carleton, his name before they made him a peer, addressed a gathering of indian chiefs at quebec on the assumption that war would come in a few weeks. president washington kept steady watch of every symptom, and he knew that it would not require a large spark to kindle a conflagration. "my objects are, to prevent a war," he wrote to edmund randolph, on april , , "if justice can be obtained by fair and strong representations (to be made by a special envoy) of the injuries which this country has sustained from great britain in various ways, to put it into a complete state of military defence, and to provide _eventually_ for such measures as seem to be now pending in congress for execution, if negotiations in a reasonable time proves unsuccessful."[ ] [footnote : ford, xiii, - .] the year marked the sleepless anxiety of the silent president. day and night his thoughts were in london, with jay. he said little; he had few letters from jay--it then required from eight to ten weeks for the mail clippers to make a voyage across the atlantic. opposition to the general idea of such a treaty as the mass of republicans and anti-federalists supposed washington hoped to secure, grew week by week. the silent man heard the cavil and said nothing. at last early in jay returned. his treaty caused an uproar. the hottest of his enemies found an easy explanation on the ground that he was a traitor. stanch federalists suffered all varieties of mortification. washington himself entered into no discussion, but he ruminated over those which came to him. i am not sure that he invented the phrase "either the treaty, or war," which summed up the alternatives which confronted jay; but he used it with convincing emphasis. when it came before the senate, both sides had gathered every available supporter, and the vote showed only a majority of one in its favor. still, it passed. but that did not satisfy its pertinacious enemies. neither were they restrained by the president's proclamation. the constitution assigned the duty of negotiating and ratifying treaties to the president and senate; but to the perfervid anti-britishers the constitution was no more than an old cobweb to be brushed away at pleasure. the jay treaty could not be put into effect without money for expenses; all bills involving money must pass the house of representatives; therefore, the house would actually control the operation of the treaty. the house at this time was republican by a marked majority. in march, , the president laid the matter before the house. in a twinkling the floodgates of speechifying burst open; the debates touched every aspect of the question. james madison, the wise supporter of washington and hamilton in earlier days and the fellow worker on "the federalist," led the democrats in their furious attacks. he was ably seconded by albert gallatin, the high-minded young swiss doctrinaire from geneva, a terrible man, in whose head principles became two-edged weapons with calvinistic precision and mercilessness. the democrats requested the president to let them see the correspondence in reference to the treaty during its preparation. this he wisely declined to do. the constitution did not recognize their right to make the demand, and he foresaw that, if granted by him then, it might be used as a harmful precedent. for many weeks the controversy waxed hot in the house. scores of speakers hammered at every argument, yet only one speech eclipsed all the rest, and remains now, after one hundred and thirty years, a paragon. there are historians who assert that this was the greatest speech delivered in congress before daniel webster spoke there--an implication which might lead irreverent critics to whisper that too much reading may have dulled their discrimination. but fortunately not only the text of the speech remains; we have also ample evidence of the effect it produced on its hearers. fisher ames, a representative from massachusetts, uttered it. he was a young lawyer, feeble in health, but burning, after the manner of some consumptives, with intellectual and moral fire which strangely belied his slender thread of physical life. ames pictured the horrors which would ensue if the treaty were rejected. quite naturally he assumed the part of a man on the verge of the grave, which increased the impressiveness of his words. he spoke for three hours. the members of the house listened with feverish attention; the crowds in the balconies could not smother their emotion. one witness reports that vice-president john adams sat in the gallery, the tears running down his cheeks, and that he said to the friend beside him, "my god, how great he is!" when ames began, no doubt the anti-british groups which swelled the audience turned towards him an unsympathetic if not a scornful attention--they had already taken a poll of their members, from which it appeared that they could count on a majority of six to defeat the treaty. as he proceeded, however, and they observed how deeply he was moving the audience, they may have had to keep up their courage by reflecting that speeches in congress rarely change votes. they are intended to be read by the public outside, which is not under the spell of the orator or the crowd. but when fisher ames, after what must have seemed to them a whirlwind speech, closed with these solemn, restrained words, they must have doubted whether their victory was won: even the minutes i have spent in expostulating, have their value [he said] because they protract the crisis and the short period in which alone we may resolve to escape it. yet i have, perhaps, as little personal interest in the event as any one here. there is, i believe, no member, who will not think his chance to be a witness of the consequences greater than mine. if, however, the vote should pass to reject--even i, slender and almost broken as my hold on life is, may outlive the government and constitution of my country.[ ] [footnote : elson, .] the next day when the vote was taken it appeared that the republicans, instead of winning by a majority of six, had lost by three. the person who really triumphed was george washington, although fisher ames, who won the immediate victory, deserved undying laurel. the treaty had all the objections that its critics brought against it then, but it had one sterling virtue which outweighed them all. it not only made peace between the united states and great britain the normal condition, but it removed the likelihood that the wrangling over petty matters might lead to war. for many years washington had a fixed idea that if the new country could live for twenty years without a conflict with its chief neighbors, its future would be safe; for he felt that at the end of that time it would have grown so strong by the natural increase in population and by the strength that comes from developing its resources, that it need not fear the attack of any people in the world. the jay treaty helped towards this end; it prevented war for sixteen years only; but even that delay was of great service to the americans and made them more ready to face it than they would have been in . chapter xi washington retires from public life the treaty with england had scarely been put in operation before the treaty with france, of which washington also felt the importance, came to the front. monroe was not an aggressive agent. perhaps very few civilized americans could have filled that position to the satisfaction of his american countrymen. they wished the french to acknowledge and explain various acts which they qualified as outrages, whereas the french regarded as glories what they called grievances. the men of the directory which now ruled france did not profess the atrocious methods of the terrorists, but they could not afford in treating with a foreigner to disavow the terrorists. in the summer of ' , washington, being dissatisfied with monroe's results, recalled him, and sent in his place charles cotesworth pinckney, to whom president adams afterwards added john marshall and elbridge gerry, forming a commission of three. some of the president's critics have regarded his treatment of monroe as unfair, and they imply that it was inspired by partisanship. he had always been an undisguised federalist, whereas monroe, during the past year or more, had followed jefferson and become an unswerving democrat. the publication here of a copy of monroe's letter to the french committee of public safety caused a sensation; for he had asserted that he was not instructed to ask for the repeal of the french decrees by which the spoliation of american commerce had been practised, and he added that if the decrees benefited france, the united states would submit not only with patience but with pleasure. what wonder that washington, in reading this letter and taking in the full enormity of monroe's words, should have allowed himself the exclamation, "extraordinary!" what wonder that in due course of time he recalled monroe from paris and replaced him with a man whom he could trust! the settlement of affairs with france did not come until after washington ceased to be president. i will, therefore, say no more about it, except to refer to the outrageous conduct of the french, who hurried two of the commissioners out of france, and, apparently at the instigation of talleyrand, declared that they must pay a great deal of money before they made any arrangement, to which charles pinckney made the famous rejoinder, "millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." the negotiations became so stormy that war seemed imminent. congress authorized president adams to enlist ten thousand men to be put into the field in case of need, and he wrote to washington: "we must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. there will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." mchenry, the secretary of war, wrote: "you see how the storm thickens, and that our vessel will soon require its ancient pilot. will you--may we flatter ourselves, that in a crisis so awful and important, you will accept the command of all our armies? i hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united."[ ] [footnote : irving, v, .] to president adams washington replied on july , : "as my whole life has been dedicated to my country in one shape or another, for the poor remains of it, it is not an object to contend for ease and quiet, when all that is valuable is at stake, further than to be satisfied that the sacrifice i should make of these, is acceptable and desired by my country."[ ] [footnote : _ibid_., .] congress voted to restore for washington the rank of commander-in-chief, and he agreed with the secretary of war that the three major-generals should be alexander hamilton, inspector-general; charles c. pinckney, who was still in europe; and henry knox. but a change came over the passions of france; napoleon bonaparte, the new despot who had taken control of that hysterical republic for himself, was now aspiring to something higher and larger than the humiliation of the united states and his menace in that direction ceased. we need to note two or three events before washington's term ended because they were thoroughly characteristic. first of these was the whiskey insurrection in western pennsylvania. the inhabitants first grew surly, then broke out in insurrection on account of the excise law. they found it cheaper to convert their corn and grain into whiskey, which could be more easily transported, but the government insisted that the excise law, being a law, should be obeyed. the malcontents held a great mass meeting on braddock's field, denounced the law and declared that they would not obey it. washington issued a proclamation calling upon the people to resume their peaceable life. he called also on the governors of pennsylvania, maryland, new jersey, and virginia for troops, which they furnished. his right-hand lieutenant was alexander hamilton, who felt quite as keenly as he did himself the importance of putting down such an insurrection. washington knew that if any body of the people were allowed unpunished to rise and disobey any law which pinched or irritated them, all law and order would very soon go by the board. his action was one of the great examples in government which he set the people of the united states. he showed that we must never parley or haggle with sedition, treason, or lawlessness, but must strike a blow that cannot be parried, and at once. the whiskey insurrectionists may have imagined that they were too remote to be reached in their western wilderness, but he taught them a most salutary lesson that, as they were in the union, the power of the union could and would reach them. one of the matters which washington could not have foreseen was the outrageous abuse of the press, which surpassed in virulence and indecency anything hitherto known in the united states. at first the journalistic thugs took care not to vilify washington personally, but, as they became more outrageous, they spared neither him nor his family. freneau, bache, and giles were among the most malignant of these infamous men; and most suspicious is it that two of them at least were protégés of thomas jefferson. once, when the attack was particularly atrocious, and the average citizen might well be excused if he believed that jefferson wrote it, jefferson, unmindful of the full bearing of the french proverb, _qui s'excuse s'accuse_, wrote to washington exculpating himself and protesting that he was not the author of that particular attack, and added that he had never written any article of that kind for the press. many years later the editor of that newspaper, one of the most shameless of the malignants, calmly reported in a batch of reminiscences that jefferson did contribute many of the most flagrant articles. senator lodge, in commenting on this affair, caustically remarks: "strict veracity was not the strongest characteristic of either freneau or jefferson, and it is really of but little consequence whether freneau was lying in his old age or in the prime of life."[ ] [footnote : lodge, ii, .] an unbiassed searcher after truth to-day will find that the circumstantial evidence runs very strongly against jefferson. he brought freneau over from new york to philadelphia, he knew the sort of work that freneau would and could do, he gave him an office in the state department, he probably discussed the topics which the "national gazette" was to take up, and he probably read the proof of the articles which that paper was to publish. in his animosities the cloak of charity neither became him nor fitted him. several years later, when bache's paper, the "aurora," printed some material which washington's enemies hoped would damage him, jefferson again took alarm and wrote to washington to free himself from blame. to him, the magnanimous president replied in part: if i had entertained any suspicions before, that the queries, which have been published in bache's paper, proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary would have removed them; but the truth is, i harbored none. i am at no loss to _conjecture_ from what source they flowed, through what channel they were conveyed, and for what purpose they and similar publications appear. they were known to be in the hands of mr. parker in the early part of the last session of congress. they were shown about by mr. giles during the session, and they made their public exhibition about the close of it. perceiving and probably hearing, that no abuse in the gazettes would induce me to take notice of anonymous publications against me, those, who were disposed to do me _such friendly offices_, have embraced without restraint every opportunity to weaken the confidence of the people; and, by having the whole game in their hands, they have scrupled not to publish things that do not, as well as those which do exist, and to mutilate the latter, so as to make them subserve the purposes which they have in view.[ ] [footnote : ford, xiii, .] washington's opinion of the scurrilous crusade against him, he expressed in the following letter to henry lee: but in what will this abuse terminate? for the result, as it respects myself, i care not; for i have a consolation within that no earthly efforts can deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambition nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. the arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, whilst i am up as a mark, they will be continually aimed. the publications in freneau's and bache's papers are outrages in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt and are passed by in silence by those at whom they are aimed. the tendency of them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them, because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to the effect.[ ] [footnote : lodge, ii, .] by his refusal to take notice of these indecencies, washington set a high example. in other countries, in france and england, for example, the victims of such abuse resorted to duels with their abusers: a very foolish and inadequate practice, since it happened as often as not that the aggrieved person was killed. in taking no notice of the calumnies, therefore, washington prevented the president of the united states from being drawn into an unseemly duel. we cannot fail to recognize also that washington was very sensitive to the maintenance of freedom of speech. he seems to have acted on the belief that it was better that occasionally license should degenerate into abuse than that liberty should be suppressed. he was the president of the first government in the world which did not control the utterances of its people. perhaps he may have supposed that their patriotism would restrain them from excesses, and there can be no doubt that the insane gibes of the freneaus and the baches gave him much pain because they proved that those scorpions were not up to the level which the new nation offered them. as the time for the conclusion of washington's second term drew near, he left no doubt as to his intentions. though some of his best friends urged him to stand for reëlection, he firmly declined. he felt that he had done enough for his country in sacrificing the last eight years to it. he had seen it through its formative period, and had, he thought, steered it into clear, quiet water, so that there was no threatening danger to demand his continuance at the helm. many persons thought that he was more than glad to be relieved of the increasing abuse of the scurrilous editors. no doubt he was, but we can hardly agree that merely for the sake of that relief he would abandon his presidential post. but does it not seem more likely that his unwillingness to convert the presidency into a life office, and so to give the critics of the american experiment a valid cause for opposition, led him to establish the precedent that two terms were enough? more than once in the century and a quarter since he retired in , over-ambitious presidents have schemed to win a third election and flattering sycophants have encouraged them to believe that they could attain it. but before they came to the test washington's example--"no more than two"--has blocked their advance. in this respect also we must admit that he looked far into the future and saw what would be best for posterity. the second term as it has proved is bad enough, diverting a president during his first term to devote much of his energy and attention to setting traps to secure the second. it might be better to have only one term to last six years, instead of four, which would enable a president to give all his time to the duties of his office, instead of giving a large part of it to the chase after a reëlection. as soon as washington determined irrevocably to retire, he began thinking of the "farewell address" which he desired to deliver to his countrymen as the best legacy he could bequeath. several years before he had talked it over with madison, with whom he was then on very friendly terms, and madison had drafted a good deal of it. now he turned to hamilton, giving him the topics as far as they had been outlined, and bidding him to rewrite it if he thought it desirable. in september, , washington read the "address" before the assembled congress. the "farewell address" belongs among the few supreme utterances on human government. its author seems to be completely detached from all personal or local interests. he tries to see the thing as it is, and as it is likely to be in its american environment. his advice applies directly to the american people, and only in so far as what he says has in a large sense human pertinence do we find in it more than a local application. "be united" is the summary and inspiration of the entire "address." "be united and be american"; as an individual each person must feel himself most strongly an american. he urges against the poisonous effects of parties. he warns against the evils that may arise when parties choose different foreign nations for their favorites. the great rule of conduct for us [he says] in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little _political_ connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, ... or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected. when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by justice shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice? compared with machiavelli's "prince," which must come to the mind of every one who reads the "farewell address," one sees at once that the "prince" is more limber, it may be more spontaneous, but the great difference between the two is in their fundamental conception. the "address" is frankly a preachment and much of its impressiveness comes from that fact. the "prince," on the other hand, has little concern with the moral aspect of politics discussed and makes no pretence of condemning immoral practices or making itself a champion of virtue. in other words, washington addresses an audience which had passed through the puritan revolution, while machiavelli spoke to men who were familiar with the ideals and crimes of the italian renaissance. washington spread his gospel so clearly that all persons were sure to learn and inwardly digest it, and many of them assented to it in their minds, although they did not follow it in their conduct. his paramount exhortations--"be united"--"be americans"; "do not be drawn into complications with foreign powers"--at times had a very real living pertinence. the only doctrine which still causes controversy is that which touches our attitude towards foreign countries. during the late world war we heard it revived, and a great many persons who had never read the "farewell address" gravely reminded us of washington's warning against "entangling alliances." as a matter of fact, that phrase does not appear in the "farewell address" at all. it was first used by thomas jefferson in his first inaugural address, march , , sixteen months after washington was dead and buried. no doubt the meaning could be deduced from what washington said in more than one passage of his "farewell." but to understand in what he said or implied in , we must be historical. in the country was torn by conflicting parties for and against strong friendship, if not an actual alliance, between the united states on one side and great britain or france on the other. any foreign alliance that could be made in , however, could not have been, for the same reason, with either great britain or france. the aim proposed by its advocates was to curb and destroy the german domination of the world. now washington was almost if not quite the most actual of modern statesmen. all his arrangements at a given moment were directed at the needs and likelihood of the moment, and in he would have planned as demanded. he would have steered his ship by the wind that blew then and not by the wind that had blown and vanished one hundred and twenty years before. some one has remarked that, while washington achieved a great victory in the ratification of the jay treaty, that event broke up the federalist party. that is probably inexact, but the break-up of the federalist party was taking place during the last years of washington's second administration. the changes in washington's cabinet were most significant, especially as they nearly all meant the change from a more important to a less important secretary. thus john jay, the first secretary of state, really only an incumbent _ad interim_, gave way to thomas jefferson, who was replaced by edmund randolph in , and who in turn was succeeded by timothy pickering in . alexander hamilton was secretary of the treasury from the beginning in to , when he made way for oliver wolcott, jr. henry knox, the original secretary of war, was succeeded by timothy pickering in , who, after less than a year, was followed by james mchenry. edmund randolph served as attorney-general in to , then retiring for william bradford who, after a brief year, was replaced by charles lee. the postmaster-generalship was filled from to by samuel osgood, and then by timothy pickering. thus at the end of washington's eight years we find that in the place of two really eminent men, like jefferson and hamilton, he was served by edmund randolph and oliver wolcott, jr., and james mchenry, good routine men at the best, mediocrities if judged by comparison with their predecessors. moreover, the reputation for discretion of some of them, suffered. thus randolph had not long been secretary of state when joseph fauchet, the french minister, produced some papers which could be construed as implying that randolph had accepted money. randolph was known to be impecunious, but his personal honor had never been suspected. washington with characteristic candor sent randolph the batch of incriminating letters. randolph protested that he "forgave" the president and tried to exculpate himself in the newspapers. even that process of deflation did not suffice and he had recourse to a "vindication," which was read by few and popularly believed to vindicate nobody. washington is believed to have held randolph as guiltless, but as weak and as indiscreet. he pitied the ignominy, for randolph had been in a way washington's protégé, whose career had much interested him and whose downfall for such a cause was doubly poignant. chapter xii conclusion washington's term as president ended at noon on march , . he was present at the inauguration of president john adams which immediately followed. on the d, besides attending to the final necessary routine, he wrote several letters of farewell to his immediate friends, including henry knox, jonathan trumbull, timothy pickering, and james mchenry. to all he expressed his grief at personal parting, but also immense relief and happiness in concluding his public career. he said, for instance, in his letter to trumbull: although i shall resign the chair of government without a single regret, or any desire to intermeddle in politics again, yet there are many of my compatriots, among whom be assured i place you, from whom i shall part sorrowing; because, unless i meet with them at mount vernon, it is not likely that i shall ever see them more, as i do not expect that i shall ever be twenty miles from it, after i am tranquilly settled there. to tell you how glad i should be to see you at that place is unnecessary. to this i will add that it would not only give me pleasure, but pleasure also to mrs. washington, and others of the family with whom you are acquainted, and who all unite, in every good wish for you and yours.[ ] [footnote : ford, xiii, .] in a few days he returned to mount vernon and there indulged himself in a leisurely survey of the plantation. he rode from one farm to another and reacquainted himself with the localities where the various crops were either already springing or would soon be. indoors there was an immense volume of correspondence to be attended to with the aid of tobias lear, the faithful secretary who had lived with the president during the new york and philadelphia periods. when the letters were sorted, many answers had to be written, some of which washington dictated and others he wrote with his own hand. he admits to secretary mchenry that, when he goes to his writing table to acknowledge the letters he has received, when the lights are brought, he feels tired and disinclined to do this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. "the next night comes," he adds, "and with it the same causes for postponement, and so on." he has not had time to look into a book. he is dazed by the incessant number of new faces which appear at mount vernon. they come, he says, out of "respect" for him, but their real reason is curiosity. he practises virginian hospitality very lavishly, but he cannot endure the late hours. so he invites his nephew, lawrence lewis, to spend as much time as he can at mount vernon while he himself and mrs. washington go to bed early, "soon after candle light." lewis accepted the invitation all the more willingly because he found at the mansion nelly custis, a pretty and sprightly young lady with whom he promptly fell in love and married later. nelly and her brother george had been adopted by washington and brought up in the family. she was his particular pet. like other mature men he found the boys of the younger generation somewhat embarrassing. i suppose they felt, as well they might, a great and awful gulf yawning between them. "i can govern men," he would say, "but i cannot govern boys."[ ] with nelly custis, however, he found it easy to be chums. no one can forget the mock-serious letter in which he wrote to her in regard to becoming engaged and gave her advice about falling in love. the letter is unexpected and yet it bears every mark of sincerity and reveals a genuine vein in his nature. we must always think of nelly as one of the refreshments of his older life and as one of its great delights. he considered himself an old man now. his hair no longer needed powder; years and cares had made it white. he spoke of himself without affectation as a very old man, and apparently he often thought, as he was engaged in some work, "this is the last time i shall do this." he seems to have taken it for granted that he was not to live long; but this neither slackened his industry nor made him gloomy. and he had in truth spent a life of almost unremitting laboriousness. those early years as surveyor and indian fighter and pathfinder were years of great hardships. the eight years of the revolution were a continuous physical strain, an unending responsibility, and sometimes a bodily deprivation. and finally his last service as president had brought him disgusts, pinpricks which probably wore more on his spirits than did the direct blows of his opponents. very likely he felt old in his heart of hearts, much older than his superb physical form betokened. we cannot but rejoice that nelly custis flashed some of the joyfulness and divine insouciance of youth into the tired heart of the tired great man. [footnote : irving, v, .] perhaps the best offhand description of washington in these later days is that given by an english actor, bernard, who happened to be driving near mount vernon when a carriage containing a man and a woman was upset. bernard dismounted to give help, and presently another rider came up and joined in the work. "he was a tall, erect, well-made man, evidently advanced in years, but who appeared to have retained all the vigor and elasticity resulting from a life of temperance and exercise. his dress was a blue coat buttoned to the chin, and buckskin breeches."[ ] they righted the chaise, harnessed the horse, and revived the young woman who, true to her time and place, had fainted. then she and her companion drove off towards alexandria. washington invited bernard to come home with him and rest during the heat of the day. the actor consented. from what the actor subsequently wrote about that chance meeting i take the following paragraphs, some of which strike to the quick: [footnote : lodge, ii, .] in conversation his face had not much variety of expression. a look of thoughtfulness was given by the compression of the mouth and the indentations of the brow (suggesting an habitual conflict with, and mastery over, passion), which did not seem so much to disdain a sympathy with trivialities as to be incapable of denoting them. nor had his voice, so far as i could discover in our quiet talk, much change or richness of intonation, but he always spoke with earnestness, and his eyes (glorious conductors of the light within) burned with a steady fire which no one could mistake for mere affability; they were one grand expression of the well-known line: "i am a man, and interested in all that concerns humanity." in one hour and a half's conversation he touched on every topic that i brought before him with an even current of good sense, if he embellished it with little wit or verbal elegance. he spoke like a man who had felt as much as he had reflected, more than he had spoken; like one who had looked upon society rather in the mass than in detail, and who regarded the happiness of america but as the first link in a series of universal victories; for his full faith in the power of those results of civil liberty which he saw all around him led him to foresee that it would erelong, prevail in other countries and that the social millennium of europe would usher in the political. when i mentioned to him the difference i perceived between the inhabitants of new england and of the southern states, he remarked: "i esteem those people greatly, they are the stamina of the union and its greatest benefactors. they are continually spreading themselves too, to settle and enlighten less favored quarters. dr. franklin is a new englander." when i remarked that his observations were flattering to my country, he replied, with great good humor, "yes, yes, mr. bernard, but i consider your country the cradle of free principles, not their armchair. liberty in england is a sort of idol; people are bred up in the belief and love of it, but see little of its doings. they walk about freely, but then it is between high walls; and the error of its government was in supposing that after a portion of their subjects had crossed the sea to live upon a common, they would permit their friends at home to build up those walls about them."[ ] [footnote : lodge, ii, , .] we find among the allusions of several strangers who travelled in virginia in washington's later days, who saw him or perhaps even stayed at mount vernon, some which are not complimentary. more than one story implies that he was a hard taskmaster, not only with the negroes, but with the whites. some of the writers go out of their way to pick up unpleasant things. for instance, during his absence from home a mason plastered some of the rooms, and when washington returned he found the work had been badly done, and remonstrated. the mason died. his widow married another mason, who advertised that he would pay all claims against his forerunner. thereupon washington put in a claim for fifteen shillings, which was paid. washington's detractors used this as a strong proof of his harshness. but they do not inform us whether the man was unable to pay, or whether the claim was dishonest. since the man paid voluntarily and did not question the lightness of the amount, may we not at least infer that he had no quarrel? and if he had not, who else had? insinuations concerning washington's lack of sympathy for his slaves was a form which in later days most of the references to his care of them took. but here also there are evident facts to be taken into account. the abolitionists very naturally were prejudiced against every slave-owner; they were also prejudiced in favor of every slave. washington, on the contrary, harbored no prepossessions for or against the black man. he found the slaves idle, incompetent, lazy, although he would not have denied that the very fact of slavery caused and increased these evils. he treated the negroes justly, but without any sentimentality. he found them in the order in which he lived. they were the workmen of his plantation; he provided them with food, clothing, and a lodging; in return they were expected to give him their labor. it does not appear that the slaves on washington's plantation endured any special hardship. a physician attended them at their master's expense when they were sick. that he obliged them to do their specified work, that he punished them in case of dishonesty, just as he would have done to white workmen, were facts which he never would have thought a rational person would have regarded as heinous. in his will he freed his slaves, not for the abolitionist's reason, but because he regarded slavery as the most pernicious form of labor, debasing alike the slave and his master, uneconomic and most wasteful. but in so general a matter as washington's treatment of his slaves, we must be careful not to take a solitary case and argue from it as if it were habitual. by common report his slaves were so well treated that they regretted it if there was talk of transferring them to other planters. we have many instances cited which show his unusual kindness. when he found, for instance, that a mulatto woman, who had lived many years with one of the negroes, had been transferred to another part of his domain and that the negro pined for her, he arranged to have her brought back so that they might pass their old age together. the old negro was his servant, billy lee, who suffered an accident to his knee, which made him a cripple for the rest of his life. this he spent at mount vernon well cared for. washington continued to the end the old custom of supplying a hogshead of rum for the negroes to drink at harvest time, always premising that they must partake of it sparingly. washington's religious beliefs and practices have also occasioned much controversy. if we accept his own statements at their plain value, we must regard him as a church of england man. i do not discover that he was in any sense an ardent believer. he preferred to say "providence" rather than "god," probably because it was less definite. he attended divine service on sundays, whenever a church was near, but for a considerable period at one part of his life he did not attend communion. he thoroughly believed in the good which came from church-going in the army and he always arranged to have a service on sundays during his campaigns. when at mount vernon, on days when he did not go out to the service, he spent several hours alone in meditation in his study. the religious precepts which he had been taught in childhood remained strong in him through life. he believed moral truths, and belief with him meant putting in practice what he professed. while he had imbibed much of the deistic spirit of the middle of the eighteenth century it would be inaccurate to infer that he was not fundamentally a christian. after washington withdrew to mount vernon, early in the spring of , his time was chiefly devoted to agriculture and the renewing of his life as a planter. he declined all public undertakings except that which president adams begged him to assume--the supreme command of the army in case of the expected war with france. that new duty undoubtedly was good for him, for it proved to him that at least all his official relations with the government had not ceased, and it also served to cheer the people of the country to know that in case of military trouble their old commander would lead them once more. washington gave so much attention to this work, which could be in the earlier stages arranged at mount vernon, that he felt justified in accepting part of the salary which the president allotted to him. but the war did not come. as washington prophesied, the french thought better of their truculence. the new genius who was ruling france had in mind something more grandiose than a war with the american republic. on december , , washington sent a long letter to james anderson in regard to agricultural plans for his farm during the year . he calculates closely the probable profits, and specifies the rotation of crops on five hundred and twenty-five acres. the next day, december th, he wrote a short note to alexander hamilton, in regard to the organization of a national military academy, a matter in which the president had long been deeply interested. the day was stormy. "morning snowing and about three inches drop. wind at northeast, and mercury at . continued snowing till one o'clock, and about four it became perfectly clear. wind in the same place, but not hard. mercury at night." washington, who scorned to take any account of weather, rode for five hours during the morning to several of the farms on his plantations, examining the conditions at each and conferring with the overseers. on reaching home he complained a little of chilliness. his secretary, tobias lear, observed that he feared he had got wet, but washington protested that his greatcoat had kept him dry; in spite of which the observant lear saw snow hanging to his hair and remarked that his neck was wet. washington went in to dinner, which was waiting, without changing his dress, as he usually did. "in the evening he appeared as well as usual. the next day, friday, there was a heavy fall of snow, but having a severe cold, he went out for only a little while to mark some trees, between the house and the river which were to be cut down. during the day his hoarseness increased, but he made light of it, and paid no heed to the suggestion that he should take something for it, only replying, as was his custom, that he would 'let it go as it came.'" mrs. washington went upstairs to a room on the floor above to chat with mrs. lewis (nelly custis) who had recently been confined. washington remained in the parlor with lear, and when the evening mail was brought in from the post-office, they read the newspapers; washington even reading aloud, as well as his sore throat would allow, anything "which he thought diverting or interesting." then lear read the debates of the virginia assembly on the election of a senator and governor. "on hearing mr. madison's observations respecting mr. monroe, he appeared much affected, and spoke with some degree of asperity on the subject, which i endeavored to moderate," says lear, "as i always did on such occasions. on his returning to bed, he appeared to be in perfect health, excepting the cold before mentioned, which he considered as trifling, and had been remarkably cheerful all the evening." at between two and three o'clock of saturday morning, december th, washington awoke mrs. washington and told her that he was very unwell and had had an ague. she observed that he could hardly speak and breathed with difficulty. she wished to get up to call a servant, but he, fearing she might take cold, dissuaded her. when daylight appeared, the woman caroline came and lighted the fire. mrs. washington sent her to summon mr. lear, and washington asked that mr. rawlins, one of the overseers, should be summoned before the doctor could arrive. lear got up at once, dressed hastily, and went to the general's bedside. lear wrote a letter to dr. craik, washington's longtime friend and physician, and sent it off post-haste by a servant. mrs. washington was up. they prepared a mixture of molasses, vinegar, and butter, but the patient could not swallow a drop; whenever he attempted it he appeared to be distressed, convulsed, and almost suffocated. "mr. rawlins came in soon after sunrise and prepared to bleed him. when the arm was ready, the general, observing that rawlins appeared to be agitated, said, as well as he could speak, 'don't be afraid,' and after the incision was made, he observed, 'the orifice is not large enough,' however, the blood ran pretty freely. mrs. washington, not knowing whether bleeding was proper or not in the general's situation, begged that much might not be taken from him, lest it should be injurious, and desired me to stop it; but when i was about to untie the string, the general put up his hand to prevent it, and as soon as he could speak, he said, 'more.' mrs. washington being still very uneasy, lest too much blood should be taken, it was stopped after about half a pint was taken from him. "finding that no relief was obtained from bleeding, and that nothing would go down the throat, i proposed bathing the throat externally with salvolatile which was done; during the operation, which was with the hand, in the gentlest manner, he observed, ''tis very sore.' a piece of flannel dipped in salvolatile was then put round his neck. his feet were also bathed in warm water. this, however, gave no relief. in the meantime, before dr. craik arrived, mrs. washington requested me to send for dr. brown, of port tobacco, whom dr. craik had recommended to be called, if any case should ever occur that was seriously alarming. i despatched a messenger (cyrus) to dr. brown immediately (between eight and nine o'clock). dr. craik came in soon after, and after examining the general, he put a blister of cantharide on the throat and took some more blood from him, and had some vinegar and hot water put into a teapot for the general to draw in the steam from the nozel, which he did as well as he was able. he also ordered sage tea and vinegar to be mixed for a gargle. this the general used as often as desired; but when he held back his head to let it run down, it put him into great distress and almost produced suffocation. when the mixture came out of his mouth some phlegm followed it, and he would attempt to cough, which the doctor encouraged him to do as much as he could; but without effect--he could only make the attempt. "about eleven o'clock, dr. dick was sent for. dr. craik requested that dr. dick might be sent for, as he feared dr. brown would not come in time. a message was accordingly despatched for him. dr. craik bled the general again about this time. no effect, however, was produced by it, and he continued in the same state, unable to swallow anything. dr. dick came in about three o'clock, and dr. brown arrived soon after. upon dr. dick's seeing the general, and consulting a few minutes with dr. craik, he was bled gain, the blood ran very slowly and did not produce any symptoms of fainting. dr. brown came into the chamber room soon after, and upon feeling the general's pulse &c., the physicians went out together. dr. craik soon after returned. the general could now swallow a little--about four o'clock calomel and tartar emetic were administered; but without any effect. about half past four o'clock, he desired me to ask mrs. washington to come to his bedside--when he requested her to go down into his room and take from his desk two wills which she would find there, and bring them to him, which she did. upon looking at them he gave her one, which he observed was useless, as it was superseded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and then took the other and put it away into her closet. after this was done, i returned again to his bedside and took his hand. he said to me, 'i find i am going, my breath cannot continue long; i believed from the first attack it would be fatal--do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers--arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else, and let mr. rawlins finish recording my other letters.' he then asked if i recollected anything which it was essential for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. i told him that i could recollect nothing, but that i hoped he was not so near his end. he observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt which we all must pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. "in the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress, from the difficulty of breathing, and frequently changed his posture in the bed. on these occasions i lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him, and turn him with as much ease as possible. he appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions, and often said, 'i am afraid i shall fatigue you too much'; and upon my answering him, that i could feel nothing but a wish to give him ease, he replied, 'well, it is a debt we must pay to each other, and i hope, when you want aid of this kind, you will find it.' he asked when mr. lewis and washington[ ] would return. they were then in new kent. i told him i believed about the th of the month. he made no reply. [footnote : george washington parke custis.] "about five o'clock dr. craik came again into the room, and upon going to the bedside the general said to him: 'doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed, from my first attack, that i should not survive it. my breath cannot last long.' the doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word. he retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. the physicians, dr. dick and dr. brown, again came in (between five and six o'clock), and when they came to his bedside, dr. craik asked him if he could sit up in the bed. he held out his hand to me and was raised up, when he said to the physicians: 'i feel myself going. i thank you for your attention--you had better not take any more trouble about me; but let me go off quietly; i cannot last long,' they found out that all which had been done was of no effect. he lay down again, and all retired except dr. craik. he continued in the same position, uneasy and restless, but without complaining; frequently asking what hour it was. when i helped to move him at this, he did not speak, but looked at me with strong expressions of gratitude. the doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word. he retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. about eight o'clock the physicians came again into the room and applied blisters, and cataplasms of wheat bran, to his legs and feet: but went out (except dr. craik) without a ray of hope. i went out about this time, and wrote a line to mr. low and mr. peter requesting them to come with their wives (mrs. washington's granddaughters) as soon as possible. "from this time he appeared to breathe with less difficulty than he had done; but was very restless, constantly changing his position to endeavor to get ease. i aided him all in my power, and was gratified in believing he felt it: for he would look upon me with his eyes speaking gratitude; but unable to utter a word without great distress. about ten o'clock he made several attempts to speak to me before he could effect it. at length, he said: 'i am just going. have me decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead.' i bowed assent, for i could not speak. he then looked at me again, and said, 'do you understand me?' i replied, 'yes, sir.' "''tis well,' said he. about ten minutes before he expired his breathing became much easier; he lay quietly; he withdrew his hand from mine and felt his own pulse. i spoke to dr. craik who sat by the fire; he came to the bedside. the general's hand fell from his wrist. i took it in mine and laid it upon my breast. dr. craik put his hand on his eyes and he expired without a struggle or a sigh! while we were fixed in silent grief, mrs. washington, who was sitting at the foot of the bed, asked, with a firm and collected voice, 'is he gone?' i could not speak, but held up my hand as a signal that he was. ''tis well,' said she in a plain voice. 'all is now over. i have no more trials to pass through. i shall soon follow him.'"[ ] [footnote : ford, xiv, - . i have copied tobias lear's remarkable account of washington's death almost verbatim.] once read, honest tobias lear's account of washington's death will hardly be forgotten. it has a majestic simplicity which we feel must have accompanied washington in his last hours. the homely sick-bed details; his grim fortitude; his willingness to do everything which the physicians recommended, not because he wanted to live, nor because he thought they would help him, but because he wished to obey. we see him there trying to force out the painful words from his constricted throat and when he was unable to whisper even a "thank you" for some service done, lear read the unuttered gratitude in his eyes. the faithful lear, lying on the outside of the bed in order to be able to help turn washington with less pain, and poor old dr. craik, lifelong friend, who became too moved to speak, so that he sat off near the fire in silence except for a stifled sob, and mrs. washington, placed near the foot of the bed, waiting patiently in complete self-control. she seemed to have determined that the last look which her mate of forty years had of her should not portray helpless grief. and from time to time the negro slaves came to the door that led into the entry and they peered into the room very reverently, and with their emotions held in check, at their dying master. and then there was a ceasing of the pain and the breathing became easier and quieter and dr. craik placed his hand over the life-tired eyes and washington was dead without a struggle or even a sigh. the pathos or tragedy of it lies in the fact that all the devices and experiments of the doctors could avail nothing. the quinsy sore throat which killed him could not be cured by any means then known to medical art. the practice of bleeding, which by many persons was thought to have killed him, was then so widely used that his doctors would have been censured if they had omitted it. sixty years later it was still in use, and no one can doubt that it deprived italy's great statesman of his chance of living. the premonition of washington on his first seizure with the quinsy that the end had come proved fatally true. the news of washington's death did not reach the capital until wednesday, december th. the house immediately adjourned. on the following day, when it reassembled, john marshall delivered a brief tribute and resolutions were passed to attend the funeral and to pay honor "to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," the immortal phrase was by colonel henry lee, the father of general robert e. lee. president adams, in response to a letter from the senate of the united states, used the less happy phrase, "if a trajan found a pliny, a marcus aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." during the days immediately following washington's death, preparations were made at mount vernon for the funeral. they sent to alexandria for a coffin and dr. dick measured the body, which he found to be exactly six feet three and one half inches in length. the family vault was on the slope of the hill, a little to the south of the house. mrs. washington desired that a door should be made for the vault instead of having it closed up as formerly, after the body should be deposited, observing that "it will soon be necessary to open it again." mourning clothes were prepared for the family and servants. the ceremony took place on wednesday. there were many troops. eleven pieces of artillery were brought down from alexandria and a schooner belonging to mr. r. hamilton came down and lay off mount vernon to fire minute guns. the pall-holders were colonels little, charles sims, payne, gilpin, ramsay, and marsteller, and colonel blackburne walked before the corpse. colonel deneal marched with the military. about three o'clock the procession began to move. colonels little, sims and deneal and dr. dick directed the arrangements of the procession. this moved out through the gate at the left wing of the house and proceeded around in front of the lawn and down to the vault on the right wing of the house. the procession was as follows: the troops; horse and foot; music playing a solemn dirge with muffled drums; the clergy, viz.: the reverends mr. davis, mr. james miner, and mr. moffatt, and mr. addison; the general's horse, with his saddle, holsters, and pistols, led by two grooms, cyrus and wilson, in black; the body borne by officers and masons who insisted upon carrying it to the grave; the principal mourners, viz.: mrs. stuart and mrs. low, misses nancy and sally stuart, miss fairfax, and miss dennison, mr. low and mr. peter, dr. craik and t. lear; lord fairfax and ferdinando fairfax; lodge no. ; corporation of alexandria. all other persons, preceded by mr. anderson, mr. rawlins, the overseers, etc., etc. the reverend mr. davis read the service and made a short extempore speech. the masons performed their ceremonies and the body was deposited in the vault. all then returned to the house and partook of some refreshment, and dispersed with the greatest good order and regularity. the remains of the provisions were distributed among the blacks. mr. peter, dr. craik, and dr. thornton tarried here all night.[ ] [footnote : from notes by t. lear, ford, xiv, - .] the committee appointed by congress to plan a suitable memorial for washington proposed a monument to be erected in the city of washington, to be adorned with statuary symbolizing his career as general and as president, and containing a tomb for himself and for mrs. washington. the latter replied to president adams that "taught by the great example which i have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, i must consent to the request made by congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit me, and in doing this, i need not say, i cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual feeling i make to a sense of public duty." the intended monument at the capital was never erected. martha washington lies beside her husband where she wished to be, in the family vault at mount vernon. from her chamber window in the upper story of the mount vernon house she could look across the field to the vault. she died in , a woman of rare discretion and good sense who, during forty years, proved herself the worthiest companion of the founder of his country. i have wished to write this biography of george washington so that it would explain itself. there is no need of eulogy. all eulogy is superfluous. we see the young virginia boy, born in aristocratic conditions, with but a meagre education, but trained by the sports and rural occupations of his home in perfect manliness, in courage, in self-reliance, in resourcefulness. some one instilled into him moral precepts which fastened upon his young conscience and would not let him go. at twenty he was physically a young giant capable of enduring any hardship and of meeting any foe. he ran his surveyor's chain far into the wilderness to the west of mount vernon. when hardly a man in age, the state of virginia knew of his qualities and made him an officer in its militia. at only twenty-three he was invited to accompany general braddock's staff, but neither he nor angels from heaven could prevent braddock from plunging with typical british bull-headedness into the fatal indian ambush. he gave up border warfare, but did not cease to condemn the inadequacy of the virginia military equipment and its training. he devoted himself to the pursuits of a large planter, and on being elected a burgess, he attended regularly the sessions at williamsburg. wild conditions which in his boyhood had reached almost to fauquier county, had drifted rapidly westward. within less than ten years of braddock's defeat, fort duquesne had become permanently english and the name of pittsburgh reminded men of the great british statesman who had urged on the fateful british encroachment on the ohio river. for washington in person, the lasting effect of the early training and fighting in western pennsylvania was that it gave him direct knowledge of the indian and his ways, and that it turned his imagination to thinking out the problem of developing the middle west, and of keeping the connections between the east and the west strong and open. in the house of burgesses washington was a taciturn member, yet he seemed to have got a great deal of political knowledge and wisdom so that his colleagues thought of him as the solid man of the house and they referred many matters to him as if for final decision. he followed political affairs in the newspapers. above all, at mount vernon he heard all sides from the guests who passed his domain and enjoyed his hospitality. from the moment that the irritation between great britain and the colonies became bitter he seems to have made up his mind that the contention of the colonists was just. after that he never wavered, but he was not a sudden or a shallow clamorer for independence. he believed that the sober second sense of the british would lead them to perceive that they had made a mistake. when at length the colonies had to provide themselves with an army and to undertake a war, he was the only candidate seriously considered for general, although john hancock, who had made his peacock way so successfully in many walks of life, thought that he alone was worthy of the position. who shall describe washington's life as commander-in-chief of the colonial forces during the revolutionary war? what other commander ever had a task like his? for a few weeks the troops led by napoleon--the barefooted and ragged heroes of lodi and arcola and marengo--were equally destitute, but victory brought them food and clothes and prosperity. whereas washington's men had no comfort before victory and none after it. some of the military critics to-day deny washington's right to be ranked among the great military commanders of the world, but the truth is that he commanded during nearly eight years and won one of the supreme crucial wars of history against far superior forces. the general who did that was no understrapper. the man whose courage diffused itself among the ten thousand starving soldiers at valley forge, and enabled them to endure against the starvation and distress of a winter, may very well fail to be classified among the prince ruperts and the marshal neys of battle, but he ranks first in a higher class. his fabian policy, which troubled so many of his contemporaries, saved the american revolution. his title as general is secure. nor should we forget that it was his scrupulous patriotism which prevented the cropping out of militarism in this country. finally, a country which owed its existence to him chose him to be for eight years its first president. he saw the planting of the roots of the chief organs of its government. in every act he looked far forward into the future. he shunned making or following evil precedents. he endured the most virulent personal abuse that has ever been poured out on american public men, preferring that to using the power which his position gave him, and denaturing the president into a tyrant. nor should we fail to honor him for his insistence on dignity and a proper respect for his office. his enemies sneered at him for that, but we see plainly how much it meant to this new nation to have such qualities exemplified. had thomas jefferson been our first president in his _sans-culotte_ days, our government might not have outlasted the _sans-culottist_ enthusiasts in france. a man is known by his friends. the chosen friends of washington were among the best of his time in america. hamilton, henry knox, nathanael greene, john jay, john marshall--these were some. although washington was less learned than many of the men of his time in political theory and history, he excelled them all in a concrete application of principles. he had the widest acquaintance among men of different sorts. he heard all opinions, but never sacrificed his own. as i have said earlier, he was the most _actual_ statesman of his time; the people in virginia came very early to regard him as a man apart; this was true of the later days when the government sat in new york and philadelphia. if they sought a reason, they usually agreed that washington excelled by his character, and if you analyze most closely you will never get deeper than that. reserved he was, and not a loose or glib talker, but he always showed his interest and gave close attention. after yorktown, when the united states proclaimed to the world that they were an independent republic, europe recognized that this was indeed a republic unlike all those which had preceded it during antiquity and the middle age. foreigners doubted that it could exist. they doubted that democracy could ever govern a nation. they knew despots, like the prussian king, frederic, who walked about the streets of berlin and used his walking-stick on the cringing persons whom he passed on the sidewalk and did not like the looks of. they remembered the crazy czar, peter, and they knew about the insane tendencies of the british sovereign, george. the world argued from these and other examples that monarchy was safe; it could not doubt that the supply of monarchs would never give out; but it had no hope of a republic governed by a president. it was george washington more than any other agency who made the world change its mind and conclude that the best president was the best kind of monarch. it is reported that after he died many persons who had been his neighbors and acquaintances confessed that they had always felt a peculiar sense of being with a higher sort of person in his presence: a being not superhuman, but far above common men. that feeling will revive in the heart of any one to-day who reads wisely in the fourteen volumes of "washington's correspondence," in which, as in a mine, are buried the passions and emotions from which sprang the american revolution and the american constitution. that george washington lived and achieved is the justification and hope of the united states. the end index throughout the index, the initial _w_. is used for the name of george washington. adams, john, his _diary_ quoted, _n_.; on committee to confer with howe, ; on peace commission, ; chosen first vice-president, ; appoints _w_. commander-in-chief, in , , ; letter of _w_. to, ; , , , , , , , , , , , . adams, samuel, , , , , , , . addison, rev. mr., . agriculturist, _w_. as an, _ff_. albert, prince, . alleghany mts., . american revolution, - _passim_; great extent of field of operations, ; really ended with surrender at yorktown, ; nature and results of, - ; proclamation of end of hostilities, ; saved by _w.'s_ fabian policy, . ames, fisher, speech on jay treaty, and its effect, - . anderson, james, , . andré, john, clinton's messenger to arnold, court-martialed and hanged, , . annapolis convention, . anti-assumptionists. _see_ state debts. anti-federalists, . army, colonial, at boston, _ff_.; brought into order by _w_., ; lacks powder, ; compels evacuation of boston, , ; how distributed, , ; _w_. on proper organization of, , ; his influence over, , ; condition of, at end of , ; desertions from, , ; at valley forge, _ff_.; _w_. on condition of, after the war, , ; difficulties about back pay, , , ; some officers of, intrigue to make _w_. king, ; _w.'s_ reply, ; continued turmoil in, ; _w.'s_ farewell to officers of, , ; attitude of congress toward, , . arnold, benedict, repulsed at quebec, ; surrenders west point, ; in virginia, , ; . articles of confederation, , , . and _see_ states of the confederation. assumptionists. _see_ state debts. _aurora. see_ bache, b.f. bache, benjamin f., attacks _w.'s_ administration, in the _aurora_, , , , . ball, mary, marries augustine washington, . and _see_ washington, mary (ball). barbados, _w.'s_ visit to, - . barbary states, corsairs of, . bard, dr. samuel, , . beaumarchais, caron de, . beefsteak and tripe club, . belvoir, fairfax estate, . bennington, battle of, . bernard, john, quoted on _w_. in retirement, - . _blackwood's magazine_, . blair, john, . bland, theodorick, letter of _w_. to, , . bonhomme richard, the. _see_ jones, john paul. boston, port of, transferred to salem, ; blockaded by _w_., ; evacuated by howe, , ; _w.'s_ visit to, as president, , . boston tea party, . botetourt, norborne berkeley, lord, . boucher, rev. jonathan, . braddock, edward, his career, , ; in america, ; attacks fort duquesne, and is defeated and killed, , ; . bradford, william, . brant, joseph, . british troops, position of, at end of , , , ; confined to new york city and long island, ; _w_. on maltreatment of prisoners by, ; field of operations of, transferred to south, , - ; surrender of, at yorktown, _ff_. brown, dr., , , , . bunker hill, battle of, , . burgoyne, john, takes ticonderoga, ; defeated at bennington, ; surrenders to gates at saratoga, . burke, edmund, , , . bute, john stuart, earl of, , . butler, pierce, . byrd, william, letter of _w_. to, , . calvert, nelly, . cambridge, _w_. takes command of army at, ; _w.'s_ headquarters at, . canada, and wolfe's victory at quebec, . canova, antonio, statue of _w_. by, . capital, national, question of location of, - . carlyle, thomas, . carroll, daniel, . cavour, camillo, count di, , . chamberlayne, major, . charming, edward, _history of the u.s._, _n_. chantrey, sir f.l., statue of _w_., . cherry-tree story, absurdity of, . cincinnati, society of the, public feeling against, ; _w_. resigns presidency of, . clark, major, . clinton, george, governor of new york, , . clinton, sir henry, succeeds howe as commander-in-chief, ; takes troops to new york, ; was he responsible for bribing arnold? , ; _w.'s_ criticism of, , ; , , . clive, robert, lord, . clymer, george, . colonies, effect of seven years' war on, ; opposition to taxation in, _ff_.; at outbreak of war, ; diversity in origin and customs, , ; increasing urgency of demand for independence in, ; relations of, with england, in , ; how affected by the imperial spirit, , ; in , , ; at beginning of revolution, ; lack of ardor for independence, . committees of correspondence, , . compromises of the constitution. _see_ representation, slave trade, slavery. concord, battle of, . congress of the u.s.: _first: w.'s_ first address to, ; votes to assume state debts and change location of capital, - . _fourth_: jay treaty ratified by senate, ; bill to carry out treaty provisions passed by house, - . _sixth_: revives rank of commander-in-chief for _w_., ; and _w_.'s death, , , . connecticut, population of, in , . constitution of the u.s., in the making, - ; promulgated, , ; _w.'s_ views of, , , ; ratified by states, - ; opposition to, in n.y. and virginia, . constitutional convention, call for, ; first meeting of, ; members of, - ; _w_. president of, , ; proceedings of, secret, ; divers questions discussed, - , , . continental congress: _first_: members of, ; work of, - ; adopts declaration of rights, ; importance of, as a symbol, . _second_: elects _w_. commander-in-chief, ; sectional intrigues in, ; _w_. quoted on, ; appoints committee to confer with howe, ; and _w.'s_ "doleful reports," ; removes to baltimore, ; method of conducting the war, ; _w.'s_ farewell reception by, and address to, - ; post-war attitude of, toward the army, discussed, , ; powers of, limited by articles of confederation, , ; its weakness, ; lack of unanimity in, ; rejects spanish treaty, ; orders first election under constitution, . conway, thomas, and the cabal, , ; letters of, to _w_., ; . conway cabal, the, - , , . cornwallis, charles, earl, surrenders at yorktown, . cowpens, battle of the, . craik, dr. james, attends _w_. in his last illness, _ff_.; . critical period of american history, _ff_. custis, daniel p., , . custis, eleanor, _w.'s_ affection for, , . and _see_ lewis, eleanor (custis). custis, george w p., , . custis, john parke, _w.'s_ step-son, - ; . custis, mrs. martha (dandridge), widow of d.p. custis, is courted by _w_., , , and marries him, . and _see_ washington, martha (custis). custis, martha, w.'s step-daughter, , . dandridge, francis, letter of _w_. to, , . davis, rev. mr., , . deane, silas, sent to enlist aid of france, ; his unauthorized promises to ducoudray, , and lafayette, . declaration of independence, , . "declaration of rights," . delaware river, _w.'s_ crossing of, , . democracy in the u.s., contrasted with earlier types, . democratic party, . dent, elizabeth, . dick, dr., , , , . dickinson, john, . dinwiddie, robert, sends _w_. on mission to french, ; sends expedition under fry to take duquesne, ; , , , , . dorchester, guy carleton, lord, . dorchester heights, occupied by americans, . ducoudray, m., . election, first, under constitution, , . ellsworth, oliver. . england, expeditions planned by, _ff_.; effect of chatham's administration on power and prestige of, , ; relations with colonies in , ; the imperial spirit in, _ff_.; measures imposing taxation on colonies, _ff_.; division of opinion in, in , , , ; hessians in service of, ; effect of sea-power of, ; plans for campaign of , , ; sends commission to treat for peace, , ; reconstruction of government in, after yorktown, ; and _w.'s_ proclamation of neutrality ( ), ; hatred of, in u.s., and the jay treaty, _ff_.; threat of war with, , ; and the u.s. in and , , . and _see_ paris, treaty of ( ). england and france, rivalry between in north america, , ; actually at war, ; effect of wolfe's victory at quebec, ; war between ( ), ; difficulty in maintaining neutrality of u.s., _ff_. "entangling alliances," authorship of the phrase, . estaing, charles h, count d', brings french fleet to america, . excise tax, on distilled spirits, ; and the whiskey insurrection, . fairfax, bryan, letter of _w_. to, , ; . fairfax, sally, . fairfax, thomas, lord, employs _w_. to survey his estate, ; . farewell address, the, _ff_.; declarations of, how far applicable in , , . fauchet, joseph, . fauntleroy, betsy, . fauquier, francis, . _federalist, the_, . federalist party, break-up of, ; , . fitzsimmons, thomas, . fort duquesne, built by french, ; unsuccessfully attacked by braddock, _ff_.; renamed fort pitt, , . fort necessity, surrender of, , . fox, charles james, . france, steps toward alliance with, _ff_.; effect of victory at saratoga in, ; treaty with, and _n_.; results of alliance on american commerce and privateering, ; sends fleet to america, ; effect in england of alliance with, ; and _w.'s_ proclamation of neutrality, ; effect of feeling of gratitude to, in u.s., ; later relations with, , ; and the u.s. in and , , . and _see_ england and france. franklin, benjamin, on committee to confer with howe, ; on peace commission, ; quoted, ; , , , , , . frederick the great, . freedom of speech, _w_. and, , . freemasons, at _w.'s_ funeral, . french, westward and southward progress of, ; build fort duquesne, . french committee of public safety, monroe's letter to, . french and indian war. _see_ seven years' war. french revolution, reaction of, in u.s., _ff_. freneau, philip, and his _national gazette_, encouraged by jefferson, , , , . fry, colonel, . gage, thomas, military and civil governor of boston, ; _w_. quoted on his conduct, ; recalled, . gallatin, albert, opposes jay treaty, , . gates, horatio, adjutant-general, ; defeats burgoyne at saratoga, , ; ambitious to supplant _w_., ; . genêt, edmond charles, mission of, to u.s., _ff_.; would appeal to people over government, , ; snubbed by jefferson, ; his recall requested, . george ii, . george iii, dismisses pitt, ; and the british empire, ; makes north prime minister, ; effect of events of on, ; and of the failure of the commission on reconciliation, ; , , , . georgetown, proposed as seat of national capital, . georgia, only colony unrepresented in first continental congress, ; british victories in, ; . gerry, elbridge, on x.y.z. mission to france, ; , , . giles, william b., and newspaper attacks on _w_., , . gist, christopher, . gladstone, w.e., quoted, . gorham, nathaniel, . great britain. _see_ england. great meadows. _see_ fort necessity. greene, nathanael, commands in south, ; , , , . "half-king, the." _see_ thanacarishon. hamilton, alexander, influence of, ensures ratification of constitution in n.y., ; secretary of treasury, , , ; opposition to, , ; favors "assumption," , ; obtains jefferson's support for compromise, , ; his political status, ; his protective tariff, ; his measures tended to centralization, , ; quoted, on the french revolution, , ; _w_. seeks to keep peace between jefferson and, , ; attacked by freneau, ; attacks jefferson in newspapers, ; urges _w_. to accept second term, ; and the whiskey insurrection, ; and the farewell address, ; , , , , , , , , , . hancock, john, president of congress, ; letter of _w_. to, , ; governor of massachusetts, and _w.'s_ visit to boston, , ; , . harlem, heights of, army stationed on, . harrison, benjamin, letter of _w_. to, . hay, anthony, . henry, patrick, quoted, ; opposed to constitution, ; , , . herkimer, nicholas, . hessians, in british army, ; defeated at trenton, . hortalaz et cie, . houdon, jean a., statue of _w_. . house of representatives, representation of states in, . howe, richard, lord, takes fleet to n.y., ; , . howe, sir william, evacuates boston, , ; fruitless peace overtures of, ; in phila. ( - ), , ; succeeded by clinton, ; , , , . humphreys, colonel, as chamberlain at president's receptions, , . imperial spirit, effect of, on relations between england and colonies, , ; revived by events of , . independence hall, phila., . indians, surprise attack by, , ; difficulties of _w_.'s administration with, , . ingersoll, jared, . irving, washington, _life of washington_, quoted, , , , . , . jackson, robert, . jacobin club, . jay, john, on peace commission, ; concludes treaty with spain, ; appointed chief justice, ; mission of, to england in - , ; his character, ; prejudice against, in u.s., ; secretary of state, ; letters of _w_. to, , ; , , , . and _see_ jay treaty. jay treaty, the, negotiated, , , ; opposition of anti-federalists to, ; ratified by senate, ; violent struggle over, in house, - ; how the controversy was settled, ; effect of, ; and the federalist party, . jefferson, thomas, _a summary view_, ; secretary of state, , , , , ; interview with hamilton on assumption, etc., - ; most aggressive of democrats, , ; rivalry with hamilton, ; and the french revolution, ; and citizen genêt, , , ; _w_. seeks to keep peace between hamilton and, , ; and freneau's attacks on _w_., , , , ; intrigues against hamilton, , ; urges _w_. to accept second term, , ; resigns as secretary of state, ; , , , , , , , , . johnson, w.s., . joncaire, m., . jones, john paul, , . jumonville, m. de, , . kalb, baron johann de, , . king, rufus, , , . knox, henry, secretary of war, , ; letters of _w_. to, , , ; , , , , , , . kosciuszko, tadeusz, . lafayette, gilbert motier, marquis de, joins _w_.'s staff, ; and charles lee, at monmouth, ; letters of _w_. to, , , , , , ; , . lansing, john, . laurens, henry, letters of _w_. to, - , , . lear, tobias, secretary to _w_., ; quoted, ; his account of _w_.'s last hours, - ; notes on _w_.'s funeral, , ; , , . lee, billy (slave), , . lee, charles, appointed major-general, , ; at monmouth, , ; censured by _w_., , , ; early career of, , ; court-martialed, and leaves the army, ; anecdote of, _n_.; , . lee, charles, attorney-general, . lee, henry, author of phrase, "first in war," etc., ; letter of _w_. to, , . lee, richard h., letters of _w_. to, , ; . lewis, mrs. eleanor (custis), . lewis, lawrence, and miss custis, , ; . lexington, battle of, . lillo, george, _george barnwell_, , . lincoln, abraham, . lincoln, benjamin, surrenders charleston, s.c., ; receives surrender of british at yorktown, ; . livingston, robert r., . lodge, h.c., _george washington_, quoted, , , , , . long island, battle of, , . louis xvi, execution of, ; , . low-land beauty, the, . loyalists, in the colonies, , ; during and after the war, , . mcclellan, george b., . mcclurg, james, . mchenry, james, secretary of war, ; letter of, to _w_., ; , , . mckean, thomas, . mackenzie, robert, letter of _w_. to, . machiavelli, niccolo, _the prince_, and _w_.'s farewell address, . madison, james, opposes jay treaty, ; and the farewell address, ; letter of _w_. to, ; , , , , , , , , . marie antoinette, execution of, . marshall, john, _life of washington_, quoted, , , - ; on x.y.z. mission to france, ; , , . mason, george, plan of association, , ; letter to _w_. ; letter of _w_. to, ; , , . massachusetts, leads in opposing acts of british crown, ; charter of, suspended, , ; population of, in , , ; and virginia, jealousy between, ; freed from british troops, . mather, w., _the young man's companion_, . meil, mrs., , . mifflin, thomas, of the conway cabal, ; , , . military dictatorship under _w_., fear of, , , . militia, _w_. quoted on, . miner, rev. james, . mississippi river, lower, closed to americans by treaty with spain, . moffatt, rev. mr., . monarchy, fears of reversion to, . monmouth, battle of, . monongahela river, . monroe, james, minister to france, recalled by _w_., ; his letter to committee of public safety, ; . montcalm, louis joseph, marquis de, . montgomery, richard, at quebec, , ; . morgan, daniel, . morris, gouverneur, , , , . morris, robert, letter to _w_., ; . morris, roger, , . morristown, winter quarters at, . mossum, rev. peter, . mount vernon, inherited by lawrence washington, ; hospitality of, , ; _w_. manager of, ; inherited by _w_., ; a model plantation of its kind, , , ; _w_. returns to, after the war, ; his life at, ; his last days at, _ff_.; his funeral at, - . napoleon i, , . _national gazette_, , . neal, john, quoted, . neutrality, proclamation of, gives offense to both england and france, ; the only rational course, . new england, manufacturing in, ; freed from british troops, . new jersey, . new york city, _w_.'s headquarters at, ; howe's fleet arrives at, ; loyalist sentiment in, , , ; british troops return to, , ; _w_.'s farewell to officers at, , ; _w_. inaugurated as president at, , ; ceases to be national capital, _ff_. new york state, fails to choose electors in , . north, frederick, lord, prime minister, ; his subservience to the king, , ; retires after yorktown, ; , . north carolina, british victories in, . northwest, the, _w_.'s vision of development of, , . office-seekers, _w_. and, . o'hara, general, . ohio river, . oriskany, battle of, . osgood, samuel, . otis, james, . pall-holders at _w_.'s funeral, . paris, treaty of ( ), , . paris, treaty of ( ), , ; _w_. quoted on, . parliament, passes and repeals stamp act, ; lays duties on paper, tea, etc., ; other irritating measures passed by, , ; enacts penal laws, , . "parsons cause, the," . parties, in _w_.'s first term, , . peale, charles, portrait of _w_., , . peale, rembrandt, portrait of _w_., . pearson, captain, . pendleton, edmund, . pennsylvania, population of, in , ; , . peter the great, . philadelphia, non-importation agreement of merchants of, ; continental congresses meet at, , ; _w_. at, _ff_.; british troops at, in - , , ; _w_. takes possession of, ; to be national capital for ten years, , ; genêt at, . philipse, frederick, . philipse, mary, , . pickering, timothy, cabinet offices held by, , ; . pinckney, charles, . pinckney, charles c., on x.y.z. mission to france, , ; , , , . pitt, william, earl of chatham, effect of his accession to power, , ; dismissed by george iii, ; his last appearance in the lords, , and death, . pitt, william, the younger, , . pittsburgh, on site of fort duquesne, , . plassey, buttle of, . portraits of _w_., , , . president, discussion as to term and method of election of, , ; _w_.'s view of office of, ; _w_.'s example as preventive of third term for, , . press, the, virulence and indecency of, _ff_. princeton, battle of, , . privateering, effect of french alliance on, , , . protective tariff, hamilton's, . pulaski, count casimir, , . quebec, battle of, , ; abortive attack on, , ; persistence in project of capturing, . quincy, josiah, . rall, colonel, . randolph, edmund, attorney-general, , , ; secretary of state, , ; his "vindication," , ; letter of _w_. to, , ; , , . randolph, peyton, . rawlins, mr., , . reconciliation, commission on, , . representation of states in congress, question of, settled by compromise, . republicans, . revolutionary war. _see_ american revolution. robinson, beverly, . robinson, mr., speaker of the house of burgesses (va.), quoted, . rochambeau, jean b.d. de vimeure, count de, , . rockingham, charles wentworth, marquis of, . rodney, george, lord, . rutledge, edward, on committee to confer with howe, ; . rutledge, john, , , . st. clair, general, . st. leger, barry, . saratoga, battle of, burgoyne defeated in, ; effect of, in france, . schuyler, philip, . senate of u.s., representation of states in, . seven years' war, _ff_.; effect of, . shays, daniel, . shays's rebellion, causes of, , . shelburne, william petty, earl of, . sherman, roger, , , . shirley, william, . slave labor, _w_.'s view of, ; . slave trade, question of, settled by compromise, , . slavery, why _w_. disapproved of, , , ; question of, settled by compromise, , . slaves, _w_.'s relations with, , - ; number of, in colonies, in , . south carolina, population of, in , ; british victories in, ; . sparks, jared, his _life of washington_, defects of, ; quoted, , and _n_., . spearing, ann, . stamp act, , , , . stark, john, defeats burgoyne at bennington, . state debts, assumption of, by national government, how secured, - ; favored by _w_., . state rights, problem of, ; a fundamental subject of difference, . states of the confederation, _w_.'s farewell letter to governors of, ; after the revolution, , ; their relations to one another, , ; lack of coherence among, , ; foreign relations of, ignominious, ; delegates of, in constitutional convention, - ; ratification by, , . and _see_ paris, treaty of ( ). statues of _w_., . steuben, baron frederick w. von, , , . stone, f.d., _struggle for the delaware_, quoted, , . strong, caleb, , . stuart, gilbert, portraits of _w_., . sulgrave, english home of washington family, . sullivan, john, defeated on long island, . talleyrand-périgord, charles m. de, and the x.y.z. mission, . tariff, _w_.'s view of a, . tarleton, sir banastre, . "taxation without representation," , . thanacarishon, seneca chief, quoted, on _w_. , . thomas, john, . ticonderoga, taken by burgoyne, . tobacco-raising in virginia, , . toner, j.m., _the daily journal of george washington_, _n_. trenton, battle of, and its effect, , . trumbull, jonathan, letter of _w_. to, . tryon, william, . united states, debt of confederation turned over to, ; excitement in, over citizen genêt, _ff_.; anomalous position of, between france and england, , ; the first country in which free speech existed, ; effect of _w_.'s example on world's opinion of, . united states bank, . valley forge, american army in winter quarters at, _ff_., . van braam, jacob, . vergennes, charles gravier, count de, favors cause of the colonies, ; secures coöperation of spain, ; . vernon, edward, admiral, , . victoria, queen, . virginia, effect in, of braddock's defeat, , ; in the 's, , ; fox-hunting and horse-racing, , ; opposition in, to acts of the crown, , ; state of opinion in, , ; population of, in , , ; jealousy between mass, and, ; , . virginia house of burgesses, _w_. a member of, , ; adopts mason's plan of association, . walpole, horace, . washington, augustine, _w.'s_ father, marries mary ball, . washington, george, ancestry, ; birth, , ; childhood and education, ; errors of weems's biography, , ; absurdity of the cherry-tree story, ; sparks's ill-advised editing of letters of, , ; and mather's _young man's companion_, ; surveys fairfax estate, ; results of his experience as surveyor, ; his journals, , , , , , , , , ; his disposition, , ; attention, to dress, , ; declines appointment as midshipman, ; commissioned major of militia, ; visit to barbados, , ; as manager of mt. vernon, ; sent by dinwiddie on mission of warning to french, ; and the "half-king," , ; second in command of fry's expedition, _ff_.; was he a "silent man"? , ; a volunteer on braddock's expedition, , ; his account of the defeat, , ; his conduct in the battle, ; moral results of his campaigning, , ; his early love-affairs, , ; and mary philipse, , ; his physique, , ; a sound thinker, , ; inherits mt. vernon, ; courts and marries mrs. custis, , , ; in house of burgesses, , ; as an agriculturist, _ff_.; his views on slave labor, , and slavery, , , ; relations with his slaves, , - ; and his step-children, - ; by nature a man of business, , ; improves his education, , ; as a country gentleman, _ff_.; the hospitality of mt. vernon, . his view of the stamp act and other measures of the british government, , ; a loyal american, ; signs mason's plan of association, ; no doubt as to his position, , , ; offers to raise men at his own expense, ; in first continental congress, , ; his mind made up, , ; chosen commander-in-chief of continental forces, , ; takes command at cambridge, , ; plans to blockade boston, ; jealousy among his officers, , ; and military amateurs, ; opposes expedition against canada, ; whips his army into shape, ; appeals for supply of powder, ; forces evacuation of boston, ; moves troops to new york, ; before congress in phila., , ; his opinion of congress, ; retreats from long island after sullivan's defeat, , ; inadequacy of his resources, ; moves army to heights of harlem, ; on the evils of american military system, , ; his troops not discouraged by his frankness, ; on the difficulty of his position, , ; his movements after battle of white plains, _ff_.; crosses the delaware and wins battles of trenton and princeton, ; a necessary man, ; his fearlessness of danger, , ; his movements impeded by dependence on congress, , , ; his miscellaneous labors, _ff_.; his circular on looting by his troops, , ; on the maltreatment of american prisoners, ; takes lafayette on his staff, ; chooses valley forge for winter quarters, ; describes its horrors, - ; enters phila. on the heels of the british, ; censures charles lee at monmouth, ; the uneventful summer and autumn of , ; refuses to commute andré's sentence, ; jealous ambitions of his associates: the conway cabal, _ff_.; and gates, ; and c. lee, - , _n_.; on the intrigues of his enemies, , ; difficulties of his position, ; forced inactivity of, ; marches south to virginia, ; lays siege to yorktown, and forces cornwallis to surrender, - ; the country unanimous in giving him credit for the final victory , . his view of the problems to be solved after the peace, ; urges payment of troops in full, - , ; and the plan to make him king, , ; his letter to governors of states, ; his farewell to his officers, , ; his reception by, and address to, congress, - ; returns to mt. vernon, ; his life there, described, , , , , , ; fears of military dictatorship under, , ; his vision of the development of the northwest , ; declines all gifts and pay for his services, ; his correspondence, , ; fears further trouble with england, ; his pessimism over the outlook for the future, , ; reluctantly consents to sit in constitutional convention, , ; and the society of the cincinnati, ; president of the convention, , , , , ; his view of the constitution, _ff_.; unanimously elected first president of the u.s., ; the journey to new york and inauguration, , . his receptions as president, , , , ; his inaugural address, ; dealings with office-seekers, ; his first cabinet, , ; serious illness of, , ; appoints justices of supreme court, ; a federalist, , , ; favors assumption, , ; his tariff views, ; his visit to boston, , ; sends expeditions against indians, ; approves hamilton's centralizing measures, ; determined to maintain neutrality as between france and england, ; deals firmly with genêt, ; open criticism of, , , , _ff_.; his sympathies generally with hamilton against jefferson, ; effect on, of newspaper abuse, , ; disinclined to serve second term, ; reëlected, , , ; issues proclamation of neutrality, ; its effect, , ; appoints randolph to succeed jefferson, ; and the jay treaty, _ff_.; sends c.c. pinckney to replace monroe in paris, ; why he recalled monroe, , ; consents to act as commander-in-chief in , , ; puts down whiskey insurrection, , ; favors maintenance of free speech, ; declines to consider a third term, ; effect in later years of the precedent set by him, , ; his "farewell address," - ; what would he have done in ? ; changes in his cabinet, , ; and the charges against randolph, , . again in retirement at mt. vernon, _ff_.; and nelly custis, ; his career reviewed, , - ; bernard quoted on, - ; his detractors, , ; his religious beliefs, , ; declines all public undertakings, ; his last illness, _ff_.; the last hours described by t. lear, - ; his death, ; action of congress and president adams, ; his funeral at mt. vernon, , ; project for memorial of, abandoned, ; his rank as a soldier, , ; as president, ; the most _actual_ statesman of his time, ; his example made the world change its mind about republics, . _portraits and statues of_, - . _letters_ (quoted in whole or in part) to john adams, ; theodorick bland, ; rev. mr. boucher, ; william byrd, ; thomas conway, ; francis dandridge, ; robert dinwiddie, , ; bryan fairfax, ; john hancock, ; benjamin harrison, ; sir w. howe, ; robert jackson, ; john jay, , ; thomas jefferson, ; henry knox, ; marquis de lafayette, , , , ; henry laurens, , ; henry lee, , ; richard h. lee, , ; robert mackenzie, ; george mason, ; gouverneur morris, ; edmund randolph, ; jonathan trumbull, ; john augustine washington, , , ; lund washington, ; martha (custis) washington, ; mary ball washington, . washington, john, _w_.'s great-grandfather settles in virginia, . washington, john augustine, _w_.'s brother, letters of _w_. to, , ; , , . washington, lawrence,_w.'s_ half-brother, inherits mount vernon, ; _w_.'s guardian, ; marries lord fairfax's daughter, ; visits barbados with _w_., - ; his death, , ; , . washington, lund, letter of _w_. to, , . washington, mrs. martha (custis), quoted, ; and _w_.'s last illness, _ff_.; letter of, to president adams, ; buried at mount vernon, ; , , , , , , . washington, mrs. mary (ball), _w_.'s mother, , , . washington, mildred, _w_.'s niece, _w_. guardian of, ; her death, . washington family, the, . wayne, anthony, . webster, daniel, quoted, ; . webster, peletiah, . weems, rev. mason l., his _life of_ _washington_, discredited, , . west point, surrendered by arnold, . whigs, in parliament, favor colonies, , . whiskey insurrection, the, , . white house (custis estate), , , . white plains, battle of, . wilson, james, . wister, owen, _n_. wolcott, oliver, jr., , . wolfe, james, , . wythe, george, . x.y.z. mission to france, , . yates, robert, . yorktown, cornwallis surrenders at, _ff_.; the war really ended at, ; effect in england, . four great americans washington franklin webster lincoln a book for young americans by james baldwin, ph.d. contents the story of george washington chapter i when washington was a boy ii his homes iii his schools and schoolmasters iv going to sea v the young surveyor vi the ohio country vii a change of circumstances viii a perilous journey ix his first battle x the french and indian war xi the mutterings of the storm xii the beginning of the war xiii independence xiv the first president xv "first in the hearts of his countrymen" the story of benjamin franklin chapter i the whistle ii schooldays iii the boys and the wharf iv choosing a trade v how franklin educated himself vi farewell to boston vii the first day in philadelphia viii governor william keith ix the return to philadelphia x the first visit to england xi a leading man in philadelphia xii franklin's rules of life xiii franklin's services to the colonies xiv franklin's wonderful kite xv the last years the story of daniel webster chapter i captain webster ii the youngest son iii ezekiel and daniel iv plans for the future v at exeter academy vi getting ready for college vii at dartmouth college viii how daniel taught school ix daniel goes to boston x lawyer and congressman xi the dartmouth college case xii webster's great orations xiii mr. webster in the senate xiv mr. webster in private life xv the last years the story of abraham lincoln chapter i the kentucky home ii work and sorrow iii the new mother iv school and books v life in the backwoods vi the boatman vii the first years in illinois viii the black hawk war ix in the legislature x politics and marriage xi congressman and lawyer xii the question of slavery xiii lincoln and douglas xiv president of the united states xv the end of a great life the story of george washington [illustration of george washington] the story of george washington * * * * * i.--when washington was a boy. when george washington was a boy there was no united states. the land was here, just as it is now, stretching from the atlantic ocean to the pacific; but nearly all of it was wild and unknown. between the atlantic ocean and the alleghany mountains there were thirteen colonies, or great settlements. the most of the people who lived in these colonies were english people, or the children of english people; and so the king of england made their laws and appointed their governors. the newest of the colonies was georgia, which was settled the year after george washington was born. the oldest colony was virginia, which had been settled one hundred and twenty-five years. it was also the richest colony, and more people were living in it than in any other. there were only two or three towns in virginia at that time, and they were quite small. most of the people lived on farms or on big plantations, where they raised whatever they needed to eat. they also raised tobacco, which they sent to england to be sold. the farms, or plantations, were often far apart, with stretches of thick woods between them. nearly every one was close to a river, or some other large body of water; for there are many rivers in virginia. there were no roads, such as we have nowadays, but only paths through the woods. when people wanted to travel from place to place, they had to go on foot, or on horseback, or in small boats. a few of the rich men who lived on the big plantations had coaches; and now and then they would drive out in grand style behind four or six horses, with a fine array of servants and outriders following them. but they could not drive far where there were no roads, and we can hardly understand how they got any pleasure out of it. nearly all the work on the plantations was done by slaves. ships had been bringing negroes from africa for more than a hundred years, and now nearly half the people in virginia were blacks. very often, also, poor white men from england were sold as slaves for a few years in order to pay for their passage across the ocean. when their freedom was given to them they continued to work at whatever they could find to do; or they cleared small farms in the woods for themselves, or went farther to the west and became woodsmen and hunters. there was but very little money in virginia at that time, and, indeed, there was not much use for it. for what could be done with money where there were no shops worth speaking of, and no stores, and nothing to buy? the common people raised flax and wool, and wove their own cloth; and they made their own tools and furniture. the rich people did the same; but for their better or finer goods they sent to england. for you must know that in all this country there were no great mills for spinning and weaving as there are now; there were no factories of any kind; there were no foundries where iron could be melted and shaped into all kinds of useful and beautiful things. when george washington was a boy the world was not much like it is now. * * * * * ii.--his homes. george washington's father owned a large plantation on the western shore of the potomac river. george's great-grandfather, john washington, had settled upon it nearly eighty years before, and there the family had dwelt ever since. this plantation was in westmoreland county, not quite forty miles above the place where the potomac flows into chesapeake bay. by looking at your map of virginia, you will see that the river is very broad there. on one side of the plantation, and flowing through it, there was a creek, called bridge's creek; and for this reason the place was known as the bridge's creek plantation. it was here, on the d of february, , that george washington was born. although his father was a rich man, the house in which he lived was neither very large nor very fine--at least it would not be thought so now. it was a square, wooden building, with four rooms on the ground floor and an attic above. the eaves were low, and the roof was long and sloping. at each end of the house there was a huge chimney; and inside were big fireplaces, one for the kitchen and one for the "great room" where visitors were received. but george did not live long in this house. when he was about three years old his father removed to another plantation which he owned, near hunting creek, several miles farther up the river. this new plantation was at first known as the washington plantation, but it is now called mount vernon. four years after this the house of the washingtons was burned down. but mr. washington had still other lands on the rappahannock river. he had also an interest in some iron mines that were being opened there. and so to this place the family was now taken. the house by the rappahannock was very much like the one at bridge's creek. it stood on high ground, overlooking the river and some low meadows; and on the other side of the river was the village of fredericksburg, which at that time was a very small village, indeed. george was now about seven years old. * * * * * iii.--his schools and schoolmasters. there were no good schools in virginia at that time. in fact, the people did not care much about learning. there were few educated men besides the parsons, and even some of the parsons were very ignorant. it was the custom of some of the richest families to send their eldest sons to england to the great schools there. but it is doubtful if these young men learned much about books. they spent a winter or two in the gay society of london, and were taught the manners of gentlemen--and that was about all. george washington's father, when a young man, had spent some time at appleby school in england, and george's half-brothers, lawrence and augustine, who were several years older than he, had been sent to the same school. but book-learning was not thought to be of much use. to know how to manage the business of a plantation, to be polite to one's equals, to be a leader in the affairs of the colony--this was thought to be the best education. and so, for most of the young men, it was enough if they could read and write a little and keep a few simple accounts. as for the girls, the parson might give them a few lessons now and then; and if they learned good manners and could write letters to their friends, what more could they need? george washington's first teacher was a poor sexton, whose name was mr. hobby. there is a story that he had been too poor to pay his passage from england, and that he had, therefore, been sold to mr. washington as a slave for a short time; but how true this is, i cannot say. from mr. hobby, george learned to spell easy words, and perhaps to write a little; but, although he afterward became a very careful and good penman, he was a poor speller as long as he lived. when george was about eleven years old his father died. we do not know what his father's intentions had been regarding him. but possibly, if he had lived, he would have given george the best education that his means would afford. but now everything was changed. the plantation at hunting creek, and, indeed, almost all the rest of mr. washington's great estate, became the property of the eldest son, lawrence. george was sent to bridge's creek to live for a while with his brother augustine, who now owned the old home plantation there. the mother and the younger children remained on the rappahannock farm. while at bridge's creek, george was sent to school to a mr. williams, who had lately come from england. there are still to be seen some exercises which the lad wrote at that time. there is also a little book, called _the young man's companion_, from which he copied, with great care, a set of rules for good behavior and right living. not many boys twelve years old would care for such a book nowadays. but you must know that in those days there were no books for children, and, indeed, very few for older people. the maxims and wise sayings which george copied were, no doubt, very interesting to him--so interesting that many of them were never forgotten. there are many other things also in this _young man's companion_, and we have reason to believe that george studied them all. there are short chapters on arithmetic and surveying, rules for the measuring of land and lumber, and a set of forms for notes, deeds, and other legal documents. a knowledge of these things was, doubtless, of greater importance to him than the reading of many books would have been. just what else george may have studied in mr. williams's school i cannot say. but all this time he was growing to be a stout, manly boy, tall and strong, and well-behaved. and both his brothers and himself were beginning to think of what he should do when he should become a man. * * * * * iv.--going to sea. once every summer a ship came up the river to the plantation, and was moored near the shore. it had come across the sea from far-away england, and it brought many things for those who were rich enough to pay for them. it brought bonnets and pretty dresses for george's mother and sisters; it brought perhaps a hat and a tailor-made suit for himself; it brought tools and furniture, and once a yellow coach that had been made in london, for his brother. when all these things had been taken ashore, the ship would hoist her sails and go on, farther up the river, to leave goods at other plantations. in a few weeks it would come back and be moored again at the same place. then there was a busy time on shore. the tobacco that had been raised during the last year must be carried on shipboard to be taken to the great tobacco markets in england. the slaves on the plantation were running back and forth, rolling barrels and carrying bales of tobacco down to the landing. letters were written to friends in england, and orders were made out for the goods that were to be brought back next year. but in a day or two, all this stir was over. the sails were again spread, and the ship glided away on its long voyage across the sea. george had seen this ship coming and going every year since he could remember. he must have thought how pleasant it would be to sail away to foreign lands and see the many wonderful things that are there. and then, like many another active boy, he began to grow tired of the quiet life on the farm, and wish that he might be a sailor. he was now about fourteen years old. since the death of his father, his mother had found it hard work, with her five children, to manage her farm on the rappahannock and make everything come out even at the end of each year. was it not time that george should be earning something for himself? but what should he do? he wanted to go to sea. his brother lawrence, and even his mother, thought that this might be the best thing. a bright boy like george would not long be a common sailor. he would soon make his way to a high place in the king's navy. so, at least, his friends believed. and so the matter was at last settled. a sea-captain who was known to the family, agreed to take george with him. he was to sail in a short time. the day came. his mother, his brothers, his sisters, were all there to bid him good-bye. but in the meanwhile a letter had come to his mother, from his uncle who lived in england. "if you care for the boy's future," said the letter, "do not let him go to sea. places in the king's navy are not easy to obtain. if he begins as a sailor, he will never be aught else." the letter convinced george's mother--it half convinced his brothers--that this going to sea would be a sad mistake. but george, like other boys of his age, was headstrong. he would not listen to reason. a sailor he would be. the ship was in the river waiting for him. a boat had come to the landing to take him on board. the little chest which held his clothing had been carried down to the bank. george was in high glee at the thought of going. "good-bye, mother," he said. he stood on the doorstep and looked back into the house. he saw the kind faces of those whom he loved. he began to feel very sad at the thought of leaving them. "good-bye, george!" he saw the tears welling up in his mother's eyes. he saw them rolling down her cheeks. he knew now that she did not want him to go. he could not bear to see her grief. "mother, i have changed my mind," he said. "i will not be a sailor. i will not leave you." then he turned to the black boy who was waiting by the door, and said, "run down to the landing and tell them not to put the chest on board. tell them that i have thought differently of the matter and that i am going to stay at home." if george had not changed his mind, but had really gone to sea, how very different the history of this country would have been! he now went to his studies with a better will than before; and although he read but few books he learned much that was useful to him in life. he studied surveying with especial care, and made himself as thorough in that branch of knowledge as it was possible to do with so few advantages. * * * * * v.--the young surveyor. lawrence washington was about fourteen years older than his brother george. as i have already said, he had been to england and had spent sometime at appleby school. he had served in the king's army for a little while, and had been with admiral vernon's squadron in the west indies. he had formed so great a liking for the admiral that when he came home he changed the name of his plantation at hunting creek, and called it mount vernon--a name by which it is still known. not far from mount vernon there was another fine plantation called belvoir, that was owned by william fairfax, an english gentleman of much wealth and influence. now this mr. fairfax had a young daughter, as wise as she was beautiful; and so, what should lawrence washington do but ask her to be his wife? he built a large house at mount vernon with a great porch fronting on the potomac; and when miss fairfax became mrs. washington and went into this home as its mistress, people said that there was not a handsomer or happier young couple in all virginia. after young george washington had changed his mind about going to sea, he went up to mount vernon to live with his elder brother. for lawrence had great love for the boy, and treated him as his father would have done. at mount vernon george kept on with his studies in surveying. he had a compass and surveyor's chain, and hardly a day passed that he was not out on the plantation, running lines and measuring his brother's fields. sometimes when he was busy at this kind of work, a tall, white-haired gentleman would come over from belvoir to see what he was doing and to talk with him. this gentleman was sir thomas fairfax, a cousin of the owner of belvoir. he was sixty years old, and had lately come from england to look after his lands in virginia; for he was the owner of many thousands of acres among the mountains and in the wild woods. sir thomas was a courtly old gentleman, and he had seen much of the world. he was a fine scholar; he had been a soldier, and then a man of letters; and he belonged to a rich and noble family. it was not long until he and george were the best of friends. often they would spend the morning together, talking or surveying; and in the afternoon they would ride out with servants and hounds, hunting foxes and making fine sport of it among the woods and hills. and when sir thomas fairfax saw how manly and brave his young friend was, and how very exact and careful in all that he did, he said: "here is a boy who gives promise of great things. i can trust him." before the winter was over he had made a bargain with george to survey his lands that lay beyond the blue ridge mountains. i have already told you that at this time nearly all the country west of the mountains was a wild and unknown region. in fact, all the western part of virginia was an unbroken wilderness, with only here and there a hunter's camp or the solitary hut of some daring woodsman. but sir thomas hoped that by having the land surveyed, and some part of it laid out into farms, people might be persuaded to go there and settle. and who in all the colony could do this work better than his young friend, george washington? it was a bright day in march, , when george started out on his first trip across the mountains. his only company was a young son of william fairfax of belvoir. the two friends were mounted on good horses; and both had guns, for there was fine hunting in the woods. it was nearly a hundred miles to the mountain-gap through which they passed into the country beyond. as there were no roads, but only paths through the forest, they could not travel very fast. after several days they reached the beautiful valley of the shenandoah. they now began their surveying. they went up the river for some distance; then they crossed and went down on the other side. at last they reached the potomac river, near where harper's ferry now stands. at night they slept sometimes by a camp-fire in the woods, and sometimes in the rude hut of a settler or a hunter. they were often wet and cold. they cooked their meat by broiling it on sticks above the coals. they ate without dishes, and drank water from the running streams. one day they met a party of indians, the first red men they had seen. there were thirty of them, with their bodies painted in true savage style; for they were just going home from a war with some other tribe. the indians were very friendly to the young surveyors. it was evening, and they built a huge fire under the trees. then they danced their war-dance around it, and sang and yelled and made hideous sport until far in the night. to george and his friend it was a strange sight; but they were brave young men, and not likely to be afraid even though the danger had been greater. they had many other adventures in the woods of which i cannot tell you in this little book--shooting wild game, swimming rivers, climbing mountains. but about the middle of april they returned in safety to mount vernon. it would seem that the object of this first trip was to get a general knowledge of the extent of sir thomas fairfax's great woodland estate--to learn where the richest bottom lands lay, and where were the best hunting-grounds. the young men had not done much if any real surveying; they had been exploring. george washington had written an account of everything in a little note-book which he carried with him. sir thomas was so highly pleased with the report which the young men brought back that he made up his mind to move across the blue ridge and spend the rest of his life on his own lands. and so, that very summer, he built in the midst of the great woods a hunting lodge which he called greenway court. it was a large, square house, with broad gables and a long roof sloping almost to the ground. when he moved into this lodge he expected soon to build a splendid mansion and make a grand home there, like the homes he had known in england. but time passed, and as the lodge was roomy and comfortable, he still lived in it and put off beginning another house. washington was now seventeen years old. through the influence of sir thomas fairfax he was appointed public surveyor; and nothing would do but that he must spend the most of his time at greenway court and keep on with the work that he had begun. for the greater part of three years he worked in the woods and among the mountains, surveying sir thomas's lands. and sir thomas paid him well--a doubloon ($ . ) for each day, and more than that if the work was very hard. but there were times when the young surveyor did not go out to work, but stayed at greenway court with his good friend, sir thomas. the old gentleman had something of a library, and on days when they could neither work nor hunt, george spent the time in reading. he read the _spectator_ and a history of england, and possibly some other works. and so it came about that the three years which young washington spent in surveying were of much profit to him. the work in the open air gave him health and strength. he gained courage and self-reliance. he became acquainted with the ways of the backwoodsmen and of the savage indians. and from sir thomas fairfax he learned a great deal about the history, the laws, and the military affairs of old england. and in whatever he undertook to do or to learn, he was careful and systematic and thorough. he did nothing by guess; he never left anything half done. and therein, let me say to you, lie the secrets of success in any calling. * * * * * vi.--the ohio country. you have already learned how the english people had control of all that part of our country which borders upon the atlantic ocean. you have learned, also, that they had made thirteen great settlements along the coast, while all the vast region west of the mountains remained a wild and unknown land. now, because englishmen had been the first white men to see the line of shore that stretches from maine to georgia, they set up a claim to all the land west of that line. they had no idea how far the land extended. they knew almost nothing about its great rivers, its vasts forests, its lofty mountains, its rich prairies. they cared nothing for the claims of the indians whose homes were there. "all the land from ocean to ocean," they said, "belongs to the king of england." but there were other people who also had something to say about this matter. the french had explored the mississippi river. they had sailed on the great lakes. their hunters and trappers were roaming through the western forests. they had made treaties with the indians; and they had built trading posts, here and there, along the watercourses. they said, "the english people may keep their strip of land between the mountains and the sea. but these great river valleys and this country around the lakes are ours, because we have been the first to explore and make use of them." now, about the time that george washington was thinking of becoming a sailor, some of the rich planters in virginia began to hear wonderful stories about a fertile region west of the alleghanies, watered by a noble river, and rich in game and fur-bearing animals. this region was called the ohio country, from the name of the river; and those who took pains to learn the most about it were satisfied that it would, at some time, be of very great importance to the people who should control it. and so these virginian planters and certain englishmen formed a company called the ohio company, the object of which was to explore the country, and make money by establishing trading posts and settlements there. and of this company, lawrence washington was one of the chief managers. lawrence washington and his brother george had often talked about this enterprise. "we shall have trouble with the french," said lawrence. "they have already sent men into the ohio country; and they are trying in every way to prove that the land belongs to them." "it looks as if we should have to drive them out by force," said george. "yes, and there will probably be some hard fighting," said lawrence; "and you, as a young man, must get yourself ready to have a hand in it." and lawrence followed this up by persuading the governor of the colony to appoint george as one of the adjutants-general of virginia. george was only nineteen years old, but he was now major washington, and one of the most promising soldiers in america. * * * * * vii.--a change of circumstances. although george washington spent so much of his time at greenway court, he still called mount vernon his home. going down home in the autumn, just before he was twenty years old, he found matters in a sad state, and greatly changed. his brother lawrence was very ill--indeed, he had been ill a long time. he had tried a trip to england; he had spent a summer at the warm springs; but all to no purpose. he was losing strength every day. the sick man dreaded the coming of cold weather. if he could only go to the warm west indies before winter set in, perhaps that would prolong his life. would george go with him? no loving brother could refuse a request like that. the captain of a ship in the west india trade agreed to take them; and so, while it was still pleasant september, the two washingtons embarked for barbadoes, which, then as now, belonged to the english. it was the first time that george had ever been outside of his native land, and it proved to be also the last. he took careful notice of everything that he saw; and, in the little note-book which he seems to have always had with him, he wrote a brief account of the trip. he had not been three weeks at barbadoes before he was taken down with the smallpox; and for a month he was very sick. and so his winter in the west indies could not have been very pleasant. in february the two brothers returned home to mount vernon. lawrence's health had not been bettered by the journey. he was now very feeble; but he lingered on until july, when he died. by his will lawrence washington left his fine estate of mount vernon, and all the rest of his wealth, to his little daughter. but george was to be the daughter's guardian; and in case of her death, all her vast property was to be his own. and so, before he was quite twenty-one years old, george washington was settled at mount vernon as the manager of one of the richest estates in virginia. the death of his little niece not long afterward made him the owner of this estate, and, of course, a very wealthy man. but within a brief time, events occurred which called him away from his peaceful employments. * * * * * viii.--a perilous journey. early the very next year news was brought to virginia that the french were building forts along the ohio, and making friends with the indians there. this of course meant that they intended to keep the english out of that country. the governor of virginia thought that the time had come to speak out about this matter. he would send a messenger with a letter to these frenchmen, telling them that all the land belonged to the english, and that no trespassing would be allowed. the first messenger that he sent became alarmed before he was within a hundred miles of a frenchman, and went back to say that everything was as good as lost. it was very plain that a man with some courage must be chosen for such an undertaking. "i will send major george washington," said the governor. "he is very young, but he is the bravest man in the colony." now, promptness was one of those traits of character which made george washington the great man which he afterward became. and so, on the very day that he received his appointment he set out for the ohio country. he took with him three white hunters, two indians, and a famous woodsman, whose name was christopher gist. a small tent or two, and such few things as they would need on the journey, were strapped on the backs of horses. they pushed through the woods in a northwestwardly direction, and at last reached a place called venango, not very far from where pittsburg now stands. this was the first outpost of the french; and here washington met some of the french officers, and heard them talk about what they proposed to do. then, after a long ride to the north, they came to another fort. the french commandant was here, and he welcomed washington with a great show of kindness. washington gave him the letter which he had brought from the governor of virginia. the commandant read it, and two days afterward gave him an answer. he said that he would forward the letter to the french governor; but as for the ohio country, he had been ordered to hold it, and he meant to do so. of course washington could do nothing further. but it was plain to him that the news ought to be carried back to virginia without delay. it was now mid-winter. as no horse could travel through the trackless woods at this time of year, he must make his way on foot. so, with only the woodsman, gist, he shouldered his rifle and knapsack, and bravely started home. it was a terrible journey. the ground was covered with snow; the rivers were frozen; there was not even a path through the forest. if gist had not been so fine a woodsman they would hardly have seen virginia again. once an indian shot at washington from behind a tree. once the brave young man fell into a river, among floating ice, and would have been drowned but for gist. at last they reached the house of a trader on the monongahela river. there they were kindly welcomed, and urged to stay until the weather should grow milder. but washington would not delay. sixteen days after that, he was back in virginia, telling the governor all about his adventures, and giving his opinion about the best way to deal with the french. * * * * * ix.--his first battle. it was now very plain that if the english were going to hold the ohio country and the vast western region which they claimed as their own, they must fight for it. the people of virginia were not very anxious to go to war. but their governor was not willing to be beaten by the french. he made george washington a lieutenant-colonel of virginia troops, and set about raising an army to send into the ohio country. early in the spring colonel washington, with a hundred and fifty men, was marching across the country toward the head waters of the ohio. it was a small army to advance against the thousands of french and indians who now held that region. but other officers, with stronger forces, were expected to follow close behind. late in may the little army reached the valley of the monongahela, and began to build a fort at a place called great meadows. by this time the french and indians were aroused, and hundreds of them were hurrying forward to defend the ohio country from the english. one of their scouting parties, coming up the river, was met by washington with forty men. the french were not expecting any foe at this place. there were but thirty-two of them; and of these only one escaped. ten were killed, and the rest were taken prisoners. this was washington's first battle, and he was more proud of it than you might suppose. he sent his prisoners to virginia, and was ready now, with his handful of men, to meet all the french and indians that might come against him! and they did come, and in greater numbers than he had expected. he made haste to finish, if possible, the fort that had been begun. but they were upon him before he was ready. they had four men to his one. they surrounded the fort and shut his little virginian army in. what could colonel washington do? his soldiers were already half-starved. there was but little food in the fort, and no way to get any more. the french leader asked if he did not think it would be a wise thing to surrender. washington hated the very thought of it; but nothing else could be done. "if you will march your men straight home, and give me a pledge that they and all virginians will stay out of the ohio country for the next twelve months, you may go," said the frenchman. it was done. washington, full of disappointment went back to mount vernon. but he felt more like fighting than ever before. he was now twenty-two years old. * * * * * x.--the french and indian war. in the meanwhile the king of england had heard how the french were building forts along the ohio and how they were sending their traders to the great lakes and to the valley of the mississippi. "if we allow them to go on in this way, they will soon take all that vast western country away from us," he said. and so, the very next winter, he sent over an army under general edward braddock to drive the french out of that part of america and at the same time teach their indian friends a lesson. it was in february, , when general braddock and his troops went into camp at alexandria in virginia. as alexandria was only a few miles from mount vernon, washington rode over to see the fine array and become acquainted with the officers. when general braddock heard that this was the young man who had ventured so boldly into the ohio country, he offered him a place on his staff. this was very pleasing to washington, for there was nothing more attractive to him than soldiering. it was several weeks before the army was ready to start: and then it moved so slowly that it did not reach the monongahela until july. the soldiers in their fine uniforms made a splendid appearance as they marched in regular order across the country. benjamin franklin, one of the wisest men in america, had told general braddock that his greatest danger would be from unseen foes hidden among the underbrush and trees. "they may be dangerous to your backwoodsmen," said braddock; "but to the trained soldiers of the king they can give no trouble at all." but scarcely had the army crossed the monongahela when it was fired upon by unseen enemies. the woods rang with the cries of savage men. the soldiers knew not how to return the fire. they were shot down in their tracks like animals in a pen. "let the men take to the shelter of the trees!" was washington's advice. but braddock would not listen to it. they must keep in order and fight as they had been trained to fight. washington rode hither and thither trying his best to save the day. two horses were shot under him; four bullets passed through his coat; and still he was unhurt. the indians thought that he bore a charmed life, for none of them could hit him. it was a dreadful affair--more like a slaughter than a battle. seven hundred of braddock's fine soldiers, and more than half of his officers, were killed or wounded. and all this havoc was made by two hundred frenchmen and about six hundred indians hidden among the trees. at last braddock gave the order to retreat. it soon became a wild flight rather than a retreat; and yet, had it not been for washington, it would have been much worse. the general himself had been fatally wounded. there was no one but washington who could restore courage to the frightened men, and lead them safely from the place of defeat. four days after the battle general braddock died, and the remnant of the army being now led by a colonel dunbar, hurried back to the eastern settlements. of all the men who took part in that unfortunate expedition against the french, there was only one who gained any renown therefrom, and that one was colonel george washington. he went back to mount vernon, wishing never to be sent to the ohio country again. the people of virginia were so fearful lest the french and indians should follow up their victory and attack the settlements, that they quickly raised a regiment of a thousand men to defend their colony. and so highly did they esteem colonel washington that they made him commander of all the forces of the colony, to do with them as he might deem best. the war with the french for the possession of the ohio country and the valley of the mississippi, had now fairly begun. it would be more than seven years before it came to an end. but most of the fighting was done at the north--in new york and canada; and so washington and his virginian soldiers did not distinguish themselves in any very great enterprise. it was for them to keep watch of the western frontier of the colony lest the indians should cross the mountains and attack the settlements. once, near the middle of the war, washington led a company into the very country where he had once traveled on foot with christopher gist. the french had built a fort at the place where the ohio river has its beginning, and they had named it fort duquesne. when they heard that washington was coming they set fire to the fort and fled down the river in boats. the english built a new fort at the same place, and called it fort pitt; and there the city of pittsburg has since grown up. and now washington resigned his commission as commander of the little virginian army. perhaps he was tired of the war. perhaps his great plantation of mount vernon needed his care. we cannot tell. but we know that, a few days later, he was married to mrs. martha custis, a handsome young widow who owned a fine estate not a great way from williamsburg, the capital of the colony. this was in january, . at about the same time he was elected a member of the house of burgesses of virginia; and three months later, he went down to williamsburg to have a hand in making some of the laws for the colony. he was now twenty-seven years old. young as he was, he was one of the richest men in the colony, and he was known throughout the country as the bravest of american soldiers. the war was still going on at the north. to most of the virginians it seemed to be a thing far away. at last, in , a treaty of peace was made. the french had been beaten, and they were obliged to give up everything to the english. they lost not only the ohio country and all the great west, but canada also. * * * * * xi.--the mutterings of the storm. and now for several years washington lived the life of a country gentleman. he had enough to do, taking care of his plantations, hunting foxes with his sport-loving neighbors, and sitting for a part of each year in the house of burgesses at williamsburg. he was a tall man--more than six feet in height. he had a commanding presence and a noble air, which plainly said: "this is no common man." [illustration: mount vernon.] [illustration: tomb at mount vernon.] he was shrewd in business. he was the best horseman and the best walker in virginia. and no man knew more about farming than he. and so the years passed pleasantly enough at mount vernon, and there were few who dreamed of the great events and changes that were soon to take place. king george the third of england, who was the ruler of the thirteen colonies, had done many unwise things. he had made laws forbidding the colonists from trading with other countries than his own. he would not let them build factories to weave their wool and flax into cloth. he wanted to force them to buy all their goods in england, and to send their corn and tobacco and cotton there to pay for them. and now after the long war with france he wanted to make the colonists pay heavy taxes in order to meet the expenses of that war. they must not drink a cup of tea without first paying tax on it; they must not sign a deed or a note without first buying stamped paper on which to write it. in every colony there was great excitement on account of the tea tax and the stamp act, as it was called. in the house of burgesses at williamsburg, a young man, whose name was patrick henry, made a famous speech in which he declared that the king had no right to tax them without their consent. george washington heard that speech, and gave it his approval. not long afterward, news came that in boston a ship-load of tea had been thrown into the sea by the colonists. rather than pay the tax upon it, they would drink no tea. then, a little later, still other news came. the king had closed the port of boston, and would not allow any ships to come in or go out. more than this, he had sent over a body of soldiers, and had quartered them in boston in order to keep the people in subjection. the whole country was aroused now. what did this mean? did the king intend to take away from the colonists all the liberties that are so dear to men? the colonies must unite and agree upon doing something to protect themselves and preserve their freedom. in order to do this each colony was asked to send delegates to philadelphia to talk over the matter and see what would be the best thing to do. george washington was one of the delegates from virginia. before starting he made a great speech in the house of burgesses. "if necessary, i will raise a thousand men," he said, "subsist them at my own expense, and march them to the relief of boston." but the time for marching to boston had not quite come. the delegates from the different colonies met in carpenter's hall, in philadelphia, on the th of september, . their meeting has since been known as the first continental congress of america. for fifty-one days those wise, thoughtful men discussed the great question that had brought them together. what could the colonists do to escape the oppressive laws that the king of england was trying to force upon them? many powerful speeches were made, but george washington sat silent. he was a doer rather than a talker. at last the congress decided to send an address to the king to remind him of the rights of the colonists, and humbly beg that he would not enforce his unjust laws. and then, when all had been done that could be done, washington went back to his home at mount vernon, to his family and his friends, his big plantations, his fox-hunting, and his pleasant life as a country gentleman. but he knew as well as any man that more serious work was near at hand. * * * * * xii.--the beginning of the war. all that winter the people of the colonies were anxious and fearful. would the king pay any heed to their petition? or would he force them to obey his unjust laws? then, in the spring, news came from boston that matters were growing worse and worse. the soldiers who were quartered in that city were daily becoming more insolent and overbearing. "these people ought to have their town knocked about their ears and destroyed," said one of the king's officers. on the th of april a company of the king's soldiers started to concord, a few miles from boston, to seize some powder which had been stored there. some of the colonists met them at lexington, and there was a battle. this was the first battle in that long war commonly called the revolution. washington was now on his way to the north again. the second continental congress was to meet in philadelphia in may, and he was again a delegate from virginia. in the first days of the congress no man was busier than he. no man seemed to understand the situation of things better than he. no man was listened to with greater respect; and yet he said but little. every day, he came into the hall wearing the blue and buff uniform which belonged to him as a virginia colonel. it was as much as to say: "the time for fighting has come, and i am ready." the congress thought it best to send another humble petition to the king, asking him not to deprive the people of their just rights. in the meantime brave men were flocking towards boston to help the people defend themselves from the violence of the king's soldiers. the war had begun, and no mistake. the men of congress saw now the necessity of providing for this war. they asked, "who shall be the commander-in-chief of our colonial army?" it was hardly worth while to ask such a question; for there could be but one answer. who, but george washington? no other person in america knew so much about war as he. no other person was so well fitted to command. on the th of june, on motion of john adams of massachusetts, he was appointed to that responsible place. on the next day he made a modest but noble little speech before congress. he told the members of that body that he would serve his country willingly and as well as he could--but not for money. they might provide for his necessary expenses, but he would never take any pay for his services. and so, leaving all his own interests out of sight, he undertook at once the great work that had been entrusted to him. he undertook it, not for profit nor for honor, but because of a feeling of duty to his fellow-men. for eight weary, years he forgot himself in the service of his country. two weeks after his appointment general washington rode into cambridge, near boston, and took formal command of his army. it was but a small force, poorly clothed, poorly armed; but every man had the love of country in his heart. it was the first american army. but so well did washington manage matters that soon his raw troops were in good shape for service. and so hard did he press the king's soldiers in boston that, before another summer, they were glad to take ship and sail away from the town which they had so long infested and annoyed. * * * * * xiii.--independence. on the fourth day of the following july there was a great stir in the town of philadelphia. congress was sitting in the hall of the state house. the streets were full of people; everybody seemed anxious; everybody was in suspense. men were crowding around the state house and listening. "who is speaking now?" asked one. "john adams," was the answer. "and who is speaking now?" "doctor franklin." "good! let them follow his advice, for he knows what is best." then there was a lull outside, for everybody wanted to hear what the great dr. franklin had to say. after a while the same question was asked again: "who is speaking now?" and the answer was: "thomas jefferson of virginia. it was he and franklin who wrote it." "wrote what?" "why, the declaration of independence, of course." a little later some one said: "they will be ready to sign it soon." "but will they dare to sign it?" "dare? they dare not do otherwise." inside the hall grave men were discussing the acts of the king of england. "he has cut off our trade with all parts of the world," said one. "he has forced us to pay taxes without our consent," said another. "he has sent his soldiers among us to burn our towns and kill our people," said a third. "he has tried to make the indians our enemies," said a fourth. "he is a tyrant and unfit to be the ruler of a free people," agreed they all. and then everybody was silent while one read: "we, therefore, the representatives of the united states of america, solemnly publish and declare that the united colonies are, and of right ought to be, _free and independent states_" soon afterward the bell in the high tower above the hall began to ring. "it is done!" cried the people. "they have signed the declaration of independence." "yes, every colony has voted for it," said those nearest the door. "the king of england shall no longer rule over us." and that was the way in which the united states came into being. the thirteen colonies were now thirteen states. up to this time washington and his army had been fighting for the rights of the people as colonists. they had been fighting in order to oblige the king to do away with the unjust laws which he had made. but now they were to fight for freedom and for the independence of the united states. by and by you will read in your histories how wisely and bravely washington conducted the war. you will learn how he held out against the king's soldiers on long island and at white plains; how he crossed the delaware amid floating ice and drove the english from trenton; how he wintered at morristown; how he suffered at valley forge; how he fought at germantown and monmouth and yorktown. there were six years of fighting, of marching here and there, of directing and planning, of struggling in the face of every discouragement. eight years passed, and then peace came, for independence had been won, and this our country was made forever free. on the d of november, , washington bade farewell to his army. on the d of december he resigned his commission as commander-in-chief. there were some who suggested that washington should make himself king of this country; and indeed this he might have done, so great was the people's love and gratitude. but the great man spurned such suggestions. he said, "if you have any regard for your country or respect for me, banish those thoughts and never again speak of them." * * * * * xiv.--the first president. washington was now fifty-two years old. the country was still in an unsettled condition. true, it was free from english control. but there was no strong government to hold the states together. each state was a little country of itself, making its own laws, and having its own selfish aims without much regard for its sister states. people did not think of the united states as one great undivided nation. and so matters were in bad enough shape, and they grew worse and worse as the months went by. wise men saw that unless something should be done to bring about a closer union of the states, they would soon be in no better condition than when ruled by the english king. and so a great convention was held in philadelphia to determine what could be done to save the country from ruin. george washington was chosen to preside over this convention; and no man's words had greater weight than his. he said, "let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair. the event is in the hand of god." that convention did a great and wonderful work; for it framed the constitution by which our country has ever since been governed. and soon afterwards, in accordance with that constitution, the people of the country were called upon to elect a president. who should it be? who could it be but washington? when the electoral votes were counted, every vote was for george washington of virginia. and so, on the th of april, , the great man again bade adieu to mount vernon and to private life, and set out for new york. for the city of washington had not yet been built, and new york was the first capital of our country. there were no railroads at that time, and so the journey was made in a coach. all along the road the people gathered to see their hero-president and show him their love. on the th of april he was inaugurated at the old federal hall in new york. "long live george washington, president of the united states!" shouted the people. then the cannon roared, the bells rang, and the new government of the united states--the government which we have to-day--began its existence. washington was fifty-seven years old at the time of his inauguration. perhaps no man was ever called to the doing of more difficult things. the entire government must be built up from the beginning, and all its machinery put into order. but so well did he meet the expectations of the people, that when his first term was near its close he was again elected president, receiving every electoral vote. in your histories you will learn of the many difficult tasks which he performed during those years of the nation's infancy. there were new troubles with england, troubles with the indians, jealousies and disagreements among the lawmakers of the country. but amidst all these trials washington stood steadfast, wise, cool--conscious that he was right, and strong enough to prevail. before the end of his second term, people began to talk about electing him for the third time. they could not think of any other man holding the highest office in the country. they feared that no other man could be safely entrusted with the great responsibilities which he had borne so nobly. but washington declared that he would not accept office again. the government was now on a firm footing. there were others who could manage its affairs wisely and well. and so, in september, , he published his farewell address. it was full of wise and wholesome advice. "beware of attacks upon the constitution. beware of those who think more of their party than of their country. promote education. observe justice. treat with good faith all nations. adhere to the right. be united--be united. love your country." these were some of the things that he said. john adams, who had been vice-president eight years, was chosen to be the new president, and washington again retired to mount vernon. * * * * * xv.--"first in the hearts of his countrymen." in the enjoyment of his home life, washington did not forget his country. it would, indeed, have been hard for him not to keep informed about public affairs; for men were all the time coming to him to ask for help and advice regarding this measure or that. the greatest men of the nation felt that he must know what was wisest and best for the country's welfare. soon after his retirement an unexpected trouble arose. there was another war between england and france. the french were very anxious that the united states should join in the quarrel. when they could not bring this about by persuasion, they tried abuse. they insulted the officers of our government; they threatened war. the whole country was aroused. congress began to take steps for the raising of an army and the building of a navy. but who should lead the army? all eyes were again turned toward washington. he had saved the country once; he could save it again. the president asked him if he would again be the commander-in-chief. he answered that he would do so, on condition that he might choose his assistants. but unless the french should actually invade this country, he must not be expected to go into the field. and so, at the last, general washington is again the commander-in-chief of the american army. but there is to be no fighting this time. the french see that the people of the united states cannot be frightened; they see that the government cannot be driven; they leave off their abuse, and are ready to make friends. washington's work is done now. on the th of december, , he mounts his horse and rides out over his farms. the weather is cold; the snow is falling; but he stays out for two or three hours. the next morning he has a sore throat; he has taken cold. the snow is still falling, but he will go out again. at night he is very hoarse; he is advised to take medicine. "oh, no," he answers, "you know i never take anything for a cold." but in the night he grows much worse; early the next morning the doctor is brought. it is too late. he grows rapidly worse. he knows that the end is near. "it is well," he says; and these are his last words. washington died on the th of december, . he had lived nearly sixty-eight years. his sudden death was a shock to the entire country. every one felt as though he had lost a personal friend. the mourning for him was general and sincere. in the congress of the united states his funeral oration was pronounced by his friend, henry lee, who said: "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen, he was second to none in the humble and endearing scenes of private life. pious, just, humane, temperate, uniform, dignified, and commanding, his example was edifying to all around him, as were the effects of that example lasting. "such was the man america has lost! such was the man for whom our country mourns!" the story of benjamin franklin to the young reader * * * * * i am about to tell you the story of a very great and noble man. it is the story of one whom all the world honors--of one whose name will forever be remembered with admiration. benjamin franklin was not born to greatness. he had none of the advantages which even the poorest boys may now enjoy. but he achieved greatness by always making the best use of such opportunities as came in his way. he was not afraid of work. he did not give up to discouragements. he did not overestimate his own abilities. he was earnest and faithful in little things; and that, after all, is the surest way of attaining to great things. there is no man to whom we americans owe a greater debt of gratitude. without his aid the american colonies would hardly have won independence. it was said of him that he knew how to subdue both thunder and tyranny; and a famous orator who knew him well, described him as "the genius that gave freedom to america and shed torrents of light upon europe." but, at the close of a very long life, the thing which gave him the greatest satisfaction was the fact that he had made no man his enemy; there was no human being who could justly say, "ben franklin has wronged me." the story of benjamin franklin. * * * * * i.--the whistle. nearly two hundred years ago, there lived in boston a little boy whose name was benjamin franklin. on the day that he was seven years old, his mother gave him a few pennies. he looked at the bright, yellow pieces and said, "what shall i do with these coppers, mother?" it was the first money that he had ever had. "you may buy something with them, if you would like," said his mother. "and will you give me more when they are gone?" he asked. his mother shook her head and said: "no, benjamin. i cannot give you any more. so you must be careful not to spend them foolishly." the little fellow ran out into the street. he heard the pennies jingle in his pocket as he ran. he felt as though he was very rich. boston was at that time only a small town, and there were not many stores. as benjamin ran down toward the busy part of the street, he wondered what he should buy. should he buy candy or toys? it had been a long time since he had tasted candy. as for toys, he hardly knew what they were. if he had been the only child in the family, things might have been different. but there were fourteen boys and girls older than he, and two little sisters that were younger. it was as much as his father could do to earn food and clothing for so many. there was no money to spend for toys. before benjamin had gone very far he met a boy blowing a whistle. "that is just the thing that i want," he said. then he hurried on to the store where all kinds of things were kept for sale. "have you any good whistles?" he asked. he was out of breath from running, but he tried hard to speak like a man. "yes, plenty of them," said the man. "well, i want one, and i'll give you all the money i have for it," said the little fellow. he forgot to ask the price. "how much money have you?" asked the man. benjamin took the coppers from his pocket. the man counted them and said, "all right, my boy. it's a bargain." then he put the pennies into his money drawer, and gave one of the whistles to the boy. benjamin franklin was a proud and happy boy. he ran home as fast as he could, blowing his whistle as he ran. his mother met him at the door and said, "well, my child, what did you do with your pennies?" "i bought a whistle!" he cried. "just hear me blow it!" "how much did you pay for it?" "all the money i had." one of his brothers was standing by and asked to see the whistle. "well, well!" he said, "did you spend all of your money for this thing?" "every penny," said benjamin. "did you ask the price?" "no. but i offered them to the man, and he said it was all right." his brother laughed and said, "you are a very foolish fellow. you paid four times as much as it is worth." "yes," said his mother, "i think it is rather a dear whistle. you had enough money to buy a whistle and some candy, too." the little boy saw what a mistake he had made. the whistle did not please him any more. he threw it upon the floor, and began to cry. but his mother took him upon her lap and said: "never mind, my child. we must all live and learn; and i think that my little boy will be careful, after this, not to pay too dear for his whistles." * * * * * ii.--schooldays. when benjamin franklin was a boy there were no great public schools in boston as there are now. but he learned to read almost as soon as he could talk, and he was always fond of books. his nine brothers were older than he, and every one had learned a trade. they did not care so much for books. "benjamin shall be the scholar of our family," said his mother. "yes, we will educate him for a minister," said his father. for at that time all the most learned men were ministers. and so, when he was eight years old, benjamin franklin was sent to a grammar school, where boys were prepared for college. he was a very apt scholar, and in a few months was promoted to a higher class. but the lad was not allowed to stay long in the grammar school. his father was a poor man. it would cost a great deal of money to give benjamin a college education. the times were very hard. the idea of educating the boy for the ministry had to be given up. in less than a year he was taken from the grammar school, and sent to another school where arithmetic and writing were taught. he learned to write very well, indeed; but he did not care so much for arithmetic, and so failed to do what was expected of him. when he was ten years old he had to leave school altogether. his father needed his help; and though benjamin was but a small boy, there were many things that he could do. he never attended school again. but he kept on studying and reading; and we shall find that he afterwards became the most learned man in america. benjamin's father was a soap-boiler and candle-maker. and so when the boy was taken from school, what kind of work do you think he had to do? he was kept busy cutting wicks for the candles, pouring the melted tallow into the candle-moulds, and selling soap to his father's customers. do you suppose that he liked this business? he did not like it at all. and when he saw the ships sailing in and out of boston harbor, he longed to be a sailor and go to strange, far-away lands, where candles and soap were unknown. but his father would not listen to any of his talk about going to sea. * * * * * iii.--the boys and the wharf. busy as benjamin was in his father's shop, he still had time to play a good deal. he was liked by all the boys of the neighborhood, and they looked up to him as their leader. in all their games he was their captain; and nothing was undertaken without asking his advice. not far from the home of the franklins there was a millpond, where the boys often went to swim. when the tide was high they liked to stand at a certain spot on the shore of the pond and fish for minnows. but the ground was marshy and wet, and the boys' feet sank deep in the mud. "let us build a wharf along the water's edge," said benjamin. "then we can stand and fish with some comfort." "agreed!" said the boys. "but what is the wharf to be made of?" benjamin pointed to a heap of stones that lay not far away. they had been hauled there only a few days before, and were to be used in building a new house near the millpond. the boys needed only a hint. soon they were as busy as ants, dragging the stones to the water's edge. before it was fully dark that evening, they had built a nice stone wharf on which they could stand and fish without danger of sinking in the mud. the next morning the workmen came to begin the building of the house. they were surprised to find all the stones gone from the place where they had been thrown. but the tracks of the boys in the mud told the story. it was easy enough to find out who had done the mischief. when the boys' fathers were told of the trouble which they had caused, you may imagine what they did. young benjamin franklin tried hard to explain that a wharf on the edge of the millpond was a public necessity. his father would not listen to him. he said, "my son, nothing can ever be truly useful which is not at the same time truly honest." and benjamin never forgot this lesson. * * * * * iv.--choosing a trade. as i have already said, young benjamin did not like the work which he had to do in his father's shop. his father was not very fond of the trade himself, and so he could not blame the boy. one day he said: "benjamin, since you have made up your mind not to be a candle-maker, what trade do you think you would like to learn?" "you know i would like to be a sailor," said the boy. "but you shall not be a sailor," said his father. "i intend that you shall learn some useful business, on land; and, of course, you will succeed best in that kind of business which is most pleasant to you." the next day he took the boy to walk with him among the shops of boston. they saw all kinds of workmen busy at their various trades. benjamin was delighted. long afterwards, when he had become a very great man, he said, "it has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools." he gave up the thought of going to sea, and said that he would learn any trade that his father would choose for him. his father thought that the cutler's trade was a good one. his cousin, samuel franklin, had just set up a cutler's shop in boston, and he agreed to take benjamin a few days on trial. benjamin was pleased with the idea of learning how to make knives and scissors and razors and all other kinds of cutting tools. but his cousin wanted so much money for teaching him the trade that his father could not afford it; and so the lad was taken back to the candle-maker's shop. soon after this, benjamin's brother, james franklin, set up a printing press in boston. he intended to print and publish books and a newspaper. "benjamin loves books," said his father. "he shall learn to be a printer." and so, when he was twelve years old, he was bound to his brother to learn the printer's trade. he was to stay with him until he was twenty-one. he was to have his board and clothing and no other wages, except during the last year. i suppose that during the last year he was to be paid the same as any other workman. * * * * * v.--how franklin educated himself. when benjamin franklin was a boy there were no books for children. yet he spent most of his spare time in reading. his father's books were not easy to understand. people nowadays would think them very dull and heavy. [illustration: birthplace of franklin boston u.s.] [illustration: press at which franklin worked.] but before he was twelve years old, benjamin had read the most of them. he read everything that he could get. after he went to work for his brother he found it easier to obtain good books. often he would borrow a book in the evening, and then sit up nearly all night reading it so as to return it in the morning. when the owners of books found that he always returned them soon and clean, they were very willing to lend him whatever he wished. he was about fourteen years of age when he began to study how to write clearly and correctly. he afterwards told how he did this. he said: "about this time i met with an odd volume of the _spectator_. i had never before seen any of them. "i bought it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. "i thought the writing excellent, and wished if possible to imitate it. "with that view, i took some of the papers, and making short hints of the sentiments in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking at the book, tried to complete the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at length and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable words that should occur to me. "then i compared my _spectator_ with the original, discovered some of my faults and corrected them. "but i found that i wanted a stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting and using them. "therefore, i took some of the tales in the _spectator_ and turned them into verse; and, after a time, when i had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back again." about this time his brother began to publish a newspaper. it was the fourth newspaper published in america, and was called the _new england courant_. people said that it was a foolish undertaking. they said that one newspaper was enough for this country, and that there would be but little demand for more. in those days editors did not dare to write freely about public affairs. it was dangerous to criticise men who were in power. james franklin published something in the _new england courant_ about the lawmakers of massachusetts. it made the lawmakers very angry. they caused james franklin to be shut up in prison for a month, and they ordered that he should no longer print the newspaper called the _new england courant_. but, in spite of this order, the newspaper was printed every week as before. it was printed, however, in the name of benjamin franklin. for several years it bore his name as editor and publisher. * * * * * vi.--farewell to boston. benjamin franklin did not have a very happy life with his brother james. his brother was a hard master, and was always finding fault with his workmen. sometimes he would beat young benjamin and abuse him without cause. when benjamin was nearly seventeen years old he made up his mind that he would not endure this treatment any longer. he told his brother that he would leave him and find work with some one else. when his brother learned that he really meant to do this, he went round to all the other printers in boston and persuaded them not to give benjamin any work. the father took james's part, and scolded benjamin for being so saucy and so hard to please. but benjamin would not go back to james's printing house. he made up his mind that since he could not find work in boston he would run away from his home. he would go to new york and look for work there. he sold his books to raise a little money. then, without saying good-bye to his father or mother or any of his brothers or sisters, he went on board a ship that was just ready to sail from the harbor. it is not likely that he was very happy while doing this. long afterwards he said: "i reckon this as one of the first _errata_ of my life." what did he mean by _errata?_ _errata_ are mistakes--mistakes that cannot easily be corrected. three days after leaving boston, young franklin found himself in new york. it was then october, in the year . the lad had but very little money in his pocket. there was no one in new york that he knew. he was three hundred miles from home and friends. as soon as he landed he went about the streets looking for work. new york was only a little town then, and there was not a newspaper in it. there were but a few printing houses there, and these had not much work to do. the boy from boston called at every place, but he found that nobody wanted to employ any more help. at one of the little printing houses franklin was told that perhaps he could find work in philadelphia, which was at that time a much more important place than new york. philadelphia was one hundred miles farther from home. one hundred miles was a long distance in those days. but franklin made up his mind to go there without delay. it would be easier to do this than to give up and try to return to boston. * * * * * vii.--the first day in philadelphia. there are two ways of going from new york to philadelphia. one way is by the sea. the other is by land, across the state of new jersey. as franklin had but little money, he took the shorter route by land; but he sent his little chest, containing his sunday clothes, round by sea, in a boat. he walked all the way from perth amboy, on the eastern shore of new jersey, to burlington, on the delaware river. nowadays you may travel that distance in an hour, for it is only about fifty miles. but there were no railroads at that time; and franklin was nearly three days trudging along lonely wagon-tracks, in the midst of a pouring rain. at burlington he was lucky enough to be taken on board a small boat that was going down the river. burlington is only twenty miles above philadelphia. but the boat moved very slowly, and as there was no wind, the men took turns at rowing. night came on, and they were afraid that they might pass by philadelphia in the darkness. so they landed, and camped on shore till morning. early the next day they reached philadelphia, and benjamin franklin stepped on shore at the foot of market street, where the camden ferry-boats now land. no one who saw him could have guessed that he would one day be the greatest man in the city. he was a sorry-looking fellow. he was dressed in his working clothes, and was very dirty from being so long on the road and in the little boat. his pockets were stuffed out with shirts and stockings, and all the money that he had was not more than a dollar. he was hungry and tired. he had not a single friend. he did not know of anyplace where he could look for lodging. it was sunday morning. he went a little way up the street, and looked around him. a boy was coming down, carrying a basket of bread. "my young friend," said franklin, "where did you get that bread?" "at the baker's," said the boy. "and where is the baker's?" the boy showed him the little baker shop just around the corner. young franklin was so hungry that he could hardly wait. he hurried into the shop and asked for three-penny worth of bread. the baker gave him three great, puffy rolls. franklin had not expected to get so much, but he took the rolls and walked out. his pockets were already full, and so, while he ate one roll, he held the others under his arms. as he went up market street, eating his roll, a young girl stood in a doorway laughing at him. he was, indeed, a very funny-looking fellow. the girl's name was deborah read. a few years after that, she became the wife of benjamin franklin. hungry as he was, franklin found that he could eat but one of the rolls, and so he gave the other two to a poor woman who had come down the river in the same boat with him. as he was strolling along the street he came to a quaker meeting-house. the door was open, and many people were sitting quietly inside. the seats looked inviting, and so franklin walked in and sat down. the day was warm; the people in the house were very still; franklin was tired. in a few minutes he was sound asleep. and so it was in a quaker meeting-house that benjamin franklin found the first shelter and rest in philadelphia. later in the day, as franklin was strolling toward the river, he met a young man whose honest face was very pleasing to him. "my friend," he said, "can you tell me of any house where they lodge strangers?" "yes," said the young man, "there is a house on this very street; but it is not a place i can recommend. if thee will come with me i will show thee a better one." franklin walked with him to a house on water street, and there he found lodging for the night. and so ended his first day in philadelphia. * * * * * viii.--governor william keith. franklin soon obtained work in a printing house owned by a man named keimer. he found a boarding place in the house of mr. read, the father of the girl who had laughed at him with his three rolls. he was only seventeen years old, and he soon became acquainted with several young people in the town who loved books. in a little while he began to lay up money, and he tried to forget his old home in boston as much as he could. one day a letter came to philadelphia for benjamin franklin. it was from captain robert holmes, a brother-in-law of franklin's. captain holmes was the master of a trading sloop that sailed between boston and delaware bay. while he was loading his vessel at newcastle, forty miles below philadelphia, he had happened to hear about the young man franklin who had lately come from boston. he sat down at once and wrote a letter to the young man. he told him how his parents and friends were grieving for him in boston. he begged him to go back home, and said that everything would be made right if he would do so. when franklin read this letter he felt very sad to think of the pain and distress which he had caused. but he did not want to return to boston. he felt that he had been badly treated by his brother, and, therefore, that he was not the only one to be blamed. he believed that he could do much better in philadelphia than anywhere else. so he sat down and wrote an answer to captain holmes. he wrote it with great care, and sent it off to newcastle by the first boat that was going that way. now it so happened that sir william keith, the governor of the province, was at newcastle at that very time. he was with captain holmes when the letter came to hand. when captain holmes had read the letter he was so pleased with it that he showed it to the governor. governor keith read it and was surprised when he learned that its writer was a lad only seventeen years old. "he is a young man of great promise," he said; "and he must be encouraged. the printers in philadelphia know nothing about their business. if young franklin will stay there and set up a press, i will do a great deal for him." one day not long after that, when franklin was at work in keimer's printing-office, the governor came to see him. franklin was very much surprised. the governor offered to set him up in a business of his own. he promised that he should have all the public printing in the province. "but you will have to go to england to buy your types and whatever else you may need." franklin agreed to do this. but he must first return to boston and get his father's consent and assistance. the governor gave him a letter to carry to his father. in a few weeks he was on his way home. you may believe that benjamin's father and mother were glad to see him. he had been gone seven months, and in all that time they had not heard a word from him. his brothers and sisters were glad to see him, too--all but the printer, james, who treated him very unkindly. his father read the governor's letter, and then shook his head. "what kind of a man is this governor keith?" he asked. "he must have but little judgment to think of setting up a mere boy in business of this kind." after that he wrote a letter of thanks to the governor. he said that he was grateful for the kindness he had shown to his son, and for his offer to help him. but he thought that benjamin was still too young to be trusted with so great a business, and therefore he would not consent to his undertaking it. as for helping him, that he could not do; for he had but little more money than was needed to carry on his own affairs. * * * * * ix.--the return to philadelphia. benjamin franklin felt much disappointed when his father refused to help send him to england. but he was not discouraged. in a few weeks he was ready to return to philadelphia. this time he did not have to run away from home. his father blessed him, and his mother gave him many small gifts as tokens of her love. "be diligent," said his father, "attend well to your business, and save your money carefully, and, perhaps, by the time you are twenty-one years old, you will be able to set up for yourself without the governor's help." all the family, except james the printer, bade him a kind good-bye, as he went on board the little ship that was to take him as far as new york. there was another surprise for him when he reached new york. the governor of new york had heard that there was a young man from boston on board the ship, and that he had a great many books. there were no large libraries in new york at that time. there were no bookstores, and but few people who cared for books. so the governor sent for franklin to come and see him. he showed him his own library, and they had a long talk about books and authors. this was the second governor that had taken notice of benjamin. for a poor boy, like him, it was a great honor, and very pleasing. when he arrived in philadelphia he gave to governor keith the letter which his father had written. the governor was not very well pleased. he said: "your father is too careful. there is a great difference in persons. young men can sometimes be trusted with great undertakings as well as if they were older." he then said that he would set franklin up in business without his father's help. "give me a list of everything needed in a first-class printing-office. i will see that you are properly fitted out." franklin was delighted. he thought that governor keith was one of the best men in the world. in a few days he laid before the governor a list of the things needed in a little printing-office. the cost of the outfit would be about five hundred dollars. the governor was pleased with the list. there were no type-foundries in america at that time. there was no place where printing-presses were made. everything had to be bought in england. the governor said, "don't you think it would be better if you could go to england and choose the types for yourself, and see that everything is just as you would like to have it?" "yes, sir," said franklin, "i think that would be a great advantage." "well, then," said the governor, "get yourself ready to go on the next regular ship to london. it shall be at my expense." at that time there was only one ship that made regular trips from philadelphia to england, and it sailed but once each year. the name of this ship was the _annis_. it would not be ready to sail again for several months. and so young franklin, while he was getting ready for the voyage, kept on working in mr. keimer's little printing-office. he laid up money enough to pay for his passage. he did not want to be dependent upon governor keith for everything; and it was well that he did not. * * * * * x.--the first visit to england. at last the _annis_ was ready to sail. governor keith had promised to give to young franklin letters of introduction to some of his friends in england. he had also promised to give him money to buy his presses and type. but when franklin called at the governor's house to bid him good-bye, and to get the letters, the governor was too busy to see him. he said that he would send the letters and the money to him on shipboard. the ship sailed. but no letters, nor any word from governor keith, had been sent to franklin. when he at last arrived in london he found himself without money and without friends. governor keith had given him nothing but promises. he would never give him anything more. he was a man whose word was not to be depended upon. franklin was then just eighteen years old. he must now depend wholly upon himself. he must make his own way in the world, without aid from anyone. he went out at once to look for work. he found employment in a printing-office, and there he stayed for nearly a year. franklin made many acquaintances with literary people while he was in london. he proved himself to be a young man of talent and ingenuity. he was never idle. his companions in the printing-office were beer-drinkers and sots. he often told them how foolish they were to spend their money and ruin themselves for drink. he drank nothing but water. he was strong and active. he could carry more, and do more work, than any of them. he persuaded many of them to leave off drinking, and to lead better lives. franklin was also a fine swimmer. there was no one in london who could swim as well. he wrote two essays on swimming, and made some plans for opening a swimming school. when he had been in london about a year, he met a mr. denham, a merchant of philadelphia, and a strong friendship sprang up between them. mr. denham at last persuaded franklin to return to philadelphia, and be a clerk in his dry-goods store. and so, on the rd of the next july, he set sail for home. the ship was nearly three months in making the voyage, and it was not until october that he again set foot in philadelphia. * * * * * xi.--a leading man in philadelphia. when franklin was twenty-four years old he was married to miss deborah read, the young lady who had laughed at him when he was walking the street with his three rolls. they lived together very happily for a great many years. some time before this marriage, franklin's friend and employer, mr. denham, had died. the dry-goods store, of which he was the owner, had been sold, and franklin's occupation as a salesman, or clerk, was gone. but the young man had shown himself to be a person of great industry and ability. he had the confidence of everybody that knew him. a friend of his, who had money, offered to take him as a partner in the newspaper business. and so he again became a printer, and the editor of a paper called the _pennsylvania gazette_. it was not long until franklin was recognized as one of the leading men in philadelphia. his name was known, not only in pennsylvania, but in all the colonies. he was all the time thinking of plans for making the people about him wiser and better and happier. he established a subscription and circulating library, the first in america. this library was the beginning of the present philadelphia public library. he wrote papers on education. he founded the university of pennsylvania. he organized the american philosophical society. he established the first fire company in philadelphia, which was also the first in america. he invented a copper-plate press, and printed the first paper money of new jersey. he also invented the iron fireplace, which is called the franklin stove, and is still used where wood is plentiful and cheap. after an absence of ten years, he paid a visit to his old home in boston. everybody was glad to see him now,--even his brother james, the printer. when he returned to philadelphia, he was elected clerk of the colonial assembly. not long after that, he was chosen to be postmaster of the city. but his duties in this capacity did not require very much labor in those times. he did not handle as much mail in a whole year as passes now through the philadelphia post-office in a single hour. [illustration: benjamin franklin.] * * * * * xii.--franklin's rules of life. here are some of the rules of life which franklin made for himself when he was a very young man: . to live very frugally till he had paid all that he owed. . to speak the truth at all times; to be sincere in word and action. . to apply himself earnestly to whatever business he took in hand; and to shun all foolish projects for becoming suddenly rich. "for industry and patience," he said, "are the surest means of plenty." . to speak ill of no man whatever, not even in a matter of truth; but to speak all the good he knew of everybody. when he was twenty-six years old, he published the first number of an almanac called _poor richard's almanac_. this almanac was full of wise and witty sayings, and everybody soon began to talk about it. every year, for twenty-five years, a new number of _poor richard's almanac_ was printed. it was sold in all parts of the country. people who had no other books would buy and read _poor richard's almanac_. the library of many a farmer consisted of only the family bible with one or more numbers of this famous almanac. here are a few of poor richard's sayings: "a word to the wise is enough." "god helps them that help themselves." "early to bed and early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise." "there are no gains without pains." "plow deep while sluggards sleep, and you shall have corn to sell and to keep." "one to-day is worth two to-morrows." "little strokes fell great oaks." "keep thy shop and thy shop will keep thee." "the sleeping fox catches no poultry." "diligence is the mother of good luck." "constant dropping wears away stones." "a small leak will sink a great ship." "who dainties love shall beggars prove." "creditors have better memories than debtors." "many a little makes a mickle." "fools make feasts and wise men eat them." "many have been ruined by buying good pennyworths." "rather go to bed supperless than rise in debt." "for age and want save while you may; no morning sun lasts the whole day." it is pleasant to know that franklin observed the rules of life which he made. and his wife, deborah, was as busy and as frugal as himself. they kept no idle servants. their furniture was of the cheapest sort. their food was plain and simple. franklin's breakfast, for many years, was only bread and milk; and he ate it out of a twopenny earthen bowl with a pewter spoon. but at last, when he was called one morning to breakfast, he found his milk in a china bowl; and by the side of the bowl there was a silver spoon. his wife had bought them for him as a surprise. she said that she thought her husband deserved a silver spoon and china bowl as well as any of his neighbors. * * * * * xiii.--franklin's services to the colonies. and so, as you have seen, benjamin franklin became in time one of the foremost men in our country. in , when he was forty-five years old, he was made deputy postmaster-general for america. he was to have a salary of about $ , a year, and was to pay his own assistants. people were astonished when he proposed to have the mail carried regularly once every week between new york and boston. letters starting from philadelphia on monday morning would reach boston the next saturday night. this was thought to be a wonderful and almost impossible feat. but nowadays, letters leaving philadelphia at midnight are read at the breakfast table in boston the next morning. at that time there were not seventy post-offices in the whole country. there are now more than seventy thousand. benjamin franklin held the office of deputy postmaster-general for the american colonies for twenty-one years. in there was a meeting of the leading men of all the colonies at albany. there were fears of a war with the french and indians of canada, and the colonies had sent these men to plan some means of defence. benjamin franklin was one of the men from pennsylvania at this meeting. he presented a plan for the union of the colonies, and it was adopted. but our english rulers said it was too democratic, and refused to let it go into operation. this scheme of franklin's set the people of the colonies to thinking. why should the colonies not unite? why should they not help one another, and thus form one great country? and so, we may truthfully say that it was benjamin franklin who first put into men's minds the idea of the great union which we now call the united states of america. the people of the colonies were not happy under the rule of the english. one by one, laws were made which they looked upon as oppressive and burdensome. these laws were not intended to benefit the american people, but were designed to enrich the merchants and politicians of england. in the people of pennsylvania, massachusetts, maryland, and georgia, decided to send some one to england to petition against these oppressions. in all the colonies there was no man better fitted for this business than benjamin franklin. and so he was the man sent. the fame of the great american had gone before him. everybody seemed anxious to do him honor. he met many of the leading men of the day, and he at last succeeded in gaining the object of his mission. but such business moved slowly in those times. five years passed before he was ready to return to america. he reached philadelphia in november, , and the colonial assembly of pennsylvania thanked him publicly for his great services. but new troubles soon came up between the colonies and the government in england. other laws were passed, more oppressive than before. it was proposed to tax the colonies, and to force the colonists to buy stamped paper. this last act was called the stamp tax, and the american people opposed it with all their might. scarcely had franklin been at home two years when he was again sent to england to plead the cause of his countrymen. this time he remained abroad for more than ten years; but he was not so successful as before. in he appeared before the king's council to present a petition from the people of massachusetts. he was now a venerable man nearly seventy years of age. he was the most famous man of america. his petition was rejected. he himself was shamefully insulted and abused by one of the members of the council. the next day he was dismissed from the office of deputy postmaster-general of america. in may, , he was again at home in philadelphia. two weeks before his arrival the battle of lexington had been fought, and the war of the revolution had been begun. franklin had done all that he could to persuade the english king to deal justly with the american colonies. but the king and his counsellors had refused to listen to him. during his ten years abroad he had not stayed all the time in england. he had traveled in many countries of europe, and had visited paris several times. many changes had taken place while he was absent. his wife, mrs. deborah franklin, had died. his parents and fifteen of his brothers and sisters had also been laid in the grave. the rest of his days were to be spent in the service of his country, to which he had already given nearly twenty years of his life. * * * * * xiv.--franklin's wonderful kite. benjamin franklin was not only a printer, politician, and statesman, he was the first scientist of america. in the midst of perplexing cares it was his delight to study the laws of nature and try to understand some of the mysteries of creation. in his time no very great discoveries had yet been made. the steam engine was unknown. the telegraph had not so much as been dreamed about. thousands of comforts which we now enjoy through the discoveries of science were then unthought of; or if thought of, they were deemed to be impossible. franklin began to make experiments in electricity when he was about forty years old. he was the first person to discover that lightning is caused by electricity. he had long thought that this was true, but he had no means of proving it. he thought that if he could stand on some high tower during a thunder-storm, he might be able to draw some of the electricity from the clouds through a pointed iron rod. but there was no high tower in philadelphia. there was not even a tall church spire. at last he thought of making a kite and sending it up to the clouds. a paper kite, however, would be ruined by the rain and would not fly to any great height. so instead of paper he used a light silk handkerchief which he fastened to two slender but strong cross pieces. at the top of the kite he placed a pointed iron rod. the string was of hemp, except a short piece at the lower end, which was of silk. at the end of the hemp string an iron key was tied. "i think that is a queer kind of kite," said franklin's little boy. "what are you going to do with it?" "wait until the next thunder-storm, and you will see," said franklin. "you may go with me and we will send it up to the clouds." he told no one else about it, for if the experiment should fail, he did not care to have everybody laugh at him. at last, one day, a thunder-storm came up, and franklin, with his son, went out into a field to fly his kite. there was a steady breeze, and it was easy to send the kite far up towards the clouds. then, holding the silken end of the string, franklin stood under a little shed in the field, and watched to see what would happen. the lightnings flashed, the thunder rolled, but there was no sign of electricity in the kite. at last, when he was about to give up the experiment, franklin saw the loose fibres of his hempen string begin to move. he put his knuckles close to the key, and sparks of fire came flying to his hand. he was wild with delight. the sparks of fire were electricity; he had drawn them from the clouds. that experiment, if franklin had only known it, was a very dangerous one. it was fortunate for him, and for the world, that he suffered no harm. more than one person who has since tried to draw electricity from the clouds has been killed by the lightning that has flashed down the hempen kite string. when franklin's discovery was made known it caused great excitement among the learned men of europe. they could not believe it was true until some of them had proved it by similar experiments. they could hardly believe that a man in the far-away city of philadelphia could make a discovery which they had never thought of as possible. indeed, how could an american do anything that was worth doing? franklin soon became famous in foreign countries as a philosopher and man of science. the universities of oxford and edinburgh honored him by conferring upon him their highest degrees. he was now _doctor_ benjamin franklin. but in america people still thought of him only as a man of affairs, as a great printer, and as the editor of _poor richard's almanac_. all this happened before the beginning of his career as ambassador from the colonies to the king and government of england. i cannot tell you of all of his discoveries in science. he invented the lightning-rod, and, by trying many experiments, he learned more about electricity than the world had ever known before. he made many curious experiments to discover the laws of heat, light, and sound. by laying strips of colored cloth on snow, he learned which colors are the best conductors of heat. he invented the harmonica, an ingenious musical instrument, in which the sounds were produced by musical glasses. during his long stay abroad he did not neglect his scientific studies. he visited many of the greatest scholars of the time, and was everywhere received with much honor. the great scientific societies of europe, the royal academies in paris and in madrid, had already elected him as one of their members. the king of france wrote him a letter, thanking him for his useful discoveries in electricity, and for his invention of the lightning-rod. all this would have made some men very proud. but it was not so with dr. franklin. in a letter which he wrote to a friend at the time when these honors were beginning to be showered upon him, he said: "the pride of man is very differently gratified; and had his majesty sent me a marshal's staff i think i should scarce have been so proud of it as i am of your esteem." * * * * * xv.--the last years. in delegates from all the colonies met in philadelphia. they formed what is called the second continental congress of america. it was now more than a year since the war had begun, and the colonists had made up their minds not to submit to the king of england and his council. many of them were strongly in favor of setting up a new government of their own. a committee was appointed to draft a declaration of independence, and benjamin franklin was one of that committee. on the th of july, congress declared the colonies to be free and independent states. among the signers of the declaration of independence was benjamin franklin of pennsylvania. soon after this dr. franklin was sent to paris as minister from the united states. early in the following year, , he induced the king of france to acknowledge the independence of this country. he thus secured aid for the americans at a time when they were in the greatest need of it. had it not been for his services at this time, the war of the revolution might have ended very differently, indeed. it was not until that he was again able to return to his home. he was then nearly eighty years old. he had served his country faithfully for fifty-three years. he would have been glad if he might retire to private life. when he reached philadelphia he was received with joy by thousands of his countrymen. general washington was among the first to welcome him, and to thank him for his great services. that same year the grateful people of his state elected him president of pennsylvania. two years afterwards, he wrote: "i am here in my _niche_ in my own house, in the bosom of my family, my daughter and grandchildren all about me, among my old friends, or the sons of my friends, who equally respect me. "in short, i enjoy here every opportunity of doing good, and everything else i could wish for, except repose; and that i may soon expect, either by the cessation of my office, which cannot last more than three years, or by ceasing to live." the next year he was a delegate to the convention which formed the present constitution of the united states. in a letter written to his friend washington not long afterwards, he said: "for my personal ease i should have died two years ago; but though those years have been spent in pain, i am glad to have lived them, since i can look upon our present situation." in april, , he died, and was buried by the side of his wife, deborah, in arch street graveyard in philadelphia. his age was eighty-four years and three months. many years before his death he had written the following epitaph for himself: "the body of benjamin franklin, printer, (like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stripped of its lettering and gilding,) lies here food for worms. yet the work itself shall not be lost, for it will (as he believed) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition, corrected and amended by the author." the story of daniel webster [illustration: _daniel webster_.] the story of daniel webster. * * * * * i.--captain webster. many years ago there lived in new hampshire a poor farmer, whose name was ebenezer webster. his little farm was among the hills, not far from the merrimac river. it was a beautiful place to live in; but the ground was poor, and there were so many rocks that you would wonder how anything could grow among them. ebenezer webster was known far and wide as a brave, wise man. when any of his neighbors were in trouble or in doubt about anything, they always said, "we will ask captain webster about it." they called him captain because he had fought the french and indians and had been a brave soldier in the revolutionary war. indeed, he was one of the first men in new hampshire to take up arms for his country. when he heard that the british were sending soldiers to america to force the people to obey the unjust laws of the king of england, he said, "we must never submit to this." so he went among his neighbors and persuaded them to sign a pledge to do all that they could to defend the country against the british. then he raised a company of two hundred men and led them to boston to join the american army. the revolutionary war lasted several years; and during all that time, captain webster was known as one of the bravest of the american patriots. one day, at west point, he met general washington. the patriots were in great trouble at that time, for one of their leaders had turned traitor and had gone to help the british. the officers and soldiers were much distressed, for they did not know who might be the next to desert them. as i have said, captain webster met general washington. the general took the captain's hand, and said: "i believe that i can trust you, captain webster." you may believe that this made captain webster feel very happy. when he went back to his humble home among the new hampshire hills, he was never so proud as when telling his neighbors about this meeting with general washington. if you could have seen captain ebenezer webster in those days, you would have looked at him more than once. he was a remarkable man. he was very tall and straight, with dark, glowing eyes, and hair as black as night. his face was kind, but it showed much firmness and decision. he had never attended school; but he had tried, as well as he could, to educate himself. it was on account of his honesty and good judgment that he was looked up to as the leading man in the neighborhood. in some way, i do not know how, he had gotten a little knowledge of the law. and at last, because of this as well as because of his sound common sense, he was appointed judge of the court in his county. this was several years after the war was over. he was now no longer called captain webster, but judge webster. it had been very hard for him to make a living for his large family on the stony farm among the hills. but now his office as judge would bring him three hundred or four hundred dollars a year. he had never had so much money in his life. "judge webster," said one of his neighbors, "what are you going to do with the money that you get from your office? going to build a new house?" "well, no," said the judge. "the old house is small, but we have lived in it a long time, and it still does very well." "then i suppose you are planning to buy more land?" said the neighbor. "no, indeed, i have as much land now as i can cultivate. but i will tell you what i am going to do with my money. i am going to try to educate my boys. i would rather do this than have lands and houses." * * * * * ii.--the youngest son. ebenezer webster had several sons. but at the time that he was appointed judge there were only two at home. the older ones were grown up and were doing for themselves. it was of the two at home that he was thinking when he said, "i am going to try to educate my boys." of the ten children in the family, the favorite was a black-haired, dark-skinned little fellow called daniel. he was the youngest of all the boys; but there was one girl who was younger than he. daniel webster was born on the th of january, . he was a puny child, very slender and weak; and the neighbors were fond of telling his mother that he could not live long. perhaps this was one of the things that caused him to be favored and petted by his parents. but there were other reasons why every one was attracted by him. there were other reasons why his brothers and sisters were always ready to do him a service. he was an affectionate, loving child; and he was wonderfully bright and quick. he was not strong enough to work on the farm like other boys. he spent much of his time playing in the woods or roaming among the hills. and when he was not at play he was quite sure to be found in some quiet corner with a book in his hand. he afterwards said of himself: "in those boyish days there were two things that i dearly loved--reading and playing." he could never tell how or when he had learned to read. perhaps his mother had taught him when he was but a mere babe. he was very young when he was first sent to school. the school-house was two or three miles away, but he did not mind the long walk through the woods and over the hills. it was not a great while until he had learned all that his teacher was able to teach him; for he had a quick understanding, and he remembered everything that he read. the people of the neighborhood never tired of talking about "webster's boy," as they called him. all agreed that he was a wonderful child. some said that so wonderful a child was sure to die young. others said that if he lived he would certainly become a very great man. when the farmers, on their way to market, drove past judge webster's house, they were always glad if they could see the delicate boy, with his great dark eyes. if it was near the hour of noon, they would stop their teams under the shady elms and ask him to come out and read to them. then, while their horses rested and ate, they would sit round the boy and listen to his wonderful tones as he read page after page from the bible. there were no children's books in those times. indeed, there were very few books to be had of any kind. but young daniel webster found nothing too hard to read. "i read what i could get to read," he afterwards said; "i went to school when i could, and when not at school, was a farmer's youngest boy, not good for much for want of health and strength, but expected to do something." one day the man who kept the little store in the village, showed him something that made his heart leap. it was a cotton handkerchief with the constitution of the united states printed on one side of it. in those days people were talking a great deal about the constitution, for it had just then come into force. daniel had never read it. when he saw the handkerchief he could not rest till he had made it his own. he counted all his pennies, he borrowed a few from his brother ezekiel. then he hurried back to the store and bought the wished-for treasure. in a short time he knew everything in the constitution, and could repeat whole sections of it from memory. we shall learn that, when he afterwards became one of the great men of this nation, he proved to be the constitution's wisest friend and ablest defender. * * * * * iii.--ezekiel and daniel. ezekiel webster was two years older than his brother daniel. he was a strong, manly fellow, and was ready at all times to do a kindness to the lad who had not been gifted with so much health and strength. but he had not daniel's quickness of mind, and he always looked to his younger brother for advice and instruction. and so there was much love between the two brothers, each helping the other according to his talents and his ability. one day they went together to the county fair. each had a few cents in his pocket for spending-money, and both expected to have a fine time. when they came home in the evening daniel seemed very happy, but ezekiel was silent. "well, daniel," said their mother, "what did you do with your money?" "i spent it at the fair," said daniel. "and what did you do with yours, ezekiel?" "i lent it to daniel," was the answer. it was this way at all times, and with everybody. not only ezekiel, but others were ever ready to give up their own means of enjoyment if only it would make daniel happy. at another time the brothers were standing together by their father, who had just come home after several days' absence. "ezekiel," said mr. webster, "what have you been doing since i went away?" "nothing, sir," said ezekiel. "you are very frank," said the judge. then turning to daniel, he said: "what have you been doing, dan?" "helping zeke," said daniel. when judge webster said to his neighbor, "i am going to try to educate my boys," he had no thought of ever being able to send both of them to college. ezekiel, he said to himself, was strong and hearty. he could make his own way in the world without having a finished education. but daniel had little strength of body, although he was gifted with great mental powers. it was he that must be the scholar of the family. the judge argued with himself that since he would be able to educate only one of the boys, he must educate that one who gave the greatest promise of success. and yet, had it not been for his poverty, he would gladly have given the same opportunities to both. * * * * * iv.--plans for the future. one hot day in summer the judge and his youngest son were at work together in the hayfield. "daniel," said the judge, "i am thinking that this kind of work is hardly the right thing for you. you must prepare yourself for greater things than pitching hay." "what do you mean, father?" asked daniel. "i mean that you must have that which i have always felt the need of. you must have a good education; for without an education a man is always at a disadvantage. if i had been able to go to school when i was a boy, i might have done more for my country than i have. but as it is, i can do nothing but struggle here for the means of living." "zeke and i will help you, father," said daniel; "and now that you are growing old, you need not work so hard." "i am not complaining about the work," said the judge. "i live only for my children. when your older brothers were growing up i was too poor to give them an education; but i am able now to do something for you, and i mean to send you to a good school." "oh, father, how kind you are!" cried daniel. "if you will study hard," said his father--"if you will do your best, and learn all that you can; you will not have to endure such hardships as i have endured. and then you will be able to do so much more good in the world." the boy's heart was touched by the manner in which his father spoke these words. he dropped his rake; he threw his arms around his father's neck, and cried for thankfulness and joy. it was not until the next spring that judge webster felt himself able to carry out his plans to send daniel to school. one evening he said, "daniel, you must be up early in the morning, i am going with you to exeter." "to exeter?" said the boy. "yes, to exeter. i am going to put you in the academy there." the academy at exeter was then, as it still is, a famous place for preparing boys for college. but daniel's father did not say anything about making him ready for college. the judge knew that the expenses would be heavy, and he was not sure that he would ever be able to give him a finished education. it was nearly fifty miles to exeter, and daniel and his father were to ride there on horseback. that was almost the only way of traveling in those days. the next morning two horses were brought to the door. one was judge webster's horse, the other was a gentle nag, with a lady's side-saddle on his back. "who is going to ride on that nag?" asked daniel. "young dan webster," answered the judge. "but i don't want a side-saddle. i am not a lady." "neighbor johnson is sending the nag to exeter for the use of a lady who is to ride back with me. i accommodate him by taking charge of the animal, and he accommodates me by allowing you to ride on it." "but won't it look rather funny for me to ride to exeter on a lady's saddle?" "if a lady can ride on it, perhaps dan webster can do as much." and so they set out on their journey to exeter. the judge rode in advance, and daniel, sitting astride of the lady's saddle, followed behind. it was, no doubt, a funny sight to see them riding thus along the muddy roads. none of the country people who stopped to gaze at them could have guessed that the dark-faced lad who rode so awkwardly would some day become one of the greatest men of the age. it was thus that daniel webster made his first appearance among strangers. * * * * * v.--at exeter academy. it was the first time that daniel webster had been so far from home. he was bashful and awkward. his clothes were of home-made stuff, and they were cut in the quaint style of the back-country districts. he must have been a funny-looking fellow. no wonder that the boys laughed when they saw him going up to the principal to be examined for admission. the principal of the academy at that time was dr. benjamin abbott. he was a great scholar and a very dignified gentleman. he looked down at the slender, black-eyed boy and asked: "what is your age, sir?" "fourteen years," said daniel. "i will examine you first in reading. take this bible, and let me hear you read some of these verses." he pointed to the twenty-second chapter of saint luke's gospel. the boy took the book and began to read. he had read this chapter a hundred times before. indeed, there was no part of the bible that was not familiar to him. he read with a clearness and fervor which few men could equal. the dignified principal was astonished. he stood as though spell-bound, listening to the rich, mellow tones of the bashful lad from among the hills. in the case of most boys it was enough if he heard them read a verse or two. but he allowed daniel webster to read on until he had finished the chapter. then he said: "there is no need to examine you further. you are fully qualified to enter this academy." most of the boys at exeter were gentlemen's sons. they dressed well, they had been taught fine manners, they had the speech of cultivated people. they laughed at the awkward, new boy. they made fun of his homespun coat; they twitted him on account of his poverty; they annoyed him in a hundred ways. daniel felt hurt by this cruel treatment. he grieved bitterly over it in secret, but he did not resent it. he studied hard and read much. he was soon at the head of all his classes. his schoolmates ceased laughing at him; for they saw that, with all his uncouth ways, he had more ability than any of them. he had, as i have said, a wonderful memory. he had also a quick insight and sound judgment. but he had had so little experience with the world, that he was not sure of his own powers. he knew that he was awkward; and this made him timid and bashful. when it came his turn to declaim before the school, he had not the courage to do it. long afterwards, when he had become the greatest orator of modern times, he told how hard this thing had been for him at exeter: "many a piece did i commit to memory, and rehearse in my room over and over again. but when the day came, when the school collected, when my name was called and i saw all eyes turned upon my seat, i could not raise myself from it. "sometimes the masters frowned, sometimes they smiled. my tutor always pressed and entreated with the most winning kindness that i would venture only _once_; but i could not command sufficient resolution, and when the occasion was over i went home and wept tears of bitter mortification." daniel stayed nine months at exeter. in those nine months he did as much as the other boys of his age could do in two years. he mastered arithmetic, geography, grammar, and rhetoric. he also began the study of latin. besides this, he was a great reader of all kinds of books, and he added something every day to his general stock of knowledge. his teachers did not oblige him to follow a graded course of study. they did not hold him back with the duller pupils of his class. they did not oblige him to wait until the end of the year before he could be promoted or could begin the study of a new subject. but they encouraged him to do his best. as soon as he had finished one subject, he advanced to a more difficult one. more than fifty years afterwards, dr. abbott declared that in all his long experience he had never known any one whose power of gaining knowledge was at all equal to that of the bashful country lad from the new hampshire hills. judge webster would have been glad to let daniel stay at exeter until he had finished the studies required at the academy. but he could not afford the expense. if he should spend all his money to keep the boy at the academy, how could he afterwards find the means to send him to college where the expenses would be much greater? so he thought it best to find a private teacher for the boy. this would be cheaper. * * * * * vi.--getting ready for college. one day in the early winter, judge webster asked daniel to ride with him to boscawen. boscawen was a little town, six miles away, where they sometimes went for business or for pleasure. snow was on the ground. father and son rode together in a little, old-fashioned sleigh; and as they rode, they talked about many things. just as they were going up the last hill, judge webster said: "daniel, do you know the rev. samuel wood, here in boscawen?" "i have heard of him," said daniel. "he takes boys into his family, and gets them ready for college." "yes, and he does it cheap, too," said his father. "he charges only a dollar a week for board and tuition, fuel and lights and everything." "but they say he is a fine teacher," said daniel. "his boys never fail in the college examinations." "that is what i have heard, too," answered his father. "and now, dannie, i may as well tell you a secret. for the last six years i have been planning to have you take a course in dartmouth college. i want you to stay with dr. wood this winter, and he will get you ready to enter. we might as well go and see him now." this was the first time that daniel had ever heard his father speak of sending him to college. his heart was so full that he could not say a word. but the tears came in his eyes as he looked up into the judge's stern, kind face. he knew that if his father carried out this plan, it would cost a great deal of money; and if this money should be spent for him, then the rest of the family would have to deny themselves of many comforts which they might otherwise have. "oh, never mind that, dan," said his brother ezekiel. "we are never so happy as when we are doing something for you. and we know that you will do something for us, some time." and so the boy spent the winter in boscawen with dr. wood. he learned everything very easily, but he was not as close a student as he had been at exeter. he was very fond of sport. he liked to go fishing. and sometimes, when the weather was fine, his studies were sadly neglected. there was a circulating library in boscawen, and daniel read every book that was in it. sometimes he slighted his latin for the sake of giving more time to such reading. one of the books in the library was _don quixote_. daniel thought it the most wonderful story in existence. he afterwards said: "i began to read it, and it is literally true that i never closed my eyes until i had finished it, so great was the power of this extraordinary book on my imagination." but it was so easy for the boy to learn, that he made very rapid progress in all his studies. in less than a year, dr. wood declared that he was ready for college. he was then fifteen years old. he had a pretty thorough knowledge of arithmetic; but he had never studied algebra or geometry. in latin he had read four of cicero's orations, and six books of virgil's _aeneid._ he knew something of the elements of greek grammar, and had read a portion of the greek testament. nowadays, a young man could hardly enter even a third-rate college without a better preparation than that. but colleges are much more thorough than they were a hundred years ago. * * * * * vii.--at dartmouth college. dartmouth college is at hanover, new hampshire. it is one of the oldest colleges in america and among its students have been many of the foremost men of new england. it was in the fall of , that daniel webster entered this college. he was then a tall, slender youth, with high cheek bones and a swarthy skin. the professors soon saw that he was no common lad. they said to one another, "this young webster will one day be a greater man than any of us." and young webster was well-behaved and studious at college. he was as fond of sport as any of the students, but he never gave himself up to boyish pranks. he was punctual and regular in all his classes. he was as great a reader as ever. he could learn anything that he tried. no other young man had a broader knowledge of things than he. and yet he did not make his mark as a student in the prescribed branches of study. he could not confine himself to the narrow routine of the college course. he did not, as at exeter, push his way quickly to the head of his class. he won no prizes. "but he minded his own business," said one of the professors. "as steady as the sun, he pursued, with intense application, the great object for which he came to college." soon everybody began to appreciate his scholarship. everybody admired him for his manliness and good common sense. "he was looked upon as being so far in advance of any one else, that no other student of his class was ever spoken of as second to him." he very soon lost that bashfulness which had troubled him so much at exeter. it was no task now for him to stand up and declaim before the professors and students. in a short time he became known as the best writer and speaker in the college. indeed, he loved to speak; and the other students were always pleased to listen to him. one of his classmates tells us how he prepared his speeches. he says: "it was webster's custom to arrange his thoughts in his mind while he was in his room, or while he was walking alone. then he would put them upon paper just before the exercise was to be called for. "if he was to speak at two o'clock, he would often begin to write after dinner; and when the bell rang he would fold his paper, put it in his pocket, go in, and speak with great ease. "in his movements he was slow and deliberate, except when his feelings were aroused. then his whole soul would kindle into a flame." in the year , he was chosen to deliver the fourth of july address to the students of the college and the citizens of the town. he was then eighteen years old. the speech was a long one. it was full of the love of country. its tone throughout was earnest and thoughtful. but in its style it was overdone; it was full of pretentious expressions; it lacked the simplicity and good common sense that should mark all public addresses. and yet, as the speech of so young a man, it was a very able effort. people said that it was the promise of much greater things. and they were right. in the summer of , daniel graduated. but he took no honors. he was not even present at the commencement. his friends were grieved that he had not been chosen to deliver the valedictory address. perhaps he also was disappointed. but the professors had thought best to give that honor to another student. * * * * * viii.--how daniel taught school. while daniel webster was taking his course in college, there was one thing that troubled him very much. it was the thought of his brother ezekiel toiling at home on the farm. he knew that ezekiel had great abilities. he knew that he was not fond of the farm, but that he was anxious to become a lawyer. this brother had given up all his dearest plans in order that daniel might be favored; and daniel knew that this was so. once, when daniel was at home on a vacation, he said, "zeke, this thing is all wrong. father has mortgaged the farm for money to pay my expenses at school, and you are making a slave of yourself to pay off the mortgage. it isn't right for me to let you do this." ezekiel said, "daniel, i am stronger than you are, and if one of us has to stay on the farm, of course i am the one." "but i want you to go to college," said daniel. "an education will do you as much good as me." "i doubt it," said ezekiel; "and yet, if father was only able to send us both. i think that we might pay him back some time." "i will see father about it this very day," said daniel. he did see him. "i told my father," said daniel, afterwards, "that i was unhappy at my brother's prospects. for myself, i saw my way to knowledge, respectability, and self-protection. but as to ezekiel, all looked the other way. i said that i would keep school, and get along as well as i could, be more than four years in getting through college, if necessary, provided he also could be sent to study." the matter was referred to daniel's mother, and she and his father talked it over together. they knew that it would take all the property they had to educate both the boys. they knew that they would have to do without many comforts, and that they would have a hard struggle to make a living while the boys were studying. but the mother said, "i will trust the boys." and it was settled that ezekiel, too, should have a chance to make his mark in the world. he was now a grown-up man. he was tall and strong and ambitious. he entered college the very year that daniel graduated. as for daniel, he was now ready to choose a profession. what should it be? his father wanted him to become a lawyer. and so, to please his parents, he went home and began to read law in the office of a mr. thompson, in the little village of salisbury, which adjoined his father's farm. the summer passed by. it was very pleasant to have nothing to do but to read. and when the young man grew tired of reading, he could go out fishing, or could spend a day in hunting among the new hampshire hills. it is safe to say that he did not learn very much law during that summer. but there was not a day that he did not think about his brother. ezekiel had done much to help him through college, and now ought he not to help ezekiel? but what could he do? he had a good education, and his first thought was that he might teach school, and thus earn a little money for ezekiel. the people of fryeburg, in maine, wanted him to take charge of the academy in their little town. and so, early in the fall, he decided to take up with their offer. he was to have three hundred and fifty dollars for the year's work, and that would help ezekiel a great deal. he bade good-bye to mr. thompson and his little law office, and made ready to go to his new field of labor. there were no railroads at that time, and a journey of even a few miles was a great undertaking. daniel had bought a horse for twenty-four dollars. in one end of an old-fashioned pair of saddle-bags he put his sunday clothes, and in the other he packed his books. he laid the saddle-bags upon the horse, then he mounted and rode off over the hills toward fryeburg, sixty miles away. he was not yet quite twenty years old. he was very slender, and nearly six feet in height. his face was thin and dark. his eyes were black and bright and penetrating--no person who once saw them could ever forget them. young as he was, he was very successful as a teacher during that year which he spent at fryeburg. the trustees of the academy were so highly pleased that they wanted him to stay a second year. they promised to raise his salary to five or six hundred dollars, and to give him a house and a piece of land. he was greatly tempted to give up all further thoughts of becoming a lawyer. "what shall i do?" he said to himself. "shall i say, 'yes, gentlemen,' and sit down here to spend my days in a kind of comfortable privacy?" but his father was anxious that he should return to the study of the law. and so he was not long in making up his mind. in a letter to one of his friends he said: "i shall make one more trial of the law in the ensuing autumn. "if i prosecute the profession, i pray god to fortify me against its temptations. to be honest, to be capable, to be faithful to my client and my conscience." early the next september, he was again in mr. thompson's little law office. all the money that he had saved, while at fryeburg, was spent to help ezekiel through college. * * * * * ix.--daniel goes to boston. for a year and a half, young daniel webster stayed in the office of mr. thompson. he had now fully made up his mind as to what profession he would follow; and so he was a much better student than he had been before. he read many law books with care. he read _hume's history of england_, and spent a good deal of time with the latin classics. "at this period of my life," he afterwards said, "i passed a great deal of time alone. "my amusements were fishing and shooting and riding, and all these were without a companion. i loved this solitude then, and have loved it ever since, and love it still." the webster family were still very poor. judge webster was now too old to do much work of any kind. the farm had been mortgaged for all that it was worth. it was hard to find money enough to keep daniel at his law studies and ezekiel in college. at last it became necessary for one of the young men to do something that would help matters along. ezekiel decided that he would leave college for a time and try to earn enough money to meet the present needs of the family. through some of his friends he obtained a small private school in boston. there were very few pupils in ezekiel webster's school. but there were so many branches to be taught that he could not find time to hear all the recitations. so, at last, he sent word to daniel to come down and help him. if daniel would teach an hour and a half each day, he should have enough money to pay his board. daniel was pleased with the offer. he had long wanted to study law in boston, and here was his opportunity. and so, early in march, , he joined his brother in that city, and was soon doing what he could to help him in his little school. there was in boston, at that time, a famous lawyer whose name was christopher gore. while daniel webster was wondering how he could best carry on his studies in the city, he heard that mr. gore had no clerk in his office. "how i should like to read law with mr. gore!" he said to ezekiel. "yes," said ezekiel. "you could not want a better tutor." "i mean to see him to-day and apply for a place in his office," said daniel. it was with many misgivings that the young man went into the presence of the great lawyer. we will let him tell the story in his own words: "i was from the country, i said;--had studied law for two years; had come to boston to study a year more; had heard that he had no clerk; thought it possible he would receive one. "i told him that i came to boston to work, not to play; was most desirous, on all accounts, to be his pupil; and all i ventured to ask at present was, that he would keep a place for me in his office, till i could write to new hampshire for proper letters showing me worthy of it." mr. gore listened to this speech very kindly, and then bade daniel be seated while he should have a short talk with him. when at last the young man rose to go, mr. gore said: "my young friend, you look as if you might be trusted. you say you came to study and not to waste time. i will take you at your word. you may as well hang up your hat at once." and this was the beginning of daniel webster's career in boston. he must have done well in mr. gore's office; for, in a few months, he was admitted to the practice of law in the court of common pleas in boston. it was at some time during this same winter that daniel was offered the position of clerk in the county court at home. his father, as you will remember, was one of the judges in this court, and he was very much delighted at the thought that his son would be with him. the salary would be about fifteen hundred dollars a year--and that was a great sum to daniel as well as to his father. the mortgage on the farm could be paid off; ezekiel could finish his course in college; and life would be made easier for them all. at first daniel was as highly pleased as his father. but after he had talked with mr. gore, he decided not to accept the offered position. "your prospects as a lawyer," said mr. gore, "are good enough to encourage you to go on. go on, and finish your studies. you are poor enough, but there are greater evils than poverty. live on no man's favor. pursue your profession; make yourself useful to your friends and a little formidable to your enemies, and you have nothing to fear." a few days after that, daniel paid a visit to his father. the judge received him very kindly, but he was greatly disappointed when the young man told him that he had made up his mind not to take the place. with his deep-set, flashing eyes, he looked at his son for a moment as though in anger. then he said, very slowly: "well, my son, your mother has always said that you would come to something or nothing--she was not sure which. i think you are now about settling that doubt for her." a few weeks after this, daniel, as i have already told you, was admitted to the bar in boston. but he did not think it best to begin his practice there. he knew how anxious his father was that he should be near him. he wanted to do all that he could to cheer and comfort the declining years of the noble man who had sacrificed everything for him. and so, in the spring of , he settled in the town of boscawen, six miles from home, and put up at his office door this sign: d. webster, attorney. * * * * * x.--lawyer and congressman. when daniel webster had been in boscawen nearly two years, his father died. it was then decided that ezekiel should come and take charge of the home farm, and care for their mother. ezekiel had not yet graduated from college, but he had read law and was hoping to be admitted to the bar. he was a man of much natural ability, and many people believed that he would some day become a very famous lawyer. and so, in the autumn of , daniel gave up to his brother the law business which he had in boscawen, and removed to the city of portsmouth. he was now twenty-five years old. in portsmouth he would find plenty of work to do; it would be the very kind of work that he liked. he was now well started on the road towards greatness. the very next year, he was married to miss grace fletcher, the daughter of a minister in hopkinton. the happy couple began housekeeping in a small, modest, wooden house, in portsmouth; and there they lived, very plainly and without pretension, for several years. mr. webster's office was "a common, ordinary-looking room, with less furniture and more books than common. he had a small inner room, opening from the larger, rather an unusual thing." it was not long until the name of daniel webster was known all over new hampshire. those who were acquainted with him said that he was the smartest young lawyer in portsmouth. they said that if he kept on in the way that he had started, there were great things in store for him. the country people told wonderful stories about him. they said that he was as black as a coal--but of course they had never seen him. they believed that he could gain any case in court that he chose to manage--and in this they were about right. there was another great lawyer in portsmouth. his name was jeremiah mason, and he was much older than mr. webster. indeed, he was already a famous man when daniel first began the practice of law. the young lawyer and the older one soon became warm friends; and yet they were often opposed to each other in the courts. daniel was always obliged to do his best when mr. mason was against him. this caused him to be very careful. it no doubt made him become a better lawyer than he otherwise would have been. while webster was thus quietly practicing law in new hampshire, trouble was brewing between the united states and england. the english were doing much to hinder american merchants from trading with foreign countries. they claimed the right to search american vessels for seamen who had deserted from the british service. and it is said that american sailors were often dragged from their own vessels and forced to serve on board the english ships. matters kept getting worse and worse for several years. at last, in june, , the united states declared war against england. daniel webster was opposed to this war, and he made several speeches against it. he said that, although we had doubtless suffered many wrongs, there was more cause for war with france than with england. and then, the united states had no navy, and hence was not ready to go to war with any nation. webster's influence in new hampshire was so great that he persuaded many of the people of that state to think just as he thought on this subject. they nominated him as their representative in congress; and when the time came, they elected him. it was on the th of may, , that he first took his seat in congress. he was then thirty-one years old. in that same congress there were two other young men who afterwards made their names famous in the history of their country. one was henry clay, of kentucky. the other was john c. calhoun, of south carolina. both were a little older than webster; both had already made some mark in public life; and both were in favor of the war. during his first year in congress, mr. webster made some stirring speeches in support of his own opinions. in this way, as well by his skill in debate, he made himself known as a young man of more than common ability and promise. chief justice marshall, who was then at the head of the supreme court of the united states, said of him: "i have never seen a man of whose intellect i had a higher opinion." in , the war that had been going on so long came to an end. but now there were other subjects which claimed mr. webster's attention in congress. then, as now, there were important questions regarding the money of the nation; and upon these questions there was great difference of opinion. daniel webster's speeches, in favor of a sound currency, did much to maintain the national credit and to save the country from bankruptcy. the people of new hampshire were so well pleased with the record which he made in congress that, when his first term expired, they re-elected him for a second. * * * * * xi.--the dartmouth college case. in , before his second term in congress had expired, daniel webster removed with his family to boston. he had lived in portsmouth nine years, and he now felt that he needed a wider field for the exercise of his talents. he was now no longer the slender, delicate person that he had been in his boyhood and youth. he was a man of noble mien--a sturdy, dignified personage, who bore the marks of greatness upon him. people said, "when daniel webster walked the streets of boston, he made the buildings look small." as soon as his term in congress had expired, he began the practice of law in boston. for nearly seven years he devoted himself strictly to his profession. of course, he at once took his place as the leading lawyer of new england. indeed, he soon became known as the ablest counsellor and advocate in america. the best business of the country now came to him. his income was very large, amounting to more than $ , a year. and during this time there was no harder worker than he. in fact, his natural genius could have done but little for him, had it not been for his untiring industry. one of his first great victories in law was that which is known as the dartmouth college case. the lawmakers of new hampshire had attempted to pass a law to alter the charter of the college. by doing this they would endanger the usefulness and prosperity of that great school, in order to favor the selfish projects of its enemies. daniel webster undertook to defend the college. the speech which he made before the supreme court of the united states was a masterly effort. "sir," he said, "you may destroy this little institution--it is weak, it is in your hands. i know it is one of the lesser lights in the literary horizon of our country. you may put it out. "but if you do so, you must carry through your work! you must extinguish, one after another, all those greater lights of science which, for more than a century, have thrown their light over our land!" he won the case; and this, more than anything else, helped to gain for him the reputation of being the ablest lawyer in the united states. * * * * * xii.--webster's great orations. in , when he was thirty-eight years old, daniel webster was chosen to deliver an oration at a great meeting of new englanders at plymouth, massachusetts. plymouth is the place where the pilgrims landed in . just two hundred years had passed since that time, and this meeting was to celebrate the memory of the brave men and women who had risked so much to found new homes in what was then a bleak wilderness. the speech which mr. webster delivered was one of the greatest ever heard in america. it placed him at once at the head of american orators. john adams, the second president of the united states, was then living, a very old man. he said, "this oration will be read five hundred years hence with as much rapture as it was heard. it ought to be read at the end of every century, and, indeed, at the end of every year, forever and ever." but this was only the first of many great addresses by mr. webster. in , he delivered an oration at the laying of the cornerstone of the bunker hill monument. eighteen years later, when that monument was finished, he delivered another. many of mr. webster's admirers think that these two orations are his masterpieces. on july th, , the united states had been independent just fifty years. on that day there passed away two of the greatest men of the country--john adams and thomas jefferson. both were ex-presidents, and both had been leaders in the councils of the nation. it was in memory of these two patriots that daniel webster was called to deliver an oration in faneuil hall, boston. no other funeral oration has ever been delivered in any age or country that was equal to this in eloquence. like all his other discourses, it was full of patriotic feeling. "this lovely land," he said, "this glorious liberty, these benign institutions, the dear purchase of our fathers, are ours; ours to enjoy, ours to preserve, ours to transmit. generations past and generations to come hold us responsible for this sacred trust. "our fathers, from behind, admonish us with their anxious, paternal voices; posterity calls out to us from the bosom of the future; the world turns hither its solicitous eyes; all, all conjure us to act wisely and faithfully in the relation which we sustain." most of his other great speeches were delivered in congress, and are, therefore, political in tone and subject. great as daniel webster was in politics and in law, it is as an orator and patriot that his name will be longest remembered. * * * * * xiii.--mr. webster in the senate. when daniel webster was forty years old, the people of boston elected him to represent them in congress. they were so well pleased with all that he did while there, that they re-elected him twice. in june, , the legislature of massachusetts chose him to be united states senator for a term of six years. he was at that time the most famous man in massachusetts, and his name was known and honored in every state of the union. after that he was re-elected to the same place again and again; and for more than twenty years he continued to be the distinguished senator from massachusetts. i cannot now tell you of all his public services during the long period that he sat in congress. indeed, there are some things that you would find hard to understand until you have learned more about the history of our country. but you will by-and-by read of them in the larger books which you will study at school; and, no doubt, you will also read some of his great addresses and orations. it was in that he delivered the most famous of all his speeches in the senate chamber of the united states. this speech is commonly called, "the reply to hayne." i shall not here try to explain the purport of mr. hayne's speeches--for there were two of them. i shall not try to describe the circumstances which led mr. webster to make his famous reply to them. but i will quote mr. webster's closing sentences. forty years ago the school-boys all over the country were accustomed to memorize and declaim these patriotic utterances. "when my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may i not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious union; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent, on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! "let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory, 'what is all this worth?' nor those other words of delusion and folly, 'liberty first and union afterwards;' but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its folds, as they float over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every american heart--liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable!" in , daniel webster resigned his seat in the senate. he did this in order to become secretary of state in the cabinet of the newly elected president, william henry harrison. but president harrison died on the th of april, after having held his office just one month; and his place was taken by the vice-president, john tyler. mr. webster now felt that his position in the cabinet would not be a pleasant one; but he continued to hold it for nearly two years. his most important act as secretary of state was to conclude a treaty with england which fixed the northeastern boundary of the united states. this treaty is known in history as the ashburton treaty. in , mr. webster resigned his place in president tyler's cabinet. but he was not allowed to remain long in private life. two years later he was again elected to the united states senate. about this time, texas was annexed to the united states. but mr. webster did not favor this, for he believed that such an act was contrary to the constitution of our country. he did all that he could to keep our government from making war upon mexico. but after this war had been begun, he was a firm friend of the soldiers who took part in it, and he did much to provide for their safety and comfort. among these soldiers was edward, the second son of daniel webster. he became a major in the main division of the army, and died in the city of mexico. * * * * * xiv.--mr. webster in private life. let us now go back a little way in our story, and learn something about mr. webster's home and private life. [illustration: the mansion marshfield] [illustration: the library] [illustration: the tomb] in , mr. webster bought a large farm at marshfield, in the southeastern part of massachusetts, not far from the sea. he spent a great deal of money in improving this farm; and in the end it was as fine a country seat as one might see anywhere in new england. when he became tired with the many cares of his busy life, mr. webster could always find rest and quiet days at marshfield. he liked to dress himself as a farmer, and stroll about the fields looking at the cattle and at the growing crops. "i had rather be here than in the senate," he would say. but his life was clouded with many sorrows. long before going to marshfield, his two eldest children were laid in the grave. their mother followed them just one year before mr. webster's first entry into the united states senate. in , his brother ezekiel died suddenly while speaking in court at concord. ezekiel had never cared much for politics, but as a lawyer in his native state, he had won many honors. his death came as a great shock to everybody that knew him. to his brother it brought overwhelming sorrow. when daniel webster was nearly forty-eight years old, he married a second wife. she was the daughter of a new york merchant, and her name was caroline bayard le roy. she did much to lighten the disappointments of his later life, and they lived together happily for more than twenty years. in , mr. and mrs. webster made a short visit to england. the fame of the great orator had gone before him, and he was everywhere received with honor. the greatest men of the time were proud to meet him. henry hallam, the historian, wrote of him: "mr. webster approaches as nearly to the _beau ideal_ of a republican senator as any man that i have ever seen in the course of my life." even the queen invited him to dine with her; and she was much pleased with his dignified ways and noble bearing. and, indeed, his appearance was such as to win the respect of all who saw him. when he walked the streets of london, people would stop and wonder who the noble stranger was; and workingmen whispered to one another: "there goes a king!" * * * * * xv.--the last years. many people believed that daniel webster would finally be elected president of the united states. and, indeed, there was no man in all this country who was better fitted for that high position than he. but it so happened that inferior men, who were willing to stoop to the tricks of politics, always stepped in before him. in the meanwhile the question of slavery was becoming, every day, more and more important. it was the one subject which claimed everybody's attention. should slavery be allowed in the territories? there was great excitement all over the country. there were many hot debates in congress. it seemed as though the union would be destroyed. at last, the wiser and cooler-headed leaders in congress said, "let each side give up a little to the other. let us have a compromise." on the th of march, , mr. webster delivered a speech before the senate. it was a speech in favor of compromise, in favor of conciliation. he thought that this was the only way to preserve the union. and he was willing to sacrifice everything for the constitution and the union. he declared that all the ends he aimed at were for his country's good. "i speak to-day for the preservation of the union," he said. "hear me for my cause! i speak to-day out of a solicitous and anxious heart, for the restoration to the country of that quiet and harmony, which make the blessings of this union so rich and so dear to us all." he then went on to defend the law known as the fugitive slave law. he declared that this law was in accordance with the constitution, and hence it should be enforced according to its true meaning. the speech was a great disappointment to his friends. they said that he had deserted them; that he had gone over to their enemies; that he was no longer a champion of freedom, but of slavery. those who had been his warmest supporters, now turned against him. a few months after this, president taylor died. the vice-president, millard fillmore, then became president. mr. fillmore was in sympathy with daniel webster, and soon gave him a seat in his cabinet as secretary of state. this was the second time that mr. webster had been called to fill this high and honorable position. but, under president fillmore, he did no very great or important thing. he was still the leading man in the whig party; and he hoped, in , to be nominated for the presidency. but in this he was again disappointed. he was now an old man. he had had great successes in life; but he felt that he had failed at the end of the race. his health was giving way. he went home to marshfield for the quiet and rest which he so much needed. in may, that same year, he was thrown from his carriage and severely hurt. from this hurt he never recovered. he offered to resign his seat in the cabinet, but mr. fillmore would not listen to this. in september he became very feeble, and his friends knew that the end was near. on the th of october, , he died. he was nearly seventy-one years old. in every part of the land his death was sincerely mourned. both friends and enemies felt that a great man had fallen. they felt that this country had lost its leading statesman, its noblest patriot, its worthiest citizen. rufus choate, who had succeeded him as the foremost lawyer in new england, delivered a great oration upon his life and character. he said: "look in how manly a sort, in how high a moral tone, mr. webster uniformly dealt with the mind of his country. "where do you find him flattering his countrymen, indirectly or directly, for a vote? on what did he ever place himself but good counsels and useful service? "who ever heard that voice cheering the people on to rapacity, to injustice, to a vain and guilty glory? "how anxiously, rather, did he prefer to teach, that by all possible acquired sobriety of mind, by asking reverently of the past, by obedience to the law, by habits of patient labor, by the cultivation of the mind, by the fear and worship of god, we educate ourselves for the future that is revealing." the story of abraham lincoln [illustration: _abraham lincoln_.] the story of abraham lincoln. * * * * * i.--the kentucky home. not far from hodgensville, in kentucky, there once lived a man whose name was thomas lincoln. this man had built for himself a little log cabin by the side of a brook, where there was an ever-flowing spring of water. there was but one room in this cabin. on the side next to the brook there was a low doorway; and at one end there was a large fireplace, built of rough stones and clay. the chimney was very broad at the bottom and narrow at the top. it was made of clay, with flat stones and slender sticks laid around the outside to keep it from falling apart. in the wall, on one side of the fireplace, there was a square hole for a window. but there was no glass in this window. in the summer it was left open all the time. in cold weather a deerskin, or a piece of coarse cloth, was hung over it to keep out the wind and the snow. at night, or on stormy days, the skin of a bear was hung across the doorway; for there was no door on hinges to be opened and shut. there was no ceiling to the room. but the inmates of the cabin, by looking up, could see the bare rafters and the rough roof-boards, which mr. lincoln himself had split and hewn. there was no floor, but only the bare ground that had been smoothed and beaten until it was as level and hard as pavement. for chairs there were only blocks of wood and a rude bench on one side of the fireplace. the bed was a little platform of poles, on which were spread the furry skins of wild animals, and a patchwork quilt of homespun goods. in this poor cabin, on the th of february, , a baby boy was born. there was already one child in the family--a girl, two years old, whose name was sarah. the little boy grew and became strong like other babies, and his parents named him abraham, after his grandfather, who had been killed by the indians many years before. when he was old enough to run about, he liked to play under the trees by the cabin door. sometimes he would go with his little sister into the woods and watch the birds and the squirrels. he had no playmates. he did not know the meaning of toys or playthings. but he was a happy child and had many pleasant ways. thomas lincoln, the father, was a kind-hearted man, very strong and brave. sometimes he would take the child on his knee and tell him strange, true stories of the great forest, and of the indians and the fierce beasts that roamed among the woods and hills. for thomas lincoln had always lived on the wild frontier; and he would rather hunt deer and other game in the forest than do anything else. perhaps this is why he was so poor. perhaps this is why he was content to live in the little log cabin with so few of the comforts of life. but nancy lincoln, the young mother, did not complain. she, too, had grown up among the rude scenes of the backwoods. she had never known better things. and yet she was by nature refined and gentle; and people who knew her said that she was very handsome. she was a model housekeeper, too; and her poor log cabin was the neatest and best-kept house in all that neighborhood. no woman could be busier than she. she knew how to spin and weave, and she made all the clothing for her family. she knew how to wield the ax and the hoe; and she could work on the farm or in the garden when her help was needed. she had also learned how to shoot with a rifle; and she could bring down a deer or other wild game with as much ease as could her husband. and when the game was brought home, she could dress it, she could cook the flesh for food, and of the skins she could make clothing for her husband and children. there was still another thing that she could do--she could read; and she read all the books that she could get hold of. she taught her husband the letters of the alphabet; and she showed him how to write his name. for thomas lincoln had never gone to school, and he had never learned how to read. as soon as little abraham lincoln was old enough to understand, his mother read stories to him from the bible. then, while he was still very young, she taught him to read the stories for himself. the neighbors thought it a wonderful thing that so small a boy could read. there were very few of them who could do as much. few of them thought it of any great use to learn how to read. there were no school-houses in that part of kentucky in those days, and of course there were no public schools. one winter a traveling schoolmaster came that way. he got leave to use a cabin not far from mr. lincoln's, and gave notice that he would teach school for two or three weeks. the people were too poor to pay him for teaching longer. the name of this schoolmaster was zachariah riney. the young people for miles around flocked to the school. most of them were big boys and girls, and a few were grown up young men. the only little child was abraham lincoln, and he was not yet five years old. there was only one book studied at that school, and it was a spelling-book. it had some easy reading lessons at the end, but these were not to be read until after every word in the book had been spelled. you can imagine how the big boys and girls felt when abraham lincoln proved that he could spell and read better than any of them. * * * * * ii.--work and sorrow. in the autumn, just after abraham lincoln was eight years old, his parents left their kentucky home and moved to spencer county, in indiana. it was not yet a year since indiana had become a state. land could be bought very cheap, and mr. lincoln thought that he could make a good living there for his family. he had heard also that game was plentiful in the indiana woods. it was not more than seventy or eighty miles from the old home to the new. but it seemed very far, indeed, and it was a good many days before the travelers reached their journey's end. over a part of the way there was no road, and the movers had to cut a path for themselves through the thick woods. the boy, abraham, was tall and very strong for his age. he already knew how to handle an ax, and few men could shoot with a rifle better than he. he was his father's helper in all kinds of work. it was in november when the family came to the place which was to be their future home. winter was near at hand. there was no house, nor shelter of any kind. what would become of the patient, tired mother, and the gentle little sister, who had borne themselves so bravely during the long, hard journey? no sooner had the horses been loosed from the wagon than abraham and his father were at work with their axes. in a short time they had built what they called a "camp." this camp was but a rude shed, made of poles and thatched with leaves and branches. it was enclosed on three sides, so that the chill winds or the driving rains from the north and west could not enter. the fourth side was left open, and in front of it a fire was built. this fire was kept burning all the time. it warmed the interior of the camp. a big iron kettle was hung over it by means of a chain and pole, and in this kettle the fat bacon, the venison, the beans, and the corn were boiled for the family's dinner and supper. in the hot ashes the good mother baked luscious "corn dodgers," and sometimes, perhaps, a few potatoes. in one end of the camp were the few cooking utensils and little articles of furniture which even the poorest house cannot do without. the rest of the space was the family sitting-room and bed-room. the floor was covered with leaves, and on these were spread the furry skins of deer and bears, and other animals. it was in this camp that the family spent their first winter in indiana. how very cold and dreary that winter must have been! think of the stormy nights, of the shrieking wind, of the snow and the sleet and the bitter frost! it is not much wonder if, before the spring months came, the mother's strength began to fail. but it was a busy winter for thomas lincoln. every day his ax was heard in the woods. he was clearing the ground, so that in the spring it might be planted with corn and vegetables. he was hewing logs for his new house; for he had made up his mind, now, to have something better than a cabin. the woods were full of wild animals. it was easy for abraham and his father to kill plenty of game, and thus keep the family supplied with fresh meat. and abraham, with chopping and hewing and hunting and trapping, was very busy for a little boy. he had but little time to play; and, since he had no playmates, we cannot know whether he even wanted to play. with his mother, he read over and over the bible stories which both of them loved so well. and, during the cold, stormy days, when he could not leave the camp, his mother taught him how to write. in the spring the new house was raised. it was only a hewed log house, with one room below and a loft above. but it was so much better than the old cabin in kentucky that it seemed like a palace. the family had become so tired of living in the "camp," that they moved into the new house before the floor was laid, or any door hung at the doorway. then came the plowing and the planting and the hoeing. everybody was busy from daylight to dark. there were so many trees and stumps that there was but little room for the corn to grow. the summer passed, and autumn came. then the poor mother's strength gave out. she could no longer go about her household duties. she had to depend more and more upon the help that her children could give her. at length she became too feeble to leave her bed. she called her boy to her side. she put her arms about him and said: "abraham, i am going away from you, and you will never see me again. i know that you will always be good and kind to your sister and father. try to live as i have taught you, and to love your heavenly father." on the th of october she fell asleep, never to wake again. under a big sycamore tree, half a mile from the house, the neighbors dug the grave for the mother of abraham lincoln. and there they buried her in silence and great sorrow. there was no minister there to conduct religious services. in all that new country there was no church; and no holy man could be found to speak words of comfort and hope to the grieving ones around the grave. but the boy, abraham, remembered a traveling preacher, whom they had known in kentucky. the name of this preacher was david elkin. if he would only come! and so, after all was over, the lad sat down and wrote a letter to david elkin. he was only a child nine years old, but he believed that the good man would remember his poor mother, and come. it was no easy task to write a letter. paper and ink were not things of common use, as they are with us. a pen had to be made from the quill of a goose. but at last the letter was finished and sent away. how it was carried i do not know; for the mails were few and far between in those days, and postage was very high. it is more than likely that some friend, who was going into kentucky, undertook to have it finally handed to the good preacher. months passed. the leaves were again on the trees. the wild flowers were blossoming in the woods. at last the preacher came. he had ridden a hundred miles on horseback; he had forded rivers, and traveled through pathless woods; he had dared the dangers of the wild forest: all in answer to the lad's beseeching letter. he had no hope of reward, save that which is given to every man who does his duty. he did not know that there would come a time when the greatest preachers in the world would envy him his sad task. and now the friends and neighbors gathered again under the great sycamore tree. the funeral sermon was preached. hymns were sung. a prayer was offered. words of comfort and sympathy were spoken. from that time forward the mind of abraham lincoln was filled with a high and noble purpose. in his earliest childhood his mother had taught him to love truth and justice, to be honest and upright among men, and to reverence god. these lessons he never forgot. long afterward, when the world had come to know him as a very great man, he said: "all that i am, or hope to be, i owe to my angel mother." * * * * * iii.--the new mother. the log house, which abraham lincoln called his home, was now more lonely and cheerless than before. the sunlight of his mother's presence had gone out of it forever. his sister sarah, twelve years old, was the housekeeper and cook. his father had not yet found time to lay a floor in the house, or to hang a door. there were great crevices between the logs, through which the wind and the rain drifted on every stormy day. there was not much comfort in such a house. but the lad was never idle. in the long winter days, when there was no work to be done, he spent the time in reading or in trying to improve his writing. there were very few books in the cabins of that backwoods settlement. but if abraham lincoln heard of one, he could not rest till he had borrowed it and read it. another summer passed, and then another winter. then, one day, mr. lincoln went on a visit to kentucky, leaving his two children and their cousin, dennis hanks, at home to care for the house and the farm. i do not know how long he stayed away, but it could not have been many weeks. one evening, the children were surprised to see a four-horse wagon draw up before the door. their father was in the wagon; and by his side was a kind-faced woman; and, sitting on the straw at the bottom of the wagon-bed, there were three well-dressed children--two girls and a boy. and there were some grand things in the wagon, too. there were six split-bottomed chairs, a bureau with drawers, a wooden chest, and a feather bed. all these things were very wonderful to the lad and lassie who had never known the use of such luxuries. "abraham and sarah," said mr. lincoln, as he leaped from the wagon, "i have brought you a new mother and a new brother and two new sisters." the new mother greeted them very kindly, and, no doubt, looked with gentle pity upon them. they were barefooted; their scant clothing was little more than rags and tatters; they did not look much like her own happy children, whom she had cared for so well. and now it was not long until a great change was made in the lincoln home. a floor was laid, a door was hung, a window was made, the crevices between the logs were daubed with clay. the house was furnished in fine style, with the chairs and the bureau and the feather bed. the kind, new mother brought sunshine and hope into the place that had once been so cheerless. with the young lad, dennis hanks, there were now six children in the family. but all were treated with the same kindness; all had the same motherly care. and so, in the midst of much hard work, there were many pleasant days for them all. * * * * * iv.--school and books. not very long after this, the people of the neighborhood made up their minds that they must have a school-house. and so, one day after harvest, the men met together and chopped down trees, and built a little low-roofed log cabin to serve for that purpose. if you could see that cabin you would think it a queer kind of school-house. there was no floor. there was only one window, and in it were strips of greased paper pasted across, instead of glass. there were no desks, but only rough benches made of logs split in halves. in one end of the room was a huge fireplace; at the other end was the low doorway. the first teacher was a man whose name was azel dorsey. the term of school was very short; for the settlers could not afford to pay him much. it was in mid-winter, for then there was no work for the big boys to do at home. and the big boys, as well as the girls and the smaller boys, for miles around, came in to learn what they could from azel dorsey. the most of the children studied only spelling; but some of the larger ones learned reading and writing and arithmetic. there were not very many scholars, for the houses in that new settlement were few and far apart. school began at an early hour in the morning, and did not close until the sun was down. just how abraham lincoln stood in his classes i do not know; but i must believe that he studied hard and did everything as well as he could. in the arithmetic which he used, he wrote these lines: "abraham lincoln, his hand and pen, he will be good, but god knows when." in a few weeks, azel dorsey's school came to a close; and abraham lincoln was again as busy as ever about his father's farm. after that he attended school only two or three short terms. if all his school-days were put together they would not make a twelve-month. but he kept on reading and studying at home. his step-mother said of him: "he read everything he could lay his hands on. when he came across a passage that struck him, he would write it down on boards, if he had no paper, and keep it until he had got paper. then he would copy it, look at it, commit it to memory, and repeat it." among the books that he read were the bible, the _pilgrims progress_, and the poems of robert burns. one day he walked a long distance to borrow a book of a farmer. this book was weems's _life of washington_. he read as much as he could while walking home. by that time it was dark, and so he sat down by the chimney and read by firelight until bedtime. then he took the book to bed with him in the loft, and read by the light of a tallow candle. in an hour the candle burned out. he laid the book in a crevice between two of the logs of the cabin, so that he might begin reading again as soon as it was daylight. but in the night a storm came up. the rain was blown in, and the book was wet through and through. in the morning, when abraham awoke, he saw what had happened. he dried the leaves as well as he could, and then finished reading the book. as soon as he had eaten his breakfast, he hurried to carry the book to its owner. he explained how the accident had happened. "mr. crawford," he said, "i am willing to pay you for the book. i have no money; but, if you will let me, i will work for you until i have made its price." mr. crawford thought that the book was worth seventy-five cents, and that abraham's work would be worth about twenty-five cents a day. and so the lad helped the farmer gather corn for three days, and thus became the owner of the delightful book. he read the story of washington many times over. he carried the book with him to the field, and read it while he was following the plow. from that time, washington was the one great hero whom he admired. why could not he model his own life after that of washington? why could not he also be a doer of great things for his country? * * * * * v.--life in the backwoods. abraham lincoln now set to work with a will to educate himself. his father thought that he did not need to learn anything more. he did not see that there was any good in book-learning. if a man could read and write and cipher, what more was needed? but the good step-mother thought differently; and when another short term of school began in the little log school-house, all six of the children from the lincoln cabin were among the scholars. in a few weeks, however, the school had closed; and the three boys were again hard at work, chopping and grubbing in mr. lincoln's clearings. they were good-natured, jolly young fellows, and they lightened their labor with many a joke and playful prank. many were the droll stories with which abraham amused his two companions. many were the puzzling questions that he asked. sometimes in the evening, with the other five children around him, he would declaim some piece that he had learned; or he would deliver a speech of his own on some subject of common interest. if you could see him as he then appeared, you would hardly think that such a boy would ever become one of the most famous men of history. on his head he wore a cap made from the skin of a squirrel or a raccoon. instead of trousers of cloth, he wore buckskin breeches, the legs of which were many inches too short. his shirt was of deerskin in the winter, and of homespun tow in the summer. stockings he had none. his shoes were of heavy cowhide, and were worn only on sundays or in very cold weather. the family lived in such a way as to need very little money. their bread was made of corn meal. their meat was chiefly the flesh of wild game found in the forest. pewter plates and wooden trenchers were used on the table. the tea and coffee cups were of painted tin. there was no stove, and all the cooking was done on the hearth of the big fireplace. but poverty was no hindrance to abraham lincoln. he kept on with his reading and his studies as best he could. sometimes he would go to the little village of gentryville, near by, to spend an evening. he would tell so many jokes and so many funny stories, that all the people would gather round him to listen. when he was sixteen years old he went one day to booneville, fifteen miles away, to attend a trial in court. he had never been in court before. he listened with great attention to all that was said. when the lawyer for the defense made his speech, the youth was so full of delight that he could not contain himself. he arose from his seat, walked across the courtroom, and shook hands with the lawyer. "that was the best speech i ever heard," he said. he was tall and very slim; he was dressed in a jeans coat and buckskin trousers; his feet were bare. it must have been a strange sight to see him thus complimenting an old and practiced lawyer. from that time, one ambition seemed to fill his mind. he wanted to be a lawyer and make great speeches in court. he walked twelve miles barefooted, to borrow a copy of the laws of indiana. day and night he read and studied. "some day i shall be president of the united states," he said to some of his young friends. and this he said not as a joke, but in the firm belief that it would prove to be true. * * * * * vi.--the boatman. one of thomas lincoln's friends owned a ferry-boat on the ohio river. it was nothing but a small rowboat, and would carry only three or four people at a time. this man wanted to employ some one to take care of his boat and to ferry people across the river. thomas lincoln was in need of money; and so he arranged with his friend for abraham to do this work. the wages of the young man were to be $ . a week. but all the money was to be his father's. one day two strangers came to the landing. they wanted to take passage on a steamboat that was coming down the river. the ferry-boy signalled to the steamboat and it stopped in midstream. then the boy rowed out with the two passengers, and they were taken on board. just as he was turning towards the shore again, each of the strangers tossed a half-dollar into his boat. he picked the silver up and looked at it. ah, how rich he felt! he had never had so much money at one time. and he had gotten all for a few minutes' labor! when winter came on, there were fewer people who wanted to cross the river. so, at last, the ferry-boat was tied up, and abraham lincoln went back to his father's home. he was now nineteen years old. he was very tall--nearly six feet four inches in height. he was as strong as a young giant. he could jump higher and farther, and he could run faster, than any of his fellows; and there was no one, far or near, who could lay him on his back. although he had always lived in a community of rude, rough people, he had no bad habits. he used no tobacco; he did not drink strong liquor; no profane word ever passed his lips. he was good-natured at all times, and kind to every one. during that winter, mr. gentry, the storekeeper in the village, had bought a good deal of corn and pork. he intended, in the spring, to load this on a flatboat and send it down the river to new orleans. in looking about for a captain to take charge of the boat, he happened to think of abraham lincoln. he knew that he could trust the young man. and so a bargain was soon made. abraham agreed to pilot the boat to new orleans and to market the produce there; and mr. gentry was to pay his father eight dollars and a half a month for his services. as soon as the ice had well melted from the river, the voyage was begun. besides captain lincoln there was only one man in the crew, and that was a son of mr. gentry's. the voyage was a long and weary one, but at last the two boatmen reached the great southern city. here they saw many strange things of which they had never heard before. but they soon sold their cargo and boat, and then returned home on a steamboat. to abraham lincoln the world was now very different from what it had seemed before. he longed to be away from the narrow life in the woods of spencer county. he longed to be doing something for himself--to be making for himself a fortune and a name. but then he remembered his mother's teachings when he sat on her knee in the old kentucky home, "always do right." he remembered her last words, "i know you will be kind to your father." and so he resolved to stay with his father, to work for him, and to give him all his earnings until he was twenty-one years old. * * * * * vii.--the first years in illinois. early in the spring of , thomas lincoln sold his farm in indiana, and the whole family moved to illinois. the household goods were put in a wagon drawn by four yoke of oxen. the kind step-mother and her daughters rode also in the wagon. abraham lincoln, with a long whip in his hand, trudged through the mud by the side of the road and guided the oxen. who that saw him thus going into illinois would have dreamed that he would in time become that state's greatest citizen? the journey was a long and hard one; but in two weeks they reached decatur, where they had decided to make their new home. abraham lincoln was now over twenty-one years old. he was his own man. but he stayed with his father that spring. he helped him fence his land; he helped him plant his corn. but his father had no money to give him. the young man's clothing was all worn out, and he had nothing with which to buy any more. what should he do? three miles from his father's cabin there lived a thrifty woman, whose name was nancy miller. mrs. miller owned a flock of sheep, and in her house there were a spinning-wheel and a loom that were always busy. and so you must know that she wove a great deal of jeans and home-made cloth. abraham lincoln bargained with this woman to make him a pair of trousers. he agreed that for each yard of cloth required, he would split for her four hundred rails. he had to split fourteen hundred rails in all; but he worked so fast that he had finished them before the trousers were ready. the next april saw young lincoln piloting another flatboat down the mississippi to new orleans. his companion this time was his mother's relative, john hanks. this time he stayed longer in new orleans, and he saw some things which he had barely noticed on his first trip. he saw gangs of slaves being driven through the streets. he visited the slave-market, and saw women and girls sold to the highest bidder like so many cattle. the young man, who would not be unkind to any living being, was shocked by these sights. "his heart bled; he was mad, thoughtful, sad, and depressed." he said to john hanks, "if i ever get a chance to hit that institution, i'll hit it hard, john." he came back from new orleans in july. mr. offut, the owner of the flatboat which he had taken down, then employed him to act as clerk in a country store which he had at new salem. new salem was a little town not far from springfield. young lincoln was a good salesman, and all the customers liked him. mr. offut declared that the young man knew more than anyone else in the united states, and that he could outrun and outwrestle any man in the county. but in the spring of the next year mr. offut failed. the store was closed, and abraham lincoln was out of employment again. * * * * * viii.--the black hawk war. there were still a good many indians in the west. the sac indians had lately sold their lands in northern illinois to the united states. they had then moved across the mississippi river, to other lands that had been set apart for them. but they did not like their new home. at last they made up their minds to go back to their former hunting-grounds. they were led by a chief whose name was black hawk; and they began by killing the white settlers and burning their houses and crops. this was in the spring of . the whole state of illinois was in alarm. the governor called for volunteers to help the united states soldiers drive the indians back. abraham lincoln enlisted. his company elected him captain. he did not know anything about military tactics. he did not know how to give orders to his men. but he did the best that he could, and learned a great deal by experience. his company marched northward and westward until they came to the mississippi river. but they did not meet any indians, and so there was no fighting. the young men under captain lincoln were rude fellows from the prairies and backwoods. they were rough in their manners, and hard to control. but they had very high respect for their captain. perhaps this was because of his great strength, and his skill in wrestling; for he could put the roughest and strongest of them on their backs. perhaps it was because he was good-natured and kind, and, at the same time, very firm and decisive. in a few weeks the time for which the company had enlisted came to an end. the young men were tired of being soldiers; and so all, except captain lincoln and one man, were glad to hurry home. but captain lincoln never gave up anything half done. he enlisted again. this time he was a private in a company of mounted rangers. the main camp of the volunteers and soldiers was on the banks of the rock river, in northern illinois. here, one day, abraham lincoln saw a young lieutenant of the united states army, whose name was jefferson davis. it is not likely that the fine young officer noticed the rough-clad ranger; but they were to know more of each other at a future time. three weeks after that the war was at an end. the indians had been beaten in a battle, and black hawk had been taken prisoner. but abraham lincoln had not been in any fight. he had not seen any indians, except peaceable ones. in june his company was mustered out, and he returned home to new salem. he was then twenty-three years old. * * * * * ix.--in the legislature. when abraham lincoln came back to new salem it was nearly time for the state election. the people of the town and neighborhood wanted to send him to the legislature, and he agreed to be a candidate. it was at pappsville, twelve miles from springfield, that he made his first campaign speech. he said: "gentlemen and fellow-citizens-- "i presume you all know who i am. "i am humble abraham lincoln. i have been solicited by my friends to become a candidate for the legislature. "my politics are short and sweet. "i am in favor of a national bank; am in favor of the internal improvement system, and a high protective tariff. "these are my sentiments and political principles. if elected, i shall be thankful; if not, it will be all the same." he was a tall, gawky, rough-looking fellow. he was dressed in a coarse suit of homespun, much the worse for wear. a few days after that, he made a longer and better speech at springfield. but he was not elected. about this time a worthless fellow, whose name was berry, persuaded mr. lincoln to help him buy a store in new salem. mr. lincoln had no money, but he gave his notes for the value of half the goods. the venture was not a profitable one. in a few months the store was sold; but abraham did not receive a dollar for it. it was six years before he was able to pay off the notes which he had given. during all this time mr. lincoln did not give up the idea of being a lawyer. he bought a second-hand copy of _blackstone's commentaries_ at auction. he studied it so diligently that in a few weeks he had mastered the whole of it. he bought an old form-book, and began to draw up contracts, deeds, and all kinds of legal papers. he would often walk to springfield, fourteen miles away, to borrow a book; and he would master thirty or forty pages of it while returning home. soon he began to practice in a small way before justices of the peace and country juries. he was appointed postmaster at new salem, but so little mail came to the place that the office was soon discontinued. he was nearly twenty-five years old. but, with all his industry, he could hardly earn money enough to pay for his board and clothing. he had learned a little about surveying while living in indiana. he now took up the study again, and was soon appointed deputy surveyor of sangamon county. he was very skilful as a surveyor. although his chain was only a grape-vine, he was very accurate and never made mistakes. the next year he was again a candidate for the legislature. this time the people were ready to vote for him, and he was elected. it was no small thing for so young a man to be chosen to help make the laws of his state. no man ever had fewer advantages than abraham lincoln. as a boy, he was the poorest of the poor. no rich friend held out a helping hand. but see what he had already accomplished by pluck, perseverance, and honesty! he had not had access to many books, but he knew books better than most men of his age. he knew the bible by heart; he was familiar with shakespeare; he could repeat nearly all the poems of burns; he knew much about physics and mechanics; he had mastered the elements of law. he was very awkward and far from handsome, but he was so modest, so unselfish and kind, that every one who knew him liked him. he was a true gentleman--a gentleman at heart, if not in outside polish. and so, as i have already said, abraham lincoln, at the age of twenty-five, was elected to the state legislature. he served the people so well that when his term closed, two years later, they sent him back for another term. the capital of illinois had, up to this time, been at vandalia. mr. lincoln and his friends now succeeded in having a law passed to remove it to springfield. springfield was nearer to the centre of the state; it was more convenient to everybody, and had other advantages which vandalia did not have. the people of springfield were so delighted that they urged mr. lincoln to come there and practice law. an older lawyer, whose name was john t. stuart, and who had a good practice, offered to take him in partnership with him. and so, in , abraham lincoln left new salem and removed to springfield. he did not have much to move. all the goods that he had in the world were a few clothes, which he carried in a pair of saddle-bags, and two or three law books. he had no money, and he rode into springfield on a borrowed horse. he was then twenty-eight years old. from that time on, springfield was his home. * * * * * x.--politics and marriage. the next year after his removal to springfield, mr. lincoln was elected to the legislature for the third time. there were then, in this country, two great political parties, the democrats and the whigs. mr. lincoln was a whig, and he soon became the leader of his party in the state. but the whigs were not so strong as the democrats. the legislature was in session only a few weeks each year; and so mr. lincoln could devote all the rest of the time to the practice of law. there were many able lawyers in illinois; but abe lincoln of springfield soon made himself known among the best of them. in , he was again elected to the legislature. this was the year in which general william h. harrison was elected president of the united states. general harrison was a whig; and mr. lincoln's name was on the whig ticket as a candidate for presidential elector in his state. the presidential campaign was one of the most exciting that had ever been known. it was called the "log cabin" campaign, because general harrison had lived in a log cabin, and his opponents had sneered at his poverty. in the east as well as in the west, the excitement was very great. in every city and town and village, wherever there was a political meeting, a log cabin was seen. on one side of the low door hung a long-handled gourd; on the other side, a coon-skin was nailed to the logs, the blue smoke curled up from the top of the stick-and-clay chimney. you may believe that abraham lincoln went into this campaign with all his heart. he traveled over a part of the state, making stump-speeches for his party. one of his ablest opponents was a young lawyer, not quite his own age, whose name was stephen a. douglas. in many places, during this campaign, lincoln and douglas met in public debate upon the questions of the day. and both of them were so shrewd, so well informed, and so eloquent, that those who heard them were unable to decide which was the greater of the two. general harrison was elected, but not through the help of mr. lincoln; for the vote of illinois that year was for the democratic candidate. in , when he was thirty-three years old, mr. lincoln was married to miss mary todd, a young lady from kentucky, who had lately come to springfield on a visit. [illustration: log cabin (no caption)] [illustration: monument at springfield.] [illustration: residence at springfield.] for some time after their marriage, mr. and mrs. lincoln lived in a hotel called the "globe tavern," paying four dollars a week for rooms and board. but, in , mr. lincoln bought a small, but comfortable frame house, and in this they lived until they went to the white house, seventeen years later. although he had been successful as a young lawyer, mr. lincoln was still a poor man. but mrs. lincoln said: "i would rather have a good man, a man of mind, with bright prospects for success and power and fame, than marry one with all the horses and houses and gold in the world." * * * * * xi.--congressman and lawyer. in , mr. lincoln was again elected to the legislature. in the following year the people of his district chose him to be their representative in congress. he took his seat in december. he was then thirty-nine years old. he was the only whig from illinois. there were many famous men in congress at that time. mr. lincoln's life-long rival, stephen a. douglas, was one of the senators from illinois. he had already served a term or two in the house of representatives. daniel webster was also in the senate; and so was john c. calhoun; and so was jefferson davis. mr. lincoln took an active interest in all the subjects that came before congress. he made many speeches. but, perhaps, the most important thing that he did at this time was to propose a bill for the abolition of the slave-trade in the city of washington. he believed that slavery was unjust to the slave and harmful to the nation. he wanted to do what he could to keep it from becoming a still greater evil. but the bill was opposed so strongly that it was not even voted upon. after the close of mr. lincoln's term in congress, he hoped that president taylor, who was a whig, might appoint him to a good office. but in this he was disappointed. and so, in , he returned to his home in springfield, and again settled down to the practice of law. he was then forty years old. considering the poverty of his youth, he had done great things for himself. but he had not done much for his country. outside of his own state his name was still unknown. his life for the next few years was like that of any other successful lawyer in the newly-settled west. he had a large practice, but his fees were very small. his income from his profession was seldom more than $ , a year. his habits were very simple. he lived comfortably and respectably. in his modest little home there was an air of order and refinement, but no show of luxury. no matter where he might go, mr. lincoln would have been known as a western man. he was six feet four inches in height. his face was very homely, but very kind. he was cordial and friendly in his manners. there was something about him which made everybody feel that he was a sincere, truthful, upright man. he was known among his neighbors as "honest abe lincoln." * * * * * xii.--the question of slavery. the great subject before the country at this time was skivery. it had been the cause of trouble for many years. in the early settlement of the american colonies, slavery had been introduced through the influence of the english government. the first slaves had been brought to virginia nearly years before the time of which i am telling you. many people saw from the beginning that it was an evil which would at some distant day bring disaster upon the country. in , the people of virginia petitioned the king of england to put a stop to the bringing of slaves from africa into that colony. but the petition was rejected; and the king forbade them to speak of the matter any more. washington, jefferson, and other founders of our nation looked upon slavery as an evil. they hoped that the time might come when it would be done away with; for they knew that the country would prosper better without it. at the time of the revolution, slavery was permitted in all the states. but it was gradually abolished, first in pennsylvania and then in the new england states, and afterwards in new york. in , a law was passed by congress declaring that there should be no slavery in the territory northwest of the river ohio. this was the territory from which the states of ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, and wisconsin were formed; and so, of course, these states were free states from the beginning. the great industry of the south was cotton-raising. the people of the southern states claimed that slavery was necessary, because only negro slaves could do the work required on the big cotton plantations. kentucky, tennessee, alabama, mississippi, and louisiana were admitted, one by one, into the union; and all were slave states. in , missouri applied for admission into the union. the south wanted slavery in this state also, but the north objected. there were many hot debate's in congress over this question. at last, through the influence of henry clay, the dispute was settled by what has since been known as the missouri compromise. the missouri compromise provided that missouri should be a slave state; this was to satisfy the south. on the other hand, it declared that all the western territory north of the line which formed the southern boundary of missouri, should forever be free; this was to appease the north. but the cotton planters of the south grew more wealthy by the labor of their slaves. more territory was needed for the extension of slavery. texas joined the united states and became a slave state. then followed a war with mexico; and california, new mexico and utah were taken from that country. should slavery be allowed in these new territories also? at this time a new political party was formed. it was called the "free soil party," and the principle for which it contended was this: "_no more slave states and no slave territory_." this party was not very strong at first, but soon large numbers of whigs and many northern democrats, who did not believe in the extension of slavery, began to join it. although the whig party refused to take any position against the extension of slavery, there were many anti-slavery whigs who still remained with it and voted the whig ticket--and one of these men was abraham lincoln. the contest between freedom and slavery became more fierce every day. at last another compromise was proposed by henry clay. this compromise provided that california should be admitted as a free state; that slavery should not be prohibited in new mexico and utah; that there should be no more markets for slaves in the district of columbia; and that a new and very strict fugitive-slave law should be passed. this compromise is called the "compromise of ." it was in support of these measures that daniel webster made his last great speech. it was hoped by webster and clay that the compromise of would put an end to the agitation about slavery. "now we shall have peace," they said. but the agitation became stronger and stronger, and peace seemed farther away than ever before. in , a bill was passed by congress to organize the territories of kansas and nebraska. this bill provided that the missouri compromise should be repealed, and that the question of slavery in these territories should be decided by the people living in them. the bill was passed through the influence of stephen a. douglas of illinois. there was now no bar to the extension of slavery into any of the territories save that of public opinion. the excitement all over the north was very great. in kansas there was actual war between those who favored slavery and those who opposed it. thinking men in all parts of the country saw that a great crisis was at hand. * * * * * xiii.--lincoln and douglas. it was then that abraham lincoln came forward as the champion of freedom. stephen a. douglas was a candidate for reelection to the senate, and he found it necessary to defend himself before the people of his state for the part he had taken in repealing the missouri compromise. he went from one city to another, making speeches; and at each place abraham lincoln met him in joint debate. "i do not care whether slavery is voted into or out of the territories," said mr. douglas. "the question of slavery is one of climate. wherever it is to the interest of the inhabitants of a territory to have slave property, there a slave law will be enacted." but mr. lincoln replied, "the men who signed the declaration of independence said that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights--life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.... i beseech you, do not destroy that immortal emblem of humanity, the declaration of independence." at last, mr. douglas felt that he was beaten. he proposed that both should go home, and that there should be no more joint discussions. mr. lincoln agreed to this; but the words which he had spoken sank deep into the hearts of those who heard them. the speeches of lincoln and douglas were printed in a book. people in all parts of the country read them. they had heard much about stephen a. douglas. he was called "the little giant." he had long been famous among the politicians of the country. it was believed that he would be the next president of the united states. but who was this man lincoln, who had so bravely vanquished the little giant? he was called "honest abe." there were few people outside of his state who had ever heard of him before. mr. douglas returned to his seat in the united states senate. mr. lincoln became the acknowledged edged leader of the forces opposed to the extension of slavery. in may, , a convention of the people of illinois was held in bloomington, illinois. it met for the purpose of forming a new political party, the chief object and aim of which should be to oppose the extension of slavery into the territories. mr. lincoln made a speech to the members of this convention. it was one of the greatest speeches ever heard in this country. "again and again, during the delivery, the audience sprang to their feet, and, by long-continued cheers, expressed how deeply the speaker had roused them." and so the new party was organized. it was composed of the men who had formed the old free soil party, together with such whigs and democrats as were opposed to the further growth of the slave power. but the greater number of its members were whigs. this new party was called the republican party. in june, the republican party held a national convention at philadelphia, and nominated john c. frémont for president. but the party was not strong enough to carry the election that year. in that same month the democrats held a convention at cincinnati. every effort was made to nominate stephen a. douglas for president. but he was beaten in his own party, on account of the action which he had taken in the repeal of the missouri compromise. james buchanan was nominated in his stead, and, in november, was elected. and so the conflict went on. in the year there was another series of joint debates between lincoln and douglas. both were candidates for the united states senate. their speeches were among the most remarkable ever delivered in any country. lincoln spoke for liberty and justice. douglas's speeches were full of fire and patriotism. he hoped to be elected president in . in the end, it was generally acknowledged that lincoln had made the best arguments. but douglas was re-elected to the senate. * * * * * xiv.--president of the united states. in there were four candidates for the presidency. the great democratic party was divided into two branches. one branch nominated stephen a. douglas. the other branch, which included the larger number of the slave-owners of the south, nominated john c. breckinridge, of kentucky. the remnant of the old whig party, now called the "union party," nominated john bell, of tennessee. the republican party nominated abraham lincoln. in november came the election, and a majority of all the electors chosen were for lincoln. the people of the cotton-growing states believed that, by this election, the northern people intended to deprive them of their rights. they believed that the anti-slavery people intended to do much more than prevent the extension of slavery. they believed that the abolitionists were bent upon passing laws to deprive them of their slaves. wild rumors were circulated concerning the designs which the "black republicans," as they were called, had formed for their coercion and oppression. they declared that they would never submit. and so, in december, the people of south carolina met in convention, and declared that that state had seceded from the union--that they would no longer be citizens of the united states. one by one, six other states followed; and they united to form a new government, called the confederate states of america. it had long been held by the men of the south that a state had the right to withdraw from the union at any time. this was called the doctrine of states' rights. the confederate states at once chose jefferson davis for their president, and declared themselves free and independent. in february, mr. lincoln went to washington to be inaugurated. his enemies openly boasted that he should never reach that city alive; and a plot was formed to kill him on his passage through baltimore. but he took an earlier train than the one appointed, and arrived at the capital in safety. on the th of march he was inaugurated. in his address at that time he said: "in your hands, my dissatisfied countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. your government will not assail you. you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. you have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government; while i shall have the most solemn one to protect and defend it." the confederate states demanded that the government should give up all the forts, arsenals, and public property within their limits. this, president lincoln refused to do. he said that he could not admit that these states had withdrawn from the union, or that they could withdraw without the consent of the people of the united states, given in a national convention. and so, in april, the confederate guns were turned upon fort sumter in charleston harbor, and the war was begun. president lincoln issued a call for , men to serve in the army for three months; and both parties prepared for the great contest. it is not my purpose to give a history of that terrible war of four years. the question of slavery was now a secondary one. the men of one party were determined, at whatever hazard, to preserve the union. the men of the other party fought to defend their doctrine of states' rights, and to set up an independent government of their own. president lincoln was urged to use his power and declare all the slaves free. he answered: "my paramount object is to save the union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. "if i could save the union without freeing any slave, i would do it. if i could save it by freeing all the slaves, i would do it. if i could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, i would also do that." at last, however, when he saw that the success of the union arms depended upon his freeing the slaves, he decided to do so. on the st of january, , he issued a proclamation declaring that the slaves, in all the states or parts of states then in rebellion, should be free. by this proclamation, more than three millions of colored people were given their freedom. but the war still went on. it reached a turning point, however, at the battle of gettysburg, in july, that same year. from that time the cause of the confederate states was on the wane. little by little the patriots, who were struggling for the preservation of the union, prevailed. * * * * * xv.--the end of a great life. at the close of mr. lincoln's first term, he was again elected president of the united states. the war was still going on, but the union arms were now everywhere victorious. his second inaugural address was very short. he did not boast of any of his achievements; he did not rejoice over the defeat of his enemies. but he said: "with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as god gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." five weeks after that, on the th of april, , the confederate army surrendered, and the war was at an end. abraham lincoln's work was done. the th of april was good friday. on the evening of that day, mr. lincoln, with mrs. lincoln and two or three friends, visited ford's theatre in washington. at a few minutes past o'clock, an actor whose name was john wilkes booth, came into the box where mr. lincoln sat. no one saw him enter. he pointed a pistol at the president's head, and fired. he leaped down upon the stage, shouting "_sic semper tyrannis_! the south is avenged!" then he ran behind the scenes and out by the stage door. the president fell forward. his eyes closed. he neither saw, nor heard, nor felt anything that was taking place. kind arms carried him to a private house not far away. at twenty minutes past seven o'clock the next morning, those who watched beside him gave out the mournful news that abraham lincoln was dead. he was fifty-six years old. the whole nation wept for him. in the south as well as in the north, the people bowed themselves in grief. heartfelt tributes of sorrow came from other lands in all parts of the world. never, before nor since, has there been such universal mourning. such is the story of abraham lincoln. in the history of the world, there is no story more full of lessons of perseverance, of patience, of honor, of true nobility of purpose. among the great men of all time, there has been no one more truly great than he. [illustration] these volumes of the sponsors' edition of the authorized life of george washington by john marshall issued in its original format, but with the text of the revised edition, have been specially prepared for henry h. kimball [illustration: george washington _from the portrait by gilbert stuart_ _this canvas, valued at $ , , hangs in the masonic lodge rooms at fredericksburg, virginia. it is one of the several portraits of washington which the artist began executing in and which are the most famous of both artist and sitter. of our first president, this celebrated painter has also given us his interesting pen-picture of his subject: "all of his features were indications of the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forest, he would have been the fiercest man among the savage tribes."_] the life of george washington, commander in chief of the american forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the united states. compiled under the inspection of the honourable bushrod washington, from _original papers_ bequeathed to him by his deceased relative, and now in possession of the author. to which is prefixed, an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the english on the continent of north america, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. by john marshall. vol. iii. the citizens' guild of washington's boyhood home fredericksburg, va. printed in the u.s.a. [transcriber's note: in the original book, some proper names are spelled inconsistently. the inconsistencies have been preserved in this e-text. for the reader's information, the first of each of the following pairs of names is the correct spelling: wemys/wemyss, tarleton/tarlton; dundass/dundas; m'lane/m'clane; viominel/viominil.] contents chapter i. incursion into jersey.... general lacy surprised.... attempt on lafayette at barren hill.... general howe resigns the command of the british army.... is succeeded by sir h. clinton.... he evacuates philadelphia, and marches through the jerseys.... a council of war which decides against attacking the british on their march.... battle of monmouth.... general lee arrested.... sentenced to be suspended for one year.... thanks of congress to general washington and his army. chapter ii. count d'estaing arrives with a french fleet.... meditates an attack on the british fleet in new york harbour.... relinquishes it.... sails to rhode island.... lord howe appears off rhode island.... both fleets dispersed by a storm.... general sullivan lays siege to newport.... d'estaing returns.... sails for boston.... sullivan expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders.... raises the siege of newport.... action on rhode island.... the americans retreat to the continent.... count d'estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with sullivan in a letter to congress.... general washington labours successfully to heal these discontents.... lord howe resigns the command of the british fleet.... colonel baylor's regiment surprised.... captain donop defeated by colonel butler.... expedition of the british against egg harbour.... pulaski surprised. chapter iii. arrival of the british commissioners.... terms of conciliation proposed.... answer of congress to their propositions.... attempts of mr. johnson to bribe some members of congress.... his private letters ordered to be published.... manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifesto of congress.... arrival of monsieur girard, minister plenipotentiary of france.... hostilities of the indians.... irruption into the wyoming settlement.... battle of wyoming.... colonel dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.... distress of the settlement.... colonel clarke surprises st. vincent.... congress determines to invade canada.... general washington opposes the measure.... induces congress to abandon it. chapter iv. divisions in congress.... letters of general washington on the state of public affairs.... invasion of georgia.... general howe defeated by colonel campbell.... savannah taken.... sunbury surrenders.... georgia reduced.... general lincoln takes command of the southern army.... major gardener defeated by general moultrie.... insurrection of the tories in south carolina.... they are defeated by colonel pickens.... ash surprised and defeated.... moultrie retreats.... prevost marches to charleston.... lincoln attacks the british at stono ferry unsuccessfully.... invasion of virginia. chapter v. discontents in a part of the american army.... letter from general washington on the subject.... colonel van schaick destroys an indian settlement.... expedition against the indians meditated.... fort fayette surrendered to the british.... invasion of connecticut.... general wayne storms stony point.... expedition against penobscot.... powles hook surprised by major lee.... arrival of admiral arbuthnot.... of the count d'estaing.... siege of savannah.... unsuccessful attempt to storm that place.... siege raised.... victory of general sullivan at newtown.... spain offers her mediation to the belligerents.... declares war against england.... letter from general washington to congress respecting the annual formation of the army.... the army goes into winter quarters. chapter vi. south carolina invaded.... the british fleet passes the bar, and gets possession of the harbour of charleston.... opinion of general washington on the propriety of defending that place.... sir henry clinton invests the town.... tarleton surprises an american corps at monk's corner.... fort moultrie surrendered.... tarleton defeats colonel white.... general lincoln capitulates.... buford defeated.... arrangements for the government of south carolina and georgia.... sir henry clinton embarks for new york.... general gates takes command of the southern army.... is defeated near camden.... death of de kalb.... success of general sumpter.... he is defeated. chapter vii. distress in the american camp.... expedition against staten island.... requisitions on the states.... new scheme of finance.... committee of congress deputed to camp.... resolution to make up depreciation of pay.... mutiny in the line of connecticut.... general knyphausen enters jersey.... sir henry clinton returns to new york.... skirmish at springfield.... exertions to strengthen the army.... bank established in philadelphia.... contributions of the ladies.... farther proceedings of the states.... arrival of a french armament in rhode island.... changes in the quartermaster's department.... enterprise against new york abandoned.... naval superiority of the british. chapter viii. treason and escape of arnold.... trial and execution of major andré.... precautions for the security of west point.... letter of general washington on american affairs.... proceedings of congress respecting the army.... major talmadge destroys the british stores at coram.... the army retires into winter quarters.... irruption of major carleton into new york.... european transactions. chapter ix. transactions in south carolina and georgia.... defeat of ferguson.... lord cornwallis enters north carolina.... retreat out of that state.... major wemys defeated by sumpter.... tarleton repulsed.... greene appointed to the command of the southern army.... arrives in camp.... detaches morgan over the catawba.... battle of the cowpens.... lord cornwallis drives greene through north carolina into virginia.... he retires to hillsborough.... greene recrosses the dan.... loyalists under colonel pyle cut to pieces.... battle of guilford.... lord cornwallis retires to ramsay's mills.... to wilmington.... greene advances to ramsay's mills.... determines to enter south carolina.... lord cornwallis resolves to march to virginia. chapter x. virginia invaded by arnold.... he destroys the stores at westham and at richmond.... retires to portsmouth.... mutiny in the pennsylvania line.... sir h. clinton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers.... they compromise with the civil government.... mutiny in the jersey line.... mission of colonel laurens to france.... propositions to spain.... recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods.... reform in the executive departments.... confederation adopted.... military transactions.... lafayette detached to virginia.... cornwallis arrives.... presses lafayette.... expedition to charlottesville, to the point of fork.... lafayette forms a junction with wayne.... cornwallis retires to the lower country.... general washington's letters are intercepted.... action near jamestown. chapter xi. farther state of affairs in the beginning of the year .... measures of mr. morris, the superintendent of finances.... designs of general washington against new york.... count rochambeau marches to the north river.... intelligence from the count de grasse.... plan of operations against lord cornwallis.... naval engagement.... the combined armies march for the chesapeake.... yorktown invested.... surrender of lord cornwallis. the life of george washington chapter i. incursion into jersey.... general lacy surprised.... attempt on lafayette at barren hill.... general howe resigns the command of the british army.... is succeeded by sir h. clinton.... he evacuates philadelphia, and marches through the jerseys.... a council of war which decides against attacking the british on their march.... battle of monmouth.... general lee arrested.... sentenced to be suspended for one year.... thanks of congress to general washington and his army. [sidenote: ] the position at valley forge had been taken for the purposes of covering the country, protecting the magazines, and cutting off all supplies to philadelphia. although the intercourse of the inhabitants with that place could not be entirely prevented; the sufferings of the british army from the scarcity of fresh provisions and forage were considerable; and, as the spring opened, several expeditions were undertaken both to relieve their own wants, and to distress the army of the united states. about the middle of march, colonel mawhood and major simcoe, who were detached into jersey at the head of about twelve hundred men, landed at salem, nearly opposite reedy island, and dispersed the small bodies of militia who were stationed in that part of the country. [sidenote: march .] general washington had given early intelligence of this expedition to governor livingston; and had requested that he would immediately order out the militia to join colonel shreve, whose regiment was detached into jersey; but the legislature had neglected to make provision for paying them; and the governor could not bring them into the field. colonel shreve, on his arrival at haddonfield, the place at which they had been directed to assemble, found less than one hundred men. colonel ellis, their commanding officer, remarked, in a letter to the governor, that "without some standing force, little was to be expected from the militia, who, being alone not sufficient to prevent the incursions of the enemy, each one naturally consults his own safety, by not being found in arms." mawhood, of course, was unrestrained; and the devastation committed by his party was wantonly distressing. its course of destruction was preceded by a summons to colonel hand, the commanding officer of the militia, to lay down his arms, which was accompanied with a threat of the consequences to result from his refusal. this threat was too faithfully executed. after completing his forage, without molestation, mawhood returned to philadelphia. during the continuance of this incursion, which lasted six or seven days, not more than two hundred men could be collected to reinforce colonel shreve, who was consequently unable to effect any thing, and did not even march to the lower parts of jersey, which were plundered without restraint.[ ] [footnote : see note no. i. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: may .] not long after this incursion into jersey, an enterprise was undertaken against general lacy, who, with a small number of pennsylvania militia, seldom amounting to six hundred, and sometimes not exceeding fifty, watched the roads leading to philadelphia on the north side of the schuylkill, and was generally posted within twenty miles of that town. [sidenote: general lacy surprised.] this expedition was entrusted to colonel abercrombie and major simcoe, who avoided all the posts lacy had established for his security, and threw a body of troops into his rear before he discovered their approach. after a short resistance, he escaped with the loss of a few men killed, and all his baggage. his corps were entirely dispersed, and he was soon afterwards relieved by general potter. to maintain the command of the water as far as was practicable, congress had ordered impediments to be sunk in many of the rivers of common use, so as to obstruct the passage up them, and had constructed frigates, and other smaller vessels, to be employed above those impediments or elsewhere, as the occasion might require. several of them had been commenced above philadelphia, but were not completed when the british obtained the command of the river. general washington then became apprehensive for their safety, and repeatedly expressed his desire that they should be sunk in such a manner as to be weighed with difficulty, should any attempt be made to raise them. the persons, however, who were entrusted by congress with this business, supposed it would be equally secure to put plugs in their bottoms, which might be drawn out on the approach of danger. against these vessels, and some stores collected at bordentown, an expedition was planned which ended in their total destruction. general dickenson was in the neighbourhood, but his force was too small to interrupt the execution of the design; and general maxwell, who had been ordered to his assistance, was retarded in his march by a heavy rain, which did not obstruct the movement of the british, who passed up the river in vessels. [sidenote: may .] to cover the country more effectually on the north of the schuylkill, to form an advance guard for the security of the main army, and to be in readiness to annoy the rear of the enemy, should he evacuate philadelphia, an event believed to be in contemplation, general washington detached the marquis de lafayette, with more than two thousand choice troops, to take post near the lines. as this corps formed a very valuable part of the army, the commander-in-chief recommended in his instructions to general lafayette the utmost attention to its safety; and, particularly, to avoid any permanent station, as a long continuance in one position would facilitate the execution of measures which might be concerted against him. [sidenote: attempt on lafayette at barren hill.] the marquis crossed the schuylkill and took post near barren hill church, eight or ten miles in front of the army. immediate notice[ ] of his arrival was given to sir william howe, who reconnoitred his position, and formed a plan to surprise and cut him off. [footnote : general wilkinson, in his memoirs, says that this notice was given by a person formerly a lieutenant in proctor's regiment of artillery, who, disgusted at being discarded from the american service, became a spy to sir william howe; and, the better to fulfil his new engagements, kept up his acquaintance with his former comrades, and frequently visited the camp at valley forge. to avoid the suspicion which would be excited by his going into philadelphia, a rendezvous had been established on frankford creek, where he met a messenger from general howe, to whom his communications were delivered. this statement is certainly correct.] [sidenote: may .] on the night of the th of may, general grant with five thousand select troops, took the road which leads up the delaware, and consequently diverges from barren hill. after marching some distance, he inclined to the left, and passing white marsh, where several roads unite, took one leading to plymouth meeting-house, the position he was directed to occupy, something more than a mile in the rear of the marquis, between him and valley forge. he reached his point of destination rather before sunrise. here the roads fork; the one leading to the camp of lafayette, and the other to matron's ford over the schuylkill. in the course of the night, general gray, with a strong detachment, had advanced up the schuylkill on its south side, along the ridge road, and taken post at a ford two or three miles in front of the right flank of lafayette, while the residue of the army encamped on chestnut hill. captain m'clane, a vigilant partisan of great merit, was posted on the lines some distance in front of barren hill. in the course of the night, he fell in with two british grenadiers at three mile run, who informed him of the movement made by grant, and also that a large body of germans was getting ready to march up the schuylkill. immediately conjecturing the object, m'clane detached captain parr, with a company of riflemen across the country to wanderers hill, with orders to harass and retard the column advancing up the schuylkill, and hastened in person[ ] to the camp of lafayette. he arrived soon after daybreak, and communicated the intelligence he had received. it was, not long afterwards, confirmed by the fire of parr on the ridge road, and by an inhabitant who had escaped from white marsh as the british column passed that place.[ ] [footnote : extracts of letters from the adjutant general and the officer of the day to captain m'clane. _camp valley forge, may st, ._ dear captain,--i am happy you have with your brave little party conducted with so much honour to yourself. the marquis effected, owing to your vigilance, a glorious retreat as well as a difficult one. signed alex. scammell, _adj. gen._ _camp valley forge, may d, ._ dear captain,--i am pleased to hear you are still doing something to distinguish yourself in the eyes of your country. i have the pleasure to inform you that your conduct with the marquis has been very pleasing to his excellency and the whole army. i am your obedient servant, charles scott, _brig. gen. and officer of the day._] [footnote : the danger with which this detachment was threatened, was perceived from the camp at valley forge, soon after it had been communicated to lafayette. alarm-guns were fired to announce it to him, and the whole army was put under arms, to act as circumstances might require. it has been erroneously stated that general washington was unapprised of this movement of the british army until its object was defeated. the author was in camp at the time, saw the commander-in-chief, accompanied by his aids and some of the general officers ride, soon after sun-rise, to the summit of the hill on the side of which the huts were constructed, and look anxiously towards the scene of action through a glass. he witnessed too the joy with which they returned after the detachment had crossed the schuylkill.] thus surrounded with danger, lafayette took with promptitude and decision the only course which could preserve him. he instantly put his troops in motion, and passed over at matron's ford, which was rather nearer to general grant, than to himself, without being intercepted by that officer, or sustaining a greater loss than nine men. general grant, who reached the ground lately occupied by lafayette soon after it was abandoned, followed his rear, and appeared at the ford just after the americans had crossed it; but, finding them advantageously posted, did not choose to attack them; and the whole army returned to philadelphia, having effected nothing. he did not escape censure for having allowed the great advantage he had acquired, to slip through his hands unused. he might with the utmost certainty have reached matron's ford before the marquis, and have cut off the only retreat which remained for him. but the same skill and address were not displayed in executing this plan as in forming it.[ ] [footnote : it has been said that his troops were excessively fatigued by a march of upwards of twenty miles, and that he waited, confident that the marquis could not escape him, for information that gray had reached his position.] in the statement of this affair made by general lafayette, he represents himself to have advanced the head of a column towards grant, as if to attack him, while the rear filed off rapidly towards the schuylkill. this movement gained ground even for the front, which, while it advanced towards the enemy, also approached the river, and at the same time induced general grant to halt, in order to prepare for battle. while this manoeuvre was performing in the face of the detachment under grant, a small party was thrown into the church yard, on the road towards general gray, which also gave the appearance of an intention to attack in that quarter. by these dispositions, happily conceived, and executed with regularity, the marquis extricated himself from the destruction which had appeared almost inevitable. in a letter to congress, general washington termed it "a timely and handsome retreat," and certainly the compliment was merited. it might be supposed that this young nobleman had not displayed the same degree of military talent in guarding against the approach of danger, as in extricating himself from it. but the imputation which generally attaches to an officer who permits an enemy to pass unobserved into his rear, is removed by a circumstance stated by lafayette. the pennsylvania militia were posted on his left flank with orders to guard the roads about white marsh. without his knowledge, they changed their position, and retired into the rear, leaving that important pass open to the enemy. [sidenote: general howe resigns his command and returns to england; is succeeded by sir henry clinton.] this was the last enterprise attempted by sir william howe. he resigned the command of the army into the hands of sir henry clinton, and embarked for great britain. about the same time, orders were received for the evacuation of philadelphia. the part it was now evident france was about to take in the war, and the naval force which had been prepared by that power before she declared herself, rendered that city a dangerous position, and determined the administration to withdraw the army from the delaware. the preparations for this movement could not be made unobserved; but they indicated equally an embarkation of the whole army, or an intention to march to new york through jersey. the last was believed by the american chief to be most probable; and he made every exertion to take advantage of the movement. his detachments were called in, and the state governments were pressed to expedite the march of their levies. in the mean time sir henry clinton hastened his preparations for the evacuation of philadelphia; and the opinion that he intended to reach new york through jersey, gained ground. general maxwell, with the jersey brigade, was ordered over the delaware to take post at mount holly, and to join major general dickenson, who was assembling the militia of that state for the purpose of co-operating with the continental troops, in breaking down the bridges, felling trees in the roads, and otherwise embarrassing the march of the british general. [sidenote: june .] in this state of things intelligence was received that a great part of the british army had crossed the delaware, and that the residue would soon follow. the opinion of the general officers was required on the course now to be pursued. general lee, who had been lately exchanged, and whose experience gave great weight to his opinions, was vehement against risking either a general or partial engagement. the british army was computed at ten thousand effective men, and that of the americans amounted to between ten and eleven thousand. general lee was decidedly of opinion that, with such an equality of force, it would be "criminal" to hazard an action. he relied much on the advantageous ground on which their late foreign connexions had placed the united states, and contended that defeat alone could now endanger their independence. to this he said the army ought not to be exposed. it would be impossible he thought to bring on a partial action, without risking its being made general, should such be the choice of the enemy, since the detachment which might engage must be supported, or be cut to pieces. a general action ought not to be fought unless the advantage was manifestly with the american army. this at present was not the case. he attributed so much to the superior discipline of the enemy as to be of opinion that the issue of the engagement would be, almost certainly, unfavourable. general du portail, a french officer of considerable reputation, maintained the same opinions; and the baron de steuben concurred in them. the american officers seem to have been influenced by the councils of the europeans; and, of seventeen generals, only wayne and cadwallader were decidedly in favour of attacking the enemy. lafayette appeared inclined to that opinion without openly embracing it; and general greene was inclined to hazard more than the councils of the majority would sanction. the country, he thought, must be protected; and if, in doing so, an engagement should become unavoidable, it would be necessary to fight. [sidenote: the british army evacuate philadelphia and march through the jerseys.] on the morning of the th, philadelphia was evacuated;[ ] and, by two in the afternoon, all the british troops were encamped on the jersey shore, from cooper's creek to red bank. although they availed themselves to a great extent of the transportation by water, yet their line of march was so lengthened and encumbered by baggage, and the weather was so intensely hot, that they were under the necessity of proceeding slowly. indeed their movements wore the appearance of purposed delay; and were calculated to favour the opinion that sir henry clinton was willing to be overtaken, and wished for a general engagement. [footnote : as the british army moved down second street, captain m'lane, with a few light horse and one hundred infantry, entered the city, and cut off, and captured one captain, one provost marshal, one guide to the army, and thirty privates, without losing a man.] as his line of march, until he passed crosswicks, led directly up the delaware, general washington found it necessary to make an extensive circuit, and to cross the river at coryell's ferry; after which he kept possession of the high grounds in jersey, thereby retaining the choice of bringing on, or avoiding an action. [sidenote: june .] as sir henry clinton encamped at, and about, allentown, the main body of the american army lay in hopewell township, about five miles from princeton, major general dickenson, with about one thousand militia, and maxwell's brigade, hung on sir henry clinton's left flank. general cadwallader, with jackson's regiment and a few militia, was in his rear; and colonel morgan with a regiment of six hundred men watched his right. [sidenote: council of war called by general washington; decide against attacking the enemy on the march.] notwithstanding the almost concurrent opinion of his general officers against risking an action, washington appears to have been strongly inclined to that measure. he could not be persuaded that, with an army rather superior in point of numbers to his enemy, too much was hazarded by fighting him. the situation of the two armies was, therefore, once more submitted to the consideration of the general officers, who were asked whether it would be adviseable, of choice, to hazard a general action? and, if it would, whether it should be brought on by an immediate general attack, by a partial attack, or by taking such a position as must compel the enemy to become the assailants? if the council should be of opinion that it was unadviseable to hazard an engagement, then he asked what measures could be taken with safety to the army, to annoy the enemy in his march, should he proceed through the jerseys? the proposition respecting a general action was decidedly negatived. but it was proposed to strengthen the corps on the left flank of the enemy with a reinforcement of fifteen hundred men, and to preserve, with the main body of the army, a relative position which would enable it to act as circumstances might require. in pursuance of this opinion, the troops on the lines were strengthened with a detachment of fifteen hundred select men, commanded by general scott; and the army moved forward the next day to kingston. [sidenote: the opinion of the general against this decision.] [sidenote: june .] though the council had been almost unanimous against a general action, several officers, whose opinions were highly valued, secretly wished for something more than light skirmishing. knowing this, general washington, who was still in favour of an engagement, determined to take his measures on his own responsibility. as the british army moved towards monmouth court-house, he ordered brigadier general wayne, with an additional detachment of one thousand select men, to join the advanced corps. as the continental troops, now constituting the front division, amounted to at least four thousand men, he deemed it proper that they should be commanded by a major general. lee had a right to claim this tour of duty; but, as he had declared himself openly and strongly against hazarding even a partial engagement, and supposed that nothing further would be attempted than merely to reconnoitre the enemy, and restrain plundering parties, he showed no inclination to assert his claim. unintentionally promoting the private wishes of general washington, that the command should be given to an officer whose view of the service comported more with his own, lee yielded this important tour of duty to lafayette. the orders given to this general were, to proceed immediately with the detachment; and, after forming a junction with general scott, and taking command of the troops on the lines, to gain the enemy's left flank and rear; give him every practicable annoyance; and attack by detachment, or with his whole force, as the occasion might require. these dispositions and orders could scarcely fail to bring on an engagement. wayne had openly supported that measure; and lafayette, though against seeking a general action, had been in favour of a partial one. of consequence, should any proper occasion offer, he would certainly attack with his whole force, which would as certainly produce such a state of things as would render it proper to support him with the whole army. [sidenote: june .] immediately after the march of this detachment, general washington moved to cranberry, that he might be in readiness to support his front division. the intense heat of the weather; a heavy storm; and a temporary want of provisions, prevented the army from continuing its march that day. the advanced corps had pressed forward, and taken a position about five miles in rear of the british army, with the intention of attacking it next morning on its march. thinking this corps too remote to be supported in case of action, general washington ordered the marquis to file off by his left towards englishtown. these orders were executed early in the morning of the twenty-seventh. [sidenote: june .] lafayette had scarcely taken command of the advanced party, when general lee began to regret having yielded it to him. he perceived that, in the opinion of all the general officers, great importance was attached to it, and that his reputation was in danger of being impaired by connecting his strenuous opposition to even a partial action, with his declining the command of a very strong detachment, which, it was believed, would engage the rear of the enemy. he therefore solicited earnestly for the command he had before declined. to relieve the feelings of lee, without wounding those of lafayette, general washington detached him with two additional brigades to englishtown, to support the marquis. he would, of course, have the direction of the whole front division, which would now amount to five thousand continental troops; but it was expressly stipulated, that if any enterprise had been already formed by lafayette, it should be carried into execution, as if the commanding officer had not been changed. lee acceded to this condition; and, with two additional brigades, joined the front division of the army, encamped at englishtown. the rear division also moved forward, and encamped about three miles in his rear. morgan's corps still hovered on the right flank of the british, and general dickenson on their left. sir henry clinton occupied the high grounds about monmouth court-house, having his right flank in the skirt of a small wood, while his left was secured by a very thick one, and a morass running towards his rear. his whole front was also covered by a wood, and for a considerable distance towards his left, by a morass. this position seemed unassailable; and the british were within twelve miles of the high grounds about middletown, after reaching which they would be perfectly secure. under these circumstances, general washington ordered lee to attack the british rear the moment it should move from its ground. [sidenote: june .] about five in the morning, intelligence was received from general dickenson that the front of the enemy was in motion. the troops were immediately put under arms, and lee was ordered to attack the rear, "unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary." he was at the same time informed that the rear division would be on its march to support him. sir henry clinton had observed the appearances on his flanks and rear on the twenty-seventh; and, conjecturing that the american army was in his neighbourhood, had changed the order of his march. the baggage was placed under the care of general knyphausen, while the strength and flower of his army, entirely unincumbered, formed the rear division, under the particular command of lord cornwallis, who was accompanied by the commander-in-chief. to avoid pressing on knyphausen, cornwallis remained on his ground until about eight; and then, descending from the heights of freehold into an extensive plain, took up his line of march in rear of the front division.[ ] [footnote : letter of sir henry clinton.] general lee had made dispositions for executing the orders given the preceding evening, and repeated in the morning; and, soon after the british rear had moved from its ground, prepared to attack it. general dickenson had been directed to detach some of his best troops, to take such a position as to co-operate with him; and morgan was ordered to act on the right flank. lee appeared on the heights of freehold soon after lord cornwallis had left them; and, following the british into the plain, ordered general wayne to attack the rear of their covering party with sufficient vigour to check it, but not to press it so closely as either to force it up to the main body, or to draw reinforcements to its aid. in the mean time, he intended to gain the front of this party by a shorter road, and, intercepting its communication with the line, to bear it off before it could be assisted. [illustration: martha washington _from the portrait by gilbert stuart_ _after studying under benjamin west, the american painter who succeeded sir joshua reynolds as (second) president of the royal academy in london, gilbert stuart established a studio in philadelphia where he met and painted the first of his famous portraits of george washington. this one of martha washington, the best known likeness of her in existence, was painted in the city of washington, where the artist had a studio between and . she gave him several sittings at mount vernon._] while in the execution of this design, a gentleman in the _suite_ of general washington came up to gain intelligence; and lee communicated to him his present object. before he reached the point of destination, there was reason to believe that the british rear was much stronger than had been conjectured. the intelligence on this subject being contradictory, and the face of the country well calculated to conceal the truth, he deemed it adviseable to ascertain the fact himself. sir henry clinton, soon after the rear division was in full march, received intelligence that an american column had appeared on his left flank. this being a corps of militia was soon dispersed, and the march was continued. when his rear guard had descended from the heights, he saw it followed by a strong corps, soon after which a cannonade was commenced upon it; and, at the same time, a respectable force showed itself on each of his flanks. suspecting a design on his baggage, he determined to attack the troops in his rear so vigorously, as to compel a recall of those on his flanks; and, for this purpose, marched back his whole rear division. this movement was in progress as lee advanced for the purpose of reconnoitring. he soon perceived his mistake respecting the force of the british rear, but still determined to engage on that ground, although his judgment disapproved the measure; there being a morass immediately in his rear, which would necessarily impede the reinforcements which might be advancing to his aid, and embarrass his retreat should he be finally overpowered. this was about ten. while both armies were preparing for action, general scott (as stated by general lee) mistook an oblique march of an american column for a retreat; and, in the apprehension of being abandoned, left his position, and repassed the ravine in his rear. being himself of opinion that the ground was unfavourable, lee did not correct the error he ascribed to scott, but ordered the whole detachment to regain the heights. he was closely pressed, and some slight skirmishing ensued without much loss on either side. as soon as the firing announced the commencement of the action, the rear division of the army advanced rapidly to the support of the front. as they approached the scene of action, general washington, who had received no intelligence from lee giving notice of his retreat, rode forward, and, to his utter astonishment and mortification, met the advanced corps retiring before the enemy, without having made a single effort to maintain its ground. the troops he first saw neither understood the motives which had governed general lee, nor his present design; and could give no other information than that, by his orders, they had fled without fighting. general washington rode to the rear of the division, where he met general lee, to whom he spoke in terms of some warmth, implying disapprobation of his conduct. orders were immediately given to colonel stewart and lieutenant colonel ramsay to form their regiments for the purpose of checking the pursuit; and general lee was directed to take proper measures with the residue of his force to stop the british column on that ground. the commander-in-chief then rode back to arrange the rear division of the army. [sidenote: he attacks the enemy at monmouth court-house.] these orders were executed with firmness; and, when forced from his ground, lee brought off his troops in good order, and was directed to form in the rear of englishtown. this check afforded time to draw up the left wing and second line of the american army on an eminence, covered by a morass in front. lord stirling, who commanded the left wing, brought up a detachment of artillery under lieutenant colonel carrington, and some field pieces, which played with considerable effect on a division of the british which had passed the morass, and was pressing on to the charge. these pieces, with the aid of several parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the enemy. [sidenote: the action severe but not decisive.] finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the british attempted to turn the left flank of the american army, but were repulsed. they then attempted the right with as little success. general greene had advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of ground in his front, which not only disappointed the design of turning the right, but enfiladed the party which yet remained in front of the left wing. at this moment, general wayne was advanced with a body of infantry to engage them in front, who kept up so hot and well directed a fire, that they soon withdrew behind the ravine, to the ground on which the action had commenced immediately after the arrival of general washington.[ ] [footnote : general lafayette, in a communication made to the author respecting this battle, expresses himself thus: "never was general washington greater in war than in this action. his presence stopped the retreat. his dispositions fixed the victory. his fine appearance on horseback, his calm courage, roused by the animation produced by the vexation of the morning, (le depit de la matinée) gave him the air best calculated to excite enthusiasm."] the position now taken by the british army was very strong. both flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses; and their front was accessible only through a narrow pass. the day had been intensely hot, and the troops were much fatigued. notwithstanding these circumstances, general washington resolved to renew the engagement. for this purpose he ordered brigadier general poor, with his own and the north carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while woodford with his brigade should turn their left. at the same time the artillery was ordered to advance, and play on their front. these orders were obeyed with alacrity; but the impediments on the flanks of the british were so considerable that, before they could be overcome, it was nearly dark. farther operations were therefore deferred until next morning; and the brigades which had been detached to the flanks of the british army continued on their ground through the night, and the other troops lay on the field of battle with their arms in their hands. general washington passed the night in his cloak in the midst of his soldiers. the british employed the early part of the night in removing their wounded; and, about midnight, marched away in such silence that their retreat was not perceived until day. as it was certain that they must gain the high grounds about middletown before they could be overtaken; as the face of the country afforded no prospect of opposing their embarkation; and as the battle already fought had terminated in a manner to make a general impression favourable to the american arms; it was thought proper to relinquish the pursuit, leaving a detachment to hover about the british rear, the main body of the army moved towards the hudson. the commander-in-chief was highly gratified with the conduct of his troops in this action. their behaviour, he said, after recovering from the first surprise occasioned by the unexpected retreat of the advanced corps, could not be surpassed. general wayne was particularly mentioned; and the artillery were spoken of in terms of high praise. the loss of the americans in the battle of monmouth was eight officers and sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded. among the slain were lieutenant colonel bonner of pennsylvania, and major dickenson of virginia, both of whom were much regretted. one hundred and thirty were missing; but a considerable number of these afterwards rejoined their regiments. in his official letter, sir henry clinton states his dead and missing at four officers, and one hundred and eighty-four privates. his wounded at sixteen officers and one hundred and fifty-four privates. this account, so far as respects the dead, can not be correct, as four officers and two hundred and forty-five privates were buried on the field by persons appointed for the purpose, who made their report to the commander-in-chief; and some few were afterwards found, so as to increase the number to nearly three hundred. the uncommon heat of the day proved fatal to several on both sides. as usual, when a battle has not been decisive, both parties claimed the victory. in the early part of the day, the advantage was certainly with the british; in the latter part, it may be pronounced with equal certainty to have been with the americans. they maintained their ground, repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night, and by the retreat of the hostile army from renewing the action, and suffered less in killed and wounded than their adversaries. it is true that sir henry clinton effected what he states to have been his principal object,--the safety of his baggage. but when it is recollected that the american officers had decided against hazarding an action, that this advice must have trammeled the conduct, and circumscribed the views of the commander-in-chief, he will be admitted to have effected no inconsiderable object in giving the american arms that appearance of superiority which was certainly acquired by this engagement. independent of the loss sustained in the action, the british army was considerably weakened in its march from philadelphia to new york. about one hundred prisoners were made, and near one thousand soldiers, chiefly foreigners, deserted while passing through jersey. the conduct of lee was generally disapproved. as however he had possessed a large share of the confidence and good opinion of the commander-in-chief, it is probable that explanations might have been made which would have rescued him from the imputations that were cast on him, and have restored him to the esteem of the army, could his haughty temper have brooked the indignity he believed to have been offered him on the field of battle. general washington had taken no measures in consequence of the events of that day, and would probably have come to no resolution concerning them without an amicable explanation, when he received from lee a letter expressed in very unbecoming terms, in which he, in the tone of a superior, required reparation for the injury sustained "from the very singular expressions" said to have been used on the day of the action by the commander-in-chief. [sidenote: june .] [sidenote: general lee arrested for his behavior in this action, and afterwards to the commander-in-chief.] this letter was answered by an assurance that, so soon as circumstances would admit of an inquiry, he should have an opportunity of justifying himself, to the army, to america, and to the world in general; or of convincing them that he had been guilty of disobedience of orders, and misbehaviour before the enemy. on his expressing a wish for a speedy investigation of his conduct, and for a court-martial rather than a court of inquiry, he was arrested. first. for disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on the th of june, agreeably to repeated instructions. secondly. for misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, in making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. thirdly. for disrespect to the commander-in-chief in two letters. [sidenote: court-martial appointed to try him. sentenced to be suspended for one year.] before this correspondence had taken place, strong and specific charges of misconduct had been made against general lee by several officers of his detachment, and particularly by generals wayne and scott. in these, the transactions of the day, not being well understood, were represented in colours much more unfavourable to lee, than facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify. these representations, most probably, induced the strong language of the second article in the charge. a court-martial, over which lord stirling presided, after a tedious investigation, found him guilty of all the charges exhibited against him, and sentenced him to be suspended for one year. this sentence was, afterwards, though with some hesitation, approved, almost unanimously, by congress. the court softened, in some degree, the severity of the second charge, by finding him guilty, not in its very words, but "of misbehaviour before the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly retreat." lee defended himself with his accustomed ability. he proved that, after the retreat had commenced, in consequence of general scott's repassing the ravine, on the approach of the enemy, he had designed to form on the first advantageous piece of ground he could find; and that, in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other officers, no safe and advantageous position had presented itself until he met general washington; at which time it was his intention to fight the enemy on the very ground afterwards taken by that officer. he suggested a variety of reasons in justification of his retreat, which, if they do not absolutely establish its propriety, give it so questionable a form as to render it probable that a public examination never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have stooped to offer explanation instead of outrage, to the commander-in-chief. his suspension gave general satisfaction through the army. without being masters of his conduct as a military man, they perfectly understood the insult offered to their general by his letters; and, whether rightly or not, believed his object to have been to disgrace washington, and to obtain the supreme command for himself. so devotedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the mere suspicion of such a design, would have rendered his continuance in the army extremely difficult. whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety of his retreat, it is not easy to justify, either the omission to keep the commander-in-chief continually informed of his situation and intentions, or the very rude letters written after the action was over. [sidenote: the thanks of congress presented to general washington and his army for their conduct in the battle at monmouth.] the battle of monmouth gave great satisfaction to congress. a resolution was passed unanimously, thanking general washington for the activity with which he marched from the camp at valley forge, in pursuit of the enemy; for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of battle, and for his great good conduct in the action; and he was requested to signify the thanks of congress to the officers and men under his command, who distinguished themselves by their conduct and valour in the battle. [sidenote: july .] after remaining a few days on the high grounds of middletown, sir henry clinton proceeded to sandy hook, whence his army passed over to new york. chapter ii. count d'estaing arrives with a french fleet.... meditates an attack on the british fleet in new york harbour.... relinquishes it.... sails to rhode island.... lord howe appears off rhode island.... both fleets dispersed by a storm.... general sullivan lays siege to newport.... d'estaing returns.... sails for boston.... sullivan expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders.... raises the siege of newport.... action on rhode island.... the americans retreat to the continent.... count d'estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with sullivan in a letter to congress.... general washington labours successfully to heal these discontents.... lord howe resigns the command of the british fleet.... colonel baylor's regiment surprised.... captain donop defeated by colonel butler.... expedition of the british against egg harbour.... pulaski surprised. [sidenote: july.] [sidenote: count d'estaing arrives on the coast of virginia with a french fleet under his command.] before general washington could reach the ground he designed to occupy, intelligence was received that a powerful french fleet, under the command of the count d'estaing, had appeared off chingoteague inlet, the northern extremity of the coast of virginia. the count had sailed from toulon on the th of april, with twelve ships of the line and six frigates, having on board a respectable body of land forces. his destination was the delaware; and he hoped to find the british fleet in that river, and their army in philadelphia. an uncommon continuance of adverse winds, protracted his voyage across the atlantic to the extraordinary length of eighty-seven days. this unusual circumstance saved the british fleet and army. [sidenote: he meditates an attack on the british fleet at new york, but is obliged to relinquish it.] on reaching the capes of the delaware, the count announced his arrival to congress; and, having failed in accomplishing his first object, proceeded along the coast to new york, in the hope of being able to attack the british fleet in the harbour of that place. sir henry clinton was again indebted to some fortunate incidents for his safety. the violent storms of the preceding winter had broken through the narrow isthmus by which sandy hook was connected with the continent, and had converted the peninsula into an island. this rendered it necessary for the army to pass from the main to the hook on a bridge of boats, which would have been impracticable, if obstructed by a superior fleet. it was effected the very day on which d'estaing appeared off chingoteague inlet. [sidenote: july .] at paramus, in jersey, general washington received a letter from the president of congress, advising him of this important event, and requesting that he would concert measures with the count for conjoint and offensive operations. the next day he received a second letter on the same subject, enclosing two resolutions, one directing him to co-operate with the french admiral, and the other authorizing him to call on the states from new hampshire to new jersey inclusive, for such aids of militia as he might deem necessary for the operations of the allied arms. he determined to proceed immediately to the white plains, whence the army might co-operate with more facility in the execution of any attempt which might be made by the fleet, and despatched lieutenant colonel laurens, one of his aids de camp, with all the information relative to the enemy, as well as to his own army, which might be useful to d'estaing. lieutenant colonel laurens was authorized to consult on future conjoint operations, and to establish conventional signals for the purpose of facilitating the communication of intelligence. the french admiral, on arriving off the hook, despatched major de choisi, a gentleman of his family, to general washington, for the purpose of communicating fully his views and his strength. his first object was to attack new york. if this should be found impracticable, he was desirous of turning his attention to rhode island. to assist in coming to a result on these enterprises, general washington despatched lieutenant colonel hamilton with such farther communications as had been suggested, by inquiries made since the departure of lieutenant colonel laurens. [sidenote: july .] fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the harbour was not of sufficient depth to admit the passage of the largest ships of the french fleet without much difficulty and danger, general washington had turned his attention to other objects which might be, eventually, pursued. general sullivan, who commanded the troops in rhode island, was directed to prepare for an enterprise against newport; and the marquis de lafayette was detached with two brigades to join him at providence. the next day lieutenant colonel hamilton returned to camp with the final determination of the count d'estaing to relinquish the meditated attack on the fleet in the harbour of new york, in consequence of the impracticability of passing the bar. general greene was immediately ordered to rhode island, of which state he was a native; and lieutenant colonel laurens was directed to attach himself to the french admiral, and to facilitate all his views by procuring whatever might give them effect; after which he was to act with the army under sullivan. [sidenote: sails out to rhode island and arrives off newport.] the resolution being taken to proceed against rhode island, the fleet got under way, and, on the th of july, appeared off newport, and cast anchor about five miles from that place, just without brenton's ledge; soon after which, general sullivan went on board the admiral, and concerted with him a plan of operations for the allied forces. the fleet was to enter the harbour, and land the troops of his christian majesty on the west side of the island, a little to the north of dyer's island. the americans were to land at the same time on the opposite coast, under cover of the guns of a frigate. although the appearance of the french fleet had animated the whole country, and had produced a considerable degree of alacrity for the service; although the success of the enterprise essentially depended on maintaining a superiority at sea, which there was much reason to apprehend would soon be wrested from them; yet such are the delays inseparable from measures to bring husbandmen into the field as soldiers, that the operations against newport were suspended for several days on this account. [sidenote: august .] as the militia of new hampshire and massachusetts approached, general sullivan joined general greene at tiverton, and it was agreed with the admiral that the fleet should enter the main channel immediately, and that the descent should be made the succeeding day. the ships of war passed the british batteries and entered the harbour, without receiving or doing any considerable damage. the militia not arriving precisely at the time they were expected, general sullivan could not hazard the movement which had been concerted, and stated to the count the necessity of postponing it till the next day. meanwhile, the preparations for the descent being perceived, general pigot drew the troops which had been stationed on the north end of the island into the lines at newport. [sidenote: august .] on discovering this circumstance the next morning, sullivan determined to avail himself of it, and to take immediate possession of the works which had been abandoned. the whole army crossed the east passage, and landed on the north end of rhode island. this movement gave great offence to the admiral, who resented the indelicacy supposed to have been committed by sullivan in landing before the french, and without consulting him. unfortunately, some difficulties, on subjects of mere punctilio, had previously arisen. the count d'estaing was a land as well as sea officer; and held the high rank of lieutenant general in the service of france. sullivan being only a major general, some misunderstanding on this delicate point had been apprehended; and general washington had suggested to him the necessity of taking every precaution to avoid it. this, it was supposed, had been effected in their first conference, in which it was agreed that the americans should land first, after which the french should land, to be commanded by the count d'estaing in person. the motives for this arrangement are not stated; but it was most probably made solely with a view to the success of the enterprise. either his own after-reflections or the suggestions of others dissatisfied the count with it, and he insisted that the descent should be made on both sides of the island precisely at the same instant, and that one wing of the american army should be attached to the french, and land with them. he also declined commanding in person, and wished the marquis de lafayette to take charge of the french troops as well as of the americans attached to them. it being feared that this alteration of the plan might endanger both its parts, d'estaing was prevailed on to reduce his demand from one wing of the american army to one thousand militia. when, afterwards, general sullivan crossed over into the island before the time to which he had himself postponed the descent, and without giving previous notice to the count of this movement, some suspicions seem to have been excited, that the measure was taken with other views than were avowed, and no inconsiderable degree of excitement was manifested. the count refused to answer sullivan's letter, and charged lieutenant colonel fleury, who delivered it, with being more an american than a frenchman. at this time a british fleet appeared, which, after sailing close into the land, and communicating with general pigot, withdrew some distance, and came to anchor off point judith, just without the narrow inlet leading into the harbour. after it had been ascertained that the destination of the count d'estaing was america, he was followed by a squadron of twelve ships of the line under admiral byron, who was designed to relieve lord howe, that nobleman having solicited his recall. the vessels composing this squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the season, and being separated in different storms, arrived, after lingering through a tedious passage, in various degrees of distress, on different and remote parts of the american coast. between the departure of d'estaing from the hook on the d of july, and the th of that month, four ships of sixty-four and fifty guns arrived at sandy hook. this addition to the british fleet, though it left lord howe considerably inferior to the count d'estaing, determined him to attempt the relief of newport. he sailed from new york on the th of august; and, on the th, appeared in sight of the french fleet, before intelligence of his departure could be received by the admiral. [sidenote: sails to attack lord howe, who appears off rhode island.] [sidenote: august .] at the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the harbour, so that it was impossible to get out of it; but it shifted suddenly to the north-east the next morning, and the count determined to stand out to sea, and give battle. previous to leaving port, he informed general sullivan that, on his return, he would land his men as that officer should advise. not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-gage, lord howe also weighed anchor and stood out to sea. he was followed by d'estaing; and both fleets were soon out of sight. the militia were now arrived; and sullivan's army amounted to ten thousand men. some objections were made by lafayette to his commencing operations before the return of d'estaing. that officer advised that the army should be advanced to a position in the neighbourhood of newport, but should not break ground until the count should be in readiness to act in concert with them. it was extremely desirable to avoid whatever might give offence to the great ally on whose assistance so much depended; but time was deemed of such importance to an army which could not be kept long together, that this advice was overruled, and it was determined to commence the siege immediately. [sidenote: august .] [sidenote: fifteenth.] [sidenote: general sullivan lays siege to newport.] before this determination could be executed, a furious storm blew down all the tents, rendered the arms unfit for immediate use, and greatly damaged the ammunition, of which fifty rounds had just been delivered to each man. the soldiers, having no shelter, suffered extremely; and several perished in the storm, which continued three days. on the return of fair weather the siege was commenced, and continued without any material circumstance for several days. as no intelligence had been received from the admiral, the situation of the american army was becoming very critical. on the evening of the th, their anxieties were relieved for a moment by the reappearance of the french fleet. [sidenote: both fleets dispersed by a storm.] the two admirals, desirous the one of gaining, and the other of retaining the advantage of the wind, had employed two days in manoeuvring, without coming to action. towards the close of the second, they were on the point of engaging, when they were separated by the violent storm which had been felt so severely on shore, and which dispersed both fleets. some single vessels afterwards fell in with each other, but no important capture was made; and both fleets retired in a very shattered condition, the one to the harbour of new york, and the other to that of newport. [sidenote: d'estaing returns to newport, and against the solicitations of sullivan, sails for boston.] a letter was immediately despatched by d'estaing to sullivan, informing him that, in pursuance of orders from the king, and of the advice of all his officers, he had taken the resolution to carry the fleet to boston. his instructions directed him to sail for boston should his fleet meet with any disaster, or should a superior british fleet appear on the coast. this communication threw sullivan and his army into despair. general greene and the marquis de lafayette were directed to wait on the admiral with a letter from sullivan remonstrating against this resolution, and to use their utmost endeavors to induce him to change it. they represented to him the certainty of carrying the garrison if he would co-operate with them only two days, urged the impolicy of exposing the fleet at sea, in its present condition, represented the port of boston as equally insecure with that of newport, and added that the expedition had been undertaken on condition that the french fleet and army should co-operate with them; that confiding in this co-operation, they had brought stores into the island to a great amount, and that to abandon the enterprise in the present state of things, would be a reproach and disgrace to their arms. to be deserted at such a critical moment would have a pernicious influence on the minds of the american people, and would furnish their domestic foes, as well as the common enemy, with the means of animadverting severely on their prospects from an alliance with those who could abandon them under circumstances such as the present. they concluded with wishing that the utmost harmony and confidence might subsist between the two nations, and especially between their officers; and entreated the admiral, if any personal indiscretions had appeared in conducting the expedition, not to permit them to prejudice the common cause. whatever impression these observations may have made on the count, they could not change the determination he had formed. general greene, in his representation of this conversation, stated that the principal officers on board the fleet were the enemies of d'estaing. he was properly a land officer, and they were dissatisfied with his appointment in the navy. determined to thwart his measures, and to prevent, as far as could be justified, his achieving any brilliant exploit, they availed themselves of the letter of his instructions, and unanimously persevered in advising him to relinquish the enterprise, and sail for boston. he could not venture, with such instructions, to act against their unanimous opinion; and, although personally disposed to re-enter the harbour, declined doing so, and sailed from the island. on the return of greene and lafayette, sullivan made yet another effort to retain the fleet. he addressed a second letter to the admiral, pressing him, in any event, to leave his land forces. the bearer of this letter was also charged with a protest signed by all the general officers in rhode island except lafayette, the only effect of which was to irritate d'estaing, who proceeded, without delay, on his voyage to boston. [sidenote: in consequence of the departure of the french fleet, sullivan raises the siege of newport.] thus abandoned by the fleet, sullivan called a council of general officers, who were in favour of attempting an assault if five thousand volunteers who had seen nine months service could be obtained for the enterprise; but the departure of the fleet had so discouraged the militia, that this number could not be procured; and, in a few days, the army was reduced by desertion to little more than five thousand men. as the british were estimated at six thousand, it was determined to raise the siege, and retire to the north end of the island, there to fortify, and wait the result of another effort to induce d'estaing to return. [sidenote: august .] in the night of the th, the army retired by two roads leading to the works on the north end of the island, having its rear covered by colonels livingston and laurens, who commanded light parties on each. [sidenote: august .] early next morning the retreat was discovered by the british, who followed in two columns, and were engaged on each road by livingston and laurens, who retreated slowly and kept up the action with skill and spirit until the english were brought into the neighbourhood of the main body of the americans, drawn up in order of battle on the ground of their encampment. the british formed on quaker hill, a very strong piece of ground, something more than a mile in front of the american line. [sidenote: action between sullivan and the british army.] sullivan's rear was covered by strong works; and in his front, rather to the right, was a redoubt. in this position, the two armies cannonaded each other for some time, and a succession of skirmishes was kept up in front of both lines until about two in the afternoon, when the british advanced in force, attempted to turn the right flank, and made demonstrations of an intention to carry the redoubt in front of the right wing. general greene, who commanded that wing, advanced to its support, and a sharp engagement was continued for about half an hour, when the british retreated to quaker hill. the cannonade was renewed, and kept up intermingled with slight skirmishing until night. according to the return made by general sullivan, his loss in killed, wounded and missing was two hundred and eleven. that of the british, as stated by general pigot, amounted to two hundred and sixty. [sidenote: august .] the next day, the cannonade was renewed, but neither army was inclined to attack the other. the british waited for reinforcements, and sullivan had at length determined to retire from the island. the commander-in-chief had observed some movements among the british transports indicating the embarkation of troops, and had suggested to sullivan the necessity of securing his retreat. a fleet of transports soon put to sea with a large body of troops, of which immediate notice was given to sullivan in a letter recommending his retreat to the continent. this reinforcement, which consisted of four thousand men, commanded by sir henry clinton in person, was delayed by adverse winds until the letter of general washington was received, and the resolution to evacuate the island was taken. the whole army passed over to the continent unobserved by the enemy, and disembarked about tiverton by two in the morning. [sidenote: sullivan retreats with his army to the continent.] never was retreat more fortunate. sir henry clinton arrived the next day; and the loss of the american army would have been inevitable. [sidenote: sullivan, in one of his general orders, makes use of expressions which offend the count.] the complete success of this expedition had been confidently anticipated throughout america; and the most brilliant results had been expected from the capture of so important a part of the british army as the garrison of newport. the chagrin produced by disappointment was proportioned to the exaltation of their hopes. in general orders issued by sullivan, soon after the departure of d'estaing, he permitted some expressions to escape him which were understood to impute to the count d'estaing, and to the french nation, an indisposition to promote the interests of the united states. these insinuations wounded the feelings of the french officers, and added, in no small degree, to the resentments of the moment. in subsequent orders, the general sought to correct this indiscretion; and alleged that he had been misunderstood by those who supposed him to blame the admiral, with whose orders he was unacquainted, and of whose conduct he was, consequently, unable to judge. he also stated explicitly the important aids america had received from france, aids of which he ought not to be unmindful under any disappointment; and which should prevent a too sudden censure of any movement whatever. [sidenote: count d'estaing expresses to congress his dissatisfaction with general sullivan.] the count d'estaing, on his part, addressed a letter to congress containing a statement of all the movements of his fleet subsequent to its arrival on the coast, in which his chagrin and irritation were but ill concealed. in congress, after approving the conduct of sullivan and his army, an indiscreet proposition was made to inquire into the causes of the failure of the expedition; but this was set aside by the previous question. in the first moments of vexation and disappointment, general sullivan had addressed some letters to the governor of rhode island, complaining bitterly of being abandoned by the fleet. these despatches were transmitted by the governor to the speaker of the assembly, and were on the point of being submitted publicly to the house, when they were fortunately arrested by general greene, who had been introduced on the floor, and placed by the side of the chair; and to whom they were shown by the speaker. the discontent in new england generally, and in boston particularly, was so great as to inspire fears that the means of repairing the french ships would not be supplied. to guard against the mischief which might result from this temper, as well as for other objects, general hancock had repaired from camp to boston, and lafayette had followed him on a visit to d'estaing. [sidenote: general washington labours to heal these discontents, in which he succeeds.] the consequences to be apprehended from this unavailing manifestation of ill temper, soon induced all reflecting men to exert themselves to control it. in the commencement of its operation, general washington, foreseeing the evils with which it was fraught, had laboured to prevent them. he addressed letters to general sullivan, to general heath, who commanded at boston, and to other individuals of influence in new england, urging the necessity of correcting the intemperance of the moment, and of guarding against the interference of passion with the public interest. soon after the transmission of these letters, he received a resolution of congress, directing him to take every measure in his power to prevent the publication of the protest entered into by the officers of sullivan's army. in his letter communicating this resolution, he said, "the disagreement between the army under your command and the fleet, has given me very singular uneasiness. the continent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possible means, consistent with our honour and policy. first impressions, you know, are generally longest retained, and will serve to fix, in a great degree, our national character with the french. in our conduct towards them, we should remember that they are a people old in war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others scarcely seem warm. permit me to recommend in the most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavours to destroy that ill humour which may have found its way among the officers. it is of the utmost importance too, that the soldiers and the people should know nothing of this misunderstanding, or, if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its progress, and prevent its effects." in a letter to general greene, after expressing his fears that the seeds of dissension and distrust might be sown between the troops of the two nations, he added, "i depend much on your temper and influence, to conciliate that animosity which, i plainly perceive by a letter from the marquis, subsists between the american and french officers in our service. this, you may be assured, will extend itself to the count, and to the officers and men of his whole fleet, should they return to rhode island, unless a reconciliation shall have taken place. the marquis speaks kindly of a letter from you to him on this subject. he will therefore take any advice from you in a friendly way; and, if he can be pacified, the other french gentlemen will, of course, be satisfied; since they look up to him as their head. the marquis grounds his complaint on a general order of the th of august, and upon the universal clamour that prevailed against the french nation. "i beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered into by the general officers from being made public. congress, sensible of the ill consequences that will flow from our differences being known to the world, have passed a resolve to that purpose. upon the whole, my dear sir, you can conceive my meaning,[ ] better than i can express it, and i therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to heal all private animosities between our principal officers and the french, and to prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that may fall from the army at large." [footnote : alluding, it is presumed, to the delicacy of suggesting to general sullivan the mischief to be apprehended from any intemperate expressions.] the general also seized the first opportunity to recommence his correspondence with the count; and his letters, without noticing the disagreement which had taken place, were calculated to soothe every angry sensation which might have been excited. a letter from the admiral stating the whole transaction, was answered by general washington in a manner so perfectly satisfactory, that the irritation which threatened such serious mischief, appears to have entirely subsided. congress also, in a resolution which was made public, expressed their perfect approbation of the conduct of the count, and directed the president to assure him, in the letter which should transmit it, that they entertained the highest sense of his zeal and attachment. these prudent and temperate measures restored harmony to the allied armies. [sidenote: lord howe resigns command of the british fleet.] the storm under which the french fleet had suffered so severely did considerable damage also to that of lord howe. the british, however, had sustained less injury than the french, and were soon in a condition to put again to sea. having received information that the count d'estaing had made for boston, lord howe sailed for the same port, in the hope of reaching it before him. but in this he was disappointed. on entering the bay he found the french fleet already in nantasket road, where such judicious dispositions had been made for its defence, that he relinquished the idea of attacking it, and returned to new york; where he resigned the command to admiral gambier, who was to retain it till the arrival of admiral byron. finding that general sullivan had retreated to the continent, sir henry clinton returned to new york, leaving the command of the troops on board the transports with major general gray, who was directed to conduct an expedition to the eastward, as far as buzzards bay. [sidenote: september .] gray entered acushnet river, where he destroyed a number of privateers with their prizes, and some merchant vessels. he also reduced part of the towns of bedford and fairhaven to ashes, in which some military and naval stores had been collected. the troops re-embarked the next day, before the militia could be assembled in sufficient force to oppose them, and sailed to martha's vineyard, where they destroyed several vessels, and some salt works, and levied a heavy contribution of live stock on the inhabitants. while so large a detachment from the british army was depredating the coasts of new england, preparations were making in new york for some distant expedition; and many were of opinion that the french fleet was its object. to be in readiness to oppose a combined attack by sea and land on the fleet, general gates was directed with three brigades, to proceed by easy marches as far as danbury, in connecticut. and washington moved northward to fredericksburg; while general putnam was detached with two brigades to the neighbourhood of west point, and general m'dougal, with two others, to join general gates at danbury. [sidenote: september .] soon after the return of general gray from new england, the british army moved up the north river on each side in great force. the column on the west side, commanded by lord cornwallis, consisting of about five thousand men, took a position with its right on the river, and its left extending to newbridge, on the hackensack; while the other division, which was commanded by general knyphausen, consisting of about three thousand men, was advanced about the same distance on the east side of the hudson. the command of the river enabled these two columns to communicate freely with each other; and, at any time, to reunite. although general washington conjectured that this movement was made for the purpose of foraging, yet it was possible that the passes in the highlands might be its object; and orders were given to the detachments on the lines to hold themselves in readiness to anticipate the execution of such a design. colonel baylor, with his regiment of cavalry, had crossed the hackensack early in the morning of the th of september, and taken quarters at taupaun, or herringtown, a small village near new taupaun, where some militia were posted. immediate notice of his position was given to lord cornwallis, who formed a plan to surprise and cut off both the cavalry and militia. the party designed to act against colonel baylor was commanded by general gray, and that against the militia, by lieutenant colonel campbell. [sidenote: september .] [sidenote: colonel baylor's regiment surprised.] that part of the plan which was to be executed by campbell was defeated by delays in passing the river, during which a deserter gave notice of his approach, and the militia saved themselves by flight. but the corps commanded by general gray, guided by some of the country people, eluded the patrols, got into the rear of the sergeant's guard which had been posted at a bridge over the hackensack, cut it off without alarming baylor, and completely surprised his whole regiment. the british troops rushed into a barn where the americans slept; and, refusing to give quarter, bayoneted for a time all they saw. of one hundred and four privates, sixty-seven were killed, wounded, and taken. the number of prisoners, amounting to about forty, is stated to have been increased by the humanity of one of gray's captains, who, notwithstanding his orders, gave quarter to the whole of the fourth troop. colonel baylor and major clough, who were both wounded with the bayonet, the first dangerously, the last mortally, were among the prisoners. [sidenote: september .] [sidenote: captain donop, with his corps, attacked by colonel butler, and defeated.] three days after this affair, colonel richard butler, with a detachment of infantry, assisted by major lee with a part of his cavalry, fell in with a small party of chasseurs and yagers under captain donop, which he instantly charged, and, without the loss of a man, killed ten on the spot, and took the officer commanding the chasseur, and eighteen of the yagers, prisoners. only the extreme roughness of the country, which impeded the action of the cavalry, and prevented part of the infantry from coming up, enabled a man of the enemy to escape. some interest was taken at the time in this small affair, because it seemed, in some measure, to revenge the loss of colonel baylor. after completing their forage, the british army returned to new york. [sidenote: expedition of the british against egg harbour.] this movement had been, in part, designed to cover an expedition against little egg harbour, which was completely successful; and the works and store-houses at the place, as well as the merchandise and vessels, were entirely destroyed. [sidenote: pulaski surprised, and his infantry cut off.] it has been already stated that count pulaski had been appointed general of the american cavalry. the dissatisfaction given by this appointment to the officers, had induced him to resign his commission; but, thirsting for military fame, and zealous in the american cause, he obtained permission to raise a legionary corps, which he officered chiefly with foreigners, and commanded in person. in this corps, one juliet, a deserter, had been admitted as an officer. the count had been ordered to march from trenton towards little egg harbour, and was lying eight or ten miles from the coast, when this juliet again deserted, carrying with him intelligence of pulaski's strength and situation. a plan was formed to surprise him, which succeeded completely so far as respected his infantry, who were put to the bayonet. the british accounts of this expedition assert that the whole corps was destroyed. pulaski stated his loss at about forty; and averred that on coming up with his cavalry to the relief of his infantry, he repulsed the enemy. it is probable that the one account diminishes the importance of this enterprise as much as the other magnifies it. [sidenote: october .] admiral byron reached new york, and took command of the fleet about the middle of september. after repairing his shattered vessels, he sailed for the port of boston. soon after his arrival in the bay, fortune disconcerted all his plans. a furious storm drove him out to sea, and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put into the port of rhode island to refit. this favourable moment was seized by the count d'estaing, who sailed, on the d of november, for the west indies. thus terminated an expedition from which the most important advantages had been anticipated. a variety of accidents had defeated plans judiciously formed, which had every probability in their favour. the marquis de lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theatre, was desirous of returning to france. expecting war on the continent of europe, he was anxious to tender his services to his king, and to his native country. from motives of real friendship as well as of policy, general washington was desirous of preserving the connexion of this officer with the army, and of strengthening his attachment to america. he therefore expressed to congress his wish that lafayette, instead of resigning his commission, might have unlimited leave of absence, to return when it should be convenient to himself; and might carry with him every mark of the confidence of the government. this policy was adopted by congress in its full extent. the partiality of america for lafayette was well placed. never did a foreigner, whose primary attachments to his own country remained undiminished, feel more solicitude for the welfare of another, than was unceasingly manifested by this young nobleman, for the united states. there being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the northern or middle states, and the climate admitting of military operations elsewhere, a detachment from the british army, consisting of five thousand men commanded by major general grant, sailed, early in november, under a strong convoy, for the west india islands; and, towards the end of the same month, another embarkation was made for the southern parts of the continent. this second detachment was commanded by lieutenant colonel campbell, who was escorted by commodore hyde parker, and was destined to act against the southern states. [sidenote: december.] as a force sufficient for the defence of new york yet remained, the american army retired into winter quarters. the main body was cantoned in connecticut, on both sides the north river, about west point, and at middlebrook. light troops were stationed nearer the lines; and the cavalry were drawn into the interior to recruit the horses for the next campaign. the distribution, the protection of the country, the security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of provisions, were consulted. the troops again wintered in huts; but they were accustomed to this mode of passing that inclement season. though far from being well clothed, their condition in that respect was so much improved by supplies from france, that they disregarded the inconveniences to which they were exposed. chapter iii. arrival of the british commissioners.... terms of conciliation proposed.... answer of congress to their propositions.... attempts of mr. johnson to bribe some members of congress.... his private letters ordered to be published.... manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifesto of congress.... arrival of monsieur girard, minister plenipotentiary of france.... hostilities of the indians.... irruption into the wyoming settlement.... battle of wyoming.... colonel dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.... distress of the settlement.... colonel clarke surprises st. vincent.... congress determines to invade canada.... general washington opposes the measure.... induces congress to abandon it. [sidenote: ] about the time that commodore parker sailed for the southern states, the commissioners appointed to give effect to the late conciliatory acts of parliament, embarked for europe. they had exerted their utmost powers to effect the object of their mission, but without success. great britain required that the force of the two nations should be united under one common sovereign; and america was no longer disposed, or even at liberty to accede to this condition. all those affections, which parts of the same empire should feel for each other, had been eradicated by a distressing war; the great body of the people were determined, at every sacrifice, to maintain their independence; and the treaty with france had pledged the honour and the faith of the nation, never to consent to a reunion with the british empire. [sidenote: arrival of the british commissioners.] [sidenote: terms of conciliation proposed.] the commissioners arrived in philadelphia while that place was yet in possession of their army, and are understood to have brought positive orders for its evacuation. their arrival was immediately announced to general washington by sir henry clinton, who was joined with them in the commission, and a passport was requested for their secretary, doctor ferguson, as the bearer of their first despatches to congress. the commander-in-chief declined granting this passport until he should receive the instructions of his government; on which a letter addressed "to the president and other the members of congress," was forwarded in the usual manner. copies of their commission, and of the acts of parliament on which it was founded, together with propositions conforming to those acts, drawn in the most conciliatory language, were transmitted with this letter. [sidenote: answer of congress to these propositions.] some observations having been introduced into it reflecting on the conduct of france,[ ] the reading was interrupted, and a motion made to proceed no farther in consequence of this offensive language to his most christian majesty. this motion producing some debate, an adjournment was moved and carried. when congress reassembled, the warmth of the preceding day had not entirely subsided; but, after several ineffectual motions to prevent it, the letter was read and committed. the answer which was reported by the committee, and transmitted to the commissioners, declared that "nothing but an earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood, could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most christian majesty, the good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honour of an independent nation. [footnote : the offensive words were "insidious interposition of a power which has, from the first settlement of the colonies, been actuated with enmity to us both; and notwithstanding the pretended date or present form of the french offers."] "that the acts of the british parliament, the commission from their sovereign, and their letter, supposed the people of the united states to be subjects of the crown of great britain, and were founded on the idea of dependence, which is totally inadmissible. "that congress was inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this was originated, and the savage manner in which it was conducted. they would therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of great britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. the only solid proof of this disposition would be an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies." [sidenote: july .] on the th of july, after arriving at new york, the commissioners addressed a second letter to congress, expressing their regrets that any difficulties were raised which must prolong the calamities of war; and reviewing the letter of congress in terms well calculated to make an impression on those who had become weary of the contest, and to revive ancient prejudices in favour of england and against france. this letter being read, congress resolved that, as neither the independence of the united states was explicitly acknowledged, nor the fleets and armies withdrawn, no answer should be given to it. it would seem that the first letter of congress must have convinced the british commissioners that no hope could be indulged of restoring peace on any other terms than the independence of the united states. congress must have been equally certain that the commissioners were not empowered to acknowledge that independence, or to direct the fleets and armies of great britain to be withdrawn. the intercourse between them therefore, after the first communications were exchanged, and all subsequent measures, became a game of skill, in which the parties played for the affections and passions of the people; and was no longer a diplomatic correspondence, discussing the interests of two great nations with the hope of accommodation. [sidenote: attempts of mr. johnson to bribe influential members of congress.] the first packet addressed by the commissioners to congress, contained several private letters, written by governor johnson to members of that body, in which he blended, with flattering expressions of respect for their characters and their conduct, assurances of the honours and emoluments to which those would be entitled who should contribute to restore peace and harmony to the two countries and to terminate the present war. [sidenote: congress orders the publication of the private letters from johnson to the members of that body.] a few days before the receipt of the letter of the th of july, congress passed a resolution requiring that all letters of a public nature received by any member from any subject of the british crown, should be laid before them. in compliance with this resolution, the letters of governor johnson were produced; and, some time afterwards, mr. read stated, in his place, a direct offer which had been made him by a third person, of a considerable sum of money, and of any office in the gift of the crown, as an inducement to use his influence for the restoration of harmony between the two countries. congress determined to communicate these circumstances to the american people, and made a solemn declaration, in which, after reciting the offensive paragraphs of the private letters, and the conversation stated by mr. read, they expressed their opinion "that these were direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the congress of the united states, and that it was incompatible with their honour to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse with the said george johnson, esquire, especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is interested." after an unsuccessful attempt to involve the other commissioners in the same exclusion, this declaration was transmitted to them while they were expecting an answer to a remonstrance on the detention of the army of general burgoyne. on receiving it, mr. johnson withdrew from the commission, declaring that he should be happy to find congress inclined to retract their former declaration, and to negotiate with others on terms equally conducive to the happiness of both countries. this declaration was accompanied by one signed by the other commissioners, in which, without admitting the construction put by congress on his letters, or the authority of the person who held the conversation with mr. read, they denied all knowledge of those letters or of that conversation. they at the same time detailed the advantages to be derived by america from the propositions they had made, "advantages," they added, "decidedly superior to any which could be expected from an unnatural alliance with france, only entered into by that nation for the purpose of prolonging the war, after the full knowledge on their part of the liberal terms intended to be offered by great britain." with this declaration was transmitted a copy of the former remonstrance[ ] against the detention of the convention troops, without the signature of governor johnson, and an extract from the instructions given by the secretary of state to sir henry clinton, authorizing him to demand, in express terms, a performance of the convention made with general burgoyne, and, if required, to renew and ratify all its conditions in the name of the king. [footnote : some expressions having been used in the letter, respecting the convention troops, which were deemed disrespectful, no other reply was made to it than that "congress gave no answer to insolent letters."] all the publications of the british commissioners indicate an opinion that they could be more successful with the people than with congress; and, not unfrequently betray the desire that the constituents of that body might be enabled to decide on the measures taken by their representatives. on the part of congress, it was decreed of the utmost importance to keep the public mind correct, and to defeat all attempts to make unfavourable impressions on it. several members of that body entered the lists as disputants, and employed their pens with ability and success, as well in serious argument, as in rousing the various passions which influence the conduct of men. the attempt to accomplish the object of the mission by corruption was wielded with great effect; and it was urged with equal force that should the united states now break their faith with france, and treat on the footing of dependence, they would sacrifice all credit with foreign nations, would be considered by all as faithless and infamous, and would forfeit all pretensions to future aid from abroad; after which the terms now offered might be retracted, and the war be recommenced. to these representations were added the certainty of independence, and the great advantages which must result from its establishment. the letters of the commissioners were treated as attempts to sow divisions among the people of which they might afterwards avail themselves, and thus effect by intrigue, what had been found unattainable by arms. these essays were read with avidity, and seem to have produced all the effect which was expected from them among the friends of the revolution. [sidenote: october .] [sidenote: manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifestos by congress.] the commissioners appear still to have cherished the hope, that a complete knowledge of the terms they had offered, operating on the disappointment of the extravagant hopes which had been founded on the arrival of a french fleet, would make a great impression on a large portion of the american people. this opinion induced them, before their departure, to publish a manifesto, addressed, not only to congress, but to all the provincial assemblies, and all the inhabitants of the colonies of whatever denomination, briefly recapitulating the several steps they had taken to accomplish the object of their mission, and the refusal of congress even to open a conference with them. they declared their readiness still to proceed in the execution of the powers contained in their commission, and to treat either with deputies from all the colonies conjointly, or with any provincial assembly or convention individually, at any time within the space of forty days from the date of their manifesto. they also proclaimed a general pardon for all treasons and rebellious practices committed at any time previous to the date of their manifesto, to such as should, within the term of forty days, withdraw from their opposition to the british government, and conduct themselves as faithful and loyal subjects. to enable all persons to avail themselves of this proffered pardon, thirteen copies of the manifesto were executed, one of which was transmitted by a flag of truce to each state. a vast number of copies were printed, and great exertions were made by flags and other means to disperse them among the people. on being informed of these proceedings, congress, without hesitation, adopted the course which the government of an independent nation is bound to pursue, when attempts are made by a foreign power to open negotiations with unauthorized individuals. they declared the measure "to be contrary to the law of nations, and utterly subversive of that confidence which could alone maintain those means which had been invented to alleviate the horrors of war; and, therefore, that the persons employed to distribute such papers, were not entitled to the protection of a flag." they recommended it to the executive departments in the respective states, "to secure, in close custody, every person who, under the sanction of a flag, or otherwise, was found employed in circulating those manifestoes." at the same time, to show that these measures were not taken for the purpose of concealment, they directed a publication of the manifesto in the american papers. care, however, was taken to accompany it with comments made by individuals, calculated to counteract its effect. a vessel containing a cargo of these papers being wrecked on the coast, the officers and crew were made prisoners; and the requisition of admiral gambier for their release, in consequence of the privilege afforded by his flag, was answered by a declaration that they had forfeited that privilege by being charged with seditious papers. [sidenote: october .] not long after the publication of this paper, a counter-manifesto was issued by congress, in which, after touching on subjects which might influence the public mind, they "solemnly declare and proclaim, that if their enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present course of barbarity, they will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct." thus ended this fruitless attempt to restore a connexion which had been wantonly broken, the reinstatement of which had become impracticable. with the war, and with independence, a course of opinion had prevailed in america, which not only opposed great obstacles to a reunion of the two countries under one common sovereign, but, by substituting discordant materials in the place of the cement which formerly bound them together, rendered such an event undesirable even to the british themselves. the time was arrived when the true interest of that nation required the relinquishment of an expensive war, the object of which was unattainable, and which, if attained, could not be long preserved; and the establishment of those amicable relations which reciprocal interests produce between independent states, capable of being serviceable to each other by a fair and equal interchange of good offices. this opinion, however, was not yet embraced by the cabinet of london; and great exertions were still to be made for the reannexation of the american states to the british empire. even the opposition was not united against a continuance of the war for the object now proposed; and the earl of chatham, who had endeavoured first to prevent the conflict, and afterwards to produce conciliation, closed his splendid life in unavailing efforts to prevent that dismemberment which had become inevitable.[ ] [footnote : the author has been favoured by his estimable friend, major general scott, with the perusal of an introduction written by mr. l. de sevelinges, to botta's "history of the war of the independence of the united states of america," translated into french. mr. de sevelinges professes to have received the most precious explanations, relative to incidents and motives, from a gentleman equally distinguished for his knowledge and his character, whose situation enabled him to become acquainted with facts which were concealed from the public. speaking of the attempt made by mr. johnson, he says, p. , it was essential "to break off all communication with the agents of the british minister. mr. girard directed all his efforts to this object, and had the good fortune to effect it. "but the english faction of tories subsisted. it was powerful from the credit of its chiefs." in a note on this passage, he says, "the most influential were samuel adams and richard lee, (richard h. lee,) the brother of arthur lee, one of the deputies of congress in france. he was convicted of having secret intelligence with the british minister." it would be injustice to the memoirs of these distinguished patriots to attempt their vindication against this atrocious and unfounded calumny. a calumny supported by no testimony, nor by a single circumstance wearing even the semblance of probability, and confuted by the whole tenour of their lives. the annals of the american revolution do not furnish two names more entirely above suspicion than samuel adams and richard henry lee. with the first gentleman the author was not personally acquainted. with the last he was; and can appeal with confidence to every man who knew him, to declare the conviction, that he died as he lived, a pure and devoted, as well as enlightened friend of american independence. the same character was maintained by mr. adams. in casting about for the foundation of this calumny, the author is inclined to look for it in the opinions entertained by these gentlemen, on subjects connected with the negotiations for peace. since the publication of the secret journals of congress, it is generally known that france countenanced the claim of spain to circumscribe the western boundary of the united states, by the line prescribed in the royal proclamation of , for settlement of vacant lands. after great britain had consented to acknowledge the independence of the united states, it was understood by those who were acquainted with the views of the belligerents, that a disposition existed on the part of france and spain, to continue the war for objects in which the united states felt no interest,--among others, for gibraltar and jamaica. some american statesmen, and the lees were of the number, probably mr. adams also, were extremely apprehensive that the miseries of their country would be prolonged for these objects. it is not impossible that the sentiments of these gentlemen on these subjects, being in opposition to the views of france, might, though founded entirely in american policy, be attributed to british intrigues.] [sidenote: july .] [sidenote: arrival of girard, minister plenipotentiary from the king of france.] in the midst of these transactions with the commissioners of great britain, the sieur girard arrived at philadelphia, in the character of minister plenipotentiary of his most christian majesty. the joy produced by this event was unbounded; and he was received by congress with great pomp. while these diplomatic concerns employed the american cabinet, and while the war seemed to languish on the atlantic, it raged to the west in its most savage form. [sidenote: june .] the difficulties which the inability of the american government to furnish the neighbouring indians with those european articles which they were accustomed to use, opposed to all the efforts of congress to preserve their friendship, have already been noticed. early in , there were many indications of a general disposition among those savages to make war on the united states; and the frontiers, from the mohawk to the ohio, were threatened with the tomahawk and the scalping knife. every representation from that country supported the opinion that a war with the indians should never be defensive; and that, to obtain peace, it must be carried into their own country. detroit, whose governor was believed to have been particularly active in exciting hostilities, was understood to be in a defenceless condition; and congress resolved on an expedition against that place. this enterprise was entrusted to general m'intosh, who commanded at pittsburg, and was to be carried on with three thousand men, chiefly militia, to be drawn from virginia. to facilitate its success, the resolution was also taken to enter the country of the senecas at the same time, by the way of the mohawk. the officer commanding on the east of the hudson was desired to take measures for carrying this resolution into execution; and the commissioners for indian affairs, at albany, were directed to co-operate with him. unfortunately, the acts of the government did not correspond with the vigour of its resolutions. the necessary preparations were not made, and the inhabitants of the frontiers remained without sufficient protection, until the plans against them were matured, and the storm which had been long gathering, burst upon them with a fury which spread desolation wherever it reached. [sidenote: colonel john butler, with a party of indians, breaks into the wyoming settlement.] about three hundred white men, commanded by colonel john butler, and about five hundred indians, led by the indian chief brandt, who had assembled in the north, marched late in june against the settlement of wyoming. these troops embarked on the chemung or tyoga, and descending the susquehanna, landed at a place called the three islands, whence they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a wilderness, and passing through a gap in the mountain, entered the valley of wyoming near its northern boundary. at this place a small fort called wintermoots had been erected, which fell into their hands without resistance, and was burnt. the inhabitants who were capable of bearing arms assembled on the first alarm at forty fort, on the west side of the susquehanna, four miles below the camp of the invading army. the regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were commanded by colonel zebulon butler;[ ] the militia by colonel dennison. colonel butler was desirous of awaiting the arrival of a small reinforcement under captain spalding, who had been ordered by general washington to his aid on the first intelligence of the danger which threatened the settlement; but the militia generally, believing themselves sufficiently strong to repel the invading force, urged an immediate battle so earnestly, that colonel butler yielded to their remonstrances, and on the d of july marched from forty fort at the head of near four hundred men to attack the enemy. [footnote : this gentleman is stated not to have been of the same family with the leader of the invading army.] the british and indians were prepared to receive him. their line was formed a small distance in front of their camp, in a plain thinly covered with pine, shrub oaks, and under growth, and extended from the river about a mile to a marsh at the foot of the mountain. the americans advanced in a single column, without interruption, until they approached the enemy, when they received a fire which did not much mischief. the line of battle[ ] was instantly formed, and the action commenced with spirit. the americans rather gained ground on the right where colonel butler commanded, until a large body of indians passing through the skirt of the marsh turned their left flank, which was composed of militia, and poured a heavy and most destructive fire on their rear. the word "retreat" was pronounced by some person, and the efforts of the officers to check it were unavailing. the fate of the day was decided, and a flight commenced on the left which was soon followed by the right. as soon as the line was broken, the indians, throwing down their rifles and rushing upon them with the tomahawk, completed the confusion. the attempt of colonel butler and of the officers to restore order were unavailing, and the whole line broke and fled in confusion. the massacre was general, and the cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk. rather less than sixty men escaped, some to forty fort, some by swimming the river, and some to the mountain. a very few prisoners were made, only three of whom were preserved alive, who were carried to niagara. [footnote : the representation of this battle, and of the circumstances attending the destruction of the wyoming settlement, have been materially varied from the statement made of them in the first edition. the papers of general washington furnished allusions to the transaction, but no particular account of it. the author therefore relied on mr. gordon and mr. ramsay, whose authority was quoted. soon after the work was published, he received a letter from a gentleman then residing in that country, (mr. charles miner,) who asserted with confidence that the statement was incorrect, and gave himself a minute detail of events, collected from persons who were in the settlement at the time, and witnessed them. the author has been since indebted to the same gentleman for a statement of the battle, and of the events which followed it, drawn up by one of the descendants of colonel zebulon butler, to which the certificates of several gentlemen are annexed, who were engaged in the action. these documents, with one which will be mentioned, convince him that the combined treachery and savage ferocity which have been painted in such vivid colours, in the narratives that have been given of this furious and desolating irruption, have been greatly exaggerated. historic truth demands that these misstatements should be corrected. the other document alluded to, is a letter from zebulon butler to the board of war, making his report of the transaction. the letter has been lately found among his papers, and is copied below. _grandenhutten, penn township, july th, ._ honoured sir,--on my arrival at westmoreland, (which was only four days after i left yorktown,) i found there was a large body of the enemy advancing on that settlement. on the first of july we mustered the militia, and marched towards them by the river above the settlement,--found and killed two indians at a place where the day before they had murdered nine men engaged in hoeing corn. we found some canoes, &c. but finding we were above their main body, it was judged prudent to return. and as every man had to go to his own house for his provision, we could not muster again till the d of july. in the mean time, the enemy had got possession of two forts, one of which we had reason to believe was designed for them, though they burnt them both. the inhabitants had seven forts for the security of their women and children, extending about ten miles on the river, and too many men would stay in them to take care of them; but after collecting about three hundred of the most spirited of them, including captain hewitt's company, i held a council with the officers, who were all agreed that it was best to attack the enemy before they got any farther. we accordingly marched,--found their situation,--formed a front of the same extension of the enemy's, and attacked from right to left at the same time. our men stood the fire well for three or four shots, till some part of the enemy gave way; but unfortunately for us, through some mistake, the word _retreat_ was understood from some officer on the left, which took so quick that it was not in the power of the officers to form them again, though i believe, if they had stood three minutes longer, the enemy would have been beaten. the utmost pains were taken by the officers, who mostly fell. a lieutenant colonel, a major and five captains, who were in commission in the militia, all fell. colonel durkee, and captains hewitt and ransom were likewise killed. in the whole, about two hundred men lost their lives in the action on our side. what number of the enemy were killed is yet uncertain, though i believe a very considerable number. the loss of these men so intimidated the inhabitants, that they gave up the matter of fighting. great numbers ran off, and others would comply with the terms that i had refused. the enemy sent flags frequently--the terms you will see in the enclosed letter. they repeatedly said they had nothing to do with any but the inhabitants, and did not want to treat with me. colonel dennison, by desire of the inhabitants, went and complied,--which made it necessary for me and the little remains of captain hewitt's company to leave the place. indeed it was determined by the enemy to spare the inhabitants after their agreement, and that myself and the few continental soldiers should be delivered up to the savages. upon which i left the place, and came scarcely able to move, as i have had no rest since i left yorktown. it has not been in my power to find a horse or man to wait on the board till now. i must submit to the board what must be the next step. the little remains of hewitt's company (which are about fifteen) are gone to shamoken, and captain spalding's company, i have heard, are on the delaware. several hundred of the inhabitants are strolling in the country destitute of provisions, who have large fields of grain and other necessaries of life at westmoreland. in short, if the inhabitants can go back, there may yet be saved double the quantity of provisions to support themselves, otherwise they must be beggars, and a burthen to the world. i have heard from men that came from the place since the people gave up, that the indians have killed no person since, but have burnt most of the buildings, and are collecting all the horses they can, and are moving up the river. they likewise say the enemy were eight hundred, one-half white men. i should be glad that, if possible, there might be a sufficient guard sent for the defence of the place, which will be the means of saving thousands from poverty--but must submit to the wisdom of congress. i desire farther orders from the honourable board of war with respect to myself, and the soldiers under my direction. i have the honour to be your honour's most obedient, humble servant, zebulon butler.] [sidenote: colonel dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.] further resistance was impracticable, colonel dennison proposed terms of capitulation, which were granted to the inhabitants. it being understood that no quarter would be allowed to the continental troops, colonel butler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley. [sidenote: distress of the settlement.] the inhabitants generally abandoned the country, and, in great distress, wandered into the settlements on the lehigh and the delaware. the indians, as is the practice of savages, destroyed the houses and improvements by fire, and plundered the country. after laying waste the whole settlement, they withdrew from it before the arrival of the continental troops, who were detached to meet them. [sidenote: july .] to cover every part of the united states would have required a much greater number of men than could be raised. different districts were therefore unavoidably exposed to the calamities ever to be experienced by those into the bosom of whose country war is carried. the militia in every part of the union, fatigued and worn out by repeated tours of duty, required to be relieved by continental troops. their applications were necessarily resisted; but the danger which threatened the western frontier had become so imminent; the appeal made by its sufferings to national feeling was so affecting, that it was determined to spare a more considerable portion of the army for its defence, than had been allotted to that part of the union, since the capture of burgoyne. on the first intelligence of the destruction of wyoming, the regiments of hartley and butler, with the remnant of morgan's corps, commanded by major posey, were detached to the protection of that distressed country. they were engaged in several sharp skirmishes, made separate incursions into the indian settlements, broke up their nearest villages, destroyed their corn, and by compelling them to retire to a greater distance, gave some relief to the inhabitants. while the frontiers of new york and pennsylvania were thus suffering the calamities incident to savage warfare, a fate equally severe was preparing for virginia. the western militia of that state had made some successful incursions into the country north-west of the ohio, and had taken some british posts on the mississippi. these were erected in the county of illinois; and a regiment of infantry, with a troop of cavalry, were raised for its protection. the command of these troops was given to colonel george rogers clarke, a gentleman whose courage, hardihood, and capacity for indian warfare, had given repeated success to his enterprises against the savages. this corps was divided into several detachments, the strongest of which remained with colonel clarke at kaskaskia. colonel hamilton, the governor of detroit, was at vincennes with about six hundred men, principally indians, preparing an expedition, first against kaskaskia, and then up the ohio to pittsburg; after which he purposed to desolate the frontiers of virginia. clarke anticipated and defeated his design by one of those bold and decisive measures, which, whether formed on a great or a small scale, mark the military and enterprising genius of the man who plans and executes them. [sidenote: february.] [sidenote: colonel clarke surprises st. vincents, and takes possession of it.] he was too far removed from the inhabited country to hope for support, and was too weak to maintain kaskaskia and the illinois against the combined force of regulars and indians by which he was to be attacked so soon as the season for action should arrive. while employed in preparing for his defence, he received unquestionable information that hamilton had detached his indians on an expedition against the frontiers, reserving at the post he occupied only about eighty regulars, with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. clarke instantly resolved to seize this favourable moment. after detaching a small galley up the wabash with orders to take her station a few miles below vincennes, and to permit nothing to pass her, he marched in the depth of winter with one hundred and thirty men, the whole force he could collect, across the country from kaskaskia to vincennes. this march, through the woods, and over high waters, required sixteen days, five of which were employed in crossing the drowned lands of the wabash. the troops were under the necessity of wading five miles in water, frequently up to their breasts. after subduing these difficulties, this small party appeared before the town, which was completely surprised, and readily consented to change its master. hamilton, after defending the fort a short time, surrendered himself and his garrison prisoners of war. with a few of his immediate agents and counsellors, who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities he had encouraged, he was, by order of the executive of virginia, put in irons, and confined in a jail. this expedition was important in its consequences. it disconcerted a plan which threatened destruction to the whole country west of the alleghany mountains; detached from the british interest many of those numerous tribes of indians south of the waters immediately communicating with the great lakes; and had, most probably, considerable influence in fixing the western boundary of the united states. [sidenote: congress determine to attack canada, and the other british possessions in north america.] we have already seen that congress, actuated by their wishes rather than governed by a temperate calculation of the means in their possession, had, in the preceding winter, planned a second invasion of canada, to be conducted by the marquis de lafayette; and that, as the generals only were got in readiness for this expedition, it was necessarily laid aside. the design, however, seems to have been suspended, not abandoned. the alliance with france revived the latent wish to annex that extensive territory to the united states. that favourite subject was resumed; and, towards autumn, a plan was completely digested for a combined attack to be made by the allies on all the british dominions on the continent, and on the adjacent islands of cape breton and newfoundland. this plan was matured about the time the marquis de lafayette obtained leave to return to his own country, and was ordered to be transmitted by that nobleman to doctor franklin, the minister of the united states at the court of versailles, with instructions to induce, if possible, the french cabinet to accede to it. some communications respecting this subject were also made to the marquis, on whose influence in securing its adoption by his own government, much reliance was placed; and, in october, , it was, for the first time, transmitted to general washington, with a request that he would inclose it by the marquis, with his observations on it, to doctor franklin. this very extensive plan of military operations for the ensuing campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet, without consulting, so far as is known, a single military man, consisted of many parts. two detachments, amounting, each, to sixteen hundred men, were to march from pittsburg and wyoming against detroit, and niagara. a third body of troops, which was to be stationed on the mohawk during the winter, and to be powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to seize oswego, and to secure the navigation of lake ontario with vessels to be constructed of materials to be procured in the winter. a fourth corps was to penetrate into canada by the st. francis, and to reduce montreal, and the posts on lake champlain, while a fifth should guard against troops from quebec. thus far america could proceed unaided by her ally. but, upper canada being reduced, another campaign would still be necessary for the reduction of quebec. this circumstance would require that the army should pass the winter in canada, and, in the mean time, the garrison of quebec might be largely reinforced. it was therefore essential to the complete success of the enterprise, that france should be induced to take a part in it. the conquest of quebec, and of halifax, was supposed to be an object of so much importance to france as well as to the united states, that her aid might be confidently expected. it was proposed to request his most christian majesty to furnish four or five thousand troops, to sail from brest, the beginning of may, under convoy of four ships of the line and four frigates; the troops to be clad as if for service in the west indies, and thick clothes to be sent after them in august. a large american detachment was to act with this french army; and it was supposed that quebec and halifax might be reduced by the beginning or middle of october. the army might then either proceed immediately against newfoundland, or remain in garrison until the spring, when the conquest of that place might be accomplished. it had been supposed probable that england would abandon the farther prosecution of the war on the continent of north america, in which case the government would have a respectable force at its disposal, the advantageous employment of which had engaged in part the attention of the commander-in-chief. he had contemplated an expedition against the british posts in upper canada as a measure which might be eventually eligible, and which might employ the arms of the united states to advantage, if their troops might safely be withdrawn from the sea board. he had, however, considered every object of this sort as contingent. having estimated the difficulties to be encountered in such an enterprise, he had found them so considerable as to hesitate on the extent which might safely be given to the expedition, admitting the united states to be evacuated by the british armies. in this state of mind, he received the magnificent plan already prepared by congress. he was forcibly struck with the impracticability of executing that part of it which was to be undertaken by the united states, should the british armies continue in their country; and with the serious mischief which would result to the common cause, as well from diverting so considerable a part of the french force from other objects to one which was, in his opinion, so unpromising, as from the ill impression which would be made on the court and nation by the total failure of the american government to execute its part of a plan originating with itself; a failure which would, most probably, sacrifice the troops and ships employed by france. on comparing the naval force of england with that of france in the different parts of the world, the former appeared to him to maintain a decided superiority, and consequently to possess the power of shutting up the ships of the latter which might be trusted into the st. lawrence. to suppose that the british government would not avail itself of this superiority on such an occasion, would be to impute to it a blind infatuation, or ignorance of the plans of its adversary, which could not be safely assumed in calculations of such serious import. [sidenote: general washington urges reasons against the plan.] a plan too, consisting of so many parts, to be prosecuted both from europe and america, by land and by water; which, to be successful, required such a harmonious co-operation of the whole, such a perfect coincidence of events, appeared to him to be exposed to too many accidents, to risk upon it interests of such high value. [illustration: george washington _from the portrait by john trumbull_ _colonel trumbull, whose portraits of washington, hamilton, jay, adams, george clinton and other revolutionary contemporaries form a notable gallery, was general washington's aide-de-camp at the outbreak of the war for independence, and during its progress became a pupil of benjamin west, in london. the news of andré's execution fastened upon him the suspicion of being a spy, and he spent eight months in an english prison. returning to america he painted this and other portraits of washington, as well as a number of historical pictures, including the "resignation of washington at annapolis," which hangs in the capitol at washington._] in a long and serious letter to congress, he apologized for not obeying their orders to deliver the plan with his observations upon it to the marquis; and, entering into a full investigation of all its parts, demonstrated the mischiefs, and the dangers, with which it was replete. this letter was referred to a committee, whose report admits the force of the reasons urged by the commander-in-chief against the expedition, and their own conviction that nothing important could be attempted unless the british armies should be withdrawn from the united states; and that, even in that event, the present plan was far too complex. men, however, recede slowly and reluctantly from favourite and flattering projects on which they have long meditated; and the committee, in their report, proceeded to state the opinion that the posts held by the british in the united states would probably be evacuated before the active part of the ensuing campaign; and that, therefore, eventual measures for the expedition ought to be taken. this report concludes with recommending "that the general should be directed to write to the marquis de lafayette on that subject; and also to write to the minister of these states at the court of versailles very fully, to the end that eventual measures may be taken, in case an armament should be sent from france to quebec, for co-operating therewith, to the utmost degree, which the finances and resources of these states will admit." this report also was approved by congress, and transmitted to the commander-in-chief; who felt himself greatly embarrassed by it. while his objections to the project retained all their force, he found himself required to open a correspondence for the purposes of soliciting the concurrence of france in an expedition he disapproved, and of promising a co-operation he believed to be impracticable. in reply to this communication, he said, "the earnest desire i have strictly to comply in every instance, with the views and instructions of congress, can not but make me feel the greatest uneasiness, when i find myself in circumstances of hesitation or doubt, with respect to their directions. but the perfect confidence i have in the justice and candour of that honourable body, emboldens me to communicate, without reserve, the difficulties which occur in the execution of their present order; and the indulgence i have experienced on every former occasion, induces me to imagine that the liberty i now take will not meet with disapprobation." after reviewing the report of the committee, and stating his objections to the plan, and the difficulties he felt in performing the duty assigned to him, he added, "but if congress still think it necessary for me to proceed in the business, i must request their more definitive and explicit instructions, and that they will permit me, previous to transmitting the intended despatches, to submit them to their determination. "i could wish to lay before congress more minutely the state of the army, the condition of our supplies, and the requisites necessary for carrying into execution an undertaking that may involve the most serious events. if congress think this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal conference, i hope to have the army in such a situation before i can receive their answer, as to afford me an opportunity of giving my attendance." [sidenote: induces congress to abandon it.] congress acceded to his request of a personal interview; and, on his arrival in philadelphia, a committee was appointed to confer with him, as well on this particular subject as on the general state of the army and of the country. the result of these conferences was, that the expedition against canada was entirely, though reluctantly,[ ] given up, and every arrangement recommended by the commander-in-chief, received the attention to which his judgment and experience gave all his opinions the fairest claim. [footnote : see note no. ii. at the end of the volume.] chapter iv. divisions in congress.... letters of general washington on the state of public affairs.... invasion of georgia.... general howe defeated by colonel campbell.... savannah taken.... sunbury surrenders.... georgia reduced.... general lincoln takes command of the southern army.... major gardiner defeated by general moultrie.... insurrection of the tories in south carolina.... they are defeated by colonel pickens.... ash surprised and defeated.... moultrie retreats.... prevost marches to charleston.... lincoln attacks the british at stono ferry unsuccessfully.... invasion of virginia. [sidenote: ] after the relinquishment of that extensive plan of conquest which had been meditated against canada, no other object seemed to call forth the energies of the nation, and a general languor appeared to diffuse itself through all the civil departments. the alliance with france was believed to secure independence; and a confidence that britain could no longer prosecute the war with any hope of success--a confidence encouraged by communications from europe--prevented those exertions which were practicable, but which it was painful to make. this temper was seen and deplored by the commander-in-chief, who incessantly combated the opinion that britain was about to relinquish the contest, and insisted that great and vigorous exertions on the part of the united states were still necessary to bring the war to a successful termination. it being no longer practicable to engage soldiers by voluntary enlistment, and government not daring to force men into the service for three years, or during the war, the vacant ranks were scantily supplied with drafts for nine, twelve, and eighteen months. a great proportion of the troops were discharged in the course of each year; and, except that the old officers remained, almost a new army was to be formed for every campaign. although the commander-in-chief pressed congress and the state governments continually and urgently, to take timely measures for supplying the places of those who were leaving the service, the means adopted were so slow and ineffectual in their operation, that the season for action never found the preparations completed; and the necessity of struggling against superior numbers was perpetual. the pleasing delusion that the war was over, to which the public mind delighted to surrender itself, made no impression on the judgment of washington. viewing objects through a more correct medium, he perceived that great britain had yet much to hope, and america much to fear, from a continuance of hostilities. he feared that the impression which the divisions, and apparent inertness of the united states had made on the british commissioners, would be communicated to their government; and this consideration increased his anxiety in favour of early and vigorous preparations for the next campaign. yet it was not until the d of january that congress passed the resolution, authorizing the commander-in-chief to re-enlist the army, nor, until the th of march, that the requisition was made on the several states for their quotas. the bounty offered by the first resolution being found insufficient, the government was again under the necessity of resorting to the states. thus, at a season when the men ought to have been in camp, the measures for raising them were still to be adopted. about this period, several circumstances conspired to foment those pernicious divisions and factions in congress, which, in times of greater apparent danger, patriotism would have suppressed. [sidenote: divisions in congress.] the ministers of the united states, in europe, had reciprocally criminated each other, and some of them had been recalled. their friends in congress supported their respective interests with considerable animation; and, at length, mr. deane published a manifesto, in which he arraigned at the bar of the public, the conduct not only of those concerned in foreign negotiations, but of the members of congress themselves. the irritation excited by these and other contests was not a little increased by the appearance, in a new york paper, of an extract from a letter written by mr. laurens, the president of congress, to governor huiston, of georgia, which, during the invasion of that state, was found among his papers. in this letter, mr. laurens had unbosomed himself with the unsuspecting confidence of a person communicating to a friend the inmost operations of his mind. in a gloomy moment, he had expressed himself with a degree of severity, which even his own opinion, when not under the immediate influence of chagrin, would not entirely justify, and had reflected on the integrity and patriotism of members, without particularizing the individuals he designed to censure. these altercations added much to the alarm with which general washington viewed that security which had insinuated itself into the public mind; and his endeavours were unremitting to impress the same apprehensions on those who were supposed capable of removing the delusion. in his confidential letters to gentlemen of the most influence in the several states, he represented in strong terms the dangers which yet threatened the country, and earnestly exhorted them to a continuance of those sacrifices and exertions which he still deemed essential to the happy termination of the war. the dissensions in congress; the removal of individuals of the highest influence and character from the councils of the nation to offices in the respective states; the depreciation of the currency; the destructive spirit of speculation which the imaginary gain produced by this depreciation had diffused throughout the union; a general laxity of principles; and an unwillingness to encounter personal inconvenience for the attainment of the great object, in pursuit of which so much blood and treasure had been expended; were the rocks on which, he apprehended, the state vessel might yet split, and to which he endeavoured, incessantly, to point the attention of those whose weight of political character enable them to guide the helm. [sidenote: letters from general washington on the state of public affairs.] "i am particularly desirous of a free communication of sentiments with you at this time," says the general in a letter written to a gentleman of splendid political talents, "because i view things very differently, i fear, from what people in general do, who seem to think the contest at an end, and that to make money, and get places, are the only things now remaining to be done. i have seen without despondency, even for a moment, the hours which america has styled her gloomy ones; but i have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities, when i have thought her liberties in such imminent danger as at present. friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down the goodly fabric we have hitherto been raising at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure." after censuring with some freedom the prevailing opinions of the day, he added, "to me it appears no unjust simile to compare the affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state representing some one or other of the smaller parts of it, which they are endeavouring to put in fine order, without considering how useless and unavailing their labour is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to, and kept in good order. i allude to no particular state, nor do i mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought i, it may be said, to do so on their representatives; but, as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that congress is rent by party; that much business of a trifling nature and personal concernment, withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment at this critical period; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close attention and application, no man who wishes well to the liberties of this country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid crying out--where are our men of abilities? why do they not come forth to save their country? let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, jefferson, and others. do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under our vine and our own fig-tree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. believe me when i tell you there is danger of it. i have pretty good reasons for thinking that administration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace with us upon almost any terms; but i shall be much mistaken if they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. nothing i am sure will prevent it but the intervention of spain, and their disappointed hope from russia." the circumstances in the situation and temper of america, which made so deep an impression on the commander-in-chief, operated with equal force on the british commissioners, and induced them to think that, by continuing the war, more favourable terms than were now demanded might be obtained. they seem to have taken up the opinion that the mass of the people, fatigued and worn out by the complicated calamities of the struggle, sincerely desired an accommodation on the terms proposed by great britain; and that the increasing difficulties resulting from the failure of public credit, would induce them to desert congress, or compel that body to accede to those terms. these opinions, when communicated to the government, most probably contributed to protract the war. the narrative of military transactions will now be resumed. the british arms had heretofore been chiefly directed against the northern and middle states. the strongest parts of the american continent were pressed by their whole force; and, with the exception of the attempt on sullivan's island in , no serious design had yet been manifested to make an impression in the south. entertaining the most confident hopes of recovering all the colonies, the british government had not prosecuted the war with a view to partial conquest. but the loss of the army commanded by burgoyne, the alliance of america with france, and the unexpected obstinacy with which the contest was maintained, had diminished their confidence; and, when the pacific propositions made in were rejected, the resolution seems to have been taken to change, materially, the object of their military operations; and, maintaining possession of the islands of new york, to direct their arms against the southern states, on which, it was believed, a considerable impression might be made. it was not unreasonable to suppose that the influence of this impression might extend northward; but, however this might be, the actual conquest and possession of several states would, when negotiations for a general peace should take place, give a complexion to those negotiations, and afford plausible ground for insisting to retain territory already acquired. the most active and interesting operations therefore of the succeeding campaigns, were in the southern states. lieutenant colonel campbell, who sailed from the hook about the last of november, , escorted by a small squadron commanded by commodore hyde parker, reached the isle of tybee, near the savannah, on the d of december; and, in a few days, the fleet and the transports passed the bar, and anchored in the river. the command of the southern army, composed of the troops of south carolina and georgia, had been committed to major general robert howe, who, in the course of the preceding summer, had invaded east florida.[ ] the diseases incident to the climate made such ravages among his raw soldiers, that, though he had scarcely seen an enemy, he found himself compelled to hasten out of the country with considerable loss. after this disastrous enterprise, his army, consisting of between six and seven hundred continental troops, aided by a few hundred militia, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the town of savannah, situated on the southern bank of the river bearing that name. the country about the mouth of the river is one tract of deep marsh, intersected by creeks and cuts of water, impassable for troops at any time of the tide, except over causeways extending through the sunken ground. [footnote : so early as january, , congress had recommended the reduction of st. augustine to the southern colonies.--_secret journals of congress, page ._] [sidenote: invasion of georgia.] without much opposition, lieutenant colonel campbell effected a landing on the th, about three miles below the town; upon which howe formed his line of battle. his left was secured by the river; and along the whole extent of his front was a morass which stretched to his right, and was believed by him to be impassable for such a distance, as effectually to secure that wing. after reconnoitring the country, colonel campbell advanced on the great road leading to savannah; and, about three in the afternoon, appeared in sight of the american army. while making dispositions to dislodge it, he accidentally fell in with a negro, who informed him of a private path leading through the swamp, round the right of the american lines to their rear. determining to avail himself of this path, he detached a column under sir james baird, which entered the morass unperceived by howe. [sidenote: general howe defeated by the british under colonel campbell, who takes possession of savannah.] as soon as sir james emerged from the swamp, he attacked and dispersed a body of georgia militia, which gave the first notice to the american general of the danger which threatened his rear. at the same instant, the british troops in his front were put in motion, and their artillery began to play upon him. a retreat was immediately ordered; and the continental troops were under the necessity of running across a plain, in front of the corps which had been led into their rear by sir james baird, who attacked their flanks with great impetuosity, and considerable effect. the few who escaped, retreated up the savannah; and, crossing that river at zubly's ferry, took refuge in south carolina. the victory was complete, and decisive in its consequences. about one hundred americans were either killed in the field, or drowned in attempting to escape through a deep swamp. thirty-eight officers, and four hundred and fifteen privates, were taken. forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort with all its military-stores, a large quantity of provisions collected for the use of the army, and the capital of georgia, fell into the hands of the conqueror. these advantages were obtained at the expense of only seven killed, and nineteen wounded. no military force now remained in georgia, except the garrison of sunbury, whose retreat to south carolina was cut off. all the lower part of that state was occupied by the british, who adopted measures to secure the conquest they had made. the inhabitants were treated with a lenity as wise as it was humane. their property was spared, and their persons protected. to make the best use of victory, and of the impression produced by the moderation of the victors, a proclamation was issued, inviting the inhabitants to repair to the british standard, and offering protection to those who would return to their allegiance. the effect of these measures did not disappoint those who adopted them. the inhabitants flocked in great numbers to the royal standard; military corps for the protection of the country were formed; and posts were established for a considerable distance up the river. [sidenote: sunbury surrenders to general prevost.] the northern frontier of georgia being supposed to be settled into a state of quiet, colonel campbell turned his attention towards sunbury, and was about to proceed against that place, when he received intelligence that it had surrendered to general prevost. [sidenote: the state of georgia reduced.] sir henry clinton had ordered that officer to co-operate from east florida, with colonel campbell. on hearing that the troops from the north were off the coast, he entered the southern frontier of georgia, and invested sunbury, which, after a slight resistance, surrendered at discretion. having placed a garrison in the fort, he proceeded to savannah, took command of the army, and detached colonel campbell with eight hundred regulars and a few provincials to augusta, which fell without resistance, and thus the whole state of georgia was reduced. while the expedition conducted by lieutenant colonel campbell was preparing at new york, congress was meditating the conquest of east florida. [sidenote: general lincoln takes the command of the southern army.] the delegates of south carolina and georgia, anxious that a general of more experience than howe should command in the southern department, had earnestly pressed that he should be recalled, and that general lincoln, whose military reputation was high, should be appointed to succeed him. in compliance with their solicitations, howe was ordered in september, , to repair to the head quarters of general washington, and lincoln was directed to proceed immediately to charleston, in south carolina, in order to take command in the southern department. in pursuance of this resolution, general lincoln repaired to charleston, where he found the military affairs of the country in a state of utter derangement. congress had established no continental military chest in the southern department. this omission produced a dependence on the government of the state for supplies to move the army on any emergency, and consequent subjection of the troops in continental service to its control. the militia, though taken into continental service, considered themselves as subject only to the military code of the state. these regulations threatened to embarrass all military operations, and to embroil the general with the civil government. while lincoln was labouring to make arrangements for the ensuing campaign, he received intelligence of the appearance of the enemy off the coast. the militia of north carolina, amounting to two thousand men, commanded by generals ash and rutherford, had already reached charleston; but were unarmed, and congress had been unable to provide magazines in this part of the union. these troops were, therefore, entirely dependent on south carolina for every military equipment; and arms were not delivered to them until it was too late to save the capital of georgia. so soon as it was ascertained that the british fleet had entered the savannah river, general lincoln proceeded with the utmost expedition towards the scene of action. on his march, he received intelligence of the victory gained over general howe; and was soon afterwards joined by the remnant of the defeated army at purysburg, a small town on the north side of the savannah, where he established his head quarters. the regular force commanded by general prevost must have amounted to at least three thousand effective men; and this number was increased by irregulars who had joined him in georgia. the american army rather exceeded three thousand six hundred men, of whom not quite two thousand five hundred were effective. something more than one thousand were continental troops, part of whom were new levies; the rest were militia. [sidenote: major gardiner defeated by general moultrie.] the theatre of action was so well adapted to defensive war, that, although general prevost was decidedly superior to his adversary, it was difficult to extend his conquests into south carolina. with the view of entering that state by the way of the sea coast, he detached major gardiner with about two hundred men, to take possession of the island of port royal. that officer, soon after reaching his place of destination, was attacked by general moultrie, and compelled to retreat with considerable loss. this repulse checked the designs of prevost on south carolina. [sidenote: insurrection of the tories in south carolina, who are defeated by colonel pickens.] from the commencement of the war, a considerable proportion of the western inhabitants of the three southern states had been attached to the royal cause. the first successes of the british were soon communicated to them, and they were invited to assemble and join the king's standard at augusta. about seven hundred embodied themselves on the frontiers of south carolina, and began their march to that place. they were overtaken by colonel pickens at the head of the neighbouring militia, near kittle creek, and defeated with considerable loss. colonel boyd, their leader, was among the slain; and several of those who escaped were apprehended, tried, and five of them executed as traitors. about three hundred reached the british out-posts, and joined the royal standard. this defeat broke the spirits of the tories for a time; and preserved quiet in the west. as the american army gained strength by reinforcements of militia, general lincoln began to contemplate offensive operations. a detachment had been stationed nearly opposite to augusta under general ash, and he purposed joining that officer so soon as a sufficient force could be collected, and attempting to recover the upper parts of georgia. before he was able to execute this plan, general prevost withdrew his troops from augusta to hudson's ferry. ash was then ordered to cross the savannah, and take post near the confluence of briar creek with that river. this camp was thought unassailable. its left was covered by a deep swamp, and by the savannah. the front was secured by briar creek, which is unfordable several miles, and makes an acute angle with the river. [sidenote: ash surprised and defeated by prevost.] having determined to dislodge the americans from this position, prevost kept up the attention of general lincoln by the semblance of a design to cross the savannah; and, at the same time amused general ash with a feint on his front, while lieutenant colonel prevost made a circuit of about fifty miles, and, crossing briar creek fifteen miles above the ground occupied by ash, came down, unperceived and unsuspected, on his rear. ash, unused to the stratagems of war, was so completely engaged by the manoeuvres in his front, that lieutenant colonel prevost was almost in his camp before any intelligence of his approach was received. the continental troops under general elbert were drawn out to oppose him, and commenced the action with great gallantry; but most of the militia threw away their arms and fled in confusion. as they precipitated themselves into the swamp and swam the river, not many of them were taken. general elbert and his small band of continental troops, aided by one regiment of north carolina militia, were soon overpowered by numbers, and the survivors were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war. the killed and taken amounted to between three and four hundred men. general elbert and colonel m'intosh were among the latter. but the loss sustained by the american army was much more considerable. the dispersed militia returned to their homes; and not more than four hundred and fifty of them could be reassembled. this victory was supposed to give the british such complete possession of georgia, that a proclamation was issued the succeeding day by general prevost, establishing civil government, and appointing executive and judicial officers to administer it. these disasters, instead of terrifying south carolina into submission, animated that state to greater exertions. mr. john rutledge, a gentleman of great talents and decision, was elected governor; and the legislature passed an act empowering him and the council to do every thing that appeared to him and them necessary for the public good. all the energies of the state were drawn forth. the militia were called out in great numbers, and the laws for their government were rendered more severe.[ ] [footnote : ramsay.] thus reinforced, general lincoln resumed his plan for recovering the upper parts of georgia; and marched the main body of his army up the savannah. this river was now swelled greatly beyond its usual limits; and the swamps, marshes, and creeks which intersect the country being full, seemed to present an almost impassable barrier to an invading army. a small military force being deemed sufficient to arrest the progress of an enemy through a route which, if at all practicable, was so difficult, about eight hundred of the state militia, aided by two hundred continental troops, were left with general moultrie for the defence of the country. [sidenote: prevost compels moultrie to retreat.] aware of the importance of this movement, and hoping to recall lincoln by alarming him for the safety of charleston, general prevost suddenly crossed the savannah with three thousand men; and, advancing rapidly on general moultrie, obliged him to retreat with precipitation. the militia could not be prevailed on to defend the passes with any degree of firmness; and moultrie, instead of drawing aid from the surrounding country, sustained an alarming diminution of numbers by desertion. on the passage of the river by prevost, an express had been despatched to lincoln with the intelligence. persuaded that the british general could meditate no serious attempt on charleston, and that the real object was to induce him to abandon the enterprise in which he was engaged, he detached a reinforcement of three hundred light troops to aid moultrie, and crossing the savannah himself, continued his march down the south side of that river towards the capital of georgia. [sidenote: prevost marches to charleston.] though the original purpose of general prevost had been limited to the security of georgia, the opposition he encountered was so much less than he had expected; the tenour of the country was so apparent; the assurances of those who flocked to his standard; of the general disposition of the people to terminate the calamities of war by submission, were so often and so confidently repeated, that he was emboldened to extend his views, and to hazard the continuation of his march to charleston. on receiving intelligence of this threatening aspect of affairs in south carolina, lincoln recrossed the savannah, and hastened to the relief of that state. the situation of charleston was extremely critical. the inhabitants, entirely unapprehensive of an attack by land, had directed their whole attention to its protection against an invasion by sea. had prevost continued his march with the rapidity with which it was commenced, the place must have fallen. but, after having gained more than half the distance, he halted, and consumed two or three days in deliberating on his future measures. while his intelligence determined him to proceed, and assured him of a state of things which rendered success almost certain, that state of things was rapidly changing. fortifications on the land side were commenced and prosecuted with unremitting labour; the neighbouring militia were drawn into the town; the reinforcements detached by general lincoln, and the remnant of the legion of pulaski arrived; and the governor also entered the city, at the head of some troops which had been stationed at orangeburg. the next morning prevost crossed ashly river, and encamped just without cannon shot of the works. the town was summoned to surrender, and the day was spent in sending and receiving flags. the neutrality of south carolina during the war, leaving the question whether that state should finally belong to great britain or the united states, to be settled in the treaty of peace, was proposed by the garrison, and rejected by prevost; who required that they should surrender themselves prisoners of war. this proposition being also rejected, the garrison prepared to sustain an assault. but an attempt to carry the works by storm was too hazardous to be made; and prevost came to the prudent resolution of decamping that night, and recrossing ashly river. [sidenote: lincoln attacks the british at the ferry but without success.] the british army passed into the island of st. james, and thence to that of st. john's, which lies south of charleston harbour; soon after which general lincoln encamped in the neighbourhood, so as to confine them in a great degree to the island they occupied. this island is separated from the main land by an inlet, to which the name of stono river has been given; and the communication is preserved by a ferry. a british post was established upon the main land at this ferry, and works were thrown up in front for its defence. when prevost commenced his retreat, and the troops were moving from island to island, the occasion seemed a fair one for attacking it. only eight hundred men, commanded by lieutenant colonel maitland, defended it; but a large corps still lay on the island. to prevent these troops from supporting those on the main land, general moultrie, who commanded in charleston, was ordered to pass over a body of militia into james's island, who should amuse the enemy in st. john's, while a real attack should be made on the post at the ferry. about seven in the morning, general lincoln commenced this attack with about one thousand men; and continued it with great spirit, until he perceived that strong reinforcements were crossing over from the island; when he called off his troops, and retreated, unmolested, to his old ground. general moultrie had been unable to execute that part of the plan which devolved on him. boats were not in readiness to convey the men into james's island, and consequently the feint on st. john's was not made. the loss of the americans, in killed and wounded, amounted to twenty-four officers, and one hundred and twenty-five privates. that of the british was stated to be rather less. three days after this action, the posts at stono and st. john's were evacuated. the heat now became too excessive for active service; and the british army, after establishing a post on the island contiguous to port royal and st. helena, retired into georgia and st. augustine. the american militia dispersed, leaving general lincoln at the head of about eight hundred men; with whom he retired to sheldon, where his primary object was to prepare for the next campaign, which it was supposed would open in october. the invasion of the southern states wore so serious an aspect, that bland's regiment of cavalry, and the remnant of that lately baylor's, now commanded by lieutenant colonel washington, with the new levies of virginia, were ordered to repair to charleston, and to place themselves under the command of general lincoln. the execution of these orders was for a time suspended by the invasion of virginia. [sidenote: invasion of virginia by general matthews.] an expedition against that state had been concerted in the spring between sir henry clinton and sir george collier, the commander-in-chief of the british naval force on the american station. the land troops assigned to this service were commanded by general matthews. the transports, on board of which they embarked, were convoyed by the admiral in person. on the th of may the fleet entered the chesapeake, and the next day anchored in hampton roads. virginia had raised a regiment of artillery for the performance of garrison duty in the state, which had been distributed along the eastern frontier; and slight fortifications had been constructed in the most important situations, which were defensible on the side of the water, but were not tenable against a military force strong enough to act on land. fort nelson, on the west side of elizabeth river, garrisoned by about one hundred and fifty soldiers, commanded by major matthews, was designed to protect the towns of norfolk and portsmouth, which were on each side of the river just above it; and the town of gosport, which lies still higher up on a point of land intervening between two branches of the river. norfolk and portsmouth were places of the most considerable commerce in virginia. large supplies for the army were deposited in them; and the state government had established at gosport a marine yard, where ships of war and other vessels were building, for which naval stores were collected to a very great amount. the destruction of these vessels and stores, constituted the principal object of general matthews. on the morning of the tenth, the fleet entered elizabeth river, and the troops were landed about three miles below the fort, without opposition. foreseeing that the works would be attacked the next morning on the land side, the garrison evacuated the fort in the night, and took refuge in a deep and extensive swamp, called the dismal, which could not be penetrated without difficulty, even by single persons. the whole sea-board, on the south side of james' river, being now in possession of general matthews, he fixed his head quarters at portsmouth, whence small parties were detached to norfolk, gosport, kemps' landing, and suffolk, where military and naval stores to a great amount, and several vessels richly laden, fell into his hands. this invasion was of short duration. general matthews, after destroying the magazines which had been collected in the small towns near the coast, and the vessels in the rivers, was ordered by sir henry clinton to return to new york, where he arrived towards the last of may. the admiral and general were both so impressed with the importance of portsmouth as a permanent station, that they united in representing to the commander-in-chief the advantages to be derived from keeping possession of it. but, in the opinion of sir henry clinton, the army did not at that time admit of so many subdivisions; and, with a view to more interesting objects, portsmouth was evacuated. chapter v. discontents in a part of the american army.... letter from general washington on the subject.... colonel van schaick destroys an indian settlement.... expedition against the indians meditated.... fort fayette surrendered to the british.... invasion of connecticut.... general wayne storms stony point.... expedition against penobscot.... powles hook surprised by major lee.... arrival of admiral arbuthnot.... of the count d'estaing.... siege of savannah.... unsuccessful attempt to storm that place.... siege raised.... victory of general sullivan at newtown.... spain offers her mediation to the belligerents.... declares war against england.... letter from general washington to congress respecting the annual formation of the army.... the army goes into winter quarters. [sidenote: ] the barbarities committed by the indians, in the course of the preceding year, on the inhabitants of the western frontiers, had added motives of mingled resentment and humanity to those of national interest, for employing a larger force in the protection of that part of the union than had heretofore been devoted to it. general washington had always believed that it was impossible to defend the immense western frontier by any chain of posts which could be established; and that the country would be protected much more certainly by offensive than by defensive war. his plan was to penetrate into the heart of the indian settlements with a force competent to the destruction of their towns; and also to reduce the british post at niagara, which gave its possessors an almost irresistible influence over the six nations. this plan constituted one of the various subjects of conference with the committee of congress in philadelphia, and received the entire approbation of that body. the state governments also took a strong interest in the protection of their western settlements. connecticut, new york, and pennsylvania, applied, severally, to congress, urging the adoption of such vigorous measures as would secure the frontiers against a repetition of the horrors which had been already perpetrated. these papers were referred to the committee which had been appointed to confer with general washington, in conformity with whose report it was resolved, "that the commander-in-chief be directed to take efficient measures for the protection of the inhabitants, and chastisement of the savages." the six nations had made some advances towards acquiring the comforts of civilized life. several comfortable houses were to be seen in their populous villages; and their fertile fields and orchards yielded an abundant supply of corn and fruit. some few of their towns were attached to the united states; but, in general, they were under the influence of the british. many of the loyalists had taken refuge among them, and had added to their strength without diminishing their ferocity. it was determined to lead a force into these villages, sufficient to overpower any numbers they could possibly bring into the field, and to destroy the settlements they had made. to guard against reinforcements from canada, means were used to inspire that colony with fears for itself. [sidenote: discontents in a part of the american army.] as the army destined for this expedition was about to move, alarming symptoms of discontent appeared in a part of it. the jersey brigade, which had been stationed during the winter at elizabethtown, was ordered early in may, to march by regiments. this order was answered by a letter from general maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment had delivered a remonstrance to their colonel, addressed to the legislature of the state, declaring that, unless their complaints on the subjects of pay and support should obtain the immediate attention of that body, they were, at the expiration of three days, to be considered as having resigned; and requesting the legislature, in that event, to appoint other officers to succeed them. they declared, however, their readiness to make every preparation for obeying the orders which had been given, and to continue their attention to the regiment until a reasonable time should elapse for the appointment of their successors. "this," added the letter of general maxwell, "is a step they are extremely unwilling to take, but it is such as i make no doubt they will all take; nothing but necessity--their not being able to support themselves in time to come, and being loaded with debts contracted in time past, could have induced them to resign at so critical a juncture." the intelligence conveyed in this letter made a serious impression on the commander-in-chief. he was strongly attached to the army and to its interests; had witnessed its virtue and its sufferings; and lamented sincerely its present distresses. the justice of the complaints made by the officers could no more be denied, than the measure they had adopted could be approved. relying on their patriotism and on his own influence, he immediately wrote a letter to general maxwell, to be laid before them, in which, mingling the sensibility of a friend with the authority of a general, he addressed to their understanding and to their love of country, observations calculated to invite their whole attention to the consequences which must result from the step they were about to take. [sidenote: letter from general washington on this subject.] "the patience and perseverance of the army," proceeds the letter, "have been, under every disadvantage, such as to do them the highest honour both at home and abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence of their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune, to which our affairs, in a struggle of this nature, were necessarily exposed. now that we have made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so that we can not fail without a most shameful desertion of our own interests, any thing like a change of conduct would imply a very unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness, as well of what we owe to ourselves, as to our country. did i suppose it possible this could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, i should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. i should feel it as a wound given to my own honour, which i consider as embarked with that of the army at large. but this i believe to be impossible. any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the consequences; and no officer of common discernment and sensibility would hazard them. if they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army. or if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country. they would remember that the army would share a double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an american officer would become as infamous as it is now glorious. "i confess the appearances in the present instance are disagreeable, but i am convinced they seem to mean more than they really do. the jersey officers have not been outdone by any others in the qualities either of citizens or soldiers; and i am confident, no part of them would seriously intend any thing that would be a stain on their former reputation. the gentlemen can not be in earnest; they have only reasoned wrong about the means of obtaining a good end, and, on consideration, i hope and flatter myself they will renounce what must appear to be improper. at the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders for an important service, their own honour, duty to the public and to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a violation of them all. it will even wound their delicacy, coolly to reflect that they have hazarded a step, which has an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment. "the declaration they have made to the state, at so critical a time, that unless they obtain relief in the short period of three days, they must be considered out of the service, has very much that aspect; and the seeming relaxation of continuing until the state can have a reasonable time to provide other officers, will be thought only a superficial veil. i am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them sensible that they are in an error. the service for which the regiment was intended will not admit of delay. it must at all events march on monday morning, in the first place to camp, and farther directions will be given when it arrives. i am sure i shall not be mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obedience." the representations of this letter did not completely produce the desired effect. the officers did not recede from their claims. in an address to the commander-in-chief, they expressed their unhappiness that any act of theirs should give him pain, but proceeded to justify the step they had taken. repeated memorials had been presented to their legislature, which had been received with promises of attention, but had been regularly neglected. "at length," said they, "we have lost all confidence in our legislature. reason and experience forbid that we should have any. few of us have private fortunes; many have families who already are suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. are we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home;--and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal? we are sensible that your excellency can not wish nor desire this from us. "we are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. it was and still is our determination to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers until the legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. "we beg leave to assure your excellency, that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues;--that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure;--that we love the service, and we love our country;--but when that country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." this letter was peculiarly embarrassing. to adopt a stern course of proceeding might hazard the loss of the jersey line, an event not less injurious to the service, than painful to himself. to take up the subject without doing too much for the circumstances of the army, would be doing too little for the occasion. he therefore declined taking any other notice of the letter, than to declare through general maxwell that, while they continued to do their duty in conformity with the determination they had expressed, he should only regret the part they had taken, and should hope they would perceive its impropriety. the legislature of new jersey, alarmed at the decisive step taken by the officers, was at length induced to pay some attention to their situation; they consenting, on their part, to withdraw their remonstrance. in the meantime, they continued to perform their duty; and their march was not delayed by this unpleasant altercation. in communicating this transaction to congress, general washington took occasion to remind that body of his having frequently urged the absolute necessity of some general and adequate provision for the officers of the army. "i shall only observe," continued the letter, "that the distresses in some corps are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that the officers have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was. i had not power to comply with the request. "the patience of men animated by a sense of duty and honour, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. i doubt not congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." [sidenote: colonel van schaick surprises and destroys one of the indian settlements.] before the troops destined for the grand expedition were put in motion, an enterprise of less extent was undertaken, which was completely successful. a plan for surprising the towns of the onondagas, one of the nearest of the hostile tribes, having been formed by general schuyler, and approved by the commander-in-chief, colonel van schaick, assisted by lieutenant colonel willet, and major cochran, marched from fort schuyler on the morning of the th of april, at the head of between five and six hundred men; and, on the third day, reached the point of destination. the whole settlement was destroyed, after which the detachment returned to fort schuyler without the loss of a single man. for this handsome display of talents as a partisan, the thanks of congress were voted to colonel van schaick, and the officers and soldiers under his command. [sidenote: expedition against the indians meditated.] the cruelties exercised by the indians in the course of the preceding year, had given a great degree of importance to the expedition now meditated against them; and the relative military strength and situation of the two parties, rendered it improbable that any other offensive operations could be carried on by the americans in the course of the present campaign. the army under the command of sir henry clinton, exclusive of the troops in the southern department, was computed at between sixteen and seventeen thousand men. the american army, the largest division of which lay at middlebrook, under the immediate command of general washington, was rather inferior to that of the british in real strength. the grand total, except those in the southern and western country, including officers of every description, amounted to about sixteen thousand. three thousand of these were in new england under the command of general gates; and the remaining thirteen thousand were cantoned on both sides the north river. the bare statement of numbers, must show the incompetency of the american army to the expulsion of the british from either new york or rhode island. on their part, therefore, the plan of the campaign was, necessarily, defensive; and the hazards and difficulties attending the execution of even a defensive plan were considerable. independent of an extensive coast, at all places accessible to the invading army, the hudson, penetrating deep into the country which was to be the theatre of action, gave great advantages in their military operations to those who commanded the water. after the destruction of forts clinton and montgomery in , it had been determined to construct the fortifications intended for the future defence of the north river, at west point, a position which, being more completely embosomed in the hills, was deemed more defensible. the works had been prosecuted with unremitting industry, but were far from being completed. some miles below west point, about the termination of the highlands, is king's ferry, where the great road, affording the most convenient communication between the middle and eastern states, crosses the north river. the ferry is completely commanded by the two opposite points of land. that on the west side, a rough and elevated piece of ground, is denominated stony point; and the other, on the east side, a flat neck of land projecting far into the water, is called verplank's point. the command of king's ferry was an object worth the attention of either army; and washington had comprehended the points which protect it within his plan of defence for the highlands. a small but strong work, termed fort fayette, was completed at verplank's, and was garrisoned by a company commanded by captain armstrong. the works on stony point were unfinished. as the season for active operations approached, sir henry clinton formed a plan for opening the campaign with a brilliant _coup de main_ up the north river; and, towards the latter end of may, made preparations for the enterprise. [sidenote: may.] these preparations were immediately communicated to general washington, who was confident that the british general meditated an attack on the forts in the highlands, or designed to take a position between those forts and middlebrook, in order to interrupt the communication between the different parts of the american army, to prevent their reunion, and to beat them in detail. measures were instantly taken to counteract either of these designs. the intelligence from new york was communicated to generals putnam and m'dougal, who were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march; and, on the th of may, the army moved by divisions from middlebrook towards the highlands. on the th, the british army, commanded by sir henry clinton in person, and convoyed by sir george collier, proceeded up the river; and general vaughan, at the head of the largest division, landed next morning, about eight miles below verplank's. the other division, under the particular command of general patterson, but accompanied by sir henry clinton, advancing farther up, landed on the west side within three miles of stony point. [sidenote: june .] [sidenote: fort fayette surrendered to the british.] that place being immediately abandoned, general patterson took possession of it on the same afternoon. he dragged some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit of the hill in the course of the night; and, at five next morning, opened a battery on fort fayette, at the distance of about one thousand yards. during the following night, two galleys passed the fort, and, anchoring above it, prevented the escape of the garrison by water; while general vaughan invested it closely by land. no means of defending the fort, or of saving themselves remaining, the garrison became prisoners of war. immediate directions were given for completing the works at both posts, and for putting stony point, in particular, in a strong state of defence. it is scarcely supposable that the views of sir henry clinton in moving up the river, were limited to this single acquisition. the means employed were so disproportioned to the object, as to justify a belief that he contemplated farther and more important conquests. whatever may have been his plans, the measures of precaution taken by washington counteracted their execution; and before clinton was in a situation to proceed against west point, general m'dougal was so strengthened, and the american army took such a position on the strong grounds about the hudson, that the enterprise became too hazardous to be farther prosecuted. [sidenote: july.] [sidenote: invasion of connecticut.] after completing the fortifications on both sides the river, at king's ferry, sir henry clinton placed a strong garrison in each fort, and proceeded down the river to philipsburg. the relative situation of the hostile armies presenting insuperable obstacles to any grand operation, they could be employed offensively only on detached expeditions. connecticut from its contiguity to new york, and its extent of sea coast, was peculiarly exposed to invasion. the numerous small cruisers which plied in the sound, to the great annoyance of british commerce, and the large supplies of provisions drawn from the adjacent country, for the use of the continental army, furnished great inducements to sir henry clinton to direct his enterprises particularly against that state. he also hoped to draw general washington from his impregnable position on the north river into the low country, and thus obtain an opportunity of striking at some part of his army, or of seizing the posts, which were the great object of the campaign. with these views, he planned an expedition against connecticut, the command of which was given to governor tryon, who reached new haven bay on the th of july, with about two thousand six hundred men. general washington was at the time on the lines, examining in person the condition of the works on stony and verplank's points; in consequence of which, the intelligence which was transmitted to head quarters that the fleet had sailed, could not be immediately communicated to the governor of connecticut, and the first intimation which that state received of its danger, was given by the appearance of the enemy. the militia assembled in considerable numbers with alacrity; but the british effected a landing, and took possession of the town. after destroying the military and naval stores found in the place, they re-embarked, and proceeded westward to fairfield, which was reduced to ashes. the good countenance shown by the militia at this place is attested by the apology made by general tryon for the wanton destruction of private property, which disgraced his conduct. "the village was burnt," he says, "to resent the fire of the rebels from their houses, and to mask our retreat." [sidenote: july.] from fairfield the fleet crossed the sound to huntingdon bay, where it remained until the eleventh, when it recrossed that water, after which the troops were landed in the night on the low pasture, a peninsula on the east side of the bay of norwalk. about the same time, a much larger detachment from the british army directed its course towards horse neck, and made demonstrations of a design to penetrate into the country in that direction. [sidenote: july.] on the first intelligence that connecticut was invaded, general parsons, a native of that state, had been directed by general washington to hasten to the scene of action. placing himself at the head of about one hundred and fifty continental troops, who were supported by considerable bodies of militia, he attacked the british in the morning of the twelfth, as soon as they were in motion, and kept up an irregular distant fire throughout the day. but being too weak to prevent the destruction of any particular town on the coast, norwalk was reduced to ashes; after which the british re-embarked, and returned to huntingdon bay, there to wait for reinforcements. at this place, however, tryon received orders to return to the white stone; where, in a conference between sir henry clinton and sir george collier, it was determined to proceed against new london with an increased force. on the invasion of connecticut, the commander-in-chief was prompt in his exertions to send continental troops from the nearest encampments to its aid; but, before they could afford any real service, sir henry clinton found it necessary to recall tryon to the hudson. general washington had planned an enterprise against the posts at king's ferry, comprehending a double attack, to be made at the same time, on both. but the difficulty of a perfect co-operation of detachments, incapable of communicating with each other, determined him to postpone the attack on verplank's, and to make that part of the plan dependent on the success of the first. his whole attention therefore was turned to stony point; and the troops destined for this critical service, proceeded on it as against a single object. [sidenote: july.] the execution of the plan was entrusted to general wayne, who commanded the light infantry of the army. secrecy was deemed so much more essential to success than numbers, that no addition was made to the force already on the lines. one brigade was ordered to commence its march, so as to reach the scene of action in time to cover the troops engaged in the attack, should any unlooked-for disaster befall them; and major lee of the light dragoons, who had been eminently useful in obtaining the intelligence which led to the enterprise, was associated with general wayne, as far as cavalry could be employed in such a service. the night of the fifteenth, and the hour of twelve, were chosen for the assault. stony point is a commanding hill, projecting far into the hudson, which washes three-fourths of its base. the remaining fourth is, in a great measure, covered by a deep marsh, commencing near the river on the upper side, and continuing into it below. over this marsh there is only one crossing place; but at its junction with the river, is a sandy beach, passable at low tide. on the summit of this hill stood the fort, which was furnished with heavy ordnance. several breast-works and strong batteries were advanced in front of the main work; and, about half way down the hill, were two rows of abattis. the batteries were calculated to command the beach and the crossing place of the marsh, and to rake and enfilade any column which might be advancing from either of those points towards the fort. in addition to these defences, several vessels of war were stationed in the river, and commanded the ground at the foot of the hill. the garrison consisted of about six hundred men, commanded by colonel johnson. general wayne arrived about eight in the afternoon at spring steel's, one and a half miles from the fort; and made his dispositions for the assault. [sidenote: general wayne surprises and takes stony point.] it was intended to attack the works on the right and left flanks at the same instant. the regiments of febiger and of meigs, with major hull's detachment, formed the right column; and butler's regiment, with two companies under major murfree, formed the left. one hundred and fifty volunteers, led by lieutenant colonel fleury and major posey, constituted the van of the right; and one hundred volunteers under major stewart, composed the van of the left. at half past eleven the two columns moved to the assault, the van of each with unloaded muskets, and fixed bayonets. they were each preceded by a forlorn hope of twenty men, the one commanded by lieutenant gibbon, and the other by lieutenant knox. they reached the marsh undiscovered; and, at twenty minutes after twelve, commenced the assault. both columns rushed forward under a tremendous fire. surmounting every obstacle, they entered the works at the point of the bayonet; and, without discharging a single musket, obtained possession of the fort. the humanity displayed by the conquerors was not less conspicuous, nor less honourable than their courage. not an individual suffered after resistance had ceased. all the troops engaged in this perilous service manifested a degree of ardour and impetuosity, which proved them to be capable of the most difficult enterprises; and all distinguished themselves, whose situation enabled them to do so. colonel fleury was the first to enter the fort and strike the british standard. major posey mounted the works almost at the same instant, and was the first to give the watch word--"the fort's our own."--lieutenants gibbon and knox performed the service allotted to them with a degree of intrepidity which could not be surpassed. of twenty men who constituted the party of the former, seventeen were killed or wounded. sixty-three of the garrison were killed, including two officers. the prisoners amounted to five hundred and forty-three, among whom were one lieutenant colonel, four captains, and twenty subaltern officers. the military stores taken in the fort were considerable.[ ] [footnote : the author was in the covering party, visited the fort next day, and conversed with the officers who had been engaged in storming the works.] the loss sustained by the assailants was not proportioned to the apparent danger of the enterprise. the killed and wounded did not exceed one hundred men; general wayne, who marched with febiger's regiment in the right column, received a slight wound in the head which stunned him for a time, but did not compel him to leave the column. being supported by his aids, he entered the fort with a regiment. lieutenant colonel hay was also among the wounded. although the design upon fort fayette had yielded to the desire of securing the success of the attack on stony point, it had not been abandoned. two brigades under general m'dougal had been ordered to approach the works on verplank's, in which colonel webster commanded, and be in readiness to attack them the instant general wayne should obtain possession of stony point. that this detachment might not permit the favourable moment to pass unimproved, wayne had been requested to direct the messenger who should convey the intelligence of his success to the commander-in-chief, to pass through m'dougal's camp, and give him advice of that event. he was also requested to turn the cannon of the fort against verplank's, and the vessels in the river. the last orders were executed, and a heavy cannonade was opened on fort fayette, and on the vessels, which compelled them to fall down the river. through some misconception, never explained, the messenger despatched by general wayne did not call on m'dougal, but proceeded directly to head quarters. thus, every advantage expected from the first impression made by the capture of stony point was lost; and the garrison had full leisure to recover from the surprise occasioned by that event, and to prepare for an attack. this change of circumstances made it necessary to change the plan of operation. general howe was directed to take the command of m'dougal's detachment, to which some pieces of heavy artillery were to be annexed. he was ordered, after effecting a breach in the walls, to make the dispositions for an assault, and to demand a surrender; but not to attempt a storm until it should be dark. to these orders, explicit instructions were added not to hazard his party by remaining before verplank's, after the british should cross croton river in force. [illustration: the ruins of stony point--on the hudson _here, on the night of july , , brigadier-general (mad anthony) wayne led his troops up the hill in darkness, surprised the british garrison and captured this british stronghold at the point of the bayonet. not a shot was fired by the americans, who lost fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded; the british sixty-three killed and prisoners. the fortifications were destroyed and the place, being untenable, was abandoned shortly afterwards by the americans._] through some unaccountable negligence in the persons charged with the execution of these orders, the battering artillery was not accompanied with suitable ammunition; and the necessary intrenching tools were not brought. these omissions were supplied the next day; but it was then too late to proceed against verplank's. on receiving intelligence of the loss of stony point, and of the danger to which the garrison of fort fayette was exposed, sir henry clinton relinquished his views on connecticut, and made a forced march to dobbs' ferry. some troops were immediately embarked to pass up the river, and a light corps was pushed forward to the croton. this movement relieved fort fayette. the failure of the attempt to obtain possession of verplank's point leaving that road of communication still closed, diminished the advantages which had been expected to result from the enterprise so much, that it was deemed unadviseable to maintain stony point. on reconnoitring the ground, general washington believed that the place could not be rendered secure with a garrison of less than fifteen hundred men; a number which could not be spared from the army without weakening it too much for farther operations. he determined therefore to evacuate stony point, and retire to the highlands. as soon as this resolution was executed, sir henry clinton repossessed himself of that post, repaired the fortifications, and placed a stronger garrison in it; after which he resumed his former situation at philipsburg. the two armies watched each other for some time. at length, sir henry clinton, finding himself unable to attack washington in the strong position he had taken, or to draw him from it, and being desirous of transferring the theatre of active war to the south, withdrew into york island, and was understood to be strengthening the fortifications erected for its defence, as preparatory to the large detachments he intended making to reinforce the southern army. although this movement was made principally with a view to southern operations, it was in some degree hastened by the opinion, that new york required immediate additional protection during the absence of the fleet, which was about to sail for the relief of penobscot. [sidenote: expedition against penobscot.] early in june, colonel m'clean, with six hundred and fifty men, had penetrated from nova scotia into the eastern parts of maine, and taken possession of a strong piece of ground on the penobscot, which he had begun to fortify. [sidenote: july .] the state of massachusetts, alarmed at an invasion which threatened a serious diminution of territory, determined to dislodge him. a respectable fleet, commanded by commodore saltonstal, and an army of near four thousand men, under general lovell, were prepared with so much celerity, that the whole armament appeared in the penobscot as early as the th of july. m'clean had taken possession of a peninsula on the eastern side of penobscot, and had intrenched the isthmus connecting it with the continent. the part towards the river was steep and difficult of access; and was also defended by his frigates and batteries, the principal of which was constructed about the centre of the peninsula. after being repulsed in his first attempt, general lovell effected a landing on the western part of the peninsula, where he ascended a precipice of two hundred feet; and, with the loss of only fifty men killed and wounded, drove the party which defended it from the ground. a battery was erected within seven hundred and fifty yards of the main work of the besieged, and a warm cannonade was kept up for several days on both sides. perceiving the difficulty of carrying the place with a militia impatient to return to their homes, general lovell represented his situation to the government of massachusetts, who applied to general gates, then commanding at providence, for a reinforcement of four hundred continental troops. this request was readily granted, and jackson's regiment was ordered to penobscot. in the mean time an ineffectual cannonade was continued, and preparations were made to storm the works on the arrival of the expected reinforcements. such was the posture of affairs on the th of august, when lovell received information that sir george collier had entered the river with a superior naval force. he re-embarked his whole army the following night, and drew up his flotilla in a crescent across the river, as if determined to maintain its position. this show of resistance was made in the hope of stopping sir george collier until the land forces on board the transports could be conveyed up the river, and disembarked on the western shore. but the british general was too confident in his strength to permit this stratagem to succeed; and, as he approached, the americans sought for safety in flight. a general chase and unresisted destruction ensued. the ships of war were blown up, and the transports fled in the utmost confusion up the river. being pursued by the british squadron, the troops landed in a wild uncultivated country; and were obliged to explore their way, without provisions, through a pathless wilderness, for more than a hundred miles. exhausted with famine and fatigue, they at length gained the settled parts of the country, after having lost several men who perished in the woods. while sir henry clinton continued encamped just above haerlem, with his upper posts at kingsbridge, and the american army preserved its station in the highlands, a bold plan was formed for surprising a british post at powles hook, which was executed with great address by major lee. this officer was employed on the west side of the river with directions to observe the situation of the british in stony point, but, principally, to watch the motions of their main army. while his parties scoured the country, he obtained intelligence which suggested the idea of surprising and carrying off the garrison at powles hook, a point of land on the west side of the hudson, immediately opposite the town of new york, penetrating deep into the river. on the point nearest new york, some works had been constructed, which were garrisoned by four or five hundred men. a deep ditch, into which the water of the river flowed, having over it a drawbridge connected with a barred gate, had been cut across the isthmus, so as to make the hook, in reality, an island. this ditch could be passed only at low water. thirty paces within it was a row of abattis running into the river; and some distance in front of it, is a creek fordable only in two places. this difficulty of access, added to the remoteness of the nearest corps of the american army, impressed the garrison with the opinion that they were perfectly secure; and this opinion produced an unmilitary remissness in the commanding officer, which did not escape the vigilance of lee. on receiving his communications, general washington was inclined to favour the enterprise they suggested; but withheld his full assent, until he was satisfied that the assailants would be able to make good their retreat. the hackensack, which communicates with the waters of the hudson below new york, runs almost parallel with that river quite to its source, and is separated from it only a few miles. this neck is still farther narrowed by a deep creek which divides it, and empties into the hackensack below fort lee. west of that river runs the passaick, which unites with it near newark, and forms another long and narrow neck of land. from powles hook to the new bridge, the first place where the hackensack could be crossed without boats, the distance is fourteen miles; and from the north river to the road leading from the one place to the other, there are three points of interception, the nearest of which is less than two miles, and the farthest not more than three. the british were encamped in full force along the north river, opposite to these points of interception. to diminish the danger of the retreat, it was intended to occupy the roads leading through the mountains of the hudson to the hackensack with a select body of troops. every preparatory arrangement being made, the night of the eighteenth of august was fixed on for the enterprise. a detachment from the division of lord stirling, including three hundred men designed for the expedition, was ordered down as a foraging party. as there was nothing unusual in this movement, it excited no suspicion. lord stirling followed with five hundred men, and encamped at the new bridge. [sidenote: the british post at powles hook surprised by major lee and the garrison made prisoners.] major lee, at the head of three hundred men, took the road through the mountains which ran parallel to the north river; and, having secured all the passes into york island, reached the creek which surrounds the hook between two and three in the morning. he passed first the creek, and then the ditch undiscovered; and, about three in the morning, entered the main work, and with the loss of only two killed and three wounded, made one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners, including three officers. very few of the british were killed. major sutherland, who commanded the garrison, threw himself with forty or fifty hessians into a strong redoubt, which it was thought unadviseable to attack, because the time occupied in carrying it might endanger the retreat. wasting no time in destroying what could easily be replaced, major lee hastened to bring off his prisoners and his detachment. to avoid the danger of retreating up the narrow neck of land which has already been described, some boats had been brought in the course of the night to dow's ferry on the hackensack, not far from powles hook. the officer who guarded them was directed to remain until the arrival of the troops engaged in the expedition, which, it was understood, would happen before day. the light having made its appearance without any intelligence from major lee, the officer having charge of the boats conjectured that the attack had been postponed; and, to avoid discovery, retired with them to newark. the head of the retreating column soon afterwards reached the ferry; and, fatigued as they were by the toilsome march of the preceding night, were compelled to pass as rapidly as possible up the narrow neck of land between the two rivers to the new bridge. a horseman was despatched with this information to lord stirling, and the line of march was resumed. about nine in the preceding evening, major buskirk had been detached up the north river with a considerable part of the garrison of powles hook, and some other troops, for the purpose of falling in with the american party supposed to be foraging about the english neighbourhood. on receiving intelligence of the disappointment respecting the boats, lord stirling took the precaution to detach colonel ball with two hundred fresh men to meet lee, and cover his retreat. just after ball had passed, buskirk entered the main road, and fired on his rear. taking it for granted that this was only the advanced corps of a large detachment sent to intercept the party retreating from powles hook, ball made a circuit to avoid the enemy; and buskirk, finding a detachment he had not expected, took the same measure to secure his own retreat. the two parties, narrowly missing each other, returned to their respective points of departure; and lee reached the new bridge without interruption.[ ] [footnote : the author states these facts from his own observation, and conversations with other officers of the detachment.] this critical enterprise reflected much honour on the partisan with whom it originated, and by whom it was conducted. general washington announced it to the army in his orders with much approbation; and congress bestowed upon it a degree of applause more adapted to the talent displayed in performing the service than to its magnitude. [sidenote: arrival of admiral arbuthnot.] a few days after the surprise of powles hook, the long expected fleet from europe, under the command of admiral arbuthnot, having on board a reinforcement for the british army, arrived at new york. this reinforcement however did not enable sir henry clinton to enter immediately on that active course of offensive operations which he had meditated. it was soon followed by the count d'estaing, who arrived on the southern coast of america with a powerful fleet; after which the british general deemed it necessary to turn all his attention to his own security. rhode island, and the posts up the north river were evacuated, and the whole army was collected in new york, the fortifications of which were carried on with unremitting industry. [sidenote: st. lucia taken by the british. st. vincents and grenada by the french.] the count d'estaing and admiral byron, having sailed about the same time from the coast of north america, met in the west indies, where the war was carried on with various success. st. lucia surrendered to the british, in compensation for which the french took st. vincents and grenada. about the time of the capture of the latter island, d'estaing received reinforcements which gave him a decided naval superiority; after which a battle was fought between the two hostile fleets, in which the count claimed the victory, and in which so many of the british ships were disabled that the admiral was compelled to retire into port in order to refit. the earnest representations made on the part of the united states had prevailed on the cabinet of versailles to instruct the count d'estaing to afford them all the aid in his power; and the present moment seemed a fit one for carrying these orders into execution. letters from general lincoln, from the executive of south carolina, and from the french consul at charleston, urged him to pay a visit to the southern states; and represented the situation of the british in georgia to be such that his appearance would insure the destruction of the army in that quarter, and the recovery of the state. [sidenote: count d'estaing with his fleet arrives on the southern coast of america.] yielding to these solicitations, the count sailed with twenty-two ships of the line, and eleven frigates, having on board six thousand soldiers, and arrived so suddenly on the southern coast of america, that the experiment of fifty guns, and three frigates, fell into his hands. a vessel was sent to charleston with information of his arrival, and a plan was concerted for the siege of savannah. d'estaing was to land three thousand men at beaulieu on the th of september, and lincoln was to cross the savannah on the same day with one thousand americans, and effect a junction with him. the town of savannah was, at that time, the head quarters of general prevost. apprehending no immediate danger, he had weakened the garrison by establishing several out-posts in georgia; and by leaving colonel maitland with a strong detachment in the island of port royal, in south carolina. on the appearance of the french fleet, expresses were despatched to colonel maitland and to all the out-posts, directing the troops to repair without loss of time to savannah. these orders were promptly obeyed; and, on the th of september, the several detachments in georgia had all arrived in safety, except the sick and convalescents of the garrison of sunbury, who were intercepted. [sidenote: september.] [sidenote: siege of savannah by the combined armies.] on the th, general lincoln reached zubly's ferry, and, on the th, was assured that the french had disembarked in force. a junction of the two armies was formed the next day before the town of savannah. on the night of the th, the count d'estaing had landed about three thousand men at beaulieu; and the next day, before the arrival of general lincoln, had summoned the garrison to surrender to the arms of the king of france. being desirous of gaining time, general prevost answered the summons in such a manner as to encourage the opinion that he designed to capitulate; in the expectation of which a suspension of hostilities for twenty-four hours was granted. in that important interval, colonel maitland arrived from beaufort, with the troops which had been stationed at that place. as the french were in possession of the main channel by which the savannah communicates with the sea, colonel maitland entered the town by a route which had been deemed impracticable. he came round by dawfuskie, an island north of the mouth of the river, and landing in a deep marsh, drew his boats through it into the savannah, above the place where the ships lay at anchor, and thence made his way by small parties into the town. on receiving this reinforcement, the resolution was taken to defend the place to the last extremity; and, the next day, this determination was communicated to the count d'estaing. [sidenote: september.] after bringing up the heavy ordnance and stores from the fleet, the besieging army broke ground; and, by the first of october, had pushed their sap within three hundred yards of the abattis on the left of the british lines. several batteries were opened on the besieged which played almost incessantly upon their works, but made no impression on them. the situation of d'estaing was becoming critical. more time had already been consumed on the coast of georgia than he had supposed would be necessary for the destruction of the british force in that state. he became uneasy for the possessions of france in the west indies, and apprehensive for the safety of the ships under his command. the naval officers remonstrated strenuously against longer exposing his fleet on an insecure coast, at a tempestuous season of the year, and urged the danger of being overtaken by a british squadron, when broken and scattered by a storm, with a degree of persevering earnestness which the count found himself incapable of resisting. in a few days the lines of the besiegers might have been carried by regular approaches, into the works of the besieged, which would have rendered the capture of the town and garrison inevitable. but d'estaing declared that he could devote no more time to this object; and it only remained to raise the siege, or to attempt the works by storm. the latter part of the alternative was adopted. on the left of the allied army, was a swampy hollow way which afforded a cover for troops advancing on the right flank of the besieged, to a point within fifty yards of their principal work. it was determined to march to the main attack along this hollow; and, at the same time, to direct feints against other parts of the lines. [sidenote: unsuccessful attempt to storm it.] on the morning of the th of october, before day, a heavy cannonade and bombardment were commenced from all the batteries, as preliminary to the assault. about three thousand five hundred french, and one thousand americans, of whom between six and seven hundred were regulars, and the residue militia of charleston, advanced in three columns, led by d'estaing and lincoln, aided by the principal officers of both nations, and made a furious assault on the british lines. their reception was warmer than had been expected. the fire from the batteries of the besieged reached every part of the columns of the assailants which had emerged from the swamp, and did great execution. yet the allied troops advanced with unabated ardour, passed through the abattis, crossed the ditch, and mounted the parapet. both the french and americans planted their standards on the walls, and were killed in great numbers, while endeavouring to force their way into the works. for about fifty minutes, the contest was extremely obstinate. at length, the columns of the assailants began to relax, and a pause was manifested in the assault. in this critical moment, major glaziers, at the head of a body of grenadiers and marines, rushing suddenly from the lines, threw himself on those who had made their way into the redoubts, and drove them over the ditch and abattis into the hollow which they had marched to the attack. it became apparent that farther perseverance could produce no advantage, and a retreat was ordered. in this unsuccessful attempt, the french lost in killed and wounded, about seven hundred men. among the latter, were the count d'estaing himself, major general de fontanges, and several other officers of distinction. the continental troops lost two hundred and thirty-four men, and the charleston militia, who, though associated with them in danger, were more fortunate, had one captain killed, and six privates wounded. the loss of the garrison was astonishingly small. in killed and wounded, it amounted only to fifty-five. so great was the advantage of the cover afforded by their works. [sidenote: the siege raised.] [sidenote: october .] after this repulse, the count d'estaing announced to general lincoln, his determination to raise the siege. the remonstrances of that officer were ineffectual; and the removal of the heavy ordnance and stores was commenced. this being accomplished, both armies moved from their ground on the evening of the th of october. the americans, recrossing the savannah at zubly's ferry, again encamped in south carolina, and the french re-embarked. although the issue of this enterprise was the source of severe chagrin and mortification, the prudence of general lincoln suppressed every appearance of dissatisfaction, and the armies separated with manifestations of reciprocal esteem. the hopes which had brought the militia into the field being disappointed, they dispersed; and the affairs of the southern states wore a more gloomy aspect than at any former period. on receiving intelligence of the situation of lincoln, congress passed a resolution requesting general washington to order the north carolina troops, and such others as could be spared from the northern army, to the aid of that in the south; and assuring the states of south carolina and georgia of the attention of government to their preservation; but requesting them, for their own defence, to comply with the recommendations formerly made respecting the completion of their continental regiments, and the government of their militia while in actual service. during these transactions in the south, the long meditated expedition against the indians was prosecuted with success. the largest division of the western army was to assemble at wyoming, on the main branch of the susquehanna, and general sullivan expected to leave that place in the month of june. such, however, were the delays in procuring provisions and military stores, that it was the last of july[ ] before he could move from the place of rendezvous. [footnote : while sullivan was preparing to invade their country, the savages were not inactive. at the head of a small party of whites and indians, joseph brandt fell upon the frontiers of new york, murdered several of the inhabitants, carried others into captivity, and burnt several houses. he was pursued by about one hundred and fifty militia, whom he drew into an ambuscade, and entirely defeated. a few days afterwards, captain m'donald, at the head of a small party, of whom a third were british, took a fort on the west branch of the susquehanna, and made the garrison, amounting to thirty men, prisoners of war. the women and children, contrary to the usage of indians, were permitted to retire into the settled country.--_gordon._] [sidenote: august.] another body of troops, designed to compose a part of the western army, had passed the winter on the mohawk. on the d of august, these two divisions united, and the whole army, amounting to five thousand men, marched up the tyoga, which led into the heart of the indian country. such extensive and tedious preparations could not be made unobserved. the plan of operations contemplated by sullivan seems to have been completely understood; and, notwithstanding the vast superiority of his force, the indians determined to defend their country. they resolved to risk a general action for its preservation, and selected the ground for the conflict with judgment. about a mile in front of newtown, they collected their whole force, estimated by general sullivan at fifteen hundred men, but by themselves at only eight hundred, commanded by the two butlers, grey, johnson, m'donald, and brandt. five companies of whites, calculated at two hundred men, were united with them. they had constructed a breast-work about half a mile in length, on a piece of rising ground. the right flank of this work was covered by the river, which, bending to the right, and winding round their rear, exposed only their front and left to an attack. on the left, was a high ridge nearly parallel to the general course of the river, terminating somewhat below the breast-work; and still farther to the left, was another ridge running in the same direction, and leading to the rear of the american army. the ground was covered with pine interspersed with low shrub-oaks, many of which, for the purpose of concealing their works, had been cut up and stuck in front of them, so as to exhibit the appearance of being still growing. the road, after crossing a deep brook at the foot of the hill, turned to the right, and ran nearly parallel to the breast-work, so as to expose the whole flank of the army to their fire, if it should advance without discovering their position. parties communicating with each other were stationed on both hills, so as to fall on the right flank and rear of sullivan, as soon as the action should commence. [sidenote: august.] about eleven in the morning of the th of august, this work was discovered by major par, who commanded the advance guard of the army; upon which, general hand formed the light infantry in a wood, about four hundred yards distant from the enemy, and stood upon his ground until the main body should arrive. in the mean time, a continual skirmishing was kept up between par's rifle corps, and small parties of indians who sallied from their works, and suddenly retreated, apparently with the hope of being incautiously pursued. conjecturing that the hills on his right were occupied by the savages, sullivan ordered general poor to take possession of that which led into his rear, and, thence, to turn the left, and gain the rear, of the breast-work; while hand, aided by the artillery, should attack in front. these orders were promptly executed. while the artillery played on the works, poor pushed up the mountain, and a sharp conflict commenced, which was sustained for some time, with considerable spirit on both sides. poor continued to advance rapidly, pressing the indians before him at the point of the bayonet, and occasionally firing on them. they retreated from tree to tree, keeping up an irregular fire, until he gained the summit of the hill. perceiving that their flank was completely uncovered by this movement, and that they were in danger of being surrounded, the savages abandoned their breast-work, and, crossing the river, fled with the utmost precipitation. [sidenote: victory of general sullivan at newtown.] this victory cost the americans about thirty men. the ascertained loss of the indians was also inconsiderable. but they were so intimidated, that every idea of farther resistance was abandoned. as sullivan advanced, they continued to retreat before him without harassing his main body, or even skirmishing with his detachments, except in a single instance. he penetrated far into the heart of their country, which his parties scoured, and laid waste in every direction. houses, corn-fields, gardens, and fruit trees, shared one common fate; and sullivan executed strictly the severe but necessary orders he had received, to render the country completely uninhabitable for the present, and thus to compel the hostile indians, by want of food, to remove to a greater distance. the objects of the expedition being accomplished, sullivan returned to easton in pennsylvania, having lost only forty men by sickness and the enemy. the devastation of the country has been spoken of with some degree of disapprobation; but this sentiment is the result rather of an amiable disposition in the human mind to condemn whatever may have the appearance of tending to aggravate the miseries of war, than of reflection. circumstances existed which reconciled to humanity this seeming departure from it. great britain possessed advantages which ensured a controlling influence over the indians, and kept them in almost continual war with the united states. their habitual ferocity seemed to have derived increased virulence from the malignity of the whites who had taken refuge among them; and there was real foundation for the opinion that an annual repetition of the horrors of wyoming could be prevented only by disabling the savages from perpetrating them. no means in the power of the united states promised so certainly to effect this desirable object, as the removal of neighbours whose hostility could be diminished only by terror, and whose resentments were to be assuaged only by fear. while sullivan laid waste the country on the susquehanna, another expedition under colonel brodhead, was carried on from pittsburg up the alleghany, against the mingo, munscy, and seneca tribes. at the head of between six and seven hundred men, he advanced two hundred miles up the river, and destroyed the villages and corn-fields on its head branches. here too the indians were unable to resist the invading army. after one unsuccessful skirmish, they abandoned their villages to a destruction which was inevitable, and sought for personal safety in their woods. on receiving the communications of general sullivan, congress passed a vote approving his conduct, and that of his army. that approbation, however, seems not to have extended beyond his conduct in the indian country. his demands for military stores for the expedition had been so high; in his conversations with his officers, he had so freely censured the government for its failure to comply with those demands; in general orders, he had so openly complained of inattention to the preparations necessary to secure the success of the enterprise; that considerable offence was given to several members of congress, and still more to the board of war. from the operation of these causes, when sullivan, at the close of the campaign, complained of ill health, and offered, on that account, to resign his commission, the endeavours of his friends to obtain a vote requesting him to continue in the service, and permitting him to retire from actual duty until his health should be restored, were overruled; and his resignation was accepted. the resolution permitting him to resign was, however, accompanied with one thanking him for his past services. although these great exertions to terminate indian hostility did not afford complete security to the western frontiers, they were attended with considerable advantages. the savages, though not subdued, were intimidated; and their incursions became less formidable, as well as less frequent. the summer of passed away without furnishing any circumstance in america which could be supposed to have a material influence on the issue of the war. in europe, however, an event took place which had been long anxiously expected, and was believed to be of decisive importance. spain at length determined to make one common cause with france against great britain. it was supposed that the two powers would be able to obtain a complete ascendency at sea; and that their combined fleets would maintain a superiority on the american coast, as well as in europe. from the first determination of france to take part in the war, it appears to have been the earnest wish of the cabinet of versailles to engage spain likewise in the contest. her resentments against england, her solicitude to diminish the naval strength of that nation, and her wish to recover jamaica, gibraltar, and the floridas, urged her to seize the fair occasion now offered of dismembering the british empire, and accomplishing these favourite objects. but her dread of the effect which the independence of the united states might produce on her own colonies, mingled with some apprehensions of danger from the contest she was about to provoke, had produced an appearance of irresolution, which rendered her future course, for a time, uncertain. in this conflict of opposite interests, the influence of the cabinet of versailles, and the jealousy of the naval power of britain, at length obtained the victory; and his catholic majesty determined to prevent the reannexation of the united states to their mother country; but to effect this object by negotiation rather than by the sword. [sidenote: spain offers her mediation to the belligerent powers.] in pursuance of this pacific system, he offered his mediation to the belligerent powers. this proposition was readily accepted by france; but the minister of his britannic majesty evaded any explicit arrangements on the subject, while he continued to make general verbal declarations of the willingness of his sovereign to give peace to europe under the mediation of his catholic majesty. in consequence of these declarations, the spanish minister proposed a truce for a term of years, and that a congress of deputies from the belligerent powers should assemble at madrid to adjust the terms of a permanent treaty; into which deputies from the united states were to be admitted, as the representatives of a sovereign nation. although an explicit acknowledgment of their independence was not to be required, it was to be understood that they should be independent in fact, and should be completely separated from the british empire. this negotiation was protracted to a considerable length; and in the mean time, all the address of the cabinet of london was used to detach either france or the united states from their alliance with each other. notice of it was given to the american government by the minister of france at philadelphia, as well as by mr. arthur lee, one of their agents in europe; and congress was repeatedly urged by the former, to furnish those who might be authorized to represent them in the conferences for a general treaty, with ample powers and instructions to conclude it. an extraordinary degree of solicitude was manifested to hasten the full powers, and to moderate the claims of the united states. it seems to have been the policy of the cabinet of versailles to exclude the american states from a share of the fisheries, and to limit their western boundary to the settlements then made. either from a real apprehension that the war might be protracted should the united states insist on the acknowledgment of their independence as a preliminary to any treaty, or from an opinion that such preliminary acknowledgment would leave the terms of the treaty less under the control of france, and the american plenipotentiaries more masters of their own conduct, monsieur girard laboured to persuade congress to recede from that demand. if they could be independent in fact, he thought the form not worth contending for.[ ] [footnote : the author has seen notes taken by a member of congress, of communications made by mr. girard, when admitted to an audience, which avow these sentiments. the secret journals of congress sustain this statement.] while congress was employed in debating the instructions to their ministers, the negotiation was brought to a close. as spain became prepared for hostilities, the offered mediation was pressed in such terms as to produce the necessity of either accepting or rejecting it. this drew from the cabinet of london a declaration that the independence of the united states was inadmissible; upon which his catholic majesty determined to take part in the war. [sidenote: war between spain and england.] on the departure of his minister from london without taking leave, the british government issued letters of marque and reprisal against the vessels and subjects of the spanish crown; and a powerful spanish fleet, which had been preparing during the negotiation, was expedited, to co-operate with that of france. yet the independence of the united states was not acknowledged, nor was their minister accredited. despatches, giving notice of the hostilities meditated by his catholic majesty, were forwarded to don galvez, the governor of louisiana, who collected a considerable military force at new orleans, and reduced the settlements held by the british crown on the mississippi, which had not been apprised of the war. intelligence of this important event was given to congress while that body was deliberating on the instructions to their negotiators. it is not impossible that this information had some influence on those deliberations; and, rendering the american government less solicitous about the future conduct of spain, diminished the motives for making territorial sacrifices to that power. their ministers were ordered to make it a preliminary article to any negotiation, that great britain should agree to treat with the united states, as sovereign, free, and independent; and that their independence should be expressly assured and confirmed by the terms of the treaty itself. that the united states might be enabled to avail themselves without further delays, of any occasion which might be presented for terminating the war, mr. john adams, who was already in europe, was authorized to negotiate a treaty of peace, and a commercial treaty with great britain; and mr. jay, at that time president of congress, was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of madrid, with instructions to insist on the free navigation of the mississippi;--a claim to which spain objected, and which was discountenanced by france. as the campaign drew to a close without affording any solid foundation for the hope that the war was about to terminate, general washington repeated those efforts which he had made so often and so unsuccessfully, to induce early preparations for the ensuing year. he submitted to the view of his government a detailed report of the whole army, which exhibited the alarming fact, that by the last of the following june, the terms of service of nearly one-half the men under his command would expire. it was not the least considerable of the inconveniences attending the complex system of government then prevailing in the united states, that measures essential to the safety of the nation were never taken in season. thus, when the time for raising the quotas of the respective states by voluntary enlistment had passed away, and the necessity of resorting to coercive means had become absolute, those means were so delayed, and so irregularly put in execution, that the terms of service of different portions of the army expired almost every month in the year; and raw troops, ignorant of the first rudiments of military duty, were introduced in the most critical moments of a campaign. had timely and correspondent measures been taken by the states to raise their respective quotas by a specified time in the depth of winter, the recruits would have received the advantage of a few months training before they were brought into actual service, and the general, that of a certain uninterrupted force for each campaign. this course of proceeding had been continually recommended, and the recommendation had been as continually neglected. [sidenote: letter from general washington to congress.] "in the more early stages of the contest," said the commander-in-chief to congress, in a letter of the th of november, "when men might have been enlisted for the war, no man, as my whole conduct, and the uniform tenor of my letters will evince, was ever more opposed to short enlistments than i was; and while there remained a prospect of obtaining recruits on a permanent footing in the first instance, as far as duty and a regard to my station would permit, i urged my sentiments in favour of it. but the prospect of keeping up an army by voluntary enlistments being changed, or at least standing on too precarious and uncertain a footing to depend on for the exigency of our affairs, i took the liberty in february, , in a particular manner, to lay before the committee of arrangement then with the army at valley forge, a plan for an annual draught, as the surest and most certain, if not the only means left us, of maintaining the army on a proper and respectable ground. and, more and more confirmed in the propriety of this opinion by the intervention of a variety of circumstances, unnecessary to detail, i again took the freedom of urging the plan to the committee of conference in january last; and, having reviewed it in every point of light, and found it right, at least the best that has occurred to me, i hope i shall be excused by congress in offering it to them, and in time for carrying into execution for the next year; if they should conceive it necessary for the states to complete their quotas of troops. "the plan i would propose is, that each state be informed by congress annually of the _real deficiency_ of its troops, and called upon to make it up, or such less specific number as congress may think proper, by a draught. that the men draughted join the army by the first of january, and serve until the first of january in the succeeding year. that from the time the draughts join the army, the officers of the states from which they come, be authorized and directed to use their endeavours to enlist them for the war, under the bounties granted to the officers themselves, and to the recruits, by the act of the d of january, , viz: ten dollars to the officer for each recruit, and two hundred to the recruits themselves. that all state, county, and town bounties to draughts, if practicable, be entirely abolished, on account of the uneasiness and disorders they create among the soldiery, the desertions they produce, and for other reasons which will readily occur. that on or before the first of october annually, an abstract, or return, similar to the present one, be transmitted to congress, to enable them to make their requisitions to each state with certainty and precision. this i would propose as a general plan to be pursued; and i am persuaded that this, or one nearly similar to it, will be found the best now in our power, as it will be attended with the least expense to the public, will place the service on the footing of order and certainty, and will be the only one that can advance the general interest to any great extent." these representations on the part of the commander-in-chief were not more successful than those which had before been made. although the best dispositions existed in congress, the proceedings of that body were unavoidably slow; and the difficulty of effecting a concert of measures among thirteen sovereign states, was too great to be surmounted. in consequence of these radical defects in the system itself, the contributions of men made by the states continued to be irregular, uncertain, and out of season; and the army could never acquire that consistency and stability, which would have resulted from an exact observance of the plan so often recommended. on receiving information of the disaster which had been sustained by the allied arms at savannah, sir henry clinton resumed his plan of active operations against the southern states. a large embarkation took place soon after that event had been announced to him, which sailed from the hook towards the end of december. the troops were commanded by himself in person, and the fleet by admiral arbuthnot. the defence of new york and its dependencies were entrusted to general knyphausen. the preparations made in new york for some distant enterprise were immediately communicated by his faithful intelligencers to general washington, who conjectured its object, and hastened the march of the troops designed to reinforce general lincoln. the season for action in a northern climate being over, the general turned his attention to the distribution of his troops in winter quarters. habit had familiarized the american army to the use of huts constructed by themselves; and both officers and men were content to pass the winter in a hutted camp. in disposing of the troops, therefore, until the time for action should return, wood and water, a healthy situation, convenience for supplies of provisions, stations which would enable them to cover the country, and to defend particular positions, were the objects taken into consideration, and were all to be consulted. [sidenote: the american army goes into winter quarters.] with a view to these various circumstances, the army was thrown into two great divisions. the northern was to be commanded by general heath; and its chief object was the security of west point, and of the posts on the north river, as low as king's ferry. subordinate to this, was the protection of the country on the sound, and down the hudson to the neighbourhood of kingsbridge. the other and principal division, under the immediate command of general washington, was put under cover, late in december, in the neighbourhood of morristown. chapter vi. south carolina invaded.... the british fleet passes the bar, and gets possession of the harbour of charleston.... opinion of general washington on the propriety of defending that place.... sir henry clinton invests the town.... tarlton surprises an american corps at monk's corner.... fort moultrie surrendered.... tarlton defeats colonel white.... general lincoln capitulates.... buford defeated.... arrangements for the government of south carolina and georgia.... sir henry clinton embarks for new york.... general gates takes command of the southern army.... is defeated near camden.... death of de kalb.... success of general sumpter.... he is defeated. [sidenote: .] the departure of the french fleet produced a sudden change in the prospects of the southern states. the sanguine hopes which had been entertained of the recovery of georgia, gave place to gloomy and well founded apprehensions for south carolina. the facility with which general prevost had passed through the state, and the assurances he had received of the indisposition of a large portion of the people to defend themselves, disclosed too certainly the true situation of the country, not to convince all discerning men that a real attempt at conquest would be made the ensuing year. general lincoln perceived the approaching danger, without being able to provide against it. his power, as a military commander, was too limited, and his influence on the government of the state too weak, to draw forth even the means it possessed in time for its protection. though the preservation of its metropolis was of vast importance to the state, no preparations were making to put it in a condition to stand a siege. the forts on the islands were in ruins, and the works across the neck remained unfinished. the representations made on this subject to the governor by general lincoln were not disregarded; but from some defect in the existing law, the executive found it impracticable to obtain labour for these interesting objects. [sidenote: january .] admiral arbuthnot arrived at savannah on the st of january. one of his transports, which had been separated from the fleet in a storm, was brought into charleston harbour on the d of that month; and the prisoners gave the first certain intelligence that the expedition from new york was destined against the capital of south carolina. [sidenote: sir henry clinton invests charleston.] before the middle of february, the fleet entered the harbour, or inlet, of north edisto; and landed the troops without opposition on st. john's island. a part of the fleet was sent round to blockade the harbour of charleston, while the army proceeded slowly and cautiously from stono creek to wappoo cut, and through the islands of st. john and st. james. this delay, in the event so fatal, but then deemed so propitious to the american arms, was employed to the utmost advantage in improving the defence of charleston. the legislature had enabled the executive to employ slaves to work on the fortifications; and had passed an act delegating great powers to the governor and such of his council as he could conveniently consult. under these acts, six hundred slaves were employed on the works, and vigorous, though not very successful measures were taken by the executive to assemble the militia of the country. the fallacious hope was entertained that, if the town could be rendered defensible, the garrison would be made sufficiently strong by reinforcements from the north, and by the militia of the state, to maintain the place and compel sir henry clinton to raise the siege. the american army being too weak to make any serious opposition to the progress of the british through the country, the cavalry, with a small corps of infantry, were directed to hover on their left flank; and the other troops, consisting of about fourteen hundred regulars fit for duty, aided by the militia, were drawn into the town, and employed on the works. [sidenote: colonel washington defeats tarlton.] understanding that great exertions were making to improve the fortifications, and that the garrison was gaining strength, sir henry clinton ordered general patterson to join him with the troops which could be spared from georgia, and directed lieutenant colonel tarlton, after supplying the horses which had been lost during a very stormy voyage from new york, to cover his march through south carolina. in one of the excursions of that active officer to disperse the militia who assembled to oppose the progress of patterson through the country, his cavalry encountered lieutenant colonel washington, who commanded the remnant of baylor's regiment, and were driven back with some loss; but the want of infantry disabled washington from pressing his advantage. in defending charleston, the command of the harbour is of great importance. to preserve this advantage, congress had ordered four frigates to south carolina, which, with the marine force belonging to the state, and two french vessels, were placed under the command of commodore whipple. general washington was the more sanguine in the hope of defending the harbour, because it was understood that the bar was impassable by a ship of the line, and that even a large frigate could not be brought over it, without first taking out her guns, or careening her so much that the crew would be unable to work her. on sounding within the bar it was discovered that the water was too shallow for the frigates to act with any effect, and that, in making the attempt, they would be exposed to the fire of the batteries which the assailants had erected. under these circumstances, the officers of the navy were unanimously of opinion that no successful opposition could be made at the bar, and that the fleet might act more advantageously in concert with the fort on sullivan's island. the intention of disputing the passage over the bar being abandoned, commodore whipple moored his squadron in a line with fort moultrie, in a narrow passage between sullivan's island and the middle ground; and the british ships, without their guns, passed the bar, and anchored in five fathom hole. it being now thought impossible to prevent the fleet from passing fort moultrie, and taking such stations in cooper river as would enable them to rake the batteries on shore, and to close that communication between the town and country, the plan of defence was once more changed, and the armed vessels were carried into the mouth of cooper river, and sunk in a line from the town to shute's folly. this was the critical moment for evacuating the town. the loss of the harbour rendered the defence of the place, if not desperate, so improbable, that the hope to maintain it, could not have been rationally entertained by a person, who was not deceived by the expectation of aids much more considerable than were actually received. [sidenote: opinion of general washington on the subject of defending charleston.] when this state of things was communicated to general washington, by lieutenant colonel laurens, he said in reply, "the impracticability of defending the bar, i fear, amounts to the loss of the town and garrison. at this distance it is impossible to judge for you. i have the greatest confidence in general lincoln's prudence; but it really appears to me, that the propriety of attempting to defend the town, depended on the probability of defending the bar; and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been relinquished. in this, however, i suspend a definitive judgment, and wish you to consider what i say as confidential." unfortunately, this letter did not arrive in time to influence the conduct of the besieged. [sidenote: april .] having crossed ashley river, sir henry clinton moved down the neck, and, on the night of the first of april, broke ground within eight hundred yards of the american lines. the defences of charleston had been constructed under the direction of a mr. laumay, a french gentleman in the american service; and, although not calculated to resist a regular siege, were far from being contemptible. while the besiegers were employed on their first parallel, the garrison received a considerable reinforcement. general woodford, who had marched from morristown in december, entered the town with the old continental troops of the virginia line, now reduced to seven hundred effectives. general hogan, with the line of north carolina, had arrived before him. the garrison consisted of rather more than two thousand regular troops, of about one thousand north carolina militia, and of the citizens of charleston. the exertions of the governor to bring in the militia of south carolina had not succeeded. [sidenote: april .] by the th of april, sir henry clinton completed his first parallel extending across the neck, and mounted his guns in battery. his works formed an oblique line, from six to seven hundred yards distant from those of the besieged. about the same time, admiral arbuthnot passed sullivan's island, under a heavy and well directed fire from fort moultrie, then commanded by colonel pinckney, and anchored under james' island near fort johnson, just out of gunshot of the batteries of the town. being now in complete possession of the harbour, the british general and admiral sent a joint summons to general lincoln, demanding the surrender of the town, to which he returned this firm and modest answer. "sixty days have elapsed since it has been known that your intentions against this town were hostile, in which, time has been afforded to abandon it; but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity." on receiving this answer, the besiegers opened their batteries, but seemed to rely principally on proceeding by sap quite into the american lines. about this time, the governor with half the members of the council, went into the country, in the hope of collecting a respectable force in the rear, and on the left flank of the besieging army. the lieutenant governor, and the other members of the council remained in town. hitherto, sir henry clinton had not extended his lines north of charleston neck, and the communication of the garrison with the country north-east of cooper remained open. the american cavalry, under the command of general huger, had passed that river, and was stationed in the neighbourhood of monk's corner, about thirty miles above charleston. as an additional security to this, the only remaining communication, two posts of militia were established, one between the cooper and the santee rivers, to which the governor repaired in person; and another at a ferry on the santee, where boats were to be collected for the purpose of facilitating the passage of the american army over that river, should it be deemed adviseable to evacuate the town. such importance was attached to this object, that lincoln, after woodford had entered charleston, detached a part of his regular troops, to throw up some works about nine miles above the town, on wando, the eastern branch of cooper, and on lamprere's point. the militia, it was hoped, though unwilling to enter charleston, might be drawn to these posts. [sidenote: april .] [sidenote: tarlton surprises and defeats an american corps at monk's corner.] after the fleet had entered the harbour, sir henry clinton turned his attention to the country on the east of cooper, to acquire the possession of which it was necessary to disable the american cavalry. this service was committed to lieutenant colonel webster, who detached tarlton with the horse and a corps of infantry to execute it. he succeeded completely. conducted in the night through unfrequented paths to the american videttes, he entered the camp with them, killed and took about one hundred men, and dispersed the residue, who saved themselves on foot in a swamp. near fifty wagons loaded with military stores, and about four hundred horses, fell into the hands of the victors. this decisive blow gave lieutenant colonel webster possession of the whole country between cooper and wando; and closed the only route by which the garrison could have retreated. the besiegers had now commenced their second parallel, and it became every day more apparent that the town must ultimately yield to their regular approaches. an evacuation was proposed, and lincoln is understood to have been in favour of that measure; but the remonstrances of the principal inhabitants, who entreated him not to abandon them to the fury of a disappointed enemy, added to the great difficulty which must attend such an attempt, especially when opposed by the civil government, deterred him from adopting the only course which afforded even a probability, by saving his army, of saving the southern states. soon after the affair at monk's corner, sir henry clinton received a reinforcement of three thousand men from new york. this addition to his strength enabled him to detach largely to the aid of lieutenant colonel webster, after which lord cornwallis took command of the troops on that side of cooper river. [sidenote: april .] upon this change of situation, lincoln called another council of war. notwithstanding the multiplied difficulties attending an evacuation of charleston, he appears to have been still inclined to it. but a number of fortunate circumstances must have concurred to render a retreat possible; and the attempt was effectually prevented by the opposition of the civil government. the opinion seems to have prevailed, that the escape of the garrison would be followed by the destruction of the town, and the ruin of its inhabitants. the council advised that a capitulation should be proposed, and that the town should be surrendered on condition that the garrison should be at liberty still to bear arms, and that the inhabitants should be secured in their persons and property. these propositions being rejected, hostilities recommenced. the besiegers had completed their second parallel, and had begun the third, when colonel henderson made a vigorous sally on their right, which was attended with some success. that this was the only sortie made during the siege, is to be ascribed to the weakness of the garrison. general lincoln deemed it necessary to reserve all his strength to man his lines in the event of an assault, or to force a retreat, should he determine to evacuate the city. in this state of things, general du portail, who had been directed to join the southern army, was conducted by secret ways into the town. he perceived the impossibility of defending the place, and repeated the proposition for attempting a retreat. this proposition was again rejected; and it only remained to defer the surrender as long as possible, in the vain hope that some fortunate occurrence might bring relief. [sidenote: the garrison of fort moultrie surrender themselves prisoners of war.] every day diminished this hope, and added to the difficulties of the besieged. the admiral took possession of mount pleasant, which induced the immediate evacuation of lamprere's point; soon after which the garrison of fort moultrie, amounting to about two hundred men,[ ] surrendered themselves prisoners of war. on the same day, the cavalry which had escaped the disaster at monk's corner, and had been reassembled under the command of colonel white, of new jersey, was again surprised and defeated by lieutenant colonel tarlton at lanneau's ferry. [footnote : after the fleet passed the fort, colonel pinckney and a part of the garrison were withdrawn.] the investment of the town was now complete; the advances were rapid; and it became obvious that the place could be defended only a few days longer. the besiegers had finished their third parallel; and by a sap pushed to the dam that supplied the canal with water, had drained it in many places to the bottom. the garrison, fatigued and worn out with constant duty, was too weak to man the lines sufficiently; their guns were almost all dismounted; most of the embrasures demolished; their shot nearly expended; their provisions, with the exception of a few cows, entirely consumed; and the approaches of the besiegers so near, that their marksmen frequently picked off the men from the guns, and killed[ ] any person who showed himself above the works. [footnote : colonel parker and captain peyton, two valuable officers from virginia, fell in this manner.] in this state of things, the garrison was summoned, a second time, to surrender; on which a council was again called, which advised a capitulation. in pursuance of this advice, general lincoln proposed terms which were refused, and hostilities recommenced. the besiegers now advanced their works in front of their third parallel, crossed the canal, pushed a double sap to the inside of the abattis, and approached within twenty yards of the american works. preparations for an assault by sea and land were making. with less than three thousand men, many of whom were militia, lines three miles in extent were to be defended against the flower of the british army, assisted by a powerful maritime force. convinced that success was not possible, the citizens prepared a petition to general lincoln, entreating him to surrender the town on the terms which had been offered by the besiegers. [sidenote: general lincoln capitulates.] this proposition was made and accepted; and the capitulation was signed on the th of may. [sidenote: may .] the town, and all public stores were surrendered. the garrison, as well the citizens who had borne arms as the continental troops, militia, and sailors, were to be prisoners of war. the garrison were to march out of town, and to deposite their arms in front of their works; but their drums were not to beat a british march, nor their colours to be reversed. the militia were to retire to their homes on parole, and their persons and property, as well as the persons and property of the inhabitants of the town, to be secure while they adhered to their paroles. these terms being agreed on, the garrison laid down their arms, and general leslie was appointed to take possession of the town. the defence of charleston was obstinate, but not bloody. the besiegers conducted their approaches with great caution; and the besieged, too weak to hazard repeated sorties, kept within their lines. the loss on both sides was nearly equal. that of the british was seventy-six killed and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded; and that of the americans, excluding the inhabitants of the town not bearing arms, was ninety-two killed, and one hundred and forty-eight wounded. from the official returns made to sir henry clinton by his deputy adjutant general, the number of prisoners, exclusive of sailors, amounted to five thousand six hundred and eighteen men. this report, however, presents a very incorrect view of the real strength of the garrison. it includes every male adult inhabitant of the town. the precise number of privates in the continental regiments, according to the report made to congress by general lincoln, was one thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven; of whom five hundred were in the hospital. the unfortunate are generally condemned; and the loss of the garrison of charleston so maimed the force, and palsied the operations of the american government in the south, that censure was unsparingly bestowed on the officer who had undertaken and persevered in the defence of that place. in his justificatory letter to the commander-in-chief, general lincoln detailed at large the motives of his conduct, and stated the testimony on which those delusive hopes of substantial assistance were founded, which tempted him to remain in town, until the unexpected arrival of the reinforcement from new york deprived him of the power to leave it. the importance of that great mart of the southern states, which had become the depot for the country to a considerable extent around it; the magazines and military stores there collected, which, from the difficulty of obtaining wagons, could not be removed; the ships of war, which must be sacrificed should the town be evacuated; the intention of congress that the place should be defended; the assurances received that the garrison should be made up to ten thousand men, of whom nearly one half would be regular troops; the anxious solicitude of the government of south carolina; all concurred to induce the adoption of a measure which, in its consequences, was extremely pernicious to the united states. in the opinion of those who were best enabled to judge of his conduct, general lincoln appears to have been completely justified. the confidence of his government, and the esteem of the commander-in-chief, sustained no diminution. sir henry clinton was aware of the impression his conquest had made, and of the value of the first moments succeeding it. calculating on the advantages to be derived from showing an irresistible force in various parts of the country at the same time, he made three large detachments from his army;--the first and most considerable, towards the frontiers of north carolina; the second to pass the saluda to ninety-six; and the third up the savannah towards augusta. [sidenote: buford defeated.] lord cornwallis, who commanded the northern detachment, received intelligence, soon after passing the santee, that colonel buford, with about four hundred men, was retreating in perfect security towards north carolina. he detached lieutenant colonel tarlton with his legion, the infantry being mounted, in pursuit of this party. that officer, by making a movement of near one hundred miles in two days, overtook buford, in a line of march, at the waxhaws, and demanded a surrender on the terms which had been granted to the garrison of charleston. this was refused. while the flags were passing, tarlton continued to make his dispositions for the assault, and, the instant the truce was over, his cavalry made a furious charge on the americans, who had received no orders to engage, and who seem to have been uncertain whether to defend themselves or not. in this state of dismay and confusion, some fired on the assailants, while others threw down their arms and begged for quarter. none was given. colonel buford escaped with a few cavalry; and about one hundred infantry, who were in advance, saved themselves by flight; but the regiment was almost demolished. tarlton, in his official report, says that one hundred and thirteen were killed on the spot, one hundred and fifty so badly wounded as to be incapable of being moved, and fifty-three were brought away as prisoners. the loss of the british was five killed and fourteen wounded. tarlton gives a very different account of the circumstances which preceded this massacre. he says that the demand for a surrender was made long before buford was overtaken, and was answered by a defiance; that, on overtaking him, the british vanguard made prisoners of a sergeant and four light dragoons, in the presence of the two commanders, who immediately prepared for action; that as he advanced to the charge, when within fifty paces, the american infantry presented, and were commanded by their officers to retain their fire until the british cavalry should be nearer.[ ] [footnote : lieutenant bowyer, an american officer who was in the engagement, near the person of colonel buford, in a letter which the author has lately seen, states this affair in a manner not much conflicting with the statement made of it by colonel tarlton.] the american officers who survived the carnage of the day, generally assert that flags passed after being overtaken, that they had received no orders from colonel buford when the charge was made, and that the fire of their troops was retained until the enemy was upon them, because they did not think themselves authorized to give it. the facts that buford's field pieces were not discharged, and that the loss was so very unequal, are not to be reconciled with the idea of deliberate preparation for battle, and justify the belief that the statement made by the american officers is correct. after the defeat of buford, scarcely the semblance of opposition remained in south carolina and georgia. the military force employed by congress was nearly destroyed; the spirit of resistance seemed entirely broken; and a general disposition to submit to the victor displayed itself in almost every part of the country. the two other detachments saw no appearance of an enemy. they received the submission of the inhabitants, who either became neutral by giving their paroles, not to bear arms against his britannic majesty, or took the oaths of allegiance, and resumed the character of british subjects. to keep up this disposition, garrisons were posted in different stations, and a series of measures was pursued for the purpose of settling the civil affairs of the province, and of giving stability to the conquest which had been made. [sidenote: sir henry clinton takes measures for settling the government of south carolina and georgia.] [sidenote: june .] so entirely did the present aspect of affairs convince sir henry clinton of the complete subjugation of the state, and of the favourable disposition of the people towards the british government, that he ventured to issue a proclamation, in which he discharged the militia who were prisoners from their paroles, with the exception of those who were taken in charleston and fort moultrie, and restored them to all the rights and duties of british subjects; declaring, at the same time, that such of them as should neglect to return to their allegiance, should be considered and treated as enemies and rebels. this proclamation disclosed to the inhabitants their real situation. it proved that a state of neutrality was not within their reach; that the evils of war were unavoidable; that they must arrange themselves on the one side or the other; and that the only alternative presented to them was, to drive the enemy out of their country, or take up arms against their countrymen. [sidenote: june .] with the most sanguine hopes that the southern states would be reunited to the british empire, sir henry clinton embarked for new york, leaving about four thousand british troops in south carolina, under the command of lord cornwallis. his lordship found it necessary to suspend the expedition he had meditated against north carolina. the impossibility of supporting an army in that state before harvest, as well as the intense heat of the season, required this delay. his first care was to distribute his troops through south carolina and the upper parts of georgia, so as to promote the great and immediate objects of enlisting the young men who were willing to join his standard, of arranging the plan of a militia, and of collecting magazines at convenient places. in the mean time, he despatched emissaries to his friends in north carolina, to inform them of the necessary delay of his expedition into their country, and to request them to attend to their harvest, collect provisions, and remain quiet until late in august or early in september, when the king's troops would be ready to enter the province. the impatience of the royalists, stimulated by the triumph of their friends in a neighbouring state, and by the necessary severities of a vigilant government, could not be restrained by this salutary counsel. anticipating the immediate superiority of their party, they could not brook the authority exercised over them, and broke out into premature and ill concerted insurrections, which were vigorously encountered, and generally suppressed. one body of them, however, amounting to about eight hundred men, led by colonel bryan, marched down the east side of the yadkin to a british post at the cheraws, whence they proceeded to camden. having made his dispositions, and fixed on camden as the place for his principal magazines, cornwallis left the command of the frontiers to lord rawdon, and retired to charleston for the purpose of making those farther arrangements of a civil nature, which the state of affairs and the interest of his sovereign might require. his lordship, as well as sir henry clinton, seems to have supposed the state of south carolina to be as completely subdued in sentiment as in appearance. impatient to derive active aids from the new conquest, his measures were calculated to admit of no neutrality. for some time these measures seemed to succeed, and professions of loyalty were made in every quarter. but under this imposing exterior, lurked a mass of concealed discontent, to which every day furnished new aliment, and which waited only for a proper occasion to show itself. the people of the lower parts of south carolina, though far from being united, were generally attached to the revolution, and had entered into the war with zeal. they were conducted by a high spirited and intelligent gentry, who ardently sought independence as a real and permanent good. several causes had combined to suspend the operation of this sentiment. many of their leaders were prisoners; and the brilliant successes of the british arms had filled numbers with despair. others were sensible of the inutility of present resistance; and a still greater number, fatigued and harassed with militia duty, were willing to withdraw from the conflict, and, as spectators, to await its issue. to compel these men to share the burdens of the war, was to restore them to their former friends. late in march, general washington had obtained the consent of congress to reinforce the southern army with the troops of maryland and delaware, and with the first regiment of artillery. this detachment was to be commanded by the baron de kalb, a german veteran who had engaged early in the service of the united states. such, however, was the deranged state of american finances, and such the depression of public credit, that these troops could not be put immediately in motion. they were at length embarked at the head of elk, and conveyed by water to petersburg, in virginia, whence they marched towards south carolina. their progress was delayed by that difficulty of obtaining subsistence which had induced lord cornwallis to suspend the invasion of north carolina until harvest should be gathered. no preparations having been made for them, they were reduced to the necessity of spreading themselves over the country in small detachments, to collect corn, and grind it for their daily food. in this manner they proceeded through the upper parts of north carolina to deep river, and encamped near buffalo ford in july. at this place the baron halted for a few days, in some uncertainty respecting his future course.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] the militia of north carolina, commanded by general caswell, were beyond the pedee, on the road to camden, and had nearly consumed the scanty supplies which could be gleaned from a country that was far from being productive. the baron was premeditating on a plan for leaving the direct road and moving up the country to the fertile banks of the yadkin, when the approach of major general gates was announced by the arrival of his aid-de-camp, major armstrong.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] [sidenote: general gates appointed to the command of the southern army.] [sidenote: july.] aware of the danger to which the loss of charleston had exposed that part of the confederacy, congress deemed it of the utmost importance to select a general for that department, in whom great military talents should be combined with that weight of character which might enable him to draw out the resources of the country. they turned their eyes on gates;[ ] and sanguine hopes were entertained that the conqueror of burgoyne would prove the saviour of the southern states. on the th of june, he was called to the command in the southern department, and was directed to repair immediately to the army. he entered, without loss of time, on the duties of his station; and, on the th of july, reached the camp, where he was received by the baron de kalb with the utmost cordiality and respect. [footnote : this appointment was made without consulting the commander-in-chief. he had determined, if consulted, to recommend general greene.] the approach of this army, and the information that great exertions were making in virginia to augment it, revived the hopes of south carolina, and brought again into action a spirit supposed to be extinguished. the british troops having occupied the north-western parts of the state, the most active friends of the revolution in that quarter had fled from their homes, and sought an asylum in north carolina and virginia. as the discontents of their countrymen increased, and the prospect of being supported by regular troops brightened, a small body of these exiles, amounting to less than two hundred, assembled together, and choosing colonel sumpter, an old continental officer, for their chief, entered south carolina. they skirmished with the royal militia and small corps of regulars on the frontiers, sometimes successfully, and always with the active courage of men fighting for the recovery of their property. the followers of sumpter were soon augmented to six hundred men; and a disposition once more to take up arms showed itself in various parts of the state. some corps of militia, which had been embodied under the authority of lord cornwallis, deserted his standard, and joined their countrymen. perceiving this change of temper, the british general thought it necessary to draw in his out-posts, and to collect his troops into larger bodies. on taking command of the southern army, general gates directed the troops to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's warning; and, on the morning of the th, put the whole in motion. disregarding the judicious remonstrances which were made to him against pursuing the direct road, he determined on taking the nearest route to the advanced post of the british on lynch's creek, a few miles from camden. the motives assigned by himself for passing through this barren country were, the necessity of uniting with caswell, who had evaded the orders repeatedly given him to join the army, the danger of dispiriting the troops, and intimidating the people of the country, by pursuing a route not leading directly towards the enemy, and the assurances he had received that supplies would overtake him, and would be prepared for him on the road. [sidenote: august .] these assurances were not fulfilled; and, the country being still more barren than had been anticipated, the distress of the army was extreme. the soldiers subsisted on a few lean cattle found in the woods, and a very scanty supply of green corn and peaches. encouraged by the example of their officers, who shared all their sufferings, and checked occasional murmurs, they struggled through these difficulties, and, after effecting a junction with general caswell and with lieutenant colonel porterfield,[ ] the army reached clermont, sometimes called rugely's mills, on the th of august. possession was taken of this place without any opposition from lord rawdon, who, on the approach of the american army, drew in his out-posts, and assembled all his forces at camden.[ ] [footnote : this valuable officer was pressing forward to charleston when that place surrendered. continuing to advance, he was within one day's march of colonel buford, when that officer was defeated. colonel porterfield still remained on the frontiers of the carolinas; and had the address not only to avoid the fate of every other corps sent to the relief of charleston, but to subsist his men; and keep up the semblance of holding that part of south carolina.] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] the day after the arrival of gates at clermont, he was joined by seven hundred militia from virginia, commanded by brigadier general stevens, an officer of considerable merit, who, during the campaigns of and , had commanded a continental regiment. on the same day, an express arrived from colonel sumpter, with information that an escort of clothing, ammunition, and other stores for the garrison at camden, was on the way from ninety-six, and must pass the wateree at a ferry about a mile from camden, which was covered by a small redoubt on the opposite side of the river. one hundred regular infantry with two brass field-pieces, were immediately detached to join colonel sumpter, who was ordered to reduce the redoubt, and to intercept the convoy.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] to attract the attention of the garrison in camden, and thus co-operate with the expedition under sumpter, it was determined in a council of general officers to put the army in motion that evening, and to take a post about seven miles from camden with a deep creek in front. the sick, the heavy baggage, and the military stores were ordered under a guard to waxhaws,[ ] and the army was directed to be in readiness to march precisely at ten in the evening in the following order. [footnote : colonel williams says these orders were not executed.] colonel armand's legion composed the van. porterfield's light infantry, reinforced by a company of picked men from stevens's brigade, covered the right flank of the legion; while major armstrong's light infantry of north carolina militia, reinforced in like manner from caswell's division, covered the left. the maryland division, followed by the north carolina and virginia militia, with the artillery, composed the main body and rear guard; and the volunteer cavalry were equally distributed on the flanks of the baggage. in the event of an attack in front by the british cavalry, the infantry on the flanks were directed to march up, and to continue their fire on the assailants. it was supposed they would enable colonel armand to resist the shock; and his orders were positive to maintain his ground against the cavalry, whatever their numbers might be.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] at the time of communicating these orders to colonel otho h. williams, the deputy adjutant general, gates, showed him a rough estimate of the army, making it upwards of seven thousand. convinced that this estimate was exaggerated, colonel williams availed himself of his means of information to make an abstract of the whole, which he presented to the general, and which exhibited exactly three thousand and fifty-two in the column of present fit for duty, of whom more than two-thirds were militia. gates expressed some surprise at the numbers, but said, "there are enough for our purpose," and directed the orders to be issued to the army. about ten at night, the line of march was taken up, and the army had advanced about half way to camden, when a firing commenced in front.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] intelligence of the approach of the american army, and of the defection of the country between pedee and the black river, had been communicated to lord cornwallis, and had induced him to hasten in person to camden, which place he reached the day gates arrived at clermont. the british army did not much exceed two thousand men, of whom about nineteen hundred were regulars; but, as the whole country was rising, lord cornwallis apprehended that every day would strengthen his enemy, and therefore determined to attack him in his camp; hoping, by a prompt execution of this resolution, to surprise him. by one of those caprices of fortune on which great events often depend, he marched from camden to attack gates in clermont, at the very hour that gates moved from that place towards camden.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] [sidenote: august .] about half past two in the morning, the advanced parties of the hostile armies, to their mutual surprise, met in the woods, and began to skirmish with each other. some of armand's cavalry being wounded by the first fire, threw the others into disorder, and the whole recoiled so suddenly that the first maryland regiment, composing the front of the column was broken, and the whole line thrown into consternation. from this first impression, the raw troops never recovered. the light infantry, however, particularly porterfield's corps, behaved so well as to check the advance of the british. unfortunately, their gallant commander received a mortal wound, which compelled him to leave his regiment. yet a part of it kept its ground; and, with the aid of the legion infantry, stopped the british van; upon which order was restored to the american army. the officers were immediately employed in forming a line of battle in front. the maryland division, including the troops of delaware, were on the right, the north carolina militia in the centre, and the virginia militia on the left. in this rencounter some prisoners were made, from one of whom colonel williams drew the information that the british army, consisting of near three thousand men, commanded by lord cornwallis in person, was in full march five or six hundred yards in front. this intelligence was immediately communicated to general gates, who had supposed lord cornwallis to be still in charleston. the general officers were assembled in the rear of the line, and this information submitted to them. after a short silence, stevens said, "gentlemen, is it not too late to do any thing but fight?" no other advice being given, general gates, who seems to have been himself disposed to risk a battle, directed the officers to repair to their respective commands. the ground on which the army was drawn up was so narrowed by a marsh on each flank, as to admit of removing the first maryland brigade, so as to form a second line about two hundred yards in rear of the first. the artillery was placed in the centre of the first line, and armstrong's light infantry was ordered to cover a small interval between the flank of the left wing and the marsh. frequent skirmishes occurred during the night between the advanced parties, with scarcely any other effect than to discover the situation of the armies, evince the intention of the generals, and serve as a prelude to the events of the succeeding morning. at dawn of day the british appeared in front, advancing in column. lieutenant colonel webster commanded on the right, and lord rawdon on the left. the seventy-first regiment composed the reserve. four field pieces were attached to the left, and one to the corps de reserve. captain singleton opened some field pieces on the front of the column, at the distance of about two hundred yards, soon after which the american left was ordered to commence the action. it was then perceived that the british right was advancing in line; and as stevens led on his brigade in good order, colonel williams advanced in front with a few volunteers, intending by a partial fire to extort that of the enemy at some distance, and thereby diminish its effect on the militia. the experiment did not succeed. the british rushed forward with great impetuosity, firing and huzzaing at the same time; and the terrified militia, disregarding the exertions of stevens, who, in the firm tone of courage, endeavoured to inspire them with confidence in the bayonets they had just received, threw down their loaded muskets, fled from the field with the utmost precipitation, and were followed by the light infantry of armstrong. the whole north carolina division, except one regiment commanded by colonel dixon, an old continental officer, which was posted nearest the continental troops, followed the shameful example. other parts of the same brigade, which was commanded by gregory, paused for an instant; but the terror of their brethren was soon communicated to them, and they also threw away their arms, and sought for safety in flight. their general, while endeavouring to rally them, was dangerously wounded. tarlton's legion charged them as they broke, and pursued them in their flight. gates, in person, assisted by their generals, made several efforts to rally the militia; but the alarm in their rear still continuing, they poured on like a torrent, and bore him with them. he hastened with general caswell to clermont, in the hope of stopping a sufficient number of them at their old encampment, to cover the retreat of the continental troops; but this hope was entirely disappointed. believing the continental troops also to be dispersed, he gave up all as lost, and retreated with a few friends to charlotte, about eighty miles from the field of battle, where he left general caswell to assemble the neighbouring militia, and proceeded himself to hillsborough, in order to concert some plan of farther defence with the government. entirely deserted by the militia who composed the whole centre and left wing of the army, the continental troops, with the baron de kalb at their head, were left without orders, under circumstances which might have justified a retreat. but taking counsel from their courage, and seeing only the path of duty, they preferred the honourable and dangerous part of maintaining their position. they were charged by lord rawdon about the time the militia on their left were broken by webster; but the charge was received with unexpected firmness. the bayonet was occasionally resorted to by both parties, and the conflict was maintained for near three quarters of an hour with equal obstinacy. during this time, the regiment on the left of the second maryland brigade being covered by the reserve, so that it could be only engaged in front, gained ground and made prisoners. the reserve, having its left entirely exposed, was flanked by the british right wing under webster; who, after detaching a part of his cavalry and light infantry in pursuit of the flying militia, wheeled on that brigade, and attacking it in front and round the left flank, threw it into some disorder. the soldiers were, however, quickly rallied, and renewed the action with unimpaired spirit. overpowered by numbers, they were again broken, and by the exertion of their officers were again formed, so as still to maintain the combat, and still to cover the flank of their brethren of the second brigade, who were in a manner blended with the enemy, and who kept up a desperate conflict in the hope of yet obtaining the victory. [sidenote: death of de kalb.] the fire of the whole british army was now directed against these two devoted brigades. they had not lost an inch of ground when lord cornwallis, perceiving that they were without cavalry, pushed his dragoons upon them, and at the same instant, charged them with the bayonet. these gallant troops were no longer able to keep the field. they were at length broken; and, as they did not give way until intermingled with the enemy, they dispersed and fled in confusion. before they were reduced to this last extremity, the baron de kalb, who fought on foot with the second maryland brigade, fell under eleven wounds. his aid-de-camp, lieutenant colonel du buysson, received him in his arms, announced his rank and nation to the surrounding foe, and begged that they would spare his life. while thus generously exposing himself to save his friend, he received several wounds, and, with his general, was taken prisoner. the baron expired in a few hours, and spent his last breath in dictating a letter, expressing the warmest affection for the officers and men of his division, and the most exalted admiration of their courage and good conduct.[ ] [footnote : journal of colonel williams.] never was a victory more complete. every corps was broken and dispersed in the woods. the general officers were divided from their men; and, except rutherford of the north carolina militia who was made a prisoner, reached charlotte at different times. colonel williams, who witnessed the whole battle, and bore a conspicuous part in it, concludes his very animated description of it, with the observation, that "if in this affair the militia fled too soon, the regulars may be thought almost as blameable for remaining too long on the field; especially after all hope of victory must have been despaired of." he censures freely the conduct of the brigadiers, who gave, he says, no orders whatever to their brigades. about two hundred wagons, with a great part of the baggage, military stores, small arms, and all the artillery, fell into the hands of the conqueror. the loss of men could never be accurately ascertained, as no returns were received from the militia. of the north carolina division, between three and four hundred were made prisoners, and between sixty and one hundred were wounded. of the virginia militia, three were wounded on the field; and, as they were the first to fly, not many were taken. for the numbers engaged, the loss sustained by the regulars was considerable. it amounted to between three and four hundred men, of whom a large portion were officers. the british accounts state the loss of the american army at eight or nine hundred killed, and about one thousand prisoners; while their own is said to be only three hundred and twenty-five, of whom two hundred and forty-five were wounded. although many of the militia were killed during the flight, this account is probably exaggerated. it would seem too, that while the continental troops kept the field, the loss on both sides, in that part of the action, must have been nearly equal. on his retreat, the day of the battle, general gates received information of the complete success of sumpter. that officer had, on the evening that lord cornwallis marched from camden, reduced the redoubt on the wateree, captured the guard, and intercepted the escort with the stores. this gleam of light cheered the dark gloom which enveloped his affairs but for a moment. he was soon informed that this corps also was defeated, and entirely dispersed. [sidenote: august .] on hearing of the disaster which had befallen gates, sumpter began to retreat up the south side of the wateree. believing himself out of danger, he had halted on the twenty-eighth, during the heat of the day, near the catawba ford, to give his harassed troops some repose. at that place he was overtaken by tarlton, who had been detached in pursuit of him on the morning of the th, and who, advancing with his accustomed celerity, entered the american camp so suddenly, as in a great measure to cut off the men from their arms. some slight resistance made from behind the wagons was soon overcome, and the americans fled precipitately to the river and woods. between three and four hundred of them were killed and wounded; their baggage, artillery, arms, and ammunition were lost; and the prisoners and stores they had taken, were recovered. this advantage was gained with the loss of only nine men killed and six wounded. two videttes had been placed by sumpter, on the road along which tarlton had advanced, who fired upon his van and killed one of his dragoons, upon which they were both sabred. we are informed by colonel tarlton that the inquiries made by sumpter respecting the two shots, were answered by an assurance from an officer, just returned from the advanced sentries, that the militia were firing at cattle. [sidenote: august .] intelligence of this disaster reached charlotte next day. generals smallwood and gist were then arrived at that place, and about one hundred and fifty straggling, dispirited, half famished officers and soldiers had also dropped in. it was thought adviseable to retreat immediately to salisbury. from that place, general gates directed the remnant of the troops to march to hillsborough, where he was endeavouring to assemble another army, which might enable him yet to contend for the southern states. chapter vii. distress in the american camp.... expedition against staten island.... requisitions on the states.... new scheme of finance.... committee of congress deputed to camp.... resolution to make up depreciation of pay.... mutiny in the line of connecticut.... general knyphausen enters jersey.... sir henry clinton returns to new york.... skirmish at springfield.... exertions to strengthen the army.... bank established in philadelphia.... contributions of the ladies.... farther proceedings of the states.... arrival of a french armament in rhode island.... changes in the quartermaster's department.... enterprise against new york abandoned.... naval superiority of the british. [sidenote: .] while disasters thus crowded on each other in the southern states, the commander-in-chief found himself surrounded with difficulties, which required his utmost exertions to avoid calamities equally distressing. his urgent requisitions for men to supply the places of those who were leaving the service, were not complied with, and the soldiers who remained, could scarcely be preserved from either perishing with cold and hunger, or dispersing and living on plunder. general greene and colonel wadsworth, who had, for the preceding year, been at the head of the quartermaster and commissary departments, possessed distinguished merit, and had employed assistants of unquestionable ability and integrity. yet, for a great part of the campaign, the rations were frequently reduced, and the army was rarely supplied with provisions for more than a few days in advance. soon after coming into winter quarters, the magazines were exhausted, and afforded neither meat nor flour to be delivered to the men. this state of things had been long foreseen; and all the means in the power of the commander-in-chief had been used to prevent it. repeated representations of the actual famine with which the army was threatened, had been made to congress, and to the state governments; but no adequate relief was afforded; and such was the condition of the finances, so embarrassing the state of affairs, that it was perhaps attainable only by measures which the governments could not venture to adopt. the rapid depreciation of the continental currency, had long been viewed with apprehensive anxiety by the enlightened friends of the revolution, and various unsuccessful expedients had been essayed for the purpose of checking its progress. all perceived that the great quantity in circulation was the principal cause of the diminution of its value; and congress had resolved not to exceed two hundred millions of dollars in their emissions. in the mean time, the utmost endeavours were used to defer an evil so justly dreaded, and among the expedients employed, was that of withholding from the public agents, the money which was necessary for public purposes. this unwise experiment, while it defeated its own object, threatened the dissolution of the american army. the difference between the value of the article at the times of contract and of payment was soon perceived, and, of course, influenced its price. but this was the least mischievous consequence of this mistaken policy. the public agents contracted enormous debts which they were unable to discharge. repeated disappointments destroyed their credit; and, towards the close of the year , they found it impracticable to obtain supplies for the subsistence of the army. from these causes, the contracts entered into could not be co-extensive with the public wants; and many of those which were made were not complied with. in this critical state of things, an entire revolution was made in the commissary department. such was the prejudice against the system adopted by great britain, for supplying by contract, that it had been usual to allow, as a compensation to the commissary, a stipulated commission on all the monies expended on public account. after some time, this allowance was supposed to be an inducement to purchase at high prices; and an arrangement was made on the first of january, by which the commissary general was to receive a fixed nominal salary in the paper currency, and was permitted to appoint assistants whose compensations were also fixed, and who were to defray, out of those compensations, all the expenses attending the transactions of the business. the practice of allowing them rations and forage was discontinued. this new system was unfortunately so modified as to increase the embarrassments of the department. it was found difficult to obtain assistants and agents for the compensation allowed; and those who were willing to be employed, were unequal to the duties assigned them. for several days, the soldiers were reduced to half allowance, and sometimes to less. at length, affairs came to the crisis which had long been threatened; and, early in january, a letter was received from colonel wadsworth, informing the general that it was absolutely out of his power to supply the army longer with meat, as he was without money, and had totally exhausted his credit. about the same time, the assistant commissary, residing in camp, gave notice that his stock of provisions was on the point of being expended, and that he had no immediate prospect of a farther supply. this state of things compelled the commander-in-chief to adopt efficacious measures, to relieve the immediate and pressing wants of his soldiers. he required from each county in the state of jersey, a quantity of meat and flour proportioned to its resources, to be raised and forwarded to the army within a limited time, not exceeding six days. in a circular letter addressed to the magistrates, he stated the pressing wants of the army, and the necessity of resorting to coercion should his requisition fail. to the honour of the magistrates and people of new jersey, although their country was much exhausted, the supplies required were instantly furnished, and a temporary relief obtained. the patient and uncomplaining fortitude with which the soldiers bore their sufferings, was strong evidence of their patriotism, and could not fail to make a deep impression on their general. but while their virtues excited his sensibilities, he expressed his fears very freely to congress, that they might be too severely tried. the unusual severity of the winter, seemed to furnish an opportunity for active enterprise, which the commander-in-chief observed, without being able to improve. the garrison of new york and its immediate dependencies, was supposed to be reduced to ten or eleven thousand effectives; and the security heretofore derived from its insular situation no longer existed. the ice was so strong that the whole army, with its train of wagons and artillery, might pass over without danger. this circumstance afforded a glorious occasion for striking a blow, which, if successful, would most probably terminate the war. the effort would seem not to have exceeded the strength of america, could that strength have been exerted in proper season; but the government possessed neither sufficient energy nor concentration of power to call it forth; and this opportunity passed away, as many which present themselves in the course of human affairs, must pass away, if those who should take advantage of them, only begin to deliberate about making preparations in the season for action. the force under the immediate command of general washington, was decidedly inferior to that in new york; and so far was he from having reason to expect immediate reinforcements, that congress had not agreed on making a requisition for them. in addition to this feebleness in point of numbers, the soldiers were not half clothed; provisions for immediate use could be obtained only by contributions from the people; the quartermaster's department was unable to put an army in motion; and the military chest did not contain a dollar. under the pressure of this combination of discouraging circumstances, the active mind of washington still looked forward to the possibility of deriving some advantage from the exposed situation of his adversary. the troops on staten island were computed at one thousand or twelve hundred men; and the firm bridge of ice now uniting that island to the jersey shore, seemed to furnish an opportunity for bearing off this corps. general washington determined to make the attempt with two thousand five hundred men, to be commanded by major general lord stirling. the more distant troops moved down on sleds; and, to favour a surprise, the opinion was inculcated that they only constituted a relief for the detachment already on the lines. [sidenote: january.] on the night of the th of january, lord stirling moved over from de hart's point; and, detaching lieutenant colonel willet to decker's house, where buskirk's regiment was stationed, proceeded himself to the watering place, where the main body was posted. notwithstanding the precautions which had been taken, the alarm had been given at each post, and the troops had saved themselves in their works; so that only a few prisoners were made. contrary to the intelligence previously received, the communication with new york was still open; and the works appeared too strong to justify the hazard of attempting to carry them by assault. [sidenote: january .] the object of the expedition being unattainable, lord stirling commenced his retreat, which was effected with inconsiderable loss. a body of cavalry, which charged his rear, was repulsed; but, from the intenseness of the cold, and the defectiveness of his means to protect his men from it, some of them were frost bitten, and a few stragglers were made prisoners. the excessive cold continuing, the rivers were soon afterwards completely blocked up. even arms of the sea were passable on the ice; and the islands about the mouth of the hudson, presented the appearance of one whole and unbroken continent. this state of things produced a great degree of suffering among all classes in new york. the supplies usually received by water failed totally, and a great scarcity of provisions and of fuel was the consequence. to increase this scarcity, the american troops on the lines were so disposed as to interrupt the communication between the country and the town; and these arrangements produced a partisan war, in which the advantage was rather on the side of the british. in one of the most important of these skirmishes, captain roberts, of massachusetts, with fourteen of his men, were killed on the spot; seventeen were wounded, of whom three died in a few days; and lieutenant colonel thompson, of massachusetts, who commanded the party, two captains, four subalterns, and ninety non-commissioned officers and privates were made prisoners. the emission of the full sum of two hundred millions of dollars in continental bills of credit, which congress had solemnly resolved not to exceed, had been completed in november, , and the money was expended. the requisitions on the states to replenish the treasury by taxes were not fully complied with; and, had they even been strictly observed, would not have produced a sum equal to the public expenditure. it was therefore necessary to devise other measures for the prosecution of the war. during the distresses which brought the army to the brink of dissolution, these measures were under consideration. so early as december, , congress had determined to change the mode of supplying the army from purchases to requisitions of specific articles on the several states. as preliminary to this system, commissioners were appointed to make the estimates, and to introduce every practicable reform in the expenditures. this subject was under deliberation until the th of february, when sundry resolutions were passed, apportioning on the states their respective quotas of provisions, spirits, and forage, for the ensuing campaign. the value of the several articles was estimated in specie; and assurances were given that accounts between the states should be regularly kept, and finally settled in spanish milled dollars. for the purpose of inducing and facilitating a compliance with these requisitions, congress also resolved, "that any state which shall have taken the necessary measures for furnishing its quota, and have given notice thereof to congress, shall be authorized to prohibit any continental quartermaster or commissary from purchasing within its limits." these resolutions, constituting the basis of a new system on which the future subsistence of the army was essentially to depend, were too deeply interesting not to receive the anxious attention of the commander-in-chief. with regret, he communicated to congress the radical defects he perceived in their arrangements, with his apprehensions that this untried scheme would fail in practice. his judgment, and the judgment of all men engaged in high and responsible situations, was decidedly in favour of conducting the war on a national rather than on a state system. but, independent of this radical objection, economy had been so much more consulted than the probable necessities of the army, that, in almost every article, the estimate had fallen far short of the demand to be reasonably expected. the total omission to provide means for supplying occasional deficiencies from the surplus resources of any particular state, was an error of still greater magnitude. it was obvious that the demand in any state which should become the theatre of war, would be much greater than its quota; and experience had shown that the carriage of specific articles from distant places was always difficult and expensive, and sometimes impracticable. yet no means were adopted to supply such extraordinary demand, whatever might be the resources of the country. a still more radical objection to the system was the principle, enabling any state which should take means to comply with the requisition, and should notify those means to the government of the united states, to prohibit the continental agents from making any purchases within its territory. among the states which adopted the proposition of congress was new jersey, in which the largest division of the army was stationed. its legislature passed an act prohibiting the purchase of provisions within its jurisdiction by the staff of the continental line, under severe penalties; and refused to authorize its own agents to provide for any emergency however pressing. it was an additional objection to these requisitions, that they specified no periods of the year within which certain portions of the articles demanded should be raised, and consequently might be complied with, although the army should be left destitute of every necessary for a considerable part of the campaign. these suggestions, however, with others less material to the military operations, did not receive the attention which was due to their importance. a disposition in the members of congress, growing inevitably out of the organization of the government, to consult the will of their respective states, and to prefer that will to any other object, had discovered itself at an early period, and had gained strength with time. the state of the national treasury was calculated to promote this disposition. it was empty, and could be replenished only by taxes, which congress had not the power to impose; or by new emissions of bills of credit, which the government had pledged the public faith not to make, and which would rest for their redemption only on that faith, which would be violated in the very act of their emission. under these circumstances, it required a degree of energy seldom found, to struggle with surrounding difficulties for the preservation of a general system, and to resist the temptation to throw the nation at the feet of the states, in whom the vital principle of power, the right to levy taxes, was exclusively vested. while the continental currency preserved its value, this essential defect of the constitution was, in some measure, concealed. the facility with which money was obtained from the press, was a temporary substitute for the command of the resources of the country. but when this expedient failed, it was scarcely possible to advance a single step, but under the guidance of the respective states. [sidenote: financial regulations.] whatever might be the future effect of this system, it was impracticable to bring it into immediate operation. the legislatures of the several states, by whom it was to be adopted, and carried into execution, were, many of them, not then in session; and were to meet at different times through the ensuing spring. it was consequently to be expected that great part of the summer would pass away before the supplies to be raised by the measure, could be brought into use. in the mean time, and until a new scheme of finance, which accompanied the requisition of specific articles, should be tried, there was no regular provision for the army. bills to the amount of £ , sterling, payable at six months' sight, were drawn on mr. jay, and others to the same amount, on mr. laurens, who were empowered to negotiate loans in europe. these bills were sold in small sums on pressing occasions; and the loan offices remained open for the purpose of borrowing from individuals. this new scheme of finance was a second essay to substitute credit unsupported by solid funds, and resting solely on the public faith, for money. the vast quantity of bills unavoidably emitted before the establishment of regular governments possessing sufficient energy to enforce the collection of taxes, or to provide for their redemption, and before the governments of europe were sufficiently confident of their stability to afford them aid or credit, was assigned by congress as the principal cause of that depreciation which had taken place in the continental currency. the united states were now, they said, under different circumstances. their independence was secure; their civil governments were established and vigorous; and the spirit of their citizens ardent for exertion. the government being thus rendered competent to the object, it was necessary to reduce the quantity of paper in circulation, and to appropriate funds that should ensure the punctual redemption of the bills. for these purposes, the several states were required to continue to bring into the continental treasury, monthly, from february to april inclusive, their full quotas of fifteen millions of dollars. in complying with this requisition, one spanish milled dollar was to be received in lieu of forty dollars of the paper currency. the bills so brought in were not to be reissued, but destroyed; and other bills, not to exceed one dollar for every twenty received in discharge of taxes, were to be emitted. these bills were to be redeemable within six years, and were to bear an interest of five _per centum per annum_, to be paid at the time of their redemption in specie, or, at the election of the holder, annually, in bills of exchange drawn by the united states on their commissioners in europe, at four shillings and six pence sterling for each dollar. they were to be issued in ascertained proportions on the funds of the several states, with a collateral security on the part of the government, to pay the quota of any particular state, which the events of the war might render incapable of complying with its own engagements. the bills were to be deposited in the continental loan-offices of the several states, and were to be signed only as the money then in circulation should be brought in by taxes or otherwise. after being signed, six-tenths of them were to be delivered to the states on whose funds they were to be issued, and the remaining four-tenths to be retained for the use of the continent. the operation of this scheme of finance was necessarily suspended by the same causes which suspended that for requiring specific articles. it depended on the sanction and co-operation of the several state legislatures, many of which were yet to convene. as it would be impracticable to maintain the value of the money about to be emitted, should the states continue to issue bills of credit, they were earnestly requested to suspend future emissions, and to call the current paper out of circulation. but the time for this measure was not yet arrived, and many of the states continued the use of the press till late in the following year. the establishment of the army for the ensuing campaign was fixed at thirty-five thousand two hundred and eleven men, and the measures for recruiting it were founded on the state system, which was become entirely predominant. the few intelligent statesmen who could combine practical good sense with patriotism, perceived the dangerous inefficacy of a system which openly abandoned the national character, and proceeded on the principle that the american confederacy was no more than an alliance of independent nations. that great delays would be experienced, that the different parts of the plan would be acted on too unequally and too uncertainly to furnish a solid basis for military calculations, that the system would be totally deranged in its execution, were mischiefs foreseen and lamented by many, as resulting inevitably from a course of measures to which the government of the union was under the painful necessity of submitting. "certain i am," said the commander-in-chief, in a confidential letter to a member of the national legislature, "that unless congress speaks in a more decisive tone; unless they are vested with powers by the several states, competent to the great purposes of the war, or assume them as matter of right, and they and the states respectively act with more energy than they hitherto have done, our cause is lost. we can no longer drudge on in the old way. by ill-timing the adoption of measures; by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies; we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit from them. one state will comply with a requisition from congress; another neglects to do it; a third executes it by halves; and all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are all working up hill; and, while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, we ever shall be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage. "this, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of congress; but it is the language of truth and friendship. it is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict observation. i see one head gradually changing into thirteen; i see one army branching into thirteen; and, instead of looking up to congress as the supreme controlling power of the united states, consider themselves as dependent on their respective states. in a word, i see the power of congress declining too fast for the respect which is due to them as the great representative body of america, and am fearful of the consequences." but whatever might be his objections to the proposed system, general washington was unremitting in his endeavours to render the plan perfect in detail, and to give to its execution all the aid which his situation and influence enabled him to afford. the distresses of the army for food, which had found temporary relief in the particular exertions of the magistrates and people of new jersey, soon returned; and it became once more necessary, even after the magazines had been in some degree replenished, to recur to the same persons for assistance. the supplies of forage had failed, and a great proportion of the horses had perished, or been rendered unfit for use. neither funds nor credit were possessed for the purchase of others, and the quarter-master-general found himself unable to transport provisions from remote magazines into camp. this circumstance reduced the commander-in-chief to the painful necessity of calling on the patriotism of private citizens, under the penalty of a military impressment, should a voluntary contribution be refused, for those means of conveyance which the government could not supply. the want of food was not the only difficulty to be surmounted. others of a serious nature presented themselves. the pay of an officer was reduced by the depreciation of the currency, to such a miserable pittance as to be unequal to the supply of the most moderate demands. the pay of a major general would no longer hire an express rider, and that of a captain would not purchase the shoes in which he marched. the american officers were not rich; and many of them had expended their _little all_ in the service. if they had exhausted their private funds, or if they possessed none, they could rely only on the state to which they belonged for such clothing as the state might be willing or able to furnish. these supplies were so insufficient and unequal, as to produce extreme dissatisfaction. in the lines of some of the states, the officers gave notice in a body, of their determination to resign on a given day, if some decent and certain provision should not be made for them. the remonstrances of the commander-in-chief produced an offer to serve as volunteers until their successors should be appointed; and, on the rejection of this proposition, they were with difficulty induced to remain in service. under these complicated embarrassments, it required all that enthusiastic patriotism which pre-eminently distinguishes the soldier of principle; all that ardent attachment to the cause of their country which originally brought them into the field, and which their sufferings could not diminish; all the influence of the commander-in-chief, whom they almost adored; to retain in the service men who felt themselves neglected, and who believed themselves to be the objects of the jealousy of their country, rather than of its gratitude. among the privates, causes of disgust grew out of the very composition of the army, which increased the dissatisfaction produced by their multiplied wants. the first effort made to enlist troops for the war had, in some degree, succeeded. while these men found themselves obliged to continue in service without compensation, and often without the common necessaries of life, they perceived the vacant ranks in their regiments filled up by men who were to continue only for a few months, and who received bounties for that short service, from individuals or from the states, which were of great real value, and which appeared to soldiers not acquainted with the actual state of depreciation, to be immense. they could not fail to compare situations, and to repine at engagements which deprived them of advantages which they saw in possession of others. many were induced to contest those engagements;[ ] many to desert a service in which they experienced such irritating inequalities; and all felt with the more poignant indignation, those distressing failures in the commissary department, which so frequently recurred. [footnote : in some instances, the civil power of the state in which such soldiers happened to be, attempted to interfere and to discharge even those belonging to the lines of other states, who asserted their right to be discharged. it was with some difficulty the general could arrest this dangerous interposition.] [sidenote: committee of congress deputed to camp.] in consequence of the strong representations made to congress on these various causes of disquiet, a committee of three members repaired to camp for the purpose of consulting with the commander-in-chief on such arrangements as the means in possession of the government would enable it to make, and the present state of the army might require. in representing the condition of the troops, they said, "that the army was unpaid for five months; that it seldom had more than six days' provisions in advance, and was on several occasions, for several successive days, without meat; that the army was destitute of forage; that the medical department had neither tea, chocolate, wine, nor spirituous liquors of any kind; that every department of the army was without money, and had not even the shadow of credit left; that the patience of the soldiers, borne down by the pressure of complicated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted." to relieve this gloomy state of things by transfusing into it a ray of hope for the future, a resolution was passed, declaring that congress would make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps thereof, the deficiency of their original pay, which had been occasioned by the depreciation of the continental currency; and that the money or other articles heretofore received, should be considered as advanced on account, to be comprehended in the settlement to be finally made. the benefits of this resolution were confined to those who were then in actual service, or should thereafter come into it, and who were engaged for the war or for three years. this resolution was published in general orders, and had considerable influence on the army, but not sufficient to remove the various causes of dissatisfaction which existed, and were continually multiplying. the engagement to make good the depreciation of their pay, was an act of justice too long withheld; and no promise for the future, could supply the place of present comfortable subsistence. no hope was given that their condition, in this respect, would be improved. for a considerable time, the troops received only from one-half to one-eighth of a ration of meat; and, at length, were several days without a single pound of that necessary article. this long course of suffering had unavoidably produced some relaxation of discipline, and had gradually soured the minds of the soldiers to such a degree, that their discontents broke out into actual mutiny. [sidenote: may .] on the th of may, two regiments belonging to connecticut paraded under arms with a declared resolution to return home, or to obtain subsistence at the point of the bayonet. the soldiers of the other regiments, though not actually joining the mutineers, showed no disposition to suppress the mutiny. by great exertions on the part of the officers, aided by the appearance of a neighbouring brigade of pennsylvania, then commanded by colonel stewart, the leaders were secured, and the two regiments brought back to their duty. some sentiments, however, were disclosed by the soldiers, in answer to the remonstrances of their officers, of a serious and alarming nature. their pay was now five months in arrear, and the depreciation of the money, they said, was such, that it would be worth nothing when received. when reminded of the late resolution of congress for making good the loss sustained by depreciation, of the reputation acquired by their past good conduct, and of the value of the object for which they were contending; they answered that their sufferings were too great to be longer supported; that they wanted present relief; and must have some present substantial recompense for their services. a paper was found in the brigade, which appeared to have been brought by some emissary from new york, stimulating the troops to the abandonment of the cause in which they were engaged. [sidenote: june .] [sidenote: general knyphausen enters jersey.] the discontents of the army, and the complaints excited in the country by the frequent requisitions on the people of new jersey, had been communicated, with such exaggeration, to the officer commanding in new york, as to induce the opinion that the american soldiers were ready to desert their standards; and the people of new jersey to change their government. to countenance these dispositions, general knyphausen embarked at staten island, and landed in the night with about five thousand men at elizabethtown point, in new jersey. early next morning he marched towards springfield, by the way of connecticut farms, but soon perceived that the real temper, both of the country and the army, had been misunderstood. on the appearance of the enemy, the militia assembled with alacrity, and aided the small patrolling parties of continental troops in harassing him on his march from elizabethtown to the connecticut farms, a distance of five or six miles, where a halt was made. in a spirit of revenge, unworthy the general of an army, more in the character of tryon who was present, than of knyphausen who commanded, this settlement was reduced to ashes.[ ] [footnote : this circumstance would scarcely have deserved notice had it not been accompanied by one of those melancholy events, which even war does not authorize, and which made, at the time, a very deep impression. mrs. caldwell, the wife of the clergyman of the village, had been induced to remain in her house, under the persuasion that her presence might protect it from pillage, and that her person could not be endangered, as colonel dayton who commanded the militia determined not to stop in the settlement. while sitting in the midst of her children, with a sucking infant in her arms, a soldier came up to the window and discharged his musket at her. she received the ball in her bosom, and instantly expired.] from the farms, knyphausen proceeded to springfield. the jersey brigade, commanded by general maxwell, and the militia of the adjacent country, took an advantageous position at that place, and seemed determined to defend it. knyphausen halted in its neighbourhood, and remained on his ground until night. having received intelligence of this movement, general washington put his army in motion early in the same morning that knyphausen marched from elizabethtown point, and advanced to the short hills, in the rear of springfield, while the british were in the neighbourhood of that place. dispositions were made for an engagement the next morning, but knyphausen retired in the night to the place of his disembarkation. general washington continued on the hills near springfield, too weak to hazard an engagement, but on ground chosen by himself. his continental troops did not exceed three thousand men. a return of the whole army under his immediate command, made on the d of june, exhibited in the column, of present, fit for duty, only three thousand seven hundred and sixty, rank and file. so reduced was that force on which america relied for independence. "you but too well know," said general washington in a letter to a friend, giving an account of this incursion, "and will regret with me the cause which justifies this insulting manoeuvre on the part of the enemy. it deeply affects the honour of the states, a vindication of which could not be attempted in our present circumstances, without most intimately hazarding their security; at least so far as it may depend on the preservation of the army. their character, their interest, their all that is dear, call upon them in the most pressing manner, to place the army immediately on a respectable footing." the long continuance of knyphausen at elizabethtown, strengthened a suspicion that sir henry clinton was about to return from south carolina, and intended, without disembarking his troops, to proceed up the hudson to west point; and that the movement into jersey was a feint designed to cover the real object. the letters of the commander-in-chief, addressed about this period, to those who might be supposed to possess influence in the government of the union, or in those of the states, exhibit his conjectures respecting the designs of his adversary, as well as his apprehensions from the condition of his own army. to the committee of congress, in camp, he observed, "general knyphausen still continues in the jerseys with all the force which can be spared from new york, a force greatly superior to ours. should sir henry join him, their superiority will be decided, and equal to almost any thing they may think proper to attempt. the enemy, it is true, are at this time inactive; but their continuance in their present position proves that they have some project of importance in contemplation. perhaps they are only waiting until the militia grow tired and return home, (which they are doing every hour,) to prosecute their designs with the less opposition. this would be a critical moment for us. perhaps they are waiting the arrival of sir henry clinton, either to push up the north river against the highland posts, or to bend their whole force against this army. in either case, the most disastrous consequences are to be apprehended. you, who are well acquainted with our situation, need no arguments to evince the danger. "the militia of this state have run to arms, and behaved with an ardour and spirit of which there are few examples. but perseverance, in enduring the rigours of military service, is not to be expected from those who are not by profession obliged to it. the reverse of this opinion has been a great misfortune in our affairs, and it is high time we should recover from an error of so pernicious a nature. we must absolutely have a force of a different composition, or we must relinquish the contest. in a few days, we may expect to rely almost entirely on our continental force, and this, from your own observation, is totally inadequate to our safety. the exigency calls loudly on the states to carry all the recommendations of the committee into the most vigorous and immediate execution; but more particularly that for completing our batteries by a draught with all possible expedition." [sidenote: june .] [sidenote: sir henry clinton returns to new york.] in this precise state of things, he received intelligence of the return of sir henry clinton from the conquest of south carolina. the regular force in new york and its dependencies was now estimated at twelve thousand men, great part of whom might be drawn into the field for any particular purpose, because sir henry clinton could command about four thousand militia and refugees for garrison duty. in communicating to congress the appearance of the british fleet off the hook, general washington observed, "a very alarming scene may shortly open, and it will be happy for us if we shall be able to steer clear of some serious misfortune in this quarter. i hope the period has not yet arrived, which will convince the different states by fatal experience, that some of them have mistaken the true situation of this country. i flatter myself, however, that we may still retrieve our affairs if we have but a just sense of them, and are actuated by a spirit of liberal policy and exertion equal to the emergency. could we once see this spirit generally prevailing, i should not despair of a prosperous issue of the campaign. but there is no time to be lost. the danger is imminent and pressing; the obstacles to be surmounted are great and numerous; and our efforts must be instant, unreserved, and universal." on the arrival of sir henry clinton, the design of acting offensively in the jerseys was resumed; but, to divide the american army, demonstrations were made of an intention to seize west point. to be in readiness for either object, general greene was left at springfield with two brigades of continental troops, and with the jersey militia; while, with the greater part of his army, general washington proceeded slowly towards pompton, watching attentively the movements of the british, and apparently unwilling to separate himself too far from greene. he had not marched farther than rockaway, eleven miles beyond morristown, when the british army advanced from elizabethtown towards springfield in great force. general washington detached a brigade to hang on their right flank, and returned with the residue of his army five or six miles, in order to be in a situation to support greene. [sidenote: june.] [sidenote: skirmish at springfield.] early in the morning of the d, the british army moved in two columns, with great rapidity, towards springfield. major lee was advanced on the vauxhall road, which was taken by the right column; and colonel dayton on the direct road, which was taken by the left. both these corps made every possible exertion to check the advancing enemy, while general greene concentrated his little army at springfield. scarcely had he made his dispositions, when the british front appeared, and a cannonade commenced between their van and the american artillery which defended a bridge over rahway, a small river running east of the town, which was guarded by colonel angel with less than two hundred men. colonel shreve was posted at a second bridge, also over a branch of the rahway, in order to cover the retreat of angel from the first. major lee with his dragoons and the piquets under captain walker, supported by colonel ogden, was directed to defend a bridge on the vauxhall road. the residue of the continental troops were drawn up on high ground, in the rear of the town, with the militia on their flanks. the right column of the british advanced on lee, who disputed the passage of the bridge until a considerable body of the enemy forded the river above him, and gained the point of a hill which endangered his position. at this instant, their left attacked colonel angel, who defended himself with persevering gallantry. the conflict was sharp, and was maintained for about half an hour, when, compelled by superior numbers to give way, he retired in good order, and brought off his wounded. his retreat was covered by colonel shreve, who, after angel had passed him, was ordered by general greene to join his brigade. the english then took possession of the town and reduced it to ashes. the obstinate resistance which had been encountered; the gallantry and discipline displayed by the continental troops who had been engaged; the strength of greene's position; the firm countenance maintained by his troops, small detachments of whom kept up a continual skirmishing with a view to save a part of the town; all contributed to deter sir henry clinton from a farther prosecution of his original plan. he withdrew that afternoon to elizabethtown; and, in the following night, passed over to staten island. it is probable that the caution manifested during this expedition is to be ascribed to the intelligence that a formidable fleet and army from france was daily expected on the coast. when the marquis de lafayette obtained permission to visit his native country, he retained, with his rank in the american army, that zeal for the interests of the united states, which the affectionate attentions he had received, and the enthusiasm of a soldier in the cause of those for whom he had made his first campaigns, were calculated to inspire in a young and generous mind, in favour of an infant people, struggling for liberty and self-government with the hereditary rival of his nation. he was received at the court of versailles with every mark of favour and distinction;[ ] and all his influence was employed in impressing on the cabinet, the importance and policy of granting succours to the united states. [footnote : after he had visited the ministers, an arrest of eight days, during which he resided with his relation the marshal de noailles, was imposed on him for the sake of form and in honour of the royal authority, which he had disregarded by proceeding to america. after the expiration of this term he presented himself to the king, who graciously said he pardoned his disobedience, in consideration of his good conduct and of his services.--_letter from gen. lafayette._] [sidenote: lafayette brings intelligence of aid from france.] [sidenote: exertions of congress and of the commander-in-chief to strengthen the army.] having succeeded in this favourite object, and finding no probability of active employment on the continent of europe, he obtained permission to return to america. he arrived late in april at boston, and hastened to head quarters; whence he proceeded to the seat of government with the information that his most christian majesty had consented to employ a considerable land and naval armament in the united states, for the ensuing campaign. this intelligence gave a new impulse both to congress and the state legislatures. the states from new hampshire to virginia inclusive were required to pay, within thirty days, ten millions of dollars, part of their quotas which became due on the first of march; and specie bills to the amount of fifty thousand dollars were drawn on messieurs franklin and jay. these sums were sacredly appropriated to the objects of bringing the army into the field, and forwarding their supplies. the defects in the requisition system, which had been suggested by general washington, were corrected; and the committee in camp, at the head of which was the late general schuyler, was empowered, at the request of the commander-in-chief, to take such measures as were in the power of congress, for drawing out the resources of the nation. to give effect to these resolutions, the several state legislatures from new hampshire to virginia inclusive, were requested to invest the executives, or some other persons, with powers sufficiently ample to comply with such applications as might be made to them by the committee in camp, and a circular letter was addressed to the state governments, urging them to second the efforts of congress. letters equally stimulating were written by the committee from camp; and the well earned influence of the commander-in-chief was also employed to induce an exertion proportioned to the crisis. in addition to those incentives which might operate on ardent minds, he endeavoured, by a temperate review of the situation and resources of the belligerent powers, to convince the judgment that america would have real cause to fear the issue of the contest, should she neglect to improve the advantage to be afforded by the succours expected from france.[ ] [footnote : see note no. iii. at the end of the volume.] under the impressions produced by these representations, the state legislatures, generally, passed the laws which were required; but the energy displayed in their passage was not maintained in their execution. in general, the assemblies followed the example of congress, and apportioned on the several counties or towns within the state, the quota to be furnished by each. this division of the state was again to be subdivided into classes, each of which was to furnish a man by contributions or taxes imposed upon itself. [sidenote: tardy proceedings of the states.] these operations were slow and unproductive. it was not on the state sovereignties only that beneficial effects were produced by a candid statement of public affairs, several patriotic individuals contributed largely from their private funds to the aid of the public. the merchants, and other citizens of philadelphia, with a zeal guided by that sound discretion which turns expenditure to the best account, established a bank, for the support of which they subscribed £ , , pennsylvania money, to be paid, if required, in specie, the principal object of which was to supply the army with provisions and rum. by the plan of this bank, its members were to derive no emolument whatever from the institution. for advancing their credit and their money, they required only that congress should pledge the faith of the union to reimburse the costs and charges of the transaction in a reasonable time, and should give such assistance to its execution as might be in their power. the ladies of philadelphia too gave a splendid example of patriotism, by large donations for the immediate relief of the suffering army. this example was extensively followed;[ ] but it is not by the contributions of the generous that a war can or ought to be maintained. the purse of the nation alone can supply the expenditures of a nation; and, when all are interested in a contest, all ought to contribute to its support. taxes, and taxes only, can furnish for the prosecution of a national war, means which are just in themselves, or competent to the object. notwithstanding these donations, the distresses of the army, for clothing especially, still continued; and were the more severely felt when a co-operation with french troops was expected. so late as the th of june, general washington informed congress, that he still laboured under the painful and humiliating embarrassment of having no shirts for the soldiers, many of whom were destitute of that necessary article. "for the troops to be without clothing at any time," he added, "is highly injurious to the service, and distressing to our feelings; but the want will be more peculiarly mortifying when they come to act with those of our allies. if it be possible, i have no doubt, immediate measures will be taken to relieve their distress. [footnote : this instance of patriotism on the part of our fair and amiable countrywomen, is far from being single. their conduct throughout the war was uniform. they shared with cheerfulness and gaiety, the privations and sufferings to which the distress of the times exposed their country. in every stage of this severe trial, they displayed virtues which have not been always attributed to their sex, but which it is believed they will, on every occasion calculated to unfold them, be found to possess. with a ready acquiescence, with a firmness always cheerful, and a constancy never lamenting the sacrifices which were made, they not only yielded up all the elegancies, delicacies, and even conveniences to be furnished by wealth and commerce, relying on their farms and on domestic industry for every article of food and raiment, but, consenting to share the produce of their own labour, they gave up without regret, a considerable portion of the covering designed for their own families, to supply the wants of the distressed soldiers; and heroically suppressed the involuntary sigh which the departure of their brothers, their sons, and their husbands, for the camp, rended from their bosoms.] "it is also most sincerely wished, that there could be some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. there are a great many whose condition is still miserable. this is, in some instances, the case with the whole lines of the states. it would be well for their own sakes, and for the public good, if they could be furnished. they will not be able, when our friends come to co-operate with us, to go on a common routine of duty; and if they should, they must, from their appearance, be held in low estimation." this picture presents in strong colours, the real patriotism of the american army. one heroic effort, though it may dazzle the mind with its splendour, is an exertion most men are capable of making; but continued patient suffering and unremitting perseverance, in a service promising no personal emolument, and exposing the officer unceasingly, not only to wants of every kind, but to those circumstances of humiliation which seem to degrade him in the eyes of others, demonstrate a fortitude of mind, a strength of virtue, and a firmness of principle, which ought never to be forgotten. as the several legislative acts for bringing the army into the field, did not pass until the months of june and july, general washington remained uninformed of the force on which he might rely, and was consequently unable to form any certain plan of operations. this suspense was the more cruelly embarrassing, as, in the event of an attempt upon new york, it was of the utmost importance that the french fleet should, on its arrival, take possession of the harbour, which was then weakly defended. but, should this measure be followed by a failure to furnish the requisite support, it would not only be ineffectual; but, in a very possible state of things, might sacrifice the fleet itself. should it be ascertained that the states were either unable or unwilling to make the exertions necessary for the siege of new york, other objects presented themselves against which the allied arms might be turned to advantage. to avoid the disgrace and danger of attempting what could not be effected, and the reproach of neglecting any attainable object, were equally desirable, and equally required a correct knowledge of the measures which would be taken by the states. in a letter to congress communicating his anxiety on this interesting subject, and his total want of information respecting it, general washington observed, "the season is come when we have every reason to expect the arrival of the fleet, and yet, for want of this point of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to form a system of co-operation. i have no basis to act upon; and, of course, were this generous succour of our ally now to arrive, i should find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and painful situation. the general and the admiral, from the relation in which i stand, as soon as they approach our coast, will require of me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought of right to be one prepared; but circumstanced as i am, i can not even give them conjectures. from these considerations, i have suggested to the committee, by a letter i had the honour of addressing them yesterday, the indispensable necessity of their writing again to the states, urging them to give immediate and precise information of the measures they have taken and of the result. the interest of the states, the honour and reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude due to our allies, all require that i should, without delay, be enabled to ascertain and inform them, what we can or can not undertake. there is a point which ought now to be determined, on the success of which all our future operations may depend, on which, for want of knowing our prospects, i can make no decision. for fear of involving the fleet and army of our allies in circumstances which would expose them, if not seconded by us, to material inconvenience and hazard, i shall be compelled to suspend it, and the delay may be fatal to our hopes." the tardy proceedings of the states were not less perplexing to congress than to the commander-in-chief. to the minister of his most christian majesty, who had in the preceding january communicated the probability of receiving succour from france, that body, without calculating accurately the means of complying with its engagements, had pledged itself unequivocally for effectual co-operation. the minister was assured, that the united states had expectations on which they could rely with confidence, of bringing into the field, for the next campaign, an army of twenty-five thousand men; and that such numbers of militia might be added to this continental force, as would render it competent to any enterprise against the posts occupied by the british within the united states. assurances were also given that ample supplies of provisions for the combined armies should be laid up in magazines under the direction of congress. the french minister addressed congress on this subject about the time that general washington expressed so strongly, the necessity of knowing with certainty, on what reinforcements he was to calculate. thus pressed by their general and their ally, congress renewed their urgent requisitions on the states, and desired the several governments to correspond weekly with the committee at head quarters, on the progress made in complying with them. in the mean time, general washington meditated unceasingly on the course to be pursued in the various contingencies which might happen; and endeavoured to prepare for any plan of operations which circumstances might render adviseable. the arrival of sir henry clinton diminished the variety of aspects in which the relative situation of the two armies was to be contemplated, and rendered the success of an attempt on new york more doubtful. it was now thought adviseable that the armament from france, instead of sailing directly to the hook, should proceed in the first instance to rhode island; where, after disembarking the troops, and providing for the sick, it might wait until a definitive plan of operations should be concerted. [sidenote: july .] [sidenote: arrival of a french armament in rhode island.] on the th of july, while the result of the measures adopted by the several states remained uncertain, the french fleet entered the harbour of newport, and letters were soon afterwards received from the count de rochambeau and the chevalier tunay, the officers commanding the land and naval forces, transmitting to general washington an account of their arrival, of their strength, their expectations, and their orders. the troops designed to serve in the united states had assembled, early in the year, at brest; but the transports at that place having been chiefly employed for an armament destined for the west indies; and the ports from which it had been intended to draw others, being blockaded, only the first division, consisting of five thousand men, had arrived at newport; but letters from france contained assurances that the second division of the army might soon be expected. to obviate those difficulties which had occurred on former occasions respecting rank, the orders given to lieutenant general count de rochambeau, which were inclosed in his first letter, placed him entirely under the command of general washington. the french troops were to be considered as auxiliaries, and were, according to the usages of war, to cede the post of honour to the americans.[ ] [footnote : these orders were given at the instance of general lafayette.--_correspondence with general lafayette._] convinced that cordial harmony between the allied forces was essential to their success, both generals cultivated carefully the friendly dispositions felt by the troops towards each other. warm professions of reciprocal respect, esteem, and confidence, were interchanged between them; and each endeavoured to impress on the other, and on all the military and civil departments, the conviction that the two nations, and two armies, were united by the ties of interest and affection. on this occasion, general washington recommended to his officers, as a symbol of friendship and affection for their allies, to engraft on the american cockade, which was black, a white relief, that being the colour of the french cockade. late as was the arrival of the french troops, they found the americans unprepared for active and offensive operations. not even at that time were the numbers ascertained which would be furnished by the states. yet it was necessary for general washington to communicate a plan of the campaign to the count de rochambeau. the season was already so far advanced that preparations for the operations contemplated eventually, on the arrival of the second division of the french fleet, must be immediately made, or there would not be time, though every circumstance should prove favourable, to execute the design against new york. such a state of things so ill comported with the engagements of congress, and with the interests of the nation, that, trusting to his being enabled, by the measures already taken by the states, to comply with what was incumbent on him to perform, he determined to hazard much rather than forego the advantages to be derived from the aids afforded by france. in communicating this resolution to congress, he said--"pressed on all sides by a choice of difficulties in a moment which required decision, i have adopted that line of conduct which comported with the dignity and faith of congress, the reputation of these states, and the honour of our arms. i have sent on definitive proposals of co-operation to the french general and admiral. neither the period of the season, nor a regard to decency, would permit delay. the die is cast, and it remains with the states either to fulfil their engagements, preserve their credit, and support their independence, or to involve us in disgrace and defeat. notwithstanding the failures pointed out by the committee, i shall proceed on the supposition that they will, ultimately, consult their own interest and honour and not suffer us to fail for the want of means which it is evidently in their power to afford. what has been done, and is doing, by some of the states, confirms the opinion i have entertained of sufficient resources in the country. of the disposition of the people to submit to any arrangement for bringing them forth, i see no reasonable ground to doubt. if we fail for want of proper exertions in any of the governments, i trust the responsibility will fall where it ought; and that i shall stand justified to congress, my country, and the world." [illustration: beverly robinson mansion at west point _benedict arnold made this house his headquarters while in command of the fort and garrison there. it was here that washington came to breakfast with arnold, one september morning in and made the discovery that his host had turned traitor and was conspiring to surrender west point to the british._] a decisive naval superiority, however, was considered as the basis of any enterprise to be undertaken by the allied arms. this naval superiority being assumed, the outlines of the plan were drawn, and the th of august was named as the day on which the french troops should re-embark, and the american army assemble at morrissania. this plan was committed to major general the marquis de la fayette, who was authorized to explain the situation of the american army, and the views of the general, to the count de rochambeau. it was to be considered as preliminary to any operation--that the fleet and army of france should continue their aid until the enterprise should succeed, or be abandoned by mutual consent. the chevalier de tunay did not long maintain his superiority at sea. three days after he reached newport, admiral greaves arrived with six ships of the line, and transferred it to the british. on his appearance off the hook, arbuthnot passed the bar with four ships of the line; and hearing that de tunay had reached rhode island, proceeded thither, and cruised off the harbour. the count de rochambeau had been put into possession of all the forts and batteries about newport, and the fleet had been moved in a line so as to co-operate with the land forces. this position appearing too formidable to be attempted by the fleet alone, arbuthnot continued to cruise off block island. as the commanders of the allied forces still cherished the hope of acquiring a superiority at sea, the design on new york was only suspended. this hope was strengthened by intelligence that the count de guichen had been joined in the west indies by a powerful spanish armament. the chevalier de tunay had despatched a packet to inform him that he was blocked up by a superior force, and to solicit such reinforcements as the situation of the count might enable him to spare. relying on the success of this application, and on the arrival of the second division of the squadron from brest, the american general impatiently expected the moment when de tunay would be enabled to act offensively. in this crisis of affairs, a derangement took place in a most important department, which threatened to disconcert the whole plan of operations, though every other circumstance should prove favourable. the immense expenditure of the quartermaster's department--the inadequacy of the funds with which it was supplied--the reciprocal disgusts and complaints produced by these causes, had determined congress to make still another radical change in the system. this subject had been taken up early in the winter; but such were the delays inseparable from the proceedings of the government, that the report of the committee was not made until the month of march, nor finally decided on until the middle of july. this subject was too interesting to the army, and to the important operations meditated for the campaign, not to engage the anxious attention of the commander-in-chief. at his request, the quartermaster general, while the army lay in winter quarters, repaired to philadelphia for the purpose of giving congress all the information he possessed. he proposed to withdraw the management of the department almost entirely from the civil government, and to place it under the control of the person who should be at its head, subject only to the direction of the commander-in-chief. the views of congress were entirely different. while the subject remained suspended before that body, it was taken up by the committee of co-operation at head quarters, where the combined experience and talents of generals washington, schuyler, and greene, were employed in digesting a system adapted to the actual situation of the united states, which was recommended to congress. to give the more weight to his opinion by showing its disinterestedness, general greene offered to continue in the discharge of the duties assigned to him, without any other extra emolument than his family expenses. this plan, whatever might have been its details, was, in its general outlines, unacceptable to congress. a system was, at length, completed by that body, which general greene believed to be incapable of execution. resolving not to take upon himself the responsibility of measures the issue of which must be calamitous and disgraceful, he determined to withdraw from a station in which he despaired of being useful. apprehending the worst consequences from his resignation in so critical a moment, general washington pressed him to suspend this decisive step, until the effect of an application from himself and from the committee of co-operation should be known. their representations produced no effect. the resolution to make this bold experiment was unalterable. general greene's resignation was accepted; and the letter conveying it excited so much irritation, that a design was intimated of suspending his command in the line of the army. but these impressions soon wore off, and the resentment of the moment subsided. colonel pickering, who succeeded general greene, possessed, in an eminent degree, those qualities which fitted him to combat and subdue the difficulties of his department. to great energy of mind and body, he added a long experience in the affairs of the continent, with an ardent zeal for its interests; and general greene himself, with several of the former officers, at the request of the commander-in-chief, continued for some time after their resignation, to render all the services in their power; but there was a defect of means, for which neither talents nor exertion could compensate. in the commissary department the same distress was experienced. general washington was driven to the necessity of emptying the magazines at west point, and of foraging on a people whose means of subsisting themselves were already nearly exhausted by the armies on both sides. the inadequate supplies drawn from these sources afforded but a short relief; and, once more, at a time when the public imagination was contemplating brilliant plans, the execution of which required steady courage with persevering labour, and consequently ample magazines, the army was frequently reduced to the last extremity by the want of food. so great were the embarrassments produced by the difficulty of procuring subsistence that, although the second division of the fleet from brest was daily expected, general washington found it necessary to countermand the orders under which the militia were marching to camp. such was the state of preparation for the campaign, when intelligence was brought by the alliance frigate that the port of brest was blockaded. in the hope, however, that the combined fleets of france and spain would be able to raise the blockade, general washington adhered steadily to his purpose respecting new york, and continued his exertions to provide the means for its execution. the details of the plan of co-operation continued to be the subject of a correspondence with the count de rochambeau, and the chevalier de tunay; and, at length, a personal interview was agreed upon, to take place on the st of september, at hartford, in connecticut. [sidenote: enterprise against new york relinquished.] in this interview, ulterior eventual measures, as well as an explicit and detailed arrangement for acting against new york, were the subjects of consideration. no one of the plans, however, then concerted for the present campaign, was carried into execution. all, except an invasion of canada, depended on a superiority at sea, which was soon rendered almost hopeless by certain information that the count de guichen had sailed for europe. [sidenote: naval superiority of the british.] not long after receiving this information, admiral rodney arrived at new york with eleven ships of the line and four frigates. this reinforcement not only disconcerted all the plans of the allies, but put it in the power of the british to prosecute in security their designs in the south. [sidenote: plans for the campaign abandoned.] it may well be supposed that the commander-in-chief did not relinquish, without infinite chagrin, the sanguine expectations he had formed of rendering this summer decisive of the war. never before had he indulged so strongly the hope of happily terminating the contest. in a letter to an intimate friend, this chagrin was thus expressed. "we are now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favourable complexion. i hoped, but i hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to domestic life. the favourable disposition of spain, the promised succour from france, the combined force in the west indies, the declaration of russia, (acceded to by other powers of europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of great britain) the superiority of france and spain by sea in europe, the irish claims and english disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast, (which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams) that the hour of deliverance was not far distant; for that, however unwilling great britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. but alas! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusive; and i see nothing before us but accumulating distress. we have been half of our time without provisions, and are likely to continue so. we have no magazines, nor money to form them. we have lived upon expedients until we can live no longer. in a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. it is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our business to do so. our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. but to suppose that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army; that this army will be subsisted by state supplies; and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is in my opinion absurd, and as unreasonable as to expect an inversion of the order of nature to accommodate itself to our views. if it were necessary, it could be easily proved to any person of a moderate understanding, that an annual army, or any army raised on the spur of the occasion, besides being unqualified for the end designed, is, in various ways that could be enumerated, ten times more expensive than a permanent body of men under good organization and military discipline; which never was, nor will be the case with raw troops. a thousand arguments, resulting from experience and the nature of things, might also be adduced to prove that the army, if it is to depend upon state supplies, must disband or starve, and that taxation alone (especially at this late hour) can not furnish the means to carry on the war. is it not time to retract from error, and benefit by experience? or do we want farther proof of the ruinous system we have pertinaciously adhered to." chapter viii. treason and escape of arnold.... trial and execution of major andré.... precautions for the security of west point.... letter of general washington on american affairs.... proceedings of congress respecting the army.... major talmadge destroys the british stores at coram.... the army retires into winter quarters.... irruption of major carlton into new york.... european transactions. [sidenote: .] while the public mind was anticipating great events from the combined arms of france and america, treason lay concealed in the american camp, and was plotting the ruin of the american cause. the great services and military talents of general arnold, his courage in battle, and patient fortitude under excessive hardships, had secured to him a high place in the opinion of the army and of his country. not having sufficiently recovered from the wounds received before quebec and at saratoga to be fit for active service, and having large accounts to settle with the government which required leisure, he was, on the evacuation of philadelphia in , appointed to the command in that place. unfortunately, that strength of principle and correctness of judgment, which might enable him to resist the various seductions to which his fame and rank exposed him in the metropolis of the union, were not associated with the firmness which he had displayed in the field, and in the most adverse circumstances. yielding to the temptations of a false pride, and forgetting that he did not possess the resources of private fortune, he indulged in the pleasures of a sumptuous table and expensive equipage, and soon swelled his debts to an amount which it was impossible to discharge. unmindful of his military character, he engaged in speculations which were unfortunate; and with the hope of immense profit, took shares in privateers which were unsuccessful. his claims against the united states were great, and he looked to them for the means of extricating himself from the embarrassments in which his indiscretions had involved him; but the commissioners to whom his accounts were referred for settlement, had reduced them considerably; and, on his appeal from their decision to congress, a committee reported that the sum allowed by the commissioners was more than he was entitled to receive. he was charged with various acts of extortion on the citizens of philadelphia, and with peculating on the funds of the continent. not the less soured by these multiplied causes of irritation, from the reflection that they were attributable to his own follies and vices, he gave full scope to his resentments, and indulged himself in expressions of angry reproach against, what he termed, the ingratitude of his country, which provoked those around him, and gave great offence to congress. having become peculiarly odious to the government of pennsylvania, the executive of that state exhibited formal charges against him to congress, who directed that he should be arrested and brought before a court martial. his trial was concluded late in january, , and he was sentenced to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief. this sentence was approved by congress and carried into execution. from the time the sentence against him was approved, if not sooner, his proud unprincipled spirit revolted from the cause of his country, and determined him to seek an occasion to make the objects of his resentment, the victims of his vengeance. turning his eyes on west point as an acquisition which would give value to treason, and inflict a mortal wound on his former friends, he sought the command of that fortress for the purpose of gratifying both his avarice and his hate.[ ] [footnote : the author is informed by general lafayette that arnold, while commanding at west point, endeavoured to obtain from general washington the names of his secret emissaries in new york, and his means of communicating with them. he pressed lafayette, who had also his private intelligencers, for the same information. his applications were of course unsuccessful. it cannot be doubted that his object was to commit the additional crime of betraying them to sir henry clinton.] to new york, the safety of west point was peculiarly interesting; and, in that state, the reputation of arnold was particularly high. to its delegation he addressed himself; and one of its members had written a letter to general washington, suggesting doubts respecting the military character of howe, to whom its defence was then entrusted, and recommending arnold for that service. this request was not forgotten. some short time afterwards, general schuyler mentioned to the commander-in-chief a letter he had received from arnold intimating his wish to join the army, but stating his inability, in consequence of his wounds, to perform the active duties of the field. general washington observed that, as there was a prospect of a vigorous campaign, he should be gratified with the aid of general arnold. that so soon as the operations against new york should commence, he designed to draw his whole force into the field, leaving even west point to the care of invalids and a small garrison of militia. recollecting however the former application of a member of congress respecting this post, he added, that "if, with this previous information, that situation would be more agreeable to him than a command in the field, his wishes should certainly be indulged." this conversation being communicated to arnold, he caught eagerly at the proposition, though without openly discovering any solicitude on the subject; and, in the beginning of august, repaired to camp, where he renewed the solicitations which had before been made indirectly. at this juncture, sir henry clinton embarked on an expedition he meditated against rhode island, and general washington was advancing on new york. he offered arnold the left wing of the army, which that officer declined under the pretexts mentioned in his letter to general schuyler. incapable of suspecting a man who had given such distinguished proofs of courage and patriotism, the commander-in-chief was neither alarmed at his refusal to embrace so splendid an opportunity of recovering the favour of his countrymen, nor at the embarrassment accompanying that refusal. pressing the subject no farther, he assented to the request which had been made, and invested arnold with the command of west point. previous to his soliciting this station, he had, in a letter to colonel robinson, signified his change of principles, and his wish to restore himself to the favour of his prince by some signal proof of his repentance. this letter opened the way to a correspondence with sir henry clinton, the immediate object of which, after obtaining the appointment he had solicited, was to concert the means of delivering the important post he commanded to the british general. major john andré, an aid-de-camp of sir henry clinton, and adjutant general of the british army, was selected as the person to whom the maturing of arnold's treason, and the arrangements for its execution should be entrusted. a correspondence was carried on between them under a mercantile disguise, in the feigned names of gustavus and anderson; and, at length, to facilitate their communications, the vulture sloop of war moved up the north river, and took a station convenient for the purpose, but not so near as to excite suspicion. [sidenote: treason and escape of arnold.] the time when general washington met the count de rochambeau at hartford was selected for the final adjustment of the plan; and, as a personal interview was deemed necessary, major andré came up the river, and went on board the vulture. the house of a mr. smith, without the american posts, was appointed for the interview; and to that place both parties repaired in the night--andré being brought under a pass for john anderson, in a boat despatched from the shore. while the conference was yet unfinished, day light approached; and, to avoid discovery, arnold proposed that andré should remain concealed until the succeeding night. he is understood to have refused peremptorily to be carried within the american posts; but the promise to respect this objection was not observed. they continued together the succeeding day; and when, in the following night, his return to the vulture was proposed, the boatmen refused to carry him because she had shifted her station during the day, in consequence of a gun which was moved to the shore without the knowledge of arnold, and brought to bear upon her. this embarrassing circumstance reduced him to the necessity of endeavouring to reach new york by land. to accomplish this purpose, he reluctantly yielded to the urgent representations of arnold; and, laying aside his regimentals, which he had hitherto worn under a surtout, put on a plain suit of clothes, and received a pass from general arnold, authorizing him, under the name of john anderson, to proceed on the public service to the white plains, or lower if he thought proper. with this permit, he had passed all the guards and posts on the road unsuspected, and was proceeding to new york in perfect security, when one of three militia men who were employed between the lines of the two armies, springing suddenly from his covert into the road, seized the reins of his bridle, and stopped his horse. losing his accustomed self-possession, major andré, instead of producing the pass[ ] from general arnold, asked the man hastily where he belonged? he replied "to below;" a term implying that he was from new york. "and so," said andré, not suspecting deception, "am i." he then declared himself to be a british officer on urgent business, and begged that he might not be detained. the appearance of the other militia men disclosed his mistake, too late to correct it. he offered a purse of gold, and a valuable watch, with tempting promises of ample reward from his government, if they would permit him to escape; but his offers were rejected, and his captors proceeded to search him. they found concealed in his boots, in arnold's hand writing, papers containing all the information which could be important respecting west point. when carried before lieutenant colonel jameson, the officer commanding the scouting parties on the lines, he still maintained his assumed character, and requested jameson to inform his commanding officer that anderson was taken. jameson despatched an express with this communication. on receiving it, arnold comprehended the full extent of his danger, and, flying from well merited punishment, took refuge on board the vulture. [footnote : mr. johnson says he did produce it; but that, on being surprised, he had thrust a paper containing a plan of the route in his boot, which, having been perceived, was demanded, and led to his discovery.] [illustration: where washington stayed during andré's trial _in this brick house at tappan, rockland county, new york, the american commander-in-chief, during september, , awaited the result of the trial of major john andré, who conspired with benedict arnold for the betrayal of west point to the british. fourteen american officers sat in judgment on andré and ordered his execution on october , . in tappan also is still standing the old tavern where andré was imprisoned._] when sufficient time for the escape of arnold was supposed to have elapsed, andré, no longer affecting concealment, acknowledged himself to be the adjutant general of the british army. jameson, seeking to correct the mischief of his indiscreet communication to arnold, immediately despatched a packet to the commander-in-chief containing the papers which had been discovered, with a letter from andré, relating the manner of his capture, and accounting for the disguise he had assumed. the express was directed to meet the commander-in-chief, who was then on his return from hartford; but, taking different roads,[ ] they missed each other, and a delay attended the delivery of the papers, which insured the escape of arnold. [footnote : general lafayette adds some circumstances which are not found among the manuscript papers of general washington. the commander-in-chief with generals lafayette and knox had turned from the direct route in order to visit a redoubt. colonels hamilton and m'henry, the aids-de-camp of generals washington and lafayette, went forward to request mrs. arnold not to wait breakfast. arnold received andré's billet in their presence. he turned pale, left them suddenly, called his wife, communicated the intelligence to her and left her in a swoon, without the knowledge of hamilton and m'henry. mounting the horse of his aid-de-camp, which was ready saddled, and directing him to inform general washington on his arrival that arnold was gone to receive him at west point, he gained the river shore, and was conveyed in a canoe to the vulture. the commander-in-chief, on his arrival, was informed that arnold awaited him at west point. taking it for granted that this step had been taken to prepare for his reception, he proceeded thither without entering the house, and was surprised to find that arnold was not arrived. on returning to the quarters of that officer he received jameson's despatch, which disclosed the whole mystery.] [sidenote: precautions for the security of west point.] every precaution was immediately taken for the security of west point; after which, the attention of the commander-in-chief was turned to andré. a board of general officers, of which major general greene was president, and the two foreign generals, lafayette and steuben, were members, was called, to report a precise state of his case, and to determine the character in which he was to be considered, and the punishment to which he was liable. the frankness and magnanimity with which andré had conducted himself from the time of his appearance in his real character, had made a very favourable impression on all those with whom he had held any intercourse. from this cause he experienced every mark of indulgent attention which was compatible with his situation; and, from a sense of justice as well as of delicacy, was informed, on the opening of the examination, that he was at liberty not to answer any interrogatory which might embarrass his own feelings. but, as if only desirous to rescue his character from imputations which he dreaded more than death, he confessed every thing material to his own condemnation, but would divulge nothing which might involve others. [sidenote: trial and execution of major andré.] the board reported the essential facts which had appeared, with their opinion that major andré was a spy, and ought to suffer death. the execution of this sentence was ordered to take place on the day succeeding that on which it was pronounced. superior to the terrors of death, but dreading disgrace, andré was deeply affected by the mode of execution which the laws of war decree to persons in his situation. he wished to die like a soldier, not as a criminal. to obtain a mitigation of his sentence in this respect, he addressed a letter[ ] to general washington, replete with the feelings of a man of sentiment and honour. but the occasion required that the example should make its full impression, and this request could not be granted. he encountered his fate with composure and dignity; and his whole conduct interested the feelings of all who witnessed it. [footnote : see note no. iv. at the end of the volume.] the general officers lamented the sentence which the usages of war compelled them to pronounce; and never perhaps did the commander-in-chief obey with more reluctance the stern mandates of duty and policy. the sympathy excited among the american officers by his fate, was as universal as it is unusual on such occasions; and proclaims alike the merit of him who suffered, and the humanity of those who inflicted the punishment. great exertions were made by sir henry clinton, to whom andré was particularly dear, first, to have him considered as protected by a flag of truce, and afterwards, as a prisoner of war. even arnold had the hardihood to interpose. after giving a certificate of facts tending, as he supposed, to exculpate the prisoner, exhausting his powers of reasoning on the case, and appealing to the humanity of the american general, he sought to intimidate that officer, by stating the situation of many of the most distinguished individuals of south carolina, who had forfeited their lives, but had hitherto been spared through the clemency of the british general. this clemency, he said, could no longer be extended to them should major andré suffer. it may well be supposed that the interposition of arnold could have no influence on washington. he conveyed mrs. arnold to her husband in new york,[ ] and also transmitted his clothes and baggage, for which he had written; but, in every other respect, his letters, which were unanswered, were also unnoticed. [footnote : general lafayette mentions a circumstance not previously known to the author, which serves to illustrate the character of washington, and to mark the delicacy of his feelings towards even the offending part of that sex which is entitled to all the consolation and protection man can afford it. the night after arnold's escape, when his letter respecting andré was received, the general directed one of his aids to wait on mrs. arnold, who was convulsed with grief, and inform her that he had done every thing which depended on him to arrest her husband, but that, not having succeeded, it gave him pleasure to inform her that her husband was safe. it is also honourable to the american character, that during the effervescence of the moment, mrs. arnold was permitted to go to philadelphia, to take possession of her effects, and to proceed to new york under the protection of a flag, without receiving the slightest insult.] the mingled sentiments of admiration and compassion excited in every bosom for the unfortunate andré, seemed to increase the detestation in which arnold was held. "andré," said general washington in a private letter, "has met his fate with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and a gallant officer; but i am mistaken if _at this time_ arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental hell. he wants feeling. from some traits[ ] of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hardened in crime, so lost to all sense of honour and shame, that, while his faculties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will be no time for remorse." [footnote : this allusion is thus explained in a private letter from colonel hamilton--"this man (arnold) is in every sense despicable. in addition to the scene of knavery and prostitution during his command in philadelphia, which the late seizure of his papers has unfolded, the history of his command at west point is a history of little as well as great villanies. he practised every dirty act of peculation, and even stooped to connexions with the suttlers to defraud the public."] from motives of policy, or of respect for his engagements, sir henry clinton conferred on arnold the commission of a brigadier general in the british service, which he preserved throughout the war. yet it is impossible that rank could have rescued him from the contempt and detestation in which the generous, the honourable, and the brave, could not cease to hold him. it was impossible for men of this description to bury the recollection of his being a traitor, a sordid traitor, first the slave of his rage, then purchased with gold, and finally secured at the expense of the blood of one of the most accomplished officers in the british army. his representations of the discontent of the country and of the army concurring with reports from other quarters, had excited the hope that the loyalists and the dissatisfied, allured by british gold, and the prospect of rank in the british service, would flock to his standard, and form a corps at whose head he might again display his accustomed intrepidity. with this hope he published an address to the inhabitants of america, in which he laboured to palliate his own guilt, and to increase their dissatisfaction with the existing state of things. this appeal to the public was followed by a proclamation addressed "to the officers and soldiers of the continental army, who have the real interests of their country at heart, and who are determined to be no longer the tools and dupes of congress or of france." the object of this proclamation was to induce the officers and soldiers to desert the cause they had embraced from principle, by holding up to them the very flattering offers of the british general, and contrasting the substantial emoluments of the british service with their present deplorable condition. he attempted to cover this dishonourable proposition with a decent garb, by representing the base step he invited them to take, as the only measure which could restore peace, real liberty, and happiness, to their country. these inducements did not produce their intended effect. although the temper of the army might be irritated by real suffering, and by the supposed neglect of government, no diminution of patriotism had been produced. through all the hardships, irritations, and vicissitudes of the war, arnold remains the solitary instance of an american officer who abandoned the side first embraced in this civil contest, and turned his sword upon his former companions in arms. when the probable consequences of this plot, had it been successful, were considered, and the combination of apparent accidents by which it was discovered and defeated, was recollected, all were filled with awful astonishment; and the devout perceived in the transaction, the hand of providence guiding america to independence. the thanks of congress were voted to the three militia men[ ] who had rendered this invaluable service; and a silver medal, with an inscription expressive of their fidelity and patriotism, was directed to be presented to each of them. in addition to this flattering testimonial of their worth, and as a farther evidence of national gratitude, a resolution was passed granting to each, two hundred dollars per annum during life, to be paid in specie or an equivalent in current money. [footnote : their names were john paulding, david williams, and isaac vanwert.] the efforts of general washington to obtain a permanent military force, or its best substitute, a regular system for filling the vacant ranks with draughts who should join the army on the first day of january in each year, were still continued. notwithstanding the embarrassments with which congress was surrounded, it is not easy to find adequate reasons for the neglect of representations so interesting, and of recommendations apparently so essential to the safety of the united states. [sidenote: parties in congress.] private letters disclose the fact that two parties still agitated congress. one entered fully into the views of the commander-in-chief. the other, jealous of the army, and apprehensive of its hostility to liberty when peace should be restored, remained unwilling to give stability to its constitution by increasing the numbers who were to serve during the war. they seemed to dread the danger from the enemy to which its fluctuations would expose them, less than the danger which might be apprehended for the civil authority from its permanent character. they caught with avidity at every intelligence which encouraged the flattering hope of a speedy peace,[ ] but entered reluctantly into measures founded on the supposition that the war might be of long duration. perfectly acquainted with the extent of the jealousies entertained on this subject, although, to use his own expressions to a friend, "heaven knows how unjustly," general washington had foreborne to press the necessity of regular and timely reinforcements to his army so constantly and so earnestly as his own judgment directed. but the experience of every campaign furnished such strong additional evidences of the impolicy and danger of continuing to rely on temporary expedients, and the uncertainty of collecting a force to co-operate with the auxiliaries from france was so peculiarly embarrassing, that he at length resolved to conquer the delicacy by which he had been in some degree restrained, and to open himself fully on the subject which he deemed more essential than any other to the success of the war. [footnote : the following extract from a private letter of general washington to a member of congress, shows how sensible he was of the mischief produced by this temper. "the satisfaction i have in any successes that attend us, even in the alleviation of misfortunes, is always allayed by the fear that it will lull us into security. supineness, and a disposition to flatter ourselves, seem to make parts of our national character. when we receive a check and are not quite undone, we are apt to fancy we have gained a victory; and when we do gain any little advantage, we imagine it decisive, and expect the war immediately to end. the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary expedients. would to god they were to end here! this winter, if i am not mistaken, will open a still more embarrassing scene than we have yet experienced, to the southward. i have little doubt, should we not gain a naval superiority, that sir henry clinton will detach to the southward to extend his conquests. i am far from being satisfied that we shall be prepared to repel his attempts."] [sidenote: august.] in august, while looking anxiously for such a reinforcement to the chevalier de tunay as would give him the command of the american seas, and while uncertain whether the campaign might not pass away without giving a single advantage promised at its opening, he transmitted a letter to congress, fully and freely imparting his sentiments on the state of things. [sidenote: letter of general washington on american affairs.] as this letter contains an exact statement of american affairs, according to the view taken of them by general washington, and a faithful picture of the consequences of the ruinous policy which had been pursued, drawn by the man best acquainted with them, copious extracts from it will, at least, be excused. after examining the sources of supplies for the campaign, he proceeds to say--"but while we are meditating offensive operations which may not be undertaken at all, or, being undertaken, may fail, i am persuaded congress are not inattentive to the present state of the army, and will view in the same light with me the necessity of providing in time against a period (the first of january) when one half of our present force will dissolve. the shadow of an army that will remain, will have every motive, except mere patriotism, to abandon the service, without the hope which has hitherto supported them, of a change for the better. this is almost extinguished now, and certainly will not outlive the campaign, unless it finds something more substantial to rest upon. this is a truth of which every spectator of the distresses of the army can not help being convinced. those at a distance may speculate differently; but on the spot an opinion to the contrary, judging human nature on the usual scale, would be chimerical. "the honourable the committee of congress, who have seen and heard for themselves, will add their testimony to mine; and the wisdom and justice of congress can not fail to give it the most serious attention. to me it will appear miraculous, if our affairs can maintain themselves much longer in their present train. if either the temper or the resources of the country will not admit of an alteration, we may expect soon to be reduced to the humiliating condition of seeing the cause of america, in america, upheld by foreign arms. the generosity of our allies has a claim to all our confidence, and all our gratitude; but it is neither for the honour of america, nor for the interest of the common cause, to leave the work entirely to them." he then reviewed the resources of great britain; and, after showing her ability still to prosecute the war, added--"the inference from these reflections is, that we can not count upon a speedy end of the war; and that it is the true policy of america not to content herself with temporary expedients, but to endeavour, if possible, to give consistency and solidity to her measures. an essential step to this will be immediately to devise a plan and put it in execution, for providing men in time to replace those who will leave us at the end of the year; and for subsisting and for making a reasonable allowance to the officers and soldiers. "the plan for this purpose ought to be of general operation, and such as will execute itself. experience has shown that a peremptory draught will be the only effectual one. if a draught for the war or for three years can be effected, it ought to be made on every account; a shorter period than a year is inadmissible. "to one who has been witness to the evils brought upon us by short enlistments, the system appears to have been pernicious beyond description; and a crowd of motives present themselves to dictate a change. it may easily be shown that all the misfortunes we have met with in the military line, are to be attributed to this cause. "had we formed a permanent army in the beginning, which, by the continuance of the same men in service, had been capable of discipline, we never should have to retreat with a handful of men across the delaware in , trembling for the fate of america, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy could have saved; we should not have remained all the succeeding winter at their mercy, with sometimes scarcely a sufficient body of men to mount the ordinary guards, liable at every moment to be dissipated, if they had only thought proper to march against us; we should not have been under the necessity of fighting at brandywine with an unequal number of raw troops, and afterwards of seeing philadelphia fall a prey to a victorious army; we should not have been at valley forge with less than half the force of the enemy, destitute of every thing in a situation neither to resist nor to retire; we should not have seen new york left with a handful of men, yet an overmatch for the main army of these states, while the principal part of their force was detached for the reduction of two of them; we should not have found ourselves this spring so weak as to be insulted by five thousand men, unable to protect our baggage and magazines, their security depending on a good countenance, and a want of enterprise in the enemy; we should not have been, the greatest part of the war, inferior to the enemy, indebted for our safety to their inactivity, enduring frequently the mortification of seeing inviting opportunities to ruin them, pass unimproved for want of a force which the country was completely able to afford; to see the country ravaged, our towns burnt, the inhabitants plundered, abused, murdered, with impunity from the same cause." after presenting in detail the embarrassments under which the civil departments of the army also had laboured, in consequence of the expensiveness and waste inseparable from its temporary character, he proceeded to observe--"there is every reason to believe, that the war has been protracted on this account. our opposition being less, made the successes of the enemy greater. the fluctuation of the army kept alive their hopes; and at every period of a dissolution of a considerable part of it, they have flattered themselves with some decisive advantages. had we kept a permanent army on foot, the enemy could have had nothing to hope for, and would in all probability have listened to terms long since. if the army is left in its present situation, it must continue an encouragement to the efforts of the enemy; if it is put in a respectable one, it must have a contrary effect; and nothing i believe will tend more to give us peace the ensuing winter. many circumstances will contribute to a negotiation. an army on foot, not only for another campaign, but for several campaigns, would determine the enemy to pacific measures, and enable us to insist upon favourable terms in forcible language. an army insignificant in numbers, dissatisfied, crumbling to pieces, would be the strongest temptation they could have to try the experiment a little longer. it is an old maxim that the surest way to make a good peace is to be well prepared for war. "i can not forbear returning in this place to the necessity of a more ample and equal provision for the army. the discontents on this head have been gradually matured to a dangerous extremity. there are many symptoms that alarm and distress me. endeavours are using to unite both officers and men in a general refusal of the money, and some corps now actually decline receiving it. every method has been taken to counteract it, because such a combination in the army would be a severe blow to our declining currency. the most moderate insist that the accounts of depreciation ought to be liquidated at stated periods, and certificates given by government for the sums due. they will not be satisfied with a general declaration that it shall be made good. "i have often said, and i beg leave to repeat it, the half pay provision is in my opinion the most politic and effectual that can be adopted. on the whole, if something satisfactory be not done, the army (already so much reduced in officers by daily resignations as not to have a sufficiency to do the common duties of it) must either cease to exist at the end of the campaign, or will exhibit an example of more virtue, fortitude, self-denial, and perseverance, than has perhaps ever yet been paralleled in the history of human enthusiasm. "the dissolution of the army is an event that can not be regarded with indifference. it would bring accumulated distress upon us; it would throw the people of america into a general consternation; it would discredit our cause throughout the world; it would shock our allies. to think of replacing the officers with others is visionary. the loss of the veteran soldiers could not be replaced. to attempt to carry on the war with militia against disciplined troops, will be to attempt what the common sense and common experience of mankind will pronounce to be impracticable. but i should fail in respect to congress, to dwell on observations of this kind in a letter to them." [sidenote: proceedings of congress respecting the army.] at length the committee presented their report, reorganizing the regiments, reducing their number, and apportioning on the several states their respective numbers to complete the establishment. this report, being approved by congress, was transmitted to the commander-in-chief for his consideration. by this arrangement, the states were required to recruit their quotas for the war, and to bring them into the field by the first of january; but, if in any state, it should be found impracticable to raise the men for the war by the first day of december, it was recommended to such state to supply the deficiency with men engaged to serve for not less than one year. in compliance with the request of congress, general washington submitted his objections to the plan, in a long and respectful letter. he recommended that legionary corps should be substituted in the place of regiments entirely of cavalry. he thought it more adviseable that the infantry attached to the cavalry should compose a part of the corps permanently, than that it should be drawn occasionally from the regiments of foot. the reduction in the number of regiments appeared to him a subject of great delicacy. the last reduction, he said, had occasioned many to quit the service, independent of those who were discontinued; and had left durable seeds of discontent among those who remained. the general topic of declamation was, that it was as hard as dishonourable, for men who had made every sacrifice to the service, to be turned out of it, at the pleasure of those in power, without an adequate compensation. in the maturity to which their uneasiness had now risen from a continuance of misery, they would be still more impatient under an attempt of a similar nature. it was not, he said, the intention of his remarks to discourage a reform, but to show the necessity of guarding against the ill effects which might otherwise attend it, by making an ample provision both for the officers who should remain in the service, and for those who should be reduced. this should be the basis of the plan; and without it, the most mischievous consequences were to be apprehended. he was aware of the difficulty of making a present provision sufficiently ample to give satisfaction; but this only proved the expediency of making one for the future, and brought him to that which he had so frequently recommended as the most economical, the most politic, and the most effectual, that could be devised; this was half pay for life. supported by the prospect of a permanent provision, the officers would be tied to the service, and would submit to many momentary privations, and to those inconveniences, which the situation of public affairs rendered unavoidable. if the objection drawn from the principle that the measure was incompatible with the genius of the government should be thought insurmountable, he would propose a substitute, less eligible in his opinion, but which would answer the purpose. it was to make the present half pay for seven years, whole pay for the same period. he also recommended that depreciation on the pay received, should be made up to the officers who should be reduced. no objection occurred to the measure now recommended, but the expense it would occasion. in his judgment, whatever would give consistency to the military establishment, would be ultimately favourable to economy. it was not easy to be conceived, except by those who had witnessed it, what an additional waste and increased consumption of every thing, and consequently what an increase of expense, resulted from laxness of discipline in an army; and where officers thought they did a favour by holding their commissions, and the men were continually fluctuating, to maintain discipline was impossible. nothing could be more obvious to him than that a sound military establishment and real economy were the same. that the purposes of war would be greatly promoted by it was too clear to admit of argument. he objected also to the mode of effecting the reduction. this was by leaving it to the several states to select the officers who should remain in service. he regretted that congress had not thought proper to retain the reduction and incorporation of the regiments under their own discretion. he regretted that it should be left to the states, not only because it was an adherence to the state system, which in the arrangements of the army, he disapproved; but because also he feared it would introduce much confusion and discontent in a business which ought to be conducted with the greatest circumspection. he feared also that professing to _select_ the officers to be retained in service would give disgust both to those who should be discontinued, and to those who should remain. the former would be sent away under the public stigma of inferior merit, and the latter would feel no pleasure in a present preference, when they reflected that, at some future period, they might experience a similar fate. he wished with much sincerity that congress had been pleased to make no alteration in the term of service, but had confined their requisition to men who should serve for the war, to be raised by enlistment, draught, or assessment, as might be found necessary. as it now stood, there would be very few men for the war, and all the evils of temporary engagements would still be felt. in the present temper of the states, he entertained the most flattering hopes that they would enter on vigorous measures to raise an army for the war, if congress appeared decided respecting it; but if they held up a different idea as admissible, it would be again concluded that they did not think an army for the war essential. this would encourage the opposition of men of narrow, interested, and feeble tempers, and enable them to defeat the primary object of the revolution. this letter was taken into consideration; and the measures it recommended were pursued in almost every particular. even the two great principles which were viewed with most jealousy,--an army for the war, and half pay for life,--were adopted. it would have greatly abridged the calamities of america, could these resolutions have been carried into execution. every effort for the purpose was made by the commander-in-chief. to place the officers of the army in a situation which would render their commissions valuable, and hold out to them the prospect of a comfortable old age, in a country saved by their blood, their sufferings, and the labours of their best years, was an object which had always been dear to the heart of general washington, and he had seized every opportunity to press it on congress. that body had approached it slowly, taking step after step with apparent reluctance, as the necessity of the measure became more and more obvious. the first resolution on the subject, passed in may, , allowed to all military officers who should continue in service during the war, and not hold any office of profit under the united states or any of them, half pay for seven years, if they lived so long. at the same time the sum of eighty dollars, in addition to his pay, was granted to every non-commissioned officer and soldier who should serve to the end of the war. in this subject was resumed. after much debate, its farther consideration was postponed; and the officers and soldiers were recommended to the attention of their several states, with a declaration that their patriotism, valour, and perseverance, in defence of the rights and liberties of their country, had entitled them to the gratitude, as well as the approbation of their fellow citizens. in , a memorial from the general officers, depicting in strong terms the situation of the army, and requiring present support, and some future provision, was answered by a reference to what had been already done, and by a declaration "that patience, self-denial, fortitude and perseverance, and the cheerful sacrifice of time and health, are necessary virtues which both the citizen and soldier are called to exercise, while struggling for the liberties of their country; and that moderation, frugality, and temperance, must be among the chief supports, as well as the brightest ornaments of that kind of civil government which is wisely instituted by the several states in this union." this philosophic lecture on the virtues of temperance to men who were often without food, and always scantily supplied, was still calculated to assuage irritations fomented by the neglect which was believed to have been sustained. in a few days afterwards, the subject was brought again before congress, and a more conciliating temper was manifested. the odious restriction, limiting the half pay for seven years to those who should hold no post of profit under the united states or any of them, was removed; and the bounty allowed the men was extended to the widows and orphans of those who had died or should die in the service; at length, the vote passed which has been stated, allowing half pay for life to all officers who should serve in the armies of the united states to the end of the war. resolutions were also passed, recommending it to the several states to make up the depreciation on the pay which had been received by the army; and it was determined that their future services should be compensated in the money of the new emission, the value of which, it was supposed, might be kept up by taxes and by loans. while the government of the union was thus employed in maturing measures for the preservation of its military establishment, the time for action passed away without furnishing any material event. the hostile armies continued to watch each other until the season of the year forced them out of the field. just before retiring into winter quarters, a handsome enterprise was executed by major talmadge, of colonel sheldon's regiment of light dragoons. that gentleman had been generally stationed on the lines, on the east side of the north river, and had been distinguished for the accuracy of his intelligence. he was informed that a large magazine of forage had been collected at coram, on long island, which was protected by the militia of the country, the cruisers in the sound, and a small garrison in its neighbourhood. [sidenote: major talmadge destroys the british stores at coram.] [sidenote: nov. .] at the head of a detachment of eighty dismounted dragoons, under the command of captain edgar, and of eight or ten who were mounted, he passed the sound where it was twenty miles wide, marched across the island in the night, and so completely surprised the fort, that his troops entered the works on three different sides before the garrison was prepared to resist them. the british took refuge in two houses connected with the fortifications, and commenced a fire from the doors and windows. these were instantly forced open; and the whole party, amounting to fifty-four, among whom were a lieutenant colonel, captain, and subaltern, were killed or taken. stores to a considerable amount were destroyed, the fort was demolished, and the magazines were consumed by fire. the objects of the expedition being accomplished, major talmadge recrossed the sound without having lost a man. on the recommendation of general washington, congress passed a resolution, expressing a high sense of the merit of those engaged in the expedition. [sidenote: december.] [sidenote: the army retires into winter quarters.] no objects for enterprise presenting themselves, the troops were placed in winter quarters early in december. the pennsylvania line was stationed near morristown; the jersey line about pompton, on the confines of new york and new jersey; and the troops belonging to the new england states, at west point, and in its vicinity, on both sides the north river. the line of the state of new york remained at albany, to which place it had been detached for the purpose of opposing an invasion from canada. [sidenote: irruption of major carlton into new york.] major carlton, at the head of one thousand men, composed of europeans, indians, and tories, had made a sudden irruption into the northern parts of new york, and taken forts ann and george, with their garrisons. at the same time, sir john johnson, at the head of a corps composed of the same materials, appeared on the mohawk. several sharp skirmishes were fought in that quarter with the continental troops, and a regiment of new levies, aided by the militia of the country. general clinton's brigade was ordered to their assistance; but before he could reach the scene of action, the invading armies had retired, after laying waste the whole country through which they passed. [sidenote: european transactions.] while the disorder of the american finances, the exhausted state of the country, and the debility of the government, determined great britain to persevere in offensive war against the united states, by keeping alive her hopes of conquest, europe assumed an aspect not less formidable to the permanent grandeur of that nation, than hostile to its present views. in the summer of , russia, sweden, and denmark, entered into the celebrated compact, which has been generally denominated "the armed neutrality." holland had also declared a determination to accede to the same confederacy; and it is not improbable that this measure contributed to the declaration of war which was made by great britain against that power towards the close of the present year. the long friendship which had existed between the two nations was visibly weakened from the commencement of the american war. holland was peculiarly desirous of participating in that commerce which the independence of the united states would open to the world: and, from the commencement of hostilities, her merchants, especially those of amsterdam, watched the progress of the war with anxiety, and engaged in speculations which were profitable to themselves and beneficial to the united states. the remonstrances made by the british minister at the hague against this conduct, were answered in the most amicable manner by the government, but the practice of individuals continued the same. when the war broke out between france and england, a number of dutch vessels trading with france, laden with materials for shipbuilding, were seized, and carried into the ports of great britain, although the existing treaties between the two nations were understood to exclude those articles from the list of contraband of war. the british cabinet justified these acts of violence, and persisted in refusing to permit naval stores to be carried to her enemy in neutral bottoms. this refusal, however, was accompanied with friendly professions, with an offer to pay for the vessels and cargoes already seized, and with proposals to form new stipulations for the future regulation of that commerce. the states general refused to enter into any negotiations for the modification of subsisting treaties; and the merchants of all the great trading towns, especially those of amsterdam, expressed the utmost indignation at the injuries they had sustained. in consequence of this conduct, the british government required those succours which were stipulated in ancient treaties, and insisted that the _casus foederis_ had now occurred. advantage was taken of the refusal of the states general to comply with this demand, to declare the treaties between the two nations at an end. the temper produced by this state of things, inclined holland to enter into the treaty for an armed neutrality; and, in november, the dutch government acceded to it. some unknown causes prevented the actual signature of the treaty on the part of the states general, until a circumstance occurred which was used for the purpose of placing them in a situation not to avail themselves of the aid stipulated by that confederacy to its members. while mr. lee, one of the ministers of the united states, was on a mission to the courts of vienna and berlin, he fell in company with a mr. john de neufwille, a merchant of amsterdam, with whom he held several conversations on the subject of a commercial intercourse between the two nations, the result of which was, that the plan of an eventual commercial treaty was sketched out, as one which might thereafter be concluded between them. this paper had received the approbation of the pensionary van berkel, and of the city of amsterdam, but not of the states general. mr. henry laurens, late president of congress, was deputed to the states general with this plan of a treaty, for the double purpose of endeavouring to complete it, and of negotiating a loan for the use of his government. on the voyage he was captured by a british frigate; and his papers, which he had thrown overboard, were rescued from the waves by a british sailor. among them was found the plan of a treaty which has been mentioned, and which was immediately transmitted to sir joseph yorke, the british minister at the hague, to be laid before the government. the explanations of this transaction not being deemed satisfactory by the court of london, sir joseph yorke received orders to withdraw from the hague, soon after which war was proclaimed against holland. this bold measure, which added one of the first maritime powers in europe to the formidable list of enemies with whom britain was already encompassed, was perhaps, not less prudent than courageous. there are situations, to which only high minded nations are equal, in which a daring policy will conduct those who adopt it, safely through the very dangers it appears to invite; dangers which a system suggested by a timid caution might multiply instead of avoiding. the present was, probably, one of those situations. holland was about to become a member of the armed neutrality, after which her immense navigation would be employed, unmolested, in transporting the property of the enemies of britain, and in supplying them with all the materials for shipbuilding, or the whole confederacy must be encountered. america, however, received with delight the intelligence that holland also was engaged in the war; and founded additional hopes of its speedy termination on that event. chapter ix. transactions in south carolina and georgia.... defeat of ferguson.... lord cornwallis enters north carolina.... retreats out of that state.... major wemyss defeated by sumpter.... tarlton repulsed.... greene appointed to the command of the southern army.... arrives in camp.... detaches morgan over the catawba.... battle of the cowpens.... lord cornwallis drives greene through north carolina into virginia.... he retires to hillsborough.... greene recrosses the dan.... loyalists under colonel pyle cut to pieces.... battle of guilford.... lord cornwallis retires to ramsay's mills.... to wilmington.... greene advances to ramsay's mills.... determines to enter south carolina.... lord cornwallis resolves to march to virginia. [sidenote: .] [sidenote: transactions in south carolina and georgia.] in the south, lord cornwallis, after having nearly demolished the american army at camden, found himself under the necessity of suspending, for a few weeks, the new career of conquest on which he had intended to enter. his army was enfeebled by sickness as well as by action; the weather was intensely hot, and the stores necessary for an expedition into north carolina had not been brought from charleston. in addition, a temper so hostile to the british interests had lately appeared in south carolina as to make it unsafe to withdraw any considerable part of his force from that state, until he should subdue the spirit of insurrection against his authority. exertions were made in other parts of the state, not inferior to those of sumpter in the north-west. colonel marion, who had been compelled by the wounds he received in charleston to retire into the country, had been promoted by governor rutledge to the rank of a brigadier general. as the army of gates approached south carolina, he had entered the north-eastern parts of that state with only sixteen men; had penetrated into the country as far as the santee; and was successfully rousing the well-affected inhabitants to arms, when the defeat of the th of august chilled the growing spirit of resistance which he had contributed to increase. with the force he had collected, he rescued about one hundred and fifty continental troops who had been captured at camden, and were on their way to charleston. though compelled, for a short time, to leave the state, he soon returned to it, and at the head of a few spirited men, made repeated excursions from the swamps and marshes in which he concealed himself, and skirmished successfully with the militia who had joined the british standard, and the small parties of regulars by whom they were occasionally supported. his talents as a partisan, added to his knowledge of the country, enabled him to elude every attempt to seize him; and such was his humanity as well as respect for the laws, that no violence or outrage was ever attributed to the party under his command. the interval between the victory of the th of august, and the expedition into north carolina, was employed in quelling what was termed the spirit of revolt in south carolina. the efforts of the people to recover their independence were considered as new acts of rebellion, and were met with a degree of severity which policy was supposed to dictate, but which gave a keener edge to the resentments which civil discord never fails to engender. several of the most active militia men who had taken protections as british subjects, and entered into the british militia, having been afterwards found in arms, and made prisoners at camden, were executed as traitors. orders were given to officers commanding at different posts to proceed in the same manner against persons of a similar description; and these orders were, in many instances, carried into execution. a proclamation was issued for sequestering the estates of all those inhabitants of the province, not included in the capitulation of charleston, who were in the service, or acting under the authority of congress, and of all those who, by an open avowal of what were termed rebellious principles, or by other notorious acts should manifest a wicked and desperate perseverance in opposing the re-establishment of royal authority.[ ] [footnote : rem.] while taking these measures to break the spirit of independence, lord cornwallis was indefatigable in urging his preparations for the expedition into north carolina. the day after the battle near camden, emissaries had been despatched into that state for the purpose of inviting the friends of the british government to take up arms. meanwhile the utmost exertions were continued to embody the people of the country as a british militia; and major ferguson was employed in the district of ninety six, to train the most loyal inhabitants, and to attach them to his own corps.[ ] after being employed for some time in ninety six, he was directed to enter the western parts of north carolina, for the purpose of embodying the royalists in that quarter. [footnote : sted.] the route marked out for the main army was from camden, through the settlement of the waxhaws to charlottestown, in north carolina. on the th of september lord cornwallis moved from camden, and reached charlotte late in that month, where he expected to be joined by ferguson. but in attempting to meet him, ferguson was arrested by an event as important as it was unexpected. [sidenote: september.] colonel clarke, a refugee from georgia, had formed a plan for the reduction of augusta, which was defended only by a few provincials, under the command of lieutenant colonel brown. about the time lord cornwallis commenced his march from camden, clarke advanced against augusta, at the head of a body of irregulars whom he had collected in the frontiers of north and south carolina, and invested that place. brown made a vigorous defence; and the approach of lieutenant colonel cruger with a reinforcement from ninety six, compelled clarke to relinquish the enterprise, and to save himself by a rapid retreat. intelligence of the transactions at augusta was given to ferguson, who, to favour the design of intercepting clarke, moved nearer the mountains, and remained longer in that country than had been intended. this delay proved fatal to him. it gave an opportunity to several volunteer corps to unite, and to constitute a formidable force. the hardy mountaineers inhabiting the extreme western parts of virginia and north carolina, assembled on horseback with their rifles, under colonels campbell, m'dowell, cleveland, shelby, and sevier, and moved with their accustomed velocity towards ferguson. on receiving notice of their approach, that officer commenced his march for charlotte, despatching, at the same time, different messengers to lord cornwallis with information of his danger. these messengers being intercepted, no movement was made to favour his retreat. when within about sixteen miles of gilbert-town, where ferguson was then supposed to lie, colonel m'dowell deputed to gates with a request that he would appoint a general officer to command them; and, in the mean time, colonel campbell of virginia was chosen for that purpose. on reaching gilbert-town, and finding that the british had commenced their retreat, it was determined to follow them with the utmost celerity. at the cowpens, this party was joined by colonels williams, tracy, and branan, of south carolina, with about four hundred men, who also gave information respecting the distance and situation of their enemy. about nine hundred choice men were selected, by whom the pursuit was continued through the night, and through a heavy rain; and, the next day, about three in the afternoon, they came within view of ferguson, who, finding that he must be overtaken, had determined to await the attack on king's mountain, and was encamped on its summit,--a ridge five or six hundred yards long, and sixty or seventy wide. [sidenote: october .] the americans, who had arranged themselves into three columns, the right commanded by colonel sevier and major winston, the centre by colonels campbell and shelby, and the left by colonels cleveland and williams, immediately rushed to the assault. the attack was commenced by the centre, while the two wings gained the flanks of the british line; and, in about five minutes, the action became general. ferguson made several impetuous charges with the bayonet, which, against riflemen, were necessarily successful. but, before any one of them could completely disperse the corps against which it was directed, the heavy and destructive fire of the others, who pressed him on all sides, called off his attention to other quarters, and the broken corps was rallied, and brought back to the attack. [sidenote: defeat of ferguson.] in the course of these successive repulses, the right and centre had become intermingled, and were both, by one furious charge of the bayonet, driven almost to the foot of the mountain. with some difficulty they were rallied and again brought into the action; upon which the british, in turn, gave way, and were driven along the summit of the ridge, on cleveland and williams, who still maintained their ground on the left. in this critical state of the action, ferguson received a mortal wound, and instantly expired. the courage of his party fell with him, and quarter was immediately demanded.[ ] the action continued rather more than an hour. [footnote : the details of this battle are chiefly taken from a paper signed by colonels campbell, shelby, and cleveland, and published in the virginia gazette of the th of november, .] in this sharp action one hundred and fifty of ferguson's party were killed on the spot, and about the same number were wounded. eight hundred and ten, of whom one hundred were british troops, were made prisoners, and fifteen hundred stand of excellent arms were taken. the americans fought under cover of trees, and their loss was inconsiderable; but among the slain was colonel williams, who was greatly and justly lamented. as cruelty generally begets cruelty, the example set by the british at camden was followed, and ten of the most active of the royalists were selected from the prisoners, and hung upon the spot. the victorious mountaineers, having accomplished the object for which they assembled, returned to their homes. [sidenote: lord cornwallis retreats out of north carolina.] the destruction of this party arrested the progress of lord cornwallis in north carolina, and inspired serious fears for the posts in his rear. he retreated to wynnsborough, between camden and ninety six, where he waited for reinforcements from new york. the victory obtained on the th of august having suggested views of more extensive conquest in the south, sir henry clinton had determined to send a large reinforcement to the southern army. in the opinion that lord cornwallis could meet with no effectual resistance in the carolinas, he had ordered the officer commanding this reinforcement to enter the chesapeake in the first instance, and to take possession of the lower parts of virginia, after which he was to obey the orders he should receive from lord cornwallis, to whom a copy of his instructions had been forwarded. the detachment amounted to near three thousand men, under the command of general leslie. it sailed on the th of october, and, entering james river after a short passage, took possession of the country on the south side as high as suffolk. after a short time, leslie drew in his out-posts, and began to fortify portsmouth. at this place he received orders from lord cornwallis to repair to charleston by water. while cornwallis waited at wynnsborough for this reinforcement, the light corps of his army were employed in suppressing the parties which were rising in various quarters of the country, in opposition to his authority. marion had become so formidable as to endanger the communication between camden and charleston. tarlton was detached against him, and marion was under the necessity of concealing himself in the swamps. from the unavailing pursuit of him through marshes which were scarcely penetrable, tarlton was called to a different quarter, where an enemy supposed to be entirely vanquished, had reappeared in considerable force. [sidenote: major wemyss attacks and is defeated by sumpter.] sumpter had again assembled a respectable body of mounted militia, at the head of which he advanced towards the posts occupied by the british. on receiving intelligence of his approach, earl cornwallis formed a plan for surprising him in his camp on broad river, the execution of which was committed to major wemyss. that officer marched from wynnsborough at the head of a regiment of infantry and about forty dragoons, reached the camp of sumpter several hours before day, and immediately charged the out piquet, which made but a slight resistance. only five shots are said to have been fired, but from these wemyss received two dangerous wounds which disabled him from the performance of his duty. the assailants fell into confusion, and were repulsed with the loss of their commanding officer and about twenty men. after this action, sumpter crossed broad river, and, having formed a junction with clarke and branan, threatened ninety six. alarmed for the safety of that post, earl cornwallis recalled tarlton, and ordered him to proceed against sumpter. so rapid was his movement that he had nearly gained the rear of his enemy before notice of his return was received. in the night preceding the day on which he expected to effect his purpose, a deserter apprised sumpter of the approaching danger, and that officer began his retreat. tarlton, pursuing with his usual rapidity, overtook the rear guard at the ford of the ennoree, and cut it to pieces; after which, fearing that sumpter would save himself by passing the tyger, he pressed forward, with, as he states, about two hundred and eighty cavalry and mounted infantry, and, in the afternoon, came within view of the americans, who were arranged in order for battle. sumpter had reached the banks of the tyger, when the firing of his videttes announced the approach of his enemy. he immediately posted his troops to great advantage on a steep eminence, having their rear and part of their right flank secured by the river, and their left covered by a barn of logs, into which a considerable number of his men were thrown. tarlton, without waiting for his infantry, or for a field piece left with them in his rear, rushed to the charge with his usual impetuosity. after several ineffectual attempts to dislodge the americans, he retired from the field with great precipitation and disorder, leaving ninety-two dead, and one hundred wounded. after remaining in possession of the ground for a few hours, sumpter, who was severely wounded in the action, crossed the tyger, after which his troops dispersed. his loss was only three killed, and four wounded. availing himself of the subsequent retreat and dispersion of the american militia, tarlton denominated this severe check a victory; while congress, in a public resolution, voted their thanks to general sumpter and the militia he commanded, for this and other services which had been previously rendered. the shattered remains of the army defeated near camden, had been slowly collected at hillsborough, and great exertions were made to reorganize and reinforce it. the whole number of continental troops in the southern army amounted to about fourteen hundred men. on receiving intelligence that lord cornwallis had occupied charlotte, gates detached smallwood to the yadkin, with directions to post himself at the ford of that river, and to take command of all the troops in that quarter of the country. the more effectually to harass the enemy, a light corps was selected from the army and placed under the command of morgan, now a brigadier general. as lord cornwallis retreated, gates advanced to charlotte, smallwood encamped lower down the catawba on the road to camden; and morgan was pushed forward some distance in his front. in the expectation that farther active operations would be postponed until the spring, gates intended to pass the winter in this position. such was the arrangement of the troops when their general was removed. [sidenote: november .] on the th of november, without any previous indications of dissatisfaction, congress passed a resolution requiring the commander-in-chief to order a court of inquiry on the conduct of general gates as commander of the southern army, and to appoint some other officer to that command, until the inquiry should be made. [sidenote: greene appointed to the command of the southern army.] washington, without hesitation, selected greene for that important and difficult service. in a letter to congress recommending him to their support, he mentioned general greene as "an officer in whose abilities, fortitude, and integrity, from a long and intimate experience of them, he had the most entire confidence." to mr. matthews, a delegate from south carolina, he said, "you have your wish in the officer appointed to the southern command. i think i am giving you a general; but what can a general do without men, without arms, without clothing, without stores, without provisions?" about the same time the legion of lee was ordered into south carolina. [sidenote: arrives in camp.] greene hastened to the army he was to command; and, on the second of december, reached charlotte, then its head quarters. soon after his arrival in camp, he was gratified with the intelligence of a small piece of good fortune obtained by the address of lieutenant colonel washington. smallwood, having received information that a body of royal militia had entered the country in which he foraged, for the purpose of intercepting his wagons, detached morgan and washington against them. intelligence of morgan's approach being received, the party retreated; but colonel washington, being able to move with more celerity than the infantry, resolved to make an attempt on another party, which was stationed at rugely's farm, within thirteen miles of camden. he found them posted in a logged barn, strongly secured by abattis, and inaccessible to cavalry. force being of no avail, he resorted to the following stratagem. having painted the trunk of a pine, and mounted it on a carriage so as to resemble a field piece, he paraded it in front of the enemy, and demanded a surrender. the whole party, consisting of one hundred and twelve men, with colonel rugely at their head, alarmed at the prospect of a cannonade, surrendered themselves prisoners of war.[ ] [footnote : the author received this account both from general morgan and colonel washington.] [sidenote: detaches morgan over the catawba.] to narrow the limits of the british army, and to encourage the inhabitants, greene detached morgan west of the catawba, with orders to take a position near the confluence of the pacolet with the broad river. his party consisted of rather more than three hundred chosen continental troops, commanded by lieutenant colonel howard, of maryland, of washington's regiment of light dragoons, amounting to about eighty men, and of two companies of militia from the northern and western parts of virginia commanded by captains triplet and taite, which were composed almost entirely of old continental soldiers. he was also to be joined on broad river by seven or eight hundred volunteers and militia commanded by general davidson, and by colonels clarke and few. after making this detachment, greene, for the purpose of entering a more plentiful country, advanced lower down the pedee, and encamped on its east side, opposite the cheraw hills. lord cornwallis remained at wynnsborough, preparing to commence active operations, so soon as he should be joined by leslie. the position he occupied on the pedee was about seventy miles from wynnsborough, and towards the north of east from that place. the detachment commanded by morgan had taken post at grindal's ford on the pacolet, one of the south forks of broad river, not quite fifty miles north-west of wynnsborough. the active courage of his troops, and the enterprising temper of their commander, rendered him extremely formidable to the parties of royal militia who were embodying in that quarter of the country. supposing morgan to have designs on ninety six, lord cornwallis detached lieutenant colonel tarlton with his legion, part of two regiments of infantry, and a corps of artillery with two field pieces, consisting altogether of about one thousand men, across the broad river, to cover that important post. as he lay between greene and morgan, he was desirous of preventing their junction, and of striking at one of them while unsupported by the other. to leave it uncertain against which division his first effort would be directed, he ordered leslie to halt at camden until the preparations for entering north carolina should be completed. having determined to penetrate into that state by the upper route, he put his army in motion and directed his course northwestward, between the catawba and broad rivers. leslie was directed to move up the banks of the former, and to join him on the march; and tarlton was ordered to strike at morgan. should that officer escape tarlton, the hope was entertained that he might be intercepted by the main army.[ ] [footnote : letter of lord cornwallis.--_stedman._] high waters delayed cornwallis and leslie longer than had been expected; but tarlton overcame the same obstacles, and reached morgan before a correspondent progress was made by the other divisions.[ ] [footnote : letter of lord cornwallis.--_stedman._] [sidenote: january .] [sidenote: sixteenth.] the combined movements of the british army were communicated to general morgan on the th of january. perceiving the insecurity of his own position, he retired across the pacolet, the fords over which he was desirous of defending. but a passage of that river being effected at a ford about six miles below him, he made a precipitate retreat; and, on the evening of the same day, his pursuers occupied the camp he had abandoned. morgan retired to the cowpens, where he determined to risk a battle. it was believed that he might have crossed the broad river, or have reached a mountainous country which was also near him, before he could have been overtaken; and the superiority of his adversary was so decided as to induce his best officers to think that every effort ought to be made to avoid an engagement. but morgan had great and just confidence in himself and in his troops; he was unwilling to fly from an enemy not so decidedly his superior as to render it madness to fight him; and he also thought that, if he should be overtaken while his men were fatigued and retreating, the probability of success would be much less than if he should exhibit the appearance of fighting from choice. these considerations determined him to halt earlier than was absolutely necessary.[ ] [footnote : these reasons for his conduct were given to the author by general morgan soon after his return from the southern campaign.] [sidenote: battle of the cowpens.] tarlton, having left his baggage under a strong guard, with orders not to move until break of day, recommenced the pursuit at three in the morning. before day, morgan was informed of his approach, and prepared to receive him. although censured by many for having determined to fight, and by some for the ground he chose, all admit the judgment with which his disposition was made. on an eminence, in an open wood, he drew up his continental troops, and triplet's corps, deemed equal to continentals, amounting to between four and five hundred men, who were commanded by lieutenant colonel howard. in their rear, on the descent of the hill, lieutenant colonel washington was posted with his cavalry, and a small body of mounted georgia militia commanded by major m'call, as a corps de reserve. on these two corps rested his hopes of victory, and with them he remained in person. the front line was composed entirely of militia, under the command of colonel pickens. major m'dowell, with a battalion of north carolina volunteers, and major cunningham, with a battalion of georgia volunteers, were advanced about one hundred and fifty yards in front of this line, with orders to give a single fire as the enemy approached, and then to fall back into the intervals, which were left for them in the centre of the first line. the militia, not being expected to maintain their ground long, were ordered to keep up a retreating fire by regiments, until they should pass the continental troops, on whose right they were directed again to form. his whole force, as stated by himself, amounted to only eight hundred men. soon after this disposition was made, the british van appeared in sight. confident of a cheap victory, tarlton formed his line of battle, and his troops rushed forward with great impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. after a single well directed fire, m'dowell and cunningham fell back on colonel pickens, who, after a short but warm conflict, retreated into the rear of the second line.[ ] the british pressed forward with great eagerness; and, though received by the continental troops with a firmness unimpaired by the rout of the front line, continued to advance. soon after the action with the continental troops had commenced, tarlton ordered up his reserve. perceiving that the enemy extended beyond him both on the right and left, and that, on the right especially, his flank was on the point of being turned, howard ordered the company on his right to change its front, so as to face the british on that flank. from some mistake in the officer commanding this company, it fell back, instead of fronting the enemy, upon which the rest of the line, supposing a change of ground for the whole to have been directed, began to retire in perfect order. at this moment general morgan rode up, and directed the infantry to retreat over the summit of the hill, about one hundred yards to the cavalry. this judicious but hazardous movement was made in good order, and extricated the flanks from immediate danger. believing the fate of the day to be decided, the british pressed on with increased ardour, and in some disorder; and when the americans halted, were within thirty yards of them. the orders then given by howard to face the enemy were executed as soon as they were received; and the whole line poured in a fire as deadly as it was unexpected. some confusion appearing in the ranks of the enemy, howard seized the critical moment, and ordered a charge with the bayonet. these orders were instantly obeyed, and the british line was broken. [footnote : some of them formed afterwards, and renewed the action on howard's right.] at the same moment the detachment of cavalry on the british right was routed by washington. the militia of pickens, who rode to the ground, had tied their horses in the rear of howard's left. when the front line was broken, many of them fled to their horses, and were closely pursued by the cavalry, who, while the continental infantry were retiring, passed their flank, and were cutting down the scattered militia in their rear. washington, who had previously ordered his men not to fire a pistol, now directed them to charge the british cavalry with drawn swords. a sharp conflict ensued, but it was not of long duration. the british were driven from the ground with considerable slaughter, and were closely pursued. both howard and washington pressed the advantage they had respectively gained, until the artillery, and great part of the infantry had surrendered. so sudden was the defeat, that a considerable part of the british cavalry had not been brought into action; and, though retreating, remained unbroken. washington, followed by howard with the infantry, pursued them rapidly, and attacked[ ] them with great spirit; but, as they were superior to him in numbers, his cavalry received a temporary check; and in this part of the action he sustained a greater loss than in any other. but the infantry coming up to support him, tarlton resumed the retreat.[ ] [footnote : in the eagerness of pursuit, washington advanced near thirty yards in front of his regiment. three british officers, observing this, wheeled about, and made a charge upon him. the officer on his right aimed a blow to cut him down as an american sergeant came up, who intercepted the blow by disabling his sword arm. the officer on his left was about to make a stroke at him at the same instant, when a waiter, too small to wield a sword, saved him by wounding the officer with a ball from a pistol. at this moment, the officer in the centre, who was believed to be tarlton, made a thrust at him which he parried; upon which the officer retreated a few paces, and then discharged a pistol at him, which wounded his horse.] [footnote : the author has received statements of this action from general morgan and from colonels howard and washington.] in this engagement upwards of one hundred british, including ten commissioned officers, were killed; twenty-nine commissioned officers, and five hundred privates were made prisoners. eight hundred muskets, two field pieces, two standards, thirty-five baggage wagons, and one hundred dragoon horses, fell into the hands of the conquerors. tarlton retreated towards the headquarters of lord cornwallis, then about twenty-five miles from the cowpens. this complete victory cost the americans less than eighty men in killed and wounded. seldom has a battle in which greater numbers were not engaged, been so important in its consequences as that of the cowpens. lord cornwallis was not only deprived of a fifth of his numbers, but lost a most powerful and active part of his army. unfortunately, greene was not in a condition to press the advantage. the whole southern army did not much exceed two thousand men, a great part of whom were militia. [sidenote: pursuit of the american army through north carolina into virginia.] the camp of lord cornwallis at turkey creek on the east side of broad river, was as near as the cowpens to the fords at which morgan was to cross the catawba. of consequence, that officer had much cause to fear that, encumbered as he was with prisoners and military stores, he might be intercepted before he could pass that river. comprehending the full extent of his danger, he abandoned the baggage he had taken, and leaving his wounded under the protection of a flag, detached the militia as an escort to his prisoners, and brought up the rear in person with his regulars. passing broad river on the evening of the day on which the battle was fought, he hastened to the catawba, which he crossed on the d, at sherald's ford, and encamped on its eastern bank. [sidenote: january.] lord cornwallis employed the th in forming a junction with leslie. early next morning he put his army in motion, and, on the th, reached ramsay's mills, where the roads taken by the two armies unite. at this place, to accelerate his future movements, he destroyed his baggage; and, after collecting a small supply of provisions, resumed the pursuit. he reached sherald's ford in the afternoon of the th; and, in the night, an immense flood of rain rendered the river impassable. [sidenote: january .] while morgan remained on the catawba, watching the motions of the british army, and endeavouring to collect the militia, general greene arrived, and took command of the detachment. in his camp on the pedee, opposite the cheraw hills, greene had been joined by lee's legion, amounting to about one hundred cavalry, and one hundred and twenty infantry. the day after his arrival, he was ordered to join marion for the purpose of attempting to carry a british post at georgetown, distant about seventy-five miles from the american army. the fort was surprised, but the success was only partial. on receiving intelligence of the victory at the cowpens, greene detached stevens' brigade of virginia militia, whose terms of service were on the point of expiring, to conduct the prisoners to charlottesville in virginia, and turned his whole attention to the effecting of a junction between the two divisions of his army. it was principally with a view to this object that he hastened to the detachment under morgan, leaving the other division to be commanded by general huger. [sidenote: february .] early in the morning of the first of february, lord cornwallis forced a passage over the catawba, at a private ford which was defended by general davidson, with about three hundred north carolina militia. davidson was killed, and his troops dispersed. they were followed by tarlton, who, hearing in the pursuit, that several bodies of militia were assembling at a tavern about ten miles from the ford, hastened to the place of rendezvous, and charging them with his usual impetuosity, broke their centre, killed some, and dispersed the whole party. it was found impracticable to bring the militia into the field, and huger, who had been directed to march to salisbury, was ordered to effect a junction between the two divisions of the army at some place farther north. greene retreated along the salisbury road, and, in the evening of the third, crossed the yadkin at the trading ford. his passage of the river, then already much swollen by the rain of the preceding day, was facilitated by boats which had been previously collected. the rear guard, which, being impeded by the baggage of the whigs who fled from salisbury did not cross till midnight, was overtaken by the van of the british army, and a skirmish ensued in which some loss was sustained, but the americans effected the passage of the river. [sidenote: february .] [sidenote: ninth.] the rains having rendered the yadkin unfordable, and the boats being collected on the opposite side, the pursuit was necessarily suspended; but greene continued his march to guilford court house where he was joined by huger. after some delay, and apparent hesitation respecting his movements, lord cornwallis marched up the yadkin, which he crossed near its source on the morning of the eighth. after the junction between the divisions of huger and morgan, the infantry of the american army, including six hundred militia, amounted to about two thousand effectives; and the cavalry to between two and three hundred. lord cornwallis lay twenty-five miles above them at salem, with an army estimated from twenty-five hundred to three thousand men, including three hundred cavalry. having failed in his attempt to prevent the junction of the two divisions of the american army, his object was to place himself between greene and virginia, and force that officer to a general action before he could be joined by the reinforcements which were known to be preparing for him in that state. his situation favoured the accomplishment of this object. greene, on the other hand, was indefatigable in his exertions to cross the dan without exposing himself to the hazard of a battle. to effect this object, the whole of his cavalry, with the flower of his infantry, amounting together to rather more than seven hundred men, were formed into a light corps, for the purpose of harassing and impeding the advance of the enemy, until the less active part of his force, with the baggage and military stores should be secured. morgan being rendered incapable of duty by severe indisposition, the command of this corps was conferred on colonels otho and williams. lord cornwallis had been informed that it would be impossible to obtain boats at the ferries on the dan in sufficient numbers for the transportation of the american troops before he could overtake them. and, as the river could not be forded below, he calculated with confidence on succeeding in his object by keeping above greene, and prevent his reaching those shallow fords by which alone it was thought possible to escape into virginia. dix's ferry is about fifty miles from guilford court house, and was almost equidistant from the two armies. considerably below, and more than seventy miles from guilford court house, were two other ferries, boyd's and irwin's, which were only four miles apart. by directing their march towards the lower and more remote ferries, the distance from lord cornwallis was so much ground gained; and by despatching an officer with a few men to dix's, the boats at that, and at an intermediate ferry, might be brought down the river in time to meet the army at the intended crossing place. these facts being suggested by lieutenant colonel carrington, quartermaster general for the southern department, the proposition was instantly adopted, and an officer despatched to bring the boats from above down to boyd's ferry.[ ] [footnote : the author received this fact from colonel carrington.] the next day both armies resumed their line of march. while general greene pressed forward to boyd's, williams gained an intermediate road leading to dix's ferry, and thus placed himself between the two armies, a small distance in front of the one, and considerably in rear of the other. such was the boldness and activity of this corps that lord cornwallis found it necessary to temper the eagerness of his pursuit with caution. yet he moved with great rapidity;--marching nearly thirty miles each day. on the morning of the third day, he attempted to surprise the americans by marching from the rear of his column into the road which had been taken by them, while his van proceeded slowly on its original route. information of this movement was received, and lieutenant colonel lee charged his advanced cavalry with such impetuosity, as to cut a company nearly to pieces. a captain and several privates were made prisoners. the whole british army turned into this road and followed in the rear of williams, who used every effort to delay their march. [sidenote: february .] the measures adopted by greene for collecting the boats were successful; and, on the fourteenth, he effected the passage of his troops and stores. when williams supposed that the american army had reached the dan, he left the road leading to dix's ferry, and entering that which greene had taken, urged his march to the lower ferries with the utmost celerity. lord cornwallis, being at length informed that greene had taken the lower road, turned into it about the same time by a nearer way, and his front was in sight of the rear of williams. so rapid were the movements of both armies that, in the last twenty-four hours, the americans marched forty miles; and the rear had scarcely touched the northern bank, when the van of the enemy appeared on the opposite shore. that general greene was able to effect this retreat without loss, evidences the judgment with which he improved every favourable circumstance. the exertions, the fatigues, the sufferings, and the patience of both armies, during this long, toilsome, and rapid pursuit, were extreme. without tents, without spirits, often without provisions, and always scantily supplied with them; through deep and frozen roads, high waters, and frequent rains; each performed, without a murmur, the severe duties assigned to it. the difference between them consists only in this,--the british troops were well clothed; the americans were almost naked, and many of them barefooted. great praise was bestowed by the general on his whole army; but the exertions of colonel williams, and of lieutenant colonel carrington were particularly noticed. although that part of north carolina through which the armies had passed, was well affected to the american cause, such was the rapidity with which they moved, and such the terror inspired by the presence of the enemy, that no aid was drawn from the militia. indeed, those who had joined the army from the more remote parts of the country could not be retained; and, when it reached the dan, the militia attached to it did not exceed eighty men. [sidenote: lord cornwallis retires to hillsborough.] having driven greene out of north carolina, lord cornwallis turned his attention to the re-establishment of regal authority in that state. for this purpose, he proceeded by easy marches to hillsborough, at that time its capital, where he erected the royal standard, and issued a proclamation inviting the inhabitants to repair to it, and to assist him in restoring the ancient government. as soon as it was known that general greene had entered virginia, he was reinforced by six hundred militia drawn from the neighbouring counties, the command of which was given to general stevens. apprehension that lord cornwallis, if left in the undisturbed possession of north carolina, would succeed, to the extent of his hopes, in recruiting his army and procuring the submission of the people, general greene determined, on receiving this small reinforcement, to re-enter that state; and, avoiding a general engagement, to keep the field against a superior enemy, who had demonstrated his capacity for rapid movement and hardy enterprise. [sidenote: february.] [sidenote: greene recrosses the dan.] on the th, while lord cornwallis remained on the opposite shore, the legion of lee had passed the dan. on the st, the light infantry also recrossed it; and, on the d, they were followed by the main body of the army. the light infantry hung round the quarters of the enemy, while the main body advanced slowly, keeping in view the roads to the western parts of the country, from which a considerable reinforcement of militia was expected.[ ] [footnote : the western militia had been engaged in a war with the cherokee indians, who, neglected by the united states, and incited by the british, had determined once more to take up the hatchet. the militia from the western parts of virginia and north carolina entered their country, burnt their towns, containing near one thousand houses, destroyed fifty thousand bushels of grain, killed twenty-nine men, took several prisoners, and compelled the nation to sue for peace.] general greene was not mistaken in the consequences of leaving lord cornwallis in the peaceable possession of north carolina. he was informed that seven independent companies were raised in one day. a large body of royalists had begun to embody themselves on the branches of the haw river; and colonel tarlton, with the cavalry of his legion and some infantry, was detached from hillsborough to favour their rising, and to conduct them to the british army. intelligence of the movements of the loyalists and of tarlton being received, greene ordered lieutenant colonel lee with the cavalry of his legion, and general pickens with between three and four hundred militia, who had just formed a junction near hillsborough, to move against both parties. [sidenote: party of loyalists commanded by colonel pyle, cut to pieces.] in a long lane, lee, whose cavalry was in front of the whole detachment, came up with the royalists. he was mistaken by them for tarlton, whom they had not yet seen, to whose encampment they were proceeding, and whose corps was then taking refreshment, not much more than a mile distant from them. perceiving their mistake, lee received their expressions of joy and attachment, and had just reached their colonel, to whom he was about to make communications which might have enabled him to proceed on his design of surprising tarlton, when the infantry who followed close in his rear, were recognized by the insurgents; and a firing took place between them. it being apparent that this circumstance must give the alarm to the british, lee changed his plan, and turning on the royalists, who still supposed him to be a british officer, cut them to pieces while they were making protestations of loyalty, and asserting that they were "the very best friends of the king." more than one hundred, among whom was colonel pyle, their leader, fell under the swords of his cavalry. this terrible but unavoidable carnage broke, in a great measure, the spirits of the tories in that part of the country. some who were on their march to join the british standard, returned, determined to await the issue of events before they went too far to recede. the hope of surprising tarlton being thus disappointed, pickens and lee determined to postpone the attack till the morning; and took a position for the night between him and a corps of militia which was advancing from the western counties of virginia under colonel preston. tarlton had meditated an attempt on this corps; but at midnight, when his troops were paraded to march on this design, he received an express from lord cornwallis, directing his immediate return to the army. in obedience to this order, he began his retreat long before day, and crossed the haw, just as the americans, who followed him, appeared on the opposite bank. two pieces of artillery commanded the ford and stopped the pursuit. to approach more nearly the great body of the loyalists, who were settled between haw and deep rivers, and to take a position in a country less exhausted than that around hillsborough, lord cornwallis crossed the haw, and encamped on allimance creek. as the british army retired, general greene advanced. not being yet in a condition to hazard an engagement, he changed his ground every night. in the course of the critical movements, which were made in order to avoid an action, and at the same time to overawe the loyalists, and maintain a position favourable to a junction with the several detachments who were marching from different quarters to his assistance, he derived immense service from a bold and active light infantry, and from a cavalry which, though inferior in numbers, was rendered superior in effect to that of his enemy, by being much better mounted. they often attacked boldly and successfully, and made sudden incursions into the country, which so intimidated the royalists, that lord cornwallis found it difficult to obtain intelligence. by these means, all his attempts to bring the american general to action were frustrated; and his lordship was under the necessity of keeping his men close in their quarters. during this hazardous trial of skill, lord cornwallis moved out in full force towards rudy fork, where the light infantry lay, in the hope of surprising that corps under cover of a thick fog; and probably with ulterior views against general greene. his approach was perceived, and a sharp skirmish ensued between a part of the light infantry, and a much superior body of british troops commanded by lieutenant colonel webster, in which the loss was supposed to be nearly equal. the advance of the british army obliged williams to retire; and general greene, by recrossing the haw and uniting with the light infantry on its north-eastern bank at the rocky ford, disappointed any farther designs which might have been formed against the army then under his command, or against the reinforcements which were approaching. being thus foiled, lord cornwallis withdrew to deep river, and general greene fell back to the iron works on troublesome creek. at length his reinforcements, though much inferior to the number he had been taught to expect, were received, and greene, in his turn, sought a battle. with this view, he dissolved the corps of light infantry, advanced towards his enemy, and encamped within eight miles of him, at guilford court house. his army, including officers, amounted to about four thousand five hundred men, of whom not quite two thousand were continental troops and the residue consisted of virginia and north carolina militia. those of virginia were commanded by generals stevens and lawson, and by colonels preston, campbell, and lynch; and those of north carolina, by generals butler and eaton. of the four regiments which composed the continental infantry, only one, the first of maryland, was veteran. the other three consisted of new levies, with a few old continental soldiers interspersed among them. the legion of lee, and the cavalry of washington, like the first regiment of maryland, added every advantage of experience to approved courage; and nearly all the officers commanding the new levies were veteran. [sidenote: march .] [sidenote: battle of guilford.] having determined to risk an action, greene chose his ground with judgment. early in the morning of the th, the fire of his reconnoitring parties announced the approach of the enemy on the great salisbury road, and his army was immediately arranged in order of battle. it was drawn up in three lines, on a large hill, surrounded by other hills, chiefly covered with trees and underwood. the front line was composed of the two brigades of north carolina militia, who were posted to great advantage on the edge of the wood, behind a strong rail fence, with an extensive open field in front. the two brigades of virginia militia formed the second line. they were drawn up entirely in the wood, about three hundred yards in rear of the first, and on either side of the great salisbury road. the third line was placed about three hundred yards in rear of the second, and was composed of continental troops. the virginia brigade, commanded by general huger, was on the right; that of maryland, commanded by colonel williams, was on the left. they were drawn up obliquely, with their left diverging from the second line, and partly in open ground. the first and third regiments of dragoons, amounting to one hundred and two troopers, kirkwood's company of light infantry, and a regiment of militia riflemen under colonel lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security of the right flank, which was commanded by lieutenant colonel washington. the legion, consisting of one hundred and sixty-eight horse and foot, and a body of riflemen commanded by colonels campbell and preston, formed a corps of observation for the security of the left flank, which was placed under lieutenant colonel lee. the artillery was in the front line, in the great road leading through the centre, with directions to fall back as the occasion should require. though lord cornwallis was sensible that the numbers of the american army were greatly augmented by troops whose continuance in service would be of short duration, he deemed it so important to the interests of his sovereign to maintain the appearance of superiority in the field, that he was unwilling to decline the engagement now offered him. [sidenote: march .] [sidenote: fifteenth.] on the advance of greene, therefore, he prepared for action; and early in the morning moved from his ground, determined to attack the adverse army wherever it should be found. about four miles from guilford court house, the advance, led by lieutenant colonel tarlton, fell in with lee, and a sharp skirmish ensued, which was terminated by the appearance of such large bodies of british troops, as rendered it prudent for lee to retire. his lordship continued to advance until he came within view of the american army. his disposition for the attack was then made in the following order. the seventy-first british regiment, with the german regiment of bose, led by general leslie, and supported by the first battalion of the guards under colonel norton, formed the right, and the twenty-third and thirty-third regiments, led by lieutenant colonel webster, and supported by brigadier general o'hara with the grenadiers and second battalion of the guards, formed the left. the light infantry of the guards and the yagers, posted in the wood on the left of the artillery, and the cavalry in column behind it in the road, formed a corps of observation.[ ] [footnote : letter of lord cornwallis.--_stedman._] this disposition being made, the british troops advanced to the charge, with the cool intrepidity which discipline inspires. the north carolina militia were not encouraged by the great advantages of their position to await the shock. they broke instantly; and, throwing away their arms and flying through the woods, sought their respective homes. the british then advanced on the second line, which received them with more firmness; and maintained their ground for some time with great resolution. lord cornwallis perceiving the corps on his flanks, brought the whole of his reserved infantry into the line. on the right, general leslie brought up the guards to oppose lee; and, on the left, webster changed his front to the left, and attacked washington, while the grenadiers and second battalion of guards moved forward to occupy the place which he had just quitted.[ ] [footnote : letter of lord cornwallis.--_stedman._] the ground being unfavourable to the action of horse, washington had posted lynch's riflemen, with whom he remained in person, on a height covered with thick woods; and had drawn up his cavalry and continental infantry about one hundred yards in their rear. on being attacked by webster, the riflemen broke; and washington, finding it impossible to rally them, rejoined his cavalry. the british continuing to advance, and it being well understood that the militia could not stand the bayonet, general stevens, who had received a ball in his right thigh, ordered his brigade to retreat. lawson's brigade having given way a short time before, the second line was entirely routed; and the enemy advanced boldly on the third. the several divisions of the british army had been separated from each other by extending themselves to the right and left in order to encounter the distinct corps which threatened their flanks; and by advancing in regiments at different times, as the different parts of the second line had given way. the thickness of the wood increased the difficulty of restoring order. they pressed forward with great eagerness, but with a considerable degree of irregularity. greene, in this state of the action, entertained the most sanguine hopes of a complete victory. his continental troops were fresh, in perfect order, and upon the point of engaging an enemy, broken into distinct parts, and probably supposing the severity of the action to be over. this fair prospect was blasted by the misconduct of a single corps. the second regiment of maryland was posted at some distance from the first, in open ground; its left forming almost a right angle with the line, so as to present a front to any corps which might attack on that flank. the british in advancing, inclined to the right; and the second battalion of guards entered the open ground immediately after the retreat of stevens, and rushed on the second regiment of maryland while the first was engaged with webster. without waiting to receive the charge, that regiment broke in confusion. by pursuing them, the guards were thrown into the rear of the first regiment, from which they were concealed by the unevenness of the ground, and by a skirt of wood. greene was himself on the left, and witnessed the misfortune without being able to remedy it. his militia being entirely routed, the flight of one-fourth of his continental troops would most probably decide the fate of the day. unwilling to risk his remaining three regiments, only one of which could be safely relied on, without a man to cover their retreat should the event prove unfortunate, he ordered colonel greene of virginia to withdraw his regiment from the line, and to take a position in the rear, for the purpose of affording a rallying point, and of covering the retreat of the two regiments which still continued in the field. the guards were soon called from the pursuit of the second maryland regiment, and led by lieutenant colonel stuart against the first. about this time webster, finding himself overpowered by the first maryland regiment, then commanded by colonel gunby, and by kirkwood's company and the remaining regiment of virginia, with whom he was engaged at the same time, had in a great measure withdrawn from the action, and retired across a ravine into an adjoining wood. this critical respite enabled gunby to provide for the danger in his rear. facing about, he met the guards, and a very animated fire took place on both sides, during which the americans continued to advance. in this critical moment, lieutenant colonel washington, who was drawn to this part of the field by the vivacity of the fire, made a furious charge upon the guards and broke their ranks. at this juncture, gunby's horse was killed under him, and the command devolved on lieutenant colonel howard. the regiment advanced with such rapidity that gunby could not overtake it, and was within thirty yards of the guards when they were charged by the cavalry. almost at the same instant the maryland infantry rushed upon them with the bayonet, and following the horse through them, were masters of the whole battalion. in passing through it, captain smith of the infantry killed its commanding officer. after passing through the guards into the open ground where the second regiment had been originally posted, howard perceived several british columns, with some pieces of artillery. believing his regiment to be the sole infantry remaining in the field, he retreated in good order, and brought off some prisoners. the cavalry also retreated.[ ] [footnote : after passing through the guards into the cleared ground, washington, who always led the van, perceived an officer surrounded by several persons who appeared to be aids-de-camp. believing this to be lord cornwallis, he rushed forward in the hope of making him a prisoner, but was arrested by an accident. his cap fell from his head, and, as he leaped to the ground to recover it, the officer leading the column was shot through the body, and rendered incapable of managing his horse. the animal wheeled round with his rider, and galloped off the field. he was followed by all the cavalry, who supposed that this movement had been directed.] about the same time the remaining virginia regiment commanded by colonel hawes, and kirkwood's infantry, who were still engaged with webster, were directed by general greene to retreat. the artillery was unavoidably abandoned; the horses which drew the pieces being killed, and the woods too thick to admit of their being dragged elsewhere than along the great road. the retreat was made in good order, and greene, in person, brought up the rear. though the action was over on the right and centre, campbell's riflemen still maintained their ground on the extreme of the american left, against general leslie with the regiment of bose and the first battalion of guards. after the guards had routed the brigade commanded by lawson, they were attacked on their right flank by the infantry of lee's legion and by campbell's riflemen, and were driven behind the regiment of bose, which having moved with less impetuosity, was advancing in compact order. this regiment sustained the american fire until lieutenant colonel norton was able to rally the guards and to bring them back to the charge; after which the action was maintained with great obstinacy on both sides until the battle was decided on the right. lieutenant colonel tarlton was then ordered to the support of leslie. the legion infantry had retreated, and only a few resolute marksmen remained in the rear of campbell who continued firing from tree to tree. being unable to resist a charge of cavalry, they were quickly driven from the field. two regiments of infantry and a detachment of cavalry pursued the right wing and centre of the americans for a short distance, but were soon ordered to return. on examining his situation, lord cornwallis found himself too much weakened, and his troops too much fatigued by the action, to hazard its renewal, or to continue the pursuit. general greene halted about three miles from the field of battle, behind rudy fork creek, for the purpose of collecting his stragglers; after which he retired about twelve miles, to the iron works on troublesome creek, the place appointed for the rendezvous of his army in the event of its being defeated. the returns made immediately after the action, exhibited a loss in killed, wounded and missing in the continental troops, of fourteen commissioned officers, and three hundred and twelve non-commissioned officers and privates. major anderson, a valuable officer of maryland, was killed; and general huger, who commanded the continental troops of virginia, was wounded. the same return states the loss of the militia at four captains and seventeen privates killed; and, in addition to general stevens, one major, three captains, eight subalterns, and sixty privates, were wounded. a great proportion of this part of the army was missing; but it seems to have been expected that they would either rejoin their corps, or be found at their homes. the victory at guilford was dearly purchased. official accounts state the loss of the british army at five hundred and thirty-two men, among whom were several officers of high rank and distinguished merit. lieutenant colonel stuart of the guards was killed, and lieutenant colonel webster, who was ranked by his enemies among the best officers in the british service, was mortally wounded. this loss, when compared with the numbers brought by lord cornwallis into the field, was very considerable. the americans did not compute his troops at more than two thousand rank and file, but his own accounts state them at only fourteen hundred and forty-five. no battle in the course of the war reflects more honour on the courage of the british troops, than that of guilford. on no other occasion have they fought with such inferiority of numbers, or disadvantage of ground. estimating his first line at nothing, general greene's army consisted of three thousand two hundred men, posted on ground chosen by himself; and his disposition was skilfully made. the american general, expecting to be again attacked, prepared for another engagement. but the situation of lord cornwallis had become too desperate to hazard a second battle, or to maintain his position. he found himself under the necessity of retreating to a place of greater security, where provisions might be obtained. when the expedition into north carolina was originally meditated, major craig, at the head of a small military and naval force, took possession of wilmington, a town near the mouth of cape fear, and extended his authority several miles up the river. lord cornwallis now looked to a communication with this post for aids which had become indispensable to the farther operations of the campaign. on the third day after the battle, he broke up his encampment, and proceeded by slow and easy marches towards cross creek. [sidenote: greene advances to ramsay's mills with a determination to enter south carolina.] general greene, on hearing that the british army was retreating, resolved to follow it. the difficulty of subsisting the troops in an exhausted and hostile country; and the necessity of waiting for a supply of ammunition, impeded the march of his army so much that he did not reach ramsay's mills until the th of march. [sidenote: april .] at this place lord cornwallis had halted, and here general greene expected to overtake and attack him. but, on the approach of the american army, his lordship resumed his march to cross creek, and afterwards to wilmington, where he arrived on the th of april. general greene gave over the pursuit at ramsay's mills. so excessive had been the sufferings of his army from the want of provisions, that many of the men fainted on the march, and it had become absolutely necessary to allow them some repose and refreshment. the expiration of the time for which the virginia militia had been called into service, furnished an additional motive for suspending the pursuit. at this place, the bold and happy resolution was taken to carry the war into south carolina. the motives which induced the adoption of this measure were stated by himself in a letter communicating his determination to the commander-in-chief. it would compel lord cornwallis to follow him, and thus liberate north carolina, or to sacrifice all his posts in the upper parts of south carolina and georgia. the southern army amounted to about seventeen hundred effectives. that of lord cornwallis is understood to have been still less numerous. so impotent were the means employed for the conquest and defence of states which were of immense extent and value. this unexpected movement gave a new aspect to affairs, and produced some irresolution in the british general respecting his future operations. after weighing the probable advantages and disadvantages of following greene into south carolina, he decided against this retrograde movement and determined to advance into virginia. chapter x. virginia invaded by arnold.... he destroys the stores at westham and at richmond.... retires to portsmouth.... mutiny in the pennsylvania line.... sir h. clinton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers.... they compromise with the civil government.... mutiny in the jersey line.... mission of colonel laurens to france.... propositions to spain.... recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods.... reform in the executive departments.... confederation adopted.... military transactions.... lafayette detached to virginia.... cornwallis arrives.... presses lafayette.... expedition to charlottesville, to the point of fork.... lafayette forms a junction with wayne.... cornwallis retires to the lower country.... general washington's letters are intercepted.... action near jamestown. [sidenote: ] [sidenote: virginia invaded by arnold.] the evacuation of portsmouth by leslie afforded virginia but a short interval of repose. so early as the th of december, , a letter from general washington announced to the governor that a large embarkation, supposed to be destined for the south, was about taking place at new york. on the th, a fleet of transports under convoy, having on board between one and two thousand men, commanded by general arnold, anchored in hampton road. the troops were embarked the next day on board vessels adapted to the navigation, and proceeded up james' river under convoy of two small ships of war. on the fourth of january they reached westover, which is distant about twenty-five miles from richmond, the capital of virginia. [sidenote: january .] on receiving intelligence that a fleet had entered the capes, general nelson was employed in raising the militia of the lower country; and on the d of january orders were issued to call out those above the metropolis and in its neighbourhood. on reaching westover, arnold landed with the greater part of his army, and commenced his march towards richmond. the few continental troops at petersburg were ordered to the capital; and between one and two hundred militia, who had been collected from the town and its immediate vicinity, were directed to harass the advancing enemy. this party was too feeble for its object; and, the day after landing at westover, arnold entered richmond, where he halted with about five hundred men. the residue, amounting to about four hundred, including thirty horse, proceeded under lieutenant colonel simcoe to westham, where they burnt a valuable foundry, boring mill, powder magazine, and other smaller buildings, with military stores to a considerable amount, and many valuable papers belonging to the government, which had been carried thither as to a place of safety. [sidenote: he destroys valuable stores at richmond.] this service being effected, lieutenant colonel simcoe rejoined arnold at richmond; where the public stores, and a large quantity of rum and salt, the property of private individuals, were entirely destroyed. [sidenote: january.] leaving richmond the next day, the army returned to westover[ ] on the seventh; and, re-embarking on the morning of the tenth, proceeded down the river. it was followed by the baron steuben, who commanded in virginia; and, near hoods, colonel clarke drew a party of them into an ambuscade, and gave them one fire with some effect; but, on its being partially returned, the americans broke and fled in the utmost confusion.[ ] [footnote : while the army lay at westover, lieutenant colonel simcoe, at the head of less than fifty horse, attacked and dispersed a body of militia at charles city court house, with the loss of only one man killed, and three wounded.] [footnote : the author witnessed this skirmish.] arnold proceeded slowly down the river; and on the twentieth reached portsmouth, where he manifested the intention of establishing a permanent post. the loss of the british in this expedition, was stated in the gazette of new york, at seven killed, including one subaltern, and twenty-three wounded, among whom was one captain. this small loss was sustained almost entirely in the ambuscade near hoods. in the north, the year commenced with an event, which, for a time, threatened the american cause with total ruin. the accumulated sufferings and privations of the army constitute a large and interesting part of the history of that war which gave independence to the united states. winter, without much lessening their toils, added to those sufferings. the soldiers were perpetually on the point of starving, were often entirely without food; were exposed without proper clothing to the rigours of the season, and had now served almost twelve months without pay. this state of things had been of such long continuance that scarcely the hope of a change could be indulged. it produced, unavoidably, some relaxation of discipline; and the murmurs, occasionally escaping the officers, sometimes heard by the soldiers, were not without their influence. in addition to the general causes of dissatisfaction, the pennsylvania line complained of a grievance almost peculiar to itself. when congress directed enlistments to be made for three years, or during the war, the recruiting officers of pennsylvania, in some instances, instead of engaging their men, definitively, for the one period or the other, engaged them generally for three years, or the war. this ambiguity in the terms of enlistment produced its natural effect. the soldier claimed his discharge at the expiration of three years, and the officer insisted on retaining him in service during the war. the soldier submitted with the more reluctance to the supposed imposition, as he constantly witnessed the immense bounties given to those who were not bound by a former enlistment. [sidenote: mutiny in the pennsylvania line.] the discontents which these various causes had been long fomenting, broke out on the night of the st of january, in an open and almost universal revolt of the line. on a signal given, the great body of the non-commissioned officers and privates paraded under arms, avowing the determination to march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress of their complicated grievances, or serve no longer. in the attempt to suppress the mutiny, six or seven of the mutineers were wounded on the one side; and on the other, captain billing was killed, and several other officers were dangerously wounded. the authority of general wayne availed nothing. on cocking his pistol, and threatening some of the most turbulent, the bayonet was presented to his bosom; and he perceived that strong measures would produce his own destruction, and perhaps the massacre of every officer in camp. a few regiments who did not at first join the mutineers, were paraded by their officers; but, had they even been willing to proceed to extremities, they were not strong enough to restore order. infected quickly with the general contagion, or intimidated by the threats of the mutineers, they joined their comrades; and the whole body, consisting of about thirteen hundred men, with six field pieces, marched, under the command of their sergeants, towards princeton. the next day. general wayne, accompanied by colonels butler and stewart, officers possessing, in a high degree, the affections of the soldiery, followed them, in the hope of bringing them back to their duty, or at least of dividing them. they were overtaken near middlebrook, and invited by a written message from general wayne, to appoint one man from each regiment to state the grievances of which they complained. in consequence of this invitation, a sergeant from each regiment met the officers at their quarters, and some verbal communications were made, from the complexion of which sanguine hopes were entertained that the affair might be terminated without farther hazard, or much injury to the service. on the following day, the line of march was resumed, and the soldiers proceeded to princeton. the propositions of the general and field officers were reported to them, and a committee of sergeants, to whom they were referred, stated their claims. these were, st. a discharge for all those who had served three years under their original engagements, whatever those engagements might have been, and who had not taken the increased bounty, and re-enlisted for the war. nd. an immediate payment of all their arrears of pay and clothing, as well to those who should be discharged, as to those who should continue in service. rd. the residue of their bounty, and future real pay to those who should continue in the army. general wayne being unwilling to discharge all those who had not re-enlisted for the war, the subject was referred to the civil power. on receiving intelligence of the mutiny, congress appointed a committee to confer with the executive of pennsylvania respecting it. the result of this conference was that both the committee, and the governor with some members of the executive council, left philadelphia for the purpose of endeavouring to accommodate this dangerous commotion. at his head quarters, at new windsor, on the north river, general washington received intelligence of this alarming mutiny. accustomed as he had been to contemplate hazardous and difficult situations, it was not easy, under existing circumstances, to resolve instantly on the course it was most prudent to pursue. his first impression--to repair to the camp of the mutineers--soon gave place to opinions which were formed on more mature reflection. it was almost certain that the business was already in the hands of the civil government, with whose arrangements it might be improper for him to interfere. independent of this consideration, other motives of irresistible influence detained him on the north river. the most important among those subjects of complaint which were alleged as the causes of the mutiny, were true in fact, were common to the whole army, and were of a nature to disseminate too generally those seeds of disquiet, which had attained their full growth and maturity in the pennsylvania line. strong symptoms of discontent had already been manifested; and it was, therefore, impossible to say with confidence, how far the same temper existed among the other troops; or how far the contagion of example had or would spread. the danger arising from this state of things was much increased by the circumstance that the river was perfectly open, and afforded sir henry clinton an easy and rapid transportation for his army to west point, should the situation of its garrison invite an enterprise against that post. it was an additional consideration of great weight, that it might have a most pernicious influence on the discipline of the whole army, should the authority of the commander-in-chief be disregarded. he ought not to place himself in a situation where his orders might be disobeyed with impunity; an event much to be apprehended, should he repair to the camp of the mutineers, unattended by a military force adequate to the occasion. such a force could not be immediately commanded. his effectives in the highlands amounted only to thirteen hundred and seventy-six men; and that whole division of the army, dispersed at various and distant stations, excluding the sick and those on furlough, did not exceed four thousand. assuming therefore the fidelity of the troops, it was impracticable to march immediately with a force sufficient to reduce the pennsylvania line, without leaving the highlands undefended. nor was it unworthy of consideration that, in the actual situation of the mutineers, the probability of their being attacked by such a force might drive them to the enemy, or disperse them, events, either of which would deprive the army of a valuable part of its strength. it was therefore thought adviseable to leave the negotiation with the civil power, and to prepare for those measures which ought to be adopted in the event of its failure. the disposition of the troops on the north river was sounded, and found to be favourable; after which, a detachment of eleven hundred men was ordered to be in readiness to move on a moment's warning. on the first notice of the mutiny, the militia of jersey took the field under general dickenson, and measures were taken to call out those of new york should the occasion require it. [sidenote: sir henry clinton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers.] to avail himself of an event appearing so auspicious to the royal cause, sir henry clinton ordered a large body of troops to be in readiness to move on the shortest notice; and despatched three emissaries with tempting offers to the revolters; and instructions to invite them, while the negotiation should be depending, to take a position behind the south river, where they should be effectually covered by detachments from new york. while these measures were taking, sir henry kept his eye on west point, and held himself in readiness to strike at that place, should any movement on the part of general washington open to him a prospect of success.[ ] [footnote : letter of sir henry clinton.] his emissaries were immediately seized by the revolters, and their proposals communicated to general wayne, with assurances of the utter detestation in which every idea of going over to the common enemy was held. this favourable symptom, however, was accompanied by suspicious circumstances. they retained the british emissaries in their own possession; and could not be induced to cross the delaware, or to march from princeton. they would not permit any of their former officers, other than those already mentioned, to enter their camp; and general st. clair, the marquis de lafayette, and lieutenant colonel laurens, were ordered to leave princeton. such was the state of things when the committee of congress, and president read with a part of his executive council, arrived in the neighbourhood of the revolters. the former having delegated their power to the latter, a conference was held with the sergeants who now commanded, after which proposals were made and distributed among the troops for consideration. in these proposals the government offered, st. to discharge all those who had enlisted indefinitely for three years or during the war, the fact to be examined into by three commissioners, to be appointed by the executive; and to be ascertained, when the original enlistment could not be produced, by the oath of the soldier. dly. to give immediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, and to settle the arrearages as soon as circumstances would admit. dly. to furnish them immediately with certain specified articles of clothing which were most wanted. [sidenote: they compromise with the civil authority.] on receiving these propositions, the troops agreed to march to trenton. at that place the terms were accepted, with the addition that three commissioners should also be deputed by the line, who, conjointly with those of the executive should constitute the board authorized to determine on the claims of the soldiers to be discharged; and thereupon the british emissaries were surrendered, who were tried, condemned, and executed as spies. until the investigation should be made, and discharges given to those who should be found entitled to them, the sergeants retained their command. in consequence of the irksomeness of this state of things, the business was pressed with so much precipitation, that before the enlistments themselves could be brought from the huts, almost the whole of the artillery, and of the five first regiments of infantry, were liberated on the testimony of their own oaths. the enlistments being then produced, it was found that not many of the remaining regiments had engaged on the terms which, under the compact, would entitle them to leave the service; and that, of those actually dismissed, far the greater number had been enlisted absolutely for the war. the discharges given, however, were not cancelled; and the few who were to remain in service received furloughs for forty days. thus ended, in a temporary dissolution of the whole line of pennsylvania, a mutiny, which a voluntary performance of much less than was extorted, would have prevented; and which, in the actual condition of the army, was of a nature and extent to inspire the most serious alarm. [sidenote: mutiny in the jersey line.] the dangerous policy of yielding even to the just demands of soldiers made with arms in their hands, was soon illustrated. the success of the pennsylvania line inspired that of jersey, many of whom were also foreigners, with the hope of obtaining similar advantages. on the night of the th, a part of the jersey brigade, which had been stationed at pompton, rose in arms; and, making precisely the same claims which had been yielded to the pennsylvanians, marched to chatham, where a part of the same brigade was cantoned, in the hope of exciting them also to join in the revolt. general washington, who had been extremely chagrined at the issue of the mutiny in the pennsylvania line, and who was now assured of the confidence to be placed in the fidelity of the eastern troops, who were composed of natives, determined, by strong measures, to stop the farther progress of a spirit which threatened the destruction of the army, and ordered a detachment to march against the mutineers, and to bring them to unconditional submission. general howe, who commanded this detachment, was instructed to make no terms with the insurgents while in a state of resistance; and, as soon as they should surrender, to seize a few of the most active leaders, and to execute them on the spot. these orders were promptly obeyed, and the jersey mutineers returned to their duty. in the hope of being more successful with the revolters of jersey than he had been with those of pennsylvania, sir henry clinton offered them the same terms which had been proposed to the mutineers at princeton; and general robertson, at the head of three thousand men, was detached to staten island with the avowed purpose of crossing over into jersey, and covering any movement which they might make towards new york. the emissary, being in the american interest, delivered his papers to the officer commanding at the first station to which he came. other papers were dispersed among the mutineers; but the mutiny was crushed too suddenly to allow time for the operation of these propositions. the vigorous measures taken in this instance were happily followed by such an attention on the part of the states, to the actual situation of the army, as checked the progress of discontent. influenced by the representations of the commander-in-chief, they raised three months' pay in specie, which they forwarded to the soldiers, who received it with joy, considering it as evidence that their fellow citizens were not entirely unmindful of their sufferings. although the army was thus reduced to such extreme distress, the discontents of the people were daily multiplied by the contributions which they were required to make, and by the irritating manner in which those contributions were drawn from them. every article for public use was obtained by impressment; and the taxes were either unpaid, or collected by coercive means. strong remonstrances were made against this system; and the dissatisfaction which pervaded the mass of the community, was scarcely less dangerous than that which had been manifested by the army. to the judicious patriots throughout america, the necessity of giving greater powers to the federal government became every day more apparent; but the efforts of enlightened individuals were too feeble to correct that fatal disposition of power which had been made by enthusiasm uninstructed by experience. [sidenote: mission of colonel laurens to france.] to relieve the united states from their complicated embarrassments, a foreign loan seemed an expedient of indispensable necessity, and from france they hoped to obtain it. congress selected lieutenant colonel laurens, a gentleman whose situation in the family of the commander-in-chief had enabled him to take a comprehensive view of the military capacities and weaknesses of his country, for this interesting service; and instructed him also to urge the advantage of maintaining a naval superiority in the american seas. before his departure, he passed some days at headquarters, and received from general washington in the form of a letter, the result of his reflections on the existing state of things. in this paper he detailed the pecuniary embarrassments of the government, and represented, with great earnestness, the inability of the nation to furnish a revenue adequate to the support of the war. he dwelt on the discontents which the system of impressment had excited among the people, and expressed his fears that the evils felt in the prosecution of the war, might weaken the sentiments which began it. from this state of things, he deduced the vital importance of an immediate and ample supply of money, which might be the foundation for substantial arrangements of finance, for reviving public credit, and giving vigour to future operations; as well as of a decided effort of the allied arms on the continent to effect the great objects of the alliance, in the ensuing campaign. next to a supply of money, he considered a naval superiority in the american seas, as an object of the deepest interest. to the united states, it would be of decisive importance, and france also might derive great advantages from transferring the maritime war to the coast of her ally. the future ability of the united states to repay any loan which might now be obtained was displayed; and he concluded with assurances that there was still a fund of inclination and resource in the country, equal to great and continued exertions, provided the means were afforded of stopping the progress of disgust, by changing the present system, and adopting another more consonant with the spirit of the nation, and more capable of infusing activity and energy into public measures; of which a powerful succour in money must be the basis. "the people were discontented, but it was with the feeble and oppressive mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself." with reason did the commander-in-chief thus urge on the cabinet of versailles, the policy of advancing a sum of money to the united states which might be adequate to the exigency. deep was the gloom with which their political horizon was overcast. the british, in possession of south carolina and of georgia, had overrun the greater part of north carolina also; and it was with equal hazard and address that greene maintained himself in the northern frontier of that state. a second detachment from new york was making a deep impression on virginia, where the resistance had been neither so prompt nor so vigorous[ ] as the strength of that state and the unanimity of its citizens had given reason to expect. [footnote : a slave population must be unfavourable to great and sudden exertions by militia.] the perplexities and difficulties in which the affairs of america were involved, were estimated by the british government even above their real value. intercepted letters of this date from the minister, expressed the most sanguine hopes that the great superiority of force at the disposal of sir henry clinton, would compel washington with his feeble army to take refuge on the eastern side of the hudson. [sidenote: propositions to spain.] even congress relaxed for an instant from its habitual firmness; and, receding from the decisive manner in which that body had insisted on the territorial and maritime rights of the nation, directed the american minister at madrid to relinquish, if it should be absolutely necessary, the claims of the united states to navigate the mississippi below the thirty-first degree of north latitude, and to a free port on the banks of that river within the spanish territory. it is remarkable that only massachusetts, connecticut, and north carolina, dissented from this resolution; new york was divided.[ ] on a subsequent day, the subject was again brought forward, and a proposition was made for still farther concessions to spain; but this proposition was negatived by all the states.[ ] [footnote : secret journals of congress, v. , pp. , , . this measure was moved by the delegation from virginia, in consequence of instructions of d jan. . sec. , h. at large, .] [footnote : secret journals of congress, v. , p. .] happily for the united states, mr. jay, their minister at the court of madrid, required as the price of the concessions he was instructed to make, that the treaty he was labouring to negotiate should be immediately concluded. [sidenote: recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods.] the establishment of a revenue subject to the exclusive control and direction of the continental government, was connected inseparably with the restoration of credit. the efforts therefore to negotiate a foreign loan were accompanied by resolutions requesting the respective states to place a fund under the control of congress, which should be both permanent and productive. a resolution was passed, recommending to the respective states to vest a power in congress to levy for the use of the united states a duty of five _per centum ad valorem_ on all goods imported into any of them; and also on all prizes condemned in any of the american courts of admiralty. this fund was to be appropriated to the payment of both the principal and interest of all debts contracted in the prosecution of the war; and was to continue until those debts should be completely discharged. congress, at that time, contained several members who perceived the advantages which would result from bestowing on the government of the nation the full power of regulating commerce, and, consequently, of increasing the import as circumstances might render adviseable; but state influence predominated, and they were overruled by great majorities. even the inadequate plan which they did recommend was never adopted. notwithstanding the greatness of the exigency, and the pressure of the national wants, never, during the existence of the confederation, did all the states unite in assenting to this recommendation; so unwilling are men possessed of power, to place it in the hands of others. [sidenote: reform in the organization of the executive departments.] about the same time a reform was introduced into the administration, the necessity of which had been long perceived. from a misplaced prejudice against institutions sanctioned by experience, all the great executive duties had been devolved either on committees of congress, or on boards consisting of several members. this unwieldy and expensive system had maintained itself against all the efforts of reason and public utility. but the scantiness of the national means at length prevailed over prejudice, and the several committees and boards yielded to a secretary for foreign affairs, a superintendent of finance, a secretary of war, and a secretary of marine. but so miserably defective was the organization of congress, as an executive body, that the year had far advanced before this measure, the utility of which all acknowledged, could be carried into complete operation by making all the appointments. [sidenote: confederation adopted.] about this time the articles of confederation were ratified. much difficulty was encountered in obtaining the adoption of this instrument. the numerous objections made by the states yielded successively to the opinion that a federal compact would be of vast importance in the prosecution of the war. one impediment it was found peculiarly difficult to remove. within the chartered limits of several states, were immense tracts of vacant territory, which, it was supposed, would constitute a large fund of future wealth; and the states not possessing that advantage insisted on considering this territory as a joint acquisition. at length this difficulty also was surmounted; and, in february, , to the great joy of america, this interesting compact was rendered complete.[ ] like many other human institutions, it was productive, neither in war nor in peace, of all the benefits which its sanguine advocates had expected. had peace been made before any agreement for a permanent union was formed, it is far from being improbable that the different parts might have fallen asunder, and a dismemberment have taken place. if the confederation really preserved the idea of union until the good sense of the nation adopted a more efficient system, this service alone entitles that instrument to the respectful recollection of the american people, and its framers to their gratitude. [footnote : the secret journals of congress, published under the resolutions of march th, , and april st, , contain "a history of the confederation." the course of public opinion on a most important point--the nature of the connexion which ought to be maintained between these united states--may be in some degree perceived in the progress of this instrument, and may not be entirely uninteresting to the american reader. so early as july, , doctor franklin submitted "articles of confederation and perpetual union" to the consideration of congress, which were to continue in force until a reconciliation with great britain should take place on the terms demanded by the colonies. into this confederation, not only all the british colonies on the continent, but ireland and the west india islands were to be admitted. congress was to consist of members chosen by each colony in proportion to its numbers, and was to sit in each successively. its powers were to embrace the external relations of the country, the settling of all disputes between the colonies, the planting of new colonies; and were to extend to ordinances on such general subjects as, though necessary to the general welfare, particular assemblies can not be competent to, viz. "those that may relate to our general commerce, or general currency; the establishment of ports; and the regulation of our common forces." the executive was to consist of a council of twelve, selected by congress from its own body, one-third of whom were to be changed annually. amendments were to be proposed by congress; and, when approved by a majority of the colonial assemblies, were to become a part of the constitution. in june, , a committee was appointed to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between the united colonies, which brought in a draft (in the hand writing of mr. john dickinson) on the th of the succeeding month. this report was under debate until the th of november, , on which day congress agreed on the articles afterwards adopted by the states. in the scheme supposed to be prepared by mr. dickinson, the confederation is considered as an alliance of sovereign states, who meet as equals by their deputies assembled to deliberate on their common concerns, each sovereign having a voice. this principle was retained; but several modifications in the language and principle of the original scheme were made, which indicate a watchful and growing jealousy of the powers of congress. in each, an article is introduced reserving the rights of the states. that which is found in the report, "reserves to each state the sole and exclusive regulation and government of its internal police, in all matters that _shall not interfere with the articles of this confederation_." this article was so modified as to declare that "each state retains its sovereignty," "and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation _expressly_ delegated to the united states in congress assembled." this denial of all incidental powers had vast influence on the affairs of the united states. it defeated, in many instances, the granted powers, by rendering their exercise impracticable. the report permits the states to impose duties on imports and exports; provided they "do not interfere with any stipulations in treaties hereafter entered into by the united states." the confederation confines this restriction on the power of the state to such duties as interfere with the stipulations in treaties entered into "in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by congress to the courts of france and spain." each plan assigns to the state in which troops shall be raised for the common defence, the power of appointing the field and inferior officers. the confederation adds the power of filling up such vacancies as may occur. the report inhibits a state from endeavouring by force to obtain compensation for advances made or injuries suffered during the war, which shall not be allowed by congress. the confederation omits this inhibition. the report gives to congress the power of making treaties. the confederation adds a proviso, "that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imports and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatever." the report authorizes congress to appoint "courts for the trial of all crimes, frauds, and piracies committed on the high seas, or on any navigable river not within a county or parish." the confederation limits the jurisdiction to "piracies and felonies committed on the high seas." both empower congress to appoint courts for the trial of appeals in cases of capture; but the confederation provides that no member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any such court. both empower congress to settle differences between the states. the confederation prescribes minutely the manner in which this power shall be exercised. both empower congress "to regulate the trade and manage all affairs with the indians." the confederation provides "that the legislative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated." the report gives the power of "establishing and regulating post offices throughout all the united colonies (states) _on the lines of communication_ from one colony (state) to another." the confederation varies the phraseology and adds, "and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office." the report places many important portions of the executive power in a council of state, to consist of one delegate from each state to be named annually by the delegates of that state. the confederation empowers congress to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of congress, to be denominated "a committee of the states," and to consist of one delegate from each state, to exercise such powers as congress might from time to time vest them with. a few of the states agreed to ratify the confederation unconditionally. by many, amendments were proposed which were steadily rejected by congress. it was obvious that the delays would be almost interminable should congress relax this determination, because every change would make it necessary again to submit the instrument as amended to the several states. it is remarkable that jersey alone proposed an enlargement of the powers of congress. that state was desirous of investing the representatives of the state with the power of regulating commerce. the states possessing no vacant lands, or an inconsiderable quantity within their chartered limits, pressed earnestly and perseveringly their claim to participate in the advantages of territory, which was, they said, acquired by the united arms of the whole; and maryland refused, on this account, to accede to the confederation. at length, several of the states empowered their members in congress to ratify that instrument as forming a union between the twelve states who had assented to it. maryland, alarmed at the prospect of being excluded from the union, gave her reluctant consent to the confederation, accompanied by a protest, in which she still asserted her claim to her interest in the vacant territory which should be acknowledged at the treaty of peace, to be within the united states. it required the repeated lessons of a severe and instructive experience to persuade the american people that their greatness, their prosperity, their happiness, and even their safety, imperiously demanded the substitution of a government for their favourite league.] [sidenote: military transactions.] such was the defensive strength of the positions taken by the adverse armies on the hudson, and such their relative force, that no decisive blow could be given by either in that quarter of the continent. the anxious attentions of general washington, therefore, were unremittingly directed to the south. one of those incidents which fortune occasionally produces, on the seizing or neglect of which the greatest military events frequently depend, presented, sooner than was expected, an opportunity which he deemed capable of being improved to the destruction of the british army in virginia. the french fleet, from its arrival on the american coast, had been blocked up in the harbour of newport; and the land forces of that nation had been reduced to a state of inactivity by the necessity of defending their ships. late in january, a detachment from the british fleet was encountered on the east end of long island by a furious storm, in which such damage was sustained as to destroy for a time the naval superiority which arbuthnot had uniformly preserved. to turn this temporary superiority to advantage, monsieur destouches resolved to detach a ship of the line, with two frigates, to the chesapeake; a force which the delegation from virginia had assured him would be sufficient for the purpose. on receiving certain accounts of the loss sustained in the storm, general washington conceived the design of improving that circumstance by immediate and powerful operations against arnold. confident that the critical moment must be seized, or the enterprise would fail, he ordered a detachment of twelve hundred men, under the command of the marquis de lafayette, to the head of the chesapeake; there to embark for that part of virginia which was to become the theatre of action, under convoy of a french frigate, for which he applied to the admiral. he immediately communicated this measure to the count de rochambeau, and to monsieur destouches, to whom he also stated his conviction that no serious advantage could be expected from a few ships, unaided by land troops. "there were," he said, "a variety of positions to be taken by arnold, one of which was portsmouth, his present station, where his ships might be so protected by his batteries on the shore as to defy a mere naval attack; and where he would certainly be able to maintain himself until the losses sustained in the late storm should be repaired, and the superiority at sea recovered, when he would unquestionably be relieved." to insure the success of the expedition, he recommended that the whole fleet should be employed on it, and that a detachment of one thousand men should be embarked for the same service. [sidenote: february .] these representations did not prevail. the original plan had already been put in execution. on the th of february, a sixty-four gun ship with two frigates, under monsieur de tilley, had sailed for the chesapeake; and, as some of the british ships had been repaired, the french admiral did not think it prudent to put to sea with the residue of his fleet. as had been foreseen by general washington, de tilley found arnold in a situation not to be assailed with any prospect of success. after showing himself therefore in the bay, and making an ineffectual attempt to enter elizabeth river, he returned to newport. at the capes, he fell in with the romulus, a fifty gun ship, coming from charleston to the chesapeake, which he captured. both the count de rochambeau, and the chevalier destouches, being well disposed to execute the plans suggested by general washington, they determined, on the return of monsieur de tilley, to make a second expedition to the chesapeake with the whole fleet, and eleven hundred men. general washington, therefore, hastened to newport, that in a personal conference with them, he might facilitate the execution of an enterprise from which he still entertained sanguine hopes. [sidenote: march .] early on the th of march he reached newport, and went instantly on board the admiral, where he was met by the count de rochambeau. it was determined that a detachment from the army, then in perfect readiness, should be embarked under the count de viominil; and that the fleet should put to sea as soon as possible. the wind was favourable to the french, and adverse to the british. yet the fleet did not sail until the evening of the eighth. it appears from a letter of monsieur destouches, that this delay was in some measure attributable to a disaster which befel one of his frigates in getting out of port; and there is reason to suppose that it may be ascribed to a want of supplies. whatever may have been the cause, arnold is most probably indebted to it for his escape from the fate which his treason merited. two days after destouches had sailed, he was followed by arbuthnot, who overtook him off the capes of virginia. a partial engagement ensued which continued about an hour, when the fleets were separated. the french admiral called a council of war the next day, in which it was declared unadviseable to renew the action, and he returned to newport. [sidenote: march .] the arrival of two thousand men commanded by general philips, gave the british a decided superiority in virginia, and changed the destination of lafayette, who had been ordered to join the southern army, but to whom the defence of that state was now committed. the troops under his command being taken chiefly from the eastern regiments, had imbibed strong prejudices against a southern climate; and desertions became so frequent as to threaten the dissolution of the corps. this unpromising state of things was completely changed by a happy expedient adopted by lafayette. appealing to the generous principles of his soldiers, principles on which the feelings of his own bosom taught him to rely, he proclaimed in orders, that he was about to enter on an enterprise of great danger and difficulty, in which he persuaded himself his soldiers would not abandon him. if, however, any individual of the detachment was unwilling to accompany him, a permit to return should most assuredly be granted him. this measure had the desired effect, and put an end to desertion.[ ] to keep up the good dispositions of the moment, this ardent young nobleman, who was as unmindful of fortune as he was ambitious of fame, borrowed from the merchants of baltimore, on his private credit, a sum of money sufficient to purchase shoes, linen, spirits, and other articles of immediate necessity for the detachment.[ ] [footnote : the author was assured by general lafayette that this was true. such was the enthusiasm of the moment, that a lame sergeant hired a place in a cart to keep up with the army.] [footnote : it is not unworthy of notice, that the ladies of baltimore charged themselves with the toil of immediately making up the summer clothing for the troops. innumerable instances of their zeal in the common cause of their country were given in every state in the union.] having made these preparations for the campaign, he marched with the utmost celerity to the defence of virginia. that state was in great need of assistance. the enemy had penetrated deep into its bosom, and was committing those excesses on its inhabitants to which a country unable to repel invasion must always be exposed. general philips, on his arrival, took command of all the british troops in virginia; and, after completing the fortification of portsmouth, commenced offensive operations. [sidenote: april .] about two thousand five hundred men were embarked on board some small vessels, and landed at various places in the neighbourhood of williamsburg. different detachments spread themselves over the lower part of that neck of land which is made by york and james rivers; and, after destroying, without opposition, a ship yard belonging to the state, with some armed vessels and public stores, re-embarked and proceeded to city point, where they landed in the afternoon of the th. the next day they marched against petersburg, at which place, immense quantities of tobacco and other stores were deposited. baron steuben was not in a situation to check their progress. the levies of virginia had marched to the aid of general greene; and the whole number of militia, at that time in the field, did not much exceed two thousand men. unwilling to abandon so important a place as petersburg without the semblance of fighting, the baron posted about one thousand men a mile below the town with orders to skirmish with the enemy. the british troops, without being able to bring him to a close engagement, were two or three hours employed in driving him across the appomattox, the bridge over which being taken up as soon as the militia had passed it, farther pursuit became impracticable. this skirmish having terminated with scarcely any loss on either side, the baron retreated towards richmond, and philips took quiet possession of petersburg; where he destroyed a considerable quantity of tobacco, and all the vessels lying in the river. this service being accomplished, arnold was detached through osbornes to warwick, between which place and richmond, a respectable naval force, consisting of small armed vessels, had been collected with the intention of co-operating with the french fleet against portsmouth; and a few militia were stationed on the northern bank of the river to assist in defending the flotilla. [sidenote: april .] the crews of the vessels, on receiving a fire from a few field pieces ordered by arnold to the bank, scuttled them, escaped to the opposite shore, and dispersed with the militia. philips marched with the residue of the army to chesterfield court house, the place of rendezvous for the new levies of virginia, where he destroyed the barracks with a few public stores; after which he joined arnold in the neighbourhood of warwick, and marched without interruption to manchester, a small town on the southern bank of james river, immediately opposite to richmond; where, as was the general practice, the warehouses were set on fire, and all the tobacco consumed. on the preceding evening, the marquis de lafayette, who had made a forced march from baltimore, arrived with his detachment at richmond; and that place, in which a great proportion of the military stores of the state were then collected, was saved, for the time, from a visit which was certainly designed. the regular troops composing this detachment were joined by about two thousand militia, and sixty dragoons. not thinking it adviseable to attempt the passage of the river in the presence of so respectable an army, general philips retired to bermuda hundred, a point of land in the confluence of the james and appomatox, [transcriber's note: sic] at which place he re-embarked his troops, and fell down the river to hog island. the marquis fixed his head quarters on the north of chiccahominy, about eighteen miles from richmond; where he remained until a letter from lord cornwallis called philips again up james river. when that nobleman determined on marching from wilmington into virginia, he signified his wish that the british troops in that state, should take their station at petersburg. on receiving this letter, philips proceeded to comply with the request it contained. as soon as the fleet moved up the river, lafayette returned to the defence of richmond. having, on his arrival, received intelligence that lord cornwallis was marching northward, and finding philips landed at brandon on the south side of the river, he was persuaded that a junction of the two armies must be intended, and hastened to take possession of petersburg[ ] before philips could reach that place. in this however he was anticipated by the british general; upon which he recrossed james river, and, encamping a few miles below richmond, used his utmost exertions to remove the military stores in that town to a place of greater security. [footnote : general lafayette states that this movement also facilitated the transportation of some military stores to the southern army, which were greatly needed.] [sidenote: cornwallis arrives.] in this position his army was permitted to repose itself but a few days. lord cornwallis, after passing through north carolina and the southern parts of virginia without encountering much opposition, and effecting a junction with arnold, who had succeeded by the death of philips to the command of the army in virginia,[ ] found himself at the head of a force which nothing in that state could resist; and determined on a vigorous plan of offensive operations. his immediate object was to bring the marquis to an action; for which purpose he crossed james river at westover, where he was joined by a reinforcement from new york, and attempted, by turning the left flank of the american army, to get into its rear. lafayette was not in a condition to risk an engagement. his objects were the security of the public stores, the preservation of his small army for future services, and a junction with the pennsylvania line which was on its march southward, under the command of general wayne. as lord cornwallis crossed james river, he retired towards the upper country, inclining his route to the north in order to favour a junction with wayne. [footnote : general philips died the day on which the army entered petersburg. arnold on succeeding to the command addressed a letter to lafayette, which the american general refused to receive, informing the officer who brought it, and whom he treated in other respects with great politeness, that he would receive no letter from arnold.--_cor. of lafayette._] the fine horses found in the stables of private gentlemen, gave to the british general an efficient cavalry; and enabled him to mount so many infantry, as to move large detachments with unusual rapidity. with these advantages, he was so confident of overtaking and destroying his enemy, as to say exultingly in a letter which was intercepted, "the boy can not escape me." his sanguine hopes, however, were disappointed. lafayette moved with so much celerity and caution as to convince cornwallis of the impracticability of overtaking him, or of preventing his junction with wayne. after marching some distance up the northern side of northanora, his lordship relinquished the pursuit, and turned his attention to other objects which were more attainable. military stores had been collected in various parts of the middle country, and, among others, at the point of fork, a point of land made by the confluence of the rivanna and fluvanna, the two branches of james' river. colonel simcoe was detached with five hundred men against this post, which was protected by between five and six hundred new levies, and a few militia. tarlton, with two hundred and fifty cavalry and mounted infantry, was ordered at the same time against charlottesville, where the general assembly was in session. so rapid were his movements that a mere accident prevented his entering the town before any notice of his approach was given. a private gentleman, mr. jouiette, who was acquainted with a nearer route than the great road, hastened to charlottesville on a fleet horse with the interesting intelligence, and entered the town about two hours before the british cavalry. nearly all[ ] the members of the legislature made their escape, and reassembled at staunton, on the western side of the blue ridge. tarlton, after destroying the stores at charlottesville, proceeded down the rivanna to the point of fork. [footnote : seven fell into the hands of tarlton.] the detachment commanded by simcoe, being composed chiefly of infantry, could not move with equal celerity. that officer, however, conducted his march with so much secrecy and address, that steuben seems to have been either unapprized of his approach, or to have had no accurate information of his numbers. intelligence of the expedition to charlottesville had reached him, and he had prudently employed himself in removing his stores from the point of fork to the south side of the fluvanna. the river was at the time unfordable; and the boats were all secured on the southern bank. yet steuben, suspecting the detachment of simcoe to be the van of the british army, or apprehending that tarlton might get into his rear, withdrew precipitately in the night, and marched near thirty miles, leaving behind him such stores as could not be removed. these were destroyed next morning by a small detachment of men who crossed the river in a few canoes. [sidenote: presses lafayette over the rapidan.] to secure his junction with wayne, and to keep open his communication towards the north, lafayette had crossed the rapidan. [sidenote: lafayette forms a junction with wayne.] these movements of the two armies had thrown lord cornwallis between lafayette and the military stores which had been transported from richmond up james' river, and deposited at different places, but principally at albemarle old court house, high up that river. to this place lord cornwallis directed his march. the marquis, having effected a junction with the pennsylvania line consisting of eight hundred men, recrossed the rapidan, and advanced with so much celerity towards the british army, that he encamped within a few miles of it, while upwards of a day's march from its point of destination. confident that the object of the american general must be to protect the magazines on the fluvanna, lord cornwallis encamped at elk island, and advanced his light troops to a position commanding the road, by which it was supposed the americans must pass. lafayette, however, discovered in the night a nearer road which had long been disused; and the next morning the british general had the mortification to perceive that the american army had crossed the rivanna, and taken a strong position behind the mechunk creek, which, in a great measure, commanded the route leading from the camp of his lordship to albemarle old court house. at this place a considerable reinforcement of mountain militia was received. [sidenote: cornwallis retires to the lower country.] apprehending the force opposed to him to be greater than it was in reality, and probably desirous of transferring the war to the lower country, lord cornwallis abandoned the objects he had pursued, and retired first to richmond, and afterwards to williamsburg. [sidenote: june .] the marquis followed with cautious circumspection. on the th of june, he was reinforced by four or five hundred new levies under the baron steuben, which augmented his army to four thousand men, of whom two thousand were regulars. that of lord cornwallis was, probably, rather more numerous. as the british army retreated to williamsburg, lafayette, who sought a partial, though he avoided a general engagement, pressed its rear with his light parties. colonel simcoe, who covered the retreat, was overtaken by colonel butler about six miles from williamsburg, and a sharp action ensued. the americans claimed the advantage; but were compelled to retire by the approach of the whole british army. in the bold and rapid course taken by lord cornwallis through the lower and central parts of virginia, much private as well as public property[ ] was destroyed; and the resources of the state were considerably diminished; but no solid advantage was obtained. although, from various causes, especially from a want of arms, and from that general repugnance which a harassed, unpaid militia, will universally manifest to military service, less resistance was encountered than was to be expected from the strength and population of the state; no disposition was openly manifested to join the royal standard, or to withdraw from the contest. the marquis complained of "much slowness, and much carelessness in the country; but the dispositions of the people," he said, "were good, and they required only to be awakened." this, he thought, would be best effected by the presence of general washington, an event for which he expressed the most anxious solicitude. but washington deemed it of more importance to remain on the hudson, for the purpose of digesting and conducting a grand plan of combined operations then meditated against new york, by the execution of which he counted more certainly on relieving the southern states, than by any other measure it was in his power to adopt. [footnote : while the british army overran the country, their ships sailed up the rivers, pillaged the farms, received the slaves who fled from their masters, and, in some instances, reduced the houses to ashes. while they were in the potowmac, a flag was sent on shore at mount vernon, requiring a supply of fresh provisions. the steward of general washington, believing it to be his duty to save the property of his principal, and entertaining fears for the magnificent buildings of the commander-in-chief, went on board with the flag, carried a supply of fresh provisions, asked the restoration of the slaves who had taken refuge in the fleet, and requested that the buildings might be spared. mr. lund washington, to whom the general had entrusted the management of his estate, communicated these circumstances to him, and informed him that he too had sustained considerable losses. "i am sorry," said the general, in reply, "to hear of your loss; i am a little sorry to hear of my own. but that which gives me most concern is, that you should have gone on board the vessels of the enemy and furnished them with refreshments. it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my home and laid the plantation in ruins. you ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration."] [sidenote: general washington's letters are intercepted.] an express carrying letters, communicating to congress the result of his consultations on this subject, with the commanders of the land and naval forces of france, was intercepted in jersey. the interesting disclosure made by these letters, alarmed sir henry clinton for the safety of new york, and determined him to require the return of a part of the troops in virginia. supposing himself too weak, after complying with this requisition, to remain at williamsburg, lord cornwallis took the resolution of retiring to portsmouth. in pursuance of this resolution, he marched from williamsburg and encamped in such a manner as to cover the ford into the island of jamestown. on the same evening, the queen's rangers crossed over into the island; and the two succeeding days were employed in passing over the baggage. the morning after the evacuation of williamsburg, lafayette changed his position, and pushed his best troops within nine miles of the british camp, with the intention of attempting their rear, when the main body should have passed into jamestown. [sidenote: july .] suspecting his design, lord cornwallis encamped the greater part of his army on the main land as compactly as possible, and displayed a few troops on the island in such a manner as, in appearance, to magnify their numbers. all the intelligence received by lafayette concurred in the representation that the greater part of the british army had passed over to the island in the night. believing this to be the fact, he detached some riflemen to harass their out-posts, while he advanced at the head of the continental troops in order to cut off the rear. every appearance was calculated to countenance the opinion he had formed. the british light parties were drawn in, and the piquets were forced by the riflemen without much resistance, but an advanced post which covered the encampment from the view of the americans, was perseveringly maintained, though three of the officers commanding it were successively picked off by the riflemen. lafayette, who arrived a little before sunset, suspected from the obstinacy with which this post was maintained, that it covered more than a rear guard, and determined to reconnoitre the camp, and judge of its strength from his own observation.[ ] it was in a great measure concealed by woods; but from a tongue of land stretching into the river, he perceived the british force to be much more considerable than had been supposed, and hastened to call off his men. [footnote : correspondence with lafayette.] [sidenote: action near jamestown.] he found wayne closely engaged. a piece of artillery had been left weakly defended, which wayne determined to seize. scarcely was the attempt made, when he discovered the whole british army, arranged in order for battle, moving out against him. to retreat was impossible, and the boldest had become the safest measure. under this impression he advanced rapidly, and, with his small detachment, not exceeding eight hundred men, made a gallant charge on the british line. a warm action ensued, which was kept up with great spirit until the arrival of lafayette, who, perceiving wayne to be out-flanked both on the right and left, ordered him to retreat and form in a line with the light infantry, who were drawn up about half a mile in his rear. the whole party then saved itself behind a morass. fortunately for lafayette, lord cornwallis did not improve the advantage he had gained. suspecting this to be a stratagem of the american general to draw him into an ambuscade, a suspicion equally favoured by the hardiness and time of the attack, lord cornwallis, who supposed his enemy to be stronger than he was in reality, would allow no pursuit; and, in the course of the night, crossed over into the island, whence he, soon afterwards, proceeded to portsmouth. in this action, the americans lost one hundred and eighteen men, among whom were ten officers; and two pieces of artillery were left on the field, the horses attached to them being killed. the british loss was less considerable. all active operations were now suspended; and the harassed army of lafayette was allowed some repose. although no brilliant service was performed by that young nobleman, the campaign in virginia enhanced his military reputation, and raised him in the general esteem. that with so decided an inferiority of effective force, and especially of cavalry, he had been able to keep the field in an open country, and to preserve a considerable proportion of his military stores, as well as his army, was believed to furnish unequivocal evidence of the prudence and vigour of his conduct. chapter xi. farther state of affairs in the beginning of the year .... measures of mr. morris, the superintendent of finances.... designs of general washington against new york.... count rochambeau marches to the north river.... intelligence from the count de grasse.... plan of operations against lord cornwallis.... naval engagement.... the combined armies march for the chesapeake.... yorktown invested.... surrender of lord cornwallis. [sidenote: ] [sidenote: state of affairs at the beginning of the year .] the deep gloom which had enveloped the prospects of america in the commencement of the year, which darkened for a time in the south, had also spread itself over the north. the total incompetency of the political system adopted by the united states to their own preservation, became every day more apparent. each state seemed fearful of doing too much, and of taking upon itself a larger portion of the common burden than was borne by its neighbour. the resolutions of congress had called for an army of thirty-seven thousand men, to be in camp by the first of january. had this requisition been made in time, it is not probable that so large a force could have been brought into the field; but it was made late, and then the difficulties and delays on the part of the several states, exceeded every reasonable calculation. the regular force drawn from pennsylvania to georgia inclusive, at no time, during this active and interesting campaign, amounted to three thousand effective men; and the states from new hampshire to new jersey inclusive, so late as the month of april, had furnished only five thousand infantry. of these, the returns for that month exhibit, in the northern department, less than three thousand effectives. the cavalry and artillery, at no time, amounted to one thousand men. this small army was gradually and slowly augmented so as, in the month of may, to exhibit a total of near seven thousand men, of whom rather more than four thousand might have been relied on for action. the prospects for the campaign were rendered still more unpromising by the failure of supplies for the support of the troops. the long expected clothing from europe had not arrived; and the want of provisions[ ] furnished a still more serious cause of alarm. [footnote : see note no. v. at the end of the volume.] after congress had come to the resolution of emitting no more bills on the credit of the continent, the duty of supplying the army with provisions necessarily devolved on the states, who were required to furnish certain specified articles for the subsistence of the troops, according to a ratio established by the federal government. these requisitions had been neglected to such a degree as to excite fears that the soldiers must be disbanded from the want of food. to increase the general embarrassment, the quartermaster department was destitute of funds, and unable to transport provisions or other stores from place to place, but by means of impressment supported by a military force. this measure had been repeated, especially in new york, until it excited so much disgust and irritation among the people, that the commander-in-chief was under serious apprehensions of actual resistance to his authority. while in this state of deplorable imbecility, intelligence from every quarter announced increasing dangers. information was received that an expedition was preparing in canada against fort pitt, to be conducted by sir john johnston, and colonel conelly; and it was understood that many, in the country threatened with invasion, were ready to join the british standard. the indians too had entered into formidable combinations, endangering the whole extent of the western frontier. in addition to these alarming circumstances, some vessels had arrived at crown point from canada, with information that three thousand men had been assembled on the lakes, for the purpose of attempting, once more, an invasion from that quarter. this information, though unfounded, was believed to be true, and was, at that critical moment, the more alarming, because a correspondence of a criminal nature had just been discovered between some persons in albany and in canada. a letter intercepted by generals schuyler and clinton, stated the disaffection of particular settlements, the provision made in those settlements for the subsistence of an invading army, and their readiness to join such army. this intelligence from the northern frontier derived increased interest from the ambiguous conduct observed by the inhabitants of that tract of country which now constitutes the state of vermont. they had settled lands within the chartered limits of new york, under grants from the governor of new hampshire; and had, early in the war, declared themselves independent, and exercised the powers of self-government. the state of new york, however, still continuing to assert her claim of sovereignty, the controversy on this delicate subject had become so violent as to justify the apprehension that, in the opinion of the people of vermont, the restoration of british authority was an evil not of greater magnitude, than the establishment of that of new york. the declaration was openly made that, if not admitted into the union as an independent state, they held themselves at liberty to make a separate peace; and some negotiations had been commenced, which were believed to manifest a disposition in vermont, to abandon the common cause of america. accustomed to contemplate all public events which might grow out of the situation of the united states, and to prepare for them while at a distance, the american chief was not depressed by this state of american affairs. with a mind happily tempered by nature, and improved by experience, those fortunate events which had occasionally brightened the prospects of his country, never relaxed his exertions, or lessened his precautions; nor could the most disastrous state of things drive him to despair. although entirely uncertain what operation he might be enabled to undertake during the approaching campaign, he had adopted such preparatory steps as might enable him to turn to advantage any fortunate incident which might occur. in consequence of conferences previously held with the count de rochambeau, for the purpose of digesting a system adapted to contingent events, orders were transmitted to that officer, directing him to be in readiness to march as large a body of the french troops to the north river, as could be spared from the protection of the fleet. early in may, the count de barras, who had been appointed to the command of the french fleet stationed on the american coast, arrived in boston accompanied by the viscount de rochambeau, and brought the long expected information from the cabinet of versailles, respecting the naval armament designed to act in the american seas. twenty ships of the line, to be commanded by the count de grasse, were destined for the west indies, twelve of which were to proceed to the continent of america, and might be expected to arrive in the month of july. [sidenote: designs of general washington against new york.] an interview between general washington and the count de rochambeau immediately took place at weathersfield, in which it was determined to unite the troops of france to those of america on the hudson, and to proceed against new york. the regular army at that station was estimated at four thousand five hundred men,[ ] and though it was understood that sir henry clinton would be able to reinforce it with five or six thousand militia, it was believed that the post could not be maintained without recalling a considerable part of the troops from the south; in which event, the allied army might be employed advantageously in that part of the union. [footnote : sir h. clinton in a letter to lord cornwallis, dated june , , states his effective force at ten thousand nine hundred and thirty-one.] the prospect of expelling the british from new york roused the northern states from that apathy into which they appeared to be sinking, and vigorous measures were taken to fill their regiments. yet those measures were not completely successful. in the month of june, when the army took the field, and encamped at peekskill, its effective numbers did not exceed five thousand men. such was the american force in the north, with which the campaign of was opened. it fell so far short of that on which the calculations had been made at weathersfield, as to excite serious doubts respecting the propriety of adhering to the plan there concerted, although some compensation was made for this deficiency on the part of the states by the arrival of a reinforcement of fifteen hundred men to the army of rochambeau under convoy of a fifty gun frigate. to supply even this army with provisions, required much greater exertions than had ever been made since the system of requisitions had been substituted for that of purchasing. the hope of terminating the war produced these exertions. the legislatures of the new england states took up the subject in earnest, and passed resolutions for raising the necessary supplies. but until these resolutions could be executed, the embarrassments of the army continued; and, for some time after the troops had taken the field, there was reason to apprehend, either that the great objects of the campaign must be relinquished for want of provisions, or that coercive means must still be used. new england not furnishing flour, this important article was to be drawn from new york, new jersey, and pennsylvania. the two first states were much exhausted; and the application to pennsylvania did not promise to be very successful. on this subject, therefore, serious fears existed. these were removed, in a great degree, by the activity and exertions of an individual. [sidenote: superintendent of finances appointed.] the management of the finances had been lately committed to mr. robert morris, a delegate to congress from the state of pennsylvania. this gentleman united considerable political talents to a degree of mercantile enterprise, information, and credit, seldom equalled in any country. he had accepted this arduous appointment on the condition of being allowed the year to make his arrangements; during which time, the department was to be conducted by those already employed, with the resources which government could command. but the critical state of public affairs, and the pressing wants of the army, furnished irresistible motives for changing his original determination, and entering immediately on the duties of his office. the occasion required that he should bring his private credit in aid of the public resources, and pledge himself personally and extensively, for articles of absolute necessity which could not be otherwise obtained. condemning the system of violence and of legal fraud, which had too long been practised, as being calculated to defeat its own object, he sought the gradual restoration of confidence by the only means which could restore it:--a punctual and faithful compliance with his engagements. herculean as was this task in the existing derangement of american finances, he entered upon it courageously; and, if not completely successful, certainly did more than could have been supposed possible with the means placed in his hands. it is, in no inconsiderable degree, to be attributed to him, that the very active and decisive operations of the campaign were not impeded, perhaps defeated, by a failure of the means for transporting military stores, and feeding the army. on determining to enter on the duties of his office, mr. morris laid before congress the plan of a national bank, whose notes were to be receivable from the respective states as specie, into the treasury of the united states. congress gave its full approbation to this beneficial institution; and passed an ordinance for its incorporation. important as was this measure to the future operations of the army, a contract entered into with the state of pennsylvania was of still more immediate utility. after furnishing flour to relieve the wants of the moment on his private credit, mr. morris proposed to take on himself the task of complying with all the specific requisitions made on pennsylvania, and to rely for reimbursement on the taxes imposed by law, to be collected under his direction. this proposition being accepted, the contract was made; and supplies which the government found itself unable to furnish, were raised by an individual. [sidenote: count rochambeau marches to the north river.] as the french troops approached the north river, intelligence was received that a large detachment from new york had made an incursion into jersey, under appearances indicating an intention not to return immediately. this being thought a favourable moment for gaining the posts on the north end of york island, a plan was formed for seizing them by a _coup de main_. general washington fixed on the night of the second of july for making the attempt; it being supposed that the count de rochambeau might join the american army at kingsbridge by that time. an aid-de-camp was therefore despatched to meet that officer with letters explaining the enterprise, and requesting him to meet the commander-in-chief at the time and place appointed. with the proposed attack on these works, an attempt to cut off some light troops stationed on the outside of kingsbridge at morrissania, under the command of colonel delaney, was to be combined. this part of the plan was to be executed by the duke de lauzun, to whose legion sheldon's dragoons, and a small body of continental troops dispersed on the lines, under the command of general waterbury, were to be added. on the part of the americans, all that could contribute to the success of this enterprise was done. a strong detachment commanded by general lincoln, which fell down the river in boats with muffled oars, reached its ground undiscovered on the night of the first of july; and the army, conducted by general washington, marched to valentine's hill. the next day, lincoln perceived that the detachment had returned from jersey, that the british were encamped in great force on the north end of the island, and that a ship of war watched the landing place. these unexpected obstacles having defeated the design upon the works, he proceeded to execute his eventual orders of co-operation with the duke de lauzun. these were, after landing above spiken devil creek, to march to the high ground in front of kingsbridge, and there conceal his detachment, until the attack on delaney's corps should commence. the duke de lauzun did not arrive, and the return of day betrayed lincoln. a british corps advanced upon him; on hearing which, general washington put his troops in motion, and, on his approach, the british troops retired into the island. both parts of the plan having thus failed, the army retreated to dobbs' ferry, where it was joined by the count de rochambeau on the sixth of july. the thanks of the commander-in-chief were given to that officer in general orders, for the unremitting zeal with which he had proceeded to form his so long wished for junction with the american army; and he was requested to convey to the officers and soldiers under his command, the grateful sense which the general entertained of the cheerfulness with which they had performed so long and laborious a march at so hot a season. the utmost exertions were made for the grand enterprise against new york. but as the execution of any plan that could be formed, depended on events which were uncertain, the commander-in-chief directed his attention to other objects, to be pursued if that which was most desirable should prove unattainable. should the siege of new york become unadviseable, his views were turned to virginia, the carolinas, and georgia. [sidenote: intelligence from the count de grasse.] early in august, the apprehension that he should be unable to accomplish his favourite object, began to influence his conduct. letters from the marquis de lafayette announced that a large portion of the troops in virginia were embarked, and that their destination was believed to be new york. this intelligence induced him to turn his attention more seriously to the south; but, to conceal from sir henry clinton this eventual change of plan, his arrangements were made secretly, and the preparations for acting against new york were continued. a reinforcement from europe of near three thousand men, induced sir henry clinton to countermand the orders he had given to lord cornwallis to detach a part of the army in virginia to his aid; and also to direct that nobleman to take a strong position on the chesapeake, from which he might execute the designs meditated against the states lying on that bay, so soon as the storm which threatened the british power for the moment, should blow over. in a few days after the arrival of this reinforcement, the count de barras gave general washington the interesting information, that de grasse was to have sailed from cape francis for the chesapeake, on the third of august, with from twenty-five to twenty-nine ships of the line, having on board three thousand two hundred soldiers; and that he had made engagements with the officers commanding the land and naval forces of spain in the west indies, to return to those seas by the middle of october. this intelligence manifested the necessity of determining immediately, and positively, on the object against which the combined forces should be directed. the shortness of the time appropriated by de grasse for his continuance on the american coast, the apparent unwillingness of the naval officers to attempt to force a passage into the harbour of new york, and the failure of the states to comply with the requisitions which had been made on them for men, decided in favour of operations to the south; and lafayette was requested to make such a disposition of his army as should be best calculated to prevent lord cornwallis from saving himself by a sudden march to charleston.[ ] [footnote : in pursuance of these orders, wayne was detached to the south side of james river, under the pretext of reinforcing greene, but was ordered to maintain a position which would enable him to intercept and oppose the march of lord cornwallis, should he attempt to force his way to charleston. lafayette was on the alert to co-operate with wayne in the event of such a movement.--_cor. with lafayette._] conformably to the intelligence communicated by the count de barras, the count de grasse arrived in the chesapeake late in august with twenty-eight ships of the line and several frigates. at cape henry he found an officer despatched by lafayette with full intelligence of the situation of the armies in virginia. lord cornwallis had collected his whole force at yorktown and gloucester point, which he was fortifying assiduously; and the marquis had taken a position on james river. in consequence of this information, four ships of the line and several frigates were detached to block up the mouth of york river, and convey the land forces brought from the west indies, under the command of the marquis de st. simon, up the james to join lafayette, who, on receiving this reinforcement, took post at williamsburg. in the mean time, the fleet lay at anchor just within the capes. on the th of august the count de barras[ ] sailed from newport for the chesapeake. [footnote : this admiral was the senior of de grasse, to whom the command of the expedition had been entrusted, and was therefore authorized by the minister of marine, to cruise on the coast of newfoundland while his ships should join the grand fleet. he preferred serving under his junior officer.--_cor. of lafayette._] rodney was apprized of the destination of de grasse, but seems not to have suspected that the whole fleet would sail for the continent of america. supposing therefore that a part of his squadron would be sufficient to maintain an equality of naval force in the american seas, he detached sir samuel hood to the continent with only fourteen sail of the line. that officer arrived at sandy hook on the twenty-eighth of august. admiral greaves, who had succeeded arbuthnot in the command of the fleet on the american station, lay in the harbour of new york with seven ships of the line, only five of which were fit for service. on the day that hood appeared and gave information that de grasse was probably on the coast, intelligence was also received that de barras had sailed from newport. the ships fit for sea were ordered out of the harbour; and greaves, with the whole fleet, consisting of nineteen sail of the line, proceeded in quest of the french. not suspecting the strength of de grasse, he hoped to fall in with one or the other of their squadrons, and to fight it separately. early in the morning of the th of september, while the french fleet lay at anchor just within the chesapeake, the british squadron was descried. orders were immediately given by de grasse to form the line, and put to sea. about four in the afternoon, the action commenced between the headmost ships, and continued until sunset. several ships were much damaged, but neither admiral could claim the victory. for five successive days the hostile fleets continued within view of each other. after which, de grasse returned to his former station within the capes. at his anchorage ground he found de barras with the squadron from newport, and fourteen transports laden with heavy artillery, and military stores proper for carrying on a siege. the british admiral approaching the capes, found the entrance of the chesapeake defended by a force with which he was unable to contend, and therefore bore away for new york. [sidenote: plan of operations against lord cornwallis.] [sidenote: the combined armies march for the chesapeake.] general washington had determined to entrust the defence of the hudson to general heath, and to command the southern expedition in person. all the french, and a detachment amounting to upwards of two thousand men from the continental army, were destined for this service. on the th of august, hazen's regiment and the jersey line, were directed to pass the hudson at dobbs' ferry, and take a position between springfield and chatham, where they were to cover some bake-houses to be constructed in the neighbourhood, for the purpose of veiling the real designs of the american chief, and of exciting fears for staten island. on the same day, the whole army was put in motion; and on the twenty-fifth the passage of the river was completed. [sidenote: september .] to conceal as long as possible the real object of this movement, the march of the army was continued until the thirty-first, in such a direction as to keep up fears for new york; and a considerable degree of address was used to countenance the opinion that the real design was against that place. the letters which had been intercepted by sir henry clinton favoured this deception; and so strong was the impression they made that, even after it became necessary for the combined army to leave the route leading down the hudson, he is stated to have retained his fears for new york, and not to have suspected the real object of his adversary until he had approached the delaware;[ ] and it had become too late to obstruct the progress of the allied army towards virginia. he then resolved to make every exertion in his power to relieve lord cornwallis, and in the mean time to act offensively in the north. an expedition was planned against new london, in connecticut, and a strong detachment, under the command of general arnold, was embarked on board a fleet of transports, which landed early in the morning of the th of september on both sides the harbour, about three miles from the town. [footnote : the first indication given by sir henry clinton of suspecting the southern expedition, is in his letter to lord cornwallis of the nd of september, in which he says, "by intelligence i have this day received, it would seem that washington is moving southward."] new london is a seaport town on the west side of the thames. a fort called fort trumbull, and a redoubt had been constructed just below it, on the same side of the river; and opposite to it, on groton hill, was fort griswold, a strong square fortification, but not fully manned. general arnold, who commanded in person the troops that landed on the western side of the harbour, advanced immediately against the posts on that side. these being untenable, were evacuated on his approach; and he took possession of them with inconsiderable loss. to prevent the escape of the vessels up the river, lieutenant colonel eyre, who commanded the division which landed on the groton side of the harbour, had been ordered to storm fort griswold, which had been represented to arnold as too incomplete to make any serious resistance. but the place being of some strength, and the approach to it difficult, colonel ledyard, who commanded it with a garrison of one hundred and sixty men, determined to defend it. on his refusing to surrender, the british assaulted it on three sides, and overcoming the difficulties opposed to them, made a lodgement on the ditch and fraized work, and entered the embrasures with charged bayonets. further resistance being hopeless, the action ceased on the part of the americans, and colonel ledyard delivered his sword to the commanding officer of the assailants. irritated by the obstinacy of the defence, and the loss sustained in the assault, the british officer on whom the command had devolved, tarnished the glory of victory by the inhuman use he made of it. instead of respecting, with the generous spirit of a soldier, the gallantry which he had subdued, he indulged the vindictive feelings which had been roused by the slaughter of his troops. in the account given of this affair by governor trumbull to general washington, he says, "the sword presented by colonel ledyard was immediately plunged into his bosom, and the carnage was kept up until the greater part of the garrison was killed or wounded." in this fierce assault, colonel eyre was killed, and major montgomery, the second in command, also fell, as he entered the american works. the total loss of the assailants was not much less than two hundred men. the town of new london, and the stores contained in it, were consumed by fire. to escape the odium which invariably attends the wanton destruction of private property, this fire was attributed to accident; but all the american accounts unite in declaring it to have been intentional. [sidenote: september .] the march of general washington was not arrested by this excursion into new england. having made the arrangements for the transportation of his army down the chesapeake, he proceeded in person to virginia, attended by the count de rochambeau, and the chevalier de chatelleux; and, on the th of september, reached williamsburg[ ] accompanied by rochambeau, chatelleux, knox, and du portail, he immediately repaired to the fleet, and a plan of co-operation was adjusted on board the ville de paris, conforming to his wish in every respect, except that the count de grasse declined complying with a proposition to station some of his ships in the river above yorktown, thinking it too hazardous. [footnote : while the american troops were encamped at williamsburg and the french fleet lay in the bay, the count de grasse, circumscribed in point of time, and therefore, unwilling to await the arrival of the army from the north, urged lafayette to attack the british in yorktown; offering to aid him not only with all the marines of the fleet, but with as many seamen as he should require. the marquis de st. simon, an officer of great experience, united himself with the admiral in pressing this measure. he stated that, the works of cornwallis being incomplete, yorktown and gloucester might, in all probability, be carried by storm, if attacked by superior numbers. the temptation was great for a young general scarcely twenty-four years of age. a full excuse for the attempt was found in the declaration of de grasse, that he could not wait for the arrival of the troops from the north. success would have given unrivaled brilliancy to the reputation of lafayette, but would necessarily have cost much blood. lafayette refused to sacrifice the soldiers which were confided to him to his personal glory, and persuaded de grasse to await the arrival of washington and rochambeau, when the capture of cornwallis would be certainly made without the waste of human life.--_cor. with lafayette._] while the close investment of the british army was delayed, only until the troops from the north should arrive, serious apprehensions were excited that the brilliant results confidently anticipated from the superiority of the land and naval forces of the allies, would be put in imminent hazard. information was received that a reinforcement of six ships of the line under admiral digby had reached new york. confident that the british fleet, thus augmented, would attempt every thing for the relief of lord cornwallis, de grasse expected to be attacked by a force not much inferior to his own. thinking his station within the chesapeake unfavourable for a naval combat, he designed to change it, and communicated to general washington his intention to leave a few frigates to block up the mouths of james and york rivers, and to put to sea with his fleet in quest of the british. if they should not have left the harbour of new york, he purposed to block them up in that place; supposing that his operations in that quarter would be of more service to the common cause, than his remaining in the bay, an idle spectator of the siege of york. the commander-in-chief was much alarmed at this communication. should the admiral put to sea, the winds and many accidents might prevent his return to the chesapeake. during his absence, a temporary naval superiority might be acquired by the british in those waters, and the army of lord cornwallis might be placed in perfect security. the movement would expose to the caprice of fortune, an object of vast importance, which was now reduced almost to certainty. the admiral was therefore entreated to preserve his station. fortunately, the wishes of the general prevailed, and the admiral consented to relinquish those plans of active enterprise which his thirst for military glory had suggested, and to maintain a station which the american general deemed so conducive to the interests of the allies. [sidenote: september .] on the th of september, the last division of the allied troops arrived in james river, and were disembarked at the landing near williamsburg; soon after which, the preparations for the siege were completed. [sidenote: yorktown invested.] york is a small village on the south side of the river which bears that name, where the long peninsula between the york and the james, is only eight miles wide. in this broad and bold river, a ship of the line may ride in safety. its southern banks are high, and, on the opposite shore, is gloucester point, a piece of land projecting deep into the river, and narrowing it, at that place, to the space of one mile. both these posts were occupied by lord cornwallis. the communication between them was commanded by his batteries, and by some ships of war which lay under his guns. the main body of his army was encamped on the open grounds about yorktown, within a range of outer redoubts and field works, calculated to command the peninsula, and impede the approach of the assailants; and lieutenant colonel dundass, with a small detachment consisting of six or seven hundred men, held the post at gloucester point. he was afterwards reinforced by lieutenant colonel tarlton. the legion of lauzun, and a brigade of militia under general weedon, the whole commanded by the french general de choisé, were directed to watch the enemy on the side of gloucester; and, on the twenty-eighth, the grand combined army moved down on the south side of the river, by different roads, towards yorktown. about noon, the heads of the columns reached the ground assigned them respectively; and, after driving in the piquets and some cavalry, encamped for the evening. the next day, the right wing, consisting of americans, extended farther to the right, and occupied the ground east of beverdam creek; while the left wing, consisting of french, was stationed on the west side of that stream. in the course of the night, lord cornwallis withdrew from his outer lines; and the works he had evacuated were, the next day, occupied by the besieging army, which now invested the town completely on that side. two thousand men were stationed on the gloucester side for the purpose of keeping up a rigorous blockade. on approaching the lines, a sharp skirmish took place which terminated unfavourably for the british; after which they remained under cover of their works, making no attempt to interrupt the blockade. [sidenote: october .] [sidenote: october.] on the night of the sixth of october, until which time the besieging army was incessantly employed in disembarking their heavy artillery and military stores, and drawing them to camp, the first parallel was commenced within six hundred yards of the british lines. this operation was conducted with so much silence, that it appears not to have been perceived until the return of daylight disclosed it to the garrison; by which time the trenches were in such forwardness as to cover the men. by the evening of the ninth, several batteries and redoubts were completed, and the effect of their fire was soon perceived. new batteries were opened the next day, and the fire became so heavy that the besieged withdrew their cannon from the embrasures, and scarcely returned a shot. the shells and red hot balls from the batteries of the allied army reached the ships in the harbour, and, in the evening, set fire to the charon of forty-four guns, and to three large transports, which were entirely consumed. reciprocal esteem, and a spirit of emulation between the french and americans, being carefully cultivated by the commander-in-chief, the siege was carried on with great rapidity. the second parallel was opened, on the night of the eleventh, within three hundred yards of the british lines. the three succeeding days were devoted to the completion of this parallel, during which the fire of the garrison, which had opened several new embrasures, became more destructive than at any previous time. the men in the trenches were particularly annoyed by two redoubts advanced three hundred yards in front of the british works, which flanked the second parallel of the besiegers. preparations were made, on the fourteenth, to carry them both by storm. the attack of one was committed to the americans, and of the other to the french. the marquis de lafayette commanded the american detachment, and the baron de viominel the french. towards the close of the day, the two detachments marched with equal firmness to the assault. colonel hamilton, who had commanded a battalion of light infantry throughout this campaign, led the advanced corps of the americans; and colonel laurens turned the redoubt at the head of eighty men, in order to take the garrison in reverse, and intercept their retreat. the troops rushed to the charge without firing a gun and without giving the sappers time to remove the abattis and palisades. passing over them, they assaulted the works with irresistible impetuosity on all sides at the same time, and entered them with such rapidity that their loss was inconsiderable.[ ] this redoubt was defended by major campbell, with some inferior officers, and forty-five privates. the major, a captain, a subaltern, and seventeen privates, were made prisoners, and eight privates were killed while the assailants were entering the works. [footnote : one sergeant and eight privates were killed; and one lieutenant colonel, four captains, one subaltern, one sergeant, and twenty-five rank and file, were wounded. the irritation produced by the recent carnage in fort griswold had not so far subdued the humanity of the american character as to induce retaliation. not a man was killed except in action. "incapable," said colonel hamilton in his report, "of imitating examples of barbarity, and forgetting recent provocation, the soldiery spared every man that ceased to resist." mr. gordon, in his history of the american war, states the orders given by lafayette, with the approbation of washington, to have directed that every man in the redoubt, after its surrender, should be put to the sword. these sanguinary orders, so repugnant to the character of the commander-in-chief and of lafayette, were never given. there is no trace of them among the papers of general washington; and colonel hamilton, who took a part in the enterprise, which assures his perfect knowledge of every material occurrence, has publicly contradicted the statement. it has been also contradicted by lafayette.] the redoubt attacked by the french was defended by a greater number of men; and the resistance, being greater, was not overcome so quickly, or with so little loss. one hundred and twenty men, commanded by a lieutenant colonel, were in this work, eighteen of whom were killed, and forty-two, including a captain and two subaltern officers, were made prisoners. the assailants lost, in killed and wounded, near one hundred men. the commander-in-chief was highly gratified with the active courage displayed in this assault. speaking of it in his diary, he says--"the bravery exhibited by the attacking troops was emulous and praiseworthy. few cases have exhibited greater proofs of intrepidity, coolness, and firmness, than were shown on this occasion." the orders of the succeeding day, congratulating the army on the capture of these important works, expressed a high sense of the judicious dispositions and gallant conduct of both the baron de viominel and the marquis de lafayette, and requested them to convey to every officer and man engaged in the enterprise, the acknowledgments of the commander-in-chief for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the attack, and for the admirable firmness with which they supported themselves under the fire of the enemy without returning a shot. "the general reflects," concluding the orders, "with the highest degree of pleasure, on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must hereafter have in each other. assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter, no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."[ ] [footnote : general lafayette states a fact which proves in an eminent degree the good feelings of the american soldiers towards their allies. while encamped together under his command at williamsburg, the americans, who were _bivouacked_, saw their allies under tents without a murmur; and saw them supplied regularly with rations of flour for three days from the american magazines, while corn meal was measured out very irregularly to themselves. the superior officers lent their horses to those of france and walked themselves. although their general was himself a frenchman, the americans saw not only without jealousy, but with pleasure, every preference given to their allies.] [illustration: the moore house at yorktown, virginia _where the terms for the surrender of the british army were arranged between washington and cornwallis. the actual drafting of the terms was done by the viscount de noailles and lieutenant-colonel laurens, representing the french-american forces, and colonel dundas and major ross for the british._] during the same night, these redoubts were included in the second parallel; and, in the course of the next day, some howitzers were placed in them, which, by five in the afternoon, were opened on the besieged. [sidenote: october .] the situation of lord cornwallis was becoming desperate. his works were sinking, in every quarter, under the fire of the besiegers. the batteries already playing on him had silenced nearly all his guns, and the second parallel was about to open, which must in a few hours render the town untenable. to suspend a catastrophe which appeared almost inevitable, he resolved on attempting to retard the completion of the second parallel, by a vigorous sortie against two batteries which appeared to be in the greatest forwardness, and were guarded by french troops. the party making this sortie was led by lieutenant colonel abercrombie, who attacked the two batteries with great impetuosity about four in the morning, and carried both with inconsiderable loss; but the guards from the trenches immediately advancing on the assailants, they retreated without being able to effect any thing of importance. about four in the afternoon the besiegers opened several batteries in their second parallel; and it was apparent that, in the course of the ensuing day, the whole line of batteries in that parallel would be ready to play on the town. the works of the besieged were not in a condition to sustain so tremendous a fire. in this extremity, lord cornwallis formed the bold design of forcing his way to new york. he determined to leave his sick and baggage behind, and, crossing over in the night with his effectives to the gloucester shore, to attack de choisé. after cutting to pieces or dispersing the troops under that officer, he intended to mount his infantry on the horses taken from that detachment, and on others to be seized on the road, and, by a rapid march to gain the fords of the great rivers, and, forcing his way through maryland, pennsylvania, and jersey, to form a junction with the army in new york.[ ] [footnote : stedman, annual register, letter of lord cornwallis.] this desperate attempt would be extremely hazardous; but the situation of the british general had become so hopeless, that it could scarcely be changed for the worse. boats prepared under other pretexts were held in readiness to receive the troops at ten in the evening, and convey them over the river. the arrangements were made with such secrecy that the first embarkation arrived at the point unperceived, and part of the troops were landed, when a sudden and violent storm interrupted the execution of this hazardous plan, and drove the boats down the river. the storm continued till near daylight, when the boats returned. but the plan was necessarily abandoned, and the boats were sent to bring back the soldiers, who were relanded on the southern shore in the course of the forenoon without much loss. [sidenote: october .] [sidenote: october .] [sidenote: surrender of lord cornwallis.] in the morning of the seventeenth, several new batteries were opened in the second parallel, which poured in a weight of fire not to be resisted. the place being no longer tenable, lord cornwallis, about ten in the forenoon, beat a parley, and proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, that commissioners might meet at moore's house, which was just in the rear of the first parallel, to settle terms for the surrender of the posts of york and gloucester. to this letter general washington returned an immediate answer declaring his "ardent desire to spare the further effusion of blood, and his readiness to listen to such terms as were admissible;" but as in the present crisis he could not consent to lose a moment in fruitless negotiations, he desired that "previous to the meeting of the commissioners, the proposals of his lordship might be transmitted in writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours should be granted." the general propositions[ ] stated by lord cornwallis as forming the basis of the capitulation, though not all admissible, being such as led to the opinion that no great difficulty would occur in adjusting the terms, the suspension of hostilities was prolonged for the night. in the mean time, to avoid the delay of useless discussion, the commander-in-chief drew up and proposed such articles[ ] as he would be willing to grant. these were transmitted to lord cornwallis with the accompanying declaration that, if he approved them, commissioners might be immediately appointed to digest them into form. in consequence of this message, the viscount de noailles, and lieutenant colonel laurens, were met next day by colonel dundass and major ross; but, being unable to adjust the terms of capitulation definitively, only a rough draught of them could be prepared, which was to be submitted to the consideration of the british general. determined not to expose himself to those accidents which time might produce, general washington could not permit any suspense on the part of lord cornwallis. he therefore immediately directed the rough articles which had been prepared by the commissioners to be fairly transcribed, and sent them to his lordship early next morning, with a letter expressing his expectation that they would be signed by eleven, and that the garrison would march out by two in the afternoon. finding all attempts to obtain better terms unavailing, lord cornwallis submitted to a necessity no longer to be avoided, and, on the th of october, surrendered the posts of yorktown and gloucester point, with their garrisons, and the ships in the harbour with their seamen, to the land and naval forces of america and france. [footnote : see note no. vi. at the end of the volume.] [footnote : see note no. vii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: nineteenth.] the army, artillery, arms, military chest, and public stores of every denomination, were surrendered to general washington; the ships and seamen, to the count de grasse. the total number of prisoners,[ ] excluding seamen, rather exceeded seven thousand men. the loss sustained by the garrison during the siege, amounted to five hundred and fifty-two men, including six officers. [footnote : the return of prisoners contained two generals, thirty-one field officers, three hundred and twenty-six captains and subalterns, seventy-one regimental staff, six thousand five hundred and twenty-seven non-commissioned officers and privates, and one hundred and twenty-four persons belonging to the hospital, commissary, and wagon departments, making in the whole seven thousand and seventy-three prisoners. to this number are to be added six commissioned, and twenty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates made prisoners in the two redoubts which were stormed, and in the sortie made by the garrison.] lord cornwallis endeavoured to introduce an article into the capitulation, for the security of those americans who had joined the british army; but the subject was declared to belong to the civil department, and the article was rejected. its object, however, was granted without appearing to concede it. his lordship was permitted to send the bonetta sloop of war untouched, with despatches to sir henry clinton; and the americans whose conduct had been most offensive to their countrymen were embarked on board this vessel. the allied army may be estimated, including militia, at sixteen thousand men. in the course of this siege, they lost, in killed and wounded, about three hundred. the treaty was opened on the eleventh day after the ground was broken by the besiegers, and the capitulation was signed on the thirteenth. the whole army merited great approbation; but, from the nature of the service, the artillerists and engineers were enabled to distinguish themselves particularly. generals du portail and knox were each promoted to the rank of major general; and colonel govion, and captain rochfontaine, of the corps of engineers, were each advanced a grade by brevet. in addition to the officers belonging to those departments, generals lincoln, de lafayette, and steuben, were particularly mentioned by the commander-in-chief, in his orders issued the day after the capitulation; and terms of peculiar warmth were applied to governor nelson, who continued in the field during the whole siege, at the head of the militia of virginia; and also exerted himself, in a particular manner, to furnish the army with those supplies which the country afforded. the highest acknowledgments were made to the count de rochambeau; and several other french officers were named with distinction. so many disasters had attended the former efforts of the united states to avail themselves of the succours occasionally afforded by france, that an opinion not very favourable to the alliance appears to have gained some ground in the country, and to have insinuated itself into the army. the commander-in-chief seized this occasion to discountenance a course of thinking from which he had always feared pernicious consequences, and displayed the great value of the aids lately received, in language highly flattering to the french monarch, as well as to the land and naval forces of that nation. knowing the influence which the loss of the army in virginia must have on the war, sir henry clinton determined to hazard much for its preservation. about seven thousand of his best troops sailed for the chesapeake, under convoy of a fleet augmented to twenty-five ships of the line. this armament left the hook the day on which the capitulation was signed at yorktown, and appeared off the capes of virginia on the th of october. unquestionable intelligence being there received that lord cornwallis had surrendered, the british general returned to new york. the exultation manifested throughout the united states at the capture of this formidable army was equal to the terror it had inspired. in congress, the intelligence was received with joy proportioned to the magnitude of the event; and the sense of that body on this brilliant achievement was expressed in various resolutions, returning the thanks of the united states to the commander-in-chief, to the count de rochambeau, to the count de grasse, to the officers of the allied army generally, and to the corps of artillery, and engineers particularly. in addition to these testimonials of gratitude, it was resolved that a marble column should be erected at yorktown, in virginia, with emblems of the alliance between the united states and his most christian majesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of earl cornwallis to his excellency general washington, the commander-in-chief of the combined forces of america and france; to his excellency the count de rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops of his most christian majesty in america; and to his excellency count de grasse, commanding in chief the naval army of france in the chesapeake. two stand of colours taken in yorktown were presented to general washington; two pieces of field ordnance to the count de rochambeau; and application was made to his most christian majesty, to permit the admiral to accept a testimonial of their approbation similar to that presented to the count de rochambeau. congress determined to go in solemn procession to the dutch lutheran church, to return thanks to almighty god for crowning the allied arms with success, by the surrender of the whole british army under lord cornwallis; and also issued a proclamation, appointing the th day of december for general thanksgiving and prayer, on account of this signal interposition of divine providence. it was not by congress only that the public joy at this great event, and the public approbation of the conduct of general washington were displayed. the most flattering and affectionate addresses of congratulation were presented from every part of the union; and state governments, corporate towns, and learned institutions, vied with each other in the testimonials they gave of their high sense of his important services, and of their attachment to his person and character. the superiority of the allied force opened a prospect of still farther advantages. the remaining posts of the british in the southern states were too weak to be defended against the army which had triumphed over lord cornwallis; and the troops which occupied them could neither escape nor be reinforced, if the count de grasse could be prevailed on to co-operate against them. although, in his first conference, he had explicitly declared his inability to engage in any enterprise to be undertaken subsequent to that against yorktown,[ ] the siege of that place had employed so much less time than the admiral had consented to appropriate to it, that the general resumed his plan of southern operations. in a letter addressed to de grasse, he used every argument which might operate on his love of fame, or his desire to promote the interests of the allies, to prevail on him to co-operate in an expedition against charleston. if this object should be unattainable, his attention was next turned to wilmington, in north carolina, which was still occupied by a small detachment of british troops who kept that state in check. the capture of this detachment, though not an object of much consequence in itself, was supposed to derive some importance from the influence which the complete liberation of north carolina might have on the future military operations of the united states, and on their negotiations. general washington proposed to send a detachment intended to reinforce general greene, as far as wilmington, under convoy. the reduction of that place, he supposed, would detain the fleet but a few days, after which it might proceed to the west indies. [footnote : see note no. viii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: october .] to enforce the representations contained in his letter, as well as to pay his respects to the admiral, and to express in person the high sense entertained of his important services, the commander-in-chief repaired on board the ville de paris. the count acknowledged his conviction of the advantages to be expected from an expedition against charleston; but said, that "the orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engagements with the spaniards, rendered it impossible for him to remain on the coast during the time which would be required for the operation." as he also declined taking on board the troops designed to reinforce general greene, preparations were made for their march by land; and major general st. clair, who commanded the detachment, was ordered to take wilmington in his route, and to gain possession of that post. [sidenote: november.] the count de grasse having consented to remain in the bay a few days for the purpose of covering the transportation of the eastern troops, and of the ordnance to the head of elk, they were embarked in the beginning of november, under the command of general lincoln, who was directed to march them into new jersey and new york, and to canton them for the winter in those states.[ ] the french troops remained in virginia, not only for the protection of that state, but to be in readiness to march southward or northward, as the exigencies of the ensuing campaign might require. [footnote : see note no. ix. at the end of the volume.] the transportation of the troops and ordnance to the head of elk being effected, the count de grasse sailed for the west indies, and the commander-in-chief proceeded to philadelphia. notes. note--no. i. _see page _ _the following petition addressed to governor livingston, will furnish some evidence of the situation to which that part of jersey was reduced._ to his excellency william livingston, esquire, governor, captain general, and commander-in-chief in and over the state of new jersey and the territories thereunto belonging in america, chancellor and ordinary in the same--the humble petition of the officers, civil and military, whose names are hereunto subscribed, showeth,--that a large detachment of the british army, a few weeks ago, made an invasion into the lower counties of this state on delaware, and plundered a few of the inhabitants. that at present a large detachment are invading them a second time. that the enemy in this second incursion, have, as we have been credibly informed, by the express orders of colonel mawhood, the commanding officer, bayoneted and butchered in the most inhuman manner, a number of the militia who have unfortunately fallen into their hands. that colonel mawhood immediately after the massacre, in open letters, sent to both officers and privates by a flag, had the effrontery to insult us with a demand, that we should lay down our arms, and if not, threatened to burn, destroy, and lay the whole country waste, and more especially the property of a number of our most distinguished men, whom he named. that he has since put his threat into execution, in one instance, by burning one of the finest dwelling houses in salem county, and all the other buildings on the same farm, the property of colonel benjamin home. that plunder, rapine, and devastation in the most fertile and populous parts of these counties, widely mark their footsteps wherever they go. that they are spreading disaffection, they are using every possible means to corrupt the minds of the people, who, within their lines, have so little virtue as to purchase from them. that we are in no state of defence. that we are so exposed by reason of our situation, that some of our officers, civil and military, have moved out of the counties for safety. that our militia, during the last winter, have been so fatigued out by repeated calls and continued service, and disaffection is now so widely diffused, that very few can be called out, in some places, none. that we have no troops of light horse regularly embodied, there is a scarcity of small arms among us, and no field pieces. that in these two incursions, we have very sensibly felt the want of field pieces and artillery men, that the number of us assembled is so small, that though we should use the greatest conduct and bravery, we could only provoke, not injure our enemy. that the extent of our country is so great, that our small number of men fatigued out, indifferently armed and without field pieces, can not defend it. that, as delaware runs all along those counties, we are liable to be attacked in numberless places. that the acquisition of these counties would be of great advantage to the enemy. that they could nearly maintain their whole army a campaign by the plunder, forage, and assistance they could draw from them. that although the united states might not need them, yet it might perhaps be adviseable to defend them, to prevent the advantage the enemy might receive from them. that our riches, and former virtue, make us a prey to an enemy, whose tender mercies are cruelties. that in short, our situation is beyond description deplorable. that the powers civil and military are daily relaxing, and disaffection prevailing. that we can neither stay at our houses, go out, nor come in with safety. that we can neither plough, plant, sow, reap nor gather. that we are fast falling into poverty, distress, and into the hands of our enemy. that unless there can be sent to our relief and assistance a sufficient body of standing troops, we must be under the disagreeable necessity of leaving the country to the enemy, and removing ourselves and families to distant places for safety. that although the present detachment may be fled and gone, before the relief reaches us, yet a body of troops are necessary for our protection, as long as the enemy possess philadelphia. and these are the sentiments not only of us the subscribers, but of all the rest of the officers civil and military, and other the good subjects of this state in these counties. note--no. ii. _see page _ _the following is the report made by the committee:_ "january , . the committee appointed to confer with the commander-in-chief on the operations of the next campaign, report, that the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of canada, in co-operation with an army from france, was the principal subject of the said conference. "that, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations, on the part of these states, your committee have taken a general view of our finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of clothes, artillery, arms and ammunition, and of the provisions in store, and which can be collected in season. "your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and observations communicated to them by the commander-in-chief, respecting the number of troops and strong holds of the enemy in canada; their naval force, and entire command of the water communication with that country--the difficulties, while they possess such signal advantages, of penetrating it with an army by land--the obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval superiority--the hostile temper of many of the surrounding indian tribes towards these states, and above all the uncertainty whether the enemy will not persevere in their system of harassing and distressing our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory war. "that on the most mature deliberation, your committee can not find room for a well grounded presumption that these states will be able to perform their part of the proposed stipulations. that in a measure of such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object a considerable portion of the force of our ally, which may otherwise be essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition. "your committee are therefore of opinion that the negotiation in question, however desirable, and interesting, should be deferred until circumstances render the co-operation of these states more certain, practicable, and effectual. "that the minister plenipotentiary of these states at the court of versailles, the minister of france in pennsylvania, and the minister of france, be respectively informed that the operations of the next campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as well from our own internal circumstances and resources, as the progress and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued. that congress, therefore, can not, with a degree of confidence answerable to the magnitude of the object, decide on the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign, in an enterprise for the emancipation of canada; that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be made for acting with vigour against the common enemy, and every favourable incident embraced with alacrity, to facilitate, and hasten the freedom and independence of canada, and her union with these states--events which congress, from motives of policy with respect to the united states, as well as of affection for their canadian brethren, have greatly at heart." mr. de sevelinges in his introduction to botta's history, recites the private instructions given to mr. girard on his mission to the united states. one article was, "to avoid entering into any formal engagement relative to canada and other english possessions which congress proposed to conquer." mr. de sevelinges adds that "the policy of the cabinet of versailles viewed the possession of those countries, especially of canada by england, as a principle of useful inquietude and vigilance to the americans. the neighbourhood of a formidable enemy must make them feel more sensibly the price which they ought to attach to the friendship and support of the king of france." the author has reason to believe that this policy was known to the marquis de lafayette when his devotion to the interests of the united states induced him to add his influence to their solicitations for aid to this enterprise. note--no. iii. _see page _ _a letter to president reed of pennsylvania from which the following extracts are taken, is selected from many others written with the same view._ "morristown, may th, . "dear sir,--i am much obliged to you for your favour of the d. nothing could be more necessary than the aid given by your state towards supplying us with provisions. i assure you, every idea you can form of our distresses, will fall short of the reality. there is such a combination of circumstances to exhaust the patience of the soldiery, that it begins at length to be worn out, and we see in every line of the army, the most serious features of mutiny and sedition: all our departments, all our operations are at a stand; and unless a system very different from that which has for a long time prevailed, be immediately adopted throughout the states, our affairs must soon become desperate beyond the possibility of recovery. if you were on the spot, my dear sir, if you could see what difficulties surround us on every side, how unable we are to administer to the most ordinary calls of the service, you would be convinced that these expressions are not too strong: and that we have every thing to dread: indeed i have almost ceased to hope. the country in general is in such a state of insensibility and indifference to its interests, that i dare not flatter myself with any change for the better. "the committee of congress in their late address to the several states, have given a just picture of our situation. i very much doubt its making the desired impression; and if it does not, i shall consider our lethargy as incurable. the present juncture is so interesting, that if it does not produce correspondent exertions, it will be a proof, that motives of honour, public good, and even self-preservation, have lost their influence upon our minds. this is a decisive moment, one of the most, i will go further and say, the most important america has seen. the court of france has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint its intentions by our supineness, we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind; nor can we, after that, venture to confide that our allies will persist in an attempt to establish what it will appear we want inclination or ability to assist them in. "every view of our own circumstances ought to determine us to the most vigorous efforts; but there are considerations of another kind, that should have equal weight. the combined fleets of france and spain last year were greatly superior to those of the enemy; the enemy nevertheless sustained no material damage, and at the close of the campaign gave a very important blow to our allies. this campaign, the difference between the fleets, from every account i have been able to collect, will be inconsiderable: indeed it is far from clear that there will be an equality. what are we to expect will be the case if there should be another campaign? in all probability the advantage would be on the side of the english, and then what would become of america? we ought not to deceive ourselves. the maritime resources of great britain are more substantial and real than those of france and spain united. her commerce is more extensive than that of both her rivals; and it is an axiom, that the nation which has the most extensive commerce will always have the most powerful marine. were this argument less convincing, the fact speaks for itself: her progress in the course of the last year is an incontestable proof. "it is true france in a manner created a fleet in a very short space, and this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her naval abilities. but if they bore any comparison with those of great britain, how comes it to pass, that with all the force of spain added, she has lost so much ground in so short a time, as now to have scarcely a superiority. we should consider what was done by france, as a violent and unnatural effort of the government, which, for want of sufficient foundation, can not continue to operate proportionable effects. "in modern wars, the longest purse must chiefly determine the event. i fear that of the enemy will be found to be so. though the government is deeply in debt and of course poor, the nation is rich, and their riches afford a fund which will not be easily exhausted. besides, their system of public credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertions than that of any other nation. speculatists have been a long time foretelling its downfall; but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. i am persuaded it will at least last out the war. "france is in a very different position. the abilities of the present financier, have done wonders; by a wise administration of the revenues, aided by advantageous loans, he has avoided the necessity of additional taxes. but i am well informed if the war continues another campaign, he will be obliged to have recourse to the taxes usual in time of war, which are very heavy, and which the people of france are not in a condition to endure for any length of time. when this necessity commences, france makes war on ruinous terms, and england, from her individual wealth, will find much greater facilities in supplying her exigencies. "spain derives great wealth from her mines, but it is not so great as is generally imagined. of late years the profit to government is essentially diminished. commerce and industry are the best mines of a nation; both which are wanted by her. i am told her treasury is far from being so well filled as we have flattered ourselves. she is also much divided on the propriety of the war. there is a strong party against it. the temper of the nation is too sluggish to admit of great exertions; and though the courts of the two kingdoms are closely linked together, there never has been in any of their wars, a perfect harmony of measures, nor has it been the case in this; which has already been no small detriment to the common cause. "i mention these things to show that the circumstances of our allies, as well as our own, call for peace, to obtain which we must make one great effort this campaign. the present instance of the friendship of the court of france, is attended with every circumstance that can render it important and agreeable, that can interest our gratitude or fire our emulation. if we do our duty we may even hope to make the campaign decisive of the contest. but we must do our duty in earnest, or disgrace and ruin will attend us. i am sincere in declaring a full persuasion that the succour will be fatal to us if our measures are not adequate to the emergency. "now, my dear sir, i must observe to you, that much will depend on the state of pennsylvania. she has it in her power to contribute, without comparison, more to our success, than any other state, in the two essential articles of flour and transportation. i speak to you in the language of frankness, and as a friend. i do not mean to make any insinuations unfavourable to the state. i am aware of the embarrassment the government labours under from the open opposition of one party and the underhand intrigues of another. i know that with the best dispositions to promote the public service, you have been obliged to move with circumspection. but this is a time to hazard, and to take a tone of energy and decision. all parties but the disaffected will acquiesce in the necessity and give their support. "the matter is reduced to a point. either pennsylvania must give us all we ask, or we can undertake nothing. we must renounce every idea of co-operation, and must confess to our allies that we look wholly to them for our safety. this will be a state of humiliation and bitterness against which the feelings of every good american ought to revolt. yours i am convinced will, nor have i the least doubt, but that you will employ all your influence to animate the legislature and the people at large. the fate of these states hangs upon it. god grant we may be properly impressed with the consequences. "i wish the legislature could be engaged to vest the executive with plenipotentiary powers. i should then expect every thing practicable from your abilities and zeal. this is not a time for formality and ceremony. the crisis in every point of view is extraordinary, and extraordinary expedients are necessary. i am decided in this opinion." note--no. iv. _see page _ andré having been unquestionably a spy, and his sentence consequently just; and the plot in which he had engaged having threatened consequences the most fatal to america; his execution, had he been an ordinary person, would certainly have been viewed with cold indifference. but he was not an ordinary person. in a letter written at the time by colonel hamilton, who in genius, in candour, and in romantic heroism, did not yield to this unfortunate englishman, the character of andré is thus feelingly and eloquently drawn. "there was something singularly interesting in the character and fortunes of andré. to an excellent understanding, well improved by education and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the advantages of a pleasing person. it is said he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some proficiency in poetry, music, and painting. his knowledge appeared without ostentation, and embellished by a diffidence that rarely accompanies so many talents and accomplishments, which left you to suppose more than appeared. his sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem, they had a softness that conciliated affection. his elocution was handsome, his address easy, polite, and insinuating. by his merit he had acquired the unlimited confidence of his general, and was making rapid progress in military rank and reputation. but in the height of his career, flushed with new hopes from the execution of a project the most beneficial to his party that could be devised, he is at once precipitated from the summit of prosperity, sees all the expectations of his ambition blasted, and himself ruined. the character i have given of him is drawn partly from what i saw of him myself, and partly from information. i am aware that a man of real merit is never seen in so favorable a light as through the medium of adversity. the clouds that surround him are so many shades that set off his good qualities. misfortune cuts down little vanities, that in prosperous times, serve as so many spots in his virtues; and gives a tone to humanity that makes his worth more amiable. "his spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract from it through envy; and are much disposed by compassion to give the credit he deserves, and perhaps even to magnify it." note--no. v. _see page _ on the first of may, , general washington commenced a military journal. the following is a brief statement of the situation of the army at that time. "i begin at this epoch, a concise journal of military transactions, &c. i lament not having attempted it from the commencement of the war in aid of my memory: and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually surrounds me, and the embarrassed state of our affairs, which is momentarily calling the attention to perplexities of one kind or another, may not defeat altogether, or so interrupt my present intention and plan, as to render it of little avail. "to have the clearer understanding of the entries which may follow, it would be proper to recite, in detail, our wants, and our prospects; but this alone would be a work of much time, and great magnitude. it may suffice to give the sum of them, which i shall do in a few words, viz: "instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the different states. "instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they are poorly provided, and the workmen all leaving them.--instead of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness to deliver, the quartermaster general is but now applying to the several states (as the dernier ressort) to provide these things for their troops respectively. instead of having a regular system of transportation established upon credit--or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent expenses of it--we have neither the one or the other; and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by military impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alienating their affections. instead of having the regiments completed to the new establishments (and which ought to have been so by the ---- of ---- [transcriber's note: end parenthesis missing] agreeably to the requisitions of congress, scarce any state in the union has, at this hour, one-eighth part of its quota in the field; and there is little prospect that i can see of ever getting more than half. in a word, instead of having every thing in readiness to take the field, we have nothing. and instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one; unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops and money from our generous allies: and these at present are too contingent to build upon." note--no. vi. _see page _ york in virginia, th october, , half past four, p.m. sir,--i have this moment been honoured with your excellency's letter dated this day. the time limited for sending my answer will not admit of entering into the details of articles, but the basis of my proposals will be, that the garrisons of york and gloucester shall be prisoners of war with the customary honours; and for the convenience of the individuals which i have the honour to command, that the british shall be sent to britain, and the germans to germany, under engagements not to serve against france, america, or their allies, until released or regularly exchanged. that all arms and public stores shall be delivered up to you, but that the usual indulgence of side arms to officers and of retaining private property shall be granted to officers and soldiers; and the interests of individuals in civil capacities, and connected with us, shall be attended to. if your excellency thinks that a continuance of the suspension of hostilities will be necessary to transmit your answer, i shall have no objection to the hour that you propose. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, cornwallis. his excellency general washington, &c. &c. &c. note--no. vii. _see page _ head quarters before york, th october, . my lord,--to avoid unnecessary discussions and delays, i shall at once, in answer to your lordship's letter of yesterday, declare the general basis upon which a definitive treaty of capitulation must take place. the garrison of york and gloucester, including the seamen, as you propose, will be received prisoners of war. the condition annexed of sending the british and german troops to the parts of europe to which they respectively belong, is inadmissible. instead of this, they will be marched to such parts of the country as can most conveniently provide for their subsistence; and the benevolent treatment of prisoners, which is invariably observed by the americans, will be extended to them. the same honours will be granted to the surrendering army, as were granted to the garrison of charleston. the shipping and boats in the two harbours, with all their guns, stores, tackling, furniture, and apparel, shall be delivered in their present state to an officer of the navy appointed to take possession of them. the artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores of every denomination, shall be delivered unimpaired, to the heads of departments, to which they respectively belong. the officers will be indulged in retaining their side arms, and the officers and soldiers may preserve their baggage and effects with this reserve, that property taken in the country will be reclaimed. with regard to the individuals in civil capacities, whose interests your lordship wishes may be attended to, until they are more particularly described, nothing definitive can be settled. i have to add, that i expect the sick and wounded will be supplied with their own hospital stores, and attended by british surgeons particularly charged with the care of them. your lordship will be pleased to signify your determination either to accept or reject the proposals now offered, in the course of two hours from the delivery of this letter, that commissioners may be appointed to digest the articles of capitulation, or a renewal of hostilities may take place. i have the honour to be, my lord, &c. george washington. lieutenant general earl cornwallis. york, in virginia, th october, . sir,--i agree to open a treaty of capitulation upon the basis of the garrisons of york and gloucester, including seamen, being prisoners of war without annexing the condition of their being sent to europe; but i expect to receive a compensation in arranging the articles of capitulation for the surrender of gloucester in its present state of defence. i shall in particular desire that the bonetta sloop of war, may be left entirely at my disposal from the hour the capitulation is signed, to receive an aid-de-camp to carry my despatches to sir henry clinton and such soldiers as i may think proper to send as passengers in her, to be manned with fifty men of her own crew, and to be permitted to sail without examination when my despatches are ready; engaging on my part that the ship shall be brought back and delivered to you, if she escapes the dangers of the sea; that the crew and soldiers sent as passengers shall be accounted for in future exchanges as prisoners; that she shall carry off no officer without your consent, nor public property of any kind; and i shall likewise desire that the traders and inhabitants may preserve their property, and that no person may be punished or molested for having joined the british troops. if you choose to proceed to negotiation on these grounds, i shall appoint two field officers of my army to meet two officers from you at any time and place you think proper, to digest the articles of capitulation. i have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, cornwallis. his excellency general washington, &c. &c. &c. note--no. viii. _see page _ head quarters, th october, . sir,--the surrender of york, from which so much glory and advantage are derived to the allies, and the honour of which belongs to your excellency, has greatly anticipated our most sanguine expectations. certain of this event under your auspices, though unable to determine the time, i solicited your excellency's attention in the first conference with which you honoured me, to ulterior objects of decisive importance to the common cause. although your excellency's answer on that occasion was unfavourable to my wishes, the unexpected promptness with which our operations have been conducted to their final success having gained us time, the defect of which was one of your excellency's principal objections, a perspective of the most extensive and happy consequences, engages me to renew my representations. charleston, the principal maritime port of the british in the southern parts of the continent, the grand deposite and point of support for the present theatre of the war, is open to a combined attack, and might be carried with as much certainty as the place which has just surrendered. this capture would destroy the last hope which induces the enemy to continue the war; for having experienced the impracticability of recovering the populous northern states, he has determined to confine himself to the defensive in that quarter, and to prosecute a most vigorous offensive in the south, with a view of conquering states, whose spare population and natural disadvantages render them infinitely less susceptible of defence; although their productions render them the most valuable in a commercial view. his naval superiority, previous to your excellency's arrival, gave him decisive advantages in the rapid transport of his troops and supplies: while the immense land marches of our succours, too tardy and expensive in every point of view, subjected us to be beaten in detail. it will depend upon your excellency, therefore, to terminate the war, and enable the allies to dictate the law in a treaty. a campaign so glorious and so fertile in consequences, could be reserved only for the count de grasse. it rarely happens that such a combination of means, as are in our hands at present, can be seasonably obtained by the most strenuous of human exertions.--a decisively superior fleet, the fortune and talents of whose commander overawe all the naval force that the most incredible efforts of the enemy have been able to collect; an army flushed with success, and demanding only to be conducted to new attacks; and the very season which is proper for operating against the points in question. if upon entering into the detail of this expedition, your excellency should still determine it impracticable, there is an object which though subordinate to that above mentioned, is of capital importance to our southern operations, and may be effected at infinitely less expense; i mean the enemy's post at wilmington in north carolina. circumstances require that i should at this period reinforce the southern army under general greene. this reinforcement transported by sea under your excellency's convoy, would enable us to carry the post in question with very little difficulty, and would wrest from the british a point of support in north carolina, which is attended with the most dangerous consequences to us, and would liberate another state. this object would require nothing more than the convoy of your excellency to the point of operation, and the protection of the debarkation. i intreat your excellency's attention to the points which i have the honour of laying before you, and to be pleased at the same time to inform me what are your dispositions for a maritime force to be left on the american station. i have the honour to be, &c. george washington. note--no. ix. _see page _ late in october an irruption was made into the country on the mohawk, by major ross, at the head of about five hundred men, composed of regulars, rangers, and indians. colonel willet, with between four and five hundred men, partly of the troops denominated levies, and partly militia, immediately marched in quest of them, and fell in with them at johnstown, where they were slaughtering cattle, apparently unapprehensive of an enemy. before showing himself, he detached major rowley of massachusetts with the left wing to fall on the rear, while he should engage the front. on his appearance the british party retired to a neighbouring wood, and the american advance was just beginning to skirmish with them, when that whole wing, without any apparent cause, suddenly fled from the field, leaving a field-piece posted on a height in order to cover a retreat, to fall into the hands of the enemy. fortunately for the party, rowley appeared in the rear at this critical juncture, and regained what the right wing had lost. night soon coming on, major ross retired further into the wood, and encamped on the top of a mountain. he seems after this skirmish to have been only intent on repassing the dreary wilderness in his rear, and securing his party; an object not to be accomplished without immense fatigue and great suffering, as colonel willet had cut off their return to their boats, and they were to retreat by the way of buck island, or oswegatchie. with a select part of his troops who were furnished with five days provisions, and about sixty indians who had just joined him, and who, he said, "are the best cavalry for the service of the wilderness," he commenced a rapid pursuit, and in the morning of the th, at a ford on canada creek, fell in with about forty whites and some indians who were left in the rear to procure provisions. these were attacked and the greater number of them killed or taken, upon which the main body fled with such rapidity that the pursuit proved ineffectual. in the party at canada creek was major walter butler, the person who perpetrated the massacre at cherry-valley. his entreaties for quarter were disregarded, and he fell the victim of that vengeance which his own savage temper had directed against himself. end of volume iii. the americanism of washington by henry van dyke hard is the task of the man who at this late day attempts to say anything new about washington. but perhaps it may be possible to unsay some of the things which have been said, and which, though they were at one time new, have never at any time been strictly true. the character of washington, emerging splendid from the dust and tumult of those great conflicts in which he played the leading part, has passed successively into three media of obscuration, from each of which his figure, like the sun shining through vapors, has received some disguise of shape and color. first came the mist of mythology, in which we discerned the new st. george, serene, impeccable, moving through an orchard of ever-blooming cherry-trees, gracefully vanquishing dragons with a touch, and shedding fragrance and radiance around him. out of that mythological mist we groped our way, to find ourselves beneath the rolling clouds of oratory, above which the head of the hero was pinnacled in remote grandeur, like a sphinx poised upon a volcanic peak, isolated and mysterious. that altitudinous figure still dominates the cloudy landscapes of the after-dinner orator; but the frigid, academic mind has turned away from it, and looking through the fog of criticism has descried another washington, not really an american, not amazingly a hero, but a very decent english country gentleman, honorable, courageous, good, shrewd, slow, and above all immensely lucky. now here are two of the things often said about washington which need, if i mistake not, to be unsaid: first, that he was a solitary and inexplicable phenomenon of greatness; and second, that he was not an american. solitude, indeed, is the last quality that an intelligent student of his career would ascribe to him. dignified and reserved he was, undoubtedly; and as this manner was natural to him, he won more true friends by using it than if he had disguised himself in a forced familiarity and worn his heart upon his sleeve. but from first to last he was a man who did his work in the bonds of companionship, who trusted his comrades in the great enterprise even though they were not his intimates, and who neither sought nor occupied a lonely eminence of unshared glory. he was not of the jealous race of those who "bear, like the turk, no brother near the throne"; nor of the temper of george iii., who chose his ministers for their vacuous compliancy. washington was surrounded by men of similar though not of equal strength--franklin, hamilton, knox, greene, the adamses, jefferson, madison. he stands in history not as a lonely pinnacle like mount shasta, elevated above the plain "by drastic lift of pent volcanic fires"; but as the central summit of a mountain range, with all his noble fellowship of kindred peaks about him, enhancing his unquestioned supremacy by their glorious neighborhood and their great support. among these men whose union in purpose and action made the strength and stability of the republic, washington was first, not only in the largeness of his nature, the loftiness of his desires, and the vigor of his will, but also in that representative quality which makes a man able to stand as the true hero of a great people. he had an instinctive power to divine, amid the confusions of rival interests and the cries of factional strife, the new aims and hopes, the vital needs and aspirations, which were the common inspiration of the people's cause and the creative forces of the american nation. the power to understand this, the faith to believe in it, and the unselfish courage to live for it, was the central factor of washington's life, the heart and fountain of his splendid americanism. it was denied during his lifetime, for a little while, by those who envied his greatness, resented his leadership, and sought to shake him from his lofty place. but he stood serene and imperturbable, while that denial, like many another blast of evil-scented wind, passed into nothingness, even before the disappearance of the party strife out of whose fermentation it had arisen. by the unanimous judgment of his countrymen for two generations after his death he was hailed as _pater patriae_; and the age which conferred that title was too ingenuous to suppose that the father could be of a different race from his own offspring. but the modern doubt is more subtle, more curious, more refined in its methods. it does not spring, as the old denial did, from a partisan hatred, which would seek to discredit washington by an accusation of undue partiality for england, and thus to break his hold upon the love of the people. it arises, rather, like a creeping exhalation, from a modern theory of what true americanism really is: a theory which goes back, indeed, for its inspiration to dr. johnson's somewhat crudely expressed opinion that "the americans were a race whom no other mortals could wish to resemble"; but which, in its later form, takes counsel with those british connoisseurs who demand of their typical american not depravity of morals but deprivation of manners, not vice of heart but vulgarity of speech, not badness but bumptiousness, and at least enough of eccentricity to make him amusing to cultivated people. not a few of our native professors and critics are inclined to accept some features of this view, perhaps in mere reaction from the unamusing character of their own existence. they are not quite ready to subscribe to mr. kipling's statement that the real american is "unkempt, disreputable, vast," i remember reading somewhere that tennyson had an idea that longfellow, when he met him, would put his feet upon the table. and it is precisely because longfellow kept his feet in their proper place, in society as well as in verse, that some critics, nowadays, would have us believe that he was not a truly american poet. traces of this curious theory of americanism in its application to washington may now be found in many places. you shall hear historians describe him as a transplanted english commoner, a second edition of john hampden. you shall read, in a famous poem, of lincoln as "new birth of our new soil, the _first_ american." he knew it, i say: and by what divination? by a test more searching than any mere peculiarity of manners, dress, or speech; by a touchstone able to divide the gold of essential character from the alloy of superficial characteristics; by a standard which disregarded alike franklin's fur cap and putnam's old felt hat, morgan's leather leggings and witherspoon's black silk gown and john adams's lace ruffles, to recognize and approve, beneath these various garbs, the vital sign of america woven into the very souls of the men who belonged to her by a spiritual birthright. for what is true americanism, and where does it reside? not on the tongue, nor in the clothes, nor among the transient social forms, refined or rude, which mottle the surface of human life. the log cabin has no monopoly of it, nor is it an immovable fixture of the stately pillared mansion. its home is not on the frontier nor in the populous city, not among the trees of the wild forest nor the cultured groves of academe. its dwelling is in the heart. it speaks a score of dialects but one language, follows a hundred paths to the same goal, performs a thousand kinds of service in loyalty to the same ideal which is its life. true americanism is this: to believe that the inalienable rights of man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are given by god. to believe that any form of power that tramples on these rights is unjust. to believe that taxation without representation is tyranny, that government must rest upon the consent of the governed, and that the people should choose their own rulers. to believe that freedom must be safeguarded by law and order, and that the end of freedom is fair play for all. to believe not in a forced equality of conditions and estates, but in a true equalization of burdens, privileges, and opportunities. to believe that the selfish interests of persons, classes, and sections must be subordinated to the welfare of the commonwealth. to believe that union is as much a human necessity as liberty is a divine gift. to believe, not that all people are good, but that the way to make them better is to trust the whole people. to believe that a free state should offer an asylum to the oppressed, and an example of virtue, sobriety, and fair dealing to all nations. to believe that for the existence and perpetuity of such a state a man should be willing to give his whole service, in property, in labor, and in life. that is americanism; an ideal embodying itself in a people; a creed heated white hot in the furnace of conviction and hammered into shape on the anvil of life; a vision commanding men to follow it whithersoever it may lead them. and it was the subordination of the personal self to that ideal, that creed, that vision, which gave eminence and glory to washington and the men who stood with him. this is the truth that emerges, crystalline and luminous, from the conflicts and confusions of the revolution. the men who were able to surrender themselves and all their interests to the pure and loyal service of their ideal were the men who made good, the victors crowned with glory and honor. the men who would not make that surrender, who sought selfish ends, who were controlled by personal ambition and the love of gain, who were willing to stoop to crooked means to advance their own fortunes, were the failures, the lost leaders, and, in some cases, the men whose names are embalmed in their own infamy. the ultimate secret of greatness is neither physical nor intellectual, but moral. it is the capacity to lose self in the service of something greater. it is the faith to recognize, the will to obey, and the strength to follow, a star. washington, no doubt, was pre-eminent among his contemporaries in natural endowments. less brilliant in his mental gifts than some, less eloquent and accomplished than others, he had a rare balance of large powers which justified lowell's phrase of "an imperial man." his athletic vigor and skill, his steadiness of nerve restraining an intensity of passion, his undaunted courage which refused no necessary risks and his prudence which took no unnecessary ones, the quiet sureness with which he grasped large ideas and the pressing energy with which he executed small details, the breadth of his intelligence, the depth of his convictions, his power to apply great thoughts and principles to every-day affairs, and his singular superiority to current prejudices and illusions--these were gifts in combination which would have made him distinguished in any company, in any age. but what was it that won and kept a free field for the exercise of these gifts? what was it that secured for them a long, unbroken opportunity of development in the activities of leadership, until they reached the summit of their perfection? it was a moral quality. it was the evident magnanimity of the man, which assured the people that he was no self-seeker who would betray their interests for his own glory or rob them for his own gain. it was the supreme magnanimity of the man, which made the best spirits of the time trust him implicitly, in war and peace, as one who would never forget his duty or his integrity in the sense of his own greatness. from the first, washington appears not as a man aiming at prominence or power, but rather as one under obligation to serve a cause. necessity was laid upon him, and he met it willingly. after washington's marvellous escape from death in his first campaign for the defence of the colonies, the rev. samuel davies, fourth president of princeton college, spoke of him in a sermon as "that heroic youth, colonel washington, whom i can but hope providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." it was a prophetic voice, and washington was not disobedient to the message. chosen to command the army of the revolution in , he confessed to his wife his deep reluctance to surrender the joys of home, acknowledged publicly his feeling that he was not equal to the great trust committed to him, and then, accepting it as thrown upon him "by a kind of destiny," he gave himself body and soul to its fulfilment refusing all pay beyond the mere discharge of his expenses, of which he kept a strict account, and asking no other reward than the success of the cause which he served. "ah, but he was a rich man," cries the carping critic; "he could afford to do it." how many rich men to-day avail themselves of their opportunity to indulge in this kind of extravagance, toiling tremendously without a salary, neglecting their own estate for the public benefit, seeing their property diminished without complaint, and coming into serious financial embarrassment, even within sight of bankruptcy, as washington did, merely for the gratification of a desire to serve the people? this is indeed a very singular and noble form of luxury. but the wealth which makes it possible neither accounts for its existence nor detracts from its glory. it is the fruit of a manhood superior alike to riches and to poverty, willing to risk all, and to use all, for the common good. was it in any sense a misfortune for the people of america, even the poorest among them, that there was a man able to advance sixty-four thousand dollars out of his own purse, with no other security but his own faith in their cause, to pay his daily expenses while he was leading their armies? this unsecured loan was one of the very things, i doubt not, that helped to inspire general confidence. even so the prophet jeremiah purchased a field in anathoth, in the days when judah was captive unto babylon, paying down the money, seventeen shekels of silver, as a token of his faith that the land would some day be delivered from the enemy and restored to peaceful and orderly habitation. washington's substantial pledge of property to the cause of liberty was repaid by a grateful country at the close of the war. but not a dollar of payment for the tremendous toil of body and mind, not a dollar for work "overtime," for indirect damages to his estate, for commissions on the benefits which he secured for the general enterprise, for the use of his name or the value of his counsel, would he receive. a few years later, when his large sagacity perceived that the development of internal commerce was one of the first needs of the new country, at a time when he held no public office, he became president of a company for the extension of navigation on the rivers james and potomac. the legislature of virginia proposed to give him a hundred and fifty shares of stock. washington refused this, or any other kind of pay, saying that he could serve the people better in the enterprise if he were known to have no selfish interest in it. he was not the kind of a man to reconcile himself to a gratuity (which is the latinized word for a "tip" offered to a person not in livery), and if the modern methods of "coming in on the ground-floor" and "taking a rake-off" had been explained and suggested to him, i suspect that he would have described them in language more notable for its force than for its elegance. it is true, of course, that the fortune which he so willingly imperilled and impaired recouped itself again after peace was established, and his industry and wisdom made him once more a rich man for those days. but what injustice was there in that? it is both natural and right that men who have risked their all to secure for the country at large what they could have secured for themselves by other means, should share in the general prosperity attendant upon the success of their efforts and sacrifices for the common good. i am sick of the shallow judgment that ranks the worth of a man by his poverty or by his wealth at death. many a selfish speculator dies poor. many an unselfish patriot dies prosperous. it is not the possession of the dollar that cankers the soul, it is the worship of it. the true test of a man is this: has he labored for his own interest, or for the general welfare? has he earned his money fairly or unfairly? does he use it greedily or generously? what does it mean to him, a personal advantage over his fellow-men, or a personal opportunity of serving them? there are a hundred other points in washington's career in which the same supremacy of character, magnanimity focussed on service to an ideal, is revealed in conduct. i see it in the wisdom with which he, a son of the south, chose most of his generals from the north, that he might secure immediate efficiency and unity in the army. i see it in the generosity with which he praised the achievements of his associates, disregarding jealous rivalries, and ever willing to share the credit of victory as he was to bear the burden of defeat. i see it in the patience with which he suffered his fame to be imperilled for the moment by reverses and retreats, if only he might the more surely guard the frail hope of ultimate victory for his country. i see it in the quiet dignity with which he faced the conway cabal, not anxious to defend his own reputation and secure his own power, but nobly resolute to save the army from being crippled and the cause of liberty from being wrecked. i see it in the splendid self-forgetfulness which cleansed his mind of all temptation to take personal revenge upon those who had sought to injure him in that base intrigue. i read it in his letter of consolation and encouragement to the wretched gates after the defeat at camden. i hear the prolonged reechoing music of it in his letter to general knox in , in regard to military appointments, declaring his wish to "avoid feuds with those who are embarked in the same general enterprise with myself." listen to the same spirit as it speaks in his circular address to the governors of the different states, urging them to "forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community." watch how it guides him unerringly through the critical period of american history which lies between the success of the revolution and the establishment of the nation, enabling him to avoid the pitfalls of sectional and partisan strife, and to use his great influence with the people in leading them out of the confusion of a weak confederacy into the strength of an indissoluble union of sovereign states. see how he once more sets aside his personal preferences for a quiet country life, and risks his already secure popularity, together with his reputation for consistency, by obeying the voice which calls him to be a candidate for the presidency. see how he chooses for the cabinet and for the supreme court, not an exclusive group of personal friends, but men who can be trusted to serve the great cause of union with fidelity and power--jefferson, randolph, hamilton, knox, john jay, wilson, cushing, rutledge. see how patiently and indomitably he gives himself to the toil of office, deriving from his exalted station no gain "beyond the lustre which may be reflected from its connection with a power of promoting human felicity." see how he retires, at last, to the longed-for joys of private life, confessing that his career has not been without errors of judgment, beseeching the almighty that they may bring no harm to his country, and asking no other reward for his labors than to partake, "in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart." oh, sweet and stately words, revealing, through their calm reserve, the inmost secret of a life that did not flare with transient enthusiasm but glowed with unquenchable devotion to a cause! "the ever favorite object of my heart"--how quietly, how simply he discloses the source and origin of a sublime consecration, a lifelong heroism! thus speaks the victor in calm retrospect of the long battle. but if you would know the depth and the intensity of the divine fire that burned within his breast you must go back to the dark and icy days of valley forge, and hear him cry in passion unrestrained: "if i know my own mind, i could offer myself a living sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease. i would be a living offering to the savage fury and die by inches to save the people." "_the ever favorite object of my heart_!" i strike this note again and again, insisting upon it, harping upon it; for it is the key-note of the music. it is the capacity to find such an object in the success of the people's cause, to follow it unselfishly, to serve it loyally, that distinguishes the men who stood with washington and who deserve to share his fame. i read the annals of the revolution, and i find everywhere this secret and searching test dividing the strong from the weak, the noble from the base, the heirs of glory from the captives of oblivion and the inheritors of shame. it was the unwillingness to sink and forget self in the service of something greater that made the failures and wrecks of those tempestuous times, through which the single-hearted and the devoted pressed on to victory and honor. turn back to the battle of saratoga. there were two americans on that field who suffered under a great personal disappointment: philip schuyler, who was unjustly supplanted in command of the army by general gates; and benedict arnold, who was deprived by envy of his due share in the glory of winning the battle. schuyler forgot his own injury in loyalty to the cause, offered to serve gates in any capacity, and went straight on to the end of his noble life giving all that he had to his country. but in arnold's heart the favorite object was not his country, but his own ambition, and the wound which his pride received at saratoga rankled and festered and spread its poison through his whole nature, until he went forth from the camp, "a leper white as snow." what was it that made charles lee, as fearless a man as ever lived, play the part of a coward in order to hide his treason at the battle of monmouth? it was the inward eating corruption of that selfish vanity which caused him to desire the defeat of an army whose command he had wished but failed to attain. he had offered his sword to america for his own glory, and when that was denied him, he withdrew the offering, and died, as he had lived, to himself. what was it that tarnished the fame of gates and wilkinson and burr and conway? what made their lives, and those of men like them, futile and inefficient compared with other men whose natural gifts were less? it was the taint of dominant selfishness that ran through their careers, now hiding itself, now breaking out in some act of malignity or treachery. of the common interest they were reckless, provided they might advance their own. disappointed in that "ever favorite object of their hearts," they did not hesitate to imperil the cause in whose service they were enlisted. turn to other cases, in which a charitable judgment will impute no positive betrayal of trusts, but a defect of vision to recognize the claim of the higher ideal. tory or revolutionist a man might be, according to his temperament and conviction; but where a man begins with protests against tyranny and ends with subservience to it, we look for the cause. what was it that separated joseph galloway from francis hopkinson? it was galloway's opinion that, while the struggle for independence might be justifiable, it could not be successful, and the temptation of a larger immediate reward under the british crown than could ever be given by the american congress in which he had once served. what was it that divided the rev. jacob duché from the rev. john witherspoon? it was duché's fear that the cause for which he had prayed so eloquently in the first continental congress was doomed after the capture of philadelphia, and his unwillingness to go down with that cause instead of enjoying the comfortable fruits of his native wit and eloquence in an easy london chaplaincy. what was it that cut william franklin off from his professedly prudent and worldly wise old father, benjamin? it was the luxurious and benumbing charm of the royal governorship of new jersey. "professedly prudent" is the phrase that i have chosen to apply to benjamin franklin. for the one thing that is clear, as we turn to look at him and the other men who stood with washington, is that, whatever their philosophical professions may have been, they were not controlled by prudence. they were really imprudent, and at heart willing to take all risks of poverty and death in a struggle whose cause was just though its issue was dubious. if it be rashness to commit honor and life and property to a great adventure for the general good, then these men were rash to the verge of recklessness. they refused no peril, they withheld no sacrifice, in the following of their ideal. i hear john dickinson saying: "it is not our duty to leave wealth to our children, but it is our duty to leave liberty to them. we have counted the cost of this contest, and we find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery." i see samuel adams, impoverished, living upon a pittance, hardly able to provide a decent coat for his back, rejecting with scorn the offer of a profitable office, wealth, a title even, to win him from his allegiance to the cause of america. i see robert morris, the wealthy merchant, opening his purse and pledging his credit to support the revolution, and later devoting all his fortune and his energy to restore and establish the financial honor of the republic, with the memorable words, "the united states may command all that i have, except my integrity." i hear the proud john adams saying to his wife, "i have accepted a seat in the house of representatives, and thereby have consented to my own ruin, to your ruin, and the ruin of our children"; and i hear her reply, with the tears running down her face, "well, i am willing in this cause to run all risks with you, and be ruined with you, if you are ruined," i see benjamin franklin, in the congress of , already past his seventieth year, prosperous, famous, by far the most celebrated man in america, accepting without demur the difficult and dangerous mission to france, and whispering to his friend, dr. rush, "i am old and good for nothing, but as the store-keepers say of their remnants of cloth, 'i am but a fag-end, and you may have me for what you please.'" here is a man who will illustrate and prove, perhaps better than any other of those who stood with washington, the point at which i am aiming. there was none of the glamour of romance about old ben franklin. he was shrewd, canny, humorous. the chivalric southerners disliked his philosophy, and the solemn new-englanders mistrusted his jokes. he made no extravagant claims for his own motives, and some of his ways were not distinctly ideal. he was full of prudential proverbs, and claimed to be a follower of the theory of enlightened self-interest. but there was not a faculty of his wise old head which he did not put at the service of his country, nor was there a pulse of his slow and steady heart which did not beat loyal to the cause of freedom. he forfeited profitable office and sure preferment under the crown, for hard work, uncertain pay, and certain peril in behalf of the colonies. he followed the inexorable logic, step by step, which led him from the natural rights of his countrymen to their liberty, from their liberty to their independence. he endured with a grim humor the revilings of those whom he called "malevolent critics and bug-writers." he broke with his old and dear associates in england, writing to one of them, "you and i were long friends; you are now my enemy and i am yours, b. franklin." he never flinched or faltered at any sacrifice of personal ease or interest to the demands of his country. his patient, skilful, laborious efforts in france did as much for the final victory of the american cause as any soldier's sword. he yielded his own opinions in regard to the method of making the treaty of peace with england, and thereby imperilled for a time his own prestige. he served as president of pennsylvania three times, devoting all his salary to public benefactions. his influence in the constitutional convention was steadfast on the side of union and harmony, though in many things he differed from the prevailing party. his voice was among those who hailed washington as the only possible candidate for the presidency. his last public act was a petition to congress for the abolition of slavery. at his death the government had not yet settled his accounts in its service, and his country was left apparently his debtor; which, in a sense still larger and deeper, she must remain as long as liberty endures and union triumphs in the republic. is not this, after all, the root of the whole matter? is not this the thing that is vitally and essentially true of all those great men, clustering about washington, whose fame we honor and revere with his? they all left the community, the commonwealth, the race, in debt to them. this was their purpose and the ever-favorite object of their hearts. they were deliberate and joyful creditors. renouncing the maxim of worldly wisdom which bids men "get all you can and keep all you get," they resolved rather to give all they had to advance the common cause, to use every benefit conferred upon them in the service of the general welfare, to bestow upon the world more than they received from it, and to leave a fair and unblotted account of business done with life which should show a clear balance in their favor. thus, in brief outline, and in words which seem poor and inadequate, i have ventured to interpret anew the story of washington and the men who stood with him: not as a stirring ballad of battle and danger, in which the knights ride valiantly, and are renowned for their mighty strokes at the enemy in arms; not as a philosophic epic, in which the development of a great national idea is displayed, and the struggle of opposing policies is traced to its conclusion; but as a drama of the eternal conflict in the soul of man between self-interest in its protean forms, and loyalty to the right, service to a cause, allegiance to an ideal. those great actors who played in it have passed away, but the same drama still holds the stage. the drop-curtain falls between the acts; the scenery shifts; the music alters; but the crisis and its issues are unchanged, and the parts which you and i play are assigned to us by our own choice of "the ever favorite object of our hearts." men tell us that the age of ideals is past, and that we are now come to the age of expediency, of polite indifference to moral standards, of careful attention to the bearing of different policies upon our own personal interests. men tell us that the rights of man are a poetic fiction, that democracy has nothing in it to command our allegiance unless it promotes our individual comfort and prosperity, and that the whole duty of a citizen is to vote with his party and get an office for himself, or for some one who will look after him. men tell us that to succeed means to get money, because with that all other good things can be secured. men tell us that the one thing to do is to promote and protect the particular trade, or industry, or corporation in which we have a share: the laws of trade will work out that survival of the fittest which is the only real righteousness, and if we survive that will prove that we are fit. men tell us that all beyond this is phantasy, dreaming, sunday-school politics: there is nothing worth living for except to get on in the world; and nothing at all worth dying for, since the age of ideals is past. it is past indeed for those who proclaim, or whisper, or in their hearts believe, or in their lives obey, this black gospel. and what is to follow? an age of cruel and bitter jealousies between sections and classes; of hatted and strife between the haves and the have-nots; of futile contests between parties which have kept their names and confused their principles, so that no man may distinguish them except as the ins and outs. an age of greedy privilege and sullen poverty, of blatant luxury and curious envy, of rising palaces and vanishing homes, of stupid frivolity and idiotic publicomania; in which four hundred gilded fribbles give monkey-dinners and louis xv. revels, while four million ungilded gossips gape at them and read about them in the newspapers. an age when princes of finance buy protection from the representatives of a fierce democracy; when guardians of the savings which insure the lives of the poor, use them as a surplus to pay for the extravagances of the rich; and when men who have climbed above their fellows on golden ladders, tremble at the crack of the blackmailer's whip and come down at the call of an obscene newspaper. an age when the python of political corruption casts its "rings" about the neck of proud cities and sovereign states, and throttles honesty to silence and liberty to death. it is such an age, dark, confused, shameful, that the sceptic and the scorner must face, when they turn their backs upon those ancient shrines where the flames of faith and integrity and devotion are flickering like the deserted altar-fires of a forsaken worship. but not for us who claim our heritage in blood and spirit from washington and the men who stood with him,--not for us of other tribes and kindred who "have found a fatherland upon this shore," and learned the meaning of manhood beneath the shelter of liberty,--not for us, nor for our country, that dark apostasy, that dismal outlook! we see the palladium of the american ideal--goddess of the just eye, the unpolluted heart, the equal hand--standing as the image of athene stood above the upper streams of simois: "it stood, and sun and moonshine rained their light on the pure columns of its glen-built hall. backward and forward rolled the waves of fight round troy--but while this stood troy could not fall." we see the heroes of the present conflict, the men whose allegiance is not to sections but to the whole people, the fearless champions of fair play. we hear from the chair of washington a brave and honest voice which cries that our industrial problems must be solved not in the interest of capital, nor of labor, but of the whole people. we believe that the liberties which the heroes of old won with blood and sacrifice are ours to keep with labor and service. "all that our fathers wrought with true prophetic thought, must be defended." no privilege that encroaches upon those liberties is to be endured. no lawless disorder that imperils them is to be sanctioned. no class that disregards or invades them is to be tolerated. there is a life that is worth living now, as it was worth living in the former days, and that is the honest life, the useful life, the unselfish life, cleansed by devotion to an ideal. there is a battle that is worth fighting now, as it was worth fighting then, and that is the battle for justice and equality. to make our city and our state free in fact as well as in name; to break the rings that strangle real liberty, and to keep them broken; to cleanse, so far as in our power lies, the fountains of our national life from political, commercial, and social corruption; to teach our sons and daughters, by precept and example, the honor of serving such a country as america--that is work worthy of the finest manhood and womanhood. the well born are those who are born to do that work. the well bred are those who are bred to be proud of that work. the well educated are those who see deepest into the meaning and the necessity of that work. nor shall their labor be for naught, nor the reward of their sacrifice fail them. for high in the firmament of human destiny are set the stars of faith in mankind, and unselfish courage, and loyalty to the ideal; and while they shine, the americanism of washington and the men who stood with him shall never, never die. the end washington in domestic life. from original letters and manuscripts. by richard rush. . gentlemen:-- in confiding to your house the publication of this brief paper on some points in the character of washington, i beg leave to say, that for any deficiency in the cost of publishing, after all your charges in having it fitly done are defrayed, i will be responsible. and in the very remote probability of the sale of a production so limited as this, in the face of a thousand better things on washington's character already before the world, ever yielding anything in the way of profit after your proper expenditures are all satisfied, it will go, however small, to the washington monument fund, existing in the metropolis of our country. i am, gentlemen, your very faithful and obedient servant, richard rush. sydenham, near philadelphia, february , . to messrs. j.b. lippincott and co., publishers, philadelphia. to charles j. ingersoll. * * * * * this literary trifle is hardly worth a dedication; yet it has dared to touch, though with incompetent hands, a high subject, and, trifle as it is, i dedicate it to you. at an agreeable little dinner at your table lately, where we had the new vice-president, mr. breckenridge, whose maternal stock, the stanhope smiths and witherspoons, so rich in intellect, we knew at princeton, you said we had been friends for upwards of sixty years. you were right, for we were merry boys together in philadelphia before our college days at princeton; and i may here add, that our friendship never has been interrupted. richard rush. introductory explanation. the manuscript or paper here published was prepared from a collection of original letters from general washington on matters, for the most part, purely domestic and personal, addressed to colonel tobias lear, his private secretary for a part of the time he was president; and then, and during periods much longer, his confidential friend. they came into my hands through the voluntary kindness of mrs. lear, of the city of washington, the estimable relict of colonel lear, and niece of mrs. washington, whose friendship it was my good lot and that of my family to enjoy; as we did that of colonel lear while he lived. the latter died in washington in . mrs. lear first informed me of these letters ten or twelve years ago when in washington, and offered them to my perusal and examination, telling me to take them home and retain them as long as i chose, and use them as i thought best, for she knew i would not abuse this privilege. i brought them home as requested, being then too much engaged in the business of the smithsonian institution as one of the regents on its first organization, to examine them while in washington. she afterwards read, approved, and for some time had in her hands the paper i drew up from them. it consisted of notices of, and extracts from these original letters, the matter being abridged, connecting links used, and omissions made where the great author himself marked them private or from parts otherwise not necessary to go before the world. so guarded and prepared, and with a commentary interwoven, mrs. lear left its publication to my discretion. i returned the original letters, in number more than thirty, in the state i received them from her. i never allowed any one of them to be copied; but gave one away, or two, for i am not at this day certain which, to mr. polk while he was president of the united states, having first asked and obtained mrs. lear's consent for that purpose. she also gave me two of them not very long before her decease, which i prize the more as her gift. i have other original letters from the same immortal source, the valued donation in , of the son of colonel lear, lincoln lear, esquire. this excellent lady, who long honored me with her friendship and confidence in the above and other ways, after surviving colonel lear forty years, died last december in washington. there she had continued to live as his widow; being all this time in possession of, and as i supposed owning, these original letters. there she lived, beloved as a pattern of the christian virtues, and enjoying the esteem of the circle around her as an interesting relict of days becoming historical; but ever elevating in the associations they recall. now that she is gone, i am induced to give to the public the paper in question. in doing so i have the best grounds for believing that i perform an act that would have been grateful to her were she living. she was fully informed of my intention to publish it and could not but be sensible that the long respect and affectionate attachment of general washington which her husband enjoyed, as so indelibly stamped upon these letters, is a record of his probity, capacity, and sterling worth, than which none could ever be more precious, or be likely to endure longer. this consideration it might be thought affects only the descendants of colonel lear or others devoted to his memory; but i have ventured to think that the publication may not be wholly unacceptable on broader grounds. nothing, indeed, in authentic connection with washington's great name can ever be unwelcome to the american people; and although it may have happened that some few of these letters have heretofore found their way into print in whole or in part, the number, as far as was known to mrs. lear, is believed to be very small. hence the publication need not be forborne on that account; more especially if it should be found to carry with it the slightest general interest in the form now presented. in regard to the narrative of arnold's treason as given by the great chief at his table at mount vernon and afterwards written down by colonel lear, which i have appended to the synopsis of the letters, it was not within mrs. lear's knowledge, nor is it within mine at present, that it has ever been in print before. richard rush. sydenham, near philadelphia, february, . washington in domestic life. when first i opened and cursorily read the original letters from general washington, mentioned in the foregoing introductory explanation, and noticed the domestic topics which ran so largely through them, they struck me as possessing peculiar interest. they were of value as coming from that venerated source, and doubly so, considering how little is known, through his own correspondence, of his domestic life; scarcely, in fact, any of its details. reading the letters again, i found the matter to be somewhat more varied than my first eager inspection of them, as hastily unfolded, had led me to suppose; but they were desultory, and much broken as to dates. the occasional mixture of other matter, especially public matter, with the domestic topics, did not diminish the interest of the letters, but the contrary. in this publication i follow the order of the dates. where wide chasms occur, i have merely supplied a link in the chain by an explanatory remark here and there, in aid of the reader, not hazarding other remarks until all the letters are mentioned. thus much as to the plan. i proceed to speak of the letters themselves. the first in date is of the fifth of september, . it is written in philadelphia, where washington had just then arrived from new york, mr. lear, as may be inferred from it, being in new york. he states that he would proceed onward to mount vernon on the day following if mrs. washington's health would permit, as she had been indisposed since their arrival in philadelphia; that before he arrived, the city corporation had taken the house of mr. robert morris for his residence, but that it would not be sufficiently commodious without additions. [this house was in market street on the south side near sixth street. the market house buildings then stopped at fourth street; the town in this street extended westward scarcely as far as ninth street; good private dwellings were seen above fifth street; mr. morris's was perhaps the best; the garden was well inclosed by a wall.] he describes the house, remarking that even with the proposed additions the gentlemen of his family would have to go into the third story, where also mr. lear and mrs. lear would have to go; and that there would be no place for his own study and dressing-room but in the back building; there are good stables, and the coach-house would hold his carriages; but his coachmen and postilions would have to sleep over the stable where there was no fireplace, though the room might be warmed by a stove. the other servants could sleep in the house, he adds, if, in addition to the present accommodations, a servants' hall were built with one or two lodging-rooms over it. these are samples of the particularity with which he writes. he tells mr. lear that he had left his coach and harness with the coachmaker, mr. clarke, in philadelphia, for repairs, and requests him to see that they are well done and at the time appointed. the residue of the letter relates to the bringing on of his servants from new york. it begins "dear sir," and after saying that mrs. washington joins with him in best wishes to mrs. lear, concludes, "i am sincerely and affectionately yours, geo. washington." the letter fills the four pages of a sheet of letter paper in his compact but bold and legible hand, with a few interlineations made very distinctly. the next letter is dated mount vernon, september , . after saying a few words about mr. morris's house, he reverts to the subject of bringing his servants from new york to philadelphia, naming several of them, but doubting the expediency of bringing all by sea, especially the upper servants. the steward and his wife are mentioned as perhaps best not to be brought at all; he has no wish to part with them: first, because he does not like to be changing; and secondly, because he did not know how to supply their places, but was much mistaken if the expenses of the second table, where the steward presided, had not greatly exceeded the proper mark; he suspected there was nothing brought to his own table of liquors, fruit, or other things, that had not been used as profusely at the steward's; that if his suspicions were unfounded he should be sorry for having entertained them; and if not, it was at least questionable whether any successor of ****** might not do the same thing, in which case there might be a change without a benefit. he leaves it with mr. lear whether to retain him or not, provided he thought him honest, of which he would be better able to judge on comparing his accounts with those of his former steward, which he (the general) had not done. he concludes, "with sincere regard and affection, i am yours, geo. washington." [at this epoch, the seat of government had just been removed from new york to philadelphia, making it necessary for general washington to establish himself in the latter city, which leads him into the details given and to follow.] the third letter is from mount vernon, september , . it begins by saying that since his last, the date of which is not recollected, as he kept no copies of these letters, two had been received from mr. lear, of which he gives the dates. he approves of his mode of removing the furniture, and asks, "how have you disposed of the pagoda? it is a delicate piece of stuff, and will require to be handled tenderly." alluding to the house in which he had lived in new york, the lease of which was unexpired, he says that he expected ***** would endeavor to impose his own terms when he found he could not get it off his hands; we are in his power and he must do what he pleases with us. as the "lustre" is paid for and securely packed up, and may suit the largest drawing-room at mr. morris's house in philadelphia, he does not incline to part with it; there is a mangle in the kitchen, which mrs. morris proposes to leave, taking his mangle instead; [a mangle was a machine for washing or pressing, then in use, and a fixture, i think;] he would not object provided his was as good, but not if he would be the gainer by exchanging. he concludes, mrs. washington and all the family joining in best wishes to mrs. lear and himself, "i am your sincere friend and affectionate servant," signing his name as before. the next is dated mount vernon, october , . in this letter he refers to the declaration of the ministers of britain and spain as published in the newspapers,[a] and requests mr. lear to give him the earliest information of these or any other interesting matters, beyond what the newspapers say; remarking that mr. jefferson's absence from new york [mr. jefferson was then secretary of state] might be the means of delaying the receipt of official advices to him longer than usual. he requests mr. lear to use his endeavors for ascertaining the best schools in philadelphia with a view to placing washington custis, mrs. washington's grandson, at the best. if the college is under good regulations, and they have proper tutors to prepare boys of his standing for the higher branches of education, he makes a quaere if it would not be better to put him there at once, the presumption being that a system may prevail there by which the gradations are better connected than in schools which have no correspondence with each other. adverting again to his servants, he reminds mr. lear that no mention had been made of john's wife, and asks what he understands to be her plans. he incloses a letter from john to her, and another from james to his "del toboso." [these were four of his black servants.] he requests him when able to get at count d'estaing's letters to send him a transcript of what he says of a bust he had sent him of neckar, together with a number of prints of neckar, and of the marquis la fayette; and concludes in the same cordial and affectionate style as before. mount vernon, october , . this is next in date. the early parts of this letter have reference to the steps for removing his furniture and servants from new york; to the getting rid of the house still upon his hands there, and to the proper care and instruction of his niece, miss harriet washington, when he should be established in philadelphia. referring again to washington custis's education, whom he had adopted as a son and in whom he appears to have taken great interest,[b] he wishes inquiry to be made as to the higher branches taught at the college with a view to placing his nephews, george and lawrence washington, at that institution in philadelphia. he speaks very kindly of these nephews, and of their desire for improvement. having left the languages, they are engaged, he adds, under mr. harrow, in alexandria, in the study of the mathematics and learning french. concludes as usual. next comes one from mount vernon of october , . he tells mr. lear that on his return from a twelve days' excursion up the potomac, he finds three letters from him, which he acknowledges under their dates, and is very glad to learn that he had arrived in philadelphia, and that the servants and furniture had got safely there. it is equally agreeable to him that the steward and his wife had come. he leaves to mr. l. the arrangement of the furniture, with remarks of his own as to its disposition in some of the rooms; and wishes the rent of mr. morris's house to be fixed before the day of his going into it. he desired to pay a just value; more he had no idea would be asked; but intimates his fears that the committee [of the city councils of philadelphia is probably meant] were holding back under an intention that the rent should be paid by the public, to which he would not consent. it would be best, he thinks, if all the servants could be accommodated without using the loft over the stable, as no orders he could give them would prevent their carrying lights there, if they were to use it as lodgers. by return of the hand that takes this and other letters from him to the alexandria post-office, he hopes to receive later dates from mr. lear, and, possibly, something more indicative of peace or war between spain and england; and concludes, "i am your affectionate friend, geo. washington." mount vernon, october , , is the next date. after expressing concern lest his house in philadelphia should not be ready in time, and pointing out arrangements for his journey to philadelphia, he speaks again of his carriage at the coachmaker's in philadelphia. he thinks that a wreath round the crests on the panels would be more correspondent with the seasons [allegorical paintings probably in medallion], which were to remain there, than the motto; and that the motto might be put on the plates of the harness, but leaves it to mr. lear and the coachmaker to adopt which they thought best when the whole was looked at, as he could not himself see it as a whole. he speaks of the boarding schools in philadelphia, and is anxious that full and careful inquiry be made with a view to securing proper advantages in the education of his niece, but to be made in a way not to give any expectation of a preference between rival seminaries, as he had come to no decision in regard to his niece. as his family on removing to philadelphia will have new connections to form with tradespeople, he requests mr. lear to find out those in each branch who stand highest for skill and fair dealing, saying it is better to be slow in choosing than be under any necessity of changing. concludes "with affectionate regards i am your sincere friend, g.w." mount vernon, november , . a letter full of minute details. it sets out with expressing his renewed anxiety respecting the education of his adopted son washington custis, remarking that if the _schools_ in the college are under good masters, and are as fit for boys of his age [he was probably about eight at this time, for we were schoolmates in philadelphia at the dates of the earliest of these letters] as a private school would be, he is still of opinion he had better be placed there in the first instance; but the propriety of the step will depend: . upon the character and ability of the masters; . upon the police and discipline of the school; and thirdly, upon the number of the pupils. if there be too many pupils, justice cannot be done to them whatever the ability of the masters, adding that what ought to be the due proportion is in some measure matter of opinion, but that an extreme must be obvious to all. he leaves it with mr. lear to decide that point if nothing else should be finally resolved upon by himself before he reaches philadelphia. he next incloses a letter from mr. gouverneur morris, then in paris [but not our minister at the french court at that time] with the bill of charges for certain articles which he had requested him to send from paris. the plated ware far exceeds in price the utmost bounds of his calculation; but as he is persuaded mr. morris had only done what he thought right, he requests mr. lear to make immediate payment in manner as he points out. among the articles of this plated ware, were wine coolers, for holding four decanters of cut glass, also sent by mr. morris; and he seems as little satisfied with the size and fashion of these coolers, from the description he has received of them, as with their unexpected cost. he thinks more appropriate ones of real silver might be made, the pattern being different and work lighter, giving his own ideas of a pattern, and a little draft of it, and requesting mr. lear to talk to a silversmith on the matter, remarking that perhaps those sent by mr. morris might give hints for the pattern; which, if not found too heavy, as he had not yet seen them, might after all answer. he approves of the pagoda's standing in the smallest drawing-room where mr. lear had placed it. whether the _green_ curtain or a new _yellow_ one is to be used for the staircase window in the hall, may depend on his getting an exact match in color for the former; in things of this sort one would not regard a small additional expense, to save the eye from bad contrasts. he expresses the hope that his study will be in readiness by the time he arrives, and that the rubbish and other litter made by those "men of mortar and the carpenters," will be removed so that the yard may be made and kept as clean as the parlor. this, he says, is essential, as, by the alterations made in the house, the back rooms had become the best and there was an uninterrupted view from them into the yard, especially from the dining-room. he concludes by saying that as mrs. washington writes to mrs. lear, he would only add his best wishes for her and affectionate regards for himself, "being your sincere friend, g.w." mount vernon, november , . this letter is a duplicate written to inform mr. lear that he depended upon p****'s coach, horses, and driver, for taking on the children to philadelphia. his reasons for writing the duplicate was, that giles (one of his servants), who was sent on wednesday to alexandria with his first letter with directions that if the stage had gone to pursue it to georgetown so as to overtake the mail, had put the letter into the hands of a passenger, who "all but forced it from him," so anxious was this passenger to do an obliging thing, as he "knew general washington." this passenger told his name, but it was "so comical," he could not recollect it. this was giles's story; and the general adds that as he knew what little dependence was to be placed on the punctual conveyance of letters by a private hand, he writes this duplicate by post to repeat his request that mr. lear will inform him, by return of post, what he has to expect with _certainty_ as to the coach hired for taking on a part of his family to philadelphia. his house is full of company, he adds, and concludes as usual. mount vernon, november , . this letter manifests his concern about the house in philadelphia; for, besides that it is still unfinished, the rent, he says, has not yet been fixed, though he has long since wished it; he is at a loss to understand it all. he hopes that the additions and alterations made on his account whilst neat, have not been in an extravagant style. the latter would not only be contrary to his wishes but repugnant to his interest and convenience, as it would be the means of keeping him from the use and comforts of the house until a later day; and because the furniture and everything else must then be in accordance with its expensive finish, which would not agree with his present furniture, and he had no wish to be taxed to suit the taste of others. the letter is of more length than usual and marked "private;" being, with one other, the only ones in the collection so marked. i will, therefore, notice its contents no further than barely to add, that in a part where he alludes to the still possible intention of making the public in philadelphia pay his rent, his terms of dissent become very emphatic. in reference to his coach, he would rather have heard that, as repaired, it was "_plain_ and elegant" than "_rich_ and elegant." conclusion as usual. mount vernon, nov. , . this, he says, is a very bad day. he is just setting off for alexandria to a dinner given to him by the citizens of that place. the caps (jockey caps) of giles and paris (two of his postilions) being so much worn that they will be unfit for use by the time he has completed his journey to philadelphia, he requests that new ones may be made, the tassels to be of better quality than the old ones; and that a new set of harness may be made for the leaders, with a postilion saddle; the saddle-cloth of which to be like the hammer-cloth, that all may be of a piece when necessary to use six horses. [this he sometimes did in travelling.] the letter concludes as usual. "spurriers," november , . [he is now on his journey to philadelphia in his own travelling carriage with mrs. washington; the children, and the servants in attendance on the children, being in the stage-coach hired for the occasion.] he dates from this tavern twelve or fourteen miles south of baltimore. the roads, he says, are in-famous--no hope of reaching baltimore that night, as they had not yet gone to dinner but were waiting for it. the letter is only of a few lines, and evidently written in haste, though he never makes apologies on that account. georgetown, march , . [the general and family arrived in philadelphia and took possession of mr. morris's house. the session of congress passed over. it was the short session. he was now on his return to mount vernon, having reached the above town on the maryland side of the potomac, from which he dates.] this letter is on his private affairs. he expresses dissatisfaction at the conduct of ****** one of his agents in the state of----, in letting out his property and receiving his rents; he is too well acquainted, he says, with facts that bear upon the case to be imposed upon by the tale he tells; and even his own letter proves him to be what he would not call him. mount vernon, april , . this letter is also in part on his private affairs. it contains further complaints of this agent. in the closing parts of it [there being at this time growing apprehensions of trouble with the indians] he makes the remark, that until we could restrain the turbulence and disorderly conduct of our own borderers, it would be in vain he feared to expect peace with the indians; or that they would govern their own people better than we did ours. [it was in the following autumn that general st. clair's army was defeated by them in the neighborhood of the miami villages.] mount vernon, april , . a short letter. it mentions his intention of continuing his journey southward the next day; his horses being well recruited, he hopes they will go on better than they have come from philadelphia. he incloses mr. lear, who remains in philadelphia, some letters to be put on file, and requests him to pay a man who had been working in the garden. [the journey southward next day was the commencement of his tour to the southern states, having made one into the northern states before he became president. having completed his tour, he passed several days in georgetown to execute the powers vested in him for fixing on a place for the permanent seat of government for the united states under the new constitution.] richmond, april , . this is a letter of four closely written pages, mainly, though not exclusively, about his servants and the difficulties with them under the non-slavery laws of philadelphia; but as he requests that the knowledge of its contents and the sentiments he expresses may be confined to mrs. lear and mrs. washington, i notice no more of it. savannah, may , . he here says that the continual hurry into which he was thrown by entertainments, visits, and ceremonies in the course of his southern tour, left him scarcely a moment he could call his own. he gives directions as to where his letters are to be sent that they may strike him at the proper points whilst travelling; his horses are much worn down, he says, by the bad roads, especially the two he bought just before leaving philadelphia, "and my old white horse." fredericksburg, virginia, june , . he informs mr. lear that he had reached this place the day preceding, and expected to get back to mount vernon the day following. he would remain there until the th, which was the day appointed for him to meet the commissioners at georgetown to fix on the spot for the public buildings to be erected in the new federal city, and writes to give mr. lear this foreknowledge of his movements. mount vernon, june , . the early part of this letter relates to certain blank commissions signed and left with mr. lear to be filled up under the direction and advice of the secretary of the treasury. he next adverts to a vacancy in one of the united states judgeships--that of the district of pennsylvania--by the death of the late incumbent. some have applied, he says, for the appointment, and others will. in reference to this and other offices that will be vacant (naming them), he wishes mr. lear to get the best information he can as to those who it is thought would fill them "with the greatest ability and integrity." several meritorious persons, he adds, have already been brought to his view. he is glad to hear that the affairs of his household in philadelphia go on so well, and tells mr. lear it might not be improper for him to hint how foolish it would be in the servants left there to enter into any combinations for supplanting those in authority [meaning the upper servants]. the attempt would be futile, and must recoil upon themselves; and next, admitting that they were to make the lives of the present steward and housekeeper so uneasy as to induce them to quit, others would be got, and such, too, as would be equally if not more rigid in exacting the duty required of the servants below them; the steward and housekeeper were indispensably necessary in taking trouble off of mrs. washington's hands and his own, and would be supported in the line of their duty, whilst any attempt to counteract them would be considered as the strongest evidence the other servants could give of their unworthiness. a good and faithful servant, he adds, was never afraid of having his conduct looked into, but the reverse. mount vernon, june , . he acknowledges the receipt of several letters from mr. lear, and approves what he has done. he tells him that in the fall he shall want blankets for his servants and people[c] at mount vernon; and the summer being the best time for buying them, he wishes inquiry to be made on this subject, saying he should want about two hundred. he wants to see paine's answer to burke's pamphlet on the french revolution, and requests it may be sent to him. he says that "paris" has grown to be so lazy and self-willed that john, the coachman, says he has no sort of government of him, as he did nothing that he was told to do, and everything he was not. the general adds that his incapacity as a postilion was such that he had determined to leave him behind when returning to philadelphia, which would make one or two boys necessary in his stable at that place, as assistants, and asks whether it might not be possible to find emigrant germans to answer the purpose. he concludes, "be assured of the esteem and regard of yours affectionately, g.w." mount vernon, september , . he refers to the house in philadelphia; says that he never expressed any dissatisfaction at want of accommodation in it since he got rid of the workmen; and that that supposition must _not_ be adduced as a motive for causing a _public edifice_ to be built for his use or occupancy; that he has no intention of interfering with the politics of pennsylvania, or the household accommodations of his successors in the presidency; but that, for himself, personally, he had wholly declined living in any public building. this subject appears to have engaged some of his sensibility, and he tells mr. lear he is glad to learn he has put in writing his views in regard to it, as that will protect him against misconception on any point. mount vernon, october , . he writes again about the blankets; some have been offered to him in alexandria, but he likes neither the size nor price, and speaks of those to be had in philadelphia as intolerably narrow. he cannot think of being disappointed in his supply, as his people would suffer in the ensuing winter. he wants one hundred of the largest size and best quality, and one hundred of the middle size but _good_ in quality. i recollect asking you if among my pamphlets you had seen the journal of my tour to the french (the word _position_ was probably omitted here) on _la beauf_ in the year . i understood you no; but mrs. washington thinks you said yes. pray decide the point for us--i have searched in vain for it here. mount vernon, october , . in this letter he begins by saying he is glad of the intimation given of the intentions of the minister of france [not stated what they are], and pleased though distressed at the information that the th instant is the day for the meeting of congress. he had supposed it to be the st, and intended to spend monday and possibly tuesday in georgetown; but now he would endeavor to reach bladensburg on monday night and lose no time afterwards in pursuing his journey onward to philadelphia, as scarce any time would be left to him for preparing his communications when the session opened, if the members were punctual in attending. this makes it the more necessary, he says, that mr. lear should look with accuracy, and without delay, into his speeches and the laws of the past sessions; that all might be at hand for his own review and consideration. and he requests mr. lear, should anything else have occurred to him as fit for recommendation or communication in his speech to congress, to note it, that it might be ready for his consideration in case it should not be among his own memorandums. the conclusion is in his usually cordial way. this session of congress passed over. it was the long one, and ran into may . i find in the collection only three letters to mr. lear dated in that year. the first is from mount vernon, july , ' , soon after he had left philadelphia, and is familiarly descriptive of his journey homewards. his horses plagued him a good deal, he says, and the sick mare, owing to a dose of physic administered the night he reached chester, was so much weakened as to be unable to carry austin [one of the postilions] further than the susquehannah; had to be led thence to hartford, where she was left, and two days afterwards, "gave up the ghost." as he travelled on, he heard great complaints of the hessian fly, and of rust or mildew in the wheat, and believed that the damage would be great in some places; but that more was said than the case warranted, and on the whole the crops would be abundant. on arriving in georgetown, he found many well-conceived plans for the public buildings in the new city, and remarks that it was a pleasure to him to find in our new country so much architectural ability displayed. concludes, "i am your affectionate friend, g.w." the second is dated mount vernon, september , ' . he tells mr. lear that he had written him but one letter since arriving at mount vernon, but was on the eve of writing a second when his of the th of august got to hand, with such information of his movements (mr. lear having been away from philadelphia) as might now enable him to direct a letter to him without danger of its "reverberating back." he thanks him for the information afforded in his letter of the th of august and in another of the st of july; says he has nothing agreeable of a domestic nature to relate. poor george [the general is here supposed to allude to mr. george lewis, one of his nephews, then staying at mount vernon], he fears, is not far from that place whence no traveller returns; he is but the shadow of what he was; has not been out of his room, scarcely out of his bed, for six weeks; has intervals of ease which flatter us a little, but he, the general, has little hope of his surviving the winter. it is so he writes of this nephew, adding that the subject gives him much distress. concludes, "with sincere and affectionate regard i am always your friend, g.w." the third is dated mount vernon, october , ' . in the expectation that this letter will find mr. lear again in philadelphia, he wishes him to begin in time to compare all his former speeches to congress with the subsequent acts of that body that he might see what parts of them passed altogether unnoticed or had been only partially noticed, that thus he might be enabled to judge whether any and what parts should be brought forward again. he requests him also, as before, to note everything that may occur to him as fit to be noticed in his communication to congress this year, as he desires to have all the materials collected for his consideration in preparing his speech. he speaks again of the illness of "poor george," and says that others of his family are unwell. concludes in his usually kind and affection manner. [this session of congress--the short session--came to its regular close on the d of march, .] the general is again at mount vernon in april, and writes to mr. lear on the th of that month on some of his private affairs. he tells him that his letter of the d had been received transmitting mr. ******'s rental, and mr. *****'s profession of his inability to discharge his bond. the latter he thinks more candid than the former, but supposes that he must be satisfied with both, knowing he will never get better terms from either. he intimates that before doing anything with respect to the lands the latter had from him, he wishes mr. lear to have some conversation with * * * * on a point he (the general) did not clearly understand, as he would not "put it in the power of malice itself to charge him with any agency in measures that could be tortured into impropriety in this matter." in regard to the former person [the same mentioned in his letters of march and april , ' , as having the charge of some of his property], he requests mr. lear to endeavor to find out through members of congress, if he can, the name of some individual in the state in question who would be likely to make him a faithful agent, as it would not do to leave his concerns in the hands of ***** any longer; he was too dependent, he feared (besides other objections to him), for his election to the legislature to fix his rents at a just medium, or collect them in the manner he ought to do. the conclusion of this letter has reference to the will of his deceased nephew, mr. george lewis, who had died at mount vernon. mr. lear had now ceased to be his private secretary; but the most intimate correspondence was still kept up with him. on the st of june, , there is a letter to him from philadelphia [mr. l. then being in georgetown], which the general writes on purpose to say that he considers it a very kind and friendly act in him to go to mount vernon. the letter finishes with a few lines of allusion to his private affairs. philadelphia, may , . this is a letter written to mr. lear when the latter was in england. it treats of private matters, and expresses his pleasure at the reception he had from the earl of buchan, sir john sinclair, and others in england to whom general washington had given him letters. he tells him he was much obliged to him for the several communications in his letters, and placed great reliance on them; that the opportunities he derived from mixing with people in different walks, high and low, and of different political sentiments, must have afforded him an extensive range for observation and comparison; more so by far than could fall to the lot of a stationary person always revolving in a particular circle. the general then touches on our home affairs. [he was still president, it will be remembered.] he says that to tell him the british order in council of the th of june last respecting neutral vessels had given much discontent in the united states; and that that of the th of november had thrown the people into a flame, could hardly be new to him. in reference to all the existing difficulties with england he tells him that many measures had been moved in congress, some of which had passed into acts, and others were pending; that among the former was a law for fortifying our principal seaports, and another for raising an additional corps of eight hundred artillery-men for the defence of them and other purposes; and that the bills pending were: st. one to complete our present military establishment; d. one to raise an army of twenty-five thousand men in addition to it; and d. a bill to organize, put in training, and hold in readiness at a minute's warning a select corps of eighty thousand militia. he seemed to think that the first and last would pass, but that the result of the second could not be so well predicted. he mentions the appointment of mr. jay as special minister to england in the hope of settling all our difficulties in a temperate way by fair and firm negotiation, and that he would sail in a few days, with mr. john trumbell as his private secretary; tells him also of mr. randolph's appointment as secretary of state, and that mr. bradford, of pennsylvania, was made attorney general in mr. randolph's place. in conclusion, he alludes to "little lincoln" [mr. lear's son] and his "lottery tickets," which, "poor little fellow!" he exclaims, will never be likely to build him a baby-house even; the whole washington lottery business having turned out a bed of thorns rather than roses. he terminates the letter by telling him that his public avocations will not admit of more than a flying trip to mount vernon this summer, and that this not suiting mrs. washington he has taken a house in germantown [the vicinity of philadelphia] to avoid the heat of philadelphia in july and august, and that mrs. washington, nelly [one of the miss custi's], and the rest of the family united with him in every good wish for his health, prosperity, and safe return; and he begs him to be "assured of the sincerity with which he was and always should be his affectionate friend, g.w." mount vernon, august , . mr. lear had got back from england and was now residing in georgetown or its neighborhood. the present letter incloses him a power of attorney to vote on the general's shares in the potomac company at a meeting of its stockholders to be held on the day following, in georgetown. he says he would be there himself to vote in person if possible; but that having sent to the post-office in alexandria every day since friday for letters without receiving any from any of the officers of the government, he might probably receive a great accumulation of them on the day following [which was again friday, and a post day], to which he would have to give his attention and prepare answers. it was therefore that he sent the power of attorney to meet the contingency of his not being present. this power of attorney was in his own handwriting. philadelphia, march , . there are brief letters since the above that touch on private business. in this of the th of march, , alluding to his pecuniary affairs, he says, that for the few years he has to remain here, the enjoyment of less, with more ease and certainty, will be more convenient to him, and more desirable; had his resources been adequate to it, he would have purchased the lot and houses in alexandria which mr. lear pointed out; but that as his resources depended on contingencies that might baffle his calculations, he chose to tread on sure ground in all his engagements, being as unwilling to embarrass others by uncertain contracts as to be deceived himself in his expectations. philadelphia, april , . this is one of a few lines in which he requests mr. lear's acceptance of some garden seeds for his garden and farm. they were portions of some sent to him from england to be planted at mount vernon. philadelphia, november , . this relates to the sale of some of his agricultural produce, and to the disappointments he had experienced in payments promised to him. mount vernon, march , . the general is now relieved from all public duties and cares. on the d of march of this year he ceased to be president by voluntarily retiring from the post after writing that farewell address which a british historian[d] has pronounced unequalled by any composition of uninspired wisdom. he is now a private citizen returned to his country estate at mount vernon on the banks of the potomac. mr. lear is in georgetown. in this letter to him of the th of march ' , he speaks of plans for repairing and refitting his ancient and loved home; but adds that in that rural vicinity he finds difficulty in getting proper workmen, and requests mr. lear's aid in procuring some from georgetown, or the new "federal city," [as washington at that day was usually called.] skill and dispatch would be necessary qualifications, and he thinks that his "_old sergeant cornelius_" might do for one of the workmen. it seems that this person had been heard of in those parts, and he adds that he would give him the preference as knowing his temper and industry. not long, however, is he permitted to remain a private citizen reposing at mount vernon amidst all its endearments. the next succeeding year finds him again summoned by his country to her service. at the eager solicitation of the government, the elder adams then being president, and mr. adams' own desire being seconded by the nation's voice, he was prevailed upon to accept the supreme command of the army during the difficulties and even quasi-war that had risen up with our old ally, france. he accepted on condition of receiving no pay or emolument until actually called into the field. nevertheless this conditional acceptance threw upon him burdensome duties. it exposed him to "many official calls, to a heavy correspondence, and to a flow of company." it is so he expresses himself. in this conjuncture he writes to his attached friend and faithful secretary mr. lear. under date of august the second, , from mount vernon, he describes to him those fresh duties as hindrances to putting his private affairs in that order so necessary before he embarked in new scenes; it being his desire, before quitting the scene of human action, to leave his concerns in such a condition as to give as little trouble as possible to those who would have the management of them afterwards. under this view of his situation he had written to the secretary of war to be informed whether he was at liberty to appoint his secretary, who should be entitled to the usual and proper allowances; and concludes with asking mr. lear if he would join him in that capacity if the secretary of war answered in the affirmative. mr. lear assents. this is the last letter in the series. i learn from mrs. lear that others not in this collection, bespeaking a high degree of intimacy and confidence, were written to her husband by the same hand. this may well be conceived when it is known that mr. lear's connection with this illustrious man began prior to the year ' , and continued until his death in ' ; that he was at his bedside when he died, and drew up the authentic narrative, which was verified by the physicians, of his last illness, from its commencement to the closing scene. this was published at that time to meet the anxious feelings of his mourning countrymen, struck down at first by his death as by a shock that went through every heart. from one of the letters there dropped out, as i unfolded it, a slip in mr. lear's handwriting, dated may the first, , containing the copy of a message to general washington from lord cornwallis, of which captain truxton had been the bearer from the east indies. his lordship, whom captain truxton had seen there, being then governor general of india. "congratulated general washington on the establishment of a happy government in his country, and congratulated the country on the accession of general washington to its chief magistracy." the message wished "general washington a long enjoyment of tranquillity and happiness," adding that, for himself (lord c.), he "continued in troubled waters." i have thus noticed succinctly, perhaps i might more appropriately say described, these letters. in abridging and connecting the train of them, washington's language is used to the extent that will be seen. the style is different from that of his official productions and other letters of his voluminous correspondence. he naturally stepped into one more familiar when writing to a confidential friend on family matters relating to his home at mount vernon, or as it was to be arranged in philadelphia while he was president. but the style has the directness and sincerity of all his writings. it is apparent that the letters are written without reserve. with two or three exceptions, no copies appear to have been kept; yet everything is frank and straight-forward. understanding human nature thoroughly under all its phases, he deals wisely with men in small things as in great; but he does no one injustice. when others are acting disingenuously towards him, though seeing through it, he is considerate and forbearing, not taking steps hastily, but ready to make allowances where they could be made. dishonesty or suspicion of it he never overlooks. in the second letter he suspects his steward of extravagance in spending too much for supplies of the table kept for his upper servants; yet he authorizes mr. lear to retain him, if, on looking into his accounts, he finds him honest; intimating that any successor to him might act in the same way, and a dismissal might be only a change without a benefit. his reprobation of all dishonesty is seen in more than one of the letters, as well as his restrained modes of dealing with it whilst affecting only his own interests. as regards the minutiae seen in the letters; the details respecting his house, furniture, servants, carriages, horses, postilions, and so on, these will be read with curiosity and interest. they suggest a new test by which to try washington, and let him be tried by it. we have not before had such details from himself. it is for the first time the curtain has been so lifted. all great men, the very greatest, caesar, cromwell, napoleon, frederick, peter the great, marlborough, alexander, all on the long list of towering names, have had contact with small things. no pinnacle in station, no supremacy in excellence or intellect, can exempt man from this portion of his lot. it is a human necessity. washington goes into this sphere with a propriety and seemliness not always observable in others of his high cast, but often signally the reverse. in dealing with small things, he shows no undue tenacity of opinion; no selfishness; no petulance; no misplaced excitements. he never plays the petty tyrant. he does not forget himself; he does not forget others; he assumes nothing from any exaltation in himself, but is reasonable and provident in all his domestic and household arrangements. shall we seek for comparisons, or rather contrasts? with as much of washington's domestic portraiture before us as these letters hold up, shall we turn to look at others? there is no difficulty, but in selecting from the vast heap. frederick thought coffee too expensive an indulgence for common use in his kingdom, saying he was himself reared on beer soup, which was surely good enough for peasants and common fellows, as he called his people. he wrote directions to his different cooks with his own hand the better to pamper his appetite with every variety of the dishes and sauces he liked best. he stinted voltaire in sugar while a guest in his palace, or gave it to him cheap and bad. he praised him face to face, and ridiculed him behind his back. napoleon played blind-man's buff at st. helena. he lost his temper at his coronation on perceiving that some of the princesses of his family who were to act as trainbearers were not in their right places. caesar was versed in all the ceremonials of state. it was said that he would even have been a perfect roman gentleman but for a habit of putting one of his fingers in his hair. yet such a master of forms gave grave offence to the roman senate by not rising when they intended him a compliment; so unwise was he in small things. cromwell in a frolic threw a cushion at ludlow, who in turn threw one at him. he bedaubed with ink the face of one of the justices, who, with cromwell himself, had just been condemning charles to the block. peter the great travelled about with a pet monkey, which unceremoniously jumped upon the king of england's shoulder when the latter visited the czar in london. some great men have played leap-frog; some practised this affectation, some that. the book of history records too amply the child-like diversions among those who have flourished on the summits of renown. we hear of none of this in washington; no idle whimsies, no studied or foolish eccentricities; none of the buffoonery of ripe years. they were not in him; or if they were, self-discipline extirpated them, as it did the bad ambition and moral callousness that have disfigured too many of the great names of the earth, ancient and modern; whilst his matchless purity and deathless deeds raise him above them all. this verdict is already more than half pronounced by the most enlightened and scrutinizing portions of mankind, and time is silently extending its domain as he is longer tried by the parallels of history, and by the philosophy of greatness itself. before his fame, steadily ascending from its adamantine foundation, gave signs that it was to encircle the globe, some imagined him too prudent. some thought him devoid of sensibility; a cold, colossal mass, intrenched in taciturnity, or enfolded in a mantle of dignity. the sequel disclosed that his complete mastery over passion, moving in harmony with his other powers and faculties, lent its essential aid towards his unrivalled name. opinion and passion were strong in him. the latter existed in vehemence; but he put the curb upon it, turning it into right directions, and excluding it otherwise from influence upon his conduct. he stifled his dislikes; he was silent under sneers and disparaging innuendoes lest inopportune speech might work injury to the great cause confided to him. to the success of that cause he looked steadily and exclusively. it absorbed his whole soul, and he determined to concentrate upon it all his forbearance as well as energy. the complicated dangers which encompassed it he knew, from his position, sooner and better than others; but he would not make them public, lest the foe might hear them, or others whose prepossessions were unfriendly; preferring that temporary odium should rest upon himself. therefore his reserve; and thus it was that the grand results of his life came out in manifold blessings to his country; thus it was that some at first distrustful, and others long distrustful, of his superiority, came to admit it in the end. be it added, that his native good sense teaching him the value of social restraint, and his knowledge of the world, its approved observances in intercourse, the tone of the gentleman on its best models ever also graced his public glory. an anecdote i derived from colonel lear shortly before his death in , may here be related, showing the height to which his passion would rise yet be controlled. it belongs to his domestic life which i am dealing with, having occurred under his own roof, whilst it marks public feeling the most intense, and points to the moral of his life. i give it in colonel lear's words as nearly as i can, having made a note of them at the time. towards the close of a winter's day in , an officer in uniform was seen to dismount in front of the president's in philadelphia, and, giving the bridle to his servant, knock at the door of his mansion. learning from the porter that the president was at dinner, he said he was on public business and had dispatches for the president. a servant was sent into the dining-room to give the information to mr. lear, who left the table and went into the hall where the officer repeated what he had said. mr. lear replied that, as the president's secretary, he would take charge of the dispatches and deliver them at the proper time. the officer made answer that he had just arrived from the western army, and his orders were to deliver them with all promptitude, and to the president in person; but that he would wait his directions. mr. lear returned, and in a whisper imparted to the president what had passed. general washington rose from the table, and went to the officer. he was back in a short time, made a word of apology for his absence, but no allusion to the cause of it. he had company that day. everything went on as usual. dinner over, the gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of mrs. washington, which was open in the evening. the general spoke courteously to every lady in the room, as was his custom. his hours were early, and by ten o'clock all the company had gone. mrs. washington and mr. lear remained. soon mrs. washington left the room. the general now walked backward and forward slowly for some minutes without speaking. then he sat down on a sofa by the fire, telling mr. lear to sit down. to this moment there had been no change in his manner since his interruption at table. mr. lear now perceived emotion. this rising in him, he broke out suddenly, "_it's all over--st. clair's defeated--routed;--the officers nearly all killed, the men by wholesale; the route complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise into the bargain_!" he uttered all this with great vehemence. then he paused, got up from the sofa and walked about the room several times, agitated but saying nothing. near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds, when his wrath became terrible. "_yes_," he burst forth, "here _on this very spot, i took leave of him; i wished him success and honor; you have your instructions, i said, from the secretary of war, i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word_--beware of a surprise. _i repeat it_, beware of a surprise--_you know how the indians fight us. he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet!! to suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hack'd, butchered, tomahawk'd, by a surprise--the very thing i guarded him against!! o god, o god, he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country;--the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of heaven_!" this torrent came out in tones appalling. his very frame shook. it was awful, said mr. lear. more than once he threw his hands up as he hurled imprecations upon st. clair. mr. lear remained speechless; awed into breathless silence. the roused chief sat down on the sofa once more. he seemed conscious of his passion, and uncomfortable. he was silent. his warmth beginning to subside, he at length said in an altered voice: "_this must not go beyond this room_." another pause followed--a longer one--when he said in a tone quite low, "_general st. clair shall have justice; i looked hastily through the dispatches, saw the whole disaster but not all the particulars; i will receive him without displeasure; i will hear him without prejudice; he shall have full justice_." he was now, said mr. lear, perfectly calm. half an hour had gone by. the storm was over; and no sign of it was afterwards seen in his conduct or heard in his conversation. the result is known. the whole case was investigated by congress. st. clair was exculpated and regained the confidence washington had in him when appointing him to that command. he had put himself into the thickest of the fight and escaped unhurt, though so ill as to be carried on a litter, and unable to mount his horse without help. a passage from one of mr. jefferson's letters which the historian sparks records, may here be given, as its spirit covers the private as well as public life of washington. mr. jefferson withdrew his services as secretary of state from the administration of washington towards the close of his first term in the presidency. his retirement from that post took place when party spirit was violent and bitter in the extreme; never was it more so in the annals of our country; and it was known that he had differed from washington on political questions of the greatest importance. nevertheless, writing of him at a later period mr. jefferson says: "his integrity was most pure; his justice the most inflexible i have ever known; no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. he was, indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man." i return to his letters to mr. lear. in superintending his domestic affairs, these letters exhibit him as the head of a well-ordered family, himself the regulator of it all under maxims that best conduce to order because not too rigid. we see that he was truly hospitable; kind; devoted to his kindred whom he gathers around him, interesting himself in their education and welfare; cheering them with a welcome at mount vernon, and soothing them in sickness and sorrow. the kindred of mrs. washington alike share his solicitudes, paternal care, and constant kindness. all this is discernible from the facts that drop out in these letters. they point to a heart affectionately alive to the best social and family feelings. we see his attention to the comfort of his servants, slaves, and others. his government of them, upper and subordinate, appears to have been perfect by his union of discipline with liberality. he knew that his postilions, if they slept over the stable, would carry lights there whether he forbade it or not, for they would do it when he knew nothing about it and not tell on each other. he therefore allowed no sleeping there at all. i could not avoid remarking, as characteristic throughout the whole of this correspondence, that there is never any complaining of his labors. letter-writing alone would have been a heavy labor to him but for his system and industry. promptitude in using his pen there must necessarily have been, or he could not have written so much. the history of the times will show that when he wrote these letters he was simultaneously writing others on public business, which, as the world knows, he never neglected in any jot or tittle no matter what else he might be doing. the domestic letters must therefore have been struck off with great facility. let us call to mind also the more than two hundred volumes of folio manuscript of his public correspondence which congress purchased, and then remember that the sum of all he wrote is as nothing to what he _did_ in his long career of activity in his country's service, military and civil. next i remark, as a new corroboration of the modesty ever so prominent in him, that not once throughout the whole of this correspondence does he make any, the slightest, allusion to himself in connection with the revolutionary war, comparatively recent as it then was. besides that the general tenor of the correspondence might have supplied occasions for such allusions, special opportunities were at hand while skirting the battlegrounds and other localities of his military operations in the war, even in his journeys between mount vernon and philadelphia; yet they are never once made. the casual mention of his "_old sergeant cornelius_," whom he happened to want as a workman about his grounds at mount vernon, is the sole reference that could wake up the mind to his having had anything to do with the revolution. he had helped to pave the way for that great event by the influence of his high character thrown into the scale when the early questions of resistance or submission were in agitation; he had helped it on by his attachment to constitutional liberty at that epoch though his fortune was at stake, and friendships among the highborn and cultivated from the parent state then among his associates in virginia--could a bosom like his have been swayed by such thoughts; he had helped it on by the special weight of name he had won in arms fighting side by side with the proud generals and troops of britain confident of victory, but saved from annihilation by his inborn fearlessness and superiority, when death was all around him and dismay everywhere in braddock's disastrous fight--their silent homage crowning the head of their deliverer; his triumphant sword at yorktown put the crowning hand to the immortal work--the work that founded this great nation; yet we could never infer from a word or hint in the course of these letters, from first to last, that he had anything to do with the work, except as the name of "_sergeant cornelius_" incidentally falls from his pen with only a rural object. what a lesson! some extol themselves openly. some do it under cover of self-humiliation, called by a french writer the pomp of modesty. washington is simply silent; he will slide into no allusions to the great and glorious work of his life in the midst of temptations to it. finally: the charm of these letters is in their being so familiar, so out of the sphere of his correspondence generally, and therefore holding him up in lights that seem new. mankind, long familiar with the external attributes and grandeur of his character, looking up to his vast fame as hero and statesman uncertain which predominates, have known less of him at home with his family, his relations and his friends. the inner parts of his character, the kindlier impulses of his nature, his sympathies with those dear to him, dependent on him, or looking to him for the solace of his kindness, seem to have remained less publicly known. mr. sparks, in his preface to his "life and writings," remarks that "it must be kept in mind that much the larger portion of his life passed on a conspicuous public theatre, and that no account of it can be written which will not assume essentially the air of history." he adds, that while in his work "anecdotes are interwoven and such incidents of a private and personal nature as are known, they are more rare than could be desired." the synopsis of the letters which i have given may perhaps tend in some small degree to supply this desideratum in his illustrious life alongside of the more copious anecdotes and reminiscences supplied by the patriotic and filial devotion of mr. custis. this is my humble hope. since the foregoing letters were received from mrs. lear, she has favored me with the perusal of other manuscripts introducing us to the domestic hours of general washington. among them is a diary kept by mr. lear at mount vernon in , anterior therefore to the time when washington became president. from this document i am permitted to copy a passage entire. it is dated the d of october, ' . mr. drayton and mr. izard, gentlemen of south carolina, had been spending the day at mount vernon. after dinner, the company still round the table, washington was led to speak of arnold's treason, and mr. lear wrote down his account of it in his diary of that day. although history has made us familiar with that whole transaction in its essential facts, to hear it under such circumstances from the lips of washington, seems to impart to it new interest. we listen with revived curiosity and attention when such a narrator speaks. the copy from mr. lear's diary, in which is recorded this interesting dinner-table narrative, is in the words following:-- "mount vernon, monday, october d, . "mrs. washington went to arlington with the two children. sent a letter directed to mr. samuel storer to the post-office by charles, who went up to town (alexandria) with master thompson and lawrence washington, who had spent their vacation here. mr. drayton and mr. izard here all day. after dinner general washington was, in the course of conversation, led to speak of arnold's treachery, when he gave the following account of it, which i shall put in his own words, thus: 'i confess i had a good opinion of arnold before his treachery was brought to light; had that not been the case, i should have had some reason to suspect him sooner, for when he commanded in philadelphia, the marquis la fayette brought accounts from france of the armament which was to be sent to co-operate with us in the ensuing campaign. soon after this was known, arnold pretended to have some private business to transact in connecticut, and on his way there he called at my quarters; and in the course of conversation expressed a desire of quitting philadelphia and joining the army the ensuing campaign. i told him that it was probable we should have a very active one, and that if his wound and state of health would permit, i should be extremely glad of his services with the army. he replied that he did not think his wound would permit him to take a very active part; but still he persisted in his desire of being with the army. he went on to connecticut, and on his return called again upon me. he renewed his request of being with me next campaign, and i made him the same answer i had done before. he again repeated that he did not think his wound would permit him to do active duty, and intimated a desire to have the command at west point. i told him i did not think that would suit him, as i should leave none in the garrison but invalids, because it would be entirely covered by the main army. the subject was dropt at that time, and he returned to philadelphia. it then appeared somewhat strange to me, that a man of arnold's known activity and enterprise, should be desirous of taking so inactive a part. i however thought no more of the matter. when the french troops arrived at rhode island, i had intelligence from new york that general clinton intended to make an attack upon them before they could get themselves settled and fortified. in consequence of that, i was determined to attack new york, which would be left much exposed by his drawing off the british troops; and accordingly formed my line of battle, and moved down with the whole army to king's ferry, which we passed. arnold came to camp at that time, and having no command, and consequently no quarters (all the houses thereabouts being occupied by the army), he was obliged to seek lodgings at some distance from the camp. while the army was crossing at king's ferry, i was going to see the last detachment over, and met arnold, who asked me if i had thought of anything for him. i told him that he was to have the command of the light troops, which was a post of honor, and which his rank indeed entitled him to. upon this information his countenance changed, and he appeared to be quite fallen; and instead of thanking me, or expressing any pleasure at the appointment, never opened his mouth. i desired him to go on to my quarters and get something to refresh himself, and i would meet him there soon. he did so. upon his arrival there, he found col. tilghman, whom he took a one side, and mentioning what i had told him, seemed to express great uneasiness at it--as his leg, he said, would not permit him to be long on horse-back; and intimated a great desire to have the command at west point. when i returned to my quarters, col. tilghman informed me of what had passed. i made no reply to it--but his behavior struck me as strange and unaccountable. in the course of that night, however, i received information from new york that general clinton had altered his plan and was debarking his troops. this information obliged me likewise to alter my disposition and return to my former station, where i could better cover the country. i then determined to comply with arnold's desire, and accordingly gave him the command of the garrison at west point. things remained in this situation about a fortnight, when i wrote to the count rochambeau desiring to meet him at some intermediate place (as we could neither of us be long enough from our respective commands to visit the other), in order to lay the plan for the siege of yorktown, and proposed hartford, where i accordingly went and met the count. on my return i met the chevalier luzerne towards evening within about miles of west point (on his way to join the count at rhode island), which i intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness to him, i could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to west point to breakfast very early. i sent off my baggage, and desired colonel hamilton to go forward and inform general arnold that i would breakfast with him. soon after he arrived at arnold's quarters, a letter was delivered to arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. he told colonel hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge, which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired major franks, his aid, to inform me when i should arrive, that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. when i got to his quarters and did not find him there, i desired major franks to order me some breakfast; and as i intended to visit the fortifications i would see general arnold there. after i had breakfasted, i went over the river, and inquiring for arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. i likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. the impropriety of his conduct when he knew i was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me; but i had not the least idea of the real cause. when i returned to arnold's quarters about two hours after, and told colonel hamilton that i had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from col. jemmison, which immediately brought the matter to light. i ordered colonel hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest despatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. it seems that the letter which arnold received which threw him in such confusion was from col. jemmison, informing him that andre was taken and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. col. jemmison, when andre was taken with these papers, could not believe that arnold was a traitor, but rather thought it was an imposition of the british in order to destroy our confidence in arnold. he, however, immediately on their being taken, despatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. the express went the lower road, which was the road by which i had gone to connecticut, expecting that i would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed that i was returning by the upper road. he then cut across the country and followed in my track till i arrived at west point. he arrived about two hours after, and brought the above packet. when arnold got down to the barge, he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. they did, accordingly; but when they got on board the vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the coxswain to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners. the coxswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. he answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. but the captain of the vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the coxswain that he would take his parole for going on shore to get clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. he accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. when they got to new york, general clinton, ashamed of so low and mean an action, set them all at liberty." this closes the account. it terminates also the use i have been permitted, through the valued friendship of mrs. lear, to make of these manuscripts. r.r. footnotes: [footnote a: alluding probably to the nootka sound controversy then pending between these courts.] [footnote b: the affectionate interest general washington took in this adopted son is well known. mr. custis still lives ( ) and still dispenses the hospitalities of arlington, his estate and home in virginia near the city of washington; which it overlooks from its beautiful heights. his house exhibits paintings, illustrative of our revolutionary annals, the work of his amateur pencil; whilst the productions of his patriotic pen have charmed the public by the anecdotes they record in attractive ways of the personal, rural, and other habits of the great chief.] [footnote c: the latter mean his slaves.] [footnote d: alison] the life of george washington, commander in chief of the american forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the united states. compiled under the inspection of the honourable bushrod washington, from _original papers_ bequeathed to him by his deceased relative, and now in possession of the author. to which is prefixed, an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the english on the continent of north america, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. by john marshall. vol. ii. the citizens' guild of washington's boyhood home fredericksburg, va. printed in the u.s.a. contents chapter i. birth of mr. washington.... his mission to the french on the ohio.... appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment of regular troops.... surprises monsieur jumonville.... capitulation of fort necessity.... is appointed aid-de-camp to general braddock.... defeat and death of that general.... is appointed to the command of a regiment.... extreme distress of the frontiers, and exertions of colonel washington to augment the regular forces of the colony.... expedition against fort du quesne.... defeat of major grant.... fort du quesne evacuated by the french, and taken possession of by the english.... resignation of colonel washington.... his marriage. chapter ii. colonel washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american forces.... arrives at cambridge.... strength and disposition of the two armies.... deficiency of the americans in arms and ammunitions.... falmouth burnt.... success of the american cruisers.... distress of the british from the want of fresh provisions.... measures to form a continental army.... difficulty of re-enlisting the troops.... plan for attacking boston.... general lee detached to new york.... possession taken of the heights of dorchester.... boston evacuated.... correspondence respecting prisoners. chapter iii. invasion of canada meditated.... siege of st. john's.... capture of fort chamblée.... carleton defeated at longueisle.... st. john's capitulated.... montreal surrenders.... arnold's expedition.... he arrives before quebec.... retires to point aux trembles.... montgomery lays siege to quebec.... unsuccessful attack on that place.... death of montgomery.... blockade of quebec.... general thomas takes command of the army.... the blockade raised.... general sullivan takes the command.... battle of the three rivers.... canada evacuated.... general carleton constructs a fleet.... enters lake champlain.... defeats the american flotilla.... takes possession of crown point.... retires into winter quarters. chapter iv. transaction in virginia.... action at great bridge.... norfolk evacuated.... burnt.... transactions in north carolina.... action at moore's creek bridge.... invasion of south carolina.... british fleet repulsed at fort moultrie.... transactions in new york.... measures leading to independence.... independence declared. chapter v. lord and sir william howe arrive before new york.... circular letter of lord howe.... state of the american army.... the british land in force on long island.... battle of brooklyn.... evacuation of long island.... fruitless negotiations.... new york evacuated.... skirmish on the heights of haerlem.... letter on the state of the army. chapter vi. the british land at frog's neck.... the american army evacuates york island, except fort washington.... both armies move towards the white plains.... battle of the white plains.... the british army returns to kingsbridge.... general washington crosses the north river.... the lines of fort washington carried by the british, and the garrison made prisoners.... evacuation of fort lee.... weakness of the american army.... ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.... general washington retreats through jersey.... general washington crosses the delaware.... danger of philadelphia.... capture of general lee.... the british go into winter quarters.... battle of trenton.... of princeton.... firmness of congress. chapter vii. american army inoculated.... general heath moves to kingsbridge.... returns to peekskill.... skirmishes.... state of the army.... destruction of stores at peekskill.... at danbury.... expedition to sagg harbour.... camp formed at middlebrook.... sir william howe moves out to somerset court house.... returns to amboy.... attempts to cut off the retreat of the american army to middlebrook.... lord cornwallis skirmishes with lord stirling.... general prescott surprised and taken.... the british army embarks. chapter viii. general washington commences his march to the delaware.... takes measures for checking burgoyne.... british army land at elk river.... general washington advances to brandywine.... retreat of maxwell.... defeat at brandywine.... slight skirmish near the white horse, and retreat to french creek.... general wayne surprised.... general howe takes possession of philadelphia.... removal of congress to lancaster. chapter ix. measures to cut off the communication between the british army and fleet.... battle of germantown.... measures to intercept supplies to philadelphia.... attack on fort mifflin.... on red bank.... the augusta blows up.... fort mifflin evacuated.... fort mercer evacuated.... the british open the communication with their fleet.... washington urged to attack philadelphia.... general howe marches out to chestnut hill.... returns to philadelphia.... general washington goes into winter quarters. chapter x. inquiry into the conduct of general schuyler.... burgoyne appears before ticonderoga.... evacuation of that place,... of skeensborough.... colonel warner defeated.... evacuation of fort anne.... proclamation of burgoyne.... counter-proclamation of schuyler.... burgoyne approaches fort edward.... schuyler retires to saratoga,... to stillwater.... st. leger invests fort schuyler.... herkimer defeated.... colonel baum detached to bennington.... is defeated.... brechman defeated.... st. leger abandons the siege of fort schuyler.... murder of miss m'crea.... general gates takes command.... burgoyne encamps on the heights of saratoga.... battle of stillwater.... burgoyne retreats to saratoga.... capitulates.... the british take forts montgomery and clinton.... the forts independence and constitution evacuated by the americans.... ticonderoga evacuated by the british. chapter xi. defects in the commissary departments.... distress of the army at valley forge.... the army subsisted by impressments.... combination in congress against general washington.... correspondence between him and general gates.... distress of the army for clothes.... washington's exertions to augment the army.... congress sends a committee to camp.... attempt to surprise captain lee.... congress determines on a second expedition to canada.... abandons it.... general conway resigns.... the baron steuben appointed inspector general.... congress forbids the embarkation of burgoyne's army.... plan of reconciliation agreed to in parliament.... communicated to congress and rejected.... information of treaties between france and the united states.... complaints of the treatment of prisoners.... a partial exchange agreed to. the life of george washington chapter i. birth of mr. washington.... his mission to the french on the ohio.... appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment of regular troops.... surprises monsieur jumonville.... capitulation of fort necessity.... is appointed aid-de-camp to general braddock.... defeat and death of that general.... is appointed to the command of a regiment.... extreme distress of the frontiers, and exertions of colonel washington to augment the regular forces of the colony.... expedition against fort du quesne.... defeat of major grant.... fort du quesne evacuated by the french, and taken possession of by the english.... resignation of colonel washington.... his marriage. { } [sidenote: birth of mr. washington.] george washington, the third son of augustine washington, was born on the d of february, , near the banks of the potowmac, in the county of westmoreland, in virginia. his father first married miss butler, who died in ; leaving two sons, lawrence and augustine. in , he intermarried with miss mary ball, by whom he had four sons, george, john, samuel and charles; and one daughter, betty, who intermarried with colonel fielding lewis, of fredericksburg. his great grandfather, john washington, a gentleman of a respectable family, had emigrated from the north of england about the year , and settled on the place where mr. washington was born. at the age of ten years he lost his father. deprived of one parent, he became an object of more assiduous attention to the other; who continued to impress those principles of religion and virtue on his tender mind, which constituted the solid basis of a character that was maintained through all the trying vicissitudes of an eventful life. but his education was limited to those subjects, in which alone the sons of gentlemen, of moderate fortune, were, at that time, generally instructed. it was confined to acquisitions strictly useful, not even extending to foreign languages. in , his eldest brother intermarried with the daughter of the honourable george william fairfax, then a member of the council; and this connexion introduced mr. washington to lord fairfax, the proprietor of the northern neck of virginia, who offered him, when in his eighteenth year, an appointment as surveyor, in the western part of that territory. his patrimonial estate being inconsiderable, this appointment was readily accepted; and in the performance of its duties, he acquired that information respecting vacant lands, and formed those opinions concerning their future value, which afterwards contributed greatly to the increase of his private fortune. { } those powerful attractions which the profession of arms presents to young and ardent minds, possessed their full influence over mr. washington. stimulated by the enthusiasm of military genius, to take part in the war in which great britain was then engaged, he had pressed so earnestly to enter into the navy, that, at the age of fifteen, a midshipman's warrant was obtained for him. the interference of a timid and affectionate mother deferred the commencement, and changed the direction of his military career. four years afterwards, at a time when the militia were to be trained for actual service, he was appointed one of the adjutants general of virginia, with the rank of major. the duties annexed to this office soon yielded to others of a more interesting character. france was beginning to develop the vast plan of connecting her extensive dominions in america, by uniting canada with louisiana. the troops of that nation had taken possession of a tract of country claimed by virginia, and had commenced a line of posts, to be extended from the lakes to the ohio. the attention of mr. dinwiddie, lieutenant governor of that province, was attracted to these supposed encroachments; and he deemed it his duty to demand, in the name of the king his master, that they should be suspended. { } this mission was toilsome and hazardous. the envoy would be under the necessity of passing through an extensive and almost unexplored wilderness, intersected with rugged mountains and considerable rivers, and inhabited by fierce savages, who were either hostile to the english, or of doubtful attachment. while the dangers and fatigues of this service deterred others from undertaking it, they seem to have possessed attractions for mr. washington, and he engaged in it with alacrity. {october .} [sidenote: his mission to the french on the ohio.] on receiving his commission, he left williamsburg and arrived, on the th of november, at wills' creek, then the extreme frontier settlement of the english, where guides were engaged to conduct him over the alleghany mountains. after surmounting the impediments occasioned by the snow and high waters, he reached the mouth of turtle creek, where he was informed that the french general was dead, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters. pursuing his route, he examined the country through which he passed with a military eye, and selected the confluence of the monongahela and alleghany rivers, the place where fort du quesne was afterwards erected by the french, as an advantageous position, which it would be adviseable to seize and to fortify immediately. { } {january } after employing a few days among the indians in that neighbourhood, and procuring some of their chiefs to accompany him, whose fidelity he took the most judicious means to secure, he ascended the alleghany river. passing one fort at the mouth of french creek, he proceeded up the stream to a second, where he was received by monsieur le gardeur de st. pierre, the commanding officer on the ohio, to whom he delivered the letter of mr. dinwiddie, and from whom he received an answer with which he returned to williamsburg. the exertions made by mr. washington on this occasion, the perseverance with which he surmounted the difficulties of the journey, and the judgment displayed in his conduct towards the indians, raised him in the public opinion, as well as in that of the lieutenant governor. his journal,[ ] drawn up for the inspection of mr. dinwiddie, was published, and impressed his countrymen with very favourable sentiments of his understanding and fortitude. [footnote : see note no. i. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment of regular troops.] [sidenote: surprises monsieur jumonville.] as the answer from the commandant of the french forces on the ohio indicated no disposition to withdraw from that country, it was deemed necessary to make some preparations to maintain the right asserted over it by the british crown; and the assembly of virginia authorized the executive to raise a regiment for that purpose, to consist of three hundred men. the command of this regiment was given to mr. fry,[ ] and major washington was appointed lieutenant colonel. anxious to be engaged in active service, he obtained permission, about the beginning of april, to advance with two companies to the great meadows in the alleghany mountains. by this movement he hoped to cover that frontier, to make himself more perfectly acquainted with the country, to gain some information respecting the situation and designs of the french, and to preserve the friendship of the savages. soon after his arrival at that place, he was visited by some friendly indians, who informed him that the french, having dispersed a party of workmen employed by the ohio company to erect a fort on the south-eastern branch of the ohio, were themselves engaged in completing a fortification at the confluence of the alleghany and monongahela rivers: a detachment from which place was then on its march towards his camp. open hostilities had not yet commenced; but the country was considered as invaded: and several circumstances were related, confirming the opinion that this party was approaching with hostile views. among others, it had withdrawn itself some distance from the path, and had encamped for the night in a bottom, as if to ensure concealment. entertaining no doubt of the unfriendly designs with which these troops were advancing, lieutenant colonel washington resolved to anticipate them. availing himself of the offer made by the indians to serve him as guides, he proceeded through a dark and rainy night to the french encampment, which he completely surrounded. at day-break, his troops fired and rushed upon the party, which immediately surrendered. one man only escaped capture, and m. jumonville alone, the commanding officer, was killed. [footnote : with an unaffected modesty which the accumulated honours of his after life could never impair, major washington, though the most distinguished military man then in virginia, declined being a candidate for the command of this regiment. the following letter written on the occasion to colonel richard corbin, a member of the council, with whom his family was connected by the ties of friendship and of affinity, was placed in the hands of the author by mr. francis corbin, a son of that gentleman. "dear sir,--in a conversation at green spring you gave me some room to hope for a commission above that of a major, and to be ranked among the chief officers of this expedition. the command of the whole forces is what i neither look for, expect, or desire; for i must be impartial enough to confess, it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be intrusted with. knowing this, i have too sincere a love for my country, to undertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. but if i could entertain hopes that you thought me worthy of the post of lieutenant-colonel, and would favour me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, i could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness. "i flatter myself that under a skilful commander, or man of sense, (which i most sincerely wish to serve under,) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, i shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and in time, render myself worthy of the promotion that i shall be favoured with now." the commission he solicited was transmitted to him by mr. corbin, in the following laconic letter: "dear george,--i inclose you your commission. god prosper you with it. "your friend, richard corbin."] while the regiment was on its march to join the detachment advanced in front, the command devolved on lieutenant colonel washington by the death of colonel fry. soon after its arrival, it was reinforced by two independent companies of regulars. after erecting a small stockade at the great meadows, colonel washington commenced his march towards fort du quesne, with the intention of dislodging the french from that place. he had proceeded about thirteen miles, when he was met by some friendly indians, who informed him that the french and their savage allies, "as numerous as the pigeons in the woods," were advancing rapidly to meet him. among those who brought this information was a trusty chief, only two days from the fort on the ohio, who had observed the arrival of a considerable reinforcement at that place, and had heard their intention of marching immediately to attack the english, with a corps composed of eight hundred french and four hundred indians. this intelligence was corroborated by information previously received from deserters, who had reported that a reinforcement was expected. the troops commanded by colonel washington were almost destitute of provisions; and the ground he occupied was not adapted to military purposes. a road at some distance, leading through other defiles in the mountains, would enable the french to pass into his rear, intercept his supplies, and starve him into a surrender, or fight him with a superiority of three to one. {june .} in this hazardous situation, a council of war unanimously advised a retreat to the fort at the great meadows, now termed fort necessity; where the two roads united, and where the face of the country was such as not to permit an enemy to pass unperceived. at that place, it was intended to remain, until reinforcements of men, and supplies of provisions, should arrive. {july .} {third.} [sidenote: capitulation of fort necessity.] {fourth.} in pursuance of this advice, colonel washington returned to fort necessity, and began a ditch around the stockade. before it was completed, the french, amounting to about fifteen hundred men, commanded by monsieur de villier, appeared before the fort, and immediately commenced a furious attack upon it. they were received with great intrepidity by the americans, who fought partly within the stockade, and partly in the surrounding ditch, which was nearly filled with mud and water. colonel washington continued the whole day on the outside of the fort, encouraging the soldiers by his countenance and example. the assailants fought under cover of the trees and high grass, with which the country abounds. the engagement was continued with great resolution from ten in the morning until dark; when monsieur de villier demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. the proposals first made were rejected; but, in the course of the night, articles were signed, by which the fort was surrendered, on condition that its garrison should be allowed the honours of war--should be permitted to retain their arms and baggage, and be suffered to march without molestation into the inhabited parts of virginia. the capitulation being in french--a language not understood by any person in the garrison, and being drawn up hastily in the night, contains an expression which was inaccurately translated at the time, and of which advantage has been since taken, by the enemies of mr. washington, to imply an admission on his part, that monsieur jumonville was assassinated. an account of the transaction was published by monsieur de villier, which drew from colonel washington a letter to a friend, completely disproving the calumny. though entirely discredited at the time, it was revived at a subsequent period, when circumstances, well understood at the date of the transaction, were supposed to be forgotten.[ ] [footnote : see note no. ii. at the end of the volume.] the loss of the americans in this affair is not ascertained. from a return made on the th of july, at wills' creek, it appears that the killed and wounded, of the virginia regiment, amounted to fifty-eight; but the loss sustained by the two independent companies is not stated. that of the assailants was supposed to be more considerable. great credit was given to colonel washington by his countrymen, for the courage displayed on this occasion. the legislature evinced its satisfaction with the conduct of the whole party, by passing a vote of thanks[ ] to him, and the officers under his command; and by giving three hundred pistoles, to be distributed among the soldiers engaged in the action. [footnote : to the vote of thanks, the officers made the following reply: "we, the officers of the virginia regiment, are highly sensible of the particular mark of distinction with which you have honoured us, in returning your thanks for our behaviour in the late action; and can not help testifying our grateful acknowledgments, for your '_high sense_' of what we shall always esteem a duty to our country and the best of kings. "favoured with your regard, we shall zealously endeavour to deserve your applause, and, by our future actions, strive to convince the worshipful house of burgesses, how much we esteem their approbation, and, as it ought to be, regard it as the voice of our country. "signed for the whole corps, "geo: washington."] the regiment returned to winchester, to be recruited; soon after which it was joined by a few companies from north carolina and maryland. on the arrival of this reinforcement, the lieutenant governor, with the advice of council, regardless of the condition or number of the forces, ordered them immediately to march over the alleghany mountains, and to expel the french from fort du quesne, or to build one in its vicinity. {august.} {september.} the little army in virginia, which was placed under the command of colonel innes, from north carolina, did not, as now reinforced, exceed half the number of the enemy, and was neither provided with the means of moving, nor with supplies for a winter campaign. with as little consideration, directions had been given for the immediate completion of the regiment, without furnishing a single shilling for the recruiting service. although a long peace may account for many errors at the commencement of war, some surprise will be felt at such ill-considered and ill-judged measures. colonel washington remonstrated strongly against these orders, but prepared to execute them. the assembly, however, having risen without making any provision for the farther prosecution of the war, this wild expedition was laid aside, and the virginia regiment was reduced to independent companies. in the course of the winter, orders were received "for settling the rank of the officers of his majesty's forces when serving with the provincials in north america." these orders directed "that all officers commissioned by the king, or by his general in north america, should take rank of all officers commissioned by the governors of the respective provinces; and farther, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops should have no rank when serving with the general and field officers commissioned by the crown; but that all captains, and other inferior officers of the royal troops, should take rank over provincial officers of the same grade, having senior commissions." strong as was his attachment to a military life, colonel washington possessed in too eminent a degree the proud and punctilious feelings of a soldier, to submit to a degradation so humiliating as was produced by his loss of rank. professing his unabated inclination to continue in the service, if permitted to do so without a sacrifice too great to be made, he retired indignantly from the station assigned him, and answered the various letters which he received, pressing him still to hold his commission, with assurances that he would serve with pleasure, when he should be enabled to do so without dishonour. his eldest brother had lately died, and left him a considerable estate on the potowmac. this gentleman had served in the expedition against carthagena; and, in compliment to the admiral who commanded the fleet engaged in that enterprise, had named his seat _mount vernon_! to this delightful spot colonel washington withdrew, resolving to devote his future attention to the avocations of private life. this resolution was not long maintained. { } {march.} general braddock, being informed of his merit, his knowledge of the country which was to be the theatre of action, and his motives for retiring from the service, gratified his desire to make one campaign under a person supposed to possess some knowledge of war, by inviting him to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp. [sidenote: is appointed aid-de-camp to general braddock.] {april.} {june.} having determined to accept this invitation, he joined the commander-in-chief, immediately after his departure from alexandria, and proceeded with him to wills' creek. the army, consisting of two european regiments and a few corps of provincials, was detained at that place until the th of june, by the difficulty of procuring wagons, horses, and provisions. colonel washington, impatient under these delays, suggested the propriety of using pack-horses instead of wagons, for conveying the baggage. the commander-in-chief, although solicitous to hasten the expedition, was so attached to the usages of regular war, that this salutary advice was at first rejected; but, soon after the commencement of the march, its propriety became too obvious to be longer neglected. {fifteenth.} on the third day after the army had moved from its ground, colonel washington was seized with a violent fever, which disabled him from riding on horseback, and was conveyed in a covered wagon. general braddock, who found the difficulties of the march greater than had been expected, continuing to consult him privately, he strenuously urged that officer to leave his heavy artillery and baggage with the rear division of the army; and with a chosen body of troops and some pieces of light artillery, to press forward with the utmost expedition to fort du quesne. in support of this advice, he stated that the french were then weak on the ohio, but hourly expected reinforcements. during the excessive drought which prevailed at that time, these could not arrive; because the river le boeuf, on which their supplies must be brought to venango, did not then afford a sufficient quantity of water for the purpose. a rapid movement therefore might enable him to carry the fort, before the arrival of the expected aid; but if this measure should not be adopted, such were the delays attendant on the march of the whole army, that rains sufficient to raise the waters might reasonably be expected, and the whole force of the french would probably be collected for their reception; a circumstance which would render the success of the expedition doubtful. this advice according well with the temper of the commander-in-chief, it was determined in a council of war, held at the little meadows, that twelve hundred select men, to be commanded by general braddock in person, should advance with the utmost expedition against fort du quesne. colonel dunbar was to remain with the residue of the two regiments, and all the heavy baggage. {june .} although this select corps commenced its march with only thirty carriages, including ammunition wagons, the hopes which had been entertained of the celerity of its movements were not fulfilled. "i found," said colonel washington, in a letter to his brother, written during the march, "that instead of pushing on with vigour, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole-hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." by these means they employed four days in reaching the great crossings of the yohiogany, only nineteen miles from the little meadows. colonel washington was obliged to stop at that place;--the physician having declared that his life would be endangered by continuing with the army. he obeyed, with reluctance, the positive orders of the general to remain at this camp, under the protection of a small guard, until the arrival of colonel dunbar; having first received a promise that means should be used to bring him up with the army before it reached fort du quesne. {july .} the day before the action of the monongahela he rejoined the general in a covered wagon; and, though weak, entered on the duties of his station. in a short time after the action had commenced, colonel washington was the only aid remaining alive, and unwounded. the whole duty of carrying the orders of the commander-in-chief, in an engagement with marksmen who selected officers, and especially those on horseback, for their objects, devolved on him alone. under these difficult circumstances, he manifested that coolness, that self-possession, that fearlessness of danger which ever distinguished him, and which are so necessary to the character of a consummate soldier. two horses were killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat; but, to the astonishment of all, he escaped unhurt,--while every other officer on horseback was either killed or wounded. "i expected every moment," says an eye-witness,[ ] "to see him fall. his duty and situation exposed him to every danger. nothing but the superintending care of providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." [footnote : dr. craik.] [sidenote: defeat and death of that general.] {august.} at length, after an action of nearly three hours, general braddock, under whom three horses had been killed, received a mortal wound; and his troops fled in great disorder. every effort to rally them was ineffectual until they had crossed the monongahela, when, being no longer pursued, they were again formed. the general was brought off in a small tumbril by colonel washington, captain stewart of the guards, and his servant. the defeated detachment retreated with the utmost precipitation to the rear division of the army; soon after which, braddock expired. in the first moments of alarm, all the stores were destroyed, except those necessary for immediate use; and not long afterwards, colonel dunbar marched the remaining european troops to philadelphia, in order to place them in, what he termed, winter quarters. colonel washington was greatly disappointed and disgusted by the conduct of the regular troops in this action. in his letter to lieutenant governor dinwiddie, giving an account of it, he said, "they were struck with such an inconceivable panic, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. the officers in general behaved with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffered; there being upwards of sixty killed and wounded--a large proportion out of what we had. "the virginia companies behaved like men, and died like soldiers; for, i believe, out of three companies on the ground that day, scarce thirty men were left alive. captain peronny, and all his officers down to a corporal, were killed. captain poulson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. in short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops (so called,) exposed those who were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and, at length, in spite of every effort to the contrary, they broke, and ran as sheep before hounds; leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, and in short every thing, a prey to the enemy; and when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes of regaining the ground, and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success as if we had attempted to have stopped the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivulets with our feet: for they would break by, in spite of every effort to prevent it."[ ] [footnote : in another letter, he says, "we have been beaten, shamefully beaten--shamefully beaten by a handful of men, who only intended to molest and disturb our march! victory was their smallest expectation! but see the wondrous works of providence, the uncertainty of human things! we, but a few moments before, believed our numbers almost equal to the force of canada; they only expected to annoy us. yet, contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even to the common course of things, we were totally defeated, and have sustained the loss of every thing."] [illustration: wakefield--the birthplace of george washington _this is from an etching made in idealization of the original house, situated on the banks of the potomac, miles from fredericksburg, in westmoreland county, virginia, where our first president was born, february , . the original house, which was built by washington's father, augustine, was destroyed by fire more than years ago, before the declaration of independence was signed._] {august.} [sidenote: is appointed to the command of a regiment.] colonel washington had long been the favourite soldier of virginia; and his reputation grew with every occasion for exertion. his conduct in this battle had been universally extolled;[ ] and the common opinion of his countrymen was, that, had his advice been pursued, the disaster had been avoided. the assembly was in session, when intelligence was received of this defeat, and of the abandonment of the colony by colonel dunbar. the legislature, perceiving the necessity of levying troops for the defence of the province, determined to raise a regiment, to consist of sixteen companies, the command of which was offered to colonel washington; who was also designated, in his commission, as the commander-in-chief of all the forces raised and to be raised in the colony of virginia. the uncommon privilege of naming his field officers was added to this honourable manifestation of the public confidence. [footnote : in a sermon preached not long after the defeat of general braddock, the rev. mr. davies, speaking of that disaster, and of the preservation of colonel washington, said: "i can not but hope that providence has preserved that youth to be the saviour of this country." these words were afterwards considered as prophetic; and were applied by his countrymen to an event very opposite to that which was contemplated by the person who uttered them.] retaining still his prepossessions in favour of a military life, he cheerfully embraced this opportunity of re-entering the army. after making the necessary arrangements for the recruiting service, and visiting the posts on the frontiers, which he placed in the best state of defence of which they were susceptible; he set out for the seat of government, where objects of the first importance required his attention; but was overtaken below fredericksburg by an express, carrying the intelligence, that a large number of french and indians, divided into several parties, had broken up the frontier settlements; were murdering and capturing men, women, and children; burning their houses, and destroying their crops. the troops stationed among them for their protection, were unequal to that duty; and, instead of being able to afford aid to the inhabitants, were themselves blocked up in their forts. [sidenote: extreme distress of the frontiers and exertions of colonel washington to augment the regular forces of the colony.] colonel washington hastened back to winchester, where the utmost confusion and alarm prevailed. his efforts to raise the militia were unavailing. attentive only to individual security, and regardless of the common danger, they could not be drawn from their families. instead of assembling in arms, and obtaining safety by meeting their invaders, the inhabitants fled into the lower country, and increased the general terror. in this state of things, he endeavoured to collect and arm the men who had abandoned their houses, and to remove their wives and children to a distance from this scene of desolation and carnage. pressing orders were at the same time despatched to the newly appointed officers, to forward their recruits; and to the county lieutenants, east of the blue ridge, to hasten their militia to winchester: but before these orders could be executed, the party which had done so much mischief, and excited such alarm, had recrossed the alleghany mountains. { } {april.} early in the following spring, the enemy made another irruption into the inhabited country, and did great mischief. the number of troops on the regular establishment was totally insufficient for the protection of the frontier, and effective service from the militia was found to be unattainable. the indians, who were divided into small parties, concealed themselves with so much dexterity, as seldom to be perceived until the blow was struck. their murders were frequently committed in the very neighbourhood of the forts; and the detachments from the garrisons, employed in scouring the country, were generally eluded, or attacked to advantage. in one of these skirmishes, the americans were routed, and captain mercer was killed. the people either abandoned the country, or attempted to secure themselves in small stockade forts, where they were in great distress for provisions, arms, and ammunition; were often surrounded, and sometimes cut off. colonel washington was deeply affected by this state of things. "i see their situation," said he, in a letter to the lieutenant governor, "i know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them farther relief than uncertain promises. in short, i see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that unless vigorous measures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants now in forts must unavoidably fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe. in fine, the melancholy situation of the people; the little prospect of assistance; the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting upon me in particular for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kind; and the distant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation in the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which i never expect to reap either honour or benefit; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here." colonel washington had been prevented from taking post at fort cumberland by an unfortunate and extraordinary difficulty, growing out of an obscurity in the royal orders, respecting the relative rank of officers commissioned by the king, and those commissioned by the governor. a captain dagworthy, who was at that place, and of the former description, insisted on taking the command, although it had been committed to lieutenant colonel stevens; and, on the same principle, he contested the rank of colonel washington also. this circumstance had retained that officer at winchester, where public stores to a considerable amount were deposited, with only about fifty men to guard them. in the deep distress of the moment, a council of war was called, to determine whether he should march this small body to some of the nearest forts, and, uniting with their petty garrisons, risk an action; or wait until the militia could be raised. the council unanimously advised a continuance at winchester. lord fairfax, who commanded the militia of that and the adjacent counties, had ordered them to his assistance; but they were slow in assembling. the unremitting exertion of three days, in the county of frederick, could produce only twenty men. the incompetency of the military force to the defence of the country having become obvious, the assembly determined to augment the regiment to fifteen hundred men. in a letter addressed to the house of burgesses, colonel washington urged the necessity of increasing it still farther, to two thousand men; a less number than which could not possibly, in his opinion, be sufficient to cover the extensive frontier of virginia, should the defensive system be continued. in support of this demand, he stated, in detail, the forts which must be garrisoned; and observed, that, with the exception of a few inhabitants in forts on the south branch of the potowmac, the north mountain near winchester had become the frontier; and that, without effectual aid, the inhabitants would even pass the blue ridge. he farther observed that the woods seemed "alive with french and indians;" and again described so feelingly the situation of the inhabitants, that the assembly requested the governor to order half the militia of the adjoining counties to their relief; and the attorney general, mr. peyton randolph, formed a company of one hundred gentlemen, who engaged to make the campaign, as volunteers. ten well trained woodsmen, or indians, would have rendered more service. the distress of the country increased. as had been foreseen, winchester became almost the only settlement west of the blue ridge, on the northern frontier; and fears were entertained that the enemy would soon pass even that barrier, and ravage the country below. express after express was sent to hasten the militia, but sent in vain. at length, about the last of april, the french and their savage allies, laden with plunder, prisoners, and scalps, returned to fort du quesne. some short time after their retreat, the militia appeared. this temporary increase of strength was employed in searching the country for small parties of indians, who lingered behind the main body, and in making dispositions to repel another invasion. a fort was commenced at winchester, which, in honour of the general who had been appointed to the command of the british troops in america, was called fort loudoun; and the perpetual remonstrances of colonel washington at length effected some improvement in the laws for the government of the troops. instead of adopting, in the first instance, that military code which experience had matured, the assembly passed occasional acts to remedy particular evils as they occurred; in consequence of which, a state of insubordination was protracted, and the difficulties of the commanding officer increased. slight penalties were at first annexed to serious military offences; and when an act was obtained to punish mutiny and desertion with death, such crimes as cowardice in action, and sleeping on a post, were pretermitted. it was left impossible to hold a general court martial, without an order from the governor; and the commanding officer was not at liberty to make those arrangements in other respects which his own observation suggested, but shackled by the control of others, who could neither judge so correctly, nor be so well informed, as himself. these errors of a government unused to war, though continually remarked by the officer commanding the troops, were slowly perceived by those in power, and were never entirely corrected. successive incursions continued to be made into the country by small predatory parties of french and indians, who kept up a perpetual alarm, and murdered the defenceless, wherever found. in pennsylvania, the inhabitants were driven as far as carlisle; and in maryland, fredericktown, on the eastern side of the blue ridge, became a frontier. with the virginia regiment, which did not yet amount to one thousand men, aided occasionally by militia, colonel washington was to defend a frontier of near four hundred miles in extent, and to complete a chain of forts. he repeatedly urged the necessity and propriety of abandoning fort cumberland, which was too far in advance of the settlements, and too far north, to be useful, while it required for its defence a larger portion of his force than could be spared with a proper regard to the safety of other and more advantageous positions. the governor, however, thought the abandonment of it improper, since it was a "_king's fort_;" and lord loudoun, on being consulted, gave the same opinion. among the subjects of extreme chagrin to the commander of the virginia troops, was the practice of desertion. the prevalence of this crime was ascribed, in a considerable degree, to the ill-judged parsimony of the assembly. the daily pay of a soldier was only eight pence, out of which two pence were stopped for his clothes. this pay was inferior to what was received in every other part of the continent; and, as ought to have been foreseen, great discontents were excited by a distinction so invidious. the remonstrances of the commanding officer, in some degree, corrected this mischief; and a full suit of regimentals was allowed to each soldier, without deducting its price from his pay. this campaign furnishes no event which can interest the reader; yet the duties of the officer, though minute, were arduous; and the sufferings of the people, beyond measure afflicting. it adds one to the many proofs which have been afforded, of the miseries to be expected by those who defer preparing the means of defence, until the moment when they ought to be used; and then, rely almost entirely, on a force neither adequate to the danger, nor of equal continuance. it is an interesting fact to those who know the present situation of virginia, that, so late as the year , the blue ridge was the northwestern frontier; and that she found immense difficulty in completing a single regiment to protect the inhabitants from the horrors of the scalping knife, and the still greater horrors of being led into captivity by savages who added terrors to death by the manner of inflicting it. as soon as the main body of the enemy had withdrawn from the settlements, a tour was made by colonel washington to the south-western frontier. there, as well as to the north, continued incursions had been made; and there too, the principal defence of the country was entrusted to an ill-regulated militia. the fatal consequences of this system are thus stated by him, in a letter to the lieutenant governor: "the inhabitants are so sensible of their danger, if left to the protection of these people, that not a man will stay at his place. this i have from their own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of augusta county. the militia are under such bad order and discipline, that they will come and go, when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safety of the inhabitants, but consulting solely their own inclinations. there should be, according to your honour's orders, one-third of the militia of these parts on duty at a time; instead of that, scarce one-thirtieth is out. they are to be relieved every month, and they are a great part of that time marching to and from their stations; and they will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether relieved or not, however urgent the necessity for their continuance may be." some instances of this, and of gross misbehaviour, were then enumerated; after which, he pressed the necessity of increasing the number of regulars to two thousand men. after returning from this tour, to winchester, he gave the lieutenant governor, in curious detail, a statement of the situation in which he found the country, urging, but urging in vain, arguments which will always be suggested by experience, against relying chiefly on militia for defence. sensible of the impracticability of defending such an extensive frontier, colonel washington continued to press the policy of enabling him to act on the offensive. the people of virginia, he thought, could be protected only by entering the country of the enemy; giving him employment at home, and removing the source of all their calamities by taking possession of fort du quesne. "as defensive measures," he observed in a letter to the lieutenant governor, "are evidently insufficient for the security and safety of the country, i hope no arguments are necessary to evince the necessity of altering them to a vigorous offensive war, in order to remove the cause." but in the event, that the assembly should still indulge their favourite scheme of protecting the inhabitants by forts along the frontiers, he presented a plan, which, in its execution, would require two thousand men--these were to be distributed in twenty-two forts, extending from the river mayo to the potowmac, in a line of three hundred and sixty miles. in a letter written about the same time to the speaker of the assembly, he said, "the certainty of advantage, by an offensive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt, preferable to our defensive measures. our scattered force, so separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails little to stop the secret incursions of the savages. we can only perhaps put them to flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which answers not the end proposed. whereas, had we strength enough to invade their lands, we should restrain them from coming abroad, and leaving their families exposed. we should then remove the principal cause, and have stronger probability of success; we should be free from the many alarms, mischiefs, and murders, that now attend us; we should inspirit the hearts of our few indian friends, and gain more esteem with them. in short, could pennsylvania and maryland be induced to join us in an expedition of this nature, and to petition his excellency lord loudoun for a small train of artillery, with some engineers, we should then be able, in all human probability, to subdue the terror of fort du quesne; retrieve our character with the indians; and restore peace to our unhappy frontiers." his total inability to act offensively, or even to afford protection to the frontiers of virginia, was not the only distressing and vexatious circumstance to which he was exposed. the lieutenant governor, to whose commands he was subjected in every minute particular, and who seems to have been unequal to the difficulties of his station, frequently deranged his system by orders which could not be executed without considerable hazard and inconvenience. colonel washington could not always restrain his chagrin on such occasions; and, on one of them, observed in a letter to an intimate friend, who possessed great influence in the country, "whence it arises, or why, i am truly ignorant, but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded, as idle and frivolous; my propositions and measures, as partial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavours for the service of my country, perverted to the worst purposes. my orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain: to-day approved, tomorrow condemned; left to act and proceed at hazard; accountable for the consequences, and blamed without the benefit of defence. if you can think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of the case. however, i am determined to bear up under all these embarrassments some time longer, in the hope of better regulations under lord loudoun, to whom i look for the future fate of virginia." not long after this letter was written, lord loudoun, in whose person the offices of governor and commander-in-chief were united, arrived in virginia. a comprehensive statement of the situation of the colony, in a military point of view, and of the regiment in particular, was drawn up and submitted to him by colonel washington. in this he enumerated the errors which had prevented the completion of his regiment, showed the insufficiency of the militia for any military purpose, and demonstrated the superiority of an offensive system over that which had been pursued. { } this statement was probably presented by colonel washington in person, who was permitted, during the winter, to visit lord loudoun in philadelphia, where that nobleman met the governors of pennsylvania, maryland, and north carolina, and the lieutenant governor of virginia, in order to consult with them on the measures to be taken, in their respective provinces, for the ensuing campaign. he was, however, disappointed in his favourite hope of being able to act offensively against the french on the ohio. lord loudoun had determined to direct all his efforts against canada, and to leave only twelve hundred men in the middle and southern colonies. instead of receiving assistance, virginia was required to send four hundred men to south carolina. not discouraged by these disappointments, colonel washington continued indefatigable in his endeavours to impress on mr. dinwiddie, and on the assembly, the importance of reviving, and properly modifying their military code, which had now expired, of making a more effective militia law, and of increasing their number of regular troops. {may.} so far from succeeding on the last subject, he had the mortification to witness a measure which crushed his hopes of an adequate regular force. being unable to complete the regiment by voluntary enlistment, the assembly changed its organization, and reduced it to ten companies; each to consist of one hundred men. yet his anxious wishes continued to be directed towards fort du quesne. in a letter written about this time to colonel stanwix, who commanded in the middle colonies, he said, "you will excuse me, sir, for saying, that i think there never was, and perhaps never again will be, so favourable an opportunity as the present for reducing fort du quesne. several prisoners have made their escape from the ohio this spring, and agree in their accounts, that there are but three hundred men left in the garrison; and i do not conceive that the french are so strong in canada, as to reinforce this place, and defend themselves at home this campaign: surely then this is too precious an opportunity to be lost." but mr. pitt did not yet direct the councils of britain; and a spirit of enterprise and heroism did not yet animate her generals. the campaign to the north was inglorious; and to the west, nothing was even attempted, which might relieve the middle colonies. {october .} large bodies of savages, in the service of france, once more spread desolation and murder over the whole country, west of the blue ridge. the regular troops were inadequate to the protection of the inhabitants; and the incompetency of the defensive system to their security became every day more apparent. "i exert every means," said colonel washington, in a letter to lieutenant governor dinwiddie, "to protect a much distressed country; but it is a task too arduous. to think of defending a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles extent, as ours is, with only seven hundred men, is vain and idle; especially when that frontier lies more contiguous to the enemy than any other. "i am, and for a long time have been, fully convinced, that if we continue to pursue a defensive plan, the country must be inevitably lost." {october .} in another letter he said, "the raising a company of rangers, or augmenting our strength in some other manner, is so far necessary, that, without it, the remaining inhabitants of this once fertile and populous valley will scarcely be detained at their dwellings until the spring. and if there is no expedition to the westward then, nor a force more considerable than virginia can support, posted on our frontiers; if we still adhere, for the next campaign, to our destructive defensive schemes, there will not, i dare affirm, be one soul living on this side the blue ridge the ensuing autumn, if we except the troops in garrison, and a few inhabitants of this town, who may shelter themselves under the protection of this fort. this i know to be the immoveable determination of all the settlers of this country." to the speaker of the assembly he gave the same opinion; and added, "i do not know on whom these miserable undone people are to rely for protection. if the assembly are to give it to them, it is time that measures were at least concerting, and not when they ought to be going into execution, as has always been the case. if they are to seek it from the commander-in-chief, it is time their condition was made known to him. for i can not forbear repeating again, that, while we pursue defensive measures, we pursue inevitable ruin." {august .} it was impossible for colonel washington, zealous in the service of his country, and ambitious of military fame, to observe the errors committed in the conduct of the war, without censuring them. these errors were not confined to the military affairs of the colony. the cherokee and catawba indians had hitherto remained faithful to the english, and it was very desirable to engage the warriors of those tribes heartily in their service; but so miserably was the intercourse with them conducted, that, though a considerable expense was incurred, not much assistance was obtained, and great disgust was excited among them. the freedom with which the commander-in-chief of the virginia forces censured public measures, gave offence to the lieutenant governor, who considered these censures as manifesting a want of respect for himself. sometimes he coarsely termed them _impertinent_; and at other times, charged him with looseness in his information, and inattention to his duty. on one of these occasions, colonel washington thus concluded a letter of detail, "nothing remarkable has happened, and therefore i have nothing to add. i must beg leave, however, before i conclude, to observe, in justification of my own conduct, that it is with pleasure i receive reproof when reproof is due, because no person can be readier to accuse me, than i am to acknowledge an error, when i have committed it; nor more desirous of atoning for a crime, when i am sensible of being guilty of one. but, on the other hand, it is with concern i remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward; and that my conduct, although i have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable as i could, does not appear to you in a favourable point of light. otherwise, your honour would not have accused me of _loose_ behaviour, and _remissness_ of duty, in matters where, i think, i have rather exceeded than fallen short of it. this, i think, is evidently the case in speaking of indian affairs at all, after being instructed in very express terms, '_not to have any concern with, or management of indian affairs_.' this has induced me to forbear mentioning the indians in my letters to your honour of late, and to leave the misunderstanding, which you speak of, between mr. aikin and them, to be related by him." not long after this, he received a letter informing him of some coarse calumny, reflecting on his veracity and honour, which had been reported to the lieutenant governor. he enclosed a copy of this letter to mr. dinwiddie, and thus addressed him,--"i should take it infinitely kind if your honour would please to inform me whether a report of this nature was ever made to you; and, in that case, who was the author of it. "it is evident from a variety of circumstances, and especially from the change in your honour's conduct towards me, that some person, as well inclined to detract, but better skilled in the art of detraction than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my character. for i can not suppose, that malice so absurd, so barefaced, so diametrically opposite to truth, to common policy, and, in short, to everything but villany, as the above is, could impress you with so ill an opinion of my honour and honesty. "if it be possible that ----, for my belief is staggered, not being conscious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to that gentleman, to reflect so grossly; i say, if it be possible that ---- could descend so low as to be the propagator of this story, he must either be vastly ignorant of the state of affairs in this country _at that time_, or else, he must suppose that the whole body of the inhabitants had combined with me in executing the deceitful fraud. or why did they, almost to a man, forsake their dwellings in the greatest terror and confusion; and while one half of them sought shelter in paltry forts, (of their own building,) the other should flee to the adjacent counties for refuge; numbers of them even to carolina, from whence they have never returned? "these are facts well known; but not better known than that these wretched people, while they lay pent up in forts, destitute of the common supports of life, (having in their precipitate flight forgotten, or rather, been unable to secure any kind of necessaries,) did despatch messengers of their own, (thinking i had not represented their miseries in the piteous manner they deserved,) with addresses to your honour and the assembly, praying relief. and did i ever send any alarming account, without sending also the original papers (or the copies) which gave rise to it? "that i have foibles, and perhaps many of them, i shall not deny. i should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were i to arrogate perfection. "knowledge in military matters is to be acquired only by practice and experience; and if i have erred, great allowance should be made for want of them; unless my errors should appear to be wilful; and then, i conceive, it would be more generous to charge me with my faults, and to let me stand or fall according to evidence, than to stigmatize me behind my back. "it is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your honour: but this i know, and it is the highest consolation i am capable of feeling, that no man that ever was employed in a public capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust reposed in him with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest than i have done; and if there is any person living, who can say with justice that i have offered any intentional wrong to the public, i will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious punishment that an injured people ought to inflict. on the other hand, it is hard to have my character arraigned, and my actions condemned, without a hearing. "i must therefore again beg in _more plain_, and in very _earnest_ terms, to know if ---- has taken the liberty of representing my conduct to your honour with such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter implies. your condescension herein will be acknowledged a singular favour." in a letter, some short time after this, to the lieutenant governor, he said, "i do not know that i ever gave your honour cause to suspect me of ingratitude; a crime i detest, and would most carefully avoid. if an open, disinterested behaviour carries offence, i may have offended; for i have all along laid it down as a maxim, to represent facts freely and impartially, but not more so to others than to you, sir. if instances of my ungrateful behaviour had been particularized, i would have answered them. but i have been long convinced that my actions and their motives have been maliciously aggravated." a request that he might be permitted to come to williamsburg for the settlement of some accounts, which he was desirous of adjusting under the inspection of the lieutenant governor, who proposed to leave the province in the following november, was refused in abrupt and disobliging terms. in answer to the letter containing the refusal, colonel washington, after stating the immoveable disposition of the inhabitants to leave the country unless more sufficiently protected, added, "to give a more succinct account of their affairs than i could in writing, was the principal, among many other reasons, that induced me to ask leave to come down. it was not to enjoy a party of pleasure that i asked leave of absence. i have indulged with few of those, winter or summer." mr. dinwiddie soon afterwards took leave of virginia, and the government devolved on mr. blair, the president of the council. between him and the commander of the colonial troops the utmost cordiality existed. [sidenote: general forbes undertakes the expedition against fort du quesne.] after the close of this campaign, lord loudoun returned to england, and general abercrombie succeeded to the command of the army. the department of the middle and southern provinces was committed to general forbes, who, to the inexpressible gratification of colonel washington, determined to undertake an expedition against fort du quesne. { } he urged an early campaign, but he urged it ineffectually; and, before the troops were assembled, a large body of french and indians broke into the country, and renewed the horrors of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. the county of augusta was ravaged and about sixty persons were murdered. the attempts made to intercept these savages were unsuccessful; and they recrossed the alleghany, with their plunder, prisoners, and scalps. {may .} at length, orders were given to assemble the regiment at winchester, and be in readiness to march in fifteen days. on receiving them, colonel washington called in his recruiting parties; but so inattentive had the government been to his representations that, previous to marching his regiment, he was under the necessity of repairing to williamsburg, personally to enforce his solicitations for arms, ammunition, money, and clothing. that these preparations for an expedition vitally interesting to virginia, should remain to be made after the season for action had commenced, does not furnish stronger evidence of the difficulties encountered by the chief of the military department, than is given by another circumstance of about the same date. he was under the necessity of pointing out and urging the propriety of allowing to his regiment, which had performed much severe service, the same pay which had been granted to a second regiment, voted the preceding session of assembly, to serve for a single year. among other motives for an early campaign, colonel washington had urged the impracticability of detaining the indians. his fears were well founded. before a junction of the troops had been made, these savages became impatient to return to their homes; and, finding that the expedition would yet be delayed a considerable time, they left the army, with promises to rejoin it at the proper season. {june .} in pursuance of the orders which had been received, the virginia troops moved in detachments from winchester to fort cumberland, where they assembled early in july: after which, they were employed in opening a road to raystown, where colonel bouquet was stationed. as the english were continually harassed by small parties of french and indians, the general had contemplated advancing a strong detachment over the alleghany mountains, for the purpose of giving them employment at home. by the advice of colonel washington this plan was relinquished. in support of his opinion, he stated the probability that a large force was collected at fort du quesne, and the impracticability of moving a strong detachment, without such a quantity of provisions, as would expose it to the danger of being discovered and cut to pieces. he advised to harass them with small parties, principally of indians; and this advice was pursued. {july.} colonel washington had expected that the army would march by braddock's road: but, late in july, he had the mortification to receive a letter from colonel bouquet, asking an interview with him, in order to consult on opening a new road from raystown, and requesting his opinion on that route. "i shall," says he, in answer to this letter, "most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any route, or enter upon any service, that the general or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or qualified for; and shall never have a will of my own, when a duty is required of me. but since you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, permit me to observe, that, after having conversed with all the guides, and having been informed by others acquainted with the country, i am convinced that a road, to be compared with general braddock's, or indeed that will be fit for transportation even by pack-horses, can not be made. i own i have no predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me." a few days after writing this letter, he had an interview with colonel bouquet, whom he found decided in favour of opening the new road. after their separation, colonel washington, with his permission, addressed to him a letter to be laid before general forbes, then indisposed at carlisle, in which he stated his reasons against this measure. he concluded his arguments against the new road: arguments which appear to be unanswerable, by declaring his fears that, should the attempt be made, they would be able to do nothing more than fortify some post on the other side of the alleghany, and prepare for another campaign. this he prayed heaven to avert. he was equally opposed to a scheme which had been suggested of marching by the two different routes, and recommended an order of march by braddock's road, which would bring the whole army before fort du quesne in thirty-four days, with a supply of provisions for eighty-six days. {august .} in a letter of the same date addressed to major halket, aid of general forbes, colonel washington thus expressed his forebodings of the mischiefs to be apprehended from the adoption of the proposed route. "i am just returned from a conference held with colonel bouquet. i find him fixed--i think i may say unalterably fixed--to lead you a new way to the ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have scarcely time left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage through the mountains. "if colonel bouquet succeeds in this point with the general, all is lost! all is lost indeed! our enterprise is ruined! and we shall be stopped at the laurel hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, except of the kind which cover the mountains. the southern indians will turn against us, and these colonies will be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. these must be the consequences of a miscarriage; and a miscarriage, the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this route." colonel washington's remonstrances and arguments were unavailing; and the new route was adopted. his extreme chagrin at this measure, and at the delays resulting from it, was expressed in anxious letters to mr. fauquier, then governor of virginia, and to the speaker of the house of burgesses. {september .} in a letter to the speaker, written while at fort cumberland, he said: "we are still encamped here; very sickly, and dispirited at the prospect before us. that appearance of glory which we once had in view--that hope--that laudable ambition of serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more: all is dwindled into ease, sloth, and fatal inactivity. in a word, all is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of providence, are not inscrutable. but we who view the actions of great men at a distance can only form conjectures agreeably to a limited perception; and, being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes which may be in contemplation, might mistake egregiously in judging of things from appearances, or by the lump. yet every f--l will have his notions--will prattle and talk away; and why may not i? we seem then, in my opinion, to act under the guidance of an evil genius. the conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, is tempered with something--i do not care to give a name to. nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue." he then recapitulated the arguments he had urged against attempting a new road, and added, "but i spoke unavailingly. the road was immediately begun; and since then, from one to two thousand men have constantly wrought on it. by the last accounts i have received, they had cut it to the foot of the laurel hill, about thirty-five miles; and i suppose, by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post about ten miles further, at a placed called loyal hanna, where our next fort is to be constructed. "we have certain intelligence that the french strength at fort du quesne did not exceed eight hundred men, the thirteenth ultimo; including about three or four hundred indians. see how our time has been misspent--behold how the golden opportunity is lost--perhaps, never to be regained! how is it to be accounted for? can general forbes have orders for this?--impossible. will then our injured country pass by such abuses? i hope not. rather let a full representation of the matter go to his majesty; let him know how grossly his glory and interests, and the public money have been prostituted." {september .} [sidenote: defeat of major grant.] colonel washington was soon afterwards ordered to raystown. major grant had been previously detached from the advanced post at loyal hanna, with a select corps of eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the country about fort du quesne. in the night he reached a hill near the fort, and sent forward a party for the purpose of discovery. they burnt a log house, and returned. next morning, major grant detached major lewis, of colonel washington's regiment, with a baggage guard, two miles into his rear; and sent an engineer, with a covering party, within full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works. in the mean time he ordered the _reveillée_ to be beaten in different places. an action soon commenced, on which major lewis, leaving captain bullett, with about fifty virginians to guard the baggage, advanced with the utmost celerity to support major grant. the english were defeated with considerable loss; and both major grant and major lewis were taken prisoners. in this action, the virginians evidenced the spirit with which they had been trained. out of eight officers, five were killed, a sixth wounded, and a seventh taken prisoner. captain bullett, who defended the baggage with great resolution, and contributed to save the remnant of the detachment, was the only officer who escaped unhurt. of one hundred and sixty-two men, sixty-two were killed on the spot, and two wounded. this conduct reflected high honour on the commanding officer of the regiment as well as on the troops; and he received, on the occasion, the compliments of the general. the total loss was two hundred and seventy-three killed, and forty-two wounded. {october .} it was at length determined that the main body of the army should move from raystown; and the general called on the colonels of regiments, to submit severally to his consideration, a plan for his march. that proposed by colonel washington has been preserved, and appears to have been judiciously formed. they reached the camp at loyal hanna, through a road indescribably bad, about the fifth of november; where, as had been predicted, a council of war determined that it was unadviseable to proceed farther this campaign. it would have been almost impossible to winter an army in that position. they must have retreated from the cold inhospitable wilderness into which they had penetrated, or have suffered immensely; perhaps have perished. fortunately, some prisoners were taken, who informed them of the extreme distress of the fort. deriving no support from canada, the garrison was weak; in great want of provisions; and had been deserted by the indians. these encouraging circumstances changed the resolution which had been taken, and determined the general to prosecute the expedition. [sidenote: fort du quesne evacuated by the french, and taken possession of by the english.] {november .} colonel washington was advanced in front; and, with immense labour, opened a way for the main body of the army. the troops moved forward with slow and painful steps until they reached fort du quesne, of which they took peaceable possession; the garrison having on the preceding night, after evacuating and setting it on fire, proceeded down the ohio in boats. to other causes than the vigour of the officer who conducted this enterprise, the capture of this important place is to be ascribed. the naval armaments of britain had intercepted the reinforcements designed by france for her colonies; and the pressure on canada was such as to disable the governor of that province from detaching troops to fort du quesne. without the aid of these causes, the extraordinary and unaccountable delays of the campaign must have defeated its object. the works were repaired, and the new fort received the name of the great minister, who, with unparalleled vigour and talents, then governed the nation. after furnishing two hundred men from his regiment as a garrison for fort pitt, colonel washington marched back to winchester; whence he soon afterwards proceeded to williamsburg, to take his seat in the general assembly, of which he had been elected a member by the county of frederick, while at fort cumberland. a cessation of indian hostility being the consequence of expelling the french from the ohio, virginia was relieved from the dangers with which she had been threatened; and the object for which alone he had continued in the service, after perceiving that he should not be placed on the permanent establishment, was accomplished. his health was much impaired, and his domestic affairs required his attention. [sidenote: resignation and marriage of colonel washington.] impelled by these and other motives of a private nature, he determined to withdraw from a service, which he might now quit without dishonour; and, about the close of the year, resigned his commission, as colonel of the first virginia regiment, and commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in the colony. [illustration: the washington family burial ground _wakefield, westmoreland county, virginia_ _here rest the mortal remains of george washington's great-grandfather, colonel john washington, who came to virginia in and was buried here in ; of his grandfather, lawrence washington, buried in ; of his grandmother, jane (butler), in ; of his father, augustine washington, in ; and other members of the washington family._] the officers whom he had commanded were greatly attached to him. they manifested their esteem and their regret at parting, by a very affectionate address,[ ] expressive of the high opinion they entertained both of his military and private character. [footnote : see note no. iii. at the end of the volume.] this opinion was not confined to the officers of his regiment. it was common to virginia; and had been adopted by the british officers with whom he served. the duties he performed, though not splendid, were arduous; and were executed with zeal, and with judgment. the exact discipline he established in his regiment, when the temper of virginia was extremely hostile to discipline, does credit to his military character, and the gallantry the troops displayed, whenever called into action, manifests the spirit infused into them by their commander. the difficulties of his situation, while unable to cover the frontier from the french and indians, who were spreading death and desolation in every quarter, were incalculably great; and no better evidence of his exertions, under these distressing circumstances, can be given, than the undiminished confidence still placed in him, by those whom he was unable to protect. the efforts to which he incessantly stimulated his country for the purpose of obtaining possession of the ohio; the system for the conduct of the war which he continually recommended; the vigorous and active measures always urged upon those by whom he was commanded; manifest an ardent and enterprising mind, tempered by judgment, and quickly improved by experience. not long after his resignation, he was married to mrs. custis; a young lady to whom he had been for some time attached; and who, to a large fortune and fine person, added those amiable accomplishments which ensure domestic happiness, and fill, with silent but unceasing felicity, the quiet scenes of private life. chapter ii. colonel washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american forces.... arrives at cambridge.... strength and disposition of the two armies.... deficiency of the americans in arms and ammunition.... distress of the british from the want of fresh provisions.... falmouth burnt.... success of the american cruisers.... measures to form a continental army.... difficulty of re-enlisting the troops.... plan for attacking boston.... general lee detached to new york.... possession taken of the heights of dorchester.... boston evacuated.... correspondence respecting prisoners. { } the attention of colonel washington, for several years after his marriage, was principally directed to the management of his estate. he continued a most respectable member of the legislature of his country, in which he took an early and a decided part against the claims of supremacy asserted by the british parliament. as hostilities approached, he was chosen by the independent companies, formed through the northern parts of virginia, to command them; and was elected a member of the first congress which met at philadelphia. the illustrious patriots who composed it, soon distinguished him as the soldier of america, and placed him on all those committees whose duty it was to make arrangements for defence. when it became necessary to appoint a commander-in-chief, his military character, the solidity of his judgment, the steady firmness of his temper, the dignity of his person and deportment, the confidence inspired by his patriotism and integrity, and the independence of his fortune, combined to designate him, in the opinion of all, for that important station. local jealousy was suppressed, not only by the enthusiasm of the moment, but by that policy which induced the sagacious delegation from new england, to prefer a commander-in-chief from the south. [sidenote: colonel washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american forces.] on the th of june, he was unanimously chosen "general, and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united colonies, and all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them."[ ] [footnote : see note no. iv. at the end of the volume.] {june .} on the succeeding day, when the president communicated this appointment to him, he expressed his high sense of the honour conferred upon him, and his firm determination to exert every power he possessed in the service of his country and of her "glorious cause." at the same time he acknowledged the distress he felt from a consciousness that his abilities and military experience might not be equal to the extensive and important trust. he declined all compensation for his services; and avowed an intention to keep an exact account of his expenses, which he should rely on congress to discharge. a special commission was directed, and a resolution unanimously passed, declaring that "congress would maintain, assist, and adhere to him, as the general and commander-in-chief of the forces raised, or to be raised, for the maintenance and preservation of american liberty, with their lives and fortunes." he prepared, without delay, to enter upon the arduous duties of his office; and, remaining only a few days in new york, where several important arrangements were to be made, proceeded to the head quarters of the american army. [sidenote: arrives at cambridge.] as all orders of men concurred in approving his appointment, all concurred in expressing their satisfaction at that event, and their determination to afford him entire support. a committee of the congress of massachusetts waited to receive him at springfield, on the confines of the colony, and to escort him to the army. on his arrival, an address was presented to him by the house of representatives, breathing the most cordial affection, and testifying the most exalted respect. his answer[ ] was well calculated to keep up impressions essential to the success of that arduous contest into which the united colonies had entered. [footnote : it is in the following terms: "gentlemen,--your kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will be ever retained in grateful remembrance. in exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honourable but arduous situation, i only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of massachusetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. my highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety. "geo: washington."] {july .} [sidenote: strength and disposition of the two armies.] the first moments after his arrival in camp were employed in reconnoitring the enemy, and examining the strength and situation of the american troops. the main body of the british army, under the immediate command of general howe, was entrenching itself strongly on bunker's hill. three floating batteries lay in mystic river, near the camp, and a twenty gun ship below the ferry, between boston and charlestown. a strong battery on the boston side of the water, on cop's or cope's hill, served to cover and strengthen the post on bunker's hill. another division was deeply entrenched on roxbury neck. the light horse, and an inconsiderable body of infantry, were stationed in boston. the american army lay on both sides of charles river. the right occupied the high grounds about roxbury; whence it extended towards dorchester; and the left was covered by mystic or medford river, a space of at least twelve miles. these extensive lines could not be contracted without opening to the british general a communication with the country. for the purpose of a more distinct arrangement, the army was thrown into three grand divisions. that part of it which lay about roxbury constituted the right wing, and was commanded by major general ward; the troops near mystic or medford river formed the left, which was placed under major general lee. the centre, including the reserve, was under the immediate command of general washington, whose head quarters were at cambridge. the army consisted of fourteen thousand five hundred men; but several circumstances combined to render this force less effective than its numbers would indicate. [sidenote: deficiency of the americans in arms and ammunition.] so long had the hope of avoiding open hostilities been indulged, that the time for making preparations to meet them had passed away unemployed, and the neglect could not be remedied. on general washington's arrival in camp, he had ordered a return of the ammunition to be made; and the report stated three hundred and three barrels of powder to be in store. a few days after this return, the alarming discovery was made, that the actual quantity was not more than sufficient to furnish each man with nine cartridges. this mistake had been produced by a misapprehension of the committee of supplies, (for the magazines were not yet in possession of military officers,) who, instead of returning the existing quantity, reported the whole which had been originally furnished by the province. though the utmost exertions were made, this critical state of things continued about a fortnight, when a small supply of powder was received from elizabethtown, in new jersey.[ ] the utmost address was used to conceal from the enemy this alarming deficiency; but when it is recollected, in how many various directions, and to what various bodies, application for assistance was unavoidably made, it will appear scarcely possible that those efforts at concealment could have been completely successful. it is more probable that the communications which must have been made to the british general were discredited; and that he could not permit himself to believe, that an army without bayonets would be hardy enough to maintain the position occupied by the provincials, if destitute of ammunition. [footnote : a circumstance attending this transaction, will furnish some idea of the difficulties encountered by those who then conducted the affairs of america. all-important to the general safety as was the speedy replenishment of the magazines of that army which lay encamped in front of the enemy, the committee of elizabethtown was under the necessity of transmitting this powder secretly, lest the people of the neighbourhood should seize and detain it for their own security.] the troops were also in such need of tents, as to be placed in barracks, instead of being encamped in the open field; and were almost destitute of clothing. they had, too, been raised by the colonial governments; each of which organized its quota on different principles. from this cause resulted not only a want of uniformity, but other defects which were much more important. in massachusetts, the soldiers had chosen their platoon officers, and generally lived with them as equals. this unmilitary practice was the certain index of that general insubordination which pervaded every department. the difficulty of establishing principles of order and obedience, always considerable among raw troops, was increased by the short terms for which enlistments had been made. the quotas of some of the colonies would be entitled to a discharge in november; and none were engaged to continue in service longer than the last of december. the early orders evidence a state of things still more loose and unmilitary than was to be inferred from the circumstances under which the war had been commenced. an additional inconvenience, derived from this mixed agency of local governments with that of the union, was thus stated by general washington in a letter addressed to congress:--"i should be extremely deficient in gratitude as well as justice, if i did not take the first opportunity to acknowledge the readiness and attention which the congress and different committees have shown to make every thing as convenient and agreeable as possible; but there is a vital and inherent principle of delay, incompatible with military service, in transacting business through such various and different channels.[ ] i esteem it my duty, therefore, to represent the inconvenience that must unavoidably ensue from a dependence on a number of persons for supplies; and submit it to the consideration of congress, whether the public service will not be best promoted by appointing a commissary general for the purpose."[ ] [footnote : the general was under the necessity of carrying on a direct correspondence, not only with the several colonial governments, but with the committees of all the important towns and some inferior places.] [footnote : it is strange that an army should have been formed without such an officer.] every military operation was also seriously affected by the total want of engineers, and the deficiency of working tools. to increase difficulties already so considerable, the appointment of general officers, made by congress, gave extensive dissatisfaction, and determined several of those who thought themselves injured, to retire from the service. these disadvantages deducted essentially from the capacity of the american force: but under them all, the general observed with pleasure "the materials for a good army." these were "a great number of men, able bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable courage." possessed of these materials, he employed himself indefatigably in their organization. the army was arranged into divisions and brigades; and congress was urged to the appointment of a paymaster, quarter-master general, and such other general staff as are indispensable in the structure of a regular military establishment. the two armies continued to work on their respective fortifications, without seriously molesting each other. slight skirmishes occasionally took place, in which little execution was done; and, although the americans made some advances, no attempt was made to dislodge them. {september.} the commander-in-chief submitted with reluctance to this state of apparent inactivity. he felt the importance of destroying the army in boston, before it should be strengthened by reinforcements in the ensuing spring; and with a view to this object, frequently reconnoitred its situation, and was assiduous in collecting every information respecting its strength. the result of his observations and inquiries seems to have been, a strong inclination to the opinion, that to carry the works by storm, though hazardous, was not impracticable. a council of general officers being unanimously of opinion, that for the present at least, the attempt ought not to be made, it was laid aside. [sidenote: distress of the british from the want of fresh provisions.] a rigorous blockade being maintained, the british army began to suffer considerably for fresh meat and vegetables. the small parties which sailed from boston, in quest of these articles, were frequently disappointed by the vigilance of the minute men. but the continuance of active exertion, which this service required on the part of the inhabitants of the sea coast, soon became burdensome; and the governors of the several colonies pressed for detachments from the main army. although it was impossible to spare the troops required, without hazarding the cause of the colonies, great irritation was excited by the refusal to comply with these demands of particular protection. they at length became so importunate, and the unavoidable refusal to comply with them was so ill received, that congress was induced to pass a resolution, declaring that the army before boston was designed only to oppose the enemy at that place, and ought not to be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country. at newport, in rhode island, the committee sought to secure the place, by entering into a compromise with captain wallace, who commanded the ships of war on that station, stipulating that he should be furnished with provisions on condition of his sparing the town, and committing no depredations on the country. this compromise contravened so essentially the general plan of distressing the british forces, that general washington deemed it necessary to interpose, and represent to the governor of that province, the mischief to be apprehended from so dangerous a practice. while the blockade of boston was thus perseveringly maintained, other events of considerable importance took place elsewhere. in july, georgia joined her sister colonies, and chose delegates to represent her in congress: after which, the style of "the thirteen united colonies" was assumed; and by that title, the english provinces, confederated and in arms, were thenceforward designated. {september .} after a recess of one month, congress again assembled at philadelphia. the state of the colonies, and the letters of the commander-in-chief being immediately taken into consideration, the scarcity of arms and ammunition engaged their most serious attention. great exertions[ ] had been made, by importation and by domestic manufacture, to extricate the country from this perilous situation; but the supplies were unequal to the necessities of the army; and the danger resulting from the want of articles, so vitally essential in war, still continued to be great. [footnote : the agents of congress had the address to purchase all the powder on the coast of africa, and that within the british forts, without attracting notice; and to seize the magazine in the island of bermuda. great exertions were also made in the interior to obtain saltpetre and sulphur, for the manufacture of that important article.] the importance of a maritime force to the military operations of a country possessing an immense extent of sea coast must always be sensibly felt; and, in an early stage of the contest, the particular attention of the united colonies was directed more immediately to this interesting object, by an event not very unusual in war, but which, at this time, excited no ordinary degree of resentment. orders had been issued to the commanders of the british ships of war to proceed, as in the case of actual rebellion, against those seaport towns which were accessible, and in which any troops should be raised, or military works erected. {october.} [sidenote: falmouth burnt.] falmouth, a flourishing village on the sea coast of massachusetts, having given some particular offence, a small naval force, commanded by captain mowat, was, under colour of these orders, detached for its destruction. after making an ineffectual effort to induce the inhabitants to deliver up their arms and ammunition, and four of the principal citizens as hostages, he commenced a furious cannonade and bombardment, by which the town was reduced to ashes. an attempt was then made to penetrate into the country; but the militia and minute men, rather irritated than intimidated by this wanton act of unavailing devastation, drove the party, which had landed, back to their ships. this measure was loudly reprobated throughout america, and contributed, not a little, to turn the attention of the united colonies to their marine. it was one immediate motive with the convention of massachusetts, for granting letters of marque and reprisal; and was assigned by congress, in addition to the capture of american merchantmen on the high seas, as an inducement for fitting out some ships of war; to man which they directed two battalions of marines to be recruited. [sidenote: success of the american cruisers.] though congress deferred granting general letters of reprisal, they adopted a measure of equal efficacy, but less hostile in appearance. their ships of war were authorized to capture all vessels employed in giving assistance to the enemy; the terms used in their resolution were such as comprehended every possible capture. a few small cruisers had already been fitted out by the directions of general washington; and the coasts soon swarmed with the privateers of new england. these naval exertions were attended with valuable consequences. many captures were made; and important supplies of ammunition were thus obtained. although the british army had manifested no intention to evacuate boston, fears were continually entertained for new york. mr. tryon, who was popular in that province, had been lately recalled from north carolina, and appointed its governor. his utmost influence was employed in detaching that colony from the union; and his exertions were seconded by the asia man of war, whose guns commanded the town. the consequence of these intrigues and of this terror was, that even in the convention, disaffection to the american cause began openly to show itself; and a determination to join the king's standard is said to have been expressed with impunity. these threatening appearances were rendered the more serious by some confidential communications from england, stating the intention of administration to send a fleet into the hudson, and to occupy both new york and albany. under the alarm thus excited, an effort was made in congress to obtain a resolution for seizing the governor. he had, however, been artful enough to make impressions in his favour; and he was defended by a part of the delegation from new york with so much earnestness that, for a time, the advocates of the proposition forbore to press it. afterwards, when the increasing defection in that province induced congress to resume the subject, the resolution was expressed in general terms; and assumed the form of a recommendation, to those who exercised the legislative and executive functions in the several provinces, "to arrest and secure every person in the respective colonies, whose going at large might, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of america." intelligence of this resolution is supposed to have been received by the governor, who, after some correspondence with the mayor of the city respecting his personal safety, retired for security on board the halifax packet, and continued to carry on his intrigues with nearly as much advantage as while on shore. but the subject which, next to the supply of arms and ammunition, most interested the american government, was the re-enlistment of the army. [illustration: the historic washington elm at cambridge, massachusetts _"under this tree," as the granite tablet states, "washington first took command of the american army, july d, ." this picture is from a photograph taken about the year . in spite of the most determined efforts to preserve this historic relic, the tree fell in november, ._ © u & u] [sidenote: measures to form a continental army.] on the th of september, at the earnest solicitation of general washington, a committee had been appointed by congress, with directions to repair to the camp at cambridge; there to consult with the commander-in-chief, and with the chief magistrates of new hampshire, connecticut, and rhode island, and the council of massachusetts, "on the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army." on the return of this committee, congress determined that the new army should consist of twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two men, including officers; to be raised as far as practicable from the troops already in service. unfortunately, in constituting this first military establishment of the union, an essential error was committed; the consequences of which ceased only with the war. the soldiers, instead of being engaged for an unlimited time, were enlisted for the term of only one year, if not sooner discharged by congress. it is not easy to account entirely for this fatal error. with their jealousy of a permanent army, were probably intermingled hopes that the war would not be of long duration, and fears that much difficulty would be encountered in prevailing on men to enter into engagements of unlimited extent. perhaps the habits of the northern colonies, where it had been usual to raise men for a single campaign, may have contributed to this measure. whatever may have been its motives, its consequences were of the most serious nature; and it brought the american cause, more than once, into real hazard. other resolutions accompanied that for raising and establishing the new army, which exhibit the perilous condition of the country, and its want of those means, which were indispensable to the support of the arduous conflict in which it was engaged. one resolution ordered the detention, at a valuation, of the arms of those soldiers who should refuse to re-enlist, although they were private property, and but ill adapted to military purposes; another, offered two dollars to every recruit who would supply himself with a blanket; a third, ordered the purchase of any cloths which could be procured, without regard to colour, to be delivered to the soldiers, after deducting the price from their pay; and a fourth, required the soldiers to furnish their own arms, or to pay for the use of those which might be supplied by the government. {october .} before the arrangements made by the committee were confirmed by congress, general washington proceeded to take the preparatory steps for carrying them into execution. it being understood that the engagements of the officers, as well as of the soldiers, would expire with the year; the whole army was to be formed anew. the officers therefore were required to signify in writing to their respective colonels, their determination to leave, or to continue in the service; that it might be communicated to congress through the officer commanding brigades. [sidenote: difficulty of re-enlisting the army.] the urgency of the case could not produce a compliance with these orders. many disregarded them; and others annexed conditions to their remaining in the service. repetitions of them became necessary; and an unconditional declaration was required.[ ] but that high spirit and enthusiastic ardour, which had brought such numbers into the field after the battle of lexington, was already beginning to dissipate; and that alacrity for the service, which had been expected, was not displayed. the orders of the day contain the most animating exhortations to the army, and the strongest appeals to its patriotism; but there was an ominous hesitation in forming new engagements. [footnote : in this state of things, several officers, supposing that commissions and rank might depend on recruiting men, began, without permission, to recruit soldiers, to serve particularly under the officer enlisting them. every military principle required that this practice should be arrested; and it was peremptorily forbidden in general orders.] {november .} at length, with much labour, the officers were arranged, upon which, recruiting orders were issued. but the sufferings of the army for fuel, clothes, and even provisions, had been great; and to this cause may be attributed the tardiness with which the soldiers in camp enrolled themselves. one officer from each company was employed to recruit in the country; but their progress was not such as the crisis demanded; and the army was dissolving by the expiration of the time for which it had been enlisted. the impatience of the soldiers to revisit their friends, overcame all their solicitude for maintaining the blockade of boston; and it was with great difficulty that those entitled to a discharge were detained in camp even for ten days; at the end of which time a body of militia was expected to supply their places. this fact, however, did not convince the governments of the united colonies, that it was possible to rely too much on individual patriotism; and that the american cause, if defended entirely by temporary armies, must be often exposed to imminent hazard. {november .} perceiving the difficulty of recruiting the army, the general earnestly recommended to congress, to try the effect of a bounty. this proposition was not adopted until late in january; and, on the last day of december, when all the old troops, not engaged on the new establishment, were disbanded, only nine thousand six hundred and fifty men had been enlisted for the army of ; many of whom were unavoidably permitted to be absent on furlough. their numbers, however, were considerably augmented during the winter; and, in the mean time, the militia cheerfully complied with the requisitions made on them. {december.} notwithstanding these complicated difficulties and embarrassments, the general viewed with deep mortification the semblance of inactivity to which his situation compelled him to submit. in the commencement of the contest, while the minds of many were undetermined, it was of vast importance to secure the public confidence, and it was necessary to pay some attention even to the public caprice. the real difficulties under which he laboured were not generally known. his numbers were exaggerated, and his means of carrying on offensive operations were magnified. the expulsion of the british army from boston had been long since anticipated by many; and those were not wanting, who endeavoured to spread discontent by insinuating that the commander-in-chief was desirous of prolonging the war, in order to continue his own importance. to these symptoms of impatience, and to the consequences they might produce, he could not be insensible; but it was not in his power to silence such complaints, by disclosing to the world his real situation. his views still continued to be directed towards boston; and, congress having manifested a disposition favourable to an attack on that place, the general officers had been again assembled, and had again advised unanimously against the measure. supposing that fears for the safety of the town might embarrass the proceedings of the army, congress resolved, "that if general washington and his council of war should be of opinion that a successful attack might be made on the troops in boston, he should make it in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town and property in it might be thereby destroyed." [sidenote: plans for attacking boston.] whilst waiting for a favourable opportunity to execute this bold plan, the american general availed himself of the occasional aids received from the militia, to make advances on the besieged, and to seize positions which would favour ulterior operations. ploughed hill, cobble hill, and lechmere's point, were successively occupied and fortified. his approaches were carried within half a mile of the works on bunker's hill; and his guns drove their floating batteries from their stations, and protected others constructed under his orders. hitherto, the object of the war had been a redress of grievances. the language, that it was a war against a corrupt administration, had been carefully observed; and allegiance to the british crown was universally avowed. the progress, however, of the public mind towards independence, though slow, was certain; and measures were necessarily taken, which apparently tended to that object. among these, was the act of establishing temporary governments in place of that revolutionary system which followed the suspension of the ancient institutions. the first application on this subject was made by massachusetts;[ ] and her example was soon followed by other colonies. these applications could not fail to draw forth the sentiments of members on the very interesting question of separation from the mother country. they who wished to lead public opinion to independence, were desirous of establishing a regular government in each province, entirely competent to the administration of its affairs; while they who were hostile to that event, opposed every measure which might either incline the colonies towards it, or strengthen the opinion in great britain, that it was the real object of all who had resisted the legislative supremacy of parliament. a resolution was with difficulty obtained in the case of new hampshire, which formed a precedent for others of the same nature, recommending to the provincial convention to call a full and free representation of the people, who should establish such form of government as would best promote the general happiness, and most effectually secure peace and good order in the colony, during the continuance of the present dispute with great britain. without this last clause, which still maintained the appearance of preserving the ancient connexion with the parent state, the recommendation would not have been made. about the same time, congress also resolved that it would be extremely dangerous to the liberties and welfare of america, for any colony separately to petition the king or either house of parliament. [footnote : on this application congress recommended that an assembly and council should be chosen in the usual way, who should exercise the powers of government until a governor of his majesty's appointment should consent to govern the colony according to its charter.] having taken into consideration a proclamation, declaring certain persons in the colonies to have forgotten their allegiance, and to be in a state of open rebellion, and threatening with punishment those who should be found carrying on correspondence with them;--congress declared, "in the name of the people of these united colonies, and by the authority according to the purest maxims of representation derived from them, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of their enemies, for favouring, aiding, or abetting the cause of american liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind, and in the same degree, upon those in their power, who have favoured, aided, or abetted, or shall favour, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression." the british army, the command of which, on the recall of general gage, had devolved upon general howe, still remained inactive in boston; and was still closely blocked up on the land side. the history of this winter campaign, is a history of successive struggles on the part of the american general, with the difficulties imposed by the want of arms, ammunition, and permanent troops, on a person extremely solicitous, by some grand and useful achievement, to prove himself worthy of the high station to which the voice of his country had called him. { } {january.} considering the resolution relative to the attack on boston as indicating the desire of congress on that subject, he assured the president that an attempt would be made to put it in execution the first moment he should perceive a probability of success. if this should not occur, as soon as might be expected or wished, he prayed that his situation might be recollected, and that congress would do him the justice to believe, that circumstances, not inclination on his part, occasioned the delay. "it is not," said he, "in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. to maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy for six months together, without _ammunition_; and at the same time, to disband one army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty-odd british regiments, is more than, probably, ever was attempted. but if we succeed as well in the latter, as we have hitherto done in the former, i shall think it the most fortunate event of my whole life." in the month of january a council of war, at which mr. john adams, a member of congress, and mr. warren, president of the provincial congress of massachusetts, assisted: resolved, "that a vigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministerial troops in boston, before they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means can be provided, and a favourable opportunity should offer." it was farther advised, "that thirteen regiments of militia should be asked for from massachusetts and the neighbouring colonies, in order to put the army in a condition to make the attempt. the militia to assemble on the first of february, and to continue in service, if necessary, until the first of march." the colonies readily complied with these requisitions; but so mild had the season hitherto been, that the waters about boston continued open. "congress would discover in my last," said the general, on the nineteenth of january, "my motives for strengthening these lines with militia. but whether, as the weather turns out exceedingly mild, (insomuch as to promise nothing favourable from ice,) and there is no appearance of powder, i shall be able to attempt any thing decisive, time only can determine. no man upon earth wishes to destroy the nest in boston more than i do; no person would be willing to go greater lengths than i shall to accomplish it, if it shall be thought adviseable; but if we have no powder to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better situation than we have been all the year: we shall be in a worse, as their works are stronger." [sidenote: general lee detached to new york.] early in january, the commander-in-chief received unquestionable intelligence that an armament was equipping in boston, to sail under general clinton on a secret expedition. many considerations induced him to believe that new york was its destination. he thought the possession of the hudson of great importance to the british: and that the numerous adherents to the royal cause in new york, furnished an additional reason for transferring the seat of war to that colony. whilst deliberating on this subject, he received a letter from general lee, requesting to be detached to connecticut, for the purpose of assembling a body of volunteers, who should march into new york, and be employed both for the security of that place, and the expulsion or suppression of a band of tories collecting on long island. though inclined to the adoption of this measure, delicacy towards those who exercised the powers of civil government in the colony, suspended his decision on it. mr. john adams, who possessed great and well merited influence, was then at watertown, attending the provincial convention; and with him, the general held some communications respecting his powers. that gentleman being decidedly of opinion that they extended to the case, general lee was detached, with instructions to raise a body of volunteers in connecticut, to reinforce the battalions of new jersey and new york, which were placed under his command. his orders were to proceed to new york; to examine the fortifications of the city, and up the river; to put them in the best possible state of defence; to disarm all persons whose conduct rendered them justly suspected of designs unfriendly to the government, especially those on long island; and to collect the arms and ammunition in their possession, for the use of the army. no difficulty was found in raising the volunteers required from connecticut. the people of that province were zealous and enterprising, and governor trumbull having sanctioned the measure, troops were immediately embodied, and lee commenced his march for new york at the head of twelve hundred men. the inhabitants of that place were much alarmed at his approach. captain parker of the asia man of war had threatened that he would destroy the town in the event of its being entered by any considerable body of provincials; and it was believed that these threats would be executed. a committee of safety, which had been appointed to exercise the powers of government during the recess of the provincial congress, addressed a letter to general lee, expressing astonishment at the report that he was about to enter the town without previously intimating his design, and pressing him earnestly not to pass the confines of connecticut, until they could have further explanations with him. holding in utter contempt the threats of captain parker, lee continued his march; and, in a letter[ ] to congress, represented in such strong terms the impolicy of leaving the military arrangements for new york under the control of the local government, that congress appointed three of their own body, to consult with him and the council of safety, respecting the defence of the place; and instructed him to obey the directions of that committee. [footnote : see note no. v. at the end of the volume.] lee soon acquired that ascendancy which is the prerogative of a superior mind, over those who were sent for his government, and they directed him to execute whatever he suggested. a plan recommended by him, for fortifying the city and preserving its connexion with long island, was adopted, and prosecuted with vigour. general clinton arrived almost at the same instant with general lee, but without troops. he said openly, that none were coming; that no hostilities were contemplated against new york; and that he was, himself, merely on a visit to his friend tryon. "if it be really so," added general lee, in his letter containing this communication, "it is the most whimsical piece of civility i ever heard of." general clinton did not affect to conceal that his real object was to proceed to north carolina, where he expected that five regiments from europe would join the small force he should carry with him. about the middle of february, the cold was intense, and the ice became sufficiently firm to bear the troops. general washington was now disposed to execute the bold plan he had formed, of attacking general howe in boston; but a council of war being almost unanimous against the measure, it was abandoned. the want of ammunition for the artillery was a principal inducement to this opinion. the attempt, probably, would not have succeeded, and must certainly have been attended with considerable loss. but the advice of the council seems to have been adopted with regret. in communicating their opinion to congress, the general observed, "perhaps the irksomeness of my situation may have given different ideas to me, from those which influence the gentlemen i consulted; and might have inclined me to put more to the hazard than was consistent with prudence. if it had this effect, i am not sensible of it, as i endeavoured to give the subject all the consideration a matter of such importance required. true it is, and i can not help acknowledging, that i have many disagreeable sensations on account of my situation; for, to have the eyes of the whole continent fixed on me, with anxious expectation of hearing some great event, and to be restrained in every military operation for want of the necessary means to carry it on, is not very pleasing; especially as the means used to conceal my weakness from the enemy, conceal it also from our friends, and add to their wonder." late in february, various appearances among the british troops indicated an intention to evacuate boston; but as these appearances might be deceptive, and he had now received a small supply of powder, general washington determined to prosecute vigorously a plan he had formed, to force general howe either to come to an action, or to abandon the town. since the allowance of a bounty, recruiting had been more successful; and the regular force had been augmented to rather more than fourteen thousand men. in addition to these troops, the commander-in-chief had called to his aid about six thousand of the militia of massachusetts. thus reinforced, he determined to take possession of the heights of dorchester, and to fortify them. as the possession of this post would enable him to annoy the ships in the harbour and the soldiers in the town, he was persuaded that a general action would ensue. but if this hope should be disappointed, his purpose was to make the works on the heights of dorchester only preparatory to seizing and fortifying nook's hill, and the points opposite the south end of boston, which commanded the harbour, a great part of the town, and the beach from which an embarkation must take place in the event of a retreat. {march.} [sidenote: possession taken of the heights of dorchester.] to facilitate the execution of this plan, a heavy bombardment and cannonade were commenced on the town and on the british lines, which were repeated the two succeeding nights. on the last of them, immediately after the firing had begun, a strong detachment, under the command of general thomas, took possession of the heights without opposition. such was their activity and industry through the night that, although the ground was almost impenetrable, the works were sufficiently advanced by the morning, nearly to cover them. when day-light disclosed their operations to the british, a considerable degree of embarrassment appeared, and an ineffectual fire was commenced on the party in possession of the heights, who in turn opened a battery on the besieged; and continued with unremitting labour to strengthen their position. {march .} it was necessary to dislodge the americans from the heights, or to evacuate the town; and general howe, as had been foreseen, determined to embrace the former part of the alternative. three thousand chosen men, to be commanded by lord percy, were ordered on this service. these troops were embarked, and fell down to the castle, in order to proceed up the river to the intended scene of action; but were scattered by a furious storm, which disabled them from immediately prosecuting the enterprise. before they could again be in readiness for the attack, the works were made so strong, that the attempt to storm them was thought unadviseable, and the evacuation of the town became inevitable. in the expectation that the flower of the british troops would be employed against the heights of dorchester, general washington had concerted a plan for availing himself of that occasion, to attack boston itself. the storm which defeated the proposed attack on the heights defeated this enterprise also. [sidenote: boston evacuated.] {march .} the determination to evacuate boston was soon communicated. a paper signed by some of the select men of the town, and brought out with a flag, stated the fact. this paper was accompanied by propositions said to be made on the part of general howe, but not signed by him, relative to the security of the town, and the peaceable embarkation of his army. as these propositions were not addressed to the commander-in-chief, and were not authenticated by the signature of general howe, nor by any act obligatory on him, general washington thought it improper directly to notice them; and ordered the officer to whom they were delivered to return an answer stating the reasons why they were not treated with more attention. the determination, however, to continue his advances and to secure nook's hill, was changed; and considerable detachments were moved towards new york, before the actual evacuation of boston. this event took place on the th of march; and, in a few days, the whole fleet sailed out of nantasket road, directing its course eastward. the recovery of this important town gave great joy to the united colonies. congress passed a vote of thanks to the general and his army, "for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of boston;" and directed a medal of gold to be struck in commemoration of the event. as soon as the british fleet had put to sea, the american army proceeded by divisions to new york, where it arrived on the th of april. during the siege of boston, an altercation concerning prisoners took place between the commanders of the respective armies, which was viewed with great interest throughout america. the character of the war--a war between a sovereign and those who professed to be his subjects, led to a course of conduct on the part of the british general, which the actual state of things did not justify. general gage, as governor of massachusetts, had received all the irritations of which his mind was susceptible--irritations which seemed to have had no inconsiderable influence over his conduct as commander-in-chief. he regarded the americans nearly as rebels; and treated them as if the great national resistance they were making on principle, was to be viewed as the act of a few daring and turbulent individuals, rising against laws of unquestionable obligation, who would soon be quelled, and punished for their disobedience of legitimate authority. in this spirit, he threw some distinguished gentlemen of boston, and the american officers and soldiers who fell into his hands, into the common jail of felons; and treated them, without respect to military rank or condition, not as prisoners of war, but as state criminals. [sidenote: correspondence respecting prisoners.] general washington remonstrated very seriously against this unjustifiable measure. considering political opinion entirely out of the question, and "conceiving the obligations of humanity, and the claims of rank, to be universally binding, except in the case of retaliation;" he expressed the hope he had entertained, "that they would have induced, on the part of the british general, a conduct more conformable to the rights they gave." while he claimed the benefits of these rights, he declared his determination "to be regulated entirely, in his conduct towards the prisoners who should fall into his hands, by the treatment which those in the power of the british general should receive." to this letter, a haughty and intemperate answer was returned, retorting the complaints concerning the treatment of prisoners, and affecting to consider it as an instance of clemency, that the cord was not applied to those whose imprisonment was complained of. to this answer, general washington gave a manly and dignified reply, which was, he said, "to close their correspondence perhaps forever;" and which concluded with saying, "if your officers, our prisoners, receive from me a treatment different from what i wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." the result of this correspondence was communicated to the council of massachusetts,[ ] who were requested to order the british officers then on parole to be confined in close jail, and the soldiers to be sent to such place of security as the general court should direct. [footnote : in the early part of the war, congress had appointed no commissary of prisoners; nor had the government taken upon itself the custody of them. they were entrusted for safe keeping to the respective legislatures and committees, to whom it was necessary to apply for the execution of every order respecting them.] on the recall of general gage, the command devolved on general howe, whose conduct was less exceptionable; and this rigorous treatment of prisoners was relaxed. not long after this correspondence with general gage, while montgomery was employed in the siege of st. john's, colonel ethan allen was captured in a bold and rash attempt on montreal. under the pretext of his having acted without authority, he was put in irons, and sent to england as a traitor. while he was yet in canada, congress requested the commander-in-chief to inquire into the fact. he addressed a letter to sir william howe, requiring explanations on it, and assuring him that general prescot, who had been taken in canada, and was understood to have contributed to the severities inflicted on colonel allen, should receive exactly the fate of that officer. general howe, not holding any authority in canada, or not choosing to enter fully into this subject, general schuyler was directed to make particular inquiries into the conduct of prescot; and congress, on being informed of the inefficacy of the application to general howe, ordered that officer into close jail. chapter iii. invasion of canada meditated.... siege of st. john's.... capture of fort chamblée.... carleton defeated at longueisle.... st. john's capitulated.... montreal surrenders.... arnold's expedition.... he arrives before quebec.... retires to point aux trembles.... montgomery lays siege to quebec.... unsuccessful attack on that place.... death of montgomery.... blockade of quebec.... general thomas takes command of the army.... the blockade raised.... general sullivan takes the command.... battle of the three rivers.... canada evacuated.... general carleton constructs a fleet.... enters lake champlain.... defeats the american flotilla.... takes possession of crown point.... retires into winter quarters. { } during these transactions, events of great interest were passing still further north. serious dissatisfaction prevailed in canada. the measures of administration had disquieted the british settlers, without conciliating the ancient inhabitants. at the same time, the regular troops had been chiefly ordered to boston, and the province left almost entirely undefended. these facts were known in the united colonies. it was also known that military stores to an immense amount had been deposited in quebec, and that preparations were making to invade the colonies from that quarter. the possession of that country was believed to be all important; and its present temper countenanced the opinion, that its weight would be thrown into the scale of that party, which should first show a force in it sufficient for the protection of its inhabitants. the facility with which crown point and ticonderoga had been taken, and the command of the lakes george and champlain acquired, added to the motives already stated, inspiring congress with the daring design of anticipating the plans meditated in canada, by taking possession of that province. [sidenote: invasion of canada meditated.] in june, , a resolution passed that body, directing general schuyler to repair to ticonderoga, and take the proper measures for securing that post and crown point, and for retaining the command of the lakes. he was, at the same time authorized, if he should find the measure not disagreeable to the canadians, to take possession of st. john's and montreal, and to pursue any other steps which might have a tendency to promote the peace and security of the united colonies. near three thousand men from new england and new york were designed for this service. a number of batteaux were directed to be built at ticonderoga and crown point, to convey them along lake champlain, and fifty thousand dollars in specie were voted for the expenses of the army in canada. general schuyler, who was at new york when this important command was confided to him, hastened to ticonderoga, in order to make the necessary arrangements for the enterprise. the troops of that department, belonging to different colonies, stationed at different places, and acknowledging no one commanding officer, were found in a state of entire disorganization. the stores were misapplied, or wasted; no subordination nor camp discipline was observed; and had the enemy been in a condition to attempt a _coup de main_, ticonderoga and crown point would have been lost, with as much facility as they had been acquired. {september.} schuyler immediately commenced the task of preparing vessels for the transportation of the troops; a task the more laborious and tedious, as the timber for the batteaux was then to be procured from the woods. before the preparations were complete, or the soldiers destined for the expedition were assembled, the impatience expressed by the discontented in canada rendered an immediate movement adviseable. orders were therefore given to general montgomery to embark with the troops then in readiness; and general schuyler having directed the expected reinforcements to rendezvous at the isle aux noix, followed and joined him before he reached that place. [sidenote: the americans enter that province.] circular letters to the canadians, exhorting them to rouse and assert their liberties, and declaring, that the americans entered their country, not as enemies, but as friends and protectors, were immediately dispersed among them; and to improve the favourable impression which had been made, it was determined to advance directly to st. john's. on the sixth of september, the american army, amounting to about one thousand men, entirely destitute of artillery, embarked on the sorel, and proceeding down that river, landed within a mile and a half of the fort. the intelligence received during the evening, determined them to return to the isle aux noix, and wait for their remaining troops and artillery. the isle aux noix lies at the junction of the sorel with lake champlain; and to prevent the armed vessels at st. john's from entering the latter, a boom was drawn across the narrow channel, at the point of union between those waters. while at that place, general schuyler became so ill as to be confined to his bed; and the command devolved on montgomery. {september .} [sidenote: siege of st. johns.] {october.} [sidenote: capture of fort chamblée.] late in september the artillery was brought up; and reinforcements arrived, which augmented the army to nearly two thousand men;--upon which montgomery again proceeded to the investment of st. john's. this place was garrisoned by five or six hundred regulars, with about two hundred canadian militia, and was well provided with artillery and military stores. the army of canada, as well as the other armies of the united colonies, was almost entirely without powder; and, of consequence, the siege advanced slowly. its necessities in this respect were fortunately relieved by the capture of fort chamblée, which being supposed to be covered by st. john's, was not in a defensible condition. in this place, about one hundred and twenty barrels of gunpowder were taken, after which the siege of st. john's was prosecuted with vigour; but the garrison made a resolute defence, and for some time indulged the hope of being relieved.[ ] [footnote : annual register.] [sidenote: carleton defeated at longueisle.] colonel m'clean, a veteran officer, with his regiment of royal highland emigrants, and a few hundred canadians, was posted near the junction of the sorel with the st. lawrence. general carleton was at montreal, where he had collected about a thousand men, chiefly canadians. at the head of these troops, he hoped to effect a junction with m'clean, after which he designed to march with his whole force against montgomery, and endeavour to raise the siege; but, on attempting to cross over from montreal, he was encountered and entirely defeated at longueisle by a detachment of the american troops under colonel warner. another party advanced on m'clean. being entirely abandoned by his canadians so soon as they were informed of the defeat of the governor, and having also received information that arnold was approaching point levi, m'clean retreated to quebec. the americans occupied the post he had abandoned, and erected batteries on a point of land at the junction of the sorel with the st. lawrence; where they also constructed several armed rafts and floating batteries, in order to prevent carleton with the vessels at montreal from escaping down the river. [sidenote: st. johns capitulates.] {november .} montgomery was pressing the siege of st. john's with great vigour, and had advanced his works near the fort, when the account of the success at longueisle reached him. on receiving this intelligence, he sent a flag by one of the prisoners, with a letter to major preston, the commanding officer, demanding a surrender of the place. all hopes of relief having now vanished, the garrison capitulated, on being allowed the honours of war. scarcely was this first success obtained, when the consequences of short enlistments began to be felt. the time of service for which the troops had engaged being about to expire, great difficulty was experienced in prevailing on them to proceed farther; and before the general could induce them to march against montreal, he was under the necessity of stipulating explicitly, that all who wished it should be discharged at that place. having effected this compromise, he proceeded against montreal; while his floating batteries, under colonel easton, advanced up the st. lawrence, and not only prevented the armed vessels of the enemy from escaping to quebec, but drove them still higher up the river. [sidenote: montreal surrenders.] {november .} montreal was not in a condition to be defended. after engaging to allow the canadians in their own laws, the free exercise of their religion, and the privilege of governing themselves, montgomery took peaceable possession of the town; and governor carleton retired to his flotilla. while preparations were making to attack these vessels, the governor was conveyed in a boat with muffled oars down the river, in a dark night, and made his escape to quebec. the fleet soon afterwards surrendered, and the general prepared, with the utmost expedition, to proceed with the few troops who were willing to follow him, to the capital of canada. diminished as his army was by the discharge of those who claimed the performance of his engagements made at st. john's, it was necessary to leave a part of it at montreal, st. john's, and chamblée to garrison those places--keep open the communication between quebec and the united colonies--preserve the dependence of the canadians--overawe the indians, and hold in check the garrisons above him at detroit and niagara. these essential objects, though provided for with the utmost possible economy of men, formed such deductions from his force, as to leave little more than three hundred soldiers to follow their general in the enterprise against quebec. {august.} foreseeing that the whole force of canada would be concentrated about montreal, general washington had planned an expedition against quebec, to be carried on by a detachment from his camp before boston, which was to march by the way of kennebec river; and, passing through the dreary wilderness lying between the settled parts of maine and the st. lawrence, to enter canada about ninety miles below montreal. the object of this hardy enterprise was to compel carleton, either to draw his troops from the upper country and leave the passage open to the army invading the province by the way of the river sorel, or, if he should maintain that position, to take possession of quebec. all his accounts assured him that this place was unable to hold out against the force which would appear before it; and, if attacked by an american army before the return of carleton, would surrender without firing a shot. this arduous enterprise was committed to colonel arnold. about a thousand men, consisting of new england infantry, some volunteers,[ ] a company of artillery under captain lamb, and three companies of riflemen, were selected for the service. [footnote : colonel burr, since vice president of the united states, was of this number.] [sidenote: arnold's expedition by the way of the kennebec.] such delays in expediting this detachment were occasioned by the derangements of the army, that arnold could not commence his march until the middle of september. the success of the expedition depending in a great measure on the friendly temper of the province against which it was directed, the instructions given to arnold earnestly inculcated the cultivation of a good understanding with the canadians; and even enjoined an abandonment of the enterprise, should this sudden invasion of their country threaten to irritate them, and induce them to take up arms against the united colonies. he was furnished with about one thousand pounds in specie to defray contingent expenses, and with a cargo of manifestoes to be dispersed through canada. the opinion which had been formed of the favourable disposition of the canadians was not disproved by the event. they gave essential aid to the americans, and cheerfully facilitated their march through that province. but the previous difficulties to be surmounted were much greater than had been apprehended. the intermediate country, which had never been well explored, opposed obstacles to the march, which only perseverance like that of arnold and of his brave and hardy followers, could have conquered. colonel enos, who commanded the rear division, consisting of one third of the detachment, returned from the dead river, a branch of the kennebec. at first, his appearance excited the utmost indignation in the army; yet, on being arrested, he was acquitted by a court martial, on the principle that it was absolutely impracticable to obtain provisions on the route to preserve the troops from perishing with famine. arnold, who at the head of the first two divisions, still prosecuted his march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness, without seeing a house, or any thing human. notwithstanding the zealous and wonderfully persevering exertions of his men, the obstacles he encountered so protracted his march, that he did not reach the first settlements on the chaudière, which empties itself into the st. lawrence, near quebec, until the d of november. on the high grounds which separate the waters of the kennebec from those of the st. lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions was divided among the companies; each of which was directed, without attempting to preserve any connexion with the other, to march with the utmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. whilst those who gained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor and scattered habitations which composed that frontier of canada, their last morsel of food was consumed. but, preceded by arnold, who went forward for the purpose of procuring for them something which might satisfy the demands of nature, the troops persevered in their labours with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they had encountered, until they once more found themselves in regions frequented by human beings. after a march of such unexampled fatigue, no more time was allowed for repose than was barely sufficient to collect the rear, and to refresh the men. during this short respite from toil, the address signed by general washington was published, and every assurance given to the people, that they came to protect, and not to plunder them. the line of march was resumed; and, on the th of november, this gallant corps reached point levi, opposite quebec. [sidenote: he arrives before quebec.] the town was almost entirely without a garrison, and nothing could exceed the astonishment of its inhabitants. could arnold have immediately crossed the st. lawrence, and have availed himself of the first consternation, it is believed that he might have entered the place without opposition; but a high wind, and the want of boats, rendered the passage of the river impossible. one of his indian messengers, despatched with letters to general schuyler, had either betrayed him or been intercepted; and thus intelligence of his approach was communicated to colonel m'clean who was then at the mouth of the sorel. trembling for the capital of the province, that gallant veteran determined to throw himself into it, and endeavour to defend it. in the mean time, the winds continued so high for several nights as to render the passage of the river in the canoes which had been collected, too hazardous to be attempted; and it was only in the night that the americans could hope to cross, because four ships of war were distributed at different stations in the river, and armed boats were employed to ply around them. whilst the americans were thus unavoidably detained on the south side of the st. lawrence, colonel m'clean, with his corps of emigrants, entered the city. {november .} at length the wind moderated; and arnold determined to attempt the river. eluding the armed vessels, and conquering a rapid current, he, with great difficulty and danger, crossed over in the night, and landed his little army about a mile and a half above the place which is rendered memorable by the disembarkation of wolfe. the passage of the rugged cliffs which continue on the northern bank of the st. lawrence for some distance above quebec, being impracticable at this place, he marched down on the shore to wolfe's cove, and ascending with his band of hardy followers the same precipice which had opposed such obstacles to the british hero; he, too, formed his small corps on the heights near the plains of abraham. the dangerous and difficult operations of crossing the river in canoes, whilst the passage was vigilantly guarded by ships of war, and of gaining the almost perpendicular heights of the opposite shore, were completed, soon after midnight, by the advance party, consisting of the rifle companies. while waiting for the residue of the detachment, a council of all the officers was held for the purpose of determining on their future measures. although destitute of every implement required for an assault, arnold proposed to march immediately against quebec. he counted on surprising the place, and finding the gates open; but this opinion, which was not earnestly pressed, was overruled. though disappointed in the expectation of surprising quebec, arnold did not immediately relinquish the hope of obtaining possession of that important place. not superior to the garrison in point of numbers, and without a single piece of artillery, he was obviously incapable of acting offensively; but he flattered himself that a defection in the town might yet put it in his hands. with this view, he paraded on the adjacent heights for some days, and sent two flags to demand a surrender. but the presence of colonel m'clean restrained those measures which the fears of the inhabitants dictated. deeming any communication with the assailants dangerous, he refused to receive the flag, and fired on the officer who bore it. intelligence was soon obtained, that the first alarm was visibly wearing off, and giving place to other sentiments unfavourable to the hope of gaining quebec. fears for the vast property contained in the town had united the disaffected; who were, at their own request, embodied and armed. the sailors too were landed, and placed at the batteries; and, by these means, the garrison had become more numerous than the american army. [sidenote: and retires to point aux trembles.] {november .} after collecting those who had been left on the south side of the st. lawrence, arnold could not parade more than seven hundred men, and they were in no condition to risk an action. in their laborious march through the wilderness, nearly one third of their muskets had been rendered useless; and their ammunition had sustained such damage that the riflemen had not more than ten, nor the other troops more than six rounds for each man. under these circumstances, it was thought most adviseable to retire to point aux trembles, twenty miles above quebec, and there await the arrival of montgomery. on their march, they saw the vessel which conveyed general carleton; and afterwards found he had been on shore at point aux trembles, a few hours before they reached that place.[ ] [footnote : in the account of this expedition much use has been made of a journal kept by colonel heth who served in it as a lieutenant in morgan's company of riflemen.] in war, the success of the most judicious plans often depends on accidents not to be foreseen nor controlled. seldom has the truth of this proposition been more clearly demonstrated, than in the issue of the expedition conducted by colonel arnold. the situation of canada conformed exactly to the expectations of the american general. not suspecting that so bold and difficult an enterprise could be meditated, its governor had left quebec entirely defenceless, and had drawn the strength of the province towards the lakes. could arnold have reached that place a few days sooner--could he even have crossed the river on his first arrival at point levi--or had colonel enos been able to follow the main body with his division of the detachment--every probability favours the opinion, that this hardy and well conceived expedition would have been crowned with the most brilliant success. nay, more--had arnold been careful to relieve the inhabitants of the town from all fears respecting their property, there is reason to believe, they would have refused to defend it. but although this bold enterprise was planned with judgment, and executed with vigour; although the means employed were adequate to the object; yet the concurrence of several minute and unfavourable incidents entirely defeated it, and deprived it of that éclat to which it was justly entitled. {december .} having clothed his almost naked troops at montreal, general montgomery, at the head of about three hundred men, proceeded with his usual expedition to join colonel arnold at point aux trembles, where he supplied the troops of that officer with clothes provided at montreal; and afterwards marched with their united forces directly to quebec. but, before his arrival, governor carleton, who had entered the town, was making every preparation for a vigorous defence. the garrison now consisted of about fifteen hundred men, of whom eight hundred were militia, and between four and five hundred were seamen. montgomery's effective force was stated, by himself, at only eight hundred. his situation would have filled with despair a mind less vigorous, less sanguine, and less brave. his numbers were not sufficient to render success probable, according to any common principle of calculation; and the prospect of their being diminished might be rationally entertained. but, relying on their courage, on himself and his fortune, and on the fears of the garrison; stimulated, too, by the high expectations formed throughout america of his success, and by the dread of disappointing those expectations, he determined to lay immediate siege to the town. [sidenote: montgomery lays siege to quebec.] in a few days he opened a six gun battery within seven hundred yards of the walls; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he did not calculate on any effect from it. his object was to amuse the garrison, and conceal his real design. although the troops supported the excessive hardships to which they were exposed, with constancy and firmness, montgomery feared that such continued sufferings would overcome them; and, as he would soon have no legal authority to retain a part of them, he apprehended that he should be abandoned by that part. impressed with the real necessity of taking decisive steps, and impelled by his native courage, this gallant officer determined to risk an assault. of such materials was his little army composed, that the most desperate hardihood could not hope to succeed in the purposed attempt, unless it should receive the approbation of all his troops. it was therefore necessary, not only to consult the officers individually on this delicate subject, but to obtain also the cheerful assent of the soldiers to the meditated enterprise. the proposition was at first received coldly by a part of arnold's corps, who were, by some means, disgusted with their commanding officer; but the influence of morgan, who was particularly zealous for an assault, and who held up as a powerful inducement, the rights conferred by the usages of war on those who storm a fortified town, at length prevailed; and the measure was almost unanimously approved. whilst the general was preparing for the assault, the garrison received intelligence of his design from a deserter. this circumstance induced him to change the plan, which had originally been to attack both the upper and lower towns at the same time. that finally adopted, was to divide the army into four parts; and while two of them, consisting of canadians under major livingston, and a small party under major brown, were to distract the garrison by making two feints against the upper town at st. john's and cape diamond; the other two, led, the one by montgomery in person, and the other by arnold, were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town. after gaining that, it would yet be extremely difficult to conquer the obstacles to be surmounted in forcing their way to the upper town; but, as all the wealth of the city would then be in their power, it was confidently expected that the inhabitants, to secure their property, would compel the governor to capitulate. {december .} [sidenote: unsuccessful attack on that place.] between four and five in the morning, the signal was given; and the several divisions moved to the assault under a violent storm of snow. the plan was so well concerted, that from the side of the river st. lawrence, along the fortified front round to the basin, every part seemed equally threatened.[ ] montgomery advanced at the head of the new york troops, along the st. lawrence, by the way of aunce de mere, under cape diamond. the first barrier on this side, at the pot ash, was defended by a battery, in which a few pieces of artillery were mounted; about two hundred paces in front of which was a block-house and picket. the guard placed at the block-house being chiefly canadians, after giving a random and harmless fire, threw away their arms, and fled in confusion to the barrier. their terrors were communicated to those who defended this important pass; and from the intelligence afterwards received by the american prisoners in quebec, it appears that the battery was for a time deserted. [footnote : letter of governor carleton.] [sidenote: death of montgomery.] unfortunately, the difficulties of the route rendered it impossible for montgomery to avail himself instantly of this first impression. cape diamond, around which he was to make his way, presents a precipice, the foot of which is washed by the river, where such enormous and rugged masses of ice had been piled on each other, as to render the way almost impassable.[ ] along the scanty path leading under the projecting rocks of the precipice, the americans pressed forward in a narrow file, until they reached the block-house and picket. montgomery, who was himself in front, assisted with his own hand to cut down or pull up the pickets, and open a passage for his troops: but the roughness and difficulty of the way had so lengthened his line of march, that he found it absolutely necessary to halt a few minutes. having re-assembled about two hundred men, he advanced boldly and rapidly at their head, to force the barrier. one or two persons had now ventured to return to the battery, and seizing a slow-match, discharged a gun, when the american front was within forty paces of it. this single and accidental fire proved fatal to the enterprise. the general, with captains m'pherson and cheeseman, the first of whom was his aid, together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed upon the spot. the loss of their general, in whom their confidence had been so justly placed, discouraged the troops; and colonel campbell, on whom the command devolved, made no attempt to reanimate them. this whole division retired precipitately from the action, and left the garrison at leisure to direct its undivided force against arnold. [footnote : annual register.] at the common signal for the attack, the division commanded by this officer moved in files along the street of st. roques towards the saut de matelots, where the first barrier had been constructed, and a battery of two twelve pounders erected. in imitation of montgomery, he too led the forlorn hope in person, and was followed by captain lamb with his company of artillery, and a field piece mounted on a sled. close in the rear of the artillery was the main body, in front of which was morgan's company of riflemen, commanded by himself. the path along which the troops were to march was so narrow, that the two pieces of artillery in the battery were capable of raking with grape shot every inch of the ground; whilst the whole right flank was exposed to an incessant fire of musketry from the walls, and from the pickets of the garrison. in this order arnold advanced along the st. charles with the utmost intrepidity. the alarm was immediately given, and the fire on his flank commenced. as he approached the barrier, he received a musket ball in the leg which shattered the bone, and was carried off the field. morgan rushed forward to the battery at the head of his company, and received from one of the pieces, almost at its mouth, a discharge of grape shot, which killed only one man. the barricade was instantly mounted, on which the battery was deserted without a discharge from another gun. the captain of the guard, with the greater number of his men, were made prisoners. morgan formed his troops in the streets within the barrier, and took into custody several english and canadian burghers; but his situation soon became extremely critical. he was not followed by the main body of the division--he had no guide--and was, himself, totally ignorant of the situation of the town. it was yet dark--and he had not the slightest knowledge of the course to be pursued, or of the defences to be encountered. under these circumstances, it was thought unadviseable to advance farther. they were soon joined by lieutenant colonel green, and majors bigelow and meigs, with several fragments of companies, so as to constitute altogether about two hundred men. as the light of day began to appear, this gallant party was again formed, with morgan's company in front; and, with one voice, loudly called on him to lead them against the second barrier, which was now known to be less than forty paces from them, though concealed by an angle of the street from their immediate view. seizing the few ladders brought with them, they again rushed forward; and under an incessant fire from the battery, and from the windows overlooking it, applied their ladders to the barricade; and maintained for some time a fierce, and, on their part, a bloody contest. exposed thus, in a narrow street, to a galling fire, and finding themselves unable to force the barrier, or to discharge more than one in ten of their fire arms--the violence of the storm having unfitted them for service; many of the assailants threw themselves into the stone houses on each side, which afforded them a shelter both from the storm and from the enemy. after continuing some time in this situation, morgan proposed to cut their way back to the american camp. they were prevented from adopting this daring resolution, only by the suggestion that the attack led by montgomery, of whose fate they were ignorant, might possibly be successful; and that, in the event of his having entered the opposite part of the town, their co-operation might be useful to him. on this account, they determined still to maintain their situation. but the force of the enemy increasing considerably, they soon perceived that they were no longer masters of their own destinies, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war.[ ] [footnote : in this account of the attempt to storm quebec, free use is made of colonel heth's journal.] in this bold attack on quebec, the loss on the part of the garrison was inconsiderable. that of the americans was about four hundred men, three hundred and forty of whom were prisoners. it fell chiefly on arnold's division. captain hendricks of the pennsylvania riflemen, lieutenant humphries of morgan's company, and lieutenant cooper of connecticut, were among the slain. captains lamb and hubbard, and lieutenants steele and tisdale, were among the wounded. every officer at the second barrier received several balls through his clothes, and some of them were severely scorched by the powder from the muzzles of the muskets discharged at them. but the loss most deplored, and most fatal to the hopes of the american army, was that of their general. richard montgomery was a native of ireland, and had served with reputation in the late war. after its conclusion he settled in new york, where he married an american lady, and took a decided part with the colonies in their contest with great britain. his military reputation was high throughout america. in the history of his achievements, while commanding in canada, we perceive the bold, skilful, and active partisan; and, so far as a judgment can be formed of a capacity for conducting the movements of a large army from judicious management of a small one, we can not hesitate to allow him the talents of an able general. at the head of a small body of undisciplined troops, drawn from different colonies, unwilling to be commanded by a stranger, jealous of him in the extreme, often disposed to disobedience, and anxious for their homes, he conquered difficulties which not many would have ventured to meet; and, until his last fatal moment, was uniformly successful. in little more than two months, he made himself master of canada, from the lakes to quebec: and, as if determined to triumph over the climate itself, laid siege, in the depth of winter, to that important fortress. his measures seem to have been taken with judgment, and were certainly executed with great courage and unremitting exertion. when he appears to have risked much, and to have exposed his troops to excessive hardships, this line of conduct was not inconsiderately chosen. the state of his affairs left him only the alternative between attempting to storm quebec, or abandoning the great object of the expedition. nor was his attempt so hopeless a measure as the strength of the place, and the event might, at first view, induce us to suppose. the design was worthy of the lofty spirit which formed it; though hazardous, it was not desperate; and if great courage was required to crown it with success, great courage was employed in its execution. he counted, and with reason, on the fears of the garrison, and on the immense extent of ground to be guarded. had he not fallen himself, or been deserted by his troops, it is even yet believed the enterprise would have succeeded. the progress made by arnold's division gives great countenance to this opinion. to manifest the high sense entertained of his services, congress directed a monument, expressing the circumstances of his death and the gratitude of his country, to be erected to his memory. the americans, being no longer in a condition to continue the siege, retired about three miles from the city; where, though inferior in numbers to the garrison, they maintained the blockade. by preserving this bold countenance, they retained the confidence of the canadians; which saved their affairs, for a time, from total ruin. governor carleton was content to preserve quebec, until the reinforcements he expected in the spring should enable him to act on the offensive. he therefore determined not to hazard an attack, with a garrison on which it was unsafe to rely; and arnold, on whom the command had devolved, remained undisturbed. although badly wounded, he retained his courage and activity; and, though deserted by those whose terms of service had expired, so as to be reduced at one time to about five hundred effective men, he discovered no disposition to sink under the weight of adverse fortune. while the affairs of the colonies wore this gloomy aspect in canada, congress was indulging sanguine hopes of annexing that province to the union. nine regiments, including one to be raised in that colony, were voted for its defence during the ensuing campaign; and general schuyler was directed to construct a number of batteaux at ticonderoga, for the purpose of transporting the troops to the scene of action. { } {january .} whilst adopting these measures, congress received the melancholy intelligence of the disaster of the st december. far from being dispirited by this reverse of fortune, that body redoubled its exertions to hasten reinforcements to the army in canada, and urged the several conventions to collect for its use all the specie they could obtain. these measures were, in some degree, accelerated by having been anticipated by the commander-in-chief.[ ] [footnote : on the first intelligence received in the camp at boston of the fate of montgomery, general washington, though extremely delicate respecting the assumption of power, without waiting for the orders of congress, had immediately requested the new england governments to raise several regiments to reinforce that army. this proceeding was approved by congress.] the service in canada being deemed of too much importance to be entrusted to colonel, now brigadier general arnold, or to general wooster; and the health of general schuyler not admitting of his proceeding to quebec; general thomas, an officer who had acquired reputation at roxbury, was ordered to take command of the army in that province. in the hope of exciting throughout canada the sentiments which prevailed in the united colonies, and of forming with it a perfect union, three commissioners, mr. franklin, mr. chase, and mr. carroll,[ ] were deputed with full powers on this subject, and with instructions to establish a free press. these commissioners were directed to assure the people that they would be permitted to adopt such form of government as should be agreeable to themselves; to exercise freely all the rights of conscience; and to be considered as a sister colony, governed by the same general system of mild and equal laws which prevailed in the other colonies, with only such local differences as each might deem conducive to its own happiness. they were also instructed to inquire into the conduct of the american army, and to correct any irregularities which might be offensive to the people. [footnote : they were accompanied by mr. carroll, a bishop of the roman catholic church.] congress seems to have entertained the opinion expressed by general washington in a letter to general schuyler, "that the province could be secured only by laying hold of the affections of the people, and engaging them heartily in the common cause." in pursuance of this opinion, they adopted the magnanimous policy of compensating those individuals who had suffered for their adherence to the americans. [sidenote: blockade of quebec continued.] in the mean time arnold maintained the blockade of quebec. but reinforcements were slow in arriving, notwithstanding every exertion to hasten them, and from the first of january to the first of march, the effective force before that place had never exceeded seven hundred men, and had often been as low as five hundred. in march, reinforcements arrived in greater numbers, and the army was increased to seventeen hundred; but this number was soon reduced by the small-pox, which had made its way into camp, where, in contempt of orders, it was propagated by inoculation. to render the blockade in any degree effectual, this small army, which occupied the island of orleans and both sides of the st. lawrence, was spread over a circuit of twenty-six miles, and divided by three ferries. the establishment of discipline had been impracticable, if attempted; and the canadians were often injured and irritated. there is reason to believe that even general arnold was disposed to think himself in the country of an enemy; and that, in repressing disorders, he did not exert that energy which he had always displayed conspicuously in the field. {march .} many causes combined to diminish the attachment originally manifested by the canadians to the united colonies. the necessities of his situation compelled general arnold to issue a proclamation making paper money current, under the promise of redeeming it in four months, and denouncing those as enemies, who should refuse to receive it. the canadians were unwilling to exchange their property or labour, for an article of such uncertain value; and the discontents excited by the attempt to force it on them were very considerable. another circumstance, which had great influence with reflecting men, was the obvious incompetence of the american force to its object. the canadians had expected a powerful army--sufficient for the protection of the country; and their disappointment in this respect, produced a great change in their opinions and conduct. the dissatisfaction arising from these causes was augmented by the priests. they, as a body, were never cordial in the american interest; and having been, since the death of montgomery, very injudiciously neglected, had become almost universally hostile to the views of the united colonies. general carleton was no stranger to the revolution which was taking place in the minds of the canadians, and entertained the hope of raising the siege by their assistance. a detachment of about sixty men, from the garrison of quebec, landed twelve leagues below the town on the south side of the river, and were joined by about two hundred and fifty canadians, who were rapidly increasing in numbers, when they were suddenly attacked by a detachment sent by arnold, which surprised their advance guard, killed a few, took some prisoners, and dispersed the residue. {april .} as the season of the year approached when reinforcements from england might be expected, arnold deemed it necessary to recommence active operations, and to resume the siege. his batteries were again erected, and were opened on the d of april, but without much effect. he had not weight of metal to make a breach in the wall, nor an engineer capable of directing a siege, nor artillerists who understood the management of the pieces. on the st of april, wooster had arrived, and, on the succeeding day, arnold's horse fell with him, and so bruised one of his legs as to confine him to his bed for some time. believing himself to be neglected, he obtained leave of absence as soon as he was able to move, and took the command at montreal. {april .} a considerable part of the army having become entitled to a discharge, no inducement could prevail on them to continue longer in so severe a service. this deduction from wooster's force was the more sensibly felt, because the present situation of the roads, the lakes, and the st. lawrence, suspended the arrival of the reinforcements destined for his aid. [sidenote: general thomas takes command of the army.] among the first who reached camp after this state of things took place, was general thomas. he arrived on the st of may, and found an army consisting of nineteen hundred men; of whom, less than one thousand, including officers, were effective. among these were three hundred entitled to discharge, who refused to do duty, and insisted importunately on being immediately dismissed. this small force was still more enfeebled by being so divided that it was impracticable to unite more than three hundred men at any one point. all the magazines contained but one hundred and fifty barrels of powder, and six days provisions; nor could adequate supplies from the country people be obtained, as the canadians no longer manifested any disposition to serve them. the river began to open below, and it was certain, that the british would seize the first moment of its being practicable, to relieve this important place. amidst these unpromising circumstances, the hopes of taking quebec appeared to general thomas to be chimerical, and a longer continuance before the town both useless and dangerous. it was apparent that the first reinforcements which should arrive would deprive him entirely of the use of the river, and consequently would embarrass the removal of his sick, and military stores. no object remained to justify this hazard. [sidenote: the blockade of quebec is raised.] {may .} under these impressions, he called a council of war, which unanimously determined, that the army was not in a condition to risk an assault--that the sick should be removed to the three rivers, and the artillery and other stores embarked in their boats, in order to move to a more defensible position. on the evening of the same day, intelligence was received that a british fleet was below; and, the next morning, five ships, which had, with much labour and danger, made their way up the river through the ice, appeared in sight. they soon entered the harbour, and landed some men whilst the americans were assiduously employed in the embarkation of their sick and stores--an operation carried on the more slowly, because the first appearance of the ships deprived them of the aid expected from the teams and carriages of the canadians. about noon, carleton made a sortie at the head of one thousand men, formed in two divisions, and supported by six field pieces. the americans had thrown up no intrenchments, and could not bring into action more than three hundred men. under these circumstances, victory was scarcely possible, and could have produced no important effect. general thomas, therefore, with the advice of the field officers about him, determined not to risk an action, and ordered his troops to retreat up the river. this was done with much precipitation, and many of the sick, with all the military stores, fell into the hands of the enemy. the army continued its retreat to the sorel, where general thomas was seized with the small=pox, of which he died.[ ] [footnote : whilst the troops of the united colonies were flying from the vicinity of quebec, an unexpected calamity befel them in a different quarter of that province. colonel bedel, with three hundred and ninety continental troops and two field pieces, had been stationed at the cedars, a point of land about forty miles above montreal, which projected far into the st. lawrence, and could be approached only on one side. early in the spring, general carleton had planned an expedition against this post, the execution of which was committed to captain forster, who commanded at an english station on oswegachie. at the head of a company of regulars and a body of indians, amounting in the whole to six hundred men, he appeared before the american works early in may. two days previous to his appearance, colonel bedel had received intelligence of his approach; and, leaving the fort to be commanded by major butterfield, had proceeded himself to montreal, to solicit assistance. arnold, who then commanded at that place, immediately detached major sherburne to the cedars with one hundred men; and prepared to follow, in person, at the head of a much larger force. although the place could have been easily defended, the besiegers having no artillery--major butterfield, intimidated by the threat, that should any indians be killed during the siege, it would be out of the power of captain forster to restrain the savages from massacreing every individual of the garrison, consented to a capitulation, by which the whole party became prisoners of war. the next day, major sherburne approached without having received any information that butterfield had surrendered. within about four miles of the cedars, he was attacked by a considerable body of indians; and, after a sharp conflict, surrendered at discretion. on being informed of these untoward events, arnold, at the head of seven hundred men, marched against the enemy then at vaudreuil, in the hope of recovering the american prisoners. when preparing for an engagement, he received a flag, accompanied by major sherburne, giving him the most positive assurances that if he persisted in his design, it would be entirely out of the power of captain forster to prevent his savages from pursuing their horrid customs, and disencumbering themselves of their prisoners by putting every man to death. this massacre was already threatened; and major sherburne confirmed the information. under the influence of this threat, arnold desisted from his purpose, and consented to a cartel, by which the prisoners were delivered up to him; he agreeing, among other things, not only to deliver as many british soldiers in exchange for them, but also, that they should immediately return to their homes.] the americans were much dissatisfied with the conduct of this gentleman. to him they, in some degree, attributed the disasters which ruined their affairs in canada. but this censure was unjust. he took command of the army when it was too weak to maintain its ground, and when the time for saving the sick and the military stores had passed away. the siege of quebec, instead of being continued longer, ought to have been abandoned at an earlier period. this was the real fault of those who commanded in canada. it is to be ascribed to the reluctance always felt by inexperienced officers to disappoint the public expectation, by relinquishing an enterprise concerning which sanguine hopes have been entertained; and to encounter the obloquy of giving up a post, although it can no longer with prudence be defended. in the perseverance with which the siege of quebec was maintained, these motives operated with all their force, and they received an addition, from the unwillingness felt by the americans, to abandon those of their friends who had taken so decisive a part in their favour, as to be incapable of remaining in safety behind them. {june .} [sidenote: general sullivan takes the command.] after the death of general thomas, reinforcements assembled at the mouth of the sorel, which increased the army to four or five thousand men, who were commanded by general sullivan. the friendly canadians who had supposed themselves abandoned, manifested great joy at the arrival of a force which appeared to them very considerable; and offered every assistance in their power. sullivan calculated on their joining him in great numbers, and entertained sanguine hopes of recovering and maintaining the post of de chambeau. as a previous measure, it was necessary to dislodge the enemy at the three rivers. carleton was not immediately in a situation to follow up the blow given the americans at quebec, and to drive them entirely out of the province; but the respite allowed them was not of long duration. towards the end of may large reinforcements arrived, which augmented the british army in canada to about thirteen thousand men. the general rendezvous appointed for these troops was at the three rivers. the army was greatly divided. a considerable corps, commanded by general frazer, had reached the three rivers, and the main body was on its way from quebec. the distance from the sorel was about fifty miles, and several armed vessels and transports, full of troops, lay about five miles higher up than the three rivers, full in the way.[ ] [footnote : annual register.] general thompson, who commanded the army after the illness of general thomas, understanding the party at the three rivers to consist of about eight hundred men, partly canadians, had detached colonel st. clair with between six and seven hundred men, to attack it, if there should be any probability of doing so with advantage. colonel st. clair advanced to nicolet, where, believing himself not strong enough for the service on which he had been ordered, he waited for further reinforcements, or additional instructions. at this time general sullivan arrived; and, understanding the enemy to be weak at the three rivers, orders general thompson to join colonel st. clair at nicolet, with a reinforcement of nearly fourteen hundred men, to take command of the whole detachment, and to attack the troops lying at the three rivers, provided there was a favourable prospect of success. {june .} general thompson joined colonel st. clair at nicolet, and, believing himself strong enough to perform the service consigned to him, fell down the river by night, and passed to the other side, with the intention of surprising frazer. the plan was to attack the village a little before day-break, at the same instant, at each end; whilst two smaller corps were drawn up to cover and support the attack. [sidenote: battle of the three rivers.] the troops passed the armed vessels without being perceived, but arrived at three rivers about an hour later than had been intended; in consequence of which they were discovered, and the alarm was given at their landing. to avoid the fire of some ships in the river, they attempted to pass through what appeared to be a point of woods, but was in reality a deep morass three miles in extent. the delays occasioned by their detention in this morass, gave general frazer full time to land some field pieces, and prepare for their reception; while general nesbit fell into their rear, and cut off their return to the boats. they advanced to the charge, but were soon repulsed; and finding it impracticable to return the way they came, were driven some miles through a deep swamp, which they traversed with inconceivable toil, and every degree of distress. the british at length gave over the pursuit. in this unfortunate enterprise, general thompson and colonel irwin, with about two hundred men, were made prisoners; and from twenty to thirty were killed. the loss of the british was inconsiderable. {june .} the whole american force in canada now amounted to about eight thousand men, not one half of whom were fit for duty. about two thousand five hundred effectives were with general sullivan at the sorel. the whole were in a state of total insubordination--much harassed with fatigue--and dispirited by their late losses, by the visible superiority of the enemy, and by the apprehension that their retreat would be entirely cut off. under all these discouraging circumstances, general sullivan formed the rash determination of defending the post at sorel; and was induced only by the unanimous opinion of his officers, and a conviction that the troops would not support him, to abandon it a few hours before the british took possession of it. the same causes drew him reluctantly from chamblée and st. john's; but he resolved to remain at the isle aux noix, until he should receive orders to retreat. he had been joined at st. john's by general arnold, who had crossed over at longueisle just in time to save the garrison of montreal. the isle aux noix is a low unhealthy place, badly supplied with water; where the troops were so universally seized with fevers, as to compel general sullivan to retire to the isle lamotte. at that place he received the orders of general schuyler to embark on the lakes for crown point. the armed vessels on the sorel and st. lawrence were destroyed, and the fortifications of chamblée and st. john's set on fire. all the baggage of the army, and nearly all the military stores were saved. the british army, during this whole retreat, followed close in the rear, and took possession of the different posts which the americans had occupied, immediately after they were evacuated. on the sorel the pursuit stopped. the americans had the command of the lake, and the british general deemed it prudent to wrest it from them before he advanced farther. to effect this, it was necessary to construct a number of vessels, which required time and labour. meanwhile, general gates was ordered to take command of the northern army, which was directed to be reinforced with six thousand militia. [sidenote: canada evacuated.] thus terminated the enterprise against canada. it was a bold, and, at one period, promised to be a successful effort to annex that extensive province to the united colonies. the dispositions of the canadians favoured the measure; and had quebec fallen, there is reason to believe the colony would have entered cordially into the union. had a few incidents turned out fortunately; had arnold been able to reach quebec a few days sooner, or to cross the st. lawrence on his first arrival--or had the gallant montgomery not fallen in the assault of the st december, it is probable the expedition would have been crowned with complete success. but the radical causes of failure, putting fortune out of the question, were to be found in the lateness of the season when the troops were assembled, in a defect of the preparations necessary for such a service, and still more in the shortness of the time for which the men were enlisted. had the expedition been successful, the practicability of maintaining the country is much to be doubted. whilst general montgomery lay before quebec, and expected to obtain possession of the place, he extended his views to its preservation. his plan required a permanent army of ten thousand men; strong fortifications at jacques cartier, and the rapids of richelieu; and armed vessels in the river, above the last place. with this army and these precautions, he thought the country might be defended; but not with an inferior force. it seems, therefore, to have been an enterprise requiring means beyond the ability of congress; and the strength exhausted on it would have been more judiciously employed in securing the command of the lakes george and champlain, and the fortified towns upon them. while general carleton was making preparations to enter the lakes, general schuyler was using his utmost exertions to retain the command of them. but, so great was the difficulty of procuring workmen and materials, that he found it impossible to equip a fleet which would be equal to the exigency. it consisted of only fifteen small vessels; the largest of which was a schooner mounting twelve guns, carrying six and four pound balls. the command of this squadron, at the instance of general washington, was given to general arnold. [sidenote: general carleton constructs a fleet.] [sidenote: enters lake champlain.] with almost incredible exertions, the british general constructed a powerful fleet; and, afterwards, dragged up the rapids of st. therese and st. john's, a vast number of long boats and other vessels, among which was a gondola weighing thirty tons. this immense work was completed in little more than three months; and, as if by magic, general arnold saw on lake champlain, early in october, a fleet consisting of near thirty vessels; the largest of which, the inflexible, carried eighteen twelve-pounders. this formidable fleet, having on board general carleton himself, and navigated by seven hundred prime seamen under the command of captain pringle, proceeded immediately in quest of arnold, who was advantageously posted between the island of valicour and the western main. notwithstanding the disparity of force, a warm action ensued. a wind, unfavourable to the british, kept the inflexible and some other large vessels at too great a distance to render any service. this circumstance enabled arnold to keep up the engagement until night, when captain pringle discontinued it, and anchored his whole fleet in a line, as near the vessels of his adversary as was practicable. in this engagement, the best schooner belonging to the american flotilla was burnt, and a gondola was sunk. [sidenote: defeats the american flotilla.] in the night, arnold attempted to escape to ticonderoga; and, the next morning, was out of sight; but, being immediately pursued, was overtaken about noon, and brought to action a few leagues short of crown point. he kept up a warm engagement for about two hours, during which the vessels that were most ahead escaped to ticonderoga. two gallies and five gondolas, which remained, made a desperate resistance. at length one of them struck; after which arnold ran the remaining vessels on shore, and blew them up; having first saved his men, though great efforts were made to take them. on the approach of the british army, a small detachment, which had occupied crown point as an out-post, evacuated the place, and retired to ticonderoga, which schuyler determined to defend to the last extremity. [sidenote: takes possession of crown point.] [sidenote: retires into winter quarters.] general carleton took possession of crown point, and advanced a part of his fleet into lake george, within view of ticonderoga. his army also approached that place, as if designing to invest it; but, after reconnoitring the works, and observing the steady countenance of the garrison, he thought it too late to lay siege to the fortress. re-embarking his army, he returned to canada, where he placed it in winter quarters; making the isle aux noix his most advanced post. chapter iv. transactions in virginia.... action at great bridge.... norfolk evacuated.... burnt.... transactions in north carolina.... action at moore's creek bridge.... invasion of south carolina.... british fleet repulsed at fort moultrie.... transactions in new york.... measures leading to independence.... independence declared. { } {july.} [sidenote: transactions in virginia.] whilst the war was carried on thus vigorously in the north, the southern colonies were not entirely unemployed. the convention of virginia determined to raise two regiments of regular troops for one year, and to enlist a part of the militia as minute-men. {october.} lord dunmore, the governor of the colony, who was joined by the most active of the disaffected, and by a number of slaves whom he had encouraged to run away from their masters, was collecting a naval force, which threatened to be extremely troublesome in a country so intersected with large navigable rivers as the colony of virginia. with this force he carried on a slight predatory war, and, at length, attempted to burn the town of hampton. the inhabitants, having received intimation of his design, gave notice of it to the commanding officer at williamsburg, where some regulars and minute-men were stationed. two companies were despatched to their assistance, who arrived just before the assault was made, and obliged the assailants to retreat, with some loss, to their vessels. {november .} in consequence of this repulse, his lordship proclaimed martial law; summoned all persons capable of bearing arms to repair to the royal standard, or be considered as traitors; and offered freedom to all indented servants and slaves who should join him.[ ] [footnote : gazette-remembrancer.] this proclamation made some impression about norfolk, where the governor collected such a force of the disaffected and negroes, as gave him an entire ascendancy in that part of the colony. intelligence of these transactions being received at williamsburg, a regiment of regulars and about two hundred minute-men, were ordered down under the command of colonel woodford,[ ] for the defence of the inhabitants. hearing of their approach, lord dunmore took a well chosen position on the north side of elizabeth river, at the great bridge, where it was necessary for the provincials to cross in order to reach norfolk; at which place he had established himself in some force. here he erected a small fort on a piece of firm ground surrounded by a marsh, which was accessible, on either side, only by a long causeway. colonel woodford encamped within cannon-shot of this post, in a small village at the south end of the causeway; across which, just at its termination, he constructed a breast-work; but, being without artillery, was unable to make any attempt on the fort. [footnote : the author was in this expedition, and relates the circumstances attending it chiefly from his own observation.] {december.} [sidenote: action at the great bridge.] in this position both parties continued for a few days, when lord dunmore ordered captain fordyce, the commanding officer at the great bridge, though inferior in numbers, to storm the works of the provincials. between day-break and sunrise, this officer, at the head of about sixty grenadiers of the th regiment, who led the column, advanced along the causeway with fixed bayonets, against the breast-work. the alarm was immediately given; and, as is the practice with raw troops, the bravest rushed to the works, where, regardless of order, they kept up a heavy fire on the front of the british column. captain fordyce, though received so warmly in front, and taken in flank by a party posted on a small eminence on his right, marched up with great intrepidity, until he fell dead within a few steps of the breast-work. the column immediately broke and retreated; but being covered by the artillery of the fort, was not pursued. in this ill-judged attack, every grenadier is said to have been killed or wounded; while the americans did not lose a single man. [sidenote: norfolk evacuated.] the following night, the fort was evacuated. the provincial troops proceeded to norfolk, under the command of colonel howe of north carolina, and lord dunmore took refuge on board his vessels. { } {january.} [sidenote: and burnt.] after taking possession of the town, the american soldiers frequently amused themselves by firing into the vessels in the harbour, from the buildings near the water. irritated by this, lord dunmore determined to destroy the houses immediately on the shore; and, on the night of the first of january, under cover of a heavy cannonade, landed a body of troops, and set fire to a number of houses near the river. the provincials, who entertained strong prejudices against this station, saw the flames spread from house to house without making any attempt to extinguish them. after the fire had continued several weeks, in which time it had consumed about four-fifths of the town, colonel howe, who had waited on the convention to urge the necessity of destroying the place, returned with orders to burn the remaining houses; which were carried into immediate execution. {february.} thus was destroyed the most populous and flourishing town in virginia. its destruction was one of those ill-judged measures, of which the consequences are felt long after the motives are forgotten. after norfolk was laid in ashes, lord dunmore continued a predatory war on the rivers--burning houses, and robbing plantations--which served only to distress a few individuals, and to increase the detestation in which he was held through the country. at length, his wretched followers, wearied with their miserable condition, were sent to florida.[ ] [footnote : virginia gazette.] as the war became more serious, the convention deemed it necessary to increase the number of regular regiments from two to nine, which were afterwards taken into the continental service. [sidenote: transactions in north carolina.] in north carolina, governor martin, though obliged to take refuge on board a ship of war, in cape fear river, indulged the hope of being able to reduce that colony. a body of ignorant and disorderly men on the western frontier, styling themselves regulators, had attempted by arms, some time before the existing war, to control and stop the administration of justice. after failing in this attempt, they became as hostile to the colonial, as they had been to the royal government. the province also contained many families who had lately emigrated from the highlands of scotland; and who, retaining their attachment to the place of their nativity, transferred it to the government under which they had been bred. from the union of these parties, governor martin entertained sanguine hopes of making a successful struggle for north carolina. his confidence was increased by the assurances he had received, that a considerable land and naval armament was destined for the southern colonies. to prepare for co-operating with this force, should it arrive; or, in any event, to make an effort to give the ascendancy in north carolina to the royal cause, he sent several commissions to the leaders of the highlanders, for raising and commanding regiments; and granted one to a mr. m'donald, their chief, to act as their general. he also sent them a proclamation, to be used on a proper occasion, commanding all persons, on their allegiance, to repair to the royal standard. this was erected by general m'donald at cross creek, about the middle of february, and nearly fifteen hundred men arranged themselves under it. {fifteenth.} {twentieth.} upon the first advice that the loyalists were assembling, brigadier general moore marched at the head of a provincial regiment, with such militia as he could suddenly collect, and some pieces of cannon, and took a strong position within a few miles of them. general m'donald soon approached, and sent a letter to moore, enclosing the governor's proclamation, and recommending to him and his party to join the king's standard by a given hour the next day. the negotiation was protracted by moore, in the hope that the numerous bodies of militia who were advancing to join him, would soon enable him to surround his adversary. m'donald, at length, perceived his danger, and, suddenly decamping, endeavoured by forced marches to extricate himself from it, and join governor martin and lord william campbell, who were encouraged to commence active operations by the arrival of general clinton in the colony. [sidenote: action at moore's creek bridge.] the provincial parties, however, were so alert in every part of the country, that he found himself under the necessity of engaging colonels caswell and lillington, who, with about one thousand minute-men and militia, had entrenched themselves directly in his front, at a place called moore's creek bridge. the royalists were greatly superior in number, but were under the disadvantage of being compelled to cross the bridge, the planks of which were partly taken up, in the face of the intrenchments occupied by the provincials. they commenced the attack, however, with great spirit; but colonel m'leod who commanded them, in consequence of the indisposition of m'donald, and several others of their bravest officers and men, having fallen in the first onset, their courage deserted them, and they fled in great disorder, leaving behind them their general and several others of their leaders, who fell into the hands of the provincials.[ ] [footnote : annual register--gordon--ramsay--gazette.] this victory was of eminent service to the american cause in north carolina. it broke the spirits of a great body of men, who would have constituted a formidable reinforcement to an invading army; increased the confidence of the provincials in themselves, and attached to them the timid and wavering, who form a large portion of every community. general clinton, who was to command in the south, had left boston with a force too inconsiderable to attempt any thing until he should be reinforced by the troops expected from europe. after parting with governor tryon in new york, he had proceeded to virginia, where he passed a few days with lord dunmore; but finding himself too weak to effect any thing in that province, he repaired to north carolina, and remained with governor martin until the arrival of sir peter parker. fortunately for the province, the unsuccessful insurrection of m'donald had previously broken the strength and spirits of the loyalists, and deprived them of their most active chiefs; in consequence of which, the operations which had been meditated against north carolina were deferred. clinton continued in cape fear until near the end of may, when, hearing nothing certain from general howe, he determined to make an attempt on the capital of south carolina. {may.} early in the month of april, a letter from the secretary of state to mr. eden, the royal governor of maryland, disclosing the designs of administration against the southern colonies, was intercepted in the chesapeake; and thus, south carolina became apprized of the danger which threatened its metropolis. mr. rutledge, a gentleman of vigour and talents, who had been chosen president of that province on the dissolution of the regal government, adopted the most energetic means for placing it in a posture of defence. {june.} [sidenote: invasion of south carolina.] in the beginning of june, the british fleet came to anchor off the harbour of charleston. the bar was crossed with some difficulty; after which, it was determined to commence operations by silencing a fort on sullivan's island. during the interval between passing the bar and attacking the fort, the continental troops of virginia and north carolina arrived in charleston; and the american force amounted to between five and six thousand men, of whom two thousand five hundred were regulars. this army was commanded by general lee, whose fortune it had been to meet general clinton at new york, in virginia, and in north carolina. viewing with a military eye the situation of the post entrusted to his care, lee was disinclined to hazard his army by engaging it deeply in the defence of the town; but the solicitude of the south carolinians to preserve their capital, aided by his confidence in his own vigilance, prevailed over a caution which was thought extreme, and determined him to attempt to maintain the place. two regular regiments of south carolina, commanded by colonels gadsden and moultrie, garrisoned fort johnson and fort moultrie. about five hundred regulars, and three hundred militia under colonel thompson, were stationed in some works which had been thrown up on the north-eastern extremity of sullivan's island; and the remaining troops were arranged on hadrell's point, and along the bay in front of the town. general lee remained in person with the troops at hadrell's point, in the rear of sullivan's island. his position was chosen in such a manner as to enable him to observe and support the operations in every quarter, and especially to watch and oppose any attempt of the enemy to pass from long island to the continent; a movement of which he seems to have been particularly apprehensive. {june .} [sidenote: british fleet repulsed at fort moultrie.] the british ships, after taking their stations, commenced an incessant and heavy cannonade on the american works. its effect, however, on the fort, was not such as had been expected. this was attributable to its form, and to its materials. it was very low, with merlons of great thickness; and was constructed of earth, and a species of soft wood common in that country, called the palmetto, which, on being struck with a ball, does not splinter, but closes upon it. the fire from the fort was deliberate; and, being directed with skill, did vast execution. the garrison united the cool determined courage of veterans, with the enthusiastic ardour of youth. general lee crossed over in a boat, to determine whether he should withdraw them; and was enraptured with the ardour they displayed. they assured him they would lose the fort only with their lives; and the mortally wounded breathed their last, exhorting their fellow soldiers to the most heroic defence of the place. {july .} the engagement continued until night. by that time, the ships were in such a condition, as to be unfit to renew the action on the ensuing day. the bristol lost one hundred and eleven men, and the experiment seventy-nine. captain scott, of the one, lost his arm; and captain morris, of the other, was mortally wounded. lord campbell, late governor of the province, who served as a volunteer on board one of these vessels, was also mortally wounded; and both ships were so shattered, as to inspire hopes that they would be unable to repass the bar. about nine, they slipped their cables and moved off. a few days afterwards, the troops were re-embarked, and all farther designs against the southern colonies being for the present relinquished, the squadron sailed for new york.[ ] [footnote : annual register--gordon--ramsay--letters of general lee.] the attack on fort moultrie was supported by the british seamen with their accustomed bravery; and the slaughter on board the ships was uncommonly great. the loss of the americans, in killed and wounded, was only thirty-five men. great and well merited praise was bestowed on colonel moultrie, who commanded the fort, and on the garrison, for the resolution displayed in defending it. nor was the glory acquired on this occasion confined to them. all the troops that had been stationed on the island partook of it: and the thanks of the united colonies were voted by congress to general lee, colonel moultrie, colonel thompson, and the officers and men under their command. this fortunate event, for such it may well be termed, though not of much magnitude in itself, was, like many other successes attending the american arms in the commencement of the war, of great importance in its consequences. by impressing on the colonists a conviction of their ability to maintain the contest, it increased the number of those who resolved to resist british authority, and assisted in paving the way to a declaration of independence. {april.} [sidenote: transactions in new york.] even before the evacuation of boston, it had been foreseen that new york must become the seat of war; and that most important military operations would be carried on in that colony. the fortifications which had been commenced for the defence of its capital were indefatigably prosecuted; and, after the arrival of general washington, these works, combined with those to be erected in the passes through the highlands up the hudson, were the objects of his unremitting attention. the difficulty which had been experienced in expelling the british from boston, had demonstrated the importance of preventing their establishment in new york; and had contributed to the determination of contesting with them, very seriously, the possession of that important place. the execution of this determination, however, was difficult and dangerous. the defence of new york, against an enemy commanding the sea, requires an army capable of meeting him in the open field, and of acting offensively both on long and york islands. congress had not adopted measures which might raise such an army. the commander-in-chief, in his letters to that body, had long and earnestly urged the policy of bringing the whole strength of the country into regular operation. the government was not inattentive to his remonstrances; but many circumstances combined to prevent such a military establishment as the exigency required. the congress which assembled in had adjourned with strong hopes that the differences between the mother country and the colonies would soon be adjusted to their mutual satisfaction. when the temper manifested both by the king and his parliament had dissipated these hopes, and the immense preparations of great britain for war, evinced the necessity of preparations equally vigorous on the part of america, the resolution to make them was finally taken. but, unaccustomed to the great duties of conducting a war of vast extent, they could not estimate rightly the value of the means employed, nor calculate the effects which certain causes would produce. opinions of the most pernicious tendency prevailed; from which they receded slowly, and from which they could be ultimately forced only by melancholy experience. the most fatal among these was the theory, that an army could be created every campaign for the purposes of that campaign; and that such temporary means would be adequate to the defence of the country. they relied confidently on being able on any emergency, to call out a force suited to the occasion:--they relied too much on the competence of such a force to the purposes of war, and they depended too long on the spirit of patriotism, which was believed to animate the mass of the people. under these impressions, the determination to form a permanent army was too long delayed; and the measures necessary to raise such an army were deferred, till their efficacy became doubtful. it was not until june, , that the representations of the commander-in-chief could obtain a resolution, directing soldiers to be enlisted for three years, and offering a bounty of ten dollars to each recruit. the time when this resolution could certainly have been executed, had passed away. that zeal for the service, which was manifested in the first moments of the war, had long since begun to abate; and though the determination to resist had become more general, that enthusiasm which prompts individuals to expose themselves to more than an equal share of danger and hardship, was visibly declining. the progress of these sentiments seems to have been unexpected; and the causes producing such effects appear not to have been perceived. the regiments voted by congress were incomplete; and that bounty, which, if offered in time, would have effected its object, came too late to fill them. it was not in numbers only that the weakness of the american army consisted. in arms, ammunition, tents, and clothes, its deficiency was such as to render it unfit for the great purposes of war, and inferior, in all these respects, to the enemy which it was destined to encounter. but, however inadequate to the object the regular force might be, both the government and the commander-in-chief were determined to defend new york; and congress passed a resolution to reinforce the army with thirteen thousand eight hundred militia. for the defence of the middle colonies, and for the purpose of repelling any attempt to land on the jersey shore, it was resolved to form a flying camp, to be composed of ten thousand men, to be furnished by pennsylvania, delaware, and maryland. the militia, both of the flying camp and of the army at new york, were to be engaged to serve until the first of december; and the commander-in-chief was empowered to call on the neighbouring colonies for such additional temporary aids of militia, as the exigencies of his army might render necessary. great and embarrassing as were the difficulties already noticed, they were augmented by the disaffection of the city of new york, and of the adjacent islands. although governor tryon had found it necessary to take refuge on board some ships lying in the harbour, he had been permitted to continue an open intercourse with the inhabitants, which enabled him to communicate freely with the royalists; and to concert plans of future co-operation. this intercourse was broken off by the arrival of the commander-in-chief;--yet a plot was formed, through the agency of the mayor, to rise in favour of the british on their landing; and, as was understood, to seize and deliver up general washington himself. this plot had extended to the american army, and even to the general's guards. it was fortunately discovered in time to be defeated; and some of the persons concerned were executed. about the same time a similar plot was discovered in the neighbourhood of albany; and there too, executions were found necessary. hitherto, the sole avowed object of the war had been a redress of grievances. the utmost horror had been expressed at the idea of attempting independence; and the most anxious desire of re-establishing the union which had so long subsisted between the two countries on its ancient principles, was openly and generally declared. but however sincere these declarations might have been at the commencement of the conflict, the operation of hostilities was infallible. to profess allegiance and respect for a monarch with whom they were at open war, was an absurdity too great to be long continued. the human mind, when it receives a strong impulse, does not, like projectiles, stop at the point to which the force originally applied may have been calculated to carry it. various causes act upon it in its course. when the appeal was made to arms, a great majority of those who guided the councils and led the forces of america, wished only for a repeal of the acts of parliament which had occasioned their resistance to the authority of the crown; and would have been truly unwilling to venture upon the unexplored field of self-government. for some time, prayers were offered for the king, in the performance of divine service; and, in the proclamation of a fast by congress, in june, , one of the motives for recommending it, was, to beseech the almighty "to bless our rightful sovereign king george iii. and inspire him with wisdom." [illustration: independence hall, philadelphia _in this unpretentious brick building, erected in - , and intimately associated with the birth of the nation, the continental congress met, washington was made commander-in-chief of the american army in , and the declaration of independence was adopted on july , , and read to the people assembled in the street. it is now a museum of revolutionary and historical relics._] [sidenote: measures leading to independence.] the prejudices in favour of a connexion with england, and of the english constitution, gradually, but rapidly yielded to republican principles, and a desire for independence. new strength was every day added to the opinions, that a cordial reconciliation with great britain had become impossible; that mutual confidence could never be restored; that reciprocal jealousy, suspicion, and hate, would take the place of that affection, which could alone render such a connexion happy and beneficial; that even the commercial dependence of america upon britain, was greatly injurious to the former, and that incalculable benefits must be derived from opening to themselves the markets of the world; that to be governed by a distant nation or sovereign, unacquainted with, and unmindful of their interests, would, even if reinstated in their former situation, be an evil too great to be voluntarily borne. but victory alone could restore them to that situation--and victory would give them independence. the hazard was the same; and since the risk of every thing was unavoidable, the most valuable object ought, in common justice, and common prudence, to be the reward of success. with such horror, too, did they view the present war, as to suppose it could not possibly receive the support of a free people. the alacrity therefore with which the english nation entered into it, was ascribed to a secret and dangerous influence, which was, with rapid progress, undermining the liberties and the morals of the mother country; and which, it was feared, would cross the atlantic, and infect the principles of the colonists likewise, should the ancient connexion be restored. the intercourse of america with the world, and her own experience, had not then been sufficient to teach her the important truth, that the many, as often as the few, can abuse power, and trample on the weak, without perceiving that they are tyrants; that they too, not unfrequently, close their eyes against the light; and shut their ears against the plainest evidence, and the most conclusive reasoning. it was also urged, with great effect, that the possibility of obtaining foreign aid would be much increased by holding out the dismemberment of the british empire, to the rivals of that nation, as an inducement to engage in the contest. american independence became the general theme of conversation; and more and more the general wish. the measures of congress took their complexion from the temper of the people. their proceedings against the disaffected became more and more vigorous; their language respecting the british government was less the language of subjects, and better calculated to turn the public attention towards congress and the provincial assemblies, as the sole and ultimate rulers of the country. general letters of marque and reprisal were granted; and the american ports were opened to all nations and people, not subject to the british crown. {may .} at length, a measure was adopted, which was considered by congress and by america in general, as deciding the question of independence. hitherto, it had been recommended to particular colonies, to establish temporary institutions for the conduct of their affairs during the existence of the contest; but now, a resolution was offered, recommending generally to such colonies as had not already established them, the adoption of governments adequate to the exigency. mr. john adams, mr. rutledge, and mr. richard henry lee, all zealous advocates for independence, were appointed a committee, to prepare a proper preamble to the resolution. the report of these gentlemen was accepted, and the resolution passed.[ ] [footnote : before the vote on the question of independence was taken, congress passed resolutions, declaring that all persons residing within, or passing through any one of the united colonies, owed allegiance to the government thereof; and that any such person who should levy war against any of the united colonies, or adhere to the king of great britain, or other enemies of the said colonies, or any of them, should be guilty of treason: and recommending it to the several legislatures to pass laws for their punishment.] {may .} the provincial assemblies and conventions acted on this recommendation; and governments were generally established. in connecticut and rhode island, it was deemed unnecessary to make any change in their actual situation, because, in those colonies, the executive, as well as the whole legislature, had always been elected by themselves. in maryland, pennsylvania, and new york, some hesitation was at first discovered; and the assemblies appeared unwilling to take this decisive step. the public opinion, however, was in favour of it, and finally prevailed. the several colonies, now contemplating themselves as sovereign states, and mingling with the arduous duty of providing means to repel a powerful enemy, the important and interesting labour of framing governments for themselves and their posterity, exhibited the novel spectacle of matured and enlightened societies, uninfluenced by external or internal force, devising, according to their own judgments, political systems for their own government. with the exceptions already stated, of connecticut and rhode island, whose systems had ever been in a high degree democratic, the hitherto untried principle was adopted, of limiting the departments of governments by a written constitution, prescribing bounds not to be transcended by the legislature itself. the solid foundations of a popular government were already laid in all the colonies. the institutions received from england were admirably calculated to prepare the way for temperate and rational republics. no hereditary powers had ever existed; and every authority had been derived either from the people or the king. the crown being no longer acknowledged, the people remained the only source of legitimate power. the materials in their possession, as well as their habits of thinking, were adapted only to governments in all respects representative; and such governments were universally adopted. the provincial assemblies, under the influence of congress, took up the question of independence; and, in some instances, authorized their representatives in the great national council, to enter into foreign alliances. many declared themselves in favour of a total and immediate separation from great britain; and gave instructions to their representatives conforming to this sentiment. {june .} thus supported by public opinion, congress determined to take this decisive step; and on the th of june, a resolution to that effect was moved by richard henry lee, and seconded by john adams. the resolution was referred to a committee, who reported it in the following terms. "resolved, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; and that all political connexion between them and the state of great britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." {june .} {july .} this resolution was referred to a committee of the whole, in which it was debated on saturday the th, and monday the th of june. it appearing that new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, and south carolina were not yet matured for the measure, but were fast advancing to that state, the debate was adjourned to the first of july, when it was resumed. in the mean time, a committee[ ] was appointed to prepare the declaration of independence, which was reported on the th of june, and laid on the table. on the first of july the debate on the original resolution was resumed. the question was put in the evening of that day, and carried in the affirmative by the votes of new hampshire, connecticut, massachusetts, rhode island, new jersey, maryland, virginia, north carolina, and georgia, against pennsylvania and south carolina. delaware was divided; and the delegates from new york, having declared their approbation of the resolution, and their conviction that it was approved by their constituents also, but that their instructions, which had been drawn near twelve months before, enjoined them to do nothing which might impede reconciliation with the mother country, were permitted to withdraw from the question. the report of the committee was put off till the next day at the request of mr. rutledge of south carolina, who expressed the opinion that his colleagues would then concur in the resolution for the sake of unanimity. the next day south carolina did concur in it. the votes of pennsylvania and delaware were also changed by the arrival of other members. congress then proceeded to consider the declaration of independence. after some amendments[ ] it was approved, and signed by every member present except mr. dickenson.[ ] [footnote : mr. jefferson, mr. john adams, mr. franklin, and mr. r.r. livingston. mr. r.h. lee, the mover of the resolution, had been compelled by the illness of mrs. lee to leave congress the day on which the committee was appointed.] [footnote : see note no. vi. at the end of the volume.] [footnote : mr. jefferson's correspondence.] [sidenote: independence declared.] {july .} this declaration was immediately communicated to the armies, who received it with enthusiasm. it was also proclaimed throughout the united states, and was generally approved by those who had engaged in the opposition to the claims of the british parliament. some few individuals, who had been zealous supporters of all measures which had for their object only a redress of grievances, and in whose bosoms the hope of accommodation still lingered,--either too timid to meet the arduous conflict which this measure rendered inevitable, or, sincerely believing that the happiness of america would be best consulted by preserving their political connexion with great britain, viewed the dissolution of that connexion with regret. others, who afterwards deserted the american cause, attributed their defection to this measure. it was also an unfortunate truth, that in the whole country between new england and the potowmac, which was now become the great theatre of action, although the majority was in favour of independence, a formidable minority existed, who not only refused to act with their countrymen, but were ready to give to the enemy every aid in their power. it can not, however, be questioned, that the declaration of independence was wise, and well-timed. the soundest policy required that the war should no longer be a contest between subjects and their acknowledged sovereign. chapter v. lord and sir william howe arrive before new york.... circular letter of lord howe.... state of the american army.... the british land in force on long island.... battle of brooklyn.... evacuation of long island.... fruitless negotiations.... new york evacuated.... skirmish on the heights of haerlem.... letter on the state of the army. { } while congress was deliberating in philadelphia on the great question of independence, the british fleet appeared before new york. [sidenote: lord and sir william howe arrive before new york.] on evacuating boston, general howe had retired to halifax; where he purposed to remain till reinforcements should arrive from england. but the situation of his army in that place was so uncomfortable, and the delays in the arrival of the troops from europe were so great, that he at length resolved to sail for new york, with the forces already under his command. {june .} {july & .} in the latter end of june, he arrived off sandy hook, in the grey hound; and, on the th of that month, the first division of the fleet from halifax reached that place. the rear division soon followed; and the troops were landed on staten island, on the third and fourth of july. they were received with great demonstrations of joy by the inhabitants, who took the oaths of allegiance to the british crown, and embodied themselves under the authority of the late governor tryon, for the defence of the island. strong assurances were also received from long island, and the neighbouring parts of new jersey, of the favourable dispositions of a great proportion of the people to the royal cause. it was foreseen that the provisions remaining on the small islands about new york, must fall into the possession of the invading army, and general washington had intended to remove them to a place of safety; but, the existing state of public opinion requiring the co-operation of the several committees, this measure of wise precaution could not be completely executed; and general howe, on his arrival, obtained ample supplies for his army. the command of the fleet destined for the american service was intrusted to lord howe, the brother of the general; and they were both constituted commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies, and granting pardons, with such exceptions as they should think proper to make. he arrived at staten island on the twelfth of july. {july .} the difficulty of closing the hudson against an enemy possessing a powerful fleet was soon demonstrated. two frigates passed the batteries without injury, and took a station which enabled them to cut off the communication by water, between the army at new york, and that at ticonderoga. an attempt to set these frigates on fire failed in its execution, and only a tender was burnt;--soon after which these vessels returned to the fleet. [sidenote: circular letter of lord howe.] {july .} lord howe was not deterred by the declaration of independence from trying the influence of his powers for pacification. he sent on shore, by a flag, a circular letter, dated off the coast of massachusetts, addressed severally to the late governors under the crown, enclosing a declaration, which he requested them to make public. this declaration announced his authority to grant pardons to any number or description of persons, who, during the tumult and disorders of the times, might have deviated from their just allegiance, and who might be willing, by a speedy return to their duty, to reap the benefits of the royal favour; and to declare any colony, town, port, or place, in the peace and under the protection of the crown, and excepted from the penal provisions of the act of parliament prohibiting all trade and intercourse with the colonies. assurances were also given that the meritorious services of all persons who should aid and assist in restoring public tranquillity in the colonies, or in any parts thereof, would be duly considered. {july .} these papers were immediately transmitted by the commander-in-chief to congress, who resolved that they should "be published in the several gazettes, that the good people of the united states might be informed of what nature were the commissioners, and what the terms, with the expectation of which, the insidious court of britain had sought to amuse and disarm them; and that the few who still remained suspended by a hope, founded either in the justice or moderation of their late king, might now, at length, be convinced, that the valour alone of their country is to save its liberties." about the same time, lord howe sent, with a flag, a letter addressed to "george washington, esquire," which the general refused to receive, as "it did not acknowledge the public character with which he was invested by congress, and in no other character could he have any intercourse with his lordship." in a resolution approving this proceeding, congress directed, "that no letter or message be received on any occasion whatever from the enemy, by the commander-in-chief, or others, the commanders of the american army, but such as shall be directed to them in the characters they respectively sustain." {july .} the commissioners felt some difficulty in recognizing either the civil or military character conferred on individuals by the existing powers in america; and yet it was desirable, either for the purpose of effecting a pacification, or, if that should be impracticable, of increasing the divisions already existing, to open negotiations, and hold out the semblance of restoring peace. they cast about for means to evade this preliminary obstacle to any discussion of the terms they were authorized to propose; and, at length, colonel patterson, adjutant general of the british army, was sent on shore by general howe, with a letter directed to george washington, &c. &c. &c. he was introduced to the general, whom he addressed by the title of "excellency;" and, after the usual compliments, opened the subject of his mission, by saying, that general howe much regretted the difficulties which had arisen respecting the address of the letters; that the mode adopted was deemed consistent with propriety, and was founded on precedent, in cases of ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, where disputes or difficulties had arisen about rank; that general washington might recollect he had, last summer, addressed a letter to "the honourable william howe;" that lord, and general howe, did not mean to derogate from his rank, or the respect due to him, and that they held his person and character in the highest esteem;--but that the direction, with the addition of &c. &c. &c. implied every thing which ought to follow. colonel patterson then produced a letter which he said was the same that had been sent, and which he laid on the table. the general declined receiving it, and said, that a letter directed to a person in a public character, should have some description or indication of that character; otherwise it would be considered as a mere private letter. it was true the _etceteras_ implied every thing, and they also implied any thing; that the letter to general howe, alluded to, was an answer to one received from him under a like address; which, having been taken by the officer on duty, he did not think proper to return, and therefore answered in the same mode of address; and that he should absolutely decline any letter relating to his public station, directed to him as a private person. colonel patterson then said, that general howe would not urge his delicacy farther, and repeated his assertions that no failure of respect was intended. after some conversation relative to the treatment of prisoners, colonel patterson said, that the goodness and benevolence of the king had induced him to appoint lord howe, and general howe, his commissioners to accommodate the unhappy dispute at present subsisting: that they had great powers, and would derive much pleasure from effecting the accommodation; and that he wished this visit to be considered as the first advance towards so desirable an object. general washington replied, that he was not vested with any powers on this subject; but he would observe that, so far as he could judge from what had yet transpired, lord howe and general howe were only empowered to grant pardons; that those who had committed no fault, wanted no pardon; and that the americans were only defending what they deemed their indubitable rights. this, colonel patterson said, would open a very wide field for argument: and, after expressing his fears that an adherence to forms might obstruct business of the greatest moment and concern, he took his leave. the substance of this conversation was communicated to congress, who directed its publication. {august.} the reinforcements to the british army, of whom about four hundred and fifty had been captured by the american cruisers, were now arriving daily from europe; and general howe had also been joined by the troops from charleston. his strength was estimated at twenty-four thousand men. [sidenote: state of the american army.] to this army, alike formidable for its numbers, its discipline, and its equipments,--aided in its operations by a numerous fleet, and conducted by commanders of skill and experience, was opposed a force, unstable in its nature,--incapable, from its structure, of receiving discipline,--and inferior to its enemy, in numbers, in arms, and in every military equipment. it consisted, when general howe landed on staten island, of ten thousand men, who were much enfeebled by sickness. the diseases which always afflict new troops, were increased by exposure to the rain and night air, without tents. at the instance of the general, some regiments, stationed in the different states, were ordered to join him; and, in addition to the requisitions of men to serve until december--requisitions not yet complied with--the neighbouring militia were called into service for the exigency of the moment. yet, in a letter written to congress on the th of august, he stated that "for the several posts on new york, long, and governor's island, and paulus hook, the army consisted of only seventeen thousand two hundred and twenty-five men, of whom three thousand six hundred and sixty-eight were sick; and that, to repel an immediate attack, he could count certainly on no other addition to his numbers, than a battalion from maryland under the command of colonel smallwood." this force was rendered the more inadequate to its objects by being necessarily divided for the defence of posts, some of which were fifteen miles distant from others, with navigable waters between them. "these things," continued the letter, "are melancholy, but they are nevertheless true. i hope for better. under every disadvantage, my utmost exertions shall be employed to bring about the great end we have in view; and, so far as i can judge from the professions and apparent dispositions of my troops, i shall have their support. the superiority of the enemy, and the expected attack, do not seem to have depressed their spirits. these considerations lead me to think that though the appeal may not terminate so happily as i could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their views without considerable loss. any advantage they may gain, i trust will cost them dear." soon after this letter, the army was reinforced by smallwood's regiment, and by two regiments from pennsylvania, with a body of new england and new york militia, which increased it to twenty-seven thousand men, of whom one fourth were sick. a part of the army was stationed on long island, under the command of major general sullivan. the residue occupied different stations on york island, except two small detachments, one on governor's island, and the other at paulus hook; and except a part of the new york militia under general clinton, who were stationed on the sound, towards new rochelle, and about east and west chester, in order to oppose any sudden attempt which might be made to land above kingsbridge, and cut off the communication with the country. {july .} expecting daily to be attacked, and believing that the influence of the first battle would be considerable, the commander-in-chief employed every expedient which might act upon that enthusiastic love of liberty, that indignation against the invaders of their country, and that native courage, which were believed to animate the bosoms of his soldiers; and which were relied on as substitutes for discipline and experience. "the time," say his orders issued soon after the arrival of general howe, "is now near at hand, which must determine whether americans are to be freemen or slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness from which no human efforts will deliver them. the fate of unborn millions will now depend, under god, on the courage and conduct of this army. our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. we have therefore to resolve to conquer or to die. our own, our country's honour, call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the supreme being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. the eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world that a freeman contending for liberty, on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." to the officers, he recommended coolness in time of action; and to the soldiers, strict attention and obedience, with a becoming firmness and spirit. he assured them that any officer, soldier, or corps, distinguished by any acts of extraordinary bravery, should most certainly meet with notice and rewards; whilst, on the other hand, those who should fail in the performance of their duty, would as certainly be exposed and punished. {july .} whilst preparations were making for the expected engagement, intelligence was received of the repulse of the british squadron which had attacked fort moultrie. the commander-in-chief availed himself of the occasion of communicating this success to his army, to add a spirit of emulation to the other motives which should impel them to manly exertions. "this glorious example of our troops," he said, "under the like circumstances with ourselves, the general hopes, will animate every officer and soldier to imitate, and even to out-do them, when the enemy shall make the same attempt on us. with such a bright example before us of what can be done by brave men fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a double share of shame and infamy, if we do not acquit ourselves with courage, and manifest a determined resolution to conquer or die." as the crisis approached, his anxiety increased. endeavouring to breathe into his army his own spirit, and to give them his own feeling, he thus addressed them. "the enemy's whole reinforcement is now arrived; so that an attack must, and will soon be made. the general, therefore, again repeats his earnest request that every officer and soldier will have his arms and ammunition in good order; keep within his quarters and encampments as far as possible; be ready for action at a moment's call; and when called to it, remember, that liberty, property, life, and honour, are all at stake; that upon their courage and conduct rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted country; that their wives, children, and parents, expect safety from them only; and that we have every reason to believe, that heaven will crown with success so just a cause. "the enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show and appearance; but remember, they have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave americans; their cause is bad; and if opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works, and knowledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. every good soldier will be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution; of this the officers are to be particularly careful." he directed explicitly that any soldier who should attempt to conceal himself, or retreat without orders, should instantly be shot down; and solemnly promised to notice and reward those who should distinguish themselves. thus did he, by infusing those sentiments which would stimulate to the greatest individual exertion, into every bosom, endeavour to compensate for the want of arms, of discipline, and of numbers. as the defence of long island was intimately connected with that of new york, a brigade had been stationed at brooklyn, a post capable of being maintained for a considerable time. an extensive camp had been marked out and fortified at the same place. brooklyn is a village on a small peninsula made by east river, the bay, and gowan's cove. the encampment fronted the main land of the island, and the works stretched quite across the peninsula, from whaaleboght bay in the east river on the left, to a deep marsh on a creek emptying into gowan's cove, on the right. the rear was covered and defended against an attack from the ships, by strong batteries on red hook and on governor's island, which in a great measure commanded that part of the bay, and by other batteries on east river, which kept open the communication with york island. in front of the camp was a range of hills covered with thick woods, which extended from east to west nearly the length of the island, and across which were three different roads leading to brooklyn ferry. these hills, though steep, are every where passable by infantry. [sidenote: the british land in force on long island.] the movements of general howe indicating an intention to make his first attack on long island, general sullivan was strongly reinforced. early in the morning of the twenty-second, the principal part of the british army, under the command of general clinton, landed under cover of the guns of the fleet, and extended from the ferry at the narrows, through utrecht and gravesend, to the village of flatland.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] {july .} confident that an engagement must soon take place, general washington made still another effort to inspire his troops with the most determined courage. "the enemy," said he, in addressing them, "have now landed on long island, and the hour is fast approaching, on which the honour and success of this army, and the safety of our bleeding country depend. remember, officers and soldiers, that you are freemen, fighting for the blessings of liberty--that slavery will be your portion and that of your posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves like men." he repeated his instructions respecting their conduct in action, and concluded with the most animating and encouraging exhortations. {july .} major general putnam was now directed to take command at brooklyn, with a reinforcement of six regiments; and he was charged most earnestly by the commander-in-chief, to be in constant readiness for an attack, and to guard the woods between the two camps with his best troops. general washington had passed the day at brooklyn, making arrangements for the approaching action; and, at night, had returned to new york. the hessians under general de heister composed the centre of the british army at flatbush; major general grant commanded the left wing which extended to the coast, and the greater part of the british forces under general clinton. earl percy and lord cornwallis turned short to the right, and approached the opposite coast of flatland.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] the two armies were now separated from each other by the range of hills already mentioned. the british centre at flatbush was scarcely four miles distant from the american lines at brooklyn; and a direct road led across the heights from the one to the other. another road, rather more circuitous than the first, led from flatbush by the way of bedford, a small village on the brooklyn side of the hills. the right and left wings of the british army were nearly equi-distant from the american works, and about five or six miles from them. the road leading from the narrows along the coast, and by the way of gowan's cove, afforded the most direct route to their left; and their right might either return by the way of flatbush and unite with the centre, or take a more circuitous course, and enter a road leading from jamaica to bedford. these several roads unite between bedford and brooklyn, a small distance in front of the american lines. the direct road from flatbush to brooklyn was defended by a fort which the americans had constructed in the hills; and the coast and bedford roads were guarded by detachments posted on the hills within view of the british camp. light parties of volunteers were directed to patrol on the road leading from jamaica to bedford; about two miles from which, near flatbush, colonel miles of pennsylvania was stationed with a regiment of riflemen. the convention of new york had ordered general woodhull, with the militia of long island, to take post on the high grounds, as near the enemy as possible; but he remained at jamaica, and seemed scarcely to suppose himself under the control of the regular officer commanding on the island. {july .} about nine at night, general clinton silently drew off the van of the british army across the country, in order to seize a pass in the heights, about three miles east of bedford, on the jamaica road. in the morning, about two hours before day-break, within half a mile of the pass, his patrols fell in with and captured one of the american parties, which had been stationed on this road. learning from his prisoners that the pass was unoccupied, general clinton immediately seized it; and, on the appearance of day, the whole column passed the heights, and advanced into the level country between them and brooklyn.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] before clinton had secured the passes on the road from jamaica, general grant advanced along the coast at the head of the left wing, with ten pieces of cannon. as his first object was to draw the attention of the americans from their left, he moved slowly, skirmishing as he advanced with the light parties stationed on that road.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] this movement was soon communicated to general putnam, who reinforced the parties which had been advanced in front; and, as general grant continued to gain ground, still stronger detachments were employed in this service. about three in the morning, brigadier general lord stirling was directed to meet the enemy, with the two nearest regiments, on the road leading from the narrows. major general sullivan, who commanded all the troops without the lines, advanced at the head of a strong detachment on the road leading directly to flatbush; while another detachment occupied the heights between that place and bedford. about the break of day, lord stirling reached the summit of the hills, where he was joined by the troops which had been already engaged, and were retiring slowly before the enemy, who almost immediately appeared in sight. a warm cannonade was commenced on both sides, which continued for several hours; and some sharp, but not very close skirmishing took place between the infantry. lord stirling, being anxious only to defend the pass he guarded, could not descend in force from the heights; and general grant did not wish to drive him from them until that part of the plan, which had been entrusted to sir henry clinton, should be executed. [sidenote: battle of brooklyn and evacuation of long island.] in the centre, general de heister, soon after day-light, began to cannonade the troops under general sullivan; but did not move from his ground at flatbush, until the british right had approached the left and rear of the american line. in the mean time, in order the more effectually to draw their attention from the point where the grand attack was intended, the fleet was put in motion, and a heavy cannonade was commenced on the battery at red hook. about half past eight, the british right having then reached bedford, in the rear of sullivan's left, general de heister ordered colonel donop's corps to advance to the attack of the hill; following, himself, with the centre of the army. the approach of clinton was now discovered by the american left, which immediately endeavoured to regain the camp at brooklyn. while retiring from the woods by regiments, they encountered the front of the british. about the same time, the hessians advanced from flatbush, against that part of the detachment which occupied the direct road to brooklyn.[ ] here, general sullivan commanded in person; but he found it difficult to keep his troops together long enough to sustain the first attack. the firing heard towards bedford had disclosed the alarming fact that the british had turned their left flank, and were getting completely into their rear. perceiving at once the full danger of their situation, they sought to escape it by regaining the camp with the utmost possible celerity. the sudden rout of this party enabled de heister to detach a part of his force against those who were engaged near bedford. in that quarter, too, the americans were broken, and driven back into the woods; and the front of the column led by general clinton, continuing to move forward, intercepted and engaged those who were retreating along the direct road from flatbush. thus attacked both in front and rear, and alternately driven by the british on the hessians, and by the hessians back again on the british, a succession of skirmishes took place in the woods, in the course of which, some parts of corps forced their way through the enemy, and regained the lines of brooklyn, and several individuals saved themselves under cover of the woods; but a great proportion of the detachment was killed or taken. the fugitives were pursued up to the american works; and such is represented to have been the ardour of the british soldiers, that it required the authority of their cautious commander to prevent an immediate assault. [footnote : general howe's letter.] the fire towards brooklyn gave the first intimation to the american right, that the enemy had gained their rear. lord stirling perceived the danger, and that he could only escape it by retreating instantly across the creek. this movement was immediately directed; and, to secure it, his lordship determined to attack, in person, a british corps under lord cornwallis, stationed at a house rather above the place at which he intended to cross the creek. about four hundred men of smallwood's regiment were drawn out for this purpose, and the attack was made with great spirit. this small corps was brought up several times to the charge; and lord stirling stated that he was on the point of dislodging lord cornwallis from his post; but the force in his front increasing, and general grant also advancing on his rear, the brave men he commanded were no longer able to oppose the superior numbers which assailed them on every quarter; and those who survived were, with their general, made prisoners of war. this attempt, though unsuccessful, gave an opportunity to a large part of the detachment to save themselves by crossing the creek. the loss sustained by the american army in this battle could not be accurately ascertained by either party. numbers were supposed to have been drowned in the creek, or suffocated in the marsh, whose bodies were never found; and exact accounts from the militia are seldom to be obtained, as the list of the missing is always swelled by those who return to their homes. general washington did not admit it to exceed a thousand men; but in this estimate he must have included only the regular troops. in the letter written by general howe, the amount of prisoners is stated at one thousand and ninety-seven; among whom were major general sullivan, and brigadiers lord stirling and woodhull, by him named udell. he computes the loss of the americans at three thousand three hundred men; but his computation is probably excessive. he supposes, too, that the troops engaged on the heights, amounted to ten thousand; but they could not have much exceeded half that number. his own loss is stated at twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty-six privates; killed, wounded, and taken. as the action became warm, general washington passed over to the camp at brooklyn, where he saw, with inexpressible anguish, the destruction in which his best troops were involved, and from which it was impossible to extricate them. should he attempt any thing in their favour with the men remaining within the lines, it was probable the camp itself would be lost, and that whole division of his army destroyed. should he bring over the remaining battalions from new york, he would still be inferior in point of numbers; and his whole army, perhaps the fate of his country, might be staked on the issue of a single battle thus inauspiciously commenced. compelled to behold the carnage of his troops, without being able to assist them, his efforts were directed to the preservation of those which remained. {july .} believing the americans to be much stronger than they were in reality, and unwilling to commit any thing to hazard, general howe made no immediate attempt to force their lines. he encamped in front of them; and, on the twenty-eighth at night, broke ground in form, within six hundred yards of a redoubt on the left. {july .} in this critical state of things, general washington determined to withdraw from long island. this difficult movement was effected on the night of the twenty-eighth, with such silence, that all the troops and military stores, with the greater part of the provisions, and all the artillery, except such heavy pieces as could not be drawn through the roads, rendered almost impassable by the rains which had fallen, were carried over in safety. early next morning, the british out-posts perceived the rear guard crossing the east river, out of reach of their fire. from the commencement of the action on the morning of the twenty-seventh, until the american troops had crossed the east river on the morning of the twenty-ninth, the exertions and fatigues of the commander-in-chief were incessant. throughout that time, he never closed his eyes, and was almost constantly on horseback. the manner in which this critical operation was executed, and the circumstances under which it was performed, added greatly to the reputation of the american general, in the opinion of all military men. to withdraw, without loss, a defeated, dispirited, and undisciplined army from the view of an experienced and able officer, and to transport them in safety across a large river, while watched by a numerous and vigilant fleet, require talents of no ordinary kind; and the retreat from long island may justly be ranked among those skilful manoeuvres which distinguish a master in the art of war. the attempt to defend long island was so perilous in itself, and so disastrous in its issue, that it was condemned by many at the time, and is yet represented as a great error of the commander-in-chief. but, in deciding on the wisdom of measures, the event will not always lead to a correct judgment. before a just opinion can be formed, it is necessary to consider the previous state of things--to weigh the motives which induced the decision--and to compare the value of the object, and the probability of securing it, with the hazards attending the attempt. it was very desirable to preserve new york, if practicable; or, if that could not be done, to consume the campaign in the struggle for that place. the abandonment of long island, besides giving the enemy secure and immediate possession of an extensive and fertile country, would certainly facilitate the success of his attempt upon new york. it was therefore to be avoided, if possible. the impossibility of avoiding it was not evident until the battle was fought. it is true, that the american force on the island could not have been rendered equal, even in point of numbers, to that of the british; but, with the advantage of the defencible country through which the assailants were to pass, and of a fortified camp which could be attacked only on one side, hopes might be entertained, without the imputation of being oversanguine, of maintaining the position for a considerable time; and, ultimately, of selling it at a high price. this opinion is supported by the subsequent movements of general howe, who, even after the victory of the twenty-seventh, was unwilling to hazard an assault on the american works, without the co-operation of the fleet; but chose rather to carry them by regular approaches. nor would the situation of the troops on long island have been desperate, even in the event of a conjoint attack by land and water, before their strength and spirits were broken by the action of the twenty-seventh. the east river was guarded by strong batteries on both sides, and the entrance into it from the bay was defended by governor's island, which was fortified, and in which two regiments were stationed. the ships could not lie in that river, without first silencing those batteries--a work not easily accomplished. the aid of the fleet, therefore, could be given only at the point of time when a storm of the works should be intended; and when that should appear practicable, the troops might be withdrawn from the island. there was then considerable hazard in maintaining long island; but not so much as to demonstrate the propriety of relinquishing a post of such great importance, without a struggle. with more appearance of reason, the general has been condemned for not having guarded the road which leads over the hills from jamaica to bedford. the written instructions given to the officer commanding on long island, two days previous to the action, directed that the woods should be well guarded, and the approach of the enemy through them rendered as difficult as possible. but his numbers were not sufficient to furnish detachments for all the defiles through the mountains; and if a corps, capable of making an effectual resistance, had been posted on this road, and a feint had been made on it, while the principal attack was by the direct road from flatbush, or by that along the coast, the events of the day would probably have been not less disastrous. the columns marching directly from flatbush must, on every reasonable calculation, have been in possession of the plain in the rear of the detachment posted on the road from jamaica, so as to intercept its retreat to the camp. so great is the advantage of those who attack, in being able to choose the point against which to direct their grand effort. the most adviseable plan, then, appears to have been, to watch the motions of the enemy so as to be master of his designs; to oppose with a competent force every attempt to seize the heights; and to guard all the passes in such a manner as to receive notice of his approach through any one of them, in sufficient time to recall the troops maintaining the others. this plan was adopted--and the heavy disasters of the day are attributable, principally, to the failure of those charged with the execution of that very important part of it which related to the jamaica road. the letter of general howe states that an american patrolling party was taken on this road; and general washington, in a private and confidential communication to a friend, says, "this misfortune happened, in a great measure, by two detachments of our people who were posted in two roads leading through a wood, to intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a surprise, and making a precipitate retreat." the events of this day, too, exhibited a practical demonstration of a radical defect in the structure of the army. it did not contain a single corps of cavalry. that miscalculating economy which refuses the means essential to the end, was not sufficiently relaxed to admit of so expensive an establishment. had the general been furnished with a few troops of light-horse, to serve merely as videts, it is probable that the movement so decisive of the fate of the day could not have been made unnoticed. the troops on the lines do not appear to have observed the column which was withdrawn, on the evening of the twenty-sixth, from flatbush to flatland. had this important manoeuvre been communicated, it would, most probably, have turned the attention of general putnam, more particularly, to the jamaica road. it is to the want of videts, that a failure to obtain this important intelligence is to be ascribed. the necessity of changing the officer originally intrusted with the command, was also an unfortunate circumstance, which probably contributed to the event which happened. whatever causes might have led to this defeat, it gave a gloomy aspect to the affairs of america. heretofore, her arms had been frequently successful, and her soldiers had always manifested a great degree of intrepidity. a confidence in themselves, a persuasion of superiority over the enemy, arising from the goodness of their cause, and their early and habitual use of fire arms, had been carefully encouraged. this sentiment had been nourished by all their experience preceding this event. when they found themselves, by a course of evolutions in which they imagined they perceived a great superiority of military skill, encircled with unexpected dangers, from which no exertions could extricate them, their confidence in themselves and in their leaders was greatly diminished, and the approach of the enemy inspired the apprehension that some stratagem was concealed, from which immediate flight alone could preserve them. {september .} in a letter from general washington to congress, the state of the army after this event was thus feelingly described: "our situation is truly distressing. the check our detachment sustained on the th ultimo, has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. the militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regiments; in many, by half ones and by companies, at a time. this circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a well appointed enemy, superior in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable; but when it is added, that their example has infected another part of the army; that their want of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, have rendered a like conduct but too common in the whole; and have produced an entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary for the well doing of an army, and which had been before inculcated as well as the nature of our military establishment would admit of; our condition is still more alarming, and with the deepest concern i am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality of the troops. "all these circumstances fully confirm the opinion i ever entertained, and which i, more than once, in my letters, took the liberty of mentioning to congress, that no dependence could be placed in a militia, or other troops than those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our regulations have hitherto prescribed. i am persuaded, and am as fully convinced as of any one fact that has happened, that our liberties must, of necessity, be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, if their defence be left to any but a permanent army." [sidenote: fruitless negotiations.] the first use made by lord howe of the victory of the th of august, was to avail himself of the impression it had probably made on congress, by opening a negotiation in conformity with his powers as a commissioner. for this purpose, general sullivan was sent on parole to philadelphia, with a verbal message, the import of which was, "that though he could not at present treat with congress as a political body, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of its members, whom he would consider, for the present, only as private gentlemen, and meet them as such at any place they would appoint. "that, in conjunction with general howe, he had full powers to compromise the dispute between great britain and america, on terms advantageous to both; the obtaining of which detained him near two months in england, and prevented his arrival in new york before the declaration of independence took place. "that he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could allege being compelled to enter into such agreement. "that in case congress were disposed to treat, many things which they had not as yet asked, might, and ought to be granted them; and that if, upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of congress must be afterwards acknowledged--otherwise the compact would not be complete." this proposition was not without its embarrassments. its rejection would give some countenance to the opinion, that, if independence were waved, a restoration of the ancient connexion between the two countries, on principles formerly deemed constitutional, was still practicable; an opinion which would have an unfavourable effect on the public sentiment. on the other hand, to enter into a negotiation under such circumstances, might excite a suspicion, that their determination to maintain the independence they had declared, was not immoveable; and that things were in such a situation, as to admit of some relaxation in the measures necessary for the defence of the country. the answer given to lord howe, through general sullivan, was, "that congress, being the representatives of the free and independent states of america, can not, with propriety, send any of its members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by congress for that purpose, on behalf of america; and what that authority is;--and to hear such propositions as he shall think proper to make, respecting the same." the president was, at the same time, directed to communicate to general washington the opinion of congress, that no propositions for making peace "ought to be received or attended to, unless the same be made in writing, and addressed to the representatives of the united states in congress, or persons authorized by them: and if applications on that subject be made to him by any of the commanders of the british forces, that he inform them, that these united states, who entered into the war only for the defence of their lives and liberties, will cheerfully agree to peace on reasonable terms, whenever such shall be proposed to them in manner aforesaid." it is worthy of remark, that, in these resolutions, congress preserves the appearance of insisting on the independence of the united states, without declaring it to be the indispensable condition of peace. mr. franklin, mr. john adams, and mr. edward rutledge, all zealous supporters of independence, were appointed "to receive the communications of lord howe." they waited on his lordship; and, on their return, reported, that he had received them on the th of september, on staten island, opposite to amboy, with great politeness. he opened the conversation by acquainting them, that though he could not treat with them as a committee of congress, yet, as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the two countries, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with them on that subject; if they thought themselves at liberty to enter into a conference with him in that character. the committee observed to his lordship, that, as their business was to hear, he might consider them in what light he pleased, and communicate to them any propositions he might be authorized to make for the purpose mentioned; but that they could consider themselves in no other character than that in which they were placed by order of congress. his lordship then proceeded to open his views at some length. he offered peace only on the condition that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the british crown. he made no explicit propositions as inducements to this measure, but gave assurances that there was a good disposition in the king and his ministers to make the government easy to them, with intimations that, in case of submission, the offensive acts of parliament would be revised, and the instructions to the governors reconsidered; so that, if any just causes of complaint were found in the acts, or any errors in government were found to have crept into the instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn. the committee gave it as their opinion to his lordship, that a return to the domination of great britain was not now to be expected. they mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the colonies to the king and parliament, which had been treated with contempt, and answered only by additional injuries; the unexampled patience which had been shown under their tyrannical government; and that it was not until the late act of parliament, which denounced war against them, and put them out of the king's protection, that they declared their independence; that this declaration had been called for by the people of the colonies in general, and that every colony had approved it when made,--and all now considered themselves as independent states, and were settling, or had settled, their governments accordingly; so that it was not in the power of congress to agree for them that they should return to their former dependent state; that there was no doubt of their inclination for peace, and their willingness to enter into a treaty with britain, that might be advantageous to both countries; that though his lordship had, at present, no power to treat with them as independent states, he might, if there was the same good disposition in britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from his government, for that purpose, than powers could be obtained by congress, from the several colonies, to consent to a submission. his lordship then expressed his regret that no accommodation was like to take place, and put an end to the conference. these fruitless negotiations produced no suspension of hostilities. the british army, now in full possession of long island, was posted from bedford to hurlgate; and thus fronted and threatened york island from its extreme southern point, to the part opposite the northern boundary of long island, a small distance below the heights of haerlem; comprehending a space of about nine miles. the two armies were divided only by the east river, which is generally less than a mile wide. {september .} immediately after the victory at brooklyn, dispositions were made by the enemy to attack new york, and a part of the fleet sailed round long island, and appeared in the sound. two frigates passed up the east river, without receiving any injury from the batteries, and anchored behind a small island which protected them from the american artillery. at the same time, the main body of the fleet lay at anchor close in with governor's island, from which the american troops had been withdrawn, ready to pass up either the north or east river, or both, and act against any part of york island. these movements indicated a disposition, not to make an attack directly on new york, as had been expected, but to land near kingsbridge, and take a position which would cut off the communication of the american army with the country. aware of the danger of his situation, general washington began to remove such stores as were not immediately necessary; and called a council of general officers for the purpose of deciding, whether new york should be evacuated without delay, or longer defended. in his letter communicating to congress the result of this council, which was against an immediate evacuation, he manifested a conviction of the necessity of that measure, though he yielded to that necessity with reluctance. speaking of the enemy, he observed, "it is now extremely obvious from their movements, from our intelligence, and from every other circumstance, that, having their whole army upon long island, except about four thousand men who remain on staten island, they mean to enclose us in this island, by taking post in our rear, while their ships effectually secure the front; and thus, by cutting off our communication with the country, oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or surrender at discretion; or, if that shall be deemed more adviseable, by a brilliant stroke endeavour to cut this army to pieces, and secure the possession of arms and stores, which they well know our inability to replace. "having their system unfolded to us, it becomes an important consideration how it could be most successfully opposed. on every side there is a choice of difficulties, and experience teaches us, that every measure on our part (however painful the reflection) must be taken with some apprehension, that all our troops will not do their duty. "in deliberating upon this great question," he added, "it was impossible to forget that history, our own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the declarations of congress, demonstrate that, on our side, the war should be defensive;--(it has ever been called a war of posts;)--that we should, on all occasions, avoid a general action, nor put any thing to the risk, unless compelled by necessity, into which we ought never to be drawn." after communicating the decision which had been made by the council of officers, he stated the opinion of those who were in favour of an immediate evacuation with such force, as to confirm the belief that it remained his own. the majority, who overruled this opinion, did not expect to be able to defend the city, permanently, but to defer the time of losing it, in the hope of wasting so much of the campaign, before general howe could obtain possession of it, as to prevent his undertaking any thing farther until the following year. they therefore advised a middle course between abandoning the town absolutely, and concentrating their whole strength for its defence. this was, to form the army into three divisions; one of which should remain in new york; the second be stationed at kingsbridge, and the third occupy the intermediate space, so as to support either extreme. the sick were to be immediately removed to orange town. a belief that congress was inclined to maintain new york at every hazard, and a dread of the unfavourable impression which its evacuation might make on the people, seem to have had great influence in producing the determination to defend the place yet a short time longer. {september .} this opinion was soon changed. the movements of the british general indicated clearly an intention either to break their line of communication, or to enclose the whole army in york island. his dispositions were alike calculated to favour the one or the other of those objects. the general, who had continued to employ himself assiduously in the removal of the military stores to a place of safety,[ ] called a second council to deliberate on the farther defence of the city, which determined, by a large majority, that it had become not only prudent, but absolutely necessary to withdraw the army from new york. [footnote : he had, on the first appearance of the enemy in force before new york urged the removal of the women and children, with their most valuable effects, to a place of safety.] {september .} in consequence of this determination, brigadier general mercer, who commanded the flying camp on the jersey shore, was directed to move up the north river, to the post opposite fort washington; and every effort was used to expedite the removal of the stores. on the morning of the fifteenth, three ships of war proceeded up the north river as high as bloomingdale; a movement which entirely stopped the farther removal of stores by water. about eleven on the same day, sir henry clinton, with a division of four thousand men who had embarked at the head of new town bay, where they had lain concealed from the view of the troops posted on york island, proceeded through that bay into the east river, which he crossed; and, under cover of the fire of five men of war, landed at a place called kipp's bay, about three miles above new york. [sidenote: new york evacuated.] the works thrown up to oppose a landing at this place, were of considerable strength, and capable of being defended for some time; but the troops stationed in them abandoned them without waiting to be attacked, and fled with precipitation. on the commencement of the cannonade, general washington ordered the brigades of parsons and fellowes to the support of the troops posted in the lines, and rode himself towards the scene of action. the panic of those who had fled from the works was communicated to the troops ordered to sustain them; and the commander-in-chief had the extreme mortification to meet the whole party retreating in the utmost disorder, totally regardless of the great efforts made by their generals to stop their disgraceful flight. whilst general washington was exerting himself to rally them, a small corps of the enemy appeared; and they again broke and fled in confusion. the only part to be taken was immediately to withdraw the few remaining troops from new york, and to secure the posts on the heights. for this latter purpose, the lines were instantly manned; but no attempt was made to force them. the retreat from new york was effected with an inconsiderable loss of men, sustained in a skirmish at bloomingdale; but all the heavy artillery, and a large portion of the baggage, provisions, and military stores, much of which might have been saved had the post at kipp's bay been properly defended, were unavoidably abandoned. in this shameful day, one colonel, one captain, three subalterns, and ten privates were killed: one lieutenant colonel, one captain, and one hundred and fifty-seven privates were missing. the unsoldierly conduct displayed on this occasion was not attributable to a want of personal courage, but to other causes. the apprehensions excited by the defeat on long island had not yet subsided; nor had the american troops recovered their confidence either in themselves or in their commanders. their situation appeared to themselves to be perilous; and they had not yet acquired that temper which teaches the veteran to do his duty wherever he may be placed; to assure himself that others will do their duty likewise; and to rely that those, who take into view the situation of the whole, will not expose him to useless hazard; or neglect those precautions which the safety and advantage of the whole may require. unfortunately, there existed in a great part of the army, several causes, in addition to the shortness of enlistments and reliance on militia, which were but too operative in obstructing the progress of these military sentiments. in new england, whence the supplies of men had been principally drawn, the zeal excited by the revolution had taken such a direction, as in a great degree to abolish those distinctions between the platoon officers and the soldiers, which are indispensable to the formation of an army suited to all the purposes of war. it has been already said that these officers, who constitute an important part of every army, were, in many companies, elected by the privates. of consequence, a disposition to associate with them on the footing of equality, was a recommendation of more weight, and frequently conduced more to the choice, than individual merit. gentlemen of high rank have stated that, in some instances, men were elected, who agreed to put their pay in a common stock with that of the soldiers, and divide equally with them. it is not cause of wonder, that among such officers, the most disgraceful and unmilitary practices should frequently prevail; and that the privates should not respect them sufficiently, to acquire habits of obedience and subordination. this vital defect had been in some degree remedied, in new modelling the army before boston; but it still existed to a fatal extent. {september .} having taken possession of new york, general howe stationed a few troops in the town; and, with the main body of his army, encamped on the island near the american lines. his right was at horen's hook on the east river, and his left reached the north river near bloomingdale; so that his encampment extended quite across the island, which is, in this place, scarcely two miles wide; and both his flanks were covered by his ships. the strongest point of the american lines was at kingsbridge, both sides of which had been carefully fortified. m'gowan's pass, and morris's heights were also occupied in considerable force, and rendered capable of being defended against superior numbers. a strong detachment was posted in an intrenched camp on the heights of haerlem, within about a mile and a half of the british lines. the present position of the armies favoured the views of the american general. he wished to habituate his soldiers, by a series of successful skirmishes, to meet the enemy in the field; and he persuaded himself that his detachments, knowing a strong intrenched camp to be immediately in their rear, would engage without apprehension, would soon display their native courage, and would speedily regain the confidence they had lost. opportunities to make the experiments he wished were soon afforded. the day after the retreat from new york, the british appeared in considerable force in the plains between the two camps; and the general immediately rode to his advanced posts, in order to make in person such arrangements as this movement might require. soon after his arrival, lieutenant colonel knowlton of connecticut, who, at the head of a corps of rangers, had been skirmishing with this party, came in, and stated their numbers on conjecture at about three hundred men; the main body being concealed in a wood. the general ordered colonel knowlton with his rangers, and major leitch with three companies of the third virginia regiment, which had joined the army only the preceding day, to gain their rear, while he amused them with the appearance of making dispositions to attack their front. [sidenote: skirmish on the heights of haerlem.] this plan succeeded. the british ran eagerly down a hill, in order to possess themselves of some fences and bushes, which presented an advantageous position against the party expected in front; and a firing commenced--but at too great a distance to do any execution. in the mean time, colonel knowlton, not being precisely acquainted with their new position, made his attack rather on their flank than rear; and a warm action ensued. in a short time, major leitch, who had led the detachment with great intrepidity, was brought off the ground mortally wounded, having received three balls through his body; and soon afterwards the gallant colonel knowlton also fell. not discouraged by the loss of their field officers, the captains maintained their ground, and continued the action with great animation. the british were reinforced; and general washington ordered some detachments from the adjacent regiments of new england and maryland, to the support of the americans. thus reinforced, they made a gallant charge, drove the enemy out of the wood into the plain, and were pressing him still farther, when the general, content with the present advantage, called back his troops to their intrenchments.[ ] [footnote : the author received the account of this skirmish from the colonel of the third virginia regiment, and from the captains commanding the companies that were engaged.] in this sharp conflict, the loss of the americans, in killed and wounded, did not exceed fifty men. the british lost more than double that number. but the real importance of the affair was derived from its operation on the spirits of the whole army. it was the first success they had obtained during this campaign; and its influence was very discernible. to give it the more effect, the parole the next day was leitch; and the general, in his orders, publicly thanked the troops under the command of that officer, who had first advanced on the enemy, and the others who had so resolutely supported them. he contrasted their conduct with that which had been exhibited the day before; and the result, he said, evidenced what might be done where officers and soldiers would exert themselves. once more, therefore, he called upon them so to act, as not to disgrace the noble cause in which they were engaged. he appointed a successor to "the gallant and brave colonel knowlton, who would," he said, "have been an honour to any country, and who had fallen gloriously, fighting at his post." in this active part of the campaign, when the utmost stretch of every faculty was required, to watch and counteract the plans of a skilful and powerful enemy, the effects of the original errors committed by the government, in its military establishment, were beginning to be so seriously felt, as to compel the commander-in-chief to devote a portion of his time and attention to the complete removal of the causes which produced them. the situation of america was becoming extremely critical. the almost entire dissolution of the existing army, by the expiration of the time for which the greater number of the troops had been engaged, was fast approaching. no steps had been taken to recruit the new regiments which congress had resolved to raise for the ensuing campaign; and there was much reason to apprehend, that in the actual state of things, the terms offered would not hold forth sufficient inducements to fill them. {september .} [sidenote: letter on the state of the army.] with so unpromising a prospect before him, the general found himself pressed by an army, permanent in its establishment, supplied with every requisite of war, formidable for its discipline and the experience of its leaders, and superior to him in numbers. these circumstances, and the impressions they created, will be best exhibited by an extract from a letter written at the time to congress. it is in these words: "from the hours allotted to sleep, i will borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts, on sundry important matters, to congress. i shall offer them with that sincerity which ought to characterize a man of candour; and with the freedom which may be used in giving useful information, without incurring the imputation of presumption. "we are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of our army. the remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon that occasion last year; the consequences which might have followed the change, if proper advantages had been taken by the enemy; added to a knowledge of the present temper and disposition of the troops; reflect but a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things now, and satisfy me, beyond the possibility of doubt, that unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost. "it is in vain to expect that any, or more than a trifling part of this army, will engage again in the service, on the encouragement offered by congress. when men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more dollars, for a few months service, (which is truly the case,) this can not be expected, without using compulsion; and to force them into the service would answer no valuable purpose. when men are irritated, and their passions inflamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms; but after the first emotions are over, to expect among such people as compose the bulk of an army, that they are influenced by any other motives than those of interest, is to look for what never did, and i fear never will happen; the congress will deceive themselves therefore if they expect it. "a soldier, reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with patience, and acknowledges the truth of your observations; but adds, that it is of no more consequence to him than to others. the officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him, and he can not ruin himself and family to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally benefited and interested by his labours. the few, therefore, who act upon principles of disinterestedness, are, comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in the ocean. it becomes evidently clear, then, that as this contest is not likely to become the work of a day; as the war must be carried on systematically; and to do it, you must have good officers; there is, in my judgment, no other possible means to obtain them, but by establishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your officers good pay. this will induce gentlemen, and men of character, to engage; and, until the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons as are actuated by principles of honour and a spirit of enterprise, you have little to expect from them. they ought to have such allowances as will enable them to live like, and support the character of gentlemen; and not be driven by a scanty pittance to the low and dirty arts which many of them practise, to filch the public of more than the difference of pay would amount to, upon an ample allowance. besides, something is due to the man who puts his life in your hands, hazards his health, and forsakes the sweets of domestic enjoyments. why a captain in the continental service should receive no more than five shillings currency per day, for performing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the british service receives ten shillings sterling for, i never could conceive; especially, when the latter is provided with every necessary he requires, upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure them at any rate. there is nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a support that renders him independent of every body but the state he serves. "with respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent establishment, and for no shorter time than the continuance of the war ought they to be engaged; as facts incontestably prove that the difficulty and cost of enlistments increase with time. when the army was first raised at cambridge, i am persuaded the men might have been got, without a bounty, for the war: after that, they began to see that the contest was not likely to end so speedily as was imagined, and to feel their consequence, by remarking, that to get their militia, in the course of the last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty. foreseeing the evils resulting from this, and the destructive consequences which would unavoidably follow short enlistments, i took the liberty, in a long letter, (date not now recollected, as my letter book is not here,) to recommend the enlistments for and during the war, assigning such reasons for it, as experience has since convinced me, were well founded. at that time, twenty dollars would, i am persuaded, have engaged the men for this term: but it will not do to look back--and if the present opportunity is slipped, i am persuaded that twelve months more will increase our difficulties four fold. i shall therefore take the liberty of giving it as my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately offered, aided by the proffer of at least a hundred, or a hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes, and a blanket, to each non-commissioned officer and soldier, as i have good authority for saying, that however high the men's pay may appear, it is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less to afford support to their families. if this encouragement, then, is given to the men, and such pay allowed to the officers, as will induce gentlemen of liberal character and liberal sentiments to engage; and proper care and caution be used in the nomination, (having more regard to the characters of persons than the number of men they can enlist,) we should, in a little time, have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one out of: but whilst the only merit an officer possesses is his ability to raise men; whilst those men consider and treat him as an equal, and in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, being mixed together as one common herd; no order nor discipline can prevail, nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination. "to place any dependence upon militia, is assuredly resting upon a broken staff. men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life; unaccustomed to the din of arms; totally unacquainted with every kind of military skill, which, being followed by a want of confidence in themselves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, disciplined, and appointed--superior in knowledge, and superior in arms--makes them timid, and ready to fly from their own shadows. besides, the sudden change in their manner of living, particularly in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impatience in all; and such an unconquerable desire of returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into others. again, men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no control, can not brook the restraint which is indispensably necessary to the good order and government of an army; without which, licentiousness, and every kind of disorder, triumphantly reign. to bring men to a proper degree of subordination, is not the work of a day, a month, or a year; and unhappily for us, and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline i have been labouring to establish in the army under my immediate command, is in a manner done away by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few months." the frequent remonstrances of the commander-in-chief; the opinions of all military men; and the severe, but correcting hand of experience, had at length produced some effect on the government of the union;--and soon after the defeat on long island, congress had directed the committee composing the board of war, to prepare a plan of operations for the next succeeding campaign. their report proposed a permanent army, to be enlisted for the war, and to be raised by the several states, in proportion to their ability. a bounty of twenty dollars was offered to each recruit; and small portions of land to every officer and soldier. {october .} the resolutions adopting this report were received by the commander-in-chief soon after the transmission of the foregoing letter. believing the inducements they held forth for the completion of the army to be still insufficient, he, in his letter acknowledging the receipt of them, urged in the most serious terms, the necessity of raising the pay of the officers, and the bounty offered to recruits. "give me leave to say, sir," he observed, "i say it with due deference and respect, (and my knowledge of the facts, added to the importance of the cause, and the stake i hold it in, must justify the freedom,) that your affairs are in a more unpromising way than you seem to apprehend. "your army, as mentioned in my last, is upon the eve of political dissolution. true it is, you have voted a larger one in lieu of it; but the season is late, and there is a material difference between voting battalions, and raising men. in the latter, there are more difficulties than congress seem aware of; which makes it my duty (as i have been informed of the prevailing sentiments of this army) to inform them, that unless the pay of the officers (especially that of the field officers) is raised, the chief part of those that are worth retaining will leave the service at the expiration of the present term; as the soldiers will also, if some greater encouragement is not offered them, than twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land." after urging in strong terms the necessity of a more liberal compensation to the army, and stating that the british were actually raising a regiment with a bounty of ten pounds sterling for each recruit, he added, "when the pay and establishment of an officer once become objects of interested attention, the sloth, negligence, and even disobedience of orders, which at this time but too generally prevail, will be purged off;--but while the service is viewed with indifference; while the officer conceives that he is rather conferring than receiving an obligation: there will be a total relaxation of all order and discipline; and every thing will move heavily on, to the great detriment of the service, and inexpressible trouble and vexation of the general. "the critical situation of our affairs at this time will justify my saying, that no time is to be lost in making fruitless experiments. an unavailing trial of a month, to get an army upon the terms proposed, may render it impracticable to do it at all, and prove fatal to our cause; as i am not sure whether any rubs in the way of our enlistments, or unfavourable turn in our affairs, may not prove the means of the enemy's recruiting men faster than we do." after stating at large the confusion and delay, inseparable from the circumstance that the appointments for the new army were to be made by the states, the letter proceeds, "upon the present plan, i plainly foresee an intervention of time between the old and new army, which must be filled with militia, if to be had, with whom no man, who has any regard for his own reputation, can undertake to be answerable for consequences. i shall also be mistaken in my conjectures, if we do not lose the most valuable officers in this army, under the present mode of appointing them; consequently, if we have an army at all, it will be composed of materials not only entirely raw, but, if uncommon pains are not taken, entirely unfit: and i see such a distrust and jealousy of military power, that the commander-in-chief has not an opportunity, even by recommendation, to give the least assurance of reward for the most essential services. "in a word, such a cloud of perplexing circumstances appears before me, without one flattering hope, that i am thoroughly convinced, unless the most vigorous and decisive exertions are immediately adopted to remedy these evils, the certain and absolute loss of our liberties will be the inevitable consequence: as one unhappy stroke will throw a powerful weight into the scale against us, and enable general howe to recruit his army, as fast as we shall ours; numbers being disposed, and many actually doing so already. some of the most probable remedies, and such as experience has brought to my more intimate knowledge, i have taken the liberty to point out; the rest i beg leave to submit to the consideration of congress. "i ask pardon for taking up so much of their time with my opinions, but i should betray that trust which they and my country have reposed in me, were i to be silent upon matters so extremely interesting." on receiving this very serious letter, congress passed resolutions conforming to many of its suggestions. the pay of the officers was raised, and a suit of clothes allowed annually to each soldier: the legislatures of the states having troops in the continental service, either at new york, ticonderoga, or new jersey, were requested to depute committees to those places in order to officer the regiments on the new establishment: and it was recommended to the committees to consult the general on the subject of appointments. [illustration: washington's headquarters at white plains _here, twenty-two miles northeast of new york city, washington made his headquarters in october, , and directed the battle of white plains or chatterton hill. opposed to the american forces was a british army, greatly superior in numbers, under general howe, whose delay in attaching the americans enabled washington to take up an unassailable position at north castle, preparatory to his subsequent masterly retreat across new jersey._] chapter vi. the british land at frog's neck.... the american army evacuates york island, except fort washington.... both armies move towards the white plains.... battle of the white plains.... the british army returns to kingsbridge.... general washington crosses the north river.... the lines of fort washington carried by the british, and the garrison made prisoners.... evacuation of fort lee.... weakness of the american army.... ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.... general washington retreats through jersey.... general washington crosses the delaware.... danger of philadelphia.... capture of general lee.... the british go into winter quarters.... battle of trenton.... of princeton.... firmness of congress. { } {october .} the armies did not long retain their position on york island. general howe was sensible of the strength of the american camp, and was not disposed to force it. his plan was to compel general washington to abandon it, or to give battle in a situation in which a defeat must be attended with the total destruction of his army. with this view, after throwing up entrenchments on m'gowan's hill for the protection of new york, he determined to gain the rear of the american camp, by the new england road, and also to possess himself of the north river above kingsbridge. to assure himself of the practicability of acquiring the command of the river, three frigates passed up it under the fire from fort washington, and from the opposite post on the jersey shore, afterwards called fort lee, without sustaining any injury from the batteries, or being impeded by the chevaux-de-frise which had been sunk in the channel between those forts. {twelfth.} [sidenote: the enemy land at frog's neck.] this point being ascertained, he embarked a great part of his army on board flat bottomed boats, and, passing through hurl gate into the sound, landed at frog's neck, about nine miles from the camp on the heights of haerlem. in consequence of this movement, washington strengthened the post at kingsbridge, and detached some regiments to west chester for the purpose of skirmishing with the enemy, so soon as he should march from the ground he occupied. the road from frog's point to kingsbridge leads through a strong country, intersected by numerous stone fences, so as to render it difficult to move artillery, or even infantry, in compact columns, except along the main road, which had been broken up in several places. the general, therefore, entertained sanguine hopes of the event, should a direct attack be made on his camp. general howe continued some days waiting for his artillery, military stores, and reinforcements from staten island, which were detained by unfavourable winds. {october .} [sidenote: the american army evacuates york island except fort washington.] in the mean time, as the habits of thinking in america required that every important measure should be the result of consultation, and should receive the approbation of a majority, the propriety of removing the american army from its present situation was submitted to a council of the general officers. after much investigation, it was declared to be impracticable, without a change of position, to keep up their communication with the country, and avoid being compelled to fight under great disadvantages, or to surrender themselves prisoners of war. general lee, who had just arrived from the south, and whose experience as well as late success gave great weight to his opinions, urged the necessity of this movement with much earnestness. it was, at the same time, determined to hold fort washington, and to defend it as long as possible. a resolution of congress of the th of october, desiring general washington, by every art and expense, to obstruct, if possible, the navigation of the river, contributed, not inconsiderably, to this determination. in pursuance of this opinion of the military council, measures were taken for moving the army up the north river, so as to extend its front, or left, towards the white plains, beyond the british right, and thus keep open its communication with the country. the right, or rear division, remained a few days longer about kingsbridge under the command of general lee, for the security of the heavy baggage and military stores, which, in consequence of the difficulty of obtaining wagons, could be but slowly removed. {october .} general howe, after uniting his forces at pell's point, moved forward his whole army, except four brigades destined for the defence of new york, through pelham's manor, towards new rochelle. some skirmishes took place on the march with a part of glover's brigade, in which the conduct of the americans was mentioned with satisfaction by the commander-in-chief; and, as general howe took post at new rochelle, a village on the sound, general washington occupied the heights between that place and the north river. {october .} [sidenote: both armies move towards the white plains.] at new rochelle, the british army was joined by the second division of germans, under the command of general knyphausen, and by an incomplete regiment of cavalry from ireland; some of whom had been captured on their passage. both armies now moved towards the white plains, a strong piece of ground already occupied by a detachment of militia. the main body of the american troops formed a long line of entrenched camps, extending from twelve to thirteen miles, on the different heights from valentine's hill, near kingsbridge, to the white plains, fronting the british line of march, and the brunx, which divided the two armies. the motions of general howe were anxiously watched, not only for the purposes of security, and of avoiding a general action, but in order to seize any occasion which might present itself of engaging his out-posts with advantage. while the british army lay at new rochelle, the position of a corps of american loyalists commanded by major rogers was supposed to furnish such an occasion. he was advanced, farther eastward, to mamaraneck, on the sound, where he was believed to be covered by the other troops. an attempt was made to surprise him in the night, by a detachment which should pass between him and the main body of the british army, and, by a coup de main, bear off his whole corps. major rogers was surprised, and about sixty of his regiment killed and taken. the loss of the americans was only two killed, and eight or ten wounded; among the latter was major green of virginia, a brave officer, who led the detachment, and who received a ball through his body. not long afterwards, a regiment of pennsylvania riflemen, under colonel hand, engaged an equal number of hessian chasseurs, with some advantage. the caution of the english general was increased by these evidences of enterprise in his adversary. his object seems to have been to avoid skirmishes, and to bring on a general action, if that could be effected under favourable circumstances; if not, he calculated on nearly all the advantages of a victory from the approaching dissolution of the american army. he proceeded therefore slowly. his march was in close order, his encampments compact, and well guarded with artillery; and the utmost circumspection was used to leave no vulnerable point. {october .} as the sick and baggage reached a place of safety, general washington gradually drew in his out-posts, and took possession of the heights on the east side of the brunx, fronting the head of the british columns, at the distance of seven or eight miles from them. the next day, he was joined by general lee, who, after securing the sick and the baggage, had, with considerable address, brought up the rear division of the army; an operation the more difficult as the deficiency of teams was such that a large portion of the labour usually performed by horses or oxen, devolved on men. general washington was encamped on high broken ground, with his right flank on the brunx. this stream meandered so as also to cover the front of his right wing, which extended along the road leading towards new rochelle, as far as the brow of the hill where his centre was posted. his left, which formed almost a right angle with his centre, and was nearly parallel to his right, extended along the hills northward, so as to keep possession of the commanding ground, and secure a retreat, should it be necessary, to a still stronger position in his rear. on the right of the army, and on the west side of the brunx, about one mile from camp, on a road leading from the north river, was a hill, of which general m'dougal was ordered to take possession, for the purpose of covering the right flank. his detachment consisted of about sixteen hundred men, principally militia; and his communication with the main army was open, that part of the brunx being passable without difficulty. intrenchments were thrown up to strengthen the lines. general howe, having made arrangements to attack washington in his camp, advanced early in the morning in two columns, the right commanded by sir henry clinton, and the left by general knyphausen; and, about ten, his van appeared in full view, on which a cannonade commenced without much execution on either side. {october .} [sidenote: battle of the white plains.] the british right formed behind a rising ground, about a mile in front of the american camp, and extending from the road leading from mamaraneck towards the brunx, stood opposed to the american centre. on viewing washington's situation, howe, who accompanied knyphausen, determined to carry the hill occupied by m'dougal, as preliminary to an attack on the centre and right of the american camp. he therefore directed colonel rawle, with a brigade of hessians, to cross the brunx and make a circuit so as to turn m'dougal's right flank, while brigadier general leslie, with a strong corps of british and hessian troops should attack him in front. when rawle had gained his position, the detachment commanded by leslie also crossed the brunx, and commenced a vigorous attack.[ ] the militia in the front line immediately fled; but the regulars maintained their ground with great gallantry. colonel smallwood's regiment of maryland, and colonel reitzimer's of new york, advanced boldly towards the foot of the hill to meet leslie, but, after a sharp encounter, were overpowered by numbers, and compelled to retreat. general leslie then attacked the remaining part of m'dougal's forces, who were soon driven from the hill, but kept up for some time an irregular fire from the stone walls about the scene of action. general putnam, with real's brigade, was ordered to support them; but not having arrived till the hill was lost, the attempt to regain it was deemed unadviseable, and the troops retreated to the main army. [footnote : general howe's letter.] in this animated engagement, the loss was supposed to be nearly equal. that of the americans was between three and four hundred in killed, wounded, and taken. colonel smallwood was among the wounded. general washington continued in his lines expecting an assault. but a considerable part of the day having been exhausted in gaining the hill which had been occupied by m'dougal, the meditated attempt on his intrenchments was postponed until the next morning; and the british army lay on their arms the following night, in order of battle, on the ground taken during the day. {october .} this interval was employed by general washington in strengthening his works, removing his sick and baggage, and preparing for the expected attack by adopting the arrangement of his troops to the existing state of things. his left maintained its position; but his right was drawn back to stronger ground. perceiving this, and being unwilling to leave any thing to hazard, howe resolved to postpone farther offensive operations, until lord percy should arrive with four battalions from new york, and two from mamaraneck. this reinforcement was received on the evening of the thirtieth, and preparations were then made to force the american intrenchments the next morning. in the night, and during the early part of the succeeding day, a violent rain still farther postponed the assault. having now removed his provisions and heavy baggage to much stronger ground, and apprehending that the british general, whose left wing extended along the height, taken from m'dougal, to his rear, might turn his camp, and occupy the strong ground to which he designed to retreat, should an attempt on his lines prove successful, general washington changed his position in the night, and withdrew to the heights of north castle, about five miles from the white plains. {november .} deeming this position too strong to be attempted with prudence, general howe determined to change his plan of operations, and to give a new direction to his efforts.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] while forts washington and lee were held by the americans, his movements were checked, and york island insecure. with a view to the acquisition of these posts, he directed general knyphausen to take possession of kingsbridge, which was defended by a small party of americans placed in fort independence. on his approach, this party retreated to fort washington; and knyphausen encamped between that place and kingsbridge. {november .} [sidenote: the british army returns to kingsbridge.] in the mean time, general howe retired slowly down the north river. his designs were immediately penetrated by the american general, who perceived the necessity of passing a part of his army into jersey, but was restrained from immediately leaving the strong ground he occupied by the apprehension that his adversary might, in that event, return suddenly and gain his rear. a council of war was called, which determined unanimously, that, should general howe continue his march towards new york, all the troops raised on the west side of the hudson should cross that river, to be afterwards followed by those raised in the eastern part of the continent, leaving three thousand men for the defence of the highlands about the north river. in a letter to congress communicating this movement of the british army, and this determination of the council, the general said, "i can not indulge the idea that general howe, supposing him to be going to new york, means to close the campaign, and to sit down without attempting something more. i think it highly probable, and almost certain, that he will make a descent with part of his troops into the jerseys; and, as soon as i am satisfied that the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, i shall use all the means in my power to forward a part of our force to counteract his designs. "i expect the enemy will bend their force against fort washington, and invest it immediately. from some advices, it is an object that will attract their earliest attention." he also addressed a letter to the governor of new jersey, expressing a decided opinion that general howe would not content himself with investing fort washington, but would invade the jerseys; and urging him to put the militia in the best possible condition to reinforce the army, and to take the place of the new levies, who could not, he suggested, be depended on to continue in service one day longer than the first of december, the time for which they were engaged. immediate intelligence of this movement was likewise given to general greene, who commanded in the jerseys; and his attention was particularly pointed to fort washington. as the british army approached kingsbridge, three ships of war passed up the north river, notwithstanding the fire from forts washington and lee, and notwithstanding the additional obstructions which had been placed in the channel. {november .} on being informed of this, another letter was addressed to general greene, stating that this fact was so plain a proof of the inefficacy of all the obstructions thrown in the river, as to justify a change in the dispositions which had been made. "if," continued the letter, "we can not prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post from which the expected benefit can not be derived? i am therefore inclined to think it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at mount washington; but as you are on the spot, i leave it to you to give such orders respecting the evacuation of the place, as you may think most adviseable; and so far revoke the orders given to colonel magaw to defend it to the last." measures were now taken to cross the north river with the troops which had been raised on its western side, and general washington determined to accompany that division of the army. the eastern regiments remained on the eastern side of the river, under the command of general lee, with orders to join the commander-in-chief, should the british army cross the hudson. [sidenote: and general washington with a part of his army crosses the north river.] after visiting the posts about peekskill, and making all the arrangements in his power for their defence, general washington passed the north river in the rear of the troops designed to act in the jerseys, and proceeded to the quarters of general greene, near fort lee. from too great a confidence[ ] in the strength of fort washington, and a conviction of its importance, general greene had not withdrawn its garrison under the discretionary orders he had received, but still indulged a hope that the post might be maintained, or, should its situation become desperate, that means might be found to transport the troops across the river to the jersey shore, which was defended by fort lee. [footnote : extract of a letter from general greene, dated september th, . "remember the effect that the loss of the garrison of fort washington had; there were men enough to have defended themselves against all the army had they not been struck with a panic; but, being most of them irregular troops, they lost their confidence when the danger began to grow pressing, and so fell a prey to their own fears."--_life of greene_, v. , p. .] mount washington is a high piece of rocky ground, near the north river, very difficult of ascent, especially towards the north, or kingsbridge. the fort was capable of containing about one thousand men; but the lines and out-works, which were chiefly on the southern side, towards new york, were drawn quite across the island. the ground was naturally strong, the approaches difficult, and the fortifications, though not sufficient to resist heavy artillery, were believed to be in a condition to resist any attempt to carry them by storm. the garrison consisted of troops, some of whom were among the best in the american army; and the command had been given to colonel magaw, a brave and intelligent officer, in whom great confidence was placed. {november .} {fifteenth.} general howe, after retiring from the white plains, encamped at a small distance from kingsbridge, on the heights of fordham; and, having made the necessary preparations for an assault, summoned the garrison to surrender, on pain of being put to the sword. colonel magaw replied, that he should defend the place to the last extremity, and communicated the summons to general greene at fort lee, who transmitted it to the commander-in-chief, then at hackensack. he immediately rode to fort lee, and, though it was late in the night, was proceeding to fort washington, where he expected to find generals putnam and greene, when, in crossing the river, he met those officers returning from a visit to that fort. they reported that the garrison was in high spirits, and would make a good defence; on which he returned with them to fort lee. {november .} early next morning, colonel magaw posted his troops, partly on a commanding hill north of the fort, partly in the outermost of the lines drawn across the island on the south of the fort, and partly between those lines, on the woody and rocky heights fronting haerlem river, where the ground being extremely difficult of ascent, the works were not closed. colonel rawlings, of maryland, commanded on the hill towards kingsbridge; colonel cadwallader, of pennsylvania, in the lines, and colonel magaw himself continued in the fort. the strength of the place had not deterred the british general from resolving to carry it by storm; and, on receiving the answer of colonel magaw, arrangements were made for a vigorous attack next day. about ten, the assailants appeared before the works, and moved to the assault in four different quarters. their first division consisting of hessians and waldeckers, amounting to about five thousand men, under the command of general knyphausen, advanced on the north side of the fort, against the hill occupied by colonel rawlings, who received them with great gallantry. the second, on the east, consisting of the british light infantry and guards, was led by brigadier general matthews, supported by lord cornwallis, at the head of the grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. these troops crossed haerlem river in boats, under cover of the artillery planted in the works, which had been erected on the opposite side of the river, and landed within the third line of defence which crossed the island. the third division was conducted by lieutenant colonel stirling, who passed the river higher up; and the fourth by lord percy, accompanied by general howe in person. this division was to attack the lines in front, on the south side.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] the attacks on the north and south by general knyphausen and lord percy, were made about the same instant, on colonels rawlings and cadwallader, who maintained their ground for a considerable time; but, while colonel cadwallader was engaged in the first line against lord percy, the second and third divisions which had crossed haerlem river made good their landing, and dispersed the troops fronting that river, as well as a detachment sent by colonel cadwallader to support them. thus being overpowered, and the british advancing between the fort and the lines, it became necessary to abandon them. in retreating to the fort, some of the men were intercepted by the division under colonel stirling, and made prisoners. the resistance on the north was of longer duration. rawlings maintained his ground with firmness, and his riflemen did vast execution. a three gun battery also played on knyphausen with great effect. at length, the hessian columns gained the summit of the hill; after which, colonel rawlings, who perceived the danger which threatened his rear, retreated under the guns of the fort. [sidenote: the lines of fort washington carried by the enemy, and the garrison made prisoners.] having carried the lines, and all the strong ground adjoining them, the british general again summoned colonel magaw to surrender. while the capitulation was in a course of arrangement, general washington sent him a billet, requesting him to hold out until the evening, when means should be attempted to bring off the garrison. but magaw had proceeded too far to retreat; and it is probable the place could not have resisted an assault from so formidable a force as threatened it. the greatest difficulties had been overcome; the fort was too small to contain all the men; and their ammunition was nearly exhausted. under these circumstances the garrison became prisoners of war. the loss on this occasion was the greatest the americans had ever sustained. the garrison was stated by general washington at about two thousand men. yet, in a report published as from general howe, the number of prisoners is said to be two thousand and six hundred, exclusive of officers. either general howe must have included in his report persons who were not soldiers, or general washington must have comprehended the regulars only in his letter. the last conjecture is most probably correct. the loss of the assailants, according to mr. stedman, amounted to eight hundred men. this loss fell heaviest on the germans. [sidenote: evacuation of fort lee.] {november .} on the surrender of fort washington, it was determined to evacuate fort lee; and a removal of the stores was immediately commenced. before this operation could be completed, a detachment commanded by lord cornwallis, amounting to about six thousand men, crossed the north river below dobb's ferry, and endeavoured, by a rapid march, to enclose the garrison between the north and hackensack rivers. an immediate retreat from that narrow neck of land had become indispensable, and was with difficulty effected. all the heavy cannon at fort lee, except two twelve-pounders, with a considerable quantity of provisions and military stores, including three hundred tents, were lost. after crossing the hackensack, general washington posted his troops along the western bank of that river, but was unable to dispute its passage at the head of about three thousand effectives, exposed, without tents, in an inclement season; he was in a level country, without a single intrenching tool, among people far from being zealous in the american cause. in other respects this situation was dangerous. the passaic, in his rear, after running several miles nearly parallel to the hackensack, unites with that river below the ground occupied by the americans, who were consequently still exposed to the hazard of being inclosed between two rivers. {november .} [sidenote: weakness of the american army.] this gloomy state of things was not brightened by the prospect before him. in casting his eyes around, no cheering object presented itself. no confidence could be placed on receiving reinforcements from any quarter. but, in no situation could washington despond. his exertions to collect an army, and to impede the progress of his enemy, were perseveringly continued. understanding that sir guy carleton no longer threatened ticonderoga, he directed general schuyler to hasten the troops of pennsylvania and jersey to his assistance, and ordered[ ] general lee to cross the north river, and be in readiness to join him, should the enemy continue the campaign. but, under the influence of the same fatal cause which had acted elsewhere, these armies too were melting away, and would soon be almost totally dissolved. general mercer, who commanded a part of the flying camp stationed about bergen, was also called in; but these troops had engaged to serve only till the st of december, and, like the other six months men, had already abandoned the army in great numbers. no hope existed of retaining the remnant after they should possess a legal right to be discharged; and there was not much probability of supplying their places with other militia. to new england he looked with anxious hope; and his requisitions on those states received prompt attention. six thousand militia from massachusetts, and a considerable body from connecticut, were ordered to his assistance; but some delay in assembling them was unavoidable, and their march was arrested by the appearance of the enemy in their immediate neighbourhood. [footnote : see note no. vii. at the end of the volume.] three thousand men, conducted by sir henry clinton, who were embarked on board a fleet commanded by sir peter parker, sailed late in november from new york, and, without much opposition, took possession of newport. this invasion excited serious alarm in massachusetts and connecticut, and these states retained for their own defence, the militia who had been embodied at the instance of the commander-in-chief. not intending to maintain his present position, general washington had placed some regiments along the hackensack to afford the semblance of defending its passage until his stores could be removed; and, with the residue of the troops, crossed the passaic, and took post at newark. soon after he had marched, major general vaughan appeared before the new bridge over hackensack. the american detachment which had been left in the rear, being unable to defend it, broke it down, and retired before him over the passaic. [sidenote: ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.] having entered the open country, general washington determined to halt a few days on the south side of this river, make some show of resistance, and endeavour to collect such a force as would keep up the semblance of an army. his letters, not having produced such exertions as the public exigencies required, he deputed general mifflin to the government of pennsylvania, and colonel reid, his adjutant general, to the government of new jersey, with orders to represent the real situation of the army, and the certainty that, without great reinforcements, philadelphia must fall into the hands of the enemy, and the state of jersey be overrun. while thus endeavouring to strengthen himself with militia, he pressed general lee to hasten his march, and cautioned him to keep high enough up the country to avoid the enemy, who, having got possession of the mail containing one of his late letters, would certainly endeavour to prevent the junction of the two armies. this perilous state of things was rendered still more critical by indications of an insurrection in the county of monmouth, in jersey, where great numbers favoured the royal cause. in other places, too, a hostile temper was displayed, and an indisposition to farther resistance began to be manifested throughout that state. these appearances obliged him to make detachments from the militia of his army, to overawe the disaffected of monmouth, who were on the point of assembling in force. [sidenote: general washington retreats through jersey.] {november .} as the british army crossed the passaic, general washington abandoned his position behind that river; and the day lord cornwallis entered newark, he retreated to brunswick, a small village on the raritan. {december .} at this place, the levies drawn from maryland and jersey to compose the flying camp, became entitled to their discharge. no remonstrances could detain them; and he sustained the mortification of seeing his feeble army still more enfeebled by being entirely abandoned by these troops, in the face of an advancing enemy. the pennsylvania militia belonging to the flying camp were engaged to serve till the st of january. so many of them deserted, that it was deemed necessary to place guards on the roads, and ferries over the delaware, to apprehend and send them back to camp. the governor of new jersey was again pressed for assistance, but it was not in his power to furnish the aid required. the well affected part of the lower country was overawed by the british army; and the militia of morris and sussex came out slowly and reluctantly. while at brunswick, attempts were made to retard the advance of the british army by movements indicating an intention to act on the offensive; but this feint was unavailing. lord cornwallis continued to press forward; and, as his advanced guards showed themselves on the opposite side of the bridge, general washington evacuated the town, and marched through princeton to trenton. directions had already been given to collect all the boats on the delaware, from philadelphia upwards for seventy miles, in the hope that the progress of the enemy might be stopped at this river; and that, in the mean time, reinforcements might arrive which would enable him to dispute its passage. {december .} having, with great labour, transported the few remaining military stores and baggage over the delaware, he determined to remain as long as possible on the northern banks of that river. the army which was thus pressed slowly through the jerseys, was aided by no other cavalry than a small corps of badly mounted connecticut militia, commanded by major shelden; and was almost equally destitute of artillery. its numbers, at no time during the retreat, exceeded four thousand men, and on reaching the delaware, was reduced to less than three thousand; of whom, not quite one thousand were militia of new jersey. even among the continental troops there were many whose term of service was about to expire. its defectiveness of numbers did not constitute its only weakness. the regulars were badly armed, worse clad, and almost destitute of tents, blankets, or utensils for dressing their food. they were composed chiefly of the garrison of fort lee, and had been obliged to evacuate that place with too much precipitation to bring with them even those few articles of comfort and accommodation with which they had been furnished. the commander-in-chief found himself at the head of this small band of soldiers, dispirited by their losses and fatigues, retreating almost naked and bare-footed, in the cold of november and december, before a numerous, well appointed, and victorious army, through a desponding country, much more disposed to obtain safety by submission, than to seek it by a manly resistance. in this crisis of american affairs, a proclamation was issued by lord and general howe, as commissioners appointed on the part of the crown for restoring peace to america, commanding all persons assembled in arms against his majesty's government, to disband and return to their homes; and all civil officers to desist from their treasonable practices, and relinquish their usurped authority. a full pardon was offered to every person who would, within sixty days, appear before certain civil or military officers of the crown, claim the benefit of that proclamation, and testify his obedience to the laws by subscribing a declaration of his submission to the royal authority. copies of it were dispersed through the country, after which numbers flocked in daily, to make their peace and obtain protection. the contrast between the splendid appearance of the pursuing army, and that of the ragged americans who were flying before them, could not fail to nourish the general opinion that the contest was approaching its termination. among the many valuable traits in the character of washington, was that unyielding firmness of mind which resisted these accumulated circumstances of depression, and supported him under them. undismayed by the dangers which surrounded him, he did not for an instant relax his exertions, nor omit any thing which could obstruct the progress of the enemy, or improve his own condition. he did not appear to despair of the public safety, but struggled against adverse fortune with the hope of yet vanquishing the difficulties which surrounded him; and constantly showed himself to his harassed and enfeebled army, with a serene, unembarrassed countenance, betraying no fears in himself, and invigorating and inspiring with confidence the bosoms of others. to this unconquerable firmness, to this perfect self-possession under the most desperate circumstances, is america, in a great degree, indebted for her independence. {december .} after removing his baggage and stores over the delaware, and sending his sick to philadelphia, the american general, finding that lord cornwallis still continued in brunswick, detached twelve hundred men to princeton in the hope that this appearance of advancing on the british might not only retard their progress, but cover a part of the country, and reanimate the people of jersey. some portion of this short respite from laborious service was devoted to the predominant wish of his heart,--preparations for the next campaign,--by impressing on congress a conviction of the real causes of the present calamitous state of things. however the human mind may resist the clearest theoretic reasoning, it is scarcely possible not to discern obvious and radical errors, while smarting under their destructive consequences. the abandonment of the army by whole regiments of the flying camp, in the face of an advancing and superior enemy; the impracticability of calling out the militia of jersey and pennsylvania in sufficient force to prevent lord cornwallis from overrunning the first state, or restrain him from entering the last, had it not been saved by other causes, were practical lessons on the subjects of enlistments for a short time, and a reliance on militia, which no prejudice could disregard, and which could not fail to add great weight to the remonstrances formerly made by the commander-in-chief, which were now repeated. {december .} {seventh.} the exertions of general mifflin to raise the militia of pennsylvania, though unavailing in the country, were successful in philadelphia. a large proportion of the inhabitants of that city capable of bearing arms, had associated for the general defence; and, on this occasion, fifteen hundred of them marched to trenton; to which place a german battalion was also ordered by congress. on the arrival of these troops, general washington commenced his march to princeton, but was stopped by the intelligence that lord cornwallis, having received large reinforcements, was advancing rapidly from brunswick by different routes, and endeavouring to gain his rear. {eighth.} [sidenote: general washington crosses the delaware.] [sidenote: danger of philadelphia.] on receiving this intelligence, he crossed the delaware, and posted his army in such a manner as to guard the fords. as his rear passed the river, the van of the british army appeared in sight. the main body took post at trenton, and detachments were placed both above and below, while small parties, without interruption from the people of the country, reconnoitred the delaware for a considerable distance. from bordentown below trenton the course of the river turns westward, and forms an acute angle with its course from philadelphia to that place; so that lord cornwallis might cross a considerable distance above, and be not much, if any, farther from that city than the american army. the british general made some unsuccessful attempts to seize a number of boats guarded by lord stirling, about coryell's ferry; and, in order to facilitate his movements down the river, on the jersey shore, repaired the bridges below trenton, which had been broken down by order of general washington. he then advanced a strong detachment to bordentown, giving indications of an intention to cross the delaware at the same time above and below; and either to march in two columns to philadelphia, or completely to envelop the american army in the angle of the river. to counteract this plan, the american general stationed a few gallies to watch the movements of his enemy below, and aid in repelling any effort to pass over to the pennsylvania shore; and made such a disposition of his little army as to guard against any attempt to force a passage above, which he believed to be the real design. having made his arrangements, he waited anxiously for reinforcements; and, in the meantime, sent daily parties over the river to harass the enemy, and to observe his situation. the utmost exertions were made by government to raise the militia. in the hope that a respectable body of continental troops would aid these exertions, general washington had directed general gates, with the regulars of the northern army, and general heath, with those at peekskill, to march to his assistance. [sidenote: capture of general lee.] although general lee had been repeatedly urged to join the commander-in-chief, he proceeded slowly in the execution of these orders, manifesting a strong disposition to retain his separate command, and rather to hang on, and threaten the rear of the british army, than to strengthen that in its front. with this view he proposed establishing himself at morristown. on receiving a letter from general washington disapproving this proposition, and urging him to hasten his march, lee still avowed a preference for his own plan, and proceeded reluctantly towards the delaware. while passing through morris county, at the distance of twenty miles from the british encampment, he, very incautiously, quartered under a slight guard, in a house about three miles from his army. information of this circumstance was given by a countryman to colonel harcourt, at that time detached with a body of cavalry to watch his movements, who immediately formed and executed the design of seizing him. early in the morning of the th of december, this officer reached lee's quarters, who received no intimation of his danger until the house was surrounded, and he found himself a prisoner. he was carried off in triumph to the british army, where he was, for some time, treated as a deserter from the british service. this misfortune made a serious impression on all america. the confidence originally placed in general lee had been increased by his success in the southern department, and by a belief that his opinions, during the military operations in new york, had contributed to the adoption of those judicious movements which had, in some measure, defeated the plans of general howe in that quarter. it was also believed that he had dissented from the resolution of the council of war for maintaining forts washington and lee. no officer, except the commander-in-chief, possessed, at that time, in so eminent a degree, the confidence of the army, or of the country; and his loss was, almost universally, bewailed as one of the greatest calamities which had befallen the american arms. it was regretted by no person more than by general washington himself. he respected the merit of that eccentric veteran, and sincerely lamented his captivity. general sullivan, on whom the command of that division devolved after the capture of lee, promptly obeyed the orders which had been directed to that officer; and, crossing the delaware at philipsburg, joined the commander-in-chief. on the same day general gates arrived with a few northern troops. by these and other reinforcements, the army was augmented to about seven thousand effective men. [sidenote: the british go into winter quarters.] the attempts of the british general to get possession of boats for the transportation of his army over the delaware having failed, he gave indications of an intention to close the campaign, and to retire into winter quarters. about four thousand men were cantoned on the delaware at trenton, bordentown, the white horse, and mount holly; and the remaining part of the army of jersey was distributed from that river to the hackensack. strong corps were posted at princeton, brunswick, and elizabethtown. to intimidate the people, and thereby impede the recruiting service, was believed to be no inconsiderable inducement with general howe, for covering so large a portion of jersey. to counteract these views, general washington ordered three of the regiments from peekskill to halt at morristown, and to unite with about eight hundred militia assembled at that place under colonel ford. general maxwell was sent to take command of these troops, with orders to watch the motions of the enemy, to harass him in his marches, to give intelligence of all his movements, to keep up the spirits of the militia, and to prevent the inhabitants from going within the british lines, and taking protection. {december .} the short interval between this cantonment of the british troops, and the recommencement of active operations, was employed by general washington in repeating the representations he had so often made to congress, respecting preparations for the ensuing campaign. the dangers resulting from a reliance on temporary armies had been fully exemplified; and his remonstrances on that subject were supported by that severe experience which corrects while it chastises. in the course of the campaign, he had suffered greatly from the want of cavalry, of artillery, and of engineers. his ideas on these important subjects had been already stated to congress, and were now reurged. with respect to the additional expense to be incurred by the measures recommended, he observed, "that our funds were not the only object now to be taken into consideration. the enemy, it was found, were daily gathering strength from the disaffected. this strength, like a snow ball by rolling, would increase, unless some means should be devised to check effectually the progress of their arms. militia might possibly do it for a little while; but in a little while also, the militia of those states which were frequently called upon would not turn out at all, or would turn out with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing. instance new jersey! witness pennsylvania! could any thing but the river delaware have saved philadelphia? "could any thing," he asked, "be more destructive of the recruiting business than giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks service in the militia, who come in, you can not tell how; go, you can not tell when; and act, you can not tell where; who consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at last in a critical moment. "these, sir," he added, "are the men i am to depend upon ten days hence. this is the basis upon which your cause will rest, and must for ever depend, until you get a large standing army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy." [illustration: washington crossing the delaware _from the painting by emanuel leutze, in the metropolitan museum of art, new york city._ _on december , , following his retreat across new jersey, with the british army under cornwallis pressing him closely, washington transported his army of , men across the delaware into pennsylvania and to safety. he had seized all the boats within seventy miles, leaving cornwallis to wait until the river froze over before he could follow._ _in recrossing the delaware (as here depicted) to strike the british at trenton, washington executed the most brilliant military maneuver of his career._ _in his sesquicentennial address delivered at cambridge, massachusetts, july , , president coolidge related this incident which gives us cornwallis's estimate of the importance of the trenton victory:_ "it is recorded that a few evenings after the surrender of lord cornwallis at yorktown a banquet was given by washington and his staff to the british commander and his staff. one likes to contemplate the sportsmanship of that function. amiabilities and good wishes were duly exchanged, and finally lord cornwallis rose to present his compliments to washington. there had been much talk of past campaigning experiences, and cornwallis, turning to washington, expressed the judgment that when history's verdict was made up 'the brightest garlands for your excellency will be gathered, not from the shores of the chesapeake, but from the banks of the delaware.'"] he also hinted the idea, extremely delicate in itself, of enlarging his powers so as to enable him to act, without constant applications to congress for their sanction of measures, the immediate adoption of which was essential to the public interests. "this might," he said, "be termed an application for powers too dangerous to be trusted." he could only answer, "that desperate diseases required desperate remedies. he could with truth declare that he felt no lust for power, but wished with as much fervency as any man upon this wide extended continent, for an opportunity of turning the sword into a ploughshare; but his feelings as an officer and a man had been such as to force him to say, that no person ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with than himself." after recapitulating the measures he had adopted, which were not within his power, and urging many other necessary arrangements, he added, "it may be thought i am going a good deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. a character to lose; an estate to forfeit; the inestimable blessing of liberty at stake; and a life devoted, must be my excuse." the present aspect of american affairs was gloomy in the extreme. the existing army, except a few regiments, affording an effective force of about fifteen hundred men, would dissolve in a few days. new jersey had, in a great measure, submitted; and the militia of pennsylvania had not displayed the alacrity expected from them. general howe would, most probably, avail himself of the ice which would soon form, and of the dissolution of the american army, to pass the delaware and seize philadelphia. this event was dreaded, not only on account of its intrinsic importance, but of its peculiar effect at this time, when an army was to be recruited on which the future hopes of america were to rest. it was feared, and with reason, that it would make such an impression on the public mind as to deter the american youth from engaging in a contest becoming desperate. impelled by these considerations, general washington meditated a blow on the british army, while dispersed in its cantonments, which might retrieve the affairs of america in the opinion of the public, and recover the ground that had been lost. he formed the daring plan of attacking all the british posts on the delaware at the same instant. if successful in all, or any of these attacks, he hoped not only to wipe off the impression made by his losses, and by his retreat, but also to relieve philadelphia from immediate danger, and to compel his adversary to compress himself in such a manner as no longer to cover the jerseys. the positions taken to guard the river were equally well adapted to offensive operations. the regulars were posted above trenton from yardley's up to coryell's ferry. the pennsylvania flying camp, and jersey militia, under the command of general irvine, extended from yardley's to the ferry opposite bordentown; and general cadwallader with the pennsylvania militia lay still lower down the river. in the plan of attack which had been digested, it was proposed to cross in the night at m'konkey's ferry, about nine miles above trenton; to march down in two divisions, the one taking the river road, and the other the pennington road, both which lead into the town; the first, towards that part of the western side which approaches the river, and the last towards the north. this part of the plan was to be executed by the general in person, at the head of about two thousand four hundred continental troops. it was thought practicable to pass them over the river by twelve, and to reach the point of destination by five in the morning of the next day, when the attack was to be made. general irvine was directed to cross at the trenton ferry, and to secure the bridge below the town, in order to prevent the escape of the enemy by that road. general cadwallader was to pass over at dunk's ferry, and carry the post at mount holly. it had been in contemplation to unite the troops employed in fortifying philadelphia, to those at bristol, and to place the whole under general putnam; but such indications were given in that city of an insurrection of the royal cause, that this part of the plan was abandoned. the cold on the night of the th was very severe. snow, mingled with hail and rain, fell in great quantities, and so much ice was made in the river that, with every possible exertion, the division conducted by the general in person could not effect its passage until three, nor commence its march down the river till near four. as the distance to trenton by either road is nearly the same, orders were given to attack at the instant of arrival, and, after driving in the out-guards, to press rapidly after them into the town, and prevent the main body from forming. [sidenote: battle of trenton.] {december .} general washington accompanied the upper column, and arriving at the out-post on that road, precisely at eight, drove it in, and, in three minutes, heard the fire from the column which had taken the river road. the picket guard attempted to keep up a fire while retreating, but was pursued with such ardour as to be unable to make a stand. colonel rawle, who commanded in the town, paraded his men, and met the assailants. in the commencement of the action, he was mortally wounded, upon which the troops, in apparent confusion, attempted to gain the road to princeton. general washington threw a detachment into their front, while he advanced rapidly on them in person. finding themselves surrounded, and their artillery already seized, they laid down their arms, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. about twenty of the enemy were killed, and about one thousand made prisoners. six field pieces, and a thousand stand of small arms were also taken. on the part of the americans, two privates were killed; two frozen to death; and one officer, lieutenant monroe,[ ] of the third virginia regiment, and three or four privates wounded. [footnote : since president of the united states.] unfortunately, the ice rendered it impracticable for general irvine to execute that part of the plan which was allotted to him. with his utmost efforts, he was unable to cross the river; and the road towards bordentown remained open. about five hundred men, among whom was a troop of cavalry, stationed in the lower end of trenton, availed themselves of this circumstance, and crossing the bridge in the commencement of the action, escaped down the river. the same cause prevented general cadwallader from attacking the post at mount holly. with great difficulty a part of his infantry passed the river, but returned on its being found absolutely impracticable to cross with the artillery. although this plan failed in so many of its parts, the success attending that which was conducted by general washington in person was followed by the happiest effects. had it been practicable for the divisions under generals irvine and cadwallader to cross the river, it was intended to proceed from trenton to the posts at and about bordentown, to sweep the british from the banks of the delaware,[ ] and to maintain a position in the jerseys. but finding that those parts of the plan had failed, and supposing the british to remain in force below, while a strong corps was posted at princeton, general washington thought it unadviseable to hazard the loss of the very important advantage already gained, by attempting to increase it, and recrossed the river with his prisoners and military stores. lieutenant colonel baylor, his aid-de-camp, who carried the intelligence of this success to congress, was presented with a horse completely caparisoned for service, and recommended to the command of a regiment of cavalry. [footnote : a fact has been stated to the author which shows to what an extent the plan might have been executed had it been possible to cross the river. colonel reed, who was with the division of cadwallader, passed the ferry with the van of the infantry, and immediately despatched some trusty persons to examine the situation of the troops at mount holly. the report made by his messengers was, that they had looked into several houses in which the soldiers were quartered, and had found them generally fast asleep, under the influence, as was supposed, of the spirituous liquors they had drunk the preceding day, which was christmas-day. that there appeared to be no apprehension of danger, nor precaution against it.] nothing could surpass the astonishment of the british commander at this unexpected display of vigour on the part of the american general. his condition, and that of his country, had been thought desperate. he had been deserted by all the troops having a legal right to leave him; and, to render his situation completely ruinous, nearly two-thirds of the continental soldiers still remaining with him, would be entitled to their discharge on the first day of january. there appeared to be no probability of prevailing on them to continue longer in the service, and the recruiting business was absolutely at an end. the spirits of a large proportion of the people were sunk to the lowest point of depression. new jersey appeared to be completely subdued; and some of the best judges of the public sentiment were of opinion that immense numbers in pennsylvania, also, were determined not to permit the sixty days allowed in the proclamation of lord and sir william howe, to elapse, without availing themselves of the pardon it proffered. instead of offensive operations, the total dispersion of the small remnant of the american army was to be expected, since it would be rendered too feeble by the discharge of those engaged only until the last day of december, to attempt, any longer, the defence of the delaware, which would by that time, in all probability, be passable on the ice. while every appearance supported these opinions, and the british general, without being sanguine, might well consider the war as approaching its termination, this bold and fortunate enterprise announced to him, that he was contending with an adversary who could never cease to be formidable while the possibility of resistance remained. finding the conquest of america more distant than had been supposed, he determined, in the depth of winter to recommence active operations; and lord cornwallis, who had retired to new york with the intention of embarking for europe, suspended his departure, and returned to the jerseys in great force, for the purpose of regaining the ground which had been lost. meanwhile, count donop, who commanded the troops below trenton, on hearing the disaster which had befallen colonel rawle, retreated by the road leading to amboy, and joined general leslie at princeton. the next day, general cadwallader crossed the delaware, with orders to harass the enemy, but to put nothing to hazard until he should be joined by the continental battalions, who were allowed a day or two of repose, after the fatigues of the enterprise against trenton. general mifflin joined general irvine with about fifteen hundred pennsylvania militia, and those troops also crossed the river. finding himself once more at the head of a force with which it seemed practicable to act offensively, the general determined to employ the winter in endeavouring to recover jersey. {december .} with this view, he ordered general heath to leave a small detachment at peekskill, and with the main body of the new england militia, to enter jersey, and approach the british cantonments on that side. general maxwell was ordered, with all the militia he could collect, to harass their flank and rear, and to attack their out-posts on every favourable occasion, while the continental troops, led by himself, recrossed the delaware, and took post at trenton. on the last day of december, the regulars of new england were entitled to a discharge. with great difficulty, and a bounty of ten dollars, many of them were induced to renew their engagements for six weeks. { } {january .} the british were now collected in force at princeton under lord cornwallis; and appearances confirmed the intelligence, secretly[ ] obtained, that he intended to attack the american army. [footnote : in this critical moment, when correct intelligence was so all important, mr. robert morris raised on his private credit in philadelphia, five hundred pounds in specie, which he transmitted to the commander-in-chief, who employed it in procuring information not otherwise to have been obtained.] generals mifflin and cadwallader, who lay at bordentown and crosswix, with three thousand six hundred militia, were therefore ordered to join the commander-in-chief, whose whole effective force, with this addition, did not exceed five thousand men. {january .} lord cornwallis advanced upon him the next morning; and about four in the afternoon, the van of the british army reached trenton. on its approach, general washington retired across the assumpinck, a creek which runs through the town. the british attempted to cross the creek at several places, but finding all the fords guarded, they desisted from the attempt, and kindled their fires. the americans kindled their fires likewise; and a cannonade was kept up on both sides till dark. the situation of general washington was again extremely critical. should he maintain his position, he would certainly be attacked next morning, by a force so very superior, as to render the destruction of his little army inevitable. should he attempt to retreat over the delaware, the passage of that river had been rendered so difficult by a few mild and foggy days which had softened the ice, that a total defeat would be hazarded. in any event, the jerseys would, once more, be entirely in possession of the enemy; the public mind again be depressed; recruiting discouraged; and philadelphia, a second time, in the grasp of general howe. in this embarrassing state of things, he formed the bold design of abandoning the delaware, and marching, by a circuitous route, along the left flank of the british army, into its rear, at princeton, where its strength could not be great; and, after beating the troops at that place, to move rapidly to brunswick, where the baggage and principal magazines of the army lay under a weak guard. he indulged the hope that this manoeuvre would call the attention of the british general to his own defence. should lord cornwallis, contrary to every reasonable calculation, proceed to philadelphia, nothing worse could happen in that quarter, than must happen should the american army be driven before him; and some compensation for that calamity would be obtained by expelling the enemy completely from jersey, and cutting up, in detail, all his parties in that state. {january .} [sidenote: of princeton.] this plan being approved by a council of war, preparations were made for its immediate execution. as soon as it was dark, the baggage was removed silently to burlington; and, about one in the morning, after renewing their fires, and leaving their guards to go the rounds as usual; the army decamped with perfect silence, and took a circuitous route along the quaker road to princeton, where three british regiments had encamped the preceding night, two of which commenced their march early in the morning to join the rear of their army at maidenhead. at sunrise, when they had proceeded about two miles, they saw the americans on their left, advancing in a direction which would enter the road in their rear. they immediately faced about, and, repassing stony brook, moved under cover of a copse of wood towards the american van, which was conducted by general mercer. a sharp action ensued, which, however, was not of long duration. the militia, of which the advanced party was principally composed, soon gave way; and the few regulars attached to them were not strong enough to maintain their ground. while exerting himself gallantly to rally his broken troops, general mercer was mortally wounded, and the van was entirely routed. but the fortune of the day was soon changed. the main body, led by general washington in person, followed close in the rear, and attacked the british with great spirit. persuaded that defeat would irretrievably ruin the affairs of america, he advanced in the very front of danger, and exposed himself to the hottest fire of the enemy. he was so well supported by the same troops who, a few days before, had saved their country at trenton, that the british, in turn, were compelled to give way. their line was broken, and the two regiments separated from each other. colonel mawhood, who commanded that in front, and was, consequently, nearest the rear division of the army, under lord cornwallis, retired to the main road, and continued his march to maidenhead. the fifty-fifth regiment, which was on the left, being hard pressed, fled in confusion across the fields into a back road, leading between hillsborough and kingston towards brunswick. the vicinity of the british forces at maidenhead secured colonel mawhood, and general washington pressed forward to princeton. the regiment remaining in that place took post in the college, and made a show of resistance; but some pieces of artillery being brought up to play upon that building, it was abandoned, and the greater part of them became prisoners. a few saved themselves by a precipitate flight to brunswick. in this engagement, rather more than one hundred british were killed in the field, and near three hundred were taken prisoners. the loss of the americans, in killed, was somewhat less, but in their number was included general mercer, a valuable officer, who had served with the commander-in-chief during his early campaigns in virginia, and was greatly esteemed by him. colonels haslet and potter, captain neal of the artillery, captain fleming, and five other valuable officers, were also among the slain. on the return of day-light, lord cornwallis discovered that the american army had decamped in the night; and immediately conceived the whole plan. alarmed at the danger which threatened brunswick, he marched with the utmost expedition for that place, and was close in the rear of the american army before it could leave princeton. the situation of general washington was again perilous in the extreme. his small army was exhausted with fatigue. his troops had been without sleep, all of them one night, and some of them, two. they were without blankets, many of them were bare-footed and otherwise thinly clad, and were eighteen miles from his place of destination. he was closely pursued by a superior enemy who must necessarily come up with him before he could accomplish his designs on brunswick. under these circumstances he abandoned the remaining part of his original plan, and took the road leading up the country to pluckemin, where his troops were permitted to refresh themselves. lord cornwallis continued his march to brunswick, which he reached in the course of that night. the sufferings of the american soldiers had been so great from the severity of the season, and the very active service in which they had been engaged; their complaints, especially on the part of the militia, were so loud; their numbers were reducing so fast by returning home, and by sickness; that general washington found it impracticable to continue offensive operations. he retired to morristown, in order to put his men under cover, and to give them some repose. the bold, judicious, and unexpected attacks made at trenton and princeton, had a much more extensive influence than would be supposed from a mere estimate of the killed and taken. they saved philadelphia for the winter; recovered the state of jersey; and, which was of still more importance, revived the drooping spirits of the people, and gave a perceptible impulse to the recruiting service throughout the united states. the problem, that a nation can be defended against a permanent force, by temporary armies, by occasional calls of the husbandman from his plough to the field, was completely disproved; and, in demonstrating its fallacy, the independence of america had nearly perished in its cradle. the utmost efforts were now directed to the creation of an army for the ensuing campaign, as the only solid basis on which the hopes of the patriot could rest. during the retreat through the jerseys, and while the expectation prevailed that no effectual resistance could be made to the british armies, some spirited men indeed were animated to greater and more determined exertions; but this state of things produced a very different effect on the great mass, which can alone furnish the solid force of armies. in the middle states especially, the panic of distrust was perceived. doubts concerning the issue of the contest became extensive; and the recruiting service proceeded so heavily and slowly as to excite the most anxious solicitude for the future. the affairs of trenton and princeton were magnified into great victories; and were believed by the body of the people to evidence the superiority of their army and of their general. the opinion that they were engaged in hopeless contest, yielded to a confidence that proper exertions would ensure ultimate success. this change of opinion was accompanied with an essential change of conduct; and, although the regiments required by congress were not completed, they were made much stronger than was believed to be possible before this happy revolution in the aspect of public affairs. [sidenote: firmness of congress.] the firmness of congress throughout the gloomy and trying period which intervened between the loss of fort washington and the battle of princeton, gives the members of that time a just claim to the admiration of the world, and to the gratitude of their fellow citizens. undismayed by impending dangers, they did not, for an instant, admit the idea of surrendering the independence they had declared, and purchasing peace by returning to their colonial situation. as the british army advanced through jersey, and the consequent insecurity of philadelphia rendered an adjournment from that place a necessary measure of precaution, their exertions seemed to increase with their difficulties. they sought to remove the despondence which was seizing and paralyzing the public mind, by an address to the states, in which every argument was suggested which could rouse them to vigorous action. they made the most strenuous efforts to animate the militia, and impel them to the field, by the agency of those whose popular eloquence best fitted them for such a service. { } {december .} when reassembled at baltimore, the place to which they had adjourned, their resolutions exhibited no evidence of confusion or dismay; and the most judicious efforts were made to repair the mischief produced by past errors. {december .} declaring that, in the present state of things, the very existence of civil liberty depended on the right execution of military powers, to a vigorous direction of which, distant, numerous, and deliberative bodies were unequal, they authorized general washington to raise sixteen additional regiments, and conferred upon him, for six months, almost unlimited powers for the conduct of the war. towards the close of , while the tide of fortune was running strongest against them, some few members, distrusting their ability to make a successful resistance, proposed to authorize their commissioners at the court of versailles to transfer to france the same monopoly of their trade which great britain had possessed.[ ] this proposition is stated to have been relinquished, because it was believed that concessions of this kind would impair many arguments which had been used in favour of independence, and disunite the people. it was next proposed to offer a monopoly of certain enumerated articles; but the unequal operation of this measure gave to the proposition a speedy negative. some proposed offering to france an offensive and defensive league; but this also was rejected. the more enlightened members argued that, though the friendship of small states might be purchased, that of france could not. they alleged that, if she would risk a war with great britain by openly espousing their cause, she would not be induced to that measure by the prospect of direct advantages, so much as by a desire to lessen the overgrown power of a dangerous rival.[ ] it was therefore urged that the most certain means of influencing france to interfere, was an assurance that the united states were determined to persevere in refusing to resume their former allegiance. under the influence of this better opinion, resolutions were again entered into, directing their commissioners in europe to give explicit assurances of their determination at all events to maintain their independence. copies of these resolutions were sent to the principal courts of europe; and agents were appointed to solicit their friendship to the new formed states.[ ] these despatches fell into the hands of the british, and were published by them; a circumstance which promoted the views of congress, who were persuaded that an apprehension of their coming to an accommodation with great britain constituted a material objection to the interference of foreign courts, in what was represented as merely a domestic quarrel. a resolution adopted in the deepest distress, to listen to no terms of reunion with their parent state, would, it was believed, convince those who wished for the dismemberment of the british empire, that sound policy required their interference so far as to prevent the conquest of the united states. [footnote : ramsay.] [footnote : ramsay.] [footnote : secret journals of congress, vol. ii. p. , and post.] chapter vii. american army inoculated.... general heath moves to kingsbridge.... returns to peekskill.... destruction of stores at peekskill.... at danbury.... expedition to sagg harbour.... camp formed at middlebrook.... sir william howe moves out to somerset court house.... returns to amboy.... attempts to cut off the retreat of the american army to middlebrook.... lord cornwallis skirmishes with lord stirling.... general prescot surprised and taken.... the british army embarks. { } the effect of the proclamation published by lord and general howe on taking possession of new jersey, was, in a great degree, counteracted by the conduct of the invading army. fortunately for the united states, the hope that security was attainable by submission, was soon dissipated. whatever may have been the exertions of their general to restrain his soldiers, they still considered and treated the inhabitants rather as conquered rebels than returning friends. indulging in every species of licentiousness, the plunder and destruction of property were among the least offensive of the injuries they inflicted. the persons, not only of the men, but of that sex through which indignities least to be forgiven, and longest to be remembered, are received, were exposed to the most irritating outrage. nor were these excesses confined to those who had been active in the american cause. the lukewarm, and even the loyalists, were the victims of this indiscriminating spirit of rapine and violence. the effect of such proceedings on a people whose country had never before been the seat of war, and whose non-resistance had been occasioned solely by the expectation of that security which had been promised as the reward of submission to the royal authority, could not fail to equal the most sanguine hopes of the friends of the revolution. a sense of personal wrongs produced a temper which national considerations had proved too weak to excite; and, when the battles of trenton and princeton relieved the inhabitants from fears inspired by the presence of their invaders, the great body of the people flew to arms; and numbers who could not be brought into the field to check the advancing enemy, and prevent the ravages which uniformly afflict a country that becomes the seat of war, were prompt in avenging those ravages. small bodies of militia scoured the country, seized on stragglers, behaved unexceptionably well in several slight skirmishes, and were collecting in such numbers as to threaten the weaker british posts with the fate which had befallen trenton and princeton. to guard against that spirit of enterprise which his adversary had displayed to such advantage, general howe determined to strengthen his posts by contracting them. the position taken for the purpose of covering the country were abandoned; and the british force in new jersey was collected at new brunswick, on the raritan, and at amboy, a small town at the mouth of that river. feeble as was the american army, this movement was not effected without some loss. on the evacuation of elizabeth town, general maxwell attacked the british rear, and captured about seventy men with a part of their baggage. the american troops had been so diminished by the extreme severity of the service, that it was with much difficulty the appearance of an army could be maintained. fresh militia and volunteers arrived in camp, whose numbers were exaggerated by report. these additions to his small remaining regular force enabled the general to take different positions near the lines of the enemy, to harass him perpetually, restrain his foraging parties, and produce considerable distress in his camp. {january .} while, with little more than an imaginary army, general washington thus harassed and confined his adversary, he came to the hazardous resolution of freeing himself and his troops from the fear of a calamity which he found it impossible to elude, and which had proved more fatal in his camp than the sword of the enemy. [sidenote: american army inoculated.] inoculation having been rarely practised in the western world, the american youth remained liable to the small pox. notwithstanding the efforts to guard against this disease, it had found its way into both the northern and middle army, and had impaired the strength of both to an alarming degree. to avoid the return of the same evil, the general determined to inoculate all the soldiers in the american service. with the utmost secrecy, preparations were made to give the infection in camp; and the hospital physicians in philadelphia were ordered to carry all the southern troops, as they should arrive, through the disease. similar orders were also given to the physicians at other places; and thus an army exempt from the fear of a calamity which had, at all times, endangered the most important operations, was prepared for the ensuing campaign. this example was followed through the country; and this alarming disease was no longer the terror of america. as the main body of the british army was cantoned in jersey, and a strong detachment occupied rhode island, general washington believed that new york could not be perfectly secure. his intelligence strengthened this opinion; and, as an army, respectable in point of numbers, had been assembled about peekskill, he ordered general heath to approach new york for the purpose of foraging, and, should appearances favour the attempt, of attacking the forts which guarded the entrance into the island. the hope was entertained that general howe, alarmed for new york, might either withdraw his troops from jersey, or so weaken his posts in that state as to endanger them. should this hope be disappointed, it was believed that something handsome might be done, either on york or long island. [sidenote: general heath moves down to kingsbridge, but returns to peekskill without effecting anything.] in pursuance of this plan, general heath marched down to west chester, and summoned fort independence to surrender; but, the garrison determining to hold the place, a council of war deemed it unadviseable to risk an assault. an embarkation of troops which took place, about that time, at rhode island, alarmed general heath for his rear, and induced him to resume his ground in the highlands. though this attempt entirely failed, the commander-in-chief still meditated important operations during the winter. all the intelligence from europe demonstrated the necessity of these operations, and the fallacy of the hope, still extensively cherished, that the war would be abandoned by great britain. the administration was still supported by great majorities in parliament; and the nation seemed well disposed to employ all its means to reannex to the empire, what were still denominated, revolted colonies. it was not to be doubted that large reinforcements would arrive in the spring; and the safety of the nation would be in hazard should general howe remain in full force till they should be received. the utmost efforts were made by the commander-in-chief to collect a sufficient number of troops to enable him to give a decisive blow to some one of the positions of his enemy. the state sovereignties, where the real energies of government resided, were incessantly urged to fill their regiments, and to bring their quotas into the field; and congress, at his instance, passed resolutions authorizing him to draw the troops from peekskill, and to call out the militia of the neighbouring states. "it being," these resolutions proceed to say, "the earnest desire of congress, to make the army under the immediate command of general washington sufficiently strong, not only to curb and confine the enemy within their present quarters, and prevent their drawing support of any kind from the country, but, by the divine blessing, totally to subdue them before they can be reinforced." these resolves were communicated to the general, in a letter, manifesting the confident expectation of congress that the desire expressed in them would soon be realized. but the energy displayed in their passage could not be maintained in their execution. many causes concurred to prevent the collection of a force competent to those vigorous operations which the enterprising genius of the commander-in-chief had provisionally planned, and the sanguine temper of congress had anticipated. some of the state assemblies did not even complete the appointment of officers till the spring; and then, bitter contests concerning rank remained to be adjusted when the troops should join the army. after these arrangements were made, the difficulty of enlisting men was unexpectedly great. the immense hardships to which the naked soldiers had been exposed, during a winter campaign, in the face of a superior enemy; the mortality resulting from those hardships, and probably from an injudicious arrangement of the hospital department which was found to be the tomb of the sick; had excited a general disgust to the service; and a consequent unwillingness to engage in it. from these causes the army continued so feeble that the general, instead of being able to execute the great designs he had meditated, entertained serious fears that sir william howe would take the field during the winter, force his positions, cross the delaware on the ice, and proceed to philadelphia. in the apprehension of this attempt, and to avoid that confusion which would result from the removal of stores in the crisis of military operations, he had taken the precaution, as soon as the armies were in winter quarters, to convey those which were most valuable, to a distance from the route which it was supposed the british army would pursue. {march .} the real condition of the army is exhibited in a letter from the commander-in-chief to congress, in answer to that which enclosed the resolutions already mentioned, and which expressed the brilliant schemes of victory formed by the government. "could i," said the general, "accomplish the important objects so eagerly wished by congress; confining the enemy within their present quarters, preventing their getting supplies from the country, and totally subduing them before they are reinforced, i should be happy indeed. but what prospect or hope can there be of my effecting so desirable a work at this time? the enclosed return,[ ] to which i solicit the most serious attention of congress, comprehends the whole force i have in jersey. it is but a handful, and bears no proportion on the scale of numbers to that of the enemy. added to this, the major part is made up of militia. the most sanguine in speculation can not deem it more than adequate to the least valuable purposes of war." [footnote : see note no. viii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: skirmishes.] though unable to act with the vigour he wished, the american general kept up a war of skirmishes through the winter. in the course of it, the british loss was believed to be considerable; and hopes were entertained that, from the scarcity of forage, neither their cavalry nor draft horses would be in a condition to take the field when the campaign should open. their foraging parties were often attacked to advantage. frequent small successes, the details of which filled the papers throughout the united states, not only increased the confidence of the american soldiers, but served greatly to animate the people. [sidenote: state of the army.] the hope of collecting a sufficient force during the winter to make any valuable impression on the british army being disappointed, the views of the general were directed to the next campaign. as the new army was to be raised by the authority of the state governments, he urged on them the necessity of bringing a respectable force into the field early in the spring, with all the earnestness which was suggested by his situation, and zeal for the service. in connecticut and massachusetts, the country was laid off into districts, each of which was required, by a given day, to furnish a soldier enlisted for three years, or during the war; in default of which, one person, from those capable of bearing arms, was to be drafted to serve until the first of the ensuing january. the commander-in-chief, though still deprecating the introduction of men into the army whose terms of service would be of short duration, felt the necessity of submitting to this expedient, as the most eligible which could now be adopted. in virginia, where the same difficulty attended enlistments, it was proposed by the executive to fill the regiments with volunteers, who should engage to serve for six months. this plan was submitted to general washington by governor henry, and his opinion asked upon it. "i am under the necessity of observing," said the general in reply, "that the volunteer plan which you mention will never answer any valuable purpose, and that i can not but disapprove the measure. to the short engagements of our troops may be fairly and justly ascribed almost every misfortune that we have experienced." in a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, enforcing earnestly the necessity of bringing a sufficient army into the field, though coercive measures should be adopted, some alternatives were suggested, which, in a later period of the war, constituted the basis of various experiments to furnish the quota of troops required from that state. as the season for active operations approached, fresh difficulties, growing out of the organization of the american system, unfolded themselves. as every state was exposed to invasion, and the command of the ocean enabled the british general to transfer the war, at pleasure, to any part of the union, the attention of each was directed exclusively to its particular situation. each state in the neighbourhood of the great theatre of action, contemplating its own danger, claimed the protection which is due from the whole to its parts. although the object of the confederation was the same with that pursued by each of its members, the spirit incident to every league could not be controlled in an empire where, notwithstanding the existence of a head, the essentials of government resided in the members. it was displayed in repeated efforts to give to the energies of the army such various directions, as would leave it unable to effect any great object, or to obstruct any one plan the enemy might form. the patriotism of the day, however, and the unexampled confidence placed by all the state governments in the commander-in-chief, prevented the mischiefs this spirit is so well calculated to generate. his representations made their proper impression; and the intention of retaining continental troops for local defence was abandoned, though with some reluctance. the burden, however, of calling militia from their domestic avocations, at every threat of invasion, to watch every military post in each state, became so intolerable, that the people cast about for other expedients to relieve themselves from its weight. the plan of raising regular corps, to be exclusively under state authority, and thus be a perpetual substitute for the yeomanry of the country, presented itself as the most effectual and convenient mode of protecting the coasts from insult. during the winter, general howe kept his troops in their quarters, attending to their comfort. as the season for more active operations approached, his first attention was directed to the destruction of the scanty supplies prepared by the americans for the ensuing campaign. a small place on the hudson called peekskill, about fifty miles above new york, was generally the residence of the officer commanding in the highlands, and was used for the reception of stores, to be distributed into the neighbouring posts as occasion might require. its strength, like that of all others depending for defence on militia, was subject to great fluctuation. as soon as the ice was out of the river, general howe took advantage of its occasional weakness, to carry on an expedition against it, for the purpose of destroying the stores there deposited, or of bringing them away. {march .} [sidenote: destruction of stores at peekskill.] colonel bird was detached up the river on this service, with about five hundred men, under convoy of a frigate and some armed vessels. general m'dougal, whose numbers did not at that time exceed two hundred and fifty men, received timely notice of his approach, and exerted himself for the removal of the stores into the strong country in his rear. before this could be effected, colonel bird appeared; and m'dougal, after setting fire to the remaining stores and barracks, retired into the strong grounds in the rear of peekskill. the british detachment completed the conflagration, and returned to new york. during their short stay, a piquet guard was attacked by colonel willet, and driven in with the loss of a few men; a circumstance, believed by general m'dougal, to have hastened the re-embarkation of the detachment. [sidenote: at danbury.] {april.} military stores to a considerable amount had likewise been deposited at danbury, on the western frontier of connecticut. although this place is not more than twenty miles from the sound, yet the roughness of the intervening country, the frequent passage of troops from the eastward through the town, and the well known zeal of the neighbouring militia, were believed sufficient to secure the magazines collected at it. against danbury an expedition was projected; and two thousand men under the command of governor tryon, major general of the provincials in the british service, assisted by brigadiers agnew and sir william erskine, were employed in it. {april .} on the th of april the fleet appeared off the coast of connecticut; and in the evening the troops were landed without opposition between fairfield and norwalk. general silliman, then casually in that part of the country, immediately despatched expresses to assemble the militia. in the mean time tryon proceeded to danbury, which he reached about two the next day. on his approach, colonel huntingdon, who had occupied the town with about one hundred and fifty men, retired to a neighbouring height, and danbury, with the magazines it contained, was consumed by fire. general arnold, who was also in the state superintending the recruiting service, joined general silliman at reading, where that officer had collected about five hundred militia. general wooster, who had resigned his commission in the continental service, and been appointed major general of the militia, fell in with them at the same place, and they proceeded in the night through a heavy rain to bethel, about eight miles from danbury. having heard next morning that tryon, after destroying the town and magazines, was returning, they divided their troops; and general wooster, with about three hundred men, fell in his rear, while arnold, with about five hundred, crossing the country, took post in his front at ridgefield. wooster came up with his rear about eleven in the morning, attacked it with great gallantry, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which he was mortally wounded,[ ] and his troops were repulsed. tryon then proceeded to ridgefield, where he found arnold already intrenched on a strong piece of ground, and prepared to dispute his passage. a warm skirmish ensued, which continued nearly an hour. arnold was at length driven from the field; after which he retreated to paugatuck, about three miles east of norwalk. at break of day next morning, after setting ridgefield on fire, the british resumed their march. about eleven in the forenoon, they were again met by arnold, whose numbers increased during the day to rather more than one thousand men; among whom were some continental troops. a continued skirmishing was kept up until five in the afternoon, when the british formed on a hill near their ships. the americans attacked them with intrepidity, but were repulsed and broken. tryon, availing himself of this respite, re-embarked his troops, and returned to new york. [footnote : congress voted a monument to his memory.] the loss of the british amounted to about one hundred and seventy men. that of the americans, was represented by tryon, as being much more considerable. by themselves, it was not admitted to exceed one hundred. in this number, however, were comprehended general wooster, lieutenant colonel gould, and another field officer, killed; and colonel lamb wounded. several other officers and volunteers were killed. military and hospital stores to a considerable amount, which were greatly needed by the army, were destroyed in the magazines at danbury; but the loss most severely felt was rather more than one thousand tents, which had been provided for the campaign about to open. not long afterwards this enterprise was successfully retaliated. a british detachment had been for some time employed in collecting forage and provisions on the eastern end of long island. howe supposed this part of the country to be so completely secured by the armed vessels which incessantly traversed the sound, that he confided the protection of the stores, deposited at a small port called sagg harbour, to a schooner with twelve guns, and a company of infantry. [sidenote: expedition of colonel meigs to sagg harbour.] {may.} {may .} general parsons, who commanded a few recruits at new haven, thinking it practicable to elude the cruisers in the bay, formed the design of surprising this party, and other adjacent posts, the execution of which was entrusted to lieutenant colonel meigs, a gallant officer, who had accompanied arnold in his memorable march to quebec. he embarked with about two hundred and thirty men, on board thirteen whale boats, and proceeded along the coast to guilford, where he was to cross the sound. with about one hundred and seventy of his detachment, under convoy of two armed sloops, he proceeded across the sound to the north division of the island near south hold, in the neighbourhood of which a small foraging party, against which the expedition was in part directed, was supposed to lie; but they had marched two days before to new york. the boats were conveyed across the land, a distance of about fifteen miles, into a bay which deeply intersects the eastern end of long island, where the troops re-embarked. crossing the bay, they landed at two in the morning, about four miles from sagg harbour, which place they completely surprised, and carried with charged bayonets. at the same time, a division of the detachment secured the armed schooner, and the vessels laden with forage, which were set on fire, and entirely consumed. six of the enemy were killed, and ninety taken prisoners. a very few escaped under cover of the night. the object of his expedition being effected without the loss of a man, colonel meigs returned to guilford with his prisoners. "having," as was stated in the letter to general parsons, "moved with such uncommon celerity, as to have transported his men, by land and water, ninety miles in twenty-five hours." congress directed a sword to be presented to him, and passed a resolution expressing the high sense entertained of his merit, and of the prudence, activity, and valour, displayed by himself and his party. the exertions made by the commander-in-chief through the winter to raise a powerful army for the ensuing campaign, had not been successful. the hopes respecting its strength which the flattering reports made from every quarter had authorized him to form, were cruelly disappointed; and he found himself not only unable to carry into effect the offensive operations he had meditated, but unequal even to defensive war. that steady and persevering courage, however, which had supported himself and the american cause through the gloomy scenes of the preceding year, did not forsake him; and that sound judgment which applies to the best advantage those means which are attainable, however inadequate they may be, still remained. his plan of operations was adapted to that which he believed his enemy had formed. he was persuaded either that general burgoyne would endeavour to take ticonderoga, and to penetrate to the hudson, in which event general howe would co-operate with him by moving up that river, and attempting to possess himself of the forts and high grounds commanding its passage; or that burgoyne would join the grand army at new york by sea; after which the combined armies would proceed against philadelphia. to counteract the designs of the enemy, whatever they might be, to defend the three great points, ticonderoga, the highlands of new york, and philadelphia, against two powerful armies so much superior to him, in arms, in numbers, and in discipline, it was necessary to make such an arrangement of his troops as would enable the parts reciprocally to aid each other, without neglecting objects of great, and almost equal magnitude which were alike threatened, and were far asunder. to effect these purposes, the troops of new england and new york were divided between ticonderoga and peekskill, while those from jersey to north carolina inclusive, were directed to assemble at the camp to be formed in jersey. the more southern troops remained in that weak quarter of the union for its protection. [sidenote: camp formed at middlebrook.] these arrangements being made, and the recruits collected, the camp at morristown was broken up, the detachments called in, and the army assembled at middlebrook, just behind a connected ridge of strong and commanding heights, north of the road leading to philadelphia, and about ten miles from brunswick. this camp, the approaches to which were naturally difficult, was rendered still more defensible by intrenchments. the heights in front commanded a prospect of the course of the raritan, the road to philadelphia, the hills about brunswick, and a considerable part of the country between that place and amboy; so as to afford a full view of the most interesting movements of the enemy. the force brought into the field by america required all the aid which could be derived from strong positions, and unremitting vigilance. on the th of may, the total of the army in jersey, excluding cavalry and artillery, amounted to only eight thousand three hundred and seventy-eight men, of whom upwards of two thousand were sick. the effective rank and file were only five thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight. had this army been composed of the best disciplined troops, its inferiority, in point of numbers, must have limited its operations to defensive war; and have rendered it incompetent to the protection of any place, whose defence would require a battle in the open field. but more than half the troops[ ] were unacquainted with the first rudiments of military duty, and had never looked an enemy in the face. as an additional cause of apprehension, a large proportion of the soldiers, especially from the middle states, were foreigners, many of them servants, in whose attachment to the american cause full confidence could not be placed. [footnote : the extreme severity of the service, aided perhaps by the state of the hospitals, had carried to the grave more than two-thirds of the soldiers who had served the preceding campaign, and been engaged for more than one year.] general washington, anticipating a movement by land towards philadelphia, had taken the precaution to give orders for assembling on the western bank of the delaware, an army of militia, strengthened by a few continental troops, the command of which was given to general arnold, who was then in philadelphia, employed in the settlement of his accounts. the first and real object of the campaign, on the part of general howe, was the acquisition of philadelphia. he intended to march through jersey; and, after securing the submission of that state, to cross the delaware on a portable bridge constructed in the winter for the purpose, and proceed by land to that city. if, in the execution of this plan, the americans could be brought to a general action on equal ground, the advantages of the royal army must insure a victory. but should washington decline an engagement, and be again pressed over the delaware, the object would be as certainly obtained. had sir william howe taken the field before the continental troops were assembled, this plan might probably have been executed without any serious obstruction; but the tents and camp equipage expected from europe did not arrive until general washington had collected his forces, and taken possession of the strong post on the heights of middlebrook. it would be dangerous to attack him on such advantageous ground; for, although his camp might be forced, victory would probably be attended with such loss, as to disable the victor from reaping its fruits. if it was deemed too hazardous to attack the strong camp at middlebrook, an attempt to cross the delaware, in the face of an army collected on its western bank, while that under general washington remained unbroken in his rear, was an experiment of equal danger. it comported with the cautious temper of sir william howe to devise some other plan of operation to which he might resort, should he be unable to seduce the american general from his advantageous position. the two great bays of delaware and chesapeake suggested the alternative of proceeding by water, should he be unable to manoeuvre general washington out of his present encampment. {june.} {june .} the plan of the campaign being settled, and some small reinforcements with the expected camp equipage being received from europe, general howe, leaving a garrison in new york, and a guard in amboy, assembled his army at brunswick, and gave strong indications of an intention to penetrate through the country to the delaware, and reach philadelphia by land. believing this to be his real design, washington placed a select corps of riflemen under the command of colonel morgan, an officer who had distinguished himself in the unfortunate attempt to storm quebec, and in whom those peculiar qualities which fit a man for the command of a partisan corps, designed to act on the lines of a formidable enemy, were eminently united. he was ordered to take post at vanvighton's bridge on the raritan, just above its confluence with the millstone river, to watch the left flank of the british army, and seize every occasion to harass it. [sidenote: sir william howe moves out to somerset court house in great force.] early in the morning of the th, sir william howe, leaving two thousand men under the command of general matthews at brunswick, advanced in two columns towards the delaware. the front of the first, under lord cornwallis, reached somerset court house, nine miles from brunswick, by the appearance of day; and the second, commanded by general de heister, reached middlebush about the same time. this movement was made with the view of inducing general washington to quit his fortified camp, and approach the delaware,[ ] in which event, the british general expected to bring on an engagement on ground less disadvantageous than that now occupied by the american army. but that officer understood the importance of his position too well to abandon it. on the first intelligence that the enemy was in motion, he drew out his whole army, and formed it, to great advantage, on the heights in front of his camp. this position was constantly maintained. the troops remained in order of battle during the day; and, in the night, slept on the ground to be defended. in the mean time the jersey militia, with an alacrity theretofore unexampled in that state, took the field in great numbers. they principally joined general sullivan, who had retired from princeton, behind the sourland hills towards flemingtown, where an army of some respectability was forming, which could readily co-operate with that under the immediate inspection of the commander-in-chief. [footnote : general howe's letter.] the settled purpose of general washington was to defend his camp, but not to hazard a general action on other ground. he had therefore determined not to advance from the heights he occupied, into the open country, either towards the enemy, or the delaware. the object of general howe seems to have been, by acting on his anxiety for philadelphia, to seduce him from the strong ground about middlebrook, and tempt him to approach the delaware, in the hope of defending its passage. should he succeed in this, he had little doubt of being able to bring on an engagement, in which he counted with certainty on victory. the considerations which restrained general howe from attempting to march through jersey, leaving the american army in full force in his rear, had determined washington to allow him to proceed to the delaware, if such should be his intention. in that event, he had determined to throw those impediments only in the way of the hostile army which might harass and retard its march; and, maintaining the high and secure grounds north of the road to be taken by the enemy, to watch for an opportunity of striking some important blow with manifest advantage. he was not long in penetrating the designs of his adversary. "the views of the enemy," he writes to general arnold in a letter of the th, "must be to destroy this army, and get possession of philadelphia. i am, however, clearly of opinion, that they will not move that way until they have endeavoured to give a severe blow to this army. the risk would be too great to attempt to cross a river, when they must expect to meet a formidable opposition in front, and would have such a force as ours in their rear. they might possibly be successful, but the probability would be infinitely against them. should they be imprudent enough to make the attempt, i shall keep close upon their heels, and will do every thing in my power to make the project fatal to them. "but, besides the argument in favour of their intending, in the first place, a stroke at this army, drawn from the policy of the measure, every appearance contributes to confirm the opinion. had their design been for the delaware in the first instance, they would probably have made a secret, rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to awaken our attention, and give us time to prepare for obstructing them. instead of that they have only advanced to a position necessary to facilitate an attack on our right, the part in which we are most exposed. in addition to this circumstance, they have come out as light as possible, leaving all their baggage, provisions, boats, and bridges, at brunswick. this plainly contradicts the idea of their intending to push for the delaware." [sidenote: returns to amboy.] finding the american army could not be drawn from its strong position, general howe determined to waste no more time in threatening philadelphia by land, but to withdraw from jersey, and to embark his army as expeditiously as possible for the chesapeake or the delaware. on the night of the th he returned to brunswick, and on the d to amboy, from which place, the heavy baggage and a few of his troops passed into staten island, on the bridge which had been designed for the delaware. general washington had expected this movement from brunswick, and had made arrangements to derive some advantage from it. general greene was detached with three brigades to annoy the british rear; and sullivan and maxwell were ordered to co-operate with him. in the mean time the army paraded on the heights of middlebrook, ready to act as circumstances might require. about sunrise, colonel morgan drove in a piquet guard, soon after which that division commenced its march to amboy. some sharp skirmishing took place between this party and morgan's regiment, but the hope of gaining any important advantage was entirely disappointed; and the retreat to amboy was effected with inconsiderable loss. {june .} in order to cover his light parties, which still hung on the british flank and rear, general washington advanced six or seven miles, to quibbletown on the road to amboy; and lord stirling's division was pushed still farther, to the neighbourhood of the metucking meeting house, for the purpose of co-operating with the light parties, should the retreat to staten island afford an opportunity of striking at the rear. [sidenote: endeavors to cut off the retreat of the american army to middlebrook, but is disappointed.] believing it now practicable to bring on an engagement, and probably hoping to turn the left of the american army, and gain the heights in its rear, general howe, in the night of the th, recalled the troops from staten island; and, early next morning, made a rapid movement, in two columns, towards westfield. the right, under the command of lord cornwallis, took the route by woodbridge to the scotch plains; and the left, led by sir william howe in person, marched by metucking meeting house, to fall into the rear of the right column. it was intended that the left should take a separate road, soon after this junction, and attack the left flank of the american army at quibbletown; while lord cornwallis should gain the heights on the left of the camp at middlebrook. four battalions with six pieces of cannon were detached to bonhamtown.[ ] [footnote : general howe's letter.] [sidenote: lord cornwallis skirmishes near the scotch plains with lord stirling.] {june .} about woodbridge, the right column fell in with one of the american parties of observation which gave notice of this movement. general washington discerned his danger, put the whole army instantly in motion, and regained the camp at middlebrook. lord cornwallis fell in with lord stirling, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the americans were driven from their ground with the loss of three field pieces, and a few men. they retreated to the hills about the scotch plains, and were pursued as far as westfield. perceiving the passes in the mountains on the left of the american camp to be guarded, and the object of this skilful manoeuvre to be, consequently, unattainable, his lordship returned through rahway to amboy; and the whole army crossed over to staten island. {july .} general washington was now again left to his conjectures respecting the plan of the campaign. before sir william howe had, in any degree disclosed his views, intelligence was received of the appearance of burgoyne on lake champlain, and that ticonderoga was threatened. this intelligence strengthened the opinion that the design of howe must be to seize the passes in the mountains on the hudson, secure the command of that river, and effect a junction between the two armies. yet he could not permit himself to yield so entirely to this impression, as to make a movement which might open the way by land to philadelphia. his army therefore maintained its station at middlebrook; but arrangements were made to repel any sudden attack on the posts which defended the hudson. some changes made in the stations of the british ships and troops having relieved the american general from his apprehensions of a sudden march to philadelphia, he advanced sullivan's division to pompton plains, on the way to peekskill; and proceeded with the main body of his army, to morristown;--thus approaching the highlands of new york, without removing so far from middlebrook as to be unable to regain that camp should general howe indicate an intention to seize it. meanwhile, the british general prosecuted, diligently, his plan of embarkation, which was, necessarily, attended with circumstances indicating a much longer voyage than that up the north river. these circumstances were immediately communicated to the eastern states, and congress was earnestly pressed to strengthen the fortifications on the delaware, and to increase the obstructions in that river. {july .} in the midst of these appearances, certain intelligence was received that burgoyne was in great force on the lakes, and was advancing against ticonderoga. this intelligence confirmed the opinion that the main object of howe must be to effect a junction with burgoyne on the north river. under this impression, general washington ordered sullivan to peekskill, and advanced, himself, first to pompton plains, and afterwards to the clove, where he determined to remain until the views of the enemy should be disclosed. while the general thus anxiously watched the movements of his adversary, an agreeable and unexpected piece of intelligence was received from new england. the command of the british troops in rhode island had devolved on general prescot. thinking himself perfectly secure in an island, the water surrounding which was believed to be entirely guarded by his cruisers, and at the head of an army greatly superior to any force then collected in that department, he indulged himself in convenient quarters, rather distant from camp; and was remiss with respect to the guards about his person. information of this negligence was communicated to the main, and a plan was formed to surprise him. this spirited enterprise was executed, with equal courage and address, by lieutenant colonel barton of the rhode island militia. [sidenote: general prescot surprised and taken.] on the night of the th, he embarked on board four whale boats, at warwick neck, with a party consisting of about forty persons, including captains adams and philips, and several other officers. after proceeding about ten miles by water, unobserved by the british guard-boats, although several ships of war lay in that quarter, he landed on the west of the island, about midway between newport and bristol ferry, and marching a mile to the quarters of prescot, dexterously seized the sentinel at his door, and one of his aids. the general himself was taken out of bed, and conveyed to a place of safety. the success of this intrepid enterprise diffused the more joy throughout america, because it was supposed to secure the liberation of general lee, by enabling general washington to offer an officer of equal rank in exchange for him. congress expressed a high sense of the gallant conduct of colonel barton, and his party; and presented him with a sword as a mark of approbation. as the fleet fell down towards sandy hook, general washington withdrew slowly from the clove, and disposed his army in different divisions, so as to march to any point which might be attacked. [sidenote: the british army embarks.] at length, the embarkation was completed, and the fleet put to sea. chapter viii. general washington commences his march to the delaware.... takes measures for checking burgoyne.... british army lands at elk river.... general washington advances to brandywine.... retreat of maxwell.... defeat at brandywine.... slight skirmish near the white horse, and retreat to french creek.... general wayne surprised.... general howe takes possession of philadelphia.... removal of congress to lancaster. { } {july.} [sidenote: general washington commences his march to the delaware.] on receiving intelligence that the british fleet had sailed from new york, the american army commenced its march to the delaware. about the time of its departure, a letter from sir william howe, directed to general burgoyne at quebec, was delivered to general putnam by the person who had received it, as was said, for the purpose of carrying it to quebec, and was transmitted by putnam to the commander-in-chief. in this letter, general howe said that "he was exhibiting the appearance of moving to the southward, while his real intent was against boston, from whence he would co-operate with the army of canada." this stratagem entirely failed. general washington, at once, perceived that the letter was written with a design that it should fall into his hands, and mislead him with respect to the views of the writer. [sidenote: he takes measures for checking burgoyne.] while the utmost vigilance and judgment were required to conduct the operations of the army under the immediate command of general washington, the transactions in the north were too vitally interesting not to engage a large share of his attention. he not only hastened the march of those generals who were designed to act in that department, and pressed the governors of the eastern states to reinforce the retreating army with all their militia, but made large detachments of choice troops from his own;--thus weakening himself in order to strengthen other generals whose strength would be more useful. the fame of being himself the leader of the victorious army did not, with false glare, dazzle his judgment, or conceal the superior public advantage to be derived from defeating the plans of burgoyne. on the th of july, all doubts respecting the destination of the british fleet were supposed to be removed by its appearance off the capes of delaware; and orders were immediately given for assembling the detached parts of the army in the neighbourhood of philadelphia. scarcely were these orders given, when the aspect of affairs was changed, and they were countermanded. an express from cape may brought the information that the fleet had sailed out of the bay of delaware, and was proceeding eastward. from this time, no intelligence respecting it was received until about the th of august, when it appeared a few leagues south of the capes of delaware, after which it disappeared, and was not again seen until late in that month. the fact was, that on entering the capes of delaware, the difficulties attending an attempt to carry his fleet up that bay and river, determined general howe to relinquish his original design, and to transport his army to the chesapeake. contrary winds prevented his gaining the mouth of that bay until the th of august. the several divisions of the army were immediately ordered[ ] to unite in the neighbourhood of philadelphia, and the militia of pennsylvania, maryland, delaware, and the northern counties of virginia, were directed to take the field. [footnote : these orders were received by general sullivan, who had been encamped about hanover, in jersey, on his return from an expedition to staten island. the british force on that island amounted to between two and three thousand men, of whom nearly one thousand were provincials, who were distributed along the coast, opposite the jersey shore. the europeans occupied a fortified camp near the watering place; and general sullivan thought it practicable to surprise the provincials, and bring them off before they could be supported by the europeans. only six boats had been procured for the conveyance of his troops; yet they crossed over into the island before day undiscovered, and completely surprised two of the provincial parties, commanded by colonels lawrence and barton, both of whom, with several officers and men were taken. the alarm being given, sullivan attempted to withdraw from the island. the number of boats not being sufficient for the embarkation of all his troops at the same time, some confusion obtained among them. general campbell advanced in force on the rear guard while waiting for the return of the boats, which was captured after making a gallant resistance. this enterprise was well planned, and in its commencement, happily executed; but ought not to have been undertaken without a number of boats sufficient to secure the retreat. the loss of the british in prisoners amounted to eleven officers, and one hundred and thirty privates. that of the americans, is stated by sullivan, at one major, one captain, one lieutenant, and ten privates killed, and fifteen wounded, and nine officers, and one hundred and twenty-seven privates prisoners. general campbell, in his account of the action says, that he made two hundred and fifty-nine prisoners, among whom were one lieutenant colonel, three majors, two captains, and fifteen inferior officers.] [sidenote: british fleet comes up the chesapeake and lands an army under sir william howe at elk river.] the british fleet, after entering the chesapeake, sailed up it with favourable winds, and entered elk river, up which the admiral proceeded as high as it was safely navigable; and on the th of august the troops were landed at the ferry. the british army, at its disembarkation, has been generally computed at eighteen thousand men. they were in good health and spirits, admirably supplied with all the implements of war, and led by an experienced general, of unquestionable military talents. [sidenote: general washington advances to brandywine.] the day before sir william howe landed, the american army marched through philadelphia, and proceeded to the brandywine. the divisions of greene and stephen were advanced nearer to the head of elk, and encamped behind white clay creek. congress had directed general smallwood and colonel girt to take command of the militia of maryland, who had been ordered by general washington to assemble near the head of the bay. the militia of the lower counties of delaware, commanded by general rodney, were directed also to assemble in the british rear, and to co-operate with those of maryland. colonel richardson's continental regiment, which had been stationed on the eastern shore, was ordered to join this corps. the militia of pennsylvania, commanded by major general armstrong, were united with the main body of the army. great exertions were used to bring them promptly into the field, and they came forward generally with some degree of alacrity. although the numbers required by congress did not assemble, more appeared than could be armed. the real strength of the american army can not be accurately stated. it was estimated by sir william howe at fifteen thousand, including militia; and this estimate did not far exceed their real total, as exhibited by the returns. but it is a fact, attributable in some degree to the badness of their clothing, and scarcity of tents, and in some degree to the neglect of the commissary department, to provide those articles of food which contribute to the preservation of health, that the effective force was always far below the total number. the effectives, including militia, did not exceed eleven thousand. morgan's regiment of riflemen having been detached to the northern army, a corps of light infantry was formed for the occasion, the command of which was given to general maxwell. this corps was advanced to iron hill, about three miles in front of white clay creek. the cavalry, consisting of four regiments, amounting to about nine hundred men, including persons of every description, were employed principally on the lines. [sidenote: lord cornwallis attacks maxwell's corps, and compels them to retreat.] one division of the british army, commanded by sir william howe in person, had taken post at elkton, with its van advanced to gray's hill. general knyphausen, with a second division, had crossed the ferry and encamped at cecil court house. he was directed to march up on the eastern side of the river, and to join sir william howe seven or eight miles south of christiana. the intention to make this movement being disclosed by the preparatory arrangements, general washington advised maxwell to post a choice body of men in the night on an advantageous part of the road, in order to annoy him on his march. in the morning of the third of september, the two divisions under lord cornwallis and general knyphausen, moved forward and formed a junction at pencader, or atkins' tavern, where they encamped. in their way, the column led by lord cornwallis fell in with and attacked maxwell, who retreated over white clay creek, with the loss of about forty killed and wounded. {september .} the whole american army, except the light infantry, took a position behind red clay creek, on the road leading from the camp of sir william howe to philadelphia. on this ground, the general thought it probable that the fate of philadelphia, and of the campaign, might be decided; and he resorted to all the means in his power to encourage his troops, and stimulate them to the greatest exertions. {september .} on the th of september, the british army was again put in motion. the main body advanced by newark, upon the right of the americans, and encamped within four miles of that place, extending its left still farther up the country. meanwhile, a strong column made a show of attacking in front, and, after manoeuvring some time, halted at milton, within two miles of the centre. {september .} general washington was soon convinced that the column in front was designed only to amuse, while the left should effect the principal and real object. believing that object to be to turn his right, and cut off his communication with philadelphia, he changed his ground, and, crossing the brandywine early in the night, took post behind that river, at chadd's ford. general maxwell was advanced in front, and placed, advantageously, on the hills south of the river, on the road leading over the ford. the militia, under general armstrong, were posted at a ford two miles below chadd's; and the right extended some miles above, with a view to other passes deemed less practicable. in this position, general washington attended the movements of the adverse army. in the evening, howe marched forward in two columns, which united, early the next morning, at kennet's square; after which he advanced parties on the roads leading to lancaster, to chadd's ford, and to wilmington. the armies were now within seven miles of each other, with only the brandywine between them, which opposed no obstacle to a general engagement. this was sought by howe, and not avoided by washington. it was impossible to protect philadelphia without a victory, and this object was deemed throughout america, and especially by congress, of such magnitude as to require that an action should be hazarded for its attainment. in the morning of the th, soon after day, information was received that the whole british army was in motion, advancing on the direct road leading over chadd's ford. the americans were immediately under arms, and placed in order of battle, for the purpose of contesting the passage of the river. skirmishing soon commenced between the advanced parties; and, by ten, maxwell's corps, with little loss on either side, was driven over the brandywine below the ford. knyphausen, who commanded this column, paraded on the heights, reconnoitred the american army, and appeared to be making dispositions to force the passage of the river. a skirt of woods, with the river, divided him from maxwell's corps, small parties of whom occasionally crossed over, and kept up a scattering fire, by which not much execution was done. at length one of these parties, led by captains waggoner and porterfield, engaged the british flank guard very closely, killed a captain with ten or fifteen privates, drove them out of the wood, and were on the point of taking a field piece. the sharpness of the skirmish soon drew a large body of the british to that quarter, and the americans were again driven over the brandywine.[ ] [footnote : the author was an eye-witness of this skirmish.] about eleven in the morning, information reached general washington that a large column with many field pieces, had taken a road leading from kennet's square, directly up the country, and had entered the great valley road, down which they were marching to the upper fords of the brandywine. this information was given by colonel ross of pennsylvania, who was in their rear, and estimated their numbers at five thousand men. on receiving this information, washington is said to have determined to detach sullivan and lord stirling to engage the left division of the british army, and with the residue of his troops, to cross chadd's ford in person, and attack knyphausen. before this plan could be executed, counter intelligence was received inducing an opinion that the movement of the british on their left was a feint, and that the column under lord cornwallis, after making demonstrations of crossing the brandywine above its forks, had marched down the southern side of that river to reunite itself with knyphausen. not long after the first communication was made by colonel ross, information was received from colonel bland of the cavalry, which produced some doubt respecting the strength of this column. he saw only two brigades; but the dust appeared to rise in their rear for a considerable distance. a major of the militia came in, who alleged that he left the forks of the brandywine so late in the day that it was supposed lord cornwallis must have passed them by that time, had he continued his march in that direction, and who asserted that no enemy had appeared in that quarter. some light horsemen who had been sent to reconnoitre the road, returned with the same information. the uncertainty produced by this contradictory intelligence was at length removed; and about two in the afternoon, it was ascertained that the column led by lord cornwallis, after making a circuit of about seventeen miles, had crossed the river above its forks, and was advancing in great force. a change of disposition was immediately made. the divisions commanded by sullivan, stirling, and stephen, took new ground, advanced farther up the brandywine, and fronted the british column marching down that river. the division commanded by wayne remained at chadd's ford, to keep knyphausen in check; in which service maxwell was to co-operate. greene's division, accompanied by general washington in person, formed a reserve, and took a central position between the right and left wings. the divisions detached against lord cornwallis formed hastily on an advantageous piece of ground, above birmingham meeting house, with their left near the brandywine, and having both flanks covered by a thick wood. the artillery was judiciously posted, and the disposition of the whole was well made. unfortunately, sullivan's division, in taking its ground, made too large a circuit, and was scarcely formed when the attack commenced. [sidenote: the american army defeated at brandywine, and retreat to chester.] on perceiving the americans, the british army was formed in order of battle; and, about half past four, the action began. it was kept up warmly for some time. the american right first gave way, and by its flight exposed the flank of the remaining divisions to a galling fire. the line continued to break from the right, and, in a short time, was completely routed. the right wing made some attempts to rally, but, being briskly charged, again broke, and the flight became general. on the commencement of the action on the right, general washington pressed forward with greene, to the support of that wing; but, before his arrival, its rout was complete, and he could only check the pursuit. for this purpose, the th virginia regiment commanded by colonel stevens, and a regiment of pennsylvania commanded by colonel stewart, neither of which had been in action, were posted advantageously on the road taken by the defeated army. the impression made by the fire of these regiments, and the approach of night, induced sir william howe, after dispersing them, to give over the pursuit. when the american right was found to be fully engaged with lord cornwallis, knyphausen made real dispositions for crossing the river. chadd's ford was defended by an intrenchment and battery, with three field pieces, and a howitzer. after some resistance, the work was forced; and, the defeat of the right being known, the left wing also withdrew from its ground. the whole army retreated that night to chester, and the next day to philadelphia. the loss sustained by the americans in this action has been estimated at three hundred killed, and six hundred wounded. between three and four hundred, principally the wounded, were made prisoners. as must ever be the case in new raised armies, unused to danger, and from which undeserving officers have not been expelled, their conduct was not uniform. some regiments, especially those which had served the preceding campaign, maintained their ground with the firmness and intrepidity of veterans, while others gave way as soon as they were pressed. the authors of a very correct history of the war,[ ] speaking of this action, say, "a part of their troops, among whom were particularly numbered some virginia[ ] regiments, and the whole corps of artillery, behaved exceedingly well in some of the actions of this day, exhibiting a degree of order, firmness, and resolution, and preserving such a countenance in extremely sharp service, as would not have discredited veterans. some other bodies of their troops behaved very badly."[ ] [footnote : annual register.] [footnote : the third virginia regiment commanded by colonel marshall, which had performed extremely severe duty in the campaign of , was placed in a wood on the right, and in front of woodford's brigade, and stephen's division. though attacked by much superior numbers, it maintained its position without losing an inch of ground, until both its flanks were turned, its ammunition nearly expended, and more than half the officers, and one third of the soldiers were killed and wounded. colonel marshall, whose horse had received two balls, then retired in good order to resume his position on the right of his division; but it had already retreated.] [footnote : deboore's brigade broke first; and, on an inquiry into his conduct being directed, he resigned. a misunderstanding existed between him and sullivan, on whose right he was stationed.] the official letter of sir william howe stated his loss at rather less than one hundred killed, and four hundred wounded. as the americans sustained very little injury in the retreat, this inequality of loss can be ascribed only to the inferiority of their arms. many of their muskets were scarcely fit for service; and, being of unequal calibre, their cartridges could not be so well fitted, and, consequently, their fire could not do as much execution as that of the enemy. this radical defect was felt in all the operations of the army. from the ardour with which the commander-in-chief had inspired his troops before this action, it is probable that the conflict would have been more severe, had the intelligence respecting the movement on the left of the british army been less contradictory. raw troops, changing their ground in the moment of action, and attacked in the agitation of moving, are easily thrown into confusion. this was the critical situation of a part of sullivan's division, and was the cause of the right's breaking before greene could be brought up to support it; after which, it was impossible to retrieve the fortune of the day. but had the best disposition of the troops been made at the time, which subsequent intelligence would suggest, the action could not have terminated in favour of the americans. their inferiority in numbers, in discipline, and in arms, was too great to leave them a probable prospect of victory. a battle, however, was not to be avoided. the opinion of the public, and of congress, demanded it. the loss of philadelphia, without an attempt to preserve it, would have excited discontents which, in the united states, might be productive of serious mischief; and action, though attended with defeat, provided the loss be not too great, must improve an army in which, not only the military talents, but even the courage, of officers, some of them of high rank, remained to be ascertained. among the wounded was the marquis de la fayette, and brigadier general woodford. the battle of brandywine was not considered as decisive by congress, the general, or the army. the opinion was carefully cherished that the british had gained only the ground; and that their loss was still more considerable than had been sustained by the americans. congress appeared determined to risk another battle for the metropolis of america. far from discovering any intention to change their place of session, they passed vigorous resolutions for reinforcing the army, and directed general washington to give the necessary orders for completing the defences of the delaware. {september .} from chester, the army marched through darby, over the schuylkill bridge, to its former ground, near the falls of that river. general greene's division, which, having been less in action, was more entire than any other, covered the rear; and the corps of maxwell remained at chester until the next day, as a rallying point for the small parties, and straggling soldiers, who might yet be in the neighbourhood. having allowed his army one day for repose and refreshment, general washington recrossed the schuylkill, and proceeded on the lancaster road, with the intention of risking another engagement. sir william howe passed the night of the th on the field of battle. on the succeeding day, he detached major general grant with two brigades to concord meeting-house; and on the th, lord cornwallis joined general grant, and marched towards chester. another detachment took possession of wilmington; to which place the sick and wounded were conveyed. to prevent a sudden movement to philadelphia by the lower road, the bridge over the schuylkill was loosened from its moorings, and general armstrong was directed, with the pennsylvania militia to guard the passes over that river. on the th, the american army, intending to gain the left of the british, reached the warren tavern, on the lancaster road, twenty-three miles from philadelphia. intelligence was received, early next morning, that howe was approaching in two columns. it being too late to reach the ground he had intended to occupy, washington resolved to meet and engage him in front. {september .} both armies prepared, with great alacrity, for battle. the advanced parties had met, and were beginning to skirmish, when they were separated by a heavy rain, which, becoming more and more violent, rendered the retreat of the americans a measure of absolute necessity. the inferiority of their arms never brought them into such imminent peril as on this occasion. their gun-locks not being well secured, their muskets soon became unfit for use. their cartridge-boxes had been so inartificially constructed, as not to protect their ammunition from the tempest. their cartridges were soon damaged; and this mischief was the more serious, because very many of the soldiers were without bayonets. [sidenote: after a slight skirmish compelled again to retire, cross the schuylkill, and proceed to french creek.] the army being thus rendered unfit for action, the design of giving battle was reluctantly abandoned, and a retreat commenced. it was continued all the day, and great part of the night, through a cold and most distressing rain, and very deep roads. a few hours before day, the troops halted at the yellow springs, where their arms and ammunition were examined, and the alarming fact was disclosed, that scarcely a musket in a regiment could be discharged, and scarcely one cartridge in a box was fit for use. this state of things suggested the precaution of moving to a still greater distance, in order to refit their arms, obtain a fresh supply of ammunition, and revive the spirits of the army. the general therefore retired to warwick furnace, on the south branch of french creek, where ammunition and a few muskets might be obtained in time to dispute the passage of the schuylkill, and make yet another effort to save philadelphia. the extreme severity of the weather had entirely stopped the british army. during two days, general howe made no other movement than to unite his columns. from french creek, general wayne was detached with his division, into the rear of the british, with orders to join general smallwood; and, carefully concealing himself and his movements, to seize every occasion which this march might offer, of engaging them to advantage. meanwhile, general washington crossed the schuylkill at parker's ferry, and encamped on both sides of perkyomy creek. {september .} [sidenote: general wayne surprised, and after a sharp action compelled to retreat.] general wayne lay in the woods near the entrance of the road from darby into that leading to lancaster, about three miles in the rear of the left wing of the british troops encamped at trydruffin, where he believed himself to be perfectly secure. but the country was so extensively disaffected that sir william howe received accurate accounts of his position and of his force. major general gray was detached to surprise him, and effectually accomplished his purpose. about eleven, in the night of the th, his pickets, driven in with charged bayonets, gave the first intimation of gray's approach. wayne instantly formed his division; and while his right sustained a fierce assault, directed a retreat by the left, under cover of a few regiments who, for a short time, withstood the violence of the shock. in his letter to the commander-in-chief, he says that they gave the assailants some well-directed fires which must have done considerable execution; and that, after retreating from the ground on which the engagement commenced, they formed again, at a small distance from the scene of action; but that both parties drew off without renewing the conflict. he states his loss at about one hundred and fifty[ ] killed and wounded. the british accounts admit, on their part, a loss of only seven. [footnote : the british accounts represent the american loss to have been much more considerable. it probably amounted to at least three hundred men.] when the attack commenced, general smallwood, who was on his march to join wayne, a circumstance entirely unexpected by general gray, was within less than a mile of him; and, had he commanded regulars, might have given a very different turn to the night. but his militia thought only of their own safety; and, having fallen in with a party returning from the pursuit of wayne, fled in confusion with the loss of only one man. some severe animadversions on this unfortunate affair having been made in the army, general wayne demanded a court martial, which, after investigating his conduct, was unanimously of opinion, "that he had done every thing to be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer;" and acquitted him with honour. {september .} having secured his rear, by compelling wayne to take a greater distance, sir william howe marched along the valley road to the schuylkill, and encamped on the bank of that river, from the fatland ford up to french creek, along the front of the american army. to secure his right from being turned, general washington again changed his position, and encamped with his left near, but above the british right. [sidenote: washington marches to pottsgrove.] {september .} general howe now relinquished his plan of bringing washington to another battle; and, thinking it adviseable, perhaps, to transfer the seat of war to the neighbourhood of his ships, determined to cross the schuylkill, and take possession of philadelphia. in the afternoon, he ordered one detachment to cross at fatland ford which was on his right, and another to cross at gordon's ford, on his left, and to take possession of the heights commanding them. these orders were executed without much difficulty, and the american troops placed to defend these fords were easily dispersed. this service being effected, the whole army marched by its right, about midnight, and crossing at fatland without opposition, proceeded a considerable distance towards philadelphia, and encamped, with its left near sweed's ford, and its right on the manatawny road, having stony run in its front. it was now apparent that only immediate victory could save philadelphia from the grasp of the british general, whose situation gave him the option of either taking possession of that place, or endeavouring to bring on another engagement. if, therefore, a battle must certainly be risked to save the capital, it would be necessary to attack the enemy. public opinion, which a military chief finds too much difficulty in resisting, and the opinion of congress required a battle; but, on a temperate consideration of circumstances, washington came to the wise decision of avoiding one for the present. his reasons for this decision were conclusive. wayne and smallwood had not yet joined the army. the continental troops ordered from peekskill, who had been detained for a time by an incursion from new york, were approaching; and a reinforcement of jersey militia, under general dickenson, was also expected. to these powerful motives against risking an engagement, other considerations of great weight were added, founded on the condition of his soldiers. an army, manoeuvring in an open country, in the face of a very superior enemy, is unavoidably exposed to excessive fatigue, and extreme hardship. the effect of these hardships was much increased by the privations under which the american troops suffered. while in almost continual motion, wading deep rivers, and encountering every vicissitude of the seasons, they were without tents, nearly without shoes, or winter clothes, and often without food. a council of war concurred in the opinion the commander-in-chief had formed, not to march against the enemy, but to allow his harassed troops a few days for repose, and to remain on his present ground until the expected reinforcements should arrive. immediately after the battle of brandywine, the distressed situation of the army had been represented to congress, who had recommended it to the executive of pennsylvania to seize the cloths and other military stores in the ware houses of philadelphia, and, after granting certificates expressing their value, to convey them to a place of safety. the executive, being unwilling to encounter the odium of this strong measure, advised that the extraordinary powers of the commander-in-chief should be used on the occasion. lieutenant colonel hamilton, one of the general's aids, a young gentleman already in high estimation for his talents and zeal, was employed on this delicate business. "your own prudence," said the general, in a letter to him while in philadelphia, "will point out the least exceptionable means to be pursued; but remember, delicacy and a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of application must give place to our necessities. we must, if possible, accommodate the soldiers with such articles as they stand in need of, or we shall have just reason to apprehend the most injurious and alarming consequences from the approaching season." all the efforts, however, of this very active officer could not obtain a supply, in any degree, adequate to the pressing and increasing wants of the army. [sidenote: general howe takes possession of philadelphia.] [sidenote: congress removes to lancaster.] colonel hamilton was also directed to cause the military stores which had been previously collected to a large amount in philadelphia, and the vessels which were lying at the wharves, to be removed up the delaware. this duty was executed with so much vigilance, that very little public property fell, with the city, into the hands of the british general, who entered it on the th of september. the members of congress separated on the eighteenth, in the evening, and reassembled at lancaster on the twenty-seventh of the same month. from the th of august, when the british army landed at the head of elk, until the th of september when it entered philadelphia, the campaign had been active, and the duties of the american general uncommonly arduous. the best english writers bestow high encomiums on sir william howe for his military skill, and masterly movements during this period. at brandywine especially, washington is supposed to have been "outgeneraled, more outgeneraled than in any action during the war." if all the operations of this trying period be examined, and the means in possession of both be considered, the american chief will appear, in no respect, inferior to his adversary, or unworthy of the high place assigned to him in the opinions of his countrymen. with an army decidedly inferior, not only in numbers, but in every military requisite except courage, in an open country, he employed his enemy near thirty days in advancing about sixty miles. in this time he fought one general action; and, though defeated, was able to reassemble the same undisciplined, unclothed, and almost unfed army; and, the fifth day afterwards, again to offer battle. when the armies were separated by a storm which involved him in the most distressing circumstances, he extricated himself from them, and still maintained a respectable and imposing countenance. the only advantage he is supposed to have given was at the battle of brandywine; and that was produced by the contrariety and uncertainty of the intelligence received. a general must be governed by his intelligence, and must regulate his measures by his information. it is his duty to obtain correct information; and among the most valuable traits of a military character, is the skill to select those means which will obtain it. yet the best selected means are not always successful; and, in a new army, where military talent has not been well tried by the standard of experience, the general is peculiarly exposed to the chance of employing not the best instruments. in a country, too, which is covered with wood, precise information of the numbers composing different columns is to be gained with difficulty. it has been said "that the americans do not appear to have made all the use that might be expected of the advantages which the country afforded for harassing and impeding the british army." in estimating this objection, it ought to be recollected that general smallwood was directed, with the militia of maryland and delaware, supported by a regiment of continental troops, to hang on and harass the rear of the enemy: that general maxwell, with a select corps consisting of a thousand men, was ordered to seize every occasion to annoy him on his march: that general wayne, with his division, was afterwards detached to unite with smallwood, and command the whole force collected in the rear, which would have been very respectable. if the militia did not assemble in the numbers expected, or effect the service allotted to them, their failure is not attributable to general washington. his calls on them had been early and energetic; and the state of his army did not admit of his making larger detachments from it to supply the place they had been designed to fill. loud complaints had been made against general maxwell by the officers of his corps; and a court was ordered to inquire into his conduct, by whom he was acquitted. whether that officer omitted to seize the proper occasions to annoy the enemy, or the cautious and compact movements of sir william howe afforded none, can not be easily ascertained. general washington felt the loss of morgan, and wrote pressingly to gates, after his success against burgoyne, to restore him that officer, with his regiment, as soon as possible. chapter ix. measures to cut off the communication between the british army and fleet.... battle of germantown.... measures to intercept supplies to philadelphia.... attack on fort mifflin.... on red bank.... the augusta blows up.... fort mifflin evacuated.... fort mercer evacuated.... the british open the communication with their fleet.... washington urged to attack philadelphia.... general howe marches out to chestnut hill.... returns to philadelphia.... general washington goes into winter quarters. { } {september.} [sidenote: measures taken to prevent a communication between the british army in philadelphia and their fleet.] philadelphia being lost, general washington sought to make its occupation inconvenient and insecure, by rendering it inaccessible to the british fleet. with this design, works had been erected on a low marshy island in the delaware, near the junction of the schuylkill, which, from the nature of its soil, was called mud island. on the opposite shore of jersey, at a place called red bank, a fort had also been constructed which was defended with heavy artillery. in the deep channel between, or under cover of these batteries, several ranges of frames had been sunk, to which, from their resemblance to that machine, the name of chevaux-de-frise had been given. these frames were so strong and heavy as to be destructive of any ship which might strike against them, and were sunk in such a depth of water as rendered it equally difficult to weigh them or cut them through; no attempt to raise them, or to open the channel in any manner could be successful until the command of the shores on both sides should be obtained. other ranges of these machines had been sunk about three miles lower down the river; and some considerable works were in progress at billingsport on the jersey side, which were in such forwardness as to be provided with artillery. these works and machines were farther supported by several galleys mounting heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, and some fire ships. the present relative situation of the armies gave a decisive importance to these works. cutting off the communication of general howe with his fleet, they prevented his receiving supplies by water, while the american vessels in the river above fort mifflin, the name given to the fort on mud island, rendered it difficult to forage in jersey, general washington hoped to render his supplies on the side of pennsylvania so precarious, as to compel him to evacuate philadelphia. the advantages of this situation were considerably diminished by the capture of the delaware frigate. {september .} the day after lord cornwallis entered philadelphia, three batteries were commenced for the purpose of acting against any american ships which might appear before the town. while yet incomplete, they were attacked by two frigates, assisted by several galleys and gondolas. the delaware, being left by the tide while engaged with the battery, grounded and was captured; soon after which, the smaller frigate, and the other vessels, retired under the guns of the fort. this circumstance was the more interesting, as it gave the british general the command of the ferry, and, consequently, free access to jersey, and enabled him to intercept the communication between the forts below, and trenton, from which place the garrisons were to have drawn their military stores. {september .} {september .} {september .} {october .} all the expected reinforcements, except the state regiment and militia from virginia, being arrived, and the detached parties being called in, the effective strength of the army amounted to eight thousand continental troops, and three thousand militia. with this force, general washington determined to approach the enemy, and seize the first favourable moment to attack him. in pursuance of this determination, the army took a position on the skippack road, about twenty miles from philadelphia, and sixteen from germantown,--a long village stretching on both sides the great road leading northward from philadelphia, which forms one continued street nearly two miles in length. the british line of encampment crossed this village at right angles near the centre, and lord cornwallis, with four regiments of grenadiers, occupied philadelphia. the immediate object of general howe being the removal of the obstructions in the river, colonel stirling, with two regiments, had been detached to take possession of the fort at billingsport, which he accomplished without opposition. this service being effected, and the works facing the water destroyed, colonel stirling was directed to escort a convoy of provisions from chester to philadelphia. some apprehensions being entertained for the safety of this convoy, another regiment was detached from germantown, with directions to join colonel stirling.[ ] [footnote : annual register.--stedman.] this division of the british force appeared to washington to furnish a fair opportunity to engage sir william howe with advantage. determining to avail himself of it, he formed a plan for surprising the camp at germantown, and attacking both wings, in front and rear, at the same instant. the divisions of sullivan and wayne, flanked by conway's brigade, were to march down the main road, and, entering the town by the way of chesnut hill, to attack the left wing; while general armstrong, with the pennsylvania militia, was to move down the manatawny road[ ] by vanduring's mill, and turning the left flank to attack in the rear. the commander-in-chief accompanied this column. [footnote : better known as the ridge road.] the divisions of greene and stephen, flanked by m'dougal's brigade, were to take a circuit by the lime kiln road, and, entering the town at the market house, to attack the right wing. the militia of maryland and jersey, under generals smallwood and forman, were to march down the old york road, and turning the right to fall upon its rear. the division of lord stirling, and the brigades of nash and maxwell, were to form a corps de reserve. parties of cavalry were silently to scour the roads to prevent observation, and to keep up the communication between the heads of the several columns. {october .} [sidenote: royal army attacked at germantown.] the necessary arrangements being made, the army moved from its ground at seven in the afternoon. before sunrise the next morning, the advance of the column led by sullivan, encountered and drove in a picket placed at mount airy, the house of mr. allen.[ ] the main body followed close in the rear, and engaging the light infantry and the th regiment, posted at the head of the village, soon forced them to give way, leaving their baggage behind them. though closely pursued, lieutenant colonel musgrave threw himself with five companies of the th regiment into a large stone house belonging to mr. chew, which stood directly in the way of wayne's division, and poured on the americans an incessant and galling fire of musketry from its doors and windows. after making some unsuccessful, and bloody attempts to carry this house by storm, and then battering it for a few minutes with field artillery, which was found too light to make any impression on its walls, a regiment was left to observe the party within it, while the troops who had been checked by colonel musgrave again moved forward, passing to the left of the house. [footnote : since robinson's.] in rather more than half an hour after sullivan had been engaged, the left wing, having formed the line, came also into action; and, attacking the light infantry posted in front of the british right wing, soon drove it from its ground. while rapidly pursuing the flying enemy, woodford's brigade,[ ] which was on the right of this wing, was arrested by a heavy fire from chew's house, directed against its right flank. the inefficiency of musketry against troops thus sheltered being instantly perceived, the brigade was drawn off to the left by its commanding officer, and the field-pieces attached to it were ordered up to play on the house, but were too light to be of service. some time was consumed in this operation, and the advance of the brigade was, of course, retarded. this part of the line was consequently broken, and the two brigades composing the division of stephen were not only separated from each other, but from the other division which was led by general greene in person. that division, consisting of the brigades of muhlenberg and scott, pressing forward with eagerness, encountered and broke a part of the british right wing, entered the village, and made a considerable number of prisoners. [footnote : the author was in this brigade, and describes this part of the action from his own observation.] thus far the prospect was flattering. the attack had been made with great spirit; several brigades had entered the town; and such an impression had been made on the british army as to justify the expectation that its wings might be separated from each other, and a complete victory be obtained. had the american troops possessed the advantages given by experience; had every division of the army performed with precision the part allotted to it, there is yet reason to believe that the hopes inspired by this favourable commencement would not have been disappointed. but the face of the country, and the darkness of the morning produced by a fog of uncommon density, co-operating with the want of discipline in the army, and the derangements of the corps from the incidents at chew's house, blasted their flattering appearances, and defeated the enterprise. the grounds over which the british were pursued abounded with small and strong enclosures, which frequently broke the line of the advancing army. the two divisions of the right wing had been separated at chew's house; and immediately after their passing it, the right of the left wing was stopped at the same place, so as to cause a division of that wing also. the darkness of the morning rendered it difficult to distinguish objects even at an inconsiderable distance; and it was impossible for the commander-in-chief to learn the situation of the whole, or to correct the confusion which was commencing. the divisions and brigades separated at chew's house could not be reunited; and, even among those parts which remained entire, a considerable degree of disorder was soon introduced by the impediments to their advance. some regiments pursuing with more vivacity than others, they were separated from each other, their weight lessened, and their effect impaired. the darkness which obstructed the reunion of the broken parts of the american army, also prevented their discerning the real situation of the enemy, so as to improve the first impression; and, in some instances, some corps being in advance of others, produced uncertainty whether the troops, seen indistinctly, were friends or foes. the attacks on the flanks and rear, which formed a part of the original plan, do not appear ever to have been made. the pennsylvania militia came in view of the chasseurs who flanked the left of the british line, but did not engage them closely. the maryland and jersey militia just showed themselves on the right flank, about the time greene was commencing a retreat. [sidenote: the americans repulsed.] these embarrassments gave the british time to recover from the consternation into which they had been thrown. general knyphausen, who commanded their left, detached two brigades to meet the right of sullivan which had penetrated far into the village, before his left, which had been detained at chew's house, could rejoin him; and the action became warm in this quarter. the british right also recovered from its surprise, and advanced on that part of greene's division which had entered the town. after a sharp engagement these two brigades began to retreat, and those which were most in advance were surrounded and compelled to surrender. about the same time the right wing also began to retreat. it is understood that they had expended their ammunition. every effort to stop this retrograde movement proved ineffectual. the division of wayne fell back on that of stephen, and was for an instant mistaken for the enemy. general confusion prevailed, and the confidence felt in the beginning of the action was lost. with infinite chagrin general washington was compelled to relinquish his hopes of victory, and turn his attention to the security of his army. the enemy not being sufficiently recovered to endanger his rear, the retreat was made without loss, under cover of the division of stephen, which had scarcely been in the engagement. in this battle, about two hundred americans were killed, near three times that number wounded, and about four hundred were made prisoners. among the killed was general nash of north carolina; and among the prisoners was colonel matthews of virginia, whose regiment had penetrated into the centre of the town. the loss of the british, as stated in the official return of general howe, did not much exceed five hundred in killed and wounded, of whom less than one hundred were killed; among the latter were brigadier general agnew and colonel bird. the american army retreated the same day, about twenty miles, to perkyomy creek, where a small reinforcement, consisting of fifteen hundred militia and a state regiment, was received from virginia; after which it again advanced towards philadelphia, and encamped once more on skippack creek. the plan of the battle of germantown must be admitted to have been judiciously formed; and, in its commencement, to have been happily conducted. but a strict adherence to it by those who were entrusted with the execution of its several parts, was indispensable to its success. major general stephen, who commanded the right division of the left wing, was cashiered for misconduct on the retreat, and for intoxication. congress expressed, in decided terms, their approbation both of the plan of this enterprise, and of the courage with which it was executed; for which their thanks were given to the general and the army.[ ] [footnote : on hearing that general howe had landed at the head of the chesapeake, sir henry clinton, for the purpose of averting those aids which washington might draw from the north of the delaware, entered jersey at the head of three thousand men. on the approach of general m'dougal with a body of continental troops from peekskill, and on hearing that the militia were assembling under general dickinson, he returned to new york and staten island with the cattle he had collected, having lost in the expedition only eight men killed and twice as many wounded. m'dougal continued his march towards the delaware; and the utmost exertions were made both by governor livingston and general dickinson to collect the militia for the purpose of aiding the army in pennsylvania. the success of their exertions did not equal their wishes. the militia being of opinion that there was danger of a second invasion from new york, and that their services were more necessary at home than in pennsylvania, assembled slowly and reluctantly. five or six hundred crossed the delaware at philadelphia, about the time sir william howe crossed the schuylkill, and were employed in the removal of stores. on the approach of the british army, they were directed to avoid it by moving up the frankford road; but the commanding officer, having separated himself from his corps, was taken by a party of british horse employed in scouring the country; on which the regiment dispersed, and returned by different roads to jersey. with much labour general dickinson assembled two other corps amounting to about nine hundred men, with whom he was about to cross the delaware when intelligence was received of the arrival at new york of a reinforcement from europe. he was detained in jersey for the defence of the state, and the militia designed to serve in pennsylvania were placed under general forman. about six hundred of them reached the army a few days before the battle of germantown, immediately after which they were permitted to return.] the attention of both armies was most principally directed to the forts below philadelphia. the loss of the delaware frigate, and of billingsport, greatly discouraged the seamen by whom the galleys and floating batteries were manned. believing the fate of america to be decided, an opinion strengthened by the intelligence received from their connexions in philadelphia, they manifested the most alarming defection, and several officers as well as sailors deserted to the enemy. this desponding temper was checked by the battle of germantown, and by throwing a garrison of continental troops into the fort at red bank, called fort mercer, the defence of which had been entrusted to militia. this fort commanded the channel between the jersey shore and mud island; and the american vessels were secure under its guns. the militia of jersey were relied on to reinforce its garrison, and also to form a corps of observation which might harass the rear of any detachment investing the place. [sidenote: measures taken by general washington for cutting off supplies from philadelphia.] to increase the inconvenience of general howe's situation by intercepting his supplies, six hundred militia, commanded by general potter, crossed the schuylkill, with orders to scour the country between that river and chester; and the militia on the delaware, above philadelphia, were directed to watch the roads in that vicinity. the more effectually to stop those who were seduced by the hope of gold and silver to supply the enemy at this critical time, congress passed a resolution subjecting to martial law and to death, all who should furnish them with provisions, or certain other enumerated articles, who should be taken within thirty miles of any city, town or place, in jersey, pennsylvania, or delaware, occupied by british troops. these arrangements being made to cut off supplies from the country, general washington reoccupied the ground from which he had marched to fight the battle of germantown. [sidenote: attack upon fort mifflin.] meanwhile, general howe was actively preparing to attack fort mifflin from the pennsylvania shore. he erected some batteries at the mouth of the schuylkill, in order to command webb's ferry, which were attacked by commodore hazlewood, and silenced; but, the following night, a detachment crossed over webb's ferry into province island, and constructed a slight work opposite fort mifflin, within two musket shots of the block-house, from which they were enabled to throw shot and shells into the barracks. when day-light discovered this work, three galleys and a floating battery were ordered to attack it, and the garrison surrendered. while the boats were bringing off the prisoners, a large column of british troops were seen marching into the fortress, upon which the attack on it was renewed, but without success; and two attempts made by lieutenant colonel smith to storm it, failed. in a few nights, works were completed on the high ground of province island which enfiladed the principal battery of fort mifflin, and rendered it necessary to throw up some cover on the platform to protect the men who worked the guns. the aids expected from the jersey militia were not received. "assure yourself," said lieutenant colonel smith, in a letter pressing earnestly for a reinforcement of continental troops, "that no dependence is to be put on the militia; whatever men your excellency determines on sending, no time is to be lost." the garrison of fort mifflin was now reduced to one hundred and fifty-six effectives, and that of red bank did not much exceed two hundred. in consequence of these representations, colonel angel, of rhode island, with his regiment, was ordered to red bank, and lieutenant colonel john greene, of virginia, with about two hundred men, to fort mifflin. immediately after the battle of brandywine, admiral howe sailed for the delaware, where he expected to arrive in time to meet and co-operate with the army in and about philadelphia. but the winds were so unfavourable, and the navigation of the bay of delaware so difficult, that his van did not get into the river until the th of october. the ships of war and transports which followed, came up from the sixth to the eighth, and anchored from new castle to reedy island. the frigates, in advance of the fleet, had not yet succeeded in their endeavours to effect a passage through the lower double row of chevaux-de-frise. though no longer protected by the fort at billingsport, they were defended by the water force above, and the work was found more difficult than had been expected. it was not until the middle of october that the impediments were so far removed as to afford a narrow and intricate passage through them. in the mean time, the fire from the pennsylvania shore had not produced all the effect expected from it; and it was perceived that greater exertions would be necessary for the reduction of the works than could safely be made in the present relative situation of the armies. under this impression, general howe, soon after the return of the american army to its former camp on the skippack, withdrew his troops from germantown into philadelphia, as preparatory to a combined attack by land and water on forts mercer and mifflin. after effecting a passage through the works sunk in the river at billingsport, other difficulties still remained to be encountered by the ships of war. several rows of chevaux-de-frise had been sunk about half a mile below mud island, which were protected by the guns of the forts, as well as by the moveable water force. to silence these works, therefore, was a necessary preliminary to the removal of these obstructions in the channel. {october.} [sidenote: attack upon red bank.] [sidenote: colonel donop killed and his party repulsed with considerable loss.] on the st of october, a detachment of hessians, amounting to twelve hundred men, commanded by colonel count donop, crossed the delaware at philadelphia, with orders to storm the fort at red bank. the fortifications consisted of extensive outer works, within which was an intrenchment eight or nine feet high, boarded and fraized. late in the evening of the twenty-second. count donop appeared before the fort, and attacked it with great intrepidity. it was defended with equal resolution. the outer works being too extensive to be manned by the troops in the fort, were used only to gall the assailants while advancing. on their near approach, the garrison retired within the inner intrenchment, whence they poured upon the hessians a heavy and destructive fire. colonel donop received a mortal wound; and lieutenant colonel mengerode, the second in command, fell about the same time. lieutenant colonel minsing, the oldest remaining officer, drew off his troops, and returned next day to philadelphia. the loss of the assailants was estimated by the americans at four hundred men. the garrison was reinforced from fort mifflin, and aided by the galleys which flanked the hessians in their advance and retreat. the american loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to only thirty-two men. [sidenote: the augusta frigate blows up.] the ships having been ordered to co-operate with count donop, the augusta, with four smaller vessels, passed the lower line of chevaux-de-frise, opposite to billingsport, and lay above it, waiting until the assault should be made on the fort. the flood tide setting in about the time the attack commenced, they moved with it up the river. the obstructions sunk in the delaware had in some degree changed its channel, in consequence of which the augusta and the merlin grounded, a considerable distance below the second line of chevaux-de-frise and a strong wind from the north so checked the rising of the tide, that these vessels could not be floated by the flood. their situation, however, was not discerned that evening, as the frigates which were able to approach the fort, and the batteries from the pennsylvania shore, kept up an incessant fire on the garrison, till night put an end to the cannonade. early next morning it was recommenced, in the hope that, under its cover, the augusta and the merlin might be got off. the americans, on discovering their situation, sent four fire ships against them, but without effect. meanwhile, a warm cannonade took place on both sides, in the course of which the augusta took fire, and it was found impracticable to extinguish the flames. most of the men were taken out, the frigates withdrawn, and the merlin set on fire; after which the augusta blew up, and a few of the crew were lost in her. this repulse inspired congress with flattering hopes for the permanent defence of the posts on the delaware. that body expressed its high sense of the merits of colonel greene of rhode island, who had commanded in fort mercer; of lieutenant colonel smith of maryland, who had commanded in fort mifflin; and of commodore hazlewood, who commanded the galleys; and presented a sword to each of these officers, as a mark of estimation in which their services were held. the situation of these forts was far from justifying this confidence of their being defensible. that on mud island had been unskilfully constructed, and required at least eight hundred men fully to man the lines. the island is about half a mile long. fort mifflin was placed at the lower end, having its principal fortifications in front for the purpose of repelling ships coming up the river. the defences in the rear consisted only of a ditch and palisade, protected by two block-houses, the upper story of one of which had been destroyed in the late cannonade. above the fort were two batteries opposing those constructed by the british on province and carpenter's islands, which were separated from mud island only by a narrow passage between four and five hundred yards wide. the vessels of war, engaged in the defence of the delaware, were partly in the service of the continent, and partly in that of the state of pennsylvania, under a commodore who received his commission from the state. a misunderstanding took place between him and lieutenant colonel smith, and also between him and the officers of the continental navy; and it required all the authority of the commander-in-chief to prevent these differences from essentially injuring the service. the garrison of fort mifflin consisted of only three hundred continental troops, who were worn down with fatigue, and constant watching, under the constant apprehension of being attacked from province island, from philadelphia, and from the ships below. {october .} having failed in every attempt to draw the militia of jersey to the delaware, general washington determined to strengthen the garrison by farther drafts from his army. three hundred pennsylvania militia were detached, to be divided between the two forts; and, a few days afterwards, general varnum was ordered, with his brigade, to take a position about woodbury, near red bank, and to relieve and reinforce the garrisons of both forts as far as his strength would permit. the hope was entertained that the appearance of so respectable a continental force might encourage the militia to assemble in greater numbers. aware of the advantage to result from a victory over the british army while separated from the fleet, general washington had been uniformly determined to risk much to gain one. he had, therefore, after the battle of germantown, continued to watch assiduously for an opportunity to attack his enemy once more to advantage. the circumspect caution of general howe afforded none. after the repulse at red bank, his measures were slow but certain; and were calculated to insure the possession of the forts without exposing his troops to the hazard of an assault. in this state of things, intelligence was received of the successful termination of the northern campaign, in consequence of which great part of the troops who had been employed against burgoyne, might be drawn to the aid of the army in pennsylvania. but it was feared that, before these reinforcements could arrive, sir william howe would gain possession of the forts, and remove the obstructions to the navigation of the delaware. this apprehension furnished a strong motive for vigorous attempts to relieve fort mifflin. but the relative force of the armies, the difficulty of acting offensively against philadelphia, and, above all, the reflection that a defeat might disable him from meeting his enemy in the field even after the arrival of the troops expected from the north, determined general washington not to hazard a second attack under existing circumstances. to expedite the reinforcements for which he waited, colonel hamilton was despatched to general gates with directions to represent to him the condition of the armies in pennsylvania; and to urge him, if he contemplated no other service of more importance, immediately to send the regiments of massachusetts and new hampshire to aid the army of the middle department. these orders were not peremptory, because it was possible that some other object (as the capture of new york) still more interesting than the expulsion of general howe from philadelphia, might be contemplated by gates; and washington meant not to interfere with the accomplishment of such object. on reaching general putnam, colonel hamilton found that a considerable part of the northern army had joined that officer, but that gates had detained four brigades at albany for an expedition intended to be made in the winter against ticonderoga. having made such arrangements with putnam as he supposed would secure the immediate march of a large body of continental troops from that station, colonel hamilton proceeded to albany for the purpose of remonstrating to general gates against retaining so large and valuable a part of the army unemployed at a time when the most imminent danger threatened the vitals of the country. gates was by no means disposed to part with his troops. he could not believe that an expedition then preparing at new york, was designed to reinforce general howe; and insisted that, should the troops then embarked at that place, instead of proceeding to the delaware, make a sudden movement up the hudson, it would be in their power, should albany be left defenceless, to destroy the valuable arsenal which had been there erected, and the military stores captured with burgoyne, which had been chiefly deposited in that town. having, after repeated remonstrances, obtained an order directing three brigades to the delaware, hamilton hastened back to putnam, and found the troops which had been ordered to join general washington, still at peekskill. the detachment from new york had suggested to putnam the possibility of taking that place; and he does not appear to have made very great exertions to divest himself of a force he deemed necessary for an object, the accomplishment of which would give so much splendour to his military character. in addition to this circumstance, an opinion had gained ground among the soldiers that their share of service for the campaign had been performed, and that it was time for them to go into winter quarters. great discontents too prevailed concerning their pay, which the government had permitted to be more than six months in arrear; and in poor's brigade, a mutiny broke out, in the course of which a soldier who was run through the body by his captain, before he expired, shot the captain dead who gave the wound. colonel hamilton came in time to borrow money from the governor of new york, to put the troops in motion; and they proceeded by brigades to the delaware. but these several delays retarded their arrival until the contest for the forts on that river was terminated. {november.} the preparations of sir william howe being completed, a large battery on province island of twenty-four and thirty-two pounders, and two howitzers of eight inches each, opened, early in the morning of the th of november, upon fort mifflin, at the distance of five hundred yards, and kept up an incessant fire for several successive days. the block-houses were reduced to a heap of ruins; the palisades were beaten down; and most of the guns dismounted and otherwise disabled. the barracks were battered in every part, so that the troops could not remain in them. they were under the necessity of working and watching the whole night to repair the damages of the day, and to guard against a storm, of which they were in perpetual apprehension. if in the day, a few moments were allowed for repose, it was taken on the wet earth, which, in consequence of heavy rains, had become a soft mud. the garrison was relieved by general varnum every forty-eight hours; but his brigade was so weak that half the men were constantly on duty. colonel smith was decidedly of opinion, and general varnum concurred with him, that the garrison could not repel an assault, and ought to be withdrawn; but general washington still cherished the hope that the place might be maintained until he should be reinforced from the northern army. believing that an assault would not be attempted until the works were battered down, he recommended that the whole night should be employed in making repairs. his orders were that the place should be defended to the last extremity; and never were orders more faithfully executed. {november .} {fourteenth.} several of the garrison were killed, and among them captain treat, a gallant officer, who commanded the artillery. colonel smith received a contusion on his hip and arm which compelled him to give up the command, and retire to red bank. major fleury, a french officer of distinguished merit, who served as engineer, reported to the commander-in-chief that, although the block-houses were beaten down, all the guns in them, except two, disabled, and several breaches made in the walls, the place was still defensible; but the garrison was so unequal to the numbers required by the extent of the lines, and was so dispirited by watching, fatigue, and constant exposure to the cold rains which were almost incessant, that he dreaded the event of an attempt to carry the place by storm. fresh troops were ordered to their relief from varnum's brigade, and the command was taken, first by colonel russell, and afterwards by major thayer. the artillery, commanded by captain lee, continued to be well served. the besiegers were several times thrown into confusion, and a floating battery which opened on the morning of the th, was silenced in the course of the day. {fifteenth.} the defence being unexpectedly obstinate, the assailants brought up their ships as far as the obstructions in the river permitted, and added their fire to that of the batteries, which was the more fatal as the cover for the troops had been greatly impaired. the brave garrison, however, still maintained their ground with unshaken firmness. in the midst of this stubborn conflict, the vigilant and a sloop of war were brought up the inner channel, between mud and province islands, which had, unobserved by the besieged, been deepened by the current in consequence of the obstructions in the main channel; and, taking a station within one hundred yards of the works, not only kept up a destructive cannonade, but threw hand grenades into them; while the musketeers from the round top of the vigilant killed every man that appeared on the platform. major thayer applied to the commodore to remove these vessels, and he ordered six galleys on the service; but, after reconnoitring their situation, the galleys returned without attempting any thing. their report was that these ships were so covered by the batteries on province island as to be unassailable. [sidenote: fort mifflin evacuated and possession taken by the british.] {november .} it was now apparent to all that the fort could be no longer defended. the works were in ruins. the position of the vigilant rendered any farther continuance on the island a prodigal and useless waste of human life; and on the th, about at night, the garrison was withdrawn.[ ] [footnote : in stating the defence of mud island, the author has availed himself of the journal of major fleury.] a second attempt was made to drive the vessels from their stations with a determination, should it succeed, to repossess the island; but the galleys effected nothing; and a detachment from province island soon occupied the ground which had been abandoned. {november .} the day after receiving intelligence of the evacuation of fort mifflin, general washington deputed generals de kalb, and knox, to confer with general varnum and the officers at fort mercer on the practicability of continuing to defend the obstructions in the channel, to report thereon, and to state the force which would be necessary for that purpose. their report was in favour of continuing the defence. a council of the navy officers had already been called by the commodore in pursuance of a request of the commander-in-chief made before the evacuation had taken place, who were unanimously of opinion that it would be impracticable for the fleet, after the loss of the island, to maintain its station, or to assist in preventing the chevaux-de-frise from being weighed by the ships of the enemy. general howe had now completed a line of defence from the schuylkill to the delaware; and a reinforcement from new york had arrived at chester. these two circumstances enabled him to form an army in the jerseys sufficient for the reduction of fort mercer, without weakening himself so much in philadelphia as to put his lines in hazard. still deeming it of the utmost importance to open the navigation of the delaware completely, he detached lord cornwallis about one in the morning of the th, with a strong body of troops to chester. from that place, his lordship crossed over to billingsport, where he was joined by the reinforcement from new york. {november .} general washington received immediate intelligence of the march of this detachment, which he communicated to general varnum with orders that fort mercer should be defended to the last extremity. with a view to military operations in that quarter, he ordered one division of the army to cross the river at burlington, and despatched expresses to the northern troops who were marching on by brigades, directing them to move down the delaware on its northern side until they should receive farther orders. [sidenote: fort mercer evacuated.] major general greene, an officer who had been distinguished early in the war by the commander-in-chief for the solidity of his judgment and his military talents, was selected for this expedition. a hope was entertained that he would be able, not only to protect fort mercer, but to obtain some decisive advantage over lord cornwallis; as the situation of the fort, which his lordship could not invest without placing himself between timber and manto creeks, would expose the assailants to great peril from a respectable force in their rear. but, before greene could cross the delaware, lord cornwallis approached with an army rendered more powerful than had been expected by the junction of the reinforcement from new york; and fort mercer was evacuated. a few of the smaller galleys escaped up the river, and the others were burnt by their crews. washington still hoped to recover much of what had been lost. a victory would restore the jersey shore, and this object was deemed so important, that general greene's instructions indicated the expectation that he would be in a condition to fight lord cornwallis. that judicious officer feared the reproach of avoiding an action less than the just censure of sacrificing the real interests of his country by engaging the enemy on disadvantageous terms. the numbers of the british exceeded his, even counting his militia as regulars; and he determined to wait for glover's brigade, which was marching from the north. before its arrival, lord cornwallis took post on gloucester point, a point of land making deep into the delaware, which was entirely under cover of the guns of the ships, from which place he was embarking his baggage and the provisions he had collected for philadelphia.[ ] [footnote : while lord cornwallis lay on gloucester point, about one hundred and fifty men of morgan's rifle corps under lieutenant colonel butler, and an equal number of militia, the whole under the marquis de la fayette, who still served as a volunteer, attacked a picket consisting of about three hundred men, and drove them with the loss of twenty or thirty killed, and a greater number wounded, quite into their camp; after which the americans retired without being pursued.] believing that lord cornwallis would immediately follow the magazines he had collected, and that the purpose of sir william howe was, with his united forces, to attack the american army while divided, general washington ordered greene to recross the delaware, and join the army. [sidenote: the enemy succeeds in opening a free communication with his fleet.] thus after one continued struggle of more than six weeks, in which the continental troops displayed great military virtues, the army in philadelphia secured itself in the possession of that city, by opening a free communication with the fleet.[ ] [footnote : while these transactions were passing on the delaware, general dickinson projected another expedition against the post on staten island. he collected about two thousand men, and requested general putnam to make a diversion on the side of kingsbridge, in order to prevent a reinforcement from new york. knowing that success depended on secrecy, he had concealed his object even from his field-officers, until eight of the night in which it was to be executed. yet by three next morning, information of his design was given to general skinner, who, being on his guard, saved himself and his brigade, by taking refuge, on the first alarm, in some works too strong to be carried by assault. a few prisoners were made and a few men killed, after which general dickinson brought off his party with the loss of only three killed and ten slightly wounded.] [sidenote: washington urged to attack philadelphia.] while lord cornwallis was in jersey, and general greene on the delaware above him, the reinforcements from the north being received, an attack on philadelphia was strongly pressed by several officers high in rank; and was in some measure urged by that torrent of public opinion, which, if not resisted by a very firm mind, overwhelms the judgment, and by controlling measures not well comprehended, may frequently produce, especially in military transactions, the most disastrous effects. it was stated to the commander-in-chief, that his army was now in greater force than he could expect it to be at any future time; that being joined by the troops who had conquered burgoyne, his own reputation, the reputation of his army, the opinion of congress, and of the nation, required some decisive blow on his part. that the rapid depreciation of the paper currency, by which the resources for carrying on the war were dried up, rendered indispensable some grand effort to bring it to a speedy termination. the plan proposed was, that general greene should embark two thousand men at dunks' ferry, and descending the delaware in the night, land in the town just before day, attack the enemy in the rear, and take possession of the bridge over the schuylkill. that a strong corps should march down on the west side of that river, occupy the heights enfilading the works of the enemy, and open a brisk cannonade upon them, while a detachment from it should march down to the bridge, and attack in front at the same instant, that the party descending the river should commence its assault on the rear. not only the commander-in-chief, but some of his best officers, those who could not be impelled by the clamours of the ill-informed to ruin the public interests, were opposed to this mad enterprise. the two armies, they said, were now nearly equal in point of numbers, and the detachment under lord cornwallis could not be supposed to have so weakened sir william howe as to compensate for the advantages of his position. his right was covered by the delaware, his left by the schuylkill, his rear by the junction of those two rivers, as well as by the city of philadelphia, and his front by a line of redoubts extending from river to river, and connected by an abattis, and by circular works. it would be indispensably necessary to carry all these redoubts; since to leave a part of them to play on the rear of the columns, while engaged in front with the enemy in philadelphia, would be extremely hazardous. supposing the redoubts carried, and the british army driven into the town, yet all military men were agreed on the great peril of storming a town. the streets would be defended by an artillery greatly superior to that of the americans, which would attack in front, while the brick houses would be lined with musketeers, whose first must thin the ranks of the assailants. a part of the plan, on the successful execution of which the whole depended, was, that the british rear should be surprised by the corps descending the delaware. this would require the concurrence of too many favourable circumstances to be calculated on with any confidence. as the position of general greene was known, it could not be supposed that sir william howe would be inattentive to him. it was probable that not even his embarkation would be made unnoticed; but it was presuming a degree of negligence which ought not to be assumed, to suppose that he could descend the river to philadelphia undiscovered. so soon as his movements should be observed, the whole plan would be comprehended, since it would never be conjectured that general greene was to attack singly. if the attack in front should fail, which was not even improbable, the total loss of the two thousand men in the rear must follow; and general howe would maintain his superiority through the winter. the situation of america did not require these desperate measures. the british general would be compelled to risk a battle on equal terms, or to manifest a conscious inferiority to the american army. the depreciation of paper money was the inevitable consequence of immense emissions without corresponding taxes. it was by removing the cause, not by sacrificing the army, that this evil was to be corrected. washington possessed too much discernment to be dazzled by the false brilliant presented by those who urged the necessity of storming philadelphia, in order to throw lustre round his own fame, and that of his army; and too much firmness of temper, too much virtue and real patriotism, to be diverted from a purpose believed to be right, by the clamours of faction or the discontents of ignorance. disregarding the importunities of mistaken friends, the malignant insinuations of enemies, and the expectations of the ill-informed; he persevered in his resolution to make no attempt on philadelphia. he saved his army, and was able to keep the field in the face of his enemy; while the clamour of the moment wasted in air, and is forgotten. the opinion that sir william howe meditated an attack on the american camp, was not ill founded. scarcely had lord cornwallis returned to philadelphia, and greene to the american army, when unquestionable intelligence was received that the british general was preparing to march out in full strength, with the avowed object of forcing washington from his position, and driving him beyond the mountains. [sidenote: general howe marches out to chestnut hill.] on the th of december, captain m'lane, a vigilant officer on the lines, discovered that an attempt to surprise the american camp at white marsh was about to be made, and communicated the information to the commander-in-chief. in the evening of the same day, general howe marched out of philadelphia with his whole force; and, about eleven at night, m'lane, who had been detached with one hundred chosen men, attacked the british van at the three mile run, on the germantown road, and compelled their front division to change its line of march. he hovered on the front and flank of the advancing army, galling them severely until three next morning, when the british encamped on chestnut hill, in front of the american right, and distant from it about three miles. a slight skirmish had also taken place between the pennsylvania militia under general irvine, and the advanced light parties of the enemy, in which the general was wounded, and the militia, without much other loss, were dispersed. the range of hills on which the british were posted, approached nearer to those occupied by the americans, as they stretched northward. having passed the day in reconnoitring the right, sir william howe changed his ground in the course of the night, and moving along the hills to his right, took an advantageous position, about a mile in front of the american left. the next day he inclined still farther to his right, and, in doing so, approached still nearer to the left wing of the american army. supposing a general engagement to be approaching, washington detached gist with some maryland militia, and morgan with his rifle corps, to attack the flanking and advanced parties of the enemy. a sharp action ensued, in which major morris, of jersey, a brave officer in morgan's regiment, was mortally wounded, and twenty-seven of his men were killed and wounded. a small loss was also sustained in the militia. the parties first attacked were driven in; but the enemy reinforcing in numbers, and washington, unwilling to move from the heights, and engage on the ground which was the scene of the skirmish, declining to reinforce gist and morgan, they, in turn, were compelled to retreat. [sidenote: returns to philadelphia.] sir william howe continued to manoeuvre towards the flank, and in front of the left wing of the american army. expecting to be attacked in that quarter in full force, washington made such changes in the disposition of his troops as the occasion required; and the day was consumed in these movements. in the course of it, the american chief rode through every brigade of his army, delivering, in person, his orders, respecting the manner of receiving the enemy, exhorting his troops to rely principally on the bayonet, and encouraging them by the steady firmness of his countenance, as well as by his words, to a vigorous performance of their duty.[ ] the dispositions of the evening indicated an intention to attack him the ensuing morning; but in the afternoon of the eighth, the british suddenly filed off from their right, which extended beyond the american left, and retreated to philadelphia. the parties detached to harass their rear could not overtake it. [footnote : the author states this on his own observation.] the loss of the british in this expedition, as stated in the official letter of general howe, rather exceeded one hundred in killed, wounded, and missing; and was sustained principally in the skirmish of the th, in which major morris fell. on no former occasion had the two armies met, uncovered by works, with superior numbers on the side of the americans. the effective force of the british was then stated at twelve thousand men. it has been since declared by an author[ ] who then belonged to it, but who, though a candid writer, appears to have imbibed prejudices against sir william howe, to have amounted to fourteen thousand. the american army consisted of precisely twelve thousand one hundred and sixty-one continental troops, and three thousand two hundred and forty-one militia. this equality in point of numbers, rendered it a prudent precaution to maintain a superiority of position. as the two armies occupied heights fronting each other, neither could attack without giving to its adversary some advantage in the ground; and this was an advantage which neither seemed willing to relinquish. [footnote : stedman.] the return of sir william howe to philadelphia without bringing on an action, after marching out with the avowed intention of fighting, is the best testimony of the respect which he felt for the talents of his adversary, and the courage of the troops he was to encounter. the cold was now becoming so intense that it was impossible for an army neither well clothed, nor sufficiently supplied with blankets, longer to keep the field in tents. it had become necessary to place the troops in winter quarters; but in the existing state of things the choice of winter quarters was a subject for serious reflection. it was impossible to place them in villages without uncovering the country, or exposing them to the hazard of being beaten in detachment. to avoid these calamities, it was determined to take a strong position in the neighbourhood of philadelphia, equally distant from the delaware above and below that city; and there to construct huts, in the form of a regular encampment, which might cover the army during the winter. a strong piece of ground at valley forge, on the west side of the schuylkill, between twenty and thirty miles from philadelphia, was selected for that purpose; and some time before day on the morning of the th of december, the army marched to take possession of it. by an accidental concurrence of circumstances, lord cornwallis had been detached the same morning at the head of a strong corps, on a foraging party on the west side of the schuylkill. he had fallen in with a brigade of pennsylvania militia commanded by general potter, which he soon dispersed; and, pursuing the fugitives, had gained the heights opposite matron's ford, over which the americans had thrown a bridge for the purpose of crossing the river, and had posted troops to command the defile called the gulph, just as the front division of the american army reached the bank of the river. this movement had been made without any knowledge of the intention of general washington to change his position, or any design of contesting the passage of the schuylkill; but the troops had been posted in the manner already mentioned for the sole purpose of covering the foraging party. washington apprehended, from his first intelligence, that general howe had taken the field in full force. he therefore recalled the troops already on the west side, and moved rather higher up the river, for the purpose of understanding the real situation, force, and designs of the enemy. the next day lord cornwallis returned to philadelphia; and, in the course of the night, the american army crossed the river. [sidenote: general washington goes into winter quarters.] here the commander-in-chief communicated to his army, in general orders, the manner in which he intended to dispose of them during the winter. he expressed, in strong terms, his approbation of their conduct, presented them with an encouraging state of the future prospects of their country, exhorted them to bear with continuing fortitude the hardships inseparable from the position they were about to take, and endeavoured to convince their judgments that those hardships were not imposed on them by unfeeling caprice, but were necessary for the good of their country. the winter had set in with great severity, and the sufferings of the army were extreme. in a few days, however, these sufferings were considerably diminished by the erection of logged huts, filled up with mortar, which, after being dried, formed comfortable habitations, and gave content to men long unused to the conveniences of life. the order of a regular encampment was observed; and the only appearance of winter quarters, was the substitution of huts for tents. chapter x. inquiry into the conduct of general schuyler.... burgoyne appears before ticonderoga.... evacuation of that place,... of skeensborough.... colonel warner defeated.... evacuation of fort anne.... proclamation of burgoyne.... counter-proclamation of schuyler.... burgoyne approaches fort edward.... schuyler retires to saratoga,... to stillwater.... st. leger invests fort schuyler.... herkimer defeated.... colonel baum detached to bennington.... is defeated.... breckman defeated.... st. leger abandons the siege of fort schuyler.... murder of miss m'crea.... general gates takes command.... burgoyne encamps on the heights of saratoga.... battle of stillwater.... burgoyne retreats to saratoga.... capitulates.... the british take forts montgomery and clinton.... the forts independence and constitution evacuated by the americans.... ticonderoga evacuated by the british. { } while, with inferior numbers, general washington maintained a stubborn contest in the middle states, events of great variety and importance were passing in the north. after sir guy carleton had distributed his army, for winter quarters, in the several villages from the isle aux noix and montreal to quebec, general burgoyne, who had served under him, embarked for england, in order to communicate a full statement of affairs in the northern department; and to assist in making arrangements for the ensuing campaign. the american army, having been formed for only one year, dissolved of itself at the expiration of that term, and could scarcely furnish even the appearance of garrisons in their forts. the defence of this frontier was assigned to the regiments directed to be raised in massachusetts, new hampshire, and the northwestern parts of new york; but the recruiting service advanced so slowly, and so much difficulty was found in clothing and arming those who were enlisted, that it became indispensable to call in the aid of the militia; and the plan of the campaign on the part of the british was involved in so much obscurity that general washington deemed it adviseable to direct eight of the regiments of massachusetts to rendezvous at peekskill. [sidenote: an inquiry into the conduct of general schuyler, which terminates to his honour.] {may .} the service of general schuyler in the northern department had been more solid than brilliant. dissatisfied with his situation, and disgusted with the injustice[ ] he supposed himself to experience, he had for some time meditated a resignation, and had been retained in the service only by the deep interest he felt in the struggle of his country for independence. so soon as his fears for ticonderoga were removed by the partial opening of lake champlain, he waited in person on congress for the purpose of adjusting his accounts, obtaining an inquiry into his conduct, and supporting those necessary measures of defence in the north, which were suggested by his perfect knowledge of the country. at his request, a committee, consisting of a member from each state, was appointed to inquire into his conduct during the time he had held a command in the army. the arduous services performed by this meritorious officer, when investigated, were found so far to exceed any estimate which had been made of them, that congress deemed it essential to the public interest to prevail on him to retain his commission. the resolution which fixed his head quarters at albany was repealed, and he was directed to proceed forthwith to the northern department, and to take the command of it. [footnote : when the command of the operating army was given to general thomas in march , the head quarters of general schuyler had been fixed by congress at albany, and that resolution remained in force. general gates was now directed to repair to ticonderoga and take command of the army; and major general st. clair was ordered to the same place to serve under him.] on his arrival, he found the army of the north not only too weak for the objects entrusted to it, but badly supplied with arms, clothes, and provisions. from a spy who had been seized near onion river, he obtained information that general burgoyne was at quebec, and was to command the british forces in that department so soon as they should march out of canada. that while ticonderoga should be attacked by the main army, sir john johnson, with a strong body of british, canadians, and indians, was to penetrate to the mohawk by oswego, and place himself between fort stanwix and fort edward. [sidenote: burgoyne appears before ticonderoga.] general schuyler was sensible of the danger which threatened him, and made every exertion to meet it. after completing his arrangements at ticonderoga for sustaining a siege, he had proceeded to albany, for the purpose of attending to his supplies, and of expediting the march of reinforcements, when he received intelligence from general st. clair, who was entrusted with the defence of ticonderoga, that burgoyne had appeared before that place. in the course of the preceding winter, a plan for penetrating to the hudson, from canada, by the way of the lakes, had been digested in the cabinet of london. general burgoyne, who assisted in forming it, was entrusted with its execution, and was to lead a formidable army against ticonderoga as soon as the season would permit. at the same time a smaller party under colonel st. leger, composed of canadians, newly raised americans, and a few europeans, aided by a powerful body of indians, was to march from oswego, to enter the country by the way of the mohawk, and to join the grand army on the hudson. {january .} burgoyne reached quebec as soon as it was practicable to sail up the st. lawrence, and appeared in full force on the river bouquet, on the western banks of lake champlain, much earlier than the american general had supposed to be possible. at this place he met the indians in a grand council, after which he gave them a war feast. much of the cruelty afterwards perpetrated by the savages has been attributed to this unfortunate officer; but justice requires the admission that his speech was calculated rather to diminish than increase their habitual ferocity. he endeavoured to impress on them the distinction between enemies in the field, and the unarmed inhabitants, many of whom were friends; and, addressing himself to their avarice, promised rewards for prisoners, but none for scalps. it was perhaps fortunate for america, that, in some instances, peculiarly calculated to excite and interest the human feelings, these feeble restraints were disregarded. after publishing a manifesto at putnam river, designed to act on the hopes and fears of the people of the country through which he was to pass, he halted a few days at crown point, to make the necessary dispositions for investing ticonderoga. {june .} {july .} from crown point, the royal army advanced on both sides the lake, keeping up a communication between its divisions, by means of the fleet; and on the st of july encamped within four miles of the american works. a strong party was pushed forward to three mile point; and the fleet anchored just beyond the range of the guns of the fort. the next day they took possession, without opposition, of the important post at mount hope, which commanded, in part, the lines on the northern side, and entirely cut off the communication with lake george. the weakness of his garrison induced general st. clair to give up this post without a struggle. believing it to be impracticable to support it without hazarding a general action, he determined to concentrate his force about ticonderoga and mount independence. after taking possession of mount hope, the british lines were extended on the western side of champlain, from the mountain quite to the lake, so as completely to inclose the garrison on that side. the german division under major general reidisel, which occupied the eastern shore of the lake, was encamped at three mile point, and had pushed forward a detachment near the rivulet, which runs east of mount independence. {july.} the besiegers laboured assiduously to bring up their artillery and complete their works. sugar hill, a rugged mountain standing at the confluence of the waters that unite at ticonderoga, which overlooks the fortress and had been thought inaccessible, was examined; and the report being that the ascent, though extremely difficult, was practicable, the work was immediately commenced, and was pressed with so much vigour that the batteries might have opened next day. the garrison was not in a condition to check these operations. the situation of st. clair was now at its crisis. only the ground between the eastern run and the south river remained open; and this he was informed would be occupied the next day, so that the investment would be complete. the place must be immediately evacuated, or maintained at the hazard of losing the garrison when it should be no longer tenable. between these cruel alternations, general st. clair did not hesitate to choose the first; but deeming it prudent to take the advice of a council of war, he convened the general officers, who unanimously advised the immediate evacuation of the fort. [sidenote: evacuation of ticonderoga and mount independence.] {july .} preparations for the retreat were instantly commenced. the invalids, the hospital, and such stores as could be moved in the course of the night, were put on board the batteaux, which proceeded under the guard of colonel long, up the south river to skeensborough; and, before day on the morning of the th of july, the main body of the army directed its march to the same place. in the hope of making considerable progress before his retreat should be discovered, general st. clair had ordered the troops to observe the most profound silence, and, particularly, to set nothing on fire. these judicious orders were disobeyed; and, before the rear guard was in motion, the house which had been occupied by general de fermoy was in flames. this served as a signal to the besiegers, who immediately entered the works. the main body of the retreating army was rapidly pursued by generals frazer and reidisel, while general burgoyne, in person, followed the detachment under colonel long. {july .} the bridge, the boom, and those other works, the construction of which had employed the labour of ten months, were cut through by nine in the morning, so as to afford a passage for the royal george and inflexible frigates, as well as for the gun boats, which engaged the american galleys, about three in the afternoon, near the falls of skeensborough. [sidenote: the american army evacuate skeensborough and retire to fort anne.] in the mean time, three regiments had disembarked at some distance from the fort, with the intention of attacking it by land, and cutting off the retreat of the garrison, as well as that of the detachment in the boats and galleys. this manoeuvre being discovered, the works and batteaux were set on fire, and the troops retired to fort anne. on this occasion, the baggage of the army, and a great quantity of military stores, were either destroyed by the americans, or taken by the british. knowing that he could save his army only by the rapidity of his march, general st. clair reached castletown, thirty miles from ticonderoga, on the night succeeding the evacuation of the fort. the rear guard under colonel warner halted six miles short of that place. having been augmented by those who from excessive fatigue had fallen out of the line of march, it amounted to rather more than one thousand men. {july .} [sidenote: colonel warner attacked by general frazer and obliged to retreat.] the next morning at five, they were overtaken and attacked by general frazer with eight hundred and fifty men. the action was warm and well contested. in its commencement, two regiments of militia, which lay within two miles of colonel warner, were ordered to his assistance. instead of obeying these orders, they consulted their own safety, and hastened to castletown. had these orders been executed, the corps which attacked warner would probably have been cut to pieces. while the action was maintained with equal spirit on both sides, general reidisel arrived with his division of germans, and the americans were routed. in this action, colonel francis, several other officers, and upwards of two hundred men were left dead on the field; and one colonel, seven captains, ten subalterns, and two hundred and ten privates were made prisoners. near six hundred are supposed to have been wounded, many of whom must have perished in attempting to escape through the woods towards the inhabited country. the british state their own loss at thirty-five killed, among whom was one field officer, and one hundred and forty-four wounded, including two majors, and five inferior officers. it is scarcely credible, notwithstanding the difference in arms, that in a well contested action, the disparity in the killed could have been so considerable. it is the less probable, as the pursuit was not of long continuance. to avoid that division of the british army which had proceeded up the north river, st. clair changed his route; and directed his march to rutland, to which place he ordered warner also to retire. at rutland he fell in with several soldiers who had been separated from their corps, and, two days afterwards, at manchester, was joined by warner with about ninety men. from this place he proceeded to fort edward, where he met general schuyler. after taking possession of skeensborough, burgoyne had found it necessary to suspend the pursuit, and to give his army refreshment. the troops were in some disorder; distinct corps were intermingled, and his detachments were far apart from each other. he determined therefore to halt a few days at that place, in order to reassemble and arrange his army. {july .} [sidenote: colonel long evacuates fort anne and retires to fort edward.] colonel long having been directed to defend fort anne, the ninth regiment of british, under lieutenant colonel hill, had been detached against that place. it being understood that the americans were in some force, two other regiments, under brigadier powell, were ordered to support the first party. before the arrival of this reinforcement, colonel long attacked the ninth regiment, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the british kept their ground, and the advantage was claimed by both parties. hearing that a reinforcement was approaching, long set fire to the works at fort anne, and retired to fort edward. {july .} at stillwater, on his way to ticonderoga, general schuyler was informed of the evacuation of that place; and, on the same day, at saratoga, of the loss of the stores at skeensborough. he had heard nothing from general st. clair; and was seriously apprehensive for that officer and his army, which, after the junction of colonel long, consisted of about fifteen hundred continental troops, and the same number of militia. they were dispirited by defeat, without tents, badly armed, and had lost great part of their stores and baggage. the country was generally much alarmed; and even the well affected discovered more inclination to take care of themselves than to join the army. in this gloomy state of things, no officer could have exerted more diligence and skill than were displayed by schuyler. having fixed his head quarters at fort edward, he employed to the utmost advantage the short respite from action which burgoyne unavoidably gave. the country between skeensborough and fort edward was almost entirely unsettled, was covered with thick woods, and of a surface extremely rough, and much intersected with creeks and morasses. wood creek was navigable with batteaux as far as fort anne; and military stores of every description might be transported up it. he obstructed its navigation by sinking numerous impediments in its course, broke up the bridges, and rendered the roads impassable. he was also indefatigable in driving the live stock out of the way, and in bringing from fort george to fort edward, the ammunition and other military stores which had been deposited at that place. still farther to delay the movements of the british, he posted colonel warner on their left flank, with instructions to raise the militia in that quarter. the hope was entertained, that the appearance of a respectable force, threatening the flank and rear of the invading army, would not only retard its advance, but would induce general burgoyne to weaken it, in order to strengthen the garrison of ticonderoga. while thus endeavoring to obstruct the march of the enemy, schuyler was not less attentive to the best means of strengthening his own army. reinforcements of regular troops were earnestly solicited; the militia of new england and new york were required to take the field, and all his influence in the surrounding country was exerted to reanimate the people, and to prevent their defection from the american cause. [sidenote: proclamation of burgoyne and counter-proclamation of schuyler.] while at skeensborough general burgoyne issued a second proclamation[ ] summoning the people of the adjacent country to send ten deputies from each township to meet colonel skeene at castletown, in order to deliberate on such measures as might still be adopted to save those who had not yet conformed to his first, and submitted to the royal authority. general schuyler apprehending some effect from this paper, issued a counter proclamation, stating the insidious designs of the enemy. warning the inhabitants, by the example of jersey, of the danger to which their yielding to this seductive proposition would expose them, and giving them the most solemn assurances that all who should send deputies to this meeting, or in any manner aid the enemy, would be considered traitors, and should suffer the utmost rigour of the law. [footnote : remem.] the evacuation of ticonderoga was a shock for which no part of the united states was prepared. neither the strength of the invading army, nor of the garrison had been understood. when therefore intelligence was received that a place, on the fortifications of which much money and labour had been expended, which was considered as the key to the whole northwestern country, and supposed to contain a garrison nearly equal to the invading army, had been abandoned without a siege; that an immense train of artillery, and all the military stores, had either fallen into the hands of the enemy, or been destroyed; that the army, on its retreat, had been attacked, defeated, and dispersed; astonishment pervaded all ranks of men; and the conduct of the officers was universally condemned. congress recalled all the generals of the department, and directed an inquiry into their conduct. throughout new england especially, the most bitter aspersions were cast on them and general schuyler, who, from some unknown cause, had never been viewed with favour in that part of the continent, was involved in the common charge of treachery, to which this accumulation of unlooked-for calamity was generally attributed by the mass of the people. on the representations of general washington, the recall of the officers was suspended, until he should be of opinion that the service would not suffer by the measure; and, on a full inquiry afterwards made into their conduct, they were acquitted of all blame. in a letter of st. clair to the commander-in-chief, stating his motives for evacuating ticonderoga, he represented the strength of his garrison, including nine hundred militia, who would consent to stay but a few days, at only three thousand effective rank and file, many of whom were without bayonets. the lines required ten thousand to man them properly. he also affirmed, that his supply of provisions was sufficient for only twenty days, and that the works on the ticonderoga side were incomplete, with their flanks undefended. he justified his having failed to call in a larger reinforcement of militia, by the scarcity of provisions, the supply on hand not having been procured until general schuyler had resumed the command in the department; and attributed his not having evacuated the place in time to preserve his army and stores, to the prevalent opinion that there was not a sufficient force in canada to attempt so hardy an enterprise, and to his not being at liberty to adopt that measure but in the last necessity. a court of inquiry justified his conduct, and he retained the confidence of the commander-in-chief. on learning the distressed state of the remnant of the army, general washington made great exertions to repair its losses, and to reinforce it. the utmost industry was used to procure a supply of tents; artillery and ammunition were forwarded from massachusetts; the remaining troops of that state were ordered to that department; and general lincoln, who possessed, in a high degree, the confidence of the new england militia, was directed to raise and command them. general arnold, so often distinguished for his gallantry in the field, was ordered to the northern army, in the hope that his presence and reputation might reanimate the troops; and colonel morgan, with his corps of riflemen, was detached on the same service. through the present dark gloom, washington discerned a ray of light, and already cherished the hope that much good might result from present evil. "the evacuation of ticonderoga and mount independence," said he in a letter of the th of july, to general schuyler, "is an event of chagrin and surprise, not apprehended, nor within the compass of my reasoning. this stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. but, notwithstanding, things at present wear a dark and gloomy aspect, i hope a spirited opposition will check the progress of general burgoyne's arms, and that the confidence derived from success will hurry him into measures that will, in their consequences, be favourable to us. we should never despair. our situation has before been unpromising, and has changed for the better. so, i trust, it will again. if new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our efforts to the exigency of the times." on receiving a letter from general schuyler of the seventeenth, stating the divided situation of the british army, he seemed to anticipate the event which afterwards occurred, and to suggest the measure in which originated that torrent of misfortune with which burgoyne was overwhelmed. "though our affairs," he said in reply to this information, "have for some days past worn a dark and gloomy aspect, i yet look forward to a fortunate and happy change. i trust general burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual check; and, as i suggested before, that the success he has met with will precipitate his ruin. from your accounts, he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct which, of all others, is most favourable to us. i mean acting in detachment. this conduct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. in such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes; and, urged at the same time by a regard for their own security, would fly to arms, and afford every aid in their power." after allowing a short repose to his army, general burgoyne proceeded with ardour to the remaining objects of the campaign. the toils and delays which must be encountered in reaching the hudson were soon perceived. he found it necessary to open wood creek, and to repair the roads and bridges which schuyler had broken up. such was the unavoidable delay of this difficult operation, that the army did not arrive on the hudson, in the neighbourhood of fort edward, till the fourteenth of july. at this place it was necessary again to halt, in order to bring artillery, provisions, batteaux, and other articles from fort george. [sidenote: burgoyne approaches fort edward and schuyler retires to saratoga.] [sidenote: from thence to stillwater.] the time afforded by this delay had been employed by schuyler to the utmost advantage. some reinforcements of continental troops had arrived from peekskill, and the militia had been assembled; but his strength did not yet afford a reasonable prospect of success in a contest with the enemy opposed to him. on this account, as burgoyne approached fort edward, schuyler retired over the hudson to saratoga, and soon afterwards to stillwater, not far from the mouth of the mohawk. at this place, general lincoln, who had been detached to take command of the militia assembling at manchester, was ordered to rejoin him, and he fortified his camp in the hope of being strong enough to defend it. {august } at stillwater, information was obtained that burgoyne had evacuated castletown; so that the only communication with ticonderoga, whence nearly all his supplies were drawn, was through lake george; and that the garrison of that important place had been reduced to three hundred men. in consequence of this intelligence, the orders to general lincoln were countermanded, and he was directed with the militia of massachusetts, new hampshire, and of the grants, making, as was understood, a total of between two and three thousand men, to place himself in the rear of the british army, and cut off its communication with the lakes. here too he was informed that colonel st. leger, with a large body of indians, in addition to his regulars, had penetrated from oswego, by the way of the oneida lake and wood creek, to the mohawk, where he had laid siege to fort schuyler, and had totally defeated general herkimer, who had raised the militia of tryon county, in order to relieve the fort. the importance of protecting the inhabitants from the savages, and of preventing a junction between st. leger and burgoyne, and the consequent loss of the country on the mohawk, determined schuyler, weak as he was, to detach major general arnold with three continental regiments to raise the siege. the army was so enfeebled by this measure, that its removal to a place of greater security became necessary, and it was withdrawn to some islands in the confluence of the hudson and the mohawk, where the camp was deemed more defensible. burgoyne had now marched down the east side of the hudson, and his advanced parties had crossed the river, and occupied the ground at saratoga. [sidenote: st. leger invests fort schuyler.] on the d of august, after a message vaunting of his strength, and demanding a surrender, which was answered by a declaration that the fort would be defended to the last extremity, st. leger invested fort schuyler. the garrison amounted to six hundred men, all continental troops, who were commanded by colonel gansevoort. the besieging army rather exceeded fifteen hundred, of whom from six to nine hundred were indians. on the approach of the enemy, general herkimer, who commanded the militia of tryon county, assembled them in considerable numbers, and gave information to the garrison, about eleven in the morning of the sixth, of his intention to force a passage that day through the besieging army. gansevoort determined to favour the execution of this design by a vigorous sortie; and upwards of two hundred men, to be commanded by lieutenant colonel willet, were drawn out for that purpose. [sidenote: herkimer, advancing to the relief of the fort, falls into an ambuscade, and is defeated with loss.] unfortunately st. leger received information the preceding day of herkimer's approach, and, early in the morning, placed a strong party, composed of regulars and indians, in ambuscade on the road along which he was to march. his first notice of it was given by a heavy discharge of small arms, which was followed by a furious attack from the indians with their tomahawks. he defended himself with resolution; but was defeated with great slaughter. the general and several of the field officers were wounded; and many others, among whom were several persons of distinction, were killed or taken prisoners. the loss was estimated at four hundred men. the destruction was prevented from being still more complete, by the very timely sortie made by lieutenant colonel willet, which checked the pursuit, and recalled those engaged in it to the defence of their own camp. as soon as gansevoort understood that herkimer was advancing, the sortie which he had planned was made. lieutenant colonel willet fell on the camp of the besiegers, and routed them at the first onset. after driving them, some into the woods, and others over the river, he returned to the fort without the loss of a man. burgoyne had received early intimation of the arrival of st. leger before fort schuyler; and was aware of the advantage to be derived from an immediate and rapid movement down the hudson. but the obstacles to his progress multiplied daily, and each step produced new embarrassments. not more than one-third of the horses expected from canada had arrived; and schuyler had been active in removing the draft cattle of the country. with unremitting exertion, he had been able to transport from fort george to the hudson, a distance of eighteen miles, only twelve batteaux, and provisions for four days in advance. the defectiveness of his means to feed his army until it should reach the abundant country below him, presented an impediment to his farther progress, not readily to be surmounted. the difficulty of drawing supplies from fort george would increase every day with the increasing distance; and the communications, already endangered by a considerable body of militia assembling at white creek, could be secured only by larger detachments from his army than he was in a condition to make. these were strong inducements to attempt some other mode of supply. [sidenote: colonel baum is detached to seize the magazines at bennington.] it was well known that large magazines of provisions for the use of the american army were collected at bennington, which place was generally guarded by militia, whose numbers varied from day to day. the possession of these magazines would enable him to prosecute his ulterior plans without relying for supplies from lake george; and he determined to seize them. to try the affections of the country, to complete a corps of loyalists, and to mount reidisel's dragoons, were subordinate objects of the expedition.[ ] lieutenant colonel baum with five hundred europeans, and a body of american loyalists, was detached on this service. [footnote : letter of burgoyne.] to facilitate the enterprise, and be ready to take advantage of its success, burgoyne moved down the east side of the hudson, and threw a bridge of rafts over that river for the passage of his van, which took post at saratoga. at the same time lieutenant colonel brechman, with his corps, was advanced to batten hill, in order, if necessary, to support colonel baum.[ ] [footnote : letter of burgoyne.] on approaching bennington, baum discovered that he should have to encounter a much more considerable force than had been suspected. the new hampshire militia, commanded by general starke, had reached that place on their way to camp; and, uniting with colonel warner, made in the whole about two thousand men. perceiving his danger, baum halted about four miles from bennington, and despatched an express for a reinforcement. in the mean time, he strengthened his position by intrenchments. lieutenant colonel brechman was immediately ordered to his assistance; but, such was the state of the roads that, though the distance was only twenty-four miles, and his march was pressed unremittingly from eight in the morning of the th, he did not reach the ground on which baum had encamped, until four in the afternoon of the next day.[ ] [footnote : ibid.] [sidenote: is attacked in his intrenchments by general starke, and entirely routed.] in the mean time, general starke determined to attack him in his intrenchments. so confident were the provincials belonging to this party, of the attachment of the country to the royal cause, that the american troops, while making their dispositions for the attack, were mistaken for armed friends coming to join them. on discovering his error, baum prepared for the contest, and made a gallant defence. his works however were carried by storm, and great part of his detachment killed, or taken prisoners. a few escaped into the woods, and saved themselves by flight. [sidenote: brechman advances to baum's aid, is attacked by colonel warner, and defeated.] brechman arrived during the pursuit, and obtained from the fugitives, the first intelligence of the disaster which had befallen them. he immediately attacked the parties of militia who were engaged in the pursuit, and gained some advantage over them. fortunately for the americans, colonel warner[ ] came up at this critical juncture with his continental regiment, and restored, and continued the action, until the main body of the militia re-assembled, and came to support him. brechman in turn was compelled to retire; but he maintained the engagement until dark, when, abandoning his artillery and baggage, he saved his party under cover of the night. [footnote : gordon.] one thousand stand of arms, and nine hundred swords were taken in this battle. general burgoyne represented his loss in men at about four hundred; but thirty-two officers, and five hundred and sixty-four privates, including canadians and loyalists, were made prisoners. the number of the dead was not ascertained, because the action with brechman had been fought in the woods, and been continued for several miles. the british general therefore must have included in his estimate of loss, only his european troops. this important success was soon followed by another of equal influence on the fate of the campaign. fort schuyler had been fortified with more skill, and was defended with more courage, than st. leger had expected. his artillery made no impression on its walls; and his indians, who were much better pleased with obtaining plunder and scalps, than besieging fortresses, became intractable, and manifested great disgust with the service. in this temper, they understood that arnold was advancing with a large body of continental troops; and, soon afterwards were told that burgoyne and his army had been totally defeated; a report probably founded on the affair at bennington. unwilling to share the misfortune of their friends, they manifested a determination not to await the arrival of arnold. the efforts of st. leger to detain them being ineffectual, many of them decamped immediately, and the rest threatened to follow. [sidenote: st. leger abandons the siege of fort schuyler, and retreats to ticonderoga.] the time for deliberation was past. the camp was broken up with indications of excessive alarm. the tents were left standing; and the artillery, with great part of the baggage, ammunition, and provisions, fell into the hands of the americans. the retreating army was pursued by a detachment from the garrison; and it was stated by deserters, that the indians plundered the remaining baggage of the officers, and massacred such soldiers as could not keep up with the line of march. st. leger returned to montreal, whence he proceeded to ticonderoga, with the intention of joining general burgoyne by that route. the decisive victory at bennington, and the retreat of st. leger from fort schuyler, however important in themselves, were still more so in their consequences. an army, which had spread terror and dismay in every direction, which had, previously, experienced no reverse of fortune, was considered as already beaten; and the opinion became common, that the appearance of the great body of the people in arms, would secure the emancipation of their country. it was too an advantage of no inconsiderable importance resulting from this change of public opinion, that the disaffected became timid, and the wavering who, had the torrent of success continued, would have made a merit of contributing their aid to the victor, were no longer disposed to put themselves and their fortunes in hazard, to support an army whose fate was so uncertain. the barbarities which had been perpetrated by the indians belonging to the invading armies, excited still more resentment than terror. as the prospect of revenge began to open, their effect became the more apparent; and their influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly felt because they had been indiscriminate. [sidenote: the murder of miss m'crea.] the murder of miss m'crea passed through all the papers of the continent: and the story, being retouched by the hand of more than one master, excited a peculiar degree of sensibility.[ ] but there were other causes of still greater influence in producing the events which afterwards took place. the last reinforcements of continental troops arrived in camp about this time, and added both courage and strength to the army. the harvest, which had detained the northern militia upon their farms, was over; and general schuyler, whose continued and eminent services had not exempted him from the imputation of being a traitor, was succeeded by general gates, who possessed a large share of the public confidence. [footnote : see note no. ix. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: general gates takes command of the northern army.] when schuyler was directed by congress to resume the command of the northern department, gates withdrew himself from it. when the resolution passed recalling the general officers who had served in that department, general washington was requested to name a successor to schuyler. on his expressing a wish to decline this nomination, and representing the inconvenience of removing all the general officers, gates was again directed to repair thither and take the command, and their resolution to recall the brigadiers was suspended until the commander-in-chief should be of opinion that it might be carried into effect with safety. schuyler retained the command until the arrival of gates, which was on the th of august, and continued his exertions to restore the affairs of the department, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being recalled in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. "it is," said he, in a letter to the commander-in-chief, "matter of extreme chagrin to me to be deprived of the command at a time when, soon if ever, we shall probably be enabled to face the enemy; when we are on the point of taking ground[ ] where they must attack to a disadvantage, should our force be inadequate to facing them in the field; when an opportunity will, in all probability, occur, in which i might evince that i am not what congress have too plainly insinuated by taking the command from me." [footnote : the islands in the mouth of the mohawk.] if error be attributable to the evacuation of ticonderoga, no portion of it was committed by schuyler. his removal from the command was probably severe and unjust as respected himself; but perhaps wise as respected america. the frontier towards the lakes was to be defended by the troops of new england; and, however unfounded their prejudices against him might be, it was prudent to consult them. notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around him, burgoyne remained steady to his purpose. the disasters at bennington and on the mohawk produced no disposition to abandon the enterprise and save his army. {september .} [sidenote: burgoyne encamps on the heights of saratoga.] it had now become necessary to recur to the slow and toilsome mode of obtaining supplies from fort george. having, with persevering labour, collected provision for thirty days in advance, he crossed the hudson on the th and th of september, and encamped on the heights and plains of saratoga, with a determination to decide the fate of the expedition in a general engagement. general gates, having been joined by all the continental troops destined for the northern department, and reinforced by large bodies of militia, had moved from his camp in the islands, and advanced to the neighbourhood of stillwater. [sidenote: he attacks gates at stillwater.] {september .} the bridges between the two armies having been broken down, the roads being excessively bad, and the country covered with wood, the progress of the british army down the river was slow. on the night of the th, burgoyne encamped within four miles of the american army, and the next day was employed in repairing the bridges between the two camps.[ ] in the morning of the th he advanced in full force towards the american left. morgan was immediately detached with his corps to observe the enemy, and to harass his front and flanks. he fell in with a picket in front of the right wing, which he attacked with vivacity, and drove in upon the main body. pursuing with too much ardour, he was met in considerable force, and, after a severe encounter, was compelled, in turn, to retire in some disorder. two regiments being advanced to his assistance, his corps was rallied, and the action became more general. the americans were formed in a wood, with an open field in front, and invariably repulsed the british corps which attacked them; but when they pursued those corps to the main body, they were in turn driven back to their first ground. reinforcements were continually brought up, and about four in the afternoon, upwards of three thousand american troops[ ] were closely engaged with the whole right wing of the british army commanded by general burgoyne in person. the conflict was extremely severe, and only terminated with the day. at dark, the americans retired to their camp, and the british, who had found great difficulty in maintaining their ground, lay all night on their arms near the field of battle. [footnote : letter of burgoyne.] [footnote : the accounts of the day stated that the americans were commanded by general arnold, but general wilkinson says that no general officer was in the field.] in this action the killed and wounded on the part of the americans were between three and four hundred. among the former were colonels coburn and adams, and several other valuable officers. the british loss has been estimated at rather more than five hundred men. each army claimed the victory; and each believed itself to have beaten near the whole of the hostile army with only a part of its own force. the advantage, however, taking all circumstances into consideration, was decidedly with the americans. in a conflict which nearly consumed the day, they found themselves at least equal to their antagonists. in every quarter they had acted on the offensive; and, after an encounter for several hours, had not lost an inch of ground. they had not been driven from the field, but had retired from it at the close of day, to the camp from which they had marched to battle. their object, which was to check the advancing enemy, had been obtained; while that of the british general had failed. in the actual state of things, to fight without being beaten was, on their part, victory; while, on the part of the british, to fight without a decisive victory, was defeat. the indians, who found themselves beaten in the woods by morgan, and restrained from scalping and plundering the unarmed by burgoyne, who saw before them the prospect of hard fighting without profit, grew tired of the service, and deserted in great numbers. the canadians and provincials were not much more faithful; and burgoyne soon perceived that his hopes must rest almost entirely on his european troops. with reason, therefore, this action was celebrated throughout the united states as a victory, and considered as the precursor of the total ruin of the invading army. the utmost exultation was displayed, and the militia were stimulated to fly to arms, and complete the work so happily begun. general lincoln, in conformity with directions which have been stated, had assembled a considerable body of new england militia in the rear of burgoyne, from which he drew three parties of about five hundred men each. one of these was detached under the command of colonel brown, to the north end of lake george, principally to relieve a number of prisoners who were confined there, but with orders to push his success, should he be fortunate, as far as prudence would admit. colonel johnson, at the head of another party, marched towards mount independence, and colonel woodbury, with a third, was detached to skeensborough to cover the retreat of both the others. with the residue, lincoln proceeded to the camp of gates. colonel brown, after marching all night, arrived, at the break of day, on the north end of the lake, where he found a small post which he carried without opposition. the surprise was complete; and he took possession of mount defiance, mount hope, the landing place, and about two hundred batteaux. with the loss of only three killed and five wounded, he liberated one hundred american prisoners, and captured two hundred and ninety-three of the enemy. this success was joyfully proclaimed through the northern states. it was believed confidently that ticonderoga and mount independence were recovered; and the militia were exhorted, by joining their brethren in the army, to insure that event if it had not already happened. the attempt on those places however failed. the garrison repulsed the assailants; who, after a few days, abandoned the siege. on their return through lake george in the vessels they had captured, the militia made an attack on diamond island, the depot of all the stores collected at the north end of the lake. being again repulsed, they destroyed the vessels they had taken, and returned to their former station.[ ] [footnote : remem.] {september .} the day after the battle of stillwater, general burgoyne took a position almost within cannon shot of the american camp, fortified his right, and extended his left to the river. directly after taking this ground he received a letter from sir henry clinton, informing him that he should attack fort montgomery about the th of september. the messenger returned with information that burgoyne was in extreme difficulty, and would endeavour to wait for aid until the th of october.[ ] [footnote : letter of burgoyne.] both armies retained their position until the th of october. burgoyne, in the hope of being relieved by sir henry clinton; and gates, in the confidence of growing stronger every day. {october .} having received no farther intelligence from sir henry, and being reduced to the necessity of diminishing the ration issued to his soldiers, the british general determined to make one more trial of strength with his adversary. in execution of this determination, he drew out on his right fifteen hundred choice troops, whom he commanded in person, assisted by generals philips, reidisel, and frazer. the right wing was formed within three-quarters of a mile of the left of the american camp; and a corps of rangers, indians, and provincials, was pushed on through secret paths, to show themselves in its rear, and excite alarm in that quarter.[ ] [footnote : remem.] these movements were perceived by general gates, who determined to attack their left, and, at the same time, to fall on their right flank. poor's brigade, and some regiments from new hampshire, were ordered to meet them in front; while morgan with his rifle corps made a circuit unperceived, and seized a very advantageous height covered with wood on their right. as soon as it was supposed that morgan had gained the ground he intended to occupy, the attack was made in front and on the left, in great force. at this critical moment morgan poured in a deadly and incessant fire on the front and right flank. while the british right wing was thus closely pressed in front, and on its flank, a distinct division of the american troops was ordered to intercept its retreat to camp, and to separate it from the residue of the army. burgoyne perceived the danger of his situation, and ordered the light infantry under general frazer, with part of the th regiment, to form a second line, in order to cover the light infantry of the right, and secure a retreat. while this movement was in progress, the left of the british right was forced from its ground, and the light infantry was ordered to its aid. in the attempt to execute this order, they were attacked by the rifle corps, with great effect; and frazer was mortally wounded. overpowered by numbers, and pressed on all sides by a superior weight of fire, burgoyne, with great difficulty, and with the loss of his field pieces, and great part of his artillery corps, regained his camp. the americans followed close in his rear; and assaulted his works throughout their whole extent. towards the close of day, the intrenchments were forced on their right; and general arnold, with a few men, actually entered their works; but his horse being killed under him, and himself wounded, the troops were forced out of them; and it being nearly dark, they desisted from the assault. the left of arnold's division was still more successful. jackson's regiment of massachusetts, then led by lieutenant colonel brooks, turned the right of the encampment, and stormed the works occupied by the german reserve. lieutenant colonel brechman who commanded in them was killed, and the works were carried. the orders given by burgoyne to recover them were not executed; and brooks maintained the ground he had gained. darkness put an end to the action; and the americans lay all night with their arms in their hands, about half a mile from the british lines, ready to renew the assault with the return of day. the advantage they had gained was decisive. they had taken several pieces of artillery, killed a great number of men, made upwards of two hundred prisoners, among whom were several officers of distinction, and had penetrated the lines in a part which exposed the whole to considerable danger. unwilling to risk the events of the next day on the same ground, burgoyne changed his position in the course of the night, and drew his whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, extending his right up the river. this movement extricated him from the danger of being attacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in possession of part of his works. {october .} general gates perceived the strength of this position, and was not disposed to hazard an assault. aware of the critical situation of his adversary, he detached a party higher up the hudson for the purpose of intercepting the british army on its retreat, while strong corps were posted on the other side of the river to guard its passage. [sidenote: retreats to saratoga.] this movement compelled burgoyne again to change his position, and to retire to saratoga. about nine at night the retreat was commenced, and was effected with the loss of his hospital, containing about three hundred sick, and of several batteaux laden with provision and baggage. on reaching the ground to be occupied, he found a strong corps already intrenched on the opposite side of the river, prepared to dispute its passage. {october .} from saratoga, burgoyne detached a company of artificers, under a strong escort, to repair the roads and bridges towards fort edward. scarcely had this detachment moved, when the americans appeared in force on the heights south of saratoga creek, and made dispositions which excited the apprehension of a design to cross it and attack his camp. the europeans escorting the artificers were recalled, and a provincial corps, employed in the same service, being attacked by a small party, ran away and left the workmen to shift for themselves. no hope of repairing the roads remaining, it became impossible to move the baggage and artillery. the british army was now almost completely environed by a superior force. no means remained of extricating itself from difficulties and dangers which were continually increasing, but fording a river, on the opposite bank of which a formidable body of troops was already posted; and then escaping to fort george, through roads impassable by artillery or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed by a victorious enemy.[ ] [footnote : mr. gordon, in his history of the war, states himself to have received from general glover an anecdote, showing, that all these advantages were on the point of being exposed to imminent hazard. "on the morning of the eleventh, gates called the general officers together, and informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of burgoyne's army was marched off for fort edward with what they could take; and that the rear guard only was left in the camp, who, after awhile, were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. on this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. the officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. general nixon's being the eldest brigade, crossed the saratoga creek first. unknown to the americans, burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brush-wood, to support the park of artillery where the attack was to be made. general glover was upon the point of following nixon. just as he entered the water, he saw a british soldier making across, whom he called and examined." this soldier was a deserter, and communicated the very important fact that the whole british army were in their encampment. nixon was immediately stopped: and the intelligence conveyed to gates, who countermanded his orders for the assault, and called back his troops, not without sustaining some loss from the british artillery. gordon is confirmed by general wilkinson, who was adjutant general in the american army. the narrative of the general varies from that of gordon only in minor circumstances.] a council of general officers called to deliberate on their situation, took the bold resolution to abandon every thing but their arms and such provisions as the soldiers could carry; and, by a forced march in the night up the river, to extricate themselves from the american army; and crossing at fort edward, or at a ford above it, to press on to fort george. gates had foreseen this movement, and had prepared for it. in addition to placing strong guards at the fords of the hudson, he had formed an intrenched camp on the high grounds between fort edward and fort george. the scouts sent to examine the route returned with this information, and the plan was abandoned as impracticable. nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of the british army, or more desperate than that of their general, as described by himself. in his letter to lord george germain, secretary of state for american affairs, he says, "a series of hard toil, incessant effort, stubborn action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the army by the total defection of the indians; the desertion, or timidity of the canadians and provincials, some individuals excepted; disappointed in the last hope of any co-operation from other armies; the regular troops reduced by losses from the best parts, to three thousand five hundred fighting men, not two thousand of which were british; only three days provisions, upon short allowance, in store; invested by an army of sixteen thousand men; and no appearance of retreat remaining; i called into council all the generals, field officers, and captains commanding corps, and by their unanimous concurrence and advice, i was induced to open a treaty with major general gates." a treaty was opened with a general proposition, stating the willingness of the british general to spare the further effusion of blood, provided a negotiation could be effected on honourable terms. [sidenote: surrender of the army under burgoyne.] {october .} this proposition was answered by a demand that the whole army should ground their arms in their encampment, and surrender themselves prisoners of war. this demand was instantly rejected, with a declaration that if general gates designed to insist on it, the negotiation must immediately break off, and hostilities recommence. on receiving this decided answer, gates receded from the rigorous terms at first proposed; and a convention was signed, in which it was agreed that the british army, after marching out of their encampment with all the honours of war, should lay down their arms, and not serve against the united states till exchanged. they were not to be detained in captivity, but to be permitted to embark for england. the situation of the armies considered,[ ] these terms were highly honourable to the british general, and favourable to his nation. they were probably more advantageous than would have been granted by general gates, had he entertained no apprehension from sir henry clinton, who was, at length, making the promised diversion on the north river, up which he had penetrated as far as Æsopus. [footnote : the american army consisted of nine thousand and ninety-three continental troops. the number of the militia fluctuated; but amounted, at the signature of the convention, to four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine. the sick exceeded two thousand five hundred men.] the drafts made from peekskill for both armies had left that post in a situation to require the aid of militia for its security. the requisitions of general putnam were complied with; but the attack upon them being delayed, the militia, who were anxious to seed their farms, became impatient; many deserted; and general putnam was induced to discharge the residue. governor clinton immediately ordered out half the militia of new york, with assurances that they should be relieved in one month by the other half. this order was executed so slowly that the forts were carried before the militia were in the field. great pains had been taken, and much labour employed, to render this position, which is naturally strong, still more secure. the principal defences were forts montgomery and clinton. they had been constructed on the western bank of the hudson, on very high ground, extremely difficult of access, and were separated from each other by a small creek which runs from the mountains into the river. these forts were too much elevated to be battered from the water, and the hills on which they stood were too steep to be ascended by troops landing at the foot of them. the mountains, which commence five or six miles below them, are so high and rugged, the defiles, through which the roads leading to them pass, so narrow, and so commanded by the heights on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely difficult and dangerous. to prevent ships from passing the forts, chevaux-de-frise had been sunk in the river, and a boom extended from bank to bank, which was covered with immense chains stretched at some distance in its front. these works were defended by the guns of the forts, and by a frigate and galleys stationed above them, capable of opposing with an equal fire in front any force which might attack them by water from below. fort independence is four or five miles below forts montgomery and clinton, and on the opposite side of the river, on a high point of land; and fort constitution is rather more than six miles above them, on an island near the eastern shore. peekskill, the general head quarters of the officer commanding at the station, is just below fort independence, and on the same side of the river. the garrisons had been reduced to about six hundred men; and the whole force under general putnam did not much exceed two thousand. yet this force, though far inferior to that which general washington had ordered to be retained at the station, was, if properly applied, more than competent to the defence of the forts against any numbers which could be spared from new york. to insure success to the enterprise, it was necessary to draw the attention of putnam from the real object, and to storm the works before the garrisons could be aided by his army. this sir henry clinton accomplished. {october .} between three and four thousand men embarked at new york, and landed on the th of october at verplank's point, on the east side of the hudson, a short distance below peekskill, upon which general putnam retired to the heights in his rear. on the evening of the same day, a part of these troops re-embarked, and the fleet moved up the river to peekskill neck, in order to mask king's ferry, which was below them. the next morning, at break of day, the troops destined for the enterprise, landed on the west side of stony point, and commenced their march through the mountains, into the rear of forts clinton and montgomery.[ ] this disembarkation was observed; but the morning was so foggy that the numbers could not be distinguished; and a large fire, which was afterwards perceived at the landing place, suggested the idea that the sole object of the party on shore was the burning of some store houses. in the mean time, the manoeuvres of the vessels, and the appearance of a small detachment left at verplank's point, persuaded general putnam that the meditated attack was on fort independence. [footnote : letter of sir henry clinton.] [sidenote: forts montgomery and clinton taken by the british.] his whole attention was directed to this object; and the real designs of the enemy were not suspected, until a heavy firing from the other side of the river announced the assault on forts clinton and montgomery. five hundred men were instantly detached to reinforce the garrisons of those places; but before this detachment could cross the river the forts were in possession of the british. having left a battalion at the pass of thunderhill, to keep up a communication, sir henry clinton had formed his army into two divisions; one of which consisting of nine hundred men, commanded by lieutenant colonel campbell, made a circuit by the forest of deane, in order to fall on the back of fort montgomery; while the other, consisting of twelve hundred men, commanded by general vaughan, and accompanied by sir henry clinton in person, advanced slowly against fort clinton.[ ] [footnote : letter of sir henry clinton.] both posts were assaulted about five in the afternoon. the works were defended with resolution, and were maintained until dark, when, the lines being too extensive to be completely manned, the assailants entered them in different places. the defence being no longer possible, some of the garrison were made prisoners, while their better knowledge of the country enabled others to escape. governor clinton passed the river in a boat, and general james clinton, though wounded in the thigh by a bayonet, also made his escape. lieutenant colonels livingston and bruyn, and majors hamilton and logan were among the prisoners. the loss sustained by the garrisons was about two hundred and fifty men. that of the assailants, was stated by sir h. clinton, at less than two hundred. among the killed were lieutenant colonel campbell, and two other field officers. [sidenote: peekskill, together with forts independence and constitution evacuated by the americans.] as the boom and chains drawn across the river could no longer be defended, the continental frigates and galleys lying above them were burnt, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. fort independence and fort constitution were evacuated the next day, and putnam retreated to fishkill. general vaughan, after burning continental village, where stores to a considerable amount had been deposited, proceeded, at the head of a strong detachment, up the river to Æsopus, which he also destroyed.[ ] [footnote : intelligence of the success of sir henry clinton on the north river was received by general burgoyne, in the night after the convention at saratoga had been agreed upon, but before the articles had been signed and executed. the british general had serious thoughts of breaking off the treaty.] {october .} general putnam, whose army had been augmented by reinforcements of militia to six thousand men, detached general parsons with two thousand, to repossess himself of peekskill, and of the passes in the highlands; while, with the residue, he watched the progress of the enemy up the river. the want of heavy artillery prevented his annoying their ships in the hudson. on the capitulation of burgoyne, near five thousand men had been detached by gates to his aid. before their arrival, general vaughan had returned to new york, whence a reinforcement to general howe was then about to sail. great as was the injury sustained by the united states from this enterprise, great britain derived from it no solid advantage. it was undertaken at too late a period to save burgoyne; and though the passes in the highlands were acquired, they could not be retained. the british had reduced to ashes every village, and almost every house within their power; but this wanton and useless destruction served to irritate, without tending to subdue. a keenness was given to the resentment of the injured, which outlasted the contest between the two nations. the army which surrendered at saratoga exceeded five thousand men. on marching from ticonderoga, it was estimated at nine thousand. in addition to this great military force, the british lost, and the americans acquired, a fine train of artillery, seven thousand stand of excellent arms, clothing for seven thousand recruits, with tents, and other military stores, to a considerable amount. the thanks of congress were voted to general gates and his army; and a medal of gold, in commemoration of this great event, was ordered to be struck, and presented to him by the president, in the name of the united states. colonel wilkinson, his adjutant general, whom he strongly recommended, was appointed brigadier general by brevet. [illustration: the saratoga battle monument _schuylerville, new york_ _"nothing bespeaks more strongly the consummate tragedy of benedict arnold's career than the battle monument which rises on the banks of the hudson to commemorate the victory of saratoga. in the square shaft are four high gothic arches, and in these are placed heroic statues of the generals who won the victory. horatio gates, unworthy though he was, stands there in bronze. the gallant schuyler, the intrepid morgan, honor the other two. but where is he whose valor turned back the advancing saint-leger? whose prompt decision saved the continental position at bemis heights? whose military genius truly gained the day? a vacant niche--empty as england's rewards, void as his own life--speaks more eloquently than words, more strongly than condemnation, more pitifully than tears, of a mighty career blighted by treason and hurled into the bottomless pit of despair. this is america's way of honoring arnold in his dishonor."_ --from the real america in romance.] in the opinion that the british would not immediately abandon the passes in the highlands, congress ordered putnam to join general washington with a reinforcement not exceeding two thousand five hundred men, and directed gates to take command of the army on the hudson, with unlimited powers to call for aids of militia from the new england states, as well as from new york and new jersey. a proposition to authorize the commander-in-chief, after consulting with general gates and governor clinton, to increase the detachment designed to strengthen his army, if he should then be of opinion that it might be done without endangering the objects to be accomplished by gates, was seriously opposed. an attempt was made to amend this proposition so as to make the increase of the reinforcement to depend on the assent of gates and clinton; but this amendment was lost by a considerable majority, and the original resolution was carried. these proceedings were attended with no other consequences than to excite some degree of attention to the state of parties. [sidenote: ticonderoga and mount independence evacuated by the enemy.] soon after the capitulation of burgoyne, ticonderoga and mount independence were evacuated, and the garrison retired to isle aux noix, and st. johns. the effect produced by this event on the british cabinet and nation was great and immediate. it seemed to remove the delusive hopes of conquest with which they had been flattered, and suddenly to display the mass of resistance which must yet be encountered. previous to the reception of this disastrous intelligence, the employment of savages in the war had been the subject of severe animadversion. parliament was assembled on the th of november; and, as usual, addresses were proposed in answer to the speech from the throne, entirely approving the conduct of the administration. in the house of lords, the earl of chatham moved to amend the address by introducing a clause recommending to his majesty, an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, "to restore peace and liberty to america, strength and happiness to england, security and permanent prosperity to both countries." in the course of the very animated observations made by this extraordinary man in support of his motion, he said,[ ] "but, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods? to delegate to the merciless indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? my lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. unless thoroughly done away they will be a stain on the national character. it is not the least of our national misfortunes that the strength and character of our army are thus impaired. familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier. no longer sympathize with the dignity of the royal banner, nor feel the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that makes ambition virtue. what makes ambition virtue? the sense of honour. but is this sense of honour consistent with the spirit of plunder, or the practice of murder? can it flow from mercenary motives? or can it prompt to cruel deeds?"[ ] [footnote : life of chatham.--belsham.] [footnote : see note no. x. at the end of the volume.] the conduct of administration, however, received the full approbation of large majorities; but the triumph these victories in parliament afforded them was of short duration. the disastrous issue of an expedition from which the most sanguine expectations had been formed, was soon known, and the mortification it produced was extreme. a reluctant confession of the calamity was made by the minister, and a desire to restore peace on any terms consistent with the integrity of the empire found its way into the cabinet. chapter xi. defects in the commissary department.... distress of the army at valley forge.... the army subsisted by impressments.... combination in congress against general washington.... correspondence between him and general gates.... distress of the army for clothes.... washington's exertions to augment the army.... congress sends a committee to camp.... attempt to surprise captain lee.... congress determines on a second expedition to canada.... abandons it.... general conway resigns.... the baron steuben appointed inspector general.... congress forbids the embarkation of burgoyne's army.... plan of reconciliation agreed to in parliament.... communicated to congress and rejected.... information of treaties between france and the united states.... great britain declares war against france.... the treaties with france ratified by congress.... complaints of the treatment of prisoners.... a partial exchange agreed to. { } the army under the immediate command of general washington was engaged through the winter in endeavouring to stop the intercourse between philadelphia and the country. to effect this object general smallwood was detached with one division to wilmington; colonel morgan was placed on the lines on the west side of the schuylkill; and general armstrong, with the pennsylvania militia, was stationed near the old camp at white marsh. major jameson, with two troops of cavalry, and m'lane's infantry, was directed to guard the east, and captain lee with his troop, the west side of that river. general count pulaski, a polish nobleman who commanded the horse, led the residue of the cavalry to trenton, where he trained them for the ensuing campaign. {december .} one of the first operations meditated by general washington after crossing the schuylkill was the destruction of a large quantity of hay which remained in the islands above the mouth of derby creek, within the power of the british. early in the morning after his orders for this purpose had been given, sir william howe marched out in full force, and encamped between derby and the middle party, so as completely to cover the islands; while a foraging party removed the hay. washington, with the intention of disturbing this operation, gave orders for putting his army in motion, when the alarming fact was disclosed, that the commissary's stores were exhausted, and that the last ration had been delivered and consumed. accustomed as were the continental troops to privations of every sort, it would have been hazarding too much to move them, under these circumstances, against a powerful enemy. in a desert, or in a garrison where food is unattainable, courage, patriotism, and habits of discipline, enable the soldier to conquer wants which, in ordinary situations, would be deemed invincible. but to perish in a country abounding with provisions, requires something more than fortitude; nor can soldiers readily submit, while in such a country, to the deprivation of food. it is not therefore surprising that, among a few of the troops, some indications of a mutiny appeared. it is much more astonishing that the great body of the army bore a circumstance so irritating, and to them so unaccountable, without a murmur. on receiving intelligence of the fact, general washington ordered the country to be scoured, and provisions, for supplying the pressing wants of the moment, to be seized wherever found. in the mean time, light parties were detached to harass the enemy about derby, where sir william howe, with his accustomed circumspection, kept his army so compact, and his soldiers so within the lines, that an opportunity to annoy him was seldom afforded even to the vigilance of morgan and lee. after completing his forage, he returned, with inconsiderable loss, to philadelphia. that the american army, while the value still retained by paper bills placed ample funds in the hands of government, should be destitute of food, in the midst of a state so abounding with provisions as pennsylvania, is one of those extraordinary facts which can not fail to excite attention. [sidenote: defects in the commissary department.] early in the war, the office of commissary general had been confirmed on colonel trumbull, of connecticut, a gentleman fitted by his talents, activity and zeal, for that important station. yet, from the difficulty of arranging so complicated a department in its commencement, without the advantages of experience, complaints were repeatedly made of the insufficiency of supplies. the subject was taken up by congress; but the remedy administered, as well from the time of its application, as from the ingredients of which it was composed, served only to increase the disease. the system was not completed until near midsummer; and then its arrangements were such that colonel trumbull refused to accept the office assigned to him; and new men were to be called into service at a time when the strongest necessity required the exertions of those who understood the plan of supplies for the campaign in all its modifications. in addition to the commissary of purchases, and a commissary general of issues, each to be appointed by congress, the new plan contemplated four deputies in each department, also to be appointed by that body, who were not accountable to, nor removeable by the head of the department, but might be suspended, and accused before congress who should examine the charge, and either remove the accused from his office, or reinstate him in it. [sidenote: distress of the american army at valley forge for provisions.] this _imperium in imperio_, erected in direct opposition to the opinion of the commander-in-chief, drove colonel trumbull from the army. congress, however, persisted in the system; and the effects of deranging so important a department as that which feeds the troops, in the midst of a campaign, were not long in unfolding themselves. in every military division of the continent, loud complaints were made of the deficiency of supplies. the success of gates appears to have been more endangered by this cause, than by the movement of sir henry clinton up the hudson. the army of general washington was often greatly embarrassed, and his movements not unfrequently suspended, by the want of provisions. the present total failure of all supply was preceded, for a few days, by the issuing of meat unfit to be eaten. representations on this subject were made to the commander-in-chief, who, on the morning that sir william howe moved out to derby, and before intelligence of that movement had been received, communicated them to congress. [sidenote: the army subsisted in a great measure by impressments.] that body had authorized the commander-in-chief to seize provisions for the use of his army within seventy miles of head quarters; and either to pay for them in money, or in certificates, for the redemption of which the faith of the united states was pledged. the odium of this measure was increased by the failure of the government to provide funds to take up these certificates when presented. at the same time, the provisions carried into philadelphia were paid for in specie at a good price. the inhabitants of that part of pennsylvania were not zealous in support of the war, and the difference between prompt payment in gold or silver, and a certificate, the value of which was often diminished by depreciation before its payment, was too great not to influence their wishes and their conduct. such was the dexterity they employed that, notwithstanding the rigour of the laws, and the vigilance of the troops stationed on the lines, they often succeeded in concealing their provisions from those who were authorized to impress for the army, and in conveying them privately into philadelphia. {december .} general washington exercised the powers confided to him with caution, but he did exercise them; and by doing so, acquired considerable supplies. congress appeared as much dissatisfied with the lenity of the commander-in-chief, as the people were with his rigour, in consequence of which the subject was taken into consideration, his forbearance disapproved, and instructions given for the rigorous exertions in future of the powers with which he was invested. in reply to the letter communicating these resolves, the general stated the conduct he had observed, insisted that provisions had been taken very extensively, and repeated his opinion, that such measures would be much more readily submitted to if executed by the civil authority. in obedience, however, to the will of congress, he issued a proclamation, requiring the farmers within seventy miles of head quarters, to thrash out one half of their grain by the first of february, and the residue by the first of march, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw. the success of this experiment did not correspond with the wishes of congress. it was attended with the pernicious consequences which had been foreseen by the general, to avoid which he had considered this system as a dernier ressort, of which he was to avail himself only in extreme cases. in answer to a letter on this subject from the board of war, he said, "i shall use every exertion that may be expedient and practicable for subsisting the army, and keeping it together; but i must observe, that this never can be done by coercive means. supplies of provisions and clothing must be had in another way, or it can not exist. the small seizures that were made of the former some time ago, in consequence of the most pressing and urgent necessity--when the alternative was to do that or dissolve--excited the greatest alarm and uneasiness imaginable, even among some of our best and warmest friends. such procedures may relieve for an instant, but eventually will prove of the most pernicious consequence. besides spreading disaffection and jealousy among the people, they never fail, even in the most veteran armies, to raise in the soldiery a disposition to licentiousness, plunder, and robbery, which it has ever been found exceeding difficult to suppress; and which has not only proved ruinous to the inhabitants, but, in many instances, to the armies themselves." in a subsequent letter to congress, he added, "i regret the occasion which compelled us to the measure the other day, and shall consider it as among the greatest of our misfortunes to be under the necessity of practising it again. i am now obliged to keep several parties from the army thrashing grain, that our supplies may not fail; but this will not do." [sidenote: combination formed in congress against general washington.] about this time, a strong combination was forming against the commander-in-chief, into which several members of congress, and a very few officers of the army are believed to have entered. [sidenote: general gates supposed to be concerned in it.] [sidenote: correspondence on this subject between the two generals.] the splendour with which the capture of a british army had surrounded the military reputation of general gates, acquired some advocates for the opinion that the arms of america would be more fortunate, should that gentleman be elevated to the supreme command. he could not be supposed hostile himself to the prevalence of this opinion; and some parts of his conduct would seem to warrant a belief that, if it did not originate with him, he was not among the last to adopt it. after the victory of the seventh of october had opened to him the prospect of subduing the arms of burgoyne, he not only omitted to communicate his success to general washington, but carried on a correspondence with general conway, in which that officer expressed great contempt for the commander-in-chief. when the purport of this correspondence was disclosed to general washington, gates demanded the name of the informer in a letter far from being conciliatory in its terms, which was accompanied with the very extraordinary circumstance of being passed through congress.[ ] the state of pennsylvania too, chagrined at the loss of its capital, and forgetful of its own backwardness in strengthening the army, which had twice fought superior numbers in its defence, furnished many discontented individuals. they imputed it to general washington as a fault that, with forces inferior to his enemy in numbers, and in every equipment, he had not effected the same result which had been produced in the north, by a continental army, in itself, much stronger than its adversary, and so reinforced by militia as to treble his numbers. on the report that general washington was moving into winter quarters, the legislature of that state addressed a remonstrance to congress on the subject, manifesting, in very intelligible terms, their dissatisfaction with the commander-in-chief. about the same time, a new board of war was created, of which general gates was appointed the president; and general mifflin, who was supposed to be of the party unfriendly to washington, was one of its members. general conway, who was probably the only brigadier in the army that had joined this faction, was appointed inspector general, and was promoted, above senior brigadiers, to the rank of major general. these were evidences that, if the hold which the commander-in-chief had taken of the affections and confidence of the army and of the nation could be loosened, the party in congress disposed to change their general, was far from being contemptible in point of numbers. but to loosen this hold was impossible. the indignation with which the idea of such a change was received even by the victorious troops who had conquered under gates, forms the most conclusive proof of its strength. even the northern army clung to washington as the saviour of his country. [footnote : see note no. xi. at the end of the volume.] these machinations to diminish the well-earned reputation of the commander-in-chief, could not escape his notice. they made, however, no undue impression on his steady mind, nor did they change one of his measures. his sensibilities seem to have been those of patriotism, of apprehension for his country, rather than of wounded pride. his desire to remain at the head of the army seemed to flow from the conviction that his retaining that station would be useful to his country, rather than from the gratification his high rank might furnish to ambition. when he unbosomed himself to his private friends, the feelings and sentiments he expressed were worthy of washington. to mr. laurens, the president of congress, and his private friend, who, in an unofficial letter, had communicated an anonymous accusation made to him as president, containing heavy charges against the commander-in-chief, he said, "i can not sufficiently express the obligation i feel towards you for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which i am deeply interested. i was not unapprised that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice, which, conscious as i am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trusts reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account; but my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. "as i have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honours not founded in the approbation of my country, i would not desire, in the least degree, to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. the anonymous paper handed you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it may be submitted to congress. this i am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassment hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or who, may be privy to the contents. "my enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. they know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defence i might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. they know i can not combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. but why should i expect to be free from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? merit and talents which i can not pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it. my heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit. yet i may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error."[ ] [footnote : see note no. xii. at the end of the volume.] fortunately for america, these combinations only excited resentment against those who were believed to be engaged in them. {december.} {december .} soon after being informed of the unfavourable disposition of some members of congress towards him, and receiving the memorial of the legislature of pennsylvania against his going into winter quarters, the general also discovered the failure already mentioned in the commissary department. on this occasion, he addressed congress in terms of energy and plainness which he had used on no former occasion. in his letter to that body he said, "full as i was in my representation of the matters in the commissary's department yesterday, fresh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add that i am now convinced beyond a doubt that, unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place in that line, this army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things--to starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence. rest assured, sir, that this is not an exaggerated picture, and that i have abundant reason to suppose what i say. "saturday afternoon, receiving information that the enemy, in force, had left the city, and were advancing towards derby with apparent design to forage, and draw subsistence from that part of the country, i ordered the troops to be in readiness, that i might give every opposition in my power; when, to my great mortification, i was not only informed, but convinced, that the men were unable to stir on account of a want of provisions; and that a dangerous mutiny, begun the night before, and which with difficulty was suppressed by the spirited exertions of some officers, was still much to be apprehended from the want of this article. "this brought forth the only commissary in the purchasing line in this camp, and with him this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter, and not more than twenty-five barrels of flour! from hence, form an opinion of our situation, when i add that he could not tell when to expect any. [sidenote: distress of the american army for clothes.] "all i could do under these circumstances, was to send out a few light parties to watch and harass the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached different ways to collect, if possible, as much provision as would satisfy the present pressing wants of the soldiers; but will this answer? no, sir. three or four days of bad weather would prove our destruction. what then is to become of the army this winter? and if we are now as often without provisions as with them, what is to become of us in the spring, when our force will be collected, with the aid perhaps of militia, to take advantage of an early campaign before the enemy can be reinforced? these are considerations of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention, and will, when my own reputation is so intimately connected with, and to be affected by the event, justify my saying, that the present commissaries are by no means equal to the execution of the office, or that the disaffection of the people surpasses all belief. the misfortune, however, does, in my opinion, proceed from both causes; and, though i have been tender heretofore of giving any opinion, or of lodging complaints, as the change in that department took place contrary to my judgment, and the consequences thereof were predicted; yet, finding that the inactivity of the army, whether for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my account, not only by the common vulgar, but by those in power; it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. with truth, then, i can declare that no man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than i have, by every department of the army. since the month of july, we have had no assistance from the quartermaster general; and to want of assistance from this department, the commissary general charges great part of his deficiency. to this i am to add that, notwithstanding it is a standing order (often repeated) that the troops shall always have two days provisions by them, that they may be ready at any sudden call; yet, scarcely any opportunity has ever offered of taking advantage of the enemy, that has not been either totally obstructed, or greatly impeded, on this account; and this, the great and crying evil is not all. soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by congress, we see none of, nor have we seen them, i believe, since the battle of brandywine. the first, indeed, we have little occasion for; few men having more than one shirt, many, only the moiety of one, and some, none at all. in addition to which, as a proof of the little benefit from a clothier general, and at the same time, as a farther proof of the inability of an army under the circumstances of this to perform the common duties of soldiers, we have, by a field return this day made, besides a number of men confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in farmers' houses on the same account, no less than two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men, now in camp, unfit for duty, because they are bare-foot, and otherwise naked. by the same return, it appears that our whole strength in continental troops, including the eastern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of general burgoyne, exclusive of the maryland troops sent to wilmington, amounts to no more than eight thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that since the fourth instant, our number fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particularly from the want of blankets, have decreased near two thousand men, we find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter quarters or not, (for i am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the remonstrance), reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow; and moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages i have described ours to be, which are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the states of pennsylvania, jersey, &c. but what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is, that these very gentlemen, who were well apprised of the nakedness of the troops from ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers worse clad than others, and advised me, near a month ago, to postpone the execution of a plan i was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of congress for seizing clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten days, agreeably to a decree of the state; (not one article of which by the by is yet to come to hand,) should think a winter's campaign, and the covering of their states from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicable a business. i can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, i feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power either to relieve or to prevent." the representations made in this letter were not exaggerated. the distresses of the army, however, so far as respected clothing, did not arise from the inattention of congress. measures for the importation of clothes had been adopted early in the war, but had not produced the effect expected from them. vigorous but ineffectual means had also been taken to obtain supplies from the interior. the unfortunate non-importation agreements which preceded the commencement of hostilities, had reduced the quantity of goods in the country below the ordinary amount, and the war had almost annihilated foreign commerce. the progress of manufactures did not equal the consumption; and such was the real scarcity, that exactions from individuals produced great distress, without relieving the wants of the army. a warm blanket was a luxury in which not many participated, either in the camp or in the country. in the northern states, where the sea coast was too extensive, and the ports too numerous to be completely guarded, and where the people were more inclined to maritime enterprise, supplies both of arms and clothes were attainable in a more considerable degree than in those farther south; but the large sums of money expended in that part of the union for the support of the army, had lessened the value of the currency there more rapidly than elsewhere, and a consequent high nominal price was demanded for imported articles. congress deemed the terms on which some large contracts had been made by the clothier general in massachusetts, so exorbitant, as to forbid their execution; and at the same time, addressed a letter to the state government, requesting that the goods should be seized for the use of the army, at prices to be fixed by the legislature, in pursuance of a resolution of the d of november. these recommendations from congress, so far as they exhorted the states to supply the wants of the soldiers, were strongly supported by the general. in his letters to the several governors, he represented the very existence of the army, and the continuance of the contest, as depending on their exertions in this respect. { } [sidenote: general washington's exertions to increase his force, and to place it on a respectable footing before the ensuing campaign.] to recruit the army for the ensuing campaign became again an object of vital importance; and the commander-in-chief again pressed its necessity on congress, and on the states. to obtain a respectable number of men by voluntary enlistment had, obviously, become impossible. coercion could be employed only by the state governments; and it required all the influence of general washington to induce the adoption of a measure so odious in itself, but so indispensable to the acquirement of means to meet the crisis of the war, which, in his judgment, had not yet passed away. he enclosed to each state a return of its troops on continental establishment, thereby exhibiting to each its own deficiency. to those who had not resorted to coercive means, he stated the success with which they had been used by others; and he urged all, by every motive which could operate on the human mind, to employ those means early enough to enable him to anticipate the enemy in taking the field. to the causes which had long threatened the destruction of the army, the depreciation of paper money was now to be added. it had become so considerable that the pay of an officer would not procure even those absolute necessaries which might protect his person from the extremes of heat and cold. the few who possessed small patrimonial estates found them melting away; and others were unable to appear as gentlemen. such circumstances could not fail to excite disgust with the service, and a disposition to leave it. among those who offered their commissions to the commander-in-chief, were many who, possessing a larger portion of military pride, and therefore feeling with peculiar sensibility the degradation connected with poverty and rags, afforded the fairest hopes of becoming the ornaments of the army. this general indifference about holding a commission; this general opinion that an obligation was conferred, not received by continuing in the service, could not fail to be unfavourable, not only to that spirit of emulation which stimulates to bolder deeds than are required, but to a complete execution of orders, and to a rigid observance of duty. an officer whose pride was in any degree wounded, whose caprice was not indulged, who apprehended censure for a fault which his carelessness about remaining in the army had probably seduced him to commit, was ready to throw up a commission which, instead of being valuable, was a burden almost too heavy to be borne. with extreme anxiety the commander-in-chief watched the progress of a temper which, though just commencing, would increase, he feared, with the cause that produced it. he was, therefore, early and earnest in pressing the consideration of this important subject on the attention of congress. {january .} [sidenote: congress send a committee of their own body to the army.] the weak and broken condition of the continental regiments, the strong remonstrances of the general, the numerous complaints received from every quarter, determined congress to depute a committee to reside in camp during the winter, for the purpose of investigating the state of the army, and reporting such reforms as the public good might require. this committee repaired to head quarters in the month of january. the commander-in-chief laid before them a general statement, taking a comprehensive view of the condition of the army, and detailing the remedies necessary for the correction of existing abuses, as well as those regulations which he deemed essential to its future prosperity. this paper, exhibiting the actual state of the army, discloses defects of real magnitude in the existing arrangements. in perusing it, the reader is struck with the numerous difficulties, in addition to those resulting from inferiority of numbers, with which the american general was under the necessity of contending. the memorial is too long to be inserted, but there are parts which ought not to be entirely overlooked. the neglect of the very serious representation it contained respecting a future permanent provision for the officers, threatened, at an after period, to be productive of such pernicious effects, that their insertion in this place will not, it is presumed, be unacceptable. he recommended as the basis of every salutary reform, a comfortable provision for the officers, which should render their commissions valuable; to effect which the future, as well as the present, ought to be contemplated. "a long and continual sacrifice of individual interest for the general good, ought not," he said, "to be expected or required. the nature of man must be changed, before institutions built on the presumptive truth of such a principle can succeed. "this position," he added, "is supported by the conduct of the officers of the american army, as well as by that of all other men. at the commencement of the dispute, in the first effusions of zeal, when it was believed the service would be temporary, they entered into it without regard to pecuniary considerations. but finding its duration much longer than had been at first expected, and that, instead of deriving advantage from the hardships and dangers to which they are exposed, they were, on the contrary, losers by their patriotism, and fell far short of even a competency for their wants, they have gradually abated in their ardour; and, with many, an entire disinclination to the service, under present circumstances, has taken place. to this, in an eminent degree, must be ascribed the frequent resignations daily happening, and the more frequent importunities for permission to resign, from some officers of the greatest merit. "to this also may be ascribed the apathy, inattention, and neglect of duty, which pervade all ranks; and which will necessarily continue and increase, while an officer, instead of gaining any thing, is impoverished by his commission, and conceives he is conferring, not receiving a favour, in holding it. there can be no sufficient tie on men possessing such sentiments. nor can any method be adopted to compel those to a punctual discharge of duty, who are indifferent about their continuance in the service, and are often seeking a pretext to disengage themselves from it. punishment, in this case, would be unavailing. but when an officer's commission is made valuable to him, and he fears to lose it, you may exact obedience from him. "it is not indeed consistent with reason or justice that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease, and happiness; encounter the rigours of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, without some adequate compensation, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in common with them. it must also be a comfortless reflection to any man, that, after he may have contributed to secure the rights of his country, at the risk of his life, and the ruin of his fortune, there will be no provision made to prevent himself and his family, from sinking into indigence and wretchedness." with these and other arguments, general washington recommended, in addition to present compensation, a half pay and pensionary establishment for the army. "i urge my sentiments," said he, "with the greater freedom, because i can not, and shall not, receive the smallest benefit from the establishment; and can have no other inducement for proposing it, than a full conviction of its utility and propriety." the wants and distresses of the army, when actually seen by the committee of congress, made a much deeper impression than could have been received from any statement whatever. they endeavoured to communicate to congress the sentiments felt by themselves, and to correct the errors which had been committed. but a numerous body, if it deliberate at all, proceeds slowly in the conduct of executive business; and will seldom afford a prompt corrective to existing mischiefs, especially to those growing out of its own measures. {february .} much of the sufferings of the army was attributed to mismanagement in the quartermaster's department, which, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of the commander-in-chief, had long remained without a head. this subject was taken up early by the committee, and proper representations made respecting it. but congress still remained under the influence of those opinions which had already produced such mischievous effects, and were still disposed to retain the subordinate officers of the department in a state of immediate dependence on their own body. in this temper, they proposed a plan which, not being approved in camp, was never carried into execution. while congress was deliberating on the reforms proposed, the distresses of the army approached their acme, and its dissolution was threatened. early in february, the commissaries gave notice that the country, to a great distance, was actually exhausted; and that it would be impracticable to obtain supplies for the army longer than to the end of that month. already the threatened scarcity began to be felt, and the rations issued were often bad in quality, and insufficient in quantity. general washington found it necessary again to interpose his personal exertions to procure provisions from a distance. in the apprehension that the resources of the commissary department would fail before the distant supplies he had taken measures to obtain could reach him, and that the enemy designed to make another incursion into the country around philadelphia, for the purpose of gleaning what yet remained in possession of the inhabitants, he detached general wayne, with orders to seize every article proper for the use of an army within fifteen miles of the delaware, and to destroy the forage on the islands between philadelphia and chester. to defeat the object of this foraging party, the inhabitants concealed their provisions and teams, and gave to the country every appearance of having been entirely pillaged. before any sufficient aid could be obtained by these means, the bread, as well as the meat, was exhausted, and famine prevailed in camp. in an emergency so pressing, the commander-in-chief used every effort to feed his hungry army. parties were sent out to glean the country; officers of influence were deputed to jersey, delaware and maryland; and circular letters were addressed to the governors of states by the committee of congress in camp and by the commander-in-chief, describing the wants of the army, and urging the greatest exertions for its immediate relief. fortunately for america, there were features in the character of washington which, notwithstanding the discordant materials of which his army was composed, attached his officers and soldiers so strongly to his person, that no distress could weaken their affection, nor impair the respect and veneration in which they held him. to this sentiment is to be attributed, in a great measure, the preservation of a respectable military force, under circumstances but too well calculated for its dissolution. through this severe experiment on their fortitude, the native americans persevered steadily in the performance of their duty; but the conduct of the europeans, who constituted a large part of the army, was, to a considerable extent, less laudable; and at no period of the war was desertion so frequent as during this winter. aided by the disaffected, deserters eluded the vigilance of the parties who watched the roads, and great numbers escaped into philadelphia with their arms. in a few days, the army was rescued from the famine with which it had been threatened, and considerable supplies of provisions were laid up in camp. it was perceived that the difficulties which had produced such melancholy effects, were created more by the want of due exertion in the commissary department, and by the efforts of the people to save their stock for a better market, than by any real deficiency of food in the country. this severe demonstration seems to have convinced congress that their favourite system was radically vicious, and the subject was taken up with the serious intention of remodeling the commissary department on principles recommended by experience. but such were the delays inherent in the organization of that body, that the new system was not adopted until late in april. at no period of the war had the situation of the american army been more perilous than at valley forge. even when the troops were not entirely destitute of food, their stock of provisions was so scanty that a quantity sufficient for one week was seldom in store. consequently, had general howe moved out in force, the american army could not have remained in camp; and their want of clothes disabled them from keeping the field in the winter. the returns of the first of february exhibit the astonishing number of three thousand nine hundred and eighty-nine men in camp, unfit for duty for want of clothes. scarcely one man of these had a pair of shoes. even among those returned capable of doing duty, many were so badly clad, that exposure to the cold of the season must have destroyed them. although the total of the army exceeded seventeen thousand men, the present effective rank and file amounted to only five thousand and twelve. while the sufferings of the soldiers filled the hospitals, a dreadful mortality continued to prevail in those miserable receptacles of the sick. a violent putrid fever swept off much greater numbers than all the diseases of the camp. if then during the deep snow which covered the earth for a great part of the winter, the british general had taken the field, his own army would indeed have suffered greatly, but the american loss is not to be calculated. [illustration: washington's headquarters at valley forge _here on december , , after the battles of brandywine and germantown and the occupation of philadelphia by the british, washington established his headquarters for what may be paradoxically termed the darkest winter of the revolutionary war. the american commander-in-chief chose this place partly for its defensibility and partly to protect congress, then in session at york, pennsylvania, from a sudden british attack. it was here that washington and baron steuben planned the reorganization of the american army, and it was here, may , , that news reached washington of the consummation of the french alliance._] [sidenote: attempt to surprise captain lee's corps, and the gallant resistance made by him.] {march .} happily, the real condition of washington was not well understood by sir william howe; and the characteristic attention of that officer to the lives and comfort of his troops, saved the american army. fortunately, he confined his operations to those small excursions that were calculated to enlarge the comforts of his own soldiers, who, notwithstanding the favourable dispositions of the neighbouring country, were much distressed for fuel, and often in great want of forage and fresh provisions. the vigilance of the parties on the lines, especially on the south side of the schuylkill, intercepted a large portion of the supplies intended for the philadelphia market; and corporal punishment was frequently inflicted on those who were detected in attempting this infraction of the laws. as captain lee was particularly active, a plan was formed, late in january, to surprise and capture him in his quarters. an extensive circuit was made by a large body of cavalry, who seized four of his patrols without communicating an alarm. about break of day the british horse appeared; upon which captain lee placed his troopers that were in the house, at the doors and windows, who behaved so gallantly as to repulse the assailants without losing a horse or man. only lieutenant lindsay and one private were wounded. the whole number in the house did not exceed ten.[ ] that of the assailants was said to amount to two hundred. they lost a sergeant and three men with several horses, killed; and an officer and three men wounded. [footnote : major jameson was accidentally present, and engaged in this skirmish.] the result of this skirmish gave great pleasure to the commander-in-chief, who had formed a high opinion of lee's talents as a partisan. he mentioned the affair in his orders with strong marks of approbation; and, in a private letter to the captain, testified the satisfaction he felt. for his merit through the preceding campaign, congress promoted him to the rank of major, and gave him an independent partisan corps to consist of three troops of horse. [sidenote: congress determine upon a second expedition against canada.] while the deficiency of the public resources, arising from the alarming depreciation of the bills of credit, manifested itself in all the military departments, a plan was matured in congress, and in the board of war, without consulting the commander-in-chief, for a second irruption into canada. it was proposed to place the marquis de lafayette at the head of this expedition, and to employ generals conway and starke, as the second and third in command. this young nobleman, possessing an excellent heart, and all the military enthusiasm of his country, had left france early in , in opposition to the will of his sovereign, to engage in the service of the united states. his high rank, and supposed influence at the court of versailles, secured him the unlimited respect of his countrymen in america; and, added to his frankness of manners and zeal in their cause, recommended him strongly to congress. while the claims of others of the same country to rank were too exorbitant to be gratified, he demanded no station in the army; would consent to receive no compensation, and offered to serve as a volunteer. he had stipulated with mr. deane for the rank of major general without emolument; and, on his arrival in america, that rank was conferred on him, but without any immediate command. in that capacity, he sought for danger, and was wounded at the battle of brandywine. he attached himself with the ardour of youth to the commander-in-chief, who smoothed the way to his receiving a command in the army equal to his rank. the first intimation to general washington that the expedition was contemplated, was given in a letter from the president of the board of war of the th of january, inclosing one of the same date to the marquis, requiring the attendance of that nobleman on congress to receive his instructions. the commander-in-chief was requested to furnish colonel hazen's regiment, chiefly composed of canadians, for the expedition; and in the same letter, his advice and opinion were asked respecting it. the northern states were to furnish the necessary troops. without noticing the manner in which this business had been conducted, and the marked want of confidence it betrayed, general washington ordered hazen's regiment to march towards albany; and the marquis proceeded immediately to the seat of congress. at his request, he was to be considered as an officer detached from the army of washington, to remain under his orders, and major general the baron de kalb was added to the expedition; after which the marquis repaired in person to albany to take charge of the troops who were to assemble at that place in order to cross the lakes on the ice, and attack montreal. [sidenote: before its execution, it is abandoned.] on arriving at albany, he found no preparations made for the expedition. nothing which had been promised being in readiness, he abandoned the enterprise as impracticable. some time afterward, congress also determined to relinquish it; and general washington was authorized to recall both the marquis de lafayette, and the baron de kalb. {february .} while the army lay at valley forge, the baron steuben arrived in camp. this gentleman was a prussian officer, who came to the united states with ample recommendations. he was said to have served many years in the armies of the great frederick; to have been one of the aids de camp of that consummate commander; and to have held the rank of lieutenant general. he was, unquestionably, versed in the system of field exercise which the king of prussia had introduced, and was well qualified to teach it to raw troops. he claimed no rank, and offered to render his services as a volunteer. after holding a conference with congress, he proceeded to valley forge. [sidenote: general conway resigns. duel between him and general cadwallader.] [sidenote: the baron steuben appointed inspector general.] although the office of inspector general had been bestowed on conway, he had never entered on its duties; and his promotion to the rank of major general had given much umbrage to the brigadiers, who had been his seniors. that circumstance, in addition to the knowledge of his being in a faction hostile to the commander-in-chief, rendered his situation in the army so uncomfortable, that he withdrew to york, in pennsylvania, which was then the seat of congress. when the expedition to canada was abandoned, he was not directed, with lafayette and de kalb, to rejoin the army. entertaining no hope of being permitted to exercise the functions of his new office, he resigned his commission about the last of april, and, some time afterwards, returned to france.[ ] on his resignation, the baron steuben, who had, as a volunteer, performed the duties of inspector general, much to the satisfaction of the commander-in-chief, and of the army, was, on the recommendation of general washington, appointed to that office with the rank of major general, without exciting the slightest murmur. [footnote : general conway, after his resignation, frequently indulged in expressions of extreme hostility to the commander-in-chief. these indiscretions were offensive to the gentlemen of the army. in consequence of them, he was engaged in an altercation with general cadwallader, which produced a duel, in which conway received a wound, supposed for some time to be mortal. while his recovery was despaired of, he addressed the following letter to general washington. _philadelphia, july d, ._ sir,--i find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your excellency. my career will soon be over, therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. you are, in my eyes, the great and good man. may you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues. i am with the greatest respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient humble servant, phs. conway.] this gentleman was of real service to the american troops. he established one uniform system of field exercise; and, by his skill and persevering industry, effected important improvements through all ranks of the army during its continuance at valley forge. { } while it was encamped at that place, several matters of great interest engaged the attention of congress. among them, was the stipulation in the convention of saratoga for the return of the british army to england. boston was named as the place of embarkation. at the time of the capitulation, the difficulty of making that port early in the winter was unknown to general burgoyne. consequently, as some time must elapse before a sufficient number of vessels for the transportation of his army could be collected, its embarkation might be delayed until the ensuing spring. {november .} on receiving this unwelcome intelligence, he applied to general washington to change the port of embarkation, and to substitute newport, in rhode island, or some place on the sound, for boston. if any considerations not foreseen should make this proposal objectionable, he then solicited this indulgence for himself and his suite. this request was communicated to congress, in terms favourable to that part of the application which respected general burgoyne and his suite; but the objections to any change in the convention which might expedite the transportation of the army, were too weighty to be disregarded; and the general pressed them earnestly on congress. this precaution was unnecessary. the facility with which the convention might be violated by the british, and the captured army be united to that under general howe, seems to have suggested itself to the american government, as soon as the first rejoicings were over; and such was its then existing temper, that the faith and honour of british officers were believed to be no securities against their appearing again in the field. under this impression, a resolution had passed early in november, directing general heath to transmit to the board of war a descriptive list of all persons comprehended in the convention, "in order that, if any officer, soldier, or other person of the said army should hereafter be found in arms against these states in north america, during the present contest, he might be convicted of the offence, and suffer the punishment in such case inflicted by the law of nations." no other notice was taken of the application made by general burgoyne to congress through the commander-in-chief, than to pass a resolution "that general washington be directed to inform general burgoyne that congress will not receive, nor consider, any proposition for indulgence, nor for altering the terms of the convention of saratoga, unless immediately directed to their own body." {december.} contrary to expectation, a fleet of transports for the reception of the troops reached rhode island, on its way to boston, in the month of december. but, before its arrival, the preconceived suspicions of congress had ripened into conviction several circumstances combined to produce this result. general burgoyne, dissatisfied with the accommodations prepared for his officers in boston, had, after a fruitless correspondence with general heath, addressed a letter to general gates, in which he complained of the inconvenient quarters assigned his officers, as a breach of the articles of the convention. this complaint was considered by congress as being made for the purpose of letting in the principle, that the breach of one article of a treaty discharges the injured party from its obligations. this suspicion was strengthened by the indiscreet hesitation of general burgoyne to permit the resolution requiring a descriptive list of his troops to be executed. his subsequent relinquishment of the objection did not remove the impression it had made. it was also alleged, that the number of transports was not sufficient to convey the troops to europe; nor was it believed possible that sir william howe could have laid in, so expeditiously, a sufficient stock of provisions for the voyage. these objections to the embarkation of burgoyne's troops were strengthened by some trivial infractions of the convention, which, it was contended, gave congress a strict right to detain them. it was stipulated that "the arms" should be delivered up; and it appeared that several cartouch boxes and other military accoutrements, supposed to be comprehended in the technical term _arms_, had been detained. this was deemed an infraction of the letter of the compact, which, on rigid principle, justified the measures afterwards adopted by congress. [sidenote: congress forbid the embarkation of the british troops taken at saratoga.] the whole subject was referred to a committee who reported all the circumstances of the case, whereupon congress came to several resolutions, enumerating the facts already mentioned, the last of which was in these words: "resolved, therefore, that the embarkation of lieutenant general burgoyne, and the troops under his command, be suspended, until a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of great britain to congress." these resolutions, together with the report on which they were founded, were transmitted to the several states, and to general washington. two copies of them were sent to general heath, with directions to deliver one of them to general burgoyne, and with farther directions, "to order the vessels which may have arrived, or which shall arrive, for the transportation of the army under lieutenant general burgoyne, to quit, without delay, the port of boston." [sidenote: burgoyne permitted to depart.] on receiving these resolutions, general burgoyne addressed a letter to congress, containing papers, on which he founded a defence of his conduct, and insisted on the embarkation of his army, as stipulated in the convention; but the committee, to whom these papers were referred, reported their opinion, after the most attentive consideration of them, to be, "that nothing therein contained was sufficient to induce congress to recede from their resolves of the th of january last, respecting the convention of saratoga." this application was accompanied by another letter from general burgoyne, to be delivered if the army should still be detained, in which, in consideration of the state of his health, he solicited permission to return to england. this request was readily granted. the impression made on the british nation by the capitulation of burgoyne, notwithstanding the persevering temper of the king, at length made its way into the cabinet, and produced resolutions in favour of pacific measures. { } {february.} after the rejection of repeated motions made by the opposition members tending to the abandonment of the american war, lord north gave notice, in the house of commons, that he had digested a plan of reconciliation which he designed shortly to lay before the house. [sidenote: plan of reconciliation with america agreed to in parliament.] in conformity with this notice, he moved for leave to bring in, "first, a bill for removing all doubts and apprehensions concerning taxation by the parliament of great britain in any of the colonies and plantations of north america. "second. a bill to enable his majesty to appoint commissioners with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies of north america." the first contained a declaration that parliament will impose no tax or duty whatever payable within any of the colonies of north america, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to and for the use of the colonies in which the same shall be respectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the authority of their respective legislatures are ordinarily paid and applied. the second authorized the appointment of commissioners by the crown, with power to treat either with the existing governments, or with individuals, in america; provided that no stipulations which might be entered into should have any effect until approved in parliament, other than is afterward mentioned. it is then enacted, that the commissioners may have power "to proclaim a cessation of hostilities in any of the colonies, to suspend the operation of the non-intercourse law; and farther, to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so much of all or any of the acts of parliament which have passed since the th day of february, , as relates to the colonies. "to grant pardon to any number or description of persons, and to appoint a governor in any colony in which his majesty had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointments." these bills passed both houses of parliament with inconsiderable opposition. intelligence of the treaty between the united states and france having been received by the minister about the time of their being introduced, copies of them, before they had gone through the requisite forms, were hurried to america, to be laid before congress and the public, in the hope and expectation that they might counteract the effects which it was feared the treaty with france would produce. {april.} general washington received early information of their arrival, and entertained serious fears of their operation. he was apprehensive that the publication of a proposition for the restoration of peace on the terms originally required by america, would greatly increase the numbers of the disaffected; and immediately forwarded the bills to congress in a letter suggesting the policy of preventing their pernicious influence on the public mind by all possible means, and especially through the medium of the press. [sidenote: communicated to, and rejected by congress.] {april .} this letter was referred to a committee, consisting of messrs. morris, drayton, and dana, by whom a report was made, investigating the bills with great acuteness as well as asperity. this report, and the resolutions upon it, were ordered to be published. other resolutions were passed the succeeding day, recommending it to the states to pardon under such limitations as they might think proper to make, such of their misguided fellow-citizens as had levied war against the united states. this resolution was accompanied by an order directing it to be printed in english and in german, and requesting general washington to take such measures as he should deem most effectual for circulating the copies among the american recruits in the enemy's army.[ ] [footnote : this request afforded the commander-in-chief a fair retort on major general tryon. that officer had addressed a letter to him enclosing the bills brought into parliament, and containing, to use the language of general washington himself, "the more extraordinary and impertinent request" that their contents should be communicated through him to the army. general washington now acknowledged the receipt of this letter, and, in return, enclosed to governor tryon copies of the resolution just mentioned, with a request that he would be instrumental in making them known to the persons on whom they were to operate.] during these transactions, the frigate _la sensible_ arrived with the important intelligence that treaties of alliance and of commerce, had been formed between the united states of america and france. the treaties themselves were brought by mr. simeon deane, the brother of the american minister in paris. this event had long been anxiously expected, and the delay attending it had been such as to excite serious apprehension that it would never take place. france was still extremely sore under the wounds inflicted during the war which terminated in . it was impossible to reflect on a treaty which had wrested from her so fair a part of north america, without feeling resentments which would seek the first occasion of gratification. the growing discontents between great britain and her colonies were, consequently, viewed at a distance with secret satisfaction; but rather as a circumstance which might have some tendency to weaken and embarrass a rival, and which was to be encouraged from motives of general policy, than as one from which any definite advantage was to be derived. france appears, at that time, to have required, and wished for, repose. the great exertions of the preceding disastrous war had so deranged her finances, that the wish to preserve peace seems to have predominated in her cabinet. the young monarch, who had just ascended the throne, possessed a pacific unambitious temper, and the councils of the nation were governed by men alike indisposed to disturb the general tranquillity. the advice they gave the monarch was, to aid and encourage the colonies secretly, in order to prevent a reconciliation with the mother country, and to prepare privately for hostilities, by improving his finances, and strengthening his marine; but to avoid every thing which might give occasion for open war. the system which for a time regulated the cabinet of versailles, conformed to this advice. while the utmost attention was paid to the minister of britain, and every measure to satisfy him was openly taken, intimation was privately given to those of the united states, that these measures were necessary for the present, but they might be assured of the good will of the french government. during the public demonstration of dispositions favourable to england, means were taken to furnish aids of ammunition and arms, and to facilitate the negotiation of loans to the united states; and the owners of american privateers, though forbidden to sell their prizes, or to procure their condemnation, found means to dispose of them privately. meanwhile, another party was formed in the cabinet, to whose political system subsequent events gave the ascendency. its avowed object was to seize the present moment to revenge past injuries, humble the haughty rival of france, and dismember her empire. matters remained in a fluctuating state until december, . privately encouraged, but discountenanced publicly, the prospects of the american ministers varied according to the complexion of american affairs. intelligence of the convention of saratoga reached france early in december, . the american deputies took that opportunity to press the treaty which had been under consideration for the preceding twelve months; and to urge the importance, at this juncture, when britain would, most probably, make proposals for an accommodation,[ ] of communicating to congress, precisely, what was to be expected from france and spain. [footnote : congress, in their first instructions to their commissioners, directed them to press the immediate declaration of france in favour of the united states, by suggesting that a reunion with great britain might be the consequence of delay.--_secret journals of congress_, v. ii. p. .] they were informed by m. girard, one of the secretaries of the king's council of state, that it was determined to acknowledge the independence of the united states, and to make a treaty with them. that his most christian majesty was resolved not only to acknowledge, but to support their independence. that in doing this, he might probably soon be engaged in a war; yet he should not expect any compensation from the united states on that account; nor was it pretended that he acted wholly for their sakes; since, besides his real good will to them, it was manifestly the interest of france that the power of england should be diminished by the separation of her colonies. the only condition he should require would be that the united states, in no peace to be made, should give up their independence, and return to their obedience to the british government. on determining to take this decisive course, the cabinet of versailles had despatched a courier to his catholic majesty with information of the line of conduct about to be pursued by france. on his return, the negotiation was taken up in earnest, and a treaty of friendship and commerce was soon concluded. this was accompanied by a treaty of alliance eventual and defensive between the two nations, in which it was declared, that if war should break out between france and england during the existence of that with the united states, it should be made a common cause; and that neither of the contracting parties should conclude either truce or peace with great britain without the formal consent of the other, first obtained; and they mutually engaged "not to lay down their arms until the independence of the united states shall have been formally, or tacitly assured by the treaty, or treaties that shall terminate the war." it was the wish of the ministers of the united states to engage france immediately in the war; and to make the alliance, not eventual, but positive. this proposition, however, was rejected. in a few weeks after the conclusion of these negotiations, the marquis de noailles announced officially to the court of london, the treaty of friendship and commerce france had formed with the united states. the british government, considering this notification as a declaration of war, published a memorial for the purpose of justifying to all europe the hostilities it had determined to commence. soon after their commencement, the count de vergennes received private intelligence that it was contemplated in the cabinet of london to offer to the united states an acknowledgment of their independence as the condition of a separate peace. he immediately communicated this intelligence to the american ministers, requesting them to lose no time in stating to congress that, though war was not declared in form, it had commenced in fact; and that he considered the obligations of the treaty of alliance as in full force; consequently that neither party was now at liberty to make a separate peace. instructions of a similar import were given to the minister of france in the united states. [sidenote: information received of treaties of alliance and commerce being entered into between france and the united states.] the despatches containing these treaties were received by the president on saturday the second of may, after congress had adjourned. that body was immediately convened, the despatches were opened, and their joyful contents communicated. in the exultation of the moment, the treaty of alliance, as well as that of commerce and friendship was published; a circumstance which, not without reason, gave umbrage to the cabinet of versailles; because that treaty, being only eventual, ought not to have been communicated to the public but by mutual consent. from this event, which was the source of universal exultation to the friends of the revolution, the attention must be directed to one which was productive of very different sensations. among the various improvements which struggling humanity has gradually engrafted on the belligerent code, none have contributed more to diminish the calamities of war, than those which meliorate the condition of prisoners. no obligations will be more respected by the generous and the brave; nor are there any, the violation of which could wound the national character more deeply, or expose it to more lasting or better merited reproach. in wars between nations nearly equal in power, and possessing rights acknowledged to be equal, a departure from modern usage in this respect is almost unknown; and the voice of the civilized world would be raised against the potentate who could adopt a system calculated to re-establish the rigours and misery of exploded barbarism. but in contests between different parts of the same empire, those practices which mitigate the horrors of war yield, too frequently, to the calculations of a blind and erring resentment. the party which supports the ancient state of things, often treats resistance as rebellion, and captives as traitors. the opposite party, supporting also by the sword principles believed to be right, will admit of no departure from established usage, to its prejudice; and may be expected, if possessing the power, to endeavour, by retaliating injuries, to compel the observance of a more just and humane system. but they participate in the fault imputable to their adversaries, by manifesting a disposition to punish those whom they deem traitors, with the same severity of which they so loudly and justly complain, when they are themselves its victims. general gage, as commander-in-chief of the british army, in the harshness of spirit which had been excited while governor of massachusetts, not only threw all his prisoners into a common jail, but rejected every proposition for an exchange of them. when the command devolved on sir william howe, this absurd system was abandoned, and an exchange[ ] took place to a considerable extent. but the americans had not made a sufficient number of prisoners to relieve all their citizens, and many of them still remained in confinement. representations were continually received from these unfortunate men, describing in strong terms, the severity of their treatment. they complained of suffering almost the extremity of famine, that even the supply of provisions allowed them was unsound, and that they were crowded into prison-ships, where they became the victims of disease. [footnote : in the execution of this agreement, the inconveniences arising from having committed the custody of prisoners to the several states, was severely felt. in addition to the delay inseparable from the necessity of inquiring for them, and collecting them from different places, they were often sent in without the knowledge of general washington; and, in some instances, they passed unobserved, with permits from a state government, through his camp, into that of the enemy. these irregularities, and the remonstrances of the commander-in-chief, at length, induced congress to appoint a commissary of prisoners.] when charged with conduct so unworthy of his character and station, sir william howe positively denied its truth. it would be unjust to ascribe this excess of inhumanity to an officer who, though perhaps severe in his temper, did not mingle cruelties in his general system, which would excite universal indignation in other wars. it must be admitted that his supplies of provisions were neither good nor abundant; and that the american soldiers, in their own camp, were unhealthy. but the excessive mortality prevailing among the prisoners can be accounted for on no ordinary principles; and the candid, who were least inclined to criminate without cause, have ever been persuaded that, if his orders did not produce the distress which existed, his authority was not interposed with sufficient energy, to correct the abuses which prevailed. the capture of general lee furnished an additional ground of controversy on the subject of prisoners. as he had been an officer in the british service, whose resignation had not, perhaps, been received when he entered into that of america, a disposition was, at first, manifested to consider him as a deserter, and he was closely confined. on receiving information of this circumstance, congress directed general howe to be assured that lieutenant colonel campbell, and five hessian field-officers, should be detained, and should experience precisely the fate of general lee. these officers were taken into close custody, and informed that the resolution announced to general howe should be strictly enforced. the sentiments of the commander-in-chief on the subject of retaliation, seem to have been less severe than those of congress. so great was his abhorrence of the cruelties such a practice must generate, that he was unwilling to adopt it in any case not of absolute and apparent necessity. not believing that of general lee to be such a case, he remonstrated strongly against these resolutions. but congress remained inflexible; and the officers designated as the objects of retaliation, were kept in rigorous confinement until general lee was declared to be a prisoner of war.[ ] [footnote : see note no. xiii. at the end of the volume.] the resolutions of congress respecting the prisoners taken at the cedars, were also the source of much embarrassment and chagrin to the commander-in-chief. alleging that the capitulation had been violated on the part of the enemy, and that the savages had been permitted to murder some of the prisoners, and to plunder others, they withheld their sanction from the agreement entered into by general arnold with captain forster, and refused to allow other prisoners to be returned in exchange for those liberated under that agreement, until the murderers should be given up, and compensation made for the baggage said to have been plundered. as the fact alleged was not clearly established, sir william howe continued to press general washington on this subject. reminding him of the importance of a punctilious observance of faith, plighted in engagements like that made by general arnold, he persisted to hold the commander-in-chief personally bound for an honourable compliance with military stipulations entered into by an officer under his authority. general washington, feeling the keenness of the reproach, pressed congress to change their resolution on this subject; but his remonstrances were, for a long time, unavailing. after the sufferings of the prisoners in new york had been extreme, and great numbers had perished in confinement, the survivors were liberated for the purpose of being exchanged; but so miserable was their condition, that many of them died on their way home. for the dead as well as the living, general howe claimed a return of prisoners, while general washington contended that reasonable deductions should be made for those who were actually dead, of diseases under which they laboured when permitted to leave the british prisons. until this claim should be admitted, general howe rejected any partial exchange. general washington was immoveable in his determination to repel it; and thus all hope of being relieved in the ordinary mode appeared to be taken from those whom the fortune of war had placed in the power of the enemy. [sidenote: complaints made by general washington of the treatment of american prisoners in possession of the enemy.] in the mean time, the sufferings of the american prisoners increased with the increasing severity of the season. information continued to be received, that they suffered almost the extremity of famine. repeated remonstrances, made on this subject to the british general, were answered by a denial of the fact. he continued to aver that the same food, both in quantity and quality, was issued to the prisoners, as to british troops when in transports, or elsewhere, not on actual duty; and that every tenderness was extended to them, which was compatible with the situation of his army. he yielded to the request made by general washington to permit a commissary to visit the jails, and demanded passports for an agent to administer to the wants of british prisoners. when mr. boudinot, the american commissary of prisoners, who was appointed by general washington to visit the jails in philadelphia, met mr. ferguson, the british commissary, he was informed that general howe thought it unnecessary for him to come into the city, as he would himself inspect the situation and treatment of the prisoners. there is reason to believe that their causes of complaint, so far as respected provisions, did not exist afterwards in the same degree as formerly; and that the strong measures subsequently taken by congress, were founded on facts of an earlier date. but clothes and blankets were also necessary, and the difficulty of furnishing them was considerable. general howe would not permit the purchase of those articles in philadelphia; and they were not attainable elsewhere. [sidenote: proceedings of congress on this subject.] to compel him to abandon this distressing restriction, and to permit the use of paper money within the british lines, congress resolved, that no prisoner should be exchanged until all the expenditures made in paper for the supplies they received from the united states, should be repaid in specie, at the rate of four shillings and sixpence for each dollar. they afterwards determined, that from the st day of february, no british commissary should be permitted to purchase any provisions for the use of prisoners west of new jersey, but that all supplies for persons of that description should be furnished from british stores. sir william howe remonstrated against the last resolution with great strength and justice, as a decree which doomed a considerable number of prisoners, far removed into the country, to a slow and painful death by famine; since it was impracticable to supply them immediately from philadelphia. the severity of this order was in some degree mitigated by a resolution that each british commissary of prisoners should receive provisions from the american commissary of purchases, to be paid for in specie, according to the resolution of the th of december, . about the same time, an order was hastily given by the board of war, which produced no inconsiderable degree of embarrassment; and exposed the commander-in-chief to strictures not less severe than those he had applied to the british general. general washington had consented that a quartermaster, with a small escort, should come out of philadelphia, with clothes and other comforts for the prisoners who were in possession of the united states. he had expressly stipulated for their security, and had given them a passport. {january .} while they were travelling through the country, information was given to the board of war that general howe had refused to permit provisions to be sent in to the american prisoners in philadelphia by water. this information was not correct. general howe had only requested that flags should not be sent up or down the river without previous permission obtained from himself. on this information, however, the board ordered lieutenant colonel smith immediately to seize the officers, though protected by the passport of general washington, their horses, carriages, and the provisions destined for the relief of the british prisoners; and to secure them until farther orders, either from the board or from the commander-in-chief. general washington, on hearing this circumstance, despatched one of his aids with orders for the immediate release of the persons and property which had been confined; but the officers refused to proceed on their journey, and returned to philadelphia.[ ] [footnote : they alleged that their horses had been disabled, and the clothing embezzled.] this untoward event was much regretted by the commander-in-chief. in a letter received some time afterwards, general howe, after expressing his willingness that the american prisoners should be visited by deputy commissaries, who should inspect their situation, and supply their wants required, as the condition on which this indulgence should be granted, "that a similar permit should be allowed to persons appointed by him, which should be accompanied with the assurance of general washington, that his authority will have sufficient weight to prevent any interruption to their progress, and any insult to their persons." this demand was ascribed to the treatment to which officers under the protection of his passport had already been exposed. general washington lamented the impediment to the exchange of prisoners, which had hitherto appeared to be insuperable; and made repeated, but ineffectual efforts to remove it. general howe had uniformly refused to proceed with any cartel, unless his right to claim for all the diseased and infirm, whom he had liberated, should be previously admitted. at length, after all hope of inducing him to recede from that high ground had been abandoned, he suddenly relinquished it of his own accord, and acceded completely to the proposition of general washington for the meeting of commissioners, in order to settle equitably the number to which he should be entitled for those he had discharged in the preceding winter. this point being adjusted, commissaries were mutually appointed, who were to meet on the th of march, in germantown, to arrange the details of a general cartel. {march .} the commander-in-chief had entertained no doubt of his authority to enter into this agreement. on the fourth of march, however, he had the mortification to perceive in a newspaper, a resolution of congress calling on the several states for the amounts of supplies furnished the prisoners, that they might be adjusted according to the rule of the th of december, before the exchange should take place. on seeing this embarrassing resolution, general washington addressed a letter to sir william howe, informing him that particular circumstances had rendered it inconvenient for the american commissioners to attend at the time appointed, and requesting that their meeting should be deferred from the th to the st of march. the interval was successfully employed in obtaining a repeal of the resolution. it would seem probable that the dispositions of congress on the subject of an exchange, did not correspond with those of general washington. from the fundamental principle of the military establishment of the united states at its commencement, an exchange of prisoners would necessarily strengthen the british, much more than the american army. the war having been carried on by troops raised for short times, aided by militia, the american prisoners, when exchanged, returned to their homes as citizens, while those of the enemy again took the field. general washington, who was governed by a policy more just, and more permanently beneficial, addressed himself seriously to congress, urging, as well the injury done the public faith, and his own personal honour, by this infraction of a solemn engagement, as the cruelty and impolicy of a system which must cut off for ever all hopes of an exchange, and render imprisonment as lasting as the war. he represented in strong terms the effect such a measure must have on the troops on whom they should thereafter be compelled chiefly to rely, and its impression on the friends of those already in captivity. these remonstrances produced the desired effect, and the resolutions were repealed. the commissioners met according to the second appointment; but, on examining their powers, it appeared that those given by general washington were expressed to be in virtue of the authority vested in him; while those given by sir william howe contained no such declaration. this omission produced an objection on the part of the united states; but general howe refused to change the language, alleging that he designed the treaty to be of a personal nature, founded on the mutual confidence and honour of the contracting generals; and had no intention either to bind his government, or to extend the cartel beyond the limits and duration of his own command. this explanation being unsatisfactory to the american commissioners, and general howe persisting in his refusal to make the required alteration in his powers, the negotiation was broken off, and this fair prospect of terminating the distresses of numerous unfortunate persons passed away, without effecting the good it had promised. some time after the failure of this negotiation for a general cartel, sir william howe proposed that all prisoners actually exchangeable should be sent in to the nearest posts, and returns made of officer for officer of equal rank, and soldier for soldier, as far as numbers would admit; and that if a surplus of officers, should remain, they should be exchanged for an equivalent in privates. [sidenote: a partial exchange agreed to.] on the representations of general washington, congress acceded to this proposition, so far as related to the exchange of officer for officer, and soldier for soldier; but rejected the part which admitted an equivalent in privates for a surplus of officers, because the officers captured with burgoyne were exchangeable within the powers of general howe. under this agreement, an exchange took place to a considerable extent; but as the americans had lost more prisoners than they had taken, unless the army of burgoyne should be brought into computation, many of their troops were still detained in captivity. notes. note--no. i. _see page ._ it will not be unacceptable to the reader to peruse this first report of a young gentleman who afterwards performed so distinguished a part in the revolution of his country, it is therefore inserted at large. i was commissioned and appointed by the hon. robert dinwiddie, esq. governor &c. of virginia, to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the french forces on the ohio, and set out on the intended journey on the same day: the next, i arrived at fredericksburg, and engaged mr. jacob vanbraam to be my french interpreter, and proceeded with him to alexandria, where we provided necessaries. from thence we went to winchester, and got baggage, horses, &c. and from thence we pursued the new road to wills' creek, where we arrived the th november. here i engaged mr. gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as servitors, barnaby currin, and john m'quire, indian traders, henry steward, and william jenkins; and in company with those persons left the inhabitants the next day. the excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fallen, prevented our reaching mr. frazier's, an indian trader, at the mouth of turtle creek, on monongahela river, until thursday the d. we were informed here, that expresses had been sent a few days before to the traders down the river, to acquaint them with the french general's death, and the return of the major part of the french army into winter quarters. the waters were quite impassable without swimming our horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe from frazier, and to send barnaby currin and henry steward down the monongahela, with our baggage, to meet us at the forks of ohio, about ten miles; there, to cross the alleghany. as i got down before the canoe, i spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land in the fork, which i think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. the land at the point is twenty, or twenty-five feet above the common surface of the water; and a considerable bottom of flat, well timbered land all around it very convenient for building. the rivers are each a quarter of a mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles; alleghany, bearing northeast; and monongahela, southeast. the former of these two is a very rapid and swift running water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall. about two miles from this, on the southeast side of the river, at the place where the ohio company intended to erect a fort, lives shingiss, king of the delawares. we called upon him, to invite him to council at the loggstown. as i had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation at the fork, my curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and i think it greatly inferior, either for defence or advantages; especially the latter. for a fort at the fork would be equally well situated on the ohio, and have the entire command of the monongahela, which runs up our settlement, and is extremely well designed for water carriage, as it is of a deep, still nature. besides, a fort at the fork might be built at much less expense than at the other places. nature has well contrived this lower place for water defence; but the hill whereon it must stand being about a quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive to make a sufficient fortification there. the whole flat upon the hill must be taken in, the side next the descent made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away: otherwise, the enemy may raise batteries within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from the fort. shingiss attended us to the loggstown, where we arrived between sun-setting and dark, the twenty-fifth day after i left williamsburg. we travelled over some extremely good and bad land to get to this place. as soon as i came into town, i went to monakatoocha (as the half king was out at his hunting cabin on little beaver creek, about fifteen miles off) and informed him by john davidson, my indian interpreter, that i was sent a messenger to the french general; and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the six nations to acquaint them with it. i gave him a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half king, which he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for other sachems. i invited him and the other great men present, to my tent, where they stayed about an hour and returned. according to the best observations i could make, mr. gift's new settlement (which we passed by) bears about west northwest seventy miles from wills' creek; shanapins, or the forks, north by west, or north northwest about fifty miles from that; and from thence to the loggstown, the course is nearly west about eighteen or twenty miles: so that the whole distance, as we went and computed it, is, at least, one hundred and thirty-five or one hundred and forty miles from our back inhabitants. th. came to town, four of ten frenchmen, who had deserted from a company at the kuskuskas, which lies at the mouth of this river. i got the following account from them. they were sent from new orleans with a hundred men, and eight canoe loads of provisions, to this place, where they expected to have met the same number of men, from the forts on this side of lake erie, to convoy them and the stores up, who were not arrived when they ran off. i inquired into the situation of the french on the mississippi, their numbers, and what forts they had built. they informed me, that there were four small forts between new orleans and the black islands, garrisoned with about thirty or forty men, and a few small pieces in each. that at new orleans, which is near the mouth of the mississippi, there are thirty-five companies of forty men each, with a pretty strong fort mounting eight carriage guns; and at the black islands there are several companies and a fort with six guns. the black islands are about a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the ohio, which is about three hundred and fifty above new orleans. they also acquainted me, that there was a small pallisadoed fort on the ohio, at the mouth of the obaish, about sixty leagues from the mississippi. the obaish heads near the west end of lake erie, and affords the communication between the french on the mississippi and those on the lakes. these deserters came up from the lower shannoah town with one brown, an indian trader, and were going to philadelphia. about three o'clock this evening the half king came to town. i went up and invited him with davidson, privately, to my tent; and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the french commandant, and of his reception there; also, to give me an account of the ways and distance. he told me, that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, by reason of many large miry savannas; that we must be obliged to go by venango, and should not get to the near fort in less than five or six nights sleep, good travelling. when he went to the fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by the late commander, who asked him very abruptly, what he had come about, and to declare his business: which he said he did in the following speech: "fathers, i am come to tell you your own speeches; what your own mouths have declared. fathers, you, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another: and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, i here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourge them with; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, i desire you may use it upon me as well as others. "now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns; and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. "fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place called montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. i now desire you may despatch to that place; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land and not yours. "fathers, i desire you may hear me in civilness; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. if you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the english, we would not have been against your trading with us, as they do; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we can not submit to. "fathers, both you and the english are white, we live in a country between; therefore, the land belongs to neither one nor the other. but the great being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us; so, fathers, i desire you to withdraw, as i have done our brothers the english; for i will keep you at arm's length. i lay this down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. our brothers, the english, have heard this, and i come now to tell it to you; for i am not afraid to discharge you off this land." this he said was the substance of what he spoke to the general, who made this reply. "now, my child, i have heard your speech: you spoke first, but it is my time to speak now. where is my wampum that you took away, with the marks of towns in it? this wampum i do not know, which you have discharged me off the land with: but you need not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for i will not hear you. i am not afraid of flies or musquitoes, for indians are such as those: i tell you down that river i will go, and build upon it, according to my command. if the river was blocked up, i have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition, together with their alliances; for my force is as the sand upon the sea shore: therefore here is your wampum; i sling it at you. child, you talk foolish; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. i saw that land sooner than you did, before the shannoahs and you were at war; lead was the man who went down and took possession of that river. it is my land, and i will have it, let who will stand up for, or say against it. i will buy and sell with the english (mockingly). if people will be ruled by me, they may expect kindness, but not else." the half king told me he had inquired of the general after two englishmen, who were made prisoners, and received this answer: "child, you think it a very great hardship that i made prisoners of those two people at venango. don't you concern yourself with it: we took and carried them to canada, to get intelligence of what the english were doing in virginia." he informed me that they had built two forts, one on lake erie, and another on french creek, near a small lake, about fifteen miles asunder, and a large wagon road between. they are both built after the same model, but different in size: that on the lake the largest. he gave me a plan of them of his own drawing. the indians inquired very particularly after their brothers in carolina gaol. they also asked what sort of a boy it was who was taken from the south branch; for they were told by some indians, that a party of french indians had carried a white boy by kuskuska town, towards the lakes. th. we met in council at the long house about nine o'clock, when i spoke to them as follows: "brothers, i have called you together in council, by order of your brother the governor of virginia, to acquaint you, that i am sent with all possible despatch, to visit and deliver a letter to the french commandant, of very great importance to your brothers the english; and i dare say to you, their friends and allies. "i was desired, brothers, by your brother the governor to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best road to the french. you see, brothers, i have gotten thus far on my journey. "his honour likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way; and be a safeguard against those french indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. i have spoken thus particularly to you, brothers, because his honour our governor treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. to confirm what i have said, i give you this string of wampum." after they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the half king got up and spoke. "now, my brother, in regard to what my brother the governor had desired of me, i return you this answer. "i rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers, and one people. we shall put heart in hand and speak to our fathers, the french, concerning the speech they made to me; and you may depend that we will endeavour to be your guard. "brother, as you have asked my advice, i hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until i can provide a company to go with you. the french speech belt is not here; i have it to go for to my hunting cabin. likewise, the people whom i have ordered in are not yet come, and can not until the third night from this; until which time, brother, i must beg you to stay. "i intend to send the guard of mingos, shannoahs, and delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them." as i had orders to make all possible despatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, i thanked him in the most suitable manner i could; and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay. he was not well pleased that i should offer to go before the time he had appointed, and told me, that he could not consent to our going without a guard, for fear some accident should befall us, and draw a reflection upon him. besides, said he, this is a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered into without due consideration; for i intend to deliver up the french speech belt, and make the shannoahs and delawares do the same. and accordingly he gave orders to king shingiss, who was present, to attend on wednesday night with the wampum; and two men of their nation to be in readiness to set out with us next morning. as i found it was impossible to get off without affronting them in the most egregious manner, i consented to stay. i gave them back a string of wampum which i met with at mr. frazier's, and which they sent with a speech to his honour the governor, to inform him, that three nations of french indians, viz. chippoways, ottoways, and orundaks, had taken up the hatchet against the english; and desired them to repeat it over again. but this they postponed doing until they met in full council with the shannoah and delaware chiefs. th. runners were despatched very early for the shannoah chiefs. the half king set out himself to fetch the french speech belt from his hunting cabin. th. he returned this evening, and came with monakatoocha, and two other sachems to my tent; and begged (as they had complied with his honour the governor's request, in providing men, &c.) to know on what business we were going to the french? this was a question i had all along expected, and had provided as satisfactory answers to as i could; which allayed their curiosity a little. monakatoocha informed me, that an indian from venango brought news, a few days ago, that the french had called all the mingos, delawares, &c. together at that place; and told them that they intended to have been down the river this fall, but the waters were growing cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to go into quarters; but that they might assuredly expect them in the spring, with a far greater number; and desired that they might be quite passive, and not intermeddle unless they had a mind to draw all their force upon them: for that they expected to fight the english three years (as they supposed there would be some attempts made to stop them) in which time they should conquer. but that if they should prove equally strong, they and the english would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them: that though they had lost their general, and some few of their soldiers, yet there were men enough to reinforce them, and make them masters of the ohio. this speech, he said, was delivered to them by one captain joncaire, their interpreter in chief, living at venango, and a man of note in the army. th. the half king and monakatoocha, came very early and begged me to stay one day more: for notwithstanding they had used all the diligence in their power, the shannoah chiefs had not brought the wampum they ordered, but would certainly be in to night; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as they arrived. when i found them so pressing in their request, and knew that returning of wampum was the abolishing of agreements; and giving this up was shaking off all dependence upon the french, i consented to stay, as i believed an offence offered at this crisis, might be attended with greater ill consequence, than another day's delay. they also informed me, that shingiss could not get in his men; and was prevented from coming himself by his wife's sickness; (i believe, by fear of the french) but that the wampum of that nation was lodged with kustalogo, one of their chiefs, at venango. in the evening, late, they came again, and acquainted me that the shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it should not retard the prosecution of our journey. he delivered in my hearing the speech that was to be made to the french by jeskakake, one of their old chiefs, which was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked for, and repeating nearly the same speech he himself had done before. he also delivered a string of wampum to this chief, which was sent by king shingiss, to be given to kustalogo, with orders to repair to the french, and deliver up the wampum. he likewise gave a very large string of black and white wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the six nations, if the french refused to quit the land at this warning; which was the third and last time, and was the right of this jeskakake to deliver. th. last night, the great men assembled at their council house, to consult further about this journey, and who were to go: the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with one of their best hunters, should be our convoy. the reason they gave for not sending more, after what had been proposed at council the th, was, that a greater number might give the french suspicions of some bad design, and cause them to be treated rudely: but i rather think they could not get their hunters in. we set out about nine o'clock with the half king, jeskakake, white thunder, and the hunter; and travelled on the road to venango, where we arrived the fourth of december, without any thing remarkable happening but a continued series of bad weather. this is an old indian town, situated at the mouth of french creek, on ohio; and lies near north about sixty miles from the loggstown, but more than seventy the way we were obliged to go. we found the french colours hoisted at a house from which they had driven mr. john frazier, an english subject. i immediately repaired to it, to know where the commander resided. there were three officers, one of whom, captain joncaire, informed me that he had the command of the ohio; but that there was a general officer at the near fort, where he advised me to apply for an answer. he invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. the wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. they told me, that it was their absolute design to take possession of the ohio, and by g-d they would do it: for that, although they were sensible the english could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. they pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one la salle, sixty years ago: and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto. from the best intelligence i could get, there have been fifteen hundred men on this side ontario lake. but upon the death of the general, all were recalled to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one hundred and fifty or thereabout in each. the first of them is on french creek, near a small lake, about sixty miles from venango, near north northwest: the next lies on lake erie, where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fifteen miles from the other: from this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying place, at the falls of lake erie, where there is a small fort, at which they lodge their goods in bringing them from montreal, the place from whence all their stores are brought. the next fort lies about twenty miles from this, on ontario lake. between this fort and montreal, there are three others, the first of which is nearly opposite to the english fort oswego. from the fort on lake erie to montreal is about six hundred miles, which, they say, requires no more (if good weather,) than four weeks voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels, so that they may cross the lake: but if they come in canoes, it will require five or six weeks, for they are obliged to keep under the shore. th. rained excessively all day, which prevented our travelling. captain joncaire sent for the half king, as he had but just heard that he came with me. he affected to be much concerned that i did not make free to bring them in before. i excused it in the best manner of which i was capable, and told him, i did not think their company agreeable, as i had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of indians in general: but another motive prevented me from bringing them into his company: i knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of very great influence among the indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them over to his interest; therefore, i was desirous of giving him no opportunity that could be avoided. when they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at seeing them. he wondered how they could be so near without coming to visit him, made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so fast, that they were soon rendered incapable of the business they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given. th. the half king came to my tent, quite sober, and insisted very much that i should stay and hear what he had to say to the french. i fain would have prevented him from speaking any thing until he came to the commandant, but could not prevail. he told me, that at this place a council fire was kindled, where all their business with these people was to be transacted, and that the management of the indian affairs was left solely to monsieur joncaire. as i was desirous of knowing the issue of this, i agreed to stay; but sent our horses a little way up french creek, to raft over and encamp; which i knew would make it near night. about ten o'clock, they met in council. the king spoke much the same as he had before done to the general; and offered the french speech belt which had before been demanded, with the marks of four towns on it, which monsieur joncaire refused to receive, but desired him to carry it to the fort to the commander. th. monsieur la force, commissary of the french stores, and three other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. we found it extremely difficult to get the indians off to-day, as every stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me. i had last night left john davidson (the indian interpreter) whom i brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their company, as i could not get them over to my tent; for they had some business with kustologa, chiefly to know why he did not deliver up the french speech belt which he had in keeping: but i was obliged to send mr. gist over to-day to fetch them, which he did with great persuasion. at twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort, and were prevented from arriving there until the eleventh by excessive rains, snows, and bad travelling through many mires and swamps; these we were obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid. we passed over much good land since we left venango, and through several extensive and very rich meadows, one of which, i believe, was nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in some places. th. i prepared early to wait upon the commander, and was received, and conducted to him by the second officer in command. i acquainted him with my business, and offered my commission and letter: both of which he desired me to keep until the arrival of monsieur reparti, captain at the next fort, who was sent for and expected every hour. this commander is a knight of the military order of st. louis, and named legardeur de st. pierre. he is an elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. he was sent over to take the command, immediately upon the death of the late general, and arrived here about seven days before me. at two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when i offered the letter, &c. again, which they received, and adjourned into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who understood a little english. after he had done it, the commander desired i would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it; which i did. th. the chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which gave me an opportunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, and making what observations i could. it is situated on the south, or west fork of french creek, near the water; and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it which forms a kind of island. four houses compose the sides. the bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at top; with port holes cut for cannon, and loop holes for the small arms to fire through. there are eight six pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pound before the gate. in the bastions are a guard house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's private store: round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. there are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwelling, covered, some with bark, and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. there are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c. i could get no certain account of the number of men here; but according to the best judgment i could form, there are an hundred, exclusive of officers, of which there are many. i also gave orders to the people who were with me, to take an exact account of the canoes which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. this they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and an hundred and seventy of pine; besides many others which were blocked out, in readiness for being made. th. as the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily became weaker, i sent them off unloaded, under the care of barnaby currin and two others, to make all convenient despatch to venango, and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing: if not, then to continue down to shanapin's town, at the forks of ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross the alleghany; intending myself to go down by water, as i had the offer of a canoe or two. as i found many plots concerted to retard the indians' business, and prevent their returning with me, i endeavoured all that lay in my power to frustrate their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their intended design. they accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, to the commander and one or two other officers. the half king told me that he offered the wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair promises of love and friendship; said he wanted to live in peace and trade amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send some goods immediately down to the loggstown for them. but i rather think the design of that is to bring away all our straggling traders they meet with, as i privately understood they intended to carry an officer, &c. with them. and what rather confirms this opinion, i was inquiring of the commander by what authority he had made prisoners of several of our english subjects. he told me that the country belonged to them; that no englishman had a right to trade upon those waters; and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who attempted it on the ohio, or the waters of it. i inquired of captain reparti about the boy that was carried by this place, as it was done while the command devolved on him, between the death of the late general, and the arrival of the present. he acknowledged that a boy had been carried past: and that the indians had two or three white men's scalps, (i was told by some of the indians at venango, eight) but pretended to have forgotten the name of the place where the boy came from, and all the particular facts, though he had questioned him for some hours, as they were carrying past. i likewise inquired what they had done with john trotter and james m'clocklan, two pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with all their goods. they told me that they had been sent to canada, but were now returned home. this evening, i received an answer to his honour the governor's letter, from the commandant. th. the commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, provision, &c. to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our indians at variance with us, to prevent their going until after our departure: presents, rewards, and every thing which could be suggested by him or his officers. i can not say that ever in my life i suffered so much anxiety as i did in this affair. i saw that every stratagem, which the most fruitful brain could invent, was practised to win the half king to their interest; and that leaving him there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. i went to the half king and pressed him in the strongest terms to go; he told me that the commandant would not discharge him until the morning. i then went to the commandant, and desired him to do their business, and complained of ill treatment; for keeping them, as they were part of my company, was detaining me. this he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could. he protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though i soon found it out. he had promised them a present of guns, &c. if they would wait until the morning. as i was very much pressed by the indians to wait this day for them, i consented, on a promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning. th. the french were not slack in their inventions to keep the indians this day also. but as they were obliged, according to promise, to give the present, they then endeavoured to try the power of liquor, which i doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this: but i urged and insisted with the king so closely upon his word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged. we had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. several times we had like to have been staved against rocks; and many times were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. at one place, the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water; we were, therefore, obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. we did not reach venango until the d, where we met with our horses. this creek is extremely crooked. i dare say the distance between the fort and venango, can not be less than one hundred and thirty miles to follow the meanders. d. when i got things ready to set off, i sent for the half king, to know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. he told me that white thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick, and unable to walk; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. as i found he intended to stay here a day or two, and knew that monsieur joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the english, as he had before done, i told him, i hoped he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. he desired i might not be concerned, for he knew the french too well, for any thing to engage him in their favour; and that though he could not go down with us, he yet would endeavour to meet at the forks with joseph campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his honour the governor. he told me he would order the young hunter to attend us, and get provisions, &c. if wanted. our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would require) that we doubted much their performing it. therefore, myself and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the baggage. i put myself in an indian walking dress, and continued with them three days, until i found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable time. the horses became less able to travel every day; the cold increased very fast; and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing: therefore, as i was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his honour the governor, i determined to prosecute my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on foot. accordingly, i left mr. vanbraam in charge of our baggage, with money and directions to provide necessaries from place to place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient despatch in travelling. i took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch coat. then, with gun in hand, and pack on my back, in which were my papers and provisions, i set out with mr. gist, fitted in the same manner, on wednesday the th. the day following, just after we had passed a place called murdering town, (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the country for shanapin's town) we fell in with a party of french indians, who had laid in wait for us. one of them fired at mr. gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. we took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the start, so far, as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light. the next day we continued travelling until quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above shanapin's. we expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. the ice, i suppose, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities. there was no way for getting over but on a raft, which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun setting. this was a whole day's work: we next got it launched, then went on board of it, and set off; but before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. i put out my setting pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water; but i fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it. the cold was so extremely severe, that mr. gist had all his fingers, and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting off the island on the ice in the morning, and went to mr. frazier's. we met here with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war; but coming to a place on the head of the great kanawa, where they found seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman with very light hair) they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the murder. they report that the bodies were lying about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. by the marks which were left, they say they were french indians of the ottoway nation, &c. who did it. as we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find them, i went up about three miles to the mouth of yohogany, to visit queen alliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. i made her a present of a watch coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the two. tuesday, the first of january, we left mr. frazier's house, and arrived at mr. gist's, at monongahela, the second, where i bought a horse, saddle, &c. the sixth, we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the forks of ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. this day, we arrived at wills' creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. from the first day of december to the fifteenth, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole journey, we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it. on the th, i got to belvoir, where i stopped one day to take necessary rest; and then set out and arrived in williamsburg the th, when i waited upon his honour the governor, with the letter i had brought from the french commandant, and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. this i beg leave to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey. i hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your honour satisfied with my conduct; for that was my aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution of it. * * * * * note--no. ii. _see page ._ _the author is indebted, for the letter alluded to, to the editor of the lancaster journal._ sir,--i am really sorry that i have it not in my power to answer your request, in a more satisfactory manner. if you had favoured me with the journal a few days sooner, i would have examined it carefully, and endeavoured to point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my advantage, and the public satisfaction; but now it is out of my power. i had no time to make any remarks upon that piece which is called my journal. the enclosed are observations on the french notes. they are of no use to me separated, nor will they, i believe, be of any to you; yet i send them unconnected and incoherent as they were taken, for i have no opportunity to correct them. in regard to the journal, i can only observe in general, that i kept no regular one during that expedition: rough minutes of occurrences i certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed--some parts left out which i remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what i saw englished, is very incorrect and nonsensical:--yet, i will not pretend to say that the little body who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one. short as my time is, i can not help remarking on villiers' account of the battle of, and transactions at the meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. he says the french received the first fire. it is well known that we received it at six hundred paces distance. he also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in the most disorderly manner after the capitulation. how is this consistent with his other account? he acknowledges that we sustained the attack, warmly, from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. if the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. he might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain glory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. that we were wilfully, or ignorantly deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word _assassination_, i do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. the interpreter was a dutchman, little acquainted with the english tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in english; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the _death_, or the _loss_ of the sieur jumonville. so we received and so we understood it, until to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. that we left our baggage and horses at the meadows is certain; that there was not even a possibility to bring them away is equally certain, as we had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the action; so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off that our shoulders were not able to bear, and to wait there was impossible, for we had scarce three days provisions, and were seventy miles from a supply; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false; notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their indians to pillage our baggage, and commit all kinds of irregularity, we were with them until ten o'clock the next day; we destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling into their hands, as we could not bring it off. when we had got about a mile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up-this is the party he speaks of. we brought them all safe off, and encamped within three miles of the meadows. these are circumstances, i think, that make it evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. the colours he speaks of to be left, was a large flag of immense size and weight; our regimental colours were brought off and are now in my possession. their gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the most ludicrous light to every considerate person who reads villiers' journal;--such preparations for an attack, such vigour and intrepidity as he pretends to have conducted his march with, such revenge, as by his own account, appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. but to sum up the whole, mr. villiers pays himself no great compliment, in saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were adjusted. we surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself. i do not doubt, but your good nature will excuse the badness of my paper, and the incoherence of my writing--think you see me in a public house in a crowd, surrounded with noise, and you hit my case. you do me particular honour in offering your friendship: i wish i may be so happy as always to merit it, and deserve your correspondence, which i should be glad to cultivate. * * * * * note--no. iii. _see page ._ sir,-we your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg leave to express our great concern, at the disagreeable news we have received of your determination to resign the command of that corps, in which we have under you long served. the happiness we have enjoyed, and the honour we have acquired together, with the mutual regard that has always subsisted between you and your officers, have implanted so sensible an affection in the minds of us all, that we can not be silent on this critical occasion. in our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, trained us up in the practice of that discipline, which alone can constitute good troops, from the punctual observance of which you never suffered the least deviation. your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick discernment, and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate those genuine sentiments of true honour and passion for glory, from which the greatest military achievements have been derived, first heightened our natural emulation and our desire to excel. how much we improved by those regulations and your own example, with what alacrity we have hitherto discharged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have encountered the severest toils, especially while under your particular directions, we submit to yourself, and natter ourselves that we have in a great measure answered your expectations. judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected with the loss of such an excellent commander, such a sincere friend, and so affable a companion. how rare is it to find those amiable qualifications blended together in one man! how great the loss of such a man! adieu to that superiority, which the enemy have granted us over other troops, and which even the regulars and provincials have done us the honour publicly to acknowledge! adieu to that strict discipline and order, which you have always maintained! adieu to that happy union and harmony, which have been our principal cement! it gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy country will receive a loss no less irreparable than our own. where will it meet a man so experienced in military affairs--one so renowned for patriotism, conduct, and courage? who has so great a knowledge of the enemy we have to deal with?--who so well acquainted with their situation and strength?--who so much respected by the soldiery?--who, in short, so able to support the military character of virginia? your approved love to your king and country, and your uncommon perseverance in promoting the honour and true interest of the service, convince us that the most cogent reasons only could induce you to quit it; yet we, with the greatest deference, presume to intreat you to suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on to assist in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, towards which, so considerable advances have been already made. in you, we place the most implicit confidence. your presence only will cause a steady firmness and vigour to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while led on by the man we know and love. but if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exigencies of your affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it as our last request, that you will recommend some person most capable to command, whose military knowledge, whose honour, whose conduct, and whose disinterested principles, we may depend on. frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, are the true characteristics of an officer, and we flatter ourselves that you do not think us capable of saying any thing contrary to the purest dictates of our minds. fully persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure you, that, as you have hitherto been the actuating soul of our whole corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard to your will and pleasure, and will always be happy to demonstrate by our actions with how much respect and esteem we are, &c. * * * * * note--no. iv. _see page ._ the delegates of the united colonies of new hampshire, massachusetts bay, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, the counties of newcastle, kent and sussex on delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina and south carolina: to george washington, esquire. we, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents constitute and appoint you to be general and commander-in-chief of the army of the united colonies, and of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them, and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and join the said army for the defence of american liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof: and you are hereby invested with full power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service. and we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the exercise of their several duties. and we also enjoin and require you to be careful in executing the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and provided with all convenient necessaries. and you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules and discipline of war, (as herewith given you) and punctually to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as you shall receive from this or a future congress of these united colonies, or committee of congress. this commission to continue in force, until revoked by us, or a future congress. * * * * * note--no. v. _see page ._ _this letter is so truly characteristic of the writer, and treats in a manner so peculiar to himself, the measures of congress on this subject, that, although it may not be immediately connected with the life of general washington, the reader will not be displeased with its insertion._ stamford, january , . sir,--as general washington has informed the congress of his motives for detaching me, it is needless to trouble you upon the subject. i am therefore only to inform you that i have collected a body of about twelve hundred men from the colony of connecticut, whose zeal and ardour demonstrated on this occasion can not be sufficiently praised. with this body i am marching directly to new york to execute the different purposes for which i am detached. i am sensible, sir, that nothing can carry the air of greater presumption than a servant intruding his opinion unasked upon his master, but at the same time there are certain seasons when the real danger of the master may not only excuse, but render laudable, the servant's officiousness. i therefore flatter myself that the congress will receive with indulgence and lenity the opinion i shall offer. the scheme of simply disarming the tories seems to me totally ineffectual; it will only embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. they can, and will, always be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. that of seizing the most dangerous will, i apprehend, from the vagueness of the instruction, be attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no good one. it opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice to the different congresses and committees on the continent, that much discord and animosity will probably ensue; it being next to impossible to distinguish who are, and who are not the most dangerous. the plan of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the american cause is certainly generous and humane, but i am afraid, will be fruitless. they are so riveted in their opinions, that i am persuaded should an angel descend from heaven with his golden trumpet, and ring in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would be disregarded. i had lately myself an instance of their infatuation which, if it is not impertinent, i will relate. at newport i took the liberty, without any authority but the conviction of necessity, to administer a very strong oath to some of the leading tories, for which liberty i humbly ask pardon of the congress. one article of this oath was to take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the voice of the congress. to this colonel wanton and others flatly refused their assent; to take arms against their sovereign, they said, was too monstrous an impiety. i asked them if they had lived at the time of the revolution whether they would have been revolutionists--their answers were at first evasive, circuitous, and unintelligible, but, by fixing them down precisely to the question, i at length drew from them a positive confession that no violence, no provocation on the part of the court, could prevail upon them to act with the continent. such, i am afraid, is the creed and principles of the whole party great and small.--sense, reason, argument, and eloquence, have been expended in vain; and in vain you may still argue and reason to the end of time. even the common feelings and resentments of humanity have not aroused them, but rather with a malignant pleasure they have beheld the destruction of their fellow-citizens and relations. but i am running into declamation, perhaps impertinent and presuming, when i ought to confine myself to the scheme i submit to your consideration. it is, sir, in the first place, to disarm all the manifestly disaffected, as well of the lower as the higher class, not on the principle of putting them in a state of impotence (for this i observed before will not be the case) but to supply our troops with arms of which they stand in too great need. secondly, to appraise their estates and oblige them to deposite at least the value of one half of their respective property in the hands of the continental congress as a security for their good behaviour. and lastly, to administer the strongest oath that can be devised to act offensively and defensively in support of the common rights. i confess that men so eaten up with bigotry, as the bulk of them appear to be, will not consider themselves as bound by this oath; particularly as it is in some measure forced, they will argue that it is by no means obligatory; but if i mistake not, it will be a sort of criterion by which you will be able to distinguish the desperate fanatics from those who are reclaimable. the former must of course be secured and carried to some interior parts of the continent where they can not be dangerous. this mode of proceeding i conceive (if any can) will be effectual--but whether it meets with the approbation or disapprobation of the congress, i most humbly conjure them not to attribute the proposal to arrogance, or self-conceit, or pragmatical officiousness, but, at worst, to an intemperate zeal for the public service. notwithstanding the apparent slimness of the authority, as i am myself convinced that it is substantial, i think it my duty to communicate a circumstance to congress. i have with me here, sir, a deserter from captain wallace's ship before newport. it is necessary to inform you that this captain wallace has the reputation of being the most imprudent and rash of all mortals--particularly when he is heated with wine, which, as reported, is a daily incident: that in these moments he blabs his most secret instructions even to the common men. this deserter, then, informs us that the captain a few days ago assembled the sailors and marines on the quarter-deck, and assured them, by way of encouragement, that they were to proceed very soon to new york, where they were to be joined by his majesty's most loyal subjects of white plains, poughkeepsie, and long island, and at the same time bestowed abundantly his curses on the admiral and general for their dilatoriness and scandalous conduct in not availing themselves sooner of the invitation they had received from the worthy gentlemen. the congress will make what comments they please on this information, which i must repeat i thought it my duty to communicate. upon the whole, sir, you may be assured that it is the intention of the ministerialists to take possession, and immediately, of new york. the intercepted letters, the unguarded expressions of their officers, in their interviews with ours on the lines, but above all the manifest advantages resulting to their cause from this measure, put their intention beyond dispute. with submission therefore to the wisdom of the congress, it behooves them, i should think, not to lose a moment in securing this important post, which, if in the hands of the enemy, must cut the continent in twain, and render it almost impossible for the northern and southern colonies to support each other. this crisis, when every thing is at stake, is not a time to be over complacent to the timidity of the inhabitants of any particular spot. i have now under my command a respectable force adequate to the purpose of securing the place, and purging all its environs of traitors, on which subject i shall expect with impatience the determination of the congress. their orders i hope to receive before or immediately on my arrival. this instant, the enclosed, express from the provincial congress of new york, was delivered into my hands, but as these gentlemen probably are not fully apprised of the danger hanging over their heads, as i have received intelligence from the camp that the fleet is sailed, and that it is necessary to urge my march, i shall proceed with one division of the forces under my command to that city. a moment's delay may be fatal. the force i shall carry with me is not strong enough to act offensively, but just sufficient to secure the city against any immediate designs of the enemy. if this is to give umbrage, if the governor and captain of the man of war are pleased to construe this step as an act of positive hostility, if they are to prescribe what number of your troops are and what number are not to enter the city, all i can say is that new york must be considered as the minister's place, and not the continent. i must now, sir, beg pardon for the length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption in offering so freely my thoughts to the congress, from whom it is my duty simply to receive my orders, and as a servant and soldier strictly to obey; which none can do with greater ardour and affection than, sir, your most obedient humble servant, charles lee. to the honourable john hancock, esquire, president of the continental congress. * * * * * note--no. vi. _see page ._ the names of the members who subscribed the declaration of independence were as follows, viz: _new hampshire._ josiah bartlett, william whipple, matthew thornton. _massachusetts bay._ samuel adams, john adams, robert treat paine, elbridge gerry. _rhode island, &c._ stephen hopkins, william ellery. _connecticut._ roger sherman, samuel huntington, william williams, oliver wolcott. _new york._ william floyd, philip livingston, francis lewis, lewis morris. _new jersey._ richard stockton, john witherspoon, francis hopkinson, john hart, abram clark. _pennsylvania._ robert morris, benjamin rush, benjamin franklin, john morton, george clymer, james smith, george taylor, james wilson, george ross. _delaware._ cesar rodney, george reed. _maryland._ samuel chase, william paca, thomas stone, charles carroll, _of carrollton_. _virginia._ george wythe, richard henry lee, thomas jefferson, benjamin harrison, thomas nelson, jun. francis lightfoot lee, carter braxton. _north carolina._ william hooper, joseph hughes, john penn. _south carolina._ edward rutledge, thomas heyward, jun. thomas lynch, jun. arthur middleton. _georgia._ button gwinn, george walton, lyman hall. the people of the united states have taken such universal interest in the composition of this celebrated instrument as to excuse a more minute attention to it than has been bestowed on the other cotemporaneous state papers. mr. jefferson has preserved a copy of the original draft as reported by the committee, with the amendments made to it in congress, which has been published in his correspondence. the following is extracted from that work. _mr. jefferson's draft as _as amended by congress._ reported by the committee._ a declaration by the a declaration by the representatives of the representatives of the united states of america united states of america in _general_ congress in congress assembled. assembled. when in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal not altered. station to which the laws of nature and of nature's god entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. we hold these truths to be we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with endowed by their creator with _inherent and_ inalienable _certain_ inalienable rights; rights; that among these are that among these are life, life, liberty, and the pursuit liberty, and the pursuit of of happiness; that to secure happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving instituted among men, deriving their just powers from their just powers from the consent of the governed; the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of that whenever any form of government becomes destructive government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its new government, laying its foundation on such principles, foundation on such principles, and organising its powers in and organising its powers in such form, as to them shall such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. prudence safety and happiness. prudence indeed will dictate that indeed will dictate that governments long established governments long established should not be changed for should not be changed for light and transient causes; light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they the forms to which they are accustomed. but when a are accustomed. but when a long train of abuses and long train of abuses and usurpations _begun at a usurpations pursuing distinguished period and_ invariably the same object, pursuing invariably the same evinces a design to reduce object, evinces a design to them under absolute despotism, reduce them under absolute it is their right, it is despotism, it is their right, their duty to throw off such it is their duty to throw off government, and to provide such government, and to provide new guards for their future new guards for their security. such has been the future security. such has patient sufferance of these been the patient sufferings of colonies, and such is now the these colonies; and such is necessity which constrains now the necessity which constrains them to _alter_ their former them to _expunge_ their systems of government. the former systems of government. history of the present king of the history of the great britain is a history of present king of great britain _repeated_ injuries and is a history of _unremitting_ usurpations, _all having_ injuries and usurpations in direct object _among which appears no the establishment of an solitary fact to contradict the absolute tyranny over these uniform tenor of the rest, but states. to prove this let facts all have_ in direct object the be submitted to a candid establishment of an absolute world. tyranny over these states. to prove this let facts be submitted to a candid world, _for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood_. he has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome not altered. and necessary for the public good. he has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended not altered. in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended he has utterly neglected to attend to them. he has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of not altered. representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. he has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositary of not altered. their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. he has dissolved representative he has dissolved representative houses repeatedly _and houses repeatedly for continually_, for opposing with opposing with manly firmness manly firmness his invasions his invasions on the rights of on the rights of the people. the people. he has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people not altered. at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within. he has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners, not altered. refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. he has _suffered_ the he has _obstructed_ the administration of justice administration of justice _totally to cease in some _by_ refusing his assent of these states_, refusing his to laws for establishing assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. judiciary powers. he has made _our_ judges he has made judges dependent dependent on his will alone on his will alone for the for the tenure of their offices, tenure of their offices, and the and the amount and payment amount and payment of their of their salaries. salaries. he has erected a multitude he has erected a multitude of new offices, _by a of new offices, and sent hither self-assumed power_, and swarms of new officers to sent hither swarms of new harass our people and eat out officers to harass our people their substance. and eat out their substance. he has kept among us in he has kept among us in times of peace standing armies times of peace standing armies _and ships of war_ without without the consent of our the consent of our legislatures. legislatures. he has affected to render the military independence of not altered. and superior to the civil power. he has combined with he has combined with others to subject us to a others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions and constitutions and unacknowledged unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops large bodies of armed troops among us; for protecting by among us; for protecting by a mock trial from punishment a mock trial from punishment for any murders which they for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants should commit on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting of these states; for cutting off our trade with all off our trade with all parts of the world; for imposing parts of the world; for imposing taxes on us without taxes on us without our consent; for depriving us our consent; for depriving us of the benefits of trial by _in many cases_ of the jury; for transporting us beyond benefits of trial by jury; seas to be tried for pretended for transporting us beyond offences; for abolishing seas to be tried for pretended the free system of english offences; for abolishing the laws in a neighbouring province, free system of english laws establishing therein an in a neighbouring province, arbitrary government, and establishing therein an enlarging its boundaries, so arbitrary government, and as to render it at once an enlarging its boundaries, so example and fit instrument for as to render it at once an introducing the same absolute example and fit instrument for rule into these _states_; for introducing the same absolute taking away our charters, rule into these _colonies_; abolishing our most valuable for taking away our charters, laws, and altering fundamentally abolishing our most valuable the forms of our governments; laws, and altering fundamentally for suspending our the forms of our governments; own legislatures, and declaring for suspending our own themselves invested with legislatures, and declaring power to legislate for us in themselves invested with all cases whatsoever. power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. he has abdicated government he has abdicated government here, _withdrawing his here _by declaring us out governors and declaring us of his protection and waging out of his allegiance and war against us_. protection_. he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our not altered. towns and destroyed the lives of our people. he is at this time transporting he is at this time transporting large armies of foreign large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation works of death, destruction and tyranny already begun and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy unworthy the and perfidy _scarcely head of a civilized nation. paralleled in the most barbarous ages and totally_ unworthy the head of a civilized nation. he has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to not altered. become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. he has endeavoured to he has _excited domestic bring on the inhabitants of insurrections among us and has_ the frontiers the merciless endeavoured to bring on the indian savages whose known inhabitants of the frontiers rule of warfare is an the merciless indian savages undistinguished destruction of whose known rule of warfare all ages, sexes and conditions is an undistinguished destruction _of existence_. of all ages, sexes, and conditions. he has excited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens, with the struck out. allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property. he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for struck out. suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another. in every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most not altered. humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries. a prince whose character is a prince whose character is thus marked by every act thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a unfit to be the ruler of a people _who mean to be free. _free_ people. future ages will scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man adventured, within the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom._ nor have we been wanting nor have we been wanting in attention to our british in attention to our british brethren. we have warned brethren. we have warned them from time to time of them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to attempts by their legislature to extend _a_ jurisdiction over extend _an unwarrantable_ _these our states_. we have jurisdiction over _us_. we have reminded them of the reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration circumstances of our emigration and settlement here; _no one of and settlement here; we _have_ which could warrant so appealed to their native justice strange a pretension; these and magnanimity, _and we were effected at the expense have conjured them by_ the of our own blood and treasure, ties of our common kindred unassisted by the wealth or to disavow these usurpations the strength of great britain; which _would inevitably_ that in constituting indeed interrupt our connexion and our several forms of government, correspondence. they too have we had adopted one been deaf to the voice of common king; thereby laying justice and of consanguinity. a foundation for perpetual _we must therefore_ acquiesce league and amity with them; in the necessity which denounces but that submission to their our separation, _and hold them_ parliament was no part of our as we hold the rest of mankind, constitution, nor ever in idea enemies in war, in peace if history may be credited; friends. and_ we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, _as well as to_ the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations which _were likely to_ interrupt our connexion and correspondence. they too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, _and when occasions have been given them by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free election re-established them in power. at this very time too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us. these facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. we must endeavour to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. we might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. be it so, since they will have it. the road to happiness and to glory is open to us too. we will tread it apart from them, and_ acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our _eternal_ separation. we, therefore, the we, therefore, the representatives of the united representatives of the united states of america in general states of america in general congress assembled, do, in the congress assembled, _appealing name and by the authority of to the supreme judge of the the good people of these world for the rectitude of our _states, reject and renounce all intentions_, do in the name, allegiance and subjection to and by the good people of the kings of great britain, these _colonies, solemnly and all others who may hereafter publish and declare that these claim by, through or united colonies are and of under them; we utterly dissolve right ought to be free and all political connexion which independent states; that they may heretofore have are absolved from all subsisted between us and the allegiance to the british crown, people or parliament of great and that all political britain; and finally we do connexion between them and the assert and declare these colonies state of great britain is, and to be free and independent ought to be, totally dissolved_; states_, and that as free and and that as free and independent independent states, they have states they have full full power to levy war, power to levy war, conclude conclude peace, contract alliances, peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things all other acts and things which independent states may which independent states may of right do. of right do. and for the support of this and for the support of this declaration, we mutually declaration, _with a firm pledge to each other our lives, reliance on the protection of our fortunes, and our sacred divine providence_, we mutually honour. pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour. the words expunged from the original draft are distinguished by italics, as are the words that were introduced by congress. * * * * * note--no. vii. _see page ._ "my reasons for this measure," said the commander-in-chief in his letter to general lee, ordering him to cross the hudson, "and which i think must have weight with you, are, that the enemy are evidently changing the seat of war to this side of the north river; that this country, therefore, will expect the continental army to give what support they can; and, if disappointed in this, will cease to depend upon, or support a force by which no protection is given to them. it is, therefore, of the utmost importance that at least an appearance of force should be made, to keep this state in connexion with the others. if that should not continue, it is much to be feared that its influence on pennsylvania would be very considerable; and the public interests would be more and more endangered. unless, therefore, some new event should occur, or some more cogent reason present itself, i would have you move over by the easiest and best passage. i am sensible your numbers will not be large, and that the movement may not perhaps be agreeable to your troops. as to the first, report will exaggerate them, and there will be preserved the appearance of an army, which will, at least, have the effect of encouraging the desponding here; and, as to the other, you will doubtless represent to them, that in duty and gratitude, their service is due wherever the enemy may make the greatest impression, or seem to intend to do so." * * * * * note--no. viii. _see page ._ in a postscript, it is stated, that an accurate return could not be obtained, but that from the best estimate he could form, the whole force in jersey fit for duty was under three thousand; all of whom, except nine hundred and eighty-one, were militia, who stood engaged only until the last of that month. the continental troops under inoculation, including their attendants, amounted to about one thousand. in a letter of the sixth of march to governor trumbull, calling on the state of connecticut for two thousand militia to be marched to peekskill, after complaining of the militia he had called from the southern states, who came and went as their own caprice might direct, he says, "i am persuaded, from the readiness with which you have ever complied with all my demands, that you will exert yourself in forwarding the aforementioned number of men, upon my bare request. but i hope you will be convinced of the necessity of the demand, when i tell you, in confidence, that after the th of this month, when the time of general lincoln's militia expires, i shall be left with the remains of five virginia regiments, not amounting to more than as many hundred men, and parts of two or three other continental battalions, all very weak. the remainder of the army will be composed of small parties of militia from this state and pennsylvania, on whom little dependence can be put, as they come and go when they please. i have issued peremptory orders to every colonel in the regular service, to send in what men he has recruited, even if they amount to but one hundred to a regiment: if they would do this, it would make a considerable force upon the whole. the enemy must be ignorant of our numbers and situation, or they would never suffer us to remain unmolested; and i almost tax myself with imprudence in committing the secret to paper; not that i distrust you, of whose inviolable attachment i have had so many proofs; but for fear the letter should by any accident fall into other hands than those for which it is intended." * * * * * note--no. ix. _see page ._ justice to the unfortunate demands that an extract from the correspondence between generals burgoyne and gates on this subject should be inserted. the british general had complained of the harsh treatment experienced by the provincial prisoners taken at bennington, and requested that a surgeon from his army should be permitted to visit the wounded; and that he might be allowed to furnish them with necessaries and attendants. "duty and principle," he added, "make me a public enemy to the americans, who have taken up arms; but i seek to be a generous one; nor have i the shadow of resentment against any individual, who does not induce it by acts derogatory to those maxims, upon which all men of honour think alike." in answer to this letter, general gates, who had just taken command of the american army, said, "that the savages of america should, in their warfare, mangle and scalp the unhappy prisoners who fall into their hands is neither new nor extraordinary, but that the famous lieutenant general burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages of america to scalp europeans, and the descendants of europeans; nay more, that he should pay a price for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than will be believed in europe, until authenticated facts shall, in every gazette, confirm the truth of the horrid tale. "miss m'crea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character, and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was, with other women and children, taken out of a house near fort edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner. two parents with their six children, were all treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly resting in their once happy and peaceful dwelling. the miserable fate of miss m'crea was particularly aggravated, by being dressed to receive her promised husband; but met her murderer employed by you. upwards of one hundred men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood." to this part of his letter, general burgoyne replied, "i have hesitated, sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your letter. i disdain to justify myself against the rhapsodies of fiction and calumny, which from the first of this contest, it has been an unvaried american policy to propagate, but which no longer imposes on the world. i am induced to deviate from this general rule, in the present instance, lest my silence should be construed an acknowledgment of the truth of your allegations, and a pretence be thence taken for exercising future barbarities by the american troops. "by this motive, and upon this only, i condescend to inform you, that i would not be conscious of the acts you presume to impute to me, for the whole continent of america, though the wealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise upon its surface. "it has happened, that all my transactions with the indian nations, last year and this, have been clearly heard, distinctly understood, accurately minuted, by very numerous, and in many parts, very unprejudiced persons. so immediately opposite to the truth is your assertion that i have paid a price for scalps, that one of the first regulations established by me at the great council in may, and repeated and enforced, and invariably adhered to since, was, that the indians should receive compensation for prisoners, because it would prevent cruelty; and that not only such compensation should be withheld, but a strict account demanded for scalps. these pledges of conquest, for such you well know they will ever esteem them, were solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be taken from the wounded, and even the dying, and the persons of aged men, women, children, and prisoners, were pronounced sacred, even in an assault. "in regard to miss m'crea, her fall wanted not the tragic display you have laboured to give it, to make it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it can be by the tenderest of her friends. the fact was no premeditated barbarity. on the contrary, two chiefs who had brought her off for the purpose of security, not of violence to her person, disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman became the victim. upon the first intelligence of this event, i obliged the indians to deliver the murderer into my hands, and though to have punished him by our laws, or principles of justice, would have been perhaps unprecedented, he certainly should have suffered an ignominious death, had i not been convinced from my circumstances and observation, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a pardon under the terms which i presented, and they accepted, would be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar mischiefs. "the above instance excepted, your intelligence respecting the cruelty of the indians is false. "you seem to threaten me with european publications, which affect me as little as any other threats you could make; but in regard to american publications, whether your charge against me, which i acquit you of believing, was penned _from_ a gazette, or _for_ a gazette, i desire and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should it appear in print at all this answer may follow it." * * * * * note--no. x. _see page ._ lord suffolk, secretary of state, contended for the employment of indians, in the war. "besides its policy and necessity," his lordship said, "that the measure was also allowable on principle, for that it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that god and nature had put into our hands." this moving the indignation of lord chatham, he suddenly rose, and gave full vent to his feelings in one of the most extraordinary bursts of eloquence that the pen of history has recorded: "i am astonished," exclaimed his lordship, "shocked to hear such principles confessed; to hear them avowed in this house or even this country. my lords, i did not intend to have encroached again on your attention, but i can not repress my indignation. i feel myself impelled to speak. my lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as christians, to protest against such horrible barbarity. that god and nature had put into our hands! what ideas of god and nature that noble lord may entertain i know not, but i know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. what, to attribute the sacred sanction of god and nature to the massacres of the indian scalping knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour. these abominable principles and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. i call upon that right reverend and this most learned bench to vindicate the religion of their god, to support the justice of their country. i call upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn, upon the judges to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. i call upon the honour of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. i call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character. i invoke the genius of the constitution. from the tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord, frowns with indignation at the disgrace of his country. in vain did he defend the liberty, and establish the religion of britain against the tyranny of rome, if these worse than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are endured among us. to send forth the merciless cannibal thirsting for blood!--against whom?--your protestant brethren--to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and instrumentality of these horrible hell-hounds of war! spain can no longer boast preeminence of barbarity. she armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of mexico, but we more ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in america, endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify humanity. my lords, i solemnly call upon your lordships, and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. more particularly i call upon the holy prelates of our religion to do away this iniquity; let them perform a lustration to purify their country from this deep and deadly sin. my lords, i am old and weak, and at present unable to say more, but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. i could not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles." * * * * * note--no. xi. _see page ._ _the following are the letters which passed between the two generals on this subject:_ albany, december , . sir,--i shall not attempt to describe what, as a private gentleman, i can not help feeling, on representing to my mind the disagreeable situation which confidential letters, when exposed to public inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspondent in; but, as a public officer, i conjure your excellency, to give me all the assistance you can, in tracing out the author of the infidelity, which put extracts from general conway's letters to me into your hands. those letters have been stealingly copied; but, which of them, when, or by whom, is to me, as yet, an unfathomable secret. there is not one officer in my suite, or amongst those who have a free access to me, upon whom i could, with the least justification to myself, fix the suspicion; and yet, my uneasiness may deprive me of the usefulness of the worthiest men. it is, i believe, in your excellency's power to do me, and the united states, a very important service, by detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally injure the very operations under your immediate direction. for this reason, sir, i beg your excellency will favour me with the proofs you can procure to that effect. but, the crime being, eventually so important, that the least loss of time may be attended with the worst consequences; and, it being unknown to me whether the letter came to you from a member of congress, or from an officer, i shall have the honour of transmitting a copy of this to the president, that congress may, in concert with your excellency, obtain, as soon as possible, a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states. crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished. i have the honour to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most humble and most obedient servant, horatio gates. his excellency general washington. * * * * * valley forge, january , . sir,--your letter of the th ultimo, came to my hands a few days ago, and to my great surprise informed me, that a copy of it had been sent to congress, for what reason, i find myself unable to account; but, as some end doubtless was intended to be answered by it, i am laid under the disagreeable necessity of returning my answer through the same channel, lest any member of that honourable body should harbour an unfavourable suspicion of my having practised some indiscreet means to come at the contents of the confidential letters between you and general conway. i am to inform you then, that ----, on his way to congress in the month of october last, fell in with lord stirling at reading: and, not in confidence that i ever understood, informed his aid-de-camp, major m'williams, that general conway had written thus to you, "heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors[ ] would have ruined it." lord stirling, from motives of friendship, transmitted the account with this remark. "the enclosed was communicated by ---- to major m'williams; such wicked duplicity of conduct i shall always think it my duty to detect." [footnote : one of whom, by the by, he was.] in consequence of this information, and without having any thing more in view, than merely to show that gentleman that i was not unapprised of his intriguing disposition, i wrote him a letter in these words. "sir, a letter which i received last night contained the following paragraph. "in a letter from general conway to general gates, he says, heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it. i am, sir, &c." neither the letter, nor the information which occasioned it, was ever, directly, or indirectly, communicated by me to a single officer in this army (out of my own family) excepting the marquis de lafayette, who having been spoken to on the subject, by general conway, applied for, and saw, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which contained this information; so desirous was i of concealing every matter that could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the tranquillity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by dissensions therein. thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which i hope will ever characterize and mark my conduct, have i complied with your request. the only concern i feel upon the occasion, finding how matters stand, is, that in doing this, i have necessarily been obliged to name a gentleman, who, i am persuaded, (although i never exchanged a word with him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an act of justice, than committing an act of infidelity; and sure i am, that, until lord stirling's letter came to my hands, i never knew that general conway, (whom i viewed in the light of a stranger to you) was a correspondent of yours, much less did i suspect that i was the subject of your confidential letters. pardon me then for adding, that, so far from conceiving that the safety of the states can be affected, or in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or that i should be called upon in such solemn terms to point out the author, that i considered the information as coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me, against a secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in which character sooner or later, this country will know general conway. but, in this, as well as other matters of late, i have found myself mistaken. i am, sir, your most obedient servant, geo: washington. to major general gates. * * * * * note--no. xii. _see page ._ _during the existence of this faction, an attempt appears to have been made to alienate the affections of the leading political personages in the states from the commander-in-chief. the following letters exhibit a very unsuccessful effort of this sort, which was made on governor henry, of virginia, by a gentleman not supposed to be a member of congress from that state._ williamsburgh, february , . dear sir,--you will no doubt be surprised at seeing the enclosed letter, in which the encomiums bestowed on me are as undeserved, as the censures aimed at you are unjust. i am sorry there should be one man who counts himself my friend, who is not yours. perhaps i give you needless trouble in handing you this paper. the writer of it may be too insignificant to deserve any notice. if i knew this to be the case, i should not have intruded on your time, which is so precious. but there may possibly be some scheme or party forming to your prejudice. the enclosed leads to such a suspicion. believe me, sir, i have too high a sense of the obligations america has to you, to abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. the most exalted merit hath ever been found to attract envy. but i please myself with the hope, that the same fortitude and greatness of mind which have hitherto braved all the difficulties and dangers inseparable from your station, will rise superior to every attempt of the envious partisan. i really can not tell who is the writer of this letter, which not a little perplexes me. the hand writing is altogether strange to me. to give you the trouble of this, gives me pain. it would suit my inclination better, to give you some assistance in the great business of the war. but i will not conceal any thing from you, by which you may be affected, for i really think your personal welfare and the happiness of america are intimately connected. i beg you will be assured of that high regard and esteem with which i ever am, dear sir, your affectionate friend and very humble servant, p. henry. his excellency general washington. (_letter enclosed in the preceding._) yorktown, january , . dear sir,--the common danger of our country first brought you and me together. i recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation and eloquence upon the opinions of this country in the beginning of the present controversy. you first taught us to shake off our idolatrous attachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroachments upon our liberties with our very lives. by these means you saved us from ruin. the independence of america is the offspring of that liberal spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the sceptres of kings and the mighty power of great britain. but, sir, we have only passed the red sea. a dreary wilderness is still before us, and unless a moses or a joshua are raised up in our behalf, we must perish before we reach the promised land. we have nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. general howe, it is true, has taken philadelphia; but he has only changed his prison. his dominions are bounded on all sides by his outsentries. america can only be undone by herself. she looks up to her councils and arms for protection; but alas! what are they? her representation in congress dwindled to only twenty-one members--her adams--her wilson--her henry, are no more among them. her councils weak--and partial remedies applied constantly for universal diseases. her army--what is it? a major general belonging to it called it a few days ago in my hearing a _mob_. discipline unknown or _wholly_ neglected. the quartermaster and commissary's departments filled with idleness, ignorance and peculation--our hospitals crowded with six thousand sick, but half provided with necessaries or accommodations, and more dying in them in one month, than perished in the field during the whole of the last campaign. the money depreciating without any effectual measures being taken to raise it--the country distracted with the don quixote attempts to regulate the prices of provisions, an _artificial_ famine created by it, and a _real_ one dreaded from it. the spirit of the people failing through a more intimate acquaintance with the causes of our misfortunes--many submitting daily to general howe, and more wishing to do it, only to avoid the calamities which threaten our country. but is our case desperate? by no means. we have wisdom, virtue, and strength _eno'_ to save us if they could be called into action. the northern army has shown us what americans are capable of doing with a general at their head. the spirit of the southern army is no ways inferior to the spirit of the northern. a gates--a lee, or a conway would, in a few weeks, render them an irresistible body of men. the last of the above officers has accepted of the new office of inspector general of our army, in order to reform abuses--but the remedy is only a palliative one. in one of his letters to a friend he says, "a great and good god hath decreed america to be free--or the ---- and weak counsellors would have ruined her long ago"--you may rest assured of _each_ of the facts related in this letter. the author of it is one of your philadelphia friends. a hint of his name, if found out by the hand writing, must not be mentioned to your most intimate friend. even the letter _must_ be thrown in the fire. but some of its contents ought to be made public in order to awaken, enlighten, and alarm our country. i rely upon your prudence, and am, dear sir, with my usual attachment to _you_, and to our beloved independence, yours, sincerely. his excellency p. henry. * * * * * williamsburgh, march , . dear sir,--by an express which colonel finnie sent to camp, i enclosed you an anonymous letter, which i hope got safe to hand. i am anxious to hear something that will serve to explain the strange affair, which i am now informed is taken up, respecting you. mr. custis has just paid us a visit, and by him i learn sundry particulars concerning general mifflin, that much surprise me. it is very hard to trace the schemes and windings of the enemies to america. i really thought that man its friend: however, i am too far from him to judge of his present temper. while you face the armed enemies of our liberty in the field, and, by the favour of god, have been kept unhurt, i trust your country will never harbour in her bosom the miscreant who would ruin her best supporter. i wish not to flatter; but when arts unworthy honest men are used to defame and traduce you, i think it not amiss, but a duty, to assure you of that estimation in which the public hold you. not that i think any testimony i can bear, is necessary for your support, or private satisfaction, for a bare recollection of what is past must give you sufficient pleasure in every circumstance of life. but i can not help assuring you, on this occasion, of the high sense of gratitude which all ranks of men, in this your native country, bear to you. it will give me sincere pleasure to manifest my regards, and render my best services to you or yours. i do not like to make a parade of these things, and i know you are not fond of it; however, i hope the occasion will plead my excuse. the assembly have at length empowered the executive here to provide the virginia troops serving with you, with clothes, &c. i am making provision accordingly, and hope to do something towards it. every possible assistance from government is afforded the commissary of provisions, whose department has not been attended to. it was taken up by me too late to do much. indeed the load of business devolved on me is too great to be managed well. a french ship, mounting thirty guns, that has been long chased by the english cruisers, has got into carolina, as i hear last night. wishing you all possible felicity, i am, my dear sir, your ever affectionate friend, and very humble servant, p. henry. his excellency general washington. * * * * * valley forge, march , . dear sir,--about eight days past, i was honoured with your favour of the th ultimo. your friendship, sir, in transmitting me the anonymous letter you had received, lays me under the most grateful obligations; and, if any thing could give a still further claim to my acknowledgments, it is the very polite and delicate terms in which you have been pleased to make the communication. i have ever been happy in supposing that i held a place in your esteem, and the proof of it you have afforded on this occasion makes me peculiarly so. the favourable light in which you hold me is truly flattering, but i should feel much regret if i thought the happiness of america so intimately connected with my personal welfare, as you so obligingly seem to consider it. all i can say, is, that she has ever had, and, i trust, she ever will have, my honest exertions to promote her interest. i can not hope that my services have been the best; but my heart tells me that they have been the best that i could render. that i may have erred in using the means in my power for accomplishing the objects of the arduous, exalted station with which i am honoured, i can not doubt; nor do i wish my conduct to be exempted from the reprehension it may deserve. error is the portion of humanity, and to censure it, whether committed by this or that public character, is the prerogative of freemen.... this is not the only secret insidious attempt that has been made to wound my reputation. there have been others equally base, cruel, and ungenerous; because conducted with as little frankness and proceeding from views perhaps as personally interested. i am, dear sir, &c. geo: washington. to his excellency patrick henry, esquire, governor of virginia. * * * * * camp, march , . dear sir,--just as i was about to close my letter of yesterday, your favour of the fifth instant came to hand. i can only thank you again, in the language of the most undissembled gratitude, for your friendship: and assure you, the indulgent disposition which virginia in particular, and the states in general entertain towards me, gives me the most sensible pleasure. the approbation of my country is what i wish; and, as far as my abilities and opportunity will permit, i hope i shall endeavour to deserve it. it is the highest reward to a feeling mind; and happy are they who so conduct themselves as to merit it. the anonymous letter with which you were pleased to favour me, was written by ----, so far as i can judge from a similitude of hands.... my caution to avoid any thing that could injure the service, prevented me from communicating, except to a very few of my friends, the intrigues of a faction which i know was formed against me, since it might serve to publish our internal dissensions; but their own restless zeal to advance their views has too clearly betrayed them, and made concealment on my part fruitless. i can not precisely mark the extent of their views, but it appeared in general, that general gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence. this i am authorized to say from undeniable facts in my own possession, from publications the evident scope of which could not be mistaken, and from private detractions industriously circulated. ----, it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the cabal; and general conway, i know, was a very active and malignant partisan; but i have good reason to believe that their machinations have recoiled most sensibly upon themselves. i am, dear sir, &c. geo: washington. his excellency patrick henry, esquire, gov. of virginia. _the following extract is taken from a letter written about the same time to a gentleman in new england, who had expressed some anxious apprehensions occasioned by a report that the commander-in-chief had determined to resign his station in the army:_ "i can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. the same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of great britain, operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the present contest; but to report a design of this kind, is among the arts, which those who are endeavouring to effect a change are practising to bring it to pass. i have said, and i still do say, that there is not an officer in the service of the united states, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heartfelt joy than i should. but i would have this declaration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavours, i mean not to shrink from the cause: but the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, i shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest." * * * * * note--no. xiii. _see page ._ _the following is an extract of a letter addressed on this occasion by general washington to congress:_ "though i sincerely commiserate the misfortune of general lee, and feel much for his present unhappy situation; yet, with all possible deference to the opinion of congress, i fear that their resolutions will not have the desired effect, are founded in impolicy, and will, if adhered to, produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature. "retaliation is certainly just, and sometimes necessary, even where attended with the severest penalties: but when the evils which may, and must result from it, exceed those intended to be redressed, prudence and policy require that it should be avoided. "having premised thus much, i beg leave to examine the justice and expediency of it in the instance before us. from the best information i have been able to obtain, general lee's usage has not been so disgraceful and dishonourable, as to authorize the treatment decreed to these gentlemen, was it not prohibited by many other important considerations. his confinement, i believe, has been more rigorous than has been generally experienced by the rest of our officers, or those of the enemy who have been in our possession; but if the reports received on that head be true, he has been provided with a decent apartment, and with most things necessary to render him comfortable. this is not the case with one of the officers comprehended in the resolves, if his letter, of which a copy is transmitted, deserves your credit. here retaliation seems to have been prematurely begun, or to speak with more propriety, severities have been, and are exercised towards colonel campbell, not justified by any that general lee has yet received. "in point of policy, and under the present situation of our affairs, most surely the doctrine can not be supported. the balance of prisoners is greatly against us, and a general regard to the happiness of the whole should mark our conduct. can we imagine that our enemies will not mete the same punishments, the same indignities, the same cruelties, to those belonging to us in their possession, that we impose on theirs? why should we suppose them to have more humanity than we possess ourselves? or why should an ineffectual attempt to relieve the distresses of one brave man, involve many more in misery? at this time, however disagreeable the fact may be, the enemy have in their power, and subject to their call, near three hundred officers belonging to the army of the united states. in this number there are some of high rank, and the most of them are men of bravery and of merit. the quota of theirs in our hands bears no proportion, not being more than fifty. under these circumstances, we certainly should do no act to draw upon the gentlemen belonging to us, and who have already suffered a long captivity, greater punishments than they now experience. if we should, what will be their feelings, and those of their numerous and extensive connexions? suppose the treatment prescribed for the hessian officers should be pursued, will it not establish what the enemy have been aiming to effect by every artifice, and the grossest misrepresentations? i mean, an opinion of our enmity towards them, and of the cruel conduct they experience when they fall into our hands; a prejudice which we, on our part, have heretofore thought it politic to suppress, and to root out by every act of kindness and of lenity. it certainly will. the hessians will hear of the punishments with all the circumstances of heightened exaggeration, and would feel the injury without investigating the cause, or reasoning upon the justice of it. the mischiefs which may, and must inevitably flow from the execution of the resolves, appear to be endless and innumerable." end of volume ii. university; alev akman, david widger, and robert j. homa washington and his comrades in arms by george m. wrong a chronicle of the war of independence volume of the chronicles of america series allen johnson, editor assistant editors gerhard r. lomer charles w. jefferys abraham lincoln edition new haven: yale university press toronto: glasgow, brook & co. london: humphrey milford oxford university press copyright, by yale university press prefatory note the author is aware of a certain audacity in undertaking, himself a briton, to appear in a company of american writers on american history and above all to write on the subject of washington. if excuse is needed it is to be found in the special interest of the career of washington to a citizen of the british commonwealth of nations at the present time and in the urgency with which the editor and publishers declared that such an interpretation would not be unwelcome to americans and pressed upon the author a task for which he doubted his own qualifications. to the editor he owes thanks for wise criticism. he is also indebted to mr. worthington chauncey ford, of the massachusetts historical society, a great authority on washington, who has kindly read the proofs and given helpful comments. needless to say the author alone is responsible for opinions in the book. university of toronto, june , . contents washington and his comrades in arms chapter chapter title page prefatory note vii i. the commander-in-chief ii. boston and quebec iii. independence iv. the loss of new york v. the loss of philadelphia vi. the first great british disaster vii. washington and his comrades at valley forge viii. the alliance with france and its results ix. the war in the south x. france to the rescue xi. yorktown bibliographical note index washington and his comrades in arms chapter i. the commander-in-chief moving among the members of the second continental congress, which met at philadelphia in may, , was one, and but one, military figure. george washington alone attended the sittings in uniform. this colonel from virginia, now in his forty-fourth year, was a great landholder, an owner of slaves, an anglican churchman, an aristocrat, everything that stands in contrast with the type of a revolutionary radical. yet from the first he had been an outspoken and uncompromising champion of the colonial cause. when the tax was imposed on tea he had abolished the use of tea in his own household and when war was imminent he had talked of recruiting a thousand men at his own expense and marching to boston. his steady wearing of the uniform seemed, indeed, to show that he regarded the issue as hardly less military than political. the clash at lexington, on the th of april, had made vivid the reality of war. passions ran high. for years there had been tension, long disputes about buying british stamps to put on american legal papers, about duties on glass and paint and paper and, above all, tea. boston had shown turbulent defiance, and to hold boston down british soldiers had been quartered on the inhabitants in the proportion of one soldier for five of the populace, a great and annoying burden. and now british soldiers had killed americans who stood barring their way on lexington green. even calm benjamin franklin spoke later of the hands of british ministers as "red, wet, and dropping with blood." americans never forgot the fresh graves made on that day. there were, it is true, more british than american graves, but the british were regarded as the aggressors. if the rest of the colonies were to join in the struggle, they must have a common leader. who should he be? in june, while the continental congress faced this question at philadelphia, events at boston made the need of a leader more urgent. boston was besieged by american volunteers under the command of general artemas ward. the siege had lasted for two months, each side watching the other at long range. general gage, the british commander, had the sea open to him and a finely tempered army upon which he could rely. the opposite was true of his opponents. they were a motley host rather than an army. they had few guns and almost no powder. idle waiting since the fight at lexington made untrained troops restless and anxious to go home. nothing holds an army together like real war, and shrewd officers knew that they must give the men some hard task to keep up their fighting spirit. it was rumored that gage was preparing an aggressive movement from boston, which might mean pillage and massacre in the surrounding country, and it was decided to draw in closer to boston to give gage a diversion and prove the mettle of the patriot army. so, on the evening of june , , there was a stir of preparation in the american camp at cambridge, and late at night the men fell in near harvard college. across the charles river north from boston, on a peninsula, lay the village of charlestown, and rising behind it was breed's hill, about seventy-four feet high, extending northeastward to the higher elevation of bunker hill. the peninsula could be reached from cambridge only by a narrow neck of land easily swept by british floating batteries lying off the shore. in the dark the american force of twelve hundred men under colonel prescott marched to this neck of land and then advanced half a mile southward to breed's hill. prescott was an old campaigner of the seven years' war; he had six cannon, and his troops were commanded by experienced officers. israel putnam was skillful in irregular frontier fighting, and nathanael greene, destined to prove himself the best man in the american army next to washington himself, could furnish sage military counsel derived from much thought and reading. thus it happened that on the morning of the th of june general gage in boston awoke to a surprise. he had refused to believe that he was shut up in boston. it suited his convenience to stay there until a plan of campaign should be evolved by his superiors in london, but he was certain that when he liked he could, with his disciplined battalions, brush away the besieging army. now he saw the american force on breed's hill throwing up a defiant and menacing redoubt and entrenchments. gage did not hesitate. the bold aggressors must be driven away at once. he detailed for the enterprise william howe, the officer destined soon to be his successor in the command at boston. howe was a brave and experienced soldier. he had been a friend of wolfe and had led the party of twenty-four men who had first climbed the cliff at quebec on the great day when wolfe fell victorious. he was the younger brother of that beloved lord howe who had fallen at ticonderoga and to whose memory massachusetts had reared a monument in westminster abbey. gage gave him in all some twenty-five hundred men, and, at about two in the afternoon, this force was landed at charlestown. the little town was soon aflame and the smoke helped to conceal howe's movements. the day was boiling hot and the soldiers carried heavy packs with food for three days, for they intended to camp on bunker hill. straight up breed's hill they marched wading through long grass sometimes to their knees and throwing down the fences on the hillside. the british knew that raw troops were likely to scatter their fire on a foe still out of range and they counted on a rapid bayonet charge against men helpless with empty rifles. this expectation was disappointed. the americans had in front of them a barricade and israel putnam was there, threatening dire things to any one who should fire before he could see the whites of the eyes of the advancing soldiery. as the british came on there was a terrific discharge of musketry at twenty yards, repeated again and again as they either halted or drew back. the slaughter was terrible. british officers hardened in war declared long afterward that they had never seen carnage like that of this fight. the american riflemen had been told to aim especially at the british officers, easily known by their uniforms, and one rifleman is said to have shot twenty officers before he was himself killed. lord rawdon, who played a considerable part in the war and was later, as marquis of hastings, viceroy of india, used to tell of his terror as he fought in the british line. suddenly a soldier was shot dead by his side, and, when he saw the man quiet at his feet, he said, "is death nothing but this?" and henceforth had no fear. when the first attack by the british was checked they retired; but, with dogged resolve, they re-formed and again charged up the hill, only a second time to be repulsed. the third time they were more cautious. they began to work round to the weaker defenses of the american left, where were no redoubts and entrenchments like those on the right. by this time british ships were throwing shells among the americans. charlestown was burning. the great column of black smoke, the incessant roar of cannon, and the dreadful scenes of carnage had affected the defenders. they wavered; and on the third british charge, having exhausted their ammunition, they fled from the hill in confusion back to the narrow neck of land half a mile away, swept now by a british floating battery. general burgoyne wrote that, in the third attack, the discipline and courage of the british private soldiers also broke down and that when the redoubt was carried the officers of some corps were almost alone. the british stood victorious at bunker hill. it was, however, a costly victory. more than a thousand men, nearly half of the attacking force, had fallen, with an undue proportion of officers. philadelphia, far away, did not know what was happening when, two days before the battle of bunker hill, the continental congress settled the question of a leader for a national army. on the th of june john adams of massachusetts rose and moved that the congress should adopt as its own the army before boston and that it should name washington as commander-in-chief. adams had deeply pondered the problem. he was certain that new england would remain united and decided in the struggle, but he was not so sure of the other colonies. to have a leader from beyond new england would make for continental unity. virginia, next to massachusetts, had stood in the forefront of the movement, and virginia was fortunate in having in the congress one whose fame as a soldier ran through all the colonies. there was something to be said for choosing a commander from the colony which began the struggle and adams knew that his colleague from massachusetts, john hancock, a man of wealth and importance, desired the post. he was conspicuous enough to be president of the congress. adams says that when he made his motion, naming a virginian, he saw in hancock's face "mortification and resentment." he saw, too, that washington hurriedly left the room when his name was mentioned. there could be no doubt as to what the congress would do. unquestionably washington was the fittest man for the post. twenty years earlier he had seen important service in the war with france. his position and character commanded universal aspect. the congress adopted unanimously the motion of adams and it only remained to be seen whether washington would accept. on the next day he came to the sitting with his mind made up. the members, he said, would bear witness to his declaration that he thought himself unfit for the task. since, however, they called him, he would try to do his duty. he would take the command but he would accept no pay beyond his expenses. thus it was that washington became a great national figure. the man who had long worn the king's uniform was now his deadliest enemy; and it is probably true that after this step nothing could have restored the old relations and reunited the british empire. the broken vessel could not be made whole. washington spent only a few days in getting ready to take over his new command. on the st of june, four days after bunker hill, he set out from philadelphia. the colonies were in truth very remote from each other. the journey to boston was tedious. in the previous year john adams had traveled in the other direction to the congress at philadelphia and, in his journal, he notes, as if he were traveling in foreign lands, the strange manners and customs of the other colonies. the journey, so momentous to adams, was not new to washington. some twenty years earlier the young virginian officer had traveled as far as boston in the service of king george ii. now he was leader in the war against king george iii. in new jersey, new york, and connecticut he was received impressively. in the warm summer weather the roads were good enough but many of the rivers were not bridged and could be crossed only by ferries or at fords. it took nearly a fortnight to reach boston. washington had ridden only twenty miles on his long journey when the news reached him of the fight at bunker hill. the question which he asked anxiously shows what was in his mind: "did the militia fight?" when the answer was "yes," he said with relief, "the liberties of the country are safe." he reached cambridge on the d of july and on the following day was the chief figure in a striking ceremony. in the presence of a vast crowd and of the motley army of volunteers, which was now to be called the american army, washington assumed the command. he sat on horseback under an elm tree and an observer noted that his appearance was "truly noble and majestic." this was milder praise than that given a little later by a london paper which said: "there is not a king in europe but would look like a valet de chambre by his side." new england having seen him was henceforth wholly on his side. his traditions were not those of the puritans, of the ephraims and the abijahs of the volunteer army, men whose old testament names tell something of the rigor of the puritan view of life. washington, a sharer in the free and often careless hospitality of his native virginia, had a different outlook. in his personal discipline, however, he was not less puritan than the strictest of new englanders. the coming years were to show that a great leader had taken his fitting place. washington, born in , had been trained in self-reliance, for he had been fatherless from childhood. at the age of sixteen he was working at the profession, largely self-taught, of a surveyor of land. at the age of twenty-seven he married martha custis, a rich widow with children, though her marriage with washington was childless. his estate on the potomac river, three hundred miles from the open sea, recently named mount vernon, had been in the family for nearly a hundred years. there were twenty-five hundred acres at mount vernon with ten miles of frontage on the tidal river. the virginia planters were a landowning gentry; when washington died he had more than sixty thousand acres. the growing of tobacco, the one vital industry of the virginia of the time, with its half million people, was connected with the ownership of land. on their great estates the planters lived remote, with a mail perhaps every fortnight. there were no large towns, no great factories. nearly half of the population consisted of negro slaves. it is one of the ironies of history that the chief leader in a war marked by a passion for liberty was a member of a society in which, as another of its members, jefferson, the author of the declaration of independence, said, there was on the one hand the most insulting despotism and on the other the most degrading submission. the virginian landowners were more absolute masters than the proudest lords of medieval england. these feudal lords had serfs on their land. the serfs were attached to the soil and were sold to a new master with the soil. they were not, however, property, without human rights. on the other hand, the slaves of the virginian master were property like his horses. they could not even call wife and children their own, for these might be sold at will. it arouses a strange emotion now when we find washington offering to exchange a negro for hogsheads of molasses and rum and writing that the man would bring a good price, "if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale." in early life washington had had very little of formal education. he knew no language but english. when he became world famous and his friend la fayette urged him to visit france he refused because he would seem uncouth if unable to speak the french tongue. like another great soldier, the duke of wellington, he was always careful about his dress. there was in him a silent pride which would brook nothing derogatory to his dignity. no one could be more methodical. he kept his accounts rigorously, entering even the cost of repairing a hairpin for a ward. he was a keen farmer, and it is amusing to find him recording in his careful journal that there are , seeds of "new river grass" to the pound troy and so determining how many should be sown to the acre. not many youths would write out as did washington, apparently from french sources, and read and reread elaborate "rules of civility and decent behaviour in company and conversation." in the fashion of the age of chesterfield they portray the perfect gentleman. he is always to remember the presence of others and not to move, read, or speak without considering what may be due to them. in the true spirit of the time he is to learn to defer to persons of superior quality. tactless laughter at his own wit, jests that have a sting of idle gossip, are to be avoided. reproof is to be given not in anger but in a sweet and mild temper. the rules descend even to manners at table and are a revelation of care in self-discipline. we might imagine oliver cromwell drawing up such rules, but not napoleon or wellington. the class to which washington belonged prided itself on good birth and good breeding. we picture him as austere, but, like oliver cromwell, whom in some respects he resembles, he was very human in his personal relations. he liked a glass of wine. he was fond of dancing and he went to the theater, even on sunday. he was, too, something of a lady's man; "he can be downright impudent sometimes," wrote a southern lady, "such impudence, fanny, as you and i like." in old age he loved to have the young and gay about him. he could break into furious oaths and no one was a better master of what we may call honorable guile in dealing with wily savages, in circulating falsehoods that would deceive the enemy in time of war, or in pursuing a business advantage. he played cards for money and carefully entered loss and gain in his accounts. he loved horseracing and horses, and nothing pleased him more than to talk of that noble animal. he kept hounds and until his burden of cares became too great was an eager devotee of hunting. his shooting was of a type more heroic than that of an english squire spending a day on a moor with guests and gamekeepers and returning to comfort in the evening. washington went off on expeditions into the forest lasting many days and shared the life in the woods of rough men, sleeping often in the open air. "happy," he wrote, "is he who gets the berth nearest the fire." he could spend a happy day in admiring the trees and the richness of the land on a neighbor's estate. always his thoughts were turning to the soil. there was poetry in him. it was said of napoleon that the one approach to poetry in all his writings is the phrase: "the spring is at last appearing and the leaves are beginning to sprout." washington, on the other hand, brooded over the mysteries of life. he pictured to himself the serenity of a calm old age and always dared to look death squarely in the face. he was sensitive to human passion and he felt the wonder of nature in all her ways, her bounteous response in growth to the skill of man, the delight of improving the earth in contrast with the vain glory gained by ravaging it in war. his most striking characteristics were energy and decision united often with strong likes and dislikes. his clever secretary, alexander hamilton, found, as he said, that his chief was not remarkable for good temper and resigned his post because of an impatient rebuke. when a young man serving in the army of virginia, washington had many a tussle with the obstinate scottish governor, dinwiddie, who thought his vehemence unmannerly and ungrateful. gilbert stuart, who painted several of his portraits, said that his features showed strong passions and that, had he not learned self-restraint, his temper would have been savage. this discipline he acquired. the task was not easy, but in time he was able to say with truth, "i have no resentments," and his self-control became so perfect as to be almost uncanny. the assumption that washington fought against an england grown decadent is not justified. to admit this would be to make his task seem lighter than it really was. no doubt many of the rich aristocracy spent idle days of pleasure-seeking with the comfortable conviction that they could discharge their duties to society by merely existing, since their luxury made work and the more they indulged themselves the more happy and profitable employment would their many dependents enjoy. the eighteenth century was, however, a wonderful epoch in england. agriculture became a new thing under the leadership of great landowners like lord townshend and coke of norfolk. already was abroad in society a divine discontent at existing abuses. it brought warren hastings to trial on the charge of plundering india. it attacked slavery, the cruelty of the criminal law, which sent children to execution for the theft of a few pennies, the brutality of the prisons, the torpid indifference of the church to the needs of the masses. new inventions were beginning the age of machinery. the reform of parliament, votes for the toiling masses, and a thousand other improvements were being urged. it was a vigorous, rich, and arrogant england which washington confronted. it is sometimes said of washington that he was an english country gentleman. a gentleman he was, but with an experience and training quite unlike that of a gentleman in england. the young heir to an english estate might or might not go to a university. he could, like the young charles james fox, become a scholar, but like fox, who knew some of the virtues and all the supposed gentlemanly vices, he might dissipate his energies in hunting, gambling, and cockfighting. he would almost certainly make the grand tour of europe, and, if he had little latin and less greek, he was pretty certain to have some familiarity with paris and a smattering of french. the eighteenth century was a period of magnificent living in england. the great landowner, then, as now, the magnate of his neighborhood, was likely to rear, if he did not inherit, one of those vast palaces which are today burdens so costly to the heirs of their builders. at the beginning of the century the nation to honor marlborough for his victories could think of nothing better than to give him half a million pounds to build a palace. even with the colossal wealth produced by modern industry we should be staggered at a residence costing millions of dollars. yet the duke of devonshire rivaled at chatsworth, and lord leicester at holkham, marlborough's building at blenheim, and many other costly palaces were erected during the following half century. their owners sometimes built in order to surpass a neighbor in grandeur, and to this day great estates are encumbered by the debts thus incurred in vain show. the heir to such a property was reared in a pomp and luxury undreamed of by the frugal young planter of virginia. of working for a livelihood, in the sense in which washington knew it, the young englishman of great estate would never dream. the atlantic is a broad sea and even in our own day, when instant messages flash across it and man himself can fly from shore to shore in less than a score of hours, it is not easy for those on one strand to understand the thought of those on the other. every community evolves its own spirit not easily to be apprehended by the onlooker. the state of society in america was vitally different from that in england. the plain living of virginia was in sharp contrast with the magnificence and ease of england. it is true that we hear of plate and elaborate furniture, of servants in livery, and much drinking of port and madeira, among the virginians. they had good horses. driving, as often they did, with six in a carriage, they seemed to keep up regal style. spaces were wide in a country where one great landowner, lord fairfax, held no less than five million acres. houses lay isolated and remote and a gentleman dining out would sometimes drive his elaborate equipage from twenty to fifty miles. there was a tradition of lavish hospitality, of gallant men and fair women, and sometimes of hard and riotous living. many of the houses were, however, in a state of decay, with leaking roofs, battered doors and windows and shabby furniture. to own land in virginia did not mean to live in luxurious ease. land brought in truth no very large income. it was easier to break new land than to fertilize that long in use. an acre yielded only eight or ten bushels of wheat. in england the land was more fruitful. one who was only a tenant on the estate of coke of norfolk died worth £ , , and coke himself had the income of a prince. when washington died he was reputed one of the richest men in america and yet his estate was hardly equal to that of coke's tenant. washington was a good farmer, inventive and enterprising, but he had difficulties which ruined many of his neighbors. today much of his infertile estate of mount vernon would hardly grow enough to pay the taxes. when washington desired a gardener, or a bricklayer, or a carpenter, he usually had to buy him in the form of a convict, or of a negro slave, or of a white man indentured for a term of years. such labor required eternal vigilance. the negro, himself property, had no respect for it in others. he stole when he could and worked only when the eyes of a master were upon him. if left in charge of plants or of stock he was likely to let them perish for lack of water. washington's losses of cattle, horses, and sheep from this cause were enormous. the neglected cattle gave so little milk that at one time washington, with a hundred cows, had to buy his butter. negroes feigned sickness for weeks at a time. a visitor noted that washington spoke to his slaves with a stern harshness. no doubt it was necessary. the management of this intractable material brought training in command. if washington could make negroes efficient and farming pay in virginia, he need hardly be afraid to meet any other type of difficulty. from the first he was satisfied that the colonies had before them a difficult struggle. many still refused to believe that there was really a state of war. lexington and bunker hill might be regarded as unfortunate accidents to be explained away in an era of good feeling when each side should acknowledge the merits of the other and apologize for its own faults. washington had few illusions of this kind. he took the issue in a serious and even bitter spirit. he knew nothing of the englishman at home for he had never set foot outside of the colonies except to visit barbados with an invalid half-brother. even then he noted that the "gentleman inhabitants" whose "hospitality and genteel behaviour" he admired were discontented with the tone of the officials sent out from england. from early life washington had seen much of british officers in america. some of them had been men of high birth and station who treated the young colonial officer with due courtesy. when, however, he had served on the staff of the unfortunate general braddock in the calamitous campaign of , he had been offended by the tone of that leader. probably it was in these days that washington first brooded over the contrasts between the englishman and the virginian. with obstinate complacency braddock had disregarded washington's counsels of prudence. he showed arrogant confidence in his veteran troops and contempt for the amateur soldiers of whom washington was one. in a wild country where rapid movement was the condition of success braddock would halt, as washington said, "to level every mole hill and to erect bridges over every brook." his transport was poor and washington, a lover of horses, chafed at what he called "vile management" of the horses by the british soldier. when anything went wrong braddock blamed, not the ineffective work of his own men, but the supineness of virginia. "he looks upon the country," washington wrote in wrath, "i believe, as void of honour and honesty." the hour of trial came in the fight of july, , when braddock was defeated and killed on the march to the ohio. washington told his mother that in the fight the virginian troops stood their ground and were nearly all killed but the boasted regulars "were struck with such a panic that they behaved with more cowardice than it is possible to conceive." in the anger and resentment of this comment is found the spirit which made washington a champion of the colonial cause from the first hour of disagreement. that was a fatal day in march, , when the british parliament voted that it was just and necessary that a revenue be raised in america. washington was uncompromising. after the tax on tea he derided "our lordly masters in great britain." no man, he said, should scruple for a moment to take up arms against the threatened tyranny. he and his neighbors of fairfax county, virginia, took the trouble to tell the world by formal resolution on july , , that they were descended not from a conquered but from a conquering people, that they claimed full equality with the people of great britain, and like them would make their own laws and impose their own taxes. they were not democrats; they had no theories of equality; but as "gentlemen and men of fortune" they would show to others the right path in the crisis which had arisen. in this resolution spoke the proud spirit of washington; and, as he brooded over what was happening, anger fortified his pride. of the tories in boston, some of them highly educated men, who with sorrow were walking in what was to them the hard path of duty, washington could say later that "there never existed a more miserable set of beings than these wretched creatures." the age of washington was one of bitter vehemence in political thought. in england the good whig was taught that to deny whig doctrine was blasphemy, that there was no truth or honesty on the other side, and that no one should trust a tory; and usually the good whig was true to the teaching he had received. in america there had hitherto been no national politics. issues had been local and passions thus confined exploded all the more fiercely. franklin spoke of george iii as drinking long draughts of american blood and of the british people as so depraved and barbarous as to be the wickedest nation upon earth, inspired by bloody and insatiable malice and wickedness. to washington george iii was a tyrant, his ministers were scoundrels, and the british people were lost to every sense of virtue. the evil of it is that, for a posterity which listened to no other comment on the issues of the revolution, such utterances, instead of being understood as passing expressions of party bitterness, were taken as the calm judgments of men held in reverence and awe. posterity has agreed that there is nothing to be said for the coercing of the colonies so resolutely pressed by george iii and his ministers. posterity can also, however, understand that the struggle was not between undiluted virtue on the one side and undiluted vice on the other. some eighty years after the american revolution the republic created by the revolution endured the horrors of civil war rather than accept its own disruption. in even the most liberal englishmen felt a similar passion for the continued unity of the british empire. time has reconciled all schools of thought to the unity lost in the case of the empire and to the unity preserved in the case of the republic, but on the losing side in each case good men fought with deep conviction. chapter ii. boston and quebec washington was not a professional soldier, though he had seen the realities of war and had moved in military society. perhaps it was an advantage that he had not received the rigid training of a regular, for he faced conditions which required an elastic mind. the force besieging boston consisted at first chiefly of new england militia, with companies of minute-men, so called because of their supposed readiness to fight at a minute's notice. washington had been told that he should find , men under his command; he found, in fact, a nominal army of , , with probably not more than , effective, and the number tended to decline as the men went away to their homes after the first vivid interest gave way to the humdrum of military life. the extensive camp before boston, as washington now saw it, expressed the varied character of his strange command. cambridge, the seat of harvard college, was still only a village with a few large houses and park-like grounds set among fields of grain, now trodden down by the soldiers. here was placed in haphazard style the motley housing of a military camp. the occupants had followed their own taste in building. one could see structures covered with turf, looking like lumps of mother earth, tents made of sail cloth, huts of bare boards, huts of brick and stone, some having doors and windows of wattled basketwork. there were not enough huts to house the army nor camp-kettles for cooking. blankets were so few that many of the men were without covering at night. in the warm summer weather this did not much matter but bleak autumn and harsh winter would bring bitter privation. the sick in particular suffered severely, for the hospitals were badly equipped. a deep conviction inspired many of the volunteers. they regarded as brutal tyranny the tax on tea, considered in england as a mild expedient for raising needed revenue for defense in the colonies. the men of suffolk county, massachusetts, meeting in september, , had declared in high-flown terms that the proposed tax came from a parricide who held a dagger at their bosoms and that those who resisted him would earn praises to eternity. from nearly every colony came similar utterances, and flaming resentment at injustice filled the volunteer army. many a soldier would not touch a cup of tea because tea had been the ruin of his country. some wore pinned to their hats or coats the words "liberty or death" and talked of resisting tyranny until "time shall be no more." it was a dark day for the motherland when so many of her sons believed that she was the enemy of liberty. the iron of this conviction entered into the soul of the american nation; at gettysburg, nearly a century later, abraham lincoln, in a noble utterance which touched the heart of humanity, could appeal to the days of the revolution, when "our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty." the colonists believed that they were fighting for something of import to all mankind, and the nation which they created believes it still. an age of war furnishes, however, occasion for the exercise of baser impulses. the new englander was a trader by instinct. an army had come suddenly together and there was golden promise of contracts for supplies at fat profits. the leader from virginia, untutored in such things, was astounded at the greedy scramble. before the year ended washington wrote to his friend lee that he prayed god he might never again have to witness such lack of public spirit, such jobbing and self-seeking, such "fertility in all the low arts," as now he found at cambridge. he declared that if he could have foreseen all this nothing would have induced him to take the command. later, the young la fayette, who had left behind him in france wealth and luxury in order to fight a hard fight in america, was shocked at the slackness and indifference among the supposed patriots for whose cause he was making sacrifices so heavy. in the backward parts of the colonies the population was densely ignorant and had little grasp of the deeper meaning of the patriot cause. the army was, as washington himself said, "a mixed multitude." there was every variety of dress. old uniforms, treasured from the days of the last french wars, had been dug out. a military coat or a cocked hat was the only semblance of uniform possessed by some of the officers. rank was often indicated by ribbons of different colors tied on the arm. lads from the farms had come in their usual dress; a good many of these were hunters from the frontier wearing the buckskin of the deer they had slain. sometimes there was clothing of grimmer material. later in the war in american officer recorded that his men had skinned two dead indians "from their hips down, for bootlegs, one pair for the major, the other for myself." the volunteers varied greatly in age. there were bearded veterans of sixty and a sprinkling of lads of sixteen. an observer laughed at the boys and the "great great grandfathers" who marched side by side in the army before boston. occasionally a black face was seen in the ranks. one of washington's tasks was to reduce the disparity of years and especially to secure men who could shoot. in the first enthusiasm of so many men volunteered in virginia that a selection was made on the basis of accuracy in shooting. the men fired at a range of one hundred and fifty yards at an outline of a man's nose in chalk on a board. each man had a single shot and the first men shot the nose entirely away. undoubtedly there was the finest material among the men lounging about their quarters at cambridge in fashion so unmilitary. in physique they were larger than the british soldier, a result due to abundant food and free life in the open air from childhood. most of the men supplied their own uniform and rifles and much barter went on in the hours after drill. the men made and sold shoes, clothes, and even arms. they were accustomed to farm life and good at digging and throwing up entrenchments. the colonial mode of waging war was, however, not that of europe. to the regular soldier of the time even earth entrenchments seemed a sign of cowardice. the brave man would come out on the open to face his foe. earl percy, who rescued the harassed british on the day of lexington, had the poorest possible opinion of those on what he called the rebel side. to him they were intriguing rascals, hypocrites, cowards, with sinister designs to ruin the empire. but he was forced to admit that they fought well and faced death willingly. in time washington gathered about him a fine body of officers, brave, steady, and efficient. on the great issue they, like himself, had unchanging conviction, and they and he saved the revolution. but a good many of his difficulties were due to bad officers. he had himself the reverence for gentility, the belief in an ordered grading of society, characteristic of his class in that age. in virginia the relation of master and servant was well understood and the tone of authority was readily accepted. in new england conceptions of equality were more advanced. the extent to which the people would brook the despotism of military command was uncertain. from the first some of the volunteers had elected their officers. the result was that intriguing demagogues were sometimes chosen. the massachusetts troops, wrote a connecticut captain, not free, perhaps, from local jealousy, were "commanded by a most despicable set of officers." at bunker hill officers of this type shirked the fight and their men, left without leaders, joined in the panicky retreat of that day. other officers sent away soldiers to work on their farms while at the same time they drew for them public pay. at a later time washington wrote to a friend wise counsel about the choice of officers. "take none but gentlemen; let no local attachment influence you; do not suffer your good nature to say yes when you ought to say no. remember that it is a public, not a private cause." what he desired was the gentleman's chivalry of refinement, sense of honor, dignity of character, and freedom from mere self-seeking. the prime qualities of a good officer, as he often said, were authority and decision. it is probably true of democracies that they prefer and will follow the man who will take with them a strong tone. little men, however, cannot see this and think to gain support by shifty changes of opinion to please the multitude. what authority and decision could be expected from an officer of the peasant type, elected by his own men? how could he dominate men whose short term of service was expiring and who had to be coaxed to renew it? some elected officers had to promise to pool their pay with that of their men. in one company an officer fulfilled the double position of captain and barber. in time, however, the authority of military rank came to be respected throughout the whole army. an amusing contrast with earlier conditions is found in when a captain was tried by a brigade court-martial and dismissed from the service for intimate association with the wagon-maker of the brigade. the first thing to do at cambridge was to get rid of the inefficient and the corrupt. washington had never any belief in a militia army. from his earliest days as a soldier he had favored conscription, even in free virginia. he had then found quite ineffective the "whooping, holloing gentlemen soldiers" of the volunteer force of the colony among whom "every individual has his own crude notion of things and must undertake to direct. if his advice is neglected he thinks himself slighted, abused, and injured and, to redress his wrongs, will depart for his home." washington found at cambridge too many officers. then as later in the american army there were swarms of colonels. the officers from massachusetts, conscious that they had seen the first fighting in the great cause, expected special consideration from a stranger serving on their own soil. soon they had a rude awakening. washington broke a massachusetts colonel and two captains because they had proved cowards at bunker hill, two more captains for fraud in drawing pay and provisions for men who did not exist, and still another for absence from his post when he was needed. he put in jail a colonel, a major, and three or four other officers. "new lords, new laws," wrote in his diary mr. emerson, the chaplain: "the generals washington and lee are upon the lines every dayâ�¦ great distinction is made between officers and soldiers." the term of all the volunteers in washington's army expired by the end of , so that he had to create a new army during the siege of boston. he spoke scornfully of an enemy so little enterprising as to remain supine during the process. but probably the british were wise to avoid a venture inland and to remain in touch with their fleet. washington made them uneasy when he drove away the cattle from the neighborhood. soon beef was selling in boston for as much as eighteen pence a pound. food might reach boston in ships but supplies even by sea were insecure, for the americans soon had privateers manned by seamen familiar with new england waters and happy in expected gains from prize money. the british were anxious about the elementary problem of food. they might have made washington more uncomfortable by forays and alarms. only reluctantly, however, did howe, who took over the command on october , , admit to himself that this was a real war. he still hoped for settlement without further bloodshed. washington was glad to learn that the british were laying in supplies of coal for the winter. it meant that they intended to stay in boston, where, more than in any other place, he could make trouble for them. washington had more on his mind than the creation of an army and the siege of boston. he had also to decide the strategy of the war. on the long american sea front boston alone remained in british hands. new york, philadelphia, charleston and other ports farther south were all, for the time, on the side of the revolution. boston was not a good naval base for the british, since it commanded no great waterway leading inland. the sprawling colonies, from the rock-bound coast of new england to the swamps and forests of georgia, were strong in their incoherent vastness. there were a thousand miles of seacoast. only rarely were considerable settlements to be found more than a hundred miles distant from salt water. an army marching to the interior would have increasing difficulties from transport and supplies. wherever water routes could be used the naval power of the british gave them an advantage. one such route was the hudson, less a river than a navigable arm of the sea, leading to the heart of the colony of new york, its upper waters almost touching lake george and lake champlain, which in turn led to the st. lawrence in canada and thence to the sea. canada was held by the british; and it was clear that, if they should take the city of new york, they might command the whole line from the mouth of the hudson to the st. lawrence, and so cut off new england from the other colonies and overcome a divided enemy. to foil this policy washington planned to hold new york and to capture canada. with canada in line the union of the colonies would be indeed continental, and, if the british were driven from boston, they would have no secure foothold in north america. the danger from canada had always been a source of anxiety to the english colonies. the french had made canada a base for attempts to drive the english from north america. during many decades war had raged along the canadian frontier. with the cession of canada to britain in this danger had vanished. the old habit endured, however, of fear of canada. when, in , the british parliament passed the bill for the government of canada known as the quebec act, there was violent clamor. the measure was assumed to be a calculated threat against colonial liberty. the quebec act continued in canada the french civil law and the ancient privileges of the roman catholic church. it guaranteed order in the wild western region north of the ohio, taken recently from france, by placing it under the authority long exercised there of the governor of quebec. only a vivid imagination would conceive that to allow to the french in canada their old loved customs and laws involved designs against the freedom under english law in the other colonies, or that to let the canadians retain in respect to religion what they had always possessed meant a sinister plot against the protestantism of the english colonies. yet alexander hamilton, perhaps the greatest mind in the american revolution, had frantic suspicions. french laws in canada involved, he said, the extension of french despotism in the english colonies. the privileges continued to the roman catholic church in canada would be followed in due course by the inquisition, the burning of heretics at the stake in boston and new york, and the bringing from europe of roman catholic settlers who would prove tools for the destruction of religious liberty. military rule at quebec meant, sooner or later, despotism everywhere in america. we may smile now at the youthful hamilton's picture of "dark designs" and "deceitful wiles" on the part of that fierce protestant george iii to establish roman catholic despotism, but the colonies regarded the danger as serious. the quick remedy would be simply to take canada, as washington now planned. to this end something had been done before washington assumed the command. the british fort ticonderoga, on the neck of land separating lake champlain from lake george, commanded the route from new york to canada. the fight at lexington in april had been quickly followed by aggressive action against this british stronghold. no news of lexington had reached the fort when early in may colonel ethan allen, with benedict arnold serving as a volunteer in his force of eighty-three men, arrived in friendly guise. the fort was held by only forty-eight british; with the menace from france at last ended they felt secure; discipline was slack, for there was nothing to do. the incompetent commander testified that he lent allen twenty men for some rough work on the lake. by evening allen had them all drunk and then it was easy, without firing a shot, to capture the fort with a rush. the door to canada was open. great stores of ammunition and a hundred and twenty guns, which in due course were used against the british at boston, fell into american hands. about canada washington was ill-informed. he thought of the canadians as if they were virginians or new yorkers. they had been recently conquered by britain; their new king was a tyrant; they would desire liberty and would welcome an american army. so reasoned washington, but without knowledge. the canadians were a conquered people, but they had found the british king no tyrant and they had experienced the paradox of being freer under the conqueror than they had been under their own sovereign. the last days of french rule in canada were disgraced by corruption and tyranny almost unbelievable. the canadian peasant had been cruelly robbed and he had conceived for his french rulers a dislike which appears still in his attitude towards the motherland of france. for his new british master he had assuredly no love, but he was no longer dragged off to war and his property was not plundered. he was free, too, to speak his mind. during the first twenty years after the british conquest of canada the canadian french matured indeed an assertive liberty not even dreamed of during the previous century and a half of french rule. the british tyranny which washington pictured in canada was thus not very real. he underestimated, too, the antagonism between the roman catholics of canada and the protestants of the english colonies. the congress at philadelphia in denouncing the quebec act had accused the catholic church of bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion. this was no very tactful appeal for sympathy to the sons of that france which was still the eldest daughter of the church and it was hardly helped by a maladroit turn suggesting that "low-minded infirmities" should not permit such differences to block union in the sacred cause of liberty. washington believed that two battalions of canadians might be recruited to fight the british, and that the french acadians of nova scotia, a people so remote that most of them hardly knew what the war was about, were tingling with sympathy for the american cause. in truth the canadian was not prepared to fight on either side. what the priest and the landowner could do to make him fight for britain was done, but, for all that, sir guy carleton, the governor of canada, found recruiting impossible. washington believed that the war would be won by the side which held canada. he saw that from canada would be determined the attitude of the savages dwelling in the wild spaces of the interior; he saw, too, that quebec as a military base in british hands would be a source of grave danger. the easy capture of fort ticonderoga led him to underrate difficulties. if ticonderoga why not quebec? nova scotia might be occupied later, the acadians helping. thus it happened that, soon after taking over the command, washington was busy with a plan for the conquest of canada. two forces were to advance into that country; one by way of lake champlain under general schuyler and the other through the forests of maine under benedict arnold. schuyler was obliged through illness to give up his command, and it was an odd fortune of war that put general richard montgomery at the head of the expedition going by way of lake champlain. montgomery had served with wolfe at the taking of louisbourg and had been an officer in the proud british army which had received the surrender of canada in . not without searching of heart had montgomery turned against his former sovereign. he was living in america when war broke out; he had married into an american family of position; and he had come to the view that vital liberty was challenged by the king. now he did his work well, in spite of very bad material in his army. his new englanders were, he said, "every man a general and not one of them a soldier." they feigned sickness, though, as far as he had learned, there was "not a man dead of any distemper." no better were the men from new york, "the sweepings of the streets" with morals "infamous." of the officers, too, montgomery had a poor opinion. like washington he declared that it was necessary to get gentlemen, men of education and integrity, as officers, or disaster would follow. nevertheless st. johns, a british post on the richelieu, about thirty miles across country from montreal, fell to montgomery on the d of november, after a siege of six weeks; and british regulars under major preston, a brave and competent officer, yielded to a crude volunteer army with whole regiments lacking uniforms. montreal could make no defense. on the th of november montgomery entered montreal and was in control of the st. lawrence almost to the cliffs of quebec. canada seemed indeed an easy conquest. the adventurous benedict arnold went on an expedition more hazardous. he had persuaded washington of the impossible, that he could advance through the wilderness from the seacoast of maine and take quebec by surprise. news travels even by forest pathways. arnold made a wonderful effort. chill autumn was upon him when, on the th of september, with about a thousand picked men, he began to advance up the kennebec river and over the height of land to the upper waters of the chaudière, which discharges into the st. lawrence opposite quebec. there were heavy rains. sometimes the men had to wade breast high in dragging heavy and leaking boats over the difficult places. a good many men died of starvation. others deserted and turned back. the indomitable arnold pressed on, however, and on the th of november, a few days before montgomery occupied montreal, he stood with some six hundred worn and shivering men on the strand of the st. lawrence opposite quebec. he had not surprised the city and it looked grim and inaccessible as he surveyed it across the great river. in the autumn gales it was not easy to carry over his little army in small boats. but this he accomplished and then waited for montgomery to join him. by the d of december montgomery was with arnold before quebec. they had hardly more than a thousand effective troops, together with a few hundred canadians, upon whom no reliance could be placed. carleton, commanding at quebec, sat tight and would hold no communication with despised "rebels." "they all pretend to be gentlemen," said an astonished british officer in quebec, when he heard that among the american officers now captured by the british there were a former blacksmith, a butcher, a shoemaker, and an innkeeper. montgomery was stung to violent threats by carleton's contempt, but never could he draw from carleton a reply. at last montgomery tried, in the dark of early morning of new year's day, , to carry quebec by storm. he was to lead an attack on the lower town from the west side, while arnold was to enter from the opposite side. when they met in the center they were to storm the citadel on the heights above. they counted on the help of the french inhabitants, from whom carleton said bitterly enough that he had nothing to fear in prosperity and nothing to hope for in adversity. arnold pressed his part of the attack with vigor and penetrated to the streets of the lower town where he fell wounded. captain daniel morgan, who took over the command, was made prisoner. montgomery's fate was more tragic. in spite of protests from his officers, he led in person the attack from the west side of the fortress. the advance was along a narrow road under the towering cliffs of a great precipice. the attack was expected by the british and the guard at the barrier was ordered to hold its fire until the enemy was near. suddenly there was a roar of cannon and the assailants not swept down fled in panic. with the morning light the dead head of montgomery was found protruding from the snow. he was mourned by washington and with reason. he had talents and character which might have made him one of the chief leaders of the revolutionary army. elsewhere, too, was he mourned. his father, an irish landowner, had been a member of the british parliament, and he himself was a whig, known to fox and burke. when news of his death reached england eulogies upon him came from the whig benches in parliament which could not have been stronger had he died fighting for the king. while the outlook in canada grew steadily darker, the american cause prospered before boston. there howe was not at ease. if it was really to be war, which he still doubted, it would be well to seek some other base. washington helped howe to take action. dorchester heights commanded boston as critically from the south as did bunker hill from the north. by the end of february washington had british cannon, brought with heavy labor from ticonderoga, and then he lost no time. on the morning of march , , howe awoke to find that, under cover of a heavy bombardment, american troops had occupied dorchester heights and that if he would dislodge them he must make another attack similar to that at bunker hill. the alternative of stiff fighting was the evacuation of boston. howe, though dilatory, was a good fighting soldier. his defects as a general in america sprang in part from his belief that the war was unjust and that delay might bring counsels making for peace and save bloodshed. his first decision was to attack, but a furious gale thwarted his purpose, and he then prepared for the inevitable step. washington divined howe's purpose and there was a tacit agreement that the retiring army should not be molested. howe destroyed munitions of war which he could not take away but he left intact the powerful defenses of boston, defenses reared at the cost of britain. many of the better class of the inhabitants, british in their sympathies, were now face to face with bitter sorrow and sacrifice. passions were so aroused that a hard fate awaited them should they remain in boston and they decided to leave with the british army. travel by land was blocked; they could go only by sea. when the time came to depart, laden carriages, trucks, and wheelbarrows crowded to the quays through the narrow streets and a sad procession of exiles went out from their homes. a profane critic said that they moved "as if the very devil was after them." no doubt many of them would have been arrogant and merciless to "rebels" had theirs been the triumph. but the day was above all a day of sorrow. edward winslow, a strong leader among them, tells of his tears "at leaving our once happy town of boston." the ships, a forest of masts, set sail and, crowded with soldiers and refugees, headed straight out to sea for halifax. abigail, wife of john adams, a clever woman, watched the departure of the fleet with gladness in her heart. she thought that never before had been seen in america so many ships bearing so many people. washington's army marched joyously into boston. joyous it might well be since, for the moment, powerful britain was not secure in a single foot of territory in the former colonies. if quebec should fall the continent would be almost conquered. quebec did not fall. all through the winter the americans held on before the place. they shivered from cold. they suffered from the dread disease of smallpox. they had difficulty in getting food. the canadians were insistent on having good money for what they offered and since good money was not always in the treasury the invading army sometimes used violence. then the canadians became more reserved and chilling than ever. in hope of mending matters congress sent a commission to montreal in the spring of . its chairman was benjamin franklin and, with him, were two leading roman catholics, charles carroll of carrollton, a great landowner of maryland, and his brother john, a priest, afterwards archbishop of baltimore. it was not easy to represent as the liberator of the catholic canadians the congress which had denounced in scathing terms the concessions in the quebec act to the catholic church. franklin was a master of conciliation, but before he achieved anything a dramatic event happened. on the th of may, british ships arrived at quebec. the inhabitants rushed to the ramparts. cries of joy passed from street to street and they reached the little american army, now under general thomas, encamped on the plains of abraham. panic seized the small force which had held on so long. on the ships were ten thousand fresh british troops. the one thing for the americans to do was to get away; and they fled, leaving behind guns, supplies, even clothing and private papers. five days later franklin, at montreal, was dismayed by the distressing news of disaster. congress sent six regiments to reinforce the army which had fled from quebec. it was a desperate venture. washington's orders were that the americans should fight the new british army as near quebec as possible. the decisive struggle took place on the th of june. an american force under the command of general thompson attacked three rivers, a town on the st. lawrence, half way between quebec and montreal. they were repulsed and the general was taken prisoner. the wonder is indeed that the army was not annihilated. then followed a disastrous retreat. short of supplies, ravaged by smallpox, and in bad weather, the invaders tried to make their way back to lake champlain. they evacuated montreal. it is hard enough in the day of success to hold together an untrained army. in the day of defeat such a force is apt to become a mere rabble. some of the american regiments preserved discipline. others fell into complete disorder as, weak and discouraged, they retired to lake champlain. many soldiers perished of disease. "i did not look into a hut or a tent," says an observer, "in which i did not find a dead or dying man." those who had huts were fortunate. the fate of some was to die without medical care and without cover. by the end of june what was left of the force had reached crown point on lake champlain. benedict arnold, who had been wounded at quebec, was now at crown point. competent critics of the war have held that what arnold now did saved the revolution. in another scene, before the summer ended, the british had taken new york and made themselves masters of the lower hudson. had they reached in the same season the upper hudson by way of lake champlain they would have struck blows doubly staggering. this arnold saw, and his object was to delay, if he could not defeat, the british advance. there was no road through the dense forest by the shores of lake champlain and lake george to the upper hudson. the british must go down the lake in boats. this general carleton had foreseen and he had urged that with the fleet sent to quebec should be sent from england, in sections, boats which could be quickly carried past the rapids of the richelieu river and launched on lake champlain. they had not come and the only thing for carleton to do was to build a flotilla which could carry an army up the lake and attack crown point. the thing was done but skilled workmen were few and not until the th of october were the little ships afloat on lake champlain. arnold, too, spent the summer in building boats to meet the attack and it was a strange turn in warfare which now made him commander in a naval fight. there was a brisk struggle on lake champlain. carleton had a score or so of vessels; arnold not so many. but he delayed carleton. when he was beaten on the water he burned the ships not captured and took to the land. when he could no longer hold crown point he burned that place and retreated to ticonderoga. by this time it was late autumn. the british were far from their base and the americans were retreating into a friendly country. there is little doubt that carleton could have taken fort ticonderoga. it fell quite easily less than a year later. some of his officers urged him to press on and do it. but the leaves had already fallen, the bleak winter was near, and carleton pictured to himself an army buried deeply in an enemy country and separated from its base by many scores of miles of lake and forest. he withdrew to canada and left lake champlain to the americans. chapter iii. independence well-meaning people in england found it difficult to understand the intensity of feeling in america. britain had piled up a huge debt in driving france from america. landowners were paying in taxes no less than twenty per cent of their incomes from land. the people who had chiefly benefited by the humiliation of france were the colonists, now freed from hostile menace and secure for extension over a whole continent. why should not they pay some share of the cost of their own security? certain facts tended to make englishmen indignant with the americans. every effort had failed to get them to pay willingly for their defense. before the stamp act had become law in the colonies were given a whole year to devise the raising of money in any way which they liked better. the burden of what was asked would be light. why should not they agree to bear it? why this talk, repeated by the whigs in the british parliament, of brutal tyranny, oppression, hired minions imposing slavery, and so on. where were the oppressed? could any one point to a single person who before war broke out had known british tyranny? what suffering could any one point to as the result of the tax on tea? the people of england paid a tax on tea four times heavier than that paid in america. was not the british parliament supreme over the whole empire? did not the colonies themselves admit that it had the right to control their trade overseas? and if men shirk their duty should they not come under some law of compulsion? it was thus that many a plain man reasoned in england. the plain man in america had his own opposing point of view. debts and taxes in england were not his concern. he remembered the recent war as vividly as did the englishman, and, if the english paid its cost in gold, he had paid his share in blood and tears. who made up the armies led by the british generals in america? more than half the total number who served in america came from the colonies, the colonies which had barely a third of the population of great britain. true, britain paid the bill in money but why not? she was rich with a vast accumulated capital. the war, partly in america, had given her the key to the wealth of india. look at the magnificence, the pomp of servants, plate and pictures, the parks and gardens, of hundreds of english country houses, and compare this opulence with the simple mode of life, simplicity imposed by necessity, of a country gentleman like george washington of virginia, reputed to be the richest man in america. thousands of tenants in england, owning no acre of land, were making a larger income than was possible in america to any owner of broad acres. it was true that america had gained from the late war. the foreign enemy had been struck down. but had he not been struck down too for england? had there not been far more dread in england of invasion by france and had not the colonies by helping to ruin france freed england as much as england had freed them? if now the colonies were asked to pay a share of the bill for the british army that was a matter for discussion. they had never before done it and they must not be told that they had to meet the demand within a year or be compelled to pay. was it not to impose tyranny and slavery to tell a people that their property would be taken by force if they did not choose to give it? what free man would not rather die than yield on such a point? the familiar workings of modern democracy have taught us that a great political issue must be discussed in broad terms of high praise or severe blame. the contestants will exaggerate both the virtue of the side they espouse and the malignity of the opposing side; nice discrimination is not possible. it was inevitable that the dispute with the colonies should arouse angry vehemence on both sides. the passionate speech of patrick henry in virginia, in , which made him famous, and was the forerunner of his later appeal, "give me liberty or give me death," related to so prosaic a question as the right of disallowance by england of an act passed by a colonial legislature, a right exercised long and often before that time and to this day a part of the constitutional machinery of the british empire. few men have lived more serenely poised than washington, yet, as we have seen, he hated the british with an implacable hatred. he was a humane man. in earlier years, indian raids on the farmers of virginia had stirred him to "deadly sorrow," and later, during his retreat from new york, he was moved by the cries of the weak and infirm. yet the same man felt no touch of pity for the loyalists of the revolution. to him they were detestable parricides, vile traitors, with no right to live. when we find this note in washington, in america, we hardly wonder that the high tory, samuel johnson, in england, should write that the proposed taxation was no tyranny, that it had not been imposed earlier because "we do not put a calf into the plough; we wait till he is an ox," and that the americans were "a race of convicts, and ought to be thankful for anything which we allow them short of hanging." tyranny and treason are both ugly things. washington believed that he was fighting the one, johnson that he was fighting the other, and neither side would admit the charge against itself. such are the passions aroused by civil strife. we need not now, when they are, or ought to be, dead, spend any time in deploring them. it suffices to explain them and the events to which they led. there was one and really only one final issue. were the american colonies free to govern themselves as they liked or might their government in the last analysis be regulated by great britain? the truth is that the colonies had reached a condition in which they regarded themselves as british states with their own parliaments, exercising complete jurisdiction in their own affairs. they intended to use their own judgment and they were as restless under attempted control from england as england would have been under control from america. we can indeed always understand the point of view of washington if we reverse the position and imagine what an englishman would have thought of a claim by america to tax him. an ancient and proud society is reluctant to change. after a long and successful war england was prosperous. to her now came riches from india and the ends of the earth. in society there was such lavish expenditure that horace walpole declared an income of twenty thousand pounds a year was barely enough. england had an aristocracy the proudest in the world, for it had not only rank but wealth. the english people were certain of the invincible superiority of their nation. every englishman was taught, as disraeli said of a later period, to believe that he occupied a position better than any one else of his own degree in any other country in the world. the merchant in england was believed to surpass all others in wealth and integrity, the manufacturer to have no rivals in skill, the british sailor to stand in a class by himself, the british officer to express the last word in chivalry. it followed, of course, that the motherland was superior to her children overseas. the colonies had no aristocracy, no great landowners living in stately palaces. they had almost no manufactures. they had no imposing state system with places and pensions from which the fortunate might reap a harvest of ten or even twenty thousand pounds a year. they had no ancient universities thronged by gilded youth who, if noble, might secure degrees without the trying ceremony of an examination. they had no established church with the ancient glories of its cathedrals. in all america there was not even a bishop. in spite of these contrasts the english whigs insisted upon the political equality with themselves of the american colonists. the tory squire, however, shared samuel johnson's view that colonists were either traders or farmers and that colonial shopkeeping society was vulgar and contemptible. george iii was ill-fitted by nature to deal with the crisis. the king was not wholly without natural parts, for his own firm will had achieved what earlier kings had tried and failed to do; he had mastered parliament, made it his obedient tool and himself for a time a despot. he had some admirable virtues. he was a family man, the father of fifteen children. he liked quiet amusements and had wholesome tastes. if industry and belief in his own aims could of themselves make a man great we might reverence george. he wrote once to lord north: "i have no object but to be of use: if that is ensured i am completely happy." the king was always busy. ceaseless industry does not, however, include every virtue, or the author of all evil would rank high in goodness. wisdom must be the pilot of good intentions. george was not wise. he was ill-educated. he had never traveled. he had no power to see the point of view of others. as if nature had not sufficiently handicapped george for a high part, fate placed him on the throne at the immature age of twenty-two. henceforth the boy was master, not pupil. great nobles and obsequious prelates did him reverence. ignorant and obstinate, the young king was determined not only to reign but to rule, in spite of the new doctrine that parliament, not the king, carried on the affairs of government through the leader of the majority in the house of commons, already known as the prime minister. george could not really change what was the last expression of political forces in england. the rule of parliament had come to stay. through it and it alone could the realm be governed. this power, however, though it could not be destroyed, might be controlled. parliament, while retaining all its privileges, might yet carry out the wishes of the sovereign. the king might be his own prime minister. the thing could be done if the king's friends held a majority of the seats and would do what their master directed. it was a dark day for england when a king found that he could play off one faction against another, buy a majority in parliament, and retain it either by paying with guineas or with posts and dignities which the bought parliament left in his gift. this corruption it was which ruined the first british empire. we need not doubt that george thought it his right and also his duty to coerce america, or rather, as he said, the clamorous minority which was trying to force rebellion. he showed no lack of sincerity. on october , , while washington was besieging boston, he opened parliament with a speech which at any rate made the issue clear enough. britain would not give up colonies which she had founded with severe toil and nursed with great kindness. her army and her navy, both now increased in size, would make her power respected. she would not, however, deal harshly with her erring children. royal mercy would be shown to those who admitted their error and they need not come to england to secure it. persons in america would be authorized to grant pardons and furnish the guarantees which would proceed from the royal clemency. such was the magnanimity of george iii. washington's rage at the tone of the speech is almost amusing in its vehemence. he, with a mind conscious of rectitude and sacrifice in a great cause, to ask pardon for his course! he to bend the knee to this tyrant overseas! washington himself was not highly gifted with imagination. he never realized the strength of the forces in england arrayed on his own side and attributed to the english, as a whole, sinister and malignant designs always condemned by the great mass of the english people. they, no less than the americans, were the victims of a turn in politics which, for a brief period, and for only a brief period, left power in the hands of a corrupt parliament and a corrupting king. ministers were not all corrupt or place-hunters. one of them, the earl of dartmouth, was a saint in spirit. lord north, the king's chief minister, was not corrupt. he disliked his office and wished to leave it. in truth no sweeping simplicity of condemnation will include all the ministers of george iii except on this one point that they allowed to dictate their policy a narrow-minded and ignorant king. it was their right to furnish a policy and to exercise the powers of government, appoint to office, spend the public revenues. instead they let the king say that the opinions of his ministers had no avail with him. if we ask why, the answer is that there was a mixture of motives. north stayed in office because the king appealed to his loyalty, a plea hard to resist under an ancient monarchy. others stayed from love of power or for what they could get. in that golden age of patronage it was possible for a man to hold a plurality of offices which would bring to himself many thousands of pounds a year, and also to secure the reversion of offices and pensions to his children. horace walpole spent a long life in luxurious ease because of offices with high pay and few duties secured in the distant days of his father's political power. contracts to supply the army and the navy went to friends of the government, sometimes with disastrous results, since the contractor often knew nothing of the business he undertook. when, in , the admiralty boasted that thirty-five ships of war were ready to put to sea it was found that there were in fact only six. the system nearly ruined the navy. it actually happened that planks of a man-of-war fell out through rot and that she sank. often ropes and spars could not be had when most needed. when a public loan was floated the king's friends and they alone were given the shares at a price which enabled them to make large profits on the stock market. the system could endure only as long as the king's friends had a majority in the house of commons. elections must be looked after. the king must have those on whom he could always depend. he controlled offices and pensions. with these things he bought members and he had to keep them bought by repeating the benefits. if the holder of a public office was thought to be dying the king was already naming to his prime minister the person to whom the office must go when death should occur. he insisted that many posts previously granted for life should now be given during his pleasure so that he might dismiss the holders at will. he watched the words and the votes in parliament of public men and woe to those in his power if they displeased him. when he knew that fox, his great antagonist, would be absent from parliament he pressed through measures which fox would have opposed. it was not until george iii was king that the buying and selling of boroughs became common. the king bought votes in the boroughs by paying high prices for trifles. he even went over the lists of voters and had names of servants of the government inserted if this seemed needed to make a majority secure. one of the most unedifying scenes in english history is that of george making a purchase in a shop at windsor and because of this patronage asking for the shopkeeper's support in a local election. the king was saving and penurious in his habits that he might have the more money to buy votes. when he had no money left he would go to parliament and ask for a special grant for his needs and the bought members could not refuse the money for their buying. the people of england knew that parliament was corrupt. but how to end the system? the press was not free. some of it the government bought and the rest it tried to intimidate though often happily in vain. only fragments of the debates in parliament were published. not until did the house of commons admit the public to its galleries. no great political meetings were allowed until just before the american war and in any case the masses had no votes. the great landowners had in their control a majority of the constituencies. there were scores of pocket boroughs in which their nominees were as certain of election as peers were of their seats in the house of lords. the disease of england was deep-seated. a wise king could do much, but while george iii survived--and his reign lasted sixty years--there was no hope of a wise king. a strong minister could impose his will on the king. but only time and circumstance could evolve a strong minister. time and circumstance at length produced the younger pitt. but it needed the tragedy of two long wars--those against the colonies and revolutionary france--before the nation finally threw off the system which permitted the personal rule of george iii and caused the disruption of the empire. it may thus be said with some truth that george washington was instrumental in the salvation of england. the ministers of george iii loved the sports, the rivalries, the ease, the remoteness of their rural magnificence. perverse fashion kept them in london even in april and may for "the season," just when in the country nature was most alluring. otherwise they were off to their estates whenever they could get away from town. the american revolution was not remotely affected by this habit. with ministers long absent in the country important questions were postponed or forgotten. the crisis which in the end brought france into the war was partly due to the carelessness of a minister hurrying away to the country. lord george germain, who directed military operations in america, dictated a letter which would have caused general howe to move northward from new york to meet general burgoyne advancing from canada. germain went off to the country without waiting to sign the letter; it was mislaid among other papers; howe was without needed instructions; and the disaster followed of burgoyne's surrender. fox pointed out, that, at a time when there was a danger that a foreign army might land in england, not one of the king's ministers was less than fifty miles from london. they were in their parks and gardens, or hunting or fishing. nor did they stay away for a few days only. the absence was for weeks or even months. it is to the credit of whig leaders in england, landowners and aristocrats as they were, that they supported with passion the american cause. in america, where the forces of the revolution were in control, the loyalist who dared to be bold for his opinions was likely to be tarred and feathered and to lose his property. there was an embittered intolerance. in england, however, it was an open question in society whether to be for or against the american cause. the duke of richmond, a great grandson of charles ii, said in the house of lords that under no code should the fighting americans be considered traitors. what they did was "perfectly justifiable in every possible political and moral sense." all the world knows that chatham and burke and fox urged the conciliation of america and hundreds took the same stand. burke said of general conway, a man of position, that when he secured a majority in the house of commons against the stamp act his face shone as the face of an angel. since the bishops almost to a man voted with the king, conway attacked them as in this untrue to their high office. sir george savile, whose benevolence, supported by great wealth, made him widely respected and loved, said that the americans were right in appealing to arms. coke of norfolk was a landed magnate who lived in regal style. his seat of holkham was one of those great new palaces which the age reared at such elaborate cost. it was full of beautiful things--the art of michelangelo, raphael, titian, and van dyke, rare manuscripts, books, and tapestries. so magnificent was coke that a legend long ran that his horses were shod with gold and that the wheels of his chariots were of solid silver. in the country he drove six horses. in town only the king did this. coke despised george iii, chiefly on account of his american policy, and to avoid the reproach of rivaling the king's estate, he took joy in driving past the palace in london with a donkey as his sixth animal and in flicking his whip at the king. when he was offered a peerage by the king he denounced with fiery wrath the minister through whom it was offered as attempting to bribe him. coke declared that if one of the king's ministers held up a hat in the house of commons and said that it was a green bag the majority of the members would solemnly vote that it was a green bag. the bribery which brought this blind obedience of toryism filled coke with fury. in youth he had been taught never to trust a tory and he could say "i never have and, by god, i never will." one of his children asked their mother whether tories were born wicked or after birth became wicked. the uncompromising answer was: "they are born wicked and they grow up worse." there is, of course, in much of this something of the malignance of party. in an age when one reverend theologian, toplady, called another theologian, john wesley, "a low and puny tadpole in divinity" we must expect harsh epithets. but behind this bitterness lay a deep conviction of the righteousness of the american cause. at a great banquet at holkham, coke omitted the toast of the king; but every night during the american war he drank the health of washington as the greatest man on earth. the war, he said, was the king's war, ministers were his tools, the press was bought. he denounced later the king's reception of the traitor arnold. when the king's degenerate son, who became george iv, after some special misconduct, wrote to propose his annual visit to holkham, coke replied, "holkham is open to strangers on tuesdays." it was an independent and irate england which spoke in coke. those who paid taxes, he said, should control those who governed. america was not getting fair play. both coke and fox, and no doubt many others, wore waistcoats of blue and buff because these were the colors of the uniforms of washington's army. washington and coke exchanged messages and they would have been congenial companions; for coke, like washington, was above all a farmer and tried to improve agriculture. never for a moment, he said, had time hung heavy on his hands in the country. he began on his estate the culture of the potato, and for some time the best he could hear of it from his stolid tenantry was that it would not poison the pigs. coke would have fought the levy of a penny of unjust taxation and he understood washington. the american gentleman and the english gentleman had a common outlook. now had come, however, the hour for political separation. by reluctant but inevitable steps america made up its mind to declare for independence. at first continued loyalty to the king was urged on the plea that he was in the hands of evil-minded ministers, inspired by diabolical rage, or in those of an "infernal villain" such as the soldier, general gage, a second pharaoh; though it must be admitted that even then the king was "the tyrant of great britain." after bunker hill spasmodic declarations of independence were made here and there by local bodies. when congress organized an army, invaded canada, and besieged boston, it was hard to protest loyalty to a king whose forces were those of an enemy. moreover independence would, in the eyes at least of foreign governments, give the colonies the rights of belligerents and enable them to claim for their fighting forces the treatment due to a regular army and the exchange of prisoners with the british. they could, too, make alliances with other nations. some clamored for independence for a reason more sinister--that they might punish those who held to the king and seize their property. there were thirteen colonies in arms and each of them had to form some kind of government which would work without a king as part of its mechanism. one by one such governments were formed. king george, as we have seen, helped the colonies to make up their minds. they were in no mood to be called erring children who must implore undeserved mercy and not force a loving parent to take unwilling vengeance. "our plantations" and "our subjects in the colonies" would simply not learn obedience. if george iii would not reply to their petitions until they laid down their arms, they could manage to get on without a king. if england, as horace walpole admitted, would not take them seriously and speakers in parliament called them obscure ruffians and cowards, so much the worse for england. it was an englishman, thomas paine, who fanned the fire into unquenchable flames. he had recently been dismissed from a post in the excise in england and was at this time earning in philadelphia a precarious living by his pen. paine said it was the interest of america to break the tie with europe. was a whole continent in america to be governed by an island a thousand leagues away? of what advantage was it to remain connected with great britain? it was said that a united british empire could defy the world, but why should america defy the world? "everything that is right or natural pleads for separation." interested men, weak men, prejudiced men, moderate men who do not really know europe, may urge reconciliation, but nature is against it. paine broke loose in that denunciation of kings with which ever since the world has been familiar. the wretched briton, said paine, is under a king and where there was a king there was no security for liberty. kings were crowned ruffians and george iii in particular was a sceptered savage, a royal brute, and other evil things. he had inflicted on america injuries not to be forgiven. the blood of the slain, not less than the true interests of posterity, demanded separation. paine called his pamphlet common sense. it was published on january , . more than a hundred thousand copies were quickly sold and it brought decision to many wavering minds. in the first days of independence had become a burning question. new england had made up its mind. virginia was keen for separation, keener even than new england. new york and pennsylvania long hesitated and maryland and north carolina were very lukewarm. early in washington was advocating independence and greene and other army leaders were of the same mind. conservative forces delayed the settlement, and at last virginia, in this as in so many other things taking the lead, instructed its delegates to urge a declaration by congress of independence. richard henry lee, a member of that honored family which later produced the ablest soldier of the civil war, moved in congress on june , , that "these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states." the preparation of a formal declaration was referred to a committee of which john adams and thomas jefferson were members. it is interesting to note that each of them became president of the united states and that both died on july , , the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of independence. adams related long after that he and jefferson formed the sub-committee to draft the declaration and that he urged jefferson to undertake the task since "you can write ten times better than i can." jefferson accordingly wrote the paper. adams was delighted "with its high tone and the flights of oratory" but he did not approve of the flaming attack on the king, as a tyrant. "i never believed," he said, "george to be a tyrant in disposition and in nature." there was, he thought, too much passion for a grave and solemn document. he was, however, the principal speaker in its support. there is passion in the declaration from beginning to end, and not the restrained and chastened passion which we find in the great utterances of an american statesman of a later day, abraham lincoln. compared with lincoln, jefferson is indeed a mere amateur in the use of words. lincoln would not have scattered in his utterances overwrought phrases about "death, desolation and tyranny" or talked about pledging "our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honour." he indulged in no "flights of oratory." the passion in the declaration is concentrated against the king. we do not know what were the emotions of george when he read it. we know that many englishmen thought that it spoke truth. exaggerations there are which make the declaration less than a completely candid document. the king is accused of abolishing english laws in canada with the intention of "introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies." what had been done in canada was to let the conquered french retain their own laws--which was not tyranny but magnanimity. another clause of the declaration, as jefferson first wrote it, made george responsible for the slave trade in america with all its horrors and crimes. we may doubt whether that not too enlightened monarch had even more than vaguely heard of the slave trade. this phase of the attack upon him was too much for the slave owners of the south and the slave traders of new england, and the clause was struck out. nearly fourscore and ten years later, abraham lincoln, at a supreme crisis in the nation's life, told in independence hall, philadelphia, what the declaration of independence meant to him. "i have never," he said, "had a feeling politically which did not spring from the sentiments in the declaration of independence"; and then he spoke of the sacrifices which the founders of the republic had made for these principles. he asked, too, what was the idea which had held together the nation thus founded. it was not the breaking away from great britain. it was the assertion of human right. we should speak in terms of reverence of a document which became a classic utterance of political right and which inspired lincoln in his fight to end slavery and to make "liberty and the pursuit of happiness" realities for all men. in england the colonists were often taunted with being "rebels." the answer was not wanting that ancestors of those who now cried "rebel" had themselves been rebels a hundred years earlier when their own liberty was at stake. there were in congress men who ventured to say that the declaration was a libel on the government of england; men like john dickinson of pennsylvania and john jay of new york, who feared that the radical elements were moving too fast. radicalism, however, was in the saddle, and on the d of july the "resolution respecting independency" was adopted. on july , , congress debated and finally adopted the formal declaration of independence. the members did not vote individually. the delegates from each colony cast the vote of the colony. twelve colonies voted for the declaration. new york alone was silent because its delegates had not been instructed as to their vote, but new york, too, soon fell into line. it was a momentous occasion and was understood to be such. the vote seems to have been reached in the late afternoon. anxious citizens were waiting in the streets. there was a bell in the state house, and an old ringer waited there for the signal. when there was long delay he is said to have muttered: "they will never do it! they will never do it!" then came the word, "ring! ring!" it is an odd fact that the inscription on the bell, placed there long before the days of the trouble, was from leviticus: "proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." the bells of philadelphia rang and cannon boomed. as the news spread there were bonfires and illuminations in all the colonies. on the day after the declaration the virginia convention struck out "o lord, save the king" from the church service. on the th of july washington, who by this time had moved to new york, paraded the army and had the declaration read at the head of each brigade. that evening the statue of king george in new york was laid in the dust. it is a comment on the changes in human fortune that within little more than a year the british had taken philadelphia, that the clamorous bell had been hid away for safety, and that colonial wiseacres were urging the rescinding of the ill-timed declaration and the reunion of the british empire. chapter iv. the loss of new york washington's success at boston had one good effect. it destroyed tory influence in that puritan stronghold. new england was henceforth of a temper wholly revolutionary; and new england tradition holds that what its people think today other americans think tomorrow. but, in the summer of this year , though no serious foe was visible at any point in the revolted colonies, a menace haunted every one of them. the british had gone away by sea; by sea they would return. on land armies move slowly and visibly; but on the sea a great force may pass out of sight and then suddenly reappear at an unexpected point. this is the haunting terror of sea power. already the british had destroyed falmouth, now portland, maine, and norfolk, the principal town in virginia. washington had no illusions of security. he was anxious above all for the safety of new york, commanding the vital artery of the hudson, which must at all costs be defended. accordingly, in april, he took his army to new york and established there his own headquarters. even before washington moved to new york, three great british expeditions were nearing america. one of these we have already seen at quebec. another was bound for charleston, to land there an army and to make the place a rallying center for the numerous but harassed loyalists of the south. the third and largest of these expeditions was to strike at new york and, by a show of strength, bring the colonists to reason and reconciliation. if mildness failed the british intended to capture new york, sail up the hudson and cut off new england from the other colonies. the squadron destined for charleston carried an army in command of a fine soldier, lord cornwallis, destined later to be the defeated leader in the last dramatic scene of the war. in may this fleet reached wilmington, north carolina, and took on board two thousand men under general sir henry clinton, who had been sent by howe from boston in vain to win the carolinas and who now assumed military command of the combined forces. admiral sir peter parker commanded the fleet, and on the th of june he was off charleston harbor. parker found that in order to cross the bar he would have to lighten his larger ships. this was done by the laborious process of removing the guns, which, of course, he had to replace when the bar was crossed. on the th of june, parker drew up his ships before fort moultrie in the harbor. he had expected simultaneous aid by land from three thousand soldiers put ashore from the fleet on a sandbar, but these troops could give him no help against the fort from which they were cut off by a channel of deep water. a battle soon proved the british ships unable to withstand the american fire from fort moultrie. late in the evening parker drew off, with two hundred and twenty-five casualties against an american loss of thirty-seven. the check was greater than that of bunker hill, for there the british took the ground which they attacked. the british sailors bore witness to the gallantry of the defense: "we never had such a drubbing in our lives," one of them testified. only one of parker's ten ships was seaworthy after the fight. it took him three weeks to refit, and not until the th of august did his defeated ships reach new york. a mighty armada of seven hundred ships had meanwhile sailed into the bay of new york. this fleet was commanded by admiral lord howe and it carried an army of thirty thousand men led by his younger brother, sir william howe, who had commanded at bunker hill. the general was an able and well-informed soldier. he had a brilliant record of service in the seven years' war, with wolfe in canada, then in france itself, and in the west indies. in appearance he was tall, dark, and coarse. his face showed him to be a free user of wine. this may explain some of his faults as a general. he trusted too much to subordinates; he was leisurely and rather indolent, yet capable of brilliant and rapid action. in america his heart was never in his task. he was member of parliament for nottingham and had publicly condemned the quarrel with america and told his electors that in it he would take no command. he had not kept his word, but his convictions remained. it would be to accuse howe of treason to say that he did not do his best in america. lack of conviction, however, affects action. howe had no belief that his country was in the right in the war and this handicapped him as against the passionate conviction of washington that all was at stake which made life worth living. the general's elder brother, lord howe, was another whig who had no belief that the war was just. he sat in the house of lords while his brother sat in the house of commons. we rather wonder that the king should have been content to leave in whig hands his fortunes in america both by land and sea. at any rate, here were the howes more eager to make peace than to make war and commanded to offer terms of reconciliation. lord howe had an unpleasant face, so dark that he was called "black dick"; he was a silent, awkward man, shy and harsh in manner. in reality, however, he was kind, liberal in opinion, sober, and beloved by those who knew him best. his pacific temper towards america was not due to a dislike of war. he was a fighting sailor. nearly twenty years later, on june , , when he was in command of a fleet in touch with the french enemy, the sailors watched him to find any indication that the expected action would take place. then the word went round: "we shall have the fight today; black dick has been smiling." they had it, and howe won a victory which makes his name famous in the annals of the sea. by the middle of july the two brothers were at new york. the soldier, having waited at halifax since the evacuation of boston, had arrived, and landed his army on staten island, on the day before congress made the declaration of independence, which, as now we can see, ended finally any chance of reconciliation. the sailor arrived nine days later. lord howe was wont to regret that he had not arrived a little earlier, since the concessions which he had to offer might have averted the declaration of independence. in truth, however, he had little to offer. humor and imagination are useful gifts in carrying on human affairs, but george iii had neither. he saw no lack of humor in now once more offering full and free pardon to a repentant washington and his comrades, though john adams was excepted by name¹; in repudiating the right to exist of the congress at philadelphia, and in refusing to recognize the military rank of the rebel general whom it had named: he was to be addressed in civilian style as "george washington esq." the king and his ministers had no imagination to call up the picture of high-hearted men fighting for rights which they held dear. ¹trevelyan, american revolution, part ii, vol. i (new ed., vol. ii), . lord howe went so far as to address a letter to "george washington esq. &c. &c.," and washington agreed to an interview with the officer who bore it. in imposing uniform and with the stateliest manner, washington, who had an instinct for effect, received the envoy. the awed messenger explained that the symbols "&c. &c." meant everything, including, of course, military titles; but washington only said smilingly that they might mean anything, including, of course, an insult, and refused to take the letter. he referred to congress, a body which howe could not recognize, the grave question of the address on an envelope and congress agreed that the recognition of his rank was necessary. there was nothing to do but to go on with the fight. washington's army held the city of new york, at the southerly point of manhattan island. the hudson river, separating the island from the mainland of new jersey on the west, is at its mouth two miles wide. the northern and eastern sides of the island are washed by the harlem river, flowing out of the hudson about a dozen miles north of the city, and broadening into the east river, about a mile wide where it separates new york from brooklyn heights, on long island. encamped on staten island, on the south, general howe could, with the aid of the fleet, land at any of half a dozen vulnerable points. howe had the further advantage of a much larger force. washington had in all some twenty thousand men, numbers of them serving for short terms and therefore for the most part badly drilled. howe had twenty-five thousand well-trained soldiers, and he could, in addition, draw men from the fleet, which would give him in all double the force of washington. in such a situation even the best skill of washington was likely only to qualify defeat. he was advised to destroy new york and retire to positions more tenable. but even if he had so desired, congress, his master, would not permit him to burn the city, and he had to make plans to defend it. brooklyn heights so commanded new york that enemy cannon planted there would make the city untenable. accordingly washington placed half his force on long island to defend brooklyn heights and in doing so made the fundamental error of cutting his army in two and dividing it by an arm of the sea in presence of overwhelming hostile naval power. on the d of august howe ferried fifteen thousand men across the narrows to long island, in order to attack the position on brooklyn heights from the rear. before him lay wooded hills across which led three roads converging at brooklyn heights beyond the hills. on the east a fourth road led round the hills. in the dark of the night of the th of august howe set his army in motion on all these roads, in order by daybreak to come to close quarters with the americans and drive them back to the heights. the movement succeeded perfectly. the british made terrible use of the bayonet. by the evening of the twenty-seventh the americans, who fought well against overwhelming odds, had lost nearly two thousand men in casualties and prisoners, six field pieces, and twenty-six heavy guns. the two chief commanders, sullivan and stirling, were among the prisoners, and what was left of the army had been driven back to brooklyn heights. howe's critics said that had he pressed the attack further he could have made certain the capture of the whole american force on long island. criticism of what might have been is easy and usually futile. it might be said of washington, too, that he should not have kept an army so far in front of his lines behind brooklyn heights facing a superior enemy, and with, for a part of it, retreat possible only by a single causeway across a marsh three miles long. when he realized, on the th of august, what howe had achieved, he increased the defenders of brooklyn heights to ten thousand men, more than half his army. this was another cardinal error. british ships were near and but for unfavorable winds might have sailed up to brooklyn. washington hoped and prayed that howe would try to carry brooklyn heights by assault. then there would have been at least slaughter on the scale of bunker hill. but howe had learned caution. he made no reckless attack, and soon washington found that he must move away or face the danger of losing every man on long island. on the night of the th of august there was clear moonlight, with fog towards daybreak. a british army of twenty-five thousand men was only some six hundred yards from the american lines. a few miles from the shore lay at anchor a great british fleet with, it is to be presumed, its patrols on the alert. yet, during that night, ten thousand american troops were marched down to boats on the strand at brooklyn and, with all their stores, were carried across a mile of water to new york. there must have been the splash of oars and the grating of keels, orders given in tones above a whisper, the complex sounds of moving bodies of men. it was all done under the eye of washington. we can picture that tall figure moving about on the strand at brooklyn, which he was the last to leave. not a sound disturbed the slumbers of the british. an army in retreat does not easily defend itself. boats from the british fleet might have brought panic to the americans in the darkness and the british army should at least have known that they were gone. by seven in the morning the ten thousand american soldiers were for the time safe in new york, and we may suppose that the two howes were asking eager questions and wondering how it had all happened. washington had shown that he knew when and how to retire. long island was his first battle and he had lost. now retreat was his first great tactical achievement. he could not stay in new york and so sent at once the chief part of the army, withdrawn from brooklyn, to the line of the harlem river at the north end of the island. he realized that his shore batteries could not keep the british fleet from sailing up both the east and the hudson rivers and from landing a force on manhattan island almost where it liked. then the city of new york would be surrounded by a hostile fleet and a hostile army. the howes could have performed this maneuver as soon as they had a favorable wind. there was, we know, great confusion in new york, and washington tells us how his heart was torn by the distress of the inhabitants. the british gave him plenty of time to make plans, and for a reason. we have seen that lord howe was not only an admiral to make war but also an envoy to make peace. the british victory on long island might, he thought, make congress more willing to negotiate. so now he sent to philadelphia the captured american general sullivan, with the request that some members of congress might confer privately on the prospects for peace. howe probably did not realize that the americans had the british quality of becoming more resolute by temporary reverses. by this time, too, suspicion of every movement on the part of great britain had become a mania. every one in congress seems to have thought that howe was planning treachery. john adams, excepted by name from british offers of pardon, called sullivan a "decoy duck" and, as he confessed, laughed, scolded, and grieved at any negotiation. the wish to talk privately with members of congress was called an insulting way of avoiding recognition of that body. in spite of this, even the stalwart adams and the suave franklin were willing to be members of a committee which went to meet lord howe. with great sorrow howe now realized that he had no power to grant what congress insisted upon, the recognition of independence, as a preliminary to negotiation. there was nothing for it but war. on the th of september the british struck the blow too long delayed had war been their only interest. new york had to sit nearly helpless while great men-of-war passed up both the hudson and the east river with guns sweeping the shores of manhattan island. at the same time general howe sent over in boats from long island to the landing at kip's bay, near the line of the present thirty-fourth street, an army to cut off the city from the northern part of the island. washington marched in person with two new england regiments to dispute the landing and give him time for evacuation. to his rage panic seized his men and they turned and fled, leaving him almost alone not a hundred yards from the enemy. a stray shot at that moment might have influenced greatly modern history, for, as events were soon to show, washington was the mainstay of the american cause. he too had to get away and howe's force landed easily enough. meanwhile, on the west shore of the island, there was an animated scene. the roads were crowded with refugees fleeing northward from new york. these civilians howe had no reason to stop, but there marched, too, out of new york four thousand men, under israel putnam, who got safely away northward. only leisurely did howe extend his line across the island so as to cut off the city. the story, not more trustworthy than many other legends of war, is that mrs. murray, living in a country house near what now is murray hill, invited the general to luncheon, and that to enjoy this pleasure he ordered a halt for his whole force. generals sometimes do foolish things but it is not easy to call up a picture of howe, in the midst of a busy movement of troops, receiving the lady's invitation, accepting it, and ordering the whole army to halt while he lingered over the luncheon table. there is no doubt that his mind was still divided between making war and making peace. probably putnam had already got away his men, and there was no purpose in stopping the refugees in that flight from new york which so aroused the pity of washington. as it was howe took sixty-seven guns. by accident, or, it is said, by design of the americans themselves, new york soon took fire and one-third of the little city was burned. after the fall of new york there followed a complex campaign. the resourceful washington was now, during his first days of active warfare, pitting himself against one of the most experienced of british generals. fleet and army were acting together. the aim of howe was to get control of the hudson and to meet half way the advance from canada by way of lake champlain which carleton was leading. on the th of october, when autumn winds were already making the nights cold, howe moved. he did not attack washington who lay in strength at the harlem. that would have been to play washington's game. instead he put the part of his army still on long island in ships which then sailed through the dangerous currents of hell gate and landed at throg's neck, a peninsula on the sound across from long island. washington parried this movement by so guarding the narrow neck of the peninsula leading to the mainland that the cautious howe shrank from a frontal attack across a marsh. after a delay of six days, he again embarked his army, landed a few miles above throg's neck in the hope of cutting off washington from retreat northward, only to find washington still north of him at white plains. a sharp skirmish followed in which howe lost over two hundred men and washington only one hundred and forty. washington, masterly in retreat, then withdrew still farther north among hills difficult of attack. howe had a plan which made a direct attack on washington unnecessary. he turned southward and occupied the east shore of the hudson river. on the th of november took place the worst disaster which had yet befallen american arms. fort washington, lying just south of the harlem, was the only point still held on manhattan island by the americans. in modern war it has become clear that fortresses supposedly strong may be only traps for their defenders. fort washington stood on the east bank of the hudson opposite fort lee, on the west bank. these forts could not fulfil the purpose for which they were intended, of stopping british ships. washington saw that the two forts should be abandoned. but the civilians in congress, who, it must be remembered, named the generals and had final authority in directing the war, were reluctant to accept the loss involved in abandoning the forts and gave orders that every effort should be made to hold them. greene, on the whole washington's best general, was in command of the two positions and was left to use his own judgment. on the th of november, by a sudden and rapid march across the island, howe appeared before fort washington and summoned it to surrender on pain of the rigors of war, which meant putting the garrison to the sword should he have to take the place by storm. the answer was a defiance; and on the next day howe attacked in overwhelming force. there was severe fighting. the casualties of the british were nearly five hundred, but they took the huge fort with its three thousand defenders and a great quantity of munitions of war. howe's threat was not carried out. there was no massacre. across the river at fort lee the helpless washington watched this great disaster. he had need still to look out, for fort lee was itself doomed. on the nineteenth lord cornwallis with five thousand men crossed the river five miles above fort lee. general greene barely escaped with the two thousand men in the fort, leaving behind one hundred and forty cannon, stores, tools, and even the men's blankets. on the twentieth the british flag was floating over fort lee and washington's whole force was in rapid flight across new jersey, hardly pausing until it had been ferried over the delaware river into pennsylvania. treachery, now linked to military disaster, made washington's position terrible. charles lee, horatio gates, and richard montgomery were three important officers of the regular british army who fought on the american side. montgomery had been killed at quebec; the defects of gates were not yet conspicuous; and lee was next to washington the most trusted american general. the names washington and lee of the twin forts on opposite sides of the hudson show how the two generals stood in the public mind. while disaster was overtaking washington, lee had seven thousand men at north castle on the east bank of the hudson, a few miles above fort washington, blocking howe's advance farther up the river. on the day after the fall of fort washington, lee received positive orders to cross the hudson at once. three days later fort lee fell, and washington repeated the order. lee did not budge. he was safe where he was and could cross the river and get away into new jersey when he liked. he seems deliberately to have left washington to face complete disaster and thus prove his incompetence; then, as the undefeated general, he could take the chief command. there is no evidence that he had intrigued with howe, but he thought that he could be the peacemaker between great britain and america, with untold possibilities of ambition in that rôle. he wrote of washington at this time, to his friend gates, as weak and "most damnably deficient." nemesis, however, overtook him. in the end he had to retreat across the hudson to northern new jersey. here many of the people were tories. lee fell into a trap, was captured in bed at a tavern by a hard-riding party of british cavalry, and carried off a prisoner, obliged to bestride a horse in night gown and slippers. not always does fate appear so just in her strokes. in december, though the position of washington was very bad, all was not lost. the chief aim of howe was to secure the line of the hudson and this he had not achieved. at stony point, which lies up the hudson about fifty miles from new york, the river narrows and passes through what is almost a mountain gorge, easily defended. here washington had erected fortifications which made it at least difficult for a british force to pass up the river. moreover in the highlands of northern new jersey, with headquarters at morristown, general sullivan, recently exchanged, and general gates now had lee's army and also the remnants of the force driven from canada. but in retreating across new jersey washington had been forsaken by thousands of men, beguiled in part by the tory population, discouraged by defeat, and in many cases with the right to go home, since their term of service had expired. all that remained of washington's army after the forces of sullivan and gates joined him across the delaware in pennsylvania, was about four thousand men. howe was determined to have philadelphia as well as new york and could place some reliance on tory help in pennsylvania. he had pursued washington to the delaware and would have pushed on across that river had not his alert foe taken care that all the boats should be on the wrong shore. as it was, howe occupied the left bank of the delaware with his chief post at trenton. if he made sure of new jersey he could go on to philadelphia when the river was frozen over or indeed when he liked. even the congress had fled to baltimore. there were british successes in other quarters. early in december lord howe took the fleet to newport. soon he controlled the whole of rhode island and checked the american privateers who had made it their base. the brothers issued proclamations offering protection to all who should within sixty days return to their british allegiance and many people of high standing in new york and new jersey accepted the offer. howe wrote home to england the glad news of victory. philadelphia would probably fall before spring and it looked as if the war was really over. in this darkest hour washington struck a blow which changed the whole situation. we associate with him the thought of calm deliberation. now, however, was he to show his strongest quality as a general to be audacity. at the battle of the marne, in , the french general foch sent the despatch: "my center is giving way; my right is retreating; the situation is excellent: i am attacking." washington's position seemed as nearly hopeless and he, too, had need of some striking action. a campaign marked by his own blundering and by the treachery of a trusted general had ended in seeming ruin. pennsylvania at his back and new jersey before him across the delaware were less than half loyal to the american cause and probably willing to accept peace on almost any terms. never was a general in a position where greater risks must be taken for salvation. as washington pondered what was going on among the british across the delaware, a bold plan outlined itself in his mind. howe, he knew, had gone to new york to celebrate a triumphant christmas. his absence from the front was certain to involve slackness. it was germans who held the line of the delaware, some thirteen hundred of them under colonel rahl at trenton, two thousand under von donop farther down the river at bordentown; and with germans perhaps more than any other people christmas is a season of elaborate festivity. on this their first christmas away from home many of the germans would be likely to be off their guard either through homesickness or dissipation. they cared nothing for either side. there had been much plundering in new jersey and discipline was relaxed. howe had been guilty of the folly of making strong the posts farthest from the enemy and weak those nearest to him. he had, indeed, ordered rahl to throw up redoubts for the defense of trenton, but this, as washington well knew, had not been done for rahl despised his enemy and spoke of the american army as already lost. washington's bold plan was to recross the delaware and attack trenton. there were to be three crossings. one was to be against von donop at bordentown below trenton, the second at trenton itself. these two attacks were designed to prevent aid to trenton. the third force with which washington himself went was to cross the river some nine miles above the town. christmas day, , was dismally cold. there was a driving storm of sleet and the broad swollen stream of the delaware, dotted with dark masses of floating ice, offered a chill prospect. to take an army with its guns across that threatening flood was indeed perilous. gates and other generals declared that the scheme was too difficult to be carried out. only one of the three forces crossed the river. washington, with iron will, was not to be turned from his purpose. he had skilled boatmen from new england. the crossing took no less than ten hours and a great part of it was done in wintry darkness. when the army landed on the new jersey shore it had a march of nine miles in sleet and rain in order to reach trenton by daybreak. it is said that some of the men marched barefoot leaving tracks of blood in the snow. the arms of some were lost and those of others were wet and useless but washington told them that they must depend the more on the bayonet. he attacked trenton in broad daylight. there was a sharp fight. rahl, the commander, and some seventy men, were killed and a thousand men surrendered. even now washington's position was dangerous. von donop, with two thousand men, lay only a few miles down the river. had he marched at once on trenton, as he should have done, the worn out little force of washington might have met with disaster. what von donop did when the alarm reached him was to retreat as fast as he could to princeton, a dozen miles to the rear towards new york, leaving behind his sick and all his heavy equipment. meanwhile washington, knowing his danger, had turned back across the delaware with a prisoner for every two of his men. when, however, he saw what von donop had done he returned on the twenty-ninth to trenton, sent out scouting parties, and roused the country so that in every bit of forest along the road to princeton there were men, dead shots, to make difficult a british advance to retake trenton. the reverse had brought consternation at new york. lord cornwallis was about to embark for england, the bearer of news of overwhelming victory. now, instead, he was sent to drive back washington. it was no easy task for cornwallis to reach trenton, for washington's scouting parties and a force of six hundred men under greene were on the road to harass him. on the evening of the d of january, however, he reoccupied trenton. this time washington had not recrossed the delaware but had retreated southward and was now entrenched on the southern bank of the little river assanpink, which flows into the delaware. reinforcements were following cornwallis. that night he sharply cannonaded washington's position and was as sharply answered. he intended to attack in force in the morning. to the skill and resource of washington he paid the compliment of saying that at last he had run down the "old fox." then followed a maneuver which, years after, cornwallis, a generous foe, told washington was one of the most surprising and brilliant in the history of war. there was another "old fox" in europe, frederick the great, of prussia, who knew war if ever man knew it, and he, too, from this movement ranked washington among the great generals. the maneuver was simple enough. instead of taking the obvious course of again retreating across the delaware washington decided to advance, to get in behind cornwallis, to try to cut his communications, to threaten the british base of supply and then, if a superior force came up, to retreat into the highlands of new jersey. there he could keep an unbroken line as far east as the hudson, menace the british in new jersey, and probably force them to withdraw to the safety of new york. all through the night of january , , washington's camp fires burned brightly and the british outposts could hear the sound of voices and of the spade and pickaxe busy in throwing up entrenchments. the fires died down towards morning and the british awoke to find the enemy camp deserted. washington had carried his whole army by a roundabout route to the princeton road and now stood between cornwallis and his base. there was some sharp fighting that day near princeton. washington had to defeat and get past the reinforcements coming to cornwallis. he reached princeton and then slipped away northward and made his headquarters at morristown. he had achieved his purpose. the british with washington entrenched on their flank were not safe in new jersey. the only thing to do was to withdraw to new york. by his brilliant advance washington recovered the whole of new jersey with the exception of some minor positions near the sea. he had changed the face of the war. in london there was momentary rejoicing over howe's recent victories, but it was soon followed by distressing news of defeat. through all the colonies ran inspiring tidings. there had been doubts whether, after all, washington was the heaven-sent leader. now both america and europe learned to recognize his skill. he had won a reputation, though not yet had he saved a cause. chapter v. the loss of philadelphia though the outlook for washington was brightened by his success in new jersey, it was still depressing enough. the british had taken new york, they could probably take philadelphia when they liked, and no place near the seacoast was safe. according to the votes in parliament, by the spring of britain was to have an army of eighty-nine thousand men, of whom fifty-seven thousand were intended for colonial garrisons and for the prosecution of the war in america. these numbers were in fact never reached, but the army of forty thousand in america was formidable compared with washington's forces. the british were not hampered by the practice of enlisting men for only a few months, which marred so much of washington's effort. above all they had money and adequate resources. in a word they had the things which washington lacked during almost the whole of the war. washington called his success in the attack at trenton a lucky stroke. it was luck which had far-reaching consequences. howe had the fixed idea that to follow the capture of new york by that of philadelphia, the most populous city in america, and the seat of congress, would mean great glory for himself and a crushing blow to the american cause. if to this could be added, as he intended, the occupation of the whole valley of the hudson, the year might well see the end of the war. an acute sense of the value of time is vital in war. promptness, the quick surprise of the enemy, was perhaps the chief military virtue of washington; dilatoriness was the destructive vice of howe. he had so little contempt for his foe that he practised a blighting caution. on april , , washington, in view of his own depleted force, in a state of half famine, wrote: "if howe does not take advantage of our weak state he is very unfit for his trust." howe remained inactive and time, thus despised, worked its due revenge. later howe did move, and with skill, but he missed the rapid combination in action which was the first condition of final success. he could have captured philadelphia in may. he took the city, but not until september, when to hold it had become a liability and not an asset. to go there at all was perhaps unwise; to go in september was for him a tragic mistake. from new york to philadelphia the distance by land is about a hundred miles. the route lay across new jersey, that "garden of america" which english travelers spoke of as resembling their own highly cultivated land. washington had his headquarters at morristown, in northern new jersey. his resources were at a low ebb. he had always the faith that a cause founded on justice could not fail; but his letters at this time are full of depressing anxiety. each state regarded itself as in danger and made care of its own interests its chief concern. by this time congress had lost most of the able men who had given it dignity and authority. like howe it had slight sense of the value of time and imagined that tomorrow was as good as today. wellington once complained that, though in supreme command, he had not authority to appoint even a corporal. washington was hampered both by congress and by the state governments in choosing leaders. he had some officers, such as greene, knox, and benedict arnold, whom he trusted. others, like gates and conway, were ceaseless intriguers. to general sullivan, who fancied himself constantly slighted and ill-treated, washington wrote sharply to abolish his poisonous suspicions. howe had offered easy terms to those in new jersey who should declare their loyalty and to meet this washington advised the stern policy of outlawing every one who would not take the oath of allegiance to the united states. there was much fluttering of heart on the new jersey farms, much anxious trimming in order, in any event, to be safe. howe's hessians had plundered ruthlessly causing deep resentment against the british. now washington found his own people doing the same thing. militia officers, themselves, "generally" as he said, "of the lowest class of the people," not only stole but incited their men to steal. it was easy to plunder under the plea that the owner of the property was a tory, whether open or concealed, and washington wrote that the waste and theft were "beyond all conception." there were shirkers claiming exemption from military service on the ground that they were doing necessary service as civilians. washington needed maps to plan his intricate movements and could not get them. smallpox was devastating his army and causing losses heavier than those from the enemy. when pay day came there was usually no money. it is little wonder that in this spring of he feared that his army might suddenly dissolve and leave him without a command. in that case he would not have yielded. rather, so stern and bitter was he against england, would he have plunged into the western wilderness to be lost in its vast spaces. howe had his own perplexities. he knew that a great expedition under burgoyne was to advance from canada southward to the hudson. was he to remain with his whole force at new york until the time should come to push up the river to meet burgoyne? he had a copy of the instructions given in england to burgoyne by lord george germain, but he was himself without orders. afterwards the reason became known. lord george germain had dictated the order to coöperate with burgoyne, but had hurried off to the country before it was ready for his signature and it had been mislaid. howe seemed free to make his own plans and he longed to be master of the enemy's capital. in the end he decided to take philadelphia--a task easy enough, as the event proved. at howe's elbow was the traitorous american general, charles lee, whom he had recently captured, and lee, as we know, told him that maryland and pennsylvania were at heart loyal to the king and panting to be free from the tyranny of the demagogue. once firmly in the capital howe believed that he would have secure control of maryland, pennsylvania, and new jersey. he could achieve this and be back at new york in time to meet burgoyne, perhaps at albany. then he would hold the colony of new york from staten island to the canadian frontier. howe found that he could send ships up the hudson, and the american army had to stand on the banks almost helpless against the mobility of sea power. washington's left wing rested on the hudson and he held both banks but neither at peekskill nor, as yet, farther up at west point, could his forts prevent the passage of ships. it was a different matter for the british to advance on land. but the ships went up and down in the spring of . it would be easy enough to help burgoyne when the time should come. it was summer before howe was ready to move, and by that time he had received instructions that his first aim must be to coöperate with burgoyne. first, however, he was resolved to have philadelphia. washington watched howe in perplexity. a great fleet and a great army lay at new york. why did they not move? washington knew perfectly well what he himself would have done in howe's place. he would have attacked rapidly in april the weak american army and, after destroying or dispersing it, would have turned to meet burgoyne coming southward from canada. howe did send a strong force into new jersey. but he did not know how weak washington really was, for that master of craft in war disseminated with great skill false information as to his own supposed overwhelming strength. howe had been bitten once by advancing too far into new jersey and was not going to take risks. he tried to entice washington from the hills to attack in open country. he marched here and there in new jersey and kept washington alarmed and exhausted by counter marches, and always puzzled as to what the next move should be. howe purposely let one of his secret messengers be taken bearing a despatch saying that the fleet was about to sail for boston. all these things took time and the summer was slipping away. in the end washington realized that howe intended to make his move not by land but by sea. could it be possible that he was not going to make aid to burgoyne his chief purpose? could it be that he would attack boston? washington hoped so for he knew the reception certain at boston. or was his goal charleston? on the d of july, when the summer was more than half gone, washington began to see more clearly. on that day howe had embarked eighteen thousand men and the fleet put to sea from staten island. howe was doing what able officers with him, such as cornwallis, grey, and the german knyphausen, appear to have been unanimous in thinking he should not do. he was misled not only by the desire to strike at the very center of the rebellion, but also by the assurance of the traitorous lee that to take philadelphia would be the effective signal to all the american loyalists, the overwhelming majority of the people, as was believed, that sedition had failed. a tender parent, the king, was ready to have the colonies back in their former relation and to give them secure guarantees of future liberty. any one who saw the fleet put out from new york harbor must have been impressed with the might of britain. no less than two hundred and twenty-nine ships set their sails and covered the sea for miles. when they had disappeared out of sight of the new jersey shore their goal was still unknown. at sea they might turn in any direction. washington's uncertainty was partly relieved on the th of july when the fleet appeared at the entrance of delaware bay, with philadelphia some hundred miles away across the bay and up the delaware river. after hovering about the cape for a day the fleet again put to sea, and washington, who had marched his army so as to be near philadelphia, thought the whole movement a feint and knew not where the fleet would next appear. he was preparing to march to new york to menace general clinton, who had there seven thousand men able to help burgoyne when he heard good news. on the d of august he knew that howe had really gone southward and was in chesapeake bay. boston was now certainly safe. on the th of august, after three stormy weeks at sea, howe arrived at elkton, at the head of chesapeake bay, and there landed his army. it was philadelphia fifty miles away that he intended to have. washington wrote gleefully: "now let all new england turn out and crush burgoyne." before the end of september he was writing that he was certain of complete disaster to burgoyne. howe had, in truth, made a ruinous mistake. had the date been may instead of august he might still have saved burgoyne. but at the end of august, when the net was closing on burgoyne, howe was three hundred miles away. his disregard of time and distance had been magnificent. in july he had sailed to the mouth of the delaware, with philadelphia near, but he had then sailed away again, and why? because the passage of his ships up the river to the city was blocked by obstructions commanded by bristling forts. the naval officers said truly that the fleet could not get up the river. but howe might have landed his army at the head of delaware bay. it is a dozen miles across the narrow peninsula from the head of delaware bay to that of chesapeake bay. since howe had decided to attack from the head of chesapeake bay there was little to prevent him from landing his army on the delaware side of the peninsula and marching across it. by sea it is a voyage of three hundred miles round a peninsula one hundred and fifty miles long to get from one of these points to the other, by land only a dozen miles away. howe made the sea voyage and spent on it three weeks when a march of a day would have saved this time and kept his fleet three hundred miles by sea nearer to new york and aid for burgoyne. howe's mistakes only have their place in the procession to inevitable disaster. once in the thick of fighting he showed himself formidable. when he had landed at elkton he was fifty miles southwest of philadelphia and between him and that place was washington with his army. washington was determined to delay howe in every possible way. to get to philadelphia howe had to cross the brandywine river. time was nothing to him. he landed at elkton on the th of august. not until the th of september was he prepared to attack washington barring his way at chadd's ford. washington was in a strong position on a front of two miles on the river. at his left, below chadd's ford, the brandywine is a torrent flowing between high cliffs. there the british would find no passage. on his right was a forest. washington had chosen his position with his usual skill. entrenchments protected his front and batteries would sweep down an advancing enemy. he had probably not more than eleven thousand men in the fight and it is doubtful whether howe brought up a greater number so that the armies were not unevenly matched. at daybreak on the eleventh the british army broke camp at the village of kenneth square, four miles from chadd's ford, and, under general knyphausen, marched straight to make a frontal attack on washington's position. in the battle which followed washington was beaten by the superior tactics of his enemy. not all of the british army was there in the attack at chadd's ford. a column under cornwallis had filed off by a road to the left and was making a long and rapid march. the plan was to cross the brandywine some ten miles above where washington was posted and to attack him in the rear. by two o'clock in the afternoon cornwallis had forced the two branches of the upper brandywine and was marching on dilworth at the right rear of the american army. only then did washington become aware of his danger. his first impulse was to advance across chadd's ford to try to overwhelm knyphausen and thus to get between howe and the fleet at elkton. this might, however, have brought disaster and he soon decided to retire. his movement was ably carried out. both sides suffered in the woodland fighting but that night the british army encamped in washington's position at chadd's ford, and howe had fought skillfully and won an important battle. washington had retired in good order and was still formidable. he now realized clearly enough that philadelphia would fall. delay, however, would be nearly as good as victory. he saw what howe could not see, that menacing cloud in the north, much bigger than a man's hand, which, with howe far away, should break in a final storm terrible for the british cause. meanwhile washington meant to keep howe occupied. rain alone prevented another battle before the british reached the schuylkill river. on that river washington guarded every ford. but, in the end, by skillful maneuvering, howe was able to cross and on the th of september he occupied philadelphia without resistance. the people were ordered to remain quietly in their houses. officers were billeted on the wealthier inhabitants. the fall resounded far of what lord adam gordon called a "great and noble city," "the first town in america," "one of the wonders of the world." its luxury had been so conspicuous that the austere john adams condemned the "sinful feasts" in which he shared. about it were fine country seats surrounded by parklike grounds, with noble trees, clipped hedges, and beautiful gardens. the british believed that pennsylvania was really on their side. many of the people were friendly and hundreds now renewed their oath of allegiance to the king. washington complained that the people gave howe information denied to him. they certainly fed howe's army willingly and received good british gold while washington had only paper money with which to pay. over the proud capital floated once more the british flag and people who did not see very far said that, with both new york and philadelphia taken, the rebellion had at last collapsed. once in possession of philadelphia howe made his camp at germantown, a straggling suburban village, about seven miles northwest of the city. washington's army lay at the foot of some hills a dozen miles farther away. howe had need to be wary, for washington was the same "old fox" who had played so cunning a game at trenton. the efforts of the british army were now centered on clearing the river delaware so that supplies might be brought up rapidly by water instead of being carried fifty miles overland from chesapeake bay. howe detached some thousands of men for this work and there was sharp fighting before the troops and the fleet combined had cleared the river. at germantown howe kept about nine thousand men. though he knew that washington was likely to attack him he did not entrench his army as he desired the attack to be made. it might well have succeeded. washington with eleven thousand men aimed at a surprise. on the evening of the d of october he set out from his camp. four roads led into germantown and all these the americans used. at sunrise on the fourth, just as the attack began, a fog arose to embarrass both sides. lying a little north of the village was the solid stone house of chief justice chew, and it remains famous as the central point in the bitter fight of that day. what brought final failure to the american attack was an accident of maneuvering. sullivan's brigade was in front attacking the british when greene's came up for the same purpose. his line overlapped sullivan's and he mistook in the fog sullivan's men for the enemy and fired on them from the rear. a panic naturally resulted among the men who were attacked also at the same time by the british on their front. the disorder spread. british reinforcements arrived, and washington drew off his army in surprising order considering the panic. he had six hundred and seventy-three casualties and lost besides four hundred prisoners. the british loss was five hundred and thirty-seven casualties and fourteen prisoners. the attack had failed, but news soon came which made the reverse unimportant. burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered at saratoga. chapter vi. the first great british disaster john burgoyne, in a measure a soldier of fortune, was the younger son of an impoverished baronet, but he had married the daughter of the powerful earl of derby and was well known in london society as a man of fashion and also as a man of letters, whose plays had a certain vogue. his will, in which he describes himself as a humble christian, who, in spite of many faults, had never forgotten god, shows that he was serious minded. he sat in the house of commons for preston and, though he used the language of a courtier and spoke of himself as lying at the king's feet to await his commands, he was a whig, the friend of fox and others whom the king regarded as his enemies. one of his plays describes the difficulties of getting the english to join the army of george iii. we have the smartly dressed recruit as a decoy to suggest an easy life in the army. victory and glory are so certain that a tailor stands with his feet on the neck of the king of france. the decks of captured ships swim with punch and are clotted with gold dust, and happy soldiers play with diamonds as if they were marbles. the senators of england, says burgoyne, care chiefly to make sure of good game laws for their own pleasure. the worthless son of one of them, who sets out on the long drive to his father's seat in the country, spends an hour in "yawning, picking his teeth and damning his journey" and when once on the way drives with such fury that the route is marked by "yelping dogs, broken-backed pigs and dismembered geese." it was under this playwright and satirist, who had some skill as a soldier, that the british cause now received a blow from which it never recovered. burgoyne had taken part in driving the americans from canada in and had spent the following winter in england using his influence to secure an independent command. to his later undoing he succeeded. it was he, and not, as had been expected, general carleton, who was appointed to lead the expedition of from canada to the hudson. burgoyne was given instructions so rigid as to be an insult to his intelligence. he was to do one thing and only one thing, to press forward to the hudson and meet howe. at the same time lord george germain, the minister responsible, failed to instruct howe to advance up the hudson to meet burgoyne. burgoyne had a genuine belief in the wisdom of this strategy but he had no power to vary it, to meet changing circumstances, and this was one chief factor in his failure. behold burgoyne then, on the th of june, embarking on lake champlain the army which, ever since his arrival in canada on the th of may, he had been preparing for this advance. he had rather more than seven thousand men, of whom nearly one-half were germans under the competent general riedesel. in the force of burgoyne we find the ominous presence of some hundreds of indian allies. they had been attached to one side or the other in every war fought in those regions during the previous one hundred and fifty years. in the war which ended in montcalm had used them and so had his opponent amherst. the regiments from the new england and other colonies had fought in alliance with the painted and befeathered savages and had made no protest. now either times had changed, or there was something in a civil war which made the use of savages seem hideous. one thing is certain. amherst had held his savages in stern restraint and could say proudly that they had not committed a single outrage. burgoyne was not so happy. in nearly every war the professional soldier shows distrust, if not contempt, for civilian levies. burgoyne had been in america before the day of bunker hill and knew a great deal about the country. he thought the "insurgents" good enough fighters when protected by trees and stones and swampy ground. but he thought, too, that they had no real knowledge of the science of war and could not fight a pitched battle. he himself had not shown the prevision required by sound military knowledge. if the british were going to abandon the advantage of sea power and fight where they could not fall back on their fleet, they needed to pay special attention to land transport. this burgoyne had not done. it was only a little more than a week before he reached lake champlain that he asked carleton to provide the four hundred horses and five hundred carts which he still needed and which were not easily secured in a sparsely settled country. burgoyne lingered for three days at crown point, half way down the lake. then, on the d of july, he laid siege to fort ticonderoga. once past this fort, guarding the route to lake george, he could easily reach the hudson. in command at fort ticonderoga was general st. clair, with about thirty-five hundred men. he had long notice of the siege, for the expedition of burgoyne had been the open talk of montreal and the surrounding country during many months. he had built fort independence, on the east shore of lake champlain, and with a great expenditure of labor had sunk twenty-two piers across the lake and stretched in front of them a boom to protect the two forts. but he had neglected to defend sugar hill in front of fort ticonderoga, and commanding the american works. it took only three or four days for the british to drag cannon to the top, erect a battery and prepare to open fire. on the th of july, st. clair had to face a bitter necessity. he abandoned the untenable forts and retired southward to fort edward by way of the difficult green mountains. the british took one hundred and twenty-eight guns. these successes led the british to think that within a few days they would be in albany. we have an amusing picture of the effect on george iii of the fall of fort ticonderoga. the place had been much discussed. it had been the first british fort to fall to the americans when the revolution began, and carleton's failure to take it in the autumn of had been the cause of acute heartburning in london. now, when the news of its fall reached england, george iii burst into the queen's room with the glad cry, "i have beat them, i have beat the americans." washington's depression was not as great as the king's elation; he had a better sense of values; but he had intended that the fort should hold burgoyne, and its fall was a disastrous blow. the americans showed skill and good soldierly quality in the retreat from ticonderoga, and burgoyne in following and harassing them was led into hard fighting in the woods. the easier route by way of lake george was open but burgoyne hoped to destroy his enemy by direct pursuit through the forest. it took him twenty days to hew his way twenty miles, to the upper waters of the hudson near fort edward. when there on the th of july he had communications open from the hudson to the st. lawrence. fortune seemed to smile on burgoyne. he had taken many guns and he had proved the fighting quality of his men. but his cheerful elation had, in truth, no sound basis. never during the two and a half months of bitter struggle which followed was he able to advance more than twenty-five miles from fort edward. the moment he needed transport by land he found himself almost helpless. sometimes his men were without food and equipment because he had not the horses and carts to bring supplies from the head of water at fort anne or fort george, a score of miles away. sometimes he had no food to transport. he was dependent on his communications for every form of supplies. even hay had to be brought from canada, since, in the forest country, there was little food for his horses. the perennial problem for the british in all operations was this one of food. the inland regions were too sparsely populated to make it possible for more than a few soldiers to live on local supplies. the wheat for the bread of the british soldier, his beef and his pork, even the oats for his horse, came, for the most part, from england, at vast expense for transport, which made fortunes for contractors. it is said that the cost of a pound of salted meat delivered to burgoyne on the hudson was thirty shillings. burgoyne had been told that the inhabitants needed only protection to make them openly loyal and had counted on them for supplies. he found instead the great mass of the people hostile and he doubted the sincerity even of those who professed their loyalty. after burgoyne had been a month at fort edward he was face to face with starvation. if he advanced he lengthened his line to flank attack. as it was he had difficulty in holding it against new englanders, the most resolute of all his foes, eager to assert by hard fighting, if need be, their right to hold the invaded territory which was claimed also by new york. burgoyne's instructions forbade him to turn aside and strike them a heavy blow. he must go on to meet howe who was not there to be met. a being who could see the movements of men as we watch a game of chess, might think that madness had seized the british leaders; burgoyne on the upper hudson plunging forward resolutely to meet howe; howe at sea sailing away, as it might well seem, to get as far from burgoyne as he could; clinton in command at new york without instructions, puzzled what to do and not hearing from his leader, howe, for six weeks at a time; and across the sea a complacent minister, germain, who believed that he knew what to do in a scene three thousand miles away, and had drawn up exact instructions as to the way of doing it, and who was now eagerly awaiting news of the final triumph. burgoyne did his best. early in august he had to make a venturesome stroke to get sorely needed food. some twenty-five miles east of the hudson at bennington, in difficult country, new england militia had gathered food and munitions, and horses for transport. the pressure of need clouded burgoyne's judgment. to make a dash for bennington meant a long and dangerous march. he was assured, however, that a surprise was possible and that in any case the country was full of friends only awaiting a little encouragement to come out openly on his side. they were germans who lay on burgoyne's left and burgoyne sent colonel baum, an efficient officer, with five or six hundred men to attack the new englanders and bring in the supplies. it was a stupid blunder to send germans among a people specially incensed against the use of these mercenaries. there was no surprise. many professing loyalists, seemingly eager to take the oath of allegiance, met and delayed baum. when near bennington he found in front of him a force barring the way and had to make a carefully guarded camp for the night. then five hundred men, some of them the cheerful takers of the oath of allegiance, slipped round to his rear and in the morning he was attacked from front and rear. a hot fight followed which resulted in the complete defeat of the british. baum was mortally wounded. some of his men escaped into the woods; the rest were killed or captured. nor was this all. burgoyne, scenting danger, had ordered five hundred more germans to reinforce baum. they, too, were attacked and overwhelmed. in all burgoyne lost some eight hundred men and four guns. the american loss was seventy. it shows the spirit of the time that, for the sport of the soldiers, british prisoners were tied together in pairs and driven by negroes at the tail of horses. an american soldier described long after, with regret for his own cruelty, how he had taken a british prisoner who had had his left eye shot out and mounted him on a horse also without the left eye, in derision at the captive's misfortune. the british complained that quarter was refused in the fight. for days tired stragglers, after long wandering in the woods, drifted into burgoyne's camp. this was now near saratoga, a name destined to be ominous in the history of the british army. further misfortune now crowded upon burgoyne. the general of that day had two favorite forms of attack. one was to hold the enemy's front and throw out a column to march round the flank and attack his rear, the method of howe at the brandywine; the other method was to advance on the enemy by lines converging at a common center. this form of attack had proved most successful eighteen years earlier when the british had finally secured canada by bringing together, at montreal, three armies, one from the east, one from the west, and one from the south. now there was a similar plan of bringing together three british forces at or near albany, on the hudson. of clinton, at new york, and burgoyne we know. the third force was under general st. leger. with some seventeen hundred men, fully half of whom were indians, he had gone up the st. lawrence from montreal and was advancing from oswego on lake ontario to attack fort stanwix at the end of the road from the great lakes to the mohawk river. after taking that stronghold he intended to go down the river valley to meet burgoyne near albany. on the d of august st. leger was before fort stanwix garrisoned by some seven hundred americans. with him were two men deemed potent in that scene. one of these was sir john johnson who had recently inherited the vast estate in the neighborhood of his father, the great indian superintendent, sir william johnson, and was now in command of a regiment recruited from loyalists, many of them fierce and embittered because of the seizure of their property. the other leader was a famous chief of the mohawks, thayendanegea, or, to give him his english name, joseph brant, half savage still, but also half civilized and half educated, because he had had a careful schooling and for a brief day had been courted by london fashion. he exerted a formidable influence with his own people. the indians were not, however, all on one side. half of the six tribes of the iroquois were either neutral or in sympathy with the americans. among the savages, as among the civilized, the war was a family quarrel, in which brother fought brother. most of the indians on the american side preserved, indeed, an outward neutrality. there was no hostile population for them to plunder and the indian usually had no stomach for any other kind of warfare. the allies of the british, on the other hand, had plenty of openings to their taste and they brought on the british cause an enduring discredit. when st. leger was before fort stanwix he heard that a force of eight hundred men, led by a german settler named herkimer, was coming up against him. when it was at oriskany, about six miles away, st. leger laid a trap. he sent brant with some hundreds of indians and a few soldiers to be concealed in a marshy ravine which herkimer must cross. when the american force was hemmed in by trees and marsh on the narrow causeway of logs running across the ravine the indians attacked with wild yells and murderous fire. then followed a bloody hand to hand fight. tradition has been busy with its horrors. men struggled in slime and blood and shouted curses and defiance. improbable stories are told of pairs of skeletons found afterwards in the bog each with a bony hand which had driven a knife to the heart of the other. in the end the british, met by resolution so fierce, drew back. meanwhile a sortie from the american fort on their rear had a menacing success. sir john johnson's camp was taken and sacked. the two sides were at last glad to separate, after the most bloody struggle in the whole war. st. leger's indians had had more than enough. about a hundred had been killed and the rest were in a state of mutiny. soon it was known that benedict arnold, with a considerable force, was pushing up the mohawk valley to relieve the american fort. arnold knew how to deal with savages. he took care that his friendly indians should come into contact with those of brant and tell lurid tales of utter disaster to burgoyne and of a great avenging army on the march to attack st. leger. the result was that st. leger's indians broke out in riot and maddened themselves with stolen rum. disorder affected even the soldiers. the only thing for st. leger to do was to get away. he abandoned his guns and stores and, harassed now by his former indian allies, made his way to oswego and in the end reached montreal with a remnant of his force. news of these things came to burgoyne just after the disaster at bennington. since fort stanwix was in a country counted upon as loyalist at heart it was especially discouraging again to find that in the main the population was against the british. during the war almost without exception loyalist opinion proved weak against the fierce determination of the american side. it was partly a matter of organization. the vigilance committees in each state made life well-nigh intolerable to suspected tories. above all, however, the british had to bear the odium which attaches always to the invader. we do not know what an american army would have done if, with iroquois savages as allies, it had made war in an english county. we know what loathing a parallel situation aroused against the british army in america. the indians, it should be noted, were not soldiers under british discipline but allies; the chiefs regarded themselves as equals who must be consulted and not as enlisted to take orders from a british general. in war, as in politics, nice balancing of merit or defect in an enemy would destroy the main purpose which is to defeat him. each side exaggerates any weak point in the other in order to stimulate the fighting passions. judgment is distorted. the baroness riedesel, the wife of one of burgoyne's generals, who was in boston in , says that the people were all dressed alike in a peasant costume with a leather strap round the waist, that they were of very low and insignificant stature, and that only one in ten of them could read or write. she pictures new englanders as tarring and feathering cultivated english ladies. when educated people believed every evil of the enemy the ignorant had no restraint to their credulity. new england had long regarded the native savages as a pest. in new hampshire offered seventy pounds for each scalp of a hostile male indian and thirty-seven pounds and ten shillings for each scalp of a woman or of a child under twelve years of age. now it was reported that the british were offering bounties for american scalps. benjamin franklin satirized british ignorance when he described whales leaping niagara falls and he did not expect to be taken seriously when, at a later date, he pictured george iii as gloating over the scalps of his subjects in america. the seneca indians alone, wrote franklin, sent to the king many bales of scalps. some bales were captured by the americans and they found the scalps of soldiers, farmers, some of them burned alive, and old people, women, boys, girls, infants, and others unclassified. exact figures bring conviction. franklin was not wanting in exactness nor did he fail, albeit it was unwittingly, to intensify burning resentment of which we have echoes still. burgoyne had to bear the odium of the outrages by indians. it is amusing to us, though it was hardly so to this kindly man, to find these words put into his mouth by a colonial poet: i will let loose the dogs of hell, ten thousand indians who shall yell, and foam, and tear, and grin, and roar and drench their moccasins in gore:â�¦ i swear, by st. george and st. paul, i will exterminate you all. such seed, falling on soil prepared by the hate of war, brought forth its deadly fruit. the americans believed that there was no brutality from which british officers would shrink. burgoyne had told his indian allies that they must not kill except in actual fighting and that there must be no slaughter of non-combatants and no scalping of any but the dead. the warning delivered him into the hands of his enemies for it showed that he half expected outrage. members of the british house of commons were no whit behind the americans in attacking him. burke amused the house by his satire on burgoyne's words: "my gentle lions, my humane bears, my tender-hearted hyenas, go forth! but i exhort you, as you are christians and members of civilized society, to take care not to hurt any man, woman, or child." burke's great speech lasted for three and a half hours and sir george savile called it "the greatest triumph of eloquence within memory." british officers disliked their dirty, greasy, noisy allies and burgoyne found his use of savages, with the futile order to be merciful, a potent factor in his defeat. a horrifying incident had occurred while he was fighting his way to the hudson. as the americans were preparing to leave fort edward some marauding indians saw a chance of plunder and outrage. they burst into a house and carried off two ladies, both of them british in sympathy--mrs. mcneil, a cousin of one of burgoyne's chief officers, general fraser, and miss jeannie mccrae, whose betrothed, a mr. jones, and whose brother were serving with burgoyne. in a short time mrs. mcneil was handed over unhurt to burgoyne's advancing army. miss mccrae was never again seen alive by her friends. her body was found and a wyandot chief, known as the panther, showed her scalp as a trophy. burgoyne would have been a poor creature had he not shown anger at such a crime, even if committed against the enemy. this crime, however, was committed against his own friends. he pressed the charge against the chief and was prepared to hang him and only relaxed when it was urged that the execution would cause all his indians to leave him and to commit further outrages. the incident was appealing in its tragedy and stirred the deep anger of the population of the surrounding country among whose descendants to this day the tradition of the abandoned brutality of the british keeps alive the old hatred. at fort edward burgoyne now found that he could hardly move. he was encumbered by an enormous baggage train. his own effects filled, it is said, thirty wagons and this we can believe when we find that champagne was served at his table up almost to the day of final disaster. the population was thoroughly aroused against him. his own instinct was to remain near the water route to canada and make sure of his communications. on the other hand, honor called him to go forward and not fail howe, supposed to be advancing to meet him. for a long time he waited and hesitated. meanwhile he was having increasing difficulty in feeding his army and through sickness and desertion his numbers were declining. by the th of september he had taken a decisive step. he made a bridge of boats and moved his whole force across the river to saratoga, now schuylerville. this crossing of the river would result inevitably in cutting off his communications with lake george and ticonderoga. after such a step he could not go back and he was moving forward into a dark unknown. the american camp was at stillwater, twelve miles farther down the river. burgoyne sent messenger after messenger to get past the american lines and bring back news of howe. not one of these unfortunate spies returned. most of them were caught and ignominiously hanged. one thing, however, burgoyne could do. he could hazard a fight and on this he decided as the autumn was closing in. burgoyne had no time to lose, once his force was on the west bank of the hudson. general lincoln cut off his communications with canada and was soon laying siege to ticonderoga. the american army facing burgoyne was now commanded by general gates. this englishman, the godson of horace walpole, had gained by successful intrigue powerful support in congress. that body was always paying too much heed to local claims and jealousies and on the d of august it removed schuyler of new york because he was disliked by the soldiers from new england and gave the command to gates. washington was far away maneuvering to meet howe and he was never able to watch closely the campaign in the north. gates, indeed, considered himself independent of washington and reported not to the commander-in-chief but direct to congress. on the th of september burgoyne attacked gates in a strong entrenched position on bemis heights, at stillwater. there was a long and bitter fight, but by evening burgoyne had not carried the main position and had lost more than five hundred men whom he could ill spare from his scanty numbers. burgoyne's condition was now growing desperate. american forces barred retreat to canada. he must go back and meet both frontal and flank attacks, or go forward, or surrender. to go forward now had most promise, for at last howe had instructed clinton, left in command at new york, to move, and clinton was making rapid progress up the hudson. on the th of october burgoyne attacked again at stillwater. this time he was decisively defeated, a result due to the amazing energy in attack of benedict arnold, who had been stripped of his command by an intrigue. gates would not even speak to him and his lingering in the american camp was unwelcome. yet as a volunteer arnold charged the british line madly and broke it. burgoyne's best general, fraser, was killed in the fight. burgoyne retired to saratoga and there at last faced the prospects of getting back to fort edward and to canada. it may be that he could have cut his way through, but this is doubtful. without risk of destruction he could not move in any direction. his enemies now outnumbered him nearly four to one. his camp was swept by the american guns and his men were under arms night and day. american sharpshooters stationed themselves at daybreak in trees about the british camp and any one who appeared in the open risked his life. if a cap was held up in view instantly two or three balls would pass through it. his horses were killed by rifle shots. burgoyne had little food for his men and none for his horses. his indians had long since gone off in dudgeon. many of his canadian french slipped off homeward and so did the loyalists. the german troops were naturally dispirited. a british officer tells of the deadly homesickness of these poor men. they would gather in groups of two dozen or so and mourn that they would never again see their native land. they died, a score at a time, of no other disease than sickness for their homes. they could have no pride in trying to save a lost cause. burgoyne was surrounded and, on the th of october, he was obliged to surrender. gates proposed to burgoyne hard terms--surrender with no honors of war. the british were to lay down their arms in their encampments and to march out without weapons of any kind. burgoyne declared that, rather than accept such terms, he would fight still and take no quarter. a shadow was falling on the path of gates. the term of service of some of his men had expired. the new englanders were determined to stay and see the end of burgoyne but a good many of the new york troops went off. sickness, too, was increasing. above all general clinton was advancing up the hudson. british ships could come up freely as far as albany and in a few days clinton might make a formidable advance. gates, a timid man, was in a hurry. he therefore agreed that the british should march from their camp with the honors of war, that the troops should be taken to new england, and from there to england. they must not serve again in north america during the war but there was nothing in the terms to prevent their serving in europe and relieving british regiments for service in america. gates had the courtesy to keep his army where it could not see the laying down of arms by burgoyne's force. about five thousand men, of whom sixteen hundred were germans and only three thousand five hundred fit for duty, surrendered to sixteen thousand americans. burgoyne gave offense to german officers by saying in his report that he might have held out longer had all his troops been british. this is probably true but the british met with only a just nemesis for using soldiers who had no call of duty to serve. the army set out on its long march of two hundred miles to boston. the late autumn weather was cold, the army was badly clothed and fed, and the discomfort of the weary route was increased by the bitter antagonism of the inhabitants. they respected the regular british soldier but at the germans they shouted insults and the loyalists they despised as traitors. the camp at the journey's end was on the ground at cambridge where two years earlier washington had trained his first army. every day burgoyne expected to embark. there was delay and, at last, he knew the reason. congress repudiated the terms granted by gates. a tangled dispute followed. washington probably had no sympathy with the quibbling of congress. but he had no desire to see this army return to europe and release there an army to serve in america. burgoyne's force was never sent to england. for nearly a year it lay at boston. then it was marched to virginia. the men suffered great hardships and the numbers fell by desertion and escape. when peace came in there was no army to take back to england; burgoyne's soldiers had been merged into the american people. it may well be, indeed, that descendants of his beaten men have played an important part in building up the united states. the irony of history is unconquerable. chapter vii. washington and his comrades at valley forge washington had met defeat in every considerable battle at which he was personally present. his first appearance in military history, in the ohio campaign against the french, twenty-two years before the revolution, was marked by a defeat, the surrender of fort necessity. again in the next year, when he fought to relieve the disaster to braddock's army, defeat was his portion. defeat had pursued him in the battles of the revolution--before new york, at the brandywine, at germantown. the campaign against canada, which he himself planned, had failed. he had lost new york and philadelphia. but, like william iii of england, who in his long struggle with france hardly won a battle and yet forced louis xiv to accept his terms of peace, washington, by suddenness in reprisal, by skill in resource when his plans seemed to have been shattered, grew on the hard rock of defeat the flower of victory. there was never a time when washington was not trusted by men of real military insight or by the masses of the people. but a general who does not win victories in the field is open to attack. by the winter of when washington, with his army reduced and needy, was at valley forge keeping watch on howe in philadelphia, john adams and others were talking of the sin of idolatry in the worship of washington, of its flavor of the accursed spirit of monarchy, and of the punishment which "the god of heaven and earth" must inflict for such perversity. adams was all against a fabian policy and wanted to settle issues forever by a short and strenuous war. the idol, it was being whispered, proved after all to have feet of clay. one general, and only one, had to his credit a really great victory--gates, to whom burgoyne had surrendered at saratoga, and there was a movement to replace washington by this laureled victor. general conway, an irish soldier of fortune, was one of the most troublesome in this plot. he had served in the campaign about philadelphia but had been blocked in his extravagant demands for promotion; so he turned for redress to gates, the star in the north. a malignant campaign followed in detraction of washington. he had, it was said, worn out his men by useless marches; with an army three times as numerous as that of howe, he had gained no victory; there was high fighting quality in the american army if properly led, but washington despised the militia; a gates or a lee or a conway would save the cause as washington could not; and so on. "heaven has determined to save your country or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it"; so wrote conway to gates and gates allowed the letter to be seen. the words were reported to washington, who at once, in high dudgeon, called conway to account. an explosion followed. gates both denied that he had received a letter with the passage in question, and, at the same time, charged that there had been tampering with his private correspondence. he could not have it both ways. conway was merely impudent in reply to washington, but gates laid the whole matter before congress. washington wrote to gates, in reply to his denials, ironical references to "rich treasures of knowledge and experience" "guarded with penurious reserve" by conway from his leaders but revealed to gates. there was no irony in washington's reference to malignant detraction and mean intrigue. at the same time he said to gates: "my temper leads me to peace and harmony with all men," and he deplored the internal strife which injured the great cause. conway soon left america. gates lived to command another american army and to end his career by a crowning disaster. washington had now been for more than two years in the chief command and knew his problems. it was a british tradition that standing armies were a menace to liberty, and the tradition had gained strength in crossing the sea. washington would have wished a national army recruited by congress alone and bound to serve for the duration of the war. there was much talk at the time of a "new model army" similar in type to the wonderful creation of oliver cromwell. the thirteen colonies became, however, thirteen nations. each reserved the right to raise its own levies in its own way. to induce men to enlist congress was twice handicapped. first, it had no power of taxation and could only ask the states to provide what it needed. the second handicap was even greater. when congress offered bounties to those who enlisted in the continental army, some of the states offered higher bounties for their own levies of militia, and one authority was bidding against the other. this encouraged short-term enlistments. if a man could re-enlist and again secure a bounty, he would gain more than if he enlisted at once for the duration of the war. an army is an intricate mechanism needing the same variety of agencies that is required for the well-being of a community. the chief aim is, of course, to defeat the enemy, and to do this an army must be prepared to move rapidly. means of transport, so necessary in peace, are even more urgently needed in war. thus washington always needed military engineers to construct roads and bridges. before the revolution the greater part of such services had been provided in america by the regular british army, now the enemy. british officers declared that the american army was without engineers who knew the science of war, and certainly the forts on which they spent their skill in the north, those on the lower hudson, and at ticonderoga, at the head of lake george, fell easily before the assailant. good maps were needed, and in this washington was badly served, though the defect was often corrected by his intimate knowledge of the country. another service ill-equipped was what we should now call the red cross. epidemics, and especially smallpox, wrought havoc in the army. then, as now, shattered nerves were sometimes the result of the strain of military life. "the wind of a ball," what we should now call shell-shock, sometimes killed men whose bodies appeared to be uninjured. to our more advanced knowledge the medical science of the time seems crude. the physicians of new england, today perhaps the most expert body of medical men in the world, were even then highly skillful. but the surgeons and nurses were too few. this was true of both sides in the conflict. prisoners in hospitals often suffered terribly and each side brought charges of ill-treatment against the other. the prison-ships in the harbor of new york, where american prisoners were confined, became a scandal, and much bitter invective against british brutality is found in the literature of the period. the british leaders, no less than washington himself, were humane men, and ignorance and inadequate equipment will explain most of the hardships, though an occasional officer on either side was undoubtedly callous in respect to the sufferings of the enemy. food and clothing, the first vital necessities of an army, were often deplorably scarce. in a land of farmers there was food enough. its lack in the army was chiefly due to bad transport. clothing was another matter. one of the things insisted upon in a well-trained army is a decent regard for appearance, and in the eyes of the french and the british officers the american army usually seemed rather unkempt. the formalities of dress, the uniformity of pipe-clay and powdered hair, of polished steel and brass, can of course be overdone. the british army had too much of it, but to washington's force the danger was of having too little. it was not easy to induce farmers and frontiersmen who at home began the day without the use of water, razor, or brush, to appear on parade clean, with hair powdered, faces shaved, and clothes neat. in the long summer days the men were told to shave before going to bed that they might prepare the more quickly for parade in the morning, and to fill their canteens over night if an early march was imminent. some of the regiments had uniforms which gave them a sufficiently smart appearance. the cocked hat, the loose hunting shirt with its fringed border, the breeches of brown leather or duck, the brown gaiters or leggings, the powdered hair, were familiar marks of the soldier of the revolution. during a great part of the war, however, in spite of supplies brought from both france and the west indies, washington found it difficult to secure for his men even decent clothing of any kind, whether of military cut or not. more than a year after he took command, in the fighting about new york, a great part of his army had no more semblance of uniform than hunting shirts on a common pattern. in the following december, he wrote of many men as either shivering in garments fit only for summer wear or as entirely naked. there was a time in the later campaign in the south when hundreds of american soldiers marched stark naked, except for breech cloths. one of the most pathetic hardships of the soldier's life was due to the lack of boots. more than one of washington's armies could be tracked by the bloody footprints of his barefooted men. near the end of the war benedict arnold, who knew whereof he spoke, described the american army as "illy clad, badly fed, and worse paid," pay being then two or three years overdue. on the other hand, there is evidence that life in the army was not without its compensations. enforced dwelling in the open air saved men from diseases such as consumption and the movement from camp to camp gave a broader outlook to the farmer's sons. the army could usually make a brave parade. on ceremonial occasions the long hair of the men would be tied back and made white with powder, even though their uniforms were little more than rags. the men carried weapons some of which, in, at any rate, the early days of the war, were made by hand at the village smithy. a man might take to the war a weapon forged by himself. the american soldier had this advantage over the british soldier, that he used, if not generally, at least in some cases, not the smooth-bore musket but the grooved rifle by which the ball was made to rotate in its flight. the fire from this rifle was extremely accurate. at first weapons were few and ammunition was scanty, but in time there were importations from france and also supplies from american gun factories. the standard length of the barrel was three and a half feet, a portentous size compared with that of the modern weapon. the loading was from the muzzle, a process so slow that one of the favorite tactics of the time was to await the fire of the enemy and then charge quickly and bayonet him before he could reload. the old method of firing off the musket by means of slow matches kept alight during action was now obsolete; the latest device was the flintlock. but there was always a measure of doubt whether the weapon would go off. partly on this account benjamin franklin, the wisest man of his time, declared for the use of the pike of an earlier age rather than the bayonet and for bows and arrows instead of firearms. a soldier, he said, could shoot four arrows to one bullet. an arrow wound was more disabling than a bullet wound; and arrows did not becloud the vision with smoke. the bullet remained, however, the chief means of destruction, and the fire of washington's soldiers usually excelled that of the british. these, in their turn, were superior in the use of the bayonet. powder and lead were hard to get. the inventive spirit of america was busy with plans to procure saltpeter and other ingredients for making powder, but it remained scarce. since there was no standard firearm, each soldier required bullets specially suited to his weapon. the men melted lead and cast it in their own bullet-molds. it is an instance of the minor ironies of war that the great equestrian statue of george iii, which had been erected in new york in days more peaceful, was melted into bullets for killing that monarch's soldiers. another necessity was paper for cartridges and wads. the cartridge of that day was a paper envelope containing the charge of ball and powder. this served also as a wad, after being emptied of its contents, and was pushed home with a ramrod. a store of german bibles in pennsylvania fell into the hands of the soldiers at a moment when paper was a crying need, and the pages of these bibles were used for wads. the artillery of the time seems feeble compared with the monster weapons of death which we know in our own age. yet it was an important factor in the war. it is probable that before the war not a single cannon had been made in the colonies. from the outset washington was hampered for lack of artillery. neutrals, especially the dutch in the west indies, sold guns to the americans, and france was a chief source of supply during long periods when the british lost the command of the sea. there was always difficulty about equipping cavalry, especially in the north. the virginian was at home on horseback, and in the farther south bands of cavalry did service during the later years of the war, but many of the fighting riders of today might tomorrow be guiding their horses peacefully behind the plough. the pay of the soldiers remained to washington a baffling problem. when the war ended their pay was still heavily in arrears. the states were timid about imposing taxation and few if any paid promptly the levies made upon them. congress bridged the chasm in finance by issuing paper money which so declined in value that, as washington said grimly, it required a wagon-load of money to pay for a wagon-load of supplies. the soldier received his pay in this money at its face value, and there is little wonder that the "continental dollar" is still in the united states a symbol of worthlessness. at times the lack of pay caused mutiny which would have been dangerous but for washington's firm and tactful management in the time of crisis. there was in him both the kindly feeling of the humane man and the rigor of the army leader. he sent men to death without flinching, but he was at one with his men in their sufferings, and no problem gave him greater anxiety than that of pay, affecting, as it did, the health and spirits of men who, while unpaid, had no means of softening the daily tale of hardship. desertion was always hard to combat. with the homesickness which led sometimes to desertion washington must have had a secret sympathy, for his letters show that he always longed for that pleasant home in virginia which he did not allow himself to revisit until nearly the end of the war. the land of a farmer on service often remained untilled, and there are pathetic cases of families in bitter need because the breadwinner was in the army. in frontier settlements his absence sometimes meant the massacre of his family by the savages. there is little wonder that desertion was common, so common that after a reverse the men went away by hundreds. as they usually carried with them their rifles and other equipment, desertion involved a double loss. on one occasion some soldiers undertook for themselves the punishment of deserters. men of the first pennsylvania regiment who had recaptured three deserters, beheaded one of them and returned to their camp with the head carried on a pole. more than once it happened that condemned men were paraded before the troops for execution with the graves dug and the coffins lying ready. the death sentence would be read, and then, as the firing party took aim, a reprieve would be announced. the reprieve in such circumstances was omitted often enough to make the condemned endure the real agony of death. religion offered its consolations in the army and washington gave much thought to the service of the chaplains. he told his army that fine as it was to be a patriot it was finer still to be a christian. it is an odd fact that, though he attended the anglican communion service before and after the war, he did not partake of the communion during the war. what was in his mind we do not know. he was disposed, as he said himself, to let men find "that road to heaven which to them shall seem the most direct," and he was without puritan fervor, but he had deep religious feeling. during the troubled days at valley forge a neighbor came upon him alone in the bush on his knees praying aloud, and stole away unobserved. he would not allow in the army a favorite puritan custom of burning the pope in effigy, and the prohibition was not easily enforced among men, thousands of whom bore scriptural names from ancestors who thought the pope anti-christ. washington's winter quarters at valley forge were only twenty miles from philadelphia, among hills easily defended. it is matter for wonder that howe, with an army well equipped, did not make some attempt to destroy the army of washington which passed the winter so near and in acute distress. the pennsylvania loyalists, with dark days soon to come, were bitter at howe's inactivity, full of tragic meaning for themselves. he said that he could achieve nothing permanent by attack. it may be so; but it is a sound principle in warfare to destroy the enemy when this is possible. there was a time when in washington's whole force not more than two thousand men were in a condition to fight. congress was responsible for the needs of the army but was now, in sordid inefficiency, cooped up in the little town of york, eighty miles west of valley forge, to which it had fled. there was as yet no real federal union. the seat of authority was in the state governments, and we need not wonder that, with the passing of the first burst of devotion which united the colonies in a common cause, congress declined rapidly in public esteem. "what a lot of damned scoundrels we had in that second congress" said, at a later date, gouverneur morris of philadelphia to john jay of new york, and jay answered gravely, "yes, we had." the body, so despised in the retrospect, had no real executive government, no organized departments. already before independence was proclaimed there had been talk of a permanent union, but the members of congress had shown no sense of urgency, and it was not until november , , when the british were in philadelphia and congress was in exile at york, that articles of confederation were adopted. by the following midsummer many of the states had ratified these articles, but maryland, the last to assent, did not accept the new union until , so that congress continued to act for the states without constitutional sanction during the greater part of the war. the ineptitude of congress is explained when we recall that it was a revolutionary body which indeed controlled foreign affairs and the issues of war and peace, coined money, and put forth paper money but had no general powers. each state had but one vote, and thus a small and sparsely settled state counted for as much as populous massachusetts or virginia. the congress must deal with each state only as a unit; it could not coerce a state; and it had no authority to tax or to coerce individuals. the utmost it could do was to appeal to good feeling, and when a state felt that it had a grievance such an appeal was likely to meet with a flaming retort. washington maintained towards congress an attitude of deference and courtesy which it did not always deserve. the ablest men in the individual states held aloof from congress. they felt that they had more dignity and power if they sat in their own legislatures. the assembly which in the first days had as members men of the type of washington and franklin sank into a gathering of second-rate men who were divided into fierce factions. they debated interminably and did little. each member usually felt that he must champion the interests of his own state against the hostility of others. it was not easy to create a sense of national life. the union was only a league of friendship. states which for a century or more had barely acknowledged their dependence upon great britain, were chary about coming under the control of a new centralizing authority at philadelphia. the new states were sovereign and some of them went so far as to send envoys of their own to negotiate with foreign powers in europe. when it was urged that congress should have the power to raise taxes in the states, there were patriots who asked sternly what the war was about if it was not to vindicate the principle that the people of a state alone should have power of taxation over themselves. of new england all the other states were jealous and they particularly disliked that proud and censorious city which already was accused of believing that god had made boston for himself and all the rest of the world for boston. the religion of new england did not suit the anglicans of virginia or the roman catholics of maryland, and there was resentful suspicion of puritan intolerance. john adams said quite openly that there were no religious teachers in philadelphia to compare with those of boston and naturally other colonies drew away from the severe and rather acrid righteousness of which he was a type. inefficiency meanwhile brought terrible suffering at valley forge, and the horrors of that winter remain still vivid in the memory of the american people. the army marched to valley forge on december , , and in midwinter everything from houses to entrenchments had still to be created. at once there was busy activity in cutting down trees for the log huts. they were built nearly square, sixteen feet by fourteen, in rows, with the door opening on improvised streets. since boards were scarce, and it was difficult to make roofs rainproof, washington tried to stimulate ingenuity by offering a reward of one hundred dollars for an improved method of roofing. the fireplaces of wood were protected with thick clay. firewood was abundant, but, with little food for oxen and horses, men had to turn themselves into draught animals to bring in supplies. sometimes the army was for a week without meat. many horses died for lack of forage or of proper care, a waste which especially disturbed washington, a lover of horses. when quantities of clothing were ready for use, they were not delivered at valley forge owing to lack of transport. washington expressed his contempt for officers who resigned their commissions in face of these distresses. no one, he said, ever heard him say a word about resignation. there were many desertions but, on the whole, he marveled at the patience of his men and that they did not mutiny. with a certain grim humor they chanted phrases about "no pay, no clothes, no provisions, no rum," and sang an ode glorifying war and washington. hundreds of them marched barefoot, their blood staining the snow or the frozen ground while, at the same time, stores of shoes and clothing were lying unused somewhere on the roads to the camp. sickness raged in the army. few men at valley forge, wrote washington, had more than a sheet, many only part of a sheet, and some nothing at all. hospital stores were lacking. for want of straw and blankets the sick lay perishing on the frozen ground. when washington had been at valley forge for less than a week, he had to report nearly three thousand men unfit for duty because of their nakedness in the bitter winter. then, as always, what we now call the "profiteer" was holding up supplies for higher prices. to the british at philadelphia, because they paid in gold, things were furnished which were denied to washington at valley forge, and he announced that he would hang any one who took provisions to philadelphia. to keep his men alive washington had sometimes to take food by force from the inhabitants and then there was an outcry that this was robbery. with many sick, his horses so disabled that he could not move his artillery, and his defenses very slight, he could have made only a weak fight had howe attacked him. yet the legislature of pennsylvania told him that, instead of lying quiet in winter quarters, he ought to be carrying on an active campaign. in most wars irresponsible men sitting by comfortable firesides are sure they knew best how the thing should be done. the bleak hillside at valley forge was something more than a prison. washington's staff was known as his family and his relations with them were cordial and even affectionate. the young officers faced their hardships cheerily and gave meager dinners to which no one might go if he was so well off as to have trousers without holes. they talked and sang and jested about their privations. by this time many of the bad officers, of whom washington complained earlier, had been weeded out and he was served by a body of devoted men. there was much good comradeship. partnership in suffering tends to draw men together. in the company which gathered about washington, two men, mere youths at the time, have a world-wide fame. the young alexander hamilton, barely twenty-one years of age, and widely known already for his political writings, had the rank of lieutenant colonel gained for his services in the fighting about new york. he was now washington's confidential secretary, a position in which he soon grew restless. his ambition was to be one of the great military leaders of the revolution. before the end of the war he had gone back to fighting and he distinguished himself in the last battle of the war at yorktown. the other youthful figure was the marquis de la fayette. it is not without significance that a noble square bears his name in the capital named after washington. the two men loved each other. the young french aristocrat, with both a great name and great possessions, was fired in , when only nineteen, with zeal for the american cause. "with the welfare of america," he wrote to his wife, "is closely linked the welfare of mankind." idealists in france believed that america was leading in the remaking of the world. when it was known that la fayette intended to go to fight in america, the king of france forbade it, since france had as yet no quarrel with england. the youth, however, chartered a ship, landed in south carolina, hurried to philadelphia, and was a major general in the american army when he was twenty years of age. la fayette rendered no serious military service to the american cause. he arrived in time to fight in the battle of the brandywine. washington praised him for his bravery and military ardor and wrote to congress that he was sensible, discreet, and able to speak english freely. it was with an eye to the influence in france of the name of the young noble that congress advanced him so rapidly. la fayette was sincere and generous in spirit. he had, however, little military capacity. later when he might have directed the course of the french revolution he was found wanting in force of character. the great mirabeau tried to work with him for the good of france, but was repelled by la fayette's jealous vanity, a vanity so greedy of praise that jefferson called it a "canine appetite for popularity and fame." la fayette once said that he had never had a thought with which he could reproach himself, and he boasted that he has mastered three kings--the king of england in the american revolution, the king of france, and king mob of paris during the upheaval in france. he was useful as a diplomatist rather than as a soldier. later, in an hour of deep need, washington sent la fayette to france to ask for aid. he was influential at the french court and came back with abundant promises, which were in part fulfilled. washington himself and oliver cromwell are perhaps the only two civilian generals in history who stand in the first rank as military leaders. it is doubtful indeed whether it is not rather character than military skill which gives washington his place. only one other general of the revolution attained to first rank even in secondary fame. nathanael greene was of quaker stock from rhode island. he was a natural student and when trouble with the mother country was impending in he spent the leisure which he could spare from his forges in the study of military history and in organizing the local militia. because of his zeal for military service he was expelled from the society of friends. in when war broke out he was promptly on hand with a contingent from rhode island. in little more than a year and after a very slender military experience he was in command of the army on long island. on the hudson defeat not victory was his lot. he had, however, as much stern resolve as washington. he shared washington's success in the attack on trenton, and his defeats at the brandywine and at germantown. now he was at valley forge, and when, on march , , he became quartermaster general, the outlook for food and supplies steadily improved. later, in the south, he rendered brilliant service which made possible the final american victory at yorktown. henry knox, a boston bookseller, had, like greene, only slight training for military command. it shows the dearth of officers to fight the highly disciplined british army that knox, at the age of twenty-five, and fresh from commercial life, was placed in charge of the meager artillery which washington had before boston. it was knox, who, with heart-breaking labor, took to the american front the guns captured at ticonderoga. throughout the war he did excellent service with the artillery, and washington placed a high value upon his services. he valued too those of daniel morgan, an old fighter in the indian wars, who left his farm in virginia when war broke out, and marched his company of riflemen to join the army before boston. he served with arnold at the siege of quebec, and was there taken prisoner. he was exchanged and had his due revenge when he took part in the capture of burgoyne's army. he was now at valley forge. later he had a command under greene in the south and there, as we shall see, he won the great success of the battle of cowpens in january, . it was the peculiar misfortune of washington that the three men, arnold, lee, and gates, who ought to have rendered him the greatest service, proved unfaithful. benedict arnold, next to washington himself, was probably the most brilliant and resourceful soldier of the revolution. washington so trusted him that, when the dark days at valley forge were over, he placed him in command of the recaptured federal capital. today the name of arnold would rank high in the memory of a grateful country had he not fallen into the bottomless pit of treason. the same is in some measure true of charles lee, who was freed by the british in an exchange of prisoners and joined washington at valley forge late in the spring of . lee was so clever with his pen as to be one of the reputed authors of the letters of junius. he had served as a british officer in the conquest of canada, and later as major general in the army of poland. he had a jealous and venomous temper and could never conceal the contempt of the professional soldier for civilian generals. he, too, fell into the abyss of treason. horatio gates, also a regular soldier, had served under braddock and was thus at that early period a comrade of washington. intriguer he was, but not a traitor. it was incompetence and perhaps cowardice which brought his final ruin. europe had thousands of unemployed officers some of whom had had experience in the seven years' war and many turned eagerly to america for employment. there were some good soldiers among these fighting adventurers. kosciuszko, later famous as a polish patriot, rose by his merits to the rank of brigadier general in the american army; de kalb, son of a german peasant, though not a baron, as he called himself, proved worthy of the rank of a major general. there was, however, a flood of volunteers of another type. french officers fleeing from their creditors and sometimes under false names and titles, made their way to america as best they could and came to washington with pretentious claims. germans and poles there were, too, and also exiles from that unhappy island which remains still the most vexing problem of british politics. some of them wrote their own testimonials; some, too, were spies. on the first day, washington wrote, they talked only of serving freely a noble cause, but within a week were demanding promotion and advance of money. sometimes they took a high tone with members of congress who had not courage to snub what washington called impudence and vain boasting. "i am haunted and teased to death by the importunity of some and dissatisfaction of others" wrote washington of these people. one foreign officer rendered incalculable service to the american cause. it was not only on the british side that germans served in the american revolution. the baron von steuben was, like la fayette, a man of rank in his own country, and his personal service to the revolution was much greater than that of la fayette. steuben had served on the staff of frederick the great and was distinguished for his wit and his polished manners. there was in him nothing of the needy adventurer. the sale of hessian and other troops to the british by greedy german princes was met in some circles in germany by a keen desire to aid the cause of the young republic. steuben, who held a lucrative post, became convinced, while on a visit to paris, that he could render service in training the americans. with quick sympathy and showing no reserve in his generous spirit he abandoned his country, as it proved forever, took ship for the united states, and arrived in november, . washington welcomed him at valley forge in the following march. he was made inspector general and at once took in hand the organization of the army. he prepared "regulations for the order and discipline of the troops of the united states" later, in , issued as a book. under this german influence british methods were discarded. the word of command became short and sharp. the british practice of leaving recruits to be trained by sergeants, often ignorant, coarse, and brutal, was discarded, and officers themselves did this work. the last letter which washington wrote before he resigned his command at the end of the war was to thank steuben for his invaluable aid. charles lee did not believe that american recruits could be quickly trained so as to be able to face the disciplined british battalions. steuben was to prove that lee was wrong to lee's own entire undoing at monmouth when fighting began in . the british army in america furnished sharp contrasts to that of washington. if the british jeered at the fighting quality of citizens, these retorted that the british soldier was a mere slave. there were two great stains upon the british system, the press-gang and flogging. press-gangs might seize men abroad in the streets of a town and, unless they could prove that they were gentlemen in rank, they could be sent in the fleet to serve in the remotest corners of the earth. in both navy and army flogging outraged the dignity of manhood. the liability to this brutal and degrading punishment kept all but the dregs of the populace from enlisting in the british army. it helped to fix the deep gulf between officers and men. forty years later napoleon bonaparte, despot though he might be, was struck by this separation. he himself went freely among his men, warmed himself at their fire, and talked to them familiarly about their work, and he thought that the british officer was too aloof in his demeanor. in the british army serving in america there were many officers of aristocratic birth and long training in military science. when they found that american officers were frequently drawn from a class of society which in england would never aspire to a commission, and were largely self-taught, not unnaturally they jeered at an army so constituted. another fact excited british disdain. the americans were technically rebels against their lawful ruler, and rebels in arms have no rights as belligerents. when the war ended more than a thousand american prisoners were still held in england on the capital charge of treason. nothing stirred washington's anger more deeply than the remark sometimes made by british officers that the prisoners they took were receiving undeserved mercy when they were not hanged. there was much debate at valley forge as to the prospect for the future. when we look at available numbers during the war we appreciate the view of a british officer that in spite of washington's failures and of british victories the war was serious, "an ugly job, a damned affair indeed." the population of the colonies--some , , --was about one-third that of the united kingdom; and for the british the war was remote from the base of supply. in those days, considering the means of transport, america was as far from england as at the present day is australia. sometimes the voyage across the sea occupied two and even three months, and, with the relatively small ships of the time, it required a vast array of transports to carry an army of twenty or thirty thousand men. in the spring of great britain had found it impossible to raise at home an army of even twenty thousand men for service in america, and she was forced to rely in large part upon mercenary soldiers. this was nothing new. her island people did not like service abroad and this unwillingness was intensified in regard to war in remote america. moreover whig leaders in england discouraged enlistment. they were bitterly hostile to the war which they regarded as an attack not less on their own liberties than on those of america. it would be too much to ascribe to the ignorant british common soldier of the time any deep conviction as to the merits or demerits of the cause for which he fought. there is no evidence that, once in the army, he was less ready to attack the americans than any other foe. certainly the americans did not think he was half-hearted. the british soldier fought indeed with more resolute determination than did the hired auxiliary at his side. these german troops played a notable part in the war. the despotic princes of the lesser german states were accustomed to sell the services of their troops. despotic russia, too, was a likely field for such enterprise. when, however, it was proposed to the empress catherine ii that she should furnish twenty thousand men for service in america she retorted with the sage advice that it was england's true interest to settle the quarrel in america without war. germany was left as the recruiting field. british efforts to enlist germans as volunteers in her own army were promptly checked by the german rulers and it was necessary literally to buy the troops from their princes. one-fourth of the able-bodied men of hesse-cassel were shipped to america. they received four times the rate of pay at home and their ruler received in addition some half million dollars a year. the men suffered terribly and some died of sickness for the homes to which thousands of them never returned. german generals, such as knyphausen and riedesel, gave the british sincere and effective service. the hessians were, however, of doubtful benefit to the british. it angered the americans that hired troops should be used against them, an anger not lessened by the contempt which the hessians showed for the colonial officers as plebeians. the two sides were much alike in their qualities and were skillful in propaganda. in britain lurid tales were told of the colonists scalping the wounded at lexington and using poisoned bullets at bunker hill. in america every prisoner in british hands was said to be treated brutally and every man slain in the fighting to have been murdered. the use of foreign troops was a fruitful theme. the report ran through the colonies that the hessians were huge ogre-like monsters, with double rows of teeth round each jaw, who had come at the call of the british tyrant to slay women and children. in truth many of the hessians became good americans. in spite of the loyalty of their officers they were readily induced to desert. the wit of benjamin franklin was enlisted to compose telling appeals, translated into simple german, which promised grants of land to those who should abandon an unrighteous cause. the hessian trooper who opened a packet of tobacco might find in the wrapper appeals both to his virtue and to his cupidity. it was easy for him to resist them when the british were winning victories and he was dreaming of a return to the fatherland with a comfortable accumulation of pay, but it was different when reverses overtook british arms. then many hundreds slipped away; and today their blood flows in the veins of thousands of prosperous american farmers. chapter viii. the alliance with france and its results washington badly needed aid from europe, but there every important government was monarchical and it was not easy for a young republic, the child of revolution, to secure an ally. france tingled with joy at american victories and sorrowed at american reverses, but motives were mingled and perhaps hatred of england was stronger than love for liberty in america. the young la fayette had a pure zeal, but he would not have fought for the liberty of colonists in mexico as he did for those in virginia; and the difference was that service in mexico would not hurt the enemy of france so recently triumphant. he hated england and said so quite openly. the thought of humiliating and destroying that "insolent nation" was always to him an inspiration. vergennes, the french foreign minister, though he lacked genius, was a man of boundless zeal and energy. he was at work at four o'clock in the morning and he spent his long days in toil for his country. he believed that england was the tyrant of the seas, "the monster against whom we should be always prepared," a greedy, perfidious neighbor, the natural enemy of france. from the first days of the trouble in regard to the stamp act vergennes had rejoiced that england's own children were turning against her. he had french military officers in england spying on her defenses. when war broke out he showed no nice regard for the rules of neutrality and helped the colonies in every way possible. it was a french writer who led in these activities. beaumarchais is known to the world chiefly as the creator of the character of figaro, which has become the type of the bold, clever, witty, and intriguing rascal, but he played a real part in the american revolution. we need not inquire too closely into his motives. there was hatred of the english, that "audacious, unbridled, shameless people," and there was, too, the zeal for liberal ideas which made queen marie antoinette herself take a pretty interest in the "dear republicans" overseas who were at the same time fighting the national enemy. beaumarchais secured from the government money with which he purchased supplies to be sent to america. he had a great warehouse in paris, and, under the rather fantastic spanish name of roderigue hortalez & co., he sent vast quantities of munitions and clothing to america. cannon, not from private firms but from the government arsenals, were sent across the sea. when vergennes showed scruples about this violation of neutrality, the answer of beaumarchais was that governments were not bound by rules of morality applicable to private persons. vergennes learned well the lesson and, while protesting to the british ambassador in paris that france was blameless, he permitted outrageous breaches of the laws of neutrality. secret help was one thing, open alliance another. early in silas deane, a member from connecticut of the continental congress, was named as envoy to france to secure french aid. the day was to come when deane should believe the struggle against britain hopeless and counsel submission, but now he showed a furious zeal. he knew hardly a word of french, but this did not keep him from making his elaborate programme well understood. himself a trader, he promised france vast profits from the monopoly of the trade of america when independence should be secure. he gave other promises not more easy of fulfillment. to frenchmen zealous for the ideals of liberty and seeking military careers in america he promised freely commissions as colonels and even generals and was the chief cause of that deluge of european officers which proved to washington so annoying. it was through deane's activities that la fayette became a volunteer. through him came too the proposal to send to america the comte de broglie who should be greater than colonel or general--a generalissimo, a dictator. he was to brush aside washington, to take command of the american armies, and by his prestige and skill to secure france as an ally and win victory in the field. for such services broglie asked only despotic power while he served and for life a great pension which would, he declared, not be one-hundredth part of his real value. that deane should have considered a scheme so fantastic reveals the measure of his capacity, and by the end of benjamin franklin was sent to paris to bring his tried skill to bear upon the problem of the alliance. with deane and franklin as a third member of the commission was associated arthur lee who had vainly sought aid at the courts of spain and prussia. france was, however, coy. the end of saw the colonial cause at a very low ebb, with washington driven from new york and about to be driven from philadelphia. defeat is not a good argument for an alliance. france was willing to send arms to america and willing to let american privateers use freely her ports. the ship which carried franklin to france soon busied herself as a privateer and reaped for her crew a great harvest of prize money. in a single week of june, , this ship captured a score of british merchantmen, of which more than two thousand were taken by americans during the war. france allowed the american privateers to come and go as they liked, and gave england smooth words, but no redress. there is little wonder that england threatened to hang captured american sailors as pirates. it was the capture of burgoyne at saratoga which brought decision to france. that was the victory which vergennes had demanded before he would take open action. one british army had surrendered. another was in an untenable position in philadelphia. it was known that the british fleet had declined. with the best of it in america, france was the more likely to win successes in europe. the bourbon king of france could, too, draw into the war the bourbon king of spain, and spain had good ships. the defects of france and spain on the sea were not in ships but in men. the invasion of england was not improbable and then less than a score of years might give france both avenging justice for her recent humiliation and safety for her future. britain should lose america, she should lose india, she should pay in a hundred ways for her past triumphs, for the arrogance of pitt, who had declared that he would so reduce france that she should never again rise. the future should belong not to britain but to france. thus it was that fervent patriotism argued after the defeat of burgoyne. frederick the great told his ambassador at paris to urge upon france that she had now a chance to strike england which might never again come. france need not, he said, fear his enmity, for he was as likely to help england as the devil to help a christian. whatever doubts vergennes may have entertained about an open alliance with america were now swept away. the treaty of friendship with america was signed on february , . on the th of march the french ambassador in london told the british government, with studied insolence of tone, that the united states were by their own declaration independent. only a few weeks earlier the british ministry had said that there was no prospect of any foreign intervention to help the americans and now in the most galling manner france told george iii the one thing to which he would not listen, that a great part of his sovereignty was gone. each country withdrew its ambassador and war quickly followed. france had not tried to make a hard bargain with the americans. she demanded nothing for herself and agreed not even to ask for the restoration of canada. she required only that america should never restore the king's sovereignty in order to secure peace. certain sections of opinion in america were suspicious of france. was she not the old enemy who had so long harassed the frontiers of new england and new york? if george iii was a despot what of louis xvi, who had not even an elected parliament to restrain him? washington himself was distrustful of france and months after the alliance had been concluded he uttered the warning that hatred of england must not lead to over-confidence in france. "no nation," he said, "is to be trusted farther than it is bound by its interests." france, he thought, must desire to recover canada, so recently lost. he did not wish to see a great military power on the northern frontier of the united states. this would be to confirm the jeer of the loyalists that the alliance was a case of the wooden horse in troy; the old enemy would come back in the guise of a friend and would then prove to be master and bring the colonies under a servitude compared with which the british supremacy would seem indeed mild. the intervention of france brought a cruel embarrassment to the whig patriot in england. he could rejoice and mourn with american patriots because he believed that their cause was his own. it was as much the interest of norfolk as of massachusetts that the new despotism of a king, who ruled through a corrupt parliament, should be destroyed. it was, however, another matter when france took a share in the fight. france fought less for freedom than for revenge, and the englishman who, like coke of norfolk, could daily toast washington as the greatest of men could not link that name with louis xvi or with his minister vergennes. the currents of the past are too swift and intricate to be measured exactly by the observer who stands on the shore of the present, but it is arguable that the whigs might soon have brought about peace in england had it not been for the intervention of france. no serious person any longer thought that taxation could be enforced upon america or that the colonies should be anything but free in regulating their own affairs. george iii himself said that he who declared the taxing of america to be worth what it cost was "more fit for bedlam than a seat in the senate." the one concession britain was not yet prepared to make was independence. but burke and many other whigs were ready now for this, though chatham still believed it would be the ruin of the british empire. chatham, however, was all for conciliation, and it is not hard to imagine a group of wise men chosen from both sides, men british in blood and outlook, sitting round a table and reaching an agreement to result in a real independence for america and a real unity with great britain. a century and a quarter later a bitter war with an alien race in south africa was followed by a result even more astounding. the surrender of burgoyne had made the prime minister, lord north, weary of his position. he had never been in sympathy with the king's policy and since the bad news had come in december he had pondered some radical step which should end the war. on february , , before the treaty of friendship between the united states and france had been made public, north startled the house of commons by introducing a bill repealing the tax on tea, renouncing forever the right to tax america, and nullifying those changes in the constitution of massachusetts which had so rankled in the minds of its people. a commission with full powers to negotiate peace would proceed at once to america and it might suspend at its discretion, and thus really repeal, any act touching america passed since . north had taken a sharp turn. the whig clothes had been stolen by a tory prime minister and if he wished to stay in office the whigs had not the votes to turn him out. his supporters would accept almost anything in order to dish the whigs. they swallowed now the bill, and it became law, but at the same time came, too, the war with france. it united the tories; it divided the whigs. all england was deeply stirred. nearly every important town offered to raise volunteer forces at its own expense. the government soon had fifteen thousand men recruited at private cost. help was offered so freely that the whig, john wilkes, actually introduced into parliament a bill to prohibit gifts of money to the crown since this voluntary taxation gave the crown money without the consent of parliament. the british patriot, gentle as he might be towards america, fumed against france. this was no longer only a domestic struggle between parties, but a war with an age-long foreign enemy. the populace resented what they called the insolence and the treachery of france and the french ambassador was pelted at canterbury as he drove to the seacoast on his recall. in a large sense the french alliance was not an unmixed blessing for america, since it confused the counsels of her best friends in england. in spite of this it is probably true that from this time the mass of the english people were against further attempts to coerce america. a change of ministry was urgently demanded. there was one leader to whom the nation looked in this grave crisis. the genius of william pitt, earl of chatham, had won the last war against france and he had promoted the repeal of the stamp act. in america his name was held in reverence so high that new york and charleston had erected statues in his honor. when the defeat of burgoyne so shook the ministry that north was anxious to retire, chatham, but for two obstacles, could probably have formed a ministry. one obstacle was his age; as the event proved, he was near his end. it was, however, not this which kept him from office, but the resolve of george iii. the king simply said that he would not have chatham. in office chatham would certainly rule and the king intended himself to rule. if chatham would come in a subordinate position, well; but chatham should not lead. the king declared that as long as even ten men stood by him he would hold out and he would lose his crown rather than call to office that clamorous opposition which had attacked his american policy. "i will never consent," he said firmly, "to removing the members of the present cabinet from my service." he asked north: "are you resolved at the hour of danger to desert me?" north remained in office. chatham soon died and, during four years still, george iii was master of england. throughout the long history of that nation there is no crisis in which one man took a heavier and more disastrous responsibility. news came to valley forge of the alliance with france and there were great rejoicings. we are told that, to celebrate the occasion, washington dined in public. we are not given the bill of fare in that scene of famine; but by the springtime tension in regard to supplies had been relieved and we may hope that valley forge really feasted in honor of the great event. the same news brought gloom to the british in philadelphia, for it had the stern meaning that the effort and loss involved in the capture of that city were in vain. washington held most of the surrounding country so that supplies must come chiefly by sea. with a french fleet and a french army on the way to america, the british realized that they must concentrate their defenses. thus the cheers at valley forge were really the sign that the british must go. sir william howe, having taken philadelphia, was determined not to be the one who should give it up. feeling was bitter in england over the ghastly failure of burgoyne, and he had gone home on parole to defend himself from his seat in the house of commons. there howe had a seat and he, too, had need to be on hand. lord george germain had censured him for his course and, to shield himself; was clearly resolved to make scapegoats of others. so, on may , , at philadelphia there was a farewell to howe, which took the form of a mischianza, something approaching the medieval tournament. knights broke lances in honor of fair ladies, there were arches and flowers and fancy costumes, and high-flown latin and french, all in praise of the departing howe. obviously the garrison of philadelphia had much time on its hands and could count upon, at least, some cheers from a friendly population. it is remembered still, with moralizings on the turns in human fortune, that major andré and miss margaret shippen were the leaders in that gay scene, the one, in the days to come, to be hanged by washington as a spy, because entrapped in the treason of benedict arnold, who became the husband of the other. on may , , sir henry clinton took over from howe the command of the british army in america and confronted a difficult problem. if d'estaing, the french admiral, should sail straight for the delaware he might destroy the fleet of little more than half his strength which lay there, and might quickly starve philadelphia into surrender. the british must unite their forces to meet the peril from france, and new york, as an island, was the best point for a defense, chiefly naval. a move to new york was therefore urgent. it was by sea that the british had come to philadelphia, but it was not easy to go away by sea. there was not room in the transports for the army and its encumbrances. moreover, to embark the whole force, a march of forty miles to new castle, on the lower delaware, would be necessary and the retreating army was sure to be harassed on its way by washington. it would besides hardly be safe to take the army by sea for the french fleet might be strong enough to capture the flotilla. there was nothing for it but, at whatever risk, to abandon philadelphia and march the army across new jersey. it would be possible to take by sea the stores and the three thousand loyalists from philadelphia, some of whom would probably be hanged if they should be taken. lord howe, the naval commander, did his part in a masterly manner. on the th of june the british army marched out of philadelphia and before the day was over it was across the delaware on the new jersey side. that same day washington's army, free from its long exile at valley forge, occupied the capital. clinton set out on his long march by land and howe worked his laden ships down the difficult river to its mouth and, after delay by winds, put to sea on the th of june. by a stroke of good fortune he sailed the two hundred miles to new york in two days and missed the great fleet of d'estaing, carrying an army of four thousand men. on the th of july d'estaing anchored at the mouth of the delaware. had not his passage been unusually delayed and howe's unusually quick, as washington noted, the british fleet and the transports in the delaware would probably have been taken and clinton and his army would have shared the fate of burgoyne. as it was, though howe's fleet was clear away, clinton's army had a bad time in the march across new jersey. its baggage train was no less than twelve miles long and, winding along roads leading sometimes through forests, was peculiarly vulnerable to flank attack. in this type of warfare washington excelled. he had fought over this country and he knew it well. the tragedy of valley forge was past. his army was now well trained and well supplied. he had about the same number of men as the british--perhaps sixteen thousand--and he was not encumbered by a long baggage train. thus it happened that washington was across the delaware almost as soon as the british. he marched parallel with them on a line some five miles to the north and was able to forge towards the head of their column. he could attack their flank almost when he liked. clinton marched with great difficulty. he found bridges down. not only was washington behind him and on his flank but general gates was in front marching from the north to attack him when he should try to cross the raritan river. the long british column turned southeastward toward sandy hook, so as to lessen the menace from gates. between the half of the army in the van and the other half in the rear was the baggage train. the crisis came on sunday the th of june, a day of sweltering heat. by this time general charles lee, washington's second in command, was in a good position to attack the british rear guard from the north, while washington, marching three miles behind lee, was to come up in the hope of overwhelming it from the rear. clinton's position was difficult but he was saved by lee's ineptitude. he had positive instructions to attack with his five thousand men and hold the british engaged until washington should come up in overwhelming force. the young la fayette was with lee. he knew what washington had ordered, but lee said to him: "you don't know the british soldiers; we cannot stand against them." lee's conduct looks like deliberate treachery. instead of attacking the british he allowed them to attack him. la fayette managed to send a message to washington in the rear; washington dashed to the front and, as he came up, met soldiers flying from before the british. he rode straight to lee, called him in flaming anger a "damned poltroon," and himself at once took command. there was a sharp fight near monmouth court house. the british were driven back and only the coming of night ended the struggle. washington was preparing to renew it in the morning, but clinton had marched away in the darkness. he reached the coast on the th of june, having lost on the way fifty-nine men from sunstroke, over three hundred in battle, and a great many more by desertion. the deserters were chiefly germans, enticed by skillful offers of land. washington called for a reckoning from lee. he was placed under arrest, tried by court-martial, found guilty, and suspended from rank for twelve months. ultimately he was dismissed from the american army, less it appears for his conduct at monmouth than for his impudent demeanor toward congress afterwards. these events on land were quickly followed by stirring events on the sea. the delays of the british admiralty of this time seem almost incredible. two hundred ships waited at spithead for three months for convoy to the west indies, while all the time the people of the west indies, cut off from their usual sources of supply in america, were in distress for food. seven weeks passed after d'estaing had sailed for america before the admiralty knew that he was really gone and sent admiral byron, with fourteen ships, to the aid of lord howe. when d'estaing was already before new york byron was still battling with storms in mid-atlantic, storms so severe that his fleet was entirely dispersed and his flagship was alone when it reached long island on the th of august. meanwhile the french had a great chance. on the th of july their fleet, much stronger than the british, arrived from the delaware, and anchored off sandy hook. admiral howe knew his danger. he asked for volunteers from the merchant ships and the sailors offered themselves almost to a man. if d'estaing could beat howe's inferior fleet, the transports at new york would be at his mercy and the british army, with no other source of supply, must surrender. washington was near, to give help on land. the end of the war seemed not far away. but it did not come. the french admirals were often taken from an army command, and d'estaing was not a sailor but a soldier. he feared the skill of howe, a really great sailor, whose seven available ships were drawn up in line at sandy hook so that their guns bore on ships coming in across the bar. d'estaing hovered outside. pilots from new york told him that at high tide there were only twenty-two feet of water on the bar and this was not enough for his great ships, one of which carried ninety-one guns. on the d of july there was the highest of tides with, in reality, thirty feet of water on the bar, and a wind from the northeast which would have brought d'estaing's ships easily through the channel into the harbor. the british expected the hottest naval fight in their history. at three in the afternoon d'estaing moved but it was to sail away out of sight. opportunity, though once spurned, seemed yet to knock again. the one other point held by the british was newport, rhode island. here general pigot had five thousand men and only perilous communications by sea with new york. washington, keenly desirous to capture this army, sent general greene to aid general sullivan in command at providence, and d'estaing arrived off newport to give aid. greene had fifteen hundred fine soldiers, sullivan had nine thousand new england militia, and d'estaing four thousand french regulars. a force of fourteen thousand five hundred men threatened five thousand british. but on the th of august howe suddenly appeared near newport with his smaller fleet. d'estaing put to sea to fight him, and a great naval battle was imminent, when a terrific storm blew up and separated and almost shattered both fleets. d'estaing then, in spite of american protests, insisted on taking the french ships to boston to refit and with them the french soldiers. sullivan publicly denounced the french admiral as having basely deserted him and his own disgusted yeomanry left in hundreds for their farms to gather in the harvest. in september, with d'estaing safely away, clinton sailed into newport with five thousand men. washington's campaign against rhode island had failed completely. the summer of thus turned out badly for washington. help from france which had aroused such joyous hopes in america had achieved little and the allies were hurling reproaches at each other. french and american soldiers had riotous fights in boston and a french officer was killed. the british, meanwhile, were landing at small ports on the coast, which had been the haunts of privateers, and were not only burning shipping and stores but were devastating the country with loyalist regiments recruited in america. the french told the americans that they were expecting too much from the alliance, and the cautious washington expressed fear that help from outside would relax effort at home. both were right. by the autumn the british had been reinforced and the french fleet had gone to the west indies. truly the mountain in labor of the french alliance seemed to have brought forth only a ridiculous mouse. none the less was it to prove, in the end, the decisive factor in the struggle. the alliance with france altered the whole character of the war, which ceased now to be merely a war in north america. france soon gained an ally in europe. bourbon spain had no thought of helping the colonies in rebellion against their king, and she viewed their ambitions to extend westward with jealous concern, since she desired for herself both sides of the mississippi. spain, however, had a grievance against britain, for britain would not yield gibraltar, that rocky fragment of spain commanding the entrance to the mediterranean which britain had wrested from her as she had wrested also minorca and florida. so, in april, , spain joined france in war on great britain. france agreed not only to furnish an army for the invasion of england but never to make peace until britain had handed back gibraltar. the allies planned to seize and hold the isle of wight. england has often been threatened and yet has been so long free from the tramp of hostile armies that we are tempted to dismiss lightly such dangers. but in the summer of the danger was real. of warships carrying fifty guns or more france and spain together had one hundred and twenty-one, while britain had seventy. the british channel fleet for the defense of home coasts numbered forty ships of the line while france and spain together had sixty-six. nor had britain resources in any other quarter upon which she could readily draw. in the west indies she had twenty-one ships of the line while france had twenty-five. the british could not find comfort in any supposed superiority in the structure of their ships. then and later, as nelson admitted when he was fighting spain, the spanish ships were better built than the british. lurking in the background to haunt british thought was the growing american navy. john paul was a scots sailor, who had been a slave trader and subsequently master of a west india merchantman, and on going to america had assumed the name of jones. he was a man of boundless ambition, vanity, and vigor, and when he commanded american privateers he became a terror to the maritime people from whom he sprang. in the summer of when jones, with a squadron of four ships, was haunting the british coasts, every harbor was nervous. at plymouth a boom blocked the entrance, but other places had not even this defense. sir walter scott has described how, on september , , a squadron, under john paul jones, came within gunshot of leith, the port of edinburgh. the whole surrounding country was alarmed, since for two days the squadron had been in sight beating up the firth of forth. a sudden squall, which drove jones back, probably saved edinburgh from being plundered. a few days later jones was burning ships in the humber and, on the d of september, he met off flamborough head and, after a desperate fight, captured two british armed ships: the serapis, a -gun vessel newly commissioned, and the countess of scarborough, carrying guns, both of which were convoying a fleet. the fame of his exploit rang through europe. jones was a regularly commissioned officer in the navy of the united states, but neutral powers, such as holland, had not yet recognized the republic and to them there was no american navy. the british regarded him as a traitor and pirate and might possibly have hanged him had he fallen into their hands. terrible days indeed were these for distracted england. in india, france, baulked twenty years earlier, was working for her entire overthrow, and in north africa, spain was using the moors to the same end. as time passed the storm grew more violent. before the year ended holland had joined england's enemies. moreover, the northern states of europe, angry at british interference on the sea with their trade, and especially at her seizure of ships trying to enter blockaded ports, took strong measures. on march , , russia issued a proclamation declaring that neutral ships must be allowed to come and go on the sea as they liked. they might be searched by a nation at war for arms and ammunition but for nothing else. it would moreover be illegal to declare a blockade of a port and punish neutrals for violating it, unless their ships were actually caught in an attempt to enter the port. denmark and sweden joined russia in what was known as the armed neutrality and promised that they would retaliate upon any nation which did not respect the conditions laid down. in domestic affairs great britain was divided. the whigs and tories were carrying on a warfare shameless beyond even the bitter partisan strife of later days. in parliament the whigs cheered at military defeats which might serve to discredit the tory government. the navy was torn by faction. when, in , the whig admiral keppel fought an indecisive naval battle off ushant and was afterwards accused by one of his officers, sir hugh palliser, of not pressing the enemy hard enough, party passion was invoked. the whigs were for keppel, the tories for palliser, and the london mob was whig. when keppel was acquitted there were riotous demonstrations; the house of palliser was wrecked, and he himself barely escaped with his life. whig naval officers declared that they had no chance of fair treatment at the hands of a tory admiralty, and lord howe, among others, now refused to serve. for a time british supremacy on the sea disappeared and it was only regained in april, , when the tory admiral rodney won a great victory in the west indies against the french. a spirit of violence was abroad in england. the disabilities of the roman catholics were a gross scandal. they might not vote or hold public office. yet when, in , parliament passed a bill removing some of their burdens dreadful riots broke out in london. a fanatic, lord george gordon, led a mob to westminster and, as dr. johnson expressed it, "insulted" both houses of parliament. the cowed ministry did nothing to check the disturbance. the mob burned newgate jail, released the prisoners from this and other prisons, and made a deliberate attempt to destroy london by fire. order was restored under the personal direction of the king, who, with all his faults, was no coward. at the same time the irish parliament, under protestant lead, was making a declaration of independence which, in , england was obliged to admit by formal act of parliament. for the time being, though the two monarchies had the same king, ireland, in name at least, was free of england. washington's enemy thus had embarrassments enough. yet these very years, and , were the years in which he came nearest to despair. the strain of a great movement is not in the early days of enthusiasm, but in the slow years when idealism is tempered by the strife of opinion and self-interest which brings delay and disillusion. as the war went on recruiting became steadily more difficult. the alliance with france actually worked to discourage it since it was felt that the cause was safe in the hands of this powerful ally. whatever great britain's difficulties about finance they were light compared with washington's. in time the "continental dollar" was worth only two cents. yet soldiers long had to take this money at its face value for their pay, with the result that the pay for three months would scarcely buy a pair of boots. there is little wonder that more than once washington had to face formidable mutiny among his troops. the only ones on whom he could rely were the regulars enlisted by congress and carefully trained. the worth of the militia, he said, "depends entirely on the prospects of the day; if favorable, they throng to you; if not, they will not move." they played a chief part in the prosperous campaign of , when burgoyne was beaten. in the next year, before newport, they wholly failed general sullivan and deserted shamelessly to their homes. by the fighting had shifted to the south. washington personally remained in the north to guard the hudson and to watch the british in new york. he sent la fayette to france in january, , there to urge not merely naval but military aid on a great scale. la fayette came back after an absence of a little over a year and in the end france promised eight thousand men who should be under washington's control as completely as if they were american soldiers. the older nation accepted the principle that the officers in the younger nation which she was helping should rank in their grade before her own. it was a magnanimity reciprocated nearly a century and a half later when a great american army in europe was placed under the supreme command of a marshal of france. chapter ix. the war in the south after there was no more decisive fighting in the north. the british plan was to hold new york and keep there a threatening force, but to make the south henceforth the central arena of the war. accordingly, in , they evacuated rhode island and left the magnificent harbor of newport to be the chief base for the french fleet and army in america. they also drew in their posts on the hudson and left washington free to strengthen west point and other defenses by which he was blocking the river. meanwhile they were striking staggering blows in the south. on december , , a british force landed two miles below savannah, in georgia, lying near the mouth of the important savannah river, and by nightfall, after some sharp fighting, took the place with its stores and shipping. augusta, the capital of georgia, lay about a hundred and twenty-five miles up the river. by the end of february, , the british not only held augusta but had established so strong a line of posts in the interior that georgia seemed to be entirely under their control. then followed a singular chain of events. ever since hostilities had begun, in , the revolutionary party had been dominant in the south. yet now again in the british flag floated over the capital of georgia. some rejoiced and some mourned. men do not change lightly their political allegiance. probably boston was the most completely revolutionary of american towns. yet even in boston there had been a sad procession of exiles who would not turn against the king. the south had been more evenly divided. now the loyalists took heart and began to assert themselves. when the british seemed secure in georgia bands of loyalists marched into the british camp in furious joy that now their day was come, and gave no gentle advice as to the crushing of rebellion. many a patriot farmhouse was now destroyed and the hapless owner either killed or driven to the mountains to live as best he could by hunting. sometimes even the children were shot down. it so happened that a company of militia captured a large band of loyalists marching to augusta to support the british cause. here was the occasion for the republican patriots to assert their principles. to them these loyalists were guilty of treason. accordingly seventy of the prisoners were tried before a civil court and five of them were hanged. for this hanging of prisoners the loyalists, of course, retaliated in kind. both the british and american regular officers tried to restrain these fierce passions but the spirit of the war in the south was ruthless. to this day many a tale of horror is repeated and, since loyalist opinion was finally destroyed, no one survived to apportion blame to their enemies. it is probable that each side matched the other in barbarity. the british hoped to sweep rapidly through the south, to master it up to the borders of virginia, and then to conquer that breeding ground of revolution. in the spring of general prevost marched from georgia into south carolina. on the th of may he was before charleston demanding surrender. we are astonished now to read that, in response to prevost's demand, a proposal was made that south carolina should be allowed to remain neutral and that at the end of the war it should join the victorious side. this certainly indicates a large body of opinion which was not irreconcilable with great britain and seems to justify the hope of the british that the beginnings of military success might rally the mass of the people to their side. for the moment, however, charleston did not surrender. the resistance was so stiff that prevost had to raise the siege and go back to savannah. suddenly, early in september, , the french fleet under d'estaing appeared before savannah. it had come from the west indies, partly to avoid the dreaded hurricane season of the autumn in those waters. the british, practically without any naval defense, were confronted at once by twenty-two french ships of the line, eleven frigates, and many transports carrying an army. the great flotilla easily got rid of the few british ships lying at savannah. an american army, under general lincoln, marched to join d'estaing. the french landed some three thousand men, and the combined army numbered about six thousand. a siege began which, it seemed, could end in only one way. prevost, however, with three thousand seven hundred men, nearly half of them sick, was defiant, and on the th of october the combined french and american armies made a great assault. they met with disaster. d'estaing was severely wounded. with losses of some nine hundred killed and wounded in the bitter fighting the assailants drew off and soon raised the siege. the british losses were only fifty-four. in the previous year french and americans fighting together had utterly failed. now they had failed again and there was bitter recrimination between the defeated allies. d'estaing sailed away and soon lost some of his ships in a violent storm. ill-fortune pursued him to the end. he served no more in the war and in the reign of terror in paris, in , he perished on the scaffold. at charleston the american general lincoln was in command with about six thousand men. the place, named after king charles ii, had been a center of british influence before the war. that critical traveler, lord adam gordon, thought its people clever in business, courteous, and hospitable. most of them, he says, made a visit to england at some time during life and it was the fashion to send there the children to be educated. obviously charleston was fitted to be a british rallying center in the south; yet it had remained in american hands since the opening of the war. in sir henry clinton, the british commander, had woefully failed in his assault on charleston. now in december, , he sailed from new york to make a renewed effort. with him were three of his best officer--cornwallis, simcoe, and tarleton, the last two skillful leaders of irregulars, recruited in america and used chiefly for raids. the wintry voyage was rough; one of the vessels laden with cannon foundered and sank, and all the horses died. but clinton reached charleston and was able to surround it on the landward side with an army at least ten thousand strong. tarleton's irregulars rode through the country. it is on record that he marched sixty-four miles in twenty-three hours and a hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours. such mobility was irresistible. on the th of april, after a ride of thirty miles, tarleton surprised, in the night, three regiments of american cavalry regulars at a place called biggin's bridge, routed them completely and, according to his own account, with the loss of three men wounded, carried off a hundred prisoners, four hundred horses, and also stores and ammunition. there is no doubt that tarleton's dragoons behaved with great brutality and it would perhaps have taught a needed lesson if, as was indeed threatened by a british officer, major ferguson, a few of them had been shot on the spot for these outrages. tarleton's dashing attacks isolated charleston and there was nothing for lincoln to do but to surrender. this he did on the th of may. burgoyne seemed to have been avenged. the most important city in the south had fallen. "we look on america as at our feet," wrote horace walpole. the british advanced boldly into the interior. on the th of may tarleton attacked an american force under colonel buford, killed over a hundred men, carried off two hundred prisoners, and had only twenty-one casualties. it is such scenes that reveal the true character of the war in the south. above all it was a war of hard riding, often in the night, of sudden attack, and terrible bloodshed. after the fall of charleston only a few american irregulars were to be found in south carolina. it and georgia seemed safe in british control. with british successes came the problem of governing the south. on the royalist theory, the recovered land had been in a state of rebellion and was now restored to its true allegiance. every one who had taken up arms against the king was guilty of treason with death as the penalty. clinton had no intention of applying this hard theory, but he was returning to new york and he had to establish a government on some legal basis. during the first years of the war, loyalists who would not accept the new order had been punished with great severity. their day had now come. clinton said that "every good man" must be ready to join in arms the king's troops in order "to reestablish peace and good government." "wicked and desperate men" who still opposed the king should be punished with rigor and have their property confiscated. he offered pardon for past offenses, except to those who had taken part in killing loyalists "under the mock forms of justice." no one was henceforth to be exempted from the active duty of supporting the king's authority. clinton's proclamation was very disturbing to the large element in south carolina which did not desire to fight on either side. every one must now be for or against the king, and many were in their secret hearts resolved to be against him. there followed an orgy of bloodshed which discredits human nature. the patriots fled to the mountains rather than yield and, in their turn, waylaid and murdered straggling loyalists. under pressure some republicans would give outward compliance to royal government, but they could not be coerced into a real loyalty. it required only a reverse to the king's forces to make them again actively hostile. to meet the difficult situation congress now made a disastrous blunder. on june , , general gates, the belauded victor at saratoga, was given the command in the south. camden, on the wateree river, lies inland from charleston about a hundred and twenty-five miles as the crow flies. the british had occupied it soon after the fall of charleston, and it was now held by a small force under lord rawdon, one of the ablest of the british commanders. gates had superior numbers and could probably have taken camden by a rapid movement; but the man had no real stomach for fighting. he delayed until, on the th of august, cornwallis arrived at camden with reinforcements and with the fixed resolve to attack gates before gates attacked him. on the early morning of the th of august, cornwallis with two thousand men marching northward between swamps on both flanks, met gates with three thousand marching southward, each of them intending to surprise the other. a fierce struggle followed. gates was completely routed with a thousand casualties, a thousand prisoners, and the loss of nearly the whole of his guns and transport. the fleeing army was pursued for twenty miles by the relentless tarleton. general kalb, who had done much to organize the american army, was killed. the enemies of gates jeered at his riding away with the fugitives and hardly drawing rein until after four days he was at hillsborough, two hundred miles away. his defense was that he "proceeded with all possible despatch," which he certainly did, to the nearest point where he could reorganize his forces. his career was, however, ended. he was deprived of his command, and washington appointed to succeed him general nathanael greene. in spite of the headlong flight of gates the disaster at camden had only a transient effect. the war developed a number of irregular leaders on the american side who were never beaten beyond recovery, no matter what might be the reverses of the day. the two most famous are francis marion and thomas sumter. marion, descended from a family of huguenot exiles, was slight in frame and courteous in manner; sumter, tall, powerful, and rough, was the vigorous frontiersman in type. threatened men live long: sumter died in , at the age of ninety-six, the last surviving general of the revolution. both men had had prolonged experience in frontier fighting against the indians. tarleton called marion the "old swamp fox" because he often escaped through using by-paths across the great swamps of the country. british communications were always in danger. a small british force might find itself in the midst of a host which had suddenly come together as an army, only to dissolve next day into its elements of hardy farmers, woodsmen, and mountaineers. after the victory at camden cornwallis advanced into north carolina, and sent major ferguson, one of his most trusted officers, with a force of about a thousand men, into the mountainous country lying westward, chiefly to secure loyalist recruits. if attacked in force ferguson was to retreat and rejoin his leader. the battle of king's mountain is hardly famous in the annals of the world, and yet, in some ways, it was a decisive event. suddenly ferguson found himself beset by hostile bands, coming from the north, the south, the east, and the west. when, in obedience to his orders, he tried to retreat he found the way blocked, and his messages were intercepted, so that cornwallis was not aware of the peril. ferguson, harassed, outnumbered, at last took refuge on king's mountain, a stony ridge on the western border between the two carolinas. the north side of the mountain was a sheer impassable cliff and, since the ridge was only half a mile long, ferguson thought that his force could hold it securely. he was, however, fighting an enemy deadly with the rifle and accustomed to fire from cover. the sides and top of king's mountain were wooded and strewn with boulders. the motley assailants crept up to the crest while pouring a deadly fire on any of the defenders who exposed themselves. ferguson was killed and in the end his force surrendered, on october , , with four hundred casualties and the loss of more than seven hundred prisoners. the american casualties were eighty-eight. in reprisal for earlier acts on the other side, the victors insulted the dead body of ferguson and hanged nine of their prisoners on the limb of a great tulip tree. then the improvised army scattered.¹ ¹see chapter ix, pioneers of the old southwest, by constance lindsay skinner in the chronicles of america. while the conflict for supremacy in the south was still uncertain, in the northwest the americans made a stroke destined to have astounding results. virginia had long coveted lands in the valleys of the ohio and the mississippi. it was in this region that washington had first seen active service, helping to wrest that land from france. the country was wild. there was almost no settlement; but over a few forts on the upper mississippi and in the regions lying eastward to the detroit river there was that flicker of a red flag which meant that the northwest was under british rule. george rogers clark, like washington a virginian land surveyor, was a strong, reckless, brave frontiersman. early in virginia gave him a small sum of money, made him a lieutenant colonel, and authorized him to raise troops for a western adventure. he had less than two hundred men when he appeared a little later at kaskaskia near the mississippi in what is now illinois and captured the small british garrison, with the friendly consent of the french settlers about the fort. he did the same thing at cahokia, farther up the river. the french scattered through the western country naturally sided with the americans, fighting now in alliance with france. the british sent out a force from detroit to try to check the efforts of clark, but in february, , the indomitable frontiersman surprised and captured this force at vincennes on the wabash. thus did clark's two hundred famished and ragged men take possession of the northwest, and, when peace was made, this vast domain, an empire in extent, fell to the united states. clark's exploit is one of the pregnant romances of history.¹ ¹see chapters iii and iv in the old northwest by frederic austin ogg in the chronicles of america. perhaps the most sorrowful phase of the revolution was the internal conflict waged between its friends and its enemies in america, where neighbor fought against neighbor. during this pitiless struggle the strength of the loyalists tended steadily to decline; and they came at last to be regarded everywhere by triumphant revolution as a vile people who should bear the penalties of outcasts. in this attitude towards them boston had given a lead which the rest of the country eagerly followed. to coerce loyalists local committees sprang up everywhere. it must be said that the loyalists gave abundant provocation. they sneered at rebel officers of humble origin as convicts and shoeblacks. there should be some fine hanging, they promised, on the return of the king's men to boston. early in the revolution british colonial governors, like lord dunmore of virginia, adopted the policy of reducing the rebels by harrying their coasts. sailors would land at night from ships and commit their ravages in the light of burning houses. soldiers would dart out beyond the british lines, burn a village, carry off some whig farmers, and escape before opposing forces could rally. governor tryon of new york was specially active in these enterprises and to this day a special odium attaches to his name. for these ravages, and often with justice, the loyalists were held responsible. the result was a bitterness which fired even the calm spirit of benjamin franklin and led him when the day came for peace to declare that the plundering and murdering adherents of king george were the ones who should pay for damage and not the states which had confiscated loyalist property. lists of loyalist names were sometimes posted and then the persons concerned were likely to be the victims of any one disposed to mischief. sometimes a suspected loyalist would find an effigy hung on a tree before his own door with a hint that next time the figure might be himself. a musket ball might come whizzing through his window. many a loyalist was stripped, plunged in a barrel of tar, and then rolled in feathers, taken sometimes from his own bed. punishment for loyalism was not, however, left merely to chance. even before the declaration of independence, congress, sitting itself in a city where loyalism was strong, urged the states to act sternly in repressing loyalist opinion. they did not obey every urging of congress as eagerly as they responded to this one. in practically every state test acts were passed and no one was safe who did not carry a certificate that he was free of any suspicion of loyalty to king george. magistrates were paid a fee for these certificates and thus had a golden reason for insisting that loyalists should possess them. to secure a certificate the holder must forswear allegiance to the king and promise support to the state at war with him. an unguarded word even about the value in gold of the continental dollar might lead to the adding of the speaker's name to the list of the proscribed. legislatures passed bills denouncing loyalists. the names in massachusetts read like a list of the leading families of new england. the "black list" of pennsylvania contained four hundred and ninety names of loyalists charged with treason, and philadelphia had the grim experience of seeing two loyalists led to the scaffold with ropes around their necks and hanged. most of the persecuted loyalists lost all their property and remained exiles from their former homes. the self-appointed committees took in hand the task of disciplining those who did not fly, and the rabble often pushed matters to brutal extremes. when we remember that washington himself regarded tories as the vilest of mankind and unfit to live, we can imagine the spirit of mobs, which had sometimes the further incentive of greed for loyalist property. loyalists had the experience of what we now call boycotting when they could not buy or sell in the shops and were forced to see their own shops plundered. mills would not grind their corn. their cattle were maimed and poisoned. they could not secure payment of debts due to them or, if payment was made, they received it in the debased continental currency at its face value. they might not sue in a court of law, nor sell their property, nor make a will. it was a felony for them to keep arms. no loyalist might hold office, or practice law or medicine, or keep a school. some loyalists were deported to the wilderness in the back country. many took refuge within the british lines, especially at new york. many loyalists created homes elsewhere. some went to england only to find melancholy disillusion of hope that a grateful motherland would understand and reward their sacrifices. large numbers found their way to nova scotia and to canada, north of the great lakes, and there played a part in laying the foundation of the dominion of today. the city of toronto with a population of half a million is rooted in the loyalist traditions of its tory founders. simcoe, the first governor of upper canada, who made toronto his capital, was one of the most enterprising of the officers who served with cornwallis in the south and surrendered with him at yorktown. the state of new york acquired from the forfeited lands of loyalists a sum approaching four million dollars, a great amount in those days. other states profited in a similar way. every loyalist whose property was seized had a direct and personal grievance. he could join the british army and fight against his oppressors, and this he did: new york furnished about fifteen thousand men to fight on the british side. plundered himself, he could plunder his enemies, and this too he did both by land and sea. in the autumn of ships manned chiefly by loyalist refugees were terrorizing the coast from massachusetts to new jersey. they plundered martha's vineyard, burned some lesser towns, such as new bedford, and showed no quarter to small parties of american troops whom they managed to intercept. what happened on the coast happened also in the interior. at wyoming in the northeastern part of pennsylvania, in july, , during a raid of loyalists, aided by indians, there was a brutal massacre, the horrors of which long served to inspire hate for the british. a little later in the same year similar events took place at cherry valley, in central new york. burning houses, the dead bodies not only of men but of women and children scalped by the savage allies of the loyalists, desolation and ruin in scenes once peaceful and happy--such horrors american patriotism learned to associate with the loyalists. these in their turn remembered the slow martyrdom of their lives as social outcasts, the threats and plunder which in the end forced them to fly, the hardships, starvation, and death to their loved ones which were wont to follow. the conflict is perhaps the most tragic and irreconcilable in the whole story of the revolution. chapter x. france to the rescue during and french effort had failed. now france resolved to do something decisive. she never sent across the sea the eight thousand men promised to la fayette but by the spring of about this number were gathered at brest to find that transport was inadequate. the leader was a french noble, the comte de rochambeau, an old campaigner, now in his fifty-fifth year, who had fought against england before in the seven years' war and had then been opposed by clinton, cornwallis, and lord george germain. he was a sound and prudent soldier who shares with la fayette the chief glory of the french service in america. rochambeau had fought at the second battle of minden, where the father of la fayette had fallen, and he had for the ardent young frenchman the amiable regard of a father and sometimes rebuked his impulsiveness in that spirit. he studied the problem in america with the insight of a trained leader. before he left france he made the pregnant comment on the outlook: "nothing without naval supremacy." about the same time washington was writing to la fayette that a decisive naval supremacy was a fundamental need. a gallant company it was which gathered at brest. probably no other land than france could have sent forth on a crusade for democratic liberty a band of aristocrats who had little thought of applying to their own land the principles for which they were ready to fight in america. over some of them hung the shadow of the guillotine; others were to ride the storm of the french revolution and to attain fame which should surpass their sanguine dreams. rochambeau himself, though he narrowly escaped during the reign of terror, lived to extreme old age and died a marshal of france. berthier, one of his officers, became one of napoleon's marshals and died just when napoleon, whom he had deserted, returned from elba. dumas became another of napoleon's generals. he nearly perished in the retreat from moscow but lived, like rochambeau, to extreme old age. one of the gayest of the company was the duc de lauzun, a noted libertine in france but, as far as the record goes, a man of blameless propriety in america. he died on the scaffold during the french revolution. so, too, did his companion, the prince de broglie, in spite of the protest of his last words that he was faithful to the principles of the revolution, some of which he had learned in america. another companion was the swedish count fersen, later the devoted friend of the unfortunate queen marie antoinette, the driver of the carriage in which the royal family made the famous flight to varennes in , and himself destined to be trampled to death by a swedish mob in . other old and famous names there were: laval-montmorency, mirabeau, talleyrand, saint-simon. it has been said that the names of the french officers in america read like a list of medieval heroes in the chronicles of froissart. only half of the expected ships were ready at brest and only five thousand five hundred men could embark. the vessels were, of course, very crowded. rochambeau cut down the space allowed for personal effects. he took no horse for himself and would allow none to go, but he permitted a few dogs. forty-five ships set sail, "a truly imposing sight," said one of those on board. we have reports of their ennui on the long voyage of seventy days, of their amusements and their devotions, for twice daily were prayers read on deck. they sailed into newport on the th of july and the inhabitants of that still primitive spot illuminated their houses as best they could. then the army settled down at newport and there it remained for many weary months. reinforcements never came, partly through mismanagement in france, partly through the vigilance of the british fleet, which was on guard before brest. the french had been for generations the deadly enemies of the english colonies and some of the french officers noted the reserve with which they were received. the ice was, however, soon broken. they brought with them gold, and the new england merchants liked this relief from the debased continental currency. some of the new england ladies were beautiful, and the experienced lauzun expresses glowing admiration for a prim quakeress whose simple dress he thought more attractive than the elaborate modes of paris. the french dazzled the ragged american army by their display of waving plumes and of uniforms in striking colors. they wondered at the quantities of tea drunk by their friends and so do we when we remember the political hatred for tea. they made the blunder common in europe of thinking that there were no social distinctions in america. washington could have told him a different story. intercourse was at first difficult, for few of the americans spoke french and fewer still of the french spoke english. sometimes the talk was in latin, pronounced by an american scholar as not too bad. a french officer writing in latin to an american friend announces his intention to learn english: "inglicam linguam noscere conabor." he made the effort and he and his fellow officers learned a quaint english speech. when rochambeau and washington first met they conversed through la fayette, as interpreter, but in time the older man did very well in the language of his american comrade in arms. for a long time the french army effected nothing. washington longed to attack new york and urged the effort, but the wise and experienced rochambeau applied his principle, "nothing without naval supremacy," and insisted that in such an attack a powerful fleet should act with a powerful army, and, for the moment, the french had no powerful fleet available. the british were blockading in narragansett bay the french fleet which lay there. had the french army moved away from newport their fleet would almost certainly have become a prey to the british. for the moment there was nothing to do but to wait. the french preserved an admirable discipline. against their army there are no records of outrage and plunder such as we have against the german allies of the british. we must remember, however, that the french were serving in the country of their friends, with every restraint of good feeling which this involved. rochambeau told his men that they must not be the theft of a bit of wood, or of any vegetables, or of even a sheaf of straw. he threatened the vice which he called "sonorous drunkenness," and even lack of cleanliness, with sharp punishment. the result was that a month after landing he could say that not a cabbage had been stolen. our credulity is strained when we are told that apple trees with their fruit overhung the tents of his soldiers and remained untouched. thousands flocked to see the french camp. the bands played and puritan maidens of all grades of society danced with the young french officers and we are told, whether we believe it or not, that there was the simple innocence of the garden of eden. the zeal of the french officers and the friendly disposition of the men never failed. there had been bitter quarrels in and and now the french were careful to be on their good behavior in america. rochambeau had been instructed to place himself under the command of washington, to whom were given the honors of a marshal of france. the french admiral, had, however, been given no such instructions and washington had no authority over the fleet. meanwhile events were happening which might have brought a british triumph. on september , , there arrived and anchored at sandy hook, new york, fourteen british ships of the line under rodney, the doughtiest of the british admirals afloat. washington, with his army headquarters at west point, on guard to keep the british from advancing up the hudson, was looking for the arrival, not of a british fleet, but of a french fleet, from the west indies. for him these were very dark days. the recent defeat at camden was a crushing blow. congress was inept and had in it men, as the patient general greene said, "without principles, honor or modesty." the coming of the british fleet was a new and overwhelming discouragement, and, on the th of september, washington left west point for a long ride to hartford in connecticut, half way between the two headquarters, there to take counsel with the french general. rochambeau, it was said, had been purposely created to understand washington, but as yet the two leaders had not met. it is the simple truth that washington had to go to the french as a beggar. rochambeau said later that washington was afraid to reveal the extent of his distress. he had to ask for men and for ships, but he had also to ask for what a proud man dislikes to ask, for money from the stranger who had come to help him. the hudson had long been the chief object of washington's anxiety and now it looked as if the british intended some new movement up the river, as indeed they did. clinton had not expected rodney's squadron, but it arrived opportunely and, when it sailed up to new york from sandy hook, on the th of september, he began at once to embark his army, taking pains at the same time to send out reports that he was going to the chesapeake. washington concluded that the opposite was true and that he was likely to be going northward. at west point, where the hudson flows through a mountainous gap, washington had strong defenses on both shores of the river. his batteries commanded its whole width, but shore batteries were ineffective against moving ships. the embarking of clinton's army meant that he planned operations on land. he might be going to rhode island or to boston but he might also dash up the hudson. it was an anxious leader who, with la fayette and alexander hamilton, rode away from headquarters to hartford. the officer in command at west point was benedict arnold. no general on the american side had a more brilliant record or could show more scars of battle. we have seen him leading an army through the wilderness to quebec, and incurring hardships almost incredible. later he is found on lake champlain, fighting on both land and water. when in the next year the americans succeeded at saratoga it was arnold who bore the brunt of the fighting. at quebec and again at saratoga he was severely wounded. in the summer of he was given the command at philadelphia, after the british evacuation. it was a troubled time. arnold was concerned with confiscations of property for treason and with disputes about ownership. impulsive, ambitious, and with a certain element of coarseness in his nature, he made enemies. he was involved in bitter strife with both congress and the state government of pennsylvania. after a period of tension and privation in war, one of slackness and luxury is almost certain to follow. philadelphia, which had recently suffered for want of bare necessities, now relapsed into gay indulgence. arnold lived extravagantly. he played a conspicuous part in society and, a widower of thirty-five, was successful in paying court to miss shippen, a young lady of twenty, with whom, as washington said, all the american officers were in love. malignancy was rampant and arnold was pursued with great bitterness. joseph reed, the president of the executive council of pennsylvania, not only brought charge against him of abusing his position for his own advantage, but also laid the charges before each state government. in the end arnold was tried by court-martial and after long and inexcusable delay, on january , , he was acquitted of everything but the imprudence of using, in an emergency, public wagons to remove private property, and of granting irregularly a pass to a ship to enter the port of philadelphia. yet the court ordered that for these trifles arnold should receive a public reprimand from the commander-in-chief. washington gave the reprimand in terms as gentle as possible, and when, in july, , arnold asked for the important command at west point, washington readily complied probably with relief that so important a position should be in such good hands. the treason of arnold now came rapidly to a head. the man was embittered. he had rendered great services and yet had been persecuted with spiteful persistence. the truth seems to be, too, that arnold thought america ripe for reconciliation with great britain. he dreamed that he might be the saviour of his country. monk had reconciled the english republic to the restored stuart king charles ii; arnold might reconcile the american republic to george iii for the good of both. that reconciliation he believed was widely desired in america. he tried to persuade himself that to change sides in this civil strife was no more culpable then to turn from one party to another in political life. he forgot, however, that it is never honorable to betray a trust. it is almost certain that arnold received a large sum in money for his treachery. however this may be, there was treason in his heart when he asked for and received the command at west point, and he intended to use his authority to surrender that vital post to the british. and now on the th of september washington was riding northeastward into connecticut, british troops were on board ships in new york and all was ready. on the th of september the vulture, sloop of war, sailed up the hudson from new york and anchored at stony point, a few miles below west point. on board the vulture was the british officer who was treating with arnold and who now came to arrange terms with him, major john andré, clinton's young adjutant general, a man of attractive personality. under cover of night arnold sent off a boat to bring andré ashore to a remote thicket of fir trees, outside the american lines. there the final plans were made. the british fleet, carrying an army, was to sail up the river. a heavy chain had been placed across the river at west point to bar the way of hostile ships. under pretense of repairs a link was to be taken out and replaced by a rope which would break easily. the defenses of west point were to be so arranged that they could not meet a sudden attack and arnold was to surrender with his force of three thousand men. such a blow following the disasters at charleston and camden might end the strife. britain was prepared to yield everything but separation; and america, arnold said, could now make an honorable peace. a chapter of accidents prevented the testing. had andré been rowed ashore by british tars they could have taken him back to the ship at his command before daylight. as it was the american boatmen, suspicious perhaps of the meaning of this talk at midnight between an american officer and a british officer, both of them in uniform, refused to row andré back to the ship because their own return would be dangerous in daylight. contrary to his instructions and wishes andré accompanied arnold to a house within the american lines to wait until he could be taken off under cover of night. meanwhile, however, an american battery on shore, angry at the vulture, lying defiantly within range, opened fire upon her and she dropped down stream some miles. this was alarming. arnold, however, arranged with a man to row andré down the river and about midday went back to west point. it was uncertain how far the vulture had gone. the vigilance of those guarding the river was aroused and andré's guide insisted that he should go to the british lines by land. he was carrying compromising papers and wearing civilian dress when seized by an american party and held under close arrest. arnold meanwhile, ignorant of this delay, was waiting for the expected advance up the river of the british fleet. he learned of the arrest of andré while at breakfast on the morning of the twenty-fifth, waiting to be joined by washington, who had just ridden in from hartford. arnold received the startling news with extraordinary composure, finished the subject under discussion, and then left the table under pretext of a summons from across the river. within a few minutes his barge was moving swiftly to the vulture eighteen miles away. thus arnold escaped. the unhappy andré was hanged as a spy on the d of october. he met his fate bravely. washington, it is said, shed tears at its stern necessity under military law. forty years later the bones of andré were reburied in westminster abbey, a tribute of pity for a fine officer. the treason of arnold is not in itself important, yet washington wrote with deep conviction that providence had directly intervened to save the american cause. arnold might be only one of many. washington said, indeed, that it was a wonder there were not more. in a civil war every one of importance is likely to have ties with both sides, regrets for the friends he has lost, misgivings in respect to the course he has adopted. in april, , arnold had begun his treason by expressing discontent at the alliance with france then working so disastrously. his future lay before him; he was still under forty; he had just married into a family of position; he expected that both he and his descendants would spend their lives in america and he must have known that contempt would follow them for the conduct which he planned if it was regarded by public opinion as base. voices in congress, too, had denounced the alliance with france as alliance with tyranny, political and religious. members praised the liberties of england and had declared that the declaration of independence must be revoked and that now it could be done with honor since the americans had proved their metal. there was room for the fear that the morale of the americans was giving way. the defection of arnold might also have military results. he had bargained to be made a general in the british army and he had intimate knowledge of the weak points in washington's position. he advised the british that if they would do two things, offer generous terms to soldiers serving in the american army, and concentrate their effort, they could win the war. with a cynical knowledge of the weaker side of human nature, he declared that it was too expensive a business to bring men from england to serve in america. they could be secured more cheaply in america; it would be necessary only to pay them better than washington could pay his army. as matters stood the continental troops were to have half pay for seven years after the close of the war and grants of land ranging from one hundred acres for a private to eleven hundred acres for a general. make better offers than this, urged arnold; "money will go farther than arms in america." if the british would concentrate on the hudson where the defenses were weak they could drive a wedge between north and south. if on the other hand they preferred to concentrate in the south, leaving only a garrison in new york, they could overrun virginia and maryland and then the states farther south would give up a fight in which they were already beaten. energy and enterprise, said arnold, will quickly win the war. in the autumn of the british cause did, indeed, seem near triumph. an election in england in october gave the ministry an increased majority and with this renewed determination. when holland, long a secret enemy, became an open one in december, , admiral rodney descended on the dutch island of st. eustatius, in the west indies, where the americans were in the habit of buying great quantities of stores and on the d of february, , captured the place with two hundred merchant ships, half a dozen men-of-war, and stores to the value of three million pounds. the capture cut off one chief source of supply to the united states. by january, , a crisis in respect to money came to a head. fierce mutinies broke out because there was no money to provide food, clothing, or pay for the army and the men were in a destitute condition. "these people are at the end of their resources," wrote rochambeau in march. arnold's treason, the halting voices in congress, the disasters in the south, the british success in cutting off supplies of stores from st. eustatius, the sordid problem of money--all these were well fitted to depress the worn leader so anxiously watching on the hudson. it was the dark hour before the dawn. chapter xi. yorktown the critical stroke of the war was near. in the south, after general greene superseded gates in the command, the tide of war began to turn. cornwallis now had to fight a better general than gates. greene arrived at charlotte, north carolina, in december. he found an army badly equipped, wretchedly clothed, and confronted by a greatly superior force. he had, however, some excellent officers, and he did not scorn, as gates, with the stiff military traditions of a regular soldier, had scorned, the aid of guerrilla leaders like marion and sumter. serving with greene was general daniel morgan, the enterprising and resourceful virginia rifleman, who had fought valorously at quebec, at saratoga, and later in virginia. steuben was busy in virginia holding the british in check and keeping open the line of communication with the north. the mobility and diversity of the american forces puzzled cornwallis. when he marched from camden into north carolina he hoped to draw greene into a battle and to crush him as he had crushed gates. he sent tarleton with a smaller force to strike a deadly blow at morgan who was threatening the british garrisons at the points in the interior farther south. there was no more capable leader than tarleton; he had won many victories; but now came his day of defeat. on january , , he met morgan at the cowpens, about thirty miles west from king's mountain. morgan, not quite sure of the discipline of his men, stood with his back to a broad river so that retreat was impossible. tarleton had marched nearly all night over bad roads; but, confident in the superiority of his weary and hungry veterans, he advanced to the attack at daybreak. the result was a complete disaster. tarleton himself barely got away with two hundred and seventy men and left behind nearly nine hundred casualties and prisoners. cornwallis had lost one-third of his effective army. there was nothing for him to do but to take his loss and still to press on northward in the hope that the more southerly inland posts could take care of themselves. in the early spring of , when heavy rains were making the roads difficult and the rivers almost impassable, greene was luring cornwallis northward and cornwallis was chasing greene. at hillsborough, in the northwest corner of north carolina, cornwallis issued a proclamation saying that the colony was once more under the authority of the king and inviting the loyalists, bullied and oppressed during nearly six years, to come out openly on the royal side. on the th of march greene took a stand and offered battle at guilford court house. in the early afternoon, after a march of twelve miles without food, cornwallis, with less than two thousand men, attacked greene's force of about four thousand. by evening the british held the field and had captured greene's guns. but they had lost heavily and they were two hundred miles from their base. their friends were timid, and in fact few, and their numerous enemies were filled with passionate resolution. cornwallis now wrote to urge clinton to come to his aid. abandon new york, he said; bring the whole british force into virginia and end the war by one smashing stroke; that would be better than sticking to salt pork in new york and sending only enough men to virginia to steal tobacco. cornwallis could not remain where he was, far from the sea. go back to camden he would not after a victory, and thus seem to admit a defeat. so he decided to risk all and go forward. by hard marching he led his army down the cape fear river to wilmington on the sea, and there he arrived on the th of april. greene, however, simply would not do what cornwallis wished--stay in the north to be beaten by a second smashing blow. he did what cornwallis would not do; he marched back into the south and disturbed the british dream that now the country was held securely. it mattered little that, after this, the british won minor victories. lord rawdon, still holding camden, defeated greene on the th of april at hobkirk's hill. none the less did rawdon find his position untenable and he, too, was forced to march to the sea, which he reached at a point near charleston. augusta, the capital of georgia, fell to the americans on the th of june and the operations of the summer went decisively in their favor. the last battle in the field of the farther south was fought on the th of september at eutaw springs, about fifty miles northwest of charleston. the british held their position and thus could claim a victory. but it was fruitless. they had been forced steadily to withdraw. all the boasted fabric of royal government in the south had come down with a crash and the tories who had supported it were having evil days. while these events were happening farther south, cornwallis himself, without waiting for word from clinton in new york, had adopted his own policy and marched from wilmington northward into virginia. benedict arnold was now in virginia doing what mischief he could to his former friends. in january he burned the little town of richmond, destined in the years to come to be a great center in another civil war. some twenty miles south from richmond lay in a strong position petersburg, later also to be drenched with blood shed in civil strife. arnold was already at petersburg when cornwallis arrived on the th of may. he was now in high spirits. he did not yet realize the extent of the failure farther south. virginia he believed to be half loyalist at heart. the negroes would, he thought, turn against their masters when they knew that the british were strong enough to defend them. above all he had a finely disciplined army of five thousand men. cornwallis was the more confident when he knew by whom he was opposed. in april washington had placed la fayette in charge of the defense of virginia, and not only was la fayette young and untried in such a command but he had at first only three thousand badly-trained men to confront the formidable british general. cornwallis said cheerily that "the boy" was certainly now his prey and began the task of catching him. an exciting chase followed. la fayette did some good work. it was impossible, with his inferior force, to fight cornwallis, but he could tire him out by drawing him into long marches. when cornwallis advanced to attack la fayette at richmond, la fayette was not there but had slipped away and was able to use rivers and mountains for his defense. cornwallis had more than one string to his bow. the legislature of virginia was sitting at charlottesville, lying in the interior nearly a hundred miles northwest from richmond, and cornwallis conceived the daring plan of raiding charlottesville, capturing the governor of virginia, thomas jefferson, and, at one stroke, shattering the civil administration. tarleton was the man for such an enterprise of hard riding and bold fighting and he nearly succeeded. jefferson indeed escaped by rapid flight but tarleton took the town, burned the public records, and captured ammunition and arms. but he really effected little. la fayette was still unconquered. his army was growing and the british were finding that virginia, like new england, was definitely against them. at new york, meanwhile, clinton was in a dilemma. he was dismayed at the news of the march of cornwallis to virginia. cornwallis had been so long practically independent in the south that he assumed not only the right to shape his own policy but adopted a certain tartness in his despatches to clinton, his superior. when now, in this tone, he urged clinton to abandon new york and join him clinton's answer on the th of june was a definite order to occupy some port in virginia easily reached from the sea, to make it secure, and to send to new york reinforcements. the french army at newport was beginning to move towards new york and clinton had intercepted letters from washington to la fayette revealing a serious design to make an attack with the aid of the french fleet. such was the game which fortune was playing with the british generals. each desired the other to abandon his own plans and to come to his aid. they were agreed, however, that some strong point must be held in virginia as a naval base, and on the d of august cornwallis established this base at yorktown, at the mouth of the york river, a mile wide where it flows into chesapeake bay. his cannon could command the whole width of the river and keep in safety ships anchored above the town. yorktown lay about half way between new york and charleston and from here a fleet could readily carry a military force to any needed point on the sea. la fayette with a growing army closed in on yorktown, and cornwallis, almost before he knew it, was besieged with no hope of rescue except by a fleet. then it was that from the sea, the restless and mysterious sea, came the final decision. man seems so much the sport of circumstance that apparent trifles, remote from his consciousness, appear at times to determine his fate; it is a commonplace of romance that a pretty face or a stray bullet has altered the destiny not merely of families but of nations. and now, in the american revolution, it was not forts on the hudson, nor maneuvers in the south, that were to decide the issue, but the presence of a few more french warships than the british could muster at a given spot and time. washington had urged in january that france should plan to have at least temporary naval superiority in american waters, in accordance with rochambeau's principle, "nothing without naval supremacy." washington wished to concentrate against new york, but the french were of a different mind, believing that the great effort should be made in chesapeake bay. there the british could have no defenses like those at new york, and the french fleet, which was stationed in the west indies, could reach more readily than new york a point in the south. early in may rochambeau knew that a french fleet was coming to his aid but not yet did he know where the stroke should be made. it was clear, however, that there was nothing for the french to do at newport, and, by the beginning of june, rochambeau prepared to set his army in motion. the first step was to join washington on the hudson and at any rate alarm clinton as to an imminent attack on new york and hold him to that spot. after nearly a year of idleness the french soldiers were delighted that now at last there was to be an active movement. the long march from newport to new york began. in glowing june, amid the beauties of nature, now overcome by intense heat and obliged to march at two o'clock in the morning, now drenched by heavy rains, the french plodded on, and joined their american comrades along the hudson early in july. by the th of august washington knew two things--that a great french fleet under the comte de grasse had sailed for the chesapeake and that the british army had reached yorktown. soon the two allied armies, both lying on the east side of the hudson, moved southward. on the th of august the americans began to cross the river at king's ferry, eight miles below peekskill. washington had to leave the greater part of his army before new york, and his meager force of some two thousand was soon over the river in spite of torrential rains. by the th of august the french, too, had crossed with some four thousand men and with their heavy equipment. the british made no move. clinton was, however, watching these operations nervously. the united armies marched down the right bank of the hudson so rapidly that they had to leave useful effects behind and some grumbled at the privation. clinton thought his enemy might still attack new york from the new jersey shore. he knew that near staten island the americans were building great bakeries as if to feed an army besieging new york. suddenly on the th of august the armies turned away from new york southwestward across new jersey, and still only the two leaders knew whither they were bound. american patriotism has liked to dwell on this last great march of washington. to him this was familiar country; it was here that he had harassed clinton on the march from philadelphia to new york three long years before. the french marched on the right at the rate of about fifteen miles a day. the country was beautiful and the roads were good. autumn had come and the air was bracing. the peaches hung ripe on the trees. the dutch farmers who, four years earlier, had been plaintive about the pillage by the hessians, now seemed prosperous enough and brought abundance of provisions to the army. they had just gathered their harvest. the armies passed through princeton, with its fine college, numbering as many as fifty students; then on to trenton, and across the delaware to philadelphia, which the vanguard reached on the d of september. there were gala scenes in philadelphia. twenty thousand people witnessed a review of the french army. to one of the french officers the city seemed "immense" with its seventy-two streets all "in a straight line." the shops appeared to be equal to those of paris and there were pretty women well dressed in the french fashion. the quaker city forgot its old suspicion of the french and their catholic religion. luzerne, the french minister, gave a great banquet on the evening of the th of september. eighty guests took their places at table and as they sat down good news arrived. as yet few knew the destination of the army but now luzerne read momentous tidings and the secret was out: twenty-eight french ships of the line had arrived in chesapeake bay; an army of three thousand men had already disembarked and was in touch with the army of la fayette; washington and rochambeau were bound for yorktown to attack cornwallis. great was the joy; in the streets the soldiers and the people shouted and sang and humorists, mounted on chairs, delivered in advance mock funeral orations on cornwallis. it was planned that the army should march the fifty miles to elkton, at the head of chesapeake bay, and there take boat to yorktown, two hundred miles to the south at the other end of the bay. but there were not ships enough. washington had asked the people of influence in the neighborhood to help him to gather transports but few of them responded. a deadly apathy in regard to the war seems to have fallen upon many parts of the country. the bay now in control of the french fleet was quite safe for unarmed ships. half the americans and some of the french embarked and the rest continued on foot. there was need of haste, and the troops marched on to baltimore and beyond at the rate of twenty miles a day, over roads often bad and across rivers sometimes unbridged. at baltimore some further regiments were taken on board transports and most of them made the final stages of the journey by water. some there were, however, and among them the vicomte de noailles, brother-in-law of la fayette, who tramped on foot the whole seven hundred and fifty-six miles from newport to yorktown. washington himself left the army at elkton and rode on with rochambeau, making about sixty miles a day. mount vernon lay on the way and here washington paused for two or three days. it was the first time he had seen it since he set out on may , , to attend the continental congress at philadelphia, little dreaming then of himself as chief leader in a long war. now he pressed on to join la fayette. by the end of the month an army of sixteen thousand men, of whom about one-half were french, was besieging cornwallis with seven thousand men in yorktown. heart-stirring events had happened while the armies were marching to the south. the comte de grasse, with his great fleet, arrived at the entrance to the chesapeake on the th of august while the british fleet under admiral graves still lay at new york. grasse, now the pivot upon which everything turned, was the french admiral in the west indies. taking advantage of a lull in operations he had slipped away with his whole fleet, to make his stroke and be back again before his absence had caused great loss. it was a risky enterprise, but a wise leader takes risks. he intended to be back in the west indies before the end of october. it was not easy for the british to realize that they could be outmatched on the sea. rodney had sent word from the west indies that ten ships were the limit of grasse's numbers and that even fourteen british ships would be adequate to meet him. a british fleet, numbering nineteen ships of the line, commanded by admiral graves, left new york on the st of august and five days later stood off the entrance to chesapeake bay. on the mainland across the bay lay yorktown, the one point now held by the british on that great stretch of coast. when graves arrived he had an unpleasant surprise. the strength of the french had been well concealed. there to confront him lay twenty-four enemy ships. the situation was even worse, for the french fleet from newport was on its way to join grasse. on the afternoon of the th of september, the day of the great rejoicing in philadelphia, there was a spectacle of surpassing interest off cape henry, at the mouth of the bay. the two great fleets joined battle, under sail, and poured their fire into each other. when night came the british had about three hundred and fifty casualties and the french about two hundred. there was no brilliant leadership on either side. one of graves's largest ships, the terrible, was so crippled that he burnt her, and several others were badly damaged. admiral hood, one of graves's officers, says that if his leader had turned suddenly and anchored his ships across the mouth of the bay, the french admiral with his fleet outside would probably have sailed away and left the british fleet in possession. as it was the two fleets lay at sea in sight of each other for four days. on the morning of the tenth the squadron from newport under barras arrived and increased grasse's ships to thirty-six. against such odds graves could do nothing. he lingered near the mouth of the chesapeake for a few days still and then sailed away to new york to refit. at the most critical hour of the whole war a british fleet, crippled and spiritless, was hurrying to a protecting port and the fleurs-de-lis waved unchallenged on the american coast. the action of graves spelled the doom of cornwallis. the most potent fleet ever gathered in those waters cut him off from rescue by sea. yorktown fronted on the york river with a deep ravine and swamps at the back of the town. from the land it could on the west side be approached by a road leading over marshes and easily defended, and on the east side by solid ground about half a mile wide now protected by redoubts and entrenchments with an outer and an inner parallel. could cornwallis hold out? at new york, no longer in any danger, there was still a keen desire to rescue him. by the end of september he received word from clinton that reinforcements had arrived from england and that, with a fleet of twenty-six ships of the line carrying five thousand troops, he hoped to sail on the th of october to the rescue of yorktown. there was delay. later clinton wrote that on the basis of assurances from admiral graves he hoped to get away on the twelfth. a british officer in new york describes the hopes with which the populace watched these preparations. the fleet, however, did not sail until the th of october. a speaker in congress at the time said that the british admiral should certainly hang for this delay. on the th of october, for some reason unexplained, cornwallis abandoned the outer parallel and withdrew behind the inner one. this left him in yorktown a space so narrow that nearly every part of it could be swept by enemy artillery. by the th of october shells were dropping incessantly from a distance of only three hundred yards, and before this powerful fire the earthworks crumbled. on the fourteenth the french and americans carried by storm two redoubts on the second parallel. the redoubtable tarleton was in yorktown, and he says that day and night there was acute danger to any one showing himself and that every gun was dismounted as soon as seen. he was for evacuating the place and marching away, whither he hardly knew. cornwallis still held gloucester, on the opposite side of the york river, and he now planned to cross to that place with his best troops, leaving behind his sick and wounded. he would try to reach philadelphia by the route over which washington had just ridden. the feat was not impossible. washington would have had a stern chase in following cornwallis, who might have been able to live off the country. clinton could help by attacking philadelphia, which was almost defenseless. as it was, a storm prevented the crossing to gloucester. the defenses of yorktown were weakening and in face of this new discouragement the british leader made up his mind that the end was near. tarleton and other officers condemned cornwallis sharply for not persisting in the effort to get away. cornwallis was a considerate man. "i thought it would have been wanton and inhuman," he reported later, "to sacrifice the lives of this small body of gallant soldiers." he had already written to clinton to say that there would be great risk in trying to send a fleet and army to rescue him. on the th of october came the climax. cornwallis surrendered with some hundreds of sailors and about seven thousand soldiers, of whom two thousand were in hospital. the terms were similar to those which the british had granted at charleston to general lincoln, who was now charged with carrying out the surrender. such is the play of human fortune. at two o'clock in the afternoon the british marched out between two lines, the french on the one side, the americans on the other, the french in full dress uniform, the americans in some cases half naked and barefoot. no civilian sightseers were admitted, and there was a respectful silence in the presence of this great humiliation to a proud army. the town itself was a dreadful spectacle with, as a french observer noted, "big holes made by bombs, cannon balls, splinters, barely covered graves, arms and legs of blacks and whites scattered here and there, most of the houses riddled with shot and devoid of window-panes." on the very day of surrender clinton sailed from new york with a rescuing army. nine days later forty-four british ships were counted off the entrance to chesapeake bay. the next day there were none. the great fleet had heard of the surrender and had turned back to new york. washington urged grasse to attack new york or charleston but the french admiral was anxious to take his fleet back to meet the british menace farther south and he sailed away with all his great array. the waters of the chesapeake, the scene of one of the decisive events in human history, were deserted by ships of war. grasse had sailed, however, to meet a stern fate. he was a fine fighting sailor. his men said of him that he was on ordinary days six feet in height but on battle days six feet and six inches. none the less did a few months bring the british a quick revenge on the sea. on april , , rodney met grasse in a terrible naval battle in the west indies. some five thousand in both fleets perished. when night came grasse was rodney's prisoner and britain had recovered her supremacy on the sea. on returning to france grasse was tried by court-martial and, though acquitted, he remained in disgrace until he died in , "weary," as he said, "of the burden of life." the defeated cornwallis was not blamed in england. his character commanded wide respect and he lived to play a great part in public life. he became governor general of india, and was viceroy of ireland when its restless union with england was brought about in . yorktown settled the issue of the war but did not end it. for more than a year still hostilities continued and, in parts of the south, embittered faction led to more bloodshed. in england the news of yorktown caused a commotion. when lord george germain received the first despatch he drove with one or two colleagues to the prime minister's house in downing street. a friend asked lord george how lord north had taken the news. "as he would have taken a ball in the breast," he replied; "for he opened his arms, exclaiming wildly, as he paced up and down the apartment during a few minutes, 'oh god! it is all over,' words which he repeated many times, under emotions of the deepest agitation and distress." lord north might well be agitated for the news meant the collapse of a system. the king was at kew and word was sent to him. that sunday evening lord george germain had a small dinner party and the king's letter in reply was brought to the table. the guests were curious to know how the king took the news. "the king writes just as he always does," said lord george, "except that i observe he has omitted to mark the hour and the minute of his writing with his usual precision." it needed a heavy shock to disturb the routine of george iii. the king hoped no one would think that the bad news "makes the smallest alteration in those principles of my conduct which have directed me in past time." lesser men might change in the face of evils; george iii was resolved to be changeless and never, never, to yield to the coercion of facts. yield, however, he did. the months which followed were months of political commotion in england. for a time the ministry held its majority against the fierce attacks of burke and fox. the house of commons voted that the war must go on. but the heart had gone out of british effort. everywhere the people were growing restless. even the ministry acknowledged that the war in america must henceforth be defensive only. in february, , a motion in the house of commons for peace was lost by only one vote; and in march, in spite of the frantic expostulations of the king, lord north resigned. the king insisted that at any rate some members of the new ministry must be named by himself and not, as is the british constitutional custom, by the prime minister. on this, too, he had to yield; and a whig ministry, under the marquis of rockingham, took office in march, . rockingham died on the st of july, and it was lord shelburne, later the marquis of lansdowne, under whom the war came to an end. the king meanwhile declared that he would return to hanover rather than yield the independence of the colonies. over and over again he had said that no one should hold office in his government who would not pledge himself to keep the empire entire. but even his obstinacy was broken. on december , , he opened parliament with a speech in which the right of the colonies to independence was acknowledged. "did i lower my voice when i came to that part of my speech?" george asked afterwards. he might well speak in a subdued tone for he had brought the british empire to the lowest level in its history. in america, meanwhile, the glow of victory had given way to weariness and lassitude. rochambeau with his army remained in virginia. washington took his forces back to the lines before new york, sparing what men he could to help greene in the south. again came a long period of watching and waiting. washington, knowing the obstinate determination of the british character, urged congress to keep up the numbers of the army so as to be prepared for any emergency. sir guy carleton now commanded the british at new york and washington feared that this capable irishman might soothe the americans into a false security. he had to speak sharply, for the people seemed indifferent to further effort and congress was slack and impotent. the outlook for washington's allies in the war darkened, when in april, , rodney won his crushing victory and carried de grasse a prisoner to england. france's ally spain had been besieging gibraltar for three years, but in september, , when the great battering-ships specially built for the purpose began a furious bombardment, which was expected to end the siege, the british defenders destroyed every ship, and after that gibraltar was safe. these events naturally stiffened the backs of the british in negotiating peace. spain declared that she would never make peace without the surrender of gibraltar, and she was ready to leave the question of american independence undecided or decided against the colonies if she could only get for herself the terms which she desired. there was a period when france seemed ready to make peace on the basis of dividing the thirteen states, leaving some of them independent while others should remain under the british king. congress was not willing to leave its affairs at paris in the capable hands of franklin alone. in it sent john adams to paris, and john jay and henry laurens were also members of the american commission. the austere adams disliked and was jealous of franklin, gay in spite of his years, seemingly indolent and easygoing, always bland and reluctant to say no to any request from his friends, but ever astute in the interests of his country. adams told vergennes, the french foreign minister, that the americans owed nothing to france, that france had entered the war in her own interests, and that her alliance with america had greatly strengthened her position in europe. france, he added, was really hostile to the colonies, since she was jealously trying to keep them from becoming rich and powerful. adams dropped hints that america might be compelled to make a separate peace with britain. when it was proposed that the depreciated continental paper money, largely held in france for purchases there, should be redeemed at the rate of one good dollar for every forty in paper money, adams declared to the horrified french creditors of the united states that the proposal was fair and just. at the same time congress was drawing on franklin in paris for money to meet its requirements and franklin was expected to persuade the french treasury to furnish him with what he needed and to an amazing degree succeeded in doing so. the self interest which washington believed to be the dominant motive in politics was, it is clear, actively at work. in the end the american commissioners negotiated directly with great britain, without asking for the consent of their french allies. on november , , articles of peace between great britain and the united states were signed. they were, however, not to go into effect until great britain and france had agreed upon terms of peace; and it was not until september , , that the definite treaty was signed. so far as the united states was concerned spain was left quite properly to shift for herself. thus it was that the war ended. great britain had urged especially the case of the loyalists, the return to them of their property and compensation for their losses. she could not achieve anything. franklin indeed asked that americans who had been ruined by the destruction of their property should be compensated by britain, that canada should be added to the united states, and that britain should acknowledge her fault in distressing the colonies. in the end the american commissioners agreed to ask the individual states to meet the desires of the british negotiators, but both sides understood that the states would do nothing, that the confiscated property would never be returned, that most of the exiled loyalists would remain exiles, and that britain herself must compensate them for their losses. this in time she did on a scale inadequate indeed but expressive of a generous intention. the united states retained the great northwest and the mississippi became the western frontier, with destiny already whispering that weak and grasping spain must soon let go of the farther west stretching to the pacific ocean. when great britain signed peace with france and spain in january, , gibraltar was not returned; spain had to be content with the return of minorca, and florida which she had been forced to yield to britain in . each side restored its conquests in the west indies. france, the chief mainstay of the war during its later years, gained from it really nothing beyond the weakening of her ancient enemy. the magnanimity of france, especially towards her exacting american ally, is one of the fine things in the great combat. the huge sum of nearly eight hundred million dollars spent by france in the war was one of the chief factors in the financial crisis which, six years after the signing of the peace, brought on the french revolution and with it the overthrow of the bourbon monarchy. politics bring strange bedfellows and they have rarely brought stranger ones than the democracy of young america and the political despotism, linked with idealism, of the ancient monarchy of france. the british did not evacuate new york until carleton had gathered there the loyalists who claimed his protection. these unhappy people made their way to the seaports, often after long and distressing journeys overland. charleston was the chief rallying place in the south and from there many sad-hearted people sailed away, never to see again their former homes. the british had captured new york in september, , and it was more than seven years later, on november , , that the last of the british fleet put to sea. britain and america had broken forever their political tie and for many years to come embittered memories kept up the alienation. it was fitting that washington should bid farewell to his army at new york, the center of his hopes and anxieties during the greater part of the long struggle. on december , , his officers met at a tavern to bid him farewell. the tears ran down his cheeks as he parted with these brave and tried men. he shook their hands in silence and, in a fashion still preserved in france, kissed each of them. then they watched him as he was rowed away in his barge to the new jersey shore. congress was now sitting at annapolis in maryland and there on december , , washington appeared and gave up finally his command. we are told that the members sat covered to show the sovereignty of the union, a quaint touch of the thought of the time. the little town made a brave show and "the gallery was filled with a beautiful group of elegant ladies." with solemn sincerity washington commended the country to the protection of almighty god and the army to the special care of congress. passion had already subsided for the president of congress in his reply praised the "magnanimous king and nation" of great britain. by the end of the year washington was at mount vernon, hoping now to be able, as he said simply, to make and sell a little flour annually and to repair houses fast going to ruin. he did not foresee the troubled years and the vexing problems which still lay before him. nor could he, in his modest estimate of himself, know that for a distant posterity his character and his words would have compelling authority. what washington's countryman, motley, said of william of orange is true of washington himself: "as long as he lived he was the guiding star of a brave nation and when he died the little children cried in the streets." but this is not all. to this day in the domestic and foreign affairs of the united states the words of washington, the policies which he favored, have a living and almost binding force. this attitude of mind is not without its dangers, for nations require to make new adjustments of policy, and the past is only in part the master of the present; but it is the tribute of a grateful nation to the noble character of its chief founder. bibliographical note in winsor, narrative and critical history of america, vol. vi ( ), and in larned (editor), literature of american history, pp. - ( ), the authorities are critically estimated. there are excellent classified lists in van tyne, the american revolution ( ), vol. v of hart (editor), the american nation, and in avery, history of the united states, vol. v, pp. - , and vol. vi, pp. - ( - ). the notes in channing, a history of the united states, vol. iii ( ), are useful. detailed information in regard to places will be found in lossing, the pictorial field book of the revolution, vols. ( ). in recent years american writers on the period have chiefly occupied themselves with special studies, and the general histories have been few. tyler's the literary history of the american revolution, vols. ( ), is a penetrating study of opinion. fiske's the american revolution, vols. ( ), and sydney george fisher's the struggle for american independence, vols. ( ), are popular works. the short volume of van tyne is based upon extensive research. the attention of english writers has been drawn in an increasing degree to the revolution. lecky, a history of england in the eighteenth century, chaps. xiii, xiv, and xv ( ), is impartial. the most elaborate and readable history is trevelyan, the american revolution, and his george the third and charles fox (six volumes in all, completed in ). if trevelyan leans too much to the american side the opposite is true of fortescue, a history of the british army, vol. iii ( ), a scientific account of military events with many maps and plans. captain mahan, u. s. n., wrote the british naval history of the period in clowes (editor), the royal navy, a history, vol. iii, pp. - ( ). of great value also is mahan's influence of sea power on history ( ) and major operations of the navies in the war of independence ( ). he may be supplemented by c. o. paullin's navy of the american revolution ( ) and g. w. allen's a naval history of the american revolution, vols. ( ). chapters i and ii. washington's own writings are necessary to an understanding of his character. sparks, the life and writings of george washington, vols. (completed ), has been superseded by ford, the writings of george washington, vols. (completed ). the general reader will probably put aside the older biographies of washington by marshall, irving, and sparks for more recent lives such as those by woodrow wilson, henry cabot lodge, and paul leicester ford. haworth, george washington, farmer ( ) deals with a special side of washington's character. the problems of the army are described in bolton, the private soldier under washington ( ), and in hatch, the administration of the american revolutionary army ( ). for military operations frothingham, the siege of boston; justin h. smith, our struggle for the fourteenth colony, vols. ( ); codman, arnold's expedition to quebec ( ); and lucas, history of canada, - ( ). chapter iii. for the state of opinion in england, the contemporary annual register, and the writings and speeches of men of the time like burke, fox, horace walpole, and dr. samuel johnson. the king's attitude is found in donne, correspondence of george iii with lord north, - , vols. ( ). stirling, coke of norfolk and his friends, vols. ( ), gives the outlook of a whig magnate; fitzmaurice, life of william, earl of shelburne, vols. ( ), the whig policy. curwen's journals and letters, - ( ), show us a loyalist exile in england. hazelton's the declaration of independence, its history ( ), is an elaborate study. chapters iv, v, and vi. the three campaigns--new york, philadelphia, and the hudson--are covered by c. f. adams, studies military and diplomatic ( ), which makes severe strictures on washington's strategy; h. p. johnston's "campaign of around new york and brooklyn," in the long island historical society's memoirs, and battle of harlem heights ( ); carrington, battles of the american revolution ( ); stryker, the battles of trenton and princeton ( ); lucas, history of canada ( ). fonblanque's john burgoyne ( ) is a defense of that leader; while riedesel's letters and journals relating to the war of the american revolution (trans. w. l. stone, ) and anburey's travels through the interior parts of america ( ) are accounts by eye-witnesses. mereness' (editor) travels in the american colonies, - ( ) gives the impressions of lord adam gordon and others. chapters vii and viii. on washington at valley forge, oliver, life of alexander hamilton ( ); charlemagne tower, the marquis de la fayette in the american revolution, vols. ( ); greene, life of nathanael greene ( ); brooks, henry knox ( ); graham, life of general daniel morgan ( ); kapp, life of steuben ( ); arnold, life of benedict arnold ( ). on the army bolton and hatch as cited; mahan gives a lucid account of naval effort. barrow, richard, earl howe ( ) is a dull account of a remarkable man. on the french alliance, perkins, france in the american revolution ( ), corwin, french policy and the american alliance of ( ), and van tyne on "influences which determined the french government to make the treaty with america, ," in the american historical review, april, . chapter ix. fortescue, as cited, gives excellent plans. other useful books are mccrady, history of south carolina in the revolution ( ); draper, king's mountain and its heroes ( ); simms, life of marion ( ). ross (editor), the cornwallis correspondence, vols. ( ), and tarleton, history of the campaigns of and in the southern provinces of north america ( ), give the point of view of british leaders. on the west, thwaites, how george rogers clark won the northwest ( ); and on the loyalists van tyne, the loyalists in the american revolution ( ), flick, loyalism in new york ( ), and stark, the loyalists of massachusetts ( ). chapters x and xi. for the exploits of john paul jones and of the american navy, mrs. de koven's the life and letters of john paul jones, vols. ( ), don c. seitz's paul jones, and g. w. allen's a naval history of the american revolution, vols. ( ), should be consulted. jusserand's with americans of past and present days ( ) contains a chapter on "rochambeau and the french in america"; johnston's the yorktown campaign ( ) is a full account; wraxall, historical memoirs of my own time ( , reprinted ), tells of the reception of the news of yorktown in england. the encyclopÅ�dia britannica has useful references to authorities for persons prominent in the revolution and the dictionary of national biography for leaders on the british side. index a abraham, plains of (qc), american army on, . adams, abigail, . adams, john, in continental congress, ; journey from boston to philadelphia, - ; on committee to draft declaration of independence, - ; excepted from british offer of pardon, , ; opinion of philadelphia, , ; criticism of washington, ; sent to paris on american commission, - . albany (ny), plan to concentrate british forces at, . allen, colonel ethan, . andré, major john, at philadelphia, ; treats with arnold, - ; capture, - ; hanged as spy, . annapolis (md), congress at, . anne, fort, . armed neutrality, . army, american, camp at cambridge, - ; washington reorganizes, - ; food and clothing, - , - , ; composition, - , ; officers, - , - ; after canadian campaign, ; desertions, , - ; plundering by, ; pay, , - , ; in , ; condition under gates, ; washington wishes national, ; needs of engineers, ; hospital service, - , - ; weapons and artillery, - ; religion in, - ; supplies from france, ; after valley forge, ; mutinous, , . army, british, food for, ; press-gangs, ; flogging, ; relations between officers and men, - ; difficulties of raising, ; see also germans. army, french, in america, - . arnold, benedict, at ticonderoga, ; through maine to canada, , - ; at quebec, - ; at crown point, - ; coke denounces king's reception of, ; washington's trust in, , - ; at stillwater, ; describes american army, ; treason, , , - ; at west point, ; life at philadelphia, ; tried by court-martial, ; reprimanded by washington, - ; in virginia, . articles of confederation, . assanpink river, washington on, . atrocities, , ; see also indians, prisons. augusta (ga), british take, - ; falls to americans, . b baltimore (md), congress flees to, . barbados, washington visits, . barras, french naval commander, . baum, colonel, at bennington, , . beaumarchais sends munitions to america, - . bemis heights (ny), battle, . bennington (vt), battle of - . berthier, french officer, . biggins bridge, tarleton's victory at, . bordentown (nj), germans at, . boston, defiance of british in, ; seige, , , - ; washington's journey to, - ; american camp, - ; evacuated by british, - ; effect of washington's success at, ; howe feigns setting out for, ; safe, ; burgoyne's force at, ; loyalists in, . braddock, general edward, washington with, - . brandywine (pa) battle of, - , , ; la fayette at, ; greene at, . brant, joseph (thayendanegea), . breed's hill (ma) - ; see also bunker hill. broglie, comte de, suggested as commander of american army, . borglie, prince de, with french armies in america, . brooklyn heights (ny), washington on, - . buford, colonel tarleton attacks, . bunker hill, battle of, - , ; washington learns of, ; significance, ; officers at, , . burgoyne, general john, on british behavior at bunker hill, ; ordered to meet howe, , , , - ; howe deserts, , ; life and character, - ; at lake champlain, et seq.; indian allies, - , - , ; takes fort ticonderoga, ; lack of supplies, - ; at fort edward, ; , ; and bennington, - ; at saratoga, , , ; learns of failure of st. leger, ; crosses hudson, ; at stillwater (freeman's farm), - ; surrender at saratoga, , , - , ; effect on france of surrender of, ; effect of surrender in england, , . burke, edmund, and conciliation, ; and independence, . byron, admiral, sent to aid howe, . c cahokia, clark at, . cambridge, american camp, , - ; washington at, , - , , , . camden (sc), battle of, - , . canada, campaign against, , - ; washington's idea of, france and, ; loyalists take refuge in, - . carleton, sir guy, governor of canada, ; commands at quebec, - ; operations on lake champlain, - ; howe and, ; superseded by burgoyne, ; commands at new york, ; and loyalists, . carroll, charles, of carrollton, on commission to montreal, . carroll, john, on commission to montreal, . catherine ii advises england against war, . catholics, quebec act, - , ; disabilities in england, . chadd's ford (pa), washington at, , . champlain, lake, plan for conquest of canada by way of, ; operations on, - , ; burgoyne at, et seq.; arnold at, . charleston (sc), on side of revolution, ; british expedition to, - ; prevost demands surrender, - ; lincoln at, - ; surrenders, . charlestown (ma), location, ; burned, , . charlotte (nc), greene at, . charlottesville (va), cornwallis plans raid of, . chatham, william pitt, earl of, and conciliation with america, , ; political status, , . cherry valley, massacre, . chesapeake bay, howe on, , ; see also yorktown. chew, benjamin, house as central point in battle at germantown, . clark, g.r., expedition, . clinton, general sir henry, ; at charleston, , ; at new york, , , ; up the hudson, , ; succeeds howe in command, ; march from philadelphia, , , ; retreats at monmouth court house, ; reaches newport, ; sails for charleston, - ; proclamation, ; rodney relieves, ; and cornwallis, ; delay in reinforcing cornwallis, - , . coke, of norfolk, wealth, , - ; and toryism, - ; on american question, - ; and washington, , , . colonies, attitude toward england, et seq.; state of society in, ; population, - ; see also names of colonies. continental congress, washington at, , ; selects leader for army, - ; howe's conciliation, - ; flees to baltimore, ; loses able men, ; hampers washington, ; gates and, ; repudiates gates terms to burgoyne, ; gates lays quarrel with washington before, ; and enlistment, ; at york, , ; ineptitude, - , , - , gives southern command to gates, ; test acts, ; and french alliance, ; borrows money from france, ; at annapolis, . conway, general, and stamp act, . conway, general thomas, ; "conway cabal" against washington, , ; leaves america, . cornwallis, lord, ; at charleston, , crosses hudson, ; goes to trenton, - ; at princeton, ; and howe, ; at the brandywine, ; goes to charleston, ; at camden, ; in north carolina, , - ; proclamation, ; guilford court house, ; advance down cape fear river, ; in virginia, - ; and clinton, ; yorktown, et seq.; surrender, - . countess of scarborough (ship), jones captures, . cowpens, battle of, , . cromwell, oliver, as military leader, . crown point (ny), capture of, - ; burgoyne at, . d dartmouth, earl of, minister of england, . deane, silas, envoy to france, - . declaration of independence, - . delaware bay, british fleet in, . delaware river, washington crosses, . denmark and armed neutrality, - . detroit, force to check clark from, . devonshire, duke of, costly residence, . dickinson, john, of pennsylvania, on declaration of independence, . dilworth, cornwallis marches on, . dinwiddie, governor, washington and, . donop, count von, at trenton, , . dorchester heights (ma), american troops on, - . dumas, french officer with rochambeau, . dunmore, lord, governor of virginia, . e east river, location, ; british on, . edward, fort, st. clair retires to, ; burgoyne at, , - ; indian raids at, ; burgoyne seeks to return to, . elkton (md), howe at, , ; american army at, . emerson, chaplain, diary quoted, . england, in eighteenth century, - ; state of society, , ; parliament votes tax on colonies, ; politics, - , et seq., ; attitude toward the colonies, - , ; prosperity, ; difficulties in raising army, ; france and, - , - , - , - , , ; whig attitude after french intervention, - ; and spain, , - , ; navy in , ; domestic affairs, ; treaty of peace, ; see also army, british. estaing, count d', french admiral, ; at the delaware, - ; at sandy hook, - ; at newport, - ; at savannah, - . eutaw springs, battle of, . f falmouth (portland, me), destroyed, . ferguson, major patrick, ; king's mountain, - ; killed, . fersen, count, with french army, . finance, value of continental money, ; franklin procures money in france, . florida returned to spain, . foch, general, quoted, . fox, c.j., and carelessness of ministers, ; urges conciliation, . france, french in canada, ; alliance with, et seq.; and england, - , - , - , - , , ; treaty of friendship with america ( ), ; and canada, ; and spain, ; promises soldiers to washington, ; help in , et seq.; bibliography of alliance, . franklin, benjamin, on lexington, ; on george iii, ; member of commission to montreal, ; on committee to meet howe, ; satirizes british ignorance, ; in congress, ; induces hessians to desert, ; sent to paris, ; and loyalists, , , . fraser, general, killed, . frederick the great, of prussia, estimate of washington, ; urges france against england, . g gage, general thomas, ; at boston, , - . gates, general horatio, , , , ; in command of lee's army, - ; joins washington, ; discourages washington, ; against burgoyne, - ; intrigue, - ; menaces clinton in new jersey, ; command in the south, ; camden, ; greene supersedes, . george iii, american opinions of, ; hamilton on, ; character, - ; speech in parliament, - ; washington and, , ; statue destroyed in new york, ; ready to give guarantees of liberty, ; effect of news of ticonderoga on, - ; on taxing of america, ; and chatham, ; news of yorktown, - . george, fort, burgoyne's supplies from, . georgia, british in, - , . germain, lord george, failure to send orders to howe, , ; instructions to burgoyne, ; plans campaign from england, - ; censures howe, ; in seven years' war, ; news of yorktown, . germans, hold line of the delaware, ; plundering, ; at bennington, - ; with burgoyne, , ; steuben's part in revolutionary war, - ; benefit to british, - ; desertions, - , . germantown, howe's camp at, ; battle of, , ; greene at, . gibraltar, spain besieges, ; not returned to spain, . gloucester, cornwallis holds, . gordon, lord adam, on philadelphia, ; opinion of charleston, . gordon, lord george, leads london riot, . grasse, comte de, commands french fleet, ; at chesapeake bay, , - ; sails south, ; rodney captures, , . great britain, see england. greene, general nathanael, ; at bunker hill, ; advocates independence, ; commands fort washington, - ; harasses cornwallis, ; at germantown, ; at valley forge, - ; in rhode island, ; on congress, ; supersedes gates in south, ; guilford court house, ; at hobkirk's hill, . grey, sir charles, howe and, . guilford court house, . h hamilton, alexander, ; and washington, , ; on quebec act, . hancock, john, desires post as commander-in-chief, . harlem river, location, . hastings, marquis of, ; see also rawdon, lord. henry, patrick, speech, . henry, cape, naval battle off, . herkimer, general nicholas, battle of oriskany, . hessians, see germans. hillsborough (nc), cornwallis issues proclamation at, . hobkirk's hill, rawdon defeats greene at, . holkham, lord leicester's residence at, ; coke's residence at, - , . holland joins england's enemies , . hood, sir samuel, british admiral, . howe, richard, lord, commands fleet reaching new york, , ; whig sympathy, ; personal characteristics, ; letter to washington, - ; seeks peace, - ; takes fleet to newport, ; proclamation, ; and evacuation of philadelphia, - ; expects naval flight off sandy hook, - ; at newport, ; refuses to serve tory admiralty, . howe, general sir william, at bunker hill, ; succeeds gage in command, , ; evacuates boston, - ; and burgoyne, , , - , , ; personal characteristics, ; attitude toward revolution, ; lands army on staten island, ; battle of long island, - ; in new york, - ; plans to meet carleton, ; battle of white plains, ; fort washington, - ; takes fort lee, ; and lee, , - ; at trenton, ; proclamation, , ; goes to new york for christmas, ; dilatoriness, , ; takes philadelphia, , , , ; plan for , - ; sails for chesapeake bay, - ; at the brandywine, - , ; and pennsylvanians, - ; at germantown, - ; leaves philadelphia, ; clinton succeeds, . hudson river, advantages of plan to sail up, ; location of mouth, ; british on, , - ; washington guards, - , , , - , see also west point. i independence, et seq.; see also declaration of independence. independence, fort . india, france against british in, . indians, allies of burgoyne, , , , - , ; with st. leger, - ; aid loyalists in wyoming massacre, . ireland, declaration of independence, . j jay, john, on declaration of independence, ; opinion of congress, ; on american commission, . jefferson, thomas, and declaration of independence, - ; on lafayette, ; british plan to capture, . johnson, sir john, with st. leger, - , . johnson, samuel, quoted, . johnson, sir william, . jones, john paul, - ; bibliography, . k kalb, baron de, part in revolutionary war, - ; killed, . kaskaskia, clark at . kenneth square, british camp at, . keppel, admiral, and london riots, . king's mountain, battle of, - . knox, henry,washington values service of, , - . knyphausen, general, and howe, ; at the brandywine, ; effective service, - . kosciuszko, in american army, l lafayette, marquis de, , , ; and washington, , , ; and independence of america, ; personal characteristics, - ; volunteers through deane's influence, ; with lee at monmouth court house, - ; sent to france ( ), ; as interpreter for washington and rochambeau, ; in virginia, - . lansdowne, marquis of, see shelburne, lord. laurens, henry, on american commission, . lauzun, duc de, with french army in america, - , . laval-montmorency, french officer in america, . lee, arthur, on commission to paris, . lee, general charles, , ; washington writes to, ; at fort washington, ; disobeys washington, - ; letter to gates, ; captured, ; and howe, , - ; freed by exchange of prisoners, ; personal characteristics, ; and training of recruits, ; at monmouth court house, - ; court-martialed, ; suspended, ; dismissed from army, . lee. r.h., and declaration of independence, . lee, fort (nj) ; washington at, ; falls to british, , . leicester, lord , costly residence at holkham, . lexington, battle of, , . lincoln, abraham, quoted, ; and declaration of independence, , - . lincoln, general benjamin, at ticonderoga, ; southern campaign, , , , . long island (ny),battle of, - , . loyalists, howe and pennsylvania, ; plundering, , ; in south, - ; clinton's proclamation to, ; decline in strength, ; punishments, - ; test acts, ; question of compensation of, ; gather in new york to claim british protection, ; bibliography, . luzerne, french minister, . m mccrae, jennie, carried off by indians, . mcneil, mrs., carried off by indians, . maine, arnold's expedition, , . marie antoinette, queen, zeal for liberal ideas, ; fersen friend of, . marion, francis, guerrilla leader, , . marlborough, duke of, costly residence, . martha's vineyard (ma), loyalist refugees plunder, . maryland, and independence, ; howe plans to secure control of, . massachusetts, suffolk county defies england, - ; north and constitution of, ; list of loyalists, . minorca returned to spain, . mirabeau, french officer in america, . mississippi river becomes western frontier of united states, . monmouth court house, battle of, - ; lee at, . montgomery, general richard, expedition to canada, ; at quebec, - ; death, - , . montreal, montgomery enters, ; commission sent to, ; evacuated, ; st. leger reaches, . morgan, captain daniel, at quebec, ; with greene, ; at cowpens, . morris, gouveneur, opinion of congress, . morristown (nj), american headquarters at, , , . moultrie, fort (sc), battle at, . mount vernon, washington's estate, , , . murray, mrs., saves putnam's army, . n narragansett bay (ri), british blockade french fleet in, . navy, american, jones and, - ; need for supremacy, . necessity, fort (pa), surrender of, . new bedford (ma), loyalists burn, . new england, question of leader from, ; and washington, ; character of people, ; equality in, ; on independence, ; revolutionary, ; and indians, ; and burgoyne, ; states jealous of, - . new hampshire offers bounty for indian scalps, - . new jersey, washington's flight across, , ; lee retreats to, ; loyalty, ; howe's proclamation, ; washington recovers, ; howe moves across, , ; clinton crosses, , . new york, on independence, ; howe's proclamation, ; howe's plan to hold, ; acquires loyalist lands, . new york city, on side of revolution, ; washington plans to hold, - ; loss of, , et seq., , ; statue of king destroyed, ; burned, - ; washington plans march to, ; for naval defence, ; loyalists take refuge in, ; french army moves toward, ; washington returns to, ; washington bids farewell to army at, . newgate jail burned, . newport (ri), lord howe's fleet at, ; british hold, ; french fleet sails into, ; french army leaves, . noailles, vicomte de, on foot from newport to yorktown, . norfolk (va), destroyed, . north, lord, prime minister, - , - ; george iii writes to, ; seeks to retire, , ; and news of yorktown, ; resigns, . north carolina, and independence, ; campaign in, - . northwest, united states retains, . nova scotia, washington's belief of sympathy in, ; loyalists go to, . o ogg, f.a. the old northwest, cited, . oriskany (ny), battle of, . p paine, thomas, ; common sense, . palliser, sir hugh, and british naval quarrel, , panther, wyandot chief, shows scalp of miss mccrae, . parker, admiral sir peter, before fort moultrie, - . pennsylvania, and independence, ; loyalty, ; howe plans to secure control of, ; "black lists" of loyalists, . percy, earl, opinion of rebels in america, . petersburg (va), arnold at, . philadelphia, second continental congress at, , - ; washington sets out from, ; on side of revolution, ; paine in, ; howe plans to secure, , ; loss of, et seq., ; howe leaves, ; mischianza in, - ; british abandon, ; loyalists hanged in, ; arnold in command at, ; french army reviewed in, - . pigot, general, at newport, . pitt, william, see chatham, earl of. politics, see england. prescott, colonel, at bunker hill, ; preston, major, british officer at st. johns, . prevost, general augustine, at charleston, - . prices, . princeton, cornwallis at, . prisons, british prison-ships, ; london riots, . privateers, checked at newport, ; france and, . providence (ri), greene and sullivan at, . putnam, israel, at bunker hill, , ; leaves new york, . q quebec (qc), arnold and montgomery before, - , - , , , ; morgan at, , . quebec act, - , . r rahl, colonel, at trenton, ; killed, . rawdon, lord francis, at bunker hill, ; at camden, , . reed, joseph, charge against arnold, . revolutionary war, bibliography, - . rhode island, british control, ; washington's campaign against, - ; british evacuate, . richmond, duke of, opinion of revolution, . richmond (va), arnold burns, . riedesel, general, at lake champlain, ; effective service to british, - . riedesel, baroness, reports conditions in new england, . rochambeau, comte de, leader of french army in america, - ; idea of naval supremacy, , ; and washington, , , ; on american situation ( ), ; goes to yorktown, ; in virginia, . rockingham, marquis of, prime minister, . rodney, admiral, arrives in america, ; captures st. eustatius, ; captures grasse, , . russia, british endeavor to get troops in, ; armed neutrality, . s st. clair, general arthur, at fort ticonderoga, . st. eustacius, captured by rodney, . st. johns, montgomery captures, . st. leger, general barry, at fort stanwix, - ; at oriskany, - . saint-simon, french officer in america, . sandy hook (ny), french fleet at, , . saratoga (ny), burgoyne at, , , ; burgoyne's surrender, , , - , , ; arnold at, ; morgan at, . savannah (ga), british land at, . savile, sir george, opinion of the revolution, . schuyler, general philip, goes to canada by way of lake champlain, ; gates supersedes, . serapis (ship), jones captures, . shelburne, lord, prime minister, . shippen, margaret, ; marries arnold, . simcoe, general j.g., with clinton at charleston, ; governor of upper canada, . skinner, c. l., pioneers of the old southwest, cited . slavery, washington as a slave-owner, . slave-trade, declaration of independence makes king responsible for, . south, war in the, et seq. south carolina, neutrality proposed, ; british control, . spain, against england, , - , ; navy, ; and gibraltar, ; and peace treaty, . stamp act, , , . stanwix (ny), fort, st. leger before, - . staten island (ny), howe on, , , . states, congress and, . steuben, baron von, service in revolution, - ; in virginia, . stillwater (ny), american camp at, ; burgoyne attacks gates at, - ; burgoyne's defeat, . stirling, lord, prisoner, . stony point (ny), . stuart, gilbert, and washington, . sullivan, general john, takes prisoner at battle of long island, ; sent by howe to interview congress, ; exchanged, ; at morristown, ; and washington, - ; at germantown, ; at providence, . sumter, thomas, guerrilla leader, , . sweden, armed neutrality, . t talleyrand, french officer in america, . tarleton, colonel banastre, raids, , ; at camden, - ; and marion, ; king's mountain, ; takes charlottesville (va), - ; in yorktown, ; and cornwallis, . terrible (ship), . test acts, . thayendanegea (joseph brant), . thomas, general, on plains of abraham, . thompson, general, attacks three river, . three rivers (qc), attack on, . throg's neck (ny), howe at, . ticonderoga (ny), fort, captured by allen, - , ; arnold retreats to, ; burgoyne lays siege to, - ; lincoln besieges, . tories, plundering of, ; see also loyalists. toronto (on), loyalists in, . transportation, need of military engineers for, . trenton (nj), howe at, ; attack on, - , ; greene at, . tryon, governor of new york, . v valley forge (pa) washington at, et seq.; washington leaves, . vergennes, french foreign minister, - , , , . vincennes, clark at, . virginia, choice of a commander from, ; state of society, - , - ; on independence, ; convention changes church service, ; burgoyne's force in, ; covets lands in northwest, ; steuben in, ; cornwallis in, . vulture (sloop of war), , , . w walpole, horace , , - ; gates godson of, ; quoted, . ward, general artemus, and siege of boston, . washington, george, at second continental congress, , ; champion of colonial cause, - , - , ; chosen commander-in-chief, - ; journey to boston, - ; personal characteristics, , - , ; life, ; as a landowner, ; education, ; contrasted with english country gentlemen, - ; wealth; , ; as a farmer, - ; a slave-owner, ; with braddock, - ; opinion of george iii, , ; not a professional soldier, ; reorganizes army, - ; favors conscription, ; at boston, ; plans against canada, - ; mourns montgomery, ; hated of british, - ; coke and, , , ; advocates independence, ; headquarters in new york, , ; howe's letter to, - ; at brooklyn heights, - ; exposed to enemy in new york, ; and congress, , , - ; lee and, - , ; retreats across new jersey, ; attack upon trenton, - , ; on howe's dilatoriness, ; in new jersey, ; and sullivan, ; policy toward loyalists, ; on plundering, ; need of maps, ; and howe, - , , , ; and burgoyne, ; at the brandywine, - ; germantown, - ; at valley forge, et seq.; religion, ; relations with staff, - ; as military leader, ; volunteers come to, ; distrustful of france, - ; celebrates french alliance, ; army occupies philadelphia, ; follows clinton across new jersey, - ; monmouth court house, ; despair of, - , - ; guards hudson, - ; french under, ; opinion of tories, ; and rochambeau, , , , ; reprimands arnold, - ; and andre, ; plan differs from french, ; march to yorktown, et seq.; and carleton, ; believes self-interest dominant in politics, - ; bids farewell to army, ; gives up command, ; at mount vernon, ; influences upon future, - ; bibliography, . washington, fort (ny), held by americans, - ; british take, . west indies, conquests restored, . west point (ny), fortification, , - ; arnold in command, ; plot to surrender, - . white plains (ny), battle of, . wight, isle of, plan to seize, . wilkes, john, introduces bill into parliament, . wilmington (nc), british fleet reaches, ; cornwallis in, . winslow, edward, quoted, . wyoming (pa) massacre, . y york, congress at, , . yorktown, cornwallis surrenders at, , et seq. the chronicles of america series . the red man's continent by ellsworth huntington . the spanish conquerors by irving berdine richman . elizabethan sea-dogs by william charles henry wood . the crusaders of new france by william bennett munro . pioneers of the old south by mary johnson . the fathers of new england by charles mclean andrews . dutch and english on the hudson by maud wilder goodwin . the quaker colonies by sydney george fisher . colonial folkways by charles mclean andrews . the conquest of new france by george mckinnon wrong . the eve of the revolution by carl lotus becker . washington and his comrades in arms by george mckinnon wrong . the fathers of the constitution by max farrand . washington and his colleagues by henry jones ford . jefferson and his colleagues by allen johnson . john marshall and the constitution by edward samuel corwin . the fight for a free sea by ralph delahaye paine . pioneers of the old southwest by constance lindsay skinner . the old northwest by frederic austin ogg . the reign of andrew jackson by frederic austin ogg . the paths of inland commerce by archer butler hulbert . adventurers of oregon by constance lindsay skinner . the spanish borderlands by herbert e. bolton . texas and the mexican war by nathaniel wright stephenson . the forty-niners by stewart edward white . the passing of the frontier by emerson hough . the cotton kingdom by william e. dodd . the anti-slavery crusade by jesse macy . abraham lincoln and the union by nathaniel wright stephenson . the day of the confederacy by nathaniel wright stephenson . captains of the civil war by william charles henry wood . the sequel of appomattox by walter lynwood fleming . the american spirit in education by edwin e. slosson . the american spirit in literature by bliss perry . our foreigners by samuel peter orth . the old merchant marine by ralph delahaye paine . the age of invention by holland thompson . the railroad builders by john moody . the age of big business by burton jesse hendrick . the armies of labor by samuel peter orth . the masters of capital by john moody . the new south by holland thompson . the boss and the machine by samuel peter orth . the cleveland era by henry jones ford . the agrarian crusade by solon justus buck . the path of empire by carl russell fish . theodore roosevelt and his times by harold howland . woodrow wilson and the world war by charles seymour . the canadian dominion by oscar d. skelton . the hispanic nations of the new world by william r. shepherd note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) little journeys to the homes of the great, volume (of ) little journeys to the homes of american statesmen by elbert hubbard memorial edition contents the little journeys camp george washington benjamin franklin thomas jefferson samuel adams john hancock john quincy adams alexander hamilton daniel webster henry clay john jay william h. seward abraham lincoln the little journeys camp bert hubbard a little more patience, a little more charity for all, a little more devotion, a little more love; with less bowing down to the past, and a silent ignoring of pretended authority; a brave looking forward to the future with more faith in our fellows, and the race will be ripe for a great burst of light and life. --elbert hubbard [illustration: the little journeys camp] it was not built with the idea of ever becoming a place in history: simply a boys' cabin in the woods. fibe, rich, pie and butch were the bunch that built it. fibe was short for fiber, and we gave him that name because his real name was wood. rich got his name from being a mudsock. pie got his because he was a regular pieface. and they called me butch for no reason at all except that perhaps my great-great-grandfather was a butcher. we were a fine gang of youngsters, all about thirteen years, wise in boys' deviltry. what we didn't know about killing cats, breaking window-panes in barns, stealing coal from freight-cars, and borrowing eggs from neighboring hencoops without consent of the hens, wasn't worth the knowing. there used to be another boy in the gang, skinny. one day when we ran away to the swimming-hole after school, this other little fellow didn't come back with us. you see, there was the little-kids' swimmin'-hole and the big-kids' swimmin'-hole. the latter was over our heads. well, skinny swung out on the rope hanging from the cottonwood-tree on the bank of the big-kids' hole. somehow he lost his head and fell in. none of us could swim, and he was too far out to reach. there was nothing to help him with, so we just had to watch him struggle till he had gone down three times. and there where we last saw him a lot of bubbles came up. the inquiry before the justice of peace with our fathers, which followed, put fright in our bones, and the sight of the old creek was a nightmare for months to come. after that we decided to keep to the hills and woods. this necessitated a hut. but we had no lumber with which to build it. however, there were three houses going up in town--and surely they could spare a few boards. so after dark we got out old juliet and the spring-wagon and made several visits to the new houses. the result was that in about a week we had enough lumber to frame the cabin. our site was about three miles from town, high up on the adams farm. after many evening trips with the old mare and much figuring we had the thing done, all but the windows, door, and shingles on the roof. well, i knew where there was an old door and two window-sash taken off our chicken-house to let in the air during summer. and one rainy night three bunches of shingles found their way from perkins' lumber-yard to the foot of the hill on the adams farm. in another five days the place was finished. it was ten by sixteen, and had four bunks, two windows, a paneled front door, a back entrance and a porch--altogether a rather pretentious camp for a gang of young ruffians. but it was a labor of love, and we certainly had worked mighty hard. our love was given particularly to the three house-builders and to perkins, down in town. of course we had to have a stove. this we got from bowen's hardware-store for two dollars and forty cents. he wanted four dollars, and we argued for some time. the stove was a secondhand one and good only for scrap-iron anyway. scrap was worth fifty cents a hundred, and this stove weighed only two hundred fifty, so we convinced the man our offer was big. at that we made him throw in a frying-pan. for dishes and cutlery, i believe each of our mothers' pantries contributed. then a stock of grub was confiscated. the storeroom in the phalansterie furnished heinz beans, chutney, and a few others of the fifty-seven. john had run an ad in "the philistine" for heinz and taken good stuff in exchange. for four years after that, this old camp was kept stocked with eats all the time. we would hike out friday after school and stay till sunday night. at christmas-time we would spend the week's vacation there. many times had i tried to get my father to go out and stay overnight. but he wouldn't go. one time, though, i did not come home when i had promised, so father rode out on garnett to find me. instead of my coming back with him he just unsaddled and turned garnett loose in the woods and stayed overnight. we gave him the big bunk with two red quilts, and he stuck it out. next morning we had fried apples, ham and coffee for breakfast. what there was about it i did not understand, but john was a very frequent visitor after that. you know we called father, john, because he said that wasn't his name. he used to come up in the evening and would bring the red one or sammy the artist or saint jerome the sculptor. once he brought michael monahan and john sayles the universalist preacher. mike didn't like it. the field-mice running on the rafters overhead at night chilled his blood. he called them terrible beasts. from then on we youngsters were gradually deprived of our freedom at camp. these visitors were too numerous for us and we had to seek other fields of adventure. john got to going out to the camp to get away from visitors at the shop. he found the place quiet and comforting. the woods gave him freedom to think and write. it so developed that he would spend about four days a month there, writing the "little journey" for the next month. how many of his masterpieces were written at the camp i can not say, but for several years it was his retreat and he used it constantly. he reminded us boys several times when we kicked, that he had a good claim on it--for didn't he furnish the door and the window-frames? i never suspected he would recognize them. george washington he left as fair a reputation as ever belonged to a human character.... midst all the sorrowings that are mingled on this melancholy occasion i venture to assert that none could have felt his death with more regret than i, because no one had higher opinions of his worth.... there is this consolation, though, to be drawn, that while living no man could be more esteemed, and since dead none is more lamented. --washington, on the death of tilghman [illustration: george washington] dean stanley has said that all the gods of ancient mythology were once men, and he traces for us the evolution of a man into a hero, the hero into a demigod, and the demigod into a divinity. by a slow process, the natural man is divested of all our common faults and frailties; he is clothed with superhuman attributes and declared a being separate and apart, and is lost to us in the clouds. when greenough carved that statue of washington that sits facing the capitol, he unwittingly showed how a man may be transformed into a jove. but the world has reached a point when to be human is no longer a cause for apology; we recognize that the human, in degree, comprehends the divine. jove inspires fear, but to washington we pay the tribute of affection. beings hopelessly separated from us are not ours: a god we can not love, a man we may. we know washington as well as it is possible to know any man. we know him better, far better, than the people who lived in the very household with him. we have his diary showing "how and where i spent my time"; we have his journal, his account-books (and no man was ever a more painstaking accountant); we have hundreds of his letters, and his own copies and first drafts of hundreds of others, the originals of which have been lost or destroyed. from these, with contemporary history, we are able to make up a close estimate of the man; and we find him human--splendidly human. by his books of accounts we find that he was often imposed upon, that he loaned thousands of dollars to people who had no expectation of paying; and in his last will, written with his own hand, we find him canceling these debts, and making bequests to scores of relatives; giving freedom to his slaves, and acknowledging his obligation to servants and various other obscure persons. he was a man in very sooth. he was a man in that he had in him the appetites, the ambitions, the desires of a man. stewart, the artist, has said, "all of his features were indications of the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forest, he would have been the fiercest man among savage tribes." but over the sleeping volcano of his temper he kept watch and ward, until his habit became one of gentleness, generosity, and shining, simple truth; and, behind all, we behold his unswerving purpose and steadfast strength. and so the object of this sketch will be, not to show the superhuman washington, the washington set apart, but to give a glimpse of the man washington who aspired, feared, hoped, loved and bravely died. * * * * * the first biographer of george washington was the reverend mason l. weems. if you have a copy of weems' "life of washington," you had better wrap it in chamois and place it away for your heirs, for some time it will command a price. fifty editions of weems' book were printed, and in its day no other volume approached it in point of popularity. in american literature, weems stood first. to weems are we indebted for the hatchet tale, the story of the colt that was broken and killed in the process, and all those other fine romances of washington's youth. weems' literary style reveals the very acme of that vicious quality of untruth to be found in the old-time sunday-school books. weems mustered all the "little willie" stories he could find, and attached to them washington's name, claiming to write for "the betterment of the young," as if in dealing with the young we should carefully conceal the truth. possibly washington could not tell a lie, but weems was not thus handicapped. under a mass of silly moralizing, he nearly buried the real washington, giving us instead a priggish, punk youth, and a madame tussaud, full-dress general, with a wax-works manner and a wooden dignity. happily, we have now come to a time when such authors as mason l. weems and john s.c. abbott are no longer accepted as final authorities. we do not discard them, but, like samuel pepys, they are retained that they may contribute to the gaiety of nations. various violent efforts have been made in days agone to show that washington was of "a noble line"--as if the natural nobility of the man needed a reason--forgetful that we are all sons of god, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be. but burke's "peerage" lends no light, and the careful, unprejudiced, patient search of recent years finds only the blood of the common people. washington himself said that in his opinion the history of his ancestors "was of small moment and a subject to which, i confess, i have paid little attention." he had a bookplate and he had also a coat of arms on his carriage-door. the reverend mr. weems has described washington's bookplate thus: "argent, two bar gules in chief, three mullets of the second. crest, a raven with wings, indorsed proper, issuing out of a ducal coronet, or." * * * * * mary ball was the second wife of augustine washington. in his will the good man describes this marriage, evidently with a wink, as "my second venture." and it is sad to remember that he did not live to know that his "venture" made america his debtor. the success of the union seems pretty good argument in favor of widowers marrying. there were four children in the family, the oldest nearly full grown, when mary ball came to take charge of the household. she was twenty-seven, her husband ten years older. they were married march sixth, seventeen hundred thirty-one, and on february twenty-second of the following year was born a man child and they named him george. the washingtons were plain, hard-working people--land-poor. they lived in a small house that had three rooms downstairs and an attic, where the children slept, and bumped their heads against the rafters if they sat up quickly in bed. washington got his sterling qualities from the ball family, and not from the tribe of washington. george was endowed by his mother with her own splendid health and with all the sturdy spartan virtues of her mind. in features and in mental characteristics, he resembled her very closely. there were six children born to her in all, but the five have been nearly lost sight of in the splendid success of the firstborn. i have used the word "spartan" advisedly. upon her children, the mother of washington lavished no soft sentimentality. a woman who cooked, weaved, spun, washed, made the clothes, and looked after a big family in pioneer times had her work cut out for her. the children of mary washington obeyed her, and when told to do a thing never stopped to ask why--and the same fact may be said of the father. the girls wore linsey-woolsey dresses, and the boys tow suits that consisted of two pieces, which in winter were further added to by hat and boots. if the weather was very cold, the suits were simply duplicated--a boy wearing two or three pairs of trousers instead of one. the mother was the first one up in the morning, the last one to go to rest at night. if a youngster kicked off the covers in his sleep and had a coughing spell, she arose and looked after him. were any sick, she not only ministered to them, but often watched away the long, dragging hours of the night. and i have noticed that these sturdy mothers in israel, who so willingly give their lives that others may live, often find vent for overwrought feelings by scolding; and i, for one, cheerfully grant them the privilege. washington's mother scolded and grumbled to the day of her death. she also sought solace by smoking a pipe. and this reminds me that a noted specialist in neurotics has recently said that if women would use the weed moderately, tired nerves would find repose and nervous prostration would be a luxury unknown. not being much of a smoker myself, and knowing nothing about the subject, i give the item for what it is worth. all the sterling, classic virtues of industry, frugality and truth-telling were inculcated by this excellent mother, and her strong commonsense made its indelible impress upon the mind of her son. mary washington always regarded george's judgment with a little suspicion; she never came to think of him as a full-grown man; to her he was only a big boy. hence, she would chide him and criticize his actions in a way that often made him very uncomfortable. during the revolutionary war she followed his record closely: when he succeeded she only smiled, said something that sounded like "i told you so," and calmly filled her pipe; when he was repulsed she was never cast down. she foresaw that he would be made president, and thought "he would do as well as anybody." once, she complained to him of her house in fredericksburg; he wrote in answer, gently but plainly, that her habits of life were not such as would be acceptable at mount vernon. and to this she replied that she had never expected or intended to go to mount vernon, and moreover would not, no matter how much urged--a declination without an invitation that must have caused the son a grim smile. in her nature was a goodly trace of savage stoicism that took a satisfaction in concealing the joy she felt in her son's achievement; for that her life was all bound up in his we have good evidence. washington looked after her wants and supplied her with everything she needed, and, as these things often came through third parties, it is pretty certain she did not know the source; at any rate she accepted everything quite as her due, and shows a half-comic ingratitude that is very fine. when washington started for new york to be inaugurated president, he stopped to see her. she donned a new white cap and a clean apron in honor of the visit, remarking to a neighbor woman who dropped in that she supposed "these great folks expected something a little extra." it was the last meeting of mother and son. she was eighty-three at that time and "her boy" fifty-five. she died not long after. samuel washington, the brother two years younger than george, has been described as "small, sandy-whiskered, shrewd and glib." samuel was married five times. some of the wives he deserted and others deserted him, and two of them died, thus leaving him twice a sad, lorn widower, from which condition he quickly extricated himself. he was always in financial straits and often appealed to his brother george for loans. in seventeen hundred eighty-one we find george washington writing to his brother john, "in god's name! how has samuel managed to get himself so enormously in debt?" the remark sounds a little like that of samuel johnson, who on hearing that goldsmith was owing four hundred pounds exclaimed, "was ever poet so trusted before?" washington's ledger shows that he advanced his brother samuel two thousand dollars, "to be paid back without interest." but samuel's ship never came in, and in washington's will we find the debt graciously and gracefully discharged. thornton washington, a son of samuel, was given a place in the english army at george washington's request; and two other sons of samuel were sent to school at his expense. one of the boys once ran away and was followed by his uncle george, who carried a goodly birch with intent to "give him what he deserved"; but after catching the lad the uncle's heart melted, and he took the runaway back into favor. an entry in washington's journal shows that the children of his brother samuel cost him fully five thousand dollars. harriot, one of the daughters of samuel, lived in the household at mount vernon and evidently was a great cross, for we find washington pleading as an excuse for her frivolity that "she was not brung up right, she has no disposition, and takes no care of her clothes, which are dabbed about in every corner, and the best are always in use. she costs me enough!" and this was about as near a complaint as the father of his country, and the father of all his poor relations, ever made. in his ledger we find this item: "by miss harriot washington, gave her to buy wedding-clothes, $ . ." it supplied the great man joy to write that line, for it was the last of harriot. he furnished a fine wedding for her, and all the servants had a holiday, and harriot and her unknown lover were happy ever afterwards--so far as we know. from seventeen hundred fifty to seventeen hundred fifty-nine, washington was a soldier on the frontier, leaving mount vernon and all his business in charge of his brother john. between these two there was a genuine bond of affection. to george this brother was always, "dear jack," and when john married, george sends "respectful greetings to your lady," and afterwards "love to the little ones from their uncle." and in one of the dark hours of the revolution, george writes from new jersey to this brother: "god grant you health and happiness. nothing in this world would add so to mine as to be near you." john died in seventeen hundred eighty-seven, and the president of the united states writes in simple, undisguised grief of "the death of my beloved brother." john's eldest son, bushrod, was washington's favorite nephew. he took a lively interest in the boy's career, and taking him to philadelphia placed him in the law-office of judge james wilson. he supplied bushrod with funds, and wrote him many affectionate letters of advice, and several times made him a companion on journeys. the boy proved worthy of it all, and developed into a strong and manly man--quite the best of all washington's kinsfolk. in later years, we find washington asking his advice in legal matters and excusing himself for being such a "troublesome, non-paying client." in his will the "honorable bushrod washington" is named as one of the executors, and to him washington left his library and all his private papers, besides a share in the estate. such confidence was a fitting good-by from the great and loving heart of a father to a son full worthy of the highest trust. of washington's relations with his brother charles, we know but little. charles was a plain, simple man who worked hard and raised a big family. in his will washington remembers them all, and one of the sons of charles we know was appointed to a position upon lafayette's staff on washington's request. the only one of washington's family that resembled him closely was his sister betty. the contour of her face was almost identical with his, and she was so proud of it that she often wore her hair in a queue and donned his hat and sword for the amusement of visitors. betty married fielding lewis, and two of her sons acted as private secretaries to washington while he was president. one of these sons--lawrence lewis--married nellie custis, the adopted daughter of washington and granddaughter of mrs. washington, and the couple, by washington's will, became part-owners of mount vernon. the man who can figure out the exact relationship of nellie custis' children to washington deserves a medal. we do not know much of washington's father: if he exerted any special influence on his children we do not know it. he died when george was eleven years old, and the boy then went to live at the "hunting creek place" with his half-brother lawrence, that he might attend school. lawrence had served in the english navy under admiral vernon, and, in honor of his chief, changed the name of his home and called it mount vernon. mount vernon then consisted of twenty-five hundred acres, mostly a tangle of forest, with a small house and log stables. the tract had descended to lawrence from his father, with provision that it should fall to george if lawrence died without issue. lawrence married, and when he died, aged thirty-two, he left a daughter, mildred, who died two years later. mount vernon then passed to george washington, aged twenty-one, but not without a protest from the widow of lawrence, who evidently was paid not to take the matter into the courts. washington owned mount vernon for forty-six years, just one-half of which time was given to the service of his country. it was the only place he ever called "home," and there he sleeps. * * * * * when washington was fourteen, his schooldays were over. of his youth we know but little. he was not precocious, although physically he developed early; but there was no reason why the neighbors should keep tab on him and record anecdotes. they had boys of their own just as promising. he was tall and slender, long-armed, with large, bony hands and feet, very strong, a daring horseman, a good wrestler, and, living on the banks of a river, he became, as all healthy boys must, a good swimmer. his mission among the indians in his twenty-first year was largely successful through the personal admiration he excited among the savages. in poise, he was equal to their best, and ever being a bit proud, even if not vain, he dressed for the occasion in full indian regalia, minus only the war-paint. the indians at once recognized his nobility, and named him "conotancarius"--plunderer of villages--and suggested that he take to wife an indian maiden, and remain with them as chief. when he returned home, he wrote to the indian agent, announcing his safe arrival and sending greetings to the indians. "tell them," he says, "how happy it would make conotancarius to see them, and take them by the hand." his wish was gratified, for the indians took him at his word, and fifty of them came to him, saying, "since you could not come and live with us, we have come to live with you." they camped on the green in front of the residence, and proceeded to inspect every room in the house, tested all the whisky they could find, appropriated eatables, and were only induced to depart after all the bedclothes had been dyed red, and a blanket or a quilt presented to each. throughout his life washington had a very tender spot in his heart for women. at sixteen, he writes with all a youth's solemnity of "a hurt of the heart uncurable." and from that time forward there is ever some "faire mayde" to be seen in the shadow. in fact, washington got along with women much better than with men; with men he was often diffident and awkward, illy concealing his uneasiness behind a forced dignity; but he knew that women admired him, and with them he was at ease. when he made that first western trip, carrying a message to the french, he turns aside to call on the indian princess, aliguippa. in his journal, he says, "presented her a blanket and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought the much best present of the ." in his expense-account we find items like these: "treating the ladys shillings." "present for polly shillings." "my share for music at the dance shillings." "lost at loo shillings." in fact, like most episcopalians, washington danced and played cards. his favorite game seems to have been "loo"; and he generally played for small stakes, and when playing with "the ladys" usually lost, whether purposely or because otherwise absorbed, we know not. in seventeen hundred fifty-six, he made a horseback journey on military business to boston, stopping a week going and on the way back at new york. he spent the time at the house of a former virginian, beverly robinson, who had married susannah philipse, daughter of frederick philipse, one of the rich men of manhattan. in the household was a young woman, mary philipse, sister of the hostess. she was older than washington, educated, and had seen much more of polite life than he. the tall, young virginian, fresh from the frontier, where he had had horses shot under him, excited the interest of mary philipse, and washington, innocent but ardent, mistook this natural curiosity for a softer sentiment and proposed on the spot. as soon as the lady got her breath he was let down very gently. two years afterwards mary philipse married colonel roger morris, in the king's service, and cards were duly sent to mount vernon. but the whirligig of time equalizes all things, and, in seventeen hundred seventy-six, general washington, commander of the continental army, occupied the mansion of colonel morris, the colonel and his lady being fugitive tories. in his diary, washington records this significant item: "dined at the house lately colonel roger morris confiscated and the occupation of a common farmer." washington always attributed his defeat at the hands of mary philipse to being too precipitate and "not waiting until ye ladye was in ye mood." but two years later we find him being even more hasty and this time with success, which proves that all signs fail in dry weather, and some things are possible as well as others. he was on his way to williamsburg to consult physicians and stopped at the residence of mrs. daniel parke custis to make a short call--was pressed to remain to tea, did so, proposed marriage, and was graciously accepted. we have a beautiful steel engraving that immortalizes this visit, showing washington's horse impatiently waiting at the door. mrs. custis was a widow with two children. she was twenty-six, and the same age as washington within three months. her husband had died seven months before. in washington's cash-account for may, seventeen hundred fifty-eight, is an item, "one engagement ring £ . . ." the happy couple were married eight months later, and we find mrs. washington explaining to a friend that her reason for the somewhat hasty union was that her estate was getting in a bad way and a man was needed to look after it. our actions are usually right, but the reasons we give seldom are; but in this case no doubt "a man was needed," for the widow had much property, and we can not but congratulate martha custis on her choice of "a man." she owned fifteen thousand acres of land, many lots in the city of williamsburg, two hundred negroes, and some money on bond; all the property being worth over one hundred thousand dollars--a very large amount for those days. directly after the wedding, the couple moved to mount vernon, taking a good many of the slaves with them. shortly after, arrangements were under way to rebuild the house, and the plans that finally developed into the present mansion were begun. washington's letters and diary contain very few references to his wife, and none of the many visitors to mount vernon took pains to testify either to her wit or to her intellect. we know that the housekeeping at mount vernon proved too much for her ability, and that a woman was hired to oversee the household. and in this reference a complaint is found from the general that "housekeeper has done gone and left things in confusion." he had his troubles. martha's education was not equal to writing a presentable letter, for we find that her husband wrote the first draft of all important missives that it was necessary for her to send, and she copied them even to his mistakes in spelling. very patient was he about this, and even when he was president and harried constantly we find him stopping to acknowledge for her "an invitation to take some tea," and at the bottom of the sheet adding a pious bit of finesse, thus: "the president requests me to send his compliments and only regrets that the pressure of affairs compels him to forego the pleasure of seeing you." after washington's death, his wife destroyed the letters he had written her--many hundred in number--an offense the world is not yet quite willing to forget, even though it has forgiven. * * * * * although we have been told that when washington was six years old he could not tell a lie, yet he afterwards partially overcame the disability. on one occasion he writes to a friend that the mosquitoes of new jersey "can bite through the thickest boot," and though a contemporary clergyman, greatly flurried, explains that he meant "stocking," we insist that the statement shall stand as the father of his country expressed it. washington also records without a blush, "i announced that i would leave at and then immediately gave private orders to go at , so to avoid the throng." another time when he discharged an overseer for incompetency he lessened the pain of parting by writing for the fellow "a character." when he went to boston and was named as commander of the army, his chief concern seemed to be how he would make peace with martha. ho! ye married men! do you understand the situation? he was to be away for a year, two, or possibly three, and his wife did not have an inkling of it. now, he must break the news to her. as plainly shown by cabot lodge and other historians, there was much rivalry for the office, and it was only allotted to the south as a political deal after much bickering. washington had been a passive but very willing candidate, and after a struggle his friends secured him the prize--and now what to do with martha! writing to her, among other things he says, "you may believe me, my dear patsy, when i assure you in the most solemn manner that so far from seeking the appointment i have done all in my power to avoid it." the man who will not fabricate a bit in order to keep peace with the wife of his bosom is not much of a man. but "patsy's" objections were overcome, and beyond a few chidings and sundry complainings, she did nothing to block the great game of war. at princeton, washington ordered campfires to be built along the brow of a hill for a mile, and when the fires were well lighted, he withdrew his army, marched around to the other side, and surprised the enemy at daylight. at brooklyn, he used masked batteries, and presented a fierce row of round, black spots painted on canvas that, from the city, looked like the mouths of cannon at which men seek the bauble reputation. it is said he also sent a note threatening to fire these sham cannon, on receiving which the enemy hastily moved beyond range. perceiving afterwards that they had been imposed upon, the brave english sent word to "shoot and be damned." evidently, washington considered that all things are fair in love and war. washington talked but little, and his usual air was one of melancholy that stopped just short of sadness. all this, with the firmness of his features and the dignity of his carriage, gave the impression of sternness and severity. and these things gave rise to the popular conception that he had small sense of humor; yet he surely was fond of a quiet smile. at one time, congress insisted that a standing army of five thousand men was too large; washington replied that if england would agree never to invade this country with more than three thousand men, he would be perfectly willing that our army should be reduced to four thousand. when the king of spain, knowing he was a farmer, thoughtfully sent him a present of a jackass, washington proposed naming the animal in honor of the donor; and in writing to friends about the present, draws invidious comparisons between the gift and the giver. evidently, the joke pleased him, for he repeats it in different letters; thus showing how, when he sat down to clear his desk of correspondence, he economized energy by following a form. so, we now find letters that are almost identical, even to jokes, sent to persons in south carolina and in massachusetts. doubtless the good man thought they would never be compared, for how could he foresee that an autograph-dealer in new york would eventually catalog them at twenty-two dollars fifty cents each, or that a very proper but half-affectionate missive of his to a faire ladye would be sold by her great-granddaughter for fifty dollars? in seventeen hundred ninety-three there were on the mount vernon plantation three hundred seventy head of cattle, and washington appends to the report a sad regret that, with all this number of horned beasts, he yet has to buy butter. there is also a fine, grim humor shown in the incident of a flag of truce coming in at new york, bearing a message from general howe, addressed to "mr. washington." the general took the letter from the hand of the redcoat, glanced at the superscription, and said: "why, this letter is not for me! it is directed to a planter in virginia. i'll keep it and give it to him at the end of the war." then, cramming the letter into his pocket, he ordered the flag of truce out of the lines and directed the gunners to stand by. in an hour, another letter came back addressed to "his excellency, general washington." it was not long after this a soldier brought to washington a dog that had been found wearing a collar with the name of general howe engraved on it. washington returned the dog by a special messenger with a note reading, "general washington sends his compliments to general howe, and begs to return one dog that evidently belongs to him." in this instance, i am inclined to think that washington acted in sober good faith, but was the victim of a practical joke on the part of one of his aides. another remark that sounds like a joke, but perhaps was not one, was when, on taking command of the army at boston, the general writes to his lifelong friend, doctor craik, asking what he can do for him, and adding a sentiment still in the air: "but these massachusetts people suffer nothing to go by them that they can lay their hands on." in another letter he pays his compliments to connecticut thus: "their impecunious meanness surpasses belief." when cornwallis surrendered at yorktown, washington refused to humiliate him and his officers by accepting their swords. he treated cornwallis as his guest, and even "gave a dinner in his honor." at this dinner, rochambeau being asked for a toast gave "the united states." washington proposed "the king of france." cornwallis merely gave "the king," and washington, putting the toast, expressed it as cornwallis intended, "the king of england," and added a sentiment of his own that made even cornwallis laugh--"may he stay there!" washington's treatment of cornwallis made him a lifelong friend. many years after, when cornwallis was governor-general of india, he sent a message to his old antagonist, wishing him "prosperity and enjoyment," and adding, "as for myself, i am yet in troubled waters." * * * * * once in a century, possibly, a being is born who possesses a transcendent insight, and him we call a "genius." shakespeare, for instance, to whom all knowledge lay open; joan of arc; the artist turner; swedenborg, the mystic--these are the men who know a royal road to geometry; but we may safely leave them out of account when we deal with the builders of a state, for among statesmen there are no geniuses. nobody knows just what a genius is or what he may do next; he boils at an unknown temperature, and often explodes at a touch. he is uncertain and therefore unsafe. his best results are conjured forth, but no man has yet conjured forth a nation--it is all slow, patient, painstaking work along mathematical lines. washington was a mathematician and therefore not a genius. we call him a great man, but his greatness was of that sort in which we all can share; his virtues were of a kind that, in degree, we too may possess. any man who succeeds in a legitimate business works with the same tools that washington used. washington was human. we know the man; we understand him; we comprehend how he succeeded, for with him there were no tricks, no legerdemain, no secrets. he is very near to us. washington is indeed first in the hearts of his countrymen. washington has no detractors. there may come a time when another will take first place in the affections of the people, but that time is not yet ripe. lincoln stood between men who now live and the prizes they coveted; thousands still tread the earth whom he benefited, and neither class can forgive, for they are of clay. but all those who lived when washington lived are gone; not one survives; even the last body-servant, who confused memory with hearsay, has departed babbling to his rest. we know all of washington we will ever know; there are no more documents to present, no partisan witnesses to examine, no prejudices to remove. his purity of purpose stands unimpeached; his steadfast earnestness and sterling honesty are our priceless examples. we love the man. we call him father. benjamin franklin i will speak ill of no man, not even in matter of truth; but rather excuse the faults i hear charged upon others, and upon proper occasion speak all the good i know of everybody. --_franklin's journal_ [illustration: benjamin franklin] benjamin franklin was twelve years old. he was large and strong and fat and good-natured, and had a full-moon face and red cheeks that made him look like a country bumpkin. he was born in boston within twenty yards of the church called "old south," but the franklins now lived at the corner of congress and hanover streets, where to this day there swings in the breeze a gilded ball, and on it the legend, "josiah franklin, soap-boiler." benjamin was the fifteenth child in the family; and several having grown to maturity and flown, there were thirteen at the table when little ben first sat in the high chair. but the franklins were not superstitious, and if little ben ever prayed that another would be born, just for luck, we know nothing of it. his mother loved him very much and indulged him in many ways, for he was always her baby boy, but the father thought that because he was good-natured he was also lazy and should be disciplined. once upon a time the father was packing a barrel of beef in the cellar, and ben was helping him, and as the father always said grace at table, the boy suggested he ask a blessing, once for all, on the barrel of beef and thus economize breath. but economics along that line did not appeal to josiah franklin, for this was early in seventeen hundred eighteen, and josiah was a presbyterian and lived in boston. the boy was not religious, for he never "went forward," and only went to church because he had to, and read "plutarch's lives" with much more relish than he did "saints' rest." but he had great curiosity and asked questions until his mother would say, "goodness gracious, go and play!" and as the boy wasn't very religious or very fond of work, his father and mother decided that there were only two careers open for him: the mother proposed that he be made a preacher, but his father said, send him to sea. to go to sea under a good strict captain would discipline him, and to send him off and put him under the care of the reverend doctor thirdly would answer the same purpose--which course should be pursued? but pallas athene, who was to watch over this lad's destinies all through life, preserved him from either. his parents' aspirations extended even to his becoming captain of a schooner or pastor of the first church at roxbury. and no doubt he could have sailed the schooner around the globe in safety, or filled the pulpit with a degree of power that would have caused consternation to reign in the heart of every other preacher in town; but fate saved him that he might take the ship of state, when she threatened to strand on the rocks of adversity, and pilot her into peaceful waters, and to preach such sermons to america that their eloquence still moves us to better things. parents think that what they say about their children goes, and once in an awfully long time it does, but the men who become great and learned usually do so in spite of their parents--which remark was first made by martin luther, but need not be discredited on that account. ben's oldest brother was james. now, james was nearly forty; he was tall and slender, stooped a little, and had sandy whiskers, and a nervous cough, and positive ideas on many subjects--one of which was that he was a printer. his apprentice, or "devil," had left him, because the devil did not like to be cuffed whenever the compositor shuffled his fonts. james needed another apprentice, and proposed to take his younger brother and make a man of him if the old folks were willing. the old folks were willing and ben was duly bound by law to his brother, agreeing to serve him faithfully, as jacob served laban, for seven years and two years more. science has explained many things, but it has not yet told why it sometimes happens that when seventeen eggs are hatched, the brood will consist of sixteen barnyard fowls and one eagle. james franklin was a man of small capacity, whimsical, jealous and arbitrary. but if he cuffed his apprentice benjamin when the compositor blundered, and when he didn't, it was his legal right; and the master who did not occasionally kick his apprentices was considered derelict to duty. the boy ran errands, cleaned the presses, swept the shop, tied up bundles, did the tasks that no one else would do; and incidentally "learned the case." then he set type, and after a while ran a press. and in those days a printer ranked considerably above a common mechanic. a man who was a printer was a literary man, as were the master printers of london and venice. a printer was a man of taste. all editors were printers, and usually composed the matter as they set it up in type. thus we now have the expressions: a "composing-room," a "composing-stick," etc. people once addressed "mr. printer," not "mr. editor," and when they met "mr. printer" on the street removed their hats--but not in philadelphia. young franklin felt a proper degree of pride in his work, if not vanity. in fact, he himself has said that vanity is a good thing, and whenever he saw it come flaunting down the street, always made way, knowing that there was virtue somewhere back of it--out of sight perhaps, but still there. james, being a brother, had no confidence in ben's intellect, so when ben wrote short articles on this and that, he tucked them under the door so that james would find them in the morning. james showed these articles to his friends, and they all voted them very fine, and concluded they must have been written by doctor so-and-so, ph.d., who, like lord bacon, was a very modest man and did not care to see his name in print. yet, by and by, it came out who it was that wrote the anonymous "hot stuff," and then james did not think it was quite so good as he at first thought, and moreover, declared he knew whose it was all the time. ben was eighteen and had read montaigne, and collins, and shaftesbury, and hume. when he wrote he expressed thoughts that then were considered very dreadful, but that can now be heard proclaimed even in good orthodox churches. but ben had wit and to spare, and he leveled it at government officials and preachers, and these gentlemen did not relish the jokes--people seldom relish jokes at their own expense--and they sought to suppress the newspaper that the franklin brothers published. the blame for all the trouble james heaped upon benjamin, and all the credit for success he took to himself. james declared that ben had the big head--and he probably was right; but he forgot that the big head, like mumps and measles and everything else in life, is self-limiting and good in its way. so, to teach ben his proper place, james reminded him that he was only an apprentice, with three years yet to serve, and that he should be seen seldom and not heard all the time, and that if he ran away he would send a constable after him and fetch him back. ben evidently had a mind open to suggestive influences, for the remark about running away prompted him to do so. he sold some of his books and got himself secreted on board a ship about to sail for new york. arriving at new york, in three days he found the broad-brimmed dutch had small use for printers and no special admiration for the art preservative; and he started for philadelphia. every one knows how he landed in a small boat at the foot of market street with only a few coppers in his pocket, and made his way to a bakeshop and asked for a threepenny loaf of bread, and being told they had no threepenny loaves, then asked for threepenny's worth of any kind of bread, and was given three loaves. where is the man who in a strange land has not suffered rather than reveal his ignorance before a shopkeeper? when i was first in england and could not compute readily in shillings and pence, i would toss out a gold piece when i made a purchase and assume a 'igh and 'aughty mien. and that philadelphia baker probably died in blissful ignorance of the fact that the youth who was to be america's pride bought from him three loaves of bread when he wanted only one. the runaway ben had a downy beard all over his face, and as he took his three loaves and walked up market street, with a loaf under each arm, munching on the third, he was smiled upon in merry mirth by the buxom deborah read, as she stood in the doorway of her father's house. yet franklin got even with her, for some months after, he went back that way and courted her, grew to love him, and they "exchanged promises," he says. after some months of work and love-making, franklin sailed away to england on a wild-goose chase. he promised to return soon and make deborah his wife. but he wrote only one solitary letter to the broken-hearted girl and did not come back for nearly two years. * * * * * time is the great avenger as well as educator; only the education is usually deferred until it no longer avails in this incarnation, and is valuable only for advice--and nobody wants advice. deathbed repentances may be legal-tender for salvation in another world, but for this they are below par, and regeneration that is postponed until the man has no further capacity to sin is little better. for sin is only perverted power, and the man without capacity to sin neither has ability to do good--isn't that so? his soul is a dead sea that supports neither ameba nor fish, neither noxious bacilli nor useful life. happy is the man who conserves his god-given power until wisdom and not passion shall direct it. so, the younger in life a man makes the resolve to turn and live, the better for that man and the better for the world. once upon a time carlyle took milburn, the blind preacher, out on to chelsea embankment and showed the sightless man where franklin plunged into the thames and swam to blackfriars bridge. "he might have stayed here," said thomas carlyle, "and become a swimming-teacher, but god had other work for him!" franklin had many opportunities to stop and become a victim of arrested development, but he never embraced the occasion. he could have stayed in boston and been a humdrum preacher, or a thrifty sea-captain, or an ordinary printer; or he could have remained in london, and been, like his friend ralph, a clever writer of doggerel, and a supporter of the political party that would pay the most. benjamin franklin was twenty years old when he returned from england. the ship was beaten back by headwinds and blown out of her course by blizzards, and becalmed at times, so it took eighty-two days to make the voyage. a worthy old clergyman tells me this was so ordained and ordered that benjamin might have time to meditate on the follies of youth and shape his course for the future, and i do not argue the case, for i am quite willing to admit that my friend, the clergyman, has the facts. yes, we must be "converted," "born again," "regenerated," or whatever you may be pleased to call it. sometimes--very often--it is love that reforms a man, sometimes sickness, sometimes sore bereavement. doctor talmage says that with saint paul it was a sunstroke, and this may be so, for surely saul of tarsus on his way to damascus to persecute christians was not in love. love forgives to seventy times seven and persecutes nobody. we do not know just what it was that turned franklin; he had tried folly--we know that--and he just seems to have anticipated browning and concluded: "it's wiser being good than bad; it's safer being meek than fierce; it's better being sane than mad." on this voyage the young printer was thrust down into the depths and made to wrestle with the powers of darkness; and in the remorse of soul that came over him he made a liturgy to be repeated night and morning, and at midday. there were many items in this ritual--all of which were corrected and amended from time to time in after-years. here are a few paragraphs that represent the longings and trend of the lad's heart. his prayer was: "that i may have tenderness for the meek; that i may be kind to my neighbors, good-natured to my companions and hospitable to strangers. help me, o god! "that i may be averse to craft and overreaching, abhor extortion and every kind of weakness and wickedness. help me, o god! "that i may have constant regard to honor and probity; that i may possess an innocent and good conscience, and at length become truly virtuous and magnanimous. help me, o god! "that i may refrain from calumny and detraction; that i may abhor deceit, and avoid lying, envy and fraud, flattery, hatred, malice and ingratitude. help me, o god!". then, in addition, he formed rules of conduct and wrote them out and committed them to memory. the maxims he adopted are old as thought, yet can never become antiquated, for in morals there is nothing either new or old, neither can there be. on that return voyage from england, he inwardly vowed that his first act on getting ashore would be to find deborah read and make peace with her and his conscience. and true to his vow, he found her, but she was the wife of another. her mother believed that franklin had run away simply to get rid of her, and the poor girl, dazed and forlorn, bereft of will, had been induced to marry a man by the name of rogers, who was a potter and also a potterer, but who franklin says was "a very good potter." after some months, deborah left the potter, because she did not like to be reproved with a strap, and went home to her mother. franklin was now well in the way of prosperity, aged twenty-four, with a little printing business, plans plus, and ambitions to spare. he had had his little fling in life, and had done various things of which he was ashamed; and the foolish things that deborah had done were no worse than those of which he had been guilty. so he called on her, and they talked it over and made honest confessions that are good for the soul. the potter disappeared--no one knew where--some said he was dead, but benjamin and deborah did not wear mourning. they took rumor's word for it, and thanked god, and went to a church and were married. deborah brought to the firm a very small dowry; and benjamin contributed a bright baby boy, aged two years, captured no one knows just where. this boy was william franklin, who grew up into a very excellent man, and the worst that can be said of him is that he became governor of new jersey. he loved and respected his father, and called deborah mother, and loved her very much. and she was worthy of all love, and ever treated him with tenderness and gentlest considerate care. possibly a blot on the 'scutcheon may, in the working of god's providence, not always be a dire misfortune, for it sometimes has the effect of binding broken hearts as nothing else can, as a cicatrice toughens the fiber. deborah had not much education, but she had good, sturdy commonsense, which is better if you are forced to make choice. she set herself to help her husband in every way possible, and so far as i know, never sighed for one of those things you call "a career." she even worked in the printing-office, folding, stitching, and doing up bundles. long years afterward, when franklin was ambassador of the american colonies in france, he told with pride that the clothes he wore were spun, woven, cut out, and made into garments--all by his wife's own hands. franklin's love for deborah was very steadfast. together they became rich and respected, won world-wide fame, and honors came that way such as no american before or since has ever received. and when i say, "god bless all good women who help men do their work," i simply repeat the words once used by benjamin franklin when he had deborah in mind. * * * * * when franklin was forty-two, he had accumulated a fortune of seventy-five thousand dollars. it gave him an income of about four thousand dollars a year, which he said was all he wanted; so he sold out his business, intending to devote his entire energies to the study of science and languages. he had lived just one-half his days; and had he then passed out, his life could have been summed up as one of the most useful that ever has been lived. he had founded and been the life of the junto club--the most sensible and beneficent club of which i ever heard. the series of questions asked at every meeting of the junto, so mirror the life and habit of thought of franklin that we had better glance at a few of them: . have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the junto, touching any one of them? . have you met with anything in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the junto; particularly in history, morality, poetry, physics, travels, mechanical arts, or other parts of knowledge? . do you know of a fellow-citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation; or who has lately committed an error, proper for us to be warned against and avoid? . what unhappy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard; of imprudence, of passion, or of any other vice or folly? . what happy effects of temperance, of prudence, of moderation, or of any other virtue? . do you think of anything at present in which the members of the junto may be serviceable to mankind, to their country, to their friends, or to themselves? . hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting that you have heard of? and what have you heard or observed of his character or merits? and whether, think you, it lies in the power of the junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? . do you know of any deserving young beginner, lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the junto in any way to encourage? . have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your country, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? . have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people? . in what manner can the junto, or any of its members, assist you in any of your honorable designs? . have you any weighty affair on hand in which you think the advice of the junto may be of service? . what benefits have you lately received from any man not present? . is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? the junto led to the establishment, by franklin, of the philadelphia public library, which became the parent of all public libraries in america. he also organized and equipped a fire-company; paved and lighted the streets of philadelphia; established a high school and an academy for the study of english branches; founded the philadelphia public hospital; invented the toggle-joint printing-press, the franklin stove, and various other useful mechanical devices. after his retirement from business, franklin enjoyed seven years of what he called leisure, but they were years of study and application; years of happiness and sweet content, but years of aspiration and an earnest looking into the future. his experiments with kite and key had made his name known in all the scientific circles of europe, and his suggestive writings on the subject of electricity had caused goethe to lay down his pen and go to rubbing amber for the edification of all weimar. franklin was in correspondence with the greatest minds of europe, and what his "poor richard almanac" had done for the plain people of america, his pamphlets were now doing for the philosophers of the old world. in seventeen hundred fifty-four, he wrote a treatise showing the colonies that they must be united, and this was the first public word that was to grow and crystallize and become the united states of america. before that, the colonies were simply single, independent, jealous and bickering overgrown clans. franklin showed for the first time that they must unite in mutual aims. in seventeen hundred fifty-seven, matters were getting a little strained between the province of pennsylvania and england. "the lawmakers of england do not understand us--some one should go there as an authorized agent to plead our cause," and franklin was at once chosen as the man of strongest personality and soundest sense. so franklin went to england and remained there for five years as agent for the colonies. he then returned home, but after two years the stamp act had stirred up the public temper to a degree that made revolution imminent, and franklin again went to england to plead for justice. the record of the ten years he now spent in london is told by bancroft in a hundred pages. bancroft is very good, and! have no desire to rival him, so suffice it to say that franklin did all that any man could have done to avert the coming war of the revolution. burke has said that when he appeared before parliament to be examined as to the condition of things in america, it was like a lot of schoolboys interrogating the master. with the voice and tongue of a prophet, franklin foretold the english people what the outcome of their treatment of america would be. pitt and a few others knew the greatness of franklin, and saw that he was right, but the rest smiled in derision. he sailed for home in seventeen hundred seventy-five, and urged the continental congress to the declaration of independence, of which he became a signer. then the war came, and had not franklin gone to paris and made an ally of france, and borrowed money, the continental army could not have been maintained in the field. he remained in france for nine years, and was the pride and pet of the people. his sound sense, his good humor, his distinguished personality, gave him the freedom of society everywhere. he had the ability to adapt himself to conditions, and was everywhere at home. once, he attended a memorable banquet in paris shortly after the close of the revolutionary war. among the speakers was the english ambassador, who responded to the toast, "great britain." the ambassador dwelt at length on england's greatness, and likened her to the sun that sheds its beneficent rays on all. the next toast was "america," and franklin was called on to respond. he began very modestly by saying: "the republic is too young to be spoken of in terms of praise; her career is yet to come, and so, instead of america, i will name you a man, george washington--the joshua who successfully commanded the sun to stand still." the frenchmen at the board forgot the courtesy due their english guest, and laughed needlessly loud. franklin was regarded in paris as the man who had both planned the war of the revolution, and fought it. they said, "he despoiled the thunderbolt of its danger and snatched sovereignty out of the hand of king george of england." no doubt that his ovation was largely owing to the fact that he was supposed to have plucked whole handfuls of feathers from england's glory, and surely they were pretty nearly right. in point of all-round development, franklin must stand as the foremost american. the one intent of his mind was to purify his own spirit, to develop his intellect on every side, and make his body the servant of his soul. his passion was to acquire knowledge, and the desire of his heart was to communicate it. the writings of franklin--simple, clear, concise, direct, impartial, brimful of commonsense--form a model which may be studied by every one with pleasure and profit. they should constitute a part of the curriculum of every college and high school that aspires to cultivate in its pupils a pure style and correct literary taste. we know of no man who ever lived a fuller life, a happier life, a life more useful to other men, than benjamin franklin. for forty-two years he gave the constant efforts of his life to his country, and during all that time no taint of a selfish action can be laid to his charge. almost his last public act was to petition congress to pass an act for the abolition of slavery. he died in seventeen hundred ninety, and as you walk up arch street, philadelphia, only a few squares from the spot where stood his printing-shop, you can see the place where he sleeps. the following epitaph, written by himself, not, however, appear on the simple monument that marks his grave: the body of benjamin franklin, printer (like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stripped of its lettering and gilding,) lies here food for worms. yet the work itself shall not be lost, for it will (as he believes) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition corrected and amended by the author. thomas jefferson if i could not go to heaven but with a party, i would not go there at all. --jefferson, in a letter to madison [illustration: thomas jefferson] william and mary college was founded in sixteen hundred ninety-two by the persons whose names it bears. the founders bestowed on it an endowment that would have been generous had there not been attached to it sundry strings in way of conditions. the intent was to make indians episcopalians, and white students clergymen; and the assumption being that between the whites and the aborigines there was little difference, the curriculum was an ecclesiastic medley. all the teachers were appointed by the bishop of london, and the places were usually given to clergymen who were not needed in england. to this college, in seventeen hundred sixty, came thomas jefferson, a tall, red-haired youth, aged seventeen. he had a sharp nose and a sharp chin; and a youth having these has a sharp intellect--mark it well. this boy had not been "sent" to college. he came of his own accord from his home at shadwell, five days' horseback journey through the woods. his father was dead, and his mother, a rare gentle soul, was an invalid. death is not a calamity "per se," nor is physical weakness necessarily a curse, for out of these seeming unkind conditions nature often distils her finest products. the dying injunction of a father may impress itself upon a son as no example of right living ever can, and the physical disability of a mother may be the means that work for excellence and strength. the last-expressed wish of peter jefferson was that his son should be well educated, and attain to a degree of useful manliness that the father had never reached. and into the keeping of this fourteen-year-old youth the dying man, with the last flicker of his intellect, gave the mother, sisters and baby brother. we often hear of persons who became aged in a single night, their hair turning from dark to white; but i have seen death thrust responsibility upon a lad and make of him a man between the rising of the sun and its setting. when we talk of "right environment" and the "proper conditions" that should surround growing youth, we fan the air with words--there is no such thing as a universal right environment. an appreciative chapter might here be inserted concerning those beings who move about only in rolling chairs, who never see the winter landscape but through windows, and who exert their gentle sway from an invalid's couch, to which the entire household or neighborhood come to confession or to counsel. and yet i have small sympathy for the people who professionally enjoy poor health, and no man more than i reverences the greek passion for physical perfection. but a close study of jefferson's early life reveals the truth that the death of his father and the physical weakness of his mother and sisters were factors that developed in him a gentle sense of chivalry, a silken strength of will, and a habit of independent thought and action that served him in good stead throughout a long life. williamsburg was then the capital of virginia. it contained only about a thousand inhabitants, but when the legislature was in session it was very gay. at one end of a wide avenue was the capitol, and at the other the governor's "palace"; and when the city of washington was laid out, williamsburg served as a model. on saturdays, there were horse-races on the "avenue"; everybody gambled; cockfights and dogfights were regarded as manly diversions; there was much carousing at taverns; and often at private houses there were all-night dances where the rising sun found everybody but the servants plain drunk. at the college, both teachers and scholars were obliged to subscribe to the thirty-nine articles and to recite the catechism. the atmosphere was charged with theology. young jefferson had never before seen a village of even a dozen houses, and he looked upon this as a type of all cities. he thought about it, talked about it, wrote about it, and we now know that at this time his ideas concerning city versus country crystallized. fifty years after, when he had come to know london and paris, and had seen the chief cities of christendom, he repeated the words he had written in youth, "the hope of a nation lies in its tillers of the soil!" on his mother's side he was related to the "first families," but aristocracy and caste had no fascination for him, and he then began forming those ideas of utility, simplicity and equality that time only strengthened. his tutors and professors served chiefly as "horrible examples," with the shining exception of doctor small. the friendship that ripened between this man and young jefferson is an ideal example of what can be done through the personal touch. men are great only as they excel in sympathy; and the difference between sympathy and imagination has not yet been shown us. doctor small encouraged the young farmer from the hills to think and to express himself. he did not endeavor to set him straight or explain everything for him, or correct all his vagaries, or demand that he should memorize rules. he gave his affectionate sympathy to the boy who, with a sort of feminine tenderness, clung to the only person who understood him. to doctor small, pedigree and history unknown, let us give the credit of being first in the list of friends that gave bent to the mind of jefferson. john burke, in his "history of virginia," refers to professor small thus: "he was not any too orthodox in his opinions." and here we catch a glimpse of a formative influence in the life of jefferson that caused him to turn from the letter of the law and cleave to the spirit that maketh alive. after school-hours the tutor and the student walked and talked, and on saturdays and sundays went on excursions through the woods; and to the youth there was given an impulse for a scientific knowledge of birds and flowers and the host of life that thronged the forest. and when the pair had strayed so far beyond the town that darkness gathered and the stars came out, they conversed of the wonders of the sky. the true scientist has no passion for killing things. he says with thoreau, "to shoot a bird is to lose it." professor small had the gentle instinct that respects life, and he refused to take that which he could not give. to his youthful companion he imparted, in a degree, the secret of enjoying things without the passion for possession and the lust of ownership. there is a myth abroad that college towns are intellectual centers; but the number of people in a college town (or any other) who really think, is very few. williamsburg was gay, and, this much said, it is needless to add it was not intellectual. but professor small was a thinker, and so was governor fauquier; and these two were firm friends, although very unlike in many ways. and to "the palace" of the courtly fauquier, small took his young friend jefferson. fauquier was often a master of the revels, but after his seasons of dissipation he turned to small for absolution and comfort. at these times he seemed to jefferson a paragon of excellence. to the grace of the french he added the earnestness of the english. he quoted pope, and talked of swift, addison and thomson. fauquier and jefferson became friends, although more than a score of years and a world of experience separated them. jefferson caught a little of fauquier's grace, love of books and delight in architecture. but fauquier helped him most by gambling away all his ready money and getting drunk and smoking strong pipes with his feet on the table. and jefferson then vowed he would never handle a card, nor use tobacco, nor drink intoxicating liquors. and in conversation with small, he anticipated buckle by saying, "to gain leisure, wealth must first be secured; but once leisure is gained, more people use it in the pursuit of pleasure than employ it in acquiring knowledge." * * * * * had jefferson lived in a great city he would have been an architect. his practical nature, his mastery of mathematics, his love of proportion, and his passion for music are the basic elements that make a christopher wren. but virginia, in seventeen hundred sixty-five, offered no temptation to ambitions along that line; log houses with a goodly "crack" were quite good enough, and if the domicile proved too small the plan of the first was simply duplicated. yet a career of some kind young jefferson knew awaited him. about this time the rollicking patrick henry came along. patrick played the violin, and so did thomas. these two young men had first met on a musical basis. some otherwise sensible people hold that musicians are shallow and impractical; and i know one man who declares that truth and honesty and uprightness never dwelt in a professional musician's heart; and further, that the tribe is totally incapable of comprehending the difference between "meum" and "tuum." but then this same man claims that actors are rascals who have lost their own characters in the business of playing they are somebody else. and yet i'll explain for the benefit of the captious that, although thomas jefferson and patrick henry both fiddled, they never did and never would fiddle while rome burned. music was with them a pastime, not a profession. as soon as patrick henry arrived at williamsburg, he sought out his old friend thomas jefferson, because he liked him--and to save tavern bill. and patrick announced that he had come to williamsburg to be admitted to the bar. "how long have you studied law?" asked jefferson. "oh, for six weeks last tuesday," was the answer. tradition has it that jefferson advised patrick to go home and study at least a fortnight more before making his application. but patrick declared that the way to learn law is to practise it, and he surely was right. most young lawyers are really never aware of how little law they know until they begin to practise. but patrick henry was duly admitted, although george wythe protested. then patrick went back home to tend bar (the other kind) for laban, his father-in-law, for full four years. he studied hard and practised a little betimes--and his is the only instance that history records of a barkeeper acquiring wisdom while following his calling; but for the encouragement of budding youth i write it down. * * * * * no doubt it was the example of patrick henry that caused jefferson to adopt his profession. but it was the literary side of law that first attracted him--not the practise of it. as a speaker he was singularly deficient, a slight physical malformation of the throat giving him a very poor and uncertain voice. but he studied law, and after all it does not make much difference what a man studies--all knowledge is related, and the man who studies anything if he keeps at it will become learned. so jefferson studied in the office of george wythe, and absorbed all that fauquier had to offer, and grew wise in the companionship of doctor small. from a red-headed, lean, lank, awkward mountaineer, he developed into a gracious and graceful young man who has been described as "auburn-haired." and the evolution from being red-headed to having red hair, and from that to being auburn-haired, proves he was the genuine article. still he was hot handsome--that word can not be used to describe him until he was sixty--for he was freckled, one shoulder wets higher than the other, and his legs were so thin that they could not do justice to small-clothes. yet it will not do to assume that thin men are weak, any more than to take it for granted that fat men are strong. jefferson was as muscular as a panther and could walk or ride or run six days and nights together. he could lift from the floor a thousand pounds. when twenty-four, he hung out his lawyer's sign under that of george wythe at williamsburg. and clients came that way with retainers, and rich planters sent him business, and wealthy widows advised with him--and still he could not make a speech without stuttering. many men can harangue a jury, and every village has its orator; but where is the wise and silent man who will advise you in a way that will keep you out of difficulty, protect your threatened interests, and conduct the affairs you may leave in his hands so as to return your ten talents with other talents added! and i hazard the statement, without heat or prejudice, that if the experiment should be made with a thousand lawyers in any one of our larger cities, four-fifths of them would be found so deficient, either mentally, morally or both, that if ten talents were placed in their hands, they would not at the close of a year be able to account for the principal, to say nothing of the interest. and the bar of today is made up of a better class than it was in jefferson's time, even if it has not the intellectual fiber that it had forty years ago. but at the early age of twenty-five, jefferson was a wise and skilful man in the world's affairs (and a man who is wise is also honest), and men of this stamp do not remain hidden in obscurity. the world needs just such individuals and needs them badly. jefferson had the quiet, methodical industry that works without undue expenditure of nervous force; that intuitive talent which enables the possessor to read a whole page at a glance and drop at once upon the vital point; and then he had the ability to get his whole case on paper, marshaling his facts in a brief, pointed way that served to convince better than eloquence. these are the characteristics that make for success in practise before our courts of appeal; and jefferson's success shows that they serve better than bluster, even with a backwoods bench composed of fox-hunting farmers. in seventeen hundred sixty-eight, when jefferson was twenty-five, he went down to shadwell and ran for member of the virginia legislature. it was the proper thing to do, for he was the richest man in the county, being heir to his father's forty thousand acres, and it was expected that he would represent his district. he called on every voter in the parish, shook hands with everybody, complimented the ladies, caressed the babies, treated crowds at every tavern, and kept a large punch-bowl and open house at home. he was elected. on the eleventh of may, seventeen hundred sixty-nine, the legislature convened, with nearly a hundred members present, colonel george washington being one of the number. it took two days for the assembly to elect a speaker and get ready for business. on the third day, four resolutions were introduced--pushed to the front largely through the influence of our new member. these resolutions were: . no taxation without representation. . the colonies may concur and unite in seeking redress for grievances. . sending accused persons away from their own country for trial is an inexcusable wrong. . we will send an address on these things to the king beseeching his royal interposition. the resolutions were passed: they did not mean much anyway, the opposition said. and then another resolution was passed to this effect: "we will send a copy of these resolutions to every legislative body on the continent." that was a little stronger, but did not mean much either. it was voted upon and passed. then the assembly adjourned, having dispatched a copy of the resolutions to lord boutetourt, the newly appointed governor who had just arrived from london. next day, the governor's secretary appeared when the assembly convened, and repeated the following formula: "the governor commands the house to attend his excellency in the council-chamber." the members marched to the council-chamber and stood around the throne waiting the pleasure of his lordship. he made a speech which i will quote entire. "mr. speaker and gentlemen of the house of burgesses: i have heard your resolves, and augur ill of their effect. you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." and that was the end of jefferson's first term in office--the reward for all the hand-shaking, all the caressing, all the treating! the members looked at one another, but no one said anything, because there was nothing to say. the secretary made an impatient gesture with his hand to the effect that they should disperse, and they did. just how these legally elected representatives and now legally common citizens took their rebuff we do not know. did washington forget his usual poise and break out into one of those swearing fits where everybody wisely made way? and how did richard henry lee like it, and george wythe, and the randolphs? did patrick henry wax eloquent that afternoon in a barroom, and did jefferson do more than smile grimly, biding his time? massachusetts kept a complete history of her political heresies, but virginia chased foxes and left the refinements of literature to dilettantes. but this much we know: those country gentlemen did not go off peaceably and quietly to race horses or play cards. the slap in the face from the gloved hand of lord boutetourt awoke every boozy sense of security and gave vitality to all fanatical messages sent by samuel adams. washington, we are told, spoke of it as a bit of upstart authority on the part of the new governor; but jefferson with true prophetic vision saw the end. * * * * * one of the leading lawyers at williamsburg, against whom jefferson was often pitted, was john wayles. i need not explain that lawyers hotly opposed to each other in a trial are not necessarily enemies. the way in which jefferson conducted his cases pleased the veteran wayles, and he invited jefferson to visit him at his fine estate, called "the forest," a few miles out from williamsburg. now, in the family of mr. wayles dwelt his widowed daughter, the beautiful martha skelton, gracious and rich as jefferson in worldly goods. she played the spinet with great feeling, and the spinet and the violin go very well together. so, together, thomas and martha played, and sometimes a bit of discord crept in, for thomas was absent-minded and, in the business of watching the widow's fingers touch the keys, played flat. long years before, he had liked and admired becca, gazed fondly at sukey, and finally loved belinda. he did not tell her so, but he told john page, and vowed that if he did not wed belinda he would go through life solitary and alone. in a few months belinda married that detested being--another. then it was he again swore to his friend page he would be true to her memory, even though she had dissembled. but now he saw that the widow skelton had intellect, while belinda had been but clever; the widow had soul, while belinda had nothing but form. jefferson's experience seems to settle that mooted question, "can a man love two women at the same time?" unlike martha custis, this martha was won only after a protracted wooing, with many skirmishes and occasional misunderstandings and explanations, and sweet makings-up that were surely worth a quarrel. then they were married at "the forest," and rode away through the woods to monticello. jefferson was twenty-seven, and although it may not be proper to question closely as to the age of the widow, yet the bride, we have reason to believe, was about the age of her husband. it was a most happy mating--all their quarreling had been done before marriage. the fine intellect and high spirit of jefferson found their mate. she was his comrade and helpmeet as well as his wife. he could read his favorite ossian aloud to her, and when he tired she would read to him; and all his plans and ambitions and hopes were hers. in laying out the grounds and beautifying that home on monticello mountain, she took much more than a passive interest. it was "our home," and to make it a home in very sooth for her beloved husband was her highest ambition. she knew the greatness of her mate, and all the dreams she had for his advancement were to come true. with her, ideality was to become reality. but she was to see it only in part. yet she had seen her husband re-elected to the virginia legislature; sent as a member to the colonial congress at philadelphia, there to write the best known of all american literary productions; from their mountain home she had seen british troops march into charlottesville, four miles away, and then, with household treasure, had fled, knowing that beautiful monticello would be devastated by the enemy's ruthless tread. she had known washington, and had visited his lonely wife there at mount vernon when victory hung in the balance; when defeat meant that thomas jefferson and george washington would be the first victims of a vengeful foe. she saw her husband war-governor of virginia in its most perilous hour; she lived to know that washington had won; that cornwallis was his "guest," and that no man, save washington alone, was more honored in proud virginia than her beloved lord and husband. she saw a messenger on horseback approach bearing a packet from the congress at philadelphia to the effect that "his excellency, the honorable thomas jefferson," had been appointed as one of an embassy to france in the interests of the united states, with benjamin franklin and silas deane as colleagues, and, knowing her husband's love for franklin, and his respect for france, she leaned over his chair and with misty eyes saw him write his simple "no," and knew that the only reason he declined was because he would not leave his wife at a time when she might most need his tenderness and sympathy. and then they retired to beloved monticello to enjoy the rest that comes only after work well done--to spend the long vacation of their lives in simple homekeeping work and studious leisure, her husband yet in manhood's prime, scarce thirty-seven, as men count time, and rich, passing rich, in goods and lands. and then she died. and thomas jefferson, the strong, the self-poised, the self-reliant, fell in a helpless swoon, and was laid on a pallet and carried out, as though he, too, were dead. for three weeks his dazed senses prayed for death. he could endure the presence of no one save his eldest daughter, a slim, slender girl of scarce ten years, grown a woman in a day. by her loving touch and tenderness he was lured back from death and reason's night into the world of life and light. with tottering steps, led by the child who had to think for both, he was taken out on the veranda of beautiful monticello. he looked out on stretching miles of dark-blue hills and waving woods and winding river. he gazed, and as he looked it came slowly to him that the earth was still as when he last saw it, and realized that this would be so even if he were gone. then, turning to the child, who stood by, stroking his locks, it came to him that even in grief there may be selfishness, and for the first time he responded to the tender caress, saying, "yes, we will live, daughter--live in memory of her!" * * * * * when two men of equal intelligence and sincerity quarrel, both are probably right. hamilton and jefferson were opposed to each other by temperament and disposition, in a way that caused either to look with distrust on any proposition made by the other. and yet, when washington pressed upon jefferson the position of secretary of state, i can not but think he did it as an antidote to the growing power and vaunting ambition of hamilton. washington won his victories, as great men ever do, by wisely choosing his aides. hamilton had done yeoman's service in every branch of the government, and while the chief sincerely admired his genius, he guessed his limitations. power grows until it topples, and when it topples, innocent people are crushed. washington was wise as a serpent, and rather than risk open ruction with hamilton by personally setting bounds, he invited jefferson into his cabinet, and the acid was neutralized to a degree where it could be safely handled. jefferson had just returned from paris with his beloved daughter, martha. he was intending soon to return to france and study social science at close range. already, he had seen that mob of women march out to versailles and fetch the king to paris, and had seen barricade after barricade erected with the stones from the leveled bastile; he was on intimate and affectionate terms with lafayette and the republican leaders, and here was a pivotal point in his life. had not washington persuaded him to remain "just for the present" in america, he might have played a part in carlyle's best book, that book which is not history, but more--an epic. so, among the many obligations that america owes to washington, must be named this one of pushing thomas jefferson, the scholar and man of peace, into the political embroglio and shutting the door. then it was that hamilton's taunting temper awoke a degree of power in jefferson that before he wist not of; then it was that he first fully realized that the "united states" with england as a sole pattern was not enough. a pivotal point! yes, a pivotal point for jefferson, america and the world; for jefferson gave the rudder of the ship of state such a turn to starboard that there was never again danger of her drifting on to aristocratic shoals, an easy victim to the rapacity of great britain. hamilton's distrust of the people found no echo in jefferson's mind. he agreed with hamilton that a "strong government" administered by a few, provided the few are wise and honorable, is the best possible government. nay, he went further and declared that an absolute monarchy in which the monarch was all-wise and all-powerful, could not be improved upon by the imagination of man. in his composition, there was a saving touch of humor that both hamilton and washington seemed to lack. he could smile at himself; but none ever dared turn a joke on hamilton, much less on washington. and so when hamilton explained that a strong government administered by washington, president; jefferson, secretary of state; hamilton, secretary of the treasury; knox, secretary of war; and randolph, attorney-general, was pretty nearly ideal, no one smiled. but jefferson's plain inference was that power is dangerous and man is fallible; that a man so good as washington dies tomorrow and another man steps in, and that those who have the government in their present keeping should curb ambitions, limit their own power, and thus fix a precedent for those who are to follow. the wisdom that jefferson as a statesman showed in working for a future good, and the willingness to forego the pomp of personal power, to sacrifice self if need be, that the day he should not see might be secure, ranks him as first among statesmen. for a statesman is one who builds a state--and not a politician who is dead, as some have said. others, since, have followed jefferson's example, but in the world's history i do not recall a man before him who, while still having power in his grasp, was willing to trust the people. the one mistake of washington that borders on blunder was in refusing to take wages for his work. in doing this, he visited untold misery on others, who, not having married rich widows, tried to follow his example and floundered into woeful debt and disgrace; and thereby were lost to useful society and to the world. and there are yet many public offices where small men rattle about because men who can fill the place can not afford it. bryce declares that no able and honest man of moderate means can afford to take an active part in municipal affairs in america--and bryce is right. when jefferson became president, in his messages to congress again and again he advised the fixing of sufficient salaries to secure the best men for every branch of the service, and suggested the folly of expecting anything for nothing, or the hope of officials not "fixing things" if not properly paid. men from the soil who gain power are usually intoxicated by it; beginning as democrats they evolve into aristocrats, then into tyrants, if kindly fate does not interpose, and are dethroned by the people who made them. and it is not surprising that this man, born into a plenty that bordered on affluence, and who never knew from experience the necessity of economy (until in old age tobacco and slavery had wrecked virginia and monticello alike), should set an almost ideal example of simplicity, moderation and brotherly kindness. among the chief glories that belong to him are these: . writing the declaration of independence. . suggesting and carrying out the present decimal monetary system. . inducing virginia to deed to the states, as their common property, the northwest territory. . purchasing from france, for the comparatively trifling sum of fifteen million dollars, louisiana and the territory running from the gulf of mexico to puget's sound, being at the rate of a fraction of a cent per acre, and giving the united states full control of the mississippi river. but over and beyond these is the spirit of patriotism that makes each true american feel he is parcel and part of the very fabric of the state, and in his deepest heart believe that "a government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth." samuel adams the body of the people are now in council. their opposition grows into a system. they are united and resolute. and if the british administration and government do not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil, which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz., the entire separation and independence of the colonies. --letter to arthur lee [illustration: samuel adams] samuel and john adams were second cousins, having the same great-grandfather. between them in many ways there was a marked contrast, but true to their new england instincts both were theologians. john was a conservative in politics, and at first had little sympathy with "those small-minded men who refused to pay a trivial tax on their tea; and who would plunge the country into war, and ruin all for a matter of stamps." john was born and lived at the village of braintree. he did not really center his mind on politics until the british had closed all law-courts in boston, thus making his profession obsolete. he was scholarly, shrewd, diplomatic, cautious, good-natured, fat, and took his religion with a wink. he was blessed with a wife who was worthy of being the mother of kings (or presidents); he lived comfortably, acquired property, and died aged ninety-two. he had been president and seen his son president of the united states, and that is an experience that has never come and probably never will come to another living man, for there seems to be an unwritten law that no man under fifty shall occupy the office of chief magistrate of these united states. samuel was stern, serious and deeply in earnest. he seldom smiled and never laughed. he was uncompromisingly religious, conscientious and morally unbending. in his life there was no soft sentiment. the fact that he ran a brewery can be excused when we remember that the best spirit of the times saw nothing inconsistent in the occupation; and further than this we might explain in extenuation that he gave the business indifferent attention, and the quality of his brew was said to be very bad. in religion, he swerved not nor wavered. he was a calvinist and clung to the five points with a tenacity at times seemingly quite unnecessary. when in that first congress, samuel adams publicly consented to the opening of the meeting with religious service conducted by the reverend mr. duche, an episcopal clergyman, he gave a violent wrench to his conscience and an awful shock to his friends. but mr. duche met the issue in the true spirit, and leaving his detested "popery robe" and prayer-book at home uttered an extemporaneous invocation, without a trace of intoning, that pleased the puritans and caused one of them to remark, "he is surely coming over to the lord's side!" but in politics, samuel adams was a liberal of the liberals. in statecraft, the heresy of change had no terrors for him, and with hamlet, he might have said, "oh, reform it altogether!" the limitations set in every character seem to prevent a man from being generous in more than one direction; the bigot in religion is often a liberal in politics, and vice versa. for instance, physicians are almost invariably liberal in religious matters, but are prone to call a man "mister" who does not belong to their school; while orthodox clergymen, i have noticed, usually employ a homeopathist. in that most valuable and interesting work, "the diary of john adams," the author refers repeatedly to samuel adams as "adams"! this simple way of using the word "adams" shows a world of appreciation for the man who blazed the path that others of this illustrious name might follow. and so with the high precedent in mind, i, too, will drop prefix and call my subject simply "adams." on the authority of king george, general gage made an offer of pardon to all save two who had figured in the boston uprising. the two men thus honored were john hancock (whose signature the king could read without spectacles), and the other was "one, s. adams." adams, however, was the real offender, and the plea might have been made for john hancock that, if it had not been for accident and adams, hancock would probably have remained loyal to the mother country. hancock was aristocratic, cultured and complacent. he was the richest man in new england. his personal interests were on the side of peace and the established order. but circumstances and the combined tact and zeal of adams threw him off his guard, and in a moment of dalliance the seeds of sedition found lodgment in his brain. and the more he thought about it, the nearer he came to the conclusion that adams was right. but let the fact further be stated, if truth demands, that both john hancock and samuel adams, the first men who clearly and boldly expressed the idea of american independence, were moved in the beginning by personal grievances. a single motion made before the british parliament by we know not whom, and put to vote by the speaker, bankrupted the father of samuel adams and robbed the youth of his patrimony. the boy was then seventeen; old enough to know that from plenty his father was reduced to penury, and this because england, three thousand miles away, had interfered with the business arrangements of the colony, and made unlawful a private banking scheme. then did the boy ask the question, what moral right has england to govern us, anyway? from thinking it over he began to formulate reasons. he discussed the subject at odd times and thought of it continually, and, in seventeen hundred forty-three, when he prepared his graduation thesis at harvard college he chose for his subject, "the doctrine of the lawfulness of resistance to the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth can not otherwise be preserved." when massachusetts admitted that she was under subjection to the king, yet argued for the right to nullify the acts of the english parliament, she took exactly the same ground that south carolina did a hundred years later. the logic of samuel adams and of robert hayne was one and the same. yet we are glad that adams carried his point; and we rejoice exceedingly that hayne failed, so curious are these things we call "reasons." the royalists who heard of this youth with a logical mind denounced him without stint. a few newspapers upheld him and spoke of the right of free speech and all that, reprinting the thesis in full. and in the controversy that followed, young adams was always a prominent figure. he was not an orator in the popular sense, but he held the pen of a ready writer, and through the boston papers kept up a constant fusillade. the tricks of journalism are no new thing belonging to the fag-end of this century. young adams wrote letters over the "nom de plume" of pro bono publico, and then replied to them over the signature of rex americus. he did not adopt as his motto, "let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth," for he wrote with both hands and each hand was in the secret. during the years that followed his graduation from college he was a businessman and a poor one, for a man who looks after public affairs much can not attend to his own. but he managed to make shift; and when too closely pressed by creditors, a loan from hancock, or john adams, hancock's attorney, relieved the pressure. in fact, when he went to philadelphia "on that very important errand," he rode a horse borrowed from john adams, and his sunday coat was the gift of a thoughtful friend. in seventeen hundred sixty-three, it became known that the british government had on foot a scheme to demand a tribute from the colonies. on invitation of a committee, possibly appointed by adams, adams was requested to draw up instructions to the representatives in the colonial legislature. adams did so and the document is now in the archives of the old state house at boston, in the plain and elegant penmanship that is so easily recognized. this document calls itself, "the first public denial of the right of the british parliament to tax the colonies without their consent, and the first public suggestion of a union on the part of the colonies to protect themselves against british aggression." the style of the paper is lucid, firm and logical; it combines in itself the suggestion of all there was to be said or could be said on the matter. adams saw all over and around his topic--no unpleasant surprise could be sprung on him--twenty-five years had he studied this one theme. he had made himself familiar with the political history of every nation so far as such history could be gathered; he was past master of his subject. however, when he was forty years of age his followers were few and mostly men of small influence. the calkers' club was the home of the sedition, and many of the members were day-laborers. but the idea of independence gradually grew, and, in seventeen hundred sixty-five, adams was elected a member of the massachusetts colonial legislature. in honor of his writing ability, he was chosen clerk of the assembly, for in all public gatherings orators are chosen as presidents and newspapermen for secretaries. thus are honors distributed, and thus, too, does the public show which talent it values most. on november second, seventeen hundred seventy-two, on motion of adams, a committee of several hundred citizens was appointed "to state the rights of the colonies and to communicate and publish them to the world as the sense of the town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been or may be made from time to time; also requesting from each town a free communication of their sentiments on this subject." this was the committee of correspondence from which grew the union of the colonies and the congress of the united states. it is a pretty well attested fact that the first suggestion of the philadelphia congress came from samuel adams, and the chief work of bringing it about was also his. it was well known to the british government who the chief agitator was, and when general gage arrived in boston in may, seventeen hundred seventy-four, his first work was an attempt to buy off samuel adams. with adams out of the way, england might have adopted a policy of conciliation and kept america for her very own--yes, to the point of moving the home government here and saving the snug little island as a colony, for both in wealth and in population america has now far surpassed england. but adams was not for sale. his reply to gage sounds like a scrap from cromwell: "i trust i have long since made my peace with the king of kings. no personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country." gage having refused to recognize the thirteen counselors appointed by the people, the general court of massachusetts, in secret session, appointed five delegates to attend the congress of colonies at philadelphia. of course samuel adams was one of these delegates; and to john adams, another delegate, are we indebted for a minute description of that most momentous meeting. a room in the state house had been offered the delegates, but with commendable modesty they accepted the offer of the carpenters' company to use their hall. and so there they convened on the fifth day of september, seventeen hundred seventy-four, having met by appointment, and walked over from the city tavern in a body. forty-four men were present--not a large gathering, but they had come hundreds of miles, and several of them had been months on the journey. they were a sturdy lot; and madam! i think it would have been worth while to have looked in upon them. there were several coonskin caps in evidence; also lace and frills and velvet brought from england--but plainness to severity was the rule. few of these men had ever been away from their own colonies before, few had ever met any members of the congress save their own colleagues. they represented civilizations of very different degrees. each stood a bit in awe of all the rest. several of the colonies had been in conflict with the others. meeting new men in those days, when even the stagecoach was a passing show worth going miles to see, was an event. there was awkwardness and nervousness on the swarthy faces; firm mouths twitched, and big, bony hands sought for places of concealment. the meeting had been called for september first, but was postponed for five days awaiting the arrival of belated delegates who had been detained by floods. even then, delegates from north carolina had not arrived, and georgia not having thought it worth while to send any, eleven colonies only were represented. each delegation naturally kept together, as men will who have a fighting history and a pioneer ancestry. it was a serious, solemn business, and these men were not given to levity in any event. when they were seated, there was a moment of silence so tense it could be heard. every chance movement of a foot on the uncarpeted floor sent an echo through the room. the stillness was first broken by mr. lynch, of south carolina, who arose and in a low, clear voice said: "there is a gentleman present who has presided with great dignity over a very respectable body and greatly to the advantage of america. gentlemen, i move that the honorable peyton randolph, one of the delegates from virginia, be appointed to preside over this meeting. i doubt not it will be unanimous." it was so; and a large man in powdered wig and scarlet coat arose, and, carrying his gold-headed cane before him like a mace, walked to the platform without apology. the new englanders in homespun looked at one another with trepidation on their features. the red coat was not assuring, but they kept their peace and breathed hard, praying that the enemy had not captured the convention through strategy. mr. randolph's first suggestion was not revolutionary; it was that a secretary be appointed. again mr. lynch arose and named charles thomson, "a gentleman of family, fortune and character." this testimonial of family and fortune was not assuring to the plain massachusetts men, but they said nothing and awaited developments. all were cautious as woodsmen, and the motion that the council be held behind closed doors was adopted. every member then held up his right hand and made a solemn promise to divulge no part of the transactions; and galloway, of pennsylvania, promised with the rest, and straightway each night informed the enemy of every move. little was done that first day but get acquainted by talking very cautiously and very politely. the next day a notable member had arrived, and in a front seat sat richard henry lee, a man you would turn and look at in any company. slender and dark, with a brilliant eye and a profile--and only one man in ten thousand has a profile--lee was a gracious presence. his voice was gentle and flexible and luring, and there was a dignity and poise in his manner that made him easily the foremost orator of his time. near him sat william livingston, of new jersey, and john jay, his son-in-law, the youngest man in the congress, with a nose that denoted character, and all his fame in the future. the pennsylvanians were all together, grouped on one side. duane, of new york, sat near them, "shy and squint-eyed, very sensible and very artful," wrote john adams that night in his diary. then over there sat christopher gadsden, of south carolina, who had preached independence for full ten years before this, and who, when he heard that the british soldiers had taken boston, proposed to raise a troop at once and fight redcoats wherever found. "but the british will burn our seaport towns if we antagonize them," some timid soul explained. "our towns are built of brick and wood; if they are burned we can rebuild them; but liberty once gone is gone forever," he retorted. and the saying sounds well, even if it will not stand analysis. back near the wall was a man who, when the assembly stood at morning prayers, showed a half-head above his neighbors. his face was broad, and he, too, had a profile. his mouth was tightly closed, and during the first fourteen days of that congress he never opened it to utter a word, and after his long quiet he broke the silence by saying, "mr. president, i second the motion." once, in a passionate speech, lynch turned to him and pointing his finger said: "there is a man who has not spoken here, but in the virginia assembly he made the most eloquent speech i ever heard. he said, 'i will raise a thousand men, and arm and subsist them at my expense and march them to the relief of boston.'" and then did the tall man, whose name was george washington, blush like a schoolgirl. but in all that company the men most noticed were the five members from massachusetts. they were bowdoin, samuel adams, john adams, gushing and robert treat paine. massachusetts had thus far taken the lead in the struggle with england. a british army was encamped upon her soil, her chief city besieged--the port closed. her sufferings had called this congress into being, and to her delegates the members had come to listen. all recognized samuel adams as the chief man of the convention. his hand wrote the invitations and earnest requests to come. galloway, writing to his friends, the enemy, said: "samuel adams eats little, drinks little, sleeps little and thinks much. he is most decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. he is the man who, by his superior application, manages at once the faction in philadelphia and the factions of new england." yet samuel adams talked little at the convention. he allowed john adams to state the case, but sat next to him supplying memoranda, occasionally arising to make remarks or explanations in a purely conversational tone. but so earnest and impressive was his manner, so ably did he answer every argument and reply to every objection, that he thoroughly convinced a tall, angular, homely man by the name of patrick henry of the righteousness of his cause. patrick henry was pretty thoroughly convinced before, but the recital of boston's case fired the virginian, and he made the first and only real speech of the congress. in burning words he pictured all the colonies had suffered and endured, and by his matchless eloquence told in prophetic words of the glories yet to be. in his speech he paid just tribute to the genius of samuel adams, declaring that the good that was to come from this "first of an unending succession of congresses" was owing to the work of adams. and in after-years adams repaid the compliment by saying that if it had not been for the cementing power of patrick henry's eloquence, that first congress probably would have ended in a futile wrangle. the south regarded, in great degree, the fight in boston as massachusetts' own. to make the entire thirteen colonies adopt the quarrel and back the colonial army in the vicinity of boston was the only way to make the issue a success, and to unite the factions by choosing for a leader a virginian aristocrat was a crowning stroke of diplomacy. john hancock had succeeded randolph as president of the second congress, and virginia was inclined to be lukewarm, when john adams in an impassioned speech nominated colonel george washington as commander-in-chief of the continental army. the nomination was seconded very quietly by samuel adams. it was a vote, and the south was committed to the cause of backing up washington, and, incidentally, new england. the entire plan was probably the work of samuel adams, yet he gave the credit to john, while the credit of stoutly opposing it goes to john hancock, who, being presiding officer, worked at a disadvantage. but adams had a way of reducing opposition to the minimum. he kept out of sight and furthered his ends by pushing this man or that to the front at the right time to make the plea. he was a master in that fine art of managing men and never letting them know they are managed. by keeping behind the arras, he accomplished purposes that a leader never can who allows his personality to be in continual evidence, for personality repels as well as attracts, and the man too much before the public is sure to be undone eventually. adams knew that the power of pericles lay largely in the fact that he was never seen upon but a single street of athens, and that but once a year. the complete writings of adams have recently been collected and published. one marvels that such valuable material has not before been printed and given to the public, for the literary style and perspicuity shown are most inspiring, and the value of the data can not be gainsaid. no one ever accused adams of being a muddy thinker; you grant his premises and you are bound to accept his conclusions. he leaves no loopholes for escape. the following words, used by chatham, refer to documents in which adams took a prominent part in preparing: "when your lordships look at the papers transmitted us from america, when you consider their decency, firmness and wisdom, you can not but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. for myself, i must avow that, in all my reading--and i have read thucydides and have studied and admired the master statesmen of the world--for solidity of reason, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no body of men can stand in preference to the general congress of philadelphia. the histories of greece and rome give us nothing like it, and all attempts to impress servitude on such a mighty continental people must be in vain." in the life of adams there was no soft sentiment nor romantic vagaries. "he is a puritan in all the word implies, and the unbending fanatic of independence," wrote gage, and the description fits. he was twice married. our knowledge of his first wife is very slight, but his second wife, elizabeth wells, daughter of an english merchant, was a capable woman of brave good sense. she adopted her husband's political views and with true womanly devotion let her old kinsmen slide; and during the dark hours of the war bore deprivation without repining. adams' home life was simple to the verge of hardship. all through life he was on the ragged edge financially, and in his latter years he was for the first time relieved from pressing obligations by an afflicting event--the death of his only son, who was a surgeon in washington's army. the money paid to the son by the government for his services gave the father the only financial competency he ever knew. two daughters survived him, but with him died the name. john adams survived samuel for twenty-three years. he lived to see "the great american experiment," as mr. ruskin has been pleased to call our country, on a firm basis, constantly growing stronger and stronger. he lived to realize that the sanguine prophecies made by samuel were working themselves out in very truth. the grave of samuel adams is viewed by more people than that of any other american patriot. in the old granary burying-ground, in the very center of boston, on tremont street--there where travel congests, and two living streams meet all day long---you look through the iron fence, so slender that it scarce impedes the view, and not twenty feet from the curb is a simple metal disk set on an iron rod driven into the ground and on it this inscription: "this marks the grave of samuel adams." for many years the grave was unmarked, and the disk that now denotes it was only recently placed in position by the sons of the american revolution. but the place of samuel adams on the pages of history is secure. upon the times in which he lived he exercised a profound influence. and he who influences the times in which he lives has influenced all the times that come after; he has left his impress on eternity. john hancock boston, sept. , gent: since my last i have receiv'd your favour by capt hulme who is arriv'd here with the most disagreeable commodity (say stamps) that were imported into this country & what if carry'd into execution will entirely stagnate trade here, for it is universally determined here never to submitt to it and the principal merchts here will by no means carry on business under a stamp, we are in the utmost confusion here and shall be more so after the first of november & nothing but the repeal of the act will righten, the consequence of its taking place here will be bad, & attended with many troubles, & i believe may say more fatal to you than us. i dread the event. --extract from hancock's letter-book [illustration: john hancock] long years ago when society was young, learning was centered in one man in each community, and that man was the priest. it was the priest who was sent for in every emergency of life. he taught the young, prescribed for the sick, advised those who were in trouble, and when human help was vain and man had done his all, this priest knelt at the bedside of the dying and invoked a power with whom it was believed he had influence. the so-called learned professions are only another example of the division of labor. we usually say there are three learned professions: theology, medicine and law. as to which is the greatest is a much-mooted question and has caused too many family feuds for me to attempt to decide it. and so i evade the issue and say there is a fourth profession, that is only allowed to be called so by grace, but which in my mind is greater than them all--the profession of teacher. i can conceive of a condition of society so high and excellent that it has no use for either doctor, lawyer or preacher, but the teacher would still be needed. ignorance and sin supply the three "learned professions" their excuse for being, but the teacher's work is to develop the germ of wisdom that is in every soul. and now each of these professions has divided up, like monads, into many heads. in medicine, we have as many specialists as there are organs of the body. the lawyer who advises you in a copyright or patent cause knows nothing about admiralty; and as they tell us a man who pleads his own case has a fool for a client, so does the insurance lawyer who is retained to foreclose a mortgage. in all prosperous city churches, the preacher who attracts the crowd in the morning allows a 'prentice to preach to the young folks in the evening; he does not make pastoral calls; and the curate who reads the service at funerals is never called upon to perform a marriage ceremony except in a case of charity. likewise the teacher's profession has its specialists: the man who teaches greek well can not write good english; the man who teaches composition is baffled and perplexed by long division; and the teacher who delights in trigonometry pooh-poohs a kindergartner. just where this evolutionary dividing and subdividing of social cells will land the race no man can say; but that a specialist is a dangerous man, is sure. he is a buzz-saw with which wise men never monkey. a surgeon who has operated for appendicitis five times successfully is above all to be avoided. i once knew a man with lung trouble who inadvertently strayed into an oculist's and was looked over and sent away with an order on an optician. and should you through error stray into the office of a nose and throat specialist, and ask him to treat you for varicose veins, he would probably do so by nasal douche. even now a specialist in theology will lead us, if he can, a merry "ignis-fatuus" chase and land us in a morass. the only thing that saved the priest in days agone was the fact that he had so many duties to perform that he exercised all his mental muscles, and thus attained a degree of all-roundness which is not possible to the specialist. even then there were not lacking men who found time to devote to specialties: bishop georgius ambrosius, for instance, who in the fifteenth century produced a learned work proving that women have no souls. and a like book was written at nashville, tennessee, in eighteen hundred fifty-nine, by the reverend hubert parsons of the methodist episcopal church (south), showing that negroes were in a like predicament. but a more notable instance of the danger of a specialty is the reverend cotton mather, who investigated the subject of witchcraft and issued a modest brochure incorporating his views on the subject. he succeeded in convincing at least one man of its verity, and that man was himself, and thus immortality was given to the town of salem, which, otherwise, would have no claim on us for remembrance, save that hawthorne was once a clerk in its custom-house. a very slight study of colonial history will show any student that, for two centuries, the ministers in new england occupied very much the same position in society that the priest did during the middle ages. as the monks kept learning from dying off the face of the earth, so did the ministers of the new world preserve culture from passing into forgetfulness. very seldom, indeed, were books to be found in a community except at the minister's. and during the seventeenth century, and well into the eighteenth, he combined in himself the offices of doctor, lawyer, preacher and teacher. mr. lowell has said: "i can not remember when there was not one or more students in my father's household, and others still who came at regular intervals to recite. and this was the usual custom. it was the minister who fitted boys for college, and no youth was ever sent away to school until he had been drilled by the local clergyman." and it must further be noted that genealogical tables show that very nearly all of the eminent men of new england were sons of ministers, or of an ancestry where ministers' names are seen at frequent intervals. as an intellectual and moral force, the minister has now but a rudiment of the power he once exercised. the tendency to specialize all art and all knowledge has to a degree shorn him of his strength. and to such an extent is this true, that within forty years it has passed into a common proverb that the sons of clergymen are rascals, whereas in colonial days the highest recommendation a youth could carry was that he was the son of a minister. the reverend john hancock, grandfather of john hancock the patriot, was for more than half a century the minister of lexington, massachusetts. i say "the minister," because there was only one: the keen competition of sect that establishes half a dozen preachers in a small community is a very modern innovation. john hancock, "bishop of lexington," was a man of pronounced personality, as is plainly seen in his portrait in the boston museum of fine arts. they say he ruled the town with a rod of iron; and when the young men, who adorned the front steps of the meetinghouse during service, grew disorderly, he stopped in his prayer, and going outside soundly cuffed the ears of the first delinquent he could lay hands upon. in his clay there was a dash of facetiousness that saved him from excess, supplying a useful check to his zeal--for zeal uncurbed is very bad. he was a wise and beneficent dictator; and government under such a one can not be improved upon. his manner was gracious, frank and open, and such was the specific gravity of his nature that his words carried weight, and his wish was sufficient. the house where this fine old autocrat lived and reigned is standing in lexington now. when you walk out through cambridge and arlington on your way to concord, following the road the british took on their way out to concord, you will pass by it. it is a good place to stop and rest. you will know the place by the tablet in front, on which is the legend: "here john hancock and samuel adams were sleeping on the night of the eighteenth of april, seventeen hundred seventy-five, when aroused by paul revere." the reverend jonas clark owned the house after the reverend john hancock, and the ministries of those two men, and their occupancy of the house, cover one hundred years and five years more. here the thirteen children of jonas clark were born, and all lived to be old men and women. when you call there i hope you will be treated with the same gentle courtesy that i met. if you delay not your visit too long, you will see a fine, motherly woman, with white "sausage curls" and a high back-comb, wearing a check dress and felt slippers, and she will tell you that she is over eighty, and that when her mother was a little girl she once sat on governor hancock's knee and he showed her the works in his watch. and then as you go away you will think again of what the old lady has just told you, and as you look back for a parting glance at the house, standing firm and solemn in its rusty-gray dignity, you will doff your hat to it, and mayhap murmur: the days of man on earth--they are but as a passing shadow! "here john hancock and samuel adams were sleeping when aroused by paul revere!" merchant-prince and agitator, horse and rider--where are you now? and is your sleep disturbed by dreams of british redcoats or hissing flintlocks? phantom british warships may lie at their moorings, swinging wide on the unforgetting tide, lanterns may hang high in the belfry of the old north church tower, hurried knocks and calls of defiance and hoof-beats of fast-galloping steed may echo and echo again, borne on the night-wind of the dim past, but you heed them not! * * * * * the reverend john hancock of lexington had two sons. john hancock (number two) became pastor of the church of the north precinct of the town of braintree, which afterwards was to be the town of quincy. the nearest neighbor to the village preacher was john adams, shoemaker and farmer. each sunday in the amen corner of the reverend john hancock's meetinghouse was mustered the well washed and combed brood of mr. and mrs. adams. now, this john adams had a son whom the reverend john hancock baptized, also named john, two years older than john, the son of the preacher. and young john adams and john hancock (number three) used to fish and swim together, and go nutting, and set traps for squirrels, and help each other in fractions. and then they would climb trees, and wrestle, and sometimes fight. in the fights, they say, john hancock used to get the better of his antagonist, but as an exploiter of fractions john adams was more than his equal. the parents of john adams were industrious and savin'--the little farm prospered, for boston supplied a goodly market, and weekly trips were made there in a one-horse cart, often piloted by young john, with the minister's boy for ballast. the adams family had ambitions for their son john--he was to go to harvard and be educated, and be a minister and preach at braintree, or weymouth, or perhaps even boston! in the meantime the reverend john hancock had died, and the widowed mother was not able to give her boy a college education--times were hard. but the lad's uncle, thomas hancock, a prosperous merchant of boston, took quite an interest in young john. and it occurred to him to adopt the fatherless boy, legally, as his own. the mother demurred, but after some months decided that it was best so, for when twenty-one he would be her boy just as much and as truly as if his uncle had not adopted him. and so the rich uncle took him, and rigged him out with a deal finer clothing than he had ever before worn, and sent him to the latin school and afterward over to cambridge, with silver jingling in his pocket. prosperity is a severe handicap to youth; not very many grown men can stand it; but beyond a needless display of velvet coats and frilled shirts, the young man stood the test, and got through harvard. in point of scholarship he did not stand so high as john adams; and between the lads there grew a small but well-defined gulf, as is but natural between homespun and broadcloth. still the gulf was not impassable, for over it friendly favors were occasionally passed. john hancock's mother wanted him to be a preacher, but uncle thomas would not listen to it--the youth must be taught to be a merchant, so he could be the ready helper and then the successor of his foster-father. graduating at the early age of seventeen, john hancock at once went to work in his uncle's counting-house in boston. he was a fine, tall fellow with dash and spirit, and seemed to show considerable aptitude for the work. the business prospered, and uncle thomas was very proud of his handsome ward, who was quite in demand at parties and balls and in a general social way, while the uncle could not dance a minuet to save him. not needing the young man very badly around the store, the uncle sent him to europe to complete his education by travel. he went with the retiring governor pownal, whose taste for social enjoyment was very much in accord with his own. in england, he attended the funeral of george the second, and saw the coronation of george the third, little thinking the while that he would some day make violent efforts to snatch from that crown its brightest jewel. when young hancock was twenty-seven, the uncle died, and left to him his entire fortune of three hundred fifty thousand dollars. it made him one of the very richest men in the colony--for at that time there was not a man in massachusetts worth half a million dollars. the jingling silver in his pocket when sent to harvard had severely tested his moral fiber, but this great fortune came near smothering all his native commonsense. if a man makes his money himself, he stands a certain chance of growing as the pile grows. there is little doubt as to the soundness of emerson's epigram, that what you put into his chest you take out of the man. more than this, when a man gradually accumulates wealth, it attracts little attention, so the mob that follows the newly rich never really gets on to the scent. and besides that, the man who makes his own fortune always stands ready to repel boarders. there may be young men of twenty-seven who are men grown, and no doubt every man of twenty-seven is very sure that he is one of these; but the thought that man is mortal never occurs to either men or women until they are past thirty. the blood is warm, conquest lies before, and to seize the world by the tail and snap its head off seems both easy and desirable. the promoters, the flatterers and friends until then unknown flocked to hancock and condoled with him on the death of his uncle. some wanted small loans to tide over temporary emergencies, others had business ventures in hand whereby john hancock could double his wealth very shortly. still others spoke of wealth being a trust, and to use money to help your fellow-men, and thus to secure the gratitude of many, was the proper thing. the unselfishness of the latter suggestion appealed to hancock. to be the friend of humanity, to assist others--this is the highest ambition to which a man can aspire! and, of course, if one is pointed out on the street as the good mr. hancock it can not be helped. it is the penalty of well-doing. so in order to give work to many and to promote the interests of boston, a thriving city of fifteen thousand inhabitants, for all good men wish to build up the place in which they live, john hancock was induced to embark in shipbuilding. he also owned several ships of his own which traded with london and the west indies, and was part owner of others. but he publicly explained that he did not care to make money for himself--his desire was to give employment to the worthy poor and to enhance the good of boston. the aristocratic company of militia, known as the governor's guard, had been fitted out with new uniforms and arms by the generous hancock, and he had been chosen commanding officer, with rank of colonel. he drilled with the crack company and studied the manual much more diligently than he ever had his bible. hancock lived in the mansion, inherited from his uncle, on beacon street, facing the common. there was a chariot and six horses for state occasions, much fine furniture from over the sea, elegant clothes that the puritans called "gaudy apparel," and at the dinners the wine flowed freely, and cards, dancing and music filled many a night. the puritan neighbors were shocked, and held up their hands in horror to think that the son of a minister should so affront the staid and sober customs of his ancestors. still others said, "why, that's what a rich man should do--spend his money, of course; hancock is the benefactor of his kind; just see how many people he employs!" the town was all agog, and hancock was easily boston's first citizen, but in his time of prosperity he did not forget his old friends. he sent for them to come and make merry with him; and among the first in his good offices was john adams, the rising young lawyer of braintree. john adams had found clients scarce, and those he had, poor pay, but when he became the trusted legal adviser of john hancock, things took a turn and prosperity came that way. the wine and cards and dinners hadn't much attraction for him, but still there were no conscientious scruples in the way. he patted john hancock on the back, assured him that he was the people, looked after his interests loyally, and extracted goodly fees for services performed. at the home of adams at braintree, hancock had met a quiet, taciturn individual by the name of samuel adams. this man he had long known in a casual way, but had never been able really to make his acquaintance. he was fifteen years older than hancock, and by his quiet dignity and self-possession made quite an impression on the young man. so, now that prosperity had smiled, hancock invited him to his house, but the quiet man was an ascetic and neither played cards, drank wine nor danced, and so declined with thanks. but not long after, he requested a small loan from the merchant-prince, and asked it as though it were his right, and so he got it. his manner was in such opposition to the flatterers and those who crawled, and whined, and begged, that hancock was pleased with the man. samuel adams had declined hancock's social favors, and yet, in asking for a loan, showed his friendliness. samuel adams was a politician, and had long taken an active part in the town meetings. in fact, to get a measure through, it was well to have samuel adams at your side. he was clear-headed, astute, and knew the human heart. yet he talked but little, and the convivial ways of the small politician were far from him; but in the fine art that can manage men and never let them know they are managed he was a past-master. tucked in his sleeve, no doubt, was a degree of pride in his power, but the stoic quality in his nature never allowed him to break into laughter when he considered how he led men by the nose. in boston and its vicinity, samuel adams was not highly regarded, and outside of boston, at forty years of age, he was positively unknown. the neighbors regarded him as a harmless fanatic, sane on most subjects, but possessed of a buzzing bee in his bonnet to the effect that the colonies should be separated from their protector, england. samuel adams neglected his business and kept up a fusillade of articles in the newspapers, on various political subjects, and men who do this are regarded everywhere as "queer." a professional newspaper-writer never takes his calling seriously--it is business. he writes to please his employer, or if he owns the paper himself, he still writes to please his employer, that is to say, the public. journalism, thy name is pander! the man who comes up the stairway furtively, with a manuscript he wants printed, is in dead earnest; and he has excited the ridicule, wrath or pity of editors for three hundred years. such a one was samuel adams. his wife did her own work, and the grocer with bills in his hand often grew red in the face and knocked in vain. and yet the keen intellect of samuel adams was not a thing to smile at. any one who stood before him, face to face, felt the power of the man, and acknowledged it then and there, as we always do when we stand in the presence of a strong individuality. and this inward acknowledgment of worth was instinctively made by john hancock, the biggest man in all boston town. john hancock, through his genial, glowing personality, and his lavish spending of money, was very popular. he was being fed on flattery, and the more a man gets of flattery, once the taste is acquired, the more he craves. it is like the mad thirst for liquor, or the romeike habit. john hancock was getting attention, and he wanted more. he had been chosen selectman to fill the place that his uncle had occupied, and when samuel adams incidentally dropped a remark that good men were needed in the general court, john hancock agreed with him. he was named for the office and with samuel adams' help was easily elected. not long after this, the sloop "liberty" was seized by the government officials for violation of the revenue laws. the craft was owned by john hancock and had surreptitiously landed a cargo of wine without paying duty. when the ship of boston's chief citizen was seized by the bumptious, gilt-braided british officials, there was a merry uproar. all the men in the shipyards quit work, and the calkers' club, of which samuel adams was secretary, passed hot resolutions and revolutionary preambles and eulogies of john hancock, who was doing so much for boston. in fact, there was a riot, and three regiments of british troops were ordered to boston. and this was the very first step on the part of england to enforce her authority, by arms, in america. the troops were in the town to preserve order, but the mob would not disperse. upon the soldiers, they heaped every indignity and insult. they dared them to shoot, and with clubs and stones drove the soldiers before them. at last the troops made a stand and in order to save themselves from absolute rout fired a volley. five men fell dead--and the mob dispersed. this was the so-called boston massacre. pinkerton guards would blush at bagging so small a game with a volley. they have done better again and again at pittsburgh, pottsville and chicago. the riot was quelled, and out of the scrimmage various suits were instigated by the crown against john hancock, in the court of admiralty. the claims against him amounted to over three hundred thousand dollars, and the charge was that he had long been evading the revenue laws. john adams was his attorney, with samuel adams as counsel, and vigorous efforts for prosecution and defense were being made. if the crown were successful the suits would confiscate the entire hancock estate--matters were getting in a serious way. witnesses were summoned, but the trial was staved off from time to time. hancock had refused to follow samuel adams' lead in the controversy with governor hutchinson as to the right to convene the general court. the report was that john hancock was growing lukewarm and siding with the tories. a year had passed since the massacre had occurred, and the agitators proposed to commemorate the day. colonel hancock had appeared in many prominent parts, but never as an orator. "why not show the town what you can do!" some one said. so john hancock was invited to deliver the oration. he did so to an immense concourse. the address was read from the written page. it overflowed with wisdom and patriotism; and the earnestness and eloquence of the well-rounded periods was the talk of the town. the knowing ones went around corners and roared with laughter, but samuel adams said not a word. the charge was everywhere made by the captious and bickering that the speech was written by another, and that, moreover, john hancock had not even a very firm hold on its import. it was the one speech of his life. anyway, it so angered general gage that he removed colonel hancock from his command of the cadets. an order was out for hancock's arrest, and he and samuel adams were in hiding. the british troops marched out to lexington to capture them, but paul revere was two hours ahead, and when the redcoats arrived the birds had flown. then came the expulsion of the british, the closing of all courts, the admiralty included. the merchant-prince breathed easier, and that was the last of the crown versus john hancock. * * * * * throughout the months that had gone before, when the hancock mansion was gay with floral decorations, and servants in livery stood at the door with silver trays, and the dancing-hall was bright with mirth and music, samuel adams had quietly been working his bureau of correspondence to the end that the thirteen colonies of america should come together in convention. chief mover of the plan, and the one man in massachusetts who was giving all his time to it, he dictated whom massachusetts should send as delegates. this delegation, as we know, included john hancock, john adams and samuel adams himself. from the danger of lexington, hancock and adams made their way to philadelphia to attend the second congress. at that time the rich men of new england were hurriedly making their way into the english fold. some thought that the mother country had been harsh, but still, england had only acted within her right, and she was well able to back up this authority. she had regiment upon regiment of trained fighting men, warships, and money to build more. the colonies had no army, no ships, no capital. only those who have nothing to lose can afford to resist lawful authority--back into the fold they went, penitent and under their breath cursing the bull-headed men who insisted on plunging the country into red war. out in the cold world stood john hancock, alone, save for bowdoin, among the aristocrats of new england. the british would confiscate his property, his splendid house--all would be gone! "it will all be gone, anyway," calmly suggested samuel adams. "you know those suits against you in the admiralty court?" "yes, yes!" "and if we can unite these thirteen colonies an army can be raised, and we can separate ourselves entire, in which case there will be glory for somebody." john hancock, the rich, the ambitious, the pleasure-loving, had burned his bridges. he was in the hands of samuel adams, and his infamy was one with this man who was a professional agitator, and who had nothing to lose. general gage had made an offer of pardon to all--all, save two men: samuel adams and john hancock. back into the fold tumbled the tories, but against john hancock the gates were barred. john adams, attorney of the hancock estate, rubbed his chin, and decided to stand by the ship--sink or swim, survive or perish. down in his heart samuel adams grimly smiled, but on his cold, pale face there was no sign. the british held boston secure, and in the splendid mansion of hancock lived the rebel, lord percy, england's pet. the furniture, plate and keeping of the place were quite to his liking. hancock's ambitions grew as the days went by. the fight was on. his property was in the hands of the british, and a price was upon his head. he, too, now had nothing to lose. if england could be whipped he would get his property back, and the honors of victory would be his, beside. ambition grew apace; he studied the manual of arms as never before, and made himself familiar with the lives of cæsar and alexander. at harvard, he had read the anabasis on compulsion, but now he read it with zest. the second congress was a congress of action; the first had been one merely of conference. a presiding officer was required, and samuel adams quietly pushed his man to the front. he let it be known that hancock was the richest man in new england, perhaps in america, and a power in every emergency. john hancock was given the office of presiding officer, the place of honor. the thought never occurred to him that the man on the floor is the man who acts, and the individual in the chair is only a referee, an onlooker of the contest. when a man is chosen to preside he is safely out of the way, and no one knew this better than that clear-headed man, wise as a serpent, samuel adams. hancock was intent on being chosen commander of the continental army. the war was in massachusetts, her principal port closed, all business at a standstill. hancock was a soldier, and was, moreover, the chief citizen of massachusetts--the command should go to him. samuel adams knew this could never be. to hold the southern colonies and give the cause a show of reason before the world, an aristocrat with something to lose, and without a personal grievance, must be chosen, and the man must be from the south. to get hancock in a position where his mouth would be stopped, he was placed in the chair. it was a master move. colonel george washington was already a hero; he had fought valiantly for england. his hands were clean; while hancock was openly called a smuggler. washington was nominated by john adams. the motion was seconded by samuel adams. hancock turned first red and then deathly pale. he grasped the arms of his chair with both hands, and--put the question. it was unanimous. hancock's fame seems to rest on the fact that he was presiding officer of the congress that passed the declaration of independence, and therefore its first signer, and, without consideration for cost of ink and paper, wrote his name in poster letters. when you look upon the declaration the first thing you see is the signature of john hancock, and you recall his remark, "i guess king george can read that without spectacles." the whole action was melodramatic, and although a bold signature has ever been said to betoken a bold heart, it has yet to be demonstrated that boys who whistle going through the woods are indifferent to danger. "conscious weakness takes strong attitudes," says delsarte. the strength of hancock's signature was an affectation quite in keeping with his habit of riding about boston in a coach-and-six, with outriders in uniform, and servants in livery. when hancock wrote to washington asking for an appointment in the army, the wise and farseeing chief replied with gentle words of praise concerning colonel hancock's record, and wound up by saying that he regretted there was no place at his disposal worthy of colonel hancock's qualifications. well did he know that hancock was not quite patriot enough to fill a lowly rank. the part that hancock played in the eight years of war was inconspicuous. however, there was little spirit of revenge in his character: he sometimes scolded, but he did not hate. he never allowed personal animosities to make him waver in his loyalty to independence. in fact, with a price upon his head, but one course was open for him. just before washington was inaugurated president, he visited boston, and a curious struggle took place between him and hancock, who was governor. it was all a question of etiquette--which should make the first call. each side played a waiting game, and at last hancock's gout came in as an excellent excuse and the country was saved. in one of his letters, hancock says, "the entire genteel portion of the town was invited to my house, while on the sidewalk i had a cask of madeira for the common people." his repeated re-election as governor proves his popularity. through lavish expenditure, his fortune was much reduced, and for many years he was sorely pressed for funds, his means being tied up in unproductive ways. his last triumph, as governor, was to send a special message to the legislature, informing that body that "a company of aliens and foreigners have entered the state, and the metropolis of government, and under advertisements insulting to all good men and ladies have been pleased to invite them to attend certain stage-plays, interludes and theatrical entertainments under the style and appellation of moral lectures.... all of which must be put a stop to to once and the rogues and varlots punished." a few days after this, "the aliens and foreigners" gave a presentation of sheridan's "school for scandal." in the midst of the performance the sheriff and a posse made a rush upon the stage and bagged all the offenders. when their trial came on, the next day, the "varlots and vagroms" had secured high legal talent to defend them, one of which counsel was harrison gray otis. the actors were discharged on the slim technicality that the warrants of arrest had not been properly verified. however, the theater was closed, but the "common people" made such an unseemly howl about "rights" and all that, that the legislature made haste to repeal the law which provided that play-actors should be flogged. hancock defaulted in his stewardship as treasurer of harvard college, and only escaped arrest for embezzlement through the fact that he was governor of the state, and no process could be served upon him. after his death his estate paid nine years' simple interest on his deficit, and ten years thereafter, the principal was paid. his widow married captain scott, who was long in hancock's employ as master of a brig; and we find the worthy captain proudly exclaiming, "i have embarked on the sea of matrimony, and am now at the helm of the hancock mansion!" no biography of governor hancock has ever been written. the record of his life flutters only in newspaper paragraphs, letters, and chance mention in various diaries. hancock did not live to see john adams president. worn by worry, and grown old before his time, he died at the early age of fifty-six, of a combination of gout and that unplebeian complaint we now term bright's disease. thirty-three years after, hale old john adams down at quincy spoke of him as "a clever fellow, a bit spoiled by a legacy, whom i used to know in my younger days." he left no descendants, and his heirs were too intent on being in at the death to care for his memory. they neither preserved the data of his life, nor over his grave placed a headstone. the monument that now marks his resting-place was recently erected by the state of massachusetts. he was buried in the old granary burying-ground, on tremont street, and only a step from his grave sleeps his friend samuel adams. john quincy adams to the guidance of the legislative councils; to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments; to the friendly co-operation of the respective state governments; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, i shall look for whatever success may attend my public service; and knowing that "except the lord keep the city, the watchman waketh in vain," with fervent supplications for his favor, to his overruling providence i commit, with humble but fearless confidence, my own fate and the future destinies of my country. --_inaugural address_ [illustration: john quincy adams] nine miles south of boston, just a little back from the escalloped shores of old ocean, lies the village of braintree. it is on the plymouth post-road, being one of that string of settlements, built a few miles apart for better protection, that lined the sea, boston being crowded, and plymouth full to overflowing, the home-seekers spread out north and south. in sixteen hundred twenty, when the first cabin was built at braintree, land that was not in sight of the coast had actually no value. back a mile, all was a howling wilderness, with trails made by wild beasts or savage men as wild. these paths led through tangles of fallen trees and tumbled rocks, beneath dark, overhanging pines where winter's snows melted not till midsummer, and the sun's rays were strange and alien. men who sought to traverse these ways had to crouch and crawl or climb. through them no horse or ox or beast of burden had carried its load. but up from the sea the ground rose gradually for a mile, and along this slope that faced the tide, wind and storm had partly cleared the ground, and on the hillsides our forefathers made their homes. the houses were built facing either the east or the south. this persistence to face either the sun or the sea shows a last, strange rudiment of paganism, making queer angles now that surveyors have come with gunter's chain and transit, laying out streets and doing their work. a mile out, north of braintree, on the boston road, came, in sixteen hundred twenty-five, one captain wollaston, a merry wight, and thirty boon companions, all of whom probably left england for england's good. they were in search of gold and pelf, and all were agreed on one point: they were quite too good to do any hard work. their camp was called mount wollaston, or the merry mount. our gallant gentlemen cultivated the friendship of the indians, in the hope that they would reveal the caves and caverns where the gold grew lush and nuggets cumbered the way; and the indians, liking the drink they offered, brought them meal and corn and furs. and so the thirty set up a maypole, adorned with bucks' horns, and drank and feasted, and danced like fairies or furies, the livelong day or night. so scandalously did these exiled lords behave that good folks made a wide circuit 'round to avoid their camp. preaching had been in vain, and prayers for the conversion of the wretches remained unanswered. so the neighbors held a convention, and decided to send captain miles standish with a posse to teach the merry men manners. standish appeared among the bacchanalians one morning, perfectly sober, and they were not. he arrested the captain, and bade the others begone. the leader was shipped back to england, with compliments and regrets, and the thirty scattered. this was the first move in that quarter in favor of local option. six years later, the land thereabouts was granted and apportioned out to the reverend john wilson, william coddington, edward quinsey, james penniman, moses payne and francis eliot. and these men and their families built houses and founded "the north precinct of the town of braintree." between the north precinct and the south precinct there was continual rivalry. boys who were caught over the dead-line, which was marked by deacon penniman's house, had to fight. thus things continued until seventeen hundred ninety-two, when one john adams was vice-president of the united states. now this john adams, lawyer, was the son of john adams, honest farmer and cordwainer, who had bought the penniman homestead, and whose progenitor, henry adams, had moved there in sixteen hundred thirty-six. john adams, vice-president, afterwards president, was born there in the penniman house, and was regarded as a neutral, although he had been thrashed by boys both from the north and from the south precinct. but at the last, there is no such thing as neutrality. john adams sided with the boys from the north precinct, and now that he was in power it occurred to him, having had a little experience in the revolutionary line, that for the north precinct to secede from the great town of braintree would be but proper and right. the north precinct had six stores that sold w.i. goods, and a tavern that sold w.e.t. goods, and it should have a post-office of its own. so john adams suggested the matter to richard cranch, who was his brother-in-law and near neighbor. cranch agitated the matter, and the new town, which was the old, was incorporated. they called it quincy, probably because abigail, john's wife, insisted upon it. she had named her eldest boy quincy, in honor of her grandfather, whose father's name was quinsey, and who had relatives who spelled it de quincey, one of which tribe was an opium-eater. now, when abigail made a suggestion, john usually heeded it. for abigail was as wise as she was good, and john well knew that his success in life had come largely from the help, counsel and inspiration vouchsafed to him by this splendid woman. and the man who will not let a woman have her way in all such small matters as naming of babies or towns is not much of a man. so the town was named quincy, and brother-in-law cranch was appointed its first postmaster. shortly after, the boston "centinel" contained a sarcastic article over the signature, "old subscriber," concerning the distribution of official patronage among kinsmen, and the eliots and the everetts gossiped over their back fences. at this time abigail lived in the cottage there on the plymouth road, halfway between braintree and quincy, but she got her mail at quincy. the adams cottage is there now, and the next time you are in boston you had better go out and see it, just as june and i did one bright october day. june has lived within an hour's ride of the adams' home all her blessed thirty-two sunshiny summers; she also boasts a mayflower ancestry, with, however, a slight infusion of castle garden, like myself, to give firmness of fiber--and yet she had never been to quincy. the john and abigail cottage was built in seventeen hundred sixteen, so says a truthful brick found in the quaint old chimney. deacon penniman built this house for his son, and it faces the sea, although the older penniman house faces the south. john adams was born in the older house; but when he used to go to weymouth every wednesday and saturday evening to see abigail smith, the minister's daughter, his father, the worthy shoemaker, told him that when he got married he could have the other house for himself. john was a bright young lawyer then, a graduate of harvard, where he had been sent in hopes that he would become a minister, for one-half the students then at harvard were embryo preachers. but john did not take to theology. he had witnessed ecclesiastical tennis and theological pitch and toss in braintree that had nearly split the town, and he decided on the law. one thing sure, he could not work: he was not strong enough for that--everybody said so. and right here seems a good place to call attention to the fact that weak men, like those who are threatened, live long. john adams' letters to his wife reveal a very frequent reference to liver complaint, lung trouble, and that tired feeling, yet he lived to be ninety-two. the reverend mr. smith did not at first favor the idea of his daughter abigail marrying john adams. the adams family were only farmers (and shoemakers when it rained), while the smiths had aristocracy on their side. he said lawyers were men who got bad folks out of trouble and good folks in. but abigail said that this lawyer was different; and as mr. smith saw it was a love-match, and such things being difficult to combat successfully, he decided he would do the next best thing--give the young couple his blessing. yet the neighbors were quite scandalized to think that their pastor's daughter should hold converse over the gate with a lawyer, and they let the clergyman know it as neighbors then did, and sometimes do now. then did the reverend mr. smith announce that he would preach a sermon on the sin of meddling with other folk's business. as his text he took the passage from luke, seventh chapter, thirty-third verse: "for john came neither eating bread nor drinking wine; and ye say, he hath a devil." the neighbors saw the point, for a short time before, when the eldest daughter, mary, had married richard cranch (the man who was to achieve a post-office), the community had entered a protest, and the reverend mr. smith had preached from luke, tenth chapter, forty-second verse: "and mary hath chosen that good part which shall not be taken away from her." so there, now! and john and abigail were married one evening at early candlelight, in the church at weymouth. the good father performed the ceremony, and nearly broke down during it, they say, and then he kissed both bride and groom. the neighbors had repaired to the parsonage and were eating and drinking and making merry when john and abigail slipped out by the back gate, and made their way, hand in hand, in the starlight, down the road that ran through the woods to braintree. when near the village they cut across the pasture-lot and reached their cottage, which for several weeks they had been putting in order. john unlocked the front door, and they entered over the big, flat stone at the entry, and over which you may enter now, all sunken and worn by generations of men gone. some whose feet have pressed that doorstep we count as the salt of the earth, for their names are written large on history's page. washington rode out there on horseback, and while his aide held his horse, he visited and drank mulled cider and ate doughnuts within. hancock came often, and otis, samuel adams and loring used to enter without plying the knocker. through the earnest work of william g. spear, the cottage has now been restored and fully furnished, as near like it was then as knowledge, fancy and imagination can devise. when we reached quincy we saw a benevolent-looking old puritan, and june said, "ask him!" "can you tell me where we can find mr. spear, the antiquarian?" i inquired. "the which?" said the son of priscilla mullins. "mr. spear, the antiquarian," i repeated. "it's not bill spear who keeps a secondhand-shop, you want, mebbe?" "yes; i think that is the man." and so we were directed to the "secondhand-shop," which proved to be the rooms of the quincy historical society. and there we saw such a wondrous collection of secondhand stuff that, as we looked and looked, and mr. spear explained, and gave large slices of colonial history, june, who is a daughter of the american revolution, gushed a trifle more than was meet. nothing short of a hundred years will set the seal of value on an article for mr. spear, and one hundred fifty is more like it. on his walls are hats, caps, spurs, boots and accouterments used in the revolutionary war. then there are candlesticks, snuffers, spectacles, butter-molds, bonnets, dresses, shoes, baby-stockings, cradles, rattles, aprons, butter-tubs made out of a solid piece, shovels to match, andirons, pokers, skillets and blue china galore. "bill spear" himself is quite a curiosity. he traces a lineage to the well-known lieutenant seth spear, of revolutionary fame, and back of that to john alden, who spoke for himself. the bark on the antiquarian, is rather rough; and i regret to say that he makes use of a few words i can not find in the "century dictionary," but as june was not shocked i managed to stand it. on further acquaintance i concluded that mr. spear's bruskness was assumed, and that beneath the tough husk there beats a very tender heart. he is one of those queer fellows who do good by stealth and abuse you roundly if accused of it. for twenty-five years mr. spear has been doing little else but studying colonial history, and making love to old ladies who own clocks and skillets given them by their great-grandmammas. there is no doubt that spear has dictated clauses in a hundred wills devising that william g. spear, custodian of the quincy historical society, shall have snuffers and biscuit-molds. at first, mr. spear collected for his own amusement and benefit, but the trouble grew upon him until it became chronic, and one fine day he realized that he was not immortal, and when he should die, all his collection, which had taken years to accumulate, would be scattered. and so he founded the quincy historical society, incorporated by a perpetual charter, with charles francis adams, grandson of john quincy adams, as first president. then, the next thing was to secure the cottage where john and abigail adams began housekeeping, and where john quincy was born. this house has been in the adams family all these years and been rented to the firm of tom, dick and harry, and any of their tribe who would agree to pay ten dollars a month for its use and abuse. just across the road from the cottage lives a fine old soul by the name of john crane. mr. crane is somewhere between seventy and a hundred years old, but he has a young heart, a face like gladstone and a memory like a copy-book. mr. crane was on very good terms with john quincy adams, knew him well and had often seen him come here to collect rent. he told me that during his recollection the adams place had been occupied by full forty families. but now, thanks to "bill spear," it is no longer for rent. the house has been raised from the ground, new sills placed under it, and while every part--scantling, rafter, joist, crossbeam, lath and weatherboard--of the original house has been retained, it has been put in such order that it is no longer going to ruin. from the ample stores of his various antiquarian depositories mr. spear has refurnished it; and with a ripe knowledge and rare good taste and restraining imagination, the cottage is now shown to us as a colonial farmhouse of the year seventeen hundred fifty. the wonder to me is that mr. spear, being human, did not move his "secondhand-shop" down here and make of the place a curiosity-shop. but he has done better. as you step across the doorsill and pass from the little entry into the "living-room," you pause and murmur, "excuse me." for there is a fire on the hearth, the tea-kettle sings softly, and on the back of a chair hangs a sunbonnet. and over there on the table is an open bible, and on the open page is a pair of spectacles and a red, crumpled handkerchief. yes, the folks are at home: they have just stepped into the next room--perhaps are eating dinner. and so you sit down in an old hickory chair, or in the high settle that stands against the wall by the fireplace, and wait, expecting every moment that the kitchen-door will creak on its wooden hinges, and abigail, smiling and gentle, will enter to greet you. mr. spear understands, and, disappearing, leaves you to your thoughts--and june's. john and abigail were lovers their lifetime through. their published letters show a oneness of thought and sentiment that, viewed across the years, moves us to tears to think that such as they should at last feebly totter, and then turn to dust. but here they came in the joyous springtime of their lives; upon this floor you tread the ways their feet have trod; these walls have echoed to their singing voices, listened to their counsels, and seen love's caress. there is no surplus furniture nor display nor setting forth of useless things. every article you see has its use. the little shelf of books, well-thumbed, displays no "trilby" nor "quest of the golden girl"--not an anachronism any where. curtains, chairs, tables, and the one or two pictures--all ring true. in the kitchen are washtubs and butter-ladles and bowls; and the lantern hanging by the chimney, with a dipped candle inside, has a carefully scraped horn face. it is a lanthorn. in the cupboard across the corner are blue china and pewter spoons and steel knives, with just a little polished-brass stuff sent from england. down in the cellar, with its dirt walls, are apples, yellow pumpkins and potatoes--each in its proper place, for abigail was a rare good housekeeper. then there is a barrel of cider, with a hickory spigot and an inviting gourd. all tells of economy, thrift, industry and the cunning of woman's hands. in the kitchen is a funny cradle, hooded, and cut out of a great pine log. the little mattress and the coverlet seem disturbed, and you would declare the baby had just been lifted out, and you listen for its cry. the rocker is worn by the feet of mothers whose hands were busy with needles or wheel as they rocked and sang. and from the fact that it is in the kitchen, you know that the servant-girl problem then had no terrors. overhead hang ears of corn, bunches of dried catnip, pennyroyal and boneset, and festooned across the corner are strings of dried apples. then you go upstairs, with conscience pricking a bit for thus visiting the house of honest folks when they are away, for you know how all good housewives dislike to have people prying about, especially in the upper chambers--at least june said so! the room to the right was abigail's own. you would know it was a woman's room. there is a faint odor of lavender and thyme about it, and the white and blue draperies around the little mirror, and the little feminine nothings on the dresser, reveal the lady who would appear well before the man she loves. the bed is a high, draped four-poster, plain and solid, evidently made by a ship-carpenter who had ambitions. the coverlet is light blue, and matches the draperies of windows, dresser and mirror. on the pillow is a nightcap, in which even a homely woman would be beautiful. there is a clothespress in the corner, into which mr. spear says we may look. on the door is a slippery-elm button, and within, hanging on wooden pegs, are dainty dresses; stiff, curiously embroidered gowns they are, that came from across the sea, sent, perhaps, by john adams when he went to france, and left abigail here to farm and sew and weave and teach the children. june examined the dresses carefully, and said the embroidery was handmade, and must have taken months and months to complete. on a high shelf of the closet are bandboxes, in which are bonnets, astonishing bonnets, with prodigious flaring fronts. mr. spear insisted that june should try one on, and when she did we stood off and declared the effect was a vision of loveliness. outside the clothespress, on a peg, hangs a linsey-woolsey every-day gown that shows marks of wear. the waist came just under june's arms, and the bottom of the dress to her shoe-tops. we asked mr. spear the price of it, but the custodian is not commercial. in a corner of the room is a cedar chest containing hand-woven linen. by the front window is a little, low desk, with a leaf that opens out for a writing-shelf. and here you see quill-pens, fresh nibbed, and ink in a curious well made from horn. here it was that abigail wrote those letters to her lover-husband when he attended those first and second congresses in philadelphia; and then when he was in france and england, those letters in which we see affection, loyalty, tales of babies with colic, brave, political good sense, and all those foolish trifles that go to fill up love-letters, and, at the last, are their divine essence and charm. here, she wrote the letter telling of going with their seven-year-old boy, john quincy, to penn's hill to watch the burning of charlestown; and saw the flashing of cannons and rising smoke that marked the battle of bunker hill. here she wrote to her husband when he was minister to england, "this little cottage has more comfort and satisfaction for you than the courts of royalty." but of all the letters written by that brave woman none reveals her true nobility better than the one written to her husband the day he became president of the united states. here it is entire: quincy, february, "the sun is dressed in brightest beams, to give thy honors to the day." "and may it prove an auspicious prelude to each ensuing season. you have this day to declare yourself head of a nation. and now, o lord, my god, thou hast made thy servant ruler over the people. give unto him an understanding heart, that he may know how to go out and come in before this great people; that he may discern between good and bad. for who is able to judge this thy so great a people, were the words of a royal sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is invested with the chief magistracy of a nation, though he wear not a crown, nor the robes of royalty. "my thoughts and my meditations are with you, though personally absent; and my petitions to heaven are that the things which make for peace may not be hidden from your eyes. my feelings are not those of pride or ostentation upon the occasion. "they are solemnized by a sense of the obligations, the important trusts, and numerous duties connected with it. that you may be enabled to discharge them with honor to yourself, with justice and impartiality to your country, and with satisfaction to this great people, shall be the daily prayer of your "a.a." it was in this room that abigail waited while british soldiers ransacked the rooms below and made bullets of the best pewter spoons. here her son who was to be president was born. john quincy adams was six years old when his father kissed him good-by and rode away for philadelphia with john hancock and samuel adams (who rode a horse loaned him by john adams). abigail stood in the doorway holding the baby, and watched them disappear in the curve of the road. this was in august, seventeen hundred seventy-four. most of the rest of that year abigail was alone with her babies on the little farm. it was the same next year, and in seventeen hundred seventy-six, too, when john adams wrote home that he had made the formal move for independency and also nominated george washington as commander-in-chief of the army; and he hoped things would soon be better. those were troublous times in which to live in the vicinity of boston. there were straggling troops passing up and down the plymouth road every day. sometimes they were redcoats and sometimes buff and blue, but all seemed to be very hungry and extremely thirsty, and the adams household received a great deal more attention than it courted. the master of the house was away, but all seemed to know who lived there, and the callers were not always courteous. in such a feverish atmosphere of unrest, children evolve quickly into men and women, and their faces take on the look of thought where should be only careless, happy, dimpled smiles. yes, responsibility matures, and that is the way john quincy adams got cheated out of his childhood. when eight years of age, his mother called him the little man of the house. the next year he was a post-rider, making a daily trip to boston with letter-bags across his saddlebows. when eleven years of age, his father came home to say that some one had to go to france to serve with jay and franklin in making a treaty. "go," said abigail, "and god be with you!" but when it was suggested that john quincy go, too, the parting did not seem so easy. but it was a fine opportunity for the boy to see the world of men, and the mother's head appreciated it even if her heart did not. and yet she had the heroism that is willing to remain behind. so father and son sailed away; and little john quincy added postscripts to his father's letters and said, "i send my loving duty to my mamma." the boy took kindly to foreign ways, as boys will, and the french language had no such terrors for him as it had for his father. the first stay in europe was only three months, and back they came on a leaky ship. but the home-stay was even shorter than the stay abroad, and john adams had again to cross the water on his country's business. again the boy went with him. it was five years before the mother saw him. and then he had gone on alone from paris to london to meet her. she did not know him, for he was nearly eighteen and a man grown. he had visited every country in europe and been the helper and companion of statesmen and courtiers, and seen society in its various phases. he spoke several languages, and in point of polish and manly dignity was the peer of many of his elders. mrs. adams looked at him and then began to cry, whether for joy or for sorrow she did not know. her boy had gone, escaped her, gone forever, but, instead, here was a tall young diplomat calling her "mother." there was a career ahead for john quincy adams--his father knew it, his mother was sure of it, and john quincy himself was not in doubt. he could then have gone right on, but his father was a harvard man, and the new england superstition was strong in the adams heart that success could only be achieved when based on a harvard parchment. so back to massachusetts sailed john quincy; and a two-year course at harvard secured the much-desired diploma. from the very time he crawled over this kitchen-floor and pushed a chair, learning to walk, or tumbled down the stairs and then made his way bravely up again alone, he knew that he would arrive. precocious, proud, firm, and with a coldness in his nature that was not a heritage from either his father or his mother, he made his way. it was a zigzag course, and the way was strewn with the flotsam and jetsam of wrecked parties and blighted hopes, but out of the wreckage john quincy adams always appeared, calm, poised and serene. when he opposed the purchase of louisiana it looks as if he allowed his animosity for jefferson to put his judgment in chancery. he made mistakes, but this was the only blunder of his career. the record of that life expressed in bold stands thus: --born may eleventh. --post-rider between boston and quincy. ---at school in paris. --at school in leyden. --private secretary to minister to russia. ---graduated at harvard. --minister at the hague. --married louise catherine johnson, of maryland. --minister at berlin. --member of massachusetts state senate. --united states senator. --professor of rhetoric and oratory at harvard --minister to russia. --nominated and confirmed by senate as judge of supreme court of the united states; declined. --commissioner at ghent to treat for peace with great britain. --minister to great britain. --secretary of state. --elected president of the united states. --elected a member of congress, and represented the district for seventeen years. --stricken with paralysis february twenty-first in the capitol, and died the second day after. * * * * * "aren't we staying in this room a good while?" said june; "you have sat there staring out of that window looking at nothing for just ten minutes, and not a word have you spoken!" mr. spear had disappeared into space, and so we made our way across the little hall to the room that belonged to mr. adams. it was in the disorder that men's rooms are apt to be. on the table were quill-pens and curious old papers with seals on them, and on one i saw the date, june sixteenth, seventeen hundred sixty-eight--the whole document written out in the hand of john adams, beginning very prim and careful, then moving off into a hurried scrawl as spirit mastered the letter. there is a little hair-covered trunk in the corner, studded with brass nails, and boots and leggings and canes and a jackknife and a bootjack, and, on the window-sill, a friendly snuffbox. in the clothespress were buff trousers and an embroidered coat, and shoes with silver buckles, and several suits of every-day clothes, showing wear and patches. on up to the garret we groped, and bumped our heads against the rafters. the light was dim, but we could make out more apples on strings, and roots and herbs in bunches hung from the peak. here was a three-legged chair and a broken spinning-wheel, and the junk that is too valuable to throw away, yet not good enough to keep, but "some day may be needed." down the narrow stairway we went, and in the little kitchen, sammy, the artist, and mr. spear, the custodian, were busy at the fireplace preparing dinner. there is no stove in the house, and none is needed. the crane and brick oven and long-handled skillets suffice. sammy is an expert camp-cook, and swears there is death in the chafing-dish, and grows profane if you mention one. his skill in turning flapjacks by a simple manipulation of the long-handled griddle means more to his true ego than the finest canvas. june offered to set the table, but sammy said she could never do it alone, so together they brought out the blue china dishes and the pewter plates. then they drew water at the stone-curbed well with the great sweep, carrying the leather-baled bucket between them. i was feeling quite useless and asked, "can't i do something to help?" "there is the lye-leach--you might bring out some ashes and make some soft soap," said june pointing to the ancient leach and soap-kettle in the yard, the joys of mr. spear's heart. sammy stood at the back door and pounded on the dishpan with a wooden spoon to announce that dinner was ready. it was quite a sumptuous meal: potatoes baked in the ashes, beans baked in the brick oven, coffee made on the hearth, fish cooked in the skillet, and pancakes made on a griddle with a handle three feet long. mr. spear had aspirations toward an apple-pie and had made violent efforts in that direction, but the product being dough on top and charcoal on the bottom we declined the nomination with thanks. june suggested that pies should be baked in an oven and not cooked on a pancake griddle. the custodian thought there might be something in it--a suggestion he would have scorned and scouted had it come from me. to change the rather painful subject, mr. spear began to talk about john and abigail adams, and to quote from their "letters," a volume he seems to have by heart. "do you know why their love was so very steadfast, and why they stimulated the mental and spiritual natures of each other so?" asked june. "no, why was it?" "well, i'll tell you: it was because they spent one-third of their married life apart." "indeed!" "yes, and in this way they lived in an ideal world. in all their letters you see they are always counting the days ere they will meet. now, people who are together all the time never write that way, because they do not feel that way--i'll leave it to mr. spear!" but mr. spear, being a bachelor, did not know. then the case was referred to sammy, and sammy lied and said he had never considered the subject. "and would you advise, then, that married couples live apart one-third of the time, in the interests of domestic peace?" i asked. "certainly!" said june, with her burne-jones chin in the air. "certainly; but i fear you are the man who does not understand; and anyway i am sure it will be much more profitable for us to cultivate the receptive spirit and listen to mr. spear--such opportunities do not come very often. i did not mean to interrupt you, mr. spear; go on, please!" and mr. spear filled a clay pipe with natural leaf that he crumbled in his hand, and deftly picking a coal from the fireplace with a shovel one hundred fifty years old, puffed five times silently, and began to talk. alexander hamilton the objects to be attained are: to justify and preserve the confidence of the most enlightened friends of good government; to promote the increasing respectability of the american name; to answer the calls of justice; to restore landed property to its due value; to furnish new sources both to agriculture and to commerce; to cement more closely the union of the states; to add to their security against foreign attack; to establish public order on the basis of an upright and liberal policy: these are the great and invaluable ends to be secured by a proper and adequate provision, at the present period, for the support of public credit. --_report to congress_ [illustration: alexander hamilton] we do not know the name of the mother of alexander hamilton: we do not know the given name of his father. but from letters, a diary and pieced-out reports, allowing fancy to bridge from fact to fact, we get a patchwork history of the events preceding the birth of this wonderful man. every strong man has had a splendid mother. hamilton's mother was a woman of wit, beauty and education. while very young, through the machinations of her elders, she had been married to a man much older than herself--rich, wilful and dissipated. the man's name was lavine, but his first name we do not know, so hidden were the times in a maze of obscurity. the young wife very soon discovered the depravity of this man whom she had vowed to love and obey; divorce was impossible; and rather than endure a lifelong existence of legalized shame, she packed up her scanty effects and sought to hide herself from society and kinsmen by going to the west indies. there she hoped to find employment as a governess in the family of one of the rich planters; or if this plan were not successful she would start a school on her own account, and thus benefit her kind and make for herself an honorable living. arriving at the island of nevis, she found that the natives did not especially desire education, certainly not enough to pay for it, and there was no family requiring a governess. but a certain scotch planter by the name of hamilton, who was consulted, thought in time that a school could be built up, and he offered to meet the expense of it until such a time as it could be put on a paying basis. unmarried women who accept friendly loans from men stand in dangerous places. with all good women, heart-whole gratitude and a friendship that seems unselfish ripen easily into love. they did so here. perhaps, in a warm, ardent temperament, sore grief and biting disappointment and crouching want obscure the judgment and give a show of reason to actions that a colder intellect would disapprove. on the frontiers of civilization man is greater than law--all ceremonies are looked upon lightly. in a few months mrs. lavine was called by the little world of nevis, mrs. hamilton, and mr. and mrs. hamilton regarded themselves as man and wife. the planter hamilton was a hard-headed, busy individual, who was quite unable to sympathize with his wife's finer aspirations. her first husband had been clever and dissipated; this one was worthy and dull. and thus deprived of congenial friendships, without books or art or that social home life which goes to make up a woman's world, and longing for the safety of close sympathy and tender love, with no one on whom her intellect could strike a spark, she keenly felt the bitterness of exile. in a city where society ebbs and flows, an intellectual woman married to a commerce-grubbing man is not especially to be pitied. she can find intellectual affinities that will ease the irksomeness of her situation. but to be cast on a desert isle with a being, no matter how good, who is incapable of feeling with you the eternal mystery of the encircling tides; who can only stare when you speak of the moaning lullaby of the restless sea; who knows not the glory of the sunrise, and feels no thrill when the breakers dash themselves into foam, or the moonlight dances on the phosphorescent waves--ah, that is indeed exile! loneliness is not in being alone, for then ministering spirits come to soothe and bless--loneliness is to endure the presence of one who does not understand. and so this finely organized, receptive, aspiring woman, through the exercise of a will that seemed masculine in its strength, found her feet mired in quicksand. she struggled to free herself, and every effort only sank her deeper. the relentless environment only held her with firmer clutch. she thirsted for knowledge, for sweet music, for beauty, for sympathy, for attainment. she had a heart-hunger that none about her understood. she strove for better things. she prayed to god, but the heavens were as brass; she cried aloud, and the only answer was the throbbing of her restless heart. in this condition, a son was born to her. they called his name alexander hamilton. this child was heir to all his mother's splendid ambitions. her lack of opportunity was his blessing; for the stifled aspirations of her soul charged his being with a strong man's desires, and all the mother's silken, unswerving will was woven through his nature. he was to surmount obstacles that she could not overcome, and to tread under his feet difficulties that to her were invincible. the prayer of her heart was answered, but not in the way she expected. god listened to her after all; for every earnest prayer has its answer, and not a sincere desire of the heart but somewhere will find its gratification. but earth's buffets were too severe for the brave young woman; the forces in league against her were more than she could withstand, and before her boy was out of baby dresses she gave up the struggle, and went to her long rest, soothed only by the thought that, although she had sorely blundered, she yet had done her work as best she could. * * * * * at his mother's death, we find alexander hamilton taken in charge by certain mystical kinsmen. evidently he was well cared for, as he grew into a handsome, strong lad--small, to be sure, but finely formed. where he learned to read, write and cipher we know not; he seems to have had one of those active, alert minds that can acquire knowledge on a barren island. when nine years old, he signed his name as witness to a deed. the signature is needlessly large and bold, and written with careful schoolboy pains, but the writing shows the same characteristics that mark the thousand and one dispatches which we have, signed at bottom, "g. washington." at twelve years of age, he was clerk in a general store--one of those country stores where everything is kept, from ribbon to whisky. there were other helpers in the store, full grown; but when the proprietor went away for a few days into the interior, the dark, slim youngster took charge of the bookkeeping and the cash; and made such shrewd exchanges of merchandise for produce that when the "old man" returned, the lad was rewarded by two pats on the head and a raise in salary of one shilling a week. about this time, the boy was also showing signs of literary skill by writing sundry poems and "compositions," and one of his efforts in this line describing a tropical hurricane was published in a london paper. this opened the eyes of the mystical kinsmen to the fact that they had a genius among them, and the elder hamilton was importuned for money to send the boy to boston that he might receive a proper education and come back and own the store and be a magistrate and a great man. no doubt the lad pressed the issue, too, for his ambition had already begun to ferment, as we find him writing to a friend, "i'll risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my station." most great things in america have to take their rise in boston; so it seems meet that alexander hamilton, aged fifteen, a british subject, should first set foot on american soil at long wharf, boston. he took a ferry over to cambridgeport and walked through the woods three miles to harvard college. possibly he did not remain because his training in a bookish way had not been sufficient for him to enter, and possibly he did not like the puritanic visage of the old professor who greeted him on the threshold of massachusetts hall; at any rate, he soon made his way to new haven. yale suited him no better, and he took a boat for new york. he had letters to several good clergymen in new york, and they proved wise and good counselors. the boy was advised to take a course at the grammar school at elizabethtown, new jersey. there he remained a year, applying himself most vigorously, and the next fall he knocked at the gate of king's college. it is called columbia now, because kings in america went out of fashion, and all honors formerly paid to the king were turned over to miss columbia, goddess of freedom. king's college swung wide its doors for the swarthy little west indian. he was allowed to choose his own course, and every advantage of the university was offered him. in a university, you get just all you are able to hold--it depends upon yourself--and at the last all men who are made at all are self-made. hamilton improved each passing moment as it flew; with the help of a tutor he threw himself into his work, gathering up knowledge with the quick perception and eager alertness of one from whom the good things of earth have been withheld. yet he lived well and spent his money as if there were plenty more where it came from; but he was never dissipated nor wasteful. this was in the year seventeen hundred seventy-four, and the colonies were in a state of political excitement. young hamilton's sympathies were all with the mother country. he looked upon the americans, for the most part, as a rude, crude and barbaric people, who should be very grateful for the protection of such an all-powerful country as england. at his boarding-house and at school, he argued the question hotly, defending england's right to tax her dependencies. one fine day, one of his schoolmates put the question to him flatly: "in case of war, on which side will you fight?" hamilton answered, "on the side of england." but by the next day he had reasoned it out that if england succeeded in suppressing the rising insurrection she would take all credit to herself; and if the colonies succeeded there would be honors for those who did the work. suddenly it came over him that there was such a thing as "the divine right of insurrection," and that there was no reason why men living in america should be taxed to support a government across the sea. the wealth produced in america should be used to develop america. he was young, and burning with a lofty ambition. he knew, and had known all along, that he would some day be great and famous and powerful--here was the opportunity. and so, next day, he announced at the boarding-house that the eloquence and logic of his messmates were too powerful to resist--he believed the colonies and the messmates were in the right. then several bottles were brought in, and success was drunk to all men who strove for liberty. patriotic sentiment is at the last self-interest; in fact, herbert spencer declares that there is no sane thought or rational act but has its root in egoism. shortly after the young man's conversion, there was a mass-meeting held in "the fields," which meant the wilds of what is now the region of twenty-third street. young hamilton stood in the crowd and heard the various speakers plead the cause of the colonies, and urge that new york should stand firm with massachusetts against the further encroachments and persecutions of england. there were many tories in the crowd, for new york was with king george as against massachusetts, and these tories asked the speakers embarrassing questions that the speakers failed to answer. and all the time young hamilton found himself nearer and nearer the platform. finally, he undertook to reply to a talkative tory, and some one shouted, "give him the platform--the platform!" and in a moment this seventeen-year-old boy found himself facing two thousand people. there was hesitation and embarrassment, but the shouts of one of his college chums, "give it to 'em! give it to 'em!" filled in an awkward instant, and he began to speak. there was logic and lucidity of expression, and as he talked the air became charged with reasons, and all he had to do was to reach up and seize them. his strong and passionate nature gave gravity to his sentences, and every quibbling objector found himself answered, and more than answered, and the speakers who were to present the case found this stripling doing the work so much better than they could, that they urged him on with applause and loud cries of "bravo! bravo!" immediately at the close of hamilton's speech, the chairman had the good sense to declare the meeting adjourned--thus shutting off all reply, as well as closing the mouths of the minnow orators who usually pop up to neutralize the impression that the strong man has made. hamilton's speech was the talk of the town. the leading whigs sought him out and begged that he would write down his address so that they could print it as a pamphlet in reply to the tory pamphleteers who were vigorously circulating their wares. the pens of ready writers were scarce in those days: men could argue, but to present a forcible written brief was another thing. so young hamilton put his reasons on paper, and their success surprised the boys at the boarding-house, and the college chums and the professors, and probably himself as well. his name was on the lips of all whigdom, and the tories sent messengers to buy him off. but congress was willing to pay its defenders, and money came from somewhere--not much, but all the young man needed. college was dropped; the political pot boiled; and the study of history, economics and statecraft filled the daylight hours to the brim and often ran over into the night. the winter of seventeen hundred seventy-five passed away; the plot thickened. new york had reluctantly consented to be represented in congress and agreed grumpily to join hands with the colonies. the redcoats had marched out to concord--and back; and the embattled farmers had stood and fired the shot "heard 'round the world." hamilton was working hard to bring new york over to an understanding that she must stand firm against english rule. he organized meetings, gave addresses, wrote letters, newspaper articles and pamphlets. then he joined a military company and was perfecting himself in the science of war. there were frequent outbreaks between tory mobs and whigs, and the breaking up of your opponents' meeting was looked upon as a pleasant pastime. then came the british ship "asia" and opened fire on the town. this no doubt made whigs of a good many tories. whig sentiment was on the increase; gangs of men marched through the streets and the king's stores were broken into, and prominent royalists found their houses being threatened. doctor cooper, president of king's college, had been very pronounced in his rebukes to congress and the colonies, and a mob made its way to his house. arriving there, hamilton and his chum troup were found on the steps, determined to protect the place. hamilton stepped forward, and in a strong speech urged that doctor cooper had merely expressed his own private views, which he had a right to do, and the house must not on any account be molested. while the parley was in progress, old doctor cooper himself appeared at one of the upper windows and excitedly cautioned the crowd not to listen to that blatant young rapscallion hamilton, as he was a rogue and a varlet and a vagrom. the good doctor then slammed the window and escaped by the back way. his remarks raised a laugh in which even young hamilton joined, but his mistake was very natural in view of the fact that he only knew that hamilton had deserted the college and espoused the devil's cause; and not having heard his remarks, but seeing him standing on his steps haranguing a crowd, thought surely he was endeavoring to work up mischief against his old preceptor, who had once plucked him in greek. it seems to have been the intention of his guardians that the limit of young hamilton's stay in america was to be two years, and by that time his education would be "complete," and he would return to the west indies and surprise the natives. but his father, who supplied the money, and the mystical kinsmen who supplied advice, and the kind friends who had given him letters to the presbyterian clergymen at new york and princeton, had figured without their host. young hamilton knew all that nevis had in store for him: he knew its littleness, its contumely and disgrace, and in the secret recesses of his own strong heart he had slipped the cable that held him to the past. no more remittances from home; no more solicitous advice; no more kind, loving letters--the past was dead. for england he once had had an almost idolatrous regard; to him she had once been the protector of his native land, the empress of the seas, the enlightener of mankind; but henceforth he was an american. he was to fight america's battles, to share in her victory, to help make of her a great nation, and to weave his name into the web of her history so that as long as the united states of america shall be remembered, so long also shall be remembered the name of alexander hamilton. * * * * * what general washington called his "family" usually consisted of sixteen men. these were his aides, and more than that, his counselors and friends. in washington's frequent use of that expression, "my family," there is a touch of affection that we do not expect to find in the tents of war. in rank, the staff ran the gamut from captain to general. each man had his appointed work and made a daily report to his chief. when not in actual action, the family dined together daily, and the affair was conducted with considerable ceremony. washington sat at the head of the table, large, handsome and dignified. at his right hand was seated the guest of honor, and there were usually several invited friends. at his left sat alexander hamilton, ready with quick pen to record the orders of his chief. and methinks it would have been quite worth while to have had a place at that board, and looked down the table at "the strong, fine face, tinged with melancholy," of washington; and the cheery, youthful faces of lawrence, tilghman, lee, aaron burr, alexander hamilton and the others of that brave and handsome company. well might they have called washington father, for this he was in spirit to them all--grave, gentle, courteous and magnanimous, yet exacting strict and instant obedience from all; and well, too, may we imagine that this obedience was freely and cheerfully given. hamilton became one of washington's family on march first, seventeen hundred seventy-seven, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. he was barely twenty years of age; washington was forty-seven, and the average age of the family, omitting its head, was twenty-five. all had been selected on account of superior intelligence and a record of dashing courage. when hamilton took his place at the board, he was the youngest member, save one. in point of literary talent, he stood among the very foremost in the country, for then there was no literature in america save the literature of politics; and as an officer, he had shown rare skill and bravery. and yet, such was hamilton's ambition and confidence in himself, that he hesitated to accept the position, and considered it an act of sacrifice to do so. but having once accepted, he threw himself into the work and became washington's most intimate and valued assistant. washington's correspondence with his generals, with congress, and the written decisions demanded daily on hundreds of minor questions, mostly devolved on hamilton, for work gravitates to him who can do it best. a simple "yes," "no" or "perhaps" from the chief must be elaborated into a diplomatic letter, conveying just the right shade of meaning, all with its proper emphasis and show of dignity and respect. thousands of these dispatches can now be seen at the capitol; and the ease, grace, directness and insight shown in them are remarkable. there is no muddy rhetoric or befuddled clauses. they were written by one with a clear understanding, who was intent that the person addressed should understand, too. many of these documents were merely signed by washington, but a few reveal interlined sentences and an occasional word changed in washington's hand, thus showing that all was closely scrutinized and digested. as a member of washington's staff, hamilton did not have the independent command that he so much desired; but he endured that heroic winter at valley forge, was present at all the important battles, took an active part in most of them, and always gained honor and distinction. as an aide to washington, hamilton's most important mission was when he was sent to general gates to secure reinforcements for the southern army. gates had defeated burgoyne and won a full dozen stern victories in the north. in the meantime, washington had done nothing but make a few brave retreats. gates' army was made up of hardy and seasoned soldiers, who had met the enemy and defeated him over and over again. the flush of success was on their banners; and washington knew that if a few thousand of those rugged veterans could be secured to reinforce his own well-nigh discouraged troops, victory would also perch upon the banners of the south. as a superior officer he had the right to demand these troops; but to reduce the force of a general who is making an excellent success is not the common rule of war. the country looked upon gates as its savior, and gates was feeling a little that way himself. gates had but to demand it, and the position of commander-in-chief would go to him. washington thoroughly realized this, and therefore hesitated about issuing an order requesting a part of gates' force. to secure these troops as if the suggestion came from gates was a most delicate commission. alexander hamilton was dispatched to gates' headquarters, armed, as a last resort, with a curt military order to the effect that he should turn over a portion of his army to washington. hamilton's orders were: "bring the troops, but do not deliver this order unless you are obliged to." hamilton brought the troops, and returned the order with seal intact. the act of his sudden breaking with washington has been much exaggerated. in fact, it was not a sudden act at all, for it had been premeditated for some months. there was a woman in the case. hamilton had done more than conquer general gates on that northern trip; at albany, he had met elizabeth, daughter of general schuyler, and won her after what has been spoken of as "a short and sharp skirmish." both alexander and elizabeth regarded "a clerkship" as quite too limited a career for one so gifted; they felt that nothing less than commander of a division would answer. how to break loose--that was the question. and when washington met him at the head of the stairs of the new windsor hotel and sharply chided him for being late, the young man embraced the opportunity and said, "sir, since you think i have been remiss, we part." it was the act of a boy; and the figure of this boy, five feet five inches high, weight one hundred twenty, aged twenty-four, talking back to his chief, six feet three, weight two hundred, aged fifty, has its comic side. military rule demands that every one shall be on time, and washington's rebuke was proper and right. further than this, one feels that if he had followed up his rebuke by boxing the young man's ears for "sassing back," he would still not have been outside the lines of duty. but an hour afterwards we find washington sending for the youth and endeavoring to mend the break. and although hamilton proudly repelled his advances, washington forgave all and generously did all he could to advance the young man's interests. washington's magnanimity was absolutely without flaw, but his attitude towards hamilton has a more suggestive meaning when we consider that it was a testimonial of the high estimate he placed on hamilton's ability. at yorktown, washington gave hamilton the perilous privilege of leading the assault. hamilton did his work well, rushing with fiery impetuosity upon the fort--carried all before him, and in ten minutes had planted the stars and stripes on the ramparts of the enemy. it was a fine and fitting close to his glorious military career. * * * * * when washington became president, the most important office to be filled was that of manager of the exchequer. in fact, all there was of it was the office--there was no treasury, no mint, no fixed revenue, no credit; but there were debts--foreign and domestic--and clamoring creditors by the thousand. the debts consisted of what was then the vast sum of eighty million dollars. the treasury was empty. washington had many advisers who argued that the nation could never live under such a weight of debt--the only way was flatly and frankly to repudiate--wipe the slate clean--and begin afresh. this was what the country expected would be done; and so low was the hope of payment that creditors could be found who were willing to compromise their claims for ten cents on the dollar. robert morris, who had managed the finances during the period of the confederation, utterly refused to attempt the task again, but he named a man who, he said, could bring order out of chaos, if any living man could. that man was alexander hamilton. washington appealed to hamilton, offering him the position of secretary of the treasury. hamilton, aged thirty-two, gave up his law practise, which was yielding him ten thousand a year, to accept this office which paid three thousand five hundred. before the british cannon, washington did not lose heart, but to face the angry mob of creditors waving white-paper claims made him quake; but with hamilton's presence his courage came back. the first thing that hamilton decided upon was that there should be no repudiation--no offer of compromise would be considered--every man should be paid in full. and further than this, the general government would assume the entire war debt of each individual state. washington concurred with hamilton on these points, but he could make neither oral nor written argument in a way that would convince others; so this task was left to hamilton. hamilton appeared before congress and explained his plans--explained them so lucidly and with such force and precision that he made an indelible impression. there were grumblers and complainers, but these did not and could not reply to hamilton, for he saw all over and around the subject, and they saw it only at an angle. hamilton had studied the history of finance, and knew the financial schemes of every country. no question of statecraft could be asked him for which he did not have a reply ready. he knew the science of government as no other man in america then did, and recognizing this, congress asked him to prepare reports on the collection of revenue, the coasting trade, the effects of a tariff, shipbuilding, post-office extension, and also a scheme for a judicial system. when in doubt they asked hamilton. and all the time hamilton was working at this bewildering maze of detail, he was evolving that financial policy, broad, comprehensive and minute, which endures even to this day, even to the various forms of accounts that are now kept at the treasury department at washington. his insistence that to preserve the credit of a nation every debt must be paid, is an idea that no statesman now dare question. the entire aim and intent of his policy was high, open and frank honesty. the people should be made to feel an absolute security in their government, and this being so, all forms of industry would prosper, "and the prosperity of the people is the prosperity of the nation." to such a degree of confidence did hamilton raise the public credit that in a very short time the government found no trouble in borrowing all the money it needed at four per cent; and yet this was done in face of the fact that its debt had increased. just here was where his policy invited its strongest and most bitter attack. for there are men today who can not comprehend that a public debt is a public blessing, and that all liabilities have a strict and undivorceable relationship to assets. alexander hamilton was a leader of men. he could do the thinking of his time and map out a policy, "arranging every detail for a kingdom." he has been likened to napoleon in his ability to plan and execute with rapid and marvelous precision, and surely the similarity is striking. but he was not an adept in the difficult and delicate art of diplomacy--he could not wait. he demanded instant obedience, and lacked all of that large, patient, calm magnanimity so splendidly shown forth since by abraham lincoln. unlike jefferson, his great rival, he could not calmly and silently bide his time. but i will not quarrel with a man because he is not some one else. he saw things clearly at a glance; he knew because he knew; and if others would not follow, he had the audacity to push on alone. this recklessness to the opinion of the slow and plodding, this indifference to the dull, gradually drew upon him the hatred of a class. they said he was a monarchist at heart and "such men are dangerous." the country became divided into those who were with hamilton and those who were against him. the very transcendent quality of his genius wove the net that eventually was to catch his feet and accomplish his ruin. * * * * * it has been the usual practise for nearly a hundred years to refer to aaron burr as a roue, a rogue and a thorough villain, who took the life of a gentle and innocent man. i have no apologies to make for colonel burr; the record of his life lies open in many books, and i would neither conceal nor explain away. if i should attempt to describe the man and liken him to another, that man would be alexander hamilton. they were the same age within ten months; they were the same height within an inch; their weight was the same within five pounds, and in temperament and disposition they resembled each other as brothers seldom do. each was passionate, ambitious, proud. in the drawing-room where one of these men chanced to be, there was room for no one else--such was the vivacity, the wit, and the generous, glowing good-nature shown. with women, the manner of these men was most gentle and courtly; and the low, alluring voice of each was music's honeyed flattery set to words. both were much under the average height, yet the carriage of each was so proud and imposing that everywhere they went men made way, and women turned and stared. both were public speakers and lawyers of such eminence that they took their pick of clients and charged all the fee that policy would allow. in debate, there was a wilful aggressiveness, a fiery sureness, a lofty certainty, that moved judges and juries to do their bidding. henry cabot lodge says that so great was hamilton's renown as a lawyer that clients flocked to him because the belief was abroad that no judge dare decide against him. with burr it was the same. both made large sums, and both spent them all as fast as made. in point of classic education, burr had the advantage. he was the grandson of the reverend jonathan edwards. in his strong, personal magnetism, and keen, many-sided intellect, aaron burr strongly resembled the gifted presbyterian divine who wrote "sinners in the hands of an angry god." his father was the reverend aaron burr, president of princeton college. he was a graduate of princeton, and, like hamilton, always had the ability to focus his mind on the subject in hand, and wring from it its very core. burr's reputation as to his susceptibility to women's charms is the world's common--very common--property. he was unhappily married; his wife died before he was thirty; he was a man of ardent nature and stalked through the world a conquering don juan. a historian, however, records that "his alliances were only with women who were deemed by society to be respectable. married women, unhappily mated, knowing his reputation, very often placed themselves in his way, going to him for advice, as moths court the flame. young, tender and innocent girls had no charm for him." hamilton was happily married to a woman of aristocratic family; rich, educated, intellectual, gentle, and worthy of him at his best. they had a family of eight children. hamilton was a favorite of women everywhere and was mixed up in various scandalous intrigues. he was an easy mark for a designing woman. in one instance, the affair was seized upon by his political foes, and made capital of to his sore disadvantage. hamilton met the issue by writing a pamphlet, laying bare the entire shameless affair, to the horror of his family and friends. copies of this pamphlet may be seen in the rooms of the american historical society at new york. burr had been attorney-general of new york state and also united states senator. each man had served on washington's staff; each had a brilliant military record; each had acted as second in a duel; each recognized the honor of the code. stern political differences arose, not so much through matters of opinion and conscience, as through ambitious rivalry. neither was willing the other should rise, yet both thirsted for place and power. burr ran for the presidency, and was sternly, strongly, bitterly opposed as "a dangerous man" by hamilton. at the election one more electoral vote would have given the highest office of the people to aaron burr; as it was he tied with jefferson. the matter was thrown into the house of representatives, and jefferson was given the office, with burr as vice-president. burr considered, and perhaps rightly, that were it not for hamilton's assertive influence he would have been president of the united states. while still vice-president, burr sought to become governor of new york, thinking this the surest road to receiving the nomination for the presidency at the next election. hamilton openly and bitterly opposed him, and the office went to another. burr considered, and rightly, that were it not for hamilton's influence he would have been governor of new york. burr, smarting under the sting of this continual opposition by a man who himself was shelved politically through his own too fiery ambition, sent a note by his friend van ness to hamilton, asking whether the language he had used concerning him ("a dangerous man") referred to him politically or personally. hamilton replied evasively, saying he could not recall all that he might have said during fifteen years of public life. "especially," he said in his letter, "it can not be reasonably expected that i shall enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague as you have adopted. i trust on more reflection you will see the matter in the same light. if not, however, i only regret the circumstances, and must abide the consequences." when fighting men use fighting language they invite a challenge. hamilton's excessively polite regret that "he must abide the consequences" simply meant fight, as his language had for a space of five years. a challenge was sent by the hand of pendleton. hamilton accepted. being the challenged man (for duelists are always polite), he was given the choice of weapons. he chose pistols at ten paces. at seven o'clock on the morning of july eleventh, eighteen hundred four, the participants met on the heights of weehawken, overlooking new york bay. on a toss hamilton won the choice of position and his second also won the right of giving the word to fire. each man removed his coat and cravat; the pistols were loaded in their presence. as pendleton handed his pistol to hamilton he asked, "shall i set the hair-trigger?" "not this time," replied hamilton. with pistols primed and cocked, the men were stationed facing each other, thirty feet apart. both were pale, but free from any visible nervousness or excitement. neither had partaken of stimulants. each was asked if he had anything to say, or if he knew of any way by which the affair could be terminated there and then. each answered quietly in the negative. pendleton, standing fifteen feet to the right of his principal, said: "one--two--three--present!" and as the last final sounding of the letter "t" escaped his teeth, burr fired, followed almost instantly by the other. hamilton arose convulsively on his toes, reeled, and burr, dropping his smoking pistol, sprang towards him to support him, a look of regret on his face. van ness raised an umbrella over the fallen man, and motioned burr to be gone. the ball passed through hamilton's body, breaking a rib, and lodging in the second lumbar vertebra. the bullet from hamilton's pistol cut a twig four feet above burr's head. while he was lying on the ground hamilton saw his pistol near and said, "look out for that pistol, it is loaded--pendleton knows i did not intend to fire at him!" hamilton died the following day, first declaring that he bore colonel burr no ill-will. colonel burr said he very much regretted the whole affair, but the language and attitude of hamilton forced him to send a challenge or remain quiet and be branded as a coward. he fully realized before the meeting that if he killed hamilton it would be political death for him, too. at the time of the deed burr had no family; hamilton had a wife and seven children, his oldest son having fallen in a duel fought three years before on the identical spot where he, too, fell. burr fled the country. three years afterwards, he was arrested for treason in trying to found an independent state within the borders of the united states. he was tried and found not guilty. after some years spent abroad he returned and took up the practise of law in new york. he was fairly successful, lived a modest, quiet life, and died september fourteenth, eighteen hundred thirty-six, aged eighty years. hamilton's widow survived him just one-half a century, dying in her ninety-eighth year. so passeth away the glory of the world. daniel webster not many days ago i saw at breakfast the notablest of all your notabilities, daniel webster. he is a magnificent specimen. you might say to all the world, "this is our yankee-englishman; such links we make in yankeeland!" as a logic fencer, advocate or parliamentary hercules, one would incline to back him at first sight against all the extant world. the tanned complexion; the amorphous, craglike face; the dull black eyes under the precipice of brows, like dull anthracite furnaces needing only to be blown; the mastiff mouth accurately closed; i have not traced so much of silent berserker rage that i remember of in any other man. "i guess i should not like to be your nigger!" --carlyle to emerson [illustration: daniel webster] those were splendid days, tinged with no trace of blue, when i attended the district school, wearing trousers buttoned to a calico waist. i had ambitions then--i was sure that some day i could spell down the school, propound a problem in fractions that would puzzle the teacher, and play checkers in a way that would cause my name to be known throughout the entire township. in the midst of these pleasant emotions, a cloud appeared upon the horizon of my happiness. what was it? a friday afternoon, that's all. a new teacher had been engaged--a woman, actually a young woman. it was prophesied that she could not keep order a single day, for the term before, the big boys had once arisen and put out of the building the man who taught them. then there was a boy who occasionally brought a dog to school; and when the bell rang, the dog followed the boy into the room and lay under the desk pounding his tail on the floor; and everybody tittered and giggled until the boy had been coaxed into taking the dog home, for if merely left in the entry he howled and whined in a way that made study impossible. but one day the boy was not to be coaxed, and the teacher grabbed the dog by the scruff of the neck, and flung him through a window so forcibly that he never came back. and now a woman was to teach the school: she was only a little woman and yet the boys obeyed her, and i had come to think that a woman could teach school nearly as well as a man, when the awful announcement was made that thereafter every week we were to have a friday afternoon. there were to be no lessons; everybody was to speak a piece, and then there was to be a spelling-match--and that was all. but heavens! it was enough. monday began very blue and gloomy, and the density increased as the week passed. my mother had drilled me well in my lines, and my big sister was lavish in her praise, but the awful ordeal of standing up before the whole school was yet to come. thursday night i slept but little, and all friday morning i was in a burning fever. at noon i could not eat my lunch, but i tried to, manfully, and as i munched on the tasteless morsels, salt tears rained on the johnnycake i held in my hand. and even when the girls brought in big bunches of wild flowers and cornstalks, and began to decorate the platform, things appeared no brighter. finally, the teacher went to the door and rang the bell: nobody seemed to play, and as the scholars took their seats, some, very pale, tried to smile, and others whispered, "have you got your piece?" still others kept their lips working, repeating lines that struggled hard to flee. names were called, but i did not see who went up, neither did i hear what was said. at last, my name was called: it came like a clap of thunder--as a great surprise, a shock. i clutched the desk, struggled to my feet, passed down the aisle, the sound of my shoes echoing through the silence like the strokes of a maul. the blood seemed ready to burst from my eyes, ears and nose. i reached the platform, missed my footing, stumbled, and nearly fell. i heard the giggling that followed, and knew that a red-haired boy, who had just spoken, and was therefore unnecessarily jubilant, had laughed aloud. i was angry. i shut my fists so that the nails cut my flesh, and glaring straight at his red head shot my bolt: "i know not how others may feel, but sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, i give my heart and my hand to this vote. it is my living sentiment and by the blessing of god it shall be my dying sentiment. independence now, and independence forever." that was all of the piece. i gave the whole thing in a mouthful, and started for my seat, got halfway there and remembered i had forgotten to bow, turned, went back to the platform, bowed with a jerk, started again for my seat, and hearing some one laugh, ran. reaching the seat, i burst into tears. the teacher came over, patted my head, kissed my cheek, and told me i had done first-rate, and after hearing several others speak i calmed down and quite agreed with her. * * * * * it was daniel webster who caused the friday afternoon to become an institution in the schools of america. his early struggles were dwelt upon and rehearsed by parents and pedagogues until every boy was looked upon as a possible demosthenes holding senates in thrall. if physical imperfections were noticeable, the fond mother would explain that demosthenes was a sickly, ill-formed youth, who only overcame a lisp by orating to the sea with his mouth full of pebbles; and every one knew that webster was educated only because he was too weak to work. oratory was in the air; elocution was rampant; and to declaim in orotund, and gesticulate in curves, was regarded as the chief end of man. one-tenth of the time in all public schools was given over to speaking, and on saturday evenings the schoolhouse was sacred to the debating society. then came the lyceum, and the orators of the land made pilgrimages, stopping one day in a place, putting themselves on exhibition, and giving the people a taste of their quality at fifty cents per head. recently, there has been a relapse of the oratorical fever. every city from leadville to boston has its college of oratory, or school of expression, wherein a newly discovered "natural method" is divulged for a consideration. some of these "colleges" have done much good; one in particular i know, that fosters a fine spirit of sympathy, and a trace of mysticism that is well in these hurrying, scurrying days. but all combined have never produced an orator; no, dearie, they never have, and never can. you might as well have a school for poets, or a college for saints, or give medals for proficiency in the gentle art of wooing, as to expect to make an orator by telling how. once upon a day, sir walter besant was to give a lecture upon "the art of the novelist." he had just adjusted his necktie for the last time, slipped a lozenge into his mouth, and was about to appear upon the platform, when he felt a tug at the tail of his dress-coat. on looking around, he saw the anxious face of his friend, james payn. "for god's sake, walter," whispered payn, "you are not going to explain to 'em how you do it, are you?" but walter did not explain how to write fiction, because he could not, and payn's quizzing question happily relieved the lecture of the bumptiousness it might otherwise have contained. the first culture for which a people reach out is oratory. the indian is an orator with "the natural method"; he takes the stump on small provocation, and under the spell of the faces that look up to him, is often moved to strange eloquence. i have heard negro preachers who could neither read nor write, move vast congregations to profoundest emotion by the magic of their words and presence. and further, they proved to me that the ability to read and write is a cheap accomplishment, and that a man can be a very strong character, and not know how to do either. for the most part, people who live in cities are not moved by oratory; they are unsocial, unimaginative, unemotional. they see so much and hear so much that they cease to be impressed. when they come together in assemblages they are so apathetic that they fail to generate magnetism--there is no common soul to which the speaker can address himself. they are so cold that the orator never welds them into a mass. he may amuse them, but in a single hour to change the opinions of a lifetime is no longer possible in america. there are so many people, and so much business to transact, that emotional life plays only upon the surface--in it there is no depth. to possess depth you must commune with the silences. no more do you find men and women coming for fifty miles, in wagons, to hear speakers discuss political issues; no more do you find campmeetings where the preacher strikes conviction home until thousands are on their knees crying to god for mercy. intelligence has increased; spirituality has declined, and as a people the warm emotions of our hearts are gone forever. oratory is a rustic product. the great orators have always been country-bred, and their appeal has been made to rural people. those who live in a big place think they are bigger on that account. they acquire glibness of speech and polish of manner; but they purchase these things at a price. they lack the power to weigh mighty questions, the courage to formulate them, and the sturdy vitality to stand up and declare them in the face of opposition. revolutions are fought by farmers and rail-splitters; these are the embattled men who fire the shots heard 'round the world. when daniel webster's father took up his residence in new hampshire, his log cabin was the most northern one of the colonies. between him and montreal lay an unbroken forest inhabited only by prowling indians. ebenezer webster's long rifle had sent cold lead into many a redskin; and the same rifle had done good service in fighting the british. once, its owner stood guard before washington's headquarters at newburgh, and washington came out and said, "captain webster, i can trust you!" ebenezer webster would leave his home to carry a bag of corn on his back through the woods to the mill ten miles away to have it ground into meal, and his wife would be left alone with the children. on such occasions, indians who never saw settlers' cabins without having an itch to burn them, used sometimes to call, and the housewife would have to parley with these savages, "impressing them concerning the rights of property." so here was born daniel webster, in seventeen hundred eighty-two, the second child of his mother. his father was then forty-three, and had already raised one brood, but his mother was only in her twenties. it seems that biting poverty and sore deprivation are about as good prenatal influences as a soul can well ask, provided there abides with the mother a noble discontent and a brave unrest. however, it came near being overdone in daniel webster's case, for the mrs. gamp who presided at his birth declared he could not live, and if he did, would "allus be a no-'count." but he made a brave fight for breath, and his crossness and peevishness through the first years of his life were proof of vitality. he must have been a queer toddler when he wore dresses, with his immense head and deep-set black eyes and serious ways. being sickly, he was allowed to rule, and the big girls, his half-sisters, humored him, and his mother did the same. they taught him his letters when he was only a baby, and he himself said that he could not remember a time when he could not read the bible. when he grew older he did not have to bring in wood and do the chores--he was not strong enough, they said. little dan was of a like belief, and encouraged the idea on every occasion. he roamed the woods, fished, hunted, and read every scrap of print that came his way. being able to read any kind of print, and not being strong enough to work, it very early was decided that he should have an education. it is rather a humbling confession to make, but our worthy forefathers chiefly prized an education for the fact that it caused the fortunate possessor to be exempt from manual labor. when daniel was fourteen, a member of congress came to see ebenezer webster, to secure his influence at election. as the great man rode away, ebenezer said to his son: "daniel, look there! he is educated and gets six dollars a day in congress for doing nothing; while i toil on this rocky hillside and hardly see six dollars in a year. daniel, get an education!" "i'll do it," said daniel, and throwing his arms around his father's neck, burst into tears. the village of salisbury, where webster was born, is fifteen miles north of concord. you leave the train at boscowan, and there is a rickety old stage, with a loquacious driver, that will take you to salisbury, five miles, for twenty-five cents. the country is one vast outcrop of granite; and one can not but be filled with admiration, mingled with pity, for the dwellers thereabouts who call these piles of rock "farms." as we wound slowly around the hills, the church-spire of the village came in sight; and soon we entered the one street of this sleepy, forgotten place. i shook hands with the old stage-driver as he let me down in front of the tavern; and as i went in search of the landlord, i thought of the remark of the chicago woman who, in riding from warwick over to stratford, said, "goodness me! why should a man like shakespeare ever take it in his head to live so far off!" salisbury has four hundred people. you can rent a house there for fifty dollars a year, or should you prefer not to keep house, but board, you can be accommodated at the tavern for three dollars a week. there are various abandoned farms round about, and they are abandoned so thoroughly that even kate sanborn would not have the courage to their adoption try. the landlord of the hotel told me that were it not for the "harvest dance," the dance on the fourth of july, and the party at christmas, he could not keep the house open at all. of course, all the inhabitants know that webster was born at salisbury, but there is not so much local pride in the matter as there is at east aurora over the fact that one of her former citizens is a performer in barnum and bailey's circus. the number of old men in one of these new england villages impresses folks from the west as being curious. there are a full dozen men at salisbury between seventy-five and ninety, and all have positive ideas as to just why daniel webster missed the presidency. i found opinion curiously divided as to webster's ability; but all seemed to argue that when he left new hampshire and became a citizen of massachusetts, he made a fatal mistake. * * * * * the sacrifices that the mother and the father of daniel webster made, in order that he might go to school, were very great. every one in the family had to do without things, that this one might thrive. the boy accepted it all, quite as a matter of course, for from babyhood he had been protected and petted. at the last we must admit that the man who towers above his fellows is the one who has the power to make others work for him; a great success is not possible in any other way. throughout his life webster utilized the labor of others, and took it in a high and imperious manner, as though it were his due. no doubt the way in which his family lavished their gifts upon him fixed in his mind that immoral slant of disregard for his financial obligations which clung to him all through life. there is a story told of his going to a county fair with his brother ezekiel, which shows the characters of these brothers better than a chapter. the father had given each lad a dollar to spend. when the boys got home daniel was in gay spirits and ezekiel was depressed. "well, dan," said the father, "did you spend your money?" "of course i did," replied daniel. "and, zeke, what did you do with your dollar?" "loaned it to dan," replied ezekiel. but there was a fine bond of affection between these two. ezekiel was two years older and, unfortunately for himself, was strong and well. he was very early set to work, and i can not find that the thought of giving him an education ever occurred to his parents, until after daniel had graduated at dartmouth, and dan and zeke themselves then forced the issue. in stature they were the same size: both were tall, finely formed, and in youth slender. as they grew older they grew stouter, and the personal presence of each was very imposing. ezekiel was of light complexion and ruddy; daniel was very dark and sallow. i have met several men who knew them both, and the best opinion is that ezekiel was the stronger of the two, mentally and morally. daniel was not a student, while ezekiel was; and as a counselor ezekiel was the safer man. up to the very week of ezekiel's death daniel advised with him on all his important affairs. when ezekiel fell dead in the courtroom at concord and the news was carried to his brother, it was a blow that affected him more than the loss of wife or child. his friend and counselor, the one man in life upon whom he leaned, was gone, and over his own great, craglike face came that look of sorrow which death only removed. but care and grief became this giant, as they do all who are great enough to bear them. it was two years after his brother's death that he made the speech which is his masterpiece. and while the applause was ringing in his ears he turned to judge story and said, "oh, if zeke were only here!" who is there who can not sympathize with that groan? we work for others; and to win the applause of senates or nations, and not be able to know that some one is glad, takes all the sweetness out of victory. "when i sing well, i want you to meet me in the wings of the stage, and taking me in your aims, kiss my cheek, and whisper it was all right." when patti wrote this to her lover she voiced the universal need of a some one who understands, to share the triumph of good work well done. the nostalgia of life never seems so bitter as after moments of success; then comes creeping in the thought that he who would have gloried in this--knowing all the years of struggle and deprivations that made it possible--is sleeping his long sleep. in that speech of january twenty-sixth, eighteen hundred thirty, webster reached high-water mark. on that performance, more than any other, rests his fame. he was forty-eight years old then. all the years of his career he had been getting ready for that address. it was on the one theme that he loved; on the theme he had studied most; on the only theme upon which he ever spoke well--the greatness, the grandeur and the possibilities of america. he spoke for four hours, and in his works the speech occupies seventy close pages. he was at the zenith of his physical and intellectual power, and that is as good a place as any to stop and view the man. on account of his proud carriage, and the fine poise of his massive head, he gave the impression of being a very large man; but he was just five feet ten, and weighed a little less than two hundred. his manner was grave, deliberate and dignified; and his sturdy face, furrowed with lines of sorrow, made a profound impression upon all before he had spoken a word. he had arrived at an age when the hot desire to succeed had passed. for no man can attain the highest success until he has reached a point where he does not care for it. in oratory the personal desire for victory must be obliterated or the hearer will never award the palm. hayne was a very bright and able speaker. he had argued the right of a state to dissent from, or nullify, a law passed by the house of representatives and senate, making such law inoperative within its borders. his claim was that the framers of the constitution did not expect or intend that a law could be passed that was binding on a state when the people of that state did not wish it so. mr. hayne had the best end of the argument, and the opinion is now general among jurists that his logic was right and just, and that those who thought otherwise were wrong. new england had practically nullified united states law in eighteen hundred twelve, the hartford convention of eighteen hundred fourteen had declared the right; josiah quincy had advocated the privilege of any state to nullify an obnoxious law, quite as a matter of course. the framers of the constitution had merely said that we "had better" hang together, not that we "must." but with the years had come a feeling that the nation's life was unsafe if any state should pull away. once, on the plains of colorado, i was with a party when there was danger of an attack from indians. two of the party wished to go back; but the leader drew his revolver and threatened to shoot the first man who tried to seek safety. "we must hang together or hang separately." logically, each man had the right to secede, and go off on his own account, but expediency made a law and we declared that any man who tried to leave did so at his peril. to webster was given the task of putting a new construction on the constitution, and to make of the constitution a law instead of a mere compact. webster's speech was not an argument; it was a plea. and so mightily did he point out the dangers of separation; review the splendid past; and prophesy the greatness of the future--a future that could only be ours through absolute union and loyalty to the good of the whole--that he won his cause. after that speech, if calhoun had allowed south carolina to nullify a united states law, president jackson would have made good his threat and hanged both him and hayne on one tree, and the people would have approved the act. but webster did not get the case quashed: he got only a postponement. in eighteen hundred sixty, south carolina moved the case again; she opened the argument in another way this time, and a million lives were required, and millions upon millions in treasure expended to put a construction on the constitution that the framers did not intend; but which was necessary in order that the nation might exist. in the battle of bull run, almost the first battle of the war, fell colonel fletcher webster, the only surviving son of daniel webster, and with him died the name and race. * * * * * the cunning of webster's intellect was not creative. in his argument there is little ingenuity; but he had the power of taking an old truth and presenting it in a way that moved men to tears. when aroused, all he knew was within his reach; he had the faculty of getting all his goods in the front window. and he himself confessed that he often pushed out a masked battery, when behind there was not a single gun. under the spell of the orator an audience becomes of one mind: the dullest intellect is more alert than usual and the most discerning a little less so. cheap wit will then often pass for brilliancy, and platitude for wisdom. we roar over the jokes we have known since childhood, and cry "hear, hear!" when the great man with upraised hands and fire in his glance declares that twice two is four. oratory is hypnotism practised on a large scale. through oratory ideas are acquired by induction. webster was a lawyer; and he was not above resorting to any trick or device that could move the emotions or passions of judge and jury to a prejudice favorable to his side. this was very clearly brought out when he undertook to break the will of stephen girard. girard was a freethinker, and in leaving money to found a college devised that no preacher or priest should have anything to do with its management. the question at issue was, "is a bequest for founding a college a charitable bequest?" if so, then the will must stand. but if the bequest were merely a scheme to deprive the legal heirs of their rights--diverting the funds from them for whimsical and personal reasons--then the will should be broken. mr. webster made the plea that there was only one kind of charity, namely, christian charity. girard was not a christian, for he had publicly affronted the christian religion by providing that no minister should teach in his school. mr. webster spoke for three hours with many fine bursts of tearful eloquence in support of the christian faith, reviewing its triumphs and denouncing its foes. the argument was carried outside of the realm of law into the domain of passion and prejudice. the court took time for the tumult to subside, and then very quietly decided against webster, sustaining the will. the college building was erected and stands today, the finest specimen of purely greek architecture in america; and the good that girard college has done and is now doing is the priceless heritage of our entire country. one of webster's first greatest speeches was before the united states supreme court in the dartmouth college case. here he defended the cause of education with that grave and wonderful weight of argument of which he was master. in the girard college case, eighteen years after, he reversed his logic, and touched with rare skill on the dangers of a too-liberal education. no man now is quite so daring as to claim that webster was a christian. neither was he a freethinker. he inherited his religious views from his parents, and never considered them enough to change. he simply viewed religion as a part of the fabric of government, giving sturdiness and safety to established order. his own spiritual acreage was left absolutely untilled. his services were for sale; and so plastic were his convictions that once having espoused a cause he was sure it was right. doubtless it is self-interest, as herbert spencer says, that makes the world go round. and thus does sincerity of belief resolve itself into which side will pay most. this question being settled, reasons are as plentiful as blackberries, and are supplied in quantities proportionate in size to the retainer. john randolph once touched the quick by saying, "if daniel webster was employed on a case and he had partially lost faith in it, his belief in his client's rights could always be refreshed and his zeal renewed by a check." webster had every possible qualification that is required to make the great orator. all those who heard him speak, when telling of it, begin by relating how he looked. he worked the dignity and impressiveness of his jovelike presence to its furthest limit, and when once thoroughly awake was in possession of his entire armament. no other american has been able to speak with a like degree of effectiveness; and his name deserves to rank, and will rank, with the names of burke, chatham, sheridan and pitt. the case has been tried, the verdict is in and recorded on the pages of history. there can be no retrial, for webster is dead, and his power died thirty years before his form was laid to rest at marshfield by the side of his children and the wife of his youth. oratory is the lowest of the sublime arts. the extent of its influence will ever be a vexed question. its result depends on the mood and temperament of the hearer. but there are men who are not ripe for treason and conspiracy, to whom even music makes small appeal. yet music can be recorded, entrusted to an interpreter yet unborn, and lodge its appeal with posterity. literature never dies: it dedicates itself to time. for the printed page is reproduced ten thousand times ten thousand times, and besides, lives as did the homeric poems, passed on from generation to generation by word of mouth. were every book containing shakespeare's plays burned this night, tomorrow they could be rewritten by those who know their every word. with the passing years the painter's colors fade; time rots his canvas; the marble is dragged from its pedestal and exists in fragments from which we resurrect a nation's life; but oratory dies on the air and exists only as a memory in the minds of those who can not translate, and then as hearsay. so much for the art itself; but the influence of that art is another thing. he who influences the beliefs and opinions of men influences all other men that live after. for influence, like matter, can not be destroyed. in many ways, webster lacked the inward steadfastness that his face and frame betokened; but on one theme he was sound to the inmost core. he believed in america's greatness and the grandeur of america's mission. into the minds of countless men he infused his own splendid patriotism. from his first speech at hanover when eighteen years old, to his last when nearly seventy, he fired the hearts of men with the love of native land. and how much the growing greatness of our country is due to the magic of his words and the eloquence of his inspired presence no man can compute. the passion of webster's life is well mirrored in that burning passage: "when mine eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may i not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious union: on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent: on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased or polluted, or a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as 'what is all this worth?' nor those other words of delusion and folly, 'liberty first and union afterwards'; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true american heart, 'liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable.'" henry clay if there be any description of rights, which, more than any other, should unite all parties in all quarters of the union, it is unquestionably the rights of the person. no matter what his vocation, whether he seeks subsistence amid the dangers of the sea, or draws it from the bowels of the earth, or from the humblest occupations of mechanical life--wherever the sacred rights of an american freeman are assailed, all hearts ought to unite and every arm be braced to vindicate his cause. --henry clay [illustration: henry clay] there is a story told of an irishman and an englishman who were immigrants aboard a ship that was coming up new york harbor. it chanced to be the fourth day of july, and as a consequence there was a needless waste of gunpowder going on, and many of the ships were decorated with bunting that in color was red, white and blue. "what can all this fuss be about?" asked the englishman. "what's it about?" answered pat. "why, this is the day we run you out!" and the moral of the story is that as soon as an irishman reaches the narrows he says "we americans," while an englishman will sometimes continue to say "you americans" for five years and a day. more than this, an irish-american citizen regards an english-american citizen with suspicion and refers to him as a foreigner, even unto the third and fourth generation. no man ever hated england more cordially than did henry clay. the genealogists have put forth heroic efforts to secure for clay a noble english ancestry, but with a degree of success that only makes the unthinking laugh and the judicious grieve. had these zealous pedigree-hunters studied the parish registers of county derry, ireland, as lovingly as they have burke's peerage, they might have traced the clays of america back to the cleighs, honest farmers (indifferent honest), of londonderry. the character of henry clay had in it various traits that were peculiarly irish. the irishman knows because he knows, and that's all there is about it. he is dramatic, emotional, impulsive, humorous without suspecting it, and will fight friend or foe on small provocation. then he is much given to dealing in that peculiar article known as palaver. the farewell address of henry clay to the senate, and his return thereto a few years later, comprise one of the most irishlike proceedings to be found in history. there is no finer man on earth than your "thrue irish gintleman," and henry clay had not only all the highest and most excellent traits of the "gintleman," but a few also of his worst. clay made friends as no other american statesman ever did. "to come within reach of the snare of his speech was to love him," wrote one man. people loved him because he was affectionate, for love only goes out to love. and the irish heart is a heart of love. henry clay called himself a christian, and yet at times he was picturesquely profane. we have this on the authority of the "diary" of john quincy adams, which of course we must believe, for even that other fighting irishman, andrew jackson, said, "adams' diary is probably correct--damn it!" clay was convivial in all the word implies; his losses at cards often put him in severe financial straits; he stood ready to back his opinion concerning a presidential election, a horse-race or a dog-fight, and with it all he held himself "personally responsible"--having fought two duels and engaged in various minor "misunderstandings." and yet he was a great statesman--one of the greatest this country has produced, and as a patriot no man was ever more loyal. it was america with him first and always. his reputation, his fortune, his life, his all, belonged to america. * * * * * the city of lexington contains about twenty-five thousand inhabitants. in lexington two distinct forms of civilization meet. one is the civilization of the f.f.v., converted into that peculiar form of noblesse known the round world over as the blue-grass aristocracy. blue-grass society represents leisure and luxury and the generous hospitality of friendships generations old; it means broad acres, noble mansions reached by roadways that stray under wide-spreading oaks and elms where squirrels chatter and mild-eyed cows look at you curiously; it means apple-orchards, gardens lined with boxwood, capacious stables and long lines of whitewashed cottages, around which swarm a dark cloud of dependents who dance and sing and laugh--and work when they have to. over against these there are to be seen trolley-cars, electric lights, smart rows of new brick houses on lots thirty by one hundred, negro policemen in uniforms patterned after those worn by the broadway squad, streets torn up by sewers and conduits, steam-rollers with an unsavory smell of tar and asphalt, push-buttons and a hello-exchange. as to which form of civilization is the more desirable is a question that is usually answered by taste and temperament. one thing sure, and that is, that a pride which swings to t'other side and becomes vanity is often an element in both. each could learn something of the other. lots that you can jump across, rented to families of ten, with land a mile away that can be bought for fifty dollars an acre, are not an ideal condition. on the other hand, inside the city limits of lexington are mansions surrounded by an even hundred acres. but at some of these, gates are off their hinges, pickets have been borrowed for kindling, creeping vines and long grass o'ertop the walls of empty stables, and a forest of weeds insolently invades the spot where once nestled milady's flower-garden. slowly but surely the blue-grass aristocracy is giving way to purslane or asphalt, moving into flats, and allowing the boomer to plat its fair acres--running excursion-trains to attend auction-sales where all the lots are corner lots and are to be bought on the installment plan, which plan is said by a cynic to give the bicycle face. just across from ashland is a beautiful estate, recently sold at a sacrifice to a man from massachusetts, by the name of douglas, who i am told is bald through lack of hair and makes three-dollar shoes. the stately old mansion mourns its former masters--all are gone--and a thrifty german is plowing up the lawn, that the cows of the douglas (tender and true) may eat early clover. but ashland is there today in all the beauty and loveliness that henry clay knew when he wrote to benton: "i love old ashland, and all these acres with their trees and flowers and growing grain lure me in a way that ambition never can. no, i remain at ashland." the rambling old house is embowered in climbing vines and clambering rosebushes and is set thick about with cedars, so that you can scarcely see the chimney-tops above the mass of green. a lane running through locust-trees planted by henry clay's own hands leads you to the hospitable, wide-open door, where a colored man, whose black face is set in a frame of wool, smiles a welcome. he relieves you of your baggage and leads the way to your room. the summer breeze blows lazily in through the open window, and the only sound of life and activity about seems to center in two noisy robins which are making a nest in the eaves, right within reach of your hand. the colored man apologizes for them, anathematizes them mildly, and proposes to drive them away, but you restrain him. after the man has gone you bethink you that the suggestion of driving the birds away was only the white lie of society (for even black folks tell white lies), and the old man probably had no more intent of driving the birds away than of going himself. on the dresser is a pitcher of freshly clipped roses, the morning dew still upon them, and you only cease to admire as you espy your mail that lies there awaiting your hand. news from home and loved ones greets you before these new-found friends do! you have not seen the good folks who live here, only the old colored man who pretended that he was going to kill cock-robin, and didn't. the hospitality is not gushing or effusive--the place is yours, that's all, and you lean out of the window and look down at the flowerbeds, and wonder at the silence and the quiet and peace, and feel sorry for the folks who live in cincinnati and chicago. the soughing of the wind through the pines comes to you like the murmur of the sea, and breaking in on the stillness you hear the sharp sound of an ax--some gladstone chopping, miles and miles away. your dreams are broken by a gentle tap at the door and your host has come to call on you. you know him at once, even though you have never before met, for men who think alike and feel alike do not have to "get acquainted." heart speaks to heart. he only wishes to say that your coming is a pleasure to all the family at ashland, the library is yours as well as the whole place, lunch is at one o'clock, and george will get you anything you wish. and back in the shadow of the hallway you catch sight of the old colored man and see him bow low when his name is mentioned. ashland is probably in better condition today than when henry clay worked and planned, and superintended its fair acres. the place has seen vicissitudes since the body of the man who gave it immortality lay in state here in july, eighteen hundred fifty-two. but major mcdowell's wife is the granddaughter of henry clay, and it seems meet that the descendants of the great man should possess ashland. major mcdowell has means and taste and the fine pride that would preserve all the traditions of the former master. the six hundred acres are in a high state of cultivation, and the cattle and horses are of the kinds that would have gladdened the heart of clay. in the library, halls and dining-room are various portraits of the great man, and at the turn of the stairs is a fine heroic bust, in bronze, of that lean face and form. hundreds of his books are to be seen on the shelves, all marked and dog-eared and scribbled on, thus disproving much of that old cry that "clay was not a student." some men are students only in youth, but clay's best reading was done when he was past fifty. the book habit grew upon him with the years. here are his pistols, spurs, saddle and memorandum-books. here are letters, faded and yellow, dusted with black powder on ink that has been dry a hundred years, asking for office, or words of gracious thanks in token of benefits not forgot. off to the south stretches away a great forest of walnut, oak and chestnut trees--reminders of the vast forest that daniel boone knew. many of these trees were here then, and here let them remain, said henry clay. and so today at ashland, as at hawarden, no tree is felled until it has been duly tried by the entire family and all has been said for and against the sentence of death. i heard miss mcdowell make an eloquent plea for an old oak that had been rather recklessly harboring mistletoe and many squirrels, until it was thought probable that, like our first parents, it might have a fall. it was a plea more eloquent than "o woodman, spare that tree." a reprieve for a year was granted; and i thought, as i cast my vote on the side of mercy, that the jury that could not be won by such a young woman as that was hopelessly dead at the top and more hollow at the heart than the old oak under whose boughs we sat. * * * * * ashland is just a mile south of the courthouse. when henry clay used to ride horseback between the town and his farm there were scarce a dozen houses to pass on the way, but now the street is all built up, and is smartly paved, and the trolley-line booms a noisy car to the sacred gates every ten minutes. lexington was laid out in the year seventeen hundred seventy-four, and the intention was to name it in honor of colonel patterson, the founder, or of daniel boone. but while the surveyors were doing their work, word came of the battle of some british and certain embattled farmers, and the spirit of freedom promptly declared that the town should be called lexington. three years after the laying-out of lexington, henry clay was born. he was the son of a poor and obscure baptist preacher who lived at "the slashes," in virginia. the boy never had any vivid recollection of his father, who passed away when henry was a mere child. the mother had a hard time of it with her family of seven children, and if kind neighbors had not aided, there would have been actual want. and surely one can not blame the widow for "marrying for a home" when opportunity offered. only one out of that first family ever achieved eminence, and the second brood is actually lost to us in oblivion. henry clay was a graduate of the university of hard knocks; he also took several post-graduate courses at the same institution. very early in life we see that he possessed the fine, eager, receptive spirit that absorbs knowledge through the finger-tips; and the ability to think and to absorb is all that even college can ever do for a man. i doubt whether college would have helped clay, and it might have dimmed the diamond luster of his mind, and diluted that fine audacity which carried him on his way. in this capacity to comprehend in the mass, clay's character was essentially feminine. we have thoreau for authority that the intuition and the sympathy found always in the saviors of the world are purely feminine attributes--the legacy bequeathed from a mother who thirsted for better things. from a clerk in a country store to a bookkeeper, then a copyist for a lawyer, a writer of letters for the neighborhood, a reader of law, and next a lawyer, were easy and natural steps for this ambitious boy. virginia with its older settlements offered small opportunities, and so we find young clay going west, and landing at lexington when twenty years old. he requested a license to practise law, but the bar association, which consisted of about a dozen members, decided that no more lawyers were needed at lexington. clay demanded that he should be examined as to fitness, and the blackberry-bush blackstones sat upon him, as a coroner would say, with intent to give him so stiff an examination that he would be glad to get work as a farmhand. a dozen questions had been asked, and an attempt had been made to confuse and browbeat the youth, when the nestor of the lexington bar expectorated at a fly ten feet away, and remarked, "oh, the devil! there is no need of tryin' to keep a boy like this down--he's as fit as we, or fitter!" and so he was admitted. from the very first he was a success; he toned up the mental qualities of the fayette county bar, and made the older, easy-going members feel to see whether their laurel wreaths were in place. when he was thirty years of age he was chosen by the legislature of kentucky as united states senator. when his term expired he chose to go to congress, probably because it afforded better opportunity for oratory and leadership. as soon as he appeared upon the floor he was chosen speaker by acclamation. so thoroughly american was he, that one of his very first suggestions was to the effect that every member should clothe himself wholly in fabrics made in the united states. humphrey marshall ridiculed the proposition and called clay a demagogue, for which he got himself straightway challenged. clay shot a bullet through his english-made broadcloth coat, and then they shook hands. when his term as congressman expired, he again went to the senate, and served two years. then he went back to the house, and through his influence, and his alone, did we challenge great britain, just as he had challenged marshall. england accepted the challenge, and we call it the war of eighteen hundred twelve. very often, indeed, do we hear the rural statesmen at fourth of july celebrations exclaim, "we have whipped england twice, and we can do it again!" we whipped england once, and it is possible we could do it again, but she got the best of us in the war of eighteen hundred twelve. henry clay plunged the country into war to redress certain grievances, and as a peace commissioner he backed out of that war without having a single one of those grievances indemnified or redressed. after the treaty of peace had been declared and "the war was over," that fighting irishman, andrew jackson, irishlike, gave the british a black eye at new orleans, just for luck, and this is the only thing in that whole misunderstanding of which we should not as a nation be ashamed. if england had not had napoleon on her hands at that particular time, wellington would probably have made a visit to america, and might have brought along for us a waterloo. and these things are fully explained in the textbooks on history used in the schools of great britain, on whose possessions the sun never sets. but as henry clay had gotten us into war, his diplomacy helped to get us out, and as it was a peace without dishonor, clay's reputation did not materially suffer. in fact, the terms of peace were so ambiguous that congress gave out to the world that it was a victory, and the exact facts were quite lost in the smoke of jackson's muskets that hovered over the cotton bales. later, when clay ran against jackson for the presidency he found that a peace-hero has no such place in the hearts of men as a war-hero. jackson had not a tithe of clay's ability, and yet clay's defeat was overwhelming. "peace hath her victories"--yes, but the average voter does not know it. the only men who have received overwhelming majorities for president have been war-heroes. obscure men have crept in several times, but popular diplomats--never. the fate of such popular men as clay, seward and blaine is one. and when one considers how strong is this tendency to glorify the hero of action, and ignore the hero of thought, he wonders how it really happened that paul revere was not made the second president of the united states instead of john adams. clay was a most eloquent pleader. the grace of his manner, the beauty of his speech, and the intense earnestness of his nature often convinced men against their wills. there was sometimes, however, a suspicion in the air that his best quotations were inspirations, and that the statistics to which he appealed were evolved from his inner consciousness. but the man had power and personality plus. he was a natural leader, and unlike other statesmen we might name, he always carried his town and district by overwhelming majorities. and it is well to remember that the first breath of popular disfavor directed against henry clay was because he proposed the abolition of slavery. those who knew him best loved him most, and this was true from the time he began to practise law in lexington, when scarcely twenty-one years old, to his seventy-fifth year, when his worn-out body was brought home to rest. on that occasion all business in lexington, and in most of kentucky, ceased. even the farmers quit work, and very many private residences were draped in mourning. memorial services were held in hundreds of churches, the day was given over to mourning, and everywhere men said, "we shall never look upon his like again." * * * * * before i visited lexington, my cousin, little emily, duly wrote me that on no account, when i was in kentucky, must i offer any criticisms on the character of henry clay; for if i grew reckless and compared him with another to his slightest disadvantage, i should have to fight. that he was absolutely the greatest statesman america has produced is, to all kentuckians, a fact so sure that they doubt the honesty or the sanity of any one who hints otherwise. he is their ideal, the perfect man, the model for all youths to imitate, and the standard by which all other statesmen are gauged. clay to kentucky scores one hundred. and as he was at the last defeated for the highest office, which they say was his god-given right, there is a flavor of martyrdom in his history that is the needed crown for every hero. complete success alienates man from his fellows, but suffering makes kinsmen of us all. so the south loves henry clay. he is so well loved that he is apotheosized, and thus the real man to many is lost in the clouds. with his name, song and legend have worked their miracles, and to very many southern people he is a being separate and apart, like hector or achilles. with my cousin, little emily, i am always very frank--and you can be honest and frank with so few in this world of expediency, you know! we are so frank in expression that we usually quarrel very shortly. and so i explained to emily just what i have written here, as to the real henry clay being lost. she contradicted me flatly and said, "to love a person is not to lose him--you never lose except through indifference or hate!" i started to explain and had gotten as far as, "it is just like this," when the conversation was interrupted by the arrival of general bellicose, who had come to take us riding behind a spanking pair of geldings, that i was assured were standard bred. in lexington you never use the general term "horse." you speak of a mare, a gelding, a horse, a four-year-old, a weanling or a sucker. to refer to a trotter as a thoroughbred is to suffer social ostracism, and to obfuscate a side-wheeler with a single-footer is proof of degeneracy. this applies equally to the ethics of the ballroom or the livery-stable. in kentucky they read richard's famous lines thus: "a saddler! a saddler! my kingdom for a saddler!" so when i complimented general bellicose on his geldings and noted that they went square without boots or weights, and that he used no blinders, it thawed the social ice, and we were as brothers. then i led the way cautiously to henry clay, and the general assured me that in his opinion the henry clays were even better than the george wilkes. to be sure, wilkes had more in the 'thirty list, but the clays had brains, and were cheerful; they neither lugged nor hung back, whereas you always had to lay whip to a wilkes in order to get along a bit, or else use a gag and overcheck. i pressed little emily's hand under the lap-robe and asked her if all kentuckians were believers in metempsychosis. "colonel littlejourneys is making fun of you, general," said little emily; "the colonel is talking about the man, and you are discussing trotters!" and then i apologized, but the general said it was he who should make the apology, and raising the carriage-seat brought out a box of genuine henry clay havanas, in proof of amity. it's a very foolish thing to smile at a man who rides a hobby. once there was a man who rode a hobby all his life, to the great amusement of his enemies and the mortification of his wife; and when the man was dead they found it was a real live horse and had carried the man many long miles. general bellicose loves a horse; so does little emily and so do i. but little emily and the general know history and have sounded politics in a way that puts me in the kindergarten; and i found before the day was over that what one did not know about the political history of america the other did. and mixed up in it all we discussed the merits of the fox-trot versus the single-foot. we saw the famous clay monument, built by the state at a cost of nearly a hundred thousand dollars, and with uncovered heads gazed through the gratings into the crypt where lies the dust of the great man. then we saw the statue of john c. breckinridge in the public square, and visited various old ebb-tide mansions where the "quarters" had fallen into decay, and the erstwhile inhabitants had moved to the long row of tenements down by the cotton-mill. my train whistled and we were half a mile from the station, but the general said we would get there in time--and we did. i bade my friends good-by and quite forgot to thank them for all their kindness, although down in my heart i felt that it had been a time rare as a day in june. i believe they felt my gratitude, too, for where there is such a feast of wit and flow of soul, such kindness, such generosity, the spirit understands. when i arrived home i found a box awaiting me, bearing the express mark of lexington, kentucky. on opening the case i found six quart-bottles of "henry clay-- "; and a card with the compliments of little emily and general bellicose. on the outside of the case was neatly stenciled the legend, "thackeray, full sett, vol., half levant." i do not know why the box was so marked, but i suppose it was in honor of my literary proclivities. i went out and blew four merry blasts on a ram's horn, and the philistines assembled. john jay calm repose and the sweets of undisturbed retirement appear more distant than a peace with britain. it gives me pleasure, however, to reflect that the period is approaching when we shall be citizens of a better ordered state, and the spending of a few troublesome years of our eternity in doing good to this and future generations is not to be avoided nor regretted. things will come right, and these states will yet be great and flourishing. --letter to washington [illustration: john jay] america should feel especially charitable towards louis the great, called by carlyle, louis the little, for banishing the huguenots from france. what france lost america gained. tyranny and intolerance always drive from their homes the best: those who have ability to think, courage to act, and a pride that can not be coerced. the merits possessed by the huguenots are exactly those which every man and nation needs. and these are simple virtues, too, whose cultivation stands within the reach of all. these are the virtues of the farmers and peasants and plain people who do the work of the world, and give good government its bone and sinew. to a great degree, so-called society is made up of parasites who fasten and feed upon the industrious and methodical. if you have read history you know that the men who go quietly about their business have been cajoled, threatened, driven, and often, when they have been guilty of doing a little independent thinking on their own account, banished. and further than this, when you read the story of nations dead and gone you will see that their decline began when the parasites got too numerous and flauntingly asserted their supposed power. that contempt for the farmer, and indifference to the rights of the man with tin pail and overalls, which one often sees in america, are portents that mark disintegrating social bacilli. if the republic of the united states ever becomes but a memory, like carthage, athens and rome, drifting off into senile decay like italy and spain or france, where a man may yet be tried and sentenced without the right of counsel or defense, it will be because we forgot--we forgot! in moral fiber and general characteristics the huguenots and the puritans were one. the huguenots had, however, the added virtue of a dash of the frenchman's love of beauty. by their excellent habits and loyalty to truth, as they saw it, they added a vast share to the prosperity and culture of the united states. of seven men who acted as presiding officer over the deliberations of congress during the revolutionary period, three were of huguenot parentage: laurens, boudinot and jay. john jay was a typical huguenot, just as samuel adams was a typical puritan. in his life there was no glamour of romance. stern, studious and inflexibly honest, he made his way straight to the highest positions of trust and honor. good men who are capable are always needed. the world wants them now more than ever. we have an overplus of clever individuals; but for the faithful men who are loyal to a trust there is a crying demand. the life of jay quite disproves the oft-found myth that a dash of mephisto in a young man is a valuable adjunct. john jay was neither precocious nor bad. it is further a refreshing fact to find that he was no prig, simply a good, healthy youngster who took to his books kindly and gained ground--made head upon the whole by grubbing. his father was a hard-headed, prosperous merchant, who did business in new york, and moved his big family up to the little village of rye because life in the country was simple and cheap. thus did peter jay prove his commonsense. peter jay copied every letter he wrote, and we now have these copy-books, revealing what sort of man he was. religious he was, and scrupulously exact in all things. we see that he ordered bibles from england, "and also six groce of church wardens," which i am told is a long clay pipe, "that hath a goodly flavor and doth not bite the tongue." he also at one time ordered a chest of tea, and then countermanded the order, having taken the resolve to "use no tea in my family while that rascally tax is on--having a spring of good, pure water near my house." which shows that a man can be very much in earnest and still joke. john was the baby, scarcely a year old, when the jay family moved up to rye. he was the eighth child, and as he grew up he was taught by the older ones. he took part in all the fun and hardships of farm life--going to school in winter, working in summer, and on sundays hearing long sermons at church. we find by peter jay's letter-book that: "johnny is about our brightest child. we have great hopes of him, and believe it will be wise to educate him for a preacher." in order to educate boys then, they were sent to live in the family of some man of learning. and so we find "johnny" at twelve years of age installed in the parsonage at new rochelle, the huguenot settlement. the pastor was a huguenot, and as only french was spoken in the household, the boy acquired the language, which afterwards stood him in good stead. the pastor reported favorably, and when fifteen, young jay was sent to king's college, which is now columbia university, kings not being popular in america. doctor samuel johnson, who nowise resembled ursa major, was the president of the college at that time. he was also the faculty, for there were just thirty students and he did all the teaching himself. doctor johnson, true to his name, dearly loved a good book, and when teaching mathematics would often forget the topic and recite ossian by the page, instead. jay caught it, for the book craze is contagious and not sporadic. we take it by being exposed. and thus it was while under the tutelage of doctor johnson that jay began to acquire the ability to turn a terse sentence; and this gained him admittance into the world of new york letters, whose special guardians were dickinson and william livingston. livingston invited the boy to his house, and very soon we find the young man calling without special invitation, for livingston had a beautiful daughter about john's age, who was fond of ossian, too, or said she was. and as this is not a serial love-story, there is no need of keeping the gentle reader in suspense, so i will explain that some years later john married the girl, and the mating was a very happy one. after john had been to king's college two years we find in the faded and yellow old letter-book an item written by the father to the effect that: "our johnny is doing well at college. he seems sedate and intent on gaining knowledge; but rather inclines to law instead of the ministry." doctor johnson was succeeded by doctor myles cooper, a fellow of oxford, who used to wear his mortarboard cap and scholar's gown up broadway. in young jay's veins there was not a drop of british blood. of his eight great-grandparents, five were french and three dutch, a fact he once intimated in the oxonian's presence. and then it was explained to the youth that if such were the truth it would be as well to conceal it. alexander hamilton got along very well with doctor cooper, but john jay found himself rusticated shortly before graduation. some years after this doctor cooper hastily climbed the back fence, leaving a sample of his gown on a picket, while alexander hamilton held the whig mob at bay at the front door. cooper sailed very soon for england, anathematizing "the blarsted country" in classic latin as the ship passed out of the narrows. "england is a good place for him," said the laconic john jay. so john jay was to be a lawyer. and the only way to be a lawyer in those days was to work in a lawyer's office. a goodly source of income to all established lawyers was the sums they derived for taking embryo blackstones into their keeping. the greater a man's reputation as a lawyer, the higher he placed his fee for taking a boy in. in those days there were no printed blanks, and a simple lease was often a day's work to write out; so it was not difficult to keep the boys busy. besides that, they took care of the great man's horse, blacked his boots, swept the office, and ran errands. during the third year of apprenticeship, if all went well, the young man was duly admitted to the bar. a stiff examination kept out the rank outsiders, but the nomination by a reputable attorney was equivalent to admittance, for all members knew that if you opposed an attorney today, tomorrow he might oppose you. to such an extent was this system of taking students carried that, in seventeen hundred sixty-eight, we find new york lawyers alarmed "by the awful influx of young barristers upon this province." so steps were taken to make all attorneys agree not to have more than two apprentices in their office at one time. about the same time the boston newspaper, called the "centinel," shows there was a similar state of overproduction in boston. only the trouble there was principally with the doctors, for doctors were then turned loose in the same way, carrying a diploma from the old physician with whom they had matriculated and duly graduated. law schools and medical colleges, be it known, are comparatively modern institutions--not quite so new, however, as business colleges, but pretty nearly so. and now in chicago there is a "barbers' university," which issues diplomas to men who can manipulate a razor and shears, whereas, until yesterday, boys learned to be barbers by working in a barber's shop. the good old way was to pass a profession along from man to man. and it is so yet in a degree, for no man is allowed to practise either medicine or law until he has spent some time in the office of a practitioner in good standing. in the catholic church, and also in the episcopal, the novitiate is expected to serve for a time under an older clergyman; but all the other denominations have broken away, and now spring the fledgling on the world straight from the factory. several other of his children having sorely disappointed him, peter jay seemed to center his ambitions on his boy john. so we find him paying benjamin kissam, the eminent lawyer, two hundred pounds in good coin of the colony to take john jay as a 'prentice for five years. john went at it and began copying those endless, wordy documents in which the old-time attorney used to delight. john sat at one end of a table, and at the other was seated one lindley murray, at the mention of whose name terror used to seize my soul. murray has written some good, presentable english to the effect that young jay, even at that time, had the inclination and ability to focus his mind upon the subject in hand. "he used to work just as steadily when his employer was away as when he was in the office," a fact which the grammarian seemed to regard as rather strange. in a year we find that when mr. kissam went away he left the keys of the safe in john jay's hands, with orders what to do in case of emergencies. thus does responsibility gravitate to him who can shoulder it, and trust to the man who deserves it. it was in kissam's office that jay acquired that habit of reticence and serene poise which, becoming fixed in character, made his words carry such weight in later years. he never gave snapshot opinions, or talked at random, or voiced any sentiment for which he could not give a reason. his companions were usually men much older than he. at the "moot club" he took part with james duane, who was to be new york's first continental mayor; gouverneur morris, who had not at that time acquired the wooden leg which he once snatched off and brandished with happy effect before a paris mob; and samuel jones, who was to take as 'prentice and drill that strong man, de witt clinton. before his years of apprenticeship were over, john jay, the quiet, the modest, the reticent, was known as a safe and competent lawyer--kissam having pushed him forward as associate counsel in various difficult cases. meantime, certain chests of tea had been dumped into boston harbor, and the example had been followed by the "mohawks" in new york. british oppression had made many tories lukewarm, and then english rapacity had transformed these tories into whigs. jay was one of these; and in newspapers and pamphlets, and from the platform, he had pleaded the cause of the colonies. opposition crystallized his reasons, and threats only served to make him reaffirm the truths he had stated. so prominent had his utterances made his name, that one fine day he was nominated to attend the first congress of the colonies to be held in philadelphia. in august, seventeen hundred seventy-four, we find him leaving his office in new york in charge of a clerk, and riding horseback over to the town of elizabeth, there joining his father-in-law, and the two starting for philadelphia. on the road they fell in with john adams, who kept a diary. that night at the tavern where they stopped, the sharp-eyed yankee recorded the fact of meeting these new friends and added, "mr. jay is a young gentleman of the law ... and mr. scott says a hard student and a very good speaker." and so they journeyed on across the state to trenton and down the delaware river to philadelphia, visiting, and cautiously discussing great issues as they went. samuel adams, too, was in the party, as reticent as jay. jay was twenty-nine and samuel adams fifty-two years old, but they became good friends, and samuel once quietly said to john adams, "that man jay is young in years, but he has an old head." jay was the youngest man of the convention, save one. when the second congress met, jay was again a delegate. he served on several important committees, and drew up a statement that was addressed to the people of england; but he was recalled to new york before the supreme issue was reached, and thus, through accident, the declaration of independence does not contain the signature of john jay. * * * * * in seventeen hundred seventy-eight, jay was chosen president of the continental congress to succeed that other patriotic huguenot, laurens. the following year he was selected as the man to go to spain, to secure from that country certain friendly favors. his reception there was exceedingly frosty, and the mention of his two years on the ragged edge of court life at madrid, in later years brought to his face a grim smile. spain's diplomatic policy was smooth hypocrisy and rank untruth, and all her promises, it seems, were made but to be broken. jay's negotiations were only partially successful, but he came to know the language, the country and the people in a way that made his knowledge very valuable to america. by seventeen hundred eighty-one, england had begun to see that to compel the absolute submission of the colonies was more of a job than she had anticipated. news of victories was duly sent to the "mother country" at regular intervals, but with these glad tidings were requests for more troops, and requisitions for ships and arms. the american army was a very hard thing to find. it would fight one day, to retreat the next, and had a way of making midnight attacks and flank movements that, to say the least, were very confusing. then it would separate, to come together--lord knows where! this made lord cornwallis once write to the home secretary: "i could easily defeat the enemy, if i could find him and engage him in a fair fight." he seemed to think it was "no fair," forgetting the old proverb which has something to say about love and war. finally, cornwallis got the thing his soul desired--a fair fight. he was then acting on the defensive. the fight was short and sharp; and colonel alexander hamilton, who led the charge, in ten minutes planted the stars and stripes on his ramparts. that night cornwallis was the "guest" of washington, and the next day a dinner was given in his honor. he was then obliged to write to the home secretary, "we have met the enemy, and we are theirs"--but of course he did not express it just exactly that way. then it was that king george, for the first time, showed a disposition to negotiate for peace. as peace commissioners, america named franklin, john adams, laurens, jay and jefferson. jefferson refused to leave his wife, who was in delicate health. adams was at the hague, just closing up a very necessary loan. laurens had been sent to holland on a diplomatic mission, and his ship having been overhauled by a british man-of-war, he was safely in that historic spot, the tower of london. so jay and franklin alone met the english commissioners, and jay stated to them the conditions of peace. in a few weeks adams arrived, still keeping a diary. in that diary is found this item: "the french call me 'le washington de la negociation': a very flattering compliment indeed, to which i have no right, but sincerely think it belongs to mr. jay." jay quitted paris in may, seventeen hundred eighty-four, having been gone from his native land eight years. when he reached new york there was a great demonstration in his honor. triumphal arches were erected across broadway, houses and stores were decorated with bunting, cannons boomed, and bells rang. the freedom of the city was presented to him in a gold box, with an exceedingly complimentary address, engrossed on parchment, and signed by one hundred of the leading citizens. jay spent just one day in new york, and then rode on horseback up to the old farm at rye, westchester county, to see his father. that evening there was a service of thanksgiving at the village church, after which the citizens repaired to the jay mansion, one story high and eighty feet long, where a barrel of cider was tapped, and "a groce of church wardens" passed around, with free tobacco for all. john jay stood on the front porch and made a modest speech just five minutes long, among other things saying he had come home to be a neighbor to them, having quit public life for good. but he refused to talk about his own experiences in europe. his reticence, however, was made up for by good old peter jay, who assured the people that john jay was america's foremost citizen; and in this statement he was backed up by the village preacher, with not a dissenting voice from the assembled citizens. it is rather curious (or it isn't, i'm not sure which) how most statesmen have quit public life several times during their careers, like the prima donnas who make farewell tours. the ingratitude of republics is proverbial, but to limit ingratitude to republics shows a lack of experience. the progeny of the men who tired of hearing aristides called the just are very numerous. of course it is easy to say that he who expects gratitude does not deserve it; but the fact remains that the men who know it are yet stung by calumny when it comes their way. that fine demonstration in jay's honor was in great part to overwhelm and stamp out the undertone of growl and snarl that filled the air. many said that peace had been gained at awful cost, that jay had deferred to royalty and trifled with the wishes of the people in making terms. and now jay had got home, back to his family and farm, back to quiet and rest. the long, hard fight had been won and america was free. for eight years had he toiled and striven and planned: much had been accomplished--not all he hoped, but much. he had done his best for his country, his own affairs were in bad shape, congress had paid him meagerly, and now he would turn public life over to others and live his own life. all through life men reach these places where they say, "here will we build three tabernacles"; but out of the silence comes the imperative voice, "arise, and get thee hence, for this is not thy rest." and now the war was over, peace was concluded; but war leaves a country in chaos. the long, slow work of reconstruction and of binding up a nation's wounds must follow. america was independent, but she had yet to win from the civilized world the recognition that she must have in order to endure. jay was importuned by washington to take the position of secretary of foreign affairs, one of the most important offices to be filled. he accepted, and discharged the exacting duties of the place for five years. then came the adoption of the federal constitution, and the election of washington as president of the united states. washington wrote to jay: "there must be a court, perpetual and supreme, to which all questions of internal dispute between states or people be referred. this court must be greater than the executive, greater than any individual state, separated and apart from any political party. you must be the first official head of the executive." and jay, as every schoolboy knows, was the first chief justice of the supreme court of the united states. by his sagacity, his dignity, his knowledge of men, and love of order and uprightness, he gave it that high place which it yet holds, and which it must hold; for when the decisions of the supreme court are questioned by a state or people, the fabric of our government is but a spider's web through which anarchy and unreason will stalk. in seventeen hundred ninety-four, came serious complications with great britain, growing out of the construction of terms of peace made in paris eleven years before. some one must go to great britain and make a new treaty in order to preserve our honor and save us from another war. franklin was dead; adams as vice-president could not be spared; hamilton's fiery temper was dangerous--no one could accomplish the delicate mission so well as jay. jay, self-centered and calm, said little; but in compliance with washington's wish resigned his office, and set sail with full powers to use his own judgment in everything, and the assurance that any treaty he made would be ratified. arriving in england, he at once opened negotiations with lord grenville, and in five months the new treaty was signed. it provided for the payment to american citizens for losses of private shipping during the war; and over ten million dollars were paid to citizens of the united states under this agreement. it fixed the boundary-line between the state of maine and canada; provided for the surrender of british posts in the far west; that neither nation was to allow enlistments within its territory by a third nation at war with another; arranged for the surrender of fugitives charged with murder or forgery; and made definite terms as to various minor, but none the less important, questions. a storm of opposition greeted the treaty when its terms were made known in america. jay was accused of bartering away the rights of america, and indignation meetings were held, because jay had not insisted on apologies, and set sums of indemnity on this, that and the other. nevertheless, washington ratified the treaty; and when jay arrived in america there was a greeting fully as cordial and generous as that on the occasion of his other homecoming. in fact, while he was absent, his friends had put him in nomination as governor of new york. his election to that office occurred just two days before he arrived, and when he landed his senses were mystified by hearing loud hurrahs for "governor jay." when his term of office expired he was re-elected, so he served as governor, in all, six years. the most important measure carried out during that time was the abolition of slavery in the state of new york, an act he had strenuously insisted on for twenty years, but which was not made possible until he had the power of governor, and crowded the measure upon the legislature. over a quarter of a century had passed since john adams and john jay had met on horseback out there on the new jersey turnpike. their intimacy had been continuous and their labors as important as ever engrossed the minds of men, but in it all there was neither jealousy nor bickering. they were friends. at the close of jay's gubernatorial term, president adams nominated him for the office of chief justice, made vacant by the resignation of oliver ellsworth. the senate unanimously confirmed the nomination, but jay refused to accept the place. for twenty-eight years he had served his country--served it in its most trying hours. he was not an old man in years, but the severity and anxiety of his labors had told on his health, and the elasticity of youth had gone from his brain forever. he knew this, and feared the danger of continued exertion. "my best work is done," he said; "if i continue i may undo the good i have accomplished. i have earned a rest." he retired to the ancestral farm at bedford, westchester county, to enjoy his vacation. in a year his wife died, and the shock told on his already shattered nerves. "the habit of reticence grew upon him," says one writer, "until he could not be tricked into giving an opinion even about the weather." and so he lived out his days as a partial recluse, deep in problems of "raising watermelons, and sheep that would not jump fences." he worked with his hands, wore blue jeans, voted at every town election, but to a great degree lived only in the past. the problems of church and village politics and farm life filled his declining days. to a great degree his physical health came back, but the problems of statecraft he left to other heads and hands. his religious nature manifested itself in various philanthropic schemes, and the bible society he founded endures even unto this day. these things afforded a healthful exercise for that tireless brain which refused to run down. his daughters made his home ideal, their love and gentleness soothing his declining years. death to him was kindly, gathering him as autumn, the messenger of winter, reaps the leaves. * * * * * no one has ever made the claim that jay possessed genius. he had something which is better, though, for most of the affairs of life, and that is commonsense. in his intellect there was not the flash of hamilton, nor the creative quality possessed by jefferson, nor the large all-roundness of franklin. he was the average man who has trained and educated and made the best use of every faculty and every opportunity. he was genuine; he was honest; and if he never surprised his friends by his brilliancy, he surely never disappointed them through duplicity. he made no promises that he could not keep; he held out no vain hopes. as a diplomat he seems nearly the ideal. we have been taught that the line of demarcation between diplomacy and untruth is very shadowy. but truth is very good policy and in the main answers the purpose much better than the other thing. i am quite willing to leave the matter to those who have tried both. we can not say that jay was "magnetic," for magnetic men win the rabble; but jay did better: he won the confidence and admiration of the strong and discerning. his manner was gentle and pleasing; his words few, and as a listener he set a pace that all novitiates in the school of diplomacy would do well to follow. to talk well is a talent, but to listen is a fine art. if i really wished to win the love of a man i'd practise the art of listening. even dull people often talk well when there is some one near who cultivates the receptive mood; and to please a man you must give him an opportunity to be both wise and witty. men are pleased with their friends when they are pleased with themselves, and no man is ever so pleased with himself as when he has expressed himself well. the sympathetic listener at a lecture or sermon is the only one who gets his money's worth. if you would get good, lend your sympathy to a speaker, and if, accidentally, you imbibe heresy, you can easily throw it overboard when you get home. john jay was quiet and undemonstrative in speech, cultivating a fine reserve. in debate he never fired all his guns, and his best battles were won with the powder that was never exploded. "you had always better keep a small balance to your credit," he once advised a young attorney. when the first congress met, jay was not in favor of complete independence from england. he asked only for simple justice, and said, "the middle course is best." he listened to john adams and patrick henry and quietly discussed the matter with samuel adams; but it was some time before he saw that the density of king george was hopeless, and that the work of complete separation was being forced upon the colonies by the blindness and stupidity of the british parliament. he then accepted the issue. during those first days of the revolution, new york did not stand firm, as did boston, for the cause of independence. "the foes at home are the only ones i really fear," once wrote hamilton. first to pacify and placate, then to win and hold those worse than neutrals, was the work of john jay. while washington was in the field, jay, with tireless pen, upheld the cause, and by his speech and presence kept anarchy at bay. as president of the committee of safety he showed he could do something more than talk and write. when tories refused to take the oath of allegiance he quietly wrote the order to imprison or banish; and with friend, foe or kinsman there was neither dalliance nor turning aside. his heart was in the cause--his property, his life. the time for argument had passed. in the gloom that followed the defeat of washington at brooklyn, jay issued an address to the people that is a classic in its fine, stern spirit of hope and strength. congress had the address reprinted and sent broadcast, and also translated and printed in german. his work divides itself by a strange coincidence into three equal parts. twenty-eight years were passed in youth and education; twenty-eight years in continuous public work; and twenty-eight years in retirement and rest. as one of that immortal ten, mentioned by a great english statesman, who gave order, dignity, stability and direction to the cause of american independence, the name of john jay is secure. william h. seward i avow my adherence to the union, with my friends, with my party, with my state; or without either, as they may determine; in every event of peace or war, with every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death. --speech in the united states senate, [illustration: william h. seward] when i was a freshman at the little red schoolhouse, the last exercise in the afternoon was spelling. the larger pupils stood in a line that ran down one aisle and curled clear around the stove. well do i remember one winter when the biggest boy in the school stood at the tail-end of the class most of the time, while at the head of the line, or always very near it, was a freckled, check-aproned girl, who once at a spellin'-bee had defeated even the teacher. this girl was ten years older than myself, and i was then too small to spell with this first grade, but i watched the daily fight of wrestling with such big words as "un-in-ten-tion-al-ly" and "mis-un-der-stand-ing," and longed for a day when i, too, should take part and possibly stand next to this fine, smart girl, who often smiled at me approvingly. and i planned how i would hold her hand as we would stand there in line and mentally dare the master to come on with his dictionary. we two would be the smartest scholars of the school and always help each other in our "sums." yet when time had pushed me into the line, she of the check apron was not there, and even if she had been i should not have dared to hold her hand. but i must not digress--the particular thing i wish to explain is that one day at recess the best scholar was in tears, and i went to her and asked what was the matter, and she told me that some of the big girls had openly declared that she--my fine, freckled girl, the check-aproned, the invincible--held her place at the head of the school only through favoritism. i burned with rage and resentment and proposed fight; then i burst out crying and together we mingled our tears. all this was long ago. since then i have been in many climes, and met many men, and read history a bit--i hope not without profit. and this i have learned: that the person who stands at the head of his class (be he country lad or presidential candidate) is always the target for calumny and the unkindness of contemporaries who can neither appreciate nor understand. not long ago i spent several days at auburn, new york, so named by some pioneer who, when the nineteenth century was very young, journeyed thitherward with a copy of goldsmith's "deserted village" in his pack. auburn is a flourishing city of thirty thousand inhabitants. it has beautiful wide streets, lined with elms that in places form an archway. there are churches to spare and schools galore and handsome residences. then there are electric cars and electric lights and dynamos, with which men electricute other men in the wink of an eye. i saw the "fin-de-siecle" guillotine and sat in the chair, and the jubilant patentee told me that it was the quickest scheme for extinguishing life ever invented--patented anno christi eighteen hundred ninety-five. verily we live in the age of the push-button! and as i sat there i heard a laugh that was a quaver, and the sound of a stout cane emphasizing a jest struck against the stone floor. "we didn't have such things when i was a boy!" came the tremulous voice. and then the newcomer explained to me that he was eighty-seven years old last may, and that he well remembered a time when a plain oaken gallows and a strong rope were good enough for auburn--"provided bill seward didn't get the fellow free," added my new-found friend. then the old man explained that he used to be a guard on the walls, and now he had a grandson who occupied the same office, and in answer to my question said he knew seward as though he were a brother. "bill, he was the luckiest man ever in auburn--he married rich and tumbled over bags of money if he just walked on the street. he believed in neither god nor devil and had a pompous way o' makin' folks think he knew all about everything. to make folks think you know is just as well as to know, i s'pose!" and the old man laughed and struck his cane on the echoing floor of the cell. the sound and the place and the company gave me a creepy feeling, and i excused myself and made my way out past armed guards, through doorways where iron bars clicked and snapped, and steel bolts that held in a thousand men shot back to let me out, out into a freer air and a better atmosphere. and as i passed through the last overhanging arch where a one-armed guard wearing a g.a.r. badge turned a needlessly big key, there came unbeckoned across my inward sight a vision of a check-aproned girl in tears, sobbing with head on desk. and i said to myself: "yes, yes! country girl or statesman, you shall drink the bitter potion that is the penalty of success--drink it to the very dregs. if you would escape moral and physical assassination, do nothing, say nothing, be nothing--court obscurity, for only in oblivion does safety lie." all mud sticks, but no mud is immortal, and that senile fling at the name of seward is the last flickering, dying word of detraction that can be heard in the town that was his home for full half a century, or in the land he served so well. and yet it was in auburn that mob spirit once found a voice; and when seward was lincoln's most helpful adviser, and his sons were at the front serving the country's cause, cries of "burn his house! burn his house!" came to the distracted ears of wife and daughter. but all that has gone now. in fact, denial that calumny was ever offered to the name of seward springs quickly to the lips of auburn men, as they point with pride to that beautiful old home where he lived, and where now his son resides; and then they lead you, with a reverence that nearly uncovers, to the stately bronze standing on the spot that was once his garden--now a park belonging to the people. time marks wondrous changes; and the city where william lloyd garrison lived in "a rat-hole," as reported by boston's mayor, now honors commonwealth avenue with his statue. and so the sons of seward's enemies have devoted willing dollars to preserving "that classic face and spindling form" in deathless bronze. and they do well, for seward's name and fame are auburn's glory. * * * * * i may be mistaken, but it seems to me that all the worry of the world is quite useless. and on no subject affecting mortals is there so much worry as on that of (no, not love!) parents' ambitions for their children. when the dimpled darling toddles and lisps and chatters, the satisfaction he gives is unalloyed; for he is so small and insignificant, his demands so imperious, that the entire household dance attendance on the wee tyrant, and count it joy. but by and by the things at which we used to laugh become presumptuous, and that which was once funny is now perverse. and the more practical a man is, the larger his stock of connecticut commonsense, the greater his disillusionment as his children grow to manhood. when he beholds dawdling inanity and dowdy vanity growing lush as jimson, where yesterday, with strained prophetic vision, he saw budding excellence and worth, his soul is wrung by a worry that knows no peace. the matter is so poignantly personal that he dare not share it with another in confessional, and so he hugs his grief to his heart, and tries to hide it even from himself. and thus does many a mother scrub the kitchen-floor on her knees, rather than face the irony of maternity and ask the assistance of the seventeen-year-old pert chit with bangs, who strums a mandolin in the little front parlor, gay with its paper flowers, six plush-covered chairs and a "company" sofa. the late commodore vanderbilt is reported to have said, "i have over a dozen sons, and not one is worth a damn." i fear me that every father with sons grown to manhood has at some time voiced the same sentiment, curtailed, possibly, only as to numbers, and softened by another expletive, which does not mitigate the anguish of his cry, as he sees the dreams he had for his baby boys fade away into a mist of agonizing tears. and is all this worry the penalty that nature exacts for dreaming dreams that can not in their very nature come true? jean jacques rousseau, who wrote so beautifully on child-study, avoided the risk of failure by putting his children into an asylum; several "communities" since have set apart certain women to be mothers to all, and bring up and care for the young, and strangely, with no apparent loss to the children; and bellamy prophesies a day when the worries of parenthood will all be transferred to a "committee." but the worry is futile and senseless, being born often of a blindness that will not wait. man has not only "seven ages," but many more, and he must pass through this one before the next arrives. the commodore certainly possessed what is called horse-sense, and if his conceptions of character had been clearer, he might have realized that in more ways than one the abilities of his sons were going to be greater than his own. his eldest son was, nevertheless, banished to a long island farm on a pension, "because he could not be trusted to do business." the same son once modestly asked the commodore if he would allow him to have the compost that had been for a year accumulating outside the fifth avenue barns. "just one load, and no more," said pater. william thereupon took twenty teams and as many men, and transferred the entire pile to a barge moored in the river. it was a barge-load. and when pater saw what had been done, he said, "the boy is not so big a fool as i thought." the boy was forty-five ere death put him in possession of the gold that the father no longer had use for, there being no pockets in a shroud, and he then showed that as a financier he could have given his father points, for in a few years he doubled the millions and drove horses faster without a break than his father had ever ridden. seward's father was a doctor, justice of the peace, merchant, and the general first citizen of the village of florida, orange county, new york. and he had no more confidence in his boy william than vanderbilt had in his. he educated him only because the lad was not strong enough to work, and it seems to have been the firm belief that the boy would come to no good end. in order to discipline him, the father put the youngster in college on such a scanty allowance that the lad was obliged to run away and go to teaching school in order to be free from financial humiliation. here was the best possible proof that the young man had the germs of excellence in him; but the father took it as a proof of depravity, and sent warning letters to the young school-teacher's friends threatening them "not to harbor the scapegrace." the years went by and the parental distrust slackened very little. the boy was slim and slender and his hair was tow-colored and his head too big for his body. he had gotten a goodly smattering of education some way and was intent on being a lawyer. he seemed to know that if he was to succeed he must get well away from the parent nest, and out of the reach of daily advice. his desire was to go "out west," and the particular objective point was auburn, new york. the father gave him fifty dollars as a starter, with the final word, "i expect you'll be back all too soon." and so young seward started away, with high hopes and a firm determination that he would agreeably disappoint his parents by not going back. he reached albany by steamboat, and embarked on a sumptuous canal packet that bore a waving banner on which were the words woven in gold, "westward ho!" and he has slyly told us how, as he stepped aboard that "inland palace," he bethought him of having written a thesis, three years before, proving that de witt clinton's chimera of joining the hudson and lake erie was an idea both fictile and fibrous. but the inland palace carried him safely and surely. he reached auburn, and instead of writing home for more money, returned that which he had borrowed. the father, who was a pretty good man in every way, quite beyond the average in intellect, lived to see his son in the united states senate. and the moral for parents is: don't worry about your children. you were young once, even if you have forgotten the fact. boys will be boys and girls will be girls--but not forever. have patience, and remember that this present brood is not the first generation that has been brought forth. there have been others, and each has been very much like the one that passed before. the sentiment of "pippa passes" holds: "god's in his heaven, all's right with the world." * * * * * in eighteen hundred thirty-four, seward was the whig candidate for governor of new york. he was defeated by w.l. marcy. four years later he was again a candidate against marcy and defeated him by ten thousand majority. seward was then thirty-six years of age, and was counted one of the very first among the lawyers of the state, and in accepting the office of governor he made decided financial sacrifices. seward was a man of positive ideas, and, although not arbitrary in manner, yet had a silken strength of will that made great rents in the mesh of other men's desires. before a court, his quiet but firm persistence along a certain line often dictated the verdict. the faculty of grasping a point firmly and securely was his in a marked measure. and any man who can quietly override the wishes and ambitions of other men is first well feared, and then thoroughly hated. one of seward's first efforts on becoming governor was to insure a common-school education among the children of every class, and especially among the foreign population of large cities. to this end he advocated a distribution of public funds among all schools established with that object; and if he were alive today it is quite needless to say he would not belong to the a.p.a. nor to any other secret society. he knew too much of all religions to have complete faith in any, yet his appreciation of the fact that the catholics minister to the needs of a class that no other denomination reaches or can control was outspoken and plain. this, with his connection with the anti-masonic party, brought upon his name a stigma that was at last to defeat him for the presidency. seward's clear insight into practical things, backed by the quiet working energy of his nature, brought about many changes, and the changes he effected and the reforms he inaugurated must ever rank his name high among statesmen. by his influence the law's delay in the courts of chancery was curtailed, and this prepared the way for radical changes in the constitution. he inaugurated the geological survey that led to making "potsdam outcrop" classic, and "medina sandstone" a product that is so known wherever a man goes forth in the fields of earth carrying a geologist's hammer. largely through his efforts, a safe and general banking system was brought about; and the establishment of a lunatic asylum was one of the best items to his credit during that first term as governor. but there was one philological change that proved too great even for his generalship. the word "lunacy," as we know, comes from "luna," the belief in the good old days being that the moon exercised a profound influence on the wits of sundry people. i'm told that the idea still holds good in certain quarters, and that if the wind is east and the moon shows a horn on which you can hang a flatiron, certain persons are looked upon askance and the children cautioned to avoid them. seward said that insane people were simply those who were mentally ill, and that "hospital" was the proper term. but the classicists retorted, "nay, nay, william henry, you have had your way in many things and here we will now have ours." it has taken us full a century officially to make the change, and the plain folks from the hills still refuse to ratify it, and will for many a lustrum. it was during seward's administration that the "debtors' prison" was done away with, and it was, too, through his earnest recommendation that the last trace of law for slaveholding was wiped from the statute-books of the state of new york. the question of slavery was taken up most exhaustively in what was known as the "virginia controversy." this interesting correspondence can be seen in a stout volume in most public libraries. it is a series of letters that passed between governor seward of new york and the governor of virginia, as to the requisition of two persons in new york charged by the governor of virginia with abducting slaves. seward made the patent point, and backed it up with a forest of reasons in politest english, that the accused persons being charged with abducting slaves, and there being no such thing as slaves known in new york, no person in new york could be apprehended for stealing slaves--for slaves were things that had no existence. then did the governor of virginia admit that slaves could not be abducted in new york; but he proceeded to explain in lusty tomes that slavery legally existed in virginia, and that if slaves were abducted in virginia, the criminal nature of the act could not be shaken off because the accused changed his geographical base. seward was a prince of logicians: the subtleties of reasoning and the smoke of rhetoric were to his fancy, and although there is not a visible smile in the whole "virginia controversy," i can not but think that his sleeves were puffed with laughter as he searched the universe for reasons to satisfy the haughty first families of virginia. and all the while, please note that he held the alleged abductors safe and secure 'gainst harm's way. in this correspondence he placed himself on record as an abolitionist of the abolitionists; and the name of seward became listed then and there for vengeance--or immortality. the subject had been forced upon him, and he then expressed the sentiment that he continued to voice until eighteen hundred sixty-five, that america could not exist half-free and half-slave. it must be a land of slaveholders and slaves, or a land of free-men--he was fully and irrevocably committed to the cause. in eighteen hundred forty, he was re-elected governor. the second administration was marked, as was the first, by a vigorous policy of pushing forward public improvements. at the close of his second term seward found his personal affairs in rather an unsettled condition, the expenses of official position having exceeded his income. he had had a goodly taste of the ingratitude of republics, and philosopher though he was, he was yet too young to know that his experience in well-doing was not unique, a fact he came to comprehend full well, in later years. and so he did that very human thing--declared his intention of retiring permanently from public life. once back at auburn, clients flocked to him, and he took his pick of business. and yet we find that public affairs were in his mind. vexed questions of state policy were brought to him to decide, and journeys were made to ohio and michigan in the interests of men charged with slave-stealing. there was little money in such practise and small honors, but his heart was in the work. in eighteen hundred forty-four, seward entered with much zest into the canvass in behalf of henry clay for president, as he thought clay's election would surely lead the way to general emancipation. in eighteen hundred forty-eight, he supported general taylor with equal energy. when taylor was elected, there proved to be a great deal of opposition to him among the members from the south, in both the senate and the house of representatives. the administration felt the need of being backed by strong men in the senate--men who could think on their feet, and carry a point when necessary against the opposition that sought to confuse and embarrass the friends of the administration with tireless windmill elocution. from washington came the urgent request that seward should be sent to the united states senate. in eighteen hundred forty-nine, he was chosen senator and from the first became the trusted leader of the administration party. the year after seward's election to the senate, president taylor died and vice-president fillmore (who had the happiness to live in the village of east aurora, new york) succeeded to the office, but seward still remained leader of the anti-slavery party. seward's second term as united states senator closed in eighteen hundred sixty-one. in eighteen hundred fifty-five, when his first term expired, there was a very strenuous effort made against his re-election. his strong and continued anti-slavery position had caused him to be thoroughly hated both north and south. he was spoken of as "a seditious agitator and a dangerous man." but in spite of opposition he was again sent back to washington. small, slim, gentle, modest and low-voiced, he was pointed out in pennsylvania avenue as "one who reads much and sees quite through the deeds of men." men who are well traduced and hotly denounced are usually pretty good quality. no better encomium is needed than the detraction of some people. and men who are well hated also have friends who love them well. thus does the law of compensation ever live. in eighteen hundred fifty-six, there was a goodly little demonstration in favor of seward for president, but the idea of running such a radical for the chief office of the people was quickly downed; and seward himself knew the temper of the times too well to take the matter very seriously. but the years between eighteen hundred fifty-six and eighteen hundred sixty were years of agitation and earnest thought, and the idea that slavery was merely a local question was getting both depolarized and dehorned. the non-slaveholding north was rubbing its sleepy eyes, and asking, who is this man seward, anyway? the belief was growing that seward, garrison, sumner and phillips were something more than self-seeking agitators, and many declared them true patriots. in every town and city, in every northern state, political clubs sprang into being and their battle-cry was "seward!" it seemed to be a foregone conclusion that seward would be the next president. when the convention met, the first ballot showed one hundred seventy-three votes for seward and one hundred two for lincoln, the rest, scattering. but seward's friends had marshaled their entire strength--all the rest was opposition--while lincoln was an unknown quantity. when the news went forth that lincoln was nominated, seward received the tidings in his library at auburn; and the myth-makers have told us that he cried aloud, and that the carved lions on his gateposts shed salty tears. but seward knew the opposition to his name, and was of too stern a moral fiber to fix his heart upon the result of a wire-pulling convention. the motto of his life had been: be prepared for the unexpected. it may be that the lions on the gateposts shed tears, and it is possible there was weeping in the seward household--but not by seward. he entered upon a hearty and vigorous campaign in support of lincoln--making a tour through the west and being greeted everywhere with an enthusiasm that rivaled that shown for the candidate. seward said to his wife, when the news came that lincoln was nominated: "he will be elected, but he will have to face the greatest difficulties and carry the greatest burdens that ever a man has been called to bear. he will need me, but look you, my dear, i will not serve under him. i must be at the head or nowhere." lincoln knew seward, and seward didn't knew lincoln. and so after the convention lincoln journeyed down east. it took two days to go from chicago to buffalo, and there were no sleeping-cars; and then lincoln went on from buffalo to auburn--another day's journey. lincoln wore his habitual duster and the tall hat, a little the worse for wear. he telegraphed seward he was coming, and, of course, seward met him at the station in auburn. lincoln got off the car alone, unattended, carrying his carpetbag, homemade, with the initials "a.l." embroidered on the side by the fair hands of fannie anna rebecca todd. seward and his two sons--william and frederick--met the coming president, and the boys laughed at the dusty, uncouth, sad and awkward individual, six feet five, who disembarked. the carriage was waiting, but lincoln refused to ride, saying, "boys, let's walk," and so they walked up the hill, in through past the stone gateposts where the lions stood that shed tears. seward ran ahead into the house and said to his wife: "look you, my dear, we have misjudged this man. do not laugh. he is the greatest man in the world!" three months later, seward met lincoln by appointment in chicago; and from that time on, to the day of lincoln's death, seward served his chief with hands and feet, with eyes and ears, and with brain and soul. when lincoln was elected, his wisdom was at once manifest in securing seward as secretary of state. the record of those troublous times and the masterly way in which seward served his country are too vivid in the minds of men to need reviewing here, but the regard of lincoln for this man, who so well complemented his own needs, is worthy of our remembrance. seward was the only member of lincoln's first cabinet who stood by him straight through and entered the second. early in april, eighteen hundred sixty-five, seward met with a serious accident by being thrown from his carriage and dashed against the curbstone. one arm and both jaws were fractured, and besides he was badly bruised in other parts of his body. on april thirteenth, lincoln returned from his trip to richmond, where he had had an interview with grant. that evening he walked over from the white house to seward's residence. the stricken man was totally unable to converse, but lincoln, sitting on the edge of the bed and holding the old man's thin hands, told in solemn, serious monotone of the ending of the war; of what he had seen and heard; of the plans he had made for sending soldiers home and providing for an army whipped and vanquished, and of what was best to do to bind up a nation's wounds. five years before, these men had stood before the world as rivals. then they joined hands as friends, and during the four years of strife and blood had met each day and advised and counseled concerning every great detail. their opinions often differed widely, but there was always frank expression and, in the main, their fears and doubts and hopes had all been one. but now at last the smoke had cleared away, and they had won. the victory had been too dearly bought for proud boast or vain exultation, but victory still it was. and as the strong and homely lincoln told the tale the stricken man could answer back only by pressure of a hand. at last the presence of the nurse told lincoln it was time to go; in grave jest he half-apologized for his long stay, and told of a man in sangamon county who used to say there is no medicine like good news. and rumor has it that he then stooped and kissed the sick man's cheek. and then he went his way. the next night at the same hour a man entered the seward home, saying that he had been sent with messages by the doctor. being refused admittance to the sick-chamber, he drew a pistol and endeavored to shoot seward's son who guarded the door; but being foiled in this he crushed the young man's skull with the heavy weapon, and springing over his body dashed at the emaciated figure of seward with uplifted dagger. a dozen times he struck at the face and throat and breast of the almost dying man, and then thinking he had done his work made rapidly away. at the same time, linked by fate in a sort of poetic justice, with the thought that if one deserved death so did the other, hate had with surer aim sent an assassin's bullet home--and lincoln died. weeks passed and the strong vitality that had served seward in such good stead did not forsake him. men of his stamp are hard to kill. on a beautiful may-day, seward, so reduced that a woman carried him, was taken out on the veranda of his house and watched that solid mass of glittering steel and faded blue that moved through pennsylvania avenue in triumphal march. sherman with head uncovered rode down to seward's home, saluted, and then back to join his goodly company, and many others of lesser note did the same. health and strength came slowly back, and happy was the day when he was carried to the office of secretary of state and, propped in his chair, again began his work. another president had come, but meet it was that the secretary of state should still hold his place. seward lived full eleven years after that, seemingly dragging with unquenched spirit that slashed and broken form. but the glint did not fade from his eye, nor did the proud head lose its poise. he died in his office among his books and papers, sane and sensible up to the very moment when his spirit took its flight. abraham lincoln the world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. --speech at gettysburg [illustration: abraham lincoln] no, dearie, i do not think my childhood differed much from that of other good healthy country youngsters. i've heard folks say that childhood has its sorrows and all that, but the sorrows of country children do not last long. the young rustic goes out and tells his troubles to the birds and flowers, and the flowers nod in recognition, and the robin that sings from the top of a tall poplar-tree when the sun goes down says plainly it has sorrows of its own--and understands. i feel a pity for all those folks who were born in a big city, and thus got cheated out of their childhood. zealous ash-box inspectors in gilt braid, prying policemen with clubs, and signs reading, "keep off the grass," are woeful things to greet the gaze of little souls fresh from god. last summer six "fresh airs" were sent out to my farm, from the eighth ward. half an hour after their arrival, one of them, a little girl five years old, who had constituted herself mother of the party, came rushing into the house exclaiming, "say, mister, jimmy driscoll he's walkin' on de grass!" i well remember the first keep-off-the-grass sign i ever saw. it was in a printed book; it wasn't exactly a sign, only a picture of a sign, and the single excuse i could think of for such a notice was that the field was full of bumblebee-nests, and the owner, being a good man and kind, did not want barefoot boys to add bee-stings to stone-bruises. and i never now see one of those signs but that i glance at my feet to make sure that i have shoes on. given the liberty of the country, the child is very near to nature's heart; he is brother to the tree and calls all the dumb, growing things by name. he is sublimely superstitious. his imagination, as yet untouched by disillusion, makes good all that earth lacks, and habited in a healthy body the soul sings and soars. in childhood, magic and mystery lie close around us. the world in which we live is a panorama of constantly unfolding delights, our faith in the unknown is limitless, and the words of job, uttered in mankind's early morning, fit our wondering mood: "he stretcheth out the north over empty space, and hangeth the earth upon nothing." i am old, dearie, very old. in my childhood much of the state of illinois was a prairie, where wild grass waved and bowed before the breeze, like the tide of a summer sea. i remember when "relatives" rode miles and miles in springless farm-wagons to visit cousins, taking the whole family and staying two nights and a day; when books were things to be read; when the beaver and the buffalo were not extinct; when wild pigeons came in clouds that shadowed the sun; when steamboats ran on the sangamon; when bishop simpson preached; when hell was a place, not a theory, and heaven a locality whose fortunate inhabitants had no work to do; when chicago newspapers were ten cents each; when cotton cloth was fifty cents a yard, and my shirt was made from a flour-sack, with the legend, "extra xxx," across my proud bosom, and just below the words in flaming red, "warranted fifty pounds!" the mornings usually opened with smothered protests against getting up, for country folks then were extremists in the matter of "early to bed, early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy and wise." we hadn't much wealth, nor were we very wise, but we had health to burn. but aside from the unpleasantness of early morning, the day was full of possibilities of curious things to be found in the barn and under spreading gooseberry-bushes, or if it rained, the garret was an alsatia unexplored. the evolution of the individual mirrors the evolution of the race. in the morning of the world man was innocent and free; but when self-consciousness crept in and he possessed himself of that disturbing motto, "know thyself," he took a fall. yet knowledge usually comes to us with a shock, just as the mixture crystallizes when the chemist gives the jar a tap. we grow by throes. i well remember the day when i was put out of my eden. my father and mother had gone away in the one-horse wagon, taking the baby with them, leaving me in care of my elder sister. it was a stormy day and the air was full of fog and mist. it did not rain very much, only in gusts, but great leaden clouds chased each other angrily across the sky. it was very quiet there in the little house on the prairie, except when the wind came and shook the windows and rattled at the doors. the morning seemed to drag and wouldn't pass, just out of contrariness; and i wanted it to go fast because in the afternoon my sister was to take me somewhere, but where i did not know, but that we should go somewhere was promised again and again. as the day wore on we went up into the little garret and strained our eyes across the stretching prairie to see if some one was coming. there had been much rain, for on the prairie there was always too much rain or else too little. it was either drought or flood. dark swarms of wild ducks were in all the ponds; v-shaped flocks of geese and brants screamed overhead, and down in the slough cranes danced a solemn minuet. again and again we looked for the coming something, and i began to cry, fearing we had been left there, forgotten of fate. at last we went out by the barn and, with much boosting, i climbed to the top of the haystack and my sister followed. and still we watched. "there they come!" exclaimed my sister. "there they come!" i echoed, and clapped two red, chapped hands for joy. away across the prairie, miles and miles away, was a winding string of wagons, a dozen perhaps, one right behind another. we watched until we could make out our own white horse, bob, and then we slid down the hickory pole that leaned against the stack, and made our way across the spongy sod to the burying-ground that stood on a knoll half a mile away. we got there before the procession, and saw a great hole, with square corners, dug in the ground. it was half-full of water, and a man in bare feet, with trousers rolled to his knees, was working industriously to bail it out. the wagons drove up and stopped. and out of one of them four men lifted a long box and set it down beside the hole where the man still bailed and dipped. the box was opened and in it was si johnson. si lay very still, and his face was very blue, and his clothes were very black, save for his shirt, which was very white, and his hands were folded across his breast, just so, and held awkwardly in the stiff fingers was a little new testament. we all looked at the blue face, and the women cried softly. the men took off their hats while the preacher prayed, and then we sang, "there'll be no more parting there." the lid of the box was nailed down, lines were taken from the harness of one of the teams standing by and were placed around the long box, and it was lowered with a splash into the hole. then several men seized spades and the clods fell with clatter and echo. the men shoveled very hard, filling up the hole, and when it was full and heaped up, they patted it all over with the backs of their spades. everybody remained until this was done, and then we got into the wagons and drove away. nearly a dozen of the folks came over to our house for dinner, including the preacher, and they all talked of the man who was dead and how he came to die. only two days before, this man, si johnson, stood in the doorway of his house and looked out at the falling rain. it had rained for three days, so that they could not plow, and si was angry. besides this, his two brothers had enlisted and gone away to the war and left him all the work to do. he did not go to war because he was a "copperhead"; and as he stood there in the doorway looking at the rain, he took a chew of tobacco, and then he swore a terrible oath. and ere the swear-words had escaped from his lips, there came a blinding flash of lightning, and the man fell all in a heap like a sack of oats. and he was dead. whether he died because he was a copperhead, or because he took a chew of tobacco, or because he swore, i could not exactly understand. i waited for a convenient lull in the conversation and asked the preacher why the man died, and he patted me on the head and told me it was "the vengeance of god," and that he hoped i would grow up and be a good man and never chew tobacco nor swear. the preacher is alive now. he is an old, old man with long, white whiskers, and i never see him but that i am tempted to ask for the exact truth as to why si johnson was struck by lightning. yet i suppose it was because he was a copperhead: all copperheads chewed tobacco and swore, and that his fate was merited no one but the living copperheads in that community doubted. that was an eventful day to me. like men whose hair turns from black to gray in a night, i had left babyhood behind at a bound, and the problems of the world were upon me, clamoring for solution. * * * * * there was war in the land. when it began i did not know, but that it was something terrible i could guess. i thought of it all the rest of the day and dreamed of it at night. many men had gone away; and every day men in blue straggled by, all going south, forever south. and all the men straggling along that road stopped to get a drink at our well, drawing the water with the sweep, and drinking out of the bucket, and squirting a mouthful of water over each other. they looked at my father's creaking doctor's sign, and sang, "old mother hubbard, she went to the cupboard." they all sang that. they were very jolly, just as though they were going to a picnic. some of them came back that way a few years later and they were not so jolly. and some there were who never came back at all. freight-trains passed southward, blue with men in the cars, and on top of the cars, and in the caboose, and on the cowcatcher, always going south and never north. for "down south" were many rebels, and all along the way south were copperheads, and they all wanted to come north and kill us, so soldiers had to go down there and fight them. and i marveled much that if god hated copperheads, as our preacher said he did, why he didn't send lightning and kill them, just in a second, as he had si johnson. and then all that would have to be done would be to send for a doctor to see that they were surely dead, and a preacher to pray, and the neighbors would dress them in their best sunday suits of black, folding their hands very carefully across their breasts, then we would bury them deep, filling in the dirt and heaping it up, patting it all down very carefully with the back of a spade, and then go away and leave them until judgment-day. copperheads were simply men who hated lincoln. the name came from copperhead-snakes, which are worse than rattlers, for rattlers rattle and give warning. a rattler is an open enemy, but you never know that a copperhead is around until he strikes. he lies low in the swale and watches his chance. "he is the worstest snake that am." it was abe lincoln of springfield who was fighting the rebels that were trying to wreck the country and spread red ruin. the copperheads were wicked folks at the north who sided with the rebels. society was divided into two classes: those who favored abe lincoln, and those who told lies about him. all the people i knew and loved, loved abe lincoln. i was born at bloomington, illinois, through no choosing of my own, and bloomington is further famous as being the birthplace of the republican party. when a year old i persuaded my parents to move seven miles north to the village of hudson, that then had five houses, a church, a store and a blacksmith-shop. many of the people i knew, knew lincoln, for he used to come to bloomington several times a year "on the circuit" to try cases, and at various times made speeches there. when he came he would tell stories at the ashley house, and when he was gone these stories would be repeated by everybody. some of these stories must have been peculiar, for i once heard my mother caution my father not to tell any more "lincoln stories" at the dinner-table when we had company. and once lincoln gave a lecture at the presbyterian church on the "progress of man," when no one was there but the preacher, my aunt hannah and the sexton. my uncle elihu and aunt hannah knew abe lincoln well. so did jesse fell, james c. conklin, judge davis, general orme, leonard swett, dick yates and lots of others i knew. they never called him "mister lincoln," but it was always abe, or old abe, or just plain abe lincoln. in that newly settled country you always called folks by their first names, especially when you liked them. and when they spoke the name, "abe lincoln," there was something in the voice that told of confidence, respect and affection. once when i was at my aunt hannah's, judge davis was there and i sat on his lap. years afterward i boasted to robert ingersoll that when i wore trousers buttoned to a calico waist i used to sit on the lap of david davis, and colonel ingersoll laughed and said, "now i know you are a liar, for david davis didn't have any lap." the only thing about the interview i remember was that the judge really didn't have any lap to speak of. after judge davis had gone, aunt hannah said, "you must always remember judge davis, for he is the man who made abe lincoln!" and when i said, "why, i thought god made lincoln," they all laughed. after a little pause my inquiring mind caused me to ask, "who made judge davis?" and uncle elihu answered, "abe lincoln." then they all laughed more than ever. * * * * * many volunteers were being called for. neighbors and neighbors' boys were enlisting--going to the support of abe lincoln. then one day my father went away, too. many of the neighbors went with us to the station when he took the four-o'clock train, and we all cried, except mother--she didn't cry until she got home. my father had gone to springfield to enlist as a surgeon. in three days he came back and told us he had enlisted, and was to be assigned his regiment in a week, and go at once to the front. he was always a kind man, but during that week when he was waiting to be told where to go, he was very gentle and more kind than ever. he told me i must be the man of the house while he was away, and take care of my mother and sisters, and not forget to feed the chickens every morning; and i promised. at the end of the week a big envelope came from springfield marked in the corner, "official." my mother would not open it, and so it lay on the table until the doctor's return. we all looked at it curiously, and my eldest sister gazed on it long with lack-luster eye and then rushed from the room with her check apron over her head. when my father rode up on horseback i ran to tell him that the envelope had come. we all stood breathless and watched him break the seals. he took out the letter and read it silently and passed it to my mother. i have the letter before me now, and it says: "the department is still of the opinion that it does not care to accept men having varicose veins, which make the wearing of bandages necessary. your name, however, has been filed and should we be able to use your services, will advise." then we were all very glad about the varicose veins, and i am afraid i went out and boasted to my play-fellows about our family possessions. it was not so very long after, that there was a big meeting in the "timber." people came from all over the county to attend it. the chief speaker was a man by the name of ingersoll, a colonel in the army, who was back home for just a day or two on furlough. folks said he was the greatest orator in peoria county. early in the morning the wagons began to go by our house, and all along the four roads that led to the grove we could see great clouds of dust that stretched away for miles and miles and told that the people were gathering by the thousands. they came in wagons and on horseback, carrying babies; two boys on one horse were common sights; and there were various four-horse teams with wagons filled with girls all dressed in white, carrying flags. all our folks went. my mother fastened the back door of our house with a bolt on the inside, and then locked the front door with a key, and hid the key under the doormat. at the grove there was much hand-shaking and visiting and asking after the folks and for the news. several soldiers were present, among them a man who lived near us, called "little ramsey." three one-armed men were there, and a man named al sweetser, who had only one leg. these men wore blue, and were seated on the big platform that was all draped with flags. plank seats were arranged, and every plank held its quota. just outside the seats hundred of men stood, and beyond these were wagons filled with people. every tree in the woods seemed to have a horse tied to it, and the trees over the speakers' platform were black with men and boys. i never knew before that there were so many horses and people in the world. when the speaking began, the people cheered, and then they became very quiet, and only the occasional squealing and stamping of the horses could be heard. our preacher spoke first, and then the lawyer from bloomington, and then came the great man from peoria. the people cheered more than ever when he stood up, and kept hurrahing so long i thought they were not going to let him speak at all. at last they quieted down, and the speaker began. his first sentence contained a reference to abe lincoln. the people applauded, and some one proposed three cheers for "honest old abe." everybody stood up and cheered, and i, perched on my father's shoulder, cheered too. and beneath the legend, "warranted fifty pounds," my heart beat proudly. silence came at last--a silence filled only by the neighing and stamping of horses and the rapping of a woodpecker in a tall tree. every ear was strained to catch the orator's first words. the speaker was just about to begin. he raised one hand, but ere his lips moved, a hoarse, guttural shout echoed through the woods, "hurrah'h'h for jeff davis!!!" "kill that man!" rang a sharp, clear voice in instant answer. a rumble like an awful groan came from the vast crowd. my father was standing on a seat, and i had climbed to his shoulder. the crowd surged like a monster animal toward a tall man standing alone in a wagon. he swung a blacksnake whip around him, and the lash fell savagely on two gray horses. at a lunge, the horses, the wagon and the tall man had cleared the crowd, knocking down several people in their flight. one man clung to the tailboard. the whip wound with a hiss and a crack across his face, and he fell stunned in the roadway. a clear space of full three hundred feet now separated the man in the wagon from the great throng, which with ten thousand hands seemed ready to tear him limb from limb. revolver shots rang out, women screamed, and trampled children cried for help. above it all was the roar of the mob. the orator, in vain pantomime, implored order. i saw little ramsey drop off the limb of a tree astride of a horse that was tied beneath, then lean over, and with one stroke of a knife sever the halter. at the same time fifty other men seemed to have done the same thing, for flying horses shot out from different parts of the woods, all on the instant. the man in the wagon was half a mile away now, still standing erect. the gray horses were running low, with noses and tails outstretched. the spread-out riders closed in a mass and followed at terrific speed. the crowd behind seemed to grow silent. we heard the patter-patter of barefoot horses ascending the long, low hill. one rider on a sorrel horse fell behind. he drew his horse to one side, and sitting over with one foot in the long stirrup, plied the sorrel across the flank with a big, white-felt hat. the horse responded, and crept around to the front of the flying mass. the wagon had disappeared over a gentle rise of ground, and then we lost the horsemen, too. still we watched, and two miles across the prairie we got a glimpse of running horses in a cloud of dust, and into another valley they settled, and then we lost them for good. the speaking began again and went on amid applause and tears, with laughter set between. i do not remember what was said, but after the speaking, as we made our way homeward, we met little ramsey and the young man who rode the sorrel horse. they told us that they had caught the copperhead after a ten-mile chase, and that he was badly hurt, for the wagon had upset and the fellow was beneath it. ramsey asked my father to go at once to see what could be done for him. the man, however, was quite dead when my father reached him. there was a purple mark around his neck: and the opinion seemed to be that he had got tangled up in the harness or something. * * * * * the war-time months went dragging by, and the burden of gloom in the air seemed to lift; for when the chicago "tribune" was read each evening in the post-office it told of victories on land and sea. yet it was a joy not untinged with black; for in the church across from our house, funerals had been held for farmer boys who had died in prison-pens and been buried in georgia trenches. one youth there was, i remember, who had stopped to get a drink at our pump, and squirted a mouthful of water over me because i was handy. one night the postmaster was reading aloud the names of the killed at gettysburg, and he ran right on to the name of this boy. the boy's father sat there on a nail-keg, chewing a straw. the postmaster tried to shuffle over the name and on to the next. "hi! wha--what's that you said?" "killed in honorable battle--snyder, hiram," said the postmaster with a forced calmness. the boy's father stood up with a jerk. then he sat down. then he stood up again and staggered his way to the door and fumbled for the latch like a blind man. "god help him! he's gone to tell the old woman," said the postmaster as he blew his nose on a red handkerchief. the preacher preached a funeral sermon for the boy, and on the little pyramid that marked the family lot in the burying-ground they carved the words: "killed in honorable battle, hiram snyder, aged nineteen." not long after, strange, yellow, bearded men in faded blue began to arrive. great welcomes were given them; and at the regular wednesday evening prayer-meeting thanksgivings were poured out for their safe return, with names of company and regiment duly mentioned for the lord's better identification. bees were held for some of these returned farmers, where twenty teams and fifty men, old and young, did a season's farm-work in a day, and split enough wood for a year. at such times the women would bring big baskets of provisions, and long tables would be set, and there were very jolly times, with cracking of many jokes that were veterans, and the day would end with pitching horseshoes, and at last with singing "auld lang syne." it was at one such gathering that a ghost appeared--a lank, saffron ghost, ragged as a scarecrow--wearing a foolish smile and the cape of a cavalryman's overcoat with no coat beneath it. the apparition was a youth of about twenty, with a downy beard all over his face, and countenance well mellowed with coal-soot, as though he had ridden several days on top of a freight-car that was near the engine. this ghost was hiram snyder. all forgave him the shock of surprise he caused us--all except the minister who had preached his funeral sermon. years after i heard this minister remark in a solemn, grieved tone: "hiram snyder is a man who can not be relied on." * * * * * as the years pass, the miracle of the seasons means less to us. but what country boy can forget the turning of the leaves from green to gold, and the watchings and waitings for the first hard frost that ushers in the nutting season! and then the first fall of snow, with its promise of skates and sleds and tracks of rabbits, and mayhap bears, and strange animals that only come out at night, and that no human eye has ever seen! beautiful are the seasons; and glad i am that i have not yet quite lost my love for each. but now they parade past with a curious swiftness! they look at me out of wistful eyes, and sometimes one calls to me as she goes by and asks, "why have you done so little since i saw you last?" and i can only answer, "i was thinking of you." i do not need another incarnation to live my life over again. i can do that now, and the resurrection of the past, through memory, that sees through closed eyes, is just as satisfactory as the thing itself. were we talking of the seasons? very well, dearie, the seasons it shall be. they are all charming, but if i were to wed any it would be spring. how well i remember the gentle perfume of her comings, and her warm, languid breath! there was a time when i would go out of the house some morning, and the snow would be melting, and spring would kiss my cheek, and then i would be all aglow with joy and would burst into the house, and cry: "spring is here! spring is here!" for you know we always have to divide our joy with some one. one can bear grief, but it takes two to be glad. and then my mother would smile and say, "yes, my son, but do not wake the baby!" then i would go out and watch the snow turn to water, and run down the road in little rivulets to the creek, that would swell until it became a regular mississippi, so that when we waded the horse across, the water would come to the saddlegirth. then once, i remember, the bridge was washed away, and all the teams had to go around and through the water, and some used to get stuck in the mud on the other bank. it was great fun! the first "spring beauties" bloomed very early in that year; violets came out on the south side of rotting logs, and cowslips blossomed in the slough as they never had done before. over on the knoll, prairie-chickens strutted pompously and proudly drummed. the war was over! lincoln had won, and the country was safe! the jubilee was infectious, and the neighbors who used to come and visit us would tell of the men and boys who would soon be back. the war was over! my father and mother talked of it across the table, and the men talked of it at the store, and earth, sky and water called to each other in glad relief, "the war is over!" but there came a morning when my father walked up from the railroad-station very fast, and looking very serious. he pushed right past me as i sat in the doorway. i followed him into the kitchen where my mother was washing dishes, and heard him say, "they have killed lincoln!" and then he burst into tears. i had never before seen my father shed tears--in fact, i had never seen a man cry. there is something terrible in the grief of a man. soon the church-bell across the road began to toll. it tolled all that day. three men--i can give you their names--rang the bell all day long, tolling, slowly tolling, tolling until night came and the stars came out. i thought it a little curious that the stars should come out, for lincoln was dead; but they did, for i saw them as i trotted by my father's side down to the post-office. there was a great crowd of men there. at the long line of peeled-hickory hitching-poles were dozens of saddle-horses. the farmers had come for miles to get details of the news. on the long counters that ran down each side of the store men were seated, swinging their feet, and listening intently to some one who was reading aloud from a newspaper. we worked our way past the men who were standing about, and with several of these my father shook hands solemnly. leaning against the wall near the window was a big, red-faced man, whom i knew as a copperhead. he had been drinking, evidently, for he was making boozy efforts to stand very straight. there were only heard a subdued buzz of whispers and the monotonous voice of the reader, as he stood there in the center, his newspaper in one hand and a lighted candle in the other. the red-faced man lurched two steps forward, and in a loud voice said, "l--l--lincoln is dead--an' i'm damn glad of it!" across the room i saw two men struggling with little ramsey. why they should struggle with him i could not imagine, but ere i could think the matter out, i saw him shake himself loose from the strong hands that sought to hold him. he sprang upon the counter, and in one hand i saw he held a scale-weight. just an instant he stood there, and then the weight shot straight at the red-faced man. the missile glanced on his shoulder and shot through the window. in another second the red-faced man plunged through the window, taking the entire sash with him. "you'll have to pay for that window!" called the alarmed postmaster out into the night. the store was quickly emptied, and on following outside no trace of the red man could be found. the earth had swallowed both the man and the five-pound scale-weight. after some minutes had passed in a vain search for the weight and the copperhead, we went back into the store and the reading was continued. but the interruption had relieved the tension, and for the first time that day men in that post-office joked and laughed. it even lifted from my heart the gloom that threatened to smother me, and i went home and told the story to my mother and sisters, and they too smiled, so closely akin are tears and smiles. * * * * * the story of lincoln's life had been ingrained into me long before i ever read a book. for the people who knew lincoln, and the people who knew the people that lincoln knew, were the people i knew. i visited at their houses and heard them tell what lincoln had said when he sat at table where i then sat. i listened long to lincoln stories, and "and that reminds me" was often on the lips of those i loved. all the tales told by the faithful herndon and the needlessly loyal nicolay and hay were current coin, and the rehearsal of the lincoln-douglas debate was commonplace. when our own poverty was mentioned, we compared it with the poverty that lincoln had endured, and felt rich. i slept in a garret where the winter's snow used to sift merrily through the slab shingles, but then i was covered with warm buffalo-robes, and a loving mother tucked me in and on my forehead imprinted a goodnight kiss. but lincoln at the same age had no mother and lived in a hut that had neither windows, doors nor floor, and a pile of leaves and straw in the corner was his bed. our house had two rooms, but one winter the lincoln home was only a shed enclosed on three sides. i knew of his being a clerk in a country store at the age of twenty, and that up to that time he had read but four books; of his running a flatboat, splitting rails, and poring at night over a dog-eared law-book; of his asking to sleep in the law-office of joshua speed, and of speed's giving him permission to move in. and of his going away after his "worldly goods" and coming back in ten minutes carrying an old pair of saddlebags, which he threw into a corner saying, "speed, i've moved!". i knew of his twenty years of country law-practise, when he was considered just about as good and no better than a dozen others on that circuit, and of his making a bare living during that time. then i knew of his gradually awakening to the wrong of slavery, of the expansion of his mind, so that he began to incur the jealousy of rivals and the hatred of enemies, and of the prophetic feeling in that slow but sure moving mind that "a house divided against itself can not stand. i believe this government can not endure permanently half-slave and half-free." i knew of the debates with douglas and the national attention they attracted, and of judge davis' remark, "lincoln has more commonsense than any other man in america"; and then, chiefly through judge davis' influence, of his being nominated for president at the chicago convention. i knew of his election, and the coming of the war, and the long, hard fight, when friends and foes beset, and none but he had the patience and the courage that could wait. and then i knew of his death, that death which then seemed a calamity--terrible in its awful blackness. but now the years have passed, and i comprehend somewhat of the paradox of things, and i know that this death was just what he might have prayed for. it was a fitting close for a life that had done a supreme and mighty work. his face foretold the end. lincoln had no home ties. in that plain, frame house, without embellished yard or ornament, where i have been so often, there was no love that held him fast. in that house there was no library, but in the parlor, where six haircloth chairs and a slippery sofa to match stood guard, was a marble table on which were various giftbooks in blue and gilt. he only turned to that home when there was no other place to go. politics, with its attendant travel and excitement, allowed him to forget the what-might-have-beens. foolish bickering, silly pride, and stupid misunderstanding pushed him out upon the streets and he sought to lose himself among the people. and to the people at length he gave his time, his talents, his love, his life. fate took from him his home that the country might call him savior. dire tragedy was a fitting end; for only the souls who have suffered are well-loved. jealousy, disparagement, calumny, have all made way, and north and south alike revere his name. the memory of his gentleness, his patience, his firm faith, and his great and loving heart are the priceless heritage of a united land. he had charity for all and malice toward none; he gave affection, and affection is his reward. honor and love are his. * * * * * so here endeth "little journeys to the homes of american statesmen," being volume three of the series, as written by elbert hubbard: edited and arranged by fred bann; mcmxxii available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/boyspiesofphilad otis transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). [illustration: "you seem to be afraid a fellow will get away," seth said bitterly.] the boy spies of philadelphia the story of how the young spies helped the continental army at valley forge by james otis a. l. burt company publishers new york copyright by a. l. burt under the title of with washington at monmouth the boy spies of philadelphia contents. page chapter i. a "market-stopper." chapter ii. under arrest chapter iii. in sore distress chapter iv. a bold scheme chapter v. the patrol chapter vi. released chapter vii. on the alert chapter viii. barren hill chapter ix. robert greene chapter x. conciliatory bills chapter xi. a recognition chapter xii. important information chapter xiii. the evacuation chapter xiv. lord gordon chapter xv. on special duty chapter xvi. tory hospitality chapter xvii. in self-defense chapter xviii. preparing for action chapter xix. a friendly warning chapter xx. the victors the boy spies of philadelphia chapter i. a "market-stopper." on the morning of april , , three boys, the eldest of whom was not more than sixteen years of age and the youngest hardly a year his junior, were standing on that side of the town-house nearest the pillory, in the city of philadelphia. they were not engaged in sportive conversation, nor occupied with schemes for pleasure, as is usually the case with boys of such age; but wore a graver look than seemed suitable to youth under ordinary circumstances. these boys were witnessing and taking part in events decidedly startling--events well calculated to impress themselves upon the minds even of children. it is hardly necessary, because such fact is familiar to all americans, to say that on the th of september, , general howe took possession of the city of philadelphia, and it was yet occupied by the british forces on this d day of april, . the past winter had been one of gayety for the wealthy tory inhabitants of the city, since the english officers were pleased to spend their time in every form of revelry, and ever ready to accept the more than generous hospitality which was extended by such of the citizens as were desirous of remaining under british rule. the officers of the army indulged to the utmost their love for luxury and ease while serving in the command of the indolent howe, and the privates had so far followed the example set by their superiors that the king's troops had become more demoralized by this winter of idleness than could have been possible under almost any other circumstances. so great was this demoralization that benjamin franklin was able to say with truth, when taunted with the fact that the enemy had captured the city: "general howe has not taken philadelphia; philadelphia has taken general howe." it was at about the time of which this story treats that the british government decided to give command of the forces under general howe to sir henry clinton, and those of the population loyal to the cause of freedom were considerably exercised in mind as to how this change of officers might effect them. the three boys, who have as yet hardly been introduced, were by no means prominent in the cause of freedom; in fact they had but just arrived at an age when they began to realize their responsibilities, and as yet had been powerless to perform any great deed in behalf of the cause. the eldest was jacob ludwick, son of that christopher ludwick, baker of germantown, who, having amassed considerable property before the beginning of the struggle for freedom, gave one entire half of it for the cause, and swore at the same time never to shave until the united states were free and independent. as is known, washington made him baker-general of the army; but as yet young jacob had never been able to gain his father's consent to his enlisting. the second of the trio in point of age was seth graydon, son of that widow graydon who kept a boarding-house in drinker's alley, which had been largely patronized during the winter by officers of the forty-second highland and the royal irish regiments. the third was enoch ball, also the son of a widow, and his mother it was who had for several years taught french and dancing in her home on letitia street. these three boys had grown old beyond their years during the past winter. they had witnessed, and more particularly in the case of seth graydon, the revelry of the officers who had come to whip into submission the struggling patriots, and well knew to what desperate straits, even for the common necessities of life, were driven the families of those men who had enlisted in the american army. they saw the invading foe and their sympathizers enjoying every luxury of the table, while hundreds of the poorer classes were literally starving. those loyal to the american cause had suffered severely from lack of food and fuel, and were now questioning as to whether, under this newly appointed commander, they would not be called upon to bear yet greater troubles. neither of these three lads had ever been hungrier than boys of their age usually are at all times; yet they realized what suffering might come, if, as had been rumored, sir henry clinton was an officer who believed harsh measures necessary when dealing with "rebels." "there's no doubt about the order having been given," seth said in reply to a question from one of his companions. "the officers were discussing it last evening, and seemed to think, as they always do, that i can work them no harm through learning their secrets. the time shall come, however, if they stay here much longer, when i will prove that even a boy can be of service to his country." "but what is the order?" enoch ball asked impatiently. "the entire army is to be in readiness, with three days' rations, to start at a moment's warning on some maneuver which will be executed between now and the fifth of this month." "do you suppose general howe intends to march to valley forge?" jacob asked, with no slight show of anxiety as he thought that his father might be in danger. "that cannot be. since the british took possession of philadelphia there have been many better opportunities for them to fall upon general washington and his command than now, and it is not likely the enemy would have remained idle all winter waiting to strike a blow after our friends were prepared for it." "but _are_ they prepared for it?" jacob asked. "so i heard lord gordon say last night. he declared that, thanks to the instructions of the baron de steuben, the american troops were never in better condition, so far as discipline is concerned, than they are at present, and now that the sufferings caused by the severe winter have come to an end, they are in good spirits." "but if the command is to be taken from general howe, why is he getting ready for any movement?" "if i could answer that question, enoch, i might be able to give even general washington information for which he would thank me." "do you know why general howe is to be removed from his command?" "i have heard the british officers say he was severely censured by parliament for his blunder in causing the disaster to burgoyne's army by going to the chesapeake as he did. it seems that he has asked permission to go home, and that is why sir henry clinton has been given the command." "this maneuver to be executed before the fifth may be one which has been ordered in advance by clinton," jacob suggested. "if such had been the case, the officers who were discussing the matter would have said so." "whether it be the one or the other, i do not understand how we can be benefited by having the information. why did you say that at last we had work to do?" "for this reason, enoch ball: we are now old enough to be of some service to the cause. jacob's father refuses to allow him to enlist. mother insists i must remain at home while the british are in possession of the city, and that is also the reason why you are not already a soldier. now even though we are not in the army, it may be possible for us to aid our friends, and surely nothing at this time can be more important than making them acquainted with the fact that the britishers are getting ready for some important movement." "but how can we let them know?" enoch asked with considerable show of trepidation, for it was not yet two weeks since he had seen a man flogged with an hundred lashes because of its being suspected that his intention was to enter the american lines. "it is not impossible for one of us to find an officer within a few miles of the town who would forward the information. i believe i know where general reed and general cadwalader are, or, at least, how to reach them." "would you attempt to leave the city on such an errand?" "i would, and will." "and you expect us to go with you?" enoch continued, showing yet greater signs of fear. "not unless you choose." "two can do the work as well as three," jacob interrupted. "if you and i go, seth, there is no reason why enoch need be afraid, for we shan't need him." "but do you think i would let you make an attempt to aid the cause, and not be with you?" "you are frightened now at the very thought of it," jacob replied scornfully. "yes; and if i am, what then? i may be afraid, for it was terrible to see that poor man's back cut with the lash; but yet i should go if you went." "now you are showing yourself to be brave, enoch," seth said approvingly, but before he could finish the sentence a shouting, yelling mob turned from high street[a] into second, and the boys darted forward to learn the cause of the commotion. "they have captured another market-stopper," jacob said a moment later as they neared the noisy throng. the term he used was one given by the british to those americans stationed near the city to prevent such farmers as had no scruples against selling provisions to the enemy from disposing of their wares save to those who favored the cause. during the winter just passed general howe had attempted to do little more than keep the roads open in order that the country people might come in with their marketing, and severe was the punishment he caused to be meted out to those who would thus attempt to shut off the supplies. "it is the farmers themselves who should be whipped!" jacob cried indignantly. "they care not how much aid is given to the enemy so that money comes into their pockets, and the freedom of their country is as nothing compared with the price at which eggs, butter or potatoes can be sold." "it is better to keep a quiet tongue, jacob ludwick," seth whispered. "there are too many redcoats for us in the crowd, and if one of them should hear your words, that soldier would not be the only one pilloried this day." "i do not care to fall into their clutches, and therefore i remain silent while good patriots like this light-horseman are being abused; but if it ever happens that the odds are more nearly even i shall say for once to a redcoat what is in my mind." "and get a flogging for your pains, without having done any one good?" "as to whether i am whipped depends upon how well the britisher can fight, while i'm certain great good will be done me by the opportunity to use my tongue as i please." "don't talk so loud," enoch whispered impatiently. "we shall all find ourselves in the jail or on the pillory unless you are careful." it was quite time jacob put a bridle on his tongue; the throng of idlers and soldiers who were amusing themselves by pelting the light-horseman with stale eggs, decaying vegetables, or other filth, had now approached so near the boys that words even less loudly spoken could have been overheard. the prisoner made no effort to protect himself from the unsavory shower; he probably realized that any attempt to do so would only result in his being used more roughly, and did his best to appear unconcerned. "do not stay here while he is being whipped," seth whispered. "what we saw this day a week ago was more than enough for me, and i hope i'll never witness another flogging." "wait awhile," and jacob went nearer the prisoner. "i do not think this one is to be served in that way. see! they are going to put him on the pillory, and by stopping here until the beasts are weary of abusing a helpless man we may be able to render him some assistance." seth no longer insisted on leaving the place; the thought had come into his mind that this soldier could tell him where the information he believed the americans should have would be the most valuable, and it was not improbable they might have an opportunity to talk with him privately. during half an hour after the prisoner had been placed in the pillory the mob jeered, hooted and pelted him with missiles of every description, and then, one by one, tiring of the inhuman sport, they left the yard for fresh amusement, until the three boys and the horseman were alone, save for the curious ones who, passing by on the street, stopped a moment to look at the soldier. "it will not always be allowed that the men who are fighting for our liberties can be treated like this in philadelphia," seth said in a cautious tone as he stepped so near the pillory that those at the entrance of the yard could not overhear the words. "are you a friend?" the prisoner asked with some show of surprise. "i had begun to think there were none left in this town since howe has made so brave a show, while we at valley forge have been starving." "there are as many friends to the cause in the city as before the britishers came; but it can do no good for that fact to be known while we are powerless to act." "you are old enough to serve in the ranks, and should be there, if you would aid the cause." "so we shall be in good time, friend; but it is not all who are the most willing that can do as they choose. this boy," and seth pulled jacob forward, "is the son of ludwick the baker, of whom you must have heard." "heard, lad? why i know chris ludwick as well as i know myself! do you tell me that he won't allow his son to enlist?" "he has promised to give his consent this spring, and when jacob signs the rolls enoch and i will go with him." "then you will have done only that which is your duty. if general washington could have as many men as he needs, this war would soon be ended, with the united states free and independent." "we shall do our share," seth replied, speaking more hurriedly lest those who had captured the prisoner should put an end to the interview before he had accomplished his purpose. "if you believe us to be friends, tell me where we can find an officer of the american army?" "i have heard you say you were friends; but even if i was able to answer your question i should hesitate about giving any information until i had better surety of your purpose than words which might be spoken by any one." "then you shall know why i asked, and after that say if we may be trusted. my mother keeps a boarding-house, and among her guests are several british officers; last night i heard them talking about an order which has just been issued, to the effect that a large portion of the army is to be ready to move at a moment's warning. from what they said, it seems certain some important move is to be made before the fifth of the month." "why are you so certain as to the date?" the man asked after a brief pause, during which he appeared to be settling some question in his own mind. "it was so said by the officers." "and you have no idea of what may be on foot?" "i know nothing, except as i have told you. those who were talking appeared to be ignorant of what it meant." the prisoner remained silent several moments, and then said in a whisper: "i shall trust you, lads, for it seems necessary the information should be known at headquarters. if you are deceiving me, you must always remember it as a scurvy trick, and one not worthy even a tory." "but we are not deceiving you, nor are we tories. you know what would be the penalty if we were discovered trying to send information to the continental army, and yet we are willing to take all the risks, if thereby we can aid our friends." "that you can, lad, if it so be what you have heard is true. will you be able to leave town at once?" "within an hour." "very well, you cannot go too soon. if you travel six miles on the delaware road i'll answer for it that you meet some of our friends who will conduct you to those whom you wish to see. don't tell your story to any officer lower in rank than a colonel, and do not be surprised if those whom you meet give rough usage at first. hold both your tongue and your temper until the purpose has been accomplished, and then i warrant you will be well thanked for the service." "we will go at once," jacob said decidedly. "is there anything we can do for you, friend?" "what i most want is to get my neck and wrists out of this contrivance, and that is exactly what you can't help me in the doing. i suppose i should be thankful for being let off so lightly." "indeed you should!" enoch replied quickly. "the britishers have been flogging the market-stoppers, and that punishment is truly terrible." "i have seen those who had a taste of it," the prisoner said grimly, "and have no desire to take a dose. but do not stand here talking with me when you have valuable information to give our friends. when you meet with soldiers of our army, say that ezra grimshaw sent you to speak with colonel powers." "is your name grimshaw?" enoch asked. "yes, lad. if you can get speech with colonel powers you need have no fear of rough treatment. now set out, for time may be precious. which of you is to do the work?" "all," enoch replied quickly, as if fearing that, because of the timidity he had displayed, his friends might deprive him of the opportunity to do his share. "there is no need of but one," grimshaw said decidedly, "and many reasons why three should not make the venture, chiefest of which is, that so many might attract the attention of the enemy's patrol, while a single boy on the road would pass unchallenged." "it is not right one should have all the honor, while the others are deprived of their share," enoch replied decidedly. "lad, is it honor for yourself or the good of the country you have most at heart?" grimshaw asked sternly. "i want to be known as one who did not remain idle when he was needed." "if you really desire to do good to the cause, decide among yourselves as to who shall go, and then let the other two aid him all they can. do not spend the time in squabbling, but set about the business without delay." there was no opportunity for him to say more; at that moment a party of british officers entered the yard, evidently bent on amusing themselves by making sport of the prisoner, and the boys were forced to step aside. seth beckoned for his comrades to follow him, and not until he was on high street did he speak. then it was to say: "grimshaw was right; we must not quarrel as to who shall go, but settle the matter at once. of course each one wants----" "i should have the chance," jacob said decidedly. "either of you may have some trouble to get away; but it is not so with me. my aunt will not worry if i am absent a week; she knows i----" "either enoch or i would have permission to leave home if we explained the reason for going, and, therefore, are as much entitled to the position of messenger as you," seth interrupted. "then how shall it be decided?" "we will draw lots. here is a straw; will you hold it, jacob?" "not i, for i want the chance to make my choice." "then i will do it," and seth turned his back to his companions an instant, saying, as he faced them once more, "i have broken the straw into one long and two short pieces. he who draws the longest shall start at once." jacob insisted on making his choice first, arguing that such advantage should be his because he was the eldest, and, after considerable study, drew one of the fragments from seth's hand. it was so short that he knew the position of messenger was not for him, and stepped back with an expression of bitter disappointment on his face. enoch was no more successful, and seth said triumphantly, as he held up the piece remaining in in his hand: "it is for me! if you two will tell mother where i've gone i'll start at once." "that part of the work shall be done properly," jacob replied, all traces of ill-humor vanishing from his face. "if she allows it, i'll take your place till you get back." "mother will be glad to have you there. try to hear all the officers talk about; but do not let it appear that you are listening." "don't fear for me. shall we walk a mile or so with you?" "it would do no good, and might not be safe. tell mother i shall be back to-night, or early to-morrow morning, for i don't intend to let the grass grow under my feet." "keep out of the britishers' way, or we may have to go down to the town-house in order to see you again," enoch said with a furtive hand-clasp as the three separated, two to go to drinker's alley, and the third to render to the cause what service was in his power. footnote: [a] now market street. chapter ii. under arrest. there was no doubt in seth's mind but that it would be comparatively easy to perform the mission which he had taken upon himself. he believed the only difficulty to overcome would be that of finding colonel powers, or an officer equal or superior to him in rank. so far as making an excursion on the delaware road was concerned, it seemed an exceedingly simple matter, and seth thought, as he set off at his best pace, that it was possible a fellow could aid the cause very materially without being called upon to endure much suffering, or to perform any severe work. he met several of the country people coming into the city with poultry, eggs or butter, they being quick to take advantage of the fact that the road had been lately cleared of market-stoppers by the raid which resulted in making of ezra grimshaw a prisoner. during the first half-hour of his journey he fancied that every person he met looked at him scrutinizingly, as if suspicious because he had left the city; but this sensation soon wore away as the time passed and no one molested him, after which he really began to enjoy this impromptu excursion. when an hour had passed, during which time seth walked at his best pace, he decided he was at least four miles from the town, and the likelihood of being stopped by the british patrol no longer seemed probable. grimshaw had told him if he traveled six miles in this direction he would meet with detachments of americans, and he believed he was now in that portion of the country where his mission should be successfully ended. there had not come into his mind the possibility that he could by any chance be considered a suspicious character by those whom he would aid, and he thought that it had been an excess of precaution to send word regarding the journey to his mother. "i shall be back by the time jacob and enoch have had a chance to tell the story," he muttered, "and it would have been as well if i hadn't allowed mother an opportunity to worry about me. general howe must have little fear of those whom he calls rebels if he allows people to leave the city as readily as i have done." twenty minutes later he was made glad by the sight of half a dozen horsemen on the road in advance of him, for he felt positive they were none other than those whom he wished to meet. now it was no longer necessary he should press forward rapidly in order to accomplish his purpose, for the mounted party came toward him at full speed. "where are you from, lad?" the leader asked as he drew rein directly in front of seth. "from the town," the young patriot replied readily, positive of receiving a friendly greeting as soon as his errand was made known. "i want to see colonel powers. ezra grimshaw told me i would find him hereabouts." "where did you see grimshaw?" the horseman asked more sternly than seth thought necessary. "on the pillory. he was captured by the britishers somewhere out----" "yes, we know all about that," the man interrupted, "but grimshaw would never have told anybody where we might be found." "but he did," seth replied stoutly, "and it was under his advice that i came out here to see colonel powers." it seemed strange that this statement should be questioned, yet the young messenger was quite certain from the expression on the faces of the horsemen that such was the case, and as they glanced at each other suspiciously and incredulously, he hastened to add: "i have information which should be made known to the leaders of the continental army, and grimshaw told me to come here and repeat it to colonel powers." "you have information?" the leader asked sharply. "and who may you be, sir?" "seth graydon." "are you the son of that widow graydon who keeps the boarding-house for english officers?" "yes," seth replied without hesitation. "i heard----" "how did you get speech with grimshaw if he was on the pillory?" one of the men asked abruptly. "i, with two friends, was near the town-house when those who made the capture brought him in, and by waiting until the curious ones had gone away it was not difficult to speak with him privately." "was he flogged?" the leader asked. "no, sir." "nor treated more severely than being put on the pillory?" "no, sir." "and yet he told where we could be found?" "yes, because he was eager one of us should have speech with colonel powers." "if the british officers who board with your mother have sent you on this errand they will be disappointed at the result of their scheme. the tories of philadelphia are not giving out valuable information to those who are faithful to the cause." the leader spoke so sternly that for the first time since he parted with his comrades seth began to feel uncomfortable in mind. "but i am not a tory!" he cried stoutly. "then you have not taken due advantage of your surroundings," the officer said with a laugh. "a great hulking lad like you would be in the continental army if he had any love for the cause, instead of playing the spy for the sake of british gold." "but i am not playing the spy," and now seth began to grow angry. "i came out here to render you a service, at the risk of being flogged if it is known that i left the city for such a purpose. i intend to enlist as soon as the britishers have left philadelphia." "indeed? is that true, my lad? you will enlist when we are on the winning side, and not before, eh?" "can i see colonel powers?" seth asked hotly. "or will you take me to some one equal in rank with him?" "you shall have an opportunity of seeing an officer in the continental army, don't fear as to that; but if you count on going back to philadelphia in time to give valuable information to the britishers, you are mistaken. they will look for their spy quite a spell before seeing him." "i tell you i am not a spy!" seth interrupted. "that you shall have an opportunity to prove. have you any weapons?" "indeed i haven't." "look him over, hubbard, and make certain he isn't telling more lies," the leader said to one of his followers, and the man dismounted at once, searching seth's person so roughly that the boy forgot grimshaw's warning to control his temper. "you shall be made sorry for this!" he cried hotly. "you shall learn----" a blow on the side of the head caused him to reel, and he would have fallen but that he staggered against one of the horses. "howe's tory brood grow bold, thinking their master as powerful as he would make it seem," the leader said with a laugh, and added in a threatening tone to seth, "march ahead of us, young man! don't make the mistake of thinking you can give us the slip! your desire to see an officer in the continental army shall speedily be gratified." "if this is the way you treat those who would do you a service, it is little wonder you fail to receive much valuable information!" the boy cried angrily. "keep your tongue between your teeth, and march on! any further insolence, and you shall be made to understand that howe is not the only person who can order floggings administered. forward, men, and shoot the tory spawn if he makes any attempt to escape." seth recognized the fact that it would be worse than useless to resist, and obeyed sullenly. at that moment he was very nearly a tory at heart, for such treatment seemed brutal in the extreme after he had ventured so much in the hope of being of service to his country. "if this is the way those who would aid the cause are received i don't wonder general washington finds it difficult to raise recruits," seth said to himself. "when i have told jacob and enoch of my reception by those whom we called friends there will be three who won't enlist as was intended." it seemed to the boy as if there was no excuse for his thus being made a prisoner, and he felt only bitterness toward those who, an hour previous, he would have been proud to assist. the troopers kept him moving at his best pace, urging him in front of the horses with their naked swords, hesitating not to prick him roughly now and then when he lagged, until two miles or more had been traversed, when they arrived at what was little more than a trail through the woods, leading from the main road, and here he was ordered to wheel to the right. just for an instant he was tempted to make one effort at escaping; but, fortunately, he realized the futility of such a move, and went swiftly up the path as he had been commanded. twenty minutes later, when he was nearly breathless owing to the rapid march, the party had arrived at what was evidently a rendezvous for the american patrols. it was an open space in the midst of dense woods, and here a dozen or more horses were tethered to the trees, while as many men were lounging about in a most indolent fashion. "what have you got there, jordan?" one of the idlers cried, and the leader replied with a coarse laugh: "a young tory who is trying to win his spurs in a most bungling fashion." "from the town?" "he is the son of the woman who runs a boarding-house for british officers, and claims to have been sent by grimshaw." "where is grimshaw?" "on the pillory, so the boy says. he was captured this morning by some of the queen's rangers." "he is like to have a sore back when he shows up here again." "we will send them one in return," captain jordan replied, pointing to seth. "it won't be a bad idea to show howe that we can swing the whip as well as his redcoats, and if ever a cub deserved a flogging it is this one." "we've got nothing else to do, so let's try our hand on him," some one cried, and seth looked around terrified. if these men decided to treat him as a tory he would be powerless against them, and there seemed little chance he could convince the troopers of the truth of his statement. two of the soldiers began cutting birchen switches, as if believing the suggestion would be carried into effect immediately, and seth's face grew very white. "we'll dress him down to your liking captain, if you give the word," one of the men who had begun the preparations for the punishment cried, as if eager to be at the work. "it's time we commenced to show the britishers that the floggings are not to be all on one side." captain jordan, although the first to make such a suggestion, was not prepared to give the order, knowing full well that he would be exceeding his authority should he do so, and replied with a laugh: "we shan't lose anything by waiting, so there's no need of being in a hurry. look out for the prisoner, hubbard, and see to it that he don't escape you." the trooper thus commanded seized seth roughly by the shoulder, and half-dragging, half-leading him to a tree on one side of the clearing, proceeded to fetter the boy by tying him securely. "you seem to be afraid a fellow will get away," seth said bitterly. "fifteen or twenty men should be enough to guard one boy." "very likely they are, lad; but we don't intend to give ourselves any more trouble than is necessary. you will stay here, i reckon, and we shan't be put to the bother of watching you." there was something in the man's tone which caused seth to believe he might be made a friend. by this time he realized it was worse than useless for him to display temper, and that it might yet be possible to escape the threatened punishment. therefore he said in a conciliatory tone: "does it seem so strange to you, my wish to be of benefit to the cause, that you cannot believe my story sufficiently to allow me an interview with colonel powers?" "i don't see where the harm would be in that, lad; but it isn't for me to say. captain jordan is in command of this squad." "but hark you, mr. hubbard. i have told only the truth. if my mother, a poor widow woman, is forced to take english officers as boarders, does that make of me a tory?" "well, lad, i can't rightly say it does, though after the junketin's you people have had in philadelphia this winter, i allow all hands are more or less afflicted with that disease." "but i am not. the story i told about meeting grimshaw is true. one of my companions is the son of chris ludwick, whom likely you know; we drew lots to see who should come here, and i was pleased because the choice fell on me. do you think it right that i should be flogged and sent back before your officers have had time to find out whether i am telling the truth or a lie?" "no, lad, i don't, for i allow you have had plenty of chances to hear that which would be valuable to our side; but whether you would tell it or not is another matter." "why shouldn't i want to tell it? are the soldiers of the continental army the only men in the country who love the cause?" "those who love the cause should be in the army when men are needed as now." "before general howe took possession of philadelphia i was too young to be received as a soldier--am too young now; but shall make the attempt to enter as soon as possible." "would you be willing to enlist to-day?" "not until i have talked with my mother. she depends upon me for assistance, and it isn't right i should leave home without her permission. but that has nothing to do with the story i came to tell. i swear to you i have heard that which should be known to your officers. i told it to grimshaw, and he insisted i should not repeat it to any one of lower rank than a colonel." "then it must be mighty important information." "so it is; yet without giving me an opportunity to tell it i am to be kept here and flogged." "that is captain jordan's affair," hubbard replied; but seth understood that his words had had some effect upon the man, and he continued yet more earnestly: "there can be no harm in taking me to colonel powers, for after that has been done you will still have the opportunity to give me a flogging. when i have repeated that which i came to say i shall yet be a prisoner." hubbard made no reply to this, but walked quickly away to where jordan was talking with a group of the men, and seth began to hope he could yet accomplish his purpose, although he was far from feeling comfortable in mind as to what might be the final result of his attempt to aid the cause. during the next half-hour no one came sufficiently near the prisoner to admit of his entering into another conversation. the men were discussing some matter very earnestly, and seth believed he himself was the subject. then the scene was changed. ten or twelve horsemen rode into the open, and by their uniforms seth understood that officers of a higher rank than captain jordan had arrived. the newcomers did not dismount, but received the captain's report while in the saddle, and then, to the prisoner's great delight, rode directly toward him. "what is your name?" the eldest member of the party asked. "seth graydon." "is it true that your mother has as boarders many officers of the british army?" "yes, sir. there are seven from the forty-second highlanders, five of the royal irish regiment, and lord cosmo gordon." "and you overheard a conversation at your mother's house which you believed would be of value to us?" "yes, sir," and seth told in detail of his conversation with ezra grimshaw, concluding by asking, "are you colonel powers?" "i am, my lad, and see no reason for doubting your good intentions. you have been roughly treated, it is true; but it has not been serious, and you must realize that the soldiers are suspicious because of the many attempts at treachery this spring. you say you told grimshaw what you had heard? did he insist you should repeat it to me in private?" "no, sir. i was simply to tell no one of lower rank." "then what have you to say?" seth detailed the conversation he had heard in his mother's house, and colonel powers questioned him closely regarding the comments which had been made by the british officers at the time the subject was under discussion. when he had answered these questions to the best of his ability, the colonel beckoned for captain jordan, and said harshly: "i wonder, captain, that you and your troops should be so afraid of one boy as to bind him in such a manner. he has brought most valuable information, and should be richly rewarded for his services, instead of being trussed up in this fashion." the captain looked confused as he released seth, and while doing so whispered in the boy's ear: "i am sorry, lad, for what has happened, and that is all any man can say." however much ill-will seth may have felt toward his captor just at that moment, he had no desire to show it. the words of commendation spoken by colonel powers were sufficient reward for all he had undergone during his time of arrest, and he felt almost friendly-disposed, even toward those of the troopers who had so eagerly begun to prepare the switches for his back. "you shall have an escort as far toward the town as is consistent with your safety and ours," the colonel said when seth was freed from the ropes. "i thank you for your service, and shall, perhaps, at some time be able to reward you better. when you decide to enlist, come to me." then the colonel, beckoning to his staff, rode away with the air of one who has an important duty to execute, and captain jordan held out his hand to his late prisoner. "forgive me, lad, and say you bear me no ill-will." "that i can readily do, now my message has been delivered," seth replied promptly, and the troopers gathered around, each as eager to show his friendliness as he previously had been to inflict punishment. a horse was brought up, and the captain, now the most friendly of soldiers, said to seth: "we'll escort you as far as the creek; further than that is hardly safe. you can easily reach home before dark, for the ride will not be a long one." "i can walk as well as not, if you have other work to do," seth replied. "we are stationed on the road here to stop the country people from carrying in produce, and by giving you a lift shall only be continuing our duties." seth mounted; the captain rode by his side; half a dozen men came into line in the rear, and the little party started at a sharp trot, which, owing to his lack of skill as a horseman, effectually prevented seth from joining in the conversation the captain endeavored to carry on. in half an hour or less the squad had arrived at the bank of the creek, and seth dismounted. "the next time you come this way i'll try to treat you in a better fashion, lad," captain jordan said, and seth replied as the party rode away: "i don't doubt that; but the next time i come it will be with more caution, fearing lest i meet with those who will be quicker to give me the tory's portion than were you." then he set out at a rapid pace, congratulating himself his troubles were over, and that he would be at home before any of the inmates of his mother's house should question his prolonged absence. he believed his mission had been accomplished; that he had rendered no slight service to the cause, and that there was no longer any danger to be apprehended. he whistled as he walked, giving but little heed to what might be before or behind him, until, within less than five minutes from the time he had parted with the american horsemen, he was confronted by a squad of the queen's rangers, commanded by a lieutenant. "take him up in front of you," the officer said to the trooper nearest him. "we can't be delayed by forcing him to march on foot." "what are you to do with me?" seth cried in surprise, for this command was the first word which had been spoken by either party. "that remains to be seen," the officer replied curtly. "but there is no reason for arresting me," seth continued. "i am the son of mrs. graydon, who keeps the boarding-house in drinker's alley." "ah! indeed?" "certainly i am, and any of the officers who live there can vouch for me." "those who vouch for you would be indiscreet," the lieutenant said sharply. "you are under arrest, and it is possible may persuade the commander that mrs. graydon's son does not hold communication with the rebels; but any protestations on your part would be useless, so far as we are concerned, for we saw you escorted by a squad of rebel horsemen. mount in front of the trooper and make no parley. general howe has a short shrift for spies, and we shall not spend our time here convincing you that your treason has been discovered." seth was almost helpless through fear. since the rangers had seen him riding in company with continental troopers there was little question but that he would be considered a spy, and he knew what would probably be the punishment. chapter iii. in sore distress. seth was literally overwhelmed by the misfortune which had come upon him. after colonel powers interposed to prevent the threatened whipping by the american soldiers, he believed his troubles were over, and that he might be made prisoner by the british was a possibility he never contemplated. it was not necessary any one should explain to him how dangerous was his situation. the lieutenant and his men had seen him escorted by a body of "rebel" troops in such a manner as to show they were friends, and then he had come directly toward the city, all of which would be sufficient to prove him a spy in these times, when an accusation was almost equivalent to a verdict of guilty. and poor seth was well aware what punishment was dealt out to spies. he had seen one man hanged for such an offense, and remained in the house on two other occasions lest he should inadvertently witness some portion of other horrible spectacles. he knew the evidence against him was sufficient for conviction, and understood that, once sentence had been passed, there was little or no hope for mercy. it is not strange, nor was it any proof of cowardice, that he was so overcome by the knowledge of his position as to be thoroughly unnerved; and when, on arriving at the outskirts of the town, the lieutenant ordered him to dismount and walk, he was able to do so only after being assisted by a soldier on either side. like one in a dream he understood, as they went toward the prison, that all the idlers on the streets followed, hooting and yelling, and once he fancied some person called him by name, but it was as if he could not raise his head to look around. the only facts he fully realized were that he stood face to face with a shameful death, and that by the rules of war he fully deserved it. he had been so proud when it was decided by lot that he should carry the information to the continental army, and believed himself so brave! now, however, he understood that he was acting as a coward would act, and tried again and again to appear more courageous. "if my death was to be of great benefit to the cause, it would not seem so hard," he repeated to himself more than once during that disgraceful journey through the streets, while he was being jeered at, as many american soldiers had been, when he was among the rabble, although not of them. if he was wearing a uniform of buff and blue, he knew that among those who saw him would be many sympathizers; but in civilian's garb he could not be distinguished from some vile criminal, and there would be no glory in what he was called upon to suffer. the rangers led him past the town-house, and in the yard, still standing on the pillory, he saw ezra grimshaw. the soldier must have recognized the boy as he passed, but yet he gave no token of recognition, and so sore was seth's distress that he failed to understand how much more desperate would be his strait if the "market-stopper" had greeted him as a friend. when the jail-door closed behind him with a sullen clang it sounded in the boy's ears like a knell of doom, and he firmly believed that when he next passed through the portal it would be on his way to the scaffold. after being heavily ironed he was thrust into a cell so small that he could hardly have stood upright even though the fetters were removed, and there left to the misery of his own thoughts. during the march through the city he had not raised his head, save while passing the pillory, therefore was ignorant of the fact that jacob and enoch had followed him as closely as the soldiers would permit, hoping an opportunity to whisper a cheering word in his ear might present itself. even though seth had not been so bowed down by grief, it is hardly probable his friends would have been allowed to communicate with him; but he might have been cheered by their glances, knowing he was not alone among enemies. yet even this poor consolation was denied him, and when the door of the jail finally hid him from view, enoch and jacob stood silent and motionless in front of the sinister-looking building, gazing with grief and dismay at each other. "how _do_ you suppose they caught him?" enoch asked after a long time of silence, during which jacob had led him out on to high street lest their sorrow should be observed by some of the enemy, and they arrested on the charge of having aided the alleged spy. "we shall most likely hear the story the rangers tell, for it will soon be known around town, although we shan't be able to say whether it's the truth." "do you suppose he found any officer of our army?" "i think he must have done so. it isn't reasonable to suppose they made him a prisoner simply because he walked out into the country. besides, i heard one of the rangers tell a friend that seth was a spy. perhaps they captured him just as he was leaving the continental camp." "do you think they will hang him?" and enoch's voice trembled as he asked the question. "yes, if it is proven he's a spy, and the britishers who made the capture will take good care their stories are strong enough to do that." "but, jacob, must we remain quiet while they are killing poor seth?" and now the big tears were rolling down enoch's cheeks. "we shall be forced to, if the matter goes as far as that. we must do what we can before he is put on trial." "but, what _can_ we do? we have no friends among the britishers, and even though we had it isn't likely we could prevent general howe from doing as he pleases!" "then you believe we can do nothing?" jacob said almost despairingly. "it doesn't seem possible, although i would suffer anything, except death itself, to help him. oh, jacob!" enoch cried as a sudden thought came into his mind. "we must tell his mother where he is, and that will be terrible!" jacob made no reply. he believed it unmanly to cry, and the tears were so near his eyelids that he dared not speak lest they should flow as copiously as enoch's. the two were walking up high street, unconscious of the direction in which they were going, when jacob gave vent to an exclamation of mingled surprise and joy as he cried: "what a stupid i have been not to think of him! he would be a very pleasant gentleman if he wasn't a britisher!" "whom do you mean?" and enoch looked around in perplexity. "there! on the other side of the street, coming this way!" "i don't see any one except lord cosmo gordon, who lives at seth's home." "and that is the very man who will help us if it is possible for him to do anything." "do you mean that a britisher would speak a good word for seth after it is known he has been carrying information to the continental army?" "i'm not so certain about that; but i feel positive if any of the enemy would do a good turn, that one is lord gordon. have you ever seen a more pleasant gentleman?" "he has always been very kind; but then he did not know we were willing to work against his king." "of course he knew it! how many times has he called us young rebels, and declared that when we were ripe for the army he would take good care we did not get the chance to enlist?" "he was only in sport, and would talk differently if he knew what we have done." "it can do no harm to try. seth is likely to be hanged as a spy, and no worse punishment can be given him. i am going to tell lord gordon the story. will you come?" enoch hesitated just an instant as the thought came to his mind that by acknowledging their share in what had been done they might be making great trouble for themselves, and then, his better nature asserting itself, he replied: "i will follow you to do anything that might by chance help poor seth." jacob had hardly waited for him to speak. lord gordon was already opposite, walking rapidly past, and unless they overtook him at once he must soon be so far away that an undignified chase would be necessary. master ludwick crossed the street at a run, enoch following closely behind, and a few seconds later, to his great surprise, lord gordon was brought to a standstill as jacob halted directly in front of him. "ah! here are two of my young rebels! where is the third? i thought you were an inseparable trio." "i don't know what you mean by that, sir; but we're in most terrible trouble, and you have always been so kind, even though you are a--i mean, you've been so kind that i thought--i mean, i was in hopes you could--you would be willing to----" "i can well understand that you are now having trouble to talk plainly," lord gordon said with a smile. "i gather from the beginning of your incoherent remarks that you have come to me for assistance. the rebels have at last turned to the british for relief!" "but this is something terrible!" jacob exclaimed vehemently, and then, after trying unsuccessfully to think of the proper words, he cried, "seth is going to be hanged!" "hanged! you rebels don't go to the gallows so young; in fact evince a decided aversion to anything of the kind. now take plenty of time, and try to tell me what disturbs you so seriously," lord gordon said with a hearty laugh. "i had an engagement at the tavern; but am willing to break it if i can do anything to make good subjects for his majesty of you three boys." "but this is no laughing matter, sir," jacob cried, despairing of being able to make the englishman understand how desperate was the situation. "seth graydon has been arrested as a spy, and is in prison at this instant!" "what?" and now the smile faded from lord gordon's face. "do you mean our seth--your comrade?" "indeed i do, sir!" "but it is incredible! he hasn't been out of the city, and although i suppose he has hopes of some day entering the american army, as all you young rebels have, he is not in a position where he could play the spy, however much he may be willing to do so." jacob looked confused; he was not certain but that he might be injuring his friend's cause by confessing the truth, and yet at the some time it was not reasonable to suppose lord gordon could render any assistance unless he understood the entire affair. "tell his lordship the whole story," enoch said in a low tone. "i am certain he would not use it against any of us." "yes, my lad, it will be better to tell me the truth. i do not promise to aid you; but i will treat as confidential anything you may say." the officer's tone was so kindly that jacob hesitated no longer. he told all he knew regarding the matter, making no attempt to conceal the fact that seth had listened to the conversation of the guests in his mother's house, and when he concluded lord gordon stood silent, like one who is trying to settle some vexed question. then he said, as if to himself: "this will be sad news for his mother, and she is a worthy woman!" "it will just about kill her!" enoch cried. "did she know he was going to meet the rebels?" and now the officer spoke sternly. "indeed she didn't, sir. enoch and i told her he had gone out on the delaware road; but made it appear that we were ignorant as to why he went." "why should you not have told the truth?" "we were afraid she might think it her duty to tell you, because what he learned had been gained--well, perhaps it wouldn't have been just right to take such an advantage except in a case like this, where no fellow could sit still knowing his friends might be running into a trap." "don't you think mrs. graydon ever carried any information to the american camp?" "i am sure she never did--not since general howe has been in this city," enoch replied promptly. "why are you so positive?" "i've heard her say that if we are willing to take your money, we should at least be true to you for the time being." "it is quite evident you boys are not of the same opinion." "we expect to go into the army very soon, and it is our duty to do all we can to aid the cause," jacob said stoutly. "and you know, while you are trying to aid the cause, what is to be expected if you are captured?" jacob understood that he was not aiding his friend by speaking boldly, and lord gordon had so clearly the best of him in the matter that he was wholly at loss for a reply. "we never believed that by going to where seth would meet the continentals anything more could come of it than a flogging, and that seemed terrible enough," enoch cried. "seth had no idea he might be arrested as a spy!" "we won't quibble about the fine points of the case, my lad. it is a fact that he has voluntarily placed himself in a position where he certainly appears as if he had been acting the spy, and there is, perhaps, not an officer in his majesty's army, except myself, who would believe that this is his first wrongdoing." jacob was on the point of saying that there could be nothing wrong in aiding one's country, but, fortunately for seth, he realized in time that lord gordon considered the americans rebels, rather than patriots, and to him anything of the kind would not seem praiseworthy. "can't you help him, sir?" enoch asked imploringly, understanding that nothing could be gained by discussing the matter. "i am afraid my influence is not sufficient to effect anything while the charge is so serious. there is but one punishment for spies, and it is seldom crimes of that kind are pardoned." "then must poor seth be hanged?" "i shall do what i can to help him, my lad, of that you may be certain. possibly we may be able to have a lighter charge brought against him, and to that end i will work. his mother must know he is in prison, but need not be told he is there as a spy. disagreeable though the task will be, i take it upon myself to acquaint her with some of the reasons for his absence, and also promise to do all in my power to save his life." "if general howe will let him off with a flogging, jacob and i are willing to come up for our share of the punishment as the price of setting seth free." "that is a generous offer, enoch, whether it be a fair one or not. meet me at the city tavern to-morrow forenoon at ten o'clock, and i will then let you know what can be done." both the boys would have thanked the kindly englishman for the interest he displayed in their comrade, but that he checked their grateful words by saying hurriedly: "it is exceedingly bad taste to have a scene on the street, boys, therefore we will say no more about it to-day. perhaps when i see you to-morrow there will be no occasion to thank me, for i really have but little influence with general howe. don't show yourself to mrs. graydon to-night, for she would soon learn the sad news from the expression on your faces, and, unless it is absolutely necessary, i do not propose that the worthy lady shall know in what sore distress her son is, through his own recklessness." then lord gordon walked rapidly away, allowing the boys no time to make a reply, and although he had not given them very much encouragement, both felt decidedly relieved because of the interview. "if he can't help seth there isn't a britisher in this city who can," jacob said with emphasis. "he's the only one i know of who'd even take the trouble to talk with a couple of boys." "but what are we to do now? i don't feel as if i could go home while poor seth is in prison, and most likely thinking every minute of the scaffold." "we can't do him any good by walking around the streets, and i don't want to go out to germantown, because i might not be able to get back in time to meet lord gordon. suppose i sleep at your mother's house to-night?" "i'll be glad to have you, and she will make no question. are we to tell her?" "i think we shall be obliged to. it may be we can do something to help seth, and she must know why you are absent from the house, in case it so happens we want to be away." if enoch had feared his mother would reproach him for having taken even a passive part in what might lead to seth's death, he was mistaken. she spoke only of her sympathy for mrs. graydon, and the hope that lord gordon would aid the unfortunate boy in some way. "if i was in seth's place, mother, should you blame me for having tried to aid the cause?" "no, my son. you are old enough to know your own mind, and should be at liberty to do that which you think right." "then you would make no question if i wanted to enlist?" "that is for you to decide, my boy. your mother's heart would be very near breaking if you were killed; but her sorrow could be no greater than is borne uncomplainingly by many mothers in this country where brave men are struggling for freedom." never had enoch appreciated his mother's love as he did at this moment, and when he and jacob bade her good-night both boys kissed her with unusual tenderness. fully an hour before the time appointed jacob and enoch were at the rendezvous waiting for lord gordon. many times that morning had they heard comments made upon seth's arrest, and the opinion of all was to the effect that he would suffer the fate of a spy, whether he was really guilty or not. "the appearances are against him," a gentleman friend of enoch's mother said when the story had been told him in the hope he might aid the prisoner in some way. "those who made the capture say they saw him escorted to the bank of the creek by a squad of continental troopers, and that he appeared to be on the most friendly terms with them. that is sufficient to prove him a spy, and i question if there is in this city a single person, with the exception of general howe himself, who could serve him." both the boys heard this remark, and were no longer hopeful regarding lord gordon's ability to save their comrade, however much he might desire to do so. the officer was punctual to the appointment he had made, and at once invited them into the coffee-room of the tavern, saying as he did so: "it is not well we should stand on the street where all may see us, for it may be important that i should not appear to be on friendly terms with you." when they were where a conversation could be conducted with some degree of privacy the boys waited for their companion to speak, but he remained silent, as if in deep thought, until enoch asked timidly: "will it be possible for your lordship to help poor seth?" "i am not certain, my lad, although i hope so. the case is far more serious than i deemed possible yesterday. i believe the story you told; but you could not persuade others it is true, and i have no doubt but that he will be found guilty." "does his mother know?" enoch whispered. "i thought it best to tell her at least a portion of the story, for she would have heard it from the gossips before this time. i have not concealed from her the fact that he is in a most serious position; but at the same time have allowed the good woman to believe i could effect his release." "and now you do not think that will be possible?" instead of replying to this question lord gordon asked suddenly: "how far would you two boys go in trying to release your comrade?" "we are ready to take any chances," jacob replied firmly. "does that mean you would imperil your lives in the effort to save his?" the boys looked at each other in something very like alarm, for lord gordon's tone was exceedingly grave, and then enoch replied in a voice which trembled despite all his efforts to render it steady: "i am willing and ready to do anything, no matter what, to help seth." "so am i," jacob added emphatically. while one might have counted twenty lord gordon remained silent, looking like a man who is uncertain as to what he ought to do, and then he said quietly: "then meet me opposite the town-house at half an hour before midnight. it is only by desperate measures that his life can be saved, and i am ready to aid you in so far as i can without dishonor. it will not be well for us to be seen together, neither are you to visit mrs. graydon. be at the rendezvous promptly, and seth shall be free by sunrise, or there will no longer remain any hope of aiding him." without giving them an opportunity to question him, lord gordon walked out of the building, leaving them gazing questioningly into each other's eyes. chapter iv. a bold scheme. the boys were so thoroughly surprised by lord gordon's making an appointment with them as hardly to be conscious of what they did immediately after he left the room. they sat motionless as if in bewilderment, each fancying he had an inkling of his lordship's intentions, and not daring to believe that which was in his mind. both must have remained in this condition of stupefaction many moments, for finally one of the attendants came up, tapped jacob more energetically than politely on the shoulder, and intimated that if he did not wish to be served with anything he could spend his time quite as profitably, so far as the management of the tavern was concerned, in some other place. master ludwick, understanding that he had the right to be in the hostelry, because of having been introduced by one of the landlord's best patrons, and angry at being treated as if he was not a desirable guest, said sharply: "we are here because lord gordon invited us to enter with him, and we shall stay until it seems best to go." the servant muttered something which was probably intended as an apology, and made no further attempt to drive the boys from the coffee-room; but enoch did not feel altogether at ease after this incident. "let us go, jacob," he whispered. "as the servant said, this is no place for us, and, besides, we cannot be as private here as i would like while speaking of lord gordon's intentions." "i should have gone before but for that impudent fellow, and now we have stayed so long that it cannot be said we ran away because of his words, i am ready. where shall we go?" "anywhere, so we can be alone." "to your house?" "no. if i do not mistake lord gordon, there is serious work before us this night, and i would rather not be where mother could question me." "why?" "because i should betray that which is in my mind when she first began to talk, and if i am correct in putting a meaning on his lordship's words, it is better that no one save ourselves knows what is to be done, lest by the knowing they could be considered as in some way guilty of our acts." by this time the boys were on the sidewalk in the midst of a group of idle officers and civilians who were commenting upon the news of the day, and the major of the forty-second highlanders, who was well known to both jacob and enoch because of the fact that he boarded at seth's home, was speaking sufficiently loud for them to hear his remark as they passed. "according to the report of the lieutenant of the rangers, there can be no question but that the little rascal has been in communication with the american forces for a long while, and it is not difficult now to understand how information of our movements reached the rebel officers. among ourselves at the boarding-house we have talked freely, little thinking a boy, hardly more than fifteen years of age, was playing the spy; but his career will shortly be ended." "when will he be court-martialed?" the major's companion asked. "to-morrow afternoon, and probably hanged on the following morning." "then you have no doubt as to the result?" "there can be no doubt, my dear sir. the evidence is so conclusive against him that i see no loophole of escape. all i regret is that he has been allowed to ply his trade as spy so long and so advantageously." "come away, jacob," enoch whispered, clutching his comrade nervously by the coat-sleeve. "it is fortunate for poor seth that all the britishers are not as hard-hearted as the major." "we should stay long enough to convince him he is telling that which is not true," master ludwick replied stoutly; but at the same time obeying the pressure of his friend's hand by moving away from the group. "it would be difficult to persuade him he was speaking that which is false. you remember lord gordon told us he was probably the only person in the british army who would believe our statement in face of the proof against poor seth." "lord gordon is a man, even though he is a britisher." "and i hope the time will come when i can do him as great a service as he is willing to do seth." enoch gave words to this desire simply as a mode of expressing his admiration for the kindly-hearted officer who would forget a quarrel of nations to aid a widow and the fatherless. he little dreamed that before many weeks had passed he would be in a position to do lord gordon quite as great a service as that gentleman was evidently about to do for seth. the two boys continued on up high street to sixth, and then through walnut to the long shed adjoining the state-house yard, where the indians who came into town on business were accustomed to take shelter, and there they halted for a consultation, or, rather, to settle in their own minds what his lordship meant when he appointed an interview at midnight near the pillory. "he despairs of trying to aid seth through general howe," enoch said as if thinking aloud. "and intends that we shall help him break jail," jacob added. "in that case the poor fellow will still be in danger of being hanged, in case the british ever catch him again." "very true; but he will be much better off, according to my way of thinking, with a price set upon his head by general howe, providing he is with the american army, than if he remains here until day after to-morrow, when, as the major says, he will most likely be hanged." "of course that is true. i was only thinking that if we succeeded in effecting his release we should not remove the danger from him, so far as the british are concerned." "i am well satisfied if so much can be done. i wish lord gordon had thought it best to give us more of an idea regarding his plans, so we might make our preparations." "but what could you do if we knew positively that he intends to help seth escape from jail?" "nothing, although it seems as if we would be better able to perform the work if we made some preparations." "do you think it will be necessary for us to run away with him?" "that must be as lord gordon says. your mother knows exactly the condition of affairs, and will understand that we are working in seth's behalf, in case you should not come home to-night. if you and i accompany him in his flight, i will trust to it that his lordship finds a way to send word to our people without making any trouble for himself. and in case we go we shall be no worse off than a great many others in this country. remember judge mckean, who last year was hunted like a fox through the state, forced to move his family five times, and hide them at last in a little log hut in the woods. knowing what he and his suffered for the cause, we should not complain however hard our lot may be." "i am not complaining, jacob. i stand ready to bear anything which falls to my share, if by so doing i can be of service to the cause; but it isn't possible we could ever do as much as judge mckean, who signed the declaration of independence." "we can at least do our share toward making good the statement which he signed, and as to the future, so that we get seth out of the britishers' clutches we won't trouble our heads. it seems to me the most important question now is, what we are to do between this and midnight. we ought not to be seen loitering around the streets." "suppose you go down to my home and ask mother to give us as much food as will last us twenty-four hours. we will then go out near the carpenter mansion, where we can remain hidden in the grove until night. such of the provisions as we do not eat during the day will suffice for seth to take with him in his flight." "that is a good idea, enoch, and it will be doing something toward preparing for the night's work. now, where think you will seth easiest find the american forces? where he saw them yesterday? or in the direction of valley forge?" "i think that is a question lord gordon himself can best decide, for he will most probably know in which direction it would be safest for seth to travel. shall i wait here, or walk part of the way home with you?" "stay where you are. i will be back in half an hour." mrs. ball must have suspected that the boys were engaged in some important work, for, like the wise woman she was, she complied with her son's request, asking not so much as a single question, and scanty though her store of provisions was, collected such an amount as would have sufficed to feed two hungry boys at least three days. wrapping the collection neatly in a cloth, she placed it in a small bag, saying as she did so: "it will be easier to carry in this, with not so much chance of wasting it. tell enoch that his mother's prayers will follow him until he comes back to her, and say that he is to remember how eagerly she watches for his return." "i think he'll be back before to-morrow, mrs. ball; but if he isn't, don't you worry. there's a certain britisher in this city who's got a heart under his red coat, and if it happens enoch is to remain away very long, that same britisher will send you word." "god bless you, boys! god bless all of you, and prosper you in your undertaking!" there was a suspicious moisture in jacob's eyes as he hurried through letitia street to where his comrade was awaiting him; but by the aid of one corner of the bag he succeeded so far in effacing the telltale sign of weakness that no one would have suspected how very near he was to breaking down entirely, simply because of the kindly words spoken by the mistress of the dancing school. the hours passed slowly and wearily to the two boys who had nothing more to do than spend the time in waiting; but finally the moment came when, in order to keep the appointment, they must leave their retreat in the grove, and it was with a sense of decided relief that they hurried forward, although knowing that they were hastening on a perilous venture. on arriving at that side of the town-house where stood the pillory, not a person was to be seen. fortunately they had met with no one, not even the patrol, during their walk down from sixth street, and as they stood behind the instrument of torture whereon grimshaw had passed so many painful hours it was safe to assume that no person unfriendly to their design was aware of their whereabouts. five, ten minutes passed, and yet no sign of life upon the deserted street. "something has happened; he cannot come," enoch whispered nervously. "i will answer for him," jacob replied confidently. "he isn't the kind of a man who would back out after promising, and he knows we will wait for him even though he is two hours late." "if any of the britishers should see us, we would be put under arrest." "but there is no danger of that, not while we stay here, and the night is so dark that the redcoats would be obliged to hunt around a good while before finding us. i don't think it is safe to talk, because--here comes some one! now the question is whether it's the man we are waiting for." in the gloom the boys could faintly see a dark form coming up the street, and with loudly beating hearts they waited until the figure was nearly opposite, when a low whistle broke the silence, and enoch said with a long-drawn sigh of relief: "it is him. no one else would make a signal here." then, without waiting for an opinion from his comrade, he stepped out in view, and the newcomer directed his steps toward the pillory. it was lord gordon, and he said, as he approached: "you have a good hiding-place here, and we'll take advantage of it, because i have a few words to say before we proceed to business." then, stepping back behind the scaffold, he continued in a low, grave tone: "unless i was firmly convinced that the story you told me regarding seth's movements was true, and unless i believed you when you say this is the first time he has ever carried information to the americans, i should not attempt to aid you. that which i am doing may seem dishonorable to those who do not know all the facts in the case. my own conscience approves, however, and i shall do what, as an officer in the british army, i ought not to do, in order to save from a disgraceful death a boy who has been indiscreet--not guilty as a spy. but although i can thus satisfy my conscience, i could not have my actions known to the commander of the forces without laying myself open--and justly--to a charge of treason. therefore i ask that from this moment you boys forget that i ever gave advice or assistance in the matter." "no one shall ever hear your name from us," jacob said when lord gordon paused as if for a reply. "i shall trust you, my boy, for although i am doing no dishonorable act, as we view the matter, my honor would be at stake if you should incautiously betray my share in this affair. i think now you understand the position which i occupy, and we will say no more about it. this is the only way by which we can aid your friend. if he is here, he will be brought before the court to-morrow; conviction is absolutely certain to follow, and then comes the execution. to plead with general howe would be not only a waste of words, but cause suspicion in case the boy should escape later. i have here an old pass, signed by the general to visit the prison, issued in blank so that it may be used by any one. i have filled in your names. you will present it boldly at the door. there will be no question raised. you will be conducted to the prisoner's cell, and there you are to remain until a soldier opens the door, and repeats these three words: 'it is time!' then walk out unconcernedly, all of you. if the plan which i have arranged is successful, you will see no one save the man who gives the signal. it can only fail through some officer or soldier going advertently into the corridor, in which case the prisoner will be in no worse position than before; but you will share his cell because of having attempted to effect his escape. should this last unfortunately occur, both of you will probably be severely punished--flogged, i should say--and that is the risk which you must take if you would aid seth. barring the inopportune coming of some person, the scheme will go through without trouble, for the man on duty is an old follower of mine, upon whom i can depend to the death." "will he not be punished for allowing seth to escape?" enoch asked. "that part of it i can manage. all which concerns you is to get yourself and your comrade out of prison once you have entered." "where shall we go in case we succeed?" jacob asked. "that you must decide for yourselves. my advice would be for seth to push on toward the headquarters of the american army at full speed, and you boys return to your homes." "but it will be known that we visited seth, because you say our names are on this paper." "that pass will not be seen by any one, unless it chances you are discovered, and then the soldier on duty will use it as his warrant for admitting you at such an hour." "why shouldn't we go with seth?" jacob asked, detaining lord gordon as he would have moved away. "because one boy has better chance of making his way across the country unobserved than three would have. and again, perhaps i am not willing to assist in increasing the number of the rebel forces to such an extent. however, you are at liberty to do as you choose about it. i have simply advised that he go while you remain here. now my portion of the work is done; it remains for you to execute the plan; and i hope most sincerely you will succeed. no, we won't have any thanks, or formalities of that kind, my lad," the officer added when enoch took him by the hand as if he would have kissed it. "i have done only that which seems right; but which to the world will seem wrong. perhaps some time in the future, when we are no longer supposed to be enemies, you can give free words to your gratitude. be stout-hearted; move as if you had a right to go and come as you please, and do not lose your courage in event of failure." lord gordon disappeared from view immediately after he ceased speaking, and during fully a moment the two boys stood facing each other, silent and motionless. "this won't do," jacob said with an effort. "if the plan proves a success, the earlier seth is on his way the more chances he will have of reaching our forces. if it is to be a failure, why, the quicker we know it the sooner we'll be out of our suspense. are you ready?" "yes," enoch whispered; "but i am terribly frightened, jacob." "so long as you don't show it there's no harm done; but i am beginning to believe that you are braver when you are frightened. will you take the pass, or shall i?" "you keep it. i will follow; but do not think i could conduct the affair as well as you." "then come. try to think of nothing but the fact that unless we succeed seth will be hanged, and i allow that's enough to keep us well up to our work." swiftly, and in silence, the boys walked to the prison where their comrade was confined, and there jacob knocked vigorously on the iron door, as if about to demand what was his right, rather than to ask for a favor. a soldier answered the summons, and as he looked at the pass which master ludwick held out enoch fancied a peculiar expression came over his face, as if he had been expecting to see that particular piece of paper. jacob stepped over the threshold without waiting for an invitation, and his comrade followed. the soldier, who had not spoken, led the way in silence down the corridor, unlocked a heavily barred door cautiously, as if it was his desire to avoid making a noise, and motioned for the boys to enter. it was so dark in the small cell that the visitors could not distinguish any object. "seth!" jacob whispered. "where are you, seth?" a glad cry of surprise came from out the darkness; a clanking of chains was heard, and the despairing prisoner cried hysterically: "oh, jacob! jacob! is it you?" "it is indeed, seth, and enoch is with me," master ludwick said in a whisper. "you had best not talk loud, for there is no reason why any one save the soldier on duty should know we are here." "but how did you get in?" "never mind that part of it, seth. at least not until we are outside." "outside! what do you mean?" "through a friend, whose name must not be spoken, there is a chance you may escape, and it is necessary we are ready to act instantly the signal is given." "but i don't understand----" "don't try. simply know that perhaps you will walk out of here this night free, and keep your mind steadily on the fact that if we succeed you must be precious near the american forces by daylight." "but how is he to walk with those chains on him?" enoch whispered. "that is something we never thought of, and it will be impossible for him to go on to the street fettered as he is." "now i begin to understand!" seth exclaimed. "a soldier came in here half an hour ago, and after looking over these irons as if to make sure they were fastened, left the key in the lock of the fetters which are around my wrists. do you suppose he intended to do so?" "that is exactly the idea, and we can thank--our friend for having thought of it. let me see if we can get them off in the darkness." aided by seth's directions jacob had little difficulty in removing the fetters, and he whispered as he handed the leg-irons to enoch: "put these under your coat." "why?" "it may be of service to him who has assisted us, in case the fetters disappear as if seth wore them out of the prison. we will throw them away once we are free, if indeed we ever are." at this instant the cell-door was opened softly, and the boys heard a hoarse whisper: "it is time!" "that is the signal!" jacob said nervously. "now, seth, follow close at my heels. don't speak to any one, nor show signs of fear. this is the moment when we shall succeed, or find ourselves in a worse plight than before. are you ready, enoch?" "go on! i'll keep close behind seth." the three boys, trembling with suppressed excitement, hardly daring to breathe, stepped out into the corridor with as much boldness as it was possible to assume. no one could be seen save the sentry at the outer door, and he stood, musket in hand, more like a statue than a living being. the thought came to jacob that this guard could not have been the one who gave them the signal, otherwise he would have made some gesture for their guidance, and as they walked straight toward him the boy believed the bold scheme was already a failure. the soldier remained motionless until jacob was so near that he could touch him, and then he swung open the heavy door. jacob stepped out on the sidewalk almost fearing to turn lest he should see that seth had been detained. the prisoner followed without molestation, and as enoch emerged the door closed, the creaking of the heavy bolt as it was shot into its socket telling that the prison was barred once more; but the prisoner was on the outside. chapter v. the patrol. seth appeared like one in a daze as jacob and enoch, ranging themselves on either side, hurried him up the street. knowing what apparently convincing proof there was against him, the prisoner had given up all hope from the moment he was locked in a cell, and his escape, having been effected so readily and so quickly, seemed more like a dream than a happy reality. until they arrived at sixth street, which was as far as the town extended in that direction, not a word was spoken, and then jacob, unloosening the bag of provisions which he had carried over his shoulder, said as he handed it to seth: "here is sufficient food for two days. you are to make your way toward valley forge without thinking of fatigue, for should you be captured again no one can save you from a disgraceful death." "but tell me why i was allowed to come out of jail?" "a friend of yours, whose name must never be mentioned, arranged everything. we had only to go in and walk away with you." "what friend have i got who is so powerful?" seth asked in amazement. "we are bound never to speak his name in connection with your escape, for what he has done this night would seem like treason to those who did not believe our story. you will guess in time, and it is enough now that you are free." "but am i not to see mother?" "you must go without delay. we will tell her what has happened, if she doesn't hear from other sources that a prisoner has escaped, and she would be the first to insist that you hurry away from this town, rather than linger where those who might capture you would be certain to kill." "where are you going?" "we have been advised to return home; but depend upon it, seth, we shall see you in the continental army before many days have passed, for now it is our firm intention to enlist at the first opportunity. remember that you will not be safe until you are with our friends, and that it is likely you can continue the flight uninterruptedly during the hours of darkness. when the morning comes you must be more cautious. now don't linger. good-by, seth dear, and remember that we will see you again as soon as possible." the escaped prisoner clasped his friends by the hands for a single instant, and then turned as if reluctant to leave them. jacob pressed enoch's arm in token that the parting must not be prolonged, and the two hurried away, leaving seth to complete the work which had been so well begun. "it seems as if we were running away from him," enoch said five minutes later when they were hurrying down the street. "and that is exactly what we are doing. so long as we stayed he would have lingered, and time is too precious to him to admit of its being spent in idle conversation." "even now it hardly seems possible we have really gotten him out of prison." "that is because matters moved so swiftly after we began. thank god there is no question about his freedom, and, with so many hours the start, i don't believe he is in much danger of being overtaken." "not unless his escape is discovered very soon." "that is not likely to happen, for at this hour none of the britishers would visit him, and we may count on the whole affair remaining a secret until some time after sunrise to-morrow. of course i shan't think of going to germantown to-night, and shall sleep with you once more." "mother will be glad to see us back. the fact of your asking for provisions most likely caused her to believe we were going on a journey, and i know how worried she will be until we are with her once more." the boys were walking at a rapid pace. the streets were deserted, and there appeared little likelihood of their meeting any one before arriving at enoch's home. it seemed as if everything was working in their favor on this night, and jacob was on the point of giving words to his happiness because of the successful issue of their scheme, when the measured tramp, tramp, tramp of men told that an armed force was abroad. "it is the patrol!" enoch whispered. "now unless we can keep out of sight there is a chance for trouble!" "don't run!" his companion said sharply as he was quickening his pace, evidently with the intention of darting into the nearest doorway. "flight would arouse suspicion, and most likely we have been heard talking. our only course is to walk boldly on, as if we had good reasons for being abroad at this hour." that they had been observed even in the darkness was apparent as the officer commanding the patrol stepped quickly toward them, and the boys involuntarily halted. "who are you, and what are you doing abroad at midnight?" "i live in germantown," jacob replied, not thinking it wise to mention his own name, for ludwick the baker was well known to the enemy, "and am visiting my friend, enoch ball, who lives on letitia street. we have been out in the country, and were delayed longer than was anticipated." "i have heard it mentioned that young ball and chris ludwick's son were friends of the spy who will soon be hanged," one of the soldiers said. "is the baker your father?" the officer asked sharply. "he is." "and you and the spy are cronies?" "yes." "fall in then! it will be as well that we have a full explanation as to why you are out at this time of night." "do you mean that we are prisoners?" enoch asked in dismay. "exactly, and as i do not propose to give further explanation, you may as well move on at once. don't attempt to play any tricks, or it will be exceedingly unpleasant." not until this moment did jacob remember that he and enoch were carrying the fetters which had been removed from seth's legs and arms, and now he deplored most bitterly his excess of precaution in taking them away from the jail. he had thought that by removing the irons seth's escape would appear more of a mystery; instead of which they had simply kept evidences which might convict them of complicity in a deed that would be most severely punished. he had made a mistake in thus being so cautious, and instantly this fact came into his mind he made a second and yet graver one, by attempting to dispose of the telltale fetters. as he flung the irons from him by a quick movement, which he hoped might fail to attract attention, they struck with an ominous clang upon a rock in the street, and at the same instant the officer seized him by the collar. "one of you see what that was he threw away! these boys who have had an excursion into the country may not be as innocent of wrongdoing as at first appeared." it was not difficult for the soldiers to find the heavy fetters, and the officer appeared perplexed when they were brought to him; turning he asked sternly: "where did you get these?" jacob made no reply. "search him!" was the sharp command. "search them both!" as a matter of course the second pair of irons was found in enoch's possession, and now the boys were no longer ordered to "fall in," but were marched to the prison closely guarded by a soldier on either side. they had succeeded in effecting the release of their friend, and by so doing had placed themselves in a decidedly disagreeable, if not dangerous, position. the same soldier who had allowed them to march out of the jail with the prisoner received them when they were brought in, and as he opened the door in response to the summons of the patrol an expression of surprise, almost dismay, passed over his face. it was gone instantly, however, and once more he was the same automaton it is believed a soldier should be. "you will lock these prisoners in securely, and take care that no one has access to them until the officer of the day sends his instructions." once more the boys walked through the dimly lighted corridor, passed the cell from which seth had so lately escaped, and were thrust into the one adjoining. then the door was locked upon them, and they were left in the darkness to their gloomy reflections. "i don't reckon we shall find much of a bed in this place," jacob said grimly, as he felt his way around what seemed little more than a cage. "but we ought to get along for one night in such a hole without grumbling, considering what we have accomplished." "they will understand because of the fetters that we helped seth away," enoch said in a tremulous tone. "we knew we were taking chances when the work was begun; but i don't think even general howe will go so far as to declare us guilty unless he has some proof that we did such a thing." "the fetters should be enough." "i don't think so. they must be like plenty of others belonging to the britishers, and who shall say they were the ones seth wore? look here, enoch, the situation is this: we must hold our tongues, absolutely refusing to answer a single question, no matter if they flog us, for once we confess, or admit anything, we shall be in a bad plight." "do they hang people for helping spies escape?" "no, enoch, you must not get any such ideas into your mind. if you begin to think we are in danger of death you will lose courage, and unless i'm mistaken we shall need plenty of it before we are through with this work. let's make ourselves as comfortable as possible, and keep our thoughts from disagreeable subjects." bravely as jacob tried to combat his and his friend's gloomy forebodings, both the boys were wretched in mind as well as body. to sleep even under the most favorable circumstances, so far as bodily comfort was concerned, would have been well-nigh impossible while they were in such a condition of mental depression, and even though there had been nothing to cause alarm, wooing slumber on the stone floor was a most difficult task. jacob positively refused to speculate as to the dangers which might threaten, and enoch was absolutely unable to talk of anything else, consequently little or no conversation was indulged in, and when the morning came both listened intently for those sounds which would betoken that the prisoner's escape was discovered. they heard voices in the corridor concerning some movement which had been made during the night, and, going close to the door, jacob learned that a body of troops had left the city the evening previous. for what purpose he could not learn, but judged that it was the movement which seth had learned of from the officers in his mother's home. there came into the boy's mind the thought that some important maneuver was being executed, and he fancied they must be benefited thereby, since the attention of the commanding general would thus be diverted from them. it was not until many days after that he learned this movement, supposed to have been so important, was nothing more than the advance of fourteen hundred soldiers to the relief of some refugees who were being besieged by the americans at billingsport. an hour after sunrise the boys heard the creaking of bolts as the cell adjoining theirs was opened. then came an exclamation of surprise, hurried footsteps, and they knew seth's escape had just been discovered. "he has had at least eight hours, and should be well on his way to valley forge by this time," jacob whispered triumphantly, and enoch replied: "if we had only gone with him the scheme would have been a great success." two hours later the cell-door was opened, and the prisoners ordered out in charge of a squad of soldiers, jacob whispering as they crossed the threshold: "remember, enoch, don't give any information, no matter what they may do!" the boys looked in vain for a friendly face as they were marched out of the prison between two files of soldiers, but none met their gaze. if there were any sympathetic ones among the crowd of curious people who gathered around the prisoners and their escort, none dared betray the true state of their feelings lest they be accused of treason, and the two had a very good idea of the sense of loneliness amid a throng which must have come to seth while he was being conducted through the city. at the town-house the prisoners were halted for a few moments on the sidewalk, and then taken inside, where were several officers seated around a table on which were many papers. here their names were asked and given, and then came the question which both knew must not be answered: "why were you on the street last night at an hour past midnight?" "if we make any explanation, except that which you have decided we must make, it will not be believed," jacob replied stoutly, although he was far from feeling brave just at that moment. "do not fall into the mistake of being impertinent, you young rebel. anything of that kind will only aggravate the offense." "we have committed no offense, sir. since you british have been in possession of the city we have kept the peace, molesting no man." "is it not true that you have been carrying information to the rebels?" "no, sir; we have done nothing of the kind." "the spy who was arrested while returning from the american lines was a particular friend of yours?" "yes, sir." "and you knew why he left the city on the day he was arrested?" "yes, sir." "did you aid him in any way?" "there was nothing we could have done." "do you know that he has escaped?" "yes, sir." "then you must have helped him." "it was not necessary we should do that in order to learn he had given you the slip. we were put into the same prison he occupied, and could readily hear the soldiers talking when it was discovered he had gone." "it is evident these young rebels have been well schooled, colonel, and you will never arrive at the truth save by harsh measures," one of the officers said petulantly to him who was conducting the examination. "a dozen lashes would soon put them in the proper frame of mind for telling the truth." "such means must be employed if milder measures fail; but i do not care to go into the business of flogging children if it can be avoided." "but these rebels are far from being children. they are active enemies against the king, and should be given the same treatment accorded their elders." "my lad," the colonel said, turning once more to jacob, "there is no necessity for spending time at cross-purposes. seth graydon, the spy, has escaped; you are known to have been very friendly with him--have acknowledged you were aware in advance of his visit to the rebel camp. you were found loitering on the street after midnight, and when apprehended had about your persons fetters similar to those which he wore. your best plan is to make a free confession of how you aided him in escaping, for by so doing you may avoid exceedingly harsh treatment." "we thank you for the advice, sir, because it seems as if you really meant it for our good; but we have nothing to confess. of course, you can flog us as often as you see fit; but that will not effect anything." "you mean that you are determined to hold your tongues as long as possible?" one of the party said. "we shall say no more than we have said already. it is true we were out last night; we had been spending the afternoon in the grove back of the carpenter house, and were walking peaceably toward letitia street when taken into custody. that is all we can tell, and flogging will not bring more." the officers conversed together several moments in a tone so low that the prisoners could not distinguish the words, and then the colonel, who had acted as spokesman, said sharply: "hark you, lads. you are not to be punished now for your refusal to speak, because i wish to report the case to the commanding general before resorting to harsh measures; you shall have time to consider the matter thoroughly, and when questioned again will be forced to make answer. sergeant, remove the prisoners, and see to it that no one is allowed to communicate with them." the boys were decidedly surprised at such leniency; both expected a severe flogging, and failed to understand why it had not been administered. during the march back to the jail the sergeant in command of the squad said in a friendly tone to his prisoners: "you boys must not make the mistake of thinking you can better your position by refusing to answer the questions asked. i do not understand why colonel monckton let you off so easily this time, for he is not given to being tender with the whip; but this i can assure you, that at the next refusal to speak the punishment will be inflicted, and none the easier because it has been delayed." "we have nothing to tell," jacob replied quietly. "if a friend of ours is your prisoner are we responsible for his safe-keeping? if he escapes, is it certain we are guilty of having aided him in avoiding a disgraceful death under a false charge?" "the fetters found in your possession are sufficient proof that you were concerned in the matter." "i do not understand how that can be, sergeant. if we had been able to get him away from your men, and out of jail, do you think we would be foolish enough to carry his fetters in our pockets?" "if you did not do so, how came you by the irons?" "that is a question we can't answer. why not demand to know who paid for our coats, or where we procured our hats?" "your sharpness won't avail you, lad, when next you are brought before colonel monckton. i would like to have you escape the whip, for i'm not friendly disposed to such things, especially when a boy is to be flogged; but if you won't take advice you must suffer, and there's the end of it." "we thank you for your kindness, sergeant," enoch said, speaking for the first time since they left the prison; "but there is nothing for us to tell. we can explain about the fetters; but shall insist that colonel monckton has no right to flog us until he has some proof to connect us with seth's escape." "he thinks he has proof enough already, and so do i, for the matter of that. it's none of my broth, though, and i hope i'll be off duty when you're brought out for punishment." "when is it likely to happen?" jacob asked. "that is what i can't say. it may be to-morrow, or a week from then; but it's bound to come some day if you continue as stiff-necked as you are this morning." the conversation with this particular member of the british army was ended, and the remainder of the journey made in silence. on arriving at the prison they were handed over to the same soldier who had been on duty when they entered the gloomy place twice before, and he conducted them to the cell in a stolid manner, apparently paying no heed to either, save to assure himself they did not give him the slip. when he had thrust them into the cage-like apartment, however, and while he was standing at the door gazing around as if to satisfy himself everything was as it should be, he whispered cautiously: "you have done well, lads. some one we know says that you are to keep up your courage and hold your tongues." then the door was closed with a resounding crash, as if the jailer feared one of the prisoners might reply, and was desirous of drowning the sound of his voice. "he must have received that message since we left colonel monckton, otherwise it would not be known that we had refused to speak," jacob whispered, and there was a hopeful ring in his tone. "the 'one we know' was where he heard all we said." "but it isn't likely he could help us without bringing down suspicion on himself." "it should be enough that he knows what is being done. we have one friend among the britishers, and that is more than seth could have said when he was in jail. i wonder if they count on giving us anything to eat?" "i don't feel as if i should ever be hungry again," enoch replied mournfully. "but you will, and you must! if we lose courage now it can only make matters worse, without bettering them any. i reckon on getting out of this in time, and of escaping even a whipping." "how?" "that's what i don't know; but it is better to think that way than to sit here fancying each moment we feel the lash of wire across our backs. hello, we're going to have a visitor!" the door was opened; but no one entered. a soldier shoved carelessly into the cell a jar of water and two loaves of bread, after which the door was closed again. "it doesn't look as if we should hurt ourselves by eating too much," jacob said with an effort to appear light-hearted; "but it is a good deal more than many friends of the cause in this very city will have set before them to-day. come, enoch, let's dispose of our rations in order to be ready for the next supply when it is brought." chapter vi. released. during five long, weary weeks did jacob and enoch remain prisoners, and although they lived in momentary expectation of a public flogging, the punishment was not inflicted. twice more were the boys taken before colonel monckton, and on each occasion he gave them to understand that unless satisfactory answers were returned to his questions they would be whipped severely. jacob, who acted as spokesman, refused to obey the command, as he did on the first occasion, alleging that he could not explain how the fetters came in their possession without rendering a third party liable to suspicion, and claimed he had rather "be flogged until he was nigh dead" than cause suffering to an innocent person. the british soldier who had allowed seth to leave the jail unchallenged was on duty fully half the time the boys were held as prisoners, and now and then spoke words of cheer, giving them to understand that they were indebted to lord gordon for their escape from a public flogging. during the first four or five days of captivity they questioned the soldier eagerly, and at every opportunity, regarding the possible recapture of seth; but he had no information to give them, and this fact was decidedly more satisfactory than if he had been able to tell them of his whereabouts, since it showed that their comrade was yet free. after a week passed there was no longer any doubt but that seth had succeeded in gaining the american lines, and being thus assured they had saved his life, the boys could have borne even a public flogging with a certain degree of equanimity, because of what had been accomplished. as a matter of course enoch could have no communication with his mother, for orders had been given that the prisoners should be allowed no visitors. he believed, however, she knew all concerning him that could have been told, through lord gordon. it was possible for the boys to have a general idea of what was going on outside, owing to the conversations which they could overhear between the soldiers, and it seemed as if the one whom they looked upon as a friend made it an especial point to converse with his fellows where they might overhear all that was said. thus it was they were aware that, on the th and th of the month, detachments of british troops went out successfully against the continentals; that on the th abercrombie led his men against lacey near the crooked billet, forcing that officer to flight, killing nearly a hundred soldiers, capturing fifty prisoners, and destroying or bringing away all his baggage and stores. it was on the second day after sir henry clinton arrived in philadelphia that jacob and enoch were released from prison. no formalities accompanied this, to them, very desirable change of condition. ten days previous they had been assured by colonel monckton that there was sufficient proof to connect them with seth's escape, and that their punishment, unless they confessed, would be exceptionally severe. therefore it was that they were quite as much surprised as delighted when, on this particular morning, the cell-doors were opened and the officer in charge of the prison announced that they were at liberty to depart. "you will be closely watched," he said warningly, "and rest assured that at the first suspicious action on the part of either, both will be brought here again. a second arrest will be more serious than the first." "if i have my way about it there won't be any second arrest," jacob said emphatically, and when the outer door of the jail was opened he and enoch darted swiftly through, as if fearing the permission to depart might be reconsidered if they should linger in leaving. when the boys arrived at enoch's home mrs. ball was not particularly surprised to see them nor was it necessary they should make any explanations as to the cause of their long absence. she had received, at least three times each week, an unsigned letter containing full particulars as to their condition, and had known several days previous that they were about to be discharged. "well, lord--i mean our british friend, is what you might call a right up and down good fellow, even if he is fighting on the wrong side!" jacob exclaimed when mrs. ball explained why she had not been particularly anxious regarding her son during his long imprisonment. "if all the king's soldiers were like him, i allow there wouldn't be very much fighting in this country." "he has taken a great deal of trouble to do a favor to three boys who had no claim upon him," enoch added reflectively. "but he believed seth was innocent, and began the good work by trying to prevent his brother officers from killing one who was no spy," mrs. ball suggested. "yet seth was not what you might really call innocent, nor, for that matter, were any of us, because he did carry information to our friends, and we stood ready to help him." "but you were not spies." "no, mother, not exactly; but much as i hate the british, i am bound to admit they had good cause for punishing us. i think the time has come when jacob and i should join seth at the first opportunity." "you mean that you will enlist?" his mother asked anxiously. "it is our duty; but if you should say that you were not willing yet----" "i shall say nothing of the kind, my son. you are old enough to decide for yourselves, and if you think duty calls you it isn't for me to set up my own desires against it. you must remember, however, that you are now looked upon with suspicion by the enemy, and it will not be as simple a matter to gain the continental camp as it would have been before seth was arrested." "we shall succeed in doing it, never you fear," enoch replied in a tone of assurance, and thus it was settled that at the earliest possible moment he and jacob would enlist in the american army. as the days passed, however, the would-be recruits learned that it was not as easy to leave the city unobserved as it previously had been. it was well known general washington was ready for the summer campaign, with his troops better disciplined and better equipped than formerly, and the british officers, understanding that sir henry clinton was making an estimate of their abilities before assuming command of the army, were particularly vigilant. neither jacob nor enoch had ventured to ask for an interview with lord gordon. they understood it might place him in an awkward position if they did so, and that their gratitude could best be shown by treating him as an enemy. neither had they seen seth's mother since their release. it was only reasonable to suppose that lord gordon, being an inmate of her house, had kept her as well informed as he had mrs. ball. therefore the boys would be serving her interests as well as their own if they refrained from paying her a visit. it was arranged that they should take advantage of the first opportunity to leave the city, without feeling obliged to give enoch's mother notice of the fact, and from the hour when they had been allowed to leave the jail they spent their time roaming around the town, hoping to meet some one who might be able to aid them. more than once did they discuss the advisability of setting out alone in the direction of valley forge, with the hope that they might, before traveling many miles, come upon a detachment of americans; but each time the subject was introduced they decided that the chances of success were against them, owing to the vigilance of the british. twice had they been halted by the patrol, when, without any intention of setting forth on a journey, they had wandered heedlessly near the outskirts of the city, and warned each time as to what would be the result if they were discovered in trying to gain the "rebel" lines. during such enforced idleness they heard much of the carnival, or "mischianza," as the officers termed it, which was to be given as a testimonial in honor of general howe on the eve of his retiring from the command of the forces, but had not believed they would be in the city to see the grand display. the boys knew that general burgoyne, assisted by major john andre, had charge of the preparations; that a mock tournament was to be a portion of the entertainment, and that it would be held at the country-seat of mr. wharton on the delaware river. they heard that a supper-room was being built for the occasion; that mirrors, pictures, and ornaments designed to hold candles, were being borrowed from the wealthy citizens; but yet so great was the desire of both to enroll themselves as soldiers in the patriot army that neither gave much attention to the proposed entertainment, until the morning of the th of may, when they were still vainly searching for means of escape. during that day at least they forgot their desires in the wonderful scene which was presented. as a matter of course jacob and enoch saw only such portion of the entertainment as was given in public; but major andre himself wrote an entertaining account to his friends in england which is given here as interesting, inasmuch as it was the first display of the kind ever made in north america. "a grand regatta began the entertainment. it consisted of three divisions. in the first was the ferret galley, having on board several general officers and a number of ladies. in the center was the hussar galley with sir william and lord howe, sir henry clinton, the officers of their suite, and some ladies. the cornwallis galley brought up the rear, having on board general knyphausen and his suite, three british generals and a party of ladies. on each quarter of these galleys, and forming their division, were five flatboats, lined with green cloth, and filled with ladies and gentlemen. in front of the whole were three flat-boats, with a band of music in each. six barges rowed about each flank, to keep off the swarm of boats that covered the river from side to side. the galleys were decked out with a variety of colors and streamers, and in each flat-boat was displayed the flag of its own division. "in the stream opposite the center of the city the fanny, armed ship, magnificently decorated, was placed at anchor, and at some distance ahead lay his majesty's ship roebuck, with the admiral's flag hoisted at the foretop masthead. the transport ships, extending in a line the whole length of the town, appeared with colors flying and crowded with spectators, as were also the openings of several wharves on shore, exhibiting the most picturesque and enlivening scene the eye could desire. the rendezvous was at knight's wharf, at the northern extremity of the city. by half-past four the whole company were embarked, and the signal being made by the vigilant's manning ship, the three divisions rowed slowly down, preserving their proper intervals, and keeping time to the music that led the fleet. "arrived between the fanny and the market wharf, a signal was made from one of the boats ahead, and the whole lay upon their oars, while the music played 'god save the king,' and three cheers given from the vessels were returned from the multitude on shore. by this time the flood tide became too rapid for the galleys to advance; they were therefore quitted, and the company disposed of in different barges. this alteration broke in upon the order of procession, but was necessary to give sufficient time for displaying the entertainments that were prepared on shore. "the landing place was at the old fort, a little to the southward of the town, fronting the building prepared for the reception of the company, about four hundred yards from the water by a gentle ascent. as soon as the general's barge was seen to push from the shore a salute of seventeen guns was fired from the roebuck, and, after some interval, by the same number from the vigilant. the company, as they disembarked, arranged themselves into a line of procession, and advanced through an avenue formed by two files of grenadiers, and a line of light-horse supporting each file. this avenue led to a square lawn of two hundred and fifty yards on each side, lined with troops, and properly prepared for the exhibition of a tilt and tournament, according to the customs and ordinances of ancient chivalry. we proceeded through the center of the square. "the music, consisting of all the bands of the army, moved in front. the managers, with favors of white and blue ribbon in their breasts, followed next in order. the general, admiral, and the rest of the company, succeeded promiscuously. "in front appeared the building, bounding the view through a vista formed by two triumphal arches erected at proper intervals in a line with the landing-place. two pavilions, with rows of benches rising one above the other, and serving as the wings of the first triumphal arch, received the ladies, while the gentlemen arranged themselves in convenient order on each side. on the front seat of each pavilion were placed seven of the principal young ladies of the country, dressed in turkish habits and wearing in their turbans the favors with which they meant to reward the several knights who were to contend in their honor. these arrangements were scarce made when the sound of trumpets were heard in the distance, and a band of knights, dressed in ancient habits of white and red silk, and mounted on gray horses richly caparisoned in trappings of the same colors, entered the lists, attended by their esquires on foot, in suitable apparel." major andre continues his letter with a long and detailed account of the tournament which followed, and thus concludes: "the company were regaled with tea, lemonade, and other cooling liquors when they entered the house. on the same floor with the ballroom were four drawing-rooms with sideboards of refreshment. dancing continued until ten o'clock, when the windows were thrown open, and the display of fireworks began. at twelve o'clock supper was announced, and large folding-doors, hitherto artfully concealed, being suddenly thrown open, discovered a magnificent saloon with three alcoves on each side which served as sideboards. fifty-six large pier glasses, ornamented with green silk artificial flowers and ribbons; one hundred branches with three lights in each, trimmed in the same manner as the mirrors; eighteen lusters, each with twenty-four lights, suspended from the ceiling, and ornamented as the branches; three hundred wax tapers disposed along the supper-table; four hundred and thirty covers, twelve hundred dishes, twenty-four black slaves in oriental dresses, with silver collars and bracelets, ranged in two lines, and bending to the ground as the general and admiral approached the saloon. then came the drinking of healths and the toasts, and after supper the dancing was continued until four o'clock." it was while the citizens as well as the soldiery were gathered on the riverside, watching the imposing spectacle, that jacob and enoch, instead of following the example of those around them and crowding as near to the water's edge as possible, were standing on a slight elevation some distance from the penny-pot house landing, when they were accosted by a rough-looking fellow, who, to judge from his dress, was a farm laborer. "i allow you two lads have allers lived here in philadelphia, eh?" he began, as if more for the purpose of making an acquaintance than to gain information. "you surely can't take us for britishers?" jacob said laughingly. "that is not your misfortune," the man replied. "you can be as loyal to the king in the colonies as if you had been born in london." "and if we _had_ been born there we might consider it our duty to be loyal to him; but inasmuch as we are philadelphia boys the case is different," jacob replied boldly, despite enoch's warning glance. "it is safer to keep the matter a secret if you count on being disloyal," the man said with a grin. "that is impossible in our case, for two who have been in prison five weeks would be distrusted if they suddenly conceived a love for the king." "so general howe believes you are dangerous characters, eh? it seems as if he was afraid of the boys quite a considerable, for i have heard tell how he had old chris ludwick's son locked up." "so he did, and i happen to be that son." "you?" the man exclaimed with a pretense of surprise. "and who is this with you?" "it is enoch ball. but hark you, friend, i don't understand that you have got any right to ask questions, and perhaps i have given you all the information necessary." jacob spoke sharply, for there came into his mind the thought that this stranger was displaying altogether too much interest in what did not concern him personally. "i don't allow you have," the man replied, glancing furtively around, as if to make certain there were no eavesdroppers near. "if you are chris ludwick's son, you was jailed by the britishers for helping one seth graydon, said to be a spy, escape from prison." the man spoke in such a meaning tone there was no longer any doubt but that his questions meant something more than idle curiosity, and both jacob and enoch turned upon him suddenly. "what do you know about seth graydon?" the latter asked sharply. "you will learn fully as much if you don't make such a noise," the stranger replied in a low tone. "i can't say that i know anything particular about seth, except that he wanted me, in case i happened to run across jacob ludwick and enoch ball, to give them his best compliments." "where is he?" jacob asked eagerly. "i allow you can make a pretty good guess, so there's no need of my going into particulars, especially round here, where the chances are it might lead a fellow into trouble." "where did you come from?" "it is best not to ask too many questions, jacob ludwick. the least that is said in this 'ere city is the soonest mended. if it should happen, though, that you knew anything which might be important for your friends to know, now is the time to repeat it, and i'll take care it reaches the proper quarter." "then you are----" "i work on a farm up the schuylkill with a quaker by the name of parker, and am down here to see the brave doings of the king's officers." "do you know where we can join any portion of the american army?" "for what purpose?" "we count on enlisting as soon as we are able to leave the city; but the britishers have kept a close watch on us since we were let out of jail, and thus far it has been impossible to get away." "take my advice, and stay where you are a spell longer. it won't be many days before there'll be a change around here, and after that perhaps you won't be so closely watched. if you should happen to hear anything that would benefit your friends, and want to sent them word, you might find me somewhere near about the blue anchor, almost any forenoon, when i have disposed of my produce." there was no necessity for the man to make further explanations; the boys understood that in his assumed character of a farm laborer he was acting the spy, and by bringing in produce to sell would have no trouble in entering or leaving the city. it was just such an acquaintance as jacob had been particularly anxious to make; but he was disappointed and perplexed because the proposition that he and enoch enlist was not received with favor. "it isn't likely we could learn very much that would interest you," master ludwick said after a brief pause, "for since our arrest we have but little chance of hearing any british secrets." "you are not hindered from roaming around the town as you wish?" "oh, no; we are prevented, however, from going very far into the country, and have been stopped several times by the patrol." "then spend your time observing the movements of the troops, and take particular notice if any activity prevails among the soldiers to-morrow night. you can be of more service here during the next two weeks than you could in the ranks." "but you are in town every day, and can see quite as much as we." "i only remain here long enough to sell my wares and to drink a pint of beer at the blue anchor. it would seem strange if a farmer was overfond of watching the soldiers. there are several in town who, during such time as we are haggling over the price of vegetables, manage to let me know what they have seen, and when it was made known that we wanted to increase the number of our friends here, seth graydon told general dickinson you would be willing to do all in your power." "seth was right. we are more than willing; but hardly know how to set about it." "there's but little more to do than loiter around the city listening to the general gossip, and observing the movements of the troops. you boys certainly are bright enough to know by general appearances if any great force is making preparations to leave, and even though you have been under arrest for aiding a boy whom the britishers called a spy, i don't think you would be interfered with if you exercised proper caution. it is especially necessary that our friends are all on the alert during the next forty-eight hours, and i shall come into town very early to-morrow morning, and again in the afternoon, so that you will have two chances to report anything you may have learned." "is there reason to believe the british will make a move within that time?" "they certainly will, if, as is probable, the tories between here and valley forge bring in information of what is being done." "is general washington to make an attack?" jacob asked eagerly. "hardly that; but some of his forces will move toward this city very shortly, and it becomes highly important he should have early information of what the enemy may do when they learn of it. we have talked here as long as is safe, for, although people seem intent upon the brave show general howe's officers are making, there may be some whose business it is to pay attention to their neighbors." the stranger lounged away as if following with his eyes the spectacle upon the water, and when he was gone jacob said in an exultant tone: "it seems that we can be of some service to the cause even if we do not enlist." "yes, and seth did us a good turn when he said we were ready to perform our share in the work." "yet since we met this stranger, enoch, we have agreed to become spies--there is no other name for it--and if we should now be put under arrest by the britishers, there would be good cause for dealing out to us that punishment which seth escaped." chapter vii. on the alert. although fully aware of the fact that by following the suggestions of the stranger they were jeopardizing their lives, jacob and enoch felt very proud because of the confidence in them thus apparently displayed by the leaders of the cause. they had no idea as to the identity of the man with whom they had talked, but it seemed positive he was one in whom the continental officers trusted implicitly, otherwise he would not have been selected for so dangerous and responsible a position as that of gathering information in the very heart of the british camp. it was evident, at least to the boys, that he had sufficient authority to thus attach them to the american army, and both were well content to delay signing their names on the enlistment rolls, because of the fact that they were occupying much more responsible and dangerous posts by remaining in the city. it was not probable the enemy would be contemplating any important movement while the festivities were in progress, yet jacob and enoch walked to and fro through the streets of the now almost deserted city, believing their new duties demanded such diligence; but seeing nothing more formidable than an unusually surly patrol who were out of temper because forced to be on duty while their comrades were participating in the merry-making. not until nearly midnight did they return to enoch's home, and by daylight next morning both were on the alert once more. during the forenoon they saw in the market-place, haggling over the price of a cabbage as if his only thought was to sell his wares to the best advantage, their acquaintance of the previous day. jacob would have entered into conversation with the man but for the fact that enoch restrained him by saying: "it is not well to be seen talking with him when it is unnecessary, lest we rouse the suspicions of the britishers. we have nothing to report, and he will so understand it when we pass by without speaking." "but he may have something to say to us." "if he has we shall soon know it; but unless he makes a sign we had better keep on our way." the seeming farmer paid no attention to the boys; that he saw them was evident, but he did not so much as raise his eyes after one quick glance, and jacob understood that enoch was wiser than he in such matters. during this day it was as if the enemy was resting from the fatigue of merry-making; but few officers were to be seen on the streets until late in the afternoon, and at the different barracks there was even less than the ordinary amount of noise. it was five o'clock when the boys turned from high into second street believing their day's work nearly done. the sidewalk in front of the city tavern was thronged with officers and civilians, and jacob whispered: "i wonder what is going on there? some of the crowd appear to be excited." "suppose we pass the place singly, for by so doing we shall have a better chance to linger. you go ahead, and i'll follow when you are halfway through the crowd," enoch suggested, and jacob acted upon the idea at once. before he was well among the throng he heard that which caused him the liveliest surprise. "so lafayette's tattered retinue have abandoned their mud-holes, have they?" a gentleman who had just come up said to a group of officers, and one of the latter replied: "there appears to be no doubt about it. a quaker on whom the frenchman quartered himself has sent word that he is at barren hill, with twenty-five hundred picked men and five cannon." "what does it mean? can it be possible washington believes for a single instant that his rag-tag and bob-tail can stand against general howe's forces?" "it is difficult to say just what the rebel commander believes," one of the officers replied with a laugh. "there are times when he behaves as if he thought he could annihilate us, and then suddenly he turns tail as if afraid of his life." "but if he contemplates any audacious movement, why does he send lafayette?" the citizen continued. "he is hardly more than a boy, and surely washington must have more experienced officers." "he has no abler soldier than lafayette, boy though he is. he has had the advantage of a thorough military education, and will make better play for us than many of the elder men." "do you apprehend any difficulty in disposing of him if he continues his march? i should say he might be advancing on germantown, if he makes his first halt at barren hill." the officers were greatly pleased at this question, and the spokesman continued, as soon as his mirth had subsided sufficiently to admit of his speaking: "we shall make short work of him if we are allowed to take the field; but i question if general howe will pay any attention to the movement until it has developed further." jacob was forced to pass this particular group lest the fact that he was listening to the conversation should become known; but before getting out of the throng he heard all the particulars that could be given relative to the advance of the "rebels." some of the gossipers believed washington intended to make an attack on philadelphia; others had the idea that he was preparing to retreat, fearing lest sir henry clinton, after taking command of the army, would press him too warmly, and that this movement of lafayette's but cloaked the design. not a few thought that the rebels had decided upon a vigorous campaign, of which this unaccountable advance was proof, and before many moments such belief was shared by the majority. once jacob had passed beyond the excited throng he waited with the utmost impatience for enoch to join him, and when, after what seemed an exceedingly long time, his comrade came up looking surprised and alarmed, master ludwick motioned for him to follow toward the bank of the river. not until the boys stood where there was no possibility the conversation could be overheard did jacob speak, and then it was to say: "now we understand why the man who talked with us was so anxious to learn what might be done by the britishers. he knew general lafayette was about to move, and expected troops would be sent out from here at once." "if that is done we shall be of but little service, for the soldiers will march as fast as we can." "that remains to be seen. the time has come when we can do work that will be of importance, and we must not lose the opportunity." "then we had best get around by the barracks; we can be of no service while we stand here talking idly." "it is not idle talk, as you shall see. the thought has come to me that if the enemy makes any move to-night it is our duty to take the news to general washington, or general lafayette, before the britishers can get very far on the road." "i don't understand how it is to be done." "are you willing to run a big risk?" "i am ready to do anything in aid of the cause." "then listen. i know where wharton, the tory, has two horses stabled, and it will not be hard work to get them out after the groom has gone away for the night. if anything is done by the britishers which our friends should know, we can take them, follow the schuylkill up till we come to the bridge, and be at general lafayette's camp before daylight." "but that would be stealing!" enoch cried. "i don't think so, under the circumstances. it will be only an honest act, for we do it to save the lives of our friends." "that would prevent our coming back to philadelphia while the britishers are here, and the stranger said we might be of more service in this city than we could in the army." "so we shall if we carry such important news, and it is better for us to leave here on an errand like that than remain idle when the cause may suffer." "i will do whatever you say is right, jacob, but do not want to serve our country by becoming a thief." "that you will not become, i tell you!" jacob cried impatiently. "it shall be as you say." "very well. now i will go in one direction and you in another. we'll meet on high street near fourth. if nothing has been seen we must continue to walk around until certain the britishers do not intend to leave the city." having thus mapped out his plan jacob started up walnut street at his best pace, and enoch went in the opposite direction, feeling rather doubtful of such honesty as displayed itself by the theft of two horses. not until eight o'clock in the evening did either of the boys see anything to denote that the enemy's troops would be moved that night, and then it was as if all the preparations had been made in an instant. it was enoch who was standing in front of general grant's quarters when that gentleman came out attended by two of his staff, and the boy heard him say petulantly: "we are forced to go on a wild-goose chase, while the more fortunate fellows are enjoying themselves at the play. i expected to see at least two acts of douglas, and had invited some ladies to accompany me." "are we likely to go far?" one of his companions asked. "to barren hill; and on arriving there we shall find our french bird has flown, although general howe is so certain of capturing him that he has invited a large party to take supper with the proposed captive to-morrow night, while admiral howe has given orders to have a frigate made ready for sailing with lafayette on board. it would create a sensation if we should send the marquis to england as a prisoner!" "indeed it would, and i only hope he will give us half a chance to catch him. how large a force shall we have?" "five thousand in my column and two thousand under grey." "that will be plenty to do the work, and it isn't impossible we may succeed in surprising him. our preparations have been made very quietly." "only those engaged in the service have any idea of what it is proposed to do, and all of us have been sworn to secrecy. i shall----" the speakers moved on, and enoch could not distinguish the remainder of the conversation; but he had heard enough to change his mind as to the honesty of stealing horses, and now thought only of the possibility that they might not succeed in such purpose. hastening to the rendezvous at full speed, he found jacob awaiting him and displaying every evidence of agitation and impatience. "i thought you would never come," he whispered eagerly. "we have no time to lose, for i have seen more than a thousand soldiers in the ranks ready for a march." "and i have heard exactly how many are to go; but we must hurry to the tory's stable, for there is no time to lose!" and enoch urged his comrade forward, telling him while they walked so swiftly as to be almost running that which he had learned. "no two boys ever had such an opportunity as we've got now!" jacob said triumphantly. "if we can be the first to carry the news to general lafayette, it will be a work that even general washington would thank us for! we shall find no difficulty in enlisting in any regiment we choose, and who knows but we'll be made officers?" "i don't understand how that could be, when we are not even soldiers; a man must have had experience before he can command others." "couldn't we soon gain that?" "we'd better give all our attention to getting the horses. if we succeed in finding general lafayette i shall have reward enough, and a commission as colonel wouldn't make me any happier." "i'd rather be an officer than a private," jacob replied decidedly, "and we're now in a fair way to wear swords." the pace at which they were traveling was not well suited for a prolonged conversation, and the boys were panting so heavily that it was absolutely necessary to remain silent until they were in the vicinity of the tory's stable. the building was situated a hundred yards or more from the dwelling, and no one could be seen in the vicinity. jacob forced his companion to halt where a clump of bushes hid them from view of any one who might pass that way, until they had regained their breath, and then said hurriedly: "i know the man who takes care of the horses. he boards at the third house from here, and doesn't often come back in the evening after his day's work is done. the stable door opens toward wharton's house, and our greatest danger will be in getting the animals out. i'll go ahead; if you fail to hear anything for five minutes, follow me." "go on; don't waste any more time, for if the soldiers set out ahead of us we shall find it difficult to pass them." master ludwick made his way toward the building as if stealing horses was a work with which he was thoroughly conversant, and when the specified time had elapsed enoch followed. the fact that a play was being performed at the theater, and also that nearly all the male population of the city were congregated in the business portion of the town discussing this unexpected move on lafayette's part, was of material aid to the boys in their undertaking. not a light could be seen in the tory's home, and it was situated so far out of the city there was little fear pedestrians would pass at that hour in the evening. when enoch entered the barn he understood by the subdued noise that master ludwick was bridling a horse, and he whispered: "are there two here?" "yes; i've got a bridle on one, and if you'll hold him i'll take out the other. we can't stop to find saddles." "there's no need of anything of that kind, but i think we should have something in the shape of whips, in case we're pursued." "we can find a stick once we are clear of the city. have you got hold of the bridle?" "yes; i'll take care of this fellow. get the other quickly, for if any one should come now we'd be in a bad plight. i had rather be in prison as a spy than a horse thief." that jacob was familiar with the interior of the stable was proved by the celerity of his movements. although enoch was in that frame of mind when the seconds drag like minutes, it seemed to him as if he had but just taken charge of the first animal before his comrade had the other in the floor. there was hardly time for one to have counted twenty when master ludwick opened the stable door cautiously as he whispered: "mount, enoch, and ride at a walk until we are so far away that the hoof-beats won't be heard in case any of the family should chance to be at home. remember, we must keep together as long as possible; but if it happens that we are separated, each must do his best at finding general lafayette's camp!" "don't stop to give orders now, but come on!" enoch replied nervously as he mounted, and in another moment the young patriots were riding slowly up the street. neither dared to speak, and the noise of the animals' feet on the hard road sounded so loud in their ears that it seemed as if any one half a mile away must hear it. both the boys understood, however, that considerably more noise would be made if they allowed their horses to trot, and, dangerous though the position was, they reined their steeds down to a walk until fully a quarter of a mile had been traversed, when jacob said grimly: "it's time to let them out now, and if we are caught it won't be because we haven't been cautious enough!" the horses, impatient at having been restrained, darted forward swiftly when the reins were loosened, and enoch cried in delight: "they are in the proper trim for rapid traveling, and we should be able to keep ahead of foot soldiers, for, of course, we are in advance of them." "i don't believe the britishers have started yet, and it's almost certain there is no enemy between us and the american force. we've just the same as won our swords already!" "never mind the swords if we----" enoch ceased speaking very suddenly as a voice, coming apparently from the thicket that bordered the road, cried sternly: "halt! halt or i fire!" instead of making any reply jacob struck his horse with both heels, darting ahead of enoch for the time being, and in another instant the command rang out: "fire! then see that they do not escape!" "they're mounted men!" enoch cried in fear as he bent over the neck of the horse, involuntarily glancing back just as a broad sheet of flame lighted up the trees a short distance in the rear, and he heard the whistling of bullets over his head almost at the same instant that the reports of the weapons rang out. "are you hurt, jake?" he cried anxiously. "not so much as a scratch; but this isn't the time to talk. those fellows have horses, and it's a question how long these can hold out. wharton never was known to keep very good stock, so father says." enoch was not exactly in that frame of mind where he could best speculate upon the faults or merits of the tory's horses; but he was thoroughly aware that he and his comrade would soon have a very good idea of the abilities of these two animals as compared with those in the rear. glancing back hurriedly the boy saw a group of horsemen in sharp pursuit, and he decided there could not be less than half a dozen, all of whom were in uniform. the thought came into his mind that this party had been posted on the road to prevent any one from carrying information to the enemy, and now, when it was too late, he remembered that he and jacob had twice before been turned back by a patrol at this very point. "we should have remembered it," he said to himself. "it would not have been much out of our way if we had ridden across the field, and then we shouldn't be pressing our horses at their best speed when the journey has but just begun." it was too late now to indulge in regrets. the pursuers were making every effort to end the chase quickly, and there was good reason to believe the weapons would again be used, when a chance shot might end the chase by crippling one of the animals even if it failed to hit a human target. enoch was not urging the steed he rode to its best pace, but contented himself with holding the advantage he had over the enemy; while jacob had used his heels as spurs to such effect that his horse was far in advance. during half an hour the race was continued, and then the animals showed signs of fatigue. now it was necessary for enoch to urge his on, while jacob's, less fresh because of the first great burst of speed, was slowly falling to the rear. "i won't run away from you," enoch said encouragingly. "their horses must be as tired as ours; but if they've got better wind, i'll be by your side when we're overtaken." "no, no, you mustn't do that!" jacob cried sharply. "if only one can get through the work will be done, and i deserve to be overhauled because i sent this beast ahead at such a furious rate when we first started. do your best to give them the slip, and pay no attention to me; but when you see seth again tell him i tried to do as much for the cause as he did." "i shall stay by you," enoch said decidedly as he reined in his horse. "they are getting no nearer, and--look out!" the warning cry had hardly been uttered when the reports of muskets or pistols rang out once more; but this time the whistling of the bullets could not be heard. "they have lost ground!" enoch cried joyfully. "don't punish your horse so much, but slacken the pace a bit till he gets his wind. we'll best them yet." again and again the weapons were discharged, but the boys no longer bent their heads, for they were out of range, and the race was well-nigh won. five minutes later the pursuers were lost to view in the distance, and jacob cried in a tone of relief: "we've outridden them at last; but if they had held on five minutes longer, it would have been all over, so far as i'm concerned, for i don't believe this beast could have held a trot half a mile more." "let him walk awhile, and we'll keep a good lookout in case they should make another try for us. do you know the roads hereabouts?" "yes; all of them. if it was daylight you could see my home from the next hill. there is no short cut hereabouts that they can take to get ahead of us, and we're certain to go through all right!" chapter viii. barren hill. the boys now had good reason to believe that the most difficult portion of their work was accomplished. it was not probable they would meet any of the enemy while riding in this direction, and all that now remained was to find general lafayette's command. this last both the boys fancied might be easily done, for jacob was familiar with the roads in that section of the country, and should be able to lead the way to the camping-place. the horses would be recovering from the effects of their long race if allowed to continue on at a walk, and such gentle exercise, heated as they were, was better than to bring them to a halt. "i reckon we've earned our swords," jacob said, after he was satisfied the enemy had abandoned the pursuit and there was no longer any danger to be apprehended. "it's mighty lucky for us we met that spy on the day of the carnival!" "i think we'd better finish the work before crowing very loud," enoch replied with a laugh. "as to whether we are given swords or not troubles me very little, for i had rather be a private than an officer." "that's because you don't know how much easier it is to command than be commanded." "but how is it when a fellow doesn't know how to command?" "he can soon learn." "well, it doesn't seem to me there is any good reason why we should discuss the matter, for the swords haven't been offered us, and perhaps never will be." "if we don't receive them it'll be because our services are not appreciated. hark! do you hear anything?" and jacob reined his steed to a standstill as he listened intently. far up the road, in the direction where the boys supposed the advance of the continental army was encamped, could be heard the hoof-beats of horses, sounding nearer and nearer each instant. "they are coming this way!" master ludwick said at length. "do you suppose it is possible our friends have any idea of making an attack on general howe's forces?" "they must do that, or be prepared to resist one. now if ever is the time when our news will be of value." the boys rode forward confident the approaching travelers were friends, and a few moments later two mounted men could be seen dimly in the gloom, approaching at a quick, but not hurried, pace. "hello, friends!" jacob shouted, guiding his horse to the middle of the road as if to bar the passage. the newcomers halted suddenly, and one of them asked in a low tone, speaking to his companion: "who have we here? surely it cannot be that any of the enemy are so far from the city." "we are friends if you are members of the continental army," jacob cried. "and that is what we are; but why do you take the middle of the road as if to dispute our right to pass?" "i am the son of christopher ludwick, and this fellow with me is enoch ball. we have ridden at risk of our lives, having been chased and fired at by a squad of britishers, to give general lafayette news of the enemy's movements." jacob spoke in an important tone, much as though the sword he dreamed of was already hanging by his side, and had even now assumed a swagger such as he thought essential in an officer of the army. "we have just come from the general's headquarters, bound for new jersey; but if your information is of importance it may be to our advantage to turn back. are the enemy informed of general lafayette's movements?" "general howe knows all about it; the quaker at whose house the marquis quartered himself sent in the full particulars. from all we could learn, two forces, one of five thousand and the other of two thousand men, have been sent against you." "have been sent?" one of the officers repeated. "do you mean they have already started?" "i saw more than a thousand in the ranks ready for marching before we came away, and they must have left town about the same time we did." "but how are you so certain as to the exact number?" "enoch heard general grant talking with one of his staff, and the britisher said general howe was so sure of capturing the marquis that he had invited his friends to meet the prisoner at supper to-morrow night." the two men spoke together in whispers a few seconds, and then he who had acted the part of spokesman asked: "are you the boys who were imprisoned on the charge of having aided young graydon to escape?" "we are." "then there seems to be no question as to the truth of your statement----" "the truth of it?" jacob interrupted. "why, we saw the soldiers ready for the march." "will you come with us to general lafayette?" "of course we will! it was to find him that we set out." the two officers wheeled their steeds, and began to retrace their steps at a rapid pace, the boys following close behind. after a few moments one of them, half-turning in his saddle, asked how the young messengers had procured horses, and jacob readily told him the story of despoiling the tory. "you boys have begun well in the service of the cause, and if you continue with the same zeal, should be able to give a good account of yourselves before the struggle is ended." "that is what we hope to do," enoch replied, and jacob whispered to his comrade: "he didn't say anything about our being given commissions for this night's work." "and it isn't likely any one else will," enoch replied with a laugh. "it should be enough for us that we have rendered an important service, and it seems selfish to be talking of a reward even before the work has been done." "we'll see what general lafayette thinks about it," and jacob spoke in a tone of irritation, after which he relapsed into silence, not venturing to speak again until the little party had arrived at an encampment completely surrounding a small farmhouse, before which the officers drew rein. sentries were pacing to and fro in front of the building, and the boys understood that they were at general lafayette's quarters, the owner of which was the person who had sent information to the british commander. not until after considerable parley were they admitted to a room strewn with military accouterments, in the center of which stood a table bearing the remnants of a meal. here they were forced to wait several moments, after which a young, not particularly prepossessing-looking man entered, only partially dressed. the two officers saluted him with evident respect, while jacob and enoch showed signs of dissatisfaction. it did not seem possible to them that this boyish-appearing officer could be the famous frenchman of whom they had heard so much, and both were sadly disappointed, because, as they believed, an interview with the commander himself was to be denied them. "this is general lafayette," one of the officers said to jacob, "and you can tell him your story." "this the general?" master ludwick cried in amazement. "you expected to see an old man?" lafayette asked with a smile. "well, i didn't think you was--i mean, it didn't seem--i thought you might----" "never mind what you thought, my friend. if you have important information to give it will be well if i hear that at once, and your opinion regarding myself can be told at a more convenient season." jacob was so thoroughly confused as not to be able to tell a connected story, and it became necessary for enoch to act as spokesman, a post he filled with great satisfaction to all, except, perhaps, his comrade, who was angry with himself because he had foolishly allowed his surprise to so far overcome him as to tie his tongue. "so i am to take supper with general and lord howe and their friends, am i?" lafayette said as if to himself when enoch's story was ended. "with seven thousand men against us the situation may be desperate, but i do not think i shall go to philadelphia this night." then he gave hurried commands to his officers, and when the two left the room he turned to the young messengers with a smile which changed the entire expression of his face, and caused enoch to believe he had never seen a more kindly gentleman. "you have done nobly to bring this news, which is most important not only to me personally, but to the cause we all serve. as to the theft of the horses, you need give yourselves no uneasiness. i will send word to mr. wharton at the earliest convenient moment, stating that i impressed them into the service of the united states, and forward him an order for the payment of the animals. it will be better you should remain with this command awhile, since it may be dangerous for you to go in either direction alone. procure from the quartermaster food for yourselves and the beasts, and take such rest as is possible until we make a move." enoch understood that the bow with which they were favored was an intimation that the interview had come to an end, and at once went toward the door; but jacob remained facing the general as if his business was not yet concluded. "have you anything more to tell me?" lafayette asked. "i thought perhaps you counted on saying something else," master ludwick stammered. "i think we have finished our business. perhaps at some future time we may have a better opportunity for conversation." after this jacob could do no less than follow his companion, and when they were outside the building he said, in a tone of dissatisfaction: "it don't seem to me that we got much thanks for what we've done." "what could you want more? we know that perhaps we have been the means of saving this whole command from capture." "that's exactly what we have done, and yet he didn't say a word about giving us a sword, or even a corporal's commission." "you expected too much. if general lafayette is willing to give his services to a people who were strangers to him, he has a right to believe that a couple of boys like us are willing to serve our country without reward." jacob was about to make what might have been an angry reply, when he was suddenly seized from behind in what was no unfriendly embrace, as a familiar voice cried: "i counted on seeing you fellows as soon as you were let out of jail; but didn't think you'd steal up on us in the night. have you been trying to get an interview with general lafayette at this hour?" it was seth who spoke, and several minutes elapsed before the three boys had so far concluded their greetings as to be able to carry on a coherent conversation. then, in obedience to his friends' urging, seth explained how he had succeeded in reaching the american lines on the night they parted with him on the outskirts of philadelphia. it was not such a story as would cause much excitement, owing to the lack of adventure. from the moment he left them until he was at valley forge he saw nothing of the enemy. the food provided by mrs. ball was ample for all his wants, and the journey which he had believed would be bristling with danger was hardly more than a pleasing excursion. he had been received with a hearty welcome by the americans, who, through their spies in philadelphia, had heard of his dangerous situation, and was allowed to enlist in whatever branch of the service he desired. he enrolled himself in the new jersey militia, commanded by general dickinson, because among them were several acquaintances, and had done a soldier's duty from that day. jacob expressed considerable surprise that he had not been rewarded in some way because of all he had suffered, and seth's reply occasioned master ludwick no slight amount of astonishment. "that would have been strange indeed, to reward me for simply trying to do something in aid of the cause." "but you gave information which must have been valuable to the americans." "it was, so i have since been told, and surely such knowledge is sufficient reward." "i ain't so certain about that," master ludwick replied doubtfully. "now i had an idea that enoch and i would be made officers at the very least, because of bringing news which may prevent general lafayette from being made prisoner; but if you haven't got so much as a uniform for all you've been through with, perhaps we shan't fare any better." seth laughed long and loud at the idea that jacob had expected to be made an officer in the continental army before he had even so much as handled a musket, and said, when his mirth had subsided sufficiently to admit of his speaking: "after you are in the ranks you'll learn that such rewards as you expected could not well be given, unless the army was to be used as an ornament, instead of for fighting. i suppose of course you will enlist?" "it looks as if that was all we could do," enoch replied. "it wouldn't be safe for us to go back to the city, for some one of the squad that pursued us might remember our faces. yes, the time has come when we should become soldiers, and it seems to be more than ever our duty since we are within the american lines by accident." "and you will enlist in the regiment to which i belong?" "it seems as if we should be with the pennsylvania troops." "i don't understand that it can make any particular difference, for you will do your duty in one place as well as another." "of course we want to be with you," jacob added thoughtfully, "and if you really believe there's no chance of our being made officers, i suppose we can't do better than join your company." "then you may as well sign the rolls at once, for i question if general lafayette will recommend you for promotion until you know what a private's duty is. did you see one of our friends in philadelphia, whom i sent to you?" "do you mean a man who was dressed as a farm-hand, and came into the market to sell vegetables?" "yes." "we met him on the day the britishers had their celebration, or whatever it may be called. who is he?" "a member of the company to which i belong; a true patriot, and one who is willing to risk his life over and over again if by so doing he can aid the cause. his name is robert greene, and when i heard that he wanted to be directed to several people in the city who might be able to give him information, i told him about you. the fact that the britishers kept you in jail so long was sufficient evidence you were to be depended upon." then seth insisted that his comrades tell him the story of their troubles after he escaped, but before his curiosity could be fully satisfied the entire camp was aroused. it was nearly time for the sun to rise, and general lafayette had begun making preparations to escape from the trap into which he had voluntarily walked. three messengers from different points had come into camp to give notice of the british advance, and the commander knew by this time that grant's troops were halted at the forks of the roads leading, one to barren hill, and the other to matson's ford. it was also learned that a considerable number of men had been sent to chestnut hill, while grey with his force of two thousand was at the ford, less than three miles in front of lafayette's right flank. thus it was that the americans were almost completely surrounded, the only avenue of escape left open being by way of matson's ford, the approach to which was very near where grant had halted his five thousand men. the older soldiers whom the boys heard discussing the situation were of the opinion that general lafayette was in a trap from which he could not escape, and, in fact, the majority of the americans believed they must soon be made prisoners of war, which would be a small disaster as compared to the blow given the american arms before the summer campaign was fairly opened. "it begins to look as if we had jumped out of the frying-pan into the fire," jacob said as he stood with his comrades listening to the comments of those around him. "we're likely to go back to philadelphia sooner than we counted on, and mr. wharton will be after us as horse thieves." "come with me," seth suggested. "i do not believe general lafayette is in as bad a fix as some try to make out; but if he is, it will be better for you to be captured with muskets in your hands, rather than as fellows who came here solely to bring information of the enemy's movements." "how can we do that while we have the horses? i don't propose to give them up unless we're forced to, and that is what would happen if we followed you." there was no longer time for seth to discuss the matter with his friends. the drums were beating the call for the men to "fall in," and he was forced to take his proper station in the line. while jacob hesitated, and enoch was doing his best to persuade him that it would be wisest to leave the horses to their fate, the booming of heavy guns close at hand startled the boys, and master ludwick was looking anxiously around for some convenient way of escape, believing the british close upon them, when one of the officers they had stopped on the road came up. "you look frightened," he said laughingly. "that's just what i am," jacob replied grimly. "i don't want to be taken back to the city as a horse thief, and it now seems as if that was what is about to be done." "there is no cause for fear yet awhile. those cannon are being served by our men, and i allow they will deceive the britishers, even though no great execution follows." "but it sounds like a regular battle." "i admit that, my boy; but unless i am mistaken we shan't see anything in the way of an engagement this morning." "do you think general lafayette will----" "have patience and you shall see what is to be done. the troops will soon begin to move toward matson's ford, and you two had better make your way in that direction at once." "but some of the soldiers said the britishers were very near there." "so they are; but i fancy we can prevent them from knowing what is being done until our troops are in a place of safety, for, as a matter of course, there can be no question of pitting twenty-five hundred men against more than seven thousand. take my advice, and get to the ford as soon as possible." enoch insisted that their wisest course was to act upon the officer's suggestion, and although jacob appeared to think he should receive personal orders from general lafayette regarding himself, he finally did as his comrade desired, and, mounted on mr. wharton's horses, they followed the main body of the troops. not until after the movement had been successfully executed, and all the men and baggage withdrawn to a place of safety, did the boys understand how it was done. then the maneuver was explained to them by a soldier whose acquaintance they made during that day. "lafayette proved himself adequate to the occasion. in a moment, as it were, his dangers were revealed, and the one possible means of extrication resorted to. dispositions were made in the churchyard as though to receive grey; his artillery, by a well-directed fire, encouraged the idea that he purposed to engage. his real aim was, of course, flight, and by the ford; but to attain it he must pass within a short distance of grant, who was nearer to it than himself. he feigned movements as though for an attack, and by an occasional display of the heads of columns he for a time persuaded the englishman that an action was imminent. meantime the troops, as fast as they could come up, were hurrying across the ford, until at last the artillery and a body of oneida savages only remained on this side of the stream. these were also now brought over, and on the high ground beyond our men were secure. grant at last came up, and ordered the advance to move on, but too late. they saw but a party of our troops dotting the surface of the water like the floats of a seine. the prey had escaped. grant was hopelessly in the rear; and when grey's column closed in there was nothing between the british lines. the only skirmishing even that seems to have occurred was between a body of light-horse and the oneidas. neither had ever encountered a like foe; and when the cavalry unexpectedly rode among the savages, the whooping and scampering of the one, and the flashing swords and curveting steeds of the other party, excited such a common terror that both fled with the utmost precipitation. irritated and empty-handed howe marched back to town, with no one but his own officers to blame for his ill-success."[b] footnote: [b] winthrop sargent's "life of john andre." chapter ix. robert greene. during the retreat to valley forge jacob and enoch did not see seth, who, as a matter of course, remained with his regiment. the two boys who had brought the earliest information regarding general howe's movements rode the horses taken from the tory, and, therefore, were not inconvenienced by the forced march; but they had good opportunity of learning something concerning a private soldier's duties and labors which they had never realized before. "now you can see that i wasn't such a very big fool because i wanted to be an officer," jacob said as they neared the encampment at valley forge. "look at the privates staggering under a load big enough for a horse, while those who have commissions ride or walk at their leisure, with nothing to carry but a sword." "i didn't laugh at you for _wanting_ to be an officer, but because you seemed to think it would be easy to perform the duties of one." "i'm not certain that i shall enlist unless general lafayette gives us a better show than the rest have got." enoch looked at him in astonishment. "do you mean that you hesitate to become a soldier now we are where it is possible to enlist?" "that's it exactly. if nothing turns up in our favor, i shall think twice before signing the rolls," jacob replied with an air of complacency, much as if he believed his enlisting would be of the most vital importance to the cause. "what will your father say when he learns that you do not care to be a soldier? he must be here at valley forge, and most likely we shall soon see him." "when father knows that we are given the cold shoulder after doing the work we did last night he will think as i do." "i shall join the company of which seth is a member, and you had better do the same thing. of course we can't stay here in the encampment unless we enlist." "don't be in too much of a hurry to tie yourself down; but wait until i have seen father." enoch would have much preferred to enroll himself as a private in the continental army without delay; but jacob urged him so strongly to wait at least twenty-four hours that he could not refuse without giving offense to his comrade. "what are we to do?" he asked as they rode into the encampment in advance of the retreating force, being allowed to enter the lines after explaining who they were, and why they had come. "you stay near here, while i look for father. he will find us a place in which to sleep to-night, and supply us with food." "shall you be gone long?" "it doesn't seem likely; but you must stay near here, for i should never find you if you strayed away. i had no idea there were so many men in the continental camp." "did you think the army would be composed of seth, you, and i, and all three of us holding commissions because by chance we did our duty?" "perhaps you won't make sport of me to-morrow at this time, and it may be you'll learn that i wasn't very far wrong when i said we should be rewarded for our services." "we won't discuss that matter again," enoch replied laughingly, "otherwise you may not find your father to-day. don't be gone any longer than necessary, for it won't be particularly jolly standing around here holding a horse that ought to have his breakfast." "i'll be back as soon as i can," jacob cried as he rode away, and enoch turned his attention to the returning troops, finding much to interest him as the different regiments marched into the encampment, filing to the right or the left to occupy their old quarters. he saw seth as the latter's company came up among the last, and, but for his promise to jacob, would have followed in order to learn where his friend might be found later. finally the last of the soldiers arrived; the camp resumed its wonted air, much as though twenty-five hundred men had not marched out full of hope, and come back again dispirited, if not disheartened. one, two, three hours passed, and jacob was yet absent. enoch had about decided to leave his unprofitable station, regardless of the trouble it might cause master ludwick to find him, and seek out seth, when he was accosted by a soldier whose face looked familiar, but whose identity he could not recall. "so you got into the continental camp sooner than you expected, eh? it was a good bit of work you did, but, save for the urgency of the case, i could wish you had never left town." "it seems to me i have met you before; but i can't remember where," and enoch looked at the man scrutinizingly. "it isn't strange you should fail to know me in this garb; i was dressed as a farmer when you saw me last." "you are the one who talked with us on the day of the carnival!" "exactly, and now perhaps you can understand why i am sorry because it became necessary for you to leave town." "yet we couldn't do very much toward helping you in your work." "what you have done since last evening shows of how much assistance you might be. two boys can loiter here or there without exciting the suspicion which would naturally be aroused if a man was observed doing the same thing." "i can't say i'm sorry we came away. it seemed necessary we should do so----" "and so it was, my boy. you did just right in getting to barren hill at the earliest possible moment." "it was jacob's idea. i do not believe i should have thought of getting the horses but for him, and he planned the whole affair." "yet he is dissatisfied because general lafayette did not embrace and kiss him on both cheeks, at the same time making him at least a colonel, isn't he?" enoch laughed heartily, and finally asked curiously: "how did you know anything about that?" "it comes natural for me to pry into every one's business, and it may be i heard you two talking, or read it in master ludwick's face. but why is it you do not expect a rich reward?" "because we have simply performed our duty, and when that is done in behalf of the cause one is rewarded by the knowledge that he has been of some service." "it would be better for the cause if more were of your way of thinking," greene said in a low tone, and added quickly, "what do you propose to do now?" "enlist." "in what branch of the service?" "i would like to be with seth graydon, and, if possible, shall join his company." "what does master ludwick say to that plan?" "he has gone to consult with his father, and i am waiting here for his return." "if he finds old chris, and complains because he has not been rewarded, i predict that he will come back with a sore body, for our baker-general is a true-blooded american even though he was born in germany, and will not have any patience with such ideas as his son entertains. tell me, enoch ball, would you be willing to serve your country in another way than by becoming a soldier?" "i would do anything in my power." "now more than ever is it necessary we should know all that is being done in philadelphia. clinton is soon to take command of the british army, and no one can guess what his policy will be. it would not be safe for seth graydon to volunteer for such work, because the britishers would hang him off-hand if he ever fell into their clutches; i'm not certain i could trust master ludwick implicitly, but i would like you for a comrade." "but i am known in town." "not to so many that it would interfere with your doing all that might be required. if you should return home at once--this very day--it would not be difficult to persuade suspicious ones that you had never left the city." enoch was almost frightened by the proposition. he understood how much danger would be attached to such work, and fancied the enemy knew perfectly well who had carried the first information to general lafayette; but yet he replied in as firm a tone as he could assume: "i am ready to do anything, or go anywhere that is best for the cause." "it is bravely spoken, my boy. do not fear that the enemy are looking for you; i question very much if general howe or his officers have the slightest idea that any information was carried to general lafayette, save by the country people who saw the forces on the march. will you be ready to go back with me this evening?" "yes; i only want to see seth and jacob a moment, and it is not really necessary i should do even that, for i could leave word i would soon come back." "there is no reason why you shouldn't wait till master ludwick returns, and then i will show you where seth's regiment is encamped." greene seated himself on the ground as if perfectly willing to remain there any length of time, and after tying the horse's bridle to the wheel of a cannon enoch sat down beside the spy. "how long have you been doing this kind of work?" he asked. "playing the spy, do you mean? i began last fall, when our army went into winter-quarters. there was some fear then that general howe might take a notion to stir our folks up at a time when they were having about all they could do to keep body and soul together, without thinking of fighting, and i volunteered for the work. it seemed dangerous at first, as it now does to you; but i soon got over that idea, and grew to like the task." "you would be hanged if captured?" "true, and it is not a pleasant way of going out of the world; but i am in no more danger of death than if i went into a battle, and some one must do the work." "yet seth was captured the very first time he tried to give our friends information." "that may be accounted for by the fact that he was not a spy; if he had been he would never have allowed the continentals to escort him where he might be seen by the enemy. a man engaged in such business does not take any unnecessary chances, and is always on the alert lest his true character be discovered. that which i propose you shall do, however, is not as dangerous as it now appears, and i am positive you will not dislike it. tell me, have you seen nothing since you met the army to dispel the supposed charm of a soldier's life?" "i never thought there could be any sport in being a soldier, and what i have seen is only such as i have believed was the fact. why is it that i have not met more officers?" "perhaps because lafayette's advance was not considered an important movement, and, therefore, he had only his own staff with him. you would see plenty of generals by staying here a few days, and some of them as useless as they are gaudy in dress." "it seems that you are not friendly with all of them," enoch said with a smile. "i am only a private, therefore could not be on intimate terms with the most humble of them; but i have seen very much, and heard more, since i began to play the spy, that shakes my faith in some of the officers under general washington, and the one i most distrust is he who is next in rank to the commander-in-chief." "what do you mean?" and now enoch's curiosity was excited. "hark ye, lad, it is not for me to speak against my superior officer, whether he be a captain or a general, but if you and i are to work together you should know it, for i want you to keep your ears open very wide whenever his name is mentioned, particularly by those who are enemies to the cause. he it is that i fear more than i do howe or clinton." "what is his name?" greene bent forward that he might whisper in his comrade's ear: "charles lee, senior major-general under our washington." "i have heard of him." "where?" the spy asked eagerly, as if believing he might hear something to still further confirm his suspicions. "i can't say; but perhaps it was no more than the mention of his name as one of general washington's officers. tell me about him." "as i said before, it does not become a soldier to speak ill of his superior officer; but you shall hear what the world knows about general lee. he was formerly in the british army, and served under burgoyne in portugal, where he was made lieutenant-colonel. he was with braddock when that officer was defeated on the banks of the monongahela, and with abercrombie at ticonderoga. after that he lived for some time with the mohawk indians, and was such a restless, jealous, quarrelsome man that they gave him the name 'boiling water.' he left the king's service, and came over here in ' , claiming to be in sympathy with the colonists, and succeeding so well in his pretensions, or his faith, whichever you choose to call it, that when the continental army was organized he received a commission as major-general. that didn't satisfy him, patriot though he claimed to be, and he demanded that congress make good to him any loss he might sustain by reason of having given up his commission with the british army. in ' congress loaned him thirty thousand dollars, without any security other than his own name on a bond." "he got a good price for his services. why, even general washington himself hasn't been given that much!" "no, nor any part of it, outside of his pay. now what has lee done for the cause? when general washington was pursued across new jersey in ' by cornwallis, lee followed with a heavy force; but although called upon again and again by the commander-in-chief to strike a blow at the pursuers, he refused to obey--or neglected to do so, which amounts to the same thing." "why?" "perhaps because he hoped some disaster would befall general washington, and he be given command of the army. then, long after cornwallis gave up the chase, lee hung around new jersey until he found a chance--that's the way i put it--found a chance to be captured by a small british scouting party, and was taken prisoner to new york. he was soon hand in glove with general howe and his officers, and there are many of our people who say he told all he knew regarding our condition and plans. then came the farce of exchanging him for some officer we had captured, and only two weeks or less ago he showed his cloven foot again, according to my way of thinking." "in what way?" "the congress ordered that the oath of allegiance be administered to the officers here at valley forge before the beginning of the campaign, and lee was forced to come up with the others. when he and two or three more had their hands on the bible, he took his off when general washington began to read the oath. the commander waited for him to put his hand back, and he withdrew it again before the words could be read. then general washington asked what he meant, and he said--these are the very words as they were told me by one who was there--'as to king george i am ready enough to absolve myself from all allegiance to him, but i have some scruples about the prince of wales.'" "what did he mean by that?" "according to my idea it was only an excuse to get out of taking the oath, but those present seemed to think it only one of his odd traits, and passed it over as something not to be remembered. i bear it in mind, though, and want you to do the same if you are ever where it is possible to learn anything regarding him." "but it isn't the duty of a private to watch his superior officers," enoch ventured to suggest. "it is in this case, for i look on general charles lee as a man who can, and will, if he gets the chance, do more against the cause than even howe himself." enoch was impressed by what greene had told him; but he did not believe it could ever be possible for him to detect an officer, second in rank only to the commander-in-chief, in treasonable practices. besides, it appeared to him a very disgraceful duty to impose upon a boy who was not yet a soldier, and, perhaps, would have remonstrated, but that jacob appeared just at that moment. master ludwick was not looking particularly cheerful, and greene whispered as he approached: "i'll venture to say that old chris the baker has been giving his son a lesson on the patriotic idea of expecting a rich reward whenever he chances to be of service to the cause. old chris isn't that sort of a man." it seemed very much as if the spy was correct in his guess, for jacob had nothing more to say against enlisting, but appeared anxious to know when enoch proposed to sign the rolls. "have you decided to do so?" "yes," was the curt reply. "to-night?" "if i don't there won't be much chance of getting rations." "but i thought you counted on staying with your father?" "i have changed my mind," jacob replied as if the subject was not a pleasant one. "what have you done with your horse?" "father thought he ought to be turned over to the army, and then i couldn't be accused of stealing him for my own benefit." "i reckon i'd better do the same thing," enoch said, trying not to smile when greene indulged in an expressive wink. "where can it be done?" "i'll show you the ropes, or, what is better, do the business for you," the spy replied. "i reckon you want to see seth graydon a spell before we leave?" "that is what i would like to do." "go in that direction," and greene pointed to the right, "until you have passed a lot of cannon; then turn to the left, and you'll be in the midst of the jersey boys. i shall find you there, and we'll call on general dickinson before starting." "what did he mean?" jacob asked as the spy walked away with mr. wharton's steed. "are you counting on going anywhere?" enoch explained to his comrade what it was greene had proposed, and concluded by saying: "we'll have a talk with seth. if he thinks i can really be of as much service in the city as here, i shall go." "and i'll be with you! this enlisting ain't what i've always thought it was, and if i can get out of camp without father's knowing it, i'll be all right." "without his knowing it? do you think he would object to your going back?" "i don't _think_ anything about it, 'cause i know. there's no need of telling any one else, enoch, but he raised an awful row when i talked about being an officer, and when i said i guessed i wouldn't enlist he flew into a terrible rage. he acted as if it would just suit him for me to be marched out somewhere and shot at." it was with difficulty enoch could refrain from laughing at the disconsolate expression on jacob's face; but he succeeded in checking his mirth sufficiently to say in a sympathetic tone: "of course he doesn't want you shot, jacob; but you must remember how much your father has done for the cause, and i suppose it made him angry when you spoke of being paid for the little we did last night." "made him angry? why, he flew way off, an' i thought one spell that he was going to flog me. if i can get away when you do, it'll be all right." "i have been told that it isn't possible to walk out of a military camp whenever you choose. you must have a pass, or something of that kind." "we didn't have any trouble to get in here." "not after we told who we were and that we intended to enlist." "you said that; i didn't." "yes; but you came in, and i don't think it will be very easy to get out again unless your father knows you are going." "then i shall stay here as long as i live, except that fellow greene would be willing to say i could do a deal of good in the city. will you ask him?" enoch promised to do as his friend wished, but at the same time he did not believe the spy would be very eager for this addition to the party. the boys had been walking during the conversation, and by the time it was concluded they had passed the artillery park, arriving at that portion of the encampment where the new jersey troops were quartered. seth was on the lookout for them, and the warmth of his greeting was particularly pleasing to master ludwick, who felt decidedly sore in mind. chapter x. conciliatory bills. that seth was proud of being an officer in the continental army both jacob and enoch understood during the first hour spent in his company. the fact was clearly apparent in his manner of showing them around the encampment, explaining the location of the different troops, the routine of a soldier's life, and displaying his proficiency in the manual of arms. "i never had an idea that there was so much to be learned before a fellow could make any show as a soldier," he said when, the exhibition drill being ended, he led the two boys to his quarters. "it seemed to me only necessary to stand in line, or be able to load a musket; but that is a very small portion of the work." "i suppose you know it all by this time," jacob said in an envious tone. "indeed i don't. i have only just begun to learn; but if i'm not a good soldier within a year, it will be because peace is declared too soon, or i have been wounded or killed. the members of our company are well trained, and seem willing to help me along." "if i couldn't find out all there was for a private to know in a week, i'd give up trying," master ludwick declared emphatically. "then you may as well never try." "i'm not certain that i shall." "what?" and seth looked thoroughly astonished. "i thought your greatest desire was to enlist?" "i've changed my mind about that since last night." "since last night? why, after what you two have done it seems as if the only thing left was to enlist. you surely can't go back to philadelphia----" "that isn't so certain. enoch is going with greene, the spy, and if i can give father the slip i shall travel in his company." as a matter of course seth was eager to understand what master ludwick meant, and in the fewest possible words enoch explained the proposition that had been made to him. "i suppose of course it's your duty to go if you can be of any service," seth said slowly; "but i have counted so much on having you and jacob for comrades that it will be a big disappointment. it is too bad for you not to be members of the army now when it seems as if the end of the struggle was close at hand." "what has happened to make you think anything of that kind is near?" enoch asked in surprise. "philadelphia is still in the possession of the british; general washington has not moved from these his winter-quarters, and at the very beginning of the campaign general lafayette has been forced to retreat." "but the alliance will make a great difference. now that we are to have the assistance of the french troops----" "what do you mean?" and both enoch and jacob looked bewildered. "haven't you heard that the french king has acknowledged the independence of the united states, and declares that he will befriend us?" "i knew last winter it was hoped such might be the case, but don't understand that anything has been effected toward that end as yet." "then general howe has succeeded in keeping the news from our people better than i supposed possible. you should have been in camp here from the third to the seventh of this month, and then you would have understood what hopes every one is building upon the alliance. it was announced to the army on the third, and on the seventh the soldiers celebrated the good news." "i wish our friends in philadelphia could know of it," enoch said, half to himself. "they will know before a great while, that you may depend upon. it is rumored here that war is to be declared between france and england, and that what are called 'conciliatory bills' have been offered in parliament." "what do you mean by conciliatory bills?" enoch asked in perplexity. "as it has been explained to me, the british government will make peace with the colonies----" "that is what the king will try to do," a voice cried, and, looking up, the boys saw greene, the spy, who had approached near enough to overhear a portion of the conversation without having been seen. "nothing short of our independence will, i hope, please our leaders. the bills you speak of are merely deceptionary measures, so general washington says. the king will give us a little more liberty than we have had; but doesn't propose to allow us to become a nation by ourselves. you don't seem to be aware of how well we are progressing, enoch, my boy. the french king has declared himself our friend; there is no question but that war will soon be proclaimed between france and england, and what more particularly concerns you is, that the british are making preparations to evacuate philadelphia." enoch and jacob looked at the speaker in surprise which bordered on bewilderment. "do you mean that general howe will march out of the city when there is no necessity of his doing so?" "he will unquestionably march out very shortly; but there is good reason for the move. he has accomplished nothing by remaining there, and fears he may find himself in trouble. four days before the carnival howe issued an order for the heavy baggage of the army to be prepared for embarkation at the shortest notice, and for the soldiers to lighten their personal luggage. if that doesn't mean that the britishers are getting ready for some kind of a move i'm very much mistaken. there is yet more news for you, boys. it is evidently a fact that peace commissioners have been appointed by the king, and are now on their way to this country." "can that be possible?" enoch asked, and seth nodded his head triumphantly as he replied: "you should have been here at valley forge to learn the news, not in the city where the britishers suppress everything that isn't pleasing. there can be no question about the commissioners, as mr. greene says, for it is reported in the army that washington wrote to congress regarding the conciliatory bills and the fact that the commissioners are coming to this country, saying in the letter: 'nothing short of independence, it appears to me, will do. a peace on any other terms would, if i may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war.' you can see we are progressing famously, and that the time is come when the king realizes how nearly we have gained our independence." "then if i go to the city with mr. greene i may be fortunate enough to see the britishers marching out?" "who can say but that you will be the first to bring the news to this army that the capital of our country is no longer in possession of the enemy?" the spy added in a triumphant tone. "now, i fancy, master ball, you will have no hesitation about doing as i wish?" "i am ready to go whenever you say the word." "then it is time we were making a move. general dickinson wants to have a word with you before we go, and i propose to set out as soon as your interview is ended." "what about my going too?" jacob asked eagerly. "surely i have been able to do as much as enoch--perhaps more, for he is willing to confess that but for me he would never have known where to get horses for last night's ride." "that matter is already settled, master ludwick," greene replied with just a suspicion of a smile. "i committed to your father's care the horse enoch rode, for it would have cost me too much time to have turned him over to the quartermaster in due form, and then promised that i would not countenance your leaving camp." "so my father had an idea i would want to go?" "yes, when he learned i was to take enoch." "he may think he can keep me here; but i doubt it," master ludwick said sharply. "it will be necessary for him to watch me very closely, because it doesn't appear to be such a hard matter to give him the slip." "you may think differently after making the attempt. do you fancy the men here are allowed to roam about at will?" "i reckon i shouldn't have much trouble in getting away if i tried hard." "you will soon learn to the contrary, if you make the attempt. at all events i am bound by my promise not to allow you to accompany enoch and i. seth, if you want to send any word to your mother we may have an opportunity of speaking with her before many days." "if enoch sees her he knows what i would say. i am more than contented, for i am happy at being a soldier at last, and hope before this campaign ends i shall have done that which will prove i am true to the cause." greene was not disposed to make any further delay. his instructions were to be in philadelphia before the following morning, and since at least half of the journey must be made on foot, there was no more than sufficient time remaining to accomplish his purpose. seth and jacob accompanied enoch to general dickinson's quarters, and waited outside until his interview with the commander of the new jersey militia was at an end. "what did he say to you?" master ludwick asked when enoch finally emerged from the building. "nothing of much importance that i am at liberty to repeat," enoch replied guardedly. "he thanked you and i for what we did last night----" "i should think it was about time somebody thanked us," jacob grumbled. "surely general lafayette spoke very kindly." "yes; but that is all he did do." "well, general dickinson didn't say very much more, and surely our night's work wasn't so dangerous after all." "weren't we chased and fired at?" "yes; but not hit." "then i suppose if we had been killed they would have thought we had done something wonderful," jacob grumbled. enoch did not care to enter into any argument with his friend concerning a matter which, in his opinion, had already been fully discussed, and put an end to the conversation by extending his hands to his comrades as he said: "good-by, fellows! if nothing happens to me, and the britishers do leave philadelphia, you'll see me precious soon after they have gone." "try mighty hard to be the first to bring us the news," seth said in a cheery tone as he pressed enoch's hand warmly, and jacob added: "you two fellows seem to be having all the luck, even though i am the one who does most of the work." "you get just as much luck as any of us," enoch replied, "and perhaps more than seth did, for he had to walk all the way to valley forge, and you rode. now you have a good opportunity to enlist, and i hope you will do so instead of moping because matters are not exactly to your liking." then master ball, motioning to greene that he was ready for the journey, set off down the path which led to the main road. "that boy of ludwick's has got something in him if he would only give it a fair chance to come out," the spy said when they were a short distance away. "the trouble with him is that he made up his mind he had done a wonderful thing in bringing information of the enemy's movements last night, and counted so surely on being given a commission as a reward that it has unfitted him for ordinary duties." "jacob means well at heart." "i believe you, lad--that is to say, he did up to last night, but that little affair seems to have spoiled him entirely." "he will soon get over it, and by the time we come back, if we ever do, he will be in a fair way to become as good a soldier as seth appears to be." "don't make the mistake, lad, of questioning whether we are ever coming back. i grant you the work we're on is dangerous; but the chances of our being captured are not as great as the possibility of our being killed if we were going into battle. to anticipate danger is, to my mind, a good bit like inviting it, and the man who expects to be shot has given himself a deal of unnecessary worriment, if it so chances he comes out of the engagement unscratched. if, when we get to work, you are constantly thinking your arrest as a spy is certain to happen, you won't be so keen on the scent of news as you would if the venture was, to your mind nothing more than a pleasant excursion." "i suppose you think i am frightened. well, i am: but that won't interfere with my doing all you require." "i don't believe it will, lad. you have got the right kind of pluck, and i am counting on your distinguishing yourself between now and the time the britishers leave philadelphia. here are our horses, and this time you are riding a nag belonging to the colonies; not one you have been obliged to impress." "i thought we would be forced to walk!" "we shall ride as far as it is safe to do so, and stop at the farm where i am supposed to be working. the man who owns it is a true friend to the cause, and through him i am enabled to do very much more than would otherwise be possible, for he supplies me with all the vegetables i can sell. it isn't such a bad idea for him either, for he gets the money at the same time he is serving his country, and the market-stoppers never trouble me." "what do you intend i shall do in town?" "first of all, simply go home, providing we arrive there so early in the morning that you can get in without being seen. if your mother reports that the britishers have been looking for you, leave town immediately, and make your way back to the farm without giving any heed to me. in such case i shall be deprived of your services, for we cannot keep you here if you are under suspicion. should it chance, however, as i anticipate, that you are not known to have done more than aid seth graydon's escape, you will simply loiter around the city as you have been doing, meeting me in the market-place when you have anything to report, and, in case of important news, such as you learned last night, make your way to the farm at the earliest possible moment." "you spoke to seth of the chance that i might see his mother?" "yes, there is no reason why you should not go there, if matters are as i suppose. in fact, enoch, you will do exactly as you have been doing, and with the assurance that i shall be on the alert in case any danger threatens." greene spoke of the duties to be performed in such a matter-of-fact tone, treating the business as if it was nothing out of the ordinary, that long before they arrived at the place where the horses were to be left all sense of peril which had hung over enoch was dispelled, and he felt confident of being able to successfully perform the work required of him. not until nightfall was the first stage of the journey ended, when the two partook of an appetizing meal, rested an hour, and then set their faces cityward, each carrying on his back a small assortment of vegetables. "we shall be there a good while before morning," enoch suggested when the long tramp was begun. "i count on arriving shortly after midnight." "but you can't go to the market-place until sunrise." "neither do i want to do so, my boy. i shall have an excuse for loitering around town, and you may rest assured i don't waste my time during the hours of apparent idleness." "i should think the britishers would be suspicious of your getting into town at midnight." "bless you, lad, i've done the same thing for the past three months, and been stopped by the patrol so many times that now they all know me. it no longer excites surprise because i am so particularly attentive to my business. my explanation is that i get a better price for the marketing if i am first upon the ground." as the journey progressed the miles seemed to enoch to have doubled in length, and the burden on his back increased tenfold in weight; but he toiled manfully forward, repressing, so far as possible, every evidence of fatigue lest the spy should think him one easily discouraged. as they neared their destination there was less inclination for conversation, and when half an hour had passed in silence greene said in a cheery tone: "your friend seth, with all his marching and counter-marching, shouldering and carrying arms, isn't forced to work as hard as you have been doing this night, lad." "but i am not grumbling." "i am well aware of that, my boy, and proud of the fact, for it shows i wasn't mistaken in my estimate of you. i know you are tired, though, for i am, and i have been over this road in the same fashion nigh on to a hundred times. it is the hardest kind of hard work; but there's a big satisfaction in doing it, for we know that it insures our safety when we are among the britishers." "suppose you should meet any of the enemy who had seen me when i was in jail with jacob? wouldn't it cast suspicion on you?" "not a bit of it, lad, for i am ready in case that happens, and it wouldn't be strange if something of the kind should occur. here is the story: you found it necessary to go to work in order to help support your mother, because in these days i don't fancy she has as many scholars, either in french or dancing, as a month ago, when times even with the enemy were more prosperous. i have hired you to help me bring in my goods." "but doesn't it seem strange that you shouldn't come in with a wagon?" "not a bit of it, and for this reason: the americans might seize my horse, and pay for it with an order on congress, or the british might do the same thing and give me english gold. in either case i should be the loser, if i was really what i represent myself, for horses can't be purchased readily even though one is willing to pay a big price, and that fact is well known. only those farmers living near the town, and who are assured of general howe's protection because of their tory sentiments, venture with their beasts where it is so easy to lose them." it was half an hour past midnight when they had arrived opposite the carpenter mansion, and there, to enoch's alarm, they were halted by a patrol. "it's only me, cap'n," greene said when the command to halt was given. "you still believe in the luck of being first at the market-place, daniel," the sergeant in command of the squad said with a laugh. "and it is luck, cap'n. i haven't missed of sellin' all i've brought a single day since you britishers come here." "and you think that wouldn't be the case if some one got in ahead of you?" "it mightn't be." "but there are plenty who don't arrive until daylight, and yet sell all their wares." "i allow that's a fact, cap'n dear; but who gets the best price? the early bird like me what can afford to haggle for an extra sixpence, or them as have only time enough to sell out and get home before dark?" "there may be some truth in that, my man; you appear to be a rare one for driving bargains. but who is this with you?" "a city-bred lad what has found out at last that he's got a livin' to earn. he's the son of the widow ball on letitia street--she's an old customer of mine. i sold her enough potatoes for winter early in the fall, and got the money before i brought 'em in." "you are not wise in your choice of an assistant, daniel," the sergeant said in an admonitory tone. "young ball isn't looked upon as an honest lad." "what do you mean by that?" and the alleged farmer gave evidence of the liveliest alarm. "his mother told me he wouldn't take a pin's worth that didn't belong to him." "all of which may be true; but certain it is that he has been suspected of having an affection for the rebels, and it isn't many days since he came out of jail, where he was held on suspicion of having aided a spy to escape." "oh, is that all you've got agin him? i allowed from the way you began it was something serious." "and don't you call acting the rebel a serious matter?" "not in a boy like him, cap'n. it's a way all young chaps have. they think it's a sign of smartness to side with the under dog in the fight; but after a few hard knocks that is thumped out of 'em, an' this one is as loyal to the king as i am." "it won't do any harm to keep your eye on him, at all events, daniel, for if he should indulge in more disagreeable practices he might get not only himself, but you, into trouble." "i reckon hard work will take all that out of him, and after he's tramped in here a dozen times he'll be glad to stay at home instead of cavorting 'round with the rebels, though i should be the last to say anything agin 'em." "what do you mean by that?" the sergeant asked sternly. "why, ain't they doing me a mighty good turn, cap'n? if it wasn't for them all you britishers wouldn't be here, and i should have to take less than half-price for my truck, and trust the biggest part out at that." "oh, i see," the sergeant replied laughingly as he ordered his men to move on. "it's the pounds, shillings and pence that touch you more deeply than anything else. good-night to you, daniel. don't charge more than three prices for your truck, and see to it that your assistant behaves himself." "it is evident there has been no very great hue and cry over you and jacob since yesterday afternoon," greene said in a whisper as the patrol passed on in advance, "otherwise the sergeant would have known it. there's nothing now to prevent our carrying out the plan as i had allowed. keep your eyes open, lad, and don't stay in the house a single minute after daylight." chapter xi. a recognition. enoch soon learned that the most difficult task which confronted him in his new line of work was to persuade his mother he was not exposed to any more danger than he would be on the battlefield. she, remembering seth's capture and narrow escape from the scaffold, insisted her son should refuse to assist greene the spy in any way. she was willing for enoch to enlist; but objected most strenuously to his doing that which, if discovered, would doom him to a disgraceful death. during the first two hours spent at home the boy used every argument to convince her he would not be in any greater danger than he had been since his release from jail, and not until he had begged she would consent to his carrying on the work "because he had promised, and would be ashamed to go back to camp with the excuse that his mother would not allow him to do anything of the kind," did she give an unwilling consent to the proposition. "i shall live in constant terror of hearing that you have been arrested and sentenced to be hanged," she said finally; "but will try to hide such fears because you have given your word to cease playing the spy as soon as you can honorably leave the work and enter the army." enoch was more than willing to agree to this; he preferred to serve his country in any other way than that which he had just begun, and would welcome the time when he could stand boldly before his friends and acquaintances as a continental soldier. agreeably to the promise made greene, he was on the street as soon as daylight, and during the entire day lounged around the city, listening eagerly for scraps of important conversation whenever he passed a group of men; but hearing nothing which might benefit his friends. late in the afternoon he succeeded in gaining an interview with seth's mother, and, by approaching the house from the rear, had been able to gain access to the premises without being seen by any one save her. as a matter of course she was greatly rejoiced at learning that her son was safe and happy, but during the past few weeks she was not unduly anxious concerning him, for lord gordon assured her that since the boy had not been brought back to philadelphia he was unquestionably with the continental army. "it hardly seems as if lord gordon was an enemy of ours," the good woman said when she had finished telling enoch of that gentleman's kindness. "he has acted the part of a true friend, and although he refuses to admit that he had any share in seth's escape, i am positive you and jacob could not have succeeded but for him." "he's a gentleman all the way through, that's what he is!" enoch replied emphatically, "and i only wish we might have a chance to pay him for what he has done." it was not safe to prolong the interview lest some of mrs. graydon's boarders should see the visitor and suspect he had just come from valley forge, therefore the boy left the house immediately his budget of news had been unfolded. during the week which followed this visit enoch worked industriously and conscientiously, spending his entire time on the streets, but without learning anything of importance. just before daybreak each morning he went to the market-place, where he was certain of meeting greene, but not once had he anything to communicate. "it seems as if i was wasting my time here," he said despondently on the morning of the eighth day when he and the spy were sheltered alike from the rain that was falling steadily and the observation of the enemy's patrols, through having sought shelter in a shed near the market-place. "i walk around all the time; but hear nothing except what it is possible the peace commissioners may accomplish when they arrive." "it isn't to be expected you can bring in valuable news when everything is as quiet as appears now." "yet i might be of service in the army." "no more than you are here. except for the fact that they are drilled each day, seth and jacob are as idle as you." "has jacob enlisted?" "yes; he could not hold out longer against his father's commands. old chris was ashamed because his son did not appear eager to enter the army, and declared that the boy should not leave the encampment, save as a soldier. jacob tried twice to run away, but was stopped by the guard, and when the last failure was reported to the old baker he declared the boy must earn his livelihood in some way, so set him to work in the bakery. that was not at all to master ludwick's liking, and twenty-four hours later he was in the same company with seth. i now make it a point never to visit camp without reporting to them as to your safety." "of course they know i am doing nothing." "they know, as do all your friends and acquaintances, that you are here in a post of danger, on the alert for whatever may chance to occur." "but there doesn't seem to be a likelihood anything of importance will happen. since sir henry clinton has taken howe's place as commander of the army, it appears as if his plan was to remain idle, contenting himself with depriving us of our capital." "his inaction is but the lull before the storm. general washington feels so positive some decided movement is planned for the near future that all the troops at valley forge are ready to act at a moment's notice, and it is from you and i, as well as other friends of the cause here, that he expects to receive information which will enable him to checkmate the enemy. don't grow despondent because you accomplish nothing great at once; but remember that the longer matters thus remain apparently stationary the nearer we are to a crisis." this conversation served to cheer enoch wonderfully, and as the days went by his mother was more reconciled to the part he was playing, although she reminded him daily of the promise to give up his task as a spy at the first good opportunity. on the fourth of june, the king's birthday, enoch saw the peace commissioners enter the city, received with courtesy by sir henry clinton and his army, but neither the boy nor any true-minded american believed they would accomplish anything after general washington had pronounced so decidedly against treating with the king on other terms than that of independence for the colonies. so far as enoch could learn, the commissioners did nothing save allow themselves to be entertained by the officers and tory families. congress refused to receive them until after the "hostile fleets and armies had been withdrawn, or the independence of the united states acknowledged," and, so far as advancing the king's cause was concerned, they might as well have remained at home. another week passed in what to enoch seemed like idleness, and then greene electrified him by announcing: "within a few days we shall see stirring times, and you will have no further cause to complain that you are doing nothing." "what have you heard?" "nothing; but i have noticed that preparations are being quietly made for a general move----" "i can't see that there has been any change." "nothing to particularly attract attention, i'll admit; yet it is a fact that the troops are nearly ready to evacuate the city, or make a forced march to valley forge for the purpose of attacking our camp." "is it possible general clinton would do that?" "it is possible, but not probable. my idea is that the britishers will leave this city bag and baggage before we're many days older." "i don't understand why they should." "it is feared by the enemy that general washington may strike a blow at new york, and clinton's troops are needed there to prevent a possible disaster. then again they are accomplishing nothing here, and the british government don't relish the idea of paying twelve or fifteen thousand men for holding a town which is of no real benefit, save as a loafing-place for the officers." "if they evacuate this city will they be allowed to go away without being molested?" "i think we can trust general washington to take care of them, and when you see the redcoats start you can be mighty certain a battle ain't far off." "and i won't be in it!" enoch exclaimed mournfully. "seth and jacob will play the part of soldiers, while i hang around here as if i was afraid." "i promise faithfully that you shall be in the thick of any scrimmage that comes, so don't let such thoughts worry you. have patience a few days longer, and keep your eyes open wider than usual." "is there anything in particular to be done?" "loiter around the city tavern as much as possible. the officers may give their friends an idea of what is going to happen, and you stand a good chance of overhearing the gossip. the lightest hint now from a prominent tory will have a big meaning." from this moment it appeared to enoch as if he could perceive a change of demeanor in those whom he met. the british officers no longer sauntered to and fro as if time hung heavily on their hands, but went from point to point rapidly, much as though they had business which would permit of no delay. the tories, who during the winter had assumed a lordly bearing, now looked anxious, and well they might, for their lot would not be an enviable one when the continental army stood in the place of the redcoats, and those who had been oppressed because of loyalty to the cause would be in a position to demand reprisals. it seemed to the boy as if nearly all whom he saw were aware of the impending change, and he went about his business of listening with more confidence than ever before. on the night after his last conversation with greene he saw an unusually large throng in front of the city tavern, and, as a matter of course, pretended to be on the point of entering the building in order that he might mingle with the bystanders. ordinarily he would have moved slowly onward to prevent any one from suspecting he really wished to listen, but on this night, excited beyond the bounds of prudence, he deliberately halted in front of a group composed of two officers, a citizen, and a quaker who had the appearance of having just come from the country. "the fact is known to but few, and we depend upon our friends in whom we have confided to keep it a secret," one of the officers was saying as enoch approached. "there is little doubt but that thy plans are known to the rebel washington, for his men are ready to execute a quick movement," the quaker replied. "it is to be regretted that any of the citizens were trusted with thy secret, for all are not loyal to the king." "very true, friend williams; there are more of king george's enemies in philadelphia to-day than there were two weeks ago. the belief that his majesty's troops are about to leave has made those who had a leaning toward the rebels brave, and they now hope to find favor in the eyes of the new rulers of the city." "has the day been fixed upon?" the man in citizen's garb asked, and enoch pressed yet nearer to hear the reply. so eager was the boy to learn this most important bit of information that he gave no heed to the fact he was pressing against the quaker more rudely than would have been proper even if they had been crowded for space, and before the officer could speak enoch was seized suddenly by the ear. looking up quickly and in alarm, he saw that his captor was the quaker, and now for the first time realized that the man's face was one he had seen before, although where he could not remember. "thou art an eavesdropper, lad, and one who makes it his calling, if i do not mistake," the quaker said sternly. "what business hast thou here?" "i was going into the tavern, sir," enoch replied, his cheeks crimsoning with shame, and then he tried to wrench himself free regardless of the pain, for he recognized in his captor that quaker at whose house general lafayette had established his headquarters on barren hill. "thou wast not thinking of going into the tavern--at least, not until thou hadst learned the purport of our conversation. have i not seen thee before?" "i have always lived in this city, and it may have been that you and i have passed each other on the street," enoch replied, with much stammering and show of confusion. "i have seen thee elsewhere, lad. unless i much mistake thou wast one who brought to the rebel lafayette, when he was in my house, word that general howe had started in pursuit of him." "what is that?" one of the officers asked quickly, stepping in front of enoch to peer into his face. "are you certain this boy carried that information, friend williams?" "it may be i am mistaken; but it does not seem possible. the lad much resembled this one; i saw him only for a moment, yet then i had a full view of his face." by this time several of the gentlemen nearest had gathered around to learn the cause of the disturbance, for all, even including the quaker, were displaying considerable excitement, and enoch was so hemmed in that escape seemed impossible. "it should be a simple matter to ascertain if he is in the rebel service," the second officer suggested. "a squad of our men chased two boys on that night, and, so it was reported, wounded or killed one of them. we will send this fellow to the guard-house until he has been seen by all. i would like to get hold of a few spies before we leave the city." enoch knew that even if those who had chased jacob and himself failed to identify him, there were very many british soldiers, as well as officers, who knew him as one suspected of aiding seth to escape, and that his doom was sealed once he was in custody. it was absolutely necessary, if he would save his life, to make a supreme effort to get free before a squad of soldiers could be summoned, and even though he should fail, his position would be no more desperate than it already was. the quaker still retained his hold of the boy's ear, and one of the officers was grasping him by the collar, while on every side the throng was so dense that there appeared little hope he could force his way through, even though no one tried to detain him. it was, perhaps, because of this fact that the officer's hold was by no means firm; but the quaker was clutching his ear as if anticipating an attempt at escape. the gentleman in the broad-brimmed hat was, therefore, the greatest obstacle in enoch's road to freedom, and he it was who must be vanquished before further move could be made. one of the officers had gone in search of the guard, and enoch resolved on making a desperate effort. hanging back as far as possible in order to give greater effect to the blow, he suddenly lowered his head and darted forward at full speed. the quaker was taken by surprise, and could make no effort to protect himself. enoch launched against him with all his strength, bringing forth a shrill cry of pain as the man of peace was doubled up like a pocket-knife, giving the boy an opportunity to leap directly over him. two other men were thrown down, and those who had been on the outskirts of the throng rushed quickly toward the immediate scene of action, thereby preventing the officer and his companion from giving chase. enoch ran as he had never run before, knowing full well that his life depended upon fleetness of foot, and before the excited men were fully aware of what had happened he was out of sight around the corner. a pile of logs an hundred yards distant seemed to offer a temporary hiding-place, the whole being stacked up so loosely that he could readily make his way among them, and here he crouched, understanding that if he threw the pursuers off the scent now there was a fair possibility of escaping. nothing could have been done better on enoch's part. such of the throng as were first around the corner shouted that the boy had taken refuge in the rear of the house, as seemed to be the case since he was no longer in sight, and the building was instantly invaded by a mob eager to hunt down a spy. the shadows of evening were gathering, and enoch knew if he could remain hidden half an hour longer his chances of escape would be good; but yet it was not safe to stay amid the logs. as soon as it was learned that he had not taken refuge in the tavern, it would be suspected that he must have hidden in the immediate vicinity, and every nook and corner would be searched. he began to have some idea of how a fox must feel when the dogs are on his scent, and the knowledge that he was battling for life removed, for the time being, all sensation of fear. creeping out to the very end of the logs he looked ahead. in that direction was no place where he could be hidden. in the rear two or three men at the corner of the building stood as if expecting he would appear at one of the windows. "my only show is at the river," he said to himself. "if there's a boat afloat i may get away, and must take the chances." waiting only long enough to make certain no one was looking toward the log-pile, he darted out, stooping low that he might be the less likely to attract attention, and bending all his energies toward maintaining a swift pace. once he heard a loud shout, and he leaped forward yet more quickly, believing the pursuers were on his trail; but as he ran the noise died away in the distance, and he understood that he was safe for the moment. there was no question in his mind but that every effort would be made to capture him. he was suspected of aiding in seth's escape; the quaker declared he had brought to general lafayette the first news of general howe's advance, and he had been caught while trying to overhear a conversation which was intended to be private. "they've got proof enough that i'm a spy," he said to himself as he ran, "and the hanging would come mighty quick after i was caught. i shall be in a bad fix if i don't find a boat." on arriving at the water's edge his courage failed him, and he looked wildly around, seeing no hope. the only boat in either direction was hauled high up on the shore, and was so large that the united strength of two men would be no more than sufficient to move her. a short distance away, to the right, was a small sloop heeled over on the sand as she had been left by the workmen engaged in caulking her bottom. unless he made the desperate and dangerous attempt to swim across the river, this sloop was the only available hiding-place, and he was so nearly out of breath that it was absolutely necessary he should halt a few moments before continuing the flight, if indeed that would be safe now so many were undoubtedly searching for him. there was no one to be seen on the land, and the ships of war lying at anchor in the river were so far away that he knew those on board could not distinguish him in the gloom. he clambered up the almost perpendicular deck of the sloop, and from thence through the open hatchway into the hold. now he could rest, but it must only be until night had fully come, and then the flight was to be continued, unless before that time the enemy had captured him. crouching in the darkness of the tiny hold, panting so loudly from his severe exertions that it seemed as if the pursuers must hear him, enoch tried to decide what his next move should be; but without arriving at any satisfactory conclusion. unless some one came to the shore in a small boat, leaving the craft afloat, he could not escape to the jersey side of the river, and even if he gained the opposite bank there was no guarantee of his safety. he was not acquainted with any one there, and would be forced to take refuge in the woods. it did not seem possible he could make his way to the house where greene professed to be working, for every patrol and sentry would be on the alert to prevent his escape in that direction. "i shall have to go down the river, and take the chances of hiding in the woods," he said to himself. "it's a mighty slim show, but is considerably ahead of a britisher's prison. i'll start in ten minutes, for by that time the night will have fully shut down, and trust to the chance of making my way along the shore." he had hardly thus decided upon his course of action when the sound of footsteps on the sand caused his heart to beat yet more furiously, and it surely seemed as if fate was against him when he heard voices near at hand, as if the speakers had halted close beside the sloop. while one might have counted twenty enoch was in such a tremor of fear as not to understand what was being said, and then he was aroused to a sense of duty by hearing the words: "i have a copy of the order which will be issued on the sixteenth, and until then it must remain a profound secret, for sir henry is determined the rebels shall have no information of this move." "already it is common talk that we are to evacuate the town, and the boy who was detected listening in front of the tavern had probably been sent to learn the date of the movement." "did they capture him?" "no; but it is only a question of time, for men are out in every direction, and it's certain he can't make his way toward the american lines unless all our patrols are asleep." chapter xii. important information. the suggestion of the unknown speaker that it would be impossible for him to make his way toward the american lines without detection was by no means comforting to enoch. it was a situation, however, which he had anticipated, for he understood that the english would make every exertion to capture the messenger who had carried information to general lafayette, and thereby, perhaps, saved him from capture. in addition enoch knew that the tories would be most eager in their present mood to make him prisoner, for now that it seemed certain the city was to be evacuated, those who had been living a life of ease and comparative plenty because of their loyalty to the king felt particularly irritated against the americans, who it was believed would so soon change very decidedly this satisfactory condition of affairs. enoch wondered not a little who the speakers were, and why they had chanced to halt directly outside his hiding-place. from what he had heard he believed they were members of the army, and it seemed strange they should have strayed down to the river bank, until the apparent mystery was solved when one of them said impatiently: "at what hour did you understand that lord howe would send the boat for us?" "eight o'clock." "and this was the landing-place he appointed, was it not?" "the messenger said the boat would be put in near-by a sloop which was hauled up on the shore, and unless i am mistaken this is the only craft of the kind in the vicinity." "i wish we might have been able to take to lord howe the information that the young rebel was apprehended, for i really believe he has not recovered from the chagrin of having ordered the frigate to be made ready with all dispatch to carry the marquis de lafayette a prisoner to england when he had captured him." "he will have the pleasure of hearing such news before midnight, as to that there can be no doubt. you said you had a copy of the order which is to be issued on the sixteenth?" "yes, i saw the rough draft on sir henry's desk, and asked permission to make a copy for personal use. it may be the last order issued in the rebel capital, and i thought might at some time prove a curiosity." "can you give me the substance of it without violating any confidence?" "i think so. i was only enjoined to keep it a profound secret from the civilians. it may be that it is yet sufficiently light for me to read it." then ensued a brief silence, during which enoch's heart beat a triumphant tattoo, for he realized that now, when a moment previous it had seemed as if all his opportunities for gaining information were lost, he was about to learn that which general washington was so eager to know. the fugitive crouched yet nearer the deck-planking as lord howe's intended guest read slowly: headquarters, philadelphia, june , . "lieutenant-general knyphausen and major-general grant will cross the river to-morrow at four o'clock in the morning with the following regiments: yagers, mounted and dismounted, queen's rangers, hessian grenadiers, second battalion new jersey volunteers,[c] maryland loyalists, volunteers of ireland, and the caledonian volunteers. all wagons and carts, with the wagons and bathorses[d] belonging to the general and staff officers, are to be embarked this afternoon at half-past three, at the upper coal wharf, and to-morrow at six all the saddle horses belonging to the general and staff officers are to be embarked at the same place, except two for the commander-in-chief, and one for each of the general officers. all the sick that are absolutely unable to march are to be at primrose's wharf to-morrow morning at five o'clock, where they will be received on board the active." "i fancied we would go around by water," enoch heard one of the men say after the order had been read; "but according to that it is evident we shall march across new jersey." "i believe that was sir henry's first intention; but fearing head winds might lengthen the passage, and that the rebel washington would have an opportunity to capture new york, he has decided no such risks should be taken. for my part i am not unwilling to exchange this life of idleness for one of action, and hope we may see plenty of it." "it appears quite evident your wish will be granted, for it is reported the rebels are in good condition for the summer campaign, and from the fact that they have so insolently rejected his majesty's proffers of peace i argue they are much stronger in numbers than ever before." "however that may be, i care not; we shall soon whip out the overweening confidence in their own abilities, and before this campaign is ended i predict congress will be suing for that which it has so promptly refused. here comes a boat, and, if i mistake not, we shall learn considerably more of sir henry's intentions this evening than we already know." the sound of footsteps on the sand told that the officers were moving toward the water's edge, and, shortly after, enoch could distinguish the click of oars in the rowlocks. then came the short, quick orders of the coxswain in charge of the craft, and five minutes later a profound silence reigned. the one thought now in enoch's mind was, that he had learned that which it was of the utmost importance general washington should know. for the moment he forgot that armed men were searching for him in every direction, and that his capture was almost certain to be followed immediately by an ignominious death. he had accomplished the mission with which he and greene were intrusted, and it only remained to carry the information to headquarters. with this thought came once more the realization of his utter helplessness and desperate situation. it was possible he might remain undiscovered in his hiding-place until sunrise; but no longer, for then the laborers would resume work upon the sloop, and must unquestionably soon discover there was more in the hold than they had left there the night previous. "it is more than my own life now that i am working for," the boy said to himself. "by repeating what i have heard general washington will have a chance to strike a blow at the britishers, and i shall indeed have been of service to the cause. that order is to be issued on the sixteenth, and the enemy will begin to leave on the seventeenth. there is plenty of time in which to carry the news, if i can succeed in finding greene." fully alive to the importance of what he had learned, enoch was now prepared to take greater risks than when it was only a question of saving his own life. the personal danger appeared to have been lessened, and the one idea in his mind was to make known without unnecessary delay that which he had learned. no sound broke the stillness of the night as the boy clambered up from his damp hiding-place until he could peer out through the hatchway. the darkness shrouded everything, and as if the elements were in sympathy with his purpose, heavy clouds obscured even the light of the stars. "i couldn't have a better chance, and if i don't get past the guards which have been set it will be because i am stupid," enoch thought as he drew himself up to the combing of the hatchway and dropped noiselessly down on the sand beneath. here he stood motionless an instant to listen. in the distance could be heard the noises of the city, but close at hand appeared to be no living thing save himself. following up the bank of the river to the creek, and then into third street, he went cautiously, ready at any moment to break into a run, or retreat as should be necessary. to venture upon the street did not seem prudent, therefore he swam the upper end of the creek, and made his way by a zigzag course, avoiding the thoroughfares to traverse gardens and lawns, but all the while continuing on in as nearly a direct course as was consistent with safety toward the farmhouse where he believed greene would be found. more than once he heard the tramp of the patrol, and at such times he doubled here and there, moving cautiously as an indian, and on the alert for the first sounds which should proclaim he was discovered. an hour previous it had seemed impossible to him he could escape even the ordinary number of guards; but now when he knew they had been doubled, perhaps trebled, he instinctively--almost as if by chance--avoided them, until he was beyond the city and on the road over which greene traveled when he brought his produce into the market. even now he knew he was far from safe, for squads of soldiers often patrolled the country roads at a distance of four or five miles from the town at a late hour in the night, and he fully believed that on this occasion scouting parties would be sent in every direction. had he heard the orders given, however, he would have known that the only precaution taken to prevent his escape was to double the number of guards around the town, and that those who were searching for him believed he was yet hidden in some building near the city tavern. consequently a rigorous search was being instituted in that quarter, while he was lessening each moment the distance between himself and the american camp. even when he was so far out in the country that the lights of the city could no longer be seen, he was afraid to travel at his utmost speed lest he should inadvertently come upon the patrol; but stopped at short intervals to listen. two hours passed, and during all this time he had continued steadily onward, without having heard anything to arouse his fears. "who would have believed i could have given them the slip so readily," he said to himself. "i thought when i jumped on board the sloop that i should only leave there as a prisoner, and perhaps if that order hadn't been read where i could hear it, i'd still be crouching in the hold waiting for the redcoats to pounce upon me. what a fool i was to so far forget myself as to brush up against that quaker! even if they hadn't suspected me of being a spy, i stood a chance of getting a flogging for my impudence. yet suppose i hadn't been discovered? then i shouldn't know the exact date set down for the evacuation of the city. everything has happened in my favor, and----" he ceased speaking very suddenly, for in the distance he could hear the sound of footsteps, and waiting only long enough to assure himself there had been no mistake, enoch darted into the bushes that lined the road on either side at this point. then came the thought that it was nearly time for greene to go into town, and pressing as closely to the edge of the road as was possible without showing himself, the boy waited until the pedestrian should appear. after a short time he saw a single figure approaching with a burden upon his back; but the night was so dark that enoch was unable to determine whether this was the man whom he hoped to meet or some enemy. he hesitated to make himself known until he realized that if the spy should pass him he might have difficulty in carrying his news to valley forge, and, regardless of possible danger, cried softly: "robert greene!" the figure halted, looked around for a moment, and then was apparently about to resume the journey when enoch asked in a low tone: "is that you, mr. greene?" "i know no one of that name, and if it was mine wouldn't be willing to own it to one who is afraid to show himself." enoch recognized the voice, and springing forward with an exclamation of joy literally hugged the vegetable-laden spy. "is it you, enoch?" greene asked in surprise. "what has happened? have you been in danger?" "i was discovered by a quaker at whose house general lafayette lodged at barren hill, and seized by him and a british officer in front of the city tavern." "but how did you escape?" "come with me into the bushes, for i am afraid men will be sent out on this road, since you told the patrol i was in your employ." when the two were screened from view of any who might chance to pass, enoch told his story in all its details, interrupted only by low chuckles of satisfaction now and then, and exclamations of pleasurable surprise when the more important portions of his adventures were related. "you have done a good work this night, lad! a brave work, and your seeming misfortunes were the luckiest that ever befell man or boy. i was not mistaken in you, lad." "but i haven't done anything, mr. greene. it was all an accident, and one that came very near costing my life." "never mind how it came about. the work has been done, and we can carry to valley forge such news as has long been waited for--news that will change the condition of affairs there very decidedly." as he spoke greene sprang to his feet, and seizing enoch by the arm went hurriedly into the road. "are you going to leave your market-truck?" enoch asked. "i would willingly leave everything on rogers' farm to the mercy of the britishers after such word had been brought, my boy. now step out at your liveliest pace until we can get the horses, and then it is a question of a quick ride to headquarters to announce the fact that our work has been finished in the completest manner." "but isn't it dangerous to go ahead too boldly? there may be soldiers between here and the farm." "i will answer for it there are none, lad, for haven't i just traveled over this road? it is seldom they come out so far unless in goodly force." "i thought perhaps scouts might be sent in every direction, for the two men whom i heard talking while i was in the sloop seemed very certain i'd be captured." "they are most likely looking for you in the city yet, and a rare time they'll have of it. i would have been willing to give a good many shillings if i could have seen the old quaker's face when you bowled him over. so he must have been the one who warned howe of general lafayette's advance? we'll settle matters with him after the evacuation, and there are one or two other quakers who should be attended to, particularly he who would have made prisoners of generals reed and cadwalader." "i have never heard of him." "then i will tell you the story, and it isn't a bad one, seeing that it didn't turn out to our disadvantage. the two generals were reconnoitering the country, and stopped at the house of a quaker with whom they were acquainted. i don't remember his name. after leaving him, and it may be certain he protested that he dearly loved the cause, it began to rain, and cadwalader and reed, fearing lest their blue cloaks should be injured by the water, turned them inside out. now it so chanced that these same cloaks were lined with red, and as they returned past the house they had just visited, in the gloom of the evening it was not unnatural that they should have been mistaken for english officers. that is exactly the mistake the quaker made, and he rushed out quickly, shouting: 'gentlemen, gentlemen, if you will only turn back, you will certainly catch general reed and general cadwalader, who have just gone down this road.' i'll lay guineas to pence that he could have bitten his tongue when the two officers made themselves known. and what a wigging they gave him! general reed promised that when the proper time came he would square accounts with that man of peace, and i reckon he won't forget his word. neither shall i neglect the quaker you tumbled over in front of the city tavern. that was a narrow escape for you, my boy." "i don't care to try anything of the kind again," enoch replied grimly. "not unless it could result as happily as this adventure has. you made a mistake in being too eager to overhear the conversation, and by that very mistake accomplished all we wanted to know." greene did not cease commenting upon the events of the evening and congratulating enoch, until they had arrived at the farmhouse where he pretended to be employed. there horses were procured with the least possible delay, and the two set out toward valley forge at full speed, enoch's heart beating rapidly with joy and exultation, as he thought that at last he would have an opportunity of speaking with general washington, and would be a welcome visitor. only at such times as it was absolutely necessary did the travelers slacken their pace, and the sun had not yet risen when they were halted by the pickets of the encampment. greene was provided with a password which would admit him without delay, whatever the parole or the countersign might be, and after a brief pause the two spies galloped at full speed up to the rude hut where general washington had lived during the severe winter. "robert greene to see the commander-in-chief on urgent business," was the reply to the challenge of the sentries who guarded the building, and so well was the spy's name known that no hesitation was made in awakening the general. the two were ushered into the sleeping apartment, and there, as he lay in bed, his face lighted up in anticipation of welcome news, enoch saw the commander whom he revered. after greene had hurriedly given the information they had brought, the boy was made more than happy when washington took him by the hand and said: "you are a brave lad, enoch ball. you have rendered good service, and i thank you." to be thanked by general washington was a greater reward, in enoch's eyes, than a commission would have been in jacob's, and he felt that whatever the future might have in store for him he had been fully repaid for everything by these three words from such a man. "will it be advisable, do you think, sir, for the boy to return to philadelphia?" greene asked. "not to the town itself, while the british are in possession; but he might remain at your rendezvous to act as messenger between there and the camp, although i question if you will have any further important information to bring us, unless it should chance that the order was not issued." "it is my desire, sir, to enlist as a soldier," enoch said timidly. "it would seem as if you already were one, save for the ceremony of signing your name. remain with greene until some decided move is made, and then it shall be my care to see that your desire is granted. in the meantime you may consider yourself as attached to my staff in order that there shall be no question about rations. mr. greene, you will see that the boy messes with my aids while he is in camp." enoch was so overwhelmed by the honor thus conferred upon him as to be hardly aware of what he did during the next few moments. when greene touched him on the arm to signify that the interview was at an end and they should depart, he followed like one in a dream wherever the spy led him, until the latter said, laying his hand heavily upon the boy's shoulder: "haven't you a word of comment, lad, upon the honor you have received? let me tell you there are few men in the continental army who wouldn't be bristling with pride in your place." "it doesn't seem possible! i cannot realize that the general really meant it! _i_ mess with his aids!" "but it is not only messing, lad; you are attached to his staff--perhaps not in a very important position; but when it is known that because of personal services you have rendered, the commander-in-chief allows you to consider yourself one of the 'members of his family,' as the staff is termed, you will be treated with greater respect than if congress had given you a colonel's commission." "i know the honor is great," enoch said slowly; "but i am almost afraid----" "of what?" "that in such a position i shall do something wrong--make a fool of myself, or so behave that the general will be sorry he praised me." "never you fear for that, lad. a boy who can have such fears won't go far astray. attached to the staff of general washington, the commander-in-chief of the continental army! well, if that isn't an honor for a boy hardly more than sixteen years old i don't know what is! and it all came through a tory quaker, and the bungling of a spy in his work! talk about chance!" "that's just it," enoch added hurriedly. "it was all a chance, therefore i don't deserve it." "but i allow you do, my boy, so we won't discuss the matter. we're heading straight now for my regiment, and i intend that your friends shall hear this wonderful piece of news, even if i am forced to awaken them for the purpose of telling it." "why not wait until daylight?" "because i particularly want to see the expression on master ludwick's face when he learns that you have earned more than a commission." "i am afraid jacob will feel sore." "afraid? i know he will, and that's why i propose telling the news at once." "but he is a good friend, and was never as disagreeable as since the night we carried the news to general lafayette. then he allowed himself to believe we were to be made officers at once, and it was disappointment that prevented him from acting as he would have done the day before." "he could never really have had the good of the cause at heart, otherwise his father's threats would not have been necessary in order to force him to enlist. however, i will take your word for it that he is a good comrade; but at the same time i am bound he and all the members of my regiment shall know what general washington has said to you this evening." footnotes: [c] this was a portion of the tory force which had been recruited in new jersey. [d]a horse used for carrying the cooking utensils and similar camp equipage. chapter xiii. the evacuation. enoch finally succeeded in persuading greene that it was not necessary to arouse all the new jersey militia in order to inform them of what had occurred, since in two hours the encampment would be astir, and then the news could be told with less inconvenience to those who might desire a full night's sleep. "i hate to wait even five minutes, enoch; but reckon i am bound to, if you say the word. we'll tumble into the first vacant place we find, and get a nap 'twixt now and sunrise." this was a proposition which pleased enoch. the journey from philadelphia, hurried as it was, had fatigued him greatly, and he felt decidedly in need of rest. he had hardly stretched himself out on the bed just vacated by one of the men whose turn it was to do guard duty when his eyes were closed in slumber, and it seemed to him that hardly more than a dozen minutes had elapsed before he was awakened by the hum of conversation and the trampling of many feet. it could readily be understood that he must have been asleep several hours, and it was evident greene had taken advantage of the opportunity to relate at least a portion of the previous night's incidents, for enoch heard a man standing near by say in a tone of envy: "when a boy like him is thanked by general washington and allowed to consider himself a member of the staff, so to speak, it seems as if he shouldn't want much of anything more in this world. i have faced death many a time, and never received so much as a look." "and so have thousands of others," greene said sharply. "you, a man, have simply done a soldier's duty; the boy, not even a member of the army, has taken his life in his hands since he left this camp, with the chance of a felon's doom if he was captured, and i tell you what it is, jim downing, you never stood any nearer death on the field of battle than that lad did last night when he was recognized by the quaker. if i had known of it at the time i wouldn't have given sixpence for his show." "i ain't whinin', bob greene, 'cause of lack of luck. i'm willin' to admit that the boy has done great service, and hasn't been rewarded any too richly. i was just considerin' what i'd be glad to go through an' to suffer for the sake of what he's received." "you're getting your reward, as a good many of us are, in the knowledge that you're doing all you can for the cause, and that ought to be enough, jim." "i allow there's some satisfaction in it; but it seems hard at times that a man has got only one life to give for such as we're fightin' to gain. if he had a dozen, an' laid 'em all down, it wouldn't be too big a price to pay for the independence of these 'ere colonies." "right you are, downing, right you are! the pity is that more are not in the same way of thinking. hello, enoch! this chatter kind of disturbed you, i reckon." "i have slept as long as was necessary," the boy said as he rose to his feet, looking almost ashamed because of the praise he had heard. "where are seth and jacob?" "out on duty. if you stay where you are ten minutes more they'll be here, and in the meantime it mightn't be a bad idea for you to mosey over to headquarters for breakfast." "i had rather not go," and now enoch looked really disturbed. "can't i get some rations here?" "of course you can, lad," jim downing said quickly as he laid his hand on enoch's shoulder. "there won't be any trouble about that, and even if there was i'd gladly share mine with you. but why don't you want to go over to headquarters?" "it would look as if i was trying to force my way in where i didn't belong." "not a bit of it. according to what greene says you've not only got the right to go there, but it's the proper place." "i can get along without any breakfast as well as not," enoch said carelessly, as if to dismiss the subject; but mr. downing was not of the same mind. "it does me good to see a modest youngster once in awhile, we have so few of 'em 'round about. i am told jacob ludwick was one of your cronies. now i can't understand how you two boys hitched up together. he never will be hanged for modesty." "but he is brave." "and he means everybody shall know it. why, since he come into this 'ere company he hasn't done much of anything he wasn't obliged to except tell about the ride you and he had from town up to barren hill. i don't throw any discredit on what you two did that night; but at the same time i ain't willin' to allow it was such a terrible bold thing. bob greene tells me you knocked down williams, the tory quaker?" "he tipped over when i ran against him, that was all." "and i hope he struck the sidewalk hard enough to shake some little sense into his thick head. i always misdoubted that precious quaker, though i can't say that he professed to think very highly of the cause. leastways he didn't give out as doing so; but yet allowed us to believe he was on our side, and so had a chance to do a good bit of mischief. now i'll look after your breakfast, and you shall have the best the camp affords." "can't i go with you? there is no reason why you should bring the food to me." "it'll be just about as easy, and you may as well stay here so as to be on hand when your friends come." "jim" downing was not the only man in the encampment who appeared eager to show some special attention to the boy whom general washington had honored. every soldier enoch met displayed particular regard for him, and but for master ball's innate modesty he might have been decidedly distorted by pride during this day at valley forge. seth and jacob were not relieved from duty as soon as greene had anticipated. enoch's breakfast had been brought and disposed of before they entered the hut, and the warmth of their greetings told of the pleasure they felt in seeing him. "if it hadn't been for father's keeping me here i'd have got just as fat a berth as has come to you, because we should have been together," jacob said enviously. "it always seems to be my luck to have something like that happen while anything big is going on. when we drew lots it was seth who won the chance to carry information to the continentals----" "that didn't seem like such very good luck when poor seth was in prison as a spy, and with a chance of being hanged." "it didn't just at that time, for a fact; but we got him out of the scrape easy enough." "easier, perhaps, than i should have been able to do if you had been in my place," seth replied heartily, and it could readily be seen that this praise was gratifying to master ludwick. "but luck wasn't against you when you planned and carried out so successfully the seizing of mr. wharton's horses," enoch added. "all the credit of that piece of work is certainly due to you." "yes, and see what i got out of it! general lafayette was much obliged, and that's all. i wasn't even allowed to do as i wanted to, but had to enlist when i could have gone with you and earned for myself a share in the commission you are likely to receive." "but he ain't likely to receive a commission," greene interrupted. "nor he wouldn't take one if the commander-in-chief should be so foolish as to offer it. enoch is a boy that has a pretty good idea of what he can do, and you'll never find him trying to get above himself." "meaning to say i do, eh?" "i was only speaking for enoch. hark you, jacob, you have enough of what you call 'luck,' only you don't appreciate it. what has come to seth more than you have got? nothing. what has come to enoch? the honor of being fed in the commander-in-chief's mess; but when things are straightened out you'll find him drop into place as a private, with never a bit of grumbling because he ain't given a chance to take command of the army. this business of luck isn't much more nor less than the way you look at a thing. try your best to do whatever comes to hand, and you'll find that the average share of luck will follow." after the first surprise was over jacob behaved in a more manly fashion than greene had anticipated, and nothing occurred to mar the pleasure of one of the most satisfactory days enoch had ever spent. he was forced many times to repeat the story of his adventure in the city, after having been recognized by the quaker, for officers as well as men were eager to learn the details, and even this was not displeasing to master ludwick, since it naturally led up to the recounting of the previous events in which all three of the boys, in turn, played a prominent part. then came the hour for departure. greene, who was closeted for some time with general dickinson, had received orders for certain work to be done prior to the day set for the evacuation, and this required that enoch should continue his duties as a spy. shortly after nightfall the two set out, accompanied as far as the outposts by seth and jacob, and when they were finally free from the camp, riding at a leisurely pace, enoch asked: "what am i to do now, mr. greene?" "hang around the farm, ready to bring any news which i may gather. from now out the command is that i spend a good portion of my time in town, for you see, lad, it isn't certain but that the order you heard read may be changed, and the evacuation will take place earlier or later. but seein's how we've had information ahead of even clinton's own officers, we're bound to hold the advantage by making certain we keep posted in all that's being done." "am i to go to the city?" "not before the morning of the seventeenth, if it so be clinton sticks to the plan according to the programme you heard. then you shall have a chance to see the britishers march out, for once they begin to move our work will be done in this section of the country." when the two arrived at the farmhouse enoch was given a bed in the attic, with orders to remain closely under cover during the daytime, and to be ready for a trip to valley forge at a moment's notice. then the spy left him, and although he watched hourly for greene's return, anticipating with no slight degree of pleasure a visit to valley forge, he was disappointed. the days passed slowly, and as each went by enoch grew more and more distressed in mind, for it seemed certain greene must have been captured, otherwise he would have returned even though he he had learned nothing new. shortly before midnight of the sixteenth the spy made his appearance once more, and looking none the worse for his long absence. "no, i wasn't caught, nor in any danger whatever," he said in reply to enoch's eager questions. "as a matter of fact i have been living in clover since i saw you last, for i took up my quarters in your mother's house, and she feasted me on the fat of the land. your mother is a great cook, enoch!" "but what made you stay away so long? i thought i was to carry to valley forge what you learned?" "and so you would if i had learned anything, lad. but bless you, there's nothing new going on." "what? have the britishers given up the idea of evacuating the city?" "no, indeed. i meant there was nothing more happening in town than we knew when last at valley forge. all i could gather was to the same effect as that which you discovered so oddly, and there surely was no necessity of repeating that to general washington, therefore i remained quiet, as safe in the city as if i had been a tory of the rankest kind. the order you heard read was issued this morning, and, as nearly as i could learn, not changed in any respect. it is evident clinton anticipates some trouble from camp followers, seeing so many of his men have taken wives since they came to philadelphia, and there's a host of women in that town tonight ready to scratch out the britisher's eyes, for he has issued orders regarding them which are not at all pleasing. the first appeared this morning, and i reckon wasn't intended for the public; it read something like this: 'if any regiment has more women than is allowed, the commanding officer is desired to send them down to the ships, if he can possibly get an opportunity; if not, they are to march with the army, and, by way of punishment, will be allowed no provisions.' trust to a woman for finding out what it ain't intended she should know! some of these tory girls, thinking they had a rich prize when they married redcoats, heard of it, and in certain quarters of the city there was a deal of harsh language. then came the second order, which was posted in the barracks where every one could see it: 'all women of each regiment will march at the head of it under an escort of the non-commissioned officers and six men, who will take care they do not go out of the road on any account, and the provost marshal has received positive orders to drum out any woman who shall disobey this order.'" "then the city is to be really evacuated?" "yes, lad; the word is for the last of the britishers to cross the river at gloucester point at daylight on the morning of the seventeenth. i allow it's time for you to come into town, if you want to see what's going on, for they will pay no attention to you from this out. your mother is expecting us there 'twixt now and sunrise." "did you tell her what general washington said to me?" "i did, lad, and if there's a prouder woman in pennsylvania than she i don't know where to find her. unless you've got some reason for not going at once we'll leave now, because i'm not counting on missing any part of the show, and allow you're quite as eager to see it as i am." enoch would have been pleased to leave the farmhouse even though he had had no anticipation of such a spectacle as must of necessity be presented when the english troops filed out of the city they had so long occupied, and no delay was made by greene in retracing his steps. although it was not expected the enemy would take any very great precautions to prevent undesirable visitors on this the eve of the evacuation, greene did not think it quite prudent to attempt to ride into town, therefore set out on foot. "it will be the last time we shall have to sneak into philadelphia, lad," the spy said exultantly when they were on the road. "i don't allow that from this out the enemy will ever again have possession of the town, for what we've got now we'll hold." enoch was too greatly excited to carry on any conversation just at this moment. it seemed to him as if he had been absent from home an exceedingly long time, and he was not only eager to see his mother, but to tell her of the praise he had won from the "only man in all the country" to him. greene, however, was inclined to be garrulous. he told stories of his army life; related incidents regarding this officer or that, and, finding he was not attracting his companion's attention, changed the subject abruptly by saying: "and now, lad, it can't be many days before we'll have a pitched battle, and i hope to see you in it on general washington's staff, rather than as a private." "but that would be ridiculous, mr. greene. what could i do in such a position?" "very little, lad, i'll admit; but still i'm hoping to see you there for the honor of it, and i shall be claiming my share since you are my subordinate." although enoch did not believe such an event probable, he could not prevent himself from speculating upon the possibility, and very pleasant to him were these speculations. the journey from the farmhouse to the city was not accomplished in as short a time as usual; perhaps because greene was weary with much walking, and not until nearly an hour after sunrise did they arrive within sight of philadelphia. then greene threw his hat high in the air, dancing and capering like a crazy man, for, dotting the surface of the delaware thickly, could be seen boats carrying the troops named in the first general order, and the evacuation had begun. "i want to do my crowing now," the spy said in explanation of his conduct, "for we shall be forced to wear long faces when we come into town. there are britishers enough left behind to put us in the pillory and seam our backs with their whips of wire as a pleasant diversion in case we make ourselves too conspicuous. i don't allow there's any danger of being overhauled by the patrol if we exercise ordinary caution, and i surely shan't take any risks. we'll skirt around to the right, and slip in to letitia street as quietly and modestly as the tories will behave from this time out." "wait a few moments. let us enjoy this sight while we can, mr. greene," and enoch gazed intently at the retreating forces. "to-morrow there will be a brave spectacle, lad, when the last boatload of redcoats has pushed off, and we can stand on the bank and cheer and hoot to our heart's content without fear of being clapped into a guardhouse. it's when every mother's son of 'em leaves pennsylvania soil that the city will be a comfortable abiding place." enoch was not willing to forego the pleasure of seeing that which was already spread out before him, although there was promise of a much finer spectacle, and he remained silent and motionless ten minutes or more, until his companion said impatiently: "i am sorry to interrupt you, lad, especially when you are looking on such a scene; but it must be done. we should not lose any more time." "but surely you don't expect there will be work to do now the britishers have really begun to go?" "i don't expect it, lad; but yet at the same time something of importance might happen, and i must be where i can hear all the news." enoch could not well linger after this, and turning irresolutely, as if it cost him some effort to shut out such a view, he followed the spy. by making a wide detour they entered the town from the rear, and walked through the almost deserted streets without molestation. every person able to be abroad on that morning, whether patriot or tory, was assembled on the river bank to witness the departure of the troops, and even general washington himself might have walked through a goodly portion of the city at that time without attracting attention. the meeting between enoch and his mother was, as may be fancied, particularly affectionate, and while each was clasped in the other's embrace greene left the house. during an hour or more enoch told in detail all his adventures, and then, when that subject was exhausted, began to wonder why greene did not return. not until night had come did the spy enter the house, and then it was to greet his young comrade with a hearty hand-clasp, as he said: "there will be no hitch in the programme, lad. at daybreak to-morrow the last redcoat will go. this evening such of the troops as remain were drawn up into line, and without warning marched down the river a mile or more, where they are bivouacked on the shore." "why was that done?" enoch asked quickly. "it is what we must thank clinton for, and i allow it's the only thing we have to be grateful about, so far as he is concerned. the soldiers, knowing they were to leave in the morning, might, as has been done in other cases, run wild over the city and do much damage. anything of that kind has been prevented. then again, the british commander isn't so certain he'll be followed by all his men, for it's said that desertions have been great since morning; but taking them unawares as he did, he has been able to partially check the defection." "you haven't learned anything new?" "no, lad, nothing of importance. when the last boatload has left the shore i shall make for valley forge at full speed, although there's little need of doing so, since general washington understands that the order you heard read is being carried out, unless one of us should report to the contrary in the meanwhile. what do you say for a walk about town?" "is it safe?" "safe, lad? why, there are no soldiers in the city, although a good many of the officers have not left their quarters yet, and i guarantee that the tories will keep their heads under cover mighty snug from this out." enoch would have accepted the invitation but that he saw his mother was disturbed at the idea of his doing what seemed venturesome. "i will wait until morning, mr. greene, and then we'll post ourselves somewhere near the middle ferry, where we shall see the ending of it all." "very well, lad, as you please. perhaps it _is_ foolish for you to venture too much, seeing that the britishers have still got the upper hand of us here, and might pay off an old score or two on your back. if i am not at the house sooner, i'll call before daylight, and then we'll enjoy ourselves as hasn't been possible since general howe took possession of this town." chapter xiv. lord gordon. this night in philadelphia, when the british, after having long held possession of the city, had so far progressed in the evacuation that only the officers were yet in town, was both a happy and an anxious one to the inhabitants. those people who had remained true to the american cause rejoiced that their friends would soon be in possession of the chosen capital of the country, and were looking forward eagerly to the morrow when the continental forces should enter to take possession of their own once more. hundreds of patriots confined in the prisons for no other crime than that of loyalty to their country were waiting eagerly for the morning when their cell-doors would be unlocked by friends, and they free at last to render aid to that cause so near their hearts. in the homes of the tories all wore an anxious look; they had spent a winter of gayety, while the representatives of the king held the city, and probably fancied the spirit of freedom would be so thoroughly crushed that philadelphia would always be loyal to the english government. now they knew that everything was to be changed, and, as in many instances, having oppressed their neighbors who favored the struggle for independence, feared that reprisals would be demanded. hundreds of tories--delicately nurtured women, men accustomed to every luxury, and children whose every desire had been gratified--were about to follow the army on its march across new jersey, or, as their means and the possibility would permit, intended to travel by various conveyance to new york. these last were particularly sad because of the severing of all home ties for an indefinite period--perhaps forever--and to those who were anxious, as well as to those who were happy, slumber did not come on this night. the happiness and the grief were too great to permit of the unconsciousness of sleep. in mrs. ball's home, mother and son, reviewing again and again the events with which the boy had been intimately connected, put off the time for retiring yet a little longer at each stroke of the clock, until enoch finally said: "it's no use, mother, i can't go to bed. i shouldn't sleep if i tried, and on this night of all others it seems as if we might keep watch." "for what purpose, my son?" "i don't know. it appears to be a fact that the city will be entirely evacuated by the enemy in the morning, and yet i can't prevent fears that something may happen to change general clinton's plans. at all events, greene will be here at least an hour before daylight, and it is now nearly midnight, therefore why should we make any attempt at sleeping?" a knock at the door, loud, quick, and, if such could be, one might almost say joyous, and enoch answered it without hesitation, for he fancied he knew who would demand admittance in such a fashion. "not in bed yet, good people?" and greene seated himself near the window. "enoch was just saying he could not sleep, and proposed that we sit up until morning." "i venture to say there will be no slumber in nineteen houses out of every twenty in the city this night, and yet we who love the cause should be able to sleep now, if ever." "you do not appear to be doing much in that line," enoch suggested with a smile. "well, no, i am feeling too good just now to want to surrender consciousness, even for the sake of a rest. such an experience as this doesn't come more than once in a person's lifetime, and he shouldn't lose any of the pleasurable sensations. i'll join your vigil as if it was new year's eve, and we'll watch the british out and the americans in." until the time the spy had set to go to the river bank, the three talked of the disappointments in the past and the hopes for the future, and then greene and enoch left the house. there were more signs of life on the street, even at this early hour, than when they had entered the city the day previous. the citizens who had been faithful to the cause during this long occupation by the enemy were now coming out in full force to witness his departure, and a happy, joyous throng it was. "will general washington come to-day?" enoch asked of his companion. "no; general arnold will take possession of the city with a small force. we shan't see the commander-in-chief in town until something decisive has been done, according to my way of thinking," answered greene. "how long are we to stay here?" "i shall start for valley forge when the last boatload of soldiers puts out from the shore. you will stay until word comes from general dickinson." "do you intend to walk to the farm?" "no; i shall have no trouble in borrowing a horse now that our friends are not afraid of getting into trouble by doing such a service. here is a good place for us to witness the scene, and on this rising ground the view cannot be shut off from us, however many may be around." greene had halted on the slight elevation of ground a short distance from the middle ferry, and already could be seen in the stream boatloads of soldiers putting out from the philadelphia side of the river, while from each of the landing-places the refugees--men, women and children--were embarking such portable effects as they would be permitted to carry on board the vessels lying at anchor. the sun had not yet risen; but the adherents of king george were hastening to depart from the soil of pennsylvania, greatly to the delight of those who had been so long oppressed. enoch had no desire to talk, and hardly heard what greene said as he made several attempts to enter into conversation. the boy's eyes were fixed upon the panorama before him, and he thought of nothing save the fact that the city was being freed from the enemy. until half-past nine he remained thus absorbed in the view, and then a mighty shout went up from the assembled throng--a shout which was echoed and re-echoed from one end of the city to the other. the last boatload, among which was general knyphausen, had pushed off from the shore. "it is done at last!" enoch cried, seizing greene by both hands. "it is indeed, my boy, and we have been permitted to see it all! it is such a sight as we'll hope never will be repeated on the delaware river. now i must be off. you will either see me or receive some word within the next twenty-four hours. be ready to leave home without delay when the summons comes, for i should be sadly disappointed if we had a brush with clinton's men and you were not in it." "so should i. don't forget me when you are with the army." "never fear anything like that. it wouldn't be possible while i was where seth and jacob could see me. but come, i'm going very near drinker's alley. walk so far with me; step in for a moment and see if mrs. graydon has any message to send her son, for you will meet him shortly, and then, after general arnold and his men arrive, go home and wait for me or my message." enoch had not broken his fast, but was hardly aware that he needed food, so great was his joy. he acted upon greene's suggestion, and ten minutes later saw the spy ride out of the city at full speed, bound first for the farmhouse, where he would exchange his horse for a fresh one, and then to valley forge with the glad tidings. on this occasion enoch did not skulk around to the rear of the house when visiting mrs. graydon; but walked boldly to the front door, where he knocked with an air of one who is free to do as he chooses, startling seth's mother not a little, when, his summons being answered by her servant, he rushed in upon her with the cry: "the city is evacuated! the british are gone, and we shall never see them here again unless they come as prisoners!" "has the army left the city?" mrs. graydon asked as if in surprise. "why, yes; didn't you know they were going?" "certainly, i knew the evacuation was for to-day; but it can't be they have really gone?" "indeed they have! greene and i watched the last boatload put off from this side. there isn't a single redcoat in town, and before noon general arnold will be here with a portion of the continental army. our own flag is floating over the city once more!" mrs. graydon looked so thoroughly perplexed that just for a moment enoch asked himself if it could be possible she was in sympathy with the enemy, and she, noting the look of perplexity on his face, said with a smile: "you are wondering why i don't rejoice in the good news you have brought, enoch; but the truth is that i fear there must be some mistake about it, for lord gordon hasn't yet come downstairs." "lord gordon still here!" enoch cried, now in turn becoming perplexed. "certainly. he very seldom rises early, and last night gave no orders to be called. i supposed that the army wouldn't go away before afternoon." "but they have gone, and it isn't likely they are to remain at gloucester point any longer than is necessary. why, mrs. graydon, if lord gordon is here an hour from now he will be made prisoner by our troops, and after all he has done for us that would seem like a terrible misfortune." "indeed it would, enoch." "i am going to waken him regardless of whether he left any orders or not; but what bothers me is, how we can get him over to the jersey side, for the english took possession of all the boats on the river-front, and i don't think there's a single craft to be found." "even though you waken him before our people come i fear for his safety, enoch. the british have so oppressed those who were faithful to the cause that if it is known a member of their army is left behind something serious may be done." "it is no use to stand here talking. he must get out of town, and that mighty quick! where's his room?" "the one directly over this." enoch did not hesitate; darting upstairs at full speed he burst into the chamber without ceremony, and lord cosmo gordon, springing up in bed, his eyes heavy with slumber, demanded sharply: "who are you, sir? what do you want here?" "i am only enoch ball, lord gordon. you remember me? you remember when jacob ludwick and i talked with you about seth?" "oh, it is you, is it?" the officer said as he sank back upon the pillows. "you appear to be an energetic lad; but i can't say i have any great admiration for your manners." "but, lord gordon, do you know that the britishers have left the city, and that in a very short time our forces will be here?" "the army gone?" and lord gordon sprang out of bed very suddenly. "why, what time is it?" "past ten o'clock." "and i have been allowed to sleep while my command has gone over! this promises to be serious, my boy!" "serious, sir? i should say it was! after all that has happened i would rather a good bit of ill-fortune came to me than that you should be taken prisoner." "i should die of mortification if it was known that i, a british officer, lay in bed while my troops marched out of town and left me to be captured. lad, you believe i did you a service once?" "indeed you did, sir, and one i can never repay." "you can repay it now, and with interest," lord gordon said as he began hurriedly to dress. "i must cross the river at once, and depend upon you to get me a boat." "that is more easily said than done, sir. your army has taken possession of every craft on this side; but i'll get one if i have to swim for it. what troubles me is that i may not succeed in time." "the american forces are near the city?" "greene said general arnold would arrive before noon." "i'll go with you. we'll both search for a boat. where is my servant?" "i don't know, sir, unless he's with the army." "that can't be, my boy. he wouldn't have left me, for--oh, here you are, richard," the officer added as a sleepy-looking man entered the chamber. "you neglected to awaken me, and i am in a most serious predicament." "you gave no orders, my lord." "you should have had wit enough to know that i intended to march with the army." "but i have just wakened, my lord." "and you don't have the appearance of one who has fully accomplished that yet. get my things together as quickly as possible, and go down to the river. we shall start from the middle ferry." "but, lord gordon, if you set out alone it must be from some place less public than that," enoch said decidedly. "remember that our people are freed from restraint now, and the temptation of having a british officer in their power might be so great that, if they didn't do real harm, they would at least prevent your leaving." "you are right, my lad. i'll grant that you have a better head than i in this matter, and follow your directions." "then will you please stay here till i come back?" "yes, unless you are gone too long." "but you must stay, no matter how long i am gone. i promise faithfully you shall be set across the river some time to-day, or night, if you will remain out of sight; but once you are seen i am afraid the work cannot be done." "do as you will, my lad. i agree to follow your instructions. if you succeed in your purpose you will repay me tenfold for the slight favor i did your friend." "i only hope i shall come somewhere near squaring matters; but in one case a life was saved, and in this it is only a question of your avoiding imprisonment." "to be made a prisoner under these circumstances would be worse than death. go, my lad, go quickly!" enoch ran downstairs, and stopped with his hand on the latch of the door to say to mrs. graydon: "won't you please keep the house locked, and make some excuse for not letting anybody in? the time has come when we can repay lord gordon for the assistance he rendered seth, and you must do your share by keeping him out of sight." "no person shall enter without first battering down the door," mrs. graydon replied with an air of determination, and enoch darted out of the house, running up the alley at full speed. half an hour later he returned, breathless, but triumphant. lord gordon, looking desperately anxious, met him at the door. "i've got a skiff," he said as soon as it was possible for him to speak. "she's in the creek below third street. i can take you there without the chance of meeting many people; but we shall be obliged to walk fast, and you must pay no attention to whatever may be said." "don't fear i'll do anything to prevent the success of your efforts, my boy. my rejoining the army at the earliest possible moment is such a vital matter that nothing short of force would delay me." the servant was summoned, and came down the staircase as if still partially under the influence of sleep, laden with baggage. "look alive, man, can't you?" enoch cried angrily as he took a portion of the burden from the fellow. "if nothing else will waken you, remember that your life is absolutely in danger from the time we leave this house until we are well out in the river." these words had the desired effect, and the three, each carrying a portion of the luggage, left the house. enoch chose a most circuitous route, and although his lordship was jeered at many times during the short journey, nothing occurred to cause delay. "she isn't a very fine craft," enoch said when they reached the bank of the creek and he pulled out from the landing-stage a flat-bottomed boat; "but she'll take you over to the jersey side, and i reckon that's all you want." "those who will show themselves to be such idiots as i have should be forced to swim for it," lord gordon said grimly, "and the situation now, compared with what it was half an hour ago, seems so bright that i wouldn't exchange your punt for one of the swiftest galleys of the fleet, except that i might arrive at the opposite shore more quickly." there was only one pair of oars, and seating himself amidships, with richard in the bow and lord gordon in the stern, enoch plied these vigorously, as indeed was necessary in order to stem the flood-tide, which was now setting in strongly. nearly an hour was required in which to make the passage, and more than once did the officer insist he should be allowed to do a portion of the work; but enoch would accept of no assistance. "i should be only too glad to row you twenty miles, and all that distance against the tide, lord gordon, for then when i saw seth i could say to him that we had been able to be of some service." "you do not fully realize, my boy, how much assistance you have rendered me. i am under the deepest obligations, and that which i did in your service seems as nothing compared with this, for you have saved my honor. it is not my intention to offend you by offering payment; but i should be under yet greater obligations if you will allow me to give you some souvenir of this morning's work." "you mean you want to make me a present?" "yes, enoch, i want to leave with you something that you will remember me by--something which when you look at it you can say 'this was given me by a man to whom i rendered a greater service than if i had saved his life.'" "i will take it, sir, and when i look at it will say to myself that it was given me by a gentleman who saved the life of my friend." "very neatly turned, my lad. you have a power of flattery which would win your way in a court." "i wish i had the power that would win me my way in the continental army." "are you intending to enlist?" "yes, sir. i do not want to say it boastingly; but yet i am proud because the little which i did last week caused general washington himself to thank me, and to say that i should attach myself to his staff until i was really made a soldier." "indeed, my lad? you must have rendered some signal service. since you no longer fear me as an enemy, for i am not formidable now that i am the only member of the english army this side of new jersey, perhaps you will tell me what you did which won for you so great an honor." enoch, passing lightly over the incidents in which he figured prominently, told the story of his having been recognized by the quaker and of subsequently hearing clinton's order read. lord gordon laughed heartily at the boy's account of his freeing himself from the quaker's grasp; but grew grave as the story was finished. "with such boys as you, enoch, to recruit the american army, it is little wonder that we fail to whip you into submission. i am glad to know you, my lad, and would say the same even if you had not rendered me so great a service. i venture to predict you will win your way in the army, for surely no boy ever made a better beginning. i hope we shan't meet on the battlefield; but if we do of course each must strive for the mastery, and i am confident you will do your best to overcome me. here is what i want you to accept," and lord gordon unfastened from his watch a heavy chain. "that is far too valuable, sir. i had rather have something more trifling." "and i prefer to give this. don't refuse to take it, enoch, for you will be doing me another favor by wearing it." it was necessary enoch should cease rowing sufficiently long to put the costly gift in his pocket, and then he bent himself sturdily to the oars once more, remaining silent several moments before he said: "i thank you, lord gordon, for the chain; but i thank you more for your kind words. if all the britishers had been like you i don't think this war would have lasted so long." "and if all the americans had been as generous-hearted and brave as you, enoch ball, your independence would have been gained immediately after it was declared." then the boat's bow grated on the sand of the jersey shore. his lordship's servant gathered up the belongings and proceeded with all haste toward the moving column which could be seen in the distance, and lord gordon, pressing enoch's hand, said solemnly: "may god love and guard you, my boy!"[e] footnote: [e] this escape of lord cosmo gordon occurred actually as described, and the gift of the chain was made to the boy who assisted him. chapter xv. on special duty. when enoch had repaid the debt of gratitude by aiding lord gordon to rejoin his troops, and had landed once more on the philadelphia side of the river, he felt particularly well pleased with the morning's work. it was, to his mind, a fitting conclusion to the evacuation, and gave him a sense of great satisfaction that he had been enabled to be of service to the generous officer. "i allow seth will be pleased twice when he hears of this day's happenings, and i'm not certain but that what we have done for lord gordon will afford him nearly as much pleasure as to know that the british have finally left town. i wish he had given me something of less value than this chain," he added as he examined the ornament more closely. "it seems as if this was in some sense payment for the work, although he insisted it was simply to remember him by. however, i could not have refused it." then he returned to drinker's alley; informed mrs. graydon her late guest was in a place of safety, and, that having been done, went directly home to acquaint his mother with the events of the evacuation. as a matter of course he was on the street when general arnold, still suffering from the wound received at saratoga, entered the city with a force of men sufficient to hold it against any ordinary attack, and as soon as the town was formally invested by its rightful rulers he went back to letitia street, there to remain until word should be received regarding his future movements. enoch's one desire now was to join the army at the earliest possible moment, and he hoped most fervently that he would be allowed to enlist, for there seemed every reason to believe general washington would attack the british forces during their march across new jersey. late on this same afternoon it was told in the city that clinton was encamped with his army and camp-followers at haddonfield, and so lengthy was the train with its appendages that the first division of the force had bivouacked before the last left gloucester point, although the line had moved in close order. it was reported that when the soldiers, the bathorses, baggage and ammunition wagons, the camp-followers and refugees were stretched out on a single road in marching order, they extended a length of twelve miles, and there seemed to be no question but that the american forces would sadly harass the cumbersome column before it could arrive at its destination. there was great rejoicing in philadelphia on this first night of the re-occupation by the continental army. those who had been imprisoned because of their devotion to the cause were set free, and for the first time since september was there feasting and joy in the homes of the citizens who ardently desired the independence of the colonies. it was noon of the th when enoch received the expected summons, and then, to his surprise and delight, greene entered the house. "i came with an order from general arnold," he said in reply to enoch's eager question, "and you are to carry a message from him to general dickinson, while i return to the main army." "has washington moved from valley forge?" "certainly. he started for coryell's ferry[f] last night. day before yesterday generals maxwell and dickinson left camp in order to be ready to harass the enemy during his march, and are now somewhere near the river; but it is impossible to say just at what point they may be found. you are to report to general arnold at once, and will be furnished by him with a horse and equipment in order to enable you to reach the new jersey troops. clinton, so it is reported, left haddonfield this morning, moving in the direction of mount holly, and the general impression is that he intends to pass through new brunswick. keep that fact well in mind, for it is somewhere on the west side of his line that you will find general dickinson, and you must not approach sufficiently near to run the risk of being captured." "what am i to do after the message has been delivered?" enoch asked. "that i cannot say." "am i to be allowed to enlist?" "the order which general washington gave at valley forge is still in force, and you will most likely be considered an aid so long as your services are required--very likely until the army is united. now i propose to ask your mother for a dinner, although there is no lack of rations in the continental camp; but it is the last opportunity i shall have for some time of enjoying her extraordinarily good cooking. you must tuck a generous meal under your vest this day, because you won't get another like it for many days to come." as a matter of course enoch told his friend of the previous morning's adventures, when he had aided lord gordon, and after the story was finished greene said emphatically: "it was a good day's work you did, lad, and that is a precious deal more than i would say if you'd helped any other british officer out of town. gordon, even though he is a lord and an enemy, is an honest kind of a man, and after the spirit he has shown i'd be sorry to see him a prisoner." then greene, observing the expression of sadness on mrs. ball's face as she realized that her son was about to leave her once more, and would probably be exposed to all the dangers of battle, began to talk on indifferent subjects in order to prevent the thoughts of mother and son from dwelling upon the possibilities of disaster, succeeding so well in his purpose that when the moment for departure arrived both were in a reasonably calm frame of mind. the spy did not allow any prolonged leave-taking, but hurried enoch away immediately, saying as he left the house: "you may depend upon it, mrs. ball, that you will receive the earliest possible information of our movements, and i have no doubt but that enoch will return to the city several times before any engagement can ensue. at all events, remember that nothing serious is likely to occur, so far as the army is concerned, for several days. clinton, owing to his unwieldy train, must of necessity move slowly, and general washington will not attack until everything is in our favor." then he literally forced enoch from the house, hurrying him so rapidly toward general arnold's headquarters that the boy was listening to that officer's instructions almost before he fairly realized he had left home to take part in a campaign. the duty which was now required of him seemed very slight. he was simply to carry a written communication to general dickinson, and consider himself under that officer's orders after the task had been performed. directions were given that he be furnished with a proper equipment, and in the selection of this greene took an active part, insisting on several articles which enoch thought needless; critically examining all that was turned over to the boy, and discarding this or that until satisfied in every respect with the complete outfit. "i'm rigged out like a nabob!" enoch said proudly when greene announced that, everything having been provided, there was no necessity for further delay. "if all the soldiers in the army have as much, i can only wonder where congress finds the money with which to pay for the goods." "you are rather more generously equipped than the privates," greene said with a laugh as he assisted the boy to mount. "this horse with his trappings, the two pistols in your belt, and the purse of money, come to you by right of your being on general washington's staff." "but you know i don't really hold that position, mr. greene, and oughtn't have any more than belongs to me as a private." "you have received only what is absolutely necessary to permit of your doing the duty required. you may be several days finding general dickinson, in which case you must lodge at inns, and will need the wherewithal to pay your reckoning. remember, enoch, my boy, that although the british have left philadelphia, they are not very far away from the town, and if you should chance to be made prisoner the situation would be quite as grave as if the old quaker had succeeded in retaining his hold of your ear. be careful of yourself; don't trust any one too far, unless you know beyond a question that he is a true friend to the cause, and keep your eyes wide open for treachery wherever you may be." "how long are you going to stay here?" "i intend to leave very shortly, and it is not impossible we shall soon meet again. you've got a good horse, lad, one that will serve you if endurance is required, or i'm no judge. be careful of him at the outset, for the time may come when his speed and bottom will be needed for your own safety. we won't say good-by, for now that you're in the service it seems best to dispense with anything of that kind. be off with you, and don't show yourself too suddenly to jacob, or he'll die of envy at seeing you in this rig." the spy struck the horse on the flank with his open hand, causing the animal to leap forward so suddenly that the young courier was nearly unseated. general arnold had instructed enoch to follow up the highway to badger's point, where he would find facilities for crossing, and to act with confidence upon such advice regarding the whereabouts of the new jersey troops as might be given him by the ferryman, who was a true friend to the cause. enoch rode leisurely as greene had suggested; but before arriving at his destination it became necessary to urge his horse at a faster pace, for it was difficult to pass by the country people living on the road and not stop sufficiently long, in response to their urgent entreaties, to tell them the news. although these halts were no longer than absolutely necessary in order to give the desired information, they occupied considerable time, and it was nearly dark when the boy had finished the first stage of the journey. "yes, i allow i can ferry you across; but you'll have to swim the horse," the man to whom he had been directed said when enoch made known his desire. "have all the britishers left the city?" "the last one went before eleven o'clock," enoch replied, able to speak with certainty as to the time since he had assisted very materially in the departure. "i allow it'll be many a long day before they're back--leastways that's what i hope. better take the saddle off, otherwise it'll be soaked. now lead the horse into the water alongside the boat, and i reckon we can make him swim without any great trouble." when the skiff was pushed off from the shore, the horse following as if accustomed to acting as his own ferryman, the owner of the craft plied enoch with questions as vigorously as he worked at the oars, and not until they had landed on the opposite side did the boy have an opportunity of asking regarding the whereabouts of the new jersey troops. "you're within three miles of where they allowed to halt to-night. general dickinson is making for mount holly, so i'm told, reckoning the britishers will strike that place in their march across the state. keep straight on the road ahead, and you'll hit them before dark, or i'm a dutchman." the young courier gave rein to his horse now that the journey appeared so nearly at an end, for he was not only eager to deliver the message, but to be with friends. the idea of riding around the country at night, knowing that he might at any moment come across detachments of the enemy, was anything rather than pleasing, and he had not been in the service sufficiently long to look upon such matters as ordinary incidents in a soldier's life. at the end of ten minutes he saw ample signs betokening the passage of a large body of men, and at the end of half an hour drew rein in the midst of the new jersey forces, who had bivouacked in a pine grove near the main road. it was not as simple a matter as he had supposed to gain an audience with general dickinson. when he was halted by the pickets he fancied that immediately he announced himself as a messenger from general arnold he would be allowed to proceed at will, instead of which he was detained by the vigilant outpost until the officer of the day could be communicated with, and during fully an hour enoch sat on his horse, fretting because of the delay, and believing he would have received different treatment if he had been in the garb of a soldier. the night had come before he was conducted to where general dickinson was partaking of a supper consisting of cold corn-bread and smoked fish, in company with several of his staff. enoch saluted awkwardly, and as he held the bridle of his horse with one hand, extended general arnold's letter in the other, without speaking. "where are you from, my lad?" the general asked as he took the missive, but without looking at it. "philadelphia, sir." "haven't i met you before?" "yes, sir; i am the boy who went into town with greene before the british left." "and because of a stroke of rare good fortune at a time when beset by enemies were enabled to bring important information?" "yes, sir." "as a member of general washington's staff," and there was a curious smile on dickinson's face as he spoke, "it is proper i invite you to mess with my aids. my orderly will care for your horse." "if you please, sir, i had rather look out for him myself, and as for rations, i can get them anywhere. i don't fancy the commander-in-chief really meant that i was an aid. it seemed to be only a question of my getting rations at the time." "and that is all it is just now, lad. help yourself, if you are hungry. take care of your own horse if you choose; in fact do whatever pleases you during the night. i shall send you on to the main army in the morning." enoch bowed, wheeled his horse around and started off irresolutely, not knowing exactly in which direction to proceed, until the general's orderly overtook him and said in a kindly tone: "if you will follow me, my boy, i will show you where to get provender for your horse and rations for yourself." "i have two friends somewhere among this force, and would like to find them." "they are in the same company with greene, the spy, are they not?" "yes, sir." "you will find them over here to the right. suppose you let me take the beast? the general's servants will care for him as well as you could. you need have no fear, so far as he is concerned, for he will fare better than you will, i am afraid." enoch hesitated just an instant before doing as the orderly suggested, and had but just released the bridle-rein when seth and jacob came running up. turning toward his friends with a cry of joy, enoch clasped their hands as if he had never expected to see them again, and master ludwick asked in a suspicious tone: "where did you get that horse?" "at general arnold's headquarters." "did you swap him for the beast we took from wharton's stable?" "certainly not; that one was turned over to the army at the same time yours was." "but how does it happen you are riding, and what are you doing here?" "i came with a message from general arnold to general dickinson." "then you _are_ an aid?" and jacob spoke in a tone of envy. "indeed i am not! i'm going to enlist at the very first chance; but of course i had to bring this message, and must go to the main army to-morrow. when that has been done, however, i shall sign the rolls in order to be with you fellows." "if you ride around on horseback, carrying messages from one general to the other, of course you are an aid," jacob began petulantly, and then, as if ashamed of himself for showing his ill-temper because his comrade had been favored, he added: "who knows what seth and i will be after the battle is over, for we are bound to have one mighty soon, and then there will be plenty of chances where a fellow can earn a commission." '"you allow that to fret you not a little, jacob," seth said reprovingly. "it is the good of the cause you should consider--nothing else." "i can do all that is in my power for the cause, and still keep my eyes open for a commission," master ludwick replied stoutly. "if i had been allowed to go to philadelphia with enoch and greene, things would have been different." "but isn't being a soldier in the continental army enough for you?" enoch asked. "no, it isn't, and you will find that it ain't enough for you when you get here. i want to do what i can for the cause, and am as anxious as any fellow could be; but after you've stayed around the encampment a spell you'll see that a private don't count for very much, except----" master ludwick was interrupted by the coming of one of general dickinson's staff, who halted in front of the boys as he asked: "are either of you acquainted in this section of the country?" "seth and i were over it a good bit last fall," jacob said. "are you boys willing to perform a little extra service?" jacob replied very promptly in the affirmative. if he could always be detailed for "extra service" he would be quite content with his lot. "general dickinson wants to send some one toward mount holly, and he would prefer that whoever goes should volunteer." "we are ready," seth said as the officer paused. "what is to be done?" "the proposition simply is to lounge along the road in an apparently aimless fashion, and, if the enemy are not too near to render it dangerous, enter mount holly. the purpose is to learn in which direction clinton proposes to march from that town, and whether the scout be successful or not, it is necessary you should return to the command within forty-eight hours." "when are we to start?" jacob asked. "at once. you are to go on foot, and wear nothing which might indicate that you belong to the army." "then we are to act as spies," enoch said in a tone of disappointment. "no, lad, nothing of the kind, for it is not your purpose to enter the enemy's lines. you will simply be an independent scouting party. if you are willing to perform this work i will wait until your preparations have been made in order to pass you out." "that won't take many minutes," master ludwick replied, and now all traces of his ill-humor had vanished. if he was to be engaged in active service, rather than confined to the dull routine of the camp, it was to him a most desirable change. "i suppose we are not to carry weapons?" "certainly not. discard everything which might give those whom you meet the impression that you are soldiers." in less than ten minutes the boys were being escorted out past the pickets, and enoch said to the officer in an apologetic tone: "i am sorry to give so much trouble, sir, but would you see to it that some one looks after my horse and the equipment i have left?" "all your belongings shall be cared for, my boy. now one last word: it is not impossible that we may be on the march to-morrow; but you will have no trouble in finding the command. be prudent; don't take unnecessary risks for the purpose of gaining information, and remember that your errand will have been well performed when you know in which direction general clinton intends to march after leaving mount holly." then the boys, saluting, walked rapidly down the road in the darkness, and jacob said in a tone of satisfaction: "now this is what i call the proper kind of a job! i am more than willing to do a thing of this sort; but hanging around the camp, carrying a musket first in one fashion and then another, is what i don't like." "yet it is necessary you should know how to do such things before you can call yourself a soldier," seth suggested. "i suppose you had supper with general dickinson, enoch?" "indeed i didn't," master ball replied, "and i feel as if i could eat almost anything." "do you mean to say you haven't had food since you left philadelphia?" "yes." "but why didn't you say something about it before we left camp?" "because it seemed necessary we should start without delay, and i didn't want to appear so girlish as to declare i must have something to eat when there was work to be done." "i don't call that girlish. a fellow must have a full stomach or he can't do much work." "we'll get something after awhile. you see we've money between us, now, for general arnold gave me two pounds before i left, and since it was to be used in the service, i shall be able to get what supplies are needed." "let's stop at the first respectable-looking house we see," seth suggested. "it is getting so late that anything of the kind must be done before the people go to bed, for i don't fancy our reception would be very pleasant if we awakened any one with the proposition to sell us food." "we won't do that yet awhile. i reckon i can do without my supper two or three hours." "but you see," and jacob halted suddenly, "general dickinson couldn't have intended that we should travel all night, for there is nothing to be learned while everybody is in bed." "i should suppose if we walked until midnight we would be somewhere near mount holly, and then the proper course will be to ask for lodgings at a farmhouse, unless we come across an inn." with this understanding the boys continued on at a reasonably rapid pace, discussing as they walked the probability of a battle in the near future. before they had traveled the length of time agreed upon, lights, apparently of a town, could be seen in the distance ahead, and seth said in surprise: "i thought mount holly was very much further away; but i must have been mistaken, for there's no question about that's being the town. do you think it is safe for us to go there before daylight?" "why not?" jacob asked. "because if the britishers intend to strike that place, we may find ourselves in trouble." "we'd better stay where we are until morning," enoch suggested. "suppose we try to get lodgings in that house?" and he pointed a short distance ahead on the right, where could be seen dimly in the darkness a collection of buildings. with never a thought in their minds that they might meet with enemies quite as dangerous as could be found in the british army, the boys turned into the lane leading from the main road, and went rapidly toward the house. footnote: [f] now lambertville. chapter xvi. tory hospitality. although there were no lights to be seen from the outside, the boys soon learned that the inmates of the dwelling were not asleep, for in response to jacob's vigorous knocking the door was opened after a delay of only a few seconds, and a voice asked: "what do you want?" the speaker had brought no light with him, and, shrouded in the dense darkness of the hallway, it was impossible for the boys to distinguish even the form of their host. as a matter of fact, it was only owing to the tone of his voice that they understood a man was before them. "we want shelter till morning; some food if you can give it to us without too much trouble, and are willing to pay for all we receive," jacob replied promptly. "who are you? where did you come from?" "i am jacob ludwick----" "chris, the baker's son, eh?" "yes, sir," and master ludwick was proud, rather than displeased, that his identity should be known. "what are you doing here?" "we're on our way to mount holly." "why don't you keep on to the town?" "we thought it would be safer to wait until morning, because the britishers may be near there by this time." both seth and enoch pressed nearer their comrade to warn him against being too free with details regarding himself; but he did not understand the movement. it was as if he believed all the people in the country round about philadelphia were friends to the cause, and he was perfectly willing to give any information desired. "how near are your troops?" "they must be at least ten miles back," jacob replied, and again his comrades pressed closer to him, while this time seth whispered: "be careful what you say!" "you can come in," the man said after a brief pause, "and i'll see if it is possible to give you lodgings. wait here until i get a candle," he added as the boys entered the hall, and the outer door was closed and barred. the sound of footsteps told that their host had gone in search of a light, and seth took advantage of the opportunity to say in a low tone: "you had no right to answer his questions, jacob. how do you know but that he may be a tory?" "it isn't likely." "why not? there are as many in jersey as in pennsylvania, and you have told him where our troops are." jacob made no reply. he now understood how reckless he had been, and was chagrined at the idea of making a grievous mistake almost before they had begun their work. "there is no reason why you should feel badly about it now," enoch said, understanding the cause of his friend's silence. "we can look out for ourselves, i reckon, and there has been no real harm done even though he carried the information you gave him directly to general clinton, for it isn't likely general dickinson fancies he can keep his whereabouts a secret." "still i ought to have been more careful," jacob replied penitently. "i should----" the door at the extreme end of the hall was opened, and the man entered, holding a candle in his hand. "i will show you to a room where you can remain until morning, and afterward bring you some food. follow me," and he ascended the stairs which led out of the hall. "these are troublesome times, and one should be cautious about letting strangers into his house; but i don't fancy you three boys are disposed to do mischief." "indeed we're not," seth replied. "we simply want a place in which to sleep, and shall go away very early in the morning. perhaps it is too much to ask that you bring the food to our room?" "oh, no; i would have invited you into the kitchen, but we have sickness in the house, and it isn't well there should be any noise. are the continentals coming this way?" "i don't know." "but you have just left them." "we have come from where the troops were," seth replied cautiously. "and don't belong to the army?" seth hesitated sufficiently long for the most obtuse to have understood that he was about to equivocate, and then said: "if we were soldiers we should be in uniform, and wouldn't ask for lodgings." "exactly; i see," the man replied with a curious smile, and continued on up the second flight of stairs into what was evidently the attic of the house. on this floor was a long, narrow passage with doors opening from either side; but the host did not pause until arriving at the extreme end, when he ushered them into a small apartment, saying as he did so: "this is the only room we have empty to-night; but so long as the bed is rest-inviting i suppose it will answer your purpose. i'll bring the food at once." placing the candle on the rude table, the host left the room, and the boys listened until from the sound of his footsteps they knew he had traversed the passage, and was descending the stairs. "he has taken precious good care we shall be well out of the way," seth said thoughtfully as he looked around the apartment, in which was a low trundle-bed covered with the coarsest of clothing, a small, rude table on which the candle had been placed, and one stool. there were no windows in the room, and the door was formed of heavy planks, bolted rather than nailed together. "he said some one in the house was sick, and most likely we have been brought up here for fear we might make a noise," enoch suggested. seth opened the door cautiously, and holding the candle high above his head, looked out. a heavy iron socket on either side and a third upon the door itself, with a stout oaken bar lying on the floor of the hallway near by, told that this particular apartment could be fastened very securely. "what is the meaning of all this?" jacob asked in dismay. "it looks as if some one had been here who wasn't allowed to come out except at the pleasure of the master of the house," enoch replied doubtfully, and an expression of fear came over jacob's face. "i don't think we had better stop in this place," master ludwick said decidedly. "i was such an idiot as to tell him who we are, and in case this happens to be a tory dwelling, we may have trouble." "it doesn't seem just right to walk out simply because we have seen that the door can be barred from the outside," seth replied slowly. "but you noticed how anxious the man was to learn about our troops?" "so would anybody be, whether whig or tory, knowing that there is probably an army on either side of him." "i think we had better leave while we've got the chance," jacob said in something very like fear. "there is no need of taking any risks, and i am certain there must be other vacant rooms in the house besides this one. let us go downstairs softly, and, if possible, get out of doors without making a noise." at that instant, as if to show the boys it was too late for them to retreat, the sound of footsteps was heard once more, and a moment later the master of the house, or he who acted in that capacity, entered the room bearing a generous supply of provisions and a jug of water. "here is the best i can do for you, lads," he said in a kindly tone, placing his burden on the table. "if you are hungry this won't come amiss, and in case your appetites are not keen, there will be no harm in allowing the food to remain untouched. shall i call you in the morning?" "we would like to leave here by daylight, sir, and will thank you for awakening us in case we oversleep." then the host left the room with a cheery "good-night," and the boys gazed at each other until a smile overspread the faces of all. "i allow we were more scared than hurt," jacob said in a tone of relief. "he has done what we asked, and in a very friendly fashion. if it hadn't been for the bar that can be fitted on the door, i never should have thought anything might be wrong." seth held up his hand to demand silence, and the three could hear the footsteps of their host as he went through the passage. enoch, who had not tasted of food since noon, and whose appetite was keen owing to the long ride and yet longer walk, began an attack upon the vegetables, in which he was soon joined by his comrades. a very satisfactory meal did the three make, and as hunger was appeased their suspicions sank at rest, until, when the repast was ended, there remained no thought in the mind of either that harm could be intended. "it is time we went to bed if we count on getting any sleep to-night," seth said as he began to make his preparations for retiring. "judging from the looks of the lights, we are within half a mile of mount holly, and should be able to get there before many people are stirring. say, push open that door, will you, enoch? we must have fresh air in some way and that seems to be the only chance, since there is no window." enoch took hold of the latch carelessly, and then with more determination, as the door failed to open. "what is the matter?" jacob asked, noting the look of fear on his comrade's face, and advancing until his hand also was on the latch. "why, it's locked!" "that was the way it seemed to me," enoch replied, displaying considerably less agitation than did jacob, and seth turned sharply around to look into the faces of the two at the door. "yes, it is locked," enoch continued quietly as if in reply to seth's question. "we had good reason to be suspicious when we saw that bar on the outside, and knew there were no windows." "but what is the meaning of it?" jacob cried sharply. "it means that we are in the house of a tory, who, knowing we have come from general dickinson's force, and making a very good guess as to our business, proposes to keep us here until our report will be of but little value." "he wouldn't dare do such a thing," jacob cried angrily. "when it is known that he has made prisoners of messengers sent from general dickinson the soldiers will tear his house down about his ears." "it may be he intends to join the britishers as they come along, in which case he wouldn't be the first tory to leave home rather than submit to american rule." seth, having ascertained beyond a doubt that they were locked into the room, was at once plunged in deep thought, and, observing this, jacob asked quickly, almost angrily: "what do you think about it? are you going to stay here without making any fight to get out?" "i don't believe we should accomplish very much, however hard we might fight, unless we can devise some better plan of operations than that of attempting to batter the door down," seth replied quietly. "and as to what i think about it, i have already said. of course the man who owns the house is a tory who counts on helping the britishers by preventing us to return with the report to general dickinson." "and you are willing to stay here quietly?" "i can't say i am willing." "but you don't seem likely to do anything toward helping yourself and us," and now master ludwick displayed unmistakable signs of temper. "i'll show that old tory what it means to play such a trick on members of the army!" he was so enraged that he failed to realize how useless would be his efforts; but seizing the stool, began to batter upon the heavy door with all his strength, continuing at this vain work until he was absolutely exhausted. then he threw himself upon the bed, still literally beside himself with rage, and enoch said soothingly: "there's no use flying into a passion, jacob, for that won't help us in any way." "i have let that miserable tory know we understand how he has tricked us." "yes, and put him on his guard. until you did that he might have supposed we were ignorant that the door was locked, and would have rested contentedly. now he understands exactly how we are feeling, and will be on the alert to prevent an escape." "it is not necessary for him to watch out very sharp, for we can't accomplish anything more than i have done already." "and that is simply to dent the door, and splinter the stool." "well, what better can _you_ do?" and jacob leaped to his feet as if ready for a pitched battle. "that's what i can't say. very likely i shall do no more--i certainly can't do any less." "now look here, fellows, what's the sense of quarreling?" seth asked. "we're prisoners; came into this trap of our own free will, and one is no more to blame than another. it strikes me our best plan is to be at least friendly among ourselves, for ill-temper won't weaken the door, or show us the way out." "i am not angry, nor haven't been," enoch replied. "when jacob was so foolish i simply answered his questions, that is all." master ludwick made no reply. he realized that, although his companions were careful not to accuse him, there was more reason why he should be blamed than either of his comrades, since he it was who had supplied the master of the house with such information as was desired. jacob was not willing to confess he had been careless, and seemed angry because his comrades refrained from mentioning the fact. he threw himself once more upon the bed in a sulky fashion, while seth and enoch, the latter holding the candle, walked slowly around the apartment, examining every portion of the walls. "it doesn't seem as if we could work our way out of here," seth said when the examination was concluded, and nothing had met their gaze but the unbroken partitions of heavy boards. "this room must be directly at the end of the house," enoch said half to himself. "i reckon there can be no question about that." "do you suppose it would be possible to cut our way through with knives? i have a stout one in my pocket." "we might, in time, if no one molested us, but it is terrible to think we might be forced to remain here so long." "it is evident we shan't get out very soon," enoch said after a pause. "i propose that we try to get some sleep. i was awake nearly all last night, and have had a hard day's work. we won't gain anything by tearing around just now, and a night's rest may put us in better shape for thinking." "it doesn't seem as if there was anything else to do," seth replied, and immediately laid down on the bed by the side of jacob, enoch following his example. despite the gravity of their situation, all three of the boys were soon wrapped in the unconsciousness of slumber, nor did they awaken until the closing of the door brought them to a sitting posture very suddenly. "some one has been in here!" jacob exclaimed as he leaped to his feet, and seized the latch. the door was fastened as securely as before. the darkness was profound, and for some moments the boys were at a loss to understand it until enoch said with a mirthless laugh: "the candle has burned up, that's all. we should have blown it out before we went to sleep." "how much good would that have done us?" seth asked grimly. "we have got neither flint nor steel with which to light it again." "i thought last night that we were about as bad off as possible; but this being forced to remain in darkness seems to make matters worse." groping around to learn the reason for the visit, enoch ascertained that a supply of food and water had been left on the table, and he said, as he mentioned this fact to his comrades: "here is evidence that we are to be kept prisoners until it is no longer possible to gain any information concerning the movements of the britishers. it must be morning, even though it's dark, for i don't think the tory would have paid us a second visit during the night." jacob appeared to have recovered from the fit of ill-temper which had assailed him, and now said as he examined the supply of provisions: "if it is morning we may as well have breakfast. i wish one of us had a watch so we could have some idea of time, for we shan't see daylight while we are cooped up here." seth was in as despondent a mood as a boy well can be, when he arose from the bed to act upon his companion's suggestion; but each was careful not to let the others understand how hopeless seemed the situation in this first moment of awakening. neither of the prisoners ate with much relish, and the meal was quickly finished. then each gave himself up to his own gloomy reflections, and after remaining silent nearly half an hour, enoch said sharply: "look here, boys, it doesn't seem possible that we can get out of this place unaided; but at the same time we shall all feel better if we are doing something, instead of mooning like this. now let's decide upon a plan and go to work." "i am willing to begin any job, however hopeless it seems, rather than remain idle," seth replied promptly. "do you still think there is a chance of cutting our way through the end of the house?" "no; that now seems to me less likely than a good many other plans. why not try to raise some of the flooring?" "but suppose you succeed?" jacob asked. "you wouldn't be out of the house." "true, and we should still be inside if we were in the hallway; yet i had a good deal rather be there than locked up here. i'm willing to attempt anything. there is little hope of our succeeding; but at the same time it is better to make some effort." "one plan is as good as another," seth said after a brief pause. "tell us what you want to do, enoch, and jacob and i will assist to the best of our ability." "we all have knives, and plenty of time. now, suppose we cut through one of the boards of the floor, at a sufficient distance from the end to avoid striking the joist, and we should be able to pull it up once it has been separated." "but that is a job on which only one can work." "we will make two divisions. i'll work near the wall, while one of you begin three feet away from me," enoch said as he went toward the side of the room. "i can feel the nails here, and will allow that the joist extends two or three inches beyond them. hunt for the second row of nails, and set about cutting. it is lucky we've all got knives." five minutes later enoch and seth were busily engaged in the task, while jacob stood ready to "spell" the first who should grow weary. the boards were planed, and, as nearly as could be judged, were of ordinary thickness. "it is pine wood, that's one satisfaction," enoch said cheerily, "and it shouldn't take long to lift one piece. then we shall have something to serve as a lever, if we want to rip out more of the flooring." "that part of it is true enough; but even when we have taken up as much as necessary, we are about the same distance from the open air," jacob added. "what is your plan if we succeed in this work?" "i am willing, if you fellows will back me, to break through the plastering, for of course we shall come upon the ceiling of the room below, and then jump down, ready to fight our way out." "we shan't be able to do a great deal of fighting without weapons." "by pulling the bed apart we can get what will answer as clubs, and unless there are a number of men in the house we ought to accomplish something." "it is a bold scheme," seth replied; "but i am not certain there isn't a fair chance for success in it." "unless the man of the house is well supplied with weapons, in which case our clubs would amount to very little." "we'll do the best we can, and not discuss as to how we may be stopped. it was agreed when we began that this was to be done only for the purpose of helping pass the time." enoch's cheerfulness had a beneficial effect upon his companions, and during the next hour jacob refrained from suggesting difficulties which might be encountered. then came the time when one end of the board was severed, it having been literally whittled apart. it was enoch who first accomplished his portion of the task, and seth had so nearly finished that by bending this particular piece downward it was readily broken off. reaching through into the aperture, and exploring by sense of touch, enoch announced that there was probably nothing between them and the apartment below save narrow strips of inch-thick lumber and plaster. "by taking up one more board we shall have space enough, and i think it will be best to use this piece to pry the other out." owing to the woodwork at the side of the room this plan was found to be impracticable, and once more enoch went to work with his knife. not until another hour had passed was the task finished, and then, regardless of the noise, the boys pried the board from its place. when this had been done they waited in silence several moments, to ascertain if an alarm had been given, and, hearing nothing, enoch set about dismantling the bed in order to get possession of the posts as weapons. this was neither a difficult nor a lengthy task, and when he had given each of his comrades a stout oaken timber, from three to four feet in length, he exclaimed: "now we are ready, boys! once we begin there must be no delay. punch a hole through the ceiling, and then we'll drop down regardless of what may happen, fighting our best when we are once where anything of that kind is possible." chapter xvii. in self-defense. although the youngest of the party, enoch was looked upon as leader, probably because the idea was his and because he appeared so certain it could be carried through to a successful issue. "we'll keep right at your back, no matter how foolhardy you may be," seth whispered as enoch hesitated. "i know i can count on you fellows; but the thought has just come into my mind that perhaps one or more may be lamed by jumping through the hole after it has been made. what is to be done then? it seems to me important general dickinson should know we cannot carry out his orders." "so it is, and if one is disabled he who is in the best condition must push on to the camp. two shall stay together here, and the third go back if possible." "are you ready?" enoch asked nervously as he raised his weapon. "as nearly now as we ever shall be," seth replied, and in another instant there came a resounding crash as tiny particles of plaster rose in the air. enoch had struck the first blow, and his club opened a hole sufficiently large to admit daylight, thus rendering it possible for the boys to see each other. jacob and seth followed his example, and only three blows were needed, for the barrier had been torn away to such an extent that there was ample space for all three of them to leap down at the same time. "it isn't more than fifteen feet," enoch said as he looked into the apartment below. "of course there are chances we may come to grief; but we mustn't stop to think of them. there has been so much noise that the owner of the house cannot fail to know what is being done." "we'll follow you," seth replied. throwing his club down, enoch followed, striking the floor with a thud that must have been heard throughout the building. "come on! it's all right!" he shouted. seth followed his example. jacob dropped his weapon, but hesitated before making the leap. the distance looked very great as viewed from above, and the landing-place particularly hard. "come on!" seth cried excitedly. "we can't afford to waste time now, for the tory is bound to know what is being done, and we must be out of this room before he gets here!" jacob was unquestionably afraid; but the sound of hurried footsteps on the stairs told that it must be done quickly, or not at all, and he let himself down by the hands, dropping to his feet from that lessened height. enoch did not wait to learn if his comrade made the descent in safety; each instant the noise of the footsteps sounded louder, and, holding his club ready for immediate use, he threw open the door. the same man whom they had seen the evening previous was in the hallway, running toward them. he raised his hand, leveling a pistol full at enoch's head. "get back there, you rebel spawn!" he cried in a rage. "get back, or i'll fire!" "come on, seth!" enoch shouted, and he flung his club at the tory, dropping to the floor instantly he did so. the weapon was discharged at the same interval of time that its owner's arm was thrown upward by the club, and the odds were more even. "close in on him now!" enoch cried as he leaped to his feet and darted forward. it was as if the boy no longer gave heed to possible danger; the one idea in his mind was that general dickinson must be told why his order was not obeyed, and he paid no attention to himself, but prayed that at least one of the party might succeed in leaving the house uninjured. the infuriated tory struck out with his fist, hitting the boy such a blow as sent him staggering against the wall; but seth's prompt action turned the tide of battle. as enoch was forced back he rushed forward with upraised club, bringing it down on the tory's arm before he could defend himself, while jacob closed in with a vain attempt to deal a second blow. the man retreated, but at the same time succeeded in gaining possession of the club enoch had thrown, and appeared a most dangerous antagonist as he stood with his back to the wall near the head of the stairs, awaiting an opportunity to deal a murderous blow. enoch was out of the battle only a few seconds. the partition on that side of the hallway opposite where the tory was standing had saved him from a fall, and he at once looked around for something that would serve as a weapon. the pistol which had fallen from the man's grasp was on the floor, and although it would not be effective against a club, might do good service at close quarters. "jump in on him!" enoch cried as he rushed toward the man. "it is only necessary one of us shall get clear----" he ceased speaking as he was forced to halt. the tory brandished his weapon vigorously, holding open a space directly around him, and it was certain that the first who came within reach would be permanently disabled. "stay where you are!" the man shouted, furious with rage. "i will kill every one, and swear to those who come in search of you that i did so while defending myself against a murderous assault made without provocation!" "stand back from that staircase, and there will be no need of defending yourself! we only ask for an opportunity to leave this house." "that is what can't be done while i'm alive! do you suppose i don't know why you came? you have been sent ahead to spy out the condition of his majesty's troops, and shall never go back to make a report. keep your distance, i say!" jacob had endeavored to creep closer, thinking the tory was not looking at him, and barely escaped a murderous blow from the club. although master ludwick did not accomplish anything himself, he opened the way for another to do so, and the battle was soon ended. when the tory struck at jacob he put all his strength in the blow, and the impetus, as the weapon swung in the air meeting with no obstruction, caused him to reel and turn partially around. at that instant, while he was not in a position to defend himself, enoch flung the pistol as if it had been a rock, and, fortunately, hit the man full on the head. he fell like one suddenly stricken dead, and enoch shouted as he leaped over the prostrate body: "come on, boys! keep your clubs, for there's no telling whom we may meet downstairs!" at the same instant he seized his former weapon, and in two or three bounds was in the hall below. seth and jacob followed closely at his heels, and the latter at once set about unfastening the front door, which was not only locked, but bolted and barred. the noise of the conflict had alarmed the other inmates of the house, and they came running into the hall with loud screams. there was no man among them, and the boys breathed more freely. "keep back!" enoch cried sternly as seth and jacob worked at the well-fastened door. "we have fought only for our freedom, of which that man would have deprived us, and shall strike even a woman if she attempts to prevent our leaving!" "you have killed him!" some one shrieked, and the remainder of the group set up a series of the shrillest cries for help. "he isn't dead!" enoch shouted at the full strength of his lungs, forced thus to exert himself in order that his words might be heard. "he will recover his senses presently; but you are not to go to him yet," he added as two of the women attempted to pass him. "we don't intend to have another fight if it can be avoided, and it's better he lays where he is for awhile. can't you open the door, boys?" "there are more locks and bolts here than i ever saw before," seth replied nervously. "this house must be a regular castle when it is closed and properly defended." a second later, just when enoch was beginning to fear he would really be forced to carry out his threat and strike some of the females to prevent them from going up the stairs, jacob flung open the barrier. "come on!" he cried, leaping into the open air, and his comrades did not delay following his example. as they emerged the boys could see, far away to the right, a moving column of redcoats, and understood that the enemy was even then passing in force between this house and the town of mount holly. "it stands us in hand to hark back on our trail at the best pace possible, otherwise we may fall into the britishers' hands!" jacob cried, running at full speed in the direction from which they had come on the night previous. they surely had good reason to leave that neighborhood far in the rear without loss of time, for there was cause to fear that scouting parties of the enemy might make prisoners of them, and also that the tory, recovering from his wounds, would come in pursuit with a force sufficiently large to overpower them. "we should at least have brought pistols," jacob said ten minutes later, when they halted at the brow of a hill to regain breath. "the idea of scouting around where there are plenty of enemies, with nothing but a bedpost as a weapon." "we didn't have as much as that when we left camp," seth replied with a laugh. "i won't be caught in such a mess again, even if i am obliged to go against positive orders," and master ludwick was once more allowing his rage to become the master. "we are bound to obey orders, no matter what the command may be," enoch said earnestly. "but it is foolish to spend time in getting angry, when we've such a long road ahead of us. come on, boys, and now that we have so much of a start we can afford to walk instead of run; but must not halt again until we are in camp." it was destined, however, that the discomfited scouts should not be forced to make a long journey. after an hour's rapid traveling they were met by a squad of continental scouts, and told that general dickinson's force was bearing down on mount holly. "where is the general now?" seth asked anxiously. "not more than two miles in the rear. have you seen the enemy?" "the britishers are between here and the town." "did you see the whole force?" "we didn't stop for such a critical examination," seth replied grimly. "just at that time we were doing our best to escape from the house of a tory, where we'd been kept prisoners over night, and----" "was it a big building on the right-hand side of the road, with four poplar trees in front?" one of the men asked. "yes, and the door is painted green." "i know the house well. a rank tory by the name of plummer lives there, and i only hope we may be given orders to pay him a visit. i've had some dealings with that fellow myself." seth would have questioned the soldier as to what "dealings" he had had, but for the fact that enoch whispered: "we mustn't wait here to talk; the general will expect us to come to him as soon as possible." then, asking for and receiving more explicit directions as to where general dickinson would be found, the boys hurried forward, and, half an hour later, were detailing their experiences to the commander. "not very successful on your first scout, eh?" he said with a smile when the story was finished. "we have at least learned where the britishers are," seth replied grimly, "and, what is more, know that the man plummer is not a friend of the cause." "i think it will be a good idea to call on him when we have time. we shall bivouac here tonight, for the sun will set in less than an hour, and you boys are excused from further duty to-day. early to-morrow morning master ball will report to me personally." "i suppose that means i am to be sent back to the main army," enoch said just a trifle petulantly when they were so far away from general dickinson that he could not overhear the remark. "i had begun to hope i might be allowed to stay with you fellows." "it is better to be an aid on the commander-in-chief's staff than running around the country with the risk of being caught again as we were last night," jacob replied, and once more he was showing unmistakable signs of envy. "i had rather be with you, and have a chance to earn the sword you are always talking about. just think how i shall feel if i am sent riding back and forth over the country when a battle is going on." seth put an end to the conversation by insisting that they find a comfortable place in which to spend the night, and after he had seen to it that his horse was not suffering from lack of care, enoch was ready and willing to take advantage of the opportunity to sleep. the troops were awakened an hour before daylight next morning, and as the boys obeyed the summons to "turn out," they heard the more experienced soldiers talking about the fight which was imminent. "is there to be a battle?" enoch asked of a veteran. "hardly that yet awhile, lad; but we've been sent down here to harass the enemy, an' this 'ere early call looks as if we was about to begin our work. i reckon we can count mighty sartin on swappin' shots with the britishers before nightfall." "and i am to go back just when it is possible i might do something!" enoch exclaimed to his comrades, "you will have a chance to distinguish yourselves, while all i can do is to ride where there is no danger." "wait till you've seen as much service as i have, lad, an' then you'll bless your lucky stars that you're to be out of the scrimmage. it's well enough to talk 'bout the glory to be won on a battlefield while there's no enemy near; but when you see fifteen thousand or more agin your five or six hundred, the glory don't seem so great." master ludwick looked as if he agreed perfectly with this remark of the veteran's. enoch knew he was not warranted in standing there pouring forth his complaints when he had been ordered to report at headquarters, and after such a toilet as it was possible to make, he went to the general's camp. it seemed to his comrades that he had but just left them when he returned looking unusually glum. "what's the matter?" jacob asked. "ain't you going?" "that's just the trouble; i _am_ going, and with no time to spare. it's simply a case of carrying this letter, a job that could be done as well by any girl who can ride." "don't make so certain of that, my son," the veteran said with an admonitory shake of the head. "there's plenty of danger in scurryin' 'round the country now, when the redcoats are scouting in every direction, and if you are overhauled there's none to help you out. every man's duty is important in times like these, even though he may never so much as smell burning powder." enoch was silenced by this remark, and, after a hurried good-by to his comrades, set off in search of his horse. general dickinson ordered him to ride to valley forge, and knowing the general direction after crossing the river, he hastened on without remembering greene had told him the army had moved. the result of this carelessness was that he found the winter camp deserted, and was forced to ride further in search of information. after some difficulty he learned that general washington's force had been put in motion immediately after generals maxwell and dickinson left with orders to harass the enemy, and had intended to cross at coryell's ferry. it was not until the morning of the d that he entered the american camp at hopewell, and delivered the written message to the commander. general washington, who was riding away from the encampment, received the document without remark, and after reading it turned to one of his staff as if such a person as enoch had never existed. there was no opportunity for the boy to explain why he had been delayed, and he fell back to the rear of the officers, regretting more than ever that he was not a regularly enlisted private, serving in the same company with seth and jacob. "i ain't fit to do such work as this, and never should have tried," he muttered to himself. "here i am of about as much service as a second tail would be to a dog, and shall only bungle the next thing i am called upon to do, if indeed general washington is willing to trust me with anything else." "hello, lad! you're looking uncommonly glum this morning, even though you _are_ riding when the rest of us are obliged to foot it, and carry our own trunks in the bargain." a cry of glad surprise burst from enoch's lips as he saw, on turning, greene the spy. "what are you doing here?" he asked, reining in his horse and leaping to the ground. "trying to do my duty, though it ain't no ways pleasant while the weather is so scorching hot." "i didn't know you were in the ranks with the others." "why not? i'm only a private, even though i did work 'round philadelphia during the winter, and haven't succeeded in being given a place on the staff of the commander-in-chief." "that's exactly what was troubling me when you spoke," enoch cried. "i am not fit for such a place, and it's lucky i'm not really an aid. i can't even ride from one town to another without making a mistake." then enoch, glad of an opportunity to free his mind, told greene of all that had happened to him, and the latter said cheerily when the story was finished: "i don't understand you've got any good cause to complain. that you went to valley forge was dickinson's mistake, even though i did tell you the army had moved." "but general washington didn't even ask me why i was so long getting here, and most likely thinks i'm a regular fool." "i'll guarantee it hasn't so much as come into his mind, or you may be positive he'd said something. i allow you'll hear from it before night." "is the army to remain in camp?" "it seems that way; but it don't stand to reason we shall be idle very long. colonel daniel morgan and six hundred of his command were sent yesterday to reinforce maxwell, which looks like business, and i allow we shall all be headed for the britishers before we're many hours older. you say dickinson was getting ready for business when you left?" "that is what i heard. we were called an hour before daylight, and the men were not in line when i came away." "there's no question but that maxwell and dickinson will pepper clinton in good shape before his force gets very far on their way, and when everything is to general washington's liking we shall fall upon them." "but what am i to do in the meanwhile, mr. greene?" "stay where you are, and mess with me, if it so happens that you're not sent for to come to headquarters." "but i want to be in the ranks where i'll have a chance to help in the fighting." "my boy," and now greene was very grave, "don't fret; you'll have all of such work you could wish for, whether acting as aid or making a poor show as a private. it is your duty to take things as they come, without finding fault. let's get back to camp and see that your horse is fed, for there's no knowing how soon you may call on him for a spell of hard work." general washington and his staff had disappeared in the distance, and enoch acted upon the spy's advice at once. the horse was given a generous breakfast, and while he was eating it the boy sat down by the side of the spy to hear what the latter had been doing since the two parted at general arnold's headquarters. "it isn't much of a story, lad. my work in philadelphia being finished, i came back here to rejoin my company, but found they had left camp, therefore am forced to hang on with the others until we overtake general dickinson, which i'm hoping we shall do before the battle----" "is this the boy who brought a message from dickinson?" an officer asked as he came toward the two rapidly. "it is," greene replied. "he is wanted at headquarters immediately." the officer turned on his heel, having discharged his duty, and the spy said triumphantly to enoch: "what did i tell you, lad? it seems you haven't been forgotten yet. go on, and i'll wait here in order to see you before you leave us again, for i allow your work as aid isn't finished." chapter xviii. preparing for action. when enoch presented himself at headquarters the sentry saluted and stood aside for him to pass into the tent, and perhaps for the first time since he had been attached to general washington's staff, however informally, he felt a certain sense of pride at being thus received. when enoch entered he found general washington and several of his officers discussing the probable intentions of the enemy. "there can be no question, gentlemen, but that he intended to pass through new brunswick, as was indicated by the fact that on the morning of the evacuation the parole was 'jersey,' and the countersign 'brunswick.' it is, in my opinion, evident that our movements have caused him to change his intended route, or it may be that the necessarily slow advance of such an immense train, where bridges and causeways must be built over streams and marshes, induces general clinton to believe it would be dangerous to make further effort toward carrying out his intentions. i regret that you have decided against the hazard of a general engagement." "if your excellency pleases, i would like to state why i am opposed to any interference at present with the enemy," an officer who was seated near washington said courteously. "i think, general lee, you have already defined your position plainly," the commander-in-chief replied. "you believe the enemy is still too strong for us; that his troops are so far superior to ours that even though we outnumber him, we have no right to engage." "i believe, sir, that continued annoyance of the enemy by detachments is our proper course, and my belief is shared by at least six general officers." "very true, sir. and in favor of a battle there are only generals greene, wayne, lafayette and myself. it is known that general morgan has gained the rear of the british right flank, and maxwell is willing to put in on their left. i propose, therefore, to add to that force fifteen hundred picked men under general charles scott, and one thousand under wayne; the combined force to be in the command of general lafayette." it was as if washington had not observed enoch's entrance until this moment. turning to the boy, he said: "you will ride with all speed to such point as it will be possible to communicate with generals maxwell and dickinson. show them this memoranda, and say i expect they will make most active interference with the enemy. you will have seen both these generals by morning, and are to return at once to kingston on the millstone river, where we shall bivouac. commit to memory the lines here written, and should you be in the least danger of capture, destroy this paper immediately. were you detained by the enemy after leaving general dickinson?" "the general sent my two friends with me on a scout near mount holly, and we were made prisoners by a tory whose name i understand is plummer. we succeeded in escaping within twenty-four hours, but when i left general dickinson i understood i was to go directly to valley forge, therefore was delayed." general lee questioned enoch sharply as to his adventures in the house of the tory, and the boy, remembering what had been told him regarding that officer, fancied he was better acquainted with plummer than he would have it appear. on leaving headquarters enoch went directly to where he last saw greene, and since nothing had been said relative to keeping his proposed movements a secret, told the spy what he had been ordered to do, mentioning also general lee's evident interest in the tory who would have made prisoners of the scouts. "there is no question in my mind but that lee is better acquainted and more in sympathy with people of plummer's class than with those who are friends to the cause, and i predict general washington will be convinced, before many days have passed, that the officer next in rank to him is not as good an american as he should be." enoch waited only long enough to inquire regarding the most direct roads, and then, with such rations in his pocket as greene thought necessary, he began the journey. acting under the spy's advice he rode directly to trenton, and from there, after making inquiries, continued on toward allentown, overtaking general dickinson's command at nightfall. on this occasion he had no opportunity for an interview with either jacob or seth. he saw the latter as he rode up; but there was no time to speak with him, since his first duty was to deliver the message, and when that had been done he learned it was necessary to continue on four miles further in order to find general maxwell. it was nightfall when he gained an interview with this last-named officer, and half an hour later was dismissed with orders to remain in camp until morning. had he followed his own inclinations he would have returned to spend the night with his comrades; but the instructions were positive, and he understood that personal desires were not to be considered under such circumstances. during the short evening spent in this camp he learned that general clinton had turned to the right on the road leading to monmouth court house,[g] and it was believed among the men that his intentions were to march to sandy hook, from which point he could embark his troops for new york. "the britishers will find themselves in a hornets' nest when they get into monmouth county," one of the elder soldiers said to enoch, after telling him of the evident change of route. "devil david, as they call general forman, is in that section of the country, and sir henry clinton will learn that he well deserves his name." "do you think we shall have a battle there?" "i hope it'll come somewhere near, although i can't say that section of the country is the best in the world for our purpose. if general washington strikes a blow now, we shall give the britishers a lesson, don't you fear. but he never will do it if lee can persuade him to the contrary, for i hold that man to be a britisher at heart, who does all he can to avoid inflicting punishment on the king's men." then the soldier told enoch how the new jersey troops had been employed during the past three days, harassing the enemy on their march, and when his recital was finished the young aid sought such rest as could be obtained on the bare ground under the shelter of the pine trees. on the following morning general maxwell gave enoch a written message to be delivered to the commander-in-chief, as he said: "you had better read it, lad, in order to be able to repeat the substance in case it is taken from you. you will proceed at once to general dickinson; show him what i have written, and ask if he has anything to add. then go without delay to the main army. i understand they will be at kingston to-morrow, therefore you will have ample time to reach them." as enoch rode slowly toward where he had last seen general dickinson's forces he had good opportunity to read the message he was to carry, and thus learned that it was simply a detailed account of what had been done by the new jersey troops since clinton left mount holly. the soldier with whom he talked on the previous night had told him the same thing in substance, and he had no question but that he should be able to repeat the more important portions of it in case the document was lost. general dickinson's force was on the march when he rode up, and his interview with that officer was brief. "there is nothing i wish to add to general maxwell's report, and you may turn back at once." enoch obeyed, riding directly past jacob and seth, but not daring to draw rein. "where are you bound for?" jacob shouted, and he replied with a single word: "kingston." "is general washington there?" some one in the ranks cried, and enoch replied: "he will be to-morrow." then a hearty cheer went up from the men, for they now knew the commander-in-chief was moving nearer the enemy, and all understood this as indicating that a general engagement would follow. there was little need for such a precaution as reading general maxwell's message. the young aid was not molested on his journey, and on the night of the th applied for lodgings at a dwelling in kingston, believing it would be wiser to remain there until general washington should come up, than push on with the chances of missing the command on the road. it was at the house of an ardent patriot, who was serving in the continental army, that enoch slept, and after the sun rose next morning he had not long to wait before delivering the message. "you will accompany us on the march, my boy," general washington said as he glanced hurriedly over the report, and enoch, thus dismissed, fell back to the rear until he found greene. "it begins to look as if we shouldn't miss a general engagement, lad," the spy said gleefully, "though i don't doubt lee will do all he can to prevent it. are you at liberty to tell me anything?" "i know very little myself, except that the britishers are said to be on the road to sandy hook." "then we shall come up with them for certain. devil david won't allow clinton to march through monmouth county unmolested." "but how can general lee prevent an engagement, if the commander-in-chief desires one?" enoch asked. "in the first place he's second in command, and his opinion should have more weight than that of the others. last night a thousand men under general wayne were detailed to join the advance corps now in command of lafayette, which gives him four thousand picked soldiers. it seems that lee, who by right should have command of that division, being opposed to a general engagement, allowed the marquis de lafayette to take his place, and, as we all know, the frenchman believes in tackling the enemy without delay. now it seems, as i have heard, that lee has changed his mind suddenly, and asks to be reinstated, which of course can't be done with justice to the marquis; but, to keep things moving smoothly, general washington has given lee command of two brigades, with orders to join lafayette, and there, as you can imagine, his rank will entitle him to supreme command. i doubt not but that you will see the marquis soon." "why?" "in my opinion the commander-in-chief must give lafayette some reason for allowing lee to join him, after all that has been said and done, and i reckon you are the aid who can best be spared just now. what have the new jersey troops been doing?" while enoch was detailing to his friend that which he had learned from the soldier during the night he spent with general maxwell's forces, an orderly rode back, inquiring for the boy who had just come from the front, and when the young aid presented himself, announced that the commander-in-chief wished to see him. "is your horse fresh?" general washington asked when enoch rode up. "yes, sir." "then you will take this letter to the marquis de lafayette, who is, or will be by the time you arrive, at cranberry. this is purely a personal matter, and you will present the letter without ostentation. be discreet during the journey, for although i do not anticipate your meeting the enemy between here and that point, it is not impossible there may be scouting parties out." there was apparently no reason why enoch should return to where he had left his friend greene, and he set off without delay, riding during the remainder of the day, and at nightfall was standing in front of general lafayette's quarters--a dilapidated house on the easterly side of the small settlement of cranberry. asking for an interview on the plea of important business, and taking good care not to mention the fact that he was a messenger from the commander-in-chief, enoch was admitted at a time when the marquis was alone, and, therefore, had no difficulty in giving him the letter privately. the marquis read it carefully, appeared alternately surprised and disappointed, and finally asked: "are you on general washington's staff, my boy?" "his excellency was so kind as to say that i should consider myself in that position; but it was only done, when i brought the news of the evacuation, in order that i might have no trouble in getting rations for myself and horse." "it seems that you still occupy that position?" "yes, sir, and the reason, i suppose, is that my services are required; but i am not really an aid." "you come very nearly being so, it would seem. what were you ordered to do after delivering this letter." "there were no orders given, sir." "then you will remain here in case i should have occasion to communicate with his excellency. you will mess with my staff." "would you have any objections, sir, to my finding a place among the soldiers?" "for what reason?" "i shall feel more at home there, sir, for it is really where i belong; but the horse i have ridden should be----" "he shall be cared for by my servants. turn him over to them, and do as you choose, so far as your personal comforts are concerned." as one who had just come from the main army enoch was welcomed by the men, and had no difficulty in finding quarters for the night. on the following morning the heat was most intense. the scouts, who brought in the report that the british had halted at monmouth court house, complained bitterly of the sufferings to be endured on the sandy roads under the sun's fervent rays, and but little was done by the advance division of the continental army. on this evening the clouds gathered, but the intense heat was not abated, and it seemed absolutely impossible the men could move from their posts. enoch remained in camp during the day and night, suffering severely from the sultriness of the air, and wondering whether it would be possible for men to fight under that glaring sun, even though the enemy should give them every opportunity. on the morning of the th the welcome rain began to fall, but the camp was astir early, enoch remaining near general lafayette, expecting each moment to receive orders to return to the main army. instead of that, however, the troops moved forward, he following as a matter of course, and no halt was made until they bivouacked at englishtown, a small settlement about five miles west of monmouth court house. at noon word was brought in that clinton had changed the disposition of his line, placing the baggage train in front, under command of general knyphausen, and the grenadiers, light infantry, and chasseurs of the line (his best troops) in the rear. he was encamped in a strong position, secured on nearly every side by marshy grounds and heavy woods. his line extended on the right about half a mile beyond the courthouse to the parting of the road leading to shrewsbury and middleton, and on the left along the road from monmouth and allenton, about three miles. hardly had this information been brought when general lee with two brigades joined lafayette, and the word was passed around the camp that the officer whom all believed to be a traitor to the cause had assumed command of the entire division, now amounting to about five thousand men. almost immediately after this arrival enoch received his long-expected orders. he was summoned by lafayette and charged to ride back on the road at full speed to acquaint general washington with the facts of the situation, which were plainly detailed to him by the marquis himself. the journey was destined to be a short one, for when he had ridden three miles enoch found the main army encamping, and made his report to the commander-in-chief while that officer sat upon his horse, observing with interest the movements of his men. "you will report to me at sunset," the general said curtly when enoch ceased speaking, and the latter rode away to find greene. "we're close up to them, lad," the spy cried joyfully as the young aid dismounted and began to care for his horse. "we're close up to them, and it won't be many hours before we shall have a fair chance to show what continental soldiers can do when the odds are somewhere near even. this rain is a godsend, for if it hadn't come i doubt whether it would be possible for men to march in such heat." "but could a battle be fought while it is so hot?" "you'll find, lad, that nothing short of a heavy rain will stop anything of that kind. when men set out to kill each other, the weather makes little difference, unless it is such as spoils the powder. where are the britishers by this time?" "at monmouth court house, so the report is, and prepared for battle." "i allow, then, they're in about the same condition we are, and the general officers who argued against engagements must now hold their tongues or set themselves down as cowards. the only thing that's giving me worry is the fact that lee is in advance." "and has assumed command of the division," enoch added. "that was to be expected, and if he has his way the britishers will keep on to the coast unmolested; but i'll allow he won't dare be very bold in trying to hold us back. what orders have you for the rest of the day?" "i am to report at headquarters at sunset." "good, lad, good!" greene exclaimed, clapping him vigorously on the shoulder. "do you know what that means?" "i suppose it is because i am needed." "yes, lad, you're right; but you're to be needed because the commander-in-chief believes the time for the battle is near at hand. when you are ordered off again, it'll be to carry word for some division to make a decided advance. that i predict, and you'll find i'm not far out of the way. leave me to take care of your horse, and i'll see he's ready for service whenever you need him." "if you are right, then i'm not to go into battle as a soldier." "but you're to be there just the same, lad, and what's more, have a better chance of seeing and knowing all that's going on than the rest of us. don't fret because you won't have a musket in your hands. the man in the ranks knows precious little of what's being done, except directly in front of him. i'd give a full year of my life if i could be in your place during the next forty-eight hours." "i wish you might be there, and i could join seth and enoch." "never you mind them; they'll give a good account of themselves, i'll warrant. now that master ludwick has got over his disappointment at not receiving a commission when he wasn't fit even to be a private, he'll fight as gallantly as an older man. the rest of us must lay still till the time for action comes; but you have the advantage of knowing all that's being done, and if you can pass me a word at any time, lad, when some decisive movement is to be made, i wish you would." it seemed as if greene never could tire of discussing the situation, and the probable outcome of a general engagement. while enoch would have been pleased to converse on some other subject, the spy continued his predictions for the future until the day was spent, and the setting sun warned the young aid that it was time to report for duty. "i must go now," he said, interrupting greene in his explanation of how the engagement would begin and how end. "so you must, lad, and i've been babbling here like an old man, on a matter regarding which i knew very little, when it comes to facts. take care of yourself--i'm not afraid but that you'll be brave enough; the only danger is you'll be foolhardy--and remember to keep me posted if it so be you can without betraying confidence." then enoch, assuring himself his horse was well cared for, went toward general washington's quarters. footnote: [g] now freehold. chapter xix. a friendly warning. arriving at headquarters, enoch attracted but little attention. the staff officers were discussing the information which had been brought in from different sources, and speculating upon the probable events of the coming day; but no one gave any heed to the young aid. thus it was that the boy learned, without the necessity of asking questions, the different opinions of the continental officers regarding the advisability of attacking general clinton and his well-organized, well-disciplined, and thoroughly-seasoned troops. now and then washington joined in the conversation; but as a rule he remained apart from the others, as if in deep study, oftentimes neglecting to answer a question, and enoch noticed that his apparent preoccupation occurred more often when his opinion was asked concerning some point upon which his officers were divided in opinion. twice during the evening the commander-in-chief dispatched an aid to some division, but gave no heed whatever to enoch, and the boy began to fancy that the general had forgotten the order relative to reporting at sunset. it was nearly nine o'clock in the evening when the commander-in-chief, turning to the officer nearest him, said: "major, will you oblige me by riding to general lee's quarters, and saying to him it is my desire he shall have his troops ready to move at a moment's notice?" the officer bowed and left the tent, and then it was as if the commander but had just seen enoch. "you were ordered to report at sunset, my lad." "so i did, sir, and have been here ever since." "it may be necessary to keep you on duty all night. roll yourself in one of those blankets, and lie down." enoch had no desire to sleep; but this was neither more nor less than a command, and he obeyed. lying on the ground at the edge of the tent, behind the camp-table, he would easily escape observation. but the novelty of his surroundings, the fact that officers were entering and leaving the tent almost constantly, and the belief that a battle was imminent--would, perhaps, be fought on the morrow--drove from his eyelids the desire for slumber, and he was an interested observer of all that occurred around him. couriers were coming in from the different divisions, bearing messages which required immediate answers, and washington was sending out aids in every direction to gather information concerning his own troops and the movements of the enemy. not until nearly midnight was the tent free from visitors, and then the commander-in-chief began to write, using certain memoranda enoch had observed him making during the day, in the preparation of what were evidently official documents. it was while general washington was thus employed, apparently to the exclusion of everything else, and the silence which ensued was profound as compared with the confusion of an hour previous, that sleep was beginning to weigh upon the young aid's eyelids, when he heard a gruff "who goes there?" from the sentinel on duty, and then the reply: "i am dr. griffith, chaplain and surgeon of the virginia line, on business highly important to the commander-in-chief." there was a brief delay, after which enoch heard a call for the officer of the guard. when that soldier arrived the boy heard the visitor repeat his words, receiving as answer: "it is impossible, sir, absolutely impossible. my orders are positive; the general cannot be seen on any account." "present, sir, my humble duty to his excellency, and tell him that dr. griffith waits on him with secret and important intelligence, and craves an audience of only five minutes' duration." this conversation could be plainly distinguished by those within the tent, but so engrossed was the commander with his writing that he apparently heard no word of it. he looked up in surprise, not unmingled with disapprobation, when the officer of the guard entered. the visitor's message was repeated, and the commander-in-chief said almost impatiently: "admit him, major; admit him." enoch believed that he ought not to remain if the business to be transacted was "secret;" but general washington's orders had been for him to lie in that place, and he did not dare suggest that he should retire. the visitor entered hurriedly, and with no slight confusion. he was dressed in civilian's garb, but gave a soldierly salute, and introduced himself by repeating that which he had told the sentinel: "i am, your excellency, dr. griffith, chaplain and surgeon of the virginia line, and apologize for my intrusion, which would be unwarranted but for information which has come to me in strictest confidence. my informants are men of the highest character as citizens and patriots, and they have stated positively that, of their own knowledge, general lee has made such arrangements with clinton that he will avoid any serious engagement to-morrow, if it be possible. i am convinced of the correctness of this statement, your excellency, and beg you will give it your closest attention." then saluting, and without waiting for a reply, dr. griffith left the tent. general washington remained motionless as if in deep thought, until enoch began to fancy he had fallen asleep, and was startled when the commander said sharply: "are you awake, my boy?" "i am, sir," and enoch rose to his feet. "you have shown yourself to be a lad of keen perception, quick to understand what others might fail to believe of importance. the communication which you heard made was of a confidential nature. it is never to be repeated!" enoch bowed; but did not reply. "you are to ride at once to general lee's quarters, and tell him that it is my desire he shall have a small body of troops stationed very near the british line to observe their movements, and give immediate notice if there is any indication on their part of resuming the march. should this last occur they are to skirmish with the enemy in order that our army may move into position, and general lee will report to me instantly he learns of any movement. you will also tell him that you are directed by me to give the same order to generals maxwell and dickinson. let me know if you thoroughly understand my meaning." enoch repeated almost verbatim the words of the commander. "that is correct. carry out the instructions with all possible haste, and report to me how the orders have been received. in other words, you will observe carefully the apparent effect which the command has upon the several gentlemen. call the officer of the guard." enoch obeyed by going just outside the tent and speaking to the sentinel. then he returned, and a moment later the officer entered. "major," general washington said, "this boy will be passed into my tent to-night at whatever hour he may appear." the officer saluted and withdrew. "now go, my boy, and do not spare your horse." in half an hour from the time he left headquarters, enoch was halted by the sentinel in front of general lee's tent. "a messenger from the commander-in-chief," he announced, "with orders to speak with general lee at once." five minutes later he was repeating general washington's words to the officer who was suspected by many of not only being lukewarm toward the cause, but absolutely an enemy to it, and he fancied the command he brought was received with anything rather than satisfaction. twice during that brief time did lee interrupt him to inquire if he was repeating the commander-in-chief's exact words, and when he said that his orders were to deliver the same message to generals maxwell and dickinson, the general asked sharply: "does his excellency think i have no aids in camp?" "i don't know as to that, sir. i am only explaining to you my orders, as i was told to do." "you may say to general washington that his commands will be obeyed at once," lee replied after a short pause, and intimated that the interview was at an end by turning his back upon enoch. it was necessary the boy should linger in camp several moments in order to learn the exact whereabouts of the other detachments; but once this had been done, he set off at full speed, and twenty minutes later reined in his horse as a familiar voice cried: "halt! who goes there?" "a messenger from the commander-in-chief to general dickinson. why, is that you, seth?" "i ought to be pretty certain of the fact after tramping up and down here for the last two hours," master graydon replied grimly as enoch leaped from his horse. "i shall be off duty in ten minutes, though, which is more than you can say, i reckon, even if you _are_ an aid to the commander-in-chief." "now, seth, don't keep ringing the changes on that. you know i want to be with you and jacob; but there doesn't seem much chance of accomplishing my purpose before the battle." "then you believe we are really to have one?" "i think it is bound to come to-morrow." "but to-morrow is sunday," seth exclaimed, as if doubting whether armies would meet in conflict on the sabbath. "i don't believe they keep run of the days of the week in a time of war. where are general maxwell's quarters?" "he hasn't had any to speak of for quite a spell. if you want to see him, though, he was lying under the same tree with general dickinson when i saw him last." "will you call the officer of the guard?" "what for?" "i want to speak with the generals." "well, why don't you go ahead and do it? i know you are on general washington's staff, and so it will be all right." "it might for me, but not for you, seth. i don't think a private soldier is allowed to decide even in such a case as this. to save yourself trouble you had better call the officer of the guard." master graydon thought this a needless formality; but he followed his friend's advice, and during the short time which elapsed before that official made his appearance, enoch asked: "where can i see you and seth a few minutes before i leave?" "are you going right away again?" "just as soon as i deliver my message, and that may take ten or fifteen minutes." "if i am relieved before then, jacob and i will find you. say, do you know general dickinson sent a squad down to the house where we were made prisoners, and i reckon they didn't use the tory very softly. he's here in camp under guard, and i heard he was likely to get it pretty rough after what he did to us." "then the blow from the pistol didn't do him any serious damage?" "i reckon he knew he got it, for his head is tied up, and he tried to make the soldiers think he was so near dead he couldn't be moved." the arrival of the officer of the guard put an end to the conversation, and after stating the purpose of his visit, enoch was escorted to where the two generals lay on the ground as seth had described. by them his message was received far differently than it had been by lee. "you may assure his excellency that we will be on the alert," maxwell replied promptly, and dickinson said, in a tone of approbation: "this begins to look like business. we can now have some idea of general washington's intentions." then both arose to their feet to carry out the order given, and enoch was left to his own devices. not only jacob and seth, but greene the spy, met the young aid just as he had mounted his horse preparatory to returning, and enoch was plied with questions as to the whereabouts and disposition of the main army. general dickinson, who was standing near by, gave orders for a certain number of men to move nearer the british lines, and greene said in a matter-of-fact tone as he heard it: "i reckon that's owing to the word you brought, lad. it means business, and no mistake. lee will have to show his cloven foot if he succeeds in preventing an engagement during the next twenty-four hours." "it doesn't seem possible he could, or would dare to try anything of the kind," enoch replied in a whisper. "he will dare, i have no question; but whether he can or not, while every officer and man in the army is eager to try conclusions with the britishers, is another matter. i allow we shall have hot work to-morrow, boys, and if it so be, enoch, that you pass anywhere near us, pull up to give the latest news, for you are likely to see a good bit of the engagement. now, move on, my boy, for you have no right to loiter here when your orders were to return at once." seth and jacob reached up to clasp their comrade's hands, for all knew they might never meet again in this world, but greene cried sharply: "none of that, lads; no bidding good-by to each other because we're on the eve of a battle. say 'godspeed,' and let enoch go." thus was avoided that which might have unnerved all three for the time being, and master ball rode away through the darkness, feeling that he was of service to the cause even though he might not stand before the enemy with a musket in his hand. it was nearly three o'clock when enoch again entered the headquarters tent, and found general washington still busily engaged with his writing. without waiting for questions he reported how, to the best of his observation, the order was received by the generals, but the commander-in-chief made no comment. "lie down again, boy, and sleep if you can. wait! has your horse been cared for?" "no, sir, i left him just outside the tent." "then see that he is fed. you may not have another opportunity for some hours." enoch spent no little time in grooming the animal that had carried him so swiftly and steadily, and was still engaged in the work when a soldier came up hurriedly: "the general wants to see you at once." hastening back to headquarters enoch found the tent filled with officers, and from their conversation understood that general dickinson had sent a courier to report to the commander-in-chief that the enemy had commenced their march. the boy waited several moments before washington ceased giving commands to those around him, and then turning to enoch he said abruptly: "ride with all speed to general lee, and order him to move forward and attack the enemy unless powerful reasons should prevail. tell him the entire army have thrown their packs aside, and are advancing to his support. ride, lad, ride hard, and return to me when your work has been accomplished." enoch obeyed, and once more was dashing across the country, this time in such excitement as to be hardly aware of what he did, for he understood that the battle was about to begin. he found general lee asleep, and the officer of the guard at first refused to awaken him; but enoch understood how important it was the order should be delivered without loss of time, and insisted as peremptorily as an experienced soldier might have done, upon being allowed to repeat his message at once. the order was received quietly--enoch fancied with disapprobation--and the only reply given was: "say to the commander-in-chief that his instructions shall be followed to the letter." then without delay the boy rode back at full speed, passing on his way several brigades which were being hurried forward, and finding general washington where he had left him, still in consultation with his officers. during several hours was the young aid forced to remain inactive, and regarding this time, and the movements which were being made, the details can best be described by quoting from an article in _harper's magazine_, : "june th was the sabbath.... the day was the hottest of the year. at dawn general knyphausen began to march with the first division of the british army, which included the german troops, the 'hessians,' and the pennsylvania and maryland loyalists. clinton with the other division--the flower of the army--did not move until eight o'clock, for general lee was so tardy in obeying the order of washington that the enemy had ample time to prepare for battle. "when dickinson gave notice of knyphausen's movement the main body of the americans began to move immediately. colonel grayson, with his own regiment leading the brigades of scott and varnum, had passed the freehold meeting-house, nearly three miles from monmouth court house, before he received orders from lee to push forward and attack the enemy. the aid who brought the order advised grayson to halt, for he had heard on the way that the main body of the british army were moving to attack the americans. general dickinson had received the same information, which he communicated to lee, when the latter pushed forward with his staff across a narrow causeway near the parsonage, and joined dickinson upon the height close by. while he was endeavoring to unravel the conflicting intelligence, lafayette arrived at the head of the advanced troops. "lee's whole command, exclusive of morgan's sharpshooters and the new jersey militia, now numbered about four thousand men. the broken country was heavily wooded up to the elevated plain of monmouth. lee, satisfied that no important force of the enemy was on either flank, pressed forward under cover of the forest, and formed a portion of his line for action near some open fields. then, with wayne and others, he reconnoitered the enemy. they saw what they supposed to be a covering party of the british about two thousand strong. wayne was detached with seven hundred men and two field-pieces to attack their rear. meanwhile lee, with a stronger force, endeavored, by a short road leading to the left, to gain the front of the party, while small detachments, concealed in the woods, annoyed their flanks. "it was now nine o'clock in the morning. just as wayne was preparing to make the attack, a party of american light-horsemen, advancing, were directed to make a feigned assault upon some british dragoons seen upon an eminence, and, by retreating, draw them into a position to be received by wayne. the maneuver was partially successful. the dragoons followed until fired upon by a party under colonel butler, ambushed on the edge of a wood, when they wheeled and fled toward the main army. wayne ordered colonel oswald, who was in command of his field-pieces, to cross a morass, plant them on an eminence, and open fire on the retreating dragoons, while he should press forward and attack them with the bayonet. wayne was prosecuting the maneuver with vigor at a point about three-fourths of a mile eastward of the courthouse, with a prospect of full success, when he received an order from lee to make only a feigned attack, and not to press on too precipitately, as it might frustrate his plan for cutting off the covering party. wayne was exasperated; but he obeyed, only to be disappointed, for lee really did nothing. "at that moment clinton was informed that the americans were marching on both his flanks to capture his baggage-train. to avert the danger he changed the front of his army, and prepared to attack wayne with so much vigor that the armies on the british flanks would be compelled to fly to the succor of that officer. a large body of royal troops approached lee's right, when lafayette, perceiving that a good opportunity was offered to gain the rear of the enemy, rode quickly up to lee, and asked his permission to attempt the maneuver. lee replied: "'sir, you do not know british soldiers; we cannot stand against them. we shall certainly be driven back at first, and we must be cautious.' "the marquis replied: "'that may be, general; but british soldiers have been beaten, and they may be beaten again; i am disposed to make the trial.' "lee so far yielded as to order lafayette to wheel his column and attack the enemy's left. at the same time he weakened wayne's detachment on the left by ordering the regiments of wesson, stewart, and livingston to support the right. then he rode to oswald's battery to reconnoiter, when he saw a large portion of the british army marching back on the middletown road toward the courthouse. apparently disconcerted, he ordered his right to fall back. the brigades of scott and maxwell on the left were already moving forward toward the right of the royal forces, who were pushing steadily on in solid phalanx toward the position occupied by lee, with the apparent design of gaining wayne's rear and attacking the american right at the same time. "general scott now left the wood, crossed the morass, and was forming for action on the plain, and maxwell was preparing to do the same, when lee ordered the former to re-enter the wood and await further orders. when scott perceived the retrograde movement on the right, mistaking the spirit of lee's orders, he recrossed the morass and retreated toward freehold meeting-house, followed by maxwell. when lee was informed of this movement he ordered lafayette to fall back to monmouth court house. the marquis did so with reluctance, and was mortified to find that a general retreat had begun on the right under the immediate command of lee, and he was obliged to follow. the british pursued as far as the courthouse, and halted, while the americans pressed on across the morass near the house of mr. carr, to the heights of freehold, and halted. the heat was intense, and in many places the soldiers sank ankle-deep in the burning sand. the royal troops soon followed, and lee, instead of making a bold stand in his advantageous position on the eminence, renewed his retreat toward freehold meeting-house. this produced a panic among the american troops, and they fled in great confusion in the wooded and broken country, many of them perishing as they pressed over the narrow causeway to cross the broad morass. others, struck down by the heat, were trampled to death in the sand. at first both parties kept up a rambling cannonade; soon nothing was heard but a few musket-shots and the loud shouts of the pursuers. "lafayette, who knew lee's ambition to supersede washington in command of his army, had watched his movements all the morning with anxiety, for he was satisfied that lee was either cowardly or treacherous." during all this time enoch had remained inactive, standing with the bridle of his horse in his hand, ready to ride off at a moment's warning, and with the sounds of the conflict ringing in his ears. it seemed to him cruel that he should be deprived of the opportunity of striking a blow for the cause at a time when he knew men were needed; but general washington, calm and collected, had given no heed to the excited boy who remained almost at his elbow. suddenly the commander-in-chief turned, and said sharply: "ride forward, lad, and ask general lafayette if he can send me any information." gladly enoch obeyed this command, and regardless of possible danger urged his horse steadily ahead, stopping from time to time to ask of the different troops where the marquis could be found. it seemed to him as if he had been an hour performing the journey, although in reality it was hardly more than ten minutes, when he drew rein in front of lafayette, and, saluting, said: "general washington wishes information as to the movements of the enemy." the marquis, looking anxious and troubled, glanced around him for an instant as if trying to decide what words had best be used, and said hurriedly: "tell general washington that his presence here is of the utmost importance, for in my opinion it is absolutely necessary he himself direct the movements. ride hard, boy; there is not a moment to be lost." chapter xx. the victors. enoch obeyed general lafayette's order at the best speed of his horse, and, arriving at that point where the commander-in-chief was directing the movements of his men, the young aid, breathless and excited, repeated that which the marquis had said. the words were hardly spoken, and washington had had no opportunity for comment, when a horseman, riding hard, his steed covered with foam, spurred up to the group of officers, and saluting the commander, said hurriedly: "i am sent by general lee to say that all is well with the advance corps; success is certain." then, saluting, this second messenger rode away, leaving washington and his staff gazing at each other in something very nearly approaching bewilderment. either lee or lafayette was mistaken in his estimate of the condition of affairs. the opinion of one of these gentlemen must be correct, and the fate of the battle depended upon the decision which the commander-in-chief should arrive at concerning the reliability of the two officers. it seemed to enoch as if this second message deliberately gave him the lie. he felt positive general lafayette had only the good of the american cause at heart, and because of that told him by greene, in addition to what he had heard dr. griffith say, he believed lee simply awaited an opportunity to show himself a traitor. washington remained silent while one might have counted twenty, and then turning to the aid nearest, said calmly: "tell general greene[h] to press forward to the church, and prevent the turning of that flank of the army." as the aid rode hurriedly away the commander directed that the left wing of the army march toward lee's rear, in order to support the latter, and enoch noted that as soon as the different divisions received such instructions, the men, understanding quite as well as their leaders what it meant, went forward in the best of spirits, regardless of the terrific heat which thus far had been nearly as fatal as the bullets. before these last orders could be fully carried out, a horseman in civilian's dress was seen making his way among the troops from the direction of the front, and did not slacken pace until he was within a dozen yards of general washington. then he cried excitedly: "the advance corps is retreating in a most cowardly manner!" "what did you say, sir?" washington demanded, spurring his horse forward. "i said, your excellency, that the advance corps of the army is retreating in most shameful disorder, and without cause. the formation is lost, and it is simply a rabble that is bearing down on the main army, frightened almost beyond control by their own officers rather than because of any advantage gained by the enemy!" "who are you, sir?" "dr. thomas henderson, of this village." general washington struck the spurs deep into his horse as he dashed forward, his staff following closely behind, and with them, as a matter of course, was enoch. the boy, who had believed when he spoke with lafayette that the continentals were at least holding their own, was now plunged into the deepest grief, for he fancied that the retreat once begun, meant defeat for the entire army. the young aid was within a dozen yards of the commander-in-chief, when, on arriving at a point about halfway between the meeting-house and the morass, the head of the first retreating column was met. "halt your men on that eminence!" general washington cried to the commanding officer, not slackening his pace. "halt, i say, sir, and get them into order!" across the causeway to the rear of the flying column the commander dashed, and there, at the head of the second division of retreating forces, was seen general lee. by this time enoch was forty or fifty yards in the rear of the staff; but he heard washington cry in a loud, angry voice to the man who was responsible for this disgraceful flight: "sir, i desire to know what is the reason, and whence came this disorder and confusion?" enoch could not distinguish general lee's reply; he saw from the face of the man, and understood by his gestures, that he retorted harshly, and it was evident to the boy that the commander-in-chief and the officer next him in rank indulged in angry words, after which washington wheeled his horse into the midst of the retreating troops until he had rallied a portion of them. enoch pressed forward as if aware of the fact that his services were soon to be needed, and, observing him, washington cried: "ride with all speed to colonel oswald, and order him to plant his cannon on the brow of that hill. tell him to use his pieces with energy upon the enemy." in an incredibly short space of time the battery was pouring forth its iron hail, and the pursuing foe was checked. an eye-witness of the battle writes regarding the incidents immediately following the arrival of general washington at the scene of the disorder: "the presence of the commander-in-chief inspired the troops with such confidence and courage that within ten minutes after he appeared the retreat was suspended, and order brought out of confusion. stewart and ramsey formed their regiments under cover of the wood, and with oswald, kept the enemy at bay. "washington rode fearlessly in the storm of missiles hurled by the british grenadiers and artillerists; and when his army was arranged in battle order before the foe, he rode back to lee, and, pointing to the rallied troops, said: "'will you, sir, command in that place?' "'i will,' eagerly exclaimed lee, for his treachery had utterly failed. "'then,' said washington, 'i expect you to check the enemy immediately.' "'your command shall be obeyed,' said lee, 'and i will not be the first to leave the field.' "he fulfilled his promise. "with wondrous expedition washington now put the confused ranks of his main army in battle order. lord stirling commanded the left wing, posted on an eminence on the western side of the morass, while general greene took an advantageous position on the left of stirling. a warm cannonade had commenced between the american and british artillery on the right of stewart and ramsey, while the royal light-horse charged furiously upon the right of lee's division. the enemy pressed so closely with an overwhelming force that the americans were compelled to give way at that point. then the british attacked ramsey's regiment and varnum's brigade, which lined the hedgerow over the morass, and there the battle raged furiously for awhile, american cannon placed in the rear of the fence doing great execution." enoch sat on his horse directly behind general washington as the furious charge of the british cavalry and infantry was made, and when the continental troops were forced to retreat across the morass, he believed once more that defeat was certain. his courage revived, however, as he saw the men forming in line later, and noted with satisfaction that washington's face was calm and serene when general lee rode up to him, saying in a respectful tone: "sir, here are my troops. how is it your pleasure that i shall dispose of them?" "they have borne the brunt of battle and defeat all the morning, sir, and are now entitled to a rest. form them in order directly in the rear of englishtown, and there await further commands." it seemed to enoch as if these instructions had but just been given when the battle began to rage more furiously than ever, and now it appeared as if the troops in every direction were engaged. "the left wing of the american army was commanded by lord stirling, the right by general greene, and the center by washington. wayne, with the advance corps, took possession of the eminence in the orchard, a few rods south of the parsonage. a park of artillery was placed in battery on comb's hill, beyond the marsh on his right, and commanding the height on which the british were stationed. finding themselves opposed in front, the enemy attempted to turn the american left flank, but were repulsed. they also moved toward the american right, where they were enfiladed by a severe cannonade from the battery commanded by general knox and planted on high ground, where general greene was posted. thus assailed, the enemy fell back." during this time enoch had been sent from one portion of the field to the other with orders, being constantly under a heavy fire, and was so deeply occupied in finding this commander or that as not to thoroughly comprehend what was going on around him. it was as if he rode over a vast tract of country, dotted here by redcoats, and there by patriots in buff and blue, or in homespun garments, each man seemingly bent only on loading and discharging his weapon, and all the while acting in what, to a novice, was an aimless manner. during two hours he hardly remained idle five minutes at a time, and the screaming of the leaden and iron missiles, which at the beginning of the engagement had sounded so ominously in his ears, was now almost unheeded. during the morning the one thought ever in his mind was the possibility of treachery by general lee; but now that officer was in the rear, having in a measure redeemed himself, enoch felt confident, so unbounded was his belief in the commander-in-chief, that the time must come, and soon, when the tide of battle would turn in their favor. it was terrible in the extreme to ride amid the wounded men, who implored him to give them aid, when his duty demanded that he keep on regardless of their agony. it was as if he suffered from some horrible nightmare, when his horse leaped over dead bodies who lay with upturned faces and open eyes that stared at the pitiless sun which was sending down shafts of fire upon the combatants, the dying, and the dead. it was while the royal grenadiers were pressing general wayne behind the hedgerow most hotly that enoch was sent to that officer to ask if he needed assistance, and found him partially sheltered by a barn near the parsonage, where he was urging his men, every one of whom had proved himself a hero, to yet greater exertions. more than once had the grenadiers crossed the hedgerow, hoping to dislodge the force that was playing such havoc among their ranks, and the general, watching closely the movements of the british, did not so much as turn his head when enoch made known his message. "tell general washington that i shall hold my position here. unless he has men who are not needed elsewhere, there is no necessity for him to pay any attention to what is going on at this point. i fancy we're a match for the grenadiers!" the young aid was so hemmed in by officers and men that for some moments he could not retrace his steps, and as if fascinated he watched that terrific struggle, which just at this time was more fierce than ever before. while he was gazing at the apparently resistless tide of red-coated men who were pressing forward, he heard general wayne say in a low, quick tone: "reserve your fire, men, until you can pick out their officers! make every bullet count!" these words caused enoch to observe more particularly than he had previously done the leaders of the brave force who were advancing in the face of almost certain death, and to his surprise he recognized that officer who had subjected his comrades and himself to such searching inquiry when they were suspected of having aided seth in escaping from prison. it was colonel monckton, and at the moment when enoch understood this fact the officer waved his sword above his head, shouting: "to the charge, my brave troops! to the charge!" on came the line of red. nearer and nearer, and neither shout nor report of musket from the continentals. it seemed to enoch as if the enemy was hardly thirty yards away when he heard general wayne cry sharply: "aim well and fire, boys!" a deafening report followed this command, and as the smoke cleared away the grenadiers could be seen falling back, almost entirely without an officer. at that point nearest the american line the young aid saw, lying upon his face, the body of colonel monckton motionless in death, and heard as if in a dream the command from some officer near him for the men to rush forward and secure the corpse. as if the british soldiers also heard this order, they halted, turned suddenly, and came back with a rush, making no effort to preserve their formation, but intent only on rescuing the body of their commander. sick at heart, for this killing of a man with whom he had been in some measure connected, however disagreeably, seemed worse than the fall of a stranger, enoch turned his horse to ride back to the commander-in-chief; but before he was out of the press he heard loud cheers which told that the americans had gained the ghastly prize, and, glancing over his shoulder, he saw the grenadiers once more retreating. twice during the half hour that followed did enoch see lord cosmo gordon acting his part most heroically, and each time did the boy put up a fervent prayer that the gallant englishman might escape unharmed. fiercely the contest continued to rage at the center of the british line, and at other points, until wayne repulsed the grenadiers. then the entire line gave way, and fell back to the heights occupied by general lee in the morning. it was a strong position, flanked by thick woods and morasses, with only a narrow way of approach in front. this portion of the battle was won; but the continentals were unable to pursue their advantage. night had now come, and in the darkness it was well-nigh impossible the american troops could continue the work so bravely pursued after the disgraceful rout, for which they were not really responsible. the excessive heat of the day had wearied them equally with the fatigue of battle, and the commander-in-chief, to whose personal exertions the victory was due, said to enoch: "ride to the right and give the word to all the commanders you find, that their troops may be allowed to sleep on their arms. it is the last duty i shall charge you with this day, lad, and you are at liberty to find repose wherever is most pleasing." the young aid set out, picking his way here and there among the dead and the dying, repeating the welcome command to the leaders of the different divisions, and when he had reached that body of troops furthest to the right, he found himself among the gallant jerseymen. "it is time that order came," general dickinson said with an air of relief. "but, lad, if we had had one more hour of daylight, the enemy would have now been fleeing before us like a flock of frightened sheep." "is yours the last division on this side?" "it is." "i have permission to bivouac wherever i choose. may i remain with your troops, sir?" "there is no need to ask that, lad, and i understand why you wish to do so. your friends, raw recruits though they are, have this day done men's duty, and i congratulate you three philadelphia boys upon your initiatory work as soldiers." it was not an easy task to find his friends upon that blood-stained field; but enoch succeeded after half an hour's search, and was received with shouts of joy by jacob and seth as he rode up. "i began to fear something had happened to you," the latter cried, as enoch dismounted and clasped him by the hands. "the last either of us saw of our friend, the aid, was when the royal grenadiers charged on general wayne's forces." "i was where i could see it all," enoch replied, "and although we have no reason to think of colonel monckton kindly, it made me sad to see so gallant an officer fall." "did our men get possession of his body?" jacob asked. "yes, and carried it to the rear. have either of you fellows been wounded?" "we haven't received so much as a scratch," seth replied promptly, "and that seems strangest of all this day's work to me. when we were first under fire i expected each moment to be killed; but as the time wore on i actually forgot the danger. say, enoch, you must have had it hotter than we did, if you kept with general washington, and i saw you ride across the field half a dozen times when it seemed as if the bullets were flying around you as thickly as hail." "my experience was about the same as yours in that respect. the first time i was sent with a message i felt terribly frightened; but after that thought only of the chances for success or failure. where's greene?" "somewhere hereabouts. he got a bullet through the arm; but declares that the wound is not serious, and refuses to go under the surgeon's care." "i suppose now you have had so much experience, you will continue to be an aid," jacob said, and there was no shade of envy in his tone this time. he realized as never before that if any one really desires to serve his country it makes little difference what position he occupies. "indeed i shan't," enoch said emphatically. "when the time comes that i can speak with general washington, i shall ask permission to enlist in the same company with you, and have no doubt but that it will be granted. now, boys, i have come to mess with you. the order i brought general dickinson was that the troops were to sleep on their arms, and i suppose we are at liberty to remain anywhere within these lines." "there doesn't seem to be much choice. suppose we stay where we are," seth suggested. "greene left us here, and most likely will come back, when----" "he is back now, lad," a voice cried, and a moment later the spy appeared from out the darkness. "i have got rations such as are being dealt out--hello, here's our friend, the aid, and now he'll want grain for his horse. i'll look for some." "let me do that," enoch cried as greene, dropping on the ground the food he was carrying, was on the point of turning away again. "i am told that you are wounded, and you should have attention before playing waiter for us three who are in good bodily condition." "the wound wasn't much more than a scratch, and the surgeon has already tied it up. you may look for provender for the horse if you have a mind to. the best place would be nearabout where general dickinson is." enoch's horse did not receive a particularly hearty meal on this evening, owing to the lack of grain; but he was well groomed, and not until that work had been done to his own satisfaction did enoch rejoin his comrades. then, lying at full length on the ground, they discussed the stirring events of the day, and it was during this conversation that greene asked: "did you see that irish woman when her husband was killed during the artillery duel--at the time the royal light-horse charged so furiously?" "i didn't know there was a woman on the field!" enoch exclaimed. "there was, and her husband was one of our gunners. she assisted him during the hot cannonade by bringing water from the spring near by, and when he was killed at his post, there being no one to take his place, the piece was ordered to be removed; but she insisted on working it, and twice within an hour i saw her using the rammer as energetically as any man among them. the soldiers were cheering for 'mary'--that is her name, i suppose--and she deserves more than thanks for this day's work." then each in turn related some incident which he had seen or participated in, until, despite the groans of the wounded, who were being tended by the surgeons at a temporary hospital near by, the three philadelphia boys fell asleep, and when morning came were aroused by the tidings that clinton had put his weary troops in motion at midnight, and stolen away. the british soldiers whom general lee declared the americans could not stand against had been fairly beaten by men decidedly their inferiors in discipline and soldierly training. * * * * * it was simply the purpose of this story to relate the adventures of the three philadelphia boys during the events which led up to the battle of monmouth, and with the triumphant ending of that engagement the purpose of this imperfectly told tale has been accomplished. every reader knows that the americans lost in this battle two hundred and twenty-eight; the british two hundred and fifty, sixty of these having been stricken dead by the heat. it is believed that there were about fourteen thousand men in the american forces, and not more than ten thousand under clinton. the order which general washington issued, congratulating his army upon the victory they had won, is also well known; but because those in whom we are particularly interested served in the new jersey militia, the following extract may well be repeated: "general dickinson and the militia of his state are also thanked for their noble spirit in opposing the enemy on the march from philadelphia, and for the aid given by harassing and impeding their march so as to allow the continental troops to come up with them." on the following morning, after making of the widow mary a sergeant in the continental army, washington marched toward new brunswick, thence to the hudson river, which he crossed at king's ferry, and encamped at white plains in westchester county. it may, perhaps, not be necessary to add that some time after the battle lee wrote an insulting letter to general washington, demanding an apology for words spoken on the field. he also demanded a court of inquiry, and was gratified. washington caused his arrest on charges of disobedience, misbehavior, and disrespect. he was found guilty and sentenced to suspension of command for one year. he never resumed his station, and died october , . "had lee been obedient and faithful in the morning, the whole british army might have been prisoners of war before the close of that memorable sabbath day in june." that enoch succeeded in enlisting with his comrades is positive, for the names of the three boys are to be found on the muster rolls prepared in july, , side by side, and that they afterward served their country gallantly may some time be told in detail, for their active service was not ended with the battle of monmouth. footnote: [h] general greene was commanding the right wing of the army at the time. the end. the boy spies series these stories are based on important historical events, scenes wherein boys are prominent characters being selected. they are the romance of history, vigorously told, with careful fidelity to picturing the home life and accurate in every particular wherein mention is made of movement of troops, or the doings of noted persons. =the boy spies with lafayette.= the story of how two boys joined the continental army. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies on chesapeake bay.= the story of two young spies under commodore barney. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies with the regulators.= the story of how the boys assisted the carolina patriots to drive the british from that state. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies with the swamp fox.= the story of general marion and his young spies. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies at yorktown.= the story of how the spies helped general lafayette in the siege of yorktown. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies of philadelphia.= the story of how the young spies helped the continental army at valley forge. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies at fort griswold.= the story of the part they took in its brave defense. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the boy spies of old new york.= the story of how the young spies prevented the capture of general washington. by james otis. cloth. price cents. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane st., new york. the navy boys series these stories are based on important historical naval events, scenes wherein boys are prominent characters being selected. they are the romance of history, vigorously told, with careful fidelity to picturing the life on ship-board, and accurate in every particular wherein mention is made of movement of vessels or the doings of noted persons. =the navy boys' cruise with paul jones.= a boys' story of a cruise with the great commodore in . by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys on lake ontario.= the story of two boys and their adventures in the war of . by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys' cruise on the pickering.= a boy's story of privateering in . by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys in new york bay.= a story of three boys who took command of the schooner "the laughing mary," the first vessel of the american navy. by james otis. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys in the track of the enemy.= the story of a remarkable cruise with the sloop of war "providence" and the frigate "alfred." by william p. chipman. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys' daring capture.= the story of how the navy boys helped to capture the british cutter "margaretta," in . by william p. chipman. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys' cruise to the bahamas.= the adventures of two yankee middies with the first cruise of an american squadron in . by william p. chipman. cloth. price cents. =the navy boys' cruise with columbus.= the adventures of two boys who sailed with the great admiral in his discovery of america. by frederick a. ober. cloth. price cents. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane st., new york. the boy chums series by wilmer m. ely handsome cloth binding. price, cents per volume. in this series of remarkable stories by wilmer m. ely are described the adventures of two boy chums--charley west and walter hazard--in the great swamps of interior florida and among the cays off the florida coast, and through the bahama islands. these are real, live boys, and their experiences are well worth following. if you read one book you will surely be anxious for those that are to follow. the boy chums on indian river, or the boy partners of the schooner "orphan." in this story charley west and walter hazard meet deadly rattlesnakes; have a battle with a wild panther; are attacked by outlaws; their boat is towed by a swordfish; they are shipwrecked by a monster manatee fish, and pass safely through many exciting scenes of danger. the boy chums on haunted island, or hunting for pearls in the bahama islands. this book tells the story of the boy chums, charley west and walter hazard, whose adventures on the schooner "eager quest," hunting for pearls among the bahama islands, are fully recorded. their hairbreadth escapes from the treacherous quicksands and dangerous water spouts; how they lost their vessel and were cast away on a lonely island, and their escape therefrom are fully told. the boy chums in the forest, or hunting for plume birds in the florida everglades. the story of the boy chums hunting the blue herons and the pink and white egrets for their plumes in the forests of florida is full of danger and excitement. how the chums encountered the indians; their battles with the escaped convicts; their fight with the wild boars and alligators are fully told. the boy chums' perilous cruise, or searching for wreckage on the florida coast. this story of the boy chums' adventures on and off the florida coast describes many scenes of daring and adventure, in hunting for ships stranded and cargoes washed ashore. the boy chums passed through many exciting scenes, on shore and island; and the loss of their vessel, the "eager quest," they will long remember. the boy chums in the gulf of mexico, or a dangerous cruise with the greek spongers. this story of the boy chums, charley west and walter hazard, hunting for sponges, is filled with many adventures. the dangers of gathering sponges are fully described; the chums meet with sharks and alligators; and they are cast away on a desert island. their rescue and arrival home make a most interesting story. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane st., new york. the boy scout series by herbert carter new stories of camp life, telling the wonderful and thrilling adventures of the boys of the silver fox patrol. handsome cloth bindings. price, cents per volume the boy scouts first camp fire; or, scouting with the silver fox patrol. this book, every up-to-date boy scout will want to read. it is brimming over with thrilling adventure, woods lore and the story of the wonderful experiences that befell the cranford troop of boy scouts when spending a part of their vacation in the wilderness. the story is clean and wholesome in tone, yet with not a dull line from cover to cover. the boy scouts in the blue ridge; or, marooned among the moonshiners. those lads who have read the boy scouts first camp fire and followed the fortunes of thad brewster, the young patrol leader, will be delighted to read this story. it tells of the strange and mysterious adventures that happened to the patrol in their trip through the "mountains of the sky" in the moonshiners' paradise of the old tar heel state, north carolina. when you start to read you will not lay the book down until the last word has been reached. the boy scouts on the trail; or, scouting through the big game country. in this story the boy scouts once more find themselves in camp and following the trail. the story recites the many adventures that befell the members of the silver fox patrol with wild animals of the forest trails, as well as the desperate men who had sought a refuge in this lonely country, making most delightful reading for every lad who has red blood in his veins. this is a story which every boy will be glad to read and recommend to his chums. the boy scouts in the maine woods; or, the new test for the silver fox patrol. in the rough field of experience the tenderfoots and greenhorns of the silver fox patrol are fast learning to take care of themselves when abroad. many of the secrets of the woods, usually known only to old hunters and trappers, are laid bare to the eyes of the reader. thad and his chums have a wonderful experience when they are employed by the state of maine to act as fire wardens, since every year terrible conflagrations sweep through the pine forests, doing great damage. the boy scouts through the big timber; or, the search for the lost tenderfoot. a serious calamity threatens the silver fox patrol when on one of their vacation trips to the wonderland of the great northwest. how apparent disaster is bravely met and overcome by thad and his friends, forms the main theme of the story, which abounds in plenty of humor, rollicking situations, hairbreadth escapes and thrilling adventures, such as all boys like to read about. if you ever dream of camping out in the woods, here you may learn how to do it. the boy scouts in the rockies; or, the secret of the hidden silver mine. by this time the boys of the silver fox patrol have learned through experience how to rough it upon a long hike. their last tour takes them into the wildest region of the great rocky mountains, and here they meet with many strange adventures that severely test their grit, as well as their ability to grapple with emergencies. this is one of the most interesting of the stories in the boy scout series,--the experiences of thad brewster and his cranford troop abounds in plenty of humor, and hairbreadth escapes. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent post-paid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane street, new york. the flying machine boys series by frank walton new flying machine boy stories handsome cloth bindings price, cents per volume the flying machine boys in mexico; or, the secret of the crater. this is a story of juvenile adventure which will be sure to please the boys, and adults, too, for that matter. it is a clean, vivid description of a flying machine trip to mexico, four lads of about sixteen being the principal characters. the boys meet with many adventures, under the mountains as well as in the air above them. the secret of the crater, the burning mountain, the strange habits of the devil's pool, hold the reader to the end, while the humorous sayings and doings of "jimmie" supply a pleasing variety. the flying machine boys in the wilds; or, the mystery of the andes. the story deals principally with old peru. pressed in the secret service after their return from mexico, jimmy, carl, ben and glenn visit "the roof of the world" in quest of a man who wrecked, as far as he was able to do so, a great new york trust company. the tale carries the flavor of the mountains, the mystery of strange temples thousands of years old, and treats the reader, as well, to some delightful juvenile adventures. "jimmie" comes out strong in this book. the flying machine boys on duty; or, the clue above the clouds. if you have ever read in the daily newspapers sensational accounts of the pursuit and capture of men who smuggle chinamen and opium into the country, you don't have to wonder whether the events recorded in this story are true to life. the flying machine boys find false beacons on headlands washed by the pacific, and they also find the man who murdered a watchman and robbed a bank, living above the clouds. "jimmie" is particularly funny in this story. the flying machine boys on secret service; or, the capture in the air. this is a tale of adventure in the wilds of british columbia. it is not exactly a detective story, although it deals with the work of the boys in capturing a man who abducted a postoffice inspector from his private room in the postoffice building at washington. "jimmie" reads from his "dreambook" in this tale. for variety of interesting adventures this story equals any other in this series. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent post-paid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane street, new york. the six-river motor boys series by harry gordon handsome cloth binding price, cents per volume. six-river motor boys on the amazon; or, the secret of cloud island. this is a thoroughly interesting story of adventure on the longest river in the world. it is superior to most adventure stories in that it has a well-defined plot which holds the attention to the end. there are encounters with savage animals and savage tribes at the headwaters of the mighty river. woven in with the plot is a bit of mystery which cannot fail to interest. six-river motor boys on the columbia; or, the confession of a photograph. this volume, the second of the famous six-river series, is a record of adventure in the wilds of british columbia. the motor-boat is taken beyond the great divide on a platform car of large size, and is placed in the columbia river almost at its very source. it is a healthy story, dealing with the out-of-doors life of the motor-boat boys. alex's pet bear will be certain to please. six-river motor boys on the mississippi; or, the trail to the gulf. a thoroughly entertaining and instructive story of a wonderful river. as in all the volumes of this popular series, the boys meet with startling adventures, getting mixed up with river thieves and coming upon a mystery which trails along to the gulf of mexico with them. "captain joe," the white bulldog pet of the crew of the motor-boat, will be sure to make a hit. six-river motor boys on the st. lawrence; or, the lost channel. this is a thoroughly interesting and instructive story of a romantic voyage from the gulf of st. lawrence to chicago, by way of the quaint old city of quebec, the thousand islands, and the great lakes. it deals with historical characters to some extent, all of whom are woven into a strong plot which reaches from old indian days to the present time. it is safe to say that the book will become the most popular of the series. six-river motor boys on the ohio; or, the three blue lights. this book deals with the strange and vagrant life on the ohio river--the life lived by those who dwell in houseboats, storeboats, and shantyboats. the motor-boat boys become involved with night riders and moonshiners, and the mystery of the three blue lights supplies plenty of holding power. in this volume "teddy," the pet bear, comes out strong at critical times. six-river motor boys on the colorado; or, the clue in the rocks. the story deals with a little-known stretch of river, from the gulf of california to the grand canyon. the plot is a strong one, and the incidents grow naturally out of it. the clue sought is at last discovered by two venturesome lads who start out to have a "little fun of their own on the side." as in all other volumes of this series, the author--perhaps the best-known writer of boys' books in the country--tells something of the history of the country the boys pass through. * * * * * for sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price by the publishers, a. l. burt company, - duane street, new york. * * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. on page , "where can i see you and seth" should probably be "where can i see you and jacob." team. [illustration: sharpless miniature of washington, ] the true george washington by paul leicester ford author of "the honorable peter stirling" editor of "the writings of thomas jefferson" and "the sayings of poor richard" "that i have foibles, and perhaps many of them, i shall not deny. i should esteem myself, as the world would, vain and empty, were i to arrogate perfection." --_washington_ "speak of me as i am; nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." --_shakespeare_ by j.b. lippincott company _tenth edition_ electrotyped and printed by j.b. lippincott company, philadelphia, u this book is dedicated to william f. havemeyer, in acknowledgement of the indebtedness of the author to his collection of washingtoniana. +note+ in every country boasting a history there may be observed a tendency to make its leaders or great men superhuman. whether we turn to the legends of the east, the folk-lore of europe, or the traditions of the native races of america, we find a mythology based upon the acts of man gifted with superhuman powers. in the unscientific, primeval periods in which these beliefs were born and elaborated into oral and written form, their origin is not surprising. but to all who have studied the creation of a mythology, no phase is a more curious one than that the keen, practical american of to-day should engage in the same process of hero-building which has given us jupiter, wotan, king arthur, and others. by a slow evolution we have well-nigh discarded from the lives of our greatest men of the past all human faults and feelings; have enclosed their greatness in glass of the clearest crystal, and hung up a sign, "do not touch." indeed, with such characters as washington, franklin, and lincoln we have practically adopted the english maxim that "the king can do no wrong." in place of men, limited by human limits, and influenced by human passions, we have demi-gods, so stripped of human characteristics as to make us question even whether they deserve much credit for their sacrifices and deeds. but with this process of canonization have we not lost more than we have gained, both in example and in interest? many, no doubt, with the greatest veneration for our first citizen, have sympathized with the view expressed by mark twain, when he said that he was a greater man than washington, for the latter "couldn't tell a lie, while he could, but wouldn't" we have endless biographies of franklin, picturing him in all the public stations of life, but all together they do not equal in popularity his own human autobiography, in which we see him walking down market street with a roll under each arm, and devouring a third. and so it seems as if the time had come to put the shadow-boxes of humanity round our historic portraits, not because they are ornamental in themselves, but because they will make them examples, not mere idols. if the present work succeeds in humanizing washington, and making him a man rather than a historical figure, its purpose will have been fulfilled. in the attempt to accomplish this, washington has, so far as is possible, been made to speak for himself, even though at times it has compelled the sacrifice of literary form, in the hope that his own words would convey a greater sense of the personality of the man. so, too, liberal drafts have been made on the opinions and statements of his contemporaries; but, unless the contrary is stated or is obvious, all quoted matter is from washington's own pen. it is with pleasure that the author adds that the result of his study has only served to make washington the greater to him. the writer is under the greatest obligation to his brother, worthington chauncey ford, not merely for his numerous books on washington, of which his "writings of george washington" is easily first in importance of all works relating to the great american, but also for much manuscript material which he has placed at the author's service. hitherto unpublished facts have been drawn from many other sources, but notably from the rich collection of mr. william f. havemeyer, of new york, from the department of state in washington, and from the historical society of pennsylvania. to mr. s.m. hamilton, of the former institution, and to mr. frederick d. stone, of the latter, the writer is particularly indebted for assistance. contents chapter i.--family relations ii.--physique iii.--education iv.--relations with the fair sex v.--farmer and proprietor vi.--master and employer vii.--social life viii.--tastes and amusements ix.--friends x.--enemies xi.--soldier xii.--citizen and office-holder list of illustrations with notes miniature of washington. by james sharpless painted for washington in , and presented by him to nelly (calvert) stuart, widow of john parke custis, washington's adopted son. her son george washington parke custis, in whose presence the sittings were made, often spoke of the likeness as "almost perfect." memorial tablet of laurence and amee washington, in sulgrave church, northamptonshire the injury of the effigy of laurence washington and the entire disappearance of the effigy of amee antedate the early part of the present century, and probably were done in the puritan period. since the above tracing was made the brasses of the eleven children have been stolen, leaving nothing but the lettering and the shield of the washington arms. betty washington, wife of fielding lewis painted about , and erroneously alleged to be by copley. original in the possession of mr. r. byrd lewis, of marmion, virginia. john and martha custis original in the possession of general g.w. custis lee, of lexington, virginia. miniature of eleanor parke custis from the miniature by gilbert stuart, in the possession of her grandson, edward parke lewis custis, of hoboken, new jersey. fictitious portrait of washington the lettering reads, "done from an original drawn from the life, by alex'r campbell of williamsburg in virginia. published as the act directs sept'r by c. shepherd." it is the first engraved portrait of washington, and was issued to satisfy the english curiosity concerning the new commander-in-chief of the rebels. from the original print in the possession of mr. w.f. havemeyer, of new york. copy sheet from young man's companion the sheet from which washington modelled his handwriting, and to which his earliest script shows a marked resemblance. from the original in the possession of the author. letter to mrs. fairfax showing changes and corrections made by washington at a later date. from original copy-book in the washington mss. in the department of state. portrait of mary philipse from the original formerly in the possession of mr. frederick philipse. portrait of martha custis alleged to have been painted by woolaston about . it has been asserted by mr. l.w. washington and mr. moncure d. conway that this is a portrait of betty washington lewis, but in this they are wholly in error, as proof exists that it is a portrait of mrs. washington before her second marriage. survey of mount vernon hills made by washington as a boy, and one of the earliest specimens of his work. the small drawing of the house represents it as it was before washington enlarged it, and is the only picture of it known. original in the department of state. mountain road lottery ticket from the original in the historical society of pennsylvania. family group painted by edward savage about , and issued as a large engraving in . the original picture is now in the possession of mr. william f. havemeyer, of new york. dinner invitation the official invitation while president, from the original in the possession of the author. dancing agreement this gives only the first few names, many more following. the original was formerly in the possession of mr. thomas biddle, of philadelphia. book-plate of washington this is a slight variation from the true washington coat of arms, the changes being introduced by washington. from the original in the possession of the author. survey of wakefield washington's birthplace. the survey was made in , on the property coming into the possession of augustine washington (second) from his father, with the object of readjusting the boundary-lines. original in the possession of mr. william f. havemeyer, of new york. washington family bible this record, with the exception of the interlined note concerning betty washington lewis, is in the handwriting of george washington, and was written when he was about sixteen years old. original in the possession of mrs. lewis washington, of charlestown, west virginia. miniature of mrs. washington by an unknown artist. from the original in the possession of general g.w. custis lee, of lexington, virginia. earliest autograph of washington on a fly-leaf of the volume to which this title belongs is written, "this autograph of genl. washington's name is believed to be the earliest specimen of his writing, when he was probably not more than or years of age." this is a note by g.c. washington, to whom washington's library descended. original in the possession of the boston athenaeum. rules of civility first page of washington's boyish transcript, written when he was about thirteen years of age. used here by courtesy of mr. s.m. hamilton and "public opinion," who are preparing a fac-simile edition of the entire rules. life mask by houdon taken by houdon in october, . from the replica in the historical society of pennsylvania. title-page of journal of george washington, of this first edition but two copies are known. from the original in the lenox library. presidential house in philadelphia philadelphia offered to furnish the house for the president during the time congress sat in that city, but washington "wholly declined living in any public building," and rented this house from robert morris. though it was considered one of the finest in the city, washington several times complained of being cramped. the true george washington i family relations although washington wrote that the history of his ancestors was, in his opinion, "of very little moment," and "a subject to which i confess i have paid very little attention," few americans can prove a better pedigree. the earliest of his forebears yet discovered was described as "gentleman," the family were granted lands by henry the eighth, held various offices of honor, married into good families, and under the stuarts two were knighted and a third served as page to prince charles. lawrence, a brother of the three thus distinguished, matriculated at oxford as a "generosi filius" (the intermediate class between sons of the nobility, "armigeri filius," and of the people, "plebeii filius"), or as of the minor gentry. in time he became a fellow and lector of brasenose college, and presently obtained the good living of purleigh. strong royalists, the fortunes of the family waned along with king charles, and sank into insignificance with the passing of the stuart dynasty. not the least sufferer was the rector of purleigh, for the puritan parliament ejected him from his living, on the charge "that he was a common frequenter of ale-houses, not only himself sitting dayly tippling there ... but hath oft been drunk,"--a charge indignantly denied by the royalists, who asserted that he was a "worthy pious man, ... always ... a very modest, sober person;" and this latter claim is supported by the fact that though the puritans sequestered the rich living, they made no objection to his serving as rector at brixted parva, where the living was "such a poor and miserable one that it was always with difficulty that any one was persuaded to accept of it." poverty resulting, john, the eldest son of this rector, early took to the sea, and in assisted "as second man in sayleing ye vessel to virginia." here he settled, took up land, presently became a county officer, a burgess, and a colonel of militia. in this latter function he commanded the virginia troops during the indian war of , and when his great-grandson, george, on his first arrival on the frontier, was called by the indians "conotocarius," or "devourer of villages," the formidable but inappropriate title for the newly-fledged officer is supposed to have been due to the reputation that john washington had won for his name among the indians eighty years before. [illustration: tablet to laurence washington and his family in sulgrave church] both john's son, lawrence, and lawrence's son, augustine, describe themselves in their wills as "gentlemen," and both intermarried with the "gentry families" of virginia. augustine was educated at appleby school, in england, like his grandfather followed the sea for a time, was interested in iron mines, and in other ways proved himself far more than the average virginia planter of his day. he was twice married,--which marriages, with unconscious humor, he describes in his will as "several ventures,"--had ten children, and died in , when george, his fifth child and the first by his second "venture," was a boy of eleven. the father thus took little part in the life of the lad, and almost the only mention of him by his son still extant is the one recorded in washington's round school-boy hand in the family bible, to the effect that "augustine washington and mary ball was married the sixth of march - / . augustine washington departed this life ye th day of april , aged years." the mother, mary washington, was more of a factor, though chiefly by mere length of life, for she lived to be eighty-three, and died but ten years before her son. that washington owed his personal appearance to the balls is true, but otherwise the sentimentality that has been lavished about the relations between the two and her influence upon him, partakes of fiction rather than of truth. after his father's death the boy passed most of his time at the homes of his two elder brothers, and this was fortunate, for they were educated men, of some colonial consequence, while his mother lived in comparatively straitened circumstances, was illiterate and untidy, and, moreover, if tradition is to be believed, smoked a pipe. her course with the lad was blamed by a contemporary as "fond and unthinking," and this is borne out by such facts as can be gleaned, for when his brothers wished to send him to sea she made "trifling objections," and prevented his taking what they thought an advantageous opening; when the brilliant offer of a position on braddock's staff was tendered to washington, his mother, "alarmed at the report," hurried to mount vernon and endeavored to prevent him from accepting it; still again, after braddock's defeat, she so wearied her son with pleas not to risk the dangers of another campaign that washington finally wrote her, "it would reflect dishonor upon me to refuse; and _that_, i am sure, must or _ought_ to give you greater uneasiness, than my going in an honorable command." after he inherited mount vernon the two seem to have seen little of each other, though, when occasion took him near fredericksburg, he usually stopped to see her for a few hours, or even for a night. though washington always wrote to his mother as "honored madam," and signed himself "your dutiful and aff. son," she none the less tried him not a little. he never claimed from her a part of the share of his father's estate which was his due on becoming of age, and, in addition, "a year or two before i left virginia (to make her latter days comfortable and free from care) i did, at her request, but at my own expence, purchase a commodious house, garden and lotts (of her own choosing) in fredericksburg, that she might be near my sister lewis, her only daughter,--and did moreover agree to take her land and negroes at a certain yearly rent, to be fixed by colo lewis and others (of her own nomination) which has been an annual expence to me ever since, as the estate never raised one half the rent i was to pay. before i left virginia i answered all her calls for money; and since that period have directed my steward to do the same." furthermore, he gave her a phaeton, and when she complained of her want of comfort he wrote her, "my house is at your service, and [i] would press you most sincerely and most devoutly to accept it, but i am sure, and candor requires me to say, it will never answer your purposes in any shape whatsoever. for in truth it may be compared to a well resorted tavern, as scarcely any strangers who are going from north to south, or from south to north, do not spend a day or two at it. this would, were you to be an inhabitant of it, oblige you to do one of things: st, to be always dressing to appear in company; d, to come into [the room] in a dishabille, or d to be as it were a prisoner in your own chamber. the first you'ld not like; indeed, for a person at your time of life it would be too fatiguing. the d, i should not like, because those who resort here are, as i observed before, strangers and people of the first distinction. and the d, more than probably, would not be pleasing to either of us." under these circumstances it was with real indignation that washington learned that complaints of hers that she "never lived soe poore in all my life" were so well known that there was a project to grant her a pension. the pain this caused a man who always showed such intense dislike to taking even money earned from public coffers, and who refused everything in the nature of a gift, can easily be understood. he at once wrote a letter to a friend in the virginia assembly, in which, after reciting enough of what he had done for her to prove that she was under no necessity of a pension,--"or, in other words, receiving charity from the public,"--he continued, "but putting these things aside, which i could not avoid mentioning in exculpation of a presumptive want of duty on my part; confident i am that she has not a child that would not divide the last sixpence to relieve her from real distress. this she has been repeatedly assured of by me; and all of us, i am certain, would feel much hurt, at having our mother a pensioner, while we had the means of supporting her; but in fact she has an ample income of her own. i lament accordingly that your letter, which conveyed the first hint of this matter, did not come to my hands sooner; but i request, in pointed terms, if the matter is now in agitation in your assembly, that all proceedings on it may be stopped, or in case of a decision in her favor, that it may be done away and repealed at my request." still greater mortification was in store for him, when he was told that she was borrowing and accepting gifts from her neighbors, and learned "on good authority that she is, upon all occasions and in all companies, complaining ... of her wants and difficulties; and if not in direct terms, at least by strong innuendoes, endeavors to excite a belief that times are much altered, &c., &c., which not only makes _her_ appear in an unfavorable point of view, but _those also_ who are connected with her." to save her feelings he did not express the "pain" he felt to her, but he wrote a brother asking him to ascertain if there was the slightest basis in her complaints, and "see what is necessary to make her comfortable," for "while i have anything i will part with it to make her so;" but begging him "at the same time ... to represent to her in delicate terms, the impropriety of her complaints, and _acceptance_ of favors, even when they are voluntarily offered, from any but relations." though he did not "touch upon this subject in a letter to her," he was enough fretted to end the renting of her plantation, not because "i mean ... to withhold any aid or support i can give from you; for whilst i have a shilling left, you shall have part," but because "what i shall then give, i shall have credit for," and not be "viewed as a delinquent, and considered perhaps by the world as [an] unjust and undutiful son." in the last years of her life a cancer developed, which she refused to have "dressed," and over which, as her doctor wrote washington, the "old lady" and he had "a small battle every day." once washington was summoned by an express to her bedside "to bid, as i was prepared to expect, the last adieu to an honored parent," but it was a false alarm. her health was so bad, however, that just before he started to new york to be inaugurated he rode to fredericksburg, "and took a final leave of my mother, never expecting to see her more," a surmise that proved correct. only elizabeth--or "betty"--of washington's sisters grew to womanhood, and it is said that she was so strikingly like her brother that, disguised with a long cloak and a military hat, the difference between them was scarcely detectable. she married fielding lewis, and lived at "kenmore house" on the rappahannock, where washington spent many a night, as did the lewises at mount vernon. during the revolution, while visiting there, she wrote her brother, "oh, when will that day arrive when we shall meet again. trust in the lord it will be soon,--till when, you have the prayers and kind wishes for your health and happiness of your loving and sincerely affectionate sister." her husband died "much indebted," and from that time her brother gave her occasional sums of money, and helped her in other ways. her eldest son followed in his father's footsteps, and displeased washington with requests for loans. he angered him still more by conduct concerning which washington wrote to him as follows: "sir, your letter of the th of octor. never came to my hands 'till yesterday. altho' your disrespectful conduct towards me, in coming into this country and spending weeks therein without ever coming near me, entitled you to very little notice or favor from me; yet i consent that you may get timber from off my land in fauquier county to build a house on your lott in rectertown. having granted this, now let me ask you what your views were in purchasing a lott in a place which, i presume, originated with and will end in two or three gin shops, which probably will exist no longer than they serve to ruin the proprietors, and those who make the most frequent applications to them. i am, &c." [illustration: mrs fielding lewis (betty washington)] other of the lewis boys pleased him better, and he appointed one an officer in his own "life guard." of another he wrote, when president, to his sister, "if your son howell is living with you, and not usefully employed in your own affairs, and should incline to spend a few months with me, as a writer in my office (if he is fit for it) i will allow him at the rate of three hundred dollars a year, provided he is diligent in discharging the duties of it from breakfast until dinner--sundays excepted. this sum will be punctually paid him, and i am particular in declaring beforehand what i require, and what he may expect, that there may be no disappointment, or false expectations on either side. he will live in the family in the same manner his brother robert did." this robert had been for some time one of his secretaries, and at another time was employed as a rent-collector. still another son, lawrence, also served him in these dual capacities, and washington, on his retirement from the presidency, offered him a home at mount vernon. this led to a marriage with mrs. washington's grandchild, eleanor custis, a match which so pleased washington that he made arrangements for lawrence to build on the mount vernon estate, in his will named him an executor, and left the couple a part of this property, as well as a portion of the residuary estate. as already noted, much of washington's early life was passed at the homes of his elder (half-) brothers, lawrence and augustine, who lived respectively at mount vernon and wakefield. when lawrence developed consumption, george was his travelling companion in a trip to barbadoes, and from him, when he died of that disease, in , came the bequest of mount vernon to "my loveing brother george." to augustine, in the only letter now extant, washington wrote, "the pleasure of your company at mount vernon always did, and always will afford me infinite satisfaction," and signed himself "your most affectionate brother." surviving this brother, he left handsome bequests to all his children. samuel, the eldest of his own brothers, and his junior by but two years, though constantly corresponded with, was not a favorite. he seems to have had extravagant tendencies, variously indicated by five marriages, and by (perhaps as a consequence) pecuniary difficulties. in , washington wrote to another brother, "in god's name how did my brother samuel get himself so enormously in debt?" very quickly requests for loans followed, than which nothing was more irritating to washington. yet, though he replied that it would be "very inconvenient" to him, his ledger shows that at least two thousand dollars were advanced, and in a letter to this brother, on the danger of borrowing at interest, washington wrote, "i do not make these observations on account of the money i purpose to lend you, because all i shall require is that you return the net sum when in your power, without interest." better even than this, in his will washington discharged the debt. to the family of samuel, washington was equally helpful. for the eldest son he obtained an ensigncy, and "to save thornton and you [samuel] the expence of buying a horse to ride home on, i have lent him a mare." two other sons he assumed all the expenses of, and showed an almost fatherly interest in them. he placed them at school, and when the lads proved somewhat unruly he wrote them long admonitory letters, which became stern when actual misconduct ensued, and when one of them ran away to mount vernon to escape a whipping, washington himself prepared "to correct him, but he begged so earnestly and promised so faithfully that there should be no cause for complaint in the future, that i have suspended punishment." later the two were sent to college, and in all cost washington "near five thousand dollars." an even greater trouble was their sister harriot, whose care was assumed in , and who was a member of washington's household, with only a slight interruption, till her marriage in . her chief failing was "no disposition ... to be careful of her cloathes," which were "dabbed about in every hole and corner and her best things always in use," so that washington said "she costs me enough!" to her uncle she wrote on one occasion, "how shall i apologise to my dear and honor'd for intruding on his goodness so soon again, but being sensible for your kindness to me which i shall ever remember with the most heartfelt gratitude induces me to make known my wants. i have not had a pair of stays since i first came here: if you could let me have a pair i should be very much obleiged to you, and also a hat and a few other articles. i hope my dear uncle will not think me extravagant for really i take as much care of my cloaths as i possibly can." probably the expense that pleased him best in her case was that which he recorded in his ledger "by miss harriot washington gave her to buy wedding clothes $ ." his second and favorite brother, john augustine, who was four years his junior, washington described as "the intimate companion of my youth and the friend of my ripened age." while the virginia colonel was on the frontier, from to , he left john in charge of all his business affairs, giving him a residence at and management of mount vernon. with this brother he constantly corresponded, addressing him as "dear jack," and writing in the most intimate and affectionate terms, not merely to him, but when john had taken unto himself a wife, to her, and to "the little ones," and signing himself "your loving brother." visits between the two were frequent, and invitations for the same still more so, and in one letter, written during the most trying moment of the revolution, washington said, "god grant you all health and happiness. nothing in this world could contribute so to mine as to be fixed among you." john died in , and washington wrote with simple but undisguised grief of the death of "my beloved brother." the eldest son of this brother, bushrod, was his favorite nephew, and washington took much interest in his career, getting the lad admitted to study law with judge james wilson, in philadelphia, and taking genuine pride in him when he became a lawyer and judge of repute. he made this nephew his travelling companion in the western journey of , and at other times not merely sent him money, but wrote him letters of advice, dwelling on the dangers that beset young men, though confessing that he was himself "not such a stoic" as to expect too much of youthful blood. to bushrod, also, he appealed on legal matters, adding, "you may think me an unprofitable applicant in asking opinions and requiring services of you without dousing my money, but pay day may come," and in this he was as good as his word, for in his will washington left bushrod, "partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were bachelors and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my estates, during my military services in the former war between great britain and france, that if i should fall therein, mt. vernon ... should become his property," the home and "mansion-house farm," one share of the residuary estate, his private papers, and his library, and named him an executor of the instrument. of washington's relations with his youngest brother, charles, little can be learned. he was the last of his brothers to die, and washington outlived him so short a time that he was named in his will, though only for a mere token of remembrance. "i add nothing to it because of the ample provision i have made for his issue." of the children so mentioned, washington was particularly fond of george augustine washington. as a mere lad he used his influence to procure for him an ensigncy in a virginia regiment, and an appointment on lafayette's staff. when in the young fellow was threatened with consumption, his uncle's purse supplied him with the funds by which he was enabled to travel, even while washington wrote, "poor fellow! his pursuit after health is, i fear, altogether fruitless." when better health came, and with it a renewal of a troth with a niece of mrs. washington's, the marriage was made possible by washington appointing the young fellow his manager, and not merely did it take place at mount vernon, but the young couple took up their home there. more than this, that their outlook might be "more stable and pleasing," washington promised them that on his death they should not be forgotten. when the disease again developed, washington wrote his nephew in genuine anxiety, and ended his letter, "at all times and under all circumstances you and yours will possess my affectionate regards." only a few days later the news of his nephew's death reached him, and he wrote his widow, "to you who so well know the affectionate regard i had for our departed friend, it is unnecessary to describe the sorrow with which i was afflicted at the news of his death." he asked her and her children "to return to your old habitation at mount vernon. you can go to no place where you can be more welcome, nor to any where you can live at less expence and trouble," an offer, he adds, "made to you with my whole heart." furthermore, washington served as executor, assumed the expense of educating one of the sons, and in his will left the two children part of the mount vernon estate, as well as other bequests, "on account of the affection i had for, and the obligation i was under to their father when living, who from his youth attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revolution, afterwards devoting his time for many years whilst my public employments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful." of his wife's kith and kin washington was equally fond. both alone and with mrs. washington he often visited her mother, mrs. dandridge, and in he wrote to a brother-in-law that he wished "i was master of arguments powerful enough to prevail upon mrs. dandridge to make this place her entire and absolute home. i should think as she lives a lonesome life (betsey being married) it might suit her well, & be agreeable, both to herself & my wife, to me most assuredly it would." washington was also a frequent visitor at "eltham," the home of colonel bassett, who had married his wife's sister, and constantly corresponded with these relatives. he asked this whole family to be his guests at the warm springs, and, as this meant camping out in tents, he wrote, "you will have occasion to provide nothing, if i can be advised of your intentions, so that i may provide accordingly." to another brother-in-law, bartholomew dandridge, he lent money, and forgave the debt to the widow in his will, also giving her the use during her life of the thirty-three negroes he had bid in at the bankruptcy sale of her husband's property. the pleasantest glimpses of family feeling are gained, however, in his relations with his wife's children and grandchildren. john parke and martha parke custis--or "jack" and "patsey," as he called them--were at the date of his marriage respectively six and four years of age, and in the first invoice of goods to be shipped to him from london after he had become their step-father, washington ordered " shillings worth of toys," " little books for children beginning to read," and " fashionable-dressed baby to cost shillings." when this latter shared the usual fate, he further wrote for " fashionable dress doll to cost a guinea," and for "a box of gingerbread toys & sugar images or comfits." a little later he ordered a bible and prayer-book for each, "neatly bound in turkey," with names "in gilt letters on the inside of the cover," followed ere long by an order for " very good spinet" as patsy grew to girlhood she developed fits, and "solely on her account to try (by the advice of her physician) the effect of the waters on her complaint," washington took the family over the mountains and camped at the "warm springs" in , with "little benefit," for, after ailing four years longer, "she was seized with one of her usual fits & expired in it, in less than two minutes, without uttering a word, or groan, or scarce a sigh." "the sweet innocent girl," washington wrote, "entered into a more happy & peaceful abode than she has met with in the afflicted path she has hitherto trod," but none the less "it is an easier matter to conceive than to describe the distress of this family" at the loss of "dear patsy custis." [illustration: john and martha parke custis] the care of jack custis was a worry to washington in quite another way. as a lad, custis signed his letters to him as "your most affectionate and dutiful son," "yet i conceive," washington wrote, "there is much greater circumspection to be observed by a guardian than a natural parent." soon after assuming charge of the boy, a tutor was secured, who lived at mount vernon, but the boy showed little inclination to study, and when fourteen, washington wrote that "his mind [is] ... more turned ... to dogs, horses and guns, indeed upon dress and equipage." "having his well being much at heart," washington wished to make him "fit for more useful purposes than [a] horse racer," and so jack was placed with a clergyman, who agreed to instruct him, and with him he lived, except for some home visits, for three years. unfortunately, the lad, like the true virginian planter of his day, had no taste for study, and had "a propensity for the [fair] sex." after two or three flirtations, he engaged himself, without the knowledge of his mother or guardian, to nellie calvert, a match to which no objection could be made, except that, owing to his "youth and fickleness," "he may either change and therefore injure the young lady; or that it may precipitate him into a marriage before, i am certain, he has ever bestowed a serious thought of the consequences; by which means his education is interrupted." to avoid this danger, washington took his ward to new york and entered him in king's college, but the death of patsy custis put a termination to study, for mrs. washington could not bear to have the lad at such a distance, and washington "did not care, as he is the last of the family, to push my opposition too far." accordingly, jack returned to virginia and promptly married. the young couple were much at mount vernon from this time on, and washington wrote to "dear jack," "i am always pleased with yours and nelly's abidance at mount vernon." when the winter snows made the siege of boston purely passive, the couple journeyed with mrs. washington to cambridge, and visited at head-quarters for some months. the arrival of children prevented the repetition of such visits, but frequent letters, which rarely failed to send love to "nelly and the little girls," were exchanged. the acceptance of command compelled washington to resign the care of custis's estate, for which service "i have never charged him or his sister, from the day of my connexion with them to this hour, one farthing for all the trouble i have had in managing their estates, nor for any expense they have been to me, notwithstanding some hundreds of pounds would not reimburse the moneys i have actually paid in attending the public meetings in williamsburg to collect their debts, and transact these several matters appertaining to the respective estates." washington, however, continued his advice as to its management, and in other letters advised him concerning his conduct when custis was elected a member of the virginia house of delegates. in the siege of yorktown jack served as an officer of militia, and the exposure proved too much for him. immediately after the surrender, news reached washington of his serious illness, and by riding thirty miles in one day he succeeded in reaching eltham in "time enough to see poor mr. custis breath his last," leaving behind him "four lovely children, three girls and a boy." owing to his public employment, washington refused to be guardian for these "little ones," writing "that it would be injurious to the children and madness in me, to undertake, _as a principle_, a trust which i could not discharge. such aid, however, as it ever may be with me to give to the children especially the boy, i will afford with all my heart, and on this assurance you may rely." yet "from their earliest infancy" two of jack's children, george washington parke and eleanor parke custis, lived at mount vernon, for, as washington wrote in his will, "it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren of my wife in the same light as my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them." though the cares of war prevented his watching their property interests, his eight years' absence could not make him forget them, and on his way to annapolis, in , to tender congress his resignation, he spent sundry hours of his time in the purchase of gifts obviously intended to increase the joy of his homecoming to the family circle at mount vernon; set forth in his note-book as follows: "by sundries bo't. in phil'a. a locket £ small pockt. books sashes dress cap hatt handkerchief childrens books whirligig fiddle quadrille boxes ." indeed, in every way washington showed how entirely he considered himself as a father, not merely speaking of them frequently as "the children," but even alluding to himself in a letter to the boy as "your papa." both were much his companions during the presidency. a frequent sight in new york and philadelphia was washington taking "exercise in the coach with mrs. washington and the two children," and several times they were taken to the theatre and on picnics. for eleanor, or "nelly," who grew into a great beauty, washington showed the utmost tenderness, and on occasion interfered to save her from her grandmother, who at moments was inclined to be severe, in one case to bring the storm upon himself. for her was bought a "forte piano," and later, at the cost of a thousand dollars, a very fine imported harpsichord, and one of washington's great pleasures was to have her play and sing to him. his ledger constantly shows gifts to her ranging from "the wayworn traveller, a song for miss custis," to "a pr. of gold eardrops" and a watch. the two corresponded. one letter from washington merits quotation: [illustration: ellanor (nelly) custis] "let me touch a little now on your georgetown ball, and happy, thrice happy, for the fair who assembled on the occasion, that there was a man to spare; for had there been ladies and only gentlemen, there might, in the course of the evening have been some disorder among the caps; notwithstanding the apathy which _one_ of the company entertains for the '_youth_' of the present day, and her determination 'never to give herself a moment's uneasiness on account of any of them.' a hint here; men and women feel the same inclinations towards each other _now_ that they always have done, and which they will continue to do until there is a new order of things, and _you_, as others have done, may find, perhaps, that the passions of your sex are easier raised than allayed. do not therefore boast too soon or too strongly of your insensibility to, or resistance of, its powers. in the composition of the human frame there is a good deal of inflammable matter, however dormant it may lie for a time, and like an intimate acquaintance of yours, when the torch is put to it, _that_ which is _within you_ may burst into a blaze; for which reason and especially too, as i have entered upon the chapter of advices, i will read you a lecture from this text." not long after this was written, nelly, as already mentioned, was married at mount vernon to washington's nephew, lawrence lewis, and in time became joint-owner with her husband of part of that place. as early as a tutor was wanted for "little washington," as the lad was called, and washington wrote to england to ask if some "worthy man of the cloth could not be obtained," "for the boy is a remarkably fine one, and my intention is to give him a liberal education." his training became part of the private secretary's duty, both at mount vernon and new york and philadelphia, but the lad inherited his father's traits, and "from his infancy ... discovered an almost unconquerable disposition to indolence." this led to failures which gave washington "extreme disquietude," and in vain he "exhorted him in the most parental and friendly manner." custis would express "sorrow and repentance" and do no better. successively he was sent to the college of philadelphia, the college of new jersey, and that at annapolis, but from each he was expelled, or had to be withdrawn. irritating as it must have been, his guardian never in his letters expressed anything but affection, shielded the lad from the anger of his step-father, and saw that he was properly supplied with money, of which he asked him to keep a careful account,--though this, as washington wrote, was "not because i want to know how you spend your money." after the last college failure a private tutor was once more engaged, but a very few weeks served to give washington "a thorough conviction that it was in vain to keep washington custis to any literary pursuits, either in a public seminary or at home," and, as the next best thing, he procured him a cornetcy in the provisional army. even here, balance was shown; for, out of compliment and friendship to washington, "the major generals were desirous of placing him as lieutenant in the first instance; but his age considered, i thought it more eligible that he should enter into the lowest grade." in this connection one side of washington's course with his relations deserves especial notice. as early as he applied for a commission in the virginia forces for his brother, and, as already shown, he placed several of his nephews and other connections in the revolutionary or provisional armies. but he made clear distinction between military and civil appointments, and was very scrupulous about the latter. when his favorite nephew asked for a federal appointment, washington answered,-- "you cannot doubt my wishes to see you appointed to any office of honor or emolument in the new government, to the duties of which you are competent; but however deserving you may be of the one you have suggested, your standing at the bar would not justify my nomination of you as attorney to the federal district court in preference to some of the oldest and most esteemed general court lawyers in your state, who are desirous of this appointment. my political conduct in nominations, even if i were uninfluenced by principle, must be exceedingly circumspect and proof against just criticism; for the eyes of argus are upon me, and no slip will pass unnoticed, that can be improved into a supposed partiality for friends or relations." and that in this policy he was consistent is shown by a letter of jefferson, who wrote to an office-seeking relative, "the public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; nor can they ever see with approbation offices, the disposal of which they entrust to their presidents for public purposes, divided out as family property. mr. adams degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as genl. washington had done himself the greatest honor. with two such examples to proceed by, i should be doubly inexcusable to err." there were many other more distant relatives with whom pleasant relations were maintained, but enough has been said to indicate the intercourse. frequent were the house-parties at mount vernon, and how unstinted hospitality was to kith and kin is shown by many entries in washington's diary, a single one of which will indicate the rest: "i set out for my return home--at which i arrived a little after noon--and found my brother jon augustine his wife; daughter milly, & sons bushrod & corbin, & the wife of the first. mr. willm washington & his wife and children." his will left bequests to forty-one of his own and his wife's relations. "god left him childless that he might be the father of his country." ii physique writing to his london tailor for clothes, in , washington directed him to "take measure of a gentleman who wares well-made cloaths of the following size: to wit, feet high and proportionably made--if anything rather slender than thick, for a person of that highth, with pretty long arms and thighs. you will take care to make the breeches longer than those you sent me last, and i would have you keep the measure of the cloaths you now make, by you, and if any alteration is required in my next it shall be pointed out." about this time, too, he ordered " pr. man's riding gloves--rather large than the middle size,"... and several dozen pairs of stockings, "to be long, and tolerably large." the earliest known description of washington was written in by his companion-in-arms and friend george mercer, who attempted a "portraiture" in the following words: "he may be described as being as straight as an indian, measuring six feet two inches in his stockings, and weighing pounds when he took his seat in the house of burgesses in . his frame is padded with well-developed muscles, indicating great strength. his bones and joints are large, as are his feet and hands. he is wide shouldered, but has not a deep or round chest; is neat waisted, but is broad across the hips, and has rather long legs and arms. his head is well shaped though not large, but is gracefully poised on a superb neck. a large and straight rather than prominent nose; blue-gray penetrating eyes, which are widely separated and overhung by a heavy brow. his face is long rather than broad, with high round cheek bones, and terminates in a good firm chin. he has a clear though rather a colorless pale skin, which burns with the sun. a pleasing, benevolent, though a commanding countenance, dark brown hair, which he wears in a cue. his mouth is large and generally firmly closed, but which from time to time discloses some defective teeth. his features are regular and placid, with all the muscles of his face under perfect control, though flexible and expressive of deep feeling when moved by emotion. in conversation he looks you full in the face, is deliberate, deferential and engaging. his voice is agreeable rather than strong. his demeanor at all times composed and dignified. his movements and gestures are graceful, his walk majestic, and he is a splendid horseman." dr. james thacher, writing in , depicted him as "remarkably tall, full six feet, erect and well proportioned. the strength and proportion of his joints and muscles, appear to be commensurate with the pre-eminent powers of his mind. the serenity of his countenance, and majestic gracefulness of his deportment, impart a strong impression of that dignity and grandeur, which are his peculiar characteristics, and no one can stand in his presence without feeling the ascendancy of his mind, and associating with his countenance the idea of wisdom, philanthropy, magnanimity and patriotism. there is a fine symmetry in the features of his face, indicative of a benign and dignified spirit. his nose is straight, and his eye inclined to blue. he wears his hair in a becoming cue, and from his forehead it is turned back and powdered in a manner which adds to the military air of his appearance. he displays a native gravity, but devoid of all appearance of ostentation." in this same year a friend wrote, "general washington is now in the forty-seventh year of his age; he is a well-made man, rather large boned, and has a tolerably genteel address; his features are manly and bold, his eyes of a bluish cast and very lively; his hair a deep brown, his face rather long and marked with the small-pox; his complexion sunburnt and without much color, and his countenance sensible, composed and thoughtful; there is a remarkable air of dignity about him, with a striking degree of gracefulness." in senator maclay saw "him as he really is. in stature about six feet, with an unexceptionable make, but lax appearance. his frame would seem to want filling up. his motions rather slow than lively, though he showed no signs of having suffered by gout or rheumatism. his complexion pale, nay, almost cadaverous. his voice hollow and indistinct, owing, as i believe, to artificial teeth before his upper jaw, which occasions a flatness." from frequent opportunity of seeing washington between and , william sullivan described him as "over six feet in stature; of strong, bony, muscular frame, without fullness of covering, well-formed and straight. he was a man of most extraordinary strength. in his own house, his action was calm, deliberate, and dignified, without pretension to gracefulness, or peculiar manner, but merely natural, and such as one would think it should be in such a man. when walking in the street, his movement had not the soldierly air which might be expected. his habitual motions had been formed, long before he took command of the american armies, in the wars of the interior and in the surveying of wilderness lands, employments in which grace and elegance were not likely to be acquired. at the age of sixty-five, time had done nothing towards bending him out of his natural erectness. his deportment was invariably grave; it was sobriety that stopped short of sadness." the french officers and travellers supply other descriptions. the abbé robin found him of "tall and noble stature, well proportioned, a fine, cheerful, open countenance, a simple and modest carriage; and his whole mien has something in it that interests the french, the americans, and even enemies themselves in his favor." the marquis de chastellux wrote enthusiastically, "in speaking of this perfect whole of which general washington furnishes the idea, i have not excluded exterior form. his stature is noble and lofty, he is well made, and exactly proportionate; his physiognomy mild and agreeable, but such as to render it impossible to speak particularly of any of his features, so that in quitting him you have only the recollection of a fine face. he has neither a grave nor a familiar face, his brow is sometimes marked with thought, but never with inquietude; in inspiring respect he inspires confidence, and his smile is always the smile of benevolence." to this description, however, brissot de warville took exception, and supplied his own picture by writing in , "you have often heard me blame m. chastellux for putting too much sprightliness in the character he has drawn of this general. to give pretensions to the portrait of a man who has none is truly absurd. the general's goodness appears in his looks. they have nothing of that brilliancy which his officers found in them when he was at the head of his army; but in conversation they become animated. he has no characteristic traits in his figure, and this has rendered it always so difficult to describe it: there are few portraits which resemble him. all his answers are pertinent; he shows the utmost reserve, and is very diffident; but, at the same time, he is firm and unchangeable in whatever he undertakes. his modesty must be very astonishing, especially to a frenchman." british travellers have left a number of pen-portraits. an anonymous writer in declared that in meeting him "it was not necessary to announce his name, for his peculiar appearance, his firm forehead, roman nose, and a projection of the lower jaw, his height and figure, could not be mistaken by any one who had seen a full-length picture of him, and yet no picture accurately resembled him in the minute traits of his person. his features, however, were so marked by prominent characteristics, which appear in all likenesses of him, that a stranger could not be mistaken in the man; he was remarkably dignified in his manners, and had an air of benignity over his features which his visitant did not expect, being rather prepared for sternness of countenance.... his smile was extraordinarily attractive. it was observed to me that there was an expression in washington's face that no painter had succeeded in taking. it struck me no man could be better formed for command. a stature of six feet, a robust, but well-proportioned frame, calculated to sustain fatigue, without that heaviness which generally attends great muscular strength, and abates active exertion, displayed bodily power of no mean standard. a light eye and full--the very eye of genius and reflection rather than of blind passionate impulse. his nose appeared thick, and though it befitted his other features, was too coarsely and strongly formed to be the handsomest of its class. his mouth was like no other that i ever saw; the lips firm and the under jaw seeming to grasp the upper with force, as if its muscles were in full action when he sat still." two years later, an english diplomat wrote of him, "his person is tall and sufficiently graceful; his face well formed, his complexion rather pale, with a mild philosophic gravity in the expression of it in his air and manner he displays much natural dignity; in his address he is cold, reserved, and even phlegmatic, though without the least appearance of haughtiness or ill-nature; it is the effect, i imagine, of constitutional diffidence. that caution and circumspection which form so striking and well known a feature in his military, and, indeed, in his political character, is very strongly marked in his countenance, for his eyes retire inward (do you understand me?) and have nothing of fire of animation or openness in their expression." wansey, who visited mount vernon in , portrayed "the president in his person" as "tall and thin, but erect; rather of an engaging than a dignified presence. he appears very thoughtful, is slow in delivering himself, which occasions some to conclude him reserved, but it is rather, i apprehend, the effect of much thinking and reflection, for there is great appearance to me of affability and accommodation. he was at this time in his sixty-third year ... but he has very little the appearance of age, having been all his life long so exceeding temperate." in , weld wrote, "his chest is full; and his limbs, though rather slender, well shaped and muscular. his head is small, in which respect he resembles the make of a great number of his countrymen. his eyes are of a light grey colour; and in proportion to the length of his face, his nose is long. mr. stewart, the eminent portrait painter, told me, that there were features in his face totally different from what he ever observed in that of any other human being; the sockets for the eyes, for instance, are larger than what he ever met with before, and the upper part of the nose broader. all his features, he observed, were indicative of the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forests, it was his opinion that he would have been the fiercest man among the savage tribes." other and briefer descriptions contain a few phrases worth quoting. samuel sterns said, "his countenance commonly carries the impression of a serious cast;" maclay, that "the president seemed to bear in his countenance a settled aspect of melancholy;" and the prince de broglie wrote, "his pensive eyes seem more attentive than sparkling, but their expression is benevolent, noble and self-possessed." silas deane in said he had "a very young look and an easy soldier-like air and gesture," and in the same year curwen mentioned his "fine figure" and "easy and agreeable address." nathaniel lawrence noted in that "the general weighs commonly about pounds." after death, lear reports that "doctor dick measured the body, which was as follows--in length ft. - / inches exact. across the shoulders . . across the elbows . ." the pleasantest description is jefferson's: "his person, you know, was fine, his stature exactly what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect and noble." how far the portraits of washington conveyed his expression is open to question. the quotation already given which said that no picture accurately resembled him in the minute traits of his person is worth noting. furthermore, his expression varied much according to circumstances, and the painter saw it only in repose. the first time he was drawn, he wrote a friend, "inclination having yielded to importunity, i am now contrary to all expectation under the hands of mr. peale; but in so grave--so sullen a mood--and now and then under the influence of morpheus, when some critical strokes are making, that i fancy the skill of this gentleman's pencil will be put to it, in describing to the world what manner of man i am." this passiveness seems to have seized him at other sittings, for in he wrote to a friend who asked him to be painted, "_in for a penny, in for a pound_, is an old adage. i am so hackneyed to the touches of the painter's pencil that i am now altogether at their beck; and sit 'like patience on a monument,' whilst they are delineating the lines of my face. it is a proof, among many others, of what habit and custom can accomplish. at first i was as impatient at the request, and as restive under the operation, as a colt is of the saddle. the next time i submitted very reluctantly, but with less flouncing. now, no dray-horse moves more readily to his thills than i to the painter's chair." his aide, laurens, bears this out by writing of a miniature, "the defects of this portrait are, that the visage is too long, and old age is too strongly marked in it. he is not altogether mistaken, with respect to the languor of the general's eye; for altho' his countenance when affected either by joy or anger, is full of expression, yet when the muscles are in a state of repose, his eye certainly wants animation." [illustration: first (fictitious) engraved portrait of washington] one portrait which furnished washington not a little amusement was an engraving issued in london in , when interest in the "rebel general" was great. this likeness, it is needless to say, was entirely spurious, and when reed sent a copy to head-quarters, washington wrote to him, "mrs. washington desires i will thank you for the picture sent her. mr. campbell, whom i never saw, to my knowledge, has made a very formidable figure of the commander-in-chief, giving him a sufficient portion of terror in his countenance." the physical strength mentioned by nearly every one who described washington is so undoubted that the traditions of his climbing the walls of the natural bridge, throwing a stone across the rappahannock at fredericksburg, and another into the hudson from the top of the palisades, pass current more from the supposed muscular power of the man than from any direct evidence. in addition to this, washington in claimed to have "one of the best of constitutions," and again he wrote, "for my own part i can answer, i have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials." this vigor was not the least reason of washington's success. in the retreat from brooklyn, "for forty-eight hours preceeding that i had hardly been off my horse," and between the th and the th of june of "i was almost constantly on horseback." after the battle of monmouth, as told elsewhere, he passed the night on a blanket; the first night of the siege of york "he slept under a mulberry tree, the root serving for a pillow," and another time he lay "all night in my great coat & boots, in a birth not long enough for me by the head, & much cramped." besides the physical strain there was a mental one. during the siege of boston he wrote that "the reflection on my situation and that of this army, produces many an uneasy hour when all around me are wrapped in sleep." humphreys relates that at newburg in a revolt of the whole army seemed imminent, and "when general washington rose from bed on the morning of the meeting, he told the writer his anxiety had prevented him from sleeping one moment the preceeding night." washington observed, in a letter written after the revolution, "strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was not until lately i could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating as soon as i awoke in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind that i was no longer a public man, or had any thing to do with public transactions." despite his strength and constitution, washington was frequently the victim of illness. what diseases of childhood he suffered are not known, but presumably measles was among them, for when his wife within the first year of married life had an attack he cared for her without catching the complaint. the first of his known illnesses was "ague and feaver, which i had to an extremity" about , or when he was sixteen. in the sea voyage to barbadoes in , the seamen told washington that "they had never seen such weather before," and he says in his diary that the sea "made the ship rowl much and me very sick." while in the island, he went to dine with a friend "with great reluctance, as the small-pox was in his family." a fortnight later washington "was strongly attacked with the small pox," which confined him for nearly a month, and, as already noted, marked his face for life. shortly after the return voyage he was "taken with a violent pleurise, which ... reduced me very low." during the braddock march, "immediately upon our leaving the camp at george's creek, on the th, ... i was seized with violent fevers and pains in my head, which continued without intermission 'till the d following, when i was relieved, by the general's [braddock] absolutely ordering the physicians to give me dr. james' powders (one of the most excellent medicines in the world), for it gave me immediate ease, and removed my fevers and other complaints in four days' time. my illness was too violent to suffer me to ride; therefore i was indebted to a covered wagon for some part of my transportation; but even in this i could not continue far, for the jolting was so great, i was left upon the road with a guard, and necessaries, to wait the arrival of colonel dunbar's detachment which was two days' march behind us, the general giving me his word of honor, that i should be brought up, before he reached the french fort. this _promise_, and the doctor's _threats_, that, if i persevered in my attempts to get on, in the condition i was, my life would be endangered, determined me to halt for the above detachment." immediately upon his return from that campaign, he told a brother, "i am not able, were i ever so willing, to meet you in town, for i assure you it is with some difficulty, and with much fatigue, that i visit my plantations in the neck; so much has a sickness of five weeks' continuance reduced me." on the frontier, towards the end of , he was seized with a violent attack of dysentery and fever, which compelled him to leave the army and retire to mount vernon. three months later he said, "i have never been able to return to my command, ... my disorder at times returning obstinately upon me, in spite of the efforts of all the sons of aesculapius, whom i have hitherto consulted. at certain periods i have been reduced to great extremity, and have too much reason to apprehend an approaching decay, being visited with several symptoms of such a disease.... i am now under a strict regimen, and shall set out to-morrow for williamsburg to receive the advice of the best physician there. my constitution is certainly greatly impaired, and ... nothing can retrieve it, but the greatest care and the most circumspect conduct." it was in this journey that he met his future wife, and either she or the doctor cured him, for nothing more is heard of his approaching "decay." in he was attacked with a disease which seems incidental to new settlements, known in virginia at that time as the "river fever," and a hundred years later, farther west, as the "break-bone fever," and which, in a far milder form, is to-day known as malaria. hoping to cure it, he went over the mountains to the warm springs, being "much overcome with the fatigue of the ride and weather together. however, i think my fevers are a good deal abated, although my pains grow rather worse, and my sleep equally disturbed. what effect the waters may have upon me i can't say at present, but i expect nothing from the air--this certainly must be unwholesome. i purpose staying here a fortnight and longer if benefitted." after writing this, a relapse brought him "very near my last gasp. the indisposition ... increased upon me, and i fell into a very low and dangerous state. i once thought the grim king would certainly master my utmost efforts, and that i must sink, in spite of a noble struggle; but thank god, i have now got the better of the disorder, and shall soon be restored, i hope, to perfect health again." during the revolution, fortunately, he seems to have been wonderfully exempt from illness, and not till his retirement to mount vernon did an old enemy, the ague, reappear. in he said, in a letter, "i write to you with a very aching head and disordered frame.... saturday last, by an imprudent act, i brought on an ague and fever on sunday, which returned with violence tuesday and thursday; and, if dr. craik's efforts are ineffectual i shall have them again this day." his diary gives the treatment: "seized with an ague before o'clock this morning after having laboured under a fever all night--sent for dr. craik who arrived just as we were setting down to dinner; who, when he thought my fever sufficiently abated gave me cathartick and directed the bark to be applied in the morning. september . kept close to the house to day, being my fit day in course least any exposure might bring it on,--happily missed it september . at home all day repeating dozes of bark of which i took with an interval of hours between." with a new foe appeared in the form of "a rheumatic complaint which has followed me more than six months, is frequently so bad that it is sometimes with difficulty i can raise my hand to my head or turn myself in bed." during the presidency washington had several dangerous illnesses, but the earliest one had a comic side. in his tour through new england in , so sullivan states, "owing to some mismanagement in the reception ceremonials at cambridge, washington was detained a long time, and the weather being inclement, he took cold. for several days afterward a severe influenza prevailed at boston and its vicinity, and was called the _washington influenza_." he himself writes of this attack: "myself much disordered by a cold, and inflammation in the left eye." six months later, in new york, he was "indisposed with a bad cold, and at home all day writing letters on private business," and this was the beginning of "a severe illness," which, according to mcvickar, was "a case of anthrax, so malignant as for several days to threaten mortification. during this period dr. bard never quitted him. on one occasion, being left alone with him, general washington, looking steadily in his face, desired his candid opinion as to the probable termination of his disease, adding, with that placid firmness which marked his address, 'do not flatter me with vain hopes; i am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst!' dr. bard's answer, though it expressed hope, acknowledged his apprehensions. the president replied, 'whether to-night or twenty years hence, makes no difference.'" it was of this that maclay wrote, "called to see the president. every eye full of tears. his life despaired of. dr. macknight told me he would trifle neither with his own character nor the public expectation; his danger was imminent, and every reason to expect that the event of his disorder would be unfortunate." during his convalescence the president wrote to a correspondent, "i have the pleasure to inform you, that my health is restored, but a feebleness still hangs upon me, and i am much incommoded by the incision, which was made in a very large and painful tumor on the protuberance of my thigh. this prevents me from walking or sitting. however, the physicians assure me that it has had a happy effect in removing my fever, and will tend very much to the establishment of my general health; it is in a fair way of healing, and time and patience only are wanting to remove this evil. i am able to take exercise in my coach, by having it so contrived as to extend myself the full length of it." he himself seems to have thought this succession of illness due to the fatigues of office, for he said,-- "public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table will hold, with the references _to and from_ the different department of state and _other_ communications with _all_ parts of the union, are as much, if not more, than i am able to undergo; for i have already had within less than a year, two severe attacks, the last worst than the first. a third, more than probable, will put me to sleep with my fathers. at what distance this may be i know not. within the last twelve months i have undergone more and severer sickness, than thirty preceding years afflicted me with. put it all together i have abundant reason, however, to be thankful that i am so well recovered; though i still feel the remains of the violent affection of my lungs; the cough, pain in my breast, and shortness in breathing not having entirely left me." while at mount vernon in , "an exertion to save myself and horse from falling among the rocks at the lower falls of the potomac (whither i went on sunday morning to see the canal and locks),... wrenched my back in such a manner as to prevent my riding;" the "hurt" "confined me whilst i was at mount vernon," and it was some time before he could "again ride with ease and safety." in this same year washington was operated on by dr. tate for cancer,--the same disorder from which his mother had suffered. after his retirement from office, in , he "was seized with a fever, of which i took little notice until i was obliged to call for the aid of medicine; and with difficulty a remission thereof was so far effected as to dose me all night on thursday with bark--which having stopped it, and weakness only remaining, will soon wear off as my appetite is returning;" and to a correspondent he apologized for not sooner replying, and pleaded "debilitated health, occasioned by the fever wch. deprived me of lbs. of the weight i had when you and i were at troy mills scales, and rendered writing irksome." a glance at washington's medical knowledge and opinions may not lack interest. in the "rules of civility" he had taken so to heart, the boy had been taught that "in visiting the sick, do not presently play the physician if you be not knowing therein," but plantation life trained every man to a certain extent in physicking, and the yearly invoice sent to london always ordered such drugs as were needed,--ipecacuanha, jalap, venice treacle, rhubarb, diacordium, etc., as well as medicines for horses and dogs. in washington received great benefit from one quack medicine, "dr. james's powders;" he once bought a quantity of another, "godfrey's cordial;" and at a later time mrs. washington tried a third, "annatipic pills." more unenlightened still was a treatment prescribed for patsy custis, when "joshua evans who came here last night, put a [metal] ring on patsey (for fits)." a not much higher order of treatment was washington sending for dr. laurie to bleed his wife, and, as his diary notes, the doctor "came here, i may add, drunk," so that a night's sleep was necessary before the service could be rendered. when the small-pox was raging in the continental army, even washington's earnest request could not get the virginia assembly to repeal a law which forbade inoculation, and he had to urge his wife for over four years before he could bring her to the point of submitting to the operation. one quality which implies greatness is told by a visitor, who states that in his call "an allusion was made to a serious fit of illness he had recently suffered; but he took no notice of it" custis notes that "his aversion to the use of medicine was extreme; and, even when in great suffering, it was only by the entreaties of his lady, and the respectful, yet beseeching look of his oldest friend and companion in arms (dr. james craik) that he could be prevailed upon to take the slightest preparation of medicine." in line with this was his refusal to take anything for a cold, saying, "let it go as it came," though this good sense was apparently restricted to his own colds, for watson relates that in a visit to mount vernon "i was extremely oppressed by a severe cold and excessive coughing, contracted by the exposure of a harsh journey. he pressed me to use some remedies, but i declined doing so. as usual, after retiring my coughing increased. when some time had elapsed, the door of my room was gently opened, and, on drawing my bed-curtains, to my utter astonishment, i beheld washington himself, standing at my bedside, with a bowl of hot tea in his hand." the acute attacks of illness already touched upon by no means represent all the physical debility and suffering of washington's life. during the revolution his sight became poor, so that in he first put on glasses for reading, and cobb relates that in the officers' meeting in , which washington attended in order to check an appeal to arms, "when the general took his station at the desk or pulpit, which, you may recollect, was in the temple, he took out his written address from his coat pocket and then addressed the officers in the following manner: 'gentlemen, you will permit me to put on my spectacles, for i have not only grown gray, but almost blind, in the service of my country.' this little address, with the mode and manner of delivering it, drew tears from [many] of the officers." nor did his hearing remain entirely good. maclay noted, at one of the president's dinners in , that "he seemed in more good humor than i ever saw him, though he was so deaf that i believe he heard little of the conversation," and three years later the president is reported as saying to jefferson that he was "sensible, too, of a decay of his hearing, perhaps his other faculties might fall off and he not be sensible of it." washington's teeth were even more troublesome. mercer in alluded to his showing, when his mouth was open, "some defective teeth," and as early as one of his teeth was extracted. from this time toothache, usually followed by the extraction of the guilty member, became almost of yearly recurrence, and his diary reiterates, with verbal variations, "indisposed with an aching tooth, and swelled and inflamed gum," while his ledger contains many items typified by "to dr. watson drawing a tooth /." by he was using false teeth, and he lost his last tooth in . at first these substitutes were very badly fitted, and when stuart painted his famous picture he tried to remedy the malformation they gave the mouth by padding under the lips with cotton. the result was to make bad worse, and to give, in that otherwise fine portrait, a feature at once poor and unlike washington, and for this reason alone the sharpless miniature, which in all else approximates so closely to stuart's masterpiece, is preferable. in washington was furnished with two sets of "sea-horse" (_i.e._, hippopotamus) ivory teeth, and they were so much better fitted that the distortion of the mouth ceased to be noticeable. washington's final illness began december , , in a severe cold taken by riding about his plantation while "rain, hail and snow" were "falling alternately, with a cold wind." when he came in late in the afternoon, lear "observed to him that i was afraid that he had got wet, he said no his great coat had kept him dry; but his neck appeared to be wet and the snow was hanging on his hair." the next day he had a cold, "and complained of having a sore throat," yet, though it was snowing, none the less he "went out in the afternoon ... to mark some trees which were to be cut down." "he had a hoarseness which increased in the evening; but he made light of it as he would never take anything to carry off a cold, always observing, 'let it go as it came.'" at two o'clock the following morning he was seized with a severe ague, and as soon as the house was stirring he sent for an overseer and ordered the man to bleed him, and about half a pint of blood was taken from him. at this time he could "swallow nothing," "appeared to be distressed, convulsed and almost suffocated." there can be scarcely a doubt that the treatment of his last illness by the doctors was little short of murder. although he had been bled once already, after they took charge of the case they prescribed "two pretty copious bleedings," and finally a third, "when about ounces of blood were drawn," or the equivalent of a quart. of the three doctors, one disapproved of this treatment, and a second wrote, only a few days after washington's death, to the third, "you must remember" dr. dick "was averse to bleeding the general, and i have often thought that if we had acted according to his suggestion when he said, 'he needs all his strength-- bleeding will diminish it,' and taken no more blood from him, our good friend might have been alive now. but we were governed by the best light we had; we thought we were right, and so we are justified." shortly after this last bleeding washington seemed to have resigned himself, for he gave some directions concerning his will, and said, "i find i am going," and, "smiling," added, that, "as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation." from this time on "he appeared to be in great pain and distress," and said, "doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed from my first attack that i should not survive it." a little later he said, "i feel myself going. i thank you for your attention, you had better not take any more trouble about me; but let me go off quietly." the last words he said were, "'tis well." "about ten minutes before he expired, his breathing became much easier--he lay quietly--... and felt his own pulse.... the general's hand fell from his wrist,... and he expired without a struggle or a sigh." iii education the father of washington received his education at appleby school in england, and, true to his alma mater, he sent his two elder sons to the same school. his death when george was eleven prevented this son from having the same advantage, and such education as he had was obtained in virginia. his old friend, and later enemy, rev. jonathan boucher, said that "george, like most people thereabouts at that time, had no education than reading, writing and accounts which he was taught by a convict servant whom his father bought for a schoolmaster;" but boucher managed to include so many inaccuracies in his account of washington, that even if this statement were not certainly untruthful in several respects, it could be dismissed as valueless. born at wakefield, in washington parish, westmoreland, which had been the home of the washingtons from their earliest arrival in virginia, george was too young while the family continued there to attend the school which had been founded in that parish by the gift of four hundred and forty acres from some early patron of knowledge. when the boy was about three years old, the family removed to "washington," as mount vernon was called before it was renamed, and dwelt there from till , when, owing to the burning of the homestead, another remove was made to an estate on the rappahannock, nearly opposite fredericksburg. here it was that the earliest education of george was received, for in an old volume of the bishop of exeter's sermons his name is written, and on a flyleaf a note in the handwriting of a relative who inherited the library states that this "autograph of george washington's name is believed to be the earliest specimen of his handwriting, when he was probably not more than eight or nine years old." during this period, too, there came into his possession the "young man's companion," an english _vade-mecum_ of then enormous popularity, written "in a plain and easy stile," the title states, "that a young man may attain the same, without a tutor." it would be easier to say what this little book did not teach than to catalogue what it did. how to read, write, and figure is but the introduction to the larger part of the work, which taught one to write letters, wills, deeds, and all legal forms, to measure, survey, and navigate, to build houses, to make ink and cider, and to plant and graft, how to address letters to people of quality, how to doctor the sick, and, finally, how to conduct one's self in company. the evidence still exists of how carefully washington studied this book, in the form of copybooks, in which are transcribed problem after problem and rule after rule, not to exclude the famous rules of civility, which biographers of washington have asserted were written by the boy himself. school-mates thought fit, after washington became famous, to remember his "industry and assiduity at school as very remarkable," and the copies certainly bear out the statement, but even these prove that the lad was as human as the man, for scattered here and there among the logarithms, geometrical problems, and legal forms are crude drawings of birds, faces, and other typical school-boy attempts. from this book, too, came two qualities which clung to him through life. his handwriting, so easy, flowing, and legible, was modelled from the engraved "copy" sheet, and certain forms of spelling were acquired here that were never corrected, though not the common usage of his time. to the end of his life, washington wrote lie, lye; liar, lyar; ceiling, cieling; oil, oyl; and blue, blew, as in his boyhood he had learned to do from this book. even in his carefully prepared will, "lye" was the form in which he wrote the word. it must be acknowledged that, aside from these errors which he had been taught, through his whole life washington was a non-conformist as regarded the king's english: struggle as he undoubtedly did, the instinct of correct spelling was absent, and thus every now and then a verbal slip appeared: extravagence, lettely (for lately), glew, riffle (for rifle), latten (for latin), immagine, winder, rief (for rife), oppertunity, spirma citi, yellow oaker,--such are types of his lapses late in life, while his earlier letters and journals are far more inaccurate. it must be borne in mind, however, that of these latter we have only the draughts, which were undoubtedly written carelessly, and the two letters actually sent which are now known, and the text of his surveys before he was twenty, are quite as well written as his later epistles. [illustration: _easy copies to write by_. copy of penmanship by which washington's handwriting was formed] on the death of his father, washington went to live with his brother augustine, in order, it is presumed, that he might take advantage of a good school near wakefield, kept by one williams; but after a time he returned to his mother's, and attended the school kept by the rev. james marye, in fredericksburg. it has been universally asserted by his biographers that he studied no foreign language, but direct proof to the contrary exists in a copy of patrick's latin translation of homer, printed in , the fly-leaf of a copy of which bears, in a school-boy hand, the inscription: "hunc mihi quaeso (bone vir) libellum redde, si forsan tenues repertum ut scias qui sum sine fraude scriptum. est mihi nomen, georgio washington, george washington, fredericksburg, virginia." it is thus evident that the reverend teacher gave washington at least the first elements of latin, but it is equally clear that the boy, like most others, forgot it with the greatest facility as soon as he ceased studying. the end of washington's school-days left him, if a good "cipherer," a bad speller, and a still worse grammarian, but, fortunately, the termination of instruction did not by any means end his education. from that time there is to be noted a steady improvement in both these failings. pickering stated that "when i first became acquainted with the general (in ) his writing was defective in grammar, and even spelling, owing to the insufficiency of his early education; of which, however, he gradually got the better in the subsequent years of his life, by the official perusal of some excellent models, particularly those of hamilton; by writing with care and patient attention; and reading numerous, indeed multitudes of letters to and from his friends and correspondents. this obvious improvement was begun during the war." in a contemporary noted that "the general is remarked for writing a most elegant letter," adding that, "like the famous addison, his writing excells his speaking," and jefferson said that "he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. this he had acquired by conversation with the world, for his education was merely reading, writing and common arithmetic, to which he added surveying at a later day." there can be no doubt that washington felt his lack of education very keenly as he came to act upon a larger sphere than as a virginia planter. "i am sensible," he wrote a friend, of his letters, "that the narrations are just, and that truth and honesty will appear in my writings; of which, therefore, i shall not be ashamed, though criticism may censure my style." when his secretary suggested to him that he should write his own life, he replied, "in a former letter i informed you, my dear humphreys, that if i had _talents_ for it, i have not leisure to turn my thoughts to commentaries. a consciousness of a defective education, and a certainty of the want of time, unfit me for such an undertaking." on being pressed by a french comrade-in-arms to pay france a visit, he declined, saying, "remember, my good friend, that i am unacquainted with your language, that i am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of it, and that, to converse through the medium of an interpreter upon common occasions, especially with the ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, insipid, and uncouth, that i can scarce bear it in idea." in , without previous warning, he was elected chancellor of william and mary college, a distinction by which he felt "honored and greatly affected;" but "not knowing particularly what duties, or whether any active services are immediately expected from the person holding the office of chancellor, i have been greatly embarrassed in deciding upon the public answer proper to be given.... my difficulties are briefly these. on the one hand, nothing in this world could be farther from my heart, than ... a refusal of the appointment ... provided its duties are not incompatible with the mode of life to which i have entirely addicted myself; and, on the other hand, i would not for any consideration disappoint the just expectations of the convocation by accepting an office, whose functions i previously knew ... i should be absolutely unable to perform." perhaps the most touching proof of his own self-depreciation was something he did when he had become conscious that his career would be written about. still in his possession were the letter-books in which he had kept copies of his correspondence while in command of the virginia regiment between and , and late in life he went through these volumes, and, by interlining corrections, carefully built them into better literary form. how this was done is shown here by a single facsimile. with the appointment to command the continental army, a secretary was secured, and in an absence of this assistant he complained to him that "my business increases very fast, and my distresses for want of you along with it. mr. harrison is the only gentleman of my family, that can afford me the least assistance in writing. he and mr. moylan,... have heretofore afforded me their aid; and ... they have really had a great deal of trouble." most of washington's correspondence during the revolution was written by his aides. pickering said,-- "as to the public letters bearing his signature, it is certain that he could not have maintained so extensive a correspondence with his own pen, even if he had possessed the ability and promptness of hamilton. that he would, sometimes with propriety, observe upon, correct, and add to any draught submitted for his examination and signature, i have no doubt. and yet i doubt whether many, if any, of the letters ... are his own draught.... i have even reason to believe that not only the _composition_, the _clothing of the ideas_, but the _ideas themselves_, originated generally with the writers; that hamilton and harrison, in particular, were scarcely in any degree his amanuenses. i remember, when at head-quarters one day, at valley forge, colonel harrison came down from the general's chamber, with his brows knit, and thus accosted me, 'i wish to the lord the general would give me the heads or some idea, of what he would have me write.'" [illustration: corrected letter of washington showing later changes.] after the revolution, a visitor at mount vernon said, "it's astonishing the packet of letters that daily comes for him from all parts of the world, which employ him most of the morning to answer." a secretary was employed, but not so much to do the actual writing as the copying and filing, and at this time washington complained "that my numerous correspondencies are daily becoming irksome to me." yet there can be little question that he richly enjoyed writing when it was not for the public eye. "it is not the letters of my friends which give me trouble," he wrote to one correspondent; to another he said, "i began with telling you that i should not write a lengthy letter but the result has been to contradict it;" and to a third, "when i look back to the length of this letter, i am so much astonished and frightened at it myself that i have not the courage to give it a careful reading for the purpose of correction. you must, therefore, receive it with all its imperfections, accompanied with this assurance, that, though there may be inaccuracies in the letter, there is not a single defect in the friendship." occasionally there was, as here, an apology: "i am persuaded you will excuse this scratch'd scrawl, when i assure you it is with difficulty i write at all," he ended a letter in , and in of another said, "you must receive it blotted and scratched as you find it for i have not time to copy it. it is now ten o'clock at night, after my usual hour for retiring to rest, and the mail will be closed early to-morrow morning." to his overseer, who neglected to reply to some of his questions, he told his method of writing, which is worth quoting: "whenever i set down to write you, i read your letter, or letters carefully over, and as soon as i come to a part that requires to be noticed, i make a short note on the cover of a letter or piece of waste paper;--then read on the next, noting that in like manner;--and so on until i have got through the whole letter and reports. then in writing my letter to you, as soon as i have finished what i have to say on one of these notes i draw my pen through it and proceed to another and another until the whole is done--crossing each as i go on, by which means if i am called off twenty times whilst i am writing, i can never with these notes before me finished or unfinished, omit anything i wanted to say; and they serve me also, as i keep no copies of letters i wrote to you, as memorandums of what has been written if i should have occasion at any time to refer to them." another indication of his own knowledge of defects is shown by his fear about his public papers. when his journal to the ohio was printed by order of the governor, in , in the preface the young author said, "i think i can do no less than apologize, in some measure, for the numberless imperfections of it. there intervened but one day between my arrival in williamsburg, and the time for the council's meeting, for me to prepare and transcribe, from the rough minutes i had taken in my travels, this journal; the writing of which only was sufficient to employ me closely the whole time, consequently admitted of no leisure to consult of a new and proper form to offer it in, or to correct or amend the diction of the old." boucher states that the publication, "in virginia at least, drew on him some ridicule." this anxiety about his writings was shown all through life, and led washington to rely greatly on such of his friends as would assist him, even to the point, so reed thought, that he "sometimes adopted draughts of writing when his own would have been better ... from an extreme diffidence in himself," and pickering said, in writing to an aide,-- "although the general's private correspondence was doubtless, for the most part, his own, and extremely acceptable to the persons addressed; yet, in regard to whatever was destined to meet the public eye, he seems to have been fearful to exhibit his own compositions, relying too much on the judgment of his friends, and sometimes adopted draughts that were exceptionable. some parts of his private correspondence must have essentially differed from other parts in the style of composition. you mention your own aids to the general in this line. now, if i had your draughts before me, mingled with the general's to the same persons, nothing would be more easy than to assign to each his own proper offspring. you could neither restrain your _courser_, nor conceal your imagery, nor express your ideas otherwise than in the language of a scholar. the general's compositions would be perfectly plain and didactic, and not always correct." during the presidency, scarcely anything of a public nature was penned by washington,--hamilton, jefferson, madison, and randolph acting as his draughtsmen. "we are approaching the first monday in december by hasty strides," he wrote to jefferson. "i pray you, therefore, to revolve in your mind such matters as may be proper for me to lay before congress, not only in your own department, (if any there be,) but such others of a general nature, as may happen to occur to you, that i may be prepared to open the session with such communication, as shall appear to merit attention." two years later he said to the same, "i pray you to note down or rather to frame into paragraphs or sections, such matters as may occur to you as fit and proper for general communication at the opening of the next session of congress, not only in the department of state, but on any other subject applicable to the occasion, that i may in due time have everything before me." to hamilton he wrote in , "having desired the late secretary of state to note down every matter as it occurred, proper either for the speech at the opening of the session, or for messages afterwards, the inclosed paper contains everything i could extract from that office. aid me, i pray you, with your sentiments on these points, and such others as may have occurred to you relative to my communications to congress." the best instance is furnished in the preparation of the farewell address. first madison was asked to prepare a draft, and from this washington drew up a paper, which he submitted to hamilton and jay, with the request that "even if you should think it best to throw the whole into a different form, let me request, notwithstanding, that my draught may be returned to me (along with yours) with such amendments and corrections as to render it as perfect as the formation is susceptible of; curtailed if too verbose; and relieved of all tautology not necessary to enforce the ideas in the original or quoted part. my wish is that the whole may appear in a plain style, and be handed to the public in an honest, unaffected, simple part." accordingly, hamilton prepared what was almost a new instrument in form, though not in substance, which, after "several serious and attentive readings," washington wrote that he preferred "greatly to the other draughts, being more copious on material points, more dignified on the whole, and with less egotism; of course, less exposed to criticism, and better calculated to meet the eye of discerning readers (foreigners particularly, whose curiosity i have little doubt will lead them to inspect it attentively, and to pronounce their opinions on the performance)." the paper was then, according to pickering, "put into the hands of wolcott, mchenry, and myself ... with a request that we would examine it, and note any alterations and corrections which we should think best. we did so; but our notes, as well as i recollect, were very few, and regarded chiefly the grammar and composition." finally, washington revised the whole, and it was then made public. confirmatory of this sense of imperfect cultivation are the pains he took that his adopted son and grandson should be well educated. as already noted, tutors for both were secured at the proper ages, and when jack was placed with the rev. mr. boucher, washington wrote: "in respect to the kinds, & manner of his studying i leave it wholely to your better judgment--had he begun, or rather pursued his study of the greek language, i should have thought it no bad acquisition; but whether if he acquire this now, he may not forego some useful branches of learning, is a matter worthy of consideration. to be acquainted with the french tongue is become part of polite education; and to a man who has the prospect of mixing in a large circle absolutely necessary. without arithmetick, the common affairs of life are not to be managed with success. the study of geometry, and the mathematics (with due regard to the limites of it) is equally advantageous. the principles of philosophy moral, natural, &c. i should think a very desirable knowledge for a gentleman." so, too, he wrote to washington custis, "i do not hear you mention anything of geography or mathematics as parts of your study; both these are necessary branches of useful knowledge. nor ought you to let your knowledge of the latin language and grammatical rules escape you. and the french language is now so universal, and so necessary with foreigners, or in a foreign country, that i think you would be injudicious not to make yourself master of it." it is worth noting in connection with this last sentence that washington used only a single french expression with any frequency, and that he always wrote "faupas." quite as indicative of the value he put on education was the aid he gave towards sending his young relatives and others to college, his annual contribution to an orphan school, his subscriptions to academies, and his wish for a national university. in he said,-- "it has always been a source of serious reflection and sincere regret with me, that the youth of the united states should be sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education.... for this reason i have greatly wished to see a plan adopted, by which the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres could be taught in their _fullest_ extent, thereby embracing _all_ the advantages of european tuition, with the means of acquiring the liberal knowledge, which is necessary to qualify our citizens for the exigencies of public as well as private life; and (which with me is a consideration of great magnitude) by assembling the youth from the different parts of this rising republic, contributing from their intercourse and interchange of information to the removal of prejudices, which might perhaps sometimes arise from local circumstances." in framing his farewell address, "revolving ... on the various matters it contained and on the first expression of the advice or recommendation which was given in it, i have regretted that another subject (which in my estimation is of interesting concern to the well-being of this country) was not touched upon also; i mean education generally, as one of the surest means of enlightening and giving just ways of thinking to our citizens, but particularly the establishment of a university; where the youth from all parts of the united states might receive the polish of erudition in the arts, sciences and belles-lettres." eventually he reduced this idea to a plea for the people to "promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge," because "in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened." by his will he left to the endowment of a university in the district of columbia the shares in the potomac company which had been given him by the state of virginia, but the clause was never carried into effect. it was in that washington's school-days came to an end. his share of his father's property being his mother's till he was twenty-one, a livelihood had to be found, and so at about fourteen years of age the work of life began. like a true boy, the lad wanted to go to sea, despite his uncle's warning "that i think he had better be put apprentice to a tinker; for a common sailor before the mast has by no means the liberty of the subject; for they will press him from a ship where he has fifty shillings a month; and make him take twenty-three, and cut and slash, and use him like a negro, or rather like a dog." his mother, however, would not consent, and to this was due his becoming a surveyor. from his "young man's companion" washington had already learned the use of gunter's rule and how it should be used in surveying, and to complete his knowledge he seems to have taken lessons of the licensed surveyor of westmoreland county, james genn, for transcripts of some of the surveys drawn by genn still exist in the handwriting of his pupil. this implied a distinct and very valuable addition to his knowledge, and a large number of his surveys still extant are marvels of neatness and careful drawing. as a profession it was followed for only four years ( - ), but all through life he often used his knowledge in measuring or platting his own property. far more important is the service it was to him in public life. in he sent to braddock's secretary a map of the "back country," and to the governor of virginia plans of two forts. during the revolution it helped him not merely in the study of maps, but also in the facility it gave him to take in the topographical features of the country. very largely, too, was the selection of the admirable site for the capital due to his supervising: all the plans for the city were submitted to him, and nowhere do the good sense and balance of the man appear to better advantage than in his correspondence with the federal city commissioners. in washington's earliest account-book there is an item when he was sixteen years old, "to cash pd ye musick master for my entrance / ." it is commonly said that he played the flute, but this is as great a libel on him as any tom paine wrote, and though he often went to concerts, and though fond of hearing his granddaughter nelly play and sing, he never was himself a performer, and the above entry probably refers to the singing-master whom the boys and girls of that day made the excuse for evening frolics. mention is made elsewhere of his taking lessons in the sword exercise from van braam in these earlier years, and in he paid to sergeant wood, fencing-master, the sum of £ . . . when he received the offer of a position on braddock's staff, he acknowledged, in accepting, that "i must be ingenuous enough to confess, that i am not a little biassed by selfish considerations. to explain, sir, i wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military profession, and, believing a more favorable opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a gentleman of general braddock's abilities and experience, it does ... not a little contribute to influence my choice." hamilton is quoted as saying that washington "never read any book upon the art of war but sim's military guide," and an anonymous author asserted that "he never read a book in the art of war of higher value than bland's exercises." certain it is that nearly all the military knowledge he possessed was derived from practice rather than from books, and though, late in life, he purchased a number of works on the subject, it was after his army service was over. one factor in washington's education which must not go unnoticed was his religious belief. when only two months old he was baptized, presumably by the rev. lawrence de butts, the clergyman of washington parish. the removal from that locality prevented any further religious influence from this clergyman, and it probably first came from the rev. charles green, of truro parish, who had received his appointment through the friendship of washington's father, and who later was on such friendly terms with washington that he doctored mrs. washington in an attack of the measles, and caught and returned two of his parishioner's runaway slaves. as early as the clergyman of the parish in which mount vernon was situated reported that he catechised the youth of his congregation "in lent and a great part of the summer," and george, as the son of one of his vestrymen, undoubtedly received a due amount of questioning. from till there was little church-going for the young surveyor or soldier, but after his marriage and settling at mount vernon he was elected vestryman in the two parishes of truro and fairfax, and from that election he was quite active in church affairs. it may be worth noting that in the elections of the new vestryman stood third in popularity in the truro church and fifth in that of fairfax. he drew the plans for a new church in truro, and subscribed to its building, intending "to lay the foundation of a family pew," but by a vote of the vestry it was decided that there should be no private pews, and this breach of contract angered washington so greatly that he withdrew from the church in . sparks quotes madison to the effect that "there was a tradition that, when he [washington] belonged to the vestry of a church in his neighborhood, and several little difficulties grew out of some division of the society, he sometimes spoke with great force, animation, and eloquence on the topics that came before them." after this withdrawal he bought a pew in christ church in alexandria (fairfax parish), paying £ . , which was the largest price paid by any parishioner. to this church he was quite liberal, subscribing several times towards repairs, etc. the rev. lee massey, who was rector at pohick (truro) church before the revolution, is quoted by bishop meade as saying that "i never knew so constant an attendant in church as washington. and his behavior in the house of god was ever so deeply reverential that it produced the happiest effect on my congregation, and greatly assisted me in my pulpit labors. no company ever withheld him from church. i have often been at mount vernon on sabbath morning, when his breakfast table was filled with guests; but to him they furnished no pretext for neglecting his god and losing the satisfaction of setting a good example. for instead of staying at home, out of false complaisance to them, he used constantly to invite them to accompany him." this seems to have been written more with an eye to its influence on others than to its strict accuracy. during the time washington attended at pohick church he was by no means a regular church-goer. his daily "where and how my time is spent" enables us to know exactly how often he attended church, and in the year he went just sixteen times, and in he went fourteen, these years being fairly typical of the period - . during the presidency a sense of duty made him attend st paul's and christ churches while in new york and philadelphia, but at mount vernon, when the public eye was not upon him, he was no more regular than he had always been, and in the last year of his life he wrote, "six days do i labor, or, in other words, take exercise and devote my time to various occupations in husbandry, and about my mansion. on the seventh, now called the first day, for want of a place of worship (within less than nine miles) such letters as do not require immediate acknowledgment i give answers to.... but it hath so happened, that on the two last sundays--call them the first or the seventh as you please, i have been unable to perform the latter duty on account of visits from strangers, with whom i could not use the freedom to leave alone, or recommend to the care of each other, for their amusement." what he said here was more or less typical of his whole life. sunday was always the day on which he wrote his private letters,--even prepared his invoices,--and he wrote to one of his overseers that his letters should be mailed so as to reach him saturday, as by so doing they could be answered the following day. nor did he limit himself to this, for he entertained company, closed land purchases, sold wheat, and, while a virginia planter, went foxhunting, on sunday. it is to be noted, however, that he considered the scruples of others as to the day. when he went among his western tenants, rent-collecting, he entered in his diary that, it "being sunday and the people living on my land _apparently_ very religious, it was thought best to postpone going among them till to-morrow," and in his journey through new england, because it was "contrary to the law and disagreeable to the people of this state (connecticut) to travel on the sabbath day--and my horses, after passing through such intolerable roads, wanting rest, i stayed at perkins' tavern (which, by the bye, is not a good one) all day--and a meetinghouse being within a few rods of the door, i attended the morning and evening services, and heard very lame discourses from a mr. pond." it is of this experience that tradition says the president started to travel, but was promptly arrested by a connecticut tithing-man. the story, however, lacks authentication. there can be no doubt that religious intolerance was not a part of washington's character. in , when the new england troops intended to celebrate guy fawkes day, as usual, the general orders declared that "as the commander in chief has been apprised of a design, formed for the observance of that ridiculous and childish custom of burning the effigy of the pope, he cannot help expressing his surprise, that there should be officers and soldiers in this army so void of common sense, as not to see the impropriety of such a step." when trying to secure some servants, too, he wrote that "if they are good workmen, they may be from asia, africa, or europe; they may be mahometans, jews, or christians of any sect, or they may be atheists." when the bill taxing all the people of virginia to support the episcopal church (his own) was under discussion, he threw his weight against it, as far as concerned the taxing of other sectaries, but adding: "although no man's sentiments are more opposed to any kind of restraint upon religious principles than mine are, yet i must confess, that i am not amongst the number of those, who are so much alarmed at the thoughts of making people pay towards the support of that which they profess, if of the denomination, of christians, or to declare themselves jews, mahometans, or otherwise, and thereby obtain proper relief. as the matter now stands, i wish an assessment had never been agitated, and as it has gone so far, that the bill could die an easy death; because i think it will be productive of more quiet to the state, than by enacting it into a law, which in my opinion would be impolitic, admitting there is a decided majority for it, to the disquiet of a respectable minority. in the former case, the matter will soon subside; in the latter, it will rankle and perhaps convulse the state." again in a letter he says,-- "of all the animosities which have existed among mankind, those which are caused by difference of sentiments in religion appear to be the most inveterate and distressing, and ought most to be deprecated. i was in hopes, that the lightened and liberal policy, which has marked the present age, would at least have reconciled _christians_ of every denomination so far, that we should never again see their religious disputes carried to such a pitch as to endanger the peace of society." and to lafayette, alluding to the proceedings of the assembly of notables, he wrote,-- "i am not less ardent in my wish, that you may succeed in your plan of toleration in religious matters. being no bigot myself, i am disposed to indulge the professors of christianity in the church with that road to heaven, which to them shall seem the most direct, plainest, easiest, and least liable to exception." what washington believed has been a source of much dispute. jefferson states "that gouverneur morris, who pretended to be in his secrets, and believed himself to be so, has often told me that general washington believed no more of that system than he himself did," and morris, it is scarcely necessary to state, was an atheist. the same authority quotes rush, to the effect that "when the clergy addressed general washington on his departure from the government, it was observed in their consultation, that he had never, on any occasion, said a word to the public which showed a belief in the christian religion, and they thought they should so pen their address, as to force him at length to declare publicly whether he was a christian or not they did so. but, he observed, the old fox was too cunning for them. he answered every article of their address particularly except that, which he passed over without notice." whatever his belief, in all public ways washington threw his influence in favor of religion, and kept what he really believed a secret, and in only one thing did he disclose his real thoughts. it is asserted that before the revolution he partook of the sacrament, but this is only affirmed by hearsay, and better evidence contradicts it. after that war he did not, it is certain. nelly custis states that on "communion sundays he left the church with me, after the blessing, and returned home, and we sent the carriage back for my grandmother." and the assistant minister of christ church in philadelphia states that-- "observing that on sacrament sundays, gen'l washington, immediately after the desk and pulpit services, went out with the greater part of the congregation, always leaving mrs. washington with the communicants, she _invariably_ being one, i considered it my duty, in a sermon on public worship, to state the unhappy tendency of _example_, particularly those in elevated stations, who invariably turned their backs upon the celebration of the lord's supper. i acknowledge the remark was intended for the president, as such, he received it. a few days after, in conversation with, i believe, a senator of the u.s. he told me he had dined the day before with the president, who in the course of the conversation at the table, said, that on the preceding sunday, he had received a very just reproof from the pulpit, for always leaving the church before the administration of the sacrament; that he honored the preacher for his integrity and candour; that he had never considered the influence of his example; that he would never again give cause for the repetition of the reproof; and that, as he had never been a communicant, were he to become one then, it would be imputed to an ostentatious display of religious zeal arising altogether from his elevated station. accordingly he afterwards never came on the morning of sacrament sunday, tho' at other times, a constant attendant in the morning." nelly custis, too, tells us that washington always "stood during the devotional part of the service," and bishop white states that "his behavior was always serious and attentive; but, as your letter seems to intend an inquiry on the point of kneeling during the service, i owe it to the truth to declare, that i never saw him in the said attitude." probably his true position is described by madison, who is quoted as saying that he did "not suppose that washington had ever attended to the arguments for christianity, and for the different systems of religion, or in fact that he had formed definite opinions on the subject. but he took these things as he found them existing, and was constant in his observances of worship according to the received forms of the episcopal church, in which he was brought up." if there was proof needed that it is mind and not education which pushes a man to the front, it is to be found in the case of washington. despite his want of education, he had, so bell states, "an excellent understanding." patrick henry is quoted as saying of the members of the congress of -- the body of which adams claimed that "every man in it is a great man, an orator, a critic, a statesman"--that "if you speak of solid information and sound judgment colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on the floor;" while jefferson asserted that "his mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first order; his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a newton, bacon, or locke; and as far as he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. it was slow in operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but sure in conclusion." iv relations with the fair sex the book from which washington derived almost the whole of his education warned its readers,-- "young men have ever more a special care that womanish allurements prove not a snare;" but, however carefully the lad studied the rest, this particular admonition took little root in his mind. there can be no doubt that washington during the whole of his life had a soft heart for women, and especially for good-looking ones, and both in his personal intercourse and in his letters he shows himself very much more at ease with them than in his relations with his own sex. late in life, when the strong passions of his earlier years were under better control, he was able to write,-- "love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it is, therefore, contended that it cannot be resisted. this is true in part only, for like all things else, when nourished and supplied plentifully with aliment, it is rapid in its progress; but let these be withdrawn and it may be stifled in its birth or much stinted in its growth. for example, a woman (the same may be said of the other sex) all beautiful and accomplished will, while her hand and heart are undisposed of, turn the heads and set the circle in which she moves on fire. let her marry, and what is the consequence? the madness _ceases_ and all is quiet again. why? not because there is any diminution in the charms of the lady, but because there is an end of hope. hence it follows, that love may and therefore ought to be under the guidance of reason, for although we cannot avoid first impressions, we may assuredly place them under guard." to write thus in one's sixty-sixth year and to practise one's theory in youth were, however, very different undertakings. even while discussing love so philosophically, the writer had to acknowledge that "in the composition of the human frame, there is a good deal of inflammable matter," and few have had better cause to know it. when he saw in the premature engagement of his ward, jack custis, the one advantage that it would "in a great measure avoid those little flirtations with other young ladies that may, by dividing the attention, contribute not a little to divide the affection," it is easy to think of him as looking back to his own boyhood, and remembering, it is to be hoped with a smile, the sufferings he owed to pretty faces and neatly turned ankles. while still a school-boy, washington was one day caught "romping with one of the largest girls," and very quickly more serious likings followed. as early as , when only sixteen years of age, his heart was so engaged that while at lord fairfax's and enjoying the society of mary cary he poured out his feelings to his youthful correspondents "dear robin" and "dear john" and "dear sally" as follows: "my place of residence is at present at his lordships where i might was my heart disengag'd pass my time very pleasantly as theres a very agreeable young lady lives in the same house (colo george fairfax's wife's sister) but as thats only adding fuel to fire it makes me the more uneasy for by often and unavoidably being in company with her revives my former passion for your low land beauty whereas was i to live more retired from young women i might in some measure eliviate my sorrows by burying that chast and troublesome passion in the grave of oblivion or etarnall forgetfulness for as i am very well assured thats the only antidote or remedy that i shall be releivd by or only recess that can administer any cure or help to me as i am well convinced was i ever to attempt any thing i should only get a denial which would be only adding grief to uneasiness." "was my affections disengaged i might perhaps form some pleasure in the conversation of an agreeable young lady as theres one now lives in the same house with me but as that is only nourishment to my former affecn for by often seeing her brings the other into my remembrance whereas perhaps was she not often & (unavoidably) presenting herself to my view i might in some measure aliviate my sorrows by burying the other in the grave of oblivion i am well convinced my heart stands in defiance of all others but only she thats given it cause enough to dread a second assault and from a different quarter tho' i well know let it have as many attacks as it will from others they cant be more fierce than it has been." "i pass the time of[f] much more agreeabler than what i imagined i should as there's a very agrewable young lady lives in the same house where i reside (colo george fairfax's wife's sister) that in a great measure cheats my thoughts altogether from your parts i could wish to be with you down there with all my heart but as it is a thing almost impractakable shall rest myself where i am with hopes of shortly having some minutes of your transactions in your parts which will be very welcomely receiv'd." who this "low land beauty" was has been the source of much speculation, but the question is still unsolved, every suggested damsel--lucy grymes, mary bland, betsy fauntleroy, _et al._--being either impossible or the evidence wholly inadequate. but in the same journal which contains the draughts of these letters is a motto poem-- "twas perfect love before but now i do adore"-- followed by the words "young m.a. his w[ife?]," and as it was a fashion of the time to couple the initials of one's well-beloved with such sentiments, a slight clue is possibly furnished. nor was this the only rhyme that his emotions led to his inscribing in his journal: and he confided to it the following: "oh ye gods why should my poor resistless heart stand to oppose thy might and power at last surrender to cupids feather'd dart and now lays bleeding every hour for her that's pityless of my grief and woes and will not on me pity take he sleep amongst my most inveterate foes and with gladness never wish to wake in deluding sleepings let my eyelids close that in an enraptured dream i may in a soft lulling sleep and gentle repose possess those joys denied by day." however woe-begone the young lover was, he does not seem to have been wholly lost to others of the sex, and at this same time he was able to indite an acrostic to another charmer, which, if incomplete, nevertheless proves that there was a "midland" beauty as well, the lady being presumptively some member of the family of alexanders, who had a plantation near mount vernon. "from your bright sparkling eyes i was undone; rays, you have; more transperent than the sun. amidst its glory in the rising day none can you equal in your bright array; constant in your calm and unspotted mind; equal to all, but will to none prove kind, so knowing, seldom one so young, you'l find. ah! woe's me, that i should love and conceal long have i wish'd, but never dare reveal, even though severely loves pains i feel; xerxes that great, was't free from cupids dart, and all the greatest heroes, felt the smart." when visiting barbadoes, in , washington noted in his journal his meeting a miss roberts, "an agreeable young lady," and later he went with her to see some fireworks on guy fawkes day. apparently, however, the ladies of that island made little impression on him, for he further noted, "the ladys generally are very agreeable but by ill custom or w[ha]t effect the negro style." this sudden insensibility is explained by a letter he wrote to william fauntleroy a few weeks after his return to virginia: "sir: i should have been down long before this, but my business in frederick detained me somewhat longer than i expected, and immediately upon my return from thence i was taken with a violent pleurise, but purpose as soon as i recover my strength, to wait on miss betsy, in hopes of a revocation of the former cruel sentence, and see if i can meet with any alteration in my favor. i have enclosed a letter to her, which should be much obliged to you for the delivery of it. i have nothing to add but my best respects to your good lady and family, and that i am, sir, your most ob't humble serv't." because of this letter it has been positively asserted that betsy fauntleroy was the low-land beauty of the earlier time; but as washington wrote of his love for the latter in , when betsy was only eleven, the absurdity of the claim is obvious. in , while on his mission to deliver the governor's letter to the french, one duty which fell to the young soldier was a visit to royalty, in the person of queen aliquippa, an indian majesty who had "expressed great concern" that she had formerly been slighted. washington records that "i made her a present of a match-coat and a bottle of rum; which latter was thought much the best present of the two," and thus (externally and internally) restored warmth to her majesty's feelings. when returned from his first campaign, and resting at mount vernon, the time seems to have been beguiled by some charmer, for one of washington's officers and intimates writes from williamsburg, "i imagine you by this time plung'd in the midst of delight heaven can afford & enchanted by charmes even stranger to the ciprian dame," and a footnote by the same hand only excites further curiosity concerning this latter personage by indefinitely naming her as "mrs. neil." with whatever heart-affairs the winter was passed, with the spring the young man's fancy turned not to love, but again to war, and only when the defeat of braddock brought washington back to mount vernon to recover from the fatigues of that campaign was his intercourse with the gentler sex resumed. now, however, he was not merely a good-looking young fellow, but was a hero who had had horses shot from under him and had stood firm when scarlet-coated men had run away. no longer did he have to sue for the favor of the fair ones, and fairfax wrote him that "if a satterday nights rest cannot be sufficient to enable your coming hither to-morrow, the lady's will try to get horses to equip our chair or attempt their strength on foot to salute you, so desirous are they with loving speed to have an occular demonstration of your being the same identical gent--that lately departed to defend his country's cause." furthermore, to this letter was appended the following: "dear sir,--after thanking heaven for your safe return i must accuse you of great unkindness in refusing us the pleasure of seeing you this night. i do assure you nothing but our being satisfied that our company would be disagreeable should prevent us from trying if our legs would not carry us to mount vernon this night, but if you will not come to us to-morrow morning very early we shall be at mount vernon. "s[ally] fairfax, "ann spearing. "eliz'th dent." nor is this the only feminine postscript of this time, for in the postscript of a letter from archibald cary, a leading virginian, he is told that "mrs. cary & miss randolph joyn in wishing you that sort of glory which will most indear you to the fair sex." in washington had occasion to journey on military business to boston, and both in coming and in going he tarried in new york, passing ten days in his first visit and about a week on his return. this time was spent with a virginian friend, beverly robinson, who had had the good luck to marry susannah philipse, a daughter of frederick philipse, one of the largest landed proprietors of the colony of new york. here he met the sister, mary philipse, then a girl of twenty-five, and, short as was the time, it was sufficient to engage his heart. to this interest no doubt are due the entries in his accounts of sundry pounds spent "for treating ladies," and for the large tailors' bills then incurred. but neither treats nor clothes won the lady, who declined his proposals, and gave her heart two years later to lieutenant-colonel roger morris. a curious sequel to this disappointment was the accident that made the roger morris house washington's head-quarters in , both morris and his wife being fugitive tories. again washington was a chance visitor in , when, as part of a picnic, he "dined on a dinner provided by mr. marriner at the house lately colo. roger morris, but confiscated and in the occupation of a common farmer." [illustration: mary philipse] it has been asserted that washington loved the wife of his friend george william fairfax, but the evidence has not been produced. on the contrary, though the two corresponded, it was in a purely platonic fashion, very different from the strain of lovers, and that the correspondence implied nothing is to be found in the fact that he and sally carlyle (another fairfax daughter) also wrote each other quite as frequently and on the same friendly footing; indeed, washington evidently classed them in the same category, when he stated that "i have wrote to my two female correspondents." thus the claim seems due, like many another of washington's mythical love-affairs, rather to the desire of descendants to link their family "to a star" than to more substantial basis. washington did, indeed, write to sally fairfax from the frontier, "i should think our time more agreeably spent, believe me, in playing a part in cato, with the company you mention, and myself doubly happy in being the juba to such a marcia, as you must make," but private theatricals then no more than now implied "passionate love." what is more, mrs. fairfax was at this very time teasing him about another woman, and to her hints washington replied,-- "if you allow that any honor can be derived from my opposition ... you destroy the merit of it entirely in me by attributing my anxiety to the animating prospect of possessing mrs. custis, when--i need not tell you, guess yourself. should not my own honor and country's welfare be the excitement? 'tis true i profess myself a votary of love. i acknowledge that a lady is in the case, and further i confess that this lady is known to you. yes, madame, as well as she is to one who is too sensible of her charms to deny the power whose influence he feels and must ever submit to. i feel the force of her amiable beauties in the recollection of a thousand tender passages that i could wish to obliterate, till i am bid to revive them. but experience, alas! sadly reminds me how impossible this is, and evinces an opinion which i have long entertained that there is a destiny which has the control of our actions, not to be resisted by the strongest efforts of human nature. you have drawn me, dear madame, or rather i have drawn myself, into an honest confession of a simple fact. misconstrue not my meaning; doubt it not, nor expose it. the world has no business to know the object of my love, declared in this manner to you, when i want to conceal it. one thing above all things in this world i wish to know, and only one person of your acquaintance can solve me that, or guess my meaning." the love-affair thus alluded to had begun in march, , when ill health had taken washington to williamsburg to consult physicians, thinking, indeed, of himself as a doomed man. in this trip he met mrs. martha (dandridge) custis, widow of daniel parke custis, one of the wealthiest planters of the colony. she was at this time twenty-six years of age, or washington's senior by nine months, and had been a widow but seven, yet in spite of this fact, and of his own expected "decay," he pressed his love-making with an impetuosity akin to that with which he had urged his suit of miss philipse, and (widows being proverbial) with better success. the invalid had left mount vernon on march , and by april he was back at fort loudon, an engaged man, having as well so far recovered his health as to be able to join his command. early in may he ordered a ring from philadelphia, at a cost of £ . . ; soon after receiving it he found that army affairs once more called him down to williamsburg, and, as love-making is generally considered a military duty, the excuse was sufficient. but sterner duties on the frontier were awaiting him, and very quickly he was back there and writing to his _fiancée_,-- "we have begun our march for the ohio. a courier is starting for williamsburg, and i embrace the opportunity to send a few words to one whose life is now inseparable from mine. since that happy hour when we made our pledges to each other, my thoughts have been continually going to you as another self. that an all-powerful providence may keep us both in safety is the prayer of your ever faithful and affectionate friend." five months after this letter was written, washington was able to date another from fort duquesne, and, the fall of that post putting an end to his military service, only four weeks later he was back in williamsburg, and on january , , he was married. very little is really known of his wife, beyond the facts that she was petite, over-fond, hot-tempered, obstinate, and a poor speller. in she was described as "a sociable, pretty kind of woman," and she seems to have been but little more. one who knew her well described her as "not possessing much sense, though a perfect lady and remarkably well calculated for her position," and confirmatory of this is the opinion of an english traveller that "there was nothing remarkable in the person of the lady of the president; she was matronly and kind, with perfect good breeding." none the less she satisfied washington; even after the proverbial six months were over he refused to wander from mount vernon, writing that "i am now, i believe, fixed at this seat with an agreeable consort for life," and in he spoke of her as the "partner of all my domestic enjoyments." john adams, in one of his recurrent moods of bitterness and jealousy towards washington, demanded, "would washington have ever been commander of the revolutionary army or president of the united states if he had not married the rich widow of mr. custis?" to ask such a question is to overlook the fact that washington's colonial military fame was entirely achieved before his marriage. it is not to be denied that the match was a good one from a worldly point of view, mrs. washington's third of the custis property equalling "fifteen thousand acres of land, a good part of it adjoining the city of williamsburg; several lots in the said city; between two and three hundred negroes; and about eight or ten thousand pounds upon bond," estimated at the time as about twenty thousand pounds in all, which was further increased on the death of patsy custis in by a half of her fortune, which added ten thousand pounds to the sum. nevertheless the advantage was fairly equal, for mrs. custis's lawyer had written before her marriage of the impossibility of her managing the property, advising that she "employ a trusty steward, and as the estate is large and very extensive, it is mr. wallers and my own opinion, that you had better not engage any but a very able man, though he should require large wages." of the management of this property, to which, indeed, she was unequal, washington entirely relieved her, taking charge also of her children's share and acting for their interests with the same care with which he managed the part he was more directly concerned in. he further saved her much of the detail of ordering her own clothing, and we find him sending for "a salmon-colored tabby of the enclosed pattern, with satin flowers, to be made in a sack," " cap, handkerchief, tucker and ruffles, to be made of brussels lace or point, proper to wear with the above negligee, to cost £ ," " pair black, and pair white satin shoes, of the smallest," and " black mask." again he writes his london agent, "mrs. washington sends home a green sack to get cleaned, or fresh dyed of the same color; made up into a handsome sack again, would be her choice; but if the cloth won't afford that, then to be thrown into a genteel night gown." at another time he wants a pair of clogs, and when the wrong kind are sent he writes that "she intended to have leathern gloshoes." when she was asked to present a pair of colors to a company, he attended to every detail of obtaining the flag, and when "mrs. washington ... perceived the tomb of her father ... to be much out of sorts" he wrote to get a workman to repair it. the care of the mount vernon household proving beyond his wife's ability, a housekeeper was very quickly engaged, and when one who filled this position was on the point of leaving, washington wrote his agent to find another without the least delay, for the vacancy would "throw a great additional weight on mrs. washington;" again, writing in another domestic difficulty, "your aunt's distresses for want of a good housekeeper are such as to render the wages demanded by mrs. forbes (though unusually high) of no consideration." her letters of form, which required better orthography than she was mistress of, he draughted for her, pen-weary though he was. it has already been shown how he fathered her "little progeny," as he once called them. mrs. washington was a worrying mother, as is shown by a letter to her sister, speaking of a visit in which "i carried my little patt with me and left jacky at home for a trial to see how well i could stay without him though we were gon but wone fortnight i was quite impatient to get home. if i at aney time heard the doggs barke or a noise out, i thought thair was a person sent for me. i often fancied he was sick or some accident had happened to him so that i think it is impossible for me to leave him as long as mr. washington must stay when he comes down." to spare her anxiety, therefore, when the time came for "jacky" to be inoculated, washington "withheld from her the information ... & purpose, if possible, to keep her in total ignorance ... till i hear of his return, or perfect recovery;... she having often wished that jack wou'd take & go through the disorder without her knowing of it, that she might escape those tortures which suspense wd throw her into." and on the death of patsy he wrote, "this sudden and unexpected blow, i scarce need add has almost reduced my poor wife to the lowest ebb of misery; which is encreas'd by the absence of her son." when washington left mount vernon, in may, , to attend the continental congress, he did not foresee his appointment as commander-in-chief, and as soon as it occurred he wrote his wife,-- "i am now set down to write to you on a subject, which fills me with inexpressible concern, and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased, when i reflect upon the uneasiness i know it will give you. it has been determined in congress, that the whole army raised for the defence of the american cause shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to boston to take upon me the command of it. "you may believe me, my dear patsey, when i assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, i have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and that i should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home, than i have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years.... i shall feel no pain from the toil or danger of the campaign; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness i know you will feel from being left alone." to prevent this loneliness as far as possible, he wrote at the same time to different members of the two families as follows: "my great concern upon this occasion is, the thought of leaving your mother under the uneasiness which i fear this affair will throw her into; i therefore hope, expect, and indeed have no doubt, of your using every means in your power to keep up her spirits, by doing everything in your power to promote her quiet. i have, i must confess, very uneasy feelings on her account, but as it has been a kind of unavoidable necessity which has led me into this appointment, i shall more readily hope that success will attend it and crown our meetings with happiness." "i entreat you and mrs. bassett if possible to visit at mt. vernon, as also my wife's other friends. i could wish you to take her down, as i have no expectation of returning till winter & feel great uneasiness at her lonesome situation." "i shall hope that my friends will visit and endeavor to keep up the spirits of my wife, as much as they can, as my departure will, i know, be a cutting stroke upon her; and on this account alone i have many very disagreeable sensations. i hope you and my sister, (although the distance is great), will find as much leisure this summer as to spend a little time at mount vernon." when, six months later, the war at boston settled into a mere siege, washington wrote that "seeing no prospect of returning to my family and friends this winter, i have sent an invitation to mrs. washington to come to me," adding, "i have laid a state of difficulties, however, which must attend the journey before her, and left it to her own choice." his wife replied in the affirmative, and one of washington's aides presently wrote concerning some prize goods to the effect that "there are limes, lemons and oranges on board, which, being perishable, you must sell immediately. the general will want some of each, as well of the sweetmeats and pickles that are on board, as his lady will be here to-day or to-morrow. you will please to pick up such things on board as you think will be acceptable to her, and send them as soon as possible; he does not mean to receive anything without payment." lodged at head-quarters, then the craigie house in cambridge, the discomforts of war were reduced to a minimum, but none the less it was a trying time to mrs. washington, who complained that she could not get used to the distant cannonading, and she marvelled that those about her paid so little heed to it. with the opening of the campaign in the following summer she returned to mount vernon, but when the army was safely in winter quarters at valley forge she once more journeyed northward, a trip alluded to by washington in a letter to jack, as follows: "your mamma is not yet arrived, but ... expected every hour. [my aide] meade set off yesterday (as soon as i got notice of her intention) to meet her. we are in a dreary kind of place, and uncomfortably provided." and of this reunion mrs. washington wrote, "i came to this place, some time about the first of february where i found the general very well,... in camp in what is called the great valley on the banks of the schuylkill. officers and men are chiefly in hutts, which they say is tolerably comfortable; the army are as healthy as can be well expected in general. the general's apartment is very small; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first" such "winterings" became the regular custom, and brief references in various letters serve to illustrate them. thus, in , washington informed a friend that "mrs. washington, according to custom marched home when the campaign was about to open;" in july, , he noted that his wife "sets out this day for mount vernon," and later in the same year he wrote, "as i despair of seeing my home this winter, i have sent for mrs. washington;" and finally, in a letter he draughted for his wife, he made her describe herself as "a kind of perambulator, during eight or nine years of the war." another pleasant glimpse during these stormy years is the couple, during a brief stay in philadelphia, being entertained almost to death, described as follows by franklin's daughter in a letter to her father: "i have lately been several times abroad with the general and mrs. washington. he always inquires after you in the most affectionate manner, and speaks of you highly. we danced at mrs. powell's your birthday, or night i should say, in company together, and he told me it was the anniversary of his marriage; it was just twenty years that night" again there was junketing in philadelphia after the surrender at yorktown, and one bit of this is shadowed in a line from washington to robert morris, telling the latter that "mrs. washington, myself and family, will have the honor of dining with you in the way proposed, to-morrow, being christmas day." with the retirement to mount vernon at the close of the war, little more companionship was obtained, for, as already stated, washington could only describe his home henceforth as a "well resorted tavern," and two years after his return he entered in his diary, "dined with only mrs. washington which i believe is the first instance of it since my retirement from public life." even this was only a furlough, for in six years they were both in public life again. mrs. washington was inclined to sulk over the necessary restraints of official life, writing to a friend, "mrs. sins will give you a better account of the fashions than i can--i live a very dull life hear and know nothing that passes in the town--i never goe to any public place--indeed i think i am more like a state prisoner than anything else; there is certain bounds set for me which i must not depart from--and as i cannot doe as i like, i am obstinate and stay at home a great deal." [illustration: mrs. daniel parke custis, later mrs. washington] none the less she did her duties well, and in these "lady washington" was more at home, for, according to thacher, she combined "in an uncommon degree, great dignity of manner with most pleasing affability," though possessing "no striking marks of beauty," and there is no doubt that she lightened washington's shoulders of social demands materially. at the receptions of mrs. washington, which were held every friday evening, so a contemporary states, "the president did not consider himself as visited. on these occasions he appeared as a private gentleman, with neither hat nor sword, conversing without restraint." from other formal society mrs. washington also saved her husband, for a visitor on new year's tells of her setting "'the general' (by which title she always designated her husband)" at liberty: "mrs. washington had stood by his side as the visitors arrived and were presented, and when the clock in the hall was heard striking nine, she advanced and with a complacent smile said, 'the general always retires at nine, and i usually precede him,' upon which all arose, made their parting salutations, and withdrew." nor was it only from the fatigues of formal entertaining that the wife saved her husband, washington writing in , "we remain in philadelphia until the th instant. it was my wish to have continued there longer; but as mrs. washington was unwilling to leave me surrounded by the malignant fever which prevailed, i could not think of hazarding her, and the children any longer by _my_ continuance in the city, the house in which we live being in a manner blockaded by the disorder, and was becoming every day more and more fatal; i therefore came off with them." finally from these "scenes more busy, tho' not more happy, than the tranquil enjoyment of rural life," they returned to mount vernon, hoping that in the latter their "days will close." not quite three years of this life brought an end to their forty years of married life. on the night that washington's illness first became serious his secretary narrates that "between and o'clk on saturday morning he [washington] awoke mrs. washington & told her he was very unwell, and had had an ague. she ... would have got up to call a servant; but he would not permit her lest she should take cold." as a consequence of this care for her, her husband lay for nearly four hours in a chill in a cold bedroom before receiving any attention, or before even a fire was lighted. when death came, she said, "tis well--all is now over--i have no more trials to pass through--i shall soon follow him." in his will he left "to my dearly beloved wife" the use of his whole property, and named her an executrix. as a man's views of matrimony are more or less colored by his personal experience, what washington had to say on the institution is of interest. as concerned himself he wrote to his nephew, "if mrs. washington should survive me, there is a moral certainty of my dying without issue: and should i be the longest liver, the matter in my opinion, is hardly less certain; for while i retain the faculty of reasoning, i shall never marry a girl; and it is not probable that i should have children by a woman of an age suitable to my own, should i be disposed to enter into a second marriage." and in a less personal sense he wrote to chastellux,-- "in reading your very friendly and acceptable letter,... i was, as you may well suppose, not less delighted than surprised to meet the plain american words, 'my wife.' a wife! well, my dear marquis, i can hardly refrain from smiling to find you are caught at last. i saw, by the eulogium you often made on the happiness of domestic life in america, that you had swallowed the bait, and that you would as surely be taken, one day or another, as that you were a philosopher and a soldier. so your day has at length come. i am glad of it, with all my heart and soul. it is quite good enough for you. now you are well served for coming to fight in favor of the american rebels, all the way across the atlantic ocean, by catching that terrible contagion--domestic felicity--which same, like the small pox or the plague, a man can have only once in his life; because it commonly lasts him (at least with us in america--i don't know how you manage these matters in france) for his whole life time. and yet after all the maledictions you so richly merit on the subject, the worst wish which i can find in my heart to make against madame de chastellux and yourself is, that you may neither of you ever get the better of this same domestic felicity during the entire course of your mortal existence." furthermore, he wrote to an old friend, whose wife stubbornly refused to sign a deed, "i think, any gentleman, possessed of but a very moderate degree of influence with his wife, might, in the course of five or six years (for i think it is at least that time) have prevailed upon her to do an act of justice, in fulfiling his bargains and complying with his wishes, if he had been really in earnest in requesting the matter of her; especially, as the inducement which you thought would have a powerful operation on mrs. alexander, namely the birth of a child, has been doubled, and tripled." however well washington thought of "the honorable state," he was no match-maker, and when asked to give advice to the widow of jack custis, replied, "i never did, nor do i believe i ever shall, give advice to a woman, who is setting out on a matrimonial voyage; first, because i never could advise one to marry without her own consent; and, secondly because i know it is to no purpose to advise her to refrain, when she has obtained it. a woman very rarely asks an opinion or requires advice on such an occasion, till her resolution is formed; and then it is with the hope and expectation of obtaining a sanction, not that she means to be governed by your disapprobation, that she applies. in a word the plain english of the application may be summed up in these words: 'i wish you to think as i do; but, if unhappily you differ from me in opinion, my heart, i must confess, is fixed, and i have gone too far now to retract.'" again he wrote: "it has ever been a maxim with me through life, neither to promote nor to prevent a matrimonial connection, unless there should be something indispensably requiring interference in the latter. i have always considered marriage as the most interesting event of one's life, the foundation of happiness or misery. to be instrumental therefore in bringing two people together, who are indifferent to each other, and may soon become objects of disgust; or to prevent a union, which is prompted by the affections of the mind, is what i never could reconcile with reason, and therefore neither directly nor indirectly have i ever said a word to fanny or george, upon the subject of their intended connection." the question whether washington was a faithful husband might well be left to the facts already given, were it not that stories of his immorality are bandied about in clubs, a well-known clergyman has vouched for their truth, and a united states senator has given further currency to them by claiming special knowledge on the subject. since such are the facts, it seems best to consider the question and show what evidence there actually is for these stories, that at least the pretended "letters," etc., which are always being cited, and are never produced, may no longer have credence put in them, and the true basis for all the stories may be known and valued at its worth. in the year there was printed in london a small pamphlet entitled "minutes of the trial and examination of certain persons in the province of new york," which purported to be the records of the examination of the conspirators of the "hickey plot" (to murder washington) before a committee of the provincial congress of new york. the manuscript of this was claimed in the preface to have been "discovered (on the late capture of new york by the british troops) among the papers of a person who appears to have been secretary to the committee." as part of the evidence the following was printed: "william cooper, soldier, sworn. "court. inform us what conversation you heard at the serjeant's arms? "cooper. being there the st of may, i heard john clayford inform the company, that mary gibbons was thoroughly in their interest, and that the whole would be safe. i learnt from enquiry that mary gibbons was a girl from new jersey, of whom general washington was very fond, that he maintained her genteelly at a house near mr. skinner's,--at the north river; that he came there very often late at night in disguise; he learnt also that this woman was very intimate with clayford, and made him presents, and told him of what general washington said. "court. did you hear mr. clayford say any thing himself that night? "cooper. yes; that he was the day before with judith, so he called her, and that she told him, washington had often said he wished his hands were clear of the dirty new-englanders, and words to that effect. "court. did you hear no mention made of any scheme to betray or seize him? "cooper. mr. clayford said he could easily be seized and put on board a boat, and carried off, as his female friend had promised she would assist: but all present thought it would be hazardous." "william savage, sworn. "court. was you at the serjeant's arms on the st of may? did you hear any thing of this nature? "savage. i did, and nearly as the last evidence has declared; the society in general refused to be concerned in it, and thought it a mad scheme. "mr. abeel. pray, mr. savage, have not you heard nothing of an information that was to be given to governor tryon? "savage. yes; papers and letters were at different times shewn to the society, which were taken out of general washington's pockets by mrs. gibbons, and given (as she pretended some occasion of going out) to mr. clayford, who always copied them, and they were put into his pockets again." the authenticity of this pamphlet thus becomes of importance, and over this little time need be spent. the committee named in it differs from the committee really named by the provincial congress, and the proceedings nowhere implicate the men actually proved guilty. in other words, the whole publication is a clumsy tory forgery, put forward with the same idle story of "captured papers" employed in the "spurious letters" of washington, and sent forth from the same press (j. bew) from which that forgery and several others issued. the source from which the english fabricator drew this scandal is fortunately known. in a letter to washington from his friend benjamin harrison was intercepted by the british, and at once printed broadcast in the newspapers. in this the writer gossips to washington "to amuse you and unbend your minds from the cares of war," as follows: "as i was in the pleasing task of writing to you, a little noise occasioned me to turn my head around, and who should appear but pretty little kate, the washer-woman's daughter over the way, clean, trim and as rosy as the morning. i snatched the golden, glorious opportunity, and, but for the cursed antidote to love, sukey, i had fitted her for my general against his return. we were obliged to part, but not till we had contrived to meet again: if she keeps the appointment, i shall relish a week's longer stay." from this originated the stories of washington's infidelity as already given, and also a coarser version of the same, printed in in a tory farce entitled "the battle of brooklyn." jonathan boucher, who knew washington well before the revolution, yet who, as a loyalist, wrote in no friendly spirit of him, asserted that "in his moral character, he is regular." a man who disliked him far more, general charles lee, in the excess of his hatred, charged washington in with immorality,--a rather amusing impeachment, since at the very time lee was flaunting the evidence of his own incontinence without apparent shame,--and a mutual friend of the accused and accuser, joseph reed, whose service on washington's staff enabled him to speak wittingly, advised that lee "forbear any reflections upon the commander in chief, of whom for the first time i have heard slander on his private character, viz., great cruelty to his slaves in virginia & immorality of life, tho' they acknowledge so very secret that it is difficult to detect. to me who have had so good opportunities to know the purity of the latter & equally believing the falsehood of the former from the known excellence of his disposition, it appears so nearly bordering upon frenzy, that i can pity the wretches rather than despise them." washington was too much of a man, however, to have his marriage lessen his liking for other women; and yeates repeats that "mr. washington once told me, on a charge which i once made against the president at his own table, that the admiration he warmly professed for mrs. hartley, was a proof of his homage to the worthy part of the sex, and highly respectful to his wife." every now and then there is an allusion in his letters which shows his appreciation of beauty, as when he wrote to general schuyler, "your fair daughter, for whose visit mrs. washington and myself are greatly obliged," and again, to one of his aides, "the fair hand, to whom your letter ... was committed presented it safe." his diary, in the notes of the balls and assemblies which he attended, usually had a word for the sex, as exampled in: "at which there were between & well dressed ladies;" "at which there was about well dressed and handsome ladies;" "at which were elegantly dressed ladies;" "where there was a select company of ladies;" "where (it is said) there were upwards of ladies; their appearance was elegant, and many of them very handsome;" "at wch. there were about ladies the number and appearance of wch. exceeded anything of the kind i have ever seen;" "where there were about well dressed, and many of them very handsome ladies--among whom (as was also the case at the salem and boston assemblies) were a greater proportion with much blacker hair than are usually seen in the southern states." at his wife's receptions, as already said, washington did not view himself as host, and "conversed without restraint, generally with women, who rarely had other opportunity of seeing him," which perhaps accounts for the statement of another eye-witness that washington "looked very much more at ease than at his own official levees." sullivan adds that "the young ladies used to throng around him, and engaged him in conversation. there were some of the well-remembered belles of the day who imagined themselves to be favorites with him. as these were the only opportunities which they had of conversing with him, they were disposed to use them." in his southern trip of washington noted, with evident pleasure, that he "was visited about o'clock, by a great number of the most respectable ladies of charleston--the first honor of the kind i had ever experienced and it was flattering as it was singular." and that this attention was not merely the respect due to a great man is shown in the letter of a virginian woman, who wrote to her correspondent in , that when "general washington throws off the hero and takes up the chatty agreeable companion--he can be down right impudent sometimes--such impudence, fanny, as you and i like." another feminine compliment paid him was a highly laudatory poem which was enclosed to him, with a letter begging forgiveness, to which he playfully answered,-- "you apply to me, my dear madam, for absolution as tho' i was your father confessor; and as tho' you had committed a crime, great in itself, yet of the venial class. you have reason good--for i find myself strangely disposed to be a very indulgent ghostly adviser on this occasion; and, notwithstanding 'you are the most offending soul alive' (that is, if it is a crime to write elegant poetry,) yet if you will come and dine with me on thursday, and go thro' the proper course of penitence which shall be prescribed i will strive hard to assist you in expiating these poetical trespasses on this side of purgatory. nay more, if it rests with me to direct your future lucubrations, i shall certainly urge you to a repetition of the same conduct, on purpose to shew what an admirable knack you have at confession and reformation; and so without more hesitation, i shall venture to command the muse, not to be restrained by ill-grounded timidity, but to go on and prosper. you see, madam, when once the woman has tempted us, and we have tasted the forbidden fruit, there is no such thing as checking our appetites, whatever the consequences may be. you will, i dare say, recognize our being the genuine descendants of those who are reputed to be our great progenitors." nor was washington open only to beauty and flattery. from the rude frontier in he wrote, "the supplicating tears of the women,... melt me into such deadly sorrow, that i solemnly declare, if i know my own mind, i could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." and in he said, "when i consider that the city of new york will in all human probability very soon be the scene of a bloody conflict, i cannot but view the great numbers of women, children, and infirm persons remaining in it, with the most melancholy concern. when the men-of-war passed up the river, the shrieks and cries of these poor creatures running every way with their children, were truly distressing.... can no method be devised for their removal?" nevertheless, though liked by and liking the fair sex, washington was human, and after experience concluded that "i never again will have two women in my house when i am there myself." v farmer and proprietor the earliest known washington coat of arms had blazoned upon it " cinque foiles," which was the herald's way of saying that the bearer was a landholder and cultivator, and when washington had a book-plate made for himself he added to the conventional design of the arms spears of wheat and other plants, as an indication of his favorite labor. during his career he acted several parts, but in none did he find such pleasure as in farming, and late in life he said, "i think with you, that the life of a husbandman of all others is the most delectable. it is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. to see plants rise from the earth and flourish by the superior skill and bounty of the laborer fills a contemplative mind with ideas which are more easy to be conceived than expressed." "agriculture has ever been the most favorite amusement of my life," he wrote after the revolution, and he informed another correspondent that "the more i am acquainted with agricultural affairs, the better pleased i am with them; insomuch, that i can no where find so great satisfaction as in those innocent and useful pursuits: in indulging these feelings, i am led to reflect how much more delightful to an undebauched mind is the task of making improvements on the earth, than all the vain glory which can be acquired from ravaging it, by the most uninterrupted career of conquests." a visitor to mount vernon in states that his host's "greatest pride is, to be thought the first farmer in america. he is quite a cincinnatus." undoubtedly a part of this liking flowed from his strong affection for mount vernon. such was his feeling for the place that he never seems to have been entirely happy away from it, and over and over again, during his various and enforced absences, he "sighs" or "pants" for his "own vine and fig tree." in writing to an english correspondent, he shows his feeling for the place by saying, "no estate in united america, is more pleasantly situated than this. it lies in a high, dry and healthy country, three hundred miles by water from the sea, and, as you will see by the plan, on one of the finest rivers in the world." the history of the mount vernon estate begins in , when lord culpepper conveyed to nicholas spencer and lieutenant-colonel john washington five thousand acres of land "scytuate lying and being within the said terrytory in the county of stafford in the ffreshes of the pottomocke river and ... bounded betwixt two creeks." colonel john's half was bequeathed to his son lawrence, and by lawrence's will it was left to his daughter mildred. she sold it to the father of george, who by his will left it to his son lawrence, with a reversion to george should lawrence die without issue. the original house was built about , and the place was named mount vernon by lawrence, in honor of admiral vernon, under whom he had served at carthagena. after the death of lawrence, the estate of twenty-five hundred acres came under washington's management, and from it was his home, as it had been practically even in his brother's life. twice washington materially enlarged the house at mount vernon, the first time in and the second in , and a visitor reports, what his host must have told him, that "its a pity he did not build a new one at once, for it has cost him nearly as much to repair his old one." these alterations consisted in the addition of a banquet-hall at one end (by far the finest room in the house), and a library and dining-room at the other, with the addition of an entire story to the whole. the grounds, too, were very much improved. a fine approach, or bowling green, was laid out, a "botanical garden," a "shrubbery," and greenhouses were added, and in every way possible the place was improved. a deer paddock was laid out and stocked, gifts of chinese pheasants and geese, french partridges, and guinea-pigs were sent him, and were gratefully acknowledged, and from all the world over came curious, useful, or beautiful plants. the original tract did not satisfy the ambition of the farmer, and from the time he came into the possession of mount vernon he was a persistent purchaser of lands adjoining the property. in he bargained with one clifton for "a tract called brents," of eighteen hundred and six acres, but after the agreement was closed the seller, "under pretence of his wife not consenting to acknowledge her right of dower wanted to disengage himself ... and by his shuffling behavior convinced me of his being the trifling body represented." presently washington heard that clifton had sold his lands to another for twelve hundred pounds, which "fully unravelled his conduct ... and convinced me that he was nothing less than a thorough pac'd rascall." meeting the "rascall" at a court, "much discourse," washington states, "happened between him and i concerning his ungenerous treatment of me, the whole turning to little account, 'tis not worth reciting." after much more friction, the land was finally sold at public auction, and "i bought it for £ sterling, [and] under many threats and disadvantages paid the money." [illustration: washington's survey of mount vernon, circa ] in , when some other land was offered, washington wrote to his agent, "i have premised these things to shew my inability, not my unwillingness to purchase the lands in my own neck at (almost) any price--& this i am very desirous of doing if it could be accomplished by any means in my power, in ye way of barter for other land--for negroes ... or in short--for any thing else ... but for money i cannot, i want the means." again, in , he wrote, "inform mr. dulany,... that i look upon £ to be a great price for his land; that my wishes to obtain it do not proceed from its intrinsic value, but from the motives i have candidly assigned in my other letter. that to indulge this fancy, (for in truth there is more fancy than judgment in it) i have submitted, or am willing to submit, to the disadvantage of borrowing as large a sum as i think this land is worth, in order to come at it" by thus purchasing whenever an opportunity occurred, the property was increased from the twenty-five hundred acres which had come into washington's possession by inheritance to an estate exceeding eight thousand acres, of which over thirty-two hundred were actually under cultivation during the latter part of its owner's life. to manage so vast a tract, the property was subdivided into several tracts, called "mansion house farm," "river farm," "union farm," "muddy hole farm," and "dogue run farm," each having an overseer to manage it, and each being operated as a separate plantation, though a general overseer controlled the whole, and each farm derived common benefit from the property as a whole. "on saturday in the afternoon, every week, reports are made by all his overseers, and registered in books kept for the purpose," and these accounts were so schemed as to show how every negro's and laborer's time had been employed during the whole week, what crops had been planted or gathered, what increase or loss of stock had occurred, and every other detail of farm-work. during washington's absences from mount vernon his chief overseer sent him these reports, as well as wrote himself, and weekly the manager received in return long letters of instruction, sometimes to the length of sixteen pages, which showed most wonderful familiarity with every acre of the estate and the character of every laborer, and are little short of marvellous when account is taken of the pressure of public affairs that rested upon their writer as he framed them. when washington became a farmer, but one system of agriculture, so far as virginia was concerned, existed, which he described long after as follows: "a piece of land is cut down, and kept under constant cultivation, first in tobacco, and then in indian corn (two very exhausting plants), until it will yield scarcely any thing; a second piece is cleared, and treated in the same manner; then a third and so on, until probably there is but little more to clear. when this happens, the owner finds himself reduced to the choice of one of three things--either to recover the land which he has ruined, to accomplish which, he has perhaps neither the skill, the industry, nor the means; or to retire beyond the mountains; or to substitute quantity for quality, in order to raise something. the latter has been generally adopted, and, with the assistance of horses, he scratches over much ground, and seeds it, to very little purpose." knowing no better, washington adopted this one-crop system, even to the extent of buying corn and hogs to feed his hands. though following in the beaten track, he experimented in different kinds of tobacco, so that, "by comparing then the loss of the one with the extra price of the other, i shall be able to determine which is the best to pursue." the largest crop he ever seems to have produced, "being all sweet-scented and neatly managed," was one hundred and fifteen hogsheads, which averaged in sale twelve pounds each. from a very early time washington had been a careful student of such books on agriculture as he could obtain, even preparing lengthy abstracts of them, and the knowledge he thus obtained, combined with his own practical experience, soon convinced him that the virginian system was wrong. "i never ride on my plantations," he wrote, "without seeing something which makes me regret having continued so long in the ruinous mode of farming, which we are in," and he soon "discontinued the growth of tobacco myself; [and] except at a plantation or two upon york river, i make no more of that article than barely serves to furnish me with goods." from this time ( ) "the whole of my force [was] in a manner confined to the growth of wheat and manufacturing of it into flour," and before long he boasted that "the wheat from some of my plantations, by one pair of steelyards, will weigh upwards of sixty pounds,... and better wheat than i now have i do not expect to make." after the revolution he claimed that "no wheat that has ever yet fallen under my observation exceeds the wheat which some years ago i cultivated extensively but which, from inattention during my absence of almost nine years from home, has got so mixed or degenerated as scarcely to retain any of its original characteristics properly." in he was able to sell over nineteen hundred bushels, and how greatly his product was increased after this is shown by the fact that in this same year he sowed four hundred and ninety bushels. still further study and experimentation led him to conclude that "my countrymen are too much used to corn blades and corn shucks; and have too little knowledge of the profit of grass lands," and after his final home-coming to mount vernon, he said, "i have had it in contemplation ever since i returned home to turn my farms to grazing principally, as fast as i can cover the fields sufficiently with grass. labor and of course expence will be considerably diminished by this change, the nett profit as great and my attention less divided, whilst the fields will be improving." that this was only an abandonment of a "one crop" system is shown by the fact that in he grew over five thousand bushels of wheat, valued at four shillings the bushel, and in he said, "as a farmer, wheat and flour are my principal concerns." and though, in abandoning the growth of tobacco, washington also tried "to grow as little indian corn as may be," yet in his crop was over sixteen hundred barrels, and the quantity needed for his own negroes and stock is shown in a year when his crop failed, which "obliged me to purchase upwards of eight hundred barrels of corn." in connection with this change of system, washington became an early convert to the rotation of crops, and drew up elaborate tables sometimes covering periods of five years, so that the quantity of each crop should not vary, yet by which his fields should have constant change. this system naturally very much diversified the product of his estate, and flax, hay, clover, buckwheat, turnips, and potatoes became large crops. the scale on which this was done is shown by the facts that in one year he sowed twenty-seven bushels of flaxseed and planted over three hundred bushels of potatoes. early and late washington preached to his overseers the value of fertilization; in one case, when looking for a new overseer, he said the man must be, "above all, midas like, one who can convert everything he touches into manure, as the first transmutation towards gold;--in a word one who can bring worn out and gullied lands into good tilth in the shortest time." equally emphatic was his urging of constant ploughing and grubbing, and he even invented a deep soil plough, which he used till he found a better one in the english rotheran plough, which he promptly imported, as he did all other improved farming tools and machinery of which he could learn. to save his woodlands, and for appearance's sake, he insisted on live fences, though he had to acknowledge that "no hedge, alone, will, i am persuaded, do for an outer inclosure, where _two_ or four footed hogs find it convenient to open passage." in all things he was an experimentalist, carefully trying different kinds of tobacco and wheat, various kinds of plants for hedges, and various kinds of manure for fertilizers; he had tests made to see whether he could sell his wheat to best advantage in the grain or when made into flour, and he bred from selected horses, cattle, and sheep. "in short i shall begrudge no reasonable expence that will contribute to the improvement and neatness of my farms;--for nothing pleases me better than to see them in good order, and everything trim, handsome, and thriving about them." the magnitude of the charge of such an estate can be better understood when the condition of a virginia plantation is realized. before the revolution practically everything the plantation could not produce was ordered yearly from great britain, and after the annual delivery of the invoices the estate could look for little outside help. nor did this change rapidly after the revolution, and during the period of washington's management almost everything was bought in yearly supplies. this system compelled each plantation to be a little world unto itself; indeed, the three hundred souls on the mount vernon estate went far to make it a distinct and self-supporting community, and one of washington's standing orders to his overseers was to "buy nothing you can make within yourselves." thus the planting and gathering of the crops were but a small part of the work to be done. a corps of workmen--some negroes, some indentured servants, and some hired laborers--were kept on the estate. a blacksmith-shop occupied some, doing not merely the work of the plantation, but whatever business was brought to them from outside; and a wood-burner kept them and the mansion-house supplied with charcoal. a gang of carpenters were kept busy, and their spare time was utilized in framing houses to be put up in alexandria, or in the "federal city," as washington was called before the death of its namesake. a brick-maker, too, was kept constantly employed, and masons utilized the product of his labor. the gardener's gang had charge of the kitchen-garden, and set out thousands of grape-vines, fruit-trees, and hedge-plants. a water-mill, with its staff, not merely ground meal for the hands, but produced a fine flour that commanded extra price in the market in washington asserted that his flour was "equal, i believe, in quality to any made in this country," and the mount vernon brand was of such value that some money was made by buying outside wheat and grinding it into flour. the coopers of the estate made the barrels in which it was packed, and washington's schooner carried it to market. the estate had its own shoemaker, and in time a staff of weavers was trained. before this was obtained, in , though with only a modicum of the force he presently had, washington ordered from london " ells of osnabrig, pieces of brown wools, yards of kendall cotton, and yards of dutch blanket." by he was manufacturing the chief part of his requirements, for in that year his weavers produced eight hundred and fifteen and three-quarter yards of linen, three hundred and sixty-five and one-quarter yards of woollen, one hundred and forty-four yards of linsey, and forty yards of cotton, or a total of thirteen hundred and sixty-five and one-half yards, one man and five negro girls having been employed. when once the looms were well organized an infinite variety of cloths was produced, the accounts mentioning "striped woollen, woolen plaided, cotton striped, linen, wool-birdseye, cotton filled with wool, linsey, m.'s & o.'s, cotton-india dimity, cotton jump stripe, linen filled with tow, cotton striped with silk, roman m., janes twilled, huccabac, broadcloth, counterpain, birdseye diaper, kirsey wool, barragon, fustian, bed-ticking, herring-box, and shalloon." one of the most important features of the estate was its fishery, for the catch, salted down, largely served in place of meat for the negroes' food. of this advantage washington wrote, "this river,... is well supplied with various kinds of fish at all seasons of the year; and, in the spring, with the greatest profusion of shad, herrings, bass, carp, perch, sturgeon, &c. several valuable fisheries appertain to the estate; the whole shore, in short, is one entire fishery." whenever there was a run of fish, the seine was drawn, chiefly for herring and shad, and in good years this not merely amply supplied the home requirements, but allowed of sales; four or five shillings the thousand for herring and ten shillings the hundred for shad were the average prices, and sales of as high as eighty-five thousand herring were made in a single year. in , when the united states passed an excise law, distilling became particularly profitable, and a still was set up on the plantation. in this whiskey was made from "rye chiefly and indian corn in a certain proportion," and this not merely used much of the estate's product of those two grains, but quantities were purchased from elsewhere. in the profit from the distillery was three hundred and forty-four pounds twelve shillings and seven and three-quarter pence, with a stock carried over of seven hundred and fifty-five and one-quarter gallons; but this was the most successful year. cider, too, was made in large quantities. a stud stable was from an early time maintained, and the virginia papers regularly advertised that the stud horse "samson," "magnolia," "leonidas," "traveller," or whatever the reigning stallion of the moment might be, would "cover" mares at mount vernon, with pasturage and a guarantee of foal, if their owners so elected. during the revolution washington bought twenty-seven of the army mares that had been "worn-down so as to render it beneficial to the public to have them sold," not even objecting to those "low in flesh or even crippled," because "i have many large farms and am improving a good deal of land into meadow and pasture, which cannot fail of being profited by a number of brood mares." in addition to the stud, there were, in , fifty-four draught horses on the estate. a unique feature of this stud was the possession of two jackasses, of which the history was curious. at that time there was a law in spain (where the best breed was to be found) which forbade the exportation of asses, but the king, hearing of washington's wish to possess a jack, sent him one of the finest obtainable as a present, which was promptly christened "royal gift." the sea-voyage and the change of climate, however, so affected him that for a time he proved of little value to his owner, except as a source of amusement, for washington wrote lafayette, "the jack i have already received from spain in appearance is fine, but his late royal master, tho' past his grand climacteric cannot be less moved by female allurements than he is; or when prompted, can proceed with more deliberation and majestic solemnity to the work of procreation." this reluctance to play his part washington concluded was a sign of aristocracy, and he wrote a nephew, "if royal gift will administer, he shall be at the service of your mares, but at present he seems too full of royalty, to have anything to do with a plebeian race," and to fitzhugh he said, "particular attention shall be paid to the mares which your servant brought, and when my jack is in the humor, they shall derive all the benefit of his labor, for labor it appears to be. at present tho' young, he follows what may be supposed to be the example of his late royal master, who can not, tho' past his grand climacteric, perform seldomer or with more majestic solemnity than he does. however i am not without hope that when he becomes a little better acquainted with republican enjoyment, he will amend his manners, and fall into a better and more expeditious mode of doing business." this fortunately proved to be the case, and his master not merely secured such mules as he needed for his own use, but gained from him considerable profit by covering mares in the neighborhood. he even sent him on a tour through the south, and royal gift passed a whole winter in charleston, south carolina, with a resulting profit of six hundred and seventy-eight dollars to his owner. in there were on the estate " covering jacks & young ones, she asses, working mules and younger ones." of cattle there were in a total of three hundred and seventeen head, including "a sufficiency of oxen broke to the yoke," and a dairy was operated separate from the farms, and some butter was made, but washington had occasion to say, "it is hoped, and will be expected, that more effectual measures will be pursued to make butter another year; for it is almost beyond belief, that from cows actually reported on a late enumeration of the cattle, that i am obliged to _buy butter_ for the use of my family." sheep were an unusual adjunct of a virginia plantation, and of his flock washington wrote, "from the beginning of the year when i returned from the army, until shearing time of , i improved the breed of my sheep so much by buying and selecting the best formed and most promising rams, and putting them to my best ewes, by keeping them always well culled and clean, and by other attentions, that they averaged me ... rather over than under five pounds of washed wool each." in another letter he said, "i ... was proud in being able to produce perhaps the largest mutton and the greatest quantity of wool from my sheep that could be produced. but i was not satisfied with this; and contemplated further improvements both in the flesh and wool by the introduction of other breeds, which i should by this time have carried into effect, had i been permitted to pursue my favorite occupation." in , however, "i was again called from home, and have not had it in my power since to pay any attention to my farms. the consequence of which is, that my sheep at the last shearing, yielded me not more than - / " pounds. in he had six hundred and thirty-four in his flock, from which he obtained fourteen hundred and-fifty-seven pounds of fleece. of hogs he had "many," but "as these run pretty much at large in the woodland, the number is uncertain." in his manager valued his entire live-stock at seven thousand pounds. a separate account was kept of each farm, and of many of these separate departments, and whenever there was a surplus of any product an account was opened to cover it. thus in various years there are accounts raised dealing with cattle, hay, flour, flax, cord-wood, shoats, fish, whiskey, pork, etc., and his secretary, shaw, told a visitor that the "books were as regular as any merchant whatever." it is proper to note, however, that sometimes they would not balance, and twice at least washington could only force one, by entering "by cash supposed to be paid away & not credited _£_ . . ," and "by cash lost, stolen or paid away without charging _£_ . . ." all these accounts were tabulated at the end of the year and the net results obtained. those for a single year are here given: balance of gain and loss, . _dr. gained._ dogue run farm. . . union farm ..... . . - / river farm ..... . . smith's shop.... . . / distillery ..... . . jacks .......... . traveller (studhorse) . shoemaker....... . . fishery ........ . . - / dairy .......... . . _cr. lost._ mansion house... . . - / muddy hole farm . . - / spinning ....... . . hire of head overseer .... . . by clear gain on the estate. _£_ . . - / a pretty poor showing for an estate and negroes which had certainly cost him over fifty thousand dollars, and on which there was livestock which at the lowest estimation was worth fifteen thousand dollars more. it is not strange that in washington attempted to find tenants for all but the mansion farm. this he reserved for my "own residence, occupation and amusement," as washington held that "idleness is disreputable," and in he told his chief overseer he did not choose to "discontinue my rides or become a cipher on my own estate." when at mount vernon, as this indicated, washington rode daily about his estate, and he has left a pleasant description of his life immediately after retiring from the presidency: "i begin my diurnal course with the sun;... if my hirelings are not in their places at that time i send them messages expressive of my sorrow for their indisposition;... having put these wheels in motion, i examine the state of things further; and the more they are probed, the deeper i find the wounds are which my buildings have sustained by my absence and neglect of eight years; by the time i have accomplished these matters, breakfast (a little after seven o'clock)... is ready;... this being over, i mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner." a visitor at this time is authority for the statement that the master "often works with his men himself--strips off his coat and labors like a common man. the general has a great turn for mechanics. it's astonishing with what niceness he directs everything in the building way, condescending even to measure the things himself, that all may be perfectly uniform." this personal attention washington was able to give only with very serious interruptions. from till he was most of the time on the frontier; for nearly nine years his revolutionary service separated him absolutely from his property; and during the two terms of his presidency he had only brief and infrequent visits. just one-half of his forty-six years' occupancy of mount vernon was given to public service. the result was that in he wrote, "i am so little acquainted with the business relative to my private affairs that i can scarce give you any information concerning it," and this was hardly less true of the whole period of his absences. in he engaged overseers to manage his various estates in his absence "upon shares," but during the whole war the plantations barely supported themselves, even with depletion of stock and fertility, and he was able to draw nothing from them. one overseer, and a confederate, he wrote, "i believe, divided the profits of my estate on the york river, tolerably betwn. them, for the devil of any thing do i get." well might he advise knowingly that "i have no doubt myself but that middling land under a man's own eyes, is more profitable than rich land at a distance." "no virginia estate (except a very few under the best of management) can stand simple interest," he declared, and went even further when he wrote, "the nature of a virginia estate being such, that without close application, it never fails bringing the proprietors in debt annually." "to speak within bounds," he said, "ten thousand pounds will not compensate the losses i might have avoided by being at home, & attending a little to my own concerns" during the revolution. fortunately for the farmer, the mount vernon estate was but a small part of his property. his father had left him a plantation of two hundred and eighty acres on the rappahannock, "one moiety of my land lying on deep run," three lots in frederick "with all the houses and appurtenances thereto belonging," and one quarter of the residuary estate. while surveying for lord fairfax in , as part of his compensation washington patented a tract of five hundred and fifty acres in frederick county, which he always spoke of as "my bull-skin plantation." as a military bounty in the french and indian war the governor of virginia issued a proclamation granting western lands to the soldiers, and under this washington not merely secured fifteen thousand acres in his own right, but by buying the claims of some of his fellow officers doubled that quantity. a further tract was also obtained under the kindred proclamation of , " acres of land in my own right, & by purchase from captn. roots, posey, & some other officers, i obtained rights to several thousand more." in , after sales, he had over thirty thousand acres, which he then offered to sell at thirty thousand guineas, and in , when still more had been sold, his inventory valued the holdings at nearly three hundred thousand dollars. in addition, washington was a partner in several great land speculations,--the ohio company, the walpole grant, the mississippi company, the military company of adventures, and the dismal swamp company; but all these ventures except the last collapsed at the beginning of the revolution and proved valueless. his interest in the dismal swamp company he held at the time of his death, and it was valued in the inventory at twenty thousand dollars. the properties that came to him from his brother lawrence and with his wife have already been described. it may be worth noting that with the widow of lawrence there was a dispute over the will, but apparently it was never carried into the courts, and that owing to the great depreciation of paper money during the revolution the custis personal property was materially lessened, for "i am now receiving a shilling in the pound in discharge of bonds which ought to have been paid me, & would have been realized before i left virginia, but for my indulgences to the debtors," washington wrote, and in he said, "by the comparitive worth of money, six or seven thousand pounds which i have in bonds upon interest is now reduced to as many hundreds because i can get no more for a thousand at this day than a hundred would have fetched when i left virginia, bonds, debts, rents, &c. undergoing no change while the currency is depreciating in value and for ought i know may in a little time be totally sunk." indeed, in he complained "that i have totally neglected all my private concerns, which are declining every day, and may, possibly, end in capital losses, if not absolute ruin, before i am at liberty to look after them." in he became partner with george clinton in some land purchases in the state of new york with the expectation of buying the "mineral springs at saratoga; and ... the oriskany tract, on which fort schuyler stands." in this they were disappointed, but six thousand acres in the mohawk valley were obtained "amazingly cheap." washington's share cost him, including interest, eighteen hundred and seventy-five pounds, and in two-thirds of the land had been sold for three thousand four hundred pounds, and in his inventory of washington valued what he still held of the property at six thousand dollars. in , having inside information that the capital was to be removed from new york to philadelphia, washington tried to purchase a farm near that city, foreseeing a speedy rise in value. in this apparently he did not succeed. later he purchased lots in the new federal city, and built houses on two of them. he also had town lots in williamsburg, alexandria, winchester, and bath. in addition to all this property there were many smaller holdings. much was sold or traded, yet when he died, besides his wife's real estate and the mount vernon property, he possessed fifty-one thousand three hundred and ninety-five acres, exclusive of town property. a contemporary said "that general washington is, perhaps, the greatest landholder in america." all these lands, except mount vernon, were, so far as possible, rented, but the net income was not large. rent agents were employed to look after the tenants, but low rents, war, paper money, a shifting population, and washington's dislike of lawsuits all tended to reduce the receipts, and the landlord did not get simple interest on his investments. thus, in he complains of slow payments from tenants in washington and lafayette counties (pennsylvania). instead of an expected six thousand dollars, due june , but seventeen hundred dollars were received. income, however, had not been his object in loading himself with such a vast property, as washington believed that he was certain to become rich. "for proof of" the rise of land, he wrote in , "only look to frederick, [county] and see what fortunes were made by the ... first taking up of those lands. nay, how the greatest estates we have in this colony were made. was it not by taking up and purchasing at very low rates the rich back lands, which were thought nothing of in those days, but are now the most valuable land we possess?" in this he was correct, but in the mean time he was more or less land-poor. to a friend in he wrote that the stocking and repairing of his plantations "and other matters ... swallowed up before i well knew where i was, all the moneys i got by marriage, nay more, brought me in debt" in , replying to a request for a loan, he declared that "so far am i from having £ to lend ... i would gladly borrow that sum myself for a few months." when offered land adjoining mount vernon for three thousand pounds in , he could only reply that it was "a sum i have little chance, if i had inclination, to pay; & therefore would not engage it, as i am resolved not to incumber myself with debt." in , to secure a much desired tract he was forced to borrow two thousand pounds york currency at the rate of seven per cent. in , "the total loss of my crop last year by the drought" "with necessary demands for cash" "have caused me much perplexity and given me more uneasiness than i ever experienced before from want of money," and a year later, just before setting out to be inaugurated, he tried to borrow five hundred pounds "to discharge what i owe" and to pay the expenses of the journey to new york, but was "unable to obtain more than half of it, (though it was not much i required), and this at an advanced interest with other rigid conditions," though at this time "could i get in one fourth part of what is due me on bonds" "without the intervention of suits" there would have been ample funds. in the president said, "my friends entertain a very erroneous idea of my particular resources, when they set me down for a money lender, or one who (now) has a command of it. you may believe me when i assert that the bonds which were due to me before the revolution, were discharged during the progress of it--with a few exceptions in depreciated paper (in some instances as low as a shilling in the pound). that such has been the management of the estate, for many years past, especially since my absence from home, now six years, as scarcely to support itself. that my public allowance (whatever the world may think of it) is inadequate to the expence of living in this city; to such an extravagant height has the necessaries as well as the conveniences of life arisen. and, moreover that to keep myself out of debt; i have found it expedient now and then to sell lands, or something else to effect this purpose." [illustration: lottery ticket signed by washington] as these extensive land ventures bespoke a national characteristic, so a liking for other forms of speculation was innate in the great american. during the revolution he tried to secure an interest in a privateer. one of his favorite flyers was chances in lotteries and raffles, which, if now found only in association with church fairs, were then not merely respectable, but even fashionable. in five pounds and ten shillings were invested in one lottery. five pounds purchased five tickets in strother's lottery in . three years later six pounds were risked in the york lottery and produced prizes to the extent of sixteen pounds. fifty pounds were put into colonel byrd's lottery in , and drew a half-acre lot in the town of manchester, but out of this washington was defrauded. in john potts was paid four pounds and four shillings "in part for lottery tickets in the alexa. street lottery at / each, dollrs. the bal. was discharged by . lotr prizes." twenty tickets of peregrine and fitzhugh's lottery cost one hundred and eighty-eight dollars in . and these are but samples of innumerable instances. so, too, in raffles, the entries are constant,--"for glasses /," "for a necklace £ .," "by profit & loss in two chances in raffling for encyclopadia britannica, which i did not win £ . ," two tickets were taken in the raffle of mrs. dawson's coach, as were chances for a pair of silver buckles, for a watch, and for a gun; such and many others were smaller ventures washington took. there were other sources of income or loss besides. before the revolution he had a good sized holding of bank of england stock, and an annuity in the funds, besides considerable property on bond, the larger part of which, as already noted, was liquidated in depreciated paper money. this paper money was for the most part put into united states securities, and eventually the "at least £ , virginia money" proved to be worth six thousand two hundred and forty-six dollars in government six per cents and three per cents. a great believer in the potomac canal company, washington invested twenty-four hundred pounds sterling in the stock, which produced no income, and in time showed a heavy shrinkage. another and smaller loss was an investment in the james river canal company. stock holdings in the bank of columbia and in the bank of alexandria proved profitable investments. none the less washington was a successful businessman. though his property rarely produced a net income, and though he served the public with practically no profit (except as regards bounty lands), and thus was compelled frequently to dip into his capital to pay current expenses, yet, from being a surveyor only too glad to earn a doubloon (seven dollars and forty cents) a day, he grew steadily in wealth, and when he died his property, exclusive of his wife's and the mount vernon estate, was valued at five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. this made him one of the wealthiest americans of his time, and it is to be questioned if a fortune was ever more honestly acquired or more thoroughly deserved. vi master and employer in his "rules of civility" washington enjoined that "those of high degree ought to treat" "artificers & persons of low degree" "with affibility & courtesie, without arrogancy," and it was a needed lesson to every young virginian, for, as jefferson wrote, "the whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most insulting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other." augustine washington's will left to his son george "ten negro slaves," with an additional share of those "not herein particularly devised," but all to remain in the possession of mary washington until the boy was twenty-one years of age. with his taking possession of the mount vernon estate in his twenty-second year eighteen more came under washington's direction. in he bought a "fellow" for £ . , another (jack) for £ . , and a negro woman (clio) for £ . in he purchased of the governor a negro woman and child for £ , and two years later a fellow (gregory) for £ . . in the following year (the year of his marriage) he bought largely: a negro (will) for £ ; another for £ ; nine for £ , an average of £ ; and a woman (hannah) and child, £ . in he added to the number by purchasing seven of lee massey for £ (an average of £ ), and two of colonel fielding lewis at £ , or £ . apiece. from the estate of francis hobbs he bought, in , ben, £ ; lewis, £ . ; and sarah, £ . another fellow, bought of sarah alexander, cost him £ ; and a negro (judy) and child, sold by garvin corbin, £ . in mary lee sold him two mulattoes (will and frank) for £ . and £ , respectively; and two boys (negroes), adam and frank, for £ apiece. five more were purchased in , and after that no more were bought. in washington paid tithes on forty-nine slaves, five years later on seventy-eight, in on eighty-seven, and in on one hundred and thirty-five; besides which must be included the "dower slaves" of his wife. soon after this there was an overplus, and washington in offered to barter for some land "negroes, of whom i every day long more to get clear of," and even before this he had learned the economic fact that except on the richest of soils slaves "only add to the expence." in he had one hundred and fifteen "hands" on the mount vernon estate, besides house servants, and de warville, describing his estate in the same year, speaks of his having three hundred negroes. at this time washington declared that "i never mean (unless some particular circumstance compel me to it) to possess another slave by purchase," but this intention was broken, for "the running off of my cook has been a most inconvenient thing to this family, and what rendered it more disagreeable, is that i had resolved never to become the master of another slave by purchase, but this resolution i fear i must break. i have endeavored to hire, black or white, but am not yet supplied." a few more slaves were taken in payment of a debt, but it was from necessity rather than choice, for at this very time washington had decided that "it is demonstratively clear, that on this estate (mount vernon) i have more working negros by a full moiety, than can be employed to any advantage in the farming system, and i shall never turn planter thereon. to sell the overplus i cannot, because i am principled against this kind of traffic in the human species. to hire them out, is almost as bad, because they could not be disposed of in families to any advantage, and to disperse the families i have an aversion. what then is to be done? something must or i shall be ruined; for all the money (in addition to what i raise by crops, and rents) that have been _received_ for lands, sold within the last four years, to the amount of fifty thousand dollars, has scarcely been able to keep me afloat." and writing of one set he said, "it would be for my interest to set them free, rather than give them victuals and cloaths." the loss by runaways was not apparently large. in october, , his ledger contains an item of seven shillings "to the printing office ... for advertising a run-a-way negro." in he pays his clergyman, rev. mr. green, "for taking up one of my runaway negroes £ ." in rewards are paid for the "taking up" of "negro tom" and "negro bett." the "taking up of harry when runaway" in cost £ . . when the british invaded virginia in , a number escaped or were carried away by the enemy. by the treaty of peace these should have been returned, and their owner wrote, "some of my own slaves, and those of mr. lund washington who lives at my house may probably be in new york, but i am unable to give you their description--their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give you. if by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, i will be much obliged by your securing them, so that i may obtain them again." in a girl absconded to new england, and washington made inquiries of a friend as to the possibility of recovering her, adding, "however well disposed i might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of people (if the latter was in itself practicable) at this moment, it would neither be politic nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a premature preference, and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants, who, by their steady attachment, are far more deserving than herself of favor," and at this time washington wrote to a relative, "i am sorry to hear of the loss of your servant; but it is my opinion these elopements will be much more, before they are less frequent; and that the persons making them should never be retained--if they are recovered, as they are sure to contaminate and discontent others." another source of loss was sickness, which, in spite of all washington could do, made constant inroads on the numbers. a doctor to care for them was engaged by the year, and in the contracts with his overseers clauses were always inserted that each was "to take all necessary and proper care of the negroes committed to his management using them with proper humanity and descretion," or that "he will take all necessary and proper care of the negroes committed to his management, treating them with humanity and tenderness when sick, and preventing them when well, from running about and visiting without his consent; as also forbid strange negroes frequenting their quarters without lawful excuses for so doing." furthermore, in writing to his manager, while absent from mount vernon, washington reiterated that "although it is last mentioned it is foremost in my thoughts, to desire you will be particularly attentive to my negros in their sickness; and to order every overseer _positively_ to be so likewise; for i am sorry to observe that the generality of them view these poor creatures in scarcely any other light than they do a draught horse or ox; neglecting them as much when they are unable to work; instead of comforting and nursing them when they lye on a sick bed." and in another letter he added, "when i recommended care of, and attention to my negros in sickness, it was that the first stage of, and the whole progress through the disorders with which they might be seized (if more than a slight indisposition) should be closely watched, and timely applications and remedies be administered; especially in the pleurisies, and all inflammatory disorders accompanied with pain, when a few days' neglect, or want of bleeding might render the ailment incurable. in such cases sweeten'd teas, broths and (according to the nature of the complaint, and the doctor's prescription) sometimes a little wine, may be necessary to nourish and restore the patient; and these i am perfectly willing to allow, when it is requisite. my fear is, as i expressed to you in a former letter, that the under overseers are so unfeeling, in short viewing the negros in no other light than as a better kind of cattle, the moment they cease to work, they cease their care of them." at mount vernon his care for the slaves was more personal. at a time when the small-pox was rife in virginia he instructed his overseer "what to do if the small pox should come amongst them," and when he "received letters from winchester, informing me that the small pox had got among my quarters in frederick; [i] determin'd ... to leave town as soon as possible, and proceed up to them.... after taking the doctors directions in regard to my people ... i set out for my quarters about oclock, time enough to go over them and found every thing in the utmost confusion, disorder and backwardness.... got blankets and every other requisite from winchester, and settl'd things on the best footing i cou'd, ... val crawford agreeing if any of those at the upper quarter got it, to have them remov'd into my room and the nurse sent for." other sickness was equally attended to, as the following entries in his diary show: "visited my plantations and found two negroes sick ... ordered them to be blooded;" "found that lightening had struck my quarters and near negroes in it, some very bad but with letting blood they recover'd;" "ordered lucy down to the house to be physikd," and "found the new negro cupid, ill of a pleurisy at dogue run quarter and had him brot home in a cart for better care of him.... cupid extremely ill all this day and at night when i went to bed i thought him within a few hours of breathing his last." this matter of sickness, however, had another phase, which caused washington much irritation at times when he could not personally look into the cases, but heard of them through the reports of his overseers. thus, he complained on one occasion, "i find by reports that sam is, in a manner, always returned sick; doll at the ferry, and several of the spinners very frequently so, for a week at a stretch; and ditcher charles often laid up with lameness. i never wish my people to work when they are really sick, or unfit for it; on the contrary, that all necessary care should be taken of them when they are so; but if you do not examine into their complaints, they will lay by when no more ails them, than all those who stick to their business, and are not complaining from the fatigue and drowsiness which they feel as the effect of night walking and other practices which unfit them for the duties of the day." and again he asked, "is there anything particular in the cases of ruth, hannah and pegg, that they have been returned sick for several weeks together? ruth i know is extremely deceitful; she has been aiming for some time past to get into the house, exempt from work; but if they are not made to do what their age and strength will enable them, it will be a bad example for others--none of whom would work if by pretexts they can avoid it" other causes than running away and death depleted the stock. one negro was taken by the state for some crime and executed, an allowance of sixty-nine pounds being made to his master. in an unruly negro was shipped to the west indies (as was then the custom), washington writing the captain of the vessel,-- "with this letter comes a negro (tom) which i beg the favor of you to sell in any of the islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bring me in return for him "one hhd of best molasses "one ditto of best rum "one barrel of lymes, if good and cheap "one pot of tamarinds, containing about lbs. "two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats, about lbs. each. and the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. that this fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for the former, and never practised the latter till of late) i shall not pretend to deny. but that he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the hoe, the whole neighborhood can testify, and particularly mr. johnson and his son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope he may with your good management sell well, if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale." another "misbehaving fellow" was shipped off in , and was sold for "one pipe and quarter cask of wine from the west indies." sometimes only the threat of such riddance was used, as when an overseer complained of one slave, and his master replied, "i am very sorry that so likely a fellow as matilda's ben should addict himself to such courses as he is pursuing. if he should be guilty of any atrocious crime, that would effect his life, he might be given up to the civil authority for trial; but for such offences as most of his color are guilty of, you had better try further correction, accompanied with admonition and advice. the two latter sometimes succeed where the first has failed. he, his father and mother (who i dare say are his receivers) may be told in explicit language, that if a stop is not put to his rogueries and other villainies, by fair means and shortly, that i will ship him off (as i did wagoner jack) for the west indies, where he will have no opportunity of playing such pranks as he is at present engaged in." it is interesting to note, in connection with this conclusion, that "admonition and advice" were able to do what "correction" sometimes failed to achieve, that there is not a single order to whip, and that the above case, and that which follows, are the only known cases where punishment was approved. "the correction you gave ben, for his assault on sambo, was just and proper. it is my earnest desire that quarrels may be stopped or punishment of both parties follow, unless it shall appear _clearly_, that one only is to blame, and the other forced into [a quarrel] from self-defence." in one other instance washington wrote, "if isaac had his deserts he would receive a severe punishment for the house, tools and seasoned stuff, which has been burned by his carelessness." but instead of ordering the "deserts" he continued, "i wish you to inform him, that i sustain injury enough by their idleness; they need not add to it by their carelessness." this is the more remarkable, because his slaves gave him constant annoyance by their wastefulness and sloth and dishonesty. thus, "paris has grown to be so lazy and self-willed" that his master does not know what to with him; "doll at the ferry must be taught to knit, and _made_ to do a sufficient day's work of it--otherwise (if suffered to be idle) many more will walk in her steps"; "it is observed by the weekly reports, that the sewers make only six shirts a week, and the last week carolina (without being sick) made only five. mrs. washington says their usual task was to make nine with shoulder straps and good sewing. tell them therefore from me, that what _has_ been done, _shall_ be done"; "none i think call louder for [attention] than the smiths, who, from a variety of instances which fell within my own observation whilst i was at home, i take to be two very idle fellows. a daily account (which ought to be regularly) taken of their work, would alone go a great way towards checking their idleness." and the overseer was told to watch closely "the people who are at work with the gardener, some of whom i know to be as lazy and deceitful as any in the world (sam particularly)." furthermore, the overseers were warned to "endeavor to make the servants and negroes take care of their cloathes;" to give them "a weekly allowance of meat ... because the annual one is not taken care of but either profusely used or stolen"; and to note "the delivery to and the application of nails by the carpenters,... [for] i cannot conceive how it is possible that twelve penny nails could be used in the corn house at river plantation; but of one thing i have no great doubt, and that is, if they can be applied to other uses, or converted into cash, rum or other things there will be no scruple in doing it." when robbed of some potatoes, washington complained that "the deception ... is of a piece with other practices of a similar kind by which i have suffered hitherto; and may serve to evince to you, in strong colors, first how little confidence can be placed in any one round you; and secondly the necessity of an accurate inspection into these things yourself,--for to be plain, alexandria is such a recepticle for every thing that can be filched from the right owners, by either blacks or whites; and i have such an opinion of my negros (two or three only excepted), and not much better of some of the whites, that i am perfectly sure not a single thing that can be disposed of at any price, at that place, that will not, and is not stolen, where it is possible; and carried thither to some of the underlying keepers, who support themselves by this kind of traffick." he dared not leave wine unlocked, even for the use of his guests, "because the knowledge i have of my servants is such, as to believe, that if opportunities are given them, they will take off two glasses of wine for every one that is drank by such visitors, and tell you they were used by them." and when he had some work to do requiring very ordinary qualities, he had to confess that "i know not a negro among all mine, whose capacity, integrity and attention could be relied on for such a trust as this." whatever his opinion of his slaves, washington was a kind master. in one case he wrote a letter for one of them when the "fellow" was parted from his wife in the service of his master, and at another time he enclosed letters to a wife and to james's "del toboso," for two of his servants, to save them postage. in reference to their rations he wrote, "whether this addition ... is sufficient, i will not undertake to decide;--but in most explicit language i desire they may have plenty; for i will not have my feelings hurt with complaints of this sort, nor lye under the imputation of starving my negros, and thereby driving them to the necessity of thieving to supply the deficiency. to prevent waste or embezzlement is the only inducement to allowancing of them at all--for if, instead of a peck they could eat a bushel of meal a week fairly, and required it, i would not withhold or begrudge it them." at christmas-time there are entries in his ledger for whiskey or rum for "the negroes," and towards the end of his life he ordered the overseer, "although others are getting out of the practice of using spirits at harvest, yet, as my people have always been accustomed to it, a hogshead of rum must be purchased; but i request at the same time, that it may be used sparingly." a greater kindness of his was, in , when he very much desired a negro mason offered for sale, yet directed his agent that "if he has a family, with which he is to be sold; or from whom he would reluctantly part, i decline the purchase; his feelings i would not be the means of hurting in the latter case, nor _at any rate_ be incumbered with the former." the kindness thus indicated bore fruit in a real attachment of the slaves for their master. in humphreys's poem on washington the poet alluded to the negroes at mount vernon in the lines,-- "where that foul stain of manhood, slavery, flow'd through afric's sons transmitted in the blood; hereditary slaves his kindness shar'd, for manumission by degrees prepar'd: return'd from war, i saw them round him press, and all their speechless glee by artless signs express." and in a foot-note the writer added, "the interesting scene of his return home, at which the author was present, is described exactly as it existed." a single one of these slaves deserves further notice. his body-servant "billy" was purchased by washington in for sixty-eight pounds and fifteen shillings, and was his constant companion during the war, even riding after his master at reviews; and this servant was so associated with the general that it was alleged in the preface to the "forged letters" that they had been captured by the british from "billy," "an old servant of general washington's." when savage painted his well-known "family group," this was the one slave included in the picture. in washington told his philadelphia agent that "the mulatto fellow, william, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. she has been in an infirm condition for some time, and i had conceived that the connexion between them had ceased; but i am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' i never wished to see her more, i cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years. after premising this much, i have to beg the favor of you to procure her a passage to alexandria." [illustration: savage's picture of the washington family] when acting as chain-bearer in , while washington was surveying a tract of land, william fell and broke his knee-pan, "which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty i was able to get him to abington, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride." from this injury lee never quite recovered, yet he started to accompany his master to new york in , only to give out on the road. he was left at philadelphia, and lear wrote to washington's agent that "the president will thank you to propose it to will to return to mount vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. if he should incline to return to mount vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first vessel that sails for alexandria after he can be moved with safety--but if he is still anxious to come on here the president would gratify him, altho' he will be troublesome--he has been an old and faithful servant, this is enough for the president to gratify him in every reasonable wish." by his will washington gave lee his "immediate freedom or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so-- in either case however i allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life which shall be independent of the victuals and _cloaths_ he has been accustomed to receive; if he _chuses_ the last alternative, but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this i give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war." two small incidents connected with washington's last illness are worth noting. the afternoon before the night he was taken ill, although he had himself been superintending his affairs on horseback in the storm most of the day, yet when his secretary "carried some letters to him to frank, intending to send them to the post office in the evening," lear tells us "he franked the letters; but said the weather was too bad to send a servant up to the office that evening." lear continues, "the general's servant, christopher, attended his bed side & in the room, when he was sitting up, through his whole illness.... in the [last] afternoon the general observing that christopher had been standing by his bed side for a long time--made a motion for him to sit in a chair which stood by the bed side." a clause in washington's will directed that "upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire that all the slaves which i hold in _my own right_ shall receive their freedom--to emancipate them during her life, would, tho' earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture of marriages with the dower negroes as to excite the most painful sensations--if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held to manumit them--and whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this devise there may be some who from old age, or bodily infirmities & others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfortably cloathed and fed by my heirs while they live and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty five years.... the negroes thus bound are (by their masters and mistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought up to some useful occupation." in this connection washington's sentiments on slavery as an institution may be glanced at. as early as he replied to lafayette, when told of a colonizing plan, "the scheme, my dear marqs., which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this country from that state of bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. i shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till i have the pleasure of seeing you." a year later, when francis asbury was spending a day in mount vernon, the clergyman asked his host if he thought it wise to sign a petition for the emancipation of slaves. washington replied that it would not be proper for him, but added, "if the maryland assembly discusses the matter; i will address a letter to that body on the subject, as i have always approved of it." when south carolina refused to pass an act to end the slave-trade, he wrote to a friend in that state, "i must say that i lament the decision of your legislature upon the question of importing slaves after march . i was in hopes that motives of policy as well as other good reasons, supported by the direful effects of slavery, which at this moment are presented, would have operated to produce a total prohibition of the importation of slaves, whenever the question came to be agitated in any state, that might be interested in the measure." for his own state he expressed the "wish from my soul that the legislature of this state could see the policy of a gradual abolition of slavery; it would prev't much future mischief." and to a pennsylvanian he expressed the sentiment, "i hope it will not be conceived from these observations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people, who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. i can only say, that there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than i do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting." washington by no means restricted himself to slave servitors. early in life he took into his service john alton at thirteen pounds per annum, and this white man served as his body-servant in the braddock campaign, and washington found in the march that "a most serious inconvenience attended me in my sickness, and that was the losing the use of my servant, for poor john alton was taken about the same time that i was, and with nearly the same disorder, and was confined as long; so that we did not see each other for several days." as elsewhere noticed, washington succeeded to the services of braddock's body-servant, thomas bishop, on the death of the general, paying the man ten pounds a year. these two were his servants in his trip to boston in , and in preparation for that journey washington ordered his english agent to send him " complete livery suits for servants; with a spare cloak and all other necessary trimmings for two suits more. i would have you choose the livery by our arms, only as the field of the arms is white, i think the clothes had better not be quite so, but nearly like the inclosed. the trimmings and facings of scarlet, and a scarlet waist coat. if livery lace is not quite disused, i should be glad to have the cloaks laced. i like that fashion best, and two silver laced hats for the above servants." for some reason bishop left his employment, but in washington "wrote to my old servant bishop to return to me again if he was not otherwise engaged," and, the man being "very desirous of returning," the old relation was reassumed. alton in the mean time had been promoted to be overseer of one of the plantations. in their master noted in his diary, "last night jno alton an overseer of mine in the neck--an old & faithful servant who has lived with me odd years died--and this evening the wife of thos. bishop, another old servant who had lived with me an equal number of years also died." both were remembered in his will by a clause giving "to sarah green daughter of the deceased thomas bishop, and to ann walker, daughter of john alton, also deceased i give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their father[s] to me, each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family." of washington's general treatment of the serving class a few facts can be gleaned. he told one of his overseers, in reference to the sub-overseers, that "to treat them civilly is no more than what all men are entitled to, but my advice to you is, to keep them at a proper distance; for they will grow upon familiarity, in proportion as you will sink in authority if you do not." to a housekeeper he promised "a warm, decent and comfortable room to herself, to lodge in, and will eat of the victuals of our table, but not set at it, or at any time _with us_ be her appearance what it may; for if this was _once admitted_ no line satisfactory to either party, perhaps could be drawn thereafter." in visiting he feed liberally, good examples of which are given in the cash account of the visit to boston in , when he "gave to servants on ye road /." "by cash mr. malbones servants £ . . ." "the chambermaid £ . . ." when the wife of his old steward, fraunces, came to need, he gave her "for charity £ . . ." the majority will sympathize rather than disapprove of his opinion when he wrote, "workmen in most countries i believe are necessary plagues;---in this where entreaties as well as money must be used to obtain their work and keep them to their duty they baffle all calculation in the accomplishment of any plan or repairs they are engaged in;--and require more attention to and looking after than can be well conceived." the overseers of his many plantations, and his "master" carpenters, millers, and gardeners, were quite as great trials as his slaves. first "young stephens" gave him much trouble, which his diary reports in a number of sententious entries: "visited my plantation. severely reprimanded young stephens for his indolence, and his father for suffering it;" "forbid stephens keeping any horses upon my expence;" "visited my quarters & ye mill, according to custom found young stephens absent;" "visited my plantation and found to my great surprise stephens constantly at work;" "rid out to my plantn. and to my carpenters. found richard stephens hard at work with an ax--very extraordinary this!" again he records, "visited my plantations--found foster had been absent from his charge since the th ulto. left orders for him to come immediately to me upon his return, and repremanded him severely." of another, simpson, "i never hear ... without a degree of warmth & vexation at his extreme stupidity," and elsewhere he expresses his disgust at "that confounded fellow simpson." a third spent all the fall and half the winter in getting in his crop, and "if there was any way of making such a rascal as garner pay for such conduct, no punishment would be too great for him. i suppose he never turned out of mornings until the sun had warmed the earth, and if _he_ did not, the _negros_ would not." his chief overseer was directed to "let mr. crow know that i view with a very evil eye the frequent reports made by him of sheep dying;... frequent _natural deaths_ is a very strong evidence to my mind of the want of care or something worse." curious distinctions were made oftentimes. thus, in the contract with an overseer, one clause was inserted to the effect, "and whereas there are a number of whiskey stills very contiguous to the said plantations, and many idle, drunken and dissolute people continually resorting to the same, priding themselves in debauching sober and well-inclined persons, the said edd voilett doth promise as well for his own sake as his employers to avoid them as he ought." to the contrary, in hiring a gardener, it was agreed as part of the compensation that the man should have "four dollars at christmas, with which he may be drunk for four days and four nights; two dollars at easter to effect the same purpose; two dollars at whitsuntide to be drunk for two days; a dram in the morning, and a drink of grog at dinner at noon." with more true kindness washington wrote to one of his underlings, "i was very glad to receive your letter of the st ultimo, because i was afraid, from the accounts given me of your spitting blood,... that you would hardly have been able to have written at all. and it is my request that you will not, by attempting more than you are able to undergo, with safety and convenience, injure yourself, and thereby render me a disservice.... i had rather therefore hear that you had nursed than exposed yourself. and the things which i sent from this place (i mean the wine, tea, coffee and sugar) and such other matters as you may lay in by the doctor's direction for the use of the sick, i desire you will make use of as your own personal occasions may require." of one butler he had employed to overlook his gardeners, but who proved hopelessly unfit, washington said, "sure i am, there is no obligation upon me to retain him from charitable motives; when he ought rather to be punished as an imposter: for he well knew the services he had to perform, and which he promised to fulfil with zeal, activity, and intelligence." yet when the man was discharged his employer gave him a "character:" "if his activity, spirit, and ability in the management of negroes, were equal to his honesty, sobriety and industry, there would not be the least occasion for a change," and butler was paid his full wages, no deduction being made for lost time, "as i can better afford to be without the money than he can." another thoroughly incompetent man was one employed to take charge of the negro carpenters, of whom his employer wrote, "i am apprehensive ... that green never will overcome his propensity to drink; that it is this which occasions his frequent sickness, absences from work and poverty. and i am convinced, moreover, that it answers no purpose to admonish him." yet, though "i am so well satisfied of thomas green's unfitness to look after carpenters," for a time "the helpless situation in which you find his family, has prevailed on me to retain him," and when he finally had to be discharged for drinking, washington said, "nothing but compassion for his helpless family, has hitherto induced me to keep him a moment in my service (so bad is the example he sets); but if he has no regard for them himself, it is not to be expected that i am to be a continual sufferer on this account for his misconduct." his successor needed the house the family lived in, but washington could not "bear the thought of adding to the distress i know they must be in, by turning them adrift;... it would be better therefore on all accounts if they were removed to some other place, even if i was to pay the rent, provided it was low, or make some allowance towards it." to many others, besides family, friends, and employees, washington was charitable. from an early date his ledger contains frequent items covering gifts to the needy. to mention a tenth of them would take too much space, but a few typical entries are worth quoting: "by cash gave a soldiers wife /;" "to a crippled man /;" "gave a man who had his house burnt £ .;" "by a begging woman / ;" "by cash gave for the sufferers at boston by fire £ ;" "by a wounded soldier /;" "alexandria academy, support of a teacher of orphan children £ ;" "by charity to an invalid wounded soldier who came from redston with a petition for charity /;" "gave a poor man by the president's order $ ;" "delivd to the president to send to two distress'd french women at newcastle $ ;" "gave pothe a poor old man by the president's order $ ;" "gave a poor sailor by the presdt order $ ;" "gave a poor blind man by the presdt order $ . ;" "by madame de seguer a french lady in distress gave her $ ;" "by subscription paid to mr. jas. blythe towards erecting and supporting an academy in the state of kentucky $ ;" "by subscription towards an academy in the south western territory $ ;" "by charity sent genl charles pinckney in columbus bank notes, for the sufferers by the fire in charleston so. carolina $ ;" "by charity gave to the sufferers by fire in geo. town $ ;" "by an annual donation to the academy at alexandria pd. dr. cook $ . ;" "by charity to the poor of alexandria deld. to the revd. dr. muir $ ." to an overseer he said, concerning a distant relative, "mrs. haney should endeavor to do what she can for herself--this is a duty incumbent on every one; but you must not let her suffer, as she has thrown herself upon me; your advances on this account will be allowed always, at settlement; and i agree readily to furnish her with provisions, and for the good character you give of her daughter make the latter a present in my name of a handsome but not costly gown, and other things which she may stand most in need of. you may charge me also with the worth of your tenement in which she is placed, and where perhaps it is better she should be than at a great distance from your attentions to her." after the terrible attack of fever in philadelphia in , washington wrote to a clergyman of that city,-- "it has been my intention ever since my return to the city, to contribute my mite towards the relief of the _most_ needy inhabitants of it. the pressure of public business hitherto has suspended, but not altered my resolution. i am at a loss, however, for whose benefit to apply the little i can give, and in whose hands to place it; whether for the use of the fatherless children and widows, made so by the late calamity, who may find it difficult, whilst provisions, wood, and other necessaries are so dear, to support themselves; or to other and better purposes, if any, i know not, and therefore have taken the liberty of asking your advice. i persuade myself justice will be done to my motives for giving you this trouble. to obtain information, and to render the little i can afford, without ostentation or mention of my name, are the sole objects of these inquiries. with great and sincere esteem and regard, i am, &c." his adopted grandson he advised to "never let an indigent person ask, without receiving _something_ if you have the means; always recollecting in what light the widow's mite was viewed." and when he took command of the army in , the relative who took charge of his affairs was told to "let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. let no one go hungry away. if any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness; and i have no objection to your giving my money in charity, to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it well bestowed. what i mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire that it should be done. you are to consider, that neither myself nor wife is now in the way to do these good offices." vii social life there can be no doubt that washington, like the virginian of his time, was pre-eminently social. it is true that late in life he complained, as already quoted, that his home had become a "well resorted tavern," and that at his own table "i rarely miss seeing strange faces, come as they say out of respect for me. pray, would not the word curiosity answer as well?" but even in writing this he added, "how different this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board!" when a surveyor he said that the greatest pleasure he could have would be to hear from or be with "my intimate friends and acquaintances;" to one he wrote, "i hope you in particular will not bauk me of what i so ardently wish for," and he groaned over being "amongst a parcel of barbarians." while in the virginia regiment he complained of a system of rations which "deprived me of the pleasure of inviting an officer or friend, which to me would be more agreeable, than nick-nacks i shall meet with," and when he was once refused leave of absence by the governor, he replied bitterly, "it was not to enjoy a party of pleasure i wanted a leave of absence; i have been indulged with few of these, winter or summer!" at mount vernon, if a day was spent without company the fact was almost always noted in his diary, and in a visit, too, he noted that he had "a very lonesome evening at colo champe's, not any body favoring us with their company but himself." the plantation system which prevented town life and put long distances between neighbors developed two forms of society. one of these was house parties, and probably nowhere else in the world was that form of hospitality so unstinted as in this colony. any one of a certain social standing was privileged, even welcomed, to ride up to the seat of a planter, dismount, and thus become a guest, ceasing to be such only when he himself chose. sometimes one family would go _en masse_ many miles to stay a week with friends, and when they set out to return their hosts would journey with them and in turn become guests for a week. the second form of social life was called clubs. at all the cross-roads and court-houses there sprang up taverns or ordinaries, and in these the men of a neighborhood would gather, and over a bowl of punch or a bottle of wine, the expense of which they "clubbed" to share, would spend their evenings. into this life washington entered eagerly. as a mere lad his ledger records expenditures: "by a club in arrack at mr. gordon's / ;" "club of a bottle of rhenish at mitchells / ;" "to part of the club at port royal /;" "to cash in part for a bowl of fruit punch / - / ." so, too, he was a visitor at this time at some of the great virginian houses, as elsewhere noted. when he came into possession of mount vernon he offered the same unstinted welcome that he had met with, and even as a bachelor he writes of his "having much company," and again of being occupied with "a good deal of company." in two months of washington had company to dinner, or to spend the night, on twenty-nine days, and dined or visited away from home on seven; and this is typical. whenever, too, trips were made to williamsburg, annapolis, philadelphia, or elsewhere, it was a rare occurrence when the various stages of the journey were not spent with friends, and in those cities he was dined and wined to a surfeit. during the revolution all of washington's aides and his secretary lived with him at head-quarters, and constituted what he always called "my family." in addition, many others sat down at table,--those who came on business from a distance, as well as bidden guests,---which frequently included ladies from the neighborhood, who must have been belles among the sixteen to twenty men who customarily sat down to dinner. "if ... convenient and agreeable to you to take pot luck with me to-day," the general wrote john adams in , "i shall be glad of your company." pot luck it was for commander-in-chief and staff. mention has been made of how sometimes washington slept on the ground, and even when under cover there was not occasionally much more comfort. pickering relates that one night was passed in "headquarters at galloway's, an old log house. the general lodged in a bed, and his family on the floor about him. we had plenty of sepawn and milk, and all were contented." oftentimes there were difficulties in the hospitality. "i have been at my prest. quarters since the st day of decr.," washington complained to the commissary-general, "and have not a kitchen to cook a dinner in, altho' the logs have been put together some considerable time by my own guard. nor is there a place at this moment in which a servant can lodge, with the smallest degree of comfort. eighteen belonging to my family, and all mrs. ford's, are crowded together in her kitchen, and scarce one of them able to speak for the cold they have caught." pickering, in telling how he tried to secure lodgings away from head-quarters, gave for his reasons that "they are exceedingly pinched for room.... had i conceived how much satisfaction, quiet and even leisure, i should have enjoyed at separate quarters, i would have taken them six months ago. for at head-quarters there is a continual throng, and my room, in particular, (when i was happy enough to get one,) was always crowded by all that came to headquarters on business, because there was no other for them, we having, for the most part, been in such small houses." there were other difficulties. "i cannot get as much cloth," the general wrote, "as will make cloaths for my servants, notwithstanding one of them that attends my person and table is indecently and most shamefully naked." one of his aides said to a correspondent, jocularly, "i take your caution to me in regard to my health very kindly, but i assure you, you need be under no apprehension of my losing it on the score of excess of living, that vice is banished from this army and the general's family in particular. we never sup, but go to bed and are early up." "only conceive," washington complained to congress, "the mortification they (even the general officers) must suffer, when they cannot invite a french officer, a visiting friend, or a travelling acquaintance, to a better repast, than stinking whiskey (and not always that) and a bit of beef without vegetables." at times, too, it was necessary to be an exemplar. "our truly republican general," said laurens, "has declared to his officers that he will set the example of passing the winter in a hut himself," and john adams, in a time of famine, declared that "general washington sets a fine example. he has banished wine from his table, and entertains his friends with rum and water." whenever it was possible, however, there was company at head-quarters. "since the general left germantown in the middle of september last," the general orders once read, "he has been without his baggage, and on that account is unable to receive company in the manner he could wish. he nevertheless desires the generals, field officers and brigades major of the day, to dine with him in future, at three o'clock in the afternoon." again the same vehicle informed the army that "the hurry of business often preventing particular invitations being given to officers to dine with the general; he presents his compliments to the brigadiers and field officers of the day, and requests while the camp continues settled in the city, they will favor him with their company to dinner, without further or special invitation." mrs. drinker, who went with a committee of women to camp at valley forge, has left a brief description of head-quarters hospitality: "dinner was served, to which he invited us. there were officers, besides ye gl. and his wife, gen. greene, and gen. lee. we had an elegant dinner, which was soon over, when we went out with ye genls wife, up to her chamber--and saw no more of him." claude blanchard, too, describes a dinner, at which "there was twenty-five covers used by some officers of the army and a lady to whom the house belonged in which the general lodged. we dined under the tent. i was placed along side of the general. one of his aides-de-camp did the honors. the table was served in the american style and pretty abundantly; vegetables, roast beef, lamb, chickens, salad dressed with nothing but vinegar, green peas, puddings, and some pie, a kind of tart, greatly in use in england and among the americans, all this being put upon the table at the same time. they gave us on the same plate beef, green peas, lamb, &c." nor was the ménage of the general unequal to unexpected calls. chastellux tells of his first arrival in camp and introduction to washington: "he conducted me to his house, where i found the company still at table, although the dinner had been long over. he presented me to the generals knox, waine, howe, &c. and to his _family_, then composed of colonels hamilton and tilgman, his secretaries and his aides de camp, and of major gibbs, commander of his guards; for in england and america, the aides de camp, adjutants and other officers attached to the general, form what is called his _family_. a fresh dinner was prepared for me and mine; and the present was prolonged to keep me company." "at nine," he elsewhere writes, "supper was served, and when the hour of bed-time came, i found that the chamber, to which the general conducted me was the very parlour i speak of, wherein he had made them place a camp-bed." of his hospitality washington himself wrote,-- "i have asked mrs. cochran & mrs. livingston to dine with me to-morrow; but am i not in honor bound to apprize them of their fate? as i hate deception, even where the imagination only is concerned; i will. it is needless to premise, that my table is large enough to hold the ladies. of this they had ocular proof yesterday. to say how it is usually covered, is rather more essential; and this shall be the purport of my letter. "since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a ham, (sometimes a shoulder) of bacon, to grace the head of the table; a piece of roast beef adorns the foot; a dish of beans, or greens, (almost imperceptible,) decorates the center. when the cook has a mind to cut a figure, (which, i presume will be the case to-morrow) we have two beef-steak pyes, or dishes of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the center dish, dividing the space & reducing the distance between dish & dish to about feet, which without them would be near feet apart. of late he has had the surprising sagacity to discover, that apples will make pyes; and its a question, if, in the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of apples, instead of having both of beef-steaks. if the ladies can put up with such entertainment, and will submit to partake of it in plates, once tin but now iron--(not become so by the labor of scouring), i shall be happy to see them." dinners were not the only form of entertaining. in cambridge, when mrs. washington and mrs. jack custis were at head-quarters, a reception was held on the anniversary of washington's marriage, and at other times when there was anything to celebrate,--the capitulation of burgoyne, the alliance with france, the birth of a dauphin, etc.,--parades, balls, receptions, "feux-de-joie," or cold collations were given. perhaps the most ambitious attempt was a dinner given on september , , in a large tent, to which ninety sat down, while a "band of american music" added to the "gaiety of the company." whenever occasion called the general to attend on congress there was much junketing. "my time," he wrote, "during my winter's residence in philadelphia, was unusually (for me) divided between parties of pleasure and parties of business." when reed pressed him to pass the period of winter quarters in visiting him in philadelphia, he replied, "were i to give in to private conveniency and amusement, i should not be able to resist the invitation of my friends to make philadelphia, instead of a squeezed up room or two, my quarters for the winter." while president, a more elaborate hospitality was maintained. both in new york and philadelphia the best houses procurable were rented as the presidential home,--for washington "wholly declined living in any public building,"--and a steward and fourteen lower servants attended to all details, though a watchful supervision was kept by the president over them, and in the midst of his public duties he found time to keep a minute account of the daily use of all supplies, with their cost. his payments to his stewards for mere servants' wages and food (exclusive of wine) were over six hundred dollars a month, and there can be little doubt that washington, who had no expense paid by the public, more than spent his salary during his term of office. it was the president's custom to give a public dinner once a week "to as many as my table will hold," and there was also a bi-weekly levee, to which any one might come, as well as evening receptions by mrs. washington, which were more distinctly social and far more exclusive. ashbel green states that "washington's dining parties were entertained in a very handsome style. his weekly dining day for company was thursday, and his dining hour was always four o'clock in the afternoon. his rule was to allow five minutes for the variations of clocks and watches, and then go to the table, be present or absent, whoever might. he kept his own clock in the hall, just within the outward door, and always exactly regulated. when lagging members of congress came in, as they often did, after the guests had sat down to dinner, the president's only apology was, 'gentlemen (or sir) we are too punctual for you. i have a cook who never asks whether the company has come, but whether the hour has come.' the company usually assembled in the drawing-room, about fifteen or twenty minutes before dinner, and the president spoke to every guest personally on entering the room." maclay attended several of the dinners, and has left descriptions of them. "dined this day with the president," he writes. "it was a great dinner-- all in the tastes of high life. i considered it as a part of my duty as a senator to submit to it, and am glad it is over. the president is a cold, formal man; but i must declare that he treated me with great attention. i was the first person with whom he drank a glass of wine. i was often spoken to by him." again he says,-- "at dinner, after my second plate had been taken away, the president offered to help me to part of a dish which stood before him. was ever anything so unlucky? i had just before declined being helped to anything more, with some expression that denoted my having made up my dinner. had, of course, for the sake of consistency, to thank him negatively, but when the dessert came, and he was distributing a pudding, he gave me a look of interrogation, and i returned the thanks positive. he soon after asked me to drink a glass of wine with him." on another occasion he "went to the president's to dinner.... the president and mrs. washington sat opposite each other in the middle of the table; the two secretaries, one at each end. it was a great dinner, and the best of the kind i ever was at. the room, however, was disagreeably warm. first the soup; fish roasted and boiled; meats, sammon, fowls, etc.... the middle of the table was garnished in the usual tasty way, with small images, flowers, (artificial), etc. the dessert was, apple pies, pudding, etc.; then iced creams, jellies, etc.; then water-melons, musk-melons, apples, peaches, nuts. it was the most solemn dinner i ever was at. not a health drank; scarce a word was said until the cloth was taken away. then the president filling a glass of wine, with great formality drank to the health of every individual by name round the table. everybody imitated him, charged glasses, and such a buzz of 'health, sir,' and 'health, madam,' and 'thank you, sir,' and 'thank you, madam,' never had i heard before.... the ladies sat a good while, and the bottles passed about; but there was a dead silence almost. mrs. washington at last withdrew with the ladies. i expected the men would now begin, but the same stillness remained. the president told of a new england clergyman who had lost a hat and wig in passing a river called the brunks. he smiled, and everybody else laughed. he now and then said a sentence or two on some common subject, and what he said was not amiss.... the president ... played with the fork, striking on the edge of the table with it. we did not sit long after the ladies retired. the president rose, went up-stairs to drink coffee; the company followed." [illustration: presidential dinner invitation] bradbury gives the menu of a dinner at which he was, where "there was an elegant variety of roast beef, veal, turkey, ducks, fowls, hams, &c.; puddings, jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins, and a variety of wines and punch. we took our leave at six, more than an hour after the candles were introduced. no lady but mrs. washington dined with us. we were waited on by four or five men servants dressed in livery." at the last official dinner the president gave, bishop white was present, and relates that "to this dinner as many were invited as could be accommodated at the president's table.... much hilarity prevailed; but on the removal of the cloth it was put an end to by the president--certainly without design. having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile on his countenance, saying: 'ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time i shall drink your health, as a public man. i do it with sincerity, and wishing you all possible happiness.' there was an end of all pleasantry." a glance at mrs. washington's receptions has been given, but the levees of the president remain to be described. william sullivan, who attended many, wrote,-- "at three o'clock or at any time within a quarter of an hour afterward, the visitor was conducted to this dining room, from which all seats had been removed for the time. on entering, he saw" washington, who "stood always in front of the fire-place, with his face towards the door of entrance. the visitor was conducted to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pronounced that he could hear it. he had the very uncommon faculty of associating a man's name, and personal appearance, so durably in his memory, as to be able to call one by name, who made him a second visit. he received his visitor with a dignified bow, while his hands were so disposed of as to indicate, that the salutation was not to be accompanied with shaking hands. this ceremony never occurred in these visits, even with his most near friends, that no distinction might be made. as visitors came in, they formed a circle round the room. at a quarter past three, the door was closed, and the circle was formed for that day. he then began on the right, and spoke to each visitor, calling him by name, and exchanging a few words with him. when he had completed his circuit, he resumed his first position, and the visitors approached him in succession, bowed and retired. by four o'clock the ceremony was over." the ceremony of the dinners and levees and the liveried servants were favorite impeachments of the president among the early democrats before they had better material, and washington was charged with trying to constitute a court, and with conducting himself like a king. even his bow was a source of criticism, and washington wrote in no little irritation in regard to this, "that i have not been able to make bows to the taste of poor colonel bland, (who, by the by, i believe, never saw one of them), is to be regretted, especially too, as (upon those occasions), they were indiscriminately bestowed, and the best i was master of, would it not have been better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the effects of age, or to the unskillfulness of my teacher, than to pride and dignity of office, which god knows has no charms for me? for i can truly say, i had rather be at mount vernon with a friend or two about me, than to be attended at the seat of government by the officers of state, and the representatives of every power in europe." there can be no doubt that washington hated ceremony as much as the democrats, and yielded to it only from his sense of fitness and the opinions of those about him. jefferson and madison both relate how such unnecessary form was used at the first levee by the master of ceremonies as to make it ridiculous, and washington, appreciating this, is quoted as saying to the amateur chamberlain, "well, you have taken me in once, but, by god, you shall never take me in a second time." his secretary, in writing to secure lodgings in philadelphia, when the president and family were on their way to mount vernon, said, "i must repeat, what i observed in a former letter, that as little ceremony & parade may be made as possible, for the president wishes to command his own time, which these things always forbid in a greater or less degree, and they are to him fatiguing and oftentimes painful. he wishes not to exclude himself from the sight or conversation of his fellow citizens, but their eagerness to show their affection frequently imposes a heavy tax on him." this was still further shown in his diary of his tours through new england and the southern states. nothing would do but for boston to receive him with troops, etc., and washington noted, "finding this ceremony not to be avoided, though i had made every effort to do it, i named the hour." in leaving portsmouth he went "quietly, and without any attendance, having earnestly entreated that all parade and ceremony might be avoided on my return." when travelling through north carolina, "a small party of horse under one simpson met us at greenville, and in spite of every endeavor which could comport with decent civility, to excuse myself from it, they would attend me to newburn." during the few years that washington was at mount vernon subsequent to the revolution, the same unbounded hospitality was dispensed as in earlier times, while a far greater demand was made upon it, and one so variegated that at times the host was not a little embarrassed. thus he notes that "a gentleman calling himself the count de cheiza d'artigan officer of the french guards came here to dinner; but bringing no letters of introduction, nor any authentic testimonials of his being either; i was at a loss how to receive or treat him,--he stayed to dinner and the evening," and the next day departed in washington's carriage to alexandria. "a farmer came here to see," he says, "my drill plow, and staid all night." in another instance he records that a woman whose "name was unknown to me dined here." only once were visitors frowned on, and this was when a british marauding party came to mount vernon during the revolution. even they, in washington's absence, were entertained by his overseer, but his master wrote him, on hearing of this, "i am little sorry of my own [loss]; but that which gives me most concern is, that you should go on board the enemy's vessels and furnish them with refreshments. it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my house and laid the plantation in ruins. you ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshments to them with a view to prevent a conflagration." the hospitality at mount vernon was perfectly simple. a traveller relates that he was taken there by a friend, and, as washington was "viewing his laborers," we "were desired to tarry." "when the president returned he received us very politely. dr. croker introduced me to him as a gentleman from massachusetts who wished to see the country and pay his respects. he thanked us, desired us to be seated, and to excuse him a few moments.... the president came and desired us to walk in to dinner and directed us where to sit, (no grace was said).... the dinner was very good, a small roasted pigg, boiled leg of lamb, roasted fowles, beef, peas, lettice, cucumbers, artichokes, etc., puddings, tarts, etc., etc. we were desired to call for what drink we chose. he took a glass of wine with mrs. law first, which example was followed by dr. croker and mrs. washington, myself and mrs. peters, mr. fayette and the young lady whose name is custis. when the cloth was taken away the president gave 'all our friends,'" another visitor tells that he was received by washington, and, "after ... half an hour, the general came in again, with his hair neatly powdered, a clean shirt on, a new plain drab coat, white waistcoat and white silk stockings. at three, dinner was on the table, and we were shown by the general into another room, where everything was set off with a peculiar taste and at the same time neat and plain. the general sent the bottle about pretty freely after dinner, and gave success to the navigation of the potomac for his toasts, which he has very much at heart.... after tea general washington retired to his study and left us with the ... rest of the company. if he had not been anxious to hear the news of congress from mr. lee, most probably he would not have returned to supper, but gone to bed at his usual hour, nine o'clock, for he seldom makes any ceremony. we had a very elegant supper about that time. the general with a few glasses of champagne got quite merry, and being with his intimate friends laughed and talked a good deal. before strangers he is very reserved, and seldom says a word. i was fortunate in being in his company with his particular acquaintances.... at i had the honor of being lighted up to my bedroom by the general himself." this break on the evening hours was quite unusual, washington himself saying in one place that nine o'clock was his bedtime, and he wrote of his hours after dinner, "the usual time of setting at table, a walk, and tea, brings me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if not prevented by company i resolve, that as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, i will retire to my writing table and acknowledge the letters i have received; but when the lights were brought, i feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. the next comes, and with it the same causes for postponement, and effect, and so on." the foregoing allusion to washington's conversation is undoubtedly just. all who met him formally spoke of him as taciturn, but this was not a natural quality. jefferson states that "in the circle of his friends, where he might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation," and madison told sparks that, though "washington was not fluent nor ready in conversation, and was inclined to be taciturn in general society," yet "in the company of two or three intimate friends, he was talkative, and when a little excited was sometimes fluent and even eloquent" "the story so often repeated of his never laughing," madison said, was "wholly untrue; no man seemed more to enjoy gay conversation, though he took little part in it himself. he was particularly pleased with the jokes, good humor, and hilarity of his companions." washington certainly did enjoy a joke. nelly custis said, "i have sometimes made him laugh most heartily from sympathy with my joyous and extravagant spirits," and many other instances of his laughing are recorded. he himself wrote in concerning the running away of some british soldiers, "we laugh at his idea of chasing the royal fusileers with the stores. does he consider them as inanimate, or as treasure?" when the british in boston sent out a bundle of the king's speech, "farcical enough, we gave great joy to them, (the red coats i mean), without knowing or intending it; for on that day, the day which gave being to the new army, (but before the proclamation came to hand,) we had hoisted the union flag in compliment to the united colonies. but, behold, it was received in boston as a token of the deep impression the speech had made upon us, and as a signal of submission." at times washington would joke himself, though it was always somewhat labored, as in the case of the jack already cited. "without a coinage," he wrote, "or unless a stop can be put to the cutting and clipping of money, our dollars, pistareens, &c., will be converted, as teague says, into _five_ quarters." when the democrats were charging the federalists with having stolen from the treasury, he wrote to a cabinet official, "and pray, my good sir, what part of the $ . have come to your share? as you are high in office, i hope you did not disgrace yourself in the acceptance of a paltry bribe--a $ . perhaps." he once even attempted a pun, by writing, "our enterprise will be ruined, and we shall be stopped at the laurel hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, (except of the kind that covers the mountains)." probably the neatest turn was his course on one occasion with general tryon, who sent him some british proclamations with the request, "that through your means, the officers and men under your command may be acquainted with their contents." washington promptly replied that he had given them "free currency among the officers and men under my command," and enclosed to tryon a lot of the counter-proclamation, asking him to "be instrumental in communicating its contents, so far as it may be in your power, to the persons who are the objects of its operation. the benevolent purpose it is intended to answer will i persuade myself, sufficiently recommend it to your candor." to a poetess who had sent him some laudatory verses about himself he expressed his thanks, and added, "fiction is to be sure the very life and soul of poetry--all poets and poetesses have been indulged in the free and indisputable use of it, time out of mind. and to oblige you to make such an excellent poem on such a subject without any materials but those of simple reality, would be as cruel as the edict of pharoah which compelled the children of israel to manufacture bricks without the necessary ingredients." twice he joked about his own death. "as i have heard," he said after braddock's defeat, "since my arrival at this place, a circumstancial account of my death and dying speech, i take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you, that i have not as yet composed the latter." many years later, in draughting a letter for his wife, he wrote,-- "i am now by desire of the general to add a few words on his behalf; which he desires may be expressed in the terms following, that is to say,--that despairing of hearing what may be said of him, if he should really go off in an apoplectic, or any other fit (for he thinks all fits that issue in death are worse than a love fit, a fit of laughter, and many other kinds which he could name)--he is glad to hear _beforehand_ what will be said of him on that occasion; conceiving that nothing extra will happen between _this_ and _then_ to make a change in his character for better, or for worse. and besides, as he has entered into an engagement ... not to quit _this_ world before the year , it may be _relied upon_ that no breach of contract shall be laid to him on that account, unless dire necessity should bring it about, maugre all his exertions to the contrary. in that same, he shall hope they would do by him as he would do by them--excuse it. at present there seems to be no danger of his thus giving them the slip, as neither his health nor spirits, were ever in greater flow, notwithstanding, he adds, he is descending, and has almost reached the bottom of the hill; or in other words, the shades below. for your particular good wishes on this occasion he charges me to say that he feels highly obliged, and that he reciprocates them with great cordiality." other social qualities of the man cannot be passed over. a marked trait was his extreme fondness of afternoon tea. "dined at mr. langdon's, and drank tea there, with a large circle of ladies;" "in the afternoon drank tea ... with about ladies, who had been assembled for the occasion;" "exercised between & o'clock in the morning & drank tea with mrs. clinton (the governor's lady) in the afternoon;" "drank tea at the chief justice's of the u. states;" "dined with the citizens in public; and in the afternoon, was introduced to upwards of ladies who had assembled (at a tea party) on the occasion;" "dined and drank tea at mr. bingham's in great splendor." such are the entries in his diary whenever the was "kettle-a-boiling-be" was within reach. pickering's journal shows that tea served regularly at head-quarters, and at mount vernon it was drunk in summer on the veranda. in writing to knox of his visit to boston, washington mentioned his recollection of the chats over tea-drinking, and of how "social and gay" they were. a fondness for picnics was another social liking. "rid with fanny bassett, mr. taylor and mr. shaw to meet a party from alexandria at johnsons spring ... where we dined on a cold dinner brought from town by water and spent the afternoon agreeably--returning home by sun down or a little after it," is noted in his diary on one occasion, and on another he wrote, "having formed a party, consisting of the vice-president, his lady, son & miss smith; the secretaries of state, treasury & war, and the ladies of the two latter; with all the gentlemen of my family, mrs. lear & the two children, we visited the old position of fort washington and afterwards dined on a dinner provided by mr. mariner." launchings, barbecues, clambakes, and turtle dinners were other forms of social dissipations. a distinct weakness was dancing. when on the frontier he sighed, "the hours at present are melancholy dull. neither the rugged toils of war, nor the gentler conflict of a[ssembly] b[alls,] is in my choice." his diary shows him at balls and "routs" frequently; when he was president he was a constant attendant at the regular "dancing assemblies" in new york and philadelphia, and when at mount vernon he frequently went ten miles to alexandria to attend dances. of one of these alexandria balls he has left an amusing description: "went to a ball at alexandria, where musick and dancing was the chief entertainment, however in a convenient room detached for the purpose abounded great plenty of bread and butter, some biscuits, with tea and coffee, which the drinkers of could not distinguish from hot water sweet'ned--be it remembered that pocket handkerchiefs servd the purposes of table cloths & napkins and that no apologies were made for either. i shall therefore distinguish this ball by the stile and title of the bread & butter ball." during the revolution, too, he killed many a weary hour of winter quarters by dancing. when the camp spent a day rejoicing over the french alliance, "the celebration," according to thacher, "was concluded by a splendid ball opened by his excellency general washington, having for his partner the lady of general knox." greene describes how "we had a little dance at my quarters a few evenings past. his excellency and mrs. greene danced upwards of three hours without once sitting down." knox, too, tells of "a most genteel entertainment given by self and officers" at which washington danced. "everybody allows it to be the first of the kind ever exhibited in this state at least. we had above seventy ladies, all of the first ton in the state, and between three and four hundred gentlemen. we danced all night--an elegant room, the illuminating, fireworks, &c., were more than pretty." and at newport, when rochambeau gave a ball, by request it was opened by washington. the dance selected by his partner was "a successful campaign," then in high favor, and the french officers took the instruments from the musicians and played while he danced the first figure. [illustration: agreement for dancing assembly] while in winter quarters he subscribed four hundred dollars (paper money, equal to eleven dollars in gold) to get up a series of balls, of which greene wrote, "we have opened an assembly in camp. from this apparent ease, i suppose it is thought we must be in happy circumstances. i wish it was so, but, alas, it is not. our provisions are in a manner, gone. we have not a ton of hay at command, nor magazine to draw from. money is extremely scarce and worth little when we get it. we have been so poor in camp for a fortnight, that we could not forward the public dispatches, for want of cash to support the expresses." at the farewell ball given at annapolis, when the commander-in-chief resigned his command, tilton relates that "the general danced in every set, that all the ladies might have the pleasure of dancing with him; or as it has since been handsomely expressed, 'get a touch of him.'" he still danced in , when sixty-four years of age, but when invited to the alexandria assembly in , he wrote to the managers, "mrs. washington and myself have been honored with your polite invitation to the assemblies of alexandria this winter, and thank you for this mark of your attention. but, alas! our dancing days are no more. we wish, however all those who have a relish for so agreeable and innocent an amusement all the pleasure the season will afford them; and i am, gentlemen, "your most obedient and obliged humble servant, "geo. washington." viii tastes and amusements a market trait of washington's character was his particularity about his clothes; there can be little question that he was early in life a good deal of a dandy, and that this liking for fine feathers never quite left him. when he was about sixteen years old he wrote in his journal, "memorandum to have my coat made by the following directions to be made a frock with a lapel breast the lapel to contain on each side six button holes and to be about or inches wide all the way equal and to turn as the breast on the coat does to have it made very long waisted and in length to come down to or below the bent of the knee the waist from the armpit to the fold to be exactly as long or longer than from thence to the bottom not to have more than one fold in the skirt and the top to be made just to turn in and three button holes the lapel at the top to turn as the cape of the coat and bottom to come parallel with the button holes the last button hole in the breast to be right opposite to the button on the hip." in he bought "a superfine blue broad cloth coat, with silver trimmings," "a fine scarlet waistcoat full lac'd," and a quantity of "silver lace for a hatt," and from another source it is learned that at this time he was the possessor of ruffled shirts. a little later he ordered from london "as much of the best superfine blue cotton velvet as will make a coat, waistcoat and breeches for a tall man, with a fine silk button to suit it, and all other necessary trimmings and linings, together with garters for the breeches," and other orders at different times were for " prs. of the very neatest shoes," "a riding waistcoat of superfine scarlet cloth and gold lace," " prs. of fashionable mix'd or marble color'd silk hose," " piece of finest and fashionable stock tape," " suit of the finest cloth & fashionable colour," "a new market great coat with a loose hood to it, made of bleu drab or broad cloth, with straps before according to the present taste," " gold and scarlet sword-knots, silver and blue do, fashionable gold-laced hat." as these orders indicated, the young fellow strove to be in the fashion. in he wrote his brother, "as wearing boots is quite the mode, and mine are in a declining state, i must beg the favor of you to procure me a pair that is good and neat." "whatever goods you may send me," he wrote his london agent, "let them be fashionable, neat and good of their several kinds." it was a great trial to him that his clothes did not fit him. "i should have enclosed you my measure," he wrote to london, "but in a general way they are so badly taken here, that i am convinced that it would be of very little service." "i have hitherto had my clothes made by one charles lawrence in old fish street," he wrote his english factor. "but whether it be the fault of the tailor, or the measure sent, i can't say, but, certain it is, my clothes have never fitted me well." it must not be inferred, however, that washington carried his dandyism to weakness. when fine clothes were not in place, they were promptly discarded. in his trip to the ohio in he states that "i put myself in an indian walking dress," and "tied myself up in a match coat,"--that is, an indian blanket. in the campaign of he wrote to his superior officer "that were i left to pursue my own inclinations, i would not only order the men to adopt the indian dress, but cause the officers to do it also, and be at the first to set the example myself. nothing but the uncertainty of its taking with the general causes me to hesitate a moment at leaving my regimentals at this place, and proceeding as light as any indian in the woods. 't is an unbecoming dress, i confess, for an officer; but convenience, rather than shew, i think should be consulted." and this was such good sense that the general gave him leave, and it was done. with increase of years his taste in clothes became softened and more sober. "on the other side is an invoice of clothes which i beg the favor of you to purchase for me," he wrote to london. "as they are designed for wearing apparel for myself, i have committed the choice of them to your fancy, having the best opinion of your taste. i want neither lace nor embroidery. plain clothes, with a gold or silver button (if worn in genteel dress) are all i desire." "do not conceive," he told his nephew in , "that fine clothes make fine men more than fine feathers make fine birds. a plain genteel dress is more admired, and obtains more credit than lace and embroidery, in the eyes of the judicious and sensible." and in connection with the provisional army he decided that "on reconsidering the uniform of the commander in chief, it has become a matter of doubt with me, (although, as it respects myself _personally_, i was against _all_ embroidery,) whether embroidery on the cape, cuffs, and pockets of the coat, and none on the buff waistcoat would not have a disjointed and awkward appearance." probably nowhere did he show his good taste more than in his treatment of the idea of putting him in classic garments when his bust was made by houdon. "in answer to your obliging inquiries respecting the dress, attitude, &c.," he wrote, "which i would wish to have given to the statue in question, i have only to observe, that, not having sufficient knowledge in the art of sculpture to oppose my judgment to the taste of connoisseurs, i do not desire to dictate in the matter. on the contrary i shall be perfectly satisfied with whatever may be judged decent and proper. i should even scarcely have ventured to suggest, that perhaps a servile adherence to the garb of antiquity might not be altogether so expedient, as some little deviation in favor of the modern costume." washington, as noted, bought his clothes in england; but it was from necessity more than choice. "if there be any homespun cloths in philadelphia which are tolerably fine, that you can come reasonably at," he said to his philadelphia agent in , "i would be obliged to you to send me patterns of some of the best kinds--i should prefer that which is mixed in the grain, because it will not so readily discover its quality as a plain cloth." before he was inaugurated he wrote "general knox this day to procure me homespun broadcloth of the hartford fabric, to make a suit of clothes for myself," adding, "i hope it will not be a great while before it will be unfashionable for a gentleman to appear in any other dress. indeed, we have already been too long subject to british prejudices." at another time he noted in his diary with evident pride, "on this occasion i was dressed in a suit made at the woolen manufactory at hartford, as the buttons also were." but then, as now, the foreign clothes were so much finer that his taste overcame his patriotism, and his secretary wrote that "the president is desireous of getting as much superfine blk broad cloth as will make him a suit of clothes, and desires me to request that you would send him that quantity ... the best superfine french or dutch black--exceedingly fine--of a soft, silky texture--not glossy like the engh cloths." a caller during the presidency spoke of him as dressed in purple satin, and at his levees he is described by sullivan as "clad in black velvet; his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag; yellow gloves on his hands; holding a cocked hat with a cockade in it, and the edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. he wore knee and shoe buckles; and a long sword, with a finely wrought and polished steel hilt, which appeared at the left hip; the coat worn over the sword, so that the hilt, and the part below the coat behind, were in view. the scabbard was white polished leather." about his person washington was as neat as he desired his clothes to be. at seventeen when surveying he records that he was "lighted into a room & i not being so good a woodsman as ye rest of my company striped myself very orderly & went in to ye bed as they called it when to my surprize i found it to be nothing but a little straw--matted together without sheets or any thing else but only one thread bear blanket with double its weight of vermin such as lice, fleas &c. i was glad to get up (as soon as ye light was carried from us) i put on my cloths & lay as my companions. had we not have been very tired i am sure we should not have slep'd much that night. i made a promise not to sleep so from that time forward chusing rather to sleep in ye open air before a fire as will appear hereafter." the next day he notes that the party "travell'd up to frederick town where our baggage came to us we cleaned ourselves (to get rid of ye game we had catched y. night before)" and slept in "a good feather bed with clean sheets which was a very agreeable regale." wherever he happened to be, the laundress was in constant demand. his bill from the washer-lady for the week succeeding his inauguration as president, and before his domestic ménage was in running order, was for " ruffled shirts, plain shirts, stocks, pair silk hose, white hand. silk handks. pr. flanl. drawers, hair nett." the barber, too, was a constant need, and washington's ledger shows constant expenditures for perfumed hair-powder and pomatum, and also for powder bags and puffs. apparently the services of this individual were only for the arranging of his hair, for he seems never to have shaved washington, that being done either by himself or by his valet. of this latter individual washington said (when the injury to william lee unfitted him for the service), "i do not as yet know whether i shall get a substitute for william: nothing short of excellent qualities and a man of good appearance, would induce me to do it--and under my present view of the matter, too, who would employ himself otherwise than william did--that is as a butler as well as a valette, for my wants of the latter are so trifling that any man (as william was) would soon be ruined by idleness, who had only them to attend to." in food washington took what came with philosophy. "if you meet with collegiate fare, it will be unmanly to complain," he told his grandson, though he once complained in camp that "we are debarred from the pleasure of good living; which, sir, (i dare say with me you will concur,) to one who has always been used to it, must go somewhat hard to be confined to a little salt provision and water." usually, however, poor fare was taken as a matter of course. "when we came to supper," he said in his journal of , "there was neither a cloth upon ye table nor a knife to eat with but as good luck would have it we had knives of our own," and again he wrote, "we pull'd out our knapsack in order to recruit ourselves every one was his own cook our spits was forked sticks our plates was a large chip as for dishes we had none." nor was he squeamish about what he ate. in the voyage to barbadoes he several times ate dolphin; he notes that the bread was almost "eaten up by weavel & maggots," and became quite enthusiastic over some "very fine bristol tripe" and "a fine irish ling & potatoes." but all this may have been due to the proverbial sea appetite. samuel stearns states that washington "breakfasts about seven o'clock on three small indian hoe-cakes, and as many dishes of tea," and custis relates that "indian cakes, honey, and tea formed this temperate repast." these two writers tell us that at dinner "he ate heartily, but was not particular in his diet, with the exception of fish, of which he was excessively fond. he partook sparingly of dessert, drank a home-made beverage, and from four to five glasses of madeira wine" (custis), and that "he dines, commonly on a single dish, and drinks from half a pint to a pint of madeira wine. this, with one small glass of punch, a draught of beer, and two dishes of tea (which he takes half an hour before sun-setting) constitutes his whole sustenance till the next day." (stearns.) ashbel green relates that at the state banquets during the presidency washington "generally dined on one single dish, and that of a very simple kind. if offered something either in the first or second course which was very rich, his usual reply was--'that is too good for me.'" it is worth noting that he religiously observed the fasts proclaimed in and , going without food the entire day. a special liking is mentioned above. in richard varick wrote to a friend, "general washington dines with me to-morrow; he is exceedingly fond of salt fish; i have some coming up, & tho' it will be here in a few days, it will not be here in time--if you could conveniently lend me as much fish as would serve a pretty large company to-morrow (at least for one dish), it will oblige me, and shall in a very few days be returned in as good dun fish as ever you see. excuse this freedom, and it will add to the favor. could you not prevail upon somebody to catch some trout for me early to-morrow morning?" when procurable, salt codfish was washington's regular sunday dinner. a second liking was honey. his ledger several times mentions purchases of this, and in his sister wrote him, "when i last had the pleasure of seeing you i observ'd your fondness for honey; i have got a large pot of very fine in the comb, which i shall send by the first opportunity." among his purchases "sugar candy" is several times mentioned, but this may have been for children, and not for himself. he was a frequent buyer of fruit of all kinds and of melons. he was very fond of nuts, buying hazelnuts and shellbarks by the barrel, and he wrote his overseer in to "tell house frank i expect he will lay up a more plenteous store of the black common walnuts than he usually does." the prince de broglie states that "at dessert he eats an enormous quantity of nuts, and when the conversation is entertaining he keeps eating through a couple of hours, from time to time giving sundry healths, according to the english and american custom. it is what they call 'toasting.'" washington was from boyhood passionately fond of horsemanship, and when but seventeen owned a horse. humphreys states that "all those who have seen general washington on horseback, at the head of his army, will doubtless bear testimony with the author that they never saw a more graceful or dignified person," and jefferson said of him that he was "the best horseman of his age, and the most graceful figure that could be seen on horseback." his diary shows that he rode on various occasions as much as sixty miles in a day, and lawrence reports that he "usually rode from rockingham to princeton, which is five miles, in forty minutes." john hunter, in a visit to mount vernon in , writes that he went "to see his famous race-horse magnolia--a most beautiful creature. a whole length of his was taken a while ago, (mounted on magnolia) by a famous man from europe on copper.... i afterwards went to his stables, where among an amazing number of horses, i saw old nelson, now years of age, that carried the general almost always during the war; blueskin, another fine old horse next to him, now and then had that honor. shaw also shewed me his old servant, that was reported to have been taken, with a number of the general's papers about him. they have heard the roaring of many a cannon in their time. blueskin was not the favorite, on account of his not standing fire so well as venerable old nelson." chastellux relates, "he was so attentive as to give me the horse he rode, the day of my arrival, which i had greatly commended--i found him as good as he is handsome; but above all, perfectly well broke, and well trained, having a good mouth, easy in hand and stopping short in a gallop without bearing the bit--i mention these minute particulars, because it is the general himself who breaks all his own horses; and he is a very excellent and bold horseman, leaping the highest fences, and going extremely quick, without standing upon his stirrups, bearing on the bridle, or letting his horse run wild." as a matter of course this liking for horses made washington fond of racing, and he not only subscribed liberally to most of the racing purses, but ran horses at them, attending in person, and betting moderately on the results. so, too, he was fond of riding to the hounds, and when at mount vernon it was a favorite pastime. from his diary excerpts of runs are,-- "went a fox hunting with the gentlemen who came here yesterday.... after a very early breakfast--found a fox just back of muddy hole plantation and after a chase of an hour and a quarter with my dogs, & eight couple of doctor smiths (brought by mr. phil alexander) we put him into a hollow tree, in which we fastened him, and in the pincushion put up another fox which, in an hour & minutes was killed--we then after allowing the fox in the hole half an hour put the dogs upon his trail & in half a mile he took to another hollow tree and was again put out of it but he did not go yards before he had recourse to the same shift--finding therefore that he was a conquered fox we took the dogs off, and came home to dinner." "after an early breakfast [my nephew] george washington, mr. shaw and myself went into the woods back of muddy hole plantation a hunting and were joined by mr. lund washington and mr. william peake. about half after ten oclock (being first plagued with the dogs running hogs) we found a fox near colo masons plantation on little hunting creek (west fork) having followed on his drag more than half a mile; and run him with eight dogs (the other getting, as was supposed after a second fox) close and well for an hour. when the dogs came to a fault and to cold hunting until minutes after when being joined by the missing dogs they put him up afresh and in about minutes killed up in an open field of colo mason's every rider & every dog being present at the death." during the revolution, when opportunity offered, he rode to the hounds, for hiltzheimer wrote in , "my son robert [having] been on a hunt at frankfort says that his excel'y gen. washington was there." this liking made dogs an interest to him, and he took much pains to improve the breed of his hounds. on one occasion he "anointed all my hounds (as well old dogs as puppies) which have the mange, with hogs lard & brimstone." mopsey, pilot, tartar, jupiter, trueman, tipler, truelove, juno, dutchess, ragman, countess, lady, searcher, rover, sweetlips, vulcan, singer, music, tiyal, and forrester are some of the names he gave them. in , in the fall of his horse, as already mentioned, he wrenched his back, and in consequence, when he returned to mount vernon, this pastime was never resumed, and his pack was given up. kindred to this taste for riding to the hounds was one for gunning. a few entries in his diary tell the nature of his sport. "went a ducking between breakfast and dinner and kill'd mallards & bald faces." "i went to the creek but not across it. kill'd ducks, viz. a sprig tail and a teal." "rid out with my gun but kill'd nothing." in a man asked for permission to shoot over mount vernon, and washington refused it because "my fixed determination is, that no person whatever shall hunt upon my grounds or waters--to grant leave to one and refuse another would not only be drawing a line of discrimination which would be offensive, but would subject one to great inconvenience--for my strict and positive orders to all my people are if they hear a gun fired upon my land to go immediately in pursuit of it.... besides, as i have not lost my relish for this sport when i find time to indulge myself in it, and gentlemen who come to the house are pleased with it, it is my wish not to have game within my jurisdiction disturbed." fishing was another pastime. he "went a dragging for sturgeon" frequently, and sometimes "catch'd one" and sometimes "catch'd none." while in philadelphia in he went up to the old camp at valley forge and spent a day fishing, and in at portsmouth, "having lines, we proceeded to the fishing banks a little without the harbour and fished for cod; but it not being a proper time of tide, we only caught two." after his serious sickness in a newspaper reports that "yesterday afternoon the president of the united states returned from sandy hook and the fishing banks, where he had been for the benefit of the sea air, and to amuse himself in the delightful recreation of fishing. we are told he has had excellent sport, having himself caught a great number of sea-bass and black fish--the weather proved remarkably fine, which, together with the salubrity of the air and wholesome exercise, rendered this little voyage extremely agreeable, and cannot fail, we hope, of being serviceable to a speedy and complete restoration of his health." washington was fond of cards, and in bad weather even records "at home all day, over cards." how much time must have been spent in this way is shown by the innumerable purchases of " dozen packs playing cards" noted in his ledger. in , when he was sixteen years old, he won two shillings and threepence from his sister-in-law at whist and five shillings at "loo" (or, as he sometimes spells it, "lue") from his brother, and he seems always to have played for small stakes, which sometimes mounted into fairly sizable sums. the largest gain found is three pounds, and the largest loss nine pounds fourteen shillings and ninepence. he seems to have lost oftener than he won. billiards was a rival of cards, and a game of which he seems to have been fond. in his seventeenth year he won one shilling and threepence by the cue, and from that time won and lost more or less money in this way. here, too, he seems to have been out of pocket, though not for so much money, his largest winning noted being only seven shillings and sixpence, and his largest loss being one pound and ten shillings. in , at barbadoes, washington "was treated with a play ticket to see the tragedy of george barnwell acted: the character of barnwell and several others was said to be well perform'd there was musick a dapted and regularly conducted." this presumptively was the lad's first visit to the playhouse, but from that time it was one of his favorite amusements. at first his ledger shows expenditures of "cash at the play house / ," which proves that his purse would bear the cost of only the cheapest seats; but later he became more extravagant in this respect, and during the presidency he used the drama for entertaining, his ledger giving many items of tickets bought. a type entry in washington's diary is, "went to the play in the evening--sent tickets to the following ladies and gentlemen and invited them to seats in my box, viz:--mrs. adams (lady of the vice-president,) general schuyler and lady, mr. king and lady, majr. butler and lady, colo hamilton and lady, mrs. green--all of whom accepted and came except mrs. butler, who was indisposed." maclay describes the first of these theatre parties as follows: "i received a ticket from the president of the united states to use his box this evening at the theatre, being the first of his appearances at the playhouse since his entering on his office. went the president, governor of the state, foreign ministers, senators from new hampshire, connecticut, pennsylvania, m.[aryland] and south carolina; and some ladies in the same box. i am old, and notices or attentions are lost on me. i could have wished some of my dear children in my place; they are young and would have enjoyed it. long might they live to boast of having been seated in the same box with the first character in the world. the play was the 'school for scandal,' i never liked it; indeed, i think it an indecent representation before ladies of character and virtue. farce, the 'old soldier.' the house greatly crowded, and i thought the players acted well; but i wish we had seen the _conscious lovers_, or some one that inculcated more prudential manners." of the play, or rather interlude, of the "old soldier" its author, dunlap, gives an amusing story. it turned on the home-coming of an old soldier, and, like the topical song of to-day, touched on local affairs: "when wignell, as darby, recounts what had befallen him in america, in new york, at the adoption of the federal constitution, and the inauguration of the president, the interest expressed by the audience in the looks and the changes of countenance of this great man [washington] became intense. he smiled at these lines, alluding to the change in the government-- there too i saw some mighty pretty shows; a revolution, without blood or blows, for, as i understood, the cunning elves, the people all revolted from themselves. but at the lines-- a man who fought to free the land from we, _like me_, had left his farm, a-soldiering to go: but having gain'd his point, he had _like me_, return'd his own potato ground to see. but there he could not rest. with one accord he's called to be a kind of--not a lord-- i don't know what, he's not a _great man_, sure, for poor men love him just as he were poor. they love him like a father or a brother, dermot. as we poor irishmen love one another. the president looked serious; and when kathleen asked, how looked he, darby? was he short or tall? his countenance showed embarrassment, from the expectation or one of those eulogiums which, he had been obliged to hear on many public occasions, and which must doubtless have been a severe trial to his feelings: but darby's answer that he had _not seen him_, because he had mistaken a man 'all lace and glitter, botherum and shine,' for him, until all the show had passed, relieved the hero from apprehension of farther personality, and he indulged in that which was with him extremely rare, a hearty laugh." washington did not even despise amateur performances. as already mentioned, he expressed a wish to take part in "cato" himself in , and a year before he had subscribed to the regimental "players at fort cumberland," his diary shows that in the couple at mount vernon "& ye two children were up to alexandria to see the inconstant or 'the way to win him' acted," which was probably an amateur performance. furthermore, duer tells us that "i was not only frequently admitted to the presence of this most august of men, in _propria persona_, but once had the honor of appearing before him as one of the _dramatis personae_ in the tragedy of julius caesar, enacted by a young 'american company,' (the theatrical corps then performing in new york being called the 'old american company') in the garret of the presidential mansion, wherein before the magnates of the land and the elite of the city, i performed the part of brutus to the cassius of my old school-fellow, washington custis." the theatre was by no means the only show that appealed to washington. he went to the circus when opportunity offered, gave nine shillings to a "man who brought an elk as a show," three shillings and ninepence "to hear the armonica," two dollars for tickets "to see the automatum," treated the "ladies to ye microcosm" and paid to see waxworks, puppet shows, a dancing bear, and a lioness and tiger. nor did he avoid a favorite virginia pastime, but attended cockfights when able. his frequent going to concerts has been already mentioned. washington seems to have been little of a reader except of books on agriculture, which he bought, read, and even made careful abstracts of many, and on this subject alone did he ever seem to write from pleasure. as a lad, he notes in his journal that he is reading _the spectator_ and a history of england, but after those two brief entries there is no further mention of books or reading in his daily memorandum of "where and how my time is spent." in his ledger, too, almost the least common expenditure entered is one for books. nor do his london invoices, so far as extant, order any books but those which treated of farming and horses. in the settlement of the custis estate, "i had no particular reason for keeping and handing down to his son, the books of the late colo custis saving that i thought it would be taking the advantage of a low appraisement, to make them my own property at it, and that to sell them was not an object." with the broadening that resulted from the command of the army more attention was paid to books, and immediately upon the close of the revolution washington ordered the following works: "life of charles the twelfth," "life of louis the fifteenth," "life and reign of peter the great," robertson's "history of america," voltaire's "letters," vertot's "revolution of rome" and "revolution of portugal," "life of gustavus adolphus," sully's "memoirs," goldsmith's "natural history," "campaigns of marshal turenne," chambaud's "french and english dictionary," locke "on the human understanding," and robertson's "charles the fifth." from this time on he was a fairly constant book-buyer, and subscribed as a "patron" to a good many forthcoming works, while many were sent him as gifts. on politics he seems to have now read with interest; yet in , after his retirement from the presidency, in writing of the manner in which he spent his hours, he said, "it may strike you that in this detail no mention is made of any portion of time allotted to reading. the remark would be just, for i have not looked into a book since i came home, nor shall i be able to do it until i have discharged my workmen; probably not before the nights grow long when possibly i may be looking into doomsday book." there can be no doubt that through all his life washington gave to reading only the time he could not use on more practical affairs. his library was a curious medley of books, if those on military science and agriculture are omitted. there is a fair amount of the standard history of the day, a little theology, so ill assorted as to suggest gifts rather than purchases, a miscellany of contemporary politics, and a very little belles-lettres. in political science the only works in the slightest degree noticeable are smith's "wealth of nations," "the federalist," and rousseau's "social compact," and, as the latter was in french, it could not have been read. in lighter literature homer, shakespeare, and burns, lord chesterfield, swift, smollett, fielding, and sterne, and "don quixote," are the only ones deserving notice. it is worthy of mention that washington's favorite quotation was addison's "'tis not in mortals to command success," but he also utilized with considerable aptitude quotations from shakespeare and sterne. there were half a dozen of the ephemeral novels of the day, but these were probably mrs. washington's, as her name is written in one, and her husband's in none. writing to his grandson, washington warned him that "light reading (by this, i mean books of little importance) may amuse for the moment, but leaves nothing solid behind." [illustration: washington's book-plate] one element of washington's reading which cannot be passed over without notice is that of newspapers. in his early life he presumably read the only local paper of the time (the _virginia gazette_), for when an anonymous writer, "centinel," in , charged that washington's regiment was given over to drunkenness and other misbehavior, he drew up a reply, which he sent with ten shillings to the newspaper, but the printer apparently declined to print it, for it never appeared. after the revolution he complained to his philadelphia agent, "i have such a number of gazettes, crowded upon me (many without orders) that they are not only expensive, but really useless; as my other avocations will not afford me time to read them oftentimes, and when i do attempt it, find them more troublesome, than profitable; i have therefore to beg, if you should get money into your hands on acct of the inclosed certificate, that you would be so good as to pay what i am owing to messrs dunlap & claypoole, mr. oswald & mr. humphrey's. if they consider me however as engaged for the year, i am content to let the matter run on to the expiration of it" during the presidency he subscribed to the _gazette of the united states_, brown's _gazette_, dunlap's _american advertiser_, the _pennsylvania gazette_, bache's _aurora_, and the _new york magazine_, carey's _museum_, and the _universal asylum_, though at this time he "lamented that the editors of the different gazettes in the union do not more generally and more correctly (instead of stuffing their papers with scurrility and nonsensical declamation, which few would read if they were apprised of the contents,) publish the debates in congress on all great national questions." presently, for personal and party reasons, certain of the papers began to attack him, and jefferson wrote to madison that the president was "extremely affected by the attacks made and kept up on him in the public papers. i think he feels these things more than any person i ever met with." later the secretary of state noted that at an interview washington "adverted to a piece in freneau's paper of yesterday, he said that he despised all their attacks on him personally, but that there never had been an act of government ... that paper had not abused ... he was evidently sore and warm." at a cabinet meeting, too, according to the same writer, "the presidt was much inflamed, got into one of those passions when he cannot command himself, ran on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed on him, defied any man on earth to produce a single act of his since he had been in the govmt which was not done on the purest motives, that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, & that was every moment since, that _by god_ he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation. that he had rather be on his farm than to be made _emperor of the world_ and yet that they were charging him with wanting to be a king. that that _rascal freneau_ sent him of his papers every day, as if he thought he would become the distributor of his papers, that he could see in this nothing but an impudent design to insult him. he ended in this high tone. there was a pause." to correspondents, too, washington showed how keenly he felt the attacks upon him, writing that "the publications in freneau's and bache's papers are outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and are passed by in silence, by those at whom they are aimed," and asked "in what will this abuse terminate? the result, as it respects myself, i care not; for i have consolation within, that no earthly efforts can deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. the arrows of malevolence, therefore however barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, whilst i am _up_ as a _mark_, they will be continually aimed." on another occasion he said, "i am beginning to receive, what i had made my mind up for on this occasion, the abuse of mr. bache, and his correspondents." he wrote a friend, "if you read the aurora of this city, or those gazettes, which are under the same influence, you cannot but have perceived with what malignant industry and persevering falsehoods i am assailed, in order to weaken if not destroy the confidence of the public." when he retired from office he apparently cut off his subscriptions to papers, for a few months later he inquired, "what is the character of porcupine's gazette? i had thought when i left philadelphia, of ordering it to be sent to me; then again, i thought it best not to do it; and altho' i should like to see both his and bache's, the latter may, under all circumstances, be the best decision; i mean not subscribing to either of them." this decision to have no more to do with papers did not last, for on the night he was seized with his last illness lear describes how "in the evening the papers having come from the post office, he sat in the room with mrs. washington and myself, reading them, till about nine o'clock when mrs. washington went up into mrs. lewis's room, who was confined, and left the general and myself reading the papers. he was very cheerful; and, when he met with anything which he thought diverting or interesting, he would read it aloud as well as his hoarseness would permit. he desired me to read to him the debates of the virginia assembly, on the election of a senator and governor; which i did--and, on hearing mr. madison's observations respecting mr. monroe, he appeared much affected, and spoke with some degree of asperity on the subject, which i endeavored to moderate, as i always did on such occasions." ix friends the frequently repeated statement that washington was a man without friends is not the least curious of the myths that have obtained general credence. that it should be asserted only goes to show how absolutely his private life has been neglected in the study of his public career. in his will washington left tokens of remembrance "to the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, lawrence washington and robert washington of chotanck," the latter presumably the "dear robin" of his earliest letter, and these two very distant kinsmen, whom he had come to know while staying at wakefield, are the earliest friends of whom any record exists. contemporary with them was a "dear richard," whose letters gave washington "unspeakable pleasure, as i am convinced i am still in the memory of so worthy a friend,--a friendship i shall ever be proud of increasing." next in time came his intimacy with the fairfaxes and carlyles, which began with washington's visits to his brother lawrence at mount vernon. about four miles from that place, at belvoir, lived the fairfaxes; and their kinspeople, the carlyles, lived at alexandria. lawrence washington had married ann fairfax, and through his influence his brother george was taken into the employment of lord fairfax, half as clerk and half as surveyor of his great tract of land, "the northern neck," which he had obtained by marriage with a daughter of lord culpeper, who in turn had obtained it from the "merrie monarch" by means so disreputable that they are best left unstated. from that time till his death washington corresponded with several of the family and was a constant visitor at belvoir, as the fairfaxes were at mount vernon. [illustration: survey of washington's birthplace (wakefield), ] in washington told his brother that "to that family i am under many obligations, particularly the old gentleman," but as time went on he more than paid the debt. in he acted as pallbearer to william fairfax, and twelve years later his diary records, "set off with mrs. washington and patsey,... in order to stand for mr. b. fairfax's third son, which i did together with my wife, mr. warner washington and his lady." for one of the family he obtained an army commission, and for another he undertook the care of his property during a visit to england; a care which unexpectedly lengthened, and was resigned only when washington's time became public property. nor did that lessen his services or the fairfaxes' need of them, for in the revolution that family were loyalists. despite this, "the friendship," washington assured them, "which i ever professed and felt for you, met no diminution from the difference in our political sentiments," and in he was able to secure the safety of lord fairfax from persecution at the hands of the whigs, a service acknowledged by his lordship in the following words: "there are times when favors conferred make a greater impression than at others, for, though i have received many, i hope i have not been unmindful of them; yet that, at a time your popularity was at the highest and mine at the lowest, and when it is so common for men's resentments to run up high against those, who differ from them in opinion, you should act with your wonted kindness towards me, has affected me more than any favor i have received; and could not be believed by some in new york, it being above the run of common minds." in behalf of another member of the family, threatened with confiscation, he wrote to a member of the house of delegates, "i hope, i trust, that no act of legislation in the state of virginia has affected, or can affect, the properly of this gentleman, otherwise than in common with that of every good and well disposed citizen of america," and this was sufficient to put an end to the project at the close of the war he wrote to this absentee, "there was nothing wanting in [your] letter to give compleat satisfaction to mrs. washington and myself but some expression to induce us to believe you would once more become our neighbors. your house at belvoir i am sorry to add is no more, but mine (which is enlarged since you saw it), is most sincerely and heartily at your service till you could rebuild it. as the path, after being closed by a long, arduous, and painful contest, is to use an indian metaphor, now opened and made smooth, i shall please myself with the hope of hearing from you frequently; and till you forbid me to indulge the wish, i shall not despair of seeing you and mrs. fairfax once more the inhabitants of belvoir, and greeting you both there the intimate companions of our old age, as you have been of our younger years." and to another he left a token of remembrance in his will. one of the most curious circle of friends was that composed of indians. after his mission among them in , washington wrote to a tribe and signed himself "your friend and brother." in a less general sense he requested an indian agent to "recommend me kindly to mononcatoocha and others; tell them how happy it would make conotocarius to have an opportunity of taking them by the hand." a little later he had this pleasure, and he wrote the governor, "the indians are all around teasing and perplexing me for one thing or another, so that i scarce know what i write." when washington left the frontier this intercourse ceased, but he was not forgotten, for in descending the ohio in his western trip of a hunting party was met, and "in the person of kiashuto i found an old acquaintance, he being one of the indians that went [with me] to the french in . he expressed satisfaction at seeing me, and treated us with great kindness, giving us a quarter of very fine buffalo. he insisted upon our spending that night with him, and, in order to retard us as little as possible moved his camp down the river." with his appointment to the virginia regiment came military friends. from the earliest of these--van braam, who had served under lawrence washington in the carthagena expedition of , and who had come to live at mount vernon--washington had previously taken lessons in fencing, and when appointed the bearer of a letter to the french commander on the ohio he took van braam with him as interpreter. a little later, on receiving his majority, washington appointed van braam his recruiting lieutenant, and recommended him to the governor for a captain's commission on the grounds that he was "an experienced good officer." to van braam fell the duty of translating the capitulation to the french at fort necessity, and to his reading was laid the blunder by which washington signed a statement acknowledging himself as an "assassin." inconsequence he became the scapegoat of the expedition, was charged by the governor with being a "poltroon" and traitor, and was omitted from the assembly's vote of thanks and extra pay to the regiment. but washington stood by him, and when himself burgess succeeded in getting this latter vote rescinded. another friend of the same period was the chevalier peyroney, whom washington first made an ensign, and then urged the governor to advance him, promising that if the governor "should be pleased to indulge me in this request, i shall look upon it in a very particular light." peyroney was badly wounded at fort necessity and was furloughed, during which he wrote his commander, "i have made my particular business to tray if any had some bad intention against you here below; but thank god i meet allowais with a good wish for you from evry mouth each one entertining such caracter of you as i have the honour to do myself." he served again in the braddock march, and in that fiasco, washington wrote, "captain peyroney and all his officers down to a corporal, was killed." with captain stewart--"a gentleman whose assiduity and military capacity are second to none in our service"--washington was intimate enough to have stewart apply in for four hundred pounds to aid him to purchase a commission, a sum washington did not have at his disposal. but because of "a regard of that high nature that i could never see you uneasy without feeling a part and wishing to remove the cause," washington lent him three hundred pounds towards it, apparently without much return, for some years later he wrote to a friend that he was "very glad to learn that my friend stewart was well when you left london. i have not had a letter from him these five years." at the close of the revolution he received a letter from stewart containing "affectionate and flattering expressions," which gave washington "much pleasure," as it "removed an apprehension i had long labored under, of your having taken your departure for the land of spirits. how else could i account for a silence of years. i shall always be happy to see you at mt. vernon." his friend william ramsay--"well known, well-esteemed, and of unblemished character"--he appointed commissary, and long after, in , wrote,-- "having once or twice of late heard you speak highly in praise of the jersey college, as if you had a desire of sending your son william there ... i should be glad, if you have no other objection to it than what may arise from the expense, if you would send him there as soon as it is convenient, and depend on me for twenty-five pounds this currency a year for his support, so long as it may be necessary for the completion of his education. if i live to see the accomplishment of this term, the sum here stipulated shall he annually paid; and if i die in the mean while, this letter shall be obligatory upon my heirs, or executors, to do it according to the true intent and meaning hereof. no other return is expected, or wished, for this offer, than that you will accept it with the same freedom and good will, with which it is made, and that you may not even consider it in the light of an obligation or mention it as such; for, be assured, that from me it will never be known." the dearest friendship formed in these years was with the doctor of the regiment, james craik, who in the course of his duties attended washington in two serious illnesses, and when the war was ended settled near mount vernon. he was frequently a visitor there, and soon became the family medical attendant. when appointed general, washington wrote, "tell doctor craik that i should be very glad to see him here if there was anything worth his acceptance; but the massachusetts people suffer nothing to go by them that they lay hands upon." in the general secured his appointment as deputy surgeon-general of the middle department, and three years later, when the hospital service was being reformed, he used his influence to have him retained. craik was one of those instrumental in warning the commander-in-chief of the existence of the conway cabal, because "my attachment to your person is such, my friendship is so sincere, that every hint which has a tendency to hurt your honor, wounds me most sensibly." the doctor was washington's companion, by invitation, in both his later trips to the ohio, and his trust in him was so strong that he put under his care the two nephews whose charge he had assumed. in washington's ledger an entry tells of another piece of friendliness, to the effect, "dr. james craik, paid him, being a donation to his son, geo. washington craik for his education £ ," and after graduating the young man for a time served as one of his private secretaries. after a serious illness in , washington wrote to the doctor, "persuaded as i am, that the case has been treated with skill, and with as much tenderness as the nature of the complaint would admit, yet i confess i often wished for your inspection of it," and later he wrote, "if i should ever have occasion for a physician or surgeon, i should prefer my old surgeon, dr. craik, who, from years' experience, is better qualified than a dozen of them put together." craik was the first of the doctors to reach washington's bedside in his last illness, and when the dying man predicted his own death, "the doctor pressed his hand but could not utter a word. he retired from the bedside and sat by the fire absorbed in grief." in washington's will he left "to my compatriot in arms and old and intimate friend, doctor craik i give my bureau (or as the cabinet makers called it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study." the arrival of braddock and his army at alexandria brought a new circle of military friends. washington "was very particularly noticed by that general, was taken into his family as an extra aid, offered a captain's commission by _brevet_ (which was the highest grade he had it in his power to bestow) and had the compliment of several blank ensigncies given him to dispose of to the young gentlemen of his acquaintance." in this position he was treated "with much complaisance ... especially from the general," which meant much, as braddock seems to have had nothing but curses for nearly every one else, and the more as washington and he "had frequent disputes," which were "maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his." but the general, "though his enmities were strong," in "his attachments" was "warm," and grew to like and trust the young volunteer, and had he "survived his unfortunate defeat, i should have met with preferment," having "his promise to that effect." washington was by the general when he was wounded in the lungs, lifted him into a covered cart, and "brought him over the _first_ ford of the monongahela," into temporary safety. three days later braddock died of his wounds, bequeathing to washington his favorite horse and his body-servant as tokens of his gratitude. over him washington read the funeral service, and it was left to him to see that "the poor general" was interred "with the honors of war." even before public service had made him known, washington was a friend and guest of many of the leading virginians. between and he visited the carters of shirley, nomony, and sabine hall, the lewises of warner hall, the lees of stratford, and the byrds of westover, and there was acquaintance at least with the spotswoods, fauntleroys, corbins, randolphs, harrisons, robinsons, nicholases, and other prominent families. in fact, one friend wrote him, "your health and good fortune are the toast of every table," and another that "the council and burgesses are mostly your friends," and those two bodies included every virginian of real influence. it was richard corbin who enclosed him his first commission, in a brief note, beginning "dear george" and ending "your friend," but in time relations became more or less strained, and washington suspected him "of representing my character ... with ungentlemanly freedom." with john robinson, "speaker" and treasurer of virginia, who wrote washington in , "our hopes, dear george, are all fixed on you," a close correspondence was maintained, and when washington complained of the governor's course towards him robinson replied, "i beg dear friend, that you will bear, so far as a man of honor ought, the discouragements and slights you have too often met with." the son, beverly robinson, was a fellow-soldier, and, as already mentioned, was washington's host on his visit to new york in . the revolution interrupted the friendship, but it is alleged that robinson (who was deep in the arnold plot) made an appeal to the old-time relation in an endeavor to save andré. the appeal was in vain, but auld lang syne had its influence, for the sons of beverly, british officers taken prisoners in , were promptly exchanged, so one of them asserted, "in consequence of the embers of friendship that still remained unextinguished in the breasts of my father and general washington." outside of his own colony, too, washington made friends of many prominent families, with whom there was more or less interchange of hospitality. before the revolution there had been visiting or breaking of bread with the galloways, dulaneys, carrolls, calverts, jenifers, edens, ringgolds, and tilghmans of maryland, the penns, cadwaladers, morrises, shippens, aliens, dickinsons, chews, and willings of pennsylvania, and the de lanceys and bayards of new york. election to the continental congress strengthened some friendships and added new ones. with benjamin harrison he was already on terms of intimacy, and as long as the latter was in congress he was the member most in the confidence of the general. later they differed in politics, but washington assured harrison that "my friendship is not in the least lessened by the difference, which has taken place in our political sentiments, nor is my regard for you diminished by the part you have acted." joseph jones and patrick henry both took his part against the cabal, and the latter did him especial service in forwarding to him the famous anonymous letter, an act for which washington felt "most grateful obligations." henry and washington differed later in politics, and it was reported that the latter spoke disparagingly of the former, but this washington denied, and not long after offered henry the secretaryship of state. still later he made a personal appeal to him to come forward and combat the virginia resolutions of , an appeal to which henry responded. the intimacy with robert morris was close, and, as already noted, washington and his family were several times inmates of his home. gouverneur morris was one of his most trusted advisers, and, it is claimed, gave the casting vote which saved washington from being arrested in , when the cabal was fiercest. while president, washington sent him on a most important mission to great britain, and on its completion made him minister to france. from that post the president was, at the request of france, compelled to recall him; but in doing so washington wrote him a private letter assuring morris that he "held the same place in my estimation" as ever, and signed himself "yours affectionately." charles carroll of carrollton was a partisan of the general, and very much disgusted a member of the cabal by telling him "almost literally that anybody who displeased or did not admire the commander-in-chief, ought not to be kept in the army." and to edward rutledge washington wrote, "i can but love and thank you, and i do it sincerely for your polite and friendly letter.... the sentiments contained in it are such as have uniformly flowed from your pen, and they are not the less flattering than pleasing to me." the command of the continental army brought a new kind of friend, in the young aides of his staff. one of his earliest appointments was joseph reed, and, though he remained but five months in the service, a close friendship was formed. almost weekly washington wrote him in the most confidential and affectionate manner, and twice he appealed to reed to take the position once more, in one instance adding that if "you are disposed to continue with me, i shall think myself too fortunate and happy to wish for a change." yet washington none the less sent reed congratulations on his election to the pennsylvania assembly, "although i consider it the coup-de-grace to my ever seeing you" again a "member of my family," to help him he asked a friend to endeavor to get reed legal business, and when all law business ceased and the would-be lawyer was without occupation or means of support, he used his influence to secure him the appointment of adjutant. reed kept him informed as to the news of philadelphia, and wrote even such adverse criticism of the general as he heard, which washington "gratefully" acknowledged. but one criticism reed did not write was what he himself was saying of his general after the fall of fort washington, for which he blamed the commander-in-chief in a letter to lee, and probably to others, for when later reed and arnold quarrelled, the latter boasted that "i can say i never basked in the sunshine of my general's favor, and courted him to his face, when i was at the same time treating him with the greatest disrespect and villifying his character when absent. this is more than a ruling member of the council of pennsylvania can say." washington learned of this criticism in a letter from lee to reed, which was opened at head-quarters on the supposition that it was on army matters, and "with no idea of its being a private letter, much less the tendency of the correspondence," as washington explained in a letter to reed, which had not a word of reproach for the double-dealing that must have cut the general keenly, coming as it did at a moment of misfortune and discouragement. reed wrote a lame explanation and apology, and later sought to "regain" the "lost friendship" by an earnest appeal to washington's generosity. nor did he appeal in vain, for the general replied that though "i felt myself hurt by a certain letter ... i was hurt ... because the same sentiments were not communicated immediately to myself." the old-time intimacy was renewed, and how little his personal feeling had influenced washington is shown in the fact that even previous to this peace-making he had secured for reed the appointment to command one of the choicest brigades in the army. perhaps the friendship was never quite as close, but in writing him washington still signed himself "yours affectionately." john laurens, appointed an aide in , quickly endeared himself to washington, and conceived the most ardent affection for his chief. the young officer of twenty-four used all his influence with his father (then president of congress) against the cabal, and in , when charles lee was abusing the commander-in-chief, laurens thought himself bound to resent it, "as well on account of the relation he bore to general washington, as from motives of personal friendship and respect for his character," and he challenged the defamer and put a bullet into him. to his commander he signed himself "with the greatest veneration and attachment your excellency's faithful aid," and washington in his letters always addressed him as "my dear laurens." after his death in battle, washington wrote, in reply to an inquiry,-- "you ask if the character of colonel john laurens, as drawn in the _independent chronicle_ of d of december last, is just. i answer, that such parts of the drawing as have fallen under my observation, is literally so; and that it is my firm belief his merits and worth richly entitle him to the whole picture. no man possessed more of the _amor patriae_. in a word, he had not a fault, that i could discover, unless intrepidity bordering upon rashness could come under that denomination; and to this he was excited by the purest motives." of another aide, tench tilghman, washington said, "he has been a zealous servant and slave to the public, and a faithful assistant to me for near five years, great part of which time he refused to receive pay. honor and gratitude interest me in his favor." as an instance of this, the commander-in-chief gave to him the distinction of bearing to congress the news of the surrender of cornwallis, with the request to that body that tilghman should be honored in some manner. and in acknowledging a letter washington said, "i receive with great sensibility and pleasure your assurances of affection and regard. it would be but a renewal of what i have often repeated to you, that there are few men in the world to whom i am more attached by inclination than i am to you. with the cause, i hope--most devoutly hope--there will be an end to my military service, when as our places of residence will not be far apart, i shall never be more happy than in your company at mt. vernon. i shall always be glad to hear from, and keep up a correspondence with you." when tilghman died, washington asserted that "he had left as fair a reputation as ever belonged to a human character," and to his father he wrote, "of all the numerous acquaintances of your lately deceased son, & midst all the sorrowings that are mingled on that melancholy occasion, i may venture to assert that (excepting those of his nearest relatives) none could have felt his death with more regret than i did, because no one entertained a higher opinion of his worth, or had imbibed sentiments of greater friendship for him than i had done.... midst all your grief, there is this consolation to be drawn;--that while living, no man could be more esteemed, and since dead, none more lamented than colo. tilghman." to david humphreys, a member of the staff, washington gave the honor of carrying to congress the standards captured at yorktown, recommending him to the notice of that body for his "attention, fidelity, and good services." this aide escorted washington to mount vernon at the close of the revolution, and was "the last officer belonging to the army" who parted from "the commander-in-chief." shortly after, humphreys returned to mount vernon, half as secretary and half as visitor and companion, and he alluded to this time in his poem of "mount vernon," when he said,-- "twas mine, return'd from europe's courts to share his thoughts, partake his sports." [illustration: washington family record] when washington was accused of cruelty in the asgill case, humphreys published an account of the affair, completely vindicating his friend, for which he was warmly thanked. he was frequently urged to come to mount vernon, and washington on one occasion lamented "the cause which has deprived us of your aid in the attack of christmas pies," and on another assured humphreys of his "great pleasure [when] i received the intimation of your spending the winter under this roof. the invitation was not less sincere, than the reception will be cordial. the only stipulations i shall contend for are, that in all things you shall do as you please--i will do the same; and that no ceremony may be used or any restraint be imposed on any one." humphreys was visiting him when the notification of his election as president was received, and was the only person, except servants, who accompanied washington to new york. here he continued for a time to give his assistance, and was successively appointed indian commissioner, informal agent to spain, and finally minister to portugal. while holding this latter position washington wrote to him, "when you shall think with the poet that 'the post of honor is a private station'--& may be inclined to enjoy yourself in my shades ... i can only tell you that you will meet with the same cordial reception at mount vernon that you have always experienced at that place," and when humphreys answered that his coming marriage made the visit impossible, washington replied, "the desire of a companion in my latter days, in whom i could confide ... induced me to express too strongly ... the hope of having you as an inmate." on the death of washington, humphreys published a poem expressing the deepest affection and admiration for "my friend." the longest and closest connection was that with hamilton. this very young and obscure officer attracted washington's attention in the campaign of , early in the next year was appointed to the staff, and quickly became so much a favorite that washington spoke of him as "my boy." whatever friendliness this implied was not, however, reciprocated by hamilton. after four years of service, he resigned, under circumstances to which he pledged washington to secrecy, and then himself, in evident irritation, wrote as follows: "two days ago, the general and i passed each other on the stairs. he told me he wanted to speak to me. i answered that i would wait upon him immediately. i went below, and delivered mr. tilghman a letter to be sent to the commissary, containing an order of a pressing and interesting nature. returning to the general, i was stopped on the way by the marquis de lafayette, and we conversed together about a minute on a matter of business. he can testify how impatient i was to get back, and that i left him in a manner which, but for our intimacy would have been more than abrupt. instead of finding the general, as is usual, in his room, i met him at the head of the stairs, where, accosting me in an angry tone, 'colonel hamilton,' said he 'you have kept me waiting at the head of the stairs these ten minutes. i must tell you, sir, you treat me with disrespect.' i replied without petulancy, but with decision: 'i am not conscious of it, sir; but since you have thought it necessary to tell me so, we part.' 'very well, sir,' said he, 'if it be your choice,' or something to this effect, and we separated. i sincerely believe my absence, which gave so much umbrage, did not last two minutes. in less than an hour after, tilghman came to me in the general's name, assuring me of his great confidence in my abilities, integrity, usefulness, etc, and of his desire, in a candid conversation, to heal a difference which could not have happened but in a moment of passion. i requested mr tilghman to tell him-- st. that i had taken my resolution in a manner not to be revoked ... thus we stand ... perhaps you may think i was precipitate in rejecting the overture made by the general to an accomodation. i assure you, my dear sir, it was not the effect of resentment; it was the deliberate result of maxims i had long formed for the government of my own conduct.... i believe you know the place i held in the general's confidence and counsels, which will make more extraordinary to you to learn that for three years past i have felt no friendship for him and have professed none. the truth is, our dispositions are the opposites of each other, and the pride of my temper would not suffer me to profess what i did not feel. indeed, when advances of this kind have been made to me on his part, they were received in a manner that showed at least that i had no desire to court them, and that i desired to stand rather upon a footing of military confidence than of private attachment." had washington been the man this letter described he would never have forgiven this treatment. on the contrary, only two months later, when compelled to refuse for military reasons a favor hamilton asked, he said that "my principal concern arises from an apprehension that you will impute my refusal to your request to other motives." on this refusal hamilton enclosed his commission to washington, but "tilghman came to me in his name, pressed me to retain my commission, with an assurance that he would endeavor, by all means, to give me a command." later washington did more than hamilton himself had asked, when he gave him the leading of the storming party at yorktown, a post envied by every officer in the army. apparently this generosity lessened hamilton's resentment, for a correspondence on public affairs was maintained from this time on, though madison stated long after "that hamilton often spoke disparagingly of washington's talents, particularly after the revolution and at the first part of the presidentcy," and benjamin rush confirms this by a note to the effect that "hamilton often spoke with contempt of general washington. he said that ... his heart was a stone." the rumor of the ill feeling was turned to advantage by hamilton's political opponents in , and compelled the former to appeal to washington to save him from the injury the story was doing. in response washington wrote a letter intended for public use, in which he said,-- "as you say it is insinuated by some of your political adversaries, and may obtain credit, 'that you _palmed_ yourself upon me, and was _dismissed_ from my family,' and call upon me to do you justice by a recital of the facts, i do therefore explicitly declare, that both charges are entirely unfounded. with respect to the first, i have no cause to believe, that you took a single step to accomplish, or had the most distant idea of receiving an appointment in my family till you were invited in it; and, with respect to the second, that your quitting it was altogether the effect of your own choice." with the appointment as secretary of the treasury warmer feelings were developed. hamilton became the president's most trusted official, and was tireless in the aid he gave his superior. even after he left office he performed many services equivalent to official ones, for which washington did "not know how to thank" him "sufficiently," and the president leaned on his judgment to an otherwise unexampled extent. this service produced affection and respect, and in washington wrote from mount vernon, "we have learnt ... that you have some thoughts of taking a trip this way. i felt pleasure at hearing it, and hope it is unnecessary to add, that it would be considerably increased by seeing you under this roof; for you may be assured of the sincere and affectionate regard of yours, &c." and signed other letters "always and affectionately yours," or "very affectionately," while hamilton reciprocated by sending "affectionate attachment." on being appointed lieutenant-general in , washington at once sought the aid of hamilton for the highest position under him, assuring the secretary of war that "of the abilities and fitness of the gentleman you have named for a high command in the _provisional army_, i think as you do, and that his services ought to be secured at almost any price." to this the president, who hated hamilton, objected, but washington refused to take the command unless this wish was granted, and adams had to give way. they stood in this relation when washington died, and almost the last letter he penned was to this friend. on learning of the death, hamilton wrote of "our beloved commander-in-chief,"-- "the very painful event ... filled my heart with bitterness. perhaps no man in this community has equal cause with myself to deplore the loss. i have been much indebted to the kindness of the general, and he was an _�gis very essential to me_. but regrets are unavailing. for great misfortunes it is the business of reason to seek consolation. the friends of general washington have very noble ones. if virtue can secure happiness in another world, he is happy." knox was the earliest army friend of those who rose to the rank of general, and was honored by washington with absolute trust. after the war the two corresponded, and knox expressed "unalterable affection" for the "thousand evidences of your friendship." he was appointed secretary of war in the first administration, and in taking command of the provisional army washington secured his appointment as a major-general, and at this time asserted that, "with respect to general knox i can say with truth there is no man in the united states with whom i have been in habits of greater intimacy, no one whom i have loved more sincerely nor any for whom i have had a greater friendship." greene was perhaps the closest to washington of all the generals, and their relations might be dwelt upon at much length. but the best evidence of friendship is in washington's treatment of a story involving his financial honesty, of which he said, "persuaded as i always have been of genl greene's integrity and worth, i spurned those reports which tended to calumniate his conduct ... being perfectly convinced that whenever the matter should be investigated, his motives ... would appear pure and unimpeachable." when on greene's death washington heard that his family was left in embarrassed circumstances, he offered, if mrs. greene would "entrust my namesake g. washington greene to my care, i will give him as good an education as this country (i mean the united states) will afford, and will bring him up to either of the genteel professions that his frds. may chuse, or his own inclination shall lead him to pursue, at my own cost & expence." for "light-horse harry" lee an affection more like that given to the youngsters of the staff was felt long after the war was over, lee began a letter to him "dear general," and then continued,-- "although the exalted station, which your love of us and our love of you has placed you in, calls for change in mode of address, yet i cannot so quickly relinquish the old manner. your military rank holds its place in my mind, notwithstanding your civic glory; and, whenever i do abandon the title which used to distinguish you, i shall do it with awkwardness.... my reluctance to trespass a moment on your time would have operated to a further procrastination of my wishes, had i not been roused above every feeling of ceremony by the heart rending intelligence, received yesterday, that your life was despaired of. had i had wings in the moment, i should have wafted myself to your bedside, only again to see the first of men; but alas! despairing as i was, from the account received, after the affliction of one day and night, i was made most happy by receiving a letter, now before me from new york, announcing the restoration of your health. may heaven preserve it!" it was lee who first warned washington that jefferson was slandering him in secret, and who kept him closely informed as to the political manuvres in virginia. washington intrusted to him the command of the army in the whiskey insurrection, and gave him an appointment in the provisional army. lee was in congress when the death of the great american was announced to that body, and it was he who coined the famous "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." as need hardly be said, however, the strongest affection among the general officers was that between washington and lafayette. in the advent of this young frenchman the commander saw only "embarassment," but he received "the young volunteer," so lafayette said, "in the most friendly manner," invited him to reside in his house as a member of his military family, and as soon as he came to know him he recommended congress to give him a command. as lafayette became popular with the army, an endeavor was made by the cabal to win him to their faction by bribing him with an appointment to lead an expedition against canada, independent of control by washington. lafayette promptly declined the command, unless subject to the general, and furthermore he "braved the whole party (cabal) and threw them into confusion by making them drink the health of their general." at the battle of monmouth washington gave the command of the attacking party to lafayette, and after the conflict the two, according to the latter, "passed the night lying on the same mantle, talking." in the same way washington distinguished him by giving him the command of the expedition to rescue virginia from cornwallis, and to his division was given the most honorable position at yorktown. when the siege of that place was completed, lafayette applied for leave of absence to spend the winter in france, and as he was on the point of sailing he received a personal letter from washington, for "i owe it to friendship and to my affectionate regard for you my dear marquis, not to let you leave this country without carrying fresh marks of my attachment to you," and in his absence washington wrote that a mutual friend who bore a letter "can tell you more forcibly, than i can express how much we all love and wish to embrace you." a reunion came in , looked forward to by lafayette with an eagerness of which he wrote, "by sunday or monday, i hope at last to be blessed with a sight of my dear general. there is no rest for me till i go to mount vernon. i long for the pleasure to embrace you, my dear general; and the happiness of being once more with you will be so great, that no words can ever express it. adieu, my dear general; in a few days i shall be at mount vernon, and i do already feel delighted with so charming a prospect." after this visit was over washington wrote, "in the moment of our separation, upon the road as i travelled, and every hour since, i have felt all that love, respect and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connexion, and your merits have inspired me. i often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight i ever should have of you?" and to this letter lafayette replied,-- "no my beloved general, our late parting was not by any means a last interview. my whole soul revolts at the idea; and could i harbour it an instant, indeed, my dear general, it would make me miserable. i well see you will never go to france. the inexpressible pleasure of embracing you in my own house, of welcoming you in a family where your name is adored, i do not much expect to experience; but to you i shall return, and, within the walls of mount vernon, we shall yet speak of olden times. my firm plan is to visit now and then my friend on this side of the atlantic; and the most beloved of all friends i ever had, or ever shall have anywhere, is too strong an inducement for me to return to him, not to think that whenever it is possible i shall renew my so pleasing visits to mount vernon.... adieu, adieu, my dear general. it is with inexpressible pain that i feel i am going to be severed from you by the atlantic. everything, that admiration, respect, gratitude, friendship, and fillial love, can inspire, is combined in my affectionate heart to devote me most tenderly to you. in your friendship i find a delight which words cannot express. adieu, my dear general. it is not without emotion that i write this word, although i know i shall soon visit you again. be attentive to your health. let me hear from you every month. adieu, adieu." the correspondence begged was maintained, but lafayette complained that "to one who so tenderly loves you, who so happily enjoyed the times we have passed together, and who never, on any part of the globe, even in his own house, could feel himself so perfectly at home as in your family, it must be confessed that an irregular, lengthy correspondence is quite insufficient i beseech you, in the name of our friendship, of that paternal concern of yours for my happiness, not to miss any opportunity to let me hear from my dear general." one letter from washington told lafayette of his recovery from a serious illness, and lafayette responded, "what could have been my feelings, had the news of your illness reached me before i knew my beloved general, my adopted father, was out of danger? i was struck at the idea of the situation you have been in, while i, uninformed and so distant from you, was anticipating the long-waited-for pleasure to hear from you, and the still more endearing prospect of visiting you and presenting you the tribute of a revolution, one of your first offsprings. for god's sake, my dear general, take care of your health!" presently, as the french revolution gathered force, the anxiety was reversed, washington writing that "the lively interest which i take in your welfare, my dear sir, keeps my mind in constant anxiety for your personal safety." this fear was only too well founded, for shortly after lafayette was a captive in an austrian prison and his wife was appealing to her husband's friend for help. our ministers were told to do all they could to secure his liberty, and washington wrote a personal letter to the emperor of austria. before receiving her letter, on the first news of the "truly affecting" condition of "poor madame lafayette," he had written to her his sympathy, and, supposing that money was needed, had deposited at amsterdam two hundred guineas "subject to your orders." when she and her daughters joined her husband in prison, lafayette's son, and washington's godson, came to america; an arrival of which the godfather wrote that, "to express all the sensibility, which has been excited in my breast by the receipt of young lafayette's letter, from the recollection of his father's merits, services, and sufferings, from my friendship for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and father to his son is unnecessary." the lad became a member of the family, and a visitor at this time records that "i was particularly struck with the marks of affection which the general showed his pupil, his adopted son of marquis de lafayette. seated opposite to him, he looked at him with pleasure, and listened to him with manifest interest." with washington he continued till the final release of his father, and a simple business note in washington's ledger serves to show both his delicacy and his generosity to the boy: "by geo. w. fayette, gave for the purpose of his getting himself such small articles of clothing as he might not choose to ask for $ ." another item in the accounts was three hundred dollars "to defray his exps. to france," and by him washington sent a line to his old friend, saying, "this letter i hope and expect will be presented to you by your son, who is highly deserving of such parents as you and your amiable lady." long previous to this, too, a letter had been sent to virginia lafayette, couched in the following terms: "permit me to thank my dear little correspondent for the favor of her letter of the of june last, and to impress her with the idea of the pleasure i shall derive from a continuance of them. her papa is restored to her with all the good health, paternal affection, and honors, which her tender heart could wish. he will carry a kiss to her from me (which might be more agreeable from a pretty boy), and give her assurances of the affectionate regard with which i have the pleasure of being her well-wisher, george washington." in this connection it is worth glancing at washington's relations with children, the more that it has been frequently asserted that he had no liking for them. as already shown, at different times he adopted or assumed the expenses and charge of not less than nine of the children of his kith and kin, and to his relations with children he seldom wrote a letter without a line about the "little ones." his kindnesses to the sons of ramsay, craik, greene, and lafayette have already been noticed. furthermore, whenever death or illness came among the children of his friends there was sympathy expressed. dumas relates of his visit to providence with washington, that "we arrived there at night; the whole of the population had assembled from the suburbs; we were surrounded by a crowd of children carrying torches, reiterating the acclamations of the citizens; all were eager to approach the person of him whom they called their father, and pressed so closely around us that they hindered us from proceeding. general washington was much affected, stopped a few moments, and, pressing my hand, said, 'we may be beaten by the english; it is the chance of war; but behold an army which they can never conquer,'" in his journey through new england, not being able to get lodgings at an inn, washington spent a night in a private house, and when all payment was refused, he wrote his host from his next stopping-place,-- "being informed that you have given my name to one of your sons, and called another after mrs. washington's family, and being moreover very much pleased with the modest and innocent looks of your two daughters, patty and polly, i do for these reasons send each of these girls a piece of chintz; and to patty, who bears the name of mrs. washington, and who waited upon us more than polly did, i send five guineas, with which she may buy herself any little ornaments she may want, or she may dispose of them in any other manner more agreeable to herself. as i do not give these things with a view to have it talked of, or even of its being known, the less there is said about the matter the better you will please me; but, that i may be sure the chintz and money have got safe to hand, let patty, who i dare say is equal to it, write me a line informing me thereof, directed to 'the president of the united states at new york.'" miss stuart relates that "one morning while mr. washington was sitting for his picture, a little brother of mine ran into the room, when my father thinking it would annoy the general, told him he must leave; but the general took him upon his knee, held him for some time, and had quite a little chat with him, and, in fact, they seemed to be pleased with each other. my brother remembered with pride, as long as he lived, that washington had talked with him." for the son of his secretary, lear, there seems to have been great fondness, and in one instance the father was told that "it gave mrs. washington, myself and all who know him, sincere pleasure to hear that our little favorite had arrived safe, and was in good health at portsmouth. we sincerely wish him a long continuance of the latter--that he may always be as charming and promising as he now is--and that he may live to be a comfort and blessing to you, and an ornament to his country. as a testimony of my affection for him i send him a ticket in the lottery which is now drawing in the federal city; and if it should be his fortune to draw the hotel it will add to the pleasure i have in giving it." a second letter condoled with "little lincoln," because owing to the collapse of the lottery the "poor little fellow" will not even get enough to "build him a baby house." for the father, tobias lear, who came into his employment in and remained with him till his death, washington felt the greatest affection and trust. it was he who sent for the doctor in the beginning of the last illness, and he was in the sickroom most of the time. holding washington's hand, he received from him his last orders, and later when washington "appeared to be in great pain and distress from the difficulty of breathing ... i lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him, and turn him with as much ease as possible. he appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions, and often said 'i am afraid i shall fatigue you too much.'" still later lear "aided him all in my power, and was gratified in believing he felt it; for he would look upon me with eyes speaking gratitude, but unable to utter a word without great distress." at the final moment lear took his hand "and laid it upon his breast." when all was over, "i kissed the cold hand, laid it down, and was ... lost in profound grief." x enemies any man of force is to be known quite as much by the character of his enemies as by that of his friends, and this is true of washington. the subject offers some difficulties, for most of his enemies later in life went out of their way to deny all antagonism, and took pains to destroy such proof as they could come at of ill-feeling towards him. yet enough remains to show who were in opposition to him, and on what grounds. the first of those now known to be opposed to him was george muse, lieutenant-colonel in under washington. at fort necessity he was guilty of cowardice, he was discharged in disgrace, and his name was omitted from the assembly's vote of thanks to the regiment. stung by this action, he took his revenge in a manner related by peyroney, who wrote washington,-- "many enquired to me about muse's braveries, poor body i had pity him ha'nt he had the weakness to confes his coardise himself, & the impudence to taxe all the reste of the oficers without exception of the same imperfection for he said to many of the consulars and burgeses that he was bad but th' the reste was as bad as he--to speak francly, had i been in town at that time i cou'nt help'd to make use of my horses [whip] whereas for to vindicate the injury of that vilain. he contrived his business so that several ask me if it was true that he had challeng'd you to fight: my answer was no other but that he should rather chuse to go to hell than doing of it--for he had such thing declar'd: that was his sure road." washington seems to have cherished no personal ill-will for muse's conduct, and when the division of the "bounty lands" was being pushed, he used his influence that the broken officer should receive a quotum. not knowing this, or else being ungrateful, muse seems to have written a letter to washington which angered him, for he replied,-- "sir, your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. as i am not accustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language from you personally, without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, i would advise you to be cautious in writing me a second of the same tenor. but for your stupidity and sottishness you might have known, by attending to the public gazette, that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land allowed you, that is, nine thousand and seventy-three acres in the great tract, and the remainder in the small tract. but suppose you had really fallen short, do you think your superlative merit entitles you to greater indulgence than others? or, if it did, that i was to make it good to you, when it was at the option of the governor and council to allow but five hundred acres in the whole, if they had been so inclined? if either of these should happen to be your opinion, i am very well convinced that you will be singular in it; and all my concern is, that i ever engaged in behalf of so ungrateful a fellow as you are. but you may still be in need of my assistance, as i can inform you, that your affairs, in respect to these lands, do not stand upon so solid a basis as you imagine, and this you may take by way of hint. i wrote to you a few days ago concerning the other distribution, proposing an easy method of dividing our lands; but since i find in what temper you are, i am sorry i took the trouble of mentioning the land or your name in a letter, as i do not think you merit the least assistance from me." the braddock campaign brought acquaintance with one which did not end in friendship, however amicable the beginning. there can be little doubt that there was cameraderie with the then lieutenant-colonel gage, for in , when in new york for four days, washington "dined with gen. gage," and also "dined at the entertainment given by the citizens of new york to genl. gage." when next intercourse was resumed, it was by formal correspondence between the commanders-in-chief of two hostile armies, washington inquiring as to the treatment of prisoners, and as a satisfactory reply was not obtained, he wrote again, threatening retaliation, and "closing my correspondence with you, perhaps forever," --a letter which charles lee thought "a very good one, but gage certainly deserved a stronger one, such as it was before it was softened." one cannot but wonder what part the old friendship played in this "softening." relations with the howes began badly by a letter from lord howe addressed "george washington, esq.," which washington declined to receive as not recognizing his official position. a second one to "george washington, esq. &c. &c. &c." met with the same fate, and brought the british officer "to change my superscription." a little after this brief war of forms, a letter from washington to his wife was intercepted with others by the enemy, and general howe enclosed it, "happy to return it without the least attempt being made to discover any part of the contents." this courtesy the american commander presently was able to reciprocate by sending "general washington's compliments to general howe,--does himself the pleasure to return to him a dog, which accidentally fell into his hands, and, by the inscription on the collar, appears to belong to general howe." even politeness had its objections, however, at moments, and washington once had to write sir william,-- "there is one passage of your letter, which i cannot forbear taking particular notice of. no expression of personal politeness to me can be acceptable, accompanied by reflections on the representatives of a free people, under whose authority i have the honor to act. the delicacy i have observed, in refraining from everything offensive in this way, entitles me to expect a similar treatment from you. i have not indulged myself in invective against the present rulers of great britain, in the course of our correspondence, nor will i even now avail myself of so fruitful a theme." apparently when sir henry clinton succeeded to the command of the british army the same old device to insult the general was again tried, for dumas states that washington "received a despatch from sir henry clinton, addressed to 'mr. washington.' taking it from the hands of the flag of truce, and seeing the direction, 'this letter,' said he, 'is directed to a planter of the state of virginia. i shall have it delivered to him after the end of the war; till that time it shall not be opened.' a second despatch was addressed to his excellency general washington." a better lesson in courtesy was contained in a letter from washington to him, complaining of "wanton, unprecedented and inhuman murder," which closed with the following: "i beg your excellency to be persuaded, that it cannot be more disagreeable to you to be addressed in this language, than it is to me to offer it; but the subject requires frankness and decision." quite as firm was one addressed to cornwallis, which read,-- "it is with infinite regret, i am again compelled to remonstrate against that spirit of wanton cruelty, that has in several instances influenced the conduct of your soldiery. a recent exercise of it towards an unhappy officer of ours, lieutenant harris, convinces me, that my former representations on this subject have been unavailing. that gentleman by the fortunes of war, on saturday last was thrown into the hands of a party of your horse, and unnecessarily murdered with the most aggravated circumstances of barbarity. i wish not to wound your lordship's feelings, by commenting on this event; but i think it my duty to send his mangled body to your lines as an undeniable testimony of the fact, should it be doubted, and as the best appeal to your humanity for the justice of our complaint." a pleasanter intercourse came with the surrender of yorktown, after which not merely were cornwallis and his officers saved the mortification of surrendering their swords, but the chief among them were entertained at dinner by washington. at this meal, so a contemporary account states, "rochhambeau, being asked for a toast, gave _'the united states'_. washington gave _'the king of france'_. lord cornwallis, simply _'the king'_; but washington, putting that toast, added, _'of england'_, and facetiously, _'confine him there, i'll drink him a full bumper'_, filling his glass till it ran over. rochambeau, with great politeness, was still so french, that he would every now and then be touching on points that were improper, and a breach of real politeness. washington often checked him, and showed in a more saturnine manner, the infinite esteem he had for his gallant prisoner, whose private qualities the americans admired even in a foe, that had so often filled them with the most cruel alarms." many years later, when cornwallis was governor-general of india, he sent a verbal message to his old foe, wishing "general washington a long enjoyment of tranquility and happiness," adding that for himself he "continued in troubled waters." [illustration: mrs washington] turning from these public rather than personal foes, a very different type of enemies is encountered in those inimical to washington in his own army. chief of these was horatio gates, with whom washington had become acquainted in the braddock campaign, and with whom there was friendly intercourse from that time until the revolution. in , at washington's express solicitation, gates was appointed adjutant- and brigadier-general, and in a letter thanking washington for the favor he professed to have "the greatest respect for your character and the sincerest attachment to your person." nevertheless, he very early in the war suggested that a committee of congress be sent to camp to keep watch on washington, and as soon as he was in a separate command he began to curry favor with congress and scheme against his commander. this was not unknown to washington, who afterwards wrote, "i discovered very early in the war symptoms of coldness & constraint in general gates' behavior to me. these increased as he rose into greater consequence." when burgoyne capitulated to gates, he sent the news to congress and not to washington, and though he had no further need for troops the commander-in-chief had sent him, he endeavored to prevent their return at a moment when every man was needed in the main army. his attitude towards washington was so notorious that his friends curried favor with him by letters criticising the commander, and when, by chance, the general learned of the contents of one of these letters, and news to that effect reached the ears of gates, he practically charged washington with having obtained his knowledge by dishonorable means; but washington more than repaid the insult, in telling gates how he had learned of the affair, by adding that he had "considered the information as coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn and consequently forearm me, against a secret enemy ... but in this, as in other matters of late, i have found myself mistaken." driven to the wall, gates wrote to washington a denial that the letter contained the passage in question, which was an absolute lie, and this untruth typifies his character. without expressing either belief or disbelief in this denial, washington replied,-- "i am as averse to controversy as any man, and had i not been forced into it, you never would have had occasion to impute to me, even the shadow of disposition towards it. your repeatedly and solemnly disclaiming any offensive views in those matters, which have been the subject of our past correspondence makes me willing to close with the desire, you express, of burying them hereafter in silence, and, as far as future events will permit, oblivion. my temper leads me to peace and harmony with all men; and it is peculiarly my wish to avoid any personal feuds or dissentions with those who are embarked in the same great national interest with, myself; as every difference of this kind must in its consequence be very injurious." after this affair subsided, washington said,-- "i made a point of treating gen. gates with all the attention and cordiality in my power, as well from a sincere desire of harmony, as from an unwillingness to give any cause of triumph among ourselves. i can appeal to the world, and to the whole army, whether i have not cautiously avoided offending gen. gates in any way. i am sorry his conduct to me has not been equally generous, and that he is continually giving me fresh proofs of malevolence and opposition. it will not be doing him injustice to say, that, besides the little underhand intrigues which he is frequently practising, there has hardly been any great military question, in which his advice has been asked, that it has not been given in an equivocal and designing manner, apparently calculated to afford him an opportunity of censuring me, on the failure of whatever measures might be adopted." after the defeat of gates at camden, the prince de broglie wrote that "i saw general gates at the house of general washington, with whom he had had a misunderstanding.... this interview excited the curiosity of both armies. it passed with a most perfect propriety on the part of both gentlemen. mr. washington treated mr. gates with a politeness which had a frank and easy air, while the other responded with that shade of respect which was proper towards his general." and how fair-minded washington was is shown by his refusal to interfere in an army matter, because, "considering the delicate situation in which i stand with respect to general gates, i feel an unwillingness to give any opinion (even in a confidential way) in a matter in which he is concerned, lest my sentiments (being known) should have unfavorable interpretations ascribed to them by illiberal minds." yet the friendship was never restored, and when the two after the war were associated in the potomac company, washington's sense of the old treachery was still so keen that he alluded to the appointment of "my bosom friend genl g-tes, who being at richmond, contrived to edge himself in to the commission." thomas conway was washington's traducer to gates. he was an irish-french soldier of fortune who unfortunately had been made a brigadier-general in the continental army. having made friends of the new england delegates in congress, it was then proposed by them to advance him to the rank of major-general, which washington opposed, on the grounds that "his merit and importance exist more in his imagination than in reality." for the moment this was sufficient to prevent conway's promotion, and even if he had not before been opposed to his commander, he now became his bitter enemy. to more than gates he said or wrote, "a great & good god has decreed that america shall be free, or washington and weak counsellors would have ruined her long ago." upon word of this reaching washington, so laurens tells, "the genl immediately copied the contents of the paper, introducing them with 'sir,' and concluding with, 'i am your humble servt,' and sent this copy in the form of a letter to genl conway. this drew an answer, in which he first attempts to deny the fact, and then in a most shameless manner, to explain away the matter. the perplexity of his style, and evident insincerity of his compliments, betray his weak sentiments, and expose his guilt." yet, though detected, conway complained to the continental congress that washington was not treating him properly, and in reply to an inquiry from a member the general acknowledged that,-- "if general conway means by cool receptions mentioned in the last paragraph of his letter of the st ultimo, that i did not receive him in the language of a warm and cordial friend, i readily confess the charge. i did not, nor shall i ever, till i am capable of the arts of dissimulation. these i despise, and my feelings will not permit me to make professions of friendship to the man i deem my enemy, and whose system of conduct forbids it. at the same time, truth authorizes me to say, that he was received and treated with proper respect to his official character, and that he has had no cause to justify the assertion, that he could not expect any support for fulfilling the duties of his appointment." in spite of washington's opposition, conway's friends were numerous enough in the congress finally to elect him major-general, at the same time appointing him inspector-general. elated with this evident partiality of the majority of that body for him, he went even further, and laurens states that he was guilty of a "base insult" to washington, which "affects the general very sensibly," and he continues,-- "it is such an affront as conway would never have dared to offer, if the general's situation had not assured him of the impossibility of its being revenged in a private way. the genl, therefore, has determined to return him no answer at all, but to lay the whole matter before congress; they will determine whether genl w. is to be sacrificed to genl. c., for the former can never consent to be concern'd in any transaction with the latter, from whom he has received such unpardonable insults." fortunately, conway did not limit his "insulting letters" to the commander-in-chief alone, and presently he sent one to congress threatening to resign, which so angered that body that they took him at his word. moreover, his open abuse of washington led an old-time friend of the latter to challenge him, and to lodge a ball, with almost poetic justice, in conway's mouth. thinking himself on the point of death, he wrote a farewell line to washington "expressing my sincere grief for having done, written or said anything disagreeable to your excellency.... you are in my eyes a great and good man." and with this recantation he disappeared from the army. a third officer in this "cabal" was thomas mifflin. he was the first man appointed on washington's staff at the beginning of the war, but did not long remain in that position, being promoted by washington to be quartermaster-general. in this position the rumor reached the general that mifflin was "concerned in trade," and washington took "occasion to hint" the suspicion to him, only to get a denial from the officer. whether this inquiry was a cause for ill-feeling or not, mifflin was one of the most outspoken against the commander-in-chief as his opponents gathered force, and washington informed henry that he "bore the second part in the cabal." mifflin resigned from the army and took a position on the board of war, but when the influence of that body broke down with the collapse of the cabal, he applied for a reappointment,--a course described by washington in plain english as follows: "i was not a little surprised to find a certain gentleman, who, some time ago (when a cloud of darkness hung heavy over us, and our affairs looked gloomy,) was desirous of resigning, now stepping forward in the line of the army. but if he can reconcile such conduct to his own, feelings, as an officer and a man of honor, and congress hath no objections to his leaving his seat in another department, i have nothing personally to oppose it. yet i must think, that gentleman's stepping in and out, as the sun happens to beam forth or obscure, is not _quite_ the thing, nor _quite_ just, with respect to those officers, who take ye bitter with the sweet." not long after greene wrote that "i learn that general mifflin has publicly declared that he looked upon his excellency as the best friend he ever had in his life, so that is a plain sign that the junto has given up all ideas of supplanting our excellent general from a confidence of the impracticability of such an attempt." a very minor but most malignant enemy was dr. benjamin rush. in washington dined with him in philadelphia, which implied friendship. very early in the war, however, an attempt was made to remove the director-general of hospitals, in which, so john armstrong claimed, "morgan was the ostensible--rush the real prosecutor of shippen--the former acting from revenge,... the latter from a desire to obtain the directorship. in approving the sentence of the court, washington stigmatized the prosecution as one originating in bad motives, which made rush his enemy and defamer as long as he lived." certain it is he wrote savage letters of criticism about his commander-in-chief of which the following extract is a sample: "i have heard several officers who have served under general gates compare his army to a well regulated family. the same gentlemen have compared gen'l washington's imitation of an army to an unformed mob. look at the characters of both! the one on the pinnacle of military glory--exulting in the success of schemes planned with wisdom, & executed with vigor and bravery--and above all see a country saved by his exertions. see the other outgeneral'd and twice heated--obliged to witness the march of a body of men only half their number thro' miles of a thick settled country-- forced to give up a city the capitol of a state & after all outwitted by the same army in a retreat." had rush written only this, there would be no grounds for questioning his methods; but, not content with spreading his opinions among his friends, he took to anonymous letter-writing, and sent an unsigned letter abusing washington to the governor of virginia (and probably to others), with the request that the letter should be burned. instead of this, henry sent it to washington, who recognized at once the handwriting, and wrote to henry that rush "has been elaborate and studied in his professions of regard to me, and long since the letter to you." an amusing sequel to this incident is to be found in rush moving heaven and earth on the publication of marshall's "life of washington" to prevent his name from appearing as one of the commander-in-chief's enemies. after the collapse of the attempt washington wrote to a friend, "i thank you sincerely for the part you acted at york respecting c---y, and believe with you that matters have and will turn out very different to what that party expected. g---s has involved himself in his letters to me in the most absurd contradictions. m--- has brought himself into a scrape that he does not know how to get out of with a gentleman of this state, and c---, as you know is sent upon an expedition which all the world knew, and the event has proved, was not practicable. in a word, i have a good deal of reason to believe that the machination of this junta will recoil upon their own heads, and be a means of bringing some matters to light which, by getting me out of the way, some of them thought to conceal." undoubtedly the most serious army antagonist was general charles lee, and, but for what seem almost fatalistic chances, he would have been a dangerous rival. he was second in command very early in the war, and at this time he asserted that "no man loves, respects and reverences another more than i do general washington. i esteem his virtues, private and public. i know him to be a man of sense, courage and firmness." but four months later he was lamenting washington's "fatal indecision," and by inference was calling him "a blunderer." in another month he wrote, "_entre nous_ a certain great man is most damnably deficient." at this point, fortunately, lee was captured by the british, so that his influence for the time being was destroyed. while a prisoner he drew up a plan for the english general, showing how america could be conquered. when he had been exchanged, and led the american advance at the battle of monmouth, he seems to have endeavored to aid the british in another way, for after barely engaging, he ordered a retreat, which quickly developed into a rout, and would have ended in a serious defeat had not, as laurens wrote, "fortunately for the honor of the army, and the welfare of america, genl washington met the troops retreating in disorder, and without any plan to make an opposition. he ordered some pieces of artillery to be brought up to defend the pass, and some troops to form and defend the pieces. the artillery was too distant to be brought up readily, so that there was but little opposition given here. a few shot though, and a little skirmishing in the wood checked the enemy's career. the genl expressed his astonishment at this unaccountable retreat mr. lee indecently replied that the attack was contrary to his advice and opinion in council." in a fit of temper lee wrote washington two imprudent letters, expressed "in terms [so] highly improper" that he was ordered under arrest and tried by a court-martial, which promptly found him guilty of disobedience and disrespect, as well as of making a "disorderly and unnecessary retreat." to this lee retorted, "i aver that his excellencies letter was from beginning to the end a most abominable lie--i aver that my conduct will stand the strictest scrutiny of every military judge--i aver that my court martial was a court of inquisition--that there was not a single member with a military idea--at least if i may pronounce from the different questions they put to the evidences." in this connection it is of interest to note a letter from washington's friend mason, which said, "you express a fear that general lee will challenge our friend. indulge in no such apprehensions, for he too well knows the sentiments of general washington on the subject of duelling. from his earliest manhood i have heard him express his contempt of the man who sends and the man who accepts a challenge, for he regards such acts as no proof of moral courage; and the practice he abhors as a relic of old barbarisms, repugnant alike to sound morality and christian enlightenment." a little later, still smarting from this court-martial, lee wrote to a newspaper a savage attack on his late commander, apparently in the belief, as he said in a private letter, that "there is ... a visible revolution ... in the minds of men, i mean that our great gargantua, or lama babak (for i know not which title is the properest) begins to be no longer consider'd as an infallible divinity--and that those who have been sacrificed or near sacrific'd on his altar, begin to be esteem'd as wantonly and foolishly offer'd up." lee very quickly found his mistake, for the editor of the paper which contained his attack was compelled by a committee of citizens to publish an acknowledgment that in printing it "i have transgressed against truth, justice and my duty as a good citizen," and, as washington wrote to a friend, "the author of the queries, 'political and military,' has had no cause to exult in the favorable reception of them by the public." with lee's disappearance the last army rival dropped from the ranks, and from that time there was no question as to who should command the armies of america. long after, a would-be editor of lee's papers wrote to washington to ask if he had any wishes in regard to the publication, and was told in the reply that,-- "i never had a difference with that gentleman, but on public ground, and my conduct towards him upon this occasion was such only, as i conceived myself indispensably bound to adopt in discharge of the public trust reposed in me. if this produced in him unfavorable sentiments of me, i yet can never consider the conduct i pursued, with respect to him, either wrong or improper, however i may regret that it may have been differently viewed by him and that it excited his censure and animadversions. should there appear in general lee's writings any thing injurious or unfriendly to me, the impartial and dispassionate world must decide how far i deserved it from the general tenor of my conduct." these attempts to undermine washington owed their real vitality to the continental congress, and it is safe to say that but for washington's political enemies no army rival would have ventured to push forward. in what the opposition in that body consisted, and to what length it went, are discussed elsewhere, but a glance at the reasons of hostility to him is proper here. john adams declared himself "sick of the fabian systems," and in writing of the thanksgiving for the saratoga convention, he said that "one cause of it ought to be that the glory of turning the tide of arms is not immediately due to the commander-in-chief.... if it had, idolatry and adulation would have been unbounded." james lovell asserted that "our affairs are fabiused into a very disagreeable posture," and wrote that "depend upon it for every ten soldiers placed under the command of our fabius, five recruits will be wanted annually during the war." william williams agreed with jonathan trumbull that the time had come when "a much exalted character should make way for a _general_" and suggested if this was not done "voluntarily," those to whom the public looked should "see to it." abraham clark thought "we may talk of the enemy's cruelty as we will, but we have no greater cruelty to complain of than the management of our army." jonathan d. sargent asserted that "we want a general--thousands of lives & millions of property are yearly sacrificed to the insufficiency of our commander-in-chief--two battles he has lost for us by two such blunders as might have disgraced a soldier of three months standing, and yet we are so attached to this man that i fear we shall rather sink with him than throw him off our shoulders. and sink we must under his management. such feebleness, & want of authority, such confusion & want of discipline, such waste, such destruction would exhaust the wealth of both the indies & annihilate the armies of all europe and asia." richard henry lee agreed with mifflin that gates was needed to "procure the indispensable changes in our army." other congressmen who were inimical to washington, either by openly expressed opinion or by vote, were elbridge gerry, samuel adams, william ellery, eliphalet dyer, roger sherman, samuel chase, and f.l. lee. later, when washington's position was more secure, gerry and r.h. lee wrote to him affirming their friendship, and to both the general replied without a suggestion of ill-feeling, nor does he seem, in later life, to have felt a trace of personal animosity towards any one of the men who had been in opposition to him in congress. of this enmity in the army and congress washington wrote,-- "it is easy to bear the first, and even the devices of private enemies whose ill will only arises from their common hatred to the cause we are engaged in, are to me tolerable; yet, i confess, i cannot help feeling the most painful sensations, whenever i have reason to believe i am the object of persecution to men, who are embarked in the same general interest, and whose friendship my heart does not reproach me with, ever having done any thing to forfeit. but with many, it is a sufficient cause to hate and wish the ruin of a man, because he has been happy enough, to be the object of _his country's_ favor." the political course of washington while president produced the alienation of the two virginians whom he most closely associated with himself in the early part of his administration. with madison the break does not seem to have come from any positive ill-feeling, but was rather an abandonment of intercourse as the differences of opinion became more pronounced. the disagreement with jefferson was more acute, though probably never forced to an open rupture. to his political friends jefferson in wrote that the measures pursued by the administration were carried out "under the sanction of a name which has done too much good not to be sufficient to cover harm also," and that he hoped the president's "honesty and his political errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, 'curse on his virtues, they've undone his country.'" henry lee warned washington of the undercurrent of criticism, and when jefferson heard indirectly of this he wrote his former chief that "i learn that [lee] has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares between you and me, by representing me as still engaged in the bustle of politics & in turbulence & intrigue against the government. i never believed for a moment that this could make any impression on you, or that your knowledge of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of my table." to this washington replied,-- "as you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid or friendly to conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion _i_ had conceived you entertained of me; that, to your particular friends and connexions you have described, and they have denounced me as a person under a dangerous influence; and that, if i would listen more to some _other_ opinions, all would be well. my answer invariably has been, that i had never discovered any thing in the conduct of mr. jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his insincerity; that, if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the _sole_ objects of my pursuit; that there was as many instances within his own knowledge of my having decided _against_ as in _favor_ of the opinions of the person evidently alluded to; and, i was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of _any man living_. in short that i was no party man myself and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them." as proof upon proof of jefferson's secret enmity accumulated, washington ceased to trust his disclaimers, and finally wrote to one of his informants, "nothing short of the evidence you have adduced, corroborative of intimations which i had received long before through another channel, could have shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friendship, which i had conceived as possessed for me by the person to whom you allude. but attempts to injure those, who are supposed to stand well in the estimation of the people, and are stumbling blocks in the way, by misrepresenting their political tenets, thereby to destroy all confidence in them, are among the means by which the government is to be assailed, and the constitution destroyed." once convinced, all relations with jefferson were terminated. it is interesting in this connection to note something repeated by madison, to the effect that "general lafayette related to me the following anecdote, which i shall repeat as nearly as i can in his own words. 'when i last saw mr. jefferson,' he observed, 'we conversed a good deal about general washington, and mr. jefferson expressed high admiration of his character. he remarked particularly that he and hamilton often disagreed when they were members of the cabinet, and that general washington would sometimes favor the opinion of one and sometimes the other, with an apparent strict impartiality. and mr. jefferson added that, so sound was washington's judgment, that he was commonly convinced afterwards of the accuracy of his decision, whether it accorded with the opinion he had himself first advanced or not.'" [illustration: earliest signature of washington] a third virginian who was almost as closely associated was edmund randolph. there had been a friendship with his father, until he turned tory and went to england, when, according to washington's belief, he wrote the "forged letters" which gave washington so much trouble. for the sake of the old friendship, however, he gave the son a position on his staff, and from that time was his friend and correspondent. in the first administration he was made attorney-general, and when jefferson retired from office he became secretary of state. in this position he was charged with political dishonesty. washington gave him a chance to explain, but instead he resigned from office and published what he called "a vindication," in which he charged the president with "prejudging," "concealment," and "want of generosity." continuing, he said, "never ... could i have believed that in addressing you ... i should use any other language than that of a friend. from my early period of life, i was taught to esteem you--as i advanced in years, i was habituated to revere you:--you strengthened my prepossessions by marks of attention." and in another place he acknowledged the weakness of his attack by saying, "still however, those very objections, the very reputation which you have acquired, will cause it to be asked, why you should be suspected of acting towards me, in any other manner, than deliberately, justly and even kindly?" in the preparation of this pamphlet randolph wrote the president a letter which the latter asserted was "full of innuendoes," and one statement in the pamphlet he denounced as being "as impudent and insolent an assertion as it is false." and his irritation at this treatment from one he had always befriended gave rise to an incident, narrated by james ross, at a breakfast at the president's, when "after a little while the secretary of war came in, and said to washington, 'have you seen mr. randolph's pamphlet?' 'i have,' said washington, 'and, by the eternal god, he is the damnedest liar on the face of the earth!' and as he spoke he brought his fist down upon the table with all his strength, and with a violence which made the cups and plates start from their places." fortunately, the attack was ineffective; indeed, hamilton wrote that "i consider it as amounting to a confession of guilt; and i am persuaded this will be the universal opinion. his attempts against you are viewed by all whom i have seen, as base. they will certainly fail of their aim, and will do good rather than harm, to the public cause and to yourself. it appears to me that, by you, no notice can be, or ought to be, taken of the publication. it contains its own antidote." not content with this double giving up of what to any man of honor was confidential, randolph, a little later, rested under washington's suspicions of a third time breaking the seal of official secrecy by sending a cabinet paper to the newspapers for no other purpose than to stir up feeling against washington. but after his former patron's death regret came, and randolph wrote to bushrod washington, "if i could now present myself before your venerated uncle it would be my pride to confess my contrition that i suffered my irritation, be the cause what it might, to use some of those expressions respecting him which, at this moment ... i wish to recall as being inconsistent with my subsequent convictions." another type of enemy, more or less the result of this differing with jefferson, madison, monroe, and randolph, was sundry editors and writers who gathered under their patronage and received aids of money or of secret information. one who prospered for a time by abusing washington was philip freneau. he was a college friend of madison's, and was induced to undertake the task by his and jefferson's urging, though the latter denied this later. as aid to the undertaking, jefferson, then secretary of state, gave freneau an office, and thus produced the curious condition of a clerk in the government writing and printing savage attacks on the president. washington was much irritated at the abuse, and jefferson in his "anas" said that he "was evidently sore & warm and i took his intention to be that i should interpose in some way with freneau, perhaps withdraw his appointment of translating clerk to my office. but i will not do it." according to the french minister, some of the worst of these articles were written by jefferson himself, and freneau is reported to have said, late in life, that many of them were written by the secretary of state. far more indecent was the paper conducted by benjamin franklin bache, who, early in the presidency, applied for a place in the government, which for some reason not now known was refused. according to cobbett, who hated him, "this ... scoundrel ... spent several years in hunting offices under the federal government, and being constantly rejected, he at last became its most bitter foe. hence his abuse of general washington, whom at the time he was soliciting a place he panegyrized up to the third heaven." certain it is that under his editorship the _general advertiser_ and _aurora_ took the lead in all criticisms of washington, and not content with these opportunities for daily and weekly abuse, bache (though the fact that they were forgeries was notorious) reprinted the "spurious letters which issued from a certain press in new york during the war, with a view to destroy the confidence which the army and community might have had in my political principles,--and which have lately been republished with greater avidity and perseverance than ever, by mr. bache to answer the same nefarious purpose with the latter," and washington added that "immense pains has been taken by this said mr. bache, who is no more than the agent or tool of those who are endeavoring to destroy the confidence of the people, in the officers of government (chosen by themselves) to disseminate these counterfeit letters." in addition bache wrote a pamphlet, with the avowal that "the design of these remarks is to prove the want of claim in mr. washington either to the gratitude or confidence of his country.... our chief object ... is to _destroy undue impressions in favor of mr. washington_." accordingly it charged that washington was "treacherous," "mischievous," "inefficient;" dwelt upon his "farce of disinterestedness," his "stately journeyings through the american continent in search of personal incense," his "ostentatious professions of piety," his "pusillanimous neglect," his "little passions," his "ingratitude," his "want of merit," his "insignificance," and his "spurious fame." the successor of bache as editor of these two journals, william duane, came to the office with an equal hatred of washington, having already written a savage pamphlet against him. in this the president was charged with "treacherous mazes of passion," and with having "discharged the loathings of a sick mind." furthermore it asserted "that had you obtained promotion ... after braddock's defeat, your sword would have been drawn against your country," that washington "retained the barbarous usages of the feudal system and kept men in livery," and that "posterity will in vain search for the monuments of wisdom in your administration;" the purpose of the pamphlet, by the author's own statement, being "to expose the _personal idolatry_ into which we have been heedlessly running," and to show the people the "fallibility of the most favored of men." a fourth in this quartet of editors was the notorious james thomson callender, whose publications were numerous, as were also his impeachments against washington. by his own account, this writer maintained, "mr. washington has been twice a traitor," has "authorized the robbery and ruin of the remnants of his own army," has "broke the constitution," and callender fumes over "the vileness of the adulation which has been paid" to him, claiming that "the extravagant popularity possessed by this citizen reflects the utmost ridicule on the discernment of america." the bitterest attack, however, was penned by thomas paine. for many years there was good feeling between the two, and in , when paine was in financial distress, washington used his influence to secure him a position "out of friendship for me," as paine acknowledged. furthermore, washington tried to get the virginia legislature to pension paine or give him a grant of land, an endeavor for which the latter was "exceedingly obliged." when paine published his "rights of man" he dedicated it to washington, with an inscription dwelling on his "exemplary virtue" and his "benevolence;" while in the body of the work he asserted that no monarch of europe had a character to compare with washington's, which was such as to "put all those men called kings to shame." shortly after this, however, washington refused to appoint him postmaster-general; and still later, when paine had involved himself with the french, the president, after consideration, decided that governmental interference was not proper. enraged by these two acts, paine published a pamphlet in which he charged washington with "encouraging and swallowing the greatest adulation," with being "the patron of fraud," with a "mean and servile submission to the insults of one nation, treachery and ingratitude to another," with "falsehood," "ingratitude," and "pusillanimity;" and finally, after alleging that the general had not "served america with more disinterestedness or greater zeal, than myself, and i know not if with better effect," paine closed his attack by the assertion, "and as to you, sir, _treacherous in private friendship_, and a _hypocrite_ in public life, the world will be puzzled to decide, whether you are an _apostate_ or an _impostor_; whether you have _abandoned good principles_, or whether _you ever had any?_" washington never, in any situation, took public notice of these attacks, and he wrote of a possible one, "i am gliding down the stream of life, and wish, as is natural, that my remaining days may be undisturbed and tranquil; and, conscious of my integrity, i would willingly hope, that nothing would occur tending to give me anxiety; but should anything present itself in this or any other publication, i shall never undertake the painful task of recrimination, nor do i know that i should even enter upon my justification." to a friend he said, "my temper leads me to peace and harmony with all men; and it is peculiarly my wish to avoid any feuds or dissentions with those who are embarked in the same great national interest with myself; as every difference of this kind must in its consequence be very injurious." xi soldier "my inclinations," wrote washington at twenty-three, "are strongly bent to arms," and the tendency was a natural one, coming not merely from his indian-fighting great-grandfather, but from his elder brother lawrence, who had held a king's commission in the carthagena expedition, and was one of the few officers who gained repute in that ill-fated attempt. at mount vernon george must have heard much of fighting as a lad, and when the ill health of lawrence compelled resignation of command of the district militia, the younger brother succeeded to the adjutancy. this quickly led to the command of the first virginia regiment when the french and indian war was brewing. twice washington resigned in disgust during the course of the war, but each time his natural bent, or "glowing zeal," as he phrased it, drew him back into the service. the moment the news of lexington reached virginia he took the lead in organizing an armed force, and in the virginia convention of , according to lynch, he "made the most eloquent speech ... that ever was made. says he, 'i will raise one thousand men, enlist them at my own expense, and march myself at their head for the relief of boston.'" at fifty-three, in speaking of war, washington said, "my first wish is to see this plague to mankind banished from off the earth;" but during his whole life, when there was fighting to be done, he was among those who volunteered for the service. the personal courage of the man was very great. jefferson, indeed, said "he was incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern." before he had ever been in action, he noted of a certain position that it was "a charming field for an encounter," and his first engagement he described as follows: "i fortunately escaped without any wound, for the right wing, where i stood, was exposed to and received all the enemy's fire, and it was the part where the man was killed, and the rest wounded. i heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." in his second battle, though he knew that he was "to be attacked and by unequal numbers," he promised beforehand to "withstand" them "if there are five to one," adding, "i doubt not, but if you hear i am beaten, but you will, at the same [time,] hear that we have done our duty, in fighting as long [as] there was a possibility of hope," and in this he was as good as his word. when sickness detained him in the braddock march, he halted only on condition that he should receive timely notice of when the fighting was to begin, and in that engagement he exposed himself so that "i had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, altho' death was levelling my companions on every side of me!" not content with such an experience, in the second march on fort duquesne he "prayed" the interest of a friend to have his regiment part of the "light troops" that were to push forward in advance of the main army. the same carelessness of personal danger was shown all through the revolution. at the battle of brooklyn, on new york island, at trenton, germantown, and monmouth, he exposed himself to the enemy's fire, and at the siege of yorktown an eyewitness relates that "during the assault, the british kept up an incessant firing of cannon and musketry from their whole line. his excellency general washington, generals lincoln and knox with their aids, having dismounted, were standing in an exposed situation waiting the result. colonel cobb, one of general washington's aids, solicitous for his safety, said to his excellency, 'sir, you are too much exposed here, had you not better step back a little?' 'colonel cobb,' replied his excellency, 'if you are afraid, you have liberty to step back.'" it is no cause for wonder that an officer wrote, "our army love their general very much, but they have one thing against him, which is the little care he takes of himself in any action. his personal bravery, and the desire he has of animating his troops by example, make him fearless of danger. this occasions us much uneasiness." [illustration: washington's transcript of the rules of civility, circa ] this fearlessness was equally shown by his hatred and, indeed, non-comprehension of cowardice. in his first battle, upon the french surrendering, he wrote to the governor, "if the whole detach't of the french behave with no more resolution than this chosen party did, i flatter myself we shall have no g't trouble in driving them to the d---." at braddock's defeat, though the regiment he had commanded "behaved like men and died like soldiers," he could hardly find words to express his contempt for the conduct of the british "cowardly regulars," writing of their "dastardly behavior" when they "broke and ran as sheep before hounds," and raging over being "most scandalously" and "shamefully beaten." when the british first landed on new york island, and two new england brigades ran away from "a small party of the enemy," numbering about fifty, without firing a shot, he completely lost his self-control at their "dastardly behavior," and riding in among them, it is related, he laid his cane over the officers' backs, "damned them for cowardly rascals," and, drawing his sword, struck the soldiers right and left with the flat of it, while snapping his pistols at them. greene states that the fugitives "left his excellency on the ground within eighty yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than life," and gordon adds that the general was only saved from his "hazardous position" by his aides, who "caught the bridle of his horse and gave him a different direction." at monmouth an aide stated that when he met a man running away he was "exasperated ... and threatened the man ... he would have him whipped," and general scott says that on finding lee retreating, "he swore like an angel from heaven." wherever in his letters he alludes to cowardice it is nearly always coupled with the adjectives "infamous," "scandalous," or others equally indicative of loss of temper. there can be no doubt that washington had a high temper. hamilton's allusion to his not being remarkable for "good temper" has already been quoted, as has also stuart's remark that "all his features were indicative of the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forests, he would have been the fiercest man among the savage tribes." again stuart is quoted by his daughter as follows: "while talking one day with general lee, my father happened to remark that washington had a tremendous temper, but held it under wonderful control. general lee breakfasted with the president and mrs. washington a few days afterwards. "'i saw your portrait the other day,' said the general, 'but stuart says you have a tremendous temper.' "'upon my word,' said mrs. washington, coloring, 'mr. stuart takes a great deal upon himself to make such a remark.' "'but stay, my dear lady,' said general lee, 'he added that the president had it under wonderful control.' "with something like a smile, general washington remarked, 'he is right.'" lear, too, mentions an outburst of temper when he heard of the defeat of st. clair, and elsewhere records that in reading politics aloud to washington "he appeared much affected, and spoke with some degree of asperity on the subject, which i endeavored to moderate, as i always did on such occasions." how he swore at randolph and at freneau is mentioned elsewhere. jefferson is evidence that "his temper was naturally irritable and high-toned, but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendency over it. if however it broke its bonds, he was most tremendous in his wrath." strikingly at variance with these personal qualities of courage and hot blood is the "fabian" policy for which he is so generally credited, and a study of his military career goes far to dispel the conception that washington was the cautious commander that he is usually pictured. in the first campaign, though near a vastly superior french force, washington precipitated the conflict by attacking and capturing an advance party, though the delay of a few days would have brought him large reinforcements. as a consequence he was very quickly surrounded, and after a day's fighting was compelled to surrender. in what light his conduct was viewed at the time is shown in two letters, dr. william smith writing, "the british cause,... has received a fatal blow by the entire defeat of washington, whom i cannot but accuse of foolhardiness to have ventured so near a vigilant enemy without being certain of their numbers, or waiting for junction of some hundreds of our best forces, who are within a few days' march of him," and ann willing echoed this by saying, "the melancholy news has just arrived of the loss of sixty men belonging to col. washington's company, who were killed on the spot, and of the colonel and half-king being taken prisoners, all owing to the obstinacy of washington, who would not wait for the arrival of reinforcements." hardly less venturesome was he in the braddock campaign, for "the general (before they met in council,) asked my opinion concerning the expedition. i urged it, in the warmest terms i was able, to push forward, if we even did it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery and light stores as were absolutely necessary; leaving the heavy artillery, baggage, &c. with the rear division of the army, to follow by slow and easy marches, which they might do safely, while we were advanced in front." how far the defeat of that force was due to the division thus urged it is not possible to say, but it undoubtedly made the french bolder and the english more subject to panic. the same spirit was manifested in the revolution. during the siege of boston he wrote to reed, "i proposed [an assault] in council; but behold, though we had been waiting all the year for this favorable event the enterprise was thought too dangerous. perhaps it was; perhaps the irksomeness of my situation led me to undertake more than could be warranted by prudence. i did not think so, and i am sure yet, that the enterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolution, must have succeeded." he added that "the enclosed council of war:... being almost unanimous, i must suppose it to be right; although, from a thorough conviction of the necessity of attempting something against the ministerial troops before a reinforcement should arrive, and while we were favored with the ice, i was not only ready but willing, and desirous of making the assault," and a little later he said that had he but foreseen certain contingencies "all the generals upon earth should not have convinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon boston." in the defence of new york there was no chance to attack, but even when our lines at brooklyn had been broken and the best brigades in the army captured, washington hurried troops across the river, and intended to contest the ground, ordering a retreat only when it was voted in the affirmative by a council of war. at harlem plains he was the attacking party. how with a handful of troops he turned the tide of defeat by attacking at trenton and princeton is too well known to need recital. at germantown, too, though having but a few days before suffered defeat, he attacked and well-nigh won a brilliant victory, because the british officers did not dream that his vanquished army could possibly take the initiative. when the foe settled down into winter quarters in philadelphia laurens wrote, "our commander-in-chief wishing ardently to gratify the public expectation by making an attack upon the enemy ... went yesterday to view the works." on submitting the project to a council, however, they stood eleven to four against the attempt. the most marked instance of washington's un-fabian preferences, and proof of the old saying that "councils of war never fight," is furnished in the occurrences connected with the battle of monmouth. when the british began their retreat across new jersey, according to hamilton "the general unluckily called a council of war, the result of which would have done honor to the most honorable society of mid-wives and to them only. the purport was, that we should keep at a comfortable distance from the enemy, and keep up a vain parade of annoying them by detachment ... the general, on mature reconsideration of what had been resolved on, determined to pursue a different line of conduct at all hazards." concerning this decision pickering wrote,-- "his great caution in respect to the enemy, acquired him the name of the american fabius. from this _governing_ policy he is said to have departed, when" at monmouth he "indulged the most anxious desire to close with his antagonist in general action. opposed to his wishes was the advice of his general officers. to this he for a time yielded; but as soon as he discovered that the enemy had reached monmouth court house, not more than twelve miles from the heights of middletown, he determined that he should not escape without a blow." pickering considered this a "departure" from washington's "usual practice and policy," and cites wadsworth, who said, in reference to the battle of monmouth, that the general appeared, on that occasion, "to act from the impulses of his own mind." thrice during the next three years plans for an attack on the enemy's lines at new york were matured, one of which had to be abandoned because the british had timely notice of it by the treachery of an american general, a second because the other generals disapproved the attempt, and, on the authority of humphreys, "the accidental intervention of some vessels prevented [another] attempt, which was more than once resumed afterwards. notwithstanding this favorite project was not ultimately effected, it was evidently not less bold in conception or feasible in accomplishment, than that attempted so successfully at trenton, or than that which was brought to so glorious an issue in the successful siege of yorktown." as this _résumé_ indicates, the most noticeable trait of washington's military career was a tendency to surrender his own opinions and wishes to those over whom he had been placed, and this resulted in a general agreement not merely that he was disposed to avoid action, but that he lacked decision. thus his own aide, reed, in obvious contrast to washington, praised lee because "you have decision, a quality often wanted in minds otherwise valuable," continuing, "oh! general, an indecisive mind is one of the greatest misfortunes that can befall an army; how often have i lamented it this campaign," and lee in reply alluded to "that fatal indecision of mind." pickering relates meeting general greene and saying to him, "'i had once conceived an exalted opinion of general washington's military talents; but since i have been with the army, i have seen nothing to increase that opinion.' greene answered, 'why, the general does want decision: for my part, i decide in a moment.' i used the word 'increase,' though i meant 'support,' but did not dare speak it." wayne exclaimed "if our worthy general will but follow his own good judgment without listening too much to some counsel!" edward thornton, probably repeating the prevailing public estimate of the time rather than his own conclusion, said, "a certain degree of indecision, however, a want of vigor and energy, may be observed in some of his actions, and are indeed the obvious result of too refined caution." undoubtedly this leaning on others and the want of decision were not merely due to a constitutional mistrust of his own ability, but also in a measure to real lack of knowledge. the french and indian war, being almost wholly "bush-fighting," was not of a kind to teach strategic warfare, and in his speech accepting the command washington requested that "it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that i this day declare with the utmost sincerity i do not think myself equal to the command i am honored with." indeed, he very well described himself and his generals when he wrote of one officer, "his wants are common to us all--the want of experience to move upon a large scale, for the limited and contracted knowledge, which any of us have in military matters, stands in very little stead." there can be no question that in most of the "field" engagements of the revolution washington was out-generalled by the british, and jefferson made a just distinction when he spoke of his having often "failed in the field, and rarely against an enemy in station, as at boston and york." the lack of great military genius in the commander-in-chief has led british writers to ascribe the results of the war to the want of ability in their own generals, their view being well summed up by a writer in , who said, "in short, i am of the opinion ... that any other general in the world than general howe would have beaten general washington; and any other general in the world than general washington would have beaten general howe." this is, in effect, to overlook the true nature of the contest, for it was their very victories that defeated the british. they conquered new jersey, to meet defeat; they captured philadelphia, only to find it a danger; they established posts in north carolina, only to abandon them; they overran virginia, to lay down their arms at yorktown. as washington early in the war divined, the revolution was "a war of posts," and he urged the danger of "dividing and subdividing our force too much [so that] we shall have no one post sufficiently guarded," saying, "it is a military observation strongly supported by experience, 'that a superior army may fall a sacrifice to an inferior, by an injudicious division.'" it was exactly this which defeated the british; every conquest they made weakened their force, and the war was not a third through when washington said, "i am well convinced myself, that the enemy, long ere this, are perfectly well satisfied, that the possession of our towns, while we have an army in the field, will avail them little." as franklin said, when the news was announced that howe had captured philadelphia, "no, philadelphia has captured howe." the problem of the revolution was not one of military strategy, but of keeping an army in existence, and it was in this that the commander-in-chief's great ability showed itself. the british could and did repeatedly beat the continental army, but they could not beat the general, and so long as he was in the field there was a rallying ground for whatever fighting spirit there was. the difficulty of this task can hardly be over-magnified. when washington assumed command of the forces before boston, he "found a mixed multitude of people ... under very little discipline, order, or government," and "confusion and disorder reigned in every department, which, in a little time, must have ended either in the separation of the army or fatal contests with one another." before he was well in the saddle his general officers were quarrelling over rank, and resigning; there was such a scarcity of powder that it was out of the question for some months to do anything; and the british sent people infected with small-pox to the continental army, with a consequent outbreak of that pest. hardly had he brought order out of chaos when the army he had taken such pains to discipline began to melt away, having been by political folly recruited for short terms, and the work was to be all done over. again and again during the war regiments which had been enlisted for short periods left him at the most critical moment. very typical occurrences he himself tells of, when connecticut troops could "not be prevailed upon to stay longer than their term (saving those who have enlisted for the next campaign, and mostly on furlough), and such a dirty, mercenary spirit pervades the whole, that i should not be at all surprised at any disaster that may happen," and when he described how in his retreat through new jersey, "the militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies at a time." another instance of this evil occurred when "the continental regiments from the eastern governments ... agreed to stay six weeks beyond their term of enlistment.... for this extraordinary mark of their attachment to their country, i have agreed to give them a bounty of ten dollars per man, besides their pay running on." the men took the bounty, and nearly one-half went off a few days after. nor was this the only evil of the policy of short enlistments. another was that the new troops not merely were green soldiers, but were without discipline. at new york tilghman wrote that after the battle of brooklyn the "eastern" soldiers were "plundering everything that comes in their way," and washington in describing the condition said, "every hour brings the most distressing complaints of the ravages of our own troops who are become infinitely more formidable to the poor farmers and inhabitants than the common enemy. horses are taken out of the continental teams; the baggage of officers and the hospital stores, even the quarters of general officers are not exempt from rapine." at the most critical moment of the war the new jersey militia not merely deserted, but captured and took with them nearly the whole stores of the army. as the general truly wrote, "the dependence which the congress have placed upon the militia, has already greatly injured, and i fear will totally ruin our cause. being subject to no controul themselves, they introduce disorder among the troops, whom you have attempted to discipline, while the change in their living brings on sickness; this makes them impatient to get home, which spreads universally, and introduces abominable desertions." "the collecting militia," he said elsewhere, "depends entirely upon the prospects of the day. if favorable they throng in to you; if not, they will not move." to make matters worse, politics were allowed to play a prominent part in the selection of officers, and washington complained that "the different states [were], without regard to the qualifications of an officer, quarrelling about the appointments, and nominating such as are not fit to be shoeblacks, from the attachments of this or that member of assembly." as a result, so he wrote of new england, "their officers are generally of the lowest class of the people; and, instead of setting a good example to their men, are leading them into every kind of mischief, one species of which is plundering the inhabitants, under the pretence of their being tories." to this political motive he himself would not yield, and a sample of his appointments was given when a man was named "because he stands unconnected with either of these governments; or with this, or that or tother man; for between you and me there is more in this than you can easily imagine," and he asserted that "i will not have any gentn. introduced from family connexion, or local attachments, to the prejudice of the service." to misbehaving soldiers washington showed little mercy. in his first service he had deserters and plunderers "flogged," and threatened that if he could "lay hands" on one particular culprit, "i would try the effect of lashes." at another time he had "a gallows near feet high erected (which has terrified the _rest_ exceedingly) and i am determined if i can be justified in the proceeding, to hang two or three on it, as an example to others." when he took command of the continental army he "made a pretty good slam among such kind of officers as the massachusetts government abound in since i came to this camp, having broke one colo, and two captains for cowardly behavior in the action on bunker's hill,--two captains for drawing more provisions and pay than they had men in their company--and one for being absent from his post when the enemy appeared there and burnt a house just by it besides these, i have at this time--one colo., one major, one captn., & two subalterns under arrest for tryal--in short i spare none yet fear it will not at all do as these people seem to be too inattentive to every thing but their interest" "i am sorry," he wrote, "to be under a necessity of making frequent examples among the officers," but "as nothing can be more fatal to an army, than crimes of this kind, i am determined by every motive of reward and punishment to prevent them in future." even when plundering was avoided there were short commons for those who clung to the general. the commander-in-chief wrote congress that "they have often, very often, been reduced to the necessity of eating salt porke, or beef not for a day, or a week but months together without vegetables, or money to buy them;" and again, he complained that "the soldiers [were forced to] eat every kind of horse food but hay. buckwheat, common wheat, rye and indn. corn was the composition of the meal which made their bread. as an army they bore it, [but] accompanied by the want of cloaths, blankets, &c., will produce frequent desertions in all armies and so it happens with us, tho' it did not excite a mutiny." even the horses suffered, and washington wrote to the quartermaster-general, "sir, my horses i am told have not had a mouthful of long or short forage for three days. they have eaten up their mangers and are now, (though wanted for immediate use,) scarcely able to stand." two results were sickness and discontent. at times one-fourth of the soldiers were on the sick-list. three times portions of the army mutinied, and nothing but washington's influence prevented the disorder from spreading. at the end of the war, when, according to hamilton, "the army had secretly determined not to lay down their arms until due provision and a satisfactory prospect should be offered on the subject of their pay," the commander-in-chief urged congress to do them justice, writing, "the fortitude--the long, & great suffering of this army is unexampled in history; but there is an end to all things & i fear we are very near to this. which, more than probably will oblige me to stick very close to my flock this winter, & try like a careful physician, to prevent, if possible, the disorders getting to an incurable height." in this he judged rightly, for by his influence alone was the army prevented from adopting other than peaceful measures to secure itself justice. a chief part of these difficulties the continental congress is directly responsible for, and the reason for their conduct is to be found largely in the circumstances of washington's appointment to the command. [illustration: life mask of washington] when the second congress met, in may, , the battle of lexington had been fought, and twenty thousand minute-men were assembled about boston. to pay and feed such a horde was wholly beyond the ability of new england, and her delegates came to the congress bent upon getting that body to assume the expense, or, as the provincial congress of massachusetts naively put it, "we have the greatest confidence in the wisdom and ability of the continent to support us." the other colonies saw this in a different light. massachusetts, without our advice, has begun a war and embodied an army; let massachusetts pay her own bills, was their point of view. "i have found this congress like the last," wrote john adams. "when we first came together, i found a strong jealousy of us from new england, and the massachusettes in particular, suspicions entertained of designs of independency, an american republic, presbyterian principles, and twenty other things. our sentiments were heard in congress with great caution, and seemed to make but little impression." yet "every post brought me letters from my friends ... urging in pathetic terms the impossibility of keeping their men together without the assistance of congress." "i was daily urging all these things, but we were embarrassed with more than one difficulty, not only with the party in favor of the petition to the king, and the party who were zealous of independence, but a third party, which was a southern party against a northern, and a jealousy against a new england army under the command of a new england general." under these circumstances a political deal was resorted to, and virginia was offered by john and samuel adams, as the price of an adoption and support of the new england army, the appointment of commander-in-chief, though the offer was not made with over-good grace, and only because "we could carry nothing without conceding it." there was some dissension among the virginia delegates as to who should receive the appointment, washington himself recommending an old companion in arms, general andrew lewis, and "more than one," adams says of the virginia delegates, were "very cool about the appointment of washington, and particularly mr. pendleton was very clear and full against it" washington himself said the appointment was due to "partiality of the congress, joined to a political motive;" and, hard as it is to realize, it was only the grinding political necessity of the new england colonies which secured to washington the place for which in the light of to-day he seems to have been created. as a matter of course, there was not the strongest liking felt for the general thus chosen by the new england delegates, and this was steadily lessened by washington's frank criticism of the new england soldiers and officers already noticed. equally bitter to the new england delegates and their allies were certain army measures that washington pressed upon the attention of congress. he urged and urged that the troops should be enlisted for the war, that promotions should be made from the army as a whole, and not from the colony- or state-line alone, and most unpopular of all, that since continental soldiers could not otherwise be obtained, a bounty should be given to secure them, and that as compensation for their inadequate pay half-pay should be given them after the war. he eventually carried these points, but at the price of an entire alienation of the democratic party in the congress, who wished to have the war fought with militia, to have all the officers elected annually, and to whom the very suggestion of pensions was like a red rag to a bull. a part of their motive in this was unquestionably to prevent the danger of a standing army, and of allowing the commander-in-chief to become popular with the soldiers. very early in the war washington noted "the _jealousy_ which congress unhappily entertain of the army, and which, if reports are right, some members labor to establish." and he complained that "i see a distrust and jealousy of military power, that the commander-in-chief has not an opportunity, even by recommendation, to give the least assurance of reward for the most essential services." the french minister told his government that when a committee was appointed to institute certain army reforms, delegates in congress "insisted on the danger of associating the commander-in-chief with it, whose influence, it was stated, was already too great," and when france sent money to aid the american cause, with the provision that it should be subject to the order of the general, it aroused, a writer states, "the jealousy of congress, the members of which were not satisfied that the head of the army should possess such an agency in addition to his military power." his enemies in the congress took various means to lessen his influence and mortify him. burke states that in the discussion of one question "jersey, pennsylvania, north carolina, and south carolina voted for expunging it; the four eastern states, virginia and georgia for retaining it. there appeared through this whole debate a great desire, in some of the delegates from the eastern states, and in one from new jersey, to insult the general," and a little later the congress passed a "resolve which," according to james lovell, "was meant to rap a demi g--over the knuckles." nor was it by commission, but as well by omission, that they showed their ill feeling. john laurens told his father that "there is a conduct observed towards" the general "by certain great men, which as it is humiliating, must abate his happiness.... the commander in chief of this army is not sufficiently informed of all that is known by congress of european affairs. is it not a galling circumstance, for him to collect the most important intelligence piecemeal, and as they choose to give it, from gentlemen who come from york? apart from the chagrin which he must necessarily feel at such an appearance of slight, it should be considered that in order to settle his plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, he should take into view the present state of european affairs, and congress should not leave him in the dark." furthermore, as already noted, washington was criticised for his fabian policy, and in his indignation he wrote to congress, "i am informed that it is a matter of amazement, and that reflections have been thrown out against this army, for not being more active and enterprising than, in the opinion of some, they ought to have been. if the charge is just, the best way to account for it will be to refer you to the returns of our strength, and those which i can produce of the enemy, and to the enclosed abstract of the clothing now actually wanting for the army." "i can assure those gentlemen," he said, in reply to political criticism, "that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets." the ill feeling did not end with insults. with the defeats of the years and it gathered force, and towards the end of the latter year it crystallized in what has been known in history as the conway cabal. the story of this conspiracy is so involved in shadow that little is known concerning its adherents or its endeavors. but in a general way it has been discovered that the new england delegates again sought the aid of the lee faction in virginia, and that this coalition, with the aid of such votes as they could obtain, schemed several methods which should lessen the influence of washington, if they did not force him to resign. separate and detached commands were created, which were made independent of the commander-in-chief, and for this purpose even a scheme which the general called "a child of folly" was undertaken. officers notoriously inimical to washington, yet upon whom he would be forced to rely, were promoted. a board of war made up of his enemies, with powers "in effect paramount," hamilton says, "to those of the commander-in-chief," was created it is even asserted that it was moved in congress that a committee should be appointed to arrest washington, which was defeated only by the timely arrival of a new delegate, by which the balance of power was lost to the cabal. even with the collapse of the army cabal the opposition in congress was maintained. "i am very confident," wrote general greene, "that there is party business going on again, and, as mifflin is connected with it, i doubt not its being a revival of the old scheme;" again writing, "general schuyler and others consider it a plan of mifflin's to injure your excellency's operations. i am now fully convinced of the reality of what i suggested to you before i came away." in john sullivan, then a member of congress, wrote,-- "permit me to inform your excellency, that the faction raised against you in , is not yet destroyed. the members are waiting to collect strength, and seize some favorable moment to appear in force. i speak not from conjecture, but from certain knowledge. their plan is to take every method of proving the danger arising from a commander, who enjoys the full and unlimited confidence of his army, and alarm the people with the prospects of imaginary evils; nay, they will endeavor to convert your virtue into arrows, with which, they will seek to wound you." but washington could not be forced into a resignation, ill-treat and slight him as they would, and at no time were they strong enough to vote him out of office. for once a congressional "deal" between new england and virginia did not succeed, and as washington himself wrote, "i have a good deal of reason to believe that the machination of this junto will recoil on their own heads, and be a means of bringing some matters to light which by getting me out of the way, some of them thought to conceal," in this he was right, for the re-elections of both samuel adams and richard henry lee were put in danger, and for some time they were discredited even in their own colonies. "i have happily had," washington said to a correspondent, "but few differences with those with whom i have had the honor of being connected in the service. with whom, and of what nature these have been, you know. i bore much for the sake of peace and the public good" as is well known, washington served without pay during his eight years of command, and, as he said, "fifty thousand pounds would not induce me again to undergo what i have done." no wonder he declared "that the god of armies may incline the hearts of my american brethren to support the present contest, and bestow sufficient abilities on me to bring it to a speedy and happy conclusion, thereby enabling me to sink into sweet retirement, and the full enjoyment of that peace and happiness, which will accompany a domestic life, is the first wish and most fervent prayer of my soul." the day finally came when his work was finished, and he could be, as he phrased it, "translated into a private citizen." marshall describes the scene as follows: "at noon, the principal officers of the army assembled at frances' tavern; soon after which, their beloved commander entered the room. his emotions were too strong to be concealed. filling a glass, he turned to them and said, 'with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you; i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' having drunk, he added, 'i cannot come to each of you to take my leave; but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand.' general knox, being nearest, turned to him. incapable of utterance, washington grasped his hand, and embraced him. in the same affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. in every eye was the tear of dignified sensibility, and not a word was articulated to interrupt the majestic silence, and the tenderness of the scene. leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to whitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to powles-hook. the whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenance ... having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu." xii citizen and office-holder washington became a government servant before he became a voter, by receiving in , or when he was seventeen years of age, the appointment of official surveyor of culpepper county, the salary of which, according to boucher, was about fifty pounds virginia currency a year. the office was certainly not a very fat berth, for it required the holder to live in a frontier county, to travel at times, as washington in his journal noted, over "ye worst road that ever was trod by man or beast," to sometimes lie on straw, which once "catch'd a fire," and we "was luckily preserved by one of our mens waking," sometimes under a tent, which occasionally "was carried quite of[f] with ye wind and" we "was obliged to lie ye latter part of ye night without covering," and at other times driven from under the tent by smoke. indeed, one period of surveying washington described to a friend by writing,-- "[since] october last i have not sleep'd above three nights or four in a bed but after walking a good deal all the day lay down before the fire upon a little hay straw fodder or bearskin which-ever is to be had with man wife and children like a parcel of dogs or catts & happy's he that gets the birth nearest the fire there's nothing would make it pass of tolerably but a good reward a dubbleloon is my constant gain every day that the weather will permit my going out and some time six pistoles the coldness of the weather will not allow my making a long stay as the lodging is rather too cold for the time of year. i have never had my cloths of but lay and sleep in them like a negro except the few nights i have lay'n in frederick town." in , when he was nineteen, washington bettered his lot by becoming adjutant of one of the four military districts of virginia, with a salary of one hundred pounds and a far less toilsome occupation. this in turn led up to his military appointment in , which he held almost continuously till , when he resigned from the service. next to a position on the virginia council, a seat in the house of burgesses, or lower branch of the legislature, was most sought, and this position had been held by washington's great-grandfather, father, and elder brother. it was only natural, therefore, that in becoming the head of the family george should desire the position. as early as , while on the frontier, he wrote to his brother in charge of mount vernon inquiring about the election to be held in the county, and asking him to "come at colo fairfax's intentions, and let me know whether he purposes to offer himself as a candidate." "if he does not, i should be glad to take a poll, if i thought my chance tolerably good." his friend carlyle, washington wrote, had "mentioned it to me in williamsburg in a bantering way," and he begged his brother to "discover major carlyle's real sentiments on this head," as also those of the other prominent men of the county, and especially of the clergymen. "_sound_ their pulse," he wrote, "with an air of indifference and unconcern ... without disclosing much of _mine_." "if they seem inclinable to promote my interest, and things should be drawing to a crisis, you may declare my intention and beg their assistance. if on the contrary you find them more inclined to favor some other, i would have the affair entirely dropped." apparently the county magnates disapproved, for washington did not stand for the county. in an election for burgesses was held in frederick county, in which washington then was (with his soldiers), and for which he offered himself as a candidate. the act was hardly a wise one, for, though he had saved winchester and the surrounding country from being overrun by the indians, he was not popular. not merely was he held responsible for the massacres of outlying inhabitants, whom it was impossible to protect, but in this very defence he had given cause for ill-feeling. he himself confessed that he had several times "strained the law,"--he had been forced to impress the horses and wagons of the district, and had in other ways so angered some of the people that they had threatened "to blow out my brains." but he had been guilty of a far worse crime still in a political sense. virginia elections were based on liquor, and washington had written to the governor, representing "the great nuisance the number of tippling houses in winchester are to the soldiers, who by this means, in spite of the utmost care and vigilance, are, so long as their pay holds, incessantly drunk and unfit for service," and he wished that "the new commission for this county may have the intended effect," for "the number of tippling houses kept here is a great grievance." as already noted, the virginia regiment was accused in the papers of drunkenness, and under the sting of that accusation washington declared war on the publicans. he whipped his men when they became drunk, kept them away from the ordinaries, and even closed by force one tavern which was especially culpable. "were it not too tedious," he wrote the governor, "i cou'd give your honor such instances of the villainous behavior of those tippling house-keepers, as wou'd astonish any person." the conduct was admirable, but it was not good politics, and as soon as he offered himself as a candidate, the saloon element, under the leadership of one lindsay, whose family were tavern-keepers in winchester for at least one hundred years, united to oppose him. against the would-be burgess they set up one captain thomas swearingen, whom washington later described as "a man of great weight among the meaner class of people, and supposed by them to possess extensive knowledge." as a result, the poll showed swearingen elected by two hundred and seventy votes, and washington defeated with but forty ballots. this sharp experience in practical politics seems to have taught the young candidate a lesson, for when a new election came in he took a leaf from his enemy's book, and fought them with their own weapons. the friendly aid of the county boss, colonel john wood, was secured, as also that of gabriel jones, a man of much local force and popularity. scarcely less important were the sinews of war employed, told of in the following detailed account. a law at that time stood on the virginia statutes forbidding all treating or giving of what were called "ticklers" to the voters, and declaring illegal all elections which were thus influenced. none the less, the voters of frederick enjoyed at washington's charge-- gallons of rum punch @ / pr. galn gallons of wine @ / pr. galn dinner for your friends - / gallons of wine @ / - / pts. of brandy @ / - / galls. beer @ / qts. cyder royl @ / punch gallns. of strong beer @ d pr. gall hhd & barrell of punch, consisting of gals. best barbadoes rum, / lbs. s. refd. sugar / galls. and quarts of beer @ / pr. gall bowls of punch @ / each half pints of rum @ - / d. each - / pint of wine after the election was over, washington wrote wood that "i hope no exception was taken to any that voted against me, but that all were alike treated, and all had enough. my only fear is that you spent with too sparing a hand." it is hardly necessary to say that such methods reversed the former election; washington secured three hundred and ten votes, and swearingen received forty-five. what is more, so far from now threatening to blow out his brains, there was "a general applause and huzzaing for colonel washington." from this time until he took command of the army washington was a burgess. once again he was elected from frederick county, and then, in , he stood for fairfax, in which mount vernon was located. here he received two hundred and eight votes, his colleague getting but one hundred and forty-eight, and in the election of he received one hundred and eighty-five, and his colleague only one hundred and forty-two. washington spent between forty and seventy-five pounds at each of these elections, and usually gave a ball to the voters on the night he was chosen. some of the miscellaneous election expenses noted in his ledger are, " gallons of strong beer," " do. of ale," "£ . . . to mr. john muir for his fiddler," and "for cakes at the election £ . . ." the first duty which fell to the new burgess was service on a committee to draught a law to prevent hogs from running at large in winchester. he was very regular in his attendance; and though he took little part in the proceedings, yet in some way he made his influence felt, so that when the time came to elect deputies to the first congress he stood third in order among the seven appointed to attend that body, and a year later, in the delegation to the continental congress, he stood second, peyton randolph receiving one more vote only, and all the other delegates less. this distinction was due to the sound judgment of the man rather than to those qualities that are considered senatorial. jefferson said, "i served with general washington in the legislature of virginia before the revolution, and, during it, with dr. franklin in congress. i never heard either of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but the main point which was to decide the question. they laid their shoulders to the great points, knowing that the little ones would follow of themselves." through all his life washington was no speechmaker. in , by an order of the assembly, speaker robinson was directed to return its thanks to colonel washington, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services which he had rendered to the country. as soon as he took his seat in the house, the speaker performed this duty in such glowing terms as quite overwhelmed him. washington rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor, but was so disconcerted as to be unable to articulate a word distinctly. he blushed and faltered for a moment, when the speaker relieved him from his embarrassment by saying, "sit down, mr. washington, your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language that i possess." this stage-fright seems to have clung to him. when adams hinted that congress should "appoint a general," and added, "i had no hesitation to declare that i had but one gentleman in my mind for that important command, and that was a gentleman whose skill and experience as an officer, whose independent fortune, great talents, and excellent universal character, would command the approbation of all america, and unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies better than any other person in the union," he relates that "mr. washington who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted into the library-room." so, too, at his inauguration as president, maclay noted that "this great man was agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. he trembled, and several times could scarce make out to read [his speech], though it must be supposed he had often read it before," and fisher ames wrote, "he addressed the two houses in the senate-chamber; it was a very touching scene and quite of a solemn kind. his aspect grave, almost to sadness; his modesty actually shaking; his voice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for close attention," there can be little doubt that this non-speech-making ability was not merely the result of inaptitude, but was also a principle, for when his favorite nephew was elected a burgess, and made a well-thought-of speech in his first attempt, his uncle wrote him, "you have, i find, broke the ice. the only advice i will offer to you on the occasion (if you have a mind to command the attention of the house,) is to speak seldom, but to important subjects, except such as particularly relate to your constituents; and, in the former case, make yourself perfectly master of the subject. never exceed a decent warmth, and submit your sentiments with diffidence. a dictatorial stile, though it may carry conviction, is always accompanied with disgust." to a friend writing of this same speech he said, "with great pleasure i received the information respecting the commencement of my nephew's political course. i hope he will not be so bouyed by the favorable impression it has made, as to become a babbler." even more indicative of his own conceptions of senatorial conduct is advice given in a letter to jack custis, when the latter, too, achieved an election to the assembly. "i do not suppose," he wrote, "that so young a senator as you are, little versed in political disquisitions, can yet have much influence in a populous assembly, composed of gentln. of various talents and of different views. but it is in your power to be punctual in your attendance (and duty to the trust reposed in you exacts it of you), to hear dispassionately and determine coolly all great questions. to be disgusted at the decision of questions, because they are not consonant to your own ideas, and to withdraw ourselves from public assemblies, or to neglect our attendance at them, upon suspicion that there is a party formed, who are inimical to our cause, and to the true interest of our country, is wrong, because these things may originate in a difference of opinion; but, supposing the fact is otherwise, and that our suspicions are well founded, it is the indispensable duty of every patriot to counteract them by the most steady and uniform opposition." in the continental congress, randolph states, "washington was prominent, though silent. his looks bespoke a mind absorbed in meditation on his country's fate; but a positive concert between him and henry could not more effectually have exhibited him to view, than when henry ridiculed the idea of peace 'when there was no peace,' and enlarged on the duty of preparing for war." very quickly his attendance on that body was ended by its appointing him general. his political relations to the congress have been touched upon elsewhere, but his attitude towards great britain is worth attention. very early he had said, "at a time when our lordly masters in great britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of american freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty, which we have derived from our ancestors. but the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. that no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use a--s in defence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life depends, is clearly my opinion." when actual war ensued, he was among the first to begin to collect and drill a force, even while he wrote, "unhappy it is, though to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of america are either to be drenched with blood or inhabited by slaves. sad alternative! but can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?" not till early in did he become a convert to independence, and then only by such "flaming arguments as were exhibited at falmouth and norfolk," which had been burned by the british. at one time, in , he thought "the game will be pretty well up," but "under a full persuasion of the justice of our cause, i cannot entertain an idea, that it will finally sink, tho' it may remain for some time under a cloud," and even in this time of terrible discouragement he maintained that "nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. a peace on other terms would, if i may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war." pickering, who placed a low estimate on his military ability, said that, "upon the whole, i have no hesitation in saying that general washington's talents were much better adapted to the presidency of the united states than to the command of their armies," and this is probably true. the diplomatist thornton said of the president, that if his "circumspection is accompanied by discernment and penetration, as i am informed it is, and as i should be inclined to believe from the judicious choice he has generally made of persons to fill public stations, he possesses the two great requisites of a statesman, the faculty of concealing his own sentiments and of discovering those of other men." to follow his course while president is outside of the scope of this work, but a few facts are worth noting. allusion has already been made to his use of the appointing power, but how clearly he held it as a "public trust" is shown in a letter to his longtime friend benjamin harrison, who asked him for an office. "i will go to the chair," he replied, "under no pre-engagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. but, when in it, to the best of my judgment, discharge the duties of the office with that impartiality and zeal for the public good, which ought never to suffer connection of blood or friendship to intermingle so as to have the least sway on the decision of a public nature." this position was held to firmly. john adams wrote an office-seeker, "i must caution you, my dear sir, against having any dependence on my influence or that of any other person. no man, i believe, has influence with the president. he seeks information from all quarters, and judges more independently than any man i ever knew. it is of so much importance to the public that he should preserve this superiority, that i hope i shall never see the time that any man will have influence with him beyond the powers of reason and argument." long after, when political strife was running high, adams said, "washington appointed a multitude of democrats and jacobins of the deepest die. i have been more cautious in this respect; but there is danger of proscribing under imputations of democracy, some of the ablest, most influential, and best characters in the union." in this he was quite correct, for the first president's appointments were made with a view to destroy party and not create it, his object being to gather all the talent of the country in support of the national government, and he bore many things which personally were disagreeable in an endeavor to do this. twice during washington's terms he was forced to act counter to the public sentiment. the first time was when a strenuous attempt was made by the french minister to break through the neutrality that had been proclaimed, when, according to john adams, "ten thousand people in the streets of philadelphia, day after day, threatened to drag washington out of his house, and effect a revolution in the government, or compel it to declare in favor of the french revolution and against england." the second time was when he signed the treaty of with great britain, which produced a popular outburst from one end of the country to the other. in neither case did washington swerve an iota from what he thought right, writing, "these are unpleasant things, but they must be met with firmness." eventually the people always came back to their leader, and jefferson sighed over the fact that "such is the popularity of the president that the people will support him in whatever he will do or will not do, without appealing to their own reason or to anything but their feelings towards him." [illustration: presidential mansion, philadelphia] it is not to be supposed from this that washington was above considering the popular bent, or was lacking in political astuteness. john adams asserted that "general washington, one of the most attentive men in the world to the manner of doing things, owed a great proportion of his celebrity to this circumstance," and frequently he is to be found considering the popularity or expediency of courses. in he said, "i have found it of importance and highly expedient to yield to many points in fact, without seeming to have done it, and this to avoid bringing on a too frequent discussion of matters which in a political view ought to be kept a little behind the curtain, and not to be made too much the subjects of disquisition. time only can eradicate and overcome customs and prejudices of long standing--they must be got the better of by slow and gradual advances." elsewhere he wrote, "in a word, if a man cannot act in all respects as he would wish, he must do what appears best, under the circumstances he is in. this i aim at, however short i may fall of the end;" of a certain measure he thought, "it has, however, like many other things in which i have been involved, two edges, neither of which can be avoided without falling on the other;" and that even in small things he tried to be politic is shown in his journey through new england, when he accepted an invitation to a large public dinner at portsmouth, and the next day, being at exeter, he wrote in his diary, "a jealousy subsists between this town (where the legislature alternately sits) and portsmouth; which, had i known it in time, would have made it necessary to have accepted an invitation to a public dinner, but my arrangements having been otherwise made, i could not." nor was washington entirely lacking in finesse. he offered patrick henry a position after having first ascertained in a roundabout manner that it would be refused, and in many other ways showed that he understood good politics. perhaps the neatest of his dodges was made when the french revolutionist volney asked him for a general letter of introduction to the american people. this was not, for political and personal reasons, a thing washington cared to give, yet he did not choose to refuse, so he wrote on a sheet of paper,-- "c. volney needs no recommendation from geo. washington." there is a very general belief that success in politics and truthfulness are incompatible, yet, as already shown, washington prospered in politics, and the rev. mason l. weems is authority for the popular statement that at six years of age george could not tell a lie. whether this was so, or whether mr. weems was drawing on his imagination for his facts, it seems probable that washington partially outgrew the disability in his more mature years. when trying to win the indians to the english cause in , washington in his journal states that he "let the young indians who were in our camp know that the french wanted to kill the half king," a diplomatic statement he hardly believed, which the writer says "had its desired effect," and which the french editor declared to be an "imposture." in this same campaign he was forced to sign a capitulation which acknowledged that he had been guilty of assassination, and this raised such a storm in virginia when it became known that washington hastened to deny all knowledge of the charge having been contained among the articles, and alleged that it had not been made clear to him when the paper had been translated and read. on the contrary, another officer present at the reading states that he refused to "sign the capitulation because they charged us with assasination in it." in writing to an indian agent in , washington was "greatly enraptured" at hearing of his approach, dwelt upon the man's "hearty attachment to our glorious cause" and his "courage of which i have had very great proofs." inclosing a copy of the letter to the governor, washington said, "the letter savors a little of flattery &c., &c., but this, i hope is justifiable on such an occasion." with his london agent there was a little difficulty in , and washington objected to a letter received "because there is one paragraph in particular in it ... which appears to me to contain an implication of my having deviated from the truth." a more general charge was charles lee's: "i aver that his excellencies letter was from beginning to the end a most abominable lie." as a _ruse de guerre_ washington drew up for a spy in a series of false statements as to the position and number of his army for him to report to the british. and in preparation for the campaign of "much trouble was taken and finesse used to misguide and bewilder sir henry clinton by making a deceptive provision of ovens, forage and boats in his neighborhood." "nor were less pains taken to deceive our own army," and even "the highest military as well as civil officers" were deceived at this time, not merely that the secret should not leak out, but also "for the important purpose of inducing the eastern and middle states to make greater exertions." when travelling through the south in , washington entered in his diary, "having suffered very much by the dust yesterday--and finding that parties of horse, & a number of other gentlemen were intending to attend me part of the way to-day, i caused their enquiries respecting the time of my setting out, to be answered that, i should endeavor to do it before eight o'clock; but i did it a little after five, by which means i avoided the inconveniences above mentioned." weld, in his "travels in america," published that "general washington told me that he never was so much annoyed by the mosquitos in any part of america as in skenesborough, for that they used to bite through the thickest boot." when this anecdote appeared in print, good old dr. dwight, shocked at the taradiddle, and fearing its evil influence on washington's fame, spoiled the joke by explaining in a book that "a gentleman of great respectability, who was present when general washington made the observation referred to, told me that he said, when describing those mosquitoes to mr. weld, that they 'bit through his stockings above the boots.'" whoever invented the explanation should also have evolved a type of boots other than those worn by washington, for unfortunately for the story washington's military boots went above his "small clothes," giving not even an inch of stocking for either mosquito or explanation. in , washington declared that "i do not recollect that in the course of my life, i ever forfeited my word, or broke a promise made to any one," and at another time he wrote, "i never say any thing of a man that i have the smallest scruple of saying _to him_." from till , and from till , or a period of forty years, washington filled offices of one kind or another, and when he died he still held a commission. thus, excluding his boyhood, there were but seven years of his life in which he was not engaged in the public service. even after his retirement from the presidency he served on a grand jury, and before this he had several times acted as petit juror. in another way he was a good citizen, for when at mount vernon he invariably attended the election, rain or shine, though it was a ride of ten miles to the polling town. both his enemies and his friends bore evidence to his honesty. jefferson said, "his integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible i have ever known, no motives of interest or consanguinity or friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. he was indeed in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man." pickering wrote that "to the excellency of his _virtues_ i am not disposed to set any limits. all his views were upright, all his actions just" hamilton asserted that "the general is a very honest man;" and tilghman spoke of him as "the honestest man that i believe ever adorned human nature." index. adams, john, opinion of washington, use of appointing power, deal arranged by, dislike of washington, quoted, ----, samuel, opposed to washington, agriculture, washington's fondness for, ague, washington's attacks of, alexander, frances, alexandria, assemblies at, washington builds in, lots in, aliquippa, queen, alton, john, ames, fisher, quoted, appleby school, armstrong, john, quoted, arnold, b., asses, breeding of, _aurora_, bache, b.f., writes against washington, balls, maternal ancestors of washington, balls, bank-stock, holdings of, barbadoes, washington's visit to, bard, dr., quoted, bassett, burwell, ----, frances, bath, virginia, lots in, _battle of brooklyn_, a farce, billiards, bishop, thomas, bland, mary, ----, t., criticises washington's bow, "blueskin," books, boston, siege of, boucher, rev. j., quoted, mentioned, bounties, braddock, edward, washington and, defeat of, march of, mentioned, brasenose college, lawrence washington a fellow of, brissot de warville, quoted, british forgeries, brixted parva, lawrence washington rector of, broglie, prince de, quoted, brooklyn, battle of, callender, james thomson, publications of, calvert, eleanor, marriage with jack custis, visit to cambridge, remarriage, cambridge, head-quarters at, mentioned, campbell, a., portrait of washington by, cancer, george washington's, mary washington's, capital. _see_ washington city. cards, carlyle, washington's friendship for, ----, major, ----, sally, carroll, charles, cary, mary, "cato," "centinel," charity, washington's, charleston, ladies of, visit washington, jackass at, chastellux, marquis de, quoted, marriage of, children and washington, christ church, christianity, washington's view of, clark, abraham, opinion of washington, clinton, george, washington's investment with, ----, sir h., washington's relations with, clothes, washington's taste in, clubs, washington's share in, cobb, david, quoted, at yorktown, cobbett, william, quoted, colds, washington's treatment of, commissariat, congress, continental, washington's relations with, jealousy of washington and the army, endeavors to insult washington, part in the conway cabal, washington's election to, washington in, connecticut troops, misconduct of, "conotocarius," indian name for washington, continental army, sickness of, farewell to, small-pox in, threatened mutiny of, conway cabal, conway, thomas, washington's relations with, corbin, richard, cornwallis, lord, washington's relations with, craigie house, craik, dr. james, washington's friendship for, bleeds washington, culpeper, lord, culpeper county, custis, eleanor p., marriage to l. lewis, quoted, ----, g.w.p., education, quoted, acts, ----, john parke, relations with washington, education, ----, martha. _see_ washington, martha. ----, martha ("patsy"), relations of washington with, death, treatment of, property, ---- property, dancing, washington's fondness of, dandridge, bartholomew, ----, martha. _see_ washington, martha. ----, mrs. deane, silas, quoted, de butts, lawrence, democratic criticism of washington, dent, elizabeth, dick, dr., quoted, dismal swamp company, distillery at mount vernon, district of columbia, dogs, duane, william, writes against washington, duelling, washington's views on, threatened, duer, w.a., quoted, dumas, m., quoted, dunlap, w., quoted, duquesne, fort, "eltham," exeter, bishop of, sermons, fairfax, ann, ----, bryan, lord, ----, george william, ----, sally, - , ----, thomas, lord, ----, william, fairfax county, fairfax parish, farewell address, drafting of, fauntleroy, betsy, william, federal city. _see_ washington city. fees, washington's gifts of, fertilization, washington's value of, fish, washington's fondness of, fishery at mount vernon, fishing, flour, washington's pride in his, forged letters, authorship of, bache reprints, fort necessity, fox hunting, franklin, b., quoted, frederick county, washington stands for, fredericksburg, residence of mary washington, french and indian war, french language, washington on, freneau, p., writes against washington, gage, thomas, relations with washington, gates, horatio, washington's relations with, mentioned, general orders, quotations from, genet episode, genn, james, washington learns surveying from, germantown, battle of, gerry, elbridge, attitude towards washington, gibbons, mary, scandal concerning, gordon, rev. w., quoted, great britain, washington's attitude towards, green, rev. charles, greene, n., friendship with washington, quoted, grymes, lucy, half-king, hamilton, a., mentioned, quoted, washington's relations with, harrison, benjamin, letter of, asks office, ----, r.h., henry eighth grants lands to washingtons, henry, patrick, quoted, mentioned, offered office, herring, sales of, hickey plot, horses, stud at mount vernon, houdon bust, howe, lord, and sir william, washington's relations with, humphreys, d., quoted, relations with washington, hunter, j., quoted, hunting, independence, washington on, indians, washington's diplomacy with, james river land company, washington's interest in, jay treaty, jefferson, thomas, washington's relations with, opinion of washington, helps freneau, quoted, mentioned, jones, gabriel, kenmore house, knox, henry, relations with washington, lafayette, marquis de, washington's relations with, quoted, ----, g.w., ----, virginia, land bounties, ---- companies, latin, washington's knowledge of, laurens, john, washington's relations with, quoted, lawrence, nathaniel, quoted, lawsuits, washington's dislike of, lear, t., friendship for, quoted, lee, charles, washington's relations with, libels washington, quoted, ----, henry, friendship for washington, anecdote of, warns washington of jefferson's conduct, ----, r.h., opinion of washington, re-election of, ----, william, washington's body-servant, lewis, elizabeth, ----, fielding, ----, ----. jr., ----, howell, ----, lewis, ----, robert, lexington, battle of, liveried servants, lotteries, washington's liking for, lovell, john, opinion of washington, quoted, . "lowland beauty," lynch, thomas, quoted, mchenry, james, mcknight, dr. c., quoted, maclay, w., quoted, madison, james, relations with washington, quoted, drafts papers, "magnolia," marshall, j., quoted, marye, rev. t., washington's teacher, mason, george, quoted, massachusetts, difficulties of, "slam" at officers of, massey, rev. lee, quoted, mather's _young man's companion_, matrimony, washington's views on, medical knowledge of washington, treatment of last illness, medicine, washington's aversion to, mercer, george, quoted, mifflin, thomas, washington's relations with, mentioned, military company of adventurers, ---- science, books on, washington's knowledge of, militia, evils of, "minutes of the trial," authority of, mississippi company, monmouth, battle of, allusions to, morris, gouverneur, quoted, friendship with, ----, robert, ----, roger, mount vernon, boyhood home of washington, division of estate by will, invitation to visit, history of, name, house at, grounds, additions to land, management of, absence of washington from, system at, work at, fishery of, distillery at, stud stable of, live stock of, profits of, desire to rent farms of, washington's superintendence of, washington's life at, slaves at, overseers of, british visit to, hunting at, shooting at, moylan, s., muse, george, relations with washington, music, washington's fondness of, "nelson," nepotism, washington's views on, newburg, threatened revolt of army at, new england, opposition to washington, jealousy of, arranges deal, journey in, conduct of troops, officers, new jersey troops, desertion of, new york, washington's visit to, borrows money for journey to, head-quarters at, warfare at, _minutes of the trial in_, proposed attack on, farewell to army at, presidential house at, newspapers, nuts, washington's fondness for, oaths, washington's use of, office-seekers, ohio, march to, journey to, _journal_, ohio company, _old soldier_, paine, thomas, relations with washington, paper money, depreciation of, pension of mary washington, peyroney, chevalier, philadelphia, visit to, fever at, proposed attack on, capture of, presidential house in, washington's attempted purchase near, philipse, mary, pickering, timothy, quoted, pohick church, potomac canal company, presidency, washington in the, duties of, hospitality of, privateer, washington tries to secure share in, purleigh, lawrence washington, rector of, raffles, washington's liking for, ramsay, w., randolph, edmund, washington's relations with, quoted, ----, john, forges letters, reed, joseph, sends print to washington, relations with washington, quoted, revolution, washington's service in, robin, abbé, quoted, robinson, beverly, ----, john, rochambeau, count, ross, james, quoted, "royal gift," jackass, rules of civility, rush, benjamin, anonymous letter of, washington's relations with, quoted, rutledge, e., st. clair's defeat, st. paul's church, sargent, j.d., opinion of washington, scott, charles, quoted, servants, washington's, shad, sales of, sharpless portrait, sheep at mount vernon, shooting, skenesborough, mosquitoes at, slavery, washington's views on, slaves, washington's, runaway, carried off by british, sickness, laziness, punishment, rations of, thieving by, small-pox, washington's attack of, smith, rev. w., quoted, southern tour, spain, king of, gift of jackass to washington, spearing, ann, stearn, samuel, quoted, stewart, r., stuart, gilbert, opinion on washington's face, quoted, stuart portrait, stud stable at mount vernon, sullivan, john, quoted, ----, w., quoted, sunday, washington's observance of, swearingen, thomas, taverns, washington's view of, tea, washington's fondness for, thacher, dr. james, quoted, theatre, thornton, edward, quoted, tilghman, tench, washington's relations with, quoted, tobacco, washington's crop of, trenton, battle of, trumbull, jonathan, wishes washington removed, truro parish, university, national, washington's wish for, valley forge, van braam, j., varick, richard, vernon, admiral e., mount vernon named after, virginia, social life of, clubs, british invasion of, convention, land bounties, elections, agricultural system of, deal with new england, washington's office-holding in, estates, washington's opinion of, ---- regiment, drunkenness of, volney, c., washington's diplomacy with, wadsworth, j., quoted, "wakefield," walpole grant, wansey, h., quoted, warm springs, visit to, washington, augustine, ----, augustine (jr.), ----, bushrod, letter to, ----, charles, ----, elizabeth (betty). _see_ fielding. ----, frances, ----, george, ancestors of, birth of, his resemblance to the balls, relations with his mother, his dislike of public recompense, views on public office, financial help to relatives, will of, views on drinking, loans, care of custis property, adoption of custis children, physique, weight, eyes, hair, teeth, nose, height, mouth, expression, gracefulness, complexion, pock-marked, modesty, manners, portraits of, strength, illnesses of, his last, medicine, his dislike of, fall of, hearing, education, handwriting, spelling, surveyor, secretaries of, journal to the ohio, messages, farewell address, languages, music, reading, religion, church attendance, sunday conduct, hunting, tolerance, love affairs, poetry, barbadoes, visit to, ohio, mission to, boston, visit to, ( ) new york, visit to, ( ) marriage, appointed commander-in-chief, matrimony, his views on, morality, forged letters, agriculture, fondness for, [agriculture] system, [agriculture] study of, coat-of-arms of, as farmer, land purchases of, invents a plow, humor, income, accounts, property of, bounty lands of, investments in land companies, borrower, speculation, liking for, lotteries, liking for, raffles, liking for, interest in potomac canal company, wealth of, slaves of, [slaves] care of, slavery, views on, charity, social life, headquarters life, dinners, levees, bows, ceremony, hatred of, conversation, tea, liking for, dancing, fondness of, staff, simple habits, dress of, rules of civility, neatness of, food, horsemanship, fishing, fondness for, card-playing, theatre, fondness for, embarrassment, library of, newspapers, abuse, sensitiveness to, friendships of, godfather, pall-bearer, indian friends, [indian] name, assassin, temper, quarrel of hamilton with, children, relations with, enemies, [enemies] duelling and, drinks toasts, intrigues against, attacks on, insulted, presidency, judgment, liveried servants of, courage of, swears, fabian policy, rashness of, indecision of, lack of military knowledge, generalship, severity to soldiers, relations with continental congress, new england, dislike of, farewell to army, adjutant of virginia, burgess, stands for frederick county, elected, election expenses of, drafts law, inability to make speeches, stage fright, inauguration, in the continental congress, attitude towards great britain, threatened, popularity of, diplomacy of, truthfulness, serves on jury, attends elections, honesty, ----, george augustine, ----, harriot, ----, john, ----, john augustine, ----, lawrence, rev. ( st), ----, lawrence ( d), ----, lawrence, major ( d), ----, lawrence, of chotanck ( th), ----, lund, ----, martha, sickness of, meets washington, engaged, washington's letters to, marriage, character, washington's fondness for, wealth, clothing, housekeeper for, orthography, , children, visits to head-quarters, social life, mentioned, dower slaves, drafts of letters for, receptions, ----, mary (ball), ----, mildred, ----, robert, ----, samuel, ----, thornton, washington city, watson, elkanah, quoted, wayne, anthony, quoted, weaving at mount vernon, weems, m.l., quoted, weld, isaac, quoted, wheat, washington's production of, whiskey, distilling of, at mount vernon, white, rev. w., quoted, william and mary college, williamsburg, lots in, washington goes to, for medical advice, williams, william, wishes washington removed, willing, ann, quoted, winchester, lots in, election at, , wolcott, oliver, wood, john, yorktown, siege of, hodges, charles franks, and the online distributed proofreading team life and times of washington volume ii by john f. schroeder and benson john lossing [editorial note: the title page of the source for this e-text identifies the author only as "schroeder-lossing" without first names or other identification. the available evidence indicates the work was begun by john frederick schroeder ( - ) and after his death was completed by benson john lossing ( - ).] revised, enlarged, and enriched: and with a special introduction by edward c. towne, b.a. [note from etext producer: some portions of the original hard copy from which this text was produced were missing. these places in the text are indicated with the notation: [missing text]. anyone who has access to an intact copy is encouraged to contact project gutenberg.] table of contents. volume ii. part iv. washington continental commander-in-chief. - . chap. x. lord howe outgeneraled by washington xi. washington holds howe in check xii. burgoyne's defeat and surrender xiii. washington at valley forge xiv. the battle of monmouth xv. washington directs a descent on rhode island xvi. washington prepares to chastise the indians xvii. washington's operations in the northern states xviii. campaign in the north--arnold's treason xix. operations at the south xx. preparations for a new campaign xxi. the campaign at the south xxii. continuation of the campaign at the south xxiii. washington captures cornwallis xxiv. final events of the revolution * * * * * part v. washington, a private citizen. - . chap. i. washington's return to private life ii. washington president of the constitutional convention * * * * * part vi. washington as president and in retirement. - . i. washington elected first president of the united states ii. washington's inauguration and first administration formed iii. measures for establishing the public credit iv. establishment of a national bank v. political parties developed vi. washington inaugurates the system of neutrality vii. washington sends jay to england viii. washington quells the western insurrection ix. washington signs jay's treaty x. washington maintains the treaty-making power of the executive xi. washington retires from the presidency xii. washington appointed lieutenant-general xiii. last illness, death, and character of washington * * * * * list of illustrations. vol. ii. washington as president valley forge--washington and lafayette washington at trenton major-general baron steuben philip schuyler horatio gates battle of germantown treason of arnold robert morris lee's cavalry skirmishing at the battle of guilford general francis marion major-general nathanael greene alexander hamilton robert r. livingston washington's farewell to his officers lafayette john jay inauguration of washington the first cabinet john hancock john adams washington and family at mount vernon chief justice john marshall thomas jefferson henry laurens chapter x. washington out-generals howe. . among the many perplexing subjects which claimed the attention of washington during the winter ( - ), while he was holding his headquarters among the hills at morristown, none gave him more annoyance than that of the treatment of american prisoners in the hands of the enemy. among the civilized nations of modern times prisoners of war are treated with humanity and principles are established on which they are exchanged. the british officers, however, considered the americans as rebels deserving condign punishment and not entitled to the sympathetic treatment commonly shown to the captive soldiers of independent nations. they seem to have thought that the americans would never be able, or would never dare, to retaliate. hence their prisoners were most infamously treated. against this the americans remonstrated, and, on finding their remonstrances disregarded, they adopted a system of retaliation which occasioned much unmerited suffering to individuals. col. ethan allen, who had been defeated and made prisoner in a bold but rash attempt against montreal, was put in irons and sent to england as a traitor. in retaliation, general prescott, who had been taken at the mouth of the sorel, was put in close confinement for the avowed purpose of subjecting him to the same fate which colonel allen should suffer. both officers and privates, prisoners to the americans, were more rigorously confined than they would otherwise have been, and, that they might not impute this to wanton harshness and cruelty, they were distinctly told that their own superiors only were to blame for any severe treatment they might experience. the capture of general lee became the occasion of embittering the complaints on this subject, and of aggravating the sufferings of the prisoners of war. before that event something like a cartel for the exchange of prisoners had been established between generals howe and washington, but the captivity of general lee interrupted that arrangement. the general, as we have seen, had been an officer in the british army, but having been disgusted had resigned his commission, and, at the beginning of the troubles, had offered his services to congress, which were readily accepted. general howe affected to consider him as a deserter, and ordered him into close confinement. washington had no prisoner of equal rank, but offered six hessian field officers in exchange for him, and required that, if that offer should not be accepted, general lee should be treated according to his rank in the american army. general howe replied that general lee was a deserter from his majesty's service, and could not be considered as a prisoner of war nor come within the conditions of the cartel. a fruitless discussion ensued between the commanders-in-chief. congress took up the matter and resolved that general washington be directed to inform general howe, that should the proffered exchange of six hessian field officers for general lee not be accepted, and his former treatment continued, the principle of retaliation shall occasion five of the hessian field officers, together with lieut. col. archibald campbell, or any other officers that are or shall be in possession of equivalent in number or quality, to be detained, in order that the treatment which general lee shall receive may be exactly inflicted upon their persons. congress also ordered a copy of their resolution to be transmitted to the council of massachusetts bay, and that they be desired to detain lieutenant-colonel campbell, and keep him in close custody till the further orders of congress, and that a copy be also sent to the committee of congress, in philadelphia, and that they be desired to have the prisoners, officers, and privates lately taken properly secured in some safe place. lieutenant-colonel campbell of the seventy-first regiment, with about of his men, had been made prisoner in the bay of boston, while sailing for the harbor, ignorant of the evacuation of the town by the british. hitherto the colonel had been civilly treated; but, on receiving the order of congress respecting him, the council of massachusetts bay, instead of simply keeping him in safe custody, according to order, sent him to concord jail, and lodged him in a filthy and loathsome dungeon, about twelve or thirteen feet square. he was locked in by double bolts and expressly prohibited from entering the prison yard on any consideration whatever. a disgusting hole, fitted up with a pair of fixed chains, and from which a felon had been removed to make room for his reception, was assigned him as an inner apartment. the attendance of a servant was denied him, and no friend was allowed to visit him. colonel campbell naturally complained to howe of such unworthy treatment, and howe addressed washington on the subject. the latter immediately wrote to the council of massachusetts bay, and said, "you will observe that exactly the same treatment is to be shown to colonel campbell and the hessian officers that general howe shows to general lee, and as he is only confined to a commodious house, with genteel accommodation, we have no right or reason to be more severe to colonel campbell, whom i wish to be immediately removed from his present situation and put into a house where he may live comfortably." the historian (gordon), who wrote at the time, gives a very graphic account of the sufferings of the american prisoners in new york, which, dreadful as it seems, is confirmed by many contemporary authorities. he says: "great complaints were made of the horrid usage the americans met with after they were captured." the garrison of fort washington surrendered by capitulation to general howe, the th of november. the terms were that the fort should be surrendered, the troops be considered prisoners of war, and that the american officers should keep their baggage and sidearms. these articles were signed and afterwards published in the new york papers. major otho holland williams, of rawling's rifle regiment, in doing his duty that day, unfortunately fell into the hands of the enemy. the haughty deportment of the officers, and the scurrility of the soldiers of the british army, he afterward said, soon dispelled his hopes of being treated with lenity. many of the american officers were plundered of their baggage and robbed of their sidearms, hats, cockades, etc., and otherwise grossly ill-treated. williams and three companions were, on the third day, put on board the baltic-merchant, a hospital ship, then lying in the sound. the wretchedness of his situation was in some degree alleviated by a small pittance of pork and parsnip which a good-natured sailor spared him from his own mess. the fourth day of their captivity, rawlings, hanson, m'intire, and himself, all wounded officers, were put into one common dirt-cart and dragged through the city of new york as objects of derision, reviled as rebels, and treated with the utmost contempt. from the cart they were set down at the door of an old wastehouse, the remains of hampden hall, near bridewell, which, because of the openness and filthiness of the place, he had a few months before refused as barracks for his privates, but now was willing to accept for himself and friends, in hopes of finding an intermission of the fatigue and persecution they had perpetually suffered. some provisions were issued to the prisoners in the afternoon of that day, what quantity he could not declare, but it was of the worst quality he ever, till then, saw made use of. he was informed the allowance consisted of six ounces of pork, one pound of biscuit, and some peas per day for each man, and two bushels and a half of sea coal per week for the officers to each fireplace. these were admitted on parole, and lived generally in wastehouses. the privates, in the coldest season of the year, were close confined in churches, sugar-houses, and other open buildings (which admitted all kinds of weather), and consequently were subjected to the severest kind of persecution that ever unfortunate captives suffered. officers were insulted and often struck for attempting to afford some of the miserable privates a small relief. in about three weeks colonel williams was able to walk, and was himself a witness of the sufferings of his countrymen. he could not describe their misery. their constitutions were not equal to the rigor of the treatment they received and the consequence was the death of many hundreds. the officers were not allowed to take muster-rolls, nor even to visit their men, so that it was impossible to ascertain the numbers that perished; but from frequent reports and his own observations, he verily believed, as well as had heard many officers give it as their opinion, that not less than , prisoners perished in the course of a few weeks in the city of new york, and that this dreadful mortality was principally owing to the want of provisions and extreme cold. if they computed too largely, it must be ascribed to the shocking brutal manner of treating the dead bodies, and not to any desire of exaggerating the account of their sufferings. when the king's commissary of prisoners intimated to some of the american officers general howe's intention of sending the privates home on parole, they all earnestly desired it, and a paper was signed expressing that desire; the reason for signing was, they well knew the effects of a longer confinement, and the great numbers that died when on parole justified their pretensions to that knowledge. in january almost all the officers were sent to long island on parole, and there billeted on the inhabitants at $ per week. the filth in the churches (in consequence of fluxes) was beyond description. seven dead have been seen in one of them at the same time, lying among the excrements of their bodies. the british soldiers were full of their low and insulting jokes on those occasions, but less malignant than the tories. the provision dealt out to the prisoners was not sufficient for the support of life, and was deficient in quantity, and more so in quality. the bread was loathsome and not fit to be eaten, and was thought to have been condemned. the allowance of meat was trifling and of the worst sort. the integrity of these suffering prisoners was hardly credible. hundreds submitted to death rather than enlist in the british service, which they were most generally pressed to do. it was the opinion of the american officers that howe perfectly understood the condition of the private soldiers, and they from thence argued that it was exactly such as he and his council intended. after washington's success in the jerseys, the obduracy, and malevolence of the royalists subsided in some measure. the surviving prisoners were ordered to be sent out as an exchange, but several of them fell down dead in the streets while attempting to walk to the vessels. washington wrote to general howe in the beginning of april: "it is a fact not to be questioned that the usage of our prisoners while in your possession, the privates at least, was such as could not be justified. this was proclaimed by the concurrent testimony of all who came out. their appearance justified the assertion, and melancholy experience in the speedy death of a large part of them, stamped it with infallible certainty." the cruel treatment of the prisoners being the subject of conversation among some officers captured by sir guy carleton, general parsons, who was of the company, said, "i am very glad of it." they expressed their astonishment and desired him to explain himself. he thus addressed them: "you have been taken by general carleton, and he has used you with great humanity, would you be inclined to fight against him?" the answer was, "no." "so," added parsons, "would it have been, had the troops taken by howe been treated in like manner, but now through this cruelty we shall get another army." the hon. william smith, learning how the british used the prisoners, and concluding it would operate to that end by enraging the americans, applied to the committee of new york state for leave to go into the city and remonstrate with the british upon such cruel treatment, which he doubted not but that he should put a stop to. the committee, however, either from knowing what effect the cruelties would have in strengthening the opposition to britain, or from jealousies of his being in some other way of disservice to the american cause or from these united, would not grant his request. washington, at the beginning of , determined to have the army inoculated for the smallpox, which had made fearful ravages in the ranks. it was carried forward as secretly and carefully as possible, and the hospital physicians in philadelphia were ordered at the same time to inoculate all the soldiers who passed through that city on their way to join the army. the same precautions were taken in the other military stations, and thus the army was relieved from an evil which would have materially interfered with the success of the ensuing campaign. the example of the soldiery proved a signal benefit to the entire population, the practice of inoculation became general, and, by little and little, this fatal malady disappeared almost entirely. in the hope that something might be effected at new york, washington ordered general heath, who was in command in the highlands, to move down towards the city with a considerable force. heath did so, and in a rather grandiloquent summons called upon fort independence to surrender. the enemy, however, stood their ground, and heath, after a few days, retreated, having done nothing, and exposed himself to ridicule for not having followed up his words with suitable deeds. while washington was actively employed in the jerseys in asserting the independence of america, congress could not afford him much assistance, but that body was active in promoting the same cause by its enactments and recommendations. hitherto the colonies had been united by no bond but that of their common danger and common love of liberty. congress resolved to render the terms of their union more definite, to ascertain the rights and duties of the several colonies, and their mutual obligations toward each other. a committee was appointed to sketch the principles of the union or confederation. this committee presented a report in thirteen articles of confederation and perpetual union between the states, and proposed that, instead of calling themselves the united colonies, as they had hitherto done, they should assume the name of the united states of america; that each state should retain its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by the confederation expressly delegated to the united states in congress assembled; that they enter into a firm league for mutual defense; that the free inhabitants of any of the states shall be entitled to the privileges and immunities of free citizens in any other state; that any traitor or great delinquent fleeing from one state and found in another shall be delivered up to the state having jurisdiction of his offense; that full faith and credit shall be given in each of the states to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of every other state; that delegates shall be annually chosen in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in congress on the first monday of november, with power to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead; that no state shall be represented in congress by less than two or more than seven members, and no person shall be a delegate for more than three out of six years, nor shall any delegate hold a place of emolument under the united states; that each state shall maintain its own delegates; that in congress each state shall have only one vote; that freedom of speech shall be enjoyed by the members, and that they shall be free from arrest, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace; that no state, without the consent of congress, shall receive any ambassador, or enter into any treaty with any foreign power; that no person holding any office in any of the united states shall receive any present, office, or title from any foreign state, and that neither congress nor any of the states shall grant any titles of nobility; that no two or more of the states shall enter into any confederation whatever without the consent of congress; that no state shall impose any duties which may interfere with treaties made by congress; that in time of peace no vessels of war or military force shall be kept up in any of the states but by the authority of congress, but every state shall have a well-regulated and disciplined militia; that no state, unless invaded, shall engage in war without the consent of congress, nor shall they grant letters of marque or reprisal till after a declaration of war by congress; that colonels and inferior officers shall be appointed by the legislature of each state for its own troops; that the expenses of war shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, supplied by the several states according to the value of the land in each; that taxes shall be imposed and levied by authority and direction of the several states within the time prescribed by congress; that congress has the sole and exclusive right of deciding on peace and war, of sending and receiving ambassadors, and entering into treaties; that congress shall be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences between two or more of the states; that congress have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states, fixing the standard of weights and measures, regulating the trade, establishing post-offices, appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the united states, except regimental officers, appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the united states, making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations; that congress have authority to appoint a committee to sit during their recess, to be dominated a committee of the states, and to consist of one delegate from each state; that congress shall have power to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the united states, and to appropriate and apply the same, to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the united states, to build and equip a navy, to fix the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state; that the consent of nine states shall be requisite to any great public measure of common interest; that congress shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the united states, but the adjournment not to exceed six months, and that they shall publish their proceedings monthly, excepting such parts relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; that the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state shall, if required, be entered on the journal, and extracts granted; that the committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall, during the recess of congress, exercise such powers as congress shall vest them with; that canada, if willing, shall be admitted to all the advantages of the union; but no other colony shall be admitted, unless such admission shall be agreed to by nine states; that all bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, or debts contracted by congress before this confederation, shall be charges on the united states; that every state shall abide by the determinations of congress on all questions submitted to them by this confederation; that the articles of it shall be inviolably observed by every state, and that no alteration in any of the articles shall be made, unless agreed to by congress, and afterward confirmed by the legislature of every state. such was the substance of this confederation or union. after much discussion, at thirty-nine sittings, the articles were approved by congress, transmitted to the several state legislatures, and, meeting with their approbation, were ratified by all the delegates on the th of november, . congress maintained an erect posture, although its affairs then wore the most gloomy aspect. it was under the provisions of this confederation that the war was afterward carried on, and, considered as a first essay of legislative wisdom, it discovers a good understanding, and a respectable knowledge of the structure of society. had peace been concluded before the settlement of this confederation, the states would probably have broken down into so many independent governments, and the strength of the union been lost in a number of petty sovereignties. it is not hazarding much to say that, considering all the circumstances, it was the best form of government which could have been framed at that time. its radical defect arose from its being a confederation of independent states, in which the central government had no direct recourse to the people. it required all grants of men or money to be obtained from the state governments, who were often, during the war, extremely dilatory in complying with the requisitions of congress. this defect was strongly felt by washington, who was often compelled to exert his personal influence, which, in all the states, was immense, to obtain the supplies which congress had no power to exact. we shall see hereafter, that in forming the new constitution, a work in which washington took a leading part, this defect was remedied. while congress was beginning to form these articles of confederation, and washington was giving a new aspect to the war in new jersey, the people of great britain, long accustomed to colonial complaints and quarrels, and attentive merely to their own immediate interests, paid no due regard to the progress of the contest or to the importance of the principles in which it originated. large majorities in both houses of parliament supported the ministry in all their violent proceedings, and although a small minority, including several men of distinguished talents, who trembled for the fate of british liberty if the court should succeed in establishing its claims against the colonists, vigorously opposed the measures of administration, yet the great body of the people manifested a loyal zeal in favor of the war, and the ill success of the colonists in the campaign of , gave that zeal additional energy. but amidst all the popularity of their warlike operations, the difficulties of the ministry soon began to multiply. in consequence of hostilities with the american provinces, the british west india islands experienced a scarcity of the necessaries of life. about the time when the west india fleet was about to set sail, under convoy, on its homeward voyage, it was discovered that the negroes of jamaica meditated an insurrection. by means of the draughts to complete the army in america, the military force in that island had been weakened, and the ships of war were detained to assist in suppressing the attempts of the negroes. by this delay the americans gained time for equipping their privateers. after the fleet sailed it was dispersed by stormy weather and many of the ships, richly laden, fell into the hands of the american cruisers who were permitted to sell their prizes in the ports of france, both in europe and in the west indies. the conduct of france was now so openly manifested that it could no longer be winked at, and it drew forth a remonstrance from the british cabinet. the remonstrance was civilly answered, and the traffic in british prizes was carried on somewhat more covertly in the french ports in europe; but it was evident that both france and spain were in a state of active preparation for war. the british ministry could no longer shut their eyes against the gathering storm, and began to prepare for it. about the middle of october ( ) they put sixteen additional ships into commission, and made every exertion to man them. on the st of october the parliament met and was opened by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty stated that it would have given him much satisfaction if he had been able to inform them that the disturbances in the revolted colonies were at an end, and that the people of america, recovering from their delusion, had returned to their duty; but so mutinous and determined was the spirit of their leaders that they had openly abjured and renounced all connection and communication with the mother country and had rejected every conciliatory proposition. much mischief, he said, would accrue not only to the commerce of great britain but to the general system of europe if this rebellion were suffered to take root. the conduct of the colonists would convince every one of the necessity of the measures proposed to be adopted, and the past success of the british arms promised the happiest results; but preparations must be promptly made for another campaign. a hope was expressed of the general continuance of tranquility in europe, but that it was thought advisable to increase the defensive resources at home. the addresses to the speech were in the usual form, but amendments were moved in both houses of parliament; in the commons by lord john cavendish and in the lords by the marquis of rockingham. after an animated debate the amendment was rejected, in the house of commons by against , and in the lords by against . during the session of parliament some other attempts were made for adopting conciliatory measures, but the influence of ministry was so powerful that they were all completely defeated, and the plans of administration received the approbation and support of parliament. during the winter ( - ), which was very severe, the british troops at brunswick and amboy were kept on constant duty and suffered considerable privations. the americans were vigilant and active, and the british army could seldom procure provisions or forage without fighting. but although in the course of the winter the affairs of the united states had begun to wear a more promising aspect, yet there were still many friends of royalty in the provinces. by their open attachment to the british interest, numbers had already exposed themselves to the hostility of the patriotic party; and others, from affection to britain or distrust of the american cause, gave their countenance and aid to general howe. early in the season a considerable number of these men joined the royal army, and were embodied under the direction of the commander-in-chief with the same pay as the regular troops, besides the promise of an allotment of land at the close of the disturbances. governor tryon, who had been extremely active in engaging and disciplining them, was promoted to the rank of major-general of the loyal provincialists. [ ] the campaign opened on both sides by rapid predatory incursions and bold desultory attacks. at peekskill, on the north river, about fifty miles above new york, the americans had formed a post, at which, during the winter, they had collected a considerable quantity of provisions and camp-equipage to supply the stations in the vicinity as occasion might require. the most mountainous part of the district, named the manor of courland, was formed into a kind of citadel, replenished with stores, and peekskill served as a port to it. on the d of march ( ), as soon as the river was clear of ice, howe, who thought peekskill of more importance than it really was, detached colonel bird, with about men, under convoy of a frigate and some armed vessels, against that post. general m'dougal, who commanded there, had then only about men in the place. he had timely notice of colonel bird's approach, and, sensible that his post was untenable, he exerted himself to remove the stores to the strong grounds about two miles and a half in his rear; but before he had made much progress in the work the british appeared, when he set fire to the stores and buildings and retreated. colonel bird landed and completed the destruction of the stores which he was unable to remove. on the same day he re-embarked, and returned to new york. on the th of april ( ), says gordon, congress concluded upon the erection of a monument to the memory of general warren in the town of boston, and another to the memory of general mercer in fredericksburg, in virginia, and that the eldest son of general warren, and the youngest son of general mercer, be educated from henceforward at the expense of the united states. they conveyed in a few words the highest eulogium on the characters and merits of the deceased. through inattention, general warren, who fell on breed's hill, had not been properly noted when congress passed their resolve respecting general montgomery: the proposal for paying due respect to the memory of mercer led to the like in regard to warren. on the th of april lord cornwallis and general grant, with about , men, attempted to surprise and cut off general lincoln, who, with men, was posted at bound brook, seven miles from brunswick, and nearly succeeded in their enterprise. but by a bold and rapid movement lincoln, when almost surrounded, forced his way between the british columns and escaped, with the loss of sixty men, his papers, three field pieces, and some baggage. at that early period of the campaign howe attempted no grand movement against the main body of the army under washington at morristown, but he made several efforts to interrupt his communications, destroy his stores, and impede his operations. he had received information that the americans had collected a large quantity of stores in the town of danbury and in other places on the borders of connecticut. these he resolved to destroy, and appointed major-general tryon of the provincials, who panted for glory in his newly-acquired character, to command an expedition for that purpose, but prudently directed generals agnew and sir william erskine to accompany him. on the th of april ( ) the fleet appeared off the coast of connecticut, and in the evening the troops were landed without opposition between fairfield and norwalk. general silliman, then casually in that part of the country, immediately dispatched expresses to assemble the militia. in the meantime tryon proceeded to danbury which he reached about the next day. on his approach colonel huntingdon, who had occupied the town with about men, retired to a neighboring height, and danbury, with the magazines it contained, was consumed by fire. general arnold, who was also in the state superintending the recruiting service, joined general silliman at reading, where that officer had collected about militia. general wooster, who had resigned his commission in the continental service, and been appointed major-general of the militia, fell in with them at the same place, and they proceeded in the night through a heavy rain to bethel, about eight miles from danbury. having heard next morning that tryon, after destroying the town and magazines, was returning, they divided their troops, and general wooster, with about men, fell in his rear, while arnold, with about , crossing the country, took post in his front at ridgefield. wooster came up with his rear about in the morning, attacked it with great gallantry, and a sharp skirmish ensued in which he was mortally wounded, [ ] and his troops were repulsed. tryon then proceeded to ridgefield where he found arnold already entrenched on a strong piece of ground, and prepared to dispute his passage. a warm skirmish ensued, which continued nearly an hour. arnold was at length driven from the field after which he retreated to paugatuck, about three miles east of norwalk. at break of day next morning, after setting ridgefield on fire, the british resumed their march. about in the forenoon, april th ( ), they were again met by arnold, whose numbers increased during the day to rather more than , men, among whom were some continental troops. a continued skirmishing was kept up until in the afternoon, when the british formed on a hill near their ships. the americans attacked them with intrepidity, but were repulsed and broken. tryon, availing himself of this respite, re-embarked his troops and returned to new york. the loss of the british amounted to about men. [ ] that of the americans was represented by tryon as being much more considerable. by themselves it was not admitted to exceed . in this number, however, were comprehended general wooster, lieutenant-colonel gould, and another field officer, killed, and colonel lamb wounded. several other officers and volunteers were killed. military and hospital stores to a considerable amount, which were greatly needed by the army, were destroyed in the magazines at danbury, but the loss most severely felt was rather more than , tents which had been provided for the campaign about to open. not long afterward this enterprise was successfully retaliated. a british detachment had been for some time employed in collecting forage and provisions on the eastern end of long island. howe supposed this part of the country to be so completely secured by the armed vessels which incessantly traversed the sound, that he confided the protection of the stores deposited at a small port called sag harbor to a schooner with twelve guns and a company of infantry. general parsons, who commanded a few recruits at new haven, thinking it practicable to elude the cruisers in the bay, formed the design of surprising this party and other adjacent posts, the execution of which was entrusted to lieutenant-colonel meigs, a gallant officer who had accompanied arnold in his memorable march to quebec. he embarked with about men on board whale-boats, and proceeded along the coast to guilford, where he was to cross the sound. with about of his detachment, under convoy of two armed sloops, he proceeded (may , ) across the sound to the north division of the island near southhold in the neighborhood of which a small foraging party against which the expedition was in part directed, was supposed to lie, but they had marched two days before to new york. the boats were conveyed across the land, a distance of about fifteen miles, into a bay which deeply intersects the eastern end of long island, where the troops re-embarked. crossing the bay they landed at in the morning, about four miles from sag harbor, which they completely surprised and carried with charged bayonets. at the same time a division of the detachment secured the armed schooner and the vessels laden with forage, which were set on fire and entirely consumed. six of the enemy were killed and ninety taken prisoners. a very few escaped under cover of the night. the object of his expedition being effected without the loss of a man, colonel meigs returned to guilford with his prisoners. "having," as was stated in the letter to general parsons, "moved with such uncommon celerity as to have transported his men by land and water miles in hours." congress directed a sword to be presented to him, and passed a resolution expressing the high sense entertained of his merit, and of the prudence, activity, and valor displayed by himself and his party. the exertions made by washington through the winter to raise a powerful army for the ensuing campaign had not been successful. the hopes respecting its strength, which the flattering reports made from every quarter had authorized him to form, were cruelly disappointed, and he found himself not only unable to carry into effect the offensive operations he had meditated, but unequal even to defensive warfare. that steady and persevering courage, however, which had supported himself and the american cause through the gloomy scenes of the preceding year did not forsake him, and that sound judgment which applies to the best advantage those means which are attainable, however inadequate they may be, still remained. his plan of operations was adapted to that which he believed his enemy had formed. he was persuaded either that general burgoyne, who was then at quebec, would endeavor to take ticonderoga and to penetrate to the hudson, in which event general howe would cooperate with him by moving up that river, and attempting to possess himself of the forts and high grounds commanding its passage, or that burgoyne would join the grand army at new york by sea, after which the combined armies would proceed against philadelphia. to counteract the designs of the enemy, whatever they might be, to defend the three great points, ticonderoga, the highlands of new york, and philadelphia, against two powerful armies so much superior to him in arms, in numbers, and in discipline, it was necessary to make such an arrangement of his troops as would enable the parts reciprocally to aid each other without neglecting objects of great and almost equal magnitude, which were alike threatened, and were far asunder. to effect these purposes, the troops of new england and new york were divided between ticonderoga and peekskill, while those from jersey to north carolina inclusive, were directed to assemble at the camp to be formed in jersey. the more southern troops remained in that state for its protection. these arrangements being made and the recruits collected, the camp at morristown was broken up, the detachments called in, and the army assembled at middlebrook (may , ), just behind a connected ridge of strong and commanding heights north of the road leading to philadelphia, and about ten miles from brunswick. this camp, the approaches to which were naturally difficult, washington took care to strengthen still further by entrenchments. the heights in front commanded a prospect of the course of the raritan, the road to philadelphia, the hills about brunswick, and a considerable part of the country between that place and amboy, so as to afford him a full view of the most interesting movements of the enemy. the force brought into the field by the united states required all the aid which could be derived from strong positions and unremitting vigilance. on the th of may ( ) the army in jersey, excluding cavalry and artillery, amounted to only , men, of whom upwards of , were sick. the effective rank and file were only , . had this army been composed of the best disciplined troops, its inferiority in point of numbers must have limited its operations to defensive war, and have rendered it incompetent to the protection of any place whose defense would require a battle in the open field. but more than half the troops were unacquainted with the first rudiments of military duty, and had never looked an enemy in the face. as an additional cause of apprehension, a large proportion of the soldiers, especially from the middle states, were foreigners, in whose attachment to the american cause full confidence could not be placed. washington, anticipating a movement by land toward philadelphia, had taken the precaution to give orders for assembling on the western bank of the delaware an army of militia strengthened by a few continental troops, the command of which was given to general arnold who was then in philadelphia employed in the settlement of his accounts. the first and real object of the campaign on the part of howe was the acquisition of philadelphia. he intended to march through jersey, and after securing the submission of that state to cross the delaware on a portable bridge constructed in the winter for the purpose and proceed by land to that city. if, in the execution of this plan, the americans could be brought to a general action on equal ground, the advantages of the royal army must insure a victory. but should washington decline an engagement and be again pressed over the delaware the object would be as certainly obtained. had howe taken the field before the continental troops were assembled this plan might probably have been executed without any serious obstruction, but the tents and camp equipage expected from europe did not arrive until washington had collected his forces and taken possession of the strong post on the heights of middlebrook. it would be dangerous to attack him on such advantageous ground, for, although his camp might be forced, victory would probably be attended with such loss as to disable the victor from reaping its fruits. if it was deemed too hazardous to attack the strong camp at middlebrook, an attempt to cross the delaware in the face of an army collected on its western bank, while that under washington remained unbroken in his rear, was an experiment of equal danger. it suited the cautious temper of howe to devise some other plan of operation to which he might resort should he be unable to seduce washington from his advantageous position. the two great bays of delaware and chesapeake suggested the alternative of proceeding by water, should he be unable to maneuver washington out of his present encampment. the plan of the campaign being settled and some small reinforcements with the expected camp equipage being received from europe, howe, leaving a garrison in new york and a guard in amboy, assembled his army at brunswick, and gave strong indications of an intention to penetrate through the country to the delaware and reach philadelphia by land. believing this to be his real design washington (june , ) placed a select corps of riflemen under the command of colonel morgan, who had distinguished himself in the unfortunate attempt to storm quebec, and in whom those particular qualities which fit a man for the command of a partisan corps, designed to act on the lines of a formidable enemy, were eminently united. he was ordered to take post at vanvighton's bridge on the raritan, just above its confluence with the millstone river, to watch the left flank of the british army and seize every occasion to harass it. early in the morning of the th, howe, leaving , men under the command of general matthews at brunswick, advanced in two columns toward the delaware. the front of the first, under cornwallis, reached somerset court house, nine miles from brunswick, by the appearance of day, and the second, commanded by general de heister, reached middlebush about the same time. this movement was made with the view of inducing washington to quit his fortified camp and approach the delaware, in which event, howe expected to bring on an engagement on ground less disadvantageous than that now occupied by the american army. but washington understood the importance of his position too well to abandon it. on the first intelligence that the enemy was in motion, he drew out his whole army, and formed it to great advantage on the heights in front of his camp. this position was constantly maintained. the troops remained in order of battle during the day, and in the night slept on the ground to be defended. in the meantime the jersey militia, with alacrity theretofore unexampled in that state, took the field in great numbers. they principally joined general sullivan, who had retired from princeton, behind the sourland hills toward flemington, where an army of some extent was forming, which could readily cooperate with that under the immediate inspection of washington. the settled purpose of washington was to defend his camp, but not to hazard a general action on other ground. he had therefore determined not to advance from the heights he occupied into the open country, either towards the enemy or the delaware. the object of howe was, by acting on his anxiety for philadelphia, to seduce him from the strong ground about middlebrook, and tempt him to approach the delaware in the hope of defending its passage. should he succeed in this, he had little doubt of being able to bring on an engagement, in which he counted with certainty on victory. the considerations which restrained howe from attempting to march through jersey, leaving the american army in full force in his rear, had determined washington to allow him to proceed to the delaware, if such should be his intention. in that event, he had determined to throw those impediments only in the way of the hostile army which might harass and retard its march, and maintaining the high and secure grounds north of the road to be taken by the enemy, to watch for an opportunity of striking some important blow with manifest advantage. washington was not long in penetrating howe's designs. "the views of the enemy," he writes to general arnold in a letter of the th (june, ), "must be to destroy this army and get possession of philadelphia. i am, however, clearly of opinion, that they will not move that way until they have endeavored to give a severe blow to this army. the risk would be too great to attempt to cross a river when they must expect to meet a formidable opposition in front and would have such a force as ours in their rear. they might possibly be successful, but the probability would be infinitely against them. should they be imprudent enough to make the attempt, i shall keep close upon their heels and will do everything in my power to make the project fatal to them." "but, besides the argument in favor of their intending, in the first place, a stroke at this army, drawn from the policy of the measure, every appearance contributes to conform the opinion. had their design been for the delaware in the first instance, they would probably have made a secret, rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to awaken our attention, and give us time to prepare for obstructing them. instead of that they have only advanced to a position necessary to facilitate an attack on our right, the part in which we are most exposed. in addition to this circumstance, they have come out as light as possible, leaving all their baggage, provisions, boas, and bridges at brunswick. this plainly contradicts the idea of their intending to push for the delaware." finding the american army could not be drawn from its strong position howe determined to waste no more time in threatening philadelphia by land, but to withdraw from jersey and to embark his army as expeditiously as possible for the chesapeake or the delaware. on the night of the th of june ( ), he returned to brunswick, and on the d to amboy, from which place the heavy baggage and a few of his troops passed into staten island on the bridge which had been designed for the delaware. [ ] washington had expected this movement from brunswick and had made arrangements to derive some advantage from it. general greene was detached with three brigades to annoy the british rear, and sullivan and maxwell were ordered to cooperate with him. in the meantime the army paraded on the heights of middlebrook, ready to act as circumstances might require. about sunrise, colonel morgan drove in a picket-guard, soon after which that division commenced its march to amboy. some sharp skirmishing took place between this party and morgan's regiment, but the hope of gaining any important advantage was entirely disappointed, and the retreat to amboy was effected with inconsiderable loss. in order to cover his light parties, which still hung on the british flank and rear, washington advanced six or seven miles to quibbletown on the road to amboy, and lord stirling's division was pushed still further, to the neighborhood of the metucking meeting house, for the purpose of co-operating with the light parties should the retreat to staten island afford an opportunity of striking at the rear. believing it now practicable to bring on an engagement and probably hoping to turn the left of the american army and gain the heights in its rear, howe, in the night of the th, recalled the troops from staten island, and early next morning (june , ) made a rapid movement in two columns, towards westfield. the right, under the command of cornwallis took the route by woodbridge to the scotch plains, and the left, led by howe in person, marched by metucking meeting house to fall into the rear of the right column. it was intended that the left should take a separate road soon after this junction and attack the left flank of the american army at quibbletown, while cornwallis should gain the heights on the left of the camp at middlebrook. four battalions with six pieces of cannon were detached to bonhamtown. about woodbridge the right column fell in with one of the american parties of observation, which gave notice of this movement. washington discerned his danger, put the whole army instantly in motion, and regained the camp at middlebrook. cornwallis fell in with lord stirling and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the americans were driven from their ground with the loss of three field-pieces and a few men. they retreated to the hills about the scotch plains and were pursued as far as westfield. perceiving the passes in the mountains on the left of the american camp to be guarded, and the object of this skilful maneuver to be, consequently, unattainable, cornwallis returned through rahway to amboy, and the whole army crossed over to staten island. washington was now again left to his conjectures respecting the plan of the campaign. the very next day (june ), after howe had finally evacuated the jerseys, intelligence was received of the appearance of burgoyne on lake champlain, and that ticonderoga was threatened. this intelligence strengthened the opinion that the design of howe must be to seize the passes in the mountains on the hudson, secure the command of that river, and effect a junction between the two armies. yet washington could not permit himself to yield so entirely to this impression, as to make a movement which might open the way by land to philadelphia. his army, therefore, maintained its station at middlebrook, but arrangements were made to repel any sudden attack on the posts which defended the hudson. some changes made in the stations of the british ships and troops having relieved washington from his apprehensions of a sudden march to philadelphia, he advanced sullivan's division to pompton plains, on the way to peekskill, and proceeded with the main body of his army to morristown, thus approaching the highlands of new york without removing so far from middlebrook as to be unable to regain that camp should howe indicate an intention to seize it. meanwhile howe prosecuted diligently his plan of embarkation, which was necessarily attended with circumstances indicating a much longer voyage than one up the north river. these circumstances were immediately communicated to the eastern states, and congress was earnestly pressed to strengthen the fortifications on the delaware, and to increase the obstructions in that river. in the midst of these appearances certain intelligence was received that burgoyne was in great force on the lakes, and was advancing against ticonderoga. this intelligence confirmed the opinion that the main object of howe must be to effect a junction with burgoyne on the north river. under this impression washington ordered sullivan to peekskill, and slowly advanced himself, first to pompton plains, and afterward to the clove, where he determined to remain until the views of the enemy should be disclosed. while washington thus anxiously watched the movements of his adversary, an agreeable and unexpected piece of intelligence was received from new england. the command of the british troops in rhode island had devolved on general prescot. thinking himself perfectly secure in an island, the water surrounding which was believed to be entirely guarded by his cruisers, and at the head of an army greatly superior to any force then collected in that department, he indulged himself in convenient quarters rather distant from camp, and was remiss with respect to the guards about his person. information of this negligence was communicated to the main, and a plan was formed to surprise him. this spirited enterprise was executed with equal courage and address by lieutenant-colonel barton of the rhode island militia. on the night of the th (june, ) he embarked on board four whale-boats at warwick neck, with a party consisting of about forty persons, including captains adams and philips, and several other officers. after proceeding about ten miles by water unobserved by the british guard boats, although several ships of war lay in that quarter, he landed on the west of the island, about midway between newport and bristol ferry, and marching a mile to the quarters of prescot, dexterously seized the sentinel at his door, and one of his aids. the general himself was taken out of bed and conveyed to a place of safety. the success of this intrepid enterprise diffused the more joy throughout america, because it was supposed to secure the liberation of general lee by enabling washington to offer an officer of equal rank in exchange for him. congress expressed a high sense of the gallant conduct of colonel barton and his party, and presented him with a sword as a mark of approbation. as the fleet fell down toward sandy hook, washington withdrew slowly from the clove, and disposed his army in different divisions, so as to march to any point which might be attacked. at length the embarkation was completed and the fleet put to sea. still, its destination was uncertain. it might be going to the south, or it might return to new york and ascend the hudson. soon, however, washington received intelligence that it had been seen off the capes of the delaware. it was of course expected to come up the delaware and attack philadelphia. washington ordered the army to march to germantown, and himself hastened forward to chester. the fleet of the british had disappeared again. it might have returned to new york, or it might have sailed to new england, with a view to joining burgoyne as he was advancing on ticonderoga. during this period of suspense and conjecture, washington was for several days in philadelphia consulting on public measures with the committees and members of congress. here he first met lafayette. this young nobleman, whose name has since become so dear to every american heart, was born at auvergne, in france, on the th of september, . his family was of ancient date and of the highest rank among the french nobility. he was left an orphan at an early age, heir to an immense estate, and exposed to all the temptations of "the gayest and most luxurious city on earth at the period of its greatest corruption. he escaped unhurt." having completed his college education, he married at the age of sixteen the daughter of the duke d'ayen, of the family of noailles. she was younger than himself and was always "the encourager of his virtues, and the heroic partner of his sufferings, his great name, and his honorable grave." [ ] in the summer of (says mr. everett), and just after the american declaration of independence, lafayette was stationed at metz, a garrisoned town on the road from paris to the german frontier with the regiment to which he was attached as a captain of dragoons, not then nineteen years of age. the duke of gloucester, the brother of the king of england happened to be on a visit to metz, and a dinner was given to him by the commandant of the garrison. lafayette was invited with other officers to the entertainment. dispatches had just been received by the duke from england relating to american affairs--the resistance of the colonists, and the strong measures adopted by the ministers to crush the rebellion. among the details stated by the duke of gloucester was the extraordinary fact that these remote, scattered, and unprotected settlers of the wilderness had solemnly declared themselves an independent people. that word decided the fortunes of the enthusiastic listener, and not more distinctly was the great declaration a charter of political liberty to the rising states, than it was a commission to their youthful champion to devote his life to the same cause. the details which he heard were new to him. the american contest was known to him before but as a rebellion--a tumultuary affair in a remote transatlantic colony. he now, with a promptness of perception which, even at this distance of time, strikes us as little less than miraculous, addressed a multitude of inquiries to the duke of gloucester on the subject of the contest. his imagination was kindled at the idea of a civilized people struggling for political liberty. his heart was warmed with the possibility of drawing his sword in a good cause. before he left the table his course was mentally resolved on, and the brother of the king of england (unconsciously, no doubt) had the singular fortune to enlist, from the french court and the french army, this gallant and fortunate champion in the then unpromising cause of the colonial congress. he immediately repaired to paris to make further inquiries and arrangements toward the execution of his great plan. he confided it to two young friends, officers like himself, the count de ségur and viscount de noailles, and proposed to them to join him. they shared his enthusiasm, and determined to accompany him, but on consulting their families, they were refused permission. but they faithfully kept lafayette's secret. happily--shall i say--he was an orphan, independent of control, and master of his own fortune, amounting to near $ , per annum. he next opened his heart to the count de broglie, a marshal in the french army. to the experienced warrior, accustomed to the regular campaigns of european service, the project seemed rash and quixotic, and one that he could not countenance. lafayette begged the count at least not to betray him, as he was resolved (notwithstanding his disapproval of the subject) to go to america. this the count promised, adding, however, "i saw your uncle fall in italy, and i witnessed your father's death at the battle of minden, and i will not be accessory to the ruin of the only remaining branch of the family." he then used all the powers of argument which his age and experience suggested to him, to dissuade lafayette from the enterprise, but in vain. finding his determination unalterable, he made him acquainted with the baron de kalb, who the count knew was about to embark for america--an officer of experience and merit who, as is well known, fell at the battle of camden. the baron de kalb introduced lafayette to silas deane, then agent of the united states in france, who explained to him the state of affairs in america, and encouraged him in his project. deane was but imperfectly acquainted with the french language, and of manners somewhat repulsive. a less enthusiastic temper than that of lafayette might, perhaps, have been chilled by the reception that he met with from deane. he had, as yet, not been acknowledged in any public capacity, and was beset by the spies of the british ambassador. for these reasons it was judged expedient that the visit of lafayette should not be repeated, and their further negotiations were conducted through the intervention of mr. carmichael, an american gentleman at that time in paris. the arrangement was at length concluded, in virtue of which deane took upon himself, without authority, but by a happy exercise of discretion, to engage lafayette to enter the american service with the rank of major-general. a vessel was about to be dispatched with arms and other supplies for the american army, and in this vessel it was settled that he should take passage. at this juncture the news reached france of the evacuation of new york, the loss of fort washington, the calamitous retreat through new jersey, and other disasters of the campaign of . the friends of america in france were in despair. the tidings, bad in themselves, were greatly exaggerated in the british gazettes. the plan of sending an armed vessel with munitions was abandoned. the cause, always doubtful, was now pronounced desperate, and lafayette was urged by all who were privy to his project, to give up an enterprise so wild and hopeless. even our commissioners (for deane had been joined by dr. franklin and arthur lee) told him they could not in conscience urge him to proceed. his answer was: "my zeal and love of liberty have perhaps hitherto been the prevailing motive with me, but now i see a chance of usefulness which i had not anticipated. these supplies i know are greatly wanted by congress. i have money; i will purchase a vessel to convey them to america, and in this vessel my companions and myself will take passage." his purpose was opposed by the government, and he was obliged to escape into spain and sail from that country. he landed near georgetown in south carolina, and in company with the baron de kalb, the companion of his voyage, proceeded to charleston, where they were received with enthusiasm by the magistrates and the people. as soon as possible they proceeded by land to philadelphia. on his arrival there, with the eagerness of a youth anxious to be employed upon his errand, he sent his letters to mr. lovell, chairman of the committee of foreign relations. he called the next day at the hall of congress, and asked to see this gentleman. mr. lovell came out to him, stated that so many foreigners offered themselves for employment in the american army that congress was greatly embarrassed to find them commands; that the finances of the country required the most rigid economy, and that he feared, in the present case, there was little hope of success. lafayette perceived that the worthy chairman had made up his report without looking at the papers; he explained to him that his application, if granted, would lay no burden upon the finances of congress, and addressed a letter to the president, in which he expressed a wish to enter the american army on the condition of serving without pay or emolument, and on the footing of a volunteer. these conditions removed the chief obstacles alluded to in reference to the appointment of foreign officers; the letters brought by lafayette made known to congress his high connections, and his large means of usefulness, and without an hour's delay he received from them a commission of major-general in the american army, a month before he was twenty years of age. washington was at headquarters when lafayette reached philadelphia, but he was daily expected in the city. the introduction of the youthful stranger to the man on whom his career depended was therefore delayed a few days. it took place in a manner peculiarly marked with the circumspection of washington, at a dinner party, where lafayette was one among several guests of consideration. washington was not uninformed of the circumstances connected with his arrival in the country. he knew what benefit it promised the cause if his character and talents were adapted to the cause he had so boldly struck out, and he knew also how much it was to be feared that the very qualities which had prompted him to embark in it, would make him a useless and even a dangerous auxiliary. we may well suppose that the piercing eye of the father of his country was not idle during the repast. but that searching glance, before which pretense or fraud never stood undetected, was completely satisfied. when they were about to separate, washington took lafayette aside, spoke to him with kindness, paid a just tribute to the noble spirit which he had shown, and the sacrifices he had made in the american cause, invited him to make the headquarters of the army his home, and to regard himself at all times as one of the family of the commander-in-chief. such was the reception given to lafayette by the most sagacious and observant of men, and the personal acquaintance thus commenced ripened into an intimacy, a confidence, and an affection without bounds, and never for one moment interrupted. if there lived a man whom washington loved it was lafayette. the proofs of this are not wanted by those who have read the history of the revolution, but the private correspondence of these two great men, hitherto unpublished, discloses the full extent of the mutual regard and affection which united them. it not only shows that washington entertained the highest opinion of the military talent, the personal probity, and the general prudence and energy of lafayette, but that he regarded him with the tenderness of a father, and found in the affection which lafayette bore to him in return one of the greatest comforts and blessings of his own life. whenever the correspondence of washington and lafayette shall be published, the publication will do what perhaps nothing else can--raise them both in the esteem and admiration of mankind. our readers will pardon this somewhat lengthened quotation respecting the bosom friend of washington. we now return to our narrative of events. late in the month of august ( ), washington was relieved from his suspense in regard to the movements of howe. he received intelligence that the british fleet had sailed up chesapeake bay, and that he was landing his army at the head of elk river, now elkton. it was at length clearly apparent that his object was the capture of philadelphia. at the place of debarkation the british army was within a few days' march of philadelphia; no great rivers were in its way, and there was no very strong position of which the enemy could take possession. on landing, general howe issued a proclamation promising that private property should be respected, and offering pardon and protection to all who should submit to him, but, as the american army was at hand, the proclamation produced little effect. washington distinctly understood the nature of the contest in which he was engaged, and, sensible of the inferiority of his raw and disorderly army to the veteran troops under howe, he wished to avoid a general engagement, but aware of the effect which the fall of philadelphia would produce on the minds of the people, determined to make every effort in order to retard the progress and defeat the aim of the royal army. accordingly, he marched to meet general howe, who, from want of horses, many of which had perished in the voyage, and from other causes, was unable to proceed from the head of the elk before the d of september ( ). on the advance of the royal array, washington retreated across brandywine creek, which falls into the delaware at wilmington. he took post with his main body opposite chad's ford, where it was expected the british would attempt the passage, and ordered general sullivan, with a detachment, to watch the fords above. he sent general maxwell with about , light troops, to occupy the high ground on the other side of the brandywine, to skirmish with the british, and retard them in their progress. on the morning of the th of september, the british army advanced in two columns; the right, under general knyphausen, marched straight to chad's ford; the left, under cornwallis, accompanied by howe and generals grey, grant, and agnew, proceeded by a circuitous route toward a point named the forks, where the two branches of the brandywine unite, with a view to turn the right of the americans and gain their rear. general knyphausen's van soon found itself opposed to the light troops under general maxwell. a smart conflict ensued. general knyphausen reinforced his advanced guard, and drove the americans across the rivulet to shelter themselves under their batteries on the north bank. general knyphausen ordered some artillery to be placed on the most advantageous points, and a cannonade was carried on with the american batteries on the heights beyond the ford. meanwhile the left wing of the british crossed the fords above the forks. of this movement general washington had early notice, but the information which he received from different quarters, through his raw and unpracticed scouts, was confused and contradictory, and consequently his operations were embarrassed. after passing the fords, cornwallis took the road to dilworth, which led him on the american right. general sullivan, who had been appointed to guard that quarter, occupied the heights above birmingham church, his left extending to the brandywine, his artillery judiciously placed, and his right flank covered by woods. about four in the afternoon cornwallis formed the line of battle and began the attack: for some time the americans sustained it with intrepidity, but at length gave way. when washington heard the firing in that direction he ordered general greene, with a brigade, to support general sullivan. general greene marched four miles in forty-two minutes, but, on reaching the scene of action, he found general sullivan's division defeated, and in confusion. he covered the retreat, and, after some time, finding an advantageous position, he renewed the battle, and arrested the progress of the pursuing enemy. general knyphausen, as soon as he heard the firing of cornwallis's division, forced the passage of chad's ford, attacked the troops opposed to him, and compelled them to make a precipitate and disorderly retreat. general washington, with the part of his army which he was able to keep together, retired with his artillery and baggage to chester, where he halted within eight miles of the british army, till next morning, when he retreated to philadelphia. among the foreign officers engaged in this battle besides lafayette, who was wounded in the leg during the action, were general deborre, a french officer; [ ] general conway, an irishman, who had served in france; capt. louis fleury, a french engineer, and count pulaski, a polish nobleman, subsequently distinguished as a commander of cavalry. as must ever be the case in new-raised armies, unused to danger and from which undeserving officers have not been expelled, their conduct was not uniform. some regiments, especially those which had served the preceding campaign, maintained their ground with the firmness and intrepidity of veterans, while others gave way as soon as they were pressed. the author of a very correct history of the war, speaking of this action, says: "a part of the troops, among whom were particularly numbered some virginia regiments, and the whole corps of artillery, behaved exceedingly well in some of the actions of this day, exhibiting a degree of order, firmness, and resolution, and preserving such a countenance in extremely sharp service, as would not have discredited veterans. some other bodies of their troops behaved very badly." the official letter of sir william howe stated his loss at rather less than killed and wounded, and this account was accepted at the time as true. a late discovery shows its falsehood. mr. headley, in his recent "life of washington," notices the finding of a document which settles the question. it was found, he says, among gen. james clinton's papers, carefully filed away and indorsed by himself. on the back, in his own handwriting, is inscribed: "taken from the enemy's ledgers, which fell into the hands of general washington's army at the action of germantown." within is the following statement: "state of the british troops and position they were in when they made the attack at brandywine, the th of september, . the upper ford, under the command of lieutenant lord cornwallis: killed and second regiment, british guards; second wounded. regiment, light infantry , second brigade, british foot , first division, hessians ferguson's riflemen ______ _____ totals , , middle ford, under the command of major-general gray: second battalion, guards second battalion, second highlanders second battalion, seventieth highlanders ____ total , lower ford, under the command of lieutenant-general knyphausen: second brigade, consisting of the fourth, killed and fifth, tenth, fifteenth, twenty-third, wounded. twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, fortieth, forty-fourth, and fifty-fifth regiments , hessians to the amount of queen's rangers ________ _____ total , , , , ________ ______ the whole british force , , , ________ , " the estimate, says mr. headley, of the total force which the british had on the field, makes the two armies actually engaged about equal. the heavy loss here given seems, at first sight, almost incredible, and puts an entirely different aspect on the battle. of the authenticity and accuracy of this document i think there can be no doubt. from the ardor with which washington had inspired his troops before this action, it is probable that the conflict would have been more severe had the intelligence respecting the movement on the left of the british army been less contradictory. raw troops, changing their ground in the moment of action, and attacked in the agitation of moving, are easily thrown into confusion. this was the critical situation of a part of sullivan's division, and was the cause of its breaking before greene could be brought up to support it, after which it was impossible to retrieve the fortune of the day. but had the best disposition of the troops been made at the time, which subsequent intelligence would suggest, the action could not have terminated in favor of the americans. their inferiority in numbers, in discipline, and in arms was too great to leave them a probable prospect of victory. a battle, however, was not to be avoided. the opinion of the public and of congress demanded it. the loss of philadelphia, without an attempt to preserve it, would have excited discontent throughout the country, which might be productive of serious mischief, and action, though attended with defeat, provided the loss be not too great, must improve an army in which not only the military talents, but even the courage of officers, some of them of high rank, remained to be ascertained. the battle of brandywine was not considered as decisive by congress, the general, or the army. the opinion was carefully cherished that the british had gained only the ground, and that their loss was still more considerable than had been sustained by the americans. congress appeared determined to risk another battle for the metropolis of america. far from discovering any intention to change their place of session, they passed vigorous resolutions for reinforcing the army, and directed washington to give the necessary orders for completing the defenses of the delaware. from chester the army marched through darby, over the schuylkill bridge to its former ground near the falls of that river. greene's division, which, having been less in action, was more entire than any other, covered the rear, and the corps of maxwell remained at chester until the next day as a rallying point for the small parties and straggling soldiers who might yet be in the neighborhood. having allowed his army one day for repose and refreshment, washington recrossed the schuylkill and proceeded on the lancaster road, with the intention of risking another engagement. sir william howe passed the night of the th on the field of battle. on the succeeding day he detached major-general grant with two brigades to concord meeting house, and on the th (september, ), lord cornwallis joined general grant, and marched toward chester. another detachment took possession of wilmington, to which place the sick and wounded were conveyed. to prevent a sudden movement to philadelphia by the lower road the bridge over the schuylkill was loosened from its moorings, and general armstrong was directed, with the pennsylvania militia, to guard the passes over that river. on the fifteenth the american army, intending to gain the left of the british, reached the warren tavern, on the lancaster road, twenty-three miles from philadelphia. intelligence was received early next morning that howe was approaching in two columns. it being too late to reach the ground he had intended to occupy washington resolved to meet and engage him in front. both armies prepared with great alacrity for battle. the advanced parties had met, and were beginning to skirmish, when they were separated by a heavy rain, which, becoming more and more violent, rendered the retreat of the americans a measure of absolute necessity. the inferiority of their arms never brought them into such imminent peril as on this occasion. their gun-locks not being well secured, their muskets soon became unfit for use. their cartridge-boxes had been so badly constructed as not to protect their ammunition from the tempest. their cartridges were soon damaged, and this mischief was the more serious, because very many of the soldiers were without bayonets. the army being thus rendered unfit for action the design of giving battle was reluctantly abandoned by washington and a retreat commenced. it was continued all the day and great part of the night, through a cold and most distressing rain and very deep roads. a few hours before day (september th), the troops halted at the yellow springs, where their arms and ammunition were examined, and the alarming fact was disclosed that scarcely a musket in a regiment could be discharged and scarcely one cartridge in a box was fit for use. this state of things suggested the precaution of moving to a still greater distance in order to refit their arms, obtain a fresh supply of ammunition, and revive the spirits of the army. washington therefore retired to warwick furnace on the south branch of french creek, where ammunition and muskets might be obtained in time to dispute the passage of the schuylkill and make yet another effort to save philadelphia. the extreme severity of the weather had entirely stopped the british army. during two days howe made no other movement than to unite his columns. from french creek general wayne was detached with his division into the rear of the british with orders to join general smallwood, and, carefully concealing himself and his movements, to seize every occasion which this march might offer of engaging them to advantage. meanwhile, general washington crossed the schuylkill at parker's ferry, and encamped on both sides of perkyomen creek. general wayne lay in the woods near the entrance of the road from darby into that leading to lancaster, about three miles in the rear of the left wing of the british troops encamped at trydruffin, where he believed himself to be perfectly secure. but the country was so extensively disaffected that howe received accurate accounts of his position and of his force. major-general gray was detached to surprise him, and effectually accomplished his purpose. about in the night of the th his pickets, driven in with charged bayonets, gave the first intimation of gray's approach. wayne instantly formed his division, and, while his right sustained a fierce assault, directed a retreat by the left, under cover of a few regiments, who, for a short time, withstood the violence of shock. in his letter to washington, he says that they gave the assailants some well-directed fires, which must have done considerable execution, and that, after retreating from the ground on which the engagement commenced, they formed again, at a small distance from the scene of action, but that both parties drew off without renewing the conflict. he states his loss at about killed and wounded. the british accounts admit, on their part, a loss of only . when the attack commenced, general smallwood, who was on his march to join wayne, a circumstance entirely unexpected by general gray, was within less than a mile of him, and, had he commanded regulars, might have given a very different turn to the night. but his militia thought only of their own safety, and, having fallen in with a party returning from the pursuit of wayne, fled in confusion, with the loss of only one man. some severe animadversions on this unfortunate affair having been made in the army, general wayne demanded a court-martial, which, after investigating his conduct, was unanimously of opinion, "that he had done everything to be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer," and acquitted him with honor. having secured his rear, by compelling wayne to take a greater distance, howe marched along the valley road to the schuylkill and encamped on the bank of that river, from the fatland ford up to french creek, along the front of the american army. to secure his right from being turned, washington again changed his position and encamped with his left near, but above, the british right. howe now relinquished his plan of bringing washington to another battle, and thinking it advisable, perhaps, to transfer the seat of war to the neighborhood of his ships, determined to cross the schuylkill and take possession of philadelphia. in the afternoon he ordered one detachment to cross at fatland ford, which was on his right, and another to cross at gordon's ford, on his left, and to take possession of the heights commanding them. these orders were executed without much difficulty, and the american troops placed to defend these fords were easily dispersed. this service being effected, the whole army marched by its right, about midnight, and crossing at fatland without opposition, proceeded a considerable distance toward philadelphia, and encamped with its left near sweed's ford and its right on the manatawny road, having stony run in its course. it was now apparent that only immediate victory could save philadelphia from the grasp of the british general whose situation gave him the option of either taking possession of that place or endeavoring to bring on another engagement. if, therefore, a battle must certainly be risked to save the capital it would be necessary to attack the enemy. public opinion, which a military chief finds too much difficulty in resisting, and the opinion of congress, required a battle; but, on a temperate consideration of circumstances, washington came to the wise decision of avoiding one for the present. his reasons for this decision were conclusive. wayne and smallwood had not yet joined the army. the continental troops ordered from peekskill, who had been detained for a time by an incursion from new york, were approaching, and a reinforcement of jersey militia, under general dickenson, was also expected. to these powerful motives against risking an engagement, other considerations of great weight were added, founded on the condition of his soldiers. an army, maneuvering in an open country, in the face of a very superior enemy, is unavoidably exposed to excessive fatigue and extreme hardship. the effect of these hardships was much increased by the privations under which the american troops suffered. while in almost continual motion, wading deep rivers, and encountering every vicissitude of the seasons, they were without tents, newly without shoes, or winter clothes, and often without food. a council of war concurred in the opinion washington had formed, not to march against the enemy, but to allow his harassed troops a few days for repose and to remain on his present ground until the expected reinforcements should arrive. immediately after the battle of brandywine, the distressed situation of the army had been represented to congress, who had recommended the executive of pennsylvania to seize the cloths and other military stores in the warehouses of philadelphia, and, after granting certificates expressing their value, to convey them to a place of safety. the executive, being unwilling to encounter the odium of this strong measure, advised that the extraordinary powers of the commander-in-chief should be used on the occasion. lieut. col. alexander hamilton, one of the general's aides, already in high estimation for his talents and zeal, was employed on this delicate business. "your own prudence," said the general, in a letter to him while in philadelphia, "will point out the least exceptionable means to be pursued; but remember, delicacy and a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of application must give place to our necessities. we must, if possible, accommodate the soldiers with such articles as they stand in need of or we shall have just reason to apprehend the most injurious and alarming consequences from the approaching season." all the efforts, however, of this very active officer could not obtain a supply in any degree adequate to the pressing and increasing wants of the army. colonel hamilton was also directed to cause the military stores which had been previously collected to a large amount in philadelphia, and the vessels which were lying at the wharves, to be removed up the delaware. this duty was executed with so much vigilance that very little public property fell, with the city, into the hands of the british general, who entered it on the th of september ( ). the members of congress separated on the th, in the evening, and reassembled at lancaster on the th of the same month. from thence they subsequently adjourned to yorktown, where they remained eight months, till philadelphia was evacuated by the british. from the th of august, when the british army landed at the head of elk, until the th of september, when it entered philadelphia, the campaign had been active, and the duties of the american general uncommonly arduous. some english writers bestow high encomiums on sir william howe for his military skill and masterly movements during this period. at brandywine especially, washington is supposed to have been "out-generaled, more out-generaled than in any action during the war." if all the operations of this trying period be examined, and the means in possession of both be considered, the american chief will appear in no respect inferior to his adversary, or unworthy of the high place assigned to him in the opinions of his countrymen. with an army decidedly inferior, not only in numbers, but in every military requisite except courage, in an open country, he employed his enemy near thirty days in advancing about sixty miles. in this time he fought one general action, and, though defeated, was able to reassemble the same undisciplined, unclothed, and almost unfed army; and, the fifth day afterward, again to offer battle. when the armies were separated by a storm which involved him in the most distressing circumstances, he extricated himself from them, and still maintained a respectable and imposing countenance. the only advantage he is supposed to have given was at the battle of brandywine, and that was produced by the contrariety and uncertainty of the intelligence received. a general must be governed by his intelligence, and must regulate his measures by his information. it is his duty to obtain correct information, and among the most valuable traits of a military character is the skill to select those means which will obtain it. yet the best-selected means are not always successful; and, in a new army, where military talent has not been well tried by the standard of experience, the general is peculiarly exposed to the chance of employing not the best instruments. in a country, too, which is covered with wood precise information of the numbers composing different columns is to be gained with difficulty. taking into view the whole series of operations, from the landing of howe at the head of elk to his entering philadelphia, the superior generalship of washington is clearly manifest. howe, with his numerous and well-appointed army, performed a certain amount of routine work and finally gained the immediate object which he had in view--the possession of philadelphia--when, by every military rule, he should have gone up the hudson to cooperate with burgoyne. washington, with his army, composed almost entirely of raw recruits and militia, kept his adversary out of philadelphia a month, still menaced him with an imposing front in his new position, and subsequently held him in check there while gates was defeating and capturing burgoyne. we shall see, in the ensuing chapter, that although howe had attained his first object in gaining possession of philadelphia, he had still many new difficulties and dangers to encounter at the hands of his daring and persevering opponent before he could comfortably establish himself in winter quarters. . footnote: about this time the royalists in the counties of somerset and worcester, in the province of maryland, became so formidable that an insurrection was dreaded. and it was feared that the insurgents would, in such a case, be joined by a number of disaffected persons in the county of sussex, in the delaware state. congress, to prevent this evil, recommended the apprehension and removal of all persons of influence, or of desperate characters, within the counties of sussex, worcester, and somerset, who manifested a disaffection to the american cause, to some remote place within their respective states, there to be secured. from appearances, congress had also reason to believe that the loyalists in the new england governments and new york state, had likewise concerted an insurrection. see gordon's "history of the american revolution," vol. ii, pp. , . by the same authority we are informed that general gates wrote to general fellowes for a strong military force, for the prevention of plots and insurrection in the provinces of new england and new york. . footnote: congress voted a monument to his memory. . footnote: stedman, the british historian of the revolution, acknowledges a loss of , including officers. . footnote: lieutenant-colonel palfrey, formerly an aide-de-camp to general washington, and now paymaster-general, wrote to his friend: "i was at brunswick just after the enemy had left it. never let the british troops upbraid the americans with want of cleanliness, for such dog-kennels as their huts were my eyes never beheld. mr. burton's house, where lord cornwallis resided, stunk so i could not bear to enter it. the houses were torn to pieces, and the inhabitants as well as the soldiers have suffered greatly for want of provisions."--gordon, "history of the american revolution." . footnote: eulogy on lafayette. see "orations and speeches on various occasions," by edward everett, vol. i, p. . . footnote: deborre's brigade broke first; and, on an inquiry into his conduct being directed, he resigned. a misunderstanding existed between him and sullivan, on whose right he was stationed. . footnote: all english writers do not concur in this view of the matter. the british historian, stedman, gives the following sharp criticism on howe's conduct in the affair of the brandywine: "the victory does not seem to have been improved in the degree which circumstances appeared to have admitted. when the left column of the british had turned washington's right flank, his whole army was hemmed in:--general knyphausen and the brandywine in front; sir william howe and lord cornwallis on his right; the delaware in his rear; and the christiana river on his left. he was obliged to retreat twenty-three miles to philadelphia, when the british lay within eighteen miles of it. had the commander-in-chief detached general knyphausen's column in pursuit early next morning, general washington might with ease have been intercepted, either at the heights of crum creek, nine miles; at derby, fourteen; or at philadelphia, eighteen miles, from the british camp; or, the schuylkill might have been passed at gray's ferry, only seventy yards over, and philadelphia, with the american magazines, taken, had not the pontoons been improvidently left at new york as useless. any one of these movements, it was thought, might have been attended with the total destruction of the american army. for some reason, however, which it is impossible to divine, the commander-in-chief employed himself for several days in making slight movements which could not by any possibility produce any important benefits to the british cause." chapter xi. washington holds howe in check. . washington seems to have been by no means disheartened at the loss of philadelphia. on the contrary he justly regarded the circumstance of the enemy holding that city as one which might, as in the sequel it actually did, turn to the advantage of the american cause. writing to general trumbull on the st of october ( ), he says: "you will hear, before this gets to hand, that the enemy have at length gained possession of philadelphia. many unavoidable difficulties and unlucky accidents which we had to encounter helped to promote this success. this is an event which we have reason to wish had not happened, and which will be attended with several ill consequences, but i hope it will not be so detrimental as many apprehend, and that a little time and perseverance will give us some favorable opportunity of recovering our loss, and of putting our affairs in a more flourishing condition. our army has now had the rest and refreshment it stood in need of, and our soldiers are in very good spirits." philadelphia being lost washington sought to make its occupation inconvenient and insecure by rendering it inaccessible to the british fleet. with this design works had been erected on a low, marshy island in the delaware, near the junction of the schuylkill, which, from the nature of its soil, was called mud island. on the opposite shore of jersey, at red bank, a fort had also been constructed which was defended with heavy artillery. in the deep channel between, or under cover of these batteries, several ranges of _chevaux-de-frise_ had been sunk. these were so strong and heavy as to be destructive of any ship which might strike against them, and were sunk in such a depth of water as rendered it equally difficult to weigh them or cut them through; no attempt to raise them, or to open the channel in any manner, could be successful until the command of the shores on both sides should be obtained. other ranges of _chevaux-de-frise_ had been sunk about three miles lower down the river, and some considerable works were in progress at billingsport on the jersey side, which were in such forwardness as to be provided with artillery. these works were further supported by several galleys mounting heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, and some fire ships. the present relative situation of the armies gave a decisive importance to these works. cutting off the communication of howe with his brother's fleet, they prevented his receiving supplies by water. while the american vessels in the river above fort mifflin, the name given to the fort on mud island, rendered it difficult to forage in jersey, washington hoped to render his supplies on the side of pennsylvania so precarious as to compel him to evacuate philadelphia. the advantages of this situation were considerably diminished by the capture of the delaware frigate. the day after cornwallis entered philadelphia three batteries were commenced for the purpose of acting against any american ships which might appear before the town. while yet incomplete they were attacked by two frigates, assisted by several galleys and gondolas. the delaware, being left by the tide while engaged with the battery, grounded and was captured, soon after which the smaller frigate and the other vessels retired under the guns of the fort. this circumstance was the more unfortunate as it gave the british general the command of the ferry, and consequently free access to jersey, and enabled him to intercept the communication between the forts below and trenton, from which place the garrisons were to have drawn their military stores. all the expected reinforcements, except the state regiment and militia from virginia, being arrived, and the detached parties being called in, the effective strength of the army amounted to , continental troops and , militia. with this force washington determined to approach the enemy and seize the first favorable moment to attack him. in pursuance of this determination the army took a position on the skippack road, september th ( ), about twenty miles from philadelphia and sixteen from germantown--a village stretching on both sides the great road leading northward from philadelphia, which forms one continued street nearly two miles in length. the british line of encampment crossed this village at right angles near the center, and cornwallis, with four regiments of grenadiers, occupied philadelphia. the immediate object of general howe being the removal of the obstructions in the river, colonel stirling, with two regiments, had been detached to take possession of the fort at billingsport, which he accomplished without opposition. this service being effected, and the works facing the water destroyed, colonel stirling was directed to escort a convoy of provisions from chester to philadelphia. some apprehensions being entertained for the safety of this convoy, another regiment was detached from germantown, with directions to join colonel stirling. this division of the british force appeared to washington to furnish a fair opportunity to engage sir william howe with advantage. determining to avail himself of it, he formed a plan for surprising the camp at germantown. this plan consisted, in its general outline, of a night march and double attack, consentaneously made, on both flanks of the enemy's right wing, while a demonstration, or attack, as circumstances should render proper, was to be directed on the western flank of his left wing. with these orders and objects the american army began its march from skippack creek at o'clock in the evening of the d of october ( ), in two columns--the right, under sullivan and wayne, taking the chestnut hill road, followed by stirling's division in reserve; the left, composed of the divisions of greene and stephen, with m'dougal's brigade and , maryland and jersey militia taking the limekiln and old york roads, while armstrong's pennsylvania militia advanced by the ridge road. washington accompanied the right wing, and at dawn of day, next morning, attacked the royal army. after a smart conflict he drove in the advance guard, which was stationed at the head of the village, and with his army divided into five columns prosecuted the attack, but lieutenant-colonel musgrave, of the fortieth regiment, which had been driven in, and who had been able to keep five companies of the regiment together, threw himself into a large stone house in the village, belonging to mr. chew, which stood in front of the main column of the americans, and there almost a half of washington's army was detained for a considerable time. instead of masking chew's house with a sufficient force and advancing rapidly with their main body, the americans attacked the house, which was obstinately defended. the delay was very unfortunate, for the critical moment was lost in fruitless attempts on the house; the royal troops had time to get under arms and be in readiness to resist or attack, as circumstances required. general grey came to the assistance of colonel musgrave; the engagement for some time was general and warm; at length the americans began to give way and effected a retreat with all their artillery. the morning was very foggy, a circumstance which had prevented the americans from combining and conducting their operations as they otherwise might have done, but which now favored their retreat by concealing their movements. in this engagement the british had men killed or wounded; among the slain were brigadier-general agnew and colonel bird, officers of distinguished reputation. the americans lost an equal number in killed and wounded, besides who were taken prisoners. general nash, of north carolina, was among those who were killed. after the battle washington returned to his encampment at skippack creek. the plan of attack formed by washington for the battle of germantown was fully justified by the result. the british camp was completely surprised, and their army was on the point of being entirely routed, when the continued fog led the american soldiers to mistake friends for foes, and caused a panic which threw everything into confusion and enabled the enemy to rally. washington, writing to his brother john augustine, says: "if it had not been for a thick fog, which rendered it so dark at times that we were not able to distinguish friend from foe at the distance of thirty yards, we should, i believe, have made a decisive and glorious day of it. but providence designed it otherwise, for, after we had driven the enemy a mile or two, after they were in the utmost confusion and flying before us in most places, after we were upon the point, as it appeared to everybody, of grasping a complete victory, our own troops took fright and fled with precipitation and disorder. how to account for this i know not, unless, as i before observed, the fog represented their own friends to them for a reinforcement of the enemy, as we attacked in different quarters at the same time, and were about closing the wings of our army when this happened. one thing, indeed, contributed not a little to our misfortune, and that was a want of ammunition on the right wing, which began the engagement, and in the course of two hours and forty minutes, which time it lasted, had, many of them, expended the forty rounds that they took into the field. after the engagement we removed to a place about twenty miles from the enemy to collect our forces together, to take care of our wounded, get furnished with necessaries again, and be in a better posture either for offensive or defensive operations. we are now advancing toward the enemy again, being at this time within twelve miles of them." writing to the president of congress (october , ) he still imputes the disaster to the fog: "it is with much chagrin and mortification i add that every account confirms the opinion i at first entertained, that our troops retreated at the instant when victory was declaring herself in our favor. the tumult, disorder, and even despair, which, it seems, had taken place in the british army, were scarcely to be paralleled; and it is said, so strongly did the idea of a retreat prevail, that chester was fixed on as their rendezvous. i can discover no other cause for not improving this happy opportunity, than the extreme haziness of the weather." much controversy has arisen among writers as to the cause of failure at germantown, but washington's means of observation were certainly not inferior to those of any other person whatever, and in the above extracts the whole matter is clearly explained. he does not refer to the delay at chew's house as the cause of failure. panic struck as the british were, they would have been defeated, notwithstanding the delay at that impromptu fortress, if the fog had not occasioned the american soldiers to believe that the firing on their own side proceeded from the enemy, and that they were about to be surrounded. hence the recoil and retreat. it was apparently a great misfortune, but it was the destiny of washington to achieve greatness in spite of severe and repeated misfortunes. the same opinion respecting the fog is expressed in the following extract from a letter from general sullivan to the president of new hampshire: "we brought off all our cannon and all our wounded. our loss in the action amounts to less than , mostly wounded. we lost some valuable officers, among whom were the brave general nash, and my two aides-de-camp, majors sherburne and white, whose singular bravery must ever do honor to their memories. our army rendezvoused at paulen's mills, and seems very desirous of another action. the misfortunes of this day were principally owing to a thick fog which, being rendered still more so by the smoke of the cannon and musketry, prevented our troops from discovering the motions of the enemy, or acting in concert with each other. i cannot help observing that with great concern i saw our brave commander exposing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy in such a manner that regard for my country obliged me to ride to him and beg him to retire. he, to gratify me and some others, withdrew a small distance, but his anxiety for the fate of the day soon brought him up again, where he remained till our troops had retreated." congress unanimously adopted the following resolution on hearing of the battle of germantown: "_resolved,_ that the thanks of congress be given to general washington, for his wise and well-concerted attack upon the enemy's army near germantown, on the th instant, and to the officers and soldiers of the army for their brave exertions on that occasion; congress being well satisfied, that the best designs and boldest efforts may sometimes fail by unforeseen incidents, trusting that, on future occasions, the valor and virtue of the army will, by the blessing of heaven, be crowned with complete and deserved success." the attention of both armies was now principally directed to the forts below philadelphia. these it was the great object of howe to destroy, and of washington to defend and maintain. the loss of the delaware frigate, and of billingsport, greatly discouraged the seamen by whom the galleys and floating batteries were manned. believing the fate of america to be decided, an opinion strengthened by the intelligence received from their connections in philadelphia, they manifested the most alarming defection, and several officers as well as sailors deserted to the enemy. this desponding temper was checked by the battle of germantown, and by throwing a garrison of continental troops into the fort at red bank, called fort mercer, the defense of which had been entrusted to militia. this fort commanded the channel between the jersey shore and mud island, and the american vessels were secure under its guns. the militia of jersey were relied on to reinforce its garrison, and also to form a corps of observation which might harass the rear of any detachment investing the place. to increase the inconvenience of howe's situation by intercepting his supplies washington ordered militia, commanded by general potter, to cross the schuylkill and scour the country between that river and chester, and the militia on the delaware, above philadelphia, were directed to watch the roads in that vicinity. the more effectually to stop those who were seduced by the hope of gold and silver to supply the enemy at this critical time, congress passed a resolution subjecting to martial law and to death all who should furnish them with provisions, or certain other enumerated articles, who should be taken within thirty miles of any city, town, or place in jersey, pennsylvania, or delaware, occupied by british troops. these arrangements being made to cut off supplies from the country, washington took a strong position at white marsh, within fourteen miles of philadelphia. meanwhile general howe was actively preparing to attack fort mifflin from the pennsylvania shore. he erected some batteries at the mouth of the schuylkill, in order to command webb's ferry, which were attacked by commodore hazlewood and silenced; but the following night a detachment crossed over webb's ferry into province island, and constructed a slight work opposite fort mifflin, within two musket shots of the blockhouse, from which they were enabled to throw shot and shells into the barracks. when daylight discovered this work three galleys and a floating battery were ordered to attack it and the garrison surrendered. while the boats were bringing off the prisoners, a large column of british troops were seen marching into the fortress, upon which the attack on it was renewed, but without success, and two attempts made by lieutenant-colonel smith to storm it failed. [ ] in a few nights works were completed on the high ground of province island, which enfiladed the principal battery of fort mifflin, and rendered it necessary to throw up some cover on the platform to protect the men who worked the guns. the aid expected from the jersey militia was not received. "assure yourself," said lieutenant-colonel smith, in a letter pressing earnestly for a reinforcement of continental troops, "that no dependence is to be put on the militia; whatever men your excellency determines on sending, no time is to be lost." the garrison of fort mifflin was now reduced to effectives, and that of red bank did not much exceed . in consequence of these representations washington ordered col. christopher greene, of rhode island, with his regiment, to red bank, and lieut.-col. john greene, of virginia, with about men, to fort mifflin. immediately after the battle of brandywine admiral howe had sailed for the delaware, where he expected to arrive in time to meet and cooperate with the army in and about philadelphia. but the winds were so unfavorable, and the navigation of the bay of delaware so difficult, that his van did not get into the river until the th of october. the ships of war and transports which followed came up from the th to the th, and anchored from new castle to reddy island. the frigates, in advance of the fleet, had not yet succeeded in their endeavors to effect a passage through the lower double row of _chevaux-de-frise_. though no longer protected by the fort at billingsport, they were defended by the water force above, and the work was found more difficult than had been expected. it was not until the middle of october that the impediments were so far removed as to afford a narrow and intricate passage through them. in the meantime the fire from the pennsylvania shore had not produced all the effect expected from it, and it was perceived that greater exertions would be necessary for the reduction of the works than could safely be made in the present relative situation of the armies. under this impression, general howe, soon after the return of the american army to its former camp on the skippack, withdrew his troops from germantown into philadelphia, as preparatory to a combined attack by land and water on forts mercer and mifflin. after effecting a passage through the works sunk in the river at billingsport, other difficulties still remained to be encountered by the ships of war. several rows of _chevaux-de-frise_ had been sunk about half a mile below mud island, which were protected by the guns of the forts, as well as by the movable water force. to silence these works, therefore, was a necessary preliminary to the removal of these obstructions in the channel. on the st of october ( ) a detachment of hessians, amounting to , men, commanded by col. count donop, crossed the delaware at philadelphia with orders to storm fort mercer, at red bank. the fortifications consisted of extensive outer works, within which was an entrenchment eight or nine feet high, boarded and fraized. late in the evening of the d count donop appeared before the fort and attacked it with great intrepidity. it was defended with equal resolution by the brave garrison of rhode island continentals, under command of col. christopher greene. the outer works being too extensive to be manned by the troops in the fort, were used only to gall the assailants while advancing. on their near approach the garrison retired within the inner entrenchment, whence they poured upon the hessians a heavy and destructive fire. colonel donop received a mortal wound, and lieutenant-colonel mengerode, the second in command, fell about the same time. [ ] lieutenant-colonel linsing, the oldest remaining officer, drew off his troops and returned next day to philadelphia. the loss of the assailants was estimated by the americans at men. the garrison was reinforced from fort mifflin, and aided by the galleys which flanked the hessians in their advance and retreat. the american loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to only thirty-two men. the ships having been ordered to cooperate with count donop, the augusta, with four smaller vessels, passed the lower line of _chevaux-de-frise_, opposite to billingsport, and lay above it, waiting until the assault should be made on the fort. the flood tide setting in about the time the attack commenced they moved with it up the river. the obstructions sunk in the delaware had in some degree changed its channel, in consequence of which the augusta and the merlin grounded a considerable distance below the second line of _chevaux-de-frise_, and a strong wind from the north so checked the rising of the tide that these vessels could not be floated by the flood. their situation, however, was not discerned that evening, as the frigates which were able to approach the fort, and the batteries from the pennsylvania shore, kept up an incessant fire on the garrison, till night put an end to the cannonade. early next morning it was recommenced in the hope that, under its cover, the augusta and the merlin might be got off. the americans, on discovering their situation, sent four fire ships against them, but without effect. meanwhile a warm cannonade took place on both sides, in the course of which the augusta took fire, and it was found impracticable to extinguish the flames. most of the men were taken out, the frigates withdrawn, and the merlin set on fire, after which the augusta blew up, and a few of the crew were lost in her. this repulse inspired congress with flattering hopes for the permanent defense of the posts on the delaware. that body expressed its high sense of the merits of colonel greene, of rhode island, who had commanded in fort mercer; of lieutenant-colonel smith, of maryland, who had commanded in fort mifflin; and of commodore hazlewood, who commanded the galleys; and presented a sword to each of these officers, as a mark of the estimation in which their services were held. the situation of these forts was far from justifying this confidence of their being defensible. that on mud island had been unskillfully constructed and required at least men fully to man the lines. the island is about half a mile long. fort mifflin was placed at the lower end, having its principal fortifications in front for the purpose of repelling ships coming up the river. the defenses in the rear consisted only of a ditch and palisade, protected by two blockhouses, the upper story of one of which had been destroyed in the late cannonade. above the fort were two batteries opposing those constructed by the british on province and carpenter's islands, which were separated from mud island only by a narrow passage between and yards wide. the garrison of fort mifflin consisted of only continental troops, who were worn down with fatigue and incessant watching, under the constant apprehension of being attacked from province island, from philadelphia, and from the ships below. having failed in every attempt to draw the militia of new jersey to the delaware, washington determined to strengthen the garrison by further drafts from his army. three hundred pennsylvania militia were detached to be divided between the two forts, and a few days afterward general varnum was ordered, with his brigade, to take a position above woodbury, near red bank, and to relieve and reinforce the garrisons of both forts as far as his strength would permit. washington hoped that the appearance of so respectable a continental force might encourage the militia to assemble in greater numbers. aware of the advantage to result from a victory over the british army while separated from the fleet, washington had been uniformly determined to risk much to gain one. he had, therefore, after the battle of germantown, continued to watch assiduously for an opportunity to attack his enemy once more to advantage. the circumspect caution of general howe afforded none. after the repulse at red bank his measures were slow but certain, and were calculated to insure the possession of the forts without exposing his troops to the hazard of an assault. in this state of things intelligence was received of the successful termination of the northern campaign, in consequence of which great part of the troops who had been employed against burgoyne, might be drawn to the aid of the army in pennsylvania. but washington had just grounds to apprehend that before these reinforcements could arrive howe would gain possession of the forts and remove the obstructions to the navigation of the delaware. this apprehension furnished a strong motive for vigorous attempts to relieve fort mifflin. but the relative force of the armies, the difficulty of acting offensively against philadelphia, and, above all, the reflection that a defeat might disable him from meeting his enemy in the field even after the arrival of the troops expected from the north, determined washington not to hazard a second attack under existing circumstances. to expedite the reinforcements for which he waited, washington dispatched colonel hamilton to general gates, with directions to represent to him the condition of the armies in pennsylvania, and to urge him, if he contemplated no other service of more importance, immediately to send the regiments of massachusetts and new hampshire to aid the army of the middle department. these orders were not peremptory, because it was possible that some other object (as the capture of new york) still more interesting than the expulsion of general howe from philadelphia might be contemplated by gates; and washington meant not to interfere with the accomplishment of such object. on reaching general putnam, colonel hamilton found that a considerable part of the northern army had joined that officer, but that gates had detained four brigades at albany for an expedition intended to be made in the winter against ticonderoga. having made such arrangements with putnam as he supposed would secure the immediate march of a large body of continental troops from that station, colonel hamilton proceeded to albany for the purpose of remonstrating with general gates against retaining so large and valuable a part of the army unemployed at a time when the most imminent danger threatened the vitals of the country. gates was by no means disposed to part with his troops. he could not believe that an expedition then preparing at new york was designed to reinforce general howe; and insisted that, should the troops then embarked at that place, instead of proceeding to the delaware, make a sudden movement up the hudson, it would be in their power, should albany be left defenseless, to destroy the valuable arsenal which had been there erected, and the military stores captured with burgoyne, which had been chiefly deposited in that town. having, after repeated remonstrances, obtained an order directing three brigades to the delaware, hamilton hastened back to putnam and found the troops which had been ordered to join washington, still at peekskill. the detachment from new york had suggested to putnam the possibility of taking that place; and he does not appear to have made very great exertions to divest himself of a force he deemed necessary for an object, the accomplishment of which would give so much splendor to his military character. in addition to this circumstance, an opinion had gained ground among the soldiers that their share of service for the campaign had been performed, and that it was time for them to go into winter quarters. great discontents, too, prevailed concerning their pay, which the government had permitted to be more than six months in arrear; and in poor's brigade a mutiny broke out in the course of which a soldier who was run through the body by his captain, shot the captain dead before he expired. colonel hamilton came in time to borrow money from the governor, george clinton, of new york, to put the troops in motion; and they proceeded by brigades to the delaware. but these several delays retarded their arrival until the contest for the forts on that river was terminated. the preparations of sir william howe being completed, a large battery on province island of twenty-four and thirty-two pounders and two howitzers of eight inches each opened, early in the morning of the th of november, upon fort mifflin, at the distance of yards, and kept up an incessant fire for several successive days. the blockhouses were reduced to a heap of ruins; the palisades were beaten down, and most of the guns dismounted and otherwise disabled. the barracks were battered in every part, so that the troops could not remain in them. they were under the necessity of working and watching the whole night to repair the damages of the day, and to guard against a storm, of which they were in perpetual apprehension. if, in the days, a few moments were allowed for repose, it was taken on the wet earth, which, in consequence of heavy rains, had become a soft mud. the garrison was relieved by general varnum every forty-eight hours, but his brigade was so weak that half the men were constantly on duty. colonel smith was decidedly of opinion, and general varnum concurred with him, that the garrison could not repel an assault, and ought to be withdrawn; but washington still cherished the hope that the place might be maintained until he should be reinforced from the northern army. believing that an assault would not be attempted until the works were battered down, he recommended that the whole night should be employed in making repairs. his orders were that the place should be defended to the last extremity; and never were orders more faithfully executed. several of the garrison were killed and among them captain treat, a gallant officer, who commanded the artillery. colonel smith received a contusion on his hip and arm which compelled him to give up the command and retire to red bank. major fleury, a french officer of distinguished merit, who served as engineer, reported to washington that, although the blockhouses were beaten down, all the guns in them, except two, disabled, and several breaches made in the walls, the place was still defensible; but the garrison was so unequal to the numbers required by the extent of the lines, and was so dispirited by watching, fatigue, and constant exposure to the cold rains, which were almost incessant, that he dreaded the event of an attempt to carry the place by storm. fresh troops were ordered to their relief from varnum's brigade, and the command was taken, first by colonel russell, and afterward by major thayer. the artillery, commanded by captain lee, continued to be well served. the besiegers were several times thrown into confusion, and a floating battery, which opened on the morning of the th, was silenced in the course of the day. the defense being unexpectedly obstinate, the assailants brought up their ships (november , ) as far as the obstructions in the river permitted and added their fire to that of the batteries, which was the more fatal as the cover for the troops had been greatly impaired. the brave garrison, however, still maintained their ground with unshaken firmness. in the midst of this stubborn conflict, the vigilant and a sloop-of-war were brought up the inner channel, between mud and province islands, which had, unobserved by the besieged, been deepened by the current in consequence of the obstructions in the main channel, and, taking a station within yards of the works, not only kept up a destructive cannonade, but threw hand-grenades into them, while the musketeers from the round-top of the vigilant killed every man that appeared on the platform. major thayer applied to the commodore to remove these vessels, and he ordered six galleys on the service, but, after reconnoitering their situation, the galleys returned without attempting anything. their report was that these ships were so covered by the batteries on province island as to be unassailable. it was now apparent to all that the fort could be no longer defended. the works were in ruins. the position of the vigilant rendered any further continuance on the island a prodigal and useless waste of human life; and on the th, about at night, the garrison was withdrawn. a second attempt was made to drive the vessels from their stations, with a determination, should it succeed, to repossess the island, but the galleys effected nothing, and a detachment from province island soon occupied the ground which had been abandoned. the day after, receiving intelligence of the evacuation of fort mifflin, washington deputed generals de kalb and knox to confer with general varnum and the officers at fort mercer on the practicability of continuing to defend the obstructions in the channel, to report thereon, and to state the force which would be necessary for that purpose. their report was in favor of continuing the defense. a council of the navy officers had already been called by the commodore in pursuance of a request of the commander-in-chief, made before the evacuation had taken place, who were unanimously of opinion that it would be impracticable for the fleet, after the loss of the island, to maintain its station or to assist in preventing the _chevaux-de-frise_ from being weighed by the ships of the enemy. general howe had now completed a line of defense from the schuylkill to the delaware, and a reinforcement from new york had arrived at chester. these two circumstances enabled him to form an army in the jerseys, sufficient for the reduction of fort mercer, without weakening himself so much in philadelphia as to put his lines in hazard. still, deeming it of the utmost importance to open the navigation of the delaware completely, he detached lord cornwallis, about in the morning of the th ( ), with a strong body of troops to chester. from that place his lordship crossed over to billingsport, where he was joined by the reinforcement from new york. washington received immediate intelligence of the march of this detachment, which he communicated to general varnum, with orders that fort mercer should be defended to the last extremity. with a view to military operations in that quarter he ordered one division of the army to cross the river at burlington, and dispatched expresses to the northern troops who were marching on by brigades, directing them to move down the delaware on its northern side until they should receive further orders. general greene was selected for this expedition. a hope was entertained that he would be able not only to protect fort mercer, but to obtain some decisive advantage over lord cornwallis, as the situation of the fort, which his lordship could not invest without placing himself between timber and manto creeks, would expose the assailants to great peril from a respectable force in their rear. but, before greene could cross the delaware, cornwallis approached with an army rendered more powerful than had been expected by the junction of the reinforcement from new york, and fort mercer was evacuated. a few of the smaller galleys escaped up the river, and the others were burnt by their crews. washington still hoped to recover much of what had been lost. a victory would restore the jersey shore, and this object was deemed so important that general greene's instructions indicated the expectation that he would be in a condition to fight cornwallis. greene feared the reproach of avoiding an action less than the just censure of sacrificing the real interests of his country by engaging the enemy on disadvantageous terms. the numbers of the british exceeded his, even counting his militia as regulars, and he determined to wait for glover's brigade, which was marching from the north. before its arrival, cornwallis took post on gloucester point, a point of land making deep into the delaware, which was entirely under cover of the guns of the ships, from which place he was embarking his baggage and the provisions he had collected for philadelphia. believing that cornwallis would immediately follow the magazines he had collected, and that the purpose of howe was, with his united forces, to attack the american army while divided, general washington ordered greene to re-cross the delaware and join the army. thus, after one continued struggle of more than six weeks, in which the continental troops displayed great military virtues, the army in philadelphia secured itself in the possession of that city by opening a free communication with the fleet. while lord cornwallis was in jersey, and general greene on the delaware above him, the reinforcements from the north being received, an attack on philadelphia was strongly pressed by several officers high in rank, and was, in some measure, urged by that torrent of public opinion, which, if not resisted by a very firm mind, overwhelms the judgment, and by controlling measures not well comprehended may frequently produce, especially in military transactions, the most disastrous effects. the officers who advised this measure were lord stirling, generals wayne, scott, and woodford. the considerations urged upon washington in its support were: that the army was now in greater force than he could expect it to be at any future time; that being joined by the troops who had conquered burgoyne, his own reputation, the reputation of his army, the opinion of congress and of the nation required some decisive blow on his part; and that the rapid depreciation of the paper currency, by which the resources for carrying on the war were dried up, rendered indispensable some grand effort to bring it to a speedy termination. washington reconnoitered the enemy's lines with great care and took into serious consideration the plan of attack proposed. the plan proposed was that general greene should embark , men at dunks' ferry, and descending the delaware in the night land in the town just before day, attack the enemy in the rear, and take possession of the bridge over the schuylkill; that a strong corps should march down on the west side of that river, occupy the heights enfilading the works of the enemy, and open a brisk cannonade upon them, while a detachment from it should march down to the bridge and attack in front at the same instant that the party descending the river should commence its assault on the rear. not only the commander-in-chief, but some of his best officers--those who could not be impelled by the clamors of the ill-informed to ruin the public interests--were opposed to this mad enterprise. the two armies, they said, were now nearly equal in point of numbers, and the detachment under lord cornwallis could not be supposed to have so weakened sir william howe as to compensate for the advantages of his position. his right was covered by the delaware, his left by the schuylkill, his rear by the junction of those two rivers, as well as by the city of philadelphia, and his front by a line of redoubts extending from river to river and connected by an abatis and by circular works. it would be indispensably necessary to carry all these redoubts, since to leave a part of them to play on the rear of the columns while engaged in front with the enemy in philadelphia would be extremely hazardous. supposing the redoubts carried and the british army driven into the town, yet all military men were agreed on the great peril of storming a town. the streets would be defended by an artillery greatly superior to that of the americans, which would attack in front, while the brick houses would be lined with musketeers, whose fire must thin the ranks of the assailants. a part of the plan, on the successful execution of which the whole depended, was that the british rear should be surprised by the corps descending the delaware. this would require the concurrence of too many favorable circumstances to be calculated on with any confidence. as the position of general greene was known, it could not be supposed that sir william howe would be inattentive to him. it was probable that not even his embarkation would be made unnoticed, but it was presuming a degree of negligence which ought not to be assumed to suppose that he could descend the river to philadelphia undiscovered. so soon as his movement should be observed, the whole plan would be comprehended, since it would never be conjectured that greene was to attack singly. if the attack in front should fail, which was not even improbable, the total loss of the , men in the rear must follow, and general howe would maintain his superiority through the winter. the situation did not require these desperate measures. the british general would be compelled to risk a battle on equal terms or to manifest a conscious inferiority to the american army. the depreciation of paper money was the inevitable consequence of immense emissions without corresponding taxes. it was by removing the cause, not by sacrificing the army, that this evil was to be corrected. washington possessed too much discernment to be dazzled by the false brilliant presented by those who urged the necessity of storming philadelphia in order to throw lustre round his own fame and that of his army, and too much firmness of temper, too much virtue and real patriotism to be diverted from a purpose believed to be right, by the clamors of faction or the discontents of ignorance. disregarding the importunities of mistaken friends, the malignant insinuations of enemies, and the expectations of the ill-informed, he persevered in his resolution to make no attempt on philadelphia. he saved his army and was able to keep the field in the face of his enemy, while the clamor of the moment wasted in air and was forgotten. about this time washington learnt, by a letter from general greene, that his young friend lafayette, although hardly recovered from the wound received at brandywine, had signalized his spirit and courage by an attack on cornwallis' picket guard at gloucester point, below philadelphia. "the marquis," writes greene, "with about militia and the rifle corps, attacked the enemy's picket last evening, killed about , wounded many more, and took about prisoners. the marquis is charmed with the spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps; they drove the enemy about half a mile and kept the ground till dark. the enemy's picket consisted of about and were reinforced during the skirmish. the marquis is determined to be in the way of danger." the following letter to washington, cited by sparks, contains lafayette's own account of this affair: "after having spent the most part of the day in making myself well acquainted with the certainty of the enemy's motions, i came pretty late into the gloucester road between the two creeks. i had light horse, almost riflemen, and pickets of militia. colonel armand, colonel laumoy, and the chevaliers duplessis and gimat were the frenchmen with me. a scout of my men, under duplessis, went to ascertain how near to gloucester were the enemy's first pickets, and they found at the distance of two miles and a half from that place a strong post of hessians, with field pieces, and they engaged immediately. as my little reconnoitering party were all in fine spirits i supported them. we pushed the hessians more than half a mile from the place where their main body had been and we made them run very fast. british reinforcements came twice to them, but, very far from recovering their ground, they always retreated. the darkness of the night prevented us from pursuing our advantage. after standing on the ground we had gained, i ordered them to return very slowly to haddonfield." the marquis had only one man killed and six wounded. "i take the greatest pleasure," he added, "in letting you know that the conduct of our soldiers was above all praise. i never saw men so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to go on to the enemy, whatever force they might have, as that same small party in this little fight." washington, in a letter to congress dated november , , mentions this affair with commendation, and suggests, as he had repeatedly done before, lafayette's appointment to one of the vacant divisions of the army, and on the same day that this letter was received congress voted that such an appointment would be agreeable to them. three days afterward washington placed lafayette in command of the division of general stephen, who had been dismissed from the army for having been intoxicated, to the great injury of the public service, on the eventful day of the battle of germantown. we shall see that this appointment, by enabling lafayette to act occasionally on a separate command, afforded him the opportunity of rendering essential service to the cause of independence. on the th of november ( ), the board of war was increased from three to five members, viz.: general mifflin, formerly aide to washington and recently quartermaster-general; joseph trumbull, richard peters, col. timothy pickering, of massachusetts, and general gates. gates was appointed president of the board, with many flattering expressions from congress. his recent triumph over burgoyne had gained him many friends among the members of congress and a few among the officers of the army. his head, naturally not over-strong, had been turned by success, and he entered into the views of a certain clique which had recently been formed, whose object was to disparage washington and put forward rather high pretensions in favor of the "hero of saratoga." this clique, called from the name of its most active member, general conway, the "conway cabal," we shall notice hereafter. at the time of this change in the constitution of the board of war it was in full activity, and its operations were well known to washington. in fact, he had already applied the match which ultimately exploded the whole conspiracy and brought lasting disgrace on every one of its members. general howe in the meantime was preparing to attack washington in his camp, and, as he confidently threatened, to "drive him beyond the mountains." on the th of december ( ), captain m'lane, a vigilant officer on the lines, discovered that an attempt to surprise the american camp at white marsh was about to be made, and communicated the information to washington. in the evening of the same day general howe marched out of philadelphia with his whole force, and about at night, m'lane, who had been detached with chosen men, attacked the british van at the three mile run on the germantown road, and compelled their front division to change its line of march. he hovered on the front and flank of the advancing army, galling them severely until next morning, when the british encamped on chestnut hill in front of the american right, and distant from it about three miles. a slight skirmish had also taken place between the pennsylvania militia, under general irvine, and the advanced light parties of the enemy, in which the general was wounded and the militia without much other loss were dispersed. the range of hills on which the british were posted approached nearer to those occupied by the americans as they stretched northward. having passed the day in reconnoitering the right howe changed his ground in the course of the night, and moving along the hills to his right took an advantageous position about a mile in front of the american left. the next day he inclined still further to his right, and in doing so approached still nearer to the left wing of the american army. supposing a general engagement to be approaching washington detached gist, with some maryland militia, and morgan, with his rifle corps, to attack the flanking and advanced parties of the enemy. a sharp action ensued in which major morris, of new jersey, a brave officer in morgan's regiment was mortally wounded, and twenty-seven of his men were killed and wounded. a small loss was also sustained in the militia. the parties first attacked were driven in, but the enemy reinforcing in numbers and washington unwilling to move from the heights and engage on the ground which was the scene of the skirmish, declining to reinforce gist and morgan, they, in turn, were compelled to retreat. howe continued to maneuver toward the flank and in front of the left wing of the american army. expecting to be attacked in that quarter in full force washington made such changes in the disposition of his troops as the occasion required, and the day was consumed in these movements. in the course of it washington rode through every brigade of his army, delivering in person his orders respecting the manner of receiving the enemy, exhorting his troops to rely principally on the bayonet, and encouraging them by the steady firmness of his countenance, as well as by his words, to a vigorous performance of their duty. the dispositions of the evening indicated an intention to attack him the ensuing morning, but in the afternoon of the th the british suddenly filed off from their right, which extended beyond the american left, and retreated to philadelphia. the parties detached to harass their rear could not overtake it. [ ] the loss of the british in this expedition, as stated in the official letter of general howe, rather exceeded in killed, wounded, and missing, and was sustained principally in the skirmish of the th (december, ) in which major morris fell. on no former occasion had the two armies met, uncovered by works, with superior numbers on the side of the americans. the effective force of the british was then stated at , men. stedman, the historian, who then belonged to howe's army, states its number to have been , . the american army consisted of precisely , continental troops and , militia. this equality in point of numbers rendered it a prudent precaution to maintain a superiority of position. as the two armies occupied heights fronting each other neither could attack without giving to its adversary some advantage in the ground, and this was an advantage which neither seemed willing to relinquish. the return of howe to philadelphia without bringing on an action after marching out with the avowed intention of fighting is the best testimony of the respect which he felt for the talents of his adversary and the courage of the troops he was to encounter. the cold was now becoming so intense that it was impossible for an army neither well-clothed nor sufficiently supplied with blankets longer to keep the field in tents. it had become necessary to place the troops in winter quarters, but in the existing state of things the choice of winter quarters was a subject for serious reflection. it was impossible to place them in villages without uncovering the country or exposing them to the hazard of being beaten in detachment. to avoid these calamities it was determined to take a strong position in the neighborhood of philadelphia, equally distant from the delaware above and below that city, and there to construct huts in the form of a regular encampment which might cover the army during the winter. a strong piece of ground at valley forge, on the west side of the schuylkill between twenty and thirty miles from philadelphia, was selected for that purpose, and some time before day on the morning of the th of december ( ) the army marched to take possession of it. by an accidental concurrence of circumstances lord cornwallis had been detached the same morning at the head of a strong corps on a foraging party on the west side of the schuylkill. he had fallen in with a brigade of pennsylvania militia commanded by general potter which he soon dispersed, and, pursuing the fugitives, had gained the heights opposite matron's ford, over which the americans had thrown a bridge for the purpose of crossing the river, and had posted troops to command the defile called the gulph just as the front division of the american army reached the bank of the river. this movement had been made without any knowledge of the intention of general washington to change his position or any design of contesting the passage of the schuylkill, but the troops had been posted in the manner already mentioned for the sole purpose of covering the foraging party. washington apprehended from his first intelligence that general howe had taken the field in full force. he therefore recalled the troops already on the west side and moved rather higher up the river for the purpose of understanding the real situation, force, and designs of the enemy. the next day lord cornwallis returned to philadelphia, and in the course of the night the american army crossed the river. here the commander-in-chief communicated to his army in general orders the manner in which he intended to dispose of them during the winter. he expressed in strong terms his approbation of their conduct, presented them with an encouraging state of the future prospects of their country, exhorted them to bear with continuing fortitude the hardships inseparable from the position they were about to take, and endeavored to convince their judgments that those hardships were not imposed on them by unfeeling caprice, but were necessary for the good of their country. the winter had set in with great severity, and the sufferings of the army were extreme. in a few days, however, these sufferings were considerably diminished by the erection of logged huts, filled up with mortar, which, after being dried, formed comfortable habitations, and gave content to men long unused to the conveniences of life. the order of a regular encampment was observed, and the only appearance of winter quarters was the substitution of huts for tents. stedman, who, as we have already remarked, was in howe's army, has not only given a vivid description of the condition of washington's army, which agrees in the main with those of our own writers, but he has also exhibited in contrast the condition and conduct of the british army in philadelphia. we transcribe this instructive passage: "the american general determined to remain during the winter in the position which he then occupied at valley forge, recommending to his troops to build huts in the woods for sheltering themselves from the inclemency of the weather. and it is perhaps one of the most striking traits in general washington's character that he possessed the faculty of gaining such an ascendancy over his raw and undisciplined followers, most of whom were destitute of proper winter clothing and otherwise unprovided with necessaries, as to be able to prevail upon so many of them to remain with him during the winter in so distressing a situation. with immense labor he raised wooden huts, covered with straw and earth, which formed very uncomfortable quarters. on the east and south an entrenchment was made--the ditch six feet wide and three in depth; the mound not four feet high, very narrow, and such as might easily have been beat down by cannon. two redoubts were also begun but never completed. the schuylkill was on his left with a bridge across. his rear was mostly covered by an impassable precipice formed by valley creek, having only a narrow passage near the schuylkill. on the right his camp was accessible with some difficulty, but the approach on his front was on ground nearly on a level with his camp. it is indeed difficult to give an adequate description of his misery in this situation. his army was destitute of almost every necessary of clothing, nay, almost naked, and very often on short allowance of provisions; an extreme mortality raged in his hospitals, nor had he any of the most proper medicines to relieve the sick. there were perpetual desertions of parties from him of ten to fifty at a time. in three months he had not , men and these could by no means be termed effective. not less than horses perished from want and the severity of the season. he had often not three days' provisions in his camp and at times not enough for one day. in this infirm and dangerous state he continued from december to may, during all which time every person expected that general howe would have stormed or besieged his camp, the situation of which equally invited either attempt. to have posted , men on a commanding ground near the bridge, on the north side of the schuylkill, would have rendered his escape on the left impossible; , men placed on a like ground opposite the narrow pass would have as effectually prevented a retreat by his rear, and five or six thousand men stationed on the front and right of his camp would have deprived him of flight on those sides. the positions were such that if any of the corps were attacked they could have been instantly supported. under such propitious circumstances what mortal could doubt of success? but the british army, neglecting all these opportunities, was suffered to continue at philadelphia where the whole winter was spent in dissipation. a want of discipline and proper subordination pervaded the whole army, and if disease and sickness thinned the american army encamped at valley forge, indolence and luxury perhaps did no less injury to the british troops at philadelphia. during the winter a very unfortunate inattention was shown to the feelings of the inhabitants of philadelphia, whose satisfaction should have been vigilantly consulted, both from gratitude and from interest. they experienced many of the horrors of civil war. the soldiers insulted and plundered them, and their houses were occupied as barracks without any compensation being made to them. some of the first families were compelled to receive into their habitations individual officers who were even indecent enough to introduce their mistresses into the mansions of their hospitable entertainers. this soured the minds of the inhabitants, many of whom were quakers. but the residence of the army at philadelphia occasioned distresses which will probably be considered by the generality of mankind as of a more grievous nature. it was with difficulty that fuel could be got on any terms. provisions were most exorbitantly high. gaming of every species was permitted and even sanctioned. this vice not only debauched the mind, but by sedentary confinement and the want of seasonable repose enervated the body. a foreign officer held the bank at the game of faro by which he made a very considerable fortune, and but too many respectable families in britain had to lament its baleful effects. officers who might have rendered honorable service to their country were compelled, by what was termed a bad run of luck, to dispose of their commissions and return penniless to their friends in europe. the father who thought he had made a provision for his son by purchasing him a commission in the army ultimately found that he had put his son to school to learn the science of gambling, not the art of war. dissipation had spread through the army, and indolence and want of subordination, its natural concomitants. for if the officer be not vigilant the soldier will never be alert. "sir william howe, from the manners and religious opinions of the philadelphians, should have been particularly cautious. for this public dissoluteness of the troops could not but be regarded by such people as a contempt of them, as well as an offense against piety; and it influenced all the representations which they made to their countrymen respecting the british. they inferred from it, also, that the commander could not be sufficiently intent on the plans of either conciliation or subjugation; so that the opinions of the philadelphians, whether erroneous or not, materially promoted the cause of congress. during the whole of this long winter of riot and dissipation, general washington was suffered to continue with the remains of his army, not exceeding , effective men at most, undisturbed at valley forge, considerable arrears of pay due to them; almost in a state of nature for want of clothing; the europeans in the american service disgusted and deserting in great numbers, and indeed in companies, to the british army, and the natives tired of the war. yet, under all these favorable circumstances for the british interest, no one step was taken to dislodge washington, whose cannon were frozen up and could not be moved. if sir william howe had marched out in the night he might have brought washington to action, or if he had retreated, he must have left his sick, cannon, ammunition, and heavy baggage behind. a nocturnal attack on the americans would have had this further good effect: it would have depressed the spirit of revolt, confirmed the wavering, and attached them to the british interest. it would have opened a passage for supplies to the city, which was in great want of provisions for the inhabitants. it would have shaken off that lethargy in which the british soldiers had been immerged during the winter. it would have convinced the well-affected that the british leader was in earnest. if washington had retreated the british could have followed. with one of the best-appointed in every respect and finest armies (consisting of at least , effective men) ever assembled in any country, a number of officers of approved service, wishing only to be led to action, this dilatory commander, sir william howe, dragged out the winter without doing any one thing to obtain the end for which he was commissioned. proclamation was issued after proclamation calling upon the people of america to repair to the british standard, promising them remission of their political sins and an assurance of protection in both person and property, but these promises were confined merely to paper. the best personal security to the inhabitants was an attack by the army, and the best security of property was peace, and this to be purchased by successful war. for had sir william howe led on his troops to action victory was in his power and conquest in his train. during sir william howe's stay at philadelphia a number of disaffected citizens were suffered to remain in the garrison; these people were ever upon the watch and communicated to washington every intelligence he could wish for." we have copied this passage from stedman, with a view to show the contrast between the situation of washington and howe and their respective armies, as exhibited by an enemy to our cause. it is literally the contrast between virtue and vice. the final result shows that providence in permitting the occupation of philadelphia by the british army was really promoting the cause of human liberty. stedman's statement of the numbers of washington's army is erroneous, even if it refers only to effective men, and his schemes for annihilating washington's army would probably not have been so easily executed as he imagined. still the army was very weak. marshall says that although the total of the army exceeded , men (february, ), the present effective rank and file amounted to only , . this statement alone suggests volumes of misery, sickness, destitution, and suffering. we must now call the reader's attention to the northern campaign of which, remote as it was from washington's immediate scene of action, was not conducted without his aid and direction. . footnote: this was lieut.-col. samuel smith, of the maryland line. after serving in this perilous post at fort mifflin, he was made general, and in that rank assisted in the defense of baltimore in the war of . see document [a] at the end of this chapter. . footnote: donop was a brave officer. he was found on the battlefield by captain mauduit duplessis, a talented french engineer, who had assisted greene in defense of the fort, and who attended the unfortunate count on his death-bed till he expired, three days after the battle, at the early age of thirty-seven. "i die," said he, in his last hour, "a victim of my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign." a fine commentary on the mercenary system of the german princes. the government of hesse cassel quite recently caused the remains of count donop to be removed from red bank, to be interred with distinguished honor in his own country. . footnote: judge marshall, the biographer of washington, on whose account of this affair ours is founded, was present on the occasion. he served in the army from the beginning of the war; was appointed first lieutenant in , and captain in . he resigned his commission in , and, devoting himself to the practice of the law, subsequently rose to the eminent office of chief justice of the united states. he died at philadelphia, july th, , aged seventy-nine. chapter xii. burgoyne's invasion of new york punished by schuyler and gates. . we have already had occasion to refer to what was passing in the north during the time when washington was conducting the arduous campaign in jersey, delaware, and pennsylvania. general schuyler had held the chief command of the army operating against canada since the opening of the war in . under his direction the force of montgomery was sent to quebec in the disastrous expedition of which we have already related the history, and arnold was acting in a subordinate capacity to schuyler when he so bravely resisted the descent of carleton on the lakes. schuyler also performed the best part of the service of resisting the invasion of new york from canada, and nearly completed the campaign which terminated in the surrender of burgoyne to gates. to the events of this campaign we now call the reader's attention. at the commencement of the campaign of the american army on the frontier of canada having been composed chiefly of soldiers enlisted for a short period only, had been greatly reduced in numbers by the expiration of their term of service. the cantonments of the british northern army, extending from isle aux noix and montreal to quebec, were so distant from each other that they could not readily have afforded mutual support in case of an attack, but the americans were in no condition to avail themselves of this circumstance. they could scarcely keep up even the appearance of garrisons in their forts and were apprehensive of an attack on ticonderoga as soon as the ice was strong enough to afford an easy passage to troops over the lakes. at the close of the preceding campaign general gates had joined the army under washington, and the command of the army in the northern department, comprehending albany, ticonderoga, fort stanwix, and their dependencies, remained in the hands of general schuyler. the services of that meritorious officer were more solid than brilliant, and had not been duly valued by congress, which, like other popular assemblies, was slow in discerning real and unostentatious merit. disgusted at the injustice which he had experienced he was restrained from leaving the army merely by the deep interest which he took in the arduous struggle in which his country was engaged, but after a full investigation of his conduct during the whole of his command, congress was at length convinced of the value of his services and requested him to continue at the head of the army of the northern department. that army he found too weak for the services which it was expected to perform and ill-supplied with arms, clothes, and provisions. he made every exertion to organize and place it on a respectable footing for the ensuing campaign, but his means were scanty and the new levies arrived slowly. general st. clair, who had served under gates, commanded at ticonderoga, and, including militia, had nearly , men under him, but the works were extensive and would have required , men to man them fully. [ ] the british ministry had resolved to prosecute the war vigorously on the northern frontier of the united states, and appointed burgoyne, who had served under carleton in the preceding campaign, to command the royal army in that quarter. the appointment gave offense to carleton, then governor of canada, who naturally expected to be continued in the command of the northern army, and that officer testified his dissatisfaction by tendering the resignation of his government. but although displeased with the nomination, he gave burgoyne every assistance in his power in preparing for the campaign. burgoyne had visited england during the winter, concerted with the ministry a plan of the campaign and given an estimate of the force necessary for its successful execution. besides a fine train of artillery and a suitable body of artillerymen, an army, consisting of more than , veteran troops, excellently equipped and in a high state of discipline, was put under his command. besides this regular force he had a great number of canadians and savages. the employment of the savages had been determined on at the very commencement of hostilities, their alliance had been courted and their services accepted, and on the present occasion the british ministry placed no small dependence on their aid. carleton was directed to use all his influence to bring a large body of them into the field, and his exertions were very successful. general burgoyne was assisted by a number of distinguished officers, among whom were generals philips, fraser, powel, hamilton, riedesel, and specht. a suitable naval armament, under the orders of commodore lutwych, attended the expedition. after detaching colonel st. leger with a body of light troops and indians, amounting to about men, by the way of lake oswego and the mohawk river, to make a diversion in that quarter and to join him when he advanced to the hudson, burgoyne left st. john's on the th of june, and, preceded by his naval armament, sailed up lake champlain and in a few days landed and encamped at crown point earlier in the season than the americans had thought it possible for him to reach that place. he met his indian allies and, in imitation of a savage partisan, gave them a war feast, at which he made them a speech in order to inflame their courage and repress their barbarous cruelty. he next issued a lofty proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of the country in which, as if certain of victory, he threatened to punish with the utmost severity those who refused to attach themselves to the royal cause. he talked of the ferocity of the indians and their eagerness to butcher the friends of independence, and he graciously promised protection to those who should return to their duty. the proclamation was so far from answering the general's intention that it was derided by the people as a model of pomposity. having made the necessary arrangements on the th of june, burgoyne advanced cautiously on both sides of the narrow channel which connects lakes champlain and george, the british on the west and the german mercenaries on the east, with the naval force in the center, forming a communication between the two divisions of the army, and on the st of july his van appeared in sight of ticonderoga. the river sorel issues from the north end of lake champlain and throws its superfluous waters into the st. lawrence. lake champlain is about eighty miles long from north to south, and about fourteen miles broad where it is widest. crown point stands at what may properly be considered the south end of the lake, although a narrow channel, which retains the name of the lake, proceeds southward and forms a communication with south river and the waters of lake george. ticonderoga is on the west side of the narrow channel, twelve miles south from crown point. it is a rocky angle of land, washed on three sides by the water and partly covered on the fourth side by a deep morass. on the space on the northwest quarter, between the morass and the channel, the french had formerly constructed lines of fortification, which still remained, and those lines the americans had strengthened by additional works. opposite ticonderoga on the east side of the channel, which is here between three and four hundred yards wide, stands a high circular hill called mount independence, which had been occupied by the americans when they abandoned crown point, and carefully fortified. on the top of it, which is flat, they had erected a fort and provided it sufficiently with artillery. near the foot of the mountain, which extends to the water's edge, they had raised entrenchments and mounted them with heavy guns, and had covered those lower works by a battery about half way up the hill. with prodigious labor they had constructed a communication between those two posts by means of a wooden bridge which was supported by twenty-two strong wooden pillars placed at nearly equal distances from each other. the spaces between the pillars were filled up by separate floats, strongly fastened to each other and to the pillars by chains and rivets. the bridge was twelve feet wide and the side of it next lake champlain was defended by a boom formed of large pieces of timber, bolted and bound together by double iron chains an inch and a half thick. thus an easy communication was established between ticonderoga and mount independence and the passage of vessels up the strait prevented. immediately after passing ticonderoga the channel becomes wider and, on the southeast side, receives a large body of water from a stream at that point called south river, but higher up named wood creek. from the southwest come the waters flowing from lake george, and in the angle formed by the confluence of those two streams rises a steep and rugged eminence called sugar hill, which overlooks and commands both ticonderoga and mount independence. that hill had been examined by the americans, but general st. clair, considering the force under his command insufficient to occupy the extensive works of ticonderoga and mount independence and flattering himself that the extreme difficulty of the ascent would prevent the british from availing themselves of it, neglected to take possession of sugar hill. it may be remarked that the north end of lake george is between two and three miles above ticonderoga, but the channel leading to it is interrupted by rapids and shallows and is unfit for navigation. lake george is narrow, but is thirty-five miles long, extending from northeast to southwest. at the head of it stood a fort of the same name, strong enough to resist an attack of indians, but incapable of making any effectual opposition to regular troops. nine miles beyond it was fort edward on the hudson. on the appearance of burgoyne's van st. clair had no accurate knowledge of the strength of the british army, having heard nothing of the reinforcement from europe. he imagined that they would attempt to take the fort by assault and flattered himself that he would easily be able to repulse them. but, on the d of july, the british appeared in great force on both sides of the channel and encamped four miles from the forts, while the fleet anchored just beyond the reach of the guns. after a slight resistance burgoyne took possession of mount hope, an important post on the south of ticonderoga, which commanded part of the lines of that fort as well as the channel leading to lake george, and extended his lines so as completely to invest the fort on the west side. the german division under general riedesel occupied the eastern bank of the channel and sent forward a detachment to the vicinity of the rivulet which flows from mount independence. burgoyne now labored assiduously in bringing forward his artillery and completing his communications. on the th of the month (july, ) he caused sugar hill to be examined, and being informed that the ascent, though difficult, was not impracticable, he immediately resolved to take possession of it and proceeded with such activity in raising works and mounting guns upon it that his battery might have been opened on the garrison next day. these operations received no check from the besieged, because, as it has been alleged, they were not in a condition to give any. st. clair was now nearly surrounded. only the space between the stream which flows from mount independence and south river remained open, and that was to be occupied next day. in these circumstances it was requisite for the garrison to come to a prompt and decisive resolution, either at every hazard to defend the place to the last extremity or immediately to abandon it. st. clair called a council of war, the members of which unanimously advised the immediate evacuation of the forts, and preparations were instantly made for carrying this resolution into execution. the british had the command of the communication with lake george, and consequently the garrison could not escape in that direction. the retreat could be effected by the south river only. accordingly the invalids, the hospital, and such stores as could be most easily removed, were put on board boats and, escorted by colonel long's regiment, proceeded, on the night between the th and th of july, up the south river towards skeenesborough. the garrisons of ticonderoga and mount independence marched by land through castleton, towards the same place. the troops were ordered to march out in profound silence and particularly to set nothing on fire. but these prudent orders were disobeyed, and, before the rear guard was in motion, the house on mount independence, which general fermoy had occupied, was seen in flames. that served as a signal to the enemy, who immediately entered the works and fired, but without effect, on the rear of the retreating army. the americans marched in some confusion to hubbardton whence the main body, under st. clair, pushed forward to castleton. but the english were not idle. general fraser, at the head of a strong detachment of grenadiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by land upon the right bank of wood creek: general riedesel, behind him, rapidly advanced with his brunswickers, either to support the english or to act separately as occasion might require. burgoyne determined to pursue the americans by water. but it was first necessary to destroy the boom and bridge which had been constructed in front of ticonderoga. the british seamen and artificers immediately engaged in the operation, and in less time than it would have taken to describe their structure, those works which had cost so much labor and so vast an expense, were cut through and demolished. the passage thus cleared, the ships of burgoyne immediately entered wood creek and proceeded with extreme rapidity in search of the americans. all was in movement at once upon land and water. by three in the afternoon the van of the british squadron, composed of gunboats, came up with and attacked the american galleys near skeenesborough falls. in the meantime three regiments which had been landed at south bay, ascended and passed a mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the retreating army above wood creek, to destroy the works at the falls of skeenesborough, and thus to cut off the retreat of the army to fort anne. but the americans eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their march. the british frigates having joined the van, the galleys, already hard pressed by the gunboats, were completely overpowered. two of them surrendered; three of them were blown up. the americans having set fire to their boats, mills, and other works, fell back upon fort anne, higher up wood creek. all their baggage, however, was lost and a large quantity of provisions and military stores fell into the hands of the british. the pursuit by land was not less active. early on the morning of the th of july ( ) the british overtook the american rear guard who, in opposition to st. clair's orders, had lingered behind and posted themselves on strong ground in the vicinity of hubbardton. fraser's troops were little more than half the number opposed to him, but aware that riedesel was close behind and fearful lest his chase should give him the slip, he ordered an immediate attack. warner opposed a vigorous resistance, but a large body of his militia retreated and left him to sustain the combat alone, when the firing of riedesel's advanced guard was heard and shortly after his whole force, drums beating and colors flying, emerged from the shades of the forest and part of his troops immediately effected a junction with the british line. fraser now gave orders for a simultaneous advance with the bayonet which was effected with such resistless impetuosity that the americans broke and fled, sustaining a very serious loss. st. clair, upon hearing the firing, endeavored to send back some assistance, but the discouraged militia refused to return and there was no alternative but to collect the wrecks of his army and proceed to fort edward to effect a junction with schuyler. burgoyne lost not a moment in following up his success at skeenesborough, but dispatched a regiment to effect the capture of fort anne, defended by a small party under the command of colonel long. this officer judiciously posted his troops in a narrow ravine through which his assailants were compelled to pass and opened upon them so severe a fire in front, flank, and rear, that the british regiments, nearly surrounded, with difficulty escaped to a neighboring hill, where the americans attacked them anew with such vigor that they must have been utterly defeated had not the ammunition of the assailants given out at this critical moment. no longer being able to fight long's troops fell back, and, setting the fort on fire, also directed their retreat to the headquarters at fort edward. while at skeenesborough, general burgoyne issued a second proclamation summoning the people of the adjacent country to send ten deputies from each township to meet colonel skeene at castleton in order to deliberate on such measures as might still be adopted to save those who had not yet conformed to his first and submitted to the royal authority. general schuyler, apprehending some effect from this paper, issued a counter-proclamation, stating the insidious designs of the enemy--warning the inhabitants by the example of jersey of the danger to which their yielding to this seductive proposition would expose them and giving them the most solemn assurances that all who should send deputies to this meeting or in any manner aid the enemy, would be considered as traitors and should suffer the utmost rigor of the law. nothing, as botta remarks, [ ] could exceed the consternation and terror which the victory of ticonderoga and the subsequent successes of burgoyne spread through the american provinces nor the joy and exultation they excited in england. the arrival of these glad tidings was celebrated by the most brilliant rejoicings at court and welcomed with the same enthusiasm by all those who desired the unconditional reduction of america. they already announced the approaching termination of this glorious war; they openly declared it a thing impossible that the rebels should ever recover from the shock of their recent losses, as well of men as of arms and of military stores, and especially that they should ever regain their courage and reputation, which, in war, always contribute to success as much, at least, as arms themselves. even the ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against the americans and their own partisans abated much of the esteem they had borne them. they were more than half disposed to pronounce the colonists unworthy to defend that liberty which they gloried in with so much complacency. but it deserves to be noted here especially that there was no sign of faltering on the part of the people, no disposition to submit to the invading force. the success of the enemy did but nerve our fathers to more vigorous resolves to maintain the cause of liberty even unto death. certainly the campaign had been opened and prosecuted thus far in a very dashing style by burgoyne and had he been able to press forward it is quite possible that success might have crowned his efforts. but there were some sixteen miles of forest yet to be traversed; burgoyne waited for his baggage and stores, and meanwhile general schuyler, who was in command of the american forces, took such steps as would necessarily put a stop to the rapid approach of the enemy. trenches were opened, the roads and paths were obstructed, the bridges were broken up, and in the only practicable defiles large trees were cut in such a manner on both sides of the road as to fall across and lengthwise, which, with their branches interwoven, presented an insurmountable barrier; in a word, this wilderness, of itself by no means easy of passage, was thus rendered almost absolutely impenetrable. nor did schuyler rest satisfied with these precautions; he directed the cattle to be removed to the most distant places and the stores and baggage from fort george to fort edward, that articles of such necessity for the troops might not fall into the power of the british. he urgently demanded that all the regiments of regular troops found in the adjacent states should be sent without delay to join him; he also made earnest and frequent calls upon the militia of new england and of new york. he likewise exerted his utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits in the vicinity of fort edward and the city of albany; the great influence he enjoyed with the inhabitants gave him in this quarter all the success he could desire. finally, to retard the progress of the enemy, he resolved to threaten his left flank. accordingly, he detached colonel warner, with his regiment, into the state of vermont with orders to assemble the militia of the country and to make incursions toward ticonderoga. in fact schuyler did everything which was possible to be done under the circumstances, and it is not too much to assert in justice to the good name of general schuyler, that the measures which he adopted paved the way to the victory which finally crowned the american arms at saratoga. washington, equally with congress, supposing that schuyler's force was stronger and that of the british weaker than was really the case, was very greatly distressed and astonished at the disasters which befell the american cause in the north. he waited, therefore, with no little anxiety, later and more correct information before he was willing to pronounce positively upon the course pursued by st. clair. when that officer joined schuyler the whole force did not exceed , men; about half of these were militia, and the whole were ill-clothed, badly armed, and greatly dispirited by the recent reverses. very ungenerously and unjustly it was proposed to remove the northern officers from the command and send successors in their places. an inquiry was instituted by order of congress, which resulted honorably for schuyler and his officers, and schuyler, the able commander and zealous-hearted patriot, remained for the present at the head of the northern department. [ ] washington exerted himself with all diligence to send reinforcements and supplies to the army of schuyler. the artillery and warlike stores were expedited from massachusetts. general lincoln, a man of great influence in new england, was sent there to encourage the militia to enlist. arnold, in like manner, repaired thither; it was thought his ardor might serve to inspire the dejected troops. colonel morgan, an officer whose brilliant valor we have already had occasion to remark, was ordered to take the same direction with his troop of light horse. all these measures, conceived with prudence and executed with promptitude, produced the natural effect. the americans recovered by degrees their former spirit and the army increased from day to day. during this interval burgoyne actively exerted himself in opening a passage from fort anne to fort edward. but, notwithstanding the diligence with which the whole army engaged in the work, their progress was exceedingly slow, so formidable were the obstacles which nature as well as art had thrown in their way. besides having to remove the fallen trees with which the americans had obstructed the roads they had no less than forty bridges to construct and many others to repair; one of these was entirely of log work, over a morass two miles wide. in short the british encountered so many impediments in measuring this inconsiderable space that it was found impossible to reach the banks of the hudson near fort edward until the th of july ( ). the americans, either because they were too feeble to oppose the enemy or that fort edward was no better than a ruin, not susceptible of defense, or finally because they were apprehensive that colonel st. leger, after the reduction of fort stanwix, might descend by the left bank of the mohawk to the hudson and thus cut off their retreat, retired lower down to stillwater where they threw up entrenchments. at the same time they evacuated fort george, having previously burned their boats upon the lake, and in various ways obstructed the road to fort edward. burgoyne might have reached fort edward much more readily by way of lake george, but he had judged it best to pursue the panic-stricken americans, and, despite the difficulties of the route, not to throw any discouragements in the way of his troops by a retrograde movement. at fort edward general burgoyne again found it necessary to pause in his career, for his carriages, which in the hurry had been made of unseasoned wood, were much broken down and needed to be repaired. from the unavoidable difficulties of the case not more than one-third of the draught horses contracted for in canada had arrived, and general schuyler had been careful to remove almost all the horses and draught cattle of the country out of his way. boats for the navigation of the hudson, provisions, stores, artillery, and other necessaries for the army were all to be brought from fort george, and although that place was only nine or ten miles from fort edward, yet such was the condition of the roads, rendered nearly impassable by the great quantities of rain that had fallen, that the labor of transporting necessaries was incredible. burgoyne had collected about oxen, but it was often necessary to employ ten or twelve of them in transporting a single boat. with his utmost exertions he had on the th of august conveyed only twelve boats into the hudson and provisions for the army for four days in advance. matters began to assume a very serious aspect indeed, and as the further he removed from the lakes the more difficult it became to get supplies from that quarter, burgoyne saw clearly that he must look elsewhere for sustenance for his army. the british commander was not ignorant that the americans had accumulated considerable stores, including live cattle and vehicles of various kinds at bennington, about twenty-four miles east of the hudson. burgoyne, easily persuaded that the tories in that region would aid his efforts, and thinking that he could alarm the country as well as secure the supplies of which he began to stand in great need, determined to detach colonel baum with a force of some six or eight hundred of riedesel's dragoons for the attack upon bennington. his instructions to baum were "to try the affections of the country, to disconcert the counsels of the enemy, to mount riedesel's dragoons, to complete peters' corps (of loyalists), and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses, and carriages." baum set off on the th of august on this expedition which was to result so unfortunately to himself, and which proved in fact the ruin of burgoyne's entire plans and purposes. we have spoken of the consternation which filled the minds of men a short time before this, when burgoyne seemed to be marching in triumph through the country. the alarm, however, subsided, and the new england states resolved to make most vigorous efforts to repel the attack of the enemy. john langdon, a merchant of portsmouth and speaker of the new hampshire assembly, roused the desponding minds of his fellow-members to the need of providing defense for the frontiers, and with whole-hearted patriotism thus addressed them: "i have $ , in hard money; i will pledge my plate for $ , more. i have seventy hogsheads of tobago rum which shall be sold for the most it will bring. these are at the service of the state. if we succeed in defending our firesides and homes i may be remunerated, if we do not the property will be of no value to me. our old friend stark, who so nobly sustained the honor of our state at bunker hill may be safely entrusted with the conduct of the enterprise, and we will check the progress of burgoyne." that brave son of new hampshire, general stark, conceiving himself aggrieved by certain acts of congress in appointing junior officers over his head, had resigned his commission. he was now prevailed upon to take service under authority from his native state, it being understood that he was to act independently as to his movements against the enemy. his popularity speedily called in the militia, who were ready to take the field under him without hesitation. soon after stark proceeded to manchester, twenty miles north of bennington, where colonel seth warner, the former associate of ethan allen, had taken post with the troops under his command. here he met general lincoln, who had been sent by schuyler to lead the militia to the west bank of the hudson. stark refused to obey schuyler's orders, and congress, on the th of august ( ), passed a vote of censure upon his conduct. but stark did not know of this, and as his course was clearly that of sound policy, and his victory two days before the censure cast upon him showed it to be so, he had the proud satisfaction of knowing that the commander-in-chief approved of his plan of harassing the rear of the british, and that the victory of bennington paralyzed the entire operations of burgoyne. on the day that baum set out stark arrived at bennington. the progress of the german troops, at first tolerably prosperous, was soon impeded by the state of the roads and the weather, and as soon as stark heard of their approach he hurried off expresses to warner to join him, who began his march in the night. after sending forward colonel gregg to reconnoiter the enemy he advanced to the rencontre with baum, who, finding the country thus rising around him, halted and entrenched himself in a strong position above the wollamsac river and sent off an express to burgoyne, who instantly dispatched lieutenant-colonel breyman with a strong reinforcement. during the th of august ( ) the rain prevented any serious movement. the germans and english continued to labor at their entrenchments upon which they had mounted two pieces of artillery. the following day was bright and sunny and early in the morning stark sent forward two columns to storm the entrenchments at different points, and when the firing had commenced threw himself on horseback and advanced with the rest of his troops. as soon as the enemy's columns were seen forming on the hill-side, he exclaimed, "see, men! there are the red coats; we must beat to-day, or molly stark's a widow." the military replied to this appeal by a tremendous shout and the battle which ensued, as stark states in his official report, "lasted two hours, and was the hottest i ever saw. it was like one continual clap of thunder." the indians ran off at the beginning of the battle; the tories were driven across the river; and although the germans fought bravely they were compelled to abandon the entrenchments, and fled, leaving their artillery and baggage on the field. as breyman and his corps approached they heard the firing and hurried forward to the aid of their countrymen. an hour or two earlier they might have given a different turn to the affair, but the heavy rain had delayed their progress. they met and rallied the fugitives and returned to the field of battle. stark's troops, who were engaged in plunder, were taken in great measure by surprise, and the victory might after all have been wrested from their grasp but for the opportune arrival of warner's regiment at the critical moment. the battle continued until sunset when the germans, overwhelmed by numbers, at length abandoned their baggage and fled. colonel baum, their brave commander, was killed, and the british loss amounted to some eight or nine hundred effective troops, in killed and prisoners. the loss of the americans was killed and wounded. stark's horse was killed in the action. too much praise, as mr. everett well remarks, [ ] cannot be bestowed on the conduct of those who gained the battle of bennington, officers and men. it is, perhaps, the most conspicuous example of the performance by militia of all that is expected of regular, veteran troops. the fortitude and resolution with which the lines at bunker hill were maintained by recent recruits against the assault of a powerful army of experienced soldiers have always been regarded with admiration. but at bennington the hardy yeomen of new hampshire, vermont, and massachusetts, many of them fresh from the plough and unused to the camp, "advanced," as general stark expresses it in his official letter, "through fire and smoke, and mounted breastworks that were well fortified and defended with cannon." fortunately for the success of the battle stark was most ably seconded by the officers under him; every previous disposition of his little force was most faithfully executed. he expresses his particular obligations to colonels warner and herrick, "whose superior skill was of great service to him." indeed the battle was planned and fought with a degree of military talent and science which would have done no discredit to any service in europe. a higher degree of discipline might have enabled the general to check the eagerness of his men to possess themselves of the spoils of victory, but his ability, even in that moment of dispersion and under the flush of success, to meet and conquer a hostile reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource not often equaled in partisan warfare. in fact it would be the height of injustice not to recognize in this battle the marks of the master mind of the leader, which makes good officers and good soldiers out of any materials and infuses its own spirit into all that surround it. this brilliant exploit was the work of stark from its inception to its achievement. his popular name called the militia together. his resolute will obtained him a separate commission--at the expense, it is true, of a wise political principle, but on the present occasion with the happiest effect. his firmness prevented him from being overruled by the influence of general lincoln, which would have led him with his troops across the hudson. how few are the men who in such a crisis would not merely not have sought but actually have repudiated a junction with the main army! how few who would not only have desired, but actually insisted on taking the responsibility of separate action! having chosen the burden of acting alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge of his duty with the spirit and vigor of a man conscious of ability proportioned to the crisis. he advanced against the enemy with promptitude; sent forward a small force to reconnoiter and measure his strength; chose his ground deliberately and with skill; planned and fought the battle with gallantry and success. the consequences of this victory were of great moment. it roused the people and nerved them to the contest with the enemy, and it also justified the sagacity of washington, whose words we have quoted on a previous page. burgoyne's plans were wholly deranged and instead of relying upon lateral excursions to keep the population in alarm and obtain supplies, he was compelled to procure necessaries as best he might. his rear was exposed, and stark, acting on his line of policy, prepared to place himself so that burgoyne might be hemmed in and be, as soon after he was, unable to advance or retreat. when washington heard of stark's victory he was in bucks county, pennsylvania, whence he wrote to putnam: "as there is now not the least danger of general howe's going to new england i hope the whole force of that country will turn out and by following the great stroke struck by general stark, near bennington, entirely crush general burgoyne, who, by his letter to colonel baum, seems to be in want of almost everything." the defeat at bennington was not the only misfortune which now fell upon the british arms. we have noted on a previous page that burgoyne had detached colonel st. leger with a body of regular troops, canadians, loyalists, and indians, by the way of oswego, to make a diversion on the upper part of the mohawk river and afterward join him on his way to albany. on the d of august ( ) st. leger approached fort stanwix, or schuyler, a log fortification situated on rising ground near the source of the mohawk river, and garrisoned by about continentals under the command of colonel gansevoort. next day he invested the place with an army of sixteen or seventeen hundred men, nearly one-half of whom were indians, and the rest british, germans, canadians, and tories. on being summoned to surrender gansevoort answered that he would defend the place to the last. on the approach of st. leger to fort schuyler, general herkimer, who commanded the militia of tryon county, assembled about of them and marched to the assistance of the garrison. on the forenoon of the th of august a messenger from herkimer found means to enter the fort and gave notice that he was only eight miles distant and intended that day to force a passage into the fort and join the garrison. gansevoort resolved to aid the attempt by a vigorous sally, and appointed colonel willet with upwards of men to that service. st. leger received information of the approach of herkimer, and placed a large body consisting of the "johnson greens," and brant's indians in ambush near oriskany, on the road by which he was to advance. herkimer fell into the snare. the first notice which he received of the presence of an enemy was from a heavy discharge of musketry on his troops, which was instantly followed by the war-whoop of the indians who attacked the militia with their tomahawks. though disconcerted by the suddenness of the attack many of the militia behaved with spirit, and a scene of unutterable confusion and carnage ensued. the royal troops and the militia became so closely crowded together that they had not room to use firearms, but pushed and pulled each other, and using their daggers, fell pierced by mutual wounds. some of the militia fled at the first onset; others made their escape afterwards; about of them retreated to a rising ground where they bravely defended themselves till a successful sortie from the fort compelled the british to look to the defense of their own camp. colonel willet in this sally killed a number of the enemy, destroyed their provisions, carried off some spoil, and returned to the fort without the loss of a man. besides the loss of the brave general herkimer, who was slain, the number of the killed was computed at . st. leger, imitating the grandiloquent style of burgoyne, again summoned the fort to surrender, but colonel gansevoort peremptorily refused. colonel willet, accompanied by lieutenant stockwell, having passed through the british camp, eluded the patrols and the savages and made his way for fifty miles through pathless woods and dangerous morasses and informed general schuyler of the position of the fort and the need of help in the emergency. he determined to afford it to the extent of his power, and arnold, who was always ready for such expeditions, agreed to take command of the troops for the purpose of relieving the fort. arnold put in practice an acute stratagem, which materially facilitated his success. it was this. among the tory prisoners was one yost cuyler, who had been condemned to death, but whom arnold agreed to spare on consideration of his implicitly carrying out his plan. accordingly, cuyler, having made several holes in his coat to imitate bullet shots, rushed breathless among the indian allies of st. leger and informed them that he had just escaped in a battle with the americans who were advancing on them with the utmost celerity. while pointing to his coat for proof of his statement, a sachem, also in the plot, came in and confirmed the intelligence. other scouts arrived speedily with a report which probably grew out of the affair at bennington, that burgoyne's army was entirely routed. all this made a deep impression upon the fickle-minded redmen. fort schuyler was better constructed and defended with more courage than st. leger had expected, and his light artillery made little impression on it. his indians, who liked better to take scalps and plunder than to besiege fortresses became very unmanageable. the loss which they had sustained in the encounters with herkimer and willet deeply affected them; they had expected to be witnesses of the triumphs of the british and to share with them the plunder. hard service and little reward caused bitter disappointment, and when they knew that a strong detachment of americans was marching against them, they resolved to take safety in flight. st. leger employed every argument and artifice to detain them, but in vain; part of them went off and all the rest threatened to follow if the siege were persevered in. therefore, on the d of august ( ), st. leger raised the siege, and retreated with circumstances indicating great alarm; the tents were left standing, the artillery was abandoned, and a great part of the baggage, ammunition, and provisions fell into the hands of the garrison, a detachment from which harassed the retreating enemy. but the british troops were exposed to greater danger from the fury of their savage allies than from the pursuit of the americans. during the retreat they robbed the officers of their baggage, and the army generally of their provisions and stores. not content with this they first stripped off their arms, and afterwards murdered with their own bayonets all those who from inability to keep up, from fear or other cause were separated from the main body. the confusion, terror, and sufferings of this retreat found no respite till the royal troops reached the lake on their way to montreal. arnold arrived at fort schuyler two days after the retreat of the besiegers, but finding no occasion for his services he soon returned to camp. the successful defense of fort stanwix, or schuyler, powerfully cooperated with the defeat of the royal troops at bennington in raising the spirits and invigorating the activity of the americans. the loyalists became timid; the wavering began to doubt the success of the royal arms, and the great body of the people became convinced that nothing but steady exertion on their part was necessary to ruin that army which a short time before had appeared to be sweeping every obstacle from its path on the high road to victory. the decisive victory at bennington and the retreat of st. leger from fort schuyler, however important in themselves, were still more so in their consequences. an army which had spread terror and dismay in every direction--which had previously experienced no reverse of fortune was considered as already beaten, and the opinion became common that the appearance of the great body of the people in arms would secure the emancipation of their country. it was, too, an advantage of no inconsiderable importance resulting from this change of public opinion that the disaffected became timid, and the wavering who, had the torrent of success continued, would have made a merit of contributing their aid to the victor were no longer disposed to put themselves and their fortunes in hazard to support an army whose fate was so uncertain. the barbarities which had been perpetrated by the indians belonging to the invading armies excited still more resentment than terror. as the prospect of revenge began to open their effect became the more apparent, and their influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly felt because they had been indiscriminate. the murder of miss m'crea passed through all the papers on the continent, and the story being retouched by the hand of more than one master, excited a peculiar degree of sensibility. [ ] but there were other causes of still greater influence in producing the events which afterward took place. the last reinforcements of continental troops arrived in camp about this time and added both courage and strength to the army. the harvest, which had detained the northern militia upon their farms, was over, and general schuyler, whose continued and eminent services had not exempted him from the imputation of being a traitor, was succeeded by general gates, who possessed a large share of the public confidence. when schuyler was directed by congress to resume the command of the northern department, gates withdrew himself from it. when the resolution passed recalling the general officers who had served in that department, general washington was requested to name a successor to schuyler. on his expressing a wish to decline this nomination and representing the inconvenience of removing all the general officers, gates was again directed to repair thither and take the command, and their resolution to recall the brigadiers was suspended until the commander-in-chief should be of opinion that it might be carried into effect with safety. schuyler retained the command until the arrival of gates, which was on the th of august ( ), and continued his exertions to restore the affairs of the department, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being recalled in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. "it is," said he, in a letter to the commander-in-chief, "matter of extreme chagrin to me to be deprived of the command at a time when, soon if ever, we shall probably be enabled to face the enemy; when we are on the point of taking ground where they must attack to a disadvantage, should our force be inadequate to facing them in the field; when an opportunity will in all probability occur in which i might evince that i am not what congress have too plainly insinuated by taking the command from me." if error be attributable to the evacuation of ticonderoga, no portion of it was committed by schuyler. his removal from the command was probably severe and unjust as respected himself, but perhaps wise as respected america. the frontier towards the lakes was to be defended by the troops of new england, and however unfounded their prejudices against him might be, it was prudent to consult them. notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around him burgoyne remained steady to his purpose. the disasters at bennington and on the mohawk produced no disposition to abandon the enterprise and save his army. it had now become necessary for burgoyne to recur to the slow and toilsome mode of obtaining supplies from fort george. having, with persevering labor, collected provision for thirty days in advance he crossed the hudson on the th and th of september ( ) and encamped on the heights and plains of saratoga, with a determination to decide the fate of the expedition in a general engagement. gates, having been joined by all the continental troops destined for the northern department and reinforced by large bodies of militia, had moved from his camp in the islands, and advanced to the neighborhood of stillwater. the bridges between the two armies having been broken down by general schuyler, the roads being excessively bad and the country covered with wood, the progress of the british army down the river was slow. on the night of the th of september, burgoyne encamped within four miles of the american army and the next day was employed in repairing the bridges between the two camps. in the morning of the th he advanced in full force toward the american left. morgan was immediately detached with his rifle corps to observe the enemy and to harass his front and flanks. he fell in with a picket in front of the right wing which he attacked with vivacity and drove in upon the main body. pursuing with too much ardor he was met in considerable force, and after a severe encounter was compelled in turn to retire in some disorder. two regiments led by arnold being advanced to his assistance his corps was rallied, and the action became more general. the americans were formed in a wood, with an open field in front, and invariably repulsed the british corps which attacked them, but when they pursued those corps to the main body they were in turn driven back to their first ground. reinforcements were continually brought up, and about in the afternoon upward of , american troops were closely engaged with the whole right wing of the british army commanded by general burgoyne in person. the conflict was extremely severe and only terminated with the day. at dark the americans retired to their camp, and the british, who had found great difficulty in maintaining their ground, lay all night on their arms near the field of battle. in this action the killed and wounded on the part of the americans were between three and four hundred. among the former were colonels colburn and adams and several other valuable officers. the british loss has been estimated at rather more than men. each army claimed the victory and each believed itself to have beaten near the whole of the hostile army with only a part of its own force. the advantage, however, taking all circumstances into consideration, was decidedly with the americans. in a conflict which nearly consumed the day, they found themselves at least equal to their antagonists. in every quarter they had acted on the offensive, and after an encounter for several hours had not lost an inch of ground. they had not been driven from the field, but had retired from it at the close of day to the camp from which they had marched to battle. their object, which was to check the advancing enemy, had been obtained, while that of the british general had failed. in the actual state of things to fight without being beaten was on their part victory, while on the part of the british to fight without a decisive victory was defeat. the indians who found themselves beaten in the woods by morgan, [ ] and restrained from scalping and plundering the unarmed by burgoyne, saw before them the prospect of hard fighting without profit, grew tired of the service and deserted in great numbers. the canadians and provincials were not much more faithful, and burgoyne soon perceived that his hopes must rest almost entirely on his european troops. with reason, therefore, this action was celebrated throughout the united states as a victory and considered as the precursor of the total ruin of the invading army. the utmost exultation was displayed and the militia were stimulated to fly to arms and complete the work so happily begun. general lincoln, in conformity with directions which have been stated, had assembled a considerable body of new england militia in the rear of burgoyne, from which he drew three parties of about men each. one of these was detached under the command of colonel brown to the north end of lake george, principally to relieve a number of prisoners who were confined there, but with orders to push his success, should he be fortunate, as far as prudence would admit. colonel johnson, at the head of another party, marched towards mount independence, and colonel woodbury with a third was detached to skeenesborough to cover the retreat of both the others. with the residue, lincoln proceeded to the camp of gates. colonel brown, after marching all night, arrived at the break of day on the north end of the lake where he found a small post which he carried without opposition. the surprise was complete, and he took possession of mount defiance, mount hope, the landing place, and about batteaux. with the loss of only three killed and five wounded, he liberated american prisoners and captured of the enemy. this success was joyfully proclaimed through the northern states. it was believed confidently that ticonderoga and mount independence were recovered, and the militia were exhorted, by joining their brethren in the army, to insure that event if it had not already happened. the attempt on those places, however, failed. the garrison repulsed the assailants, who, after a few days abandoned the siege. on their return through lake george in the vessels they had captured the militia made an attack on diamond island, the depot of all the stores collected at the north end of the lake. being again repulsed they destroyed the vessels they had taken and returned to their former station. the day after the battle of stillwater general burgoyne took a position almost within cannon-shot of the american camp, fortified his right, and extended his left to the river. directly after taking this ground he received a letter from sir henry clinton informing him that he should attack fort montgomery about the th of september ( ). the messenger returned with information that burgoyne was in extreme difficulty and would endeavor to wait for aid until the th of october. [ ] both armies retained their position until the th of october ( ). burgoyne in the hope of being relieved by sir henry clinton, and gates in the confidence of growing stronger every day. having received no further intelligence from sir henry and being reduced to the necessity of diminishing the ration issued to his soldiers, burgoyne determined to make one more trial of strength with his adversary. in execution of this determination he drew out on his right , choice troops whom he commanded in person assisted by generals philips, riedesel, and fraser. the right wing was formed within three-quarters of a mile of the left of the american camp, and a corps of rangers, indians, and provincials was pushed on through secret paths to show themselves in its rear and excite alarm in that quarter. these movements were perceived by general gates, who determined to attack their left and at the same time to fall on their right flank. poor's brigade and some regiments from new hampshire were ordered to meet them in front, while morgan with his rifle corps made a circuit unperceived and seized a very advantageous height covered with wood on their right. as soon as it was supposed that morgan had gained the ground he intended to occupy the attack was made in front and on the left in great force. at this critical moment morgan poured in a deadly and incessant fire on the front and right flank. while the british right wing was thus closely pressed in front and on its flank, a distinct division of the american troops was ordered to intercept its retreat to camp, and to separate it from the residue of the army. burgoyne perceived the danger of his situation and ordered the light infantry under general fraser with part of the twenty-fourth regiment to form a second line in order to cover the light infantry of the right and secure a retreat. while this movement was in progress the left of the british right was forced from its ground and the light infantry was ordered to its aid. in the attempt to execute this order they were attacked by the rifle corps with great effect, and fraser was mortally wounded. overpowered by numbers and pressed on all sides by a superior weight of fire, burgoyne with great difficulty and with the loss of his field pieces and great part of his artillery corps regained his camp. the americans followed close in his rear, and assaulted his works throughout their whole extent. toward the close of day the entrenchments were forced on their right, and general arnold with a few men actually entered their works, but his horse being killed under him and himself wounded, the troops were forced out of them, and it being nearly dark they desisted from the assault. the left of arnold's division was still more successful. jackson's regiment of massachusetts, then led by lieutenant-colonel brooks, turned the right of the encampment and stormed the works occupied by the german reserve. lieutenant-colonel breyman who commanded in them was killed and the works were carried. the orders given by burgoyne to recover them were not executed, and brooks maintained the ground he had gained. darkness put an end to the action and the americans lay all night with their arms in their hands about half a mile from the british lines ready to renew the assault with the return of day. the advantage they had gained was decisive. they had taken several pieces of artillery, killed a great number of men, made upwards of prisoners, among whom were several officers of distinction, and had penetrated the lines in a part which exposed the whole to considerable danger. unwilling to risk the events of the next day on the same ground, burgoyne changed his position in the course of the night and drew his whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, extending his right up the river. this movement extricated him from the danger of being attacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in possession of part of his works. the th of october ( ) was spent in skirmishing and cannonading. about sunset the body of general fraser, who had been mortally wounded on the preceding day was, agreeably to his own desire, carried up the hill to be interred in the great redoubt attended only by the officers who had lived in his family. generals burgoyne, philips, and riedesel, in testimony of respect and affection for their late brave companion in arms joined the mournful procession which necessarily passed in view of both armies. the incessant cannonade, the steady attitude and unfaltering voice of the chaplain, and the firm demeanor of the company, though occasionally covered with the earth thrown up by the shot from the hostile batteries ploughing the ground around them, the mute expression of feeling pictured on every countenance, and the increasing gloom of the evening, all contributed to give an affecting solemnity to the obsequies. general gates afterwards declared that if he had been apprised of what was going on he would at least have silenced his batteries and allowed the last offices of humanity to be performed without disturbance, or even have ordered minute-guns to be fired in honor of the deceased general. gates perceived the strength of burgoyne's new position and was not disposed to hazard an assault. aware of the critical situation of his adversary he detached a party higher up the hudson for the purpose of intercepting the british army on its retreat, while strong corps were posted on the other side of the river to guard its passage. this movement compelled burgoyne again to change his position and to retire to saratoga. about at night the retreat was commenced and was effected with the loss of his hospital, containing about sick, and of several batteaux laden with provisions and baggage. on reaching the ground to be occupied he found a strong corps already entrenched on the opposite side of the river prepared to dispute its passage. from saratoga, burgoyne detached a company of artificers under a strong escort to repair the roads and bridges toward fort edward. scarcely had this detachment moved when the americans appeared in force on the heights south of saratoga creek and made dispositions which excited the apprehension of a design to cross it and attack his camp. the europeans escorting the artificers were recalled, and a provincial corps employed in the same service, being attacked by a small party, ran away and left the workmen to shift for themselves. no hope of repairing the roads remaining it became impossible to move the baggage and artillery. the british army was now almost completely environed by a superior force. no means remained of extricating itself from difficulties and dangers which were continually increasing, but fording a river, on the opposite bank of which a formidable body of troops was already posted, and then escaping to fort george through roads impassable by artillery or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed by a victorious enemy. [ ] a council of general officers, called to deliberate on their situation, took the bold resolution to abandon everything but their arms and such provisions as the soldiers could carry, and by a forced march in the night up the river, to extricate themselves from the american army, and crossing at fort edward, or at a ford above it, to press on to fort george. gates had foreseen this movement and had prepared for it. in addition to placing strong guards at the fords of the hudson he had formed an entrenched camp on the high grounds between fort edward and fort george. the scouts sent to examine the route returned with this information and the plan was abandoned as impracticable. nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of the british army, or more desperate than that of their general, as described by himself. in his letter to lord george germain, secretary of state for american affairs, he says: "a series of hard toil, incessant effort, stubborn action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the army by the total defection of the indians; the desertion or timidity of the canadians and provincials, some individuals excepted; disappointed in the last hope of any cooperation from other armies; the regular troops reduced by losses from the best parts to , fighting men, not , of which were british; only three days' provisions upon short allowance in store; invested by an army of , men, and no appearance of retreat remaining--i called into council all the generals, field officers, and captains commanding corps, and by their unanimous concurrence and advice i was induced to open a treaty with major-general gates." a treaty was opened with a general proposition stating the willingness of the british general to spare the further effusion of blood, provided a negotiation could be effected on honorable terms. this proposition was answered by a demand that the whole army should ground their arms in their encampment and surrender themselves prisoners of war. this demand was instantly rejected with a declaration that if general gates designed to insist on it the negotiation must immediately break off and hostilities recommence. on receiving this decided answer gates receded from the rigorous terms at first proposed, and a convention was signed (october , ), in which it was agreed that the british army, after marching out of their encampment with all the honors of war, should lay down their arms and not serve against the united states till exchanged. they were not to be detained in captivity, but to be permitted to embark for england. the situation of the armies considered, [ ] these terms were highly honorable to the british general and favorable to his nation. they were probably more advantageous than would have been granted by gates had he entertained no apprehension from sir henry clinton, who was at length making the promised diversion on the north river, up which he had penetrated as far as aesopus. the drafts made from peekskill for both armies had left that post in a situation to require the aid of militia for its security. the requisitions of general putnam were complied with, but the attack upon them being delayed, the militia, who were anxious to attend to their farms, became impatient; many deserted, and putnam was induced to discharge the residue. governor clinton immediately ordered out half the militia of new york with assurances that they should be relieved in one month by the other half. this order was executed so slowly that the forts were carried before the militia were in the field. great pains had been taken and much labor employed to render the position of the american army for guarding the passage up the hudson secure. the principal defenses were forts montgomery and clinton. they had been constructed on the western bank of the hudson, on very high ground extremely difficult of access and were separated from each other by a small creek which runs from the mountains into the river. these forts were too much elevated to be battered from the water, and the hills on which they stood were too steep to be ascended by troops landing at the foot of them. the mountains, which commence five or six miles below them, are so high and rugged, the defiles, through which the roads leading to them pass, so narrow and so commanded by the heights on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely difficult and dangerous. to prevent ships from passing the forts, _chevaux-de-frise_ had been sunk in the river and a boom extended from bank to bank, which was covered with immense chains stretched at some distance in its front. these works were defended by the guns of the forts and by a frigate and galleys stationed above them, capable of opposing with an equal fire in front any force which might attack them by water from below. fort independence is four or five miles below forts montgomery and clinton and on the opposite side of the river on a high point of land, and fort constitution is rather more than six miles above them on an island near the eastern shore. peekskill, the general headquarters of the officer commanding at the station, is just below fort independence and on the same side of the river. the garrisons had been reduced to about men and the whole force under putnam did not much exceed , . yet this force, though far inferior to that which washington had ordered to be retained at the station, was, if properly applied, more than competent to the defense of the forts against any numbers which could be spared from new york. to insure success to the enterprise it was necessary to draw the attention of putnam from the real object and to storm the works before the garrisons could be aided by his army. this sir henry clinton accomplished. between three and four thousand men embarked at new york and landed on the th of october ( ) at verplanck's point on the east side of the hudson, a short distance below peekskill, upon which putnam retired to the heights in his rear. on the evening of the same day a part of these troops re-embarked and the fleet moved up the river to peekskill neck in order to mask king's ferry, which was below them. the next morning at break of day the troops destined for the enterprise landed on the west side of stony point and commenced their march through the mountains into the rear of forts clinton and montgomery. this disembarkation was observed, but the morning was so foggy that the numbers could not be distinguished, and a large fire, which was afterward perceived at the landing place, suggested the idea that the sole object of the party on shore was the burning of some storehouses. in the meantime the maneuvers of the vessels and the appearance of a small detachment left at verplanck's point persuaded putnam that the meditated attack was on fort independence. his whole attention was directed to this object, and the real designs of the enemy were not suspected until a heavy firing from the other side of the river announced the assault on forts clinton and montgomery. five hundred men were instantly detached to reinforce the garrisons of those places, but, before this detachment could cross the river, the forts were in possession of the british. having left a battalion at the pass of thunderhill to keep up a communication, sir henry clinton had formed his army into two divisions--one of which, consisting of men, commanded by lieutenant-colonel campbell, made a circuit by the forest of deane, in order to fall on the back of fort montgomery, while the other, consisting of , men, commanded by general vaughan and accompanied by sir henry clinton in person, advanced slowly against fort clinton. both posts were assaulted about five in the afternoon. the works were defended with resolution and were maintained until dark, when, the lines being too extensive to be completely manned, the assailants entered them in different places. the defense being no longer possible some of the garrison were made prisoners, while their better knowledge of the country enabled others to escape. governor clinton passed the river in a boat and gen. james clinton, though wounded in the thigh by a bayonet, also made his escape. lieutenant-colonels livingston and bruyn and majors hamilton and logan were among the prisoners. the loss sustained by the garrisons was about men; that of the assailants was stated by sir henry clinton at less than . among the killed were lieutenant-colonel campbell and two other field officers. as the boom and chains drawn across the river could no longer be defended the continental frigates and galleys lying above them were burnt to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. fort independence and fort constitution were evacuated the next day and putnam retreated to fishkill. general vaughan, after burning continental village, where stores to a considerable amount had been deposited, proceeded at the head of a strong detachment up the river to aesopus, which he also destroyed. [ ] putnam, whose army had been augmented by reinforcements of militia to , men, detached general parsons with , to repossess himself of peekskill and of the passes in the highlands, while with the residue he watched the progress of the enemy up the river. the want of heavy artillery prevented his annoying their ships in the hudson. on the capitulation of burgoyne, near , men had been detached by gates to aid putnam. before their arrival general vaughan had returned to new york, whence a reinforcement to general howe was then about to sail. great as was the injury sustained by the united states from this enterprise great britain derived from it no solid advantage. it was undertaken at too late a period to save burgoyne, and though the passes in the highlands were acquired, they could not be retained. the british had reduced to ashes every village and almost every house within their power, but this wanton and useless destruction served to irritate without tending to subdue. a keenness was given to the resentment of the injured, which outlived the contest between the two nations. the army which surrendered at saratoga exceeded , men. on marching from ticonderoga it was estimated at , . in addition to this great military force the british lost and the americans acquired, a fine train of artillery, , stand of excellent arms, clothing for , recruits, with tents and other military stores to a considerable amount. the thanks of congress were voted to general gates and his army, and a medal of gold in commemoration of this great event was ordered to be struck and presented to him by the president in the name of the united states. colonel wilkinson, his adjutant-general, whom he strongly recommended, was appointed brigadier-general by brevet. in the opinion that the british would not immediately abandon the passes in the highlands, congress ordered putnam to join washington with a reinforcement not exceeding , men, and directed gates to take command of the army on the hudson, with unlimited powers to call for aids of militia from the new england states as well as from new york and new jersey. a proposition to authorize the commander-in-chief, after consulting with general gates and governor george clinton, to increase the detachment designed to strengthen his army, if he should then be of opinion that it might be done without endangering the objects to be accomplished by gates, was seriously opposed. an attempt was made to amend this proposition so as to make the increase of the reinforcement to depend on the assent of gates and clinton, but this amendment was lost by a considerable majority and the original resolution was carried. these proceedings were attended with no other consequences than to excite some degree of attention to the state of parties. soon after the capitulation of burgoyne, ticonderoga and mount independence were evacuated and the garrison retired to isle aux noix and st. john's. the effect produced by this event on the british cabinet and nation was great and immediate. it seemed to remove the delusive hopes of conquest with which they had been flattered, and suddenly to display the mass of resistance which must yet be encountered. previous to the reception of this disastrous intelligence the employment of savages in the war had been the subject of severe animadversion. parliament was assembled on the th of november ( ), and, as usual, addresses were proposed in answer to the speech from the throne entirely approving the conduct of the administration. in the house of lords the earl of chatham moved to amend the address by introducing a clause recommending to his majesty an immediate cessation of hostilities and the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, "to restore peace and liberty to america, strength and happiness to england, security and permanent prosperity to both countries." in the course of the very animated observations made by this extraordinary man in support of his motion, he said: "but, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods? to delegate to the merciless indian the defense of disputed rights and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? my lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. unless thoroughly done away they will be a stain on the national character. it is not the least of our national misfortunes that the strength and character of our army are thus impaired. familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier; no longer sympathise with the dignity of the royal banner nor feel the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that makes ambition virtue. what makes ambition virtue? the sense of honor. but is this sense of honor consistent with the spirit of plunder or the practice of murder? can it flow from mercenary motives? or can it prompt to cruel deeds?" the conduct of the administration, however, received the full approbation of large majorities, but the triumph these victories in parliament afforded them was of short duration. the disastrous issue of an expedition from which the most sanguine expectations had been formed was soon known, and the mortification it produced was extreme. a reluctant confession of the calamity was made by the minister and a desire to restore peace on any terms consistent with the integrity of the empire found its way into the cabinet. the surrender of burgoyne was an event of very great importance in a political point of view as it undoubtedly decided the french government to form an alliance with the united states, but it was only one of the many disasters to the british arms which compelled them to acknowledge our independence. there remained much to be done. washington was still to endure greater hardships and mortifications--to have his patriotism and disinterestedness more severely tried than ever during the coming campaigns. we must now return to his dreary camp at valley forge. . footnote: the weakness of st. clair's garrison was partly owing to its having contributed detachments to the support of washington's army in new jersey. . footnote: "history of the war of independence." vol. ii, p. . . footnote: washington, writing to general schuyler, clearly presaged the great and auspicious change in affairs which was soon to take place: "though our affairs have for some days past worn a gloomy aspect, yet i look forward to a happy change. i trust general burgoyne's army will meet sooner or later an effectual check, and, as i suggested before, that the success he has had will precipitate his ruin. from your accounts, he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct which, of all others, is most favorable to us--i mean acting in detachment. this conduct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. in such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes, and urged on at the same time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to arms, and afford every aid in their power." . footnote: "life of john stark," p. . . footnote: mr. jones, an officer of the british army, had gained the affections of miss m'crea, a lovely young lady of amiable character and spotless reputation, daughter of a gentleman attached to the royal cause, residing near fort edward, and they had agreed to be married. in the course of service, the officer was removed to some distance from his bride, and became anxious for her safety and desirous of her company. he engaged some indians, of two different tribes, to bring her to camp, and promised a keg of rum to the person who should deliver her safe to him. she dressed to meet her bridegroom, and accompanied her indian conductors; but by the way, the two chiefs, each being desirous of receiving the promised reward, disputed which of them should deliver her to her lover. the dispute rose to a quarrel, and, according to their usual method of disposing of a disputed prisoner, one of them instantly cleft the head of the lady with his tomahawk. this is the common version of the story found in the histories. mr. lossing, in his field book of the revolution, relying on the traditions in the neighborhood of the scene, comes to the conclusion that the lady was accidentally killed by a party of americans in pursuit of the indians who had carried her off. irving says she was killed by one of the indians. . footnote: colonel morgan, with his regiment of riflemen, had been recently sent by washington to join the northern army. gates, writing to washington, may , , says: "i cannot sufficiently thank your excellency for sending colonel morgan's corps to this army; they will be of the greatest service to it; for, until the late success this way, i am told the army were quite panic-struck by the indians, and their tory and canadian assassins in indian dress. horrible, indeed, have been the cruelties they have wantonly committed upon the miserable inhabitants, insomuch that all is now fair with general burgoyne, even if the bloody hatchet he has so barbarously used should find its way into his own head." . footnote: letter of burgoyne. . footnote: gordon, in his history of the war, states himself to have received from general glover an anecdote showing that all these advantages were on the point of being exposed to imminent hazard: "on the morning of the th, gates called the general officers together, and informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of burgoyne's army was marched off for fort edward with what they could take; and that the rear guard only was left in the camp, who, after a while, were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. on this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. the officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. general nixon's, being the eldest brigade, crossed the saratoga creek first. unknown to the americans, burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brushwood, to support the park of artillery where the attack was to be made. general glover was upon the point of following nixon. just as he entered the water, he saw a british soldier making across, whom he called and examined. this soldier was a deserter, and communicated the very important fact that the whole british army were in their encampment. nixon was immediately stopped, and the intelligence conveyed to gates, who countermanded his orders for the assault, and called back his troops, not without sustaining some loss from the british artillery." gordon is confirmed by general wilkinson, who was adjutant-general in the american army. the narrative of the general varies from that of gordon only in minor circumstances. . footnote: the american army consisted of , continental troops. the number of the militia fluctuated, but amounted, at the signature of the convention, to , . the sick exceeded , men. . chapter xiii. washington at valley forge. , . we have already given some details of the sufferings endured by washington and his brave soldiers at valley forge. one-half the tale is not told--never will be told; their sufferings were unutterable. a review of this portion of washington's life will show that at valley forge not only was a great deal suffered but a great deal was done. here the army was hardened from the gristle of youth to the bone and muscle of manhood. it entered the tents of that dreary encampment a courageous but disorderly rabble; it left them a disciplined army. but we must not anticipate events. this army, which was under the immediate command of washington, was engaged through the winter ( - ) in endeavoring to stop the intercourse between philadelphia and the country. to effect this object general smallwood was detached with one division to wilmington; colonel morgan, who had been detached from gates's army, was placed on the lines on the west side of the schuylkill, and general armstrong with the pennsylvania militia, was stationed near the old camp at white marsh. major jameson with two troops of cavalry and m'lane's infantry, was directed to guard the east and capt. henry lee with his troop, the west side of that river. general count pulaski, who commanded the horse, led the residue of the cavalry to trenton, where he trained them for the ensuing campaign. one of the first operations meditated by washington after crossing the schuylkill was the destruction of a large quantity of hay which remained in the islands above the mouth of darby creek, within the power of the british. early in the morning, after his orders for this purpose had been given (december d), howe marched out in full force and encamped between darby and the middle ferry, so as completely to cover the islands while a foraging party removed the hay. washington, with the intention of disturbing this operation, gave orders for putting his army in motion, when the alarming fact was disclosed that the commissary's stores were exhausted and that the last ration had been delivered and consumed. accustomed as were the continental troops to privations of every sort, it would have been hazarding too much to move them under these circumstances against a powerful enemy. in a desert or in a garrison where food is unattainable, courage, patriotism, and habits of discipline enable the soldier to conquer wants which, in ordinary situations, would be deemed invincible. but to perish in a country abounding with provisions requires something more than fortitude; nor can soldiers readily submit while in such a country to the deprivation of food. it is not, therefore, surprising that among a few of the troops some indications of a mutiny appeared. it is much more astonishing that the great body of the army bore a circumstance so irritating, and to them so unaccountable, without a murmur. on receiving intelligence of the fact, washington ordered the country to be scoured and provisions for supplying the pressing wants of the moment to be seized wherever found. in the meantime light parties were detached to harass the enemy about darby, where howe, with his accustomed circumspection, kept his army so compact and his soldiers so within the lines that an opportunity to annoy him was seldom afforded even to the vigilance of morgan and lee. after completing his forage he returned, with inconsiderable loss, to philadelphia. that the american army, while the value still retained by paper bills placed ample funds in the hands of government, should be destitute of food in the midst of a state so abounding with provisions as pennsylvania, is one of those extraordinary facts which cannot fail to excite attention. a few words of explanation seem to be needed to account for such a fact. early in the war the office of commissary-general had been conferred on colonel trumbull, of connecticut, a gentleman well fitted for that important station. yet, from the difficulty of arranging so complicated a department, complaints were repeatedly made of the insufficiency of supplies. the subject was taken up by congress, but the remedy administered served only to increase the disease. the system was not completed till near midsummer, and then its arrangements were such that colonel trumbull refused the office assigned to him. the new plan contemplated a number of subordinate officers, all to be appointed by congress, and neither accountable to nor removable by the head of the department. this arrangement, which was made in direct opposition to the opinion of the commander-in-chief, drove colonel trumbull from the army. congress, however, persisted in the system, and its effects were not long in unfolding themselves. in every military division of the continent loud complaints were made of the deficiency of supplies. the armies were greatly embarrassed and their movements suspended by the want of provisions. the present total failure of all supply was preceded by issuing meat unfit to be eaten. representations on this subject had been made to the commander-in-chief and communicated to congress. that body had authorized him to seize provisions for the use of his army within seventy miles of headquarters and to pay for them in money or in certificates. the odium of this measure was increased by the failure of government to provide funds to take up these certificates when presented. at the same time the provisions carried into philadelphia were paid for in specie at a fair price. the temptation was too great to be resisted. such was the dexterity employed by the inhabitants in eluding the laws that notwithstanding the vigilance of the troops stationed on the lines they often succeeded in concealing their provisions from those authorized to impress for the army and in conveying them to philadelphia. washington, urged on by congress, issued a proclamation requiring all the farmers within seventy miles of valley forge to thresh out one-half of their grain by the st of february and the rest by the st of march, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw. many farmers refused, defended their grain and cattle with muskets and rifle, and, in some instances, burnt what they could not defend. it would seem that washington had a sufficiently heavy burden upon his shoulders in the harassing cares and anxieties of his position, and that he might have been spared from trials of another sort to which he was exposed at this time, but washington experienced what every great and good man must expect to meet with in an envious and malicious world. thus far, apparently, little else than ill-success had attended the military exploits of the commander-in-chief. he had been compelled to retreat continually before a powerful enemy. new york and philadelphia had been lost, and there was almost nothing of a brilliant or striking character in what had transpired during the war under washington's immediate direction. on the other hand, the victory at saratoga had thrown a lustre around gates' name which far outshone for the time the solid and enduring light of washington's noble and patriotic devotion to his country. it was the first great victory of the war and it was a victory which necessarily had a most important effect upon the future prospects of the united states. no wonder, then, that restless and envious men should make invidious comparisons between the hero of saratoga and the commander-in-chief. no wonder that washington should suffer from detraction and the intrigues of dissatisfied and scheming men, to whom his unsullied virtue, purity, and integrity were invincible obstacles to every design of theirs to promote selfish or ambitious ends. a direct and systematic attempt was made to ruin the reputation of washington, and from the name of the person principally concerned this attempt is known by the title of conway's cabal. general gates and general mifflin of the army and samuel adams and others in congress had more or less to do with this matter. gates and mifflin had taken offense at not receiving certain appointments during the siege of boston, and were at no time well disposed toward washington; conway, a restless, boastful, and intriguing character, had always been distrusted by washington, and he knew it. some of the new england members do not seem ever to have cordially liked washington's appointment as commander-in-chief, and now, when the capture of burgoyne had been effected by the northern army without the intervention of washington the malcontents ventured to assume a bolder attitude. anonymous letters were freely circulated, attributing the ill-success of the american arms to the incapacity or vacillating policy of washington and filled with insinuations and exaggerated complaints against the commander-in-chief. [ ] washington was not unaware of what his enemies were attempting, but it was not till after the victory of saratoga that the matter assumed a definite shape. the success of the northern army, which in fact was chiefly due to schuyler, so elated gates that he seemed to adopt the views of those other members of the cabal who were disposed to favor his aspirations to the office of commander-in-chief. he even ventured to do what few men ever dared, to treat washington with disrespect. after the victory of the th of october ( ) had opened to him the prospect of subduing the army of burgoyne, he not only omitted to communicate his success to washington, but carried on a correspondence with conway, in which that officer expressed great contempt for the commander-in-chief. when the purport of this correspondence, which had been divulged by wilkinson to lord stirling, became known to washington, he exploded the whole affair by sending the offensive expressions directly to conway, who communicated the information to gates. [ ] gates demanded the name of the informer in a letter to washington, far from being conciliatory in its terms, which was accompanied with the very extraordinary circumstance of being passed through congress. washington's answer completely humbled him. it pointed out the inconsistencies and contradictions of gates' defense and showed him that washington had penetrated his whole scheme and regarded it with lofty contempt. in a subsequent letter gates besought him to bury the subject in oblivion. meantime, washington's enemies in congress were bold and active. a new board of war was created, of which gates was appointed the president, and mifflin, who was of the party unfriendly to washington, was one of its members. conway, who was probably the only brigadier in the army that had joined this faction, was appointed inspector-general and was promoted above senior brigadiers to the rank of major-general. these were evidences that if the hold which the commander-in-chief had taken of the affections and confidence of the army and nation could be loosened, the party in congress disposed to change their general was far from being contemptible in point of numbers. but to loosen this hold was impossible. the indignation with which the idea of such a change was received, even by the victorious troops who had conquered under gates, forms the most conclusive proof of its strength. even the northern army clung to washington as the savior of his country. these machinations to diminish the well-earned reputation of washington made no undue impression on his steady mind, nor did they change one of his measures. his sensibilities seem to have been those of patriotism, of apprehension for his country, rather than of wounded pride. [ ] his desire to remain at the head of the army seemed to flow from the conviction that his retaining that station would be useful to his country, rather than from the gratification his high rank might furnish to ambition. when he unbosomed himself to his private friends, the feelings and sentiments he expressed were worthy of washington. to mr. laurens, [ ] the president of congress, and his private friend, who, in an unofficial letter, had communicated an anonymous accusation made to him, as president, containing heavy charges against the commander-in-chief, he said. "i cannot sufficiently express the obligation i feel toward you for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which i am deeply interested. i was not unapprised that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice, which, conscious as i am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trusts reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account; but my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. "as i have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, i would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. the anonymous paper handed you exhibits many serious charges and it is my wish that it may be submitted to congress. this i am the more inclined to as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassment hereafter since it is uncertain how many or who may be privy to the contents. "my enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. they know the delicacy of my situation and that motives of policy deprive me of the defense i might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. they know i cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. but why should i expect to be free from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? merit and talents which i cannot pretend to rival have ever been subject to it. my heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit. yet i may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error." while washington expressed himself in these modest terms to a personal friend, he assumed a much bolder and higher tone to the dastardly enemies who were continually thwarting his designs and injuring the public service by their malignity and incapacity. these were public enemies to be publicly arraigned. seizing the occasion to which we have already referred, when the army was unable to march against the enemy for want of provisions, he sent to the president of congress the following letter which, of course, like the rest of his correspondence, was to be read to the whole house. it is severer than any he had ever written: "full as i was in my representation of the matters in the commissary's department yesterday, fresh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add that i am now convinced beyond a doubt that unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place in that line this army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things--to starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence. rest assured, sir, that this is not an exaggerated picture, and that i have abundant reason to suppose what i say. "saturday afternoon receiving information that the enemy in force had left the city and were advancing toward darby with apparent design to forage and draw subsistence from that part of the country, i ordered the troops to be in readiness that i might give every opposition in my power, when, to my great mortification, i was not only informed but convinced that the men were unable to stir on account of a want of provisions, and that a dangerous mutiny begun the night before, and which with difficulty was suppressed by the spirited exertions of some officers, was still much to be apprehended from the want this article. "this brought forth the only commissary in the purchasing line in this camp and with him this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter and not more than twenty-five barrels of flour! from hence form an opinion of our situation when i add that he could not tell when to expect any. "all i could do under these circumstances was to send out a few light parties to watch and harass the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached different ways to collect, if possible, as much provisions as would satisfy the pressing wants of the soldiers; but will this answer? no, sir. three or four days of bad weather would prove our destruction. what then is to become of the army this winter? and if we are now as often without provisions as with them what is to become of us in the spring when our force will be collected, with the aid perhaps of militia, to take advantage of an early campaign before the enemy can be reinforced? these are considerations of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention, and will, when my own reputation is so intimately connected with and to be affected by the event, justify my saying that the present commissaries are by no means equal to the execution of the office, or that the disaffection of the people surpasses all belief. the misfortune, however, does in my opinion proceed from both causes, and though i have been tender heretofore of giving my opinion or of lodging complaints, as the change in that department took place contrary to my judgment and the consequences thereof were predicted, yet finding that the inactivity of the army, whether for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials is charged to my account, not only by the common vulgar but by those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. with truth then i can declare that no man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than i have by every department of the army. since the month of july we have had no assistance from the quartermaster-general, and to want of assistance from this department the commissary-general charges great part of his deficiency. to this i am to add that notwithstanding it is a standing order (often repeated) that the troops shall always have two days' provision by them, that they may be ready at any sudden call, yet scarcely any opportunity has ever offered of taking advantage of the enemy that has not been either totally obstructed or greatly impeded on this account, and this, the great and crying evil, is not all. soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by congress we see none of, nor have we seen them, i believe, since the battle of brandywine. the first, indeed, we have little occasion for--few men having more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one, and some none at all. in addition to which, as a proof of the little benefit from a clothier-general, and at the same time as a further proof of the inability of an army under the circumstances of this to perform the common duties of soldiers, we have, by a field return this day made, besides a number of men confined to hospitals for want of shoes and others in farmers' houses on the same account, no less than , men now in camp unfit for duty because they are barefoot and otherwise naked. by the same return it appears that our whole strength in continental troops, including the eastern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of general burgoyne, exclusive of the maryland troops sent to wilmington, amounts to no more than , in camp fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that since the th inst., our number fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particularly from the want of blankets, have decreased near , men, we find, gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter quarters or not (for i am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the remonstrance), reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible to frost and snow; and, moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages i have described ours to be--which are by no means exaggerated--to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the states of pennsylvania, jersey, etc. but what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is that these very gentlemen, who were well apprised of the nakedness of the troops from ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers worse clad than others and advised me near a month ago to postpone the execution of a plan i was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of congress for seizing clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten days, agreeably to a decree of the state (not one article of which, by the by, is yet come to hand), should think a winter's campaign and the covering of their states from the invasion of an enemy so easy and practicable a business. i can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow without clothes or blankets. however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, i feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power either to relieve or to prevent." this letter must have convinced washington's implacable enemies in congress that he had no thoughts of conciliating them. he despised and defied them. its effect on those who were friendly to him would necessarily be inspiriting. his bold attitude justified their reliance on his moral courage and enabled them to demand the enactment of those measures which were necessary for the preservation of the army and the successful assertion of the country's independence. it is probable that this letter gave the finishing stroke to the conway cabal. while gates and mifflin denied that they had ever desired or aimed at washington's removal from the office of commander-in-chief and sought to recover his confidence, conway himself, who was still inspector-general, after denying any design to remove washington, still maintained an offensive attitude toward him, wrote impertinent letters to him, and persisted in intriguing against him with congress. but he found himself foiled in all his ambitious and factious designs, and he had become excessively unpopular in the army. he felt at last that he was in a false position; we shall presently see how his career in this country terminated. washington's conduct through the whole period of the conway cabal, which lasted several months, is highly characteristic of the man. while he regarded it with contempt, so far as he was personally concerned, he felt annoyed and distressed at the injury which it was inflicting on the public service. when the moment was come for unmasking the conspirators, by informing conway that he was aware of their designs, he applied the match which was to explode the whole plot and cover its originators with shame and confusion. this he did in a quiet, business-like way because the public service required it. congress, having committed itself by promoting his enemies, could not at once retract, but the officers themselves made haste to escape from public indignation by denials and apologies, and the final effect of the conway cabal was to establish washington more firmly than ever in the confidence and affection of the whole country. [ ] his situation, however, was by no means enviable. his army was much attached to him, but weakened by disease, and irritated by nakedness and hunger, it was almost on the point of dissolution. in the midst of the difficulties and dangers with which he was surrounded washington displayed a singular degree of steady perseverance, unshaken fortitude, and unwearied activity. instead of manifesting irritable impatience under the malignant attacks made on his character he behaved with magnanimity, and earnestly applied to congress and to the legislative bodies of the several states for reinforcements to his army in order that he might be prepared to act with vigor in the ensuing campaign. but to recruit and equip the army was no easy task. the great depreciation of paper money rendered the pay of the soldiers inadequate to their support, and consequently it was not likely that voluntary enlistment would be successful, especially since the patriotic ardor of many had begun to cool by the continuance of the war, and all knew that great hardships and dangers were to be encountered by joining the army. the pay even of the officers, in the depreciated paper currency, was wholly unequal to the maintenance of their rank. some of them who had small patrimonial estates found them melting away, while their lives were unprofitably devoted to the service of their country, and they who had no private fortune could not appear in a manner becoming their station. a commission was a burden, and many considered the acceptance of one as conferring rather than receiving a favor--a state of things highly disadvantageous to the service, for the duties of an office scarcely reckoned worth holding will seldom be zealously and actively discharged. there was reason to apprehend that many of the most meritorious officers would resign their commissions, and that they only who were less qualified for service would remain with the army. congress, moved by the remonstrances of washington, and by the complaints with which they were assailed from every quarter, deputed a committee of their body to reside in camp during the winter, and in concert with the general to examine the state of the army and report on the measures necessary to be taken for placing it in a more respectable condition. the members of this committee were francis dana, general reed, nathaniel folsom, charles carroll, and governeur morris. on their arrival at valley forge washington submitted to them a memoir, filling fifty folio pages, exhibiting the existing state of the army, the deficiencies and disorders, and their causes, and suggesting such reforms as he deemed necessary. upon this document the plan for improving the efficiency of the army was formed and communicated to congress by the committee, who remained in camp nearly three months. congress approved of their proceedings and adopted their plan, but they legislated so slowly that the effect of their proceedings was hardly felt before the month of april ( ). among the reforms recommended by the committee, called the "committee of arrangement," who were sent to the camp, none met with so much opposition in congress as that which provided for increasing the pay of the officers and soldiers of the army. hitherto there had been no provision made for officers after the war should end, and the pay which they were actually receiving being in depreciated continental bills was merely nominal. to the effect of this state of things in the army we have already adverted. it was most disastrous. washington was desirous that congress should make provision for giving officers half pay for life, or some other permanent provision, and increasing the inducements for soldiers to enlist. a party in congress opposed this as having the appearance of a standing army, a pension list, and a privileged order in society. in a letter to congress washington said: "if my opinion is asked with respect to the necessity of making this provision for the officers i am ready to declare that i do most religiously believe the salvation of the cause depends upon it, and without it your officers will moulder to nothing, or be composed of low and illiterate men, void of capacity for this or any other business. "personally, as an officer, i have no interest in their decision, because i have declared, and i now repeat it, that i never will receive the smallest benefit from the half-pay establishment, but as a man who fights under the weight of a proscription, and as a citizen, who wishes to see the liberty of his country established upon a permanent foundation, and whose property depends upon the success of our arms, i am deeply interested. but all this apart and justice out of the question, upon the single ground of economy and public saving, i will maintain the utility of it, for i have not the least doubt that until officers consider their commissions in an honorable and interested point of view, and are afraid to endanger them by negligence and inattention, no order, regularity, or care either of the men or public property, will prevail." the following passages, from a letter addressed to a delegate in congress from virginia, exhibit the view washington took at the time of public affairs and the spirit and eloquence with which he pleaded the cause of the country and the army. "before i conclude there are one or two points more upon which i will add an observation or two. the first is the indecision of congress and the delay used in coming to determinations on matters referred to them. this is productive of a variety of inconveniences, and an early decision, in many cases, though it should be against the measure submitted, would be attended with less pernicious effects. some new plan might then be tried, but while the matter is held in suspense nothing can be attempted. the other point is the jealousy which congress unhappily entertain of the army, and which, if reports are right, some members labor to establish. you may be assured there is nothing more injurious or more unfounded. this jealousy stands upon the commonly received opinion, which under proper limitations is certainly true, that standing armies are dangerous to a state. the prejudices in other countries have only gone to them in time of peace, and these from their not having in general cases any of the ties, the concerns, or interests of citizens, or any other dependence than what flowed from their military employ; in short, from their being mercenaries, hirelings. it is our policy to be prejudiced against them in time of war, though they are citizens, having all the ties and interests of citizens, and in most cases property totally unconnected with the military line. "if we would pursue a right system of policy, in my opinion, there should be none of these distinctions. we should all, congress and army, be considered as one people, embarked in one cause, in one interest, acting on the same principle and to the same end. the distinction, the jealousies set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out, can answer not a single good purpose. they are impolitic in the extreme. among individuals the most certain way to make a man your enemy is to tell him you esteem him such. so with public bodies, and the very jealousy which the narrow politics of some may affect to entertain of the army, in order to a due subordination to the supreme civil authority, is a likely means to produce a contrary effect--to incline it to the pursuit of those measures which they may wish it to avoid. it is unjust because no order of men in the thirteen states has paid a more sacred regard to the proceedings of congress than the army, for without arrogance or the smallest deviation from truth it may be said that no history now extant can furnish an instance of an army's suffering such uncommon hardships as ours has done, and bearing them with the same patience and fortitude. to see men without clothes to cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie on, without shoes (for the want of which their marches might be traced by the blood from their feet), and almost as often without provisions as with them, marching through the frost and snow, and at christmas taking up their winter quarters within a day's march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover them till they could be built, and submitting without a murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience which in my opinion can scarcely be paralleled." such representations as these could not fail to produce some effect even on the minds of those who were opposed to the measures which washington proposed. still the action of congress was, as usual, dilatory. after a great deal of discussion a vote was passed by a small majority to give the officers half pay for life. this vote was reconsidered, and it was finally agreed that the officers should receive half pay for seven years after the close of the war, or that each noncommissioned officer and soldier, who should continue in the army till the close of the war, should receive a bounty of $ . we have anticipated the order of time in order to dispose finally of this matter which was not terminated till the spring of . during the winter howe confined his operations to those small excursions that were calculated to enlarge the comforts of his own soldiers, who, notwithstanding the favorable dispositions of the neighboring country, were much distressed for fuel and often in great want of forage and fresh provisions. the vigilance of the parties on the lines, especially on the south side of the schuylkill, intercepted a large portion of the supplies intended for the philadelphia market, and corporal punishment was frequently inflicted on those who were detected in attempting this infraction of the laws. as capt. henry lee, called in the army "light horse harry," was particularly active, a plan was formed late in january to surprise and capture him in his quarters. an extensive circuit was made by a large body of cavalry who seized four of his patrols without communicating an alarm. about break of day the british horse appeared, upon which captain lee placed his troopers that were in the house at the doors and windows, who behaved so gallantly as to repulse the assailants without losing a horse or man. only lieutenant lindsay and one private were wounded. the whole number in the house did not exceed ten. that of the assailants was said to amount to . they lost a sergeant and three men, with several horses killed, and an officer and three men wounded. the result of this skirmish gave great pleasure to washington who had formed a high opinion of lee's talents as a partisan. he mentioned the affair in his orders with strong marks of approbation, and in a private letter to the captain testified the satisfaction he felt. for his merit through the preceding campaign congress promoted him to the rank of major and gave him an independent partisan corps, to consist of three troops of horse. while the deficiency of the public resources, arising from the alarming depreciation of the bills of credit, manifested itself in all the military departments, a plan was matured in congress and in the board of war, without consulting the commander-in-chief, for a second irruption into canada. it was proposed to place the marquis de lafayette at the head of this expedition and to employ generals conway and stark as the second and third in command. this was a measure planned by those who were not friendly to washington; and one of its objects was to detach lafayette from his best and dearest friend and bring him over to the conway party. lafayette would have declined the appointment, but washington advised him to accept it, probably foreseeing how the affair would terminate. the first intimation to washington that the expedition was contemplated was given in a letter from the president of the board of war of the th of january ( ), enclosing one of the same date to the marquis, requiring his attendance on congress to receive his instructions. washington was requested to furnish colonel hazen's regiment, chiefly composed of canadians, for the expedition, and in the same letter his advice and opinion were asked respecting it. the northern states were to furnish the necessary troops. without noticing the manner in which this business had been conducted and the marked want of confidence it betrayed, washington ordered hazen's regiment to march toward albany, and lafayette proceeded immediately to the seat of congress at yorktown. at his request he was to be considered as an officer detached from the army of washington, to remain under his orders, and major-general the baron de kalb was added to the expedition; after which lafayette repaired in person to albany to take charge of the troops who were to assemble at that place in order to cross the lakes on the ice and attack montreal. on arriving at albany he found no preparations made for the expedition. nothing which had been promised being in readiness, he abandoned the enterprise as impracticable. some time afterward congress also determined to relinquish it, and washington was authorized to recall both lafayette and de kalb. while the army lay at valley forge the baron steuben arrived in camp. this gentleman was a prussian officer who came to the united states with ample recommendations. he had served many years in the armies of the great frederick, had been one his aides-de-camp, and had held the rank of lieutenant-general. he was well versed in the system of field exercise which the king of prussia had introduced, and was qualified to each it to raw troops. he claimed no rank and offered his services as a volunteer. after holding a conference with congress he proceeded to valley forge. although the office of inspector-general had been bestowed on conway, he had never entered on its duties, and his promotion to the rank of major-general had given much umbrage to the brigadiers who had been his seniors. that circumstance, in addition to the knowledge of his being in a faction hostile to the commander-in-chief, rendered his situation in the army so uncomfortable that he withdrew to yorktown, in pennsylvania, which was then the seat of congress. when the expedition to canada was abandoned he was not directed, with lafayette and de kalb, to rejoin the army. entertaining no hope of being permitted to exercise the functions of his new office, he resigned his commission about the last of april and, some time afterward, returned to france. [ ] on his resignation the baron steuben, who had, as a volunteer, performed the duties of inspector-general much to the satisfaction of the commander-in-chief and of the army, was, on the recommendation of washington, appointed to that office, with the rank of major-general, without exciting the slightest murmur. this gentleman was of immense service to the american troops. he established one uniform system of field exercise, and, by his skill and persevering industry, effected important improvements through all ranks of the army during its continuance at valley forge. while it was encamped at that place several matters of great interest engaged the attention of congress. among them was the stipulation in the convention of saratoga for the return of the british army to england. boston was named as the place of embarkation. at the time of the capitulation the difficulty of making that port early in the winter was unknown to general burgoyne. consequently, as some time must elapse before a sufficient number of vessels for the transportation of his army could be collected, its embarkation might be delayed until the ensuing spring. on being apprised of this circumstance, burgoyne applied to washington, desiring him to change the port of embarkation and to appoint newport, in rhode island, or some other place on the sound instead of boston, and, in case this request should not be complied with, soliciting, on account of his health and private business, that the indulgence might be granted to himself and suite. washington, not thinking himself authorized to decide on such an application, transmitted it to congress, which took no notice of the matter further than to pass a resolution "that general washington be directed to inform general burgoyne that congress will not receive or consider any proposition for indulgence or altering the terms of the convention of saratoga, unless immediately addressed to their own body." the application was accordingly made to congress, who readily complied with the request in so far as it respected himself personally, but refused the indulgence to his troops, and ultimately forbade their embarkation. congress watched with a jealous eye every movement of the convention army and soon gave public indications of that jealousy. early in november they ordered general heath, who commanded in boston, "to take the name, rank, former place of abode, and description of every person comprehended in the convention of saratoga, in order that, if afterward found in arms against the united states, they might be punished according to the law of nations." burgoyne showed some reluctance to the execution of this order, and his reluctance was imputed to no honorable motives. if the troops had been embarked in the sound they might have reached britain early in the winter, where, without any breach of faith, government might have employed them in garrison duty and been enabled to send out a corresponding number of troops in time to take an active part in the next campaign. but if the port of boston were adhered to as the place of embarkation, the convention troops could not, it was thought, sail before the spring, and, consequently, could not be replaced by the troops whose duties they might perform at home till late in the year . this circumstance, perhaps, determined congress to abide by boston as the port of embarkation, and in this their conduct was free from blame. but, by the injuries mutually inflicted and suffered in the course of the war, the minds of the contending parties were exasperated and filled with suspicion and distrust of each other. congress placed no reliance on british faith and honor, and, on the subject under consideration, gave clear evidence that on those points they were not over-scrupulous themselves. on arriving in boston the british officers found their quarters uncomfortable. this probably arose from the large number of persons to be provided for and the scarcity of rooms, fuel, and provisions, arising from the presence of the whole captured army. but the officers were much dissatisfied, and, after a fruitless correspondence with heath, burgoyne addressed himself to gates and complained of the inconvenient quarters assigned his officers as a breach of the articles of capitulation. congress was highly offended at the imputation and considered or affected to consider the charge as made with a view to justify a violation of the convention by his army as soon as they escaped from captivity. a number of transports for carrying off the convention troops was collected in the sound sooner than was expected, but that number, amounting only to twenty-six, the americans thought insufficient for transporting such a number of men to britain in the winter season, and inferred that the intention could only be to carry them to the delaware and incorporate them with howe's army. they also alleged that a number of cartouche-boxes and other accoutrements of war belonging to the british army had not been delivered up, agreeably to the convention, and argued that this violation on the part of the british released congress from its obligations to fulfill the terms of that compact. on the th of january ( ), congress resolved "to suspend the embarkation of the army till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of great britain to congress." afterward the embarkation of the troops was delayed or refused for various reasons, and that part of the convention remained unfulfilled. the troops were long detained in massachusetts; they were afterward sent to the back parts of virginia and none of them were released but by exchange. mrs. washington, as usual, visited her illustrious consort in his quarters at valley forge during the winter. writing from thence to a friend in boston, she says: "i came to this place some time about the st of february ( ), where i found the general very well. the general's apartment is very small; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first." to those american citizens who are now reaping the rich fruits of washington's toils and sufferings in his country's cause, these few lines are very suggestive. one cannot help contrasting the luxurious habitations of the present generation with that log hut of the father of his country at valley forge, to which the addition of another log hut to dine in was considered by his consort a very comfortable appendage. we should remember these things. the effect of the news of burgoyne's surrender, which reached europe in the autumn of , could not be otherwise than highly favorable to the cause of american independence. our envoys in france, dr. franklin, silas deane, and arthur lee had long been soliciting an alliance with france. but the cautious ministers of louis xvi, although secretly favoring our cause and permitting supplies to be forwarded by beaumarchais, and the prizes of our ships to be brought into their ports and sold, had hitherto abstained from openly supporting us, lest our arms should finally prove unsuccessful. but the surrender of a large army to gates and the firm attitude of washington's army, besieging howe in philadelphia, as they had previously besieged him in boston, gave a new turn to french policy and disposed the ministry of louis to treat for an alliance with the new republic. on the other hand, the british court was in a state of utter consternation. the war began to assume a more portentous aspect, and the british ministry, unable to execute their original purpose, lowered their tone and showed an inclination to treat with the colonies on any terms which did not imply their entire independence and complete separation from the british empire. in order to terminate the quarrel with america before the actual commencement of hostilities with france, lord north introduced two bills into the house of commons. the first declared that parliament would impose no tax or duty whatever, payable within any of the colonies of north america, except only such duties as it might be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to and for the use of the colonies in which the same shall be respectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the authority of their respective legislatures are ordinarily paid and applied; the second authorized the appointment of commissioners by the crown, with power to treat with either the constituted authorities or with individuals in america, but that no stipulation entered into should have any effect till approved in parliament. it empowered the commissioners, however, to proclaim a cessation of hostilities in any of the colonies; to suspend the operation of the non-intercourse act; also to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so much of all or any of the acts of parliament which have passed since the th day of february, , as relates to the colonies; to grant pardons to any number or description of persons, and to appoint a governor in any colony in which his majesty had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointment. the duration of the act was limited to the st day of june, . these bills passed both houses of parliament, and as about the time of their introduction ministry received information of the conclusion of the treaty between france and the colonies, they sent off copies of them to america, even before they had gone through the usual formalities, in order to counteract the effects which the news of the french alliance might produce. early in march, the earl of carlisle, george johnstone, and william eden, esqs., were appointed commissioners for carrying the acts into execution, and the celebrated dr. adam ferguson, then professor of moral philosophy in the university of edinburgh, was nominated their secretary. the commissioners sailed without delay for america. but the present measure, like every other concession in the course of this protracted contest, came too late. what was now offered would at one time have been hailed in america with acclamations of joy and secured the grateful affection of the colonists. but circumstances were now changed. the minds of the people were completely alienated from the parent state and their spirits exasperated by the events of the war. independence had been declared, victory had emblazoned the standards of congress, and a treaty of alliance with france had been concluded. on the th of december ( ) the preliminaries of a treaty between france and america were agreed on, and the treaty itself was signed at paris on the th of february, --an event of which the british ministry got information in little more than forty-eight hours after the signatures were affixed. the principal articles of the treaty were: that if britain, in consequence of the alliance, should commence hostilities against france, the two countries should mutually assist each other; that the independence of america should be effectually maintained; that if any part of north america still professing allegiance to the crown of britain should be reduced by the colonies it should belong to the united states; that if france should conquer any of the british west india islands they should be deemed its property; that the contracting parties should not lay down their arms till the independence of america was formally acknowledged, and that neither of them should conclude a peace without the consent of the other. lord north's conciliatory bills reached america before the news of the french treaty and excited in congress considerable alarm. there were a number of loyalists in each of the colonies; many, though not unfriendly to the american cause, had never entered cordially into the quarrel, and the heavy pressure of the war had begun to cool the zeal and exhaust the patience of some who had once been forward in their opposition to britain. congress became apprehensive lest a disposition should prevail to accept of the terms proposed by the british government, and the great body of the people be willing to resign the advantages of independence, in order to escape from present calamity. the bills were referred to a committee, which, after an acute and severe examination, gave in a report well calculated to counteract the effects which it was apprehended the terms offered would produce on the minds of the timid and wavering. they reported as their opinion that it was the aim of those bills to create divisions in the states; and "that they were the sequel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of the stamp act down to the present time, hath involved this country in contention and bloodshed; and that, as in other cases, so in this, although circumstances may at times force them to recede from their un- [missing text] of the british fleets and armies and the acknowledgment of american independence. at the same time the bills were published, together with the action of congress on the subject, and dispersed throughout the country. this decisive stand was taken before it was known that a treaty had been concluded with france. the british commissioners, carlisle, johnstone, and eden, charged with negotiating and reconciliation on the basis of lord north's bills, did not arrive until (june, ) six weeks after drafts of the bills had been published by governor tryon and rejected by congress. on their arrival at new york, sir henry clinton, who had succeeded howe as commander-in-chief, requested a passport for dr. ferguson, the secretary of the commissioners, to proceed to yorktown and lay certain papers before congress. washington, not deeming the matter within his province, declined until he could have the instruction of congress, who sustained him in refusing the passport. the commissioners, impatient of delay, sent on the papers through the ordinary medium of a flag, addressed to the president of congress. the commissioners offered in their letter to consent to an immediate cessation of hostilities by sea and land; to agree that no military force should be kept up in the colonies without the consent of congress, and also both to give up the right of taxation and to provide for a representation in parliament. they promised to sustain and finally pay off the paper money then in circulation. every inducement short of the recognition of independence was held out to lead the colonists to return to their allegiance. but if, when relying upon their own strength alone, they had refused to listen to such overtures, they were not likely to do so now that they were assured of the support of france. by order of congress the president of that body wrote as follows to the commissioners: "i have received the letter from your excellencies, dated the th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before congress. nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most christian majesty, the good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation. the acts of the british parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and your letter suppose the people of these states to be subjects of the crown of great britain and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible. i am further directed to inform your excellencies that congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. they will, therefore, be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of great britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. the only solid proof of this disposition will be an explicit acknowledgment of these states or the withdrawing his fleets and armies." the british commissioners remained several months in the country and made many and various attempts to accomplish the objects of their mission, but without success. they were compelled to return to england baffled and disappointed. thus the americans, as an eloquent historian suggests, steady in their resolutions, chose rather to trust to their own fortune, which they had already proved, and to the hope they placed in that of france, than to link themselves anew to the tottering destiny of england; abandoning all idea of peace, war became the sole object of their solicitude. such was the issue of the attempts to effect an accommodation and thus were extinguished the hopes which the negotiation had given birth to in england. it was the misfortune of england to be governed by ministers who were never willing to do justice until they were compelled by main force. their present concessions, as on all previous occasions, came too late. we have had frequent occasion to notice the embarrassments and mortifications to which washington was subjected by the interference of congress in those executive matters which should have been left entirely under his own control. this was particularly injurious to the public service in their conduct with respect to the treatment and exchange of prisoners. much correspondence on this subject took place between washington and howe during the winter when the army was at valley forge, and whenever the generals were on the eve of arranging an exchange congress would interfere and prevent it. washington had been compelled, by his sense of justice and humanity, to censure howe for his treatment of american prisoners. an order hastily given out by the board of war exposed washington himself, without any fault of his own, to a similar censure from howe. the circumstances, as related by marshall, were these: "general washington had consented that a quartermaster, with a small escort, should come out of philadelphia, with clothes and other comforts for the prisoners who were in possession of the united states. he had expressly stipulated for their security, and had given them a passport. while they were traveling through the country, information was given to the board of war that general howe had refused to permit provisions to be sent in to the american prisoners in philadelphia by water. this information was not correct. general howe had only requested that flags should not be sent up or down the river without previous permission obtained from himself. on this information, however, the board ordered lieutenant-colonel smith immediately to seize the officers, though protected by the passport of washington, their horses, carriages, and the provisions destined for the relief to the british prisoners, and to secure them until further orders, either from the board or from the commander-in-chief. "washington, on hearing this circumstance, dispatched one of his aids with orders for the immediate release of the persons and property which had been confined; but the officers refused to proceed on their journey, and returned to philadelphia. [ ] "this untoward event was much regretted by washington. in a letter received some time afterwards, howe, after expressing his willingness that the american prisoners should be visited by deputy commissaries, who should inspect their situation and supply their wants, required, as the condition on which this indulgence should be granted, 'that a similar permit should be allowed to persons appointed by him, which should be accompanied with the assurance of general washington, that his authority will have sufficient weight to prevent any interruption to their progress, and any insult to their persons.' this demand was ascribed to the treatment to which officers under the protection of his passport had already been exposed. "washington lamented the impediment to the exchange of prisoners, which had hitherto appeared to be insuperable, and made repeated but ineffectual efforts to remove it. howe had uniformly refused to proceed with any cartel unless his right to claim for all the diseased and infirm, whom he had liberated, should be previously admitted. "at length, after all hope of inducing him to recede from that high ground had been abandoned, he suddenly relinquished it of his own accord, and acceded completely to the proposition of washington for the meeting of commissioners, in order to settle equitably the number to which he should be entitled for those he had discharged in the preceding winter. this point being adjusted, commissioners were mutually appointed, who were to meet on the th of march ( ), at germantown, to arrange the details of a general cartel. "washington had entertained no doubt of his authority to enter into this agreement. on the th of march, however, he had the mortification to perceive in a newspaper a resolution of congress, calling on the several states for the amounts of supplies furnished the prisoners, that they might be adjusted according to the rule of the th of december, before the exchange should take place. "on seeing this embarrassing resolution, washington addressed a letter to howe, informing him that particular circumstances had rendered it inconvenient for the american commissioners to attend at the time appointed, and requesting that their meeting should be deferred from the th to the st of march. the interval was employed in obtaining a repeal of the resolution. "it would seem probable that the dispositions of congress, on the subject of an exchange, did not correspond with those of washington. from the fundamental principle of the military establishment of the united states at its commencement, an exchange of prisoners would necessarily strengthen the british much more than the american army. the war having been carried on by troops raised for short times, aided by militia, the american prisoners, when exchanged, returned to their homes as citizens, while those of the enemy again took the field. "washington, who was governed by a policy more just, and more permanently beneficial, addressed himself seriously to congress, urging as well the injury done the public faith and his own personal honor, by this infraction of a solemn engagement, as the cruelty and impolicy of a system which must cut off forever all hopes of an exchange, and render imprisonment as lasting as the war. he represented in strong terms the effect such a measure must have on the troops on whom they should thereafter be compelled chiefly to rely, and its impression on the friends of those already in captivity. these remonstrances produced the desired effect, and the resolutions were repealed. the commissioners met according to the second appointment; but, on examining their powers, it appeared that those given by washington were expressed to be in virtue of the authority vested in him, while those given by howe contained no such declaration. this omission produced an objection on the part of congress; but howe refused to change the language, alleging that he designed the treaty to be of a personal nature, founded on the mutual confidence and honor of the contracting generals, and had no intention either to bind his government or to extend the cartel beyond the limits and duration of his own command. "this explanation being unsatisfactory to the american commissioners, and howe persisting in his refusal to make the required alteration in his powers, the negotiation was broken off, and this fair prospect of terminating the distresses of the prisoners on both sides passed away without effecting the good it had promised. "some time after the failure of this negotiation for a general cartel, howe proposed that all prisoners actually exchangeable should be sent into the nearest posts, and returns made of officer for officer of equal rank, and soldier for soldier, as far as numbers would admit; and that if a surplus of officers should remain, they should be exchanged for an equivalent in privates. "on the representations of washington, congress acceded to this proposition so far as related to the exchange of officer for officer and soldier for soldier, but rejected the part which admitted an equivalent in privates for a surplus of officers, because the officers captured with burgoyne were exchangeable within the powers of howe. under this agreement an exchange took place to a considerable extent; but as the americans had lost more prisoners than they had taken, unless the army of burgoyne should be brought into computation, many of their troops were still detained in captivity." the british army held possession of philadelphia during the winter and the following spring; but they were watched and checked during the whole time by the americans. they were not quite so closely besieged as in boston, but they were quite as effectually prevented from accomplishing any military purpose. they sent out occasional foraging parties, who were fiercely attacked by washington's detachments, and almost always purchased their supplies with blood. but howe never made an attack on washington's camp. doctor franklin, when he heard in paris that general howe had taken philadelphia, corrected his informant very justly. "say, rather," said the acute philosopher, "that philadelphia has taken general howe." the capture of philadelphia, as we have already taken occasion to remark, was perfectly useless--in fact, worse than useless--to the british arms. it only provided winter quarters to an army which would have been more comfortable and secure in new york; and it held them beleaguered at a remote point when their services were greatly needed to aid burgoyne and save his army from capture. in point of fact, philadelphia did take howe; and washington kept him out of the way and fully employed until burgoyne had fallen, and by his fall had paved the way to the french alliance and to the ruin of the british cause in america. . footnote: the cool contempt expressed in washington's letter to conway is one of the most curious features of this affair. it reads as follows: "to brigadier-general conway: sir--a letter which i received last night contained the following paragraph: 'in a letter from general conway to general gates, he says, "heaven has determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it."' "i am, sir, your humble servant." . footnote: marshall . footnote: john hancock, who succeeded peyton randolph as president of congress, retired on the th of october, . his successor was henry laurens, of south carolina. . footnote: the correspondence relating to the conway cabal is given entire in the appendix to the fifth volume of sparks' "writings of washington." it is very curious and interesting. among other letters are anonymous ones addressed to patrick henry, governor of virginia, and to mr. laurens, president of congress, full of slanders against washington. . footnote: previous to this affair, captain lee, in his frequent skirmishes with the enemy, had already captured at least a hundred of their men. . footnote: general conway, after his resignation, frequently indulged in expressions of extreme hostility to the commander-in-chief. these indiscretions were offensive to the gentlemen of the army. in consequence of them, he was engaged in an altercation with general caldwalader, which produced a duel, in which conway received a wound supposed for some time to be mortal. while his recovery was despaired of, he addressed the following letter to general washington: philadelphia, july d, . sir--i find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said, any thing disagreeable to your excellency. my career will soon be over; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. you are, in my eyes, the great and good man. may you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues. i am, with the greatest respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient humble servant, ths. conway. . footnote: gordon says: "may , . general burgoyne landed at portsmouth. on his arrival at london, he soon discovered that he was no longer an object of court favor. he was refused admission to the royal presence; and from thence experienced all those marks of being in disgrace, which are so well understood, and so quickly observed by the retainers and followers of courts." . footnote: as early as the month of april, , turgot had said to the ministers of louis xvi--"the supposition of the absolute separation between great britain and her colonies seems to me infinitely probable. this will be the result of it; when the independence of the colonies shall be entire and recognized by the english themselves, a total revolution will follow in the political and commercial relations between europe and america; and i firmly believe that every other mother-country will be forced to abandon all empire over her colonies, and to leave an entire freedom of commerce with all nations, to content herself with partaking with others in the advantages of a free trade, and with preserving the old ties of friendship and fraternity with her former colonists. if this is an evil, i believe that there exists no remedy or means of hindering it; that the only course to pursue is to submit to the inevitable necessity, and console ourselves as best we may under it. i must also observe, that there will be a very great danger to all such powers as obstinately attempt to resist this course of events; that after ruining themselves by efforts above their means, they will still see their colonies equally escape from them, and become their bitter enemies, instead of remaining their allies." mémoire de m. turgot, à l'occasion du mémoire remis par m. le compte de vergennes sur la manière dont la france at l'espagne doivent envisager les suites de la querelle entre la grande bretagne et ses colonies. in "politique de tous les cabinets de l'europe pendant les règnes to louis xv. et de louis xvi." par l.p. segue l'ainé. . footnote: the commissioners published their final manifesto and proclamation to the americans on the d of october, and on the th. congress issued a cautionary declaration in reply. no overtures were made to the commissioners from any quarter, and not long after they embarked for england. thacher, in his "military journal," states that "governor johnstone, one of the commissioners, with inexcusable effrontery, offered a bribe to mr. reed, a member of congress. in an interview with mrs. ferguson at philadelphia, whose husband was a royalist, he desired she would mention to mr. reed, that if he would engage his interest to promote the object of their commission, he might have any office in the colonies in the gift of his britannic majesty, and ten thousand pounds in hand. having solicited an interview with mr. reed, mrs. ferguson made her communication. spurning the idea of being purchased, he replied that he was not worth purchasing, but such as he was, the king of great britain was not rich enough to do it." . footnote: they alleged that their horses had been disabled, and the clothing embezzled. chapter xiv monmouth. . for prosecuting the campaign of washington had not been provided with an adequate force. the committee of congress who visited the army at valley forge had agreed that the army should consist of about , men, besides artillery and horse. in may ( ) the army, including the detachments at different places, was found to amount only to , , with little prospect of increase. at valley forge washington had , . the british army at this time numbered , . with such odds the plan of operations for this season must necessarily be defensive. from the position which washington had taken at valley forge, and from the activity and vigilance of his patrols, the british army in philadelphia was straitened for forage and fresh provisions. a considerable number of the people of pennsylvania were well affected to the british cause and desirous of supplying the troops, while many more were willing to carry victuals to philadelphia, where they found a ready market and payment in gold or silver, whereas the army at valley forge could pay only in paper money of uncertain value. but it was not easy to reach philadelphia nor safe to attempt it, for the american parties often intercepted and took the provisions without payment and not unfrequently chastised those engaged. the first operations on the part of the british, therefore, in the campaign of , were undertaken in order to procure supplies for the army. about the middle of march a strong detachment, under lieutenant-colonel mawhood, made a foraging excursion for six or seven days into jersey, surprised and defeated the american parties at hancock's and quinton's bridges on always creek, which falls into the delaware to the south of reedy island, killed or took fifty or sixty of the militia prisoners, and after a successful expedition returned to philadelphia with little loss. a corps of pennsylvania militia, daily varying in number, sometimes not exceeding fifty, sometimes amounting to , under general lacey, had taken post at a place called crooked billet, about seventeen miles from philadelphia on the road to new york, for the purpose of intercepting the country people who attempted to carry provisions to the british army. early on the morning of the th of may, colonel abercrombie and major simcoe, with a strong detachment, attempted to surprise this party, but lacey escaped with little loss, except his baggage, which fell into the hands of the enemy. on the th of may the british undertook an expedition against the galleys and other shipping which had escaped up the delaware after the reduction of mud island, and destroyed upward of forty vessels and some stores and provisions. the undisputed superiority of the british naval force and the consequent command of the delaware gave them great facilities in directing a suitable armament against any particular point, and the movements of the militia, on whom congress chiefly depended for repelling sudden predatory incursions and for guarding the roads to philadelphia, were often tardy and inefficient. the roads were ill guarded, and the british frequently accomplished their foraging and returned to camp before an adequate force could be assembled to oppose them. to remedy these evils--to annoy the rear of the british troops in case they evacuated philadelphia, which it was now suspected they intended to do, and also to form an advanced guard of the main army--lafayette, with upward of , chosen men and six pieces of artillery, was ordered to the east of the schuylkill, and took post on barren hill, seven or eight miles in advance of the army at valley forge. sir william howe immediately got notice of his position and formed a plan to surprise and cut him off. for that purpose a detachment of , of the best troops of the british army, under general grant, marched from philadelphia on the night of the th of may and took the road which runs along the delaware and consequently does not lead directly to barren hill. but after advancing a few miles the detachment turned to the left, and proceeding by white marsh passed at no great distance from lafayette's left flank and about sunrise reached a point in his rear where two roads diverged, one leading to the camp of the marquis, the other to matson's ford, each about a mile distant. there general grant's detachment was first observed by the americans, and the british perceived by the rapid movements of some hostile horsemen that they were seen. both lafayette's camp and the road leading from it to matson's ford were concealed from the british troops by intervening woods and high grounds. general grant spent some time in making dispositions for the intended attack. that interval was actively improved by lafayette, who, although not apprised of the full extent of his danger, acted with promptitude and decision. he marched rapidly to matson's ford, from which he was somewhat more distant than the british detachment, and reached it while general grant was advancing against barren hill in the belief that lafayette was still there. the americans hurried through the ford leaving their artillery behind, but on discovering they were not closely pursued some of them returned and dragged the field pieces across the river; a small party was also sent into the woods to retard the progress of the british advanced guard, if it should approach while the artillery was in the ford. on finding the camp at barren hill deserted general grant immediately pursued in the track of the retreating enemy toward matson's ford. his advanced guard overtook some of the small american party, which had been sent back to cover the passage of the artillery, before they could recross the river and took or killed a few of them, but on reaching the ford general grant found lafayette so advantageously posted on the rising ground on the opposite bank and his artillery so judiciously placed that it was deemed unadvisable to attack him. thus the attempt against lafayette failed, although the plan was well concerted and on the very point of success. in the british army sanguine expectations of the favorable issue of the enterprise were entertained, and in order to insure a happy result a large detachment, under general grey, in the course of the night took post at a ford of the schuylkill, two or three miles in front of lafayette's right flank, to intercept him if he should attempt to escape in that direction, while the main body of the army advanced to chestnut hill to support the attack, but on the failure of the enterprise the whole returned to philadelphia. general grant's detachment was seen by washington from the camp at valley forge about the time it was discovered by the troops at barren hill, alarm guns were fired by his order to warn lafayette of his danger, and the whole army was drawn out to be in readiness to act as circumstances might require. the escape of the detachment was the cause of much joy and congratulation in the american and of disappointment and chagrin in the british army. that a strong detachment of hostile troops should pass at a small distance from lafayette's flank and gain his rear unobserved seems to argue a want of due vigilance on the part of that officer, but a detachment of the pennsylvania militia had been posted at a little distance on his left and he relied on them for watching the roads in that quarter. the militia, however, had quitted their station without informing him of their movement, and consequently his left flank and the roads about white marsh remained unguarded. this was the last enterprise attempted by sir william howe. soon after he resigned the command of the army. so far back as the month of october in the preceding year he had requested to be relieved from the painful service in which he was engaged. on the th of april, , he received the king's permission to resign, but at the same time he was directed, while he continued in command, to embrace every opportunity of putting an end to the war by a due employment of the force under his orders. in the beginning of june after having received, in a triumphal procession and festival, a testimony of the approbation and esteem of the army he sailed for england, leaving the troops under the care of sir henry clinton as his successor. sir william howe has been much blamed for inactivity and for not overwhelming the americans, but he was at least as successful as any other general employed in the course of the war. he was cautious and sparing of the lives of his men. in his operations he discovered a respectable share of military science, and he met with no great reverses. they who blame him for want of energy may look to the history of generals burgoyne and cornwallis for the fate of more enterprising leaders in america. about the time when howe resigned the command of the army the british government ordered the evacuation of philadelphia. while the british had an undisputed naval superiority philadelphia was in some respects a good military station. although in all the states a decided majority of the people gave their support to congress, yet in every province south of new england there was a considerable minority friendly to the claims of the mother country. the occupation of philadelphia, the principal city of the confederation, encouraged the latter class of the inhabitants, and the army there formed a point round which they might rally. but philadelphia is more than miles up the delaware, and as howe had been unable to drive washington from the field he had found some difficulty in subsisting his army in that city, even when the british ships had the full command of the sea and could force their way up the great rivers; but when the empire of the ocean was about to be disputed by the french philadelphia became a hazardous post on account of the difficulty and uncertainty of procuring provisions, receiving communications, or sending aid to such places as might be attacked. it was accordingly resolved to abandon that city, and after shipping his cavalry, formed of the german troops and american loyalists, his provision train and heavy baggage, on the few vessels that were in the river, clinton had to march the remainder of his army through the jerseys to new york, where the communication with the ocean is more easy. the preparations for this movement could not be so secretly made as to escape the notice of the americans, and to be in readiness for it was one reason of detaching lafayette to barren hill, where he had been exposed to so much danger. washington called in his detachments and pressed the state governments to hasten the march of their new levies in order that he might be enabled to act offensively; but the new levies arrived slowly, and in some instances the state legislatures were deliberating on the means of raising them at the time when they should have been in the field. although washington was satisfied of the intention of the british commander-in-chief to evacuate philadelphia yet it was uncertain in what way he would accomplish his purpose, but the opinion that he intended to march through the jerseys to new york gained ground in the american camp; and in this persuasion washington detached general maxwell with the jersey brigade across the delaware to cooperate with general dickinson, who was assembling the jersey militia, in breaking down the bridges, felling trees across the roads, and impeding and harassing the british troops in their retreat, but with orders to be on his guard against a sudden attack. washington summoned a council of war to deliberate on the measures to be pursued in that emergency. it was unanimously resolved not to molest the british army in passing the delaware, but with respect to subsequent operations there was much difference of opinion in the council. general lee, who had lately joined the army after his exchange, was decidedly against risking either a general or partial engagement. the british army he estimated at , men fit for duty, exclusive of officers, while the american army did not amount to more than , ; he was, therefore, of opinion that with so near an equality of force it would be criminal to hazard a battle. he relied much on the imposing attitude in which their late foreign alliance placed them, and maintained that nothing but a defeat of the army could now endanger their independence. almost all the foreign officers agreed in opinion with general lee, and among the american generals only wayne and cadwalader were decidedly in favor of attacking the enemy. under these circumstances washington, although strongly inclined to fight, found himself constrained to act with much circumspection. having made all the requisite preparations sir henry clinton, early in the morning of the th of june ( ), led the british army to the confluence of the delaware and schuylkill, where boats and other vessels were ready to receive them, and so judicious were the arrangements made by admiral lord howe that all the troops, with the baggage and artillery, were carried across the delaware and safely landed on the jersey side of the river before in the forenoon. many of the loyalists of philadelphia accompanied the army, carrying their effects along with them, and such of them as ventured to remain behind met with little indulgence from their irritated countrymen. several of them were tried for their lives and two quakers were executed. the americans entered the city before the british rear guard had entirely left it. there were two roads leading from philadelphia to new york--the one running along the western bank of the delaware to trenton ferry, and the other along the eastern bank to the same point. the british army had wisely crossed the river at the point where it was least exposed to molestation and entered on the last of these two roads. in marching through a difficult and hostile country sir henry clinton prudently carried along with him a considerable quantity of baggage and a large supply of provisions, so that the progress of the army, thus heavily encumbered, was but slow. it proceeded leisurely through huddersfield, mount holly, and crosswick, and reached allentown on the th (june, ), having in seven days marched less than forty miles. this slow progress made the americans believe that sir henry clinton wished to be attacked. general maxwell, who was posted at mount holly, retired on his approach, and neither he nor general dickinson was able to give him much molestation. as the march of the british army till it passed crosswick was up the delaware, and only at a small distance from that river, washington, who left valley forge on the day that sir henry clinton evacuated philadelphia, found it necessary to take a circuitous route and pass the river higher up at coryell's ferry, where he crossed it on the d and took post at hopewell on the high grounds in that vicinity, and remained during the d in that position. from allentown there were two roads to new york--one on the left, passing through south amboy to the north river; the other on the right, leading to sandy hook. the first of these was somewhat shorter but the river raritan lay in the way and it might be difficult and dangerous to pass it in presence of a hostile force. sir henry clinton, therefore, resolved to take the road to sandy hook by which the raritan would be altogether avoided. although a great majority in the american council of war were averse to fighting, yet washington was strongly inclined to attack the british army. he summoned the council of war a second time and again submitted the subject to their consideration, but they adhered to their former opinion, and washington, still inclined to attack the enemy, determined to act on his own responsibility. the jersey militia and a brigade of continentals, under generals dickinson and maxwell, hovered on the left flank of the british army; general cadwalader, with a continental regiment and a few militia was in its rear, and colonel morgan, with his rifle regiment strong, was on its right. these detachments were ordered to harass the enemy as much as possible. as sir henry clinton proceeded on the route toward sandy hook washington strengthened his advanced guard till it amounted to , men. general lee, from his rank, had a claim to the command of that force, but at first he declined it and lafayette was appointed to that service. but general lee perceiving the importance of the command solicited the appointment which he had at first declined, and was accordingly sent forward with a reinforcement, when, from seniority, the whole of the advanced guard became subject to his orders. on the evening of the th (june, ) sir henry clinton took a strong position on the high grounds about freehold court house, in the county of monmouth. his right was posted in a small wood; his left was covered by a thick forest and a morass; he had a wood in front, also a marsh for a considerable space toward his left, and he was within twelve miles of the high grounds at middletown, after reaching which no attempt could be made upon him with any prospect of success. his position was unassailable, but washington resolved to attack his rear in the morning, as soon as it descended from the high grounds into the plain beyond them and gave orders accordingly to lee, who was at englishtown, three miles in the rear of the british army and as much in advance of the main body of the americans. by the strong parties on his flanks and rear clinton was convinced that the hostile army was at hand, and suspecting that an attempt on his baggage was intended on the morning of the th he changed his order of march and put all the baggage under the care of general knyphausen, who commanded the van division of his army, in order that the rear division, consisting of the flower of the troops under cornwallis, might be unencumbered and ready to act as circumstances might require. clinton remained with the rear division. to avoid pressing on knyphausen cornwallis remained on his ground until about , and then descending from the heights of freehold into an extensive plain took up his line of march in rear of the front division. general lee had made dispositions for executing orders given the preceding evening, and repeated in the morning, and soon after the british rear had moved from its ground prepared to attack it. general dickinson had been directed to detach some of his best troops, to take such a position as to cooperate with him, and morgan, with his riflemen, was ordered to act on the right flank. lee appeared on the heights of freehold soon after cornwallis had left them, and following the british into the plain ordered general wayne to attack the rear of their covering party with sufficient vigor to check it, but not to press it so closely as either to force it up to the main body or to draw reinforcements to its aid. in the meantime he intended to gain the front of this party by a shorter road, and, intercepting its communication with the line, to bear it off before it could be assisted. while in the execution of this design an officer in the suite of washington came up to gain intelligence and lee communicated to him his present object. before he reached the point of destination, however, there was reason to believe that the british rear was much stronger than had been conjectured. the intelligence on this subject being contradictory, and the face of the country well calculated to conceal the truth, he deemed it advisable to ascertain the fact himself. sir henry clinton, soon after the rear division was in full march, received intelligence that an american column had appeared on his left flank. this, being a corps of militia, was soon dispersed and the march was continued. when his rear guard had descended from the heights he saw it followed by a strong corps, soon after which a cannonade was commenced upon it, and at the same time a respectable force showed itself on each of his flanks. suspecting a design on his baggage he determined to attack the troops in his rear so vigorously as to compel a recall of those on his flanks, and for this purpose marched back his whole rear division. this movement was in progress as lee advanced for the purpose of reconnoitering. he soon perceived his mistake respecting the force of the british rear, but still determined to engage on that ground although his judgment disapproved the measure--there being a morass immediately in his rear, which would necessarily impede the reinforcements which might be advancing to his aid and embarrass his retreat should he be finally overpowered. this was about . while both armies were preparing for action general scott (as stated by general lee) mistook an oblique march of an american column for a retreat, and in the apprehension of being abandoned left his position and repassed the ravine in his rear. being himself of opinion that the ground was unfavorable lee did not correct the error he ascribed to scott but ordered the whole detachment to regain the heights. he was closely pressed and some slight skirmishing ensued without much loss on either side. as soon as the firing announced the commencement of the action the rear division of the army advanced rapidly to the support of the front. as they approached the scene of action, washington, who had received no intelligence from lee giving notice of his retreat, rode forward, and to his utter astonishment and mortification met the advanced corps retiring before the enemy without having made a single effort to maintain its ground. the troops he first saw neither understood the motives which had governed lee nor his present design, and could give no other information than that by his orders they had fled without fighting. washington rode to the rear of the division where he met lee, to whom he spoke in terms of some warmth, implying disapprobation of his conduct. [ ] orders were immediately given to colonel stewart and lieutenant-colonel ramsay to form their regiments for the purpose of checking the pursuit, and lee was directed to take proper measures with the residue of his force to stop the british column on that ground. washington then rode back to arrange the rear division of the army. these orders were executed with firmness, and, when forced from his ground, lee brought off his troops in good order, and was directed to form in the rear of englishtown. this check afforded time to draw up the left wing and second line of the american army on an eminence covered by a morass in front. lord stirling, who commanded the left wing, brought up a detachment of artillery under lieutenant-colonel carrington, and some field pieces, which played with considerable effect on a division of the british which had passed the morass, and was pressing on to the charge. these pieces, with the aid of several parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the enemy. finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the british attempted to turn the left flank of the american army, but were repulsed. they then attempted the right with as little success. general greene had advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of ground in his front, which not only disappointed the design of turning the right, but enfiladed the party which yet remained in front of the left wing. at this moment general wayne was advanced with a body of infantry to engage them in front, who kept up so hot and well-directed a fire that they soon withdrew behind the ravine to the ground on which the action had commenced immediately after the arrival of washington. lafayette, speaking of this battle, said: "never was general washington greater in war than in this action. his presence stopped the retreat. his dispositions fixed the victory. his fine appearance on horseback, his calm courage roused by the animation produced by the vexation of the morning, gave him the air best calculated to excite enthusiasm." the position now taken by the british army was very strong. both flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses, and their front was accessible only through a narrow pass. the day had been intensely hot, and the troops were much fatigued. notwithstanding these circumstances, washington resolved to renew the engagement. for this purpose he ordered brigadier-general poor, with his own and the north carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while woodford with his brigade should turn their left. at the same time the artillery was ordered to advance and play on their front. these orders were obeyed with alacrity, but the impediments on the flanks of the british were so considerable, that before they could be overcome it was nearly dark. further operations were therefore deferred until next morning; and the brigades which had been detached to the flanks of the british army continued on their ground through [missing text] the justifiable claims, there can be no doubt but they will, as heretofore, upon the first favorable occasion, again display that lust of domination which hath rent in twain the mighty empire of britain." they further reported it as their opinion that any men or body of men who should presume to make any separate or partial convention or agreement with commissioners under the crown of great britain should be considered and treated as open and avowed enemies of the united states. the committee further gave it as their opinion that the united states could not hold any conference with the british commissioners unless britain first withdrew her fleets and armies, or in positive and express terms acknowledged the independence of the states. while these things were going on, mr. silas deane arrived from paris with the important and gratifying information that treaties of alliance and commerce had been concluded between france and the united states. this intelligence diffused a lively joy throughout america and was received by the people as the harbinger of their independence. the alliance had been long expected, and the delays thrown in the way of its accomplishment had excited many uneasy apprehensions. but these were now dissipated, and, to the fond imaginations of the people, all the prospects of the united states appeared gilded with the cheering beams of prosperity. writing to the president of congress on this occasion (may , ), washington says: "last night at o'clock i was honored with your dispatches of the d. the contents afford me the most sensible pleasure. mr. silas deane had informed me by a line from bethlehem that he was the bearer of the articles of alliance between france and the states. i shall defer celebrating this happy event in a suitable manner until i have liberty from congress to announce it publicly. i will only say that the army are anxious to manifest their joy upon the occasion." on the th of may the great event referred to in the preceding extract was celebrated by the army at valley forge with the highest enthusiasm. the following general orders were issued by washington on the day before: "it having pleased the almighty ruler of the universe to defend the cause of the united american states, and finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and independency upon a lasting foundation, it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine goodness and celebrating the important event, which we owe to his divine interposition. the several brigades are to be assembled for this purpose at o'clock to-morrow morning, when their chaplains will communicate the intelligence contained in the postscript of the 'pennsylvania gazette' of the d instant, and offer up thanksgiving and deliver a discourse suitable to the occasion. at half after o'clock a cannon will be fired, which is to be a signal for the men to be under arms; the brigade inspectors will then inspect their dress and arms and form the battalions according to the instructions given them, and announce to the commanding officers of the brigade that the battalions are formed. "the commanders of brigades will then appoint the field officers to the battalions, after which each battalion will be ordered to load and ground their arms. at half-past a second cannon will be fired as a signal for the march, upon which the several brigades will begin their march by wheeling to the right by platoons and proceed by the nearest way to the left of their ground by the new position; this will be pointed out by the brigade inspectors. a third signal will then be given, on which there will be a discharge of thirteen cannon, after which a running fire of the infantry will begin on the right of woodford's and continue throughout the front line; it will then be taken upon the left of the second line and continue to the right. upon a signal given, the whole army will huzza, 'long live the king of france!' the artillery then begins again and fires thirteen rounds; this will be succeeded by a second general discharge of the musketry in a running fire, and huzza, 'long live the friendly european powers!' the last discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery will be given, followed by a general running fire and huzza, 'the american states!'" an officer who was present describes the scene as follows: "last wednesday was set apart as a day of general rejoicing, when we had a _feu de joie_ conducted with the greatest order and regularity. the army made a most brilliant appearance, after which his excellency dined in public, with all the officers of his army, attended with a band of music. i never was present where there was such unfeigned and perfect joy as was discovered in every countenance. the entertainment was concluded with a number of patriotic toasts, attended with huzzas. when the general took his leave there was a universal clap, with loud huzzas, which continued till he had proceeded a quarter of a mile, during which time there were a thousand hats tossed in the air. his excellency turned round with his retinue and huzzaed several times." dr. thacher, in his "military journal," mentions the presence of "washington's lady and suite, lord stirling and the countess of stirling, with other general officers and ladies," at this _fête_. our readers, after passing with us through the dismal scenes of the preceding winter, will readily sympathize with the army in the feelings attending this celebration. it is worthy of special notice that in his general order washington was careful to give the religious feature of the scene a prominent place by distinctly acknowledging the divine interposition in favor of the country. this was his invariable habit on all occasions. religion with him was not merely an opinion, a creed, or a sentiment. it was a deep-rooted, all-pervading feeling, governing his life and imparting earnestness, dignity, and power to all his actions. hence the reverence and affection which was the voluntary homage of all who knew him. lord north's conciliatory bills, as we have seen, were not acceptable to congress. washington's views in relation to them are given in the following letter, written to a member of that body two days after he had learned the terms proposed by the british government: "nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. a peace on other terms would, if i may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. the injuries we have received from the british nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. besides the feuds, the jealousies, the animosities that would ever attend a union with them; besides the importance, the advantages, which we should derive from an unrestricted commerce, our fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed to a coalition with them but in case of the last extremity. were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future occasions, let the oppression of britain be ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our relief, or, at most; they would do it with a cautious reluctance and upon conditions most probably that would be hard, if not dishonorable, to us." congress fully agreed in these views and rejected the advances of the british government, refusing all terms of accommodation which did not begin with the withdrawal is probable that explanations might have been made which would have rescued him from the imputations that were cast on him, and have restored him to the esteem of the army, could his haughty temper have brooked the indignity he believed to have been offered him on the field of battle. washington had taken no measures in consequence of the events of that day, and would probably have come to no resolution concerning them without an amicable explanation, when he received from lee a letter expressed in very unbecoming terms, in which he, in the tone of a superior, required reparation for the injury sustained "from the very singular expressions" said to have been used on the day of the action by washington. this letter was answered (july , ) by an assurance that, so soon as circumstances would admit of an inquiry, he should have an opportunity of justifying himself to the army, to america, and to the world in general; or of convincing them that he had been guilty of disobedience of orders and misbehavior before the enemy. on his expressing a wish for a speedy investigation of his conduct, and for a court-martial rather than a court of inquiry, he was arrested--first, for disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on the th of june, agreeably to repeated instructions; secondly, for misbehavior before the enemy on the same day, in making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat; and thirdly, for disrespect to the commander-in-chief in two letters. before this correspondence had taken place, strong and specific charges of misconduct had been made against general lee by several officers of his detachment, and particularly by generals wayne and scott. in these, the transactions of the day, not being well understood, were represented in colors much more unfavorable to lee than facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify. these representations, most probably, induced the strong language of the second article in the charge. a court-martial, over which lord stirling presided, after a tedious investigation, found him guilty of all the charges exhibited against him, and sentenced him to be suspended for one year. this sentence was afterward, though with some hesitation, approved almost unanimously by congress. the court, softened in some degree the severity of the second charge, by finding him guilty, not in its very words, but "of misbehavior before the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly retreat." lee defended himself with his accustomed ability. he proved that, after the retreat had commenced, in consequence of general scott's repassing the ravine, on the approach of the enemy, he had designed to form on the first advantageous piece of ground he could find; and that in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other officers, no safe and advantageous position had presented itself until he met washington, at which time it was his intention to fight the enemy on the very ground afterwards taken by washington himself. he suggested a variety of reasons in justification of his retreat, which, if they do not absolutely establish its propriety, give it so questionable a form as to render it probable that a public examination never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have stooped to offer explanation instead of outrage to the commander-in-chief. his suspension gave general satisfaction through the army. without judging harshly of his conduct as a military man, they perfectly understood the insult offered to their general by his letters; and, whether rightly or not, believed his object to have been to disgrace washington and to obtain the supreme command for himself. so devotedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the mere suspicion of such a design would have rendered his continuance in the army extremely difficult. whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety of his retreat, it is not easy to justify either the omission to keep the commander-in-chief continually informed of his situation and intentions, or the very rude letters written after the action was over. the battle of monmouth gave great satisfaction to congress. a resolution was passed unanimously, thanking washington for the activity with which he marched from the camp at valley forge in pursuit of the enemy; for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of battle, and for his great good conduct in the action; and he was requested to signify the thanks of congress to the officers and men under his command who distinguished themselves by their conduct and valor in the battle. after the battle of monmouth, washington gave his army one day's repose, and then (june , ,) commenced his march toward brunswick, at which place he encamped, and remained for several days. thence he sent out parties to reconnoiter the enemy's position, and learn his intentions. among other persons sent out with this design was aaron burr, a lieutenant-colonel, who had served in arnold's expedition to quebec, and who was destined to become a conspicuous person in american history. clinton had arrived with his army in the neighborhood of sandy hook on the th of june. here he was met by lord howe with the fleet, which had just arrived from philadelphia. sandy hook having been converted by the winter storms from a peninsula to an island, lord howe caused a bridge of boats to be constructed, over which clinton's army passed from the mainland to the hook. it was soon afterward distributed into different encampments on staten island, long island, and the island of new york. when washington had learned that the british army was thus situated, he was satisfied that clinton had no present intention of passing up the hudson, and he halted a few days at paramus, at which place he received intelligence of an important event which will claim our attention in the next chapter. . footnote: spencer, "history of the united states." . footnote: this interview between washington and lee was followed by such important results that one is naturally curious to know exactly what passed between them. the interview is described by lee himself in his defense before the court-martial: "when i arrived first in his presence, conscious of having done nothing which could draw on me the least censure, but rather flattering myself with his congratulation and applause, i confess i was disconcerted, astonished, and confounded by the words and manner in which his excellency accosted me. it was so novel and unexpected from a man, whose discretion, humanity, and decorum i had from the first of our acquaintance stood in admiration of, that i was for some time unable to make any coherent answer to questions so abrupt, and in a great measure to me unintelligible. the terms, i think, were these: 'i desire to know, sir, what is the reason, whence arises this disorder and confusion?' the manner in which he expressed them was much stronger and more severe than the expressions themselves. when i recovered myself sufficiently, i answered that i saw or knew of no confusion but what naturally arose from disobedience of orders, contradictory intelligence, and the impertinence and presumption of individuals, who were invested with no authority, intruding themselves in matters above them and out of their sphere; that the retreat in the first instance was contrary to my intentions, contrary to my orders, and contrary to my wishes." washington replied that all this might be true, but that he ought not to have undertaken the enterprise unless he intended to go through with it. he then rode away, and ordered some of the retreating regiments to be formed on the ground which he pointed out. gordon says that, after the first meeting with lee, washington rode on towards the rear of the retreating troops. he had not gone many yards before he met his secretary, who told him that the british army were within fifteen minutes' march of that place, which was the first intelligence he received of their pushing on so briskly. he remained there till the extreme rear of the retreating troops got up, when, looking about, and judging the ground to be an advantageous spot for giving the enemy the first check, he ordered colonel stewart's and lieutenant-colonel ramsey's battalions to form and incline to their left, that they might be under cover of a corner of woods, and not be exposed to the enemy's cannon in front. lee having been told by one of his aids that washington had taken the command, answered, "then i have nothing further to do," and turned his horse and rode after his excellency in front. washington, on his coming up, asked, "will you command on this ground or not? if you will, i will return to the main body and have them formed upon the next height." lee replied, "it is equal with me where i command." washington then told him, "i expect you will take proper measures for checking the enemy," lee said, "your orders shall be obeyed, and i will not be the first to leave the field." washington then rode to the main army, which was formed with the utmost expedition on the eminence, with the morass in front. immediately upon his riding off, a warm cannonade commenced between the british and american artillery on the right of stewart and ramsay, between whom and the advanced troops of the british army a heavy fire began soon after in the skirt of the woods before mentioned. the british pressed on close; their light horse charged upon the right of the americans, and the latter were obliged to give way in such haste, that the british horse and infantry came out of the wood seemingly mixed with them. the action then commenced between the british and colonel livingston's regiment, together with varnum's brigade, which had been drawn up by lee's order, and lined the fence that stretched across the open field in front of the bridge over the morass, with the view of covering the retreat of the artillery and the troops advanced with them. the artillery had timely retired to the rear of the fence, and from an eminence discharged several rounds of shot at the british engaged with livingston's and varnum's troops; these were soon broken by a charge of the former, and retired. the artillery were then ordered off. prior to the commencement of the last action, lee sent orders to colonel ogden, who had drawn up in the wood nearest the bridge to defend that post to the last extremity, thereby to cover the retreat of the whole over the bridge. lee was one of the last that remained on the field, and brought off the rear of the retreating troops. upon his addressing general washington, after passing the morass, with, "sir, here are my troops, how is it your pleasure that i should dispose of them?" he was ordered to arrange them in the rear of englishtown. chapter xv. washington directs a descent on rhode island. . previous to evacuating philadelphia, clinton had received notice from his government that, in consequence of the alliance between france and the united states, a new plan of operations had been determined on. the french were to be attacked in their west indian possessions by way of diversion from the main scene of action. five thousand men were detached from his army to aid in the execution of this purpose, and , were sent to florida. clinton was also apprised that a french fleet would probably appear in the delaware and thus prevent any possibility of his leaving philadelphia by water. hence his sudden departure from philadelphia with the remainder of his forces. he was only just in time to save his army and lord howe's fleet. on the th of july ( ), the day on which the british army arrived at new york, the count d'estaing, with a french fleet, appeared on the coast of virginia. in the month of march the french ambassador in london, by order of his government, notified to the british court the treaties entered into between france and america. in a few days afterward he quitted london without the ceremony of taking leave, and about the same time the british ambassador left paris in a similar manner. this was considered equivalent to a declaration of war, and although war was not actually declared, yet both parties diligently prepared for hostilities. the french equipped at toulon a fleet of twelve sail of the line and six frigates, and gave the command to count d'estaing, who, with a considerable number of troops on board, sailed on the th of april ( ); but meeting with contrary winds he did not reach the coast of america till the th of july. he expected to find the british army in philadelphia and the fleet in the delaware, and if this expectation had been realized the consequences to britain must have been calamitous. but the british fleet and army were at sandy hook or new york before the french fleet arrived on the coast. count d'estaing touched at the capes of the delaware on the th of july, and on learning that the british had evacuated philadelphia, he dispatched one of his frigates up the river with m. gerard, the first minister from france to the united states, and then sailed for sandy hook. washington received intelligence of d'estaing's arrival in a letter from the president of congress while he was at paramus. the next day he received a second letter on the same subject, enclosing two resolutions--one directing him to cooperate with the french admiral and the other authorizing him to call on the states from new hampshire to new jersey, inclusive, for such aids of militia as he might deem necessary for the operations of the allied arms. he determined to proceed immediately to white plains, whence the army might cooperate with more facility in the execution of any attempt which might be made by the fleet, and dispatched lieutenant-colonel laurens, one of his aides-de-camp, with all the information relative to the enemy, as well as to his own army, which might be useful to d'estaing. lieutenant-colonel laurens was authorized to consult on future conjoint operations, and to establish conventional signals for the purpose of facilitating the communication of intelligence. the french admiral, on arriving off the hook, dispatched major de choisi, a gentleman of his family, to washington for the purpose of communicating fully his views and his strength. his first object was to attack new york. if this should be found impracticable, he was desirous of turning his attention to rhode island. to assist in coming to a result on these enterprises, washington dispatched lieutenant-colonel hamilton, another of his aides-de-camp, with such further communications as had been suggested by inquiries made since the departure of laurens. fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the harbor was not of sufficient depth to admit the passage of the largest ships of the french fleet without much difficulty and danger, washington had turned his attention to other objects which might be eventually pursued. general sullivan, who commanded the troops in rhode island, was directed (july , ) to prepare for an enterprise against newport, and lafayette was detached with two brigades to join him at providence. the next day lieutenant-colonel hamilton returned to camp with the final determination of the count d'estaing to relinquish the meditated attack on the fleet in the harbor of new york, in consequence of the impracticability of passing the bar. general greene was immediately ordered to rhode island, of which state he was a native, and lieutenant-colonel laurens was directed to attach himself to the french admiral and to facilitate all his views by procuring whatever might give them effect, after which he was to act with the army under sullivan. writing to the president of congress (august , ), washington says: "as the army was encamped and there was no great prospect of a sudden removal, i judged it advisable to send general greene to the eastward on wednesday last, being fully persuaded his services, as well in the quartermaster line as in the field, would be of material importance in the expedition against the enemy in that quarter. he is intimately acquainted with the whole of that country, and, besides, he has an extensive interest and influence in it. and, in justice to general greene, i take occasion to observe that the public is much indebted to him for his judicious management and active exertions in his present department. when he entered upon it, he found it in a most confused, distracted, and destitute state. this, by his conduct and industry, has undergone a very happy change and such as enabled us, with great facility, to make a sudden move, with the whole army and baggage, from valley forge, in pursuit of the enemy, and to perform a march to this place. in a word, he has given the most general satisfaction, and his affairs carry much the face of method and system. i also consider it as an act of justice to speak of the conduct of colonel wadsworth, commissary-general. he has been indefatigable in his exertions to provide for the army, and, since his appointment, our supplies of provision have been good and ample." we copy this extract from washington's correspondence because it does justice to greene and gives us information of the favorable change which had taken place in the condition of the army since its dreary sojourn at valley forge. the resolution being taken to proceed against rhode island, the fleet got under way and on the th of july ( ) appeared off newport and cast anchor about five miles from that place; soon after which general sullivan visited d'estaing and concerted with him a plan of operations. the fleet was to enter the harbor and land the french troops on the west side of the island, a little to the north of dyer's island. the americans were to land at the same time on the opposite coast under cover of the guns of a frigate. a delay of several days now took place on account of the tardiness of the neighboring militia in joining sullivan's army. as the militia of new hampshire and massachusetts approached, sullivan joined greene at tiverton and it was agreed with the admiral that the fleet should enter the main channel immediately (august th), and that the descent should be made the succeeding day. the french fleet passed the british batteries and entered the harbor without receiving or doing any considerable damage. the militia not arriving precisely at the time they were expected, sullivan could not hazard the movement which had been concerted, and stated to the count the necessity of postponing it till the next day. meanwhile the preparations for the descent being perceived, general pigot drew the troops which had been stationed on the north end of the island into the lines at newport. on discovering this circumstance the next morning, sullivan determined to avail himself of it and to take immediate possession of the works which had been abandoned. the whole army crossed the east passage and landed on the north end of rhode island. this movement gave great offense to d'estaing who resented the indelicacy supposed to have been committed by sullivan in landing before the french and without consulting him. unfortunately some difficulties on subjects of mere punctilio had previously arisen. d'estaing was a land as well as sea officer, and held the high rank of lieutenant-general in the service of france. sullivan being only a major-general, some misunderstanding on this delicate point had been apprehended, and washington had suggested to him the necessity of taking every precaution to avoid it. this, it was supposed, had been effected in their first conference, in which it was agreed that the americans should land first, after which the french should land to be commanded by d'estaing in person. the motives for this arrangement are not stated. either his own after-reflections or the suggestions of others dissatisfied d'estaing with it and he insisted that the descent should be made on both sides of the island precisely at the same instant, and that one wing of the american army should be attached to the french and land with them. he also declined commanding in person and wished lafayette to take charge of the french troops as well as of the americans attached to them. it being feared that this alteration of the plan might endanger both its parts d'estaing was prevailed on to reduce his demand from one wing of the american army to , militia. when afterward sullivan crossed over into the island before the time to which he had himself postponed the descent, and without giving previous notice to the count of this movement, considerable excitement was manifested. the count refused to answer sullivan's letter, and charged lieutenant-colonel fleury, who delivered it, with being more an american than a frenchman. at this time a british fleet appeared which, after sailing close into the land and communicating with general pigot, withdrew some distance and came to anchor off point judith, just without the narrow inlet leading into the harbor. after it had been ascertained that the destination of the count d'estaing was america, he was followed by a squadron of twelve ships of the line under admiral byron who was designed to relieve lord howe, that nobleman having solicited his recall. the vessels composing this squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the season, and being separated in different storms, arrived, after lingering through a tedious passage in various degrees of distress, on different and remote parts of the american coast. between the departure of d'estaing from the hook on the d of july ( ) and the th of that month, four ships of sixty-four and fifty guns arrived at sandy hook. this addition to the british fleet, though it left lord howe considerably inferior to the count d'estaing, determined him to attempt the relief of newport. he sailed from new york on the th of august and on the th appeared in sight of the french fleet before intelligence of his departure could be received by the admiral. at the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the harbor so that it was impossible to get out of it, but it shifted suddenly to the northeast the next morning and the count determined to stand out to sea and give battle. previous to leaving port (august th) he informed general sullivan that on his return he would land his men as that officer should advise. not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-gauge lord howe also weighed anchor and stood out to sea. he was followed by d'estaing, and both fleets were soon out of sight. the militia were now arrived and sullivan's army amounted to , men. notwithstanding some objections made by lafayette to his commencing operations before the return of d'estaing, sullivan determined to commence the siege immediately. before this determination could be executed a furious storm blew down all the tents, rendered the arms unfit for immediate use, and greatly damaged the ammunition, of which fifty rounds had just been delivered to each man. the soldiers having no shelter suffered extremely, and several perished in the storm which continued three days. on the return of fair weather the siege was commenced and continued without any material circumstance for several days. as no intelligence had been received from the admiral the situation of the american army was becoming very critical. on the evening of the th their anxieties were relieved for a moment by the reappearance of the french fleet. the two admirals, desirous the one of gaining and the other of retaining the advantage of the wind, had employed two days in maneuvering without coming to action. toward the close of the second they were on the point of engaging when they were separated by the violent storm which had been so severely felt on shore and which dispersed both fleets. some single vessels afterward fell in with each other, but no important capture was made, and both fleets retired in a very shattered condition, the one to the harbor of new york and the other to that of newport. a letter was immediately dispatched by d'estaing to sullivan, informing him that, in pursuance of orders from the king and of the advice of all his officers, he had taken the resolution to carry the fleet to boston. his instructions directed him to sail for boston should his fleet meet with any disaster or should a superior british fleet appear on the coast. to be abandoned by the fleet in such critical circumstances and not only deprived of the brilliant success which they thought within their reach, but exposed to imminent hazard, caused much disappointment, irritation, and alarm in the american camp. lafayette and greene were dispatched to d'estaing to remonstrate with him on the subject and to press his cooperation and assistance for two days only, in which time they flattered themselves the most brilliant success would crown their efforts. but the count was not popular in the fleet; he was a military officer as well as a naval commander, and was considered as belonging to the army rather than to the navy. the officers of the sea service looked on him with a jealous and envious eye and were willing to thwart him as far as they were able with safety to themselves. when, on the pressing application of lafayette and greene, he again submitted the matter to their consideration, they took advantage of the letter of the admiral's instructions and unanimously adhered to their former resolution, sacrificing the service of their prince to their own petty jealousies and animosities. d'estaing, therefore, felt himself constrained to set sail for boston. the departure of the french marine force left sullivan's army in a critical situation. it was in a firm reliance on the cooperation of the french fleet that the expedition was undertaken, and its sudden and unexpected departure not only disappointed the sanguine hopes of speedy success, but exposed the army to much hazard, for the british troops under general pigot might have been reinforced and the fleet might have cut off sullivan's retreat. the departure of the french fleet greatly discouraged the american army, and in a few days sullivan's force was considerably diminished by desertion. on the th of august he therefore resolved to raise the siege and retreat to the north end of the island, and took the necessary precautions for the successful execution of that movement. in the night of the th, sullivan silently decamped and retired unobserved. early in the morning the british discovered his retreat and instantly commenced a pursuit. they soon overtook the light troops who covered the retreat of the american army, and who continued skirmishing and retreating till they reached the north end of the island, where the army occupied a strong position at a place where the british formerly had a fortified post, the works of which had been strengthened during the two preceding days. there a severe conflict for about half an hour ensued, when the combatants mutually withdrew from the field. the loss of the armies was nearly equal, amounting to between two and three hundred killed or wounded in the course of the day. on the th of august there was a good deal of cannonading, but neither party ventured to attack the other. the british were expecting reinforcements, and sullivan, although he made a show of resolutely maintaining his post, was busily preparing for the evacuation of the island. in the evening he silently struck his tents, embarked his army, with all the artillery, baggage, and stores, on board a great number of boats and landed safely on the continent before the british suspected his intention to abandon the post. general sullivan made a timely escape, for sir henry clinton was on his way, with , men, to the assistance of general pigot. he was detained four days in the sound by contrary winds, but arrived on the day after the americans left the island. a very short delay would probably have proved fatal to their army. the most sanguine expectations had been entertained throughout the united states of the reduction of rhode island and the capture of the british force which defended it, so that the disappointment and mortification on the failure of the enterprise were exceedingly bitter. the irritation against the french, who were considered the authors of the miscarriage, was violent. sullivan was confident of success; and his chagrin at the departure of the french fleet made him use some expressions, in a general order, which gave offense to d'estaing. washington foresaw the evils likely to result from the general and mutual irritation which prevailed, and exerted all his influence to calm the minds of both parties. he had a powerful coadjutor in lafayette, who was as deservedly dear to the americans as to the french. his first duties were due to his king and country, but he loved america, and was so devoted to the commander-in-chief of its armies, as to enter into his views and second his softening conciliatory measures with truly filial affection. washington also wrote to general heath, who commanded at boston, and to sullivan and greene, who commanded at rhode island. in his letter to general heath he stated his fears "that the departure of the french fleet from rhode island at so critical a moment, would not only weaken the confidence of the people in their new allies, but produce such prejudice and resentment as might prevent their giving the fleet, in its present distress, such zealous and effectual assistance as was demanded by the exigency of affairs and the true interests of america;" and added "that it would be sound policy to combat these effects and to give the best construction of what had happened; and at the same time to make strenuous exertions for putting the french fleet, as soon as possible, in a condition to defend itself and be useful." he also observed as follows: "the departure of the fleet from rhode island is not yet publicly announced here; but when it is, i intend to ascribe it to necessity produced by the damage received in the late storm. this, it appears to me, is the idea which ought to be generally propagated. as i doubt not the force of these reasons will strike you equally with myself, i would recommend to you to use your utmost influence to palliate and soften matters, and to induce those whose business it is to provide succors of every kind for the fleet, to employ their utmost zeal and activity in doing it. it is our duty to make the best of our misfortunes and not suffer passion to interfere with our interest and the public good." writing to general sullivan he observed: "the disagreement between the army under your command and the fleet has given me very singular uneasiness. the continent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possible means consistent with our honor and policy. first impressions are generally longest retained, and will serve to fix in a great degree our national character with the french. in our conduct toward them we should remember that they are a people old in war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others seem scarcely warmed. permit me to recommend, in the most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavors to destroy that ill-humor which may have found its way among the officers. it is of the utmost importance, too, that the soldier and the people should know nothing of this misunderstanding; or if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its progress and prevent its effects." to general greene, washington wrote: "i have not now time to take notice of the several arguments which were made use of, for and against the count's quitting the harbor of newport and sailing for boston. right or wrong, it will probably disappoint our sanguine expectations of success and which i deem a still worse consequence, i fear it will sow the seeds of dissension and distrust between us and our new allies, unless the most prudent measures be taken to suppress the feuds and jealousies that have already arisen. i depend much on your temper and influence to conciliate that animosity which, subsists between the american and french officers in our service. i beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered into by the general officers from being made public. congress, sensible of the ill consequences that will flow from our differences being known to the world, have passed a resolve to that purpose. upon the whole, my dear sir, you can conceive my meaning better than i can express it; and i therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to heal all private animosities between our principal officers and the french, and to prevent all illiberal expression and reflections that may fall from the army at large." washington also improved the first opportunity of recommencing his correspondence with count d'estaing, in a letter to him, which, without noticing the disagreements that had taken place, was well calculated to soothe every unpleasant sensation which might have disturbed his mind. in the course of a short correspondence, the irritation which threatened serious mischiefs gave way to returning good understanding and cordiality; although here and there popular ill-will manifested itself in rather serious quarrels and disputes with the french sailors and marines. meantime, in the storm which had separated the fleets of d'estaing and howe when just about to engage, the british fleet had suffered considerably, but had not sustained so much damage as the french. in a short time lord howe was again ready for sea; and having learned that d'estaing had sailed for boston, he left new york with the intention of reaching that place before him, or of attacking him there, if he found it could be done with advantage. but on entering the bay of boston he perceived the french fleet in nantasket roads, so judiciously stationed and so well protected by batteries that there was no prospect of attacking it with success. he therefore returned to new york, where, finding that by fresh arrivals his fleet was decidedly superior to that of the french, he availed himself of the permission which he had received some time before and resigned the command to admiral gambier, who was to continue in the command till the arrival of admiral byron, who was daily expected from halifax. sir henry clinton, finding that general sullivan had effected his retreat from rhode island, set out on his return to new york; but that the expedition might not be wholly ineffectual, he meditated an attack on new london, situated on a river which falls into the sound. the wind, however, being unfavorable to the enterprise, he gave the command of the troops on board the transports to maj.-gen. sir charles grey, with orders to proceed in an expedition against buzzard's bay, and continued his voyage to new york. [ ] in obedience to the orders which he had received, general grey sailed to acushnet river where he landed on the th of september ( ), and destroyed all the shipping in the river, amounting to more than seventy sail. he burned a great part of the towns of bedford and fairhaven, the one on the west and the other on the east bank, destroying a considerable quantity of military and naval stores, provisions, and merchandise. he landed at six in the evening, and so rapid were his movements that the work of destruction was accomplished and the troops re-embarked before noon the next day. he then proceeded to the island called martha's vineyard, a resort of privateers, where he took or burned several vessels, destroyed the salt works, compelled the inhabitants to surrender their arms, and levied from them a contribution of , sheep and oxen. having mercilessly ravaged the seacoast, the hero of the paoli massacre returned, heavily laden with plunder, to new york. the return of the british fleet and of the troops under grey relieved the americans from the anxious apprehension of an attack on their allies at boston. under that apprehension, washington had broken up his camp at white plains, and proceeding northward taken a position at fredericksburg, thirty miles from west point near the borders of connecticut. he detached generals gates and m'dougall to danbury, in connecticut, in order that they might be in readiness to move as circumstances might require, and he sent general putnam to west point to watch the north river and the important passes in the highlands. but the return of the fleet and troops to new york quieted those apprehensions. meanwhile washington received intelligence that an expedition was preparing at new york, the object of which was not clearly apparent; but soon after the return of the troops under grey the british army advanced in great force on both sides of the north river. the column on the west bank, consisting of , men commanded by cornwallis, extended from the hudson to the hackensack. the division on the east side consisting of about , men under knyphausen, stretched from the north river to the bronx. the communication between them was kept up by flat-bottomed boats, by means of which the two divisions could have been readily united if the americans had advanced against either of them. washington sent out several detachments to observe the movements of those columns. colonel baylor, who with his regiment of cavalry consisting of upwards of a hundred men had been stationed near paramus, crossed the hackensack on the morning of the th of september and occupied tappan or herringtown, a small village near new tappan, where some militia were posted. of these circumstances cornwallis received immediate notice and he formed a plan to surprise and cut off both the cavalry and militia. the execution of the enterprise against baylor was entrusted to the unscrupulous general grey, and colonel campbell with a detachment from knyphausen's division was to cross the river and attack the militia at new tappan. colonel campbell's part of the plan failed by some delay in the passage of the river, during which a deserter informed the militia of their danger and they saved themselves by flight. but grey completely surprised baylor's troops and killed, wounded, or took the greater part of them. colonel baylor was wounded and made prisoner. the slaughter on that occasion which as at the paoli, was a literal massacre of surprised and defenseless men excited much indignation and was the subject of loud complaints throughout the united states. three days after the surprise of baylor, col. richard butler with a detachment of infantry assisted by maj. henry lee with part of his cavalry, fell in with a party of chasseurs and about yagers under captain donop, on whom they made such a rapid charge that without the loss of a man, they killed ten of them on the spot and took about twenty prisoners. the movement of the british army up the north river already mentioned, was made for the purpose of foraging and also to cover a meditated attack on little egg harbor, and having accomplished its object it returned to new york. little egg harbor, situated on the coast of jersey, was a rendezvous of privateers, and being so near the entrance to new york ships bound to that port were much exposed to their depredations. an expedition against it was therefore planned and the conduct of the enterprise entrusted to capt. patrick ferguson of the seventeenth regiment with about men, assisted by captain collins of the navy. he sailed from new york, but short as the passage was he was detained several days by contrary winds and did not arrive at the place of his destination till the evening of the th of october ( ). the americans had got notice of his design and had sent to sea such of their privateers as were ready for sailing. they had also hauled the largest of the remaining vessels, which were chiefly prizes, twenty miles up the river to chestnut neck, and had carried their smaller vessels still further into the country. ferguson proceeded to chestnut neck, burned the vessels there, destroyed the storehouses and public works of every sort, and in returning committed many depredations on private property. count pulaski with his legionary corps composed of three companies of foot and a troop of horse, officered principally by foreigners, had been detached by washington into jersey to check these depredations. he was ordered toward little egg harbor and lay without due vigilance eight or ten miles from the coast. one juliet, a frenchman, who had deserted from the british service and obtained a commission in pulaski's corps redeserted, joined captain ferguson at little egg harbor after his return from chestnut neck and gave him exact information of the strength and situation of pulaski's troops. ferguson and collins immediately resolved to surprise the polish nobleman, and for that purpose, on the th of october ( ), they embarked men in boats, rowed ten miles up the river before daybreak, landed within a small distance of his infantry, left fifty men to guard their boat, and with the remainder of their force suddenly fell on the unsuspicious detachment, killed fifty of them among whom were the baron de bosc and lieutenant de la borderie, and retreated with scarcely any loss before they could be attacked by pulaski's cavalry. this was another massacre similar to those of the infamous grey. [ ] only five prisoners were taken. the commander pretended to have received information that pulaski had ordered his men to give no quarter, but this was false. admiral byron reached new york and took command of the fleet about the middle of september ( ). after repairing his shattered vessels he sailed for the port of boston. soon after his arrival in the bay fortune disconcerted all his plans. a furious storm drove him out to sea and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put into newport to refit. this favorable moment was seized by the count d'estaing who sailed on the d of november for the west indies. thus terminated an expedition from which the most important advantages had been anticipated. a variety of accidents had defeated plans judiciously formed which had every probability of success in their favor. lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theater, was now desirous of returning to france. expecting war on the continent of europe he was anxious to tender his services to his king and to his native country. from motives of real friendship as well as of policy, washington was desirous of preserving the connection of this officer with the army and of strengthening his attachment to america. he therefore expressed to congress his wish that lafayette, instead of resigning his commission, might have unlimited leave of absence to return when it should be convenient to himself, and might carry with him every mark of the confidence of the government. this policy was adopted by congress in its full extent. the partiality of america for lafayette was well placed. never did a foreigner, whose primary attachments to his own country remained undiminished, feel more solicitude for the welfare of another than was unceasingly manifested by this young nobleman for the united states. the french alliance having effected a change in the position of affairs on the ocean, congress devoted a good deal of attention to naval matters; several new vessels were built and others were purchased, and the present year ( ) gave token of the spirit and ability of some of our earlier naval officers in contending with a navy usually held to be invincible. early in the year captain biddle, in the randolph, a frigate of thirty-six guns, engaged his majesty's ship the yarmouth, a sixty-four, but after an action of twenty minutes the randolph blew up and captain biddle and crew perished with the exception of only four men who were picked up a few days after on a piece of wreck. the celebrated paul jones made his appearance on the english coast during this year, and rendered his name a terror by the bold and daring exploits which he performed. captain barry, off the coast of maine, behaved in a most gallant manner in an action with two english ships, sustaining the contest for seven hours, and at last escaping with his men on shore. captain talbot in october of this year ( ) distinguished himself by a well-planned and successful attack upon a british vessel off rhode island. the schooner pigot, moored at the mouth of seconset river, effectually barred the passage, broke up the local trade, and cut off the supplies of provisions and reinforcements for that part of the colony. talbot, earnestly desirous of relieving the country of this annoyance, obtained the consent of general sullivan to make the attempt. with his usual alacrity he set about the affair and was entirely successful. the pigot was captured and carried off in triumph by the gallant band under talbot. in the succeeding november captain talbot received a complimentary letter from the president of congress, together with a resolve of congress, presenting him with the commission of lieutenant-colonel in the army of the united states. there being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the northern or middle states and the climate admitting of military operations elsewhere, a detachment from the british army consisting of , men commanded by major-general grant, sailed early in november under a strong convoy for the west india islands, and toward the end of the same month another embarkation was made for the southern parts of the continent. this second detachment was commanded by lieutenant-colonel campbell who was escorted by com. hyde parker, and was destined to act against the southern states. as a force sufficient for the defense of new york yet remained the american army retired into winter quarters (dec., ). the main body was cantoned in connecticut, on both sides the north river, about west point, and at middlebrook. light troops were stationed nearer the lines, and the cavalry were drawn into the interior to recruit the horses for the next campaign. in this distribution the protection of the country, the security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of provisions were consulted. the troops again wintered in huts, but they were used to this mode of passing that inclement season. though far from being well clothed their condition in that respect was so much improved by supplies from france that they disregarded the inconveniences to which they were exposed. colonel campbell, who sailed from the hook about the last of november, , escorted by a small squadron commanded by com. hyde parker reached the isle of tybee, near the savannah, on the d of december, and in a few days the fleet and the transports passed the bar and anchored in the river. the command of the southern army, composed of the troops of south carolina and georgia, had been committed to major-general robert howe, who in the course of the preceding summer had invaded east florida. the diseases incident to the climate made such ravages among his raw soldiers that though he had scarcely seen an enemy he found himself compelled to hasten out of the country with considerable loss. after this disastrous enterprise his army, consisting of between six and seven hundred continental troops aided by a few hundred militia had encamped in the neighborhood of the town of savannah, situated on the southern bank of the river bearing that name. the country about the mouth of the river is one track of deep marsh intersected by creeks and cuts of water impassable for troops at any time of the tide, except over causeways extending through the sunken ground. without much opposition lieutenant-colonel campbell effected a landing on the th (december, ), about three miles below the town, upon which howe formed his line of battle. his left was secured by the river, and along the whole extent of his front was a morass which stretched to his right and was believed by him to be impassable for such a distance as effectually to secure that wing. after reconnoitering the country colonel campbell advanced on the great road leading to savannah, and about in the afternoon appeared in sight of the american army. while making dispositions to dislodge it he accidentally fell in with a negro who informed him of a private path leading through the swamp round the right of the american lines to their rear. determining to avail himself of this path he detached a column under sir james baird which entered the morass unperceived by howe. as soon as sir james emerged from the swamp he attacked and dispersed a body of georgia militia which gave the first notice to the american general of the danger which threatened his rear. at the same instant the british troops in his front were put in motion and their artillery began to play upon him. a retreat was immediately ordered and the continental troops were under the necessity of running across a plain in front of the corps which had been led to the rear by sir james baird who attacked their flanks with great impetuosity and considerable effect. the few who escaped retreated up the savannah, and crossing that river at zubly's ferry took refuge in south carolina. the victory was complete and decisive in its consequences. about americans were either killed in the field or drowned in attempting to escape through a deep swamp. thirty-eight officers and privates were taken. forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort, with all its military stores, a large quantity of provisions collected for the use of the army, and the capital of georgia fell into the hands of the conqueror. these advantages were obtained at the expense of only seven killed and nineteen wounded. no military force now remained in georgia except the garrison of sunbury whose retreat to south carolina was cut off. all the lower part of that state was occupied by the british who adopted measures to secure the conquest they had made. the inhabitants were treated with a lenity as wise as it was humane. their property was spared and their persons protected. to make the best use of victory and of the impression produced by the moderation of the victors a proclamation was issued inviting the inhabitants to repair to the british standard and offering protection to those who would return to their allegiance. the effect of these measures was soon felt. the inhabitants flocked in great numbers to the royal standard; military corps for the protection of the country were formed, and posts were established for a considerable distance up the river. the northern frontier of georgia being supposed to be settled into a state of quiet colonel campbell turned his attention toward sunbury and was about to proceed against that place when he received intelligence that it had surrendered to general prevost. sir henry clinton had ordered that officer from east florida to cooperate with colonel campbell. on hearing that the troops from the north were off the coast he entered the southern frontier of georgia (jan. , ) and invested sunbury, which, after a slight resistance surrendered at discretion. having placed a garrison in the fort he proceeded to savannah, took command of the army, and detached colonel campbell with regulars and a few provincials to augusta which fell without resistance, and thus the whole state of georgia was reduced. . footnote: this officer was the same grey who had surprised wayne's detachment near the paoli tavern, in pennsylvania (sept. , ), as already related in the text. his merciless massacre of wayne's men, with the bayonet, will ever be remembered. a monument is erected on the spot where the massacre took place, consecrated to the memory of the sufferers. . footnote: the british government rewarded grey for his cruelty by making him a peer. he was the father of earl grey, who became prime minister of great britain. this reward to colonel grey was in strict consistency with the spirit in which the whole war against the united states was conducted. fortunately, the cruel and brutal outrages of the invaders reacted on themselves, and contributed greatly to the final result. chapter xvi. washington prepares to chastise the indians. . while the events were passing which are recorded in the preceding chapter a terrible war with the indians was raging on the western frontier of the united states. while the british were abundantly able to supply the indians with all those articles of use and luxury which they had been accustomed to receive from the whites, congress was not in a condition to do anything of this sort to conciliate them or to secure their neutrality in the existing war. stimulated by the presents as well as by the artful representations of british agents the indians had consequently become hostile. early in there were many indications of a general disposition among the savages to make war on the united states, and the frontiers, from the mohawk to the ohio, were threatened with the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. every representation from that country supported washington's opinion that a war with the indians should never be defensive and that to obtain peace it must be carried into their own country. detroit was understood to be in a defenseless condition, and congress resolved on an expedition against that place. this enterprise was entrusted to general m'intosh, who commanded at pittsburgh, and was to be carried on with , men, chiefly militia, to be drawn from virginia. to facilitate its success another force was to attack the senecas, advancing from the east of the hudson. unfortunately the acts of the government did not correspond with the vigor of its resolutions. the necessary preparations were not made and the inhabitants of the frontiers remained without sufficient protection until the plans against them were matured and the storm which had been long gathering burst upon them with a fury which spread desolation wherever it reached. about white men, commanded by the british col. john butler, and about indians, led by the indian chief brandt, who had assembled in the north, marched late in june ( ) against the settlement of wyoming. these troops embarked on the chemung or tioga and descending the susquehanna, landed at a place called the three islands, whence they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a wilderness and passing through a gap in the mountain, entered the valley of wyoming near its northern boundary. at this place a small fort called wintermoots had been erected, which fell into their hands without resistance and was burnt. the inhabitants who were capable of bearing arms assembled on the first alarm at forty fort on the west side of the susquehanna, four miles below the camp of the invading army. the regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were commanded by col. zebulon butler, [ ] the militia by colonel dennison. colonel butler was desirous of awaiting the arrival of a small reinforcement under captain spalding who had been ordered by washington to his aid on the first intelligence of the danger which threatened the settlement, but the militia generally, believing themselves sufficiently strong to repel the invading force, urged an immediate battle so earnestly that colonel butler yielded to their remonstrances, and on the d of july ( ) marched from forty fort at the head of near men to attack the enemy. the british and indians were prepared to receive him. their line was formed a small distance in front of their camp on a plain thinly covered with pine, shrub-oaks, and under-growth, and extended from the river about a mile to a marsh at the foot of the mountain. the americans advanced in a single column without interruption until they approached the enemy, when they received a fire which did not much mischief. the line of battle was instantly formed and the action commenced with spirit. the americans rather gained ground on the right where colonel butler commanded, until a large body of indians passing through the skirt of the marsh turned their left flank, which was composed of militia, and poured a heavy and most destructive fire on their rear. the word "retreat" was pronounced by some person and the efforts of the officers to check it were unavailing. the fate of the day was decided, and a flight commenced on the left which was soon followed by the right. as soon as the line was broken the indians, throwing down their rifles and rushing upon them with the tomahawk, completed the confusion. the attempt of colonel butler and of the officers to restore order was unavailing and the whole line broke and fled in confusion. the massacre was general and the cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk. rather less than sixty men escaped, some to forty fort, some by swimming the river, and some to the mountain. a very few prisoners were made, only three of whom were preserved alive, who were carried to niagara. further resistance was impracticable and colonel dennison proposed terms of capitulation which were granted to the inhabitants. it being understood that no quarter would be allowed to the continental troops colonel butler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley. the inhabitants generally abandoned the country and, in great distress, wandered into the settlements on the lehigh and the delaware. the indians, according to their usual practice, destroyed the houses and improvements by fire and plundered the country. after laying waste the whole settlement they withdrew from it before the arrival of the continental troops, who were ordered to meet them. on the th of november ( ) indians and loyalists, with a small detachment of regular troops, under the command of the notorious john butler, made an irruption into the settlement at cherry valley, in the state of new york, surprised and killed colonel allen, commander of the american force at that place, and ten of his soldiers. they attacked a fort erected there, but were compelled to retreat. next day they left the place, after having murdered and scalped thirty-two of the inhabitants, chiefly women and children. on the first intelligence of the destruction of wyoming the regiments of hartley and butler with the remnant of morgan's corps, commanded by major posey, were detached to the protection of that distressed country. they were engaged in several sharp skirmishes, made separate incursions into the indian settlements, broke up their nearest villages, destroyed their corn, and, by compelling them to retire to a greater distance, gave some relief to the inhabitants. while the frontiers of new york and pennsylvania were thus suffering the calamities incident to savage warfare, a fate equally severe was preparing for virginia. the western militia of that state had made some successful incursions into the country northwest of the ohio and had taken some british posts on the mississippi. these were erected into the county of illinois, and a regiment of infantry with a troop of cavalry was raised for its protection. the command of these troops was given to col. george rogers clarke, a gentleman who courage, hardihood, and capacity for indian warfare had given repeated success to his enterprises against the savages. this corps was divided into several detachments, the strongest of which remained with colonel clarke at kaskaskia. colonel hamilton, the governor of detroit, was at vincennes with about men, principally indians, preparing an expedition, first against kaskaskia and then up the ohio to pittsburgh, after which he purposed to desolate the frontiers of virginia. clarke anticipated and defeated his design by one of those bold and decisive measures, which, whether formed on a great or a small scale, mark the military and enterprising genius of the man who plans and executes them. he was too far removed from the inhabited country to hope for support, and was too weak to maintain kaskaskia and the illinois against the combined force of regulars and indians by which he was to be attacked as soon as the season for action should arrive. while employed in preparing for his defense he received unquestionable information that hamilton had detached his indians on an expedition against the frontiers, reserving at the post he occupied only about eighty regulars with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. clarke instantly resolved to seize this favorable moment. after detaching a small galley up the wabash with orders to take her station a few miles below vincennes and to permit nothing to pass her, he marched in the depth of winter with men, the whole force he could collect, across the country from kaskaskia to vincennes. this march through the woods and over high waters required sixteen days, five of which were employed in crossing the drowned lands of the wabash. the troops were under the necessity of wading five miles in water frequently up to their breasts. after subduing these difficulties this small party appeared before the town, which was completely surprised and readily consented to change its master. hamilton, after defending the fort a short time, surrendered himself and his garrison prisoners of war. with a few of his immediate agents and counselors, who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities he had encouraged, he was, by order of the executive of virginia, put in irons and confined in a jail. this expedition was important in its consequences. it disconcerted a plan which threatened destruction to the whole country west of the allegheny mountains, detached from the british interest many of those numerous tribes of indians south of the waters immediately communicating with the great lakes, and had most probably considerable influence in fixing the boundary of the united states. these indian hostilities on the western border were a subject of extreme solicitude to washington, ever alive as he was to the cry of distress and ever anxious to preserve peace and security to the rural population of the country. experience and observation had long since taught him that the only effectual protection to the inhabitants of the frontier settlements consisted in carrying the war with severity into the enemy's own country. hence we find that from the moment these atrocities of the indians commenced in the western country he was engaged in planning that expedition which, in the next campaign, under the direction of general sullivan, carried desolation to their own homes and taught them a lesson which they could not soon forget. in the following extract of a letter to gov. george clinton of new york, dated march , , it will be perceived that he speaks of his plan as already matured: "the president of congress has transmitted to me your excellency's letter to the delegates of new york, representing the calamitous situation of the northwestern frontier of that state, accompanied by a similar application from the pennsylvania assembly, and a resolve of the th, directing me to take the most effectual measures for the protection of the inhabitants and chastisement of the indians. the resolve has been in some measure anticipated by my previous dispositions for carrying on offensive operations against the hostile tribes of savages. it has always been my intention early to communicate this matter to your excellency in confidence, and i take occasion, from the letter above mentioned, to inform you that preparations have some time since been making, and they will be conducted to the point of execution at a proper season, if no unexpected accident prevents, and the situation of affairs on the maritime frontier justifies the undertaking. "the greatest secrecy is necessary to the success of such an enterprise, for the following obvious reasons: that, immediately upon the discovery of our design, the savages would either put themselves in condition to make head against us, by a reunion of all their force and that of their allies, strengthened besides by succors from canada; or elude the expedition altogether, which might be done at the expense of a temporary evacuation of forests which we could not possess, and the destruction of a few settlements which they might speedily re-establish." washington concludes this letter by calling upon governor clinton for an account of the force which new york can furnish for the contemplated expedition and describing the kind of men most desirable for this peculiar service--"active rangers, who are at the same time expert marksmen, and accustomed to the irregular kind of wood-fighting practiced by the indians." he concludes by expressing a desire to have the advantage of any sentiments or advice the governor might be pleased to communicate relative to the expedition. this is but one among many instances which might be cited of the vigilance and unceasing activity of washington in everything connected with the national defense. in addition to this indian war washington at this time ( ) had another cause of deep anxiety continually upon his mind, in the comparatively weak and inefficient character of the legislative body to whom he must necessarily look for support and sanction in all measures for the defense of the country. the congress of --that congress whose proceedings and state papers had elicited the admiration of the illustrious earl of chatham--had comprised the ablest and most influential men in the country. but most of these men had withdrawn from congress or had accepted high offices under their own state governments, and their places had either not been filled at all or had been filled by incompetent men. for the year the average number of members had been between twenty-five and thirty. some states were not represented and others had not sent delegates enough to entitle them to a vote. but small as the number of delegates in congress was they were sufficiently numerous to entertain the fiercest feuds among themselves, and seriously to embarrass the public service by permitting party considerations to interfere with the measures most essential to the safety and efficiency of the army and the preservation of order in the country. washington was acutely sensible to this disastrous state of things. full of disinterested zeal for the public service he could hardly comprehend the apathy prevailing in the different states, which occasioned their omitting to fill up their "quotas" of representatives in congress, and he was embarrassed and distressed with the weak and inefficient manner in which the military and civil affairs, under the direction of congress, were conducted. in a letter to benjamin harrison of virginia, a member of the congress of , he expresses frankly his views on this unpleasant topic as follows: "it appears as clear to me as ever the sun did in its meridian brightness, that america never stood in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period, and if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation my misconception of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me that the states, separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council for the good of the commonweal. in a word i think our political system may be compared to the mechanism of a clock and that we should derive a lesson from it, for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in order if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neglected. how far the latter is the case it does not become me to pronounce, but as there can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's country, i shall offer it as mine, that each would not only choose, but absolutely compel their ablest men to attend congress, and that they would instruct them to go into a thorough investigation of the causes that have produced so many disagreeable effects in the army and country, in a word, that public abuses should be corrected. without this it does not in my judgment require the spirit of divination to foretell the consequences of the present administration nor to how little purpose the states individually are framing constitutions, providing laws, and filling offices with the abilities of their ablest men. these, if the great whole is mismanaged, must sink in the general wreck, which will carry with it the remorse of thinking that we are lost by our own folly and negligence or by the desire, perhaps, of living in ease and tranquility during the accomplishment of so great a revolution, in the effecting of which the greatest abilities and the most honest men our american world affords ought to be employed. "it is much to be feared, my dear sir, that the states in their separate capacities have very inadequate ideas of the present danger. many persons removed far distant from the scene of action and seeing and hearing such publications only as flatter their wishes, conceive that the contest is at an end and that to regulate the government and police of their own state is all that remains to be done, but it is devoutly to be wished that a sad reverse of this may not fall upon them like a thunderclap that is little expected. i do not mean to designate particular states. i wish to cast no reflections upon any one. the public believe (and if they do believe it, the fact might almost as well be so) that the states at this time are badly represented and that the great and important concerns of the nation are horribly conducted for want either of abilities or application in the members, or through the discord and party views of some individuals. that they should be so is to be lamented more at this time than formerly, as we are far advanced in the dispute and, in the opinion of many, drawing to a happy period; we have the eyes of europe upon us and i am persuaded many political spies to watch, who discover our situation and give information of our weaknesses and wants." we have already seen that congress, actuated by their wishes rather than governed by a temperate calculation of the means in their possession, had, in the preceding winter, planned a second invasion of canada to be conducted by lafayette and that, as the generals only were got in readiness for this expedition, it was necessarily laid aside. the design, however, seems to have been suspended, not abandoned. the alliance with france revived the latent wish to annex that extensive territory to the united states. that favorite subject was resumed, and toward autumn a plan was completely digested for a combined attack to be made by the allies on all the british dominions on the continent and on the adjacent islands of cape breton and newfoundland. this plan was matured about the time lafayette obtained leave to return to his own country and was ordered to be transmitted by him to doctor franklin, the minister of the united states at the court of versailles with instructions to induce, if possible, the french cabinet to accede to it. some communications respecting this subject were also made to lafayette, on whose influence in securing its adoption by his own government much reliance was placed, and in october , it was for the first time transmitted to washington, with a request that he would enclose it by lafayette, with his observations on it, to doctor franklin. this very extensive plan of military operations for the ensuing campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet without consulting, so far as is known, a single military man, consisted of many parts. two detachments, amounting each to , men, were to march from pittsburgh and wyoming against detroit and niagara. a third body of troops which was to be stationed on the mohawk during the winter and to be powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to seize oswego and to secure the navigation of lake ontario with vessels to be constructed of materials to be procured in the winter. a fourth corps was to penetrate into canada by the st. francis and to reduce montreal and the posts on lake champlain, while a fifth should guard against troops from quebec. thus far america could proceed unaided by her ally. but upper canada being reduced another campaign would still be necessary for the reduction of quebec. this circumstance would require that the army should pass the winter in canada, and in the meantime the garrison of quebec might be largely reinforced. it was therefore essential to the complete success of the enterprise that france should be induced to take a part in it. the conquest of quebec and of halifax was supposed to be an object of so much importance to france as well as to the united states that her aid might be confidently expected. it was proposed to request the king of france to furnish four or five thousand troops, to sail from brest the beginning of may under convoy of four ships of the line and four frigates, the troops to be clad as if for service in the west indies and thick clothes to be sent after them in august. a large american detachment was to act with this french army and it was supposed that quebec and halifax might be reduced by the beginning or middle of october. the army might then either proceed immediately against new foundland or remain in garrison until the spring when the conquest of that place might be accomplished. it had been supposed probable that england would abandon the further prosecution of the war on the continent of north america, in which case the government would have a respectable force at its disposal, the advantageous employment of which had engaged in part the attention of washington. he had contemplated an expedition against the british posts in upper canada as a measure which might be eventually eligible and which might employ the arms of the united states to advantage if their troops might safely be withdrawn from the sea-board. he had, however, considered every object of this sort as contingent. having estimated the difficulties to be encountered in such an enterprise he had found them so considerable as to hesitate on the extent which might safely be given to the expedition admitting the united states to be evacuated by the british armies. in this state of mind washington received the magnificent plan already prepared by congress. he was forcibly struck with the impracticability of executing that part of it which, was to be undertaken by the united states should the british armies continue in the country and with the serious mischief which would result to the common cause as well as from diverting so considerable a part of the french force from other objects to one which was, in his opinion, so unpromising as from the ill impression which would be made on the court and nation by the total failure of the american government to execute its part of a plan originating with itself--a failure would most probably sacrifice the troops and ships employed by france. on comparing the naval force of england with that of france in different parts of the world, the former appeared to washington to maintain a decided superiority and consequently to possess the power of shutting up the ships of the latter which might be trusted into the st. lawrence. to suppose that the british government would not avail itself of this superiority on such an occasion would be to impute to it a blind infatuation or ignorance of the plans of its adversary, which could not be safely assumed in calculations of such serious import. a plan, too, consisting of so many parts to be prosecuted both from europe and america by land and by water--which, to be successful, required such an harmonious cooperation of the whole, such a perfect coincidence of events--appeared to him to be exposed to too many accidents to risk upon it interests of such high value. in a long and serious letter to congress he apologized for not obeying their orders to deliver the plan with his observations upon it to lafayette, and entering into a full investigation of all its parts demonstrated the mischiefs and the dangers with which it was replete. this letter was referred to a committee whose report admits the force of the reasons urged by washington against the expedition and their own conviction that nothing important could be attempted unless the british armies should be withdrawn from the united states and that even in that event the present plan was far too complex. men, however, recede slowly and reluctantly from favorite and flattering projects on which they have long meditated, and the committee in their report proceeded to state the opinion that the posts held by the british in the united states would probably be evacuated before the active part of the ensuing campaign, and that, therefore, eventual measures for the expedition ought to be taken. this report concludes with recommending, "that the general should be directed to write to the marquis de lafayette on that subject, and also write to the minister of these states at the court of versailles very fully, to the end that eventual measures may be taken in case an armament should be sent from france to quebec for co-operating therewith to the utmost degree which the finances and resources of these states will admit." this report also was approved by congress and transmitted to washington who felt himself greatly embarrassed by it. while his objections to the project retained all their force he found himself required to open a correspondence for the purposes of soliciting the concurrence of france in an expedition he disapproved, and of promising a cooperation he believed to be impracticable. in reply to this communication he said: "the earnest desire i have strictly to comply in every instance with the views and instructions of congress cannot but make me feel the greatest uneasiness when i find myself in circumstances of hesitation or doubt with respect to their directions. but the perfect confidence i have in the justice and candor of that honorable body emboldens me to communicate without reserve the difficulties which occur in the execution of their present order, and the indulgence i have experienced on every former occasion induces me to imagine that the liberty i now take will not meet with disapprobation." after reviewing the report of the committee and stating his objections to the plan and the difficulties he felt in performing the duty assigned to him, he added: "but if congress still think it necessary for me to proceed in the business i must request their more definite and explicit instructions and that they will permit me, previous to transmitting the intended dispatches, to submit them to their determination. i could wish to lay before congress more minutely the state of the army, the condition of our supplies and the requisites necessary for carrying into execution an undertaking that may involve the most serious events. if congress think this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal conference i hope to have the army in such a situation before i can receive their answer as to afford me an opportunity of giving my attendance." congress acceded to his request for a personal interview, and on his arrival in philadelphia a committee was appointed to confer with him as well on this particular subject as on the general state of the army and of the country. the result of these conferences was that the expedition against canada was entirely, though reluctantly, given up, and every arrangement recommended by washington received that attention which was due to his judgment and experience and which his opinions were entitled to receive. if anything were necessary to be added to this ridiculous scheme for the conquest of canada in order to prove the inefficiency and folly of the congress of we have it in the fact that france was averse to adding that province to the united states and did not desire to acquire it for herself. she only sought the independence of this country and its permanent alliance. mr. de sevelinges in his introduction to botta's history recites the private instructions to mr. gerard on his mission to the united states. one article was, "to avoid entering into any formal engagement relative to canada and other english possessions which congress proposed to conquer." mr. de sevelinges adds, that "the policy of the cabinet of versailles viewed the possession of those countries, especially of canada by england as a principle of useful inquietude and vigilance to the americans. the neighborhood of a formidable enemy must make them feel more sensibly the price which they ought to attach to the friendship and support of the king of france." [c.] report of the committee appointed to confer with washington on the second scheme for the conquest of canada, and on the general state of the army and the country. "january i, . the committee appointed to confer with the commander-in-chief on the operations of the next campaign, report that the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of canada, in cooperation with an army from france, was the principal subject of the said conference. that, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations, on the part of these states, your committee have taken a general view of our finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of clothes, artillery, arms and ammunition, and of the provisions in store, and which can be collected in season. "your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and observations communicated to them by the commander-in-chief, respecting the number of troops and strongholds of the enemy in canada; their naval force, and entire command of the water communication with that country; the difficulties, while they possess such signal advantages, of penetrating it with an army by land; the obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval superiority; the hostile temper of many of the surrounding indian tribes towards these states; and above all, the uncertainty whether the enemy will not persevere in their system of harassing and distressing our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory war. "that on a most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find room for a well grounded presumption that these states will be able to perform their part of the proposed stipulations. that in a measure of such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object, a considerable portion of the force of our ally which may otherwise be essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition. "your committee are therefore of opinion, that the negotiation in question, however desirable and interesting, should be deferred until circumstances render the cooperation of these states more certain, practicable, and effectual. "that the minister plenipotentiary of these states at the court of versailles, the minister of france in pennsylvania, and the minister of france, be respectively informed that the operations of the next campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as well from our own internal circumstances and resources as the progress and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued. that congress, therefore, cannot, with a degree of confidence answerable to the magnitude of the object, decide on the practicability of their cooperating the next campaign in an enterprise for the emancipation of canada; that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be made for acting with vigor against the common enemy, and every favorable incident embraced with alacrity to facilitate and hasten the freedom and independence of canada, and her union with these states--events which congress, from motives of policy with respect to the united states, as well as of affection to their canadian brethren, have greatly at heart." this report is evidently inspired by washington, from beginning to end. . footnote: this officer was not of the same family with the tory butler. chapter xvii. washington's operations in the northern states. . we have seen that washington had gone from his winter quarters near middlebrook in the jerseys to hold a conference with congress on the subject of the invasion of canada. when this matter had been disposed of there still remained many subjects demanding the joint attention of the supreme legislature and the commander-in-chief, and accordingly he spent a considerable part of the winter of - at philadelphia consulting with congress on measures for the general defense and welfare of the country. washington felt extreme anxiety at the inadequate means at his disposal for conducting the campaign of . the state of congress itself, as we have already shown, was sufficiently embarrassing to him, but there were other causes of uneasiness in the general aspect of affairs. the french alliance was considered by the people as rendering the cause of independence perfectly safe; with little or no exertion on our part england was supposed to be already conquered in america, and, moreover, she was threatened with a spanish war. hence the states were remiss in furnishing their quotas of men and money. the currency, consisting of continental bills, was so much depreciated that a silver dollar was worth forty dollars of the paper money. the effect of this last misfortune was soon apparent in the conduct of the officers of the jersey brigade. in pursuance of washington's plan of chastising the indians, to which we referred in the last chapter, it was resolved to lead a force into those villages of the six nations which were hostile to the united states and destroy their settlements. as the army destined for this expedition was about to move alarming symptoms of discontent appeared in a part of it. the jersey brigade, which had been stationed during the winter at elizabethtown, was ordered early in may ( ) to march by regiments. this order was answered by a letter from general maxwell stating that the officers of the first regiment had delivered a remonstrance to their colonel, addressed to the legislature of the state, declaring that unless their complaints on the subjects of pay and support should obtain the immediate attention of that body, they were, at the expiration of three days, to be considered as having resigned, and requesting the legislature, in that event, to appoint other officers to succeed them. they declared, however, their readiness to make every preparation for obeying the orders which had been given, and to continue their attention to the regiment until a reasonable time should elapse for the appointment of their successors. "this," added the letter of general maxwell, "is a step they are extremely unwilling to take, but it is such as i make no doubt they will all take; nothing but necessity--their not being able to support themselves in time to come and being loaded with debts contracted in time past--could have induced them to resign at so critical a juncture." the intelligence conveyed in this letter made a serious impression on washington. he was strongly attached to the army and to its interests, had witnessed its virtues and its sufferings, and lamented sincerely its present distresses. the justice of the complaints made by the officers could no more be denied than the measure they had adopted could be approved. relying on their patriotism and on his own influence, he immediately wrote a letter to general maxwell to be laid before them in which, mingling the sensibility of a friend with the authority of a general, he addressed to their understanding and to their love of country, observations calculated to invite their whole attention to the consequences which must result from the step they were about to take. "the patience and perseverance of the army," proceeds the letter, "have been, under every disadvantage, such as to do them the highest honor both at home and abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence of their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune to which our affairs, in a struggle of this nature, were necessarily exposed. now that we have made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so that we cannot fail without a most shameful desertion of our own interests, anything like a change of conduct would imply a very unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our country. did i suppose it possible this could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, i should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. i should feel it as a wound given to my own honor, which i consider as embarked with that of the army at large. but this i believe to be impossible. any corps that was about to set an example of the kind would weigh well the consequences, and no officer of common discernment and sensibility would hazard them. if they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army? or if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country? they would remember that the army would share a double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an american officer would become as infamous as it is now glorious. "i confess the appearances in the present instance are disagreeable, but i am convinced they seem to mean more than they really do. the jersey officers have not been outdone by any others in the qualities either of citizens or soldiers; and i am confident no part of them would seriously intend anything that would be a stain on their former reputation. the gentlemen cannot be in earnest; they have only reasoned wrong about the means of obtaining a good end, and, on consideration, i hope and flatter myself they will renounce what must appear to be improper. at the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders for an important service, their own honor, duty to the public and to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a violation of them all. it will even wound their delicacy, coolly to reflect that they have hazarded a step which has an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment." this letter did not completely produce the desired effect. the officers did not recede from their claims. in an address to washington, they expressed their unhappiness that any act of theirs should give him pain, but proceeded to justify the step they had taken. repeated memorials had been presented to their legislature which had been received with promises of attention, but had been regularly neglected. "at length," said they, "we have lost all confidence in our legislature. reason and experience forbid that we should have any. few of us have private fortunes; many have families, who already are suffering everything that can be received from an ungrateful country. are we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home--and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal? we are sensible that your excellency cannot wish nor desire this from us. we are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. it was and still is our determination to march with our regiment and to do the duty of officers until the legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. "we beg leave to assure your excellency that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure; that we love the service, and we love our country--but when that country gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." this letter was peculiarly embarrassing to washington. to adopt a stern course of proceeding might hazard the loss of the jersey line, an event not less injurious to the service than painful to himself. to take up the subject without doing too much for the circumstances of the army would be doing too little for the occasion. he therefore declined taking any other notice of the letter than to declare through general maxwell, that while they continued to do their duty in conformity with the determination they had expressed he should only regret the part they had taken and should hope they would perceive its impropriety. the legislature of new jersey, alarmed at the decisive step taken by the officers, was at length induced to pay some attention to their situation--they consenting on their part to withdraw their remonstrance. in the meantime they continued to perform their duty and their march was not delayed by this unpleasant altercation. in communicating this transaction to congress washington took occasion to remind that body of his having frequently urged the absolute necessity of some general and adequate provision for the officers of the army. "i shall only observe," continued the letter, "that the distresses in some corps are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that the officers have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was. i had not power to comply with the request. "the patience of men animated by a sense of duty and honor will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. i doubt not congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." before the troops destined for the grand expedition were put in motion an enterprise of less extent was undertaken which was completely successful. a plan for surprising the towns of the onondagas, one of the nearest of the hostile tribes, having been formed by general schuyler and approved by washington, colonel van schaick assisted by lieutenant-colonel willet and major cochran marched from fort schuyler on the morning of the th of april at the head of between five and six hundred men and on the third day reached the point of destination. the whole settlement was destroyed after which the detachment returned to fort schuyler without the loss of a single man. for this handsome display of talents as a partisan, the thanks of congress were voted to colonel van schaick and the officers and soldiers under his command. the cruelties exercised by the indians in the course of the preceding year had given a great degree of importance to the expedition now meditated against them, and the relative military strength and situation of the two parties rendered it improbable that any other offensive operations could be carried on by the americans in the course of the present campaign. the army under the command of sir henry clinton, exclusive of the troops in the southern department, was computed at between sixteen and seventeen thousand men. the american army, the largest division of which lay at middlebrook under the immediate command of washington, was rather inferior to that of the british in real strength. the grand total, except those in the southern and western country, including officers of every description amounted to about , . three thousand of these were in new england under the command of general gates, and the remaining , were cantoned on both sides of the north river. after the destruction of forts clinton and montgomery in , it had been determined to construct the fortifications intended for the future defense of the north river at west point, a position which being more completely embosomed in the hills was deemed more defensible. the works had been prosecuted with unremitting industry but were far from being completed. king's ferry, some miles below west point, where the great road, the most convenient communication between the middle and eastern states, crossed the north river, is completely commanded by two opposite points of land. that on the west side, a rough and elevated piece of ground, is denominated stony point; and the other, on the east side, a flat neck of land projecting far into the water, is called verplanck's point. the command of king's ferry was an object worth the attention of either army, and washington had comprehended the points which protect it within his plan of defense for the highlands. a small but strong work called fort fayette was completed at verplanck's and was garrisoned by a company commanded by captain armstrong. the works on stony point were unfinished. as the season for active operations approached sir henry clinton formed a plan for opening the campaign with a brilliant _coup de main_ up the north river and toward the latter end of may made preparations for the enterprise. these preparations were immediately communicated to washington who was confident that clinton meditated an attack on the forts in the highlands or designed to take a position between those forts and middlebrook, in order to interrupt the communication between the different parts of the american army, to prevent their reunion and to beat them in detail. measures were instantly taken to counteract either of these designs. the intelligence from new york was communicated to generals putnam and m'dougal, who were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march, and on the th of may ( ) the army moved by divisions from middlebrook toward the highlands. on the th the british army commanded by clinton in person and convoyed by sir george collier proceeded up the river, and general vaughan at the head of the largest division, landed next morning about eight miles below verplanck's. the other division under the particular command of general patterson, but accompanied by clinton, advancing further up, landed on the west side within three miles of stony point. that place being immediately abandoned, general patterson took possession of it on the same afternoon. he dragged some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit of the hill in the course of the night (june , ), and at five next morning opened a battery on fort fayette at the distance of about , yards. during the following night two galleys passed the fort and anchoring above it prevented the escape of the garrison by water while general vaughan invested it closely by land. no means of defending the fort or of saving themselves remaining the garrisons became prisoners of war. immediate directions were given for completing the works at both posts and for putting stony point in particular in a strong state of defense. washington determined to check any further advance of the enemy, and before clinton was in a situation to proceed against west point, general m'dougal was so strengthened and the american army took such a position on the strong grounds about the hudson that the enterprise became too hazardous to be further prosecuted. after completing the fortifications on both sides of the river at king's ferry, clinton placed a strong garrison in each fort and proceeded down the river to philipsburg. the relative situation of the hostile armies presenting insuperable obstacles to any grand operation they could be employed offensively only on detached expeditions. connecticut, from its contiguity to new york and its extent of sea coast, was peculiarly exposed to invasion. the numerous small cruisers which plied in the sound, to the great annoyance of british commerce, and the large supplies of provisions drawn from the adjacent country for the use of the continental army, furnished great inducements to clinton to direct his enterprises particularly against that state. he also hoped to draw washington from his impregnable position on the north river into the low country and thus obtain an opportunity of striking at some part of his army or of seizing the posts which were the great object of the campaign. with these views he planned an expedition against connecticut, the command of which was given to governor tryon, who reached new haven bay on the th of july ( ) with about , men. washington was at the time on the lines examining in person the condition of the works on stony and verplanck's points, in consequence of which the intelligence which was transmitted to headquarters that the fleet had sailed could not be immediately communicated to the governor of connecticut, and the first intimation which that state received of its danger was given by the appearance of the enemy. the militia assembled in considerable numbers with alacrity, but the british effected a landing and took possession of the town. after destroying the military and naval stores found in the place, they re-embarked and proceeded westward to fairfield which was reduced to ashes. the spirited resistance made by the militia at this place is attested by the apology made by general tryon for the wanton destruction of private property which disgraced his conduct. "the village was burnt," he says, "to resent the fire of the rebels from their houses and to mask our retreat." from fairfield the fleet crossed the sound to huntington bay where it remained until the th (july, ), when it recrossed that water. the troops were landed in the night on a peninsula on the east side of the bay of norwalk. about the same time a much larger detachment from the british army directed its course towards horse neck and made demonstrations of a design to penetrate into the country in that direction. on the first intelligence that connecticut was invaded, general parsons, a native of that state, had been directed by washington to hasten to the scene of action. placing himself at the head of about continental troops who were supported by considerable bodies of militia, he attacked the british on the morning of the twelfth as soon as they were in motion and kept up an irregular distant fire throughout the day. but, being too weak to prevent the destruction of any particular town on the coast, norwalk was reduced to ashes, after which the british re-embarked and returned to huntington bay there to await for reinforcements. at this place, however, tryon received orders to return to whitestone where in a conference between clinton and sir george collier it was determined to proceed against new london with an increased force. on the invasion of connecticut, washington was prompt in his exertions to send continental troops from the nearest encampments to its aid, but before they could afford any real service clinton found it necessary to recall tryon to the hudson. washington had planned an enterprise against the posts at king's ferry, comprehending a double attack to be made at the same time on both. but the difficulty of a perfect cooperation of detachments, incapable of communicating with each other, determined him to postpone the attack on verplanck's and to make that part of the plan dependent on the success of the first. his whole attention, therefore, was turned to stony point and the troops destined for this critical service proceeded on it as against a single object. the execution of the plan was entrusted by washington to general wayne who commanded the light infantry of the army. his daring courage had long since obtained for him the sobriquet of "mad anthony." he accepted the command with alacrity. secrecy was deemed so much more essential to success than numbers that no addition was made to the force already on the lines. one brigade was ordered to commence its march so as to reach the scene of action in time to cover the troops engaged in the attack should any unlooked-for disaster befall them, and maj. henry lee of the light dragoons, who had been eminently useful in obtaining the intelligence which led to the enterprise, was associated with wayne as far as cavalry could be employed in such a service. the night of the th (july, ), and the hour of twelve, were chosen for the assault. stony point is a commanding hill projecting far into the hudson which washes three-fourths of its base. the remaining fourth was in a great measure covered by a deep marsh, commencing near the river on the upper side and continuing into it below. over this marsh there was only one crossing place, but at its junction with the river was a sandy beach passable at low tide. on the summit of this hill stood the fort which was furnished with heavy ordnance. several breastworks and strong batteries were advanced in front of the main work, and about half way down the hill were two rows of abattis. the batteries were calculated to command the beach and the crossing place of the marsh, and to rake and enfilade any column which might be advancing from either of those points toward the fort. in addition to these defenses several vessels of war were stationed in the river and commanded the ground at the foot of the hill. the garrison consisted of about men commanded by colonel johnson. wayne arrived about eight in the evening at springsteel's, one and a half miles from the fort and made his dispositions for the assault. it was intended to attack the works on the right and left flanks at the same instant. the regiments of febiger and of meigs with major hull's detachment formed the right column, and butler's regiment, with two companies under major murfree, formed the left. one hundred and fifty volunteers led by lieutenant-colonel fleury and major posey constituted the van of the right, and volunteers under major stewart composed the van of the left. at : the two columns moved to the assault, the van of each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. they were each preceded by a forlorn hope of twenty men, the one commanded by lieutenant gibbon and the other by lieutenant knox. they reached the marsh undiscovered and at : commenced the assault. both columns rushed forward under a tremendous fire of grape-shot and musketry. surmounting every obstacle, they entered the works at the point of the bayonet and without discharging a single musket obtained possession of the fort. the humanity displayed by the conquerors was not less conspicuous nor less honorable than their courage. not an individual suffered after resistance had ceased. all the troops engaged in this perilous service manifested a degree of ardor and impetuosity which proved them to be capable of the most difficult enterprises, and all distinguished themselves whose situation enabled them to do so. colonel fleury, who had distinguished himself in defense of the forts on the delaware in , was the first to enter the fort and strike the british standard. major posey mounted the works almost at the same instant and was the first to give the watch-word, "the fort's our own." lieutenants gibbon and knox performed the service allotted to them with a degree of intrepidity which could not be surpassed. of twenty men who constituted the party of the former, seventeen were killed or wounded. [ ] sixty-three of the garrison were killed, including two officers. the prisoners amounted to , among whom were lieutenant-colonel, captains, and subaltern officers. the military stores taken in the fort were considerable. the loss sustained by the assailants was not proportioned to the apparent danger of the enterprise. the killed and wounded did not exceed men. wayne, who marched with febiger's regiment in the right column received a wound in the head which stunned him. recovering consciousness, but believing the wound to be mortal, he said to his aids, "carry me into the fort and let me die at the head of my column." being supported by his aids he entered the fort with the regiment. lieutenant-colonel hay was also among the wounded. although the design upon fort fayette had yielded to the desire of securing the success of the attack on stony point it had not been abandoned. two brigades under general m'dougal had been ordered to approach the works on verplanck's, in which colonel webster commanded, and be in readiness to attack them the instant wayne should obtain possession of stony point. that this detachment might not permit the favorable moment to pass unimproved wayne had been requested to direct the messenger who should convey the intelligence of his success to washington to pass through m'dougal's camp and give him advice of that event. he was also requested to turn the cannon of the fort against verplanck's and the vessels in the river. the last orders were executed and a heavy cannonade was opened on fort fayette and on the vessels, which compelled them to fall down the river. through some misconception, never explained, the messenger dispatched by wayne did not call on m'dougal, but proceeded directly to headquarters. thus, every advantage expected from the first impression made by the capture of stony point was lost, and the garrison had full leisure to recover from the surprise occasioned by that event and to prepare for an attack. this change of circumstances made it necessary to change the plan of operation. washington ordered general howe to take the command of m'dougal's detachment to which some pieces of heavy artillery were to be annexed. he was directed, after effecting a breach in the walls, to make the dispositions for an assault and to demand a surrender, but not to attempt a storm until it should be dark. to these orders explicit instructions were added not to hazard his party by remaining before verplanck's after the british should cross croton river in force. through some unaccountable negligence in the persons charged with the execution of these orders the battering artillery was not accompanied with suitable ammunition, and the necessary entrenching tools were not brought. these omissions were supplied the next day, but it was then too late to proceed against verplanck's. on receiving intelligence of the loss of stony point and of the danger to which the garrison of fort fayette was exposed, sir henry clinton relinquished his views on connecticut and made a forced march to dobb's ferry. some troops were immediately embarked to pass up the river and a light corps was pushed forward to the croton. this movement relieved fort fayette. the failure of the attempt to obtain possession of verplanck's point, leaving that road of communication still closed, diminished the advantages which had been expected to result from the enterprise so much that it was deemed unadvisable to maintain stony point. on reconnoitering the ground washington believed that the place could not be rendered secure with a garrison of less than , men--a number which could not be spared from the army without weakening it too much for further operations. he determined, therefore, to evacuate stony point and retire to the highlands. as soon as this resolution was executed clinton repossessed himself of that post, repaired the fortifications, and placed a stronger garrison in it, after which he resumed his former situation at philipsburg. the two armies watched each other for some time. at length, clinton, finding himself unable to attack washington in the strong position he had taken or to draw him from it, and being desirous of transferring the theater of active war to the south, withdrew to new york and was understood to be strengthening the fortifications erected for its defense, as preparatory to the large detachments he intended making to reinforce the southern army. although this movement was made principally with a view to southern operations, it was in some degree hastened by the opinion that new york required immediate additional protection during the absence of the fleet, which was about to sail for the relief of penobscot. scarcely had sir george collier, who had accompanied clinton up the hudson to take possession of stony point, returned to new york, when he was informed that a fleet of armed vessels with transports and troops had sailed from boston to attack a post which general m'lean was establishing at penobscot in the eastern part of the province of massachusetts bay. he immediately got ready for sea that part of the naval force which was at new york, and on the d of august sailed to relieve the garrison of penobscot. in the month of june ( ) general m'lean, who commanded the royal troops in nova scotia, arrived in the bay of penobscot with nearly men, in order to establish a post which might at once be a means of checking the incursions of the americans into nova scotia and of supplying the royal yards at halifax with ship timber, which abounded in that part of the country. this establishment alarmed the government of massachusetts bay, which resolved to dislodge m'lean, and, with great promptitude, equipped a fleet and raised troops for that purpose. the fleet, which consisted of fifteen vessels of war, carrying from thirty-two to twelve guns each with transports, was commanded by commodore saltonstall; the army, amounting to between three and four thousand militia, was under the orders of general lovell. general m'lean chose for his post a peninsula on the east side of penobscot bay, which is about seven leagues wide and seventeen deep, terminating at the point where the river penobscot flows into it. m'lean's station was nine miles from the bottom of the bay. as that part of the country was then an unbroken forest he cleared away the wood on the peninsula and began to construct a fort in which he was assisted and protected by the crews of three sloops-of-war which had escorted him thither. m'lean heard of the expedition against him on the st of july ( ), when he had made little progress in the erection of his fort. on the th the american fleet appeared in the bay, but, owing to the opposition of the british sloops-of-war and to the bold and rugged nature of the shore, the troops did not effect a landing until the th. this interval m'lean improved with such laborious diligence that his fortifications were in a state of considerable forwardness. lovell erected a battery within yards of the works, and for nearly a fortnight a brisk cannonade was kept up and preparations were made to assault the fort. but, on the th of august ( ), lovell was informed that sir george collier with a superior naval force had entered the bay; therefore in the night he silently embarked his troops and cannon, unperceived by the garrison, which was every moment in expectation of being assaulted. on the approach of the british fleet the americans, after some show of preparation for resistance, betook themselves to flight. a general pursuit and unresisted destruction ensued. the warren, a fine new frigate of thirty-two guns, and fourteen other vessels of inferior force, were either blown up or taken. the transports fled in confusion and, after having landed the troops in a wild and uncultivated part of the country, were burnt. the men, destitute of provisions and other necessaries, had to explore their way for more than miles through an uninhabited and pathless wilderness and many of them perished before reaching the settled country. after this successful exploit sir george collier returned to new york, where he resigned the command of the fleet to admiral arbuthnot, who had arrived from england with some ships of war and with provisions, stores, and reinforcements for the army. on descending the river, after replacing the garrison of stony point, sir henry clinton encamped above harlem, with his upper posts at kingsbridge. washington remained in his strong position in the highlands, but frequently detached numerous parties on both sides of the river in order to check the british foragers and to restrain the intercourse with the loyalists. major lee ("light horse harry"), who commanded one of those parties, planned a bold and hazardous enterprise against the british post at paulus hook on the jersey bank of the river, opposite new york. that post was strongly fortified and of difficult access, and therefore the garrison thought themselves secure. but lee determined to make an attempt on the place and chose the morning of the th of august ( ) for his enterprise, when part of the garrison was absent on a foraging excursion. advancing silently at the head of men the sentinel at the gate mistook his party for that which had marched out the preceding day, and allowed them to pass unchallenged, and almost in an instant they seized the blockhouse and two redoubts before the alarm was given. major sutherland, commandant of the post, with sixty hessians, entered a redoubt and began a brisk fire on the assailants. this gave an extensive notice of the attack, and the firing of guns in new york, and by the shipping in the roads, proved that the alarm was widely spread. in order, therefore, not to hazard the loss of his party, lee retreated with the loss of two men killed and three wounded, carrying along with him about prisoners. notwithstanding the difficulties and dangers which he had to encounter, he effected his retreat. it was not his design to keep possession of the place, but to carry off the garrison, reflect credit on the american arms, and encourage a spirit of enterprise in the army. [ ] the expedition planned by washington for chastising the indians who had committed such atrocities last year on the frontier and particularly at wyoming, was the most important of this campaign. washington entrusted the command of it to general sullivan. the largest division of the army employed on that service assembled at wyoming. another division, which had wintered on the mohawk, marched under the orders of gen. james clinton and joined the main body at the confluence of the two great sources of the susquehanna. on the d. of august ( ), the united force, amounting to nearly , men, under the command of general sullivan, proceeded up the cayuga or western branch of the last-named river which led directly into the indian country. the preparations for this expedition did not escape the notice of those against whom it was directed, and the indians seem fully to have penetrated sullivan's plan of operation. formidable as his force was they determined to meet him and try the fortune of a battle. they were about , strong, commanded by the two butlers, guy johnson, m'donald, and brandt. they chose their ground with judgment and fortified their camp at some distance above chemung and within a mile of newtown. there sullivan attacked them and, after a short but spirited resistance, they retreated with precipitation. the americans had thirty men killed or wounded; the indians left only eleven dead bodies on the field, but they were so discouraged by this defeat that they abandoned their villages and fields to the unresisted ravages of the victor, who laid waste their towns and orchards, so that they might have no inducement again to settle so near the settlements of the whites. the severity of this proceeding has been censured by some writers, but it requires no apology. nothing could convince the savages of the injustice and inhumanity of their usual system of warfare on the frontier so effectually as to give them a specimen of it, even in a milder form, in their own country. sullivan desolated their villages and farms, but we do not learn that he took any scalps or murdered any women or children, or tortured any of his prisoners. the measure of retaliation which he dealt to the miscreants who sacked wyoming was gentleness and humanity when compared with their proceedings. it is only to be regretted that his retaliation could not have been applied to the homes of the british and tories who assisted the indians at wyoming. sullivan and his army received a vote of thanks from congress, but the general's health failing, he soon resigned his commission and retired from the service. sullivan's orders from washington exculpate him from all blame as to the mode of punishing the indians. "of the expedition," washington says, in writing to him, "the immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of their settlements and the capture of as many prisoners of every age and sex as possible." washington knew that this kind of warfare was the only possible means of putting an end to indian wars. any other mode of proceeding, he was fully aware, was treachery and cruelty to his own countrymen. a few days after the surprise of paulus hook by major lee, the long-expected fleet from europe, under the command of admiral arbuthnot, having on board a reinforcement for the british army, arrived at new york. this reinforcement, however, did not enable clinton to enter immediately on that active course of offensive operations which he had meditated. it was soon followed by the count d'estaing, who arrived on the southern coast of america with a powerful fleet, after which clinton deemed it necessary to turn all his attention to his own security. rhode island and the posts up the north river were evacuated and the whole army was collected in new york, the fortifications of which were carried on with unremitting industry. the count d'estaing and admiral byron having sailed about the same time from the coast of north america, met in the west indies, where the war was carried on with various success. st. lucia surrendered to the british in compensation for which the french took st. vincent's and grenada. about the time of the capture of the latter island d'estaing received reinforcements which gave him a decided naval superiority, after which a battle was fought between the two hostile fleets, in which the count claimed the victory and in which so many of the british ships were disabled that the admiral was compelled to retire into port in order to refit. early in may ( ) sir henry clinton had dispatched from new york a squadron under sir george collier with , troops under general mathews, who entered chesapeake bay, and, after taking possession of portsmouth, sent out parties of soldiers to norfolk, suffolk, gosport, and other places in the neighborhood, where there were large deposits of provisions and military and naval stores, and many merchant vessels, some on the stocks and some laden with valuable cargoes. these were all burnt and the whole neighborhood subjected to plunder and devastation. this was a severe blow to the commerce on which congress placed great dependence for supplies to the army and for sustaining its own credit. in compliance with the solicitations of general lincoln and the authorities of south carolina, d'estaing directed his course to the coast of georgia with twenty-two ships of the line and eleven frigates having on board , soldiers, and arrived so suddenly on the southern coast of america that the experiment, of fifty guns, and three frigates, fell into his hands. a vessel was sent to charleston with information of his arrival and a plan was concerted for the siege of savannah. general lincoln, who, after the fall of savannah, had been sent to charleston to take command of the southern department of the army, was to cooperate with d'estaing's fleet and army in the siege. instead of assaulting the place at the earliest practicable moment, they granted prevost, the british commander at savannah, an armistice of twenty-four hours, during which he received reinforcements and set them at defiance. they then commenced a siege by regular approaches on land and cannonade and bombardment from d'estaing's formidable fleet in the harbor. this lasted for three weeks. on the th of october ( ), without having effected a sufficient breach, the united french and american forces stormed the works. great gallantry was displayed by the assailants. the french and american standards were both planted on the redoubts. but it was all in vain. they were completely repulsed, the french losing and the americans men. count pulaski was among the slain. the loss of the garrison was astonishingly small. in killed and wounded it amounted only to fifty-five--so great was the advantage of the cover afforded by their works. after this repulse the count d'estaing announced to general lincoln his determination to raise the siege. the remonstrances of that officer were unavailing, and the removal of the heavy ordnance and stores was commenced. this being accomplished, both armies moved from their ground on the evening of the th of october ( ). the americans, recrossing the savannah at zubly's ferry, again encamped in south carolina, and the french re-embarked. d'estaing himself sailed with a part of his fleet for france; the rest proceeded to the west indies. although the issue of this enterprise was the source of severe chagrin and mortification the prudence of general lincoln suppressed every appearance of dissatisfaction, and the armies separated with manifestations of reciprocal esteem. the hopes which had brought the militia into the field being disappointed they dispersed, and the affairs of the southern states wore a more gloomy aspect than at any former period. during the siege of savannah an ingenious enterprise of partisan warfare was executed by colonel white of the georgia line. before the arrival of the french fleet in the savannah, a british captain with in men had taken post near the river ogeeche, twenty-five miles from savannah. at the same place were five british vessels, four of which were armed, the largest with fourteen guns, the least with four, and the vessels were manned with forty sailors. late at night, on the th of september ( ), white, who had only six volunteers, including his own servant, kindled a number of fires in different places so as to exhibit the appearance of a considerable encampment, practiced several other corresponding artifices, and then summoned the captain instantly to surrender. that officer, believing that he was about to be attacked by a superior force and that nothing but immediate submission could save him and his men from destruction, made no defense. the stratagem was carried on with so much address that the prisoners, amounting to , were secured and conducted to the american post at sunbury, twenty-five miles distant. on receiving intelligence of the situation of lincoln, congress passed a resolution requesting washington to order the north carolina troops, and such others as could be spared from the northern army, to the aid of that in the south and assuring the states of south carolina and georgia of the attention of government to their preservation, but requesting them, for their own defense to comply with the recommendations formerly made respecting the completion of their continental regiments, and the government of their militia while in actual service. washington had already received (november ) intelligence of the disastrous result of d'estaing and lincoln's attack on savannah, and had formed his plans of operation before congress sent assurances of aid to the south. giving up all expectation of cooperation from the french fleet, he disbanded the new york and massachusetts militia and made his arrangements for the winter. he ordered one division of the army under general heath to the highlands to protect west point and the posts in that neighborhood, and with the other division he went into winter quarters near morristown, the army being quartered in huts, as at valley forge. the cavalry were sent to connecticut. washington had already penetrated the design of the enemy to make the southern states their principal field of operation, and accordingly he dispatched to charleston the north carolina brigade in november, and the whole of the virginia line in december. on the other hand, clinton and cornwallis embarked with a large force in transports convoyed by admiral arbuthnot with a fleet of five ships of the line and several frigates, and sailed on the th of december , for savannah. knyphausen was left in command of the garrison of new york. [ ] washington's own summary of the operations of this campaign ( ) is contained in a letter to lafayette in the following terms: "the operations of the enemy this campaign have been confined to the establishment of works of defense, taking a post at king's ferry, and burning the defenseless towns of new haven, fairfield, and norwalk, on the sound, within reach of their shipping, where little else was or could be opposed to them than the cries of distressed women and children; but these were offered in vain. since these notable exploits they have never stepped out of their works or beyond their lines. how a conduct of this kind is to effect the conquest of america, the wisdom of a north, a germaine, or a sandwich can best decide. it is too deep and refined for the comprehension of common understandings and the general run of politicians." . footnote: for their bravery and good conduct at stony point, wayne received a gold, and stewart and fleury silver medals, with the thanks of congress. a separate medal was designed and struck for each of them. . footnote: lee, for this exploit at paulus hook, was presented with a gold medal by congress. . footnote: irving chapter xviii. campaign in the north-arnold's treason. . during the winter which followed the campaign of , washington, with his army hutted on the heights of morristown, was beset by pressing and formidable difficulties. the finances of congress were in a most depressed condition, and the urgent wants of the army were but ill supplied. the evils of short enlistment, though distinctly understood and strongly felt, could not be remedied, and the places of those men who were leaving the army on the expiration of their stipulated term of service could not easily be filled up. besides, the troops were in danger of perishing by cold and famine. during the preceding year general greene and colonel wadsworth had been at the head of the quartermaster and commissary departments, and notwithstanding their utmost exertions, the wants of the army had been ill supplied. after being put into winter quarters it was in great danger of being dissolved by want of provisions or of perishing through famine. the colonial paper money was in a state of great and increasing depreciation, and in order to check the alarming evil congress, which, like other popular assemblies had in it no small share of ignorance and self-sufficiency, resolved to diminish the circulation and keep up the value of their paper currency by withholding the necessary supplies from the public agents. this foolish resolution threatened the ruin of the army. nobody was willing to make contracts with the public and some of those entered into were not fulfilled. congress, jealous of the public agents, because ignorant of what was really necessary, repeatedly changed the form of its engagements with them, and, at length, by its fluctuating policy, real wants, and imprudent parsimony, brought matters to such extremities that washington was compelled to require the several counties of the state of new jersey to furnish his army with certain quantities of provisions within six days in order to prevent them from being taken by force. although the province was much exhausted, yet the people instantly complied with the requisition and furnished a temporary supply to the army. [ ] soon after clinton sailed on his expedition against charleston a frost of unexampled intensity began. the hudson, east river, and all the waters around new york were so completely frozen that an army with its artillery and wagons might have crossed them in all directions with perfect safety. new york lost all the advantages of its insular situation and became easily accessible on every side. the city was fortified by the british, but on account of its insular situation, several parts being considered of difficult access were left undefended. by the strength of the ice, however, every point became exposed, and in that unforeseen emergency, knyphausen who commanded in the city with a garrison of , men took every prudent precaution for his defense and fortified every vulnerable part, but the inefficiency of the american army was his best security. washington easily perceived the advantages which the extraordinary frost gave him, but from the destitute state of his army he was unable to avail himself of them. the army under his immediate command was inferior in number to the garrison of new york; it was also ill clad, scantily supplied with provisions, and in no condition to undertake offensive operations. the british had a post on staten island, and as the ice opened a free communication between the island and the new jersey coast, washington, notwithstanding the enfeebled condition of his army resolved to attack the garrison, and appointed lord stirling to conduct the enterprise. the night of the th of january ( ) was chosen for the attempt, but, though the americans used every precaution, the officer commanding on staten island discovered their intention and took effectual measures to defeat it. the attack was repulsed, but little loss was sustained on either side. the extreme cold occasioned much suffering in new york by want of provisions and fuel, for as the communication by water was entirely stopped the usual supplies, were cut off. the demand for fuel in particular was so pressing that it was found expedient to break up some old transports, and to pull down some uninhabited wooden houses for the purpose of procuring that necessary article. as the british paid in ready money for provisions or firewood carried within the lines many of the country people, tempted by the precious metals, so rare among them, tried to supply the garrison. the endeavors of the british to encourage and protect this intercourse and the exertions of the americans to prevent it brought on a sort of partisan warfare in which the former most frequently had the advantage. in one of the most important of those encounters, early in february ( ), near white plains, a captain and men of a massachusetts regiment were killed on the spot, were wounded, and , with colonel thompson, the officer who commanded the party, were made prisoners. washington, writing to general heath respecting this affair, says: "it is some consolation that our officers and men appear to have made a brave resistance. i cannot help suspecting that our officers in advance quarter too long in a place. by these means the enemy by their emissaries gain a perfect knowledge of their cantonments and form their attacks accordingly. were they to shift constantly the enemy could scarcely ever attain this knowledge." congress found itself placed in very difficult circumstances. it always contained a number of men of talents and manifested no small share of vigor and activity. many of the members were skilful in the management of their private affairs, and having been successful in the world thought themselves competent to direct the most important national concerns, although unacquainted with the principles of finance, legislation, or war. animated by that blind presumption which generally characterizes popular assemblies they often entered into resolutions which discovered little practical wisdom. in pecuniary matters they were dilatory and never anticipated trying emergencies, or made provision for probable events, till they were overtaken by some urgent necessity. hence they were frequently deliberating about levying troops and supplying the army when the troops ought to have been in the field, and the army fully equipped for active service. this often placed washington in the most trying and perilous circumstances. congress had solemnly resolved not to exceed $ , , in continental bills of credit. in november, , the whole of that sum was issued and expended also. the demand on the states to replenish the treasury by taxes had not been fully complied with, and even although it had been completely answered would not have furnished a sum adequate to the expenses of government. instead of maturely considering and digesting a plan, adhering to it, and improving it by experience, congress often changed its measures, and even in the midst of those distresses which had brought the army to the verge of dissolution, was busy in devising new and untried expedients for supporting it. as the treasury was empty and money could not be raised, congress, on the th of february ( ), resolved to call on the several states for their proportion of provisions, spirits, and forage for the maintenance of the army during the ensuing campaign, but specified no time within which these were to be collected, and consequently the states were in no haste in the matter. in order to encourage and facilitate compliance with this requisition it was further resolved that any state which should have taken the necessary measures for furnishing its quota, and given notice thereof to congress, should be authorized to prohibit any continental quartermaster or commissary from purchasing within its limits. every man who had a practical knowledge of the subject easily perceived the defective nature and dangerous tendency of this arrangement. it was an attempt to carry on the war rather by separate provincial efforts than by a combination of national strength, and if the army received from any state where it was acting the appointed quantity of necessaries it had no right, though starving, to purchase what it stood in need of. besides the carriage of provisions from distant parts was troublesome, expensive, and sometimes impracticable. the troops were ill clothed, their pay was in arrear, and that of the officers, owing to the great depreciation of the paper currency, was wholly unequal to their decent maintenance. these multiplied privations and sufferings soured the temper of the men, and it required all the influence of washington to prevent many of the officers from resigning their commissions. the long continuance of want and hardship produced relaxation of discipline which at length manifested itself in open mutiny. on the th of may ( ) two regiments belonging to connecticut paraded under arms, with the avowed intention of returning home, or of obtaining subsistence at the point of the bayonet. the rest of the soldiers, though they did not join in the mutiny, showed little disposition to suppress it. at length the two regiments were brought back to their duty, but much murmuring and many complaints were heard. while the army was in such want the inhabitants of new jersey, where most of the troops were stationed, were unavoidably harassed by frequent requisitions, which excited considerable discontent. reports of the mutinous state of the american army and of the dissatisfaction of the people of new jersey, probably much exaggerated, were carried to general knyphausen, who, believing the american soldiers ready to desert their standards and the inhabitants of new jersey willing to abandon the union, on the th of june ( ), passed from staten island to elizabethtown, in jersey, with , men. that movement was intended to encourage the mutinous disposition of the american troops, and to fan the flame of discontent among the inhabitants of the province. early next morning he marched into the country toward springfield by the way of connecticut farms, a flourishing plantation, so named because the cultivators had come from connecticut. but even before reaching that place which was only five or six miles from elizabethtown, the british perceived that the reports which they had received concerning the discontent of the americans were incorrect, for on the first alarm the militia assembled with great alacrity and aided by some small parties of regular troops, annoyed the british by an irregular but galling fire of musketry, wherever the nature of the ground presented a favorable opportunity, and although those parties were nowhere strong enough to make a stand, yet they gave plain indications of the temper and resolution which were to be encountered in advancing into the country. at connecticut farms the british detachment halted. the settlers were known to be zealous in the american cause and therefore with a little spirit of revenge, the british, among whom was general tryon, laid the flourishing village, with its church and the minister's house, in ashes. here occurred one of those affecting incidents which being somewhat out of the ordinary course of the miseries of war make a deep impression on the public mind. mr. caldwell, minister of the place, had withdrawn toward springfield, but had left his wife and family behind believing them to be in no danger. the british advanced to the industrious and peaceful village. mrs. caldwell, trusting to her sex for safety and unsuspicious of harm, was sitting in her house with her children around her when a soldier came up, leveled his musket at the window, and shot her dead on the spot in the midst of her terrified family. on the intercession of a friend the dead body was permitted to be removed when the house was set on fire. this atrocious deed excited such general horror and detestation that the british thought proper to disavow it, and to impute the death of mrs. caldwell to a random shot from the retreating militia, though the militia did not fire a musket in the village. the wanton murder of the lady might be the unauthorized act of a savage individual, but can the burning of the house after her death be accounted for in the same way? knyphausen was a veteran officer and cannot be supposed capable of entering into local animosities or of countenancing such brutality, but tryon was present and his conduct on other occasions was not unblemished. mr. caldwell had rendered himself particularly obnoxious to the enemy, and was cordially hated by tryon for his zealous devotion to the patriotic cause. he had served as a chaplain in the army, was exceedingly popular among the patriots of new jersey, had given up his church to be used as a hospital, and had exerted himself by eloquent appeals to arouse his countrymen to unflinching resistance against the enemy. for this tryon caused his church to be burnt and did not prevent the soldiers from shooting his wife. after destroying the connecticut farms, knyphausen advanced toward springfield, where the jersey brigade, under general maxwell, and a large body of militia had taken an advantageous position and seemed resolved to defend it. general knyphausen, however, had met with a reception so different from what he expected that without making any attempt on the american post he withdrew during the night to elizabethtown. on being informed of the invasion of new jersey, washington put his army in motion early on the morning of the day in which knyphausen marched from elizabethtown and proceeded to the short hills behind springfield, while the british were in the vicinity of that place. feeble as his army was, he made the necessary dispositions for fighting, but the unexpected retreat of knyphausen rendered a battle unnecessary. the british were followed by an american detachment, which attacked their rear guard next morning but was repulsed. instead of returning to new york, knyphausen lingered in the vicinity of elizabethtown and on staten island, and washington, unwilling with his inadequate force to hazard an engagement except on advantageous ground, remained on the hills near springfield to watch the movements of the british army. at that time the army under the immediate orders of washington did not exceed , effective men. on the th of june ( ), sir henry clinton returned from south carolina with about , men, and after receiving this reinforcement the british force in new york and its dependencies amounted to , effective and regular troops, most of whom could be brought into the field for any particular service; besides these, the british commander had about , militia and refugees for garrison duty. the british army directed on any one point would have been irresistible; therefore washington could only follow a wary policy, occupying strong ground, presenting a bold front, and concealing the weakness of his army as far as possible. the embarkation of troops by sir henry clinton awakened the apprehensions of washington lest he should sail up the hudson and attack the posts in the highlands. those posts had always been objects of much solicitude to washington, and he was extremely jealous of any attack upon them. in order to be in readiness to resist any such attack, he left general greene at springfield, with continentals, the jersey militia, and some cavalry, and proceeded toward pompton with the main body of the army. sir henry clinton, after having perplexed the americans by his movements, early on the morning of the d of june ( ), rapidly advanced in full force from elizabethtown toward springfield. general greene hastily assembled his scattered detachments and apprised washington of the march of the royal army, who instantly returned to support greene's division. the british marched in two columns--one on the main road leading to springfield and the other on the vauxhall road. greene scarcely had time to collect his troops at springfield and make the necessary dispositions when the royal army appeared before the town and a cannonade immediately began. a fordable rivulet, with bridges corresponding to the different roads, runs in front of the place. greene had stationed parties to guard the bridges and they obstinately disputed the passage, but after a smart conflict they were overpowered and compelled to retreat. greene then fell back and took post on a range of hills, where he expected to be again attacked. but the british, instead of attempting to pursue their advantage, contented themselves with setting fire to the village and laying the greater part of it in ashes. discouraged by the obstinate resistance they had received and ignorant of the weakness of the detachment which opposed them, they immediately retreated to elizabethtown, pursued with the utmost animosity by the militia, who were provoked at the burning of springfield. they arrived at elizabethtown about sunset, and, continuing their march to elizabeth point, began at midnight to pass over to staten island. before next morning they had entirely evacuated the jerseys and removed the bridge of boats which communicated with staten island. in the skirmish at springfield the americans had about men killed and wounded. the british suffered a corresponding loss. clinton's object in this expedition seems to have been to destroy the american magazines in that part of the country. but the obstinate resistance which he met with at springfield deterred him from advancing into a district abounding in difficult passes, where every strong position would be vigorously defended. he seems also to have been checked by the apprehension of a fleet and army from france. washington was informed of clinton's march soon after the british left elizabethtown, but, though he hastily returned, the skirmish at springfield was over before he reached the vicinity of that place. after clinton left the jerseys, washington planned an enterprise against a british post at bergen point, on the hudson, opposite new york, garrisoned by seventy loyalists. it was intended to reduce the post and also to carry off a number of cattle on bergen neck, from which the garrison of new york occasionally received supplies of fresh provisions. general wayne was appointed to conduct the enterprise. with a respectable force he marched against the post, which consisted of a blockhouse covered by an abattis and palisade. wayne pointed his artillery against the blockhouse, but his field pieces made no impression on the logs. galled by the fire from the loopholes, some of his men rushed impetuously through the abattis and attempted to storm the blockhouse, but they were repulsed with considerable loss. though the americans, however, failed in their attempt against the post, they succeeded in driving off most of the cattle. on the commencement of hostilities in europe, lafayette, as we have seen, returned home in order to offer his services to his king, still, however, retaining his rank in the army of congress. his ardor in behalf of the americans remained unabated and he exerted all his influence with the court of versailles to gain its effectual support to the united states. his efforts were successful and the king of france resolved vigorously to assist the americans both by sea and land. having gained this important point, and perceiving that there was no need for his military services in europe, he obtained leave from his sovereign to return to america and join his former companions in arms. he landed at boston toward the end of april ( ), and, on his way to congress, called at the headquarters of washington and informed him of the powerful succor which might soon be expected from france. he met with a most cordial reception both from congress and washington on account of his high rank, tried friendship, and distinguished services. the assistance expected from their powerful ally was very encouraging to the americans, but called for corresponding exertions on their part. washington found himself in the most perplexing circumstances; his army was feeble, and he could form no plan for the campaign till he knew what forces were to be put under his orders. his troops, both officers and privates, were ill clothed and needed to be decently appareled before they could be led into the field to cooperate with soldiers in respectable uniforms, for his half-naked battalions would only have been objects of contempt and derision to their better-dressed allies. in order to supply these defects and to get his army in a state of due preparation before the arrival of the european auxiliaries, washington made the most pressing applications to congress and to the several state legislatures. congress resolved and recommended, but the states were dilatory, and their tardy proceedings ill accorded with the exigencies of the case or with the expectations of those who best understood the affairs of the union. even on the th of july ( ), washington had the mortification to find that few new levies had arrived in camp and some of the states had not even taken the trouble to inform him of the number of men they intended to furnish. in the month of june the state of massachusetts had resolved to send a reinforcement, but no part of it had yet arrived. about the same time a voluntary subscription was entered into in philadelphia for the purpose of providing bounties to recruits to fill up the pennsylvania line, and the president or vice-president in council was empowered, if circumstances required it, to put the state under martial law. the merchants and other citizens of philadelphia, with a zeal guided by that sound discretion which turns expenditure to the best account, established a bank, for the support of which they subscribed £ , , pennsylvania money, to be paid, if required, in specie, the principal object of which was to supply the army with provisions. by the plan of this bank its members were to derive no emolument whatever from the institution. for advancing their credit and their money they required only that congress should pledge the faith of the union to reimburse the costs and charges of the transaction in a reasonable time, and should give such assistance to its execution as might be in their power. the ladies of philadelphia, too, gave a splendid example of patriotism by large donations for the immediate relief of the suffering army. [ ] this example was extensively followed, but it is not by the contributions of the generous that a war can or ought to be maintained. the purse of a nation alone can supply the expenditures of a nation, and when all are interested in a contest all ought to contribute to its support. taxes and taxes only can furnish for the prosecution of a national war means which are just in themselves or competent to the object. notwithstanding these donations the distresses of the army, for clothing especially, still continued and were the more severely felt when a cooperation with french troops was expected. so late as the th of june ( ) washington informed congress that he still labored under the painful and humiliating embarrassment of having no shirts for the soldiers, many of whom were destitute of that necessary article. "for the troops to be without clothing at any time," he added, "is highly injurious to the service and distressing to our feelings, but the want will be more peculiarly mortifying when they come to act with those of our allies. if it be possible, i have no doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve their distress. "it is also most sincerely wished that there could be some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. there are a great many whose condition is still miserable. this is, in some instances, the case with the whole lines of the states. it would be well for their own sakes and for the public good if they could be furnished. they will not be able, when our friends come to cooperate with us, to go on a common routine of duty, and if they should, they must, from their appearance, be held in low estimation." this picture presents in strong colors the real patriotism of the american army. one heroic effort, though it may dazzle the mind with its splendor, is an exertion most men are capable of making, but continued patient suffering and unremitting perseverance in a service promising no personal emolument and exposing the officer unceasingly not only to wants of every kind, but to those circumstances of humiliation which seem to degrade him in the eyes of others, demonstrate a fortitude of mind, a strength of virtue, and a firmness of principle which ought never to be forgotten. washington was greatly embarrassed by his uncertainty with respect to the force which he might count upon to cooperate with the expected succors from france. writing to congress on this subject he said: "the season is come when we have every reason to expect the arrival of the fleet, and yet, for want of this point of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to form a system of cooperation. i have no basis to act upon, and, of course, were this generous succor of our ally now to arrive, i should find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and painful situation. the general and the admiral, from the relation in which i stand, as soon as they approach our coast, will require of me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought of right to be one prepared; but, circumstanced as i am, i cannot even give them conjectures. from these considerations i have suggested to the committee, by a letter i had the honor of addressing them yesterday, the indispensable necessity of their writing again to the states, urging them to give immediate and precise information of the measures they have taken and of the result. the interest of the states, the honor and reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude due to our allies, all require that i should, without delay, be enabled to ascertain and inform them what we can or cannot undertake. there is a point which ought now to be determined, on the success of which all our future operations may depend, on which, for want of knowing our prospects, i can make no decision. for fear of involving the fleet and army of our allies in circumstances which would expose them, if not seconded by us, to material inconvenience and hazard, i shall be compelled to suspend it, and the delay may be fatal to our hopes." while this uncertainty still continued, the expected succors from france, consisting of a fleet of eight ships of the line, with frigates and other vessels, under the chevalier de ternay, having about , troops on board under general the count de rochambeau, reached rhode island on the evening of the th of july ( ), and in a few days afterward lafayette arrived at newport from washington's headquarters to confer with his countrymen. at the time of the arrival of the french in rhode island, admiral arbuthnot had only four sail of the line at new york, but in a few days admiral graves arrived from england with six sail of the line, which gave the british a decided superiority over the french squadron, and therefore sir henry clinton, without delay, prepared for active operations. he embarked about , men and sailed with the fleet to huntington bay, in long island, with the intention of proceeding against the french at newport. the militia of massachusetts and connecticut were ordered by washington to join the french forces in rhode island, and the combined army there thought itself able to give the british a good reception. as the garrison of new york was weakened by the sailing of the armament under clinton, washington, having received considerable reinforcements, suddenly crossed the north river and advanced toward new york; that movement brought clinton back to defend the place and consequently washington proceeded no further in his meditated enterprise. the want of money and of all necessaries still continued in the american camp, and the discontent of the troops, gradually increasing, was matured into a dangerous spirit of insubordination. the men, indeed, bore incredible hardships and privations with unexampled fortitude and patience, but the army was in a state of constant fluctuation; it was composed, in a great measure, of militia harassed by perpetual service and obliged to neglect the cultivation of their farms and their private interests in order to obey the calls of public duty, and of soldiers on short enlistments, who never acquired the military spirit and habits. in consequence of an appointment, washington and suite set out to a conference with count rochambeau and admiral de ternay, and on the st of september ( ) met them at hartford, in connecticut, where they spent a few days together, and conversed about a plan for the next campaign. the conference was useful in making the respective commanders well acquainted with each other, and promoting a spirit of harmony between them; but it led to no settled plan for the next campaign. a plan of operations for the combined forces, which had been drawn up by washington and sent to rochambeau by lafayette when he went to newport, had contemplated the superiority of the naval force of the french, which had now ceased to exist in consequence of the arrival of admiral graves with a fleet of six ships of the line. it was consequently agreed that nothing could be done in the way of offensive movements until the arrival of a second division of the french fleet and army from brest, which was expected, or that of the count de guichen from the west indies. in the sequel, neither of these arrivals took place. the second french division was blockaded at brest, and never came to this country, and de guichen sailed direct to france from the west indies. meantime admiral arbuthnot blockaded the french fleet at newport, and rochambeau's army remained there for its protection. both the parties remained watching each other's movements, and depending on the operations of the british and french fleets. washington crossed the hudson to tappan and remained there till winter. washington did not relinquish without infinite chagrin the sanguine expectations he had formed of rendering this campaign decisive of the war. never before had he indulged so strongly the hope of happily terminating the contest. in a letter to an intimate friend, this chagrin was thus expressed: "we are now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favorable complexion. i hoped, but i hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits and restore me to domestic life. the favorable disposition of spain, the promised succor from france, the combined force in the west indies, the declaration of russia (acceded to by other powers of europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of great britain), the superiority of france and spain by sea in europe, the irish claims and english disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast (which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams), that the hour of deliverance was not far distant; for that, however unwilling great britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. but, alas, these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusive, and i see nothing before us but accumulating distress. we have been half of our time without provisions and are likely to continue so. we have no magazines nor money to form them. we have lived upon expedients until we can live no longer. in a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. it is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our business to do so. our case is not desperate if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. but to suppose that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army, that this army will be subsisted by state supplies and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants is in my opinion absurd, and as unreasonable as to expect an inversion of the order of nature to accommodate itself to our views. if it were necessary it could be easily proved to any person of a moderate understanding that an annual army or any army raised on the spur of the occasion besides being unqualified for the end designed is, in various ways that could be enumerated, ten times more expensive than a permanent body of men under good organization and military discipline, which never was nor will be the case with raw troops. a thousand arguments, resulting from experience and the nature of things, might also be adduced to prove that the army, if it is to depend upon state supplies, must disband or starve, and that taxation alone (especially at this late hour) cannot furnish the means to carry on the war. is it not time to retract from error and benefit by experience? or do we want further proof of the ruinous system we have pertinaciously adhered to?" while the respective armies were in the state of inaction to which we have just referred, the whole country was astounded by the discovery of arnold's treason. the details of this sad affair disclosed traits in the character of this officer which were previously unknown, and, by the public generally, unsuspected. the great service and military talents of general arnold, his courage in battle and patient fortitude under excessive hardships had secured to him a high place in the opinion of the army and of his country. not having sufficiently recovered from the wounds received before quebec and at saratoga to be fit for active service, and having large accounts to settle with the government, which required leisure, he was, on the evacuation of philadelphia in , appointed to the command in that place. unfortunately that strength of principle and correctness of judgment which might enable him to resist the various seductions to which his fame and rank exposed him in the metropolis of the union, were not associated with the firmness which he had displayed in the field and in the most adverse circumstances. yielding to the temptations of a false pride and forgetting that he did not possess the resources of private fortune, he indulged in the pleasures of a sumptuous table and expensive equipage, and soon swelled his debts to an amount which it was impossible for him to discharge. unmindful of his military character, he engaged in speculations which were unfortunate, and with the hope of immense profits took shares in privateers which were unsuccessful. his claims against the united states were great and he looked to them for the means of extricating himself from the embarrassments in which his indiscretions had involved him; but the commissioners to whom his accounts were referred for settlement had reduced them considerably, and on his appeal from their decision to congress, a committee reported that the sum allowed by the commissioners was more than he was entitled to receive. he was charged with various acts of extortion on the citizens of philadelphia, and with peculating on the public funds. [ ] not the less soured by these multiplied causes of irritation, from the reflection that they were attributable to his own follies and vices, he gave full scope to his resentments, and indulged himself in expressions of angry reproach against what he termed the ingratitude of his country, which provoked those around him, and gave great offense to congress. having become peculiarly odious to the government of pennsylvania, the executive of that state (president reed, formerly aid to washington) exhibited formal charges against him to congress, who directed that he should be arrested and brought before a court-martial. his trial was concluded late in january, , and he was sentenced to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief. this sentence was approved by congress and carried into execution. [ ] from the time the sentence against him was approved, if not sooner, his proud unprincipled spirit revolted from the cause of his country and determined him to seek an occasion to make the objects of his resentment the victims of his vengeance. turning his eyes on west point as an acquisition which would give value to treason and inflict a mortal wound on his former friends, he sought the command of that fortress for the purpose of gratifying both his avarice and his hate. to new york the safety of west point was peculiarly interesting, and in that state the reputation of arnold was particularly high. to its delegation he addressed himself; and one of its members had written a letter to washington, suggesting doubts respecting the military character of general robert howe, to whom its defense was then entrusted, and recommending arnold for that service. this request was not forgotten. some short time afterward general schuyler mentioned to washington a letter he had received from arnold intimating his wish to join the army, but stating his inability, in consequence of his wounds, to perform the active duties of the field. washington observed that, as there was a prospect of a vigorous campaign he should be gratified with the aid of general arnold--that so soon as the operations against new york should commence, he designed to draw his whole force into the field, leaving even west point to the care of invalids and a small garrison of militia. recollecting, however, the former application of a member of congress respecting this post, he added that "if, with this previous information, that situation would be more agreeable to him than a command in the field, his wishes should certainly be indulged." this conversation being communicated to arnold, he caught eagerly at the proposition, though without openly discovering any solicitude on the subject, and in the beginning of august ( ) repaired to camp, where he renewed the solicitations which had before been made indirectly. at this juncture clinton embarked on an expedition he meditated against rhode island, and washington was advancing on new york. he offered arnold the left wing of the army, which he declined under the pretexts mentioned in his letter to schuyler. incapable of suspecting a man who had given such distinguished proofs of courage and patriotism, washington was neither alarmed at his refusal to embrace so splendid an opportunity of recovering the favor of his countrymen nor at the embarrassment accompanying that refusal. pressing the subject no further, he assented to the request which had been made and invested arnold with the command of west point. previous to his soliciting this station arnold had, in a letter to colonel robinson, of the british army, signified his change of principles, and his wish to restore himself to the favor of his prince by some signal proof of his repentance. this letter opened the way to a correspondence with clinton, the immediate object of which, after obtaining the appointment he had solicited, was to concert the means of delivering the important post he commanded to the british general. major john andré, an aide-de-camp of clinton, and adjutant-general of the british army, was selected as the person to whom the maturing of arnold's treason, and the arrangements for its execution should be entrusted. a correspondence was carried on between them under a mercantile disguise in the feigned names of gustavus and anderson; and at length, to facilitate their communications, the vulture, sloop-of-war, moved up the north river and took a station convenient for the purpose, but not so near as to excite suspicion. the time when washington met rochambeau at hartford was selected for the final adjustment of the plan, and as a personal interview was deemed necessary andré came up the river and went on board the vulture. the house of a mr. smith, without the american posts, was appointed for the interview, and to that place both parties repaired in the night--andré being brought under a pass for john anderson in a boat dispatched from the shore. while the conference was yet unfinished, daylight approached, and to avoid discovery arnold proposed that andré should remain concealed until the succeeding night. they continued together during the day, and when, in the following night, his return to the vulture was proposed, the boatmen refused to carry him because she had shifted her station during the day, in consequence of a gun which was moved to the shore without the knowledge of arnold and brought to bear upon her. this embarrassing circumstance reduced him to the necessity of endeavoring to reach new york by land. to accomplish this purpose, he reluctantly yielded to the urgent representations of arnold, and laying aside his regimentals, which he had hitherto worn under a surtout, put on a plain suit of clothes and received a pass from arnold, authorizing him, under the name of john anderson, to proceed on the public service to white plains or lower if he thought proper. with this permit he had passed all the guards and posts on the road unsuspected and was proceeding to new york in perfect security, when one of three militiamen who [ ] [missing text] night, and the other troops lay on the field of battle with their arms in their hands. washington passed the night in his cloak in the midst of his soldiers. the british employed the early part of the morning in removing their wounded, and about midnight marched away in such silence that their retreat was not perceived until day. as it was certain that they must gain the high grounds about middletown before they could be overtaken, as the face of the country afforded no prospect of opposing their embarkation, and as the battle already fought had terminated in a manner to make a general impression favorable to the american arms, washington decided to relinquish the pursuit. leaving a detachment to hover about the british rear, the main body of the army moved towards the hudson. washington was highly gratified with the conduct of his troops in this action. their behavior, he said, after recovering from the first surprise occasioned by the unexpected retreat of the advanced corps, could not be surpassed. wayne he particularly mentioned, and spoke of the artillery in terms of high praise. the loss of the americans in the battle of monmouth was officers and privates killed, and about wounded. among the slain were lieutenant-colonel bonner, of pennsylvania, and major dickinson, of virginia, both of whom were much regretted. one hundred and thirty were missing, but a considerable number of these afterward rejoined their regiments. in his official letter, sir henry clinton states his dead and missing at officers and privates; his wounded, at officers and privates. this account, so far as it respects the dead, cannot be correct, as officers and privates were buried on the field by persons appointed for the purpose, who made their report to washington; and some few were afterward found, so as to increase the number to nearly . the uncommon heat of the day proved fatal to several on both sides. as usual, when a battle has not been decisive, both parties claimed the victory. in the early part of the day the advantage was certainly with the british; in the latter part it may be pronounced with equal certainty to have been with the americans. they maintained their ground, repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night and by the retreat of the hostile army from renewing the action, and suffered less in killed and wounded than their adversaries. it is true that sir henry clinton effected what he states to have been his principal object--the safety of his baggage. but when it is recollected that the american officers had decided against hazarding an action, that this advice must have trammeled the conduct and circumscribed the views of washington, he will be admitted to have effected no inconsiderable object in giving the american arms that appearance of superiority which was certainly acquired by this engagement. independent of the loss sustained in the action, the british army was considerably weakened in its march from philadelphia to new york. about prisoners were made, and near , soldiers, chiefly foreigners, deserted while passing through jersey. many of the soldiers had formed attachments in philadelphia, which occasioned their desertion. clinton's whole loss, including killed, wounded, prisoners, and deserters, amounted to at least , men. the conduct of lee was generally disapproved. as, however, he had possessed a large share of the confidence and good opinion of the commander-in-chief, it [missing text] were employed between the lines of the two armies, springing suddenly from his covert into the road, seized the reins of his bridle and stopped his horse. losing his accustomed self possession, andré, instead of producing the pass from arnold, asked the man hastily where he belonged. he replied, "to below," a term implying that he was from new york. "and so," said andré, not suspecting deception, "am i." he then declared himself to be a british officer on urgent business, and begged that he might not be detained. the appearance of the other militiamen disclosed his mistake too late to correct it. he offered a purse of gold and a valuable watch, with tempting promises of ample reward from his government if they would, permit him to escape; but his offers were rejected, and his captors proceeded to search him. they found concealed in his stockings, in arnold's handwriting, papers containing all the information which could be important respecting west point. when carried before lieutenant-colonel jameson, the officer commanding the scouting parties on the lines, he maintained his assumed character and requested jameson to inform his commanding officer that anderson was taken. jameson dispatched an express with this communication. on receiving it, arnold comprehended the full extent of his danger, and flying from well-merited punishment took refuge on board the vulture. when sufficient time for the escape of arnold was supposed to have elapsed, andré, no longer effecting concealment, acknowledged himself to be the adjutant-general of the british army. jameson, seeking to correct the mischief of his indiscreet communication to arnold, immediately dispatched a packet to the commander-in-chief containing the papers which had been discovered, with a letter from andré relating the manner of his capture and accounting for the disguise he had assumed. the express was directed to meet the commander-in-chief, who was then on his return from hartford, but, taking different roads, they missed each other, and a delay attended the delivery of the papers, which ensured the escape of arnold. washington, with generals lafayette and knox, had turned from the direct route in order to visit a redoubt. colonels hamilton and m'henry, the aides-de-camp of washington and lafayette, went forward to request mrs. arnold not to wait breakfast. arnold received andré's billet in their presence. he turned pale, left them suddenly, called his wife, communicated the intelligence to her, and left her in a swoon, without the knowledge of hamilton and m'henry. mounting the horse of his aide-de-camp, which was ready saddled, and directing him to inform washington on his arrival that arnold was gone to receive him at west point, he gained the river shore, and was conveyed in a canoe to the vulture. washington, on his arrival, was informed that arnold awaited him at west point. taking it for granted that this step had been taken to prepare for his reception he proceeded thither without entering the house, and was surprised to find that arnold was not arrived. on returning to the quarters of that officer he received jameson's dispatch which disclosed the whole mystery. every precaution was immediately taken for the security of west point, after which the attention of the commander-in-chief was turned to andré. a board of general officers, of which general greene was president, and lafayette and steuben were members, was called, to report a precise state of his case, and to determine the character in which he was to be considered, and the punishment to which he was liable. the frankness and magnanimity with which andré had conducted himself from the time of his appearance in his real character had made a very favorable impression on all those with whom he had held any intercourse. from this cause he experienced every mark of indulgent attention which was compatible with his situation, and, from a sense of justice as well as of delicacy, was informed, on the opening of the examination that he was at liberty not to answer any interrogatory which might embarrass his own feelings. but, as if only desirous to rescue his character from imputations which he dreaded more than death, he confessed everything material to his own condemnation, but would divulge nothing which might involve others. the board reported the essential facts which had appeared, with their opinion that major andré was a spy and ought to suffer death. the execution of this sentence was ordered to take place on the day succeeding that on which it was pronounced. superior to the terrors of death, but dreading disgrace, andré was deeply affected by the mode of execution which the laws of war decree to persons in his situation. he wished to die like a soldier not as a criminal. to obtain a mitigation of his sentence in this respect he addressed a letter to washington, replete with the feelings of a man of sentiment and honor. but the occasion required that the example should make its full impression, and this request could not be granted. he encountered his fate with composure and dignity, and his whole conduct interested the feelings of all who witnessed it. the general officers lamented the sentence which the usages of war compelled them to pronounce, and never perhaps did the commander-in-chief obey with more reluctance the stern mandates of duty and policy. the sympathy excited among the american officers by his fate was as universal as it is unusual on such occasions, and proclaims alike the merit of him who suffered, and the humanity of those who inflicted the punishment. great exertions were made by sir henry clinton, to whom andré was particularly dear, first, to have him considered as protected by a flag of truce, and afterward as a prisoner of war. even arnold had the hardihood to interpose. after giving a certificate of facts tending, as he supposed, to exculpate the prisoner, exhausting his powers of reasoning on the case, and appealing to the humanity of washington, he sought to intimidate that officer by stating the situation of many of the most distinguished individuals of south carolina, who had forfeited their lives, but had hitherto been spared through the clemency of the british general. this clemency, he said, could no longer be extended to them should major andré suffer. it may well be supposed that the interposition of arnold could have no influence on washington. he caused mrs. arnold to be conveyed to her husband in new york, and also transmitted his clothes and baggage, for which he had written, but in every other respect his letters, which were unanswered, were also unnoticed. the night after arnold's escape, when his letter respecting andré was received, the general directed one of his aides to wait on mrs. arnold, who was convulsed with grief, and inform her that he had done everything which depended on him to arrest her husband, but that, not having succeeded, it gave him pleasure to inform her that her husband was safe. it is honorable to the american character that, during the effervescence of the moment, mrs. arnold was permitted to go to philadelphia to take possession of her effects, and to proceed to new york under the protection of a flag without receiving the slightest insult. this treatment of mrs. arnold by washington is the more remarkable for its delicacy when we recollect that she was under very strong suspicions at the time of being actively concerned in the treason of her husband. historians are still divided on the question of her guilt or innocence. the mingled sentiments of admiration and compassion excited in every bosom for the unfortunate andré, seemed to increase the detestation in which arnold was held. "andré," said general washington in a private letter, "has met his fate with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and a gallant officer, but i am mistaken if at this time arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental hell. he wants feeling. from some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hardened in crime, so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that while his faculties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will be no time for remorse." the traits in his character above alluded to, were disclosed in a private letter from hamilton, who said: "this man (arnold) is in every sense despicable. in addition to the scene of knavery and prostitution during his command in philadelphia, which the late seizure of his papers has unfolded, the history of his command at west point is a history of little as well as great villainies. he practiced every dirty act of peculation, and even stooped to connections with the sutlers to defraud the public." [ ] from motives of policy, or of respect for his engagements, sir henry clinton conferred on arnold the commission of a brigadier-general in the british service, which he preserved throughout the war. yet it is impossible that rank could have rescued him from the contempt and detestation in which the generous, and honorable, and the brave could not cease to hold him. it was impossible for men of this description to bury the recollection of his being a traitor--a sordid traitor--first the slave of his rage, then purchased with gold, and finally secured at the expense of the blood of one of the most accomplished officers in the british army. his representations of the discontent of the country and of the army, concurring with reports from other quarters, had excited the hope that the loyalists and the dissatisfied, allured by british gold and the prospect of rank in the british service, would flock to his standard and form a corps at whose head he might again display his accustomed intrepidity. with this hope he published an address to the inhabitants of america in which he labored to palliate his own guilt, and to increase their dissatisfaction with the existing state of things. this appeal to the public was followed by a proclamation addressed "to the officers and soldiers of the continental army, who have the real interests of their country at heart, and who are determined to be no longer the tools and dupes of congress or of france." the object of this proclamation was to induce the officers and soldiers to desert the cause they had embraced from principle by holding up to them the very flattering offers of the british general, and contrasting the substantial emoluments of the british service with their present deplorable condition. he attempted to cover this dishonorable proposition with a decent garb, by representing the base step he invited them to take as the only measure which could restore peace, real liberty, and happiness to their country. these inducements did not produce their intended effect. although the temper of the army might be irritated by real suffering, and by the supposed neglect of government, no diminution of patriotism had been produced. through all the hardships, irritations, and vicissitudes of the war arnold remains the solitary instance of an american officer who abandoned the side first embraced in this civil contest, and turned his sword upon his former companions in arms. in the whole course of this affair of arnold's treason, washington, according to the habitually religious turn of his mind, distinctly recognized the hand of divine providence. writing to col. john laurens he says: "in no instance since the commencement of the war has the interposition of providence appeared more remarkably conspicuous than in the rescue of the post and garrison of west point from arnold's villainous perfidy. how far he meant to involve me in the catastrophe of this place does not appear by any indubitable evidence, and i am rather inclined to think he did not wish to hazard the more important object of his treachery by attempting to combine two events, the less of which might have marred the greater. a combination of extraordinary circumstances, an unaccountable deprivation of presence of mind in a man of the first abilities, and the virtue of three militiamen, threw the adjutant-general of the british forces, with full proofs of arnold's treachery, into our hands. but for the egregious folly, or the bewildered conception, of lieutenant-colonel jameson, who seemed lost in astonishment and not to know what he was doing, i should undoubtedly have got arnold." arnold, however, had not yet displayed the whole of his character. savage revenge and ruthless cruelty were yet to become apparent in his conduct as an officer in the british service. it seems to have been the design of providence that americans, in all ages, should learn to detest treason by seeing it exhibited in all its hideous deformity, in the person of "arnold, the traitor." [ ] . footnote: while washington was in winter quarters at morristown, he requested congress to send a committee to the camp, as had been previously done at valley forge, for the purpose of giving effect to the arrangements for the ensuing campaign, and drawing more expeditiously from the states their respective quotas of soldiers and supplies. general schuyler, who had retired from the army and was then in congress, was a member of this committee. he rendered essential service at this time by his judgment and experience. the committee remained in camp between two and three months. . footnote: it is pleasant to know that mrs. washington was at the head of this movement. dr. spencer says: "in all parts of the country the women displayed great zeal and activity, particularly in providing clothing for the soldiers. in philadelphia they formed a society, at the head of which was martha washington, wife of the commander-in-chief. this lady was as prudent in private affairs as her husband was in public. she alone presided over their domestic finances, and provided for their common household. thus it was owing to the talents and virtues of his wife, that washington could give himself wholly to the dictates of that patriotism which this virtuous pair mutually shared and reciprocally invigorated. mrs. washington, mrs. reed, mrs. bache, the daughter of dr. franklin, with the other ladies who had formed the society, themselves subscribed considerable sums for the public; and having exhausted their own means, they exerted their influence, and went from house to house to stimulate the liberality of others." . footnote: while these charges were hanging over his head, arnold courted and married miss shippen, a young lady, not yet eighteen, the daughter of mr. edward shippen, of philadelphia. . footnote: "our service,"--such were his words,--"is the chastest of all. even the shadow of a fault tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements. the least inadvertence may rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired. i reprimand you for having forgotten, that in proportion as you had rendered yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in your deportment toward your fellow-citizens. "exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the list of our most valued commanders. i will myself furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with opportunities of gaining the esteem of your country." . footnote: the names of these militiamen were john paulding, david williams, and isaac van wart. . footnote: "i am inclined to believe that arnold was a finished scoundrel from early manhood to his grave; nor do i believe that he had any real and true-hearted attachment to the whig cause. he fought as a mere adventurer, and took sides from a calculation of personal gain, and chances of plunder and advancement."--_sabine's "american loyalists_," p. . . footnote: on the third of november it was resolved, "that congress have a high sense of the virtuous and patriotic conduct of john paulding, david williams, and isaac van wart; in testimony whereof, ordered, that each of them receive annually $ in specie, or an equivalent in the current money of these states, during life, and that the board of war be directed to procure for each of them a silver medal, on one side of which shall be a shield, with this inscription--fidelity: and on the other, the following motto--vincit amor patiae, and forward them to the commander-in-chief, who is requested to present the same, with a copy of this resolution, and the thanks of congress for their fidelity, and the eminent service they have rendered their country." chapter xix. operations at the south. . although washington was aware that the british were aiming at the conquest of the southern states he still considered the middle states to be the main theater of war, and felt the necessity of reserving his main force for the defense of that portion of the union. he did not believe that the possession by the british of a few posts in the south would contribute much to the purposes of the war, and he sent no more troops to that part of the country than he could conveniently spare from the main army. writing to lafayette in paris, after the fall of savannah ( th march, ), he says: "nothing of importance has happened since you left us except the enemy's invasion of georgia and possession of its capital, which, though it may add something to their supplies on the score of provisions, will contribute very little to the brilliancy of their arms; for, like the defenseless island of st. lucia, [ ] it only required the appearance of force to effect the conquest of it, as the whole militia of the state did not exceed , men, and many of them disaffected. general lincoln is assembling a force to dispossess them, and my only fear is that he will precipitate the attempt before he is fully prepared for the execution." as early as september , general lincoln had been appointed to supersede gen. robert howe in the command of the southern army. lincoln had baffled the attempts of general prevost on south carolina, and had commanded the american forces in the unsuccessful siege of savannah, acting in concert with d'estaing. he was still in command at charleston when clinton, whose departure from new york on an expedition to the south we have already noticed, made his descent on south carolina. in this command at charleston general lincoln unfortunately labored under great disadvantages and discouragements. the failure of the attack on savannah (in which bombardment , lives were lost, count pulaski, the polish patriot, was mortally wounded, and the simple-hearted sergeant jasper died grasping the banner presented to his regiment at fort moultrie), with the departure of the french fleet from the coast of america, presented a gloomy prospect and was the forerunner of many calamities to the southern states. by their courage and vigor the northern provinces had repelled the attacks of the enemy and discouraged future attempts against them. and although having bravely defended sullivan's island, in , the southern colonists were latterly less successful than their victorious brethren in the north. the rapid conquest of georgia and the easy march of prevost to the very gates of charleston had a discouraging effect and naturally rendered the southern section vulnerable to attack. in the north the military operations of and had produced no important results, and, therefore, the late transactions in georgia and south carolina more readily attracted the attention of the british commander-in-chief to those states. savannah, the chief town of georgia, as we have already seen, was in the hands of the british troops, and had been successfully defended against a combined attack of the french and americans, and therefore sir henry clinton resolved to gain possession of charleston also, the capital of south carolina, which would give him the command of all the southern parts of the union. having made the necessary preparations he sailed, as we have seen, from new york on the th of december , under convoy of admiral arbuthnot, but did not arrive at savannah till the end of january ( ). the voyage was tempestuous; some of the transports and victuallers were lost, others shattered, and a few taken by the american cruisers. most of the cavalry and draught horses perished. one of the transports, which had been separated from the fleet and captured by the americans, was brought into charleston on the d of january, and the prisoners gave the first certain notice of the destination of the expedition. as soon as it was known that an armament was fitting out at new york many suspected that the southern states were to be assailed, and such was the unhappy posture of american affairs at that time, that no sanguine expectations of a successful resistance could be reasonably entertained. the magazines of the union were everywhere almost empty, and congress had neither money nor credit to replenish them. the army at morristown, under the immediate orders of washington, was threatened, as we have seen, with destruction by want of provisions, and consequently could neither act with vigor in the north, nor send reinforcements to the south. general lincoln, though aware of his danger,--was not in a condition to meet it. on raising the siege of savannah he had sent the troops of virginia to augusta; those of south carolina were stationed partly at sheldoa, opposite port royal, between thirty and forty miles north from savannah, and partly at fort moultrie, which had been allowed to fall into decay; those of north carolina were with general lincoln at charleston. all these detachments formed but a feeble force, and to increase it was not easy, for the colonial paper money was in a state of great depreciation; the militia, worn out by a harassing service, were reluctant again to repair to the standards of their country, and the brave defense of savannah had inspired the people of the southern provinces with intimidating notions of british valor. the patriotism of many of the colonists had evaporated; they contemplated nothing but the hardships and dangers of the contest and recoiled from the protracted struggle. in these discouraging circumstances congress recommended the people of south carolina to arm their slaves, a measure to which they were generally averse; although, had they been willing to comply with the recommendation, arms could not have been procured. washington had, as we have already seen, ordered the continental troops of north carolina and virginia to march to charleston, and four american frigates, two french ships of war; the one mounting twenty-six and the other eighteen guns, with the marine force of south carolina under commodore whipple, were directed to cooperate in the defense of the town. no more aid could be expected; yet, under these unpromising circumstances, a full house of assembly resolved to defend charleston to the last extremity. although clinton had embarked at new york on the th of december, , yet, as his voyage had been stormy and tedious, and as some time had been necessarily spent at savannah, it was the th of february, , before he landed on john's island, thirty miles south from charleston. had he even then marched rapidly upon the town he would probably have entered it without much opposition, but mindful of his repulse in his progress was marked by a wary circumspection. he proceeded by the islands of st. john and st. james, while part of his fleet advanced to blockade the harbor. he sent for a reinforcement from new york, ordered general prevost to join him with , men from savannah, and neglected nothing that could insure success. general lincoln was indefatigable in improving the time which the slow progress of the royal army afforded him. six hundred slaves were employed in constructing or repairing the fortifications of the town; vigorous though not very successful measures were taken to bring the militia into the field; and all the small detachments of regular troops were assembled in the capital. the works which had been begun on charleston neck when general prevost threatened the place were resumed. a chain of redoubts, lines, and batteries was formed between the cooper and ashley rivers. in front of each flank the works were covered by swamps extending from the rivers; those opposite swamps were connected by a canal; between the canal and the works were two strong rows of abattis, and a ditch double picketed, with deep holes at short distances, to break the columns in case of an assault. toward the water, works were thrown up at every place where a landing was practicable. the vessels intended to defend the bar of the harbor having been found insufficient for that purpose, their guns were taken out and planted on the ramparts, and the seamen were stationed at the batteries. one of the ships, which was not dismantled, was placed in the cooper river to assist the batteries, and several vessels were sunk at the mouth of the channel to prevent the entrance of the royal fleet. lincoln intended that the town should be defended until such reinforcements would arrive from the north as, together with the militia of the state, would compel clinton to raise the siege. as the regular troops in the town did not exceed , , a council of war found that the garrison was too weak to spare detachments to obstruct the progress of the royal army. only a small party of cavalry and some light troops were ordered to hover on its left flank and observe its motions. while these preparations for defense were going on in charleston the british army was cautiously but steadily advancing toward the town. as he proceeded clinton erected forts and formed magazines at proper stations, and was careful to secure his communications with those forts and with the sea. all the horses of the british army had perished in the tedious and stormy voyage from new york to savannah, but on landing in south carolina clinton procured others to mount his dragoons, whom he formed into a light corps, under the command of lieutenant-colonel tarleton. that officer was extremely active in covering the left wing of the army and in dispersing the militia. in one of his excursions he fell in with lieut.-col. william washington, who commanded the remnant of baylor's regiment, and who beat him back with loss. on the th of march ( ) the british fleet, under admiral arbuthnot, consisting of ship of guns, of each, of each, and an armed vessel, passed the bar in front of rebellion road, and anchored in five fathom hole. it being now thought impossible to prevent the fleet from passing fort moultrie, and taking such stations in cooper river as would enable them to rake the batteries on shore, and to close that communication between the town and country, the plan of defense was once more changed, and the armed vessels were carried into the mouth of cooper river, and sunk in a line from the town to shute's folly. this was the critical moment for evacuating the town. the loss of the harbor rendered the defense of the place, if not desperate, so improbable, that the hope to maintain it could not have been rationally entertained by a person who was not deceived by the expectation of aids much more considerable than were actually received. when this state of things was communicated to washington by lieutenant-colonel laurens he said in reply: "the impracticability of defending the bar, i fear, amounts to the loss of the town and garrison. at this distance it is impossible to judge for you. i have the greatest confidence in general lincoln's prudence, but it really appears to me that the propriety of attempting to defend the town depended on the probability of defending the bar, and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been relinquished. in this, however, i suspend a definitive judgment, and wish you to consider what i say as confidential." unfortunately this letter did not arrive in time to influence the conduct of the besieged. on the th of april ( ), admiral arbuthnot, taking advantage of a strong southerly wind and a flowing tide, passed fort moultrie [ ] and anchored just without reach of the guns of charleston. the fort kept up a heavy fire on the fleet while passing which did some damage to the ships and killed or wounded twenty-seven men. on the th of march the royal army reached ashley river and crossed it ten miles above the town without opposition, the garrison being too weak to dispute the passage. sir henry clinton having brought over his artillery, baggage, and stores marched down charleston neck, and on the night of the st of april, broke ground at the distance of yards from the american works. the fortifications of charleston were constructed under the direction of mr. laumoy, a french engineer of reputation in the american service, and, although not calculated to resist a regular siege, were by no means contemptible; and clinton made his approaches in due form. meanwhile the garrison received a reinforcement of continentals under general woodford, and, after this accession of strength, amounted to somewhat more than , regular troops, besides , militia of north carolina, and the citizens of charleston. on the th of april ( ) clinton finished his first parallel, forming an oblique line between the two rivers, from to , yards from the american works, and mounted his guns in battery. he then, jointly with the admiral, summoned lincoln to surrender the town. lincoln's answer was modest and firm: "sixty days," said he, "have passed since it has been known that your intentions against this town were hostile, in which time was afforded to abandon it, but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity." on receiving this answer clinton immediately opened his batteries, and his fire was soon felt to be superior to that of the besieged. hitherto the communication with the country north of the cooper was open and a post was established to prevent the investiture of the town on that side. after the summons, governor rutledge, with half of his council, left the town for the purpose of exercising the functions of the executive government in the state, and in the hope of being able to bring a large body of the militia to act on the rear or left flank of the besieging army, but the militia were as little inclined to embody themselves as to enter the town. for the purpose of maintaining the communication with the country north of the cooper, of checking the british foragers, and of protecting supplies on their way to the town, the american cavalry, under general huger, had passed the river and taken post at monk's corner, thirty miles above charleston. posts of militia were established between the cooper and santee and at a ferry on the last-named river, where boats were ordered to be collected in order to facilitate the passage of the garrison, if it should be found necessary to evacuate the town. but clinton defeated all these precautions. for as the possession of the harbor rendered the occupation of the forts to the southward unnecessary, he resolved to call in the troops which had been employed in that quarter, to close the communication of the garrison with the country to the northward, and to complete the investiture of the town. for these purposes, as the fleet was unable to enter the cooper river, he deemed it necessary to dislodge the american posts and employed tarleton to beat up the quarters of general huger's cavalry at monk's corner. conducted during the night by a negro slave through unfrequented paths, tarleton proceeded toward the american post, and, although general huger had taken the precaution of placing sentinels a mile in front of his station and of keeping his horses saddled and bridled, yet tarleton advanced so rapidly that, notwithstanding the alarm was given by the outposts, he began the attack before the americans could put themselves in a posture of defense, killed or took about thirty of them, and dispersed the rest. general huger, colonel washington, and many others made good their retreat through the woods. such as escaped concealed themselves for several days in the swamps. the horses taken by the british fell very seasonably into their hands, as they were not well mounted. after this decisive blow it was some time before any armed party of the americans ventured to show themselves south of the santee. that part of the country was laid open to the british, who established posts in such a way as completely to enclose the garrison. the arrival of , men from new york greatly increased the strength of the besiegers. the second parallel was completed, and it daily became more apparent that the garrison must ultimately submit. an evacuation of the town was proposed and lincoln seems to have been favorable to the measure, but the garrison could scarcely have escaped, and the principal inhabitants entreated the general not to abandon them to the fury of the enemy. the british troops on the north of the cooper were increased, and cornwallis was appointed to command in that quarter. on the th april ( ) general lincoln again called a council of war to deliberate on the measures to be adopted. the council recommended a capitulation; terms were offered, but rejected, and hostilities recommenced. after the besiegers had begun their third parallel, colonel henderson made a vigorous sally on their right, which was attended with some success; but, owing to the weakness of the garrison, this was the only attempt of the kind during the siege. after the fleet passed it, fort moultrie became of much less importance than before, and part of the garrison was removed to charleston. the admiral, perceiving the unfinished state of the works on the west side, prepared to storm it. on the th of may, everything being ready for the assault, he summoned the garrison, consisting of men, who, being convinced of their inability to defend the place, surrendered themselves prisoners of war without firing a gun. on the same day the cavalry which had escaped from monk's corner, and which had reassembled under the command of colonel white, were again surprised and defeated by colonel tarleton. after cornwallis had passed the cooper and made himself master of the peninsula between that river and the santee, he occasionally sent out small foraging parties. apprised of that circumstance, colonel white repassed the santee, fell in with and took one of those parties, and dispatched an express to colonel buford, who commanded a regiment of new levies from virginia, requesting him to cover his retreat across the santee at lanneau's ferry, where he had ordered some boats to be collected to carry his party over the river. colonel white reached the ferry before buford's arrival, and, thinking himself in no immediate danger, halted to refresh his party. cornwallis, having received notice of his incursion, dispatched tarleton in pursuit, who, overtaking him a few minutes after he had halted, instantly charged him, killed or took about thirty of the party, and dispersed the rest. charleston was now completely invested, all hopes of assistance had been cruelly disappointed, and the garrison and inhabitants were left to their own resources. the troops were exhausted by incessant duty and insufficient to man the lines. many of the guns were dismounted, the shot nearly expended, and the bread and meat almost entirely consumed. the works of the besiegers were pushed very near the defenses of the town, and the issue of an assault was extremely hazardous to the garrison and inhabitants. in these critical circumstances, general lincoln summoned a council of war, which recommended a capitulation. terms were accordingly proposed, offering to surrender the town and garrison on condition that the militia and armed citizens should not be prisoners of war, but should be allowed to return home without molestation. these terms were refused, hostilities were recommenced, and preparations for an assault were in progress. the citizens, who had formerly remonstrated against the departure of the garrison, now became clamorous for a surrender. in this hopeless state lincoln offered to give up the place on the terms which clinton had formerly proposed. the offer was accepted and the capitulation was signed on the th of may ( ). the town and fortifications, the shipping, artillery, and all public stores were to be given up as they then were; the garrison, consisting of the continental troops, militia, sailors, and citizens who had borne arms during the siege, were to be prisoners of war; the garrison were to march out of the town and lay down their arms in front of the works, but their drums were not to beat a british march, and their colors were not to be uncased; the continental troops and sailors were to be conducted to some place afterward to be agreed on, where they were to be well supplied with wholesome provisions until exchanged; the militia were to be allowed to go home on parole; the officers were to retain their arms, baggage, and servants, and they might sell their horses, but were not permitted to take them out of charleston; neither the persons nor property of the militia or citizens were to be molested so long as they kept their parole. [ ] on these terms the garrison of charleston marched out and laid down their arms, and general leslie was appointed by clinton to take possession of the town. the siege was more obstinate than bloody. the besiegers had men killed and wounded; the besieged had killed and wounded; about of the inhabitants were killed in their houses by random shots. the number of prisoners reported by clinton amounted to upward of , , exclusive of sailors, but in that return all the freemen of the town capable of bearing arms, as well as the continental soldiers and militia, were included. the number of continental troops in the town amounted only to , , about of whom were in the hospital. the effective strength of the garrison was between , and , men. the besieging army consisted of about , of the best of the british troops. after the british got possession of the town the arms taken from the americans, amounting to , stand, were lodged in a laboratory near a large quantity of cartridges and loose powder. by incautiously snapping the muskets and pistols the powder ignited and blew up the house, and the burning fragments, which were scattered in all directions, set fire to the workhouse, jail, and old barracks, and consumed them. the british guard stationed at the place, consisting of fifty men, was destroyed, and about as many other persons lost their lives on the disastrous occasion. clinton carried on the siege in a cautious but steady and skilful manner. lincoln was loaded with undeserved blame by many of his countrymen, for he conducted the defense as became a brave and intelligent officer. the error lay in attempting to defend the town, but, in the circumstances in which lincoln was placed, he was almost unavoidably drawn into that course. it was the desire of the state that the capital should be defended, and congress, as well as north and south carolina, had encouraged him to expect that his army would be increased to , men--a force which might have successfully resisted all the efforts of the royal army. but neither congress nor the carolinas were able to fulfill the promises which they had made, for the militia were extremely backward in taking the field, and the expected number of continentals could not be furnished. lincoln, therefore, was left to defend the place with only about one-third of the force which he had been encouraged to expect. at any time before the middle of april he might have evacuated the town, but the civil authority then opposed his retreat, which soon afterward became difficult, and ultimately impracticable. at general lincoln's request congress passed a resolve directing the commander-in-chief to cause an inquiry to be made concerning the loss of charleston and the conduct of general lincoln while commanding in the southern department. washington, who knew lincoln's merit well, determined to give congress time for reflection before adopting any measure which had the least appearance of censure. the following extract from his letter to the president of congress ( th july, ) points out clearly the impropriety of the hasty proceedings which had been proposed in regard to this able and deserving officer: "at this time," washington writes, "i do not think that the circumstances of the campaign would admit, at any rate, an inquiry to be gone into respecting the loss of charleston, but, if it were otherwise, i do not see that it could be made so as to be completely satisfactory either to general lincoln or to the public, unless some gentlemen could be present who have been acting in that quarter. this, it seems, would be necessary on the occasion, and the more so as i have not a single document or paper in my possession concerning the department, and a copy of the instructions and orders which they may have been pleased to give general lincoln from time to time and of their correspondence. and besides the reasons against the inquiry at this time, general lincoln being a prisoner of war, his situation, it appears to me, must preclude one till he is exchanged, supposing every other obstacle were out of the question. if congress think proper, they will be pleased to transmit to me such papers as they may have which concern the matters of inquiry, that there may be no delay in proceeding in the business when other circumstances will permit." the fall of charleston was matter of much exultation to the british and spread a deep gloom over the aspect of american affairs. the southern army was lost, and, although small, it could not soon be replaced. in the southern parts of the union there had always been a considerable number of persons friendly to the claims of britain. the success of her arms roused all their lurking partialities, gave decision to the conduct of the wavering, encouraged the timid, drew over to the british cause all those who are ever ready to take part with the strongest, and discouraged and intimidated the friends of congress. clinton was perfectly aware of the important advantage which he had gained, and resolved to keep up and deepen the impression on the public mind by the rapidity of his movements and the appearance of his troops in different parts of the country. for that purpose he sent a strong detachment under cornwallis over the santee toward the frontier of north carolina. he dispatched an inferior force into the center of the province, and sent a third up the savannah to augusta. these detachments were instructed to disperse any small parties that still remained in arms, and to show the people that the british troops were complete masters of south carolina and georgia. soon after passing the santee, cornwallis was informed that colonel buford was lying, with men, in perfect security, near the border of north carolina. he immediately dispatched colonel tarleton, with his cavalry, named the legion, to surprise that party. after performing a march of miles in fifty-four hours, tarleton, at the head of men, overtook buford on his march, at the waxhaws, and ordered him to surrender, offering him the same terms which had been granted to the garrison of charleston. on buford's refusal, tarleton instantly charged the party, who were dispirited and unprepared for such an onset. most of them threw down their arms and made no resistance, but a few continued firing, and an indiscriminate slaughter ensued of those who had submitted as well as of those who had resisted. many begged for quarter, but no quarter was given. tarleton's quarter became proverbial throughout the union and certainly rendered some subsequent conflicts more fierce and bloody than they would otherwise have been. buford and a few horsemen forced their way through the enemy and escaped; some of the infantry, also, who were somewhat in advance, saved themselves by flight, but the regiment was almost annihilated. tarleton stated that were killed on the spot, left on parole, so badly wounded that they could not be removed, and brought away as prisoners. so feeble was the resistance made by the americans that the british had only men killed and wounded. the slaughter on this occasion excited much indignation in america. the british endeavored to justify their conduct by asserting that the americans resumed their arms after having pretended to submit, but such of the american officers as escaped from the carnage denied the allegation. for this exploit, tarleton was highly praised by cornwallis. after the defeat of buford there were no parties in south carolina or georgia capable of resisting the royal detachments. the force of congress in those provinces seemed annihilated and the spirit of opposition among the inhabitants was greatly subdued. many, thinking it vain to contend against a power which they were unable to withstand, took the oath of allegiance to the king or gave their parole not to bear arms against him. in order to secure the entire submission of that part of the country, military detachments were stationed at the most commanding points, and measures were pursued for settling the civil administration and for consolidating the conquest of the provinces. so fully was clinton convinced of the subjugation of the country and of the sincere submission of the inhabitants, or of their inability to resist, that, on the d of june ( ), he issued a proclamation, in which, after stating that all persons should take an active part in settling and securing his majesty's government and in delivering the country from that anarchy which for some time had prevailed, he discharged from their parole the militia who were prisoners, except those only who had been taken in charleston and fort moultrie, and restored them to all the rights and duties of inhabitants; he also declared that such as should neglect to return to their allegiance should be treated as enemies and rebels. this proclamation was unjust and impolitic. proceeding on the supposition that the people of those provinces were subdued rebels, restored by an act of clemency to the privileges and duties of citizens, and forgetting that for upward of four years they had been exercising an independent authority, and that the issue of the war only could stamp on them the character of patriots or rebels. it might easily have been foreseen that the proclamation was to awaken the resentment and alienate the affections of those to whom it was addressed. many of the colonists had submitted in the fond hope of being released, under the shelter of the british government, from that harassing service to which they had lately been exposed, and of being allowed to attend to their own affairs in a state of peaceful tranquility; but the proclamation dissipated this delusion and opened their eyes to their real situation. neutrality and peace were what they desired, but neutrality and peace were denied them. if they did not range themselves under the standards of congress, they must, as british subjects, appear as militia in the royal service. the people sighed for peace, but, on finding that they must fight on one side or the other, they preferred the banners of their country and thought they had as good a right to violate the allegiance and parole which clinton had imposed on them as he had to change their state from that of prisoners to that of british subjects without their consent. they imagined that the proclamation released them from all antecedent obligations. not a few, without any pretense of reasoning on the subject, deliberately resolved to act a deceitful part and to make professions of submission and allegiance to the british government so long as they found it convenient, but with the resolution of joining the standards of their country on the first opportunity. such duplicity and falsehood ought always to be reprobated, but the unsparing rapacity with which the inhabitants were plundered made many of them imagine that no means of deception and vengeance were unjustifiable. hitherto the french fleets and troops had not afforded much direct assistance to the americans, but they had impeded and embarrassed the operations of the british commander-in-chief. he had intended to sail against charleston so early as the month of september, , but the unexpected appearance of count d'estaing on the southern coast had detained him at new york till the latter part of december. it was his intention, after the reduction of charleston, vigorously to employ the whole of his force in the subjugation of the adjacent provinces, but information, received about the time of the surrender of the town, that monsieur de ternay, with a fleet and troops from france, was expected on the american coast, deranged his plan and induced him to return to new york with the greater part of his army, leaving cornwallis at the head of , men to prosecute the southern conquests. clinton sailed from charleston on the th of june. after the reduction of charleston and the entire defeat of all the american detachments in those parts, an unusual calm ensued for six weeks. imagining that south carolina and georgia were reannexed to the british empire in sentiment as well as in appearance, cornwallis now meditated an attack on north carolina. impatient, however, as he was of repose, he could not carry his purpose into immediate execution. the great heat, the want of magazines, and the impossibility of subsisting his army in the field before harvest, compelled him to pause. but the interval was not lost. he distributed his troops in such a manner in south carolina and the upper parts of georgia as seemed most favorable to the enlistment of young men who could be prevailed on to join the royal standard; he ordered companies of royal militia to be formed; and he maintained a correspondence with such of the inhabitants of north carolina as were friendly to the british cause. he informed them of the necessity he was under of postponing the expedition into their country, and advised them to attend to their harvest and to remain quiet till the royal army advanced to support them. eager, however, to manifest their zeal and entertaining sanguine hopes of success, certain tories disregarded his salutary advice and broke out into premature insurrections, which were vigorously resisted and generally suppressed by the patriots, who were the more numerous and determined party. but one band of tories, amounting to men, under a colonel bryan, marched down the yadkin to a british post at the cheraws and afterward reached camden. the people of north carolina were likely to prove much more intractable than those of south carolina and georgia. they were chiefly descendants of scotch-irish settlers--stern presbyterians and ardent lovers of liberty. when tryon was their governor, they had resisted his tyranny under the name of regulators, and at mecklenburg had published a declaration of independence more than a year before congress took the same attitude of defiance. such were the north carolinians; and their state was destined to be the scene of many battles in which the power of britain was bravely resisted. having made the necessary dispositions cornwallis entrusted the command on the frontier to lord rawdon and returned to charleston in order to organize the civil government of the province and to establish such regulations as circumstances required. but cornwallis showed himself more a soldier than a politician, and more a tyrant than either. instead of endeavoring to regain, by kindness and conciliation, the good will of a people whose affections were alienated from the cause in which he was engaged, cornwallis attempted to drive them into allegiance by harshness and severity. indeed, many of the british officers viewed the americans merely in the light of rebels and traitors, whose lives it was indulgence to spare; treated them not only with injustice, but with insolence and insult more intolerable than injustice itself; and exercised a rigor which greatly increases the miseries without promoting the legitimate purposes of war. by the capitulation of charleston, the citizens were prisoners on parole, but successive proclamations were published, each abridging the privileges of prisoners more than that which had gone before. a board of police was established for the administration of justice, and before that board british subjects were allowed to sue for debts, but prisoners were denied that privilege; they were liable to prosecution for debts, but had no security for what was owing them, except the honor of their debtors, and that, in many instances, was found a feeble guarantee. if they complained they were threatened with close confinement; numbers were imprisoned in the town and others consigned to dungeons at a distance from their families. in short, every method, except that of kindness and conciliation, was resorted to in order to compel the people to become british subjects. a few, who had always been well affected to the royal cause, cheerfully returned to their allegiance, and many followed the same course from convenience. to abandon their families and estates and encounter all the privations of fugitives required a degree of patriotism and fortitude which few possessed. in that melancholy posture of american affairs, many of the ladies of charleston displayed a remarkable degree of zeal and intrepidity in the cause of their country. they gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies, and declined invitations to public entertainments given by the british officers, but crowded to prison ships and other places of confinement to solace their suffering countrymen. while they kept back from the concerts and assemblies of the victors they were forward in showing sympathy and kindness toward american officers whenever they met them. they exhorted their brothers, husbands, and sons to an unshrinking endurance in behalf of their country, and cheerfully became the inmates of their prison and the companions of their exile--voluntarily renouncing affluence and ease and encountering labor, penury, and privation. for some time the rigorous measures of the british officers in south carolina seemed successful and a deathlike stillness prevailed in the province. the clangor of arms ceased and no enemy to british authority appeared. the people of the lower parts of south carolina were generally attached to the revolution, but many of their most active leaders were prisoners. the fall of charleston and the subsequent events had sunk many into despondency, and all were overawed. this gloomy stillness continued about six weeks when the symptoms of a gathering storm began to show themselves. the oppression and insults to which the people were exposed highly exasperated them; they repented the apathy with which they had seen the siege of charleston carried on, and felt that the fall of their capital, instead of introducing safety and rural tranquility, as they had fondly anticipated, was only the forerunner of insolent exactions and oppressive services. peaceful and undisturbed neutrality was what they desired and what they had expected; but when they found themselves compelled to fight, they chose to join the provincial banners, and the most daring only waited an opportunity to show their hostility to their new masters. such an opportunity soon presented itself. in the end of march ( ) washington dispatched the troops of maryland and delaware, with a regiment of artillery, under the baron de kalb, to reinforce the southern army. that detachment met with many obstructions in its progress southward. such was the deranged state of the american finances that it could not be put in motion when the order was given. after setting out it marched through jersey and pennsylvania, embarked at the head of elk river, was conveyed by water to petersburgh in virginia, and proceeded thence towards the place of its destination. but as no magazines had been provided, and as provisions could with difficulty be obtained, the march of the detachment through north carolina was greatly retarded. instead of advancing rapidly, the troops were obliged to spread themselves over the country in small parties, in order to collect corn and to get it ground for their daily subsistence. in this way they proceeded slowly through the upper and more fertile parts of north carolina to hillsborough, and were preparing to march by cross creek to salisbury, where they expected to be joined by the militia of north carolina. the approach of this detachment, together with information that great exertions were making to raise troops in virginia, encouraged the irritation which the rigorous measures of the british officers had occasioned in south carolina; and numbers of the inhabitants of that state, who had fled from their homes and taken refuge in north carolina and virginia, informed of the growing discontents in their native state, and relying on the support of regular troops, assembled on the frontier of north carolina. about of these refugees chose colonel sumter, an old continental officer, called by his comrades the "gamecock," as their leader. on the advance of the british into the upper parts of south carolina, this gentleman had fled into north carolina, but had left his family behind. soon after his departure a british party arrived, turned his wife and family out of door, and burned his house and everything in it. this harsh and unfeeling treatment excited his bitterest resentment, which operated with the more virulence by being concealed under the fair veil of patriotism. at the head of his little band, without money or magazines, and but ill provided with arms and ammunition, sumter made an irruption into south carolina. iron implements of husbandry were forged by common blacksmiths into rude weapons of war; and pewter dishes, procured from private families and melted down, furnished part of their supply of balls. this little band skirmished with the royal militia and with small parties of regular troops, sometimes successfully, and always with the active courage of men fighting for the recovery of their property. sometimes they engaged when they had not more than three rounds of shot each, and occasionally some of them were obliged to keep at a distance till, by the fall of friends or foes, they could be furnished with arms and ammunition. when successful, the field of battle supplied them with materials for the next encounter. this party soon increased to men, and, encouraged by its daring exertions, a disposition manifested itself throughout south carolina again to appeal to arms. some companies of royal militia, embodied under the authority of cornwallis, deserted to sumter and ranged themselves under his standard. cornwallis beheld this change with surprise: he had thought the conflict ended, and the southern provinces completely subdued; but, to his astonishment, saw that past victories were unavailing, and that the work yet remained to be accomplished. he was obliged to call in his outposts and to form his troops into larger bodies. but cornwallis was soon threatened by a more formidable enemy than sumter, who, though an active and audacious leader, commanded only an irregular and feeble band, and was capable of engaging only in desultory enterprises. congress, sensible of the value and importance of the provinces which the british had overrun, made every effort to reinforce the southern army; and, fully aware of the efficacy of public opinion and of the influence of high reputation, on the th of june ( ) appointed general gates to command it. he had acquired a splendid name by his triumphs over burgoyne, and the populace, whose opinions are formed by appearances and fluctuate with the rumors of the day, anticipated a success equally brilliant. [ ] on receiving notice of his appointment to the command of the southern army, gates, who had been living in retirement on his estate in virginia, proceeded southward without delay, and on the th of july ( ) reached the camp at buffalo ford, on deep river, where he was received by de kalb with respect and cordiality. the army consisted of about , men, and considerable reinforcements of militia from north carolina and virginia were expected. in order that he might lead his troops through a more plentiful country, and for the purpose of establishing magazines and hospitals at convenient points, de kalb had resolved to turn out of the direct road to camden. but gates, in opposition to de kalb's advice, determined to pursue the straight route toward the british encampment, although it lay through a barren country, which afforded but a scanty subsistence to its inhabitants. on the th of july ( ) he put his army in motion and soon experienced the difficulties and privations which de kalb had been desirous to avoid. the army was obliged to subsist chiefly on poor cattle, accidentally found in the woods, and the supply of all kinds of food was very limited. meal and corn were so scarce that the men were compelled to use unripe corn and peaches instead of bread. that insufficient diet, together with the intense heat and unhealthy climate, engendered disease, and threatened the destruction of the army. gates at length emerged from the inhospitable region of pine-barrens, sand hills, and swamps, and, after having effected a junction with general caswell, at the head of the militia of north carolina, and a small body of troops under lieutenant-colonel porterfield, he arrived at clermont, or rugely's mills, on the th of august ( ), and next day was joined by the militia of virginia, amounting to men, under general stevens. on the day after gates arrived at rugley's mills, he received an express from sumter, stating that a number of the militia of south carolina had joined him on the west side of the wateree, and that an escort of clothes, ammunition, and other stores for the garrison at camden was on its way from ninety-six and must pass the wateree at a ford covered by a small fort nor far from camden. gates immediately detached regular infantry and militia of north carolina to reinforce sumter, whom he ordered to reduce the fort and intercept the convoy. meanwhile he advanced nearer camden, with the intention of taking a position about seven miles from that place. for that purpose he put his army in motion at in the evening of the th of august, having sent his sick, heavy baggage, and military stores not immediately wanted, under a guard to waxhaws. on the march colonel armand's [ ] legion composed the van; porterfield's light infantry, reinforced by a company of picked men from stevens' brigade, marching in indian files, two hundred yards from the road, covered the right flank of the legion, while major armstrong's light infantry of north carolina militia, reinforced in like manner by general caswell, in the same order, covered the left. the maryland division, followed by the north carolina and virginia militia, with the artillery, composed the main body and rear guard; and the volunteer cavalry were equally distributed on the flanks of the baggage. the american army did not exceed , men, only about of whom were regular troops, and cavalry. on the advance of gates into south carolina, lord rawdon had called in his outposts, and concentrated his force at camden. informed of the appearance of the american army, and of the general defection of the country between the pedee and the black river, cornwallis quitted charleston and repaired to camden, where he arrived on the same day that gates reached clermont. the british force was reduced by sickness, and cornwallis could not assemble more than two thousand men at camden. that place, though advantageous in other respects, was not well adapted for resisting an attack; and as the whole country was rising against him, cornwallis felt the necessity of either retreating to charleston, or of instantly striking a decisive blow. if he remained at camden, his difficulties would daily increase, his communication with charleston be endangered, and the american army acquire additional strength. a retreat to charleston would be the signal for the whole of south carolina and georgia to rise in arms; his sick and magazines must be left behind; and the whole of the two provinces, except the towns of charleston and savannah, abandoned. the consequences of such a movement would be nearly as fatal as a defeat. cornwallis, therefore, although he believed the american army considerably stronger than what it really was, determined to hazard a battle; and, at at night, on the th of august, the very hour when gates proceeded from rugely's mills, about thirteen miles distant, he marched towards the american camp. about in the morning of the th of august ( ) the advanced guards of the hostile armies unexpectedly met in the woods, and the firing instantly began. some of the cavalry of the american advanced guard being wounded by the first discharge, the party fell back in confusion, broke the maryland regiment which was at the head of the column, and threw the whole line of the army into consternation. from that first impression, deepened by the gloom of night, the raw and ill-disciplined militia seem not to have recovered. in the reencounter several prisoners were taken on each side, and from them the opposing generals acquired a more exact knowledge of circumstances than they had hitherto possessed. several skirmishes happened during the night, which merely formed a prelude to the approaching battle, and gave the commanders some notion of the position of the hostile armies. cornwallis, perceiving that the americans were on ground of no great extent, with morasses on their right and left, so that they could not avail themselves of their superior numbers to outflank his little army, impatiently waited for the returning light, which would give every advantage to his disciplined troops. [ ] both armies prepared for the conflict. cornwallis formed his men in two divisions; that on the right was under the command of lieutenant-colonel webster, that on the left under lord rawdon. in front were four field pieces. the seventy-first regiment, with two cannon, formed the reserve; and the cavalry, about in number, were in the rear, ready to act as circumstances might require. in the american army the second maryland brigade, under general gist, formed the right of the line; the militia of north carolina, commanded by general caswell, occupied the center; and the militia of virginia, with the light infantry and colonel armand's corps, composed the left; the artillery was placed between the divisions. the first maryland brigade was stationed as a reserve or yards in the rear. baron de kalb commanded on the right; the militia generals were at the head of their respective troops, and general gates resolved to appear wherever his presence might be most useful. at dawn of day cornwallis ordered lieutenant-colonel webster, with the british right wing, to attack the american left. as webster advanced he was assailed by a desultory discharge of musketry from some volunteer militia who had advanced in front of their countrymen, but the british soldiers, rushing through that loose fire, charged the american line with a shout. the militia instantly threw down their arms and fled, many of them without even discharging their muskets, and all the efforts of the officers were unable to rally them. a great part of the center division, composed of the militia of north carolina, imitated the example of their comrades of virginia; few of either of the divisions fired a shot, and still fewer carried their arms off the field. tarleton with his legion pursued and eagerly cut down the unresisting fugitives. gates, with some of the militia general officers, made several attempts to rally them, but in vain. the further they fled the more they dispersed, and gates in despair hastened with a few friends to charlotte, eighty miles from the field of battle. de kalb at the head of the continentals, being abandoned by the militia, which had constituted the center and left wing of the army, and being forsaken by the general also, was exposed to the attack of the whole british army. de kalb and his troops, however, instead of imitating the disgraceful example of their brethren in arms, behaved with a steady intrepidity and defended themselves like men. rawdon attacked them about the time when webster broke the left wing, but the charge was firmly received and steadily resisted, and the conflict was maintained for some time with equal obstinacy on both sides. the american reserve covered the left of de kalb's division, but its own left flank was entirely exposed by the flight of the militia, and, therefore, webster, after detaching some cavalry and light troops in pursuit of the fugitive militia, with the remainder of his division attacked them at once in front and flank. a severe contest ensued. the americans, in a great measure intermingled with british, maintained a desperate conflict. cornwallis brought his whole force to bear upon them; they were at length broken and began to retreat in confusion. the brave de kalb, while making a vigorous charge at the head of a body of his men, fell pierced with eleven wounds. his aide-de-camp, lieutenant-colonel de buysson, embraced the fallen general, announced his rank and nation to the surrounding enemy, and while thus generously exposing his own life to save his bleeding friend, he received several severe wounds, and was taken prisoner with him. de kalb met with all possible attention and assistance from the victorious enemy, but that gallant officer expired in a few hours. congress afterward ordered a monument to be erected to his memory. never was victory more complete or defeat more total. every regiment was broken and dispersed through the woods, marshes, and brushwood, which at once saved them from their pursuers and separated them more entirely from each other. the officers lost sight of their men and every individual endeavored to save himself in the best way he was able. the british cavalry pursued; and for many miles the roads were strewed with the wrecks of a ruined army. wagons or fragments of wagons, arms, dead or maimed horses, dead or wounded soldiers, were everywhere seen. general rutherford, of the north carolina militia, was made prisoner, but the other general officers reached charlotte at different times and by different routes. about wagons, a great part of the baggage, military stores, small arms, and all the artillery fell into the hands of the conquerors. this decisive victory cost the british only men killed and wounded. eight hundred or of the americans were killed or wounded, and about , taken prisoners. the militia endeavored to save themselves by flight; the continentals alone fought, and almost half their number fell. while the army under gates was completely defeated and dispersed colonel sumter was successful in his enterprise. on the evening in which cornwallis marched from camden he reduced the redoubt on the wateree, took the stores on their way to camden, and made about prisoners. on hearing, however, of the disastrous fate of the army under gates, sumter, fully aware of his danger, retreated hastily with his stores and prisoners up the south side of the wateree. on the morning of the th (september, ) cornwallis sent tarleton, with the legion and a detachment of infantry, in pursuit of him. that officer proceeded with his usual rapidity. finding many of his infantry unable to keep pace with him he advanced with about cavalry and sixty of the most vigorous of the infantry, and on the th (september, ) suddenly and unexpectedly came upon the americans. sumter, having marched with great diligence, thought himself beyond the reach of danger, and his men being exhausted by unremitting service and want of sleep, he halted near the catawba ford to give them some repose during the heat of the day. in order to prevent a surprise he had placed sentinels at proper stations to give warning of approaching danger, but overcome by fatigue and equally regardless of duty and safety the sentinels fell asleep at their post and gave no alarm. tarleton suddenly burst into the encampment of the drowsy and unsuspecting americans, and, though some slight resistance was at first made from behind the baggage, soon gained a complete victory. the americans fled precipitately toward the river or the woods. between and of them were killed or wounded. sumter escaped, galloping off on horseback, without coat, hat, or saddle, but all his baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, while the prisoners and stores which he had taken were recovered. about of his men made good their retreat. by the complete defeat and dispersion of the army under gates and of sumter's corps, south carolina and georgia appeared to be again laid prostrate at the feet of the royal army, and the hope of maintaining their independence seemed more desperate than ever. affairs did not seem desperate, however, to washington. he knew the defensible nature of the country--intersected in every direction by rivers and swamps, and affording every facility for partisan warfare against regular troops, and he knew that the infamous conduct of the british in the south had thoroughly roused the indignation of the people. while gates was gathering together a new army and stationing detachments in different posts near hillsborough, washington received intelligence of the disastrous battle of camden. the sad news came unexpectedly, as the previous reports had given hopes of some brilliant feat on the part of gates. the unlooked-for disaster, however, did not for a moment dishearten washington. he was fully aware of the determination of the british to conquer the south, and if possible to detach it from the confederacy, and he was determined on his part to defeat their purpose. this was to be done chiefly by rousing the south itself to action, since the position of affairs at the north did not admit of large detachments from the force under his own immediate command. he ordered, however, that some regular troops enlisted in maryland for the war should be sent to the southward. to show how attentive he was to all the details of the necessary measures for defending the south we copy his letter of september th ( ) to governor rutledge, of south carolina, who had been armed with dictatorial power by the legislature of that state. [ ] "i am fully impressed," he writes, "with the importance of the southern states, and of course with the necessity of making every effort to expel the enemy from them. the late unlucky affair near camden renders their situation more precarious and calls for every exertion to stop at least the further progress of the british army. it is to be wished that the composition of our force in this quarter, our resources, and the present situation of the fleet and army of our ally would admit of an immediate and sufficient detachment, not only to answer the purpose i have just mentioned, but to carry on operations of a more serious and extensive nature. but this not being the case, for reasons which must be obvious to you, let it suffice that your excellency be informed that our views tend ultimately to the southward. "in the meantime our endeavors in that quarter should be directed rather to checking the progress of the enemy by a permanent, compact, and well-organized body of men, than attempting immediately to recover the state of south carolina by a numerous army of militia, who, besides being inconceivably expensive, are too fluctuating and undisciplined to oppose one composed chiefly of regular troops. i would recommend to you, therefore, to make use of your influence with the states from maryland southward, to raise without delay at least , men for the war, if it can be effected; if not, for as long a time as possible. these, with the militia in the vicinity, would answer the purpose i have last mentioned, and would in proper time make a useful body, either to form a diversion in favor of, or to cooperate with, a force upon the coast. "i have hinted the outlines of a plan to your excellency which for many reasons should be in general kept to yourself. you will oblige me by informing yourself as accurately as possible, what may be the present resources of the country as to meat, corn, wheat, or rice, and transportation, as i suppose circumstances may have occasioned a considerable change. and if it is possible to form magazines of either, it should be done, especially of salt meat, which is an article so essential to military operations, that the states of virginia and north carolina should be requested to lay up, as soon as the weather will, permit, at least , barrels in proportion to their respective ability. you will also be pleased to endeavor to gain a knowledge of the force of the enemy, the posts they occupy, the nature and state of those posts, and the reinforcements they may probably derive from the people of the country. as you receive these several intelligences you will be pleased to communicate them to me with your opinion of the best place for debarking troops, in case of an expedition against the enemy in the southern states, and the names of the persons in that quarter whose opinion and advice may be serviceable in such an event." in the following extract from a letter to count de guichen in the west indies, september , , we have from washington a view of the general state of affairs after the battle of camden. its object was to induce the french admiral to come immediately to the united states. the letter did not reach the west indies until de guichen had sailed to france. "the situation of america," washington writes, "at this time is critical. the government is without finances. its paper credit is sunk and no expedients can be adopted capable of retrieving it. the resources of the country are much diminished by a five years' war in which it has made efforts beyond its ability. clinton, with an army of , regular troops (aided by a considerable body of militia, whom from motives of fear and attachment he has engaged to take arms), is in possession of one of the capital towns and a large part of the state to which it belongs. the savages are desolating the frontier. a fleet superior to that of our allies not only protects the enemy against any attempt of ours, but facilitates those which they may project against us. lord cornwallis, with seven or eight thousand men, is in complete possession of two states, georgia and south carolina, and by recent misfortunes north carolina is at his mercy. his force is daily increasing by an accession of adherents, whom his successes naturally procure in a country inhabited by emigrants from england and scotland who have not been long enough transplanted to exchange their ancient habits and attachments in favor of their new residence. "by a letter received from general gates we learn that in attempting to penetrate and regain the state of south carolina he met with a total defeat near camden in which many of his troops have been cut off and the remainder dispersed with the loss of all their cannon and baggage. the enemy are said to be now making a detachment from new york for a southern destination. if they push their successes in that quarter we cannot predict where their career may end. the opposition will be feeble unless we can give succor from hence, which, from a variety of causes must depend on a naval superiority." the remainder of the letter gives more details and urges the admiral to give his aid to the united states. it will be recollected by the reader that gates when in the height of his glory did not make any report to washington of the surrender of burgoyne. this was in the days of the conway cabal. he then slighted and almost insulted the great commander, whom, it is not improbable he hoped to supersede. but in the hour of disaster and defeat it was to washington himself that he turned for help, protection, and countenance. he is prompt enough with his official report now although he writes his first dispatch to congress in order that his apology may be published. the following letter to washington is dated at hillsborough, august , : [ ] "my public letter to congress has surely been transmitted to your excellency. since then i have been able to collect authentic returns of the killed, wounded, and missing of the officers of the maryland line, delaware regiment, artillerists, and those of the legion under colonel armand. they are enclosed. the militia broke so early in the day, and scattered in so many directions upon their retreat, that very few have fallen into the hands of the enemy. "by the firmness and bravery of the continental troops the victory is far from bloodless on the part of the foe, they having upwards of men, with officers in proportion, killed and wounded. i do not think lord cornwallis will be able to reap any advantage of consequence from his victory as this state seems animated to reinstate and support the army. virginia, i am confident, will not be less patriotic. by the joint exertions of these two states there is good reason to hope that should the events of the campaign be prosperous to your excellency all south carolina might be again recovered. lord cornwallis remained with his army at camden when i received the last accounts from thence. i am cantoning ours at salisbury, guilford, hillsborough, and cross creek. the marylanders and artillerists, with their general hospital, will be here; the cavalry near cross creek, and the militia to the westward. this is absolutely necessary as we have no magazine of provisions and are only supplied from hand to mouth. four days after the action of the th, fortune seemed determined to distress us; for colonel sumter having marched near forty miles up the river wateree halted with the wagons and prisoners he had taken the th; by some indiscretion the men were surprised, cut off from their arms, the whole routed, and the wagons and prisoners retaken. "what encouragement the numerous disaffected in this state may give lord cornwallis to advance further into the country i cannot yet say. colonel sumter, since his surprise and defeat upon the west side of the wateree, has reinstated and increased his corps to upwards of , men. i have directed him to continue to harass the enemy upon that side. lord cornwallis will therefore be cautious how he makes any considerable movement to the eastward while his corps remains in force upon his left flank, and the main body is in a manner cantoned in his front. anxious for the public good i shall continue my unwearied endeavors to stop the progress of the enemy, to reinstate our affairs, to recommence an offensive war and recover all our losses in the southern states. but if being unfortunate is solely reason sufficient for removing me from command, i shall most cheerfully submit to the orders of congress and resign an office few generals would be anxious to possess, and where the utmost skill and fortitude are subject to be baffled by the difficulties which must for a time surround the chief in command here. that your excellency may meet with no such difficulties, that your road to fame and fortune may be smooth and easy is the sincere wish of, sir, your excellency's most obedient, etc." in the following extract from a letter of the d of september ( ), he again calls washington's attention to his own pitiable case: "if i can yet render good service to the united states," he writes, "it will be necessary it should be seen that i have the support of congress and your excellency; otherwise some men may think they please my superiors by blaming me, and thus recommend themselves to favor. but you, sir, will be too generous to lend an ear to such men, if such there be, and will show your greatness of soul rather by protecting than slighting the unfortunate. if, on the contrary, i am not supported and countenance is given to everyone who will speak disrespectfully of me it will be better for congress to remove me at once from where i shall be unable to render them any good service. this, sir, i submit to your candor and honor, and shall cheerfully await the decision of my superiors. with the warmest wishes for your prosperity, and the sincerest sentiments of esteem and regard, i am, sir, your excellency's most obedient, humble servant." notwithstanding these letters and any friendly help which washington may have rendered to his fallen rival, the fickle congress, as we shall presently see, deserted at his utmost need the man who they had advanced against washington's advice. after the battle of camden, cornwallis was unable to follow up the victory with his usual activity. his little army was diminished by the sword and by disease. he had not brought with him from charleston the stores necessary for a long march, and he did not deem it expedient to leave south carolina till he had suppressed that spirit of resistance to his authority which had extensively manifested itself in the province. in order to consummate, as he thought, the subjugation of the state, he resorted to measures of great injustice and cruelty. he considered the province as a conquered country, reduced to unconditional submission and to allegiance to its ancient sovereign, and the people liable to the duties of british subjects and to corresponding penalties in case of a breach of those duties. he forgot, or seemed to forget, that many of them had been received as prisoners of war on parole; that, without their consent, their parole had been discharged, and that, merely by a proclamation, they had been declared british subjects instead of prisoners of war. in a few days after the battle of camden, when cornwallis thought the country was lying prostrate at his feet, he addressed the following letter to the commandant of the british garrison at ninety-six: "i have given orders that all the inhabitants of this province who have subscribed and taken part in the revolt should be punished with the utmost rigor; and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned and their whole property taken from them or destroyed. i have also ordered that compensation should be made out of these estates to the persons who have been injured or oppressed by them. i have ordered, in the most positive manner, that every militiaman who has borne arms with us and afterward joined the enemy shall be immediately hanged. i desire you will take the most vigorous measures to punish the rebels in the district you command and that you obey, in the strictest manner, the directions i have given in this letter relative to the inhabitants of the country." similar orders were given to the commanders of other posts. [ ] in any circumstances, such orders given to officers often possessing little knowledge and as little prudence or humanity could not fail to produce calamitous effects. in the case under consideration, where all the worst passions of the heart were irritated and inflamed, the consequences were lamentable. the orders were executed in the spirit in which they were given. numbers of persons were put to death; many were imprisoned and their property was destroyed or confiscated. the country was covered with blood and desolation, rancor and grief. the prisoners on parole thought they had a clear right to take arms, for from their parole they had been released by the proclamation of the th of june ( ), which indeed called them to the duty of subjects, a condition to which they had never consented, and therefore they reckoned that they had as good a right to resume their arms as the british commander had to enjoin their allegiance. the case of those who had taken british protections in the full persuasion that they were to be allowed to live peaceably on their estates, but who, on finding that they must fight on one side or the other, had repaired to the standards of their country, was equally hard. deception and violence were practiced against both. so long as the struggle appeared doubtful the colonists met with fair promises and kind treatment, but at the moment when resistance seemed hopeless and obedience necessary they were addressed in the tone of authority, heard stern commands and bloody threatenings, and received harsh usage. hence the province, which for some time presented the stillness of peace, again put on the ruthless aspect of war. a number of persons of much respectability remained prisoners of war in charleston since the capitulation of that town, but, after the battle of camden, cornwallis ordered them to be carried out of the province. accordingly, early in the morning of the th of august ( ), some of the principal citizens of charleston were taken out of bed, put on board a guard-ship, and soon afterward transported to st. augustine. they remonstrated with lieutenant-colonel balfour, the commandant of charleston, but experienced only the insolence of authority from that officer. while cornwallis endeavored by severe measures to break the spirits of the people and to establish the royal authority in south carolina, he did not lose sight of his ulterior projects. he sent emissaries into north carolina to excite the loyalists there, and to assure them of the speedy march of the british army into that province. on the th of september ( ) he left camden, and toward the end of the month arrived at charlottetown, in north carolina, of which place he took possession after a slight resistance from some volunteer cavalry under colonel davie. though symptoms of opposition manifested themselves at charlotte yet he advanced toward salisbury and ordered his militia to cross the yadkin. but cornwallis was suddenly arrested in his victorious career by an unexpected disaster. he made every exertion to embody the tory inhabitants of the country and to form them into a british militia. for that purpose he employed major ferguson of the seventy-first regiment with a small detachment in the district of ninety-six, to train the loyalists and to attach them to his own party. from the operations of that officer he expected the most important services. ferguson executed his commission with activity and zeal, collected a large number of loyalists, and committed great depredations on the friends of independence in the back settlements. when about to return to the main army in triumph he was detained by one of those incidents which occasionally occur in war and influence the course of events and the destiny of nations. colonel clarke, of georgia, who had fled from that province on its reduction by campbell in , had retired to the northward, and having collected a number of followers in the carolinas, he returned to his native province at the head of about men, and while cornwallis was marching from camden to charlottetown, attacked the british post at augusta. lieutenant-colonel brown, who commanded at that place with a garrison of about provincials, aided by some friendly indians, finding the town untenable, retired toward an eminence on the banks of the savannah, named garden hill. but the americans occupied it before his arrival; by bringing his artillery, however, to bear upon them, after a desperate conflict he succeeded in dislodging them and in gaining possession of the hill, but with the loss of his cannon. there clarke besieged him till informed of the near approach of a british detachment from ninety-six, under colonel kruger. he then retreated, abandoning the cannon which he had taken, and, though pursued, effected his escape. notice was instantly sent to ferguson of clarke's retreat and of his route, and high hopes of intercepting him were entertained. for that purpose ferguson remained longer in those parts and approached nearer the mountains than he would otherwise have done. as he had collected about , men he had no apprehension of any force assembling in that quarter able to embarrass him. meanwhile the depredations committed by ferguson exasperated many of the inhabitants of the country, some of whom, fleeing across the allegheny mountains, gave their western brethren an alarming account of the evils with which they were threatened. those men, living in the full enjoyment of that independence for which the atlantic states were struggling, resolved to keep the war at a distance from their settlements. the hardy mountaineers of the western parts of virginia and north carolina assembled under colonels campbell, shelby, cleveland, and sevier. other parties, under their several leaders, hastened to join them. they were all mounted and unencumbered with baggage. each man had his blanket, knapsack, and rifle, and set out in quest of ferguson, equipped in the same manner as when they hunted the wild beasts of the forest. at night the earth afforded them a bed and the heavens a covering; the flowing stream quenched their thirst; their guns, their knapsacks, or a few cattle driven in their rear, supplied them with food. their numbers made them formidable, and the rapidity of their movements rendered it difficult to escape them. they amounted to nearly , men. on hearing of their approach ferguson began to retreat toward charlotte and sent messengers to cornwallis to apprise him of his danger. but the messengers were intercepted, and cornwallis remained ignorant of the perilous situation of his detachment. in the vicinity of gilbert town the americans, apprehensive of ferguson's escape, selected , of their best riflemen, mounted them on their fleetest horses, and sent them in pursuit. their rapid movements rendered his retreat impracticable, and ferguson, sensible that he would inevitably be overtaken, chose his ground on king's mountain on the confines of north and south carolina, and waited the attack. on the th of october ( ) the americans came up with him. campbell had the command, but his authority was merely nominal, for there was little military order or subordination in the attack. they agreed to divide their forces in order to assail ferguson from different quarters, and the divisions were led on by colonels cleveland, shelby, sevier, and williams. cleveland, who conducted the party which began the attack, addressed his men as follows: "my brave fellows! we have beaten the tories and we can beat them. when engaged you are not to wait for the word of command from me. i will show you by my example how to fight; i can undertake no more. every man must consider himself an officer and act on his own judgment. though repulsed, do not run off; return and renew the combat. if any of you are afraid you have not only leave to withdraw, but are requested to do so." cleveland instantly began the attack, but was soon compelled to retire before the bayonet. but ferguson had no time to continue the pursuit, for shelby came forward from an unexpected quarter and poured in a destructive fire. ferguson again resorted to the bayonet and was again successful. but at that moment campbell's division advanced on another side and a new battle began. campbell, like his comrades, was obliged to retreat. but cleveland had now rallied his division and advanced anew to the combat. the royalists wheeled and met this returning assailant. in this way there was an unremitting succession of attacks for about fifty minutes. ferguson obstinately defended himself and repulsed every assailant, but at last he fell mortally wounded, and the second in command, seeing the contest hopeless, surrendered. ferguson and of his men lay dead on the field; as many were wounded; nearly laid down their arms, and upwards of escaped. among the prisoners the number of regular british soldiers did not amount to . the americans lost about twenty men, who were killed on the field, and they had many wounded. they took , stand of arms. major ferguson's position was good, but the hill abounded with wood and afforded the americans, who were all riflemen, an opportunity of fighting in their own way and of firing from behind trees. the americans hanged ten of their prisoners on the spot, pleading the guilt of the individuals who suffered and the example of the british, who had executed a great number of americans. one of the victims was a militia officer, who accepted a british commission, although he had formerly been in the american service. those rude warriors, whose enterprise was the spontaneous impulse of their patriotism or revenge, who acknowledged no superior authority, and who were guided by no superior counsels, having achieved their victories and attained their object, dispersed and returned home. most of the prisoners were soon afterward released on various conditions. the ruin of ferguson's detachment, from which so much had been expected, was a severe blow to cornwallis; it disconcerted his plans and prevented his progress northward. on the th of october ( ), as soon after obtaining certain information of the fall of major ferguson as the army could be put in motion, he left charlotte, where ferguson was to have met him and began his retreat toward south carolina. in that retrograde movement the british army suffered severely; for several days it rained incessantly; the roads were almost impassable; the soldiers had no tents, and at night encamped in the woods in an unhealthy climate. the army was ill supplied with provisions; sometimes the men had beef, but no bread; at other times bread, but no beef. once they subsisted during five days on indian corn collected as it stood in the fields. five ears were the daily allowance of two men, but the troops bore their toils and privations without a murmur. in these trying circumstances the american loyalists who had joined the royal standard were of great service, but their services were ill requited, and several of them, disgusted by the abusive language and even blows, which they received from some of the officers, left the british army forever. at length the troops passed the catawba, and on the th of october ( ) reached wynnesborough, an intermediate station between camden and ninety-six. during this difficult march cornwallis was ill and lord rawdon had the command. washington directed the operations of this southern campaign as far as it was in his power. but he was interfered with by the pragmatical, imbecile, and conceited congress. had greene been appointed to take command of the southern army, according to washington's desire, instead of gates, he would soon have assembled around him that "permanent, compact, and well-organized body of men," referred to in washington's letter to governor rutledge, which we have quoted, and would have given a very different account of the british from that of gates. greene was second only to the commander-in-chief in ability--second to none in courage, coolness, and perseverance. his campaign in the south, as we shall presently see, was one of the most remarkable performances of the war. but congress would not send him to the south till repeated disasters compelled them to listen to washington's advice. the old virus of the conway cabal must have been still lurking among the members or they would scarcely have preferred gates to greene. we must now leave the south for a season and turn to the course of events in the northern states. . footnote: this was a recent conquest of the british fleet in the west indies. . footnote: the reader will recollect that fort moultrie received its name from its defense by colonel moultrie in . . footnote: the reader will recollect that fort moultrie received its name from its defense by colonel moultrie in . . footnote: washington, who had long ago taken the measure of gates' capacity, was desirous that greene should receive the appointment to the command of the southern army at this time; but his wishes were overruled by congress. had greene been appointed, or even had de kalb been left in command, the campaign of would have been quite another affair. . footnote: charles armand, marquis de la rouerie, was a french officer of note when he entered our army as colonel in , and was ordered to raise a corps of frenchmen not exceeding men. he served in jersey and pennsylvania in , and in westchester county, new york, in , where he captured major baremore and his loyalists, as mentioned in washington's certificate below. in he was stationed at ridgefield, connecticut, under gen. robert howe. he was sent with a legion composed of his own and pulaski's cavalry to aid in gates' southern expedition, as mentioned in the text. in he went to france to obtain clothes and equipments, and returned soon enough to assist at the siege of yorktown. washington recommended him strongly to congress, who gave him the commission of brigadier-general in the spring of . he returned to france in , engaged in the french revolution, and took an active part. he died january th, . on the occasion of colonel armand's going to join the southern army under gates, washington gave him the following certificate under his own hand: certificate. i certify that the marquis de la rouerie has served in the army of the united states since the beginning of , with the rank of colonel, during which time he has commanded an independent corps with much honor to himself and usefulness to the service. he has upon all occasions conducted himself as an officer of distinguished merit, of great zeal, activity, vigilance, intelligence, and bravery. in the last campaign, particularly, he rendered very valuable services, and towards the close of it made a brilliant partisan stroke, by which, with much enterprise and address, he surprised a major and some men of the enemy in quarters, at a considerable distance within their pickets, and brought them off without loss to his party. i give him this certificate in testimony of my perfect approbation of his conduct, and esteem for himself personally. . footnote: colonel armand censured gates' conduct on this occasion severely. it is clear that he chose the ground best suited for the enemy's purpose. "i will not say," armand remarked, "that the general contemplated treason, but i will say, that if he had desired to betray his army, he could not have chosen a more judicious course." . footnote: sparks, "writings of washington," vol. vii, p. . . footnote: sparks, "correspondence of the revolution," vol. iii, p. . . footnote: the orders of rawdon and cornwallis to the subordinates to treat the americans in this cruel manner were intercepted and sent to washington, who transmitted them, with a sharp letter, to sir henry clinton. his reply sustained rawdon and cornwallis. the original letters and the whole correspondence may be found in the th volume of sparks, "writings of washington." chapter xx. preparations for the campaign. . the contest between great britain and her revolted colonies had involved her in other wars. spain had already joined with france in the alliance against her, and the dutch were now drawn into the contest. great britain had claimed and exercised what she called the "right of search," which included the right to seize the property of an enemy, wherever found, at sea. the dutch, who had an extensive carrying trade with france, being plundered by the british under their insolent "right of search," were already preparing to join the other allies and commence open hostilities. the next act in the drama was the formation of the armed neutrality denying the "right of search," and declaring that free ships made free goods. catharine ii. of russia was at its head. sweden and denmark immediately joined it. it was resolved that neutral ships should enjoy a free navigation even from port to port and on the coasts of the belligerent powers; that all effects belonging to the subjects of the said belligerent powers should be looked upon as free on board such neutral ships, except only such goods as were stipulated to be contraband, and that no port should be considered under blockade unless there should be a sufficient force before it to render the blockade effectual. the other european powers were invited to join this confederacy. france and spain agreed to do so at once; portugal hesitated and declined, and the united provinces delayed for a time their answer. the emperor of germany and the king of prussia joined the armed neutrality in . meanwhile, henry laurens having been taken prisoner on his way to holland ( ) to solicit a loan for the united states, and his papers having made the british ministry acquainted with the fact that overtures for a treaty between holland and america were under consideration, england, at the close of , resolved upon a war with the states general. thus england, by this step, without friend or allies, prepared to wage, single-handed, the contest with enemies in every quarter of the globe. in the beginning of the year , the affairs of the american union wore a gloomy and alarming aspect. vigorous and united efforts were needful; but all seemed feeble and irresolute. the people were heartily tired of the war; and, though no better affected to the parent state than before, yet they earnestly desired deliverance from the multiplied miseries of the protracted struggle. the alliance with france had promised a speedy termination to the war; but hitherto, while its existence made the americans comparatively remiss in their own exertions to prosecute hostilities, the french fleet and army had performed no important service. congress had called for an army of , men, to be in camp on the st of january ( ). the resolution, as usual, was too late, but even although it had been promulgated in due time, so large a force could not have been brought into the field. the deficiencies and delays on the part of the several states exceeded all reasonable anticipation. at no time during this active and interesting campaign did the regular force, drawn from pennsylvania to georgia inclusive, amount to , men. so late as the month of april ( ), the states, from new jersey to new hampshire inclusive, had furnished only , infantry, but this force was slowly and gradually increased, till, in the month of may, including cavalry and artillery which never exceeded , men, it presented a total of about , , of whom upwards of , might have been relied on in active service. a considerable part of this small force arrived in camp too late to acquire during the campaign that discipline which is essential to military success. inadequate as this army was for asserting the independence of the country, the prospect of being unable to support it was still more alarming. the men were in rags; clothing had long been expected from europe but had not yet arrived and the disappointment was severely felt. the magazines were ill supplied, the troops were often almost starving and the army ready to be dissolved for want of food. the arsenals were nearly empty. instead of having the requisites of a well-appointed army everything was deficient and there was little prospect of being better provided, for money was as scarce as food and military stores. congress had resolved to issue no more bills on the credit of the union, and the care of supplying the army was devolved upon the several states according to a rule established by that body. even when the states had collected the specified provisions, the quartermaster-general had no funds to pay for the transportation of them to the army to accomplish which military impressment was resorted to in a most offensive degree. congress was surrounded with difficulties, the several states were callous and dilatory, and affairs generally wore an aspect of debility and decay. to deepen the general gloom there were portentous rumors of preparations for savage warfare along the whole extent of the western frontier and of an invasion on the side of canada. in the midst of financial difficulties and apprehensions of attack both from foreign and domestic enemies, a new and alarming danger appeared in a quarter where it was little expected and which threatened to consummate the ruin of american independence. the privations and sufferings of the troops had been uncommonly great. to the usual hardships of a military life were added nakedness and hunger, under that rigor of climate which whets the appetite and renders clothing absolutely necessary. by the depreciation of the paper currency their pay was little more than nominal, and it was many months in arrear. besides those evils which were common to the whole army the troops of pennsylvania imagined that they labored under peculiar grievances. their officers had engaged them for three years or during the war. on the expiration of three years the soldiers thought themselves entitled to a discharge; the officers alleged that they were engaged for the war. the large bounties given to those who were not bound by previous enlistment heightened the discontent of the soldiers, and made them more zealous in asserting what they thought their rights. in the first transports of their patriotism they had readily enlisted, but men will not long willingly submit to immediate and unprofitable hardships in the prospect of distant and contingent rewards. the discontents engendered by the causes now mentioned had for some time been increasing and on the st of january, , broke out into the open and almost universal mutiny of the troops of pennsylvania. on a signal given, the greater part of the noncommissioned officers and privates paraded under arms, declaring their intention of marching to the seat of congress at philadelphia to obtain a redress of grievances, or to abandon the service. the officers made every exertion to bring them back to their duty, but in vain; in the attempt, a captain was killed and several other persons wounded. general wayne interposed, but, on cocking his pistols at some of the most audacious of the mutineers, several bayonets were at his breast, the men exclaiming, "we respect you--we love you; but you are a dead man if you fire! do not mistake us: we are not going to the enemy, on the contrary, were they to come out, you should see us fight under you with as much resolution and alacrity as ever, but we wish a redress of grievances and will no longer be trifled with." such of the pennsylvania troops as had at first taken no part in the disturbance were prevailed on to join the mutineers and the whole, amounting to , men, with six field pieces, marched from morristown under temporary officers of their own election. washington's headquarters were then at new windsor on the north river. next day (jan. , ), general wayne and colonels butter and stewart, officers who in a high degree enjoyed the confidence and affection of the troops, followed the mutineers, but though civilly received, they could not succeed in adjusting the differences or in restoring subordination. on the third day the mutineers resumed their march and in the morning arrived at princeton. congress and the pennsylvania government, as well as washington, were much alarmed by this mutiny fearing the example might be contagious and lead to the dissolution of the whole army. therefore a committee of congress, with president reed [ ] at their head and some members of the executive council of pennsylvania, set out from philadelphia for the purpose of allaying this dangerous commotion. sir henry clinton, who heard of the mutiny on the morning of the d (january ), was equally active in endeavoring to turn it to the advantage of his government. he ordered a large corps to be in readiness to march on a moment's notice and sent two american spies by way of amboy and two by way of elizabethtown, as agents from himself to treat with the mutineers. but two of the persons employed were actually spies on himself and soon disclosed his proposals to the american authorities. the two real spies on reaching princeton were seized by the mutineers and afterwards delivered up to general wayne who had them tried and executed on the th. at first the mutineers declined leaving princeton, but finding their demands would be substantially complied with they marched to trenton on the th, and before the th (january ), the matter was so far settled that the committee of congress left trenton and returned to philadelphia. all who had enlisted for three years or during the war were to be discharged, and in cases where the terms of enlistment could not be produced the oath of the soldier was to be received as evidence on the point. they were to receive immediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, and their arrears were to be settled as soon as circumstances would admit. on those terms about one-half of the pennsylvania troops obtained their discharge, numbers of them having, as afterwards appeared, made false declarations concerning the terms of their enlistment. intelligence of this mutiny was communicated to washington at new windsor before any accommodation had taken place. though he had been long accustomed to decide in hazardous and difficult situations yet it was no easy matter in this delicate crisis to determine on the most proper course to be pursued. his personal influence had several times extinguished rising mutinies. the first scheme that presented itself was to repair to the camp of the mutineers and try to recall them to a sense of their duty, but on mature reflection this was declined. he well knew that their claims were founded in justice, but he could not reconcile himself to wound the discipline of his army by yielding to their demands while they were in open revolt with arms in their hands. he viewed the subject in all its relations and was well apprised that the principal grounds of discontent were not peculiar to the pennsylvania line, but common to all the troops. if force was requisite he had none to spare without hazarding west point. if concessions were unavoidable they had better be made by any person than the commander-in-chief. after that due deliberation which he always gave to matters of importance he determined against a personal interference and to leave the whole to the civil authorities which had already taken it up, but at the same time prepared for those measures which would become necessary if no accommodation took place. this resolution was communicated to wayne, with a caution to regard the situation of the other lines of the army in any concessions which might be made and with a recommendation to draw the mutineers over the delaware, with a view to increase the difficulty of communicating with the enemy in new york. the result, however, showed that this last was an unnecessary precaution. the success of the pennsylvania troops in exacting from their country by violence what had been denied to the claims of equity produced a similar spirit of insubordination in another division of the army. on the night of the th of january ( ), about of the jersey brigade, which was quartered at pompton, complaining of grievances similar to those of the pennsylvania line and hoping for equal success, rose in arms, and marched to chatham with the view of prevailing on some of their comrades stationed there to join them. their number was not formidable and washington, knowing that he might depend on the fidelity of the greater part of his troops detached gen. robert howe against the mutineers, with orders to force them to unconditional submission and to execute some of the most turbulent of them on the spot. these orders were promptly obeyed and two of the ringleaders were put to death. sir henry clinton, as in the case of the pennsylvanians, endeavored to take advantage of the mutiny of the jersey brigade. he sent emissaries to negotiate with them, and detached general robertson with , men to staten island to be in readiness to support them if they should accede to his proposals, but the mutiny was so speedily crushed that his emissaries had no time to act. the situation of congress at this time was trying in the extreme. the contest was now one for very existence. a powerful foe was in full strength in the heart of the country; they had great military operations to carry on, but were almost without an army and wholly without money. their bills of credit had ceased to be of any worth; and they were reduced to the mortifying necessity of declaring by their own acts that this was the fact, as they no longer made them a legal tender or received them in payment of taxes. without money of some kind an army could neither be raised nor maintained. but the greater the exigency the greater were the exertions of congress. they directed their agents abroad to borrow, if possible, from france, spain, and holland. they resorted to taxation, although they knew that the measure would be unpopular and that they had not the power to enforce their decree. the tax laid they apportioned among the several states, by whose authority it was to be collected. perceiving that there was great disorder and waste, or peculation, in the management of the fiscal concerns they determined on introducing a thorough reform and the strictest economy. they accordingly appointed as treasurer robert morris of philadelphia, a man whose pure morals, ardent patriotism, and great knowledge of financial concerns eminently fitted him for this important station. the zeal and genius of morris soon produced the most favorable results. by means of the "bank of north america," to which in the course of the year he obtained the approbation of congress, he contrived to draw out the funds of wealthy individuals. by borrowing in the name of the government from this bank and pledging for payment the taxes not yet collected, he was enabled to anticipate them and command a ready supply. he also used his own private credit which was good though that of the government had failed, and at one time bills signed by him individually, were in circulation to the amount of $ , . the establishment of a revenue subject to the exclusive control and direction of the continental government was connected inseparably with the restoration of credit. the efforts, therefore, to negotiate a foreign loan were accompanied by resolutions requesting the respective states to place a fund under the control of congress which should be both permanent and productive. a resolution was passed recommending the respective states to vest a power in congress to levy for the use of the united states a duty of five per centum ad valorem on all goods imported into any of them, and also on all prizes condemned in any of the american courts of admiralty. this fund was to be appropriated to the payment of both the principal and interest of all debts contracted in the prosecution of the war, and was to continue until those debts should be completely discharged. congress at that time contained several members who perceived the advantages which would result from bestowing on the government of the nation the full power of regulating commerce, and consequently, of increasing the imports as circumstances might render advisable; but state influence predominated and they were overruled by great majorities. even the inadequate plan which they did recommend was never adopted. notwithstanding the greatness of the exigency and the pressure of the national wants, never during the existence of the confederation did all the states unite in assenting to this recommendation, so unwilling are men possessed of power to place it in the hands of others. about the same time a reform was introduced into the administration the necessity of which had been long perceived. from a misplaced prejudice against institutions sanctioned by experience all the great executive duties had been devolved either on committees of congress or on boards consisting of several members. this unwieldy and expensive system had maintained itself against all the efforts of reason and public utility. but the scantiness of the national means at length prevailed over prejudice, and the several committees and boards yielded to a secretary for foreign affairs, a superintendent of finance, a secretary of war, and a secretary of marine. but so miserably defective was the organization of congress as an executive body that the year ( ) had far advanced before this measure, the utility of which all acknowledged, could be carried into complete operation by making all the appointments. the war had continued much longer than was originally anticipated, and the natural resources of the country, mismanaged by the inexperience of the government and its ignorance of the principles of political economy were so much exhausted that it became apparent the war could not be carried on without a foreign loan and france, sufficiently embarrassed with her own affairs, was the only country to which congress could look for pecuniary aid. accordingly, lieutenant-colonel laurens, who had been one of washington's aids, was employed on this mission, and besides endeavoring to negotiate a loan was instructed to press on the french monarch the advantage of maintaining a naval superiority in the american seas. while the energies of america were thus paralyzed by the financial difficulties of congress, the mutinous spirit of part of the army and the selfishness and apathy of several of the states, the british interest in the provinces seemed in a prosperous condition. general greene, as we shall presently see, was maintaining a doubtful and hazardous struggle against cornwallis on the northern frontier of north carolina. a british detachment from new york had made a deep impression on virginia where the resistance was neither so prompt nor so vigorous as had been expected from the strength of that state and the unanimity of its citizens. on the st of may, , washington commenced a military journal. the following statement is extracted from it: "i begin at this epoch a concise journal of military transactions, &c. i lament not having attempted it from the commencement of the war in aid of my memory, and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually surrounds me and the embarrassed state of our affairs which is momentarily calling the attention to perplexities of one kind or another may not defeat altogether or so interrupt my present intention and plan as to render it of little avail. "to have the clearer understanding of the entries which may follow it would be proper to recite in detail our wants and our prospects, but this alone would be a work of much time and great magnitude. it may suffice to give the sum of them, which i shall do in a few words, viz.: "instead of having magazines filled with provisions we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the distant states. "instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores they are poorly provided, and the workmen all leaving them. instead of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness the quartermaster-general is but now applying to the several states to provide these things for their troops respectively. instead of having a regular system of transportation established upon credit, or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent expenses thereof we have neither the one nor the other; and all that business, or a great part of it being done by impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alienating their affections. instead of having the regiments completed agreeable to the requisitions of congress, scarce any state in the union has at this hour one-eighth part of its quota in the field, and there is little prospect of ever getting more than half. in a word, instead of having anything in readiness to take the field, we have nothing; and, instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us we have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one, unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, troops, and money from our generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." while the americans were suffering the complicated calamities which introduced the year their adversaries were carrying on the most extensive plan of operations against them which had ever been attempted. it had often been objected to the british commanders that they had not conducted the war in the manner most likely to effect the subjugation of the revolted provinces. military critics found fault with them for keeping a large army idle at new york, which, they said, if properly applied, would have been sufficient to make successful impressions at one and the same time on several of the states. the british seemed to have calculated the campaign of with a view to make an experiment of the comparative merit of this mode of conducting military operations. the war raged in that year not only in the vicinity of the british headquarters at new york, but in georgia, south carolina, north carolina, and in virginia. in this extensive warfare washington could have no immediate agency in the southern department. his advice in corresponding with the officers commanding in virginia, the carolinas, and georgia, was freely and beneficially given, and as large detachments sent to their aid as could be spared consistently with the security of west point. in conducting the war his invariable maxim was to suffer the devastation of property rather than hazard great and essential objects for its preservation. while the war raged in virginia, thomas jefferson, the governor, its representatives in congress, and other influential citizens, urged his return to the defense of his native state. but considering america as his country and the general safety as his object, he deemed it of more importance to remain on the hudson. there he was not only securing the most important post in the united states but concerting a grand plan of combined operations which, as shall soon be related, not only delivered virginia but all the states from the calamities of the war. in washington's disregard of property when in competition with national objects he was in no respect partial to his own. while the british were in the potomac they sent a flag to mount vernon requiring a supply of fresh provisions. refusals of such demands were often followed by burning the houses and other property near the river. to prevent this catastrophe the person entrusted with the management of the estate went on board with the flag and carrying a supply of provisions, requested that the buildings and improvements might be spared. for this he received a severe reprimand in a letter to him in which washington observed: "it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard that in consequence of your noncompliance with the request of the british they had burned my house and laid my plantation in ruins. you ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy and making a voluntary offer of refreshment to them with a view to prevent a conflagration." to the other difficulties with which washington had to contend in the preceding years of the war a new one was about this time added. while the whole force at his disposal was unequal to the defense of the country against the common enemy, a civil war was on the point of breaking out among his fellow-citizens. the claims of vermont to be a separate, independent state, and of the state of new york to their country, as within its chartered limits, together with open offers from the royal commanders to establish and defend them as a british province, produced a serious crisis which called for the interference of the american chief. this was the more necessary, as the governments of new york and vermont were both resolved on exercising a jurisdiction over the same people and the same territory. congress, wishing to compromise the controversy, on middle ground, resolved, in august, , to accede to the independence of vermont on certain conditions and within certain specified limits which they supposed would satisfy both parties. contrary to their expectations this mediatorial act of the national legislature was rejected by vermont, and yet was so disagreeable to the legislature of new york as to draw from them a spirited protest against it. vermont complained that congress interfered in their internal police; new york viewed the resolve as a virtual dismemberment of their state, which was a constituent part of the confederacy. washington, anxious for the peace of the union, sent a message to governor chittenden of vermont desiring to know "what were the real designs, views, and intentions of the people of vermont; whether they would be satisfied with the independence proposed by congress, or had it seriously in contemplation to join with the enemy and become a british province." the governor returned an unequivocal answer: "that there were no people on the continent more attached to the cause of america than the people of vermont, but they were fully determined not to be put under the government of new york; that they would oppose this by force of arms and would join with the british in canada rather than submit to that government." while both states were dissatisfied with congress, and their animosities, from increasing violence and irritation, became daily more alarming, washington, aware of the extremes to which all parties were tending, returned an answer to governor chittenden in which were these expressions: "it is not my business, neither do i think it necessary now to discuss the origin of the right of a number of inhabitants to that tract of country formerly distinguished by the name of the new hampshire grants, and now known by that of vermont. i will take it for granted that their right was good, because congress by their resolve of the th of august imply it, and by that of the st are willing fully to confirm it, provided the new state is confined to certain described bounds. it appears, therefore, to me that the dispute of boundary is the only one that exists, and that being removed all other difficulties would be removed also and the matter terminated to the satisfaction of all parties. you have nothing to do but withdraw your jurisdiction to the confines of your old limits and obtain an acknowledgment of independence and sovereignty under the resolve of the st of august ( ), for so much territory as does not interfere with the ancient established bounds of new york, new hampshire, and massachusetts. in my private opinion, while it behooves the delegates to do ample justice to a body of people sufficiently respectable by their numbers and entitled by other claims to be admitted into that confederation, it becomes them also to attend to the interests of their constituents and see that under the appearance of justice to one they do not materially injure the rights of others. i am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion of congress." the impartiality, moderation, and good sense of this letter, together with a full conviction of the disinterested patriotism of the writer, brought round a revolution in the minds of the legislature of vermont, and they accepted the propositions of congress though they had rejected them four months before. a truce among the contending parties followed and the storm blew over. thus the personal influence of one man, derived from his pre-eminent virtues and meritorious services, extinguished the sparks of civil discord at the time they were kindling into flame. [ ] while washington, during the early part of the year , was thus contending with every species of discouragement and difficulty, prevented from acting offensively by want of means, and thus apparently wasting away the fighting season in comparative inaction the war was actively raging in the southern states. to this grand theater of hostilities, as interesting as they are terrible, we must now call the reader's attention. . footnote: gen. joseph reed, formerly secretary to washington. . footnote: it was during this dispute between new york and vermont that gen. ethan allen, then residing in the latter state, received large offers from the british to use his influence to detach vermont from the union and annex it to canada. of course these offers were indignantly rejected. chapter xxi. the campaign at the south. . in our last notice of the movements and operations of the contending armies in the southern states, we left cornwallis, after a dreary and disastrous retreat, at wynnsborough. the americans, in the meantime, were not idle. defeated, but not subdued, they were active in preparing to renew the struggle. after the defeat and dispersion of his army at camden, general gates retreated to charlotte, eighty miles from the field of battle. there he halted to collect the straggling fugitives and to endeavor from the wreck of his discomfited army to form a force with which he might check or impede the advancing foe. he was soon joined by generals smallwood and gist, and about dispirited officers and soldiers. most of the militia who escaped returned home, and general caswell was ordered to assemble those of the neighboring counties. major anderson of the third maryland regiment, who had collected a number of fugitives not far from the field of battle, proceeded toward charlotte by easy marches in order to give stragglers time to join him. but as charlotte was utterly indefensible and as no barrier lay between it and the victorious enemy gates retreated to salisbury and sent colonel williams, accompanied by another officer, on the road leading to camden to gain information of the movements of cornwallis, and to direct such stragglers as he met to hasten to salisbury. from salisbury gates proceeded to hillsborough, where he intended to assemble an army with which he might contend for the southern provinces. it was from hillsborough that he wrote the letter to washington, which we have already quoted, desiring the exertion of his influence to prevent his being superseded in the command of the southern army. at hillsborough every exertion was made to collect and organize a military force and ere long gates was again at the head of , men. even before the royal army entered north carolina that state had called out the second division of its militia, under generals davidson and sumner, and they were joined by the volunteer cavalry under colonel davie. when cornwallis entered charlotte, gates ordered general smallwood to take post at the fords of the yadkin in order to dispute the passage of the river, and morgan, who had joined the southern army with the rank of brigadier-general, was employed with a light corps to harass the enemy. when cornwallis retreated gates advanced to charlotte; he stationed general smallwood further down the catawba on the road to camden and ordered morgan to some distance in his front. such was the position of the troops when gates was superseded in the command of the southern army. on the th of october ( ) congress, without any previous indications of dissatisfaction, had passed a resolution requiring washington to order a court of inquiry into the conduct of major-general gates, as commander of the southern army, and to appoint another officer to that command till such inquiry should be made. the order of congress to inquire into the conduct of gates was unsatisfactory, as we have already seen, to washington. it was afterward dispensed with and gates restored to a command in the army. meanwhile washington recommended major-general greene to congress as a person qualified to command the southern army. greene, by his activity, intrepidity, and good conduct, had gained the confidence of washington long ago; he had desired him to have the command when gates was appointed, as we have already seen, and he now again recommended him as an officer in whose ability, fortitude, and integrity he could trust. on the d of december ( ) greene arrived at charlotte and informed gates of his commission. that was the first official notice which gates, the former favorite of congress, received of his removal from the command of the southern army. next day gates resigned the command of the army with becoming dignity and patriotism, and greene, who was dissatisfied with the treatment which he had received, behaved toward him with the most polite attention. in a few hours after greene entered on his command he received the report of one of morgan's foraging parties, not far from camden. the party advanced to the vicinity of the british posts at clermont, which was viewed by col. william a. washington, who saw that it was too strong to be taken by small arms and cavalry, the only weapons and force present; he therefore had recourse to stratagem. having made an imposing show of part of his men and having placed the trunk of a pine tree in such a situation as, at a distance, to have the appearance of a cannon, he summoned the post to surrender, and it yielded without firing a shot. the tory colonel rugely and men whom he had collected in the place were made prisoners. this inconsiderable event elated greene's army and was considered by them as a good omen of success under their new leader. general greene's situation was embarrassing. his army was feeble, consisting, on the th of december ( ), of , infantry, of whom , were in camp and in detachments; were continentals and , were militia. besides these there were cavalry, artillerymen, and continentals on extra service, constituting in all a force of , men. in north carolina there were many loyalists, and hostilities were carried on between them and their republican neighbors with the most rancorous animosity. the country was thinly inhabited and abounded in woods and swamps. the cultivated parts were laid waste by hostile factions, and no magazines for the army were provided. the troops were almost naked, and greene obliged to procure subsistence for them day by day. he found that he could not long remain at charlotte for the country between that place and camden, having been traversed by the contending armies, was quite exhausted. in order, therefore, to procure subsistence for his troops, as well as to distract and harass the enemy, greene, though fully aware of the danger of such a measure, felt himself constrained to divide his little army. general morgan had been invested with the command of the light troops by gates, and greene placed him at the head of one of the divisions of his army, consisting of nearly infantry under lieutenant-colonel howard, virginia riflemen under major triplett, and light dragoons under lieut.-col. william a. washington. with this small force morgan was sent to the south of the catawba to observe the british at wynnsborough and camden and to shift for himself, but was directed to risk as little as possible. on the th of december ( ) he took a position toward the western frontier of south carolina, not far from the confluence of the pacolet and broad rivers, and about fifty miles northwest from wynnsborough. with the other division of his army greene left charlotte on the th of the same month (december, ), and on the th arrived at hick's corner on the east side of the pedee, opposite the cheraw hills, about seventy miles northeast from wynnsborough, where he remained some time. he marched to that place in the hope of finding more plentiful subsistence for his troops, but his difficulties in that respect were not much diminished, for the country was almost laid waste by the cruel feuds of the hostile factions. general morgan did not long remain inactive. on the th of december ( ) he detached colonel washington with his dragoons and militia, who next day marched forty miles, surprised a body of loyalists at ninety-six, killed or wounded of them, and took prisoners, without sustaining any loss. at that time morgan was joined by major m'dowell with north carolina, and by colonel pickens with south carolina militia. the british had to contend not only with the force under greene and morgan, but were also obliged to watch other adversaries not less active and enterprising. sumter had been defeated by tarleton on the th of august ( ), and his followers dispersed, but that daring and indefatigable partisan did not long remain quiet. he was soon again at the head of a considerable band and had frequent skirmishes with his adversaries. always changing his position about enoree, broad, and tiger rivers, he often assailed the british posts in that quarter. on the th of november ( ) he was attacked at broad river by major wemyss, but repulsed the party and made the major prisoner. on the th of the same month he was attacked by tarleton at black stocks, near tiger river; the encounter was sharp and obstinate; tarleton was repulsed with loss, but sumter was wounded in the battle, and, being unfitted for active service, his followers dispersed. sumter showed much humanity to his prisoners. although wemyss had deliberately hanged mr. cusack in the cheraw district, and although he had in his pocket a list of several houses burned by his orders, yet he met with every indulgence. at black stocks the wounded were kindly treated. other partisan chiefs arose and among them general marion held a distinguished place. he had commanded a regiment in charleston at the time of the siege, but having received a wound which fractured his leg, and being incapable of discharging the [ ] active duties of his office, he withdrew from the town. on the advance of gates, having procured a band of followers, he penetrated to the santee, harassed the british detachments, and discouraged the loyalists. after the defeat of the americans at camden he rescued a party of continental prisoners who were under a british guard. so ill was he provided with arms that he was obliged to forge the saws of the sawmills into rude swords for his horsemen, and so scanty was his ammunition that at times he engaged when he had not three cartridges to each of his party. he secured himself from pursuit in the recesses of the forest and in deep swamps. [ ] cornwallis impatiently waited the arrival of reinforcements. after the victory at camden, when he was flushed with the sanguine hope not only of overrunning north carolina, but of invading virginia, general leslie was detached from new york to the southward with a considerable body of troops, and, according to orders, landed in virginia, expecting to meet the southern army in that state. on finding himself unable to accomplish his lofty schemes, and obliged to fall back into south carolina, cornwallis ordered leslie to re-embark and sail for charleston. he arrived there on the th of december ( ), and on the th began his march with , men to join cornwallis. his lordship resolved to begin offensive operations immediately on the arrival of his reinforcements, but, in the meantime, alarmed by the movements of morgan for the safety of the british post at ninety-six, he detached tarleton with the light and legion infantry, the fusiliers or seventh regiment, the first battalion of the seventy-first regiment, cavalry, field pieces, and an adequate number of the royal artillery, in all about , men, with orders to strike a blow at morgan and drive him out of the province. as tarleton's force was known to be superior to that under morgan, no doubt whatever was entertained of the precipitate flight or total discomfiture of the americans. meanwhile cornwallis left wynnsborough and proceeded toward the northwest, between the broad and catawba rivers. general leslie, who had halted at camden in order to conceal as long as possible the road which the british army was to take, was now ordered to advance up the catawba and join the main body on its march. by this route cornwallis hoped to intercept morgan if he should escape tarleton, or perhaps to get between general greene and virginia and compel him to fight before the arrival of his expected reinforcements. the british generals encumbered with baggage and military stores, marching through bad roads, and a country intersected by rivulets which were often swollen by the rains, advanced but slowly. tarleton, however, with his light troops, proceeded with great celerity and overtook morgan probably sooner than was expected. on the th of january ( ) morgan was informed of the movements of the british army and got notice of the march of tarleton and of the force under his command. sensible of his danger he began to retreat, and crossed the pacolet, the passage of which he was inclined to dispute, but, on being told that tarleton had forded the river six miles above him, he made a precipitate retreat, and at ten at night on the th of january the british took possession of the ground which the americans had left a few hours before. although his troops were much fatigued by several days' hard marching through a difficult country, yet, determined that morgan should not escape, tarleton resumed the pursuit at three next morning, leaving his baggage behind under a guard with orders not to move till break of day. morgan, though retreating, was not disinclined to fight. by great exertions he might have crossed broad river or reached a hilly tract of country before he could have been overtaken. he was inferior to tarleton in the number of his troops, but more so in their quality, as a considerable part of his force consisted of militia, and the british cavalry were three times more numerous than the american. but morgan, who had great confidence both in himself and in his men, was apprehensive of being overtaken before he could pass broad river, and he chose rather to fight voluntarily than to be forced to a battle. therefore, having been joined by some militia under colonel pickens, he halted at a place called the cowpens, about three miles from the line of separation between north and south carolina. before daylight on the morning of the th of january ( ), he was informed of the near approach of tarleton, and instantly prepared to receive him. the ground on which morgan halted had no great advantages, but his dispositions were judicious. on rising ground, in an open wood, he drew up his continental troops and triplett's corps, amounting together to nearly men, under lieutenant-colonel howard. colonel washington with his cavalry was posted in their rear, behind the eminence, ready to act as occasion might require. at a small distance in front of his continentals was a line of militia under colonel pickens and major m'dowell, and yards in front of pickens was stationed a battalion of north carolina and georgia volunteers under major cunningham, with orders to give one discharge on the approaching enemy, and then to retreat and join the militia. pickens was directed, when he could no longer keep his ground, to fall back with a retreating fire and form on the right of the continentals. scarcely were those dispositions made when the british van appeared. tarleton, who had been informed by two prisoners of morgan's position and strength, instantly formed his troops. the light and legion infantry and the seventh regiment, and a captain with fifty dragoons on each flank, constituted his first line; the first battalion of the seventy-first regiment and the rest of the cavalry composed the reserve. formerly tarleton had succeeded by sudden and impetuous assaults, and, entertaining no doubt of speedy and complete victory on the present occasion, he led on his men to the attack with characteristic ardor, even before his troops were well formed. the british rushed forward impetuously, shouting and firing as they advanced. the american volunteers, after a single discharge, retreated to the militia under pickens. the british advanced rapidly, and furiously attacked the militia, who soon gave way and sought shelter in the rear of the continentals. tarleton eagerly pressed on, but the continentals, undismayed by the retreat of the militia, received him firmly, and an obstinate conflict ensued. tarleton ordered up his reserve, and the continental line was shaken by the violence of the onset. morgan ordered his men to retreat to the summit of the eminence and was instantly obeyed. the british, whose ranks were somewhat thinned, exhausted by the previous march and by the struggle in which they had been engaged, and believing the victory won, pursued in some disorder, but, on reaching the top of the hill, howard ordered his men to wheel and face the enemy; they instantly obeyed and met the pursuing foe with a well-directed and deadly fire. this unexpected and destructive volley threw the british into some confusion, which howard observing, ordered his men to charge them with the bayonet. their obedience was as prompt as before, and the british line was soon broken. about the same moment washington routed the cavalry on the british right, who had pursued the flying militia and were cutting them down on the left and even in the rear of the continentals. ordering his men not to fire a pistol, washington charged the british cavalry sword in hand. the conflict was sharp, but not of long duration. the british were driven from the ground with considerable loss and closely pursued. howard and washington pressed the advantage which they had gained; many of the militia rallied and joined in the battle. in a few minutes after the british had been pursuing the enemy, without a doubt of victory, the fortune of the day entirely changed; their artillerymen were killed, their cannon taken, and the greater part of the infantry compelled to lay down their arms. tarleton, with about forty horse, made a furious charge on washington's cavalry, but the battle was irrecoverably lost, and he was reluctantly obliged to retreat. upwards of of his cavalry, who had not been engaged, fled through the woods with the utmost precipitation, bearing away with them such of the officers as endeavored to oppose their flight. the only part of the infantry which escaped was the detachment left to guard the baggage, which they destroyed when informed of the defeat, and, mounting the wagons and spare horses, hastily retreated to the army. the cavalry arrived in camp in two divisions; one in the evening, with the tidings of their disastrous discomfiture, and the other, under tarleton himself, appeared next morning. in this battle the british had ten commissioned officers and upwards of privates killed. more than were made prisoners, nearly of whom, including twenty-nine commissioned officers, were wounded. two pieces of artillery, two standards, muskets, thirty-five baggage wagons and about horses fell into the hands of the americans whose loss amounted only to men killed and wounded. the british force under tarleton has been commonly estimated at , men, and the american army at , , although morgan, in his official report to greene, written two days after the battle, states it to have been only . [ ] cornwallis was at turkey creek, twenty-five miles from the cowpens, confident of the success of his detachment or at least without the slightest apprehension of its defeat. he was between greene and morgan and it was a matter of much importance to prevent their junction and to overthrow the one of them while he could receive no support from the other. for that purpose he had marched up broad river and instructed general leslie to proceed on the banks of the catawba in order to keep the americans in a state of uncertainty concerning the route which he intended to pursue, but the unexpected defeat of his detachment was an occurrence equally mortifying and perplexing and nothing remained but to endeavor to compensate the disaster by the rapidity of his movements and the decision of his conduct. he was as near the fords of the catawba as morgan and flattered himself that, elated with victory and encumbered with prisoners and baggage, that officer might yet be overtaken before he could pass those fords. accordingly, on the th of january, ( ) he formed a junction with general leslie and on the th began his remarkable pursuit of morgan. in order the more certainly to accomplish his end at ramsour's mills he destroyed the whole of his superfluous baggage. he set the example by considerably diminishing the quantity of his own and was readily imitated by his officers although some of them suffered much less by the measure. he retained no wagons except those loaded with hospital stores and ammunition and four empty ones for the accommodation of the sick and wounded. but notwithstanding all his privations and exertions he ultimately missed his aim for morgan displayed as much prudence and activity after his victory as bravery in gaining it. fully aware of his danger he left behind him, under a flag of truce, such of the wounded as could not be moved with surgeons to attend them, and scarcely giving his men time to breathe he sent off his prisoners under an escort of militia and followed with his regular troops and cavalry, bringing up the rear in person. he crossed broad river at the upper fords, hastened to the catawba, which he reached on the evening of the th, and safely passed it with his prisoners and troops next day--his rear having gained the northern bank only about two hours before the van of the british army appeared on the opposite side. much rain had fallen on the mountains a short time before and it rained incessantly during the night. the river rose and in the morning was impassable. morgan made a hair-breadth escape, for had the river risen a few hours sooner he would have been unable to pass and probably would have been overtaken and overwhelmed by his pursuers and had the flood in the river been a little later cornwallis might have forced a passage and entirely discomfited the american division. but it was two days before the inundation subsided, and in that interval morgan sent off his prisoners towards charlottesville, in virginia, under an escort of militia and they were soon beyond the reach of pursuit. the americans regarded the swelling of the river with pious gratitude as an interposition of heaven in their behalf and looked forward with increased confidence to the day of ultimate success. morgan called for the assistance of the neighboring militia, and prepared to dispute the passage of the river; but on the st of january ( ), while he lay at sherwood's ford, general greene unexpectedly appeared in camp and took on himself the command. toward the end of december, ( ) greene, as already mentioned, took a position at hick's creek on the east side of the peedee, and had in camp , continental and state troops fit for service. on the th of january ( ) he was joined by col. henry lee's partisan legion which arrived from the north and consisted of well-mounted horsemen and infantry. this reinforcement was next day dispatched on a secret expedition and in order to divert the attention of the enemy from the movements of the legion, major anderson, with a small detachment was sent down the peedee. on the night of the th, lee surprised georgetown and killed some of the garrison, but the greater part fled into the fort which lee was not in a condition to besiege. although cornwallis perceived that he would meet with opposition yet he determined to force the passage. the river was about yards wide, three feet deep, and the stream rapid. the light infantry of the guards under colonel hall, accompanied by a guide, first entered the ford; they were followed by the grenadiers who were succeeded by the battalions. as soon as davidson perceived the direction of the british column he led his men to the point where it was about to land. but before he arrived the light infantry had overcome all difficulties and were ascending the bank and forming. while passing the river, in obedience to orders, they reserved their fire, and, on gaining the bank, soon put the militia to flight. davidson was the last to retreat and on mounting his horse to retire he received a mortal wound. the defeat of davidson opened the passage of the river. all the american parties retreated, and on the same day the rest of the british army crossed at beattie's ford. tarleton, with the cavalry and the twenty-third regiment, was sent in pursuit of the militia, and being informed on his march that the neighboring militia were assembling at tarrant's tavern, about ten miles distant, he hastened with the cavalry to that place. about militia were assembled and seemed not unprepared to receive him. he attacked them with his usual impetuosity and soon defeated and dispersed them with considerable slaughter. the passage of the river and the total discomfiture of the party at tarrant's tavern so much intimidated the inhabitants of the country that the royal army received no further trouble from the militia till it had passed the yadkin. a grand military race now began between the retreating americans under greene and the pursuing british under cornwallis. greene marched so rapidly that he passed the yadkin at the trading ford on the night between the d and d of february ( ), partly by fording and partly by means of boats and flats. so closely was he pursued that the british van was often in sight of the american rear and a sharp conflict happened not far from the ford, between a body of american riflemen and the advanced guard of the british army, when the latter obtained possession of a few wagons. greene secured all the boats on the south side and here it again happened as at the catawba--the river suddenly rose by reason of the preceding rains and the british were unable to pass. this second escape by the swelling of the waters was interpreted by the americans as a visible interposition of heaven in their behalf and inspired then with a lofty enthusiasm in that cause which seemed to be the peculiar care of omnipotence. greene, released from the immediate pressure of his pursuers, continued his march northward and on the th of february joined his division under huger and williams near guilford courthouse. in order to cover his retreat and to check the pursuing enemy greene formed a light corps out of lee's legion, howard's infantry, washington's cavalry, and some virginia riflemen under major campbell, amounting to men, the flower of the southern army. as general morgan was severely indisposed the command of these light troops was given to col. otho holland williams, formerly adjutant-general. having refreshed his troops, and made the necessary arrangements on the morning of the th of february ( ), greene left guilford courthouse on his march towards the dan, and was pursued by cornwallis, who had been detained by the long circuit which he was obliged to make in order to pass the yadkin. the retreat and pursuit were equally rapid, but the boldness and activity of the american light troops compelled the british to march compactly and with caution, for on one occasion colonel lee charged the advanced cavalry of the british army suddenly and furiously, killed a number, and made some prisoners. on this occasion cornwallis felt the loss of the light troops who had been killed or taken at the cowpens. he was destined to regret their loss through the rest of the campaign. greene's precautions and preparations for passing the dan were successful and on the th of february he crossed that river at boyd's and irwin's ferries with his army, baggage, and stores. although his light troops had marched forty miles that day, yet the last of them had scarcely reached the northern bank when the advanced guard of the british army appeared on the other side of the river. the escape of greene into virginia without a battle and without any loss except a few wagons at the yadkin, was a severe disappointment to cornwallis. he had entirely failed in his attempts against greene, but he was consoled by the reflection that he had completely driven him out of north carolina, and that now there was nothing to hinder the loyal inhabitants from openly espousing the british cause and reinforcing the royal army. cornwallis now gave up the pursuit and repaired to hillsborough with the view of calling out and organizing the royalist forces. his adherents, though here particularly strong, did not come forward to the extent expected. the larger portion, as elsewhere, regarded the cause with that passive and inert attachment which we have remarked to be generally prevalent and even the more zealous having suffered severely by former premature displays, dreaded lest the republican cause should regain the ascendancy. the view also of the distress and exhaustion of the british troops after so long a march was by no means alluring. yet seven companies were formed and detachments began to come in from different quarters. on the other hand, greene, having obtained a reinforcement of virginia militia, repassed the dan and with his light troops endeavored to annoy the british army and prevent recruiting. major lee surprised a detachment of royalists who mistook him for tarleton and cut them nearly to pieces. on account of the exhausted state of the country at hillsborough, cornwallis soon withdrew to a position on the allimance creek between haw and deep rivers, where he could be better supplied and support his friends who were numerous there. greene, however, by an active use of his cavalry and light troops, severely harassed his opponent and by changing his own position every night, eluded the attempt to bring him to an engagement. at length general greene, having received reinforcements which raised his army to above , men, of whom about a third were regulars, determined to offer battle. this was what cornwallis had eagerly sought, yet his own effective force being reduced to somewhat under , he felt now some hesitation, and probably would have acted more wisely in maintaining the defensive. even the enterprising tarleton observes that in his circumstances defeat would have been total ruin, while any victory he might expect to gain could yield little fruit. all the habits and views of cornwallis, however, being directed to an active campaign, he formed his resolution and, on the th of march ( ), proceeded to the attack. greene had drawn up his army very judiciously near guilford courthouse mostly on a range of hills covered with trees and brushwood. greene made disposition of his troops in the following order: the first line was composed of north carolina militia, the right under general eaton and the left under general butler, with two pieces of artillery under captain singleton. the right flank was supported by kirkwood's delawareans, lynch's riflemen, and the cavalry, all under lieutenant-colonel washington, and the left in like manner by lieutenant-colonel campbell's riflemen and the infantry of the legion, all under lieutenant-colonel lee. the second line, which was formed yards in the rear of the first, consisted of two brigades of virginia militia, the right under general lawson and the left under general stevens. the third, yards in reserve was formed upon the brow of the hill near the courthouse. the right of this line was composed of hawes's and greene's virginia regiments under general huger; the left of the first and second maryland regiments, the former under gunby, the latter under ford--the whole commanded by colonel williams. in the center of the last line was placed the remainder of the artillery. captain singleton commenced his fire, which was returned by the enemy, who had formed their line of battle--the right wing under general leslie and the left under lieutenant-colonel webster, with the artillery in the center under lieutenant-colonel mcleod. the first battalion of the guards, under lieutenant-colonel norton, served as a support for the right, and the second, with one company of grenadiers under general o'hara, for the left wing. tarleton's dragoons were held in reserve. the british commander having made all his dispositions advanced, fired one round, and charged bayonets. our militia having given a few shots while the enemy was at a distance were seized by a panic when they saw him coming down upon them. many of them threw away their muskets, and the entreaties of butler, eaton, and davie, with the threats of lee, were of no avail. almost the entire body fled. the artillery now retired to the left of the marylanders. at this crisis the enemy considered victory as already within his grasp and continued to push on when he was attacked on his right and left by lee and washington. cornwallis perceiving this threw one regiment out to engage lee, and one regiment together with his light infantry and yagers to resist washington, filling up the breach thus created by advancing the grenadiers with two battalions of the guards, which had formed the supports to the flanks. lee and washington fell back in good order, delivering their fire until they came up with the second line which gave battle in good earnest. the right flank was supported by washington, who ordered lynch's riflemen to fall upon the left of webster, who had to be supported by o'hara. here webster ordered the thirty-third regiment to attack lynch and was thereby in a measure relieved. o'hara charged the virginia right wing, which was obliged to yield ground. lee on the left nobly did his duty and firmly held his position. when the militia on the right gave way those on the left fell back and were not rallied until they came up on the left of the third line. campbell's riflemen and lee's legion stood perfectly firm and continued the contest against one regiment, one battalion, and a body of infantry and riflemen. the american reserve, with the artillery posted in a most favorable position, was fresh and ready for the word of command. webster having overcome the americans of the second line in his front advanced upon the third and was received by gunby's maryland regiment with a most galling fire which made his troops falter. gunby advanced, charging bayonets, when the enemy was completely routed. leslie, after the left of the virginia militia gave way, advanced to the support of o'hara, who had forced the american right wing, and the combined commands of these generals charged the second maryland regiment of the third line. this regiment, panic-stricken, fled. gunby, coming up at the time, held the enemy in check and a deadly conflict ensued. gunby having his horse shot under him, lieutenant-colonel howard assumed the command. washington seeing how hot was the battle at this point pushed forward and charged the enemy, and howard advancing with his bayonets leveled, the british were completely routed. the pursuit was continued for some distance when cornwallis came up and determined to gain the victory at any cost. he opened the fire of his artillery alike on friend and foe, causing an indiscriminate slaughter of british and americans. the british were rallied at all points, and greene, considering it better to preserve the advantages he had gained, withdrew his forces. this was done in good order and cornwallis continued the pursuit but a short distance. the loss of the americans was about in killed and wounded; that of the british about . the enemy retained the field, but his victory was both empty, and disastrous. notwithstanding cornwallis claimed a victory he resolved to fall back on wilmington, near the mouth of cape fear river, where he could recruit his troops and obtain supplies and reinforcements by sea. greene retreated about fifteen miles, taking post behind a small stream called troublesome creek, where he expected and awaited an attack. . footnote: marion was a strict temperance man. being at a dinner party where the guests, determined on a hard drinking bout, had locked the door to prevent his exit, he jumped out of a second-story window, and broke his leg. this was the wound above referred to. it occasioned him to leave the city. he thus escaped surrendering when charleston fell, and his temperance preserved to the country one of its bravest defenders. . footnote: marion, on account of his successful stratagems and sudden surprises of the british, was called by them the _swamp-fox_. his own countrymen styled him the _bayard_ of the south. . footnote: the action at the cowpens was one of the medal victories. congress had separate gold medals struck in honor of it, and presented to morgan, howard, and col. william a. washington. the name cowpens, according to irving, comes from the old designation of hannah's cowpens, the place being part of a grazing establishment belonging to a man named hannah. the worthy grazier could hardly have foreseen the immortality which was destined to attach to his cowpens. chapter xxii. the campaign at the south concluded. . while the events recorded in the last chapter were passing washington was by no means a passive spectator. he held a constant correspondence with greene and sent him all the aid he could. writing to him on the th of january, , he says: "it is impossible for anyone to sympathize more feelingly with you in the sufferings and distresses of the troops than i do, and nothing could aggravate my unhappiness so much as the want of ability to remedy or alleviate the calamities which they suffer and in which we participate but too largely. "the brilliant action of general sumter and the stratagem of colonel washington deserve great commendation. it gives me inexpressible pleasure to find that such a spirit of enterprise and intrepidity still prevails." [ ] writing to greene again (on the st of march, ), he says: "you may be assured that your retreat before lord cornwallis is highly applauded by all ranks and reflects much honor on your military abilities." such words, from such a man, must have inspirited greene amidst his toils and perils. greene, writing to washington three days after the battle of guilford courthouse, says: "in my former letters i enclosed to your excellency the probable strength of the british army, since which they have been constantly declining. our force, as you will see by the returns, was respectable, and the probability of not being able to keep it long in the field, and the difficulty of subsisting men in this exhausted country, together with the great advantages which would result from the action if we were victorious, and the little injury if we were otherwise, determined me to bring on an action as soon as possible. when both parties are agreed in a matter all obstacles are soon removed. i thought the determination warranted by the soundest principles of good policy and i hope events will prove it so though we were unfortunate. i regret nothing so much as the loss of my artillery, though it was of little use to us, nor can it be in this great wilderness. however, as the enemy have it, we must also." "lord cornwallis," he writes in the same letter, "will not give up this country without being roundly beaten. i wish our force was more competent to the business. but i am in hopes, by little and little, to reduce him in time. his troops are good, well found, and fight with great obstinacy. "virginia has given me every support i could wish or expect since lord cornwallis has been in north carolina, and nothing has contributed more to this than the prejudice of the people in favor of your excellency which has been extended to me from the friendship you have been pleased to honor me with." the reader will not fail to observe the soundness of greene's judgment as to the beneficial effect of the battle of guilford courthouse. it was truly a disastrous victory for cornwallis and a fortunate defeat for greene, whose subsequent operations we must now notice. when greene took his position at the ironworks on troublesome creek after the battle of guilford courthouse he expected that cornwallis would follow up his advantage and attack him without delay. he therefore prepared again to fight. his army, indeed, was much diminished, but he had lost more in numbers than in effective strength. the militia, many of whom had returned home, had shown themselves very inefficient in the field. as soon as he received certain information that instead of pursuing, cornwallis was retreating, he resolved to follow him and advanced accordingly. greene was now in his turn the pursuer and followed cornwallis so closely that skirmishes occasionally happened between his advanced parties and the rear guard of the british army, but no conflict of importance ensued. on the morning of the th of march he arrived at ramsay's mills, on deep river, a strong post which the british had evacuated a few hours before, crossing the river by a bridge erected for the purpose. there greene paused and meditated on his future movements. his army, like that of the british, for some time past had suffered much from heavy rains, deep roads, and scarcity of provisions. on reaching ramsay's mills his men were starving with hunger and fed voraciously on some fresh quarters of beef left behind by the british army. the troops were much exhausted and stood in need of repose and refreshment. besides in that critical state of the campaign he found himself reduced to a handful of continentals. most of the militia had left him. small as his army was he found great difficulty in procuring subsistence for it. cornwallis had fairly the start of the americans and was advancing to a place where he would find more plentiful supplies and easily communicate with the sea; so that greene was sensible that with the force then under his command he could make no impression on him. he resolved, therefore, instead of following his opponent, to proceed to south carolina. that step, he thought, would oblige cornwallis either to follow him or to abandon his posts in the upper parts of the southern states. if he followed him north carolina would be relieved and enabled to raise its quota of men for the continental service, but if he remained in that state or proceeded to the northward it was likely that the greater part of the british posts in south carolina and georgia would be reduced and that those states would be restored to the union. he entertained little apprehension of cornwallis being able with the force then under his command to make any permanent impression on the powerful state of virginia. having refreshed his troops and collected provisions for a few days greene moved from ramsay's mills, on deep river, on the th of april ( ), toward camden, and on the morning of the th of the same month encamped at logtown in sight of the british works at that place. soon after his arrival at wilmington, cornwallis received certain information that greene was proceeding to south carolina, and it threw him into much perplexity. he was alarmed for the safety of lord rawdon, but, though desirous of assisting him, he was convinced that the americans were already so far advanced that it was impossible for him to arrive at camden in time to succor rawdon if he should need it. his lordship's fate and that of his garrison would probably be decided long before he could reach them, and if greene should be successful at camden, he, by attempting to relieve it, might be hemmed in between the great rivers and exposed to the most imminent hazard. on the other hand, if rawdon should defeat greene there would be no need of his assistance. a movement so perilous in the execution and promising so little in the result was abandoned and rawdon left to his own resources. greene, without regard to the movements of his opponent, pushed on and established himself at hobkirk's hill, about a mile from rawdon's headquarters at camden. the militia having either deserted or their term of service being expired his force was reduced to , men, but those in fact included all on whom he could ever place much dependence. camden was occupied by rawdon with about men, the other troops being employed upon the defense of detached posts, yet his position was judged so strong as to afford no hope of success in a direct attack. the object aimed at was, by throwing out detachments which might capture the forts and cut off the supplies in his rear, to compel him gradually to fall back. lee, for this purpose, was sent with a strong party to cooperate with marion and sumter. the english general seeing the hostile troops thus reduced to about , , formed the bold resolution of attacking them. making a large circuit round a swamp he came upon their left flank quite unexpectedly, while the soldiers were busied in cooking and washing. this first surprise was never wholly recovered, yet they quickly stood to their arms and formed in order of battle. they had even gained some advantages when the first maryland regiment, considered the flower of the army and which had highly distinguished itself both at cowpens and guilford, fell into confusion, and when ordered to make a retrograde movement, converted it into a complete retreat. the other corps also, beginning to give ground, greene thought it expedient to cause the whole to retire. the loss on each side was about killed and wounded, and the americans carried off fifty prisoners, including six officers. this battle, commonly called the battle of hobkirk's hill, reflected much honor on lord rawdon considering the disproportion of force which was, in fact, greater than at guilford, yet it did not change materially the relative situation of the armies. greene could still maintain his position and support the detachments operating in the rear of his adversary. lee and marion proceeded next against fort watson on the santee which commanded in a great measure the communication with charleston. having neither artillery nor besieging tools they reared a tower above the level of the rampart whence their rifle fire drove the defenders, and themselves then mounted and compelled the garrison to surrender. they could not, however, prevent colonel watson from leading men to reinforce lord rawdon, who then advanced with the intention of bringing greene again to action, but found him fallen back upon so strong a position as to afford no reasonable hope of success. his lordship finding his convoys intercepted and viewing the generally insecure state of his posts in the lower country, considered himself under at least the temporary necessity of retreating thither. he had first in view the relief of mott's house, on the congaree, but before reaching it had the mortification to find that with the garrison of it had fallen into the hands of marion and lee. he continued his march to monk's corner, where he covered charleston and the surrounding country. the partisan chiefs rapidly seized this opportunity of attacking the interior posts and reduced successively orangeburg and granby on the congaree, and early in june, augusta, the key of upper georgia, surrendered to lee and pickens. in these five forts they made , prisoners. the most important one, however, was that named ninety-six, on the saluda, defended by a garrison of men. orders had been sent to them to quit and retire downward but the messenger was intercepted and colonel cruger, the commander, made the most active preparations for its defense. greene considered the place of such importance that he undertook the siege in person with , regulars. he broke ground before it on the night of the d of may ( ), and though much impeded by a successful sally on the following day, proceeded with such energy that by the d of june the second parallel was completed and the garrison summoned, but in vain, to surrender. on the th, he was reinforced by lee from the capture of augusta and though he encountered a most gallant and effective resistance trusted that the place must in due time fall. three days after, however, he learned that rawdon, having received a reinforcement from ireland, was in full march to relieve it and had baffled the attempts of sumter to impede his progress. the american leader, therefore, feeling himself unable to give battle saw no prospect of carrying the fortress unless by storm. on the th (june, ), an attack against the two most commanding outworks was led by lee and campbell, the former of whom carried his point, but the latter, though he penetrated into the ditch and maintained his party there for three-quarters of an hour, found them exposed to so destructive a fire as compelled a general retreat. [ ] the siege was immediately raised and lord rawdon, on the st, entered the place in triumph. being again master of the field, he pressed forward in the hope of bringing his antagonist to battle but the latter rather chose to fall back towards the distant point of charlotte in virginia, while rawdon did not attempt to pursue him beyond the ennoree. notwithstanding this present superiority his lordship, having failed in his hopes of a decisive victory and viewing the general aspect of the country, considered it no longer possible to attempt more than covering the lower districts, of south carolina. he therefore fell back to orangeburg on the edisto and though he attempted at first to maintain cruger with a strong body at ninety-six was soon induced to recall him. greene, being reinforced by , men under marion and sumter, reconnoitered his position but, judging it imprudent to attack, retired to the high hills of the santee, july the th ( ), and both armies, exhausted by such a series of active movements, took an interval of repose during the heat of the season. lord rawdon being at this time obliged by ill health to return to england left the army under the command of colonel stuart, who, to cover the lower country, occupied a position at the point where the congaree and wateree unite in forming the santee. greene, having received reinforcements from the north and collected all his partisan detachments soon found himself strong enough to try the chance of battle. his approach on the th of september ( ) with this evident view induced the british to retire down the river to the strong post of eutaw springs, whither the american army immediately followed. on the th of september, greene determined to attack the british camp, placing as usual his militia in front, hoping that the english in charging them would get into confusion, but from apprehension of this the latter had been warned to keep their posts till ordered to move. the american front, however, maintained their ground better than usual and the british having become heated and forgetting the warnings given pushed forward irregularly. they were then charged by the veterans of the second line and after a very desperate struggle driven off the field. there lay in their way, however, a large brick building and adjacent garden, where stuart had placed a strong corps which could not be dislodged and which kept up a deadly fire which checked the victors, enabling the retreating troops to be formed anew. at the same time colonel washington attacked the british flank, but finding it strongly posted amongst the woods he was repulsed with great loss and himself taken prisoner. the american general seeing no hope of making any further impression, retreated to his previous position. the conflict lasted four hours and great bravery was shown on both sides. colonel campbell was mortally wounded. learning the british were dispersing he exclaimed, like wolfe at quebec, "then i die contented!" and immediately expired. in this bloody and doubtful battle both parties claimed the victory though the americans with most reason as the general result was greatly to their advantage. it was certainly far from decisive and the british loss in killed and wounded was much greater than that of the americans, who also carried off above prisoners. the british commander, prompted as well probably by the result of the day as by the general state of the country and the numbers and activity of the american light troops, conceiving himself unable to maintain so advanced a position, retired during the evening of the th (september ), and proceeded down to monk's corner, where he covered charleston and its vicinity. to this and to savannah were now limited that proud british authority which had lately extended so widely over the southern states. [ ] thus ended the campaign of in south carolina. at its commencement the british were in force all over the state. history affords but a few instances of commanders who have achieved so much with equal means as was done by general greene in the short space of twelve months. he opened the campaign with gloomy prospects but closed it with glory. his unpaid and half-naked army had to contend with veteran soldiers, supplied with everything that the wealth of great britain or the plunder of carolina could procure. under all these disadvantages he compelled superior numbers to retire from the extremity of the state, and confine themselves in the capital and its vicinity. had not his mind been of the firmest texture he would have been discouraged, but his enemies found him as formidable on the evening of a defeat as on the morning after a victory. the reader will not fail to perceive how important a bearing the operations of greene in the south had upon those of washington in the north. before recovering north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, greene had partly led and partly driven cornwallis into virginia, where he was destined to be conquered by washington and the war was thus to be virtually terminated. how this was accomplished will now be the object of our attention. virginia had insensibly, as it were, become the principal theater of war. general leslie had been sent thither to reinforce cornwallis, who it was hoped might penetrate through the carolinas, but after ferguson's disaster he was ordered to go round by charleston. with the view, however, of creating a diversion in favor of the southern army, clinton, in december, , sent arnold with , men to the chesapeake. that infamous traitor, displaying all his wonted activity, overran a great extent of country and captured richmond, the capital, destroying great quantities of stores. washington, most anxious to strike a blow against him, prevailed upon destouches, the french admiral to proceed thither with a land force but the latter was overtaken by arbuthnot and endured a hard battle which though not admitted to be a defeat obliged him to return to newport; thus arnold escaped the danger of falling into the hands of his enraged countrymen. clinton, still with the same view, sent another force of , men under general phillips which arrived in the chesapeake on the th of march ( ). this officer being complete master of the field, overran the country between the james and york rivers, seized the town of petersburg, as also chesterfield courthouse, the militia rendezvous, and other stations, destroying great quantities of shipping and stores, with all the warehoused tobacco. lafayette, then in command of about , men for the defense of virginia, succeeded by skilful maneuvering in securing richmond. operations seemed at a stand, when, late in april, intelligence was received of cornwallis' march from south carolina toward virginia and, in spite of every effort of lafayette, he, at the end of may ( ), joined phillips at petersburg, taking the command of the whole army. being then decidedly superior he took possession of richmond and began a hot pursuit of lafayette, who retreated into the upper country so rapidly and so skillfully that he could not be overtaken. the english general then turned back and sent a detachment under colonel simcoe, who destroyed the chief magazine at the junction of the two branches of james river. tarleton pushed his cavalry so swiftly upon charlotteville, where the state assembly was met, that seven members were taken and the rest very narrowly escaped. lafayette, however, now returned with a considerable force and by his maneuvers induced the british commander to retire to williamsburg. he afterward continued his retreat to portsmouth in the course of which the former made an attack but was repulsed and would have been totally routed had not his strength been estimated above its real amount. the movement of cornwallis into virginia had been wholly disapproved by clinton who complained that, contrary to all his views and intentions, the main theater of war had been transferred to a territory into which he never proposed more than partial inroads, considering it very difficult to subdue and maintain. his grand object had always been first to secure new york and, if sufficient strength was afforded, to push offensive operations thence into the interior. hoping, therefore, that the carolinas, once subdued, might be retained by a small force, he had repeatedly solicited the partial return of the troops. cornwallis defended the movement by observing that his situation at wilmington, allowing no time to send for instructions, obliged him to act on his own responsibility. communicating also with the government at home he urged that the carolinas could not be securely held without the possession also of virginia; that this might be attained by a vigorous effort, and would make britain mistress of all the southern colonies, whose resources could be then employed in conquering the more stubborn regions of the north. these arguments, recommended by his lordship's brilliant achievements at camden and elsewhere, convinced the ministry, and lord germaine wrote to the commander-in-chief to direct his principal attention to the war in virginia and to the plan of conquest from south to north. the latter, considering himself thus slighted, solicited permission to resign and leave the command to an officer who enjoyed greater confidence, but his merits being highly estimated this tender was not accepted. under the apprehension inspired by the threatening movements of washington and the french army against new york, he had ordered a considerable reinforcement from virginia, but countermanded it on receiving the above instructions, along with an additional body of troops. he had formed, apparently, a favorite plan somewhat of a compromise between the two. it is nowhere distinctly developed in his letters, but by a passage in one very active operations were proposed at the head of the chesapeake, to be combined probably with a movement from new york and comprehending philadelphia and baltimore. aware that this plan required the maritime command of that great inlet, he inquired if ministers would insure its maintenance, and they made this engagement without duly considering its difficulties. under these views he directed cornwallis to occupy and fortify a naval position at the entrance of the bay, specially recommending old point comfort, at the mouth of james river. this measure did not harmonize with cornwallis' views; however, he obeyed, but, the above position being declared by the engineers indefensible, he recommended, in preference, yorktown on the york river, which was agreed to and operations actively commenced at the latter end of august. the whole british force at this time in virginia was about , men. . footnote: referring to the affair at rugely's mills, where colonel washington frightened the militia colonel into a surrender by means of a pine log mounted like a cannon. . footnote: on this occasion kosciusko, the polish general, particularly distinguished himself. . footnote: in the southern provinces the campaign of was uncommonly active. the exertions and sufferings of the army were great. but the troops were not the only sufferers; the inhabitants were exposed to many calamities. the success of colonel campbell at savannah laid georgia and the carolinas open to all the horrors which attend the movements of conflicting armies and the rage of civil dissensions for two years. in those provinces the inhabitants were nearly divided between the british and american interests, and, under the names of tories and whigs, exercised a savage hostility against each other, threatening the entire depopulation of the country. besides, each of the contending armies, claiming the provinces as its own, showed no mercy to those who, in the fluctuations of war, abandoned its cause or opposed its pretensions. numbers were put to death as deserters and traitors at the different british posts. one of those executions, that of colonel hayne, happened at charleston on the th of august, while lord rawdon was in that town, preparing to sail for europe, and threatened to produce the most sanguinary consequences. colonel hayne had served in the american militia during the siege of charleston, but, after the capitulation of that place and the expulsion of the american army from the province, he was, by several concurring circumstances, constrained, with much reluctance, to subscribe a declaration of allegiance to the british government being assured that his services against his country would not be required. he was allowed to return to his family, but, in violation of the special condition on which he had signed the declaration, he was soon called on to take up arms against his countrymen, and was at length threatened with close confinement in case of further refusal. colonel hayne considered this breach of contract on the part of the british, and their inability to afford him the protection promised in reward of his allegiance, as absolving him from the obligations into which he had entered, and accordingly he returned to the american standard. in the month of july he was taken prisoner, confined in a loathsome dungeon, and, by the arbitrary mandate of lord rawdon and colonel balfour, without trial, hanged at charleston. he behaved with much firmness and dignity, and his fate awakened a strong sensation. chapter xxiii. washington captures cornwallis. . we have already seen, by the quotation from washington's journal, how gloomy was the prospect presented to him at this time. he evidently saw little to encourage a hope of the favorable termination of the campaign of that year. indeed, it is quite apparent that our national affairs were then at a lower ebb than they had ever been since the period immediately preceding the battle of trenton. but by the merciful interposition of divine providence, the course of events took a favorable turn much sooner than he had anticipated. his letter to col. john laurens, on the occasion, already mentioned, of that gentleman's mission to france to obtain a loan, had been productive of remarkable effects. in this paper he detailed the pecuniary embarrassments of the government, and represented with great earnestness the inability of the nation to furnish a revenue adequate to the support of the war. he dwelt on the discontents which the system of impressment had excited among the people, and expressed his fears that the evils felt in the prosecution of the war, might weaken the sentiments which began it. from this state of things he deduced the vital importance of an immediate and ample supply of money, which might be the foundation for substantial arrangements of finance, for reviving public credit, and giving vigor to future operations, as well as of a decided effort of the allied arms on the continent to effect the great objects of the alliance in the ensuing campaign. next to a supply of money he considered a naval superiority in the american seas as an object of the deepest interest. to the united states it would be of decisive importance, and france also might derive great advantages from transferring the maritime war to the coast of her ally. the future ability of the united states to repay any loan which might now be obtained was displayed, and he concluded with assurances that there was still a fund of inclination and resource in the country, equal to great and continued exertions, provided the means were afforded of stopping the progress of disgust by changing the present system and adopting another more consonant with the spirit of the nation, and more capable of infusing activity and energy into public measures, of which a powerful succor in money must be the basis. "the people were discontented, but it was with the feeble and oppressive mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself." with great reason did washington urge on the cabinet of versailles the policy of advancing a sum of money to the united states which might be adequate to the exigency. deep was the gloom with which the political horizon was then overcast. the british in possession of south carolina and georgia had overrun the greater part of north carolina also, and it was with equal hazard and address that greene maintained himself in the northern frontier of that state. a second detachment from new york was making a deep impression on virginia, where the resistance had been neither so prompt nor so vigorous as the strength of that state and the unanimity of its citizens had given reason to expect. such were the facts and arguments urged by washington in his letter to colonel laurens. its able exposition of the actual state of the country, and his arguments in support of the application of congress for a fleet and army as well as money, when laid before the king and the ministry, decided them to afford the most ample aid to the american cause. a loan of $ , , was granted, which was to be placed at washington's disposal, but he was happy to be relieved from that responsibility. a loan from holland was also guaranteed by the french government, and large reinforcements of ships and men were sent to the united states. the intelligence of these succors followed within a few days after the desponding tone of washington's journal, to which we have just referred. early in may ( ) the count de barras, who had been appointed to the command of the french fleet on the american coast, arrived at boston, accompanied by the viscount de rochambeau, commander of the land forces. an interview between washington and the french commanders was immediately appointed to be held at wethersfield, near hartford, on the st (may, ), but some movements of the british fleet made de barras repair to newport, while the two generals met at the appointed place and agreed on a plan of the campaign. it was resolved to unite the french and american armies on the hudson and to commence vigorous operations against new york. the regular army at that station was estimated at only , men, and though sir henry clinton might be able to reinforce it with , or , militia, yet it was believed he could not maintain the post without recalling a considerable part of his troops from the southward and enfeebling the operations of the british in that quarter; in which case it was resolved to make a vigorous attack on the point which presented the best prospect of success. in a letter to general greene, dated june , , washington thus gives the result of the conference with rochambeau: "i have lately had an interview with count de rochambeau at weathersfield. our affairs were very attentively considered in every point of view and it was finally determined to make an attempt upon new york, with its present garrison, in preference to a southern operation, as we had not the decided command of the water. you will readily suppose the reasons which induced this determination were the inevitable loss of men from so long a march, more especially in the approaching hot season, and the difficulty, i may say impossibility, of transporting the necessary baggage, artillery, and stores by land. if i am supported as i ought to be by the neighboring states in this operation, which, you know, has always been their favorite one, i hope that one of these consequences will follow--either that the enemy will be expelled from the most valuable position which they hold upon the continent or be obliged to recall part of their force from the southward to defend it. should the latter happen you will be most essentially relieved by it. the french troops will begin their march this way as soon as certain circumstances will admit. i can only give you the outlines of our plan. the dangers to which letters are exposed make it improper to commit to paper the particulars, but, as matters ripen, i will keep you as well informed as circumstances will allow." washington immediately required the states of new england to have , militia in readiness to march wherever they might be called for, and sent an account of the conference at wethersfield to congress. his dispatch was intercepted in the jerseys and carried to clinton, who, alarmed by the plan which it disclosed, made the requisition, already mentioned, of part of the troops under cornwallis, and took diligent precautions for maintaining his post against the meditated attack. meanwhile the several states of the union were extremely dilatory in furnishing their contingents of troops, and it was found difficult to procure subsistence for the small number of men already in the field. the people and their rulers talked loudly of liberty, but each was anxious to sacrifice as little as possible to maintain it and to devolve on his neighbor the expense, dangers, and privations of the struggle. in consequence of this dilatory spirit, when the troops left their winter quarters in the month of june ( ), and encamped at peekskill, the army under washington did not amount to , men. this force was so much inferior to what had been contemplated when the plan of operations was agreed on at wethersfield that it became doubtful whether it would be expedient to adhere to that plan. but the deficiency of the american force was in some measure compensated by the arrival at boston of a reinforcement of , men to the army under rochambeau. the hope of terminating the war in the course of the campaign encouraged the states to make some exertions. small as was their military force it was difficult to find subsistence for the troops, and even after the army had taken the field there was reason to apprehend that it would be obliged to abandon the objects of the campaign for want of provisions. it was at that critical juncture of american affairs that the finances of the union were entrusted to robert morris, a member of congress for pennsylvania, a man of considerable capital and of much sagacity and mercantile enterprise. he, as we have already seen, extensively pledged his personal credit for articles of the first necessity to the army, and, by an honorable fulfillment of his engagements, did much to restore public credit and confidence. it was owing mainly to his exertions that the active and decisive operations of the campaign were not greatly impeded or entirely defeated by want of subsistence to the army and of the means of transporting military stores. by his plan of a national bank, already referred to, mr. morris rendered still more important service. its notes were to be received as cash into the treasuries of the several states, and also as an equivalent for the necessaries which the states were bound to provide for the army. in this way, and by a liberal and judicious application of his own resources, an individual afforded the supplies which government was unable to furnish. the french troops, under rochambeau, marched from newport and boston toward the hudson. both in quarters and on the route their behavior was exemplary, and gained the respect and good will of the inhabitants. toward the end of june ( ) washington put his army in motion, and, learning that a royal detachment had passed into the jerseys, he formed a plan to surprise the british posts on the north end of york island, but it did not succeed, and general lincoln, who commanded the americans, being attacked by a strong british party, a sharp conflict ensued. washington marched with his main body to support his detachment, but on his advance the british retired into their works at kingsbridge. rochambeau, then on his march to join washington, detached the duke de lauzun with a body of men to support the attack, who advanced with his troops within supporting distance, but the british had retreated before they could be brought into action. having failed in his design of surprising the british posts washington withdrew to valentine's hill, and afterward to dobb's ferry. while encamped there, on the th of july ( ), the van of the long-expected french reinforcements under rochambeau was seen winding down the neighboring heights. the arrival of these friendly strangers elevated the minds of the americans, who received them with sincere congratulations. washington labored, by personal attentions, to conciliate the good will of his allies, and used all the means in his power to prevent those mutual jealousies and irritations which frequently prevail between troops of different nations serving in the same army. an attack on new york was still meditated, and every exertion made to prepare for its execution, but with the determination, if it should prove impracticable, vigorously to prosecute some more attainable object. [ ] on the evening of the st of july ( ), the greater part of the american, and part of the french troops, left their encampment, and marching rapidly during the night, appeared in order of battle before the british works at kingsbridge, at next morning. washington and rochambeau, with the general officers and engineers, viewed the british lines in their whole extent from right to left, and the same was again done next morning. but, on the afternoon of the d they returned to their former encampment without having made any attempt on the british works. at that time the new levies arrived slowly in the american camp, and many of those who were sent were mere boys utterly unfit for active service. the several states discovered much backwardness in complying with the requisitions of congress, so that there was reason to apprehend that the number of troops necessary for besieging new york could not be procured. this made washington turn his thoughts more seriously to the southward than he had hitherto done, but all his movements confirmed clinton in the belief that an attack on new york was in contemplation. as the british commander-in-chief, however, at that time received about , troops from europe, he thought himself able to defend his post without withdrawing any part of the force from virginia. therefore he countermanded the requisition which he had before sent to cornwallis for part of the troops under his command. the troops were embarked before the arrival of the counter order, and of their embarkation lafayette sent notice to washington. on the reception of new instructions, however, as formerly mentioned they were relanded and remained in virginia. no great operation could be undertaken against the british armies so long as their navy had undisputed command of the coast and of the great navigable rivers. washington, as we have seen, had already, through colonel laurens, made an earnest application to the court of france for such a fleet as might be capable of keeping in check the british navy in those seas and of affording effectual assistance to the land forces. that application was not unsuccessful, and towards the middle of the month of august the agreeable information was received of the approach of a powerful french fleet to the american coast. early in march ( ) the count de grasse had sailed from brest with twenty-five ships-of-the-line, five of which were destined for the east, and twenty for the west indies. after an indecisive encounter in the straits of st. lucie with sir samuel hood, whom sir george rodney, the british admiral in the west indies had detached to intercept him, count de grasse formed a junction with the ships of his sovereign on that station and had a fleet superior to that of the british in the west indies. de grasse gave the americans notice that he would visit their coast in the month of august and take his station in chesapeake bay, but that his continuance there could only be of short duration. this dispatch at once determined washington's resolution with respect to the main point of attack, and as it was necessary that the projected operation should be accomplished within a very limited time prompt decision and indefatigable exertion were indispensable. though it was now finally resolved that virginia should be the grand scene of action, yet it was prudent to conceal till the last moment this determination from sir henry clinton, and still to maintain the appearance of threatening new york. the defense of the strong posts on the hudson or north river was entrusted to general heath who was instructed to protect the adjacent country as far as he was able, and for that purpose a respectable force was put under his command. every preparation of which circumstances admitted was made to facilitate the march to the southward. washington was to take the command of the expedition and to employ in it all the french troops and a strong detachment of the american army. on the th of august ( ) a considerable corps was ordered to cross the hudson at dobbs' ferry and to take a position between springfield and chatham, where they were directed to cover some bakehouses which it was rumored were to be immediately constructed in the vicinity of those places in order to encourage the belief that there the troops intended to establish a permanent post. on the th and st the main body of the americans passed the river at king's ferry, but the french made a longer circuit and did not complete the passage till the th. desirous of concealing his object as long as possible, washington continued his march some time in such a direction as still to keep up the appearance of threatening new york. when concealment was no longer practicable he marched southward with the utmost celerity. his movements had been of such a doubtful nature that sir henry clinton, it is said, was not fully convinced of his real destination till he had crossed the delaware. great exertions had been made to procure funds for putting the army in motion, but, after exhausting every other resource, washington was obliged to have recourse to rochambeau for a supply of cash, which he received. [ ] on the d and d of september ( ) the combined american and french armies passed through philadelphia, where they were received with ringing of bells, firing of guns, bonfires, illuminations, and every demonstration of joy. meanwhile count de grasse, with , troops on board, sailed from cape francois with a valuable fleet of merchantmen, which he conducted out of danger, and then steered for chesapeake bay with twenty-eight sail-of-the-line and several frigates. toward the end of august ( ) he cast anchor just within the capes, extending across from cape henry to the middle ground. there an officer from lafayette waited on the count, and gave him full information concerning the posture of affairs in virginia, and the intended plan of operations against the british army in that state. cornwallis was diligently fortifying himself at york and gloucester. lafayette was in a position on james river to prevent his escape into north carolina, and the combined army was hastening southward to attack him. in order to cooperate against cornwallis de grasse detached four ships-of-the-line and some frigates to block up the entrance of york river, and to carry the land forces which he had brought with him, under the marquis de st. simon, to lafayette's camp. the rest of his fleet remained at the entrance of the bay. sir george rodney, who commanded the british fleet in the west indies, was not ignorant that the count intended to sail for america, but knowing that the merchant vessel which he convoyed from cape francois were loaded with valuable cargoes the british admiral believed that he would send the greater part of his fleet along with them to europe and would visit the american coast with a small squadron only. accordingly, rodney detached sir samuel hood with fourteen sail-of-the-line to america as a sufficient force to counteract the operations of the french in that quarter. admiral hood reached the capes of virginia on the th of august ( ), a few days before de grasse entered the bay and finding no enemy there sailed for sandy hook, where he arrived on the th of august. admiral graves, who had succeeded admiral arbuthnot in the command of the british fleet on the american station, was then lying at new york with seven sail-of-the-line; but two of his ships had been damaged in a cruise near boston and were under repair. at the same time that admiral hood gave information of the expected arrival of de grasse on the american coast, notice was received of the sailing of de barras with his fleet from newport. admiral graves, therefore, without waiting for his two ships which were under repair, put to sea on the st of august with nineteen sail-of-the-line and steered to the southward. on reaching the capes of the chesapeake, early on the morning of the th of september ( ), he discovered the french fleet, consisting of twenty-four ships-of-the-line, lying at anchor in the entrance of the bay. neither admiral had any previous knowledge of the vicinity of the other till the fleets were actually seen. the british stretched into the bay and soon as count de grasse ascertained their hostile character he ordered his ships to slip their cables, form the line as they could come up without regard to their specified stations and put to sea. the british fleet entering the bay and the french leaving it, they were necessarily sailing in different directions, but admiral graves put his ships on the same tack with the french and about four in the afternoon a battle began between the van and centre of the fleets which continued till night. both sustained considerable damage. the fleets continued in sight of each other for five days, but de grasse's object was not to fight unless to cover chesapeake bay, and admiral graves, owing to the inferiority of his force and the crippled state of several of his ships, was unable to compel him to renew the engagement. on the th (september, ), de grasse bore away for the chesapeake and anchored within the capes next day when he had the satisfaction to find that admiral de barras with his fleet from newport and fourteen transports laden with heavy artillery and other military stores for carrying on a siege had safely arrived during his absence. that officer sailed from newport on the th of august, and making a long circuit to avoid the british, entered the bay while the contending fleets were at sea. admiral graves followed the french fleet to the chesapeake, but on arriving there he found the entrance guarded by a force with which he was unable to contend. he then sailed for new york and left de grasse in the undisputed possession of the bay. while these naval operations were going on the land forces were not less actively employed in the prosecution of their respective purposes. the immediate aim of washington was to overwhelm cornwallis and his army at yorktown; that of clinton, to rescue him from his grasp. as soon as clinton was convinced of washington's intention of proceeding to the southward with a view to bring him back, he employed the infamous traitor arnold, with a sufficient naval and military force, on an expedition against new london. the "parricide," as jefferson calls him, had not the slightest objection to fill his pockets with the plunder of his native state. he passed from long island and on the forenoon of the th of september ( ) landed his troops on both sides of the harbor; those on the new london side being under his own immediate orders and those on the groton side commanded by lieutenant-colonel eyre. as the works at new london were very imperfect, no vigorous resistance was there made, and the place was taken possession of with little loss. but fort griswold, on the groton side, was in a more finished state and the small garrison made a desperate defense. the british entered the fort at the point of the bayonet. col. william ledyard, brother of the celebrated traveler, commanded the fort. colonel eyre and major montgomery having fallen in the assault, the command had devolved on major bromfield, a new jersey tory. after the works had been carried, ledyard ordered his men to lay down their arms. bromfield called out, "who commands in this fort?" ledyard advanced and presenting his sword, replied, "i did, but you do now." bromfield seized the sword and ran ledyard through the body. this was the signal for an indiscriminate massacre of a greater part of the garrison by the tories, refugees, and hessians, of which the army of arnold was very appropriately composed. seventy were killed and thirty-five desperately wounded. the enemy lost officers and men killed, officers and soldiers wounded. few americans had fallen before the british entered the works. the loss sustained by the americans at new london was great, but that predatory incursion had no effect in diverting washington from his purpose or in retarding his march southward. from philadelphia the allied armies pursued their route, partly to the head of elk river, which falls into the northern extremity of chesapeake bay, and partly to baltimore, at which places they embarked on board transports furnished by the french fleet, and the last division of them landed at williamsburgh on the th of september ( ). washington, rochambeau, and their attendants proceeded to the same place by land, and reached it ten days before the troops. virginia had suffered extremely in the course of the campaign; the inhabitants were clamorous for the appearance of washington in his native state, and hailed his arrival with acclamations of joy. washington and rochambeau immediately repaired on board de grasse's ship in order to concert a joint plan of operations against cornwallis. de grasse, convinced that every exertion would be made to relieve his lordship, and being told that admiral digby had arrived at new york with a reinforcement of six ships-of-the-line, expected to be attacked by a force little inferior to his own, and, deeming the station which he then occupied unfavorable to a naval engagement, he was strongly inclined to leave the bay and to meet the enemy in the open sea. washington, fully aware of all the casualties which might occur to prevent his return and to defeat the previous arrangements, used every argument to dissuade the french admiral from his purpose, and prevailed with him to remain in the bay. as de grasse could continue only a short time on that station, every exertion was made to proceed against cornwallis at yorktown. opposite yorktown is gloucester point, which projects considerably into the river, the breadth of which at that place does not exceed a mile. cornwallis had taken possession of both these places and diligently fortified them. the communication between them was commanded by his batteries and by some ships-of-war which lay in the river under cover of his guns. the main body of his army was encamped near yorktown, beyond some outer redoubts and field works calculated to retard the approach of an enemy. colonel tarleton, with six or seven hundred men, occupied gloucester point. the combined army, amounting to upwards of , men, exclusive of the virginia militia, under the command of the patriotic governor nelson, was assembled in the vicinity of williamsburgh, and on the morning of the th of september ( ), marched by different routes toward yorktown. about midday the heads of the columns reached the ground assigned them, and, after driving in the outposts and some cavalry, encamped for the night. the next day was employed in viewing the british works and in arranging the plan of attack. at the same time that the combined army encamped before yorktown the french fleet anchored at the mouth of the river and completely prevented the british from escaping by water as well as from receiving supplies or reinforcements in that way. the legion of lauzun and a brigade of militia, amounting to upwards of , men, commanded by the french general de choisé, were sent across the river to watch gloucester point and to enclose the british on that side. on the th (september, ) yorktown was invested. the french troops formed the left wing of the combined army, extending from the river above the town to a morass in front of it; the americans composed the right wing and occupied the ground between the morass and the river below the town. till the th of october the besieging army was assiduously employed in disembarking its heavy artillery and military stores and in conveying them to camp from the landing place in james river, a distance of six miles. on the night of the th the first parallel was begun, under the direction of general du portail, the chief engineer, yards from the british works. the night was dark, rainy, and well adapted for such a service; and in the course of it the besiegers did not lose a man. their operations seem not to have been suspected by the besieged till daylight disclosed them in the morning, when the trenches were so far advanced as in a good measure to cover the workmen from the fire of the garrison. by the afternoon of the th the batteries were completed, notwithstanding the most strenuous opposition from the besieged, and immediately opened on the town. from that time an incessant cannonade was kept up, and the continual discharge of shot and shells from twenty-four and eighteen pounders and ten-inch mortars, damaged the unfinished works on the left of the town, silenced the guns mounted on them and occasioned a considerable loss of men. some of the shot and shells from the batteries passed over the town, reached the shipping in the harbor, and set on fire the charon of forty-four guns and three large transports, which were entirely consumed. "from the bank of the river," says dr. thacher, "i had a fine view of this splendid conflagration. the ships were enwrapped in a torrent of fire, which, spreading with vivid brightness among the combustible rigging and running with amazing rapidity to the tops of the several masts, while all around was thunder and lightning from our numerous cannon and mortars, and in the darkness of night presented one of the most sublime and magnificent spectacles that can be imagined. some of our shells, overreaching the town, are seen to fall into the river, and bursting, throw up columns of water, like the spouting of the monsters of the deep." on the night of the th (october, ), the besiegers, laboring with indefatigable perseverance, began their second parallel, yards nearer the british works than the first; and the three succeeding days were assiduously employed in completing it. during that interval the fire of the garrison was more destructive than at any other period of the siege. the men in the trenches were particularly annoyed by two redoubts toward the left of the british works, and about yards in front of them. of these it was necessary to gain possession, and on the th preparations were made to carry them both by storm. in order to avail himself of the spirit of emulation which existed between the troops of the two nations, and to avoid any cause of jealousy to either, washington committed the attack of the one redoubt to the french and that of the other to the americans. the latter were commanded by lafayette, attended by col. alexander hamilton, who led the advance, and the former by the baron de viomenil. on the evening of the th, as soon as it was dark, the parties marched to the assault with unloaded arms. the redoubt which the americans under lafayette attacked was defended by a major, some inferior officers, and forty-five privates. the assailants advanced with such rapidity, without returning a shot to the heavy fire with which they were received, that in a few minutes they were in possession of the work, having had men killed and officers and men wounded in the attack. eight british privates were killed; major campbell, a captain, an ensign, and seventeen privates were made prisoners. the rest escaped. although the americans were highly exasperated by the recent massacre of their countrymen in fort griswold by arnold's detachment, yet not a man of the british was injured after resistance ceased. retaliation had been talked of but was not exercised. [ ] the french advanced with equal courage, but not with equal rapidity. the american soldiers had removed the abattis themselves. the french waited for the sappers to remove them according to military rule. while thus waiting a message was brought from lafayette to viomenil, informing him that he was in his redoubt, and wished to know where the baron was. "tell the marquis," replied viomenil, "that i am not in mine, but will be in five minutes." the abattis being removed, the redoubt was carried in very nearly the time prescribed by the baron. there were men in this redoubt, of whom were killed and taken prisoners; the rest made their escape. the french lost nearly men killed or wounded. during the night these two redoubts were included in the second parallel, and, in the course of next day, some howitzers were placed on them, which, in the afternoon, opened on the besieged. "during the assault," says dr. thacher, "the british kept up an incessant firing of cannon and musketry from their whole line. his excellency, general washington, generals lincoln and knox, with their aids, having dismounted, were standing in an exposed situation, waiting the result. colonel cobb, one of washington's aids, solicitous for his safety, said to his excellency, 'sir, you are too much exposed here; had you not better step a little back?' 'colonel cobb,' replied his excellency, 'if you are afraid, you have liberty to step back.' "cornwallis and his garrison had done all that brave men could do to defend their post. but the industry of laurens, and to each and all the officers and men, are above expression. not one gun was fired, and the ardor of the troops did not give time for the sappers to derange the abattis; and owing to the conduct of the commanders and the bravery of the men, the redoubt was stormed with uncommon rapidity." [missing text] the besiegers was persevering and their approaches rapid. the condition of the british was becoming desperate. in every quarter their works were torn to pieces by the fire of the assailants. the batteries already playing upon them had nearly silenced all their guns, and the second parallel was about to open on them, which in a few hours would render the place untenable. owing to the weakness of his garrison, occasioned by sickness and the fire of the besiegers, cornwallis could not spare large sallying parties, but, in the present distressing crisis, he resolved to make every effort to impede the progress of the besiegers, and to preserve his post to the last extremity. for this purpose, a little before daybreak on the morning of the th of october ( ), about men, under the command of lieutenant-colonel abercrombie, sallied out against two batteries, which seemed in the greatest state of forwardness. they attacked with great impetuosity, killed or wounded a considerable number of the french troops, who had charge of the works, spiked eleven guns, and returned with little loss. this exploit was of no permanent advantage to the garrison, for the guns, having been hastily spiked, were soon again rendered fit for service. about in the afternoon of the th of october, several batteries of the second parallel opened on the garrison, and it was obvious that, in the course of next day, all the batteries of that parallel, mounting a most formidable artillery, would be ready to play on the town. the shattered works of the garrison were in no condition to sustain such a tremendous fire. in the whole front which was attacked the british could not show a single gun, and their shells were nearly exhausted. in this extremity cornwallis formed the desperate resolution of crossing the river during the night with his effective force and attempting to escape to the northward. his plan was to leave behind his sick, baggage, and all encumbrances; to attack de choisé, who commanded on the gloucester side, with his whole force; to mount his own infantry, partly with the hostile cavalry which he had no doubt of seizing, and partly with such horses as he might find by the way; to hasten toward the fords of the great rivers in the upper country, and then, turning northward, to pass through maryland, pennsylvania, and the jerseys, and join the army at new york. the plan was hazardous, and presented little prospect of success; but in the forlorn circumstances of the garrison anything that offered a glimpse of hope was reckoned preferable to the humiliation of an immediate surrender. in prosecution of this perilous enterprise the light infantry, most of the guards, and a part of the twenty-third regiment embarked in boats, passed the river, and landed at gloucester point before midnight. a storm then arose, which rendered the return of the boats and the transportation of the rest of the troops equally impracticable. in that divided state of the british forces the morning of the th of october ( ) dawned, when the batteries of the combined armies opened on the garrison at yorktown. as the attempt to escape was entirely defeated by the storm, the troops that had been carried to gloucester point were brought back in the course of the forenoon without much loss, though the passage was exposed to the artillery of the besiegers. the british works were in ruins, the garrison was weakened by disease and death, and exhausted by incessant fatigue. every ray of hope was extinguished. it would have been madness any longer to attempt to defend the post and to expose the brave garrison to the danger of an assault, which would soon have been made on the place. at in the forenoon of the th cornwallis sent a flag of truce with a letter to washington, proposing a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, in order to give time to adjust terms for the surrender of the forts at yorktown and gloucester point. to this letter washington immediately returned an answer, expressing his ardent desire to spare the further effusion of blood and his readiness to listen to such terms as were admissible, but that he could not consent to lose time in fruitless negotiations, and desired that, previous to the meeting of commissioners, his lordship's proposals should be transmitted in writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours should be granted. the terms offered by cornwallis, although not all deemed admissible, were such as induced the opinion that no great difficulty would occur in adjusting the conditions of capitulation, and the suspension of hostilities was continued through the night. meanwhile, in order to avoid the delay of useless discussion, washington drew up and transmitted to cornwallis such articles as he was willing to grant, informing his lordship that, if he approved of them, commissioners might be immediately appointed to reduce them to form. accordingly, viscount noailles and lieutenant-colonel laurens, whose father was then a prisoner in the tower of london, on the th met colonel dundas and major ross of the british army at moore's house, in the rear of the first parallel. they prepared a rough draft, but were unable definitively to arrange the terms of capitulation. the draught was to be submitted to cornwallis, but washington, resolved to admit of no delay, directed the articles to be transcribed; and, on the morning of the th, sent them to his lordship, with a letter expressing his expectation that they would be signed by and that the garrison would march out at in the afternoon. [ ] finding that no better terms could be obtained, cornwallis submitted to a painful necessity, and, on the th of october, surrendered the posts of yorktown and gloucester point to the combined armies of america and france, on condition that his troops should receive the same honors of war which had been granted to the garrison of charleston when it surrendered to sir henry clinton. the army, artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores of every description were surrendered to washington; the ships in the harbor and the seamen to count de grasse. cornwallis wished to obtain permission for his european troops to return home, on condition of not serving against america, france, or their allies during the war, but this was refused, and it was agreed that they should remain prisoners of war in virginia, maryland, and pennsylvania, accompanied by a due proportion of officers for their protection and government. the british general was also desirous of securing from punishment such americans as had joined the royal standard, but this was refused, on the plea that it was a point which belonged to the civil authority and on which the military power was not competent to decide. but the end was gained in an indirect way, for cornwallis was permitted to send the bonetta sloop-of-war unsearched to new york, with dispatches to the commander-in-chief and to put on board as many soldiers as he thought proper, to be accounted for in any subsequent exchange. this was understood to be a tacit permission to send off the most obnoxious of the americans, which was accordingly done. the officers and soldiers were allowed to retain their private property. such officers as were not required to remain with the troops were permitted to return to europe or to reside in any part of america not in possession of the british troops. dr. thacher, who was present during the whole siege, thus describes the surrender: "at about o'clock the combined army was arranged and drawn up in two lines, extending more than a mile in length. the americans were drawn up in a line on the right side of the road, and the french occupied the left. at the head of the former the great american commander, mounted on his noble courser, took his station, attended by his aides. at the head of the latter was posted the excellent count rochambeau and his suite. the french troops, in complete uniform, displayed a noble and martial appearance; their band of music, of which the timbrel formed a part, is a delightful novelty, and produced, while marching to the ground, a most enchanting effect. the americans, though not all in uniform nor their dress so neat, yet exhibited an erect, soldierly air and every countenance beamed with satisfaction and joy. the concourse of spectators from the country was prodigious, in point of numbers nearly equal to the military, but universal silence and order prevailed. it was about o'clock when the captive army advanced through the line formed for their reception. every eye was prepared to gaze on lord cornwallis, the object of peculiar interest and solicitude, but he disappointed our anxious expectations. pretending indisposition, he made general o'hara his substitute as the leader of his army. this officer was followed by the conquered troops in a slow and solemn step, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and drums beating a british march. having arrived at the head of the line, general o'hara, elegantly mounted, advanced to his excellency, the commander-in-chief, taking off his hat and apologizing for the nonappearance of earl cornwallis. with his usual dignity and politeness, his excellency pointed to major-general lincoln for directions, by whom the british army was conducted into a spacious field, where it was intended they should ground their arms. the royal troops, while marching through the line formed by the allied army, exhibited a decent and neat appearance as respects arms and clothing, for their commander opened his store and directed every soldier to be furnished with a new suit complete prior to the capitulation. but in their line of march we remarked a disorderly and unsoldierlike conduct; their step was irregular and their ranks frequently broken. but it was in the field, when they came to the last act of the drama, that the spirit and pride of the british soldier was put to the severest test. here their mortification could not be concealed. some of the platoon officers appeared to be exceedingly chagrined when giving the word, 'ground arms!' and i am a witness that they performed this duty in a very unofficerlike manner and that many of the soldiers manifested a sullen temper, throwing their arms on the pile with violence, as if determined to render them useless. this irregularity, however, was checked by the authority of general lincoln. after having grounded their arms and divested themselves of their accoutrements, the captive troops were conducted back to yorktown and guarded by our troops until they could be conducted to the place of their destination." congress bestowed its thanks freely and fully upon the commander-in-chief, count de rochambeau, count de grasse, and the various officers of the different corps, and the brave soldiers under their command. two stands of colors, trophies of war, were voted to washington and two pieces of cannon to rochambeau and de grasse, and it was also voted that a marble column to commemorate the alliance and the victory should be erected in yorktown. on the day after the surrender the general orders closed as follows: "divine service shall be performed tomorrow in the different brigades and divisions. the commander-in-chief recommends that all the troops that are not upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment and that sensibility of heart which the recollection of the surprising and particular interposition of providence in our favor claims." a proclamation was also issued by congress appointing the th of december as a day of thanksgiving and prayer, on account of this signal and manifest favor of divine providence in behalf of our country. the news of cornwallis' surrender was received throughout the country with the most tumultuous expressions of joy. the worthy new england puritans considered it, as cromwell did the victory at worcester, "the crowning mercy." it promised them a return of peace and prosperity. the people of the middle states regarded it as a guarantee for their speedy deliverance from the presence of a hated enemy. but to the southern states it was more than this. it was the retributive justice of heaven against a band of cruel and remorseless murderers and robbers, who had spread desolation and sorrow through their once happy homes. it is asserted in gordon's "history of the war" that wherever cornwallis' army marched the dwelling-houses were plundered of everything that could be carried off. the stables of virginia were plundered of the horses on which his cavalry rode in their ravaging march through that state. millions of property, in tobacco and other merchandise and in private houses and public buildings, were destroyed by arnold, philips, and cornwallis in virginia alone. the very horse which tarleton had the impudence to ride on the day of the surrender was stolen from a planter's stable, who recognized it on the field and compelled tarleton to give it up and mount a sorry hack for the occasion. it was computed at the time that , widows were made by the war in the single district of ninety-six. the whole devastation occasioned by the british army, during six months previous to the surrender at yorktown, amounted to not less than £ , , sterling, an immense loss for so short a time, falling, as it did, chiefly on the rural population. no wonder that they assembled in crowds to witness the humiliation of cornwallis and his army. to them it was not only a triumph, but a great deliverance. well might the virginians triumph. the return of their favorite commander, a son of the soil, had speedily released their state from ravage and destruction and restored them to comparative peace and repose. on the very day of cornwallis' surrender, clinton sailed from new york with reinforcements. he had been perfectly aware of cornwallis' extreme peril and was anxious to relieve him, but the fleet had sustained considerable damage in the battle with de grasse and some time was necessarily spent in repairing it. during that interval four ships-of-the-line arrived from europe and two from the west indies. at length clinton embarked with , of his best troops, but was unable to sail from sandy hook till the th ( ), the day on which cornwallis surrendered. the fleet, consisting of twenty-five ships-of-the-line, two vessels of fifty guns each, and eight frigates, arrived off the chesapeake on the th (october, ), when clinton had the mortification to be informed of the event of the th. he remained on the coast, however, till the th, when, every doubt being removed concerning the capitulation of cornwallis, whose relief was the sole object of the expedition, he returned to new york. while clinton continued off the chesapeake, the french fleet, consisting of thirty-six sail-of-the-line, satisfied with the advantage already gained, lay at anchor in the bay without making any movement whatever. washington, considering the present a favorable opportunity for following up his success by an expedition against the british army in charleston, wrote a letter to count de grasse on the day after the capitulation, requesting him to unite his fleet to the proposed armament and assist in the expedition. he even went on board the admiral's fleet to thank him for his late services in the siege and to urge upon him the feasibility and importance of this plan of operations. but the orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engagements with the spaniards put it out of the power of the french admiral to continue so long in america as was required. he, however, remained some days in the bay in order to cover the embarkation of the troops and of the ordnance to be conveyed by water to the head of the elk. [ ] some brigades proceeded by land to join their companions at that place. some cavalry marched to join general greene, but the french troops, under count rochambeau, remained in virginia to be in readiness to march to the south or north, as the circumstances of the next campaign might require. on the th the troops of st. simon began to embark, in order to return to the west indies, and early in november count de grasse sailed for that quarter. part of the prisoners were sent to winchester in virginia and fredericktown, maryland, the remainder to lancaster, pennsylvania. lord cornwallis and the principal officers were paroled and sailed for new york. during their stay at yorktown, after the surrender, they received the most delicate attentions from the conquerors. dr. thacher, in his "military journal," notices particularly some of these attentions: "lord cornwallis and his officers," he says, "since their capitulation, have received all the civilities and hospitality which is in the power of their conquerors to bestow. general washington, count rochambeau, and other general officers have frequently invited them to entertainments, and they have expressed their grateful acknowledgments in return. they cannot avoid feeling the striking contrast between the treatment which they now experience and that which they have bestowed on our prisoners who have unfortunately fallen into their hands. it is a dictate of humanity and benevolence, after sheathing the sword, to relieve and meliorate the condition of the vanquished prisoner. "on one occasion, while in the presence of general washington, lord cornwallis was standing with his head uncovered. his excellency said to him, politely, 'my lord, you had better be covered from the cold.' his lordship, applying his hand to his head, replied, 'it matters not, sir, what becomes of this head now.'" the reader will not have failed to notice that the capture of cornwallis was effected solely by the able and judicious strategy of washington. it was he that collected from different parts of the country the forces that were necessary to enclose that commander and his hitherto victorious army as it were in a net, from which there was no possibility of escape. it was he who, by personal influence and exertion, brought de grasse to renounce his expected triumphs at sea and zealously assist in the siege by preventing cornwallis from receiving any aid from british naval forces. it was he who detained de grasse at a critical moment of the siege, when he was anxious to go off with the chief part of his force and engage the british at sea. in short, it was he who provided all, oversaw all, directed all, and having, by prudence and forethought, as well as by activity and perseverance, brought all the elements of conquest together, combined them into one mighty effort with glorious success. it was the second siege on a grand scale which had been brought to a brilliant and fortunate conclusion by the wisdom and prudence as well as the courage and perseverance of washington. in the first he expelled the enemy and recovered boston uninjured, freeing the soil for a time from the presence of the enemy. in the second, he captured the most renowned and successful british army in america and dictated his own terms of surrender to a commander who, from his marquee, had recently given law to three states of the union. . footnote: dr. thacher, in his military journal, has an entry: "july th. our army was drawn up in a line and reviewed by general rochambeau, with his excellency, general washington, and other general officers.--july th. another review took place in presence of the french ambassador from philadelphia, after which the french army passed a review in presence of the general officers of both armies." speaking of the french army, dr. thacher says: "in the officers we recognize the accomplished gentlemen, free and affable in their manners. their military dress and side-arms are elegant. the troops are under the strictest discipline, and are amply provided with arms and accoutrements, which are kept in the neatest order. they are in complete uniform--coats of white broadcloth, trimmed with green, and white under-dress, and on their heads they wear a singular kind of hat or chapeau. it is unlike our cocked hats, in having but two corners instead of three, which gives them a very novel appearance." . footnote: the amount was $ , in specie, to be refunded by robert morris on the st of october. on the st of august, dr. thacher says: "colonel laurens arrived at headquarters, camp, trenton, on his way from boston to philadelphia. he brought two and a half millions of livres in cash, a part of the french subsidy,--a most seasonable supply, as the troops were discontented and almost mutinous for want of pay." . footnote: lafayette (letter to washington, th october, ) says "your excellency having personally seen our dispositions, i shall only give you an account of what passed in the execution. colonel gimat's battalion led the van, and was followed by that of colonel hamilton, who commanded the whole advanced corps. at the same time a party of eighty men, under colonel laurens, turned the redoubt. i beg leave to refer your excellency to the report i have received from colonel hamilton, whose well-known talents and gallantry were, on this occasion, most conspicuous and serviceable. our obligations to him, to colonel gimat, to colonel [missing footnote text] . footnote: the whole number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, was over , , and the british loss during the siege was between five and six hundred. the army of the allies consisted of , american regular troops, upward of , french, and , militia. the loss in killed and wounded was about . the captured property consisted of a large train of artillery--viz., brass and iron cannon, howitzers, and mortars; also a large quantity of arms, ammunition, military stores, and provisions fell to the americans. one frigate, ships of twenty guns each, a number of transports and other vessels, and , seamen were surrendered to de grasse. . footnote: on his departure, the count de grasse received from washington a present of two elegant horses as a token of his friendship and esteem. chapter xxiv. close of the war. - . after the surrender of cornwallis, the combined forces were distributed in different parts of the country, in the manner we have described at the close of the last chapter. having personally superintended the distribution of the ordnance and stores, and the departure of the prisoners as well as the embarkation of the troops, who were to go northward under general lincoln, washington left yorktown on the th of november ( ) for eltham, the seat of his friend, colonel basset. he arrived there the same day, but he came to a house of mourning. his stepson, john parke custis, was just expiring when he reached the house. washington was just in time to be present, with mrs. washington and mrs. custis, her daughter-in-law, at the last painful moment of the young man's departure to the world of spirits. mr. custis had been an object of peculiar affection and care to washington, who had superintended his education and introduction to public life. he had entered king's college in new york, in , but soon after left that institution and married the daughter of mr. benedict calvert, february , . he had passed the winter of at headquarters in cambridge with his wife and mrs. washington. he had subsequently been elected a member of the house of burgesses of virginia, in which office he acquitted himself with honor, and he was now cut off on the very threshold of life being only twenty-eight years of age at the time of his decease. he left a widow and four young children. the two youngest of these children, one less than two and the other four years old, were adopted by washington, and thenceforward formed a part of his immediate family. during the last year of mr. custis' life, washington, writing to general greene, took occasion to cite a passage from his correspondence. he says, "i have received a letter from mr. custis, dated the th ultimo (march, ), in which are these words: 'general greene has by his conduct gained universal esteem, and possesses, in the fullest degree, the confidence of all ranks of people.'" he had just then returned from the assembly at richmond. washington remained for several days at eltham to comfort the family in their severe affliction, and then proceeded to mount vernon, where he arrived on the th of november. from this home of his early affections he wrote to lafayette on the th ( ), accounting for his not having joined him in philadelphia, by the pressure of private and public duties. in this letter, ever attentive to the interests of his country, washington expresses his views with respect to the next campaign; and as lafayette, after the expedition with de grasse to the south was abandoned, had determined to pass the winter in france, washington takes occasion in this letter to impress upon his mind the absolute necessity of a strong naval force in order to conduct the next campaign to a successful termination. in concluding his letter, washington says: "if i should be deprived of the pleasure of a personal interview with you before your departure, permit me to adopt this method of making you a tender of my ardent vows for a prosperous voyage, a gracious reception from your prince, an honorable reward for your services, a happy meeting with your lady and friends, and a safe return in the spring to, my dear marquis, your affectionate friend, etc.-- "washington." washington had given lafayette leave to proceed to philadelphia, where he obtained from congress permission to visit his family in france for such a period as he should think proper. congress at the same time passed resolutions doing justice to the zeal and military conduct of lafayette. among them were the following: "resolved, that the secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers plenipotentiary of the united states, that it is the desire of congress that they confer with the marquis de lafayette, and avail themselves of his information relative to the affairs of the united states. "resolved, that the secretary of foreign affairs further acquaint the minister plenipotentiary at the court of versailles, that he will conform to the intention of congress by consulting with and employing the assistance of the marquis de lafayette in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded by his most christian majesty for the use of the united states." lafayette was also commended by congress to the notice of louis xvi in very warm terms. having received his instructions from congress and completed his preparations, he went to boston, where the american frigate alliance awaited his arrival. his farewell letter to congress is dated on board this vessel, december , , and immediately after writing it he set sail for his native country. before proceeding to philadelphia washington visited alexandria, where he was honored with a public reception and an address from a committee of the citizens, in replying to which he was careful to remind them, when referring to the late success at yorktown, that "a vigorous prosecution of this success would, in all probability," procure peace, liberty, and independence. he also visited annapolis, where the legislature was in session. a vote of thanks was passed by that body ( d november, ), and in replying to it washington also reminded the legislators of maryland that the war was by no means finished, and that further exertions were required to be made by the states. the splendid success of the allied arms in virginia, and the great advantages obtained still further south, produced no disposition in washington to relax those exertions which might yet be necessary to secure the great object of the contest. "i shall attempt to stimulate congress," said he in a letter to general greene, written at mount vernon, "to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. my greatest fear is that viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance they may think our work too nearly closed and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. to prevent this error i shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." on the th of november ( ) washington reached philadelphia, and congress passed a resolution granting him an audience on the succeeding day. on his appearance the president addressed him in a short speech, informing him that a committee was appointed to state the requisitions to be made for the proper establishment of the army, and expressing the expectation that he would remain in philadelphia, in order to aid the consultations on that important subject. the secretary of war, the financier, robert morris, and the secretary of foreign affairs, robert r. livingston, assisted at these deliberations, and the business was concluded with unusual celerity. a revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army, and it was obvious that the means for carrying on the war must be obtained either by impressments or by a vigorous course of taxation. but both these alternatives depended on the states, and the government of the union resorted to the influence of washington in aid of its requisitions. but no exertions on the part of america alone could expel the invading army. a superiority at sea was indispensable to the success of offensive operations against the posts which the british still held within the united states. to obtain this superiority washington pressed its importance on the chevalier de la luzerne, the minister of france, and commanding officers of the french troops, as he had on lafayette when he was about to return to his native country. the first intelligence from europe was far from being conciliatory. the parliament of great britain reassembled in november ( ). the speech from the throne breathed a settled purpose to continue the war, and the addresses from both houses, which were carried by large majorities, echoed the sentiment. in the course of the animated debates which these addresses occasioned, an intention was indeed avowed by some members of the administration to direct the whole force of the nation against france and spain, and to suspend offensive operations in the interior of the united states until the strength of those powers should be broken. in the meantime the posts then occupied by their troops were to be maintained. this development of the views of the administration furnished additional motives to the american government for exerting all the faculties of the nation to expel the british garrisons from new york and charleston. the efforts of washington to produce these exertions were earnest and unremitting, but not successful. the state legislatures declared the inability of their constituents to pay taxes. instead of filling the continental treasury some were devising means to draw money from it, and some of those which passed bills imposing heavy taxes directed that the demands of the state should be first satisfied, and that the residue only should be paid to the continental receiver. by the unwearied attention and judicious arrangements of robert morris, the minister of finance, the expenses of the nation had been greatly reduced. the bank established in philadelphia, and his own high character, had enabled him to support in some degree a system of credit, the advantages of which were incalculably great. he had, through the chevalier de la luzerne, obtained permission from the king of france to draw for half a million of livres monthly, until , , should be received. to prevent the diversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, he had concealed the negotiation even from congress, and had communicated it only to washington; yet after receiving the first installment it was discovered that dr. franklin had anticipated the residue of the loan and had appropriated it to the purposes of the united states. at the commencement of the year not a dollar remained in the treasury, and although congress had required the payment of , , on the st of april not a cent had been received on the d of that month, and so late as the st of june ( ) not more than $ , had reached the treasury. yet to robert morris every eye was turned, to him the empty hand of every public creditor was stretched for, and against him, instead of the state governments, the complaints and imprecations of every unsatisfied claimant were directed. in july ( ), when the second quarter annual payment of taxes ought to have been received, morris was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of the revenue had been postponed in some of the states, in consequence of which the month of december would arrive before any money could come into the hands of the continental receivers. in a letter communicating this unpleasant intelligence to washington, he added: "with such gloomy prospects as this letter affords i am tied here to be baited by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture of all that is valuable in life, and which i hoped at this moment to enjoy, i am to be paid by invective. scarce a day passes in which i am not tempted to give back into the hands of congress the power they have delegated, and to lay down a burden which presses me to the earth. nothing prevents me but a knowledge of the difficulties i am obliged to struggle under. what may be the success of my efforts god only knows, but to leave my post at present would, i know, be ruinous. this candid state of my situation and feelings i give to your bosom, because you, who have already felt and suffered so much, will be able to sympathize with me." fortunately for the united states the temper of the british nation on the subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of its sovereign. that war, into which the people had entered with at least as much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universally unpopular. motions against the measures of administration respecting america were repeated by the opposition, and, on every experiment, the strength of the minority increased. at length, on the th of february ( ), general conway moved in the house of commons, "that it is the opinion of this house that a further prosecution of offensive war against america would, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening the efforts of this country against her european enemies, and tend to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of great britain and america." the whole force of administration was exerted to get rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain, and it was carried. an address to the king, in the words of the resolution, was immediately voted, and was presented by the whole house. the answer of the crown being deemed inexplicit it was, on the th of march ( ), resolved "that the house will consider as enemies to his majesty and the country, all those who should advise or attempt a further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of north america." these votes were soon followed by a change of ministers and by instructions to the officers commanding the forces in america, which conformed to them. while washington was employed in addressing circular letters to the state governments, suggesting all those motives which might stimulate them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency, english papers, containing the debates in parliament on the various propositions respecting america, reached the united states. alarmed at the impression these debates might make, he introduced the opinions it was deemed prudent to inculcate respecting them into the letters he was then about to transmit to the governors of the several states. "i have perused these debates," he said, "with great attention and care, with a view, if possible, to penetrate their real design, and upon the most mature deliberation i can bestow i am obliged to declare it as my candid opinion that the measure, in all its views, so far as it respects america, is merely delusory, having no serious intention to admit our independence upon its true principles, but is calculated to produce a change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant to amuse this country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our connection with france, and to lull us into a state of security and inactivity; which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute the war in other parts of the world with greater vigor and effect. your excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe that, even if the nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace with america, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that we may take the advantage of every favorable opportunity until our wishes are fully obtained. no nation yet suffered in treaty by preparing (even in the moment of negotiation) most vigorously for the field. "the industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacific reports appears to me a circumstance very suspicious, and the eagerness with which the people, as i am informed, are catching at them, is, in my opinion, equally dangerous." while washington was still residing at philadelphia, in conference with the committees of congress, a spirited naval action took place near the capes of the delaware, which must have afforded him much gratification. the delaware bay was, at this period, says peterson, [ ] infested with small cruisers of the enemy, which not only captured the river craft, but molested the neighboring shores. to repress these marauders, the state of pennsylvania determined to fit out a vessel or two at its own expense, and with this view a small merchant ship, called the hyder all, then lying outward-bound with a cargo of flour, was purchased. it took but a few days to discharge her freight, to pierce her for sixteen guns, and to provide her with an armament. volunteers flocked to offer themselves for her crew. the command was given to barney, and, at the head of a convoy of outward-bound merchantmen, he stood down the bay, and anchored, on the th of april ( ), in the roads off cape may, where he awaited a proper wind for the traders to go to sea. suddenly two ships and a brig, one of the former a frigate, were seen rounding the cape, obviously with the intention of attacking him, on which he signaled the convoy to stand up the bay, the wind being at the southward, himself covering their rear, and the enemy in hot pursuit. in order to head off the fugitives, the frigate took one channel and her consorts the other, the ship and brig choosing that which the hyder ali had selected. the brig, being a very fast vessel, soon overhauled barney, but, contenting herself with giving him a broadside as she passed, pressed on in pursuit of the convoy. the hyder ali declined to return this fire, holding herself in reserve for the ship, a sloop-of-war mounting twenty guns, which was now seen rapidly approaching. when the englishman drew near, barney suddenly luffed, threw in his broadside, and immediately righting his helm, kept away again. this staggered the enemy, who, being so much the superior and having a frigate within sustaining distance, had expected the hyder ali to surrender. the two vessels were now within pistol shot of each other, and the forward guns of the british were just beginning to bear, when barney, in a loud voice, ordered his quartermaster "to port his helm." the command was distinctly heard on board the enemy, as indeed barney had intended it should be, and the englishman immediately prepared to maneuver his ship accordingly. but the quartermaster of the hyder ali had, prior to this, received his instructions, and, instead of obeying barney's pretended order, whirled his wheel in the contrary direction, luffing the american ship athwart the hawse of her antagonist. the jib-boom of the enemy, in consequence of this, caught in the forerigging of the hyder ali, giving the latter the raking position which barney had desired. not a cheer rose from the american vessel, even at this welcome spectacle, for the men knew that victory against such odds was still uncertain, and they thought as yet only of securing it. nor did the british, at a sight so dispiriting to them, yield in despair. on the contrary, both crews rushed to their guns, and, for half an hour, the combat was waged on either side with desperate fury. the two vessels were soon enveloped in smoke. the explosions of the artillery were like continuous claps of thunder. in twenty-six minutes not less than twenty broadsides were discharged. nor was the struggle confined to the batteries. riflemen, posted in the tops of the hyder ali, picked off one by one the crew of the enemy, until his decks ran slippery with blood and out of his crew of had fallen. all this while barney stood on the quarter-deck of his ship, a mark for the enemy's sharpshooters, until they were driven from their stations by the superior aim of the americans. at length, finding further resistance hopeless, the englishman struck his colors. huzza on huzza now rose from the deck of the victor. barney, on taking possession, discovered that the vessel he had captured was the general monk, and that her weight of metal was nearly twice his own. notwithstanding the presence of the frigate, the young hero succeeded in bringing off his prize in safety and in a few hours had moored her by the hyder ali's side, opposite philadelphia, with the dead of both ships still on their decks. in this action barney lost but killed and wounded. for the victory, conceded to be the most brilliant of the latter years of the war, barney was rewarded by the state of pennsylvania with a gold-hilted sword. in consequence of the capture of the general monk, the delaware ceased to be infested with the enemy. about the middle of april ( ), washington left philadelphia, where he had remained since november ( ), and joined the army, his headquarters being at newburg. he was directly informed of a very shameful proceeding on the part of some refugees from new york, and felt compelled to give the matter his serious attention. the circumstances were these: captain huddy, who commanded a body of troops in monmouth county, new jersey, was attacked by a party of refugees, was made prisoner, and closely confined in new york. a few days afterward they led him out and hanged him, with a label on his breast declaring that he was put to death in retaliation for some of their number, who, they said, had suffered a similar fate. taking up the matter promptly, washington submitted it to his officers, laid it before congress, and wrote to clinton demanding that captain lippencot, the perpetrator of the horrid deed, should be given up. the demand not being complied with, washington, in accordance with the opinion of the council of officers, determined upon retaliation. a british officer, of equal rank with captain huddy, was chosen by lot. captain asgill, a young man just nineteen years old, and the only son of his parents, was the one upon whom the lot fell. the whole affair was in suspense for a number of months. both clinton and carleton, his successor, reprobated the act of lippencot with great severity, yet he was not given up, it being considered by a court-martial that he had only obeyed the orders of the board of associated loyalists in new york. great interest was made to save asgill's life; his mother begged the interference of the count de vergennes, who wrote to washington in her behalf. early in november washington performed the grateful task of setting captain asgill at liberty. meantime the army, by whose toils and sufferings the country had been carried through the perils of the revolution, remained unpaid, apparently disregarded by congress and by the people whom they had delivered from oppression. it seemed probable that they would speedily be disbanded, without any adequate provision being made by congress for the compensation which was due to them, and which had been solemnly promised by repeated acts of legislation. they were very naturally discontented. their complaints and murmurs began to be ominous of very serious consequences. they even began to question the efficiency of the form of government, which appeared to be unfitted for meeting the first necessities of the country--the maintenance and pay of its military force. they began to consider the propriety of establishing a more energetic form of government, while they still had their arms in their hands. colonel nicola, an able and experienced officer, who stood high in washington's estimation, and had frequently been made the medium of communication between him and the officers, was chosen as the organ for making known their sentiments to him on the present occasion. in a letter carefully written, after commenting upon the gloomy state of public affairs, the disordered finances, and other embarrassments occasioned by the war, all caused by defective political organization, he proceeded to say: "this must have shown to all, and to military men in particular, the weakness of republics, and the exertions the army have been able to make by being under a proper head. therefore, i little doubt that, when the benefits of a mixed government are pointed out and duly considered, such will be readily adopted. in this case it will, i believe, be uncontroverted that the same abilities which have led us through difficulties, apparently insurmountable by human power, to victory and glory, those qualities that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to separate them. it may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as i propose some title apparently more moderate; but, if all things were once adjusted, i believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the name of king, which i conceive would be attended with some material advantages." the answer of washington to this communication was in the following terms: "newburg, d _may_, . "sir.--with a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, i have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. be assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army as you have expressed, and i must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. for the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. "i am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address, which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. if i am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. at the same time, in justice to my own feelings, i must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army than i do; and as far as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed, to the utmost of my abilities, to effect it, should there be any occasion. let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature. "i am, sir, &c., "george washington." * * * * * this was the language of washington at a time when the army was entirely devoted to him, when his popularity was equal to that of cromwell or napoleon in their palmiest days. certain officers of the army were ready, at a word, to make him king; and the acknowledged inefficiency of the existing government would have furnished a plausible reason for the act. but washington was not formed of the material that kings are made of. personal ambition he despised. to be, not to seem great and good was his aim. to serve, and not to rule his country was his object. he was too true a patriot to assume the power and title of a monarch. early in may ( ) sir guy carleton, who had succeeded sir henry clinton in the command of all the british forces in the united states, arrived at new york. having been also appointed, in conjunction with admiral digby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time in conveying to washington copies of the votes of the british parliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part of the administration, authorizing the king to conclude a peace or truce with those who were still denominated "the revolted colonies of north america." these papers, he said, would manifest the dispositions prevailing with the government and people of england toward those of america, and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in this country, both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the most zealous concurrence. he had addressed to congress, he said, a letter containing the same communications, and he solicited a passport for the person who should convey it. at this time ( ) the bill enabling the british monarch to conclude a peace or truce with america had not become a law, nor was any assurance given that the present commissioners were empowered to offer other terms than those which had been formerly rejected. general carleton, therefore, could not hope that negotiations would commence on such a basis, nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports he requested by congress, to whom the application was, of course, referred by washington. the letter may have been written for the general purpose of conciliation, but the situation of the united states justified a suspicion of different motives, and prudence required that their conduct should be influenced by that suspicion. the repugnance of the king to a dismemberment of the empire was understood, and it was thought probable that the sentiments expressed in the house of commons might be attributable rather to a desire of changing ministers than to any fixed determination to relinquish the design of reannexing america to the crown. under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered as opiates administered to lull the spirit of vigilance, which washington and his friends in congress labored to keep up, into a state of fatal repose, and to prevent those measures of security which it might yet be necessary to adopt. this jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received from europe. the utmost address of the british cabinet had been employed to detach the belligerents from each other. the mediation of russia had been accepted to procure a separate peace with holland; propositions had been submitted both to france and spain, tending to an accommodation of differences with each of those powers singly, and inquiries had been made of mr. adams, the american minister at the hague in place of mr. laurens, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to the united states. these political maneuvers furnished additional motives for doubting the sincerity of the english cabinet. whatever views might actuate the court of st. james on this subject, the resolution of the american government to make no separate treaty was unalterable. but the public votes which have been stated, and probably his private instructions, restrained sir guy carleton from offensive war, and the state of the american army disabled washington from making any attempt on the posts in possession of the british. the campaign of consequently passed away without furnishing any military operations of moment between the armies under the immediate direction of the respective commanders-in-chief. early in august ( ) a letter was received by washington from sir guy carleton and admiral digby, which, among other communications manifesting a pacific disposition on the part of england, contained the information that mr. grenville was at paris, invested with full powers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for a general peace were already commenced and that his majesty had commanded his minister to direct mr. grenville that the independence of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him in the first instance instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. but that this proposition would be made in the confidence that the loyalists would be restored to their possessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever confiscations might have taken place. this letter was, not long afterward, followed by one from sir guy carleton, declaring that he could discern no further object of contest, and that he disapproved of all further hostilities by sea or land, which could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without a possible advantage to either nation. in pursuance of this opinion, he had, soon after his arrival in new york, restrained the practice of detaching parties of indians against the frontiers of the united states and had recalled those which were previously engaged in those bloody incursions. these communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of the minister of france. to quiet his fears congress renewed the resolution "to enter into no discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most christian majesty," and again recommended to the several states to adopt such measures as would most effectually guard against all intercourse with any subjects of the british crown during the war. in south carolina the american army under general greene maintained its position in front of jacksonborough, and that of the british under general leslie was confined to charleston and its immediate vicinity. both were inactive for a long period, and during this time greene's army suffered so much for want of provisions that he was under the necessity of authorizing the seizure of them by the odious measure of impressment. privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitement of active military operations, produced great irritation during the leisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field, and, in the pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of foreigners, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to produce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot is understood to have been laid for seizing general greene and delivering him to a detachment of british troops which would move out of charleston for the purpose of favoring the execution of the design. it was discovered when it is supposed to have been on the point of execution, and a sergeant gornell, believed to be the chief of the conspiracy, was condemned to death by a court-martial, and executed on the d of april. some others, among whom were two domestics in the general's family, were brought before the court on suspicion of being concerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient to convict them, and twelve deserted the night after it was discovered. there is no reason to believe that the actual guilt of this transaction extended further. charleston was held until the th of december. previous to its evacuation general leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities, and that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, in exchange for articles of the last necessity in the american camp. the policy of government being adverse to this proposition, general greene was under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the british general continued to supply his wants by force. this produced several skirmishes with foraging parties, to one of which importance was given by the untimely death of the intrepid laurens, whose loss was universally lamented. this gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into the military family of washington at an early period of the war and had always shared a large portion of his esteem. brave to excess, he sought every occasion to render service to his country and to acquire that military fame which he pursued with the ardor of a young soldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of that romantic spirit which youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. no small addition to the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from the reflection that he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in the last moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger which proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his country. from the arrival of sir guy carleton at new york, the conduct of the british armies on the american continent was regulated by the spirit then recently displayed in the house of commons, and all the sentiments expressed by their general were pacific and conciliatory. but to these flattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicit confidence. with a change of men a change of measures might also take place, and, in addition to the ordinary suggestions of prudence, the military events in the west indies were calculated to keep alive the attention, and to continue the anxieties of the united states. after the surrender of lord cornwallis the arms of france and spain in the american seas had been attended with such signal success that the hope of annihilating the power of great britain in the west indies was not too extravagant to be indulged. immense preparations had been made for the invasion of jamaica, and, early in april, admiral count de grasse sailed from martinique with a powerful fleet, having on board the land forces and artillery which were to be employed in the operations against that island. his intention was to form a junction with the spanish admiral don solano, who lay at hispaniola; after which the combined fleet, whose superiority promised to render it irresistible, was to proceed on the important enterprise which had been concerted. on his way to hispaniola de grasse was overtaken by rodney, and brought to an engagement in which he was totally defeated and made a prisoner. this decisive victory disconcerted the plans of the combined powers and gave security to the british islands. in the united states it was feared that this alteration in the aspect of affairs might influence the councils of the english cabinet on the question of peace, and these apprehensions increased the uneasiness with which all intelligent men contemplated the state of the american finances. it was then in contemplation to reduce the army by which many of the officers would be discharged. while the general declared, in a confidential letter to the secretary of war, his conviction of the alacrity with which they would retire into private life, could they be placed in a situation as eligible as they had left to enter into the service, he added--"yet i cannot help fearing the result of the measure, when i see such a number of men goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on, the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned on the world, soured by penury, and what they call the ingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days, and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country; and having suffered everything which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. i repeat it, when i reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended by one thing to soothe their feelings or brighten the gloomy prospect, i cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very serious and distressing nature. "i wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far as the real life would justify me in doing, or i would give anecdotes of patriotism and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the history of mankind. but you may rely upon it, the patience and long-sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. while in the field i think it may be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage, but when we retire into winter quarters (unless the storm be previously dissipated) i cannot be at ease respecting the consequences. it is high time for a peace." "to judge rightly," says marshall, "of the motives which produced this uneasy temper in the army it will be necessary to recollect that the resolution of october, , granting half-pay for life to the officers stood on the mere faith of a government possessing no funds enabling it to perform its engagements. from requisitions alone, to be made on sovereign states, the supplies were to be drawn which should satisfy these meritorious public creditors, and the ill success attending these requisitions while the dangers of war were still impending, furnished melancholy presages of their unproductiveness in time of peace. in addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturb the tranquility which the passage of the resolution had produced, were other considerations of decisive influence. the dispositions manifested by congress itself were so unfriendly to the half-pay establishment as to extinguish the hope that any funds the government might acquire would be applied to that object. since the passage of the resolution the articles of confederation, which required the concurrence of nine states to any act appropriating public money, had been adopted, and nine states had never been in favor of the measure. should the requisitions of congress therefore be respected, or should permanent funds be granted by the states, the prevailing sentiment of the nation was too hostile to the compensation which had been stipulated to leave a probability that it would be substantially made. this was not merely the sentiment of the individuals then administering the government which might change with a change of men; it was known to be the sense of the states they represented, and consequently the hope could not be indulged that, on this subject, a future congress would be more just or would think more liberally. as, therefore, the establishment of that independence for which they had fought and suffered appeared to become more certain as the end of their toils approached--the officers became more attentive to their own situation, and the inquietude of the army increased with the progress of the negotiation." in october ( ) the french troops marched to boston, in order to embark for the west indies, and the americans retired into winter quarters. the apparent indisposition of the british general to act offensively, the pacific temper avowed by the cabinet of london, and the strength of the country in which the american troops were cantoned, gave ample assurance that no military operations would be undertaken during the winter which would require the continuance of washington in camp. but the irritable temper of the army furnished cause for serious apprehension, and he determined to forego every gratification to be derived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watch the progress of its discontent. the officers who had wasted their fortunes and the prime of their lives in unrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that congress possessed neither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engagements to the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect which was opening to them. in december, soon after going into winter quarters, they presented a petition to congress respecting the money actually due to them, and proposing a commutation of the half-pay stipulated by the resolutions of october, , for a sum in gross, which, they flattered themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the half-pay establishment. some security that the engagements of the government would be complied with was also requested. a committee of officers was deputed to solicit the attention of congress to this memorial, and to attend its progress through the house. among the most distinguished members of the federal government were persons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the public creditors generally, and to that class of them particularly whose claims were founded in military service. but many viewed the army with jealous eyes, acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and betrayed, involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful observance of the public engagements. with this question another of equal importance was connected, on which congress was divided almost in the same manner. one party was attached to a state, the other to a continental system. the latter labored to fund the public debts on solid continental security, while the former opposed their whole weight to measures calculated to effect that object. in consequence of these divisions on points of the deepest interest, the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important question respecting the commutation of their half-pay remained undecided (march, ), when intelligence was received of the signature of the preliminary and eventual articles of peace between the united states and great britain. the officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants, and their gloomy prospects--exasperated by the neglect which they experienced and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested an irritable and uneasy temper, which required only a slight impulse to give it activity. to render this temper the more dangerous, an opinion had been insinuated that the commander-in-chief was restrained, by extreme delicacy, from supporting their interests with that zeal which his feelings and knowledge of their situation had inspired. early in march a letter was received from their committee in philadelphia, showing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained. on the th of that month ( ) an anonymous paper was circulated, requiring a meeting of the general and field officers at the public building on the succeeding day at in the morning, and announcing the expectation that an officer from each company, and a delegate from the medical staff would attend. the object of the meeting was avowed to be, "to consider the late letter from their representatives in philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain." on the same day an address to the army was privately circulated, which was admirably well calculated to work on the passions of the moment, and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. this was the first of the celebrated "newburg addresses," since acknowledged to have been written by gen. john armstrong, at the request of several of the officers in camp. the following were the concluding passages of the first address: "after a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach. yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once. it has conducted the united states of america through a doubtful and a bloody war. it has placed her in the chair of independency; and peace returns again to bless--whom? a country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? a country courting your return to private life with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration--longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? is this the case? or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? have you not more than once suggested your wishes and made known your wants to congress? wants and wishes which gratitude and policy would have anticipated rather than evaded; and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect from their favor? how have you been answered? let the letter which you are called to consider tomorrow reply. "if this, then, be your treatment while the swords you wear are necessary for the defense of america, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink and your strength dissipate by division? when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honor? if you can, go; and carry with you the jest of tories and the scorn of whigs, the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world. go--starve and be forgotten. but if your spirit should revolt at this, if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose, tyranny under whatever garb it may assume, whether it be the plain coat of republicanism or the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and principles, awake; attend to your situation and redress yourselves. if the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain, and your threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now. "i would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opinion upon what you can bear and what you will suffer. if your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of the government. change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial. assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively; spirited and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. let two or three men who can feel as well as write be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance; for i would no longer give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. let it be represented in language that will neither dishonor you by its rudeness nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by congress and what has been performed; how long and how patiently you have suffered; how little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. tell them that, though you were the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter danger; though despair itself can never drive you into dishonor it may drive you from the field; that the wound often irritated and never healed may at length become incurable, and that the slightest mark of indignity from congress now must operate like the grave, and part you forever; that in any political event, the army has its alternative--if peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, that, courting the auspices and inviting the directions of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh on.' but let it represent also that should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more respectable. that while war should continue you would follow their standard into the field, and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder and applause--an army victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself." persuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition of government to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impassioned address, dictated by genius and by feeling, found in almost every bosom a kindred though latent sentiment prepared to receive its impression. quick as the train to which a torch is applied, the passions caught its flame and nothing seemed to be required but the assemblage proposed for the succeeding day to communicate the conflagration to the combustible mass and to produce an explosion ruinous to the army and to the nation. accustomed as washington had been to emergencies of great delicacy and difficulty, yet none had occurred which called more pressingly than the present for the utmost exertion of all his powers. he knew well that it was much easier to avoid intemperate measures than to recede from them after they have been adopted. he therefore considered it as a matter of the last importance to prevent the meeting of the officers on the succeeding day, as proposed in the anonymous summons. the sensibilities of the army were too high to admit of this being forbidden by authority, as a violation of discipline; but the end was answered in another way and without irritation. washington, in general orders, noticed the anonymous summons, as a disorderly proceeding, not to be countenanced; and the more effectually to divert the officers from paying any attention to it, he requested them to meet for the same nominal purpose, but on a day four days subsequent to the one proposed by the anonymous writer. on the next day (march th), the second "newburg address" appeared, affecting to consider washington as approving the first, and only changing the day of meeting. but this artifice was defeated. the intervening period was improved in preparing the officers for the adoption of moderate measures. washington sent for one officer after another, and enlarged in private on the fatal consequences, and particularly the loss of character, which would result from the adoption of intemperate resolutions. his whole personal influence was exerted to calm the prevailing agitation. when the officers assembled (march , ), general gates was called to the chair. washington rose and apologized for being present, which had not been his original intention; but the circulation of anonymous addresses had imposed on him the duty of expressing his opinion of their tendency. he had committed it to writing, and, with the indulgence of his brother officers, he would take the liberty of reading it to them; and then proceeded as follows: "gentlemen.--by an anonymous summons an attempt has been made to convene you together. how inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide. "in the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of the army. the author of the piece is entitled to much credit for the goodness of his pen, and i could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see through different optics, and are induced, by the reflecting faculties of the mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the address should have had more charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. but he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country have no part; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design. that the address is drawn with great art and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the united states, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than a reference to the proceeding. thus much, gentlemen, i have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to show upon what principles i opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on tuesday last, and not because i wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity, consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. if my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you that i have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. but as i was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as i have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as i have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as i have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy when i have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this late stage of the war, that i am indifferent to its interests. but how are they to be promoted? the way is plain, says the anonymous addresser. if war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself. but who are they to defend? our wives, our children, our farms and other property, which we leave behind us? or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed), to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness? if peace takes place, never sheathe your swords, says he, until you have obtained full and ample justice. this dreadful alternative of either deserting our country in the extremist hour of her distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it that humanity revolts at the idea. my god! what can this writer have in view, by recommending such measures? can he be a friend to the army? can he be a friend to this country? rather is he not an insidious foe? some emissary, perhaps, from new york, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent? and what a compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature! "but here, gentlemen, i will drop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion as it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. a moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. there might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production, but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that writing. with respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, i spurn it, as every man who regards that liberty and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. the freedom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may be led like sheep to the slaughter. "i cannot, in justice to my own belief and what i have great reason to conceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address without giving it as my decided opinion that that honorable body entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings will do it complete justice; that their endeavors to discover and establish funds for this purpose has been unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, i have not a doubt. but, like all other large bodies where there is a variety of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. why, then, should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all europe for its fortitude and patriotism? and for what is this done? to bring the object we seek nearer? no; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. for myself--and i take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice--a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience i have experienced from you under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection i feel for an army i have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to declare in this public and solemn manner that in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty i owe my country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities. while i give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability i am possessed of in your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measure, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. and let me conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of america, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord and deluge our rising empire in blood. "by thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind--'had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.'" after concluding this address, washington read to the meeting a letter from one of his frequent correspondents in congress, the hon. joseph jones, pointing out the difficulties congress had to contend with, but expressing the opinion that the claims of the army would, at all events, be paid. when he got through with the first paragraph of the letter he made a short pause, took out his spectacles, and craved the indulgence of the audience while he put them on, remarking, while he was engaged in that operation, that "he had grown gray in their service, and now found himself growing blind." the effect of such remark from washington, at such a moment, may be imagined. it brought tears to the eyes of many a veteran in that illustrious assemblage. when he had finished reading the letter he retired, leaving the officers to deliberate and act as the crisis demanded. on the present occasion, as on previous ones, washington's appeal to the officers was successful. the sentiments uttered in his address, from a person whom the army had been accustomed to love, to revere, and to obey--the solidity of whose judgment and the sincerity of whose zeal for their interests were alike unquestioned--could not fail to be irresistible. no person was hardy enough to oppose the advice he had given, and the general impression was apparent. a resolution, moved by general knox and seconded by brigadier-general putnam, "assuring him that the officers reciprocated his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable," was unanimously voted. on the motion of general putnam, a committee consisting of general knox, colonel brooks, and captain howard was then appointed to prepare resolutions on the business before them, and to report in half an hour. the report of the committee being brought in and considered, resolutions were passed declaring that no circumstances of distress should induce the officers to sully, by unworthy conduct, the reputation acquired in their long and faithful service; that they had undiminished confidence in the justice of congress and of their country; and that the commander-in-chief should be requested to write to the president of congress, earnestly entreating a speedy decision on the late address forwarded by a committee of the army. in compliance with the request of the officers, expressed in the above mentioned resolution, and with the pledge which he had voluntarily given, washington forthwith addressed the following letter to the president of congress: "the result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers, which i have the honor of enclosing to your excellency for the inspection of congress, will, i flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army, and will not only confirm their claim to the justice but will increase their title to the gratitude of their country. having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having, from motives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights, and, having been requested to write to your excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honorable body, it now only remains for me to perform the task i have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as i now do, that the sovereign power will be pleased to verify the predictions i have pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country. and here i humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while i am pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than any other army ever did in the defense of the rights and liberties of human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious services, because they are known perfectly to the whole world, and because (although the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. to prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, i appeal to the archives of congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for me. and in order that my observations and arguments in favor of a future adequate provision for the officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again and considered in a single point of view, without giving congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, i will beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to a committee of congress, so long ago as the th of january, , and also the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, dated near passaic falls, october , . "that in the critical and perilous moment when the last-mentioned communication was made there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place unless measures similar to those recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. that the adoption of the resolution granting half-pay for life has been attended with all the happy consequences i had foretold, so far as respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army at this instant and at the former period determine. and that the establishment of funds and security of the payment of all the just demands of the army will be the most certain means of preserving the national faith and future tranquility of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion. "by the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined that instead of retracting and reprehending (from further experience and reflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, i am more and more confirmed in the sentiment, and if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the grateful delusion. "for if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a further compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have i been mistaken indeed. if the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have i been beguiled by prejudice and built opinion on the basis of error. if this country should not in the event perform everything which has been requested in the late memorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited void of foundation. and if (as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; 'if, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honor,' then shall i have learned what ingratitude is--then shall i have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my future life. "but i am under no such apprehensions; a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude. "should any intemperate or improper warmth have mingled itself amongst the foregoing observations, i must entreat your excellency and congress it may be attributed to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my apology, and i hope i need not on this momentous occasion make any new protestations of personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. the consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty and the approbation of my country will be a sufficient recompense for my services." this energetic letter, connected with recent events, induced congress to decide on the claims of the army. these were liquidated, and the amount acknowledged to be due from the united states. thus the country was once more indebted to the wisdom and moderation of washington for its preservation from imminent danger. soon after these events intelligence of a general peace was received. the news came by a french vessel from cadiz, with a letter from lafayette, who was then at that place preparing for an expedition to the west indies, under count d'estaing. shortly after, sir guy carleton gave official information to the same effect and announced a cessation of hostilities. the joyful intelligence was notified by proclamation of washington to the army, in the camp at newburg, on the th of april ( ), exactly eight years after the commencement of hostilities at lexington. in general orders a public religious service and thanksgiving was directed by him to take place on the evening of the same day, when the proclamation was read at the head of every regiment and corps of the army. the immediate reduction of the army was resolved upon, but the mode of effecting it required deliberation. to avoid the inconveniences of dismissing a great number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were freely granted on the application of individuals, and after their dispersion they were not enjoined to return. by this arrangement a critical moment was got over. a great part of an unpaid army was dispersed over the states without tumult or disorder. at the instance of washington the soldiers were permitted to carry home their arms, to be preserved and transmitted to their posterity as memorials of the glorious war of independence. while the veterans serving under the immediate eye of their beloved commander-in-chief manifested the utmost good temper and conduct, a mutinous disposition broke out among some new levies stationed at lancaster, in pennsylvania. about eighty of this description marched in a body to philadelphia, where they were joined by some other troops, so as to amount in the whole to . they marched with fixed bayonets to the statehouse, in which congress and the state executive council held their sessions. they placed guards at every door and threatened the president and council of the state with letting loose an enraged soldiery upon them, unless they granted their demands in twenty minutes. as soon as this outrage was known to washington, he detached general howe with a competent force to suppress the mutiny. this was effected without bloodshed before his arrival. the mutineers were too inconsiderable to commit extensive mischief, but their disgraceful conduct excited the greatest indignation in the breast of the commander-in-chief, which was expressed in a letter to the president of congress in the following words: "while i suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of service (if the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their example), and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country, as the pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority of the united states, and that of their own, i feel an inexpressible satisfaction that even this behavior cannot stain the name of the american soldiery. "it cannot be imputable to or reflect dishonor on the army at large, but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point of light. upon taking all the circumstances into consideration, i cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers; nor can i sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism which must forever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. for when we consider that these pennsylvania levies who have now mutinied are recruits and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain of, and when we at the same time recollect that those soldiers who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order have retired to their homes without a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money in their pockets, we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the latter as we are struck with detestation at the proceedings of the former." on the occasion of disbanding the army, washington addressed a circular letter to the governors of all the states, in which he gave his views of the existing state of the country and the principles upon which the future fabric of united government should be founded. it is one of the most remarkable state papers ever produced in this country. meantime sir guy carleton was preparing to evacuate the city of new york. on the th of april ( ) a fleet had sailed for nova scotia with , persons and their effects. these were partly soldiers and partly tories exiled by the laws of the states. on the th of may washington had a personal interview with carleton at orangetown respecting the delivery of the british ports in the united states, and of property directed to be surrendered by an article of the treaty. the independence of his country being established, washington looked forward with anxiety to its future destinies. these might greatly depend on the systems to be adopted on the return of peace, and to those systems much of his attention was directed. the future peace establishment of the united states was one of the many interesting subjects which claimed the consideration of congress. as the experience of washington would certainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas on this important point, his opinions respecting it were requested by the committee of congress to whom it was referred. his letter on this occasion will long deserve the attention of those to whom the interests of the united states may be confided. his strongest hopes of securing the future tranquility, dignity, and respectability of his country were placed on a well-regulated and well-disciplined militia; and his sentiments on this subject are entitled to the more regard as a long course of severe experience had enabled him to mark the total incompetence of the existing system to the great purposes of national defense. at length the british troops evacuated new york, and on the th of november ( ) a detachment from the american army took possession of that city. guards being posted for the security of the citizens, washington, accompanied by governor george clinton, and attended by many civil and military officers and a large number of respectable inhabitants on horseback, made his public entry into the city, where he was received with every mark of respect and attention. his military course was now on the point of terminating, and he was about to bid adieu to his comrades in arms. this affecting interview took place on the th of december. at noon the principal officers of the army assembled at frances' tavern, soon after which their belove'd commander entered the room. his emotions were too strong to be concealed. filling a glass, he turned to them and said, "with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you; i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." having drunk, he added, "i cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." general knox, being nearest, turned to him. washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand and embraced him. in the same affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. the tear of manly sensibility was in every eye, and not a word was articulated to interrupt the dignified silence and the tenderness of the scene. leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry and walked to whitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to paulus hook. the whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy which no language can describe. having entered the barge he turned to the company and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. they paid him the same affectionate compliment, and, after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled. congress was then in session at annapolis, in maryland, to which place washington repaired for the purpose of resigning into their hands the authority with which they had invested him. he arrived on the th of december ( ). the next day he informed that body of his intention to ask leave to resign the commission he had the honor of holding in their service, and requested to know whether it would be their pleasure that he should offer his resignation in writing or at an audience. to give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be offered at a public audience on the following tuesday, d of december, at . when the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to recall the various interesting scenes which had passed since the commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators and several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor of congress. the members remained seated and covered. the spectators were standing and uncovered. washington was introduced by the secretary and conducted to a chair. after a short pause the president, general mifflin, informed him that "the united states in congress assembled were prepared to receive his communications." with native dignity, improved by the solemnity of the occasion, washington rose and delivered the following address: "mr. president.--the great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place, i have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with an opportunity afforded the united states of becoming a respectable nation, i resign with satisfaction the appointment i accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. "the successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of providence, and the assistance i have received from my countrymen increases with every review of the momentous contest. while i repeat my obligations to the army in general, i should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. it was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of congress. "i consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theater of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission and take my leave of all the employments of public life." after advancing to the chair and delivering his commission to the president, he returned to his place and received, standing, the following answer of congress, which was delivered by the president: "sir.--the united states, in congress assembled, receive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had formed alliances and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. you have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes. you have, by the love and confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius and transmit their fame to posterity. you have persevered until these united states, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled, under a just providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence, on which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations. "having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theater of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens. but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages. "we feel with you our obligations to the army in general and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers who have attended your person to this affecting moment. "we join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. and for you we address to him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be as happy as they have been illustrious, and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give." this scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly interesting by the personages who appeared in it, by the great events it recalled to the memory, and by the singularity of the circumstances under which it was displayed, the american chief withdrew from the hall of congress, leaving the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed with those sentiments which its solemnity and dignity were calculated to inspire. divested of his military character, washington, on the following day, set out for mount vernon to which favorite residence he now retired, followed by the enthusiastic love, esteem, and admiration of his countrymen. relieved from the agitations of a doubtful contest and from the toils of an exalted station he returned with increased delight to the duties and the enjoyments of a private citizen. he indulged the hope that in the shade of retirement, under the protection of a free government and the benignant influence of mild and equal laws, he might taste that felicity which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself and conscious of its own purity. [ ] "though general washington was not stayed in his progress to philadelphia, by the congress, who, on the st of november, had elected the honorable thomas mifflin president, and three days after had adjourned to meet at annapolis in maryland on the th; yet it was the th of december, at noon, before general washington arrived at the capital of pennsylvania. when his intention of quitting the army was known he was complimented and received with the utmost respect and affection, by all orders of men, both civil and military. he remained some days in philadelphia. while in the city he delivered in his accounts to the comptroller, down to december the th, all in his own handwriting, and every entry made in the most particular manner, stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trouble in examining and comparing them with the vouchers with which they were attended. "the heads are as follows, copied from the folio manuscript paper book, in the file of the treasury office, no. , being a black box of tin containing, under lock and key, both that and the vouchers: "total of expenditures from to , exclusive £. s. d. of provisions from commissaries and contractors, and of liquors, &c., from them and others............ secret intelligence and service...................... spent in reconnoitering and traveling................ miscellaneous charges ............................... expended besides, dollars according to the scale of depreciation ........................................ ___________ £ , [ ] "(general washington's account) from june, , £. s. d. to the end of june, ............................ , expenditure from july , , to dec. ........... (added afterwards) from thence to dec. ........... mrs. washington's traveling expenses in coming to the general and returning........................ £ , "lawful money of virginia, the same as the massachusetts, or £ , / sterling. "the general entered in his book--'i find upon the final adjustment of these accounts, that i am a considerable loser--my disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, and the money i had upon hand of my own; for besides the sums i carried with me to cambridge in , i received moneys afterward on private account in and since, which (except small sums that i had occasion now and then to apply to private uses) were all expended in the public service: through hurry, i suppose, and the perplexity of business (for i know not how else to account for the deficiency) i have omitted to charge the same, whilst every debit against me is here credited. july , .'" [ ] "happy would it have been for the united states had each person who has handled public money been equally exact and punctual! "general washington, after delivering in his accounts, hastened to annapolis, where he arrived on the evening of the th december." a facsimile of the original account, filling many foolscap pages, has been published; and copies were eagerly ordered by collectors in europe as well as the united states. the document through which washington, at the close of the revolution, left to the states whose trust he had held, and whose work he had done, does not yield in interest and importance to even the more famous farewell address. it was sent to each of the governors of the several states, and was as follows: washington's circular letter to the governors of all the states on disbanding the army. "headquarters, newburg, june , . sir:--the object for which i had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country being accomplished, i am now preparing to resign it into the hands of congress, and return to that domestic retirement, which, it is well known, i left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which i have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) i meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose: but, before i carry this resolution into effect, i think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last official communication, to congratulate you on the glorious events which heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer my sentiments respecting some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquility of the united states; to take my leave of your excellency as a public character; and to give my final blessing to that country in whose service i have spent the prime of my life, for whose sake i have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. "impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, i will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. when we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. this is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light. "the citizens of america, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency: they are from this period to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment; but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favored with. nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances under which our republic assumed its rank among the nations. the foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period. researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for us, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government. the free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment; and, above all, the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. at this auspicious period, the united states came into existence as a nation; and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. "such is our situation, and such are our prospects. but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the united states of america, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever; this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or, this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of european politics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. for, according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and, by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse:--a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "with this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime; i will therefore speak to your excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. i am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may, perhaps, remark, i am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what i know alone is the result of the purest intention. but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part i have hitherto acted in life; the determination i have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire i feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, i flatter myself, sooner or later, convince my countrymen, that i could have no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions contained in this address. "there are four things which i humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, i may even venture to say to the existence, of the united states as an independent power. " st. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. " dly. a sacred regard to public justice. " dly. the adoption of a proper peace establishment. and, " thly. the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the united states, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. "these are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be supported. liberty is the basis; and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country. "on the three first articles i will make a few observations; leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. "under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the states to delegate a larger portion of power to congress, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions:--that unless the states will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: that it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual states, that there should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the union cannot be of long duration: that there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every state with the late proposals and demands of congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue: that whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independence of america, and the authors of them treated accordingly. and, lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the states to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation; and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an independent power. it will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. it is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. the treaties of the european powers with the united states of america, will have no validity on a dissolution of the union. we shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. "as to the second article, which respects the performance of public justice, congress have, in their late address to the united states, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under to render complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and independency of america can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honorable measures proposed. if their arguments do not produce conviction, i know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we reflect that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it should not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the states. "the ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defense, is not to be doubted; and inclination, i flatter myself, will not be wanting. the path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment to be the best and only true policy. let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfill the public contracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. in the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of america; then will they strengthen the bands of government, and be happy under its protection. every one will reap the fruit of his labors: every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and without danger. "in this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of society, and insure the protection of government? who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, that we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain in debt for the defense of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honor and of gratitude? in what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? and were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of heaven? if, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the states; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed, congress, who have in all their transactions shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of god and man! and that state alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the consequences. "for my own part, conscious of having acted, while a servant of the public, in the manner i conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, i have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation granted by congress to the officers of the army. from these communications my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner. as the proceedings of congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by any, i think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to observe, that the resolutions of congress now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the united states, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. "as to the idea which, i am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded forever: that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services then to be performed. it was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. it was a part of their hire; i may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independency. it is therefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honor: it can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged. "with regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. rewards in proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. in some lines, the soldiers have perhaps, generally, had as ample compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides the donation of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same footing), we take into the estimate the bounties many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance being duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers. should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, i will venture to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself,--in an exemption from taxes for a limited time (which has been petitioned for in some instances), or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. but neither the adoption or rejection of this proposition will, in any manner, affect, much less militate against, the act of congress by which they have offered five years' full pay in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army. "before i conclude the subject on public justice, i cannot omit to mention the obligations this country is under to the meritorious class of veterans, the non-commissioned officers and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of congress of the d of april, , on an annual pension for life. their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits and claims to that provision, need only to be known to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf. nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight than to behold those who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the comforts or necessaries of life, compelled to beg their bread daily from door to door. suffer me to recommend those of this description, belonging to your state, to the warmest patronage of your excellency and your legislature. "it is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defense of the republic--as there can be little doubt but congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for the united states, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the union upon a regular and respectable footing. if this should be the case, i should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms. "the militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. it is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform; and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus should be introduced in every part of the united states. no one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. "if, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of the address, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. it is, however, neither my wish nor expectation that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business. here i might speak with more confidence, from my actual observations; and if it would not swell this letter (already too prolix) beyond the bounds i had prescribed myself, i could demonstrate to every mind, open to conviction, that in less time, and with much less expense than has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent could have been properly called forth; that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occurred have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the continental government, than a deficiency of means in the particular states; that the inefficiency of the measures, arising from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of congress in some of the states, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those who were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering than that which i have had the honor to command. but while i mention those things which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, i beg it may be understood, that as i have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support i have derived from every class of citizens, so shall i always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual states, on many interesting occasions. "i have thus freely disclosed what i wished to make known, before i surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. the task is now accomplished. i now bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magistrate of your state; at the same time, i bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the employments of public life. "it remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your excellency will communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their next meeting; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine benediction upon it. "i now make it my earnest prayer, that god would have you, and the state over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the united states at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and, finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics of the divine author of our blessed religion; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation. "i have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, sir, your excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, "geo. washington." note.--on the d of september, , the definitive treaty of peace, between great britain and the united states of america, was signed at paris, by david hartley, esq., on the part of his britannic majesty, and by john adams, benjamin franklin, and john jay, esqs., on the part of the united states. the treaty was ratified by congress early in january, . in the name of the most holy and undivided trinity. it having pleased the divine providence to dispose the hearts of the most serene and most potent prince, george the third, by the grace of god king of great britain, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, duke of brunswick and lunenburg, arch-treasurer and prince elector of the holy roman empire, etc., and of the united states of america, to forget all past misunderstandings and differences that have unhappily interrupted the good correspondence and friendship which they mutually wish to restore, and to establish such a beneficial and satisfactory intercourse between the two countries, upon the ground of reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience, as may promote and secure to both perpetual peace and harmony; and having for this desirable end already laid the foundation of peace and reconciliation, by the provisional articles signed at paris, on the th of november, , by the commissioners empowered on each part; which articles were agreed to be inserted in, and to constitute the treaty of peace proposed to be concluded between the crown of great britain and the said united states, but which treaty was not to be concluded until the terms of peace should be agreed upon between great britain and france, and his britannic majesty should be ready to conclude such treaty accordingly; and the treaty between great britain and france having since been concluded, his britannic majesty and the united states of america, in order to carry into full effect the provisional articles above mentioned, according to the tenor thereof, have constituted and appointed, that is to say, his britannic majesty on his part, david hartley, esq., member of the parliament of great britain; and the said united states on their part, john adams, esq., late a commissioner of the united states of america at the court of versailles, late delegate in congress from the state of massachusetts, and chief-justice of the said state, and minister plenipotentiary of the said united states to their high mightinesses the states general of the united netherlands; benjamin franklin, esq., late delegate in congress from the state of pennsylvania, president of the convention of the said state, and minister plenipotentiary from the united states of america at the court of versailles; and john jay, esq., late president of congress, and chief-justice of the state of new york, and minister plenipotentiary from the said united states at the court of madrid; to be the plenipotentiaries for the concluding and signing the present definitive treaty; who, after having reciprocally communicated their respective full powers, have agreed upon and confirmed the following articles. art. i.--his britannic majesty acknowledges the said united states, viz., new hampshire, massachusetts bay, rhode island and providence plantations, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina, and georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independent states; that he treats them as such, and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claim to the government, proprietary, and territorial right of the same, and every part thereof. art. ii.-and that all disputes which might arise in future on the subject of the boundaries of the said united states may be prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared that the following are and shall be their boundaries, viz.: from the northwest angle of nova scotia, viz., that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of st. croix river to the high lands which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river st. lawrence from those which fall into the atlantic ocean, to the northwestern most head of connecticut river; thence drawn along the middle of that river to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude; from thence by a line due west on said latitude, until it strikes the river iroquois or cataraquy; thence along the middle of said river into lake ontario; through the middle of said lake until it strikes the communication by water between that lake and lake erie; thence along the middle of the said communication into lake erie, through the middle of said lake, until it arrives at the water communication between that lake and lake huron; thence through the middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake and lake superior; thence through lake superior northward to the isles royal and philipeaux, to the long lake; thence through the middle of said long lake, and the water communication between it and the lake of the woods, to the said lake of the woods; thence through the said lake to the most northwestern most point thereof, and from thence a due west course to the river mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river mississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude; south, by a line to be drawn due east from the determination of the line last mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equator, to the middle of the river apalachicola or catahouche; thence along the middle thereof, to its junction with the flint river; thence straight to the head of st. mary's river, and thence down the middle of st. mary's river to the atlantic ocean; east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river st. croix, from its mouth in the bay of fundy to its source, and from its source directly north to the aforesaid high lands, which divide the rivers that fall into the atlantic ocean from those which fall into the river st. lawrence, comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the united states, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between nova scotia on the one part, and east florida on the other, shall respectively touch the bay of fundy and the atlantic ocean, excepting such islands as now are or heretofore have been within the limits of the said province of nova scotia. art. iii.--it is agreed, that the people of the united states shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish of every kind on the great bank, and on all the other banks of newfoundland; also in the gulf of st. lawrence, and at all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of both countries used at any time heretofore to fish; and also that the inhabitants of the united states shall have liberty to take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of newfoundland as british fishermen shall use (but not to dry or cure the same on that island), and also on the coasts, bays, and creeks of all other of his britannic majesty's dominions in america; and that the american fishermen shall have liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbors, and creeks of nova scotia, magdalen islands, and labrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled; but as soon as the same shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settlement, without a previous agreement for that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. art. iv.--it is agreed, that the creditors, on either side, shall meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value in sterling money of all _bona fide_ debts heretofore contracted. art. v.--it is agreed, that congress shall earnestly recommend it to the legislatures of the respective states, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been confiscated, belonging to real british subjects; and also of the estates, rights, and properties of persons resident in districts in the possession of his majesty's arms, and who have not borne arms against the united states; and that persons of any other description shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen united states, and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, rights, and properties as may have been confiscated; and that congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation which, on the return of the blessings of peace, should invariably prevail; and that congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states, that the estates, rights, and properties of such last-mentioned persons shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession, the _bona fide_ price (where any has been given) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights, or properties, since the confiscation. and it is agreed, that all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful impediment in the prosecution of their just rights. art. vi.--that there shall be no future confiscations made, nor any prosecutions commenced against any person or persons, for or by reason of the part which he or they may have taken in the present war; and that no person shall on that account suffer any future loss or damage, either in his person, liberty, or property; and that those who may be in confinement on such charges, at the time of the ratification of the treaty in america, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the prosecutions so commenced be discontinued. art. vii.--there shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his britannic majesty and the said united states, and between the subjects of the one and the citizens of the other; wherefore all hostilities, both by sea and land, shall from henceforth cease; all prisoners, on both sides, shall be set at liberty; and his britannic majesty shall, with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes or other property of the american inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the said united states, and from every post, place, and harbor within the same, leaving in all fortifications the american artillery that may be therein; and shall also order and cause all archives, records, deeds, and papers belonging to any of the said states, or their citizens, which in the course of the war may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored, and delivered to the proper states and persons to whom they belong. art. viii.--the navigation of the river mississippi, from its source to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of great britain and the citizens of the united states. art. ix.--in case it should so happen that any place or territory, belonging to great britain or to the united states, should have been conquered by the arms of either from the other, before the arrival of the said provisional articles in america, it is agreed that the same shall be restored without difficulty and without requiring any compensation. art. x.--the solemn ratifications of the present treaty, expedited in good and due form, shall be exchanged between the contracting parties in the space of six months, or sooner, if possible, to be computed from the day of the signature of the present treaty. . footnote: c. j. peterson, "history of the navy of the united states." . footnote: gordon thus notices the settlement of washington's accounts with the government. . footnote: two hundred guineas advanced to general m'dougat are not included in the £ , not being yet settled, but included in some of the other charges, and so reckoned in the general sum. . footnote: , , of the dollars were received after march, , and although credited forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate of a hundred for one, while , of them are returned without deducting anything from the above account (and therefore actually made a present to the public). * * * * * part v. washington a private citizen. chapter i. washington's return to private life. - . when washington retired from the command of the army it was undoubtedly his intention to devote the remainder of his life to his favorite pursuit of agriculture. his estate had suffered considerably from his devotion to public duties, and his private affairs now demanded all his attention. the supreme executive council of pennsylvania instructed the delegates of that state in congress to propose a public remuneration for his services, but when the proposition was submitted for his approbation he promptly declined it. this was in strict consistency with his uniform character of disinterestedness. a liberal grant would have been voted by congress and sanctioned by the nation, but washington would not consent to receive it. his feelings on finding himself a private citizen are expressed in his correspondence. in a letter to governor clinton, written only three days after his arrival at mount vernon, he says: "the scene is at length closed. i feel myself eased of a load of public care and hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues." "at length, my dear marquis," said he to his noble and highly-valued friend, lafayette, "i have become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac, and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp and the busy scenes of public life, i am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame--the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all--and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince in the hope of catching a gracious smile--can have very little conception. i have not only retired from all public employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk and tread the paths of private life with heartfelt satisfaction. envious of none i am determined to be pleased with all, and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, i will move gently down the stream of life until i sleep with my fathers." but a mind accustomed to labor for a nation's welfare does not immediately divest itself of ancient habits. that custom of thinking on public affairs, and that solicitude respecting them, which belong to the patriot in office, follow him into his retreat. in a letter to general knox, written soon after his resignation, washington thus expressed the feelings attendant upon this sudden transition from public to private pursuits. "i am just beginning to experience the ease and freedom from public cares, which however desirable, takes some time to realize, for, strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true that it was not until lately i could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as i awoke in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day, and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that i was no longer a public man or had anything to do with public transactions. i feel now, however, as i conceive a wearied traveler must do who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed, and from his house-top is looking back and tracing with an eager eye the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way, and into which none but the all-powerful guide and dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling." for several months after arriving at mount vernon, almost every day brought him the addresses of an affectionate and grateful people. the glow of expression in which the high sense universally entertained of his services was conveyed, manifested the warmth of feeling which animated the american bosom. this unexampled tribute of voluntary applause, paid by a whole people to an individual no longer in power, made no impression on the unassuming modesty of his character and deportment. the same firmness of mind, the same steady and well-tempered judgment, which had guided him through the most perilous seasons of the war, still regulated his conduct, and the enthusiastic applauses of an admiring nation served only to cherish sentiments of gratitude and to give greater activity to the desire still further to contribute to the general prosperity. soon after peace was proclaimed congress unanimously passed a resolution for the erection of an equestrian statue of washington, at the place which should be established for the residence of the government. the legislature of virginia, too, at its first session after his resignation, passed the following resolution: "resolved, that the executive be requested to take measures for procuring a statue of general washington, to be of the finest marble and best workmanship, with the following inscription on its pedestal: "the general assembly of the commonwealth of virginia have caused this statue to be erected as a monument of affection and gratitude to george washington, who, uniting to the endowments of the hero, the virtues of the patriot, and exerting both in establishing the liberties of his country, has rendered his name dear to his fellow-citizens, and given the world an immortal example of true glory." [ ] in addition to the attention which he bestowed on his own estate washington endeavored to ameliorate the condition of agriculture generally. nothing could be more wretched than the general state of this useful art in america. to its amelioration by examples which might be followed, and by the introduction of systems adapted to the soil, the climate, and to the wants of the people, the energies of his active and intelligent mind were now in a great degree directed. no improvement of the implements to be used on a farm, no valuable experiments in husbandry, escaped his attention. his inquiries, which were equally minute and comprehensive, extended beyond the limits of his own country, and he entered into a correspondence on this interesting subject with arthur young, the celebrated english writer, and with other foreigners who had been most distinguished for their additions to the stock of agricultural science. mingled with this favorite pursuit were the multiplied avocations resulting from the high office he had lately filled. he was engaged in an extensive correspondence with the friends most dear to his heart--the foreign and american officers who had served under him during the late war--and with almost every conspicuous political personage of his own, and with many of other countries. literary men also were desirous of obtaining his approbation of their works, and his attention was solicited to every production of american genius. his countrymen who were about to travel were anxious to receive from the first citizen of the rising republic, some testimonial bearing his signature, and all those strangers of distinction, who visited this newly-created empire, were ambitious of being presented to its founder. in addition to visitors of distinction, and those who had claims of ancient friendship, he was subjected to the annoyance of visitors, who, without any just pretension to such an honor, made visits to mount vernon merely to gratify their curiosity, and to the scarcely less wearisome annoyance of tedious and unnecessary letters. of these unwelcome intrusions upon his time washington thus complained to an intimate military friend. "it is not, my dear sir, the letters of my friends which give me trouble or add aught to my perplexity. i receive them with pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as my avocations will permit. it is references to old matters with which i have nothing to do--applications which oftentimes cannot be complied with--inquiries, to satisfy which would employ the pen of an historian--letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to--and the common-place business--which employ my pen and my time often disagreeably. indeed these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and, unless i can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences. already i begin to feel their effects. heavy and painful oppressions of the head and other disagreeable sensations often trouble me. i am determined therefore to employ some person who shall ease me of the drudgery of this business. at any rate, if the whole of it is thereby suspended, i am determined to use exercise. my private affairs also require infinitely more attention than i have given or can give them under present circumstances. they can no longer be neglected without involving my ruin." it was some time after the date of this letter before he introduced into his family a young gentleman, qualified by education and manners to fill the station of private secretary and friend. this was mr. tobias lear of new hampshire, who had graduated at harvard college. the numerous visits which washington received made mount vernon anything but a place of seclusion and repose, and "during these stirring times mrs. washington performed the duties of a virginia housewife and presided at her well-spread board with that ease and elegance of manners which always distinguished her." [ ] this multiplicity of private avocations could not entirely withdraw the mind of washington from objects tending to promote and secure the public happiness. his resolution never again to appear in the busy scenes of political life, though believed by himself and by his bosom friends to be unalterable, could not render him indifferent to those measures on which the prosperity of his country essentially depended. it is a very interesting fact that washington was among the first, if not the very first of our public men, who were impressed with the importance of connecting the western with the eastern territory, by facilitating the means of intercourse between them. to this subject his attention had been directed in the early part of his life. while the american states were yet british colonies he had obtained the passage of a bill for opening the potomac so as to render it navigable from tide-water to wills creek, a distance of about miles. the river james had also been comprehended in this plan, and he had triumphed so far over the opposition produced by local interests and prejudices, that the business was in a train which promised success, when the revolutionary war diverted the attention of its patrons, and of all america, from internal improvements to the still greater objects of liberty and independence. as that war approached its termination, subjects which for a time had yielded their pretensions to consideration, reclaimed that place to which their real magnitude entitled them, and internal navigation again attracted the attention of the wise and thinking part of society. accustomed to contemplate america as his country and to consider with solicitude the interests of the whole, washington now took a more enlarged view of the advantages to be derived from opening both the eastern and the western waters; and for this, as well as for other purposes, after peace had been proclaimed, he traversed the western parts of new england and new york. "i have lately," said he, in a letter to the marquis of chastellux, "made a tour through the lakes george and champlain as far as crown point; then returning to schenectady i proceeded up the mohawk river to fort schuyler, crossed over to wood creek, which empties into the oneida lake and affords the water communication with ontario. i then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the susquehanna and viewed the lake otsego and the portage between that lake and the mohawk river at canajoharie. prompted by these actual observations, i could not help taking a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these united states, and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and importance of it, and with the goodness of that providence which has dealt his favors to us with so profuse a hand. would to god we may have wisdom enough to improve them. i shall not rest contented until i have explored the western country and traversed those lines (or great part of them) which have given bounds to a new empire." the journey here referred to was performed in company with governor clinton while the army was encamped at newburg. scarcely had he answered those spontaneous offerings of the heart which flowed in upon him from every part of a grateful nation, when his views were once more seriously turned to this truly interesting subject. its magnitude was also impressed on others, and the value of obtaining the aid which his influence and active interference would afford to any exertions for giving this direction to the public mind, and for securing the happy execution of the plan which might be devised, was perceived by all those who attached to the great work its real importance. jefferson, who had taken an expanded view of it concluded a letter to washington containing a detailed statement of his ideas on the subject in these terms: "but a most powerful objection always arises to propositions of this kind. it is, that public undertakings are carelessly managed and much money spent to little purpose. to obviate this objection is the purpose of my giving you the trouble of this discussion. you have retired from public life. you have weighed this determination, and it would be impertinence in me to touch it. but would the superintendence of this work break in too much on the sweets of retirement and repose? if they would i stop here. your future time and wishes are sacred in my eye. if it would be only a dignified amusement to you, what a monument of your retirement would it be! it is one which would follow that of your public life and bespeak it the work of the same great hand. i am confident that would you, either alone or jointly with any persons you think proper, be willing to direct this business, it would remove the only objection, the weight of which i apprehend." in september, , washington fulfilled the intention expressed in his letter to the marquis of chastellux, by making a tour to the western country. he went on horseback, using pack-horses for his tent and baggage. he crossed the alleghenies by braddock's road, examined his lands on the monongahela river, and returned through the wilderness by a circuitous route, examining the country in order to determine the practicability of connecting the potomac and james rivers with the western waters by means of canals. the whole journey extended some miles. [ ] after returning from this tour washington's first moments of leisure were devoted to the task of engaging his countrymen in a work which appeared to him to merit still more attention from its political than from its commercial influence on the union. in a long and interesting letter to mr. harrison then governor of virginia, he detailed the advantages which might be derived from opening the great rivers, the potomac and the james, as high as should be practicable. after stating, with his accustomed exactness, the distances and the difficulties to be surmounted in bringing the trade of the west to different points on the atlantic, he expressed unequivocally the opinion that the rivers of virginia afforded a more convenient and a more direct course than could be found elsewhere for that rich and increasing commerce. this was strongly urged as a motive for immediately commencing the work. but the rivers of the atlantic constituted only a part of the great plan he contemplated. he suggested the appointment of commissioners who should, after an accurate examination of the james and the potomac, search out the nearest and best portages between those waters and the streams which run into the ohio. those streams were to be accurately surveyed, the impediments to their navigation ascertained, and their relative advantages examined. the navigable waters west of the ohio toward the great lakes were also to be traced to their sources and those which emptied into the lakes to be followed to their mouths. "these things being done, and an accurate map of the whole presented to the public, he was persuaded that reason would dictate what was right and proper." for the execution of this latter part of his plan he had also much reliance on congress, and, in addition to the general advantages to be drawn from the measure, he labored in his letters to the members of that body to establish the opinion that the surveys he recommended would add to the revenue by enhancing the value of the lands offered for sale. "nature," he said, "had made such an ample display of her bounties in those regions that the more the country was explored the more it would rise in estimation." the assent and cooperation of maryland being indispensable to the improvement of the potomac, he was equally earnest in his endeavors to impress a conviction of its superior advantages on those individuals who possessed most influence in that state. in doing so he detailed the measures which would unquestionably be adopted by new york and pennsylvania for acquiring the monopoly of the western commerce, and the difficulty which would be found in diverting it from the channel it had once taken. "i am not," he added, "for discouraging the exertions of any state to draw the commerce of the western country to its seaports. the more communications we open to it the closer we bind that rising world (for indeed it may be so called) to our interests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. those to whom nature affords the best communication will, if they are wise, enjoy the greatest share of the trade. all i would be understood to mean, therefore, is, that the gifts of providence may not be neglected." but the light in which this subject would be viewed with most interest and which gave to it most importance, was its political influence on the union. "i need not remark to you, sir," said he, in his letter to governor harrison of virginia, "that the flanks and rear of the united states are possessed by other powers--and formidable ones, too: nor need i press the necessity of applying the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble bonds--especially of binding that part of it which lies immediately west of us to the middle states. for what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? how entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend if the spaniards on their right and great britain on their left, instead of throwing impediments in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive, what will be the consequence of their having formed close commercial connections with both or either of those powers, it needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell." this idea was enlarged and pressed with much earnestness in his letters to several members of congress. the letter to governor harrison was communicated to the assembly of virginia, and the internal improvements it recommended were zealously supported by the wisest members of that body. while the subject remained undecided, washington, accompanied by lafayette, who had crossed the atlantic and had arrived at mount vernon on the th of august, paid a visit to the capital of the state. never was reception more cordial or more demonstrative of respect and affection than was given to these beloved personages. but amidst the display of addresses and of entertainments which were produced by the occasion, the great business of internal improvements was not forgotten, and the ardor of the moment was seized to conquer those objections to the plan which yet lingered in the bosoms of members who could perceive in it no future advantage to compensate for the present expense. an exact conformity between the acts of virginia and of maryland being indispensable to the improvement of the potomac, a resolution was passed soon after the return of washington to mount vernon, requesting him to attend the legislature of maryland, in order to agree on a bill which might receive the sanction of both states. this agreement being happily completed, the bills were passed, and thus began that grand system of internal improvement by which the eastern portion of the union is bound to the west. canals and portages were the forerunners of the railroads by which every part of the country is now traversed, and the whole republic is firmly united in bonds of mutual intercourse, which, it is fondly hoped will prove perpetual. the legislature of virginia seized the occasion afforded by the passage of these acts to signalize the affection and gratitude of the state towards her favorite son. a bill was drafted by mr. madison, the preamble of which was in the following words: "whereas, it is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of george washington, esquire, toward his country, and it is their wish in particular that those great works for its improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing and as encouraged by his patronage will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country. be it enacted, &c." by this bill the treasurer was instructed to subscribe, in behalf of the state, for a specified number of shares in each company. just at the close of the session, when no refusal of their offer could be communicated to them, a bill was suddenly brought in which received the unanimous assent of both houses, authorizing the treasurer to subscribe for the benefit of washington the same number of shares in each company as were to be taken for the state. the actual value of the shares was $ , . washington was greatly embarrassed by this mark of gratitude. it afforded him pleasure to see that his character and services were appreciated by his fellow-citizens. but he would not depart from his determination to receive no pecuniary reward for his public services. to madison, who conveyed to him the first intelligence of this bill, his difficulties were thus expressed: "it is not easy for me to decide by which my mind was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the sixth instant--surprise or gratitude. both were greater than i had words to express. the attention and good wishes which the assembly has evinced by their act for vesting in me shares in the navigation of the rivers potomac and james, is more than mere compliment--there is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. but, believe me, sir, no circumstance has happened since i left the walks of public life which has so much embarrassed me. on the one hand, i consider this act, as i have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country to serve me, and i should be hurt, if, by declining the acceptance of it my refusal should be construed into disrespect or the smallest slight upon the generous intention of the legislature, or that an ostentatious display of disinterestedness of public virtue was the source of refusal. "on the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection as free and independent as the air, that i may be more at liberty (in things which my opportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sentiments, and, if necessary, to suggest what may occur to me under the fullest conviction that, although my judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the suggestion. not content then with the bare consciousness of my having in all this navigation business, acted upon the clearest conviction of the political importance of the measure, i would wish that every individual who may hear that it was a favorite plan of mine, may know also, that i had no other motive for promoting it than the advantage of which i conceived it would be productive to the union at large and to this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigor and increase to our commerce and be a convenience to our citizens." at length he determined, in the same letter which should convey his resolution not to retain the shares for his private emolument, to signify his willingness to hold them in trust for such public institution as the legislature should approve. the following letter conveyed this resolution to the general assembly through the governor of the state: october, . "sir:--your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a copy of the act appropriating to my benefit certain shares in the companies for opening the navigation of james and potomac rivers, i take the liberty of returning to the general assembly, through your hands, the profound and grateful acknowledgments inspired by so signal a mark of their beneficent intentions towards me. i beg you, sir, to assure them that i am filled on this occasion with every sentiment which can flow from a heart warm with love for my country, sensible to every token of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to testify in every instance a respectful submission to its wishes. "with these sentiments in my bosom, i need not dwell on the anxiety i feel in being obliged, in this instance, to decline a favor which is rendered no less flattering by the manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself. in explaining this i pass over a comparison of my endeavors in the public service, with the many honorable testimonies of approbation which have already so far overrated, and overpaid them--reciting one consideration only, which supersedes the necessity of recurring to every other. "when i was first called to the station with which i was honored during the late conflict for our liberties, to the diffidence which i had so many reasons to feel in accepting it, i thought it my duty to join a firm resolution to shut my hand against every pecuniary recompense. to this resolution i have invariably adhered, and from it (if i had the inclination) i do not consider myself at liberty now to depart. "whilst i repeat therefore my fervent acknowledgments to the legislature for their very kind sentiments and intentions in my favor, and at the same time beg them to be persuaded that a remembrance of this singular proof of their goodness towards me will never cease to cherish returns of the warmest affection and gratitude, i must pray that their act, so far as it has for its object my personal emolument, may not have its effect; but if it should please the general assembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fund vested in me, from my private emolument to objects of a public nature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude for the honor conferred upon me, by preferring such as may appear most subservient to the enlightened and patriotic views of the legislature." the wish suggested in this letter immediately received the sanction of the legislature, and at a subsequent time the trust was executed by conveying the shares respectively to the use of a seminary of learning--which is now called washington college, and to a university to be established in the district of columbia, under the auspices of the government. washington felt too strong an interest in the success of these works to refuse the presidency of the companies instituted for their completion. in conducting the affairs of the potomac company, he took an active part; to that formed for opening the navigation of the james, he could only give his counsel. while washington was at richmond attending to the interests of internal navigation he had been joined by lafayette, who, since his recent visit to mount vernon, had accompanied the commissioners to fort schuyler to make a treaty with the indians, and had assisted on that occasion. he had subsequently made a tour in the eastern states, where he was received with much distinction and he was now on his return to pay a farewell visit to washington at mount vernon. he remained only a week at mount vernon. washington accompanied him to annapolis, where lafayette was honored with a public reception and address by the legislature of maryland, and there, on the th of november, , these distinguished men took leave of each other. from annapolis lafayette proceeded to trenton, where congress was then in session, and on christmas day he embarked at new york for france in the frigate nymphe. the following is an extract from a letter written by washington to lafayette on his return to mount vernon: "the peregrination of the day in which i parted from you ended at maryborough. the next day, bad as it was, i got home before dinner. "in the moment of separation, upon the road as i traveled, and every hour since, i have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. i often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight i ever should have of you? and though i wished to say no, my fears answered yes. i called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that i was now descending the hill i had been fifty-two years climbing, and that, though i was blest with a good constitution, i was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. these thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again. but i will not repine; i have had my day. "nothing of importance has occurred since i parted with you. i found my family well, and am now immersed in company; notwithstanding which, i have in haste produced a few more letters to give you the trouble of, rather inclining to commit them to your care, than to pass them through many and unknown hands." among the letters referred to in the above extract was one to the marchioness de lafayette and another to her little daughter. in the former he writes: "the marquis returns to you with all the warmth and ardor of a newly-inspired lover. we restore him to you in good health, crowned with wreaths of love and respect from every part of the union." . footnote: this statue was executed by houdon, and stands in the capitol at richmond. it is in the costume of commander-in-chief of the army, and is considered an excellent likeness. another statue of washington, by canova, was in the roman costume, and in a sitting posture. it was made for the state of north carolina, and was unfortunately destroyed when the capitol was burnt. another statue stands in the statehouse at boston. it was the result of a private subscription. a fourth, by greenough, adorns the grounds of the capitol at washington. . footnote: custis, "memoir of martha washington." . footnote: sparks. chapter ii. washington presides at the formation op the constitution. - . on first retiring to mount vernon ( ), washington had devoted his attention to the restoration of his estate to that high condition of order and productiveness which had been maintained under his own personal superintendence previous to the war. during his absence of nine years he had constantly corresponded with his manager and given particular directions respecting its cultivation. but it had suffered much in his absence, and he was determined to renovate it by assiduous care. he gave up the cultivation of tobacco because it had a tendency to exhaust the soil, and planted wheat in its stead, giving attention at the same time to the production of grass, maize, potatoes, and oats, and pursuing the system of rotation in crops now considered so indispensable by intelligent farmers. when this system was well established he commenced planting and adorning with trees the grounds surrounding the mansion-house. his diary shows that he paid great attention to this object, directing the setting out of a great number and variety of ornamental trees, some of them being obtained in the neighboring woods and others brought from a great distance. he also replenished his gardens, orchards, and green-houses with choice fruits and flowers which were confided to the care of skilful gardeners. meantime the number of guests entertained at mount vernon was ever on the increase. many were known to have crossed the atlantic for the sole purpose of visiting the founder of the republic. among these was mrs. catharine macauley graham. by the principles contained in her "history of the stuarts," this lady had acquired much reputation in republican america and by all was received with marked attention. she was cordially received at mount vernon, and, if her letters may be credited, the exalted opinion she had formed of its proprietor was "not diminished by a personal acquaintance with him." the french military and naval officers, lafayette, rochambeau, d'estaing, and others, gave letters of introduction to be presented to washington by their friends whenever any of them came to america, and those letters were always duly honored by hospitable attentions to those who bore them. his own compatriots were still more numerous and more assiduous in attention to the retired commander. officers who had served with him in the old french war and in the revolution, members of congress, politicians, and magistrates from distant states, were among the guests at mount vernon; so that washington's time would thus have been completely taken up but for the efficient aid which he received in discharging the duties of hospitality from the ease, urbanity, and excellent management of his accomplished lady. "his habits," says mr. sparks, "were uniform and nearly the same as they had been previously to the war. he arose before the sun and employed himself in his study writing letters or reading till the hour of breakfast. when breakfast was over his horse was ready at the door, and he rode to his farms and gave directions for the day to the managers and laborers. horses were likewise prepared for his guests whenever they chose to accompany him, or to amuse themselves by excursions into the country. returning from his fields and dispatching such business as happened to be on hand, he went again to his study, and continued there till o'clock, when he was summoned to dinner. the remainder of the day and the evening were devoted to company or to recreation in the family circle. at he retired to rest. from these habits he seldom deviated unless compelled to do so by particular circumstances." [ ] in a delightful memoir [ ] of his own life and times by mr. elkanah watson, we find the following interesting notice of washington at home, and we also learn what subject chiefly occupied his thoughts at the time of which we are writing: "i had feasted my imagination for several days," says mr. watson, "on the near prospect of a visit to mount vernon--the seat of washington. no pilgrim ever approached mecca with deeper enthusiasm. i arrived there on the afternoon of january d, . i was the bearer of a letter from general greene, with another from colonel fitzgerald, one of the former aides of washington, and also the books from granville sharpe. although assured that these credentials would secure me a respectful reception, i felt an unaccountable diffidence as i came into the presence of the great man. i found him at table with mrs. washington and his private family, and was received with the native dignity and urbanity so peculiarly combined in the character of a soldier and eminent private gentleman. he soon put me at ease, by unbending in a free and affable conversation. "the cautious reserve which wisdom and policy dictated whilst engaged in rearing the glorious fabric of our independence was evidently the result of consummate prudence and not characteristic of his nature. although i had frequently seen him in the progress of the revolution and had corresponded with him from france in and , this was the first occasion on which i had contemplated him in his private relations. i observed a peculiarity in his smile which seemed to illuminate his eye; his whole countenance beamed with intelligence, while it commanded confidence and respect. the gentleman who had accompanied me from alexandria left in the evening, and i remained alone in the enjoyment of the society of washington for two of the richest days of my life. i saw him reaping the reward of his illustrious deeds in the quiet shade of his beloved retirement. he was at the matured age of fifty-three. alexander died before he reached that period of life and he had immortalized his name. how much stronger and nobler the claims of washington to immortality! in the impulses of mad, selfish ambition, alexander acquired fame by wading to the conquest of the world through seas of blood. washington, on the contrary, was parsimonious of the blood of his countrymen, stood forth the pure and virtuous champion of their rights, and formed for them, not himself, a mighty empire. "to have communed with such a man in the bosom of his family i shall always regard as one of the highest privileges and most cherished incidents of my life. i found him kind and benignant in the domestic circle, revered and beloved by all around him, agreeably social, without ostentation; delighting in anecdote and adventures, without assumption; his domestic arrangements harmonious and systematic. his servants seemed to watch his eye, and to anticipate his every wish; hence a look was equivalent to a command. his servant billy, the faithful companion of his military career, was always at his side. smiling content animated and beamed on every countenance in his presence. "the first evening i spent under the wing of his hospitality we sat a full hour at table, by ourselves, without the least interruption, after the family had retired. i was extremely oppressed with a severe cold and excessive coughing, contracted from the exposure of a harsh winter journey. he pressed me to use some remedies, but i declined doing so. as usual after retiring my cough increased. when some time had elapsed the door of my room was gently opened, and on drawing my bed-curtains, to my utter astonishment, i beheld washington himself standing at my bedside with a bowl of hot tea in his hand. i was mortified and distressed beyond expression. this little incident, occurring in common life with an ordinary man would not have been noticed, but as a trait of the benevolence and the private virtue of washington it deserves to be recorded. "he modestly waived all allusions to the events in which he had acted so glorious and conspicuous a part. much of his conversation had reference to the interior country and to the opening of the navigation of the potomac, by canals and locks at the seneca, the great, and the little falls. his mind appeared to be deeply absorbed in that object, then in earnest contemplation. he allowed me to take minutes from his former journal on this subject, of which the following is a partial summary: "'the stock of the company is divided into shares at £ sterling each. the canal company has been incorporated by both maryland and virginia.' washington had accepted the presidency of it. 'the preliminary preparations are in full train, to commence operations in the ensuing spring, not only to remove the obstacles in the potomac to a boat navigation from georgetown to fort cumberland, a distance of miles, but to the ultimate construction of a canal to lake erie, which is intended not only to give a direction to the fur trade from detroit to alexandria, but to attract the eventual trade of the country north of the ohio which now slumbers in a state of nature.' this scheme was worthy of the comprehensive mind of washington. "to demonstrate the practicability and the policy of diverting the trade of the immense interior world yet unexplored to the atlantic cities, especially in view of the idea that the mississippi would be opened by spain, was his constant and favorite theme. to elucidate the probability, also, that the detroit fur trade would take this direction, he produced the following estimates, which i copied in his presence and with his aid from the original manuscript: "from detroit, at the head of lake erie, via fort pitt (now pittsburgh) and fort cumberland, to the head of the potomac, is miles. "to richmond "to philadelphia "to albany "to montreal "thus it appeared that alexandria is miles nearer detroit than montreal, with only two carrying places of about forty miles." "since my travels in i had been deeply and constantly impressed with the importance of constructing canals to connect the various waters of america. this conviction was confirmed under the examination of numerous canals of europe, and traveling extensively on several of them. hearing little else for two days from the persuasive tongue of this great man i was, i confess, completely under the influence of the canal mania, and it en kindled all my enthusiasm." among the objects which claimed the attention of washington in his retirement was a change in the constitution of the cincinnati. this society had been formed in may, , when the army was encamped at newburg. the prospect of speedily separating from each other had suggested the plan of forming an association among the officers to serve as a tie of brotherhood for the future. this idea was suggested by general knox and was matured in a meeting composed of the generals, and of deputies from the regiments, at which major-general steuben presided. an agreement was then entered into by which the officers were to constitute themselves into one society of friends, to endure as long as they should endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and, in failure thereof, any collateral branches who might be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and members, were to be admitted into it. to mark their veneration for that celebrated roman between whose situation and their own they found some similitude, they were to be denominated "the society of the cincinnati." individuals of the respective states, distinguished for their patriotism and abilities, might be admitted as honorary members for life, provided their numbers should at no time exceed a ratio of one to four. the society was to be designated by a medal of gold representing the american eagle bearing on its breast the devices of the order, which was to be suspended by a ribbon of deep blue edged with white, descriptive of the union of america and france. to the ministers who had represented the king of france at philadelphia, to the admirals who had commanded in the american seas, to the count de rochambeau and the generals and colonels of the french troops who had served in the united states, the insignia of the order were to be presented and they were to be invited to consider themselves as members of the society, at the head of which the commander-in-chief was respectfully solicited to place his name. an incessant attention, on the part of the members, to the preservation of the exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which they had fought and bled, and an unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective states union and national honor, were declared to be the immutable principles of the society. its objects were to perpetuate the remembrance of the american revolution, as well as cordial affection and the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers, and to extend acts of beneficence to those officers and their families whose situation might require assistance. to give effect to the charitable object of the institution a common fund was to be created by the deposit of one month's pay on the part of every officer becoming a member, the product of which fund, after defraying certain necessary charges, was to be sacredly appropriated to this humane purpose. the military gentlemen of each state were to constitute a distinct society, deputies from which were to assemble triennially in order to form a general meeting for the regulation of general concerns. without encountering any open opposition this institution was carried into complete effect, and its honors were sought, especially by the foreign officers, with great avidity. but soon after it was organized those jealousies, which in its first moments had been concealed, burst forth into open view. in october, , a pamphlet was published by mr. burk of south carolina, for the purpose of rousing the apprehensions of the public, and of directing its resentments against the society. in this work its was denounced as an attempt to form an order of nobility. the hereditary feature of the constitution and the power of conferring its honors on distinguished personages, not descended from the officers of the army, were considered particularly inconsistent with the genius of our republican institutions. in massachusetts the subject was even taken up by the legislature, and it was well understood that, in congress, the society was viewed with secret disapprobation. it was impossible for washington to view with indifference this state of the public feeling. bound to the officers of his army by the strictest ties of esteem and affection, conscious of their merits and assured of their attachment to his person, he was alive to everything which might affect their reputation or their interests. however innocent the institution might be in itself or however laudable its real objects, if the impression it made on the public mind was such as to draw a line of distinction between the military men of america and their fellow-citizens, he was earnest in his wishes to adopt such measures as would efface that impression. however ill founded the public prejudices might be he thought this a case in which they ought to be respected, and, if it should be found impracticable to convince the people that their fears were misplaced, he was disposed "to yield to them in a degree, and not to suffer that which was intended for the best of purposes to produce a bad one." a general meeting was to be held in philadelphia in may, , and, in the meantime, he had been appointed the temporary president. washington was too much in the habit of considering subjects of difficulty in various points of view, and of deciding on them with coolness and deliberation, to permit his affections to influence his judgment. the most exact inquiries, assiduously made into the true state of the public mind, resulted in a conviction that opinions unfriendly to the institution, in its actual form, were extensively entertained, and that those opinions were founded, not in hostility to the late army, but in real apprehensions for equal liberty. a wise and necessary policy required, he thought, the removal of these apprehensions, and, at the general meeting in may, the hereditary principle, and the power of adopting honorary members, were relinquished. the result demonstrated the propriety of this alteration. although a few, who always perceive most danger where none exists, and the visionaries then abounding in europe, continued their prophetic denunciations against the order, america dismissed her fears, and, notwithstanding the refusal of several of the state societies to adopt the measures recommended by the general meeting, the members of the cincinnati were received as brethren into the bosom of their country. [ ] while washington was engaged in the cultivation of his extensive estate his thoughts were by no means withdrawn from the political concerns of the country, which at this time were assuming rather an ominous aspect. his correspondence evinces that his advice was much sought for by the leading men in the country, and that his opinions on the aspect of the public affairs were freely given. the want of power in the central government, arising from the defects of the old confederation, was becoming more and more apparent, and the evils arising from this want of power were pressing severely on every side. while the war lasted the external pressure held the government together, but on the return of peace its dissolution had become imminent. large debts had been contracted to pay the expenses of the war, and, although an attempt had been made to establish a general system of revenue from duties on imports, individual states had obstructed the prosecution of this plan, and the government had found itself unable to raise the funds necessary to pay the interest on the public debt. it had, in fact, no power to regulate commerce or collect a revenue. this made it incapable of executing treaties, fulfilling its foreign engagements, or causing itself to be respected by foreign nations. while at home its weakness was disgusting the public creditors and raising a clamor of discontent and disaffection on every side. an alarming crisis was rapidly approaching. by the enlightened friends of republican government, this gloomy state of things was viewed with deep chagrin. many became apprehensive that those plans from which so much happiness to the human race had been anticipated would produce only real misery, and would maintain but a short and a turbulent existence. meanwhile, the wise and thinking part of the community, who could trace evils to their source, labored unceasingly to inculcate opinions favorable to the incorporation of some principles into the political system which might correct the obvious vices, without endangering the free spirit of the existing institutions. while the advocates for union were exerting themselves to impress its necessity on the public mind, measures were taken in virginia, which, though originating in different views, terminated in a proposition for a general convention to revise the state of the union. to form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers potomac and pocomoke, and of part of chesapeake bay, commissioners were appointed by the legislatures of virginia and maryland, who assembled in alexandria in march, . while at mount vernon on a visit [ ] they agreed to propose to their respective governments the appointment of other commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval force in the chesapeake, and to establish a tariff of duties on imports to which the laws of both states should conform. when these propositions received the assent of the legislature of virginia an additional resolution was passed, directing that which respected the duties on imports to be communicated to all the states in the union, who were invited to send deputies to the meeting. on the st of january, , a few days after the passage of these resolutions, another was adopted appointing edmund randolph, james madison, walter jones, st. george tucker, and meriwether smith, commissioners, "who were to meet such as might be appointed by the other states in the union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to take into consideration the trade of the united states; to examine the relative situation and trade of the said states; to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial relations may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent harmony, and to report to the several states such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the united states in congress assembled effectually to provide for the same." in the circular letter transmitting these resolutions to the respective states, annapolis, in maryland, was proposed as the place, and the ensuing september ( ) as the time of meeting. before the arrival of the period at which these commissioners were to assemble the idea was carried by those who saw and deplored the complicated calamities which flowed from the inefficacy of the general government, much further than was avowed by the resolution of virginia. "although," said mr. jay, one of the most conspicuous patriots of the revolution, in a letter to washington, dated the th of march, , "you have wisely retired from public employments, and calmly view, from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that sovereignty and independence which providence has enabled you to be so greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country, yet i am persuaded you cannot view them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator. "experience has pointed out errors in our national government which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from our tree of liberty. the convention proposed by virginia may do some good, and would perhaps do more, if it comprehended more objects. an opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revising the articles of confederation would be expedient. whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be attained by it is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain. "i think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness. it is in contemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. the plan is not matured. if it should be well connected and take effect, i am fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life you have marked out for yourself to favor your country with your counsels on such an important and single occasion. i suggest this merely as a hint for consideration." to the patriots who accomplished the great revolution which gave to the american people a national government capable of maintaining the union of the states and of preserving republican liberty, we must ever feel grateful and admire and honor them for their services during that arduous and doubtful struggle which terminated in the triumph of human reason and the establishment of a free government. to us who were not actors in those busy scenes, but who enjoy the fruits of the labor without having participated in the toils or the fears of the patriots who achieved such glorious results, the sentiments entertained by the most enlightened and virtuous of america at that eventful period cannot be uninteresting. "our affairs," said mr. jay, in a letter of the th of june ( ), "seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution--something that i cannot foresee or conjecture. i am uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during the war. then, we had a fixed object and, though the means and time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet i did firmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because i did firmly believe that justice was with us. the case is now altered, we are going and doing wrong and therefore i look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. "that we shall again recover and things again go well, i have no doubt. such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation for transient and unimportant purposes. i therefore believe we are yet to become a great and respectable people, but when or how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern. "there doubtless is much reason to think and to say that we are woefully, and, in many instances, wickedly misled. private rage for property suppresses public considerations, and personal rather than national interests have become the great objects of attention. new governments have not the aid of habit and hereditary respect, and, being generally the result of preceding tumult and confusion, do not immediately acquire stability or strength. besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain confidence and importance who merit neither, and who, like political mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulous crowd than about making the most of their nostrums and prescriptions. "what i most fear is that the better kind of people (by which i mean the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. a state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security." to this interesting letter washington made the following reply: "your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. what the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my foresight. we have errors to correct; we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good without the intervention of coercive power. i do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states. to be fearful of investing congress, constituted as that body is with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. could congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? by the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election? we must take human nature as we find it; perfection falls not to the share of mortals. many are of opinion that congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition, in applications to the states, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedience. be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. if you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. what then is to be done? things cannot go on in the same train forever. it is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. we are apt to run from one extreme into another. to anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. "what astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. from thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! what a triumph for the advocates of despotism, to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! would to god that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. "retired as i am from the world, i frankly acknowledge i cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. yet, having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. "nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. they have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. i had then perhaps some claims to public attention. i consider myself as having none at present." the convention at annapolis was attended by commissioners from only six states--new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, and virginia. these, after appointing mr. dickinson their chairman, proceeded to discuss the objects for which they had convened. perceiving that more ample powers would be required to effect the beneficial purposes which they contemplated, and hoping to procure a representation from a greater number of states, the convention determined to rise without coming to any specific resolutions on the particular subject which had been referred to them. previous to their adjournment, however, they agreed on a report to be made to their respective states, in which they represented the necessity of extending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, and recommended that deputies for that purpose be appointed by the several legislatures, to meet in convention in the city of philadelphia on the second day of the ensuing may ( ). the reasons for preferring a convention to a discussion of this subject in congress, were stated to be, "that in the latter body it might be too much interrupted by the ordinary business before them and would, besides, be deprived of the valuable counsels of sundry individuals who were disqualified by the constitution or laws of particular states or by peculiar circumstances from a seat in that assembly." a copy of this report was transmitted to congress in a letter from the chairman, stating the inefficacy of the federal government and the necessity of devising such further provisions as would render it adequate to the exigencies of the union. on receiving this report, the legislature of virginia ( ) passed an act for the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed by other states, to assemble in convention at philadelphia at the time and for the purposes specified in the recommendation from the convention which had met at annapolis. when the plan of a convention was thus ripened and its meeting appointed to be at philadelphia in may, , mr. madison communicated to washington the intention of that state to elect him one of her representatives on this important occasion. he explicitly declined being a candidate, yet the legislature placed him at the head of her delegation, in the hope that mature reflection would induce him to attend upon the service. the governor of the state, mr. randolph, informed him of his appointment by the following letter: "by the enclosed act you will readily discover that the assembly are alarmed at the storms which threaten the united states. what our enemies have foretold seems to be hastening to its accomplishment, and cannot be frustrated but by an instantaneous, zealous, and steady union among the friends of the federal government. to you i need not press our present dangers. the inefficacy of congress you have often felt in your official character, the increasing languor of our associated republics you hourly see; and a dissolution would be, i know, to you a source of the deepest mortification. i freely then entreat you to accept the unanimous appointment of the general assembly to the convention at philadelphia. for the gloomy prospect still admits one ray of hope--that those who began, carried on, and consummated the revolution, can yet restore america from the impending ruin." "sensible as i am," said washington in his answer, "of the honor conferred on me by the general assembly of this commonwealth, in appointing me one of the deputies to a convention proposed to be held in the city of philadelphia in may next, for the purpose of revising the federal constitution, and desirous as i am on all occasions of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country, yet, sir, there exist at this moment circumstances which i am persuaded will render this fresh instance of confidence incompatible with other measures which i had previously adopted and from which, seeing little prospect of disengaging myself, it would be disingenuous not to express a wish that some other character, on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place, the probability of my nonattendance being too great to continue my appointment. "as no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the critical situation of our affairs, resulting in a great measure from the want of efficient powers in the federal head and due respect to its ordinances, so consequently those who do engage in the important business of removing these defects will carry with them every good wish of mine, which the best dispositions toward their obtainment can bestow." the governor declined the acceptance of his resignation of the appointment and begged him to suspend his determination until the approach of the period of the meeting of the convention, that his final judgment might be the result of a full acquaintance with all circumstances. thus situated, washington reviewed the subject that he might, upon thorough deliberation, make the decision which duty and patriotism enjoined. he had, by a circular letter to the state societies, declined being re-elected the president of the cincinnati, and had announced that he should not attend their general meeting at philadelphia in the next may, and he apprehended that if he attended the convention at the time and place of their meeting he should give offense to all the officers of the late army who composed this body. he was under apprehension that the states would not be generally represented on this occasion, and that a failure in the plan would diminish the personal influence of those who engaged in it. some of his confidential friends were of opinion that the occasion did not require his interposition and that he ought to reserve himself for a state of things which would unequivocally demand his agency and influence. even on the supposition that the plan should succeed they thought that he ought not to engage in it, because his having been in convention would oblige him to make exertions to carry the measures that body might recommend into effect, and would necessarily "sweep him into the tide of public affairs." his own experience since the close of the revolutionary war created in his mind serious doubts whether the respective states would quietly adopt any system calculated to give stability and vigor to the national government. "as we could not," to use his own language, "remain quiet more than three or four years in times of peace under the constitutions of our own choosing, which were believed in many states to have been formed with deliberation and wisdom, i see little prospect either of our agreeing on any other, or that we should remain long satisfied under it, if we could. yet i would wish anything and everything essayed to prevent the effusion of blood and to divert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind." these considerations operated powerfully to confirm him in the determination first formed, not to attend the convention. on the other hand he realized the greatness of the emergency. the confederation was universally considered as a nullity. the advice of a convention, composed of respectable characters from every part of the union, would probably have great influence with the community, whether it should be to amend the articles of the old government or to form a new constitution. amidst the various sentiments which at this time prevailed respecting the state of public affairs, many entertained the supposition that the "times must be worse before they could be better," and that the american people could be induced to establish an efficient and liberal national government only by the scourge of anarchy. some seemed to think that the experiment of a republican government in america had already failed and that one more energetic would soon by violence be introduced. washington entertained some apprehension that his declining to attend the convention would be considered as a dereliction of republican principles. while he was balancing these opposite circumstances in his mind the insurrection of massachusetts occurred, [ ] which turned the scale of opinion in favor of his joining the convention. he viewed this event as awfully alarming. "for god's sake, tell me," said he, in a letter to colonel humphreys, "what is the cause of all these commotions? do they proceed from licentiousness, british influence disseminated by the tories, or real grievances which admit of redress? if the latter, why was redress delayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? if the former, why are not the powers of the government tried at once? it is as well to be without as not to exercise them." to general knox and other friends similar apprehensions were expressed. "i feel infinitely more than i can express to you for the disorders which have arisen in these states. good god! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a briton have predicted them? i do assure you that even at this moment, when i reflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me like the visions of a dream. my mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in actual existence, so strange, so wonderful, does it appear to me. in this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. when this spirit first dawned it might probably have been easily checked, but it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will terminate. there are combustibles in every state to which a spark might set fire. in bewailing, which i have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much-lamented friend, general greene, i have accompanied my regrets of late with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to the scenes which it is more than probable many of his compatriots may live to bemoan. "you talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in massachusetts. i know not where that influence is to be found, nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these disorders. influence is not government. let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. under these impressions my humble opinion is that there is a call for decision. know then precisely what the insurgents aim at. if they have real grievances redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them and your inability to do it in the present moment. if they have not, employ the force of the government against them at once. if this is inadequate all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad or wants support. to be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. to delay one or the other of these expedients is to exasperate on the one hand or to give confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers, for, like snowballs, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weight is too great and irresistible. "these are my sentiments. precedents are dangerous things. let the reins of government then be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. if defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence." colonel humphreys having intimated by letter his apprehension that civil discord was near, in which event he would be obliged to act a public part, or to leave the continent--"it is," said washington in reply, "with the deepest and most heartfelt concern i perceive, by some late paragraphs extracted from the boston papers, that the insurgents of massachusetts, far from being satisfied with the redress offered by their general court, are still acting in open violation of law and government, and have obliged the chief magistrate, in a decided tone, to call upon the militia of the state to support the constitution. "what, gracious god, is man, that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct! it is but the other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we live--constitutions of our own choice and making--and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. the thing is so unaccountable that i hardly know how to realize it, or to persuade myself that i am not under the illusion of a dream. my mind, previous to the receipt of your letter of the first ultimo, had often been agitated by a thought similar to the one you expressed respecting a friend of yours, but heaven forbid that a crisis should come when he shall be driven to the necessity of making a choice of either of the alternatives there mentioned." having learned that the states had generally elected their representatives to the convention, and congress having given its sanction to it, he on the th of march communicated to the governor of virginia his consent to act as one of the delegates of his state on this important occasion. when this determination was formed washington at once commenced his preparations to leave mount vernon at an early day, so that he might be able to be present at the meeting of the cincinnati; but on the th of april ( ) he received intelligence by an express that his mother and sister were dangerously ill at fredericksburg. he immediately set off for that place, and the detention thus occasioned prevented his meeting the cincinnati. after remaining three days at fredericksburg, his mother and sister being partially recovered, he returned to mount vernon, and was enabled to complete his preparations for leaving home in season to arrive in philadelphia on the th of may, the day before the opening of the convention. [ ] public honors had awaited him everywhere on his route. at chester he was met by general mifflin, then speaker of the assembly of pennsylvania, and several officers of the army and other public characters who accompanied him to gray's ferry, where his former escort, the "first troop" of philadelphia, were waiting to conduct him to the city. on his arrival he paid his first visit to dr. franklin, president of the state of pennsylvania, who had also been elected a member of the convention. on the next day (may , ), the convention assembled which was to accomplish one of the most splendid works that ever was achieved by human wisdom. several days, however, elapsed before a quorum of members could be formed. when the moment for commencing the organization of the convention arrived, robert morris, on behalf of the pennsylvania delegation, nominated washington as its president. john rutledge of south carolina, future chief justice of the united states, seconded the nomination, remarking at the same time that the presence of general washington forbade any observations on the occasion which might not be proper. he was elected by a unanimous vote. by this act the convention did but fulfill the wishes of the whole nation. a crisis had arrived in which all eyes were turned to the great founder for deliverance. to use his own language in a letter written to mr. jefferson a few days later (may , ), "that something is necessary none will deny, for the general government, if it can be called a government, is shaken to its foundation and liable to be overturned by every blast. in a word, it is at an end, and unless a remedy is soon applied anarchy and confusion will inevitably ensue." among the members of the convention were many men of exalted character and signal abilities. new york sent alexander hamilton, himself a host. no member was better fitted for the work or exerted a more important influence in perfecting it. madison was one of the delegates from virginia, whose pen was subsequently exerted, in connection with those of hamilton and jay in defending and expounding the constitution to the people in the memorable papers of the "federalist." massachusetts sent nathaniel gorham and rufus king; new hampshire, john langdon and nicholas gilman; pennsylvania counted in her numerous delegates franklin, mifflin, james wilson, robert morris, and gouverneur morris, with others whose historical names are less distinguished for ability and eloquence, though not less for integrity and patriotism. south carolina sent john rutledge, her former governor, one of the ablest and purest men then living, and destined to preside over the supreme judiciary of the union. charles cotesworth pinckney, one of the bravest of the revolutionary generals, and the future ambassador to france, was also among the delegates of south carolina. among the other names on the roll of the convention, we recognize those of another pinckney, famed for eloquence; roger sherman, a veteran statesman and signer of the declaration of independence; william livingston, afterwards governor of new jersey, friend and correspondent of washington, and doctor hugh williamson of north carolina, an early patriot, who had assisted franklin in detecting the intrigues of hutchinson and oliver. it would fill far too much space to enumerate all the members of the convention, or even to glance at their respective titles, already earned by public service, to the confidence of their countrymen. "it was a most fortunate thing for america," says a recent writer, [ ] "that the revolutionary age, with its hardships, its trials, and its mistakes, had formed a body of statesmen capable of framing for it a durable constitution. the leading persons in the convention which formed the constitution had been actors either in civil or military life in the scenes of the revolution. in those scenes their characters as american statesmen had been formed. when the condition of the country had fully revealed the incapacity of the government to provide for its wants, these men were naturally looked to to construct a system which would save it from anarchy. and their great capacities, their high disinterested purposes, their freedom from all fanaticism and illiberality, and their earnest, unconquerable faith in the destiny of the country, enabled them to found that government which now upholds and protects the whole fabric of liberty in the states of this union." the convention remained in session four months, and their industry and devotion to their important work is amply testified by the fact that they sat from five to seven hours a day. it was a most imposing assemblage. "the severe, unchanging presence of washington," says the writer last quoted, "presided over all. the chivalrous sincerity and disinterestedness of hamilton pervaded the assembly with all the power of his fascinating manners. the flashing eloquence of gouverneur morris recalled the dangers of anarchy, which must be accepted as the alternative of an abortive experiment. the calm, clear, statesmanlike views of madison, the searching and profound expositions of king, the prudent influence of franklin, at length ruled the hour." on the th of september, , the constitution was signed by all the members present, except edmund randolph, the governor of virginia; george mason and elbridge gerry; and it was then forwarded with a letter to congress. by that assembly it was sent to the state legislatures to be submitted in each state to a convention of delegates, to be chosen by the people, for approval or rejection. as the state legislatures assembled at different times, nearly a year would elapse before the result could be known. immediately after the convention had ended its labors, washington returned to mount vernon to resume his agricultural pursuits and to watch with intense interest the slow process of ratifying the constitution by the several states. his correspondence with hamilton, madison, jay, wilson, governor langdon of new hampshire, generals knox and lincoln, and governor randolph, at this time, shows that the subject occupied a great share of his attention, and that he was extremely anxious that the constitution should be adopted by all the states. in a letter to lafayette ( th of february, ), he says: "as to my sentiments with respect to the merits of the new constitution, i will disclose them without reserve, although, by passing through the post-offices they should become known to all the world; for, in truth, i have nothing to conceal on that subject. it appears to me, then, little short of a miracle that the delegates from so many states, different from each other, as you know, in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government so little liable to well-founded objections. nor am i yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer of it as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real though not radical defects. the limits of a letter would not suffer me to go fully into an examination of them; nor would the discussion be entertaining or profitable. i therefore forbear to touch upon it. with regard to the two great points, the pivots upon which the whole machine must move, my creed is simply-- "first, that the general government is not invested with more powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government, and, consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quantity of power delegated to it. "secondly, that these powers, as the appointment of all rulers will forever arise from, and at short stated intervals recur to the free suffrage of the people, are so distributed among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches in to which the general government is arranged that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people. "i would not be understood, my dear marquis, to speak of consequences which may be produced in the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and listlessness in the preservation of the natural and unalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providentially guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide. it will at least be a recommendation to the proposed constitution that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of tyranny and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted than any government hitherto instituted among mortals. we are not to expect perfection in this world: but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. should that which is now offered to the people of america be found an experiment less perfect than it can be made, a constitutional door is left open for its amelioration." a letter of mr. jefferson, written to one of his friends while the constitution was under consideration, gives some interesting particulars respecting its reception and the opinions of some of the states and leaders in regard to it: "the constitution," he says, "has been received with very general enthusiasm; the bulk of the people are eager to adopt it. in the eastern states the printers will print nothing against it unless the writer subscribes his name. massachusetts and connecticut have called conventions in january to consider it. in new york there is a division; the governor, clinton, is known to be hostile. jersey, it is thought, will accept; pennsylvania is divided, and all the bitterness of her factions has been kindled anew. but the party in favor of it is the strongest, both in and out of the legislature. this is the party anciently of morris, wilson, etc. delaware will do what pennsylvania shall do. maryland is thought favorable to it, yet it is supposed that chase and paca will oppose it. as to virginia, two of her delegates, in the first place, refused to sign it; these were randolph, the governor, and george mason. besides these, henry, harrison, nelson, and the lees are against it. general washington will be for it, but it is not in his character to exert himself much in the case. madison will be its main pillar," etc. with respect to washington, jefferson was mistaken. his letters show that he did exert himself very zealously to remove the objections of recusant states and statesmen, especially the virginia leaders who were all numbered among his personal friends. the following letter to jonathan trumbull, of connecticut, written at mount vernon on the th of july, , when the final event was pretty certain, evinces the lively interest he took in the progress of affairs and the deep religious feeling of thankfulness with which, as usual, he recognized the hand of providence in the result: "you will have perceived from the public papers," he writes, "that i was not erroneous in my calculation, that the constitution would be accepted by the convention of this state. the majority, it is true, was small and the minority respectable in many points of view. but the great part of the minority here, as in most other states, have conducted themselves with great prudence and political moderation, insomuch that we may anticipate a pretty general and harmonious acquiescence. we shall impatiently wait the result from new york and north carolina. the other state, which has not yet acted, is nearly out of the question. "i am happy to hear from general lincoln and others that affairs are taking a good turn in massachusetts, but the triumph of salutary and liberal measures over those of an opposite tendency seems to be as complete in connecticut as in any other state, and affords a particular subject of congratulation. your friend, colonel humphreys, informs me from the wonderful revolution of sentiment in favor of federal measures and the marvelous change for the better in the elections of your state, that he shall begin to suspect that miracles have not ceased. indeed, for myself, since so much liberality has been displayed in the construction and adoption of the proposed general government, i am almost disposed to be of the same opinion. or at least we may, with a kind of pious and grateful exultation, trace the finger of providence through those dark and mysterious events which first induced the states to appoint a general convention and then led them one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect the object into an adoption of the system recommended by that general convention, thereby, in all human probability, laying a lasting foundation for tranquility and happiness, when we had but too much reason to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us." north carolina and rhode island did not at first accept the constitution and new york was apparently dragged into it by a repugnance to being excluded from the confederacy. at length the conventions of eleven states assented to and ratified the constitution. when officially informed of this fact, congress passed an act appointing a day for the people throughout the union to choose electors of a president of the united states in compliance with the provision in the constitution and another day for the electors to meet and vote for the person of their choice. the choice of electors was to take place in february, , and the electors were to meet and choose a president on the first wednesday in march following. a few days before the close of the convention, washington prepared and submitted a draft of a letter to congress, which was adopted. the constitution having been duly signed, it was transmitted to congress, with the letter from the president of the convention. "in convention, september , . "sir:--we have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the united states, in congress assembled, that constitution which has appeared to us the most advisable. "the friends of our country have long seen and desired, that the power of making war, peace, and treaties; that of levying money, and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities, should be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the union: but the impropriety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident. hence results the necessity for a different organization. "it is obviously impracticable in the federal government of these states to secure all the rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all. individuals entering into society, must give up a share of liberty, to preserve the rest. the magnitude of the sacrifice must depend, as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained. it is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved; and on the present occasion, this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several states, as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. "in all our deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our view that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true american, the consolidation of our union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. this important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each state in the convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected; and thus the constitution, which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. "that it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state, is not perhaps to be expected; but each state will doubtless consider, that had her interests alone been consulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others; that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish. "with great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient and humble servants. "george washington, "_president_. "by unanimous order of the convention. "his excellency the president of congress." we give this important document in full, as contained in the supplement to the journal of the federal convention. the constitution of the united states. we, the people of the united states, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the united states of america. article i. sect. . all legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a congress of the united states, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives. sect. . the house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states; and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. no person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the united states, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. the actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the united states, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have, at least, one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of new hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, massachusetts eight, rhode island and providence plantations one, connecticut five, new york six, new jersey four, pennsylvania eight, delaware one, maryland six, virginia ten, north carolina five, south carolina five, and georgia three. when vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. the house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. sect. . the senate of the united states shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have one vote. immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. the seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. no person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the united states, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. the vice-president of the united states shall be president of the senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. the senate shall choose their other officers, also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the united states. the senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. when sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. when the president of the united states is tried, the chief-justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the united states; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. sect. . the times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. the congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first monday in december, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. sect. . each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the united states: to borrow money on the credit of the united states: to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the indian tribes: to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the united states: to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures: to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the united states: to establish post-offices and post-roads: to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries: to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court: to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations: to declare war, to grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water: to raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years: to provide and maintain a navy: to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces: to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions: to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the united states-reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress: to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of government of the united states, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased, by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings:--and, to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the united states, or in any department or officer thereof. sect. . the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year , but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. no capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. no preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law: and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states: and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. sect. . no state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. no state shall, without the consent of the congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the united states; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the congress. no state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. article ii. sect. i. the executive power shall be vested in a president of the united states of america. he shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the congress; but no senator or representative, or person holding any office of trust or profit under the united states, shall be appointed an elector. the electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. and they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the united states, directed to the president of the senate. the president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. the person having the greatest number of votes shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for president; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the said house shall, in like manner, choose the president. but in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote. a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. in every case, after the choice of the president, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the vice-president. but if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the vice-president. the congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the united states. no person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the united states at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the united states. in case the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice-president; and the congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the president and vice-president, declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed, or a president shall be elected. the president shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the united states, or any of them. before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: "i do solemnly swear (or affirm) that i will faithfully execute the office of president of the united states, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states." sect. . the president shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the united states, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the united states; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the united states, except in cases of impeachment. he shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the united states, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. but the congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. the president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. sect. . he shall, from time to time, give to the congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed; and shall commission all the officers of the united states. sect. . the president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the united states shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. article iii. sect. . the judicial power of the united states shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. the judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior; and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. sect. . the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the united states, and treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the united states shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state, claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. in all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the congress shall make. the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the congress may by law have directed. sect. . treason against the united states shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. no person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. the congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. article iv. sect. . full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. and the congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. sect. . the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. a person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. sect. . new states may be admitted by the congress into this union; but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state, nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned, as well as of the congress. the congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the united states; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the united states, or of any particular state. sect. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. article v. the congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution; or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the congress: provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year , shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. article vi. all debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the united states under this constitution as under the confederation. this constitution, and the laws of the united states which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the united states, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. the senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the united states and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the united states. article vii. the ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same. done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, the th day of september, in the year of our lord , and of the independence of the united states of america, the twelfth. in witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. george washington, _president, and deputy from virginia._ _new hampshire_. john langdon, nicholas gilman. _massachusetts_. nathaniel gorham, rufus king. _connecticut._ william samuel johnson, roger sherman. _new york_. alexander hamilton. _new jersey_. william livingston, david brearly, william patterson, jonathan dayton. _pennsylvania_. benjamin franklin, thomas mifflin, robert morris, g george clymer, thomas fitzsimons, jared ingersoll, james wilson, gouverneur morris. _delaware_. george read, gunning bedford, jr., john dickinson, richard bassett, jacob broom. _maryland_. james m'henry, daniel of st. thomas jenifer, daniel carroll. _virginia_. john blair, james madison, jr. _north carolina_. william blount, richard dobbs spaight, hugh williamson. _south carolina_. john rutledge, charles cotesworth pinckney, charles pinckney, pierce butler. _georgia_. william few, abraham baldwin. attest: william jackson, secretary. . footnote: "life of washington," p. . . footnote: "men and times of the revolution, or memoirs of elkanah watson." . footnote: marshall, "life of washington." . footnote: it is a very interesting fact that the proposition in which the convention that formed the constitution originated should have been made at mount vernon, in washington's presence, if not by himself. as faneuil hall is called the cradle of liberty, mount vernon may be regarded as the cradle of the constitution. . footnote: the occasion and effect of this insurrection, commonly called shay's rebellion, are thus described by a recent writer. the jealousy felt toward the statesmen of the republic, or toward the upper by the middle class--if the terms may be allowed--was likely to operate fatally in marring the project of a constitution, and rendering any innovation for the purpose impracticable; since the dissentient states were resolved not to choose delegates, or accede to the desire of virginia. these democratic opinions of the middle classes, however, and the resolutions founded upon them, were eventually shaken and overturned by the extreme to which they were carried by the lower orders. these were no sooner inspired by the same political feelings, than, after their fashion, they rose in insurrection; bade defiance not only to congress, but to the state authorities themselves; and, collecting in armed bands, threatened to effect a serious revolution by taking law and property into their own hands. the new england states, principally massachusetts, were the scenes of these disorders, which took place toward the close of . a body of , men, assembled in the northwestern region of the state, chose one of their number, daniel shay, for leader. they asked for suspension of taxes, and the remission of paper money; but it was known that their favorite scheme was that of an agrarian law--a general division of property. respectable classes were, of course, thrown into alarm; congress recovered a portion of that vigor which had marked it during the war; troops were dispatched, under general lincoln and other officers, against the insurgents; and the citizens of the new england towns forgot their late jealousy of the military so far as to join them in the task of putting down their domestic foes. funds were raised by private subscription to supply the emptiness of the public treasury; and an efficient force was enabled to march, in the midst of winter, against the insurgents, who were soon dispersed and reduced. the rebellion thus suppressed was productive of the most salutary result. the middle classes, terrified at the exaggeration of their own doctrines, and at the risk of exciting the mob as supporters, rallied universally to the support of congress. jealousy of those above was counterbalanced by fear of those below; and the majority of the state legislatures was brought to coincide with the views of the federal statesmen. convinced by late experience of the necessity of an established and general government, even for purposes of domestic security, the hitherto refractory states named, without hesitation, their delegates to the appointed convention for forming a constitution. rhode island alone refused. . footnote: sparks, "writings of washington." . footnote: george ticknor curtis, "history of the constitution of the united states." * * * * * part vi. washington as president and in retirement. chapter i. the election. . as soon as it was ascertained that the new form of government had received the sanction of the people and would go into immediate operation, all eyes were at once turned to washington as the first president of the united states. during the war he had, in fact, directed the course of public affairs. his suggestions had been almost invariably followed by congress. his recommendations had influenced the action of the different states. his practical administrative abilities were known to all. he alone possessed the confidence of the people to that degree which was necessary to carry the constitution into vigorous effect at the outset and to defend it against its secret as well as its open enemies. but it was by no means certain that he would accept the office. by all who knew him, fears were entertained that his preference for private life would prevail over the wishes of the public, and soon after the adoption of the constitution was ascertained, his correspondents began to press him on a point which was believed essential to the completion of the great work on which the grandeur and happiness of america was supposed to depend. "we cannot," said mr. johnson, a man of great political eminence in maryland, "do without you; and i, and thousands more, can explain to anybody but yourself why we cannot do without you." "i have ever thought," said gouverneur morris, "and have ever said, that you must be president; no other man can fill that office. no other man can draw forth the abilities of our country into the various departments of civil life. you alone can awe the insolence of opposing factions and the greater insolence of assuming adherents. i say nothing of foreign powers nor of their ministers. with these last you will have some plague. as to your feelings on this occasion they are, i know, both deep and affecting: you embark property most precious on a most tempestuous ocean; for, as you possess the highest reputation, so you expose it to the perilous chance of popular opinion. on the other hand, you will, i firmly expect, enjoy the inexpressible felicity of contributing to the happiness of all your countrymen. you will become the father of more than three millions of children; and while your bosom glows with parental tenderness, in theirs or at least in a majority of them, you will excite the duteous sentiments of filial affection. this, i repeat it, is what i firmly expect; and my views are not directed by that enthusiasm which your public character has impressed on the public mind. enthusiasm is generally short-sighted and too often blind. i form my conclusions from those talents and virtues which the world believes and which your friends know you possess." in a letter detailing the arrangements which were making for the introduction of the new government, col. henry lee proceeded thus to speak of the presidency of the united states. "the solemnity of the moment and its application to yourself have fixed my mind in contemplations of a public and a personal nature, and i feel an involuntary impulse which i cannot resist, to communicate without reserve to you some of the reflections which the hour has produced. solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convicted as i continue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper improvement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the new government may have an auspicious beginning. to effect this and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices it is certain that again you will be called forth. "the same principles of devotion to the good of mankind which have invariably governed your conduct will no doubt continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose and happiness. it may be wrong, but i cannot suppress, in my wishes for national felicity, a due regard for your personal fame and content. "if the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which providence rarely if ever before gave to the lot of one man. it is my anxious hope, it is my belief, that this will be the case; but all things are uncertain, and perhaps nothing more so than political events." he then proceeded to state his apprehensions that the government might sink under the activity hostility of its foes, and in particular the fears which he entertained from the circular letter of new york, around which the minorities in the several states might be expected to rally. before concluding his letter, colonel lee said, "without you the government can have but little chance of success; and the people of that happiness which its prosperity must yield." in reply to this letter washington said: "your observations on the solemnity of the crisis and its application to myself bring before me subjects of the most momentous and interesting nature. in our endeavors to establish a new general government the contest, nationally considered, seems not to have been so much for glory as existence. it was for a long time doubtful whether we were to survive as an independent republic or decline from our federal dignity into insignificant and wretched fragments of empire. the adoption of the constitution so extensively and with so liberal an acquiescence on the part of the minorities in general, promised the former; but lately the circular letter of new york has manifested, in my apprehension, an unfavorable if not an insidious tendency to a contrary policy. i still hope for the best, but before you mentioned it i could not help fearing it would serve as a standard to which the disaffected might resort. it is now evidently the part of all honest men who are friends to the new constitution, to endeavor to give it a chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carrying it fairly into effect in the first instance. "the principal topic of your letter is to me a point of great delicacy indeed--insomuch that i can scarcely without some impropriety touch upon it. in the first place, the event to which you allude may never happen; among other reasons, because, if the partiality of my fellow-citizens conceive it to be a means by which the sinews of the new government would be strengthened, it will of consequence be obnoxious to those who are in opposition to it, many of whom unquestionably will be placed among the electors. "this consideration alone would supersede the expediency of announcing any definite and irrevocable resolution. you are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely, until my final hour. but the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me to be uninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct i had prescribed for myself indispensable. should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument sake alone, let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might i not, after the declarations i have made (and heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world, and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition? nay, further, would there not even be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? now, justice to myself, and tranquility of conscience, require that i should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. though i prize as i ought the good opinion of my fellow-citizens, yet, if i know myself, i would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. while doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected _my god_, my country, and myself, i could despise all the party clamor and unjust censure which must be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. i am conscious that i fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that i do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. and certain i am, when-so-ever i shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. "if i declined the task it would be upon quite another principle. notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, or the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance, but a belief that some other person, who had less pretense and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. to say more would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a refusal beforehand might incur the application of the fable in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. you will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed (and which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confidential communication), that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as i am, unless a clear and insurmountable conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable consequences must in all human probability result from the indulgence of my wishes." about the same time colonel hamilton concluded a letter on miscellaneous subjects with the following observations. "i take it for granted, sir, you have concluded to comply with what will, no doubt, be the general call of your country in relation to the new government. you will permit me to say that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its first operations. it is to little purpose to have introduced a system, if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm establishment in the outset." "on the delicate subject," said washington in reply, "with which you conclude your letter, i can say nothing; because the event alluded to may never happen; and because, in case it should occur, it would be a point of prudence to defer forming one's ultimate and irrevocable decision so long as new data might be afforded for one to act with the greater wisdom and propriety. i would not wish to conceal my prevailing sentiment from you. for you know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that i am not guilty of affectation, when i tell you it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm. were it even indispensable a different line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some others who are acquainted with my heart would acquit, the world and posterity might probably accuse me of inconsistency and ambition. still, i hope i shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what i consider the most enviable of all titles) the character of an honest man." this answer drew from hamilton the following reply: "i should be deeply pained, my dear sir, if your scruples in regard to a certain station should be matured into a resolution to decline it; though i am neither surprised at their existence, nor can i but agree in opinion that the caution you observe in deferring the ultimate determination is prudent. i have, however, reflected maturely on the subject, and have come to the conclusion (in which i feel no hesitation) that every public and personal consideration will demand from you an acquiescence in what will certainly be the unanimous wish of your country. "the absolute retreat which you meditated at the close of the late war was natural and proper. had the government produced by the revolution gone on in a tolerable train, it would have been most advisable to have persisted in that retreat. but i am clearly of opinion that the crisis which brought you again into public view left you no alternative but to comply; and i am equally clear in the opinion that you are by that act pledged to take a part in the execution of the government. i am not less convinced that the impression of the necessity of your filling the station in question is so universal that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting to it. but even if this were not the case, a regard to your own reputation, as well as to the public good, calls upon you in the strongest manner to run that risk. "it cannot be considered as a compliment to say that, on your acceptance of the office of president, the success of the new government in its commencement may materially depend. your agency and influence will be not less important in preserving it from the future attacks of its enemies than they have been in recommending it in the first instance to the adoption of the people. independent of all considerations drawn from this source, the point of light in which you stand at home and abroad will make an infinite difference in the respectability with which the government will begin its operations, in the alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. i forbear to mention considerations which might have a more personal application. what i have said will suffice for the inferences i mean to draw. "first. in a matter so essential to the well-being of society as the prosperity of a newly-instituted government, a citizen of so much consequence as yourself to its success has no option but to lend his services if called for. permit me to say it would be inglorious, in such a situation, not to hazard the glory, however great, which he might have previously acquired. "secondly. your signature to the proposed system pledges your judgment for its being such a one as, upon the whole, was worthy of the public approbation. if it should miscarry (as men commonly decide from success or the want of it), the blame will, in all probability, be laid on the system itself. and the framers of it will have to encounter the disrepute of having brought about a revolution in government without substituting anything that was worthy of the effort; they pulled down one utopia, it will be said, to build up another. this view of the subject, if i mistake not, my dear sir, will suggest to your mind greater hazard to that fame which must be, and ought to be, dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system than in affording it. i will only add that in my estimate of the matter that aid is indispensable. "i have taken the liberty to express these sentiments and to lay before you my view of the subject. i doubt not the considerations mentioned have fully occurred to you, and i trust they will finally produce in your mind the same result which exists in mine. i flatter myself the frankness with which i have delivered myself will not be displeasing to you. it has been prompted by motives which you would not disapprove." in answer to this letter, washington expressed himself without reserve. "in acknowledging," said he, "the receipt of your candid and kind letter by the last post, little more is incumbent on me than to thank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated your sentiments, and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercourse will always be more than barely welcome--indeed, it will be highly acceptable to me. "i am particularly glad, in the present instance, that you have dealt thus freely and like a friend. although i could not help observing, from several publications and letters, that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the contingency which is the subject of your letter might happen, yet i thought it best to maintain a guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends (which i certainly hold in the highest estimation), rather than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. for, situated as i am, i could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even in the most confidential manner, without betraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety might be construed into a vainglorious desire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. now, if i am not grossly deceived in myself, i should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes in favor of some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. if that may not be, i am, in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid as with it. i am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the circumstances will afford, and to determine (when the determination can with propriety be no longer postponed), according to the principles of right reason and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. until that period, i may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though i allow your sentiments to have weight in them, and i shall not pass by your arguments without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as i can possibly bestow upon them. "in taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light i have been able to place it, i will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that i have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as i have been taught to expect i might, and perhaps must ere long, be called to make a decision. you will, i am well assured, believe the assertion (though i have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me), that if i should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept it, the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than ever i experienced before in my life. it would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and an early period, my services might be dispensed with, and that i might be permitted once more to retire--to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquility." this correspondence was thus closed by hamilton: "i feel a conviction that you will finally see your acceptance to be indispensable. it is no compliment to say that no other man can sufficiently unite the public opinion, or can give the requisite weight to the office, in the commencement of the government. these considerations appear to me of themselves decisive. i am not sure that your refusal would not throw everything into confusion. i am sure that it would have the worst effect imaginable. "indeed, as i hinted in a former letter, i think circumstances leave no option." although this correspondence does not appear to have absolutely decided washington on the part he should embrace, it could not have been without its influence on his judgment, nor have failed to dispose him to yield to the wish of his country. "i would willingly," said he, to his estimable friend, general lincoln, who had also pressed the subject on him, "pass over in silence that part of your letter in which you mention the persons who are candidates for the two first offices in the executive, if i did not fear the omission might seem to betray a want of confidence. motives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto from conversing or writing on this subject, whenever i could avoid it with decency. i may, however, with great sincerity, and i believe without offending against modesty or propriety, say to you that i most heartily wish the choice to which you allude might not fall upon me; and that if it should, i must reserve to myself the right of making up my final decision at the last moment, when it can be brought into one view and when the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined than at present. but be assured, my dear sir, if from any inducement i shall be persuaded ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as i know my own heart) from any of a private or personal nature. every personal consideration conspires to rivet me (if i may use the expression) to retirement. at my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that i preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease to the good of my country. after all, if i should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, i call heaven to witness that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes that ever i have been called upon to make. it would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment for trouble--perhaps for public obloquy; for i should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness. "from this embarrassing situation i had naturally supposed that my declarations at the close of the war would have saved me, and that my sincere intentions, then publicly made known, would have effectually precluded me forever afterward from being looked upon as a candidate for any office. this hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, i had still carefully preserved, until the public papers and private letters from my correspondents in almost every quarter taught me to apprehend that i might soon be obliged to answer the question whether i would go again into public life or not." "i can say little or nothing new," said he in a letter to lafayette, "in consequence of the repetition of your opinion on the expediency there will be for my accepting the office to which you refer. your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends than with my own feelings. in truth, my difficulties increase and magnify as i draw toward the period when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer in one way or other. should circumstances render it, in a manner, inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, i shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance and with a real diffidence, for which i shall probably receive no credit from the world. if i know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. and in that case, if i can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted (even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity) to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy which, if pursued, will insure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. i think i see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality are necessary to make us a great and happy people. happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to cooperate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity." after the electors had been chosen, and before the electoral colleges met, washington was assailed with the usual importunities of office-seekers. as marking the frame of mind with which he came into the government, the following extract is given from one of the many letters written to persons whose pretensions he was disposed to favor. "should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in which your letter presupposes me, i have determined to go into it perfectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever. a conduct in conformity to this resolution would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with a sole reference to justice and the public good. this is, in substance, the answer that i have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have already been made. among the places sought after in these applications, i must not conceal that the office to which you particularly allude is comprehended. this fact i tell you merely as matter of information. my general manner of thinking, as to the propriety of holding myself totally disengaged, will apologize for my not enlarging further on the subject. "though i am sensible that the public suffrage which places a man in office should prevent him from being swayed, in the execution of it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assuredly, without violating his duty, be indulged in the continuance of his former attachments." although the time appointed for the new government to commence its operations was the th of march, , the members of congress were so dilatory in their attendance that a house of representatives was not formed till the st nor a senate till the th of april. when at length the votes for president and vice-president were opened and counted in the senate, it was found that washington was unanimously elected president, and that the second number of votes was given to john adams. george washington and john adams were therefore declared to be duly elected president and vice-president of the united states, to serve for four years from the th of march, . in a letter to general knox, just before this announcement, washington thus adverts to the delay in forming a quorum of congress: "i feel for those members of the new congress, who, hitherto, have given an unavailing attendance at the theater of action. for myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for, in confidence, i tell you (with the world it would obtain little credit) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am i, in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination which are necessary to manage the helm. i am sensible that i am embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my own, on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them heaven alone can foretell. integrity and firmness are all i can promise; these, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although i may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the world cannot deprive me." there is every reason to believe that the diffidence expressed in the above was sincere. it is perfectly consistent with the unaffected modesty of washington's character. chapter ii. the administration formed. . washington's election was announced to him by a special messenger from congress, on the th of april, . his acceptance of it, and his expressions of gratitude for this fresh proof of the esteem and confidence of his country, were connected with declarations of diffidence in himself. "i wish," he said, "that there may not be reason for regretting the choice--for, indeed, all i can promise is to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal." as the public business required the immediate attendance of the president at the seat of government, he hastened his departure, and, on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, took leave of mount vernon. in an entry made by himself in his diary, the feelings inspired by an occasion so affecting to his mind are thus described: "about o'clock i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity, and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york in company with mr. thomson and colonel humphreys, with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." "the president and his lady," says mr. custis, "bid adieu with extreme regret to the tranquil and happy shades where a few years of repose had, in a great measure, effaced the effects of the toils and anxieties of war; where little eden had bloomed and nourished under their fostering hands and where a numerous circle of friends and relatives would sensibly feel the privation of their departure. they departed and hastened to where duty called the man of his country." soon after leaving mount vernon he was met by a cavalcade of gentlemen, who escorted him to alexandria, where a public dinner had been prepared to which he was invited. arrived at that place, he was greeted by a public address, to which he made an appropriate reply. the address differs from others, inasmuch as it came from his personal friends and neighbors, and gives some interesting personal details. the tenor of the following passage must have sensibly touched the feelings of washington: "not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our gratitude for past services; not to acknowledge the justice of the unexampled honor which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrages of , , of freemen, in your election to the supreme magistracy; nor to admire the patriotism which directs your conduct, do your neighbors and friends now address you. themes less splendid, but more endearing, impress our minds. the first and best of citizens must leave us; our aged must lose their ornament; our youth their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce its friend; our infant academy its protector; our poor their benefactor; and the interior navigation of the potomac (an event replete with the most extensive utility, already, by your unremitted exertions, brought into partial use) its institutor and promoter." washington left alexandria on the afternoon of the same day and attended by his neighbors proceeded to georgetown, where he was received by a number of citizens of maryland. his journey thenceforth to the seat of government was a continual triumph. military escorts, cavalcades of citizens, and crowds of people of all ages and both sexes awaited his arrival at each town. we may imagine the enthusiastic shouts and welcomes with which he was received by the people. on his approach to philadelphia he was met by governor mifflin, judge peters, and a military escort, headed by general st. clair, and followed by the usual cavalcade of gentlemen. washington was mounted on a splendid white horse. the procession passed into the city through triumphal arches adorned with wreaths of flowers and laurel, attended by an immense crowd of people. the day was a public festival, and in the evening an illumination and a display of fireworks testified the enthusiasm of the occasion. the next day, at trenton, he was welcomed in a manner as new as it was pleasing. in addition to the usual demonstrations of respect and attachment which were given by the discharge of cannon, by military corps, and by private persons of distinction, the gentler sex prepared in their own taste a tribute of applause indicative of the grateful recollection in which they held their deliverance twelve years before from a formidable enemy. on the bridge over the creek which passes through the town was erected a triumphal arch highly ornamented with laurels and flowers and supported by thirteen pillars, each entwined with wreaths of evergreen. on the front arch was inscribed in large gilt letters, "the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters." on the center of the arch, above the inscription, was a dome or cupola of flowers and evergreens, encircling the dates of two memorable events which were peculiarly interesting to new jersey. the first was the battle of trenton, and the second the bold and judicious stand made by the american troops at the same creek, by which the progress of the british army was arrested on the evening preceding the battle of princeton. at this place he was met by a party of matrons leading their daughters, dressed in white, who carried baskets of flowers in their hands and sang, with exquisite sweetness, an ode of two stanzas, composed for the occasion. at new brunswick he was joined by the governor of new jersey, who accompanied him to elizabethtown point. a committee of congress received him on the road and conducted him with military parade to the point, where he took leave of the governor and other gentlemen of new jersey and embarked for new york in an elegant barge of thirteen oars, manned by thirteen branch pilots, prepared for the purpose by the citizens of new york. "the display of boats," says washington, in his private journal, "which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with instrumental music, on board, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the sky as i passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labors to do good) as they were pleasing." at the stairs on murray's wharf, which had been prepared and ornamented for the purpose, he was received by governor clinton, of new york, and conducted with military honors, through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. these were attended by all who were in office and by many private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations and to express the joy which glowed in their bosoms at seeing the man in whom all confided at the head of the american empire. this day of extravagant joy was succeeded by a splendid illumination. mr. custis, writing of the journey from mount vernon to new york, and of washington's mode of living at the seat of government, says: "the august spectacle at the bridge of trenton brought tears to the eyes of the chief, and forms one of the most brilliant recollections of the age of washington. "arrived at the seat of the federal government, the president and mrs. washington formed their establishment upon a scale that, while it partook of all the attributes of our republican institutions, possessed at the same time that degree of dignity and regard for appearances so necessary to give our infant republic respect in the eyes of the world. the house was handsomely furnished; the equipages neat, with horses of the first order; the servants wore the family liveries, and, with the exception of a steward and housekeeper, the whole establishment differed but little from that of a private gentleman. on tuesdays, from to o'clock, the president received the foreign ambassadors and strangers who wished to be introduced to him. on these occasions, and when opening the sessions of congress, the president wore a dress sword. his personal apparel was always remarkable for its being old-fashioned and exceedingly plain and neat. on thursdays were the congressional dinners and on friday nights mrs. washington's drawing-room. the company usually assembled about and rarely stayed exceeding o'clock. the ladies were seated, and the president passed around the circle, paying his compliments to each. at the drawing-rooms mrs. morris always sat at the right of the lady president, and at all the dinners, public or private, at which robert morris was a guest, that venerable man was placed at the right of mrs. washington. "on the great national festivals of the th of july and d of february, the sages of the revolutionary congress and the officers of the revolutionary army renewed their acquaintance with mrs. washington; many and kindly greetings took place with many a recollection of the days of trial. the cincinnati, after paying their respects to their chief, were seen to file off toward the parlor, where lady washington was in waiting to receive them, and where wayne, and mifflin, and dickinson, and stewart, and moylan, and hartley, and a host of veterans were cordially welcomed as old friends, and where many an interesting reminiscence was called up, of the headquarters and the 'times of the revolution.' "on sundays, unless the weather was uncommonly severe, the president and mrs. washington attended divine service at christ church, and in the evening the president read to mrs. washington, in her chamber, a sermon or some portion from the sacred writings. no visitors, with the exception of mr. speaker trumbull, were admitted to the presidoliad on sundays. "there was one description of visitors, however, to be found about the first president's mansion on all days. the old soldiers repaired, as they said, to headquarters just to inquire after the health of his excellency and lady washington. they knew his excellency was, of course, much engaged, but they would like to see the good lady, one had been a soldier of the life guard, another had been on duty when the british threatened to surprise the headquarters, a third had witnessed that terrible fellow, cornwallis, surrender his sword; each one had some touching appeal with which to introduce himself to the peaceful headquarters of the presidoliad. all were 'kindly bid to stay,' were conducted to the steward's apartments, and refreshments set before them, and, after receiving some little token from the lady, with her best wishes for the health and happiness of an old soldier, they went their ways, while blessings upon their revered commander and the good lady washington were uttered by many a war worn veteran of the revolution." [ ] the simple mode of life above described did not save washington from public censure by those who are always ready to carp at the doings of distinguished men, however unexceptionable their conduct may be. free levees were said to savor of an affectation of royal state. in a letter to his friend, dr. stewart, washington thus puts to silence this calumny, with his usual good sense and unanswerable argument: "before the custom was established which now accommodates foreign characters, strangers, and others, who, from motives of curiosity, respect to the chief magistrate, or any other cause, are induced to call upon me, i was unable to attend to any business whatsoever. for gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time i rose from breakfast--often before--until i sat down to dinner. this, as i resolved not to neglect my public duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives--either to refuse them altogether or to appropriate a time for the reception of them. the first would, i well knew, be disgusting to many; the latter i expected would undergo animadversion from those who would find fault with or without cause. to please everybody was impossible. i therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined public advantage with private convenience, and which, in my judgment, was unexceptionable in itself. "these visits are optional. they are made without invitation. between the hours of and every tuesday i am prepared to receive them. gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat with each other, and act as they please. a porter shows them into the room, and they retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. at their first entrance they salute me and i them, and as many as i can talk to i do. what pomp there is in all this i am unable to discover. perhaps it consists in not sitting. to this two reasons are opposed: first, it is unusual; secondly (which is a more substantial one); because i have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would be sufficient to admit it. if it is supposed that ostentation or the fashions of courts (which by the by, i believe originate oftener in convenience, not to say necessity, than is generally imagined) gave rise to this custom, i will boldly affirm that no supposition was ever more erroneous, for were i to indulge my inclinations every moment that i could withdraw from the fatigues of my station should be spent in retirement. that they are not proceeds from the sense i entertain of the propriety of giving to everyone as free access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of government; and that respect, i conceive, is neither to be acquired or preserved but by maintaining a just medium between too much state and too great familiarity. "similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, are the visits every friday afternoon to mrs. washington, where i always am. these public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table will hold, with the references to and from the different departments of state and other communications with all parts of the union, is as much if not more than i am able to undergo; for i have already had within less than a year two severe attacks--the last worse than the first; a third, it is more than probable, will put me to sleep with my fathers--at what distance this may be i know not." the inauguration of washington deserves particular notice, inasmuch as in its chief outlines it has served for the precedent to all succeeding inaugurations. congress had determined that the ceremony of taking the oath of office should be performed in public and in the open air. it took place on the th of april, . in the morning religious services were performed in all the churches of the city. at o'clock a procession was formed at the residence of the president, consisting of a military escort and the committees of congress and heads of departments in carriages, followed by washington alone in a carriage, and his aid-de-camp, colonel humphreys, and secretary, mr. lear, in another carriage, with the foreign ministers and citizens bringing up the rear. the procession moved to the hall of congress, where washington alighted with his attendants and entered the senate chamber. here he was received by the senate and house of representatives. the vice-president, john adams, conducted washington to his appointed seat, and shortly after announced to him that all was prepared for his taking the oath of office. washington then proceeded to an open balcony in front of the house, where was a table with an open bible lying upon it. on his appearance in the balcony, he was received with a most enthusiastic burst of popular applause, which he acknowledged by bowing to the people. chancellor livingston administered the oath, while adams, hamilton, knox, steuben, and others stood near the president. while the oath was being administered washington laid his hand on the bible. at its conclusion he said, "i swear, so help me god." his administration proves that the oath was sincere. he then stooped down and kissed the bible. when the ceremony was concluded, he returned to the senate chamber and delivered his inaugural address to the two branches of congress. he then proceeded on foot, with the whole assemblage, to st. paul's church, where prayers were read by the bishop, and the public ceremonial of the day was completed. the occasion was celebrated by the people as a grand festival, and in the evening there was a display of fireworks as well as a general illumination of the city. this display of enthusiasm on the part of the people was far from rendering washington over-confident of success in his new position. he was thoroughly aware of the difficulties which would have to be encountered in putting the new government into action, so as to insure its stability and success. the opening of his inaugural address to both branches of congress gives a clear indication of his views and feelings on taking office. it is as follows: "among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order and received on the th day of the present month. on the one hand i was summoned by my country, whose voice i can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which i had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. in this conflict of emotions, all i dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be effected. all i dare hope is, that if, in accepting this task, i have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. "such being the impressions under which i have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it will be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that almighty being who rules over the universe--who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect--that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the united states, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. in tendering this homage to the great author of every public and private good, i assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. no people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men more than the people of the united states. every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency, and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. these reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. you will join with me, i trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence." it will be seen by these expressions that the same sense of solemn responsibility and the same undoubting trust in providence, so often evinced by washington during the conflicts and perils of the war, marked his entrance upon the arduous duties of chief magistrate of the nation. as in the previous instance of accepting office, he now signified to congress that he would receive no compensation for his services, except such as should be necessary to defray the expenses incident to the position in which he was placed. this determination was announced in the concluding portion of the inaugural address, which was as follows: "by the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the president 'to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' the circumstances under which i now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject, further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. it will be more consistent with those circumstances and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me to substitute in place of a recommendation of particular measures the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. in these honorable qualifications i behold the surest pledges that, as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the pre-eminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. i dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness--between duty and advantage--between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity, since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained, and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the american people. "besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which i could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, i shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good, for i assure myself that, whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. "to the preceding observations i have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the house of representatives. it concerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief as possible. when i was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which i contemplated my duty required that i should renounce every pecuniary compensation. from this resolution i have in no instance departed. and being still under the impressions which produced it, i must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which i am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. "having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, i shall take my present leave, but not without resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favor the american people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of his government must depend." this speech was read to congress by the president himself. the practice of sending a message instead of reading the speech in person was introduced by president jefferson, who did not appear to advantage as an orator, and it has been continued to the present time. the same persons who found fault with washington's levees would probably have regarded the practice introduced by washington as anti-republican, as it is practiced by the sovereigns of great britain. the executive departments which had existed under the confederation were necessarily continued until congress should make new arrangements. mr. jay still acted as secretary of foreign affairs, an office analogous to that which is now denominated secretary of state, and general knox as secretary of war. the treasury was entrusted to a board of commissioners. each of these at the request of the president furnished a full report of the state of the department respectively under their control. to the digesting, condensing, and studying of these, and of the diplomatic correspondence of the government since the close of the war, washington now devoted himself with unwearied attention. of the mode in which his daily life was now passed during the hours when not engaged in official duty, we gain a pleasing glimpse from the following extract from g. w. p. custis' "recollections and private memoirs of the life and character of washington," as follows: "in the then limited extent and improvement of the city there was some difficulty in selecting a mansion for the residence of the chief magistrate and a house suitable to his rank and station. osgood's house, a mansion of very moderate extent, was at length fixed upon, situated in cherry street. "there the president became domiciled. his domestic family consisted of mrs. washington, the two adopted children, mr. lear, as principal secretary, colonel humphreys, with messrs. lewis and nelson, secretaries, and maj. william jackson, aide-de-camp. "persons visiting the house in cherry street at this time of day will wonder how a building so small could contain the many and mighty spirits that thronged its halls in olden days. congress, cabinets, all public functionaries in the commencement of the government were selected from the very elite of the nation. pure patriotism, commanding talent, eminent services, were the proud and indispensable requisites for official station in the first days of the republic. the first congress was a most enlightened and dignified body. in the senate were several of the members of the congress of and signers of the declaration of independence--richard henry lee, who moved the declaration, john adams, who seconded it, with sherman, morris, carroll, etc. "the levees of the first president were attended by these illustrious patriots and statesmen, and by many other of the patriots, statesmen, and soldiers, who could say of the revolution, '_magna pars fui_,' while numbers of foreigners and strangers of distinction crowded to the seat of the general government, all anxious to witness the grand experiment that was to determine how much rational liberty mankind is capable of enjoying, without said liberty degenerating into licentiousness. "mrs. washington's drawing-rooms, on friday nights, were attended by the grace and beauty of new york. on one of these occasions an incident occurred which might have been attended by serious consequences. owing to the lowness of the ceiling in the drawing-room, the ostrich feather in the head-dress of miss mciver, a belle of new york, took fire from the chandelier, to the no small alarm of the company. major jackson, aide-de-camp to the president, with great presence of mind and equal gallantry, flew to the rescue of the lady, and, by clapping the burning plumes between his hands, extinguished the flames, and the drawing-room went on as usual. "washington preserved the habit, as well in public as in private life, of rising at o'clock and retiring to bed at . on saturdays he rested somewhat from his labors by either riding into the country, attended by a groom, or with his family in his coach drawn by six horses. "fond of horses, the stables of the president were always in the finest order and his equipage excellent, both in taste and quality. indeed, so long ago as the days of the vice-regal court of lord botetourt, at williamsburg, in virginia, we find that there existed a rivalry between the equipages of colonel byrd, a magnate of the old _régime_, and colonel washington--the grays against the bays. bishop, the celebrated body-servant of braddock, was the master of washington's stables. and there were what was termed muslin horses in those days. at cockcrow the stable boys were at work; at sunrise bishop stalked into the stables, a muslin handkerchief in his hand, which he applied to the coats of the animals, and, if the slightest stain was perceptible upon the muslin, up went the luckless wights of the stableboys and punishment was administered instanter; for to the veteran bishop, bred amid the iron discipline of european armies, mercy for anything like a breach of duty was altogether out of the question. "the president's stables in philadelphia were under the direction of german john, and the grooming of the white chargers will rather surprise the moderns. the night before the horses were expected to be rode they were covered entirely over with a paste, of which whiting was the principal component part; then the animals were swathed in body clothes and left to sleep upon clean straw. in the morning the composition had become hard, was well rubbed in, and curried and brushed, which process gave to the coats a beautiful, glossy, and satin-like appearance. the hoofs were then blacked and polished, the mouths washed, teeth picked and cleaned, and, the leopard-skin housings being properly adjusted, the white chargers were led out for service. such was the grooming of ancient times. "there was but one theater in new york in (in john street), and so small were its dimensions that the whole fabric might easily be placed on the stage of one of our modern theaters. yet, humble as was the edifice, it possessed an excellent company of actors and actresses, including old morris, who was the associate of garrick, in the very outset of that great actor's career, at goodrhan's fields. the stage boxes were appropriated to the president and vice-president, and were each of them decorated with emblems, trophies, etc. at the foot of the playbills were always the words, '_vivat respublica_.' washington often visited this theater, being particularly gratified by wignell's performance of darby, in the 'poor soldier.' "it was in the theater in john street that the now national air of 'hail columbia,' then called the 'president's march,' was first played. it was composed by a german musician by the name of fyles, the leader of the orchestra, in compliment to the president. the national air will last as long as the nation lasts, while the meritorious composer has been long since forgotten. "it was while residing in cherry street that the president was attacked by a severe illness that required a surgical operation. he was attended by the elder and younger drs. bard. the elder, being somewhat doubtful of his nerves, gave the knife to his son, bidding him 'cut away--deeper, deeper still; don't be afraid; you see how well he bears it.' great anxiety was felt in new york at this time, as the president's case was considered extremely dangerous. happily, the operation proved successful, and the patient's recovery removed all cause of alarm. during the illness a chain was stretched across the street and the sidewalks laid with straw. soon after his recovery the president set out on his intended tour through the new england states. "the president's mansion was so limited in accommodation that three of the secretaries were compelled to occupy one room--humphreys, lewis, and nelson. humphreys, aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief at yorktown, was a most estimable man, and at the same time a poet. about this period he was composing his 'widow of malabac.' lewis and nelson, both young men, were content, after the labors of the day, to enjoy a good night's repose. but this was often denied them, for humphreys, when in the vein, would rise from his bed at any hour, and, with stentorian voice, recite his verses. the young men, roused from their slumbers, and rubbing their eyes, beheld a great burly figure, '_en chemise_,' striding across the floor, reciting, with great emphasis, particular passages from his poems, and calling on his room-mates for their approbation. having, in this way, for a considerable time, 'murdered the sleep' of his associates, humphreys, at length, wearied by his exertions, would sink upon his pillow in a kind of dreamy languor. so sadly were the young secretaries annoyed by the frequent outbursts of the poet's imagination that it was remarked of them by their friends, that, from to the end of their lives, neither robert lewis nor thomas nelson was ever known to evince the slightest taste for poetry." washington had hardly recovered from the severe attack of illness above referred to, when he heard of the death of his mother, who died on the th of august, . he had paid her a visit just before leaving mount vernon for the seat of government. she was then residing at fredericksburg, and was gradually sinking under a disease which was evidently mortal; and washington, fully aware that he was seeing her for the last time, was much affected at the interview. she also felt that they were parting to meet no more in this world. "but she bade him go, with heaven's blessing and her own, to fulfill the high destinies to which he had been called." the mother of washington was, in many respects, a remarkable woman. her influence over her son in early life we have already had occasion to notice. in her last days she presents a true picture of matronly dignity. mr. custis states that she was continually visited and solaced, in the retirement of her declining years, by her children and numerous grandchildren. her daughter, mrs. lewis, repeatedly and earnestly solicited her to remove to her house and there pass the remainder of her days. her son pressingly entreated her that she would make mount vernon the home of her age. but the matron's answer was: "i thank you for your affectionate and dutiful offers, but my wants are few in this world and i feel perfectly competent to take care of myself." to the proposition of her son-in-law, colonel lewis, to relieve her by taking the direction of her concerns, she replied. "do you, fielding, keep my books in order, for your eyesight is better than mine; but leave the executive management to me." such were the energy and independence she preserved to an age beyond that usually allotted to mortals, and till within three years of her death, when the disease under which she suffered (cancer of the breast) prevented exertion. her meeting with washington, after the victory which decided the fortune of america, illustrates her character too strikingly to be omitted: "after an absence of nearly seven years it was, at length, on the return of the combined armies from yorktown, permitted to the mother to see and embrace her illustrious son. so soon as he had dismounted, in the midst of a numerous and brilliant suite, he sent to apprise her of his arrival and to know when it would be her pleasure to receive him. and now, mark the force of early education and habits, and the superiority of the spartan over the persian schools, in this interview of the great washington with his admirable parent and instructor. no pageantry of war proclaimed his coming--no trumpets sounded--no banners waved. alone, and on foot, the marshal of france, the general-in-chief of the combined armies of france and america, the deliverer of his country, the hero of the age, repaired to pay his humble duty to her whom he venerated as the author of his being, the founder of his fortune and his fame. full well he knew that the matron was made of sterner stuff than to be moved by all the pride that glory ever gave or by all the "pomp and circumstance" of power. the lady was alone--her aged hands employed in the works of domestic industry--when the good news was announced, and it was further told that the victor chief was in waiting at the threshold. she welcomed him with a warm embrace, and by the well-remembered and endearing names of his childhood. inquiring as to his health, she remarked the lines which mighty cares and many trials had made on his manly countenance, spoke much of old times and old friends, but of his glory, not one word! "meantime, in the village of fredericksburg, all was joy and revelry. the town was crowded with the officers of the french and american armies, and with gentlemen from all the country around, who hastened to welcome the conquerors of cornwallis. the citizens made arrangements for a splendid ball to which the mother of washington was specially invited. she observed that although her dancing days were pretty well over she should feel happy in contributing to the general festivity, and consented to attend. "the foreign officers were anxious to see the mother of their chief. they had heard indistinct rumors respecting her remarkable life and character, but, forming their judgment from european examples, they were prepared to expect in the mother that glare and show which would have been attached to the parents of the great in the old world. how were they surprised when the matron, leaning on the arm of her son, entered the room! she was arrayed in the very plain, yet becoming garb worn by the virginia lady of the olden time. her address, always dignified and imposing, was courteous though reserved. she received the complimentary attentions which were profusely paid her without evincing the slightest elevation, and, at an early hour, wished the company much enjoyment of their pleasures, and observing that it was time for old people to be at home, retired, leaning as before on the arm of her son." to this picture may be added another: "the marquis de lafayette repaired to fredericksburg, previous to his departure for europe in the fall of , to pay his parting respects to the mother, and to ask her blessing. conducted by one of her grandsons he approached the house, when the young gentleman observed: 'there, sir, is my grandmother.' lafayette beheld--working in the garden, clad in domestic-made clothes, and her gray head covered with a plain straw hat--the mother of 'his hero, his friend, and a country's preserver.' the lady saluted him, kindly observing: 'ah, marquis! you see an old woman, but come, i can make you welcome to my poor dwelling without the parade of changing my dress.'" to the encomiums lavished by the marquis on his chief, the mother replied: "i am not surprised at what george has done for he was always a very good boy." so simple, in her true greatness of soul, was this remarkable woman. her piety was ardent, and she associated devotion with the grand and beautiful in nature. she was in the habit of repairing every day for prayer to a secluded spot, formed by rocks and trees, near her dwelling. the person of mrs. washington is described as being of the medium height and well proportioned--her features pleasing, though strongly marked. there were few painters in the colonies in those days, and no portrait of her is in existence. her biographer saw her but with infant eyes, but well remembered the sister of the chief. of her we are told nothing, except that "she was a most majestic woman and so strikingly like the brother that it was a matter of frolic to throw a cloak around her and place a military hat upon her head, and such was the perfect resemblance that had she appeared on her brother's steed, battalions would have presented arms, and senates risen to do homage to the chief." mrs. washington died at the age of eighty-five, rejoicing in the consciousness of a life well spent, and the hope of a blessed immortality. her ashes repose at fredericksburg, where a splendid monument has been erected to her memory. [ ] deeply as washington felt the loss of his estimable parent his attention was speedily withdrawn from his private and personal interests by the important political affairs which were pressing upon him. congress were now fairly engaged in giving form and efficiency to the newly-created government. [ ] the continued existence of the constitution itself was menaced by some of the states which had acceded to it, as well as by those who had refused to adopt it. in some of the states a disposition to acquiesce in the decision which had been made, and to await the issue of a fair experiment of the constitution was avowed by the minority. in others the chagrin of defeat seemed to increase the original hostility to the instrument, and serious fears were entertained by its friends that a second general convention might pluck from it the most essential of its powers before their value and the safety with which they might be confided where they were placed could be ascertained by experience. from the same cause exerting itself in a different direction the friends of the new system had been still more alarmed. in all those states where the opposition was sufficiently formidable to inspire a hope of success, the effort was made to fill the legislature with the declared enemies of the government and thus to commit it, in its infancy, to the custody of its foes. their fears were quieted for the present. in both branches of the legislature the federalists, an appellation at that time distinguishing those who had supported the constitution, formed the majority, and it soon appeared that a new convention was too bold an experiment to be applied for by the requisite number of states. but two states, rhode island and north carolina, still remained out of the pale of the union, and a great deal of ill humor existed among those who were included within it, which increased the necessity of circumspection in those who administered the government. to the western parts of the continent the attention of the executive was attracted by discontents which were displayed with some violence, and which originated in circumstances and in interests peculiar to that country. spain, in possession of the mouth of the mississippi, had refused to permit the citizens of the united states to follow its waters into the ocean, and had occasionally tolerated or interdicted their commerce to new orleans, as had been suggested by the supposed interest or caprice of the spanish government or of its representatives in america. the eyes of the inhabitants adjacent to the waters which emptied into that river were turned down it as the only channel through which the surplus produce of their luxuriant soil could be conveyed to the markets of the world. believing that the future wealth and prosperity of their country depended on the use of that river they gave some evidence of a disposition to drop from the confederacy, if this valuable acquisition could not otherwise be made. this temper could not fail to be viewed with interest by the neighboring powers, who had been encouraged by it and by the imbecility of the government, to enter into intrigues of an alarming nature. previous to his departure from mount vernon, washington had received intelligence, too authentic to be disregarded, of private machinations, by real or pretended agents both of spain and great britain, which were extremely hostile to the peace and to the integrity of the union. spain had intimated that the navigation of the mississippi could never be conceded while the inhabitants of the western country remained connected with the atlantic states, but might be freely granted to them if they should form an independent empire. on the other hand a gentleman from canada, whose ostensible business was to repossess himself of some lands on the ohio which had been formerly granted to him, frequently discussed the vital importance of the navigation of the mississippi, and privately assured several individuals of great influence that if they were disposed to assert their rights he was authorized by lord dorchester, the governor of canada, to say that they might rely confidently on his assistance. with the aid it was in his power to give they might seize new orleans, fortify the balize at the mouth of the mississippi, and maintain themselves in that place against the utmost efforts of spain. [ ] the probability of failing in any attempt to hold the mouth of the mississippi by force, and the resentments against great britain which prevailed generally throughout the western country, diminished the danger to be apprehended from any machinations of that power, but against those of spain the same security did not exist. in contemplating the situation of the united states in their relations not purely domestic the object demanding most immediate consideration was the hostility of several tribes of indians. the military strength of the nations who inhabited the country between the lakes, the mississippi, and the ohio was computed at , men, of whom about , were at open war with the united states. treaties had been concluded with the residue, but the warlike disposition of the indians, and the provocations they had received, furnished reasons for apprehending that these treaties would soon be broken. in the south the creeks, who could bring into the field , fighting men, were at war with georgia. in the mind of their leader, m'gillivray, the son of a white man, some irritation had been produced by the confiscation of the lands of his father who had resided in that state, and several other refugees, whose property had also been confiscated, contributed still further to exasperate the nation. but the immediate point in contest between them was a tract of land on the oconee, which the state of georgia claimed under a purchase, the validity of which was denied by the indians. the regular force of the united states was less than men. not only the policy of accommodating differences by negotiation which the government was in no condition to terminate by the sword, but a real respect for the rights of the natives and a regard for the claims of justice and humanity, disposed washington to endeavor, in the first instance, to remove every cause of quarrel by a treaty, and his message to congress on this subject evidenced his preference of pacific measures. possessing many valuable articles of commerce for which the best market was often found on the coast of the mediterranean, struggling to export them in their own bottoms, and unable to afford a single gun for their protection, the americans could not view with unconcern the dispositions which were manifested toward them by the barbary powers. a treaty had been formed with the emperor of morocco, but from algiers, tunis, and tripoli peace had not been purchased, and those regencies considered all as enemies to whom they had not sold their friendship. the unprotected vessels of america presented a tempting object to their rapacity, and their hostility was the more terrible, because by their public law prisoners became slaves. the united states were at peace with all the powers of europe, but controversies of a delicate nature existed with some of them, the adjustment of which required a degree of moderation and firmness which there was reason to fear might not, in every instance, be exhibited. the apprehensions with which spain had contemplated the future strength of the united states, and the consequent disposition to restrict them to narrow limits, have been already noticed. after the conclusion of the war the attempt to form a treaty with that power had been repeated, but no advance toward an agreement on the points of difference between the two governments had been made. circumstances attending the points of difference with great britain were still more serious, because, in their progress, a temper unfavorable to accommodation had been uniformly displayed. the resentments produced by the various calamities war had occasioned were not terminated with their cause. the idea that great britain was the natural enemy of america had become habitual. believing it impossible for that nation to have relinquished its views of conquest, many found it difficult to bury their animosities and to act upon the sentiment contained in the declaration of independence, "to hold them as the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends." in addition to the complaints respecting the violation of the treaty of peace events were continually supplying this temper with fresh aliment. the disinclination which the cabinet of london had discovered to a commercial treaty with the united states was not attributed exclusively to the cause which had been assigned for it. it was in part ascribed to that jealousy with which britain was supposed to view the growing trade of america. the general restrictions on commerce by which every maritime power sought to promote its own navigation, and that part of the european system in particular by which each aimed at a monopoly of the trade of its colonies, were felt with peculiar keenness when enforced by england. in this suspicious temper almost every unfavorable event which occurred was traced up to british hostility. that an attempt to form a commercial treaty with portugal had failed, was attributed to the influence of the cabinet of london, and to the machinations of the same power were also ascribed the danger from the corsairs of barbary and the bloody incursions of the indians. the resentment excited by these causes was felt by a large proportion of the american people, and the expression of it was common and public. that correspondent dispositions existed in england is by no means improbable, and the necessary effect of this temper was to increase the difficulty of adjusting the differences between the two nations. with france the most perfect harmony subsisted. those attachments which originated in the signal services received from the king of france during the war of the revolution had sustained no diminution. yet, from causes which it was found difficult to counteract, the commercial intercourse between the two nations was not so extensive as had been expected. it was the interest and, of consequence, the policy of france, to avail herself of the misunderstandings between the united states and great britain, in order to obtain such regulations as might gradually divert the increasing trade of the american continent from those channels in which it had been accustomed to flow, and a disposition was felt throughout the united states to cooperate with her in enabling her merchants, by legislative encouragements, to rival those of britain in the american market. a great revolution had commenced in that country, the first stage of which was completed by limiting the powers of the monarch, and by the establishment of a popular assembly. in no part of the globe was this revolution hailed with more joy than in america. the influence it would have on the affairs of the world was not then distinctly foreseen, and the philanthropist, without becoming a political partisan, rejoiced in the event. on this subject, therefore, but one sentiment existed. the relations of the united states with the other powers of europe did not require particular attention. their dispositions were rather friendly than otherwise, and an inclination was generally manifested to participate in the advantages which the erection of an independent empire on the western shores of the atlantic held forth to the commercial world. by the ministers of foreign powers in america it would readily be supposed that the first steps taken by the new government would not only be indicative of its present system, but would probably affect its foreign relations permanently, and that the influence of the president would be felt in the legislature. scarcely was the exercise of his executive functions commenced when washington received an application from the count de moustiers, the minister of france, requesting a private conference. on being told that the department of foreign affairs was the channel through which all official business should pass, the count replied that the interview he requested was not for the purpose of actual business, but rather as preparatory to its future transaction. the next day, at in the afternoon, was named for the interview. the count commenced the conversation with declarations of his personal regard for america, the manifestations of which, he said, had been early and uniform. his nation, too, was well disposed to be upon terms of amity with the united states, but at his public reception there were occurrences which he thought indicative of coolness in the secretary of foreign affairs, who had, he feared, while in europe, imbibed prejudices, not only against spain, but against france also. if this conjecture should be right the present head of that department could not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the president. he then took a view of the modern usages of european courts, which, he said, favored the practice he recommended, of permitting foreign ministers to make their communications directly to the chief of the executive. "he then presented a letter," says washington in his private journal, "which he termed confidential, and to be considered as addressed to me in my private character, which was too strongly marked with an intention, as well as a wish, to have no person between the minister and president in the transaction of business between the two nations." in reply to these observations washington assured him that, judging from his own feelings and from the public sentiment, there existed in america a reciprocal disposition to be on the best terms with france. that whatever former difficulties might have occurred he was persuaded the secretary of foreign affairs had offered no intentional disrespect either to the minister or to his nation. without undertaking to know the private opinions of mr. jay he would declare that he had never heard that officer express, directly or indirectly, any sentiment unfavorable to either. reason and usage, he added, must direct the mode of treating national and official business. if rules had been established they must be conformed to. if they were yet to be framed it was hoped that they would be convenient and proper. so far as case could be made to comport with regularity and with necessary forms, it ought to be consulted, but custom, and the dignity of office, were not to be disregarded. the conversation continued upward of an hour, but no change was made in the resolution of the president. during its first session the national legislature was principally occupied in providing revenues for the long-exhausted treasury, in establishing a judiciary, in organizing the executive departments in detail, and in framing amendments to the constitution, agreeably to the suggestion of the president. the members immediately entered upon the exercise of those powers so long refused under the articles of confederation. they imposed a tonnage duty, as well as duties on various imported articles, steadily keeping in sight, however, the navigating interest of the country, which had hitherto been almost wholly at the mercy of other nations. higher tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than on american bottoms, and goods imported in vessels belonging to citizens of the united states paid per cent less duty than the same goods brought in those owned by foreigners. these discriminating duties were intended to counteract the commercial regulations of foreign nations and to encourage american shipping. to aid in the management of the affairs of government three executive departments were established, styled departments of war, foreign affairs, and of the treasury, with a secretary at the head of each. the heads of these departments, in addition to the duties specially assigned them, were intended to constitute a council, to be consulted by the president whenever he thought proper, and the executive was authorized by the constitution to require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officers in the executive departments, on subjects relating to the duties of their offices. in framing the acts constituting these offices and defining their duties, it became an important subject of inquiry in what manner or by whom these important officers could be removed from office. this was a question as new as it was momentous and was applicable to all officers of executive appointment. in the long and learned debates on the subject in congress, there arose a very animated opposition to such a construction of the constitution as to give this power to any one individual. whatever confidence might be placed in the chief magistrate then at the head of the government, equal confidence could not be expected in his successors, and it was contended that a concurrence of the senate was as necessary and proper in the removal of a person from office as in his appointment. some of the members of the house of representatives were of opinion that they could not be removed without impeachment. the principal question, however, on which congress was divided, was, whether they were removable by the president alone, or by the president in concurrence with the senate. a majority, however, in both houses, decided that this power was in the president alone. in the house, the majority in favor of this construction was twelve. this decision of a great constitutional question has been acquiesced in, and in its consequences has been of greater importance than almost any other since the establishment of the new government. from the manner in which this power has been exercised, it has given a tone and character to the executive branch of the government not contemplated, it is believed, by the framers of the constitution or by those who constituted the first congress under it. it has greatly increased the influence and patronage of the president and in no small degree made him the center around which the other branches of the government revolve. [ ] in a free country, where the private citizen has both the right and the inclination to take an interest in the public concerns, it is natural that political parties and civil contentions should arise. these will be more or less violent, angry, and hostile, according as a sense of common security from external dangers leaves no cause for united action, and little anxiety for the common peace. a natural consequence of this strife of parties is the exercise of the passions--pride, interest, vanity, resentment, gratitude--each contributing its share in irritating and prolonging the controversy. in the beginning of the revolution, the people of the united states divided themselves into the two great classes of whigs and tories; then they again separated upon the question of absolute independence. other questions arose during the war, relative to its conduct, and the qualifications of the leaders of the army. independence achieved, the minds of the people were agitated about the nature of the government, which all saw to be necessary for their own happiness, and for the better enabling them to prosecute with foreign countries peaceful negotiations or the operations of war. many saw, in too close a union, dangers as great and consequences as distasteful as in their entire separation. it was believed by many that the extent of the country, the great diversity of character, habits, and pursuits among the several states, presented insuperable obstacles to a closer union than that afforded by the articles of confederation. some were almost exclusively commercial, others agricultural; some were disposed to engage in manufacturing pursuits; some had domestic slavery firmly connected with their domestic relations and were disposed to look favorably on the extension of the institution; others regarded involuntary servitude as a curse, and desired its abolition. it was not to be wondered at, that with such points of diversity, many should suppose that a single government could not administer the affairs of all, except by a greater delegation of power than would be submitted to by the american people. while some looked wholly to these apprehended consequences of a close union and a single government, others chiefly regarded the dangers arising from disunion, domestic dissensions, and even war. one party dreaded consolidation; the other, anarchy and separation. each saw, in the object of its dread, the destruction of good government, though one party looked too exclusively to its characteristic of order, the other to that of civil liberty. these were the thoughts of the people, widely different, but all equally honest. but the politicians addressed themselves to these prejudices, often with unworthy motives. local prejudices, self-interest, fears, in some cases from an anticipated loss of consequence, in the event of a transfer of sovereignty from the individual states to the general government, all combined to make many violent in their expressions of opposition to the plan. apprehensions of violence and disorder, and fears from individual popularity in a circumscribed sphere, led others to desire consolidation. with these, ranked others who were fond of the pomp and show of authority which would attend a powerful government; and still others, who, having claims upon the country, supposed that they would have much stronger hopes of being paid themselves and of seeing the debts due abroad liquidated if a system of government were established which could be certain to raise a revenue for these objects. on the formation of the constitution, the community settled down into two great parties, federalists and anti-federalists, or democrats; the first believing that the most imminent danger to our peace and prosperity was in disunion, and that popular jealousy, always active, would withhold the power which was essential to good order and national safety; the other party believing that the danger most to be apprehended was in too close a union, and that their most powerful opponents wished a consolidated and even a monarchial government. there were many who had been accustomed to reflect upon government and political relations previously to the war of independence, when the constitution of great britain being by far the best that had ever existed, they may naturally be supposed to have conceived for it a degree of homage and respect which it could not now inspire. the speculations on political rights, to which the contest with great britain and the debates on the question of independence gave rise, greatly favored the doctrines of political equality and the hatred of power in any form that could control the public will. there are, in the heart of every man, principles which readily prepare him for republican doctrines, and after a few years some of the speculative politicians began to think that the free, simple, and equal government which was suited to the tastes and habits of our people, was also the best in theory. the great body of the people were partial to the form of government to which they had been accustomed and wished for none other, though the leading statesmen differed upon this point. some preferred the republican form in theory and believed that no other would be tolerated in practice, and others regretted that they were obliged to yield so far to popular prejudice as to forego the form they deemed best, but determined to avail themselves of every opportunity of improving the existing government into that form. nor were they without hopes that by siding with the general government in every question of power between that and the separate states, and with the executive in all questions between that and the legislature, and by continually increasing the patronage of the executive by means of an army, a navy, and the multiplication of civil officers, they would ultimately obtain their object. [ ] it was in the midst of this society, so agitated and disturbed, that washington, without ambition, without any false show, from a sense of duty rather than inclination and rather trusting in truth than confident of success, undertook actually to found the government decreed by the new-born constitution. he rose to his high office invested with an immense influence, which was acknowledged and received even by his enemies. washington's natural inclination, says guizot, [ ] was rather to a democratic social state than to any other. of a mind just rather than expansive, of a temper wise and calm, full of dignity, but free from all selfish and arrogant pretensions--coveting rather respect than power--the impartiality of democratic principles and the simplicity of democratic manners, far from offending or annoying him, suited his tastes and satisfied his judgment. he did not trouble himself with inquiring whether more elaborate combinations, a division into ranks, privileges, and artificial barriers, were necessary to the preservation of society. he lived tranquilly in the midst of an equal and sovereign people, finding its authority to be lawful and submitting to it without effort. but when the question was one of political and not social order, when the discussion turned upon the organization of the government, he was strongly federal, opposed to local and popular pretensions and the declared advocate of the unity and force of the central power. he placed himself under this standard and did so to insure its triumph. but still his elevation was not the victory of a party and awakened in no one either exultation or regret. in the eyes, not only of the public, but of his enemies, he was not included in any party and was above them all: "the only man in the united states," said jefferson, "who possessed the confidence of all;--there was no other one who was considered as anything more than a party leader." it was his constant effort to maintain this honorable privilege. "it is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air. if it should be my inevitable fate to administer the government, i will go to chair under no pre-engagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. should anything tending to give me anxiety present itself in this or any other publication, i shall never undertake the painful task of recrimination, nor do i know that i should ever enter upon my justification. all else is but food for declamation. men's minds are as various as their faces, and, where the motives of their actions are pure, the operations of the former are no more to be imputed to them as a crime than the appearance of the latter. differences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to a certain point, they may, perhaps, be necessary." [ ] a stranger also to all personal disputes, to the passions and prejudices of his friends, as well as his enemies, the purpose of his whole policy was to maintain this position and to this policy he gave the true name, "the just medium!" it is much, continues the great statesman of france, to have the wish to preserve a just medium; but the wish, though accompanied with firmness and ability, is not always enough to secure it. washington succeeded in this as much by the natural turn of his mind and character as by making it his peculiar aim; he was, indeed, really of no party, and his country in esteeming him so, did no more than pay homage to truth. a man of experience and a man of action, he had an admirable wisdom, and made no pretension to systematic theories. he took no side beforehand; he made no show of the principles that were to govern him. thus, there was nothing like a logical harshness in his conduct, no committal of self-love, no struggle of rival talent. when he obtained the victory, his success was not to his adversaries either a stake lost or a sweeping sentence of condemnation. it was not on the ground of the superiority of his own mind that he triumphed, but on the ground of the nature of things and of the inevitable necessity that accompanied them. still, his success was not an event without a moral character, the simple result of skill, strength, or fortune. uninfluenced by any theory he had faith in truth and adopted it as the guide of his conduct. he did not pursue the victory of one opinion against the partisans of another; neither did he act from interest in the event alone, or merely for success. he did nothing which he did not think to be reasonable and just; so that his conduct, which had no systematic character that might be humbling to his adversary, had still a moral character which commanded respect. men had, moreover, the most thorough conviction of his disinterestedness, that great light to which men so willingly trust their fate; that vast power which draws after it their hearts, while at the same time it gives them confidence that their interests will not be surrendered, either as a sacrifice or as instruments to selfishness and ambition. a striking proof of his impartiality was afforded in the choice of the persons who were to form his cabinet under the law for the formation of the executive departments. the government being completely organized and a system of revenue established, the important duty of filling the offices which had been created remained to be performed. in the execution of this delicate trust the purest virtue and the most impartial judgment were exercised by washington in selecting the best talents and the greatest weight of character which the united states could furnish. the unmingled patriotism of the motives by which he was actuated, receives its clearest demonstration from a view of all his private letters on this subject, and the success of his endeavors is attested by the abilities and reputation which he drew into the public service. at the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominated the department of state, he placed jefferson, who had been bred to the bar, and at an early period of life had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainments in the science of politics. he had been a distinguished member of the second congress and had been offered a diplomatic appointment, which he had declined. withdrawing from the administration of continental affairs, he had been elected governor of virginia, which office he filled for two years. he afterwards again represented his native state in the councils of the union, and in the year was appointed to succeed dr. franklin at the court of versailles. in that station he had acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction. his "notes on virginia," which were read with applause, were believed to evince the soundness of his political opinions, and the declaration of independence was universally ascribed to his pen. he had long been placed by america amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had long been classed by the president with those who were most capable of serving the nation. having lately obtained permission to return for a short time to the united states, he was, while on his passage, nominated to this important office, and, on his arrival in virginia, found a letter from the president, giving him the option of becoming the secretary of foreign affairs or of retaining his station at the court of versailles. he appears rather to have inclined to continue in his foreign appointment, and, in changing his situation, to have consulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preference of his own mind. [ ] the task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangement from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of america were involved, and of devising means which should render the revenue productive and commensurate with the demand, in a manner least burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of the duties which devolved on the new government. in discharging it, much aid was expected from the head of the treasury. this important, and at that time, intricate department, was assigned to colonel hamilton. this gentleman was a native of the island of st. croix, and at a very early period of life had been placed by his friends in new york. possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of the moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his pen, and afterwards his sword in the stern contest between the american colonies and their parent state. among the first troops raised by new york was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed a captain. soon after the war was transferred to the hudson, his superior endowments recommended him to the attention of the commander-in-chief, into whose family, before completing his twenty-first year, he was invited to enter. equally brave and intelligent, he continued in this situation to display a degree of firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of his general and of the principal officers in the army. after the capitulation at yorktown, the war languished throughout the american continent and the probability that its termination was approaching daily increased. the critical circumstances of the existing government rendered the events of the civil more interesting than those of the military department, and colonel hamilton accepted a seat in the congress of the united states. in all the important acts of the day he performed a conspicuous part, and was greatly distinguished among those distinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of their country. he had afterwards been active in promoting those measures which led to the convention at philadelphia, of which he was a member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of the constitution by the state of new york. in the preeminent part he had performed, both in the military and civil transactions of his country, he had acquired a great degree of well-merited fame, and the frankness of his manners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of his feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him many valuable friends. to talents equally splendid and useful he united a patient industry, not always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiar manner, for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man who should be placed at the head of the american finances. [ ] the department of war was already filled by general knox, and he was again nominated to it. throughout the contest of the revolution this officer had continued at the head of the american artillery, and from being the colonel of a regiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major-general. in this important station he had preserved a high military character, and on the resignation of general lincoln had been appointed secretary of war. to his past services and to unquestionable? integrity, he was admitted to unite a sound understanding, and the public judgment, as well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects competent to the station he filled. the office of attorney-general was filled by edmund randolph. to a distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman added a considerable degree of political eminence. after having been, for several years the attorney-general of virginia, he had been elected its governor. while in this office he was chosen a member of the convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected to that which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection. after having served at the head of the executive the term permitted by the constitution of the state, he entered into its legislature, where he preserved a great share of influence. such was the first cabinet council of the president. in its composition, public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had been consulted, and a high degree of character had been combined with real talent. in the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the president was guided by the same principles. at the head of this department he placed john jay. from the commencement of the revolution this gentleman had filled a large space in the public mind. remaining, without intermission, in the service of his country, he had passed through a succession of high offices, and in all of them had merited the approbation of his fellow-citizens. to his pen, while in congress, america was indebted for some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honor upon the government, and to his firmness and penetration was to be ascribed, in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of those intricate negotiations which were conducted, toward the close of the war, at madrid and at paris. on returning to the united states he had been appointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which station he had conducted himself with his accustomed ability. a sound judgment improved by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs, unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of which mr. jay had given frequent and signal proofs. although for some years withdrawn from that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitions of his early life had not been lost, and the subjects on which his mind had been exercised were not entirely foreign from those which would, in the first instance, employ the courts in which he was to preside. john rutledge of south carolina, james wilson of pennsylvania, william gushing of massachusetts, robert harrison of maryland, and john blair of virginia, were nominated as associate justices. some of these gentlemen had filled the highest law offices in their respective states, and all of them had received distinguished marks of the public confidence. in the systems which had been adopted by the several states, offices corresponding to those created by the revenue laws of congress had been already established. uninfluenced by considerations of personal regard, washington could not be induced to change men whom he found in place, if worthy of being employed, and where the man who had filled such office in the former state of things was unexceptionable in his conduct and character he was uniformly reappointed. in deciding between competitors for vacant offices the law he prescribed for his government was to regard the fitness of candidates for the duties they would be required to discharge, and, where an equality in this respect existed, former merits and sufferings in the public service gave claims to preference which could not be overlooked. in the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicial departments, great respectability of character was also associated with an eminent degree of talents. the constitutional prohibition to appoint any member of the legislature to an office created during the time for which he had been elected did not exclude men of the most distinguished abilities from the first congress. impelled by an anxious solicitude respecting the first measures of the government its zealous friends had pressed into its service, and, in both branches of the legislature, men were found who possessed the fairest claims to the public confidence. from the duties attached to his office the vice-president of the united states and president of the senate, though not a member of the legislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department not less than with the executive. elected by the whole people of america in common with the president he could not fail to be taken from the most distinguished citizens and to add to the dignity of the body over which he presided. john adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of the revolution. bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied the constitution of his country and was among the most determined assertors of its rights. active in guiding that high spirit which animated all new england, he became a member of the congress of and was among the first who dared to avow sentiments in favor of independence. in that body he soon attained considerable eminence, and, at an early stage of the war, was chosen one of the commissioners to whom the interests of the united states in europe were confided. in his diplomatic character he had contributed greatly to those measures which drew holland into the war; had negotiated the treaty between the united states and the dutch republic, and had, at critical points of time, obtained loans of money which were of great advantage to his country. in the negotiations which terminated the war he had also rendered important services, and, after the ratification of the definitive articles of peace, had been deputed to great britain for the purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation. the political situation of america having rendered this object unattainable he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the united states soon after the adoption of the constitution. as a statesman john adams had at all times ranked high in the estimation of his countrymen. he had improved a sound understanding by extensive political and historical reading, and perhaps no american had reflected more profoundly on the subject of government. the exalted opinion he entertained of his own country was flattering to his fellow-citizens, and the purity of his mind, the unblemished integrity of a life spent in the public service, had gained him their confidence. a government, supported in all its departments by so much character and talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity was undoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson of disinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed with an attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapid progress in conciliating the affection of the people. that all hostility to the constitution should subside, that public measures should receive universal approbation, that no particular disgusts and individual irritations should be excited, were expectations which could not reasonably be indulged. exaggerated accounts were indeed occasionally circulated of the pomp and splendor which were affected by certain high officers of the monarchical tendencies of particular institutions and of the dispositions which prevailed to increase the powers of the executive. that the doors of the senate were closed and that a disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish the president of the united states by a title, gave considerable umbrage, and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branch of the legislature unfriendly to republicanism. the exorbitance of salaries was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality of commercial privileges with which foreign bottoms entered american ports, was not free from objection. but the apprehensions of danger to liberty from the new system, which had been impressed on the minds of well-meaning men, were visibly wearing off; the popularity of the administration was communicating itself to the government, and the materials with which the discontented were furnished could not yet be efficaciously employed. toward the close of the session a report on a petition which had been presented at an early period by the creditors of the public residing in the state of pennsylvania was taken up in the house of representatives. though many considerations rendered a postponement of this interesting subject necessary two resolutions were passed: the one, "declaring that the house considered an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity," and the other, directing "the secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for that purpose, and to report the same to the house at its next meeting." on the th of september ( ) congress adjourned to the first monday in the succeeding january ( ). throughout the whole of this laborious and important session perfect harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature, and no circumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. the modes of communication between the departments of government were adjusted in a satisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of those delicate points in which the senate participate of executive power. washington's own views of the proceedings of congress are expressed in the following extract from a letter to a friend: "that congress does not proceed with all that dispatch which people at a distance expect, and which, were they to hurry business, they possibly might, is not to be denied. that measures have been agitated which are not pleasing to virginia--and others, pleasing perhaps to her, but not to some other states--is equally unquestionable. can it well be otherwise in a country so extensive, so diversified in its interests? and will not these different interests naturally produce--in an assembly of representatives who are to legislate for, and to assimilate and reconcile them to, the general welfare--long, warm, and animated debates? most assuredly they will, and if there was the same propensity in mankind for investigating the motives as there is for censuring the conduct of public characters, it would be found that the censure so freely bestowed is oftentimes unmerited and uncharitable. for instance, the condemnation of congress for sitting only four hours in the day. the fact is, by the established rules of the house of representatives, no committee can sit whilst the house is sitting, and that is, and has been for a considerable time, from o'clock in the forenoon until , often later, in the afternoon, before and after which the business is going on in committees. if this application is not as much as most constitutions are equal to, i am mistaken. "many other things, which undergo malignant constructions, would be found, upon a candid examination, to wear a better face than is given to them. the misfortune is that the enemies to the government, always more active than its friends and always upon the watch to give it a stroke, neglect no opportunity to aim one. if they tell truth it is not the whole truth, by which means one side only of the picture is exhibited, whereas, if both sides were seen it might, and probably would, assume a different form in the opinion of just and candid men, who are disposed to measure matters by a continental scale. "i do not mean, however, from what i have here said, to justify the conduct of congress in all its movements, for some of these movements, in my opinion, have been injudicious, and others unreasonable; whilst the questions of assumption, residence, and other matters, have been agitated with a warmth and intemperance, with prolixity and threats, which, it is to be feared, have lessened the dignity of that body and decreased that respect which was once entertained for it. and this misfortune is increased by many members, even among those who wish well to the government, ascribing, in letters to their respective states, when they are defeated in a favorite measure, the worst motives for the conduct of their opponents, who, viewing matters through another medium, may and do retort in their turn, by which means jealousies and distrusts are spread most impolitically far and wide, and will, it is to be feared, have a most unhappy tendency to injure our public affairs, which, if wisely managed, might make us, as we are now by europeans thought to be, the happiest people upon earth." anxious to visit new england to observe in person the condition of the country and the dispositions of the people toward the government and its measures, the president was disposed to avail himself of the short respite from official cares afforded by the recess of congress, to make a tour through the eastern states. his resolution being taken and the executive business which required his immediate personal attendance being dispatched, he commenced his tour on the th of october ( ), and, passing through connecticut and massachusetts, as far as portsmouth in new hampshire, returned by a different route to new york, where he arrived on the th of november. with this visit the president had much reason to be satisfied. to contemplate the theater on which many interesting military scenes had been exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaign as commander-in-chief of the american army had been made, were sources of rational delight. to observe the progress of society, the improvements in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, and the temper, circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not fail to be grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in all respects worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. the reappearance of their general in the high station he now filled brought back to recollection the perilous transactions of the war, and the reception universally given to him attested the unabated love which was felt for his person and character, and indicated unequivocally the growing popularity, at least in that part of the union, of the government he administered. the sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affection expressed for his person in the addresses presented to him was well calculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused. "i rejoice with you, my fellow-citizens," said he in answer to an address from the inhabitants of boston, "in every circumstance that declares your prosperity, and i do so most cordially, because you have well deserved to be happy. "your love of liberty, your respect for the law, your habits of industry, and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness; and they will, i trust, be firmly and lastingly established." but the interchange of sentiments with the companions of his military toils and glory will excite most interest, because on both sides the expressions were dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings of the human heart. from the cincinnati of massachusetts he received the following address: "amidst the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolis has occasioned, permit us, the members of the society of the cincinnati in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of the ardor of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts, as our glorious leader in war and illustrious example in peace. "after the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the hudson, which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpected meeting. on this occasion we cannot avoid the recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which you conducted us, and while we contemplate various trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the unanimous voice of your country, en-terming upon other trials and other services alike important, and, in some points of view, equally hazardous. for the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long, very long, may your invaluable life be preserved. and as the admiring world, while considering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your virtue and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel. "it is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. we can only say that, when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude of obedience to your orders; as citizens, our supreme ambition is to maintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric of federal government over which you preside. "as members of the society of the cincinnati it will be our endeavor to cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachment which our institution inculcates. and while our conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and the best of men." to this address the following answer was returned: "in reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fellow-citizens of this commonwealth, they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. dear, indeed, is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace, participated with those whose virtue and valor so largely contributed to procure them. to that virtue and valor your country has confessed her obligations. be mine the grateful task to add the testimony of a connection which it was my pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom. "regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an example that must command their admiration and grateful praise. long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternal attachments and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you have faithfully done your duty. "while i am permitted to possess the consciousness of this worth, which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, i will continue to be your sincere and faithful friend." after washington's return to new york from his tour to the north and east, mrs. washington expressed, in the following letter, the gratification and benefit he had derived from his journey. it also presents a delightful view of her feelings and character: "new york, _december_ th, . "my dear madam:--your very friendly letter, of the th of last month, has afforded me much more satisfaction than all the formal compliments and empty ceremonies of mere etiquette could possibly have done. i am not apt to forget the feelings that have been inspired by my former society with good acquaintances, nor to be insensible to their expressions of gratitude to the president of the united states; for you know me well enough to do me the justice to believe that i am only fond of what comes from the heart. under a conviction that the demonstrations of respect and affection which have been made to the president originate from that source, i cannot deny that i have taken some interest and pleasure in them. the difficulties which presented themselves to view upon his first entering upon the presidency, seem thus to be, in some measure, surmounted. it is owing to this kindness of our numerous friends, in all quarters, that my new and unwished-for situation is not indeed a burden to me. when i was much younger, i should probably have enjoyed the innocent gayeties of life as much as most of my age. but i had long since placed all the prospects of my future worldly happiness in the still enjoyments of the fireside at mount vernon. "i little thought, when the war was finished, that any circumstances could possibly have happened which would call the general into public life again. i had anticipated that, from that moment, we should have been left to grow old, in solitude and tranquility, together. that was, my dear madam, the first and dearest wish of my heart; but in that i have been disappointed. i will not, however, contemplate with too much regret disappointments that were inevitable. though the general's feelings and my own were perfectly in unison with respect to our predilection for private life, yet i cannot blame him for having acted according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country. the consciousness of having attempted to do all the good in his power, and the pleasure of finding his fellow-citizens so well satisfied with the disinterestedness of his conduct, will doubtless be some compensation for the great sacrifices which i know he has made. indeed, in his journey from mount vernon to this place, in his late tour through the eastern states, by every public and by every private information which has come to him, i am persuaded that he has experienced nothing to make him repent his having acted from what he conceived to be, alone, a sense of indispensable duty. on the contrary, all his sensibility has been awakened in receiving such repeated and unequivocal proofs of sincere regards from all his countrymen. "with respect to myself, i sometimes think the arrangement is not quite as it ought to have been; that i, who had much rather be at home, should occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be prodigiously pleased. as my grandchildren and domestic connections make up a great portion of the felicity which i looked for in this world, i shall hardly be able to find any substitute that would indemnify me for the loss of a part of such endearing society. i do not say this because i feel dissatisfied with my present station. no, god forbid! for everybody and everything conspire to make me as contented as possible in it; yet i have seen too much of the vanity of human affairs to expect felicity from the splendid scenes of public life. i am still determined to be cheerful and to be happy in whatever situation i may be; for i have also learnt from experience that the greater part of our happiness or misery depends upon our dispositions, and not upon our circumstances. we carry the seeds of the one or the other about with us, in our minds, where-so-ever we go. i have two of my grandchildren with me, who enjoy advantages in point of education, and who, i trust, by the goodness of providence, will continue to be a great blessing to me. my other two grandchildren are with their mother, in virginia. "the president's health is quite re-established by his late journey. mine is much better than it used to be. i am sorry to hear that general warren has been ill; hope, before this time, that he may be entirely recovered. we should rejoice to see you both. to both, i wish the best of heaven's blessings; and am, my dear madam, with esteem and regard, your friend and humble servant, "m. washington." soon after his return to new york, after his visit to the eastern states, the president was informed of the ill success which had attended his first attempt to negotiate a peace with the creek indians. general lincoln, mr. griffin, and colonel humphreys had been deputed on this mission, and had met m'gillivray with several other chiefs, and about , men, at rock landing, on the oconee, on the frontiers of georgia. the treaty commenced with favorable appearances, but was soon abruptly broken off by m'gillivray. some difficulties arose on the subject of a boundary, but the principal obstacles to a peace were supposed to grow out of his personal interests, and his connections with spain. this intelligence was more than counterbalanced by the accession of north carolina to the union. in the month of november a second convention had assembled under the authority of the legislature of that state, and the constitution was adopted by a great majority. we embrace the occasion afforded by the interval between the two sessions of congress to insert some further notices of washington's mode of life in new york, as well as of his personal appearance. the manner of living observed by president washington has been described in the following speech, delivered by mr. stuyvesant, the president of the new york historical society, at the dinner on the occasion of the jubilee celebration, in the city of new york, april , . "it cannot be expected, at this time and place, that any allusion should be made to the public character of washington; we are all in possession of his history, from the dawn of life to the day that mount vernon was wrapped in sable; and, after the exercises of this morning, if any attempt to portray his political or military life were made, it would only be the glimmering light of a feeble star succeeding the rays of a meridian sun. "but the occasion affords an opportunity of congratulating the small number of gentlemen present, who enjoyed the privilege of participating in the ceremonies of the th of april, ; they will recall to their memories the spontaneous effusions of joy that pervaded the breasts of the people who on that occasion witnessed the organization of a constitutional government, formed by intelligent freemen, and consummated by placing at its head the man in whom their affections were concentrated as the father of their country. "washington's residence in this city, after his inauguration, was limited to about two years. his deportment in life was not plain, nor was it at all pompous, for no man was more devoid of ostentation than himself, his style, however, gave universal satisfaction to all classes in the community, and, his historian has informed us, was not adopted for personal gratification, but from a devotion to his country's welfare. possessing a desirable stature, an erect frame, and, superadded, a lofty and sublime countenance, he never appeared in public without arresting the reverence and admiration of the beholder; and the stranger who had never before seen him, was at the first impression convinced it was the president who delighted him. "he seldom walked in the street; his public recreation was in riding. when accompanied by mrs. washington, he rode in a carriage drawn by six horses, with two outriders who wore rich livery, cocked hats, with cockades and powder. when he rode on horseback he was joined by one or more of the gentlemen of his family and attended by his outriders. he always attended divine service on sundays. his carriage on those occasions contained mrs. washington and himself, with one or both of their grandchildren and was drawn by two horses, with two footmen behind; it was succeeded by a post-chaise, accommodating two gentlemen of his household. on his arrival in the city the only residence that could be procured was a house in cherry street, long known as the mansion of the franklin family, but in a short time afterwards he removed to and occupied the house in broadway, now bunker's hotel. "washington held a levee once a week, and, from what is now recollected, they were generally well attended, but confined to men in public life and gentlemen of leisure, for at that day it would have been thought a breach of decorum to visit the president of the united states in dishabille. "the arrival of washington, in , to assume the reins of government, was not his first entry into this city, accompanied with honor to himself and glory to this country. this was on the th of november, , and here again, i must observe, the number present who witnessed the ceremonies of that day, must, indeed, be very limited; on that day he made his triumphal entry, not to sway the sceptre, but to lay down his sword, not for personal aggrandizement, but to secure the happiness of his countrymen. he early in the morning left harlem and entered the city through what is now called the bowery; he was escorted by cavalry and infantry and a large concourse of citizens, on horseback and on foot, in plain dress. the latter must have been an interesting sight to those of mature age who were capable of comprehending their merit. in their ranks were seen men with patched elbows, odd buttons on their coats and unmatched buckles in their shoes; they were not, indeed, falstaff's company of scarecrows, but the most respectable citizens who had been in exile, and endured privations we know not of, for seven long and tedious years." on that occasion, and on his arrival in , washington was received, as is well known, by the elder clinton, who was at both periods governor of the state. in the following extract, from a reliable source, we have a fine description of the effect produced by washington's personal appearance and manners on the mind of a highly intelligent observer: "the beautiful effusion which the reader will find below is the production of the chaste and classic mind of the late venerable and distinguished senator from rhode island, mr. robbins, and was occasioned by the following circumstances. during the session of - , mr. webster entertained a large party of friends at dinner, among them the venerable senator we have named. the evening passed off with much hilarity, enlivened with wit and sentiment, but, during the greater part of the time, mr. robbins maintained that grave but placid silence which was his habit. while thus apparently abstracted, someone suddenly called on him for a toast, which call was seconded by the company. he rose, and in his surprise asked if they were serious in making such a demand of so old a man, and being assured that they were, he said, if they would suspend their hilarity for a few moments, he would give them a toast and preface it with a few observations. having thus secured a breathless stillness, he went on to remark, that they were then on the verge of the d of february, the anniversary of the birth of the great patriot and statesman of our country, whom all delighted to remember and to honor, and he hoped he might be allowed the privilege of an aged man to recur, for a few moments, to past events connected with his character and history. he then proceeded and delivered in the most happy and impressive manner the beautiful speech which now graces our columns. the whole company were electrified by his patriotic enthusiasm, and one of the guests, before they separated, begged that he would take the trouble to put on paper what he had so happily expressed and furnish a copy for publication. mr. robbins obligingly complied with this request on the following day, but by some accident the manuscript got mislaid and eluded all search for it until a few days ago, when it was unexpectedly recovered, and is now presented to our readers. "'on the near approach of that calendar-day which gave birth to washington, i feel rekindling within me some of those emotions always connected with the recollection of that hallowed name. permit me to indulge them, on this occasion, for a moment, in a few remarks, as preliminary to a sentiment which i shall beg leave to propose. "'i consider it as one of the consolations of my age, that i am old enough and fortunate enough to have seen that wonderful man. this happiness is still common to so many yet among the living, that less is thought of it now than will be in after-times; but it is no less a happiness to me on that account. "'while a boy at school, i saw him for the first time; it was when he was passing through new england, to take command in chief of the american armies at cambridge. never shall i forget the impression his imposing presence then made upon my young imagination, so superior did he seem to me to all that i had seen or imagined of the human form for striking effect. i remember with what delight, in my after studies, i came to the line in virgil that expressed all the enthusiasm of my own feelings, as inspired by that presence, and which i could not often enough repeat: "'i saw him again at his interview with rochambeau, when they met to settle the plan of combined operations between the french fleet and the american armies against the british on the chesapeake, and then i saw the immense crowd drawn together from all the neighboring towns, to get, if possible, one look at the man who had throned himself in every heart. not one of that immense crowd doubted the final triumph of his country in her arduous conflict, for everyone saw, or thought he saw, in washington, her guardian angel, commissioned by heaven to insure her that triumph. 'nil desperandum' was the motto with everyone. "'in after-life, when the judgment corrects the extravagance of early impressions, i saw him on several occasions, but saw nothing to admonish me of any extravagance in my early impressions. "credo equidem, nee vana fides, genus esse deorum." [ ] "'"nil desperandum, teucro duce, et auspice teucro." [ ] the impression was still the same; i had the same overpowering sense of standing in the presence of some superior being. "'it is indeed remarkable, and i believe unique, in the history of men, that washington made the same impression upon all minds, at all places, and at once. when his fame first broke upon the world, it spread at once over the whole world. by the consent of mankind, by the universal sentiment, he was placed at the head of the human species; above all envy, because above all emulation; for no one then pretended, or has pretended to be--at least who has been allowed to be--the co-rival of washington in fame. "'when the great frederick of prussia sent his portrait to washington, with this inscription upon it--"from the oldest general in europe to the greatest general in the world," he did but echo the sentiment of all the chivalry of europe. nor was the sentiment confined to europe, nor to the bounds of civilization; for the arab of the desert talked of washington in his tent; his name wandered with the wandering scythian, and was cherished by him as a household word in all his migrations. no clime was so barbarous as to be a stranger to the name, but everywhere, and by all men, that name was placed at the same point of elevation, and above compare. as it was in the beginning, so it is now; of the future we cannot speak with certainty. some future age, in the endless revolutions of time, may produce another washington, but the greater probability is, that he is destined to remain forever, as he now is, the phoenix of human kind. "'what a possession to his country is such a fame! such a "clarum et venerabile nomen gentibus?" [ ] "'to all his countrymen it gives, and forever will give, a passport to respect wherever they go, to whatever part of the globe, for his country is in every other identified with that fame. "'what, then, is incumbent upon us, his countrymen? why, to be such a people as shall be worthy of such a fame--a people of whom it shall be said, "no wonder such a people have produced such a man as washington." i give you, therefore, this sentiment: "'the memory of washington: may his countrymen prove themselves a people worthy of his fame.'" . footnote: memoir of martha washington in longacre's gallery. . footnote: mrs. ellet, "women of the revolution" . footnote: one of the first topics of debate in congress was the title by which the president should be addressed. such title as "his highness," "his mightiness," etc., having been discussed, it was finally and very properly determined that the title of "president of the united states" should be used; and it was accordingly used in the answers to the inaugural address. no title could be more dignified. . footnote: marshall . footnote: pitkin. . footnote: tucker's "life of jefferson." . footnote: "essay on the character and influence of washington." . footnote: "washington's writings," vols. ix, x. . footnote: marshall. . footnote: i verily believe, nor is my confidence unfounded, that he is of divine descent. . footnote: let us never despair, with teucer to lead us, and under teucer's auspices. . footnote: a name, illustrious and venerable among the nations! chapter iii. the public credit established. - . during the recess of congress washington generally visited mount vernon, but, after the rising of the first congress under the constitution, his visit to new england consumed so much time that he remained in new york till congress reassembled. his eastern tour commenced on the th of october, as we have already seen, and ended on the th of november. as congress was to meet on the st of january, , he had no time to visit mount vernon. during the short time which elapsed before that day he was very earnestly engaged in the duties of his office and in correspondence with public men on political affairs. one of his letters, addressed to the emperor of morocco, is curious, as showing the tact with which he accommodated his style to the comprehension of the oriental sovereign. it was written in consequence of an intimation from mr. chiappe, the american agent at mogadore, that the emperor was not well pleased at receiving no acknowledgment from the government in respect to the treaty with morocco of the th of june, , his subsequent faithful observance of the same, as well as his good offices in favor of the americans with the bashaws of tunis and tripoli. the letter is as follows: "great and magnanimous friend: "since the date of the last letter which the late congress by their president addressed to your imperial majesty, the united states of america have thought proper to change their government and to institute a new one, agreeably to the constitution, of which i have the honor of herewith enclosing a copy. the time necessarily employed in the arduous task and the derangements occasioned by so great, though peaceable, a revolution, will apologize and account for your majesty's not having received those regular advices and marks of attention from the united states, which the friendship and magnanimity of your conduct toward them afforded reason to expect. "the united states having unanimously appointed me to the supreme executive authority in this nation, your majesty's letter of the th of august, , which, by reason of the dissolution of the late government, remained unanswered, has been delivered to me. i have also received the letters which your imperial majesty has been so kind as to write, in favor of the united states, to the bashaws of tunis and tripoli, and i present to you the sincere acknowledgments and thanks of the united states for this important mark of your friendship for them. "we greatly regret that the hostile disposition of those regencies toward this nation, who have never injured them, is not to be removed on terms in our power to comply with. within our territories there are no mines either of gold or silver, and this young nation, just recovering from the waste and desolation of a long war, has not as yet had time to acquire riches by agriculture and commerce. but our soil is bountiful and our people industrious, and we have reason to flatter ourselves that we shall gradually become useful to our friends. "the encouragement which your majesty has been pleased generously to give to our commerce with your dominions, the punctuality with which you have caused the treaty with us to be observed, and the just and generous measures taken in the case of captain proctor, make a deep impression on the united states, and confirm their respect for, and attachment to, your imperial majesty. "it gives me pleasure to have this opportunity of assuring your majesty that, while i remain at the head of this nation, i shall not cease to promote every measure that may conduce to the friendship and harmony which so happily subsist between your empire and them, and shall esteem myself happy on every occasion of convincing your majesty of the high sense which, in common with the whole nation, i entertain of the magnanimity, wisdom, and benevolence of your majesty. in the course of the approaching winter the national legislature, which is called by the former name of congress, will assemble, and i shall take care that nothing be omitted that may be necessary to cause the correspondence between our countries to be maintained and conducted in a manner agreeable to your majesty and satisfactory to all parties concerned in it. "may the almighty bless your imperial majesty--our great and magnanimous friend--with his constant guidance and protection. "written at the city of new york, the st day of december, ." * * * * * in december, , washington was requested by mr. joseph willard, the president of harvard university, to sit to mr. savage for his portrait, to be placed in the philosophy chamber of the university. washington promptly replied to the letter of the president, and the portrait was painted by mr. savage, and deposited in the university. on the th of january, , the president met both houses of congress in the senate chamber. in his speech, which was delivered from the chair of the vice-president, after congratulating congress on the accession of the important state of north carolina to the union and on the prosperous aspect of american affairs, he proceeded to recommend certain great objects of legislation to their more especial consideration. "among the many interesting objects," continued the speech, "which will engage your attention, that of providing for the common defense will merit your particular regard. to be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. "a free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined, to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite, and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent on others for essential, particularly for military, supplies." as connected with this subject a proper establishment for the troops which they might deem indispensable, was suggested for their mature deliberation, and the indications of a hostile temper given by several tribes of indians, were considered as admonishing them of the necessity of being prepared to afford protection to the frontiers and to punish aggression. the interests of the united states were declared to require that the means of keeping up their intercourse with foreign nations should be provided, and the expediency of establishing a uniform rule of naturalization was suggested. after expressing his confidence in their attention to many improvements essential to the prosperity of the interior, the president added: "nor am i less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. in one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionally essential. to the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways, by convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority--between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. "whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established by the institution of a national university or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature." addressing himself then particularly to the representatives, he said: "i saw with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. in this sentiment i entirely concur, and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end, i add an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the legislature. it would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the united states are so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration." addressing himself again to both houses he observed that the estimates and papers respecting the objects particularly recommended to their attention would be laid before them, and concluded with saying: "the welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed, and i shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government." the answers of both houses were indicative of the harmony which subsisted between the executive and legislative departments. congress had been so occupied during its first session with those bills which were necessary to bring the new system into full operation and to create an immediate revenue, that some measures which possessed great and pressing claims to immediate attention had been unavoidably deferred. the neglect under which the creditors of the public had been permitted to languish could not fail to cast an imputation on the american republic, and had been sincerely lamented by the wisest among those who administered the former government. the power to comply substantially with the engagements of the united states being at length conferred on those who were bound by them, it was confidently expected by the friends of the constitution that their country would retrieve its reputation, and that its fame would no longer be tarnished with the blots which stain a faithless people. on the th of january ( ), a letter from mr. hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, to the speaker of the house of representatives, was read, stating that, in obedience to the resolution of the st of september ( ), he had prepared a plan for the support of public credit, which he was ready to report when the house should be pleased to receive it, and, after a short debate in which the personal attendance of the secretary, for the purpose of making explanations, was urged by some and opposed by others, it was resolved that the report should be received in writing on the succeeding thursday. availing himself of the latitude afforded by the terms of the resolution under which he acted, the secretary had introduced into his report an able and comprehensive argument elucidating and supporting the principles it contained. after displaying, with strength and perspicuity, the justice and the policy of an adequate provision for the public debt, he proceeded to discuss the principles on which it should be made. "it was agreed," he said, "by all, that the foreign debt should be provided for according to the precise terms of the contract. it was to be regretted that, with respect to the domestic debt, the same unanimity of sentiment did not prevail." the first point on which the public appeared to be divided, involved the question, "whether a discrimination ought not to be made between original holders of the public securities and present possessors by purchase." after reviewing the arguments generally urged in its support, the secretary declared himself against this discrimination. he deemed it "equally unjust and impolitic, highly injurious even to the original holders of public securities, and ruinous to public credit." to the arguments with which he enforced these opinions, he added the authority of the government of the union. from the circular address of congress to the states of the th of april, , accompanying their revenue system of the th of the same month, passages were selected indicating, unequivocally, that in the view of that body the original creditors, and those who had become so by assignment, had equal claims upon the nation. after reasoning at great length against a discrimination between the different creditors of the union, the secretary proceeded to examine whether a difference ought to be permitted to remain between them and the creditors of individual states. both descriptions of debt were contracted for the same objects and were in the main the same. indeed, a great part of the particular debts of the states had arisen from assumptions by them on account of the union, and it was most equitable that there should be the same measure of retribution for all. there were many reasons, some of which were stated, for believing this would not be the case, unless the state debts should be assumed by the nation. in addition to the injustice of favoring one class of creditors more than another which was equally meritorious, many arguments were urged in support of the policy of distributing to all with an equal hand from the same source. after an elaborate discussion of these and some other points connected with the subject, the secretary proposed that a loan should be opened to the full amount of the debt, as well of the particular states as of the union. the terms to be offered were-- first. that for every $ subscribed payable in the debt, as well interest as principal, the subscriber should be entitled to have two-thirds funded on a yearly interest of six per cent, (the capital redeemable at the pleasure of government by the payment of the principal), and to receive the other third in lands of the western territory at their then actual value. or, secondly. to have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of four per cent., irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum both on account of principal and interest, and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands as in the preceding case. or, thirdly. to have sixty-six and two-thirds of a dollar funded at a yearly interest of six per cent., irredeemable also by any payment exceeding four dollars and two-thirds of a dollar per annum on account both of principal and interest, and to have at the end of ten years twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and rate of redemption. in addition to these propositions, the creditors were to have an option of vesting their money in annuities on different plans, and it was also recommended to open a loan at five per cent, for ten millions of dollars, payable one-half in specie and the other half in the debt, irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum both of principal and interest. by way of experiment, a tontine, on principles stated in the report, was also suggested. the secretary was restrained from proposing to fund the whole debt immediately at the current rate of interest, by the opinion, "that although such a provision might not exceed the abilities of the country, it would require the extension of taxation to a degree and to objects which the true interests of the creditors themselves would forbid. it was therefore to be hoped and expected that they would cheerfully concur in such modifications of their claims, on fair and equitable principles as would facilitate to the government an arrangement substantial, durable, and satisfactory to the community. exigencies might ere long arise which would call for resources greatly beyond what was now deemed sufficient for the current service, and should the faculties of the country be exhausted or even strained to provide for the public debt, there could be less reliance on the sacredness of the provision. "but while he yielded to the force of these considerations, he did not lose sight of those fundamental principles of good faith which dictate that every practicable exertion ought to be made, scrupulously to fulfill the engagements of government; that no change in the rights of its creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent, and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact, as well as in name. consequently, that every proposal of a change ought to be in the shape of an appeal to their reason and to their interest, not to their necessities. to this end, it was requisite that a fair equivalent should be offered for what might be asked to be given up and unquestionable security for the remainder." this fair equivalent for the proposed reduction of interest was, he thought, offered in the relinquishment of the power to redeem the whole debt at pleasure. that a free judgment might be exercised by the holders of public securities in accepting or rejecting the terms offered by the government, provision was made in the report for paying to nonsubscribing creditors a dividend of the surplus which should remain in the treasury after paying the interest of the proposed loans; but, as the funds immediately to be provided were calculated to produce only four per cent. on the entire debt, the dividend, for the present, was not to exceed that rate of interest. to enable the treasury to support this increased demand upon it, an augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee was proposed and a duty on homemade spirits was also recommended. this celebrated report, which has been alike the fruitful theme of extravagant praise and bitter censure, merits the more attention, because the first regular and systematic opposition to the principles on which the affairs of the union were administered, originated in the measures which were founded on it. on the th of january ( ), says marshall, this subject was taken up, and, after some animadversions on the speculations in the public debt to which the report, it was said, had already given birth, the business was postponed until the th of february, when it was again brought forward. several resolutions affirmative of the principles contained in the report, were moved by mr. fitzsimmons. to the first, which respected a provision for the foreign debt, the house agreed without a dissenting voice. the second, in favor of appropriating permanent funds for payment of the interest on the domestic debt and for the gradual redemption of the principal, gave rise to a very animated debate. [ ] mr. jackson declared his hostility to funding systems generally. to prove their pernicious influence, he appealed to the histories of florence, genoa, and great britain, and contending that the subject ought to be deferred until north carolina should be represented, moved that the committee should rise. this question being decided in the negative, mr. scott declared the opinion that the united states were not bound to pay the domestic creditors the sums specified in the certificates of debts in their possession. he supported this opinion by urging, not that the public had received less value than was expressed on the face of the paper which had been issued, but that those to whom it had been delivered by parting with it at two shillings and sixpence in the pound, had themselves fixed the value of their claims, and had manifested their willingness to add to their other sacrifices this deduction from their demand upon the nation. he therefore moved to amend the resolution before the committee so as to require a resettlement of the debt. the amendment was opposed by mr. boudinot, mr. lawrence, mr. ames, mr. sherman, mr. hartley, and mr. goodhue. they stated at large the terms on which the debt had been contracted, and urged the confidence which the creditors had a right to place in the government for its discharge according to settlements already made, and acknowledgments already given. the idea that the legislative body could diminish an ascertained debt was reprobated with great force, as being at the same time unjust, impolitic, and subversive of every principle on which public contracts are founded. the evidences of debt possessed by the creditors of the united states were considered as public bonds, for the redemption of which the property and the labor of the people were pledged. after the debate had been protracted to some length, the question was taken on mr. scott's amendment, and it passed in the negative. mr. madison then rose, and, in an eloquent speech, replete with argument, proposed an amendment to the resolution, the effect of which was to discriminate between the public creditors, so as to pay the present holder of assignable paper the highest price it had borne in the market, and give the residue to the person with whom the debt was originally contracted. where the original creditor had never parted with his claim, he was to receive the whole sum acknowledged to be due on the face of the certificate. this motion was supported by mr. jackson, mr. white, mr. moore, mr. page, mr. stone, mr. scott, and mr. seney. it was opposed with great earnestness and strength of argument by mr. sedgewic, mr. lawrence, mr. smith, of south carolina, mr. ames, mr. gerry, mr. boudinot, mr. wadsworth, mr. goodhue, mr. hartley, mr. bland, mr. benson, mr. burke, and mr. livermore. the argument was ably supported on both sides, was long, animated, and interesting. at length the question was put and the amendment was rejected by a great majority. this discussion deeply engaged the public attention. the proposition was new and interesting. that the debt ought to be diminished for the public advantage, was an opinion which had frequently been advanced, and was maintained by many. but a reduction from the claims of its present holders for the benefit of those who had sold their rights, was a measure which saved nothing to the public purse, and was therefore recommended only by considerations, the operation of which can never be very extensive. against it were arrayed all who had made purchases, and a great majority of those who conceived that sound policy and honest dealing require a literal observance of public contracts. although the decision of congress against a discrimination in favor of the original creditor produced no considerable sensation, the determination on that part of the secretary's report which was the succeeding subject of deliberation, affecting political interests and powers which are never to be approached without danger, seemed to unchain all those fierce passions which a high respect for the government, and for those who administered it, had in a great measure restrained. the manner in which the several states entered into and conducted the war of the revolution, is well known. acting in some respects separately, and in others conjointly, for the attainment of a common object, their resources were exerted, sometimes under the authority of congress, sometimes under the authority of the local government, to repel the enemy wherever he appeared. the debt incurred in support of the war was, therefore, in the first instance, contracted partly by congress and partly by the states. when the system of requisitions was adopted, the transactions of the union were carried on almost entirely through the agency of the states, and, when the measure of compensating the army for the depreciation of their pay became necessary, this burden, under the recommendation of congress, was assumed by the respective states. some had funded this debt, and paid the interest upon it. others had made no provision for the interest; but all, by taxes, paper money, or purchase, had in some measure reduced the principal. in their exertions some degree of inequality had obtained, and they looked anxiously to a settlement of accounts, for the ascertainment of claims which each supposed itself to have upon the union. measures to effect this object had been taken by the former government, but they were slow in their progress, and intrinsic difficulties were found in the thing itself, not easily to be overcome. hamilton proposed to assume these debts and to fund them in common with that which continued to be the proper debt of the union. the resolution which comprehended this principle of the report was vigorously opposed. it was contended that the general government would acquire an undue influence, and that the state governments would be annihilated by the measure. not only would all the influence of the public creditors be thrown into the scale of the former, but it would absorb all the powers of taxation, and leave to the latter only the shadow of a government. this would probably terminate in rendering the state governments useless, and would destroy the system so recently established. the union, it was said, had been compared to a rope of sand, but gentlemen were cautioned not to push things to the opposite extreme. the attempt to strengthen it might be unsuccessful, and the cord might be strained until it should break. the constitutional authority of the federal government to assume the debts of the states was questioned. its powers, it was said, were specified, and this was not among them. the policy of the measure, as it affected merely the government of the union, was controverted, and its justice was arraigned. on the ground of policy, it was objected that the assumption would impose on the united states a burden, the weight of which was unascertained, and which would require an extension of taxation beyond the limits which prudence would prescribe. an attempt to raise the impost would be dangerous, and the excise added to it would not produce funds adequate to the object. a tax on real estate must be resorted to, objections to which had been made in every part of the union. it would be more advisable to leave this source of revenue untouched in the hands of the state governments, who could apply to it with more facility, with a better understanding of the subject, and with less dissatisfaction to individuals, than could possibly be done by the government of the united states. there existed no necessity for taking up this burden. the state creditors had not required it. there was no petition from them upon the subject. there was not only no application from the states, but there was reason to believe that they were seriously opposed to the measure. many of them would certainly view it with a jealous--a jaundiced eye. the convention of north carolina which adopted the constitution had proposed, as an amendment to it, to deprive congress of the power of interfering between the respective states and their creditors, and there could be no obligation to assume more than the balances which on a final settlement would be found due to creditor states. that the debt by being thus accumulated would be perpetuated, was also an evil of real magnitude. many of the states had already made considerable progress in extinguishing their debts, and the process might certainly be carried on more rapidly by them than by the union. a public debt seemed to be considered by some as a public blessing, but to this doctrine they were not converts. if, as they believed, a public debt was a public evil, it would be enormously increased by adding those of the states to that of the union. the measure was unwise, too, as it would affect public credit. such an augmentation of the debt must inevitably depreciate its value, since it was the character of paper, whatever denomination it might assume, to diminish in value in proportion to the quantity in circulation. it would also increase an evil which was already sensibly felt. the state debts, when assumed by the continent, would, as that of the union had already done, accumulate in large cities; and the dissatisfaction excited by the payment of taxes would be increased by perceiving that the money raised from the people flowed into the hands of a few individuals. still greater mischief was to be apprehended. a great part of this additional debt would go into the hands of foreigners, and the united states would be heavily burdened to pay an interest which could not be expected to remain in the country. the measure was unjust, because it was burdening those states which had taxed themselves highly to discharge the claims of their creditors with the debts of those which had not made the same exertions. it would delay the settlement of accounts between the individual states and the united states, and the supporters of the measure were openly charged with intending to defeat that settlement. it was also said that in its execution the scheme would be found extremely embarrassing, perhaps impracticable. the case of a partial accession to the measure by the creditors, a case which would probably occur, presented a difficulty for which no provision was made, and of which no solution had been given. should the creditors in some states come into the system, and those in others refuse to change their security, the government would be involved in perplexities from which no means of extricating itself had been shown. nor would it be practicable to discriminate between the debts contracted for general and for local objects. in the course of the debate severe allusions were made to the conduct of particular states, and the opinions advanced in favor of the measure were ascribed to local interests. in support of the assumption, the debts of the states were traced to their origin. america, it was said, had engaged in a war the object of which was equally interesting to every part of the union. it was not the war of a particular state, but of the united states. it was not the liberty and independence of a part, but of the whole, for which they had contended, and which they had acquired. the cause was a common cause. as brethren, the american people had consented to hazard property and life in its defense. all the sums expended in the attainment of this great object, whatever might be the authority under which they were raised or appropriated, conduced to the same end. troops were raised, and military stores purchased, before congress assumed the command of the army or the control of the war. the ammunition which repulsed the enemy at bunker's hill was purchased by massachusetts, and formed a part of the debt of that state. nothing could be more erroneous than the principle which had been assumed in argument, that the holders of securities issued by individual states were to be considered merely as state creditors, as if the debt had been contracted on account of the particular state. it was contracted on account of the union, in that common cause in which all were equally interested. from the complex nature of the political system which had been adopted in america, the war was, in a great measure, carried on through the agency of the state governments, and the debts were, in truth, the debts of the union, for which the states had made themselves responsible. except the civil list, the whole state expenditure was in the prosecution of the war, and the state taxes had undeniably exceeded the provision for their civil list. the foundation for the several classes of the debt was reviewed in detail, and it was affirmed to be proved from the review, and from the books in the public offices, that, in its origin, a great part of it, even in form, and the whole, in fact, was equitably due from the continent. the states individually possessing all the resources of the nation, became responsible to certain descriptions of the public creditors. but they were the agents of the continent in contracting the debt, and its distribution among them for payment arose from the division of political power which existed under the old confederation. a new arrangement of the system had taken place, and a power over the resources of the nation was conferred on the general government. with the funds the debt also ought to be assumed. this investigation of its origin demonstrated that the assumption was not the creation of a new debt, but the reacknowledgment of liability for an old one, the payment of which had devolved on those members of the system who, at the time, were alone capable of paying it. and thence was inferred not only the justice of the measure, but a complete refutation of the arguments drawn from the constitution. if, in point of fact, the debt was in its origin continental and had been transferred to the states for greater facility of payment, there could be no constitutional objection to restoring its original and real character. the great powers of war, of taxation, and of borrowing money, which were vested in congress to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the united states, comprised that in question. there could be no more doubt of their right to charge themselves with the payment of a debt contracted in the past war, than to borrow money for the prosecution of a future war. the impolicy of leaving the public creditors to receive payment from different sources was also strongly pressed, and the jealousy which would exist between the creditors of the union and of the states was considered as a powerful argument in favor of giving them one common interest. this jealousy, it was feared, might be carried so far as even to create an opposition to the laws of the union. if the state should provide for their creditors, the same sum of money must be collected from the people as would be required if the debt should be assumed, and it would probably be collected in a manner more burdensome than if one uniform system should be established. if all should not make such provision, it would be unjust to leave the soldier of one state unpaid, while the services of the man who fought by his side were amply compensated, and, after having assumed the funds, it would dishonor the general government to permit a creditor, for services rendered or property advanced for the continent, to remain unsatisfied, because his claim had been transferred to the state at a time when the state alone possessed the means of payment. by the injured and neglected creditor such an arrangement might justly be considered as a disreputable artifice. instead of delaying, it was believed to be a measure which would facilitate the settlement of accounts between the states. its advocates declared that they did not entertain and never had entertained any wish to procrastinate a settlement. on the contrary it was greatly desired by them. they had themselves brought forward propositions for that purpose, and they invited their adversaries to assist in improving the plan which had been introduced. the settlement between the states, it was said, either would or would not be made. should it ever take place, it would remedy any inequalities which might grow out of the assumption. should it never take place, the justice of the measure became the more apparent. that the burdens in support of a common war, which from various causes had devolved unequally on the states, ought to be apportioned among them, was a truth too clear to be controverted, and this, if the settlement should never be accomplished, could be effected only by the measure now proposed. indeed, in any event, it would be the only certain, as well as only eligible plan. for how were the debtor states to be compelled to pay the balances which should be found against them? if the measure was recommended by considerations which rendered its ultimate adoption inevitable, the present was clearly preferable to any future time. it was desirable immediately to quiet the minds of the public creditors by assuring them that justice would be done, to simplify the forms of public debt, and to put an end to that speculation which had been so much reprobated and which could be terminated only by giving the debt a real and permanent value. that the assumption would impair the just influence of the states was controverted with great strength of argument. the diffusive representation in the state legislatures, the intimate connection between the representative and his constituents, the influence of the state legislatures over the members of one branch of the national legislature, the nature of the powers exercise by the state governments, which perpetually presented them to the people in a point of view calculated to lay hold of the public affections, were guarantees that the states would retain their due weight in the political system and that a debt was not necessary to the solidity or duration of their power. but the argument, it was said, proved too much. if a debt was now essential to the preservation of state authority it would always be so. it must therefore never be extinguished, but must be perpetuated in order to secure the existence of the state governments. if, for this purpose, it was indispensable that the expenses of the revolutionary war should be borne by the states, it would not be less indispensable that the expenses of future wars should be borne in the same manner. either the argument was unfounded or the constitution was wrong, and the powers of the sword and the purse ought not to have been conferred on the government of the union. whatever speculative opinions might be entertained on this point, they were to administer the government according to the principles of the constitution as it was framed. but, it was added, if so much power followed the assumption as the objection implies, is it not time to ask--is it safe to forbear assuming? if the power is so dangerous it will be so when exercised by the states. if assuming tends to consolidation, is the reverse, tending to disunion, a less weighty objection? if it is answered that the non-assumption will not necessarily tend to disunion, neither, it may be replied, does the assumption necessarily tend to consolidation. it was not admitted that the assumption would tend to perpetuate the debt. it could not be presumed that the general government would be less willing than the local governments to discharge it; nor could it be presumed that the means were less attainable by the former than the latter. it was not contended that a public debt was a public blessing. whether a debt was to be preferred to no debt was not the question. the debt was already contracted, and the question so far as policy might be consulted, was, whether it was more for the public advantage to give it such a form as would render it applicable to the purposes of a circulating medium, or to leave it a mere subject of speculation, incapable of being employed to any useful purpose. the debt was admitted to be an evil, but it was an evil from which, if wisely modified, some benefit might be extracted, and which, in its present state, could have only a mischievous operation. if the debt should be placed on adequate funds, its operation on public credit could not be pernicious; in its present precarious condition, there was much more to be apprehended in that respect. to the objection that it would accumulate in large cities, it was answered it would be a moneyed capital, and would be held by those who chose to place money at interest, but by funding the debt the present possessors would be enabled to part with it at its nominal value, instead of selling it at its present current rate. if it should center in the hands of foreigners, the sooner it was appreciated to its proper standard, the greater quantity of specie would its transfer bring into the united states. to the injustice of charging those states which had made great exertions for the payment of their debts with the burden properly belonging to those which had not made such exertions, it was answered that every state must be considered as having exerted itself to the utmost of its resources, and that if it could not or would not make provision for creditors to whom the union was equitably bound, the argument in favor of an assumption was the stronger. the arguments drawn from local interests were repelled and retorted, and a great degree of irritation was excited on both sides. after a very animated discussion of several days, the question was taken, and the resolution was carried by a small majority. soon after this decision, while the subject was pending before the house, the delegates from north carolina took their seats, and changed the strength of parties. by a majority of two voices, the resolution was recommitted, and, after a long and ardent debate, was negatived by the same majority. this proposition continued to be supported with a degree of earnestness which its opponents termed pertinacious, but not a single opinion was changed. it was brought forward in the new and less exceptionable form of assuming specific sums from each state. under this modification of the principle, the extraordinary contributions of particular states during the war, and their exertions since the peace, might be regarded, and the objections to the measure, drawn from the uncertainty of the sum to be assumed, would be removed. but these alterations produced no change of sentiment, and the bill was sent up to the senate with a provision for those creditors only whose certificates of debt purported to be payable by the union. in this state of things the measure is understood to have derived aid from another, which was of a nature strongly to interest particular parts of the union. from the month of june, , when congress was driven from philadelphia by the mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line, the necessity of selecting some place for a permanent residence, in which the government of the union might exercise sufficient authority to protect itself from violence and insult, had been generally acknowledged. scarcely any subject had occupied more time, or had more agitated the members of the former congress than this. in december, , an ordinance was passed for appointing commissioners to purchase land on the delaware, in the neighborhood of its falls, and to erect thereon the necessary public buildings for the reception of congress and the officers of government; but the southern interest had been sufficiently strong to arrest the execution of this ordinance by preventing an appropriation of funds, which required the assent of nine states. under the existing government, this subject had received the early attention of congress, and many different situations, from the delaware to the potomac inclusive, had been earnestly supported, but a majority of both houses had not concurred in favor of any one place. with as little success, attempts had been made to change the temporary residence of congress. although new york was obviously too far to the east, so many conflicting interests were brought into operation whenever the subject was touched, that no motion designating a more central place could succeed. at length, a compact respecting the temporary and permanent seat of government was entered into between the friends of philadelphia and the potomac, stipulating that congress should adjourn to and hold its sessions in philadelphia for ten years, during which time buildings for the accommodation of the government should be erected at some place on the potomac, to which the government should remove at the expiration of the term. this compact having united the representatives of pennsylvania and delaware with the friends of the potomac, in favor both of the temporary and permanent residence which had been agreed on between them, a majority was produced in favor of the two situations, and a bill which was brought into the senate in conformity with this previous arrangement, passed both houses by small majorities. this act was immediately followed by an amendment to the bill then depending before the senate for funding the debt of the union. the amendment was similar in principle to that which had been unsuccessfully proposed in the house of representatives. by its provisions, $ , , of the state debts were assumed in specified proportions, and it was particularly enacted that no certificate should be received from a state creditor which could be "ascertained to have been issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures for services or supplies toward the prosecution of the late war and the defense of the united states, or of some part thereof, during the same." when the question was taken in the house of representatives on this amendment two members, representing districts on the potomac, who, in all the previous stages of the business, had voted against the assumption, declared themselves in its favor, and thus the majority was changed. [ ] thus was a measure carried which was supported and opposed with a degree of zeal and earnestness not often manifested, and which furnished presages, not to be mistaken, that the spirit with which the opposite opinions had been maintained, would not yield, contentedly, to the decision of a bare majority. this measure has constituted one of the great grounds of accusation against the first administration of the general government, and it is fair to acknowledge that though, in its progress, it derived no aid from the president, whose opinion remained in his own bosom, it received the full approbation of his judgment. a bill at length passed both houses, funding the debt upon principles which lessened considerably the weight of the public burdens and was entirely satisfactory to the public creditors. the proceeds of the sales of the lands lying in the western territory and, by a subsequent act of the same session, the surplus product of the revenue, after satisfying the appropriations which were charged upon it with the addition of $ , , , which the president was authorized to borrow at per cent., constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the reduction of the debt. the effect of this measure was great and rapid. the public paper suddenly rose and was for a short time above par. the immense wealth which individuals acquired by this unexpected appreciation could not be viewed with indifference. those who participated in its advantages regarded the author of a system to which they were so greatly indebted, with an enthusiasm of attachment to which scarcely any limits were assigned. to many others this adventitious collection of wealth in particular hands was a subject rather of chagrin than of pleasure, and the reputation which the success of his plans gave to the secretary of the treasury was not contemplated with unconcern. as if the debt had been created by the existing government, not by a war which gave liberty and independence to the united states, its being funded was ascribed by many, not to a sense of justice and to a liberal and enlightened policy, but to the desire of bestowing on the government an artificial strength, by the creation of a moneyed interest which would be subservient to its will. the effects produced by giving the debt a permanent value justified the predictions of those whose anticipations had been most favorable. the sudden increase of moneyed capital derived from it invigorated commerce and gave a new stimulus to agriculture. about this time there was a great and visible improvement in the circumstances of the people. although the funding system was certainly not inoperative in producing this improvement it cannot be justly ascribed to any single cause. progressive industry had gradually repaired the losses sustained by the war, and the influence of the constitution on habits of thinking and acting, though silent, was considerable. in depriving the states of the power to impair the obligation of contracts or to make anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts, the conviction was impressed on that portion of society which had looked to the government for relief from embarrassment that personal exertions alone could free them from difficulties, and an increased degree of industry and economy was the natural consequence of this opinion. [ ] various other matters besides those already noticed, occupied the attention of congress during this laborious session. the question of the slave trade was brought up by a petition from the quakers in pennsylvania, delaware, and other states, and the venerable dr. franklin, as president of the pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery, sent in a memorial, early in february, asking the serious attention of congress to the importance and duty of extending to the negroes the blessings of freedom. the subject was discussed at great length and with much warmth on both sides, and toward the close of march it was resolved, "that congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of the states." laws for the naturalization of aliens, after two years' residence, for the patenting of useful inventions, and for securing to authors the copyright of their works; and others, regulating the mercantile marine of the union, in respect to the seamen engaged in it; and forming a groundwork for a criminal code; for the ordering of what was called "the military establishment," only , rank and file; and for arranging the means of intercourse with the indians in respect to trade and the acquisition of their hunting-grounds, and with european governments for the larger commerce which required the superintendence of resident ministers--these were duly considered and framed. much other business was done, such as voting for the public service, under the heads of the civil list, pensions for revolutionary services, the military establishment, lighthouses, embassies, and outstanding debts, the moderate sum of about $ , . both houses, having returned thanks to the corporation of the city of new york, "for the elegant and convenient accommodations furnished the congress of the united states," adjourned on the th of august ( ), to meet again in december, in the city of philadelphia. washington's old and valued friend, dr. franklin, after painful and protracted sufferings, closed a life of four-score and four years on the th of april, . he was buried in the cemetery of christ church, philadelphia, and his funeral was attended by more than , of his fellow-citizens. congress resolved to wear the customary badge of mourning for one month, "as a mark of veneration due to the memory of a citizen, whose native genius was not more an ornament to human nature than his various exertions of it have been precious to science, to freedom, and to his country." in the national assembly of france, mirabeau eloquently dilated in praise of the illustrious deceased, and lafayette seconded the motion for a decree, ordering the members to wear the usual badge of mourning for three days, and there was not a land blessed with the light of civilization which did not lament his death and pour forth expressions of sorrow for the loss which not only america, but the world had sustained. an act was passed by congress to accept the cession of the claims of the state of north carolina, to a certain district of western territory, and on the th of may, provision was made for its government, under the title of "the territory of the united states south of the river ohio." on the th of may, , rhode island, having become somewhat more alive to her true interests and to the ill results which must certainly follow her exclusion from the union, adopted the constitution and cast in her lot with the sister states for the great future which was opening before them all. a treaty of peace was concluded in august of this year with the creek indians which restored tranquility to the people of georgia. the pacific overtures made to the indians of the wabash and the miamis had not been equally successful. the western frontiers were still exposed to their incursions, and there was much reason to apprehend that the people of kentucky and of the western counties of the middle states could only be relieved from the horrors of savage warfare by an exertion of the military strength of the union. in the opinion of the president, the emergency required the immediate employment of a force competent to the object and which should carry terror and destruction into the heart of the hostile settlements. the people of the west, however, declared their opinion in favor of desultory military expeditions, and congress indulged their wishes. the desire of the executive for a military establishment equal to the exigency was not regarded and the distresses of the frontier inhabitants therefore still continued. the conduct of spain in relation to the disputed boundary, and its pretensions to the navigation of the mississippi, was such as to give ground to fear that its dispositions toward the united states were unfriendly. between the united states and england the nonexecution of several articles of the treaty of peace still furnished matter for reciprocal crimination which there was the more difficulty in removing because there was no diplomatic intercourse maintained between them. under the old government, mr. adams' mission had been treated with neglect, and the new administration was not disposed to subject itself to a similar mark of disrespect. mr. gouverneur morris was instructed, as an informal agent to the british government, to sound its views respecting amicable and permanent arrangements of the matters in dispute. but mr. morris remarked, "that there never was, perhaps, a moment in which this country (britain) felt herself greater, and, consequently, it is the most unfavorable moment to obtain advantageous terms from her in any bargain." he conducted his mission with ability and address, but was unable to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion. the communications laid before the american government at the same time by major beckwith, an english gentlemen, who had come in an informal manner to learn the dispositions of the american government towards england and spain, between which a rupture was expected, gave washington an insight of the object of the delays which had been practiced with mr. morris. he was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of london to retain things in their actual situation until the intentions of the american government should be ascertained with respect to the war supposed to be approaching. if america would make a common cause with great britain against spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment of all their objects, but if america should incline toward spain, no adjustment of the points of difference between the two nations would be made. he therefore determined to hold himself free to pursue without reproach, in the expected war, such a course as the interest and honor of the united states might dictate. the want of official authenticity in the communications of mr. beckwith was, therefore, signified to that gentleman as a reason for reserve on the part of the government and the powers given to mr. morris were withdrawn. it was determined that things should remain in their actual situation until a change of circumstances should require a change of conduct. scarcely had this resolution been adopted when the dispute between britain and spain was adjusted, and thus both the fear of inconveniences, and the hope of advantages which might result to america from war between the two powers, were terminated. by his incessant application to public business and the consequent change of active for sedentary habits, the constitution of the president seemed much impaired and during the second session of congress he had, for the second time since entering upon the duties of his office, been attacked by a severe disease, which reduced him to the brink of the grave. exercise, and a temporary relief from the cares of office, being essential to the restoration of his health, he determined for the short interval afforded by the recess of the legislature to retire from the fatigues of public life to the tranquil shades of mount vernon. previously, however, he made a visit to rhode island, which, not having been a member of the union at the time of his late tour through new england, had not been visited by him at that time. his final departure from new york was not less affecting than his arrival had been, when he came to assume the reins of government. "it was always his habit," says custis in his "recollections," "to endeavor to avoid the manifestations of affection and gratitude that met him everywhere. he strove in vain--he was closely watched and the people would have their way. he wished to slip off unobserved from new york and thus steal a march upon his old companions in arms. but there were too many of the dear glorious old veterans of the revolution at that time of day in and near new york to render such an escape possible. "the baggage had all been packed up; the horses, carriages, and servants ordered to be over the ferry to paulus hook by daybreak and nothing was wanting for departure but the dawn. the lights were yet burning, when the president came into the room where his family were assembled, evidently much pleased in the belief that all was right, when, immediately under the windows, the band of the artillery struck up washington's march. 'there,' he exclaimed, 'it's all over, we are found out. well, well, they must have their own way.' new york soon after appeared as if taken by storm--troops and persons of all descriptions hurrying down broadway toward the place of embarkation, all anxious to take a last look on him whom so many could never expect to see again. "the embarkation was delayed until all the complimentary arrangements were completed. the president, after taking leave of many dear and cherished friends, and many an old companion in arms, stepped into the barge that was to convey him from new york forever. the coxswain gave the word 'let fall;' the spray from the oars sparkled in the morning sunbeams; the bowman shoved off from the pier, and, as the barge swung round to the tide, washington rose, uncovered, in the stern, to bid adieu to the masses assembled on the shore; he waved his hat, and, in a voice tremulous from emotion, pronounced--farewell. it may be supposed that major bauman, who commanded the artillery on this interesting occasion, who was first captain of lamb's regiment, and a favorite officer of the war of the revolution, would, when about to pay his last respects to his beloved commander, load his pieces with something more than mere blank cartridges. but ah! the thunders of the cannon were completely hushed when the mighty shout of the people arose that responded to the farewell of washington. pure from the heart it came, right up to heaven it went, to call down a blessing upon the father of his country. "the barge had scarcely gained the middle of the hudson when the trumpets were heard at paulus hook, where the governor and the chivalry of jersey were in waiting to welcome the chief to those well-remembered shores. escorts of cavalry relieved each other throughout the whole route up to the pennsylvania line; every village, and even hamlet, turned out its population to greet with cordial welcome the man upon whom all eyes were fixed and in whom all hearts rejoiced. "what must have been the recollections that crowded on the mind of washington during this triumphant progress? newark, brunswick, princeton, trenton! what a contrast between the glorious burst of sunshine that now illumined and made glad everything around these memorable spots, with the gloomy and desolate remembrances of ' ! then his country's champion, with the wreck of a shattered host, was flying before a victorious and well-appointed foe, while all around him was shrouded in the darkness of despair; now, in his glorious progress over the self-same route, his firm footstep presses upon the soil of an infant empire, reposing in the joys of peace, independence, and happiness. "among the many who swelled his triumph, the most endeared to the heart of the chief were the old associates of his toils, his fortunes, and his fame. many of the revolutionary veterans were living in , and, by their presence, gave a dignified tone and character to all public assemblages; and when you saw a peculiarly fine-looking soldier in those old days, and would ask: 'to what corps of the american army did you belong?' drawing himself up to his full height, with a martial air, and back of the hand thrown up to his forehead, the veteran would reply: 'life guard, your honor.' "and proud and happy were these veterans in again beholding their own good lady washington. greatly was she beloved in the army. her many intercessions with the chief for the pardon of offenders--her kindness to the sick and wounded--all caused her annual arrival in camp to be hailed as an event that would serve to dissipate the gloom of the winter quarters. "arrived at the line, the jersey escort was relieved by the cavalry of pennsylvania, and, when near to philadelphia, the president was met by governor mifflin and a brilliant cortege of officers, and escorted by a squadron of horse to the city. conspicuous among the governors suite, as well for his martial bearing as for the manly beauty of his person, was general walter stewart, a son of erin, and a gallant and distinguished officer of the pennsylvania line. to stewart, as to cadwallader, washington was most warmly attached; indeed, those officers were among the very choicest of the contributions of pennsylvania to the army and cause of independence. mifflin, small in stature, was active, alert, 'every inch a soldier.' he was a patriot of great influence in pennsylvania in the 'times that tried men's souls,' and nobly did he exert that influence in raising troops, with which to reinforce the wreck of the grand army at the close of the campaign of ' . "arrived within the city, the crowd became intense, the president left his carriage and mounted the white charger, and, with the governor on his right, proceeded to the city tavern in third street, where quarters were prepared for him, the light infantry, after some time, having opened a passage for the carriages. at the city tavern the president was received by the authorities of philadelphia, who welcomed the chief magistrate to their city as to his home for the remainder of his presidential term. a group of old and long-tried friends were also in waiting. foremost among these, and first to grasp the hand of washington, was one who was always nearest to his heart, a patriot and public benefactor, robert morris. "after remaining a short time in philadelphia, the president speeded on his journey to that home where he ever found rest from his weighty labors, and enjoyed the sweets of rural and domestic happiness amid his farms and at his fireside of mount vernon." whenever washington was residing at mount vernon, he was accustomed to receive visits from his old and intimate friends, and to relieve his mind from the cares of state by lively and familiar conversation, and social and convivial intercourse. on one occasion, some years before the period of which we are now writing, mr. drayton and mr. izard, of south carolina, were on a visit to mount vernon. [ ] after dinner, while the party were still sitting at table, the conversation turned on arnold's treason. mr. lear, washington's private secretary, was present, and after retiring he wrote down in his diary washington's own account of that remarkable incident in our history in his own words. the extract from mr. lear's diary has recently been published for the first time in mr. rush's "washington in domestic life." it is as follows: "after dinner, washington was, in the course of conversation, led to speak of arnold's treachery, when he gave the following account of it, which i shall put in his own words, thus: 'i confess i had a good opinion of arnold before his treachery was brought to light; had that not been the case i should have had some reason to suspect him sooner, for when he commanded in philadelphia, the marquis lafayette brought accounts from france of the armament which was to be sent to cooperate with us in the ensuing campaign. soon after this was known, arnold pretended to have some private business to transact in connecticut, and on his way there he called at my quarters, and in the course of conversation expressed a desire of quitting philadelphia and joining the army the ensuing campaign. i told him that it was probable we should have a very active one, and that if his wound and state of health would permit, i should be extremely glad of his services with the army. he replied that he did not think his wound would permit him to take a very active part, but still he persisted in his desire of being with the army. he went on to connecticut and on his return called again upon me. he renewed his request of being with me next campaign, and i made him the same answer i had done before. he again repeated that he did not think his wound would permit him to do active duty, and intimated a desire to have the command at west point. i told him i did not think that would suit him, as i should leave none in the garrison but invalids, because it would be entirely covered by the main army. the subject was dropped at that time, and he returned to philadelphia. it then appeared somewhat strange to me that a man of arnold's known activity and enterprise should be desirous of taking so inactive a part. i however thought no more of the matter. when the french troops arrived at rhode island, i had intelligence from new york that general clinton intended to make an attack upon them before they could get themselves settled and fortified. in consequence of that i was determined to attack new york, which would be left much exposed by his drawing off the british troops, and accordingly formed my line of battle and moved down with the whole army to king's ferry, which we passed. arnold came to camp that time, and, having no command, and consequently no quarters (all the houses thereabouts being occupied by the army), he was obliged to seek lodgings at some distance from the camp. while the army was crossing at king's ferry i was going to see the last detachment over, and met arnold, who asked me if i had thought of anything for him. i told him that he was to have the command of the light troops, which was a post of honor, and which his rank indeed entitled him to. upon this information his countenance changed, and he appeared to be quite fallen; and, instead of thanking me, or expressing any pleasure at the appointment, never opened his mouth. i desired him to go on to my quarters and get something to refresh himself, and i would meet him there soon. he did so. upon his arrival there he found colonel tilghman, whom he took aside, and, mentioning what i had told him, seemed to express great uneasiness at it--as his leg, he said, would not permit him to be long on horseback, and intimated a great desire to have the command at west point. when i returned to my quarters colonel tilghman informed me of what had passed. i made no reply to it, but his behavior struck me as strange and unaccountable. in the course of that night, however, i received information from new york that general clinton had altered his plan and was debarking his troops. this information obliged me likewise to alter my disposition and return to my former station, where i could better cover the country. i then determined to comply with arnold's desire, and accordingly gave him the command of the garrison at west point. things remained in this situation about a fortnight, when i wrote to the count rochambeau, desiring to meet him at some intermediate place (as we could neither of us be long enough from our respective commands to visit the other), in order to lay the plan for the siege of yorktown, and proposed hartford, where i accordingly went and met the count. on my return i met the chevalier luzerne toward evening within about fifteen miles of west point (on his way to join the count at rhode island), which i intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house, where, in politeness to him, i could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to west point to breakfast very early. i sent off my baggage, and desired colonel hamilton to go forward and inform general arnold that i would breakfast with him. soon after he arrived at arnold's quarters a letter was delivered to arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. he told colonel hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison, which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters, and immediately ordered a horse to take him to the river, and the barge, which he kept to cross, to be ready, and desired major franks, his aide, to inform me when i should arrive that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. when i got to his quarters and did not find him there i desired major franks to order me some breakfast, and, as i intended to visit the fortifications, i would see general arnold there. after i had breakfasted i went over the river, and, inquiring for arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. i likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. the impropriety of his conduct, when he knew i was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me, but i had not the least idea of the real cause. when i returned to arnold's quarters about two hours after, and told colonel hamilton that i had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from colonel jemmison, which immediately brought the matter to light. i ordered colonel hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed, but it was too late. it seems that the letter which arnold received which threw him into such confusion was from colonel jemmison, informing him that andré was taken, and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. colonel jemmison, when andré was taken with these papers, could not believe that arnold was a traitor, but rather thought it was an imposition of the british in order to destroy our confidence in arnold. he, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. the express went the lower road, which was the road by which i had gone to connecticut, expecting that i would return by the same route, and that he would meet me, but before he had proceeded far he was informed that i was returning by the upper road. he then cut across the country and followed in my track till i arrived at west point. he arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. when arnold got down to the barge, he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the vulture, sloop-of-war, as a flag, which was lying down the river, saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. they did, accordingly, but when they got on board the vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the coxswain to be called down into the cabin, and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners. the coxswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. he answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. but the captain of the vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the coxswain that he would take his parole for going on shore to get clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. he accordingly came, got his clothes, and returned on board. when they got to new york, general clinton, ashamed of so low and mean an action, set them all at liberty.'" this narrative, from the lips of washington himself, throws much additional light on arnold's treason. it is also interesting to the general reader, as affording a specimen of washington's style in conversation, when the events of the revolution formed the topic of discourse. . footnote: on account of the great importance of this debate, we give marshall's synopsis of the arguments used on both sides. it brought up the question of state rights as opposed to centralization for the first time; and on many other accounts is particularly interesting for the political reader, as well as for all who are curious respecting our early colonial history. . footnote: it has ever been understood that these members were, on principle, in favor of the assumption as modified in the amendment made by the senate; but they withheld their assent from it when originally proposed in the house of representatives in the opinion that the increase of the national debt added to the necessity of giving to the departments of the national government a more central residence. it is understood that a greater number would have changed had it been necessary. . footnote: marshall. . footnote: october , , was the date of messrs. drayton and izard's visit. chapter iv. the national bank established. . on his way from new york to mount vernon washington stopped for a short time, as we have seen, in philadelphia. while there he addressed a letter to his private secretary, mr. lear, which is interesting not only for the information it contains respecting his residence, but from its illustrating that remarkable attention to the details of business, which we have already had occasion to notice. "after a pleasant journey," he writes, "we arrived in this city on thursday last (september , ), and tomorrow we proceed--if mrs. washington's health will permit, for she has been much indisposed since we came here--toward mount vernon. the house of mr. robert morris had, previous to my arrival, been taken by the corporation for my residence. [ ] "it is the best they could get. it is, i believe, the best single house in the city. yet without additions it is inadequate to the commodious accommodation of my family. these additions, i believe, will be made. the first floor contains only two public rooms (except one for the upper servants). the second floor will have two public (drawing) rooms, and with the aid of one room with a partition in it, in the back building, will be sufficient for the use of mrs. washington and the children, and their maids, besides affording her a small place for a private study and dressing-room. the third story will furnish you and mrs. lear with a good lodging-room, a public office (for there is no room below for one), and two rooms for the gentlemen of the family. the garret has four good rooms, which must serve mr. and mrs. hyde [ ]--unless they should prefer the room over the workhouse--william, and such servants as it may not be better to place in the proposed additions to the back building. there is a room over the stable which may serve the coachman and postillions, and there is a smokehouse, which may possibly be more valuable for the use of servants than for the smoking of meats. the intention of the addition to the back building is to provide a servant's hall and one or two lodging-rooms for the servants. there are good stables, but for twelve horses only, and a coach-house, which will hold all my carriages. speaking of carriages, i have left my coach to receive a thorough repair, by the time i return, which i expect will be before the st of december." the legislature, meantime, had appropriated for his residence an elegant house in south ninth street, which was taken down a few years since, having been occupied by the university, and other buildings were erected on the same lot for the same purpose. but washington refused to occupy the house offered by the state authorities, because he would not live in a house which was not hired and paid for by himself. he was desirous, however, to have the rent fixed before he entered the house, and he wrote repeatedly to mr. lear from mount vernon to ascertain what the rent would be. on the th of november, , he wrote to mr. lear as follows: "i am, i must confess, exceedingly unwilling to go into any house without first knowing on what terms i do it, and wish that this sentiment could be again hinted in delicate terms to the parties concerned with me. i cannot, if there are no latent motives which govern in this case, see any difficulty in the business. mr. morris has most assuredly formed an idea of what ought in equity to be the rent of the tenement in the condition he left it, and with this aid the committee ought, i conceive, to be as little at a loss in determining what it should rent for, with the additions and alterations which are about to be made, and which ought to be done in a plain and neat, not by any means in an extravagant style, because the latter is not only contrary to my wish but would really be detrimental to my interest and convenience, principally because it would be the means of keeping me out of the use and comforts of the house to a late period, and because the furniture and everything else would require to be accordant therewith, besides making me pay an extravagant price, perhaps to accommodate the alterations to the taste of another or to the exorbitant rates of workmen. "i do not know, nor do i believe, that anything unfair is intended by either mr. morris or the committee, but let us for a moment suppose that the rooms (the new ones i mean) were to be hung with tapestry or a very rich and costly paper, neither of which would suit my present furniture; that costly ornaments for the bow windows, extravagant chimney-pieces, and the like were to be provided; that workmen, from extravagance of the times for every twenty shillings' worth of work would charge forty shillings, and that advantage should be taken of the occasion to new paint every part of the house and buildings, would there be any propriety in adding ten or twelve and a half per cent. for all this to the rent of the house in its original state for the two years that i am to hold it? if the solution of these questions is in the negative, wherein lies the difficulty of determining that the houses and lots, when finished according to the proposed plan, ought to rent for so much? when all is done that can be done, the residence will not be so commodious as the house i left in new york, for there (and the want of it will be found a real inconvenience at mr. morris') my office was in a front room below, where persons on business were at once admitted, whereas now they will have to ascend two pair of stairs and to pass by the public rooms to go to it. notwithstanding which i am willing to allow as much as was paid to mr. macomb, and shall say nothing if more is demanded, unless there is apparent extortion or the policy of delay is to see to what height rents will rise before mine is fixed. in either of these cases i should not be pleased, and to occupy the premises at the expense of any public body i will not. "i had rather have heard that my repaired coach was plain and elegant than rich and elegant." the rent of mr. morris' house was finally settled at $ , a year, and at this rate it was occupied by washington till the expiration of his second term as president and his final retirement to mount vernon. our readers will excuse us for dwelling a little longer on the domestic arrangements of washington, as disclosed in his letters to mr. lear. these details are not only curious and entertaining, as showing the style of living half a century ago, but as exhibiting the modest and economical style in which washington chose to live; and they refute the calumnies of his political enemies, who, a little later, charged him with anti-republican state and splendor in his style of living. one of his letters to mr. lear relates to the servants. "the pressure of business," he writes, "under which i labored for several days before i left new york, allowed me no time to inquire who of the female servants it was proposed or thought advisable to remove here, besides the wives of the footmen, james and fidas. with respect to mr. hyde and his wife, if it is not stated on some paper handed in by mr. hyde, it is nevertheless strong on my recollection that his wife's services were put down at $ and his own at $ per annum. i have no wish to part with mr. or mrs. hyde; first, because i do not like to be changing, and, second, because i do not know where or with whom to supply their places. on the score of accounts i can say nothing, having never taken a comparative view of his and fraunces', but i am exceedingly mistaken if the expenses of the second table, at which mr. hyde presides, have not greatly exceeded those of the tables kept by fraunces, for i strongly suspect (but in this i may be mistaken) that nothing is brought to my table of liquors, fruits, or other luxuries that is not used as profusely at his. if my suspicions are unfounded i shall be sorry to have entertained them, and if they are not, it is at least questionable whether under his successor the same things might not be done; in which case (if hyde is honest and careful, of which you are better able to judge than i am), a change without benefit might take place, which is not desirable if they are to be retained on proper terms. i say they, for if mrs. hyde is necessary for the purposes enumerated in your letter, and the cook is not competent to prepare the dessert, make cake, etc., i do not see of what use hyde will be, more than william, without her. fraunces, besides being an excellent cook, knowing how to provide genteel dinners, and giving aid in dressing them, prepared the dessert, made the cake, and did everything that is done by hyde and his wife together; consequently the services of hyde alone are not to be compared with those of fraunces; and if his accounts exceed those of fraunces, in the same seasons--£ or £ a week--and at the same time appear fair, i shall have no scruple to acknowledge that i have entertained much harder thoughts of him than i ought to have done, although it is unaccountable to me how other families, on $ , or $ , a year, should be enabled to entertain more company or at least entertain more frequently than i could do for $ , ." respecting the furniture, washington writes: "mr. and mrs. morris have insisted upon leaving the two large looking-glasses which are in their best rooms, because they have no place, they say, proper to remove them to, and because they are unwilling to hazard the taking of them down. you will, therefore, let them have, instead, the choice of mine; the large ones i purchased of the french minister they do not incline to take, but will be glad of some of the others. they will also leave a large glass lamp in the entry or hall, and will take one or more of my glass lamps in lieu of it. mrs. morris has a mangle (i think it is called) for ironing clothes, which, as it is fixed in the place where it is commonly used, she proposes to leave and take mine. to this i have no objection, provided mine is equally good and convenient; but if i should obtain any advantages, besides that of its being up and ready for use, i am not inclined to receive it. "i have no particular direction to give respecting the appropriation of the furniture. by means of the bow-windows the back rooms will become the largest, and, of course, will receive the furniture of the largest dining and drawing-rooms; and in that case, though there are no closets in them, there are some in the steward's room, directly opposite, which are not inconvenient. there is a small room adjoining the kitchen that might, if it is not essential for other purposes, be appropriated for the sevres china and other things of that sort, which are not in common use. "mrs. morris, who is a notable lady in family arrangements, can give you much information on all the conveniences about the house and buildings, and i dare say would rather consider it as a compliment to be consulted in these matters, as she is so near, than a trouble to give her opinion of them. "i approve, at least till inconvenience or danger shall appear, of the large table ornaments remaining on the sideboard, and of the pagodas standing in the smallest drawing-room. had i delivered my sentiment from here, respecting this fixture, that is the apartment i should have named for it. whether the green, which you have, or a new yellow curtain, should be appropriated to the staircase above the hall may depend on your getting an exact match in color and so forth of the latter. for the sake of appearances one would not, in instances of this kind, regard a small additional expense." in these letters, written to mr. lear during washington's residence at mount vernon, in the autumn of , he frequently refers to the children under mrs. washington's care, who composed a part of the family. in a letter, dated october d, he requests mr. lear to make inquiries respecting the schools in philadelphia, with a view to placing washington custis, mrs. washington's grandson, at the best. if the college is under good regulations, he inquires if it would not be better to put him there at once. again, in a letter dated october th, after speaking of the proper care and instruction of his niece, miss harriet washington, when he should be established in philadelphia, he refers again to washington custis' education, whom he had adopted as a son, and in whom he appears to have taken great interest. [ ] he also wishes inquiry to be made as to the higher branches taught at the college, with a view to placing his nephews, george and lawrence washington, at that institution in philadelphia. having studied the languages, they are engaged, he adds, under mr. harrow, in alexandria, in learning mathematics and french. in a letter dated november , , washington expresses renewed anxiety respecting the education of his adopted son, washington custis, who appears to have been about eight years old at this time, and discusses the question of placing him at the college, if his age will admit of it. on the th of november ( ), washington, writing from mount vernon to mr. lear at philadelphia, mentions that he is just setting out for alexandria to a public dinner given to him by the citizens of that place. in his letter of november d, he dates from a tavern on the road, about twelve miles from baltimore. he was then on his journey from mount vernon to philadelphia in his own traveling carriage with mrs. washington, the children, and the servants in attendance on the children, accompanying them in a stage-coach hired for their accommodation. the party arrived in philadelphia on saturday, the th of november ( ), and immediately took possession of the house which had been hired for the accommodation of the president and his family. the members of congress and other public functionaries were mostly at their posts, and a crowd of strangers were resorting to the city, in expectation of the gay and brilliant pleasures and society which are usual in the metropolis in the winter season. in the president's family, "the rules for receiving visitors and entertaining company," says dr. griswold, [ ] "continued to be very nearly the same as in new york. respectable citizens and strangers, properly introduced, were seen by the president every other tuesday, between the hours of and in the afternoon. the receptions were in the dining-room, on the first floor, in the back part of the house. at o'clock, all the chairs having been removed, the door was opened, and the president, usually surrounded by members of his cabinet, or other distinguished men, was seen by the approaching visitor standing before the fireplace, his hair powdered and gathered behind in a silk bag, coat and breeches of plain black velvet, white or pearl-colored vest, yellow gloves, a cocked hat in his hand, silver knee and shoe-buckles, and a long sword, with a finely-wrought and glittering steel hilt, the coat worn over it, and its scabbard of polished white leather. on these occasions he never shook hands, even with his most intimate friends. the name of everyone was distinctly announced, and he rarely forgot that of a person who had been once introduced to him. the visitor was received with a dignified bow and passed on to another part of the room. at a quarter past the door was closed, the gentlemen present moved into a circle, and he proceeded, beginning at his right hand, to exchange a few words with each. when the circuit was completed he resumed his first position and the visitors approached him in succession, bowed, and retired. "at the levees of mrs. washington he did not consider any visits made to himself, and he appeared as a private gentleman, with neither hat nor sword, conversing without restraint, generally with women, who rarely had other opportunities of meeting him." congress assembled for its third session on the th of december, , the day which had been appointed by adjournment. but the members had not yet learned to be punctual in their attendance, and it was not till the th that a sufficient number took their seats to authorize their entering upon the business of the session. among the members we recognize some celebrated names. from massachusetts were elbridge gerry, afterward vice-president of the united states, and fisher ames, one of the most illustrious of american orators; from connecticut, the veteran statesman, roger sherman; from new jersey, the philanthropist, elias boudinot; from pennsylvania, peter and frederick augustus muhlenberg and george clymer; from virginia, james madison; from north carolina, hugh williamson, and from georgia, gen. james jackson. this is but a portion of the strong array of historical names which adorned the first congress of the united states under the constitution. in his speech delivered to congress at the commencement of their third session, washington expressed much satisfaction at the favorable prospect of public affairs, and particularly noticed the progress of public credit and the productiveness of the revenue. adverting to foreign nations, he said: "the disturbed situation of europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the united states, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. it requires, also, that we should not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for war, among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means and thereby, at least, to enhance the price of transporting its valuable productions to their proper market." to the serious reflection of congress was recommended the prevention of embarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragement to american navigation as would render the commerce and agriculture of the united states less dependent on foreign bottoms. after expressing to the house of representatives his confidence arising from the sufficiency of the revenues already established, for the objects to which they were appropriated, he added: "allow me moreover to hope that it will be a favorite policy with you not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but, as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself." many subjects relative to the interior government were succinctly and briefly mentioned, and the speech concluded with the following impressive and admonitory sentiment: "in pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session, i indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be marked with wisdom and animated by the love of country. in whatever belongs to my duty you shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. it will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence." the addresses of the two houses, in answer to the speech, proved that the harmony between the executive and legislative departments, with which the government had gone into operation, had sustained no essential interruption. but in the short debate which took place on the occasion in the house of representatives a direct disapprobation of one of the measures of the executive government was, for the first time, openly expressed. in the treaty lately concluded with the creek indians, an extensive territory claimed by georgia, under treaties, the validity of which was contested by the chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part, relinquished. this relinquishment excited serious discontents in that state and was censured by general jackson, with considerable warmth, as an unjustifiable abandonment of the rights and interests of georgia. no specific motion, however, was made, and the subject was permitted to pass away for the present. scarcely were the debates on the address concluded when several interesting reports were received from hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, suggesting such further measures as were deemed necessary for the establishment of public credit. it will be recollected that, in his original report on this subject, the secretary had recommended the assumption of the state debts and had proposed to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand upon it, which this measure would occasion, by an augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee and by imposing duties on spirits distilled within the country. the assumption not having been adopted until late in the session, the discussion on the revenue which would be required for this portion of the public debt did not commence until the house had become impatient for an adjournment. as much contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and the subject was not of immediate importance, it was deferred to the ensuing session, and an order was made requiring the secretary of the treasury to prepare and report such further provision as might, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the public credit. in obedience to this order, several reports had been prepared, the first of which repeated the recommendation of an additional impost on foreign distilled spirits and of a duty on spirits distilled within the united states. the estimated revenue from these sources was $ , , affording a small excess over the sum which would be required to pay the interest on the assumed debt. the policy of the measure was discussed in a well-digested and able argument, detailing many motives, in addition to those assigned in his original report, for preferring the system now recommended to accumulated burdens on commerce or to a direct tax on lands. a new tax is the certain rallying point for all those who are unfriendly to the administration or to the minister by whom it is proposed. but that recommended by the secretary contained intrinsic causes of objection which would necessarily add to the number of its enemies. all that powerful party in the united states which attached itself to the local rather than to the general government, would inevitably contemplate any system of internal revenue with jealous disapprobation. they considered the imposition of a tax by congress on any domestic manufacture as the intrusion of a foreign power into their particular concerns, which excited serious apprehensions for state importance and for liberty. in the real or supposed interests of many individuals was also found a distinct motive for hostility to the measure. a large portion of the american population, especially that which had spread itself over the extensive regions of the west, consuming imported articles to a very inconsiderable amount, was not much affected by the impost on foreign merchandise. but the duty on spirits distilled within the united states reached them, and consequently rendered them hostile to the tax. a bill which was introduced in pursuance of the report ( ) was opposed with great vehemence by a majority of the southern and western members. by some of them it was insisted that no sufficient testimony had yet been exhibited that the taxes already imposed would not be equal to the exigencies of the public. but, admitting the propriety of additional burdens on the people, it was contended that other sources of revenue less exceptionable and less odious than this might be pointed out. the duty was branded with the hateful epithet of an excise, a species of taxation, it was said, so peculiarly oppressive as to be abhorred even in england, and which was totally incompatible with the spirit of liberty. the facility with which it might be extended to other objects was urged against its admission into the american system, and declarations made against it by the congress of were quoted in confirmation of the justice with which inherent vices were ascribed to this mode of collecting taxes. so great was the hostility manifested against it in some of the states that the revenue officers might be endangered from the fury of the people, and in all it would increase a ferment which had been already extensively manifested. when required to produce a system in lieu of that which they objected to, the opponents of the bill alternately mentioned an increased duty on imported articles generally, a particular duty on molasses, a direct tax, a tax on salaries, pensions, and lawyers, a duty on newspapers, and a stamp act. the friends of the bill contended that the reasons for believing the existing revenue would be insufficient to meet the engagements of the united states were as satisfactory as the nature of the case would admit or as ought to be required. the estimates were founded on the best data which were attainable, and the funds already provided had been calculated by the proper officer to pay the interest on that part of the debt only for which they were pledged. those estimates were referred to as documents from which it would be unsafe to depart. they were also in possession of official statements showing the productiveness of the taxes from the time the revenue bill had been in operation, and arguments were drawn from these demonstrating the danger to which the infant credit of the united states would be exposed by relying on the existing funds for the interest on the assumed debt. it was not probable that the proposed duties would yield a sum much exceeding that which would be necessary, but should they fortunately do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageously employed in extinguishing a part of the principal. they were not, they said, of opinion that a public debt was a public blessing, or that it ought to be perpetuated. an augmentation of the revenue being indispensable to the solidity of the public credit, a more eligible system than that proposed in the bill could not, it was believed, be devised. still further to burden commerce would be a hazardous experiment, which might afford no real supplies to the treasury. until some lights should be derived from experience, it behooved the legislature to be cautious not to lay such impositions upon trade as might probably introduce a spirit of smuggling, which, with a nominal increase, would occasion a real diminution of revenue. in the opinion of the best judges, the impost on the mass of foreign merchandise could not safely be carried further for the present. the extent of the mercantile capital of the united states would not justify the attempt. forcible arguments were also drawn from the policy and the justice of multiplying the subjects of taxation and diversifying them by a union of internal with external objects. neither would a direct tax be advisable. the experience of the world had proved that a tax on consumption was less oppressive and more productive than a tax on either property or income. without discussing the principles on which the fact was founded, the fact itself was incontestable that, by insensible means, much larger sums might be drawn from any class of men than could be extracted from them by open and direct taxes. against the substitution of a duty on internal negotiations, it was said that revenue to any considerable extent could be collected from them only by means of a stamp act, which was not less obnoxious to popular resentment than an excise, would be less certainly productive than the proposed duties, and was, in every respect, less eligible. the honor, the justice, and the faith of the united states were pledged, it was said, to that class of creditors for whose claims the bill under consideration was intended to provide. no means of making the provision had been suggested, which, on examination, would be found equally eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. much of the public prejudice which appeared in certain parts of the united states against the measure was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term "excise," a term which had been inaccurately applied to the duty in question. when the law should be carried into operation, it would be found not to possess those odious qualities which had excited resentment against a system of excise. in those states where the collection of a duty on spirits distilled within the country had become familiar to the people, the same prejudices did not exist. on the good sense and virtue of the nation they could confidently rely for acquiescence in a measure which the public exigencies rendered necessary, which tended to equalize the public burdens and which, in its execution, would not be oppressive. a motion made by general jackson to strike out that section which imposed a duty on domestic distilled spirits was negatived by to , and the bill was carried by to . some days after the passage of this bill another question was brought forward which was understood to involve principles of deep interest to the government. hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, had been the uniform advocate of a national bank. believing that such an institution would be "of primary importance to the prosperous administration of the finances and of the greatest utility in the operations connected with the support of public credit," he had earnestly recommended its adoption in the first general system which he presented to the view of congress, and, at the present session, had repeated that recommendation in a special report, containing a copious and perspicuous argument on the policy of the measure. a bill conforming to the plan he suggested was sent down from the senate and was permitted to proceed, unmolested, in the house of representatives, to the third reading. on the final question a great, and, it would seem, an unexpected opposition was made to its passage. mr. madison, mr. giles, general jackson, and mr. stone spoke against it. the general utility of banking systems was not admitted, and the particular bill before the house was censured on its merits; but the great strength of the argument was directed against the constitutional authority of congress to pass an act for incorporating a national bank. the government of the united states, it was said, was limited, and the powers which it might legitimately exercise were enumerated in the constitution itself. in this enumeration the power now contended for was not to be found. not being expressly given it must be implied from those which were given or it could not be vested in the government. the clauses under which it could be claimed were then reviewed and critically examined, and it was contended that, on fair construction, no one of these could be understood to imply so important a power as that of creating a corporation. the clause which enables congress to pass all laws necessary and proper to execute the specified powers must, according to the natural and obvious force of the terms and the context, be limited to means necessary to the end and incident to the nature of the specified powers. the clause, it was said, was in fact merely declaratory of what would have resulted by unavoidable implication, as the appropriate, and as it were technical, means of executing those powers. some members observed that "the true exposition of a necessary mean to produce a given end was that mean without which the end could not be produced." the bill was supported by mr. ames, mr. sedgwick, mr. smith, of south carolina, mr. lawrence, mr. boudinot, mr. gerry, and mr. vining. the utility of banking institutions was said to be demonstrated by their effects. in all commercial countries they had been resorted to as an instrument of great efficacy in mercantile transactions; and even in the united states their public and private advantages had been felt and acknowledged. respecting the policy of the measure no well-founded doubt could be entertained, but the objections to the constitutional authority of congress deserved to be seriously considered. that the government was limited by the terms of its creation was not controverted; and that it could exercise only those powers which were conferred on it by the constitution was admitted. if, on examination, that instrument should be found to forbid the passage of the bill, it must be rejected, though it would be with deep regret that its friends would suffer such an opportunity of serving their country to escape for the want of a constitutional power to improve it. in asserting the authority of the legislature to pass the bill it was contended that incidental as well as express powers must necessarily belong to every government, and that, when a power is delegated to effect particular objects, all the known and usual means of effecting them must pass as incidental to it. to remove all doubts on this subject, the constitution of the united states had recognized the principle by enabling congress to make all laws which may be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in the government. they maintained the sound construction of this grant to be a recognition of an authority in the national legislature to employ all the known and usual means for executing the powers vested in the government. they then took a comprehensive view of those powers and contended that a bank was a known and usual instrument by which several of them were exercised. after a debate of great length, which was supported on both sides with ability and with that ardor which was naturally excited by the importance attached by each party to the principle in contest, the question was put and the bill was carried in the affirmative by a majority of nineteen votes. the point which had been agitated with so much zeal in the house of representatives was examined with equal deliberation by the executive. the cabinet was divided upon it. jefferson, the secretary of state, and randolph, the attorney-general, conceived that congress had clearly transcended their constitutional powers, while hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, with equal clearness, maintained the opposite opinion. the advice of each minister, with his reasoning in support of it, was required in writing, and their arguments were considered by the president with all that attention which the magnitude of the question and the interest taken in it by the opposing parties so eminently required. this deliberate investigation of the subject terminated in a conviction that the constitution of the united states authorized the measure, and the sanction of the executive was given to the act. [ ] in february, , vermont, having, in convention, adopted the constitution of the united states, was admitted to the union. the result of the census of the united states, which had been ordered in , was a total of , , souls, of whom , were slaves. besides the establishment of the bank of the united states and the passage of the excise law, congress resolved upon having a mint for the national coinage; it authorized an increase of the army and the raising a military force to resist the indians, and provided for the maintenance of these additional troops; it also appropriated above $ , , to various branches of the public service, making the expenses of the year $ , , , part of which had to be met by loans, since the surplus of the former year had been applied to the paying off part of the national debt, as a former act of congress had directed. we may mention, in this connection, that the exports of the year were computed to amount to some $ , , and the imports to about $ , , . among the last acts of the present congress, as already mentioned, was an act to augment the military establishment of the united states. the earnest endeavors of washington to give security to the northwestern frontiers, by pacific arrangements, having been entirely unavailing, it became his duty to employ such other means as were placed in his hands for the protection of the country. confirmed by all his experience in the opinion that vigorous offensive operations alone could bring an indian war to a happy conclusion, he had planned an expedition against the hostile tribes northwest of the ohio as soon as the impracticability of effecting a treaty with them had been ascertained. general harmar, a veteran of the revolution, who had received his appointment under the former government, was placed at the head of the federal troops. on the th of september ( ) he marched from fort washington with regulars. the whole army, when joined by the militia of pennsylvania and kentucky, amounted to , men. about the middle of october colonel harden, who commanded the kentucky militia, and who had been also a continental officer of considerable merit, was detached at the head of men, chiefly militia, to reconnoiter the ground and to ascertain the intentions of the enemy. on his approach the indians set fire to their principal village and fled with precipitation to the wood. as the object of the expedition would be only half accomplished unless the savages could be brought to action and defeated, colonel harden was again detached at the head of men, of whom were regulars. about ten miles west of chilicothe, where the main body of the army lay, he was attacked by a party of indians. the pennsylvanians, who composed his left column, had previously fallen in the rear, and the kentuckians, disregarding the exertions of their colonel and of a few other officers, fled on the first appearance of the enemy. the small corps of regulars, commanded by lieutenant armstrong, made a brave resistance. after twenty-three of them had fallen in the field the surviving seven made their escape and rejoined the army. notwithstanding this check the remaining towns on the scioto were reduced to ashes, and the provisions laid up for the winter were entirely destroyed. this service being accomplished the army commenced its march toward fort washington. being desirous of wiping off the disgrace which his arms had sustained, general harmar halted about eight miles from chilicothe and once more detached colonel harden with orders to find the enemy and bring on an engagement. his command consisted of men, of whom were regulars, commanded by major wyllys. early the next morning this detachment reached the confluence of the st. joseph and st. mary, where it was divided into three columns. the left division, commanded by colonel harden in person, crossed the st. joseph and proceeded up its western bank. the center, consisting of the federal troops, was led by major wyllys up the eastern side of that river, and the right, under the command of major m'millan, marched along a range of heights which commanded the right flank of the center division. the columns had proceeded but a short distance when each was met by a considerable body of indians, and a severe engagement ensued. the militia retrieved their reputation, and several of their bravest officers fell. the heights on the right having been, from some cause not mentioned, unoccupied by the american troops, the savages seized them early in the action, and attacked the right flank of the center with great fury. although major wyllys was among the first who fell the battle was maintained by the regulars with spirit, and considerable execution was done on both sides. at length the scanty remnant of this small band, quite overpowered by numbers, was driven off the ground, leaving fifty of their comrades, exclusive of major wyllys and lieutenant farthingham, dead upon the field. the loss sustained by the militia was also considerable. it amounted to upwards of men, among whom were nine officers. after an engagement of extreme severity the detachment joined the main army, which continued its march to fort washington. general harmar, with what propriety it is not easy to discern, claimed the victory. he conceived, not entirely without reason, that the loss of a considerable number of men would be fatal to the indians, although a still greater loss should be sustained by the americans, because the savages did not possess a population from which they could replace the warriors who had fallen. the event, however, did not justify this opinion. the information respecting this expedition was quickly followed by intelligence stating the deplorable condition of the frontiers. an address from the representatives of all the counties of virginia, and those of virginia bordering on the ohio, was presented to the president, praying that the defense of the country might be committed to militia unmixed with regulars, and that they might immediately be drawn out to oppose "the exulting foe." to this address the president gave a conciliatory answer, but he understood too well the nature of the service to yield to the request it contained. such were his communications to the legislature that a regiment was added to the permanent military establishment, and he was authorized to raise a body of , men for six months, and to appoint a major-general, and a brigadier-general, to continue in command so long as he should think their services necessary. with the d of march, , terminated the first congress elected under the constitution of the united states. "the party denominated federal," says marshall, "having prevailed at the elections, a majority of the members were steadfast friends of the constitution, and were sincerely desirous of supporting a system they had themselves introduced, and on the preservation of which, in full health and vigor, they firmly believed the happiness of their fellow-citizens, and the respectability of the nation, greatly to depend. to organize a government, to retrieve the national character, to establish a system of revenue, and to create public credit, were among the arduous duties which were imposed upon them by the political situation of their country. with persevering labor, guided by no inconsiderable portion of virtue and intelligence, these objects were, in a great degree, accomplished. out of the measures proposed for their attainment, questions alike intricate and interesting unavoidably arose. it is not in the nature of man to discuss such questions without strongly agitating the passions, and exciting irritations which do not readily subside. "had it ever been the happy and singular lot of america to see its national legislature assemble uninfluenced by those prejudices which grew out of the previous divisions of the country, the many delicate points which they were under the necessity of deciding, could not have failed to disturb this enviable state of harmony, and to mingle some share of party spirit with their deliberations. but when the actual state of the public mind was contemplated, and due weight was given to the important consideration that at no very distant day a successor to the present chief magistrate must be elected, it was still less to be hoped that the first congress could pass away without producing strong and permanent dispositions in parties, to impute to each other designs unfriendly to the public happiness. as yet, however, these imputations did not extend to the president. his character was held sacred, and the purity of his motives was admitted by all. some divisions were understood to have found their way into the cabinet. it was insinuated that between the secretaries of state and of the treasury very serious differences had arisen, but these high personages were believed to be equally attached to the president, who was not suspected of undue partiality to either. if his assent to the bill for incorporating the national bank produced discontent, the opponents of that measure seemed disposed to ascribe his conduct, in that instance, to his judgment, rather than to any prepossession in favor of the party by whom it was carried. the opposition, therefore, in congress, to the measures of the government, seemed to be levelled at the secretary of the treasury, and at the northern members by whom those measures were generally supported, not at the president by whom they were approved. by taking this direction it made its way into the public mind, without being encountered by that devoted affection which a great majority of the people felt for the chief magistrate of the union. in the meantime, the national prosperity was in a state of rapid progress; and the government was gaining, though slowly, in the public opinion. but in several of the state assemblies, especially in the southern division of the continent, serious evidences of dissatisfaction were exhibited, which demonstrated the jealousy with which the local sovereignties contemplated the powers exercised by the federal legislature." a recent writer, speaking of the discussions in the cabinet respecting the bill establishing a national bank, says: "jefferson and randolph were of opinion that congress, in passing the bill, transcended the powers vested in them by the constitution. hamilton, on the other hand, maintained it to be purely constitutional. "it was not an easy task to unite two men of such opposite natures as hamilton and jefferson, and make them act in concert in the same cabinet. the critical state of affairs at the first adoption of the constitution, and the impartial preponderance of washington alone could accomplish it. he applied himself to it with consummate perseverance and wisdom. at heart he felt a decided preference for hamilton and his views. 'by some,' said he, 'he is considered an ambitious man and therefore a dangerous one. that he is ambitious i readily grant, but his ambition is of that laudable kind which prompts a man to excel in whatever he takes in hand. he is enterprising, quick in his perceptions, and in his judgment intuitively great.' "but it was only in , in the freedom of retirement, that washington spoke so explicitly. while in office, and between his two secretaries, he maintained toward them a strict reserve, and testified the same confidence in both. he believed both of them to be sincere and able; both of them necessary to the country and to himself. jefferson was to him, not only a connecting tie, a means of influence with the popular party which rarely became the opposition; but he made use of him in the internal administration of his government as a counterpoise to the tendencies, and especially to the language, sometimes extravagant and inconsiderate, of hamilton and his friends. he had interviews and consultations with each of them separately, upon the subjects which they were to discuss together, in order to remove or lessen beforehand their differences of opinion. he knew how to turn the merit and popularity of each, with his own party, to the general good of the government, even to their own mutual advantage. he skilfully availed himself of every opportunity to employ them in a common responsibility. and when a disagreement too wide, and passions too impetuous, seemed to threaten an immediate rupture, he interposed, used exhortation and entreaty, and by his personal influence, by a frank and touching appeal to the patriotism and right-mindedness of the two rivals, he postponed the breaking forth of the evil which it was not possible to eradicate. on the bank question he required from each his arguments in writing, and after maturely weighing them both, he gave the sanction of his signature to the act passed by congress for its incorporation. from the moment of the incorporation of the bank of the united states parties assumed the almost perfect forms of organization and principles by which they are marked in our own day. the arguments and imputations of the republican party, however, were not so much intended to apply to washington and his measures as to hamilton, who was considered and acknowledged by all as the head of the federal party. this fact was sufficiently proved when washington, at the close of the session of congress, made an excursion into the southern states. his reception by men of all parties was ample testimony of the fact that he united all hearts, and that, however the measures or the constitution of government might be censured and disapproved, none would refuse to pour the grateful homage of free hearts into the bosom of their veteran chief." of this excursion we shall give an account in the next chapter. . footnote: this house was in market street, on the south side, near sixth street. the market-house buildings then reached only to fourth street; the town in this street extended westward scarcely so far as ninth street; good private dwellings were seen above fifth street; mr. morris' was perhaps the best; the garden was well enclosed by a wall.--(richard rush, "washington in domestic life," from original letters and manuscripts. philadelphia, .) . footnote: mr. hyde was butler. . footnote: mr. curtis was the writer of the "reminiscences" we have so frequently quoted. he died on the th of october, , aged seventy-six years. . footnote: republican court. . footnote: marshall. chapter v. political parties developed. - . washington, having received from congress more ample means for the protection of the frontiers against the indians, now directed his attention (march, ) to an expedition which should carry the war into their own country; this, as we have already seen, being his favorite method of dealing with indian hostilities. he accordingly appointed maj.-gen. arthur st. clair, governor of the territory northwest of the ohio, commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed in the meditated expedition. this officer had served through the war of the revolution with reputation, though it had never been his fortune to distinguish himself. the evacuation of ticonderoga had indeed, at one time, subjected him to much public censure, but it was found, upon inquiry, to be unmerited. other motives, in addition to the persuasion of his fitness for the service, induced washington to appoint him. with the sword, the olive branch was still to be tendered, and it was thought advisable to place them in the same hands. the governor, having been made officially the negotiator with the tribes inhabiting the territories over which he presided, being a military man acquainted with the country into which the war was to be carried, possessing considerable influence with the inhabitants of the frontiers, and being so placed as to superintend the preparations for the expedition advantageously, seemed to have claims to the station which were not to be overlooked. it was also a consideration of some importance that the high rank he had held in the american army would obviate those difficulties in filling the inferior grades with men of experience, which might certainly be expected should a person who had acted in a less elevated station be selected for the chief command. after making the necessary arrangements for recruiting the army washington prepared to make his long contemplated tour through the southern states. on the th of march ( ), in writing to lafayette, he says: "the tender concern which you express on my late illness awakens emotions which words will not explain, and to which your own sensibility can best do justice. my health is now quite restored, and i flatter myself with a hope of a long exemption from sickness. on monday next i shall enter on the practice of your friendly prescription of exercise, intending, at that time, to begin a journey to the southward, during which i propose visiting all the southern states." this tour he performed in his own carriage, drawn by six horses, which were not changed during the journey, which occupied nearly three months. he was accompanied by one of his private secretaries, major jackson. leaving his residence in market street, philadelphia, he set off in the latter part of march, and was escorted into delaware by mr. jefferson and general knox. on the th of march he arrived at annapolis, where he was met by the people in a body, entertained at public dinners and a ball, and, after staying two days, was accompanied on his journey by the governor of maryland, as far as georgetown. from this place, on the th of march, he writes to gov. charles pinckney, of south carolina: "i had the pleasure of receiving your excellency's obliging letter of the th instant last evening. i am thus far on my tour through the southern states, but as i travel with only one set of horses, and must make occasional halts, the progress of my journey is exposed to such uncertainty as admits not of fixing a day for my arrival at charleston. while i express the grateful sense which i entertain of your excellency's polite offer to accommodate me at your house during my stay in charleston, your goodness will permit me to deny myself that pleasure. having, with a view to avoid giving inconvenience to private families, early prescribed to myself the rule of declining all invitations to quarters on my journeys, i have been repeatedly under a similar necessity to the present, of refusing those offers of hospitality which would, otherwise, have been both pleasing and acceptable." from georgetown he proceeded to mount vernon, where the necessary attention to his private affairs, and some important correspondence on public business, detained him a week. leaving mount vernon, and passing through fredericksburg, where he dined with some of his old personal friends, he arrived at richmond on the nth of april ( ). his reception there was enthusiastic. he entered the city amidst the roar of cannon and the acclamations of the crowds of people who lined the streets through which he passed. in the evening there was a grand illumination; and during the two days which he remained there, the city was given up to festivities in honor of the favorite hero of virginia. similar tokens of welcome were exhibited at petersburg, halifax, newburn, and wilmington. on leaving the last-mentioned place he was rowed across cape fear river in a splendid barge, by six masters of vessels; and on his arrival at charleston (may d) a similar token of honor was accorded to him on a larger scale. from hadrill's point, attended by a cortege of distinguished carolinians, he was conveyed to the city in a twelve-oared barge, manned by thirteen captains of american ships, while other barges and floats, with bands of music and decorations, formed an imposing nautical procession. on landing he was received by governor pinckney, the civic authorities, the cincinnati, and a brilliant military escort, who attended him in procession, amidst the ringing of bells, the firing of cannon, and the acclamations of the people, first to the exchange, where he was welcomed in a formal address, and then to the house prepared for his reception. [ ] during the week he remained in charleston, he received the most lively and touching tokens of welcome and affection from the warm-hearted carolinians, who strove to render him every species of honor. a corporation ball on a grand scale, a large dinner party at governor pinckney's mansion, another at maj. pierce butler's, a concert, and a splendid public entertainment given by the merchants of the city, formed a portion only of the testimonials of homage and welcome given on this occasion to their illustrious guest. he left charleston on the th of may ( ), escorted to ashley ferry by the governor and a large cavalcade. "at perrysburg," says dr. griswold, "he was met the next day by a committee from savannah, and, with general wayne, major butler, mr. baillie, and major jackson, was conducted on board a richly decorated boat, in which the party were rowed down the river by nine sea captains, dressed in light-blue silk jackets, black satin breeches, white silk stockings, and round hats with black ribbons, inscribed with 'long live the president,' in golden letters. ten miles from the city they were met by other barges, from one of which a company of gentlemen sung the popular song, 'he comes, the hero comes!' as they drew near the harbor, every vessel and all the shore were discovered to be thronged with people. when the president stepped on the landing he was received by gen. james jackson, who introduced him to the mayor and aldermen; and he was soon after conducted, in the midst of a procession, through crowds of spectators, to the house prepared for his accommodation in st. james' square. the same evening he dined with the city authorities and a large number of other gentlemen, at brown's coffee house. cannons were fired during the day, and at night the streets and the shipping were brilliantly illuminated. on friday he dined with the cincinnati of the state of georgia, and attended a ball. on saturday, accompanied by general mcintosh, who had been second in command under general lincoln in storming them, he examined the remaining traces of the lines constructed by the british for the defense of savannah in , and dined with citizens and strangers under a beautiful arbor, supported by numerous columns and ornamented with laurel and bay leaves, erected on an elevation which commanded a view of the town and the harbor. "it has been frequently said of washington, that 'no man in the army had a better eye for a horse,' and many of his letters show that he was by no means indifferent as to the qualities or treatment of his stud, during the war and afterward. a tour of , miles, with the same animals, was a severe test of their capacities, and before reaching charleston he wrote to mr. lear, that though, all things considered, they had got on very well, yet his horses were decidedly worsted, and if brought back would 'not cut capers, as they did on setting out.' on the th of may, he says in a letter to the same correspondent: "'i shall leave this place to-morrow; my horses, especially the two i bought just before i left philadelphia, and my old white horse, are much worn down, and i have yet or miles of heavy sand to pass before i get fairly into the upper and firmer road.' "on the way to augusta he stopped to dine with the widow of his old friend and companion in arms, general greene, at her seat called mulberry grove. on wednesday, the th (may, ), governor telfair and the principal officers of the state left the capital, with a numerous train of citizens, and proceeded five miles toward savannah to meet him, and he was conducted to his lodgings accompanied by thousands of people, who filled the air with joyous acclamations. that day he dined with a large party at the grove, the governor's private residence, near augusta, where mrs. telfair assembled the ladies of the town to meet him at a ball in the evening; on thursday he received and answered an address from the people, attended a public dinner, and was present at another ball; on friday he visited the academy and dined again with the governor; and on saturday he started again on his return, augusta being the further point of his journey. "coming again into south carolina, he was conducted to columbia by general winne, col. wade hampton, and a large number of other citizens, and the next day dined with more than of the principal men and women of the town and neighboring country at the state house, and in the evening attended a ball. "on wednesday, the th (may, ), he dined at camden, and on the following morning visited this grave of the baron de kalb, the places where the british redoubts had been erected, hobkirk hill, where general greene was attacked by lord rawdon, and the plains where general gates was engaged by lord cornwallis in . passing through charlotte, salisbury, salem, guilford, and other towns, in all of which the love and reverence of the people were exhibited in every variety of manner which taste and ingenuity could suggest, he arrived at mount vernon on the th of june. "he remained at his seat between three and four weeks, during which he was occupied with his private affairs, and, with major l'enfant and others, with the location of the new seat of government, on the banks of the potomac. on thursday, the last day of june ( ), he started for philadelphia by way of frederick, york, and lancaster, and arrived at the presidential residence about noon on the th of july, having been absent nearly three months, and during that period performed a journey of , miles." [ ] washington was highly pleased with the result of his observations during this tour. in a letter to hamilton (june th), from mount vernon on his return, we have occasion to notice the benefit he derived from his habits of method and forethought in any undertaking which he contemplated. "my return to this place," he writes, "is sooner than i expected, owing to the uninterruptedness of my journey by sickness, from bad weather, or accidents of any kind whatsoever. having obtained, before i left philadelphia, the most accurate accounts i could get there of the places and roads through and by which i was to perform my tour, and the distances between the former, i formed my line of march accordingly, fixing each day's journey and the day to halt; from neither of which have i departed in a single instance, except staying, from a particular circumstance, two days in columbia, and none at charlotte, instead of one at each, and crossing james river at carter's ferry, in place of taylor's, as was my original intention. but the improbability of performing a tour of , miles (i have already rode more) with the same set of horses, without encountering any accident, by which a deviation would be rendered unavoidable, appeared so great, that i allowed eight days for casualties, and six to refresh at this place, when i should have returned to it. none of the former having happened, accounts for the fourteen days i shall remain here before the meeting of the commissioners." [ ] in relation to this tour in the southern states marshall says: "in passing through them he was received universally with the same marks of affectionate attachment which he had experienced in the northern and central parts of the union. to the sensibilities which these demonstrations of the regard and esteem of good men could not fail to inspire, was added the high gratification produced by observing the rapid improvements of the country, and the advances made by the government in acquiring the confidence of the people." the numerous letters written by him after his return to philadelphia, attest the agreeable impressions made by these causes. "in my late tour through the southern states," said he, in a letter of the th of july, to mr. gouverneur morris, "i experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good effects of the general government in that part of the union. the people at large have felt the security which it gives, and the equal justice which it administers to them. the farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic have seen their several interests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their representatives, as well as in those in whose hands the execution of the laws is placed. industry has there taken place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. two or three years of good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have put everyone in good humor, and, in some instances, they even impute to the government what is due only to the goodness of providence. "the establishment of public credit is an immense point gained in our national concerns. this, i believe, exceeds the expectation of the most sanguine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank of the united states were filled. in two hours after the books were opened by the commissioners the whole number of shares was taken up, and , more applied for than were allowed by the institution. this circumstance was not only pleasing, as it related to the confidence in government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our citizens." this visit had undoubtedly some tendency to produce the good disposition which washington observed with so much pleasure. the affections are, perhaps, more intimately connected with the judgment than we are disposed to admit; and the appearance of the chief magistrate of the union, who was the object of general love and reverence, could not be without its influence in conciliating the minds of many to the government he administered, and to its measures. but this progress toward conciliation was, perhaps, less considerable than was indicated by appearances. the hostility to the government, which was coeval with its existence, though diminished, was far from being subdued; and under this smooth exterior was concealed a mass of discontent, which, though it did not obtrude itself on the view of the man who united almost all hearts, was active in its exertions to effect its objects. the difficulties which must impede the recruiting service in a country where coercion is not employed, and where the common wages of labor greatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the completion of the regiments to a late season of the year, but the summer was not permitted to waste in total inaction. the act passed at the last session for the defense of the frontiers, in addition to its other provisions, had given to the president an unlimited power to call mounted militia into the field. under this authority two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on the wabash, in which a few of the indian warriors were killed, some of their old men, women, and children were made prisoners, and several of their towns and fields of corn were destroyed. the first was led by general scott, in may, and the second by general wilkinson, in september. these desultory incursions had not much influence on the war. it was believed in the united states that the hostility of the indians was kept up by the traders living in their villages. these persons had, generally, resided in the united states, and, having been compelled to leave the country, in consequence of the part they had taken during the war of the revolution, felt the resentments which banishment and confiscation seldom fail to inspire. their enmities were ascribed by many, perhaps unjustly, to the temper of the government in canada; but some countenance seemed to be given to this opinion by intelligence that, about the commencement of the preceding campaign, large supplies of ammunition had been delivered from the british posts on the lakes to the indians at war with the united states. while washington was on his southern tour, he addressed a letter to the secretary of state, to be communicated to colonel beckwith, who still remained in philadelphia as the informal representative of his nation, in which he expressed his surprise and disappointment at this interference, by the servants or subjects of a foreign state, in a war prosecuted by the united states for the sole purpose of procuring peace and safety for the inhabitants of their frontiers. on receiving this communication colonel beckwith expressed his disbelief that the supplies mentioned had been delivered; but, on being assured of the fact, he avowed the opinion that the transaction was without the knowledge of lord dorchester, to whom he said he should communicate, without delay, the ideas of the american government on the subject. on the th of october ( ) the second congress assembled in philadelphia. in his speech, at the opening of the session, the president expressed his great satisfaction at the prosperous situation of the country, and particularly mentioned the rapidity with which the shares in the bank of the united states were subscribed, as "among the striking and pleasing evidences which presented themselves, not only of confidence in the government, but of resources in the community." adverting to the measures which had been taken in execution of the laws and resolutions of the last session, "the most important of which," he observed, "respected the defense and security of the western frontiers," he had, he said "negotiated provisional treaties and used other proper means to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship the well-disposed tribes of indians. the means which he had adopted for a pacification with those of a hostile description having proved unsuccessful, offensive operations had been directed, some of which had proved completely successful, and others were still depending. overtures of peace were still continued to the deluded tribes, and it was sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion might cease, and that an intimate intercourse might succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the indians, and to attach them firmly to the united states." in marking the line of conduct which ought to be maintained for the promotion of this object, he strongly recommended "justice to the savages, and such rational experiments for imparting to them the blessings of civilization, as might from time to time suit their condition;" and then concluded this subject with saying: "a system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy, toward an unenlightened race of men whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the united states, would be as honorable to the national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy." after stating that measures had been taken for carrying into execution the act laying duties on distilled spirits, he added: "the impressions with which this law has been received by the community have been, upon the whole, such as were to have been expected among enlightened and well-disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of the measure. the novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of the united states, and a misconception of some of its provisions, have given occasion, in particular places, to some degree of discontent. but it is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper explanations, and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law. and i entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give way to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a virtuous regard to the public welfare. "if there are any circumstances in the law, which, consistently with its main design, may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned objections that may happen to exist, it will comport with a wise moderation to make the proper variations. it is desirable, on all occasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional and necessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a disposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the public administration in the affections of the people." the answers of the two houses noticed, briefly and generally, the various topics of the speech; and, though perhaps less warm than those of the preceding congress, manifested great respect for the executive magistrate, and an undiminished confidence in his patriotic exertions to promote the public interests. soon after congress was organized for business a warm debate sprung up in relation to the new apportionment of representatives, in accordance with the census, which had been taken in the preceding year, and the results of which were now ready for the consideration of congress. the contest was not put to rest till the following april ( ); and not till the third bill was constructed did the two houses agree. the first proposal made by the representatives was to adopt the lowest ratio allowed by the constitution-- , , which would have raised their numbers to , but there would have been large fractions of population in the northern states left unrepresented. the senate, to lessen those disfranchised remnants, raised the ration to , ; but it was alleged that then there were fractions, though not so large, remaining in the southern states. the house would not accept the change, and reiterated its former proposal in a new bill, which also arranged the taking of another census before the expiration of ten years; but the senate refused its assent to this, and, instead, increased the numbers to by assigning representatives to the largest fractions. this, which violated the letter of the constitution, excited greater heat than ever, and the old threat of breaking up the union was resorted to. a committee of conference was demanded at length, and in the end the scheme of the senate was carried by a majority of two out of sixty votes. this decision has been remarked upon as having a curious bearing upon the old political controversies, the representatives of the southern states being found rejecting the amendment of the senate, which embodied their own state sovereignty principle; and those of the north accepting it, although they were most in favor of the opposite principle of polity. washington very justly considered this mode of apportionment as contrary to the constitution, and on the th of april returned the bill to congress, with his objections. the first was, that the constitution had prescribed that representatives should be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, and that there was no one proportion or division which, applied to the respective states, would yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill; the second, that by the constitution, the number of representatives should not exceed one for every , , which restriction, by the fair and obvious construction, was to be applied to the separate and respective states, and that the bill had allotted to eight states more than one for every , . this was the _first_ instance in which the president had exercised his _veto_ upon any act of congress. [ ] the bill, not being repassed by two-thirds of both houses, was rejected. a bill afterward passed, april , , by a vote of thirty-four to thirty, apportioning the representatives agreeable to a ratio of one for every , in each state, which received the sanction of the president, and thus, this interesting part of the constitution was finally settled. during this session of congress an act passed for establishing a uniform militia. washington had manifested, from the commencement of his administration, a peculiar degree of solicitude on this subject, and had repeatedly urged it on congress. in his speech at the opening of the present session, he again called the attention of the legislature to it, and at length a law was enacted, though it was less efficacious than the plan reported by general knox, the secretary of war. in december ( ) intelligence was received by the president, and immediately communicated to congress, that the american army had been totally defeated on the th of the preceding month. although the most prompt and judicious measures had been taken to raise the troops and to march them to the frontiers, they could not be assembled in the neighborhood of fort washington until the month of september, nor was the establishment even then completed. the immediate objects of the expedition were to destroy the indian villages on the miami, to expel the savages from that country, and to connect it with the ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their return during the war. on the th of september ( ) the regulars moved from their camp in the vicinity of fort washington, and marching directly north, toward the object of their destination, established two intermediate posts, forts hamilton and jefferson, at the distance of rather more than forty miles from each other, as places of deposit and of security either for convoys of provisions which might follow the army, or for the army itself should any disaster befall it. the last of these works, fort jefferson, was not completed until the th of october, before which time reinforcements were received of about militia. after placing garrisons in the forts the effective number of the army, including militia, amounted to rather less than , men. with this force the general continued his march, which was rendered both slow and laborious by the necessity of opening a road. small parties of indians were frequently seen hovering about them and some unimportant skirmishes took place. as the army approached the country in which they might expect to meet an enemy about sixty of the militia deserted in a body. this diminution of force was not in itself an object of much concern. but there was reason to fear that the example, should those who set it be permitted to escape with impunity, would be extensively followed, and it was reported to be the intention of the deserters to plunder convoys of provisions which were advancing at some distance in the rear. to prevent mischiefs of so serious a nature the general detached major hamtranck with the first regiment in pursuit of the deserters, and directed him to secure the provisions under a strong guard. the army, consisting of about , effective rank and file, continued its march, and, on the d of november, encamped about fifteen miles south of the miami villages. the right wing, under the command of general butler, formed the first line and lay with a creek, about twelve yards wide, immediately in its front. the left wing, commanded by lieutenant-colonel darke, formed the second, and between the two lines was an interval of about seventy yards. the right flank was supposed to be secured by the creek, by a steep bank, and by a small body of troops; the left was covered by a party of cavalry and by piquets. the militia crossed the creek and advanced about a quarter of a mile in front, where they also encamped in two lines. on their approach a few indians who had shown themselves on the opposite side of the creek fled with precipitation. at this place the general intended to throw up a slight work for the security of the baggage, and, after being joined by major hamtranck, to march, as unencumbered and as expeditiously as possible, to the villages he purposed to destroy. in both of these designs he was anticipated. about half an hour before sunrise on the day following, just after the troops had been dismissed from the parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the militia, who fled in the utmost confusion, and rushing into camp through the first line of continental troops, which had been formed the instant the first gun was discharged, threw them too into disorder. the exertions of the officers to restore order were not entirely successful. the indians pressed close upon the heels of the flying militia and engaged general butler with great intrepidity. the action instantly became extremely warm, and the fire of the assailants, passing round both flanks of the first line, was, in a few minutes, poured with equal fury on the rear division. its greatest weight was directed against the center of each wing, where the artillery was posted, and the artillerists were mowed down in great numbers. firing from the ground and from the shelter which the woods afforded, the assailants were scarcely seen but when springing from one cover to another, in which manner they advanced close up to the american lines and to the very mouths of the field pieces. they fought with the daring courage of men whose trade is war and who are stimulated by all those passions which can impel the savage mind to vigorous exertions. while some of the american soldiers performed their duty with the utmost resolution, others seemed dismayed and terrified. of this conduct the officers were, as usual, the victims. with a fearlessness which the occasion required, they exposed themselves to the most imminent dangers, and, in their efforts to change the face of affairs, fell in great numbers. for several days the commander-in-chief had been afflicted with a severe disease, under which he still labored, and which must have greatly affected him, but, though unable to display that activity which would have been useful in this severe conflict, neither the feebleness of his body nor the peril of his situation could prevent his delivering his orders with judgment and with self-possession. it was soon perceived that the american fire could produce, on a concealed enemy, no considerable effect, and that the only hope of victory was placed in the bayonet. at the head of the second regiment, which formed the left of the left wing, lieutenant-colonel darke made an impetuous charge upon the enemy, forced them from their ground with some loss and drove them about yards. he was followed by that whole wing, but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen to press this advantage deprived him of the benefit which ought to have been derived from this effort, and, as soon as he gave over the pursuit, the indians renewed their attack. in the meantime general butler was mortally wounded, the left of the right wing was broken, the artillerists almost to a man killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated by the enemy. with his own regiment and with the battalions commanded by majors butler and clarke, darke was ordered again to charge with the bayonet. these orders were executed with intrepidity and momentary success. the indians were driven out of the camp, and the artillery recovered. but while they were pressed in one point by the bravest of the american troops, their fire was kept up from every other with fatal effect. several times particular corps charged them, always with partial success, but no universal effort could be made, and in every charge a great loss of officers was sustained, the consequences of which were severely felt. instead of keeping their ranks, and executing the orders which were given, a great proportion of the soldiers flocked together in crowds and were shot down without resistance. to save the remnant of his army was all that remained to be done, and about half past in the morning general st. clair ordered lieutenant-colonel darke, with the second regiment, to charge a body of indians who had intercepted their retreat and to gain the road. major clarke, with his battalion, was directed to cover the rear. these orders were executed and a disorderly flight commenced. the pursuit was kept up about four miles, when, fortunately for the surviving americans, that avidity for plunder which is a ruling passion among savages, called back the victorious indians to the camp, where the spoils of their vanquished foes were to be divided. the routed troops continued their flight to fort jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their arms on the road. at this place they met major hamtranck with the first regiment, and a council of war was called to deliberate on the course to be pursued. as this regiment was far from restoring the strength of the morning, it was determined not to attempt to retrieve the fortune of the day, and, leaving the wounded at fort jefferson, the army continued its retreat to fort washington. in this disastrous battle the loss on the part of the americans was very great when compared with the numbers engaged. thirty-eight commissioned officers were killed upon the field, and noncommissioned officers and privates were slain and missing. twenty-one commissioned officers, several of whom afterward died of their wounds, and noncommissioned officers and privates were wounded. among the dead was the brave and much-lamented general butler. this gallant officer had served through the war of the revolution, and had, on more than one occasion, distinguished himself in a remarkable manner. in the list of those who shared his fate were the names of many other excellent officers who had participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory of that long conflict which terminated in the independence of their country. at the head of the list of wounded were lieutenant-colonels gibson and darke, major butler, and adjutant-general sargent, all of whom were veteran officers of great merit, who displayed their accustomed bravery on this unfortunate day. general st. clair, in his official letter, observed: "the loss the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers, particularly of general butler and major ferguson, cannot be too much regretted, but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty." from the weight of the fire and the circumstance of his being attacked nearly at the same time in front and rear, general st. clair was of opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. the intelligence afterward collected would make the indian force to consist of from , to , warriors. of their loss no estimate could be made; the probability is that it bore no proportion to that sustained by the american army. nothing could be more unexpected than this severe disaster. the public had confidently anticipated a successful campaign and could not believe that the general who had been unfortunate had not been culpable. general st. clair requested with earnestness that a court-martial should sit on his conduct, but this request could not be granted, because the army did not furnish a sufficient number of officers of a grade to form a court for his trial on military principles. late in the session a committee of the house of representatives was appointed to inquire into the cause of the failure of the expedition, whose report, in explicit terms, exculpated st. clair. this inquiry, however, was instituted rather for the purpose of investigating the conduct of civil than of military officers, and was not conducted by military men. more satisfactory testimony in favor of st. clair is furnished by the circumstance that he still retained the undiminished esteem and good opinion of the president. [ ] the confidence of washington in st. clair, however, had been very severely shaken on his first receiving intelligence of his defeat. this fact is known by the recent publication of an anecdote communicated by mr. lear to the hon. richard rush, and by him inserted in his "washington in domestic life," as follows: "an anecdote i derived from colonel lear shortly before his death in ," says mr. rush, "may here be related, showing the height to which his (washington's) passion would rise yet be controlled. it belongs to his domestic life which i am dealing with, having occurred under his own roof, whilst it marks public feeling the most intense and points to the moral of his life. i give it in colonel lear's words as nearly as i can, having made a note of them at the time. "toward the close of a winter's day in , an officer in uniform was seen to dismount in front of the president's in philadelphia, and, giving the bridle to his servant, knocked at the door of his mansion. learning from the porter that the president was at dinner, he said he was on public business and had dispatches for the president. a servant was sent into the dining-room to give the information to mr. lear, who left the table and went into the hall, where the officer repeated what he had said. mr. lear replied that, as the president's secretary, he would take charge of the dispatches and deliver them at the proper time. the officer made answer that he had just arrived from the western army, and his orders were to deliver them with all promptitude, and to the president in person, but that he would wait his directions. mr. lear returned and in a whisper imparted to the president what had passed. general washington rose from the table and went to the officer. he was back in a short time, made a word of apology for his absence, but no allusion to the cause of it. he had company that day. everything went on as usual. dinner over, the gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of mrs. washington, which was open in the evening. the general spoke courteously to every lady in the room, as was his custom. his hours were early, and by o'clock all the company had gone. mrs. washington and mr. lear remained. soon mrs. washington left the room. "the general now walked backward and forward slowly for some minutes without speaking. then he sat down on a sofa by the fire, telling mr. lear to sit down. to this moment there had been no change in his manner since his interruption at table. mr. lear now perceived emotion. this rising in him, he broke out suddenly: 'it's all over! st. clair's defeated--routed--the officers nearly all killed--the men by wholesale--the rout complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise into the bargain!' "he uttered all this with great vehemence. then he paused, got up from the sofa, and walked about the room several times, agitated but saying nothing. near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds, when his wrath became terrible. "'yes,' he burst forth, 'here on this very spot i took leave of him; i wished him success and honor. you have your instructions, i said, from the secretary of war; i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! i repeat it--beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight us. he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet! to suffer that army to be cut to pieces--hacked, butchered, tomahawked--by a surprise--the very thing i guarded him against! o god, o god, he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country! the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of heaven!' "this torrent came out in tones appalling. his very frame shook. it was awful said mr. lear. more than once he threw his hands up as he hurled imprecations upon st. clair. mr. lear remained speechless--awed into breathless silence. "the roused chief sat down on the sofa once more. he seemed conscious of his passion and uncomfortable. he was silent. his warmth beginning to subside, he at length said in an altered voice: 'this must not go beyond this room.' another pause followed--a longer one--when he said in a tone quite low: 'general st. clair shall have justice. i looked hastily through the dispatches, saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars. i will receive him without displeasure; i will hear him without prejudice. he shall have full justice.' "he was now, said mr. lear, perfectly calm. half an hour had gone by. the storm was over, and no sign of it was afterward seen in his conduct or heard in his conversation. the result is known. the whole case was investigated by congress. st. clair was exculpated and regained the confidence washington had in him when appointing him to that command. he had put himself into the thickest of the fight, and escaped unhurt, though so ill as to be carried on a litter, and unable to mount his horse without help." this anecdote might, at first, seem discreditable to washington, as exhibiting the mighty strength of his passions when aroused. but upon mature consideration it does him great honor, affording equal evidence of his power of self-control, his public spirit, his disinterestedness, and his candor. the indian war now assumed a still more serious aspect. there was reason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive a great accession of strength from the impression which their success would make upon their neighbors; and the reputation of the government was deeply concerned in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and affording protection to its citizens. the president, therefore, lost no time in causing the estimates for a competent force to be prepared and laid before congress. in conformity with a report made by the secretary of war, a bill was brought into the house of representatives, directing three additional regiments of infantry and a squadron of cavalry to be raised, to serve for three years, if not sooner discharged. the whole military establishment, if completed, would amount to about , men. the additional regiments, however, were to be disbanded as soon as peace should be concluded with the indians; and the president was authorized to discharge, or to forbear to raise any part of them, "in case events should, in his judgment, render his so doing consistent with the public safety." this bill met with great opposition. a motion was made to strike out the section which authorized an augmentation of force. this led to a very animated debate, in which the opposition exhibited a determination to embarrass the administration by defeating even the most necessary and useful measures it might propose. the public spirit and good sense of the majority, however, prevailed. the motion for striking out the section was lost, and the bill was carried for the augmentation of force required by the executive. the treasury was not in a condition to meet the demands upon it, which the increased expenses of the war would unavoidably occasion, and sources of additional revenue were to be explored. a select committee, to whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directing mr. hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, to report his opinion to the house, on the best mode of raising those additional supplies which the public service might require for the current year. this proposition gave rise to a very animated debate. it will be recollected that when the act for establishing the treasury department was under consideration, the clause which rendered it the duty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit, was earnestly opposed. a large majority, however, was in favor of the principle, and, after being so modified as only to admit a report if required by the house, it was retained in the bill. in complying with the various resolutions of congress, calling for reports on subjects connected with his department, hamilton had submitted plans which, having been profoundly considered, were well digested, and accompanied by arguments, the force of which it was difficult to resist. his measures were generally supported by a majority of congress; and, while the high credit of the united states was believed to attest their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his reports were drawn, contributed to raise still higher that reputation for great talents which he had long possessed. to the further admission of these reports, it was determined, on this occasion, to make a vigorous resistance. but the opposition was not successful. on taking the question the resolution was carried, thirty-one members voting in its favor, and twenty-seven against it. the report made by hamilton, in pursuance of this resolution, recommended certain augmentations of the duties on imports, and was immediately referred to the consideration of a committee of the whole house. resolutions were then passed which were to form the basis of a bill; and which adopted, not only the principles, but, with the exception of a few unimportant alterations, the minute details of the report. before the question was taken on the bill a motion was made to limit its duration, the vote upon which marked the progress of opinion in the house respecting those systems of finance which were believed to have established the credit of the united states. hamilton had deemed it indispensable to the creation of public credit that the appropriations of funds for the payment of the interest, and the gradual redemption of the principal of the national debt, should be not only sufficient, but permanent also. a party was found in the first congress who opposed this principle, and were in favor of retaining a full power over the subject in each branch of the legislature, by making annual appropriations. the arguments which had failed in congress appear to have been more successfully employed with the people. among the multiplied vices which were ascribed to the funding system, it was charged with introducing a permanent and extensive mortgage of funds, which was alleged to strengthen unduly the hands of the executive magistrate, and to be one of the many evidences which existed of monarchical propensities in those who administered the government. the report lately made by hamilton, and the bill founded on that report, contemplated a permanent increase of the duties on certain specified articles, and a permanent appropriation of the revenue arising from them to the purposes of the national debt. thirty-one members were in favor of the motion for limiting the duration of the bill, and only thirty against it. by the rules of the house, the speaker has a right first to vote as a member, and, if the numbers should then be equally divided, to decide as speaker. being opposed to the limitation, the motion was lost by his voice, and hamilton's measure was carried through in its original form. on the th of may ( ), after an active and interesting session, congress adjourned to the first monday in november. among the bills passed at this session of congress the most important were that for the apportionment of the representatives, and that for the augmentation of the military force, inasmuch as the discussion of these measures served to develop the political parties which had begun to divide congress and the people. in apportioning the representatives many members of congress endeavored to obtain the largest possible number, in order to preserve the rights of the states and check the power of the executive. on the same principles the army bill was opposed, as having a tendency to increase executive power and patronage, and thus endanger the liberties of the country. throughout the united states the party opposed to the constitution had charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy on the ruins of republican government; and the constitution itself was alleged to contain principles which would prove the truth of this charge. the leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready, from the instant the government came into operation, to discover, in all its measures, those monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in the instrument they opposed. the salaries allowed to public officers, though so low as not to afford a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of government, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy which were the characteristics of republics. [ ] the levees of the president, and the evening parties of mrs. washington, were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designed to accustom the american people to the pomp and manners of european courts. the vice-president, too, was said to keep up the state and dignity of a monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, the principles which were inculcated in his political works. the indian war, they alleged, was misconducted, and unnecessarily prolonged, for the purposes of expending the public money, and of affording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, and increasing the revenue. all this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed to keep up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government; which, united with standing armies and immense revenues, would enable their rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging. every prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-republican principles of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, and that which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. if a remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representation of the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, they would become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollected that the division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, there was reason to fear that the union would be broken into one or more confederacies. these irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increased malignity during the session of congress which had just terminated; and, to washington, who firmly believed that the union and the liberty of the states depended on the preservation of the government, they were the more unpleasant and the more alarming because they were displayed in full force in his cabinet. the feud between jefferson and hamilton, to which we have already referred, still continued in full force, and they were regarded, as in fact they were, respectively, the heads of the two parties. they disagreed not only on the internal affairs but on the foreign policy of the government: jefferson having a leaning towards the revolutionists of france, and hamilton favoring a conciliatory policy toward great britain. in all popular governments the press is the most ready channel by which the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to the many; and of the press, the two great parties forming in the united states sought to avail themselves. the "gazette of the united states" supported the systems of hamilton, while other papers enlisted themselves under the banners of the opposition. conspicuous among these was the "national gazette," a paper edited by philip freneau, the poet, a clerk in the department of state. the avowed purpose for which jefferson patronized this paper was to present to the eye of the american people european intelligence derived from the "leyden gazette," instead of english papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny against the funding and banking systems; against the duty on home-made spirits, which was denominated an excuse, and against the men who had proposed and supported those measures. with, perhaps, equal asperity, the papers attached to the party which had defended these systems, assailed the motives of the leaders of the opposition. this schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification to washington. entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a real esteem for the characters of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to part with either, and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect a reconciliation between them. in a letter of the d of august ( ), addressed to jefferson, after reviewing the critical situation of the united states with respect to its external relations, he thus expressed himself on this delicate subject: "how unfortunate, and how much is it to be regretted then, that while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harassing and tearing our vitals. the last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two, and, without more charity for the opinions of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, i believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be lost, perhaps forever. "my earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore, is, that instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on all sides. under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and, if possible, more prosperously. without them everything must rub; the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting. "i do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any particular person or character. i have given them in the same general terms to other officers of the government, because the disagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions and the attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, i think, of producing unhappy consequences at home and abroad." in a subsequent letter to jefferson, in answer to one which enclosed some documents designed to prove that, though desirous of amending the constitution, he had favored its adoption, the president said: "i did not require the evidence of the extracts which you enclosed me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of the united states, or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country, but i regret, deeply regret, the difference of opinion which has arisen and divided you and another principal officer of the government, and wish devoutly there could be an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings. "a measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils, and the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end. for i will frankly and solemnly declare that i believe the views of both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salubrity of the measures which are the subjects of this dispute. "why, then, when some of the best citizens of the united states, men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other, of the questions which have caused these agitations--why should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the other? "i could and, indeed, was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when i am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. i have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line could be marked out by which both of you could walk." on the same subject washington addressed a letter to hamilton, from which the following is an extract: "differences in political opinions are as unavoidable as, to a certain point, they may be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regretted that subjects cannot be discussed with temper, on the one hand, or decisions submitted to on the other, without improperly implicating the motives which led to them; and this regret borders on chagrin when we find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same general objects in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not exercise more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of each other. when matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is that both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, that a middle course would be found the best, until experience shall have decided on the right way; or, which is not to be expected, because it is denied to mortals, until there shall be some infallible rule by which to forejudge events. "having premised these things, i would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each other, and instead of those wounding suspicions and irritating charges, with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which cannot fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there might be mutual forbearance and temporizing yieldings on all sides. without these, i do not see how the reins of government are to be managed or how the union of the states can be much longer preserved. "how unfortunate would it be if a fabric so goodly, erected under so many providential circumstances, after acquiring in its first stages so much respectability, should, from diversity of sentiment, or internal obstructions to some of the acts of government (for i cannot prevail on myself to believe that these measures are as yet the acts of a determined party), be brought to the verge of dissolution! melancholy thought! but while it shows the consequences of diversified opinions, where pushed with too much tenacity, it exhibits evidence also of the necessity of accommodation, and of the propriety of adopting such healing measures as may restore harmony to the discordant members of the union, and the governing powers of it. "i do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed or to any particular character. i have given it, in the same general terms, to other officers of the government. my earnest wish is that balm may be poured into all the wounds which have been given, to prevent them from gangrening, and to avoid those fatal consequences which the community may sustain if it is withheld. the friends of the union must wish this; those who are not, but who wish to see it rended, will be disappointed; and all things, i hope, will go well." these earnest endeavors to soothe the angry passions and to conciliate the jarring discords of the cabinet were unsuccessful. the hostility which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained no diminution, and its consequences became every day more diffusive. among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions was the encouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance which was made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits distilled within the united states. to the inhabitants of that part of pennsylvania which lies west of the alleghany mountains this duty was, from local considerations, peculiarly odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminished by any affection for the source in which it originated. the constitution itself had encountered the most decided opposition from that part of the state, and that early enmity to the government, which exerted every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained no abatement. its measures generally, and the whole system of finance particularly, had been reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of the most popular men of that district. with these dispositions a tax law, the operation of which was extended to them, could not be favorably received, however generally it might be supported in other parts of the union. but when, to this pre-existing temper, were superadded the motives which arose from perceiving that the measure was censured on the floor of congress as unnecessary and tyrannical; that resistance to its execution was treated as probable; that a powerful and active party, pervading the union, arraigned with extreme acrimony the whole system of finance as being antagonistic to liberty, and, with all the passionate vehemence of conviction, charged its advocates with designing to subvert the republican institutions of america, we ought not to be surprised that the awful impressions, which usually restrain combinations to resist the laws, were lessened, and that the malcontents were emboldened to hope that those combinations might be successful. the opposition to the duty on distilled spirits had been carried so far, and so daring had become the resistance to the law, as to require a proclamation from the president, warning all persons against unlawful combinations and proceedings tending to obstruct the operations of the laws. but such was the state of feeling that the proclamation produced no salutary effect. anxious to avoid extremities, the government resolved upon another course. prosecutions were instituted against delinquents. the spirits distilled in the noncomplying counties were intercepted in their way to market and seized by the officers of the revenue, and the agents for the army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which the duty had been paid. could the distillers have obeyed their wishes, these measures would have produced the desired effect. but, impelled by a furious multitude, they found it much more dangerous to obey the laws than to resist them. diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened with great britain, who had sent, on her own motion, mr. george hammond as minister plenipotentiary to the united states. mr. hammond arrived at philadelphia in the autumn of , and soon after entered upon a long correspondence with the secretary of state respecting the nonexecution of the treaty of peace. the british minister having entrusted to him only powers to negotiate, not to conclude, to make, not to adjust, complaints, the course of the discussion, and the principles avowed by the respective parties, speedily demonstrated the slight probability which existed of their being able to agree upon a commercial treaty. the indians in the northwest still maintaining their attitude of hostility preparations for prosecuting the war with vigor were earnestly pressed. general wayne was appointed to succeed st. clair in the command, but the inducements to enter the service were so small that the ranks filled up very slowly and the meditated expedition could not be undertaken prudently during the present year. meanwhile, the clamor against the war continued to be loud and violent. from respect for opinions extensively professed it was thought advisable to make still another effort to procure peace by a direct communication of the views of the executive. the fate of those who were employed in these efforts was still more to be lamented than their failure. colonel harden and major truman, two brave officers and estimable men, were severally dispatched with propositions of peace, and each was murdered by the savages. during the session of congress thomas pinckney was nominated minister plenipotentiary to england, and gouverneur morris as minister plenipotentiary to france. both these nominations were confirmed by the senate. william short was appointed minister resident at the hague and was commissioned, with mr. carmichael, to effect a treaty with spain. paul jones, during the summer, was appointed a commissioner for treating with the dey of algiers on the subject of peace and the ransoming of american captives. the letter informing of his appointment did not, however, reach him, for jones died at paris on the th of july, , in abject poverty and destitution. in may ( ), washington wrote to the earl of buchan, transmitting his portrait, painted by mr. robertson, which had been solicited by the earl. in the same letter he thanked the earl for a box made of the oak that sheltered william wallace after the battle of falkirk. in making this present the earl had requested washington, in the event of his decease, to leave it to the man in his own country who should appear, in his judgment, to merit it best. washington wisely decided otherwise, and, in his will, directed it to be returned to the earl of buchan. on the th of may ( ), the day after the rising of congress, washington set out from philadelphia for mount vernon, but returned early in june. in july he went again to mount vernon, accompanied by mrs. washington and her two little grandchildren, intending to remain there till near the meeting of congress, which was to take place in november. during this short residence at his beloved home washington had much to distract his attention from his favorite rural pursuits. he was in constant correspondence with the members of the cabinet and public affairs. to hamilton he was writing about the resistance to the tax on spirituous liquors, on the dissension between him and jefferson, and on politics; to general knox, secretary of war, on the preparations for wayne's campaign against the indians; to jefferson, secretary of state, on foreign affairs, on the troubles with the spaniards in florida, and on the indian war, as well as on his quarrel with hamilton, and to randolph, attorney-general, on the state of parties and the licentiousness of the press. on the subject of newspaper abuse washington appears to have felt a degree of sensitiveness which, at the present, is rare among public men. hitherto he appears to have been personally free from this annoyance, but he was unwilling to see his administration calumniated by political demagogues. writing to gouverneur morris, the american minister in france (october , ), he says. "from the complexion of some of our newspapers foreigners would be led to believe that inveterate political dissensions exist among us, and that we are on the very verge of disunion, but the fact is otherwise. the great body of the people now feel the advantages of the general government, and would not, i am persuaded, do anything that should destroy it, but this kind of representations is an evil which must be placed in opposition to the infinite benefits resulting from a free press, and i am sure you need not be told that in this country a personal difference in political sentiments is often made to take the garb of general dissensions." besides the public business which pressed heavily on washington during his present residence at mount vernon he found a new source of anxiety in the alarming illness of his nephew, george augustine washington, to whom the care of the estate had been entrusted since , when the duties of the presidency had called the chief to the seat of government. this gentleman had served in the revolutionary war as aid to lafayette, with the rank of major. writing to lafayette (june , ), washington says: "i am afraid my nephew george, your old aid, will never have his health perfectly re-established. he has lately been attacked with the alarming symptom of spitting large quantities of blood, and the physicians give no hope of a restoration, unless it can be effected by a change of air and a total dereliction of business, to which he is too anxiously attentive. he will, if he should be taken from his family and friends, leave three fine children, two sons and a daughter. to the eldest of the boys he has given the name of fayette, and a fine-looking child he is." george augustine washington sunk rapidly after this and died at the residence of colonel bassett, where he had gone for a change of air, on the th of february, . washington, on hearing of his decease, wrote immediately from philadelphia, to his widow, [ ] condoling with her on the heavy loss, and inviting her to reside, with her children, at mount vernon. in the latter part of october washington returned to philadelphia, in anticipation of the meeting of congress. on the th of november ( ), congress again convened. in washington's speech, delivered at the commencement of the session, indian affairs were treated at considerable length, and the continuance of the war was mentioned as a subject of much regret. "the reiterated endeavors," it was said, "which had been made to effect a pacification had hitherto issued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom the united states were in contest. "a detail of the measures that had been pursued and of their consequences, which would be laid before congress, while it would confirm the want of success thus far, would evince that means, as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, had been employed. the issue of some of them was still depending, but a favorable one, though not to be despaired of, was not promised by anything that had yet happened." that a sanction, commonly respected even among savages, had been found insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace, was particularly noticed, and the families of those valuable citizens who had thus fallen victims to their zeal for the public service were recommended to the attention of the legislature. that unprovoked aggression had been made by the southern indians, and that there was just cause for apprehension that the war would extend to them also, was mentioned as a subject of additional concern. "every practicable exertion had been made to be prepared for the alternative of prosecuting the war in the event of a failure of pacific overtures. a large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised had been recruited, though the numbers were yet incomplete, and pains had been taken to discipline them and put them in a condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. but a delay of operations, besides being dictated by the measures that were pursuing toward a pacific termination of the war, had been in itself deemed preferable to immature efforts." the humane system which has since been pursued with partial success, of gradually civilizing the savages by improving their condition, of diverting them in some degree from hunting to domestic and agricultural occupations, by imparting to them some of the most simple and useful acquisitions of society, and of conciliating them to the united states by a beneficial and well-regulated commerce, had ever been a favorite object with the president, and the detailed view which was not taken of indian affairs was concluded with a repetition of his recommendations of these measures. the subject next adverted to in the speech was the impediments which, in some places, continued to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the united states. after observing that these impediments were lessening in local extent, but that symptoms of such increased opposition had lately manifested themselves in certain places as, in his judgment, to render his special interposition advisable, the president added: "congress may be assured that nothing within constitutional and legal limits, which may depend on me, shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. in fulfilling this trust i shall count entirely on the full cooperation of the other departments of government and upon the zealous support of all good citizens." after noticing various objects which would require the attention of the legislature, the president addressed himself particularly to the house of representatives, and said: "i entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the government. no measure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiments and wish of the nation." the addresses of the two houses in answer to the speech were, as usual, respectful and affectionate. the several subjects recommended to the attention of congress, were noticed either in general terms, or in a manner to indicate a coincidence of sentiment between the legislative and executive departments. the turbulent spirit which had manifested itself in certain parts of the union, was mentioned by both houses with a just degree of censure and the measures adopted by the president, as well as the resolution he expressed to compel obedience to the laws, were approved, and the house of representatives, in the most unqualified terms, declared opinions in favor of systematic and effectual arrangements for discharging the public debt. but the subsequent proceedings of the legislature did not fulfill the expectations excited by this auspicious commencement of the session. at an early day in a committee of the whole house on the president's speech, mr. fitzsimmons moved "that measures for the reduction of so much of the public debt as the united states have a right to redeem, ought to be adopted, and that the secretary of the treasury be directed to report a plan for that purpose." this motion was objected to by mr. madison as being premature. the state of the finances, he thought, was not sufficiently understood to authorize the adoption of the measure it contemplated. the debate, however, soon took a different direction. on a motion made, directing the secretaries of the treasury and of war to attend the house and to give information, severe denunciations were poured forth against the unconstitutionality of subjecting the representatives to the control of the heads of the executive departments. the motions for requiring a report from hamilton on a plan for redeeming the public debt, and for paying a debt owing to the bank, which were brought in by mr. fitzsimmons, renewed the contest, but, although madison and others opposed the reference to the secretary of the treasury, the resolution was carried. hamilton's report proposed a plan for the redemption of the debt. but the expenses of the indian war rendering it unsafe, in his opinion, to rest absolutely on the existing revenue, he also proposed to extend the internal taxes to pleasure horses, or pleasure carriages, as might be deemed most advisable. for the reimbursement of the bank, he recommended that power be conferred to negotiate a loan for two million dollars--the dividends on the shares held by the government to be pledged for the interest, and, as the government paid six per cent, to the bank, he relied on the saving that would be effected by borrowing at a lower rate of interest. the consideration of this report was deferred on various grounds, and a motion was made to reduce the military establishment. the debate was long and earnestly contested, but the motion was rejected on the th of january, . a few weeks later another subject was introduced into the house which absorbed the attention of the members and put an end, for the present session, to every measure connected with the finances. mr. giles, on the d of january ( ), moved several resolutions, requiring information, among other things, on various points growing out of the loans authorized by congress in august, . the object was to inculpate the secretary of the treasury respecting the management and application of these loans, and of the revenue generally. mr. giles indulged himself in remarks which clearly showed the animus of his proceedings, and it was his determination to prove to the house that there was a large balance in the funds unaccounted for. the resolutions were agreed to without debate, as was only due to mr. hamilton, and soon after, three successive and able reports were sent in, containing the information required. in these reports a full exposition was given of the views and motives of the secretary, in the conduct of the treasury department. it is also evident that hamilton felt aggrieved at this attack upon his reputation, and he did not hesitate to use language of great plainness and severity, observing in conclusion: "thus have i not only furnished a just and affirmative view of the real situation of the public accounts, but have likewise shown, i trust, in a conspicuous manner, fallacies enough in the statements, from which the inference of an unaccounted-for balance is drawn, to evince that it is one tissue of error." but the matter did not end here. mr. giles, on the th of february ( ), submitted to the house a series of nine resolutions, containing charges against the secretary. the substance of them was, that he had failed to give congress information, in due time, of moneys drawn from europe; that he had violated the law of the th of august, , by an unauthorized application of money borrowed under it; that he had drawn part of the money into the united states, without any instructions from the president; that he had exceeded his authority in making loans, under the acts; that, without instructions from the president, he had drawn more of the money borrowed in holland than he was authorized by those acts, and that he had been guilty of an indecorum to the house, in undertaking to judge its motives in calling for information. the debate was continued until the night of march st ( ), and was characterized by unusual bitterness. it terminated in a rejection of the resolutions and consequently in an entire exculpation of hamilton from all just censure. the highest number voting in favor of any one of the resolutions was sixteen. "the whole of the session was spent," says mr. gibbs, "in sifting the conduct of the secretary. [ ] the investigation served one purpose of the opposition--it prevented any question being taken on the report. it seems somewhat anomalous, that a party which had charged the administration with a wish to perpetuate the debt, should thus have thwarted its measures to discharge it; and an explanation of the fact can only be found in a fixed determination to break down the secretary." the other business of the session may be briefly stated. the claim for compensation for loss on the certificates in which they had been paid, advanced by the officers of the old continental army, was rejected. an act respecting "fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters," was passed, early in february, by a vote of forty-eight to seven. the trade with the indians was regulated, and an attempt was made to initiate an amendment to the constitution, because the state of georgia, sued in the federal courts for a debt due to a citizen of another state, had suffered judgment by default. and nearly two millions of dollars were appropriated to the public service, in addition to the almost three millions more for interest on the debt. on saturday, the d of march ( ), a constitutional period was put to the existence of the present congress. the members separated with obvious symptoms of extreme irritation. "various causes," says marshall, "the most prominent of which have already been noticed, had combined to organize _two distinct parties_ in the united states, which were rapidly taking the form of a ministerial and an opposition party. by that in opposition, the president was not yet openly denounced. his personal influence was too great to be encountered by a direct avowal that he was at the head of their adversaries, and his public conduct did not admit of a suspicion that he could allow himself to rank as the chief of a party. nor could public opinion he seduced to implicate him in the ambitious plans and dark schemes for the subversion of liberty, which were ascribed to a part of the administration, and to the leading members who had supported the measures of finance adopted by the legislature." yet it was becoming apparent that things were taking a course which must inevitably involve him in the political conflicts which were about to take place. it was apparent that the charges against the secretary of the treasury would not be relinquished, and that they were of a nature to affect the chief magistrate materially, should his countenance not be withdrawn from that officer. it was equally apparent that the fervor of democracy, which was perpetually manifesting itself in the papers, in invectives against levees, against the trappings of royalty, and against the marks of peculiar respect which were paid to the president, must soon include him more pointedly in its strictures. these divisions, which are inherent in the nature of popular governments, by which the chief magistrate, however unexceptionable his conduct, and however exalted his character, must, sooner or later, be more or less affected, were beginning to be essentially influenced by the great events of europe. that revolution which has been the admiration, the wonder, and the terror of the civilized world, had, from its commencement, been viewed in america with the deepest interest. in its first stage, but one sentiment respecting it prevailed, and that was a belief, accompanied with an ardent wish, that it would improve the condition of france, extend the blessings of liberty, and promote the happiness of the human race. when the labors of the convention had terminated in a written constitution, this unanimity of opinion was in some degree impaired. by a few who had thought deeply on the science of government, and who, if not more intelligent, certainly judge more dispassionately than their fellow-citizens, that instrument was believed to contain the principles of self-destruction. it was feared that a system so ill balanced could not be permanent. a deep impression was made on the same persons by the influence of the galleries over the legislature, and of mobs over the executive; by the tumultuous assemblages of the people, and their licentious excesses during the short and sickly existence of the regal authority. these did not appear to be the symptoms of a healthy constitution or of genuine freedom. persuaded that the present state of things could not last, they doubted and they feared for the future. in total opposition to this sentiment was that of the public generally. there seems to be something infectious in the example of a powerful and enlightened nation verging toward democracy, which impose on the human mind, and leads human reason in fetters. novelties, introduced by such a nation, are stripped of the objections which had been preconceived against them, and long-settled opinions yield to the overwhelming weight of such dazzling authority. it wears the semblance of being the sense of mankind, breaking loose from the shackles which had been imposed by artifice, and asserting the freedom and the dignity of his nature. the constitution of france, therefore, was generally received with unqualified plaudits. the establishment of a legislature consisting of a single body was defended not only as being adapted to the particular situation of that country, but as being right in itself. certain anonymous writers, who supported the theory of a balanced government, were branded as the advocates of royalty and of aristocracy. to question the duration of the present order of things was thought to evidence an attachment to unlimited monarchy, or a blind prejudice in favor of the institutions of great britain, and the partiality of america in favor of a senate was visibly declining. in this stage of the revolution, however, the division of sentiment was not marked with sufficient distinctness, nor the passions of the people agitated with sufficient violence, for any powerful effect to be produced on the two parties in america. but when the monarchy was completely overthrown and a republic decreed, [ ] the people of the united states seemed electrified by the measure, and its influence was felt by the whole society. the war in which the several potentates of europe were engaged against france, although in almost every instance declared by that power, was pronounced to be a war for the extirpation of human liberty and for the banishment of free government from the face of the earth. the preservation of the constitution of the united states was supposed to depend on its issue, and the coalition against france was treated as a coalition against america also. a cordial wish for the success of the french arms, or rather that the war might terminate without any diminution of french power, and in such a manner as to leave the people of that country free to choose their own form of government, was perhaps universal, but, respecting the probable issue of their internal conflicts, perfect unanimity of opinion did not prevail. by some few individuals, the practicability of governing by a system formed on the republican model, an immense, populous, and military nation, whose institutions, habits, and morals were adapted to monarchy, and which was surrounded by armed neighbors, was deemed a problem which time alone could solve. the circumstances under which the abolition of royalty was declared, the massacres which preceded it, the scenes of turbulence and violence which were acted in every part of the nation, appeared to them to present an awful and doubtful state of things, respecting which no certain calculations could be made, and the idea that a republic was to be introduced and supported by force, was, to them, a paradox in politics. under the influence of these appearances the apprehension was entertained that, if the ancient monarchy should not be restored a military despotism would be established. by the many, these unpopular doubts were deemed unpardonable heresies, and the few to whom they were imputed, were pronounced hostile to liberty. a suspicion that the unsettled state of things in france had contributed to suspend the payment of the debt to that nation had added to the asperity with which the resolutions on that subject were supported, and the french revolution will be found to have had great influence on the strength of parties and on the subsequent political transactions of the united states. . footnote: griswold, "republican court." . footnote: "republican court." . footnote: for designating the site of the new seat of government. washington remained with the commissioners several days engaged in this business. . footnote: the following is the message which he delivered on this occasion: gentlemen of the house of representatives: i have maturely considered the act passed by the two houses, entitled "an act for the apportionment of representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration," and i return it to your house, wherein it originated, with the following objections. first. the constitution has prescribed that representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or divisor which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill. secondly. the constitution has also provided that the number of representatives shall not exceed one for thirty thousand--which restriction is by the context, and by fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and respective numbers of the states--and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand. . footnote: marshall. . footnote: the salary of the secretary of state, which was the highest, was $ , ; that of the secretary of the treasury was $ , . hamilton was finally obliged to resign, to gain a living. . footnote: mrs. washington's maiden name was frances bassett. she was the daughter of colonel bassett, an intimate friend of washington. . footnote: "administrations of washington and adams." . footnote: this event was announced to the president by the minister plenipotentiary of france, at philadelphia, in february, . through the secretary of state an answer was returned, of which the following is an extract: "the president receives with great satisfaction this attention of the executive council, and the desire they have manifested of making known to us the resolution entered into by the national convention, even before a definitive regulation of their new establishment could take place. be assured, sir, that the government and the citizens of the united states view with the most sincere pleasure every advance of your nation towards its happiness, an object essentially connected with its liberty; and they consider the union of principles and pursuits between our two countries as a link which binds still closer their interests and affections. "we earnestly wish, on our part, that these our mutual dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establishing our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to natural right and freedom as are those of our governments." chapter vi. washington inaugurates the system of neutrality. . as the time approached for the expiration of washington's first term of office as president of the united states, a great deal of anxiety was felt lest he should determine on a final retirement from public life. it was well known that he had originally accepted the office with extreme reluctance, that his attention to its duties had impaired his health, and that he was very desirous to pass the remainder of his life in retirement and repose. but at the same time it was felt that a crisis in public affairs was impending which imperatively demanded the whole force of his character and the whole influence of his popularity to sustain the government. even at the period when the federal government was first inaugurated, the call of his country to give it strength and permanence was not more urgent than that which now summoned him to save it from the rage of party spirit. troubles and difficulties were also threatening the country from abroad as well as internal factions at home, and the true friends of the country felt that none but washington was equal to the emergency. he received many letters urging his continuance in office. three of these were from members of the cabinet--jefferson, hamilton, and randolph. jefferson expressed himself as follows: "when you first mentioned to me your purpose of retiring from the government, though i felt all the magnitude of the event, i was in a considerable degree silent. i knew that to such a mind as yours persuasion was idle and impertinent; that, before forming your decision, you had weighed all the reasons for and against the measure, had made up your mind on full view of them, and that there could be little hope of changing the result. pursuing my reflections, too, i knew we were some day to try to walk alone, and if the essay should be made while you should be alive and looking on, we should derive confidence from that circumstance and resource if it failed. the public mind, too, was then calm and confident, and therefore in a favorable state for making the experiment. had no change of circumstances supervened, i should not, with any hope of success, have now ventured to propose to you a change of purpose. but the public mind is no longer so confident and serene, and that from causes in which you are no ways personally mixed. "the confidence of the whole union is centered in you. your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. north and south will hang together, if they have you to hang on; and if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the states. "i am perfectly aware of the oppression under which your present office lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. but there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of happiness and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. this seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by providence in forming your character and fashioning the events on which it was to operate, and it is to motives like these and not to personal anxieties of mine or others, who have no right to call on you for sacrifices, that i appeal from your former determination, and urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the aspect of things. should an honest majority result from the new and enlarged representation, should those acquiesce, whose principles or interests they may control, your wishes for retirement would be gratified with less danger, as soon as that shall be manifest, without awaiting the completion of the second period of four years. one or two sessions will determine the crisis, and i cannot but hope that you can resolve to add one or two more to the many years you have already sacrificed to the good of mankind. "the fear of suspicion that any selfish motive of continuance in office may enter into this solicitation on my part obliges me to declare that no such motive exists. it is a thing of mere indifference to the public whether i retain or relinquish my purpose of closing my tour with the first periodical renovation of the government. i know my own measure too well to suppose that my services contribute anything to the public confidence or the public utility. multitudes can fill the office in which you have been pleased to place me, as much to their advantage and satisfaction. i, therefore, have no motive to consult but my own inclination, which is bent irresistibly on the tranquil enjoyment of my family, my farm, and my books. i should repose among them, it is true, in far greater security, if i were to know that you remained at the watch, and i hope it will be so. to the inducements urged from a view of our domestic affairs i will add a bare mention of what indeed need only be mentioned, that weighty motives for your continuance are to be found in our foreign affairs. i think it probable that both the spanish and english negotiations, if not completed before your purpose is known, will be suspended from the moment it is known, and that the latter nation will then use double diligence in fomenting the indian war. "with my wishes for the future i shall, at the same time, express my gratitude of the past, at least my portion of it, and beg permission to follow you, whether in public or private life, with those sentiments of sincere attachment and respect with which i am unalterably, dear sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant." extract from hamilton's letter: "i received the most sincere pleasure at finding, in our last conversation, that there was some relaxation in the disposition you had before discovered to decline a re-election. since your departure i have lost no opportunity of sounding the opinions of persons whose opinions were worth knowing on these two points: first, the effect of your declining upon the public affairs, and upon your own reputation; secondly, the effect of your continuing in reference to the declarations you have made of your disinclination to public life. and i can truly say that i have not found the least difference of sentiment on either point. the impression is uniform, that your declining would be to be deplored as the greatest evil that could befall the country at the present juncture, and as critically hazardous to your own reputation; that your continuance will be justified in the mind of every friend to his country by the evident necessity for it. "it is clear, says everyone with whom i have conversed, that the affairs of the national government are not yet firmly established; that its enemies, generally speaking, are as inveterate as ever; that their enmity has been sharpened by its success, and by all the resentments which flow from disappointed predictions and mortified vanity; that a general and strenuous effort is making in every state to place the administration of it in the hands of its enemies, as if they were its safest guardians; that the period of the next house of representatives is likely to prove the crisis of its permanent character; that, if you continue in office, nothing materially mischievous is to be apprehended, if you quit much is to be dreaded; that the same motives which induced you to accept originally ought to decide you to continue till matters have assumed a more determinate aspect; that indeed it would have been better, as it regards your own character, that you had never consented to come forward than now to leave the business unfinished and in danger of being undone; that, in the event of storms arising, there would be an imputation either of want of foresight or want of firmness, and, in fine, that on public and personal accounts, on patriotic and prudential considerations, the clear path to be pursued by you will be again to obey the voice of your country, which it is not doubted will be as earnest and as unanimous as ever. "i trust, sir, and i pray god, that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquility and happiness to the public good. i trust that it need not continue above a year or two more. and i think that it will be more eligible to retire from office before the expiration of the term of election than to decline a re-election. "the sentiments i have delivered upon this occasion i can truly say proceed exclusively from an anxious concern for the public welfare and an affectionate personal attachment. these dispositions must continue to govern, in every vicissitude, one who has the honor to be very truly and respectfully, sir, yours, etc." randolph wrote as follows: "i have persuaded myself that this letter, though unconnected with any official relation, and upon a subject to the decision of which you alone are competent, will be received in the spirit with which it is written. the union, for the sake of which i have encountered various embarrassments, not wholly unknown to you, and sacrificed some opinions, which, but for its jeopardy, i should never have surrendered, seems to me to be, now, at the eve of a crisis. it is feared by those who take a serious interest in the affairs of the united states that you will refuse the chair of government at the approaching election. if such an event must happen indulge me, at least, in the liberty of opening to you a course of thought, which a calm attention to the federal government has suggested, and no bias of party has influenced. "it cannot have escaped you that divisions are formed in our politics as systematic as those which prevail in great britain. such as opposed the constitution, from a hatred to the union, can never be conciliated by any overture or atonement. by others it is meditated to push the construction of federal powers to every tenable extreme. a third class, republican in principle, and, thus far, in my judgment, happy in their discernment of our welfare, have, notwithstanding, mingled with their doctrines a fatal error--that the state assemblies are to be resorted to as the engines of correction to the federal administration. the honors belonging to the chief magistracy are objects of no common solicitude to a few, who compose a fourth denomination. "the fuel which has been already gathered for combustion wants no addition. but how awfully might it be increased were the violence, which is now suspended by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation! permit me, then, in the fervor of a dutiful and affectionate attachment to you, to beseech you to penetrate the consequences of a dereliction of the reins. the constitution would never have been adopted, but from a knowledge that you had once sanctioned it, and an expectation that you would execute it. it is in a state of probation. the most inauspicious struggles are past, but the public deliberations need stability. you alone can give them stability. you suffered yourself to yield when the voice of your country summoned you to the administration. should a civil war arise you cannot stay at home. and now much easier will it be to disperse the factions which are rushing to this catastrophe than to subdue them after they shall appear in arms? it is the fixed opinion of the world that you surrender nothing incomplete. "i am not unapprised of many disagreeable sensations which have labored in your breast. but, let them spring from any cause whatsoever, of one thing i think i am sure (and i speak this from a satisfactory inquiry lately made), that, if a second opportunity shall be given to the people of showing their gratitude, they will not be less unanimous than before." washington's own views we learn from the following letter in answer to randolph: "the purpose of this letter is merely to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the th and th instant, and to thank you for the information contained in both, without entering into the details of either. "with respect, however, to the interesting subject treated in that of the th, i can express but one sentiment at this time, and that is a wish, a devout one, that, whatever my ultimate determination shall be, it may be for the best. the subject never recurs to my mind but with additional poignancy, and, from the declining state of the health of my nephew, to whom my concerns of a domestic and private nature are entrusted, it comes with aggravated force. but as the all-wise disposer of events has hitherto watched over my steps, i trust that, in the important one i may soon be called upon to take, he will mark the course so plainly as that i cannot mistake the way. in full hope of this i will take no measures for the present that will not leave me at liberty to decide from circumstances and the best lights i can obtain on the subject. "i shall be happy, in the meantime, to see a cessation of the abuses of public officers and of almost every measure of government with which some of the gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which cannot fail, if persevered in with the malignancy with which they now teem, of rendering the union asunder. the seeds of discontent, distrust, and irritation which are so plentifully sown, can scarcely fail to produce this effect, and to mar that prospect of happiness which, perhaps, never beamed with more effulgence upon any people under the sun, and this too at a time when all europe is gazing with admiration at the brightness of our prospects. and for what is all this? among other things, to afford nuts for our transatlantic--(what shall i call them?)--foes. "in a word, if government and the officers of it are to be the constant theme for newspaper abuse, and this too without condescending to investigate the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, i conceive, for any man living to manage the helm or to keep the machine together. but i am running from my text, and therefore will only add assurances of the affectionate esteem and regard with which i am, etc." to the remonstrances of his immediate advisers in the cabinet were added many more of the same tenor from other friends and correspondents. he had, in fact, already determined to retire at this time, and had accordingly prepared a farewell address to the people for the occasion. but he had never publicly declared this intention, and, urged thus strongly by leading men of all parties, he finally consented to remain in office. "respecting the person who should fill the office of vice-president," says marshall, "the public was divided. the profound statesman who had been called to the duties of that station had drawn upon himself a great degree of obloquy by some political tracts, in which he had labored to maintain the proposition that a balance in government was essential to the preservation of liberty. in these disquisitions he was supposed by his opponents to have discovered sentiments in favor of distinct orders in society, and, although he had spoken highly of the constitution of the united states, it was imagined that his balance could be maintained only by hereditary classes. he was also understood to be friendly to the system of finance which had been adopted, and was believed to be among the few who questioned the durability of the french republic. his great services and acknowledged virtues were therefore disregarded, and a competitor was sought for among those who had distinguished themselves in the opposition. the choice was directed from mr. jefferson by a constitutional restriction on the power of the electors, which would necessarily deprive him of the vote to be given by virginia. it being necessary to designate some other opponent to mr. adams, george clinton, the governor of new york, was selected for this purpose. "throughout the war of the revolution, this gentleman had filled the office of chief magistrate of his native state, and, under circumstances of real difficulty, had discharged its duties with a courage and an energy which secured the esteem of the commander-in-chief and gave him a fair claim to the favor of his country. embracing afterward with ardor the system of state supremacy, he had contributed greatly to the rejection of the resolutions for investing congress with the power of collecting an impost on imported goods, and had been conspicuous for his determined hostility to the constitution of the united states. his sentiments respecting the measures of the government were known to concur with those of the minority in congress." both parties seemed confident in their strength, and both made the utmost exertions to insure success. on opening the ballots in the senate chamber (feb. , ), it appeared that the unanimous suffrage of his country had been once more conferred on general washington, and that mr. adams had received a plurality of the votes. [ ] the ceremonial to be observed at the inauguration was the subject of a difference of opinion, and a cabinet council was called to take the matter into consideration. jefferson and hamilton thought that the oath ought to be administered in private, and that one of the judges of the supreme court should attend to this duty at the president's own house. knox and randolph were of a different opinion and decided that the ceremony should take place in public. washington coincided with them in their views, and it was finally decided at a subsequent cabinet meeting, on the st of march, that the inauguration should take place in the senate chamber. among the senators who were present on this occasion were john langdon of new hampshire, one of the purest and most disinterested of the revolutionary veterans; oliver ellsworth, from connecticut, afterward chief justice of the united states; roger sherman, also from connecticut, one of the committee for preparing the declaration of independence; rufus king, the eloquent statesman from new york; robert morris, the great financier, from pennsylvania, and james monroe, afterward president of the united states, from virginia. the proceedings, as recorded in mr. benton's "abridgment of the debates of congress," were as follows: "agreeably to notice given by the president of the united states on the second instant, he came to the senate chamber and took his seat in the chair usually assigned to the president of the senate, who, on this occasion was seated at the right, and in advance of the president of the united states; a seat on the left, and also in advance, being provided for judge cushing, appointed to administer the oath. the doors of the senate chamber being open, the heads of the departments, foreign ministers, the late speaker, and such members of the late house of representatives as were in town, together with as many other spectators as could be accommodated, were present. "after a short pause the president of the senate arose and addressed the president of the united states as follows: "'sir:--one of the judges of the supreme court of the united states is now present and ready to administer to you the oath required by the constitution to be taken by the president of the united states.' "on which the president of the united states, rising from his seat, was pleased to address the audience as follows: "'fellow-citizens:--i am again called upon, by the voice of my country, to execute the functions of its chief magistrate. when the occasion proper for it shall arrive, i shall endeavor to express the high sense i entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united america. "'previous to the execution of any official act of the president, the constitution requires an oath of office. this oath i am now about to take, and in your presence; that, if it shall be found during my administration of the government, i have, in any instance, violated, willingly, or knowingly, the injunction thereof, i may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.' "judge cushing then administered the oath of office required by the constitution, after which the president of the united states retired, and the spectators dispersed." the record of the proceedings thus given by mr. benton gives but a very imperfect idea of the actual scene. fortunately, an eye-witness, arthur j. stansbury, for twenty-five years a reporter of congress, has given us a very lively and graphic description of the scene in his "recollections and anecdotes of the presidents of the united states." [ ] we copy his description in full: "but i once had," says mr. stansbury, "an opportunity far more favorable of beholding this greatest of men, under circumstances the best possible for exhibiting him to the fullest advantage. it was a privilege which could happen but once to any man, and i esteem the hour when i enjoyed it as one of the brightest moments i was ever permitted to know. its remembrance yet glows vividly on my mind; years have not dimmed it; the whole scene is yet before me; and i need not say with what force repeated public occasions of a like kind have since recalled it to remembrance. yes, it was my favored lot to see and hear president washington address the congress of the united states, when elected for the last time. of men now living, how few can say the same! "i was but a schoolboy at the time, and had followed one of the many groups of people who, from all quarters, were making their way to the hall in chestnut street, at the corner of fifth, where the two houses of congress then held their sittings, and where they were that day to be addressed by the president, on the opening of his second term of office. boys can often manage to work their way through a crowd better than men can; at all events, it so happened that i succeeded in reaching the steps of the hall, from which elevation, looking in every direction, i could see nothing but human heads--a vast fluctuating sea, swaying to and fro, and filling every accessible place which commanded even a distant view of the building. they had congregated, not with the hope of getting into the hall, for that was physically impossible, but that they might see washington. many an anxious look was cast in the direction from which he was expected to come, till at length, true to the appointed hour (he was the most punctual of men), an agitation was observable on the outskirts of the crowd, which gradually opened and gave space for the approach of an elegant white coach, drawn by six superb white horses, having on its four sides beautiful designs of the four seasons, painted by cipriani. it slowly made its way till it drew up immediately in front of the hall. the rush was now tremendous. but as the coach door opened, there issued from it two gentlemen, with long white wands, who, with some difficulty, parted the people, so as to open a passage from the carriage to the steps, on which the fortunate schoolboy had achieved a footing, and whence the whole proceeding could be distinctly seen. as the person of the president emerged from the carriage, a universal shout rent the air, and continued, as he very deliberately mounted the steps. on reaching the platform, he paused, looking back on the carriage, thus affording to the anxiety of the people the indulgence they desired, of feasting their eyes upon his person. never did a more majestic personage present himself to the public gaze. he was within two feet of me; i could have touched his clothes; but i should as soon have thought of touching an electric battery. boy as i was, i felt as in the presence of a divinity. as he turned to enter the hall, the gentlemen with the white wands preceded him, and, with still greater difficulty than before, repressed the people, and cleared a way to the great staircase. as he ascended, i ascended with him, step by step, creeping close to the wall, and almost hidden by the skirts of his coat. nobody looked at me; everybody was looking at him; and thus i was permitted, unnoticed, to glide along, and, happily, to make my way (where so many were vainly longing and struggling to enter) into the lobby of the chamber of the house of representatives. once in, i was safe; for had i even been seen by the officers in attendance, it would have been impossible to get me out again. i saw near me a large pyramidal stove, which, fortunately, had but little fire in it, and on which i forthwith clambered, until i had attained a secure perch, from which every part of the hall could be deliberately and distinctly surveyed. depend upon it, i made use of my eyes. "on either side of the broad aisle that was left vacant in the center were assembled the two houses of congress. as the president entered, all rose, and remained standing till he had ascended the steps at the upper end of the chamber and taken his seat in the speaker's chair. it was an impressive moment. notwithstanding that the spacious apartment, floor, lobby, galleries, and all approaches were crowded to their utmost capacity, not a sound was heard; the silence of expectation was unbroken and profound; every breath seemed suspended. he was dressed in a full suit of the richest black velvet; his lower limbs in short clothes with diamond knee buckles and black silk stockings. his shoes, which were brightly japanned, were surmounted with large square silver buckles. his hair, carefully displayed in the manner of the day, was richly powdered, and gathered behind into a black silk bag, on which was a bow of black ribbon. in his hand he carried a plain cocked hat, decorated with the american cockade. he wore by his side a light, slender dress-sword, in a green shagreen scabbard, with a richly ornamented hilt. his gait was deliberate, his manner solemn but self-possessed, and he presented, altogether, the most august human figure i had then or have since beheld. "at the head of the senate stood thomas jefferson, in a blue coat, single breasted, with large bright basket-buttons, his vest and small-clothes of crimson. i remember being struck with his animated countenance, of a brick-red hue, his bright eye and foxy hair, as well as by his tall, gaunt, ungainly form and square shoulders. a perfect contrast was presented by the pale reflective face and delicate figure of james madison, and above all, by the short, burly, bustling form of general knox, with ruddy cheek, prominent eye, and still more prominent proportions of another kind. in the semicircle which was formed behind the chair, and on either hand of the president, my boyish gaze was attracted by the splendid attire of the chevalier d'yrujo, the spanish ambassador, then the only foreign minister near our infant government. his glittering star, his silk chapeau bras, edged with ostrich feathers, his foreign air and courtly bearing, contrasted strongly with those nobility of nature's forming who stood around him. it was a very fair representation of the old world and the new. how often has the same reflection occurred to me since, on witnessing the glittering and now numerous company of foreign dignitaries collected round our president by an inauguration day, or the recurrence of our national anniversary! true, the individuals who form that brilliant coterie are, for the most part, men eminent for general intelligence, as well as the virtues of private life--men who meet, and well deserve, a cordial welcome on our shores and often carry from it the sincerest regret. but how do the personal sentiments and characters of the men themselves put out the blaze of the gold and diamonds with which their governments had covered them! and if, even in the unadorned presence of his successors, these decorations seem puerile in republican eyes, how would they have faded away and been lost in the chilling grandeur of the public presence of washington! "having retained his seat for a few moments, while the members resumed their seats, the president rose, and, taking from his breast a roll of manuscript, proceeded to read his address. his voice was full and sonorous, deep and rich in its tones, free from that trumpet ring which it could assume amid the tumult of battle (and which is said to have been distinctly heard above all its roar), but sufficiently loud and clear to fill the chamber, and be heard, with perfect ease, in its most remote recesses. the address was of considerable length; its topics, of course, i forget, for i was too young to understand them; i only remember, in its latter part, some reference to the wabash river (then a new name to my ear), and to claims or disputes on the part of the indian tribes. he read, as he did everything else, with a singular serenity and composure, with manly ease and dignity, but without the smallest attempt at display. "having concluded, he laid the manuscript upon the table before him and resumed his seat, when, after a slight pause, he rose and withdrew, the members rising and remaining on their feet until he left the chamber. "the paper was then taken up by mr. beckley, the clerk of the house, and again read from beginning to end. beckley's enunciation, by the by, was admirably clear, giving every syllable of every word, and i may say, he was almost the only officer, whose official duty it is to read, whom i ever heard read well. "this form having been gone through, the members of the senate retired and i took advantage of the bustle to descend from my unwonted and presumptuous elevation, and mingle with the dissolving crowd." these recollections of mr. stansbury present a much livelier view of the transactions of that memorable day; than that which any reader's imagination can supply by the aid of the official record. washington was now once more plunged into the troubled ocean of public affairs. before following him into new scenes of self-sacrifice and disinterestedness in the service of his country, we pause to notice a pleasing act of private friendship, which, with his usual delicacy, he calls an act of simple justice. in consequence of the active part which he had taken in the french revolution, washington's bosom friend, lafayette, had become a prisoner to the king of prussia, and was detained in captivity. the marchioness lafayette, after being a prisoner in paris, had been suffered to retire to her husband's estate, and reside there under the safeguard of the municipality, without permission to correspond with her friends. ignorant of her actual residence, but supposing that she might be suffering for want of ready money, washington sent her a considerable sum, and wrote as follows: "madam:--if i had words that could convey to you an adequate idea of my feelings on the present situation of the marquis de lafayette, this letter would appear to you in a different garb. the sole object in writing to you now is, to inform you that i have deposited in the hands of mr. nicholas van staphorst, of amsterdam, two thousand three hundred and ten guilders, holland currency, equal to two hundred guineas, subject to your orders. "this sum is, i am certain, the least i am indebted for services rendered to me by the marquis de lafayette, of which i never yet have received the account. i could add much, but it is best, perhaps, that i should say little on this subject. your goodness will supply any deficiency. "the uncertainty of your situation, after all the inquiries i have made, has occasioned a delay in this address and remittance, and even now, the measure adopted is more the effect of a desire to find where you are, than from any knowledge i have obtained of your residence. "at all times, and under all circumstances, you and yours will possess the affectionate regards of him who has the honor to be, etc." shortly after writing this letter washington received one from the marchioness, and still later another, both written before the above letter reached her. she requested washington's interference with the prussian government on behalf of lafayette, and was desirous, if he could be released, that he and his family should reside in the united states. everything was done that could be done, by washington and the american ministers in europe, to obtain lafayette's release, but it was not effected till several years after, and then through other means. during the recess of congress, washington twice visited mount vernon, once for a few days in april ( ), and again, for two or three weeks in june and july. on the th of july he was present at the celebration of the national anniversary by the citizens of alexandria. he was prevented from spending more time at mount vernon by the pressure of public business, which was now assuming a new and very unpleasant aspect. during washington's short visit to mount vernon in april, he received a letter from jefferson, dated april th, ( ), informing him that france had declared war against england and holland. instantly perceiving the danger of the united states becoming involved in the hostilities of these nations, washington, on the th of april, wrote in reply to jefferson: "war having actually commenced between france and great britain, it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. i therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay, for i have understood that vessels are already designated as privateers, and are preparing accordingly. such other measures as may be necessary for us to pursue against events, which it may not be in our power to avoid or control, you will also think of, and lay them before me on my arrival in philadelphia; for which place i shall set out tomorrow, but will leave it to the advices which i may receive tonight by the post, to determine whether it is to be by the direct route or by the one i proposed to come, that is, by reading." the tenor of this letter shows that washington was fully aware of the importance of the emergency in our foreign relations which had now arisen, and the result showed that, as usual, he was fully equal to the occasion. the difficulty of the position arose from the fact already adverted to--that of the two great political parties then existing, one was in favor of direct aid to the french revolutionists, while the other, desirous to remain neutral while the european contest was going on, was charged by its opponents with partiality to england. it remained for washington, by that decision of character and inflexible firmness for which he was so remarkable, to inaugurate that system of neutrality and noninterference in the affairs of europe, which has ever since constituted the foreign policy of this country. on his return to philadelphia, washington summoned a meeting of the cabinet, at the same time sending to each member a series of questions to be considered as preparatory to the meeting. these questions, thirteen in number, all referred to the measures to be taken by the president in consequence of the revolution which had overthrown the french monarchy; of the new organization of a republic in that country; of the appointment of a minister from that republic to the united states, and of the war declared by the national convention of france against great britain. the first of these questions, says mr. adams, [ ] was, whether a proclamation should issue to prevent interferences of our citizens in the war, and whether the proclamation should or should not contain a declaration of neutrality. the second was, whether a minister from the republic of france should be received. upon these two questions the opinion of the cabinet was unanimous in the affirmative--that a proclamation of neutrality should issue, and that the minister from the french republic should be received. but upon all the other questions, the opinions of the four heads of the departments were equally divided. they were indeed questions of difficulty and delicacy equal to their importance. no less than whether, after a revolution in france annihilating the government with which the treaties of alliance and of commerce had been contracted, the treaties themselves were to be considered binding as between the nations, and particularly whether the stipulation of guarantee to france of her possessions in the west indies, was binding upon the united states to the extent of imposing upon them the obligation of taking side with france in the war. as the members of the cabinet disagreed in their opinions upon these questions, and as there was no immediate necessity for deciding them, the further consideration of them was postponed, and they were never afterwards resumed. while these discussions of the cabinet of washington were held, the minister plenipotentiary from the french republic arrived in this country. he had been appointed by the national convention of france, which had dethroned, tried, sentenced to death, and executed louis the sixteenth, abolished the monarchy, and proclaimed a republic one and indivisible, under the auspices of liberty, equality, and fraternity, as thenceforth the government of france. by all the rest of europe they were then considered as revolted subjects in rebellion against their sovereign, and were not recognized as constituting an independent government. hamilton and knox were of opinion that the minister from france should be conditionally received, with the reservation of the question whether the united states were still bound to fulfill the stipulations of the treaties. they inclined to the opinion that treaties themselves were annulled by the revolution of the government in france--an opinion to which the example of the revolutionary government had given plausibility by declaring some of the treaties made by the abolished monarchy no longer binding upon the nation. mr. hamilton thought, also, that france had no just claim to the fulfillment of the stipulation of guarantee, because that stipulation, and the whole treaty of alliance in which it was contained, were professedly, and on the face of them, only defensive, while the war which the french convention had declared against great britain, was on the part of france offensive, the first declaration having been issued by her--that the united states were at all events absolved from the obligation of the guarantee by their inability to perform it, and that under the constitution of the united states the interpretation of treaties, and the obligations resulting from them, were within the competency of the executive department, at least concurrently with the legislature. it does not appear that these opinions were debated or contested in the cabinet. by their unanimous advice the proclamation was issued, and it was decided to receive a minister plenipotentiary of the french republic. thus the executive administration did assume and exercise the power of recognizing a revolutionary foreign government as a legitimate sovereign, with whom the ordinary diplomatic relations were to be entertained. but the proclamation contained no allusion whatever to the united states and france, nor of course to the article of guarantee or its obligations. whatever doubts may have been entertained by a large portion of people of the right of the executive to acknowledge a new and revolutionary government, not recognized by any other sovereign state, or of the sound policy of receiving, without waiting for the sanction of congress, a minister from a republic which had commenced her career by putting to death the king whom she had dethroned, and which had rushed into war with almost all the rest of europe, no manifestation of such doubts was publicly made. a current of popular favor sustained the french revolution, at that stage of its progress, which nothing could resist, and far from indulging any question of the right of the president to recognize a new revolutionary government, by receiving from it the credentials which none but sovereigns can grant, the american people would, at that moment, have scarcely endured an instant of hesitation on the part of the president, which should have delayed for an hour the reception of the minister from the republic of france. but the proclamation enjoining neutrality upon the people of the united states, indirectly counteracted the torrent of partiality in favor of france, and was immediately assailed with intemperate violence in many of the public journals. the right of the executive to issue any proclamation of neutrality was fiercely and pertinaciously denied as a usurpation of legislative authority, and in that particular case it was charged with forestalling and prematurely deciding the question whether the united states were bound, by the guarantee to france of her west india possessions in the treaty of alliance, to take side in the war with her against great britain--and with deciding it against france. the proclamation of neutrality was signed on the d of april, , and was immediately published. "this measure," says mr. sparks, "both in regard to its character and its consequences, was one of the most important of washington's administration. it was the basis of a system by which the intercourse with foreign nations was regulated, and which was rigidly adhered to. in fact, it was the only step that could have saved the united states from being drawn into the vortex of european wars, which raged with so much violence for a long time afterward. its wisdom and its good effects are now so obvious, on a calm review of past events, that one is astonished at the opposition it met with, and the strifes it enkindled, even after making due allowance for the passions and prejudices which had hitherto been at work in producing discord and divisions." the proclamation of neutrality furnished the first occasion which was thought a fit one for openly assaulting a character, around which the affections of the people had thrown an armor theretofore deemed sacred, and for directly criminating the conduct of the president himself. it was only by opposing passions to passions, by bringing the feeling in favor of france into conflict with those in favor of the chief magistrate, that the enemies of his administration could hope to obtain the victory. for a short time the opponents of this measure treated it with some degree of delicacy. the opposition prints occasionally glanced at the executive, considered all governments, including that of the united states, as naturally hostile to the liberty of the people, and ascribed to this disposition the combination of european governments against france, and the apathy with which this combination was contemplated by the executive. at the same time the most vehement declamations were published for the purpose of inflaming the resentments of the people against britain; of enhancing the obligations of america to france; of confirming the opinions that the coalition of european monarchs was directed not less against the united states than against great britain, and that those who did not avow this sentiment were the friends of that coalition, and equally the enemies of america and france. these publications, in the first instance sufficiently bitter, quickly assumed a highly increased degree of acrimony. as soon as the commotions which succeeded the deposition of louis xvi had, in some degree, subsided, the attention of the french government was directed to the united states, and the resolution was taken to recall the minister who had been appointed by the king, and to replace him with one who might be expected to enter with more enthusiasm into the views of the republic. edmund charles genet, a man of considerable talents, and of an ardent temper, was selected for this purpose. the letters he brought to the executive of the united states and his instructions, which he occasionally communicated, were in a high degree flattering to the nation, and decently respectful to its government. but mr. genet was also furnished with private instructions, which the course of subsequent events tempted him to publish. these indicated that if the american executive should not be found sufficiently compliant with the views of france, the resolution had been taken to appeal to the people of the united states against their own government, and thus to effect an object which legitimate negotiations might fail to accomplish. mr. genet possessed many qualities which were peculiarly adapted to the objects of his mission, but he seems to have been betrayed by the flattering reception which was given him and by the universal fervor expressed for his republic, into a too speedy disclosure of his intentions. on the th of april ( ) he arrived, not at philadelphia, but at charleston in south carolina, a port whose contiguity to the west indies would give it peculiar convenience as a resort for privateers. he was received by the governor of that state, and by its citizens, with an enthusiasm well calculated to dissipate every doubt he might previously have entertained concerning the dispositions on which he was to operate. at this place he continued for several days, receiving extravagant marks of public attachment, during which time he undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the united states were at peace. the captures made by these cruisers were brought into port and the consuls of france were assuming, under the authority of mr. genet, to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and authorize their sale. from charleston mr. genet proceeded by land to philadelphia, receiving on his journey at the different towns through which he passed such marks of enthusiastic attachment as had never before been lavished on a foreign minister. on the th of may ( ) he arrived at philadelphia, preceded by the intelligence of his transactions in south carolina. this information did not diminish the extravagant transports of joy with which he was welcomed by the great body of the inhabitants. means had been taken to render his entry pompous and triumphal, and the opposition papers exultingly stated that he was met at gray's ferry by "crowds who flocked from every avenue of the city to meet the republican ambassador of an allied nation." the day succeeding his arrival he received addresses of congratulation from particular societies, and from the citizens of philadelphia, who waited on him in a body, in which they expressed their fervent gratitude for the "zealous and disinterested aids" which the french people had furnished to america, unbounded exultation at the success with which their arms had been crowned, and a positive conviction that the safety of the united states depended on the establishment of the republic. the answers to these addresses were well calculated to preserve the idea of a complete fraternity between the two nations, and that their interests were identified. the day after being thus accredited by the citizens of philadelphia he was presented to the president, by whom he was received with frankness and with expressions of a sincere and cordial regard for his nation. in the conversation which took place on this occasion mr. genet gave the most explicit assurances that, in consequence of the distance of the united states from the theater of action, and of other circumstances, france did not wish to engage them in war, but would willingly leave them to pursue their happiness and prosperity in peace. the more ready faith was given to these declarations, because it was believed that france might derive advantages from the neutrality of america, which would be a full equivalent for any services which she could render as a belligerent. before genet had reached philadelphia, however, a long catalogue of complaints, partly founded on his proceedings in charleston, had been made by the british minister to the american executive. this catalogue was composed of the assumptions of sovereignty already mentioned--assumptions calculated to render america an instrument of hostility to be wielded by france against those powers with which she might be at war. these were still further aggravated by the commission of actual hostilities within the territories of the united states. the ship grange, a british vessel which had been cleared out from philadelphia, was captured by the french frigate l'ambuscade within the capes of the delaware, while on her way to the ocean. the prizes thus unwarrantably made, being brought within the power of the american government, mr. hammond, among other things, demanded a restitution of them. on many of the points suggested by the conduct of mr. genet, and by the memorials of the british minister, it would seem impossible that any difference of opinion could exist among intelligent men not under the dominion of a blind infatuation. accordingly it was agreed in the cabinet, without a dissenting voice, that the jurisdiction of every independent nation, within the limits of its own territory, being of a nature to exclude the exercise of any authority therein by a foreign power, the proceedings complained of, not being warranted by any treaty, were usurpations of national sovereignty and violations of neutral rights, a repetition of which it was the duty of the government to prevent. it was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws should be tried against those citizens of the united states who had joined in perpetrating the offense. the question of restitution, except as to the "grange," was more dubious. the cabinet agreed, however, that the original owners might claim indemnification, and that if the property was not restored by the captors, the value of it ought to be paid by the government of the united states. genet was much dissatisfied with these decisions of the american government. he denounced them as contrary to natural right, and subversive of the treaties by which the two nations were connected. in his exposition of these treaties, he claimed, for his own country, all that the two nations were restricted from conceding to others, thereby converting negative limitations into an affirmative grant of privileges to france. without noticing a want of decorum in some of the expressions which genet had employed, he was informed that the subjects on which his letter treated had, from respect to him, been reconsidered by the executive; but that no cause was perceived for changing the system which had been adopted. he was further informed that, in the opinion of the president, the united states owed it to themselves and to the nations in their friendship, to expect, as a reparation for the offense of infringing their sovereignty, that the vessels thus illegally equipped would depart from their ports. genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. adhering to his own construction of the existing treaty, he affected to consider the measures of the american government as infractions of it, which no power in the nation had a right to make, unless the united states in congress assembled should determine that their solemn engagements should no longer be performed. intoxicated with the sentiments expressed by a great portion of the people, and unacquainted with the firm character of washington, he seems to have expected that the popularity of his nation would enable him to overthrow the administration, or to render it subservient to his views. it is difficult otherwise to account for his persisting to disregard its decisions, and for passages with which his letters abound, such as the following: "every obstruction by the government of the united states to the arming of french vessels must be an attempt on the rights of man, upon which repose the independence and laws of the united states; a violation of the ties which unite the people of france and america; and even a manifest contradiction of the system of neutrality of the president; for, in fact, if our merchant vessels, as others, are not allowed to arm themselves, when the french alone are resisting the league of all the tyrants against the liberty of the people, they will be exposed to inevitable ruin in going out of the ports of the united states, which is certainly not the intention of the people of america. their fraternal voice has resounded from every quarter around me, and their accents are not equivocal. they are pure as the hearts of those by whom they are expressed, and the more they have touched my sensibility, the more they must interest in the happiness of america the nation i represent;--the more i wish, sir, that the federal government should observe, as far as in their power, the public engagements contracted by both nations; and that, by this generous and prudent conduct, they will give at least to the world the example of a true neutrality, which does not consist in the cowardly abandonment of their friends in the moment when danger menaces them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do no better, to the obligations they have contracted with them. it is by such proceedings that they will render themselves respectable to all the powers; that they will preserve their friends and deserve to augment their numbers." a few days previous to the reception of the letter from which the above is an extract, two citizens of the united states, who had been engaged by genet in charleston to cruise in the service of france, were arrested by the civil magistrate, in pursuance of the determination formed by the executive for the prosecution of persons having thus offended against the laws. genet demanded their release in the following extraordinary terms: "i have this moment been informed that two officers in the service of the republic of france, citizen gideon henfield and john singletary, have been arrested on board the privateer of the french republic, the citizen genet, and conducted to prison. the crime laid to their charge--the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state--is the serving of france, and defending with her children the common glorious cause of liberty. "being ignorant of any positive law or treaty which deprives americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of france from on board their vessels, i call upon your intervention, sir, and that of the president of the united states, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above-mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments animating them and by the act of their engagement, anterior to every act to the contrary, the right of french citizens, if they have lost that of american citizens." such an insolent style of address as this could not be otherwise than deeply offensive to washington. he must have regarded this, and most of the other effusions of genet, as studied insults, net only to himself, but to the country of which he was the chief magistrate. yet, in no single instance did the administration in its communications with genet, permit itself to be betrayed into the use of one intemperate expression. the firmness with which his extravagant pretensions were resisted, proceeding entirely from a sense of duty and conviction of right, was unaccompanied with any marks of that resentment which his language and his conduct were alike calculated to inspire. genet's intemperate language and insolent conduct arose from a belief that the people were ready to support his pretensions, in opposition to their own government. this belief was strengthened by the proceedings and publications of the party opposed to the administration. civic festivals and other public assemblages of people, at which the ensigns of france were displayed in union with those of america--at which the red cap, as a symbol of french liberty and fraternity, triumphantly passed from head to head--at which toasts were given expressive of a desire to identify the people of america with those of france, and, under the imposing guise of adhering to principles not to men, containing allusions to the influence of the president which could not be mistaken--appeared to genet to indicate a temper extremely favorable to his hopes, and very different from that which would be required for the preservation of an honest neutrality. through the medium of the press, these sentiments were communicated to the public, and were represented as flowing from the hearts of the great body of the people. soon after the arrival of genet, a democratic society was formed in philadelphia on the model of the jacobin clubs in paris. an anxious solicitude for the preservation of freedom, the very existence of which was menaced by a "european confederacy transcendent in power and unparalleled in iniquity," which was endangered also by "the pride of wealth and arrogance of power" displayed within the united states, was the motive assigned for the association. "a constant circulation of useful information, and a liberal communication of republican sentiments, were thought to be the best antidotes to any political poison with which the vital principle of civil liberty might be attacked;" and to give the more extensive operation to their labors, a corresponding committee was appointed, through whom they would communicate with other societies which might be established on similar principles throughout the united states. faithful to their founder, and true to the real objects of their association, these societies continued during the term of their existence to be the resolute champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of the french republic on the government of the united states, and the steady defamers of the views and measures of the american executive. thus strongly supported, genet persisted in his construction of the treaties between the two nations, and, in defiance of the positive determination of the government, continued to act according to that construction. at this period washington was called to mount vernon by urgent business, which detained him less than three weeks; and, in his absence, the heads of departments superintended the execution of those rules which had been previously established. in this short interval a circumstance occurred, strongly marking the rashness of genet, and his disrespect to the executive of the united states. the little sarah, an english merchantman, had been captured by a french frigate and brought into the port of philadelphia, where she was completely equipped as a privateer, and was just about to sail on a cruise, under the name of le petit democrat, when hamilton communicated her situation to jefferson and knox, the secretaries of state and of war; in consequence of which, governor mifflin was desired to cause an examination of the fact. the warden of the port was directed to institute the proper inquiries, and, late in the evening of the th of july, he reported her situation, and that she was to sail the next day. in pursuance of the instructions which had been given by the president, the governor immediately sent secretary dallas for the purpose of prevailing on genet to relieve him from the employment of force, by detaining the vessel in port until the arrival of washington, who was then on his way from mount vernon. mr. dallas communicated this message to the french minister in terms as conciliatory as its nature would permit. on receiving it, he gave aloose to the most extravagant passion. after exclaiming with vehemence against the measure, he complained, in strong terms, and with many angry epithets, of the ill treatment which he had received from some of the officers of the general government, which he contrasted with the cordial attachment that was expressed by the people at large for his nation. he ascribed the conduct of those officers to principles inimical to the cause of france and of liberty. he insinuated that, by their influence, washington had been misled, and observed, with considerable emphasis, that the president was not the sovereign of this country. the powers of peace and war being vested in congress, it belonged to that body to decide those questions growing out of treaties which might involve peace or war, and the president, therefore, ought to have assembled the national legislature before he ventured to issue his proclamation of neutrality, or to prohibit, by his instructions to the state governors, the enjoyment of the particular rights which france claimed under the express stipulations of the treaty of commerce. the executive construction of that treaty was neither just nor obligatory, and he would make no engagement which might be construed into a relinquishment of rights which his constituents deemed indispensable. in the course of this vehement and angry declamation, he spoke of publishing his correspondence with the officers of government, together with a narrative of his proceedings, and said that, although the existing causes would warrant an abrupt departure, his regard for the people of america would induce him to remain here, amidst the insults and disgusts that he daily suffered in his official character from the public officers, until the meeting of congress, and if that body should agree in the opinions and support the measures of the president, he would certainly withdraw, and leave the dispute to be adjusted between the two nations themselves. his attention being again called by mr. dallas to the particular subject, he peremptorily refused to enter into any arrangements for suspending the departure of the privateer, and cautioned him against any attempt to seize her, as she belonged to the republic, and, in defense of the honor of her flag, would unquestionably repel force by force. on receiving the report of mr. dallas, governor mifflin ordered out militia, for the purpose of taking possession of the privateer, and communicated the case, with all its circumstances, to the officers of the executive government. on the succeeding day, jefferson waited on genet, in the hope of prevailing on him to pledge his word that the privateer should not leave the port until the arrival of the president. the minister was not less intemperate with jefferson than he had been with dallas. he indulged himself in a repetition of nearly the same passionate language, and again spoke, with extreme harshness of the conduct of the executive. he persisted in refusing to make any engagements for the detention of the vessel, and, after his rage had in some degree spent itself, he entreated that no attempt might be made to take possession of her, as her crew was on board, and force would be repelled by force. he then also said that she was not ready to sail immediately. she would change her position and fall down the river a small distance on that day, but was not yet ready to sail. in communicating this conversation to governor mifflin, jefferson stated his conviction that the privateer would remain in the river until the president should decide on her case, in consequence of which, the governor dismissed the militia, and requested the advice of the heads of departments on the course which it would be proper for him to pursue. both the governor and jefferson stated, that in reporting the conversation between genet and himself, dallas had said that genet threatened, in express terms, "to appeal from the president to the people." thus braved and insulted in the very heart of the country, hamilton and knox were of opinion that it was expedient to take immediate measures for establishing a battery on mud island, under cover of a party of militia, with directions, that if the vessel should attempt to depart before the pleasure of the president should be known concerning her, military coercion should be employed to arrest her progress. the secretary of state dissenting from this opinion, the measure was not adopted. the vessel fell down to chester before the arrival of washington and sailed on her cruise before the power of the government could be interposed. on the th of july ( ), washington reached philadelphia, and requested that the cabinet ministers would convene at his house the next day at in the morning. among the important papers placed in his hands, which required immediate attention were those which related to the little democrat. on reading them, a messenger was immediately dispatched for jefferson, but he had retired, indisposed, to his seat in the country. upon hearing this, the president instantly addressed a letter to him, of which the following is an extract: "what is to be done in the case of the little sarah, now at chester? is the minister of the french republic to set the acts of this government at defiance with impunity and then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? what must the world think of such conduct, and of the government of the united states in submitting to it? "these are serious questions. circumstances press for decision, and as you have had time to consider them (upon me they come unexpectedly), i wish to know your opinion upon them even before to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone." in answer to this letter, jefferson stated the assurances which had on that day been given to him by genet, that the vessel would not sail before the president's decision respecting her should be made. in consequence of this information, immediate coercive measures were suspended, and in the council of the succeeding day it was determined to retain in port all privateers which had been equipped by any of the belligerent powers within the united states. genet was informed of this determination, but in contempt of it, the little democrat proceeded on her cruise. this proceeding furnished a subject of exultation to the opponents of the government, as did also the acquittal by a charleston jury of gideon henfield, who had been arrested for shipping on board a french privateer, he being an american citizen. while the correspondence between genet and jefferson concerning this affair was still going on, the former obtained cause of complaint on his part, and urged that the british were in the habit of taking french property out of american vessels, in contravention of the principles of neutrality avowed by the rest of europe. his letters to jefferson on this subject were still more insulting than those which had preceded them. on the th of july ( ), he wrote to jefferson, demanding an instant answer to the question--what measures the president had taken, or would take, to cause the american flag to be respected? receiving no answer, toward the end of july he again addressed the secretary of state on the subject. in this extraordinary letter, after complaining of the insults offered to the american flag by seizing the property of frenchmen confided to its protection, he added: "your political rights are counted for nothing. in vain do the principles of neutrality establish that friendly vessels make friendly goods; in vain, sir, does the president of the united states endeavor, by his proclamation, to reclaim the observation of this maxim; in vain does the desire of preserving peace lead to sacrifice the interests of france to that of the moment; in vain does the thirst of riches preponderate over honor in the political balance of america--all this management, all this condescension, all this humility, end in nothing; our enemies laugh at it; and the french, too confident, are punished for having believed that the american nation had a flag, that they had some respect for their laws, some conviction of their strength, and entertained some sentiment of their dignity. it is not possible for me, sir, to paint to you all my sensibility at this scandal, which tends to the diminution of your commerce, to the oppression of ours, and to the debasement and vilification of republics. it is for the americans to make known their generous indignation at this outrage, and i must confine myself to demand of you, a second time, to inform me of the measures which you have taken in order to obtain restitution of the property plundered from my fellow-citizens under the protection of your flag. it is from our government they have learned that the americans were our allies, that the american nation was sovereign, and that they knew how to make themselves respected. it is then under the very same sanction of the french nation that they have confided their property and persons to the safeguard of the american flag, and on her they submit the care of causing those rights to be respected. but if our fellow-citizens have been deceived, if you are not in a condition to maintain the sovereignty of your people, speak; we have guaranteed it when slaves, we shall be able to render it formidable, having become freemen." on the day preceding the date of this offensive letter, jefferson had answered that of the th of july, and, without noticing the unbecoming style in which the decision of the executive was demanded, had avowed and defended the opinion that, "by the general law of nations, the goods of an enemy found in the vessels of a friend, are lawful prize." this fresh insult might therefore be passed over in silence. while a hope remained that the temperate forbearance of the president, and the unceasing manifestations of his friendly dispositions toward the french republic might induce the minister of that nation to respect the rights of the united states, and to abstain from violations of their sovereignty, an anxious solicitude not to impair the harmony which he wished to maintain between the two republics had restrained him from adopting those measures respecting genet which his conduct required. he had seen a foreign minister usurp, within the territories of the united states, some of the most important rights of sovereignty, and persist, after the prohibition of the government in the exercise of those rights. in asserting this extravagant claim, so incompatible with national independence, the spirit in which it originated had been pursued, and the haughty style of a superior had been substituted for the respectful language of diplomacy. he had seen the same minister undertake to direct the civil government, and to pronounce, in opposition to the decisions of the executive, in what departments the constitution of the united states had placed certain great national powers. to render this state of things more peculiarly critical and embarrassing, the person most instrumental in producing it had, from his arrival, thrown himself into the arms of the people, stretched out to receive him, and was emboldened by their favor to indulge the hope of succeeding in his endeavors, either to overthrow their government, or to bend it to his will. but the' full experiment had now been made, and the result was a conviction not to be resisted, that moderation would only invite additional injuries, and that the present insufferable state of things could be terminated only by procuring the removal of the french minister, or by submitting to become, in his hands, the servile instrument of hostility against the enemies of his nation. information was continually received from every quarter of fresh aggressions on the principles established by the government, and, while the executive was thus openly disregarded and contemned, the members of the administration were reproached, in all the papers of an active and restless opposition, as the violators of the national faith, the partisans of monarchy, and the enemies of liberty and of france. the unwearied efforts to preserve that station in which the various treaties in existence had placed the nation were incessantly calumniated as infractions of those treaties, and ungrateful attempts to force the united states into a war against france. the judgment of washington was never hastily formed, but, once made up, it was seldom to be shaken. before the last letter of genet was communicated to him he had decided to terminate future intercourse with him. in a cabinet council the whole matter was carefully reviewed, and it was unanimously agreed that gouverneur morris, the american minister at paris, should present the whole case to the french government and request genet's recall. the faction by whom he had been originally sent out having passed out of power, this was easily effected. at the same time the cabinet, under washington's direction, drew up a system of rules to be observed by the belligerents in the ports of the united states. these rules evidence the settled purpose of the executive faithfully to observe all the national engagements and honestly to perform the duties of that neutrality in which the war found them and in which those engagements left them free to remain. neutrality between belligerents is a difficult and delicate part to sustain. it was not france alone that advanced extraordinary pretensions. the british government issued orders for stopping all neutral ships, laden with provisions, bound for the ports of france, thus declaring that country in a state of blockade. the national convention of france had, indeed, set the example of this by an act of the same tendency, doubly rash, because impotent. but this, however strong a plea for retaliating upon france, was none for making america suffer. corn, indeed, formed the chief export of the united states, and to prohibit them from shipping it at all--for the new regulation amounted in fact to this--was a grievance which the most pacific neutral could scarcely submit to. another continually recurring source of complaint on the part of the united states against england was the pressing of their seamen, which the difficulty of distinguishing between natives of the two countries rendered of frequent occurrence and tardy rectification. these causes came to swell the tide of faction in america as the enemies of england and of authoritative institutions took advantage of them to raise their cry, whilst the anti-gallican, on the other hand, were as indignant against the arrogance of the french and of their envoy. genet was in new york receiving all sorts of demonstrations of approbation and attachment from his political friends when he received notice of his recall (september, ). his rage was indescribable. he wrote to jefferson a letter full of the most atrocious abuse of washington and the administration generally, in which jefferson himself was not spared. but as his powers of mischief were now at an end very slight notice was taken of his splenetic effusions. it appeared in the sequel, however, that he had not confined his attempts to employ the force of america against the enemies of his country to maritime enterprises. on his first arrival he is understood to have planned an expedition against the floridas, to be carried on from georgia, and another against louisiana, to be carried on from the western parts of the united states. intelligence was received that the principal officers were engaged, and the temper of the people inhabiting the western country was such as to furnish some ground for the apprehension that the restraints which the executive was capable of imposing, would be found too feeble to prevent the execution of this plan. the remonstrances of the spanish commissioners on this subject, however, were answered with explicit assurances that the government would effectually interpose to defeat any expedition from the territories of the united states against those of spain, and the governor of kentucky was requested to cooperate in frustrating this improper application of the military resources of his state. while genet was in new york a schooner, brought as a prize into the port of boston by a french privateer, was claimed by the british owner, who instituted proceedings at law against her for the purpose of obtaining a decision on the validity of her capture. she was rescued from the possession of the marshal by an armed force, acting under the authority of mr. duplaine, the french consul, which was detached from a frigate then lying in port. until the frigate sailed she was guarded by a part of the crew, and, notwithstanding the determination of the american government that the consular courts should not exercise a prize jurisdiction within the territories of the united states, mr. duplaine declared his purpose to take cognizance of the case. to this act of open defiance it was impossible for washington to submit. the facts being well attested, the exequatur which had been granted to mr. duplaine was revoked and he was forbidden further to exercise the consular functions. it will excite surprise that even this necessary measure could not escape censure. the self-proclaimed champions of liberty discovered in it a violation of the constitution and a new indignity to france. meantime events were transpiring in europe which added not a little to the excitement in the public mind against great britain. for many years war had existed between portugal and algiers. in consequence of this algerian cruisers had been confined to the mediterranean by a portuguese fleet, and the commerce of the united states, as well as that of portugal herself, had been protected in the atlantic from piratical depredations. in september, , an unexpected truce for a year was concluded between portugal and algiers. the dey's cruisers, therefore, immediately, and without previous notice, passed into the atlantic, and american vessels, while on their way to portugal and other parts of europe, and without the smallest suspicion of danger, became a prey to these lawless freebooters, and many american seamen were doomed to slavery. there was no reasonable doubt that england had a great deal to do with this matter and that, besides her determination to carry on war against france, she was not very unwilling that the united states should also suffer the evils incident to their commerce being entirely unprotected by any naval force. the causes of discontent which were furnished by spain, as marshall states, though less the theme of public declamation, continued to be considerable. that which related to the mississippi was peculiarly embarrassing. the opinion had been industriously circulated that an opposition of interests existed between the eastern and the western people, and that the endeavors of the executive to open this great river were feeble and insincere. at a meeting of the democratic society in lexington, kentucky, this sentiment was unanimously avowed in terms of extreme disrespect to the government, and a committee was appointed to open a correspondence with the inhabitants of the entire west for the purpose of uniting them on this subject and of preparing a remonstrance to the president and congress of the united states, to be expressed "in the bold, decent, and determined language proper to be used by injured freemen when they address the servants of the people." they claimed much merit for having thus long abstained from using the means they possessed, for the assertion of "a natural and unalienable right," and indicated their opinion that this forbearance could not be long continued. the probability that the public expression of these dangerous dispositions would perpetuate the evil could not moderate them. this restless temper gave additional importance to the expedition of genet projected against louisiana. private communications strengthened the apprehensions entertained by the president that hostilities with spain were not far distant. the government had received intelligence from their ministers in europe that propositions had been made by the cabinet of madrid to that of london, the object of which was the united states. the precise nature of these propositions was not ascertained, but it was understood generally that their tendency was hostile, and washington, writing to the secretary of war, in june, urged the importance of ascertaining the spanish force in the floridas and such other matters as might be necessary in view of the possible outbreak of a contest with spain. we must now return to washington, who, the reader will have perceived, surrounded by the urgent nature of his official duties and the disturbed state of public affairs, had been detained at philadelphia during a great portion of the recess of congress. he left that place for mount vernon toward the end of september, after the ravages of the terrible yellow fever of had already commenced in the city. he remained at mount vernon till near the end of october. [ ] during this time he was in constant correspondence with the members of the cabinet, of whom jefferson appears to have retired to virginia and the other heads of departments to other places to avoid the contagion of the fever. the principal topic discussed in this correspondence was the constitutional power of the president to change the place in which congress were to reassemble in december--philadelphia being considered unsafe. germantown, wilmington, trenton, annapolis, reading, and lancaster were suggested each in turn as suitable places, but the power of the president to change the place was doubted on all hands. as the fever subsided, however, the meeting actually took place in philadelphia on the day appointed by adjournment. among those whom washington consulted on the subject of the constitutional power to change the place for the meeting of congress was mr. madison. washington's letter to him, dated mount vernon, october , , evinces his anxiety to avoid a violation of the constitution, while it presents a lively picture of the state of disorder in the departments, occasioned by the pestilence at the seat of government. "the calamitous situation of philadelphia," he writes, "and the little prospect, from the present appearance, of its eligibility to receive congress by the first monday in december, involve a serious difficulty. it has been intimated by some that the president ought, by proclamation, to convene congress a few days before the above-mentioned period, at some other place, and by others that, although in extraordinary cases he has the power to convene, he has none to change the place. mr. jefferson, when here on his way home, was of the latter opinion, but the laws were not fully examined, nor was the case at that time so serious as it now is. from the attorney-general (randolph), to whom i have since written on this subject, requesting an official opinion, i have received no answer, nor is it likely i shall soon, as i believe he has no communication with philadelphia. time presses and the malady at the usual place of meeting is becoming more and more alarming. what then do you think is the most advisable course for me to pursue in the present exigency--summon congress to meet at a certain time and place in their legislative capacity? simply state facts and say that i will meet the members at the time and place just mentioned for ulterior arrangements? or leave matters as they are if there is no power in the executive to alter the place legally? in the first and second cases, especially the first, the delicacy of my naming a place will readily occur to you. my wish would be that congress could be assembled at germantown to show that i meant no partiality, leaving it to themselves, if there should be no prospect of getting into philadelphia soon, to decide what should be done thereafter. but accounts say that some people have died in germantown also of the malignant fever. every death, now, however, is ascribed to that cause, be the disorder what it may. wilmington and trenton are almost equidistant from philadelphia in opposite directions, but both are on the great thoroughfare and equally exposed to danger from the multitude of travelers, and neither may have a chamber sufficient for the house of representatives. annapolis and lancaster are more secure and both have good accommodations. but to name either of them, especially the first, would be thought to favor the southern convenience, and, perhaps, might be attributed to local views, especially as new york is talked of for this purpose. reading, if there are proper conveniences there, would favor neither the southern nor northern interest most, but would be alike to both. "i have written to mr. jefferson on this subject. notwithstanding which, i would thank you for your opinion and that fully, as you see my embarrassment. i even ask more. i would thank you, not being acquainted with forms, to sketch some instrument for publication, adapted to the course you may think it would be most expedient for me to pursue in the present state of things, if the members are called together as before mentioned. "the difficulty of keeping clerks in the public offices had in a manner put a stop to business before i left philadelphia, and the heads of departments having matters of their own, which called them away, has prevented my return thither longer than i had intended. i have now desired the different secretaries to meet me there, or in the vicinity, the st of next month, for which i shall set out the th or the th of the present. "the accounts from the city are really affecting. two gentlemen now here from new york, colonels platt and sergeant, say that they were told at the swede's ford of schuylkill, by a person who had it from governor mifflin, that, by an official report from the mayor of the city, upward of , had died, and that the disorder was raging more violently than ever. if cool weather, accompanied by rain, does not put a stop to the malady, distressing indeed must be the case of that city, now almost depopulated by removals and deaths." [ ] . footnote: the precise return was: for president george washington, . for vice-president--john adams, ; george clinton, ; thomas jefferson, ; aaron burr, . . footnote: published in arthur's "home gazette." . footnote: john quincy adams on washington's proclamation of neutrality. . footnote: on the th of october john hancock died at boston. . footnote: the whole number that died during the prevalence of the yellow fever in philadelphia was over , . chapter vii. washington sends jay to england. - . the time appointed for the reassembling of congress was the first monday in december. washington had arrived at philadelphia, and the heads of departments were at their posts before the end of november. although the fear of contagion was not entirely dispelled when the time for the meeting of congress arrived, yet, such was the active zeal of parties, and such the universal expectation that important executive communications would be made, and that legislative measures not less important would be founded on them, that both houses were full on the first day, and a joint committee waited on the president with the usual information that they were ready to receive his communications. on the th of december ( ), at , the president met both houses in the senate chamber. his speech was moderate, firm, dignified, and interesting. it commenced with his own re-election, his feelings at which were thus expressed: "since the commencement of the term for which i have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense which i feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. while, on the one hand, it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality with which i have been honored by my country, on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration could ever have torn me. but, influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, i have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power, and i humbly implore that being on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general happiness." passing to those measures which had been adopted by the executive for the regulation of its conduct toward the belligerent nations, he observed: "as soon as the war in europe had embraced those powers with whom the united states have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question by suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. it seemed therefore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequence of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing state of things, an easier admission of our rights to the immunities belonging to our situation. under these impressions the proclamation which will be laid before you was issued. "in this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, i resolved to adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties, and assert the privileges of the united states. these were reduced into a system which shall be communicated to you." after suggesting those legislative provisions on this subject, the necessity of which had been pointed out by experience, he proceeded to say: "i cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense, and of exacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us. the united states ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every nation abounds. there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost by the reputation of weakness. if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it: if we desire to secure peace--one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity--it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." these observations were followed by a recommendation to augment the supply of arms and ammunition in the magazines, and to improve the militia establishment. after referring to a communication to be subsequently made for occurrences relative to the connection of the united states with europe, which had, he said, become extremely interesting, and, after reviewing indian affairs, he particularly addressed the house of representatives. having presented to them in detail some subjects of which it was proper they should be informed, he added: "no pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; on none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable. "the productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to be equal to the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite; and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens who cannot but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions, to obviate a future accumulation of burdens." the speech was concluded with the following impressive exhortation: "the several subjects to which i have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. but as the legislative proceedings of the united states will never, i trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperation." the day succeeding that on which this speech was delivered, a special message was sent to both houses containing some of the promised communications relative to the connection of the united states with foreign powers. after suggesting, as a motive for this communication, that it not only disclosed "matter of interesting inquiry to the legislature," but "might indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone were competent," the president added: "the representative and executive bodies of france have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation; and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground. a decree, however, of the national assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports, and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as to the united states, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. representations on the subject will be immediately given in charge to our minister there, and the result shall be communicated to the legislature. "it is with extreme concern i have to inform you that the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here, has breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him. their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in a war abroad and discord and anarchy at home. so far as his acts, or those of his agents, have threatened an immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. where their danger was not imminent, they have been borne with, from sentiments of regard of his nation, from a sense of their friendship toward us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the actions of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, i will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order. in the meantime i have respected and pursued the stipulations of our treaties, according to what i judged their true sense, and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others left us free to perform. i have gone further. rather than employ force for the restitution of certain vessels which i deemed the united states bound to restore, i thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing it to be my opinion that, if restitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the united states to make compensation." the message next proceeded to state that inquiries had been instituted respecting the vexations and spoliations committed on the commerce of the united states, the result of which, when received, would be communicated. the order issued by the british government on the th of june ( ), and the measures taken by the executive of the united states in consequence thereof, were briefly noticed, and the discussions which had taken place in relation to the nonexecution of the treaty of peace, were also mentioned. the message was then concluded with a reference to the negotiations with spain. "the public good," it was said, "requiring that the present state of these should be made known to the legislature in confidence only, they would be the subject of a separate and subsequent communication." this message was accompanied with copies of the correspondence between the secretary of state and the french minister, on the points of difference which subsisted between the two governments, together with several documents necessary for the establishment of particular facts, and with the letter written by mr. jefferson to mr. morris, which justified the conduct of the united states by arguments too clear to be misunderstood, and too strong ever to be controverted. the extensive discussions which had taken place relative to the nonexecution of the treaty of peace, and the correspondence produced by the objectionable measures which had been adopted by the british government during the existing war, were also laid before the legislature. in a popular government the representatives of the people may generally be considered as a mirror, reflecting truly the passions and feelings which govern their constituents. in the late elections, the strength of parties had been tried, and the opposition had derived so much aid from associating the cause of france with its own principles, as to furnish much reason to suspect that, in one branch of the legislature at least, it had become the majority. the first act of the house of representatives served to strengthen this suspicion. by each party a candidate for the chair was brought forward, and mr. muhlenberg, who was supported by the opposition, was elected by a majority of ten votes, against mr. sedgewick, whom the federalists supported. the answer, however, to washington's speech, bore no tinge of that malignant and furious spirit which had infused itself into the publications of the day. breathing the same affectionate attachment to his person and character which had been professed in other times, and being approved by every part of the house, it indicated that the leaders, at least, still venerated their chief magistrate, and that no general intention as yet existed to involve him in the obloquy directed against his measures. noticing that unanimous suffrage by which he had been again called to his present station, "it was," they said, "with equal sincerity and promptitude they embraced the occasion for expressing to him their congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation, and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which had produced this obedience to the voice of his country. it is," proceeded the address, "to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flattery; and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favor of the public happiness." the proclamation of neutrality was approved in guarded terms, and the topics of the speech were noticed in a manner which indicated dispositions cordially to cooperate with the executive. on the part of the senate, also, the answer to the speech was unfeignedly affectionate. in warm terms they expressed the pleasure which the re-election of washington gave them. "in the unanimity," they added, "which a second time marks this important national act, we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes, another proof of that discernment, and constancy of sentiments and views, which have hitherto characterized the citizens of the united states." speaking of the proclamation, they declared it to be "a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it." in a few days a confidential message from washington was delivered, communicating the critical situation of affairs with spain. the negotiations attempted with that power in regard to the interesting objects of boundary, navigation, and commerce, had been exposed to much delay and embarrassment, in consequence of the changes which the french revolution had effected in the political state of europe. meanwhile, the neighborhood of the spanish colonies to the united states had given rise to various other subjects of discussion, one of which had assumed a very serious aspect. having the best reason to suppose that the hostility of the southern indians was excited by the agents of spain, washington had directed the american commissioners at madrid to make the proper representations on the subject and to propose that each nation should, with good faith, promote the peace of the other with their savage neighbors. about the same time the spanish government entertained, or affected to entertain, corresponding suspicions of like hostile excitements by the agents of the united states, to disturb their peace with the same nations. the representations which were induced by these real or affected suspicions were accompanied with pretensions and made in a style to which the american executive could not be inattentive. the king of spain asserted these claims as a patron and protector of those indians. he assumed a right to mediate between them and the united states, and to interfere in the establishment of their boundaries. at length, in the very moment when those savages were committing daily inroads on the american frontier, at the instigation of spain, as was believed, the representatives of that power, complaining of the aggressions of american citizens on the indians, declared "that the continuation of the peace, good harmony, and perfect friendship of the two nations was very problematical for the future, unless the united states should take more convenient measures, and of greater energy than those adopted for a long time past." notwithstanding the zeal and enthusiasm with which the pretensions of the french republic, as asserted by their minister genet, continued to be supported out of doors, they found no open advocate in either branch of the legislature. this circumstance is, in a great measure, to be ascribed to the temperate conduct of the executive, and to the convincing arguments with which its decisions were supported. but when it is recollected that the odium which these decisions excited sustained no diminution; that the accusation of hostility to france and to liberty, which originated in them, was not retracted; that, when afterwards many of the controverted claims were renewed by france, her former advocates still adhered to her; it is not unreasonable to suppose that other considerations mingled themselves with the conviction which the correspondence laid before the legislature was calculated to produce. an attack on the administration could be placed on no ground more disadvantageous than on its controversy with mr. genet. the conduct and language of that minister were offensive to reflecting men of all parties. the president had himself taken so decisive a part in favor of the measures which had been adopted that they must be ascribed to him, not to his cabinet, and, of consequence, the whole weight of his personal character must be directly encountered in an attempt to censure those measures. from this censure it would have been difficult to extricate the person who was contemplated by the party in opposition as its chief; for the secretary of state had urged the arguments of the administration with a degree of ability and earnestness, which ought to have silenced the suspicion that he might not feel their force. [ ] the expression of a legislative opinion, in favor of the points insisted on by the french minister, would probably have involved the nation in a calamitous war, the whole responsibility for which would rest on them. to these considerations was added another, which could not be disregarded. the party in france, to which mr. genet owed his appointment, had lost its power, and his fall was the inevitable consequence of the fall of his patrons. that he would probably be recalled was known in america, and that his conduct had been disapproved by his government, was generally believed. the future system of the french republic, with regard to the united states, could not be foreseen, and it would be committing something to hazard not to wait its development. these objections did not exist to an indulgence of the partialities and prejudices of the nation towards the belligerent powers in measures suggested by its resentment against great britain. but, independent of these considerations, it is scarcely possible to doubt that congress really approved the conduct of the executive with regard to france, and was also convinced that a course of hostility had been pursued by great britain which the national interest and national honor required them to repel. in the irritable state of the public mind, it was not difficult to produce this opinion. early in the session a report was made by mr. jefferson, secretary of state, in pursuance of a resolution of the house of representatives, passed on the d of february, , requiring him "to report to congress the nature and extent of the privileges and restrictions of the commercial intercourse of the united states with foreign nations, and the measures which he should think proper to be adopted for the improvement of the commerce and navigation of the same." this report stated the exports of the united states in articles of their own produce and manufacture, at $ , , , and the imports at $ , , . of the exports, nearly one-half was carried to the kingdom of great britain and its dominions; of the imports, about four-fifths were brought from the same countries. the american shipping amounted to , tons, of which not quite one-sixth was employed in the trade with great britain and its dominions. in all the nations of europe, most of the articles produced in the united states were subject to heavy duties, and some of them were prohibited. in england, the trade of the united states was in general on as good a footing as the trade of other countries, and several articles were more favored than the same articles, the growth of other countries. the statements and arguments of this report tended to enforce the policy of making discriminations which might favor the commerce of the united states with france and discourage that with england, and which might promote the increase of american navigation as a branch of industry and a resource of defense. this was the last official act of the secretary of state. early in the preceding summer he had signified to the president his intention to retire in september from the public service, and had, with some reluctance, consented to postpone the execution of this intention to the close of the year. retaining his purpose, he resigned his office on the last day of december. he was succeeded by edmund randolph, whose place as attorney-general was supplied by william bradford, of pennsylvania. on the th of january ( ), the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the secretary of state, relative to the restrictions of the commerce of the united states, when mr. madison, after some prefatory observations, laid on the table a series of resolutions for the consideration of the members. these memorable resolutions embraced almost completely the idea of the report. they imposed an additional duty on the manufactures, and on the tonnage of vessels of nations having no commercial treaty with the united states; while they reduced the duties already imposed by law on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations having such commercial treaty, and they reciprocated the restrictions which were imposed on american navigation. the resolutions were taken up on the th of january ( ), and the consideration of them led to protracted and very animated debates. the friends of the administration regarded mr. madison's scheme as directly hostile to england and subservient to the views of france, in a degree utterly inconsistent with the policy of neutrality. on the other hand, the opposition insisted that the proposed measures were absolutely necessary to protect the commerce of the country from aggression and plunder. mr. madison, in advocating the views which he held, looked especially to measures correspondent to the british navigation act, which had given england the command of the sea. he contended that america would thrive more from exclusion and contest, than from conciliating and stooping to a power that slighted her; and that now was the moment, if ever, when england was engaged in mortal strife with france, to bring her to reason. [ ] mr. madison's plan was debated at different periods of the session, and underwent considerable modification in its progress through the house, where a resolution was finally adopted retaining the principle of commercial restrictions. it was rejected in the senate by the casting vote of mr. adams, the vice-president. early in january, a resolution was agreed to in the house, declaring "that a naval force, adequate to the protection of the commerce of the united states against the algerine corsairs, ought to be provided." the force proposed was to consist of six frigates. this measure was founded on the communications of the president respecting the improbability of being able to negotiate a peace with the dey of algiers; and on undoubted information that these pirates had, during their first short cruise in the atlantic, captured eleven american merchantmen, and made upwards of prisoners, and were preparing to renew their attack on the unprotected vessels of the united states. this bill was strongly opposed, but finally passed both houses, and was approved by the president. while these debates were going on, the news of the british order in council of the th of november (which had not become known to the american minister in england until the close of december, ), relative to the french west india trade, arrived in the united states, and roused afresh the hostility against england. such was the threatening aspect of affairs, that early in the session a committee of the house was instructed to prepare and report an estimate of the expense requisite to place the principal seaports of the country in a state of defense. that some steps should be taken to resist aggressions on the part of england, was very evident; but the members of congress differed as to what measures ought to be adopted. the opponents of the administration urged the adoption of commercial restrictions, while its supporters, with the president himself, were in favor of a different course. various plans were submitted to the house by members, in accordance with their different views of the subject. on the th of march ( ) mr. sedgwick moved several resolutions, the objects of which were to raise a military force, and to authorize the president to lay an embargo. the armament was to consist of , men, who should be brought into actual service in case of war with any european power, but not until war should break out. in the meantime they were to receive pay while assembled for the purpose of discipline, which was not to exceed twenty-four days in each year. after stating the motives which led to the introduction of these resolutions they were laid on the table for the consideration of the members. on the st of march mr. sedgwick's motion, authorizing the president to lay an embargo, was negatived by a majority of two votes, but in a few days the consideration of that subject was resumed, and a resolution passed prohibiting all trade from the united states to any foreign port or place for thirty days, and empowering the president to carry the resolution into effect. on the th of march mr. dayton moved a resolution for sequestering all debts due to british subjects, and for taking means to secure their payment into the treasury, as a fund out of which to indemnify the citizens of the united states for depredations committed on their commerce by british cruisers, in violation of the laws of nations. the debate on this resolution was such as was to be expected from the irritable state of the public mind. the invectives against the british nation were uttered with peculiar vehemence, and were mingled with allusions to the exertions of the government for the preservation of neutrality, censuring strongly the system which had been pursued. before any question was taken on the proposition for sequestering british debts, and without a decision on those proposed by mr. madison, mr. clarke moved a resolution which in some degree suspended the commercial regulations that had been so earnestly debated. this was to prohibit all intercourse with great britain until her government should make full compensation for all injuries done to the citizens of the united states by armed vessels, or by any person or persons acting under the authority of the british king, and until the western posts should be delivered up. on the th of april ( ) before any decision was made on the several propositions which have been stated, the president laid before congress a letter just received from thomas pinckney, the minister of the united states at london, communicating additional instructions to the commanders of british armed ships, which were dated the th of january. these instructions revoked those of the th of november ( ), and, instead of bringing in for adjudication all neutral vessels trading with the french islands, british cruisers were directed to bring in those only which were laden with cargoes the produce of the french islands, and were on a direct voyage from those islands to europe. the letter detailed a conversation with lord grenville on this subject, in which his lordship explained the motives which had originally occasioned the order of the th of november, and gave to it a less extensive signification than it had received in the courts of vice-admiralty. it was intended, he said, to be temporary and was calculated to answer two purposes. one was to prevent the abuses which might take place in consequence of the whole of the st. domingo fleet having gone to the united states; the other was on account of the attack designed upon the french west india islands by the armament under sir john jervis and sir charles grey; but it was now no longer necessary to continue the regulations for those purposes. his lordship added that the order of the th of november did not direct the confiscation of all vessels trading with the french islands, but only that they should be brought in for legal adjudication, and he conceived that no vessel would be condemned under it which would not have been previously liable to the same sentence. the influence of this communication on the party in the legislature which was denominated federal was very considerable. believing that the existing differences between the two nations still admitted of explanation and adjustment, they strenuously opposed all measures which were irritating in their tendency or which might be construed into a dereliction of the neutral character they were desirous of maintaining, but they gave all their weight to those which, by putting the nation in a posture of defense, prepared it for war should negotiation fail. on the opposite party no change of sentiment or of views appears to have been produced. their system seems to have been matured, and not to have originated in the feelings of the moment. they adhered to it, therefore, with inflexible perseverance, but seemed not anxious to press an immediate determination of the propositions which had been made. these propositions were discussed with great animation, but, notwithstanding an ascertained majority in their favor, were permitted to remain undecided, as if their fate depended on some extrinsic circumstance. meanwhile, great exertions were made to increase the public agitation and to stimulate the resentments which were felt against great britain. the artillery of the press was played with unceasing fury on the minority of the house of representatives and the democratic societies brought their whole force into operation. language will scarcely afford terms of greater outrage than were employed against those who sought to stem the torrent of public opinion and to moderate the rage of the moment. they were denounced as a british faction, seeking to impose chains on their countrymen. even the majority was declared to be but half roused and to show little of that energy and decision which the crisis required. the proceedings of congress continued to manifest a fixed purpose to pursue the system which had been commenced, and the public sentiment seemed to accord with that system. that the nation was advancing rapidly to a state of war was firmly believed by many intelligent men, who doubted the necessity and denied the policy of abandoning the neutral position which had been thus long maintained. in addition to the extensive calamities which must, in any state of things, result to the united states from a rupture with a nation which was the mistress of the ocean, and which furnished the best market for the sale of their produce and the purchase of manufactures of indispensable necessity, there were considerations belonging exclusively to the moment, which, though operating only in a narrow circle, were certainly entitled to great respect. [ ] that war with britain, during the continuance of the passionate and almost idolatrous devotion of a great majority of the people to the french republic, would throw america so completely into the arms of france as to leave her no longer mistress of her own conduct, was not the only fear which the temper of the day suggested. that the spirit which triumphed in that nation and deluged it with the blood of its revolutionary champions might cross the atlantic, and desolate the hitherto safe and peaceful dwellings of the american people, was an apprehension not so entirely unsupported by appearances as to be pronounced chimerical. with a blind infatuation, which treated reason as a criminal, immense numbers applauded a furious despotism, trampling on every right, and sporting with life as the essence of liberty; and the few who conceived freedom to be a plant which did not flourish the better for being nourished with human blood, and who ventured to disapprove the ravages of the guillotine, were execrated as the tools of the coalesced despots, and as persons who, to weaken the affection of america for france, became the calumniators of that republic. already had an imitative spirit, captivated with the splendor, but copying the errors, of a great nation, reared up in every part of the continent self-created corresponding societies, who, claiming to be the people, assumed a control over the government and were loosening its bands. already were the mountain, [ ] and a revolutionary tribunal, favorite toasts, and already were principles familiarly proclaimed, which, in france, had been the precursors of that tremendous and savage despotism, which, in the name of the people and by the instrumentality of affiliated societies, had spread its terrific sway over that fine country and had threatened to extirpate all that was wise and virtuous. that a great majority of those statesmen who conducted the opposition would deprecate such a result furnished no security against it. when the physical force of a nation usurps the place of its wisdom, those who have produced such a state of things no longer control it. these apprehensions, whether well or ill founded, produced in those who felt them an increased solicitude for the preservation of peace. their aid was not requisite to confirm the judgment of washington on this interesting subject. fixed in his purpose of maintaining the neutrality of the united states until the aggressions of a foreign power should clearly render neutrality incompatible with honor, and conceiving from the last advices received from england that the differences between the two nations had not yet attained that point, he determined to make one decisive effort, which should either remove the ostensible causes of quarrel or demonstrate the indisposition of great britain to remove them. this determination was executed by the nomination of an envoy extraordinary to his britannic majesty, which was announced to the senate on the th of april ( ), in the following terms: "the communications which i have made to you during your present session, from the dispatches of our minister in london, contain a serious aspect of our affairs with great britain. but as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted zeal, before the last resource--which has so often been the scourge of nations and cannot fail to check the advanced prosperity of the united states--is contemplated, i have thought proper to nominate and do hereby nominate john jay as envoy extraordinary of the united states to his britannic majesty. [ ] "my confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in london continues undiminished. but a mission like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for the friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility. going immediately from the united states, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country, and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness and to cultivate peace with sincerity." to those who believed the interests of the nation to require a rupture with england and a still closer connection with france nothing could be more unlooked for or more unwelcome than this decisive measure. that it would influence the proceedings of congress could not be doubted, and that it would materially affect the public mind was probable. evincing the opinion of the executive that negotiation, not legislative hostility, was still the proper medium for accommodating differences with great britain, it threw on the legislature a great responsibility, if they should persist in a system calculated to defeat that negotiation. by showing to the people that their president did not yet believe war to be necessary, it turned the attention of many to peace, and, by suggesting the probability, rekindled the almost extinguished desire of preserving that blessing. scarcely has any public act of the president drawn upon his administration a greater degree of censure than this. that such would be its effect could not be doubted by a person who had observed the ardor with which opinions that it thwarted were embraced, or the extremity to which the passions and contests of the moment had carried all orders of men. but it is the province of real patriotism to consult the utility more than the popularity of a measure, and to pursue the path of duty, although it may be rugged. in the senate the nomination was approved by a majority of ten votes, and, in the house of representatives, it was urged as an argument against persevering in the system which had been commenced. on the th of april a motion for taking up the report of the committee of the whole house on the resolution for cutting off all commercial intercourse with great britain was opposed chiefly on the ground that, as an envoy had been nominated to the court of that country, no obstacle ought to be thrown in his way. the adoption of the resolution would be a bar to negotiation, because it used the language of menace and manifested a partiality to one of the belligerents which was incompatible with neutrality. it was also an objection to the resolution that it prescribed the terms on which alone a treaty should be made, and was, consequently, an infringement of the right of the executive to negotiate, and an indelicacy to that department. the resolution having undergone some modifications, a bill in conformity with it was brought in and carried by a considerable majority. in the senate it was lost by the casting vote of mr. adams, the vice-president. the system which had been taken up in the house of representatives was pressed no further. a bill for punishing infringements of the neutrality laws and prohibiting the condemnation and sale of prizes in the ports of the united states, brought in by the belligerent powers, was suggested by washington and reported in the senate, where it met a violent opposition and was finally passed by the casting vote of the vice-president. in the house of representatives it was passed after striking out the provision relative to the sale of prizes. in maintaining his system of strict neutrality washington had to fight every inch of the ground. the opposition omitted no means of bringing the administration into discredit. attacks in congress on the executive officers of the government was resorted to. in both houses inquiries were set on foot respecting the treasury department, which obviously originated in the hope of finding some foundation for censuring mr. hamilton, the secretary, but which failed entirely. in a similar hope, as respected gouverneur morris, the minister of the united states at paris, the senate passed a vote requesting the president to lay before that body his correspondence with the french republic, and also with the department of state. as a war with great britain seemed inevitable should the mission of mr. jay prove unsuccessful, congress did not adjourn without passing the absolutely necessary laws for putting the country in a state of defense. provision was made for fortifying the principal harbors, and , militia were ordered to be in readiness for active service. arms and munitions of war were allowed to be imported free of duty, and the president was authorized to purchase galleys and lay an embargo if he should deem that the public interest required it. to meet the expenses thus incurred duties were levied on a number of additional articles of importation. on the th of june ( ) this active and stormy session was closed by an adjournment to the first monday in the succeeding november. "the public," says marshall, "was not less agitated than the legislature had been by those interesting questions which had occasioned some of the most animated and eloquent discussions that had ever taken place on the floor of the house of representatives. mr. madison's resolutions especially continued to be the theme of general conversation, and, for a long time, divided parties throughout the united states. the struggle for public opinion was ardent, and each party supported its pretensions, not only with those arguments which each deemed conclusive, but also by those reciprocal criminations which, perhaps, each in part believed. "the opposition declared that the friends of the administration were an aristocratic and corrupt faction, who, from a desire to introduce monarchy, were hostile to france, and under the influence of britain; that they sought every occasion to increase expense, to augment debt, to multiply the public burdens, to create armies and navies, and, by the instrumentality of all this machinery, to govern and enslave the people; that they were a paper nobility, whose extreme sensibility at every measure which threatened the funds, induced a tame submission to injuries and insults, which the interest and the honor of the nation required them to resist. "the friends of the administration retorted that the opposition was prepared to sacrifice the best interests of their country on the altar of the french revolution; that they were willing to go to war for french, not for american objects; that while they urged war they withheld the means of supporting it in order the more effectually to humble and disgrace the government; that they were so blinded by their passion for france as to confound crimes with meritorious deeds, and to abolish the natural distinction between virtue and vice; that the principles which they propagated and with which they sought to intoxicate the people were, in practice, incompatible with the existence of government; that they were the apostles of anarchy, not of freedom, and were, consequently, not the friends of real and rational liberty." immediately after the adjournment of congress, washington paid a short visit to mount vernon. on the th of june he writes from baltimore to randolph, secretary of state, respecting the commission and letters of credence of john quincy adams, whom he had recently appointed minister resident to the united netherlands. from the same place, on the same day, he writes to gouverneur morris, who had recently been recalled from france at the request of the revolutionary authorities, he having pretty openly expressed his disapprobation of the excesses of the party in power. washington had appointed as his successor james monroe, who, as senator, had uniformly opposed the measures of the administration. such an act of magnanimity in these times would excite considerable surprise. on the th of june ( ), after his arrival at mount vernon, washington again writes to gouverneur morris, who still retained his warm friendship and confidence. speaking of his political course, he says: "my primary objects, to which i have steadily adhered, have been to preserve the country in peace if i can, and to be prepared for war if i cannot; to effect the first upon terms consistent with the respect which is due to ourselves and with honor, justice, and good faith to all the world." on the same day he writes to edmund randolph, secretary of state: "i shall endeavor to be back by the time i allotted before i left philadelphia, if i am able, but an exertion to save myself and horse from falling among the rocks at the lower falls of the potomac, whither i went on sunday morning to see the canal and locks, has wrenched my back in such a manner as to prevent my riding, and hitherto has defeated the purposes for which i came home. my stay here will only be until i can ride with ease and safety, whether i accomplish my own business or not." in july ( ) washington returned to philadelphia, where very weighty matters were demanding his attention. . footnote: marshall. . footnote: madison, on this and other occasions, appears to have been earnestly desirous to build up an extensive mercantile marine, with a view to the formation of an efficient navy. it is pleasant to recollect that, under his administration as president, the proudest triumphs of our navy were achieved. . footnote: marshall. . footnote: a well-known term designating the most violent party in france. . footnote: mr. jay's secretary on this mission was col. john trumbull. colonel trumbull may be considered one of the most interesting among the many remarkable characters called into action and developed by our revolutionary war. all that we know of him tends to raise him in our estimation as a soldier, a gentleman, and an artist. when accidentally, as he thought, but providentially, as the event proved, he was excluded from the army, he deemed it a great misfortune, but it forced upon him the cultivation of his art, and made him the painter of the revolution. his noble historical paintings are the most precious relics of that heroic age which the nation possesses. they are justly prized above all price; and the latest posterity will rejoice that trumbull laid down the sword to take up the pallet and pencil. chapter viii. washington quells the western insurrection. . while congress was in session several important matters had claimed the consideration of washington, to which we will now call the reader's attention. it will be recollected that a request of the executive for the recall of mr. genet had been transmitted to the french government. during the time which elapsed before an answer could be returned genet's proceedings had been such as to call for all the prudence, foresight, and moderation of washington. in that spirit of conciliation which adopts the least irritating means for effecting its objects, washington had resolved to bear with the insults, the resistance, and the open defiance of genet until his appeal to the friendship and the policy of the french republic should be fairly tried. early in january ( ) this resolution was shaken by fresh proofs of the perseverance of that minister in a line of conduct not to be tolerated by a nation which has not surrendered all pretensions to self-government. genet had meditated and deliberately planned two expeditions, to be carried on from the territories of the united states against the dominions of spain, and had, as minister of the french republic, granted commissions to citizens of the united states, who were privately recruiting troops for the proposed service. the first was destined against florida and the second against louisiana. the detail of the plans had been settled. the pay, rations, clothing, plunder, and division of the conquered lands to be allotted to the military and the proportion of the acquisitions to be reserved to the republic of france were arranged. the troops destined to act against florida were to be raised in the three southern states, were to rendezvous in georgia, were to be aided by a body of indians, and were to cooperate with the french fleet, should one arrive on the coast. this scheme had been the subject of a correspondence between the executive and genet, but was in full progress in the preceding december, when, by the vigilance of the legislature of south carolina, it was more particularly developed, and some of the principal agents were arrested. about the same time, intelligence less authentic, but wearing every circumstance of probability, was received, stating that the expedition against louisiana, which was to be carried on down the ohio from kentucky, was in equal maturity. this intelligence seemed to render a further forbearance incompatible with the dignity of the united states. the question of superseding the diplomatic functions of genet and depriving him of the privileges attached to that character was brought before the cabinet, and a message to congress was prepared, communicating these transactions and avowing a determination to adopt that measure, unless one or the other house should signify the opinion that it was not advisable so to do, when the business was arrested by receiving a letter from mr. morris announcing officially the recall of this rash minister. mr. fauchet, the successor of genet, arrived in february ( ), and brought with him strong assurances that his government totally disapproved the conduct of his predecessor. he avowed a determination to avoid whatever might be offensive to those to whom he was deputed, and a wish to carry into full effect the friendly dispositions of his nation toward the united states. for some time his actions were in the spirit of these professions. not long after the arrival of mr. fauchet, the executive government of france requested the recall of gouverneur morris. with this request washington, as we have already seen, immediately complied, and james monroe was appointed to succeed him. the discontents which had been long fomented in the western country had assumed a serious and alarming appearance. a remonstrance to the president and congress of the united states from the inhabitants of kentucky, respecting the navigation of the mississippi, was laid before the executive and each branch of the legislature. the style of this paper accorded well with the instructions under which it had been prepared. it demanded the free navigation of the mississippi as a right, and arraigned the government for not having secured its enjoyment. the paper was submitted to both houses of congress. in the senate the subject was referred to a committee who reported "that in the negotiation now carrying on at madrid between the united states and spain, the right of the former to the free navigation of the mississippi is well asserted and demonstrated, and their claim to its enjoyment is pursued with all the assiduity and firmness which the magnitude of the subject demands, and will doubtless continue to be so pursued until the object shall be obtained or adverse circumstances shall render the further progress of the negotiation impracticable. that in the present state of the business it would improper for congress to interfere, but, in order to satisfy the citizens of the united states more immediately interested in the event of this negotiation, that the united states, have uniformly asserted their right to the free use of the navigation of the river mississippi, and have employed and will continue to pursue such measures as are best adapted to obtain the enjoyment of this important territorial right, the committee recommend that it be resolved by the senate: "that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is requested to cause to be communicated to the executive of the state of kentucky, such part of the existing negotiation between the united states and spain relative to this subject, as he may deem advisable and consistent with the course of the negotiation." in the house of representatives also a resolution was passed, expressing the conviction of the house, that the executive was urging the claim of the united states to the navigation of the mississippi in the manner most likely to prove successful. this answer was not satisfactory to the kentuckians. later developments showed that they had a different object from that of obtaining the free navigation of the mississippi by negotiation. in october, , it was alleged by the spanish commissioners that four frenchmen had left philadelphia, empowered by the minister of the french republic to prepare an expedition, in kentucky, against new orleans. this fact was immediately communicated by mr. jefferson to the governor of that state, with a request that he would use those means of prevention which the law enabled him to employ. this letter was accompanied by one from the secretary of war, conveying the request of the president, that, if preventive means should fail, effectual military force should then be employed to arrest the expedition, and general wayne was ordered to hold a body of troops at the disposal of the governor should he find the militia insufficient for his purpose. the governor had already received information that a citizen of kentucky was in possession of a commission appointing him commander-in-chief of the proposed expedition; and that the frenchmen alluded to in the letter of mr. jefferson had arrived, and, far from affecting concealment, declared that they only waited for money, which they expected soon to receive, in order to commence their operations. the governor, however, in a letter, containing very singular views of his duty in the affair, declined to interfere with the proposed expedition. upon the receipt of this extraordinary letter, washington directed general wayne to establish a military post at fort massac, on the ohio, for the purpose of stopping by force, if peaceful means should fail, any body of armed men who should be proceeding down that river. this precaution appears to have been necessary. the preparations for the expedition were, for some time, carried on with considerable activity; and there is reason to believe that it was not absolutely relinquished until the war ceased between france and spain. it will be recollected that, in the preceding year, the attempt to treat with the hostile indians had suspended the operations of general wayne until the season for action had nearly passed away. after the total failure of negotiation, the campaign was opened with as much vigor as a prudent attention to circumstances would permit. the indians had expected an attempt upon their villages, and had collected in full force, with the apparent determination of risking a battle in their defense. a battle was desired by the american general, but the consequences of another defeat were too serious to warrant him in putting more to hazard by precipitate movements than the circumstances of the war required. the negotiations with the indians were not terminated till september, and it was then too late to complete the preparations which would enable general wayne to accomplish his object. he, therefore, contented himself with collecting his army and penetrating about six miles in advance of fort jefferson, where he established himself for the winter in a camp called greensville. after fortifying his camp, he took possession of the ground on which the americans had been defeated in , where he erected fort recovery. these positions afforded considerable protection to the frontiers, and facilitated the opening of the ensuing campaign. seeing only the dark side of every measure adopted by the government, and not disinclined to militia expeditions made at the expense of the united states, the people of kentucky loudly charged the president with a total disregard of their safety, pronounced the continental troops entirely useless, declared that the indians should be kept in awe alone by the militia, and insisted that the power should be deposited with some person in their state to call them out at his discretion, at the charge of the united states. meanwhile, some steps were taken by the governor of upper canada, which were well calculated to increase suspicions respecting the dispositions of great britain. it was believed by washington, not without cause, that the cabinet of london was disposed to avail itself of the nonexecution of that article of the treaty of peace which stipulates for the payment of debts, to justify a permanent detention of the posts on the southern side of the lakes, and to establish a new boundary line, whereby those lakes should be entirely comprehended in upper canada. early in the spring a detachment from the garrison of detroit repossessed and fortified a position nearly fifty miles south of that station, on the miami, a river which empties into lake erie at its westernmost point. this movement, and other facts which strengthened the belief that the hostile indians were at least countenanced by the english, were the subjects of a correspondence between the secretary of state and mr. hammond, in which crimination was answered by recrimination, in which a considerable degree of mutual irritation was displayed, and in which each supported his charges against the nation of the other, much better than he defended his own. it did not, however, in any manner, affect the operations of the army. the delays inseparable from the transportation of necessary supplies through an uninhabited country, infested by an active enemy peculiarly skilled in partisan war, unavoidably protracted the opening of the campaign until near midsummer. meanwhile several sharp skirmishes took place, in one of which a few white men were stated to be mingled with the indians. on the th of august ( ) general wayne reached the confluence of the au glaize, where he threw up some works of defense and protection for magazines. the richest and most extensive settlements of the western indians lay about this place. the mouth of the au glaize is distant about thirty miles from the post occupied by the british, in the vicinity of which the whole strength of the enemy, amounting, according to intelligence on which general wayne relied, to rather less than , men, was collected. the continental legion was not much inferior in number to the indians, and a reinforcement of about , mounted militia from kentucky, commanded by general scott, gave a decided superiority of strength to the army of wayne. that the indians had determined to give him battle was well understood, and the discipline of his legion, the ardor of all his troops, and the superiority of his numbers, authorized him confidently to expect a favorable issue. yet, in pursuance of that policy by which the united states had been uniformly actuated, he determined to make one more effort for the attainment of peace without bloodshed. messengers were dispatched to the several hostile tribes who were assembled in his front, inviting them to appoint deputies to meet him on his march, in order to negotiate a lasting peace. on the th of august ( ) the american army advanced down the miami, with its right covered by that river, and on the th arrived at the rapids. here they halted on the th, in order to erect a temporary work for the protection of the baggage and to reconnoiter the situation of the enemy. the indians were advantageously posted behind a thick wood, and behind the british fort. at in the morning of the th the american army advanced in columns, the legion with its right flank covered by the miami. one brigade of mounted volunteers, commanded by general todd, was on the left; and the other, under general barbee, was in the rear. a select battalion, commanded by major price, moved in front of the legion, sufficiently in advance to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action. after marching about five miles major price received a heavy fire from a concealed enemy, and was compelled to retreat. the indians had chosen their ground with judgment. they had advanced into the thick wood in front of the british works, which extends several miles west from the miami, and had taken a position rendered almost inaccessible to horse by a quantity of fallen timber which appeared to have been blown up in a tornado. they were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other; and, as is their custom, with a very extended front. their line stretched to the west, at right angles with the river, about two miles, and their immediate effort was to turn the left flank of the american army. on the discharge of the first rifle, the legion was formed in two lines, and the front was ordered to advance with trailed arms and rouse the enemy from his covert at the point of the bayonet; then, and not until then, to deliver a fire, and to press the fugitives too closely to allow them time to load after discharging their pieces. soon perceiving the strength of the enemy in front, and that he was endeavoring to turn the american left, the general ordered the second line to support the first. the legion cavalry, led by captain campbell, was directed to penetrate between the indians and the river, where the wood was less thick and entangled, in order to charge their left flank; and general scott, at the head of the mounted volunteers, was directed to make a considerable circuit, and to turn their right flank. these orders were executed with spirit and promptitude, but such was the impetuosity of the charge made by the first line of infantry, so entirely was the enemy broken by it, and so rapid was the pursuit that only a small part of the second line and of the mounted volunteers could get into action. in the course of one hour the indians were driven more than two miles through thick woods, when the pursuit terminated within gunshot of the british fort. general wayne remained three days on the banks of the miami, in front of the field of battle, during which time the houses and cornfields above and below the fort, some of them within pistol-shot of it, were reduced to ashes. in the course of these operations a correspondence took place between general wayne and major campbell, the commandant of the fort, which is stated by the former in such a manner as to show that hostilities between them were avoided only by the prudent acquiescence of the latter in this devastation of property within the range of his guns. on the th (august, ), the army returned to au glaize by easy marches, destroying on its route all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. in this decisive battle the loss of the americans in killed and wounded, amounted to , including officers. among the dead were captain campbell, who commanded the cavalry, and lieutenant towles of the infantry, both of whom fell in the first charge. general wayne bestowed great and well-merited praise on the courage and alacrity displayed by every part of the army. the hostility of the indians still continuing, their whole country was laid waste, and forts were erected in the heart of their settlements to prevent their return. this seasonable victory rescued the united states from a general war with all the indians northwest of the ohio. the six nations had discovered a restless, uneasy temper, and the interposition of the president to prevent a settlement which pennsylvania was about to make at presque isle seemed rather to suspend the commencement of hostilities than to establish permanent pacific dispositions among those tribes. the battle of the th of august, however, had an immediate effect, and the clouds which had been long gathering in that quarter were instantly dissipated. in the south, too, its influence was felt. in that quarter the inhabitants of georgia and the indians seemed equally disposed to war. scarcely was the feeble authority of the government competent to restrain the aggressions of the former, or the dread of its force sufficient to repress those of the latter. in this doubtful state of things, the effect of a victory could not be inconsiderable. about this time the seditions and violent resistance to the execution of the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the united states had advanced to a point in the counties of pennsylvania lying west of the allegheny mountains, which required the decisive interposition of government. the laws being openly set at defiance, washington determined to test their efficiency. bills of indictment were found against the perpetrators of certain outrages, and process was issued against them and placed in the hands of the united states marshal for execution. the marshal repaired in person to the country which was the scene of disorder for the purpose of serving the processes. on the th of july ( ), while in the execution of his duty, he was beset on the road by a body of armed men, who fired on him, but fortunately did him no personal injury. at daybreak the ensuing morning a party attacked the house of general nevil, the inspector, but he defended himself resolutely and obliged the assailants to retreat. knowing well that this attack had been preconcerted, and apprehending that it would be repeated, he applied to the militia officers and magistrates of the county for protection. the answer was that, "owing to the too general combination of the people to oppose the revenue system, the laws could not be executed so as to afford him protection; that should the _posse comitatus_ be ordered out to support the civil authority they would favor the party of the rioters." on the succeeding day the insurgents reassembled to the number of about to renew their attack on the house of the inspector. that officer, finding that no protection could be afforded by the civil authority, had applied to the commanding officer at fort pitt, and had obtained a detachment of eleven men from that garrison, who were joined by major kirkpatrick. successful resistance to so great a force being obviously impracticable, a parley took place, at which the assailants, after requiring that the inspector and all his papers should be delivered up, demanded that the party in the house should march out and ground their arms. this being refused, the parley terminated and the assault commenced. the action lasted until the assailants set fire to several adjacent buildings, the heat from which was so intense that the house could no longer be occupied. from this cause, and from the apprehension that the fire would soon be communicated to the main building, major kirkpatrick and his party surrendered themselves. the marshal and col. pressly nevil were seized on their way to general nevil's house and detained until the next morning. the marshal especially was treated with extreme severity. his life was frequently threatened, and was probably saved by the interposition of some leading individuals, who possessed more humanity or more prudence than those with whom they were associated. he could obtain his liberty only by entering into a solemn engagement, which was guaranteed by colonel nevil, to serve no more processes on the western side of the allegheny mountains. the marshal and inspector having both retired to pittsburgh, the insurgents deputed two of their body, one of whom was a justice of the peace, to demand that the former should surrender all his authority, and that the latter should resign his office, threatening, in case of refusal, to attack the place and seize their persons. these demands were not acceded to, but pittsburghh affording no security, these officers escaped from the danger which threatened them by descending the ohio; after which they found their way, by a circuitous route, to the seat of government. the rioters next proceeded to intercept the mail and take out letters from certain parties in pittsburghh, containing expressions of disapproval of their proceedings. the writers of these letters they caused to be banished. they next held meetings on braddock's field and at parkinson's ferry, at which the determination to resist the laws by force of arms was openly avowed. affidavits attesting this serious state of things were laid before washington. affairs had now reached a point which seemed to forbid the continuance of a temporizing system. the efforts at conciliation, which, for more than three years, the government had persisted to make, and the alterations repeatedly introduced into the act for the purpose of rendering it less exceptionable, instead of diminishing the arrogance of those who opposed their will to the sense of the nation, had drawn forth sentiments indicative of designs much deeper than the evasion of a single act. the execution of the laws had at length been resisted by open force, and a determination to persevere in these measures was unequivocally avowed. the alternative of subduing this resistance or of submitting to it was presented to the government. the act of congress which provided for calling forth the militia "to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions" required, as a prerequisite to the exercise of this power, "that an associate justice, or the judge of the district, should certify that the laws of the united states were opposed, or their execution obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals." in the same act it was provided, "that if the militia of the state where such combinations may happen shall refuse, or be insufficient, to suppress the same, the president may employ the militia of other states." the evidence which had been transmitted to washington was laid before one of the associate justices, who gave the certificate, which enabled the chief magistrate to employ the militia in aid of the civil power. washington now called a cabinet to consider the subject, and the governor of pennsylvania was also consulted respecting it. randolph, the secretary of state, and the governor of pennsylvania urged reasons against coercion by force of arms; hamilton, knox, and bradford were in favor of employing military force. these members of the cabinet were also of opinion that policy and humanity equally dictated the employment of a force which would render resistance desperate. the insurgent country contained , men able to bear arms, and the computation was that they could bring , into the field. if the army of the government should amount to , men, it would present an imposing force which the insurgents would not venture to meet. it was impossible that washington could hesitate to embrace the latter of these opinions. that a government entrusted to him should be trampled under foot by a lawless section of the union, which set at defiance the will of the nation, as expressed by its representatives, was an abasement to which neither his judgment nor his feelings could submit. he resolved, therefore, to issue the proclamation which, by law, was to precede the employment of force. on the same day a requisition was made on the governors of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia for their several quotas of militia to compose an army of , men, who were to be immediately organized and prepared to march at a minute's warning. the force was ultimately increased to , . while steps were taking to bring this force into the field, a last essay was made to render its employment unnecessary. three distinguished and popular citizens of pennsylvania were deputed by the government to be the bearers of a general amnesty for past offenses, on the sole condition of future obedience to the laws. it having been deemed advisable that the executive of the state should act in concert with that of the united states, governor mifflin also issued a proclamation and appointed commissioners to act with those of the general government. these commissioners were met by a committee from the convention at parkinson's ferry, and the conference resulted in a reference of the offer of amnesty to the people. this reference only served to demonstrate that, while a few persons were disposed to submit to the laws, the masses in the disturbed districts were determined to obstruct the re-establishment of civil authority. on the th of september ( ), washington issued a proclamation describing in terms of great energy the obstinate and perverse spirit with which the lenient propositions of the government had been received, and declaring his fixed determination, in obedience to the high and irresistible duty consigned to him by the constitution, "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," to reduce the refractory to obedience. the troops of new jersey and pennsylvania were directed to rendezvous at bedford, and those of maryland and virginia at cumberland, on the potomac. the command of the expedition had been conferred on governor lee, of virginia, and the governors of new jersey and pennsylvania commanded the militia of their respective states under him. washington in person visited each division of the army, but, being confident that the force employed must look down all resistance, he left hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, to accompany it, and returned himself to philadelphia, where the approaching session of congress required his presence. [ ] from cumberland and bedford the army marched in two divisions into the country of the insurgents. the greatness of the force prevented the effusion of blood. the disaffected did not venture to assemble in arms. several of the leaders, who had refused to give assurances of future submission to the laws, were seized, and some of them detained for legal prosecution. but although no direct and open opposition was made, the spirit of insurrection was not subdued. a sour and malignant temper displayed itself, which indicated but too plainly that the disposition to resist had only sunk under the pressure of the great military force brought into the country, but would rise again should that force be withdrawn. it was, therefore, thought advisable to station for the winter a detachment, to be commanded by major-general morgan, in the center of the disaffected country. "thus," says marshall, "without shedding blood, did the prudent vigor of the executive terminate an insurrection which, at one time, threatened to shake the government of the united states to its foundation. that so perverse a spirit should have been excited in the bosom of prosperity, without the pressure of a single grievance, is among those political phenomena which occur not infrequently in the course of human affairs, and which the statesman can never safely disregard. when real ills are felt there is something positive and perceptible to which the judgment may be directed, the actual extent of which may be ascertained and the cause of which may be discerned. but when the mind, inflamed by suppositious dangers, gives full play to the imagination, and fastens upon some object with which to disturb itself, the belief that the danger exists seems to become a matter of faith, with which reason combats in vain." washington's own view of the insurrection and its causes is contained in a letter to john jay, then on his mission to england. "as you have been," he writes, "and will continue to be fully informed by the secretary of state of all transactions of a public nature which relate to, or may have an influence on, the points of your mission, it would be unnecessary for me to touch upon any of them in this letter were it not for the presumption that the insurrection in the western counties of this state has excited much speculation and a variety of opinions abroad, and will be represented differently, according to the wishes of some and the prejudices of others, who may exhibit, as an evidence of what has been predicted, 'that we are unable to govern ourselves.' under this view of the subject, i am happy in giving it to you as the general opinion that this event having happened at the time it did was fortunate, although it will be attended with considerable expense. "that the self-created societies which have spread themselves over this country have been laboring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and, of course, discontent, thereby hoping to effect some revolution in the government, is not unknown to you. that they have been the fomenters of the western disturbances admits of no doubt in the mind of anyone who will examine their conduct, but, fortunately, they precipitated a crisis for which they were not prepared, and thereby have unfolded views which will, i trust, effectuate their annihilation sooner than it might otherwise have happened, at the same time that it has afforded an occasion for the people of this country to show their abhorrence of the result and their attachment to the constitution and the laws; for i believe that five times the number of militia that was required would have come forward, if it had been necessary, to support them. "the spirit which blazed out on this occasion, as soon as the object was fully understood, and the lenient measures of the government were made known to the people, deserves to be communicated. there are instances of general officers going at the head of a single troop and of light companies; of field officers, when they came to the place of rendezvous and found no command for them in that grade, turning into the ranks and proceeding as private soldiers, under their own captains; and of numbers, possessing the first fortunes in the country, standing in the ranks as private men, and marching day by day with their knapsacks and haversacks at their backs, sleeping on straw, with a single blanket, in a soldier's tent, during the frosty nights which we have had, by way of example to others. nay, more; many young quakers of the first families, character, and property, not discouraged by the elders, have turned into the ranks and are marching with the troops. "these things have terrified the insurgents, who had no conception that such a spirit prevailed, but, while the thunder only rumbled at a distance, were boasting of their strength and wishing for and threatening the militia by turns, intimating that the arms they should take from them would soon become a magazine in their hands. their language is much changed, indeed, but their principles want correction. "i shall be more prolix in my speech to congress on the commencement and progress of this insurrection than is usual in such an instrument, or than i should have been on any other occasion, but as numbers at home and abroad will hear of the insurrection, and will read the speech, that may know nothing of the documents to which it might refer, i conceived it would be better to encounter the charge of prolixity by giving a cursory detail of facts, that would show the prominent features of the thing, than to let it go naked into the world, to be dressed up according to the fancy or inclination of the readers or the policy of our enemies." sentiments similar to these were expressed in a letter to washington's old and intimate friend, edmund pendleton. "the successes of our army to the westward," he writes, "have already been productive of good consequences. they have dispelled a cloud which lowered very heavily in the northern hemisphere (the six nations), and, though we have received no direct advices from general wayne since november, there is reason to believe that the indians with whom we are or were at war in that quarter, together with their abettors, [ ] begin to see things in a different point of view." one of the most important effects of the suppression of the western rebellion was the fatal blow it gave to the democratic societies founded by genet. washington's opinion of these societies is thus expressed in a letter to one of his friends: "the real people, occasionally assembled in order to express their sentiments on political subjects, ought never to be confounded with permanent self-appointed societies, usurping the right to control the constituted authorities and to dictate to public opinion. while the former is entitled to respect, the latter is incompatible with all government and must either sink into general disesteem or finally overturn the established order of things." . footnote: general knox, the secretary of war, accompanied the army to the expected scene of action. the command in chief was confided to gen. henry lee, washington's old friend and companion in the revolutionary war. he was at this time governor of virginia. . footnote: the british on the border. chapter ix. washington signs jay's treaty. - . congress had adjourned to meet on the th of november ( ), but a quorum of the senate was not present until the th. washington addressed both houses of congress in a longer speech than usual, giving, according to the intention he had expressed in his letter to mr. jay, already quoted, a particular view of the insurrection in pennsylvania, and the measures which he had taken in order to suppress it. as commander-in-chief of the militia when called into actual service, he had, he said, visited the places of general rendezvous, to obtain more correct information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements. had there been reason for supposing that the laws were secure from obstruction, he should have caught with avidity at the opportunity of restoring the militia to their families and homes. but succeeding intelligence had tended to manifest the necessity of what had been done, it being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents, that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order had actuated many of the offenders. after bestowing a high encomium on the alacrity and promptitude with which persons in every station had come forward to assert the dignity of the laws, thereby furnishing an additional proof that they understood the true principles of government and liberty, and felt the value of their inseparable union, he added: "to every description indeed of citizens let praise be given. but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of american happiness--the constitution of the united states. and when, in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who--careless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse cannot always appease a civil convulsion--have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." washington could not omit this fair occasion once more to press on congress a subject which had always been near his heart. after mentioning the defectiveness of the existing system, he said: "the devising and establishing a well-regulated militia would be a general source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public gratitude. i therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions." after mentioning the intelligence from the army under the command of general wayne and the state of indian affairs, he again called the attention of the house of representatives to a subject scarcely less interesting than a system of defense against external and internal violence. "the time," he said, "which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt. it is believed that the result is such as to encourage congress to consummate this work without delay. nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the union, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. indeed, whatever is unfinished of our system of public credit cannot be benefited by procrastination, and, as far as may be practicable, we ought to place that credit on grounds which cannot be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all governments." in alluding to the intercourse of the united states with foreign nations, he said: "it may not be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has been to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and inviolate faith; to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves." in the senate an answer was reported which contained the following clause: "our anxiety, arising from the licentious and open resistance to the laws in the western counties of pennsylvania, has been increased by the proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and administration of the government, proceedings in our apprehension, founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of insurrection." the address proceeded to express the most decided approbation of the conduct of washington in relation to the insurgents, and, after noticing the different parts of the speech, concluded with saying: "at a period so momentous in the affairs of nations the temperate, just, and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers, has been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude and thanks." to this unequivocal approbation of the policy adopted by the executive with regard to foreign nations, no objections were made. the clause respecting democratic societies was seriously opposed, but the party in favor of the administration had been strengthened in the senate by recent events, and the address reported by the committee was agreed to without alteration. in the house, mr. madison, mr. sedgwick, and mr. scott were the committee to report an answer to the speech of the president. it was silent, not only with respect to the self-created societies, but also as to the success of general wayne, and the foreign policy of washington. his interference with a favorite system of commercial restrictions was not forgotten, and the mission of john jay still rankled in the memory of the republicans. no direct censure of the societies or approbation of the foreign policy of the president could be carried, and after an animated debate the opposition party triumphed in the house. this triumph over the administration revived for a moment the drooping energies of these turbulent societies, but it was only for a moment. the agency ascribed to them by the opinion of the public as well as of the president, in producing an insurrection which was generally execrated, had essentially affected them, and while languishing under this wound they received a deadly blow from a quarter whence hostility was least expected. the remnant of the french convention, rendered desperate by the ferocious despotism of the jacobins, and of the sanguinary tyrant who had become their chief, had at length sought for safety by confronting danger, and, succeeding in a desperate attempt to bring robespierre to the guillotine, had terminated the reign of terror. the colossal powers of the clubs fell with that of their favorite member, and they sunk into long-merited disgrace. not more certain is it that the boldest streams must disappear, if the fountain that fed them be emptied, than was the dissolution of the democratic societies in america, when the jacobin clubs were denounced in france. as if their destinies depended on the same thread the political death of the former was the unerring signal for that of the latter. [ ] notwithstanding the disagreement between the executive and one branch of the legislature concerning self-created societies, and the policy observed toward foreign nations, the speech of the president was treated with marked respect, and the several subjects which it recommended engaged the immediate attention of congress. a bill was passed authorizing the president to station a detachment of militia in the four western counties of pennsylvania; provision was made to compensate those whose property had been destroyed by the insurgents, should those who had committed the injury be unable to repair it, and an appropriation exceeding $ , , was made to defray the expenses occasioned by the insurrection. many of the difficulties which had occurred in drawing out the militia were removed, and a bill was introduced to give greater energy to the militia system generally, but this subject possessed so many intrinsic difficulties that the session passed away without effecting anything respecting it. a bill for the gradual redemption of the national debt was more successful. the president had repeatedly and earnestly recommended to the legislature the adoption of measures which might effect this favorite object, but, although that party, which had been reproached with a desire to accumulate debt as a means of subverting the republican system, had uniformly manifested a disposition to carry this recommendation into effect, their desire had hitherto been opposed by obstacles they were unable to surmount. the party in opposition to the government, while professing always a desire to reduce the debt took good care to oppose in detail every proposition having this object in view. while the subject was under discussion colonel hamilton, secretary of the treasury, addressed a letter to the house of representatives, through their speaker, informing them that he had digested and prepared a plan on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of public credit, which he was ready to communicate. this comprehensive and valuable report was the last official act of hamilton. the penurious provision made for those who filled the high executive departments in the american government, excluded from a long continuance in office all those whose fortunes were moderate and whose professional talents placed a decent independence within their reach. while slandered as the accumulator of thousands by illicit means, hamilton had wasted in the public service great part of the property acquired by his previous labors, and had found himself compelled to decide on retiring from his political station. the accusations brought against him in the last session of the second congress had postponed the execution of this design until opportunity should be afforded for a more full investigation of his official conduct, but he informed washington that, on the close of the session to meet in december, , he should resign his situation in the administration. the events which accumulated about that time, and which were, he said, in a letter to washington, of a nature to render the continuance of peace in a considerable degree precarious, deferred his meditated retreat. "i do not perceive," he added, "that i could voluntarily quit my post at such a juncture, consistently with considerations either of duty or character, and, therefore, i find myself reluctantly obliged to defer the offer of my resignation." "but if any circumstances should have taken place in consequence of the intimation of an intention to resign, or should otherwise exist, which serve to render my continuance in office in any degree inconvenient or ineligible, i beg to leave to assure you, sir, that i should yield to them with all the readiness naturally inspired by an impatient desire to relinquish a situation in which even a momentary stay is opposed by the strongest personal and family reasons, and could only be produced by a sense of duty or reputation." assurances being given by washington of the pleasure with which the intelligence that he would continue at his post through the crisis was received; he remained in office until the commencement of the ensuing year. immediately on his return from the western country, the dangers of domestic insurrection or foreign war having subsided, he gave notice that he should on the last day of january ( ) give in his resignation. in the esteem and good opinion of washington, to whom he was best known, hamilton at all times maintained a high place. while deciding on the mission to england and searching for a person to whom the interesting negotiation with that government should be confided, the mind of the chief magistrate was directed, among others, to him. he carried with him out of office the same cordial esteem for his character and respect for his talents which had induced his appointment. the vacant office of secretary of the treasury was filled by oliver wolcott, of connecticut, a gentleman of sound judgment, who was well versed in its duties. he had served as comptroller for a considerable time, and in that situation had been eminently useful to the head of the department. the bill for the gradual reduction of the public debt, on the basis of hamilton's plan, was resisted in detail through nearly the whole session of congress, but by the persevering exertions of the federal party was finally carried, and the system inaugurated by hamilton became a permanent portion of the financial policy of the country. on the d of march ( ) this important session was ended. although the party hostile to the administration had obtained a small majority in one branch of the legislature several circumstances had concurred to give great weight to the recommendations of washington. among these may be reckoned the victory obtained by general wayne and the suppression of the western insurrection. in some points, however, which he had pressed with earnestness, his sentiments did not prevail. one of these was a bill introduced into the senate for preserving peace with the indians, by protecting them from the intrusions and incursions of the whites. general knox, secretary of war, like hamilton, was driven from the service of his country by the scantiness of the compensation allowed him. he resigned at the close of the year . colonel pickering, a gentleman who had filled many important offices through the war of the revolution, who had discharged several trusts of considerable confidence under the present government, and who at the time was postmaster-general, was appointed to succeed him. after the rising of congress, washington made a short visit to mount vernon. he returned to philadelphia about the st of may. meantime, on the th of march ( ) the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and great britain, which had been signed by the ministers of the two nations on the th of the preceding november, was received. from his arrival in london, on the th of june, , mr. jay had been assiduously and unremittingly employed on the arduous duties of his mission. by a deportment respectful, yet firm, mingling a decent deference for the government to which he was deputed with a proper regard, for the dignity of his own, this minister avoided those little asperities which frequently embarrass measures of great concern, and smoothed the way to the adoption of those which were suggested by the real interests of both nations. many and intricate were the points to be discussed. on some of them an agreement was found to be impracticable, but at length a treaty was concluded, which mr. jay declared to be the best that was attainable, and which he believed it for the interests of the united states to accept. indeed it was scarcely possible to contemplate the evidences of extreme exasperation which were given in america, and the nature of the differences which subsisted between the two countries, without feeling a conviction that war was inevitable, should this attempt to adjust those differences prove unsuccessful. the constitution had provided that all treaties should be ratified by the senate, and washington summoned that body to meet on monday, the th of june, in order to take it into consideration. in the meantime washington devoted himself to the task of examining its provisions with the utmost care. it was not, in all respects, what he had wished and expected. many points were omitted which he had desired to be introduced and settled, others were arranged so as to leave room for future misunderstandings between the two nations. but he felt satisfied that mr. jay had obtained the best terms in his power, and that this treaty was the best that could have been made under all circumstances. important privileges were secured, no great national advantages had been sacrificed, nothing detrimental to the national honor had been admitted, and peace was maintained. that the rejection of the treaty would be followed by a calamitous war did not admit of a doubt. in the existing state of europe a war with great britain would have involved the united states in the long-continued agitations of europe and deprive them of all the advantages of neutrality and undisturbed commerce. fully aware of all these considerations, washington determined that if the senate should ratify the treaty he would give it the sanction of his signature. on monday, the th of june ( ), the senate, in conformity with the summons of the president, convened in the senate chamber, and the treaty, with the documents connected with it, were submitted to their consideration. on the th of june, after a minute and laborious investigation, the senate, by precisely a constitutional majority, advised and consented to its conditional ratification. an insuperable objection existed to an article regulating the intercourse with the british west indies, founded on a fact which is understood to have been unknown to mr. jay. the intention of the contracting parties was to admit the direct intercourse between the united states and those islands, but not to permit the productions of the latter to be carried to europe in the vessels of the former. to give effect to the intention, the exportation from the united states of those articles which were the principal productions of the islands was to be relinquished. among these was cotton. this article, which a few years before was scarcely raised in sufficient quantity for domestic consumption, was becoming one of the richest staples of the southern states. the senate, being informed of this act, advised and consented that the treaty should be ratified on condition that an article be added thereto, suspending that part of the twelfth article which related to the intercourse with the west indies. this resolution of the senate presented difficulties which required consideration. whether they could advise and consent to an article which had not been laid before them, and whether their resolution was to be considered as the final exercise of their power, were questions not entirely free from difficulty. nor was it absolutely clear that the executive could ratify the treaty, under the advice of the senate, until the suspending article should be introduced into it. a few days were employed in the removal of these doubts, at the expiration of which, intelligence was received from europe which suspended the resolution the president had formed. the english newspapers reported that the british government had renewed the order in council for seizing provisions in neutral vessels bound to french ports. washington directed the secretary of state to prepare a strong memorial to the british government against this order, and postponed the signing of the treaty until it should be ready. in the meantime his private affairs required that he should visit mount vernon, for which place he set off about the middle of july ( ). meanwhile, one of the virginia senators, s. t. mason, in violation of the obligation of secrecy and the evident demands of propriety, sent a copy of the treaty to the "aurora," a violent partisan paper in philadelphia. on the nd of july it was published and spread before the community without the authority of the executive, and without any of the official documents and correspondence necessary to a fair appreciation and understanding of its various provisions. if, in the existing state of parties and the embittered feelings which widely prevailed, the mission of jay was censured, and the result of his labors condemned in advance, before it was known at all what the treaty contained, the reader can imagine what an effect must have been produced by the publication of the treaty in this clandestine manner. great britain was hated and reviled, and france was almost adored by a large and powerful party in the united states, and there were numbers ready, in their blind political fury and excitement, to sacrifice everything rather than be on any terms of concord with the mother country, and rather than moderate in any degree their passionate devotion to france. in the populous cities meetings of the people were immediately summoned, in order to take into consideration and to express their opinions respecting the treaty. it may well be supposed that persons feeling some distrust of their capacity to form a correct judgment on a subject so complex, would be unwilling to make so hasty a decision, and consequently be disinclined to attend such meetings. many intelligent men stood aloof, while the most intemperate assumed, as usual, the name of the people--pronounced a definitive and unqualified condemnation of every article in the treaty, and, with the utmost confidence, assigned reasons for their opinions which, in many instances, had only an imaginary existence, and in some were obviously founded on the strong prejudices which were entertained with respect to foreign powers. it is difficult to review the various resolutions and addresses to which the occasion gave birth without feeling some degree of astonishment, mingled with humiliation, at perceiving such proofs of the fallibility of human reason. the first meeting was held in boston. the example of that city was soon followed by new york, philadelphia, baltimore, and charleston, and, as if their addresses were designed at least as much for their fellow-citizens as for their president, while one copy was transmitted to him another was committed to the press. the precedent set by these large cities was followed with wonderful rapidity throughout the union, and the spirit in which this system of opposition originated sustained no diminution of violence in its progress. the party which supported the administration, however, were not idle; they held meetings and sent addresses to washington, approving his principles of neutrality and peace. on the th of july ( ), at baltimore, on his way to mount vernon, the president received the resolutions passed by the meeting at boston, which were enclosed to him in a letter from the selectmen of that town. the answer to this letter and to these resolutions, given in a subsequent page, evinced the firmness with which he had resolved to meet the effort that was obviously making to control the exercise of his constitutional functions, by giving a promptness and vigor to the expression of the sentiments of a party which might impose it upon the world as the deliberate judgment of the public. addresses to washington, and resolutions of town and country meetings were not the only means which were employed to enlist the american people against the measure which had been advised by the senate. in an immense number of essays, the treaty was critically examined and every argument which might operate on the judgment or prejudice of the public was urged in the warm and glowing language of passion. to meet these efforts by counter efforts was deemed indispensably necessary by the friends of that instrument, and the gazettes of the day are replete with appeals to the passions and to the reason of those who are the ultimate arbiters of every political question. that the treaty affected the interests of france not less than those of the united states, was, in this memorable controversy, asserted by the one party with as much zeal as it was denied by the other. these agitations furnished matter to washington for deep reflection and for serious regret, but they appear not to have shaken the decision he had formed or to have affected his conduct otherwise than to induce a still greater degree of circumspection in the mode of transacting the delicate business before him. on their first appearance, therefore, he resolved to hasten his return to philadelphia, for the purpose of considering at that place, rather than at mount vernon, the memorial against the provision order and the conditional ratification of the treaty. the following confidential letters are extremely interesting, as evincing the precise state of washington's mind at this momentous and exciting period: "_to edmund randolph, secretary of state_. "private. "mount vernon, july , . "my dear sir.--your private letters of the th and th instant have been received, and you will learn by the official letter of this date my determination of returning to philadelphia after monday, if nothing in the interim casts up to render it unnecessary. "i am excited to this resolution by the violent and extraordinary proceedings which have and are about taking place in the northern parts of the union, and may be expected in the southern; because i think that the memorial, the ratification, and the instructions, which are framing, are of such vast magnitude as not only to require great individual consideration, but a solemn conjunct revision. the latter could not take place if you were to come here, nor would there be that source of information which is to be found at, and is continually flowing to, the seat of government; and, besides, in the course of deliberation on these great objects, the examination of official papers may more than probably be found essential, which could be resorted to at no other place than philadelphia. "to leave home so soon will be inconvenient. a month hence it would have been otherwise; and it was, as i hinted to you before i left the city, in contemplation by me for the purpose of mrs. washington's remaining here till november, when i intended to come back for her. but whilst i am in office i shall never suffer private convenience to interfere with what i conceive to be my official duty. "i view the opposition which the treaty is receiving from the meetings in different parts of the union in a very serious light, not because there is more weight in any of the objections which are made to it than was foreseen at first, for there is none in some of them and gross misrepresentations in others, nor as it respects myself personally, for this shall have no influence on my conduct--plainly perceiving, and i am accordingly preparing my mind for it, the obloquy which disappointment and malice are collecting to heap upon me. but i am alarmed at the effect it may have on and the advantage the french government may be disposed to take of the spirit which is at work to cherish a belief in them, that the treaty is calculated to favor great britain at their expense. whether they believe or disbelieve these tales, the effect it will have upon the nation will be nearly the same; for, whilst they are at war with that power, or so long as the animosity between the two nations exists, it will, no matter at whose expense, be their policy, and it is to be feared will be their conduct, to prevent us from being on good terms with great britain, or her from deriving any advantages from our trade, which they can hinder, however much we may be benefited thereby ourselves. to what length this policy and interest may carry them is problematical, but, when they see the people of this country divided, and such a violent opposition given to the measures of their own government, pretendedly in their favor, it may be extremely embarrassing, to say no more of it." "to sum the whole up in a few words, i have never, since i have been in the administration of the government, seen a crisis which in my judgment has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one side or the other. from new york there is, and i am told will further be, a counter current, but how formidable it may appear, i know not. if the same does not take place at boston and other towns, it will afford but too strong evidence that the opposition is in a manner universal, and would make the ratification a very serious business indeed. but, as it respects the french, even counter resolutions would, for the reasons i have already mentioned, do little more than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the other side would have." "i have written, and do now enclose the letter, the draught of which was approved by the heads of departments, to the selectmen of the town of boston; but if new lights have been had upon the subject, since it was agreed to, or if upon reconsideration any alteration should be deemed necessary, i request you to detain it until i see you. let me also request that the same attention may be given to the draught of a letter to portsmouth and the chamber of commerce at new york as was recommended on that occasion. i am, etc." "_to edmund randolph, secretary of state._" "private." "mount vernon, _july , ._ "my dear sir.--on wednesday evening i sent the packet, now under cover with this, to the post-office in alexandria, to be forwarded next morning at the usual hour, o'clock, by the baltimore mail. but, behold! when my letter-bag was brought back from the office and emptied, i not only got those which were addressed to me, among which yours of the th was one, but those also which i had sent up the evening before." "i have to regret this blunder of the postmaster on account of the enclosures, some of which i wished to have got to your hands without delay, that they might have undergone the consideration and acting upon which were suggested in the letter accompanying them. on another account i am not sorry for the return of the packet, as i resolved thereupon and on reading some letters which i received at the same time, to wait your acknowledgment of the receipt of my letter of the th instant before i would set out, as i should thereby be placed on a certainty whether your journey hither or mine to philadelphia would, under all circumstances, be deemed most eligible, or whether the business could not be equally well done without either; repeating now what i did in my letter of the th, that i do not require more than a day's notice to repair to the seat of government, and that if you and the confidential officers with you are not clear in the measures which are best to be pursued in the several matters mentioned in my last, my own opinion is, and for the reasons there given, that difficult and intricate or delicate questions had better be settled there, where the streams of information are continually flowing in, and that i would set out accordingly. to be wise and temperate, as well as firm, the present crisis most eminently calls for. there is too much reason to believe, from the pains which have been taken before, at, and since the advice of the senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally imagined. this i have lately understood to be the case in this quarter, from men who are of no party, but well disposed to the present administration. how should it be otherwise, when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts: that their rights have not only been neglected, but absolutely sold; that there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the benefits are all on the side of great britain; and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and to have been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to oppress the french, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and sound policy? in time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly turn; but, in the meanwhile, this government, in relation to france and england, may be compared to a ship between the rocks of scylla and charybdis. if the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the french, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences which may follow as it respects great britain." "it is not to be inferred from hence that i am disposed to quit the ground i have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge should compel it, for there is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth and pursue it steadily. but these things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary, and that they are strong evidences of the necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determination of government into effect, with prudence as it respects our own people, and with every exertion to produce a change for the better from great britain." "the memorial seems well designed to answer the end proposed, and by the time it is revised and new dressed you will probably (either in the resolutions, which are or will be handed to me, or in the newspaper publications, which you promised to be attentive to) have seen all the objections against the treaty which have any real force in them, and which may be fit subjects for representation in the memorial, or in the instructions, or both. but how much longer the presentation of the memorial can be delayed without exciting unpleasant sensations here, or involving serious evils elsewhere, you, who are at the scene of information and action can decide better than i. in a matter, however, so interesting and pregnant with consequences as this treaty, there ought to be no precipitation, but, on the contrary, every step should be explored before it is taken and every word weighed before it is uttered or delivered in writing." "the form of the ratification requires more diplomatic experience and legal knowledge than i possess or have the means of acquiring at this place, and, therefore, i shall say nothing about it. i am, etc." the answer to the selectmen of boston, already referred to, is too characteristic to be omitted. it is as follows: "_to the selectmen of the town of boston._" "united states, _july , ._ "gentlemen.--in every act of my administration i have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. my system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations; to contemplate the united states as one great whole; to consider that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection, and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country. nor have i departed from this line of conduct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of the th instant." "without a predilection for my own judgment, i have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. but the constitution is the guide which i can never abandon. it has assigned to the president the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the senate. it was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation." "under this persuasion, i have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. to the high responsibility attached to it, i freely submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known, as the ground of my procedure. while i feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, i can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." "with due respect, i am, gentlemen, your obedient "george washington." in nearly the same terms washington replied to other committees and public bodies who thought proper to remonstrate against his exercising the constitutional right of signing the treaty. in the afternoon of the th of august ( ), washington arrived in philadelphia, and, on the next day, the question respecting the immediate ratification of the treaty was brought before the cabinet. randolph, secretary of state, maintained, singly, the opinion that, during the existence of the provision order, and during the war between britain and france, this step ought not to be taken. this opinion, however, did not prevail. the resolution was adopted to ratify the treaty immediately and to accompany the ratification with a strong memorial against the provision order, which should convey, in explicit terms, the sense of the american government on that subject. by this course the views of the executive were happily accomplished. the order was revoked and the ratifications of the treaty were exchanged. washington was most probably determined to adopt this course by the extreme intemperance with which the treaty was opposed and the rapid progress which this violence was apparently making. it was obvious that, unless this temper could be checked, it would soon become so extensive and would arrive at such a point of fury as to threaten dangerous consequences. it was obviously necessary either to attempt a diminution of its action, by rendering its exertions hopeless and by giving to the treaty the weight of his character and influence, or to determine ultimately to yield to it. a species of necessity, therefore, seems to have been created for abandoning the idea, if it was ever taken up, of making the ratification of the treaty dependent on the revocation of the provision order. the soundness of the policy which urged this decisive measure was proved by the event. the confidence which was felt in the judgment and virtue of washington induced many who, swept away by the popular current, had yielded to the common prejudices, to re-examine and discard opinions which had been too hastily embraced; and many were called forth by a desire to support the administration in measures actually adopted, to take a more active part in the general contest than they would otherwise have pursued. the consequence was that more moderate opinions respecting the treaty began to prevail. in a letter from mount vernon of the th of september ( ), addressed to general knox, who had communicated to him the change of opinion which was appearing in the eastern states, washington expressed in warm terms the pleasure derived from that circumstance, and added: "next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. but the latter being secondary, i cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. if any person on earth could, or the great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as i remain a servant of the public. but as i have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions and close investigations, i shall adhere to them while i keep watch, leaving it to those who will come after me to explore new ways, if they like, or think them better." if the ratification of the treaty increased the number of its open advocates, it seemed also to give increased acrimony to the opposition. such hold had washington taken of the affections of the people that even his enemies had deemed it generally necessary to preserve, with regard to him, external marks of decency and respect. previous to the mission of mr. jay, charges against washington, though frequently insinuated, had seldom been directly made; and the cover under which the attacks upon his character were conducted evidenced the caution with which it was deemed necessary to proceed. that mission visibly affected the decorum which had been usually observed toward him, and the ratification of the treaty brought sensations into open view which had long been ill concealed. his military and political character was attacked with equal violence, and it was averred that he was totally destitute of merit, either as a soldier or a statesman. the calumnies with which he was assailed were not confined to his public conduct; even his qualities as a man were the subjects of detraction. that he had violated the constitution in negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the senate, and in embracing within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the legislature, was openly maintained, for which an impeachment was publicly suggested; and that he had drawn from the treasury for his private use more than the salary annexed to his office was asserted without a blush. this last allegation was said to be supported from extracts from the treasury accounts which had been laid before the legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering effrontery. though wolcott, the secretary of the treasury, denied that the appropriations made by the legislature had ever been exceeded, the atrocious charge was still confidently repeated, and the few who could triumph in any spot which might tarnish the luster of washington's fame felicitated themselves on the prospect of obtaining a victory over the reputation of a patriot, to whose single influence they ascribed the failure of their political plans. with the real public, the confidence felt in the integrity of washington remained unshaken, but so imposing was the appearance of the documents adduced as to excite an apprehension that the transaction might be placed in a light to show that some indiscretion, in which he had not participated, had been inadvertently committed. this state of anxious suspense was of short duration. hamilton, late secretary of the treasury, during whose administration of the finances this peculation was said to have taken place, came forward with a full explanation of the fact. it appeared that washington himself had never touched any part of the compensation annexed to his office, but that the whole was received and disbursed by the gentleman who superintended the expenses of his household. that it was the practice of the treasury, when a sum had been appropriated for the current year, to pay it to that gentleman occasionally, as the situation of the family might require. the expenses at some periods of the year exceeded and at others fell short of the allowance for the quarter, so that at some times money was paid in advance on account of the ensuing quarter, and at others, that which was due at the end of the quarter was not completely drawn out. the secretary entered into an examination of the constitution and laws to show that this practice was justifiable, and illustrated his arguments by many examples in which an advance on account of money appropriated to a particular object, before the service was completed, would be absolutely necessary. however this might be, it was a transaction in which washington, personally, was unconcerned. when possessed of the entire facts, the public viewed with just indignation this attempt to defame a character which was the nation's pride. americans felt themselves involved in this atrocious calumny on their most illustrious citizen, and its propagators were frowned into silence. meantime several changes were taking place in washington's cabinet. edmund randolph, the secretary of state, resigned his office on the th of august, , immediately after the ratification of jay's treaty, which he had opposed. the circumstances which led to his resignation were by no means creditable to him, but as they brought out in bold relief one of washington's noblest traits--his perfect openness and candor--we are induced to notice them in detail. a letter addressed to his government in october, , by fauchet, the minister of the french republic, was intercepted by the captain of a british frigate and forwarded to mr. hammond, by whom it was delivered, about the last of july, to mr. wolcott, the secretary of the treasury, who, on the arrival of washington in philadelphia, placed it in his hands. this letter alluded to communications from randolph, which, in the opinion of washington, were excessively improper. the _éclaircissements_ which the occasion required were followed by the resignation of the secretary. for the purpose, he alleged, of vindicating his conduct, he demanded a sight of a confidential letter which had been addressed to him by washington, and which was left in the office. his avowed design was to give this, as well as some others of the same description, to the public, in order to support the allegation that, in consequence of his attachment to france and to liberty, he had fallen a victim to the intrigues of a british and an aristocratic party. the answer given to this demand was a license which few politicians, in turbulent times, could allow to a man who had possessed the unlimited confidence of the person giving it. "i have directed," said washington, "that you should have the inspection of my letter of the nd of july, agreeable to your request; and you are at full liberty to publish, without reserve, any and every private and confidential letter i ever wrote you; nay, more--every word i ever uttered to or in your presence from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." notwithstanding that randolph was under the strongest personal obligations to washington, he did not hesitate, in his lame attempt to vindicate himself, to resort to violent abuse of his late friend and patron. washington is said to have lost his temper on reading randolph's calumnies, [ ] as well he might, for it is difficult to conceive of blacker ingratitude than he suffered on this occasion. late in life randolph seems to have been sensible of the enormity of his conduct. on the nd of july, , he used the following language in a letter to the hon. bushrod washington: "i do not retain the smallest degree of that feeling which roused me fifteen years ago against some individuals. for the world contains no treasure, deception, or charm which can seduce me from the consolation of being in a state of good will toward all mankind, and i should not be mortified to ask pardon of any man with whom i have been at variance for any injury which i may have done him. if i could now present myself before your venerated uncle it would be my pride to confess my contrition that i suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it might, to use some of those expressions respecting him which, at this moment of my indifference to the ideas of the world, i wish to recall, as being inconsistent with my subsequent conviction. my life will, i hope, be sufficiently extended for the recording of my sincere opinion of his virtues and merit, in a style which is not the result of a mind merely debilitated by misfortune, but of that christian philosophy on which alone i depend for inward tranquility." washington offered the vacant post to patrick henry, who was prevented by private considerations from undertaking its duties. rufus king, gen. charles cotesworth pinckney, and two or three others were asked to enter the cabinet as secretary of state, but they declined. finally colonel pickering, who had temporary charge of the post, was formally appointed in december of the present year. james mchenry succeeded colonel pickering as secretary of war. mr. bradford's death, in august, caused a vacancy in the attorney-generalship, which was also filled in december by the appointment of charles lee, of virginia. this office had been previously offered to general pinckney, colonel carrington, of virginia, and governor howard, of maryland. in august of this year ( ), general wayne concluded a treaty of peace, at greenville, with the chiefs of the wyandots, delawares, chippeways, and other indian tribes. by this treaty the indians ceded the post of detroit and a considerable tract of adjacent land to the united states. a tract of land was ceded on the main, to the north of the island on which the post of michilimackinac stood, measuring six miles on lakes huron and michigan, and extending three miles back from the water of the lake or strait. de bois blanc, or white wood island, was also ceded--the voluntary gift of the chippeways. the foreign affairs of the united states had now begun to assume a more favorable aspect. a treaty was concluded with spain on the th of october ( ). it was confined principally to the two great subjects in dispute, and was styled a treaty of friendship, limits, and navigation. by this the line between the united states and east and west florida was settled, and the western boundary of the united states, which separated them from the colony of louisiana, was fixed in the middle of the channel of the mississippi river to the thirty-first degree of north latitude; and it was also agreed that the navigation of that river, from its source to the ocean, should be free only to the subjects and citizens of the two countries. it was further stipulated that both parties should use all the means in their power to maintain peace and harmony among the indian nations on their borders, and both parties bound themselves to restrain, even by force, the indians within their limits from acts of hostilities against the other, and it was also agreed that neither party would thereafter make any treaties with those who did not live within their respective limits. provision was also made that free ships should make free goods, and that no citizen or subject of either party should take a commission or letters of marque for arming any vessel, to act as a privateer, from their respective enemies, under the penalty of being considered and punished as a pirate. thus, after a tedious and unpleasant negotiation of about fifteen years, the boundaries between the countries belonging to the united states and spain, in america, were settled, and the right of navigating every part of the mississippi, a right so essential to the interests of our vast western territory, was secured to the united states. in november ( ) washington had the gratification to bring to a close the long negotiations with the dey of algiers, by which peace was established with those piratical marauders and the release of american captives obtained. this was accomplished through the agency of colonel humphreys, joel barlow, and mr. donaldson, and about prisoners were released from cruel bondage, some of whom had been in this ignominious condition more than ten years. during the recess of congress washington paid a visit to mount vernon, which lasted from the middle of september ( ) till near the end of october. during this time his attention was divided between the concerns of his estate and the public affairs of that exciting period. . footnote: marshall . footnote: see dr. griswold's "republican court." also, sparks "writings of washington," vol. xi, pp. , . chapter x. washington maintains the treaty-making power of the executive. - . the first session of the fourth congress commenced on the th of december, . although the ratification of the treaties with spain and algiers had not been officially announced at the meeting of congress the state of the negotiations with both powers was sufficiently well understood to enable washington with confidence to assure the legislature, in his speech at the opening of the session, that those negotiations were in a train which promised a happy issue. after expressing his gratification at the prosperous state of american affairs the various favorable events which have been already enumerated were detailed in a succinct statement, at the close of which he mentioned the british treaty, which, though publicly known, had not before been communicated officially to the house of representatives. "this interesting summary of our affairs," continued the speech, "with regard to the powers between whom and the united states controversies have subsisted, and with regard also to our indian neighbors with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. if by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquility, on terms compatible with our national faith and honor, shall be the happy results, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country!" after presenting an animated picture of the situation of the united states, and recommending several objects to the attention of the legislature, washington concluded with observing: "temperate discussion of the important subjects that may arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference in opinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare of our country to need any recommendation of mine." in the senate an address was reported which echoed back the sentiments of the speech. in this house of representatives, as in the last, the party in opposition to the administration had obtained a majority. this party was unanimously hostile to the treaty with great britain, and it was expected that their answer to the speech of the president would indicate their sentiments on a subject which continued to agitate the whole american people. the answer reported by the committee contained a declaration that the confidence of his fellow-citizens in the chief magistrate remained undiminished. on a motion to strike out the words importing this sentiment is was averred that the clause asserted an untruth; that it was not true that the confidence of the people in the president was undiminished; that by a recent transaction it had been considerably impaired, and some gentlemen declared that their own confidence in him was lessened. by the friends of the administration this motion was opposed with great zeal, and the opinion that the confidence of the people in their chief magistrate remained unshaken, was maintained with ardor. but they were outnumbered. to avoid a direct vote on the proposition it was moved that the address should be recommitted. this motion succeeded and, two members being added to the committee, an answer was reported, in which the clause objected to was so modified as to be free from exception. that part of the speech which mentioned the treaty with great britain was alluded to in terms which, though not directly expressive of disapprobation, were sufficiently indicative of the prevailing sentiment. early in the month of january ( ) washington transmitted to both houses of congress a message, accompanying certain communications from the french government which were well calculated to cherish those ardent feelings that prevailed in the legislature. it was the fortune of mr. monroe to reach paris soon after the death of robespierre and the fall of the jacobins. on his reception as the minister of the united states, which was public, and in the convention, he gave free scope to the genuine feelings of his heart, and, at the same time, delivered to the president of that body, with his credentials, two letters addressed by the secretary of state to the committee of public safety. these letters were answers to one written by the committee of safety to the congress of the united states. the executive department being the organ through which all foreign intercourse was to be conducted, each branch of the legislature had passed a resolution directing this letter to be transmitted to the president with a request that he would cause it to be answered in terms expressive of their friendly dispositions toward the french republic. so fervent were the sentiments expressed on this occasion that the convention decreed that the flag of the american and french republics should be united together and suspended in its own hall in testimony of eternal union and friendship between the two people. to evince the impression made on his mind by this act, and the grateful sense of his constituents, mr. monroe presented to the convention the flag of the united states, which he prayed them to accept as a proof of the sensibility with which his country received every act of friendship from its ally, and of the pleasure with which it cherished every incident which tended to cement and consolidate the union between the two nations. the committee of safety again addressed congress in terms adapted to that department of government which superintends its foreign intercourse and expressive, among other sentiments, of the sensibility with which the french nation had perceived those sympathetic emotions with which the american people had viewed the vicissitudes of her fortune. mr. adet, who was to succeed mr. fauchet at philadelphia, and who was the bearer of this letter, also brought with him the colors of france, which he was directed to present to the united states. he arrived in the summer, but, probably in the idea that these communications were to be made by him directly to congress, did not announce them to the executive until late in december ( ). the first day of the new year ( ) was named for their reception, when the colors were delivered to washington, and the letter to congress also was placed in his hands. in executing this duty mr. adet addressed a speech to the president, which, in the glowing language of his country, represented france as struggling not only for her own liberty, but for that of the human race. "assimilated to, or rather identified with, free people by the form of her government, she saw in them," he said, "only friends and brothers. long accustomed to regard the american people as her most faithful allies she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of america, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny." to answer this speech was a task of some delicacy. it was necessary to express feelings adapted to the occasion without implying sentiments with respect to the belligerent powers which might be improper to be used by the chief magistrate of a neutral country. with a view to both these objects washington made the following reply: "born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country, my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly attracted, when-so-ever, in any country, i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. but, above all, the events of the french revolution have produced the deepest solicitude as well as the highest admiration. to call your nation brave were to pronounce but common praise. wonderful people! ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits, i rejoice that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. i rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. i rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm--liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government--a government which, being formed to secure the happiness of the french people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the united states by its resemblance to their own. on these glorious events accept, sir, my sincere congratulations." "in delivering to you these sentiments i express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the french revolution, and they will certainly join with me in purest wishes to the supreme being that the citizens of our sister republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace that liberty which they have purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow." "i receive, sir, with lively sensibility the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisement of your nation, the colors of france, which you have now presented to the united states. the transaction will be announced to congress and the colors will be deposited with the archives of the united states, which are at once the evidence and the memorials of their freedom and independence. may these be perpetual! and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence!" the address of mr. adet, the answer of the president, and the colors of france, were transmitted to congress with the letter from the committee of safety. in the house of representatives a resolution was moved, requesting the president to make known to the representatives of the french republic the sincere and lively sensations which were excited by this honorable testimony of the existing sympathy and affections of the two republics; that the house rejoiced in an opportunity of congratulating the french republic on the brilliant and glorious achievements accomplished during the present afflictive war, and hoped that those achievements would be attended with a perfect attainment of their object--the permanent establishment of the liberty and happiness of that great and magnanimous people. in february ( ) the treaty with great britain was returned, in the form advised by the senate, ratified by his britannic majesty. the constitution declaring a treaty, when made, the supreme law of the land, the president announced it officially to the people in a proclamation, requiring from all persons its observance and execution, a copy of which was transmitted to each house on the st of march. the opposition having openly denied the right of the president to negotiate a treaty of commerce was not a little dissatisfied at his venturing to issue this proclamation before the sense of the house of representatives had been declared on the obligation of the instrument. this dissatisfaction was not concealed. on the d of march mr. livingston laid upon the table a resolution requesting the president "to lay before the house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states, who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, communicated by his message of the st of march, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to the said treaty." on the th of march he amended this resolution by adding the words, "excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed." the friends of the administration maintained that a treaty was a contract between two nations, which, under the constitution, the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, had a right to make, and that it was made when, by and with such advice and consent, it had received his final act. its obligations then became complete on the united states, and to refuse to comply with its stipulations was to break the treaty and to violate the faith of the nation. the opposition contended that the power to make treaties, if applicable to every object, conflicted with powers which were vested exclusively in congress; that either the treaty-making power must be limited in its operation, so as not to touch objects committed by the constitution to congress, or the assent and cooperation of the house of representatives must be required to give validity to any compact, so far as it might comprehend those objects. a treaty, therefore, which required an appropriation of money, or any act of congress to carry it into effect, had not acquired its obligatory force until the house of representatives had exercised its powers in the case. they were at full liberty to make, or to withhold, such appropriation or other law, without incurring the imputation of violating any existing obligation or of breaking the faith of the nation. the debate on this question was animated, vehement, and argumentative, all the party passions were enlisted in it, and it was protracted until the th of march ( ), when the resolution was carried in the affirmative by sixty-two to thirty-seven votes. the next day, the committee appointed to present it to the chief magistrate reported his answer which was, "that he would take the resolution into consideration." the situation in which this vote placed the president was peculiarly delicate. in an elective government, the difficulty of resisting the popular branch of the legislature is at all times great, but is particularly so when the passions of the public have been strongly and generally excited. the popularity of a demand for information, the large majority by which that demand was supported, the additional force which a refusal to comply with it would give to suspicions already insinuated, that circumstances had occurred in the negotiation which the administration dared not expose, and that the president was separating himself from the representatives of the people, furnished motives of no ordinary force for complying with the request of the house of representatives. but washington viewed every question which came before him with a single eye to the performance of his duty to the country. hitherto, on more than one occasion, he had proved himself the defender of the constitution, but he had never been called upon to defend it against so formidable an attack as that which was now made. that the future diplomatic transactions of the government might be seriously and permanently affected by establishing the principle that the house of representatives could demand, as a right, the instructions given to a foreign minister, and all the papers connected with a negotiation, was too apparent to be unobserved. nor was it less obvious that a compliance with the request now made would go far in establishing this principle. the form of the request, and the motives which induced it, equally led to this conclusion. it left nothing to the discretion of the president with regard to the public interests, and the information was asked for the avowed purpose of determining whether the house of representatives would give effect to a public treaty. it was also a subject for serious reflection that, in a debate unusually elaborate, the house of representatives had claimed a right of interference in the formation of treaties, which, in the judgment of the president, the constitution had denied them. duties the most sacred requiring that he should resist this encroachment on the department which was particularly confided to him, he could not hesitate respecting the course it became him to take, and on the th of march he returned to the house the following answer to their resolution: "with the utmost attention i have considered your resolution of the th instant, requesting me to lay before your house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states, who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed. "in deliberating upon this subject it was impossible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle. "i trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the constitution has enjoined it upon the president as a duty to give or which could be required of him by either house of congress as a right, and with truth i affirm, that it has been, as it will continue to be, while i have the honor to preside in the government, my constant endeavor to harmonize with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the united states, and my sense of the obligation it imposes to preserve, protect and defend the constitution will permit. "the nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy, and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic, for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief to other persons. the necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. "to admit, then, a right in the house of representatives to demand and to have as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent. "it does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. i repeat, that i have no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my station will permit or the public good shall require to be disclosed, and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with great britain were laid before the senate, when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice. "the course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the house, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the constitution of the united states. "having been a member of the general convention and knowing the principles on which the constitution was formed, i have ever entertained but one opinion upon this subject, and from the first establishment of the government to this moment my conduct has exemplified that opinion--that the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur, and that every treaty so made and promulgated, thenceforward becomes the law of the land. it is thus that the treaty-making power has been understood by foreign nations, and in all the treaties made with them, we have declared, and they have believed, that when ratified by the president with the advice and consent of the senate, they became obligatory. in this construction of the constitution every house of representatives has heretofore acquiesced, and, until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared, to my knowledge, that this construction was not a true one. nay, they have more than acquiesced, for until now, without controverting the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. "there is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with the opinions entertained by the state conventions when they were deliberating on the constitution, especially by those who objected to it because there was not required, in commercial treaties, the consent of two-thirds of the whole number of the members of the senate, instead of two-thirds of the senators present, and because, in treaties respecting territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three-fourths of the whole number of the members of both houses respectively was not made necessary. "it is a fact declared by the general convention and universally understood, that the constitution of the united states was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. and it is well known that under this influence the smaller states were admitted to an equal representation in the senate with the larger states, and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers, for on the equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and political safety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. "if other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain the points under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the general convention, which i have deposited in the office of the department of state. in these journals it will appear that a proposition was made 'that no treaty should be binding on the united states which was not ratified by a law,' and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. "as, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the house of representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty, as the treaty with great britain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative provision--and on these the papers called for can throw no light, and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be preserved, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbids a compliance with your request." the terms in which this decided, and, it would seem, unexpected negative to the call for papers was conveyed, appeared to break the last cord of that attachment which had theretofore bound some of the active leaders of the opposition to washington. amidst all the agitations and irritations of party a sincere respect and real affection for him, the remnant of former friendship, had still lingered in the bosoms of some who had engaged with ardor in the political contests of the day. but, if the last spark of this affection was not now extinguished, it was at least concealed under the more active passions of the moment. washington's message was referred to a committee of the whole house. it was severely criticized and resolutions were adopted, by a vote of fifty-seven to thirty-five, declaring the sense of the house on this matter, and claiming the right to deliberate on the expediency of carrying into effect stipulations made by treaty on subjects committed by the constitution to congress. in march the subject came up incidentally. the treaties with the king of spain and with the dey of algiers were ratified by the president and laid before congress. on the th of april ( ), mr. sedgwick moved, "that provision ought to be made by law for carrying into effect with good faith the treaties lately concluded with the dey and regency of algiers, the king of great britain, the king of spain, and certain indian tribes northwest of the ohio." after much altercation on the subject of thus joining all these treaties together, a division was made, and the question taken on each. the resolution was amended by a majority of eighteen so as to read, "that it is expedient to pass the laws necessary for carrying into effect," &c. the subject of the british treaty was again taken up on the th of april. its friends urged an immediate decision of the question, alleging that every member had made up his mind already, and that dispatch was necessary, in case the treaty was to be carried into effect. the posts were to be delivered up on the st of june, and this required previous arrangements on the part of the american government. they appear to have entertained the opinion that the majority would not dare to encounter the immense responsibility of breaking the treaty without previously ascertaining that the great body of the people were willing to meet the consequences of the measure. but its opponents, though confident of their power to reject the resolution, called for its discussion. the minority soon desisted from urging an immediate decision of the question, and the spacious field which was opened by the propositions before the house was entered into with equal avidity and zeal by both parties. gallatin, madison, giles, nicholas, preston, and other eminent members of the republican party, in animated terms opposed the execution of the treaty and entered fully into the discussion of its merits and demerits. fisher ames, dwight, foster, harper, lyman, dayton, and other men of note among the federalists, urged every possible argument in its favor. the debate on this occasion is one of the most celebrated which has ever taken place in congress. fisher ames' speech is acknowledged to have been the most remarkable and effective which he ever made. so completely was the house carried away by his eloquence that an adjournment was carried for the avowed reason that it was not possible to decide calmly on the question until the members should have taken time for reflection. reflection convinced not only the members of congress, but the people, that the opposition to the execution of the treaty was ill advised and unreasonable. the length of time consumed in the debates was favorable to a just view of the subject, and finally a majority of the members who had been opposed to the treaty yielded to the exigency of the case and united in passing the laws which were necessary for its fulfillment. on the th of april ( ) the question was taken in committee of the whole and was determined by the casting vote of the chairman in its favor. the resolution was finally carried in the house by a vote of fifty-one to forty-eight. besides the acts which arose out of the treaties, congress passed others, regulating the dealings of the inhabitants of the western frontier with the indians; authorizing the survey of certain public lands, with a view to the sale of them; ordaining measures for the protection and relief of american seamen, and equalizing the pay of members of both houses of congress. there were some $ , , , which was not quite the full amount of the income, appropriated to the public service and the interest of the debt. but there were so many other demands upon the treasury that, after vainly endeavoring to obtain another loan, part of the bank stock was sold, a procedure which was reprobated by hamilton as a violation of system. the opposition party would not agree to raise further revenue by indirect internal taxation, and only that augmenting the duty on pleasure carriages was passed into a law. equally strenuous was their opposition to a naval force. even under the pressure of the algerine piracies, the bill providing a decent naval force in the mediterranean could not be carried through the house without inserting a section which should suspend all proceedings under the act in case the contest with algiers was brought to an end. that event having occurred, not a single frigate could be completed without further authority from the legislature. although no peace had been concluded with tunis or tripoli it was with the utmost difficulty that a bill for the completion of three, instead of six, frigates could be carried. on the st of june ( ) this long and important session of congress was brought to its close. before congress rose washington had written (may , ) to thomas pinckney, the american minister in england, who had desired his recall. in this letter he refers to the recent debate in congress on passing the laws necessary to give effect to the treaty: "a long and animated discussion," he writes, "in the house of representatives respecting the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with great britain took place and continued in one shape or another till the last of april, suspending in a manner all other business, and agitating the public mind in a higher degree than it has been at any period since the revolution. and nothing, i believe, but the torrent of petitions and remonstrances, which were pouring in from all the eastern and middle states and were beginning to come pretty strongly from that of virginia, requiring the necessary provisions for carrying the treaty into effect, would have produced a division (fifty-one to forty-eight) in favor of the appropriation. "but as the debates, which i presume will be sent to you from the department of state, will give you a view of this business more in detail than i am able to do, i shall refer you to them. the enclosed speech, however, made by mr. ames at the close of the discussion, i send to you, because, in the opinion of most who heard it delivered or have read it since, his reasoning is unanswerable. "the doubtful issue of the dispute and the real difficulty in finding a character to supply your place at the court of london, has occasioned a longer delay than may have been convenient or agreeable to you. but as mr. king of the senate, who, it seems, had resolved to quit his seat at that board, has accepted the appointment, and will embark as soon as matters can be arranged, you will soon be relieved. "in my letter of the th of february i expressed in pretty strong terms my sensibility on account of the situation of the marquis de lafayette. this is increased by the visible distress of his son, who is now with me, and grieving for the unhappy fate of his parents. this circumstance, giving a poignancy to my own feelings, has induced me to go a step further than i did in the letter above mentioned, as you will perceive by the enclosed address (a copy of which is also transmitted for your information) to the emperor of germany, to be forwarded by you in such a manner, and under such auspices, as in your judgment shall be deemed best, or to be withheld, if from the evidence before you, derived from former attempts, it shall appear clear that it would be of no avail to send it. [ ] "before i close this letter permit me to request the favor of you to embrace some favorable occasion to thank lord grenville, in my behalf, for his politeness in causing a special permit to be sent to liverpool for the shipment of two sacks of field peas and the like quantity of winter vetches, which i had requested our consul at that place to send me for seed, but which it seems could not be done without an order from government, a circumstance which did not occur to me or i certainly should not have given the trouble of issuing one for such a trifle." rufus king, senator from new york, above referred to, had been nominated to the senate as minister to london on the th of may, three days before the date of washington's letter to mr. pinckney. hamilton, writing to washington respecting him, thus describes his character: "mr. king is a remarkably well-informed man, a very judicious one, a man of address, a man of fortune and economy, whose situation affords just ground of confidence; a man of unimpeached probity where he is known, a firm friend to the government, a supporter of the measures of the president; a man who cannot but feel that he has strong pretensions to confidence and trust." in june ( ) the president went to mount vernon where he continued for more than two months. he kept up a constant correspondence with his secretaries, and held himself ever in readiness to return to the seat of government, if his presence should be needed. during this visit to mount vernon the following letter was written to thomas jefferson. it brought the correspondence, which, from time to time, had taken place between them, to a final close. "mount vernon, _july_ , . "dear sir:--when i inform you that your letter of the th ultimo went to philadelphia and returned to this place before it was received by me, it will be admitted, i am persuaded, as an apology for my not having acknowledged the receipt of it sooner. "if i had entertained any suspicions before that the queries which have been published in bache's paper proceeded from you the assurances you have given of the contrary would have removed them, but the truth is, i harbored none. i am at no loss to conjecture from what source they flowed, through what channel they were conveyed, and for what purpose they and similar publications appear. they were known to be in the hands of mr. parker in the early part of the last session of congress. they were shown about by mr. giles during the session and they made their public exhibition about the close of it. "perceiving, and probably hearing, that no abuse in the gazettes would induce me to take notice of anonymous publications against me, those who were disposed to do me such friendly offices have embraced, without restraint, every opportunity to weaken the confidence of the people, and, by having the whole game in their hands, they have scrupled not to publish things that do not, as well as those which do exist, and to mutilate the latter, so as to make them subserve the purposes which they have in view. "as you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion i had conceived you entertained of me, that to your particular friends and connections you have described, and they have denounced, me as a person under a dangerous influence, and that if i would listen more to some other opinions all would be well. my answer invariably has been that i had never discovered anything in the conduct of mr. jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his insincerity; that, if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him that truth and right decisions were the sole objects of my pursuit; that there were as many instances within his own knowledge of my having decided against as in favor of the opinions of the person evidently alluded to, and, moreover, that i was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. in short, that i was no party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. "to this i may add, and very truly, that, until within the last year or two i had no conception that parties would, or even could, go the length i have been witness to, nor did i believe until lately that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within those of possibility, that, while i was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth, and wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, i should be accused of being the enemy of one nation and subject to the influence of another, and, to prove it, that every act of my administration would be tortured and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. but enough of this. i have already gone further in the expression of my feelings than i intended." the queries referred to in the above letter were those which had been addressed to the cabinet by washington previous to the arrival of mr. genet. as they were strictly confidential and could not have been obtained for publication without treachery somewhere, jefferson had written to washington to exculpate himself. it will be seen that washington, with his usual magnanimity, accepts the explanation of jefferson; but, as the party of which the latter was the acknowledged leader were constantly carrying on the war of politics by abusing and misrepresenting the former's motives and purposes, it is not surprising that their correspondence should have terminated at this time. of the numerous misrepresentations and fabrications which, with unwearied industry, were passed upon the public in order to withdraw the confidence of the nation from its chief, no one marked more strongly the depravity of that principle which justifies the means by the end, than the republication of certain forged letters, purporting to have been written by general washington in the year . these letters had been originally published in the year , and in them were interspersed, with domestic occurrences which might give them the semblance of verity, certain political sentiments favorable to britain in the then existing contest. but the original fabricator of these papers missed his aim. it was necessary to assign the manner in which the possession of them was acquired, and, in executing this part of his task, circumstances were stated so notoriously untrue, that, at the time, the meditated imposition deceived no person. in the indefatigable research for testimony which might countenance the charge that the executive was unfriendly to france and under the influence of britain, these letters were drawn from the oblivion into which they had sunk, it had been supposed forever, and were republished as genuine. the silence with which washington treated this as well as every other calumny, was construed into an acknowledgment of its truth, and the malignant commentators on this spurious text would not admit the possibility of its being apocryphal. those who labored incessantly to establish the favorite position that the executive was under other than french influence, reviewed every act of the administration connected with its foreign relations, and continued to censure every part of the system with extreme bitterness. not only the treaty with great britain, but all those measures which had been enjoined by the duties of neutrality, were reprobated as justly offensive to france, and no opinion which had been advanced by mr. genet, in his construction of the treaties between the two nations, was too extravagant to be approved. the most ardent patriot could not maintain the choicest rights of his country with more zeal than was manifested in supporting all the claims of the french republic upon the united states. this conduct of the opposition increased the disposition of the french government to urge charges against that of this country, and the french minister regulated his proceedings accordingly. in the anxiety which was felt by washington to come to a full and immediate explanation with the french directory on the treaty with great britain, colonel monroe, the american minister at paris, had been furnished, even before its ratification, and still more fully afterwards, with ample materials for the justification of his government. but, misconceiving the views of the administration, he reserved these representations until complaints should be made, and omitted to urge them while the directory was deliberating on the course it should pursue. meanwhile, his letters kept up the alarm with regard to the dispositions of france, and intelligence from the west indies served to confirm it. washington received information that the special agents of the directory in the islands were about to issue orders for the capture of all american vessels laden in whole or in part with provisions and bound for any port within the dominions of the british crown. knowing well that the intentions of the executive had been at all times friendly to the french republic, washington had relied with confidence on early and candid communications for the removal of any prejudices or misconceptions. that the directory would be disappointed at the adjustment of those differences which threatened to embroil the united states with great britain, could not be doubted, but, as neither this adjustment, nor the arrangements connected with it had furnished any real cause of complaint, he had cherished the hope that it would produce no serious consequences if the proper means of prevention should be applied in time. he was therefore dissatisfied with delays which he had not expected, and seems to have believed that they originated in a want of zeal to justify a measure which neither the minister himself, nor his political friends, had ever approved. to insure an earnest and active representation of the true sentiments of the executive, washington was inclined to depute an envoy extraordinary for the particular purpose, who should be united with the actual minister, but an objection, drawn from the constitution, was suggested to the measure. it was doubted whether the president could, in the recess of the senate, appoint a minister when no vacancy existed. from respect to this construction of the constitution, the resolution was taken to appoint a successor to colonel monroe. the choice of a person calculated for this mission was not without its difficulty. while a disposition friendly to the administration was indispensable, it was desirable that the person employed should have given no umbrage to the french government. after some deliberation, washington selected gen. charles cotesworth pinckney, of south carolina, for this critical and important service. in the early part of the french revolution, he had felt and expressed all the enthusiasm of his countrymen for the establishment of the republic, but, after the commencement of its contests with the united states, he stood aloof from both those political parties which divided america. he was recommended to the president by an intimate knowledge of his worth, by a confidence in the sincerity of his personal attachment to the chief magistrate, by a conviction that his exertions to effect the objects of his mission would be ardent and sincere, and that, whatever might be his partialities for france, he possessed a high and delicate sense of national as well as individual honor, was jealous for the reputation of his country, and tenacious of its rights. [ ] in july, immediately after the appointment of general pinckney, letters were received from colonel monroe communicating the official complaints which had been made against the american government in march, by m. de la croix, the minister of exterior relations, with his answer to those complaints. he had effectually refuted the criminations of m. de la croix, and the executive was satisfied with his answer. but the directory had decided on their system, and it was not by reasoning that their decision was to be changed. washington's correspondence with the members of the cabinet during his summer residence at mount vernon was incessant. in his letters to james mchenry, secretary of war, we find evidence of his attention to minute details of business, and his care of the public funds. in his letters of the th of august, we find, besides a reference to the fact of the delivery of the posts on the frontier by great britain, under the treaty, some curious details respecting the army: "your letter of the d instant," he writes, "with the information of our possession of fort ontario, lately occupied by the troops of great britain, and the correspondence between captain bruff of the united states troops, and captain clarke of the british, was brought to me by the last post. several matters are submitted by the former for consideration--among them, the mode of supplying the garrison with firewood, and furnishing it with a seine. with respect to the first of these, providing it with a horse or pair of horses and a batteau, as the fuel is to be transported so far, seems to be a matter of necessity, but the practice of the american army should be consulted for precedents, before the british allowance is made to the soldiers for cutting and transporting it to the fort, when the means by which it is done are furnished by the public. if no allowance of this sort has been made heretofore in towns, where wood was to be bought, which, if i remember rightly, was the case invariably while i commanded the army, it would be a dangerous innovation to begin it now, for it would instantly pervade all the garrisons and the whole army, be their situation what it may. in time of peace, where no danger is to be apprehended, and where the duty is light, i see no hardship in the soldiers providing fuel for their own use and comfort. with regard to a seine, as the expense would be small if it is taken care of, and the convenience great, i think the garrison should be indulged with one." he had always an eye to the comfort of the soldier as well as to economy in the expenditure of the public money. the garrison might have horses for draught, a batteau, and a seine to catch fish in the lake, but in time of peace they were not to have extra pay for cutting wood to keep themselves warm. . footnote: this letter, dated may , , contained an affecting statement of lafayette's case, and a request that he might be permitted to come to the united states. the letter was transmitted to mr. pinckney, to be conveyed to the emperor through his minister at london. how far it operated in mitigating immediately the rigor of lafayette's confinement, or in obtaining his liberation, remains unascertained. . footnote: before offering the appointment of minister to france to general pinckney, washington had offered it to gen. john marshall, afterward chief justice; but the situation of his private affairs would not permit its acceptance. chapter xi. washington retires from the presidency. - . washington's fixed determination to retire from office at the end of his second term had long been known to his confidential friends. many of them had opposed it from an apprehension of a political crisis arising from the hostile demonstrations of france and the strong support given to french pretensions by the opposition party in this country. when, in july ( ), washington proposed to declare publicly his determination, hamilton wrote to him, "if a storm gathers, how can you retreat? this is a most serious question." washington, yielding to the wishes of hamilton and other intimate friends, delayed the announcement of his purpose. as the time for a new election approached the people, uncertain of his intentions, became extremely anxious. the strong hold, says marshall, which washington had taken of the affections of his countrymen was, on this occasion, fully evinced. in districts where the opposition to his administration was most powerful, where all his measures were most loudly condemned, where those who approved his system possessed least influence, the men who appeared to control public opinion on every other subject found themselves unable to move it on this. even the most popular among the leaders of the opposition were reduced to the necessity of surrendering their pretensions to a place in the electoral body or of pledging themselves to bestow their suffrage on the actual president. the determination of his fellow-citizens had been unequivocally manifested, and it was believed to be apparent that the election would again be unanimous when he announced his fixed resolution to withdraw from the honors and the toils of office. having long contemplated this event and having wished to terminate his political course with an act which might be at the same time suitable to his own character and permanently useful to his country, he had prepared for the occasion a valedictory address in which, with the solicitude of a person who, in bidding a final adieu to his friends, leaves his affections and his anxieties for their welfare behind him, he made a last effort to impress upon his countrymen those great political truths which had been the guides of his own administration and could alone, in his opinion, form a sure and solid basis for the happiness, the independence, and the liberty of the united states. this interesting paper was published on the th of september, at a time when hopes were entertained that the discontents of france might be appeased by proper representations. it contains precepts to which the american statesman cannot too frequently recur. washington's farewell address. to the people of the united states. friends and fellow citizens:--the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should not apprise you of the resolution i have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom the choice is to be made. i beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country, and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you, but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire. the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself, and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead--amidst appearances sometimes dubious--vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging--in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism--the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing wishes, that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence--that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual--that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained--that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue--that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection of no inconsiderable observation and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness, that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out-weighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. the north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated--and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. the east, in like intercourse with the west, already finds and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. the west derives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionally greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations--northern and southern--atlantic and western, whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that even throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain and that with spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations toward confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? to the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterward the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. one method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true characters of governments as of other human institutions--that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country--that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis, and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion--and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channel of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this, within certain limits, is probably true, and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose, and, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. but let there be no change by usurpation, for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. it is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. this rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. observe good faith and justice toward all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be, that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? in the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded, and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. the nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations has been the victim. so, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessary parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld, and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation to a commendable deference for public opinion or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! such an attachment of a small or weak, toward a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none, or a very remote, relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance, when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected, when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it, for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed--in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them--conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate, constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but if i may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. how far, in the discharge of my official duties, i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself the assurance of my own conscience is that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. in relation to the still subsisting war in europe my proclamation of the d of april, , is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. the considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking, the command of its own fortunes. though in reviewing the incidents of my administration i am unconscious of intentional error, i am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. united states, _september_ , . the sentiments of veneration with which this farewell address was generally received were manifested in almost every part of the union. some of the state legislatures directed it to be inserted at large in their journals, and nearly all of them passed resolutions expressing their respect for the person of the president, their high sense of his exalted services, and the emotions with which they contemplated his retirement from office. although the leaders of party might rejoice at this event it produced solemn and anxious reflections in the great body, even of those who belonged to the opposition. the person in whom alone the voice of the people could be united having declined a re-election, the two great parties in america brought forward their respective chiefs, and every possible effort was made by each to obtain the victory. mr. john adams and mr. thomas pinckney, the late minister at london, were supported as president and vice-president by the federalists; the whole force of the opposite party was exerted in favor of mr. jefferson. motives of vast influence were added on this occasion to those which usually impel men in a struggle to retain or acquire power. the continuance or the change, not only of those principles on which the internal affairs of the united states had been administered, but of the conduct which had been observed toward foreign nations, was believed to depend on the choice of a chief magistrate. by one party the system of neutrality pursued by the existing administration with regard to the belligerent european powers, had been uniformly approved; by the other it had been as uniformly condemned. in the contests, therefore, which preceded the choice of electors, the justice of the complaints which were made on the part of the french republic were minutely discussed, and the consequences which were to be apprehended from her resentment or from yielding to her pretensions were reciprocally urged as considerations entitled to great weight in the ensuing election. in such a struggle it was not to be expected that foreign powers could feel absolutely unconcerned. in november, while the parties were so balanced that neither scale could be perceived to preponderate, mr. adet addressed a letter to colonel pickering, the secretary of state, in which he recapitulated the numerous complaints which had been urged by himself and his predecessors against the government of the united states, and reproached that government in terms of great asperity with violating those treaties which had secured its independence, with ingratitude to france, and with partiality to england. these wrongs, which commenced with the "insidious" proclamation of neutrality, were said to be so aggravated by the treaty concluded with great britain that mr. adet announced the orders of the directory to suspend his ministerial functions with the federal government. "but the cause," he added, "which has so long restrained the just resentment of the executive directory from bursting forth, now tempered its effects. the name of america, notwithstanding the wrongs of its government, still excited sweet sensations in the hearts of frenchmen, and the executive directory wished not to break with a people whom they loved to salute with the appellation of friend." this suspension of his functions, therefore, was not to be regarded "as a rupture between france and the united states, but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government of the united states returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations." "let your government return to itself," concluded mr. adet, "and you will still find in frenchmen faithful friends and generous allies." as if to remove any possible doubt respecting the purpose for which this extraordinary letter was written, a copy was transmitted, on the day of its date, to a printer for publication. this open and direct appeal of a foreign minister to the american people, in the critical moment of their election of a chief magistrate, did not effect its object. reflecting men, even among those who had condemned the course of the administration, could not approve this interference in the internal affairs of the united states, and the opposite party resented it as an attempt to control the operations of the american people in the exercise of one of the highest acts of sovereignty, and to poison the fountain of their liberty and independence by mingling foreign intrigue with their elections. the reader of history, however, is familiar with the fact that the course of adet in this affair was in strict accordance with the uniform practice of the new rulers of france at that time. their agents endeavored to prejudice the people of every country in europe against their respective governments, and never hesitated to interfere directly between the people and the government, wherever there was any prospect of introducing french ascendency by such proceedings. the people of the united states, on the present occasion, resented the officious interference of adet in the pending election as a gross insult, and it undoubtedly aided the party which it was intended to defeat. congress met on the th of december ( ). there was not a sufficient number of senators present on that day to form a quorum. in the house of representatives, among the new members who presented themselves was andrew jackson, from tennessee, the future president of the united states. on the th of december washington, for the last time, met the national legislature in the hall of the house of representatives. his address was comprehensive, temperate, and dignified. no personal consideration could restrain him from recommending those great national measures which he believed would be useful to his country, although open and extensive hostility had been avowed to them. after presenting a full view of the situation of the united states and the late transactions of the executive, he added: "to an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indispensable--this is manifest with regard to wars in which a state is itself a party; but, besides this, it is in our own experience that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. to secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression; this may even prevent the necessity of going to war by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no other option. from the best information i have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the mediterranean, without a protecting force, will always be insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved." the speech next proceeded earnestly to recommend the establishment of national works for manufacturing such articles as were necessary for the defense of the country, and also for an institution which should grow up under the patronage of the public and be devoted to the improvement of agriculture. the advantages of a military academy and of a national university were also urged, and the necessity of augmenting the compensation to the officers of the united states in various instances was explicitly stated. the president, in adverting to the dissatisfaction which had been expressed by one of the great powers of europe, said: "it is with much pain and deep regret i mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. our trade has suffered, and is suffering, extensive injuries in the west indies from the cruisers and agents of the french republic, and communications have been received from, its minister here which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority." after stating his constant and earnest endeavors to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that republic, and that his wish to maintain them remained unabated, he added: "in pursuing this course, however, i cannot forget what is due to the character of our government and nation, or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen." after some other communications, the speech was concluded in the following terms: "the situation in which i now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the united states, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced; and i cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the supreme ruler of the universe and sovereign arbiter of nations that his providential care may still be extended to the united states; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government which they have instituted for their protection may be perpetual." the answer of the senate embraced the various topics of the speech and approved all the sentiments it contained. it expressed the ardent attachment of that body to their chief magistrate, and its conviction that much of the public prosperity was to be ascribed to the virtue, firmness, and talents of his administration. after expressing the deep and sincere regret with which the official ratification of his intention to retire from the public employments of his country was received, the address proceeded to say: "the most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to your successors, and the united states thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration." in the house of representatives a committee of five had been appointed to prepare a respectful answer to the speech, three of whom were friends to the administration. hoping that the disposition would be general to avow in strong terms their attachment to the person and character of the president, the committee united in reporting an answer which promised, in general terms, due attention to the various subjects recommended to their consideration, but was full and explicit in the expression of attachment to himself and of approbation of his administration. the unanimity which prevailed in the committee did not extend to the house. after amplifying and strengthening the expressions of the report, which stated regret that any interruption should have taken place in the harmony which had subsisted between the united states and france, and modifying those which declared their hope for the restoration of that harmony, so as to avoid any implication that its rupture was exclusively ascribable to france, a motion was made by mr. giles to expunge all those paragraphs which expressed attachment to the person and character of the president, approbation of his administration, or regret at his retiring from office. after a very animated debate the motion to strike out was lost and the answer was carried by a great majority. early in the session washington communicated to congress the copy of a letter addressed by the secretary of state to general pinckney, containing a minute and comprehensive detail of all the points of controversy which had arisen between the united states and france, and defending the measures which had been adopted by america with a clearness and a strength of argument believed to be irresistible. the letter was intended to enable general pinckney to remove from the government of france all impressions unfavorable to the fairness of intention which had influenced the conduct of the united states, and to efface from the bosoms of the great body of the american people all those unjust and injurious suspicions which had been entertained against their own administration. should its immediate operation on the executive of france disappoint his hopes, washington persuaded himself that he could not mistake its influence in america; and he felt the most entire conviction that the accusations made by the french directory against the united states would cease, with the evidence that these accusations were supported by a great portion of the american people. the letter and its accompanying documents were communicated to the public, but, unfortunately, their effect at home was not such as had been expected, and they were, consequently, inoperative abroad. the measures recommended by washington, in his speech at the opening of the session, were not adopted, and neither the debates in congress nor the party publications with which the nation continued to be agitated, furnished reasonable ground for hope that the political intemperance which had prevailed from the establishment of the republican form of government in france, was about to be succeeded by a more conciliatory spirit. it was impossible for washington to be absolutely insensible to the bitter invectives and malignant calumnies of which he had long been the object. yet in one instance only did he depart from the rule he had prescribed for his conduct regarding them. apprehending permanent injury from the republication of certain spurious letters, which have been already noticed, he, on the day which terminated his official character, addressed a letter to the secretary of state, declaring them to be forgeries and stating the circumstances under which they were published. on the th of february ( ) the votes for the president and vice-president were opened and counted in the presence of both houses, and john adams announced the fact from the chair of the vice-president that he himself had received votes, thomas jefferson , thomas pinckney , aaron burr , and that the balance of the votes were given in varying small numbers to samuel adams, oliver ellsworth, john jay, etc. the total number of electors was . thus john adams became the second president of the united states, and by some mismanagement on the part of the federalists pinckney missed the vice-presidency, and the man of all others most dreaded by the federal party was placed in the very front rank of the republicans, and with the clear presage of success in the future. washington's feelings on the immediate prospect of retirement from office are expressed in the following extract from a letter to general knox, dated march , : "to the wearied traveler who sees a resting-place and is bending his body to lean thereon, i now compare myself, but to be suffered to do this in peace is too much to be endured by some. to misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration are objects which cannot be relinquished by those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. the consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude and the approving voice of my country, unequivocally expressed by its representatives, deprive their sting of its poison and place in the same point of view both the weakness and malignity of their efforts. "although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and i have not a wish to mix again in the great world or to partake in its politics, yet i am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom i love. among these, be assured, you are one." bishop white has given the following anecdote, illustrating the strong feelings of regret awakened among washington's friends by his approaching retirement from public life: "on the day before president washington retired from office a large company dined with him. among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, mr. and mrs. adams, mr. jefferson, and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. during the dinner much hilarity prevailed, but on the removal of the cloth it was put an end to by the president, certainly without design. having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile, as nearly as can be recollected, in the following words: 'ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time i shall drink your health as a public man. i do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' there was an end of all pleasantry. he who gives this relation accidentally directed his eye to the lady of the british minister, mrs. liston, and tears were running down her cheeks." mr. gibbs, in his "administrations of washington and adams," refers to the parting levee in the following terms: "just before his final retirement, washington held his last formal levee. an occasion more respectable in simplicity, more imposing in dignity, more affecting in the sensations which it awakened, the ceremonials of rulers never exhibited. there were the great chiefs of the republic of all parties and opinions; veterans of the war of independence, weather-stained and scarred; white-haired statesmen, who, in retirement, were enjoying the fruits of former toil; there were his executive counselors and private friends; ministers of foreign governments, whose veneration approached that of his countrymen; citizens who came to offer the tribute of a respect, sincere and disinterested. little was there of the pageantry of courts, little of the glitter which attends the receptions of royalty, yet in the grave assemblage that stood in that unadorned chamber there was a majesty which these knew not. the dignitaries of a nation had come together to bid farewell to one who, at their own free call, by their own willing trust--not as an honor to be coveted, but as a duty to be discharged--had, in turn, led their armies and executed their laws; one who now, his last task worthily fulfilled, was to take his place again among them, readier to relinquish than he had been to undertake power; a soldier without stain upon his arms; a ruler without personal ambition; a wise and upright statesman; a citizen of self-sacrificing patriotism; a man pure, unblemished, and true in every relation he had filled; one to whom all ages should point as the testimony that virtue and greatness had been and could be united. "and he who was the object of this gathering--what thoughts crowded upon his mind; what recollections filled the vista of the sixty odd years which had passed over him; what changes of men, opinions, society, had he seen! great changes, indeed, in the world and its old notions; the growing dissatisfaction of certain english emigrants at customary tyrannies and new intended ones had taken form and shape, embodied itself into principles, and vindicated them; blazed up an alarming beacon in the world's eyes as the sacred right of rebellion; fought battles; asserted independence and maintained it at much cost of bloodshed; made governments after its own new-fangled fashion; impressed a most unwilling idea on history--the doctrine of popular sovereignty--one which had proved contagious and had been adopted elsewhere, running riot indeed in its novelty. and out of all this confusion there had arisen the nation which he had presided over, already become great, and factious in its greatness, with a noble birthright, noble virtues, energies, and intellect; with great faults and passions that, unchecked, would, as in lusty individual manhood, lead to its ruin. "what was to be the future of that nation? dark clouds hung over it, dangers threatened it, enemies frowned upon it--the worst enemy was within. license might blast, in a few hours, the growth of years; faction destroy the careful work of the founders. on this he had left his great solemn charge, like the last warning of a father to his children." the relation in which the secretaries had stood with the president had been one of respectful but affectionate intimacy. the most cordial and unreserved friendship was extended to all whom he trusted and esteemed. the secretaries of state and war (pickering and mchenry) had been his fellow-soldiers; the secretary of the treasury (wolcott) had, as it were, grown up under his eye. the simplicity and military frankness of pickering, the kindly nature and refinement of mchenry, the warm-heartedness and _bonhommie_ of wolcott, all won upon his regard. on their part there was a no less sincere love for their chief. there are those devotion to whom is no degradation. washington was such a one, and to him it was rendered in the spirit of men who respected themselves. among all connected with him, either in military or civil life, this sentiment was retained. his death hallowed his memory in their hearts to a degree and with a sanctity which none can know who have not heard from their own lips--none can feel who were not of them. and in likewise the wife and family of washington were cherished. they had been universally beloved on their own account, and the hand of fate, in depriving them of a husband and father, as it were, bequeathed them to the tender care of a nation. there was something beautiful in these sentiments, in a land where the ties that bind men depend so little upon association. wolcott, among others, had enjoyed much of the domestic society of the president's house. his gentle and graceful wife had been regarded with maternal tenderness by mrs. washington and was the friend and correspondent of her eldest daughter. his child had been used to climb, confident of welcome, the knees of the chief, and though so many years his junior, while wolcott's character and judgment had been held in respect by the president, his personal and social qualities had drawn toward him a warm degree of interest. on leaving the seat of government, washington presented, it is believed, to all his chief officers some token of regard. to wolcott he gave a piece of plate. mrs. washington gave to his wife, when visiting her for the last time, a relic still more interesting. asking her if she did not wish for a memorial of the general, mrs. wolcott replied, "yes," she "should like a lock of his hair." mrs. washington, smiling, took her scissors and cut off for her a lock of her husband's and one of her own. these, with the originals of washington's letters, wolcott preserved with careful veneration and divided between his surviving children. "on the retirement of general washington," says wolcott, "being desirous that my personal interests should not embarrass his successor, and supposing that some other person might be preferred to myself, i tendered my resignation to mr. adams before his inauguration. the tender was declined and i retained office under my former commission." on the st of march ( ) washington had addressed a note to the senate, desiring them to attend in their chamber on saturday, the th, at o'clock, "to receive any communication which the president of the united states might lay before them touching their interests." in conformity with this summons the senate assembled on that day and commenced their thirteenth session. the oath of office was administered by mr. bingham to mr. jefferson, who thereupon took the chair. the new senators were then sworn and the vice-president delivered a brief address. the senate then repaired to the chamber of the house of representatives to attend the administration of the oath of office to the new president. mr. adams entered, accompanied by the heads of departments, [ ] the marshal of the district and his officers, and took his seat in the speaker's chair. the vice-president and secretary of the senate were seated in advance on his right, and the late speaker and clerk on the left; the justices of the supreme court sat before the president, the foreign ministers and members of the house in their usual seats. washington, once more a private citizen, sat in front of the judges. mr. adams then rose and delivered his inaugural speech. this address was brief and well suited to the occasion. after adverting to the circumstances which led to the formation of the new constitution, he expressed the unqualified approbation with which, in a foreign land and apart from the scene of controversy, he had first perused it, and the undiminished confidence which, after eight years of experience, he entertained of its fitness. he remarked briefly on the abuses to which it was subject, and against which it became the duty of the people to guard, and having disclosed his opinions of general policy, pledged himself anew to the support of the government. the oath of office was then administered by chief justice ellsworth, the other justices attending, after which he retired. [ ] the citizens of philadelphia celebrated the day of adams' inauguration by a testimony of their respect and affection for washington. they prepared a magnificent entertainment, designed for him as the principal guest, to which were invited the foreign ministers, the members of the cabinet, officers of the army and navy, and other distinguished persons. in the rotunda in which it was given, an elegant compliment was prepared for the principal guest, which is thus described in the papers of the day: "upon entering the area, the general was conducted to his seat. on a signal given music played washington's march, and a scene which represented simple objects in the rear of the principal seat was drawn up and discovered emblematical painting. "the principal was a female figure, large as life, representing america, seated on an elevation composed of sixteen marble steps. at her left side stood the federal shield and eagle, and at her feet lay the cornucopias, in her right hand she held the indian calumet of peace supporting the cap of liberty; in the perspective appeared the temple of fame, and on her left hand an altar dedicated to public gratitude, upon which incense was burning. in her left hand she held a scroll inscribed valedictory, and at the foot of the altar lay a plumed helmet and sword, from which a figure of general washington, large as life, appeared, retiring down the steps, pointing with his right hand to the emblems of power which he had resigned, and with his left to a beautiful landscape representing mount vernon, in front of which oxen were seen harnessed to the plough. over the general appeared a genius, placing a wreath of laurels on his head." after washington had paid to his successor those respectful compliments which he believed to be equally due to the man and to the office, he hastened to that real felicity which awaited him at mount vernon, the enjoyment of which he had long impatiently anticipated. the same marks of respect and affection for his person which had on all great occasions been manifested by his fellow-citizens, still attended him. his endeavors to render his journey private were unavailing, and the gentlemen of the country through which he passed, were still ambitious of testifying their sentiments for the man who had, from the birth of the republic been deemed the first of american citizens. long after his retirement he continued to receive addresses from legislative bodies and various classes of citizens, expressive of the high sense entertained of his services. "notwithstanding the extraordinary popularity of the first president of the united states," says marshall, "scarcely has any important act of his administration escaped the most bitter invective. "on the real wisdom of the system which he pursued, every reader will decide for himself. time will, in some measure, dissipate the prejudices and passions of the moment, and enable us to view objects through a medium which represents them truly. "without taking a full review of measures which were reprobated by one party and applauded by the other, the reader may be requested to glance his eye at the situation of the united states in , and to contrast it with their condition in . "at home a sound credit had been created; an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors; an ample revenue had been provided; those difficulties which a system of internal taxation, on its first introduction, is doomed to encounter, were completely removed, and the authority of the government was firmly established. funds for the gradual payment of the debt had been provided; a considerable part of it had been actually discharged, and that system which is now operating its entire extinction had been matured and adopted. the agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example. the numerous tribes of warlike indians, inhabiting those immense tracts which lie between the then cultivated country of the mississippi, had been taught, by arms and by justice, to respect the united states and to continue in peace. this desirable object having been accomplished, that humane system was established for civilizing and furnishing them with the conveniences of life, which improves their condition, while it secures their attachment. "abroad, the differences with spain had been accommodated, and the free navigation of the mississippi had been acquired, with the use of new orleans as a place of deposit for three years, and afterward, until some other equivalent place should be designated. those causes of mutual exasperation which had threatened to involve the united states in a war with the greatest maritime and commercial power in the world, had been removed, and the military posts which had been occupied within their territory, from their existence as a nation, had been evacuated. treaties had been formed with algiers and with tripoli, and no captures appear to have been made by tunis, so that the mediterranean was opened to american vessels. "this bright prospect was indeed, in part, shaded by the discontents of france. those who have attended to the particular points of difference between the two nations will assign the causes to which these discontents are to be ascribed, and will judge whether it was in the power of the president to have avoided them without surrendering the real independence of the nation and the most invaluable of all rights--the right of self-government." such was the situation of the united states at the close of washington's administration. their circumstances at its commencement will be recollected, and the contrast is too striking not to be observed. that this beneficial change in the affairs of america is to be ascribed exclusively to the wisdom which guided the national councils will not be pretended. that many of the causes which produced it originated with the government, and that their successful operation was facilitated, if not secured, by the system which was adopted, will scarcely be denied. to estimate that system correctly, their real influence must be allowed to those strong prejudices and turbulent passions with which it was assailed. accustomed, in the early part of his life, to agricultural pursuits, and possessing a real taste for them, washington was particularly well qualified to enjoy, in retirement, that tranquil felicity which he had anticipated. resuming former habits, and returning to ancient and well-known employments, he was familiar with his new situation, and therefore exempt from the danger of that disappointment which is the common lot of those who, in old age, retire from the toils of business, or the cares of office, to the untried pleasures of the country. a large estate, which exhibited many proofs of having been long deprived of the attentions of its proprietor in the management and improvement of which he engaged with ardor, an extensive correspondence, and the society of men and books, gave employment to every hour which was equally innocent and interesting, and furnished ground for the hope that the evening of a life which had been devoted to the public service, would be as serene as its midday had been brilliant. in his journey from philadelphia to mount vernon washington was accompanied by mrs. washington, miss custis, george washington lafayette, eldest son of the general, and m. frestel, young lafayette's tutor. writing to mr. mchenry, secretary of war, from mount vernon, april , , he thus describes his return home and his situation there: "we got home without accident and found the roads dryer and better than i ever found them at that season of the year. the attentions we met with on our journey were very flattering, and, to some, whose minds are differently formed from mine, would have been highly relished; but i avoided, in every instance, where i had any previous knowledge of the intention, and could by earnest entreaties prevail, all parade and escorts. mrs. washington took a violent cold in philadelphia, which hangs upon her still, but it is not as bad as it has been. [ ] "i find myself in the situation nearly of a new beginner, for, although i have not houses to build (except one, which i must erect for the accommodation and security of my military, civil, and private papers, which are voluminous, and may be interesting), yet i have scarcely anything else about me that does not require considerable repairs. in a word, i am already surrounded by joiners, masons, and painters, and, such is my anxiety to get out of their hands, that i have scarcely a room to put a friend into or to sit in myself without the music of hammers or the odoriferous scent of paint." to mr. wolcott, secretary of the treasury, he writes: "for myself, having turned aside from the broad walks of political into the narrow paths of private life, i shall leave it with those whose duty it is to consider subjects of this sort, and, as every good citizen ought to do, conform to whatsoever the ruling powers shall decide. to make and sell a little flour annually, to repair houses (going fast to ruin), to build one for the security of my papers of a public nature, and to amuse myself in agricultural and rural pursuits, will constitute employment for the few years i have to remain on this terrestrial globe. if, also, i could now and then meet the friends i esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest to my enjoyments; but, if ever this happens, it must be under my own vine and fig-tree, as i do not think it probable that i shall go beyond twenty miles from them." to another correspondent he repeats the same interesting sentiments, in reference to his retirement and the happiness he found in it: "retired from noise myself, and the responsibility attached to public employment, my hours will glide smoothly on. my best wishes, however, for the prosperity of our country will always have the first place in my thoughts; while to repair buildings and to cultivate my farms, which require close attention, will occupy the few years, perhaps days, i may be a sojourner here, as i am now in the sixty-sixth year of my peregrination through life." in a letter to mr. mchenry, may th, he says: "i begin my diurnal course with the sun; if my hirelings are not in their places at that time, i send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition; having put these wheels in motion, i examine the state of things further. the more they are probed the deeper i find the wounds which my buildings have sustained by an absence and neglect of eight years; by the time i have accomplished these matters, breakfast (a little after o'clock) is ready; this being over, i mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which i rarely miss seeing strange faces--come, as they say, out of respect for me. pray, would not the word curiosity answer as well? and how different this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board! the usual time of setting at table, a walk, and tea bring me within the dawn of candle-light, previous to which, if not prevented by company, i resolve that, as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, i will retire to my writing table and acknowledge the letters i have received; but, when the lights are brought, i feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. the next night comes, and with it, the same causes for postponement, and so on. "this will account for your letter remaining so long unacknowledged; and, having given you the history of a day, it will serve for a year, and i am persuaded you will not require a second edition of it. but it may strike you, that in this detail no mention is made of any portion of time allotted for reading. the remark would be just, for i have not looked into a book since i came home; nor shall i be able to do it until i have discharged my workmen, probably not before the nights grow longer, when, possibly, i may be looking in doomsday book. at present i shall only add, that i am always and affectionately yours." the celebrated mr. (afterward lord) erskine, having sent washington a copy of his "view of the causes and consequences of the present war with france," he acknowledged it in a letter, of which the following is a part: "to have so conducted my steps in the intricate walks of public life, and through a long course, as to meet the approbation of my country and the esteem of good men, is, next to the consciousness of having acted in all things from my best judgment, the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible, and will, during the remainder of a life which is hastening to an end, and in moments of retirement better adapted to calm reflection than i have hitherto experienced, alleviate the pain and soften any cares, which are yet to be encountered, though hid from me at the present. "for me to express my sentiments with respect to the administration of the concerns of another government might incur a charge of stepping beyond the line of prudence; but the principles of humanity will justify an avowal of my regret, and i do regret exceedingly, that any causes whatever should have produced and continued until this time, a war, more bloody, more expensive, more calamitous, and more pregnant with events than modern, or perhaps any other times can furnish an example of. and i most sincerely and devoutly wish that your exertions, and those of others having the same object in view, may effect what human nature cries aloud for, a general peace." [ ] his correspondence with the earl of radnor shows the estimation in which he was held abroad, and also illustrates his situation and feelings at the time. "_to general washington._ "sir.--though of necessity a stranger to you, i cannot deny myself the satisfaction, among the many who will, probably, even from this country, intrude upon your retirement, of offering to you my congratulations on your withdrawing yourself from the scene of public affairs, with a character which appears to be perfectly unrivalled in history. the voluntary resignation of authority, wielded, as it was, while you thought fit to yield it, for the advantage of your country, in the universal opinion of mankind, confirms the judgment i had presumed to form of your moderation, and completes the glory of your life. "permit me, sir, who, enlisted in no political party, have, as a public man, looked up to you with veneration; who have seen the beginning of your career against england with approbation, because i felt england was unjust; who have seen you discontinue your hostility toward england, when, in good faith, she was no longer acting as an enemy to america, by honest counsels endeavoring to be as closely connected with amity, as she is by natural and mutual interests; who have seen you the instrument, in the hand of providence, of wresting from the british parliament an influence destructive of the just rights of both countries and of establishing the independence of america, which, i am persuaded, will continually, if your principles and your wisdom shall actuate your successors, be the means of securing them respectively to us both; who have seen you, in adversity and prosperity alike, the good, the firm, the moderate, the disinterested patriot; permit me, i say, as an englishman and as a man, to rejoice at the completion of such a character, and to offer my unfeigned wishes for a peaceful evening of your life and the realization (as is my sincere belief) of your posthumous fame and your eternal happiness. "i have the honor to subscribe myself, etc., "radnor. "longford castle, _january_ , ." the following is washington's reply: "my lord.--the sentiments which your lordship has been pleased to express, in your favor of the th of january last, relative to my public conduct, do me great honor, and i pray you to accept my grateful acknowledgment of the unequivocal evidence, conveyed in your letter, of the favorable opinion you entertain of the principles by which it was actuated. "for having performed duties which i conceive every country has a right to require of its citizens, i claim no merit; but no man can feel more sensibly the reward of approbation for such services than i do. next to the consciousness of having acted faithfully in discharging the several trusts to which i have been called, the thanks of one's country and the esteem of good men are the highest gratification my mind is susceptible of. "at the age of sixty-five, i am now recommencing my agricultural and rural pursuits, which were always more congenial to my temper and disposition than the noise and bustle of public employments, notwithstanding so small a portion of my life has been engaged in the former. "i reciprocate, with great cordiality, the good wishes you have been pleased to bestow on me, and pray devoutly that we may both witness, and that shortly, the return of peace; for a more bloody, expensive, and eventful war is not recorded in modern, if to be found in ancient history." before leaving the subject of washington's european reputation it is proper to quote the remarks made by the celebrated orator and statesman, charles james fox, in the british parliament, january , . it was in reference to washington's communications to congress at the opening of the session, december , : "and here, sir, i cannot help alluding to the president of the united states, general washington, a character whose conduct has been so different from that which has been pursued by the ministers of this country. how infinitely wiser must appear the spirit and principles manifested in his late address to congress than the policy of modern european courts! illustrious man, deriving honor less from the splendor of his situation than from the dignity of his mind; before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance, and all the potentates of europe (excepting the members of our own royal family) become little and contemptible. he has had no occasion to have recourse to any tricks of policy or arts of alarm; his authority has been sufficiently supported by the same means by which it was acquired, and his conduct has uniformly been characterized by wisdom, moderation, and firmness. feeling gratitude to france for the assistance received from her in that great contest which secured the independence of america, he did not choose to give up the system of neutrality. having once laid down that line of conduct which both gratitude and policy pointed out as most proper to be pursued, not all the insults and provocation of the french minister, genet, could turn him from his purpose. entrusted with the welfare of a great people, he did not allow the misconduct of another, with respect to himself, for one moment to withdraw his attention from their interest. he had no fear of the jacobins; he felt no alarm from their principles, and considered no precaution necessary in order to stop their progress. "the people over whom he presided he knew to be acquainted with their rights and their duties. he trusted to their own good sense to defeat the effect of those arts which might be employed to inflame or mislead their minds, and was sensible that a government could be in no danger while it retained the attachment and confidence of its subjects--attachment, in this instance, not blindly adopted; confidence not implicitly given, but arising from the conviction of its excellence and the experience of its blessings. i cannot, indeed, help admiring the wisdom and fortune of this great man. by the phrase 'fortune,' i mean not in the smallest degree to derogate from his merit. but notwithstanding his extraordinary talents and exalted integrity, it must be considered as singularly fortunate that he should have experienced a lot which so seldom falls to the portion of humanity, and have passed through such a variety of scenes without stain and without reproach. it must, indeed, create astonishment, that, placed in circumstances so critical, and filling for a series of years, a station so conspicuous, his character should never once have been called in question; that he should in no one instance have been accused either of improper insolence or mean submission in his transactions with foreign nations. for him it has been reserved to run the race of glory, without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career." . footnote: all the cabinet officers of washington were retained by mr. adams, viz.: timothy pickering, secretary of state; james mchenry, secretary of war; oliver wolcott, secretary of the treasury, and charles lee, attorney-general. the navy department was not organized till . . footnote: gibbs, "administrations of washington and john adams." . footnote: the following extract is from a baltimore paper, dated march th: "last evening arrived in this city, on his way to mount vernon, the illustrious object of veneration and gratitude, george washington. his excellency was accompanied by his lady and miss custis, and by the son of the unfortunate lafayette and his preceptor. at a distance from the city, he was met by a crowd of citizens, on horse and foot, who thronged the road to greet him, and by a detachment from captain hollingsworth's troop, who escorted him in through as great a concourse of people as baltimore ever witnessed. on alighting at the fountain inn, the general was saluted with reiterated and thundering huzzas from the spectators. his excellency, with the companions of his journey, leaves town, we understand, this morning." . footnote: erskine's opinion of washington is thus expressed in his letter, dated london, march , : "i have taken the liberty," he writes, "to introduce your august and immortal name in a short sentence, which will be found in the book i send you. i have a large acquaintance among the most valuable and exalted classes of men; but you are the only human being for whom i ever felt an awful reverence. i sincerely pray god to grant a long and serene evening to a life so gloriously devoted to the universal happiness of the world. "t. erskine." chapter xii. washington appointed lieutenant-general. - . we have mentioned, incidentally, that george washington motier de lafayette, the son of the general, with his tutor, m. frestel, accompanied washington on his journey from philadelphia to mount vernon. when the wife and daughters of lafayette left france to join him in the prison of olmutz his son came to the united states. he arrived at boston in the summer of , with his tutor, and had immediately written to washington to apprise him of his arrival. the letter was received just as he was leaving philadelphia for mount vernon. washington would have been delighted to receive him immediately into his family, but this was forbidden by political considerations of great weight. he therefore wrote to george cabot, of boston, desiring him to assure the young man of his friendship and protection, and recommending that he should be entered as a student at harvard university, cambridge, and offering to defray the expenses of his education there. this was declined, however, on account of the different course of study which he was pursuing under the tuition of m. frestel, and george went to take up his residence with m. lacolombe, [ ] in a country-house near new york. in november, , washington wrote to young lafayette and his tutor, assuring the former of his paternal regard and support, and desiring him to repair to colonel hamilton in new york. on the th of march, , the following resolution, and order were passed by the house of representatives in congress: "information having been given to this house that a son of general lafayette is now within the united states; "_resolved_, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the truth of the said information and report thereon, and what measures it would be proper to take, if the same be true, to evince the grateful sense entertained by this country for the services of his father. "_ordered_, that mr. livingston, mr. sherburne, and mr. murray be appointed a committee pursuant to the said resolution." as chairman of this committee, mr. livingston wrote to young lafayette as follows: "sir.--actuated by motives of gratitude to your father, and eager to seize every opportunity of showing their sense of his important services, the house of representatives have passed the resolution which i have the pleasure to communicate. the committee being directed to inquire into the fact of your arrival within the united states, permit me to advise your immediate appearance at this place, that the legislature of america may no longer be in doubt whether the son of lafayette is under their protection and within the reach of their gratitude. "i presume to give this advice as an individual personally attached to your father, and very solicitous to be useful to any person in whose happiness he is interested. if i should have that good fortune on this occasion, it will afford me the greatest satisfaction. "i am, &c., "edward livingston." on receiving this letter, young lafayette wrote to washington, enclosing the resolution and the letter of mr. livingston, and asking his advice relative to the course which he should pursue. the following is washington's answer: "your letter of the th instant was received yesterday. the enclosures which accompanied it evidence much discretion, and your conduct therein meets my entire approbation. "in the early part of this month i put a letter into the hands of colonel hamilton, inviting you to this place, and expected, until your letter of the above date was received, to have embraced you under my own roof tomorrow or next day. "as the period for this seems to be more distant, from the purport of your inquiries, i again repeat my former request, and wish that, without delay, you and m. frestel would proceed immediately to this city and to my house, where a room is prepared for you and him. "under expectation of your doing this, it is as unnecessary as it might be improper to go more into detail until i have the pleasure of seeing you and of rendering every service in my power to the son of my friend, for whom i have always entertained the purest affection, which is too strong not to extend itself to you. therefore believe me to be, as i really am, sincerely and affectionately yours, &c." from this time (march, ) to april, , when he journeyed with washington to mount vernon, young lafayette resided with him in philadelphia. writing to general dumas (june , ) from mount vernon, washington, after expressing an ardent wish for the restoration of general lafayette to liberty, says: "his son and m. frestel, who appears to have been his mentor, are, and have been, residents in my family since their arrival in this country, except in the first moments of it; and a modest, sensible, well-disposed youth he is." in october, , intelligence of the liberation of general lafayette from his austrian prison having been received, his son hastened to meet him in france. he sailed with m. frestel from new york, on the th of october, bearing the following letter from washington to his father: [ ] "this letter, i hope and expect, will be presented to you by your son, who is highly deserving of such parents as you and your amiable lady. "he can relate much better than i can describe my participation in your sufferings, my solicitude for your relief, the measures i adopted, though ineffectual, to facilitate your liberation from an unjust and cruel imprisonment, and the joy i experienced at the news of its accomplishment. i shall hasten, therefore, to congratulate you, and be assured that no one can do it with more cordiality, with more sincerity, or with greater affection, on the restoration of that liberty which every act of your life entitles you to the enjoyment of; and i hope i may add, to the uninterrupted possession of your estates and the confidence of your country. the repossession of these things, though they cannot compensate for the hardships you have endured, may nevertheless soften the painful remembrance of them. "from the delicate and responsible situation in which i stood as a public officer, but more especially from a misconception of the manner in which your son had left france, till explained to me in a personal interview with himself, he did not come immediately into my family on his arrival in america, though he was assured in the first moments of it of my protection and support. his conduct, since he first set his feet on american ground, has been exemplary in every point of view, such as has gained him the esteem, affection, and confidence of all who have had the pleasure of his acquaintance. his filial affection and duty and his ardent desire to embrace his parents and sisters, in the first moments of their release, would not allow him to wait the authentic account of this much-desired event; but, at the same time that i suggested the propriety of this, i could not withhold my assent to the gratification of his wishes to fly to the arms of those whom he holds most dear, persuaded as he is, from the information he has received, that he shall find you all in paris. "m. frestel has been a true mentor to george. no parent could have been more attentive to a favorite son, and he richly merits all that can be said of his virtues, of his good sense, and of his prudence. both your son and he carry with them the vows and regrets of this family and all who know them. and you may be assured that yourself never stood higher in the affections of the people of this country than at the present moment. "having bid a final adieu to the walks of public life, and meaning to withdraw myself from politics, i shall refer you to m. frestel and george, who, at the same time that they have, from prudential considerations, avoided all interference in the politics of the country, cannot have been inattentive observers of what was passing among us, to give you a general view of our situation, and of the party which, in my opinion, has disturbed the peace and tranquility of it. and with sentiments of the highest regard for you, your lady, and daughters, and with assurances that, if inclination or events should induce you or any of them to visit america, no person in it would receive you with more cordiality and affection than mrs. washington and myself, both of us being most sincerely and affectionately attached to you, and admirers of them." devoted as washington, in his retirement, was to his favorite pursuit of agriculture, he nevertheless took a lively interest in the political affairs of the country. in the events which were now passing he found cause for considerable anxiety. the conduct of the french directory still indicated a persistence in their favorite policy of detaching the people of the united states from the support of the executive, and effecting a revolution in the government. their treatment of general pinckney, the minister sent to france by washington, fully disclosed their views and intentions. after inspecting general pinckney's letter of credence, the directory announced to him their determination "not to receive another minister plenipotentiary from the united states until after the redress of grievances demanded of the american government, which the french republic had a right to expect from it." this message was succeeded, first by indecorous verbal communications, calculated to force the american minister out of france, and afterward, by a written mandate to quit the territories of the republic. this act of hostility was accompanied with another, which would explain the motives for this conduct, if previous measures had not rendered all further explanation unnecessary. on giving to the recalled minister his audience of leave, the president of the directory addressed a speech to him, in which terms of outrage to the government were mingled with expressions of affection for the people of the united states, and the expectation of ruling the former, by their influence over the latter, was too clearly manifested not to be understood. to complete this system of hostility, american vessels were captured wherever found, and, under the pretext of their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prize. this serious state of things demanded a solemn consideration. on receiving from general pinckney the dispatches which communicated it, president adams issued his proclamation requiring congress to meet on the th day of may. the speech delivered by him at the commencement of the session showed that the insults of the french directory were deeply resented. he said: "the speech of the president discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities toward the government of the united states. it evinces a disposition to separate the people from their government; to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince france, and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest. retaining still the desire which had uniformly been manifested by the american government to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the united states absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with france, he should," he said, "institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and should not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the nation." but while he should be making these endeavors to adjust all differences with the french republic by amicable negotiation, he earnestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of defense. the drawing up an answer to this speech of president adams occasioned a full fortnight's debate in the house of representatives, but at length a reply, correspondent to the president's tone and views, was carried by or voices against . this showed the balance of parties, proved that adams still kept the ascendency, however small, that washington had done, and that the dread of democratic violence prevailed over the suspicions endeavored to be awakened of monarchism and an arbitrary executive. this feeling was, no doubt, strengthened greatly by refugees from st. domingo, who related the dire effects which democratic acts had produced in that island. france, however, was never more formidable. tidings of her victories poured in, whilst those of england told of bank payments suspended, a mutiny in the fleet, and the abandonment of her best continental ally. to carry into effect the pacific dispositions avowed by president adams in his speech, he appointed three envoys to the french directory. general pinckney, who was still residing in europe, was placed at the head of the mission. gen. john marshall, afterward chief justice, a sturdy federalist, and elbridge gerry, an anti-federalist, but a strong personal friend and favorite of the president, were joined with pinckney in the mission. they were instructed to endeavor to procure peace and reconciliation by all means compatible with the honor and faith of the united states, but no national engagements were to be impaired, no innovation to be permitted upon those internal regulations for the preservation of peace which had been deliberately and uprightly established, nor were the rights of the government to be surrendered. on their arrival in france the envoys saw m. talleyrand, the minister for foreign affairs, but were informed that they could not be received by the directory. they had permission to remain in paris, however, and the agents of m. de talleyrand--a female amongst others were employed to negotiate with them. the true difficulty in the way of accommodation, in addition to the impertinent arrogance of the directory, seemed to be that merlin and others received a great part of the gains accruing from american prizes made by the french. in order to counteract this gold in one hand by gold in the other, talleyrand demanded a douceur of £ , for himself and chiefs, besides a loan to be afterward made from america to france. to extract these conditions, every argument that meanness could suggest was employed by talleyrand; he demanded to be fed as a lawyer or bribed as a friend. but the americans were inexorable, and two of their number, pinckney and marshall, returned to announce to their countrymen the terms on which peace was offered. the cupidity of the french government completely turned against it the tide of popular feeling in america. "millions for defense, not a cent for tribute," was instantly the general cry. the president felt his hands strengthened by the demands of the french. certainly, never did minister show himself less sagacious than m. de talleyrand in this affair, or more ignorant of the spirit and manners of a nation amongst whom he had resided. in congress (may, ), vigorous measures were adopted for placing the country in a state of defense against impending hostilities from one of the most powerful nations of the world. among these was a regular army. a regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the permanent establishment, and the president was authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry to serve during the continuance of the existing differences with the french republic, if not sooner discharged. he was also authorized to appoint officers for a provisional army and to receive and organize volunteer corps who should be exempt from ordinary militia duty, but neither the volunteers nor the officers of the provisional army were to receive pay unless called into actual service. addresses to the executive from every part of the united states attested the high spirit of the nation, and the answers of president adams were well calculated to give it solidity and duration. no sooner had a war become probable, to the perils of which no man could be insensible, than the eyes of all were directed to washington, as the person who should command the american army. he alone could be seen at the head of a great military force without exciting jealousy; he alone could draw into public service and arrange properly the best military talents of the nation, and he, more than any other, could induce the utmost exertion of its physical strength. indignant at the unprovoked injuries which had been heaped upon his country, and convinced that the conflict, should a war be really prosecuted by france with a view to conquest, would be extremely severe and could be supported, on the part of america, only by a persevering exertion of all her force, he could not determine, should such a crisis arrive, to withhold those aids which it might be in his power to afford, should public opinion really attach to his services that importance which would render them essential. his own reflections appear to have resulted in a determination not to refuse once more to take the field, provided he could be permitted to secure efficient aid by naming the chief officers of the army, and to remain at home until his service in the field should be required by actual invasion. [ ] a confidential and interesting letter from colonel hamilton of the th of may, on political subjects, concludes with saying: "you ought also to be aware, my dear sir, that in the event of an open rupture with france the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country, and though all who are attached to you will, from attachment as well as public consideration, deplore an occasion which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom i converse that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. all your past labors may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." "you may be assured," said washington in reply, "that my mind is deeply impressed with the present situation of public affairs and not a little agitated by the outrageous conduct of france toward the united states, and at the inimitable conduct of those partisans who aid and abet her measures. you may believe further, from assurances equally sincere, that if there was anything in my power to be done consistently to avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should be rendered with hand and heart." "but, my dear sir, dark as matters appear at present, and expedient as it is to be prepared for the worst that can happen (and no man is more disposed to this measure than i am), i cannot make up my mind yet for the expectation of open war; or, in other words, for a formidable invasion by france. i cannot believe, although i think her capable of anything, that she will attempt to do more than she has done. when she perceives the spirit and policy of this country rising into resistance, and that she has falsely calculated upon support from a large part of the people to promote her views and influence in it, she will desist ever from those practices, unless unexpected events in europe or the acquisition of louisiana and the floridas should induce her to continue them. and i believe further, that, although the leaders of their party in this country will not change their sentiments, they will be obliged to change their plan or the mode of carrying it on. the effervescence which is appearing in all quarters, and the desertion of their followers, will frown them into silence--at least for a while. "if i did not view things in this light my mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it is, for, if a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty or a call from my country should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, i should prepare for relinquishment and go with as much reluctance from my present peaceful abode as i should go to the tombs of my ancestors." the opinion that prudence required preparations for open war and that washington must once more be placed at the head of the american armies strengthened every day, and on the d of june president adams addressed him a letter in which that subject was thus alluded to. "in forming an army, whenever i must come to that extremity i am at an immense loss whether to call out the old generals or to appoint a young set. if the french come here we must learn to march with a quick step and to attack, for in that way only they are said to be vulnerable. i must tax you sometimes for advice. we must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. there will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." a letter from mchenry, the secretary of war, written four days afterward, concludes with asking: "may we flatter ourselves that, in a crisis so awful and important you will accept the command of all our armies? i hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united." these letters reached washington on the same day. the following extract from his reply to the president will exhibit the course of his reflections relative to his appearance once more at the head of the american armies: "at the epoch of my retirement an invasion of these states by an european power, or even the probability of such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me that i had no conception either that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period which could turn my eyes from the shades of mount vernon. but this seems to be the age of wonders. and it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless france (for purposes of providence far beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter her own citizens and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. from a view of the past--from the prospect of the present--and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. in case of actual invasion by a formidable force i certainly should not entrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. and if there be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly must be better known to the government than to private citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. the uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrassment, for i cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the french are of treaties and of the laws of nation, and capable as i conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the determination of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. that they have been led to believe by their agents and partisans among us that we are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to their own government, and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, i have no doubt; and how far these men (grown desperate) will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. without that, the folly of the directory in such an attempt would, i conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness." "having with candor made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add that to those who know me best it is best known that, should imperious circumstances induce me to exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at a period too when repose is more congenial to nature, it would be productive of sensations which can be more easily conceived than expressed." his letter to the secretary of war was more detailed and more explicit. "it cannot," he said, "be necessary for me to premise to you or to others who know my sentiments; that to quit the tranquility of retirement, and enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be productive of sensations which a better pen than i possess would find it difficult to describe. nevertheless, the principle by which my conduct has been actuated through life would not suffer me, in any great emergency, to withhold any services i could render when required by my country--especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power, in contempt of every principle of justice, and in violation of a solemn compact and of laws which govern all civilized nations--and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion for the purpose of subjugating our government and destroying our independence and happiness. "under circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me, at any time, to remain an idle spectator, under the plea of age or retirement. with sorrow, it is true, i should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness i now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which, possibly, my strength and powers might be found incompetent. these, however, should not be stumbling-blocks in my own way. but there are other things highly important for me to ascertain and settle before i could give a definitive answer to your question: " st. the propriety in the opinion of the public, so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversation, of my appearing again on the public theater after declaring the sentiments i did in my valedictory address of september, . " dly. a conviction in my own breast, from the best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country that its military force should be committed to my charge; and, " dly. that the army now to be formed should be so appointed as to afford a well-grounded hope of its doing honor to the country and credit to him who commands it in the field. "on each of these heads you must allow me to make observations." washington then proceeded to detail his sentiments on those points on which his consent to take command of the army must depend. some casual circumstances delayed the reception of the letters of the president and secretary of war for several days, in consequence of which, before the answer of washington reached the seat of government, the president had nominated him to the chief command of all the armies raised or to be raised in the united states, with the rank of lieutenant-general; and the senate had unanimously advised and consented to his appointment. by the secretary of war, who was directed to wait upon him with his commission, the president addressed to him the following letter: "mr. mchenry, the secretary of war, will have the honor to wait on you in my behalf, to impart to you a step i have ventured to take, which i should have been happy to have communicated in person, had such a journey at this time been in my power." "my reasons for this measure will be too well known to need any explanation to the public. every friend and every enemy of america will comprehend them at first blush. to you, sir, i owe all the apology i can make. the urgent necessity i am in of your advice and assistance, indeed of your conduct and direction of the war, is all i can urge; and that is a sufficient justification to myself and to the world. i hope it will be so considered by yourself. mr. mchenry will have the honor to consult you upon the organization of the army, and upon everything relating to it." open instructions, signed by the president, were on the same day delivered to the secretary of war, of which the following is a copy: "it is my desire that you embrace the first opportunity to set out on your journey to mount vernon and wait on general washington with the commission of lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, which, by the advice and consent of the senate, has been signed by me. "the reasons and motives which prevailed on me to venture on such a step as the nomination of this great and illustrious character, whose voluntary resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office i now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and important to escape the observation of any part of america or europe. but as it is a movement of great delicacy it will require all your address to communicate the subject in a manner that shall be inoffensive to his feelings and consistent with all the respect that is due from me to him. "if the general should decline the appointment all the world will be silent and respectfully acquiesce. if he should accept it all the world, except the enemies of his country, will rejoice. if he should come to no decisive determination, but take the subject into consideration, i shall not appoint any other lieutenant-general until his conclusion is known. "his advice in the formation of a list of officers would be extremely desirable to me. the names of lincoln, morgan, knox, hamilton, gates, pinckney, lee, carrington, hand, muhlenberg, dayton, burr, brooks, cobb, smith, as well as the present commander-in-chief, may be mentioned to him, and any others that occur to you. particularly, i wish to have his opinion on the men most suitable for inspector-general, adjutant-general, and quartermaster-general. "his opinion on all subjects would have great weight, and i wish you to obtain from him as much of his reflections upon the times and the service as you can." the communications between washington and the secretary of war appear to have been full and unreserved. the impressions of the former respecting the critical and perilous situation of his country had previously determined him to yield to the general desire and accept the commission offered him, provided he could be permitted to select for the high departments of the army, and especially for the military staff, those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. being assured that there was every reason to believe his wishes in this respect would not be thwarted, he gave to the secretary the arrangement which he would recommend for the principal stations in the army, and on the th of july addressed the following letter to the president: "i had the honor, on the evening of the th instant, to receive from the hands of the secretary at war your favor of the th, announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the senate, appointed me lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the armies raised or to be raised for the service of the united states." "i cannot express how greatly affected i am at this new proof of public confidence, and at the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication. at the same time i must not conceal from you my earnest wish that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in years and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war." "you know, sir, what calculations i had made relative to the probable course of events on my retiring from office and the determination with which i had consoled myself of closing the remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode. you will, therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations i must have experienced to bring my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me at so late a period of life to leave scenes i sincerely love to enter upon the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. "it was not possible for me to remain ignorant of or indifferent to recent transactions. the conduct of the directory of france toward our country; their insidious hostility to its government; their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it; the evident tendency of their arts, and those of their agents to countenance and invigorate opposition; their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations; their war upon our defenseless commerce; their treatment of our ministers of peace, and their demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me sentiments corresponding with those my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. "believe me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measures of your administration. they ought to inspire universal confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavored to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, with pure hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust the final result to that kind providence who has heretofore and then so often signally favored the people of the united states. "thinking in this manner and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when everything we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, i have finally determined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, with the reserve only that i shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. "in making this reservation, i beg it to be understood that i do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army, which you may think i can afford. i take the liberty also to mention that i must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public, or that i can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment before i am in a situation to incur expense." from this period washington intermingled the cares and attentions of office with his agricultural pursuits. his solicitude respecting the organization of an army which he might possibly be required to lead against an enemy the most formidable in the world, was too strong to admit of his being inattentive to its arrangements. having stipulated, in accepting office, that he should have a concurrent voice in the appointment of the general officers and general staff of the army, he named alexander hamilton as inspector-general and second in command, with charles cotesworth pinckney and henry knox as major-generals. adams, who particularly disliked hamilton, and was very suspicious of his designs and purposes, especially if placed in any position of power and influence, was not at all pleased with this arrangement; but he unwillingly acquiesced. general knox was dissatisfied with the rank assigned him, and refused to serve; general pinckney, on the other hand, accepted the post offered him. during the months of november and december ( ), washington was at philadelphia, where he was busily occupied, with hamilton and pinckney, in concerting arrangements for raising and organizing the army. from this time to the end of his life a great part of his time was bestowed upon military affairs. "his correspondence with the secretary of war, the major-generals, and other officers," as mr. sparks states, "was unremitted and very full, entering into details and communicating instructions which derived value from his long experience and perfect knowledge of the subject. his letters during this period, if not the most interesting to many readers, will be regarded as models of their kind, and as affording evidence that the vigor and fertility of his mind had not decreased with declining years. "he never seriously believed that the french would go to the extremity of invading the united states. but it had always been a maxim with him, that a timely preparation for war afforded the surest means for preserving peace, and on this occasion he acted with as much promptitude and energy as if the invaders had been actually on the coast. his opinion proved to be correct, and his prediction was verified." for the french government, when it was found that the people would support the executive in resisting aggressions, soon manifested a disposition to draw back from their war-like attitude, since war with the united states was the last thing which was really desired. while washington was engaged in organizing the army actual hostilities between the united states and france were going on at sea. a _navy_ department was formed by act of congress in april ( ), and on may st benjamin stoddert, of maryland, became the first secretary of the navy. the frigates united states, , and constellation, , were launched and fitted for sea in the summer and autumn succeeding; and the whole force authorized by a law passed on the th of july, consisted of twelve frigates, twelve ships of a force between twenty and twenty-four guns inclusive, and six sloops, besides galleys and revenue cutters, making a total of thirty active cruisers. numerous privateers were also fitted out. the chief theater of naval operations was the archipelago of the west indies, where the aggressions on our commerce by french cruisers and privateers had originally commenced. of the numerous encounters which took place, two remarkable ones afforded a promise of the future glories of the american navy. one of these was a very severe action (february, ) between the american frigate constellation, of thirty-eight guns, commanded by commodore truxton, and the french frigate l'insurgente, of forty guns, which terminated in the capture of the latter. truxton, in a subsequent engagement, compelled another french frigate, the vengeance, mounting no less than fifty-two guns, to strike her colors, but she afterward made her escape in the night. the determined attitude of the united states soon convinced the french directory that the people were united in support of the administration in its hostile operations, and talleyrand sent certain intimations to our government, through william vans murray, american minister at the hague, as well as by more private channels, that the directory were willing and desirous to treat for peace. president adams determined to avail himself of these friendly dispositions, and, without consulting his cabinet or the leading members of congress, on the th of february ( ) nominated to the senate mr. murray as minister plenipotentiary to the french republic. patrick henry and chief justice oliver ellsworth were subsequently appointed joint ambassadors, but the latter declining on account of ill health, gen. william richardson davie, governor of north carolina, was appointed in his place. ellsworth and davie did not leave the country, however, till november. the peace which terminated the quasi war with france was negotiated by these envoys, but it did not take place till the d of september, , when napoleon was at the head of affairs in france, as first consul, and after the death of washington. we have seen that when washington retired from the office of president, he had promised himself a season of leisure and repose before closing his useful and honorable life. but this the course of events did not permit. his last days were destined to be fully occupied with public affairs. during the years and he was engaged in a most voluminous correspondence with the president, the heads of departments, and the officers of the provisional army, in relation to military affairs, and in addition to this his published letters show that he had to keep up a correspondence with many public men, both in europe and america, as well as with his own connections and dependants. this correspondence and the arrangement of his papers added to the writing occasioned by his accounts and the army affairs, made it necessary for him to have assistance, and he accordingly wrote to his old secretary, mr. tobias lear, with a view to engaging him in the same office again (august , ). an extract from his letter to mr. lear shows how his writing labors had increased. "the little leisure i had," he writes, "before my late appointment (from visits, my necessary rides, and other occurrences), to overhaul, arrange, and separate papers of real from those of little or no value, is now, by that event, so much encroached upon by personal and written applications for offices, and other matters incidental to the commander-in-chief, that, without assistance, i must abandon all idea of accomplishing this necessary work before i embark in new scenes, which will render them more voluminous, and, of course, more difficult; a measure which would be extremely irksome to me to submit to, especially as it respects my accounts, which are yet in confusion; my earnest wish and desire being, when i quit the stage of human action, to leave all matters in such a situation as to give as little trouble as possible to those who will have the management of them hereafter. "under this view of my situation, which is far from being an agreeable one, and at times fills me with deep concern when i see so little prospect of complete extrication, i have written to the secretary of war to be informed whether--as my taking the field is contingent, and no pay or emolument will accrue to myself until then--i am at liberty to appoint my secretary immediately, who shall be allowed his pay and forage from the moment he joins me. if he answers in the affirmative, can you do this on these terms?" mr. lear accepted the appointment of secretary, proceeded immediately to mount vernon, and remained with washington till his decease. with the aid of mr. lear, who was thoroughly conversant with his papers and accustomed to his methods of transacting business, he was enabled to keep up his old habit of riding over the estate, and superintending its culture, during the early hours of the day. "when he returned from his morning ride," which, he remarks in a letter to mr. mchenry, "usually occupied him till it was time to dress for dinner," he generally found some newly arrived guests, perfect strangers to him, come, as they said, out of respect to him. they were always received courteously, but their number and their constant succession must have made serious inroads on the domestic quiet in which he so much delighted. "how different this," he says in the same letter, "from having a few social friends at a cheerful board." during the last two years of his life his domestic circle was small. mrs. washington, miss custis, and some others of his adopted children, and his old friend, mr. lear, were at mount vernon; and some of his visitors were such as he himself would have chosen. but the greater part of them were comparative strangers. distinguished persons sometimes came from europe to visit him, and these were received with his usual hospitality. when they sought to draw him into conversation about his own actions, he changed the subject and made inquiries about europe and its affairs. in his own house, although maintaining toward strangers great courtesy and amenity, he always avoided discussing on matters in which he himself had played the most conspicuous part. at home he was the plain, modest country gentleman he had been before the destinies of an army and an empire had been placed in his hands. . footnote: m. de lacolombe had been adjutant-general under lafayette, when the latter commanded the national guard. . footnote: sparks, "writings of washington." . footnote: marshall. chapter xiii. last illness, death, and character of washington. . on thursday, december , , washington rode out to superintend as usual the affairs of his estate. he left the house at o'clock in the morning and did not return till o'clock in the afternoon. soon after he went out the weather became very inclement, rain, hail, and snow falling alternately, with a cold wind. when he came in his secretary and superintendent, mr. lear, handed him some letters to frank, but he declined sending them to the post-office that evening, remarking that the weather was too bad to send a servant with them. on mr. lear's observing that he was afraid he had got wet, he said, no, his great coat had kept him dry. still his neck was wet and snow was hanging on his hair. but he made light of it, and sat down to dinner without changing his dress. in the evening he appeared as well as usual. [ ] a heavy snowstorm on friday prevented his riding out on the estate as usual. he had taken cold the day before by his long exposure, and he complained of a sore throat. this, however, did not prevent his going out in the afternoon to mark some trees not far from the house, which were to be cut down. he had now a hoarseness, which increased toward the close of the day. he spent the evening in the parlor with mrs. washington and mr. lear, perusing the newspapers, occasionally reading an interesting article aloud as well as his hoarseness would permit, and cheerful as usual. on his retiring, mr. lear proposed that he should take some remedy for his cold, but he answered "no, you know i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came." between and o'clock on saturday morning he had an ague fit, but would not permit the family to be disturbed in their rest till daylight. he breathed with great difficulty and was hardly able to utter a word intelligibly. at his desire he was bled by mr. rawlins, one of the overseers. an attempt to take a simple remedy for a cold showed that he could not swallow a drop, but seemed convulsed and almost suffocated in his efforts. dr. craik, the family physician, was sent for and arrived about o'clock, who put a blister on his throat, took some more blood from him and ordered a gargle of vinegar and sage tea, and inhalation of the fumes of vinegar and hot water. two consulting physicians, dr. brown and dr. dick, were called in, who arrived about o'clock, and after a consultation he was bled a third time. the patient could now swallow a little, and calomel and tartar emetic were administered without any effect. about half past o'clock he desired mr. lear to call mrs. washington to his bedside; when he requested her to bring from his desk two wills, and on receiving them, he gave her one, which he observed was useless as being superseded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and put the other into her closet. "after this was done," says mr. lear, in concluding his touching narrative, "i returned to his bedside and took his hand. he said to me: 'i find i am going. my breath cannot last long. i believed from the first that the disorder would prove fatal. do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers. arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than anyone else, and let mr. rawlins finish recording my other letters, which he has begun.' i told him this should be done. he then asked if i recollected anything which it was essential for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. i told him that i could recollect nothing which it was essential for him to do, but that i hoped he was not so near his end. he observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. "in the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress, from the difficulty of breathing, and frequently changed his posture in the bed. on these occasions i lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him and turn him with as much ease as possible. he appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions, and often said, 'i am afraid i shall fatigue you too much,' and upon assuring him that i could feel nothing but a wish to give him ease, he replied, 'well, it is a debt we must pay to each other, and i hope when you want aid of this kind you will find it.' "about o'clock dr. craik came again into the room, and, upon going to the bedside, the general said to him, 'doctor, i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed, from my first attack, that i should not survive it. my breath cannot last long.' the doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word. he retired from the bedside and sat by the fire, absorbed in grief. "between and o'clock dr. craik, dr. dick, and dr. brown came again into the room, and with dr. craik went to the bed, when dr. craik asked him if he could sit up in the bed. he held out his hand and i raised him up. he then said to the physicians, 'i feel myself going; i thank you for your attentions, but i pray you to take no more trouble about me. let me go off quietly. i cannot last long.' they found that all which had been done was without effect. he lay down again, and all retired except dr. craik. he continued in the same situation, uneasy and restless, but without complaining, frequently asking what hour it was. when i helped him to move at this time he did not speak, but looked at me with strong expressions of gratitude. "about o'clock the physicians came again into the room and applied blisters and cataplasms of wheat bran to his legs and feet, after which they went out, except dr. craik, without a ray of hope. i went out about this time and wrote a line to mr. law and mr. peter, requesting them to come with their wives (mrs. washington's granddaughters) as soon as possible to mount vernon. "about o'clock he made several attempts to speak to me before he could effect it. at length he said, 'i am just going. have me decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead.' i bowed assent, for i could not speak. he then looked at me again and said, 'do you understand me?' i replied, 'yes.' 'tis well,' said he. "about ten minutes before he expired (which was between and o'clock) his breathing became easier. he lay quietly; he withdrew his hand from mine and felt his own pulse. i saw his countenance change. i spoke to dr. craik, who sat by the fire. he came to the bedside. the general's hand fell from his wrist. i took it in mine and pressed it to my bosom. dr. craik put his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh (december , ). "while we were fixed in silent grief, mrs. washington, who was sitting at the foot of the bed, asked, with a firm and collected voice, 'is he gone?' i could not speak, but held up my hand as a signal that he was no more. 'tis well,' said she, in the same voice, 'all is over now. i shall soon follow him. i have no more trials to pass through.' "during his whole illness," adds mr. lear, "he spoke but seldom, and with great difficulty and distress, and in so low and broken a voice as at times hardly to be understood. his patience, fortitude, and resignation never forsook him for a moment. in all his distress he uttered not a sigh nor a complaint, always endeavoring, from a sense of duty, as it appeared, to take what was offered him and to do as he was desired by the physicians." by this simple and touching record of the last moments of washington, it will be perceived that his conduct, in the last trying scene, was in all respects consistent with his whole life and character. his habitual serenity and self-command, and the ever-present sense of duty, are apparent through the whole. he died as he had lived, a hero in the highest sense of the word and a true christian. the deep and wide-spreading grief occasioned by this melancholy event assembled a great concourse of people for the purpose of paying the last tribute of respect to the first of americans, and on wednesday, the th of december, his body, attended by military honors, and with religious and masonic ceremonies, was deposited in the family vault on his estate. in december, , the remains of the great father of our nation, after a slumber of thirty-eight years, were again exposed by the circumstance of placing his body once and forever within the marble sarcophagus made by mr. struthers, of philadelphia. the body, as mr. struthers related, was still in a wonderful state of preservation, the high pale brow wore a calm and serene expression, and the lips, pressed together, had a grave and solemn smile. when intelligence reached congress of the death of washington, they instantly adjourned until the next day, when john marshall, then a member of the house of representatives and afterward chief justice of the united states and biographer of washington, addressed the speaker in the following words: "the melancholy event which was yesterday announced with doubt has been rendered but too certain. our washington is no more. the hero, the patriot, and the sage of america; the man on whom, in times of danger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. "if, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth and such the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole american nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a public manifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal. "more than any other individual, and as much as to any one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this, our wide-spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. "having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare and sink the soldier into the citizen. "when the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, i trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our revolution had promised to bestow. "in obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination, pursue the true interests of the nation and contribute more than any other could contribute to the establishment of that system of policy which will, i trust, yet preserve our peace, our honor, and our independence. having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by withdrawing from his high station to the peaceful walks of private life. however the public confidence may change, and the public affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind and as constant as his own exalted virtues. let us then, mr. speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. let the grand council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. for this purpose i hold in my hand some resolutions which i take the liberty of offering to the house. "_resolved_, that this house will wait on the president in condolence of this mournful event. "_resolved_, that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house wear black during the session. "_resolved_, that a committee, in conjunction with one from the senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honor to the memory of the man first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." the senate, on this melancholy occasion, addressed to the president the following letter: "the senate of the united states respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of gen. george washington. "this event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. on this occasion it is manly to weep. to lose such a man at such a crisis is no common calamity to the world. our country mourns a father. the almighty disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. it becomes us to submit with reverence to him 'who maketh darkness his pavilion.' "with patriotic pride we review the life of our washington and compare its events with those of other countries who have been preeminent in fame. ancient and modern times are diminished before him. greatness and guilt have too often been allied, but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. the destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. it reproved the intemperance of their ambition and darkened the splendor of victory. the scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has traveled on to the end of his journey and carried with him an increasing weight of honor; he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where malice cannot blast it. favored of heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. "such was the man whom we deplore. thanks to god, his glory is consummated. washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example; his spirit is in heaven. let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labors and his example are their inheritance." to this address the president returned the following answer: "i receive with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. "in the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that i have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. i have also attended him in the highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. "among all our original associates in that memorable league of this continent in , which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in america, he was the only one remaining in the general government. although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, i feel myself alone bereaved of my last brother; yet i derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world. "the life of our washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries, who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. the attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds, who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. for himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory; for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of providence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. "his example is now complete, and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read." the committee of both houses appointed to devise the mode by which the nation should express its grief reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: "that a marble monument be erected by the united states at the capitol of the city of washington, and that the family of general washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it, and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. "that there be a funeral from congress hall to the german lutheran church, in memory of gen. george washington, on thursday, the th instant, and that an oration be prepared at the request of congress, to be delivered before both houses that day; and that the president of the senate and speaker of the house of representatives be desired to request one of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the same. "that the president of the united states be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to mrs. washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress will ever bear to her person and character, of their condolence on the late affecting dispensation of providence, and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of general washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. "that the president be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying the people throughout the united states the recommendation contained in the third resolution." these resolutions passed both houses unanimously, and those which would admit of immediate execution were carried into effect. the whole nation appeared in mourning. the funeral procession was grand and solemn, and the eloquent oration, which was delivered on the occasion by general lee, was heard with profound attention and with deep interest. throughout the united states similar marks of affliction were exhibited. in every part of the continent funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation's grief. to the letter of the president which transmitted to mrs. washington the resolutions of congress, and of which his secretary was the bearer, that lady answered: "taught by the great example which i have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, i must consent to the request made by congress which you have had the goodness to transmit to me; and in doing this i need not, i cannot, say what a sacrifice of individual feeling i make to a sense of public duty." on receiving intelligence of the death of washington, napoleon, then first consul of france, issued the following order of the day to the army: "washington is dead. this great man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of his country. his memory will always be dear to the french people, as it will be to all freemen of the two worlds; and especially to french soldiers, who, like him and the american soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality." napoleon ordered that during ten days black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the republic. on the th of february, , a splendid funeral solemnity took place in the champ de mars; and a funeral oration in honor of washington was pronounced by m. de la fontaines, in the hotel des invalides, at which the first consul and the civil and military authorities were present. [ ] the british admiral in command of the fleet lying at torbay, on receiving the news of washington's death, honored his memory by lowering his flag to half-mast; and his example was followed by the whole fleet. [ ] judge marshall, who had enjoyed the advantage of an intimate personal acquaintance with washington, who was one of his most steadfast political supporters, and whose able biography shows a thorough appreciation of his extraordinary abilities and virtues, gives the following summary view of his character: "general washington was rather above the common size, his frame was robust, and his constitution vigorous--capable of enduring great fatigue and requiring a considerable degree of exercise for the preservation of his health. his exterior created in the beholder the idea of strength, united with manly gracefulness. "his manners were rather reserved than free, though they partook nothing of that dryness and sternness which accompany reserve when carried to an extreme, and on all proper occasions he could relax sufficiently to show how highly he was gratified by the charms of conversation and the pleasures of society. his person and whole deportment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, unmingled with haughtiness, of which all who approached him were sensible; and the attachment of those who possessed his friendship and enjoyed his intimacy was ardent, but always respectful. "his temper was humane, benevolent, and conciliatory, but there was a quickness in his sensibility to anything apparently offensive which experience had taught him to watch, and to correct. "in the management of his private affairs he exhibited an exact yet liberal economy. his funds were not prodigally wasted on capricious and ill-examined schemes, nor refused to beneficial though costly improvements. they remained, therefore, competent to that expensive establishment which his reputation, added to a hospitable temper, had, in some measure, imposed upon him, and to those donations which real distress has a right to claim from opulence. "he made no pretensions to that vivacity which fascinates, or to that wit which dazzles and frequently imposes on the understanding. more solid than brilliant, judgment rather than genius, constituted the most prominent feature of his character. "without making ostentatious professions of religion, he was a sincere believer in the christian faith and a truly devout man. "as a military man, he was brave, enterprising, and cautious. that malignity which has sought to strip him of all the higher qualities of a general, has conceded to him personal courage and a firmness of resolution which neither dangers nor difficulties could shake. but candor will allow him other great and valuable endowments. if his military course does not abound with splendid achievements, it exhibits a series of judicious measures adopted to circumstances, which probably saved his country. "placed, without having studied the theory or been taught in the school of experience the practice of war, at the head of an undisciplined, ill-organized multitude, which was impatient of the restraints and unacquainted with the ordinary duties of a camp, without the aid of officers possessing those lights which the commander-in-chief was yet to acquire, it would have been a miracle indeed had his conduct been absolutely faultless. but, possessing an energetic and distinguishing mind, on which the lessons of experience were never lost, his errors, if he committed any, were quickly repaired, and those measures which the state of things rendered most advisable were seldom, if ever, neglected. inferior to his adversary in the numbers, in the equipment, and in the discipline of his troops, it is evidence of real merit that no great and decisive advantages were ever obtained over him, and that the opportunity to strike an important blow never passed away unused. he has been termed the american fabius, but those who compare his actions with his means will perceive at least as much of marcellus as of fabius in his character. he could not have been more enterprising without endangering the cause he defended, nor have put more to hazard without incurring justly the imputation of rashness. not relying upon those chances which sometimes give a favorable issue to attempts apparently desperate, his conduct was regulated by calculations made upon the capacities of his army and the real situation of his country. when called a second time to command the armies of the united states a change of circumstances had taken place, and he meditated a corresponding change of conduct. in modeling the army of he sought for men distinguished for their boldness of execution, not less than for their prudence in council, and contemplated a system of continued attack. 'the enemy,' said the general in his private letters, 'must never be permitted to gain foothold on our shores.' "in his civil administration, as in his military career, ample and repeated proofs were exhibited of that practical good sense, of that sound judgment, which is perhaps the most rare and is certainly the most valuable quality of the human mind. devoting himself to the duties of his station, and pursuing no object distinct from the public good, he was accustomed to contemplate at a distance those critical situations in which the united states might probably be placed, and to digest, before the occasion required action, the line of conduct which it would be proper to observe. "taught to distrust first impressions, he sought to acquire all the information which was attainable, and to hear, without prejudice, all the reasons which could be urged for or against a particular measure. his own judgment was suspended until it became necessary to determine, and his decisions, thus maturely made, were seldom if ever to be shaken. his conduct, therefore, was systematic, and the great objects of his administration were steadily pursued. "respecting, as the first magistrate in a free government must ever do, the real and deliberate sentiments of the people, their gusts of passion passed over, without ruffling the smooth surface of his mind. trusting to the reflecting good sense of the nation for approbation and support, he had the magnanimity to pursue its real interests, in opposition to its temporary prejudices; and, though far from being regardless of popular favor, he could never stoop to retain, by deserving to lose it. in more instances than one we find him committing his whole popularity to hazard, and pursuing steadily, in opposition to a torrent which would have overwhelmed a man of ordinary firmness, that course which had been dictated by a sense of duty. "in speculation he was a real republican, devoted to the constitution of his country and to that system of equal political rights on which it is founded. but between a balanced republic and a democracy the difference is like that between order and chaos. real liberty, he thought, was to be preserved only by preserving the authority of the laws and maintaining the energy of government. scarcely did society present two characters which, in his opinion, less resembled each other than a patriot and a demagogue. "no man has ever appeared upon the theater of public action whose integrity was more incorruptible, or whose principles were more perfectly free from the contamination of those selfish and unworthy passions which find their nourishment in the conflicts of party. having no views which required concealment, his real and avowed motives were the same; and his whole correspondence does not furnish a single case from which even an enemy would infer that he was capable, under any circumstances, of stooping to the employment of duplicity. no truth can be uttered with more confidence than that his ends were always upright and his means always pure. he exhibits the rare example of a politician to whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions to foreign governments and to his own countrymen were always sincere. in him was fully exemplified the real distinction which forever exists between wisdom and cunning, and the importance as well as truth of the maxim, that 'honesty is the best policy.' "if washington possessed ambition that passion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles or controlled by circumstances that it was neither vicious nor turbulent. intrigue was never employed as the means of its gratification, nor was personal aggrandizement its object. the various high and important stations to which he was called by the public voice were unsought by himself; and, in consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to a general conviction that the interests of his country would be thereby promoted, than to an avidity for power. "neither the extraordinary partiality of the american people, the extravagant praises which were bestowed upon him, nor the inveterate opposition and malignant calumnies which he encountered, had any visible influence upon his conduct. the cause is to be looked for in the texture of his mind. "in him, that innate and unassuming modesty which adulation would have offended, which the voluntary plaudits of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which never obtruded upon others his claims to superior consideration, was happily blended with a high and correct sense of personal dignity, and with a just consciousness of that respect which is due to station. without exertion he could maintain the happy medium between that arrogance which wounds and that facility which allows the office to be degraded in the person who fills it. "it is impossible to contemplate the great events which have occurred in the united states under the auspices of washington without ascribing them, in some measure, to him. if we ask the causes of the prosperous issue of a war, against the successful termination of which there were so many probabilities; of the good which was produced, and the ill which was avoided, during an administration fated to contend with the strongest prejudices that a combination of circumstances and of passions could produce; of the constant favor of the great mass of his fellow-citizens, and of the confidence which, to the last moment of his life, they reposed in him, the answer, so far as these causes may be found in his character, will furnish a lesson well meriting the attention of those who are candidates for political fame. "endowed by nature with a sound judgment, and an accurate discriminating mind, he feared not that laborious attention which made him perfectly master of those subjects, in all their relations, on which he was to decide; and this essential quality was guided by an unvarying sense of moral right, which would tolerate the employment only of those means that would bear the most rigid examination, by a fairness of intention which neither sought nor required disguise, and by a purity of virtue which was not only untainted but unsuspected." the eulogies of washington, at the time of his death, were almost as numerous as the towns and cities of the republic; for everywhere funeral honors were paid to his memory. the following, by the celebrated orator, fisher ames, pronounced before the legislature of massachusetts, is as remarkable for its conciseness as for its just and comprehensive estimate of washington's character. "it is not impossible," he said, "that some will affect to consider the honors paid to this great patriot by the nation as excessive, idolatrous, and degrading to freemen who are all equal. i answer, that refusing to virtue its legitimate honors would not prevent their being lavished in future on any worthless and ambitious favorite. if this day's example should have its natural effect, it will be salutary. let such honors be so conferred only when, in future, they shall be so merited; then the public sentiment will not be misled nor the principles of a just equality corrupted. the best evidence of reputation is a man's whole life. we have now, alas, all of washington's before us. there has scarcely appeared a really great man whose character has been more admired in his lifetime or less correctly understood by his admirers. when it is comprehended it is no easy task to delineate its excellencies in such a manner as to give the portrait both interest and resemblance, for it requires thought and study to understand the true ground of the superiority of his character over many others, whom he resembled in the principles of action and even in the manner of acting. but, perhaps, he excels all the great men that ever lived, in the steadiness of his adherence to his maxims of life and in the uniformity of all his conduct to those maxims. those maxims, though wise, were yet not so remarkable for their wisdom as for their authority over his life, for if there were any errors in his judgment--and he displayed as few as any man--we know of no blemishes in his virtue. he was the patriot without reproach; he loved his country well enough to hold success in serving it an ample recompense. thus far, self-love and love of country coincided, but when his country needed sacrifices that no other man could, or perhaps would be willing to make, he did not even hesitate. this was virtue in its most exalted character. more than once he put his fame at hazard, when he had reason to think it would be sacrificed, at least in this age. two instances cannot be denied: when the army was disbanded, and again when he stood, like leonidas at the pass of thermopylae, to defend our independence against france. "it is indeed almost as difficult to draw his character as to draw the portrait of virtue. the reasons are similar; our ideas of moral excellence are obscure, because they are complex, and we are obliged to resort to illustrations. washington's example is the happiest to show what virtue is, and to delineate his character, we naturally expatiate on the beauty of virtue; much must be felt and much imagined. his pre-eminence is not so much to be seen in the display of any one virtue, as in the possession of them all and in the practice of the most difficult. hereafter, therefore, his character must be studied before it will be striking, and then it will be admitted as a model--a precious one to a free republic. "it is no less difficult to speak of his talents. they were adapted to lead, without dazzling mankind, and to draw forth and employ the talents of others without being misled by them. in this he was certainly superior, that he neither mistook nor misapplied his own. his great modesty and reserve would have concealed them if great occasions had not called them forth, and then, as he never spoke from the affectation to shine nor acted from any sinister motives, it is from their effects only that we are to judge of their greatness and extent. in public trusts, where men, acting conspicuously, are cautious, and in those private concerns where few conceal or resist their weakness, washington was uniformly great, pursuing right conduct from right maxims. his talents were such as to assist a sound judgment and ripen with it. his prudence was consummate and seemed to take the direction of his powers and passions; for, as a soldier, he was more solicitous to avoid mistakes that might be fatal than to perform exploits that are brilliant; and, as a statesman, to adhere to just principles, however old, than to pursue novelties; and, therefore, in both characters, his qualities were singularly adapted to the interest and were tried in the greatest perils of the country. his habits of inquiry were so far remarkable that he was never satisfied with investigating, nor desisted from it, so long as he had less than all the light that he could obtain upon a subject, and then he made his decision without bias. "this command over the partialities that so generally stop men short or turn them aside in their pursuit of truth, is one of the chief causes of his unvaried course of right conduct in so many difficult scenes, where every human action must be presumed to err. if he had strong passions he had learned to subdue them, and to be moderate and mild. if he had weaknesses, he concealed them, which is rare, and excluded them from the government of his temper and conduct, which is still more rare. if he loved fame, he never made improper compliances for what is called popularity. the fame he enjoyed is of the kind that will last forever, yet it was rather the effect than the motive of his conduct. some future plutarch will search for a parallel to his character. epaminondas is, perhaps, the brightest name of all antiquity. our washington resembled him in the purity and ardor of his patriotism, and, like him, he first exalted the glory of his country. there, it is to be hoped, the parallel ends, for thebes fell with epamanondas. but such comparisons cannot be pursued far without departing from the similitude. for we shall find it as difficult to compare great men as great rivers; some we admire for the length and rapidity of their currents and the grandeur of their cataracts; others for the majestic silence and fullness of their streams; we cannot bring them together, to measure the difference of their waters. the unambitious life of washington, declining fame yet courted by it, seemed, like the ohio, to choose its long way through solitudes, diffusing fertility, or like his own potomac, widening and deepening its channel as it approaches the sea, and displaying most the usefulness and serenity of its greatness toward the end of its course. such a citizen would do honor to any country. the constant veneration and affection of his country will show that it was worthy of such a citizen. "however his military fame may excite the wonder of mankind, it is chiefly by his civil magistracy that his example will instruct them. great generals have arisen in all ages of the world, and perhaps most of them in despotism and darkness. in times of violence and convulsion they rise, by the force of the whirlwind, high enough to ride in it and direct the storm. like meteors, they glare on the black clouds with a splendor that, while it dazzles and terrifies, makes nothing visible but the darkness. the fame of heroes is indeed growing vulgar; they multiply in every long war; they stand in history and thicken in their ranks almost as undistinguished as their own soldiers. "but such a chief magistrate as washington appears like the pole-star in a clear sky to direct the skilful statesman. his presidency will form an epoch and be distinguished as the age of washington. already it assumes its high place in the political region. like the milky-way, it whitens along its allotted portion of the hemisphere. the latest generations of men will survey, through the telescope of history, the space where so many virtues blend their rays, and delight to separate them into groups and distinct virtues. as the best illustration of them, the living monument, to which the first of patriots would have chosen to consign his fame, it is my earnest prayer to heaven that our country may subsist even to that late day in the plenitude of its liberty and happiness, and mingle its mild glory with washington's." . footnote: our authority for the details of washington's last illness and death is a statement carefully prepared by mr. lear at the time, and published from the original in sparks' "life of washington." it is the most exact and reliable authority extant. . footnote: sparks, "life of washington." . footnote: sparks, "life of washington." proofreaders [illustration: frontispiece] american statesmen standard library edition [illustration: _the home of the washington family_] * * * * * george washington by henry cabot lodge in two volumes vol. i. preface this edition has been carefully revised, and although very little has been added of late years to our knowledge of the facts of washington's life, i have tried to examine all that has appeared. the researches of mr. waters, which were published just after these volumes in the first edition had passed through the press, enable me to give the washington pedigree with certainty, and have turned conjecture into fact. the recent publication in full of lear's memoranda, although they tell nothing new about washington's last moments, help toward a completion of all the details of the scene. h.c. lodge. washington, february , . * * * * * contents chapter. introduction i. the old dominion ii. the washingtons iii. on the frontier iv. love and marriage v. taking command vi. saving the revolution vii. "malice domestic, and foreign levy" viii. the allies ix. arnold's treason, and the war in the south x. yorktown xi. peace index illustrations george washington from the painting by gilbert stuart in the museum of fine arts, boston. this painting is owned by the boston athenæum and is known as the athenæum portrait. autograph is from washington's signature to a bill of exchange, from "talks about autographs" by george birkbeck hill. the vignette of the residence of the washington family is from "homes of american statesman," published by alfred w. putnam, new york. lawrence washington from an original painting in the possession of lawrence washington, esq., alexandria, va., a great-great-great-nephew. autograph from ms. in new york public library, lenox building. miss mary cary from an original painting owned by dr. james d. moncure of virginia, one of her descendants. no autograph can be found. miss mary philipse from irving's "washington," published by g.p. putnam's sons. autograph from appleton's "cyclopædia of american biography." washington crossing the delaware from the original painting by emanuel leutze in the new york metropolitan museum. the united states flag shown in the picture is an anachronism. the stars and stripes were first adopted by congress in june, ; and any flag carried by washington's army in december, , would have consisted of the stripes with the crosses of st. george and st. andrew in the blue field where the stars now appear. introduction february in the year was a gala day in paris. napoleon had decreed a triumphal procession, and on that day a splendid military ceremony was performed in the champ de mars, and the trophies of the egyptian expedition were exultingly displayed. there were, however, two features in all this pomp and show which seemed strangely out of keeping with the glittering pageant and the sounds of victorious rejoicing. the standards and flags of the army were hung with crape, and after the grand parade the dignitaries of the land proceeded solemnly to the temple of mars, and heard the eloquent m. de fontanes deliver an "eloge funèbre."[ ] [footnote : a report recently discovered shows that more even was intended than was actually done. the following is a translation of the paper, the original of which is nos. and of volume of the manuscript series known as _etats-unis_, , (years and of the french republic):-- "_report of talleyrand, minister of foreign affairs, on the occasion of the death of george washington_. "a nation which some day will he a great nation, and which today is the wisest and happiest on the face of the earth, weeps at the bier of a man whose courage and genius contributed the most to free it from bondage, and elevate it to the rank of an independent and sovereign power. the regrets caused by the death of this great man, the memories aroused by these regrets, and a proper veneration for all that is held dear and sacred by mankind, impel us to give expression to our sentiments by taking part in an event which deprives the world of one of its brightest ornaments, and removes to the realm of history one of the noblest lives that ever honored the human race. "the name of washington is inseparably linked with a memorable epoch. he adorned this epoch by his talents and the nobility of his character, and with virtues that even envy dared not assail. history offers few examples of such renown. great from the outset of his career, patriotic before his country had become a nation, brilliant and universal despite the passions and political resentments that would gladly have checked his career, his fame is to-day imperishable,--fortune having consecrated his claim to greatness, while the prosperity of a people destined for grand achievements is the best evidence of a fame ever to increase. "his own country now honors his memory with funeral ceremonies, having lost a citizen whose public actions and unassuming grandeur in private life were a living example of courage, wisdom, and unselfishness; and france, which from the dawn of the american revolution hailed with hope a nation, hitherto unknown, that was discarding the vices of europe, which foresaw all the glory that this nation would bestow on humanity, and the enlightenment of governments that would ensue from the novel character of the social institutions and the new type of heroism of which washington and america were models for the world at large,--france, i repeat, should depart from established usages and do honor to one whose fame is beyond comparison with that of others. "the man who, amid the decadence of modern ages, first dared believe that he could inspire degenerate nations with courage to rise to the level of republican virtues, lived for all nations and for all centuries; and this nation, which first saw in the life and success of that illustrious man a foreboding of its destiny, and therein recognized a future to be realized and duties to be performed, has every right to class him as a fellow-citizen. i therefore submit to the first consul the following decree:-- "bonaparte, first consul of the republic, decrees as follows:-- "article . a statue is to be erected to general washington. "article . this statue is to be placed in one of the squares of paris, to be chosen by the minister of the interior, and it shall be his duty to execute the present decree."] about the same time, if tradition may be trusted, the flags upon the conquering channel fleet of england were lowered to half-mast in token of grief for the same event which had caused the armies of france to wear the customary badges of mourning. if some "traveler from an antique land" had observed these manifestations, he would have wondered much whose memory it was that had called them forth from these two great nations, then struggling fiercely with each other for supremacy on land and sea. his wonder would not have abated had he been told that the man for whom they mourned had wrested an empire from one, and at the time of his death was arming his countrymen against the other. these signal honors were paid by england and france to a simple virginian gentleman who had never left his own country, and who when he died held no other office than the titular command of a provisional army. yet although these marks of respect from foreign nations were notable and striking, they were slight and formal in comparison with the silence and grief which fell upon the people of the united states when they heard that washington was dead. he had died in the fullness of time, quietly, quickly, and in his own house, and yet his death called out a display of grief which has rarely been equaled in history. the trappings and suits of woe were there of course, but what made this mourning memorable was that the land seemed hushed with sadness, and that the sorrow dwelt among the people and was neither forced nor fleeting. men carried it home with them to their firesides and to their churches, to their offices and their workshops. every preacher took the life which had closed as the noblest of texts, and every orator made it the theme of his loftiest eloquence. for more than a year the newspapers teemed with eulogy and elegy, and both prose and poetry were severely taxed to pay tribute to the memory of the great one who had gone. the prose was often stilted and the verse was generally bad, but yet through it all, from the polished sentences of the funeral oration to the humble effusions of the obscurest poet's corner, there ran a strong and genuine feeling, which the highest art could not refine nor the clumsiest expression degrade. from that time to this, the stream of praise has flowed on, ever deepening and strengthening, both at home and abroad. washington alone in history seems to have risen so high in the estimation of men that criticism has shrunk away abashed, and has only been heard whispering in corners or growling hoarsely in the now famous house in cheyne row. there is a world of meaning in all this, could we but rightly interpret it. it cannot be brushed aside as mere popular superstition, formed of fancies and prejudices, to which intelligent opposition would be useless. nothing is in fact more false than the way in which popular opinions are often belittled and made light of. the opinion of the world, however reached, becomes in the course of years or centuries the nearest approach we can make to final judgment on human things. don quixote may be dumb to one man, and the sonnets of shakespeare may leave another cold and weary. but the fault is in the reader. there is no doubt of the greatness of cervantes or shakespeare, for they have stood the test of time, and the voices of generations of men, from which there is no appeal, have declared them to be great. the lyrics that all the world loves and repeats, the poetry which is often called hackneyed, is on the whole the best poetry. the pictures and statues that have drawn crowds of admiring gazers for centuries are the best. the things that are "caviare to the general" often undoubtedly have much merit, but they lack quite as often the warm, generous, and immortal vitality which appeals alike to rich and poor, to the ignorant and to the learned. so it is with men. when years after his death the world agrees to call a man great, the verdict must be accepted. the historian may whiten or blacken, the critic may weigh and dissect, the form of the judgment may be altered, but the central fact remains, and with the man, whom the world in its vague way has pronounced great, history must reckon one way or the other, whether for good or ill. when we come to such a man as washington, the case is still stronger. men seem to have agreed that here was greatness which no one could question, and character which no one could fail to respect. around other leaders of men, even around the greatest of them, sharp controversies have arisen, and they have their partisans dead as they had them living. washington had enemies who assailed him, and friends whom he loved, but in death as in life he seems to stand alone, above conflict and superior to malice. in his own country there is no dispute as to his greatness or his worth. englishmen, the most unsparing censors of everything american, have paid homage to washington, from the days of fox and byron to those of tennyson and gladstone. in france his name has always been revered, and in distant lands those who have scarcely heard of the existence of the united states know the country of washington. to the mighty cairn which the nation and the states have raised to his memory, stones have come from greece, sending a fragment of the parthenon; from brazil and switzerland, turkey and japan, siam and india beyond the ganges. on that sent by china we read: "in devising plans, washington was more decided than ching shing or woo kwang; in winning a country he was braver than tsau tsau or ling pi. wielding his four-footed falchion, he extended the frontiers and refused to accept the royal dignity. the sentiments of the three dynasties have reappeared in him. can any man of ancient or modern times fail to pronounce washington peerless?" these comparisons so strange to our ears tell of a fame which has reached farther than we can readily conceive. washington stands as a type, and has stamped himself deep upon the imagination of mankind. whether the image be true or false is of no consequence: the fact endures. he rises up from the dust of history as a greek statue comes pure and serene from the earth in which it has lain for centuries. we know his deeds; but what was it in the man which has given him such a place in the affection, the respect, and the imagination of his fellow men throughout the world? perhaps this question has been fully answered already. possibly every one who has thought upon the subject has solved the problem, so that even to state it is superfluous. yet a brilliant writer, the latest historian of the american people, has said: "general washington is known to us, and president washington. but george washington is an unknown man." these are pregnant words, and that they should be true seems to make any attempt to fill the great gap an act of sheer and hopeless audacity. yet there can be certainly no reason for adding another to the almost countless lives of washington unless it be done with the object in view which mr. mcmaster indicates. any such attempt may fail in execution, but if the purpose be right it has at least an excuse for its existence. to try to add to the existing knowledge of the facts in washington's career would have but little result beyond the multiplication of printed pages. the antiquarian, the historian, and the critic have exhausted every source, and the most minute details have been and still are the subject of endless writing and constant discussion. every house he ever lived in has been drawn and painted; every portrait, and statue, and medal has been catalogued and engraved. his private affairs, his servants, his horses, his arms, even his clothes, have all passed beneath the merciless microscope of history. his biography has been written and rewritten. his letters have been drawn out from every lurking place, and have been given to the world in masses and in detachments. his battles have been fought over and over again, and his state papers have undergone an almost verbal examination. yet, despite his vast fame and all the labors of the antiquarian and biographer, washington is still not understood,--as a man he is unfamiliar to the posterity that reverences his memory. he has been misrepresented more or less covertly by hostile critics and by candid friends, and has been disguised and hidden away by the mistaken eulogy and erroneous theories of devout admirers. all that any one now can do, therefore, is to endeavor from this mass of material to depict the very man himself in the various conjunctures of his life, and strive to see what he really was and what he meant then, and what he is and what he means to us and to the world to-day. in the progress of time washington has become in the popular imagination largely mythical; for mythical ideas grow up in this nineteenth century, notwithstanding its boasted intelligence, much as they did in the infancy of the race. the old sentiment of humanity, more ancient and more lasting than any records or monuments, which led men in the dawn of history to worship their ancestors and the founders of states, still endures. as the centuries have gone by, this sentiment has lost its religious flavor, and has become more and more restricted in its application, but it has never been wholly extinguished. let some man arise great above the ordinary bounds of greatness, and the feeling which caused our progenitors to bow down at the shrines of their forefathers and chiefs leads us to invest our modern hero with a mythical character, and picture him in our imagination as a being to whom, a few thousand years ago, altars would have been builded and libations poured out. thus we have to-day in our minds a washington grand, solemn, and impressive. in this guise he appears as a man of lofty intellect, vast moral force, supremely successful and fortunate, and wholly apart from and above all his fellow-men. this lonely figure rises up to our imagination with all the imperial splendor of the livian augustus, and with about as much warmth and life as that unrivaled statue. in this vague but quite serious idea there is a great deal of truth, but not the whole truth. it is the myth of genuine love and veneration springing from the inborn gratitude of man to the founders and chiefs of his race, but it is not by any means the only one of its family. there is another, equally diffused, of wholly different parentage. in its inception this second myth is due to the itinerant parson, bookmaker, and bookseller, mason weems. he wrote a brief biography of washington, of trifling historical value, yet with sufficient literary skill to make it widely popular. it neither appealed to nor was read by the cultivated and instructed few, but it reached the homes of the masses of the people. it found its way to the bench of the mechanic, to the house of the farmer, to the log cabins of the frontiersman and pioneer. it was carried across the continent on the first waves of advancing settlement. its anecdotes and its simplicity of thought commended it to children both at home and at school, and, passing through edition after edition, its statements were widely spread, and it colored insensibly the ideas of hundreds of persons who never had heard even the name of the author. to weems we owe the anecdote of the cherry-tree, and other tales of a similar nature. he wrote with dr. beattie's life of his son before him as a model, and the result is that washington comes out in his pages a faultless prig. whether weems intended it or not, that is the result which he produced, and that is the washington who was developed from the wide sale of his book. when this idea took definite and permanent shape it caused a reaction. there was a revolt against it, for the hero thus engendered had qualities which the national sense of humor could not endure in silence. the consequence is, that the washington of weems has afforded an endless theme for joke and burlesque. every professional american humorist almost has tried his hand at it; and with each recurring d of february the hard-worked jesters of the daily newspapers take it up and make a little fun out of it, sufficient for the day that is passing over them. the opportunity is tempting, because of the ease with which fun can be made when that fundamental source of humor, a violent contrast, can be employed. but there is no irreverence in it all, for the jest is not aimed at the real washington, but at the washington portrayed in the weems biography. the worthy "rector of mount vernon," as he called himself, meant no harm, and there is a good deal of truth, no doubt, in his book. but the blameless and priggish boy, and the equally faultless and uninteresting man, whom he originated, have become in the process of development a myth. so in its further development is the washington of the humorist a myth. both alike are utterly and crudely false. they resemble their great original as much as greenough's classically nude statue, exposed to the incongruities of the north american climate, resembles in dress and appearance the general of our armies and the first president of the united states. such are the myth-makers. they are widely different from the critics who have assailed washington in a sidelong way, and who can be better dealt with in a later chapter. these last bring charges which can be met; the myth-maker presents a vague conception, extremely difficult to handle because it is so elusive. one of our well-known historical scholars and most learned antiquarians, not long ago, in an essay vindicating the "traditional washington," treated with scorn the idea of a "new washington" being discovered. in one sense this is quite right, in another totally wrong. there can be no new washington discovered, because there never was but one. but the real man has been so overlaid with myths and traditions, and so distorted by misleading criticisms, that, as has already been suggested, he has been wellnigh lost. we have the religious or statuesque myth, we have the weems myth, and the ludicrous myth of the writer of paragraphs. we have the stately hero of sparks, and everett, and marshall, and irving, with all his great deeds as general and president duly recorded and set down in polished and eloquent sentences; and we know him to be very great and wise and pure, and, be it said with bated breath, very dry and cold. we are also familiar with the common-place man who so wonderfully illustrated the power of character as set forth by various persons, either from love of novelty or because the great chief seemed to get in the way of their own heroes. if this is all, then the career of washington and his towering fame present a problem of which the world has never seen the like. but this cannot be all: there must be more behind. every one knows the famous stuart portrait of washington. the last effort of the artist's cunning is there employed to paint his great subject for posterity. how serene and beautiful it is! it is a noble picture for future ages to look upon. still it is not all. there is in the dining-room of memorial hall at cambridge another portrait, painted by savage. it is cold and dry, hard enough to serve for the signboard of an inn, and able, one would think, to withstand all weathers. yet this picture has something which stuart left out. there is a rugged strength in the face which gives us pause, there is a massiveness in the jaw, telling of an iron grip and a relentless will, which has infinite meaning. "here's john the smith's rough-hammered head. great eye, gross jaw, and griped lips do what granite can to give you the crown-grasper. what a man!" in death as in life, there is something about washington, call it greatness, dignity, majesty, what you will, which seems to hold men aloof and keep them from knowing him. in truth he was a most difficult man to know. carlyle, crying out through hundreds of pages and myriads of words for the "silent man," passed by with a sneer the most absolutely silent great man that history can show. washington's letters and speeches and messages fill many volumes, but they are all on business. they are profoundly silent as to the writer himself. from this carlyle concluded apparently that there was nothing to tell,--a very shallow conclusion if it was the one he really reached. such an idea was certainly far, very far, from the truth. behind the popular myths, behind the statuesque figure of the orator and the preacher, behind the general and the president of the historian, there was a strong, vigorous man, in whose veins ran warm, red blood, in whose heart were stormy passions and deep sympathy for humanity, in whose brain were far-reaching thoughts, and who was informed throughout his being with a resistless will. the veil of his silence is not often lifted, and never intentionally, but now and then there is a glimpse behind it; and in stray sentences and in little incidents strenuously gathered together; above all, in the right interpretation of the words, and the deeds, and the true history known to all men,--we can surely find george washington "the noblest figure that ever stood in the forefront of a nation's life." * * * * * george washington chapter i the old dominion to know george washington, we must first of all understand the society in which he was born and brought up. as certain lilies draw their colors from the subtle qualities of the soil hidden beneath the water upon which they float, so are men profoundly affected by the obscure and insensible influences which surround their childhood and youth. the art of the chemist may discover perhaps the secret agent which tints the white flower with blue or pink, but very often the elements, which analysis detects, nature alone can combine. the analogy is not strained or fanciful when we apply it to a past society. we can separate, and classify, and label the various elements, but to combine them in such a way as to form a vivid picture is a work of surpassing difficulty. this is especially true of such a land as virginia in the middle of the last century. virginian society, as it existed at that period, is utterly extinct. john randolph said it had departed before the year . since then another century, with all its manifold changes, has wellnigh come and gone. most important of all, the last surviving institution of colonial virginia has been swept away in the crash of civil war, which has opened a gulf between past and present wider and deeper than any that time alone could make. life and society as they existed in the virginia of the eighteenth century seem, moreover, to have been sharply broken and ended. we cannot trace our steps backward, as is possible in most cases, over the road by which the world has traveled since those days. we are compelled to take a long leap mentally in order to land ourselves securely in the virginia which honored the second george, and looked up to walpole and pitt as the arbiters of its fate. we live in a period of great cities, rapid communication, vast and varied business interests, enormous diversity of occupation, great industries, diffused intelligence, farming by steam, and with everything and everybody pervaded by an unresting, high-strung activity. we transport ourselves to the virginia of washington's boyhood, and find a people without cities or towns, with no means of communication except what was afforded by rivers and wood roads; having no trades, no industries, no means of spreading knowledge, only one occupation, clumsily performed; and living a quiet, monotonous existence, which can now hardly be realized. it is "a far cry to loch-awe," as the scotch proverb has it; and this old virginian society, although we should find it sorry work living in it, is both pleasant and picturesque in the pages of history. the population of virginia, advancing toward half a million, and divided pretty equally between the free whites and the enslaved blacks, was densest, to use a most inappropriate word, at the water's edge and near the mouths of the rivers. thence it crept backwards, following always the lines of the watercourses, and growing ever thinner and more scattered until it reached the blue ridge. behind the mountains was the wilderness, haunted, as old john lederer said a century earlier, by monsters, and inhabited, as the eighteenth-century virginians very well knew, by savages and wild beasts, much more real and dangerous than the hobgoblins of their ancestors. the population, in proportion to its numbers, was very widely distributed. it was not collected in groups, after the fashion with which we are now familiar, for then there were no cities or towns in virginia. the only place which could pretend to either name was norfolk, the solitary seaport, which, with its six or seven thousand inhabitants, formed the most glaring exception that any rule solicitous of proof could possibly desire. williamsburg, the capital, was a straggling village, somewhat overweighted with the public buildings and those of the college. it would light up into life and vivacity during the season of politics and society, and then relapse again into the country stillness. outside of williamsburg and norfolk there were various points which passed in the catalogue and on the map for towns, but which in reality were merely the shadows of a name. the most populous consisted of a few houses inhabited by storekeepers and traders, some tobacco warehouses, and a tavern, clustered about the church or court-house. many others had only the church, or, if a county seat, the church and court-house, keeping solitary state in the woods. there once a week the sound of prayer and gossip, or at longer intervals the voices of lawyers and politicians, and the shouts of the wrestlers on the green, broke through the stillness which with the going down of the sun resumed its sway in the forests. there was little chance here for that friction of mind with mind, or for that quick interchange of thought and sentiment and knowledge which are familiar to the dwellers in cities, and which have driven forward more rapidly than all else what we call civilization. rare meetings for special objects with persons as solitary in their lives and as ill-informed as himself, constituted to the average virginian the world of society, and there was nothing from outside to supply the deficiencies at home. once a fortnight a mail crawled down from the north, and once a month another crept on to the south. george washington was four years old when the first newspaper was published in the colony, and he was twenty when the first actors appeared at williamsburg. what was not brought was not sought. the virginians did not go down to the sea in ships. they were not a seafaring race, and as they had neither trade nor commerce they were totally destitute of the inquiring, enterprising spirit, and of the knowledge brought by those pursuits which involve travel and adventure. the english tobacco-ships worked their way up the rivers, taking the great staple, and leaving their varied goods, and their tardy news from europe, wherever they stopped. this was the sum of the information and intercourse which virginia got from across the sea, for travelers were practically unknown. few came on business, fewer still from curiosity. stray peddlers from the north, or trappers from beyond the mountains with their packs of furs, chiefly constituted what would now be called the traveling public. there were in truth no means of traveling except on foot, on horseback, or by boat on the rivers, which formed the best and most expeditious highways. stage-coaches, or other public conveyances, were unknown. over some of the roads the rich man, with his six horses and black outriders, might make his way in a lumbering carriage, but most of the roads were little better than woodland paths; and the rivers, innocent of bridges, offered in the uncertain fords abundance of inconvenience, not unmixed with peril. the taverns were execrable, and only the ever-ready hospitality of the people made it possible to get from place to place. the result was that the virginians stayed at home, and sought and welcomed the rare stranger at their gates as if they were well aware that they were entertaining angels. it is not difficult to sift this home-keeping people, and find out that portion which was virginia, for the mass was but an appendage of the small fraction which ruled, led, and did the thinking for the whole community. half the people were slaves, and in that single wretched word their history is told. they were, on the whole, well and kindly treated, but they have no meaning in history except as an institution, and as an influence in the lives, feelings, and character of the men who made the state. above the slaves, little better than they in condition, but separated from them by the wide gulf of race and color, were the indented white servants, some convicts, some redemptioners. they, too, have their story told when we have catalogued them. we cross another gulf and come to the farmers, to the men who grew wheat as well as tobacco on their own land, sometimes working alone, sometimes the owners of a few slaves. some of these men were of the class well known since as the "poor whites" of the south, the weaker brothers who could not resist the poison of slavery, but sank under it into ignorance and poverty. they were contented because their skins were white, and because they were thereby part of an aristocracy to whom labor was a badge of serfdom. the larger portion of this middle class, however, were thrifty and industrious enough. including as they did in their ranks the hunters and pioneers, the traders and merchants, all the freemen in fact who toiled and worked, they formed the mass of the white population, and furnished the bone and sinew and some of the intellectual power of virginia. the only professional men were the clergy, for the lawyers were few, and growing to importance only as the revolution began; while the physicians were still fewer, and as a class of no importance at all. the clergy were a picturesque element in the social landscape, but they were as a body very poor representatives of learning, religion, and morality. they ranged from hedge parsons and fleet chaplains, who had slunk away from england to find a desirable obscurity in the new world, to divines of real learning and genuine piety, who were the supporters of the college, and who would have been a credit to any society. these last, however, were lamentably few in number. the mass of the clergy were men who worked their own lands, sold tobacco, were the boon companions of the planters, hunted, shot, drank hard, and lived well, performing their sacred duties in a perfunctory and not always in a decent manner. the clergy, however, formed the stepping-stone socially between the farmers, traders, and small planters, and the highest and most important class in virginian society. the great planters were the men who owned, ruled, and guided virginia. their vast estates were scattered along the rivers from the seacoast to the mountains. each plantation was in itself a small village, with the owner's house in the centre, surrounded by outbuildings and negro cabins, and the pastures, meadows, and fields of tobacco stretching away on all sides. the rare traveler, pursuing his devious way on horseback or in a boat, would catch sight of these noble estates opening up from the road or the river, and then the forest would close in around him for several miles, until through the thinning trees he would see again the white cabins and the cleared fields of the next plantation. in such places dwelt the virginian planters, surrounded by their families and slaves, and in a solitude broken only by the infrequent and eagerly welcomed stranger, by their duties as vestrymen and magistrates, or by the annual pilgrimage to williamsburg in search of society, or to sit in the house of burgesses. they were occupied by the care of their plantations, which involved a good deal of riding in the open air, but which was at best an easy and indolent pursuit made light by slave labor and trained overseers. as a result the planters had an abundance of spare time, which they devoted to cock-fighting, horse-racing, fishing, shooting, and fox-hunting,--all, save the first, wholesome and manly sports, but which did not demand any undue mental strain. there is, indeed, no indication that the virginians had any great love for intellectual exertion. when the amiable attorney-general of charles ii. said to the virginian commissioners, pleading the cause of learning and religion, "damn your souls! grow tobacco!" he uttered a precept which the mass of the planters seem to have laid to heart. for fifty years there were no schools, and down to the revolution even the apologies bearing that honored name were few, and the college was small and struggling. in some of the great families, the eldest sons would be sent to england and to the great universities: they would make the grand tour, play a part in the fashionable society of london, and come back to their plantations fine gentlemen and scholars. such was colonel byrd, in the early part of the eighteenth century, a friend of the earl of orrery, and the author of certain amusing memoirs. such at a later day was arthur lee, doctor and diplomat, student and politician. but most of these young gentlemen thus sent abroad to improve their minds and manners led a life not materially different from that of our charming friend, harry warrington, after his arrival in england. the sons who stayed at home sometimes gathered a little learning from the clergyman of the parish, or received a fair education at the college of william and mary, but very many did not have even so much as this. there was not in truth much use for learning in managing a plantation or raising horses, and men get along surprisingly well without that which they do not need, especially if the acquisition demands labor. the virginian planter thought little and read less, and there were no learned professions to hold out golden prizes and stimulate the love of knowledge. the women fared even worse, for they could not go to europe or to william and mary's, so that after exhausting the teaching capacity of the parson they settled down to a round of household duties and to the cares of a multitude of slaves, working much harder and more steadily than their lords and masters ever thought of doing. the only general form of intellectual exertion was that of governing. the planters managed local affairs through the vestries, and ruled virginia in the house of burgesses. to this work they paid strict attention, and, after the fashion of their race, did it very well and very efficiently. they were an extremely competent body whenever they made up their minds to do anything; but they liked the life and habits of squire western, and saw no reason for adopting any others until it was necessary. there were, of course, vast differences in the condition of the planters. some counted their acres by thousands and their slaves by hundreds, while others scrambled along as best they might with one plantation and a few score of negroes. some dwelt in very handsome houses, picturesque and beautiful, like gunston hall or stratford, or in vast, tasteless, and extravagant piles like rosewell. others were contented with very modest houses, consisting of one story with a gabled roof, and flanked by two massive chimneys. in some houses there was a brave show of handsome plate and china, fine furniture, and london-made carriages, rich silks and satins, and brocaded dresses. in others there were earthenware and pewter, homespun and woolen, and little use for horses, except in the plough or under the saddle. but there were certain qualities common to all the virginia planters. the luxury was imperfect. the splendor was sometimes barbaric. there were holes in the brocades, and the fresh air of heaven would often blow through a broken window upon the glittering silver and the costly china. it was an easy-going aristocracy, unfinished, and frequently slovenly in its appointments, after the fashion of the warmer climates and the regions of slavery. everything was plentiful except ready money. in this rich and poor were alike. they were all ahead of their income, and it seems as if, from one cause or another, from extravagance or improvidence, from horses or the gaming-table, every virginian family went through bankruptcy about once in a generation. when harry warrington arrived in england, all his relations at castlewood regarded the handsome young fellow as a prince, with his acres and his slaves. it was a natural and pleasing delusion, born of the possession of land and serfs, to which the virginians themselves gave ready credence. they forgot that the land was so plentiful that it was of little value; that slaves were the most wasteful form of labor; and that a failure of the tobacco crop, pledged before it was gathered, meant ruin, although they had been reminded more than once of this last impressive fact. they knew that they had plenty to eat and drink, and a herd of people to wait upon them and cultivate their land, as well as obliging london merchants always ready to furnish every luxury in return for the mortgage of a crop or an estate. so they gave themselves little anxiety as to the future and lived in the present, very much to their own satisfaction. to the communities of trade and commerce, to the mercantile and industrial spirit of to-day, such an existence and such modes of life appear distressingly lax and unprogressive. the sages of the bank parlors and the counting-rooms would shake their heads at such spendthrifts as these, refuse to discount their paper, and confidently predict that by no possibility could they come to good. they had their defects, no doubt, these planters and farmers of virginia. the life they led was strongly developed on the animal side, and was perhaps neither stimulating nor elevating. the living was the reverse of plain, and the thinking was neither extremely high nor notably laborious. yet in this very particular there is something rather restful and pleasant to the eye wearied by the sight of incessant movement, and to the ear deafened by the continual shout that nothing is good that does not change, and that all change must be good. we should probably find great discomforts and many unpleasant limitations in the life and habits of a hundred years ago on any part of the globe, and yet at a time when it seems as if rapidity and movement were the last words and the ultimate ideals of civilization, it is rather agreeable to turn to such a community as the eighteenth-century planters of virginia. they lived contentedly on the acres of their fathers, and except at rare and stated intervals they had no other interests than those furnished by their ancestral domain. at the court-house, at the vestry, or in williamsburg, they met their neighbors and talked very keenly about the politics of europe, or the affairs of the colony. they were little troubled about religion, but they worshiped after the fashion of their fathers, and had a serious fidelity to church and king. they wrangled with their governors over appropriations, but they lived on good terms with those eminent persons, and attended state balls at what they called the palace, and danced and made merry with much stateliness and grace. their every-day life ran on in the quiet of their plantations as calmly as one of their own rivers. the english trader would come and go; the infrequent stranger would be received and welcomed; christmas would be kept in hearty english fashion; young men from a neighboring estate would ride over through the darkening woods to court, or dance, or play the fiddle, like patrick henry or thomas jefferson; and these simple events were all that made a ripple on the placid stream. much time was given to sports, rough, hearty, manly sports, with a spice of danger, and these, with an occasional adventurous dash into the wilderness, kept them sound and strong and brave, both in body and mind. there was nothing languid or effeminate about the virginian planter. he was a robust man, quite ready to fight or work when the time came, and well fitted to deal with affairs when he was needed. he was a free-handed, hospitable, generous being, not much given to study or thought, but thoroughly public-spirited and keenly alive to the interests of virginia. above all things he was an aristocrat, set apart by the dark line of race, color, and hereditary servitude, as proud as the proudest austrian with his endless quarterings, as sturdy and vigorous as an english yeoman, and as jealous of his rights and privileges as any baron who stood by john at runnymede. to this aristocracy, careless and indolent, given to rough pleasures and indifferent to the finer and higher sides of life, the call came, as it comes to all men sooner or later, and in response they gave their country soldiers, statesmen, and jurists of the highest order, and fit for the great work they were asked to do. we must go back to athens to find another instance of a society so small in numbers, and yet capable of such an outburst of ability and force. they were of sound english stock, with a slight admixture of the huguenots, the best blood of france; and although for a century and a half they had seemed to stagnate in the new world, they were strong, fruitful, and effective beyond the measure of ordinary races when the hour of peril and trial was at hand. chapter ii the washingtons such was the world and such the community which counted as a small fraction the washington family. our immediate concern is with that family, for before we approach the man we must know his ancestors. the greatest leader of scientific thought in this century has come to the aid of the genealogist, and given to the results of the latter's somewhat discredited labors a vitality and meaning which it seemed impossible that dry and dusty pedigrees and barren tables of descent should ever possess. we have always selected our race-horses according to the doctrines of evolution, and we now study the character of a great man by examining first the history of his forefathers. washington made so great an impression upon the world in his lifetime that genealogists at once undertook for him the construction of a suitable pedigree. the excellent sir isaac heard, garter king-at-arms, worked out a genealogy which seemed reasonable enough, and then wrote to the president in relation to it. washington in reply thanked him for his politeness, sent him the virginian genealogy of his own branch, and after expressing a courteous interest said, in his simple and direct fashion, that he had been a busy man and had paid but little attention to the subject. his knowledge about his english forefathers was in fact extremely slight. he had heard merely that the first of the name in virginia had come from one of the northern counties of england, but whether from lancashire or yorkshire, or one still more northerly, he could not tell. sir isaac was not thoroughly satisfied with the correctness of his own work, but presently baker took it up in his history of northamptonshire, and perfected it to his own satisfaction and that of the world in general. this genealogy derived washington's descent from the owners of the manor of sulgrave, in northamptonshire, and thence carried it back to the norman knight, sir william de hertburn. according to this pedigree the virginian settlers, john and lawrence, were the sons of lawrence washington of sulgrave manor, and this genealogy was adopted by sparks and irving, as well as by the public at large. twenty years ago, however, colonel chester, by his researches, broke the most essential link in the chain forged by heard and baker, proving clearly that the virginian settlers could not have been the sons of lawrence of sulgrave, as identified by the garter king-at-arms. still more recently the mythical spirit has taken violent possession of the washington ancestry, and an ingenious gentleman has traced the pedigree of our first president back to thorfinn and thence to odin, which is sufficiently remote, dignified, and lofty to satisfy the most exacting welshman that ever lived. still the breach made by colonel chester was not repaired, although many writers, including some who should have known better, clung with undiminished faith to the heard pedigree. it was known that colonel chester himself believed that he had found the true line, coming, it is supposed, through a younger branch of the sulgrave race, but he died before he had discovered the one bit of evidence necessary to prove an essential step, and he was too conscientiously accurate to leave anything to conjecture. since then the researches of mr. henry e. waters have established the pedigree of the virginian washingtons, and we are now able to know something of the men from whom george washington drew his descent. in that interesting land where everything, according to our narrow ideas, is upside down, it is customary, when an individual arrives at distinction, to confer nobility upon his ancestors instead of upon his children. the washingtons offer an interesting example of the application of this chinese system in the western world, for, if they have not been actually ennobled in recognition of the deeds of their great descendant, they have at least become the subjects of intense and general interest. every one of the name who could be discovered anywhere has been dragged forth into the light, and has had all that was known about him duly recorded and set down. by scanning family trees and pedigrees, and picking up stray bits of information here and there, we can learn in a rude and general fashion what manner of men those were who claimed descent from william of hertburn, and who bore the name of washington in the mother-country. as mr. galton passes a hundred faces before the same highly sensitized plate, and gets a photograph which is a likeness of no one of his subjects, and yet resembles them all, so we may turn the camera of history upon these washingtons, as they flash up for a moment from the dim past, and hope to obtain what professor huxley calls a "generic" picture of the race, even if the outlines be somewhat blurred and indistinct. in the north of england, in the region conquered first by saxons and then by danes, lies the little village of washington. it came into the possession of sir william de hertburn, and belonged to him at the time of the boldon book in . soon after, he or his descendants took the name of de wessyngton, and there they remained for two centuries, knights of the palatinate, holding their lands by a military tenure, fighting in all the wars, and taking part in tournaments with becoming splendor. by the beginning of the fifteenth century the line of feudal knights of the palatinate was extinct, and the manor passed from the family by the marriage of dionisia de wessyngton. but the main stock had in the mean time thrown out many offshoots, which had taken firm root in other parts and in many counties of england. we hear of several who came in various ways to eminence. there was the learned and vigorous prior of durham, john de wessyngton, probably one of the original family, and the name appears in various places after his time in records and on monuments, indicating a flourishing and increasing race. lawrence washington, the direct ancestor of the first president of the united states, was, in the sixteenth century, the mayor of northampton, and received from king henry viii. the manor of sulgrave in . in the next century we find traces of robert washington of the adwick family, a rich merchant of leeds, and of his son joseph washington, a learned lawyer and author, of gray's inn. about the same time we hear of richard washington and philip washington holding high places at university college, oxford. the sulgrave branch, however, was the most numerous and prosperous. from the mayor of northampton were descended sir william washington, who married the half-sister of george villiers, duke of buckingham; sir henry washington, who made a desperate defense of worcester against the forces of the parliament in ; lieutenant-colonel james washington, who fell at the siege of pontefract, fighting for king charles; another james, of a later time, who was implicated in monmouth's rebellion, fled to holland and became the progenitor of a flourishing and successful family, which has spread to germany and there been ennobled; sir lawrence washington, of garsdon, whose grand-daughter married robert shirley, baron ferrers; and others of less note, but all men of property and standing. they seem to have been a successful, thrifty race, owning lands and estates, wise magistrates and good soldiers, marrying well, and increasing their wealth and strength from generation to generation. they were of norman stock, knights and gentlemen in the full sense of the word before the french revolution, and we can detect in them here and there a marked strain of the old norse blood, carrying with it across the centuries the wild berserker spirit which for centuries made the adventurous northmen the terror of europe. they were a strong race evidently, these washingtons, whom we see now only by glimpses through the mists of time, not brilliant apparently, never winning the very highest fortune, having their failures and reverses no doubt, but on the whole prudent, bold men, always important in their several stations, ready to fight and ready to work, and as a rule successful in that which they set themselves to do. in the two brothers, john and lawrence, appeared in virginia. as has been proved by mr. waters, they were of the sulgrave family, the sons of lawrence washington, fifth son of the elder lawrence of sulgrave and brington. the father of the emigrants was a fellow of brasenose college, oxford, and rector of purleigh, from which living he was ejected by the puritans as both "scandalous" and "malignant." that he was guilty of the former charge we may well doubt; but that he was, in the language of the time, "malignant," must be admitted, for all his family, including his brothers, sir william washington of packington, and sir john washington of thrapston, his nephew, sir henry washington, and his nephew-in-law, william legge, ancestor of the earl of dartmouth, were strongly on the side of the king. in a marriage which seems to have been regarded as beneath the dignity of the family, and in the poverty consequent upon the ejectment from his living, we can find the reason for the sons of the rev. lawrence washington going forth into virginia to find their fortune, and flying from the world of victorious puritanism which offered just then so little hope to royalists like themselves. yet what was poverty in england was something much more agreeable in the new world of america. the emigrant brothers at all events seem to have had resources of a sufficient kind, and to have been men of substance, for they purchased lands and established themselves at bridges creek, in westmoreland county. with this brief statement, lawrence disappears, leaving us nothing further than the knowledge that he had numerous descendants. john, with whom we are more concerned, figures at once in the colonial records of maryland. he made complaint to the maryland authorities, soon after his arrival, against edward prescott, merchant, and captain of the ship in which he had come over, for hanging a woman during the voyage for witchcraft. we have a letter of his, explaining that he could not appear at the first trial because he was about to baptize his son, and had bidden the neighbors and gossips to the feast. a little incident this, dug out of the musty records, but it shows us an active, generous man, intolerant of oppression, public-spirited and hospitable, social, and friendly in his new relations. he soon after was called to mourn the death of his english wife and of two children, but he speedily consoled himself by taking a second wife, anne pope, by whom he had three children, lawrence, john, and anne. according to the virginian tradition, john washington the elder was a surveyor, and made a location of lands which was set aside because they had been assigned to the indians. it is quite apparent that he was a forehanded person who acquired property and impressed himself upon his neighbors. in , when he had been but ten years in the colony, he was chosen to the house of burgesses; and eight years later he was made a colonel and sent with a thousand men to join the marylanders in destroying the "susquehannocks," at the "piscataway" fort, on account of some murdering begun by another tribe. as a feat of arms, the expedition was not a very brilliant affair. the virginians and marylanders killed half a dozen indian chiefs during a parley, and then invested the fort. after repulsing several sorties, they stupidly allowed the indians to escape in the night and carry murder and pillage through the outlying settlements, lighting up first the flames of savage war and then the fiercer fire of domestic insurrection. in the next year we hear again of john washington in the house of burgesses, when sir william berkeley assailed his troops for the murder of the indians during the parley. popular feeling, however, was clearly with the colonel, for nothing was done and the matter dropped. at that point, too, in , john washington disappears from sight, and we know only that as his will was proved in , he must have died soon after the scene with berkeley. he was buried in the family vault at bridges creek, and left a good estate to be divided among his children. the colonel was evidently both a prudent and popular man, and quite disposed to bustle about in the world in which he found himself. he acquired lands, came to the front at once as a leader although a new-comer in the country, was evidently a fighting man as is shown by his selection to command the virginian forces, and was honored by his neighbors, who gave his name to the parish in which he dwelt. then he died and his son lawrence reigned in his stead, and became by his wife, mildred warner, the father of john, augustine, and mildred washington. this second son, augustine, farmer and planter like his forefathers, married first jane butler, by whom he had three sons and a daughter, and second, mary ball, by whom he had four sons and two daughters. the eldest child of these second nuptials was named george, and was born on february (o.s.), , at bridges creek. the house in which this event occurred was a plain, wooden farmhouse of the primitive virginian pattern, with four rooms on the ground floor, an attic story with a long, sloping roof, and a massive brick chimney. three years after george washington's birth it is said to have been burned, and the family for this or some other reason removed to another estate in what is now stafford county. the second house was like the first, and stood on rising ground looking across a meadow to the rappahannock, and beyond the river to the village of fredericksburg, which was nearly opposite. here, in , augustine washington died somewhat suddenly, at the age of forty-nine, from an attack of gout brought on by exposure in the rain, and was buried with his fathers in the old vault at bridges creek. here, too, the boyhood of washington was passed, and therefore it becomes necessary to look about us and see what we can learn of this important period of his life. we know nothing about his father, except that he was kindly and affectionate, attached to his wife and children, and apparently absorbed in the care of his estates. on his death the children came wholly under the maternal influence and direction. much has been written about the "mother of washington," but as a matter of fact, although she lived to an advanced age, we know scarcely more about her than we do about her husband. she was of gentle birth, and possessed a vigorous character and a good deal of business capacity. the advantages of education were given in but slight measure to the virginian ladies of her time, and mrs. washington offered no exception to the general rule. her reading was confined to a small number of volumes, chiefly of a devotional character, her favorite apparently being hale's "moral and divine contemplations." she evidently knew no language but her own, and her spelling was extremely bad even in that age of uncertain orthography. certain qualities, however, are clear to us even now through all the dimness. we can see that mary washington was gifted with strong sense, and had the power of conducting business matters providently and exactly. she was an imperious woman, of strong will, ruling her kingdom alone. above all she was very dignified, very silent, and very sober-minded. that she was affectionate and loving cannot be doubted, for she retained to the last a profound hold upon the reverential devotion of her son, and yet as he rose steadily to the pinnacle of human greatness, she could only say that "george had been a good boy, and she was sure he would do his duty." not a brilliant woman evidently, not one suited to shine in courts, conduct intrigues, or adorn literature, yet able to transmit moral qualities to her oldest son, which, mingled with those of the washingtons, were of infinite value in the foundation of a great republic. she found herself a widow at an early age, with a family of young children to educate and support. her means were narrow, for although augustine washington was able to leave what was called a landed estate to each son, it was little more than idle capital, and the income in ready money was by no means so evident as the acres. many are the myths, and deplorably few the facts, that have come down to us in regard to washington's boyhood. for the former we are indebted to the illustrious weems, and to that personage a few more words must be devoted. weems has been held up to the present age in various ways, usually, it must be confessed, of an unflattering nature, and "mendacious" is the adjective most commonly applied to him. there has been in reality a good deal of needless confusion about weems and his book, for he was not a complex character, and neither he nor his writings are difficult to value or understand. by profession a clergyman or preacher, by nature an adventurer, weems loved notoriety, money, and a wandering life. so he wrote books which he correctly believed would be popular, and sold them not only through the regular channels, but by peddling them himself as he traveled about the country. in this way he gratified all his propensities, and no doubt derived from life a good deal of simple pleasure. chance brought him near washington in the closing days, and his commercial instinct told him that here was the subject of all others for his pen and his market. he accordingly produced the biography which had so much success. judged solely as literature, the book is beneath contempt. the style is turgid, overloaded, and at times silly. the statements are loose, the mode of narration confused and incoherent, and the moralizing is flat and common-place to the last degree. yet there was a certain sincerity of feeling underneath all the bombast and platitudes, and this saved the book. the biography did not go, and was not intended to go, into the hands of the polite society of the great eastern towns. it was meant for the farmers, the pioneers, and the backwoodsmen of the country. it went into their homes, and passed with them beyond the alleghanies and out to the plains and valleys of the great west. the very defects of the book helped it to success among the simple, hard-working, hard-fighting race engaged in the conquest of the american continent. to them its heavy and tawdry style, its staring morals, and its real patriotism all seemed eminently befitting the national hero, and thus weems created the washington of the popular fancy. the idea grew up with the country, and became so ingrained in the popular thought that finally everybody was affected by it, and even the most stately and solemn of the washington biographers adopted the unsupported tales of the itinerant parson and book-peddler. in regard to the public life of washington, weems took the facts known to every one, and drawn for the most part from the gazettes. he then dressed them up in his own peculiar fashion and gave them to the world. all this, forming of course nine tenths of his book, has passed, despite its success, into oblivion. the remaining tenth described washington's boyhood until his fourteenth or fifteenth year, and this, which is the work of the author's imagination, has lived. weems, having set himself up as absolutely the only authority as to this period, has been implicitly followed, and has thus come to demand serious consideration. until weems is weighed and disposed of, we cannot even begin an attempt to get at the real washington. weems was not a cold-blooded liar, a mere forger of anecdotes. he was simply a man destitute of historical sense, training, or morals, ready to take the slenderest fact and work it up for the purposes of the market until it became almost as impossible to reduce it to its original dimensions as it was for the fisherman to get the afrit back into his jar. in a word, weems was an approved myth-maker. no better example can be given than the way in which he described himself. it is believed that he preached once, and possibly oftener, to a congregation which numbered washington among its members. thereupon he published himself in his book as the rector of mount vernon parish. there was, to begin with, no such parish. there was truro parish, in which was a church called indifferently pohick or mount vernon church. of this church washington was a vestryman until , when he joined the church at alexandria. the rev. lee massey was the clergyman of the mount vernon church, and the church at alexandria had nothing to do with mount vernon. there never was, moreover, such a person as the rector of mount vernon parish, but it was the weems way of treating his appearance before the great man, and of deceiving the world with the notion of an intimacy which the title implied. weems, of course, had no difficulty with the public life, but in describing the boyhood he was thrown on his own resources, and out of them he evolved the cherry-tree, the refusal to fight or permit fighting among the boys at school, and the initials in the garden. this last story is to the effect that augustine washington planted seeds in such a manner that when they sprouted they formed on the earth the initials of his son's name, and the boy being much delighted thereby, the father explained to him that it was the work of the creator, and thus inculcated a profound belief in god. this tale is taken bodily from dr. beattie's biographical sketch of his son, published in england in , and may be dismissed at once. as to the other two more familiar anecdotes there is not a scintilla of evidence that they had any foundation, and with them may be included the colt story, told by mr. custis, a simple variation of the cherry-tree theme, which is washington's early love of truth. weems says that his stories were told him by a lady, and "a good old gentleman," who remembered the incidents, while mr. custis gives no authority for his minute account of a trivial event over a century old when he wrote. to a writer who invented the rector of mount vernon, the further invention of a couple of boswells would be a trifle. i say boswells advisedly, for these stories are told with the utmost minuteness, and the conversations between washington and his father are given as if from a stenographic report. how mr. custis, usually so accurate, came to be so far infected with the weems myth as to tell the colt story after the weems manner, cannot now be determined. there can be no doubt that washington, like most healthy boys, got into a good deal of mischief, and it is not at all impossible that he injured fruit-trees and confessed that he had done so. it may be accepted as certain that he rode and mastered many unbroken thoroughbred colts, and it is possible that one of them burst a blood-vessel in the process and died, and that the boy promptly told his mother of the accident. but this is the utmost credit which these two anecdotes can claim. even so much as this cannot be said of certain other improving tales of like nature. that washington lectured his playmates on the wickedness of fighting, and in the year allowed himself to be knocked down in the presence of his soldiers, and thereupon begged his assailant's pardon for having spoken roughly to him, are stories so silly and so foolishly impossible that they do not deserve an instant's consideration. there is nothing intrinsically impossible in either the cherry-tree or the colt incident, nor would there be in a hundred others which might be readily invented. the real point is that these stories, as told by weems and mr. custis, are on their face hopelessly and ridiculously false. they are so, not merely because they have no vestige of evidence to support them, but because they are in every word and line the offspring of a period more than fifty years later. no english-speaking people, certainly no virginians, ever thought or behaved or talked in like the personages in weems's stories, whatever they may have done in , or at the beginning of the next century. these precious anecdotes belong to the age of miss edgeworth and hannah more and jane taylor. they are engaging specimens of the "harry and lucy" and "purple jar" morality, and accurately reflect the pale didacticism which became fashionable in england at the close of the last century. they are as untrue to nature and to fact at the period to which they are assigned as would be efforts to depict augustine washington and his wife in the dress of the french revolution discussing the propriety of worshiping the goddess of reason. to enter into any serious historical criticism of these stories would be to break a butterfly. so much as this even has been said only because these wretched fables have gone throughout the world, and it is time that they were swept away into the dust-heaps of history. they represent mr. and mrs. washington as affected and priggish people, given to cheap moralizing, and, what is far worse, they have served to place washington himself in a ridiculous light to an age which has outgrown the educational foibles of seventy-five years ago. augustine washington and his wife were a gentleman and lady of the eighteenth century, living in virginia. so far as we know without guessing or conjecture, they were simple, honest, and straight-forward, devoted to the care of their family and estate, and doing their duty sensibly and after the fashion of their time. their son, to whom the greatest wrong has been done, not only never did anything common or mean, but from the beginning to the end of his life he was never for an instant ridiculous or affected, and he was as utterly removed from canting or priggishness as any human being could well be. let us therefore consign the weems stories and their offspring to the limbo of historical rubbish, and try to learn what the plain facts tell us of the boy washington. unfortunately these same facts are at first very few, so few that they tell us hardly anything. we know when and where washington was born; and how, when he was little more than three years old,[ ] he was taken from bridges creek to the banks of the rappahannock. there he was placed under the charge of one hobby, the sexton of the parish, to learn his alphabet and his pothooks; and when that worthy man's store of learning was exhausted he was sent back to bridges creek, soon after his father's death, to live with his half-brother augustine, and obtain the benefits of a school kept by a mr. williams. there he received what would now be called a fair common-school education, wholly destitute of any instruction in languages, ancient or modern, but apparently with some mathematical training. [footnote : there is a conflict about the period of this removal (see above, p. ). tradition places it in , but the rev. mr. mcguire (_religious opinions of washington_) puts it in .] that he studied faithfully cannot be doubted, and we know, too, that he matured early, and was a tall, active, and muscular boy. he could outwalk and outrun and outride any of his companions. as he could no doubt have thrashed any of them too, he was, in virtue of these qualities, which are respected everywhere by all wholesome minds, and especially by boys, a leader among his school-fellows. we know further that he was honest and true, and a lad of unusual promise, not because of the goody-goody anecdotes of the myth-makers, but because he was liked and trusted by such men as his brother lawrence and lord fairfax. there he was, at all events, in his fourteenth year, a big, strong, hearty boy, offering a serious problem to his mother, who was struggling along with many acres, little money, and five children. mrs. washington's chief desire naturally was to put george in the way of earning a living, which no doubt seemed far more important than getting an education, and, as he was a sober-minded boy, the same idea was probably profoundly impressed on his own mind also. this condition of domestic affairs led to the first attempt to give washington a start in life, which has been given to us until very lately in a somewhat decorated form. the fact is, that in casting about for something to do, it occurred to some one, very likely to the boy himself, that it would be a fine idea to go to sea. his masculine friends and relatives urged the scheme upon mrs. washington, who consented very reluctantly, if at all, not liking the notion of parting with her oldest son, even in her anxiety to have him earn his bread. when it came to the point, however, she finally decided against his going, determined probably by a very sensible letter from her brother, joseph ball, an english lawyer. in all the ornamented versions we are informed that the boy was to enter the royal navy, and that a midshipman's warrant was procured for him. there does not appear to be any valid authority for the royal navy, the warrant, or the midshipman. the contemporary virginian letters speak simply of "going to sea," while mr. ball says distinctly that the plan was to enter the boy on a tobacco-ship, with an excellent chance of being pressed on a man-of-war, and a very faint prospect of either getting into the navy, or even rising to be the captain of one of the petty trading-vessels familiar to virginian planters. some recent writers have put mr. ball aside as not knowing what was intended in regard to his nephew, but in view of the difficulty at that time of obtaining commissions in the navy without great political influence, it seems probable that mrs. washington's brother knew very well what he was talking about, and he certainly wrote a very sensible letter. a bold, adventurous boy, eager to earn his living and make his way in the world, would, like many others before him, look longingly to the sea as the highway to fortune and success. to washington the romance of the sea was represented by the tobacco-ship creeping up the river and bringing all the luxuries and many of the necessaries of life from vaguely distant countries. no doubt he wished to go on one of these vessels and try his luck, and very possibly the royal navy was hoped for as the ultimate result. the effort was certainly made to send him to sea, but it failed, and he went back to school to study more mathematics. apart from the fact that the exact sciences in moderate degree were about all that mr. williams could teach, this branch of learning had an immediate practical value, inasmuch as surveying was almost the only immediately gainful pursuit open to a young virginia gentleman, who sorely needed a little ready money that he might buy slaves and work a plantation. so washington studied on for two years more, and fitted himself to be a surveyor. there are still extant some early papers belonging to this period, chiefly fragments of school exercises, which show that he already wrote the bold, handsome hand with which the world was to become familiar, and that he made geometrical figures and notes of surveys with the neatness and accuracy which clung to him in all the work of his life, whether great or small. among those papers, too, were found many copies of legal forms, and a set of rules, over a hundred in number, as to etiquette and behavior, carefully written out. it has always been supposed that these rules were copied, but it was reserved apparently for the storms of a mighty civil war to lay bare what may have been, if not the source of the rules themselves, the origin and suggestion of their compilation. at that time a little volume was found in virginia bearing the name of george washington in a boyish hand on the fly-leaf, and the date . the book was entitled, "the young man's companion." it was an english work, and had passed through thirteen editions, which was little enough in view of its varied and extensive information. it was written by w. mather, in a plain and easy style, and treated of arithmetic, surveying, forms for legal documents, the measuring of land and lumber, gardening, and many other useful topics, and it contained general precepts which, with the aid of hale's "contemplations," may readily have furnished the hints for the rules found in manuscript among washington's papers.[ ] these rules were in the main wise and sensible, and it is evident they had occupied deeply the boy's mind.[ ] they are for the most part concerned with the commonplaces of etiquette and good manners, but there is something not only apt but quite prophetic in the last one, "labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." to suppose that washington's character was formed by these sententious bits of not very profound wisdom would be absurd; but that a series of rules which most lads would have regarded as simply dull should have been written out and pondered by this boy indicates a soberness and thoughtfulness of mind which certainly are not usual at that age. the chief thought that runs through all the sayings is to practice self-control, and no man ever displayed that most difficult of virtues to such a degree as george washington. it was no ordinary boy who took such a lesson as this to heart before he was fifteen, and carried it into his daily life, never to be forgotten. it may also be said that very few boys ever needed it more; but those persons who know what they chiefly need, and pursue it, are by no means common. [footnote : an account of this volume was given in the _new york tribune_ in , and also in the _historical magazine_ (x. ).] [footnote : the most important are given in sparks' _writings of washington_, ii. , and they may be found complete in the little pamphlet concerning them, excellently edited by dr. j.m. toner, of washington.] chapter iii on the frontier while washington was working his way through the learning purveyed by mr. williams, he was also receiving another education, of a much broader and better sort, from the men and women among whom he found himself, and with whom he made friends. chief among them was his eldest brother, lawrence, fourteen years his senior, who had been educated in england, had fought with vernon at carthagena, and had then returned to virginia, to be to him a generous father and a loving friend. as the head of the family, lawrence washington had received the lion's share of the property, including the estate at hunting creek, on the potomac, which he christened mount vernon, after his admiral, and where he settled down and built him a goodly house. to this pleasant spot george washington journeyed often in vacation time, and there he came to live and further pursue his studies, after leaving school in the autumn of . lawrence washington had married the daughter of william fairfax, the proprietor of belvoir, a neighboring plantation, and the agent for the vast estates held by his family in virginia. george fairfax, mrs. washington's brother, had married a miss gary, and thus two large and agreeable family connections were thrown open to the young surveyor when he emerged from school. the chief figure, however, in that pleasant winter of - , so far as an influence upon the character of washington is concerned, was the head of the family into which lawrence washington had married. thomas, lord fairfax, then sixty years of age, had come to virginia to live upon and look after the kingdom which he had inherited in the wilderness. he came of a noble and distinguished race. graduating at oxford with credit, he served in the army, dabbled in literature, had his fling in the london world, and was jilted by a beauty who preferred a duke, and gave her faithful but less titled lover an apparently incurable wound. his life having been thus early twisted and set awry, lord fairfax, when well past his prime, had determined finally to come to virginia, bury himself in the forests, and look after the almost limitless possessions beyond the blue ridge, which he had inherited from his maternal grandfather, lord culpeper, of unsavory restoration memory. it was a piece of great good-fortune which threw in washington's path this accomplished gentleman, familiar with courts and camps, disappointed, but not morose, disillusioned, but still kindly and generous. from him the boy could gain that knowledge of men and manners which no school can give, and which is as important in its way as any that a teacher can impart. lord fairfax and washington became fast friends. they hunted the fox together, and hunted him hard. they engaged in all the rough sports and perilous excitements which virginia winter life could afford, and the boy's bold and skillful riding, his love of sports and his fine temper, commended him to the warm and affectionate interest of the old nobleman. other qualities, too, the experienced man of the world saw in his young companion: a high and persistent courage, robust and calm sense, and, above all, unusual force of will and character. washington impressed profoundly everybody with whom he was brought into personal contact, a fact which is one of the most marked features of his character and career, and one which deserves study more than almost any other. lord fairfax was no exception to the rule. he saw in washington not simply a promising, brave, open-hearted boy, diligent in practicing his profession, and whom he was anxious to help, but something more; something which so impressed him that he confided to this lad a task which, according to its performance, would affect both his fortune and his peace. in a word, he trusted washington, and told him, as the spring of was opening, to go forth and survey the vast fairfax estates beyond the ridge, define their boundaries, and save them from future litigation. with this commission from lord fairfax, washington entered on the first period of his career. he passed it on the frontier, fighting nature, the indians, and the french. he went in a schoolboy; he came out the first soldier in the colonies, and one of the leading men of virginia. let us pause a moment and look at him as he stands on the threshold of this momentous period, rightly called momentous because it was the formative period in the life of such a man. [illustration: lawrence washington] he had just passed his sixteenth birthday. he was tall and muscular, approaching the stature of more than six feet which he afterwards attained. he was not yet filled out to manly proportions, but was rather spare, after the fashion of youth. he had a well-shaped, active figure, symmetrical except for the unusual length of the arms, indicating uncommon strength. his light brown hair was drawn back from a broad forehead, and grayish-blue eyes looked happily, and perhaps a trifle soberly, on the pleasant virginia world about him. the face was open and manly, with a square, massive jaw, and a general expression of calmness and strength. "fair and florid," big and strong, he was, take him for all in all, as fine a specimen of his race as could be found in the english colonies. let us look a little closer through the keen eyes of one who studied many faces to good purpose. the great painter of portraits, gilbert stuart, tells us of washington that he never saw in any man such large eye-sockets, or such a breadth of nose and forehead between the eyes, and that he read there the evidences of the strongest passions possible to human nature. john bernard the actor, a good observer, too, saw in washington's face, in , the signs of an habitual conflict and mastery of passions, witnessed by the compressed mouth and deeply indented brow. the problem had been solved then; but in , passion and will alike slumbered, and no man could tell which would prevail, or whether they would work together to great purpose or go jarring on to nothingness. he rises up to us out of the past in that early springtime a fine, handsome, athletic boy, beloved by those about him, who found him a charming companion and did not guess that he might be a terribly dangerous foe. he rises up instinct with life and strength, a being capable, as we know, of great things whether for good or evil, with hot blood pulsing in his veins and beating in his heart, with violent passions and relentless will still undeveloped; and no one in all that jolly, generous virginian society even dimly dreamed what that development would be, or what it would mean to the world. it was in march, , that george fairfax and washington set forth on their adventures, and passing through ashby's gap in the blue ridge, entered the valley of virginia. thence they worked their way up the valley of the shenandoah, surveying as they went, returned and swam the swollen potomac, surveyed the lands about its south branch and in the mountainous region of frederick county, and finally reached mount vernon again on april . it was a rough experience for a beginner, but a wholesome one, and furnished the usual vicissitudes of frontier life. they were wet, cold, and hungry, or warm, dry, and well fed, by turns. they slept in a tent, or the huts of the scattered settlers, and oftener still beneath the stars. they met a war party of indians, and having plied them with liquor, watched one of their mad dances round the camp-fire. in another place they came on a straggling settlement of germans, dull, patient, and illiterate, strangely unfit for the life of the wilderness. all these things, as well as the progress of their work and their various resting-places, washington noted down briefly but methodically in a diary, showing in these rough notes the first evidences of that keen observation of nature and men and of daily incidents which he developed to such good purpose in after-life. there are no rhapsodies and no reflections in these hasty jottings, but the employments and the discomforts are all set down in a simple and matter-of-fact way, which omitted no essential thing and excluded all that was worthless. his work, too, was well done, and lord fairfax was so much pleased by the report that he moved across the blue ridge, built a hunting lodge preparatory to something more splendid which never came to pass, and laid out a noble manor, to which he gave the name of greenway court. he also procured for washington an appointment as a public surveyor, which conferred authority on his surveys and provided him with regular work. thus started, washington toiled at his profession for three years, living and working as he did on his first expedition. it was a rough life, but a manly and robust one, and the men who live it, although often rude and coarse, are never weak or effeminate. to washington it was an admirable school. it strengthened his muscles and hardened him to exposure and fatigue. it accustomed him to risks and perils of various kinds, and made him fertile in expedients and confident of himself, while the nature of his work rendered him careful and industrious. that his work was well done is shown by the fact that his surveys were considered of the first authority, and stand unquestioned to this day, like certain other work which he was subsequently called to do. it was part of his character, when he did anything, to do it in a lasting fashion, and it is worth while to remember that the surveys he made as a boy were the best that could be made. he wrote to a friend at this time: "since you received my letter of october last, i have not slept above three or four nights in a bed, but, after walking a good deal all the day, i have lain down before the fire upon a little hay, straw, fodder, or a bearskin, whichever was to be had, with man, wife, and children, like dogs and cats; and happy is he who gets the berth nearest the fire. nothing would make it pass off tolerably but a good reward. a doubloon is my constant gain every day that the weather will permit of my going out, and sometimes six pistoles." he was evidently a thrifty lad, and honestly pleased with honest earnings. he was no mere adventurous wanderer, but a man working for results in money, reputation, or some solid value, and while he worked and earned he kept an observant eye upon the wilderness, and bought up when he could the best land for himself and his family, laying the foundations of the great landed estate of which he died possessed. there was also a lighter and pleasanter side to this hard-working existence, which was quite as useful, and more attractive, than toiling in the woods and mountains. the young surveyor passed much of his time at greenway court, hunting the fox and rejoicing in all field sports which held high place in that kingdom, while at the same time he profited much in graver fashion by his friendship with such a man as lord fairfax. there, too, he had a chance at a library, and his diaries show that he read carefully the history of england and the essays of the "spectator." neither in early days nor at any other time was he a student, for he had few opportunities, and his life from the beginning was out of doors and among men. but the idea sometimes put forward that washington cared nothing for reading or for books is an idle one. he read at greenway court and everywhere else when he had an opportunity. he read well, too, and to some purpose, studying men and events in books as he did in the world, for though he never talked of his reading, preserving silence on that as on other things concerning himself, no one ever was able to record an instance in which he showed himself ignorant of history or of literature. he was never a learned man, but so far as his own language could carry him he was an educated one. thus while he developed the sterner qualities by hard work and a rough life, he did not bring back the coarse habits of the backwoods and the camp-fire, but was able to refine his manners and improve his mind in the excellent society and under the hospitable roof of lord fairfax. three years slipped by, and then a domestic change came which much affected washington's whole life. the carthagena campaign had undermined the strength of lawrence washington and sown the seeds of consumption, which showed itself in , and became steadily more alarming. a voyage to england and a summer at the warm springs were tried without success, and finally, as a last resort, the invalid sailed for the west indies, in september, . thither his brother george accompanied him, and we have the fragments of a diary kept during this first and last wandering outside his native country. he copied the log, noted the weather, and evidently strove to get some idea of nautical matters while he was at sea and leading a life strangely unfamiliar to a woodsman and pioneer. when they arrived at their destination they were immediately asked to breakfast and dine with major clarke, the military magnate of the place, and our young virginian remarked, with characteristic prudence and a certain touch of grim humor, "we went,--myself with some reluctance, as the smallpox was in the family." he fell a victim to his good manners, for two weeks later he was "strongly attacked with the smallpox," and was then housed for a month, getting safely and successfully through this dangerous and then almost universal ordeal. before the disease declared itself, however, he went about everywhere, innocently scattering infection, and greatly enjoying the pleasures of the island. it is to be regretted that any part of this diary should have been lost, for it is pleasant reading, and exhibits the writer in an agreeable and characteristic fashion. he commented on the country and the scenery, inveighed against the extravagance of the charges for board and lodging, told of his dinner-parties and his friends, and noted the marvelous abundance and variety of the tropical fruits, which contrasted strangely with the british dishes of beefsteak and tripe. he also mentioned being treated to a ticket to see the play of "george barnwell," on which he offered this cautious criticism: "the character of barnwell and several others were said to be well performed. there was music adapted and regularly conducted." soon after his recovery washington returned to virginia, arriving there in february, . the diary concluded with a brief but perfectly effective description of barbadoes, touching on its resources and scenery, its government and condition, and the manners and customs of its inhabitants. all through these notes we find the keenly observant spirit, and the evidence of a mind constantly alert to learn. we see also a pleasant, happy temperament, enjoying with hearty zest all the pleasures that youth and life could furnish. he who wrote these lines was evidently a vigorous, good-humored young fellow, with a quick eye for the world opening before him, and for the delights as well as the instruction which it offered. from the sunshine and ease of this tropical winter washington passed to a long season of trial and responsibility at home and abroad. in july, , his much-loved brother lawrence died, leaving george guardian of his daughter, and heir to his estates in the event of that daughter's death. thus the current of his home life changed, and responsibility came into it, while outside the mighty stream of public events changed too, and swept him along in the swelling torrent of a world-wide war. in all the vast wilderness beyond the mountains there was not room for both french and english. the rival nations had been for years slowly approaching each other, until in each people proceeded at last to take possession of the ohio country after its own fashion. the french sent a military expedition which sank and nailed up leaden plates; the english formed a great land company to speculate and make money, and both set diligently to work to form indian alliances. a man of far less perception than lawrence washington, who had become the chief manager of the ohio company, would have seen that the conditions on the frontier rendered war inevitable, and he accordingly made ready for the future by preparing his brother for the career of a soldier, so far as it could be done. he brought to mount vernon two old companions-in-arms of the carthagena time, adjutant muse, a virginian, and jacob van braam, a dutch soldier of fortune. the former instructed washington in the art of war, tactics, and the manual of arms, the latter in fencing and the sword exercise. at the same time lawrence washington procured for his brother, then only nineteen years of age, an appointment as one of the adjutants-general of virginia, with the rank of major. to all this the young surveyor took kindly enough so far as we can tell, but his military avocations were interrupted by his voyage to barbadoes, by the illness and death of his brother, and by the cares and responsibilities thereby thrust upon him. meantime the french aggressions had continued, and french soldiers and traders were working their way up from the south and down from the north, bullying and cajoling the indians by turns, taking possession of the ohio country, and selecting places as they went for that chain of forts which was to hem in and slowly strangle the english settlements. governor dinwiddie had sent a commissioner to remonstrate against these encroachments, but his envoy had stopped a hundred and fifty miles short of the french posts, alarmed by the troublous condition of things, and by the defeat and slaughter which the frenchmen had already inflicted upon the indians. some more vigorous person was evidently needed to go through the form of warning france not to trespass on the english wilderness, and thereupon governor dinwiddie selected for the task george washington, recently reappointed adjutant-general of the northern division, and major in the virginian forces. he was a young man for such an undertaking, not yet twenty-two, but clearly of good reputation. it is plain enough that lord fairfax and others had said to the governor, "here is the very man for you; young, daring, and adventurous, but yet sober-minded and responsible, who only lacks opportunity to show the stuff that is in him." thus, then, in october, , washington set forth with van braam, and various servants and horses, accompanied by the boldest of virginian frontiersmen, christopher gist. he wrote a report in the form of a journal, which was sent to england and much read at the time as part of the news of the day, and which has an equal although different interest now. it is a succinct, clear, and sober narrative. the little party was formed at will's creek, and thence through woods and over swollen rivers made its way to logstown. here they spent some days among the indians, whose leaders washington got within his grasp after much speech-making; and here, too, he met some french deserters from the south, and drew from them all the knowledge they possessed of new orleans and the military expeditions from that region. from logstown he pushed on, accompanied by his indian chiefs, to venango, on the ohio, the first french outpost. the french officers asked him to sup with them. the wine flowed freely, the tongues of the hosts were loosened, and the young virginian, temperate and hard-headed, listened to all the conversation, and noted down mentally much that was interesting and valuable. the next morning the indian chiefs, prudently kept in the background, appeared, and a struggle ensued between the talkative, clever frenchmen and the quiet, persistent virginian, over the possession of these important savages. finally washington got off, carrying his chiefs with him, and made his way seventy miles further to the fort on french creek. here he delivered the governor's letter, and while m. de st. pierre wrote a vague and polite answer, he sketched the fort and informed himself in regard to the military condition of the post. then came another struggle over the indians, and finally washington got off with them once more, and worked his way back to venango. another struggle for the savages followed, rum being always the principal factor in the negotiation, and at last the chiefs determined to stay behind. nevertheless, the work had been well done, and the important half-king remained true to the english cause. leaving his horses, washington and gist then took to the woods on foot. the french indians lay in wait for them and tried to murder them, and gist, like a true frontiersman, was for shooting the scoundrel whom they captured. but washington stayed his hand, and they gave the savage the slip and pressed on. it was the middle of december, very cold and stormy. in crossing a river, washington fell from the raft into deep water, amid the floating ice, but fought his way out, and he and his companion passed the night on an island, with their clothes frozen upon them. so through peril and privation, and various dangers, stopping in the midst of it all to win another savage potentate, they reached the edge of the settlements and thence went on to williamsburg, where great praise and glory were awarded to the youthful envoy, the hero of the hour in the little virginia capital. it is worth while to pause over this expedition a moment and to consider attentively this journal which recounts it, for there are very few incidents or documents which tell us more of washington. he was not yet twenty-two when he faced this first grave responsibility, and he did his work absolutely well. cool courage, of course, he showed, but also patience and wisdom in handling the indians, a clear sense that the crafty and well-trained frenchmen could not blind, and a strong faculty for dealing with men, always a rare and precious gift. as in the little barbadoes diary, so also in this journal, we see, and far more strongly, the penetration and perception that nothing could escape, and which set down all things essential and let the "huddling silver, little worth," go by. the clearness, terseness, and entire sufficiency of the narrative are obvious and lie on the surface; but we find also another quality of the man which is one of the most marked features in his character, and one which we must dwell upon again and again, as we follow the story of his life. here it is that we learn directly for the first time that washington was a profoundly silent man. the gospel of silence has been preached in these latter days by carlyle, with the fervor of a seer and prophet, and the world owes him a debt for the historical discredit which he has brought upon the man of mere words as compared with the man of deeds. carlyle brushed washington aside as "a bloodless cromwell," a phrase to which we must revert later on other grounds, and, as has already been said, failed utterly to see that he was the most supremely silent of the great men of action that the world can show. like cromwell and frederic, washington wrote countless letters, made many speeches, and was agreeable in conversation. but this was all in the way of business, and a man may be profoundly silent and yet talk a great deal. silence in the fine and true sense is neither mere holding of the tongue nor an incapacity of expression. the greatly silent man is he who is not given to words for their own sake, and who never talks about himself. both cromwell, greatest of englishmen, and the great frederic, carlyle's especial heroes, were fond of talking of themselves. so in still larger measure was napoleon, and many others of less importance. but washington differs from them all. he had abundant power of words, and could use them with much force and point when he was so minded, but he never used them needlessly or to hide his meaning, and he never talked about himself. hence the inestimable difficulty of knowing him. a brief sentence here and there, a rare gleam of light across the page of a letter, is all that we can find. the rest is silence. he did as great work as has fallen to the lot of man, he wrote volumes of correspondence, he talked with innumerable men and women, and of himself he said nothing. here in this youthful journal we have a narrative of wild adventure, wily diplomacy, and personal peril, impossible of condensation, and yet not a word of the writer's thoughts or feelings. all that was done or said important to the business in hand was set down, and nothing was overlooked, but that is all. the work was done, and we know how it was done, but the man is silent as to all else. here, indeed, is the man of action and of real silence, a character to be much admired and wondered at in these or any other days. washington's report looked like war, and its author was shortly afterwards appointed lieutenant-colonel of a virginian regiment, colonel fry commanding. now began that long experience of human stupidity and inefficiency with which washington was destined to struggle through all the years of his military career, suffering from them, and triumphing in spite of them to a degree unequaled by any other great commander. dinwiddie, the scotch governor, was eager enough to fight, and full of energy and good intentions, but he was hasty and not overwise, and was filled with an excessive idea of his prerogatives. the assembly, on its side, was sufficiently patriotic, but its members came from a community which for more than half a century had had no fighting, and they knew nothing of war or its necessities. unaccustomed to the large affairs into which they were suddenly plunged, they displayed a narrow and provincial spirit. keenly alive to their own rights and privileges, they were more occupied in quarreling with dinwiddie than in prosecuting the war. in the weak proprietary governments of maryland and pennsylvania there was the same condition of affairs, with every evil exaggerated tenfold. the fighting spirit was dominant in virginia, but in quaker-ridden pennsylvania it seems to have been almost extinct. these three were not very promising communities to look to for support in a difficult and costly war. with all this inertia and stupidity washington was called to cope, and he rebelled against it in vigorous fashion. leaving colonel fry to follow with the main body of troops, washington set out on april , , with two companies from alexandria, where he had been recruiting amidst most irritating difficulties. he reached will's creek three weeks later; and then his real troubles began. captain trent, the timid and halting envoy, who had failed to reach the french, had been sent out by the wise authorities to build a fort at the junction of the alleghany and monongahela, on the admirable site selected by the keen eye of washington. there trent left his men and returned to will's creek, where washington found him, but without the pack-horses that he had promised to provide. presently news came that the french in overwhelming numbers had swept down upon trent's little party, captured their fort, and sent them packing back to virginia. washington took this to be war, and determined at once to march against the enemy. having impressed from the inhabitants, who were not bubbling over with patriotism, some horses and wagons, he set out on his toilsome march across the mountains. it was a wild and desolate region, and progress was extremely slow. by may he was at the little meadows, twenty miles from his starting-place; by the th at the youghiogany river, which he explored and found unnavigable. he was therefore forced to take up his weary march again for the monongahela, and by the th he was at the great meadows, a few miles further on. the extreme danger of his position does not seem to have occurred to him, but he was harassed and angered by the conduct of the assembly. he wrote to governor dinwiddie that he had no idea of giving up his commission. "but," he continued, "let me serve voluntarily; then i will, with the greatest pleasure in life, devote my services to the expedition, without any other reward than the satisfaction of serving my country; but to be slaving dangerously for the shadow of pay, through woods, rocks, mountains,--i would rather prefer the great toil of a daily laborer, and dig for a maintenance, provided i were reduced to the necessity, than serve upon such ignoble terms; for i really do not see why the lives of his majesty's subjects in virginia should be of less value than those in other parts of his american dominions, especially when it is well known that we must undergo double their hardship." here we have a high-spirited, high-tempered young gentleman, with a contempt for shams that it is pleasant to see, and evidently endowed also with a fine taste for fighting and not too much patience. indignant letters written in vigorous language were, however, of little avail, and washington prepared to shift for himself as best he might. his indian allies brought him news that the french were on the march and had thrown out scouting parties. picking out a place in the great meadows for a fort, "a charming field for an encounter," he in his turn sent out a scouting party, and then on fresh intelligence from the indians set forth himself with forty men to find the enemy. after a toilsome march they discovered their foes in camp. the french, surprised and surrounded, sprang to arms, the virginians fired, there was a sharp exchange of shots, and all was over. ten of the french were killed and twenty-one were taken prisoners, only one of the party escaping to carry back the news. this little skirmish made a prodigious noise in its day, and was much heralded in france. the french declared that jumonville, the leader, who fell at the first fire, was foully assassinated, and that he and his party were ambassadors and sacred characters. paris rang with this fresh instance of british perfidy, and a m. thomas celebrated the luckless jumonville in a solemn epic poem in four books. french historians, relying on the account of the canadian who escaped, adopted the same tone, and at a later day mourned over this black spot on washington's character. the french view was simple nonsense. jumonville and his party, as the papers found on jumonville showed, were out on a spying and scouting expedition. they were seeking to surprise the english when the english surprised them, with the usual backwoods result. the affair has a dramatic interest because it was the first blood shed in a great struggle, and was the beginning of a series of world-wide wars and social and political convulsions, which terminated more than half a century later on the plains of waterloo. it gave immortality to an obscure french officer by linking his name with that of his opponent, and brought washington for the moment before the eyes of the world, which little dreamed that this virginian colonel was destined to be one of the principal figures in the great revolutionary drama to which the war then beginning was but the prologue. washington, for his part, well satisfied with his exploit, retraced his steps, and having sent his prisoners back to virginia, proceeded to consider his situation. it was not a very cheerful prospect. contrecoeur, with the main body of the french and indians, was moving down from the monongahela a thousand strong. this of course was to have been anticipated, and it does not seem to have in the least damped washington's spirits. his blood was up, his fighting temper thoroughly roused, and he prepared to push on. colonel fry had died meanwhile, leaving washington in command; but his troops came forward, and also not long after a useless "independent" company from south carolina. thus reinforced washington advanced painfully some thirteen miles, and then receiving sure intelligence of the approach of the french in great force fell back with difficulty to the great meadows, where he was obliged by the exhausted condition of his men to stop. he at once resumed work on fort necessity, and made ready for a desperate defense, for the french were on his heels, and on july appeared at the meadows. washington offered battle outside the fort, and this being declined withdrew to his trenches, and skirmishing went on all day. when night fell it was apparent that the end had come. the men were starved and worn out. their muskets in many cases were rendered useless by the rain, and their ammunition was spent. the indians had deserted, and the foe outnumbered them four to one. when the french therefore offered a parley, washington was forced reluctantly to accept. the french had no stomach for the fight, apparently, and allowed the english to go with their arms, exacting nothing but a pledge that for a year they would not come to the ohio. so ended washington's first campaign. his friend the half-king, the celebrated seneca chief, thanacarishon, who prudently departed on the arrival of the french, has left us a candid opinion of washington and his opponents. "the colonel," he said, "was a good-natured man, but had no experience; he took upon him to command the indians as his slaves, and would have them every day upon the scout and to attack the enemy by themselves, but would by no means take advice from the indians. he lay in one place from one full moon to the other, without making any fortifications, except that little thing on the meadow; whereas, had he taken advice, and built such fortifications as i advised him, he might easily have beat off the french. but the french in the engagement acted like cowards, and the english like fools."[ ] [footnote : _enquiry into the causes and alienations of the delaware and shawanee indians_, etc. london, . by charles thomson, afterwards secretary of congress.] there is a deal of truth in this opinion. the whole expedition was rash in the extreme. when washington left will's creek he was aware that he was going to meet a force of a thousand men with only a hundred and fifty raw recruits at his back. in the same spirit he pushed on; and after the jumonville affair, although he knew that the wilderness about him was swarming with enemies, he still struggled forward. when forced to retreat he made a stand at the meadows and offered battle in the open to his more numerous and more prudent foes, for he was one of those men who by nature regard courage as a substitute for everything, and who have a contempt for hostile odds. he was ready to meet any number of french and indians with cheerful confidence and with real pleasure. he wrote, in a letter which soon became famous, that he loved to hear bullets whistle, a sage observation which he set down in later years as a folly of youth. yet this boyish outburst, foolish as it was, has a meaning to us, for it was essentially true. washington had the fierce fighting temper of the northmen. he loved battle and danger, and he never ceased to love them and to give way to their excitement, although he did not again set down such sentiments in boastful phrase that made the world laugh. men of such temper, moreover, are naturally imperious and have a fine disregard of consequences, with the result that their allies, indian or otherwise, often become impatient and finally useless. the campaign was perfectly wild from the outset, and if it had not been for the utter indifference to danger displayed by washington, and the consequent timidity of the french, that particular body of virginians would have been permanently lost to the british empire. but we learn from all this many things. it appears that washington was not merely a brave man, but one who loved fighting for its own sake. the whole expedition shows an arbitrary temper and the most reckless courage, valuable qualities, but here unrestrained, and mixed with very little prudence. some important lessons were learned by washington from the rough teachings of inexorable and unconquerable facts. he received in this campaign the first taste of that severe experience which by its training developed the self-control and mastery of temper for which he became so remarkable. he did not spring into life a perfect and impossible man, as is so often represented. on the contrary, he was educated by circumstances; but the metal came out of the furnace of experience finely tempered, because it was by nature of the best and with but little dross to be purged away. in addition to all this he acquired for the moment what would now be called a european reputation. he was known in paris as an assassin, and in england, thanks to the bullet letter, as a "fanfaron" and brave braggart. with these results he wended his way home much depressed in spirits, but not in the least discouraged, and fonder of fighting than ever. virginia, however, took a kinder view of the campaign than did her defeated soldier. she appreciated the gallantry of the offer to fight in the open and the general conduct of the troops, and her house of burgesses passed a vote of thanks to washington and his officers, and gave money to his men. in august he rejoined his regiment, only to renew the vain struggle against incompetence and extravagance, and as if this were not enough, his sense of honor was wounded and his temper much irritated by the governor's playing false to the prisoners taken in the jumonville fight. while thus engaged, news came that the french were off their guard at fort duquesne, and dinwiddie was for having the regiment of undisciplined troops march again into the wilderness. washington, however, had learned something, if not a great deal, and he demonstrated the folly of such an attempt in a manner too clear to be confuted. meantime the burgesses came together, and more money being voted, dinwiddie hit on a notable plan for quieting dissensions between regulars and provincials by dividing all the troops into independent companies, with no officer higher than a captain. washington, the only officer who had seen fighting and led a regiment, resented quite properly this senseless policy, and resigning his commission withdrew to mount vernon to manage the estate and attend to his own affairs. he was driven to this course still more strongly by the original cause of dinwiddie's arrangement. the english government had issued an order that officers holding the king's commission should rank provincial officers, and that provincial generals and field officers should have no rank when a general or field officer holding a royal commission was present. the degradation of being ranked by every whipper-snapper who might hold a royal commission by virtue, perhaps, of being the bastard son of some nobleman's cast-off mistress was more than the temper of george washington at least could bear, and when governor sharpe, general by the king's commission, and eager to secure the services of the best fighter in virginia, offered him a company and urged his acceptance, he replied in language that must have somewhat astonished his excellency. "you make mention in your letter," he wrote to colonel fitzhugh, governor sharpe's second in command, "of my continuing in the service, and retaining my colonel's commission. this idea has filled me with surprise; for, if you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the commission itself.... in short, every captain bearing the king's commission, every half-pay officer, or others, appearing with such a commission, would rank before me.... yet my inclinations are strongly bent to arms." it was a bitter disappointment to withdraw from military life, but washington had an intense sense of personal dignity; not the small vanity of a petty mind, but the quality of a proud man conscious of his own strength and purpose. it was of immense value to the american people at a later day, and there is something very instructive in this early revolt against the stupid arrogance which england has always thought it wise to display toward this country. she has paid dearly for indulging it, but it has seldom cost her more than when it drove washington from her service, and left in his mind a sense of indignity and injustice. meantime this virginian campaigning had started a great movement. england was aroused, and it was determined to assail france in nova scotia, from new york and on the ohio. in accordance with this plan general braddock arrived in virginia february , , with two picked regiments, and encamped at alexandria. thither washington used to ride and look longingly at the pomp and glitter, and wish that he wore engaged in the service. presently this desire became known, and braddock, hearing of the young virginian's past experience, offered him a place on his staff with the rank of colonel where he would be subject only to the orders of the general, and could serve as a volunteer. he therefore accepted at once, and threw himself into his new duties with hearty good-will. every step now was full of instruction. at annapolis he met the governors of the other colonies, and was interested and attracted by this association with distinguished public men. in the army to which he was attached he studied with the deepest attention the best discipline of europe, observing everything and forgetting nothing, thus preparing himself unconsciously to use against his teachers the knowledge he acquired. he also made warm friends with the english officers, and was treated with consideration by his commander. the universal practice of all englishmen at that time was to behave contemptuously to the colonists, but there was something about washington which made this impossible. they all treated him with the utmost courtesy, vaguely conscious that beneath the pleasant, quiet manner there was a strength of character and ability such as is rarely found, and that this was a man whom it was unsafe to affront. there is no stronger instance of washington's power of impressing himself upon others than that he commanded now the respect and affection of his general, who was the last man to be easily or favorably affected by a young provincial officer. edward braddock was a veteran soldier, a skilled disciplinarian, and a rigid martinet. he was narrow-minded, brutal, and brave. he had led a fast life in society, indulging in coarse and violent dissipations, and was proud with the intense pride of a limited intelligence and a nature incapable of physical fear. it would be difficult to conceive of a man more unfit to be entrusted with the task of marching through the wilderness and sweeping the french from the ohio. all the conditions which confronted him were unfamiliar and beyond his experience. he cordially despised the provincials who were essential to his success, and lost no opportunity of showing his contempt for them. the colonists on their side, especially in pennsylvania, gave him, unfortunately, only too much ground for irritation and disgust. they were delighted to see this brilliant force come from england to fight their battles, but they kept on wrangling and holding back, refusing money and supplies, and doing nothing. braddock chafed and delayed, swore angrily, and lingered still. washington strove to help him, but defended his country fearlessly against wholesale and furious attacks. finally the army began to move, but so slowly and after so much delay that they did not reach will's creek until the middle of may. here came another exasperating pause, relieved only by franklin, who, by giving his own time, ability, and money, supplied the necessary wagons. then they pushed on again, but with the utmost slowness. with supreme difficulty they made an elaborate road over the mountains as they marched, and did not reach the little meadows until june . then at last braddock turned to his young aide for the counsel which had already been proffered and rejected many times. washington advised the division of the army, so that the main body could hurry forward in light marching order while a detachment remained behind and brought up the heavy baggage. this plan was adopted, and the army started forward, still too heavily burdened, as washington thought, but in somewhat better trim for the wilderness than before. their progress, quickened as it was, still seemed slow to washington, but he was taken ill with a fever, and finally was compelled by braddock to stop for rest at the ford of youghiogany. he made braddock promise that he should be brought up before the army reached fort duquesne, and wrote to his friend orme that he would not miss the impending battle for five hundred pounds. as soon as his fever abated a little he left colonel dunbar, and, being unable to sit on a horse, was conveyed to the front in a wagon, coming up with the army on july . he was just in time, for the next day the troops forded the monongahela and marched to attack the fort. the splendid appearance of the soldiers as they crossed the river roused washington's enthusiasm; but he was not without misgivings. franklin had already warned braddock against the danger of surprise, and had been told with a sneer that while these savages might be a formidable enemy to raw american militia, they could make no impression on disciplined troops. now at the last moment washington warned the general again and was angrily rebuked. the troops marched on in ordered ranks, glittering and beautiful. suddenly firing was heard in the front, and presently the van was flung back on the main body. yells and war-whoops resounded on every side, and an unseen enemy poured in a deadly fire. washington begged braddock to throw his men into the woods, but all in vain. fight in platoons they must, or not at all. the result was that they did not fight at all. they became panic-stricken, and huddled together, overcome with fear, until at last when braddock was mortally wounded they broke in wild rout and fled. of the regular troops, seven hundred, and of the officers, who showed the utmost bravery, sixty-two out of eighty-six, were killed or wounded. two hundred frenchmen and six hundred indians achieved this signal victory. the only thing that could be called fighting on the english side was done by the virginians, "the raw american militia," who, spread out as skirmishers, met their foes on their own ground, and were cut off after a desperate resistance almost to a man. washington at the outset flung himself headlong into the fight. he rode up and down the field, carrying orders and striving to rally "the dastards," as he afterwards called the regular troops. he endeavored to bring up the artillery, but the men would not serve the guns, although to set an example he aimed and discharged one himself. all through that dreadful carnage he rode fiercely about, raging with the excitement of battle, and utterly exposed from beginning to end. even now it makes the heart beat quicker to think of him amid the smoke and slaughter as he dashed hither and thither, his face glowing and his eyes shining with the fierce light of battle, leading on his own virginians, and trying to stay the tide of disaster. he had two horses shot under him and four bullets through his coat. the indians thought he bore a charmed life, while his death was reported in the colonies, together with his dying speech, which, he dryly wrote to his brother, he had not yet composed. when the troops broke it was washington who gathered the fugitives and brought off the dying general. it was he who rode on to meet dunbar, and rallying the fugitives enabled the wretched remnants to take up their march for the settlements. he it was who laid braddock in the grave four days after the defeat, and read over the dead the solemn words of the english service. wise, sensible, and active in the advance, splendidly reckless on the day of battle, cool and collected on the retreat, washington alone emerged from that history of disaster with added glory. again he comes before us as, above all things, the fighting man, hot-blooded and fierce in action, and utterly indifferent to the danger which excited and delighted him. but the earlier lesson had not been useless. he now showed a prudence and wisdom in counsel which were not apparent in the first of his campaigns, and he no longer thought that mere courage was all-sufficient, or that any enemy could be despised. he was plainly one of those who could learn. his first experience had borne good fruit, and now he had been taught a series of fresh and valuable lessons. before his eyes had been displayed the most brilliant european discipline, both in camp and on the march. he had studied and absorbed it all, talking with veterans and hearing from them many things that he could have acquired nowhere else. once more had he been taught, in a way not to be forgotten, that it is never well to underrate one's opponent. he had looked deeper, too, and had seen what the whole continent soon understood, that english troops were not invincible, that they could be beaten by indians, and that they were after all much like other men. this was the knowledge, fatal in after days to british supremacy, which braddock's defeat brought to washington and to the colonists, and which was never forgotten. could he have looked into the future, he would have seen also in this ill-fated expedition an epitome of much future history. the expedition began with stupid contempt toward america and all things american, and ended in ruin and defeat. it was a bitter experience, much heeded by the colonists, but disregarded by england, whose indifference was paid for at a heavy cost. after the hasty retreat, colonel dunbar, stricken with panic, fled onward to philadelphia, abandoning everything, and virginia was left naturally in a state of great alarm. the assembly came together, and at last, thoroughly frightened, voted abundant money, and ordered a regiment of a thousand men to be raised. washington, who had returned to mount vernon ill and worn-out, was urged to solicit the command, but it was not his way to solicit, and he declined to do so now. august , he wrote to his mother: "if it is in my power to avoid going to the ohio again, i shall; but if the command is pressed upon me by the general voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor on me to refuse it." the same day he was offered the command of all the virginian forces on his own terms, and accepted. virginia believed in washington, and he was ready to obey her call. he at once assumed command and betook himself to winchester, a general without an army, but still able to check by his presence the existing panic, and ready to enter upon the trying, dreary, and fruitless work that lay before him. in april, , he wrote: "i have been posted then, for more than twenty months past, upon our cold and barren frontiers, to perform, i think i may say, impossibilities; that is, to protect from the cruel incursions of a crafty, savage enemy a line of inhabitants, of more than three hundred and fifty miles in extent, with a force inadequate to the task." this terse statement covers all that can be said of the next three years. it was a long struggle against a savage foe in front, and narrowness, jealousy, and stupidity behind; apparently without any chance of effecting anything, or gaining any glory or reward. troops were voted, but were raised with difficulty, and when raised were neglected and ill-treated by the wrangling governor and assembly, which caused much ill-suppressed wrath in the breast of the commander-in-chief, who labored day and night to bring about better discipline in camp, and who wrote long letters to williamsburg recounting existing evils and praying for a new militia law. the troops, in fact, were got out with vast difficulty even under the most stinging necessity, and were almost worthless when they came. of one "noble captain" who refused to come, washington wrote: "with coolness and moderation this great captain answered that his wife, family, and corn were all at stake; so were those of his soldiers; therefore it was impossible for him to come. such is the example of the officers; such the behavior of the men; and upon such circumstances depends the safety of our country!" but while the soldiers were neglected, and the assembly faltered, and the militia disobeyed, the french and indians kept at work on the long, exposed frontier. there panic reigned, farmhouses and villages went up in smoke, and the fields were reddened with slaughter at each fresh incursion. gentlemen in williamsburg bore these misfortunes with reasonable fortitude, but washington raged against the abuses and the inaction, and vowed that nothing but the imminent danger prevented his resignation. "the supplicating tears of the women," he wrote, "and moving petitions of the men melt me into such deadly sorrow that i solemnly declare, if i know my own mind, i could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." this is one of the rare flashes of personal feeling which disclose the real man, warm of heart and temper, full of human sympathy, and giving vent to hot indignation in words which still ring clear and strong across the century that has come and gone. serious troubles, moreover, were complicated by petty annoyances. a maryland captain, at the head of thirty men, undertook to claim rank over the virginian commander-in-chief because he had held a king's commission; and washington was obliged to travel to boston in order to have the miserable thing set right by governor shirley. this affair settled, he returned to take up again the old disheartening struggle, and his outspoken condemnation of dinwiddie's foolish schemes and of the shortcomings of the government began to raise up backbiters and malcontents at williamsburg. "my orders," he said, "are dark, doubtful, and uncertain; to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. left to act and proceed at hazard, accountable for the consequences, and blamed without the benefit of defense." he determined nevertheless to bear with his trials until the arrival of lord loudon, the new commander-in-chief, from whom he expected vigor and improvement. unfortunately he was destined to have only fresh disappointment from the new general, for lord loudon was merely one more incompetent man added to the existing confusion. he paid no heed to the south, matters continued to go badly in the north, and virginia was left helpless. so washington toiled on with much discouragement, and the disagreeable attacks upon him increased. that it should have been so is not surprising, for he wrote to the governor, who now held him in much disfavor, to the speaker, and indeed to every one, with a most galling plainness. he was only twenty-five, be it remembered, and his high temper was by no means under perfect control. he was anything but diplomatic at that period of his life, and was far from patient, using language with much sincerity and force, and indulging in a blunt irony of rather a ferocious kind. when he was accused finally of getting up reports of imaginary dangers, his temper gave way entirely. he wrote wrathfully to the governor for justice, and added in a letter to his friend, captain peachey: "as to colonel c.'s gross and infamous reflections on my conduct last spring, it will be needless, i dare say, to observe further at this time than that the liberty which he has been pleased to allow himself in sporting with my character is little else than a comic entertainment, discovering at one view his passionate fondness for your friend, his inviolable love of truth, his unfathomable knowledge, and the masterly strokes of his wisdom in displaying it. you are heartily welcome to make use of any letter or letters which i may at any time have written to you; for although i keep no copies of epistles to my friends, nor can remember the contents of all of them, yet i am sensible that the narrations are just, and that truth and honesty will appear in my writings; of which, therefore, i shall not be ashamed, though criticism may censure my style." perhaps a little more patience would have produced better results, but it is pleasant to find one man, in that period of stupidity and incompetency, who was ready to free his mind in this refreshing way. the only wonder is that he was not driven from his command. that they insisted on keeping him there shows beyond everything that he had already impressed himself so strongly on virginia that the authorities, although they smarted under his attacks, did not dare to meddle with him. dinwiddie and the rest could foil him in obtaining a commission in the king's army, but they could not shake his hold upon the people. in the winter of his health broke down completely. he was so ill that he thought that his constitution was seriously injured; and therefore withdrew to mount vernon, where he slowly recovered. meantime a great man came at last to the head of affairs in england, and inspired by william pitt, fleets and armies went forth to conquer. reviving at the prospect, washington offered his services to general forbes, who had come to undertake the task which braddock had failed to accomplish. once more english troops appeared, and a large army was gathered. then the old story began again, and washington, whose proffered aid had been gladly received, chafed and worried all summer at the fresh spectacle of delay and stupidity which was presented to him. his advice was disregarded, and all the weary business of building new roads through the wilderness was once more undertaken. a detachment, sent forward contrary to his views, met with the fate of braddock, and as the summer passed, and autumn changed to winter, it looked as if nothing would be gained in return for so much toil and preparation. but pitt had conquered the ohio in canada, news arrived of the withdrawal of the french, the army pressed on, and, with washington in the van, marched into the smoking ruins of fort duquesne, henceforth to be known to the world as fort pitt. so closed the first period in washington's public career. we have seen him pass through it in all its phases. it shows him as an adventurous pioneer, as a reckless frontier fighter, and as a soldier of great promise. he learned many things in this time, and was taught much in the hard school of adversity. in the effort to conquer frenchmen and indians he studied the art of war, and at the same time he learned to bear with and to overcome the dullness and inefficiency of the government he served. thus he was forced to practise self-control in order to attain his ends, and to acquire skill in the management of men. there could have been no better training for the work he was to do in the after years, and the future showed how deeply he profited by it. let us turn now, for a moment, to the softer and pleasanter side of life, and having seen what washington was, and what he did as a fighting man, let us try to know him in the equally important and far more attractive domain of private and domestic life. chapter iv love and marriage lewis willis, of fredericksburg, who was at school with washington, used to speak of him as an unusually studious and industrious boy, but recalled one occasion when he distinguished himself and surprised his schoolmates by "romping with one of the largest girls."[ ] half a century later, when the days of romping were long over and gone, a gentleman writing of a mrs. hartley, whom washington much admired, said that the general always liked a fine woman.[ ] it is certain that from romping he passed rapidly to more serious forms of expressing regard, for by the time he was fourteen he had fallen deeply in love with mary bland of westmoreland, whom he calls his "lowland beauty," and to whom he wrote various copies of verses, preserved amid the notes of surveys, in his diary for - . the old tradition identified the "lowland beauty" with miss lucy grymes, perhaps correctly, and there are drafts of letters addressed to "dear sally," which suggest that the mistake in identification might have arisen from the fact that there were several ladies who answered to that description. in the following sentence from the draft of a letter to a masculine sympathizer, also preserved in the tell-tale diary of , there is certainly an indication that the constancy of the lover was not perfect. "dear friend robin," he wrote: "my place of residence at present is at his lordship's, where i might, were my heart disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there is a very agreeable young lady in the same house, colonel george fairfax's wife's sister. but that only adds fuel to the fire, as being often and unavoidably in company with her revives my former passion for your lowland beauty; whereas were i to live more retired from young women, i might in some measure alleviate my sorrow by burying that chaste and troublesome passion in oblivion; i am very well assured that this will be the only antidote or remedy." our gloomy young gentleman, however, did not take to solitude to cure the pangs of despised love, but preceded to calm his spirits by the society of this same sister-in-law of george fairfax, miss mary cary. one "lowland beauty," lucy grymes, married henry lee, and became the mother of "legion harry," a favorite officer and friend of washington in the revolution, and the grandmother of robert e. lee, the great soldier of the southern confederacy. the affair with miss cary went on apparently for some years, fitfully pursued in the intervals of war and indian fighting, and interrupted also by matters of a more tender nature. the first diversion occurred about , when we find washington writing to william fauntleroy, at richmond, that he proposed to come to his house to see his sister, miss betsy, and that he hoped for a revocation of her former cruel sentence.[ ] miss betsy, however, seems to have been obdurate, and we hear no more of love affairs until much later, and then in connection with matters of a graver sort. [footnote : quoted from the willis ms. by mr. conway, in _magazine of american history_, march, , p. .] [footnote : _magazine of american history_, i. .] [footnote : _historical magazine_, d series, . letter communicated by fitzhugh lee.] [illustration: mary cary] when captain dagworthy, commanding thirty men in the maryland service, undertook in virtue of a king's commission to outrank the commander-in-chief of the virginian forces, washington made up his mind that he would have this question at least finally and properly settled. so, as has been said, he went to boston, saw governor shirley, and had the dispute determined in his own favor. he made the journey on horseback, and had with him two of his aides and two servants. an old letter, luckily preserved, tells us how he looked, for it contains orders to his london agents for various articles, sent for perhaps in anticipation of this very expedition. in braddock's campaign the young surveyor and frontier soldier had been thrown among a party of dashing, handsomely equipped officers fresh from london, and their appearance had engaged his careful attention. washington was a thoroughly simple man in all ways, but he was also a man of taste and a lover of military discipline. he had a keen sense of appropriateness, a valuable faculty which stood him in good stead in grave as well as trivial matters all through his career, and which in his youth came out most strongly in the matter of manners and personal appearance. he was a handsome man, and liked to be well dressed and to have everything about himself or his servants of the best. yet he was not a mere imitator of fashions or devoted to fine clothes. the american leggins and fringed hunting-shirt had a strong hold on his affections, and he introduced them into forbes's army, and again into the army of the revolution, as the best uniform for the backwoods fighters. but he learned with braddock that the dress of parade has as real military value as that of service, and when he traveled northward to settle about captain dagworthy, he felt justly that he now was going on parade for the first time as the representative of his troops and his colony. therefore with excellent sense he dressed as befitted the occasion, and at the same time gratified his own taste. thanks to these precautions, the little cavalcade that left virginia on february , , must have looked brilliant enough as they rode away through the dark woods. first came the colonel, mounted of course on the finest of animals, for he loved and understood horses from the time when he rode bareback in the pasture to those later days when he acted as judge at a horse-race and saw his own pet colt "magnolia" beaten. in this expedition he wore, of course, his uniform of buff and blue, with a white and scarlet cloak over his shoulders, and a sword-knot of red and gold. his "horse furniture" was of the best london make, trimmed with "livery lace," and the washington arms were engraved upon the housings. close by his side rode his two aides, likewise in buff and blue, and behind came his servants, dressed in the washington colors of white and scarlet and wearing hats laced with silver. thus accoutred, they all rode on together to the north. the colonel's fame had gone before him, for the hero of braddock's stricken field and the commander of the virginian forces was known by reputation throughout the colonies. every door flew open to him as he passed, and every one was delighted to welcome the young soldier. he was dined and wined and fêted in philadelphia, and again in new york, where he fell in love at apparently short notice with the heiress mary philipse, the sister-in-law of his friend beverly robinson. tearing himself away from these attractions he pushed on to boston, then the most important city on the continent, and the head-quarters of shirley, the commander-in-chief. the little new england capital had at that time a society which, rich for those days, was relieved from its puritan sombreness by the gayety and life brought in by the royal officers. here washington lingered ten days, talking war and politics with the governor, visiting in state the "great and general court," dancing every night at some ball, dining with and being fêted by the magnates of the town. his business done, he returned to new york, tarried there awhile for the sake of the fair dame, but came to no conclusions, and then, like the soldier in the song, he gave his bridle-rein a shake and rode away again to the south, and to the harassed and ravaged frontier of virginia. how much this little interlude, pushed into a corner as it has been by the dignity of history,--how much it tells of the real man! how the statuesque myth and the priggish myth and the dull and solemn myth melt away before it! wise and strong, a bearer of heavy responsibility beyond his years, daring in fight and sober in judgment, we have here the other and the more human side of washington. one loves to picture that gallant, generous, youthful figure, brilliant in color and manly in form, riding gayly on from one little colonial town to another, feasting, dancing, courting, and making merry. for him the myrtle and ivy were entwined with the laurel, and fame was sweetened by youth. he was righteously ready to draw from life all the good things which fate and fortune then smiling upon him could offer, and he took his pleasure frankly, with an honest heart. we know that he succeeded in his mission and put the captain of thirty men in his proper place, but no one now can tell how deeply he was affected by the charms of miss philipse. the only certain fact is that he was able not long after to console himself very effectually. riding away from mount vernon once more, in the spring of , this time to williamsburg with dispatches, he stopped at william's ferry to dine with his friend major chamberlayne, and there he met martha dandridge, the widow of daniel parke custis. she was young, pretty, intelligent, and an heiress, and her society seemed to attract the young soldier. the afternoon wore away, the horses came to the door at the appointed time, and after being walked back and forth for some hours were returned to the stable. the sun went down, and still the colonel lingered. the next morning he rode away with his dispatches, but on his return he paused at the white house, the home of mrs. custis, and then and there plighted his troth with the charming widow. the wooing was brief and decisive, and the successful lover departed for the camp, to feel more keenly than ever the delays of the british officers and the shortcomings of the colonial government. as soon as fort duquesne had fallen he hurried home, resigned his commission in the last week of december, and was married on january , . it was a brilliant wedding party which assembled on that winter day in the little church near the white house. there were gathered francis fauquier, the gay, free-thinking, high-living governor, gorgeous in scarlet and gold; british officers, redcoated and gold-laced, and all the neighboring gentry in the handsomest clothes that london credit could furnish. the bride was attired in silk and satin, laces and brocade, with pearls on her neck and in her ears; while the bridegroom appeared in blue and silver trimmed with scarlet, and with gold buckles at his knees and on his shoes. after the ceremony the bride was taken home in a coach and six, her husband riding beside her, mounted on a splendid horse and followed by all the gentlemen of the party. [illustration: mary morris born mary philipse] the sunshine and glitter of the wedding-day must have appeared to washington deeply appropriate, for he certainly seemed to have all that heart of man could desire. just twenty-seven, in the first flush of young manhood, keen of sense and yet wise in experience, life must have looked very fair and smiling. he had left the army with a well-earned fame, and had come home to take the wife of his choice and enjoy the good-will and respect of all men. while away on his last campaign he had been elected a member of the house of burgesses, and when he took his seat on removing to williamsburg, three months after his marriage, mr. robinson, the speaker, thanked him publicly in eloquent words for his services to the country. washington rose to reply, but he was so utterly unable to talk about himself that he stood before the house stammering and blushing, until the speaker said, "sit down, mr. washington; your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language i possess." it is an old story, and as graceful as it is old, but it was all very grateful to washington, especially as the words of the speaker bodied forth the feelings of virginia. such an atmosphere, filled with deserved respect and praise, was pleasant to begin with, and then he had everything else too. he not only continued to sit in the house year after year and help to rule virginia, but he served on the church vestry, and so held in his hands the reins of local government. he had married a charming woman, simple, straightforward, and sympathetic, free from gossip or pretense, and as capable in practical matters as he was himself. by right of birth a member of the virginian aristocracy, he had widened and strengthened his connections through his wife. a man of handsome property by the death of lawrence washington's daughter, he had become by his marriage one of the richest men of the country. acknowledged to be the first soldier on the continent, respected and trusted in public, successful and happy in private life, he had attained before he was thirty to all that virginia could give of wealth, prosperity, and honor, a fact of which he was well aware, for there never breathed a man more wisely contented than george washington at this period. he made his home at mount vernon, adding many acres to the estate, and giving to it his best attention. it is needless to say that he was successful, for that was the ease with everything he undertook. he loved country life, and he was the best and most prosperous planter in virginia, which was really a more difficult achievement than the mere statement implies. genuinely profitable farming in virginia was not common, for the general system was a bad one. a single great staple, easily produced by the reckless exhaustion of land, and varying widely in the annual value of crops, bred improvidence and speculation. everything was bought upon long credits, given by the london merchants, and this, too, contributed largely to carelessness and waste. the chronic state of a planter in a business way was one of debt, and the lack of capital made his conduct of affairs extravagant and loose. with all his care and method washington himself was often pinched for ready money, and it was only by his thoroughness and foresight that he prospered and made money while so many of his neighbors struggled with debt and lived on in easy luxury, not knowing what the morrow might bring forth. a far more serious trouble than bad business methods was one which was little heeded at the moment, but which really lay at the foundation of the whole system of society and business. this was the character of the labor by which the plantations were worked. slave labor is well known now to be the most expensive and the worst form of labor that can be employed. in the middle of the eighteenth century, however, its evils were not appreciated, either from an economical or a moral point of view. this is not the place to discuss the subject of african slavery in america. but it is important to know washington's opinions in regard to an institution which was destined to have such a powerful influence upon the country, and it seems most appropriate to consider those opinions at the moment when slaves became a practical factor in his life as a virginian planter. washington accepted the system as he found it, as most men accept the social arrangements to which they are born. he grew up in a world where slavery had always existed, and where its rightfulness had never been questioned. being on the frontier, occupied with surveying and with war, he never had occasion to really consider the matter at all until he found himself at the head of large estates, with his own prosperity dependent on the labor of slaves. the first practical question, therefore, was how to employ this labor to the best advantage. a man of his clear perceptions soon discovered the defects of the system, and he gave great attention to feeding and clothing his slaves, and to their general management. parkinson[ ] says in a general way that washington treated his slaves harshly, spoke to them sharply, and maintained a military discipline, to which he attributed the general's rare success as a planter. there can be no doubt of the success, and the military discipline is probably true, but the statement as to harshness is unsupported by any other authority. indeed, parkinson even contradicts it himself, for he says elsewhere that washington never bought or sold a slave, a proof of the highest and most intelligent humanity; and he adds in his final sketch of the general's character, that he "was incapable of wrong-doing, but did to all men as he would they should do to him. therefore it is not to be supposed that he would injure the negro." this agrees with what we learn from all other sources. humane by nature, he conceived a great interest and pity for these helpless beings, and treated them with kindness and forethought. in a word, he was a wise and good master, as well as a successful one, and the condition of his slaves was as happy, and their labor as profitable, as was possible to such a system. [footnote : _tour in america_, - .] so the years rolled by; the war came and then the making of the government, and washington's thoughts were turned more and more, as was the case with all the men of his time in that era of change and of new ideas, to the consideration of human slavery in its moral, political, and social aspects. to trace the course of his opinions in detail is needless. it is sufficient to summarize them, for the results of his reflection and observation are more important than the processes by which they were reached. washington became convinced that the whole system was thoroughly bad, as well as utterly repugnant to the ideas upon which the revolution was fought and the government of the united states founded. with a prescience wonderful for those days and on that subject, he saw that slavery meant the up-growth in the united states of two systems so radically hostile, both socially and economically, that they could lead only to a struggle for political supremacy, which in its course he feared would imperil the union. for this reason he deprecated the introduction of the slavery question into the debates of the first congress, because he realized its character, and he did not believe that the union or the government at that early day could bear the strain which in this way would be produced. at the same time he felt that a right solution must be found or inconceivable evils would ensue. the inherent and everlasting wrong of the system made its continuance, to his mind, impossible. while it existed, he believed that the laws which surrounded it should be maintained, because he thought that to violate these only added one wrong to another. he also doubted, as will be seen in a later chapter, where his conversation with john bernard is quoted, whether the negroes could be immediately emancipated with safety either to themselves or to the whites, in their actual condition of ignorance, illiteracy, and helplessness. the plan which he favored, and which, it would seem, was his hope and reliance, was first the checking of importation, followed by a gradual emancipation, with proper compensation to the owners and suitable preparation and education for the slaves. he told the clergymen asbury and coke, when they visited him for that purpose, that he was in favor of emancipation, and was ready to write a letter to the assembly to that effect.[ ] he wished fervently that such a spirit might take possession of the people of the country, but he wrote to lafayette that he despaired of seeing it. when he died he did all that lay within his power to impress his views upon his countrymen by directing that all his slaves should be set free on the death of his wife. his precepts and his example in this grave matter went unheeded for many years by the generations which came after him. but now that slavery is dead, to the joy of all men, it is well to remember that on this terrible question washington's opinions were those of a humane man, impatient of wrong, and of a noble and far-seeing statesman, watchful of the evils that threatened his country.[ ] [footnote : _magazine of american history_, , p. .] [footnote : for some expressions of washington's opinions on slavery, see sparks, viii. , ix. - , and x. .] after this digression let us return to the virginian farmer, whose mind was not disturbed as yet by thoughts of the destiny of the united states, or considerations of the rights of man, but who was much exercised by the task of making an honest income out of his estates. to do this he grappled with details as firmly as he did with the general system under which all plantations in that day were carried on. he understood every branch of farming; he was on the alert for every improvement; he rose early, worked steadily, gave to everything his personal supervision, kept his own accounts with wonderful exactness, and naturally enough his brands of flour went unquestioned everywhere, his credit was high, and he made money--so far as it was possible under existing conditions. like shakespeare, as bishop blougram has it, he "saved money, spent it, owned the worth of things." he had no fine and senseless disregard for money or the good things of this world, but on the contrary saw in them not the value attached to them by vulgar minds, but their true worth. he was a solid, square, evenly-balanced man in those days, believing that whatever he did was worth doing well. so he farmed, as he fought and governed, better than anybody else. while thus looking after his own estates at home, he went further afield in search of investments, keeping a shrewd eye on the western lands, and buying wisely and judiciously whenever he had the opportunity. he also constituted himself now, as in a later time, the champion of the soldiers, for whom he had the truest sympathy and affection, and a large part of the correspondence of this period is devoted to their claims for the lands granted them by the assembly. he distinguished carefully among them, however, those who were undeserving, and to the major of the regiment, who had been excluded from the public thanks on account of cowardice at the great meadows, he wrote as follows: "your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. as i am not accustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language from you personally without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, i would advise you to be cautious in writing me a second of the same tenor. but for your stupidity and sottishness you might have known, by attending to the public gazette, that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land allowed you. but suppose you had really fallen short, do you think your superlative merit entitles you to greater indulgence than others?... all my concern is that i ever engaged in behalf of so ungrateful a fellow as you are." the writer of this letter, be it said in passing, was the man whom mr. weems and others tell us was knocked down before his soldiers, and then apologized to his assailant. it may be suspected that it was well for the recipient of this letter that he did not have a personal interview with its author, and it may be doubted if he ever sought one subsequently. just, generous, and magnanimous to an extraordinary degree, washington had a dangerous temper, held well under control, but blazing out now and again against injustice, insolence, or oppression. he was a peaceful man, leading a peaceful life, but the fighting spirit only slumbered, and it would break out at wrong of any sort, in a way which was extremely unpleasant and threatening to those who aroused it. apart from lands and money and the management of affairs, public and private, there were many other interests of varied nature which all had their share of washington's time and thought. he was a devoted husband, and gave to his stepchildren the most affectionate care. he watched over and protected them, and when the daughter died, after a long and wasting illness, in , he mourned for her as if she had been his own, with all the tenderness of a deep and reserved affection. the boy, john custis, he made his friend and companion from the beginning, and his letters to the lad and about him are wise and judicious in the highest degree. he spent much time and thought on the question of education, and after securing the best instructors took the boy to new york and entered him at columbia college in . young custis, however, did not remain there long, for he had fallen in love, and the following year was married to eleanor calvert, not without some misgivings on the part of washington, who had observed his ward's somewhat flighty disposition, and who gave a great deal of anxious thought to his future. at home as abroad he was an undemonstrative man, but he had abundance of that real affection which labors for those to whom it goes out more unselfishly and far more effectually than that which bubbles and boils upon the surface like a shallow, noisy brook. from the suggestions that he made in regard to young custis, it is evident that washington valued and respected education, and that he had that regard for learning for its own sake which always exists in large measure in every thoughtful man. he read well, even if his active life prevented his reading much, as we can see by his vigorous english, and by his occasional allusions to history. from his london orders we see, too, that everything about his house must have denoted that its possessor had refinement and taste. his intense sense of propriety and unfailing instinct for what was appropriate are everywhere apparent. his dress, his furniture, his harnesses, the things for the children, all show the same fondness for simplicity, and yet a constant insistence that everything should be the best of its kind. we can learn a good deal about any man by the ornaments of his house, and by the portraits which hang on his walls; for these dumb things tell us whom among the great men of earth the owner admires, and indicate the tastes he best loves to gratify. when washington first settled with his wife at mount vernon, he ordered from europe the busts of alexander the great, charles xii. of sweden, julius cæsar, frederick of prussia, marlborough, and prince eugene, and in addition he asked for statuettes of "two wild beasts." the combination of soldier and statesman is the predominant admiration, then comes the reckless and splendid military adventurer, and lastly wild life and the chase. there is no mistaking the ideas and fancies of the man who penned this order which has drifted down to us from the past. but as washington's active life was largely out of doors, so too were his pleasures. he loved the fresh open-air existence of the woods and fields, and there he found his one great amusement. he shot and fished, but did not care much for these pursuits, for his hobby was hunting, which gratified at once his passion for horses and dogs and his love for the strong excitement of the chase, when dashed with just enough danger to make it really fascinating. he showed in his sport the same thoroughness and love of perfection that he displayed in everything else. his stables were filled with the best horses that virginia could furnish. there were the "blooded coach-horses" for mrs. washington's carriage, "magnolia," a full-blooded arabian, used by his owner for the road, the ponies for the children, and finally, the high-bred hunters chinkling and valiant, ajax and blueskin, and the rest, all duly set down in the register in the handwriting of the master himself. his first visit in the morning was to the stables; the next to the kennels to inspect and criticise the hounds, also methodically registered and described, so that we can read the names of vulcan and ringwood, singer and truelove, music and sweetlips, to which the virginian woods once echoed nearly a century and a half ago. his hounds were the subject of much thought, and were so constantly and critically drafted as to speed, keenness, and bottom, that when in full cry they ran so closely bunched that tradition says, in classic phrase, they could have been covered with a blanket. the hounds met three times a week in the season, usually at mount vernon, sometimes at belvoir. they would get off at daybreak, washington in the midst of his hounds, splendidly mounted, generally on his favorite blueskin, a powerful iron-gray horse of great speed and endurance. he wore a blue coat, scarlet waistcoat, buckskin breeches, and a velvet cap. closely followed by his huntsman and the neighboring gentlemen, with the ladies, headed, very likely, by mrs. washington in a scarlet habit, he would ride to the appointed covert and throw in. there was no difficulty in finding, and then away they would go, usually after a gray fox, sometimes after a big black fox, rarely to be caught. most of the country was wild and unfenced, rough in footing, and offering hard and dangerous going for the horses, but washington always made it a rule to stay with his hounds. cautious or timid riders, if they were so minded, could gallop along the wood roads with the ladies, and content themselves with glimpses of the hunt, but the master rode at the front. the fields, it is to be feared, were sometimes small, but washington hunted even if he had only his stepson or was quite alone. his diaries abound with allusions to the sport. "went a-hunting with jacky custis, and catched a fox after three hours chase; found it in the creek." "mr. bryan fairfax, mr. grayson, and phil. alexander came home by sunrise. hunted and catched a fox with these. lord fairfax, his brother, and colonel fairfax, all of whom, with mr. fairfax and mr. wilson of england, dined here." again, november and , "hunted again with the same party." " , jan. th. hunting again with same company. started a fox and run him hours. took the hounds off at night." "jan. . shooting." " . at home all day with cards; it snowing." " . rid to muddy hole and directed paths to be cut for foxhunting." "feb. . catched foxes." "feb. . catched more foxes." "mar. . catched fox with bob'd tail and cut ears after hours chase, in which most of the dogs were worsted." "dec. . fox-hunting with lord fairfax and his brother and colonel fairfax. started a fox and lost it. dined at belvoir and returned in the evening."[ ] [footnote : ms. diaries in state department.] so the entries run on, for he hunted almost every day in the season, usually with success, but always with persistence. like all true sportsmen washington had a horror of illicit sport of any kind, and although he shot comparatively little, he was much annoyed by a vagabond who lurked in the creeks and inlets on his estate, and slaughtered his canvas-back ducks. hearing the report of a gun one morning, he rode through the bushes and saw his poaching friend just shoving off in a canoe. the rascal raised his gun and covered his pursuer, whereupon washington, the cold-blooded and patient person so familiar in the myths, dashed his horse headlong into the water, seized the gun, grasped the canoe, and dragging it ashore pulled the man out of the boat and beat him soundly. if the man had yielded at once he would probably have got off easily enough, but when he put washington's life in imminent peril, the wild fighting spirit flared up as usual. the hunting season was of course that of the most lavish hospitality. there was always a great deal of dining about, but mount vernon was the chief resort, and its doors, ever open, were flung far back when people came for a meet, or gathered to talk over the events of a good run. company was the rule and solitude the exception. when only the family were at dinner, the fact was written down in the diary with great care as an unusual event, for washington was the soul of hospitality, and although he kept early hours, he loved society and a houseful of people. profoundly reserved and silent as to himself, a lover of solitude so far as his own thoughts and feelings were concerned, he was far from being a solitary man in the ordinary acceptation of the word. he liked life and gayety and conversation, he liked music and dancing or a game of cards when the weather was bad, and he enjoyed heartily the presence of young people and of his own friends. so mount vernon was always full of guests, and the master noted in his diary that although he owned more than a hundred cows he was obliged, nevertheless, to buy butter, which suggests an experience not unknown to gentlemen farmers of any period, and also that company was never lacking in that generous, open house overlooking the potomac. beyond the bounds of his own estate he had also many occupations and pleasures. he was a member of the house of burgesses, diligent in his attention to the work of governing the colony. he was diligent also in church affairs, and very active in the vestry, which was the seat of local government in virginia. we hear of him also as the manager of lotteries, which were a common form of raising money for local purposes, in preference to direct taxation. in a word, he was thoroughly public-spirited, and performed all the small duties which his position demanded in the same spirit that he afterwards brought to the command of armies and to the government of the nation. he had pleasure too, as well as business, away from mount vernon. he liked to go to his neighbors' houses and enjoy their hospitality as they enjoyed his. we hear of him at the courthouse on court days, where all the country-side gathered to talk and listen to the lawyers and hear the news, and when he went to williamsburg his diary tells us of a round of dinners, beginning with the governor, of visits to the club, and of a regular attendance at the theatre whenever actors came to the little capital. whether at home or abroad, he took part in all the serious pursuits, in all the interests, and in every reasonable pleasure offered by the colony. take it for all in all, it was a manly, wholesome, many-sided life. it kept washington young and strong, both mentally and physically. when he was forty he flung the iron bar, at some village sports, to a point which no competitor could approach. there was no man in all virginia who could ride a horse with such a powerful and assured seat. there was no one who could journey farther on foot, and no man at williamsburg who showed at the governor's receptions such a commanding presence, or who walked with such a strong and elastic step. as with the body so with the mind. he never rusted. a practical carpenter and smith, he brought the same quiet intelligence and firm will to the forging of iron or the felling and sawing of trees that he had displayed in fighting france. the life of a country gentleman did not dull or stupefy him, or lead him to gross indulgences. he remained well-made and athletic, strong and enduring, keen in perception and in sense, and warm in his feelings and affections. many men would have become heavy and useless in these years of quiet country life, but washington simply ripened, and, like all slowly maturing men, grew stronger, abler, and wiser in the happy years of rest and waiting which intervened between youth and middle age. meantime, while the current of daily life flowed on thus gently at mount vernon, the great stream of public events poured by outside. it ran very calmly at first, after the war, and then with a quickening murmur, which increased to an ominous roar when the passage of the stamp act became known in america. washington was always a constant attendant at the assembly, in which by sheer force of character, and despite his lack of the talking and debating faculty, he carried more weight than any other member. he was present on may , , when patrick henry introduced his famous resolutions and menaced the king's government in words which rang through the continent. the resolutions were adopted, and washington went home, with many anxious thoughts, to discuss the political outlook with his friend and neighbor george mason, one of the keenest and ablest men in virginia. the utter folly of the policy embodied in the stamp act struck washington very forcibly. with that foresight for which he was so remarkable, he perceived what scarcely any one else even dreamt of, that persistence in this course must surely lead to a violent separation from the mother-country, and it is interesting to note in this, the first instance when he was called upon to consider a political question of great magnitude, his clearness of vision and grasp of mind. in what he wrote there is no trace of the ambitious schemer, no threatening nor blustering, no undue despondency nor excited hopes. but there is a calm understanding of all the conditions, an entire freedom from self-deception, and the power of seeing facts exactly as they were, which were all characteristic of his intellectual strength, and to which we shall need to recur again and again. the repeal of the stamp act was received by washington with sober but sincere pleasure. he had anticipated "direful" results and "unhappy consequences" from its enforcement, and he freely said that those who were instrumental in its repeal had his cordial thanks. he was no agitator, and had not come forward in this affair, so he now retired again to mount vernon, to his farming and hunting, where he remained, watching very closely the progress of events. he had marked the dangerous reservation of the principle in the very act of repeal; he observed at boston the gathering strength of what the wise ministers of george iii. called sedition; he noted the arrival of british troops in the rebellious puritan town; and he saw plainly enough, looming in the background, the final appeal to arms. he wrote to mason (april , ), that "at a time when our lordly masters in great britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of american freedom, something should be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. but the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. that no man should scruple or hesitate a moment to use arms in defense of so valuable a blessing is clearly my opinion. yet arms, i would beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the _dernier ressort_." he then urged the adoption of the only middle course, non-importation, but he had not much hope in this expedient, although an honest desire is evident that it may prove effectual. when the assembly met in may, they received the new governor, lord botetourt, with much cordiality, and then fell to passing spirited and sharp-spoken resolutions declaring their own rights and defending massachusetts. the result was a dissolution. thereupon the burgesses repaired to the raleigh tavern, where they adopted a set of non-importation resolutions and formed an association. the resolutions were offered by washington, and were the result of his quiet country talks with mason. when the moment for action arrived, washington came naturally to the front, and then returned quietly to mount vernon, once more to go about his business and watch the threatening political horizon. virginia did not live up to this first non-importation agreement, and formed another a year later. but washington was not in the habit of presenting resolutions merely for effect, and there was nothing of the actor in his composition. his resolutions meant business, and he lived up to them rigidly himself. neither tea nor any of the proscribed articles were allowed in his house. most of the leaders did not realize the seriousness of the situation, but washington, looking forward with clear and sober gaze, was in grim earnest, and was fully conscious that when he offered his resolutions the colony was trying the last peaceful remedy, and that the next step would be war. still he went calmly about his many affairs as usual, and gratified the old passion for the frontier by a journey to pittsburgh for the sake of lands and soldiers' claims, and thence down the ohio and into the wilderness with his old friends the trappers and pioneers. he visited the indian villages as in the days of the french mission, and noted in the savages an ominous restlessness, which seemed, like the flight of birds, to express the dumb instinct of an approaching storm. the clouds broke away somewhat under the kindly management of lord botetourt, and then gathered again more thickly on the accession of his successor, lord dunmore. with both these gentlemen washington was on the most friendly terms. he visited them often, and was consulted by them, as it behooved them to consult the strongest man within the limits of their government. still he waited and watched, and scanned carefully the news from the north. before long he heard that tea-chests were floating in boston harbor, and then from across the water came intelligence of the passage of the port bill and other measures destined to crush to earth the little rebel town. when the virginia assembly met again, they proceeded to congratulate the governor on the arrival of lady dunmore, and then suddenly, as all was flowing smoothly along, there came a letter through the corresponding committee which washington had helped to establish, telling of the measures against boston. everything else was thrown aside at once, a vigorous protest was entered on the journal of the house, and june , when the port bill was to go into operation, was appointed a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. the first result was prompt dissolution of the assembly. the next was another meeting in the long room of the raleigh tavern, where the boston bill was denounced, non-importation renewed, and the committee of correspondence instructed to take steps for calling a general congress. events were beginning to move at last with perilous rapidity. washington dined with lord dunmore on the evening of that day, rode with him, and appeared at her ladyship's ball the next night, for it was not his way to bite his thumb at men from whom he differed politically, nor to call the motives of his opponents in question. but when the st of june arrived, he noted in his diary that he fasted all day and attended the appointed services. he always meant what he said, being of a simple nature, and when he fasted and prayed there was something ominously earnest about it, something that his excellency the governor, who liked the society of this agreeable man and wise counselor, would have done well to consider and draw conclusions from, and which he probably did not heed at all. he might well have reflected, as he undoubtedly failed to do, that when men of the george washington type fast and pray on account of political misdoings, it is well for their opponents to look to it carefully. meantime boston had sent forth appeals to form a league among the colonies, and thereupon another meeting was held in the raleigh tavern, and a letter was dispatched advising the burgesses to consider this matter of a general league and take the sense of their respective counties. virginia and massachusetts had joined hands now, and they were sweeping the rest of the continent irresistibly forward with them. as for washington, he returned to mount vernon and at once set about taking the sense of his county, as he had agreed. before doing so he had some correspondence with his old friend bryan fairfax. the fairfaxes naturally sided with the mother-country, and bryan was much distressed by the course of virginia, and remonstrated strongly, and at length by letter, against violent measures. washington replied to him: "does it not appear as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness that there is a regular, systematic plan formed to fix the right and practice of taxation on us? does not the uniform conduct of parliament for some years past confirm this? do not all the debates, especially those just brought to us in the house of commons, on the side of government expressly declare that america must be taxed in aid of the british funds, and that she has no longer resources within herself? is there anything to be expected from petitioning after this? is not the attack upon the liberty and property of the people of boston, before restitution of the loss to the india company was demanded, a plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at? do not the subsequent bills (now i dare say acts) for depriving the massachusetts bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders into other colonies, or to great britain for trial, where it is impossible from the nature of the thing that justice can be obtained, convince us that the administration is determined to stick at nothing to carry its point? ought we not, then, to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest test?" he was prepared, he continued, for anything except confiscating british debts, which struck him as dishonorable. these were plain but pregnant questions, but what we mark in them, and in all his letters of this time, is the absence of constitutional discussion, of which america was then full. they are confined to a direct presentation of the broad political question, which underlay everything. washington always went straight to the mark, and he now saw, through all the dust of legal and constitutional strife, that the only real issue was whether america was to be allowed to govern herself in her own way or not. in the acts of the ministry he perceived a policy which aimed at substantial power, and he believed that such a policy, if insisted on, could have but one result. the meeting of fairfax county was held in due course, and washington presided. the usual resolutions for self-government and against the vindictive massachusetts measures were adopted. union and non-importation were urged; and then the congress, which they advocated, was recommended to address a petition and remonstrance to the king, and ask him to reflect that "from our sovereign there can be but one appeal." everything was to be tried, everything was to be done, but the ultimate appeal was never lost sight of where washington appeared, and the final sentence of these fairfax county resolves is very characteristic of the leader in the meeting. two days later he wrote to the worthy and still remonstrating bryan fairfax, repeating and enlarging his former questions, and adding: "has not general gage's conduct since his arrival, in stopping the address of his council, and publishing a proclamation more becoming a turkish bashaw than an english governor, declaring it treason to associate in any manner by which the commerce of great britain is to be affected,--has not this exhibited an unexampled testimony of the most despotic system of tyranny that ever was practiced in a free government?... shall we after this whine and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in vain? or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism?" the fighting spirit of the man was rising. there was no rash rushing forward, no ignorant shouting for war, no blinking of the real issue, but a foresight that nothing could dim, and a perception of facts which nothing could confuse. on august washington was at williamsburg, to represent his county in the meeting of representatives from all virginia. the convention passed resolutions like the fairfax resolves, and chose delegates to a general congress. the silent man was now warming into action. he "made the most eloquent speech that ever was made," and said, "i will raise a thousand men, subsist them at my own expense, and march them to the relief of boston." he was capable, it would seem, of talking to the purpose with some fire and force, for all he was so quiet and so retiring. when there was anything to say, he could say it so that it stirred all who listened, because they felt that there was a mastering strength behind the words. he faced the terrible issue solemnly and firmly, but his blood was up, the fighting spirit in him was aroused, and the convention chose him as one of virginia's six delegates to the continental congress. he lingered long enough to make a few preparations at mount vernon. he wrote another letter to fairfax, interesting to us as showing the keenness with which he read in the meagre news-reports the character of gage and of the opposing people of massachusetts. then he started for the north to take the first step on the long and difficult path that lay before him. chapter v taking command in the warm days of closing august, a party of three gentlemen rode away from mount vernon one morning, and set out upon their long journey to philadelphia. one cannot help wondering whether a tender and somewhat sad remembrance did not rise in washington's mind, as he thought of the last time he had gone northward, nearly twenty years before. then, he was a light-hearted young soldier, and he and his aides, albeit they went on business, rode gayly through the forests, lighting the road with the bright colors they wore and with the glitter of lace and arms, while they anticipated all the pleasures of youth in the new lands they were to visit. now, he was in the prime of manhood, looking into the future with prophetic eyes, and sober as was his wont when the shadow of coming responsibility lay dark upon his path. with him went patrick henry, four years his junior, and edmund pendleton, now past threescore. they were all quiet and grave enough, no doubt; but washington, we may believe, was gravest of all, because, being the most truthful of men to himself as to others, he saw more plainly what was coming. so they made their journey to the north, and on the memorable th of september they met with their brethren from the other colonies in carpenters' hall in philadelphia. the congress sat fifty-one days, occupied with debates and discussion. few abler, more honest, or more memorable bodies of men have ever assembled to settle the fate of nations. much debate, great and earnest in all directions, resulted in a declaration of colonial rights, in an address to the king, in another to the people of canada, and a third to the people of great britain; masterly state papers, seldom surpassed, and extorting even then the admiration of england. in these debates and state papers washington took no part that is now apparent on the face of the record. he was silent in the congress, and if he was consulted, as he unquestionably was by the committees, there is no record of it now. the simple fact was that his time had not come. he saw men of the most acute minds, liberal in education, patriotic in heart, trained in law and in history, doing the work of the moment in the best possible way. if anything had been done wrongly, or had been left undone, washington would have found his voice quickly enough, and uttered another of the "most eloquent speeches ever made," as he did shortly before in the virginia convention. he could speak in public when need was, but now there was no need and nothing to arouse him. the work of congress followed the line of policy adopted by the virginia convention, and that had proceeded along the path marked out in the fairfax resolves, so that washington could not be other than content. he occupied his own time, as we see by notes in his diary, in visiting the delegates from the other colonies, and in informing himself as to their ideas and purposes, and those of the people whom they represented. he was quietly working for the future, the present being well taken care of. yet this silent man, going hither and thither, and chatting pleasantly with this member or that, was in some way or other impressing himself deeply on all the delegates, for patrick henry said: "if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on the floor." we have a letter, written at just this time, which shows us how washington felt, and we see again how his spirit rose as he saw more and more clearly that the ultimate issue was inevitable. the letter is addressed to captain mackenzie, a british officer at boston, and an old friend. "permit me," he began, "with the freedom of a friend (for you know i always esteemed you), to express my sorrow that fortune should place you in a service that must fix curses to the latest posterity upon the contrivers, and, if success (which, by the by, is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those who have been instrumental in the execution." this was rather uncompromising talk and not over peaceable, it must be confessed. he continued: "give me leave to add, and i think i can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or intent of that government [massachusetts], or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure.... again give me leave to add as my opinion that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of north america, and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure or eradicate the remembrance of." washington was not a political agitator like sam adams, planning with unerring intelligence to bring about independence. on the contrary, he rightly declared that independence was not desired. but although he believed in exhausting every argument and every peaceful remedy, it is evident that he felt that there now could be but one result, and that violent separation from the mother country was inevitable. here is where he differed from his associates and from the great mass of the people, and it is to this entire veracity of mind that his wisdom and foresight were so largely due, as well as his success when the time came for him to put his hand to the plough. when congress adjourned, washington returned to mount vernon, to the pursuits and pleasures that he loved, to his family and farm, and to his horses and hounds, with whom he had many a good run, the last that he was to enjoy for years to come. he returned also to wait and watch as before, and to see war rapidly gather in the east. when the virginia convention again assembled, resolutions were introduced to arm and discipline men, and henry declared in their support that an "appeal to arms and to the god of hosts" was all that was left. washington said nothing, but he served on the committee to draft a plan of defense, and then fell to reviewing the independent companies which were springing up everywhere. at the same time he wrote to his brother john, who had raised a troop, that he would accept the command of it if desired, as it was his "full intention to devote his life and fortune in the cause we are engaged in, if needful." at mount vernon his old comrades of the french war began to appear, in search of courage and sympathy. thither, too, came charles lee, a typical military adventurer of that period, a man of english birth and of varied service, brilliant, whimsical, and unbalanced. there also came horatio gates, likewise british, and disappointed with his prospects at home; less adventurous than lee, but also less brilliant, and not much more valuable. thus the winter wore away; spring opened, and toward the end of april washington started again for the north, much occupied with certain tidings from lexington and concord which just then spread over the land. he saw all that it meant plainly enough, and after noting the fact that the colonists fought and fought well, he wrote to george fairfax in england: "unhappy it is to reflect that a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of america are either to be drenched in blood or inhabited by slaves. sad alternative. but can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?" congress, it would seem, thought there was a good deal of room for hesitation, both for virtuous men and others, and after the fashion of their race determined to do a little more debating and arguing, before taking any decisive step. after much resistance and discussion, a second "humble and dutiful petition" to the king was adopted, and with strange contradiction a confederation was formed at the same time, and congress proceeded to exercise the sovereign powers thus vested in them. the most pressing and troublesome question before them was what to do with the army surrounding boston, and with the actual hostilities there existing. washington, for his part, went quietly about as before, saying nothing and observing much, working hard as chairman of the military committees, planning for defense, and arranging for raising an army. one act of his alone stands out for us with significance at this critical time. in this second congress he appeared habitually on the floor in his blue and buff uniform of a virginia colonel. it was his way of saying that the hour for action had come, and that he at least was ready for the fight whenever called upon. presently he was summoned. weary of waiting, john adams at last declared that congress must adopt the army and make washington, who at this mention of his name stepped out of the room, commander-in-chief. on june , formal motions were made to this effect and unanimously adopted, and the next day washington appeared before congress and accepted the trust. his words were few and simple. he expressed his sense of his own insufficiency for the task before him, and said that as no pecuniary consideration could have induced him to undertake the work, he must decline all pay or emoluments, only looking to congress to defray his expenses. in the same spirit he wrote to his soldiers in virginia, to his brother, and finally, in terms at once simple and pathetic, to his wife. there was no pretense about this, but the sternest reality of self-distrust, for washington saw and measured as did no one else the magnitude of the work before him. he knew that he was about to face the best troops of europe, and he had learned by experience that after the first excitement was over he would be obliged to rely upon a people who were brave and patriotic, but also undisciplined, untrained, and unprepared for war, without money, without arms, without allies or credit, and torn by selfish local interests. nobody else perceived all this as he was able to with his mastery of facts, but he faced the duty unflinchingly. he did not put it aside because he distrusted himself, for in his truthfulness he could not but confess that no other american could show one tithe of his capacity, experience, or military service. he knew what was coming, knew it, no doubt, when he first put on his uniform, and he accepted instantly. john adams in his autobiography speaks of the necessity of choosing a southern general, and also says there were objectors to the selection of washington even among the virginia delegates. that there were political reasons for taking a virginian cannot be doubted. but the dissent, even if it existed, never appeared on the surface, excepting in the case of john hancock, who, with curious vanity, thought that he ought to have this great place. when washington's name was proposed there was no murmur of opposition, for there was no man who could for one moment be compared with him in fitness. the choice was inevitable, and he himself felt it to be so. he saw it coming; he would fain have avoided the great task, but no thought of shrinking crossed his mind. he saw with his entire freedom from constitutional subtleties that an absolute parliament sought to extend its power to the colonies. to this he would not submit, and he knew that this was a question which could be settled only by one side giving way, or by the dread appeal to arms. it was a question of fact, hard, unrelenting fact, now to be determined by battle, and on him had fallen the burden of sustaining the cause of his country. in this spirit he accepted his commission, and rode forth to review the troops. he was greeted with loud acclaim wherever he appeared. mankind is impressed by externals, and those who gazed upon washington in the streets of philadelphia felt their courage rise and their hearts grow strong at the sight of his virile, muscular figure as he passed before them on horseback, stately, dignified, and self-contained. the people looked upon him, and were confident that this was a man worthy and able to dare and do all things. on june he set forth accompanied by lee and schuyler, and with a brilliant escort. he had ridden but twenty miles when he was met by the news of bunker hill. "did the militia fight?" was the immediate and characteristic question; and being told that they did fight, he exclaimed, "then the liberties of the country are safe." given the fighting spirit, washington felt he could do anything. full of this important intelligence he pressed forward to newark, where he was received by a committee of the provincial congress, sent to conduct the commander-in-chief to new york. there he tarried long enough to appoint schuyler to the charge of the military affairs in that colony, having mastered on the journey its complicated social and political conditions. pushing on through connecticut he reached watertown, where he was received by the provincial congress of massachusetts, on july , with every expression of attachment and confidence. lingering less than an hour for this ceremony, he rode on to the headquarters at cambridge, and when he came within the lines the shouts of the soldiers and the booming of cannon announced his arrival to the english in boston. the next day he rode forth in the presence of a great multitude, and the troops having been drawn up before him, he drew his sword beneath the historical elm-tree, and took command of the first american army. "his excellency," wrote dr. thatcher in his journal, "was on horseback in company with several military gentlemen. it was not difficult to distinguish him from all others. he is tall and well proportioned, and his personal appearance truly noble and majestic." "he is tall and of easy and agreeable address," the loyalist curwen had remarked a few weeks before; while mrs. john adams, warm-hearted and clever, wrote to her husband after the general's arrival: "dignity, ease, and complacency, the gentleman and the soldier, look agreeably blended in him. modesty marks every line and feature of his face. those lines of dryden instantly occurred to me,-- 'mark his majestic fabric! he's a temple sacred by birth, and built by hands divine; his soul's the deity that lodges there; nor is the pile unworthy of the god.'" lady, lawyer, and surgeon, patriot and tory, all speak alike, and as they wrote so new england felt. a slave-owner, an aristocrat, and a churchman, washington came to cambridge to pass over the heads of native generals to the command of a new england army, among a democratic people, hard-working and simple in their lives, and dissenters to the backbone, who regarded episcopacy as something little short of papistry and quite equivalent to toryism. yet the shout that went up from soldiers and people on cambridge common on that pleasant july morning came from the heart and had no jarring note. a few of the political chiefs growled a little in later days at washington, but the soldiers and the people, high and low, rich and poor, gave him an unstinted loyalty. on the fields of battle and throughout eight years of political strife the men of new england stood by the great virginian with a devotion and truth in which was no shadow of turning. here again we see exhibited most conspicuously the powerful personality of the man who was able thus to command immediately the allegiance of this naturally cold and reserved people. what was it that they saw which inspired them at once with so much confidence? they looked upon a tall, handsome man, dressed in plain uniform, wearing across his breast a broad blue band of silk, which some may have noticed as the badge and symbol of a certain solemn league and covenant once very momentous in the english-speaking world. they saw his calm, high bearing, and in every line of face and figure they beheld the signs of force and courage. yet there must have been something more to call forth the confidence then so quickly given, and which no one ever long withheld. all felt dimly, but none the less surely, that here was a strong, able man, capable of rising to the emergency, whatever it might be, capable of continued growth and development, clear of head and warm of heart; and so the new england people gave to him instinctively their sympathy and their faith, and never took either back. the shouts and cheers died away, and then washington returned to his temporary quarters in the wadsworth house, to master the task before him. the first great test of his courage and ability had come, and he faced it quietly as the excitement caused by his arrival passed by. he saw before him, to use his own words, "a mixed multitude of people, under very little discipline, order, or government." in the language of one of his aides:[ ] "the entire army, if it deserved the name, was but an assemblage of brave, enthusiastic, undisciplined, country lads; the officers in general quite as ignorant of military life as the troops, excepting a few elderly men, who had seen some irregular service among the provincials under lord amherst." with this force, ill-posted and very insecurely fortified, washington was to drive the british from boston. his first step was to count his men, and it took eight days to get the necessary returns, which in an ordinary army would have been furnished in an hour. when he had them, he found that instead of twenty thousand, as had been represented, but fourteen thousand soldiers were actually present for duty. in a short time, however, mr. emerson, the chaplain, noted in his diary that it was surprising how much had been done, that the lines had been so extended, and the works so shrewdly built, that it was morally impossible for the enemy to get out except in one place purposely left open. a little later the same observer remarked: "there is a great overturning in the camp as to order and regularity; new lords, new laws. the generals washington and lee are upon the lines every day. the strictest government is taking place, and great distinction is made between officers and soldiers." bodies of troops scattered here and there by chance were replaced by well-distributed forces, posted wisely and effectively in strong intrenchments. it is little wonder that the worthy chaplain was impressed, and now, seeing it all from every side, we too can watch order come out of chaos and mark the growth of an army under the guidance of a master-mind and the steady pressure of an unbending will. [footnote : john trumbull, _reminiscences_, p. .] then too there was no discipline, for the army was composed of raw militia, who elected their officers and carried on war as they pleased. in a passage suppressed by mr. sparks, washington said: "there is no such thing as getting officers of this stamp to carry orders into execution--to curry favor with the men (by whom they were chosen, and on whose smile they may possibly think that they may again rely) seems to be one of the principal objects of their attention. i have made a pretty good slam amongst such kind of officers as the massachusetts government abounds in, since i came into this camp, having broke one colonel and two captains for cowardly behavior in the action on bunker hill, two captains for drawing more pay and provisions than they had men in their company, and one for being absent from his post when the enemy appeared there and burnt a house just by it. besides these i have at this time one colonel, one major, one captain, and two subalterns under arrest for trial. in short, i spare none, and yet fear it will not all do, as these people seem to be too attentive to everything but their own interests." this may be plain and homely in phrase, but it is not stilted, and the quick energy of the words shows how the new england farmers and fishermen were being rapidly brought to discipline. bringing the army into order, however, was but a small part of his duties. it is necessary to run over all his difficulties, great and small, at this time, and count them up, in order to gain a just idea of the force and capacity of the man who overcame them. washington, in the first place, was obliged to deal not only with his army, but with the general congress and the congress of the province. he had to teach them, utterly ignorant as they were of the needs and details of war, how to organize and supply their armies. there was no commissary department, there were no uniforms, no arrangements for ammunition, no small arms, no cannon, no resources to draw upon for all these necessaries of war. little by little he taught congress to provide after a fashion for these things, little by little he developed what he needed, and by his own ingenuity, and by seizing alertly every suggestion from others, he supplied for better or worse one deficiency after another. he had to deal with various governors and various colonies, each with its prejudices, jealousies, and shortcomings. he had to arrange for new levies from a people unused to war, and to settle with infinite anxiety and much wear and tear of mind and body, the conflict as to rank among officers to whom he could apply no test but his own insight. he had to organize and stimulate the arming of privateers, which, by preying on british commerce, were destined to exercise such a powerful influence on the fate of the war. it was neither showy nor attractive, such work as this, but it was very vital, and it was done. by the end of july the army was in a better posture of defense; and then at the beginning of the next month, as the prospect was brightening, it was suddenly discovered that there was no gunpowder. an undrilled army, imperfectly organized, was facing a disciplined force and had only some nine rounds in the cartridge-boxes. yet there is no quivering in the letters from headquarters. anxiety and strain of nerve are apparent; but a resolute determination rises over all, supported by a ready fertility of resource. couriers flew over the country asking for powder in every town and in every village. a vessel was even dispatched to the bermudas to seize there a supply of powder, of which the general, always listening, had heard. thus the immediate and grinding pressure was presently relieved, but the staple of war still remained pitifully and perilously meagre all through the winter. meantime, while thus overwhelmed with the cares immediately about him, washington was watching the rest of the country. he had a keen eye upon johnson and his indians in the valley of the mohawk; he followed sharply every movement of tryon and the tories in new york; he refused with stern good sense to detach troops to connecticut and long island, knowing well when to give and when to say no, a difficult monosyllable for the new general of freshly revolted colonies. but if he would not detach in one place, he was ready enough to do so in another. he sent one expedition by lake champlain, under montgomery, to montreal, and gave arnold picked troops to march through the wilds of maine and strike quebec. the scheme was bold and brilliant, both in conception and in execution, and came very near severing canada forever from the british crown. a chapter of little accidents, each one of which proved as fatal as it was unavoidable, a moment's delay on the plains of abraham, and the whole campaign failed; but there was a grasp of conditions, a clearness of perception, and a comprehensiveness about the plan, which stamp it as the work of a great soldier, who saw besides the military importance, the enormous political value held out by the chance of such a victory. the daring, far-reaching quality of this canadian expedition was much more congenial to washington's temper and character than the wearing work of the siege. all that man could do before boston was done, and still congress expected the impossible, and grumbled because without ships he did not secure the harbor. he himself, while he inwardly resented such criticism, chafed under the monotonous drudgery of the intrenchments. he was longing, according to his nature, to fight, and was, it must be confessed, quite ready to attempt the impossible in his own way. early in september he proposed to attack the town in boats and by the neck of land at roxbury, but the council of officers unanimously voted against him. a little more than a month later he planned another attack, and was again voted down by his officers. councils of war never fight, it is said, and perhaps in this case it was well that such was their habit, for the schemes look rather desperate now. to us they serve to show the temper of the man, and also his self-control in this respect at the beginning of the war, for washington became ready enough afterwards to override councils when he was wholly free from doubt himself. thus the planning of campaigns, both distant and near, went on, and at the same time the current of details, difficult, vital, absolute in demanding prompt and vigorous solution, went on too. the existence of war made it necessary to fix our relations with our enemies, and that these relations should be rightly settled was of vast moment to our cause, struggling for recognition. the first question was the matter of prisoners, and on august washington wrote to gage:-- "i understand that the officers engaged in the cause of liberty and their country, who by the fortune of war have fallen into your hands, have been thrown indiscriminately into a common gaol appropriated for felons; that no consideration has been had for those of the most respectable rank, when languishing with wounds and sickness; and that some have been even amputated in this unworthy situation. "let your opinion, sir, of the principle which actuates them be what it may, they suppose that they act from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom and their country. but political principles, i conceive, are foreign to this point. the obligations arising from the rights of humanity and claims of rank are universally binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. these, i should have hoped, would have dictated a more tender treatment of those individuals whom chance or war had put in your power. nor can i forbear suggesting its fatal tendency to widen that unhappy breach which you, and those ministers under whom you act, have repeatedly declared your wish is to see forever closed. "my duty now makes it necessary to apprise you, that for the future i shall regulate all my conduct towards those gentlemen who are or may be in our possession, exactly by the rule you shall observe towards those of ours now in your custody. "if severity and hardship mark the line of your conduct, painful as it may be to me, your prisoners will feel its effects. but if kindness and humanity are shown to ours, i shall with pleasure consider those in our hands only as unfortunate, and they shall receive from me that treatment to which the unfortunate are ever entitled." this is a letter worthy of a little study. the affair does not look very important now, but it went then to the roots of things; for this letter would go out to the world, and america and the american cause would be judged by their leader. a little bluster or ferocity, any fine writing, or any absurdity, and the world would have sneered, condemned, or laughed. but no man could read this letter and fail to perceive that here was dignity and force, justice and sense, with just a touch of pathos and eloquence to recommend it to the heart. men might differ with the writer, but they could neither laugh at him nor set him aside. gage replied after his kind. he was an inconsiderable person, dull and well meaning, intended for the command of a garrison town, and terribly twisted and torn by the great events in which he was momentarily caught. his masters were stupid and arrogant, and he imitated them with perfect success, except that arrogance with him dwindled to impertinence. he answered washington's letter with denials and recriminations, lectured the american general on the political situation, and talked about "usurped authority," "rebels," "criminals," and persons destined to the "cord." washington, being a man of his word, proceeded to put some english prisoners into jail, and then wrote a second note, giving gage a little lesson in manners, with the vain hope of making him see that gentlemen did not scold and vituperate because they fought. he restated his case calmly and coolly, as before, informed gage that he had investigated the counter-charge of cruelty and found it without any foundation, and then continued: "you advise me to give free operation to truth, and to punish misrepresentation and falsehood. if experience stamps value upon counsel, yours must have a weight which few can claim. you best can tell how far the convulsion, which has brought such ruin on both countries, and shaken the mighty empire of britain to its foundation, may be traced to these malignant causes. "you affect, sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same source with your own. i cannot conceive one more honorable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. far from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would comprehend and respect it." washington had grasped instinctively the general truth that englishmen are prone to mistake civility for servility, and become offensive, whereas if they are treated with indifference, rebuke, or even rudeness, they are apt to be respectful and polite. he was obliged to go over the same ground with sir william howe, a little later, and still more sharply; and this matter of prisoners recurred, although at longer and longer intervals, throughout the war. but as the british generals saw their officers go to jail, and found that their impudence and assumption were met by keen reproofs, they gradually comprehended that washington was not a man to be trifled with, and that in him was a pride and dignity out-topping theirs and far stronger, because grounded on responsibility borne and work done, and on the deep sense of a great and righteous cause. it was probably a pleasure and a relief to give to gage and sir william howe a little instruction in military behavior and general good manners, but there was nothing save infinite vexation in dealing with the difficulties arising on the american side of the line. as the days shortened and the leaves fell, washington saw before him a new england winter, with no clothing and no money for his troops. through long letters to congress, and strenuous personal efforts, these wants were somehow supplied. then the men began to get restless and homesick, and both privates and officers would disappear to their farms, which washington, always impatient of wrongdoing, styled "base and pernicious conduct," and punished accordingly. by and by the terms of enlistment ran out and the regiments began to melt away even before the proper date. recruiting was carried on slowly and with difficulty, new levies were tardy in coming in, and congress could not be persuaded to stop limited enlistments. still the task was done. the old army departed and a new one arose in its place, the posts were strengthened and ammunition secured. among these reinforcements came some virginia riflemen, and it must have warmed washington's heart to see once more these brave and hardy fighters in the familiar hunting shirt and leggins. they certainly made him warm in a very different sense by getting into a rough-and-tumble fight one winter's day with some marblehead fishermen. the quarrel was at its height, when suddenly into the brawl rode the commander-in-chief. he quickly dismounted, seized two of the combatants, shook them, berated them, if tradition may be trusted, for their local jealousies, and so with strong arm quelled the disturbance. he must have longed to take more than one colonial governor or magnate by the throat and shake him soundly, as he did his soldiers from the woods of virginia and the rocks of marblehead, for to his temper there was nothing so satisfying as rapid and decisive action. but he could not quell governors and assemblies in this way, and yet he managed them and got what he wanted with a patience and tact which it must have been in the last degree trying to him to practice, gifted as he was with a nature at once masterful and passionate. another trial was brought about by his securing and sending out privateers which did good service. they brought in many valuable prizes which caused infinite trouble, and forced washington not only to be a naval secretary, but also made him a species of admiralty judge. he implored the slow-moving congress to relieve him from this burden, and suggested a plan which led to the formation of special committees and was the origin of the federal judiciary of the united states. besides the local jealousies and the personal jealousies, and the privateers and their prizes, he had to meet also the greed and selfishness as well of the money-making, stock-jobbing spirit which springs up rankly under the influence of army contracts and large expenditures among a people accustomed to trade and unused to war. washington wrote savagely of these practices, but still, despite all hindrances and annoyances, he kept moving straight on to his object. in the midst of his labors, harassed and tried in all ways, he was assailed as usual by complaint and criticism. some of it came to him through his friend and aide, joseph reed, to whom he wrote in reply one of the noblest letters ever penned by a great man struggling with adverse circumstances and wringing victory from grudging fortune. he said that he was always ready to welcome criticism, hear advice, and learn the opinion of the world. "for as i have but one capital object in view, i could wish to make my conduct coincide with the wishes of mankind, as far as i can consistently; i mean, without departing from that great line of duty which, though hid under a cloud for some time, from a peculiarity of circumstances, may, nevertheless, bear a scrutiny." thus he held fast to "the great line of duty," though bitterly tried the while by the news from canada, where brilliant beginnings were coming to dismal endings, and cheered only by the arrival of his wife, who drove up one day in her coach and four, with the horses ridden by black postilions in scarlet and white liveries, much to the amazement, no doubt, of the sober-minded new england folk. light, however, finally began to break on the work about him. henry knox, sent out for that purpose, returned safely with the guns captured at ticonderoga, and thus heavy ordnance and gunpowder were obtained. by the middle of february the harbor was frozen over, and washington arranged to cross the ice and carry boston by storm. again he was held back by his council, but this time he could not be stopped. if he could not cross the ice he would go by land. he had been slowly but surely advancing his works all winter, and now he determined on a decisive stroke. on the evening of monday, march , under cover of a heavy bombardment which distracted the enemy's attention, he marched a large body of troops to dorchester heights and began to throw up redoubts. the work went forward rapidly, and washington rode about all night encouraging the men. the new england soldiers had sorely tried his temper, and there were many severe attacks and bitter criticisms upon them in his letters, which were suppressed or smoothed over for the most part by mr. sparks, but which have come to light since, as is sometimes the case with facts. gradually, however, the general had come to know his soldiers better, and six months later he wrote to lund washington, praising his northern troops in the highest terms. even now he understood them as never before, and as he watched them on that raw march night, working with the energy and quick intelligence of their race, he probably felt that the defects were superficial, but the virtues, the tenacity, and the courage were lasting and strong. when day dawned, and the british caught sight of the formidable works which had sprung up in the night, there was a great excitement and running hither and thither in the town. still the men on the heights worked on, and still washington rode back and forth among them. he was stirred and greatly rejoiced at the coming of the fight, which he now believed inevitable, and as always, when he was deeply moved, the hidden springs of sentiment and passion were opened, and he reminded his soldiers that it was the anniversary of the boston massacre, and appealed to them by the memories of that day to prepare for battle with the enemy. as with the huguenots at ivry,-- "remember st. bartholomew was passed from man to man." but the fighting never came. the british troops were made ready, then a gale arose and they could not cross the bay. the next day it rained in torrents, and the next day it was too late. the american intrenchments frowned threateningly above the town, and began to send in certain ominous messengers in the shape of shot and shell. the place was now so clearly untenable that howe determined to evacuate it. an informal request to allow the troops to depart unmolested was not answered, but washington suspended his fire and the british made ready to withdraw. still they hesitated and delayed, until washington again advanced his works, and on this hint they started in earnest, on march , amid confusion, pillage, and disorder, leaving cannon and much else behind them, and seeking refuge in their ships. all was over, and the town was in the hands of the americans. in washington's own words, "to maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six months together, without powder, and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another within that distance of twenty-odd british regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted." it was, in truth, a gallant feat of arms, carried through by the resolute will and strong brain of one man. the troops on both sides were brave, but the british had advantages far more than compensating for a disparity of numbers, always slight and often more imaginary than real. they had twelve thousand men, experienced, disciplined, equipped, and thoroughly supplied. they had the best arms and cannon and gunpowder. they commanded the sea with a strong fleet, and they were concentrated on the inside line, able to strike with suddenness and overwhelming force at any point of widely extended posts. washington caught them with an iron grip and tightened it steadily until, in disorderly haste, they took to their boats without even striking a blow. washington's great abilities, and the incapacity of the generals opposed to him, were the causes of this result. if robert clive, for instance, had chanced to have been there the end might possibly have been the same, but there would have been some bloody fighting before that end was reached. the explanation of the feeble abandonment of boston lies in the stupidity of the english government, which had sown the wind and then proceeded to handle the customary crop with equal fatuity. there were plenty of great men in england, but they were not conducting her government or her armies. lord sandwich had declared in the house of lords that all "yankees were cowards," a simple and satisfactory statement, readily accepted by the governing classes, and flung in the teeth of the british soldiers as they fell back twice from the bloody slopes of bunker hill. acting on this pleasant idea, england sent out as commanders of her american army a parcel of ministerial and court favorites, thoroughly second-rate men, to whom was confided the task of beating one of the best soldiers and hardest fighters of the century. despite the enormous material odds in favor of great britain, the natural result of matching the howes and gages and clintons against george washington ensued, and the first lesson was taught by the evacuation of boston. washington did not linger over his victory. even while the british fleet still hung about the harbor he began to send troops to new york to make ready for the next attack. he entered boston in order to see that every precaution was taken against the spread of the smallpox, and then prepared to depart himself. two ideas, during his first winter of conflict, had taken possession of his mind, and undoubtedly influenced profoundly his future course. one was the conviction that the struggle must be fought out to the bitter end, and must bring either subjugation or complete independence. he wrote in february: "with respect to myself, i have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since i heard of the measures which were adopted in consequence of the bunker's hill fight;" and at an earlier date he said: "i hope my countrymen (of virginia) will rise superior to any losses the whole navy of great britain can bring on them, and that the destruction of norfolk and threatened devastation of other places will have no other effect than to unite the whole country in one indissoluble band against a nation which seems to be lost to every sense of virtue and those feelings which distinguish a civilized people from the most barbarous savages." with such thoughts he sought to make congress appreciate the probable long duration of the struggle, and he bent every energy to giving permanency to his army, and decisiveness to each campaign. the other idea which had grown in his mind during the weary siege was that the tories were thoroughly dangerous and deserved scant mercy. in his second letter to gage he refers to them, with the frankness which characterized him when he felt strongly, as "execrable parricides," and he made ready to treat them with the utmost severity at new york and elsewhere. when washington was aroused there was a stern and relentless side to his character, in keeping with the force and strength which were his chief qualities. his attitude on this point seems harsh now when the old tories no longer look very dreadful and we can appreciate the sincerity of conviction which no doubt controlled most of them. but they were dangerous then, and washington, with his honest hatred of all that seemed to him to partake of meanness or treason, proposed to put them down and render them harmless, being well convinced, after his clear-sighted fashion, that war was not peace, and that mildness to domestic foes was sadly misplaced. his errand to new england was now done and well done. his victory was won, everything was settled at boston; and so, having sent his army forward, he started for new york, to meet the harder trials that still awaited him. chapter vi saving the revolution after leaving boston, washington proceeded through rhode island and connecticut, pushing troops forward as he advanced, and reached new york on april . there he found himself plunged at once into the same sea of difficulties with which he had been struggling at boston, the only difference being that these were fresh and entirely untouched. the army was inadequate, and the town, which was the central point of the colonies, as well as the great river at its side, was wholly unprotected. the troops were in large measure raw and undrilled, the committee of safety was hesitating, the tories were virulent and active, corresponding constantly with tryon, who was lurking in a british man-of-war, while from the north came tidings of retreat and disaster. all these harassing difficulties crowded upon the commander-in-chief as soon as he arrived. to appreciate him it is necessary to understand these conditions and realize their weight and consequence, albeit the details seem petty. when we comprehend the difficulties, then we can see plainly the greatness of the man who quietly and silently took them up and disposed of them. some he scotched and some he killed, but he dealt with them all after a fashion sufficient to enable him to move steadily forward. in his presence the provincial committee suddenly stiffened and grew strong. all correspondence with tryon was cut off, the tories were repressed, and on long island steps were taken to root out "these abominable pests of society," as the commander-in-chief called them in his plain-spoken way. then forts were built, soldiers energetically recruited and drilled, arrangements made for prisoners, and despite all the present cares anxious thought was given to the canada campaign, and ideas and expeditions, orders, suggestions, and encouragement were freely furnished to the dispirited generals and broken forces of the north. one matter, however, overshadowed all others. nearly a year before, washington had seen that there was no prospect or possibility of accommodation with great britain. it was plain to his mind that the struggle was final in its character and would be decisive. separation from the mother country, therefore, ought to come at once, so that public opinion might be concentrated, and above all, permanency ought to be given to the army. these ideas he had been striving to impress upon congress, for the most part less clearsighted than he was as to facts, and as the months slipped by his letters had grown constantly more earnest and more vehement. still congress hesitated, and at last washington went himself to philadelphia and held conferences with the principal men. what he said is lost, but the tone of congress certainly rose after his visit. the aggressive leaders found their hands so much strengthened that little more than a month later they carried through a declaration of independence, which was solemnly and gratefully proclaimed to the army by the general, much relieved to have got through the necessary boat-burning, and to have brought affairs, military and political, on to the hard ground of actual fact. soon after his return from philadelphia, he received convincing proof that his views in regard to the tories were extremely sound. a conspiracy devised by tryon, which aimed apparently at the assassination of the commander-in-chief, and which had corrupted his life-guards for that purpose, was discovered and scattered before it had fairly hardened into definite form. the mayor of the city and various other persons were seized and thrown into prison, and one of the life-guards, thomas hickey by name, who was the principal tool in the plot, was hanged in the presence of a large concourse of people. washington wrote a brief and business-like account of the affair to congress, from which one would hardly suppose that his own life had been aimed at. it is a curious instance of his cool indifference to personal danger. the conspiracy had failed, that was sufficient for him, and he had other things besides himself to consider. "we expect a bloody summer in new york and canada," he wrote to his brother, and even while the canadian expedition was coming to a disastrous close, and was bringing hostile invasion instead of the hoped-for conquest, british men-of-war were arriving daily in the harbor, and a large army was collecting on staten island. the rejoicings over the declaration of independence had hardly died away, when the vessels of the enemy made their way up the hudson without check from the embryo forts, or the obstacles placed in the stream. july lord howe arrived with more troops, and also with ample powers to pardon and negotiate. almost immediately he tried to open a correspondence with washington, but colonel reed, in behalf of the general, refused to receive the letter addressed to "mr. washington." then lord howe sent an officer to the american camp with a second letter, addressed to "george washington, esq., etc., etc." the bearer was courteously received, but the letter was declined. "the etc., etc. implies everything," said the englishman. it may also mean "anything," washington replied, and added that touching the pardoning power of lord howe there could be no pardon where there was no guilt, and where no forgiveness was asked. as a result of these interviews, lord howe wrote to england that it would be well to give mr. washington his proper title. a small question, apparently, this of the form of address, especially to a lover of facts, and yet it was in reality of genuine importance. to the world washington represented the young republic, and he was determined to extort from england the first acknowledgment of independence by compelling her to recognize the americans as belligerents and not rebels. washington cared as little for vain shows as any man who ever lived, but he had the highest sense of personal dignity, and of the dignity of his cause and country. neither should be allowed to suffer in his hands. he appreciated the effect on mankind of forms and titles, and with unerring judgment he insisted on what he knew to be of real value. it is one of the earliest examples of the dignity and good taste which were of such inestimable value to his country. he had abundant occasion also for the employment of these same qualities, coupled with unwearied patience and tact, in dealing with his own men. the present army was drawn from a wider range than that which had taken boston, and sectional jealousies and disputes, growing every day more hateful to the commander-in-chief, sprang up rankly. the men of maryland thought those of connecticut ploughboys; the latter held the former to be fops and dandies. these and a hundred other disputes buzzed and whirled about washington, stirring his strong temper, and exercising his sternest self-control in the untiring effort to suppress them and put them to death. "it requires," john adams truly said, "more serenity of temper, a deeper understanding, and more courage than fell to the lot of marlborough, to ride in this whirlwind." fortunately these qualities were all there, and with them an honesty of purpose and an unbending directness of character to which anne's great general was a stranger. meantime, while the internal difficulties were slowly diminished, the forces of the enemy rapidly increased. first it became evident that attacks were not feasible. then the question changed to a mere choice of defenses. even as to this there was great and harassing doubt, for the enemy, having command of the water, could concentrate and attack at any point they pleased. moreover, the british had thirty thousand of the best disciplined and best equipped troops that europe could furnish, while washington had some twenty thousand men, one fourth of whom were unfit for duty, and with the remaining three fourths, raw recruits for the most part, he was obliged to defend an extended line of posts, without cavalry, and with no means for rapid concentration. had he been governed solely by military considerations he would have removed the inhabitants, burned new york, and drawing his forces together would have taken up a secure post of observation. to have destroyed the town, however, not only would have frightened the timid and the doubters, and driven them over to the tories, but would have dispirited the patriots not yet alive to the exigencies of war, and deeply injured the american cause. that washington well understood the need of such action is clear, both from the current rumors that the town was to be burned, and from his expressed desire to remove the women and children from new york. but political considerations overruled the military necessity, and he spared the town. it was bad enough to be thus hampered, but he was even more fettered in other ways, for he could not even concentrate his forces and withdraw to the highlands without a battle, as he was obliged to fight in order to sustain public feeling, and thus he was driven on to almost sure defeat. with brooklyn heights in the hands of the enemy new york was untenable, and yet it was obvious that to hold brooklyn when the enemy controlled the sea was inviting defeat. yet washington under the existing conditions had no choice except to fight on long island and to say that he hoped to make a good defense. everything, too, as the day of battle drew near, seemed to make against him. on august the enemy began to land on long island, where greene had drawn a strong line of redoubts behind the village of brooklyn, to defend the heights which commanded new york, and had made every arrangement to protect the three roads through the wooded hills, about a mile from the intrenchments. most unfortunately, and just at the critical moment, greene was taken down with a raging fever, so that when washington came over on the th he found much confusion in the camps, which he repressed as best he could, and then prepared for the attack. greene's illness, however, had caused some oversights which were unknown to the commander-in-chief, and which, as it turned out, proved fatal. after indecisive skirmishing for two or three days, the british started early on the morning of the th. they had nine thousand men and were well informed as to the country. advancing through woodpaths and lanes, they came round to the left flank of the americans. one of the roads through the hills was unguarded, the others feebly protected. the result is soon told. the americans, out-generaled and out-flanked, were taken by surprise and surrounded, sullivan and his division were cut off, and then lord stirling. there was some desperate fighting, and the americans showed plenty of courage, but only a few forced their way out. most of them were killed or taken prisoners, the total loss out of some five thousand men reaching as high as two thousand. from the redoubts, whither he had come at the sound of the firing, washington watched the slaughter and disaster in grim silence. he saw the british troops, flushed with victory, press on to the very edge of his works and then withdraw in obedience to command. the british generals had their prey so surely, as they believed, that they mercifully decided not to waste life unnecessarily by storming the works in the first glow of success. so they waited during that night and the two following days, while washington strengthened his intrenchments, brought over reinforcements, and prepared for the worst. on the th it became apparent that there was a movement in the fleet, and that arrangements were being made to take the americans in the rear and wholly cut them off. it was an obvious and sensible plan, but the british overlooked the fact that while they were lingering, summing up their victory, and counting the future as assured, there was a silent watchful man on the other side of the redoubts who for forty-eight hours never left the lines, and who with a great capacity for stubborn fighting could move, when the stress came, with the celerity and stealth of a panther. washington swiftly determined to retreat. it was a desperate undertaking, and a lesser man would have hesitated and been lost. he had to transport nine thousand men across a strait of strong tides and currents, and three quarters of a mile in width. it was necessary to collect the boats from a distance, and do it all within sight and hearing of the enemy. the boats were obtained, a thick mist settled down on sea and land, the water was calm, and as the night wore away, the entire army with all its arms and baggage was carried over, washington leaving in the last boat. at daybreak the british awoke, but it was too late. they had fought a successful battle, they had had the american army in their grasp, and now all was over. the victory had melted away, and, as a grand result, they had a few hundred prisoners, a stray boat with three camp-followers, and the deserted works in which they stood. to grasp so surely the happy chance of wind and weather and make such a retreat as this was a feat of arms as great as most victories, and in it we see, perhaps as plainly as anywhere, the nerve and quickness of the man who conducted it. it is true, it was the only chance of salvation, but the great man is he who is entirely master of his opportunity, even if he have but one. the outlook, nevertheless, was, as washington wrote, "truly distressing." the troops were dispirited, and the militia began to disappear, as they always did after a defeat. congress would not permit the destruction of the city, different interests pulled in different directions, conflicting opinions distracted the councils of war, and, with utter inability to predict the enemy's movements, everything led to halfway measures and to intense anxiety, while lord howe tried to negotiate with congress, and the americans waited for events. washington, looking beyond the confusion of the moment, saw that he had gained much by delay, and had his own plan well defined. he wrote: "we have not only delayed the operations of the campaign till it is too late to effect any capital incursion into the country, but have drawn the enemy's forces to one point.... it would be presumption to draw out our young troops into open ground against their superiors both in number and discipline, and i have never spared the spade and pickaxe." every one else, however, saw only past defeat and present peril. the british ships gradually made their way up the river, until it became apparent that they intended to surround and cut off the american army. washington made preparations to withdraw, but uncertainty of information came near rendering his precautions futile. september the men-of-war opened fire, and troops were landed near kip's bay. the militia in the breastworks at that point had been at brooklyn and gave way at once, communicating their panic to two connecticut regiments. washington, galloping down to the scene of battle, came upon the disordered and flying troops. he dashed in among them, conjuring them to stop, but even while he was trying to rally them they broke again on the appearance of some sixty or seventy of the enemy, and ran in all directions. in a tempest of anger washington drew his pistols, struck the fugitives with his sword, and was only forced from the field by one of his officers seizing the bridle of his horse and dragging him away from the british, now within a hundred yards of the spot. through all his trials and anxieties washington always showed the broadest and most generous sympathy. when the militia had begun to leave him a few days before, although he despised their action and protested bitterly to congress against their employment, yet in his letters he displayed a keen appreciation of their feelings, and saw plainly every palliation and excuse. but there was one thing which he could never appreciate nor realize. it was from first to last impossible for him to understand how any man could refuse to fight, or could think of running away. when he beheld rout and cowardly panic before his very eyes, his temper broke loose and ran uncontrolled. his one thought then was to fight to the last, and he would have thrown himself single-handed on the enemy, with all his wisdom and prudence flung to the winds. the day when the commander held his place merely by virtue of personal prowess lay far back in the centuries, and no one knew it better than washington. but the old fighting spirit awoke within him when the clash of arms sounded in his ears, and though we may know the general in the tent and in the council, we can only know the man when he breaks out from all rules and customs, and shows the rage of battle, and the indomitable eagerness for the fray, which lie at the bottom of the tenacity and courage that carried the war for independence to a triumphant close. the rout and panic over, washington quickly turned to deal with the pressing danger. with coolness and quickness he issued his orders, and succeeded in getting his army off, putnam's division escaping most narrowly. he then took post at king's bridge, and began to strengthen and fortify his lines. while thus engaged, the enemy advanced, and on the th washington suddenly took the offensive and attacked the british light troops. the result was a sharp skirmish, in which the british were driven back with serious loss, and great bravery was shown by the connecticut and virginia troops, the two commanding officers being killed. this affair, which was the first gleam of success, encouraged the troops, and was turned to the best account by the general. still a successful skirmish did not touch the essential difficulties of the situation, which then as always came from within, rather than without. to face and check twenty-five thousand well-equipped and highly disciplined soldiers washington had now some twelve thousand men, lacking in everything which goes to make an army, except mere individual courage and a high average of intelligence. even this meagre force was an inconstant and diminishing quantity, shifting, uncertain, and always threatening dissolution. the task of facing and fighting the enemy was enough for the ablest of men; but washington was obliged also to combat and overcome the inertness and dullness born of ignorance, and to teach congress how to govern a nation at war. in the hours "allotted to sleep," he sat in his headquarters, writing a letter, with "blots and scratches," which told congress with the utmost precision and vigor just what was needed. it was but one of a long series of similar letters, written with unconquerable patience and with unwearied iteration, lighted here and there by flashes of deep and angry feeling, which would finally strike home under the pressure of defeat, and bring the patriots of the legislature to sudden action, always incomplete, but still action of some sort. it must have been inexpressibly dreary work, but quite as much was due to those letters as to the battles. thinking for other people, and teaching them what to do, is at best an ungrateful duty, but when it is done while an enemy is at your throat, it shows a grim tenacity of purpose which is well worth consideration. in this instance the letter of september , read in the light of the battles of long island and kip's bay, had a considerable effect. the first steps were taken to make the army national and permanent, to raise the pay of officers, and to lengthen enlistments. like most of the war measures of congress, they were too late for the immediate necessity, but they helped the future. congress, moreover, then felt that all had been done that could be demanded, and relapsed once more into confidence. "the british force," said john adams, chairman of the board of war, "is so divided, they will do no great matter this fall." but washington, facing hard facts, wrote to congress with his unsparing truth on october : "give me leave to say, sir, (i say it with due deference and respect, and my knowledge of the facts, added to the importance of the cause and the stake i hold in it, must justify the freedom,) that your affairs are in a more unpromising way than you seem to apprehend. your army, as i mentioned in my last, is on the eve of its political dissolution. true it is, you have voted a larger one in lieu of it; but the season is late; and there is a material difference between voting battalions and raising men." the campaign as seen from the board of war and from the plains of harlem differed widely. it is needless to say now which was correct; every one knows that the general was right and congress wrong, but being in the right did not help washington, nor did he take petty pleasure in being able to say, "i told you how it would be." the hard facts remained unchanged. there was the wholly patriotic but slumberous, and for fighting purposes quite inefficient congress still to be waked up and kept awake, and to be instructed. with painful and plain-spoken repetition this work was grappled with and done methodically, and like all else as effectively as was possible. meanwhile the days slipped along, and washington waited on the harlem plains, planning descents on long island, and determining to make a desperate stand where he was, unless the situation decidedly changed. then the situation did change, as neither he nor any one else apparently had anticipated. the british warships came up the hudson past the forts, brushing aside our boasted obstructions, destroying our little fleet, and getting command of the river. then general howe landed at frog's point, where he was checked for the moment by the good disposition of heath, under washington's direction. these two events made it evident that the situation of the american army was full of peril, and that retreat was again necessary. such certainly was the conclusion of the council of war, on the th, acting this time in agreement with their chief. six days howe lingered on frog's point, bringing up stores or artillery or something; it matters little now why he tarried. suffice it that he waited, and gave six days to his opponent. they were of little value to howe, but they were of inestimable worth to washington, who employed them in getting everything in readiness, in holding his council of war, and then on the th in moving deliberately off to very strong ground at white plains. on his way he fought two or three slight, sharp, and successful skirmishes with the british. sir william followed closely, but with much caution, having now a dull glimmer in his mind that at the head of the raw troops in front of him was a man with whom it was not safe to be entirely careless. on the th, howe came up to washington's position, and found the americans quite equal in numbers, strongly intrenched, and awaiting his attack with confidence. he hesitated, doubted, and finally feeling that he must do something, sent four thousand men to storm chatterton hill, an outlying post, where some fourteen hundred americans were stationed. there was a short, sharp action, and then the americans retreated in good order to the main army, having lost less than half as many men as their opponents. with caution now much enlarged, howe sent for reinforcements, and waited two days. the third day it rained, and on the fourth howe found that washington had withdrawn to a higher and quite impregnable line of hills, where he held all the passes in the rear and awaited a second attack. howe contemplated the situation for two or three days longer, and then broke camp and withdrew to dobbs ferry to secure fort washington, which treachery offered him as an easy and inviting prize. such were the great results of the victory of long island, two wasted months, and the american army still untouched. howe was resolved that his campaign should not be utterly fruitless, and therefore directed his attention to the defenses of the hudson, and here he met with better success. congress, in its military wisdom, had insisted that these forts must and could be held. so thought the generals, and so most especially, and most unluckily, did greene. washington, with his usual accurate and keen perception, saw, from the time the men-of-war came up the hudson, and, now that the british army was free, more clearly than ever, that both forts ought to be abandoned. sure of his ground, he overruled congress, but was so far influenced by greene that he gave to that officer discretionary orders as to withdrawal. this was an act of weakness, as he afterwards admitted, for which he bitterly reproached himself, never confusing or glossing over his own errors, but loyal there, as elsewhere, to facts. an attempt was made to hold both forts, and both were lost, as he had foreseen. from fort lee the garrison withdrew in safety. fort washington, with its plans all in howe's hands through the treachery of william demont, the adjutant of colonel magaw, was carried by storm, after a severe struggle. twenty-six hundred men and all the munitions of war fell into the hands of the enemy. it was a serious and most depressing loss, and was felt throughout the continent. meantime washington had crossed info the jerseys, and, after the loss of fort lee, began to retreat before the british, who, flushed with victory, now advanced rapidly under lord cornwallis. the crisis of his fate and of the revolution was upon him. his army was melting away. the militia had almost all disappeared, and regiments whose term of enlistment had expired were departing daily. lee, who had a division under his command, was ordered to come up, but paid no attention, although the orders were repeated almost every day for a month. he lingered, and loitered, and excused himself, and at last was taken prisoner. this disposed of him for a time very satisfactorily, but meanwhile he had succeeded in keeping his troops from washington, which was a most serious misfortune. on december washington was at princeton with three thousand ragged men, and the british close upon his heels. they had him now surely in their grip. there could be no mistake this time, and there was therefore no need of a forced march. but they had not yet learned that to washington even hours meant much, and when, after duly resting, they reached the delaware, they found the americans on the other side, and all the boats destroyed for a distance of seventy miles. it was winter now, the short gray days had come, and with them piercing cold and storms of sleet and ice. it seemed as if the elements alone would finally disperse the feeble body of men still gathered about the commander-in-chief. congress had sent him blank commissions and orders to recruit, which were well meant, but were not practically of much value. as glendower could call spirits from the vasty deep, so they, with like success, sought to call soldiers from the earth in the midst of defeat, and in the teeth of a north american winter. washington, baffling pursuit and flying from town to town, left nothing undone. north and south went letters and appeals for men, money, and supplies. vain, very vain, it all was, for the most part, but still it was done in a tenacious spirit. lee would not come, the jersey militia would not turn out, thousands began to accept howe's amnesty, and signs of wavering were apparent in some of the middle states. philadelphia was threatened, newport was in the hands of the enemy, and for ninety miles washington had retreated, evading ruin again and again only by the width of a river. congress voted not to leave philadelphia,--a fact which their general declined to publish,--and then fled. no one remained to face the grim realities of the time but washington, and he met them unmoved. not a moment passed that he did not seek in some way to effect something. not an hour went by that he did not turn calmly from fresh and ever renewed disappointment to work and action. by the middle of december howe felt satisfied that the american army would soon dissolve, and leaving strong detachments in various posts he withdrew to new york. his premises were sound, and his conclusions logical, but he made his usual mistake of overlooking and underestimating the american general. no sooner was it known that he was on his way to new york than washington, at the head of his dissolving army, resolved to take the offensive and strike an outlying post. in a letter of december , the day after howe began to move, we catch the first glimpse of trenton. it was a bold spirit which, in the dead of winter, with a broken army, no prospect of reinforcements, and in the midst of a terror-stricken people, could thus resolve with some four thousand men to attack an army thoroughly appointed, and numbering in all its divisions twenty-five thousand soldiers. it is well to pause a moment and look at that situation, and at the overwhelming difficulties which hemmed it in, and then try to realize what manner of man he was who rose superior to it, and conquered it. be it remembered, too, that he never deceived himself, and never for one instant disguised the truth. two years later he wrote that at this supreme moment, in what were called "the dark days of america," he was never despondent; and this was true enough, for despair was not in his nature. but no delusions lent him courage. on the th he wrote to his brother "that if every nerve was not strained to recruit this new army the game was pretty nearly up;" and added, "you can form no idea of the perplexity of my situation. no man, i believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties, and less means to extricate himself from them. however, under a full persuasion of the justice of our cause, i cannot entertain an idea that it will finally sink, though it may remain for some time under a cloud." there is no complaint, no boasting, no despair in this letter. we can detect a bitterness in the references to congress and to lee, but the tone of the letter is as calm as a may morning, and it concludes with sending love and good wishes to the writer's sister and her family. thus in the dreary winter washington was planning and devising and sending hither and thither for men, and never ceased through it all to write urgent and ever sharper letters and keep a wary eye upon the future. he not only wrote strongly, but he pledged his own estate and exceeded his powers in desperate efforts to raise money and men. on the th he wrote to congress: "it may be thought that i am going a good deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. a character to lose, an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse." even now across the century these words come with a grave solemnity to our ears, and we can feel as he felt when he alone saw that he stood on the brink of a great crisis. it is an awful thing to know that the life of a nation is at stake, and this thought throbs in his words, measured and quiet as usual, but deeply fraught with much meaning to him and to the world. by christmas all was ready, and when the christian world was rejoicing and feasting, and the british officers in new york and in the new jersey towns were reveling and laughing, washington prepared to strike. his whole force, broken into various detachments, was less than six thousand men. to each division was assigned, with provident forethought, its exact part. nothing was overlooked, nothing omitted; and then every division commander failed, for good reason or bad, to do his duty. gates was to march from bristol with two thousand men, ewing was to cross at trenton, putnam was to come up from philadelphia, griffin was to make a diversion against donop. when the moment came, gates, disapproving the scheme, was on his way to congress, and wilkinson, with his message, found his way to headquarters by following the bloody tracks of the barefooted soldiers. griffin abandoned new jersey and fled before donop. putnam would not even attempt to leave philadelphia, and ewing made no effort to cross at trenton. cadwalader, indeed, came down from bristol, but after looking at the river and the floating ice, gave it up as desperate. but there was one man who did not hesitate nor give up, nor halt on account of floating ice. with twenty-four hundred hardy veterans, washington crossed the delaware. the night was bitter cold and the passage difficult. when they landed, and began their march of nine miles to trenton, a fierce storm of sleet drove in their faces. sullivan; marching by the river, sent word that the arms of his men were wet. "then tell your general," said washington, "to use the bayonet, for the town must be taken." in broad daylight they came to the town. washington, at the front and on the right of the line, swept down the pennington road, and as he drove in the pickets he heard the shouts of sullivan's men, as, with stark leading the van, they charged in from the river. a company of yägers and the light dragoons slipped away, there was a little confused fighting in the streets, colonel rahl fell, mortally wounded, his hessians threw down their arms, and all was over. the battle had been fought and won, and the revolution was saved. [illustration: washington crossing the delaware] taking his thousand prisoners with him, washington recrossed the delaware to his old position. had all done their duty, as he had planned, the british hold on new jersey would have been shattered. as it was, it was only loosened. congress, aroused at last, had invested washington with almost dictatorial powers; but the time for action was short. the army was again melting away, and only by urgent appeals were some veterans retained, and enough new men gathered to make a force of five thousand men. with this army washington prepared to finish what he had begun. trenton struck alarm and dismay into the british, and cornwallis, with seven thousand of the best troops, started from new york to redeem what had been lost. leaving three regiments at princeton, he pushed hotly after washington, who fell back behind the assunpink river, skirmishing heavily and successfully. when cornwallis reached the river he found the american army drawn up on the other side awaiting him. an attack on the bridge was repulsed, and the prospect looked uninviting. some officers urged an immediate assault; but night was falling, and cornwallis, sure of the game, decided to wait till the morrow. he, too, forgot that he was facing an enemy who never overlooked a mistake, and never waited an hour. with quick decision washington left his camp-fires burning on the river bank, and taking roundabout roads, which he had already reconnoitred, marched on to princeton. by sunrise he was in the outskirts of the town. mercer, detached with some three hundred men, fell in with mawhood's regiment, and a sharp action ensued. mercer was mortally wounded, and his men gave way just as the main army came upon the field. the british charged, and as the raw pennsylvanian troops in the van wavered, washington rode to the front, and reining his horse within thirty yards of the british, ordered his men to advance. the volleys of musketry left him unscathed, the men stood firm, the other divisions came rapidly into action, and the enemy gave way in all directions. the two other british regiments were driven through the town and routed. had there been cavalry they would have been entirely cut off. as it was, they were completely broken, and in this short but bloody action they lost five hundred men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. it was too late to strike the magazines at brunswick, as washington had intended, and so he withdrew once more with his army to the high lands to rest and recruit. his work was done, however. the country, which had been supine, and even hostile, rose now, and the british were attacked, surprised, and cut off in all directions, until at last they were shut up in the immediate vicinity of new york. the tide had been turned, and washington had won the precious breathing-time which was all he required. frederick the great is reported to have said that this was the most brilliant campaign of the century. it certainly showed all the characteristics of the highest strategy and most consummate generalship. with a force numerically insignificant as compared with that opposed to him, washington won two decisive victories, striking the enemy suddenly with superior numbers at each point of attack. the trenton campaign has all the quality of some of the last battles fought by napoleon in france before his retirement to elba. moreover, these battles show not only generalship of the first order, but great statesmanship. they display that prescient knowledge which recognizes the supreme moment when all must be risked to save the state. by trenton and princeton washington inflicted deadly blows upon the enemy, but he did far more by reviving the patriotic spirit of the country fainting under the bitter experience of defeat, and by sending fresh life and hope and courage throughout the whole people. it was the decisive moment of the war. sooner or later the american colonies were sure to part from the mother-country, either peaceably or violently. but there was nothing inevitable in the revolution of , nor was its end at all certain. it was in the last extremities when the british overran new jersey, and if it had not been for washington that particular revolution would have most surely failed. its fate lay in the hands of the general and his army; and to the strong brain growing ever keener and quicker as the pressure became more intense, to the iron will gathering a more relentless force as defeat thickened, to the high, unbending character, and to the passionate and fighting temper of washington, we owe the brilliant campaign which in the darkest hour turned the tide and saved the cause of the revolution. chapter vii "malice domestic, and foreign levy" after the "two lucky strokes at trenton and princeton," as he himself called them, washington took up a strong position at morristown and waited. his plan was to hold the enemy in check, and to delay all operations until spring. it is easy enough now to state his purpose, and it looks very simple, but it was a grim task to carry it out through the bleak winter days of . the jerseys farmers, spurred by the sufferings inflicted upon them by the british troops, had turned out at last in deference to washington's appeals, after the victories of trenton and princeton, had harassed and cut off outlying parties, and had thus straitened the movements of the enemy. but the main army of the colonies, on which all depended, was in a pitiable state. it shifted its character almost from day to day. the curse of short enlistments, so denounced by washington, made itself felt now with frightful effect. with the new year most of the continental troops departed, while others to replace them came in very slowly, and recruiting dragged most wearisomely. washington was thus obliged, with temporary reinforcements of raw militia, to keep up appearances; and no commander ever struggled with a more trying task. at times it looked as if the whole army would actually disappear, and more than once washington expected that the week's or the month's end would find him with not more than five hundred men. at the beginning of march he had about four thousand men, a few weeks later only three thousand raw troops, ill-fed, ill-clad, ill-shod, ill-armed, and almost unpaid. over against him was howe, with eleven thousand men in the field, and still more in the city of new york, well disciplined and equipped, well-armed, well-fed, and furnished with every needful supply. the contrast is absolutely grotesque, and yet the force of one man's genius and will was such that this excellent british army was hemmed in and kept in harmless quiet by their ragged opponents. washington's plan, from the first, was to keep the field at all hazards, and literally at all hazards did he do so. right and left his letters went, day after day, calling with pathetic but dignified earnestness for men and supplies. in one of these epistles, to governor cooke of rhode island, written in january, to remonstrate against raising troops for the state only, he set forth his intentions in a few words. "you must be sensible," he said, "that the season is fast approaching when a new campaign will open; nay, the former is not yet closed; nor do i intend it shall be, unless the enemy quits the jerseys." to keep fighting all the time, and never let the fire of active resistance flicker or die out, was washington's theory of the way to maintain his own side and beat the enemy. if he could not fight big battles, he would fight small ones; if he could not fight little battles, he would raid and skirmish and surprise; but fighting of some sort he would have, while the enemy attempted to spread over a state and hold possession of it. we can see the obstacles now, but we can only wonder how they were sufficiently overcome to allow anything to be done. moreover, besides the purely physical difficulties in the lack of men, money, and supplies, there were others of a political and personal kind, which were even more wearing and trying, but which, nevertheless, had to be dealt with also, in some fashion. in order to sustain the courage of the people washington was obliged to give out, and to allow it to be supposed, that he had more men than was really the case, and so congress and various wise and well-meaning persons grumbled because he did not do more and fight more battles. he never deceived congress, but they either could not or would not understand the actual situation. in march he wrote to robert morris: "nor is it in my power to make congress fully sensible of the real situation of our affairs, and that it is with difficulty, if i may use the expression, that i can by every means in my power keep the life and soul of this army together. in a word, when they are at a distance, they think it is but to say, _presto, begone_, and everything is done. they seem not to have any conception of the difficulty and perplexity attending those who are to execute." it was so easy to see what they would like to have done, and so simple to pass a resolve to that effect, that congress never could appreciate the reality of the difficulty and the danger until the hand of the enemy was almost at their throats. they were not even content with delay and neglect, but interfered actively at times, as in the matter of the exchange of prisoners, where they made unending trouble for washington, and showed themselves unable to learn or to keep their hands off after any amount of instruction. in january washington issued a proclamation requiring those inhabitants who had subscribed to howe's declaration to come in within thirty days and take the oath of allegiance to the united states. if they failed to do so they were to be treated as enemies. the measure was an eminently proper one, and the proclamation was couched in the most moderate language. it was impossible to permit a large class of persons to exist on the theory that they were peaceful american citizens and also subjects of king george. the results of such conduct were in every way perilous and intolerable, and washington was determined that he would divide the sheep from the goats, and know whom he was defending and whom attacking. yet for this wise and necessary action he was called in question in congress and accused of violating civil rights and the resolves of congress itself. nothing was actually done about it, but such an incident shows from a single point the infinite tact and resolution required in waging war under a government whose members were unable to comprehend what was meant, and who could not see that until they had beaten england it was hardly worth while to worry about civil rights, which in case of defeat would speedily cease to exist altogether. another fertile source of trouble arose from questions of rank. members of congress, in making promotions and appointments, were more apt to consider local claims than military merit, and they also allowed their own personal prejudices to affect their action in this respect far too much. thence arose endless heart-burnings and jealousies, followed by resignations and the loss of valuable officers. congress, having made the appointments, would go cheerfully about its business, while the swarm of grievances thus let loose would come buzzing about the devoted head of the commander-in-chief. he could not adjourn, but was compelled to quiet rivalries, allay irritated feelings, and ride the storm as best he might. it was all done, however, in one way or another: by personal appeals, and by letters full of dignity, patriotism, and patience, which are very impressive and full of meaning for students of character, even in this day and generation. then again, not content with snarling up our native appointments, congress complicated matters still more dangerously by its treatment of foreigners. the members of congress were colonists, and the fact that they had shaken off the yoke of the mother country did not in the least alter their colonial and perfectly natural habit of regarding with enormous respect englishmen and frenchmen, and indeed anybody who had had the good fortune to be born in europe. the result was that they distributed commissions and gave inordinate rank to the many volunteers who came over the ocean, actuated by various motives, but all filled with a profound sense of their own merits. it is only fair to congress to say that the american agents abroad were even more to blame in this respect. silas deane especially scattered promises of commissions with a lavish hand, and congress refused to fulfill many of the promises thus made in its name. nevertheless, congress was far too lax, and followed too closely the example of its agents. some of these foreigners were disinterested men and excellent soldiers, who proved of great value to the american cause. many others were mere military adventurers, capable of being turned to good account, perhaps, but by no means entitled to what they claimed and in most instances received. the ill-considered action of congress and of our agents abroad in this respect was a source of constantly recurring troubles of a very serious nature. native officers, who had borne the burden and heat of the day, justly resented being superseded by some stranger, unable to speak the language, who had landed in the states but a few days before. as a result, resignations were threatened which, if carried out, would affect the character of the army very deeply. then again, the foreigners themselves, inflated by the eagerness of our agents and by their reception at the hands of congress, would find on joining the army that they could get no commands, chiefly because there were none to give. they would then become dissatisfied with their rank and employment, and bitter complaints and recriminations would ensue. all these difficulties, of course, fell most heavily upon the commander-in-chief, who was heartily disgusted with the whole business. washington believed from the beginning, and said over and over again in various and ever stronger terms, that this was an american war and must be fought by americans. in no other way, and by no other persons, did he consider that it could be carried to any success worth having. he saw of course the importance of a french alliance, and deeply desired it, for it was a leading element in the solution of the political and military situation; but alliance with a foreign power was one thing, and sporadic military volunteers were another. washington had no narrow prejudices against foreigners, for he was a man of broad and liberal mind, and no one was more universally beloved and respected by the foreign officers than he; but he was intensely american in his feelings, and he would not admit for an instant that the american war for independence could be righteously fought or honestly won by others than americans. he was well aware that foreign volunteers had a value and use of which he largely and gratefully availed himself; but he was exasperated and alarmed by the indiscriminate and lavish way in which congress and our agents abroad gave rank and office to them. "hungry adventurers," he called them in one letter, when driven beyond endurance by the endless annoyances thus forced upon him; and so he pushed their pretensions aside, and managed, on the whole, to keep them in their proper place. the operation was delicate, difficult, and unpleasant, for it seemed to savor of ingratitude. but washington was never shaken for an instant in his policy, and while he checked the danger, he showed in many instances, like lafayette and steuben, that he could appreciate and use all that was really valuable in the foreign contingent. the service rendered by washington in this matter has never been justly understood or appreciated. if he had not taken this position, and held it with an absolute firmness which bordered on harshness, we should have found ourselves in a short time with an army of american soldiers officered by foreigners, many of them mere mercenaries, "hungry adventurers," from france, poland or hungary, from germany, ireland or england. the result of such a combination would have been disorganization and defeat. that members of congress and some of our representatives in europe did not see the danger, and that they were impressed by the foreign officers who came among them, was perfectly natural. men are the creatures of the time in which they live, and take their color from the conditions which surround them, as the chameleon does from the grass or leaves in which it hides. the rulers and lawmakers of could not cast off their provincial awe of the natives of england and europe as they cast off their political allegiance to the british king. the only wonder is that there should have been even one man so great in mind and character that he could rise at a single bound from the level of a provincial planter to the heights of a great national leader. he proved himself such in all ways, but in none more surely than in his ability to consider all men simply as men, and, with a judgment that nothing could confuse, to ward off from his cause and country the dangers inherent in colonial habits of thought and action, so menacing to a people struggling for independence. we can see this strong, high spirit of nationality running through washington's whole career, but it never did better service than when it stood between the american army and undue favor to foreign volunteers. among other disagreeable and necessary truths, washington had told congress that philadelphia was in danger, that howe probably meant to occupy it, and that it would be nearly impossible to prevent his doing so. this warning being given and unheeded, he continued to watch his antagonist, doing so with increased vigilance, as signs of activity began to appear in new york. toward the end of may he broke up his cantonments, having now about seven thousand men, and took a strong position within ten miles of brunswick. here he waited, keeping an anxious eye on the hudson in case he should be mistaken in his expectations, and should find that the enemy really intended to go north to meet burgoyne instead of south to capture philadelphia. washington's doubts were soon to be resolved and his expectations fulfilled. may , a fleet of a hundred sail left new york, and couriers were at once sent southward to warn the states of the possibility of a speedy invasion. about the same time transports arrived with more german mercenaries, and howe, thus reinforced, entered the jerseys. washington determined to decline battle, and if the enemy pushed on and crossed the delaware, to hang heavily on their rear, while the militia from the south were drawn up to philadelphia. he adopted this course because he felt confident that howe would never cross the delaware and leave the main army of the americans behind him. his theory proved correct. the british advanced and retreated, burned houses and villages and made feints, but all in vain. washington baffled them at every point, and finally sir william evacuated the jerseys entirely and withdrew to new york and staten island, where active preparations for some expedition were at once begun. again came anxious watching, with the old fear that howe meant to go northward and join the now advancing burgoyne. the fear was groundless. on july the british fleet set sail from new york, carrying between fifteen and eighteen thousand men. not deceived by the efforts to make him think that they aimed at boston, but still fearing that the sailing might be only a ruse and the hudson the real object after all, washington moved cautiously to the delaware, holding himself ready to strike in either direction. on the st he heard that the enemy were at the capes. this seemed decisive; so he sent in all directions for reinforcements, moved the main army rapidly to germantown, and prepared to defend philadelphia. the next news was that the fleet had put to sea again, and again messengers went north to warn putnam to prepare for the defense of the hudson. washington himself was about to re-cross the delaware, when tidings arrived that the fleet had once more appeared at the capes, and after a few more days of doubt the ships came up the chesapeake and anchored. washington thought the "route a strange one," but he knew now that he was right in his belief that howe aimed at philadelphia. he therefore gathered his forces and marched south to meet the enemy, passing through the city in order to impress the disaffected and the timid with the show of force. it was a motley array that followed him. there was nothing uniform about the troops except their burnished arms and the sprigs of evergreen in their hats. nevertheless lafayette, who had just come among them, thought that they looked like good soldiers, and the tories woke up sharply to the fact that there was a large body of men known as the american army, and that they had a certain obvious fighting capacity visible in their appearance. neither friends nor enemies knew, however, as they stood on the philadelphia sidewalks and watched the troops go past, that the mere fact of that army's existence was the greatest victory of skill and endurance which the war could show, and that the question of success lay in its continuance. leaving philadelphia, washington pushed on to the junction of the brandywine and christiana creek, and posted his men along the heights. august , howe landed at the head of elk, and washington threw out light parties to drive in cattle, carry off supplies, and annoy the enemy. this was done, on the whole, satisfactorily, and after some successful skirmishing on the part of the americans, the two armies on the th of september found themselves within eight or ten miles of each other. washington now determined to risk a battle in the field, despite his inferiority in every way. he accordingly issued a stirring proclamation to the soldiers, and then fell back behind the brandywine, to a strong position, and prepared to contest the passage of the river. early on september , the british advanced to chad's ford, where washington was posted with the main body, and after some skirmishing began to cannonade at long range. meantime cornwallis, with the main body, made a long détour of seventeen miles, and came upon the right flank and rear of the americans. sullivan, who was on the right, had failed to guard the fords above, and through lack of information was practically surprised. washington, on rumors that the enemy were marching toward his right, with the instinct of a great soldier was about to cross the river in his front and crush the enemy there, but he also was misled and kept back by false reports. when the truth was known, it was too late. the right wing had been beaten and flung back, the enemy were nearly in the rear, and were now advancing in earnest in front. all that man could do was done. troops were pushed forward and a gallant stand was made at various points; but the critical moment had come and gone, and there was nothing for it but a hasty retreat, which came near degenerating into a rout. the causes of this complete defeat, for such it was, are easily seen. washington had planned his battle and chosen his position well. if he had not been deceived by the first reports, he even then would have fallen upon and overwhelmed the british centre before they could have reached his right wing. but the americans, to begin with, were outnumbered. they had only eleven thousand effective men, while the british brought fifteen of their eighteen thousand into action. then the americans suffered, as they constantly did, from misinformation, and from an absence of system in learning the enemy's movements. washington's attack was fatally checked in this way, and sullivan was surprised from the same causes, as well as from his own culpable ignorance of the country beyond him, which was the reason of his failure to guard the upper fords. the americans lost, also, by the unsteadiness of new troops when the unexpected happens, and when the panic-bearing notion that they are surprised and likely to be surrounded comes upon them with a sudden shock. this defeat was complete and severe, and it was followed in a few days by that of wayne, who narrowly escaped utter ruin. yet through all this disaster we can see the advance which had been made since the equally unfortunate and very similar battle on long island. then, the troops seemed to lose heart and courage, the army was held together with difficulty, and could do nothing but retreat. now, in the few days which howe, as usual, gave his opponent with such fatal effect to himself, washington rallied his army, and finding them in excellent spirits marched down the lancaster road to fight again. on the eve of battle a heavy storm came on, which so injured the arms and munitions that with bitter disappointment he was obliged to withdraw; but nevertheless it is plain how much this forward movement meant. at the moment, however, it looked badly enough, especially after the defeat of wayne, for howe pressed forward, took possession of philadelphia, and encamped the main body of his army at germantown. meantime washington, who had not in the least given up his idea of fighting again, recruited his army, and having a little more than eight thousand men, determined to try another stroke at the british, while they were weakened by detachments. on the night of october he started, and reached germantown at daybreak on the th. at first the americans swept everything before them, and flung the british back in rout and confusion. then matters began to go wrong, as is always likely to happen when, as in this case, widely separated and yet accurately concerted action is essential to success. some of the british threw themselves into a stone house, and instead of leaving them there under guard, the whole army stopped to besiege, and a precious half hour was lost. then greene and stephen were late in coming up, having made a circuit, and although when they arrived all seemed to go well, the americans were seized with an inexplicable panic, and fell back, as wayne truly said, in the very moment of victory. one of those unlucky accidents, utterly unavoidable, but always dangerous to extensive combinations, had a principal effect on the result. the morning was very misty, and the fog, soon thickened by the smoke, caused confusion, random firing, and, worst of all, that uncertainty of feeling and action which something or nothing converted into a panic. nevertheless, the americans rallied quickly this time, and a good retreat was made, under the lead of greene, until safety was reached. the action, while it lasted, had been very sharp, and the losses on both sides were severe, the americans suffering most. washington, as usual when matters went ill, exposed himself recklessly, to the great alarm of his generals, but all in vain. he was deeply disappointed, and expressed himself so at first, for he saw that the men had unaccountably given way when they were on the edge of victory. the underlying cause was of course, as at long island and brandywine, the unsteadiness of raw troops, and washington felt rightly, after the first sting had passed, that he had really achieved a great deal. congress applauded the attempt, and when the smoke of the battle had cleared away, men generally perceived that its having been fought at all was in reality the important fact. it made also a profound impression upon the french cabinet. eagerly watching the course of events, they saw the significance of the fact that an army raised within a year could fight a battle in the open field, endure a severe defeat, and then take the offensive and make a bold and well-planned attack, which narrowly missed being overwhelmingly successful. to the observant and trained eyes of europe, the defeat at germantown made it evident that there was fighting material among these untrained colonists, capable of becoming formidable; and that there was besides a powerful will and directing mind, capable on its part of bringing this same material into the required shape and condition. to dispassionate onlookers, england's grasp on her colonies appeared to be slipping away very rapidly. washington himself saw the meaning of it all plainly enough, for it was but the development of his theory of carrying on the war. there is no indication, however, that england detected, in all that had gone on since her army landed at the head of elk, anything more than a couple of natural defeats for the rebels. general howe was sufficiently impressed to draw in his troops, and keep very closely shut up in philadelphia, but his country was not moved at all. the fact that it had taken forty-seven days to get their army from the elk river to philadelphia, and that in that time they had fought two successful battles and yet had left the american army still active and menacing, had no effect upon the british mind. the english were thoroughly satisfied that the colonists were cowards and were sure to be defeated, no matter what the actual facts might be. they regarded washington as an upstart militia colonel, and they utterly failed to comprehend that they had to do with a great soldier, who was able to organize and lead an army, overcome incredible difficulties, beat and outgeneral them, bear defeat, and then fight again. they were unable to realize that the mere fact that such a man could be produced and such an army maintained meant the inevitable loss of colonies three thousand miles away. men there were in england, undoubtedly, like burke and fox, who felt and understood the significance of these things, but the mass of the people, as well as the aristocracy, the king, and the cabinet, would have none of them. rude contempt for other people is a warming and satisfying feeling, no doubt, and the english have had unquestionably great satisfaction from its free indulgence. no one should grudge it to them, least of all americans. it is a comfort for which they have paid, so far as this country is concerned, by the loss of their north american colonies, and by a few other settlements with the united states at other and later times. but although washington and his army failed to impress england, events had happened in the north, during this same summer, which were so sharp-pointed that they not only impressed the english people keenly and unpleasantly, but they actually penetrated the dull comprehension of george iii. and his cabinet. "why," asked an english lady of an american naval officer, in the year of grace --"why is your ship named the saratoga?" "because," was the reply, "at saratoga an english general and an english army of more than five thousand men surrendered to an american army and laid down their arms." although apparently neglected now in the general scheme of british education, saratoga was a memorable event in the summer of , and the part taken by washington in bringing about the great result has never, it would seem, been properly set forth. there is no need to trace here the history of that campaign, but it is necessary to show how much was done by the commander-in-chief, five hundred miles away, to win the final victory. in the winter of - reports came that a general and an army were to be sent to canada to invade the colonies from the north by way of lake champlain. the news does not seem to have made a very deep impression generally, nor to have been regarded as anything beyond the ordinary course of military events. but there was one man, fortunately, who in an instant perceived the full significance of this movement. washington saw that the english had at last found an idea, or, at least, a general possessed of one. so long as the british confined themselves to fighting one or two battles, and then, taking possession of a single town, were content to sit down and pass their winter in good quarters, leaving the colonists in undisturbed control of all the rest of the country, there was nothing to be feared. the result of such campaigning as this could not be doubtful for a moment to any clear-sighted man. but when a plan was on foot, which, if successful, meant the control of the lakes and the hudson, and of a line of communication from the north to the great colonial seaport, the case was very different. such a campaign as this would cause the complete severance of new england, the chief source for men and supplies, from the rest of the colonies. it promised the mastery, not of a town, but of half a dozen states, and this to the american cause probably would be ruin. so strongly and clearly did washington feel all this that his counter-plan was at once ready, and before people had fairly grasped the idea that there was to be a northern invasion, he was sending, early in march, urgent letters to new england to rouse up the militia and have them in readiness to march at a moment's notice. to schuyler, in command of the northern department, he began now to write constantly, and to unfold the methods which must be pursued in order to compass the defeat of the invaders. his object was to delay the army of burgoyne by every possible device, while steadily avoiding a pitched battle. then the militia and hardy farmers of new england and new york were to be rallied, and were to fall upon the flank and rear of the british, harass them constantly, cut off their outlying parties, and finally hem them in and destroy them. if the army and people of the north could only be left undisturbed, it is evident from his letters that washington felt no doubt as to the result in that quarter. but the north included only half the conditions essential to success. the grave danger feared by washington was that howe would understand the situation, and seeing his opportunity, would throw everything else aside, and marching northward with twenty thousand men, would make himself master of the hudson, effect a junction with burgoyne at albany, and so cut the colonies in twain. from all he could learn, and from his knowledge of his opponents' character, washington felt satisfied that howe intended to capture philadelphia, advancing, probably, through the jerseys. yet, despite his well-reasoned judgment on this point, it seemed so incredible that any soldier could fail to see that decisive victory lay in the north, and in a junction with burgoyne, that washington could not really and fully believe in such fatuity until he knew that howe was actually landing at the head of elk. this is the reason for the anxiety displayed in the correspondence of that summer, for the changing and shifting movements, and for the obvious hesitation of opinion, so unusual with washington at any time. be it remembered, moreover, that it was an awful doubt which went to bed and got up and walked with him through all those long nights and days. if howe, the dull and lethargic, should awake from his dream of conquering america by taking now and again an isolated town, and should break for the north with twenty thousand men, the fortunes of the young republic would come to their severest test. in that event, washington knew well enough what he meant to do. he would march his main army to the hudson, unite with the strong body of troops which he kept there constantly, contest every inch of the country and the river with howe, and keep him at all hazards from getting to albany. but he also knew well that if this were done the odds would be fearfully against him, for howe would then not only outnumber him very greatly, but there would be ample time for the british to act, and but a short distance to be covered. we can imagine, therefore, his profound sense of relief when he found that howe and his army were really south of philadelphia, after a waste of many precious weeks. he could now devote himself single-hearted to the defense of the city, for distance and time were at last on his side, and all that remained was to fight howe so hard and steadily that neither in victory nor defeat would he remember burgoyne. pitt said that he would conquer canada on the plains of germany, and burgoyne was compelled to surrender in large measure by the campaign of washington in new jersey and pennsylvania. if we study carefully washington's correspondence during that eventful summer, grouping together that relating to the northern campaign, and comparing it with that which dealt with the affairs of his own army, all that has just been said comes out with entire clearness, and it is astonishing to see how exactly events justified his foresight. if he could only hold howe in the south, he was quite willing to trust burgoyne to the rising of the people and to the northern wilderness. every effort he made was in this direction, beginning, as has been said, by his appeals to the new england governors in march. schuyler, on his part, was thoroughly imbued with washington's other leading idea, that the one way to victory was by retarding the enemy. at the outset everything went utterly and disastrously wrong. washington counted on an obstinate struggle, and a long delay at ticonderoga, for he had not been on the ground, and could not imagine that our officers would fortify everything but the one commanding point. the loss of the forts appalled the country and disappointed washington, but did not shake his nerve for an instant. he wrote to schuyler: "this stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. but notwithstanding things at present have a dark and gloomy aspect, i hope a spirited opposition will check the progress of general burgoyne's army, and that the confidence derived from his success will hurry him into measures that will, in their consequences, be favorable to us. we should never despair; our situation has before been unpromising, and has changed for the better; so i trust it will again. if new difficulties arise we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our efforts to the exigency of the times." even after this seemingly crushing defeat he still felt sure of burgoyne, so long as he was unsupported. suiting the action to the word, he again bent every nerve to rouse new england and get out her militia. when he was satisfied that howe was landing below philadelphia, the first thing he did was to send forth the same cry in the same quarter, to bring out more men against burgoyne. he showed, too, the utmost generosity toward the northern army, sending thither all the troops he could possibly spare, and even parting with his favorite corps of morgan's riflemen. despite his liberality, the commanders in the north were unreasonable in their demands, and when they asked too much, washington flatly declined to send more men, for he would not weaken himself unduly, and he knew what they did not see, that the fate of the northern invasion turned largely on his own ability to cope with howe. the blame for the loss of the forts fell of course upon schuyler, who was none too popular in congress, and who with st. clair was accordingly made a scape-goat. congress voted that washington should appoint a new commander, and the new england delegates visited him to urge the selection of gates. this task washington refused to perform, alleging as a reason that the northern department had always been considered a separate command, and that he had never done more than advise. these reasons do not look very weighty or very strong, and it is not quite clear what the underlying motive was. washington never shrank from responsibility, and he knew very well that he could pick out the best man more unerringly than congress. but he also saw that congress favored gates, whom he would not have chosen, and he therefore probably felt that it was more important to have some one whom new england believed in and approved than a better soldier who would have been unwelcome to her representatives. it is certain that he would not have acted thus, had he thought that generalship was an important element in the problem; but he relied on a popular uprising, and not on the commander, to defeat burgoyne. he may have thought, too, that it was a mistake to relieve schuyler, who was working in the directions which he had pointed out, and who, if not a great soldier, was a brave, high-minded, and sensible man, devoted to his chief and to the country. it was schuyler indeed who, by his persistent labor in breaking down bridges, tearing up roads, and felling trees, while he gathered men industriously in all directions, did more than any one else at that moment to prepare the way for an ultimate victory. whatever his feelings may have been in regard to the command of the northern department, washington made no change in his own course after gates had been appointed. he knew that gates was at least harmless, and not likely to block the natural course of events. he therefore felt free to press his own policy without cessation, and without apprehension. he took care that lincoln and arnold should be there to look after the new england militia, and he wrote to governor clinton, in whose energy and courage he had great confidence, to rouse up the men of new york. he suggested the points of attack, and at every moment advised and counseled and watched, holding all the while a firm grip on howe. slowly and surely the net, thus painfully set, tightened round burgoyne. the new englanders whipped one division at bennington, and the new yorkers shattered another at oriskany and fort schuyler. the country people turned out in defense of their invaded homes and poured into the american camp. burgoyne struggled and advanced, fought and retreated. gates, stupid, lethargic, and good-natured, did nothing, but there was no need of generalship; and arnold was there, turbulent and quarrelsome, but full of daring; and morgan, too, equally ready; and they and others did all the necessary fighting. poor burgoyne, a brave gentleman, if not a great general, had the misfortune to be a clever man in the service of a stupid administration, and he met the fate usually meted out under such circumstances to men of ideas. howe went off to the conquest of philadelphia, clinton made a brief burning and plundering raid up the river, and the northern invasion, which really had meaning, was left to its fate. it was a hard fate, but there was no escape. outnumbered, beaten, and caught, burgoyne surrendered. if there had been a fighting-man at the head of the american army, the british would have surrendered as prisoners of war, and not on conditions. schuyler, we may be sure, whatever his failings, would never have let them off so easily. but it was sufficient as it was. the wilderness, and the militia of new york and new england swarming to the defense of their homes, had done the work. it all fell out just as washington had foreseen and planned, and england, despising her enemy and their commander, saw one of her armies surrender, and might have known, if she had had the wit, that the colonies were now lost forever. the revolution had been saved at trenton; it was established at saratoga. in the one case it was the direct, in the other the indirect, work of washington. poor gates, with his dull brain turning under the impression that this crowning mercy had been his own doing, lost his head, forgot that there was a commander-in-chief, and sending his news to congress, left washington to find out from chance rumors, and a tardy letter from putnam, that burgoyne had actually surrendered. this gross slight, however, had deeper roots than the mere exultation of victory acting on a heavy and common mind. it represented a hostile feeling which had been slowly increasing for some time, which had been carefully nurtured by those interested in its growth, and which blossomed rapidly in the heated air of military triumph. from the outset it had been washington's business to fight the enemy, manage the army, deal with congress, and consider in all its bearings the political situation at home and abroad; but he was now called upon to meet a trouble outside the line of duty, and to face attacks from within, which, ideally speaking, ought never to have existed, but which, in view of our very fallible humanity, were certain to come sooner or later. much domestic malice washington was destined to encounter in the later years of political strife, but this was the only instance in his military career where enmity came to overt action and open speech. the first and the last of its kind, this assault upon him has much interest, for a strong light is thrown upon his character by studying him, thus beset, and by seeing just how he passed through this most trying and disagreeable of ordeals. the germ of the difficulties was to be found where we should expect it, in the differences between the men of speech and the man of action, between the lawmakers and the soldier. washington had been obliged to tell congress a great many plain and unpleasant truths. it was part of his duty, and he did it accordingly. he was always dignified, calm, and courteous, but he had an alarmingly direct way with him, especially when he was annoyed. he was simple almost to bluntness, but now and then would use a grave irony which must have made listening ears tingle. congress was patriotic and well-intentioned, and on the whole stood bravely by its general, but it was unversed in war, very impatient, and at times wildly impracticable. here is a letter which depicts the situation, and the relation between the general and his rulers, with great clearness. march , , washington wrote to the president: "could i accomplish the important objects so eagerly wished by congress,--'confining the enemy within their present quarters, preventing their getting supplies from the country, and totally subduing them before they are reinforced,'--i should be happy indeed. but what prospect or hope can there be of my effecting so desirable a work at this time?" we can imagine how exasperating such requests and suggestions must have been. it was very much as if congress had said: "good general, bring in the atlantic tides and drown the enemy; or pluck the moon from the sky and give it to us, as a mark of your loyalty." such requests are not soothing to any man struggling his best with great anxieties, and with a host of petty cares. washington, nevertheless, kept his temper, and replied only by setting down a few hard facts which answered the demands of congress in a final manner, and with all the sting of truth. thus a little irritation had been generated in congress against the general, and there were some members who developed a good deal of pronounced hostility. sam adams, a born agitator and a trained politician, unequaled almost in our history as an organizer and manager of men, able, narrow, coldly fierce, the man of the town meeting and the caucus, had no possibility of intellectual sympathy with the silent, patient, hard-gripping soldier, hemmed with difficulties, but ever moving straight forward to his object, with occasional wild gusts of reckless fighting passion. john adams, too, brilliant of speech and pen, ardent, patriotic, and high-minded, was, in his way, out of touch with washington. although he moved washington's appointment, he began almost immediately to find fault with him, an exercise to which he was extremely prone. inasmuch as he could see how things ought to be done, he could not understand why they were not done in that way at once, for he had a fine forgetfulness of other people's difficulties, as is the case with most of us. the new england representatives generally took their cue from these two, especially james lovell, who carried his ideas into action, and obtained a little niche in the temple of fame by making himself disagreeably conspicuous in the intrigue against the commander-in-chief, when it finally developed. there were others, too, outside new england who were discontented, and among them richard henry lee, from the general's own state. he was evidently critical and somewhat unfriendly at this time, although the reasons for his being so are not now very distinct. then there was mr. clark of new jersey, an excellent man, who thought the general was invading popular rights; and to him others might be added who vaguely felt that things ought to be better than they were. this party, adverse to washington, obtained the appointment of gates to the northern department, under whom the army won a great victory, and they were correspondingly happy. john adams wrote his wife that one cause of thanksgiving was that the tide had not been turned by the commander-in-chief and southern troops, for the adulation would have been intolerable; and that a man may be wise and virtuous and not a deity. here, so far as the leading and influential men were concerned, the matter would have dropped, probably; but there were lesser men like lovell who were much encouraged by the surrender of burgoyne, and who thought that they now might supplant washington with gates. before long, too, they found in the army itself some active and not over-scrupulous allies. the most conspicuous figure among the military malcontents was gates himself, who, although sluggish in all things, still had a keen eye for his own advancement. he showed plainly how much his head had been turned by the victory at saratoga when he failed to inform washington of the fact, and when he afterward delayed sending back troops until he was driven to it by the determined energy of hamilton, who was sent to bring him to reason. next in importance to gates was thomas mifflin, an ardent patriot, but a rather light-headed person, who espoused the opposition to washington for causes now somewhat misty, but among which personal vanity played no inconsiderable part. about these two leaders gathered a certain number of inferior officers of no great moment then or since. the active and moving spirit in the party, however, was one conway, an irish adventurer, who made himself so prominent that the whole affair passed into history bearing his name, and the "conway cabal" has obtained an enduring notoriety which its hero never acquired by any public services. conway was one of the foreign officers who had gained the favor of congress and held the rank of brigadier-general, but this by no means filled the measure of his pretensions, and when de kalb was made a major-general conway immediately started forward with claims to the same rank. he received strong support from the factious opposition, and there was so much stir that washington sharply interfered, for to his general objection to these lavish gifts of excessive rank was added an especial distrust in this particular case. in his calm way he had evidently observed conway, and with his unerring judgment of men had found him wanting. "i may add," he wrote to lee, "and i think with truth, that it will give a fatal blow to the existence of the army. upon so interesting a subject i must speak plainly. general conway's merit then as an officer, and his importance in this army, exist more in his own imagination than in reality." this plain talk soon reached conway, drove him at once into furious opposition, and caused him to impart to the faction a cohesion and vigor which they had before lacked. circumstances favored them. the victory at saratoga gave them something tangible to go upon, and the first move was made when gates failed to inform washington of the surrender, and then held back the troops sent for so urgently by the commander-in-chief, who had sacrificed so much from his own army to secure that of the north. at this very moment, indeed, when washington was calling for troops, he was struggling with the utmost tenacity to hold control of the delaware. he made every arrangement possible to maintain the forts, and the first assaults upon them were repulsed with great slaughter, the british in the attack on fort mercer losing count donop, the leader, and four hundred men. then came a breathing space, and then the attacks were renewed, supported by vessels, and both forts were abandoned after the works had been leveled to the ground by the enemy's fire. meanwhile hamilton, sent to the north, had done his work; gates had been stirred, and putnam, well-meaning but stubborn, had been sharply brought to his bearings. reinforcements had come, and washington meditated an attack on philadelphia. there was a good deal of clamor for something brilliant and decisive, for both the army and the public were a little dizzy from the effects of saratoga, and with sublime blindness to different conditions, could not see why the same performance should not be repeated to order everywhere else. to oppose this wish was trying, doubly trying to a man eager to fight, and with his full share of the very human desire to be as successful as his neighbor. it required great nerve to say no; but washington did not lack that quality, and as general and statesman he reconnoitred the enemy's works, weighed the chances, said no decisively, and took up an almost impregnable position at white marsh. thereupon howe announced that he would drive washington beyond the mountains, and on december he approached the american lines with this highly proper purpose. there was some skirmishing along the foot of the hills of an unimportant character, and on the third day washington, in high spirits, thought an attack would be made, and rode among the soldiers directing and encouraging them. nothing came of it, however, but more skirmishing, and the next day howe marched back to philadelphia. he had offered battle in all ways, he had invited action; but again, with the same pressure both from his own spirit and from public opinion, washington had said no. on his own ground he was more than ready to fight howe, but despite the terrible temptation he would fight on no other. not the least brilliant exploit of wellington was the retreat to the shrewdly prepared lines of torres vedras, and one of the most difficult successes of washington was his double refusal to fight as the year drew to a close. like most right and wise things, washington's action looks now, a century later, so plainly sensible that it is hard to imagine how any one could have questioned it; and one cannot, without a great effort, realize the awful strain upon will and temper involved in thus refusing battle. if the proposed attack on philadelphia had failed, or if our army had come down from the hills and been beaten in the fields below, no american army would have remained. the army of the north, of which men were talking so proudly, had done its work and dispersed. the fate of the revolution rested where it had been from the beginning, with washington and his soldiers. drive them beyond the mountains and there was no other army to fall back upon. on their existence everything hinged, and when howe got back to philadelphia, there they were still existent, still coherent, hovering on his flank, cooping him up in his lines, and leaving him master of little more than the ground his men encamped upon, and the streets his sentinels patrolled. when franklin was told in paris that howe had taken philadelphia, his reply was, "philadelphia has taken howe." but, with the exception of franklin, contemporary opinion in the month of december, , was very different from that of to-day, and the cabal had been at work ever since the commander-in-chief had stepped between conway and the exorbitant rank he coveted. washington, indeed, was perfectly aware of what was going on. he was quiet and dignified, impassive and silent, but he knew when men, whether great or small, were plotting against him, and he watched them with the same keenness as he did howe and the british. in the midst of his struggle to hold the delaware forts, and of his efforts to get back his troops from the north, a story came to him that arrested his attention. wilkinson, of gates's staff, had come to congress with the news of the surrender. he had been fifteen days on the road and three days getting his papers in order, and when it was proposed to give him a sword, roger sherman suggested that they had better "give the lad a pair of spurs." this thrust and some delay seem to have nettled wilkinson, who was swelling with importance, and although he was finally made a brigadier-general, he rode off to the north much ruffled. in later years wilkinson was secretive enough; but in his hot youth he could not hold his tongue, and on his way back to gates he talked. what he said was marked and carried to headquarters, and on november washington wrote to conway:-- "a letter which i received last night contained the following paragraph,--'in a letter from general conway to general gates he says, "_heaven has determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it_" i am, sir, your humble servant,'" etc. this curt note fell upon conway with stunning effect. it is said that he tried to apologize, and he certainly resigned. as for gates, he fell to writing letters filled with expressions of wonder as to who had betrayed him, and writhed most pitiably under the exposure. washington's replies are models of cold dignity, and the calm indifference with which he treated the whole matter, while holding gates to the point with relentless grasp, is very interesting. the cabal was seriously shaken by this sudden blow. it must have dawned upon them dimly that they might have mistaken their man, and that the silent soldier was perhaps not so easy to dispose of by an intrigue as they had fancied. nevertheless, they rallied, and taking advantage of the feeling in congress created by burgoyne's surrender, they set to work to get control of military matters. the board of war was enlarged to five, with gates at its head and mifflin a member, and, thus constituted, it proceeded to make conway inspector-general, with the rank of major-general. this, after conway's conduct, was a direct insult to washington, and marks the highest point attained by his opponents. in congress, too, they became more active, and john jay said that there was in that body a party bitterly hostile to washington. we know little of the members of that faction now, for they never took the trouble to refer to the matter in after years, and did everything that silence could do to have it all forgotten. but the party existed none the less, and significant letters have come down to us, one of them written by lovell, and two anonymous, addressed respectively to patrick henry and to laurens, then president, which show a bitter and vindictive spirit, and breathe but one purpose. the same thought is constantly reiterated, that with a good general the northern army had won a great victory, and that the main army, if commanded in the same way, would do likewise. the plan was simple and coherent. the cabal wished to drive washington out of power and replace him with gates. with this purpose they wrote to henry and laurens; with this purpose they made conway inspector-general. when they turned from intrigue to action, however, they began to fail. one of their pet schemes was the conquest of canada, and with this object lafayette was sent to the lakes, only to find that no preparations had been made, because the originators of the idea were ignorant and inefficient. the expedition promptly collapsed and was abandoned, with much instruction in consequence to congress and people. under their control the commissariat also went hopelessly to pieces, and a committee of congress proceeded to valley forge and found that in this direction, too, the new managers had grievously failed. then the original conway letter, uncovered so unceremoniously by washington, kept returning to plague its author. gates's correspondence went on all through the winter, and with every letter gates floundered more and more, and washington's replies grew more and more freezing and severe. gates undertook to throw the blame on wilkinson, who became loftily indignant and challenged him. the two made up their quarrel very soon in a ludicrous manner, but wilkinson in the interval had an interview with washington, which revealed an amount of duplicity and perfidy on the part of the cabal, so shocking to the former's sensitive nature, that he resigned his secretaryship of the board of war on account, as he frankly said, of the treachery and falsehood of gates. such a quarrel of course hurt the cabal, but it was still more weakened by gates himself, whose only idea seemed to be to supersede washington by slighting him, refusing troops, and declining to propose his health at dinner,--methods as unusual as they were feeble. the cabal, in fact, was so weak in ability and character that the moment any responsibility fell upon its members it was certain to break down, but the absolutely fatal obstacle to its schemes was the man it aimed to overthrow. the idea evidently was that washington could be driven to resign. they knew that they could not get either congress or public opinion to support them in removing him, but they believed that a few well-placed slights and insults would make him remove himself. it was just here that they made their mistake. washington, as they were aware, was sensitive and high-spirited to the last degree, and he had no love for office, but he was not one of those weaklings who leave power and place in a pet because they are criticised and assailed. he was not ambitious in the ordinary personal sense, but he had a passion for success. whether it was breaking a horse, or reclaiming land, or fighting indians, or saving a state, whatever he set his hand to, that he carried through to the end. with him there never was any shadow of turning back. when, without any self-seeking, he was placed at the head of the revolution, he made up his mind that he would carry it through everything to victory, if victory were possible. death or a prison could stop him, but neither defeat nor neglect, and still less the forces of intrigue and cabal. when he wrote to his brother announcing burgoyne's surrender, he had nothing to say of the slight gates put upon him, but merely added in a postscript, "i most devoutly congratulate my country and every well-wisher to the cause on this signal stroke of providence." this was his tone to every one, both in private and public. his complaint of not being properly notified he made to gates alone, and put it in the form of a rebuke. he knew of the movement against him from the beginning, but apparently the first person he confided in was conway, when he sent him the brief note of november . even after the cabal was fully developed, he wrote about it only once or twice, when compelled to do so, and there is no evidence that he ever talked about it except, perhaps, to a few most intimate friends. in a letter to patrick henry he said that he was obliged to allow a false impression as to his strength to go abroad, and that he suffered in consequence; and he added, with a little touch of feeling, that while the yeomanry of new york and new england poured into the camp of gates, outnumbering the enemy two to one, he could get no aid of that sort from pennsylvania, and still marvels were demanded of him. thus he went on his way through the winter, silent except when obliged to answer some friend, and always ready to meet his enemies. when conway complained to congress of his reception at camp, washington wrote the president that he was not given to dissimulation, and that he certainly had been cold in his manner. he wrote to lafayette that slander had been busy, and that he had urged his officers to be cool and dispassionate as to conway, adding, "i have no doubt that everything happens for the best, that we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, and in the end be happy; when, my dear marquis, if you will give me your company in virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties and the folly of others." but though he wrote thus lightly to his friends, he followed gates sternly enough, and kept that gentleman occupied as he drove him from point to point. among other things he touched upon conway's character with sharp irony, saying, "it is, however, greatly to be lamented that this adept in military science did not employ his abilities in the progress of the campaign, in pointing out those wise measures which were calculated to give us 'that degree of success we could reasonably expect.'" poor gates did not find these letters pleasant reading, and one more curt note, on february , finished the controversy. by that time the cabal was falling to pieces, and in a little while was dispersed. wilkinson's resignation was accepted, mifflin was put under washington's orders, and gates was sent to his command in the north. conway resigned one day in a pet, and found his resignation accepted and his power gone with unpleasant suddenness. he then got into a quarrel with general cadwalader on account of his attacks on the commander-in-chief. the quarrel ended in a duel. conway was badly wounded, and thinking himself dying, wrote a contrite note of apology to washington, then recovered, left the country, and disappeared from the ken of history. thus domestic malice and the "bitter party" in congress failed and perished. they had dashed themselves in vain against the strong man who held firmly both soldiers and people. "while the public are satisfied with my endeavors, i mean not to shrink from the cause." so washington wrote to gordon as the cabal was coming to an end, and in that spirit he crushed silently and thoroughly the faction that sought to thwart his purpose, and drive him from office by sneers, slights, and intrigues. these attacks upon him came at the darkest moment of his military career. defeated at brandywine and germantown, he had been forced from the forts after a desperate struggle, had seen philadelphia and the river fall completely into the hands of the enemy, and, bitterest of all, he had been obliged to hold back from another assault on the british lines, and to content himself with baffling howe when that gentleman came out and offered battle. then the enemy withdrew to their comfortable quarters, and he was left to face again the harsh winter and the problem of existence. it was the same ever recurring effort to keep the american army, and thereby the american revolution, alive. there was nothing in this task to stir the blood and rouse the heart. it was merely a question of grim tenacity of purpose and of the ability to comprehend its overwhelming importance. it was not a work that appealed to or inspirited any one, and to carry it through to a successful issue rested with the commander-in-chief alone. in the frost and snow he withdrew to valley forge, within easy striking distance of philadelphia. he had literally nothing to rely upon but his own stern will and strong head. his soldiers, steadily dwindling in numbers, marked their road to valley forge by the blood from their naked feet. they were destitute and in rags. when they reached their destination they had no shelter, and it was only by the energy and ingenuity of the general that they were led to build huts, and thus secure a measure of protection against the weather. there were literally no supplies, and the board of war failed completely to remedy the evil. the army was in such straits that it was obliged to seize by force the commonest necessaries. this was a desperate expedient and shocked public opinion, which washington, as a statesman, watched and cultivated as an essential element of success in his difficult business. he disliked to take extreme measures, but there was nothing else to be done when his men were starving, when nearly three thousand of them were unfit for duty because "barefoot and otherwise naked," and when a large part of the army were obliged to sit up all night by the fires for warmth's sake, having no blankets with which to cover themselves if they lay down. with nothing to eat, nothing to burn, nothing wherewith to clothe themselves, wasting away from exposure and disease, we can only wonder at the forbearance which stayed the hand of violent seizure so long. yet, as washington had foreseen, there was even then an outcry against him. nevertheless, his action ultimately did more good than harm in the very matter of public opinion, for it opened men's eyes, and led to some tardy improvements and some increased effort. worse even than this criticism was the remonstrance of the legislature of pennsylvania against the going into winter-quarters. they expected washington to keep the open field, and even to attack the british, with his starving, ragged army, in all the severity of a northern winter. they had failed him at every point and in every promise, in men, clothing, and supplies. they were not content that he covered their state and kept the revolution alive among the huts of valley forge. they wished the impossible. they asked for the moon, and then cried out because it was not given to them. it was a stupid, unkind thing to do, and washington answered their complaints in a letter to the president of congress. after setting forth the shortcomings of the pennsylvanians in the very plainest of plain english, he said: "but what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is that these very gentlemen should think a winter's campaign, and the covering of these states from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicable a business. i can answer those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, i feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul i pity those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve or prevent." this was not a safe man for the gentlemen of pennsylvania to cross too far, nor could they swerve him, with all his sense of public opinion, one jot from what he meant to do. in the stern rebuke, and in the deep pathos of these sentences, we catch a glimpse of the silent and self-controlled man breaking out for a moment as he thinks of his faithful and suffering men. whatever happened, he would hold them together, for in this black time we detect the fear which haunted him, that the people at large might give way. he was determined on independence. he felt a keen hatred against england for her whole conduct toward america, and this hatred was sharpened by the efforts of the english to injure him personally by forged letters and other despicable contrivances. he was resolved that england should never prevail, and his language in regard to her has a fierceness of tone which is full of meaning. he was bent, also, on success, and if under the long strain the people should weaken or waver, he was determined to maintain the army at all hazards. so, while he struggled against cold and hunger and destitution, while he contended with faction at home and lukewarmness in the administration of the war, even then, in the midst of these trials, he was devising a new system for the organization and permanence of his forces. congress meddled with the matter of prisoners and with the promotion of officers, and he argued with and checked them, and still pressed on in his plans. he insisted that officers must have better provision, for they had begun to resign. "you must appeal to their interest as well as to their patriotism," he wrote, "and you must give them half-pay and full pay in proper measure." "you must follow the same policy with the men," he said; "you must have done with short enlistments. in a word, gentlemen, you must give me an army, a lasting, enduring, continental army, for therein lies independence."[ ] it all comes out now, through the dust of details and annoyances, through the misery and suffering of that wretched winter, through the shrill cries of ignorance and hostility,--the great, clear, strong policy which meant to substitute an army for militia, and thereby secure victory and independence. it is the burden of all his letters to the governors of states, and to his officers everywhere. "i will hold the army together," he said, "but you on all sides must help me build it up."[ ] [footnote : these two quotations are not literal, of course, but give the substance of many letters.] thus with much strenuous labor and many fervent appeals he held his army together in some way, and slowly improved it. his system began to be put in force, his reiterated lessons were coming home to congress, and his reforms and suggestions were in some measure adopted. under the sound and trained guidance of baron steuben a drill and discipline were introduced, which soon showed marked results. greene succeeded mifflin as quartermaster-general, and brought order out of chaos. the conway cabal went to pieces, and as spring opened washington began to see light once more. to have held on through that winter was a great feat, but to have built up and improved the army at such a time was much more wonderful. it shows a greatness of character and a force of will rarer than military genius, and enables us to understand better, perhaps, than almost any of his victories, why it was that the success of the revolution lay in such large measure in the hands of one man. after howe's withdrawal from the jerseys in the previous year, a contemporary wrote that washington was left with the remnants of an army "to scuffle for liberty." the winter had passed, and he was prepared to scuffle again. on may sir henry clinton relieved sir william howe at philadelphia, and the latter took his departure in a blaze of mock glory and resplendent millinery, known as the mischianza, a fit close to a career of failure, which he was too dull to appreciate. the new commander was more active than his predecessor, but no cleverer, and no better fitted to cope with washington. it was another characteristic choice on the part of the british ministry, who could never muster enough intellect to understand that the americans would fight, and that they were led by a really great soldier. the coming of clinton did not alter existing conditions. expecting a movement by the enemy, washington sent lafayette forward to watch philadelphia. clinton and howe, eager for a victory before departure, determined to cut him off, and by a rapid movement nearly succeeded in so doing. timely information, presence of mind, and quickness alone enabled the young frenchman to escape, narrowly but completely. meantime, a cause for delay, that curse of the british throughout the war, supervened. a peace commission, consisting of the earl of carlisle, william eden, and governor johnstone, arrived. they were excellent men, but they came too late. their propositions three years before would have been well enough, but as it was they were worse than nothing. coolly received, they held a fruitless interview with a committee of congress, tried to bribe and intrigue, found that their own army had been already ordered to evacuate philadelphia without their knowledge, and finally gave up their task in angry despair, and returned to england to join in the chorus of fault-finding which was beginning to sound very loud in ministerial ears. meanwhile, washington waited and watched, puzzled by the delay, and hoping only to harass sir henry with militia on the march to new york. but as the days slipped by, the americans grew stronger, while the british had been weakened by wholesale desertions. when he finally started, he had with him probably sixteen to seventeen thousand men, while the americans had apparently at least thirteen thousand, nearly all continental troops.[ ] under these circumstances, washington determined to bring on a battle. he was thwarted at the outset by his officers, as was wont to be the case. lee had returned more whimsical than ever, and at the moment was strongly adverse to an attack, and was full of wise saws about building a bridge of gold for the flying enemy. the ascendancy which, as an english officer, he still retained enabled him to get a certain following, and the councils of war which were held compared unfavorably, as hamilton put it, with the deliberations of midwives. washington was harassed of course by all this, but he did not stay his purpose, and as soon as he knew that clinton actually had marched, he broke camp at valley forge and started in pursuit. there were more councils of an old-womanish character, but finally washington took the matter into his own hands, and ordered forth a strong detachment to attack the british rear-guard. they set out on the th, and as lee, to whom the command belonged, did not care to go, lafayette was put in charge. as soon as lafayette had departed, however, lee changed his mind, and insisted that all the detachments in front, amounting to five thousand men, formed a division so large that it was unjust not to give him the command. washington, therefore, sent him forward next day with two additional brigades, and then lee by seniority took command on the th of the entire advance. [footnote : the authorities are hopelessly conflicting as to the numbers on both sides. the british returns on march showed over , men. they had since that date been weakened by desertions, but to what extent we can only conjecture. the detachments to florida and the west indies ordered from england do not appear to have taken place. the estimate of , to , seems the most reasonable. washington returned his rank and file as just over , , which would indicate a total force of , to , , possibly more. washington clearly underestimated the enemy, and the best conclusion seems to be that they were nearly matched in numbers, with a slight inferiority on the american side.] in the evening of that day, washington came up, reconnoitred the enemy, and saw that, although their position was a strong one, another day's unmolested march would make it still stronger. he therefore resolved to attack the next morning, and gave lee then and there explicit orders to that effect. in the early dawn he dispatched similar orders, but lee apparently did nothing except move feebly forward, saying to lafayette, "you don't know the british soldiers; we cannot stand against them." he made a weak attempt to cut off a covering party, marched and countermarched, ordered and countermanded, until lafayette and wayne, eager to fight, knew not what to do, and sent hot messages to washington to come to them. thus hesitating and confused, lee permitted clinton to get his baggage and train to the front, and to mass all his best troops in the rear under cornwallis, who then advanced against the american lines. now there were no orders at all, and the troops did not know what to do, or where to go. they stood still, then began to fall back, and then to retreat. a very little more and there would have been a rout. as it was, washington alone prevented disaster. his early reports from the front from dickinson's outlying party, and from lee himself, were all favorable. then he heard the firing, and putting the main army in motion, he rode rapidly forward. first he encountered a straggler, who talked of defeat. he could not believe it, and the fellow was pushed aside and silenced. then came another and another, all with songs of death. finally, officers and regiments began to come. no one knew why they fled, or what had happened. as the ill tidings grew thicker, washington spurred sharper and rode faster through the deep sand, and under the blazing midsummer sun. at last he met lee and the main body all in full retreat. he rode straight at lee, savage with anger, not pleasant to look at, one may guess, and asked fiercely and with a deep oath, tradition says, what it all meant. lee was no coward, and did not usually lack for words. he was, too, a hardened man of the world, and, in the phrase of that day, impudent to boot. but then and there he stammered and hesitated. the fierce question was repeated. lee gathered himself and tried to excuse and palliate what had happened, but although the brief words that followed are variously reported to us across the century, we know that washington rebuked him in such a way, and with such passion, that all was over between them. lee had committed the one unpardonable sin in the eyes of his commander. he had failed to fight when the enemy was upon him. he had disobeyed orders and retreated. it was the end of him. he went to the rear, thence to a court-martial, thence to dismissal and to a solitary life with a well-founded suspicion of treason hanging about him. he was an intelligent, quick-witted, unstable man, much overrated because he was an english officer among a colonial people. he was ever treated magnanimously by washington after the day of battle at monmouth, but he then disappeared from the latter's life. when lee bowed before the storm and stepped aside, washington was left to deal with the danger and confusion around him. thus did he tell the story afterwards to his brother: "a retreat, however, was the fact, be the causes what they may; and the disorder arising from it would have proved fatal to the army, had not that bountiful providence, which has never failed us in the hour of distress, enabled me to form a regiment or two (of those that were retreating) in the face of the enemy, and under their fire; by which means a stand was made long enough (the place through which the enemy were pressing being narrow) to form the troops, that were advancing, upon an advantageous piece of ground in the rear." we cannot add much to these simple and modest words, for they tell the whole story. having put lee aside, washington rallied the broken troops, brought them into position, turned them back, and held the enemy in check. it was not an easy feat, but it was done, and when lee's division again fell back in good order the main army was in position, and the action became general. the british were repulsed, and then washington, taking the offensive, drove them back until he occupied the battlefield of the morning. night came upon him still advancing. he halted his army, lay down under a tree, his soldiers lying on their arms about him, and planned a fresh attack, to be made at daylight. but when the dawn came it was seen that the british had crept off, and were far on their road. the heat prevented a rapid pursuit, and clinton got into new york. between there and philadelphia he had lost at least two thousand men by desertions in addition to nearly five hundred who fell at monmouth. it is worth while to pause a moment and compare this battle with the rout of long island, the surprise at the brandywine, and the fatal unsteadiness at germantown. here, too, a check was received at the outset, owing to blundering which no one could have foreseen. the troops, confused and without orders, began to retreat, but without panic or disorder. the moment washington appeared they rallied, returned to the field, showed perfect steadiness, and the victory was won. monmouth has never been one of the famous battles of the revolution, and yet there is no other which can compare with it as an illustration of washington's ability as a soldier. it was not so much the way in which it was fought, although that was fine enough, that its importance lies as in the evidence which it gives of the way in which washington, after a series of defeats, during a winter of terrible suffering and privation, had yet developed his ragged volunteers into a well-disciplined and effective army. the battle was a victory, but the existence and the quality of the army that won it were a far greater triumph. the dreary winter at valley forge had indeed borne fruit. with a slight numerical superiority washington had fought the british in the open field, and fairly defeated them. "clinton gained no advantage," said the great frederic, "except to reach new york with the wreck of his army; america is probably lost for england." another year had passed, and england had lost an army, and still held what she had before, the city of new york. washington was in the field with a better army than ever, and an army flushed with a victory which had been achieved after difficulties and trials such as no one now can rightly picture or describe. the american revolution was advancing, held firm by the master-hand of its leader. into it, during these days of struggle and of battle, a new element had come, and the next step is to see how washington dealt with the fresh conditions upon which the great conflict had entered. chapter viii the allies on may , , congress ratified the treaties of commerce and alliance with france. on the th, washington, waiting at valley forge for the british to start from philadelphia, caused his army, drawn out on parade, to celebrate the great event with cheers and with salvos of artillery and musketry. the alliance deserved cheers and celebration, for it marked a long step onward in the revolution. it showed that america had demonstrated to europe that she could win independence, and it had been proved to the traditional enemy of england that the time had come when it would be profitable to help the revolted colonies. but the alliance brought troubles as well as blessings in its train. it induced a relaxation in popular energy, and carried with it new and difficult problems for the commander-in-chief. the successful management of allies, and of allied forces, had been one of the severest tests of the statesmanship of william iii., and had constituted one of the principal glories of marlborough. a similar problem now confronted the american general. washington was free from the diplomatic and political portion of the business, but the military and popular part fell wholly into his hands, and demanded the exercise of talents entirely different from those of either a general or an administrator. it has been not infrequently written more or less plainly, and it is constantly said, that washington was great in character, but that in brains he was not far above the common-place. it is even hinted sometimes that the father of his country was a dull man, a notion which we shall have occasion to examine more fully further on. at this point let the criticism be remembered merely in connection with the fact that to coöperate with allies in military matters demands tact, quick perception, firmness, and patience. in a word, it is a task which calls for the finest and most highly trained intellectual powers, and of which the difficulty is enhanced a thousandfold when the allies are on the one side, an old, aristocratic, punctilious people, and on the other, colonists utterly devoid of tradition, etiquette, or fixed habits, and very much accustomed to go their own way and speak their own minds with careless freedom. with this problem washington was obliged suddenly to deal, both in ill success and good success, as well as in many attempts which came to nothing. let us see how he solved it at the very outset, when everything went most perversely wrong. on july he heard that d'estaing's fleet was off the coast, and at once, without a trace of elation or excitement, he began to consider the possibility of intercepting the british fleet expected to arrive shortly from cork. as soon as d'estaing was within reach he sent two of his aides on board the flagship, and at once opened a correspondence with his ally. these letters of welcome, and those of suggestion which followed, are models, in their way, of what such letters ought always to be. they were perfectly adapted to satisfy the etiquette and the love of good manners of the french, and yet there was not a trace of anything like servility, or of an effusive gratitude which outran the favors granted. they combined stately courtesy with simple dignity, and are phrased with a sober grace which shows the thoroughly strong man, as capable to turn a sentence, if need be, as to rally retreating soldiers in the face of the enemy. in this first meeting of the allies nothing happened fortunately. d'estaing had had a long passage, and was too late to cut off lord howe at the delaware. then he turned to new york, and was too late there, and found further that he could not get his ships over the bar. hence more delays, so that he was late again in getting to newport, where he was to unite with sullivan in driving the british from rhode island, as washington had planned, in case of failure at new york, while the french were still hovering on the coast. when d'estaing finally reached newport, there was still another delay of ten days, and then, just as he and sullivan were preparing to attack, lord howe, with his squadron reinforced, appeared off the harbor. promising to return, d'estaing sailed out to give the enemy battle, and after much manoeuvring both fleets were driven off by a severe storm, and d'estaing came back only to tell sullivan that he must go to boston at once to refit. then came the protest addressed to the count and signed by all the american officers; then the departure of d'estaing, and an indiscreet proclamation to the troops by sullivan, reflecting on the conduct of the allies. when d'estaing had actually gone, and the americans were obliged to retreat, there was much grumbling in all directions, and it looked as if the first result of the alliance was to be a very pretty quarrel. it was a bad and awkward business. congress had the good sense to suppress the protest of the officers, and washington, disappointed, but perhaps not wholly surprised, set himself to work to put matters right. it was no easy task to soothe the french, on the one hand, who were naturally aggrieved at the utterances of the american officers and at the popular feeling, and on the other to calm his own people, who were, not without reason, both disappointed and provoked. to sullivan, fuming with wrath, he wrote: "should the expedition fail through the abandonment of the french fleet, the officers concerned will be apt to complain loudly. but prudence dictates that we should put the best face upon the matter, and to the world attribute the removal to boston to necessity. the reasons are too obvious to need explaining." and again, a few days later: "first impressions, you know, are generally longest remembered, and will serve to fix in a great degree our national character among the french. in our conduct towards them we should remember that they are a people old in war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others scarcely seem warmed. permit me to recommend, in the most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavor to destroy that ill-humor which may have got into officers." to lafayette he wrote: "everybody, sir, who reasons, will acknowledge the advantages which we have derived from the french fleet, and the zeal of the commander of it; but in a free and republican government you cannot restrain the voice of the multitude. every man will speak as he thinks, or, more properly, without thinking, and consequently will judge of effects without attending to the causes. the censures which have been leveled at the french fleet would more than probably have fallen in a much higher degree upon a fleet of our own, if we had had one in the same situation. it is the nature of man to be displeased with everything that disappoints a favorite hope or flattering project; and it is the folly of too many of them to condemn without investigating circumstances." finally he wrote to d'estaing, deploring the difference which had arisen, mentioning his own efforts and wishes to restore harmony, and said: "it is in the trying circumstances to which your excellency has been exposed that the virtues of a great mind are displayed in their brightest lustre, and that a general's character is better known than in the moment of victory. it was yours by every title that can give it; and the adverse elements that robbed you of your prize can never deprive you of the glory due you. though your success has not been equal to your expectations, yet you have the satisfaction of reflecting that you have rendered essential services to the common cause." this is not the letter of a dull man. indeed, there is a nicety about it that partakes of cleverness, a much commoner thing than greatness, but something which all great men by no means possess. thus by tact and comprehension of human nature, by judicious suppression and equally judicious letters, washington, through the prudent exercise of all his commanding influence, quieted his own people and soothed his allies. in this way a serious disaster was averted, and an abortive expedition was all that was left to be regretted, instead of an ugly quarrel, which might readily have neutralized the vast advantages flowing from the french alliance. having refitted, d'estaing bore away for the west indies, and so closed the first chapter in the history of the alliance with france. nothing more was heard of the allies until the spring was well advanced, when m. gerard, the minister, wrote, intimating that d'estaing was about to return, and asking what we would do. washington replied at length, professing his willingness to coöperate in any way, and offering, if the french would send ships, to abandon everything, run all risks, and make an attack on new york. nothing further came of it, and washington heard that the fleet had gone to the southern states, which he learned without regret, as he was apprehensive as to the condition of affairs in that region. again, in the autumn, it was reported that the fleet was once more upon the northern coast. washington at once sent officers to be on the lookout at the most likely points, and he wrote elaborately to d'estaing, setting forth with wonderful perspicuity the incidents of the past, the condition of the present, and the probabilities of the future. he was willing to do anything, or plan anything, provided his allies would join with him. the jealousy so habitual in humanity, which is afraid that some one else may get the glory of a common success, was unknown to washington, and if he could but drive the british from america, and establish american independence, he was perfectly willing that the glory should take care of itself. but all his wisdom in dealing with the allies was, for the moment, vain. while he was planning for a great stroke, and calling out the militia of new england, d'estaing was making ready to relieve georgia, and a few days after washington wrote his second letter, the french and americans assaulted the british works at savannah, and were repulsed with heavy losses. then d'estaing sailed away again, and the second effort of france to aid england's revolted colonies came to an end. their presence had had a good moral effect, and the dread of d'estaing's return had caused clinton to withdraw from newport and concentrate in new york. this was all that was actually accomplished, and there was nothing for it but to await still another trial and a more convenient season. with all his courtesy and consideration, with all his readiness to fall in with the wishes and schemes of the french, it must not be supposed that washington ever went an inch too far in this direction. he valued the french alliance, and proposed to use it to great purpose, but he was not in the least dazzled or blinded by it. even in the earliest glow of excitement and hope produced by d'estaing's arrival, washington took occasion to draw once more the distinction between a valuable alliance and volunteer adventurers, and to remonstrate again with congress about their reckless profusion in dealing with foreign officers. to gouverneur morris he wrote on july , : "the lavish manner in which rank has hitherto been bestowed on these gentlemen will certainly be productive of one or the other of these two evils: either to make it despicable in the eyes of europe, or become the means of pouring them in upon us like a torrent and adding to our present burden. but it is neither the expense nor the trouble of them that i most dread. there is an evil more extensive in its nature, and fatal in its consequences, to be apprehended, and that is the driving of all our own officers out of the service, and throwing not only our army, but our military councils, entirely into the hands of foreigners.... baron steuben, i now find, is also wanting to quit his inspectorship for a command in the line. this will be productive of much discontent to the brigadiers. in a word, although i think the baron an excellent officer, i do most devoutly wish that we had not a single foreigner among us except the marquis de lafayette, who acts upon very different principles from those which govern the rest." a few days later he said, on the same theme, to the president of congress: "i trust you think me so much a citizen of the world as to believe i am not easily warped or led away by attachments merely local and american; yet i confess i am not entirely without them, nor does it appear to me that they are unwarrantable, if confined within proper limits. fewer promotions in the foreign line would have been productive of more harmony, and made our warfare more agreeable to all parties." again, he said of steuben: "i regret that there should be a necessity that his services should be lost to the army; at the same time i think it my duty explicitly to observe to congress that his desire of having an actual and permanent command in the line cannot be complied with without wounding the feelings of a number of officers, whose rank and merits give them every claim to attention; and that the doing of it would be productive of much dissatisfaction and extensive ill consequences." washington's resistance to the colonial deference for foreigners has already been pointed out, but this second burst of opposition, coming at this especial time, deserves renewed attention. the splendid fleet and well-equipped troops of our ally were actually at our gates, and everybody was in a paroxysm of perfectly natural gratitude. to the colonial mind, steeped in colonial habits of thought, the foreigner at this particular juncture appeared more than ever to be a splendid and superior being. but he did not in the least confuse or sway the cool judgment that guided the destinies of the revolution. let us consider well the pregnant sentences just quoted, and the letters from which they are taken. they deserve it, for they throw a strong light on a side of washington's mind and character too little appreciated. one hears it said not infrequently, it has been argued even in print with some solemnity, that washington was, no doubt, a great man and rightly a national hero, but that he was not an american. it will be necessary to recur to this charge again and consider it at some length. it is sufficient at this point to see how it tallies with his conduct in a single matter, which was a very perfect test of the national and american quality of the man. we can get at the truth by contrasting him with his own contemporaries, the only fair comparison, for he was a man and an american of his own time and not of the present day, which is a point his critics overlook. where he differed from the men of his own time was in the fact that he rose to a breadth and height of americanism and of national feeling which no other man of that day touched at all. nothing is more intense than the conservatism of mental habits, and although it requires now an effort to realize it, it should not be forgotten that in every habit of thought the inhabitants of the thirteen colonies were wholly colonial. if this is properly appreciated we can understand the mental breadth and vigor which enabled washington to shake off at once all past habits and become an independent leader of an independent people. he felt to the very core of his being the need of national self-respect and national dignity. to him, as the chief of the armies and the head of the revolution, all men, no matter what tongue they spake or what country they came from, were to be dealt with on a footing of simple equality, and treated according to their merits. there was to him no glamour in the fact that this man was a frenchman and that an englishman. his own personal pride extended to his people, and he bowed to no national superiority anywhere. hamilton was national throughout, but he was born outside the thirteen colonies, and knew his fellow-citizens only as americans. franklin was national by the force of his own commanding genius. john adams grew to the same conception, so far as our relations to other nations were concerned. but beyond these three we may look far and closely before we find another among all the really great men of the time who freed himself wholly from the superstition of the colonist about the nations of europe. when washington drew his sword beneath the cambridge elm he stood forth as the first american, the best type of man that the new world could produce, with no provincial taint upon him, and no shadow of the colonial past clouding his path. it was this great quality that gave the struggle which he led a character it would never have attained without a leader so constituted. had he been merely a colonial englishman, had he not risen at once to the conception of an american nation, the world would have looked at us with very different eyes. it was the personal dignity of the man, quite as much as his fighting capacity, which impressed europe. kings and ministers, looking on dispassionately, soon realized that here was no ordinary agitator or revolutionist, but a great man on a great stage with great conceptions. england, indeed, talked about a militia colonel, but this chatter disappeared in the smoke of trenton, and even england came to look upon him as the all-powerful spirit of the revolution. dull men and colonial squires do not grasp a great idea and carry it into action on the world's stage in a few months. to stand forward at the head of raw armies and of a colonial people as a national leader, calm, dignified, and far-seeing, requires not only character, but intellect of the highest and strongest kind. now that we have come as a people, after more than a century's struggle, to the national feeling which washington compassed in a moment, it is well to consider that single achievement and to meditate on its meaning, whether in estimating him, or in gauging what he was to the american people when they came into existence. let us take another instance of the same quality, shown also in the winter of . congress had from the beginning a longing to conquer canada, which was a wholly natural and entirely laudable desire, for conquest is always more interesting than defense. washington, on the other hand, after the first complete failure, which was so nearly a success in the then undefended and unsuspicious country, gave up pretty thoroughly all ideas of attacking canada again, and opposed the various plans of congress in that direction. when he had a life-and-death struggle to get together and subsist enough men to protect their own firesides, he had ample reason to know that invasions of canada were hopeless. indeed, not much active opposition from the commander-in-chief was needed to dispose of the canadian schemes, for facts settled them as fast as they arose. when the cabal got up its canadian expedition, it consisted of lafayette, and penetrated no farther than albany. so washington merely kept his eye watchfully on canada, and argued against expeditions thither, until this winter of , when something quite new in that direction came up. lafayette's imagination had been fired by the notion of conquering canada. his idea was to get succors from france for this especial purpose, and with them and american aid to achieve the conquest. congress was impressed and pleased by the scheme, and sent a report upon it to franklin, to communicate to the french court, but washington, when he heard of the plan, took a very different view. he sent at once a long dispatch to congress, urging every possible objection to the proposed campaign, on the ground of its utter impracticability, and with this official letter, which was necessarily confined to the military side of the question, went another addressed to president laurens personally, which contained the deeper reasons of his opposition. he said that there was an objection not touched upon in his public letter, which was absolutely insurmountable. this was the introduction of french troops into canada to take possession of the capital, in the midst of a people of their own race and religion, and but recently severed from them. he pointed out the enormous advantages which would accrue to france from the possession of canada, such as independent posts, control of the indians, and the newfoundland trade. "france, ... possessed of new orleans on our right, canada on our left, and seconded by the numerous tribes of indians in our rear, ... would, it is much to be apprehended, have it in her power to give law to these states." he went on to show that france might easily find an excuse for such conduct, in seeking a surety for her advances of money, and that she had but little to fear from the contingency of our being driven to reunite with england. he continued: "men are very apt to run into extremes. hatred to england may carry some into an excess of confidence in france, especially when motives of gratitude are thrown into the scale. men of this description would be unwilling to suppose france capable of acting so ungenerous a part. i am heartily disposed to entertain the most favorable sentiments of our new ally, and to cherish them in others to a reasonable degree. but it is a maxim, founded on the universal experience of mankind, that no nation is to be trusted farther than it is bound by its own interest; and no prudent statesman or politician will venture to depart from it. in our circumstances we ought to be particularly cautious; for we have not yet attained sufficient vigor and maturity to recover from the shock of any false steps into which we may unwarily fall." we shall have occasion to recall these utterances at a later day, but at this time they serve to show yet again how broadly and clearly washington judged nations and policies. uppermost in his mind was the destiny of his own nation, just coming into being, and from that firm point he watched and reasoned. his words had no effect on congress, but as it turned out, the plan failed through adverse influences in the quarter where washington least expected them. he believed that this canadian plan had been put into lafayette's mind by the cabinet of louis xvi., and he could not imagine that a policy of such obvious wisdom could be overlooked by french statesmen. in this he was completely mistaken, for france failed to see what seemed so simple to the american general, that the opportunity had come to revive her old american policy and reestablish her colonies under the most favorable conditions. the ministers of louis xvi., moreover, did not wish the colonies to conquer canada, and the plan of lafayette and the congress received no aid in paris and came to nothing. but the fruitless incident exhibits in the strongest light the attitude of washington as a purely american statesman, and the comprehensiveness of his mind in dealing with large affairs. the french alliance and the coming of the french fleet were of incalculable advantage to the colonies, but they had one evil effect, as has already been suggested. to a people weary with unequal conflict, it was a debilitating influence, and america needed at that moment more than ever energy and vigor, both in the council and the field. yet the general outlook was distinctly better and more encouraging. soon after washington had defeated clinton at monmouth, and had taken a position whence he could watch and check him, he wrote to his friend general nelson in virginia:-- "it is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contemplate, that, after two years' manoeuvring and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes that perhaps ever attended any one contest since the creation, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and that the offending party at the beginning is now reduced to the spade and pickaxe for defense. the hand of providence has been so conspicuous in all this that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations. but it will be time enough for me to turn preacher when my present appointment ceases." he had reason to congratulate himself on the result of his two years' campaigning, but as the summer wore away and winter came on he found causes for fresh and deep alarm, despite the good outlook in the field. the demoralizing effects of civil war were beginning to show themselves in various directions. the character of congress, in point of ability, had declined alarmingly, for the ablest men of the first congress, with few exceptions, had departed. some had gone to the army, some to the diplomatic service, and many had remained at home, preferring the honors and offices of the states to those of the confederation. their successors, patriotic and well-meaning though they were, lacked the energy and force of those who had started the revolution, and, as a consequence, congress had become feeble and ineffective, easily swayed by influential schemers, and unable to cope with the difficulties which surrounded them. outside the government the popular tone had deteriorated sadly. the lavish issues of irredeemable paper by the confederation and the states had brought their finances to the verge of absolute ruin. the continental currency had fallen to something like forty to one in gold, and the decline was hastened by the forged notes put out by the enemy. the fluctuations of this paper soon bred a spirit of gambling, and hence came a class of men, both inside and outside of politics, who sought, more or less corruptly, to make fortunes by army contracts, and by forestalling the markets. these developments filled washington with anxiety, for in the financial troubles he saw ruin to the army. the unpaid troops bore the injustice done them with wonderful patience, but it was something that could not last, and washington knew the danger. in vain did he remonstrate. it seemed to be impossible to get anything done, and at last, in the following spring, the outbreak began. two new jersey regiments refused to march until the assembly made provision for their pay. washington took high ground with them, but they stood respectfully firm, and finally had their way. not long after came another outbreak in the connecticut line, with similar results. these object lessons had some result, and by foreign loans and the ability of robert morris the country was enabled to stumble along; but it was a frightful and wearing anxiety to the commander-in-chief. washington saw at once that the root of the evil lay in the feebleness of congress, and although he could not deal with the finances, he was able to strive for an improvement in the governing body. not content with letters, he left the army and went to philadelphia, in the winter of , and there appealed to congress in person, setting forth the perils which beset them, and urging action. he wrote also to his friends everywhere, pointing out the deficiencies of congress, and begging them to send better and stronger men. to benjamin harrison he wrote: "it appears to me as clear as ever the sun did in its meridian brightness, that america never stood in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period; ... the states separately are too much engaged in their local concerns, and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council, for the good of the common weal." he took the same high tone in all his letters, and there can be seen through it all the desperate endeavor to make the states and the people understand the dangers which he realized, but which they either could not or would not appreciate. on the other hand, while his anxiety was sharpened to the highest point by the character of congress, his sternest wrath was kindled by the gambling and money-making which had become rampant. to reed he wrote in december, : "it gives me sincere pleasure to find that there is likely to be a coalition of the whigs in your state, a few only excepted, and that the assembly is so well disposed to second your endeavors in bringing those murderers of our cause, the monopolizers, forestallers, and engrossers, to condign punishment. it is much to be lamented that each state, long ere this, has not hunted them down as pests to society and the greatest enemies we have to the happiness of america. i would to god that some one of the most atrocious in each state was hung in gibbets upon a gallows five times as high as the one prepared by haman. no punishment, in my opinion, is too great for the man who can build his greatness upon his country's ruin." he would have hanged them too had he had the power, for he was always as good as his word. it is refreshing to read these righteously angry words, still ringing as sharply as when they were written. they clear away all the myths--the priggish, the cold, the statuesque, the dull myths--as the strong gusts of the northwest wind in autumn sweep off the heavy mists of lingering august. they are the hot words of a warm-blooded man, a good hater, who loathed meanness and treachery, and who would have hanged those who battened upon the country's distress. when he went to philadelphia, a few weeks later, and saw the state of things with nearer view, he felt the wretchedness and outrage of such doings more than ever. he wrote to harrison: "if i were to be called upon to draw a picture of the times and of men, from what i have seen, heard, and in part know, i should in one word say, that idleness, dissipation, and extravagance seem to have laid fast hold of most of them; that speculation, peculation, and an insatiable thirst for riches seem to have got the better of every other consideration, and almost of every order of men; that party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day; whilst the momentous concerns of an empire, a great and accumulating debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and want of credit, which, in its consequences, is the want of everything, are but secondary considerations, and postponed from day to day, from week to week, as if our affairs wore the most promising aspect." other men talked about empire, but he alone grasped the great conception, and felt it in his soul. to see not only immediate success imperiled, but the future paltered with by small, mean, and dishonest men, cut him to the quick. he set himself doggedly to fight it, as he always fought every enemy, using both speech and pen in all quarters. much, no doubt, he ultimately effected, but he was contending with the usual results of civil war, which are demoralizing always, and especially so among a young people in a new country. at first, therefore, all seemed vain. the selfishness, "peculation, and speculation" seemed to get worse, and the tone of congress and the people lower, as he struggled against them. in march, , he wrote to james warren of massachusetts: "nothing, i am convinced, but the depreciation of our currency, aided by stock-jobbing and party dissensions, has fed the hopes of the enemy, and kept the british arms in america to this day. they do not scruple to declare this themselves, and add that we shall be our own conquerors. can not our common country, america, possess virtue enough to disappoint them? is the paltry consideration of a little pelf to individuals to be placed in competition with the essential rights and liberties of the present generation, and of millions yet unborn? shall a few designing men, for their own aggrandizement, and to gratify their own avarice, overset the goodly fabric we have been rearing, at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure? and shall we at last become the victims of our own lust of gain? forbid it, heaven! forbid it, all and every state in the union, by enacting and enforcing efficacious laws for checking the growth of these monstrous evils, and restoring matters, in some degree, to the state they were in at the commencement of the war." "our cause is noble. it is the cause of mankind, and the danger to it is to be apprehended from ourselves. shall we slumber and sleep, then, while we should be punishing those miscreants who have brought these troubles upon us, and who are aiming to continue us in them; while we should be striving to fill our battalions, and devising ways and means to raise the value of the currency, on the credit of which everything depends?" again we see the prevailing idea of the future, which haunted him continually. evidently, he had some imagination, and also a power of terse and eloquent expression which we have heard of before, and shall note again. still the appeals seemed to sound in deaf ears. he wrote to george mason: "i have seen, without despondency, even for a moment, the hours which america has styled her gloomy ones; but i have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities that i have thought her liberties in such imminent danger as at present.... indeed, we are verging so fast to destruction that i am filled with sensations to which i have been a stranger till within these three months." to gouverneur morris he said: "if the enemy have it in their power to press us hard this campaign, i know not what may be the consequence." he had faced the enemy, the bleak winters, raw soldiers, and all the difficulties of impecunious government, with a cheerful courage that never failed. but the spectacle of widespread popular demoralization, of selfish scrambles for plunder, and of feeble administration at the centre of government weighed upon him heavily. it was not the general's business to build up congress and grapple with finance, but washington addressed himself to the new task with his usual persistent courage. it was slow and painful work. he seemed to make no progress, and then it was that his spirits sank at the prospect of ruin and defeat, not coming on the field of battle, but from our own vices and our own lack of energy and wisdom. yet his work told in the end, as it always did. his vast and steadily growing influence made itself felt even through the dense troubles of the uneasy times. congress turned with energy to europe for fresh loans. lafayette worked away to get an army sent over. the two morrises, stimulated by washington, flung themselves into the financial difficulties, and feeble but distinct efforts toward a more concentrated and better organized administration of public affairs were made both in the states and the confederation. but, although washington's spirits fell, and his anxieties became wellnigh intolerable in this period of reaction which followed the french alliance, he made no public show of it, but carried on his own work with the army and in the field as usual, contending with all the difficulties, new and old, as calmly and efficiently as ever. after clinton slipped away from monmouth and sought refuge in new york, washington took post at convenient points and watched the movements of the enemy. in this way the summer passed. as always, washington's first object was to guard the hudson, and while he held this vital point firmly, he waited, ready to strike elsewhere if necessary. it looked for a time as if the british intended to descend on boston, seize the town, and destroy the french fleet, which had gone there to refit. such was the opinion of gates, then commanding in that department, and as washington inclined to the same belief, the fear of this event gave him many anxious moments. he even moved his troops so as to be in readiness to march eastward at short notice; but he gradually became convinced that the enemy had no such plan. much of his thought, now and always, was given to efforts to divine the intentions of the british generals. they had so few settled ideas, and were so tardy and lingering when they had plans, that it is small wonder that their opponents were sorely puzzled in trying to find out what their purposes were, when they really had none. the fact was that washington saw their military opportunities with the eye of a great soldier, and so much better than they, that he suffered a good deal of needless anxiety in devising methods to meet attacks which they had not the wit to undertake. he had a profound contempt for their policy of holding towns, and believing that they must see the utter futility of it, after several years of trial, he constantly expected from them a well-planned and extensive campaign, which in reality they were incapable of devising. the main army, therefore, remained quiet, and when the autumn had passed went into winter-quarters in well-posted detachments about new york. in december clinton made an ineffectual raid, and then all was peaceful again, and washington was able to go to philadelphia and struggle with congress, leaving his army more comfortable and secure than they had been in any previous winter. in january he informed congress as to the next campaign. he showed them the impossibility of undertaking anything on a large scale, and announced his intention of remaining on the defensive. it was a trying policy to a man of his temper, but he could do no better, and he knew, now as always, what others could not yet see, that by simply holding on and keeping his army in the field he was slowly but surely winning independence. he tried to get congress to do something with the navy, and he planned an expedition, under the command of sullivan, to overrun the indian country and check the barbarous raids of the tories and savages on the frontier; and with this he was fain to be content. in fact, he perceived very clearly the direction in which the war was tending. he kept up his struggle with congress for a permanent army, and with the old persistency pleaded that something should be done for the officers, and at the same time he tried to keep the states in good humor when they were grumbling about the amount of protection afforded them. but all this wear and tear of heart and brain and temper, while given chiefly to hold the army together, was not endured with any notion that he and clinton were eventually to fight it out in the neighborhood of new york. washington felt that that part of the conflict was over. he now hoped and believed that the moment would come, when, by uniting his army with the french, he should be able to strike the decisive blow. until that time came, however, he knew that he could do nothing on a great scale, and he felt that meanwhile the british, abandoning practically the eastern and middle states, would make one last desperate struggle for victory, and would make it in the south. long before any one else, he appreciated this fact, and saw a peril looming large in that region, where everybody was considering the british invasion as little more than an exaggerated raid. he foresaw, too, that we should suffer more there than we had in the extreme north, because the south was full of tories and less well organized. all this, however, did not change his own plans one jot. he believed that the south must work out its own salvation, as new york and new england had done with burgoyne, and he felt sure that in the end it would be successful. but he would not go south, nor take his army there. the instinct of a great commander for the vital point in a war or a battle, is as keen as that of the tiger is said to be for the jugular vein of its victim. the british might overrun the north or invade the south, but he would stay where he was, with his grip upon new york and the hudson river. the tide of invasion might ebb and flow in this region or that, but the british were doomed if they could not divide the eastern colonies from the others. when the appointed hour came, he was ready to abandon everything and strike the final and fatal blow; but until then he waited and stood fast with his army, holding the great river in his grasp. he felt much more anxiety about the south than he had felt about the north, and expected congress to consult him as to a commander, having made up his mind that greene was the man to send. but congress still believed in gates, who had been making trouble for washington all winter; and so gates was sent, and congress in due time got their lesson, and found once more that washington understood men better than they did. in the north the winter was comparatively uneventful. the spring passed, and in june clinton came out and took possession of stony point and verplanck's point, and began to fortify them. it looked a little as if clinton might intend to get control of the hudson by slow approaches, fortifying, and then advancing until he reached west point. with this in mind, washington at once determined to check the british by striking sharply at one of their new posts. having made up his mind, he sent for wayne and asked him if he would storm stony point. tradition says that wayne replied, "i will storm hell, if you will plan it." a true tradition, probably, in keeping with wayne's character, and pleasant to us to-day as showing with a vivid gleam of rough human speech the utter confidence of the army in their leader, that confidence which only a great soldier can inspire. so washington planned, and wayne stormed, and stony point fell. it was a gallant and brilliant feat of arms, one of the most brilliant of the war. over five hundred prisoners were taken, the guns were carried off, and the works destroyed, leaving the british to begin afresh with a good deal of increased caution and respect. not long after, harry lee stormed paulus hook with equal success, and the british were checked and arrested, if they intended any extensive movement. on the frontier, sullivan, after some delays, did his work effectively, ravaging the indian towns and reducing them to quiet, thus taking away another annoyance and danger. in these various ways clinton's circle of activity was steadily narrowed, but it may be doubted whether he had any coherent plan. the principal occupation of the british was to send out marauding expeditions and cut off outlying parties. tryon burned and pillaged in connecticut, matthews in virginia, and others on a smaller scale elsewhere in new jersey and new york. the blundering stupidity of this system of warfare was only equaled by its utter brutality. houses were burned, peaceful villages went up in smoke, women and children were outraged, and soldiers were bayoneted after they had surrendered. these details of the revolution are wellnigh forgotten now, but when the ear is wearied with talk about english generosity and love of fair play, it is well to turn back and study the exploits of tryon, and it is not amiss in the same connection to recall that english budgets contained a special appropriation for scalping-knives, a delicate attention to the tories and indians who were burning and butchering on the frontier. such methods of warfare washington despised intellectually, and hated morally. he saw that every raid only hardened the people against england, and made her cause more hopeless. the misery caused by these raids angered him, but he would not retaliate in kind, and wayne bayoneted no english soldiers after they laid down their arms at stony point. it was enough for washington to hold fast to the great objects he had in view, to check clinton and circumscribe his movements. steadfastly he did this through the summer and winter of , which proved one of the worst that he had yet endured. supplies did not come, the army dwindled, and the miseries of valley forge were renewed. again was repeated the old and pitiful story of appeals to congress and the states, and again the undaunted spirit and strenuous exertions of washington saved the army and the revolution from the internal ruin which was his worst enemy. when the new year began, he saw that he was again condemned to a defensive campaign, but this made little difference now, for what he had foreseen in the spring of became certainty in the autumn. the active war was transferred to the south, where the chapter of disasters was beginning, and clinton had practically given up everything except new york. the war had taken on the new phase expected by washington. weak as he was, he began to detach troops, and prepared to deal with the last desperate effort of england to conquer her revolted colonies from the south. chapter ix arnold's treason, and the war in the south the spring of was the beginning of a period of inactivity and disappointment, of diligent effort and frustrated plans. during the months which ensued before the march to the south, washington passed through a stress of harassing anxiety, which was far worse than anything he had to undergo at any other time. plans were formed, only to fail. opportunities arose, only to pass by unfulfilled. the network of hostile conditions bound him hand and foot, and it seemed at times as if he could never break the bonds that held him, or prevent or hold back the moral, social, and political dissolution going on about him. with the aid of france, he meant to strike one decisive blow, and end the struggle. every moment was of importance, and yet the days and weeks and months slipped by, and he could get nothing done. he could neither gain control of the sea, nor gather sufficient forces of his own, although delay now meant ruin. he saw the british overrun the south, and he could not leave the hudson. he was obliged to sacrifice the southern states, and yet he could get neither ships nor men to attack new york. the army was starving and mutinous, and he sought relief in vain. the finances were ruined, congress was helpless, the states seemed stupefied. treason of the most desperate kind suddenly reared its head, and threatened the very citadel of the revolution. these were the days of the war least familiar to posterity. they are unmarked in the main by action or fighting, and on this dreary monotony nothing stands out except the black stain of arnold's treason. yet it was the time of all others when washington had most to bear. it was the time of all others when his dogged persistence and unwavering courage alone seemed to sustain the flickering fortunes of the war. in april washington was pondering ruefully on the condition of affairs at the south. he saw that the only hope of saving charleston was in the defense of the bar; and when that became indefensible, he saw that the town ought to be abandoned to the enemy, and the army withdrawn to the country. his military genius showed itself again and again in his perfectly accurate judgment on distant campaigns. he seemed to apprehend all the conditions at a glance, and although his wisdom made him refuse to issue orders when he was not on the ground, those generals who followed his suggestions, even when a thousand miles away, were successful, and those who disregarded them were not. lincoln, commanding at charleston, was a brave and loyal man, but he had neither the foresight nor the courage to withdraw to the country, and then, hovering on the lines of the enemy, to confine them to the town. he yielded to the entreaties of the citizens and remained, only to surrender. washington had retreated from new york, and after five years of fighting the british still held it, and had gone no further. he had refused to risk an assault to redeem philadelphia, at the expense of much grumbling and cursing, and had then beaten the enemy when they hastily retreated thence in the following spring. his cardinal doctrine was that the revolution depended upon the existence of the army, and not on the possession of any particular spot of ground, and his masterly adherence to this theory brought victory, slowly but surely. lincoln's very natural inability to grasp it, and to withstand popular pressure, cost us for a time the southern states and a great deal of bloody fighting. in the midst of this anxiety about the south, and when he foresaw the coming disasters, washington was cheered and encouraged by the arrival of lafayette, whom he loved, and who brought good tidings of his zealous work for the united states in paris. an army and a fleet were on their way to america, with a promise of more to follow. this was great news indeed. it is interesting to note how washington took it, for we see here with unusual clearness the readiness of grasp and quickness of thought which have been noted before, but which are not commonly attributed to him. it has been the fashion to treat washington as wise and prudent, but as distinctly slow, and when he was obliged to concentrate public opinion, either military or civil, or when doubt overhung his course, he moved with great deliberation. when he required no concentration of opinion, and had made up his mind, he could strike with a terribly swift decision, as at trenton or monmouth. so when a new situation presented itself he seized with wonderful rapidity every phase and possibility opened by changed conditions. the moment he learned from lafayette that the french succors were actually on the way, he began to lay out plans in a manner which showed how he had taken in at the first glance every chance and every contingency. he wrote that the decisive moment was at hand, and that the french succors would be fatal if not used successfully now. congress must improve their methods of administration, and for this purpose must appoint a small committee to coöperate with him. this step he demanded, and it was taken at once. fresh from his interview with lafayette, he sent out orders to have inquiries made as to halifax and its defenses. possibly a sudden and telling blow might be struck there, and nothing should be overlooked. he also wrote to lafayette to urge upon the french commander an immediate assault on new york the moment he landed. yet despite his thought for new york, he even then began to see the opportunities which were destined to develop into yorktown. he had longed to go to the south before, and had held back only because he felt that the main army and new york were still the key of the position, and could not be safely abandoned. now, while planning the capture of new york, he asked in a letter whether the enemy was not more exposed at the southward and therefore a better subject for a combined attack there. clearness and precision of plan as to the central point, joined to a perfect readiness to change suddenly and strike hard and decisively in a totally different quarter, are sure marks of the great commander. we can find them all through the correspondence, but here in may, , they come out with peculiar vividness. they are qualities arising from a wide foresight, and from a sure and quick perception. they are not the qualities of a slow or heavy mind. on june came the news of the surrender of charleston and the loss of the army, which was followed by the return of clinton to new york. the southern states lay open now to the enemy, and it was a severe trial to washington to be unable to go to their rescue; but with the same dogged adherence to his ruling idea, he concentrated his attention on the hudson with renewed vigilance on account of clinton's return. adversity and prosperity alike were unable to divert him from the control of the great river and the mastery of the middle states until he saw conclusive victory elsewhere fairly within his grasp. in the same unswerving way he pushed on the preparations for what he felt to be the coming of the decisive campaign and the supreme moment of the war. to all the governors went urgent letters, calling on the states to fill their lines in the continental army, and to have their militia in readiness. in the midst of these anxieties and preparations, the french arrived at newport, bringing a well-equipped army of some five thousand men, and a small fleet. they brought, too, something quite as important, in the way of genuine good-will and full intention to do all in their power for their allies. after a moment's hesitation, born of unlucky memories, the people of rhode island gave de rochambeau a hearty welcome, and washington sent him the most cordial greeting. with the greeting went the polite but earnest request for immediate action, together with plans for attacking new york; and, at the same time, another urgent call went out to the states for men, money, and supplies. the long-looked-for hour had arrived, a fine french army was in newport, a french fleet rode in the harbor, and instead of action, immediate and effective, the great event marked only the beginning of a period of delays and disappointment, wearing heart and nerve almost beyond endurance. first it appeared that the french ships could not get into new york harbor. then there was sickness in the french army. then the british menaced newport, and rapid preparations had to be made to meet that danger. then it came out that de rochambeau was ordered to await the arrival of the second division of the army, with more ships; and after due waiting, it was discovered that the aforesaid second division, with their ships, were securely blockaded by the english fleet at brest. on our side it was no better; indeed, it was rather worse. there was lack of arms and powder. the drafts were made with difficulty, and the new levies came in slowly. supplies failed altogether, and on every hand there was nothing but delay, and ever fresh delay, and in the midst of it all washington, wrestling with sloth and incoherence and inefficiency, trampled down one failure and disappointment only to encounter another, equally important, equally petty, and equally harassing. on august he wrote to congress a long and most able letter, which set forth forcibly the evil and perilous condition of affairs. after reading that letter no man could say that there was not need of the utmost exertion, and for the expenditure of the last ounce of energy. in it washington struck especially at the two delusions with which the people and their representatives were lulling themselves into security, and by which they were led to relax their efforts. one was the belief that england was breaking down; the other, that the arrival of the french was synonymous with the victorious close of the war. washington demonstrated that england still commanded the sea, and that as long as she did so there was a great advantage on her side. she was stronger, on the whole, this year than the year before, and her financial resources were still ample. there was no use in looking for victory in the weakness of the enemy, and on the other hand, to rely wholly on france was contemptible as well as foolish. after stating plainly that the army was on the verge of dissolution, he said: "to me it will appear miraculous if our affairs can maintain themselves much longer in their present train. if either the temper or the resources of the country will not admit of an alteration, we may expect soon to be reduced to the humiliating condition of seeing the cause of america, in america, upheld by foreign arms. the generosity of our allies has a claim to all our confidence and all our gratitude, but it is neither for the honor of america, nor for the interest of the common cause, to leave the work entirely to them." it must have been bitter to washington above all men, with his high dignity and keen sense of national honor, to write such words as these, or make such an argument to any of his countrymen. but it was a work which the time demanded, and he did it without flinching. having thus laid bare the weak places, he proceeded to rehearse once more, with a weariness we can easily fancy, the old, old lesson as to organization, a permanent army, and a better system of administration. this letter neither scolded, nor bewailed, nor desponded, but it told the truth with great force and vigor. of course it had but slight results, comparatively speaking; still it did something, and the final success of the revolution is due to the series of strong truth-telling letters, of which this is an example, as much as to any one thing done by washington. there was need of some one, not only to fight battles and lead armies, but to drive congress into some sort of harmony, spur the careless and indifferent to action, arouse the states, and kill various fatal delusions, and in washington the robust teller of unwelcome truths was found. still, even the results actually obtained by such letters came but slowly, and washington felt that he must strike at all hazards. through lafayette he tried to get de rochambeau to agree to an immediate attack on new york. his army was on the very eve of dissolution, and he began with reason to doubt his own power of holding it together longer. the finances of the country were going ever faster to irremediable ruin, and it seemed impossible that anything could postpone open and avowed bankruptcy. so, with his army crumbling, mutinous, and half starved, he turned to his one unfailing resource of fighting, and tried to persuade de rochambeau to join him. under the circumstances, washington was right to wish to risk a battle, and de rochambeau, from his point of view, was equally so in refusing to take the offensive, unless the second division arrived or de guichen came with his fleet, or the english force at new york was reduced. in these debates and delays, mingled with an appeal to de guichen in the west indies, the summer was fast wearing away, and, by way of addition, early in september came tidings of the battle of camden, and the utter rout of gates's army. despite his own needs and trials, washington's first idea was to stem the current of disaster at the south, and he ordered the fresh maryland troops to turn back at once and march to the carolinas, but gates fled so fast and far that it was some time before anything was heard of him. as more news came of camden and its beaten general, washington wrote to rutledge that he should ultimately come southward. meantime, he could only struggle with his own difficulties, and rack his brains for men and means to rescue the south. it must have seemed to washington, in those lovely september days, as if fate could not have any worse trials in store, and that if he could only breast the troubles now surging about him, he might count on sure and speedy success. yet the bitterest trial of all was even then hanging over his head, and with a sort of savage sarcasm it came upon him in one of those rare moments when he had an hour of rest and sunshine. the story of arnold's treason is easily told. its romantic side has made it familiar to all americans, and given it a factitious importance. had it succeeded it would have opened opportunities of disaster to the american arms, although it would not have affected the final outcome of the revolution. as it was it failed, and had no result whatever. it has passed into history simply as a picturesque episode, charged with possibilities which attract the imagination, but having, in itself, neither meaning nor consequences beyond the two conspirators. to us it is of interest, because it shows washington in one of the sharpest and bitterest experiences of his life. let us see how he met it and dealt with it. from the day when the french landed, both de rochambeau and washington had been most anxious to meet. the french general had been particularly urgent, but it was difficult for washington to get away. as he wrote on august : "we are about ten miles from the enemy. our popular government imposes a necessity of great circumspection. if any misfortune should happen in my absence, it would be attended with every inconvenience. i will, however, endeavor if possible, and as soon as possible, to meet you at some convenient rendezvous." in accordance with this promise, a few weeks later, he left greene in command of the army, and, not without misgivings, started on september to meet de rochambeau. on his way he had an interview with arnold, who came to him to show a letter from the loyalist colonel robinson, and thus disarm suspicion as to his doings. on the th, the day when andré and arnold met to arrange the terms of the sale, washington was with de rochambeau at hartford. news had arrived, meantime, that de guichen had sailed for europe; the command of the sea was therefore lost, and the opportunity for action had gone by. there was no need for further conference, and washington accordingly set out on his return at once, two or three days earlier than he had intended. he was accompanied by his own staff, and by knox and lafayette with their officers. with him, too, went the young count dumas, who has left a description of their journey, and of the popular enthusiasm displayed in the towns through which they passed. in one village, which they reached after nightfall, all the people turned out, the children bearing torches, and men and women hailed washington as father, and pressed about him to touch the hem of his garments. turning to dumas he said, "we may be beaten by the english; it is the chance of war; but there is the army they will never conquer." political leaders grumbled, and military officers caballed, but the popular feeling went out to washington with a sure and utter confidence. the people in that little village recognized the great and unselfish leader as they recognized lincoln a century later, and from the masses of the people no one ever heard the cry that washington was cold or unsympathetic. they loved him, and believed in him, and such a manifestation of their devotion touched him deeply. his spirits rose under the spell of appreciation and affection, always so strong upon human nature, and he rode away from fishkill the next morning at daybreak with a light heart. the company was pleasant and lively, the morning was fair, and as they approached arnold's headquarters at the robinson house, washington turned off to the redoubts by the river, telling the young men that they were all in love with mrs. arnold and would do well to go straight on and breakfast with her. hamilton and mchenry followed his advice, and while they were at breakfast a note was brought to arnold. it was the letter of warning from andré announcing his capture, which colonel jameson, who ought to have been cashiered for doing it, had forwarded. arnold at once left the table, and saying that he was going to west point, jumped into his boat and was rowed rapidly down the river to the british man-of-war. washington on his arrival was told that arnold had gone to the fort, and so after a hasty breakfast he went over there himself. on reaching west point no salute broke the stillness, and no guard turned out to receive him. he was astonished to learn that his arrival was unexpected, and that arnold had not been there for two days. still unsuspecting he inspected the works, and then returned. meantime, the messenger sent to hartford with the papers taken on andré reached the robinson house and delivered them to hamilton, together with a letter of confession from andré himself. hamilton read them, and hurrying out met washington just coming up from the river. he took his chief aside, said a few words to him in a low voice, and they went into the house together. when they came out, washington looked as calm as ever, and calling to lafayette and knox gave them the papers, saying simply, "whom can we trust now?" he dispatched hamilton at once to try to intercept arnold at verplanck's point, but it was too late; the boat had passed, and arnold was safe on board the vulture. this done, washington bade his staff sit down with him at dinner, as the general was absent, and mrs. arnold was ill in her room. dinner over, he immediately set about guarding the post, which had been so near betrayal. to colonel wade at west point he wrote: "arnold has gone to the enemy; you are in command, be vigilant." to jameson he sent word to guard andré closely. to the colonels and commanders of various outlying regiments he sent orders to bring up their troops. everything was done that should have been done, quickly, quietly, and without comment. the most sudden and appalling treachery had failed to shake his nerve, or confuse his mind. yet the strong and silent man was wrung to the quick, and when everything possible had been done, and he had retired to his room, the guard outside the door heard him marching back and forth through all the weary night. the one thing he least expected, because he least understood it, had come to pass. he had been a good and true friend to the villain who had fled, for arnold's reckless bravery and dare-devil fighting had appealed to the strongest passion of his nature, and he had stood by him always. he had grieved over the refusal of congress to promote him in due order and had interceded with ultimate success in his behalf. he had sympathized with him in his recent troubles in philadelphia, and had administered the reprimand awarded by the court-martial so that rebuke seemed turned to praise. he had sought to give him every opportunity that a soldier could desire, and had finally conferred upon him the command of west point. he had admired his courage and palliated his misconduct, and now the scoundrel had turned on him and fled. mingled with the bitterness of these memories of betrayed confidence was the torturing ignorance of how far this base treachery had extended. for all he knew there might be a brood of traitors about him in the very citadel of america. we can never know washington's thoughts at that time, for he was ever silent, but as we listen in imagination to the sound of the even footfalls which the guard heard all through that september night, we can dimly guess the feelings of the strong and passionate nature, wounded and distressed almost beyond endurance. there is but little more to tell. the conspiracy stopped with arnold. he had no accomplices, and meant to deliver the post and pocket the booty alone. the british tried to spread the idea that other officers had been corrupted, but the attempt failed, and washington's prompt measures of defense checked any movement against the forts. every effort was made by clinton to save andré, but in vain. he was tried by a court composed of the highest officers in the american service, among whom was lafayette. on his own statement, but one decision was possible. he was condemned as a spy, and as a spy he was sentenced to be hanged. he made a manly appeal against the manner of his death, and begged to be shot. washington declined to interfere, and andré went to the gallows. the british, at the time, and some of their writers afterwards, attacked washington for insisting on this mode of execution, but there never was an instance in his career when he was more entirely right. andré was a spy and briber, who sought to ruin the american cause by means of the treachery of an american general. it was a dark and dangerous game, and he knew that he staked his life on the result. he failed, and paid the penalty. washington could not permit, he would have been grossly and feebly culpable if he had permitted, such an attempt to pass without extreme punishment. he was generous and magnanimous, but he was not a sentimentalist, and he punished this miserable treason, so far as he could reach it, as it deserved. it is true that andré was a man of talent, well-bred and courageous, and of engaging manners. he deserved all the sympathy and sorrow which he excited at the time, but nothing more. he was not only technically a spy, but he had sought his ends by bribery, he had prostituted a flag of truce, and he was to be richly paid for his work. it was all hire and salary. no doubt andré was patriotic and loyal. many spies have been the same, and have engaged in their dangerous exploits from the highest motives. nathan hale, whom the british hanged without compunction, was as well-born and well-bred as andré, and as patriotic as man could be, and moreover he was a spy and nothing more. andré was a trafficker in bribes and treachery, and however we may pity his fate, his name has no proper place in the great temple at westminster, where all english-speaking people bow with reverence, and only a most perverted sentimentality could conceive that it was fitting to erect a monument to his memory in this country. washington sent andré to the gallows because it was his duty to do so, but he pitied him none the less, and whatever he may have thought of the means andré employed to effect his end, he made no comment upon him, except to say that "he met his fate with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and gallant officer." as to arnold, he was almost equally silent. when obliged to refer to him he did so in the plainest and simplest way, and only in a familiar letter to laurens do we get a glimpse of his feelings. he wrote: "i am mistaken if at this time arnold is undergoing the torment of a mental hell. he wants feeling. from some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in villainy, and so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that, while his faculties will enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will be no time for remorse." with this single expression of measureless contempt, washington let arnold drop from his life. the first shock had touched him to the quick, although it could not shake his steady mind. reflection revealed to him the extraordinary baseness of arnold's real character, and he cast the thought of him out forever, content to leave the traitor to the tender mercies of history. the calmness and dignity, the firmness and deep feeling which washington exhibited, are of far more interest than the abortive treason, and have as real a value now as they had then, when suspicion for a moment ran riot, and men wondered "whom they could trust." the treason of arnold swept like a black cloud across the sky, broke, and left everything as before. that such a base peril should have existed was alarming and hateful. that it should have been exploded harmlessly made all men give a deep sigh of relief. but neither the treason nor its discovery altered the current of events one jot. the summer had come and gone. the french had arrived, and no blow had been struck. there was nothing to show for the campaign but inaction, disappointment, and the loss of the carolinas. with the commander-in-chief, through it all, were ever present two great questions, getting more portentous and more difficult of solution with each succeeding day. how he was to keep his army in existence was one, and how he was to hold the government together was the other. he had thirteen tired states, a general government almost impotent, a bankrupt treasury, and a broken credit. the american revolution had come down to the question of whether the brain, will, and nerve of one man could keep the machine going long enough to find fit opportunity for a final and decisive stroke. washington had confidence in the people of the country and in himself, but the difficulties in the way were huge, and the means of surmounting them slight. there is here and there a passionate undertone in the letters of this period, which shows us the moments when the waves of trouble and disaster seemed to sweep over him. but the feeling passed, or was trampled under foot, for there was no break in the steady fight against untoward circumstances, or in the grim refusal to accept defeat. it is almost impossible now to conceive the actual condition at that time of every matter of detail which makes military and political existence possible. no general phrases can do justice to the situation of the army; and the petty miseries and privations, which made life unendurable, went on from day to day in ever varying forms. while washington was hearing the first ill news from the south and struggling with the problem on that side, and at the same time was planning with lafayette how to take advantage of the french succors, the means of subsisting his army were wholly giving out. the men actually had no food. for days, as washington wrote, there was no meat at all in camp. goaded by hunger, a connecticut regiment mutinied. they were brought back to duty, but held out steadily for their pay, which they had not received for five months. indeed, the whole army was more or less mutinous, and it was only by the utmost tact that washington kept them from wholesale desertion. after the summer had passed and the chance for a decisive campaign had gone with it, the excitement of expected action ceased to sustain the men, and the unclothed, unpaid, unfed soldiers began again to get restive. we can imagine what the condition of the rank and file must have been when we find that washington himself could not procure an express from the quartermaster-general, and was obliged to send a letter to the minister of france by the unsafe and slow medium of the post. he was expected to carry on a war against a rich and powerful enemy, and he could not even pay a courier to carry his dispatches. with the commander-in-chief thus straitened, the sufferings of the men grew to be intolerable, and the spirit of revolt which had been checked through the summer began again to appear. at last, in january, , it burst all the bounds. the pennsylvania line mutinied and threatened congress. attempts on the part of the english to seduce them failed, but they remained in a state of open rebellion. the officers were powerless, and it looked as if the disaffection would spread, and the whole army go to pieces in the very face of the enemy. washington held firm, and intended in his unshaken way to bring them back to their duty without yielding in a dangerous fashion. but the government of pennsylvania, at last thoroughly frightened, rushed into the field, and patched up a compromise which contained most perilous concessions. the natural consequence was a fresh mutiny in the new jersey line, and this time washington determined that he would not be forestalled. he sent forward at once some regiments of loyal troops, suppressed the mutiny suddenly and with a strong hand, and hanged two of the ringleaders. the difficulty was conquered, and discipline restored. to take this course required great boldness, for these mutinies were of no ordinary character. in the first place, it was impossible to tell whether any troops would do their duty against their fellows, and failure would have been fatal. in the second place, the grievances of the soldiers were very great, and their complaints were entirely righteous. washington felt the profoundest sympathy with his men, and it was no easy matter to maintain order with soldiers tried almost beyond endurance, against their comrades whose claims were just. two things saved the army. one was washington's great influence with the men and their utter belief in him. the other was the quality of the men themselves. lafayette said they were the most patient and patriotic soldiers the world had seen, and it is easy to believe him. the wonder is, not that they mutinied when they did, but that the whole army had not mutinied and abandoned the struggle years before. the misfortunes and mistakes of the revolution, to whomever due, were in no respect to be charged to the army, and the conduct of the troops through all the dreary months of starvation and cold and poverty is a proof of the intelligent patriotism and patient courage of the american soldier which can never be gainsaid. to fight successful battles is the test of a good general, but to hold together a suffering army through years of unexampled privations, to meet endless failure of details with unending expedients, and then to fight battles and plan campaigns, shows a leader who was far more than a good general. such multiplied trials and difficulties are overcome only by a great soldier who with small means achieves large results, and by a great man who by force of will and character can establish with all who follow him a power which no miseries can conquer, and no suffering diminish. the height reached by the troubles in the army and their menacing character had, however, a good as well as a bad side. they penetrated the indifference and carelessness of both congress and the states. gentlemen in the confederate and local administrations and legislatures woke up to a realizing sense that the dissolution of the army meant a general wreck, in which their own necks would be in very considerable danger; and they also had an uneasy feeling that starving and mutinous soldiers were very uncertain in taking revenge. the condition of the army gave a sudden and piercing reality to washington's indignant words to mathews on october : "at a time when public harmony is so essential, when we should aid and assist each other with all our abilities, when our hearts should be open to information and our hands ready to administer relief, to find distrusts and jealousies taking possession of the mind and a party spirit prevailing affords a most melancholy reflection, and forebodes no good." the hoarse murmur of impending mutiny emphasized strongly the words written on the same day to duane: "the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary expedients. would to god they were to end here." the events in the south, too, had a sobering effect. the congressional general gates had not proved a success. his defeat at camden had been terribly complete, and his flight had been too rapid to inspire confidence in his capacity for recuperation. the members of congress were thus led to believe that as managers of military matters they left much to be desired; and when washington, on october , addressed to them one of his long and admirable letters on reorganization, it was received in a very chastened spirit. they had listened to many such letters before, and had benefited by them always a little, but danger and defeat gave this one peculiar point. they therefore accepted the situation, and adopted all the suggestions of the commander-in-chief. they also in the same reasonable frame of mind determined that washington should select the next general for the southern army. a good deal could have been saved had this decision been reached before; but even now it was not too late. october , washington appointed greene to this post of difficulty and danger, and greene's assumption of the command marks the turning-point in the tide of disaster, and the beginning of the ultimate expulsion of the british from the only portion of the colonies where they had made a tolerable campaign. the uses of adversity, moreover, did not stop here. they extended to the states, which began to grow more vigorous in action, and to show signs of appreciating the gravity of the situation and the duties which rested upon them. this change and improvement both in congress and the states came none too soon. indeed, as it was, the results of their renewed efforts were too slow to be felt at once by the army, and mutinies broke out even after the new spirit had shown itself. washington also sent knox to travel from state to state, to see the various governors, and lay the situation of affairs before them; yet even with such a text it was a difficult struggle to get the states to make quick and strong exertions sufficient to prevent a partial mutiny from becoming a general revolt. the lesson, however, had had its effect. for the moment, at least, the cause was saved. the worst defects were temporarily remedied, and something was done toward supplies and subsistence. the army would be able to exist through another winter, and face another summer. then the next campaign might bring the decisive moment; but still, who could tell? years, instead of months, might yet elapse before the end was reached, and then no man could say what the result would be. washington saw plainly enough that the relief and improvement were only temporary, and that carelessness and indifference were likely to return, and be more case-hardened than ever. he was too strong and sane a man to waste time in fighting shadows or in nourishing himself with hopes. he dealt with the present as he found it, and fought down difficulties as they sprang up in his path. but he was also a man of extraordinary prescience, with a foresight as penetrating as it was judicious. it was, perhaps, his most remarkable gift, and while he controlled the present he studied the future. outside of the operations of armies, and the plans of campaign, he saw, as the war progressed, that the really fatal perils were involved in the political system. at the beginning of the revolution there was no organization outside the local state governments. congress voted and resolved in favor of anything that seemed proper, and the states responded to their appeal. in the first flush of revolution, and the first excitement of freedom, this was all very well. but as the early passion cooled, and a long and stubborn struggle, replete with sufferings and defeat, developed itself, the want of system began to appear. one of the earliest tasks of congress was the formation of articles for a general government, but state jealousies, and the delays incident to the movements of thirteen sovereignties, prevented their adoption until the war was nearly over. washington, suffering from all the complicated troubles of jarring states and general incoherence, longed for and urged the adoption of the act of confederation. he saw sooner than any one else, and with more painful intensity, the need of better union and more energetic government. as the days and months of difficulties and trials went by, the suggestions on this question in his letters grew more frequent and more urgent, and they showed the insight of the statesman and practical man of affairs. how much he hoped from the final acceptance of the act of confederation it is not easy to say, but he hoped for some improvement certainly. when at last it went into force, he saw almost at once that it would not do, and in the spring of he knew it to be a miserable failure. the system which had been established was really no better than that which had preceded it. with alarm and disgust washington found himself flung back on what he called "the pernicious state system," and with worse prospects than ever. up to the time of the revolution he had never given attention to the philosophy or science of government, but when it fell to his lot to fight the war for independence he perceived almost immediately the need of a strong central government, and his suggestions, scattered broadcast among his correspondents, manifested a knowledge of the conditions of the political problem possessed by no one else at that period. when he was satisfied of the failure of the confederation, his efforts to improve the existing administration multiplied, and he soon had the assistance of his aide-de-camp, alexander hamilton, who then wrote, although little more than a boy, his remarkable letters on government and finance, which were the first full expositions of the political necessities from which sprang the constitution of the united states. washington was vigorous in action and methodical in business, while the system of thirteen sovereignties was discordant, disorderly, and feeble in execution. he knew that the vices inherent in the confederation were ineradicable and fatal, and he also knew that it was useless to expect any comprehensive reforms until the war was over. the problem before him was whether the existing machine could be made to work until the british were finally driven from the country. the winter of - was marked, therefore, on his part, by an urgent striving for union, and by unceasing efforts to mend and improve the rickety system of the confederation. it was with this view that he secured the dispatch of laurens, whom he carefully instructed, to get money in paris; for he was satisfied that it was only possible to tide over the financial difficulties by foreign loans from those interested in our success. in the same spirit he worked to bring about the establishment of executive departments, which was finally accomplished, after delays that sorely tried his patience. these two cases were but the most important among many of similar character, for he was always at work on these perplexing questions. it is an astonishing proof of the strength and power of his mind that he was able to solve the daily questions of army existence, to deal with the allies, to plan attacks on new york, to watch and scheme for the southern department, to cope with arnold's treason, with mutiny, and with administrative imbecility, and at the very same time consider the gravest governmental problems, and send forth wise suggestions, which met the exigencies of the moment, and laid the foundation of much that afterwards appeared in the constitution of the united states. he was not a speculator on government, and after his fashion he was engaged in dealing with the questions of the day and hour. yet the ideas that he put forth in this time of confusion and conflict and expedients were so vitally sound and wise that they deserve the most careful study in relation to after events. the political trials and difficulties of this period were the stern teachers from whom washington acquired the knowledge and experience which made him the principal agent in bringing about the formation and adoption of the constitution of the united states. we shall have occasion to examine these opinions and views more closely when they were afterwards brought into actual play. at this point it is only necessary to trace the history of the methods by which he solved the problem of the revolution before the political system of the confederation became absolutely useless. chapter x yorktown the failure to accomplish anything in the north caused washington, as the year drew to a close, to turn his thoughts once more toward a combined movement at the south. in pursuance of this idea, he devised a scheme of uniting with the spaniards in the seizure of florida, and of advancing thence through georgia to assail the english in the rear. de rochambeau did not approve the plan, and it was abandoned; but the idea of a southern movement was still kept steadily in sight. the governing thought now was, not to protect this place or that, but to cast aside everything else in order to strike one great blow which would finish the war. where he could do this, time alone would show, but if one follows the correspondence closely, it is apparent that washington's military instinct turned more and more toward the south. in that department affairs changed their aspect rapidly. january , morgan won his brilliant victory at the cowpens, withdrew in good order with his prisoners, and united his army with that of greene. cornwallis was terribly disappointed by this unexpected reverse, but he determined to push on, defeat the combined american army, and then join the british forces on the chesapeake. greene was too weak to risk a battle, and made a masterly retreat of two hundred miles before cornwallis, escaping across the dan only twelve hours ahead of the enemy. the moment the british moved away, greene recrossed the river and hung upon their rear. for a month he kept in their neighborhood, checking the rising of the tories, and declining battle. at last he received reinforcements, felt strong enough to stand his ground, and on march the battle of guilford court house was fought. it was a sharp and bloody fight; the british had the advantage, and greene abandoned the field, bringing off his army in good order. cornwallis, on his part, had suffered so heavily, however, that his victory turned to ashes. on the th he was in full retreat, with greene in hot chase, and it was not until the th that he succeeded in getting over the deep river and escaping to wilmington. thence he determined to push on and transfer the seat of war to the chesapeake. greene, with the boldness and quickness which showed him to be a soldier of a high order, now dropped the pursuit and turned back to fight the british in detachments and free the southern states. there is no need to follow him in the brilliant operations which ensued, and by which he achieved this result. it is sufficient to say here that he had altered the whole aspect of the war, forced cornwallis into virginia within reach of washington, and begun the work of redeeming the carolinas. the troops which cornwallis intended to join had been sent in detachments to virginia during the winter and spring. the first body had arrived early in january under the command of arnold, and a general marauding and ravaging took place. a little later general phillips arrived with reinforcements and took command. on may , general phillips died, and a week later cornwallis appeared at petersburg, assumed control, and sent arnold back to new york. meantime washington, though relieved by morgan's and greene's admirable work, had a most trying and unhappy winter and spring. he sent every man he could spare, and more than he ought to have spared, to greene, and he stripped himself still further when the invasion of virginia began. but for the most part he was obliged, from lack of any naval strength, to stand helplessly by and see more and more british troops sent to the south, and witness the ravaging of his native state, without any ability to prevent it. to these grave trials was added a small one, which stung him to the quick. the british came up the potomac, and lund washington, in order to preserve mount vernon, gave them refreshments, and treated them in a conciliatory manner. he meant well but acted ill, and washington wrote:-- "it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard that, in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my house and laid the plantation in ruins. you ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshments to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration." what a clear glimpse this little episode gives of the earnestness of the man who wrote these lines. he could not bear the thought that any favor should be shown him on any pretense. he was ready to take his share of the marauding and pillaging with the rest, but he was deeply indignant at the idea that any one representing him should even appear to ask a favor of the british. altogether, the spring of was very trying, for there was nothing so galling to washington as to be unable to fight. he wanted to get to the south, but he was bound hand and foot by lack of force. yet the obstacles did not daunt or depress him. he wrote in june that he felt sure of bringing the war to a happy conclusion, and in the division of the british forces he saw his opportunity taking shape. greene had the southern forces well in hand. cornwallis was equally removed from clinton on the north and rawdon on the south, and had come within reach; so that if he could but have naval strength he could fall upon cornwallis with superior force and crush him. in naval matters fortune thus far had dealt hardly with him, yet he could not but feel that a french fleet of sufficient force must soon come. he grasped the situation with a master-hand, and began to prepare the way. still he kept his counsel strictly to himself, and set to work to threaten, and if possible to attack, new york, not with much hope of succeeding in any such attempt, but with a view of frightening clinton and of inducing him either to withdraw troops from virginia, or at least to withhold reinforcements. as he began his virginian campaign in this distant and remote fashion at the mouth of the hudson, he was cheered by news that de grasse, the french admiral, had sent recruits to newport, and intended to come himself to the american coast. he at once wrote de grasse not to determine absolutely to come to new york, hinting that it might prove more advisable to operate to the southward. it required great tact to keep the french fleet where he needed it, and yet not reveal his intentions, and nothing showed washington's foresight more plainly than the manner in which he made the moves in this campaign, when miles of space and weeks of time separated him from the final object of his plans. to trace this mastery of details, and the skill with which every point was remembered and covered, would require a long and minute narrative. they can only be indicated here sufficiently to show how exactly each movement fitted in its place, and how all together brought the great result. fortified by the good news from de grasse, washington had an interview with de rochambeau, and effected a junction with the french army. thus strengthened, he opened his campaign against cornwallis by beginning a movement against clinton. the troops were massed above the city, and an effort was made to surprise the upper posts and destroy delancey's partisan corps. the attempt, although well planned, failed of its immediate purpose, giving washington opportunity only for an effective reconnoissance of the enemy's positions. but the move was perfectly successful in its real and indirect object. clinton was alarmed. he began to write to cornwallis that troops should be returned to new york, and he gave up absolutely the idea of sending more men to virginia. having thus convinced clinton that new york was menaced, washington then set to work to familiarize skillfully the minds of his allies and of congress with the idea of a southern campaign. with this end in view, he wrote on august that, if more troops arrived from virginia, new york would be impracticable, and that the next point was the south. the only contingency, as he set forth, was the all-important one of obtaining naval superiority. august this essential condition gave promise of fulfillment, for on that day definite news arrived that de grasse with his fleet was on his way to the chesapeake. without a moment's hesitation, washington began to move, and at the same time he sent an urgent letter to the new england governors, demanding troops with an earnestness which he had never surpassed. in virginia, meanwhile, during these long midsummer days, while washington was waiting and planning, cornwallis had been going up and down, harrying, burning, and plundering. his cavalry had scattered the legislature, and driven governor jefferson in headlong flight over the hills, while property to the value of more than three millions had been destroyed. lafayette, sent by washington to maintain the american cause, had been too weak to act decisively, but he had been true to his general's teaching, and, refusing battle, had hung upon the flanks of the british and harassed and checked them. joined by wayne, he had fought an unsuccessful engagement at green springs, but brought off his army, and with steady pertinacity followed the enemy to the coast, gathering strength as he moved. now, when all was at last ready, washington began to draw his net about cornwallis, whom he had been keenly watching during the victorious marauding of the summer. on the news of the coming of the french fleet, he wrote to lafayette to be prepared to join him when he reached virginia, to retain wayne, who intended to join greene, and to stop cornwallis at all hazards, if he attempted to go southward. cornwallis, however, had no intention of moving. he had seen the peril of his position, and had wished to withdraw to charleston; but the ministry, highly pleased with his performances, wished him to remain on the chesapeake, and decisive orders came to him to take a permanent post in that region. clinton, moreover, was jealous of cornwallis, and, impressed and deceived by washington's movements, he not only sent no reinforcements, but detained three thousand hessians, who had lately arrived. cornwallis, therefore, had no choice, and with much writing for aid, and some protesting, he obeyed his orders, planted himself at yorktown and gloucester, and proceeded to fortify, while lafayette kept close watch upon him. cornwallis was a good soldier and a clever man, suffering, as burgoyne did, from a stupid ministry and a dull and jealous commander-in-chief. thus hampered and burdened, he was ready to fall a victim to the operations of a really great general, whom his official superiors in england undervalued and despised. august , as soon as he had set his own machinery in motion, washington wrote to de grasse to meet him in the chesapeake. he was working now more anxiously and earnestly than at any time in the revolution, not merely because he felt that success depended on the blow, but because he descried a new and alarming danger. he had perceived it in june, and the idea pursued him until all was over, and kept recurring in his letters during this strained and eager summer. to washington's eyes, watching campaigns and government at home and the politics of europe abroad, the signs of exhaustion, of mediation, and of coming peace across the atlantic were plainly visible. if peace should come as things then were, america would get independence, and be shorn of many of her most valuable possessions. the sprawling british campaign of maraud and plunder, so bad in a military point of view, and about to prove fatal to cornwallis, would, in case of sudden cessation of hostilities, be capable of the worst construction. time, therefore, had become of the last importance. the decisive blow must be given at once, and before the slow political movements could come to a head. on july , washington had his plan mapped out. he wrote in his diary:-- "matters having now come to a crisis, and a decided plan to be determined on, i was obliged--from the shortness of count de grasse's promised stay on this coast, the apparent disinclination of their naval officers to force the harbor of new york, and the feeble compliance of the states with my requisitions for men hitherto, and the little prospect of greater exertions in future--to give up all ideas of attacking new york, and instead thereof to remove the french troops and a detachment from the american army to the head of elk, to be transported to virginia for the purpose of coöperating with the force from the west indies against the troops in that state." like most of washington's plans, this one was clear-cut and direct, and looks now simple enough, but at the moment it was hedged with almost inconceivable difficulties at every step. the ever-present and ever-growing obstacles at home were there as usual. appeals to morris for money were met by the most discouraging responses, and the states seemed more lethargic than ever. neither men nor supplies could be obtained; neither transportation nor provision for the march could be promised. then, too, in addition to all this, came a wholly new set of stumbling-blocks arising among the allies. everything hinged on the naval force. washington needed it for a short time only; but for that crucial moment he must have not only superiority but supremacy at sea. every french ship that could be reached must be in the chesapeake, and washington had had too many french fleets slip away from him at the last moment and bring everything to naught to take any chances in this direction. to bring about his naval supremacy required the utmost tact and good management, and that he succeeded is one of the chief triumphs of the campaign. in fact, at the very outset he was threatened in this quarter with a serious defection. de barras, with the squadron of the american station, was at boston, and it was essential that he should be united with de grasse at yorktown. but de barras was nettled by the favoritism which had made de grasse, his junior in service, his superior in command. he determined therefore to take advantage of his orders and sail away to the north to nova scotia and newfoundland, and leave de grasse to fight it out alone. it is a hard thing to beat an opposing army, but it is equally hard to bring human jealousies and ambitions into the narrow path of self-sacrifice and subordination. alarmed beyond measure at the suggested departure of the boston squadron, washington wrote a letter, which de rochambeau signed with him, urging de barras to turn his fleet toward the chesapeake. it was a skillfully drawn missive, an adroit mingling of appeals to honor and sympathy and of vigorous demands to perform an obvious duty. the letter did its work, the diplomacy of washington was successful, and de barras suppressed his feelings of disappointment, and agreed to go to the chesapeake and serve under de grasse. this point made, washington pushed on his preparations, or rather pushed on despite his lack of preparations, and on august , as has been said, wrote to de grasse to meet him in the chesapeake. he left the larger part of his own troops with heath, to whom in carefully drawn instructions he intrusted the grave duty of guarding the hudson and watching the british in new york. this done, he gathered his forces together, and on august the army started on its march to the south. on the d and th it crossed the hudson, without annoyance from the british of any kind. washington had threatened new york so effectively, and manoeuvred so successfully, that clinton could not be shaken in his belief that the real object of the americans was his own army; and it was not until september that he fully realized that his enemy was going to the south, and that cornwallis was in danger. he even then hesitated and delayed, but finally dispatched admiral graves with the fleet to the chesapeake. the admiral came upon the french early on september , the very day that washington was rejoicing in the news that de grasse had arrived in the chesapeake and had landed st. simon and three thousand men to support lafayette. as soon as the english fleet appeared, the french, although many of their men were on shore, sailed out and gave battle. an indecisive action ensued, in which the british suffered so much that five days later they burned one of their frigates and withdrew to new york. de grasse returned to his anchorage, to find that de barras had come in from newport with eight ships and ten transports carrying ordnance. while everything was thus moving well toward the consummation of the campaign, washington, in the midst of his delicate and important work of breaking camp and beginning his rapid march to the south, was harassed by the ever-recurring difficulties of the feeble and bankrupt government of the confederation. he wrote again and again to morris for money, and finally got some. his demands for men and supplies remained almost unheeded, but somehow he got provisions enough to start. he foresaw the most pressing need, and sent messages in all directions for shipping to transport his army down the chesapeake. no one responded, but still he gathered the transports; at first a few, then more, and finally, after many delays, enough to move his army to yorktown. the spectacle of such a struggle, so heroically made, one would think, might have inspired every soul on the continent with enthusiasm; but at this very moment, while washington was breaking camp and marching southward, congress was considering the reduction of the army!--which was as appropriate as it would have been for the english parliament to have reduced the navy on the eve of trafalgar, or for lincoln to have advised the restoration of the army to a peace footing while grant was fighting in the wilderness. the fact was that the continental congress was weakened in ability and very tired in point of nerve and will-power. they saw that peace was coming, and naturally thought that the sooner they could get it the better. they entirely failed to see, as washington saw, that in a too sudden peace lurked the danger of the _uti possidetis_, and that the mere fact of peace by no means implied necessarily complete success. they did not, of course, effect their reductions, but they remained inert, and so for the most part did the state governments, becoming drags upon the wheels of war instead of helpers to the man who was driving the revolution forward to its goal. both state and confederate governments still meant well, but they were worn out and relaxed. yet over and through all these heavy masses of misapprehension and feebleness, washington made his way. here again all that can be said is that somehow or other the thing was done. we can take account of the resisting forces, but we cannot tell just how they were dealt with. we only know that one strong man trampled them down and got what he wanted done. pushing on after the joyful news of the arrival of de grasse had been received, washington left the army to go by water from the head of elk, and hurried to mount vernon, accompanied by de rochambeau. it was six years since he had seen his home. he had left it a virginian colonel, full of forebodings for his country, with a vast and unknown problem awaiting solution at his hands. he returned to it the first soldier of his day, after six years of battle and trial, of victory and defeat, on the eve of the last and crowning triumph. as he paused on the well-beloved spot, and gazed across the broad and beautiful river at his feet, thoughts and remembrances must have come thronging to his mind which it is given to few men to know. he lingered there two days, and then pressing on again, was in williamsburg on the th, and on the th went on board the ville de paris to congratulate de grasse on his victory, and to concert measures for the siege. the meeting was most agreeable. all had gone well, all promised well, and everything was smiling and harmonious. yet they were on the eve of the greatest peril which occurred in the campaign. washington had managed to scrape together enough transports; but his almost unassisted labors had taken time, and delay had followed. then the transports were slow, and winds and tides were uncertain, and there was further delay. the interval permitted de grasse to hear that the british fleet had received reinforcements, and to become nervous in consequence. he wanted to get out to sea; the season was advancing, and he was anxious to return to the west indies; and above all he did not wish to fight in the bay. he therefore proposed firmly and vigorously to leave two ships in the river, and stand out to sea with his fleet. the yorktown campaign began to look as if it had reached its conclusion. once again washington wrote one of his masterly letters of expostulation and remonstrance, and once more he prevailed, aided by the reasoning and appeals of lafayette, who carried the message. de grasse consented to stay, and washington, grateful beyond measure, wrote him that "a great mind knows how to make personal sacrifice to secure an important general good." under the circumstances, and in view of the general truth of this complimentary sentiment, one cannot help rejoicing that de grasse had "a great mind." at all events he stayed, and thereafter everything went well. the northern army landed at williamsburg and marched for yorktown on the th. they reconnoitred the outlying works the next day, and prepared for an immediate assault; but in the night cornwallis abandoned all his outside works and withdrew into the town. washington thereupon advanced at once, and prepared for the siege. on the night of the th, the trenches were opened only six hundred yards from the enemy's line, and in three days the first parallel was completed. on the th the second parallel was begun, and on the th the american batteries played on the two advanced redoubts with such effect that the breaches were pronounced practicable. washington at once ordered an assault. the smaller redoubt was stormed by the americans under hamilton and taken in ten minutes. the other, larger and more strongly garrisoned, was carried by the french with equal gallantry, after half an hour's fighting. during the assault washington stood in an embrasure of the grand battery watching the advance of the men. he was always given to exposing himself recklessly when there was fighting to be done, but not when he was only an observer. this night, however, he was much exposed to the enemy's fire. one of his aides, anxious and disturbed for his safety, told him that the place was perilous. "if you think so," was the quiet answer, "you are at liberty to step back." the moment was too exciting, too fraught with meaning, to think of peril. the old fighting spirit of braddock's field was unchained for the last time. he would have liked to head the american assault, sword in hand, and as he could not do that he stood as near his troops as he could, utterly regardless of the bullets whistling in the air about him. who can wonder at his intense excitement at that moment? others saw a brilliant storming of two outworks, but to washington the whole revolution, and all the labor and thought and conflict of six years were culminating in the smoke and din on those redoubts, while out of the dust and heat of the sharp quick fight success was coming. he had waited long, and worked hard, and his whole soul went out as he watched the troops cross the abattis and scale the works. he could have no thought of danger then, and when all was over he turned to knox and said, "the work is done, and well done. bring me my horse." washington was not mistaken. the work was indeed done. tarleton early in the siege had dashed out against lauzun on the other side of the river and been repulsed. cornwallis had been forced back steadily into the town, and his redoubts, as soon as taken, were included in the second parallel. a sortie to retake the redoubts failed, and a wild attempt to transport the army across the river was stopped by a gale of wind. on the th cornwallis was compelled to face much bloody and useless slaughter, or to surrender. he chose the latter course, and after opening negotiations and trying in vain to obtain delay, finally signed the capitulation and gave up the town. the next day the troops marched out and laid down their arms. over british and hessian troops surrendered. it was a crushing defeat. the victorious army consisted in round numbers of continentals, militia, and french, and they were backed by the french fleet with entire control of the sea. when washington had once reached yorktown with his fleet and army, the campaign was really at an end, for he held cornwallis in an iron grip from which there was no escape. the masterly part of the yorktown campaign lay in the manner in which it was brought about, in the management of so many elements, and in the rapidity of movement which carried an army without any proper supplies or means of transportation from new york to the mouth of chesapeake bay. the control of the sea had been the great advantage of the british from the beginning, and had enabled them to achieve all that they ever gained. with these odds against him, with no possibility of obtaining a fleet of his own, washington saw that his only chance of bringing the war to a quick and successful issue was by means of the french. it is difficult to manage allied troops. it is still more difficult to manage allied troops and an allied fleet. washington did both with infinite address, and won. the chief factor of his success in this direction lay in his profound personal influence on all men with whom he came in contact. his courtesy and tact were perfect, but he made no concessions, and never stooped. the proudest french noble who came here shrank from disagreement with the american general, and yet not one of them had anything but admiration and respect to express when they wrote of washington in their memoirs, diaries, and letters. he impressed them one and all with a sense of power and greatness which could not be disregarded. many times he failed to get the french fleet in coöperation, but finally it came. then he put forth all his influence and all his address, and thus he got de barras to the chesapeake, and kept de grasse at yorktown. this was one side of the problem, the most essential because everything hinged on the fleet, but by no means the most harassing. the doubt about the control of the sea made it impossible to work steadily for a sufficient time toward any one end. it was necessary to have a plan for every contingency, and be ready to adopt any one of several plans at short notice. with a foresight and judgment that never failed, washington planned an attack on new york, another on yorktown, and a third on charleston. the division of the british forces gave him his opportunity of striking at one point with an overwhelming force, but there was always the possibility of their suddenly reuniting. in the extreme south he felt reasonably sure that greene would hold rawdon, but he was obliged to deceive and amuse clinton, and at the same time, with a ridiculously inferior force, to keep cornwallis from marching to south carolina. partly by good fortune, partly by skill, cornwallis was kept in virginia, while by admirably managed feints and threats clinton was held in new york in inactivity. when the decisive moment came, and it was evident that the control of the sea was to be determined in the chesapeake, washington, overriding all sorts of obstacles, moved forward, despite a bankrupt and inert government, with a rapidity and daring which have been rarely equaled. it was a bold stroke to leave clinton behind at the mouth of the hudson, and only the quickness with which it was done, and the careful deception which had been practiced, made it possible. once at yorktown, there was little more to do. the combination was so perfect, and the judgment had been so sure, that cornwallis was crushed as helplessly as if he had been thrown before the car of juggernaut. there was really but little fighting, for there was no opportunity to fight. washington held the british in a vice, and the utter helplessness of cornwallis, the entire inability of such a good and gallant soldier even to struggle, are the most convincing proofs of the military genius of his antagonist. chapter xi peace fortitude in misfortune is more common than composure in the hour of victory. the bitter medicine of defeat, however unpalatable, is usually extremely sobering, but the strong new wine of success generally sets the heads of poor humanity spinning, and leads often to worse results than folly. the capture of cornwallis was enough to have turned the strongest head, for the moment at least, but it had no apparent effect upon the man who had brought it to pass, and who, more than any one else, knew what it meant. unshaken and undismayed in the new jersey winter, and among the complicated miseries of valley forge, washington turned from the spectacle of a powerful british army laying down their arms as coolly as if he had merely fought a successful skirmish, or repelled a dangerous raid. he had that rare gift, the attribute of the strongest minds, of leaving the past to take care of itself. he never fretted over what could not be undone, nor dallied among pleasant memories while aught still remained to do. he wrote to congress in words of quiet congratulation, through which pierced the devout and solemn sense of the great deed accomplished, and then, while the salvos of artillery were still booming in his ears, and the shouts of victory were still rising about him, he set himself, after his fashion, to care for the future and provide for the immediate completion of his work. he wrote to de grasse, urging him to join in an immediate movement against charleston, such as he had already suggested, and he presented in the strongest terms the opportunities now offered for the sudden and complete ending of the struggle. but the french admiral was by no means imbued with the tireless and determined spirit of washington. he had had his fill even of victory, and was so eager to get back to the west indies, where he was to fall a victim to rodney, that he would not even transport troops to wilmington. thus deprived of the force which alone made comprehensive and extended movements possible, washington returned, as he had done so often before, to making the best of cramped circumstances and straitened means. he sent all the troops he could spare to greene, to help him in wresting the southern states from the enemy, the work to which he had in vain summoned de grasse. this done, he prepared to go north. on his way he was stopped at eltham by the illness and death of his wife's son, john custis, a blow which he felt severely, and which saddened the great victory he had just achieved. still the business of the state could not wait on private grief. he left the house of mourning, and, pausing for an instant only at mount vernon, hastened on to philadelphia. at the very moment of victory, and while honorable members were shaking each other's hands and congratulating each other that the war was now really over, the commander-in-chief had fallen again to writing them letters in the old strain, and was once more urging them to keep up the army, while he himself gave his personal attention to securing a naval force for the ensuing year, through the medium of lafayette. nothing was ever finished with washington until it was really complete throughout, and he had as little time for rejoicing as he had for despondency or despair, while a british force still remained in the country. he probably felt that this was as untoward a time as he had ever met in a pretty large experience of unsuitable occasions, for offering sound advice, but he was not deterred thereby from doing it. this time, however, he was destined to an agreeable disappointment, for on his arrival at philadelphia he found an excellent spirit prevailing in congress. that body was acting cheerfully on his advice, it had filled the departments of the government, and set on foot such measures as it could to keep up the army. so washington remained for some time at philadelphia, helping and counseling congress in its work, and writing to the states vigorous letters, demanding pay and clothing for the soldiers, ever uppermost in his thoughts. but although congress was compliant, washington could not convince the country of the justice of his views, and of the continued need of energetic exertion. the steady relaxation of tone, which the strain of a long and trying war had produced, was accelerated by the brilliant victory of yorktown. washington for his own part had but little trust in the sense or the knowledge of his enemy. he felt that yorktown was decisive, but he also thought that great britain would still struggle on, and that her talk of peace was very probably a mere blind, to enable her to gain time, and, by taking advantage of our relaxed and feeble condition, to strike again in hope of winning back all that had been lost. he therefore continued his appeals in behalf of the army, and reiterated everywhere the necessity for fresh and ample preparations. as late as may he wrote sharply to the states for men and money, saying that the change of ministry was likely to be adverse to peace, and that we were being lulled into a false and fatal sense of security. a few days later, on receiving information from sir guy carleton of the address of the commons to the king for peace, washington wrote to congress: "for my own part, i view our situation as such that, instead of relaxing, we ought to improve the present moment as the most favorable to our wishes. the british nation appear to me to be staggered, and almost ready to sink beneath the accumulating weight of debt and misfortune. if we follow the blow with vigor and energy, i think the game is our own." again he wrote in july: "sir guy carleton is using every art to soothe and lull our people into a state of security. admiral digby is capturing all our vessels, and suffocating as fast as possible in prison-ships all our seamen who will not enlist into the service of his britannic majesty; and haldimand, with his savage allies, is scalping and burning on the frontiers." facts always were the object of washington's first regard, and while gentlemen on all sides were talking of peace, war was going on, and he could not understand the supineness which would permit our seamen to be suffocated, and our borderers scalped, because some people thought the war ought to be and practically was over. while the other side was fighting, he wished to be fighting too. a month later he wrote to greene: "from the former infatuation, duplicity, and perverse system of british policy, i confess i am induced to doubt everything, to suspect everything." he could say heartily with the trojan priest, "quicquid id est timeo danaos et dona ferentes." yet again, a month later still, when the negotiations were really going forward in paris, he wrote to mchenry: "if we are wise, let us prepare for the worst. there is nothing which will so soon produce a speedy and honorable peace as a state of preparation for war; and we must either do this, or lay our account to patch up an inglorious peace, after all the toil, blood, and treasure we have spent." no man had done and given so much as washington, and at the same time no other man had his love of thoroughness, and his indomitable fighting temper. he found few sympathizers, his words fell upon deaf ears, and he was left to struggle on and maintain his ground as best he might, without any substantial backing. as it turned out, england was more severely wounded than he dared to hope, and her desire for peace was real. but washington's distrust and the active policy which he urged were, in the conditions of the moment, perfectly sound, both in a military and a political point of view. it made no real difference, however, whether he was right or wrong in his opinion. he could not get what he wanted, and he was obliged to drag through another year, fettered in his military movements, and oppressed with anxiety for the future. he longed to drive the british from new york, and was forced to content himself, as so often before, with keeping his army in existence. it was a trying time, and fruitful in nothing but anxious forebodings. all the fighting was confined to skirmishes of outposts, and his days were consumed in vain efforts to obtain help from the states, while he watched with painful eagerness the current of events in europe, down which the fortunes of his country were feebly drifting. among the petty incidents of the year there was one which, in its effects, gained an international importance, which has left a deep stain upon the english arms, and which touched washington deeply. captain huddy, an american officer, was captured in a skirmish and carried to new york, where he was placed in confinement. thence he was taken on april by a party of tories in the british service, commanded by captain lippencott, and hanged in the broad light of day on the heights near middletown. testimony and affidavits to the fact, which was never questioned, were duly gathered and laid before washington. the deed was one of wanton barbarity, for which it would be difficult to find a parallel in the annals of modern warfare. the authors of this brutal murder, to our shame be it said, were of american birth, but they were fighting for the crown and wore the british uniform. england, which for generations has deafened the world with paeans of praise for her own love of fair play and for her generous humanity, stepped in here and threw the mantle of her protection over these cowardly hangmen. it has not been uncommon for wild north american savages to deliver up criminals to the vengeance of the law, but english ministers and officers condoned the murder of huddy, and sheltered his murderers. when the case was laid before washington it stirred him to the deepest wrath. he submitted the facts to twenty-five of his general officers, who unanimously advised what he was himself determined upon, instant retaliation. he wrote at once to sir guy carleton, and informed him that unless the murderers were given up he should be compelled to retaliate. carleton replied that a court-martial was ordered, and some attempt was made to recriminate; but washington pressed on in the path he had marked out, and had an english officer selected by lot and held in close confinement to await the action of the enemy. these sharp measures brought the british, as nothing else could have done, to some sense of the enormity of the crime that had been committed. sir guy carleton wrote in remonstrance, and washington replied: "ever since the commencement of this unnatural war my conduct has borne invariable testimony against those inhuman excesses, which, in too many instances, have marked its progress. with respect to a late transaction, to which i presume your excellency alludes, i have already expressed my resolution, a resolution formed on the most mature deliberation, and from which i shall not recede." the affair dragged along, purposely protracted by the british, and the court-martial on a technical point acquitted lippencott. sir guy carleton, however, who really was deeply indignant at the outrage, wrote, expressing his abhorrence, disavowed lippencott, and promised a further inquiry. this placed washington in a very trying position, more especially as his humanity was touched by the situation of the unlucky hostage. the fatal lot had fallen upon a mere boy, captain asgill, who was both amiable and popular, and washington was beset with appeals in his behalf, for lady asgill moved heaven and earth to save her son. she interested the french court, and vergennes made a special request that asgill should be released. even washington's own officers, notably hamilton, sought to influence him, and begged him to recede. in these difficult circumstances, which were enhanced by the fact that contrary to his orders to select an unconditional prisoner, the lot had fallen on a yorktown prisoner protected by the terms of the capitulation,[ ] he hesitated, and asked instructions from congress. he wrote to duane in september: "while retaliation was apparently necessary, however disagreeable in itself, i had no repugnance to the measure. but when the end proposed by it is answered by a disavowal of the act, by a dissolution of the board of refugees, and by a promise (whether with or without meaning to comply with it, i shall not determine) that further inquisition should be made into the matter, i thought it incumbent upon me, before i proceeded any farther in the matter, to have the sense of congress, who had most explicitly approved and impliedly indeed ordered retaliation to take place. to this hour i am held in darkness." [footnote : ms, letter to lincoln.] he did not long remain in doubt. the fact was that the public, as is commonly the case, had forgotten the original crime and saw only the misery of the man who was to pay the just penalty, and who was, in this instance, an innocent and vicarious sufferer. it was difficult to refuse vergennes, and congress, glad of the excuse and anxious to oblige their allies, ordered the release of asgill. that washington, touched by the unhappy condition of his prisoner, did not feel relieved by the result, it would be absurd to suppose. but he was by no means satisfied, for the murderous wrong that had been done rankled in his breast. he wrote to vergennes: "captain asgill has been released, and is at perfect liberty to return to the arms of an affectionate parent, whose pathetic address to your excellency could not fail of interesting every feeling heart in her behalf. i have no right to assume any particular merit from the lenient manner in which this disagreeable affair has terminated." there is a perfect honesty about this which is very wholesome. he had been freely charged with cruelty, and had regarded the accusation with indifference. now, when it was easy for him to have taken the glory of mercy by simply keeping silent, he took pains to avow that the leniency was not due to him. he was not satisfied, and no one should believe that he was, even if the admission seemed to justify the charge of cruelty. if he erred at all it was in not executing some british officer at the very start, unless lippencott had been given up within a limited time. as it was, after delay was once permitted, it is hard to see how he could have acted otherwise than he did, but washington was not in the habit of receding from a fixed purpose, and being obliged to do so in this case troubled him, for he knew that he did well to be angry. but the frankness of the avowal to vergennes is a good example of his entire honesty and absolute moral fearlessness. the matter, however, which most filled his heart and mind during these weary days of waiting and doubt was the condition and the future of his soldiers. to those persons who have suspected or suggested that washington was cold-blooded and unmindful of others, the letters he wrote in regard to the soldiers may be commended. the man whose heart was wrung by the sufferings of the poor people on the virginian frontier, in the days of the old french war, never in fact changed his nature. fierce in fight, passionate and hot when his anger was stirred, his love and sympathy were keen and strong toward his army. his heart went out to the brave men who had followed him, loved him, and never swerved in their loyalty to him and to their country. washington's affection for his men, and their devotion to him, had saved the cause of american independence more often than strategy or daring. now, when the war was practically over, his influence with both officers and soldiers was destined to be put to its severest tests. the people of the american colonies were self-governing in the extremest sense, that is, they were accustomed to very little government interference of any sort. they were also poor and entirely unused to war. suddenly they found themselves plunged into a bitter and protracted conflict with the most powerful of civilized nations. in the first flush of excitement, patriotic enthusiasm supplied many defects; but as time wore on, and year after year passed, and the whole social and political fabric was shaken, the moral tone of the people relaxed. in such a struggle, coming upon an unprepared people of the habits and in the circumstances of the colonists, this relaxation was inevitable. it was likewise inevitable that, as the war continued, there should be in both national and state governments, and in all directions, many shortcomings and many lamentable errors. but for the treatment accorded the army, no such excuse can be made, and no sufficient explanation can be offered. there was throughout the colonies an inborn and a carefully cultivated dread of standing armies and military power. but this very natural feeling was turned most unreasonably against our own army, and carried in that direction to the verge of insanity. this jealousy of military power indeed pursued washington from the beginning to the end of the revolution. it cropped out as soon as he was appointed, and came up in one form or another whenever he was obliged to take strong measures. even at the very end, after he had borne the cause through to triumph, congress was driven almost to frenzy because vergennes proposed to commit the disposition of a french subsidy to the commander-in-chief. if this feeling could show itself toward washington, it is easy to imagine that it was not restrained toward his officers and men, and the treatment of the soldiers by congress and by the states was not only ungrateful to the last degree, but was utterly unpardonable. again and again the menace of immediate ruin and the stern demands of washington alone extorted the most grudging concessions, and saved the army from dissolution. the soldiers had every reason to think that nothing but personal fear could obtain the barest consideration from the civil power. in this frame of mind, they saw the war which they had fought and won drawing to a close with no prospect of either provision or reward for them, and every indication that they would be disbanded when they were no longer needed, and left in many cases to beggary and want. in the inaction consequent upon the victory at yorktown, they had ample time to reflect upon these facts, and their reflections were of such a nature that the situation soon became dangerous. washington, who had struggled in season and out of season for justice to the soldiers, labored more zealously than ever during all this period, aided vigorously by hamilton, who was now in congress. still nothing was done, and in october, , he wrote to the secretary of war in words warm with indignant feeling: "while i premise that no one i have seen or heard of appears opposed to the principle of reducing the army as circumstances may require, yet i cannot help fearing the result of the measure in contemplation, under present circumstances, when i see such a number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and what they call the ingratitude of the public, involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry them home after having spent the flower of their days, and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country, and suffered everything that human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death.... you may rely upon it, the patriotism and long-suffering of this army are almost exhausted, and that there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. while in the field i think it may be kept from breaking into acts of outrage; but when we retire into winter-quarters, unless the storm is previously dissipated, i cannot be at ease respecting the consequences. it is high time for a peace." these were grave words, coming from such a man as washington, but they passed unheeded. congress and the states went blandly along as if everything was all right, and as if the army had no grievances. but the soldiers thought differently. "dissatisfactions rose to a great and alarming height, and combinations among officers to resign at given periods in a body were beginning to take place." the outlook was so threatening that washington, who had intended to go to mount vernon, remained in camp, and by management and tact thwarted these combinations and converted these dangerous movements into an address to congress from the officers, asking for half-pay, arrearages, and some other equally proper concessions. still congress did not stir. some indefinite resolutions were passed, but nothing was done as to the commutation of half-pay into a fixed sum, and after such a display of indifference the dissatisfaction increased rapidly, and the army became more and more restless. in march a call was issued for a meeting of officers, and an anonymous address, written with much skill,--the work, as afterwards appeared, of major john armstrong,--was published at the same time. the address was well calculated to inflame the passions of the troops; it advised a resort to force, and was scattered broadcast through the camp. the army was now in a ferment, and the situation was full of peril. a weak man would have held his peace; a rash one would have tried to suppress the meeting. washington did neither, but quietly took control of the whole movement himself. in general orders he censured the call and the address as irregular, and then appointed a time and place for the meeting. another anonymous address thereupon appeared, quieter in tone, but congratulating the army on the recognition accorded by the commander-in-chief. when the officers assembled, washington arose with a manuscript in his hand, and as he took out his glasses said, simply, "you see, gentlemen, i have grown both blind and gray in your service." his address was brief, calm, and strong. the clear, vigorous sentences were charged with meaning and with deep feeling. he exhorted them one and all, both officers and men, to remain loyal and obedient, true to their glorious past and to their country. he appealed to their patriotism, and promised them that which they had always had, his own earnest support in obtaining justice from congress. when he had finished he quietly withdrew. the officers were deeply moved by his words, and his influence prevailed. resolutions were passed, reiterating the demands of the army, but professing entire faith in the government. this time congress listened, and the measures granting half-pay in commutation and certain other requests were passed. thus this very serious danger was averted, not by the reluctant action of congress, but by the wisdom and strength of the general, who was loved by his soldiers after a fashion that few conquerors could boast. underlying all these general discontents, there was, besides, a well-defined movement, which saw a solution of all difficulties and a redress of all wrongs in a radical change of the form of government, and in the elevation of washington to supreme power. this party was satisfied that the existing system was a failure, and that it was not and could not be made either strong, honest, or respectable. the obvious relief was in some kind of monarchy, with a large infusion of the one-man power; and it followed, as a matter of course, that the one man could be no other than the commander-in-chief. in may, , when the feeling in the army had risen very high, this party of reform brought their ideas before washington through an old and respected friend of his, colonel nicola. the colonel set forth very clearly the failure and shortcomings of the existing government, argued in favor of the substitution of something much stronger, and wound up by hinting very plainly that his correspondent was the man for the crisis and the proper savior of society. the letter was forcible and well written, and colonel nicola was a man of character and standing. it could not be passed over lightly or in silence, and washington replied as follows:-- "with a mixture of surprise and astonishment, i have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. be assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army as you have expressed, and [which] i must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. for the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. i am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which seems to me big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. if i am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. at the same time, in justice to my own feelings, i must add that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see justice done to the army than i do; and as far as my power and influence in a constitutional way extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature." this simple but exceedingly plain letter checked the whole movement at once; but the feeling of hostility to the existing system of government and of confidence in washington increased steadily through the summer and winter. when the next spring had come round, and the "newburgh addresses" had been published, the excitement was at fever heat. all the army needed was a leader. it was as easy for washington to have grasped supreme power then, as it would have been for cæsar to have taken the crown from antony upon the lupercal. he repelled nicola's suggestion with quiet reproof, and took the actual movement, when it reared its head, into his own hands and turned it into other channels. this incident has been passed over altogether too carelessly by historians and biographers. it has generally been used merely to show the general nobility of washington's sentiments, and no proper stress has been laid upon the facts of the time which gave birth to such an idea and such a proposition. it would have been a perfectly feasible thing at that particular moment to have altered the frame of government and placed the successful soldier in possession of supreme power. the notion of kingly government was, of course, entirely familiar to everybody, and had in itself nothing repulsive. the confederation was disintegrated, the states were demoralized, and the whole social and political life was weakened. the army was the one coherent, active, and thoroughly organized body in the country. six years of war had turned them from militia into seasoned veterans, and they stood armed and angry, ready to respond to the call of the great leader to whom they were entirely devoted. when the english troops were once withdrawn, there was nothing on the continent that could have stood against them. if they had moved, they would have been everywhere supported by their old comrades who had returned to the ranks of civil life, by all the large class who wanted peace and order in the quickest and surest way, and by the timid and tired generally. there would have been in fact no serious opposition, probably because there would have been no means of sustaining it. the absolute feebleness of the general government was shown a few weeks later, when a recently recruited regiment of pennsylvania troops mutinied, and obliged congress to leave philadelphia, unable either to defend themselves or procure defense from the state. this mutiny was put down suddenly and effectively by washington, very wroth at the insubordination of raw troops, who had neither fought nor suffered. yet even such mutineers as these would have succeeded in a large measure, had it not been for washington, and one can easily imagine from this incident the result of disciplined and well-planned action on the part of the army led by their great chief. in that hour of debility and relaxation, a military seizure of the government and the erection of some form of monarchy would not have been difficult. whether such a change would have lasted is another question, but there is no reason to doubt that at the moment it might have been effected. washington, however, not only refused to have anything to do with the scheme, but he used the personal loyalty which might have raised him to supreme power to check all dangerous movements and put in motion the splendid and unselfish patriotism for which the army was conspicuous, and which underlay all their irritations and discontents. the obvious view of washington's action in this crisis as a remarkable exhibition of patriotism is at best somewhat superficial. in a man in any way less great, the letter of refusal to nicola and the treatment of the opportunity presented at the time of the newburgh addresses would have been fine in a high degree. in washington they were not so extraordinary, for the situation offered him no temptation. carlyle was led to think slightingly of washington, one may believe, because he did not seize the tottering government with a strong hand, and bring order out of chaos on the instant. but this is a woeful misunderstanding of the man. to put aside a crown for love of country is noble, but to look down upon such an opportunity indicates a much greater loftiness and strength of mind. washington was wholly free from the vulgar ambition of the usurper, and the desire of mere personal aggrandizement found no place in his nature. his ruling passion was the passion for success, and for thorough and complete success. what he could not bear was the least shadow of failure. to have fought such a war to a victorious finish, and then turned it to his own advantage, would have been to him failure of the meanest kind. he fought to free the colonies from england, and make them independent, not to play the part of a cæsar or a cromwell in the wreck and confusion of civil war. he flung aside the suggestion of supreme power, not simply as dishonorable and unpatriotic, but because such a result would have defeated the one great and noble object at which he aimed. nor did he act in this way through any indolent shrinking from the great task of making what he had won worth winning, by crushing the forces of anarchy and separation, and bringing order and unity out of confusion. from the surrender of yorktown to the day of his retirement from the presidency, he worked unceasingly to establish union and strong government in the country he had made independent. he accomplished this great labor more successfully by honest and lawful methods than if he had taken the path of the strong-handed savior of society, and his work in this field did more for the welfare of his country than all his battles. to have restored order at the head of the army was much easier than to effect it in the slow and law-abiding fashion which he adopted. to have refused supreme rule, and then to have effected in the spirit and under the forms of free government all and more than the most brilliant of military chiefs could have achieved by absolute power, is a glory which belongs to washington alone. nevertheless, at that particular juncture it was, as he himself had said, "high time for a peace." the danger at newburgh had been averted by his commanding influence and the patriotic conduct of the army. but it had been averted only, not removed. the snake was scotched, not killed. the finishing stroke was still needed in the form of an end to hostilities, and it was therefore fortunate for the united states that a fortnight later, on march , news came that a general treaty of peace had been signed. this final consummation of his work, in addition to the passage by congress of the half-pay commutation and the settlement of the army accounts, filled washington with deep rejoicing. he felt that in a short time, a few weeks at most, he would be free to withdraw to the quiet life at mount vernon for which he longed. but public bodies move slowly, and one delay after another occurred to keep him still in the harness. he chafed under the postponement, but it was not possible to him to remain idle even when he awaited in almost daily expectation the hour of dismissal. he saw with the instinctive glance of statesmanship that the dangerous point in the treaty of peace was in the provisions as to the western posts on the one side, and those relating to british debts on the other. a month therefore had not passed before he brought to the attention of congress the importance of getting immediate possession of those posts, and a little later he succeeded in having steuben sent out as a special envoy to obtain their surrender. the mission was vain, as he had feared. he was not destined to extract this thorn for many years, and then only after many trials and troubles. soon afterward he made a journey with governor clinton to ticonderoga, and along the valley of the mohawk, "to wear away the time," as he wrote to congress. he wore away time to more purpose than most people, for where he traveled he observed closely, and his observations were lessons which he never forgot. on this trip he had the western posts and the indians always in mind, and familiarized himself with the conditions of a part of the country where these matters were of great importance. on his return he went to princeton, where congress had been sitting since their flight from the mutiny which he had recently suppressed, and where a house had been provided for his use. he remained there two months, aiding congress in their work. during the spring he had been engaged on the matter of a peace establishment, and he now gave congress elaborate and well-matured advice on that question, and on those of public lands, western settlement, and the best indian policy. in all these directions his views were clear, far-sighted, and wise. he saw that in these questions was involved much of the future development and wellbeing of the country, and he treated them with a precision and an easy mastery which showed the thought he had given to the new problems which now were coming to the front. unluckily, he was so far ahead, both in knowledge and perception, of the body with which he dealt, that he could get little or nothing done, and in september he wrote in plain but guarded terms of the incapacity of the lawmakers. the people were not yet ripe for his measures, and he was forced to bide his time, and see the injuries caused by indifference and short-sightedness work themselves out. gradually, however, the absolutely necessary business was brought to an end. then washington issued a circular letter to the governors of the states, which was one of the ablest he ever wrote, and full of the profoundest statesmanship, and he also sent out a touching address of farewell to the army, eloquent with wisdom and with patriotism. from princeton he went to west point, where the army that still remained in service was stationed. thence he moved to harlem, and on november the british army departed, and washington, with his troops, accompanied by governor clinton and some regiments of local militia, marched in and took possession. this was the outward sign that the war was over, and that american independence had been won. carleton feared that the entry of the american army might be the signal for confusion and violence, in which the tory inhabitants would suffer; but everything passed off with perfect tranquillity and good order, and in the evening governor clinton gave a public dinner to the commander-in-chief and the officers of the army. all was now over, and washington prepared to go to annapolis and lay down his commission. on december his officers assembled in fraunces' tavern to bid him farewell. as he looked about on his faithful friends, his usual self-command deserted him, and he could not control his voice. taking a glass of wine, he lifted it up, and said simply, "with a heart full of love and gratitude i now take my leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." the toast was drunk in silence, and then washington added, "i cannot come to each of you and take my leave, but shall be obliged if you will come and take me by the hand." one by one they approached, and washington grasped the hand of each man and embraced him. his eyes were full of tears, and he could not trust himself to speak. in silence he bade each and all farewell, and then, accompanied by his officers, walked to whitehall ferry. entering his barge, the word was given, and as the oars struck the water he stood up and lifted his hat. in solemn silence his officers returned the salute, and watched the noble and gracious figure of their beloved chief until the boat disappeared from sight behind the point of the battery. at philadelphia he stopped a few days and adjusted his accounts, which he had in characteristic fashion kept himself in the neatest and most methodical way. he had drawn no pay, and had expended considerable sums from his private fortune, which he had omitted to charge to the government. the gross amount of his expenses was about , pounds sterling, including secret service and other incidental outlays. in these days of wild money-hunting, there is something worth pondering in this simple business settlement between a great general and his government, at the close of eight years of war. this done, he started again on his journey. from philadelphia he proceeded to annapolis, greeted with addresses and hailed with shouts at every town and village on his route, and having reached his destination, he addressed a letter to congress on december , asking when it would be agreeable to them to receive him. the d was appointed, and on that day, at noon, he appeared before congress. the following year a french orator and "maître avocat," in an oration delivered at toulouse upon the american revolution, described this scene in these words: "on the day when washington resigned his commission in the hall of congress, a crown decked with jewels was placed upon the book of the constitutions. suddenly washington seizes it, breaks it, and flings the pieces to the assembled people. how small ambitious cæsar seems beside the hero of america." it is worth while to recall this contemporary french description, because its theatrical and dramatic untruth gives such point by contrast to the plain and dignified reality. the scene was the hall of congress. the members representing the sovereign power were seated and covered, while all the space about was filled by the governor and state officers of maryland, by military officers, and by the ladies and gentlemen of the neighborhood, who stood in respectful silence with uncovered heads. washington was introduced by the secretary of congress, and took a chair which had been assigned to him. there was a brief pause, and then the president said that "the united states in congress assembled were prepared to receive his communication." washington rose, and replied as follows:-- "mr. president: the great events, on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the united states of becoming a respectable nation, i resign with satisfaction the appointment i accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. the successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of providence, and the assistance i have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest." then, after a word of gratitude to the army and to his staff, he concluded as follows: "i consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action; and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." in singularly graceful and eloquent words his old opponent, thomas mifflin, the president, replied, the simple ceremony ended, and washington left the room a private citizen. the great master of english fiction, touching this scene with skillful hand, has said: "which was the most splendid spectacle ever witnessed, the opening feast of prince george in london, or the resignation of washington? which is the noble character for after ages to admire,--yon fribble dancing in lace and spangles, or yonder hero who sheathes his sword after a life of spotless honor, a purity unreproached, a courage indomitable, and a consummate victory?" there is no need to say more. comment or criticism on such a farewell, from such a man, at the close of a long civil war, would be not only superfluous but impertinent. the contemporary newspaper, in its meagre account, said that the occasion was deeply solemn and affecting, and that many persons shed tears. well indeed might those then present have been thus affected, for they had witnessed a scene memorable forever in the annals of all that is best and noblest in human nature. they had listened to a speech which was not equaled in meaning and spirit in american history until, eighty years later, abraham lincoln stood upon the slopes of gettysburg and uttered his immortal words upon those who died that the country might live. index for volumes i & ii ackerson, david, describes washington's personal appearance, ii. - . adams, abigail, on washington's appearance in , i. . adams, john, moves appointment of washington as commander-in-chief, i. ; on political necessity for his appointment, ; and objections to it, ; statement as to washington's difficulties, ; over-sanguine as to american prospects, ; finds fault with washington, , ; one of few national statesmen, ; on washington's opinion of titles, ii. ; advocates ceremony, ; returns to united states, ; attacked by jefferson as a monarchist, ; praised by democrats as superior to washington, ; his administration upheld by washington, ; advised by washington, ; his inauguration, ; sends special mission to france, ; urges washington to take command of provisional army, ; wishes to make knox senior to hamilton, ; censured by washington, gives way, ; lack of sympathy with washington, ; his nomination of murray disapproved by washington, , ; letter of washington to, on immigration, . adams, j.q., on weights and measures, ii. . adams, samuel, not sympathized with by washington in working for independence, i. ; his inability to sympathize with washington, ; an enemy of constitution, ii. ; a genuine american, . alcudia, duke de, interviews with pinckney, ii. . alexander, philip, hunts with washington, i. . alien and sedition laws, approved by washington and federalists, ii. , . ames, fisher, speech on behalf of administration in jay treaty affair, ii. . andré, major, meets arnold, i. ; announces capture to arnold, ; confesses, ; condemned and executed, ; justice of the sentence, , ; washington's opinion of, , ii. . armstrong, john, major, writes newburg address, i. . army of the revolution, at boston, adopted by congress, i. ; its organization and character, - ; sectional jealousies in, at new york, ; goes to pieces after defeat, , , ; condition in winter of , ; difficulties between officers, ; with foreign officers, - ; improvement as shown by condition after brandywine and germantown, , ; hard winter at valley forge, ; maintained alive only by washington, , , ; improved morale at monmouth, ; mutinies for lack of pay, ; suffers during , ; bad condition in , ; again mutinies for pay, , , ; conduct of troops, , ; jealousy of people towards, ; badly treated by states and by congress, ; grows mutinous, ; adopts newburg addresses, , ; ready for a military dictatorship, , ; farewell of washington to, . arnold, benedict, sent by washington to attack quebec, i. ; sent against burgoyne, ; plans treason, ; shows loyalist letter to washington, ; meets andré, ; receives news of andré's capture, ; escapes, , ; previous benefits from washington, ; washington's opinion of, ; ravages virginia, ; sent back to new york, ; one of the few men who deceived washington, ii. . arnold, mrs., entertains washington at time of her husband's treachery, i. , . articles of confederation, their inadequacy early seen by washington, i. , ; ii. . asgill, capt., selected for retaliation for murder of huddy, i. ; efforts for his release, ; release ordered by congress, . bache, b.f., publishes jay treaty in "aurora," ii. ; joins in attack on washington, , ; rejoices over his retirement, . baker,----, works out a pedigree for washington, i. . ball, joseph, advises against sending washington to sea, i. , . barbadoes, washington's description of, i. . beckley, john, accuses washington of embezzling, ii. . bernard, john, his conversation with washington referred to, i. , ; describes encounter with washington, ii. - ; his description of washington's conversation, - . blackwell, rev. dr., calls on washington with dr. logan, ii. . blair, john, appointed to supreme court, ii. . bland, mary, "lowland beauty," admired by washington, i. , . blount, governor, pacifies cherokees, ii. . boston, visit of washington to, i. , ; political troubles in, ; british measures against condemned by virginia, , ; appeals to colonies, ; protests against jay treaty, ii. ; answered by washington, . botetourt, lord, governor of virginia, quarrels with assembly, i. ; manages to calm dissension, ; on friendly terms with washington, . braddock, general edward, arrives in virginia, i. ; invites washington to serve on his staff, ; respects him, ; his character and unfitness for his position, ; despises provincials, ; accepts washington's advice as to dividing force, ; rebukes washington for warning against ambush, ; insists on fighting by rule, ; defeated and mortally wounded, ; death and burial, . bradford, william, succeeds randolph, ii. . brandywine, battle of, i. - . bunker hill, question of washington regarding battle of, i. . burgoyne, general john, junction of howe with, feared by washington, i. , , , ; significance of his defeat, ; danger of his invasion foreseen by washington, - ; captures ticonderoga, ; outnumbered and defeated, ; surrenders, . burke, edmund, understands significance of washington's leadership, i. ; unsettled by french revolution, ii. . cabot, george, entertains lafayette's son, ii. . cadwalader, general, fails to cross delaware to help washington, i. ; duel with conway, . calvert, eleanor, misgivings of washington over her marriage to john custis, i. . camden, battle of, i. . canada, captured by wolfe, i. ; expedition of montgomery against, , ; project of conway cabal against, ; ; project of lafayette to attack, ; plan considered dangerous by washington, , ; not undertaken by france, . carleton, sir guy, informs washington of address of commons for peace, i. ; suspected by washington, ; remonstrates against retaliation by washington for murder of huddy, ; disavows lippencott, ; fears plunder of new york city, ; urges indians to attack the united states, ii. , . carlisle, earl of, peace commissioner, i. . carlyle, thomas, sneers at washington, i. , ; calls him "a bloodless cromwell," i. , ii. ; fails to understand his reticence, i. ; despises him for not seizing power, . carmichael, william, minister at madrid, ii. ; on commission regarding the mississippi, . carrington, paul, letter of washington to, ii. ; washington's friendship for, . cary, mary, early love affair of washington with, i. . chamberlayne, major, entertains washington at williams' ferry, i. . charleston, siege and capture of, i. , , . chastellux, marquis de, washington's friendship for and letter to, ii. ; on washington's training of horses, . cherokees, beaten by sevier, ii. ; pacified by blount, , . chester, colonel, researches on washington pedigree, i. . chickasaws, desert from st. clair, ii. . china, honors washington, i. . choctaws, peaceable in , ii. . cincinnati, society of the, washington's connection with, ii. . clarke, governor, thinks washington is invading popular rights, i. . cleaveland, rev.----, complimented by washington, ii. . clinton, george, appealed to by washington to attack burgoyne, i. ; journey with washington to ticonderoga, ; enters new york city, ; letter of washington to, ii. ; meets washington on journey to inauguration, ; opponent of the constitution, ; orders seizure of french privateers, . clinton, sir henry, fails to help burgoyne, i. ; replaces howe at philadelphia, his character, ; tries to cut off lafayette, ; leaves philadelphia, ; defeats lee at monmouth, ; retreats to new york, ; withdraws from newport, ; makes a raid, ; fortifies stony point, ; his aimless warfare, , ; after capturing charleston returns to new york, ; tries to save andré, ; alarmed at attacks on new york, ; jealous of cornwallis, refuses to send reinforcements, ; deceived by washington, ; sends graves to relieve cornwallis, . congress, continental, washington's journey to, i. ; its character and ability, ; its state papers, ; adjourns, ; in second session, resolves to petition the king, ; adopts massachusetts army and makes washington commander, ; reasons for his choice, ; adheres to short-term enlistments, ; influenced to declare independence by washington, ; hampers washington in campaign of new york, ; letters of washington to, , , , , , , , , , , ; takes steps to make army permanent, ; its over-confidence, ; insists on holding forts washington and lee, ; dissatisfied with washington's inactivity, ; criticises his proclamation requiring oath of allegiance, ; makes unwise appointments of officers, ; especially of foreigners, - ; , ; applauds washington's efforts at germantown, ; deposes schuyler and st. clair, ; appoints gates, ; irritation against washington, - ; falls under guidance of conway cabal, , ; discovers incompetence of cabal, ; meddles with prisoners and officers, ; rejects english peace offers, ; makes alliance with france, ; suppresses protests of officers against d'estaing, ; decline in its character, ; becomes feeble, ; improvement urged by washington, , ; appoints gates to command in south, ; loses interest in war, ; asks washington to name general for the south, ; considers reduction of army, ; elated by yorktown, ; its unfair treatment of army, , ; driven from philadelphia by pennsylvania troops, ; passes half-pay act, ; receives commission of washington, - ; disbands army, ii. ; indifferent to western expansion, ; continues to decline, ; merit of its indian policy, . congress, federal, establishes departments, ii. ; opened by washington, , ; ceremonial abolished by jefferson, ; recommendations made to by washington, - ; acts upon them, - ; creates commission to treat with creeks, ; increases army, , ; fails to solve financial problems, ; debates hamilton's report on credit, , ; establishes national bank, ; establishes protective revenue duties, ; imposes an excise tax, ; prepares for retaliation on great britain, ; senate ratifies jay treaty conditionally, ; house demands papers, ; debates over its right to concur in treaty, - ; refuses to adjourn on washington's birthday, ; prepares for war with france, ; passes alien and sedition laws, . constitution, federal, necessity of, foreseen by washington, ii. - , , ; the annapolis convention, - ; the federal convention, - ; washington's attitude in, , ; his influence, ; campaign for ratification, - . contrecoeur, captain, leader of french and indians in virginia, i. . "conway cabal," elements of in congress, i. , ; in the army, ; organized by conway, ; discovered by washington, ; gets control of board of war, ; tries to make washington resign, , ; fails to invade canada or provide supplies, , ; harassed by washington's letters, , ; breaks down, . conway, moncure d., his life of randolph, ii. , note, ; his defense of randolph in fauchet letter affair, ; on washington's motives, ; on his unfair treatment of randolph, , . conway, thomas, demand for higher rank refused by washington, i. ; plots against him, ; his letter discovered by washington, ; made inspector-general, , ; complains to congress of his reception at camp, ; resigns, has duel with cadwalader, ; apologizes to washington and leaves country, . cooke, governor, remonstrated with by washington for raising state troops, i. . cornwallis, lord, pursues washington in new jersey, i. ; repulsed at assunpink, ; outgeneraled by washington, ; surprises sullivan at brandywine, ; defeats lee at monmouth, ; pursues greene in vain, ; wins battle of guilford court house, ; retreats into virginia, ; joins british troops in virginia, ; his dangerous position, ; urged by clinton to return troops to new york, ; plunders virginia, ; defeats lafayette and wayne, ; wishes to retreat south, ; ordered by ministry to stay on the chesapeake, ; abandoned by clinton, ; establishes himself at yorktown, ; withdraws into town, ; besieged, , ; surrenders, ; outgeneraled by washington, , . cowpens, battle of, i. . craik, dr., attends washington in last illness, ii. - ; washington's friendship with, . creeks, their relations with spaniards, ii. , ; quarrel with georgia, ; agree to treaty with united states, ; stirred up by spain, . curwen, samuel, on washington's appearance, i. . cushing, caleb, appointed to supreme court, ii. . custis, daniel parke, first husband of martha washington, i. . custis, g.w.p., tells mythical story of washington and the colt, i. ; washington's care for, ii. . custis, john, washington's tenderness toward, i. ; care for his education and marriage, ; hunts with washington, ; death of, . custis, nellie, marriage with washington's nephew, ii. , ; letter of washington to, . dagworthy, captain, claims to outrank washington in virginia army, i. , . dallas, alexander, protests to genet against sailing of little sarah, ii. . dalton, senator, entertains washington at newburyport, ii. . deane, silas, promises commissions to foreign military adventurers, i. . de barras, jealous of de grasse, decides not to aid him, i. ; persuaded to do so by washington and rochambeau, ; reaches chesapeake, . de grasse, comte, announces intention of coming to washington, i. ; warned by washington not to come to new york, ; sails to chesapeake, ; asked to meet washington there, ; reaches chesapeake, ; repulses british fleet, ; wishes to return to west indies, ; persuaded to remain by washington, ; refuses to join washington in attack on charleston, ; returns to west indies, . de guichen,----, commander of french fleet in west indies, i. ; appealed to for aid by washington, ; returns home, . delancey, oliver, escapes american attack, i. . democratic party, its formation as a french party, ii. ; furnished with catch-words by jefferson, ; with a newspaper organ, ; not ready to oppose washington for president in , ; organized against treasury measure, ; stimulated by french revolution, ; supports genet, ; begins to attack washington, ; his opinion of it, , , , , , ; forms clubs on french model, ; washington's opinion of, , ; continues to abuse him, , , , ; exults at his retirement, ; prints slanders, . demont, william, betrays plans of fort washington to howe, i. . d'estaing, admiral, reaches america, i. ; welcomed by washington, ; fails to cut off howe and goes to newport, ; after battle with howe goes to boston, ; letter of washington to, ; sails to west indies, ; second letter of washington to, ; attacks savannah, ; withdraws, . de rochambeau, comte, arrives at newport, i. ; ordered to await second division of army, ; refuses to attack new york, ; wishes a conference with washington, ; meets him at hartford, ; disapproves attacking florida, ; joins washington before new york, ; persuades de barras to join de grasse, ; accompanies washington to yorktown, . dickinson, john, commands scouts at monmouth, i. . digby, admiral, bitter comments of washington on, i. . dinwiddie, governor, remonstrates against french encroachments, i. ; sends washington on mission to french, ; quarrels with the virginia assembly, ; letter of washington to, ; wishes washington to attack french, ; tries to quiet discussions between regular and provincial troops, ; military schemes condemned by washington, ; prevents his getting a royal commission, . diplomatic history: refusal by washington of special privileges to french minister, ii. - ; slow growth of idea of non-intervention, , ; difficulties owing to french revolution, ; to english retention of frontier posts, ; attitude of spain, ; relations with barbary states, ; mission of gouverneur morris to sound english feeling, ; assertion by washington of non-intervention policy toward europe, , ; issue of neutrality proclamation, , ; its importance, ; mission of genet, - ; guarded attitude of washington toward émigrés, ; excesses of genet, ; neutrality enforced, , ; the little sarah episode, - ; recall of genet demanded, ; futile missions of carmichael and short to spain, , ; successful treaty of thomas pinckney, - ; question as to binding nature of french treaty of commerce, - ; irritating relations with england, - ; jay's mission, - ; the questions at issue, , ; terms of the treaty agreed upon, ; good and bad points, ; ratified by senate, ; signing delayed by renewal of provision order, ; war with england prevented by signing, ; difficulties with france over morris and monroe, - ; doings of monroe, , ; united states compromised by him, , ; monroe replaced by pinckney, ; review of washington's foreign policy, - ; mission of pinckney, marshall, and gerry to france, ; the x.y.z. affair, . donop, count, drives griffin out of new jersey, i. ; killed at fort mercer, . dorchester, lord. see carleton. duane, james, letters of washington to, i. , . dumas, comte, describes enthusiasm of people for washington, i. . dunbar, colonel, connection with braddock's expedition, i. , . dunmore, lord, arrives in virginia as governor, i. ; on friendly terms with washington, , ; dissolves assembly, . duplaine, french consul, exequatur of revoked, ii. . eden, william, peace commissioner, i. . edwards, jonathan, a typical new england american, ii. . emerson, rev. dr., describes washington's reforms in army before boston, i. . emigrés, washington's treatment of, ii. , . england, honors washington, i. ; arrogant behavior toward colonists, , , , ; its policy towards boston condemned by virginia, , , , ; by washington, , , ; sends incompetent officers to america, , , , ; stupidity of its operations, , , , ; sincerity of its desire for peace doubted by washington, , ; arrogant conduct of toward the united states after peace, ii. , ; stirs up the six nations and northwestern indians, , , ; folly of her policy, ; sends hammond as minister, ; its opportunity to win united states as ally against france, , ; adopts contrary policy of opposition, , ; adopts "provision order," ; incites indians against united states, ; indignation of america against, ; receives jay well, but refuses to yield points at issue, ; insists on monopoly of west india trade, ; and on impressment, ; later history of, ; renews provision order, ; danger of war with, ; avoided by jay treaty, ; washington said to sympathize with england, ; his real hostility toward, ; washington's opinion of liberty in, . ewing, general james, fails to help washington at trenton, i. . fairfax, bryan, hunts with washington, i. ; remonstrates with washington against violence of patriots, ; washington's replies to, , , ; letter of washington to in revolution, ii. . fairfax, george, married to miss cary, i. ; accompanies washington on surveying expedition, ; letter of washington to, . fairfax, mrs.----, letter of washington to, ii. . fairfax, thomas, lord, his career in england, i. ; comes to his virginia estates, ; his character, ; his friendship for washington, ; sends him to survey estates, ; plans a manor across the blue ridge, ; secures for washington position as public surveyor, ; probably influential in securing his appointment as envoy to french, ; hunts with washington, ; his death remembered by washington, ii. . fairlie, major, amuses washington, ii. . farewell address, ii. , . fauchet, m.,----, letter of, incriminating randolph, ii. , , . fauntleroy, betsy, love affair of washington with, i. . fauquier, francis, governor, at washington's wedding, i. . federal courts, suggested by washington, i. . "federalist," circulated by washington, ii. . federalist party, begun by hamilton's controversy with jefferson, ii. ; supports washington for reëlection, ; organized in support of financial measures, ; washington looked upon by democrats as its head, , ; only its members trusted by washington, , , , , ; becomes a british party, ; washington considers himself a member of, - ; the only american party until , ; strengthened by x, y, z affair, ; dissensions in, over army appointments, - ; its horror at french revolution, , ; attempts of washington to heal divisions in, . fenno's newspaper, used by hamilton against the "national gazette," ii. . finances of the revolution, effect of paper money on war, i. , ; difficulties in paying troops, ; labors of robert morris, , , ; connection of washington with, ; continued collapse, , , . financial history, bad condition in , ii. ; decay of credit, paper, and revenue, ; futile propositions, ; hamilton's report on credit, ; debate over assumption of state debt, ; bargain between hamilton and jefferson, ; establishment of bank, ; other measures adopted, ; protection in the first congress, - ; the excise tax imposed, ; opposition to, - ; "whiskey rebellion," - . fishbourn, benjamin, nomination rejected by senate, ii. . fontanes, m. de, delivers funeral oration on washington, i. . forbes, general, renews attack on french in ohio, i. . forman, major, describes impressiveness of washington, ii. . fox, charles james, understands significance of washington's leadership, i. . france, pays honors to washington, i. i, ; war with england, see french and indian war; takes possession of ohio, ; considers jumonville assassinated by washington, ; importance of alliance with foreseen by washington, ; impressed by battle of germantown, ; makes treaty of alliance with united states, ; sends d'estaing, ; declines to attack canada, ; sends army and fleet, , ; relations of french to washington, , ; absolute necessity of their naval aid, , ; revolution in, applauded by america, ii. , , ; real character understood by washington and others, - , ; debate over in america, ; question of relations with united states, , ; warned by washington, , ; neutrality toward declared, ; tries to drive united states into alliance, ; terms of the treaty with, ; latter held to be no longer binding, - ; abrogates it, ; demands recall of morris, ; mission of monroe to, - ; makes vague promises, , ; washington's fairness toward, ; tries to bully or corrupt american ministers, ; the x, y, z affair, ; war with not expected by washington, ; danger of concession to, , ; progress of revolution in, . franklin, benjamin, gets wagons for braddock's expedition, i. ; remark on howe in philadelphia, ; national, like washington, , ii. ; despairs of success of constitutional convention, ; his unquestioned americanism, ; respect of washington for, , , . frederick ii., the great, his opinion of trenton campaign, i. ; of monmouth campaign, . french and indian war, i. - ; inevitable conflict, ; efforts to negotiate, , ; hostilities begun, ; the jumonville affair, ; defeat of washington, ; braddock's campaign, - ; ravages in virginia, ; carried to a favorable conclusion by pitt, , . freneau, philip, brought to philadelphia and given clerkship by jefferson, ii. ; attacks adams, hamilton, and washington in "national gazette," ; makes conflicting statements as to jefferson's share in the paper, , ; the first to attack washington, . fry, colonel, commands a virginia regiment against french and indians, i. ; dies, leaving washington in command, . gage, general thomas, conduct at boston condemned by washington, i. ; his treatment of prisoners protested against by washington, ; sends an arrogant reply, ; second letter of washington to, , . gallatin, albert, connection with whiskey rebellion, ii. . gates, horatio, visits mt. vernon, his character, i. ; refuses to cooperate with washington at trenton, ; his appointment as commander against burgoyne urged, ; chosen by congress, ; his part in defeating burgoyne, ; neglects to inform washington, ; loses his head and wishes to supplant washington, ; forced to send troops south, , ; his attitude discovered by washington, ; makes feeble efforts at opposition, , ; correspondence with washington, , , ; becomes head of board of war, ; quarrels with wilkinson, ; sent to his command, ; fears attack of british on boston, ; sent by congress to command in south, ; defeated at camden, , ; loses support of congress, . genet, edmond charles, arrives as french minister, ii. ; his character, ; violates neutrality, ; his journey to philadelphia, ; reception by washington, ; complains of it, ; makes demands upon state department, ; protests at seizure of privateers, ; insists on sailing of little sarah, ; succeeds in getting vessel away, ; his recall demanded, ; reproaches jefferson, ; remains in america, ; threatens to appeal from washington to massachusetts, ; demands denial from washington of jay's statements, ; loses popular support, ; tries to raise a force to invade southwest, ; prevented by state and federal authorities, ; his arrival the signal for divisions of parties, ; hurts democratic party by his excesses, ; suggests clubs, . george iv., washington's opinion of, ii. . georgia, quarrels with creeks, asks aid of united states, ii. ; becomes dissatisfied with treaty, ; disregards treaties of the united states, . gerard, m., notifies washington of return of d'estaing, i. . germantown, battle of, i. . gerry, elbridge, on special mission to france, ii. ; disliked by washington, . giles, w.b., attacks washington in congress, ii. , . gist, christopher, accompanies washington on his mission to french, i. ; wishes to shoot french indians, . gordon,----, letter of washington to, i. . graves, admiral, sent to relieve cornwallis, i. ; defeated by de grasse, . grayson, william, hunts with washington, i. ; letter to, ii. . green springs, battle of, i. . greene, general nathanael, commands at long island, ill with fever, i. ; wishes forts on hudson held, ; late in attacking at germantown, ; conducts retreat, ; succeeds mifflin as quartermaster-general, ; selected by washington to command in south, ; commands army at new york in absence of washington, ; appointed to command southern army, ; retreats from cornwallis, ; fights battle of guilford court house, ; clears southern states of enemy, ; strong position, ; reinforced by washington, ; letter to, ; his military capacity early recognized by washington, ii. ; amuses washington, . greene, mrs.----, dances three hours with washington, ii. . grenville, lord, denies that ministry has incited indians against united states, ii. ; receives jay, ; declines to grant united states trade with west indies, . griffin, david, commissioner to treat with creeks, ii. . griffin,----, fails to help washington at trenton, i. . grymes, lucy, the "lowland beauty," love affair of washington with, i. ; marries henry lee, . haldimand, sir frederick, leads indians against colonists, i. . hale, nathan, compared with andré, i. . half-king, kept to english alliance by washington, i. ; his criticism of washington's first campaign, . hamilton, alexander, forces gates to send back troops to washington, i. , ; remark on councils of war before monmouth, ; informs washington of arnold's treason, ; sent to intercept arnold, ; writes letters on government and finance, ; leads attack at yorktown, i. ; requests release of asgill, ; aids washington in congress, ; only man beside washington and franklin to realize american future, ii. ; letters of washington to on necessity of a strong government, , ; writes letters to duane and morris, ; speech in federal convention and departure, ; counseled by washington, ; consulted by washington as to etiquette, ; made secretary of treasury, ; his character, ; his report on the mint, ; on the public credit, ; upheld by washington, , ; his arrangement with jefferson, ; argument on the bank, ; his success largely due to washington, ; his report on manufactures, , , ; advocates an excise, ; fails to realize its unpopularity, ; accompanies expedition to suppress whiskey rebellion, ; comprehends french revolution, ; frames questions to cabinet on neutrality, ; urges decisive measures against genet, ; argues against united states being bound by french treaty, ; selected for english mission, but withdraws, ; not likely to have done better than jay, ; mobbed in defending jay treaty, ; writes camillus letters in favor of jay treaty, ; intrigued against by monroe, ; causes for his breach with jefferson, ; his aristocratic tendencies, ; attacked by jefferson and his friends, , ; disposes of the charges, ; retorts in newspapers with effect, ; ceases at washington's request, , ; resigns from the cabinet, ; desires washington's reëlection, ; selected by washing, ton as senior general, ; appeals to washington against adams's reversal of rank, ; fails to soothe knox's anger, ; report on army organization, ; letter of washington to, condemning adams's french mission, ; fears anarchy from democratic success, ; approves alien and sedition acts, ; his scheme of a military academy approved by washington, ; washington's affection for, , ; his ability early recognized by washington, , ; aids washington in literary points, ; takes care of lafayette's son, . hammond, george, protests against violations of neutrality, ii. ; his arrival as british minister, ; his offensive tone, ; does not disavow lord dorchester's speech to indians, ; gives fauchet letters to wolcott, ; intrigues with american public men, . hampden, john, compared with washington, ii. , . hancock, john, disappointed at washington's receiving command of army, i. ; his character, ii. ; refuses to call first on washington as president, ; apologizes and calls, , . hardin, colonel, twice surprised and defeated by indians, ii. . harmar, colonel, invades indian country, ii. ; attacks the miamis, ; sends out unsuccessful expeditions and retreats, ; court-martialed and resigns, . harrison, benjamin, letters of washington to, i. , ; ii. . hartley, mrs.----, admired by washington, i. . heard, sir isaac, garter king at arms, makes out a pedigree for washington, i. , . heath, general, checks howe at frog's point, i. ; left in command at new york, . henry, patrick, his resolutions supported by washington, i. ; accompanies him to philadelphia, ; his tribute to washington's influence, ; ready for war, ; letters of conway cabal to against washington, ; letter of washington to, ; appealed to by washington on behalf of constitution, ii. ; an opponent of the constitution, ; urged by washington to oppose virginia resolutions, - , ; a genuine american, ; offered secretaryship of state, ; friendship of washington for, . hertburn, sir william de, ancestor of washington family, i. , . hessians, in revolution, i. . hickey, thomas, hanged for plotting to murder washington, i. . hobby,----, a sexton, washington's earliest teacher, i. . hopkinson, francis, letter of washington to, ii. . houdon, j.a., sculptor, on washington's appearance, ii. . howe, lord, arrives at new york with power to negotiate and pardon, i. ; refuses to give washington his title, ; tries to negotiate with congress, ; escapes d'estaing at delaware, ; attacks d'estaing off newport, . howe, sir william, has controversy with washington over treatment of prisoners, i. ; checked at frog's point, ; attacks cautiously at chatterton hill, ; retreats and attacks forts on hudson, ; takes fort washington, ; goes into winter quarters in new york, , ; suspected of purpose to meet burgoyne, , ; baffled in advance across new jersey by washington, ; goes by sea, ; arrives at head of elk, ; defeats washington at brandywine, ; camps at germantown, ; withdraws after germantown into philadelphia, ; folly of his failure to meet burgoyne, , ; offers battle in vain to washington, ; replaced by clinton, ; tries to cut off lafayette, . huddy, captain, captured by english, hanged by tories, i. . humphreys, colonel, letters of washington to, ii. , ; at opening of congress, ; commissioner to treat with creeks, ; anecdote of, . huntington, lady, asks washington's aid in christianizing indians, ii. . impressment, right of, maintained by england, ii. . independence, not wished, but foreseen, by washington, i. , ; declared by congress, possibly through washington's influence, . indians, wars with in virginia, i. , ; in french and indian war, , ; desert english, ; in braddock's defeat, , , ; restless before revolution, ; in war of revolution, , ; punished by sullivan, ; policy toward, early suggested by washington, ; recommendations relative to in washington's address to congress, ii. ; the "indian problem" under washington's administration, - ; erroneous popular ideas of, , ; real character and military ability, - ; understood by washington, , ; a real danger in , ; situation in the northwest, ; difficulties with cherokees and creeks, , ; influence of spanish intrigue, ; successful treaty with creeks, , ; wisdom of this policy, ; warfare in the northwest, ; defeats of harmar and hardin, ; causes for the failure, , ; intrigues of england, , , , ; expedition and defeat of st. clair, - ; results, ; expedition of wayne, , ; his victory, ; success of washington's policy toward, , . iredell, james, appointed to supreme court, ii. . jackson, major, accompanies washington to opening of congress, ii. . jameson, colonel, forwards andrews letter to arnold, i. ; receives orders from washington, . jay, john, on opposition in congress, to washington, i. ; consulted by washington as to etiquette, ii. ; appointed chief justice, ; publishes card against genet, ; appointed on special mission to england, ; his character, ; instructions from washington, ; his reception in england, ; difficulties in negotiating, ; concludes treaty, ; burnt in effigy while absent, ; execrated after news of treaty, ; hampered by monroe in france, . jay treaty, ii. - ; opposition to and debate over signing, - ; reasons of washington for signing, . jefferson, thomas, his flight from cornwallis, i. ; discusses with washington needs of government, ii. ; adopts french democratic phraseology, ; contrast with washington, , , ; criticises washington's manners, ; made secretary of state, ; his previous relations with washington, ; his character, ; supposed to be a friend of the constitution, ; his objections to president's opening congress, ; on weights and measures, ; letter of washington to on assumption of state debts, ; makes bargain with hamilton, ; opposes a bank, ; asked to prepare neutrality instructions, ; upholds genet, ; argues against him publicly, supports him privately, ; notified of french privateer little sarah, ; allows it to sail, ; retires to country and is censured by washington, ; assures washington that vessel will wait his decision, ; his un-american attitude, ; wishes to make terms of note demanding genet's recall mild, ; argues that united states is bound by french treaty, , ; begs madison to answer hamilton's "camillus" letters, ; his attitude upon first entering cabinet, ; causes for his breach with hamilton, ; jealousy, incompatibility of temper, ; his democratic opinions, ; skill in creating party catch-words, ; prints "rights of man" with note against adams, ; attacks him further in letter to washington, ; brings freneau to philadelphia and gives him an office, ; denies any connection with freneau's newspaper, ; his real responsibility, ; his purpose to undermine hamilton, ; causes his friends to attack him, ; writes a letter to washington attacking hamilton's treasury measures, ; fails to produce any effect, ; winces under hamilton's counter attacks, ; reiterates charges and asserts devotion to constitution, ; continues attacks and resigns, ; wishes reëlection of washington, ; his charge of british sympathies resented by washington, ; plain letter of washington to, ; washington's opinion of, ; suggests logan's mission to france, , ; takes oath as vice-president, ; regarded as a jacobin by federalists, ; jealous of washington, ; accuses him of senility, ; a genuine american, . johnson, william, tory leader in new york, i. . johnstone, governor, peace commissioner, i. . jumonville, de, french leader, declared to have been assassinated by washington, i. , ; really a scout and spy, . kentucky resolutions, condemned by washington, ii. - . king, clarence, his opinion that washington was not american, ii. . king, rufus, publishes card exposing genet, ii. . king's bridge, fight at, i. . kip's landing, fight at, i. . kirkland, rev. samuel, negotiates with six nations, ii. . knox, henry, brings artillery to boston from ticonderoga, i. ; accompanies washington to meet de rochambeau, ; at west point, ; sent by washington to confer with governors of states, ; urged by washington to establish western posts, ii. ; letters of washington to, , ; made secretary of war, ; his character, ; a federalist, ; deals with creeks, ; urges decisive measure against genet, , ; letters of washington to, ; selected by washington as third major-general, ; given first place by adams, ; angry at hamilton's higher rank, ; refuses the office, ; his offer to serve on washington's staff refused, ; washington's affection for, , . lafayette, madame de, aided by washington, ii. ; letter of washington to, . lafayette, marquis de, washington's regard for, i. ; his opinion of continental troops, ; sent on fruitless journey to the lakes by cabal, , ; encouraged by washington, ; narrowly escapes being cut off by clinton, ; appointed to attack british rear, ; superseded by lee, ; urges washington to come, ; letter of washington to, regarding quarrel between d'estaing and sullivan, ; regard of washington for, ; desires to conquer canada, ; his plan not supported in france, ; works to get a french army sent, ; brings news of french army and fleet, ; tries to get de rochambeau to attack new york, ; accompanies washington to meet de rochambeau, ; told by washington of arnold's treachery, ; on court to try andré, ; opinion of continental soldiers, ; harasses cornwallis, ; defeated at green springs, ; watches cornwallis at yorktown, ; reinforced by de grasse, ; persuades him to remain, ; sends washington french wolf-hounds, ii. ; letters of washington to, , , , , , , ; his son not received by washington, ; later taken care of, , , ; his worth, early seen by washington, ; washington's affection for, ; sends key of bastile to mt. vernon, ; helped by washington, , . laurens, henry, letter of conway cabal to, making attack on washington, i. ; letters of washington to, , ; sent to paris to get loans, . lauzun, duc de, repulses tarleton at yorktown, i. . lear, tobias, washington's secretary, ii. ; his account of washington's last illness, - , ; letters to, , . lee, arthur, example of virginia gentleman educated abroad, i. . lee, charles, visits mt. vernon, his character, i. ; accompanies washington to boston, ; aids washington in organizing army, ; disobeys orders and is captured, ; objects to attacking clinton, ; first refuses, then claims command of van, ; disobeys orders and retreats, ; rebuked by washington, , ; court martial of and dismissal from army, ; his witty remark on taking oath of allegiance, ii. . lee, henry, marries lucy grymes, washington's "lowland beauty," i. . lee, henry, son of lucy grymes, washington's "lowland beauty," i. ; ii. ; captures paulus hook, i. ; letters of washington to, ii. , , , , , , ; considered for command against indians, ; commands troops to suppress whiskey rebellion, ; washington's affection for, . lee, richard henry, unfriendly to washington, i. ; letter of washington to, ii. . lewis, lawrence, at opening of congress, ii. ; takes social duties at mt. vernon, . liancourt, duc de, refused reception by washington, ii. . lincoln, abraham, compared with washington, i. ; ii. - . lincoln, benjamin, sent by washington against burgoyne, i. ; fails to understand washington's policy and tries to hold charleston, , ; captured, ; commissioner to treat with creeks, ii. . lippencott, captain, orders hanging of huddy, i. ; acquitted by english court martial, . little sarah, the affair of, - . livingston, chancellor, administers oath at washington's inauguration, ii. . livingston, edward, moves call for papers relating to jay treaty, ii. . logan, dr. george, goes on volunteer mission to france, ii. ; ridiculed by federalists, publishes defense, ; calls upon washington, ; mercilessly snubbed, - . long island, battle of, i. , . london, lord, disappoints washington by his inefficiency, i. . lovell, james, follows the adamses in opposing washington, i. ; wishes to supplant him by gates, ; writes hostile letters, . mackenzie, captain, letter of washington to, i. . madison, james, begins to desire a stronger government, ii. , ; letters of washington to, , , ; chosen for french mission, but does not go, . magaw, colonel, betrayed at fort washington, i. . "magnolia," washington's pet colt, beaten in a race, i. , ; ii. . marshall, john, chief justice, on special commission to france, ii. ; tells anecdote of washington's anger at cowardice, . maryland, the washington family in, i. . mason, george, discusses political outlook with washington, i. ; letter of washington to, ; an opponent of the constitution, ii. ; friendship of washington for, ; debates with washington the site of pohick church, . mason, s.t., communicates jay treaty to bache, ii. . massey, rev. lee, rector of pohick church, i. . mathews, george, letter of washington to, i. . matthews, edward, makes raids in virginia, i. . mawhood, general, defeated at princeton, i. . mcgillivray, alexander, chief of the creeks, ii. ; his journey to new york and interview with washington, . mchenry, james, at west point, i. ; letters to, , ii. , , , ; becomes secretary of war, ; advised by washington not to appoint democrats, , . mckean, thomas, given letters to dr. logan, ii. . mcmaster, john b., calls washington "an unknown man," i. , ii. ; calls him cold, , ; and avaricious in small ways, . meade, colonel richard, washington's opinion of, ii. . mercer, hugh, killed at princeton, i. . merlin,----, president of directory, interview with dr. logan, ii. . mifflin, thomas, wishes to supplant washington by gates, i. ; member of board of war, ; put under washington's orders, ; replies to washington's surrender of commission, ; meets washington on journey to inauguration, ii. ; notified of the little sarah, french privateer, ; orders its seizure, . militia, abandon continental army, i. ; cowardice of, ; despised by washington, ; leave army again, ; assist in defeat of burgoyne, . mischianza, i. . monmouth, battle of, i. - . monroe, james, appointed minister to france, ii. ; his character, ; intrigues against hamilton, ; effusively received in paris, ; acts foolishly, ; tries to interfere with jay, ; upheld, then condemned and recalled by washington, , ; writes a vindication, ; washington's opinion of him, , ; his selection one of washington's few mistakes, . montgomery, general richard, sent by washington to invade canada, i. . morgan, daniel, sent against burgoyne by washington, i. ; at saratoga, ; wins battle of cowpens, joins greene, . morris, gouverneur, letters of washington to, i. , ; efforts towards financial reform, ; quotes speech of washington at federal convention in his eulogy, ii. ; discussion as to his value as an authority, , note; goes to england on unofficial mission, ; balked by english insolence, ; comprehends french revolution, ; letters of washington to, on the revolution, , , ; recall demanded by france, ; letter of washington to, , , ; washington's friendship for, . morris, robert, letter of washington to, i. ; helps washington to pay troops, ; efforts towards financial reform, ; difficulty in helping washington in , , ; considered for secretary of treasury, ii. ; his bank policy approved by washington, ; washington's friendship for, . moustier, demands private access to washington, ii. ; refused, , . murray, vans, minister in holland, interview with dr. logan, ii. ; nominated for french mission by adams, ; written to by washington, . muse, adjutant, trains washington in tactics and art of war, i. . napoleon, orders public mourning for washington's death, i. . nelson, general, letter of washington to, i. . newburgh, addresses, ii. . new england, character of people, i. ; attitude toward washington, , ; troops disliked by washington, ; later praised by him, , , ; threatened by burgoyne's invasion, ; its delegates in congress demand appointment of gates, ; and oppose washington, ; welcomes washington on tour as president, ii. ; more democratic than other colonies before revolution, ; disliked by washington for this reason, . newenham, sir edward, letter of washington to on american foreign policy, ii. . new york, washington's first visit to, i. , ; defense of, in revolution, - ; abandoned by washington, ; howe establishes himself in, ; reoccupied by clinton, ; washington's journey to, ii. ; inauguration in, ; rioting in, against jay treaty, . nicholas, john, letter of washington to, ii. . nicola, col., urges washington to establish a despotism, i. . noailles, vicomte de, french émigré, referred to state department, ii. , . o'flinn, captain, washington's friendship with, ii. . organization of the national government, absence of materials to work with, ii. ; debate over title of president, ; over his communications with senate, ; over presidential etiquette, - ; appointment of officials to cabinet offices established by congress, - ; appointment of supreme court judges, . orme,----, letter of washington to, i. . paine, thomas, his "rights of man" reprinted by jefferson, ii. . parkinson, richard, says washington was harsh to slaves, i. ; contradicts statement elsewhere, ; tells stories of washington's pecuniary exactness, ii. , , ; his character, ; his high opinion of washington, . parton, james, considers washington as good but commonplace, ii. , . peachey, captain, letter of washington to, i. . pendleton, edmund, virginia delegate to continental congress, i. . pennsylvania, refuses to fight the french, i. , ; fails to help washington, ; remonstrates against his going into winter quarters, ; condemned by washington, ; compromises with mutineers, . philipse, mary, brief love-affair of washington with, i. , . phillips, general, commands british troops in virginia, i. ; death of, . pickering, colonel, quiets six nations, ii. . pickering, timothy, letter of washington to, on french revolution, ii. ; on failure of spanish negotiations, ; recalls washington to philadelphia to receive fauchet letter, ; succeeds randolph, ; letters of washington to, on party government, ; appeals to washington against adams's reversal of hamilton's rank, ; letters of washington to, , ; criticises washington as a commonplace person, . pinckney, charles c., letter of washington to, ii. ; appointed to succeed monroe as minister to france, ; refused reception, ; sent on special commission, ; named by washington as general, ; accepts without complaint of hamilton's higher rank, ; washington's friendship with, . pinckney, thomas, sent on special mission to spain, ii. ; unsuccessful at first, ; succeeds in making a good treaty, ; credit of his exploit, ; letter of washington to, . pitt, william, his conduct of french war, i. , . princeton, battle of, i. - . privateers, sent out by washington, i. . "protection" favored in the first congress, ii. - ; arguments of hamilton for, , ; of washington, - . provincialism, of americans, i. ; with regard to foreign officers, , , - ; with regard to foreign politics, ii. , , , , . putnam, israel, escapes with difficulty from new york, i. ; fails to help washington at trenton, ; warned to defend the hudson, ; tells washington of burgoyne's surrender, ; rebuked by washington, ; amuses washington, ii. . rahl, colonel, defeated and killed at trenton, i. . randolph, edmund, letter of washington to, ii. , ; relations with washington, ; appointed attorney-general, ; his character, , ; a friend of the constitution, ; opposes a bank, ; letter of washington to, on protective bounties, ; drafts neutrality proclamation, ; vacillates with regard to genet, ; argues that united states is bound by french alliance, ; succeeds jefferson as secretary of state, ; directed to prepare a remonstrance against english "provision order," ; opposed to jay treaty, ; letter of washington to, on conditional ratification, , , , ; guilty, apparently, from fauchet letter, of corrupt practices, ; his position not a cause for washington's signing treaty, - ; receives fauchet letter, resigns, ; his personal honesty, ; his discreditable carelessness, ; fairly treated by washington, , ; his complaints against washington, ; letter of washington to, concerning monroe, ; at first a federalist, . randolph, john, on early disappearance of virginia colonial society, i. . rawdon, lord, commands british forces in south, too distant to help cornwallis, i. . reed, joseph, letters of washington to, i. , . revolution, war of, foreseen by washington, i. , ; lexington and concord, ; bunker hill, ; siege of boston, - ; organization of army, - ; operations in new york, ; invasion of canada, , ; question as to treatment of prisoners, - ; causes of british defeat, , ; campaign near new york, - ; causes for attempted defense of brooklyn, , ; battle of long island, - ; escape of americans, ; affair at kip's bay, ; at king's bridge, ; at frog's point, ; battle of white plains, ; at chatterton hill, ; capture of forts washington and lee, , ; pursuit of washington into new jersey, - ; retirement of howe to new york, ; battle of trenton, , ; campaign of princeton, - ; its brilliancy, ; philadelphia campaign, - ; british march across new jersey prevented by washington, ; sea voyage to delaware, ; battle of the brandywine, - ; causes for defeat, ; defeat of wayne, ; philadelphia taken by howe, ; battle of germantown, ; its significance, , ; burgoyne's invasion, - ; washington's preparations for, - ; howe's error in neglecting to cooperate, ; capture of ticonderoga, ; battles of bennington, oriskany, fort schuyler, ; battle of saratoga, ; british repulse at fort mercer, ; destruction of the forts, ; fruitless skirmishing before philadelphia, ; valley forge, - ; evacuation of philadelphia, ; battle of monmouth, - ; its effect, ; cruise and failure of d'estaing at newport, , ; failure of d'estaing at savannah, , ; storming of stony point, , ; tory raids near new york, ; standstill in , ; siege and capture of charleston, , , ; operations of french and americans near newport, , ; battle of camden, ; treason of arnold, - ; battle of cowpens, ; retreat of greene before cornwallis, ; battle of guilford court house, ; successful operations of greene, , ; southern campaign planned by washington, - ; feints against clinton, ; operations of cornwallis and lafayette in virginia, ; naval supremacy secured by washington, , ; battle of de grasse and graves off chesapeake, ; transport of american army to virginia, - ; siege and capture of yorktown, - ; masterly character of campaign, - ; petty operations before new york, ; treaty of peace, . rives, on washington's doubts of constitutionality of bank, ii. . robinson, beverly, speaker of virginia house of burgesses, his compliment to washington, i. . robinson, colonel, loyalist, i. . rumsey, james, the inventor, asks washington's consideration of his steamboat, ii. . rush, benjamin, describes washington's impressiveness, ii. . rutledge, john, letter of washington to, i. ; nomination rejected by senate, ii. ; nominated to supreme court, . st. clair, arthur, removed after loss of ticonderoga, i. ; appointed to command against indians, ii. ; receives instructions and begins expedition, ; defeated, ; his character, ; fair treatment by washington, ; popular execration of, . st. pierre, m. de, french governor in ohio, i. . st. simon, count, reinforces lafayette, i. . sandwich, lord, calls all yankees cowards, i. . saratoga, anecdote concerning, i. . savage, edward, characteristics of his portrait of washington, i. . savannah, siege of, i. . scammel, colonel, amuses washington, ii. . schuyler, philip, accompanies washington to boston, i. ; appointed military head in new york, ; directed by washington how to meet burgoyne, ; fails to carry out directions, ; removed, ; value of his preparations, . scott, charles, commands expedition against indians, ii. . sea-power, its necessity seen by washington, i. , , , , , , . sectional feeling, deplored by washington, ii. . sharpe, governor, offers washington a company, i. ; washington's reply to, . shays's rebellion, comments of washington and jefferson upon, ii. , . sherman, roger, makes sarcastic remark about wilkinson, i. . shirley, governor william, adjusts matter of washington's rank, i. , . short, william, minister to holland, on commission regarding opening of mississippi, ii. . six nations, make satisfactory treaties, ii. ; stirred up by english, ; but pacified, , . slavery, in virginia, i. ; its evil effects, ; washington's attitude toward slaves, ; his condemnation of the system, , ; gradual emancipation favored, , . smith, colonel, letter of washington to, ii. . spain, instigates indians to hostilities, ii. , , ; blocks mississippi, ; makes treaty with pinckney opening mississippi, , ; angered at jay treaty, . sparks, jared, his alterations of washington's letters, ii. , . spotswood, alexander, asks washington's opinion of alien and sedition acts, ii. . stamp act, washington's opinion of, i. , . stark, general, leads attack at trenton, i. . states, in the revolutionary war, appeals of washington to, i. , , , , , , , , , , ; issue paper money, ; grow tired of the war, ; alarmed by mutinies, ; try to appease soldiers, , ; their selfishness condemned by washington, ; ii. , ; thwart indian policy of congress, . stephen, adam, late in attacking at germantown, i. . steuben, baron, washington's appreciation of, i. , ; drills the army at valley forge, ; annoys washington by wishing higher command, ; sent on mission to demand surrender of western posts, ; his worth recognized by washington, ii. . stirling, lord, defeated and captured at long island, i. . stockton, mrs., letter of washington to, ii. . stone, general, tells stories of washington's closeness, ii. , . stuart, david, letters of washington to, ii. , , , . stuart, gilbert, his portrait of washington contrasted with savage's, i. . sullivan, john, general, surprised at long island, i. ; attacks at trenton, ; surprised and crushed at brandywine, , ; unites with d'estaing to attack newport, ; angry at d'estaing's desertion, ; soothed by washington, ; sent against indians, , . supreme court, appointed by washington, ii. . taft,----, kindness of washington toward, ii. . talleyrand, eulogistic report to napoleon on death of washington, i. , note; remark on hamilton, ii. ; refused reception by washington, . tarleton, sir banastre, tries to escape at yorktown, i. . thatcher, dr., on washington's appearance when taking command of army, i. . thomson, charles, complimented by washington on retiring from secretary-ship of continental congress, ii. . tories, hated by washington, i. ; his reasons, ; active in new york, ; suppressed by washington, ; in philadelphia, impressed by continental army, ; make raids on frontier, ; strong in southern states, ; raids under tryon, . trent, captain, his incompetence in dealing with indians and french, i. . trenton, campaign of, i. - . trumbull, governor, letter of washington to, refusing to stand for a third term, ii. - ; other letters, . trumbull, john, on new england army before boston, i. . trumbull, jonathan, his message on better government praised by washington, ii. ; letters to, ; washington's friendship for, . tryon, governor, tory leader in new york, i. ; his intrigues stopped by washington, , ; conspires to murder washington, ; makes raids in connecticut, . valley forge, continental army at, i. - . van braam, jacob, friend of lawrence washington, trains george in fencing, i. ; accompanies him on mission to french, . vergennes, requests release of asgill, i. , ; letter of washington to, ; proposes to submit disposition of a subsidy to washington, . virginia, society in, before the revolution, i. - ; its entire change since then, , ; population, distribution, and numbers, , ; absence of towns, ; and town life, ; trade and travel in, ; social classes, - ; slaves and poor whites, ; clergy, ; planters and their estates, ; their life, ; education, ; habits of governing, ; luxury and extravagance, ; apparent wealth, ; agreeableness of life, ; aristocratic ideals, ; vigor of stock, ; unwilling to fight french, ; quarrels with dinwiddie, ; thanks washington after his french campaign, ; terrified at braddock's defeat, ; gives washington command, ; fails to support him, , , ; bad economic conditions in, , ; local government in, ; condemns stamp act, ; adopts non-importation, ; condemns boston port bill, ; asks opinion of counties, ; chooses delegates to a congress, ; prepares for war, ; british campaign in, , - ; ratifies constitution, ii. ; evil effect of free trade upon, , ; nullification resolutions, ; strength of its aristocracy, . wade, colonel, in command at west point after arnold's flight, i. . walker, benjamin, letter of washington to, ii. . warren, james, letters of washington to, i. , ii. . washington, ancestry, i. - ; early genealogical researches concerning, - ; pedigree finally established, ; origin of family, ; various members during middle ages, ; on royalist side in english civil war, , ; character of family, ; emigration to virginia, , ; career of washingtons in maryland, ; in virginia history, ; their estates, . washington, augustine, father of george washington, birth, i. ; death, ; character, ; his estate, ; ridiculous part played by in weems's anecdotes, , . washington, augustine, half brother of george washington, keeps him after his father's death, i. . washington, bushrod, refused appointment as attorney by washington, ii. ; educated by him, . washington, george, honors to his memory in france, i. ; in england, ; grief in america, , ; general admission of his greatness, ; its significance, , ; tributes from england, ; from other countries, , ; yet an "unknown" man, ; minuteness of knowledge concerning, ; has become subject of myths, ; development of the weems myth about, , ; necessity of a new treatment of, ; significant difference of real and ideal portraits of, ; his silence regarding himself, ; underlying traits, . _early life_. ancestry, - ; birth, ; origin of weems's anecdotes about, - ; their absurdity and evil results, - ; early schooling, ; plan to send him to sea, , ; studies to be a surveyor, ; his rules of behavior, ; his family connections with fairfaxes, , ; his friendship with lord fairfax, ; surveys fairfax's estate, , , ; made public surveyor, ; his life at the time, , ; influenced by fairfax's cultivation, ; goes to west indies with his brother, ; has the small-pox, ; observations on the voyage, , ; returns to virginia, ; becomes guardian of his brother's daughter, . _service against the french and indians_. receives military training, ; a military appointment, ; goes on expedition to treat with french, ; meets indians, ; deals with french, ; dangers of journey, ; his impersonal account, , ; appointed to command force against french, , ; his anger at neglect of virginia assembly, ; attacks and defeats force of jumonville, ; called murderer by the french, ; surrounded by french at great meadows, ; surrenders, ; recklessness of his expedition, , ; effect of experience upon, ; gains a european notoriety, ; thanked by virginia, ; protests against dinwiddie's organization of soldiers, ; refuses to serve when ranked by british officers, ; accepts position on braddock's staff, ; his treatment there, ; advises braddock, ; rebuked for warning against surprise, ; his bravery in the battle, ; conducts retreat, , ; effect of experience on him, ; declines to solicit command of virginia troops, ; accepts it when offered, ; his difficulties with assembly, ; and with troops, ; settles question of rank, ; writes freely in criticism of government, , ; retires for rest to mt. vernon, ; offers services to general forbes, ; irritated at slowness of english, , ; his love affairs, , ; journey to boston, - ; at festivities in new york and philadelphia, ; meets martha custis, ; his wedding, , ; elected to house of burgesses, ; confused at being thanked by assembly, ; his local position, ; tries to farm his estate, ; his management of slaves, , , , ; cares for interests of old soldiers, ; rebukes a coward, ; cares for education of stepson, ; his furnishing of house, ; hunting habits, - ; punishes a poacher, ; participates in colonial and local government, ; enters into society, , . _congressional delegate from virginia_. his influence in assembly, ; discusses stamp act with mason, ; foresees result to be independence, ; rejoices at its repeal, but notes declaratory act, ; ready to use force to defend colonial rights, ; presents non-importation resolutions to burgesses, ; abstains from english products, ; notes ominous movements among indians, ; on good terms with royal governors, , ; observes fast on account of boston port bill, ; has controversy with bryan fairfax over parliamentary policy, , , ; presides at fairfax county meeting, ; declares himself ready for action, ; at convention of counties, offers to march to relief of boston, ; elected to continental congress, ; his journey, ; silent in congress, ; writes to a british officer that independence is not desired, but war is certain, , ; returns to virginia, ; aids in military preparations, ; his opinion after concord, ; at second continental congress, wears uniform, ; made commander-in-chief, ; his modesty and courage in accepting position, , ; political motives for his choice, ; his popularity, ; his journey to boston, , ; receives news of bunker hill, ; is received by massachusetts provincial assembly, . _commander of the army_. takes command at cambridge, ; his impression upon people, , , ; begins reorganization of army, ; secures number of troops, ; enforces discipline, his difficulties, , ; forced to lead congress, ; to arrange rank of officers, ; organizes privateers, ; discovers lack of powder, ; plans campaigns in canada and elsewhere, , ; his plans of attack on boston overruled by council of war, ; writes to gage urging that captives be treated as prisoners of war, ; skill of his letter, ; retorts to gage's reply, ; continues dispute with howe, ; annoyed by insufficiency of provisions, ; and by desertions, ; stops quarrel between virginia and marblehead soldiers, ; suggests admiralty committees, ; annoyed by army contractors, ; and criticism, ; letter to joseph reed, ; occupies dorchester heights, ; begins to like new england men better, ; rejoices at prospect of a fight, ; departure of british due to his leadership, ; sends troops immediately to new york, ; enters boston, ; expects a hard war, ; urges upon congress the necessity of preparing for a long struggle, ; his growing hatred of tories, , ; goes to new york, , ; difficulties of the situation, ; suppresses tories, ; urges congress to declare independence, , ; discovers and punishes a conspiracy to assassinate, ; insists on his title in correspondence with howe, ; justice of his position, ; quiets sectional jealousies in army, ; his military inferiority to british, ; obliged by political considerations to attempt defense of new york, , ; assumes command on long island, ; sees defeat of his troops, ; sees plan of british fleet to cut off retreat, ; secures retreat of army, ; explains his policy of avoiding a pitched battle, ; anger at flight of militia at kip's bay, ; again secures safe retreat, ; secures slight advantage in a skirmish, ; continues to urge congress to action, , ; success of his letters in securing a permanent army, ; surprised by advance of british fleet, ; moves to white plains, ; blocks british advance, ; advises abandonment of american forts, ; blames himself for their capture, ; leads diminishing army through new jersey, ; makes vain appeals for aid, ; resolves to take the offensive, ; desperateness of his situation, ; pledges his estate and private fortune to raise men, ; orders disregarded by officers, ; crosses delaware and captures hessians, , ; has difficulty in retaining soldiers, ; repulses cornwallis at assunpink, ; outwits cornwallis and wins battle at princeton, ; excellence of his strategy, ; effect of this campaign in saving revolution, , ; withdraws to morristown, ; fluctuations in size of army, ; his determination to keep the field, , ; criticised by congress for not fighting, ; hampered by congressional interference, ; issues proclamation requiring oath of allegiance, ; attacked in congress for so doing, ; annoyed by congressional alterations of rank, ; and by foreign military adventurers, ; value of his services in suppressing them, ; his american feelings, , ; warns congress in vain that howe means to attack philadelphia, ; baffles howe's advance across new jersey, ; learning of his sailing, marches to defend philadelphia, ; offers battle at brandywine, , ; out-generaled and beaten, ; rallies army and prepares to fight again, ; prevented by storm, ; attacks british at germantown, ; defeated, ; exposes himself in battle, ; real success of his action, ; despised by english, ; foresees danger of burgoyne's invasion, ; sends instructions to schuyler, ; urges use of new england and new york militia, ; dreads northern advance of howe, ; determines to hold him at all hazards, , ; not cast down by loss of ticonderoga, ; urges new england to rise, ; sends all possible troops, ; refuses to appoint a commander for northern army, ; his probable reasons, ; continues to send suggestions, ; slighted by gates after burgoyne's surrender, ; rise of opposition in congress, ; arouses ill-feeling by his frankness, , ; distrusted by samuel and john adams, ; by others, , ; formation of a plan to supplant him by gates, ; opposed by gates, mifflin, and conway, , ; angers conway by preventing his increase in rank, ; is refused troops by gates, ; defends and loses delaware forts, ; refuses to attack howe, ; propriety of his action, ; becomes aware of cabal, ; alarms them by showing extent of his knowledge, ; attacked bitterly in congress, ; insulted by gates, ; refuses to resign, ; refuses to notice cabal publicly, ; complains privately of slight support from pennsylvania, ; continues to push gates for explanations, ; regains complete control after collapse of cabal, , ; withdraws to valley forge, ; desperation of his situation, ; criticised by pennsylvania legislature for going into winter quarters, ; his bitter reply, ; his unbending resolution, ; continues to urge improvements in army organization, ; manages to hold army together, ; sends lafayette to watch philadelphia, ; determines to fight, ; checked by lee, ; pursues clinton, ; orders lee to attack british rearguard, ; discovers his force retreating, ; rebukes lee and punishes him, , ; takes command and stops retreat, ; repulses british and assumes offensive, ; success due to his work at valley forge, ; celebrates french alliance, ; has to confront difficulty of managing allies, , ; welcomes d'estaing, ; obliged to quiet recrimination after newport failure, ; his letter to sullivan, ; to lafayette, ; to d'estaing, ; tact and good effect of his letters, ; offers to cooperate in an attack on new york, ; furnishes admirable suggestions to d'estaing, ; not dazzled by french, ; objects to giving rank to foreign officers, , ; opposes transfer of steuben from inspectorship to the line, ; his thoroughly american position, ; absence of provinciality, , ; a national leader, ; opposes invasion of canada, ; foresees danger of its recapture by france, , ; his clear understanding of french motives, , ; rejoices in condition of patriot cause, ; foresees ruin to army in financial troubles, ; has to appease mutinies among unpaid troops, ; appeals to congress, ; urges election of better delegates to congress, ; angry with speculators, , ; futility of his efforts, , ; his increasing alarm at social demoralization, ; effect of his exertions, ; conceals his doubts of the french, ; watches new york, ; keeps dreading an english campaign, ; labors with congress to form a navy, ; plans expedition to chastise indians, ; realizes that things are at a standstill in the north, ; sees danger to lie in the south, but determines to remain himself near new york, ; not consulted by congress in naming general for southern army, ; plans attack on stony point, ; hatred of ravaging methods of british warfare, ; again has great difficulties in winter quarters, ; unable to act on offensive in the spring, , ; unable to help south, ; advises abandonment of charleston, ; learns of arrival of french army, ; plans a number of enterprises with it, , ; refuses, even after loss of charleston, to abandon hudson, ; welcomes rochambeau, ; writes to congress against too optimistic feelings, , ; has extreme difficulty in holding army together, ; urges french to attack new york, ; sends maryland troops south after camden, ; arranges meeting with rochambeau at hartford, ; popular enthusiasm over him, ; goes to west point, ; surprised at arnold's absence, ; learns of his treachery, , ; his cool behavior, ; his real feelings, ; his conduct toward andré, ; its justice, , ; his opinion of arnold, , ; his responsibility in the general breakdown of the congress and army, ; obliged to quell food mutinies in army, , ; difficulty of situation, ; his influence the salvation of army, ; his greatness best shown in this way, ; rebukes congress, ; appoints greene to command southern army, ; sends knox to confer with state governors, ; secures temporary relief for army, ; sees the real defect is in weak government, ; urges adoption of articles of confederation, ; works for improvements in executive, , ; still keeps a southern movement in mind, ; unable to do anything through lack of naval power, ; rebukes lund washington for entertaining british at mt. vernon, ; still unable to fight, ; tries to frighten clinton into remaining in new york, ; succeeds with aid of rochambeau, ; explains his plan to french and to congress, ; learns of de grasse's approach, prepares to move south, ; writes to de grasse to meet him in chesapeake, ; fears a premature peace, ; pecuniary difficulties, ; absolute need of command of sea, ; persuades de barras to join de grasse, ; starts on march for chesapeake, ; hampered by lack of supplies, ; and by threat of congress to reduce army, ; passes through mt. vernon, ; succeeds in persuading de grasse not to abandon him, ; besieges cornwallis, ; sees capture of redoubts, ; receives surrender of cornwallis, ; admirable strategy and management of campaign, ; his personal influence the cause of success, ; especially his use of the fleet, ; his management of cornwallis through lafayette, ; his boldness in transferring army away from new york, ; does not lose his head over victory, ; urges de grasse to repeat success against charleston, ; returns north, ; saddened by death of custis, ; continues to urge congress to action, ; writes letters to the states, ; does not expect english surrender, ; urges renewed vigor, ; points out that war actually continues, ; urges not to give up army until peace is actually secured, ; failure of his appeals, ; reduced to inactivity, ; angered at murder of huddy, ; threatens carleton with retaliation, ; releases asgill at request of vergennes and order of congress, , ; disclaims credit, ; justification of his behavior, ; his tenderness toward the soldiers, ; jealousy of congress toward him, ; warns congress of danger of further neglect of army, , ; takes control of mutinous movement, ; his address to the soldiers, ; its effect, ; movement among soldiers to make him dictator, ; replies to revolutionary proposals, ; reality of the danger, ; causes for his behaviour, , ; a friend of strong government, but devoid of personal ambition, ; chafes under delay to disband army, ; tries to secure western posts, ; makes a journey through new york, ; gives congress excellent but futile advice, ; issues circular letter to governors, ; and farewell address to army, ; enters new york after departure of british, ; his farewell to his officers, ; adjusts his accounts, ; appears before congress, ; french account of his action, ; makes speech resigning commission, , . _in retirement_. returns to mt. vernon, ii. i; tries to resume old life, ; gives up hunting, ; pursued by lion-hunters and artists, ; overwhelmed with correspondence, ; receives letters from europe, ; from cranks, ; from officers, ; his share in society of cincinnati, ; manages his estate, ; visits western lands, ; family cares, , ; continues to have interest in public affairs, ; advises congress regarding peace establishment, ; urges acquisition of western posts, ; his broad national views, ; alone in realizing future greatness of country, , ; appreciates importance of the west, ; urges development of inland navigation, ; asks jefferson's aid, , ; lays canal scheme before virginia legislature, ; his arguments, ; troubled by offer of stock, ; uses it to endow two schools, ; significance of his scheme, , ; his political purposes in binding west to east, ; willing to leave mississippi closed for this purpose, , , ; feels need of firmer union during revolution, ; his arguments, , ; his influence starts movement for reform, ; continues to urge it during retirement, ; foresees disasters of confederation, ; urges impost scheme, ; condemns action of states, , , ; favours commercial agreement between maryland and virginia, ; stung by contempt of foreign powers, ; his arguments for a national government, ; points out designs of england, ; works against paper money craze in states, ; his opinion of shays's rebellion, ; his position contrasted with jefferson's, ; influence of his letters, , ; shrinks from participating in federal convention, ; elected unanimously, ; refuses to go to a feeble convention, , ; finally makes up his mind, . _in the federal convention_. speech attributed to washington by morris on duties of delegates, , ; chosen to preside, ; takes no part in debate, ; his influence in convention, , ; despairs of success, ; signs the constitution, ; words attributed to him, ; silent as to his thoughts, , ; sees clearly danger of failure to ratify, ; tries at first to act indifferently, ; begins to work for ratification, ; writes letters to various people, , ; circulates copies of "federalist," ; saves ratification in virginia, ; urges election of federalists to congress, ; receives general request to accept presidency, ; his objections, , ; dreads failure and responsibility, ; elected, ; his journey to new york, - ; speech at alexandria, ; popular reception at all points, , ; his feelings, ; his inauguration, . _president_. his speech to congress, ; urges no specific policy, , ; his solemn feelings, ; his sober view of necessities of situation, ; question of his title, ; arranges to communicate with senate by writing, , ; discusses social etiquette, ; takes middle ground, ; wisdom of his action, ; criticisms by democrats, , ; accused of monarchical leanings, , ; familiarizes himself with work already accomplished under confederation, ; his business habits, ; refuses special privileges to french minister, , ; skill of his reply, , ; solicited for office, ; his views on appointment, ; favors friends of constitution and old soldiers, ; success of his appointments, ; selects a cabinet, ; his regard for knox ; for morris, ; his skill in choosing, ; his appreciation of hamilton, ; his grounds for choosing jefferson, ; his contrast with jefferson, ; his choice a mistake in policy, ; his partisan characteristics, , ; excludes anti-federalists, ; nominates justices of supreme court, ; their party character, ; illness, ; visits the eastern states, ; his reasons, ; stirs popular enthusiasm, ; snubbed by hancock in massachusetts, ; accepts hancock's apology, ; importance of his action, ; success of journey, ; opens congress, , ; his speech and its recommendations, ; how far carried out, - ; national character of the speech, ; his fitness to deal with indians, ; his policy, ; appoints commission to treat with creeks, ; ascribes its failure to spanish intrigue, ; succeeds by a personal interview in making treaty, ; wisdom of his policy, ; orders an expedition against western indians, ; angered at its failure, ; and at conduct of frontiersmen, ; prepares st. clair's expedition, ; warns against ambush, ; hopes for decisive results, ; learns of st. clair's defeat, ; his self-control, ; his outburst of anger against st. clair, , ; masters his feelings, ; treats st. clair kindly, ; determines on a second campaign, ; selects wayne and other officers, ; tries to secure peace with tribes, ; efforts prevented by english influence, , ; and in south by conduct of georgia, ; general results of his indian policy, ; popular misunderstandings and criticism, , ; favors assumption of state debts by the government, , ; satisfied with bargain between hamilton and jefferson, ; his respectful attitude toward constitution, ; asks opinions of cabinet on constitutionality of bank, ; signs bill creating it, ; reasons for his decision, ; supports hamilton's financial policy, ; supports hamilton's views on protection, , ; appreciates evil economic condition of virginia, , ; sees necessity for self-sufficient industries in war time, ; urges protection, , , ; his purpose to build up national feeling, ; approves national excise tax, , ; does not realize unpopularity of method, ; ready to modify but insists on obedience, , ; issues proclamation against rioters, ; since pennsylvania frontier continues rebellious, issues second proclamation threatening to use force, ; calls out the militia, ; his advice to leaders and troops, ; importance of washington's firmness, ; his good judgment and patience, ; decides success of the central authority, ; early advocacy of separation of united states from european politics, ; studies situation, , ; sees importance of binding west with eastern states, ; sees necessity of good relations with england, ; authorizes morris to sound england as to exchange of ministers and a commercial treaty, ; not disturbed by british bad manners, ; succeeds in establishing diplomatic relations, ; early foresees danger of excess in french revolution, , ; states a policy of strict neutrality, , , ; difficulties of his situation, ; objects to action of national assembly on tobacco and oil, ; denies reported request by united states that england mediate with indians, ; announces neutrality in case of a european war, ; instructs cabinet to prepare a neutrality proclamation, ; importance of this step not understood at time, , ; foresees coming difficulties, , ; acts cautiously toward _émigrés_, ; contrast with genet, ; greets him coldly, ; orders steps taken to prevent violations of neutrality, , ; retires to mt. vernon for rest, ; on returning finds jefferson has allowed little sarah to escape, ; writes a sharp note to jefferson, ; anger at escape, ; takes matters out of jefferson's hands, ; determines on asking recall of genet, ; revokes exequatur of duplaine, french consul, ; insulted by genet, , ; refuses to deny jay's card, ; upheld by popular feeling, ; his annoyance at the episode, ; obliged to teach american people self-respect, , ; deals with troubles incited by genet in the west, , ; sympathizes with frontiersmen, ; comprehends value of mississippi, , ; sends a commission to madrid to negotiate about free navigation, ; later sends thomas pinckney, ; despairs of success, ; apparent conflict between french treaties and neutrality, , ; value of washington's policy to england, ; in spite of england's attitude, intends to keep peace, ; wishes to send hamilton as envoy, ; after his refusal appoints jay, ; fears that england intends war, ; determines to be prepared, ; urges upon jay the absolute necessity of england's giving up western posts, ; dissatisfied with jay treaty but willing to sign it, ; in doubt as to meaning of conditional ratification, ; protests against english "provision order" and refuses signature, ; meets uproar against treaty alone, ; determines to sign, ; answers resolutions of boston town meeting, ; refuses to abandon his judgment to popular outcry, ; distinguishes temporary from permanent feeling, ; fears effect of excitement upon french government, ; his view of dangers of situation, , ; recalled to philadelphia by cabinet, ; receives intercepted correspondence of fauchet, , ; his course of action already determined, , ; not influenced by the fauchet letter, ; evidence of this, , ; reasons for ratifying before showing letter to randolph, , ; signs treaty, ; evidence that he did not sacrifice randolph, , ; fairness of his action, ; refuses to reply to randolph's attack, ; reasons for signing treaty, ; justified in course of time, ; refuses on constitutional grounds the call of representatives for documents, ; insists on independence of treaty-making by executive and senate, ; overcomes hostile majority in house, ; wishes madison to succeed morris at paris, ; appoints monroe, ; his mistake in not appointing a political supporter, ; disgusted at monroe's behavior, , ; recalls monroe and appoints c.c. pinckney, ; angered at french policy, ; his contempt for monroe's self-justification, , ; review of foreign policy, - ; his guiding principle national independence, ; and abstention from european politics, ; desires peace and time for growth, , ; wishes development of the west, , ; wisdom of his policy, ; considers parties dangerous, ; but chooses cabinet from federalists, ; prepared to undergo criticism, ; willingness to bear it, ; desires to learn public feeling, by travels, , ; feels that body of people will support national government, ; sees and deplores sectional feelings in the south, , ; objects to utterances of newspapers, ; attacked by "national gazette," ; receives attacks on hamilton from jefferson and his friends, , ; sends charges to hamilton, ; made anxious by signs of party division, ; urges both hamilton and jefferson to cease quarrel, , ; dreads an open division in cabinet, ; desirous to rule without party, ; accomplishes feat of keeping both secretaries in cabinet, ; keeps confidence in hamilton, ; urged by all parties to accept presidency again, ; willing to be reelected, ; pleased at unanimous vote, ; his early immunity from attacks, ; later attacked by freneau and bache, ; regards opposition as dangerous to country, ; asserts his intention to disregard them, ; his success in genet affair, ; disgusted at "democratic" societies, ; thinks they fomented whiskey rebellion, ; denounces them to congress, ; effect of his remarks, ; accused of tyranny after jay treaty, ; of embezzlement, ; of aristocracy, ; realizes that he must compose cabinet of sympathizers, ; reconstructs it, ; states determination to govern by party, ; slighted by house, ; refuses a third term, ; publishes farewell address, ; his justification for so doing, ; his wise advice, ; address attacked by democrats, , ; assailed in congress by giles, ; resents charge of being a british sympathizer, ; his scrupulously fair conduct toward france, ; his resentment at english policy, ; his retirement celebrated by the opposition, ; remarks of the "aurora," ; forged letters of british circulated, ; he repudiates them, ; his view of opposition, . _in retirement_. regards adams's administration as continuation of his own, ; understands jefferson's attitude, ; wishes generals of provisional army to be federalist, ; doubts fidelity of opposition as soldiers, ; dreads their poisoning mind of army, ; his condemnation of democrats, , ; snubs dr. logan for assuming an unofficial mission to france, - ; alarmed at virginia and kentucky resolutions, ; urges henry to oppose virginia resolutions, ; condemns the french party as unpatriotic, ; refuses request to stand again for presidency, ; comments on partisanship of democrats, ; believes that he would be no better candidate than any other federalist, , ; error of statement that washington was not a party man, , ; slow to relinquish non-partisan position, ; not the man to shrink from declaring his position, ; becomes a member of federalist party, , ; eager for end of term of office, ; his farewell dinner, ; at adams's inauguration, ; popular enthusiasm at philadelphia, ; at baltimore, ; returns to mt. vernon, ; describes his farm life, , ; burdened by necessities of hospitality, ; account of his meeting with bernard, - ; continued interest in politics, ; accepts command of provisional army, ; selects hamilton, pinckney, and knox as major-generals, ; surprised at adams's objection to hamilton, ; rebukes adams for altering order of rank of generals, , ; not influenced by intrigue, ; annoyed by adams's conduct, ; tries to soothe knox's irritation, ; fails to pacify him, ; carries out organization of army, ; does not expect actual war, ; disapproves of gerry's conduct, ; disapproves of adams's nomination of vans murray, ; his dread of french revolution, ; distrusts adams's attempts at peace, ; approves alien and sedition laws, ; his defense of them, ; distressed by dissensions among federalists, ; predicts their defeat, ; his sudden illness, - ; death, . _character_, misunderstood, ; extravagantly praised, ; disliked on account of being called faultless, ; bitterly attacked in lifetime, ; sneered at by jefferson, ; by pickering, ; called an englishman, not an american, , ; difference of his type from that of lincoln, ; none the less american, , ; compared with hampden, ; his manners those of the times elsewhere in america, ; aristocratic, but of a non-english type, - ; less affected by southern limitations than his neighbors, ; early dislike of new england changed to respect, , ; friendly with people of humble origin, , ; never an enemy of democracy, ; but opposes french excesses, ; his self-directed and american training, , ; early conception of a nation, ; works toward national government during revolution, ; his interest in western expansion, , ; national character of his indian policy, ; of his desire to secure free mississippi navigation, ; of his opposition to war as a danger to union, ; his anger at accusation of foreign subservience, ; continually asserts necessity for independent american policy, , ; opposes foreign educational influences, , ; favors foundation of a national university, ; breadth and strength of his national feeling, ; absence of boastfulness about country, ; faith in it, ; charge that he was merely a figure-head, ; its injustice, ; charged with commonplaceness of intellect, ; incident of the deathbed explained, , ; falsity of the charge, ; inability of mere moral qualities to achieve what he did, ; charged with dullness and coldness, ; his seriousness, ; responsibility from early youth, ; his habits of keen observation, ; power of judging men, ; ability to use them for what they were worth, ; anecdote of advice to hamilton and meade, ; deceived only by arnold, ; imperfect education, ; continual efforts to improve it, , ; modest regarding his literary ability, , ; interested in education, ; character of his writing, ; tastes in reading, ; modest but effective in conversation, ; his manner and interest described by bernard, - ; attractiveness of the picture, , ; his pleasure in society, ; power of paying compliments, letter to mrs. stockton, ; to charles thompson, ; to de chastellux, ; his warmth of heart, ; extreme exactness in pecuniary matters, ; illustrative anecdotes, , ; favorable opinion of teller of anecdotes, ; stern towards dishonesty or cowardice, ; treatment of andré and asgill, , ; sensitive to human suffering, , ; kind and courteous to poor, ; conversation with cleaveland, ; sense of dignity in public office, ; hospitality at mt. vernon, , ; his intimate friendships, , ; relations with hamilton, knox, mason, henry lee, craik, , ; the officers of the army, ; trumbull, robert and gouverneur morris, ; regard for and courtesy toward franklin, ; love for lafayette, ; care for his family, ; lasting regard for fairfaxes, , ; kindness to taft family, , ; destroys correspondence with his wife, ; their devoted relationship, ; care for his step-children and relatives, , ; charged with lack of humor, ; but never made himself ridiculous, ; not joyous in temperament, ; but had keen pleasure in sport, ; enjoyed a joke, even during revolution, ; appreciates wit, ; writes a humorous letter, - ; not devoid of worldly wisdom, , ; enjoys cards, dancing, the theatre, ; loves horses, ; thorough in small affairs as well as great, ; controversy over site of church, ; his careful domestic economy, ; love of method, ; of excellence in dress and furniture, , ; gives dignity to american cause, ; his personal appearance, ; statements of houdon, ; of ackerson, , ; his tremendous muscular strength, ; great personal impressiveness, , ; lacking in imagination, ; strong passions, ; fierce temper, ; anecdotes of outbreaks, ; his absence of self-love, ; confident in judgment of posterity, ; religious faith, ; summary and conclusion, , . _characteristics of_. general view, ii. - ; general admiration for, i. - ; myths about, i. - , ii. ff.; comparisons with jefferson, ii. ; with lincoln, ii. - ; with hampden, ii. , ; absence of self-seeking, i. ; affectionateness, i. , , , , ii. , - ; agreeableness, ii. - , ; americanism, ii. - ; aristocratic habits, ii. , ; business ability, i. , , ii. , , ; coldness on occasion, i. , , , ii. ; courage, i. , , , , , ; dignity, i. , , ii. - , ; hospitality, ii. ; impressiveness, i. , , , , , ii. ; indomitableness, i. , , ; judgments of men, i. , ii. , , , ; justice and sternness, i. , , ii. , - , ; kindliness, ii. - , ; lack of education, i. , ii. ; love of reading, i. , ii. , ; love of sport, i. , , - , , ii. ; manners, ii. - , ; military ability, i. , , , , , , , , , , , - , ii. ; modesty, i. , ; not a figure-head, ii. , ; not a prig, i. - , - ; not cold and inhuman, ii. , ; not dull or commonplace, ii. , ; not superhuman and distant, i. , , , ii. , ; open-mindedness, ii. ; passionateness, i. , , ; personal appearance, i. , , , ii. , , - ; religious views, i. , ii. ; romantic traits, i. - ; sense of humor, ii. - ; silence regarding self, i. , , , , , ; ii. , ; simplicity, i. , , ; ii. , ; sobriety, i. , , ; ii. , , , ; tact, i. , , - ; temper, i. , , , , , , ; ii. , ; thoroughness, i. , , , ii. . _political opinions_. on alien and sedition acts, ii. ; american nationality, i. , , , , , , ii. , , , , , , , ; articles of confederation, i. , ii. , ; bank, ii. , ; colonial rights, i. , - , ; constitution, i. - ; democracy, ii. - ; democratic party, ii. , , , , , , ; disunion, ii. ; duties of the executive, ii. ; education, ii. , , ; federalist party, ii. , , , , , , - , ; finance, ii. , , , ; foreign relations, ii. , , , , , , - , ; french revolution, ii. , , , ; independence of colonies, i. , , ; indian policy, ii. , , , , , , ; jay treaty, ii. - ; judiciary, i. ; nominations to office, ii. ; party, ii. , , , ; protection, ii. - ; slavery, i. - ; stamp act, i. ; strong government, i. , ii. , , , ; treaty power, ii. , - ; virginia and kentucky resolutions, ii. , ; western expansion, ii. , - , , - , , . washington, george steptoe, his sons educated by washington, ii. . washington, john, brother of george, letter of washington, to, i. . washington, lawrence, brother of george washington, educated in england, i. ; has military career, ; returns to virginia and builds mt. vernon, ; marries into fairfax family, , ; goes to west indies for his health, ; dies, leaving george guardian of his daughter, ; chief manager of ohio company, ; gives george military education, . washington, lund, letter of washington to, i. ; rebuked by washington for entertaining british, ii. . washington, martha, widow of daniel p. custis, meets washington, i. ; courtship of, and marriage, , ; hunts with her husband, ; joins him at boston, ; holds levees as wife of president, ii. ; during his last illness, ; her correspondence destroyed, ; her relations with her husband, , . washington, mary, married to augustine washington, i. ; mother of george washington, ; limited education but strong character, , ; wishes george to earn a living, ; opposes his going to sea, ; letters to, ; visited by her son, ii. . waters, henry e., establishes washington pedigree, i. . wayne, anthony, defeated after brandywine, i. ; his opinion of germantown, ; at monmouth urges washington to come, ; ready to attack stony point, ; his successful exploit, ; joins lafayette in virginia, ; appointed to command against indians, ii. ; his character, ; organizes his force, ; his march, ; defeats the indians, . weems, mason l., influence of his life of washington on popular opinion, i. ; originates idea of his priggishness, ; his character, , ; character of his book, ; his mythical "rectorate" of mt. vernon, , ; invents anecdotes of washington's childhood, ; folly of cherry-tree and other stories, ; their evil influence, . west, the, its importance realized by washington, ii. - ; his influence counteracted by inertia of congress, ; forwards inland navigation, ; desires to bind east to west, - , ; formation of companies, - ; on mississippi navigation, - , ; projects of genet in, ; its attitude understood by washington, , ; washington wishes peace in order to develop it, , , . "whiskey rebellion," passage of excise law, ii. ; outbreaks of violence in pennsylvania and north carolina, ; proclamation issued warning rioters to desist, ; renewed outbreaks in pennsylvania, , ; the militia called out, ; suppression of the insurrection, ; real danger of movement, ; its suppression emphasizes national authority, , ; supposed by washington to have been stirred up by democratic clubs, . white plains, battle at, i. . wilkinson, james, brings gates's message to washington at trenton, i. ; brings news of saratoga to congress, ; nettled at sherman's sarcasm, discloses conway cabal, ; quarrels with gates, ; resigns from board of war, , ; leads expedition against indians, ii. . willett, colonel, commissioner to creeks, his success, ii. . william and mary college, washington chancellor of, ii. . williams, washington's teacher, i. , . willis, lewis, story of washington's school days, i. . wilson, james, appointed to supreme court, ii. . wilson, james, "of england," hunts with washington, i. . wolcott, oliver, receives fauchet letter, ii. ; succeeds hamilton as secretary of treasury, . wooster, mrs., letter of washington to, ii. . yorktown, siege of, i. - . "young man's companion," used by george washington, origin of his rules of conduct, i. . the little washingtons' travels by lillian elizabeth roy author of the polly brewster books, the girl scouts books, etc. illustrated grosset & dunlap publishers new york made in the united states of america copyright, , by the platt & nourse company [illustration: they were seated on the floor reading.] contents chapter page i. new york the great mecca ii. the joys of new york life iii. sight-seeing in new york iv. the battle of new york v. some of washington's headquarters vi. george's strange battle vii. battle-grounds around philadelphia viii. a fight with the hessians ix. farewells to washington the little washingtons' travels chapter i new york the great mecca "my parlor chair swings around every way!" exclaimed martha parke, thoroughly enjoying the novelty of whirling on a pullman parlor chair. "they all do, but folks are supposed to sit quiet and only swing when they want to see who's sitting on the other side of the car, or perhaps if a friend sits next to them and talks--then you have to turn and answer, of course," explained george parke. jack davis, the philadelphia cousin of the two parke children, had the vast experience of travelling from his native city to the country home of the parkes just outside of washington, d. c., a few weeks prior to the opening of this story. so, of course, he knew all about the pullman parlor chairs. "that isn't why they whirl at all! it's so you can turn to look out of the opposite windows, 'cause both sides of a railroad track have scenery, you know," glancing at the elders of the party to make sure they had overheard him. "why, jack davis! that isn't the reason at all! it's for the convenience of the conductor to take up tickets, so he won't have to lean away over or knock off the passenger's hat. then, too, when the buffet waiter serves luncheon on those folding tables, he has to have room to move the chair around and place the stand right over the passenger's lap. don't you remember?" explained anne davis to her brother. "i'll ask mother--shall i?" ventured john graham, a member of the travelling party from the south. "no, no! we don't want to know anything! let's see who can find the first church along the line," quickly said george, to divert attention. for some time thereafter the young travellers were quiet, until jack shouted: "i see one! it's old and tumble-down, but it has a steeple just the same!" while the children were playing this game, the elders sat planning about the new york trip. they had started from the country estate that morning without mishap, which was remarkable, considering the many ways the "little washingtons" had of getting into trouble. but now that all were _en route_ for the great city of the north, they wondered whether it had been wise to bring five lively children on such a trip. "if john doesn't behave when you take him to visit the historical places, just let me know, and i will keep him at his great-aunt's. she hasn't a thing he can do mischief to!" said mrs. graham. mr. parke laughed. "that would be a severe punishment for john. but i feel quite sure he will be the least troublesome of the party. george generally takes the lead in all escapades, you know." "not when jack is around to suggest mischief!" added mrs. davis from philadelphia. "well, there will be two of us, anyway, to keep them in order. and little jim won't be here for them to use as a scapegoat, you know," laughed mrs. parke, thinking of the happy little face of the pickaninny who was last seen on the steps holding a book and a box of candy presented him by the davis children. "did sam wire you he would meet us?" asked mrs. davis of mr. parke. "yes, when i telegraphed him from home, he replied to my office in washington. he will arrive in new york a train before us, and meet us at the pennsylvania terminal at thirty-third street. then we will go to some large hotel until we see what we wish to do for the week." "george sat looking over the newspaper this morning while we were waiting at the station in washington for this train, and i leaned over to see what was engrossing his attention. what do you think he was reading?" asked mrs. parke. "goodness only knows what george reads--anything from the last drive of the italians on the alps to the present quotations on wall street!" laughed mr. parke, the father. "neither! he was poring over the list of hotels and restaurants in new york city. finding i was watching, he said: 'i just found the place for us to stop.' "'yes?' said i. 'where is it?' "'the martha washington hotel. we wouldn't think of boarding anywhere else, would we, when we are related to martha?'" the others laughed at this, and mrs. graham added: "did you explain that that hotel was a ladies' hotel, and neither he nor his father nor his uncle would be allowed to stay there?" "no, because he forgot all about the hotel when he saw jack and the girls leading john over to the candy booth. that was enough for george!" laughed mrs. parke. "i suppose you ladies have planned a campaign for going about to show the 'patriots' the historical points of interest in the city--that is why you came up here, you know," teased mr. parke. "you came for business purposes, you said, so we will not trouble you with our plans," retorted mrs. davis. but further conversation was interrupted by the children. "mother, didn't you bring the copy of our washington history with you?" "i have it in the trunk.--why?" said mrs. parke. "because jack says washington was in boston in the spring of , and i say he was in new york, where he thought general howe was going after being driven from boston," explained george. "you are both right, son. washington remained in boston for a time to see just what howe would do, and then fearing the weakness of defence of and about new york, he started for that city. it was while he was at new york that the letter from congress was given him, in which he was so highly commended for the bravery and conduct of himself and his men at the siege," said mrs. parke. both boys had been so sure that each was right, that this information caused a sudden spell of humility, which gave the girls an opportunity to speak. "mother, didn't you read one day that the american army was vanquished on long island, and washington had to hide up in the hills of harlem until he got some more soldiers together?" asked martha earnestly. "oh, oh! is this the way my historical readings are interpreted?" sighed mrs. parke, in mock despair, while the other elders of the party laughed at martha's presentation of the battle on long island. "i think it best not to describe any more history now. when you are all on the spot of the battle scenes, the children will feel the actual spirit of the thing more than by listening to a tale," said mr. parke. "i will follow your suggestion later, but just now i am not going to allow this misunderstanding to rest. come here, children, and let me explain." as there was nothing more exciting offered them, the five children turned their chairs about and listened to the story. "you see, when general howe sailed from boston with his fleet, it was circulated that he proposed going to halifax. but washington was too wise a general to believe everything he heard, especially when it came from such a wily man as general howe. so he figured out just about what howe might do now that he was out of such nice, comfortable quarters like boston. "new york was another fine city, with every comfort to be had, so washington thought that the british would prefer that life to one of privation and discomfort elsewhere. "with the seized boats that had sailed into boston harbor, ignorant of the fact that the british had left there, washington was able to supply his men with guns, ammunition and goods greatly needed by them. then, when campbell of the british navy sailed serenely into the net of the enemy, a large quantity of military stores was captured, besides the fine vessel that carried over two hundred and seventy men. the latter were made prisoners, and the ships were turned into privateers, to act as sea-scouts in place of a regular naval force, which the colonists had not been able to raise as yet. "anxious for the safety of new york, washington started an army from boston, leaving five regiments under general ward to defend the city. passing through providence, norwich, and new london, he and the army arrived in new york on the th of april, where he found, as he feared, that city ill-prepared for defence against howe. "it was soon ascertained, however, that howe had really sailed for halifax, where he went to secure the cooperation of the forces of canada. "so you see, boys, washington was in both cities that spring, but he spent the late spring and summer in new york, fortifying and preparing that city for the battle which he knew was sure to come." "tell us some more, mother," said martha. "is it time for the luncheon?" asked george anxiously, as the porter passed through the car. "no, sah; not yet!" replied the grinning colored man. "then go on, mother!" sighed george resignedly. "well, when washington found how valuable the hudson river was for crossings, and for transmitting supplies to the northern army under the command of schuyler, he immediately began to fortify the passes bordering on that river. "so, while howe was in halifax, the american army was engaged in defending its river front, and the city of new york. "meantime, a large fleet was fitted out by the british under the command of sir peter parker. in june, this fleet came to anchor in charleston harbor, where it was joined by general clinton's forces. "fortunately, an intercepted letter warned the americans of the destination of this armament, and this gave the colonists time to prepare defence against the english. lee had been sent by washington to command the forces in the southern country, and his popularity soon amassed over five thousand men. under him were gadsden, moultrie, and thompson. at the entrance of the charleston harbor a fort had been constructed of the palmetto tree, which resembles cork in its looks and action. "when clinton landed some of his troops, he found colonel gadsden commanding a regiment on the northern extremity of james island, and two regiments under moultrie and thompson, stationed at opposite extremities of sullivan's island. "the attack on the fort began in the morning, while the ships threw their broadsides upon it, but the little fort returned the fire with so much skill and spirit that the ships suffered severely. one ran aground and was burned, while others were temporarily disabled. the british finally abandoned the enterprise, having lost over two hundred men, while the americans only lost twenty. "the failure of the attack was of great importance to the american cause, for it not only contributed much to the permanent formation of their independent government, but it had an effect on the half-hearted people who feared the power of england. "the abrupt departure of general howe from boston had upset his plans, for all of his supplies had been sent to that city, and consequently fell into the hands of the american army. after waiting at halifax for the appearance of the reinforcements he expected, but which did not arrive, he set sail for new york with his original army, where he landed on staten island the third of july, the same day that the declaration of independence was reported to the members of congress at philadelphia." mrs. parke reached this point in her story when a waiter entered the car, making announcement of an interesting fact. "dinnah now served in th' dinin' car--foh cars ahead! dinnah now served in th' dinin' car--foh cars ahead!" "oh, oh! they're going to have a dinner in the cars! we won't have to eat on the little tables brought in here," cried jack, looking eagerly at mr. parke. "why, i don't think we'll need any dinner, do you? we will be in new york in an hour's time, and can have something at a quick lunch restaurant," replied mr. parke very seriously. the children stared at him in such surprise that he was compelled to laugh outright. at that, they knew he was only fooling about dinner. meantime, the ladies began to gather their various wraps and bags and arrange them in order back of the parlor chairs. when all were ready to go forward, mr. parke beckoned the children to gather close about him, and gave them warning. "now look over the bill of fare carefully, and order the cheapest dishes there. i haven't much money with me, and it would be dreadful to have the bill come to more than i would be able to pay." the three ladies had passed on before mr. parke whispered the embarrassing news, and george, making sure his father was not joking again, said: "i've got fifty cents in my pocket; i'll eat that up!" "it may not digest, george, because silver is not considered healthy for the human stomach, you know," replied mr. parke. "oh, you know what i mean! i'll order that much," said george, laughing. "will you have enough to pay for a dish of ice cream and a sandwich?" asked martha anxiously. "we'll have to see what they charge for ice cream. you see the prices have gone so high since the war," returned mr. parke. they were passing through into the forward car as they conversed, and now the children had all they could do to balance themselves as the car swayed from side to side in its rapid flight on the tracks. at last they were safely seated in the dining-car, but the ladies and mr. parke occupied one table for four, while the children occupied another across the aisle. every one studied the menu card diligently, but to the horror of the children the ice cream was forty cents per plate. sandwiches were twenty cents each, and tea or coffee, or cocoa, was twenty cents per cup. "humph! we won't eat much at this rate!" grumbled george. "i think it is much cheaper to have luncheon served on a table in the parlor car. we had a nice lunch, and i'm sure it wasn't as much as this," remarked jack. "shall we whisper to father and ask him what he can afford to pay for?" suggested martha. but the waiter stood right at mr. parke's elbow writing down some words on a pad, so the children politely waited. when he finished and hurried away, george and martha excused themselves to the other children, and crossed the aisle. "what shall we order?" asked george. "how much can you pay for?" added martha. mrs. parke looked in amazement, while aunty and mrs. graham laughed. mr. parke drew both children down so they could hear him whisper. "i think you had better sit still and not order a thing. if the waiter comes up for your order send him to me. you see, mrs. davis and mrs. graham ordered so much that i shall have to pay for, that we will have to go hungry." george sent an angry glance at the ladies who thus deprived him of necessary food for the rest of the journey, but martha heaved a tremendous sigh, as she relinquished her hopes of a deep dish of ice cream. before the two food ambassadors were settled in their chairs again, a waiter hurried over and began arranging silver, bread and butter, and relishes before them. the children exchanged glances, and as the man went away again, george said: "we won't say anything yet--not until he asks us to order." but he failed to ask. when he next appeared, he carried cups of broth and placed them before the children. this done, he stooped and said to george, in a voice distinctly heard by those fearfully listening: "ah'm goin' to pile dat cream up high when yo' all is ready for dessert!" then winking understandingly at the doubtful faces, he went back to the kitchen. george looked in the cup of broth and turned to glance at his father for instructions, but the elders were busy with their own broth. then george decided upon a courageous measure. "we need something and we didn't order this soup. if we take it now the ladies who ordered more than they should will have to cancel some of their dinner. come on and drink the broth before we are told not to." thereupon, a great sipping and swallowing of hot liquid ensued, and soup, that despised item at home, was quickly enjoyed, for there was a dearth of more to follow--so thought the travellers about that table. before they were quite finished, however, fish was brought on and the waiter said: "ah'm tol' to bring turkey wid cranberry sauce and candied sweets. is dat all right foh de whole party?" then george suspected a hoax. he jumped up and caught his father trying to hide a smile back of his dinner napkin. "is this one of your practical jokes again?" demanded george. but an answer was unnecessary when he laughed so heartily that the ladies joined in. george was disgusted as he turned and remarked: "well, you made us drink the soup, all right, and i s'pose we all want turkey, but just you wait till dessert comes along--we're each going to eat ten plates of ice cream and make you pay for it, too!" with that threat ringing in his ears, it was a wonder mr. parke enjoyed his dinner, but he did, and when dessert was ordered he watched the children eat two great dishes each of ice cream, and never blinked at the bill presented to him for it. chapter ii the joys of new york life "oh, oh, but this is a bee-autiful station!" gasped george, when the tourists came from the train and entered the great domed concourse. "isn't it lovely? look at the ceiling--all painted and lighted so fine!" sighed martha, with satisfaction at art thus expressed. "i should think everybody would get lost in this great place. do you know where you are going, uncle?" said jack, gazing first at the hurrying mobs going every way across the main hall to reach the numerous outlets. "no, i am lost already! i shall have to ask a policeman to take us to the station-house for the night, so we can find ourselves again," replied mr. parke with a worried air, as he went over to speak to a man in uniform. "did he mean it?" whispered john to his mother. she smiled and shook her head, as she replied: "he is going to order taxicabs to convey us to the hotel." "what hotel are we going to?" wondered martha. "well, seeing there are scores of fine hotels in new york, it is difficult to tell which one mr. parke will select," said mrs. parke. shortly after this the party was snugly seated in cabs and whirled away. there was no signboard over the door of the hotel so the children could not tell the name of it. at home, the hotel in the village where the store was, had a swinging sign to say that it was "the washington arms hotel." but the uniformed men standing ready to open the doors, and the crowds of people sitting about reading or chatting were very interesting to the children. palms, great easy chairs, clusters of electric lights--lights everywhere--made the scene one to be remembered. "must be something like the fine balls given washington after the war," whispered martha to her companions. "if they only had on silk dresses and powdered wigs," returned john. it was late in the afternoon when the party arrived at the hotel. mr. parke decided it would be useless to try and see any of the sights that day. besides, they expected mr. davis every moment, as he said he would be waiting for them. but the train had been late, and he probably had become tired of waiting in the hotel lobby. "i don't see how any one could tire of sitting down there and watching the fine folks," said martha. "if you saw things like that every day you'd soon weary of them," remarked mrs. davis. and martha wondered if philadelphia were anything like new york, to make aunty speak of seeing such sights every day. before she had time to question about this interesting information, however, a cheery voice sounded outside of the large parlor they had with the suite of six rooms, and in came mr. davis. after greetings were all over, jack began: "daddy, are we going to do anything to-day? we must not lose time, you know." "indeed no! time is one of the things we can never find if it is once lost!" laughed mr. davis, patting jack on the head. "well--then----" ventured anne eagerly. "i procured tickets for the 'blue bird' at the opera house to-night," replied mr. davis, showing the tickets to prove the wonderful news. "oo-oh! i've never been in a real live theatre before! we've gone to movies in the village--that's all!" cried john eagerly. "well, this is a real live one all right!" bragged jack. and so it was. it was an entrancing play, and the gowns of the audience, and the wonderful velvet curtains, and the gold boxes and trimmings of the opera house, all presented a dazzling sight. the visiting party had a large box quite near the stage, so that everything could be seen and heard. the next morning mrs. graham left the others and started for her visit to her aunt, leaving john with his friends to accompany them on their historical tour of the city. "the first thing i have on my program is a visit to the statue of liberty. as we will be near governor's island, we can have a look at the old fort there, and then on our way back to battery park, visit the aquarium," said mrs. parke. so they left the hotel to walk to a car. "is anything going on in new york to-day?" asked john. "not unusual.--why?" wondered mrs. davis. "why, i see such a lot of people all running as if they were afraid of missing some big event," explained john. the elders laughed. "that is the way new yorkers always rush about. one would think their very lives depended upon the saving of a moment's time. and then they stand and stare at a silly advertisement, or listen to a street-corner peddler trying to sell his wares, and not only lose ten times the moments saved, but block the way for other sensible pedestrians, so that every one loses time," said mr. parke, who was escorting the ladies to the car. at the head of a flight of steps, he started down. "where are you going, father?" cried martha, aghast at her father's going down the cellar steps of some big house. "to the train! aren't you coming?" "train? i thought we were going to take one of these cars," exclaimed george, looking at a crosstown trolley. "no, the subway takes us right down to south ferry, where the boat leaves for liberty island," replied mr. parke. this was a new experience. the children stared at the ceiled arch overhead, and wondered if it would cave in while they had to wait for a train. then the roar and rush of a long, snake-like string of cars swung around the bend and came to a sudden jerky halt opposite them. it was the northbound train. then it rushed and roared out again, but before any one could catch his breath, another roar and rush sounded right before their very noses, and a brilliantly-lighted train of cars stopped beside the platform, and the guard shoved open the doors that had no handles or hinges. they all hurried in, crowds behind pushing wildly to get in first. inside, the long rows of seats on both sides of the cars were filled with all sorts of people, and our travellers were compelled to stand up in the aisle. as the train went further downtown, the crowds increased until george said: "every new yorker must be travelling to south ferry this morning." at brooklyn bridge many of the passengers got out, and mr. parke pushed his party into seats--one here, one there, some down the aisle in vacancies. before he could get back to a seat himself an entirely new mob of passengers rushed on, and violently struggled to crowd in between other seated fellow-beings. "say, jack, i've been trying to figure up all the money this company made since we got on the cars at grand central," said george to his cousin. "yes, and i think it would be a good thing for you and me to plan about our future business careers. s'pose we open a subway line like this and run opposition. besides making a lot of money easy, we will help the public, 'cause there won't be such a fearful crowd going on two lines as there is on one," said jack with good logic. "you're right! and what's more, we'll make our guards act politely to folks. i saw that horrid man slam the door right in an old man's face, as he was going to step inside! and those side doors were only opened once since we started, yet crowds of people waited outside and got left when the train pulled out of the station, and the guard leaned over the platform and laughed!" declared george, who, although on his first trip, saw conditions that make new yorkers fume and fret, without redress anywhere. at this moment the guard shouted, "south ferry! all out!" mr. parke and the ladies caught hold of the children's hands to save them from being crushed between doors and passengers, and after climbing another flight of concrete steps, they all breathed the sweet, fresh air once more, and martha said: "don't let us ever travel that way again! it's awful!" "but think of the millions who _have_ to travel that way, up to the bronx or washington heights, or over to brooklyn. there is no other way to get there except by foot, or paying several car-fares for changes of line," said mr. davis, who seemed thoroughly acquainted with conditions in new york. however, the children forgot the annoyance of travel the moment they found the small steamer "liberty island" at the wharf. they all hurried on board, and were danced over the choppy waves of new york bay. on the sail over to the statue, they saw ellis island where the immigrants landed, governor's island of revolutionary fame, the heights of brooklyn just on the edge of the water, and then were landed at liberty island. troops were quartered here, and everything was under military discipline. visitors were still permitted to the tower, but no one was allowed to go about the camps, or to question the men. the elevator landed the children high up where the balcony encircles the statue, but mrs. parke declared that they were not going to mount the steep and winding stairs, as nothing was to be gained by climbing up the hundreds of steps. the view from the balcony was the same as up in the head. as they walked around the outside of the figure, mr. parke told the children some interesting items about the statue. "bartholdi's statue named 'liberty' was presented by the french people to the united states in . it is the largest statue ever built. it was conceived by the famous french sculptor whose name it bears. it is said that the face is a likeness of his mother, who was his model for this renowned figure. "it took eight years to construct the statue, and it weighed, when completed, , pounds. of this, , pounds is copper and the balance iron and steel. the latter two metals were used to construct the skeleton framework of the inside. "the mammoth electric light held aloft in the hand of this giantess is feet above tide-water. the height of the figure is - / feet; the pedestal is feet, and the foundation feet, inches. forty persons can stand at the same time in the top of the mighty head, which is - / feet in diameter. the index finger of the hand is eight feet long, and the nose three and three-fourth feet. the colossus of rhodes--once regarded as a world-wonder for its great size--is a pigmy in comparison with this figure." the children listened to these stupendous figures, that gave them a good idea of the great work done on liberty statue, and were all the more interested in seeing the giant steel beams and bolts that held up the skeleton of the figure. after they had gone down again and were walking about the base, while waiting for the return of the steamer to convey them back to new york, they listened to mr. parke describing the method of lighting at night, so that the entire statue seemed bathed in light. they looked at the great globes of electric lights grouped at various points of the stone parapet, and wondered at the unseen power that would reflect such brilliant illumination up at the figure as to make it plainly visible for miles across the sea. on the sail back, the children saw the old fort where prisoners were kept herded together in great masses when the british took possession of new york and long island. the aquarium was visited, and after admiring the strange and beautiful fish in the glass tanks, the children found great sport waiting for the sea-lion to utter his fearful roar, as he flopped into the large tank of water, scattering water in every direction and thoroughly sprinkling the unwary who stood too near the railing. then mr. parke led his party across battery park to a triangular green. "who knows what this is?" asked he. "why, it's another stairway to the subway cellar," said martha, who spied the sign over the entrance. the ladies laughed, for they knew the right answer to the question; but the children had not the slightest clue to it. "this is old bowling green. here the dutch used to meet daily and play bowls, while the wives and children sat on the rude wooden benches placed on the outside and chatted or watched the game." "are there any more old places like this in new york?" asked john. "yes, i thought we might go over and visit the place called 'ye olde taverne,' that has been carefully kept from mercenary realty investors all these years. there you will find the quaint old style of building in vogue during the time of howe's victory over the american forces in new york. if the old beams and wood could but talk, what interesting tales of treason, patriotism, plotting and celebrating, it could tell us. "as we will be right near the stock exchange after we leave fraunces' tavern, i will see if it is possible to have you visit and watch the buying and selling that goes on in the 'pit' every day. the exchange closes at three, so we must not delay, if we would visit this scene." the children followed eagerly as mr. parke led the way across broadway and down lower pearl street to the quaint old gable-roofed building still intact after all these years. they gazed wide-eyed at this relic of washington's period, and felt that the hero of their readings and play was very real indeed. coming out on broad street, they then went to the stock exchange building, but mr. parke discovered that no visitors were admitted there since war was declared. only those known to be in business on the stock market were permitted to enter. chapter iii sight-seeing in new york "well, as long as we can't visit the stock exchange, we may as well stop at wall street and see the subtreasury and old custom house." mr. parke's suggestion met with approval, so they all followed him up the wide street known as broad, passing the curb brokers, as they stood screaming and gesturing at each other. "oh, don't go so close to that street fight, uncle!" called anne davis, tugging at mr. parke's sleeve. "what's the matter there, father? is some one killed?" worried george, watching the mob anxiously. "no, they are merely shouting out prices, or dealing in stocks. these are called curb brokers, because they have no 'seats' in the exchange and cannot deal in there," said mr. parke. "do any of you children know why wall street has its name?" asked mrs. davis. "i suppose because it does a wall of money business every day," ventured jack, trying to be wise. "no, it was wall street long before any stock market was founded in new york. it had a high, long wall crossing here from the east river to west street, and back of this wall stood an old dutch colonial house, with fine orchards about it. so solid was this wall that the conflicting armies of the british and american sides found it very convenient for a refuge and protection. then, too, when some old dutchman or alien of new amsterdam--for it was so called by the discoverer of the island, hendrik hudson, in --wanted to designate a certain district of the town, he would say 'in front of the wall', or 'so-and-so distant from the wall,' until it began to be known as 'the wall.' then the lane that ran in front of it was becoming quite a thoroughfare, as so many people had to go about the area of land enclosed by the wall, that it gradually became known as 'wall street.'" this information was very interesting to the children, and mrs. parke said: "tell them about the purchase of this island." "the land on which new york stands to-day was secured from the indians for $ . worth of beads and trinkets in , although the island was found by hudson in on his voyage of discovery along the bay and up the hudson river. "in the english took it from the dutch and changed the name to new york after the english nobleman. when howe took it from washington's army, his men were so reckless in their merry-making that fire broke out in a tavern down here and soon the wooden houses, with their dried-shingle roofs, were blazing. in that fire more than a thousand buildings were destroyed, and the fine old mansions of lower new york, then the fashionable section of dutch and english wealth, were razed to the ground. the few places escaping the conflagration were those below this fire-line, or the homes better protected by owners, who kept a bucket-brigade at work to thoroughly soak the outside of the buildings." "now that we have seen the sights on wall street, what else can we see downtown?" asked jack. "well, we can visit the old church here at the head of wall street, and then we can also visit the graveyard of the old church standing on the corner of fulton and broadway. here we will find old flat stones marking graves made before the days of the revolution; and some of the famous men we read about are buried in this busy section of lower new york. that will fill in our time until we start back uptown to the hotel," said mr. parke. so the children wandered about the grass-covered burial spot, where centuries ago funerals of great men were held, and now old stones still showed the spots where they had been laid to rest. so completely worn out were they from that well-filled day of sight-seeing, that all were ready for bed soon after dinner that evening. when mr. davis came in from a late business conference, no one felt like talking of the day's exploits. mr. parke was to attend to his business the following day, and mr. davis offered to act as official guide to the party. john was sent uptown to his great-aunt in a taxicab and told to be sure and be on hand by ten the next day. "what shall we visit to-day?" asked mr. davis, when all the travellers had gathered about the breakfast table in the morning. "you know best--we want to see the forts and the places where they show things left by washington," said george. "i have been thinking that we may as well keep right on visiting from downtown up, taking in important points of interest on the way," suggested mrs. parke. "we can. then we ought to go down to city hall park and take in the sights from there on," replied mrs. davis. the moment john arrived--which was fifteen minutes before the time set--they started out on their second day's trip. at old city hall, with its park of ten acres, they saw the county court house, the old post office and the famous woolworth building, said to be the tallest in the world. finding they could visit the tower, they all went up in an elevator and had a bird's-eye view of the great city, with its great ribbons of river winding along on two sides of it, forming the island of manhattan, where east and north rivers met. they saw the buildings where the new york _world_, _the tribune_, _the sun_, _the mail_, and other papers were printed, and mr. davis secured permission for them to visit the plant in the tribune building, so the children could watch the interesting process of turning out a daily newspaper. after this, they went to the hudson tubes terminal building and had luncheon at the restaurant before walking down the incline of fulton entrance to the concourse underground. the very fact that so much business went on continually underground, while other business continued above on the streets, filled the children with amazement. they saw the trains of the new york terminal come in and go out again, and were told how the tubes under the hudson river had been built and were now conducted. as a crowded train left the platform, jack sighed: "the same old thing as in the subway. not half enough seats for the crowds of people that travel. when we run _our_ line we will see that every one who pays full price has a seat, or they won't have to pay but half fare." "your plan is most sensible, but no monopoly will ever consent to lose half a nickel that way while it can get full fare out of the travelling public that must reach certain destinations in a given time," replied mr. davis. from the hudson tubes the visitors followed their guide crosstown again, and after walking a few blocks they again crossed city hall park. here they entered the large municipal building that stands near the entrance to brooklyn bridge. "i think it would be a treat to take you over the bridge on a trolley car. as we cross i can explain all about the great cables that suspend this tremendous structure." the children eagerly consenting, they were soon seated in a flatbush trolley, mr. davis explaining during the ride the many interesting facts of the old brooklyn bridge structure. in brooklyn, mr. davis showed them in passing, the city hall, and as they passed down the streets so similar to the busy thoroughfares of new york, anne said: "i don't see why they changed the name of these two towns; they are just alike and ought to be called by the same name." "they tried that some years ago," replied mrs. parke. "this is all known now as greater new york, but we are now on the brooklyn section of it, while on the other side of the river it is known as manhattan. then there is the bronx section, and the washington heights or van courtlandt sections." on the way through flatbush the children saw a number of genuine old houses, still standing since the time of the occupation of long island by the british. "it is no wonder the american army was overpowered here by general howe," remarked mrs. davis. "the british had more than , men in its army and navy--all well-trained soldiers, with plenty of food, clothing, and camp equipment to keep them in good trim. poor washington had only a scattered force of less than , men, with scant rations, ragged clothes, no beds or tents for half of them, and constantly having to go from one spot to the other to defend that point." "yes, and when we remember how badgered the americans were, by not being sure where the english would strike first--landing on staten island as they did, and swarming in their fleet of battleships, transports, sloops-of-war and floating batteries of guns up the east river, along the hudson and about the bay so that it would have taken a dozen armies to keep watch of their many maneuvers," added mrs. parke. "then when howe so arranged his army that one regiment threatened from one side, another from another side, and the main army from the rear, what were the americans to do but fight or give up?" said mr. davis, while the children listened eagerly to this history, which was very real when on the ground of the scenes. "had it not been for that master-stroke of washington's, when he had but one tiny hope left to save his men--retreat and move over the east river during the heavy fog, what might have been the final result of that war? when we think of the way he handled that great army of sick, hungry, weary and wounded men, discouraged and broken-spirited as each one was, and inspired them with enough will-power and patriotism to brace up and start in absolute silence and under cover of the fog, to cross the deep and dangerous current of the river on flat-bottomed boats, we, at this late day, but faintly feel the great praise due him; and to think that not one man was lost or injured in that transport work!" "it must have been a terrible blow to howe, when he discovered his birds all flown in the morning and no one knew how or when!" jack chuckled in hearty enjoyment. "i wish i had been there to laugh in his face!" declared george. "huh! you wouldn't have laughed long or very loud--he would have clapped you in irons and thrown you into one of those wet, filthy, dark holes he used for the american prisoners!" said john. "well, even if i wasn't at the battle scene of long island, i would have loved to stand in front of the old city hall on wall street on that fourth of july, , and listen to washington read from the balcony the declaration of independence to his army. how that must have cheered them up and made them willing to fight all england!" said george, with emphasis. mr. davis hired an automobile when the party reached the end of the flatbush ride, and took the children to gowan's cove, to wallabout market, which used to be called "walla bouche" by the walloons, who settled this section of brooklyn. they also passed the gowanus canal of historic fame, and many other places, stopping at fort hamilton to be able to see governor's island at close range, as no visitors were admitted on the island since the declaration of war on germany. on the way back from fort hamilton, the sight-seeing party visited the throgg's neck, red hook, and other districts where battles had occurred; but so modernized were these spots, that no one would have dreamed that any disastrous battle had ever taken place there. the next day, both gentlemen being free to escort the party about the city, they started at nine o'clock to get in a full day. john was on hand right on the minute, and they started out by visiting central park first. the great egyptian obelisk, brought across seas from alexandria in , was studied, but no one could decipher the strange symbols carved on its surface. "it is called 'cleopatra's needle,' and is said to be the finest specimen of old egyptian monuments in existence," said mr. parke, focussing a camera to take a picture of it. then they visited the museum of art, where treasures of all kinds are to be found: paintings, statuary, collections of stones, jewels, antiques of all kinds, and a famous collection of tapestries. the zoo proved to be a diversion from the other sights, and could the children have remained long enough, it is quite certain that the monkeys would have been made ill by all the peanuts fed them. from the museum and zoo, the children were taken to the museum of natural history, on the park annex grounds, located on th street and central park west. here, too, they found interesting things: all sorts of stuffed birds, animals and american relics. of all the animals, the dinosaur interested them the most, for its great size and queer snout. "now we'll cross to riverside park and visit the sailors' monument, which is considered one of the finest erected to our marines," said mr. davis. "and when we finish that, we will get on a bus and ride up to grant's tomb and let the kiddies see the great monument raised by a grateful people to the general of the civil war," added mr. parke. "we haven't seen washington's arch down at washington square yet," reminded george, fearful of missing something. "i know, but i thought it would be fine to get on a fifth avenue bus when we finish columbia university on the heights, and complete our college tour with the city college on th street and amsterdam avenue, and ride all the way downtown along riverside park to nd street, thence to fifth avenue. down that famous avenue we can see many interesting buildings and sights, and at last we will jump off at washington square," promised mr. parke. so the time flew rapidly by while the different places were visited, and finally the tired group almost rolled from the bus when it reached washington square. here they took but half interest in the great arch erected to the memory of washington, and all were thankful enough to get on another bus to ride uptown to the hotel. "oh, i'm glad we haven't all europe to see like this!" sighed martha, throwing herself on a couch the moment they entered the parlor of the suite. "poor john! i think i will telephone his mother and ask her to allow him to remain with us for to-night," said mrs. parke, when she saw the drooping eyelids of the weary boy. "oh do, please, and then i won't have to get up so awfully early in the morning. why, great-aunt belinda makes every one in her household rise at six o'clock, and we breakfast at seven," said john, revealing the cause of his prompt arrival each morning at the hotel. john was given permission to remain that night, and mrs. graham added that she would be down herself at nine in the morning to accompany her friends to washington's headquarters, where they proposed to visit the next day. chapter iv the battle of new york every one was hungry, and when they had gathered about the dining-room table, full justice was done the viands served in the restaurant. while waiting for dessert (the children had ice cream every time) mr. davis remarked: "any one want to go to the theatre to-night? i had some tickets reserved for a play that is said to be very good." "do you mean us, too, when you say 'any one'?" asked anne. "goodness, no! you youngsters are too tired," laughed her father. "oh, no, we're not! we're never too tired for fun," replied jack quickly. "i think it will be very nice to see a play, sam," said mrs. parke, thanking him for the suggestion. "well, then we must hurry and not miss the whole of the first act. couldn't we leave the children to go to bed alone for this time?" asked mr. parke. "i'll ask the chambermaid to see that they are all right and have what they want," said mrs. parke. "mother, if you all are going to have a good time, why can't we have ice cream and cake for a treat up in the parlor?" begged anne. "why, you're having ice cream now!" exclaimed mrs. davis. "but this is dessert--upstairs it will be a party!" cried jack. the elders laughed, and promised that maggie, the maid, should be told to give the children a party as they desired. after the elders had gone, the five children gathered in the parlor waiting for maggie's appearance. she was having her supper, and said she would be upstairs in a short time. "do you know, we haven't played war in the _longest_ time--i've almost forgotten how!" sighed george. "that's 'cause we had so much other stuff to do," replied martha. "i wish we could play nathan hale and the british now," ventured jack. "you just can't in a place full of furniture--no trees, no grass, no creek to play with," remonstrated george. "it's 'most eight o'clock. maggie should be finished with her supper long ago," said martha, getting up to peep out of the door to see if there were any signs of the maid in the long hallway. to her great delight she saw maggie coming down the soft carpeted corridor, and soon after, she knocked at the door. "is you'se all right in here?" questioned maggie. "as right as can be without that ice cream," retorted george. maggie grinned. "yer mudder said you'se were to have it sent up at eight-thirty. i th'ot like as how i'd stop to see if i wuz wanted for anything and if not, i'd run upstairs to get the clean towels for your rooms." "run ahead, and don't be behind time with the cream," agreed jack, sighing, as he took up a magazine from the center table. "this is a tiresome life when there's nothing to kill time with," also sighed george, after maggie had gone. "let's have a pillow fight," suggested martha. "come on, boys, that'll be better than nothing," added anne, taking the magazine from her brother. john was spending the night with them, so the five had quite a lively time in the fight, until the clock on the mantel chimed eight-thirty. "time for the cream!" shouted george, picking up the down that had escaped from the pillows while batting them back and forth. the children waited fully five minutes for maggie and the cream, and then jack declared he would not stand for such neglect! he took up the telephone from the wall near the door and asked the clerk to find out where maggie was. the clerk ascertained that maggie was the maid for their floor, and said she had been sent upstairs to help another maid who was ill that evening. he would let her know that she was wanted. five minutes more passed by, and still no maggie. then george had a brilliant idea. "i'll run and scout for her. i've never been anywhere about this hotel, except down in the dining-room and entrance. i'll have a look around, and find her at the same time." "i'll go with you," suggested jack. "can't we go, too?" asked the girls. "no, girls mustn't wander around like this, but john may come if he likes," replied george, going out into the corridor. not wishing to let the elevator boy know they were on a tour of inspection, the three boys walked up to the next floor. a corridor exactly the same as the one they were on, was the only thing to see. voices were heard--seemingly from the floor above. "that must be maggie upstairs," said jack. so up another flight they went, and found a couple at the head of the stairs talking loudly to a deaf old lady. maggie was not to be seen. the three strangers got on the elevator, and the three boys walked down the length of the corridor. almost at the extreme length of it, a door stood open, and the boys were sure maggie would be in that room, very probably making it ready for guests. "my, this is an awful big house," remarked john. "almost like a canyon--these high, dark corridors," said jack. "it would be great sport trying to catch a spy running away from us down these gulleys and mountain-steps," grinned john. by this time the boys had reached the end of the hallway, and stood looking in at the opened door of the room; but it was not a guest-room. it was a store-room of some sort. the door had been left open by mistake, most likely, for no one was about on the entire length of the corridor. "it must be a junk room," said george. "they keep old half-worn stuff in it, i guess," added jack, glancing at the shelves on one side, piled up with miscellaneous items. "oh! look at all the bellboys' uniforms! all colors, different from what some of them wear now," said john. "maybe they're here to be repaired or for extra help," suggested george. the boys stood looking over the motley assortment of things, when suddenly jack exclaimed: "what do you say to playing war? let's dress up in the old uniforms and have some sport!" "say!" admired john, looking at jack with envy. george said not a word in reply, but looked up and down the corridor to see if any one was about. it was empty and quiet. "let's take one each, and two for the girls," whispered george, tiptoeing into the room and selecting a green cloth suit, trimmed with gold braid and brass buttons. after holding it up against him to gauge the size, he threw it over his arm, and then selected a similar suit for martha. john also found a uniform about his size, and jack took two--one for himself and one for anne. just as the three raiders reached the head of the stairway, they heard the elevator coming up to that floor. quick as a flash, they slid down the first section of the stairs, to let the elevator continue past the floor before they ran down the other flights. into the parlor bounced the three boys, laughing and bursting with plans for a campaign. the two girls had grown tired of waiting for the boys and maggie, and were watching the crowds on the brilliantly-lighted street many stories below. "what do you think? a battle in new york!" cried jack, throwing the uniforms on the floor. "now we can have some fun!" added george. "oh, where'd you find them?" asked martha and anne in one breath. "never mind where--get into them and let's go to war," retorted john, taking his uniform to one of the bedrooms. the outer door from the parlor to the corridor was well secured against surprise, and then the children quickly dressed in the uniforms. canes left by the two gentlemen, and umbrellas, were perfectly satisfactory guns for the soldiers. one after the other they appeared in the parlor, and laughingly admired one another. "now what? we're all ready," said john. "martha, twist up your curls! soldiers can't have such hair when they fight!" scorned george. so martha ran to her mother's room and pinned up her hair, keeping it on top of her head by dragging her father's travelling cap over it. the boys also got their caps, and then they stood in line while george drilled them. "this room is too small for any fun," said jack. "can't we parade down the hallway? if we hear any one coming we can hide," suggested martha. the others exchanged looks. that was a tempting idea. "might as well. no one is about as early as this," said jack. "come on, then! george, you're general, you know, so you must go first," advised anne. nothing loath, george opened the door softly and peeped out. "all's quiet on the brandywine!" reported george, going out on tiptoes. once out in the hall, however, the five yanks seemed to lose their nerve. first anne rushed back to the parlor, then martha followed. finally, the three boys came tumbling in, for no other cause than that they thought they heard footsteps somewhere. "you're a lot of cowards! if washington ever had to fight with runaways like you two, i pity him!" sneered george. "well, didn't you run back, too?" exclaimed martha. "only to see what you girls were after! we're going out now and march properly!" declared jack. "so'll we--this time!" promised anne. again the army sallied forth, george telling them that they had to storm the heights of brooklyn and harlem to hold the forts in new york. the general marched his army down the whole length of the corridor without meeting any one, and then they stormed the stairs at the end of the hallway. up on the next floor they marched again, and not a soul was there to watch or applaud, although the uniformed army marched as well as a squad of bellboys--in fact, they resembled them closely. "now, men! howe and his men are climbing up the ridge and we must fight on the heights or be captured!" warned the general, waving his cane at the next flight of stairs. up this flight swarmed the five continentals, and at the top they turned to shoot down any english that dared to follow; but no one was to be seen. the general held a council of war with his army. what was there to do in this terrible extremity--the east river on one hand, the different regiments of the british on two sides, and howe, with his main army, back of them? "there's only one thing left for us--to cross the river in the fog and gain new york again," declared george. "how can we cross, when there is nothing to cross?" asked anne, with great lack of imagination. "oh, if our creek were only here, wouldn't it be a lark!" sighed martha. "why, this hallway is our river, can't you see? the fog is so thick one can hardly tell which is land and which is water, but we can cross it all right, if you only follow me!" cried washington courageously. down the whole length of the corridor he tore, eagerly followed by his four men, and reaching the stairway at the end he rushed up to the next floor. this happened to be the top floor, and the roof, which was used in summer as a garden dining-room, and was now deserted, except for a few tubs of greens and some odd chairs standing about, was at the top of the next flight. in marching the army from the east river to camp in new york, george found the roof and exulted in the spot. "just the place for an engagement! we can hide behind the palm trees and shoot at each other when one of us tries to cross the city. two of us have to be british, though." "john and i will be english, and the girls and you will be yanks," said jack, looking around to make sure no one was about. "if we only had some of those apples for ammunition! do you remember how soft and squashy they were when they hit you in the head?" laughed john, at the memory of that conflict on the creek. "well, this must be a bayonet fight. no guns or cannon on hand, you see, and the men at close quarters," said george. so, making their fortifications of the tables and chairs waiting to be removed to the storehouse of the hotel, and then taking their places as american and british armies, the two sides opened warfare over the possession of new york city. the battle waged furiously in the semi-light of the electric brilliancy which reflected from the dazzling advertising signs of the city. both sides tried to capture each other and make them prisoners, which would end the war, but all five were agile and experienced warriors. while howe and washington were engaged on the roof, maggie had finished her extra tasks, and suddenly remembered the children. she hastily ordered the ice cream and cake to be sent up, and hurried to the suite to humbly apologize for her tardiness. she knocked softly at the door, while framing excuses. no one answered. she knocked again--this time much louder, but still no one answered. quickly then, she opened the door and found all quiet and no one in the parlor. some odds and ends of clothing--such as george's shoes, and jack's coat, lay on the floor. "poor little dears! they waited jest as long as they could an' then they got tired and went to bed widout that cream!" said maggie, opening a bedroom door softly to bless the little sleeping darlings. but not a bed was disturbed. maggie hurried from one room to the other, to find clothes scattered about in each room, but not a sign of the children. "oh, oh, oh! what has happened to thim children? here i was told to watch thim, and now there ain't nothing but clothes to watch!" cried the distressed maggie, as she hurried for the door leading to the main corridor. half beside herself with fear of the unknown, maggie flung the door open, and was about to rush out, when she collided with the waiter, who carried the tray of ice cream and cake. as can be expected from such an impact, the tray crashed to the floor, mixing cake, cream and broken dishes well together. the waiter shouted and berated maggie, and she pulled at her hair and rolled her eyes upward, crying: "what shall i do? what shall i do? thim children is kidnapped er else they've run away!" the waiter quickly ran in to inspect the premises, and came back with a fearful idea: "black hand again! the city's full ov thim, and these folks are rich, yo' know, an' kin pay the reward!" maggie and the waiter rushed down, down and down, the many flights of stairs, never stopping to take an elevator, and then ran breathlessly up to the desk to stammer hoarsely: "children gone! clothes laying everywhere, and kidnappers carried them off!" it caused a tremendous commotion. every one within hearing crowded up to the clerk and wanted to know who was gone, where the thieves went, what floor the burglary took place on, and many other exciting questions. the proprietor was called out to quell the disturbance, but long before he reached the lobby, dozens of guests and callers streamed up the endless flights of steps to examine the vacant suite of rooms. some of the guests, who had not heard distinctly on which floor the kidnappers had found the children, climbed to the top flight. suddenly a nervous woman clutched her husband's arm. "oh, oh! those wicked men are on the roof with the dears! hear them shouting and things bumping about up there?" cried she. instantly the man, who had powerful lungs, leaned over the stair-rail and bawled down: "come up! come up! the thieves are on the roof ready to throw the children down to the street if they don't stop crying!" that brought the endless line of excited folks up and up the remaining flights of stairs, until all could quite plainly hear the noise on the roof overhead. suddenly a voice yelled: "surrender! i got you cornered." the words were ominous, but the voice was boyish. maggie recognized it as the leader of the party of children, and she ran recklessly up to grapple with the fierce kidnappers, should it be necessary to help mister george capture the rascals. the guests followed closely after the brave maid, and as the crowd pushed out upon the roof, they beheld a stacked-up rampart of tables and chairs and five bellboys in a close struggle with each other. "where are the stolen children?" cried maggie, rushing over to the boys, with whom she was quite at home, and, in fact, felt she was their superior. at the unexpected interruption, the contending forces separated and looked about. to their consternation, scores of wondering people stood near the door of the roof, staring at the five boys. the cap and hairpins of one had slipped from his (or her) head, and yellow curls blew about her head in the breeze. george never lost his presence of mind for an instant, although he feared this surprise meant the total collapse of both armies. he called to the four children: "attention!" instantly the four stood erect and took up their arms. "shoulder arms!" the four obeyed. "form line!" this was also done, to the unbelief of the audience. "forward--march!" cried george, taking his place at the head of the line. they started and marched directly for the door leading to the roof, where crowds of curious guests stood gaping. as the army reached the doorway, the people fell back on both sides and the victorious general led his men down the stairs, down, down, down, followed by the throng, now laughing and gesticulating as wildly as any new yorker can when he has been well fooled! along the corridor of the floor where their own suite was located, george led his army, and once safely inside that friendly door, he quickly slammed and locked it. the five sank down on the floor, and rocked back and forth in hysterics of fun. "oh! that was the best fight we've ever had!" finally cried martha. an imperative knock at the door made them all jump, however. "run to your rooms and tear off these uniforms! fire them in the closets or anywhere and jump in bed. cover yourselves with the bedclothes before maggie comes in with a pass-key!" ordered george quickly. a second rap on the door found them all quickly removing the uniforms, and before maggie could get her pass-key, the five quiet, dear little darlings were snugly tucked in five beds snoring soundly. the proprietor stood in the parlor wonderingly, but maggie crept to the doors and held up a warning hand for quiet. "they is all fast asleep, sir!" whispered she. the dazed man shook his head, and went out thinking deeply over the queer occurrence. could five bellboys have played that joke? but no, there was one with curls, and the maid had said the five children were not in the rooms when she sought for them! as soon as the crowd had dispersed, maggie went to the room where the two little girls slept in twin beds. "that ice cream will all be melted to nuthing," said wily maggie. instantly the girls were out of bed. "where is it?" "ha! tell me the truth and i'll give you the cream!" said maggie coaxingly. the boys heard the word "cream" and they fell into their clothes and appeared at the parlor door about the same time the two girls and maggie came from the room. the story was told, and maggie, finding herself as much at fault as the soldiers, promised to put the uniforms back in the closet, while the children sat down and enjoyed a double portion of ice cream. chapter v some of washington's headquarters an automobile was hired for the day, and as early as was practical, the party started for bronx park. here they took a quick survey of the horticultural gardens and stopped a short time at the zoo, then on to the historic points of fordham and the bronx. then they visited the stately mansion of the old morris family on the harlem river, where washington had made his headquarters during the time he was in new york with his army. from this place, the party went to white plains, and saw the places still remaining to mark the points of historic interest. thence to dobb's ferry, where the fine old house used by washington for his headquarters had been purchased by a rich american, and restored to its original state. the visitors crossed the river at this place and went to fort lee, but nothing of interest could be found here. "it is much like the man himself! general lee ruined his character and honor when he permitted the british to capture him in dressing gown and slippers!" scorned mrs. parke, who had always felt the utmost contempt for this disobedient american. "i wish we had time to cross from here and visit morristown--it is not so far in distance, but have we time to-day?" ventured mrs. davis. "i have an idea!" exclaimed mr. parke. "what do you say if we wire the garage in new york that we will not return till to-morrow? we can then go to newburgh and west point, and later on to morristown, and remain there for the night at some first-class hotel. it will be a relief to get away from the din of the new york streets, and rest in the quiet peace of a suburban town." "we would not reach morristown till long after dinner," said mrs. parke, thinking of the tiresome ride for the children. "well, ask the chauffeurs about it--they ought to know the distance and time it would take to go from newburgh to morristown," said mrs. davis. both chauffeurs declared that it was too late to think of visiting west point and newburgh that day, and to cross-country to morristown was a very poor road to travel. so it was decided to return to the city and start the next morning for west point on the small steamer running between that point and new york. in this way, the children could see the grand old hudson and its sights. if it were possible, and the day fair, they would drive to morristown and the places in its vicinity made famous by revolutionary tactics. mrs. graham had arranged with her aunt that john and she would remain at home all of the following day to meet friends and distant relatives of the family. thus john was disappointed in this trip up the hudson, for he would have much preferred to be with his friends, than sit in a darkened old city mansion, listening to folks talk about their family. early on the following day, therefore, the parkes and davises sailed up the hudson, passing the sailors' monument and grant's tomb on the way. the palisades attracted admiration, for the foliage of late fall glorified the steep cliffs of the river. past yonkers, called "younkers" in the old dutch days, they sailed again, passing dobb's ferry, where they had visited the day before, and so on to stony point. "who can tell the story of stony point?" asked mr. parke. the children looked at each other, but they seemed anxious not to venture information which might be incorrect, so mrs. parke decided to help them over the difficulty. "fortifications had been started at west point, as it looked more defensible than positions lately occupied by fort clinton and fort montgomery. but the works at west point were far from completion, and washington knew that communication must be kept open between the middle and eastern states. detachments of his army occupied positions on both sides the river, commanding the ferry and protecting the incomplete works above. on the west bank, stationed on an elevated section of ground called stony point, defences had been started but were far from being completed. on the east bank, a small fort called lafayette's on verplanck's point, projecting out into the river, was nearer completion than the works on the other side. "now, the intention of the british was to reduce both these works and capture west point, along with washington's division, and perhaps, that of the state of the confederacy. "the unfinished works at stony point, garrisoned by but forty men, was too weak to defend itself against clinton's large division of the british army, landing on the eastern bank of the river, placed under command of vaughan, so it was abandoned after setting fire to the block-house. the garrison took stores and ammunition with them, and clinton took possession of it without opposition. during the night he had cannon and mortars brought up and planted on the brow of the hill, opposite the fort on the other side of the river. "at five o'clock in the morning, a heavy fire was opened upon fort lafayette by the command at stony point, and two vessels in the river managed to pass the fort, thus cutting off all chance of escape by water. general vaughan made a circuit by land, thus completely surrounding the little garrison of seventy men. captain armstrong, the commander of the fort, and his men, held out all day and then capitulated. "clinton ordered both forts completed at once, but washington, having heard of the british general's advance up the river, had strengthened west point and taken up a strong position at smith's cove, so that the english found it unwise to attack the american forces at that time. besides staten island was threatened in his absence, so he left garrisons at the two posts captured, and retired to phillipsburg, to be ready to assist in new york and its dependencies, or at either of the other captured forts if necessary. "a garrison of men was left at stony point, and one of men at fort lafayette, but clinton determined to draw the american army, so he sent tryon with men into connecticut. after pillaging new haven and destroying property at fairfield, norwalk and greenfield, laying the towns in ashes, and treating the people with the greatest brutality, he essayed to treat new london in the same manner, but the people were roused to such a degree, by the reports from their neighboring towns, that they opposed tryon successfully. hence he returned to new york to boast of his exploits. "news of the invasion of connecticut was late in reaching washington, as he was visiting outposts in the vicinity of stony point. he understood the design of clinton, however, so did not weaken his forces in the highlands to assist the troops in connecticut; on the contrary, he planned a counter-attack on stony point, which, if successful, would alarm clinton and induce him to recall the detachment from connecticut, to defend the outpost on the river. "secrecy was one of the essential things to the success of this plan. one brigade was ordered to march so as to reach the scene of the action about the time the troops engaged in the attack, and so render assistance should disaster befall them. "as you can see from the boat here, stony point is a hill projecting far out into the river, with three sides washed by the hudson, and the other side attached to the mainland by a deep marsh. "over this marsh there was but one crossing-place, but where it joins with the river there is a sandy beach. on the summit of the hill stood the fort. besides the garrison there were some vessels stationed in the river to command the foot of the fort. "at half-past eleven at night, two columns of continentals marched with unloaded muskets, and bayonets fixed, preceded by a forlorn hope of twenty men. they crossed the marsh undiscovered, and at twenty minutes to twelve, commenced the assault. "surmounting every obstacle, they mounted and entered the works without discharging a single musket. they obtained possession of the fort, without the display of cruelty so prevalent in the british ranks, although sixty-three of the garrison were killed. the prisoners amounted to upward of five hundred, and the value of the military stores taken was considerable. "an attempt was made on the opposite fort but failed. this failure, with the fifteen hundred men it would take to garrison stony point against the enemy's shipping, caused washington to demolish and abandon the fort. but clinton re-occupied and repaired it again immediately. "then washington established his headquarters at west point in july, and from that time to december, he gave his attention to the completion of the works at that post." "look on the right, children! there you will see the verplanck's point your aunt has just been describing to you as holding fort lafayette," called mr. davis, pointing out the spot to the eager children. from that point on till the boat reached newburgh, the elders entertained the children with various descriptions of places passed. after visiting the headquarters at newburgh, and going on to visit west point, where the children were deeply interested in watching the cadets practice, they returned to the landing where they intended taking the boat back to new york. but they were too late. it had gone half an hour before they reached the dock. "that means we must go back by train," said mr. parke. "we'll get to new york much earlier than expected. we might accomplish some other visit," suggested mrs. davis. "oh, no. the return will mean that we will have time for rest before starting the trip to morristown to-morrow," said mrs. parke. so that evening was really the first quiet or restful one enjoyed since the travellers reached new york. and in the morning, all were eager to continue their historical visits. through the flats of hackensack and across the passaic, the party rode, the elders pointing out various places that might interest the children. at newark nothing of moment was found to convey any picture of washington's campaign to the youthful admirers, so they continued on to morristown. here they visited the old fort nonsense on the ridge, back of the town, and then inspected the headquarters, where a fine collection of furniture and other relics was kept on exhibition by the washington association of new jersey. later they drove through baskingridge and cross-country to pluckimin and thus on to brunswick. trenton was passed through on the homeward route, and then on to jersey city, and across the ferry to new york. in going through trenton the old hall and other historic buildings were pointed out to the children. that night george had a suggestion to offer. "we've done nothing but see, and _see_, and _see_ places since we've landed here from home, and i say that we now do something different." "but this trip was planned to show you children all we could to enlighten you on history," replied mrs. parke. "i feel so light that it would take little to waft me up to the sky," said martha, hoping so to create sympathy. "now that we have completed the round of places to be visited in the interests of revolutionary history, suppose we continue on our way to philadelphia. there is a mine of historical places to be visited in and about that city; besides we will be home and we won't have to bother like we do in a hotel," said mrs. davis. "i second that motion!" cried jack. "but our week of vacation is not yet over in new york," argued mr. parke. "well, why not leave you two men behind to finish up your week, while we go on with the children to prepare the people of the quaker city for the unexpected coming of the little washingtons?" laughed mrs. parke. "do say yes, father!" begged martha. "i see! my own daughter wants to get away from my company!" exclaimed mr. parke tragically. "we wouldn't if you were finished with your business affairs, but we know right well what will happen if we tear you away now! it will mean a delay all 'round," said mrs. parke, from former experiences. "well, then sam and i will say 'good riddance' and send you off on the morrow's train from the pennsylvania station," agreed mr. parke. chapter vi george's strange battle that evening some city friends called at the hotel to see the parkes and davises, and wishing the children to get a good night's sleep, the parents decided to receive the callers in a parlor downstairs, and turn down the lights in their own parlor. after they had gone down, george felt so restless he could not keep quiet, so he slipped out of bed and went out to the parlor to amuse himself. the lights were turned up again, and a souvenir book of the woolworth building was found on the table. this book had been purchased when they were up in the tower, but so much had been crowded in the few days in the city, that no one had taken time to look at the pictures. now, however, george found the pictures and text very entertaining for want of company or something better to do. he pored over the illustration of the tower, wondering at the great height of the structure, and the manner in which it was built. he sat in a corner of the comfortable couch, his bare feet sticking out from his new pajamas purchased that very day. as he read the book, his eyelids drooped several times, but george always fought off sleep to the very last moment, so he bravely refused to give in to it now. suddenly, as he turned a page of the book, he heard a stealthy step behind him, coming from the open window. he turned just in time to see a masked face lean over the couch, and then a great bony hand reached out and grabbed him under the arms and lifted him up. george immediately essayed to scream for help, but a hand was placed over his mouth, while the man growled: "you help me gag him, then we'll tie this towel tight about his wrists and ankles." this was done, while poor george was helpless to defend himself. he wondered if george washington ever had such a cowardly game played on him. "now we'll sneak downstairs with him and watch our chance to get away," whispered the man to his accomplice. george felt himself carried to the door, but in a sudden twist of his body he managed to slip out of the villain's grasp, and in rolling upon the floor, he upset a stand with a jardinière of flowers on it. this crashed down and woke up the other children, which was just what george wanted. the two rascals quickly caught up their victim again, and rushed out, leaving the door wide open. the three other children were heard running out and calling "george! george!" but he could not reply. just as the two men reached the head of the stairs, the three pajamaed children ran out in the hall and saw them carrying george away. he saw them follow and heard them scream for help, but he himself was helpless to move or utter a sound. down the many flights of stairs the two men now rushed with their burden, the three night-dressed children running after. on the main floor, they fled down the wide marble ornamental stairs and through the lobby, throwing people right and left as they rushed madly for the door. the three white-robed friends of george followed close at the heels of the villains. a hue and cry then started, and as the men reached the curb to jump into a waiting taxicab, the people of the hotel and the crowds on the street joined in the chase. the parkes and davises, and the children as well, all ran screaming to the sidewalk, yelling to every one to stop the runaways. george could hear this until the cab turned the corner and tore down broadway. as the reckless driver flew downtown, george held his breath in constant fear of being smashed to atoms by colliding with a trolley or automobile crossing one of the many streets. down the densely-thronged thoroughfare flew the cab, the police whistling signals for it to stop, and shooting revolvers at the tires to cause a puncture, but, strange to say, the cab escaped without a single damage to windows or tires. by the time the runaways reached union square, a long mob of people were tearing after them, all in hot pursuit of the villains. in the foremost ranks ran the parents and the bare-footed, night-robed children. george heard the men say so, as they watched from the window in the back. down fifth avenue went the cab until it reached washington square. under the famous washington arch it flew, one wheel striking the base and causing the cab to swerve. as it righted itself again, one of the wheels came loose, and so on down, down they tore in constant danger of throwing the wheel and being flung into a stone building or a passing trolley. that fearful shaking and fear almost made george sick, but he remembered how washington must have felt when everything seemed against him and his country. "did he give up and let howe get away with him and his army? no, siree! he did not. neither will i!" thought george. finally the cab reached city hall park, and around the park it flew, while the two men wondered where they could go with their captive. "can't cross the bridge without being arrested, you know. they have guards there," said one. "can't go across to liberty island at this time of night. can't go anywhere except to the woolworth tower!" said the other. "just the place! if any one follows we will drop him off!" threatened the first man. so the cab pulled up by the side entrance to the woolworth building, and the two men hustled george on an elevator inside, and made the man send the elevator to the top where the room was that visitors had to pass through to reach the tower. here they found the man asleep, as no visitors were expected that night. they bundled george on the tiny elevator that ran to the very tip-top of the tower, and one of the rascals ran it up. then they went out on the narrow balcony that circled the tower. as they walked around here, dragging george by the belt of his pajamas, they watched the mob tearing across city hall park in pursuit. george could look over the parapet, and he was sure he saw his mother in front, calling to him, 'way up in that tower. he wanted to assure her that he was brave and would be all right, but one of the men thought he was signalling to his friends. "what shall we do if some of them follow us up here and try to catch us?" wondered one of the men. "we'll warn them--we'll throw him over if they try to come up!" said the other, shaking a fist at the crowds in the park. meantime, as many as could get on the elevators, did come up to the room, but the small elevator that ran to the tower would only hold five or six at a time, and there was no one to run it. the man who slept in the chair could not be roused, so mr. parke said he would run the lift to the top. the two villains threatened in vain--george's father started for the balcony to save his son. then the men lifted george upon the stone guard, and he could look down into the dizzy depths, where the people ran about like ants on the earth. "if you step another inch, down he goes!" roared one of the men. "what shall we do?" wailed mrs. parke, wringing her hands. while one of the men stood guard at the door that opened on the balcony, the other carried george around to the other side of the balcony. the moment george found but one man to hold him, he squirmed and wriggled so that he soon got out of the fellow's hold, and then he managed in some way to free his two hands. the man tried to hold him again, but with his hands free george also managed to free his feet. then he jumped up and defied the rascal. as the man turned to call his partner, george saw that the mayor had ordered an aeroplane from governor's island to rise and save him. determined to hold off the two villains long enough to give the aviators time to reach the tower, george ran around and around the tower--the door leading to the balcony having been bolted on the outside by the villain on guard to keep help and friends from reaching george. then, as the aeroplane almost flew over george's head, the men saw it and realized that they would soon lose their prize unless they could catch him again. so one of them planned to go one way, and the other the other way, and so catch george before he could be carried off. fortunately for george, an experienced aviator flew the machine, and as he swooped down in a graceful loop, he dropped a tackle out and caught george in the back of his pajamas. just as the two men met in a swift run around the balcony and bumped together, they saw their victim lifted out of their grasp, and they jumped to catch hold of him. but the plane was swiftly skimming over the city on its way to the hangars on governor's island. george never dared to move or even breathe for fear that the great hook would rip the madras of his pajama coat and so let him drop. the aeroplane reached the water, however, and was speeding over the bay to the island, when george heard an ominous r-r-rip at his back. he tried to call to his friend, the aviator, to haul him up, but the madras kept right on tearing once it started, and just as george could see the aviation field on the island, and could feel the aeroplane rapidly descending, the material in the coat gave way entirely and down plunged the luckless george into the deep water. the mayor had very thoughtfully ordered the whistles on the bay to blow, and many scows and other craft tied up for the night, showed lights or blew whistles. just as the coat began tearing, a powerful searchlight, called the sperry light, shot across the bay, and when george fell, a great chorus of steam-whistles started their warning signals to ferryboats and other ships that were still passing back and forth. george felt himself going down, down into the water, but it was not as cold as he feared it might be. he soon bobbed up on the surface, and no sooner had his head appeared in the great flashing pathway of light shed on the bay, than a submarine shot past and a long arm lifted him out of the water and dragged him into the hold. down went the submarine, and george rubbed the salt water from his eyes to find himself a prisoner of some fierce-looking german pirates. they taunted him at first, but when the captain came in from his private den, they were silenced. "who are you?" demanded the captain. "i am george washington, commander-in-chief of the american forces!" proudly replied george. "yah! such a fine prize ve never hoped to get in new york vaters. frents, ve sail home mit him to once, and present him to our kaiser!" gloated the captain, rubbing his hands together. immediately the men in the submarine went to work, and george felt the undersea craft fairly flying through the water. but they left him alone, never dreaming that he was a brave and determined fighter. when no one was looking, george crept over to the opening where the torpedoes were shoved in and launched. he had a desperate idea. he managed to swing a torpedo about and slide it in the tube. then he managed in some marvelous manner, to close the door of the tube, first seating himself astride the torpedo. he pulled with all his might on a cord that hung inside the tube, and simultaneously with the opening of the steel plate in front of the torpedo, the swift missile shot forth from the submarine. george had no idea where it might strike, but he clung like a leech to the slippery sides, as it flew through the green waters. so swiftly did it fly that george never had a good look at the shark that swam up eager to eat him. suddenly something deflected the torpedo, and it rose up on the surface and skimmed over the top of the waves. straight on for brooklyn heights the awful explosive went, and all george could see was general howe giving the sign to hang nathan hale to a telegraph pole, when the torpedo struck and blew all of long island into the air. george rose with it, and while he tried to catch his breath, the great american eagle flew over his head and stretched out a claw. he was firmly held in this clutch, and carried dangling over the east river and right up to the cupola of city hall, where the eagle had built a nest, all unknown to the citizens. george was just about to pat the eagle on the head, when the patriotic mayor climbed to the cupola and thanked the eagle for his services. then he turned to george: "i knew such a great general as washington could not be carried a prisoner to the kaiser. i have kept our great american eagle roosting in this cupola for just such emergencies. i knew there were black hands and dangerous spies in the city, but i never dreamed they would dare to make off with our washington! all of the loyal and patriotic american citizens of this city agreed with me, that new york needed the eagle here to keep trouble away, but who could tell to what lengths these bad men would go?--even so far as to kidnap our great and true washington. now that we have saved the city from the grasp of the enemy, who would have destroyed it utterly, i wish you would make a speech to the crowds waiting below in the park." george consented, and as he stood on the edge of the cupola, holding the mayor's hand on one side, and leaning gracefully on the american eagle as it stood beside him on the other side, the throngs of people cheered and cheered for the great general who blew up the british army on long island. just as george cleared his throat to address his countrymen something terrible happened, and george found himself rolling on the floor of the hotel parlor, where he had fallen from the couch. he sat up and rubbed his eyes and stared around to see if the patriotic mayor was safe and sound, and what had become of the american eagle, when the elders came into the room, laughing and talking. "why, george! you out of bed?" cried mrs. parke. "bed! why, i haven't had a second's time to think of bed! ever since those two masked rascals, who were enemies of the mayor, grabbed me, i've been in so much trouble that the american eagle had to save me!" exclaimed george, getting up from the floor and limping over to replace the woolworth souvenir on the table. "what _are_ you all laughing at, anyway?" cried george testily, as he limped into his room, wishing he had had time to speak that fine speech he had ready. chapter vii battle-grounds around philadelphia the next morning the ladies and children left new york for philadelphia, the home of the davises. on the journey there mrs. parke was begged for a story of the time when washington fought so hard to protect the city they were bound for. "after leaving brunswick, new jersey, when cornwallis appeared there, washington retreated, leaving twelve hundred men to protect princeton, and, with the rest of the army, proceeded to trenton, on the delaware. he collected and guarded all the boats on the river for seventy miles either side of philadelphia, then sending the sick over to the latter city, he followed with baggage and equipment. leaving the thousand men at princeton to keep up the appearance of resistance to the english army, he was about to move his main army, when he heard that cornwallis was planning to cut off his retreat across the delaware. hastily calling the men from princeton, he began a quick retreat, and managed to get all his men across the river and hold the boats on the philadelphia side, about the time the british army reached the river on the jersey side. "as no boats were to be had, the enemy could not cross, so the american army had a rest on the pennsylvania side. it was during this retreat from new jersey that washington heard of the capture of lee, at a tavern near baskingridge, where he had been sleeping some distance from his men. "when the british found they were cut off from pursuit of the american army, they fell to enjoying themselves in new jersey, while waiting for the ice to freeze solid on the river to enable them to cross to philadelphia. "but the hessians indulged in such open cruelty that many of the inhabitants changed from the proffered friendship to bitter enmity. "on receiving news of the different cantonments and numbers of the british troops, washington decided to make a bold effort to check their progress. "he formed his men into three divisions, purposing to attack the hessians, , strong, where they were posted at trenton; but in trying to cross the delaware, one division, under cadwallader, failed because of the tides and the piled-up ice on the jersey bank. "the second division was to cross at trenton ferry, but this also failed on account of the ice. the third, under command of washington himself, consisting of about , men, accomplished the passage with great difficulty. "had not the obstacles and weather prevented the other two divisions from joining washington in this fight, the result of this masterly stroke would have been to sweep the british from their holds on the delaware, and thus establish a firm foothold in new jersey. as it was, washington had to forbear a final battle, and remain satisfied with having won a partial victory. he re-crossed the river with his prisoners, six pieces of artillery, , stand of arms, and valuable military stores. "this victory revived the spirits of the army, and every spark of patriotism in the land was burning brightly, when washington again crossed the delaware with , men to recover as much as possible of the territory overrun by the british. "cornwallis was on the point of sailing for england, thinking the campaign ended for the winter season, when he was compelled to resume command of his forces. "battle between the two armies raged all day, and at dark the british, confident of victory the following morning, desisted. "during the night washington silently decamped, leaving fire burning and sentinels advanced, while small parties guarded the forts. by circuitous route, the americans approached princeton, where an engagement with the british took place at daybreak. "when the americans drove headlong on, the british took refuge in the college, but later surrendered to the americans. "on the coming of daylight, cornwallis discovered the flight of the american army, and soon afterward heard firing from the direction of princeton. he immediately understood the wise tactics of the american commander, and fearing for the safety of brunswick, where valuable magazines were collected, he advanced toward that place, and was close upon the rear of the american army before they could leave princeton. "now washington found himself in a perilous position. his men were exhausted from lack of food and rest for two days and nights; he was pursued by the enemy, very superior in forces, well clothed, fed and rested, who would overtake him before he could fulfil his plan to take brunswick. under these circumstances he abandoned the project, and took the road leading up the country to pluckimin, breaking down the bridges over millstone creek and other streams, and otherwise creating obstacles to the pursuit of the enemy; but cornwallis hastened to brunswick, where he found all plans had been perfected for the removal of the stores and defence of the place. "but now came the retribution for the british, who had afflicted the jerseymen on previous trips and stays. the people hung upon the steps of the retiring army and wreaked vengeance on the men whenever opportunity offered itself. "washington fell back on morristown, in the hills of new jersey, difficult of access, and from this point, where his winter quarters were made, he overran different sections of jersey, and by judicious movements, wrested from the british most of their conquests in the state. thus terminated the eventful campaign of . "the success of washington in the jerseys permitted congress to meet again in philadelphia in february, where they determined to interest foreign countries in their fight for liberty. "franklin and lee were sent to paris to enlist the help and sympathies of france, and thus it was that the valiant marquis de lafayette was destined to shed glory over the land of liberty. in the spring, he reached america and joined washington's army, with the rank of major-general. "another illustrious name that braced the muster-roll of the american warriors that year, was that of the gallant count pulaski, the courageous pole. "in august, after many encounters with the british at other places, washington moved his army. they marched through philadelphia down front street, and up chestnut street, proceeding by way of chester to wilmington. from that time on, for two weeks, washington thoroughly reconnoitered the country round about between philadelphia and the chesapeake. "general howe landed his british forces a few days' march from philadelphia, where he expected to gain the right of the american army. "after many engagements, the british army being very superior in numbers and equipment, washington was gradually forced to retreat, and howe took possession of philadelphia." mrs. parke suddenly concluded the story to the surprise of the audience, and george instantly said: "that isn't half of the story. you skipped a lot about the british before they could get in philadelphia, and you never said a word about the headquarters at brandywine, or the battle of brandywine!" "well, as you know it so well, why don't you tell it to us?" suggested mrs. parke. "i don't want to. we'd rather hear you tell it," replied george anxiously. "but i'm tired of telling it. let martha tell it." "oh, i only know about chew's house and red bank and some other places in new jersey that year," protested martha. "i know all about valley forge, and the dreadful time our army had that winter," remarked jack. "well, i thought it was time to ring for some light refreshments, as we will be in philadelphia in less than half an hour, and it will be past luncheon time when we arrive," hinted mrs. parke, who had other motives for not continuing the story of philadelphia. to this new arrangement the children immediately agreed, and the wars were forgotten in the far more interesting present campaign on luncheon. the small tables were brought in and opened before the travellers, to the great delight of george and martha, who had never lunched this way before, although jack and anne had spoken of it, when they travelled from philadelphia to washington. "i think we will each have a cup of consommé," said mrs. parke, reading from the small menu card. "that's plain soup!" scorned george. "i don't want it--do you?" asked martha, appealing to anne and jack. "we'd rather have something nicer," replied they. mrs. parke ignored these side murmurs and continued ordering. "then you can bring us some cold beef, bread and butter, cheese and crackers, and milk for the children. we ladies will have a cup of tea." "yas'sam!" replied the polite waiter, leaving the car. "but what are we going to eat? you never give us cheese at home!" cried martha in dismay. "you can have the consommé, crackers and milk. if you care to have a bit of cold beef, you may," replied mrs. parke. "but you didn't order any pie, or cake, or ice cream!" remonstrated george, almost speechless with surprise. "no, because they only have a buffet lunch, i find. they haven't any hot dishes, or desserts other than the kind ready-made by companies. as you know, i never care to have you eat pies or ice cream made in factories." that luncheon, so eagerly looked forward to when suggested, was a dreadful failure! only soup and plain crackers and milk that one could get at home any time for the asking! arriving in philadelphia, mrs. davis remarked as she noted the disappointed look of the children: "i know where there is a fine soda-fountain near here, and they serve the best ice cream!" said she. "oh, let's!" sighed martha. and mrs. parke, knowing opposition to be futile, followed after the eager group as they hurried to the corner drug store. a taxicab soon took them to the davises' house, where the children were engaged all afternoon, in visiting the entire house and trying out the toys in the playroom. as the two ladies sat in the upstairs sitting-room, mrs. davis said: "do tell me what caused you to suddenly change your mind about including the story of washington's campaign in and about philadelphia?" "why, i remembered that, with a story so fresh in their minds, they might try to play it out on the philadelphians. if you or i should happen to go shopping, or be invited out to tea, we might return to find washington's army charging on chestnut street, or retreating to the police-station!" mrs. parke laughingly answered her. "it will not need refreshed memories to bring about such battles. they are apt to open an active campaign without notice, at any time or place," laughed mrs. davis. "still, i think it wiser to save philadelphia's war troubles until we are safe back home on the estate," said mrs. parke. soon after this conversation, the ladies heard laughter and the patter of feet upstairs in the large playroom, and felt sure the four cousins were playing as other children did, with dolls and trains of cars, and rocking-horses and other numerous toys. but the uproar grew so loud that finally the two mothers went up to see what was going on. as usual, george was commander-in-chief of the army and jack was howe. martha was lafayette and anne was cornwallis. the dolls, tin soldiers, stuffed animals, and everything in the imitation of any living thing were arrayed in two lines, facing each other. george was furiously riding a rocking-horse, while waving a tin sword wildly about his head. howe stood on the window-seat issuing orders to his side. lafayette and cornwallis stood back of their lines, shooting peas at the helpless armies. for every tin soldier or saw-dust doll shot down, a great whoop of cheer came from the victorious side. when two victims, one on each side, fell at the same time, the yells were deafening. so enthused were the warriors that they failed to note the door opening a wee bit, so the ladies withdrew again, happy to find the children playing quietly (?) in the house. chapter viii a fight with the hessians "children, have you planned to do anything this morning?" asked mrs. davis, at breakfast the following morning after their arrival. "what did you expect to do?" countered george. "oh, nothing much, but it looks so much like rain, and the scotch mist is so heavy and cold, i thought you children could play upstairs this morning while aunty and i do some shopping downtown. we will be home for lunch and take you to a matinee if you will be good," promised mrs. davis. "cross your heart?" demanded jack, for matinees were rare treats, as mrs. davis thought children were better off at wholesome play in the fresh air, than sitting in a crowded theatre watching make-believe scenes on the stage. "yes, i'll take you to barnum's circus, showing this week in philadelphia." "oh, goody! goody! we'll be good, all right!" cried george. "indeed we will. if it clears off some we might play basket-ball out in the backyard, that's all," promised anne. so the ladies started downtown with assurances that the four cousins would be models of virtue and good behavior until noon when they would look for their reward. soon after they left, the mist lifted and the air grew warmer and pleasant. "it's kind of stuffy in the house, isn't it?" said jack, after a heated bout with george, where both wore boxing gloves, and the girls were umpires. "yes, let's go out and cool off," agreed george, mopping his face. "we can play out in the backyard, you know," suggested anne. "i'm so warm i don't want to play ball, but let's go out anyway," said george. so the four ran downstairs and out of the rear hall-door to the piazza that had steps leading down to the square of grass that was used for drying clothes. back of this plot was a small garden that was cultivated in the summer, but was now chiefly used for a basket-ball ground. the wash was out, so the grass-plot was impossible for the children, and they skirted the laundry and reached the barren garden. "what's on the other side of your high fence?" asked george, eyeing the six-foot boards that had nice cross-pieces at convenient distance from the ground to the top. "nothing, only a big vacant lot. father says the owners have had trouble over the title to it for so many years, that now they couldn't improve it even if they had the money left to do it on," said jack. "and every kind of youngster from down in those tenements comes up in that lot to play," added anne, with disgust. voices were now heard on the other side of the fence and george looked at his companions. "guess i'll climb up and sit on top and watch 'em." "so'll i! that won't do any harm, i guess," said jack. anne and martha watched their brothers climb up, and then following, they all sat on the smooth round top of the fence. some boys from the tenements were about to have a game of baseball. at first, they failed to see the four spectators sitting on the fence. when they did, however, their remarks were not flattering. "ha! see the sports up on the bleachers!" cried one. "come down and we'll show you how we bat!" called another, and at this his friends all jeered. jack wrinkled his nose and stuck his tongue in his cheek, making a wry face at the last speaker. that led to more remarks from the diamond, and more faces from all four perched on the fence; finally, at a taunting sneer from one of the team on the diamond, jack replied angrily. over at one side of this large vacant area was a depression that generally held muddy water from past rain storms. it seldom filtered into the earth, and the sun not reaching that side of the property, failed to dry it up. hence, the younger children from the tenements played in this large puddle, sailing boats, or throwing stones to watch the splash. as jack retorted, one of the boys standing near the puddle, stooped and flung a handful of dripping mud at the fence. it struck low, but george instantly shouted: "don't you do that again! it's against the law to throw things in city limits!" "ha! lot you know about law! why, sissy, we're a law by ourselves!" laughed one of the boys, going over to pick up a handful of the ooze. the rest of the gang instantly followed their leader, and before the four on the fence could imagine what would follow, the air was filled with flying mud-balls. some struck the fence, some flew over and spattered the clean white clothes, and some struck the four defiant citizens on the fence, although they ducked and dodged many of the missiles. "shall we jump down and let them laugh at us?" asked jack. "don't you dare! even if you do i won't!" cried anne, too furious to wonder what might be the result of this fracas. "i should say _double no_! for a dare, i'd jump over and fight them!" declared george. "wish we had our air-rifles!" said jack. "are they fighters? do they play fair?" asked george. "fight! like tigers, but they don't know what fairness means. the whole mob'd just as soon light on you if you went over as they would throw these mud-balls," sneered jack. "let's all four attack them!" ventured martha, who was as daring as george. "there are six of them--besides the mob that will run the minute they sniff a fight!" warned jack. "i've got it! let's jump down, run alongside the house by the areaway, and get out on the street. we can run around the corner and get to the empty lot from the street, then they will be taken by surprise and can't run away," suggested anne. "i wish to goodness we had two other friends," sighed jack, as the four dropped from the fence to the wild jeering of the six boys on the other side. "oh, jack! maybe bob and dick are home by this time. you know, when we went away, they were expected back from the country that saturday," said anne significantly. as the children ran across the garden they beheld with dismay that the lovely white clothes on the lines were now all bespattered with mud. this made them determined to mete out judgment. "coo-ooh! bo-ob!" shouted jack, as he stood under the neighboring dining-room window. "come ahead out, dick!" yelled anne, making a megaphone of her hands. two heads appeared at the side window almost immediately. "when did you get home?" called bob, raising the sash. "never mind that! hurry out--dick and you! big fight on," said jack hurriedly, running to the street. bob and dick needed no further incentives, but were soon with the other four children on the sidewalk. "where?" was all they said. "empty lot back of our house. those boys dirtied all of bridget's clean clothes and pelted us with mud too, besides insulting and doing lots of things to us!" said jack, while the six comrades, friends on the spot without introductions to the two southern cousins, ran around the corner of the street. when they reached the vacant lot, however, they hid back of the stone steps belonging to the adjoining house, and peeped about the corner to see what chances they had for a victory. to their delight they found that the two larger boys had been called away for some reason, and only four boys of their own size were left playing ball in a half-hearted way. "agh! dem sissies ain't fighters! i t'ought sure dey would come ober de fence and pitch in!" said one of the ball-players to his companions. "yeh! so'd i. ef bill and huck stayed here, we coul' have chased 'em over into their own yard and licked 'em!" said another. at this information, george exchanged glances with jack. "shall we warn them, or just fall in?" asked he. "did washington send a polite letter to howe or any of the british, when he started a fight?" was all jack replied. "here you, bob--you tackle that red-headed fellow. dick--you take care of the fat one. jack can fight the thin one and i'll take charge of that freckled scrawny one--i can fight better than any of you, i guess!" planned george hurriedly. "here! here, what about us two girls! can't we help?" cried martha, with deep grief at the turn events appeared to be taking. "sure! you watch and warn us, and if the other two fellows come back, you blow this whistle for help!" advised jack, handing his newly-acquired police-whistle to anne. before the four ball players could well understand who was rushing, or what the four boys were about, each one of the washington forces had picked his man and was already busy on the offensive. in a few moments, the ball players, termed by george the low-down hessians, recognized the two boys from the fence-top and with a yell of fury, pitched in to fight with all their strength. george bawled out orders for his companions to follow, and at every fresh attack upon the hessians, the four americans whooped and fell to with renewed lust of battle. martha and anne were deeply interested in hoping and watching for the hessians--those cruel heartless fellows, who had injured and destroyed the lives and properties of the american citizens at brunswick, princeton, and other jersey towns. it served them good and right to have washington's men flay the breath out of them. but the hessians were almost spent and ready to give up when cornwallis, in the form of two pals from the tenements, came along and seeing the battle, added reinforcements to their almost vanquished army. now washington was desperate. he and his men were out-numbered by the arrival of the new forces, who were fresh and somewhat larger than the rest of the hessians, and this meant watchful and wary war. but they had not counted on anne and martha. the moment the two reinforcements from the hessians arrived, martha cried: "come on, anne! let's throw mud at them!" mud-balls flew thick and fast for a time, and every one--americans as well as hessians--was blinded, choked, or spattered before anne remembered the whistle! neither jack nor she knew what would happen if it were used. they had heard, however, that in times of dire need help would come upon the blowing of a whistle. the whistle did bring help. but anne wished she had not used it when she saw a strange officer run across the street, and rush into the mob of boys where nothing but flying fists could be seen. the hessians were accustomed to being routed by the police, and instantly took to their heels, leaving the battle-field to the american forces. the officer thought the four remaining boys were also from the tenement district, as their clothes were torn and spattered with mud. he mustered them in a group, and was about to march them off to the station-house, when the fat laundress from the davises' house mounted a ladder she had placed against the fence, determined to investigate the cause of the mud which she had found all over her clean laundry. the policeman was a friend of bridget's, and she berated the "durty varmints," who ruined her week's washing. she shook two great fists at the four boys, but not until the two girls had explained, would they believe that the boys had been erstwhile clean, decent citizens fighting under washington's command. so the battle with the hessians ended, and the american troops had to retreat to their "fastnesses in the jersey hills." as the six warriors and the policeman walked up the street where the houses of the children stood, a taxicab pulled up alongside the curb and stopped before the davises' house. two ladies alighted, and one of them paid the chauffeur. as they turned to go up the steps of the house, the vanquished army met them. "well, mother, that was a great battle, and i'm sure those hessians will know better than to attack defenceless people again," bragged george, trying to see from a swollen eye. "not defenceless--but 'on-the-fence' americans," corrected jack, tittering. "oh, oh! are these our children?" wailed mrs. davis, backing away from the muddy, tattered group. "they says they are--and miss bridget--she oughter know when she sees 'em. she says dey are belongin' here, all right!" said the officer, grinning at their plight. "where did you find them, officer?" asked mrs. davis. "yander, on the nex' block! they were fighting with a lot of ruffians," said the officer, lifting his hat and preparing to leave. "oh, thank you so much for taking care of them! and do buy some candy for your children at home, officer!" said mrs. davis, handing the man a dollar. the children then proudly related the "battle of the hessians." the mothers, however, were not impressed, and soundly reproved them for their failure to keep the promise of good behavior. as they left the dining-room after lunch, mrs. parke remarked: "we secured tickets for the circus, but i don't see why we should take you performers when you manage to have all the circus you want without troubling us." "what do you suppose we hurried and bathed and combed our hair and dressed up for, if not for the circus this afternoon?" complained jack, thinking of all the wasted moments used to make his neck clean, and to brush down his unruly cow-licks. "surely you didn't expect to come into this dining-room covered with mud and rags, did you?" cried mrs. davis, aghast. "not exactly, but we didn't have to _waste_ so much soap and hot water, if we thought you were going to turn traitor. i'm not surprised washington had such a hard time in that war, when even his own relations went back on him--after he fought for the honor of his people the way he did!" grumbled george. "i'd just as soon be born a descendant of howe as to have folks misunderstand your americanism!" added jack. but this was too much for the mothers, who were daughters of the revolution, and although the connection between washington at princeton fighting the hessians seemed to have nothing in common with the boys of the tenement alleys, they felt the spirit of patriotism that had moved their army to enter the defence of the place. so, in spite of the dire need of punishment for four fighting americans, they were treated to the circus instead. and the event of the battle in the morning was quite erased from their minds when they came forth from that wonderful place, having feasted their eyes on animals, tricks, clowns too funny to describe, trapeze actors, acrobats, and too many things to remember all at once. chapter ix farewells to washington letters came from new york, stating that mr. parke and mr. davis would be in philadelphia the following day, so if the children had not yet visited various sights of historic interest, they would escort them about and give the ladies a rest. "now, i'll tell you, mother! it is my birthday, you see, the day after to-morrow, and you promised me a party this year. while father and uncle take us about, you and aunt kate can fix up a fine party at home. ask every one you know and let's play hallowe'en games, even if it is too soon," said jack coaxingly. "it would be nice to have that party while your cousins are here," admitted mrs. davis. "oh, aunty, you don't know what a good worker mother is when there's a party to be made ready!" exclaimed martha eagerly. "that settles it! aunty must work for the party," laughed mrs. davis. "we'll all work for it. you just tell us what to do, and see if we can't hustle!" bragged jack. "i suppose you will be glad to crack walnuts and shell them for cake, eh?" teased mrs. parke, who knew of her children's failing in that line of work. "try me!" laughed jack. so it was hastily decided to celebrate jack's birthday with a sort of hallowe'en party, although it was only the middle of october. and every one went to work on the plan for the celebration. about a dozen invitations were sent out, which, with the four cousins, would make sixteen guests for the party; this was said to be quite enough for a jolly time. then cakes, prizes and other things had to be prepared, and in the midst of the pleasant excitement the two fathers arrived. "seen all of philadelphia, i suppose," said mr. parke later in the evening. "nothing but the battle-field between the hessians and washingtons," said george. "now, what does that mean?" asked mr. davis. so the boys told about the fight, in terms to suit their patriotic sense of the affair, so that it did not appear to the men as having been just an ordinary brawl between two hostile factions, but that is what both the ladies persisted in calling it. the next day the two men escorted the four children as promised, mr. davis using the automobile for the trip. they visited the old state house, girard college, the custom house and subtreasury, and the new city hall, which had cost more than $ , , , and is one of the finest and largest of municipal buildings in the united states. the statue of william penn crowns the top of its dome. then, too, they saw the post office, built of granite, which, they were told, has no superior in postal buildings in the country. in the state house the four little patriots saw a large apartment on the first floor which the men said was independence hall. it was decorated with quaint carvings, and pictures of famous americans adorned its walls. many of the chairs used by the members of congress in still stood here to remind the children of that great event--the reading and signing of the declaration of independence, executed in this city. "now, children, let us go and see the famous liberty bell. after that we will visit the rooms where colonial relics are kept on exhibition," said mr. davis. the children looked well at the token of what the great revolution stood for, and having read the inscription and felt sorry for the crack in its side, they followed mr. parke to other sights. they drove to carpenters hall, the building where the first colonial congress met, the board that abetted washington in his endeavors for his country. then they saw the william penn dwelling, moved to fairmount park. they visited christ church, where washington worshipped when president. also old swedes church, which was a memento of the old days. then, among the modern places of interest, they took the children to masonic temple, because mr. davis was a free mason, and was very proud of the granite structure. then they drove past the academy of fine arts, containing the pioneer art collection of the united states, as the children did not particularly care to go in and examine the objects. they stopped for a short time in the academy of natural sciences, where the oldest and most extensive collection of natural history objects can be found. from there they passed the ridgway library, the united states naval asylum, and many other great and well-known buildings. in fairmount park they visited the memorial and horticultural halls, both being handsome souvenir buildings from the centennial exhibition of . "of course you two southerners know who first settled our fine city?" asked mr. davis, as they came from the museum and climbed into the automobile again. "why, i think benjamin franklin did, didn't he, jack?" said george, taken unawares. "no; william penn did. he located and planned the city, and also made it the chief city of his province of pennsylvania. he also settled the first order of 'friends' in this country, and because the name 'philadelphia' means 'brotherly love,' he called it that. in penn granted the town a charter, which constituted it a city with city privileges. "benjamin franklin, who lived in philadelphia during the greater part of the eighteenth century, planned many of its institutions, such as the fire department, libraries, parks, and other public places. as congress first met here, and continued to do so after the british evacuation, philadelphia became the seat of government from the year to . the united states mint was built and established here in ." on the homeward drive the children passed the oldest public library in the united states, founded by benjamin franklin, containing about , volumes. "to-morrow, if you like, we will drive you out to the suburbs of germantown, manayunk, and frankford, thence on to the places where you have heard of the battles washington fought with the british," promised mr. davis, as they reached the house and wearily climbed the front steps. but the party engaged so much attention that the trip to historic spots was almost forgotten in the flood of events which followed. every one invited came, of course, and besides bob and dick, the boys next door, there were other girls and boys of jack's age. as it was said to be a premature hallowe'en party, because the two cousins would soon be going home again, no one brought a birthday gift, as most of the guests had forgotten entirely that it was the date of jack's birthday. but he had received a gift from uncle parke that morning that fully recompensed him for the lack of any others. he found the small box at his breakfast plate held something that made a significant noise, as it regularly ticked away inside the paper wrapper and satin-cushioned case. "oh! i know what this is--right off without opening it!" cried jack, jumping up to run and throw his arms about his uncle. anne did not wait for him to finish his violent protestations of affection, but broke the string and tore away the paper. by this time jack was back at his chair to rescue the gift, and upon opening the spring lid, a boy's fine watch was displayed to his delighted eyes. it was then passed around and admired by every one, george handling it longingly, while mr. parke shook his head in a knowing manner. jack had other gifts, but the watch was the most treasured of all. what boy or girl does not worship his first watch, and find it necessary to consult the time every few minutes during the first days it is carried? that night the watch was much in evidence, and every one present had to hear it tick or handle it before full justice could be done to it. when the guests were assembled, they played different games, and for the diving contests, blindfolded games, and other guessing amusements, suitable prizes had been provided, which added greatly to the evening's enjoyment. then, just as the two men went out to the dining-room to light the pumpkin jack-o-lantern and put the finishing touches to the witches' cave, where mrs. parke sat, dressed like an old gray-haired sibyl, a fearful rattling sounded on the front windows. "some one's playing tick-tack!" cried jack excitedly. "but who can it be?--all the boys are here to-night!" said dick. bob and george hurried to open the front door to run out on the piazza and see if they could find the string that is used to fasten a nail or other metal object so it will strike the glass when drawn sharply by some one hiding across the street. but no sooner had they passed the threshold than a large bag of flour descended upon their innocent heads, breaking open and covering them with white, and causing them to choke and cough furiously. the other children had followed to the hall, and now seeing what had happened to the two scouts, they stood together, not daring to move nearer the door. jack and dick, believing the flour-bag trick to be one of mr. davis's practical jokes, rushed out to capture him, but both boys tripped over a string stretched across the steps and rolled down the four steps going to the street. at the same time, dreadful cabbages, tomatoes, and every other form of vegetable used for saluting unwelcome stage performers, were showered plentifully into the hallway and against the windows. "the hessians! the hessians!" yelled george, spluttering flour from his mouth to give the battle-cry of the washingtons. in another moment the american army was running in full pursuit of the enemy. the six boys who had not known of the party, but took this evening to show their attentions to the "american army," were out-numbered and quickly outdistanced. when jack and george, and their two boy neighbors, caught up with the rear guard of the hessians, they fell upon them with great gusto. the other six boys soon came up, and had not the old friendly officer hurried up to see what all the hullabaloo was about, the chances are the hessians would have been entirely destroyed and howe would have lost a signal battle. even as it was, the six hessians were carried from the field of battle with sore heads, black eyes, skinned shins and lame backs. "my! nothing like a little fight to give one an appetite, eh?" laughed jack, as he and his friends went back to the party. the boys were not much the worse for the scuffle; their hair was tousled, collars loosened, and ties hanging, but that was about all the damage done them. the witch in the cave, and the two gentlemen who offered to serve refreshments, had not heard a thing of the assault until martha ran into the dining-room with the news. "we licked the hessians! they got it this time!" without a second's hesitation (so certain were these parents of their children's tendencies), the fathers and mrs. parke rushed out to the hall to meet the victorious warriors returning from the scene of battle. although parents may try to dampen the ardor of youth from such warlike fun as battles and assaults on an enemy, still it was in the blood of these little washingtons, and would crop up when chance offered as naturally as general washington rode his white charger on to victory. the supper was greatly enjoyed, not only for the great plates of cake and deep cereal-bowls of ice cream that were passed and passed in endless procession, but for the realization also that one great battle had been won over the hessians without as much as bloodshed on the side of the americans. a few days after this party, the davises accompanied their relatives to the station, where the parkes boarded a train bound for washington. a few hours later they reached that fine city, and took a trolley about to leave for the nearest road that passed their country estate. late that same afternoon, as the travellers walked up the driveway, they spied jim and old mammy waiting with the baby on the front veranda, to welcome them. "oh, george! i almost forgot we had a baby at home during all the wonderful travels and sights we have had since leaving home almost ten days ago!" sighed martha, with compunction. "and just see how funny jim looks! why, he isn't half as big as i thought he was. jim, maybe we haven't a lot to tell you! oh, jim, _what a fight_ we gave those hessians when we drove them from philadelphia!" cried george, as he went running up the pathway. but mrs. parke had not forgotten she had a baby at home, as old mammy could testify, for long letters had reached her daily, advising and reminding her what to do for baby while she was away on this unusual visit. that dinner was a happy reunion; not only for mother and baby, but also for the faithful colored help. and what do you suppose jim did? george and martha were so eager to explain all about the historic sights and places they had visited, that they could not wait for the next morning, so jim was invited to sit at the table when fruit and nuts were served, and there he rolled his widened eyes dangerously backward when he heard about the battle with the hessians. "jim, that was a _real_ fight! not the make-believe kind we always play down here!" said martha impressively. "and, jim, you can believe those hessians knew _how_ to fight, too. but it took washington's army to lick them, didn't it, father?" gloated george, mentally patting himself on the back. "yes, and i remember the story of a great battle waged on brooklyn heights, when washington had to cross the east river in the fog. that scene will never be forgotten by many of the new yorkers who felt sure they had cornered the black hand and kidnappers of some very sweet little angels," remarked mr. parke. "father! who told you about it?" asked martha, who had felt quite sure that not one of the elders had discovered anything at all about that long-to-be-remembered escapade. "why, the american eagle whispered it in my ear when we came in from the theatre party that night!" teased mr. parke. then george had to tell jim all about that battle on the roof when they were dressed in the bellboys' uniforms. and jim sighed and sighed, and wondered why it was the lot of some folks to have all the joys of life, while others have bandy-legs and stay at home! ah, jim, such is life! i have never been able to explain the cause of such partiality, either. "oh, george, tell jim about your wonderful dream, when the germans captured you in the submarine and you escaped on the torpedo!" here was another marvelous tale for the most attentive of listeners, and jim's eyes opened again, wider and wider as george described his experience, and it lost nothing of its weirdness and wonder in the telling, either. then he stopped the story just as the american eagle dropped to let him slide off from the cupola, but failed to explain to jim that it was all a dream. "jim, do you know what saved george from bumping his head on the ground of city hall park that day?" asked mr. parke. "no, sah, ah don'. he diden bump, did he?" worried jim. "no, because we all came into the room in time to wake him out of his nightmare. he was on the floor, where he had rolled when he fell from the couch." jim pondered this information deeply, and that night in bed, as his mammy was turning over to see if it was daylight, he sat up and exclaimed: "why, mammy! dat mus' hab been a dream garge had!" then he cuddled down again and was fast asleep in another moment. "now, whad's dat chile talkin' uv in his sleep? he shore is a queer lil' honey-boy!" sighed mammy, finding she still had an hour before it was time to rise and get breakfast for the master. john came home from his visit to his great-aunt the day following the arrival of the parkes, and many new and exciting experiences had to be retold. john had some of his own that were quite as exciting in their way as the battle with the hessians, but he has to tell them in the next book of the little washingtons. mrs. parke wrote to thank mrs. davis for the lovely visit they all enjoyed in philadelphia, and at the last, she had a revelation. both ladies had wondered and wondered what caused the battle between washington's army and the hessians that day, and now that mrs. parke thought again over the event and retraced her steps mentally, she suddenly remembered the half-finished story told to the children on the cars from new york to philadelphia. they had heard enough of the warfare between the americans and british on the delaware, that they needed no more of a cue to start on. so she explained to her friend what had been the cause of the spirit of ' showing itself so powerfully in the four cousins that day the wash was covered with mud from the back lot. "and do you know, my dear, i am greatly relieved now, when i remember that the most dangerous period of george washington's career is over. from now on i shall only touch lightly on the battles he fought with the british, so that the children cannot try them out in real life. but it will be a satisfaction to have them play president and lady washington in the white house, and later, when washington returns to his farm to spend his days there, that will be very quiet, acceptable fun, i think." but mrs. parke forgot that her children, as well as john and jim, their playmates, were not of the kind that cared for quiet play. so she still had many experiences before her that resulted from the reading of george washington's life history. and naturally, the little washingtons had loads of fun in applying this history, as you will see when you read the next book of their doings, called "little washington at school." the end * * * * * the little washingtons series by lillian elizabeth roy for children to years this series presents early american history in a manner that impresses the young readers. george and martha washington parke, two young descendants of the famous general washington, follow in play, the life of the great american. the little washingtons their thrilling battles and expeditions generally end in "punishment" lessons read by mrs. parke from the "life of washington." the culprits listen intently, for this reading generally gives them new ideas for further games of indian warfare and colonists battles. the little washingtons' relatives the davis children visit the parke home and join zealously in the games of playing george washington. so zealously, in fact, that little jim almost loses his scalp. the little washingtons' travels the children wage a fierce battle upon the roof of a hotel in new york city. then, visiting the davis home in philadelphia, the patriotic washingtons vanquish the hessians on a battle-field in the empty lot back of the davis property. the little washingtons at school after the school-house battle the washingtons discover a band of gypsies camping near their homes and incidentally they recover a stolen horse which the gypsies had taken from a farmer. the little washingtons' holidays they spend a pleasant summer on adjoining farms in vermont. during a voyage they try to capture a "frigate" but little jim is caught and about to be punished by the captain when his confederates save him. the little washingtons; farmers nero, the donkey, had never heard of george washington, and so the game the children had planned after reading the story of the general's life on his farm turned out to be quite a different game altogether. * * * * * little journeys to happyland by david cory for children from to years. a new series of exciting adventures by the author of the little jack rabbit books. this series is unique in that it deals with unusual and exciting adventures on land and sea and in the air. the cruise of the noah's ark this is a good rainy day story. on just such a day mr. noah invites marjorie to go for a trip in noah's ark. she gets aboard just in time and away it floats out into the big wide world. the magic soap bubble the king of the gnomes has a magic pipe with which he blows a wonderful bubble and taking ed. with him they both have a delightful time in gnomeland. the iceberg express the mermaid's magic comb changes little mary louise into a mermaid. the polar bear porter on the iceberg express invites her to take a trip with him and away they go. the wind wagon little hero stepped aboard the wind wagon and started on a journey to many wonderful places and had a delightful time. the magic umbrella a little old man gave jimmy the magic umbrella which took him to happyland, where he had many adventures. * * * * * tuck-me-in tales (trademark registered) by arthur scott bailey author of the sleepy-time tales and slumber-town tales a delightful and unusual series of bird and insect stories for boys and girls from three to eight years old, or thereabouts. the tale of jolly robin the tale of old mr. crow the tale of solomon owl the tale of jasper jay the tale of rusty wren the tale of daddy long-legs the tale of kiddie katydid the tale of betsy butterfly the tale of buster bumblebee the tale of freddie firefly the tale of bobbie bobolink the tale of chirpy cricket the tale of mrs. ladybug the tale of reddy woodpecker the tale of grandma goose proofreading team. a compilation of the messages and papers of the presidents by james d. richardson a representative from the state of tennessee volume i prefatory note in compliance with the authorization of the joint committee on printing, i have undertaken this compilation. the messages of the several presidents of the united states--annual, veto, and special--are among the most interesting, instructive, and valuable contributions to the public literature of our republic. they discuss from the loftiest standpoint nearly all the great questions of national policy and many subjects of minor interest which have engaged the attention of the people from the beginning of our history, and so constitute important and often vital links in their progressive development. the proclamations, also, contain matter and sentiment no less elevating, interesting, and important. they inspire to the highest and most exalted degree the patriotic fervor and love of country in the hearts of the people. it is believed that legislators and other public men, students of our national history, and many others will hail with satisfaction the compilation and publication of these messages and proclamations in such compact form as will render them easily accessible and of ready reference. the work can not fail to be exceedingly convenient and useful to all who have occasion to consult these documents. the government has never heretofore authorized a like publication. in executing the commission with which i have been charged i have sought to bring together in the several volumes of the series all presidential proclamations, addresses, messages, and communications to congress excepting those nominating persons to office and those which simply transmit treaties, and reports of heads of departments which contain no recommendation from the executive. the utmost effort has been made to render the compilation accurate and exhaustive. although not required by the terms of the resolution authorizing the compilation, it has been deemed wise and wholly consistent with its purpose to incorporate in the first volume authentic copies of the declaration of independence, the articles of confederation, and the constitution of the united states, together with steel engravings of the capitol, the executive mansion, and of the historical painting the "signing of the declaration of independence." steel portraits of the presidents will be inserted each in its appropriate place. the compilation has not been brought even to its present stage without much labor and close application, and the end is far from view; but if it shall prove satisfactory to congress and the country, i will feel compensated for my time and effort. james d. richardson. washington, d.c., _february , _. declaration of independence july , declaration of independence note.--the words "declaration of independence" do not appear on the original. in congress, july , . the unanimous declaration of the thirteen united states of america, when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's god entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.--we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.--that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,--that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. but when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.--such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. the history of the present king of great britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.--he has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.--he has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.--he has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.--he has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.--he has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.--he has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.--he has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.--he has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.--he has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.--he has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.--he has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.--he has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.--he has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:--for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:--for protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:--for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:--for imposing taxes on us without our consent:--for depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:--for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:--for abolishing the free system of english laws in a neighbouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:--for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:--for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.--he has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.--he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.--he is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.--he has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.--he has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. in every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. a prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. nor have we been wanting in attentions to our brittish brethren. we have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. we have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. we have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence they too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. we must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.-- we, therefore, the representatives of the united states of america, in general congress, assembled, appealing to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the british crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of great britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.--and for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. john hancock josiah bartlett w'm whipple sam'l. adams john adams rob't. treat paine elbridge gerry step. hopkins william ellery roger sherman sam'el huntington w'm williams oliver wolcott matthew thornton w'm floyd phil. livingston fran's lewis lewis morris rich'd stockton jn'o. witherspoon fra's. hopkinson john hart abra clark rob't. morris benjamin rush benj'a. franklin john morton geo clymer ja's. smith. geo. taylor james wilson geo. ross caesar rodney geo read tho m'kean samuel chase w'm. paca tho's. stone charles carroll of carrollton george wythe richard henry lee. th. jefferson benj'a. harrison tho's. nelson jr. francis lightfoot lee carter braxton w'm. hooper joseph hewes. john penn edward rutledge. tho's. heyward jun'r. thomas lynch jun'r. arthur middleton button gwinnett lyman hall geo walton. * * * * * articles of confederation articles of confederation note.--the original is indorsed: act of confederation of the united states of america. to all to whom these presents shall come, we the undersigned delegates of the states affixed to our names send greeting. whereas the delegates of the united states of america in congress assembled did on the fifteenth day of november in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy seven, and in the second year of the independence of america agree to certain articles of confederation and perpetual union between the states of newhampshire, massachusetts-bay, rhodeisland and providence plantations, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north-carolina, south-carolina and georgia in the words following, viz. "articles of confederation and perpetual union between the states of newhampshire, massachusetts-bay, rhodeisland and providence plantations, connecticut, new-york, new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north-carolina, south-carolina and georgia." article i. the stile of this confederacy shall be "the united states of america." article ii. each state retains its sovereignty, freedom an independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the united states, in congress assembled. article iii. the said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatsoever. article iv. the better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state, to any other state of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the united states, or either of them. if any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the united states, he shall upon demand of the governor or executive power, of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. article v. for the more convenient management of the general interests of the united states, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in congress on the first monday in november, in every year, with a power reserved to each state, to recal its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. no state shall be represented in congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the united states, for which he, or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind. each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of the states. in determining questions in the united states, in congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. freedom of speech and debate in congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court, or place out of congress, and the members of congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. article vi. no state without the consent of the united states in congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conferrence, agreement, alliance or treaty with any king prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the united states, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince or foreign state; nor shall the united states in congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. no two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the united states in congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. no state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the united states in congress assembled, with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by congress, to the courts of france and spain. no vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any state, except such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the united states in congress assembled, for the defence of such state, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only, as in the judgment of the united states, in congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage. no state shall engage in any war without the consent of the united states in congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of indians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the united states in congress assembled can be consulted: nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the united states in congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the united states in congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the united states in congress assembled shall determine otherwise. article vii. when land-forces are raised by any state for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appointment. article viii. all charges of war, and all other expences that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the united states in congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the united states in congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. the taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several states within the time agreed upon by the united states in congress assembled. article ix. the united states in congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article--of sending and receiving ambassadors--entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever--of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the united states shall be divided or appropriated.--of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace--appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, provided that no member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. the united states in congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another shall present a petition to congress, stating the matter in question and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, congress shall name three persons out of each of the united states, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names as congress shall direct, shall in the presence of congress be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without shewing reasons, which congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state, and the secretary of congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be appointed, in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to congress, and lodged among the acts of congress for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath to be administred by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the state, where the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favour, affection or hope of reward:" provided also that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the united states. all controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall on the petition of either party to the congress of the united states, be finally determined as near as may be in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different states. the united states in congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states--fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the united states.--regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the indians, not members of any of the states, provided that the legislative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated--establishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another, throughout all the united states, and exacting such postage on the papers passing thro' the same as may be requisite to defray the expences of the said office--appointing all officers of the land forces, in the service of the united states, excepting regimental officers.--appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the united states--making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. the united states in congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of congress, to be denominated "a committee of the states," and to consist of one delegate from each state; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the united states under their direction--to appoint one of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the united states, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expences--to borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of the united states, transmitting every half year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted,--to build and equip a navy--to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men and cloath, arm and equip them in a soldier like manner, at the expence of the united states, and the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states in congress assembled: but if the united states in congress assembled shall, on consideration of circumstances judge proper that any state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, cloathed, armed and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise officer, cloath, arm and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. and the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states in congress assembled. the united states in congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expences necessary for the defence and welfare of the united states, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the united states, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same: nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the united states in congress assembled. the congress of the united states shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the united states, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military operations, as in their judgment require secresy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any question shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states. article x. the committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be authorised to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers of congress as the united states in congress assembled, by the consent of nine states, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine states in the congress of the united states assembled is requisite. article xi. canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the united states, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this union: but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states. article xii. all bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed and debts contracted by, or under the authority of congress, before the assembling of the united states, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the united states, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said united states, and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. article xiii. every state shall abide by the determinations of the united states in congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. and the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the united states, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state. and whereas it hath pleased the great governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union. know ye that we the under-signed delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained: and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the united states in congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said confederation are submitted to them. and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent, and that the union shall be perpetual. in witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in congress. done at philadelphia in the state of pennsylvania the ninth day of july in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of america. on the part & behalf of the state of new hampshire josiah bartlett, john wentworth jun'r. august th on the part and behalf of the state of massachusetts bay john hancock, samuel adams, elbridge gerry, francis dana, james lovell, samuel holten on the part and behalf of the state of rhode-island and providence plantations william ellary, henry marchant, john collins on the part and behalf of the state of connecticut roger sherman, samuel huntington, oliver wolcott, titus hosmer, andrew adams on the part and behalf of the state of new york ja's. duane, fra's. lewis, w'm duer., gouv morris on the part and in behalf of the state of new jersey. nov'r. , -- jno. witherspoon, nathl. scudder on the part and behalf of the state of pennsylvania rob't. morris, daniel roberdeau, jon'a. bayard smith., william clingan, joseph reed d july on the part & behalf of the state of delaware tho mckean feby , john dickinson may th , nicholas van dyke on the part and behalf of the state of maryland john hanson march , daniel carroll d'o on the part and behalf of the state of virginia richard henry lee, john banister, thomas adams, jn'o. harvie, francis lightfoot lee on the part and behalf of the state of n'o carolina john penn july st , corn's harnett, jn'o. williams on the part & behalf of the state of south-carolina henry laurens., william henry drayton, jn'o. mathews, rich'd. hutson., tho's. heyward jun'r on the part & behalf of the state of georgia jn'o. walton th july , elw'd. telfair., edw'd. langworthy. * * * * * the constitution the constitution note.--the words "the constitution" do not appear on the original. we the people of the united states, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the united states of america. article . section. . all legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a congress of the united states, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives. section. . the house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. no person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five years, and been seven years a citizen of the united states, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. the actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the united states, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of new hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, massachusetts eight, rhode-island and providence plantations one, connecticut five, new-york six, new jersey four, pennsylvania eight, delaware one, maryland six, virginia ten, north carolina five, south carolina five, and georgia three. when vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. the house of representatives shall chuse their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. section. . the senate of the united states shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have one vote. immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. the seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. no person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the united states, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. the vice president of the united states shall be president of the senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. the senate shall chuse their other officers, and also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the vice president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the united states. the senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. when sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. when the president of the united states is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the united states: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. section. . the times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing senators. the congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first monday in december, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. section. . each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each house may provide. each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. neither house, during the session of congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. section. . the senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the united states. they shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. no senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the united states which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no person holding any office under the united states, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office. section. . all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the united states; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. if after such reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that house, it shall become a law. but in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. if any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the united states; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the senate and house of representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. section. . the congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the united states; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the united states; to borrow money on the credit of the united states; to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the indian tribes; to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the united states; to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the united states; to establish post offices and post roads; to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries; to constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court; to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations; to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water; to raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years; to provide and maintain a navy; to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces; to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions; to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the united states, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress; to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of the government of the united states, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings;--and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the united states, or in any department or officer thereof. section. . the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. no capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. no title of nobility shall be granted by the united states: and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. section. . no state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. no state shall, without the consent of [the] congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the united states; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and controul of [the] congress. no state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. article ii. section. . the executive power shall be vested in a president of the united states of america. he shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the vice president, chosen for the same term, be elected, as follows each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the congress: but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the united states, shall be appointed an elector. the electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. and they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the united states, directed to the president of the senate. the president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. the person having the greatest number of votes shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives shall immediately chuse by ballot one of them for president; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house shall in like manner chuse the president. but in chusing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. in every case, after the choice of the president, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the vice president. but if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall chuse from them by ballot the vice president. the congress may determine the time of chusing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the united states. no person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the united states, at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the united states. in case of the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice president, and the congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the president and vice president, declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a president shall be elected. the president shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the united states, or any of them. before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation:--"i do solemnly swear (or affirm) that i will faithfully execute the office of president of the united states, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the united states." section. . the president shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the united states, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the united states; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the united states, except in cases of impeachment. he shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the united states, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law: but the congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. the president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. section. . he shall from time to time give to the congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the united states. section. . the president, vice president and all civil officers of the united states, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. article iii. section. . the judicial power of the united states, shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. the judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. section. . the judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the united states, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority;--to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;--to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction;--to controversies to which the united states shall be a party;--to controversies between two or more states;--between a state and citizens of another state;--between citizens of different states,--between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects. in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. in all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the congress shall make. the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the congress may by law have directed. section. . treason against the united states, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. no person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. the congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. article. iv. section. . full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. and the congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. section. . the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. a person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due. section. . new states may be admitted by the congress into this union; but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the congress. the congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the united states; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the united states, or of any particular state. section. . the united states shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. article. v. the congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of it's equal suffrage in the senate. article. vi. all debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the united states under this constitution, as under the confederation. this constitution, and the laws of the united states which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the united states, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. the senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the united states and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the united states. article. vii. the ratification of the conventions of nine states, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same. [sidenote: the word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth lines of the first page, the word "thirty" being partly written on an erazure in the fifteenth line of the first page, the words "is tried" being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third lines of the first page and the word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth lines of the second page.--attest william jackson secretary] done in convention by the unanimous consent of the states present the seventeenth day of september in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven and of the independance of the united states of america the twelfth in witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names, george washington--presidt. and deputy from virginia. new hampshire: john langdon, nicholas gilman. massachusetts: nathaniel gorham, rufus king. connecticut: w'm sam'l johnson, roger sherman. new york: alexander hamilton. new jersey: wil. livingston, david brearley, w'm paterson, jona. dayton. pensylvania: b franklin, thomas mifflin, robt. morris, geo. clymer, tho's fitzsimons, jared ingersoll, james wilson, gouv morris. delaware: geo. read, gunning bedford jun, john dickinson, richard bassett, jaco. broom. maryland: james mchenry, dan of st tho's jenifer, dan'l carroll. virginia: john blair--, james madison jr. north carolina: w'm blount, rich'd dobbs spaight, hu williamson. south carolina: j. rutledge, charles cotesworth pinckney, charles pinckney, pierce butler. georgia: william few, abr baldwin. in convention monday september th . present the states of new hampshire, massachusetts, connecticut, mr hamilton from new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, south carolina and georgia. that the preceding constitution be laid before the united states in congress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this convention, that it should afterwards be submitted to a convention of delegates, chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification; and that each convention assenting to, and ratifying the same, should give notice thereof to the united states in congress assembled. resolved, that it is the opinion of this convention, that as soon as the conventions of nine states shall have ratified this constitution, the united states in congress assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the states which shall have ratified the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the president, and the time and place for commencing proceedings under this constitution. that after such publication the electors should be appointed, and the senators and representatives elected: that the electors should meet on the day fixed for the election of the president, and should transmit their votes certified, signed, sealed and directed, as the constitution requires, to the secretary of the united states in congress assembled, that the senators and representatives should convene at the time and place assigned; that the senators should appoint a president of the senate, for the sole purpose of receiving, opening and counting the votes for president; and, that after he shall be chosen, the congress, together with the president, should, without delay, proceed to execute this constitution. by the unanimous order of the convention george washington. presid't w. jackson secretary. articles in addition to, and amendment of the constitution of the united states of america, proposed by congress, and ratified by the legislatures of the several states, pursuant to the fifth article of the original constitution. [article i.] congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. [article ii.] a well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. [article iii.] no soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. [article iv.] the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. [article v.] no person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. [article vi.] in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. [article vii.] in suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the united states, than according to the rules of the common law. [article viii.] excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. [article ix.] the enumeration in the constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. [article x.] the powers not delegated to the united states by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. [article xi.] the judicial power of the united states shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the united states by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. [article xii.] the electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-president, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as president, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the united states, directed to the president of the senate;--the president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;--the person having the greatest number of votes for president, shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as president, the house of representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. but in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. and if the house of representatives shall not choose a president whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of march next following, then the vice-president shall act as president, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the president.--the person having the greatest number of votes as vice-president, shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the senate shall choose the vice-president; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. but no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the united states. article xiii. section . neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the united states, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. section. . congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. article xiv. section . all persons born or naturalized in the united states, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the united states and of the state wherein they reside. no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the united states; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. section . representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding indians not taxed. but when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for president and vice president of the united states, representatives in congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the united states, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state. section . no person shall be a senator or representative in congress, or elector of president and vice president, or hold any office, civil or military, under the united states, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of congress, or as an officer of the united states, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the constitution of the united states, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. but congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability. section . the validity of the public debt of the united states, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. but neither the united states nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the united states, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. section . the congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. article xv. section . the right of citizens of the united states to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the united states or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude-- section . the congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation-- * * * * * george washington april , , to march , george washington george washington was born at bridges creek, on the potomac river, in westmoreland county, va., on the d day of february (or th, old style), . augustine washington, his father, was a son of lawrence washington, whose father, john washington, came to virginia from england in , and settled at bridges creek. augustine washington died in , leaving several children, george being the eldest by his second wife, mary ball. at the early age of years he was appointed adjutant-general of one of the districts of virginia, with the rank of major. in november, , he was sent by lieutenant-governor dinwiddie, of virginia, to visit the french army in the ohio valley on important business. war followed, and in he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and engaged in the war. in he acted as aid-de-camp to general braddock. soon after this he was appointed by the legislature commander in chief of all the forces of the colony, and for three years devoted himself to recruiting and organizing troops for her defense. in he commanded a successful expedition to fort du quesne. he then left the army, and was married to mrs. martha custis, a widow lady of virginia. for sixteen years he resided at mount vernon, occasionally acting as a magistrate or as a member of the legislature. he was a delegate to the williamsburg convention, august, , which resolved that taxation and representation were inseparable. in he was sent to the continental congress as a delegate from virginia. the following year he was unanimously chosen commander in chief, and assumed the command of the continental army july , . he commanded the armies throughout the war for independence. at the close he resigned his commission, december , , and retired to private life. he was a delegate to, and president of, the national convention which met in philadelphia, pa., in may, , and adopted a new constitution, that greatly increased the power of the federal government. he was unanimously elected the first president of the united states, and was inaugurated on the th of april, , in new york city, and at the end of his first term was unanimously reelected. he retired march , , having declined a third term. in september, , he issued his farewell address to the people. july , , he was again appointed to the command of the armies of the united states, with the rank of lieutenant-general. he was a freemason, and served as master of his lodge. he died at mount vernon, va., after a short illness, december , , and was buried there. proceedings initiatory to the first presidential inauguration. [from the washington papers (executive proceedings, vol. ), department of state.] charles thomson, esq., secretary of the late congress, being appointed by the senate of the united states to carry to general washington the official information of his unanimous election to the office of president of the united states of america, arrived at mount vernon on the th day of april, a.d. , when he communicated to general washington the purport of his mission in the following words: sir: the president of the senate chosen for the special purpose, having opened and counted the votes of the electors in presence of the senate and house of representatives, i was honored with the commands of the senate to wait upon your excellency with the information of your being elected to the office of president of the united states of america. this commission was intrusted to me on account of my having been long in the confidence of the late congress, and charged with the duties of one of the principal civil departments of government. i have now, sir, to inform you that the proofs you have given of your patriotism, and of your readiness to sacrifice domestic ease and private enjoyments to preserve the happiness of your country, did not permit the two houses to harbor a doubt of your undertaking this great and important office, to which you are called, not only by the unanimous vote of the electors, but by the voice of america. i have it, therefore, in command to accompany you to new york, where the senate and house of representatives are convened for the dispatch of public business. to which general washington replied: sir: i have been accustomed to pay so much respect to the opinion of my fellow-citizens that the knowledge of their having given their unanimous suffrages in my favor scarcely leaves me the alternative for an option. i can not, i believe, give a greater evidence of my sensibility of the honor which they have done me than by accepting the appointment. i am so much affected by this fresh proof of my country's esteem and confidence that silence can best explain my gratitude. while i realize the arduous nature of the task which is imposed upon me, and feel my own inability to perform it, i wish, however, that there may not be reason for regretting the choice, for, indeed, all i can promise is only to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal. upon considering how long time some of the gentlemen of both houses of congress have been at new york, how anxiously desirous they must be to proceed to business, and how deeply the public mind appears to be impressed with the necessity of doing it speedily, i can not find myself at liberty to delay my journey. i shall therefore be in readiness to set out the day after to-morrow, and shall be happy in the pleasure of your company, for you will permit me to say that it is a peculiar gratification to have received the communication from you. official information of the election of the president of the united states, april , . be it known that the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america, being convened in the city and state of new york, this th day of april, a.d. , the underwritten, appointed president of the senate for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the votes of the electors, did, in the presence of the said senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates and count all the votes of the electors for a president and vice-president, by which it appears that his excellency george washington, esq., was unanimously elected, agreeably to the constitution, to the office of president of the said united states of america. in testimony whereof i have hereunto set my hand and seal. john langdon. mount vernon, _april , _. to the honorable john langdon, _president pro tempore of the senate of the united states_. sir: i had the honor to receive your official communication, by the hand of mr. secretary thomson, about o'clock this day. having concluded to obey the important and flattering call of my country, and having been impressed with an idea of the expediency of my being with congress at as early a period as possible, i propose to commence my journey on thursday morning, which will be the day after to-morrow. i have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem, sir, your most obedient servant, george washington. resolve of the senate of the united states respecting mr. osgood's preparing his house for the reception of the president of the united states. united states of america _in senate, april , _. the committee to whom it was referred to consider of and report to the house respecting the ceremonial of receiving the president, and to whom also was referred a letter from the chairman of a committee of the senate to the speaker, communicating an instruction from that house to a committee thereof to report if any and what arrangements are necessary for the reception of the vice-president, have agreed to the following report: that mr. osgood, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the president of congress, be requested to put the same and the furniture thereof in proper condition for the residence and use of the president of the united states, and otherwise, at the expense of the united states, to provide for his temporary accommodation. that it will be more eligible, in the first instance, that a committee of three members from the senate and five members from the house of representatives, to be appointed by the two houses respectively, attend to receive the president at such place as he shall embark from new jersey for this city, and conduct him without form to the house lately occupied by the president of congress, and at such time thereafter as the president shall signify it will be most convenient for him, he be formally received by both houses. read and accepted. in senate, _april , _. the senate proceeded by ballot to the choice of a committee, agreeably to the report of the committee of both houses agreed to the th instant, when the honorable mr. langdon, the honorable mr. carroll, and the honorable mr. johnson were chosen. a true copy from the journals of the senate. attest: sam. a. otis, _secretary_. resolve of the house of representatives of the united states respecting mr. osgood's preparing his house for the reception of the president of the united states. in the house of representatives of the united states _wednesday, april , _. mr. benson reported from the committee to whom it was referred to consider of and report to the house respecting the ceremonial of receiving the president, and to whom was also referred a letter from the chairman of a committee of the senate to the speaker, communicating an instruction from that house to a committee thereof to report if any and what arrangements are necessary for the reception of the vice-president, that the committee had, according to order, considered of the same, and had agreed to a report thereupon, which he delivered in at the clerk's table, and where the same was thrice read, and the question put thereupon agreed to by the house as followeth: that mr. osgood, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the president of congress, be requested to put the same and the furniture therein in proper order for the residence and use of the president of the united states, and otherwise, at the expense of the united states, to provide for his temporary accommodation. that it will be most eligible, in the first instance, that a committee of three members from the senate and five members from the house of representatives, to be appointed by the houses respectively, attend to receive the president at such place as he shall embark from new jersey for this city, and conduct him without form to the house lately occupied by the president of congress, and that at such time thereafter as the president shall signify it will be most convenient for him, he be formally received by both houses. extract from the journal. john beckley, _clerk_. resolve of the house of representatives respecting a committee to meet the president of the united states. in the house of representatives of the united states, _wednesday, april_ , _ _. _resolved_, that it will be most eligible, in the first instance, that a committee of three members from the senate and five members from the house of representatives, to be appointed by the houses respectively, attend to receive the president at such place as he shall embark from new jersey for this city, and conduct him without form to the house lately occupied by the president of congress, and that at such time thereafter as the president shall signify, he be formally received by both houses. thursday, _april , _. the committee elected on the part of this house, mr. boudinot, mr. bland, mr. tucker, mr. benson, and mr. lawrance. extract from the journal. john beckley, _clerk_. request of the committee appointed by congress to know when they should meet the president. the committee appointed in consequence of the resolutions of both houses of congress, and which accompany this note, most respectfully communicate their appointment to the president of the united states, with a request that he will please to have it signified to them when they shall attend, with a barge which has been prepared for that purpose, to receive him at elizabeth town, or at such other place as he shall choose to embark from new jersey for this city. new york, _april , _. john langdon. charges carroll, of carrollton. wm. samuel johnson. elias boudinot. theodorick bland. thos. tudr. tucker. egbt. benson. john lawrance. to the committee of congress respecting the time of the president meeting them at elizabeth town. philadelphia, _april , _. gentlemen: upon my arrival in this city i received your note, with the resolutions of the two houses which accompanied it, and in answer thereto beg leave to inform you that, knowing how anxious both houses must be to proceed to business, i shall continue my journey dispatch as possible. to-morrow evening i purpose to be at trenton, the night following at brunswick, and hope to have the pleasure of meeting you at elizabeth town point on thursday at o'clock. george washington. letter from the honorable elias boudinot. new york, _april , _. his excellency george washington, esq. sir: the committee have just received your excellency's letter of the th, and will be at elizabeth town on thursday morning. i must beg your excellency will alight at my house, where the committee will attend, and where it will give me (in a particular manner) the utmost pleasure to receive you. i have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, elias boudinot. letter from the honorable elias boudinot, april , . elizabeth town, _wednesday evening_. his excellency george washington, esq. sir: i have the honor of informing your excellency that the committees of both houses arrived here this afternoon, and will be ready to receive your excellency at my house as soon as you can arrive here to-morrow morning. if you, sir, will honor us with your company at breakfast, it will give us great pleasure. we shall wait your excellency's arrival in hopes of that gratification. you can have a room to dress in, if you should think it necessary, as convenient as you can have it in town. i have the honor to be your excellency's most obedient humble servant, elias boudinot. report of the committee of congress respecting the time of the inauguration of the president. in the house of representatives of the united states _saturday, april , _. mr. benson, from the committee appointed to consider of the time, place, and manner in which, and of the person by whom, the oath prescribed by the constitution shall be administered to the president of the united states, and to confer with a committee of the senate, appointed for the purpose, reported as followeth: that the president hath been pleased to signify to them that any time or place which both houses may think proper to appoint and any manner which shall appear most eligible to them will be convenient and acceptable to him. that requisite preparations can not probably be made before thursday next; that the president be on that day formally received in the senate chamber; that the representatives' chamber being capable of receiving the greater number of persons, that therefore the president do take the oath in that place and in the presence of both houses; that after the formal reception of the president in the senate chamber he be attended by both houses to the representatives' chamber, and that the oath be administered by the chancellor of this state. the committee further report it as their opinion that it will be proper that a committee of both houses be appointed to take order for further conducting the ceremonial. the said report was twice read, and on the question put thereupon was agreed to by the house. _ordered_, that mr. benson, mr. ames, and mr. carroll be a committee on the part of this house pursuant to the said report. extract from the journal. john beckley, _clerk_. report of the committee of congress to the senate respecting the time of the inauguration of the president. united states of america, _in senate_, _april , _. the committee appointed to consider of the time, place, and manner in which and of the person by whom the oath prescribed by the constitution shall be administered to the president of the united states, and to confer with a committee of the house appointed for that purpose, report: that the president hath been pleased to signify to them that any time or place which both houses may think proper to appoint and any manner which shall appear most eligible to them will be convenient and acceptable to him; that requisite preparations can not probably be made before thursday next; that the president be on that day formally received in the senate chamber by both houses; that the representatives' chamber being capable of receiving the greater number of persons, that therefore the president do take the oath in that place in presence of both houses; that after the formal reception of the president in the senate chamber he be attended by both houses to the representatives' chamber, and that the oath be administered by the chancellor of this state. the committee further report it as their opinion that it will be proper that a committee of both houses be appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial. read and accepted. and mr. lee, mr. izard, and mr. dalton, on the part of the senate, together with the committee that may be appointed on the part of the house, are empowered to take order for conducting the business. a true copy from the journals of senate. in senate, _april _, _ _ the committees appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception, etc., of the president report that it appears to them more eligible that the oath should be administered to the president in the outer gallery adjoining the senate chamber than in the representatives' chamber, and therefore submit to the respective houses the propriety of authorizing their committees to take order as to the place where the oath shall be administered to the president, the resolutions of saturday assigning the representatives' chamber as the place notwithstanding. read and accepted. a true copy from the journals of the senate. sam. a. otis, _secretary_. order for conducting the ceremonial for the inauguration of the president. the committees of both houses of congress appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial for the formal reception, etc., of the president of the united states on thursday next have agreed to the following order thereon, viz: that general webb, colonel smith, lieutenant-colonel fish, major franks, major l'enfant, major bleeker, and mr. john r. livingston be requested to serve as assistants on the occasion. that a chair be placed in the senate chamber for the president. that a chair be placed in the senate chamber for the vice-president, to the right of the president's chair, and that the senators take their seats on that side of the chamber on which the vice-president's chair shall be placed. that a chair be placed in the senate chamber for the speaker of the house of representatives, to the left of the president's chair, and that the representatives take their seats on that side of the chamber on which the speaker's chair shall be placed. that seats be provided in the senate chamber sufficient to accommodate the late president of congress, the governor of the western territory, the five persons being the heads of the great departments, the minister plenipotentiary of france, the encargado de negocios of spain, the chaplains of congress, the persons in the suite of the president, and also to accommodate the following public officers of the state, viz: the governor, lieutenant-governor, the chancellor, the chief justice of the supreme court and other judges thereof, and the mayor of the city. that one of the assistants wait on these gentlemen and inform them that seats are provided for their accommodation, and also to signify to them that no precedence of seats is intended, and that no salutation is expected from them on their entrance into or their departure from the senate chamber. that the members of both houses assemble in their respective chambers precisely at o'clock, and that the representatives, preceded by their speaker and attended by their clerk and other officers, proceed to the senate chamber, there to be received by the vice-president and senators rising. that the committees attend the president from his residence to the senate chamber, and that he be there received by the vice-president, the senators and representatives rising, and by the vice-president conducted to his chair. that after the president shall be seated in his chair and the vice-president, senators, and representatives shall be again seated, the vice-president shall announce to the president that the members of both houses will attend him to be present at his taking the oath of office required by the constitution. to the end that the oath of office may be administered to the president in the most public manner and that the greatest number of the people of the united states, and without distinction, may be witnesses to the solemnity, that therefore the oath be administered in the outer gallery adjoining to the senate chamber. that when the president shall proceed to the gallery to take the oath he be attended by the vice-president, and be followed by the chancellor of the state, and pass through the middle door; that the senators pass through the door on the right, and the representatives pass through the door on the left, and such of the persons who may have been admitted into the senate chamber and may be desirous to go into the gallery are then also to pass through the door on the right. that when the president shall have taken the oath and returned into the senate chamber, attended by the vice-president, and shall be seated in his chair, that senators and representatives also return into the senate chamber, and that the vice-president and they resume their respective seats. that when the president retire from the senate chamber he be conducted by the vice-president to the door, the members of both houses rising, and that he be there received by the committees and attended to his residence. that immediately as the president shall retire the representatives do also return from the senate chamber to their own. that it be intrusted to the assistants to take proper precautions for keeping the avenues to the hall open, and for that purpose they wait on his excellency the governor of this state, and in the name of the committees request his aid by an order or recommendation to the civil officers or militia of the city to attend and serve on the occasion as he shall judge most proper, resolve of the house of representatives upon the report of the committee respecting the inauguration of the president. in the house of representatives of the united states _monday, april , _. mr. benson, from the committee of both houses appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception of the president of the united states, reported as followeth: that it appears to the committee more eligible that the oath should be administered to the president in the outer gallery adjoining the senate chamber than in the representatives' chamber, and therefore submits to the respective houses the propriety of authorizing their committees to take order as to the place where the oath shall be administered to the president, the resolutions of saturday assigning the representatives' chamber as the place notwithstanding. the said report being twice read, _resolved_, that this house doth concur in the said report and authorize the committee to take order for the change of place thereby proposed. extract from the journal. john beckley, _clerk_. first inaugural address. in the city of new york. april , . _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the th day of the present month. on the one hand, i was summoned by my country, whose voice i can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which i had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. in this conflict of emotions all i dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. all i dare hope is that if, in executing this task, i have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. such being the impressions under which i have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that almighty being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the united states a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. in tendering this homage to the great author of every public and private good, i assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. no people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the united states. every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. these reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. you will join with me, i trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. by the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the president "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." the circumstances under which i now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. it will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. in these honorable qualifications i behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. i dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as _deeply_, as _finally_, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the american people. besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which i could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, i shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for i assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. to the foregoing observations i have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the house of representatives. it concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. when i was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which i contemplated my duty required that i should renounce every pecuniary compensation. from this resolution i have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, i must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which i am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, i shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race in humble supplication that, since he has been pleased to favor the american people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may be equally _conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. sir: we, the senate of the united states, return you our sincere thanks for your excellent speech delivered to both houses of congress, congratulate you on the complete organization of the federal government, and felicitate ourselves and our fellow-citizens on your elevation to the office of president, an office highly important by the powers constitutionally annexed to it and extremely honorable from the manner in which the appointment is made. the unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favor is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens of america, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit and their esteem. we are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have called you from a retreat chosen with the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years. we rejoice, and with us all america, that in obedience to the call of our common country you have returned once more to public life. in you all parties confide; in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be equaled by your future exertions, and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman will tend to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government and dignity and splendor to that country which your skill and valor as a soldier so eminently contributed to raise to independence and empire. when we contemplate the coincidence of circumstances and wonderful combination of causes which gradually prepared the people of this country for independence; when we contemplate the rise, progress, and termination of the late war, which gave them a name among the nations of the earth, we are with you unavoidably led to acknowledge and adore the great arbiter of the universe, by whom empires rise and fall. a review of the many signal instances of divine interposition in favor of this country claims our most pious gratitude; and permit us, sir, to observe that among the great events which have led to the formation and establishment of a federal government we esteem your acceptance of the office of president as one of the most propitious and important. in the execution of the trust reposed in us we shall endeavor to pursue that enlarged and liberal policy to which your speech so happily directs. we are conscious that the prosperity of each state is inseparably connected with the welfare of all, and that in promoting the latter we shall effectually advance the former. in full persuasion of this truth, it shall be our invariable aim to divest ourselves of local prejudices and attachments, and to view the great assemblage of communities and interests committed to our charge with an equal eye. we feel, sir, the force and acknowledge the justness of the observation that the foundation of our national policy should be laid in private morality. if individuals be not influenced by moral principles, it is in vain to look for public virtue. it is therefore the duty of legislators to enforce, both by precept and example, the utility as well as the necessity of a strict adherence to the rules of distributive justice. we beg you to be assured that the senate will at all times cheerfully cooperate in every measure which may strengthen the union, conduce to the happiness or secure and perpetuate the liberties of this great confederated republic. we commend you, sir, to the protection of almighty god, earnestly beseeching him long to preserve a life so valuable and dear to the people of the united states, and that your administration may be prosperous to the nation and glorious to yourself. may , . reply of the president. gentlemen: i thank you for your address, in which the most affectionate sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. the coincidence of circumstances which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assistance i may expect from counsels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my administration than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. i now feel myself inexpressibly happy in a belief that heaven, which has done so much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence before our political felicity shall have been completed, and in a conviction that the senate will at all times cooperate in every measure which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated republic. thus supported by a firm trust in the great arbiter of the universe, aided by the collected wisdom of the union, and imploring the divine benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, i readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting to make a nation happy. george washington. may , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the representatives of the people of the united states present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow-citizens have attested the preeminence of your merit. you have long held the first place in their esteem. you have often received tokens of their affection. you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. you enjoy the highest, because the truest, honor of being the first magistrate by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth. we well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons from the repose reserved for your declining years into public scenes, of which you had taken your leave forever. but the obedience was due to the occasion. it is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes you to your station. and we can not doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction with which an ardent love for your fellow-citizens must review successful efforts to promote their happiness. this anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of your signal services. it is particularly suggested by the pious impressions under which you commence your administration and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. we feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the invisible hand which has led the american people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit in a system of legislation founded on the principles of an honest policy and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism. the question arising out of the fifth article of the constitution will receive all the attention demanded by its importance, and will, we trust, be decided under the influence of all the considerations to which you allude. in forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard. your resolution, in a moment critical to the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many presages of your patriotic services which have been amply fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on yourself can not fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the luster, of a character which has so many titles to admiration. such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you. they flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that among the millions we represent there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them. all that remains is that we join in our fervent supplications for the blessings of heaven on our country, and that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens. may , . reply of the president. gentlemen: your very affectionate address produces emotions which i know not how to express. i feel that my past endeavors in the service of my country are far overpaid by its goodness, and i fear much that my future ones may not fulfill your kind anticipation. all that i can promise is that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. of this resource my heart assures me. for all beyond i rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom i am to cooperate and a continuance of the blessings of heaven on our beloved country. george washington. may , . special messages. new york, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: in pursuance of the order of the late congress, treaties between the united states and several nations of indians have been negotiated and signed. these treaties, with sundry papers respecting them, i now lay before you, for your consideration and advice, by the hands of general knox, under whose official superintendence the business was transacted, and who will be ready to communicate to you any information on such points as may appear to require it, george washington. new york, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: a convention between his most christian majesty and the united states, for the purposes of determining and fixing the functions and prerogatives of their respective consuls, vice-consuls, agents, and commissaries, was signed by their respective plenipotentiaries on the th of july, . it appearing to the late congress that certain alterations in that convention ought to be made, they instructed their minister at the court of france to endeavor to obtain them. it has accordingly been altered in several respects, and as amended was signed by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting powers on the th of november, . the sixteenth article provides that it shall be in force during the term of twelve years, to be counted from the day of the exchange _of ratifications, which shall be given in proper form_, and exchanged on both sides within the space of one year, or sooner if possible. i now lay before you the original by the hands of mr. jay for your consideration and advice. the papers relative to this negotiation are in his custody, and he has my orders to communicate to you whatever official papers and information on the subject he may possess and you may require. george washington. new york, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: mr. jefferson, the present minister of the united states at the court of france, having applied for permission to return home for a few months, and it appearing to me proper to comply with his request, it becomes necessary that some person be appointed _to take charge_ of our affairs at that court during his absence. for this purpose i nominate william short, esq., and request your advice on the propriety of appointing him. there are in the office for foreign affairs papers which will acquaint you with his character, and which mr. jay has my directions to lay before you at such time as you may think proper to assign. george washington. new york, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: my nomination of benjamin fishbourn for the place of naval officer of the port of savannah not having met with your concurrence, i now nominate lachlan mcintosh for that office. whatever may have been the reasons which induced your dissent, i am persuaded they were such as you deemed sufficient. permit me to submit to your consideration whether on occasions where the propriety of nominations appear questionable to you it would not be expedient to communicate that circumstance to me, and thereby avail yourselves of the information which led me to make them, and which i would with pleasure lay before you. probably my reasons for nominating mr. fishbourn may tend to show that such a mode of proceeding in such cases might be useful. i will therefore detail them. first. while colonel fishbourn was an officer in actual service and chiefly under my own eye, his conduct appeared to me irreproachable; nor did i ever hear anything injurious to his reputation as an officer or a gentleman. at the storm of stony point his behavior was represented to have been active and brave, and he was charged by his general to bring the account of that success to the headquarters of the army. secondly. since his residence in georgia he has been repeatedly elected to the assembly as a representative of the county of chatham, in which the port of savannah is situated, and sometimes of the counties of glynn and camden; he has been chosen a member of the executive council of the state and has lately been president of the same; he has been elected by the officers of the militia in the county of chatham lieutenant-colonel of the militia in that district, and on a very recent occasion, to wit, in the month of may last, he has been appointed by the council (on the suspension of the late collector) to an office in the port of savannah nearly similar to that for which i nominated him, which office he actually holds at this time. to these reasons for nominating mr. fishbourn i might add that i received private letters of recommendation and oral testimonials in his favor from some of the most respectable characters in that state; but as they were secondary considerations with me, i do not think it necessary to communicate them to you. it appeared, therefore, to me that mr. fishbourn must have enjoyed the _confidence_ of the militia officers in order to have been elected to a military rank; the _confidence_ of the freemen to have been elected to the assembly; the _confidence_ of the assembly to have been selected for the council, and the _confidence_ of the council to have been appointed collector of the port of savannah. george washington. new york, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the business which has hitherto been under the consideration of congress has been of so much importance that i was unwilling to draw their attention from it to any other subject; but the disputes which exist between some of the united states and several powerful tribes of indians within the limits of the union, and the hostilities which have in several instances been committed on the frontiers, seem to require the immediate interposition of the general government. i have therefore directed the several statements and papers which have been submitted to me on this subject by general knox to be laid before you for your information. while the measures of government ought to be calculated to protect its citizens from all injury and violence, a due regard should be extended to those indian tribes whose happiness in the course of events so materially depends on the national justice and humanity of the united states. if it should be the judgment of congress that it would be most expedient to terminate all differences in the southern district, and to lay the foundation for future confidence by an amicable treaty with the indian tribes in that quarter, i think proper to suggest the consideration of the expediency of instituting a temporary commission for that purpose, to consist of three persons, whose authority should expire with the occasion. how far such a measure, unassisted by posts, would be competent to the establishment and preservation of peace and tranquillity on the frontiers is also a matter which merits your serious consideration. along with this object i am induced to suggest another, with the national importance and necessity of which i am deeply impressed; i mean some uniform and effective system for the militia of the united states. it is unnecessary to offer arguments in recommendation of a measure on which the honor, safety, and well-being of our country so evidently and so essentially depend; but it may not be amiss to observe that i am particularly anxious it should receive as early attention as circumstances will admit, because it is now in our power to avail ourselves of the military knowledge disseminated throughout the several states by means of the many well-instructed officers and soldiers of the late army, a resource which is daily diminishing by death and other causes. to suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away unimproved would be to neglect an opportunity which will never again occur, unless, unfortunately, we should again be involved in a long and arduous war. george washington. new york, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i have directed a statement of the troops in the service of the united states to be laid before you for your information. these troops were raised by virtue of the resolves of congress of the th october, , and the d of october, , in order to protect the frontiers from the depredations of the hostile indians, to prevent all intrusions on the public lands, and to facilitate the surveying and selling of the same for the purpose of reducing the public debt. as these important objects continue to require the aid of the troops, it is necessary that the establishment thereof should in all respects be conformed by law to the constitution of the united states. george washington. new york, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_ in consequence of an act providing for the expenses which may attend negotiations or treaties with the indian tribes and the appointment of commissioners for managing the same, i nominate benjamin lincoln as one of three commissioners whom i shall propose to be employed to negotiate a treaty with the southern indians. my reason for nominating him at this early moment is that it will not be possible for the public to avail itself of his services on this occasion unless his appointment can be forwarded to him by the mail which will leave this place to-morrow morning. george washington. new york, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the president of the united states will meet the senate in the senate chamber at half past o'clock to-morrow, to advise with them on the terms of the treaty to be negotiated with the southern indians. george washington. september , . _gentlemen of the senate_: the governor of the western territory has made a statement to me of the reciprocal hostilities of the wabash indians and the people inhabiting the frontiers bordering on the river ohio, which i herewith lay before congress. the united states in congress assembled, by their acts of the st day of july, , and of the th august, , made a provisional arrangement for calling forth the militia of virginia and pennsylvania in the proportions therein specified. as the circumstances which occasioned the said arrangement continue nearly the same, i think proper to suggest to your consideration the expediency of making some temporary provision for calling forth the militia of the united states for the purposes stated in the constitution, which would embrace the cases apprehended by the governor of the western territory. george washington. september , . _gentlemen of the senate_: it doubtless is important that all treaties and compacts formed by the united states with other nations, whether civilized or not, should be made with caution and executed with fidelity. it is said to be the general understanding and practice of nations, as a check on the mistakes and indiscretions of ministers or commissioners, not to consider any treaty negotiated and signed by such officers as final and conclusive until ratified by the sovereign or government from whom they derive their powers. this practice has been adopted by the united states respecting their treaties with european nations, and i am inclined to think it would be advisable to observe it in the conduct of our treaties with the indians; for though such treaties, being on their part made by their chiefs or rulers, need not be ratified by them, yet, being formed on our part by the agency of subordinate officers, it seems to be both prudent and reasonable that their acts should not be binding on the nation until approved and ratified by the government. it strikes me that this point should be well considered and settled, so that our national proceedings in this respect may become uniform and be directed by fixed and stable principles. the treaties with certain indian nations, which were laid before you with my message of the th may last, suggested two questions to my mind, viz: first, whether those treaties were to be considered as perfected and consequently as obligatory without being ratified. if not, then secondly, whether both or either, and which, of them ought to be ratified. on these questions i request your opinion and advice. you have, indeed, advised me "_to execute and enjoin an observance of_" the treaty with the wyandottes, etc. you, gentlemen, doubtless intended to be clear and explicit, and yet, without further explanation, i fear i may misunderstand your meaning, for if by my _executing_ that treaty you mean that i should make it (in a more particular and immediate manner than it now is) the act of government, then it follows that i am to ratify it. if you mean by my _executing it_ that i am to see that it be carried into effect and operation, then i am led to conclude either that you consider it as being perfect and obligatory in its present state, and therefore to be executed and observed, or that you consider it as to derive its completion and obligation from the silent approbation and ratification which my proclamation may be construed to imply. although i am inclined to think that the latter is your intention, yet it certainly is best that all doubts respecting it be removed. permit me to observe that it will be proper for me to be informed of your sentiments relative to the treaty with the six nations previous to the departure of the governor of the western territory, and therefore i recommend it to your early consideration. george washington. united states, _september , _. _gentlemen of the senate:_ his most christian majesty, by a letter dated the th of june last, addressed to the president and members of the general congress of the united states of north america, announces the much lamented death of his son, the dauphin. the generous conduct of the french monarch and nation toward this country renders every event that may affect his or their prosperity interesting to us, and i shall take care to assure him of the sensibility with which the united states participate in the affliction which a loss so much to be regretted must have occasioned both to him and to them. george washington. united states, _september , _. _gentlemen of the senate:_ agreeably to the act of congress for adapting the establishment of the troops in public service to the constitution of the united states, i nominate the persons specified in the inclosed list to be the commissioned officers thereof. this nomination differs from the existing arrangement only in the following cases, to wit: lieutenant erkuries beatty, promoted to a vacant captaincy in the infantry; ensign edward spear, promoted to a vacant lieutenancy of artillery; jacob melcher, who has been serving as a volunteer, to be an ensign, vice benjamin lawrence, who was appointed nearly three years past and has never been mustered or joined the troops. it is to be observed that the order in which the captains and subalterns are named is not to affect their relative rank, which has been hitherto but imperfectly settled owing to the perplexity of promotions in the state quotas conformably to the late confederation. george washington. united states, _september , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: having been yesterday informed by a joint committee of both houses of congress that they had agreed to a recess to commence this day and to continue until the first monday of january next, i take the earliest opportunity of acquainting you that, considering how long and laborious this session has been and the reasons which i presume have produced this resolution, it does not appear to me expedient to recommend any measures to their consideration at present, or now to call your attention, gentlemen, to any of those matters in my department which require your advice and consent and yet remain to be dispatched. george washington. united states, _september , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives:_ having been yesterday informed by a joint committee of both houses of congress that they had agreed to a recess to commence this day and to continue until the first monday of january next, i take the earliest opportunity of acquainting you that, considering how long and laborious this session has been and the reasons which i presume have produced this resolution, it does not appear to me expedient to recommend any measures to their consideration at present. george washington. proclamation. a national thanksgiving. [from sparks's washington, vol. xii, p. .] whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of almighty god, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor; and whereas both houses of congress have, by their joint committee, requested me "to recommend to the people of the united states a day of public thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many and signal favors of almighty god, especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness:" now, therefore, i do recommend and assign thursday, the th day of november next, to be devoted by the people of these states to the service of that great and glorious being who is the beneficent author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may then all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks for his kind care and protection of the people of this country previous to their becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies and the favorable interpositions of his providence in the course and conclusion of the late war; for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty which we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national one now lately instituted; for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and, in general, for all the great and various favors which he has been pleased to confer upon us. and also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and supplications to the great lord and ruler of nations, and beseech him to pardon our national and other trangressions; to enable us all, whether in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative duties properly and punctually; to render our national government a blessing to all the people by constantly being a government of wise, just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed; to protect and guide all sovereigns and nations (especially such as have shown kindness to us), and to bless them with good governments, peace, and concord; to promote the knowledge and practice of true religion and virtue, and the increase of science among them and us; and, generally, to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as he alone knows to be best. given under my hand, at the city of new york, the d day of october, a.d. . george washington. first annual address. united states, _january , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and house of representatives_: i embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public affairs. the recent accession of the important state of north carolina to the constitution of the united states (of which official information has been received), the rising credit and respectability of our country, the general and increasing good will toward the government of the union, and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are blessed are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our national prosperity. in resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but derive encouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. still further to realize their expectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious providence has placed within our reach will in the course of the present important session call for the cool and, deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom. among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. to be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. a free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly military, supplies. the proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable will be entitled to mature consideration. in the arrangements which may be made respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy. there was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of indians would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations, but you will perceive from the information contained in the papers which i shall direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the commonwealth of virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the union, and, if necessary, to punish aggressors. the interests of the united states require that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the conduct of our foreign affairs. various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization. uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the united states is an object of great importance, and will, i am persuaded, be duly attended to. the advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper means will not, i trust, need recommendation; but i can not forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads. nor am i less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. in one in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours it is proportionably essential. to the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways--by convincing those who are intrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness--cherishing the first, avoiding the last--and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the resolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. in this sentiment i entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end i add an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the legislature. it would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the united states are so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively, such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state of the union which it is my duty to afford. the welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed, and i shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states. sir: we, the senate of the united states, return you our thanks for your speech delivered to both houses of congress. the accession of the state of north carolina to the constitution of the united states gives us much pleasure, and we offer you our congratulations on that event, which at the same time adds strength to our union and affords a proof that the more the constitution has been considered the more the goodness of it has appeared. the information which we have received, that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to our constituents as we had reason to expect from the difficulty of the work in which we were engaged, will afford us much consolation and encouragement in resuming our deliberations in the present session for the public good, and every exertion on our part shall be made to realize and secure to our country those blessings which a gracious providence has placed within her reach. we are persuaded that one of the most effectual means of preserving peace is to be prepared for war, and our attention shall be directed to the objects of common defense and to the adoption of such plans as shall appear the most likely to prevent our dependence on other countries for essential supplies. in the arrangements to be made respecting the establishment of such troops as may be deemed indispensable we shall with pleasure provide for the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers, with a due regard to economy. we regret that the pacific measures adopted by government with regard to certain hostile tribes of indians have not been attended with the beneficial effects toward the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers which we had reason to hope; and we shall cheerfully cooperate in providing the most effectual means for their protection, and, if necessary, for the punishment of aggressors. the uniformity of the currency and of weights and measures, the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad and the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, the facilitating the communication between the distant parts of our country by means of the post-office and post-roads, a provision for the support of the department of foreign affairs, and a uniform rule of naturalization, by which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens, are objects which shall receive such early attention as their respective importance requires. literature and science are essential to the preservation of a free constitution; the measures of government should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is due to that important truth. agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated republic, must be the frequent subject of our deliberation, and shall be advanced by all proper means in our power. public credit being an object of great importance, we shall cheerfully cooperate in all proper measures for its support. proper attention shall be given to such papers and estimates as you may be pleased to lay before us. our cares and efforts shall be directed to the welfare of our country, and we have the most perfect dependence upon your cooperating with us on all occasions in such measures as will insure to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government. january , . reply of the president. gentlemen: i thank you for your address, and for the assurances which it contains of attention to the several matters suggested by me to your consideration. relying on the continuance of your exertions for the public good, i anticipate for our country the salutary effects of upright and prudent counsels. george washington. january , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the representatives of the people of the united states have taken into consideration your speech to both houses of congress at the opening of the present session. we reciprocate your congratulations on the accession of the state of north carolina, an event which, while it is a testimony of the increasing good will toward the government of the union, can not fail to give additional dignity and strength to the american republic, already rising in the estimation of the world in national character and respectability. the information that our measures of the last session have not proved dissatisfactory to our constituents affords us much encouragement at this juncture, when we are resuming the arduous task of legislating for so extensive an empire. nothing can be more gratifying to the representatives of a free people than the reflection that their labors are rewarded by the approbation of their fellow-citizens. under this impression we shall make every exertion to realize their expectations, and to secure to them those blessings which providence has placed within their reach. still prompted by the same desire to promote their interests which then actuated us, we shall in the present session diligently and anxiously pursue those measures which shall appear to us conducive to that end. we concur with you in the sentiment that agriculture, commerce, and manufactures are entitled to legislative protection, and that the promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a free government; in the progress of our deliberations we shall not lose sight of objects so worthy of our regard. the various and weighty matters which you have judged necessary to recommend to our attention appear to us essential to the tranquillity and welfare of the union, and claim our early and most serious consideration. we shall proceed without delay to bestow on them that calm discussion which their importance requires. we regret that the pacific arrangements pursued with regard to certain hostile tribes of indians have not been attended with that success which we had reason to expect from them. we shall not hesitate to concur in such further measures as may best obviate any ill effects which might be apprehended from the failure of those negotiations. your approbation of the vote of this house at the last session respecting the provision for the public creditors is very acceptable to us. the proper mode of carrying that resolution into effect, being a subject in which the future character and happiness of these states are deeply involved, will be among the first to deserve our attention. the prosperity of the united states is the primary object of all our deliberations, and we cherish the reflection that every measure which we may adopt for its advancement will not only receive your cheerful concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your cooperation additional efficacy, in insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings of a free, efficient, and equal government. january , . reply of the president. gentlemen: i receive with pleasure the assurances you give me that you will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to you conducive to the interest of your constituents, and that an early and serious consideration will be given to the various and weighty matters recommended by me to your attention. i have full confidence that your deliberations will continue to be directed by an enlightened and virtuous zeal for the happiness of our country. george washington. january , . special messages. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: having advised with you upon the terms of a treaty to be offered to the creek nation of indians, i think it proper you should be informed of the result of that business previous to its coming before you in your legislative capacity. i have therefore directed the secretary for the department of war to lay before you my instructions to the commissioners and their report in consequence thereof. the apparently critical state of the southern frontier will render it expedient for me to communicate to both houses of congress, with other papers, the whole of the transactions relative to the creeks, in order that they may be enabled to form a judgment of the measures which the case may require, george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i have directed mr. lear, my private secretary, to lay before you a copy of the adoption and ratification of the constitution of the united states by the state of north carolina, together with a copy of a letter from his excellency samuel johnston, president of the convention of said state, to the president of the united states. the originals of the papers which are herewith transmitted to you will be lodged in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you a statement of the southwestern frontiers and of the indian department, which have been submitted to me by the secretary for the department of war. i conceive that an unreserved but confidential communication of all the papers relative to the recent negotiations with some of the southern tribes of indians is indispensably requisite for the information of congress. i am persuaded that they will effectually prevent either transcripts or publications of all such circumstances as might be injurious to the public interests, george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: the secretary for the department of war has submitted to me certain principles to serve as a plan for the general arrangement of the militia of the united states. conceiving the subject to be of the highest importance to the welfare of our country and liable to be placed in various points of view, i have directed him to lay the plan before congress for their information, in order that they may make such use thereof as they may judge proper. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have received from his excellency john e. howard, governor of the state of maryland, an act of the legislature of maryland to ratify certain articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution of the united states of america, proposed by congress to the legislatures of the several states, and have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the same before you, together with the copy of a letter, accompanying the above act, from his excellency the governor of maryland to the president of the united states. the originals will be deposited in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act of the legislature of rhode island and providence plantations entitled "an act for calling a convention to take into consideration the constitution proposed for the united states, passed on the th day of september, a.d. , by the general convention held at philadelphia," together with the copy of a letter, accompanying said act, from his excellency john collins, governor of the state of rhode island and providence plantations, to the president of the united states. the originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have received from his excellency alexander martin, governor of the state of north carolina, an act of the general assembly of that state entitled "an act for the purpose of ceding to the united states of america certain western lands therein described," and have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the same before you, together with a copy of a letter, accompanying said act, from his excellency governor martin to the president of the united states. the originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_ you will perceive from the papers herewith delivered, and which are enumerated in the annexed list, that a difference subsists between great britain and the united states relative to the boundary line between our eastern and their territories. a plan for deciding this difference was laid before the late congress, and whether that or some other plan of a like kind would not now be eligible is submitted to your consideration. in my opinion, it is desirable that all questions between this and other nations be speedily and amicably settled, and in this instance i think it advisable to postpone any negotiations on the subject until i shall be informed of the result of your deliberations and receive your advice as to the propositions most proper to be offered on the part of the united states. as i am taking measures for learning the intentions of great britain respecting the further detention of our posts, etc., i am the more solicitous that the business now submitted to you may be prepared for negotiation as soon as the other important affairs which engage your attention will permit. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of a vote of the legislature of the state of new hampshire, to accept the articles proposed in addition to and amendment of the constitution of the united states of america, except the second article. at the same time will be delivered to you the copy of a letter from his excellency the president of the state of new hampshire to the president of the united states. the originals of the above-mentioned vote and letter will be lodged in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: by the mail of last evening i received a letter from his excellency john hancock, governor of the commonwealth of massachusetts, inclosing a resolve of the senate and house of representatives of that commonwealth and sundry documents relative to the eastern boundary of the united states. i have directed a copy of the letter and resolve to be laid before you. the documents which accompanied them being but copies of some of the papers which were delivered to you with my communication of the th of this month, i have thought it unnecessary to lay them before you at this time. they will be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, together with the originals of the above-mentioned letters and resolve. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have received from his excellency joshua clayton, president of the state of delaware, the articles proposed by congress to the legislatures of the several states as amendments to the constitution of the united states, which articles were transmitted to him for the consideration of the legislature of delaware, and are now returned with the following resolutions annexed to them, viz: the general assembly of delaware having taken into their consideration the above amendments, proposed by congress to the respective legislatures of the several states, _resolved_, that the first article be postponed; _resolved_, that the general assembly do agree to the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth articles, and we do hereby assent to, ratify, and confirm the same as part of the constitution of the united states. in testimony whereof we have caused the great seal of the state to be hereunto affixed this th day of january, a.d. , and in the fourteenth year of the independence of the delaware state. signed by order of council. george mitchell, _speaker_. signed by order of the house of assembly. jehu davis, _speaker_. i have directed a copy of the letter which accompanied the said articles, from his excellency joshua clayton to the president of the united states, to be laid before you. the before-mentioned articles and the original of the letter will be lodged in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act and the form of ratification of certain articles of amendment to the constitution of the united states by the legislature of the state of pennsylvania, together with the copy of a letter which accompanied the said act, from the speaker of the house of assembly of pennsylvania to the president of the united states. the originals of the above will be lodged in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my private secretary to lay before you a copy of the adoption by the legislature of south carolina of the articles proposed by congress to the legislatures of the several states as amendments to the constitution of the united states, together with the copy of a letter from the governor of the state of south carolina to the president of the united states, which have lately come to my hands. the originals of the foregoing will be lodged in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my private secretary to lay before you copies of three acts of the legislature of the state of new york, which have been transmitted to me by the governor thereof, viz: "an act declaring it to be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties within this state to receive and safe keep such prisoners as shall be committed under the authority of the united states." "an act for vesting in the united states of america the light-house and the lands thereunto belonging at sandy hook." "an act ratifying certain articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution of the united states of america, proposed by congress." a copy of a letter accompanying said acts, from the governor of the state of new york to the president of the united states, will at the same time be laid before you, and the originals be deposited in the office of the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: mr. de poiery served in the american army for several of the last years of the late war as secretary to major-general the marquis de lafayette, and might probably at that time have obtained the commission of captain from congress upon application to that body. at present he is an officer in the french national guards, and solicits a brevet commission from the united states of america. i am authorized to add, that while the compliance will involve no expense on our part, it will be particularly grateful to that friend of america, the marquis de lafayette. i therefore nominate m. de poiery to be a captain by brevet. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: having received official information of the accession of the state of rhode island and providence plantations to the constitution of the united states, i take the earliest opportunity of communicating the same to you, with my congratulations on this happy event, which unites under the general government all the states which were originally confederated, and have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of the letter from the president of the convention of the state of rhode island to the president of the united states. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of the ratification of the amendments to the constitution of the united states by the state of north carolina, together with an extract from a letter, accompanying said ratification, from the governor of the state of north carolina to the president of the united states. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: the ratification of the constitution of the united states of america by the state of rhode island and providence plantations was received by me last night, together with a letter to the president of the united states from the president of the convention. i have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of each. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: an act of the legislature of the state of rhode island and providence plantations, for ratifying certain articles as amendments to the constitution of the united states, was yesterday put into my hands, and i have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the same before you. go. washington. united states, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_; in consequence of the general principles agreed to by the senate in august, , the adjustment of the terms of a treaty is far advanced between the united states and the chiefs of the creek indians, now in this city, in behalf of themselves and the whole creek nation. in preparing the articles of this treaty the present arrangements of the trade with the creeks have caused much embarrassment. it seems to be well ascertained that the said trade is almost exclusively in the hands of a company of british merchants, who by agreement make their importations of goods from england into the spanish ports. as the trade of the indians is a main mean of their political management, it is therefore obvious that the united states can not possess any security for the performance of treaties with the creeks while their trade is liable to be interrupted or withheld at the caprice of two foreign powers. hence it becomes an object of real importance to form new channels for the commerce of the creeks through the united states. but this operation will require time, as the present arrangements can not be suddenly broken without the greatest violation of faith and morals. it therefore appears to be important to form a secret article of a treaty similar to the one which accompanies this message. if the senate should require any further explanation, the secretary of war will attend them for that purpose. george washington. the president of the united states states the following question for the consideration and advice of the senate: if it should be found essential to a treaty for the firm establishment of peace with the creek nation of indians that an article to the following effect should be inserted therein, will such an article be proper? viz: secret article. the commerce necessary for the creek nation shall be carried on through the ports and by the citizens of the united states if substantial and effectual arrangements shall be made for that purpose by the united states on or before the st day of august, . in the meantime the said commerce may be carried on through its present channels and according to its present regulations. and whereas the trade of the said creek nation is now carried on wholly or principally through the territories of spain, and obstructions thereto may happen by war or prohibitions of the spanish government, it is therefore agreed between the said parties that in the event of any such obstructions happening it shall be lawful for such persons as ---- ---- ---- ---- shall designate to introduce into and transport through the territories of the united states to the country of the said creek nation any quantity of goods, wares, and merchandise not exceeding in value in any one year $ , , and that free from any duties or impositions whatsoever, but subject to such regulations for guarding against abuse as the united states shall judge necessary, which privilege shall continue as long as such obstruction shall continue. george washington. united states, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: considering the circumstances which prevented the late commissioners from concluding a peace with the creek nation of indians, it appeared to me most prudent that all subsequent measures for disposing them to a treaty should in the first instance be informal. i informed you on the th instant that the adjustment of the terms of a treaty with their chiefs, now here, was far advanced. such further progress has since been made that i think measures may at present be taken for conducting and concluding that business in form. it therefore becomes necessary that a proper person be appointed and authorized to treat with these chiefs and to conclude a treaty with them. for this purpose i nominate to you henry knox. go. washington. united states, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of an exemplified copy of a law to ratify on the part of the state of new jersey certain amendments to the constitution of the united states, together with a copy of a letter, which accompanied said ratification, from hon. elisha lawrence, esq., vice-president of the state of new jersey, to the president of the united states. go. washington. united states, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate:_ i lay before you a treaty between the united states and the chiefs of the creek nation, now in this city, in behalf of themselves and the whole creek nation, subject to the ratification of the president of the united states with the advice and consent of the senate. while i flatter myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and prosperity to our southern frontier, it is to be expected that it will also in its consequences be the means of firmly attaching the creeks and the neighboring tribes to the interests of the united states. at the same time it is to be hoped that it will afford solid grounds of satisfaction to the state of georgia, as it contains a regular, full, and definitive relinquishment on the part of the creek nation of the oconee land in the utmost extent in which it has been claimed by that state, and thus extinguishes the principal cause of those hostilities from which it has more than once experienced such severe calamities. but although the most valuable of the disputed land is included, yet there is a certain claim of georgia, arising out of the treaty made by that state at galphinston in november, , of land to the eastward of a new temporary line from the forks of the oconee and oakmulgee in a southwest direction to the st. marys river, which tract of land the creeks in this city absolutely refuse to yield. this land is reported to be generally barren, sunken, and unfit for cultivation, except in some instances on the margin of the rivers, on which by improvement rice might be cultivated, its chief value depending on the timber fit for the building of ships, with which it is represented as abounding. while it is thus circumstanced on the one hand, it is stated by the creeks on the other to be of the highest importance to them as constituting some of their most valuable winter hunting ground. i have directed the commissioner to whom the charge of adjusting this treaty has been committed to lay before you such papers and documents and to communicate to you such information relatively to it as you may require. george washington. united states, _august , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: although the treaty with the creeks may be regarded as the main foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the southwestern frontier of the united states, yet in order fully to effect so desirable an object the treaties which have been entered into with the other tribes in that quarter must be faithfully performed on our parts. during the last year i laid before the senate a particular statement of the case of the cherokees. by a reference to that paper it will appear that the united states formed a treaty with the cherokees in november, ; that the said cherokees thereby placed themselves under the protection of the united states and had a boundary assigned them; that the white people settled on the frontiers had openly violated the said boundary by intruding on the indian lands; that the united states in congress assembled did, on the st day of september, , issue their proclamation forbidding all such unwarrantable intrusions, and enjoined all those who had settled upon the hunting grounds of the cherokees to depart with their families and effects without loss of time, as they would answer their disobedience to the injunctions and prohibitions expressed at their peril. but information has been received that notwithstanding the said treaty and proclamation upward of families have settled on the cherokee lands exclusively of those settled between the fork of french broad and holstein rivers, mentioned in the said treaty. as the obstructions to a proper conduct on this matter have been removed since it was mentioned to the senate on the d of august, , by the accession of north carolina to the present union and the cessions of the land in question, i shall conceive myself bound to exert the powers intrusted to me by the constitution in order to carry into faithful execution the treaty of hopewell, unless it shall be thought proper to attempt to arrange a new boundary with the cherokees, embracing the settlements, and compensating the cherokees for the cessions they shall make on the occasion. on this point, therefore, i state the following questions and request the advice of the senate thereon: first. is it the judgment of the senate that overtures shall be made to the cherokees to arrange a new boundary so as to embrace the settlements made by the white people since the treaty of hopewell, in november, ? second. if so, shall compensation to the amount of ---- dollars annually, or of ---- dollars in gross, be made to the cherokees for the land they shall relinquish, holding the occupiers of the land accountable to the united states for its value? third. shall the united states stipulate solemnly to guarantee the new boundary which may be arranged? george washington. proclamations. [from the gazette of the united states (new york), september , , in the library of congress.] by the president of the: united states of america. a proclamation. whereas a treaty of peace and friendship between the united states and the creek nation was made and concluded on the th day of the present month of august; and whereas i have, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, in due form ratified the said treaty: now, therefore, to the end that the same may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the united states, i have ordered the said treaty to be herewith published; and i do hereby enjoin and require all officers of the united states, civil and military, and all other citizens and inhabitants thereof, faithfully to observe and fulfill the same. given under my hand and the seal of the united states, in the city of new york, the th day of august, a.d. , and in the fifteenth year of the sovereignty and independence of the united states. [seal.] george washington. by the president: thomas jefferson. [from miscellaneous letters, department of state, vol. .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas it hath at this time become peculiarly necessary to warn the citizens of the united states against a violation of the treaties made at hopewell, on the keowee, on the th day of november, , and on the d and th days of january, , between the united states and the cherokee, choctaw, and chickasaw nations of indians, and to enforce an act entitled "an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the indian tribes," copies of which treaties and act are hereunto annexed, i have therefore thought fit to require, and i do by these presents require, all officers of the united states, as well civil as military, and all other citizens and inhabitants thereof, to govern themselves according to the treaties and act aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. given under my hand and the seal of the united states, in the city of new york, the th day of august, a.d. , and in the fifteenth year of the sovereignty and independence of the united states. [seal.] george washington. by the president: thomas jefferson. second annual address. united states, _december , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and house of representatives_: in meeting you again i feel much satisfaction in being able to repeat my congratulations on the favorable prospects which continue to distinguish our public affairs. the abundant fruits of another year have blessed our country with plenty and with the means of a flourishing commerce. the progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of american stock abroad as well as at home, and the revenues allotted for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the calculations by which they were regulated. this latter circumstance is the more pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our resources, but as it assures us of a further increase of the national respectability and credit, and, let me add, as it bears an honorable testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part of our citizens. the punctuality of the former in discharging their engagements has been exemplary. in conformity to the powers vested in me by acts of the last session, a loan of , , florins, toward which some provisional measures had previously taken place, has been completed in holland. as well the celerity with which it has been filled as the nature of the terms (considering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing created by the situation of europe) give a reasonable hope that the further execution of those powers may proceed with advantage and success. the secretary of the treasury has my directions to communicate such further particulars as may be requisite for more precise information. since your last sessions i have received communications by which it appears that the district of kentucky, at present a part of virginia, has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that state, in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of the union, in case the requisite sanction of congress be added. for this sanction application is now made. i shall cause the papers on this very important transaction to be laid before you. the liberality and harmony with which it has been conducted will be found to do great honor to both the parties, and the sentiments of warm attachment to the union and its present government expressed by our fellow-citizens of kentucky can not fail to add an affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the great national impressions under which you will decide on the case submitted to you. it has been heretofore known to congress that frequent incursions have been made on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of indians from the northwest side of the ohio. these, with some of the tribes dwelling on and near the wabash, have of late been particularly active in their depredations, and being emboldened by the impunity of their crimes and aided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be seduced to join in their hostilities or afford them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane invitations and overtures made on the part of the united states, renewed their violences with fresh alacrity and greater effect. the lives of a number of valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them under circumstances peculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable captivity. these aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the western settlements that the aggressors should be made sensible that the government of the union is not less capable of punishing their crimes than it is disposed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. as this object could not be effected by defensive measures, it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers the president to call out the militia for the protection of the frontiers, and i have accordingly authorized an expedition in which the regular troops in that quarter are combined with such drafts of militia as were deemed sufficient. the event of the measure is yet unknown to me. the secretary of war is directed to lay before you a statement of the information on which it is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended. the disturbed situation of europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us the more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the united states, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. it requires also that we should not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for a war, among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price, of transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. i recommend it to your serious reflections how far and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies by such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. our fisheries and the transportation of our own produce offer us abundant means for guarding ourselves against this evil. your attention seems to be not less due to that particular branch of our trade which belongs to the mediterranean. so many circumstances unite in rendering the present state of it distressful to us that you will not think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and protection. the laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary system have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons. you will consider in your wisdom whether improvements in that system may yet be made, and particularly whether an uniform process of execution on sentences issuing from the federal courts be not desirable through all the states. the patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. it seems expedient to regulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those functions which are permitted them, either by express convention or by a friendly indulgence, in the places of their residence. the consular convention, too, with his most christian majesty has stipulated in certain cases the aid of the national authority to his consuls established here. some legislative provision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full effect. the establishment of the militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and measures, of the post-office and post-roads are subjects which i presume you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own importance. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: the sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects to which they are appropriated leaves no doubt that the residuary provisions will be commensurate to the other objects for which the public faith stands now pledged. allow me, moreover, to hope that it will be a favorite policy with you, not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit to exonerate it of the principal itself. the appropriation you have made of the western land explains your dispositions on this subject, and i am persuaded that the sooner that valuable fund can be made to contribute, along with other means, to the actual reduction of the public debt the more salutary will the measure be to every public interest, as well as the more satisfactory to our constituents. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: in pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session i indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be equally marked with wisdom and animated by the love of your country. in whatever belongs to my duty you shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. it will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states of america: we receive, sir, with particular satisfaction the communications contained in your speech, which confirm to us the progressive state of the public credit and afford at the same time a new proof of the solidity of the foundation on which it rests; and we cheerfully join in the acknowledgment which is due to the probity and patriotism of the mercantile and marine part of our fellow-citizens, whose enlightened attachment to the principles of good government is not less conspicuous in this than it has been in other important respects. in confidence that every constitutional preliminary has been observed, we assure you of our disposition to concur in giving the requisite sanction to the admission of kentucky as a distinct member of the union; in doing which we shall anticipate the happy effects to be expected from the sentiments of attachment toward the union and its present government which have been expressed by the patriotic inhabitants of that district. while we regret that the continuance and increase of the hostilities and depredations which have distressed our northwestern frontiers should have rendered offensive measures necessary, we feel an entire confidence in the sufficiency of the motives which have produced them and in the wisdom of the dispositions which have been concerted in pursuance of the powers vested in you, and whatever may have been the event, we shall cheerfully concur in the provisions which the expedition that has been undertaken may require on the part of the legislature, and in any other which the future peace and safety of our frontier settlements may call for. the critical posture of the european powers will engage a due portion of our attention, and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a prudent circumspection may suggest for the preservation of the blessings of peace. the navigation and the fisheries of the united states are objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to promote them by all the means which shall appear to us consistent with their natural progress and permanent prosperity. impressed with the importance of a free intercourse with the mediterranean, we shall not think any deliberations misemployed which may conduce to the adoption of proper measures for removing the impediments that obstruct it. the improvement of the judiciary system and the other important objects to which you have pointed our attention will not fail to engage the consideration they respectively merit. in the course of our deliberations upon every subject we shall rely upon that cooperation which an undiminished zeal and incessant anxiety for the public welfare on your part so thoroughly insure; and as it is our anxious desire so it shall be our constant endeavor to render the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: these assurances of favorable attention to the subjects i have recommended and of entire confidence in my views make the impression on me which i ought to feel. i thank you for them both, and shall continue to rely much for the success of all our measures for the public good on the aid they will receive from the wisdom and integrity of your councils. george washington. december , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the representatives of the people of the united states have taken into consideration your address to the two houses at the opening of the present session of congress. we share in the satisfaction inspired by the prospects which continue to be so auspicious to our public affairs. the blessings resulting from the smiles of heaven on our agriculture, the rise of public credit, with the further advantages promised by it, and the fertility of resources which are found so little burdensome to the community, fully authorize our mutual congratulations on the present occasion. nor can we learn without an additional gratification that the energy of the laws for providing adequate revenues have been so honorably seconded by those classes of citizens whose patriotism and probity were more immediately concerned. the success of the loan opened in holland, under the disadvantages of the present moment, is the more important, as it not only denotes the confidence already placed in the united states, but as the effect of a judicious application of that aid will still further illustrate the solidity of the foundation on which the public credit rests. the preparatory steps taken by the state of virginia, in concert with the district of kentucky, toward the erection of the latter into a distinct member of the union exhibit a liberality mutually honorable to the parties. we shall bestow on this important subject the favorable consideration which it merits, and, with the national policy which ought to govern our decision, shall not fail to mingle the affectionate sentiments which are awakened by those expressed on behalf of our fellow-citizens of kentucky. whilst we regret the necessity which has produced offensive hostilities against some of the indian tribes northwest of the ohio, we sympathize too much with our western brethren not to behold with approbation the watchfulness and vigor which have been exerted by the executive authority for their protection, and which we trust will make the aggressors sensible that it is their interest to merit by a peaceable behavior the friendship and humanity which the united states are always ready to extend to them. the encouragement of our own navigation has at all times appeared to us highly important. the point of view under which you have recommended it to us is strongly enforced by the actual state of things in europe. it will be incumbent on us to consider in what mode our commerce and agriculture can be best relieved from an injurious dependence on the navigation of other nations, which the frequency of their wars renders a too precarious resource for conveying the productions of our country to market. the present state of our trade to the mediterranean seems not less to demand, and will accordingly receive, the attention which you have recommended. having already concurred in establishing a judiciary system which opens the doors of justice to all, without distinction of persons, it will be our disposition to incorporate every improvement which experience may suggest. and we shall consider in particular how far the uniformity which in other cases is found convenient in the administration of the general government through all the states may be introduced into the forms and rules of executing sentences issuing from the federal courts. the proper regulation of the jurisdiction and functions which may be exercised by consuls of the united states in foreign countries, with the provisions stipulated to those of his most christian majesty established here, are subjects of too much consequence to the public interest and honor not to partake of our deliberations. we shall renew our attention to the establishment of the militia and the other subjects unfinished at the last session, and shall proceed in them with all the dispatch which the magnitude of all and the difficulty of some of them will allow. nothing has given us more satisfaction than to find that the revenues heretofore established have proved adequate to the purposes to which they were allotted. in extending the provision to the residuary objects it will be equally our care to secure sufficiency and punctuality in the payments due from the treasury of the united states. we shall also never lose sight of the policy of diminishing the public debt as fast as the increase of the public resources will permit, and are particularly sensible of the many considerations which press a resort to the auxiliary resource furnished by the public lands. in pursuing every branch of the weighty business of the present session it will be our constant study to direct our deliberations to the public welfare. whatever our success may be, we can at least answer for the fervent love of our country, which ought to animate our endeavors. in your cooperation we are sure of a resource which fortifies our hopes that the fruits of the established government will justify the confidence which has been placed in it, and recommend it more and more to the affection and attachment of our fellow-citizens. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: the sentiments expressed in your address are entitled to my particular acknowledgment. having no object but the good of our country, this testimony of approbation and confidence from its immediate representatives must be among my best rewards, as the support of your enlightened patriotism has been among my greatest encouragements. being persuaded that you will continue to be actuated by the same auspicious principle, i look forward to the happiest consequences from your deliberations during the present session. george washington. december , . special messages. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: it appearing by the report of the secretary of the government northwest of the ohio that there are certain cases respecting grants of land within that territory which require the interference of the legislature of the united states, i have directed a copy of said report and the papers therein referred to to be laid before you, together with a copy of the report of the secretary of state upon the same subject. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you a report of the secretary of state on the subject of the citizens of the united states in captivity at algiers, that you may provide on their behalf what to you shall seem most expedient. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of an exemplified copy of an act passed by the legislature of the state of new jersey for vesting in the united states of america the jurisdiction of a lot of land at sandy hook, in the county of monmouth, and a copy of a letter which accompanied said act, from the governor of the state of new jersey to the president of the united states. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you an official statement of the appropriation of $ , , granted to defray the contingent expenses of government by an act of the th march, . a copy of two resolutions of the legislature of virginia, and a petition of sundry officers and assignees of officers and soldiers of the virginia line on continental establishment, on the subject of bounty lands allotted to them on the northwest side of the ohio; and a copy of an act of the legislature of maryland to empower the wardens of the port of baltimore to levy and collect the duty therein mentioned. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you a letter from his most christian majesty, addressed to the president and members of congress of the united states of america. george washington. _to our very dear friends and allies, the president and members of the general congress of the united states of north america_. very dear great friends and allies: we have received the letter by which you inform us of the new mark of confidence that you have shown to mr. jefferson, and which puts a period to his appointment of minister plenipotentiary at our court. the manner in which he conducted during his residence with us has merited our esteem and entire approbation, and it is with pleasure that we now give him this testimony of it. it is with the most sincere pleasure that we embrace this opportunity of renewing these assurances of regard and friendship which we feel for the united states in general and for each of them in particular. under their influence we pray god that he will keep you, very dear friends and allies, under his holy and beneficent protection. done at paris this th september, . your good friend and ally, louis. montmorin. [seal.] the united states of north america. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you a representation of the chargé d'affaires of france, made by order of his court, on the acts of congress of the th of july, and , imposing an extra tonnage on foreign vessels, not excepting those of that country, together with the report of the secretary of state thereon, and i recommend the same to your consideration, that i may be enabled to give to it such answer as may best comport with the justice and the interests of the united states. george washington. documents. january , . the secretary of state having received from the chargé d'affaires of france a note on the tonnage payable by french vessels in the ports of the united states, has had the same under his consideration, and thereupon makes the following report to the president of the united states: the chargé d'affaires of france, by a note of the th of december, represents, by order of his court, that they consider so much of the acts of congress of july , and , as imposes an extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels without excepting those of france, to be in contravention of the fifth article of the treaty of amity and commerce between the two nations; that this would have authorized on their part a proportional modification in the favors granted to the american navigation, but that his sovereign had thought it more conformable to his principles of friendship and attachment to the united states to order him to make representations thereon, and to ask in favor of french vessels a modification of the acts which impose an extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels. the secretary of state, in giving in this paper to the president of the united states, thinks it his duty to accompany it with the following observations: the third and fourth articles of the treaty of amity and commerce between france and the united states subject the vessels of each nation to pay in the ports of the other only such duties as are paid by the most favored nation, and give them reciprocally all the privileges and exemptions in navigation and commerce which are given by either to the most favored nations. had the contracting parties stopped here, they would have been free to raise or lower their tonnage as they should find it expedient, only taking care to keep the other on the footing of the most favored nation. the question, then, is whether the fifth article cited in the note is anything more than an application of the principle comprised in the third and fourth to a particular object, or whether it is an additional stipulation of something not so comprised. i. that it is merely an application of a principle comprised in the preceding articles is declared by the express words of the article, to wit: "_dans l'exemption ci-dessus est nommément compris_," etc., "_in the above exemption is particularly comprised_, the imposition of sols per ton established in france on foreign vessels." here, then, is at once an express declaration that the exemption from the duty of sols is _comprised_ in the third and fourth articles; that is to say, it was one of the exemptions enjoyed by the most favored nations, and as such extended to us by those articles. if the exemption spoken of in this first member of the fifth article was _comprised_ in the third and fourth articles, as is expressly declared, then the reservation by france out of that exemption (which makes the second member of the same article) _was also comprised_; that is to say, if _the whole_ was comprised, _the part_ was comprised. and if this reservation of france in the second member was comprised in the third and fourth articles, then the counter reservation by the united states (which constitutes the third and last member of the same article) was also comprised, because it is but a corresponding portion of a similar whole on our part, which had been comprised by the same terms with theirs. in short, the whole article relates to a particular duty of sols, laid by some antecedent law of france on the vessels of foreign nations, relinquished as to the most favored, and consequently to us. it is not a new and additional stipulation, then, but a declared application of the stipulations comprised in the preceding articles to a particular case by way of greater caution. the doctrine laid down generally in the third and fourth articles, and exemplified specially in the fifth, amounts to this: "the vessels of the most favored nations coming from foreign ports are exempted from the duty of sols; therefore you are exempted from it by the third and fourth articles. the vessels of the most favored nations coming coastwise pay that duty; therefore you are to pay it by the third and fourth articles. we shall not think it unfriendly in you to lay a like duty on coasters, because it will be no more than we have done ourselves. you are free also to lay that or any other duty on vessels coming from foreign ports, provided they apply to all other nations, even the most favored. we are free to do the same under the same restriction. our exempting you from a duty which the most favored nations do not pay does not exempt you from one which they do pay." in this view, it is evident that the fifth article neither enlarges nor abridges the stipulations of the third and fourth. the effect of the treaty would have been precisely the same had it been omitted altogether; consequently it may be truly said that the reservation by the united states in this article is completely useless. and it may be added with equal truth that the equivalent reservation by france is completely useless, as well as her previous abandonment of the same duty, and, in short, the whole article. each party, then, remains free to raise or lower its tonnage, provided the change operates on all nations, even the most favored. without undertaking to affirm, we may obviously conjecture that this article has been inserted on the part of the united states from an overcaution to guard, _nommément, by name_, against a particular aggrievance, which they thought they could never be too well secured against; and that has happened which generally happens--doubts have been produced by the too great number of words used to prevent doubt. ii. the court of france, however, understands this article as intended to introduce something to which the preceding articles had not reached, and not merely as an application of them to a particular case. their opinion seems to be founded on the general rule in the construction of instruments, to leave no words merely useless for which any rational meaning can be found. they say that the reservation by the united states of a right to lay a duty equivalent to that of the sols, reserved by france, would have been completely useless if they were left free by the preceding articles to lay a tonnage to any extent whatever; consequently, that the reservation of a part proves a relinquishment of the residue. if some meaning, and such a one, is to be given to the last member of the article, some meaning, and a similar one, must be given to the corresponding member. if the reservation by the united states of a right to lay an equivalent duty implies a relinquishment of their right to lay any other, the reservation by france of a right to continue the specified duty to which it is an equivalent must imply a relinquishment of the right on her part to lay or continue any other. equivalent reservations by both must imply equivalent restrictions on both. the exact reciprocity stipulated in the preceding articles, and which pervades every part of the treaty, insures a counter right to each party for every right ceded to the other. let it be further considered that the duty called _tonnage_ in the united states is in lieu of the duties for anchorage, for the support of buoys, beacons, and light-houses, to guide the mariner into harbor and along the coast, which are provided and supported at the expense of the united states, and for fees to measurers, weighers, gangers, etc., who are paid by the united states, for which articles, among many others (light-house money excepted), duties are paid by us in the ports of france under their specific names. that government has hitherto thought these duties consistent with the treaty, and consequently the same duties under a general instead of specific names, with us, must be equally consistent with it. it is not the name, but the thing, which is essential. if we have renounced the right to lay any port duties, they must be understood to have equally renounced that of either laying new or continuing the old. if we ought to refund the port duties received from their vessels since the date of the act of congress, they should refund the port duties they have received from our vessels since the date of the treaty, for nothing short of this is the reciprocity of the treaty. if this construction be adopted, then each party has forever renounced the right of laying any duties on the vessels of the other coming from any foreign port, or more than sols on those coming coastwise. could this relinquishment be confined to the two contracting parties alone, the united states would be the gainers, for it is well known that a much greater number of american than of french vessels are employed in the commerce between the two countries; but the exemption once conceded by the one nation to the other becomes immediately the property of all others who are on the footing of the most favored nations. it is true that those others would be obliged to yield the same compensation, that is to say, to receive our vessels duty free. whether we should gain or lose in the exchange of the measure with them is not easy to say. another consequence of this construction will be that the vessels of the most favored nations paying no duties will be on a better footing than those of natives which pay a moderate duty; consequently either the duty on these also must be given up or they will be supplanted by foreign vessels in our own ports. the resource, then, of duty on vessels for the purposes either of revenue or regulation will be forever lost to both. it is hardly conceivable that either party looking forward to all these consequences would see their interest in them. iii. but if france persists in claiming this exemption, what is to be done? the claim, indeed, is couched in mild and friendly terms; but the idea leaks out that a refusal would authorize them to modify proportionally the favors granted by the same article to our navigation. perhaps they may do what we should feel much more severely, they may turn their eyes to the favors granted us by their arrets of december , , and december , , which hang on their will alone, unconnected with the treaty. those arrets, among other advantages, admit our whale oils to the exclusion of that of all other foreigners. and this monopoly procures a vent for seven-twelfths of the produce of that fishery, which experience has taught us could find no other market. near two-thirds of the produce of our cod fisheries, too, have lately found a free vent in the colonies of france. this, indeed, has been an irregularity growing out of the anarchy reigning in those colonies. yet the demands of the colonists, even of the government party among them (if an auxiliary disposition can be excited by some marks of friendship and distinction on our part), may perhaps produce a constitutional concession to them to procure their provisions at the cheapest market; that is to say, at ours. considering the value of the interests we have at stake and considering the smallness of difference between foreign and native tonnage on french vessels alone, it might perhaps be thought advisable to make the sacrifice asked, and especially if it can be so done as to give no title to other the most favored nations to claim it. if the act should put french vessels on the footing of those of natives, and declare it to be in consideration of the favors granted us by the arrets of december , , and december , (and perhaps this would satisfy them), no nation could then demand the same favor without offering an equivalent compensation. it might strengthen, too, the tenure by which those arrets are held, which must be precarious so long as they are gratuitous. it is desirable in many instances to exchange mutual advantages by legislative acts rather than by treaty, because the former, though understood to be in consideration of each other, and therefore greatly respected, yet when they become too inconvenient can be dropped at the will of either party; whereas stipulations by treaty are forever irrevocable but by joint consent, let a change of circumstances render them ever so burdensome. on the whole, if it be the opinion that the first construction is to be insisted on as ours, in opposition to the second urged by the court of france, and that no relaxation is to be admitted, an answer shall be given to that court defending that construction, and explaining in as friendly terms as possible the difficulties opposed to the exemption they claim. . if it be the opinion that it is advantageous for us to close with france in her interpretation of a reciprocal and perpetual exemption from tonnage, a repeal of so much of the tonnage law will be the answer. . if it be thought better to waive rigorous and nice discussions of right and to make the modification an act of friendship and of compensation for favors received, the passage of such a bill will then be the answer. th. jefferson. [translation.] _l.g. otto to the secretary of state_. philadelphia, _december , _. sir: during the long stay you made in france you had opportunities of being satisfied of the favorable dispositions of his majesty to render permanent the ties that united the two nations and to give stability to the treaties of alliance and of commerce which form the basis of this union. these treaties were so well maintained by the congress formed under the ancient confederation that they thought it their duty to interpose their authority whenever any laws made by individual states appeared to infringe their stipulations, and particularly in , when the states of new hampshire and of massachusetts had imposed an extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels without exempting those of the french nation. the reflections that i have the honor to address to you in the subjoined note being founded on the same principles, i flatter myself that they will merit on the part of the government of the united states the most serious attention. i am, with respect, etc., l.g. otto. [translation.] _l.g. otto to the secretary of state_. philadelphia, _december , _. note.--the underwritten, chargé d'affaires of france, has received the express order of his court to represent to the united states that the act passed by congress the th july, , and renewed the th july of the present year, which imposes an extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels without excepting french vessels, is directly contrary to the spirit and to the object of the treaty of commerce which unites the two nations, and of which his majesty has not only scrupulously observed the tenor, but of which he has extended the advantages by many regulations very favorable to the commerce and navigation of the united states. by the fifth article of this treaty the citizens of these states are declared exempt from the tonnage duty imposed in france on foreign vessels, and they are not subject to that duty but in the coasting business. congress has reserved the privilege of establishing _a duty equivalent to this last_, a stipulation founded on the state in which matters were in america at the time of the signature of the treaty. there did not exist at that epoch any duty on tonnage in the united states. it is evident that it was the nonexistence of this duty and the motive of a perfect reciprocity stipulated in the preamble of the treaty that had determined the king to grant the exemption contained in the article fifth; and a proof that congress had no intention to contravene this reciprocity is that _it only reserves a privilege of establishing on the coasting business a duty equivalent to that which is levied in france_. this reservation would have been completely useless if by the words of the treaty congress thought themselves at liberty to lay _any_ tonnage they should think proper on french vessels. the undersigned has the honor to observe that this contravention of the fifth article of the treaty of commerce might have authorized his majesty to modify proportionately the favors granted by the same article to the american navigation; but the king, always faithful to the principles of friendship and attachment to the united states, and desirous of strengthening more and more the ties which subsist so happily between the french nation and these states, thinks it more conformable to these views to order the undersigned to make representations on this subject, and to ask in favor of french vessels a modification of the act which imposes an extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels. his majesty does not doubt but that the united states will acknowledge the justice of this claim, and will be disposed to restore things to the footing on which they were at the signature of the treaty of the th february, . l.g. otto. [translation.] _l.g. otto to the secretary of state_. new york, _january , _. his excellency m. jefferson, _secretary of state_. sir: i have the honor herewith to send you a letter from the king to congress, and one which m. de montmorin has written to yourself. you will find therein the sincere sentiments with which you have inspired our government, and the regret of the minister in not having a more near relation of correspondence with you. in these every person who has had the advantage of knowing you in france participates. at the same time, it gives me pain, sir, to be obliged to announce to you that the complaints of our merchants on the subject of the tonnage duty increase, and that they have excited not only the attention of the king but that of several departments of the kingdom. i have received new orders to request of the united states a decision on this matter and to solicit in favor of the aggrieved merchants the restitution of the duties which have already been paid. i earnestly beg of you, sir, not to lose sight of an object which, as i have already had the honor to tell you verbally, is of the greatest importance for cementing the future commercial connections between the two nations. in more particularly examining this question you will perhaps find that motives of convenience are as powerful as those of justice to engage the united states to give to his majesty the satisfaction which he requires. at least twice as many american vessels enter the ports of france as do those of france the ports of america. the exemption of the tonnage of duty, then, is evidently less advantageous for the french than for the navigators of the united states. be this as it may, i can assure you, sir, that the delay of a decision in this respect by augmenting the just complaints of the french merchants will only augment the difficulties. i therefore beg of you to enable me before the sailing of the packet, which will take place toward the last of this month, to give to my court a satisfactory answer. i have the honor to be, etc., l.g. otto. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you a statement relative to the frontiers of the united states, which has been submitted to me by the secretary for the department of war. i rely upon your wisdom to make such arrangements as may be essential for the preservation of good order and the effectual protection of the frontiers. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: in execution of the powers with which congress were pleased to invest me by their act entitled "an act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of government of the united states," and on mature consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of the several positions within the limits prescribed by the said act, i have by a proclamation bearing date this day (a copy of which is herewith transmitted) directed commissioners, appointed in pursuance of the act, to survey and limit a part of the territory of miles square on both sides of the river potomac, so as to comprehend georgetown, in maryland, and extend to the eastern branch. i have not by this first act given to the said territory the whole extent of which it is susceptible in the direction of the river, because i thought it important that congress should have an opportunity of considering whether by an amendatory law they would authorize the location of the residue at the lower end of the present, so as to comprehend the eastern branch itself and some of the country on its lower side, in the state of maryland, and the town of alexandria, in virginia. if, however, they are of opinion that the federal territory should be bounded by the water edge of the eastern branch, the location of the residue will be to be made at the upper end of what is now directed. i have thought best to await a survey of the territory before it is decided on what particular spot on the northeastern side of the river the public buildings shall be erected. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i lay before you the copy of a letter from the president of the national assembly of france to the president of the united states, and of a decree of that assembly, which was transmitted with the above-mentioned letter. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: in order that you may be fully informed of the situation of the frontiers and the prospect of hostility in that quarter, i lay before you the intelligence of some recent depredations, received since my message to you upon this subject of the th instant. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: i have received from the governor of vermont authentic documents, expressing the consent of the legislatures of new york and of the territory of vermont that the said territory shall be admitted to be a distinct member of our union; and a memorial of nathaniel chipman and lewis r. morris, commissioners from the said territory, praying the consent of congress to that admission, by the name and style of the state of vermont, copies of which i now lay before congress, with whom the constitution has vested the object of these proceedings. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and house of representatives_: soon after i was called to the administration of the government i found it important to come to an understanding with the court of london on several points interesting to the united states, and particularly to know whether they were disposed to enter into arrangements by mutual consent which might fix the commerce between the two nations on principles of reciprocal advantage. for this purpose i authorized informal conferences with their ministers, and from these i do not infer any disposition on their part to enter into any arrangements merely commercial. i have thought it proper to give you this information, as it might at some time have influence on matters under your consideration. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: conceiving that in the possible event of a refusal of justice on the part of great britain we should stand less committed should it be made to a private rather than to a public person, i employed mr. gouverneur morris, who was on the spot, and without giving him any definite character, to enter informally into the conferences before mentioned. for your more particular information i lay before you the instructions i gave him and those parts of his communications wherein the british ministers appear either in conversation or by letter. these are two letters from the duke of leeds to mr. morris, and three letters of mr. morris giving an account of two conferences with the duke of leeds and one with him and mr. pitt. the sum of these is that they declare without scruple they do not mean to fulfill what remains of the treaty of peace to be fulfilled on their part (by which we are to understand the delivery of the posts and payment for property carried off) till performance on our part, and compensation where the delay has rendered the performance now impracticable; that on the subject of a treaty of commerce they avoided direct answers, so as to satisfy mr. morris they did not mean to enter into one unless it could be extended to a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, or unless in the event of a rupture with spain. as to the sending a minister here, they made excuses at the first conference, seemed disposed to it in the second, and in the last express an intention of so doing. their views being thus sufficiently ascertained, i have directed mr. morris to discontinue his communications with them. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the aspect of affairs in europe during the last summer, and especially between spain and england, gave reason to expect a favorable occasion for pressing to accommodation the unsettled matters between them and us. mr. carmichael, our charge d'affaires at madrid, having been long absent from his country, great changes having taken place in our circumstances and sentiments during that interval, it was thought expedient to send some person, in a private character, fully acquainted with the present state of things here, to be the bearer of written and confidential instructions to him, and at the same time to possess him in full and frequent conversations of all those details of facts and topics of argument which could not be conveyed in writing, but which would be necessary to enable him to meet the reasonings of that court with advantage. colonel david humphreys was therefore sent for these purposes. an additional motive for this confidential mission arose in the same quarter. the court of lisbon had on several occasions made the most amicable advances for cultivating friendship and intercourse with the united states. the exchange of a diplomatic character had been informally, but repeatedly, suggested on their part. it was our interest to meet this nation in its friendly dispositions and to concur in the exchange proposed. but my wish was at the same time that the character to be exchanged should be of the lowest and most economical grade. to this it was known that certain rules of long standing at that court would produce obstacles. colonel humphreys was charged with dispatches to the prime minister of portugal and with instructions to endeavor to arrange this to our views. it happened, however, that previous to his arrival at lisbon the queen had appointed a minister _resident_ to the united states. this embarrassment seems to have rendered the difficulty completely insurmountable. the minister of that court in his conferences with colonel humphreys, professing every wish to accommodate, yet expresses his regrets that circumstances do not permit them to concur in the grade of chargé d'affaires, a grade of little privilege or respectability by the rules of their court and held in so low estimation with them that no proper character would accept it to go abroad. in a letter to the secretary of state he expresses the same sentiments, and announces the appointment on their part of a minister _resident_ to the united states, and the pleasure with which the queen will receive one from us at her court. a copy of his letter, and also of colonel humphreys's giving the details of this transaction, will be delivered to you. on consideration of all circumstances i have determined to accede to the desire of the court of lisbon in the article of grade. i am aware that the consequences will not end here, and that this is not the only instance in which a like change may be pressed. but should it be necessary to yield elsewhere also, i shall think it a less evil than to disgust a government so friendly and so interesting to us as that of portugal. i do not mean that the change of grade shall render the mission more expensive. i have therefore nominated david humphreys minister resident from the united states to her most faithful majesty the queen of portugal. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in captivity at algiers, in conformity with your resolution of advice of the st instant, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be appropriated by the legislature and shall be in readiness. the recognition of our treaty with the new emperor of morocco requires also previous appropriation and provision. the importance of this last to the liberty and property of our citizens induces me to urge it on your earliest attention. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: information having been received from thomas auldjo, who was appointed vice-consul of the united states at cowes, in great britain, that his commission has not been recognized by that government because it is a port at which no foreign consul has yet been received, and that it has been intimated to him that his appointment to the port of poole and parts nearer to that than to the residence of any other consul of the united states would be recognized and his residence at cowes not noticed, i have therefore thought it expedient to nominate thomas auldjo to be vice-consul for the united states at the port of poole, in great britain, and such parts within the allegiance of his britannic majesty as shall be nearer thereto than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the united states within the same allegiance. i also nominate james yard, of pennsylvania, to be consul for the united states in the island of santa cruz and such other parts within the allegiance of his danish majesty as shall be nearer thereto than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the united states within the same allegiance. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the act for the admission of the state of vermont into this union having fixed on this as the day of its admission, it was thought that this would also be the first day on which any officer of the union might legally perform any act of authority relating to that state. i therefore required your attendance to receive nominations of the several officers necessary to put the federal government into motion in that state.[ ] for this purpose i nominate nathaniel chipman to be judge of the district of vermont; stephen jacobs to be attorney for the united states in the district of vermont; lewis r. morris to be marshal of the district of vermont, and stephen keyes to be collector of the port of allburgh, in the state of vermont. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: pursuant to the powers vested in me by the act entitled "an act repealing after the last day of june next the duties heretofore laid upon distilled spirits imported from abroad and laying others in their stead, and also upon spirits distilled within the united states, and for appropriating the same," i have thought fit to divide the united states into the following districts, namely: the district of new hampshire, to consist of the state of new hampshire; the district of massachusetts, to consist of the state of massachusetts; the district of rhode island and providence plantations, to consist of the state of rhode island and providence plantations; the district of connecticut, to consist of the state of connecticut; the district of vermont, to consist of the state of vermont; the district of new york, to consist of the state of new york; the district of new jersey, to consist of the state of new jersey; the district of pennsylvania, to consist of the state of pennsylvania; the district of delaware, to consist of the state of delaware; the district of maryland, to consist of the state of maryland; the district of virginia, to consist of the state of virginia; the district of north carolina, to consist of the state of north carolina; the district of south carolina, to consist of the state of south carolina; and the district of georgia, to consist of the state of georgia. and i hereby nominate as supervisors of the said districts, respectively, the following persons, viz: for the district of new hampshire, joshua wentworth; for the district of massachusetts, nathaniel gorham; for the district of rhode island and providence plantations, john s. dexter; for the district of connecticut, john chester; for the district of vermont, noah smith; for the district of new york, william s. smith; for the district of new jersey, aaron dunham; for the district of pennsylvania, george clymer; for the district of delaware, henry latimer; for the district of maryland, george gale; for the district of virginia, edward carrington; for the district of north carolina, william polk; for the district of south carolina, daniel stevens; for the district of georgia, john mathews. george washington. [footnote : for proclamation convening senate in extraordinary session see p. .] proclamations. [from a broadside in the archives of the department of state.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas the general assembly of the state of maryland, by an act passed on the d day of december, a.d. , intituled "an act to cede to congress a district of miles square in this state for the seat of the government of the united states," did enact that the representatives of the said state in the house of representatives of the congress of the united states, appointed to assemble at new york on the first wednesday of march then next ensuing, should be, and they were thereby, authorized and required on the behalf of the said state to cede to the congress of the united states any district in the said state not exceeding miles square which the congress might fix upon and accept for the seat of government of the united states; and the general assembly of the commonwealth of virginia, by an act passed on the d day of december, , and intituled "an act for the cession of miles square, or any lesser quantity, of territory within this state to the united states in congress assembled, for the permanent seat of the general government," did enact that a tract of country not exceeding miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the said state, and in any part thereof, as congress might by law direct, should be, and the same was thereby, forever ceded and relinquished to the congress and government of the united states, in full and absolute right and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first article of the constitution of government of the united states; and the congress of the united states, by their act passed the th day of july, , and intituled "an act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the united states," authorized the president of the united states to appoint three commissioners to survey under his direction and by proper metes and bounds to limit a district of territory, not exceeding miles square, on the river potomac, at some place between the mouths of the eastern branch and connogocheque, which district, so to be located and limited, was accepted by the said act of congress as the district for the permanent seat of the government of the united states: now, therefore, in pursuance of the powers to me confided, and after duly examining and weighing the advantages and disadvantages of the several situations within the limits aforesaid, i do hereby declare and make known that the location of one part of the said district of miles square shall be found by running four lines of experiment in the following manner, that is to say: running from the court-house of alexandria, in virginia, due southwest half a mile, and thence a due southeast course till it shall strike hunting creek, to fix the beginning of the said four lines of experiment. then beginning the first of the said four lines of experiment at the point on hunting creek where the said southeast course shall have struck the same, and running the said first line due northwest miles; thence the second line into maryland due northeast miles; thence the third line due southeast miles, and thence the fourth line due southwest miles to the beginning on hunting creek. and the said four lines of experiment being so run, i do hereby declare and make known that all that part within the said four lines of experiment which shall be within the state of maryland and above the eastern branch, and all that part within the same four lines of experiment which shall be within the commonwealth of virginia and above a line to be run from the point of land forming the upper cape of the mouth of the eastern branch due southwest, and no more, is now fixed upon and directed to be surveyed, defined, limited, and located for a part of the said district accepted by the said act of congress for the permanent seat of the government of the united states (hereby expressly reserving the direction of the survey and location of the remaining part of the said district to be made hereafter contiguous to such part or parts of the present location as is or shall be agreeable to law). and i do accordingly direct the said commissioners, appointed agreeably to the tenor of the said act, to proceed forthwith to run the said lines of experiment, and the same being run, to survey and by proper metes and bounds to define and limit the part within the same which is hereinbefore directed for immediate location and acceptance, and thereof to make due report to me under their hands and seals. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of january, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the fifteenth. george washington. by the president: th: jefferson. [from a broadside in the archives of the department of state.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas it hath been represented to me that james o'fallon is levying an armed force in that part of the state of virginia which is called kentucky, disturbs the public peace, and sets at defiance the treaties of the united states with the indian tribes, the act of congress intituled "an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the indian tribes," and my proclamations of the th and th days of august last founded thereon; and it is my earnest desire that those who have incautiously associated themselves with the said james o'fallon may be warned of their danger, i have therefore thought fit to publish this proclamation, hereby declaring that all persons violating the treaties and act aforesaid shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the law. and i do, moreover, require all officers of the united states whom it may concern to use their best exertions to bring to justice any persons offending in the premises. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of march, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the fifteenth. george washington. by the president: th: jefferson. [from the washington papers (executive proceedings), vol. , p. .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas by a proclamation bearing date the th day of january of this present year, and in pursuance of certain acts of the states of maryland and virginia and of the congress of the united states, therein mentioned, certain lines of experiment were directed to be run in the neighborhood of georgetown, in maryland, for the purpose of determining the location of a part of the territory of miles square for the permanent seat of the government of the united states, and a certain part was directed to be located within the said lines of experiment on both sides of the potomac and above the limit of the eastern branch prescribed by the said act of congress; and congress by an amendatory act passed on the d day of the present month of march have given further authority to the president of the united states "to make any part of the territory below the said limit and above the mouth of hunting creek a part of the said district, so as to include a convenient part of the eastern branch and of the lands lying on the lower side thereof, and also the town of alexandria": now, therefore, for the purpose of amending and completing the location of the whole of the said territory of miles square in conformity with the said amendatory act of congress, i do hereby declare and make known that the whole of the said territory shall be located and included within the four lines following, that is to say: beginning at jones's point, being the upper cape of hunting creek, in virginia, and at an angle in the outset of degrees west of the north, and running in a direct line miles for the first line; then beginning again at the same jones's point and running another direct line at a right angle with the first across the potomac miles for the second line; then from the termination of the said first and second lines running two other direct lines of miles each, the one crossing the eastern branch aforesaid and the other the potomac, and meeting each other in a point. and i do accordingly direct the commissioners named under the authority of the said first-mentioned act of congress to proceed forthwith to have the said four lines run, and by proper metes and bounds defined and limited, and thereof to make due report under their hands and seals; and the territory so to be located, defined, and limited shall be the whole territory accepted by the said acts of congress as the district for the permanent seat of the government of the united states. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at georgetown aforesaid, the th day of march, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the fifteenth. george washington. third annual address. united states, _october , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i meet you upon the present occasion with the feelings which are naturally inspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situation of our common country, and by a persuasion equally strong that the labors of the session which has just commenced will, under the guidance of a spirit no less prudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to the stability and increase of national prosperity. numerous as are the providential blessings which demand our grateful acknowledgments, the abundance with which another year has again rewarded the industry of the husbandman is too important to escape recollection. your own observations in your respective situations will have satisfied you of the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation. in tracing their causes you will have remarked with particular pleasure the happy effects of that revival of confidence, public as well as private, to which the constitution and laws of the united states have so eminently contributed; and you will have observed with no less interest new and decisive proofs of the increasing reputation and credit of the nation. but you nevertheless can not fail to derive satisfaction from the confirmation of these circumstances which will be disclosed in the several official communications that will be made to you in the course of your deliberations. the rapid subscriptions to the bank of the united states, which completed the sum allowed to be subscribed in a single day, is among the striking and pleasing evidences which present themselves, not only of confidence in the government, but of resource in the community. in the interval of your recess due attention has been paid to the execution of the different objects which were specially provided for by the laws and resolutions of the last session. among the most important of these is the defense and security of the western frontiers. to accomplish it on the most humane principles was a primary wish. accordingly, at the same time that treaties have been provisionally concluded and other proper means used to attach the wavering and to confirm in their friendship the well-disposed tribes of indians, effectual measures have been adopted to make those of a hostile description sensible that a pacification was desired upon terms of moderation and justice. those measures having proved unsuccessful, it became necessary to convince the refractory of the power of the united states to punish their depredations. offensive operations have therefore been directed, to be conducted, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates of humanity. some of these have been crowned with full success and others are yet depending. the expeditions which have been completed were carried on under the authority and at the expense of the united states by the militia of kentucky, whose enterprise, intrepidity, and good conduct are entitled to peculiar commendation. overtures of peace are still continued to the deluded tribes, and considerable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately renounced all further opposition, removed from their former situations, and placed themselves under the immediate protection of the united states. it is sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion in future may cease and that an intimate intercourse may succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the indians and to attach them firmly to the united states. in order to this it seems necessary-- that they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispensation of justice. that the mode of alienating their lands, the main source of discontent and war, should be so defined and regulated as to obviate imposition and as far as may be practicable controversy concerning the reality and extent of the alienations which are made. that commerce with them should be promoted under regulations tending to secure an equitable deportment toward them, and that such rational experiments should be made for imparting to them the blessings of civilization as may from time to time suit their condition. that the executive of the united states should be enabled to employ the means to which the indians have been long accustomed for uniting their immediate interests with the preservation of peace. and that efficacious provision should be made for inflicting adequate penalties upon all those who, by violating their rights, shall infringe the treaties and endanger the peace of the union. a system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy toward an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the united states, would be as honorable to the national character as conformable to the dictates of sound policy. the powers specially vested in me by the act laying certain duties on distilled spirits; which respect the subdivisions of the districts into surveys, the appointment of officers, and the assignment of compensations, have likewise been carried into effect. in a matter in which both materials and experience were wanting to guide the calculation it will be readily conceived that there must have been difficulty in such an adjustment of the rates of compensation as would conciliate a reasonable competency with a proper regard to the limits prescribed by the law. it is hoped that the circumspection which has been used will be found in the result to have secured the last of the two objects; but it is probable that with a view to the first in some instances a revision of the provision will be found advisable. the impressions with which this law has been received by the community have been upon the whole such as were to be expected among enlightened and well-disposed citizens from the propriety and necessity of the measure. the novelty, however, of the tax in a considerable part of the united states and a misconception of some of its provisions have given occasion in particular places to some degree of discontent; but it is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper explanations and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law, and i entertain a full confidence that it will in all give way to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty and a virtuous regard to the public welfare. if there are any circumstances in the law which consistently with its main design may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned objections that may happen to exist, it will consist with a wise moderation to make the proper variations. it is desirable on all occasions to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional and necessary acts of government the fullest evidence of a disposition as far as may be practicable to consult the wishes of every part of the community and to lay the foundations of the public administration in the affections of the people. pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on that subject, a district of miles square for the permanent seat of the government of the united states has been fixed and announced by proclamation, which district will comprehend lands on both sides of the river potomac and the towns of alexandria and georgetown. a city has also been laid out agreeably to a plan which will be placed before congress, and as there is a prospect, favored by the rate of sales which have already taken place, of ample funds for carrying on the necessary public buildings, there is every expectation of their due progress. the completion of the census of the inhabitants, for which provision was made by law, has been duly notified (excepting one instance in which the return has been informal, and another in which it has been omitted or miscarried), and the returns of the officers who were charged with this duty, which will be laid before you, will give you the pleasing assurance that the present population of the united states borders on , , persons. it is proper also to inform you that a further loan of , , florins has been completed in holland, the terms of which are similar to those of the one last announced, except as to a small reduction of charges. another, on like terms, for , , florins, had been set on foot under circumstances that assured an immediate completion. _gentlemen of the senate_: two treaties which have been provisionally concluded with the cherokees and six nations of indians will be laid before you for your consideration and ratification. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: in entering upon the discharge of your legislative trust you must anticipate with pleasure that many of the difficulties necessarily incident to the first arrangements of a new government for an extensive country have been happily surmounted by the zealous and judicious exertions of your predecessors in cooperation with the other branch of the legislature. the important objects which remain to be accomplished will, i am persuaded, be conducted upon principles equally comprehensive and equally well calculated for the advancement of the general weal. the time limited for receiving subscriptions to the loans proposed by the act making provision for the debt of the united states having expired, statements from the proper department will as soon as possible apprise you of the exact result. enough, however, is known already to afford an assurance that the views of that act have been substantially fulfilled. the subscription in the domestic debt of the united states has embraced by far the greatest proportion of that debt, affording at the same time proof of the general satisfaction of the public creditors with the system which has been proposed to their acceptance and of the spirit of accommodation to the convenience of the government with which they are actuated. the subscriptions in the debts of the respective states as far as the provisions of the law have permitted may be said to be yet more general. the part of the debt of the united states which remains unsubscribed will naturally engage your further deliberations. it is particularly pleasing to me to be able to announce to you that the revenues which have been established promise to be adequate to their objects, and may be permitted, if no unforeseen exigency occurs, to supersede for the present the necessity of any new burthens upon our constituents. an object which will claim your early attention is a provision for the current service of the ensuing year, together with such ascertained demands upon the treasury as require to be immediately discharged, and such casualties as may have arisen in the execution of the public business, for which no specific appropriation may have yet been made; of all which a proper estimate will be laid before you. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i shall content myself with a general reference to former communications for several objects upon which the urgency of other affairs has hitherto postponed any definitive resolution. their importance will recall them to your attention, and i trust that the progress already made in the most arduous arrangements of the government will afford you leisure to resume them with advantage. there are, however, some of them of which i can not forbear a more particular mention. these are the militia, the post-office and post-roads, the mint, weights and measures, a provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the united states. the first is certainly an object of primary importance whether viewed in reference to the national security to the satisfaction of the community or to the preservation of order. in connection with this the establishment of competent magazines and arsenals and the fortification of such places as are peculiarly important and vulnerable naturally present themselves to consideration. the safety of the united states under divine protection ought to rest on the basis of systematic and solid arrangements, exposed as little as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances. the importance of the post-office and post-roads on a plan sufficiently liberal and comprehensive, as they respect the expedition, safety, and facility of communication, is increased by their instrumentality in diffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the government, which, while it contributes to the security of the people, serves also to guard them against the effects of misrepresentation and misconception. the establishment of additional cross posts, especially to some of the important points in the western and northern parts of the union, can not fail to be of material utility. the disorders in the existing currency, and especially the scarcity of small change, a scarcity so peculiarly distressing to the poorer classes, strongly recommend the carrying into immediate effect the resolution already entered into concerning the establishment of a mint. measures have been taken pursuant to that resolution for procuring some of the most necessary artists, together with the requisite apparatus. an uniformity in the weights and measures of the country is among the important objects submitted to you by the constitution, and if it can be derived from a standard at once invariable and universal, must be no less honorable to the public councils than conducive to the public convenience. a provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the united states is particularly urged, among other reasons, by the important considerations that they are pledged as a fund for reimbursing the public debt; that if timely and judiciously applied they may save the necessity of burthening our citizens with new taxes for the extinguishment of the principal; and that being free to discharge the principal but in a limited proportion, no opportunity ought to be lost for availing the public of its right. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states. sir: the senate of the united states have received with the highest satisfaction the assurances of public prosperity contained in your speech to both houses. the multiplied blessings of providence have not escaped our notice or failed to excite our gratitude. the benefits which flow from the restoration of public and private confidence are conspicuous and important, and the pleasure with which we contemplate them is heightened by your assurance of those further communications which shall confirm their existence and indicate their source. while we rejoice in the success of those military operations which have been directed against the hostile indians, we lament with you the necessity that has produced them, and we participate the hope that the present prospect of a general peace on terms of moderation and justice may be wrought into complete and permanent effect, and that the measures of government may equally embrace the security of our frontiers and the general interests of humanity, our solicitude to obtain which will insure our zealous attention to an object so warmly espoused by the principles of benevolence and so highly interesting to the honor and welfare of the nation. the several subjects which you have particularly recommended and those which remain of former sessions will engage our early consideration. we are encouraged to prosecute them with alacrity and steadiness by the belief that they will interest no passion but that for the general welfare, by the assurance of concert, and by a view of those arduous and important arrangements which have been already accomplished. we observe, sir, the constancy and activity of your zeal for the public good. the example will animate our efforts to promote the happiness of our country. october , . reply of the president. gentlemen: this manifestation of your zeal for the honor and the happiness of our country derives its full value from the share which your deliberations have already had in promoting both. i thank you for the favorable sentiments with which you view the part i have borne in the arduous trust committed to the government of the united states, and desire you to be assured that all my zeal will continue to second those further efforts for the public good which are insured by the spirit in which you are entering on the present session. george washington. october , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: in receiving your address at the opening of the present session the house of representatives have taken an ample share in the feelings inspired by the actual prosperity and flattering prospects of our country, and whilst with becoming gratitude to heaven we ascribe this happiness to the true source from which it flows, we behold with an animating pleasure the degree in which the constitution and laws of the united states have been instrumental in dispensing it. it yields us particular satisfaction to learn the success with which the different important measures of the government have proceeded, as well those specially provided for at the last session as those of preceding date. the safety of our western frontier, in which the lives and repose of so many of our fellow-citizens are involved, being peculiarly interesting, your communications on that subject are proportionally grateful to us. the gallantry and good conduct of the militia, whose services were called for, is an honorable confirmation of the efficacy of that precious resource of a free state, and we anxiously wish that the consequences of their successful enterprises and of the other proceedings to which you have referred may leave the united states free to pursue the most benevolent policy toward the unhappy and deluded race of people in our neighborhood. the amount of the population of the united states, determined by the returns of the census, is a source of the most pleasing reflections whether it be viewed in relation to our national safety and respectability or as a proof of that felicity in the situation of our country which favors so unexampled a rapidity in its growth. nor ought any to be insensible to the additional motive suggested by this important fact to perpetuate the free government established, with a wise administration of it, to a portion of the earth which promises such an increase of the number which is to enjoy those blessings within the limits of the united states. we shall proceed with all the respect due to your patriotic recommendations and with a deep sense of the trust committed to us by our fellow-citizens to take into consideration the various and important matters falling within the present session; and in discussing and deciding each we shall feel every disposition whilst we are pursuing the public welfare, which must be the supreme object with all our constituents, to accommodate as far as possible the means of attaining it to the sentiments and wishes of every part of them. october , . reply of the president. gentlemen: the pleasure i derive from an assurance of your attention to the objects i have recommended to you is doubled by your concurrence in the testimony i have borne to the prosperous condition of our public affairs. relying on the sanctions of your enlightened judgment and on your patriotic aid, i shall be the more encouraged in all my endeavors for the public weal, and particularly in those which may be required on my part for executing the salutary measures i anticipate from your present deliberations. george washington. october , . special messages. united states, _october , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you copies of the following acts, which have been transmitted to me during the recess of congress, viz: an act passed by the legislature of new hampshire for ceding to the united states the fort and light-house belonging to the said state. an act of the legislature of pennsylvania ratifying on behalf of said state the first article of amendment to the constitution of the united states as proposed by congress; and an act of the legislature of north carolina granting the use of the jails within that state to the united states. george washington. united states, _october , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i have directed the secretary of war to lay before you for your consideration all the papers relative to the late negotiations with the cherokee indians, and the treaty concluded with that tribe on the d day of july last by the superintendent of the southern district, and i request your advice whether i shall ratify the same. i also lay before you the instructions to colonel pickering and his conferences with the six nations of indians. these conferences were for the purpose of conciliation, and at a critical period, to withdraw those indians to a greater distance from the theater of war, in order to prevent their being involved therein. it might not have been necessary to have requested your opinion on this business had not the commissioner, with good intentions, but incautiously, made certain ratifications of lands unauthorized by his instructions and unsupported by the constitution. it therefore became necessary to disavow the transaction explicitly in a letter written by my orders to the governor of new york on the th of august last. the speeches to the complanter and other seneca chiefs, the instructions to colonel proctor, and his report, and other messages and directions are laid before you for your information and as evidences that all proper lenient measures preceded the exercise of coercion. the letters to the chief of the creeks are also laid before you, to evince that the requisite steps have been taken to produce a full compliance with the treaty made with that nation on the th of august, . george washington. united states, _october , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of a letter and of sundry documents which i have received from the governor of pennsylvania, respecting certain persons who are said to have fled from justice out of the state of pennsylvania into that of virginia, together with a report of the attorney-general of the united states upon the same subject. i have received from the governor of north carolina a copy of an act of the general assembly of that state, authorizing him to convey to the united states the right and jurisdiction of the said state over acre of land in occacock island and acres on the cape island, within the said state, for the purpose of erecting light-houses thereon, together with the deed of the governor in pursuance thereof and the original conveyances made to the state by the individual proprietors, which original conveyances contain conditions that the light-house on occacock shall be built before the st day of january, , and that on the cape island before the th day of october, . and i have caused these several papers to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state. a statement of the returns of the enumeration of the inhabitants of the united states which have been received will at this time be laid before you. george washington. united states, _october , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i have directed the secretary of war to lay before you, for your information, the reports of brigadier-general scott and lieutenant-colonel commandant wilkinson, the officers who commanded the two expeditions against the wabash indians in the months of june and august last, together with the instructions by virtue of which the said expeditions were undertaken. when the operations now depending shall be terminated, the reports relative thereto shall also be laid before you. george washington. united states, _october , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send you herewith the arrangement which has been made by me, pursuant to the act entitled "an act repealing after the last day of june next the duties heretofore laid upon distilled spirits imported from abroad and laying others in their stead, and also upon spirits distilled within the united states, and for appropriating the same," in respect to the subdivision of the several districts created by the said act into surveys of inspection, the appointment of officers for the same, and the assignment of compensations. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i received yesterday from the judge of the district of south carolina a letter, inclosing the presentments of the grand jury to him, and stating the causes which have prevented the return of the census from that district, copies of which are now laid before you. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the resolution passed at the last session of congress, requesting the president of the united states to cause an estimate to be laid before congress at their next session of the quantity and situation of the lands not claimed by the indians nor granted to nor claimed by any of the citizens of the united states within the territory ceded to the united states by the state of north carolina and within the territory of the united states northwest of the river ohio, has been referred to the secretary of state, a copy of whose report on that subject i now lay before you, together with the copy of a letter accompanying it. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i have received from the governor of virginia a resolution of the general assembly of that commonwealth, ratifying the first article of the amendments proposed by congress to the constitution of the united states, a copy of which and of the letter accompanying it i now lay before you. sundry papers relating to the purchase by judge symmes of the lands on the great miami having been communicated to me, i have thought it proper to lay the same before you for your information on that subject. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: it is with great concern that i communicate to you the information received from major-general st. clair of the misfortune which has befallen the troops under his command. although the national loss is considerable according to the scale of the event, yet it may be repaired without great difficulty, excepting as to the brave men who have fallen on the occasion, and who are a subject of public as well as private regret. a further communication will shortly be made of all such matters as shall be necessary to enable the legislature to judge of the future measures which it may be proper to pursue. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i place before you the plan of a city that has been laid out within the district of miles square, which was fixed upon for the permanent seat of the government of the united states. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you the copy of a letter which i have received from the governor of the commonwealth of pennsylvania, and of sundry documents which accompanied it, relative to a contract for the purchase of a certain tract of land bounding on lake erie, together with a copy of a report of the secretary of state on the same subject. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of the ratification by the commonwealth of virginia of the articles of amendment proposed by congress to the constitution of the united states, and a copy of a letter which accompanied said ratification from the governor of virginia. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you the following report, which has been made to me by the secretary of state: december , . the secretary of state reports to the president of the united states that one of the commissioners of spain, in the name of both, has lately communicated to him verbally, by order of his court, that his catholic majesty, apprised of our solicitude to have some arrangements made respecting our free navigation of the river mississippi and the use of a port thereon, is ready to enter into treaty thereon at madrid. the secretary of state is of opinion that this overture should be attended to without delay, and that the proposal of treating at madrid, though not what might have been desired, should yet be accepted, and a commission plenipotentiary made out for the purpose. that mr. carmichael, the present chargé d'affaires of the united states at madrid, from the local acquaintance which he must have acquired with persons and circumstances, would be an useful and proper member of the commission, but that it would be useful also to join with him some person more particularly acquainted with the circumstances of the navigation to be treated of. that the fund appropriated by the act providing the means of intercourse between the united states and foreign nations will insufficiently furnish the ordinary and regular demands on it, and is consequently inadequate to the mission of an additional commissioner express from hence. that therefore it will be advisable on this account, as well as for the sake of dispatch, to constitute some one of the ministers of the united states in europe, jointly with mr. carmichael, commissioners plenipotentiary for the special purpose of negotiating and concluding with any person or persons duly authorized by his catholic majesty a convention or treaty for the free navigation of the river mississippi by the citizens of the united states under such accommodations with respect to a port and other circumstances as may render the said navigation practicable, useful, and free from dispute, saving to the president and senate their respective rights as to the ratification of the same, and that the said negotiation be at madrid, or such other place in spain as shall be desired by his catholic majesty. th. jefferson. in consequence of the communication from the court of spain, as stated in the preceding report, i nominate william carmichael, present chargé d'affaires of the united states at madrid, and william short, present chargé d'affaires of the united states at paris, to be commissioners plenipotentiary for negotiating and concluding with any person or persons who shall be duly authorized by his catholic majesty a convention or treaty concerning the navigation of the river mississippi by the citizens of the united states, saving to the president and senate their respective rights as to the ratification of the same. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you, in confidence, two reports, made to me by the secretary for the department of war, relatively to the present state of affairs on the western frontiers of the united states. in these reports the causes of the present war with the indians, the measures taken by the executive to terminate it amicably, and the military preparations for the late campaign are stated and explained, and also a plan suggested of such further measures on the occasion as appear just and expedient. i am persuaded, gentlemen, that you will take this important subject into your immediate and serious consideration, and that the result of your deliberations will be the adoption of such wise and efficient measures as will reflect honor on our national councils and promote the welfare of our country. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of an exemplified copy of an act of the legislature of vermont, ratifying on behalf of that state the articles of amendment proposed by congress to the constitution of the united states together with a copy of a letter which accompanied said ratification. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you the communications of a deputation from the cherokee nation of indians now in this city, and i request your advice whether an additional article shall be made to the cherokee treaty to the following effect, to wit: that the sum to be paid annually by the united states to the cherokee nation of indians in consideration of the relinquishment of lands as stated in the treaty made with them on the d day of july, , shall be $ , instead of $ , mentioned in the said treaty. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: having received from the governor of virginia a letter, inclosing a resolution of the general assembly of that state and a report of a committee of the house of delegates respecting certain lands located by the officers and soldiers of the virginia line under the laws of that state, and since ceded to the chickasaw indians, i lay copies of the same before you, together with a report of the secretary of state on this subject. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: an article of expense having occurred in the department of foreign affairs for which no provision has been made by law, i lay before you a letter from the secretary of state explaining the same, in order that you may do thereon what you shall find to be right. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of a return of the number of inhabitants in the district of south carolina as made to me by the marshal thereof, and a copy of a letter which accompanied said return. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: knowing the friendly interest you take in whatever may promote the happiness and prosperity of the french nation, it is with pleasure that i lay before you the translation of a letter which i have received from his most christian majesty, announcing to the united states of america his acceptance of the constitution presented to him by his nation. george washington. _very dear great friends and allies_: we make it our duty to inform you that we have accepted the constitution which has been presented to us in the name of the nation, and according to which france will be henceforth governed. we do not doubt that you take an interest in an event so important to our kingdom and to us, and it is with real pleasure we take this occasion to renew to you assurances of the sincere friendship we bear you. whereupon we pray god to have you, very dear great friends and allies, in his just and holy keeping. written at paris the th of september, . your good friend and ally, louis. montmorin. the united states of north america. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you the following report, which has been submitted to me by the secretary of state: january , . the secretary of state having received information that the merchants and merchandise of the united states are subject in copenhagen and other ports of denmark to considerable extra duties, from which they might probably be relieved by the presence of a consul there-- reports to the president of the united states that it would be expedient to name a consul to be resident in the port of copenhagen; that he has not been able to find that there is any citizen of the united states residing there; that there is a certain hans rudolph saaby, a danish subject and merchant of that place, of good character, of wealth and distinction, and well qualified and disposed to act there for the united states, who would probably accept the commission of consul; but that that of vice-consul, hitherto given by the president to foreigners in ports where there was no proper american citizen, would probably not be accepted because in this, as in some other ports of europe, usage has established it as a subordinate grade. and that he is therefore of the opinion that the said hans rudolph saaby should be nominated consul of the united states of america for the port of copenhagen and such other places within the allegiance of his danish majesty as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the united states within the same allegiance. thomas jefferson. with a view to relieve the merchants and merchandise of the united states from the extra duties to which they are or may be subjected in the ports of denmark, i have thought it for the interest of the united states that a consul be appointed to reside at copenhagen. i therefore nominate hans rudolph saaby, a danish subject and merchant of copenhagen, to be consul for the united states of america at the port of copenhagen and for such other places within the allegiance of his danish majesty as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the united states within the same allegiance. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i submit to your consideration the report of the secretary of state, which accompanies this, stating the reasons for extending the negotiation proposed at madrid to the subject of commerce, and explaining, under the form of instructions to the commissioners lately appointed to that court, the principles on which commercial arrangements with spain might, if desired on her part, be acceded to on ours; and i have to request your decision whether you will advise and consent to the extension of the powers of the commissioners as proposed, and to the ratification of a treaty which shall conform to those instructions should they enter into such a one with that court. george washington. march , . the secretary of state having understood from communications with the commissioners of his catholic majesty, subsequent to that which he reported to the president on the d of december last, that though they considered the navigation of the mississippi as the principal object of negotiation between the two countries, yet it was expected by their court that the conferences would extend to all the matters which were under negotiation on the former occasion with mr. gardoqui, and particularly to some arrangements of commerce, is of opinion that to renew the conferences on this subject also, since they desire it, will be but friendly and respectful, and can lead to nothing without our own consent, and that to refuse it might obstruct the settlement of the questions of navigation and boundary; and therefore reports to the president of the united states the following observations and instructions to the commissioners of the united states appointed to negotiate with the court of spain a treaty or convention relative to the navigation of the mississippi, which observations and instructions he is of opinion should be laid before the senate of the united states, and their decision be desired whether they will advise and consent that a treaty be entered into by the commissioners of the united states with spain conformably thereto. after stating to our commissioners the foundation of our rights to navigate the mississippi and to hold our southern boundary at the thirty-first degree of latitude, and that each of these is to be a sine qua non, it is proposed to add as follows: on the former conferences on the navigation of the mississippi, spain chose to blend with it the subject of commerce, and accordingly specific propositions thereon passed between the negotiators. her object then was to obtain our renunciation of the navigation and to hold out commercial arrangements perhaps as a lure to us. perhaps, however, she might then, and may now, really set a value on commercial arrangements with us, and may receive them as a consideration for accommodating us in the navigation, or may wish for them to have the appearance of receiving a consideration. commercial arrangements, if acceptable in themselves, will not be the less so if coupled with those relating to navigation and boundary. we have only to take care that they be acceptable in themselves. there are two principles which may be proposed as the basis of a commercial treaty: first, that of exchanging the privileges of native citizens, or, second, those of the most favored nation. first. with the nations holding important possessions in america we are ready to exchange the rights of native citizens, provided they be extended through the whole possessions of both parties; but the propositions of spain made on the former occasion (a copy of which accompanies this) were that we should give their merchants, vessels, and productions the privileges of native merchants, vessels, and productions through the whole of our possessions, and they give the same to ours only in spain and the canaries. this is inadmissible, because unequal; and as we believe that spain is not ripe for an equal exchange on this basis, we avoid proposing it. second. though treaties which merely exchange the rights of the most favored nations are not without all inconvenience, yet they have their conveniences also. it is an important one that they leave each party free to make what internal regulations they please, and to give what preferences they find expedient to native merchants, vessels, and productions; and as we already have treaties on this basis with france, holland, sweden, and prussia, the two former of which are perpetual, it will be but small additional embarrassment to extend it to spain. on the contrary, we are sensible it is right to place that nation on the most favored footing, whether we have a treaty with them or not, and it can do us no harm to secure by treaty a reciprocation of the right. of the four treaties before mentioned, either the french or the prussian might be taken as a model; but it would be useless to propose the prussian, because we have already supposed that spain would never consent to those articles which give to each party access to all the dominions of the other; and without this equivalent we would not agree to tie our own hands so materially in war as would be done by the twenty-third article, which renounces the right of fitting out privateers or of capturing merchant vessels. the french treaty, therefore, is proposed as the model. in this, however, the following changes are to be made: we should be admitted to all the dominions of spain to which any other foreign nation is or may be admitted. article , being an exemption from a particular duty in france, will of course be omitted as inapplicable to spain. article to be omitted as unnecessary with morocco, and inefficacious and little honorable with any of the barbary powers; but it may furnish occasion to sound spain on the project of a convention of the powers at war with the barbary states to keep up by rotation a constant cruise of a given force on their coasts till they shall be compelled to renounce forever and against all nations their predatory practices. perhaps the infidelities of the algerines to their treaty of peace with spain, though the latter does not choose to break openly, may induce her to subsidize _us_ to cruise against them with a given force. articles and , concerning fisheries, to be omitted as inapplicable. article . the first paragraph of this article respecting the droit d'aubaine to be omitted, that law being supposed peculiar to france. article , giving asylum in the ports of either to the armed vessels of the other with the prizes taken from the enemies of that other, must be qualified as it is in the nineteenth article of the prussian treaty, as the stipulation in the latter part of the article that "no shelter or refuge shall be given in the ports of the one to such as shall have made prize on the subjects of the other of the parties" would forbid us, in case of a war between france and spain, to give shelter in our ports to prizes made by the latter on the former, while the first part of the article would oblige us to shelter those made by the former on the latter--a very dangerous covenant, and which ought never to be repeated in any other instance. article . consuls should be received at all the ports at which the vessels of either party may be received. article , concerning free ports in europe and america, free ports in the spanish possessions in america, and particularly at the havannah, are more to be desired than expected. it can therefore only be recommended to the best endeavors of the commissioners to obtain them. it will be something to obtain for our vessels, flour, etc., admission to those ports during their pleasure. in like manner, if they could be prevailed on to reestablish our right of cutting logwood in the bay of campeachy on the footing on which it stood before the treaty of , it would be desirable and not endanger to us any contest with the english, who by the revolution treaty are restrained to the southeastern parts of yucatan. article . the _act_ of ratification on our part may require a twelvemonth from the date of the treaty, as the senate meets regularly but once a year; and to return it to madrid for _exchange_ may require four months more. the treaty must not exceed ---- years' duration, except the clauses relating to boundary and the navigation of the mississippi, which must be perpetual and final. indeed, these two subjects had better be in a separate instrument. there might have been mentioned a third species of arrangement--that of making special agreements on every special subject of commerce, and of settling a tariff of duty to be paid on each side on every particular article; but this would require in our commissioners a very minute knowledge of our commerce, as it is impossible to foresee every proposition of this kind which might be brought into discussion and to prepare them for it by information and instruction from hence. our commerce, too, is as yet rather in a course of experiment, and the channels in which it will ultimately flow are not sufficiently known to enable us to provide for it by special agreement; nor have the exigencies of our new government as yet so far developed themselves as that we can know to what degree we may or must have recourse to commerce for the purposes of revenue. no common consideration, therefore, ought to induce us as yet to arrangements of this kind. perhaps nothing should do it with any nation short of the privileges of natives in all their possessions, foreign and domestic. it were to be wished, indeed, that some positively favorable stipulations respecting our grain, flour, and fish could be obtained, even on our giving reciprocal advantages to some of the commodities of spain, say her wines and brandies; but, first. if we quit the ground of the _most favored nation_ as to certain articles for our convenience, spain may insist on doing the same for other articles for her convenience, and thus our commissioners will get themselves on the ground of _a treaty of detail_, for which they will not be prepared. second. if we grant favor to the wines and brandies of spain, then portugal and france will demand the same; and in order to create an equivalent portugal may lay a duty on our fish and grain, and france a prohibition on our whale oils, the removal of which will be proposed as an equivalent. thus much, however, as to grain and flour may be attempted. there has not long since been a considerable duty laid on them in spain. this was while a treaty on the subject of commerce was pending between us and spain, as that court considers the matter. it is not generally thought right to change the state of things pending a treaty concerning them. on this consideration and on the motive of cultivating our friendship, perhaps the commissioners may induce them to restore this commodity to the footing on which it was on opening the conferences with mr. gardoqui, on the th day of july, . if spain says, "do the same by your tonnage on our vessels," the answer may be that "our foreign tonnage affects spain very little and other nations very much; whereas the duty on flour in spain affects us very much and other nations very little; consequently there would be no equality in reciprocal relinquishment, as there had been none in the reciprocal innovation; and spain, by insisting on this, would in fact only be aiding the interests of her rival nations, to whom we should be forced to extend the same indulgence." at the time of opening the conferences, too, we had as yet not erected any system, our government itself being not yet erected. innovation then was unavoidable on our part, if it be innovation to establish a system. we did it on fair and general ground, on ground favorable to spain; but they had a system, and therefore innovation was avoidable on their part. thomas jefferson. articles proposed by don diego gardoqui to be inserted in the treaty with the united states. first. that all commercial regulations affecting each other shall be founded in perfect reciprocity. spanish merchants shall enjoy all the commercial privileges of native merchants in the united states, and american merchants shall enjoy all the commercial privileges of native merchants in the kingdom of spain and in the canaries and other islands belonging to and adjacent thereto. the same privileges shall extend to their respective vessels and merchandise consisting of the manufactures and products of their respective countries. second. each party may establish consuls in the countries of the other (excepting such provinces in spain into which none have heretofore been admitted, viz, bilboa and guipusca), with such powers and privileges as shall be ascertained by a particular convention. third. that the bona fide manufactures and productions of the united states (tobacco only excepted, which shall continue under its present regulation) may be imported in american or spanish vessels into any parts of his majesty's european dominions and islands aforesaid in like manner as if they were the productions of spain, and, on the other hand, that the bona fide manufactures and productions of his majesty's dominions may be imported into the united states in spanish or american vessels in like manner as if they were the manufactures and productions of the said states. and further, that all such duties and imposts as may mutually be thought necessary to lay on them by either party shall be ascertained and regulated on principles of exact reciprocity by a tariff, to be formed by a convention for that purpose, to be negotiated and made within _one_ year after the exchange of the ratification of this treaty; and in the meantime that no other duties or imposts shall be exacted from each other's merchants and ships than such as may be payable by natives in like cases. fourth. that inasmuch as the united states, from not having mines of gold and silver, may often want supplies of specie for a circulating medium, his catholic majesty, as a proof of his good will, agrees to order the masts and timber which may from time to time be wanted for his royal navy to be purchased and paid for in specie in the united states, provided the said masts and timber shall be of equal quality and when brought to spain shall not cost more than the like may there be had for from other countries. fifth. it is agreed that the articles commonly inserted in other treaties of commerce for mutual and reciprocal convenience shall be inserted in this, and that this treaty and every article and stipulation therein shall continue in full force for ----- years, to be computed from the day of the date hereof. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now lay before you a general account rendered by the bankers of the united states at amsterdam of the payments they had made between the st of july, and , from the fund deposited in their hands for the purposes of the act providing the means of intercourse between the united states and foreign nations, and of the balance remaining in their hands, together with a letter from the secretary of state on the subject. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the several acts which have been passed relatively to the military establishment of the united states and the protection of the frontiers do not appear to have made provision for more than one brigadier-general. it is incumbent upon me to observe that, with a view merely to the organization of the troops designated by those acts, a greater number of officers of that grade would, in my opinion, be conducive to the good of the public service. but an increase of the number becomes still more desirable in reference to a different organization which is contemplated, pursuant to the authority vested in me for that purpose, and which, besides other advantages expected from it, is recommended by considerations of economy. i therefore request that you will be pleased to take this subject into your early consideration and to adopt such measures thereon as you shall judge proper. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: at the conferences which colonel pickering had with the five nations at the painted post the last year ideas were then held out of introducing among them some of the primary principles of civilization, in consequence of which, as well as more firmly to attach them to the interests of the united states, they have been invited to the seat of the general government. as the representation now here is respectable for its character and influence, it is of some importance that the chiefs should be well satisfied of the entire good faith and liberality of the united states. in managing the affairs of the indian tribes generally it appears proper to teach them to expect annual presents, conditioned on the evidence of their attachment to the interests of the united states. the situation of the five nations and the present crisis of affairs would seem to render the extension of this measure to them highly judicious. i therefore request the advice of the senate whether an article shall be stipulated with the five nations to the following purport, to wit: the united states, in order to promote the happiness of the five nations of indians, will cause to be expended annually the amount of $ , in purchasing for them clothing, domestic animals, and implements of husbandry, and for encouraging useful artificers to reside in their villages, george washington. april , . _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i have thought it proper to lay before you a communication of the th instant from the minister plenipotentiary of great britain to the secretary of state, relative to the commerce of the two countries, together with their explanatory correspondence and the secretary of state's letter to me on the subject, george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of a letter from the judges of the circuit court of the united states held for the new york district, and of their opinion and agreement respecting the "act to provide for the settlement of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions." george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you the copy of a letter which i have received from the judges of the circuit court of the united states held for the pennsylvania district relatively to the "act to provide for the settlement of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions." george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: if the president of the united states should conclude a convention or treaty with the government of algiers for the ransom of the thirteen americans in captivity there for a sum not exceeding $ , , all expenses included, will the senate approve the same? or is there any, and what, greater or lesser sum which they would fix on as the limit beyond which they would not approve the ransom? if the president of the united states should conclude a treaty with the government of algiers for the establishment of peace with them, at an expense not exceeding $ , , paid at the signature, and a like sum to be paid annually afterwards during the continuance of the treaty, would the senate approve the same? or are there any greater or lesser sums which they would fix on as the limits beyond which they would not approve of such treaty? george washington. veto message. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i have maturely considered the act passed by the two houses entitled "an act for an apportionment of representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration," and i return it to your house, wherein it originated, with the following objections: first. the constitution has prescribed that representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, and there is no one proportion or divisor which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill. second. the constitution has also provided that the number of representatives shall not exceed for every , , which restriction is by the context and by fair and obvious construction to be applied to the separate and respective numbers of the states; and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than for every , . george washington. proclamation. [from sparks's washington, vol. x, p. .] whereas certain violent and unwarrantable proceedings have lately taken place tending to obstruct the operation of the laws of the united states for raising a revenue upon spirits distilled within the same, enacted pursuant to express authority delegated in the constitution of the united states, which proceedings are subversive of good order, contrary to the duty that every citizen owes to his country and to the laws, and of a nature dangerous to the very being of a government; and whereas such proceedings are the more unwarrantable by reason of the moderation which has been heretofore shown on the part of the government and of the disposition which has been manifested by the legislature (who alone have authority to suspend the operation of laws) to obviate causes of objection and to render the laws as acceptable as possible; and whereas it is the particular duty of the executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," and not only that duty but the permanent interests and happiness of the people require that every legal and necessary step should be pursued as well to prevent such violent and unwarrantable proceedings as to bring to justice the infractors of the laws and secure obedience thereto: now, therefore, i, george washington, president of the united states, do by these presents most earnestly admonish and exhort all persons whom it may concern to refrain and desist from all unlawful combinations and proceedings whatsoever having for object or tending to obstruct the operation of the laws aforesaid, inasmuch as all lawful ways and means will be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors thereof and securing obedience thereto. and i do moreover charge and require all courts, magistrates, and officers whom it may concern, according to the duties of their several offices, to exert the powers in them respectively vested by law for the purposes aforesaid, hereby also enjoining and requiring all persons whomsoever, as they tender the welfare of their country, the just and due authority of government, and the preservation of the public peace, to be aiding and assisting therein according to law. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done this th of september, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the seventeenth. george washington. fourth annual address. united states, _november , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: it is some abatement of the satisfaction with which i meet you on the present occasion that, in felicitating you on a continuance of the national prosperity generally, i am not able to add to it information that the indian hostilities which have for some time past distressed our northwestern frontier have terminated. you will, i am persuaded, learn with no less concern than i communicate it that reiterated endeavors toward effecting a pacification have hitherto issued only in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom we are in contest. an earnest desire to procure tranquillity to the frontier, to stop the further effusion of blood, to arrest the progress of expense, to forward the prevalent wish of the nation for peace has led to strenuous efforts through various channels to accomplish these desirable purposes; in making which efforts i consulted less my own anticipations of the event, or the scruples which some considerations were calculated to inspire, than the wish to find the object attainable, or if not attainable, to ascertain unequivocally that such is the case. a detail of the measures which have been pursued and of their consequences, which will be laid before you, while it will confirm to you the want of success thus far, will, i trust, evince that means as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised have been employed. the issue of some of them, indeed, is still depending, but a favorable one, though not to be despaired of, is not promised by anything that has yet happened. in the course of the attempts which have been made some valuable citizens have fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. a sanction commonly respected even among savages has been found in this instance insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace. it will, i presume, be duly considered whether the occasion does not call for an exercise of liberality toward the families of the deceased. it must add to your concern to be informed that, besides the continuation of hostile appearances among the tribes north of the ohio, some threatening symptoms have of late been revived among some of those south of it. a part of the cherokees, known by the name of chickamaugas, inhabiting five villages on the tennessee river, have long been in the practice of committing depredations on the neighboring settlements. it was hoped that the treaty of holston, made with the cherokee nation in july, , would have prevented a repetition of such depredations; but the event has not answered this hope. the chickamaugas, aided by some banditti of another tribe in their vicinity, have recently perpetrated wanton and unprovoked hostilities upon the citizens of the united states in that quarter. the information which has been received on this subject will be laid before you. hitherto defensive precautions only have been strictly enjoined and observed. it is not understood that any breach of treaty or aggression whatsoever on the part of the united states or their citizens is even alleged as a pretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter. i have reason to believe that every practicable exertion has been made (pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for the alternative of a prosecution of the war in the event of a failure of pacific overtures. a large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised have been recruited, though the number is still incomplete, and pains have been taken to discipline and put them in condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. a delay of operations (besides being dictated by the measures which were pursuing toward a pacific termination of the war) has been in itself deemed preferable to immature efforts. a statement from the proper department with regard to the number of troops raised, and some other points which have been suggested, will afford more precise information as a guide to the legislative consultations, and among other things will enable congress to judge whether some additional stimulus to the recruiting service may not be advisable. in looking forward to the future expense of the operations which may be found inevitable i derive consolation from the information i receive that the product of the revenues for the present year is likely to supersede the necessity of additional burthens on the community for the service of the ensuing year. this, however, will be better ascertained in the course of the session, and it is proper to add that the information alluded to proceeds upon the supposition of no material extension of the spirit of hostility. i can not dismiss the subject of indian affairs without again recommending to your consideration the expediency of more adequate provision for giving energy to the laws throughout our interior frontier and for restraining the commission of outrages upon the indians, without which all pacific plans must prove nugatory. to enable, by competent rewards, the employment of qualified and trusty persons to reside among them as agents would also contribute to the preservation of peace and good neighborhood. if in addition to these expedients an eligible plan could be devised for promoting civilization among the friendly tribes and for carrying on trade with them upon a scale equal to their wants and under regulations calculated to protect them from imposition and extortion, its influence in cementing their interest with ours could not but be considerable. the prosperous state of our revenue has been intimated. this would be still more the case were it not for the impediments which in some places continue to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the united states. these impediments have lessened and are lessening in local extent, and, as applied to the community at large, the contentment with the law appears to be progressive. but symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves in certain quarters, i judged a special interposition on my part proper and advisable, and under this impression have issued a proclamation warning against all unlawful combinations and proceedings having for their object or tending to obstruct the operation of the law in question, and announcing that all lawful ways and means would be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors thereof and securing obedience thereto. measures have also been taken for the prosecution of offenders, and congress may be assured that nothing within constitutional and legal limits which may depend upon me shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. in fulfilling this trust i shall count entirely upon the full cooperation of the other departments of the government and upon the zealous support of all good citizens. i can not forbear to bring again into the view of the legislature the subject of a revision of the judiciary system. a representation from the judges of the supreme court, which will be laid before you, points out some of the inconveniences that are experienced. in the course of the execution of the laws considerations arise out of the structure of that system which in some cases tend to relax their efficacy. as connected with this subject, provisions to facilitate the taking of bail upon processes out of the courts of the united states and a supplementary definition of offenses against the constitution and laws of the union and of the punishment for such offenses will, it is presumed, be found worthy of particular attention. observations on the value of peace with other nations are unnecessary. it would be wise, however, by timely provisions to guard against those acts of our own citizens which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations which we may sometimes have occasion to require from them. i particularly recommend to your consideration the means of preventing those aggressions by our citizens on the territory of other nations, and other infractions of the law of nations, which, furnishing just subject of complaint, might endanger our peace with them; and, in general, the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with foreign powers will be presented to your attention by the expiration of the law for that purpose, which takes place, if not renewed, at the close of the present session. in execution of the authority given by the legislature measures have been taken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the establishment of our mint. others have been employed at home. provision has been made of the requisite buildings, and these are now putting into proper condition for the purposes of the establishment. there has also been a small beginning in the coinage of half dimes, the want of small coins in circulation calling the first attention to them. the regulation of foreign coins in correspondency with the principles of our national coinage, as being essential to their due operation and to order in our money concerns, will, i doubt not, be resumed and completed. it is represented that some provisions in the law which establishes the post-office operate, in experiment, against the transmission of newspapers to distant parts of the country. should this, upon due inquiry, be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the circulation of political intelligence and information will, i doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy. the adoption of a constitution for the state of kentucky has been notified to me. the legislature will share with me in the satisfaction which arises from an event interesting to the happiness of the part of the nation to which it relates and conducive to the general order. it is proper likewise to inform you that since my last communication on the subject, and in further execution of the acts severally making provision for the public debt and for the reduction thereof, three new loans have been effected, each for , , florins--one at antwerp, at the annual interest of - / per cent, with an allowance of per cent in lieu of all charges, and the other two at amsterdam, at the annual interest of per cent, with an allowance of - / per cent in one case and of per cent in the other in lieu of all charges. the rates of these loans and the circumstances under which they have been made are confirmations of the high state of our credit abroad. among the objects to which these funds have been directed to be applied, the payment of the debts due to certain foreign officers, according to the provision made during the last session, has been embraced. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the government. no measure can be more desirable, whet her viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation. provision is likewise requisite for the reimbursement of the loan which has been made of the bank of the united states, pursuant to the eleventh section of the act by which it is incorporated. in fulfilling the public stipulations in this particular it is expected a valuable saving will be made. appropriations for the current service of the ensuing year and for such extraordinaries as may require provision will demand, and i doubt not will engage, your early attention. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i content myself with recalling your attention generally to such objects, not particularized in my present, as have been suggested in my former communications to you. various temporary laws will expire during the present session. among these, that which regulates trade and intercourse with the indian tribes will merit particular notice. the results of your common deliberations hitherto will, i trust, be productive of solid and durable advantages to our constituents, such as, by conciliating more and more their ultimate suffrage, will tend to strengthen and confirm their attachment to that constitution of government upon which, under divine providence, materially depend their union, their safety, and their happiness. still further to promote and secure these inestimable ends there is nothing which can have a more powerful tendency than the careful cultivation of harmony, combined with a due regard to stability, in the public councils. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states: accept, sir, our grateful acknowledgments for your address at the opening of the present session. we participate with you in the satisfaction arising from the continuance of the general prosperity of the nation, but it is not without the most sincere concern that we are informed that the reiterated efforts which have been made to establish peace with the hostile indians have hitherto failed to accomplish that desired object. hoping that the measures still depending may prove more successful than those which have preceded them, we shall nevertheless concur in every necessary preparation for the alternative, and should the indians on either side of the ohio persist in their hostilities, fidelity to the union, as well as affection for our fellow-citizens on the frontiers, will insure our decided cooperation in every measure which shall be deemed requisite for their protection and safety. at the same time that we avow the obligation of the government to afford its protection to every part of the union, we can not refrain from expressing our regret that even a small portion of our fellow-citizens in any quarter of it should have combined to oppose the operation of the law for the collection of duties on spirits distilled within the united states, a law repeatedly sanctioned by the authority of the nation, and at this juncture materially connected with the safety and protection of those who oppose it. should the means already adopted fail in securing obedience to this law, such further measures as may be thought necessary to carry the same into complete operation can not fail to receive the approbation of the legislature and the support of every patriotic citizen. it yields us particular pleasure to learn that the productiveness of the revenue of the present year will probably supersede the necessity of any additional tax for the service of the next. the organization of the government of the state of kentucky being an event peculiarly interesting to a part of our fellow-citizens and conducive to the general order, affords us particular satisfaction. we are happy to learn that the high state of our credit abroad has been evinced by the terms on which the new loans have been negotiated. in the course of the session we shall proceed to take into consideration the several objects which you have been pleased to recommend to our attention, and keeping in view the importance of union and stability in the public councils, we shall labor to render our decisions conducive to the safety and happiness of our country. we repeat with pleasure our assurances of confidence in your administration and our ardent wish that your unabated zeal for the public good may be rewarded by the durable prosperity of the nation, and every ingredient of personal happiness. john langdon, _president pro tempore_. november , . reply of the president. i derive much pleasure, gentlemen, from your very satisfactory address. the renewed assurances of your confidence in my administration and the expression of your wish for my personal happiness claim and receive my particular acknowledgments. in my future endeavor for the public welfare, to which my duty may call me, i shall not cease to count upon the firm, enlightened, and patriotic support of the senate. george washington. november , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the house of representatives, who always feel a satisfaction in meeting you, are much concerned that the occasion for mutual felicitation afforded by the circumstances favorable to the national prosperity should be abated by a continuance of the hostile spirit of many of the indian tribes, and particularly that the reiterated efforts for effecting a general pacification with them should have issued in new proofs of their persevering enmity and the barbarous sacrifice of citizens who, as the messengers of peace, were distinguishing themselves by their zeal for the public service. in our deliberations on this important department of our affairs we shall be disposed to pursue every measure that may be dictated by the sincerest desire, on one hand, of cultivating peace and manifesting by every practicable regulation our benevolent regard for the welfare of those misguided people, and by the duty we feel, on the other, to provide effectually for the safety and protection of our fellow-citizens. while with regret we learn that symptoms of opposition to the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the united states have manifested themselves, we reflect with consolation that they are confined to a small portion of our fellow-citizens. it is not more essential to the preservation of true liberty that a government should be always ready to listen to the representations of its constituents and to accommodate its measures to the sentiments and wishes of every part of them, as far as will consist with the good of the whole, than it is that the just authority of the laws should be steadfastly maintained. under this impression every department of the government and all good citizens must approve the measures you have taken and the purpose you have formed to execute this part of your trust with firmness and energy; and be assured, sir, of every constitutional aid and cooperation which may become requisite on our part. and we hope that, while the progress of contentment under the law in question is as obvious as it is rational, no particular part of the community may be permitted to withdraw from the general burthens of the country by a conduct as irreconcilable to national justice as it is inconsistent with public decency. the productive state of the public revenue and the confirmation of the credit of the united states abroad, evinced by the loans at antwerp and amsterdam, are communications the more gratifying as they enforce the obligation to enter on systematic and effectual arrangements for discharging the public debt as fast as the conditions of it will permit, and we take pleasure in the opportunity to assure you of our entire concurrence in the opinion that no measure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to the urgent wish of the community or the intrinsic importance of promoting so happy a change in our situation. the adoption of a constitution for the state of kentucky is an event on which we join in all the satisfaction you have expressed. it may be considered as particularly interesting since, besides the immediate benefits resulting from it, it is another auspicious demonstration of the facility and success with which an enlightened people is capable of providing, by free and deliberate plans of government, for their own safety and happiness. the operation of the law establishing the post-office, as it relates to the transmission of newspapers, will merit our particular inquiry and attention, the circulation of political intelligence through these vehicles being justly reckoned among the surest means of preventing the degeneracy of a free government, as well as of recommending every salutary public measure to the confidence and cooperation of all virtuous citizens. the several other matters which you have communicated and recommended will in their order receive the attention due to them, and our discussions will in all cases, we trust, be guided by a proper respect for harmony and stability in the public councils and a desire to conciliate more and more the attachment of our constituents to the constitution, by measures accommodated to the true ends for which it was established. november , . reply of the president. gentlemen: it gives me pleasure to express to you the satisfaction which your address affords me. i feel, as i ought, the approbation you manifest of the measures i have taken and the purpose i have formed to maintain, pursuant to the trust reposed in me by the constitution, the respect which is due to the laws, and the assurance which you at the same time give me of every constitutional aid and cooperation that may become requisite on your part. this is a new proof of that enlightened solicitude for the establishment and confirmation of public order which, embracing a zealous regard for the principles of true liberty, has guided the deliberations of the house of representatives, a perseverance in which can alone secure, under the divine blessing, the real and permanent felicity of our common country. george washington. november , . special messages. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in pursuance of the law, i now lay before you a statement of the administration of the funds appropriated to certain foreign purposes, together with a letter from the secretary of state explaining the same. i also lay before you a copy of a letter and representation from the chief justice and associate judges of the supreme court of the united states, stating the difficulties and inconveniences which attend the discharge of their duties according to the present judiciary system. a copy of a letter from the judges attending the circuit court of the united states for the north carolina district in june last, containing their observations on an act, passed during the last session of congress, entitled "an act to provide for the settlement of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions;" and a copy of the constitution formed for the state of kentucky. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now lay before you a letter from the secretary of state, covering the copy of one from the governor of virginia, with the several papers therein referred to, on the subject of the boundary between that state and the territory of the united states south of the ohio. it will remain with the legislature to take such measures as it shall think best for settling the said boundary with that state, and at the same time, if it thinks proper, for extending the settlement to the state of kentucky, between which and the same territory the boundary is as yet undetermined. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send you herewith the abstract of a supplementary arrangement which has been made by me, pursuant to the acts of the d day of march, , and the th day of may, , for raising a revenue upon foreign and domestic distilled spirits, in respect to the subdivisions and officers which have appeared to me necessary and to the allowances for their respective services to the supervisors, inspectors, and other officers of inspection, together with the estimates of the amount of compensations and charges. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the several measures which have been pursued to induce the hostile indian tribes north of the ohio to enter into a conference or treaty with the united states at which all causes of difference might be fully understood and justly and amicably arranged have already been submitted to both houses of congress. the papers herewith sent will inform you of the result. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you two letters, with their inclosures, from the governor of the southwestern territory, and an extract of a letter to him from the department of war. these and a letter of the th of october last, which has been already communicated to you, from the same department to the governor, will shew in what manner the first section of the act of the last session which provides for calling out the militia for the repelling of indian invasions has been executed. it remains to be considered by congress whether in the present situation of the united states it be advisable or not to pursue any further or other measures than those which have been already adopted. the nature of the subject does of itself call for your immediate attention to it, and i must add that upon the result of your deliberations the future conduct of the executive will on this occasion materially depend. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: since my last communication to you on the subject of the revenue on distilled spirits it has been found necessary, on experience, to revise and amend the arrangements relative thereto in regard to certain surveys and the officers thereof in the district of north carolina, which i have done accordingly in the manner following: first. the several counties of the said district originally and heretofore contained within the first, second, and third surveys have been allotted into and are now contained in two surveys, one of which (to be hereafter denominated the first) comprehends the town of wilmington and the counties of onslow, new hanover, brunswick, robertson, sampson, craven, jones, lenox, glascow, johnston, and wayne, and the other of which (to be hereafter denominated the second) comprehends the counties of kurrituck, camden, pasquotank, perquimans, chowan, gates, hartford, tyrrel, bertie, carteret, hyde, beaufort, and pitt. secondly. the several counties of the said district originally and heretofore contained within the fifth survey of the district aforesaid has been allotted into and is contained in two surveys, one of which (to be hereafter denominated the third) comprehends the counties of mecklenburg, rowan, iredell, montgomery, guilford, rockingham, stokes, and surrey, and the other of which (to be hereafter denominated the fifth) comprehends the counties of lincoln, rutherford, burke, buncombe, and wilkes. thirdly. the duties of the inspector of the revenue in and for the third survey as constituted above is to be performed for the present by the supervisor. fourthly. the compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the first survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $ per annum and commissions and other emoluments similar to those heretofore allowed to the inspector of the late first survey as it was originally constituted. fifthly. the compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the second survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $ per annum and the commissions and other emoluments heretofore allowed to the inspector of the late third survey as it was originally constituted. sixthly. the compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the fifth survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $ per annum and the commissions and other emoluments similar to those heretofore allowed to the inspector of the late fifth survey as it was originally constituted. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you an official statement of the expenditure to the year from the sum of $ , , granted to defray the contingent expenses of government by an act passed on the th of march, . also an abstract of a supplementary arrangement made in the district of north carolina in regard to certain surveys to facilitate the execution of the law laying a duty on distilled spirits. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you for your consideration and advice a treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded on the th day of september, , by brigadier-general rufus putnam, in behalf of the united states, with the wabash and illinois tribes of indians, and also the proceedings attending the said treaty, the explanation of the fourth article thereof, and a map explanatory of the reservation to the french inhabitants and the general claim of the said indians. in connection with this subject i also lay before the senate the copy of a paper which has been delivered by a man by the name of john baptiste mayeé, who has accompanied the wabash indians at present in this city. it will appear by the certificate of brigadier-general putnam that the wabash indians disclaimed the validity of the said paper, excepting a certain tract upon the wabash, as mentioned in the proceedings. the instructions to brigadier-general putnam of the d of may, together with a letter to him of the th of august, , were laid before the senate on the th of november, . after the senate shall have considered this treaty, i request that they would give me their advice whether the same shall be ratified and confirmed; and if to be ratified and confirmed, whether it would not be proper, in order to prevent any misconception hereafter of the fourth article, to guard in the ratification the exclusive preemption of the united states to the lands of the said indians. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i now lay before you a report and plat of the territory of the united states on the potomac as given in by the commissioners of that territory, together with a letter from the secretary of state which accompanied them. these papers, being original, are to be again deposited with the records of the department of state after having answered the purpose of your information. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: it has been agreed on the part of the united states that a treaty or conference shall be held at the ensuing season with the hostile indians northwest of the ohio, in order to remove, if possible, all causes of difference and to establish a solid peace with them. as the estimates heretofore presented to the house for the current year did not contemplate this object, it will be proper that an express provision be made by law as well for the general expenses of the treaty as to establish the compensation to be allowed the commissioners who shall be appointed for the purpose. i shall therefore direct the secretary of war to lay before you an estimate of the expenses which may probably attend this measure. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a copy of an exemplification of an act of the legislature of new york ceding to the united states the jurisdiction of certain lands on montauk point for the purpose mentioned in said act, and the copy of a letter from the governor of new york to the secretary of state, which accompanied said exemplification. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i was led by a consideration of the qualifications of william patterson, of new jersey, to nominate him an associate justice of the supreme court of the united states. it has since occurred that he was a member of the senate when the law creating that office was passed, and that the time for which he was elected is not yet expired. i think it my duty, therefore, to declare that i deem the nomination to have been null by the constitution. george washington. proclamations. [from freneau's national gazette of december , .] by the president of the united states. whereas i have received authentic information that certain lawless and wicked persons of the western frontier in the state of georgia did lately invade, burn, and destroy a town belonging to the cherokee nation, although in amity with the united states, and put to death several indians of that nation; and whereas such outrageous conduct not only violates the rights of humanity, but also endangers the public peace, and it highly becomes the honor and good faith of the united states to pursue all legal means for the punishment of those atrocious offenders: i have therefore thought fit to issue this my proclamation, hereby exhorting all the citizens of the united states and requiring all the officers thereof, according to their respective stations, to use their utmost endeavors to apprehend and bring those offenders to justice. and i do moreover offer a reward of $ for each and every of the above-named persons who shall be so apprehended and brought to justice and shall be proved to have assumed or exercised any command or authority among the perpetrators of the crimes aforesaid at the time of committing the same. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of december, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the seventeenth. george washington. by the president: thomas jefferson. [from annuals of congress, second congress, .] march , . _the president of the united states to the president of the senate_: certain matters touching the public good requiring that the senate shall be convened on monday, the th instant, i have desired their attendance, as i do yours, by these presents, at the senate chamber, in philadelphia, on that day, then and there to receive and deliberate on such communications as shall be made to you on my part. george washington. second inaugural address. in the city of philadelphia, pa. fellow-citizens: i am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its chief magistrate. when the occasion proper for it shall arrive, i shall endeavor to express the high sense i entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united america. previous to the execution of any official act of the president the constitution requires an oath of office. this oath i am now about to take, and in your presence: that if it shall be found during my administration of the government i have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, i may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony. march , . fifth annual address. philadelphia, _december , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: since the commencement of the term for which i have been again called into office no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large the deep and respectful sense which i feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. while on the one hand it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality with which i have been honored by my country, on the other it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. but influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, i have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power; and i humbly implore that being on whose will the fate of nations depends to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general happiness. as soon as the war in europe had embraced those powers with whom the united states have the most extensive relations there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted and our disposition for peace drawn into question by the suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. it seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal state of things an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. under these impressions the proclamation which will be laid before you was issued. in this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, i resolved to adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of the united states. these were reduced into a system, which will be communicated to you. although i have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our treaty of commerce with france to be brought into our ports, i have not refused to cause them to be restored when they were taken within the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the united states. it rests with the wisdom of congress to correct, improve, or enforce this plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the legal code and the jurisdiction of the courts of the united states to many cases which, though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some further provisions. where individuals shall, within the united states, array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the united states, or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the united states, or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate--these offenses can not receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies. whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it. in like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the united states, although seized under a false color of being hostile property, and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory, it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. but if the executive is to be the resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, it is hoped that he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts when for his own information he shall request it. i can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our duties to the rest of the world without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense and of exacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us. the united states ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war. the documents which will be presented to you will shew the amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies can not with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring of warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger. nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. they are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of the united states. but it is an inquiry which can not be too solemnly pursued, whether the act "more effectually to provide for the national defense by establishing an uniform militia throughout the united states" has organized them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own experience in the several states has not detected some imperfections in the scheme, and whether a material feature in an improvement of it ought not to be to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone. the connection of the united states with europe has become extremely interesting. the occurrences which relate to it and have passed under the knowledge of the executive will be exhibited to congress in a subsequent communication. when we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the indians north of the ohio. the instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the united states. the attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them during the remainder of the year. from the papers and intelligence which relate to this important subject you will determine whether the deficiency in the number of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of militia, or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits. an anxiety has been also demonstrated by the executive for peace with the creeks and the cherokees. the former have been relieved with corn and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited during the recess of congress. to satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. but the papers which will be delivered to you disclose the critical footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes, and it is with congress to pronounce what shall be done. after they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit their most serious labors to render tranquillity with the savages permanent by creating ties of interest. next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the indian nations in behalf of the united states is most likely to conciliate their attachment. but it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion, with constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the commodities of the indians and a stated price for what they give in payment and receive in exchange. individuals will not pursue such a traffic unless they be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the united states to be reimbursed only. should this recommendation accord with the opinion of congress, they will recollect that it can not be accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the executive. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: the commissioners charged with the settlement of accounts between the united states and individual states concluded their important functions within the time limited by law, and the balances struck in their report, which will be laid before congress, have been placed on the books of the treasury. on the st day of june last an installment of , , florins became payable on the loans of the united states in holland. this was adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement in nature of a new loan at an interest of per cent for the term of ten years, and the expenses of this operation were a commission of per cent. the first installment of the loan of $ , , from the bank of the united states has been paid, as was directed by law. for the second it is necessary that provision should be made. no pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt. on none can delay be more injurious or an economy of time more valuable. the productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to equal the anticipations which were formed of it, but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite, and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who can not but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions to obviate a future accumulation of burthens. but here i can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints. there is no resource so firm for the government of the united states as the affections of the people, guided by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can conduce more than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without restraint throughout the united states. an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service of the ensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores made during the recess will be presented to congress. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the several subjects to which i have now referred open a wide range to your deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. without an unprejudiced coolness the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony as far as consists with freedom of sentiment its dignity may be lost. but as the legislative proceedings of the united states will never, i trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperation. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states: accept, sir, the thanks of the senate for your speech delivered to both houses of congress at the opening of the session. your reelection to the chief magistracy of the united states gives us sincere pleasure. we consider it as an event every way propitious to the happiness of our country, and your compliance with the call as a fresh instance of the patriotism which has so repeatedly led you to sacrifice private inclination to the public good. in the unanimity which a second time marks this important national act we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes, another proof of that just discernment and constancy of sentiments and views which have hitherto characterized the citizens of the united states. as the european powers with whom the united states have the most extensive relations were involved in war, in which we had taken no part, it seemed necessary that the disposition of the nation for peace should be promulgated to the world, as well for the purpose of admonishing our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and of acts hostile to any of the belligerent parties as to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal state of things an easier admission of our right to the immunities of our situation. we therefore contemplate with pleasure the proclamation by you issued, and give it our hearty approbation. we deem it a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation and calculated to promote it. the several important matters presented to our consideration will, in the course of the session, engage all the attention to which they are respectively entitled, and as the public happiness will be the sole guide of our deliberations, we are perfectly assured of receiving your strenuous and most zealous cooperation. john adams, _vice-president of the united states and president of the senate_. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: the pleasure expressed by the senate on my reelection to the station which i fill commands my sincere and warmest acknowledgments. if this be an event which promises the smallest addition to the happiness of our country, as it is my duty so shall it be my study to realize the expectation. the decided approbation which the proclamation now receives from your house, by completing the proofs that this measure is considered as manifesting a vigilant attention to the welfare of the united states, brings with it a peculiar gratification to my mind. the other important subjects which have been communicated to you will, i am confident, receive a due discussion, and the result will, i trust, prove fortunate to the united states. george washington. december , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the representatives of the people of the united states, in meeting you for the first time since you have been again called by an unanimous suffrage to your present station, find an occasion which they embrace with no less sincerity than promptitude for expressing to you their congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation, and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which have produced this obedience to the voice of your country. it is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits that the tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flattery, and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favor of the public happiness. the united states having taken no part in the war which had embraced in europe the powers with whom they have the most extensive relations, the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded as one of the most important duties of the magistrate charged with the faithful execution of the laws. we accordingly witness with approbation and pleasure the vigilance with which you have guarded against an interruption of that blessing by your proclamation admonishing our citizens of the consequences of illicit or hostile acts toward the belligerent parties, and promoting by a declaration of the existing legal state of things an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. the connection of the united states with europe has evidently become extremely interesting. the communications which remain to be exhibited to us will no doubt assist in giving us a fuller view of the subject and in guiding our deliberations to such results as may comport with the rights and true interests of our country. we learn with deep regret that the measures, dictated by love of peace, for obtaining an amicable termination of the afflicting war on our frontiers have been frustrated, and that a resort to offensive measures should have again become necessary. as the latter, however, must be rendered more satisfactory in proportion to the solicitude for peace manifested by the former, it is to be hoped they will be pursued under the better auspices on that account, and be finally crowned with more happy success. in relation to the particular tribes of indians against whom offensive measures have been prohibited, as well as on all the other important subjects which you have presented to our view, we shall bestow the attention which they claim. we can not, however, refrain at this time from particularly expressing our concurrence in your anxiety for the regular discharge of the public debts as fast as circumstances and events will permit and in the policy of removing any impediments that may be found in the way of a faithful representation of public proceedings throughout the united states, being persuaded with you that on no subject more than the former can delay be more injurious or an economy of time more valuable, and that with respect to the latter no resource is so firm for the government of the united states as the affections of the people, guided by an enlightened policy. throughout our deliberations we shall endeavor to cherish every sentiment which may contribute to render them conducive to the dignity as well as to the welfare of the united states; and we join with you in imploring that being on whose will the fate of nations depends to crown with success our mutual endeavors. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: i shall not affect to conceal the cordial satisfaction which i derive from the address of the house of representatives. whatsoever those services may be which you have sanctioned by your favor, it is a sufficient reward that they have been accepted as they were meant. for the fulfillment of your anticipations of the future i can give no other assurance than that the motives which you approve shall continue unchanged. it is truly gratifying to me to learn that the proclamation has been considered as a seasonable guard against the interruption of the public peace. nor can i doubt that the subjects which i have recommended to your attention as depending on legislative provisions will receive a discussion suited to their importance. with every reason, then, it may be expected that your deliberations, under the divine blessing, will be matured to the honor and happiness of the united states. george washington. december , . special messages. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: as the present situation of the several nations of europe, and especially of those with which the united states have important relations, can not but render the state of things between them and us matter of interesting inquiry to the legislature, and may indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone are competent, i have thought it my duty to communicate to them certain correspondences which have taken place. the representative and executive bodies of france have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation, and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground. a decree, however, of the national assembly subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as to the united states, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. representations on this subject will be immediately given in charge to our minister there, and the result shall be communicated to the legislature. it is with extreme concern i have to inform you that the proceedings of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him. their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in war abroad and discord and anarchy at home. so far as his acts or those of his agents have threatened our immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. where their danger was not imminent they have been borne with from sentiments of regard to his nation, from a sense of their friendship toward us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the action of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, i will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order. in the meantime i have respected and pursued the stipulations of our treaties according to what i judged their true sense, and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others left us free to perform. i have gone farther. rather than employ force for the restitution of certain vessels which i deemed the united states bound to restore, i thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing it to be my opinion that if restitution were not made it would be incumbent on the united states to make compensation. the papers now communicated will more particularly apprise you of these transactions. the vexations and spoliation understood to have been committed on our vessels and commerce by the cruisers and officers of some of the belligerent powers appear to require attention. the proofs of these, however, not having been brought forward, the descriptions of citizens supposed to have suffered were notified that, on furnishing them to the executive, due measures would be taken to obtain redress of the past and more effectual provisions against the future. should such documents be furnished, proper representations will be made thereon, with a just reliance on a redress proportioned to the exigency of the case. the british government having undertaken, by orders to the commanders of their armed vessels, to restrain generally our commerce in corn and other provisions to their own ports and those of their friends, the instructions now communicated were immediately forwarded to our minister at that court. in the meantime some discussions on the subject took place between him and them. these are also laid before you, and i may expect to learn the result of his special instructions in time to make it known to the legislature during their present session. very early after the arrival of a british minister here mutual explanations on the inexecution of the treaty of peace were entered into with that minister. these are now laid before you for your information. on the subjects of mutual interest between this country and spain negotiations and conferences are now depending. the public good requiring that the present state of these should be made known to the legislature _in confidence only_, they shall be the subject of a separate and subsequent communication. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the situation of affairs in europe in the course of the year having rendered it possible that a moment might arrive favorable for the arrangement of our unsettled matters with spain, it was thought proper to prepare our representative at that court to avail us of it. a confidential person was therefore dispatched to be the bearer of instructions to him, and to supply, by verbal communications, any additional information of which he might find himself in need. the government of france was at the same time applied to for its aid and influence in this negotiation. events, however, took a turn which did not present the occasion hoped for. about the close of the ensuing year i was informed through the representatives of spain here that their government would be willing to renew at madrid the former conferences on these subjects. though the transfer of scene was not what would have been desired, yet i did not think it important enough to reject the proposition, and therefore, with the advice and consent of the senate, i appointed commissioners plenipotentiary for negotiating and concluding a treaty with that country on the several subjects of boundary, navigation, and commerce, and gave them the instructions now communicated. before these negotiations, however, could be got into train the new troubles which had arisen in europe had produced new combinations among the powers there, the effects of which are but too visible in the proceedings now laid before you. in the meantime some other points of discussion had arisen with that country, to wit, the restitution of property escaping into the territories of each other, the mutual exchange of fugitives from justice, and, above all the mutual interferences with the indians lying between us. i had the best reason to believe that the hostilities threatened and exercised by the southern indians on our border were excited by the agents of that government. representations were thereon directed to be made by our commissioners to the spanish government, and a proposal to cultivate with good faith the peace of each other with those people. in the meantime corresponding suspicions were entertained, or pretended to be entertained, on their part of like hostile excitements by our agents to disturb their peace with the same nations. these were brought forward by the representatives of spain here in a style which could not fail to produce attention. a claim of patronage and protection of those indians was asserted; a mediation between them and us by that sovereign assumed; their boundaries with us made a subject of his interference, and at length, at the very moment when these savages were committing daily inroads upon our frontier, we were informed by them that "the continuation of the peace, good harmony, and perfect friendship of the two nations was very problematical for the future, unless the united states should take more convenient measures and of greater energy than those adopted for a long time past." if their previous correspondence had worn the appearance of a desire to urge on a disagreement, this last declaration left no room to evade it, since it could not be conceived we would submit to the scalping knife and tomahawk of the savage without any resistance. i thought it time, therefore, to know if these were the views of their sovereign, and dispatched a special messenger with instructions to our commissioners, which are among the papers now communicated. their last letter gives us reason to expect very shortly to know the result. i must add that the spanish representatives here, perceiving that their last communication had made considerable impression, endeavored to abate this by some subsequent professions, which, being also among the communications to the legislature, they will be able to form their own conclusions. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a report of the secretary of state on the measures which have been taken on behalf of the united states for the purpose of obtaining a recognition of our treaty with morocco and for the ransom of our citizens and establishment of peace with algiers. while it is proper our citizens should know that subjects which so much concern their interest and their feelings have duly engaged the attention of their legislature and executive, it would still be improper that some particulars of this communication should be made known. the confidential conversation stated in one of the last letters sent herewith is one of these. both justice and policy require that the source of that information should remain secret. so a knowledge of the sums meant to have been given for peace and ransom might have a disadvantageous influence on future proceedings for the same objects. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: since the communications which were made to you on the affairs of the united states with spain and on the truce between portugal and algiers some other papers have been received, which, making a part of the same subjects, are now communicated for your information. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you, for your consideration, a letter from the secretary of state, informing me of certain impediments which have arisen to the coinage of the precious metals at the mint, as also a letter from the same officer relative to certain advances of money which have been made on public account. should you think proper to sanction what has been done, or be of opinion that anything more shall be done in the same way, you will judge whether there are not circumstances which would render secrecy expedient. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: experience has shewn that it would be useful to have an officer particularly charged, under the direction of the department of war, with the duties of receiving, safe-keeping, and distributing the public supplies in all cases in which the laws and the course of service do not devolve them upon other officers, and also with that of superintending in all cases the issues in detail of supplies, with power for that purpose to bring to account all persons intrusted to make such issues in relation thereto. an establishment of this nature, by securing a regular and punctual accountability for the issues of public supplies, would be a great guard against abuse, would tend to insure their due application and to give public satisfaction on that point. i therefore recommend to the consideration of congress the expediency of an establishment of this nature, under such regulations as shall appear to them advisable, george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: having already laid before you a letter of the th of august, , from the secretary of state to our minister at paris, stating the conduct and urging the recall of the minister plenipotentiary of the republic of france, i now communicate to you that his conduct has been unequivocally disapproved, and that the strongest assurances have been given that his recall should be expedited without delay. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: it is with satisfaction i announce to you that the alterations which have been made by law in the original plan for raising a duty on spirits distilled within the united states, and on stills, cooperating with better information, have had a considerable influence in obviating the difficulties which have embarrassed that branch of the public revenue. but the obstacles which have been experienced, though lessened, are not yet entirely surmounted, and it would seem that some further legislative provisions may usefully be superadded, which leads me to recall the attention of congress to the subject. among the matters which may demand regulation is the effect, in point of organization, produced by the separation of kentucky from the state of virginia, and the situation with regard to the law of the territories northwest and southwest of the ohio. the laws respecting light-house establishments require, as a condition of their permanent maintenance at the expense of the united states, a complete cession of soil and jurisdiction. the cessions of different states having been qualified with a reservation of the right of serving legal process within the ceded jurisdiction are understood to be inconclusive as annexing a qualification not consonant with the terms of the law. i present this circumstance to the view of congress, that they may judge whether any alteration ought to be made. as it appears to be conformable with the intention of the "ordinance for the government of the territory of the united states northwest of the river ohio," although it is not expressly directed that the laws of that territory should be laid before congress, i now transmit to you a copy of such as have been passed from july to december, , inclusive. being the last which have been received by the secretary of state. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: communications have been made to congress during the present session with the intention of affording a full view of the posture of affairs on the southwestern frontiers. by the information which has lately been laid before congress it appeared that the difficulties with the creeks had been amicably and happily terminated; but it will be perceived with regret by the papers herewith transmitted that the tranquillity has, unfortunately, been of short duration, owing to the murder of several friendly indians by some lawless white men. the condition of things in that quarter requires the serious and immediate consideration of congress, and the adoption of such wise and vigorous laws as will be competent to the preservation of the national character and of the peace made under the authority of the united states with the several indian tribes. experience demonstrates that the existing legal provisions are entirely inadequate to those great objects. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit to you an act and three ordinances passed by the government of the territory of the united states south of the river ohio on the th and st of march and the th of may, , and also certain letters from the minister plenipotentiary of the french republic to the secretary of state, inclosing dispatches from the general and extraordinary commission of guadaloupe. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you the copy of a letter which i have received from the chief justice and associate justices of the supreme court of the united states, and, at their desire, the representation mentioned in the said letter, pointing out certain defects in the judiciary system. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the extracts which i now lay before you, from a letter of our minister at london, are supplementary to some of my past communications, and will appear to be of a confidential nature. i also transmit to you copies of a letter from the secretary of state to the minister plenipotentiary of his britannic majesty, and of the answer thereto, upon the subject of the treaty between the united states and great britain, together with the copy of a letter from messrs. carmichael and short, relative to our affairs with spain, which letter is connected with a former confidential message, george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i have caused the correspondence which is the subject of your resolution of the th day of january last to be laid before me. after an examination of it i directed copies and translations to be made, except in those particulars which, in my judgment, for public considerations, ought not to be communicated. these copies and translations are now transmitted to the senate; but the nature of them manifests the propriety of their being received as confidential. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit to you an extract from a letter of mr. short, relative to our affairs with spain, and copies of two letters from our minister at lisbon, with their inclosures, containing intelligence from algiers. the whole of these communications are made in confidence, except the passage in mr. short's letter which respects the spanish convoy. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the secretary of state having reported to me upon the several complaints which have been lodged in his office against the vexations and spoliations on our commerce since the commencement of the european war, i transmit to you a copy of his statement, together with the documents upon which it is founded. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the minister plenipotentiary of the french republic having requested an advance of money, i transmit to congress certain documents relative to that subject. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_; in the execution of the resolution of congress bearing date the th of march, , and imposing an embargo, i have requested the governors of the several states to call forth the force of their militia, if it should be necessary, for the detention of vessels. this power is conceived to be incidental to an embargo. it also deserves the attention of congress how far the clearances from one district to another, under the law as it now stands, may give rise to evasions of the embargo. as one security the collectors have been instructed to refuse to receive the surrender of coasting licenses for the purpose of taking out registers, and to require bond from registered vessels bound from one district to another, for the delivery of the cargo within the united states. it is not understood that the resolution applies to fishing vessels, although their occupations lie generally in parts beyond the united states. but without further restrictions there is an opportunity of their privileges being used as means of eluding the embargo. all armed vessels possessing public commissions from any foreign power (letters of marque excepted) are considered as not liable to the embargo. these circumstances are transmitted to congress for their consideration. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you three letters from our minister in london, advices concerning the algerine mission from our minister at lisbon and others, and a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the french republic to the secretary of state, with his answer. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of his britannic majesty to the secretary of state; a letter from the secretary of the territory south of the river ohio, inclosing an ordinance and proclamation of the governor thereof; the translation of so much of a petition of the inhabitants of post vincennes, addressed to the president, as relates to congress, and certain dispatches lately received from our commissioners at madrid. these dispatches from madrid being a part of the business which has been hitherto deemed confidential, they are forwarded under that view. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the communications which i have made to you during your present session from the dispatches of our minister in london contain a serious aspect of our affairs with great britain. but as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted zeal before the last resource, which has so often been the scourge of nations, and can not fail to check the advanced prosperity of the united states, is contemplated, i have thought proper to nominate, and do hereby nominate, john jay as envoy extraordinary of the united states to his britannic majesty. my confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in london continues undiminished. but a mission like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for a friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility. going immediately from the united states, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country, and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness and to cultivate peace with sincerity. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: as the letter which i forwarded to congress on the th day of april last, from the minister plenipotentiary of his britannic majesty to the secretary of state, in answer to a memorial of our minister in london, related to a very interesting subject, i thought it proper not to delay its communication. but since that time the memorial itself has been received in a letter from our minister, and a reply has been made to that answer by the secretary of state. copies of them are therefore now transmitted. i also send the copy of a letter from the governor of rhode island, inclosing an act of the legislature of that state empowering the united states to hold lands within the same for the purpose of erecting fortifications, and certain papers concerning patents for the donation lands to the ancient settlers of vincennes upon the wabash. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in the communications which i have made to congress during the present session relative to foreign nations i have omitted no opportunity of testifying my anxiety to preserve the united states in peace. it is peculiarly, therefore, my duty at this time to lay before you the present state of certain hostile threats against the territories of spain in our neighborhood. the documents which accompany this message develop the measures which i have taken to suppress them, and the intelligence which has been lately received. it will be seen from thence that the subject has not been neglected; that every power vested in the executive on such occasions has been exerted, and that there was reason to believe that the enterprise projected against the spanish dominions was relinquished. but it appears to have been revived upon principles which set public order at defiance and place the peace of the united states in the discretion of unauthorized individuals. the means already deposited in the different departments of government are shewn by experience not to be adequate to these high exigencies, although such of them as are lodged in the hands of the executive shall continue to be used with promptness, energy, and decision proportioned to the case. but i am impelled by the position of our public affairs to recommend that provision be made for a stronger and more vigorous opposition than can be given to such hostile movements under the laws as they now stand. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you in confidence sundry papers, by which you will perceive the state of affairs between us and the six nations, and the probable cause to which it is owing, and also certain information whereby it would appear that some encroachment was about to be made on our territory by an officer and party of british troops. proceeding upon a supposition of the authenticity of this information, although of a private nature, i have caused the representation to be made to the british minister a copy of which accompanies this message. it can not be necessary to comment upon the very serious nature of such an encroachment, nor to urge that this new state of things suggests the propriety of placing the united states in a posture of effectual preparation for an event which, notwithstanding the endeavors making to avert it, may by circumstances beyond our control be forced upon us. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the commissioners of his catholic majesty having communicated to the secretary of state the form of a certificate without which the vessels of the united states can not be admitted into the ports of spain, i think it proper to lay it before congress. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the executive provisory council of the french republic having requested me to recall gouverneur morris, our minister plenipotentiary in france, i have thought proper, in pursuance of that request, to recall him. i therefore nominate james monroe, of virginia, as minister plenipotentiary of the united states to the said republic. i also nominate william short, now minister resident for the united states with their high mightinesses the states-general of the united netherlands, to be minister resident for the united states to his catholic majesty, in the room of william carmichael, who is recalled. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send you certain communications, recently received from georgia, which materially change the prospect of affairs in that quarter, and seem to render a war with the creek nations more probable than it has been at any antecedent period. while the attention of congress will be directed to the consideration of measures suited to the exigency, it can not escape their observation that this intelligence brings a fresh proof of the insufficiency of the existing provisions of the laws toward the effectual cultivation and preservation of peace with our indian neighbors. george washington. proclamations. [from a broadside in the archives of the department of state.] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas it appears that a state of war exists between austria, prussia, sardinia, great britain, and the united netherlands of the one part and france on the other, and the duty and interest of the united states require that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers: i have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the united states to observe the conduct aforesaid toward those powers respectively, and to exhort and warn the citizens of the united states carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition. and i do hereby also make known that whosoever of the citizens of the united states shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations by committing, aiding, or abetting hostilities against any of the said powers, or by carrying to any of them those articles which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations, will not receive the protection of the united states against such punishment or forfeiture; and further, that i have given instructions to those officers to whom it belongs to cause prosecutions to be instituted against all persons who shall, within the cognizance of the courts of the united states, violate the law of nations with respect to the powers at war, or any of them. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the d day of april, , and of the independence of the united states of america the seventeenth. george washington. by the president: thomas jefferson. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas i have received information that certain persons, in violation of the laws, have presumed, under color of a foreign authority, to enlist citizens of the united states and others within the state of kentucky, and have there assembled an armed force for the purpose of invading and plundering the territories of a nation at peace with the said united states; and whereas such unwarrantable measures, being contrary to the laws of nations and to the duties incumbent on every citizen of the united states, tend to disturb the tranquillity of the same, and to involve them in the calamities of war; and whereas it is the duty of the executive to take care that such criminal proceedings should be suppressed, the offenders brought to justice, and all good citizens cautioned against measures likely to prove so pernicious to their country and themselves, should they be seduced into similar infractions of the laws: i have therefore thought proper to issue this proclamation, hereby solemnly warning every person, not authorized by the laws, against enlisting any citizen or citizens of the united states, or levying troops, or assembling any persons within the united states for the purposes aforesaid, or proceeding in any manner to the execution thereof, as they will answer for the same at their peril; and i do also admonish and require all citizens to refrain from enlisting, enrolling, or assembling themselves for such unlawful purposes and from being in anywise concerned, aiding, or abetting therein, as they tender their own welfare, inasmuch as all lawful means will be strictly put in execution for securing obedience to the laws and for punishing such dangerous and daring violations thereof. and i do moreover charge and require all courts, magistrates, and other officers whom it may concern, according to their respective duties, to exert the powers in them severally vested to prevent and suppress all such unlawful assemblages and proceedings, and to bring to condign punishment those who may have been guilty thereof, as they regard the due authority of government and the peace and welfare of the united states. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of march, , and of the independence of the united states of america the eighteenth. george washington. by the president: edm. randolph. [from annals of congress, fourth congress, second session, .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas combinations to defeat the execution of the laws laying duties upon spirits distilled within the united states and upon stills have from the time of the commencement of those laws existed in some of the western parts of pennsylvania; and whereas the said combinations, proceeding in a manner subversive equally of the just authority of government and of the rights of individuals, have hitherto effected their dangerous and criminal purpose by the influence of certain irregular meetings whose proceedings have tended to encourage and uphold the spirit of opposition by misrepresentations of the laws calculated to render them odious; by endeavors to deter those who might be so disposed from accepting offices under them through fear of public resentment and of injury to person and property, and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual violence to surrender or forbear the execution of them; by circulating vindictive menaces against all those who should otherwise, directly or indirectly, aid in the execution of the said laws, or who, yielding to the dictates of conscience and to a sense of obligation, should themselves comply therewith; by actually injuring and destroying the property of persons who were understood to have so complied; by inflicting cruel and humiliating punishments upon private citizens for no other cause than that of appearing to be the friends of the laws; by intercepting the public officers on the highways, abusing, assaulting, and otherwise ill treating them; by going to their houses in the night, gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers, and committing other outrages, employing for these unwarrantable purposes the agency of armed banditti disguised in such manner as for the most part to escape discovery; and whereas the endeavors of the legislature to obviate objections to the said laws by lowering the duties and by other alterations conducive to the convenience of those whom they immediately affect (though they have given satisfaction in other quarters), and the endeavors of the executive officers to conciliate a compliance with the laws by explanations, by forbearance, and even by particular accommodations founded on the suggestion of local considerations, have been disappointed of their effect by the machinations of persons whose industry to excite resistance has increased with every appearance of a disposition among the people to relax in their opposition and to acquiesce in the laws, insomuch that many persons in the said western parts of pennsylvania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate acts which i am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying war against the united states, the said persons having on the th and th july last past proceeded in arms (on the second day amounting to several hundreds) to the house of john neville, inspector of the revenue for the fourth survey of the district of pennsylvania; having repeatedly attacked the said house with the persons therein, wounding some of them; having seized david lenox, marshal of the district of pennsylvania, who previous thereto had been fired upon while in the execution of his duty by a party of armed men, detaining him for some time prisoner, till for the preservation of his life and the obtaining of his liberty he found it necessary to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of certain official duties touching processes issuing out of a court of the united states; and having finally obliged the said inspector of the said revenue and the said marshal from considerations of personal safety to fly from that part of the country, in order, by a circuitous route, to proceed to the seat of government, avowing as the motives of these outrageous proceedings an intention to prevent by force of arms the execution of the said laws, to oblige the said inspector of the revenue to renounce his said office, to withstand by open violence the lawful authority of the government of the united states, and to compel thereby an alteration in the measures of the legislature and a repeal of the laws aforesaid; and whereas by a law of the united states entitled "an act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," it is enacted "that whenever the laws of the united states shall be opposed or the execution thereof obstructed in any state by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by that act, the same being notified by an associate justice or the district judge, it shall be lawful for the president of the united states to call forth the militia of such state to suppress such combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. and if the militia of a state where such combinations may happen shall refuse or be insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the president, if the legislature of the united states shall not be in session, to call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other state or states most convenient thereto as may be necessary; and the use of the militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the ensuing session: _provided always_, that whenever it may be necessary in the judgment of the president to use the military force hereby directed to be called forth, the president shall forthwith, and previous thereto, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time;" and whereas james wilson, an associate justice, on the th instant, by writing under his hand, did from evidence which had been laid before him notify to me that "in the counties of washington and allegany, in pennsylvania, laws of the united states are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshal of that district;" and whereas it is in my judgment necessary under the circumstances of the case to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress the combinations aforesaid, and to cause the laws to be duly executed; and i have accordingly determined so to do, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal the most solemn conviction that the essential interests of the union demand it, that the very existence of government and the fundamental principles of social order are materially involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of all good citizens are seriously called upon, as occasions may require, to aid in the effectual suppression of so fatal a spirit: wherefore, and in pursuance of the proviso above recited, i, george washington, president of the united states, do hereby command all persons being insurgents as aforesaid, and all others whom it may concern, on or before the st day of september next to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes. and i do moreover warn all persons whomsoever against aiding, abetting, or comforting the perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable acts, and do require all officers and other citizens, according to their respective duties and the laws of the land, to exert their utmost endeavors to prevent and suppress such dangerous proceedings. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of august, , and of the independence of the united states of america the nineteenth. george washington. by the president: edm. randolph. [from annals of congress, third congress, .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas from a hope that the combinations against the constitution and laws of the united states in certain of the western counties of pennsylvania would yield to time and reflection i thought it sufficient in the first instance rather to take measures for calling forth the militia than immediately to embody them, but the moment is now come when the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission to law, have been only partially accepted; when every form of conciliation not inconsistent with the being of government has been adopted without effect; when the well-disposed in those counties are unable by their influence and example to reclaim the wicked from their fury, and are compelled to associate in their own defense; when the proffered lenity has been perversely misinterpreted into an apprehension that the citizens will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of examining the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring through emissaries to alienate the friends of order from its support, and inviting its enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insurrection; when it is manifest that violence would continue to be exercised upon every attempt to enforce the laws; when, therefore, government is set at defiance, the contest being whether a small portion of the united states shall dictate to the whole union, and, at the expense of those who desire peace, indulge a desperate ambition: now, therefore, i, george washington, president of the united states, in obedience to that high and irresistible duty consigned to me by the constitution "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," deploring that the american name should be sullied by the outrages of citizens on their own government, commiserating such as remain obstinate from delusion, but resolved, in perfect reliance on that gracious providence which so signally displays its goodness towards this country, to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the law, do hereby declare and make known that, with a satisfaction which can be equaled only by the merits of the militia summoned into service from the states of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, i have received intelligence of their patriotic alacrity in obeying the call of the present, though painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force which, according to every reasonable expectation, is adequate to the exigency is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; that those who have confided or shall confide in the protection of government shall meet full succor under the standard and from the arms of the united states; that those who, having offended against the laws, have since entitled themselves to indemnity will be treated with the most liberal good faith if they shall not have forfeited their claim by any subsequent conduct, and that instructions are given accordingly. and i do moreover exhort all individuals, officers, and bodies of men to contemplate with abhorrence the measures leading directly or indirectly to those crimes which produce this resort to military coercion; to check in their respective spheres the efforts of misguided or designing men to substitute their misrepresentation in the place of truth and their discontents in the place of stable government, and to call to mind that, as the people of the united states have been permitted, under the divine favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation, and in an enlightened age, to elect their own government, so will their gratitude for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished by firm exertions to maintain the constitution and the laws. and, lastly, i again warn all persons whomsoever and wheresoever not to abet, aid, or comfort the insurgents aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at their peril; and i do also require all officers and other citizens, according to their several duties, as far as may be in their power, to bring under the cognizance of the laws all offenders in the premises. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the th day of september, , and of the independence of the united states of america the nineteenth. george washington. by the president: edm. randolph. sixth annual address. united states, _november , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_; when we call to mind the gracious indulgence of heaven by which the american people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to which it seems destined, with the deepest regret do i announce to you that during your recess some of the citizens of the united states have been found capable of an insurrection. it is due, however, to the character of our government and to its stability, which can not be shaken by the enemies of order, freely to unfold the course of this event. during the session of the year it was expedient to exercise the legislative power granted by the constitution of the united states "to lay and collect excises." in a majority of the states scarcely an objection was heard to this mode of taxation. in some, indeed, alarms were at first conceived, until they were banished by reason and patriotism. in the four western counties of pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by the artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of others by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence. it is well known that congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints which were presented, and to relieve them as far as justice dictated or general convenience would permit. but the impression which this moderation made on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. the arts of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing individuals. the very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men began to denounce threats against the officers employed. from a belief that by a more formal concert their operation might be defeated, certain self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. hence, while the greater part of pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the acts of excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. it was now perceived that every expectation from the tenderness which had been hitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further delay could only create an opinion of impotency or irresolution in the government. legal process was therefore delivered to the marshal against the rioters and delinquent distillers. no sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance of armed men was aimed at _his_ person and the person and property of the inspector of the revenue. they fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and detained him for some time as a prisoner. he was obliged, by the jeopardy of his life, to renounce the service of other process on the west side of the allegheny mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to demand a surrender of that which he _had_ served. a numerous body repeatedly attacked the house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed by fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. both of these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms the authority of the united states, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws of excise and an alteration in the conduct of government. upon the testimony of these facts an associate justice of the supreme court of the united states notified to me that "in the counties of washington and allegheny, in pennsylvania, laws of the united states were opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshal of that district." on this call, momentous in the extreme, i sought and weighed what might best subdue the crisis. on the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to be stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the very existence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends of government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion of the united states would be to violate the fundamental principle of our constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail. on the other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of such excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of so distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with many affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted. i postponed, therefore, the summoning the militia immediately into the field, but i required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the malignant of their danger should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act before the season should be too far advanced. my proclamation of the th of august last was accordingly issued, and accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged to repair to the scene of insurrection. they were authorized to confer with any bodies of men or individuals. they were instructed to be candid and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, however, that, without submission, coercion _must_ be the resort; but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of executive power. pardon, too, was tendered to them by the government of the united states and that of pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws. although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted the tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed as the atonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further suspension of the march of the militia. thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. i ordered the militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of the th of september last. it was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest degree of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. from a respect, indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow-citizens belonging to the militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. my very reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its extent been accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest efficient numbers, in this uncertainty, therefore, i put into motion , men, as being an army which, according to all human calculation, would be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering resistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. quotas had been assigned to the states of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, the governor of pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion which justified a requisition to the other states. as commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service of the united states, i have visited the places of general rendezvous to obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements. had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of the most culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and may be deemed fit objects of example; that the friends to peace and good government were not in need of that aid and countenance which they ought always to receive, and, i trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and turbulent, i should have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring the militia to their families and homes. but succeeding intelligence has tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated many of the offenders. if the state of things had afforded reason for the continuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been withholden. but every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound to the reputation and strength of the united states, i have judged it most proper to resume my duties at the seat of government, leaving the chief command with the governor of virginia. still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present, whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period in the four western counties of pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether we contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution of the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an honorable attachment to them. thirty days from the commencement of this session being the legal limitation of the employment of the militia, congress can not be too early occupied with this subject. among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs, and from the documents which will be submitted to congress, it will not escape their observation that not only the inspector of the revenue, but other officers of the united states in pennsylvania have, from their fidelity in the discharge of their functions, sustained material injuries to their property. the obligation and policy of indemnifying them are strong and obvious. it may also merit attention whether policy will not enlarge this provision to the retribution of other citizens who, though not under the ties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for upholding the constitution and the laws. the amount, even if all the injured were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies the government would be amply repaid by the influence of an example that he who incurs a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in its liberality. while there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations for the misfortune. it has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow-citizens understand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as ready to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. it has been a spectacle displaying to the highest advantage the value of republican government to behold the most and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as private soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being the army of the constitution--undeterred by a march of miles over rugged mountains, by the approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. nor ought i to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic cooperation which i have experienced from the chief magistrates of the states to which my requisitions have been addressed. to every description of citizens, indeed, let praise be given. but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of american happiness, the constitution of the united states. let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. and when in the calm moments of reflection they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men who, careless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government. having thus fulfilled the engagement which i took when i entered into office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states," on you, gentlemen, and the people by whom you are deputed, i rely for support. in the arrangements to which the possibility of a similar contingency will naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the militia laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been supplied but by the zeal of our citizens, besides the extraordinary expense and waste, which are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is attended with a doubt on its success. the devising and establishing of a well-regulated militia would be a genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public gratitude. i therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. as auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which congress can never too frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the fortifications which have been already licensed by law be commensurate with our exigencies. the intelligence from the army under the command of general wayne is a happy presage to our military operations against the hostile indians north of the ohio. from the advices which have been forwarded, the advance which he has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and weakened their obstinacy in waging war against the united states, and yet, even at this late hour, when our power to punish them can not be questioned, we shall not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity, and good neighborhood. toward none of the indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared. the creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the interposition of the general government and that of georgia. from a desire also to remove the discontents of the six nations, a settlement meditated at presque isle, on lake erie, has been suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to rectify any misconception into which they may have fallen. but i can not refrain from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which i recommended at the last session for the improvement of harmony with all the indians within our limits by the fixing and conducting of trading houses upon the principles then expressed. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: the time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. it is believed that the result is such as to encourage congress to consummate this work without delay. nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. indeed, whatsoever is unfinished of our system of public credit can not be benefited by procrastination; and as far as may be practicable we ought to place that credit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all governments. an estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to congress. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_. the mint of the united states has entered upon the coinage of the precious metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion have been lodged with the director by individuals. there is a pleasing prospect that the institution will at no remote day realize the expectation which was originally formed of its utility. in subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse with foreign nations will be transmitted to congress. however, it may not be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has been to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended and correct what may have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves. let us unite, therefore, in imploring the supreme ruler of nations to spread his holy protection over these united states; to turn the machinations of the wicked to the confirming of our constitution; to enable us at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to flight; to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already conferred, and to verify the anticipations of this government being a safeguard to human rights. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. sir: we receive with pleasure your speech to the two houses of congress. in it we perceive renewed proofs of that vigilant and paternal concern for the prosperity, honor, and happiness of our country which has uniformly distinguished your past administration. our anxiety arising from the licentious and open resistance to the laws in the western counties of pennsylvania has been increased by the proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and administration of the government; proceedings, in our apprehension, founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been influential in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of insurrection. in a situation so delicate and important the lenient and persuasive measures which you adopted merit and receive our affectionate approbation. these failing to procure their proper effect, and coercion having become inevitable, we have derived the highest satisfaction from the enlightened patriotism and animating zeal with which the citizens of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia have rallied around the standard of government in opposition to anarchy and insurrection. our warm and cordial acknowledgments are due to you, sir, for the wisdom and decision with which you arrayed the militia to execute the public will, and to them for the disinterestedness and alacrity with which they obeyed your summons. the example is precious to the theory of our government, and confers the brightest honor upon the patriots who have given it. we shall readily concur in such further provisions for the security of internal peace and a due obedience to the laws as the occasion manifestly requires. the effectual organization of the militia and a prudent attention to the fortifications of our ports and harbors are subjects of great national importance, and, together with the other measures you have been pleased to recommend, will receive our deliberate consideration. the success of the troops under the command of general wayne can not fail to produce essential advantages. the pleasure with which we acknowledge the merits of that gallant general and army is enhanced by the hope that their victories will lay the foundation of a just and durable peace with the indian tribes. at a period so momentous in the affairs of nations the temperate, just, and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers has been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude and thanks. john adams, _vice-president of the united states and president of the senate_. november , . reply of the president. gentlemen: among the occasions which have been afforded for expressing my sense of the zealous and steadfast cooperation of the senate in the maintenance of government, none has yet occurred more forcibly demanding my unqualified acknowledgments than the present. next to the consciousness of upright intentions, it is the highest pleasure to be approved by the enlightened representatives of a free nation. with the satisfaction, therefore, which arises from an unalterable attachment to public order do i learn that the senate discountenance those proceedings which would arrogate the direction of our affairs without any degree of authority derived from the people. it has been more than once the lot of our government to be thrown into new and delicate situations, and of these the insurrection has not been the least important. having been compelled at length to lay aside my repugnance to resort to arms, i derive much happiness from being confirmed by your judgment in the necessity of decisive measures, and from the support of my fellow-citizens of the militia, who were the patriotic instruments of that necessity. with such demonstrations of affection for our constitution; with an adequate organization of the militia; with the establishment of necessary fortifications; with a continuance of those judicious and spirited exertions which have brought victory to our western army; with a due attention to public credit, and an unsullied honor toward all nations, we may meet, under every assurance of success, our enemies from within and from without. george washington. november , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the house of representatives, calling to mind the blessings enjoyed by the people of the united states, and especially the happiness of living under constitutions and laws which rest on their authority alone, could not learn with other emotions than those you have expressed that any part of our fellow-citizens should have shewn themselves capable of an insurrection. and we learn with the greatest concern that any misrepresentations whatever of the government and its proceedings, either by individuals or combinations of men, should have been made and so far credited as to foment the flagrant outrage which has been committed on the laws. we feel with you the deepest regret at so painful an occurrence in the annals of our country. as men regardful of the tender interests of humanity, we look with grief at scenes which might have stained our land with civil blood; as lovers of public order, we lament that it has suffered so flagrant a violation; as zealous friends of republican government, we deplore every occasion which in the hands of its enemies may be turned into a calumny against it. this aspect of the crisis, however, is happily not the only one which it presents. there is another, which yields all the consolations which you have drawn from it. it has demonstrated to the candid world, as well as to the american people themselves, that the great body of them everywhere are equally attached to the luminous and vital principle of our constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail; that they understand the indissoluble union between true liberty and regular government; that they feel their duties no less than they are watchful over their rights; that they will be as ready at all times to crush licentiousness as they have been to defeat usurpation. in a word, that they are capable of carrying into execution that noble plan of self-government which they have chosen as the guaranty of their own happiness and the asylum for that of all, from every clime, who may wish to unite their destiny with ours. these are the just inferences flowing from the promptitude with which the summons to the standard of the laws has been obeyed, and from the sentiments which have been witnessed in every description of citizens in every quarter of the union. the spectacle, therefore, when viewed in its true light, may well be affirmed to display in equal luster the virtues of the american character and the value of republican government. all must particularly acknowledge and applaud the patriotism of that portion of citizens who have freely sacrificed everything less dear than the love of their country to the meritorious task of defending its happiness. in the part which you have yourself borne through this delicate and distressing period we trace the additional proofs it has afforded of your solicitude for the public good. your laudable and successful endeavors to render lenity in executing the laws conducive to their real energy, and to convert tumult into order without the effusion of blood, form a particular title to the confidence and praise of your constituents. in all that may be found necessary on our part to complete this benevolent purpose, and to secure the ministers and friends of the laws against the remains of danger, our due cooperation will be afforded. the other subjects which you have recommended or communicated, and of which several are peculiarly interesting, will all receive the attention which they demand. we are deeply impressed with the importance of an effectual organization of the militia. we rejoice at the intelligence of the advance and success of the army under the command of general wayne, whether we regard it as a proof of the perseverance, prowess, and superiority of our troops, or as a happy presage to our military operations against the hostile indians, and as a probable prelude to the establishment of a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity, and good neighborhood. we receive it with the greater pleasure as it increases the probability of sooner restoring a part of the public resources to the desirable object of reducing the public debt. we shall on this, as on all occasions, be disposed to adopt any measures which may advance the safety and prosperity of our country. in nothing can we more cordially unite with you than in imploring the supreme ruler of nations to multiply his blessings on these united states; to guard our free and happy constitution against every machination and danger, and to make it the best source of public happiness, by verifying its character of being the best safeguard of human rights, november , . reply of the president. gentlemen: i anticipated with confidence the concurrence of the house of representatives in the regret produced by the insurrection. every effort ought to be used to discountenance what has contributed to foment it, and thus discourage a repetition of like attempts; for notwithstanding the consolations which may be drawn from the issue of this event, it is far better that the artful approaches to such a situation of things should be checked by the vigilant and duly admonished patriotism of our fellow-citizens than that the evil should increase until it becomes necessary to crush it by the strength of their arm. i am happy that the part which i have myself borne on this occasion receives the approbation of your house. for the discharge of a constitutional duty it is a sufficient reward to me to be assured that you will unite in consummating what remains to be done. i feel also great satisfaction in learning that the other subjects which i have communicated or recommended will meet with due attention; that you are deeply impressed with the importance of an effectual organization of the militia, and that the advance and success of the army under the command of general wayne is regarded by you, no less than myself, as a proof of the perseverance, prowess, and superiority of our troops. george washington. november , . special messages. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before congress copies of a letter from the governor of the state of new york and of the exemplification of an act of the legislature thereof ratifying the amendment of the constitution of the united states proposed by the senate and house of representatives at their last session, respecting the judicial power. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: in the negotiation between the united states and his catholic majesty i have received satisfactory proofs of attention and ability exerted in behalf of the united states to bring it to a happy and speedy issue. but it is probable that by complying with an intimation made to the secretary of state by the commissioners of his catholic majesty much further delay in concluding it may be prevented. notwithstanding, therefore, i retain full confidence in our minister resident at madrid, who is charged with powers as commissioner plenipotentiary, i nominate thomas pinckney to be envoy extraordinary of the united states to his catholic majesty, for the purpose of negotiating of and concerning the navigation of the river mississippi, and such other matters relative to the confines of their territories, and the intercourse to be had thereon, as the mutual interests and general harmony of neighboring and friendly nations require should be precisely adjusted and regulated, and of and concerning the general commerce between the united states and the kingdoms and dominions of his said catholic majesty. it is believed that by his temporary absence from london in the discharge of these new functions no injury will arise to the united states. i also nominate: john miller russell, of massachusetts, to be consul of the united states of america for the port of st. petersburg, in russia, and for such other places as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the united states within the same allegiance; joseph pitcairn, of new york, to be vice-consul of the united states of america at paris, vice alexander duvernet, superseded; and nathaniel brush, of vermont, to be supervisor for the united states in the district of vermont, vice noah smith, who has resigned. george washington. united states, _november , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a statement of the troops in the service of the united states, which has been submitted to me by the secretary of war. it will rest with congress to consider and determine whether further inducements shall be held out for entering into the military service of the united states in order to complete the establishment authorized by law. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before congress copies of the journal of the proceedings of the executive department of the government of the united states south of the river ohio to the st of september, . george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before you a report, made to me by the secretary of war, respecting the frontiers of the united states. the disorders and the great expenses which incessantly arise upon the frontiers are of a nature and magnitude to excite the most serious considerations. i feel a confidence that congress will devise such constitutional and efficient measures as shall be equal to the great objects of preserving our treaties with the indian tribes and of affording an adequate protection to our frontiers. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: a spirit of discontent, from several causes, arose in the early part of the present year among the six nations of indians, and particularly on the ground of a projected settlement by pennsylvania, at presque isle, upon lake erie. the papers upon this point have already been laid before congress. it was deemed proper on my part to endeavor to tranquillize the indians by pacific measures. accordingly a time and place was appointed at which a free conference should be had upon all the causes of discontent, and an agent was appointed with the instructions of which no. , herewith transmitted, is a copy. a numerous assembly of indians was held in canandaigua, in the state of new york the proceedings whereof accompany this message, marked no. . the two treaties, the one with the six nations and the other with the oneida, tuscorora, and stockbridge indians dwelling in the country of the oneidas, which have resulted from the mission of the agent, are herewith laid before the senate for their consideration and advice. the original engagement of the united states to the oneidas is also sent herewith. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before congress copies of acts passed by the legislatures of the states of vermont, massachusetts, and new york, ratifying the amendment proposed by the senate and house of representatives at their last session to the constitution of the united states respecting the judicial power thereof. the minister of the french republic having communicated to the secretary of state certain proceedings of the committee of public safety respecting weights and measures, i lay these also before congress. the letter from the governor of the western territory, copies of which are now transmitted, refers to a defect in the judicial system of that territory deserving the attention of congress. the necessary absence of the judge of the district of pennsylvania upon business connected with the late insurrection is stated by him in a letter of which i forward copies to have produced certain interruptions in the judicial proceedings of that district which can not be removed without the interposition of congress. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i lay before congress, for their consideration, a letter from the secretary of state upon the subject of a loan which is extremely interesting and urgent. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit to congress copies of a letter from the governor of the state of new hampshire and of an act of the legislature thereof "ratifying the article proposed in amendment to the constitution of the united states respecting the judicial power." i also lay before congress copies of a letter from the governor of the state of north carolina and of an act of the legislature thereof ceding to the united states certain lands upon the conditions therein mentioned. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i have received copies of two acts of the legislature of georgia, one passed on the th day of december and the other on the th day of january last, for appropriating and selling the indian lands within the territorial limits claimed by that state. these copies, though not officially certified, have been transmitted to me in such a manner as to leave no room to doubt their authenticity. these acts embrace an object of such magnitude, and in their consequences may so deeply affect the peace and welfare of the united states, that i have thought it necessary now to lay them before congress. in _confidence_, i also forward copies of several documents and papers received from the governor of the southwestern territory. by these it seems that hostilities with the cherokees have ceased, and that there is a pleasing prospect of a permanent peace with that nation; but from all the communications of the governor it appears that the creeks, in small parties, continue their depredations, and it is uncertain to what they may finally lead. the several papers now communicated deserve the immediate attention of congress, who will consider how far the subjects of them may require their cooperation. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i communicate to congress copies of a letter from the governor of the state of georgia and of an act of the legislature thereof "to ratify the resolution of congress explanatory of the judicial power of the united states." george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in my first communication to congress during their present session i gave them reason to expect that "certain circumstances of our intercourse with foreign nations" would be transmitted to them. there was at that time every assurance for believing that some of the most important of our foreign affairs would have been concluded and others considerably matured before they should rise. but notwithstanding i have waited until this moment, it has so happened that, either from causes unknown to me or from events which could not be controlled, i am yet unable to execute my original intention. that i may, however, fulfill the expectation given as far as the actual situation of things will in my judgment permit, i now, _in confidence_', lay before congress the following general statement: our minister near the french republic has urged compensation for the injuries which our commerce has sustained from captures by french cruisers, from the nonfulfillment of the contracts of the agents of that republic with our citizens, and from the embargo at bordeaux. he has also pressed an allowance for the money voted by congress for relieving the inhabitants of st. domingo. it affords me the highest pleasure to inform congress that perfect harmony reigns between the two republics, and that those claims are in a train of being discussed with candor and of being amicably adjusted. so much of our relation to great britain may depend upon the result of our late negotiations in london that until that result shall arrive i can not undertake to make any communication upon this subject. after the negotiation with spain had been long depending unusual and unexpected embarrassments were raised to interrupt its progress. but the commissioner of his catholic majesty near the united states having declared to the secretary of state that if a particular accommodation should be made in the _conducting_ of the business no further delay would ensue, i thought proper, under all circumstances, to send to his catholic majesty an envoy extraordinary specially charged to bring to a conclusion the discussions which have been formerly announced to congress. the friendship of her most faithful majesty has been often manifested in checking the passage of the algerine corsairs into the atlantic ocean. she has also furnished occasional convoys to the vessels of the united states, even when bound to other ports than her own. we may therefore promise ourselves that, as in the ordinary course of things few causes can exist for dissatisfaction between the united states and portugal, so the temper with which accidental difficulties will be met on each side will speedily remove them. between the executive of the united states and the government of the united netherlands but little intercourse has taken place during the last year. it may be acceptable to congress to learn that our credit in holland is represented as standing upon the most respectable footing. upon the death of the late emperor of morocco an agent was dispatched to renew with his successor the treaty which the united states had made with _him_. the agent, unfortunately, died after he had reached europe in the prosecution of his mission. but until lately it was impossible to determine with any degree of probability who of the competitors for that empire would be ultimately fixed in the supreme power. although the measures which have been since adopted for the renewal of the treaty have been obstructed by the disturbed situation of amsterdam, there are good grounds for presuming as yet upon the pacific disposition of the emperor, in fact, toward the united states, and that the past miscarriage will be shortly remedied. congress are already acquainted with the failure of the loan attempted in holland for the relief of our unhappy fellow-citizens in algiers. this subject, than which none deserves a more affectionate zeal, has constantly commanded my best exertions. i am happy, therefore, in being able to say that from the last authentic accounts the dey was disposed to treat for a peace and ransom, and that both would in all probability have been accomplished had we not been disappointed in the means. nothing which depends upon the executive shall be left undone for carrying into immediate effect the supplementary act of congress. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: it appears from the information which i have lately received that it may be probably necessary to the more successful conduct of our affairs on the coast of barbary that one consul should reside in morocco, another in algiers, and a third in tunis or tripoli. as no appointment for these offices will be accepted without some emolument annexed, i submit to the consideration of congress whether it may not be advisable to authorize a stipend to be allowed to two consuls for that coast in addition to the one already existing. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit to you copies of a letter from the governor of the state of delaware and of an act inclosed "declaring the assent of that state to an amendment therein mentioned to the constitution of the united states." george washington. united states, _june , _.[ ] [footnote : for proclamation convening senate in extraordinary session see p. .] _gentlemen of the senate_: in pursuance of my nomination of john jay as envoy extraordinary to his britannic majesty on the th day of april, , and of the advice and consent of the senate thereto on the th, a negotiation was opened in london. on the th of march, , the treaty resulting therefrom was delivered to the secretary of state. i now transmit to the senate that treaty and other documents connected with it. they will, therefore, in their wisdom decide whether they will advise and consent that the said treaty be made between the united states and his britannic majesty. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: it has been represented by our minister plenipotentiary near the french republic that such of our commercial relations with france as may require the support of the united states in _detail_ can not be well executed without a consul-general. of this i am satisfied when i consider the extent of the mercantile claims now depending before the french government, the necessity of bringing into the hands of one agent the various applications to the several committees of administration residing at paris, the attention which must be paid to the conduct of consuls, and vice-consuls, and the nature of the services which are the peculiar objects of a minister's care, and leave no leisure for his intervention in business to which consular functions are competent. i therefore nominate fulwar skipwith to be consul-general of the united states in france. george washington. united states, _june , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: just at the close of the last session of congress i received from one of the senators and one of the representatives of the state of georgia an application for a treaty to be held with the tribes or nations of indians claiming the right of soil to certain lands lying beyond the present temporary boundary line of that state, and which were described in an act of the legislature of georgia passed on the th of december last, which has already been laid before the senate. this application and the subsequent correspondence with the governor of georgia are herewith transmitted. the subject being very important, i thought proper to postpone a decision upon that application. the views i have since taken of the matter, with the information received of a more pacific disposition on the part of the creeks, have induced me now to accede to the request, but with this explicit declaration, that neither my assent nor the treaty which may be made shall be considered as affecting any question which may arise upon the supplementary act passed by the legislature of the state of georgia on the th of january last, upon which inquiries have been instituted in pursuance of a resolution of the senate and house of representatives, and that any cession or relinquishment of the indian claims shall be made in the general terms of the treaty of new york, which are contemplated as the form proper to be generally used on such occasions, and on the condition that one-half of the expense of the supplies of provisions for the indians assembled at the treaty be borne by the state of georgia. having concluded to hold the treaty requested by that state, i was willing to embrace the opportunity it would present of inquiring into the causes of the dissatisfaction of the creeks which has been manifested since the treaty of new york by their numerous and distressing depredations on our southwestern frontiers. their depredations on the cumberland have been so frequent and so peculiarly destructive as to lead me to think they must originate in some claim to the lands upon that river. but whatever may have been the cause, it is important to trace it to its source; for, independent of the destruction of lives and property, it occasions a very serious annual expense to the united states. the commissioners for holding the proposed treaty will, therefore, be instructed to inquire into the causes of the hostilities to which i have referred, and to enter into such reasonable stipulations as will remove them and give permanent peace to those parts of the united states. i now nominate benjamin hawkins, of north carolina: george clymer, of pennsylvania, and andrew pickens, of south carolina, to be commissioners to hold a treaty with the creek nation of indians, for the purposes hereinbefore expressed. george washington. proclamations. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. when we review the calamities which afflict so many other nations, the present condition of the united states affords much matter of consolation and satisfaction. our exemption hitherto from foreign war, an increasing prospect of the continuance of that exemption, the great degree of internal tranquillity we have enjoyed, the recent confirmation of that tranquillity by the suppression of an insurrection which so wantonly threatened it, the happy course of our public affairs in general, the unexampled prosperity of all classes of our citizens, are circumstances which peculiarly mark our situation with indications of the divine beneficence toward us. in such a state of things it is in an especial manner our duty as a people, with devout reverence and affectionate gratitude, to acknowledge our many and great obligations to almighty god and to implore him to continue and confirm the blessings we experience. deeply penetrated with this sentiment, i, george washington, president of the united states, do recommend to all religious societies and denominations, and to all persons whomsoever, within the united states to set apart and observe thursday, the th day of february next, as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer, and on that day to meet together and render their sincere and hearty thanks to the great ruler of nations for the manifold and signal mercies which distinguish our lot as a nation, particularly for the possession of constitutions of government which unite and by their union establish liberty with order; for the preservation of our peace, foreign and domestic; for the seasonable control which has been given to a spirit of disorder in the suppression of the late insurrection, and generally, for the prosperous course of our affairs, public and private; and at the same time humbly and fervently to beseech the kind author of these blessings graciously to prolong them to us; to imprint on our hearts a deep and solemn sense of our obligations to him for them; to teach us rightly to estimate their immense value; to preserve us from the arrogance of prosperity, and from hazarding the advantages we enjoy by delusive pursuits; to dispose us to merit the continuance of his favors by not abusing them; by our gratitude for them, and by a correspondent conduct as citizens and men; to render this country more and more a safe and propitious asylum for the unfortunate of other countries; to extend among us true and useful knowledge; to diffuse and establish habits of sobriety, order, morality, and piety, and finally, to impart all the blessings we possess, or ask for ourselves, to the whole family of mankind. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states of america to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. [seal.] done at the city of philadelphia, the st day of january, , and of the independence of the united states of america the nineteenth. george washington. by the president: edm. randolph. [from sparks's washington, vol. xii, p. .] proclamation. whereas the commissioners appointed by the president of the united states to confer with the citizens in the western counties of pennsylvania during the late insurrection which prevailed therein, by their act and agreement bearing date the d day of september last, in pursuance of the powers in them vested, did promise and engage that, if assurances of submission to the laws of the united states should be bona fide given by the citizens resident in the fourth survey of pennsylvania, in the manner and within the time in the said act and agreement specified, a general pardon should be granted on the th day of july then next ensuing of all treasons and other indictable offenses against the united states committed within the said survey before the d day of august last, excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every person who should refuse or neglect to subscribe such assurance and engagement in manner aforesaid, or who should after such subscription violate the same, or willfully obstruct or attempt to obstruct the execution of the acts for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills, or be aiding or abetting therein; and whereas i have since thought proper to extend the said pardon to all persons guilty of the said treasons, misprisions of treasons, or otherwise concerned in the late insurrection within the survey aforesaid who have not since been indicted or convicted thereof, or of any other offense against the united states: therefore be it known that i, george washington, president of the said united states, have granted, and by these presents do grant, a full, free, and entire pardon to all persons (excepting as is hereinafter excepted) of all treasons, misprisions of treason, and other indictable offenses against the united states committed within the fourth survey of pennsylvania before the said d day of august last past, excepting and excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every person who refused or neglected to give and subscribe the said assurances in the manner aforesaid (or having subscribed hath violated the same) and now standeth indicted or convicted of any treason, misprision of treason, or other offense against the said united states, hereby remitting and releasing unto all persons, except as before excepted, all penalties incurred, or supposed to be incurred, for or on account of the premises. in testimony whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed, this th day of july, a.d. , and the twentieth year of the independence of the said united states. [seal.] george washington. seventh annual address. united states, _december , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i trust i do not deceive myself when i indulge the persuasion that i have never met you at any period when more than at the present the situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation, and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the author of all good for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy. the termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war in which we have been engaged with certain indians northwest of the ohio is placed in the option of the united states by a treaty which the commander of our army has concluded provisionally with the hostile tribes in that region. in the adjustment of the terms the satisfaction of the indians was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the united states as the necessary basis of durable tranquillity. the object, it is believed, has been fully attained. the articles agreed upon will immediately be laid before the senate for their consideration. the creek and cherokee indians, who alone of the southern tribes had annoyed our frontiers, have lately confirmed their preexisting treaties with us, and were giving evidence of a sincere disposition to carry them into effect by the surrender of the prisoners and property they had taken. but we have to lament that the fair prospect in this quarter has been once more clouded by wanton murders, which some citizens of georgia are represented to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the creeks, which have again subjected that frontier to disquietude and danger, which will be productive of further expense, and may occasion more effusion of blood. measures are pursuing to prevent or mitigate the usual consequences of such outrages, and with the hope of their succeeding at least to avert general hostility. a letter from the emperor of morocco announces to me his recognition of our treaty made with his father, the late emperor, and consequently the continuance of peace with that power. with peculiar satisfaction i add that information has been received from an agent deputed on our part to algiers importing that the terms of the treaty with the dey and regency of that country had been adjusted in such a manner as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace and the restoration of our unfortunate fellow-citizens from a grievous captivity. the latest advices from our envoy at the court of madrid give, moreover, the pleasing information that he had received assurances of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion of his negotiation. while the event depending upon unadjusted particulars can not be regarded as ascertained, it is agreeable to cherish the expectation of an issue which, securing amicably very essential interests of the united states, will at the same time lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate. though not before officially disclosed to the house of representatives, you, gentlemen, are all apprised that a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation has been negotiated with great britain, and that the senate have advised and consented to its ratification upon a condition which excepts part of one article. agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment i was able to form of the public interest after full and mature deliberation, i have added my sanction. the result on the part of his britannic majesty is unknown. when received, the subject will without delay be placed before congress. this interesting summary of our affairs with regard to the foreign powers between whom and the united states controversies have subsisted, and with regard also to those of our indian neighbors with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. if by prudence and moderation on every side the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national rights and honor, shall be the happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country. contemplating the internal situation as well as the external relations of the united states, we discover equal cause for contentment and satisfaction. while many of the nations of europe, with their american dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrection; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has imbittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burthens, which press upon all the departments of industry and threaten to clog the future springs of government, our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquillity--a tranquillity the more satisfactory because maintained at the expense of no duty. faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures prosper beyond former example, the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. our population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine calculations, proportionally augments our strength and resources, and guarantees our future security. every part of the union displays indications of rapid and various improvement; and with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived, with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies, with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much to say that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equaled? placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of commanding force impel us, with sincere acknowledgment to heaven and pure love to our country, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong, and improve our immense advantages. to cooperate with you in this desirable work is a fervent and favorite wish of my heart. it is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare that the part of our country which was lately the scene of disorder and insurrection now enjoys the blessings of quiet and order. the misled have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our constitution and laws which is due from good citizens to the public authorities of the society. these circumstances have induced me to pardon generally the offenders here referred to, and to extend forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to capital punishment. for though i shall always think it a sacred duty to exercise with firmness and energy the constitutional powers with which i am vested, yet it appears to me no less consistent with the public good than it is with my personal feelings to mingle in the operations of government every degree of moderation and tenderness which the national justice, dignity, and safety may permit. gentlemen: among the objects which will claim your attention in the course of the session, a review of our military establishment is not the least important. it is called for by the events which have changed, and maybe expected still further to change, the relative situation of our frontiers. in this review you will doubtless allow due weight to the considerations that the questions between us and certain foreign powers are not yet finally adjusted, that the war in europe is not yet terminated, and that our western posts, when recovered, will demand provision for garrisoning and securing them. a statement of our present military force will be laid before you by the department of war. with the review of our army establishment is naturally connected that of the militia. it will merit inquiry what imperfections in the existing plan further experience may have unfolded. the subject is of so much moment in my estimation as to excite a constant solicitude that the consideration of it may be renewed until the greatest attainable perfection shall be accomplished. time is wearing away some advantages for forwarding the object, while none better deserves the persevering attention of the public councils. while we indulge the satisfaction which the actual condition of our western borders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we should not lose sight of an important truth which continually receives new confirmations, namely, that the provisions heretofore made with a view to the protection of the indians from the violences of the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient. it is demonstrated that these violences can now be perpetrated with impunity, and it can need no argument to prove that unless the murdering of indians can be restrained by bringing the murderers to condign punishment, all the exertions of the government to prevent destructive retaliations by the indians will prove fruitless and all our present agreeable prospects illusory. the frequent destruction of innocent women and children, who are chiefly the victims of retaliation, must continue to shock humanity, and an enormous expense to drain the treasury of the union. to enforce upon the indians the observance of justice it is indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering justice to them. if these means can be devised by the wisdom of congress, and especially if there can be added an adequate provision for supplying the necessities of the indians on reasonable terms (a measure the mention of which i the more readily repeat, as in all the conferences with them they urge it with solicitude), i should not hesitate to entertain a strong hope of rendering our tranquillity permanent. i add with pleasure that the probability even of their civilization is not diminished by the experiments which have been thus far made under the auspices of government. the accomplishment of this work, if practicable, will reflect undecaying luster on our national character and administer the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds can know. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: the state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and reimbursed pursuant to different acts of congress, will be submitted from the proper department, together with an estimate of the appropriations necessary to be made for the service of the ensuing year. whether measures may not be advisable to reenforce the provision for the redemption of the public debt will naturally engage your examination. congress have demonstrated their sense to be, and it were superfluous to repeat mine, that whatsoever will tend to accelerate the honorable extinction of our public debt accords as much with the true interest of our country as with the general sense of our constituents. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the statements which will be laid before you relative to the mint will shew the situation of that institution and the necessity of some further legislative provisions for carrying the business of it more completely into effect, and for checking abuses which appear to be arising in particular quarters. the progress in providing materials for the frigates and in building them, the state of the fortifications of our harbors, the measures which have been pursued for obtaining proper sites for arsenals and for replenishing our magazines with military stores, and the steps which have been taken toward the execution of the law for opening a trade with the indians will likewise be presented for the information of congress. temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the course of the session and mutual forbearance where there is a difference of opinion are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare of our country to need any recommendation of mine. george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. sir: it is with peculiar satisfaction that we are informed by your speech to the two houses of congress that the long and expensive war in which we have been engaged with the indians northwest of the ohio is in a situation to be finally terminated; and though we view with concern the danger of an interruption of the peace so recently confirmed with the creeks, we indulge the hope that the measures that you have adopted to prevent the same, if followed by those legislative provisions that justice and humanity equally demand, will succeed in laying the foundation of a lasting peace with the indian tribes on the southern as well as on the western frontiers. the confirmation of our treaty with morocco, and the adjustment of a treaty of peace with algiers, in consequence of which our captive fellow-citizens shall be delivered from slavery, are events that will prove no less interesting to the public humanity than they will be important in extending and securing the navigation and commerce of our country. as a just and equitable conclusion of our depending negotiations with spain will essentially advance the interest of both nations, and thereby cherish and confirm the good understanding and friendship which we have at all times desired to maintain, it will afford us real pleasure to receive an early confirmation of our expectations on this subject. the interesting prospect of our affairs with regard to the foreign powers between whom and the united states controversies have subsisted is not more satisfactory than the review of our internal situation. if from the former we derive an expectation of the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord that have heretofore endangered our tranquillity, and on terms consistent with our national honor and safety, in the latter we discover those numerous and widespread tokens of prosperity which in so peculiar a manner distinguish our happy country. circumstances thus every way auspicious demand our gratitude and sincere acknowledgments to almighty god, and require that we should unite our efforts in imitation of your enlightened, firm, and persevering example to establish and preserve the peace, freedom, and prosperity of our country. the objects which you have recommended to the notice of the legislature will in the course of the session receive our careful attention, and with a true zeal for the public welfare we shall cheerfully cooperate in every measure that shall appear to us best calculated to promote the same. john adams, _vice-president of the united states and president of the senate_. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: with real pleasure i receive your address, recognizing the prosperous situation of our public affairs, and giving assurances of your careful attention to the objects demanding legislative consideration, and that with a true zeal for the public welfare you will cheerfully cooperate in every measure which shall appear to you best calculated to promote the same. but i derive peculiar satisfaction from your concurrence with me in the expressions of gratitude to almighty god, which a review of the auspicious circumstances that distinguish our happy country have excited, and i trust the sincerity of our acknowledgments will be evinced by a union of efforts to establish and preserve its peace, freedom, and prosperity. george washington. december , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. the president of the united states. sir: as the representatives of the people of the united states, we can not but participate in the strongest sensibility to every blessing which they enjoy, and cheerfully join with you in profound gratitude to the author of all good for the numerous and extraordinary blessings which he has conferred on our favored country. a final and formal termination of the distressing war which has ravaged our northwestern frontier will be an event which must afford a satisfaction proportionate to the anxiety with which it has long been sought, and in the adjustment of the terms we perceive the true policy of making them satisfactory to the indians as well as to the united states as the best basis of a durable tranquillity. the disposition of such of the southern tribes as had also heretofore annoyed our frontier is another prospect in our situation so important to the interest and happiness of the united states that it is much to be lamented that any clouds should be thrown over it, more especially by excesses on the part of our own citizens. while our population is advancing with a celerity which exceeds the most sanguine calculations; while every part of the united states displays indications of rapid and various improvement; while we are in the enjoyment of protection and security by mild and wholesome laws, administered by governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, a secure foundation will be laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country if, by treaty and amicable negotiation, all those causes of external discord which heretofore menaced our tranquillity shall be extinguished on terms compatible with our national rights and honor and with our constitution and great commercial interests. among the various circumstances in our internal situation none can be viewed with more satisfaction and exultation than that the late scene of disorder and insurrection has been completely restored to the enjoyment of order and repose. such a triumph of reason and of law is worthy of the free government under which it happened, and was justly to be hoped from the enlightened and patriotic spirit which pervades and actuates the people of the united states. in contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character. the several interesting subjects which you recommend to our consideration will receive every degree of attention which is due to them; and whilst we feel the obligation of temperance and mutual indulgence in all our discussions, we trust and pray that the result to the happiness and welfare of our country may correspond with the pure affection we bear to it. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: coming as you do from all parts of the united states, i receive great satisfaction from the concurrence of your testimony in the justness of the interesting summary of our national happiness which, as the result of my inquiries, i presented to your view. the sentiments we have mutually expressed of profound gratitude to the source of those numerous blessings, the author of all good, are pledges of our obligations to unite our sincere and zealous endeavors, as the instruments of divine providence, to preserve and perpetuate them. accept, gentlemen, my thanks for your declaration that to my agency you ascribe the enjoyment of a great share of these benefits. so far as my services contribute to the happiness of my country, the acknowledgment thereof by my fellow-citizens and their affectionate attachment will ever prove an abundant reward. george washington. december , . special messages. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you, for your consideration, a treaty of peace which has been negotiated by general wayne, on behalf of the united states, with all the late hostile tribes of indians northwest of the river ohio, together with the instructions which were given to general wayne and the proceedings at the place of treaty. george washington. united states, _december , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: herewith i transmit, for your information and consideration, the original letter from the emperor of morocco, recognizing the treaty of peace and friendship between the united states and his father, the late emperor, accompanied with a translation thereof, and various documents relating to the negotiation by which the recognition was effected. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the french republic, received on the d of the last month, covered an address, dated the st of october, , from the committee of public safety to the representatives of the united states in congress, and also informed me that he was instructed by the committee to present to the united states the colors of france. i thereupon proposed to receive them last friday, the first day of the new year, a day of general joy and congratulation. on that day the minister of the french republic delivered the colors, with an address, to which i returned an answer. by the latter congress will see that i have informed the minister that the colors will be deposited with the archives of the united states. but it seemed to me proper previously to exhibit to the two houses of congress these evidences of the continued friendship of the french republic, together with the sentiments expressed by me on the occasion in behalf of the united states. they are herewith communicated. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit to you a memorial of the commissioners appointed by virtue of an act entitled "an act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the united states," on the subject of the public buildings under their direction. since locating a district for the permanent seat of the government of the united states, as heretofore announced to both houses of congress, i have accepted the grants of money and of land stated in the memorial of the commissioners. i have directed the buildings therein mentioned to be commenced on plans which i deemed consistent with the liberality of the grants and proper for the purposes intended. i have not been inattentive to this important business intrusted by the legislature to my care. i have viewed the resources placed in my hands, and observed the manner in which they have been applied. the progress is pretty fully detailed in the memorial from the commissioners, and one of them attends to give further information if required. in a case new and arduous, like the present, difficulties might naturally be expected. some have occurred, but they are in a great degree surmounted, and i have no doubt, if the remaining resources are properly cherished, so as to prevent the loss of property by hasty and numerous sales, that all the buildings required for the accommodation of the government of the united states may be completed in season without aid from the federal treasury. the subject is therefore recommended to the consideration of congress, and the result will determine the measures which i shall cause to be pursued with respect to the property remaining unsold. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send herewith for the information of congress: first. an act of the legislature of the state of rhode island, ratifying an amendment to the constitution of the united states to prevent suits in certain cases against a state. second. an act of the state of north carolina making the like ratification. third. an act of the state of north carolina, assenting to the purchase by the united states of a sufficient quantity of land on shell castle island for the purpose of erecting a beacon thereon, and ceding the jurisdiction thereof to the united states. fourth. a copy from the journal of proceedings of the governor in his executive department of the territory of the united states northwest of the river ohio from july to december , . fifth. a copy from the records of the executive proceedings of the same governor from january to june , ; and sixth and seventh. a copy of the journal of the proceedings of the governor in his executive department of the territory of the united states south of the river ohio from september , , to september , . eighth. the acts of the first and second sessions of the general assembly of the same territory. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in pursuance of the authority vested in the president of the united states by an act of congress passed the d of march last, to reduce the weights of the copper coin of the united states whenever he should think it for the benefit of the united states, provided that the reduction should not exceed pennyweights in each cent, and in the like proportion in a half cent, i have caused the same to be reduced since the th of last december, to wit, pennyweight and grains in each cent, and in the like proportion in a half cent; and i have given notice thereof by proclamation. by the letter of the judges of the circuit court of the united states, held at boston in june last, and the inclosed application of the underkeeper of the jail at that place, of which copies are herewith transmitted, congress will perceive the necessity of making a suitable provision for the maintenance of prisoners committed to the jails of the several states under the authority of the united states. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i transmit herewith the copy of a letter, dated the th of december last, from governor blount to the secretary of war, stating the avowed and daring designs of certain persons to take possession of the lands belonging to the cherokees, and which the united states have by treaty solemnly guaranteed to that nation. the injustice of such intrusions and the mischievous consequences which must necessarily result therefrom demand that effectual provision be made to prevent them. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: herewith i transmit, for your consideration and advice, a treaty of peace and amity, concluded on the th day of last september by joseph donaldson, jr., on the part of the united states, with the dey of algiers, for himself, his divan, and his subjects. the instructions and other necessary papers relative to this negotiation are also sent herewith, for the information of the senate. george washington. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i send herewith the treaty concluded on the th of october last between the united states and spain by their respective plenipotentiaries. the communications to the senate referred to in my message of the th of december, , contain the instructions to the commissioners of the united states, messrs. carmichael and short, and various details relative to the negotiations with spain. herewith i transmit copies of the documents authorizing mr. pinckney, the envoy extraordinary from the united states to the court of spain, to conclude the negotiation agreeably to the original instructions above mentioned, and to adjust the claims of the united states for the spoliations committed by the armed vessels of his catholic majesty on the commerce of our citizens. the numerous papers exhibiting the progress of the negotiation under the conduct of mr. pinckney, being in the french and spanish languages, will be communicated to the senate as soon as the translations which appear necessary shall be completed. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation concluded between the united states of america and his britannic majesty having been duly ratified, and the ratifications having been exchanged at london on the th day of october, , i have directed the same to be promulgated, and herewith transmit a copy thereof for the information of congress. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send herewith, for the information of congress, the treaty concluded between the united states and the dey and regency of algiers. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: by the ninth section of the act entitled "an act to provide a naval armament" it is enacted "that if a peace shall take place between the united states and the regency of algiers, that no further proceedings be had under this act." the peace which is here contemplated having taken place, it is incumbent upon the executive to suspend all orders respecting the building of the frigates, procuring materials for them, or preparing materials already obtained, which may be done without intrenching upon contracts or agreements made and entered into before this event. but inasmuch as the loss which the public would incur might be considerable from dissipation of workmen, from certain works or operations being suddenly dropped or left unfinished, and from the derangement in the whole system consequent upon an immediate suspension of all proceedings under it, i have therefore thought advisable, before taking such a step, to submit the subject to the senate and house of representatives, that such measures may be adopted in the premises as may best comport with the public interest. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: i send herewith, for your information, the translation of a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the french republic to the secretary of state, announcing the peace made by the republic with the kings of prussia and spain, the grand duke of tuscany, and the landgrave of hesse cassel, and that the republican constitution decreed by the national convention had been accepted by the people of france and was in operation. i also send you a copy of the answer given by my direction to this communication from the french minister. my sentiments therein expressed i am persuaded will harmonize with yours and with those of all my fellow-citizens. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i send herewith a copy of the treaty of friendship, limits, and navigation, concluded on the th of october last, between the united states and his catholic majesty. this treaty has been ratified by me agreeably to the constitution, and the ratification has been dispatched for spain, where it will doubtless be immediately ratified by his catholic majesty. this early communication of the treaty with spain has become necessary because it is stipulated in the third article that commissioners for running the boundary line between the territory of the united states and the spanish colonies of east and west florida shall meet at the natchez before the expiration of six months from the ratification; and as that period will undoubtedly arrive before the next meeting of congress, the house will see the necessity of making provision in their present session for the object here mentioned. it will also be necessary to provide for the expense to be incurred in executing the twenty-first article of the treaty, to enable our fellow-citizens to obtain with as little delay as possible compensation for the losses they have sustained by the capture of their vessels and cargoes by the subjects of his catholic majesty during the late war between france and spain. estimates of the moneys necessary to be provided for the purposes of this and several other treaties with foreign nations and the indian tribes will be laid before you by the proper department. george washington. united states, _march , _. _to the house of representatives of the united states_: with the utmost attention i have considered your resolution of the th instant, requesting me to lay before your house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed. in deliberating upon this subject it was impossible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle. i trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the constitution has enjoined upon the president as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either house of congress as a right; and with truth i affirm that it has been, as it will continue to be while i have the honor to preside in the government, my constant endeavor to harmonize with the other branches thereof so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the united states and my sense of the obligation it imposes to "preserve, protect, and defend the constitution" will permit. the nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy; and even when brought to a conclusion a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated would be extremely impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other powers. the necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. to admit, then, a right in the house of representatives to demand and to have as a matter of course all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous precedent. it does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. i repeat that i have no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my station will permit or the public good shall require to be disclosed; and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with great britain were, laid before the senate when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice. the course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the house leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the constitution of the united states. having been a member of the general convention, and knowing the principles on which the constitution was formed, i have ever entertained but one opinion on this subject; and from the first establishment of the government to this moment my conduct has exemplified that opinion--that the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and that every treaty so made and promulgated thenceforward became the law of the land. it is thus that the treaty-making power has been understood by foreign nations, and in all the treaties made with them _we_ have declared and _they_ have believed that, when ratified by the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, they became obligatory. in this construction of the constitution every house of representatives has heretofore acquiesced, and until the present time not a doubt or suspicion has appeared, to my knowledge, that this construction was not the true one. nay, they have more than acquiesced; for till now, without controverting the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. there is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with the opinions entertained by the state conventions when they were deliberating on the constitution, especially by those who objected to it because there was not required in _commercial treaties_ the consent of two-thirds of the whole number of the members of the senate instead of two-thirds of the senators present, and because in treaties respecting territorial and certain other rights and claims the concurrence of three-fourths of the whole number of the members of both houses, respectively, was not made necessary. it is a fact declared by the general convention and universally understood that the constitution of the united states was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession; and it is well known that under this influence the smaller states were admitted to an equal representation in the senate with the larger states, and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers, for on the equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and political safety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. if other proofs than these and the plain letter of the constitution itself be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the general convention, which i have deposited in the office of the department of state. in those journals it will appear that a proposition was made "that no treaty should be binding on the united states which was not ratified by a law," and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. as, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the house of representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with great britain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative provision, and on these the papers called for can throw no light, and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be preserved, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbids a compliance with your request. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and great britain requiring that commissioners should be appointed to fix certain boundaries between the territories of the contracting parties, and to ascertain the losses and damages represented to have been sustained by their respective citizens and subjects, as set forth in the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles of the treaty, in order to carry those articles into execution i nominate as commissioners on the part of the united states: for the purpose mentioned in the fifth article, henry knox, of massachusetts; for the purpose mentioned in the sixth article, thomas fitzsimons, of pennsylvania, and james innes, of virginia; and for the purposes mentioned in the seventh article, christopher gore, of massachusetts, and william pinckney, of maryland. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: by an act of congress passed on the th of may, , it was declared that the inhabitants of the territory of the united states south of the river ohio should enjoy all the privileges, benefits, and advantages set forth in the ordinance of congress for the government of the territory of the united states northwest of the river ohio, and that the government of the said territory south of the ohio should be similar to that which was then exercised in the territory northwest of the ohio, except so far as was otherwise provided in the conditions expressed in an act of congress passed the d of april, , entitled "an act to accept a cession of the claims of the state of north carolina to a certain district of western territory." among the privileges, benefits, and advantages thus secured to the inhabitants of the territory south of the river ohio appear to be the right of forming a permanent constitution and state government, and of admission as a state, by its delegates, into the congress of the united states, on an equal footing with the original states in all respects whatever, when it should have therein , free inhabitants; provided the constitution and government so to be formed should be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained in the articles of the said ordinance. as proofs of the several requisites to entitle the territory south of the river ohio to be admitted as a state into the union, governor blount has transmitted a return of the enumeration of its inhabitants and a printed copy of the constitution and form of government on which they have agreed, which, with his letters accompanying the same, are herewith laid before congress. george washington. united states, _april , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: herewith i lay before you a letter from the attorney-general of the united states, relative to compensation to the attorneys of the united states in the several districts, which is recommended to your consideration. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: some time last year jeremiah wadsworth was authorized to hold a treaty with the cohnawaga indians, styling themselves the seven nations of canada, to enable the state of new york to extinguish, by purchase, a claim which the said indians had set up to a parcel of land lying within that state. the negotiation having issued without effecting its object, and the state of new york having requested a renewal of the negotiation, and the indians having come forward with an application on the same subject, i now nominate jeremiah wadsworth to be a commissioner to hold a treaty with the cohnawaga indians, styling themselves the seven nations of canada, for the purpose of enabling the state of new york to extinguish the aforesaid claim. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you, for your consideration and advice, an explanatory article proposed to be added to the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and great britain, together with a copy of the full power to the secretary of state to negotiate the same. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the measures now in operation for taking possession of the posts of detroit and michilimackinac render it proper that provision should be made for extending to these places and any others alike circumstanced the civil authority of the northwestern territory. to do this will require an expense to defray which the ordinary salaries of the governor and secretary of that territory appear to be incompetent. the forming of a new county, or new counties, and the appointment of the various officers, which the just exercise of government must require, will oblige the governor and secretary to visit those places, and to spend considerable time in making the arrangements necessary for introducing and establishing the government of the united states. congress will consider what provision will in this case be proper. george washington. united states, _may , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: the extraordinary expenses to be incurred in the present year in supporting our foreign intercourse i find will require a provision beyond the ordinary appropriation and the additional $ , already granted. i have directed an estimate to be made, which is sent herewith, and will exhibit the deficiency for which an appropriation appears to be necessary. george washington. eighth annual address. united states, _december , _. _fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives_: in recurring to the internal situation of our country since i had last the pleasure to address you, i find ample reason for a renewed expression of that gratitude to the ruler of the universe which a continued series of prosperity has so often and so justly called forth. the acts of the last session which required special arrangements have been as far as circumstances would admit carried into operation. measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the indians and to preserve peace along the extent of our interior frontier have been digested and adopted. in the framing of these care has been taken to guard on the one hand our advanced settlements from the predatory incursions of those unruly individuals who can not be restrained by their tribes, and on the other hand to protect the rights secured to the indians by treaty--to draw them nearer to the civilized state and inspire them with correct conceptions of the power as well as justice of the government. the meeting of the deputies from the creek nation at colerain, in the state of georgia, which had for a principal object the purchase of a parcel of their land by that state, broke up without its being accomplished, the nation having previous to their departure instructed them against making any sale. the occasion, however, has been improved to confirm by a new treaty with the creeks their preexisting engagements with the united states, and to obtain their consent to the establishment of trading houses and military posts within their boundary, by means of which their friendship and the general peace may be more effectually secured. the period during the late session at which the appropriation was passed for carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the united states and his britannic majesty necessarily procrastinated the reception of the posts stipulated to be delivered beyond the date assigned for that event. as soon, however, as the governor-general of canada could be addressed with propriety on the subject, arrangements were cordially and promptly concluded for their evacuation, and the united states took possession of the principal of them, comprehending oswego, niagara, detroit, michilimackinac, and fort miami, where such repairs and additions have been ordered to be made as appeared indispensable. the commissioners appointed on the part of the united states and of great britain to determine which is the river st. croix mentioned in the treaty of peace of , agreed in the choice of egbert benson, esq., of new york, for the third commissioner. the whole met at st. andrews, in passamaquoddy bay, in the beginning of october, and directed surveys to be made of the rivers in dispute; but deeming it impracticable to have these surveys completed before the next year, they adjourned to meet at boston in august, , for the final decision of the question. other commissioners appointed on the part of the united states, agreeably to the seventh article of the treaty with great britain, relative to captures and condemnation of vessels and other property, met the commissioners of his britannic majesty in london in august last, when john trumbull, esq., was chosen by lot for the fifth commissioner. in october following the board were to proceed to business. as yet there has been no communication of commissioners on the part of great britain to unite with those who have been appointed on the part of the united states for carrying into effect the sixth article of the treaty. the treaty with spain required that the commissioners for running the boundary line between the territory of the united states and his catholic majesty's provinces of east and west florida should meet at the natchez before the expiration of six months after the exchange of the ratifications, which was effected at aranjuez on the th day of april; and the troops of his catholic majesty occupying any posts within the limits of the united states were within the same period to be withdrawn. the commissioner of the united states therefore commenced his journey for the natchez in september, and troops were ordered to occupy the posts from which the spanish garrisons should be withdrawn. information has been recently received of the appointment of a commissioner on the part of his catholic majesty for running the boundary line, but none of any appointment for the adjustment of the claims of our citizens whose vessels were captured by the armed vessels of spain. in pursuance of the act of congress passed in the last session for the protection and relief of american seamen, agents were appointed, one to reside in great britain and the other in the west indies. the effects of the agency in the west indies are not yet fully ascertained, but those which have been communicated afford grounds to believe the measure will be beneficial. the agent destined to reside in great britain declining to accept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved on the minister of the united states in london, and will command his attention until a new agent shall be appointed. after many delays and disappointments arising out of the european war, the final arrangements for fulfilling the engagements made to the dey and regency of algiers will in all present appearance be crowned with success, but under great, though inevitable, disadvantages in the pecuniary transactions occasioned by that war, which will render further provision necessary. the actual liberation of all our citizens who were prisoners in algiers, while it gratifies every feeling heart, is itself an earnest of a satisfactory termination of the whole negotiation. measures are in operation for effecting treaties with the regencies of tunis and tripoli. to an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indispensable. this is manifest with regard to wars in which a state is itself a party. but besides this, it is in our own experience that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. to secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. this may even prevent the necessity of going to war by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no other option. from the best information i have been able to obtain it would seem as if our trade to the mediterranean without a protecting force will always be insecure and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. these considerations invite the united states to look to the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. the increasing progress of their navigation promises them at no distant period the requisite supply of seamen, and their means in other respects favor the undertaking. it is an encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. will it not, then, be advisable to begin without delay to provide and lay up the materials for the building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practicable without inconvenience, so that a future war of europe may not find our commerce in the same unprotected state in which it was found by the present? congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. the object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear eligible. as a general rule, manufactures on public account are inexpedient; but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope that certain branches of manufacture will for a great length of time obtain, when these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and equipping of the public force in time of war, are not establishments for procuring them on public account to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service recommended by strong considerations of national policy as an exception to the general rule? ought our country to remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply, precarious because liable to be interrupted? if the necessary article should in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the security and independence thence arising form an ample compensation? establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public service in time of peace, will in time of war easily be extended in proportion to the exigencies of the government, and may even perhaps be made to yield a surplus for the supply of our citizens at large, so as to mitigate the privations from the interruption of their trade. if adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches which are already, or likely soon to be, established in the country, in order that there may be no danger of interference with pursuits of individual industry. it will not be doubted that with reference either to individual or national welfare agriculture is of primary importance. in proportion as nations advance in population and other circumstances of maturity this truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more and more an object of public patronage. institutions for promoting it grow up, supported by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated with greater propriety? among the means which have been employed to this end none have been attended with greater success than the establishment of boards (composed of proper characters) charged with collecting and diffusing information, and enabled by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist a spirit of discovery and improvement. this species of establishment contributes doubly to the increase of improvement by stimulating to enterprise and experiment, and by drawing to a common center the results everywhere of individual skill and observation, and spreading them thence over the whole nation. experience accordingly has shewn that they are very cheap instruments of immense national benefits. i have heretofore proposed to the consideration of congress the expediency of establishing a national university and also a military academy. the desirableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with every new view i have taken of the subject that i can not omit the opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them. the assembly to which i address myself is too enlightened not to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes to national prosperity and reputation. true it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries of learning highly respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different departments of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated, though they would be excellent auxiliaries. amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen by the common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter well deserves attention. the more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a primary object of such a national institution should be the education of our youth in the science of _government_. in a republic what species of knowledge can be equally important and what duty more pressing on its legislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country? the institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent reasons. however pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies. the first would impair the energy of its character, and both would hazard its safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided; besides that, war might often not depend upon its own choice. in proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity of practicing the rules of the military art ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples superficially viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of war is at once comprehensive and complicated, that it demands much previous study, and that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state is always of great moment to the security of a nation. this, therefore, ought to be a serious care of every government, and for this purpose an academy where a regular course of instruction is given is an obvious expedient which different nations have successfully employed. the compensations to the officers of the united states in various instances, and in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear to call for legislative revision. the consequences of a defective provision are of serious import to the government. if private wealth is to supply the defect of public retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within which the selection of character for office is to be made, and will proportionally diminish the probability of a choice of men able as well as upright. besides that, it would be repugnant to the vital principles of our government virtually to exclude from public trusts talents and virtue unless accompanied by wealth. while in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret i mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the west indies from the cruisers and agents of the french republic, and communications have been received from its minister here which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and which are in other respects far from agreeable. it has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that republic. this wish remains unabated, and i shall persevere in the endeavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country; nor will i easily cease to cherish the expectation that a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship on the part of the republic will eventually insure success. in pursuing this course, however, i can not forget what is due to the character of our government and nation, or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen. i reserve for a special message a more particular communication on this interesting subject. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: i have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper department, with a view of the public receipts and expenditures to the latest period to which an account can be prepared. it is with satisfaction i am able to inform you that the revenues of the united states continue in a state of progressive improvement. a reenforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public debt was mentioned in my address at the opening of the last session. some preliminary steps were taken toward it, the maturing of which will no doubt engage your zealous attention during the present. i will only add that it will afford me a heartfelt satisfaction to concur in such further measures as will ascertain to our country the prospect of a speedy extinguishment of the debt. posterity may have cause to regret if from any motive intervals of tranquillity are left unimproved for accelerating this valuable end. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: my solicitude to see the militia of the united states placed on an efficient establishment has been so often and so ardently expressed that i shall but barely recall the subject to your view on the present occasion, at the same time that i shall submit to your inquiry whether our harbors are yet sufficiently secured. the situation in which i now stand for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the united states, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced, and i can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the supreme ruler of the universe and sovereign arbiter of nations that his providential care may still be extended to the united states, that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual, george washington. address of the senate to george washington, president of the united states. we thank you, sir, for your faithful and detailed exposure of the existing situation of our country, and we sincerely join in sentiments of gratitude to an overruling providence for the distinguished share of public prosperity and private happiness which the people of the united states so peculiarly enjoy. we are fully sensible of the advantages that have resulted from the adoption of measures (which you have successfully carried into effect) to preserve peace, cultivate friendship, and promote civilization amongst the indian tribes on the western frontiers. feelings of humanity and the most solid political interests equally encourage the continuance of this system. we observe with pleasure that the delivery of the military posts lately occupied by the british forces within the territory of the united states was made with cordiality and promptitude as soon as circumstances would admit, and that the other provisions of our treaties with great britain and spain that were objects of eventual arrangement are about being carried into effect with entire harmony and good faith. the unfortunate but unavoidable difficulties that opposed a timely compliance with the terms of the algerine treaty are much to be lamented, as they may occasion a temporary suspension of the advantages to be derived from a solid peace with that power and a perfect security from its predatory warfare. at the same time, the lively impressions that affected the public mind on the redemption of our captive fellow-citizens afford the most laudable incentive to our exertions to remove the remaining obstacles. we perfectly coincide with you in opinion that the importance of our commerce demands a naval force for its protection against foreign insult and depredation, and our solicitude to attain that object will be always proportionate to its magnitude. the necessity of accelerating the establishment of certain useful manufactures by the intervention of legislative aid and protection and the encouragement due to agriculture by the creation of boards (composed of intelligent individuals) to patronize this primary pursuit of society are subjects which will readily engage our most serious attention. a national university may be converted to the most useful purposes. the science of legislation being so essentially dependent on the endowments of the mind, the public interests must receive effectual aid from the general diffusion of knowledge, and the united states will assume a more dignified station among the nations of the earth by the successful cultivation of the higher branches of literature. a military academy may be likewise rendered equally important. to aid and direct the physical force of the nation by cherishing a military spirit, enforcing a proper sense of discipline, and inculcating a scientific system of tactics is consonant to the soundest maxims of public policy. connected with and supported by such an establishment a well-regulated militia, constituting the natural defense of the country, would prove the most effectual as well as economical preservative of peace. we can not but consider with serious apprehensions the inadequate compensations of the public officers, especially of those in the more important stations. it is not only a violation of the spirit of a public contract, but is an evil so extensive in its operation and so destructive in its consequences that we trust it will receive the most pointed legislative attention. we sincerely lament that, whilst the conduct of the united states has been uniformly impressed with the character of equity, moderation, and love of peace in the maintenance of all their foreign relationships, our trade should be so harassed by the cruisers and agents of the republic of france throughout the extensive departments of the west indies. whilst we are confident that no cause of complaint exists that could authorize an interruption of our tranquillity or disengage that republic from the bonds of amity, cemented by the faith of treaties, we can not but express our deepest regrets that official communications have been made to you indicating a more serious disturbance of our commerce. although we cherish the expectation that a sense of justice and a consideration of our mutual interests will moderate their councils, we are not unmindful of the situation in which events may place us, nor unprepared to adopt that system of conduct which, compatible with the dignity of a respectable nation, necessity may compel us to pursue. we cordially acquiesce in the reflection that the united states, under the operation of the federal government, have experienced a most rapid aggrandizement and prosperity as well political as commercial. whilst contemplating the causes that produce this auspicious result, we must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system and the wisdom of the legislative provisions; but we should be deficient in gratitude and justice did we not attribute a great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents of your administration, which have been conspicuously displayed in the most trying time and on the most critical occasions. it is therefore with the sincerest regret that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your country. when we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military, as well during the struggles of the american revolution as the convulsive periods of a recent date, we can not look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards accompanying you, and without mingling with our fellow-citizens at large in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness that sensibility and attachment can express. the most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to your successors, and the united states thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration. john adams, _vice-president of the united states and president of the senate_. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: it affords me great satisfaction to find in your address a concurrence in sentiment with me on the various topics which i presented for your information and deliberation, and that the latter will receive from you an attention proportioned to their respective importance. for the notice you take of my public services, civil and military, and your kind wishes for my personal happiness, i beg you to accept my cordial thanks. those services, and greater had i possessed ability to render them, were due to the unanimous calls of my country, and its approbation is my abundant reward. when contemplating the period of my retirement, i saw virtuous and enlightened men among whom i relied on the discernment and patriotism of my fellow-citizens to make the proper choice of, a successor--men who would require no influential example to insure to the united states "an able, upright, and energetic administration." to such men i shall cheerfully yield the palm of genius and talents to serve our common country; but at the same time i hope i may be indulged in expressing the consoling reflection (which consciousness suggests), and to bear it with me to my grave, that none can serve it with purer intentions than i have done or with a more disinterested zeal. george washington. december , . address of the house of representatives to george washington, president of the united states. sir: the house of representatives have attended to your communication respecting the state of our country with all the sensibility that the contemplation of the subject and a sense of duty can inspire. we are gratified by the information that measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the indians and to maintain the tranquillity of the western frontier have been adopted, and we indulge the hope that these, by impressing the indian tribes with more correct conceptions of the justice as well as power of the united states, will be attended with success. while we notice with satisfaction the steps that you have taken in pursuance of the late treaties with several foreign nations, the liberation of our citizens who were prisoners at algiers is a subject of peculiar felicitation. we shall cheerfully cooperate in any further measures that shall appear on consideration to be requisite. we have ever concurred with you in the most sincere and uniform disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate, and it is of course with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any interruption of our harmony with the french republic has occurred, for we feel with you and with our constituents the cordial and unabated wish to maintain a perfectly friendly understanding with that nation. your endeavors to fulfill that wish, and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the french republic and the united states, can not fail, therefore, to interest our attention. and while we participate in the full reliance you have expressed on the patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope that a mutual spirit of justice and moderation will insure the success of your perseverance. the various subjects of your communication will respectively meet with the attention that is due to their importance. when we advert to the internal situation of the united states, we deem it equally natural and becoming to compare the present period with that immediately antecedent to the operation of the government, and to contrast it with the calamities in which the state of war still involves several of the european nations, as the reflections deduced from both tend to justify as well as to excite a warmer admiration of our free constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful sense of piety toward almighty god for the beneficence of his providence, by which its administration has been hitherto so remarkably distinguished. and while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of the present form of government, we can not forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from office. as no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it can not fail to awaken. the gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so eminently instrumental to the achievement of the revolution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. your obedience to the voice of duty and your country when you quitted reluctantly a second time the retreat you had chosen and first accepted the presidency afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service and an earnest of the patriotism and success which have characterized your administration. as the grateful confidence of the citizens in the virtues of their chief magistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present occasion. yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a republic. although we are sensible that this event of itself completes the luster of a character already conspicuously unrivaled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation, yet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves at this moment the faithful interpreters), to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated. the spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offering, by its representatives, the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its luster (a luster which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit of which it is the voluntary testimony. may you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear. may your own virtues and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days and the choicest of future blessings. for our country's sake, for the sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your successors, and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants. december , . reply of the president. gentlemen: to a citizen whose views were unambitious, who preferred the shade and tranquillity of private life to the splendor and solicitude of elevated stations, and whom the voice of duty and his country could alone have drawn from his chosen retreat, no reward for his public services can be so grateful as public approbation, accompanied by a consciousness that to render those services useful to that country has been his single aim; and when this approbation is expressed by the representatives of a free and enlightened nation, the reward will admit of no addition. receive, gentlemen, my sincere and affectionate thanks for this signal testimony that my services have been acceptable and useful to my country. the strong confidence of my fellow-citizens, while it animated all my actions, insured their zealous cooperation, which rendered those services successful. the virtue and wisdom of my successors, joined with the patriotism and intelligence of the citizens who compose the other branches of government, i firmly trust will lead them to the adoption of measures which, by the beneficence of providence, will give stability to our system of government, add to its success, and secure to ourselves and to posterity that liberty which is to all of us so dear. while i acknowledge with pleasure the sincere and uniform disposition of the house of representatives to preserve our neutral relations inviolate, and with them deeply regret any degree of interruption of our good understanding with the french republic, i beg you, gentlemen, to rest assured that my endeavors will be earnest and unceasing by all honorable means to preserve peace and to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between our two nations; and with you i cherish the pleasing hope that a mutual spirit of justice and moderation will crown those endeavors with success. i shall cheerfully concur in the beneficial measures which your deliberations shall mature on the various subjects demanding your attention; and while directing your labors to advance the real interests of our country, you receive its blessings. with perfect sincerity my individual wishes will be offered for your present and future felicity. george washington. december , . special messages. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: i lay before you for your consideration a treaty which has been negotiated and concluded on the th day of june last by benjamin hawkins, andrew pickens, and george clymer, commissioners on behalf of the united states, with the creek indians, together with the instructions which were given to the said commissioners and the proceedings at the place of treaty. i submit also the proceedings and result of a treaty, held at the city of new york, on behalf of the state of new york, with certain nations or tribes of indians denominating themselves the seven nations of canada. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: herewith i lay before you in confidence reports from the departments of state and the treasury, by which you will see the present situation of our affairs with the dey and regency of algiers. george washington. united states, _january , _. _gentlemen of the senate and of the house of representatives_: at the opening of the present session of congress i mentioned that some circumstances of an unwelcome nature had lately occurred in relation to france; that our trade had suffered, and was suffering, extensive injuries in the west indies from the cruisers and agents of the french republic, and that communications had been received from its minister here which indicated danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and that were in other respects far from agreeable, but that i reserved for a special message a more particular communication on this interesting subject. this communication i now make. the complaints of the french minister embraced most of the transactions of our government in relation to france from an early period of the present war, which, therefore, it was necessary carefully to review. a collection has been formed of letters and papers relating to those transactions, which i now lay before you, with a letter to mr. pinckney, our minister at paris, containing an examination of the notes of the french minister and such information as i thought might be useful to mr. pinckney in any further representations he might find necessary to be made to the french government. the immediate object of his mission was to make to that government such explanations of the principles and conduct of our own as, by manifesting our good faith, might remove all jealousy and discontent and maintain that harmony and good understanding with the french republic which it has been my constant solicitude to preserve. a government which required only a knowledge of the _truth_ to justify its measures could not but be anxious to have this fully and frankly displayed. george washington. united states, _march , _. _gentlemen of the senate_: application having been made to me to permit a treaty to be held with the seneca nation of indians to effect the purchase of a parcel of their land under a preemption right derived from the state of massachusetts and situated within the state of new york, and it appearing to me reasonable that such opportunity should be afforded, provided the negotiation shall be conducted at the expense of the applicant, and at the desire and with the consent of the indians, always considering these as prerequisites, i now nominate isaac smith to be a commissioner to hold a treaty with the seneca nation for the aforesaid purpose. george washington. veto message. united states, _february , _. _gentlemen of the house of representatives_: having maturely considered the bill to alter and amend an act entitled "an act to ascertain and fix the military establishment of the united states," which was presented to me on the d day of this month, i now return it to the house of representatives, in which it originated, with my objections: first. if the bill passes into a law, the two companies of light dragoons will be from that moment _legally_ out of service, though they will afterwards continue _actually_ in service; and for their services during this interval, namely, from the time of _legal_ to the time of _actual_ discharge, it will not be lawful to pay them, unless some future provision be made by law. though they may be discharged at the pleasure of congress, in justice they ought to receive their pay, not only to the time of passing the law, but at least to the time of their actual discharge. secondly. it will be inconvenient and injurious to the public to dismiss the light dragoons as soon as notice of the law can be conveyed to them, one of the companies having been lately destined to a necessary and important service. thirdly. the companies of light dragoons consist of noncommissioned officers and privates, who are bound to serve as dismounted dragoons when ordered so to do. they have received in bounties about $ , . one of them is completely equipped, and above half of the noncommissioned officers and privates have yet to serve more than one-third of the time of their enlistment; and besides, there will in the course of the year be a considerable deficiency in the complement of infantry intended to be continued. under these circumstances, to discharge the dragoons does not seem to comport with economy. fourthly. it is generally agreed that some cavalry, either militia or regular, will be necessary; and according to the best information i have been able to obtain, it is my opinion that the latter will be less expensive and more useful than the former in preserving peace between the frontier settlers and the indians, and therefore a part of the military establishment should consist of cavalry. george washington. proclamation. [from senate journal, vol. , p. .] march , . _to the vice-president and senators of the united states, respectively_. sir: it appearing to me proper that the senate of the united states should be convened on saturday, the th of march instant, you are desired to attend in the chamber of the senate on that day, at o'clock in the forenoon, to receive any communications which the president of the united states may then lay before you touching their interests. george washington. farewell address. united states, _september , _. _friends and fellow-citizens:_ the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprise you of the resolution i have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. i beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my determination to retire. the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my political life my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget as an encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. it is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. the _north_, in an unrestrained intercourse with the _south_, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the _south_, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the _north_, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the _north_, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. the _east_, in a like intercourse with the _west_, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. the _west_ derives from the _east_ supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the _secure_ enjoyment of indispensable _outlets_ for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as _one nation_. any other tenure by which the _west_ can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by _geographical_ discriminations--_northern_ and _southern, atlantic_ and _western_--whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views, one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. they have seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties--that with great britain and that with spain--which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations toward confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? to the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. one method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. observe good faith and justice toward all nations. cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct. and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? in the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. the nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. so, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little _political_ connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached, and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish--that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but if i may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good--that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism--this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. how far in the discharge of my official duties i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. in relation to the still subsisting war in europe my proclamation of the d of april, , is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined as far as should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. the considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. though in reviewing the incidents of my administration i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which i promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government--the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. george washington. generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries) {frontispiece: washington as a surveyor} _history of the american revolution_. the student's life of washington; condensed from the larger work of washington irving. for young persons and for the use of schools. with illustrations. new york: g. p. putnam's sons, fifth avenue. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by g. p. putnam & sons, in the office of the librarian of congress at washington. publisher's note. in condensing into one compact volume mr. irving's elaborate life of washington, care has been taken to retain, not only all the important facts connected with washington's career, but also those circumstances and incidents which may be supposed to contribute to a full estimate of his character in all its aspects. nor have any portion of the great events connected with the era in which he filled so grand and controlling a part been unduly neglected or subordinated. the work, in its present abbreviated form, still presents a continuous and complete record of american history during the period of washington's official life. mr. irving's language, as a rule, has been retained; but in cases where a variation from his sentences has been necessary, in order to secure the requisite brevity, the paragraphs are enclosed in brackets. contents. i. birth of washington.--his boyhood, . . . . . . . . . . . ii. washington's youth.--first surveying expedition, . . . . iii. rival claims of the english and the french.--preparations for hostilities, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv. washington's mission to the french commander, . . . . . v. military expedition to the frontier, . . . . . . . . . . vi. misfortunes.--capitulation of fort necessity, . . . . . vii. a campaign under general braddock, . . . . . . . . . . . viii. braddock's advance.--his defeat, . . . . . . . . . . . . ix. washington in command.--panics on the frontier, . . . . x. frontier service, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi. operations against the french.--washington's marriage, . xii. campaigns in the north.--washington at mount vernon, . . xiii. colonial discontents, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiv. expedition to the ohio.--tea tax, . . . . . . . . . . . xv. the first general congress, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi. military measures.--affairs at lexington, . . . . . . . xvii. capture of ticonderoga and crown point.--washington appointed commander-in-chief, . . . . . . . . . . . . xviii. battle of bunker hill, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix. washington on his way to the camp, . . . . . . . . . . . xx. siege of boston, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi. projects for the invasion of canada, . . . . . . . . . . xxii. war along the coast.--progress of the siege, . . . . . . xxiii. affairs in canada, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiv. incidents of the camp.--arnold before quebec, . . . . . xxv. washington's perplexities.--new york in danger, . . . . xxvi. attack on quebec.--affairs in new york, . . . . . . . . xxvii. movements before boston.--its evacuation, . . . . . . . xxviii. reverses in canada.--the highlands.--close of the invasion of canada, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxix. the army in new york, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxx. proceedings of lord howe.--gates and schuyler, . . . . . xxxi. the war in the south.--affairs in the highlands, . . . . xxxii. battle of long island.--retreat, . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxiii. retreat from new york island, . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxiv. retreat through westchester county.--battle of white plains, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxv. washington at peekskill.--the northern army, . . . . . . xxxvi. capture of fort washington and garrison.--retreat through new jersey, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxvii. retreat across the delaware.--battle of trenton, . . . . xxxviii. washington recrosses the delaware.--battle of princeton, xxxix. the army at morristown.--attack on peekskill, . . . . . xl. the northern army.--british expedition to connecticut, . xli. the highlands.--movements of the army, . . . . . . . . . xlii. invasion from canada, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xliii. exploits and movements.--howe in the chesapeake, . . . . xliv. advance of burgoyne.--battle of oriskany.--battle of bennington, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xlv. battle of the brandywine.--fall of philadelphia, . . . . xlvi. the northern invasion.--fall of the highland forts.--defeat and surrender of burgoyne, . . . . . . xlvii. battle of germantown.--hostilities on the delaware, . . xlviii. the army on the schuylkill.--at valley forge.--the conway cabal, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xlix. exploits of lee and lafayette.--british commissioners, . l. evacuation of philadelphia.--battle of monmouth court house, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . li. arrival of a french fleet.--massacre at wyoming valley.--capture of savannah, . . . . . . . . . . . . lii. washington in philadelphia.--indian warfare.--capture of stony point.--ravages in connecticut.--repulse at savannah, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . liii. army at morristown.--arnold in philadelphia.--charleston besieged, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . liv. discontents in the army.--fall of charleston, . . . . . lv. marauds in the jerseys.--the french fleet at newport, . lvi. battle of camden, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lvii. the treason of arnold.--trial and execution of andré, . lviii. plan to entrap arnold.--projects against new york, . . . lix. the war in the south.--battle of king's mountain, . . . lx. hostilities in the south.--mutiny, . . . . . . . . . . . lxi. battle of the cowpens.--battle of guilford court-house, lxii. the war in virginia.--demonstrations against new york, . lxiii. ravages in virginia.--operations in carolina.--attack on new london, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxiv. operations before yorktown.--greene in the south, . . . lxv. siege and surrender of yorktown, . . . . . . . . . . . . lxvi. dissolution of the combined armies.--discontents in the army, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxvii. news of peace.--washington's farewell to the army, and resignation of his commission, . . . . . . . . . . . . lxviii. washington at mount vernon, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxix. the constitutional convention.--washington elected president, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxx. organization of the new government, . . . . . . . . . . lxxi. financial difficulties.--party jealousies.--operations against the indians, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxii. tour southward.--defeat of st. clair.--dissensions in the cabinet, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxiii. washington's second term.--difficulties with the french ambassador, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxiv. neutrality.--whiskey insurrection.--wayne's success against the indians, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxv. jay's treaty.--party claims.--difficulties with france.--farewell address, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxvi. washington's retirement and death, . . . . . . . . . . . washington and the american revolution. chapter i. birth of washington.--his boyhood. the washington family is of an ancient english stock, the genealogy of which has been traced up to the century immediately succeeding the conquest. among the knights and barons who served under the count palatine, bishop of durham, to whom william the conqueror had granted that important see, was william de hertburn. at that period surnames were commonly derived from castles or estates; and de hertburn, in , in exchanging the village of hertburn for the manor of wessyngton, assumed the name of de wessyngton. from this period the family has been traced through successive generations, until the name, first dropping the _de_, varied from wessyngton to wassington, wasshington, and finally to washington. the head of the family to which our washington immediately belongs sprang from lawrence washington, esq., of gray's inn. he was mayor of northampton, and received a grant of the manor of sulgrave from henry viii. [sir william washington of packington, was his direct descendant. the washingtons were attached to the stuart dynasty. lieut.-col. james washington perished in defence of that cause. sir henry washington, son of sir william, distinguished himself under prince rupert, in , at the storming of bristol; and still more, in , in the defence of worcester against the arms of fairfax. we hear little of the washingtons after the death of charles i. england, during the protectorate, was an uncomfortable residence for those who had adhered to the stuarts, and many sought refuge in other lands. among many who emigrated to the western wilds were john and andrew washington, great-grandsons of the grantee of sulgrave.] the brothers arrived in virginia in , and purchased lands in westmoreland county, on the northern neck, between the potomac and rappahannock rivers. john married a miss anna pope, of the same county, and took up his residence on bridges creek, near where it falls into the potomac. he became an extensive planter, and, in process of time, a magistrate and member of the house of burgesses. having a spark of the old military fire of the family, we find him, as colonel washington, leading the virginia forces, in co-operation with those of maryland, against a band of seneca indians, who were ravaging the settlements along the potomac. the estate continued in the family. his grandson augustine, the father of our washington, was born there in . he was twice married; first (april th, ), to jane, daughter of caleb butler, esq., of westmoreland county, by whom he had four children, of whom only two, lawrence and augustine, survived the years of childhood; their mother died november th, , and was buried in the family vault. on the th of march, , he married in second nuptials, mary, the daughter of colonel ball, a young and beautiful girl, said to be the belle of the northern neck. by her he had four sons, george, samuel, john augustine, and charles; and two daughters, elizabeth, or betty, as she was commonly called, and mildred, who died in infancy. george, the eldest, the subject of this biography, was born on the d of february ( th, o. s.), , in the homestead on bridges creek. this house commanded a view over many miles of the potomac, and the opposite shore of maryland. not a vestige of it remains. two or three decayed fig trees, with shrubs and vines, linger about the place, and here and there a flower grown wild serves "to mark where a garden has been." such at least, was the case a few years since; but these may have likewise passed away. a stone marks the site of the house, and an inscription denotes its being the birthplace of washington. not long after the birth of george, his father removed to an estate in stafford county, opposite fredericksburg. the house stood on a rising ground overlooking a meadow which bordered the rappahannock. this was the home of george's boyhood; but this, like that in which he was born, has disappeared. in those days the means of instruction in virginia were limited, and it was the custom among the wealthy planters to send their sons to england to complete their education. this was done by augustine washington with his eldest son lawrence. george, as his intellect dawned, received the rudiments of education in the best establishment for the purpose that the neighborhood afforded. it was what was called, in popular parlance, an "old field school-house;" humble enough in its pretensions, and kept by one of his father's tenants named hobby. the instruction doled out by him must have been the simplest kind, reading, writing, and ciphering, perhaps; but george had the benefit of mental and moral culture at home, from an excellent father. when he was about seven or eight years old his brother lawrence returned from england, a well-educated and accomplished youth. there was a difference of fourteen years in their ages, which may have been one cause of the strong attachment which took place between them. lawrence looked down with a protecting eye upon the boy whose dawning intelligence and perfect rectitude won his regard; while george looked up to his manly and cultivated brother as a model in mind and manners. lawrence washington had something of the old military spirit of the family, and circumstances soon called it into action. spanish depredations on british commerce had recently provoked reprisals. admiral vernon, commander-in-chief in the west indies, had accordingly captured porto bello, on the isthmus of darien. the spaniards were preparing to revenge the blow; the french were fitting out ships to aid them. troops were embarked in england for another campaign in the west indies; a regiment of four battalions was to be raised in the colonies and sent to join them at jamaica. there was a sudden outbreak of military ardor in the province. lawrence washington, now twenty-two years of age, caught the infection. he obtained a captain's commission in the newly-raised regiment, and embarked with it for the west indies in . he served in the joint expeditions of admiral vernon and general wentworth, and acquired the friendship and confidence of both of those officers. we have here the secret of that martial spirit so often cited of george in his boyish days. he had seen his brother fitted out for the wars. he had heard by letter and otherwise of the warlike scenes in which he was mingling. all his amusements took a military turn. he made soldiers of his school-mates; they had their mimic parades, reviews, and sham fights. lawrence washington returned home in the autumn of . he formed an attachment to anne, the eldest daughter of the honorable william fairfax, of fairfax comity; his addresses were well received, and they became engaged. their nuptials were delayed by the sudden and untimely death of his father, which took place on the th of april, , after a short but severe attack of gout in the stomach, and when but forty-nine years of age. george had been absent from home on a visit during his father's illness, and just returned in time to receive a parting look of affection. augustine washington left large possessions, distributed by will among his children. to lawrence, the estate on the banks of the potomac, with other real property, and several shares in iron-works. to augustine, the second son by the first marriage, the old homestead and estate in westmoreland. the children by the second marriage were severally well provided for, and george, when he became of age, was to have the house and lands on the rappahannock. in the month of july the marriage of lawrence with miss fairfax took place. he now settled himself on his estate on the banks of the potomac, to which he gave the name of mount vernon, in honor of the admiral. augustine took up his abode at the homestead on bridges creek, and married anne, daughter and co-heiress of william aylett, esq., of westmoreland county. george, now eleven years of age, and the other children of the second marriage, had been left under the guardianship of their mother, to whom was intrusted the proceeds of all their property until they should severally come of age. she proved herself worthy of the trust. endowed with plain, direct good sense, thorough conscientiousness, and prompt decision, she governed her family strictly, but kindly, exacting deference while she inspired affection. george being her eldest son, was thought to be her favorite, yet she never gave him undue preference, and the implicit deference exacted from him in childhood continued to be habitually observed by him to the day of her death. he inherited from her a high temper and a spirit of command, but her early precepts and example taught him to restrain and govern that temper, and to square his conduct on the exact principles of equity and justice. having no longer the benefit of a father's instructions at home, and the scope of tuition of hobby being too limited for the growing wants of his pupil, george was now sent to reside with augustine washington, at bridges creek, and enjoy the benefit of a superior school in that neighborhood, kept by a mr. williams. his education, however, was plain and practical. he never attempted the learned languages, nor manifested any inclination for rhetoric or belles-lettres. his object, or the object of his friends, seems to have been confined to fitting him for ordinary business. his manuscript school-books still exist, and are models of neatness and accuracy. before he was thirteen years of age he had copied into a volume forms for all kinds of mercantile and legal papers; bills of exchange, notes of hand, deeds, bonds, and the like. this early self-tuition gave him throughout life a lawyer's skill in drafting documents, and a merchant's exactness in keeping accounts. he was a self-disciplinarian in physical as well as mental matters, and practised himself in all kinds of athletic exercises, such as running, leaping, wrestling, pitching quoits, and tossing bars. his frame, even in infancy, had been large and powerful, and he now excelled most of his playmates in contests of agility and strength. above all, his inherent probity and the principles of justice on which he regulated all his conduct, even at this early period of life, were soon appreciated by his school-mates; he was referred to as an umpire in their disputes, and his decisions were never reversed. as he had formerly been military chieftain, he was now legislator of the school; thus displaying in boyhood a type of the future man. chapter ii. washington's youth.--first surveying expedition. the attachment of lawrence washington to his brother george seems to have acquired additional strength and tenderness on their father's death; he now took a truly paternal interest in his concerns, and had him as frequently as possible a guest at mount vernon. lawrence had deservedly become a popular and leading personage in the country. he was a member of the house of burgesses, and adjutant-general of the district, with the rank of major, and a regular salary. a frequent sojourn with him brought george into familiar intercourse with the family of his father-in-law, the hon. william fairfax, who resided at a beautiful seat called belvoir, a few miles below mount vernon, and on the same woody ridge bordering the potomac. william fairfax was a man of liberal education and intrinsic worth. of an ancient english family in yorkshire, he had entered the army at the age of twenty-one; had served with honor both in the east and west indies, and officiated as governor of new providence, after having aided in rescuing it from pirates. for some years past he had resided in virginia, to manage the immense landed estates of his cousin, lord fairfax, and lived at belvoir, in the style of an english country gentleman, surrounded by an intelligent and cultivated family of sons and daughters. an intimacy with a family like this, in which the frankness and simplicity of rural and colonial life were united with european refinement, could not but have a beneficial effect in moulding the character and manners of a somewhat home-bred school-boy. other influences were brought to bear on george during his visit at mount vernon. his brother lawrence still retained some of his military inclinations, fostered, no doubt, by his post of adjutant-general. william fairfax, as we have shown, had been a soldier, and in many trying scenes. some of lawrence's comrades of the provincial regiment, who had served with him in the west indies, were occasional visitors at mount vernon; or a ship of war, possibly one of vernon's old fleet, would anchor in the potomac, and its officers be welcome guests at the tables of lawrence and his father-in-law. thus military scenes on sea and shore would become the topics of conversation. we can picture to ourselves george, a grave and earnest boy, with an expanding intellect, and a deep-seated passion for enterprise, listening to such conversations with a kindling spirit and a growing desire for military life. in this way most probably was produced that desire to enter the navy which he evinced when about fourteen years of age. the great difficulty was to procure the assent of his mother. she was brought, however, to acquiesce; a midshipman's warrant was obtained; but at the eleventh hour the mother's heart faltered. this was her eldest born. a son, whose strong and steadfast character promised to be a support to herself and a protection to her other children. the thought of his being completely severed from her, and exposed to the hardships and perils of a boisterous profession, overcame even her resolute mind, and at her urgent remonstrances the nautical scheme was given up. to school, therefore, george returned, and continued his studies for nearly two years longer, devoting himself especially to mathematics, and accomplishing himself in those branches calculated to fit him either for civil or military service. among these, one of the most important in the actual state of the country was land surveying. in this he schooled himself thoroughly, using the highest processes of the art; making surveys about the neighborhood, and keeping regular field books, some of which we have examined, in which the boundaries and measurements of the fields surveyed were carefully entered, and diagrams made, with a neatness and exactness as if the whole related to important land transactions instead of being mere school exercises. thus, in his earliest days, there was perseverance and completeness in all his undertakings. nothing was left half done, or done in a hurried and slovenly manner. the habit of mind thus cultivated continued throughout life. he took a final leave of school in the autumn of , and went to reside with his brother lawrence at mount vernon. here he continued his mathematical studies and his practice in surveying. being a favorite of sir william fairfax, he was now an occasional inmate of belvoir. among the persons at present residing there was thomas, lord fairfax, cousin of william fairfax, and of whose immense landed property the latter was the agent. another inmate was george william fairfax, about twenty-two years of age, the eldest son of the proprietor. he had been educated in england, and since his return had married a daughter of colonel carey, of hampton, on james river. he had recently brought home his bride and her sister to his father's house. the merits of washington were known and appreciated by the fairfax family. though not quite sixteen years of age, he no longer seemed a boy, nor was he treated as such. tall, athletic, and manly for his years, his early self-training, and the code of conduct he had devised, gave a gravity and decision to his conduct; his frankness and modesty inspired cordial regard. lord fairfax was a staunch fox-hunter, and kept horses and hounds in the english style. the hunting season had arrived. the neighborhood abounded with sport; but fox-hunting in virginia required bold and skilful horsemanship. he found washington as bold as himself in the saddle, and as eager to follow the hounds. he forthwith took him into peculiar favor; made him his hunting companion; and it was probably under the tuition of this hard-riding old nobleman that the youth imbibed that fondness for the chase for which he was afterwards remarked. this fox-hunting intercourse was attended with important results. his lordship's possessions beyond the blue ridge had never been regularly settled nor surveyed. lawless intruders--squatters, as they were called--were planting themselves along the finest streams and in the richest valleys, and virtually taking possession of the country. it was the anxious desire of lord fairfax to have these lands examined, surveyed, and portioned out into lots, preparatory to ejecting these interlopers or bringing them to reasonable terms. in washington, notwithstanding his youth, he beheld one fit for the task. the proposition had only to be offered to washington to be eagerly accepted. it was the very kind of occupation for which he had been diligently training himself. all the preparations required by one of his simple habits were soon made, and in the month of march, , just after he had completed his sixteenth year, washington set out on horseback, in company with george william fairfax. their route lay by ashley's gap, a pass through the blue ridge, that beautiful line of mountains which, as yet, almost formed the western frontier of inhabited virginia. they entered the great valley of virginia, where it is about twenty-five miles wide; a lovely and temperate region, diversified by gentle swells and slopes, admirably adapted to cultivation. the blue ridge bounds it on one side, the north mountain, a ridge of the alleghanies, on the other; while through it flows that bright and abounding river, which, on account of its surpassing beauty, was named by the indians the shenandoah--that is to say, "the daughter of the stars." the first station of the travellers was at a kind of lodge in the wilderness, where the steward or land-bailiff of lord halifax resided, with such negroes as were required for farming purposes, and which washington terms "his lordship's quarter." it was situated not far from the shenandoah, and about twelve miles from the site of the present town of winchester. in a diary kept with his usual minuteness, washington speaks with delight of the beauty of the trees and the richness of the land in the neighborhood, and of his riding through a noble grove of sugar maples on the banks of the shenandoah; and, at the present day, the magnificence of the forests which still exist in this favored region justifies his eulogium. his surveys commenced in the lower part of the valley some distance above the junction of the shenandoah with the potomac, and extended for many miles along the former river. here and there partial "clearings" had been made by squatters and hardy pioneers, and their rude husbandry had produced abundant crops of grain, hemp, and tobacco. more than two weeks were passed by them in the wild mountainous regions of frederick county, and about the south branch of the potomac, surveying lands and laying out lots, camped out the greater part of the time, and subsisting on wild turkeys and other game. having completed his surveys, washington set forth from the south branch of the potomac on his return homeward; crossed the mountains to the great cacapehon; traversed the shenandoah valley; passed through the blue ridge, and on the th of april found himself once more at mount vernon. for his services he received, according to his note-book, a doubloon per day when actively employed. the manner in which he had acquitted himself in this arduous expedition, and his accounts of the country surveyed, gave great satisfaction to lord fairfax, who shortly afterwards moved across the blue ridge, and took up his residence at the place heretofore noted as his "quarters." here he laid out a manor, containing ten thousand acres of arable grazing lands, vast meadows, and noble forests, and projected a spacious manor house, giving to the place the name of greenway court. it was probably through the influence of lord fairfax that washington received the appointment of public surveyor. this conferred authority on his surveys, and entitled them to be recorded in the county offices, and so invariably correct have these surveys been found that to this day, wherever any of them stand on record, they receive implicit credit. for three years he continued in this occupation, which proved extremely profitable, from the vast extent of country to be surveyed and the very limited number of public surveyors. it made him acquainted, also, with the country, the nature of the soil in various parts, and the value of localities; all which proved advantageous to him in his purchases in after years. while thus employed for months at a time surveying the lands beyond the blue ridge, he was often an inmate of greenway court. the projected manor house was never even commenced. on a green knoll overshadowed by trees was a long stone building one story in height, with dormer-windows, two wooden belfries, chimneys studded with swallow and martin coops, and a roof sloping down in the old virginia fashion, into low projecting eaves that formed a verandah the whole length of the house. it was probably the house originally occupied by his steward or land agent, but was now devoted to hospitable purposes and the reception of guests. here washington had full opportunity, in the proper seasons, of indulging his fondness for field sports, and once more accompanying his lordship in the chase. the conversation of lord fairfax, too, was full of interest and instruction to an inexperienced youth, from his cultivated talents, his literary taste, and his past intercourse with the best society of europe, and its most distinguished authors. he had brought books, too, with him into the wilderness, and from washington's diary we find that during his sojourn here he was diligently reading the history of england, and the essays of the "spectator." three or four years were thus passed by washington, the greater part of the time beyond the blue ridge, but occasionally with his brother lawrence at mount vernon. chapter iii. rival claims of the english and the french.--preparations for hostilities. during the time of washington's surveying campaigns among the mountains, a grand colonizing scheme had been set on foot, destined to enlist him in hardy enterprises, and in some degree to shape the course of his future fortunes. the treaty of peace concluded at aix-la-chapelle, which had put an end to the general war of europe, had left undefined the boundaries between the british and french possessions in america. immense regions were still claimed by both nations, and each was now eager to forestall the other by getting possession of them, and strengthening its claim by occupancy. the most desirable of these regions lay west of the alleghany mountains, extending from the lakes to the ohio, and embracing the valley of that river and its tributary streams. the french claimed all this country quite to the alleghany mountains by the right of discovery. in , padre marquette, with his companion, joliet, of quebec, both subjects of the crown of france, had passed down the mississippi in a canoe quite to the arkansas, thereby, according to an alleged maxim in the law of nations, establishing the right of their sovereign, not merely to the river so discovered and its adjacent lands, but to all the country drained by its tributary streams, of which the ohio was one; a claim, the ramifications of which might be spread, like the meshes of a web, over half the continent. to this illimitable claim the english opposed a right derived, at second hand, from a traditionary indian conquest. a treaty, they said, had been made at lancaster, in , between commissioners from pennsylvania, maryland and virginia, and the iroquois, or six nations, whereby the latter, for four hundred pounds, gave up all right and title to the land west of the alleghany mountains, even to the mississippi, which land, _according to their traditions_, had been conquered by their forefathers. it is undoubtedly true that such a treaty was made, and such a pretended transfer of title did take place, under the influence of spirituous liquors; but it is equally true that the indians in question did not, at the time, possess an acre of the land conveyed; and that the tribes actually in possession scoffed at their pretensions, and claimed the country as their own from time immemorial. such were the shadowy foundations of claims which the two nations were determined to maintain to the uttermost, and which ripened into a series of wars, ending in a loss to england of a great part of her american possessions, and to france of the whole. as yet in the region in question there was not a single white settlement. mixed iroquois tribes of delawares, shawnees, and mingoes, had migrated into it early in the century from the french settlements in canada, and taken up their abodes about the ohio and its branches. the french pretended to hold them under their protection; but their allegiance, if ever acknowledged, had been sapped of late years by the influx of fur traders from pennsylvania. these were often rough, lawless men, generally in the employ of some trader, who, at the head of his retainers and a string of pack-horses, would make his way over mountains and through forests to the banks of the ohio, establish his head-quarters in some indian town, and disperse his followers to traffic among the hamlets, hunting-camps, and wigwams, exchanging blankets, gaudy colored cloth, trinketry, powder, shot, and rum, for valuable furs and peltry. in this way a lucrative trade with these western tribes was springing up and becoming monopolized by the pennsylvanians. to secure a participation in this trade, and to gain a foothold in this desirable region, became now the wish of some of the most intelligent and enterprising men of virginia and maryland, among whom were lawrence and augustine washington. with these views they projected a scheme, in connection with john hanbury, a wealthy london merchant, to obtain a grant of land from the british government, for the purpose of forming settlements or colonies beyond the alleghanies. government readily countenanced a scheme by which french encroachments might be forestalled, and prompt and quiet possession secured of the great ohio valley. an association was accordingly chartered in , by the name of "the ohio company," and five hundred thousand acres of land was granted to it west of the alleghanies; between the monongahela and kanawha rivers; though part of the land might be taken up north of the ohio, should it be deemed expedient. the company were to pay no quit-rent for ten years; but they were to select two-fifths of their lands immediately; to settle one hundred families upon them within seven years; to build a fort at their own expense, and maintain a sufficient garrison in it for defence against the indians. mr. thomas lee, president of the council of virginia, took the lead in the concerns of the company at the outset, and by many has been considered its founder. on his death, which soon took place, lawrence washington had the chief management. his enlightened mind and liberal spirit shone forth in his earliest arrangements. before the company had received its charter, the french were in the field. early in , the marquis de la galisionniere, governor of canada, despatched celeron de bienville, an intelligent officer, at the head of three hundred men, to the banks of the ohio, to make peace, as he said, between the tribes that had become embroiled with each other during the late war, and to renew the french possession of the country. celeron de bienville distributed presents among the indians, made speeches reminding them of former friendship, and warned them not to trade with the english. he furthermore nailed leaden plates to trees, and buried others in the earth, at the confluence of the ohio and its tributaries, bearing inscriptions purporting that all the lands on both sides of the rivers to their sources appertained, as in foregone times, to the crown of france. the indians gazed at these mysterious plates with wondering eyes, but surmised their purport. "they mean to steal our country from us," murmured they; and they determined to seek protection from the english. celeron finding some traders from pennsylvania trafficking among the indians, he summoned them to depart, and wrote by them to james hamilton, governor of pennsylvania, telling him the object of his errand to those parts, and his surprise at meeting with english traders in a country to which england had no pretensions; intimating that, in future, any intruders of the kind would be rigorously dealt with. his letter, and a report of his proceedings on the ohio, roused the solicitude of the governor and council of pennsylvania, for the protection of their indian trade. shortly afterwards, one hugh crawford, who had been trading with the miami tribes on the wabash, brought a message from them, speaking of the promises and threats with which the french were endeavoring to shake their faith, but assuring the governor that their friendship for the english "would last while the sun and moon ran round the world." governor hamilton knew the value of indian friendship, and suggested to the assembly that it would be better to clinch it with presents, and that as soon as possible. an envoy accordingly was sent off early in october, who was supposed to have great influence among the western tribes. this was one george croghan, a veteran trader, shrewd and sagacious, who had been frequently to the ohio country with pack-horses and followers, and made himself popular among the indians by dispensing presents with a lavish hand. he was accompanied by andrew montour, a canadian of half indian descent, who was to act as interpreter. they were provided with a small present for the emergency; but were to convoke a meeting of all the tribes at logstown, on the ohio, early in the ensuing spring, to receive an ample present which would be provided by the assembly. it was some time later in the same autumn that the ohio company brought their plans into operation, and despatched an agent to explore the lands upon the ohio and its branches as low as the great falls. the man chosen for the purpose was christopher gist, a hardy pioneer, experienced in woodcraft and indian life. he was allowed a woodsman or two for the service of the expedition. he set out on the st of october, crossed the ridges of the alleghany, arrived at shannopin, a delaware village on the alleghany, swam his horses across that river, and descending along its valley arrived at logstown, an important indian village a little below the site of the present city of pittsburg. here usually resided tanacharisson, a seneca chief of great note, being head sachem of the mixed tribes which had migrated to the ohio and its branches. he was generally surnamed the half-king, being subordinate to the iroquois confederacy. the chief was absent at this time, as were most of his people, it being the hunting season. george croghan, the envoy from pennsylvania, with montour his interpreter, had passed through logstown a week previously, on his way to the twightwees and other tribes, on the miami branch of the ohio. scarce any one was to be seen about the village but some of croghan's rough people, whom he had left behind--"reprobate indian traders," as gist terms them. he took his departure from logstown, and at beaver creek, a few miles below the village, he left the river and struck into the interior of the present state of ohio. here he overtook george croghan at muskingum, a town of wyandots and mingoes. he had ordered all the traders in his employ who were scattered among the indian villages, to rally at this town, where he had hoisted the english flag over his residence, and over that of the sachem. this was in consequence of the hostility of the french, who had recently captured, in the neighborhood, three white men in the employ of frazier, an indian trader, and had carried them away prisoners to canada. gist was well received by the people of muskingum. they were indignant at the french violation of their territories, and the capture of their "english brothers." they had not forgotten the conduct of celeron de bienville in the previous year, and the mysterious plates which he had nailed against trees and sunk in the ground. a council of the nation was now held, in which gist invited them, in the name of the governor of virginia, to visit that province, where a large present of goods awaited them, sent by their father, the great king, over the water to his ohio children. the invitation was graciously received, but no answer could be given until a grand council of the western tribes had been held, which was to take place at logstown in the ensuing spring. similar results attended visits made by gist and croghan to the delawares and the shawnees at their villages about the scioto river; all promised to be at the gathering at logstown. from the shawnee village, near the mouth of the scioto, the two emissaries shaped their course north two hundred miles, crossed the great moneami, or miami river, on a raft, swimming their horses; and, on the th of february, arrived at piqua, the principal town of the twightwees or miamis; the most powerful confederacy of the west, combining four tribes, and extending its influence even beyond the mississippi. a king or sachem of one or other of the different tribes presided over the whole. the head chief at present was the king of the piankeshas. at this town croghan formed a treaty of alliance in the name of the governor of pennsylvania with two of the miami tribes. and gist was promised by the king of the piankeshas that the chiefs of the various tribes would attend the meeting at logstown to make a treaty with virginia. [in the height of these demonstrations of friendship, two envoys from the french governor of canada entered the council-house and sought a renewal of the ancient alliance. but the piankesha chief turned his back upon the ambassadors, and left the council-house.] when gist returned to the shawnee town, near the mouth of the scioto, and reported to his indian friends there the alliance he had formed with the miami confederacy, there was great feasting and speech-making, and firing of guns. he had now happily accomplished the chief object of his mission--nothing remained but to descend the ohio to the great falls. this, however, he was cautioned not to do. a large party of indians, allies of the french, were hunting in that neighborhood, who might kill or capture him. he crossed the river attended only by a lad as a travelling companion and aide, and proceeded cautiously down the east side until within fifteen miles of the falls. here he came upon traps newly set, and indian footprints not a day old; and heard the distant report of guns. the story of indian hunters then was true. abandoning all idea, therefore, of visiting the falls, and contenting himself with the information concerning them which he had received from others, he shaped his course homeward. while gist had been making his painful way homeward, the two ottawa ambassadors had returned to fort sandusky, bringing word to the french that their friendship had been rejected and their hostility defied by the miamis. they informed them also of the gathering of the western tribes that was to take place at logstown, to conclude a treaty with the virginians. it was a great object with the french to prevent this treaty, and to spirit up the ohio indians against the english. this they hoped to effect through the agency of one captain joncaire, a veteran of the wilderness, who had grown gray in indian diplomacy, and was now sent to maintain french sovereignty over the valley of the ohio. he appeared at logstown accompanied by another frenchman, and forty iroquois warriors. he found an assemblage of the western tribes, feasting and rejoicing, and firing off guns, for george croghan, and montour, the interpreter, were there, and had been distributing presents on behalf of the governor of pennsylvania. joncaire was said to have the wit of a frenchman, and the eloquence of an iroquois. he made an animated speech to the chiefs in their own tongue, the gist of which was that their father onontio (that is to say, the governor of canada) desired his children of the ohio to turn away the indian traders, and never to deal with them again on pain of his displeasure; so saying, he laid down a wampum belt of uncommon size, by way of emphasis to his message. for once his eloquence was of no avail; a chief rose indignantly, shook his finger in his face, and stamping on the ground, "this is our land," said he. "what right has onontio here? the english are our brothers. they shall live among us as long as one of us is alive. we will trade with them, and not with you;" and, so saying, he rejected the belt of wampum. joncaire returned to an advanced post recently established on the upper part of the river, whence he wrote to the governor of pennsylvania: "the marquis de la jonquiere, governor of new france, having ordered me to watch that the english make no treaty in the ohio country, i have signified to the traders of your government to retire. you are not ignorant that all these lands belong to the king of france, and that the english have no right to trade in them." he concluded by reiterating the threat made two years previously by celeron de bienville against all intruding fur traders. in the meantime, in the face of all these protests and menaces, mr. gist, under sanction of the virginia legislature, proceeded in the same year to survey the lands within the grant of the ohio company, lying on the south side of the ohio river, as far down as the great kanawha. the french now prepared for hostile contingencies. they launched an armed vessel of unusual size on lake ontario; fortified their trading-house at niagara; strengthened their outposts, and advanced others on the upper waters of the ohio. a stir of warlike preparation was likewise to be observed among the british colonies. it was evident that the adverse claims to the disputed territories, if pushed home, could only be settled by the stern arbitrament of the sword. in virginia, especially, the war spirit was manifest. the province was divided into military districts, each having an adjutant-general, with the rank of major, and the pay of one hundred and fifty pounds a year, whose duty was to attend to the organization and equipment of the militia. such an appointment was sought by lawrence washington for his brother george, who set about preparing himself, with his usual method and assiduity, for his new duties. virginia had among its floating population some military relics of the late spanish war. among these was a certain adjutant muse, a westmoreland volunteer, who had served with lawrence washington in the campaigns in the west indies. he now undertook to instruct his brother george in the art of war; lent him treatises on military tactics; put him through the manual exercise, and gave him some idea of evolutions in the field. another of lawrence's campaigning comrades was jacob van braam, a dutchman by birth, who had been in the british army, but was now out of service, and, professing to be a complete master of fence, recruited his slender purse in this time of military excitement, by giving the virginian youth lessons in the sword exercise. under the instructions of these veterans mount vernon, from being a quiet rural retreat, was suddenly transformed into a school of arms. washington's martial studies, however, were interrupted for a time by the critical state of his brother's health. the constitution of lawrence had always been delicate, and he had been obliged repeatedly to travel for a change of air. there were now pulmonary symptoms of a threatening nature, and, by advice of his physicians, he determined to pass a winter in the west indies, taking with him his favorite brother george as a companion. they accordingly sailed for barbadoes on the th of september, . george kept a journal of the voyage with log-book brevity, recording the wind and weather, but no events worth citation. they landed at barbadoes on the d of november. the resident physician of the place gave a favorable report of lawrence's case, and held out hopes of a cure. the brothers had scarcely been a fortnight at the island when george was taken down by a severe attack of small-pox. skilful medical treatment, with the kind attentions of friends, and especially of his brother, restored him to health in about three weeks; but his face always remained slightly marked. the residence at barbadoes failed to have the anticipated effect on the health of lawrence, and he determined to seek the sweet climate of bermuda in the spring. he felt the absence from his wife, and it was arranged that george should return to virginia, and bring her out to meet him at that island. accordingly, on the d of december, george set sail in the "industry," bound to virginia, where he arrived on the st of february, , after five weeks of stormy winter seafaring. lawrence remained through the winter at barbadoes; but the very mildness of the climate relaxed and enervated him. he felt the want of the bracing winter weather to which he had been accustomed. even the invariable beauty of the climate, the perpetual summer, wearied the restless invalid. still some of the worst symptoms of his disorder had disappeared, and he seemed to be slowly recovering; but the nervous restlessness and desire of change, often incidental to his malady, had taken hold of him, and early in march he hastened to bermuda. he had come too soon. the keen air of early spring brought on an aggravated return of his worst symptoms. he was now afflicted with painful indecision, and his letters perplexed his family, leaving them uncertain as to his movements, and at a loss how to act. at one time he talked of remaining at bermuda, the next letter, written shortly afterwards, in a moment of despondency, talks of the possibility of "hurrying home to his grave!" the last was no empty foreboding. he did indeed hasten back, and just reached mount vernon in time to die under his own roof. his death took place on the th of july, , when but thirty-four years of age. lawrence left a wife and an infant daughter to inherit his ample estates. in case his daughter should die without issue, the estate of mount vernon, and other lands specified in his will, were to be enjoyed by her mother during her lifetime, and at her death to be inherited by his brother george. the latter was appointed one of the executors of the will; but such was the implicit confidence reposed in his judgment and integrity, that, although he was but twenty years of age, the management of the affairs of the deceased was soon devolved upon him almost entirely. chapter iv. washington's mission to the french commander. the meeting of the ohio tribes, delawares, shawnees, and mingoes, to form a treaty of alliance with virginia, took place at logstown, at the appointed time. the chiefs of the six nations declined to attend. colonel fry and two other commissioners from virginia concluded a treaty with the tribes above named; by which the latter engaged not to molest any english settlers south of the ohio. tanacharisson, the half-king, now advised that his brothers of virginia should build a strong house at the fork of the monongahela, to resist the designs of the french. mr. gist was accordingly instructed to lay out a town and build a fort at chartier's creek, on the east side of the ohio, a little below the site of the present city of pittsburg. he commenced a settlement, also, in a valley just beyond laurel hill, not far from the youghiogeny, and prevailed on eleven families to join him. the ohio company, about the same time, established a trading-post, well stocked with english goods, at wills' creek (now the town of cumberland). the ohio tribes were greatly incensed at the aggressions of the french, who were erecting posts within their territories, and sent deputations to remonstrate, but without effect. there were reports that the french were ascending the mississippi from louisiana. france, it was said, intended to connect louisiana and canada by a chain of military posts, and hem the english within the alleghany mountains. the ohio company complained loudly to the lieutenant-governor of virginia, the hon. robert dinwiddie, of the hostile conduct of the french and their indian allies. they found in dinwiddie a ready listener; he was a stockholder in the company. a commissioner, captain william trent, was sent to expostulate with the french commander on the ohio for his aggressions on the territory of his brittanic majesty; he bore presents also of guns, powder, shot, and clothing for the friendly indians. trent was not a man of the true spirit for a mission to the frontier. he stopped a short time at logstown, though the french were one hundred and fifty miles further up the river, and directed his course to piqua, the great town of the twightwees, where gist and croghan had been so well received by the miamis. all now was reversed. the place had been attacked by the french and indians; the miamis defeated with great loss; the english traders taken prisoners; the piankesha chief, who had so proudly turned his back upon the ottawa ambassadors, had been sacrificed by the hostile savages, and the french flag hoisted in triumph on the ruins of the town. the whole aspect of affairs was so threatening on the frontier that trent lost heart, and returned home without accomplishing his errand. governor dinwiddie now looked round for a person more fitted to fulfil a mission which required physical strength and moral energy; a courage to cope with savages, and a sagacity to negotiate with white men. washington was pointed out as possessed of those requisites. it is true he was not yet twenty-two years of age, but public confidence in his judgment and abilities had been manifested, by renewing his appointment of adjutant-general, and assigning him the northern division. he was accordingly chosen for the expedition. by his letter of instructions he was directed to repair to logstown, and hold a communication with tanacharisson, monacatoocha, alias scarooyadi, the next in command, and the other sachems of the mixed tribes friendly to the english; inform them of the purport of his errand, and request an escort to the head-quarters of the french commander. to that commander he was to deliver his credentials, and the letter of governor dinwiddie, and demand an answer in the name of his brittanic majesty; but not to wait for it beyond a week. on receiving it, he was to request a sufficient escort to protect him on his return. he was, moreover, to acquaint himself with the numbers and force of the french stationed on the ohio and in its vicinity; their capability of being reinforced from canada; the forts they had erected; where situated, how garrisoned; the object of their advancing into those parts, and how they were likely to be supported. washington set off from williamsburg on the th of october, , the very day on which he received his credentials. at fredericksburg he engaged his old "master of fence," jacob van braam, to accompany him as interpreter. having provided himself at alexandria with necessaries for the journey, he proceeded to winchester, then on the frontier, where he procured horses, tents, and other travelling equipments, and then pushed on by a road newly opened to wills' creek, where he arrived on the th of november. here he met with mr. gist, the intrepid pioneer, whom he engaged to accompany and pilot him in the present expedition. he secured the services also of one john davidson as indian interpreter, and of four frontiersmen. with this little band, he set forth on the th of november through a wild country, rendered almost impassable by recent storms of rain and snow. as the rivers were all swollen so that the horses had to swim them, washington sent all the baggage down the monongahela in a canoe under care of two of the men, who had orders to meet him at the confluence of that river with the alleghany, where their united waters form the ohio. "as i got down before the canoe," writes he in his journal, "i spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land at the fork, which i think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers." the ohio company had intended to build a fort about two miles from this place, on the south-east side of the river; but washington gave the fork the decided preference. french engineers of experience proved the accuracy of his military eye, by subsequently choosing it for the site of fort duquesne, noted in frontier history. in this neighborhood lived shingiss, the king, or chief sachem, of the delawares. washington visited him at his village, to invite him to the council at logstown. he was one of the greatest warriors of his tribe, and subsequently took up the hatchet at various times against the english, though now he seemed favorably disposed, and readily accepted the invitation. they arrived at logstown after sunset on the th of november. the half-king was absent at his hunting-lodge on beaver creek, about fifteen miles distant; but washington had runners sent out to invite him and all the other chiefs to a grand talk on the following day. about three o'clock the half-king arrived. washington had a private conversation with him in his tent, through davidson, the interpreter. he found him intelligent, patriotic, and proudly tenacious of his territorial rights. he stated that the french had built two forts, differing in size, but on the same model, a plan of which he gave, of his own drawing. the largest was on lake erie, the other on french creek, fifteen miles apart, with a wagon road between them. the nearest and levellest way to them was now impassable, lying through large and miry savannas; they would have, therefore, to go by venango, and it would take five or six sleeps (or days) of good travelling to reach the nearest fort. on the following morning at nine o'clock, the chiefs assembled at the council-house; where washington, according to his instructions, informed them that he was sent by their brother, the governor of virginia, to deliver to the french commandant a letter of great importance, both to their brothers, the english, and to themselves; and that he was to ask their advice and assistance, and some of their young men to accompany and provide for him on the way, and be his safeguard against the "french indians" who had taken up the hatchet. he concluded by presenting the indispensable document in indian diplomacy, a string of wampum. the chiefs according to etiquette, sat for some moments silent after he had concluded, as if ruminating on what had been said, or to give him time for further remark. the half-king then rose and spoke in behalf of the tribes, assuring him that they considered the english and themselves brothers, and one people; and that they intended to return the french the "speech-belts," or wampums, which the latter had sent them. this, in indian diplomacy, is a renunciation of all friendly relations. an escort would be furnished to washington composed of mingoes, shannoahs, and delawares, in token of the love and loyalty of those several tribes; but three days would be required to prepare for the journey. washington remonstrated against such delay; but was informed that an affair of such moment, where three speech-belts were to be given up, was not to be entered into without due consideration. besides, the young men who were to form the escort were absent hunting, and the half-king could not suffer the party to go without sufficient protection. his own french speech-belt, also, was at his hunting-lodge, whither he must go in quest of it. moreover, the shannoah chiefs were yet absent and must be waited for. washington soon found that to urge a more speedy departure would be offensive to indian dignity and decorum so he was fain to await the gathering together of the different chiefs with their speech-belts. in fact there was some reason for all this caution. tidings had reached the sachems that captain joncaire had called a meeting at venango, of the mingoes, delawares, and other tribes, and made them a speech, informing them that the french, for the present, had gone into winter-quarters, but intended to descend the river in great force, and fight the english in the spring. he had advised them, therefore, to stand aloof, for should they interfere, the french and english would join, cut them all off, and divide their land between them. with these rumors preying on their minds, the half-king and three other chiefs waited on washington in his tent in the evening, and after representing that they had complied with all the requisitions of the governor of virginia, endeavored to draw from the youthful ambassador the true purport of his mission to the french commandant. washington had anticipated an inquiry of the kind, knowing how natural it was that these poor people should regard with anxiety and distrust every movement of two formidable powers thus pressing upon them from opposite sides; he managed, however, to answer them in such a manner as to allay their solicitude without transcending the bounds of diplomatic secrecy. after a day or two more of delay and further consultations in the council-house, the chiefs determined that but three of their number should accompany the mission, as a greater number might awaken the suspicions of the french. accordingly, on the th of november, washington set out for the french post, having his usual party augmented by an indian hunter, and being accompanied by the half-king, an old shannoah sachem named jeskakake, and another chief, sometimes called belt of wampum, from being the keeper of the speech-belts, but generally bearing the sounding appellation of white thunder. although the distance to venango, by the route taken, was not above seventy miles, yet such was the inclemency of the weather and the difficulty of travelling, that washington and his party did not arrive there until the th of december. the french colors were flying at a house to which washington repaired, and inquired of three french officers whom he saw there where the commandant resided. one of them promptly replied that he "had the command of the ohio." it was, in fact, the redoubtable captain joncaire, the veteran intriguer of the frontier. on being apprised, however, of the nature of washington's errand, he informed him that there was a general officer at the next fort, where he advised him to apply for an answer to the letter of which he was the bearer. in the meantime, he invited washington and his party to a supper at head-quarters. it proved a jovial one. joncaire and his brother officers pushed the bottle briskly. "the wine," says washington, "as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely." washington retained his sobriety and his composure throughout the bacchanalian outbreak. he took careful note, however, of all their revelations, and collected a variety of information concerning the french forces; how and where they were distributed; the situations and distances of their forts, and their means and mode of obtaining supplies. if the veteran diplomatist of the wilderness had intended this revel for a snare, he was completely foiled by his youthful competitor. on the following day there was no travelling on account of excessive rain. joncaire, in the meantime, having discovered that the half-king was with the mission, expressed his surprise that he had not accompanied it to his quarters on the preceding day. washington, in truth, had feared to trust the sachem within the reach of the politic frenchman. nothing would do now but joncaire must have the sachems at head-quarters. here his diplomacy was triumphant. he received them with open arms. he was enraptured to see them. his indian brothers! how could they be so near without coming to visit him? he made them presents; but, above all, plied them so potently with liquor, that the poor half-king, jeskakake, and white thunder forgot all about their wrongs, their speeches, their speech-belts, and all the business they had come upon; paid no heed to the repeated cautions of their english friends, and were soon in a complete state of frantic extravagance or drunken oblivion. all that day and the next was the party kept at venango by the stratagems of joncaire and his emissaries to detain and seduce the sachems. it was not until twelve o'clock on the th of december, that washington was able to extricate them out of their clutches and commence his journey. a french commissary by the name of la force, and three soldiers, set off in company with him. la force went as if on ordinary business, but he proved one of the most active, daring, and mischief-making of those anomalous agents employed by the french among the indian tribes. it is probable that he was at the bottom of many of the perplexities experienced by washington at venango, and now travelled with him for the prosecution of his wiles. he will be found, hereafter, acting a more prominent part, and ultimately reaping the fruit of his evil doings. after four days of weary travel the party reached the fort. it was situated on a kind of island on the west fork of french creek, about fifteen miles south of lake erie. on the death of the late general, the fort had remained in charge of one captain reparti until within a week past, when the chevalier legardeur de st. pierre had arrived, and taken command. the reception of washington at the fort was very different from the unceremonious one experienced at the outpost of joncaire and his convivial messmates. when he presented himself at the gate, accompanied by his interpreter, van braam, he was met by the officer second in command and conducted in due military form to his superior--an ancient and silver-haired chevalier of the military order of st. louis, courteous but ceremonious, mingling the polish of the french gentleman of the old school with the precision of the soldier. having announced his errand, washington offered his credentials and the letter of governor dinwiddie, and was disposed to proceed at once to business with the prompt frankness of a young man unhackneyed in diplomacy. the chevalier, however, politely requested him to retain the documents in his possession until his predecessor, captain reparti, should arrive, who was hourly expected from the next post. at two o'clock the captain arrived. the letter and its accompanying documents were then offered again, and received in due form, and the chevalier and his officers retired with them into a private apartment. in this letter dinwiddie complained of the intrusion of french forces into the ohio country, erecting forts and making settlements in the western parts of the colony of virginia, so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of great britain. he inquired by whose authority and instructions the french commander-general had marched this force from canada, and made this invasion; intimating that his own action would be regulated by the answer he should receive, and the tenor of the commission with which he was honored. at the same time he required of the commandant his peaceable departure. the two following days were consumed in councils of the chevalier and his officers over the letter and the necessary reply. washington occupied himself in the meantime in observing and taking notes of the plan, dimensions, and strength of the fort, and of every thing about it. he gave orders to his people, also, to take an exact account of the canoes in readiness, and others in the process of construction, for the conveyance of troops down the river in the ensuing spring. as the weather continued stormy, with much snow, and the horses were daily losing strength, he sent them down, unladen, to venango, to await his return by water. in the meantime, he discovered that busy intrigues were going on to induce the half-king and the other sachems to abandon him, and renounce all friendship with the english. upon learning this, he urged the chiefs to deliver up their "speech-belts" immediately, as they had promised, thereby shaking off all dependence upon the french. they accordingly pressed for an audience that very evening. a private one was at length granted them by the commander, in presence of one or two of his officers. the half-king reported the result of it to washington. the venerable but astute chevalier cautiously evaded the acceptance of the proffered wampum; made many professions of love and friendship, and said he wished to live in peace and trade amicably with the tribes of the ohio, in proof of which he would send down some goods immediately for them to logstown. on the evening of the th, the chevalier delivered to washington his sealed reply to the letter of governor dinwiddie. the purport of previous conversations with the chevalier, and the whole complexion of affairs on the frontier, left no doubt of the nature of that reply. the business of his mission being accomplished, washington prepared on the th to return by water to venango; but a secret influence was at work which retarded every movement. "the commandant," writes he, "ordered a plentiful store of liquor and provisions to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our indians at variance with us, to prevent their going until after our departure; presents, rewards, and every thing which could be suggested by him or his officers.... he had promised them a present of guns if they would wait until the morning. as i was very much pressed by the indians to wait this day for them, i consented, on the promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning." the next morning ( th) the french, in fulfilment of their promise, had to give the present of guns. they then endeavored to detain the sachems with liquor, but washington reminded the half-king that his royal word was pledged to depart, and urged it upon him so closely that, exerting unwonted resolution and self-denial, he turned his back upon the liquor and embarked. it was rough and laborious navigation. french creek was swollen and turbulent, and full of floating ice. the frail canoes were several times in danger of being staved to pieces against rocks. it was not until the d that they reached venango. here washington was obliged, most unwillingly, to part company with the sachems. white thunder had hurt himself and was ill and unable to walk, and the others determined to remain at venango for a day or two and convey him down the river in a canoe. on the th of december washington and his little party set out by land from venango on their route homeward. they had a long, winter's journey before them, through a wilderness beset with dangers and difficulties. the pack-horses, laden with tents, baggage, and provisions, were completely jaded; it was feared they would give out. washington dismounted, gave up his saddle-horse to aid in transporting the baggage, and requested his companions to do the same. none but the drivers remained in the saddle. the cold increased. there was deep snow that froze as it fell. the horses grew less and less capable of travelling. for three days they toiled on slowly and wearily. washington was impatient to accomplish his journey, and make his report to the governor; he determined, therefore, to hasten some distance in advance of the party, and then strike for the fork of the ohio by the nearest course directly through the woods. he accordingly put the cavalcade under the command of van braam, then disencumbering himself of all superfluous clothing, buckling himself up in a watch-coat, strapping his pack on his shoulders, containing his papers and provisions, and taking gun in hand struck manfully ahead, accompanied only by mr. gist, who had equipped himself in like manner. at night they lit a fire, and "camped" by it in the woods. at two o'clock in the morning they were again on foot, and pressed forward until they struck the south-east fork of beaver creek, at a place bearing the sinister name of murdering town. here washington, in planning his route, had intended to leave the regular path, and strike through the woods for shannopins town, two or three miles above the fork of the ohio, where he hoped to be able to cross the alleghany river on the ice. at murdering town he found a party of indians, who appeared to have known of his coming, and to have been waiting for him. one of them accosted mr. gist, and expressed great joy at seeing him. the wary woodsman regarded him narrowly, and thought he had seen him at joncaire's. if so, he and his comrades were in the french interest, and their lying in wait boded no good. the indian was very curious in his inquiries as to when they had left venango; how they came to be travelling on foot, etc., these questions increased the distrust of gist, and rendered him extremely cautious in reply. the route hence to shannopins town lay through a trackless wild, of which the travellers knew nothing; it was deemed, therefore, expedient to engage one of the indians as a guide. he entered upon his duties with alacrity, took washington's pack upon his back, and led the way by what he said was the most direct course. after travelling briskly for eight or ten miles, washington became fatigued, and his feet were chafed; he thought, too, they were taking a direction too much to the north-east; he came to a halt, therefore, and determined to light a fire, make a shelter of the bark and branches of trees, and encamp there for the night. the indian demurred; he offered, as washington was fatigued, to carry his gun, but the latter was too wary to part with his weapon. the indian now grew churlish. mr. gist's suspicions increased but he said nothing. washington's also were awakened. they proceeded some distance further: the guide paused and listened. he had heard, he said, the report of a gun towards the north; must be from his cabin; he accordingly turned his steps in that direction. they went on two miles farther, when washington signified his determination to encamp at the first water they should find. the guide said nothing, but kept doggedly on. after a little while they arrived at an opening in the woods, when the indian, who was about fifteen paces ahead, suddenly turned, levelled his gun, and fired. washington was startled for an instant, but, feeling that he was not wounded, demanded quickly of mr. gist if he was shot. the latter answered in the negative. the indian in the meantime had run forward, and screened himself behind a large white oak, where he was re-loading his gun. they overtook, and seized him. gist would have put him to death on the spot, but washington humanely prevented him. arriving at a small stream they ordered the indian to make a fire, and took turns to watch over the guns. while he was thus occupied, gist observed to washington that, since he would not suffer the indian to be killed, they must manage to get him out of the way, and then decamp with all speed, and travel all night to leave this perfidious neighborhood behind them; but first it was necessary to blind the guide as to their intentions. he accordingly addressed him in a friendly tone, and adverting to the late circumstance, pretended to suppose he had lost his way, and fired his gun merely as a signal. the indian, whether deceived or not, readily chimed in with the explanation. he said he now knew the way to his cabin, which was at no great distance. "well then," replied gist, "you can go home, and as we are tired we will remain here for the night and follow your track at daylight." whatever might have been the original designs of the savage, he was evidently glad to get off. gist followed him cautiously for a distance, and listened until the sound of his footsteps died away; returning then to washington, they proceeded about half a mile, made another fire, set their compass and fixed their course by the light of it, then leaving it burning, pushed forward, and travelled as fast as possible all night. continuing on the next day they never relaxed their speed until nightfall, when they arrived on the banks of the alleghany river, about two miles above shannopins town. washington had expected to find the river frozen completely over; it was so only for about fifty yards from each shore, while great quantities of broken ice were driving down the main channel. trusting that he had out-travelled pursuit, he encamped on the border of the river; still it was an anxious night, and he was up at daybreak to devise some means of reaching the opposite bank. no other mode presented itself than by a raft, and to construct this they had but one poor hatchet. with this they set resolutely to work and labored all day, but the sun went down before their raft was finished. they launched it, however, and getting on board, endeavored to propel it across with setting poles. before they were half way over the raft became jammed between cakes of ice, and they were in imminent peril. washington planted his pole on the bottom of the stream, and leaned against it with all his might, to stay the raft until the ice should pass by. the rapid current forced the ice against the pole with such violence that he was jerked into the water, where it was at least ten feet deep, and only saved himself from being swept away and drowned by catching hold of one of the raft logs. it was now impossible with all their exertions to get to either shore; abandoning the raft therefore, they got upon an island, near which they were drifting. here they passed the night exposed to intense cold, by which the hands and feet of mr. gist were frozen. in the morning they found the drift ice wedged so closely together, that they succeeded in getting from the island to the opposite side of the river; and before night were in comfortable quarters at the house of frazier, an indian trader, at the mouth of turtle creek, on the monongahela. leaving frazier's on the st of january, where they had been detained two or three days endeavoring to procure horses, they arrived on the d at gist's residence, sixteen miles from the monongahela. here they separated, and washington, having purchased a horse, continued his homeward course. he reached williamsburg on the th of january, where he delivered to governor dinwiddie the letter of the french commandant, and made him a full report of the events of his mission. we have been minute in our account of this expedition as it was an early test and development of the various talents and characteristics of washington. the prudence, sagacity, resolution, firmness, and self-devotion manifested by him throughout, pointed him out, not merely to the governor, but to the public at large, as one eminently fitted, notwithstanding his youth, for important trusts involving civil as well as military duties. it is an expedition that may be considered the foundation of his fortunes. from that moment he was the rising hope of virginia. chapter v. military expedition to the frontier. the reply of the chevalier de st. pierre was such as might have been expected from that courteous, but wary commander. he should transmit, he said, the letter of governor dinwiddie to his general, the marquis du quesne, "to whom," observed he, "it better belongs than to me to set forth the evidence and reality of the rights of the king, my master, upon the lands situated along the river ohio, and to contest the pretensions of the king of great britain thereto. his answer shall be a law to me." this was considered evasive, and only intended to gain time. the information given by washington of what he had observed on the frontier convinced governor dinwiddie and his council that the french were preparing to descend the ohio in the spring, and take military possession of the country. washington's journal was printed, and widely promulgated throughout the colonies and england, and awakened the nation to a sense of the impending danger and the necessity of prompt measures to anticipate the french movements. captain trent was dispatched to the frontier, commissioned to raise a company of one hundred men, march with all speed to the fork of the ohio, and finish as soon as possible the fort commenced there by the ohio company. he was enjoined to act only on the defensive, but to capture or destroy whoever should oppose the construction of the works, or disturb the settlements. the choice of captain trent for this service, notwithstanding his late inefficient expedition, was probably owing to his being brother-in-law to george croghan, who had grown to be quite a personage of consequence on the frontier, where he had an establishment, or trading-house, and was supposed to have great influence among the western tribes, so as to be able at any time to persuade many of them to take up the hatchet. washington was empowered to raise a company of like force at alexandria; to procure and forward munitions and supplies for the projected fort at the fork, and ultimately to have command of both companies. governor dinwiddie in the meantime called upon the governors of the other provinces to make common cause against the foe; he endeavored, also, to effect alliances with the indian tribes of the south, the catawbas and cherokees, by way of counter-balancing the chippewas and ottawas, who were devoted to the french. the colonies, however, felt as yet too much like isolated territories; the spirit of union was wanting. some pleaded a want of military funds; some questioned the justice of the cause; some declined taking any hostile step that might involve them in a war, unless they should have direct orders from the crown. dinwiddie convened the house of burgesses to devise measures for the public security. here his high idea of prerogative and of gubernatorial dignity met with a grievous countercheck from the dawning spirit of independence. when he propounded his scheme of operations on the ohio, some of the burgesses had the hardihood to doubt the claims of the king to the disputed territory; a doubt which the governor reprobated as savoring strongly of a most disloyal french spirit. others demurred to any grant of means for military purposes which might be construed into an act of hostility. to meet this scruple it was suggested that the grant might be made for the purpose of encouraging and protecting all settlers on the waters of the mississippi. and under this specious plea ten thousand pounds were grudgingly voted. ways and means being provided, governor dinwiddie augmented the number of troops to be enlisted to three hundred, divided into six companies. the command of the whole, as before, was offered to washington, but he shrank from it, as a charge too great for his youth and inexperience. it was given, therefore, to colonel joshua fry, an english gentleman of worth and education, and washington was made second in command, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. the recruiting, at first, went on slowly. governor dinwiddie proclaimed a bounty of two hundred thousand acres of land on the ohio river, to be divided among the officers and soldiers who should engage in this expedition; one thousand to be laid off contiguous to the fort at the fork, for the use of the garrison. this was a tempting bait to the sons of farmers, who readily enlisted in the hope of having, at the end of a short campaign, a snug farm of their own in this land of promise. it was a more difficult matter to get officers than soldiers. very few of those appointed made their appearance; one of the captains had been promoted; two declined; washington found himself left, almost alone, to manage a number of self-willed, undisciplined recruits. happily he had with him, in the rank of lieutenant, that soldier of fortune, jacob van braam, his old "master of fence," and travelling interpreter. in his emergency he forthwith nominated him captain, and wrote to the governor to confirm the appointment. on the d of april washington set off from alexandria for the new fort, at the fork of the ohio. he had but two companies with him, amounting to about one hundred and fifty men; the remainder of the regiment was to follow under colonel fry with the artillery, which was to be conveyed up the potomac. while on the march he was joined by a detachment under captain adam stephen, an officer destined to serve with him at distant periods of his military career. at winchester he found it impossible to obtain conveyances by gentle means, and was obliged reluctantly to avail himself of the militia law of virginia, and impress horses and wagons for service; giving the owners orders on government for their appraised value. even then, out of a great number impressed, he obtained but ten, after waiting a week. thus slenderly fitted out, washington and his little force made their way toilfully across the mountains, having to prepare the roads as they went for the transportation of the cannon, which were to follow on with the other division under colonel fry. they cheered themselves with the thoughts that this hard work would cease when they should arrive at the company's trading-post and store-house at wills' creek, where captain trent was to have pack-horses in readiness, with which they might make the rest of the way by light stages. before arriving there they were startled by a rumor that trent and all his men had been captured by the french. with regard to trent the news soon proved to be false, for they found him at wills' creek on the th of april. with regard to his men there was still an uncertainty. he had recently left them at the fork of the ohio, busily at work on the fort, under the command of his lieutenant, frazier. washington was eager to press forward and ascertain the truth, but it was impossible. trent, inefficient as usual, had failed to provide pack-horses. it was necessary to send to winchester, sixty miles distant, for baggage wagons, and await their arrival. all uncertainty as to the fate of the men, however, was brought to a close by their arrival, on the th, conducted by an ensign, and bringing with them their working implements. the french might well boast that they had again been too quick for the english. captain contrecoeur, an alert officer, had embarked about a thousand men with field-pieces, in a fleet of sixty bateaux and three hundred canoes, dropped down the river from venango, and suddenly made his appearance before the fort, on which the men were working, and which was not half completed. landing, drawing up his men, and planting his artillery, he summoned the fort to surrender, allowing one hour for a written reply. all that the ensign could obtain was permission to depart with his men, taking with them their working tools. such was the ensign's story. he was accompanied by two indian warriors, sent by the half-king to ascertain where the detachment was, what was its strength, and when it might be expected at the ohio. they bore a speech from that sachem to washington, and another, with a belt of wampum for the governor of virginia. in these he plighted his steadfast faith to the english, and claimed assistance from his brothers of virginia and pennsylvania. one of these warriors washington forwarded on with the speech and wampum to governor dinwiddie. the other he prevailed on to return to the half-king bearing a speech from him, addressed to the "sachems, warriors of the six united nations, shannoahs and delawares, our friends and brethren." in this he informed them that he was on the advance with a part of the army, to clear the road for a greater force coming with guns, ammunition, and provisions; and he invited the half-king and another sachem to meet him on the road, as soon as possible, to hold a council. in fact, his situation was arduous in the extreme. regarding the conduct of the french in the recent occurrence an overt act of war, he found himself thrown with a handful of raw recruits far on a hostile frontier, in the midst of a wilderness, with an enemy at hand greatly superior in number and discipline; provided with artillery, and all the munitions of war, and within reach of constant supplies and reinforcements. besides the french that had come from venango, he had received credible accounts of another party ascending the ohio; and of six hundred chippewas and ottawas marching down scioto creek to join the hostile camp. still, notwithstanding the accumulating danger, it would not do to fall back, nor show signs of apprehension. his indian allies in such case might desert him. the soldiery, too, might grow restless and dissatisfied. in this dilemma he called a council of war, in which it was determined to proceed to the ohio company store-house, at the mouth of redstone creek; fortify themselves there, and wait for reinforcements. here they might keep up a vigilant watch upon the enemy, and get notice of any hostile movement in time for defence, or retreat; and should they be reinforced sufficiently to enable them to attack the fort, they could easily drop down the river with their artillery. with these alternatives in view, washington detached sixty men in advance to make a road; and at the same time wrote to governor dinwiddie for mortars and grenadoes, and cannon of heavy metal. aware that the assembly of pennsylvania was in session and that the maryland assembly would also meet in the course of a few days, he wrote directly to the governors of those provinces, acquainting them with the hostile acts of the french, and with his perilous situation; and endeavoring to rouse them to co-operation in the common cause. before setting off for redstone creek, he discharged trent's men [who, having enlisted as volunteers, considered themselves exempt from the rigor of martial law, and had become refractory] from his detachment, ordering them to await colonel fry's commands; they, however, in the true spirit of volunteers from the backwoods, dispersed to their homes. on the th of april washington set out from wills' creek at the head of one hundred and sixty men. he soon overtook those sent in advance to work the road; they had made but little progress. it was a difficult task to break a road through the wilderness sufficient for the artillery coming on with colonel fry's division. all hands were now set to work, but with all their labor they could not accomplish more than four miles a day. on the th of may they were not further than twenty miles from wills' creek, at a place called the little meadows. every day came gloomy accounts from the ohio; brought chiefly by traders, who, with pack-horses bearing their effects, were retreating to the more settled parts of the country. some exaggerated the number of the french, as if strongly reinforced. all represented them as diligently at work constructing a fort. by their account washington perceived the french had chosen the very place which he had noted in his journal as best fitted for the purpose. one of the traders gave information concerning la force, the french emissary, who had beset washington when on his mission to the frontier, and acted, as he thought, the part of a spy. he had been at gist's new settlement beyond laurel hill, and was prowling about the country with four soldiers at his heels on a pretended hunt after deserters. washington suspected him to be on a reconnoitering expedition. it was reported, moreover, that the french were lavishing presents on the indians about the lower part of the river, to draw them to their standard. among all these flying reports and alarms washington was gratified to learn that the half-king was on his way to meet him at the head of fifty warriors. after infinite toil through swamps and forests, and over rugged mountains, the detachment arrived at the youghiogeny river, where they were detained some days constructing a bridge to cross it. this gave washington leisure to correspond with governor dinwiddie concerning matters which had deeply annoyed him. by an ill-judged economy of the virginia government at this critical juncture, its provincial officers received less pay than that allowed in the regular army. it is true, the regular officers were obliged to furnish their own table, but their superior pay enabled them to do it luxuriously; whereas the provincials were obliged to do hard duty on salt provisions and water. the provincial officers resented this inferiority of pay as an indignity, and declared that nothing prevented them from throwing up their commissions but unwillingness to recede from approaching danger. other instances of false economy were pointed out by washington, forming so many drags upon the expedition that he quite despaired of success. "be the consequence what it will, however," adds he, "i am determined not to leave the regiment, but to be among the last men that leave the ohio; even if i serve as a private volunteer, which i greatly prefer to the establishment we are upon.... i have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials, and i flatter myself resolution to face what any man dares, as shall be proved when it comes to the test." while the bridge over the youghiogeny was in the course of construction, the indians assured washington he would never be able to open a wagon-road across the mountain to redstone creek; he embarked therefore in a canoe with a lieutenant, three soldiers, and an indian guide, to try whether it was possible to descend the river. the river was bordered by mountains and obstructed by rocks and rapids. indians might thread such a labyrinth in their light canoes, but it would never admit the transportation of troops and military stores. washington kept on for thirty miles, until he came to a place where the river fell nearly forty feet in the space of fifty yards. there he ceased to explore, and returned to camp, resolving to continue forward by land. on the d indian scouts brought word that the french were not above eight hundred strong, and that about half their number had been detached at night on a secret expedition. close upon this report came a message from the half-king. "it is reported," said he, "that the french army is coming to meet major washington. be on your guard against them, my brethren, for they intend to strike the first english they shall see." in the evening washington was told that the french were crossing the ford of the youghiogeny about eighteen miles distant. he now hastened to take a position in a place called the great meadows, where he caused the bushes to be cleared away, made an intrenchment, and prepared what he termed, "a charming field for an encounter." a party of scouts were mounted on wagon-horses, and sent out to reconnoitre. they returned without having seen an enemy. on the th mr. gist arrived from his place, about fifteen miles distant. la force had been there at noon on the previous day, with a detachment of fifty men, and gist had since come upon their track within five miles of the camp. washington detached seventy-five men in pursuit of him and his prowling band. about nine o'clock at night came an indian messenger from the half-king, who was encamped with several of his people about six miles off. the chief had seen tracks of two frenchmen, and was convinced their whole body must be in ambush near by. washington considered this the force which had been hovering about him for several days, and determined to forestall their hostile designs. leaving a guard with the baggage and ammunition, he set out before ten o'clock, with forty men, to join his indian ally. they groped their way in single file, by footpaths through the woods, in a heavy rain and murky darkness. it was near sunrise when they reached the camp of the half-king. the chieftain received the youthful commander with great demonstrations of friendship, and engaged to go hand in hand with him against the lurking enemy. he set out accordingly, accompanied by a few of his warriors and his associate sachem scarooyadi or monacatoocha, and conducted washington to the tracks which he had discovered. upon these he put two of his indians. they followed them up like hounds, and brought back word that they had traced them to a low bottom surrounded by rocks and trees, where the french were encamped, having built a few cabins for shelter from the rain. a plan was now concerted to come upon them by surprise; washington with his men on the right; the half-king with his warriors on the left; all as silently as possible. washington was the first upon the ground. as he advanced from among the rocks and trees at the head of his men, the french caught sight of him and ran to their arms. a sharp firing instantly took place, and was kept up on both sides for about fifteen minutes. washington and his party were most exposed and received all the enemy's fire. the french at length, having lost several of their number, gave way and ran. they were soon overtaken; twenty-one were captured, and but one escaped, a canadian, who carried the tidings of the affair to the fort on the ohio. the indians would have massacred the prisoners had not washington prevented them. ten of the french had fallen in the skirmish, and one been wounded. washington's loss was one killed and three wounded. he had been in the hottest fire, and, having for the first time heard balls whistle about him, considered his escape miraculous. jumonville, the french leader, had been shot through the head at the first fire. of the twenty-one prisoners the two most important were an officer of some consequence named drouillon, and the subtle and redoubtable la force. as washington considered the latter an arch mischief-maker, he was rejoiced to have him is his power. the prisoners were conducted to the camp at the great meadows, and sent on the following day ( th), under a strong escort to governor dinwiddie, then at winchester. washington had treated them with great courtesy; had furnished drouillon and la force with clothing from his own scanty stock, and, at their request, given them letters to the governor, bespeaking for them "the respect and favor due to their character and personal merit." the situation of washington was now extremely perilous. contrecoeur, it was said, had nearly a thousand men with him at the fort, beside indian allies; and reinforcements were on the way to join him. the messengers sent by jumonville, previous to the late affair, must have apprised him of the weakness of the encampment on the great meadows. washington hastened to strengthen it. he wrote by express also to colonel fry, who lay ill at wills' creek, urging instant reinforcements. the half-king was full of fight. he sent the scalps of the frenchmen slain in the late skirmish, accompanied by black wampum and hatchets, to all his allies, summoning them to take up arms and join him at redstone creek, "for their brothers, the english, had now begun in earnest." he went off for his home, promising to send down the river for all the mingoes and shawnees, and to be back at the camp on the th, with thirty or forty warriors, accompanied by their wives and children. to assist him in the transportation of his people and their effects thirty men were detached and twenty horses. "i shall expect every hour to be attacked," writes washington to governor dinwiddie, on the th, "and by unequal numbers, which i must withstand, if there are five to one, for i fear the consequence will be that we shall lose the indians if we suffer ourselves to be driven back. your honor may depend i will not be surprised, let them come at what hour they will, and this is as much as i can promise; but my best endeavors shall not be wanting to effect more." chapter vi. misfortunes.--capitulation of fort necessity. scarcity began to prevail in the camp. contracts had been made with george croghan for flour, of which he had large quantities at his frontier establishment; for he was now trading with the army as well as with the indians. none, however, made its appearance. at one time the troops were six days without flour. in this time of scarcity the half-king, his fellow sachem, scarooyadi, and thirty or forty warriors, arrived, bringing with them their wives and children--so many more hungry mouths to be supplied. news came of the death of colonel fry at wills' creek, and that he was to be succeeded in the command of the expedition by colonel innes of north carolina, who was actually at winchester with three hundred and fifty north carolina troops. the colonel, however, never came to the camp, nor did the north carolina troops render any service in the campaign--the fortunes of which might otherwise have been very different. by the death of fry, the command of the regiment devolved on washington. the palisaded fort was now completed, and was named fort necessity, from the pinching famine that had prevailed during its construction. the scanty force in camp was augmented to three hundred by the arrival from wills' creek of the men who had been under colonel fry. with them came the surgeon of the regiment, dr. james craik, a scotchman by birth, and one destined to become a faithful and confidential friend of washington for the remainder of his life. a letter from governor dinwiddie announced, however, that captain mackay would soon arrive with an independent company of one hundred men, from south carolina. the title of independent company had a sound ominous of trouble. troops of the kind, raised in the colonies, under direction of the governors, were paid by the crown, and the officers had king's commissions; such, doubtless, had captain mackay. "i should have been particularly obliged," writes washington to governor dinwiddie, "if you had declared whether he was under my command or independent of it. i hope he will have more sense than to insist upon any unreasonable distinction, because he and his officers have commissions from his majesty." on the th arrived washington's early instructor in military tactics, adjutant muse, recently appointed a major in the regiment. he was accompanied by montour, the indian interpreter, now a provincial captain, and brought with him nine swivels, and a small supply of powder and ball. fifty or sixty horses were forthwith sent to wills' creek, to bring on further supplies, and mr. gist was urged to hasten forward the artillery. major muse was likewise the bearer of a belt of wampum and a speech, from governor dinwiddie to the half-king; with medals for the chiefs, and goods for presents among the friendly indians, a measure which had been suggested by washington. they were distributed with that grand ceremonial so dear to the red man. on the th there was agitation in the camp. scouts hurried in with word, as washington understood them, that a party of ninety frenchmen were approaching. the report of the scouts had been either exaggerated or misunderstood. the ninety frenchmen in military array dwindled down into nine french deserters. according to their account, the fort at the fork was completed, and named duquesne, in honor of the governor of canada. it was proof against all attack, excepting with bombs, on the land side. the garrison did not exceed five hundred, but two hundred more were hourly expected, and nine hundred in the course of a fortnight. on the same day captain mackay arrived, with his independent company of south carolinians. the cross purposes which washington had apprehended, soon manifested themselves. the captain was civil and well disposed, but full of formalities and points of etiquette. holding a commission direct from the king, he could not bring himself to acknowledge a provincial officer as his superior. he encamped separately, kept separate guards, would not agree that washington should assign any rallying place for his men in case of alarm, and objected to receive from him the parole and countersign, though necessary for their common safety. washington conducted himself with circumspection, avoiding everything that might call up a question of command, and reasoning calmly whenever such question occurred; but he urged the governor by letter, to prescribe their relative rank and authority. on the th of june, washington resumed the laborious march for redstone creek. as captain mackay could not oblige his men to work on the road unless they were allowed a shilling sterling a day; and as washington did not choose to pay this, nor to suffer them to march at their ease while his own faithful soldiers were laboriously employed; he left the captain and his independent company as a guard at fort necessity, and undertook to complete the military road with his own men. accordingly, he and his virginia troops toiled forward through the narrow defiles of the mountains, working on the road as they went. at gist's establishment, about thirteen miles from fort necessity, washington received certain intelligence that ample reinforcements had arrived at fort duquesne, and a large force would instantly be detached against him. coming to a halt, he began to throw up intrenchments, calling in two foraging parties, and sending word to captain mackay to join him with all speed. the captain and his company arrived in the evening; the foraging parties the next morning. a council of war was held, in which the idea of awaiting the enemy at this place was unanimously abandoned. a rapid and toilsome retreat ensued. there was a deficiency of horses. washington gave up his own to aid in transporting the military munitions, leaving his baggage to be brought on by soldiers, whom he paid liberally. the other officers followed his example. the weather was sultry; the roads were rough; provisions were scanty, and the men dispirited by hunger. on the st of july they reached the great meadows. here the virginians, exhausted by fatigue, hunger, and vexation, declared they would carry the baggage and drag the swivels no further. contrary to his original intentions, therefore, washington determined to halt here for the present, and fortify, sending off expresses to hasten supplies and reinforcements from wills' creek, where he had reason to believe that two independent companies from new york were by this time arrived. the retreat to the great meadows had not been in the least too precipitate. captain de villiers, a brother-in-law of jumonville, had actually sallied forth from fort duquesne at the head of upwards of five hundred french, and several hundred indians, eager to avenge the death of his relative. arriving about dawn of day at gist's plantation, he surrounded the works which washington had hastily thrown up there, and fired into them. finding them deserted, he concluded that those of whom he came in search had made good their retreat to the settlements, and it was too late to pursue them. he was on the point of returning to fort duquesne, when a deserter arrived, who gave word that washington had come to a halt in the great meadows, where his troops were in a starving condition. de villiers ordered the fellow into confinement; to be rewarded if his words proved true, otherwise to be hanged. he then pushed forward for the great meadows. in the meantime washington had exerted himself to enlarge and strengthen fort necessity, nothing of which had been done by captain mackay and his men, while encamped there. the fort was about a hundred feet square, protected by trenches and palisades. it stood on the margin of a small stream, nearly in the centre of the great meadows, which is a grassy plain, perfectly level, surrounded by wooded hills of a moderate height, and at that place about two hundred and fifty yards wide. washington asked no assistance from the south carolina troops, but set to work with his virginians, animating them by word and example; sharing in the labor of felling trees, hewing off the branches, and rolling up the trunks to form a breastwork. at this critical juncture he was deserted by his indian allies. they were disheartened at the scanty preparations for defence against a superior force, and offended at being subjected to military command. the half-king thought he had not been sufficiently consulted, and that his advice had not been sufficiently followed; such, at least, were some of the reasons which he subsequently gave for abandoning the youthful commander on the approach of danger. most of his warriors followed his example. early in the morning of the d, while washington and his men were working on the fort, a sentinel came in wounded and bleeding, having been fired upon. scouts brought word shortly afterwards that the french were in force about four miles off. washington drew up his men on level ground outside of the works to await their attack. about eleven o'clock there was a firing of musketry from among trees on rising ground, but so distant as to do no harm; suspecting this to be a stratagem designed to draw his men into the woods, he ordered them to keep quiet, and refrain from firing until the foe should show themselves, and draw near. the firing was kept up, but still under cover. he now fell back with his men into the trenches, ordering them to fire whenever they could get sight of an enemy. in this way there was skirmishing throughout the day; the french and indians advancing as near as the covert of the woods would permit. in the meantime the rain fell in torrents; the harassed and jaded troops were half drowned in their trenches and many of their muskets were rendered unfit for use. about eight at night the french requested a parley. washington hesitated. it might be a stratagem to gain admittance for a spy into the fort. the request was repeated, with the addition that an officer might be sent to treat with them, under their parole for his safety. unfortunately the chevalier de peyrouney, engineer of the regiment, and the only one that could speak french correctly, was wounded and disabled. washington had to send, therefore, his ancient swordsman and interpreter, jacob van braam. the captain returned twice with separate terms, in which the garrison was required to surrender; both were rejected. he returned a third time, with written articles of capitulation. they were in french. as no implements for writing were at hand, van braam undertook to translate them by word of mouth. a candle was brought, and held close to the paper while he read. the rain fell in torrents; it was difficult to keep the light from being extinguished. the captain rendered the capitulation, article by article, in mongrel english, while washington and his officers stood listening, endeavoring to disentangle the meaning. one article stipulated that on surrendering the fort they should leave all their military stores, munitions, and artillery in possession of the french. this was objected to, and was readily modified. the main articles, as washington and his officers understood them, were, that they should be allowed to return to the settlements without molestation from french or indians. that they should march out of the fort with the honors of war, drums beating and colors flying, and with all their effects and military stores excepting the artillery, which should be destroyed. that they should be allowed to deposit their effects in some secret place, and leave a guard to protect them until they could send horses to bring them away; their horses having been nearly all killed or lost during the action. that they should give their word of honor not to attempt any buildings or improvements on the lands of his most christian majesty for the space of a year. that the prisoners taken in the skirmish of jumonville should be restored, and until their delivery captain van braam and captain stobo should remain with the french as hostages. the next morning, accordingly, washington and his men marched out of their forlorn fortress with the honors of war, bearing with them their regimental colors, but leaving behind a large flag, too cumbrous to be transported. scarcely had they begun their march, however, when, in defiance of the terms of capitulation, they were beset by a large body of indians, allies of the french, who began plundering the baggage, and committing other irregularities. seeing that the french did not, or could not, prevent them, and that all the baggage which could not be transported on the shoulders of his troops would fall into the hands of these savages, washington ordered it to be destroyed, as well as the artillery, gunpowder, and other military stores. all this detained him until ten o'clock, when he set out on his melancholy march, and continued on until three miles from fort necessity, where he encamped for the night. in the following days' march the troops seemed jaded and disheartened; they were encumbered and delayed by the wounded; provisions were scanty, and they had seventy weary miles to accomplish before they could meet with supplies. washington, however, encouraged them by his own steadfast and cheerful demeanor, and by sharing all their toils and privations; and at length conducted them in safety to wills' creek, where they found ample provisions in the military magazines. leaving them here to recover their strength, he proceeded with captain mackay to williamsburg, to make his military report to the governor. a copy of the capitulation was subsequently laid before the virginia house of burgesses, with explanations. notwithstanding the unfortunate result of the campaign, the conduct of washington and his officers was properly appreciated, and they received a vote of thanks for their bravery, and gallant defence of their country. from the vote of thanks, two officers were excepted; major stobo, who was charged with cowardice, and washington's unfortunate master of fence and blundering interpreter, jacob van braam, who was accused of treachery, in purposely misinterpreting the articles of capitulation. we will here anticipate dates to record the fortunes of the half-king after his withdrawal from the camp. he and several of his warriors, with their wives and children, retreated to aughquick, in the back part of pennsylvania, where george croghan had an agency, and was allowed money from time to time for the maintenance of indian allies. the half-king expressed himself perfectly disgusted with the white man's mode of warfare. the french, he said, were cowards; the english, fools. washington was a good man, but wanted experience; he would not take advice of the indians, and was always driving them to fight according to his own notions. for this reason he (the half-king) had carried off his wife and children to a place of safety. after a time the chieftain fell dangerously ill, and on his death, which took place shortly afterwards, there was great lamentation. early in august washington rejoined his regiment, which had arrived at alexandria by the way of winchester. letters from governor dinwiddie urged him to recruit it to the former number of three hundred men, and join colonel innes at wills' creek, where that officer was stationed with mackay's independent company of south carolinians, and two independent companies from new york; and had been employed in erecting a work to serve as a frontier post and rally point; which work received the name of fort cumberland, in honor of the duke of cumberland, captain-general of the british army. in the meantime the french, elated by their recent triumph, and thinking no danger at hand, relaxed their vigilance at fort duquesne. stobo, who was a kind of prisoner at large there, found means to send a letter secretly by an indian, dated july , and directed to the commander of the english troops. it was accompanied by a plan of the fort. "there are two hundred men here," writes he, "and two hundred expected; the rest have gone off in detachments to the amount of one thousand, besides indians. none lodge in the fort but contrecoeur and the guard, consisting of forty men and five officers; the rest lodge in bark cabins around the fort. the indians have access day and night, and come and go when they please. if one hundred trusty shawnees, mingoes, and delawares were picked out, they might surprise the fort, lodging themselves under the palisades by day, and at night secure the guard with their tomahawks, shut the sally-gate, and the fort is ours." the indian messenger carried the letter to aughquick and delivered it into the hands of george croghan. the indian chiefs who were with him insisted upon his opening it. he did so, but on finding the tenor of it, transmitted it to the governor of pennsylvania. the secret information communicated by stobo may have been the cause of a project suddenly conceived by governor dinwiddie, of a detachment which, by a forced march across the mountains, might descend upon the french and take fort duquesne at a single blow; or, failing that, might build a rival fort in its vicinity. he accordingly wrote to washington to march forthwith for wills' creek, with such companies as were complete, leaving orders with the officers to follow as soon as they should have enlisted men sufficient to make up their companies. the ignorance of dinwiddie in military affairs and his want of forecast, led him perpetually into blunders. washington saw the rashness of an attempt to dispossess the french with a force so inferior that it could be harassed and driven from place to place at their pleasure. before the troops could be collected, and munitions of war provided, the season would be too far advanced. there would be no forage for the horses; the streams would be swollen and unfordable; the mountains rendered impassable by snow, and frost, and slippery roads. such are a few of the cogent reasons urged by washington in a letter to his friend william fairfax, then in the house of burgesses, which no doubt was shown to governor dinwiddie, and probably had an effect in causing the rash project to be abandoned. in the month of october the house of burgesses made a grant of twenty thousand pounds for the public service; and ten thousand more were sent out from england, beside a supply of fire-arms. the governor now applied himself to military matters with renewed spirit; increased the actual force to ten companies; and as there had been difficulties among the different kinds of troops with regard to precedence, he reduced them all to independent companies; so that there would be no officer in a virginia regiment above the rank of captain. this shrewd measure, upon which dinwiddie secretly prided himself as calculated to put an end to the difficulties in question, immediately drove washington out of the service; considering it derogatory to his character to accept a lower commission than that under which his conduct had gained him a vote of thanks from the legislature. governor sharpe, of maryland, appointed by the king commander-in-chief of all the forces engaged against the french, sought to secure his valuable services, and authorized colonel fitzhugh, whom he had placed in temporary command of the army, to write to him to that effect. the reply of washington ( th nov.) is full of dignity and spirit, and shows how deeply he felt his military degradation. "you make mention," says he, "of my continuing in the service and retaining my colonel's commission. this idea has filled me with surprise; for if you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me more empty than the commission itself. i herewith inclose governor sharpe's letter which i beg you will return to him with my acknowledgements for the favor he intended me." even had washington hesitated to take this step, it would have been forced upon him by a further regulation of government, in the course of the ensuing winter, settling the rank of officers of his majesty's forces when joined or serving with the provincial forces in north america, "which directed that all such as were commissioned by the king, or by his general commander-in-chief in north america, should take rank of all officers commissioned by the governors of the respective provinces. and further, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops should have no rank when serving with the general and field officers commissioned by the crown; but that all captains and other inferior officers of the royal troops should take rank over provincial officers of the same grade, having older commissions." these regulations, originating in that supercilious assumption of superiority which sometimes overruns and degrades true british pride, would have been spurned by washington, as insulting to the character and conduct of his high-minded brethren of the colonies. another cause of vexation to washington was the refusal of governor dinwiddie to give up the french prisoners, taken in the affair of de jumonville, in fulfillment of the articles of capitulation. his plea was, that since the capitulation, the french had taken several british subjects, and sent them prisoners to canada, he considered himself justifiable in detaining those frenchmen which he had in his custody. washington felt deeply mortified by this obtuseness of the governor on a point of military punctilio and honorable faith, but his remonstrances were unavailing. la force not having acted in a military capacity, and having offended against the peace and security of the frontier, by his intrigues among the indians, was kept in close durance. the refusal of governor dinwiddie to fulfill the article of the capitulation respecting the prisoners, and the rigorous treatment of la force, operated hardly upon the hostages, stobo and van braam, who, in retaliation, were confined in prison in quebec. chapter vii. a campaign under general braddock. having resigned his commission, and disengaged himself from public affairs, washington's first care was to visit his mother, inquire into the state of domestic concerns, and attend to the welfare of his brothers and sisters. in these matters he was ever his mother's adjunct and counsellor, discharging faithfully the duties of an eldest son, who should consider himself a second father to the family. he now took up his abode at mount vernon, and prepared to engage in those agricultural pursuits, for which, even in his youthful days, he had as keen a relish as for the profession of arms. scarcely had he entered upon his rural occupations, however, when the service of his country once more called him to the field. the disastrous affair at the great meadows, and the other acts of french hostility on the ohio, had roused the attention of the british ministry, who now prepared for military operations in america; none of them professedly aggressive, but rather to resist and counteract aggressions. a plan of campaign was devised for , having four objects: to eject the french from lands which they held unjustly, in the province of nova scotia; to dislodge them from a fortress which they had erected at crown point, on lake champlain, within what was claimed as british territory; to dispossess them of the fort which they had constructed at niagara, between lake ontario and lake erie; to drive them from the frontiers of pennsylvania and virginia, and recover the valley of the ohio. the duke of cumberland, captain-general of the british army, had the organization of this campaign; and through his patronage, major-general edward braddock was intrusted with the execution of it, being appointed generalissimo of all the forces in the colonies. braddock was a veteran in service, and had been upwards of forty years in the guards, that school of exact discipline and technical punctilio. he was a brave and experienced officer; but his experience was that of routine, and rendered him pragmatical and obstinate, impatient of novel expedients, and his military precision, which would have been brilliant on parade, was a constant obstacle to alert action in the wilderness. he was to lead in person the grand enterprise of the campaign, that destined for the frontiers of virginia and pennsylvania; it was the enterprise in which washington became enlisted, and, therefore, claims our especial attention. prior to the arrival of braddock, came out from england lieutenant-colonel sir john st. clair, deputy quartermaster-general, eager to make himself acquainted with the field of operations. he made a tour of inspection, in company with governor sharpe, of maryland, and appears to have been dismayed at sight of the impracticable wilderness, the region of washington's campaign. from fort cumberland, he wrote in february to governor morris, of pennsylvania, to have the road cut, or repaired, toward the head of the river youghiogeny, and another opened from philadelphia for the transportation of supplies. unfortunately the governor of pennsylvania had no money at his command, and was obliged, for expenses, to apply to his assembly, "a set of men," writes he, "quite unacquainted with every kind of military service and exceedingly unwilling to part with money on any terms." however, by dint of exertions, he procured the appointment of commissioners to explore the country, and survey and lay out the roads required. at the head of the commission was george croghan, the indian trader, whose mission to the twightwees we have already spoken of. when sir john st. clair had finished his tour of inspection he descended wills' creek and the potomac for two hundred miles in a canoe to alexandria, and repaired to virginia to meet general braddock. the latter had landed on the th of february, at hampton, in virginia, and proceeded to williamsburg to consult with governor dinwiddie. shortly afterwards he was joined there by commodore keppel, whose squadron of two ships-of-war, and several transports, had anchored in the chesapeake. on board of these ships were two prime regiments of about five hundred men each--one commanded by sir peter halket, the other by colonel dunbar; together with a train of artillery, and the necessary munitions of war. the regiments were to be augmented to seven hundred men, each by men selected by sir john st. clair from virginia companies recently raised. alexandria was fixed upon as the place where the troops should disembark and encamp. the ships were accordingly ordered up to that place, and the levies directed to repair thither. the plan of the campaign included the use of indian allies. governor dinwiddie had already sent christopher gist to engage the cherokees and catawbas, the bravest of the southern tribes, who he had no doubt would take up the hatchet for the english, peace being first concluded, through the mediation of his government, between them and the six nations; and he gave braddock reason to expect at least four hundred indians to join him at fort cumberland. general braddock apprehended difficulty in procuring wagons and horses sufficient to attend him in his march. sir john st. clair, in the course of his tour of inspection, had met with two dutch settlers, at the foot of the blue ridge, who engaged to furnish two hundred wagons and fifteen hundred carrying horses, to be at fort cumberland early in may. governor sharpe was to furnish above a hundred wagons for the transportation of stores, on the maryland side of the potomac. keppel furnished four cannons from his ships, for the attack on fort duquesne, and thirty picked seamen to assist in dragging them over the mountains. they were to aid also in passing the troops and artillery on floats or in boats, across the rivers, and were under the command of a midshipman and lieutenant. trusting to these arrangements, braddock proceeded to alexandria. the troops had all been disembarked before his arrival, and the virginia levies, selected by sir john st. clair to join the regiments of regulars, were arrived. there were beside two companies of hatchet men, or carpenters, six of rangers, and one troop of light horse. the levies, having been clothed, were ordered to march immediately for winchester to be armed. the light horse were retained by the general as his escort and body guard. the din and stir of warlike preparation disturbed the quiet of mount vernon. washington looked down from his rural retreat upon the ships of war and transports as they passed up the potomac, with the array of arms gleaming along their decks. the booming of cannon echoed among his groves. alexandria was but a few miles distant. occasionally he mounted his horse, and rode to that place; it was like a garrisoned town, teeming with troops, and resounding with the drum and fife. a brilliant campaign was about to open under the auspices of an experienced general, and with all the means and appurtenances of european warfare. how different from the starveling expeditions he had hitherto been doomed to conduct! what an opportunity to efface the memory of his recent disaster! all his thoughts of rural life were put to flight. the military part of his character was again in the ascendant; his great desire was to join the expedition as a volunteer. it was reported to general braddock. the latter was apprised by governor dinwiddie, and others, of washington's personal merits, his knowledge of the country, and his experience in frontier service. the consequence was a letter from captain robert orme, one of braddock's aides-de-camp, written by the general's order, inviting washington to join his staff. a volunteer situation on the staff of general braddock offered no emolument nor command, and would be attended with considerable expense, still he did not hesitate a moment to accept the invitation. in the position offered to him, all the questions of military rank which had hitherto annoyed him would be obviated, and he could indulge his passion for arms without any sacrifice of dignity. his arrival at head-quarters was hailed by his young associates, captains orme and morris, the general's aides-de-camp, who at once received him into frank companionship, and a cordial intimacy commenced between them that continued throughout the campaign. he experienced a courteous reception from the general, who expressed in flattering terms the impression he had received of his merits. there were at that time four governors, beside dinwiddie, assembled at alexandria, at braddock's request, to concert a plan of military operations--governor shirley, of massachusetts; lieutenant-governor delancey, of new york; lieutenant-governor sharpe, of maryland; lieutenant-governor morris, of pennsylvania. washington was presented to them in a manner that showed how well his merits were already appreciated. a grand council was held on the th of april, composed of general braddock, commodore keppel, and the governors. in discussing the campaign, the governors were of opinion that new york should be made the centre of operations, as it afforded easy access by water to the heart of the french possessions in canada. braddock, however, did not feel at liberty to depart from his instructions, which specified the recent establishments of the french on the ohio as the objects of his expedition. niagara and crown point were to be attacked about the same time with fort duquesne, the former by governor shirley, with his own and sir william pepperell's regiments, and some new york companies; the latter by colonel william johnson, sole manager and director of indian affairs--a personage worthy of especial note. he was a native of ireland, and had come out to this country in to manage the landed estates owned by his uncle, commodore sir peter warren, in the mohawk country. by his agency and his dealings with the native tribes, he had acquired great wealth, and become a kind of potentate in the indian country. his influence over the six nations was said to be unbounded. the business of the congress being finished, general braddock would have set out for fredericktown, in maryland, but few wagons or teams had yet come to remove the artillery. washington had looked with wonder and dismay at the huge paraphernalia of war and the world of superfluities to be transported across the mountains, recollecting the difficulties he had experienced in getting over them with his nine swivels and scanty supplies. "if our march is to be regulated by the slow movements of the train," said he, "it will be tedious, very tedious indeed." in the meanwhile, sir john st. clair, who had returned to the frontier, was storming at the camp at fort cumberland. the road required of the pennsylvania government had not been commenced. george croghan and the other commissioners were but just arrived in camp. sir john, according to croghan, received them in a very disagreeable manner, would not look at their draughts, nor suffer any representations to be made to him in regard to the province, "but stormed like a lion rampant;" declaring that the want of the road and of the provisions promised by pennsylvania had retarded the expedition and might cost them their lives from the fresh numbers of french that might be poured into the country, and that if the french defeated them, by the delays of pennsylvania, he would, with his sword drawn, pass through the province and treat the inhabitants as a parcel of traitors to his master. the explosive wrath of sir john, which was not to be appeased, shook the souls of the commissioners, and they wrote to governor morris, urging that people might be set at work upon the road. in reply, mr. richard peters, governor morris's secretary, wrote in his name: "get a number of hands immediately, and further the work by all possible methods." a commission, of a different kind, was intrusted to george croghan. governor morris, by letter, requested him to convene at aughquick, in pennsylvania, as many warriors as possible of the mixed tribes of the ohio, distribute among them wampum belts sent for the purpose, and engage them to meet general braddock when on the march and render him all the assistance in their power. in reply, croghan engaged to enlist a strong body of indians, being sure of the influence of scarooyadi, successor to the half-king, and of his adjunct, white thunder, keeper of the speech-belts. at the instance of governor morris, croghan secured the services of another kind of force. this was a band of hunters, resolute men, well acquainted with the country and inured to hardships. they were under the command of captain jack, one of the most remarkable characters of pennsylvania; a complete hero of the wilderness. he had been for many years a captive among the indians; and, having learnt their ways, had formed this association for the protection of the settlements. the band had become famous for its exploits, and was a terror to the indians. general braddock set out from alexandria on the th of april. washington remained behind a few days to arrange his affairs, and then rejoined him at fredericktown, in maryland, where, on the th of may, he was proclaimed one of the general's aides-de-camp. the troubles of braddock had already commenced. the virginian contractors failed to fulfil their engagements; of all the immense means of transportation so confidently promised, but fifteen wagons and a hundred draught-horses had arrived, and there was no prospect of more. there was equal disappointment in provisions, both as to quantity and quality, and he had to send round the country to buy cattle for the subsistence of the troops. fortunately, while the general was venting his spleen in anathemas against army contractors, benjamin franklin arrived at fredericktown. that eminent man, then about forty-nine years of age, had been for many years member of the pennsylvania assembly, and was now postmaster-general for america. the assembly understood that braddock was incensed against them, supposing them adverse to the service of the war. they had procured franklin to wait upon him, not as if sent by them, but as if he came in his capacity of postmaster-general, to arrange for the sure and speedy transmission of dispatches between the commander-in-chief and the governors of the provinces. he was well received, and became a daily guest at the general's table. as the whole delay of the army was caused by the want of conveyances, franklin observed one day to the general that it was a pity the troops had not been landed in pennsylvania, where almost every farmer had his wagon. "then, sir," replied braddock, "you who are a man of interest there can probably procure them for me, and i beg you will." franklin consented. an instrument in writing was drawn up, empowering him to contract for one hundred and fifty wagons, with four horses to each wagon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack-horses for the service of his majesty's forces, to be at wills' creek on or before the th of may, and he promptly departed for lancaster to execute the commission. after his departure, braddock, attended by his staff, and his guard of light horse, set off for wills' creek by the way of winchester, the road along the north side of the potomac not being yet made. "this gave him," writes washington, "a good opportunity to see the absurdity of the route, and of damning it very heartily." three of washington's horses were knocked up before they reached winchester, and he had to purchase others. the discomforts of the rough road were increased with the general, by his travelling with some degree of state in a chariot which he had purchased of governor sharpe. in this he arrived at fort cumberland, amid a thundering salute of seventeen guns. by this time the general discovered that he was not in a region fitted for such display, and his travelling chariot was abandoned. by the th of may, the forces were assembled at fort cumberland. the two royal regiments, originally one thousand strong, now increased to fourteen hundred, by men chosen from the maryland and virginia levies; two provincial companies of carpenters, or pioneers, thirty men each, with subalterns and captains; a company of guides, composed of a captain, two aids, and ten men; the troop of virginia light horse, commanded by captain stewart; the detachment of thirty sailors with their officers, and the remnants of two independent companies from new york, one of which was commanded by captain horatio gates, of whom we shall have to speak much hereafter in course of this biography. another person in camp, of subsequent notoriety, and who became a warm friend of washington, was dr. hugh mercer, a scotchman, about thirty-three years of age. another was dr. james craik, who had become strongly attached to washington, being about the same age, and having been with him in the affair of the great meadows, serving as surgeon in the virginia regiment, to which he still belonged. braddock's camp was a complete study for washington during the halt at fort cumberland, where he had an opportunity of seeing military routine in its strictest forms. he had a specimen, too, of convivial life in the camp, which the general endeavored to maintain, even in the wilderness, keeping a hospitable table; for he is said to have been somewhat of a _bon vivant_. there was great detention at the fort, caused by the want of forage and supplies, the road not having been finished from philadelphia. mr. richard peters, the secretary of governor morris, was in camp, to attend to the matter. he had to bear the brunt of braddock's complaints. the general declared he would not stir from wills' creek until he had the governor's assurance that the road would be opened in time. braddock was also completely chagrined and disappointed about the indians. the cherokees and catawbas, whom dinwiddie had given him reason to expect in such numbers, never arrived. george croghan reached the camp with but about fifty warriors, whom he had brought from aughquick. at the general's request he sent a messenger to invite the delawares and shawnees from the ohio, who returned with two chiefs of the former tribe. among the sachems thus assembled were some of washington's former allies--scarooyadi, alias monacatoocha, successor to the half-king; white thunder, the keeper of the speech-belts, and silver-heels, so called, probably, from being swift of foot. notwithstanding his secret contempt for the indians, braddock, agreeably to his instructions, treated them with great ceremony. a grand council was held in his tent, where all his officers attended. the chiefs, and all the warriors, came painted and decorated for war. they were received with military honors, the guards resting on their fire-arms. the general made them a speech through his interpreter, expressing the grief of their father, the great king of england, at the death of the half-king, and made them presents to console them. they in return promised their aid as guides and scouts, and declared eternal enmity to the french, following the declaration with the war song, "making a terrible noise." for a time all went well. the indians had their separate camp, where they passed half the night singing, dancing and howling. the british were amused by their strange ceremonies, their savage antics, and savage decorations. the indians, on the other hand, loitered by day about the english camp, fiercely painted and arrayed, gazing with silent admiration at the parade of the troops, their marchings and evolutions; and delighted with the horse-races, with which the young officers recreated themselves. unluckily the warriors had brought their families with them to wills' creek, and the women were even fonder than the men of loitering about the british camp. the jealousy of the warriors was aroused. to prevent discord, the squaws were forbidden to come into the british camp. this did not prevent their being sought elsewhere. it was ultimately found necessary, for the sake of quiet, to send the women and children back to aughquick. white thunder, and several of the warriors, accompanied them for their protection. as to the three delaware chiefs, they returned to the ohio, promising the general they would collect their warriors together and meet him on his march. they never kept their word. during the halt of the troops at wills' creek, washington had been sent to williamsburg to bring on four thousand pounds for the military chest. he returned after a fortnight's absence. he found the general out of all patience and temper at the delays and disappointments in regard to horses, wagons, and forage, making no allowances for the difficulties incident to a new country, and to the novel and great demands upon its scanty and scattered resources. he accused the army contractors of want of faith, honor and honesty; and in his moments of passion, which were many, extended the stigma to the whole country. this stung the patriotic sensibility of washington, and overcame his usual self-command, and the proud and passionate commander was occasionally surprised by a well-merited rebuke from his aid-de-camp. the same pertinacity was maintained with respect to the indians. george croghan informed washington that the sachems considered themselves treated with slight, in never being consulted in war matters; that he himself had repeatedly offered the services of the warriors under his command as scouts and outguards, but his offers had been rejected. washington ventured to interfere, and to urge their importance for such purposes, especially now when they were approaching the stronghold of the enemy. as usual, the general remained bigoted in his belief of the all-sufficiency of well-disciplined troops. either from disgust thus caused, or from being actually dismissed, the warriors began to disappear from the camp. before braddock recommenced his march, none remained to accompany him but scarooyadi, and eight of his warriors. seeing the general's impatience at the non-arrival of conveyances, washington again represented to him the difficulties he would encounter in attempting to traverse the mountains with such a train of wheel-carriages, assuring him it would be the most arduous part of the campaign; and recommended, from his own experience, the substitution, as much as possible, of pack-horses. braddock, however, had not been sufficiently harassed by frontier campaigning to depart from his european modes, or to be swayed in his military operations by so green a counsellor. at length the general was relieved from present perplexities by the arrival of the horses and wagons which franklin had undertaken to procure. chapter viii. braddock's advance.--his defeat. on the th of june, braddock set off from fort cumberland with his aides-de-camp, and others of his staff, and his body guard of light horse. sir peter halket, with his brigade, had marched three days previously; and a detachment of six hundred men, under the command of colonel chapman and the supervision of sir john st. clair, had been employed upwards of ten days in cutting down trees, removing rocks, and opening a road. the march over the mountains proved, as washington had foretold, a "tremendous undertaking." it was with difficulty the heavily laden wagons could be dragged up the steep and rugged roads, newly made, or imperfectly repaired. often they extended for three or four miles in a straggling and broken line, with the soldiers so dispersed, in guarding them, that an attack on any side would have thrown the whole in confusion. by the time the advanced corps had struggled over two mountains, and through the intervening forest, and reached ( th june) the little meadows, where sir john st. clair had made a temporary camp, general braddock had become aware of the difference between campaigning in a new country, or on the old well-beaten battle-grounds of europe. he now, of his own accord, turned to washington for advice. thus unexpectedly called on, washington gave his counsel with becoming modesty, but with his accustomed clearness. there was just now an opportunity to strike an effective blow at fort duquesne, but it might be lost by delay. the garrison, according to credible reports, was weak; large reinforcements and supplies, which were on their way, would be detained by the drought, which rendered the river by which they must come low and unnavigable. the blow must be struck before they could arrive. he advised the general, therefore, to divide his forces; leave one part to come on with the stores and baggage, and all the cumbrous appurtenances of an army, and to throw himself in the advance with the other part, composed of his choicest troops, lightened of every thing superfluous that might impede a rapid march. his advice was adopted. twelve hundred men, selected out of all the companies, and furnished with ten field-pieces, were to form the first division, their provisions, and necessaries, to be carried on pack-horses. the second division, with all the stores, munitions, and heavy baggage, was to be brought on by colonel dunbar. the least practicable part of the arrangement was with regard to the officers of the advance. washington had urged a retrenchment of their baggage and camp equipage, that as many of their horses as possible might be used as pack-horses. here was the difficulty. brought up, many of them, in fashionable and luxurious life, or the loitering indulgence of country quarters, they were so encumbered with what they considered indispensable necessaries, that out of two hundred and twelve horses generally appropriated to their use, not more than a dozen could be spared by them for the public service. during the halt at the little meadows, captain jack and his band of forest rangers, whom croghan had engaged at governor morris's suggestion, made their appearance in the camp. the captain asked an interview with the general, by whom, it would seem, he was not expected. braddock received him in his tent, in his usual stiff and stately manner. the "black rifle" spoke of himself and his followers as men inured to hardships, and accustomed to deal with indians, who preferred stealth and stratagem to open warfare. he requested his company should be employed as a reconnoitring party, to beat up the indians in their lurking-places and ambuscades. braddock, who had a sovereign contempt for the chivalry of the woods, and despised their boasted strategy, replied to the hero of the pennsylvania settlements in a manner to which he had not been accustomed. "there was time enough," he said, "for making arrangements; and he had experienced troops, on whom he could completely rely for all purposes." captain jack withdrew, indignant at so haughty a reception, and informed his leathern-clad followers of his rebuff. they forthwith shouldered their rifles and turned their backs upon the camp. on the th of june, braddock's first division set out, with less than thirty carriages, including those that transported ammunition for the artillery, all strongly horsed. the indians marched with the advanced party. in the course of the day, scarooyadi and his son being at a small distance from the line of march, was surrounded and taken by some french and indians. his son escaped, and brought intelligence to his warriors; they hastened to rescue or revenge him, but found him tied to a tree. the french had been disposed to shoot him, but their savage allies declared they would abandon them should they do so; having some tie of friendship or kindred with the chieftain, who thus rejoined the troops unharmed. for several days washington had suffered from fever, accompanied by intense headache, and his illness increased in violence to such a degree that he was unable to ride, and had to be conveyed for a part of the time in a covered wagon. he was unable to bear the jolting of the wagon, but it needed an interposition of the kindly-intended authority of general braddock to bring him to a halt at the great crossings of the youghiogeny. there the general assigned him a guard, provided him with necessaries, and requested him to remain, under care of his physician, dr. craik, until the arrival of colonel dunbar's detachment, which was two days' march in the rear; giving him his word of honor that he should, at all events, be enabled to rejoin the main division before it reached the french fort. [the march of the army, after leaving washington, was excessively slow. in the course of the first day, (june th) they came to a deserted indian camp, the trees about it being stripped and painted with threats and scurrilous taunts written in the french language, showing that white men were with the savages. on the next day, indians were seen hovering in the woods. in crossing a mountain the carriages had to be lowered with the assistance of the sailors, by means of tackle. on the th there was a laborious march of but four miles. in the evening they came to a deserted camp, the fires of which were yet burning. the march continued to be toilful and difficult. on one day it did not exceed two miles, having to cut a passage over a mountain. on july th they encamped at thicketty run. the general now supposed himself to be within thirty miles of fort duquesne. two indians consented to reconnoitre it. they returned on the th, having been close to the fort. but few men were to be seen, and few tracks, if any. gist, who had also reconnoitred the fort, returned and corroborated their story. he had, however, observed a smoke between the camp and the fort, made probably by some scouting party.] on the same day, during the march, three or four men, loitering in the rear of the grenadiers, were killed and scalped. several of the grenadiers set off to take revenge. they came upon a party of indians, who held up boughs and grounded their arms--the concerted sign of amity. not perceiving or understanding it, the grenadiers fired upon them and one fell. it proved to be the son of scarooyadi. aware too late of their error, the grenadiers brought the body to the camp. the conduct of braddock was admirable on the occasion. he sent for the father and the other indians, and condoled with them on the lamentable occurrence; making them the customary presents of expiation. but what was more to the point, he caused the youth to be buried with the honors of war; at his request the officers attended the funeral, and a volley was fired over the grave. these soldier-like tributes of respect to the deceased, and sympathy with the survivors, soothed the feelings and gratified the pride of the father, and attached him more firmly to the service. we will return now to washington in his sick encampment on the banks of the youghiogeny, where he was left repining at the departure of the troops without him. he now considered himself sufficiently recovered to rejoin the troops, and his only anxiety was that he should not be able to do it in time for the great blow. he was rejoiced, therefore, on the d of july, by the arrival of an advanced party of one hundred men convoying provisions. being still too weak to mount his horse, he set off with the escort in a covered wagon; and after a most fatiguing journey, over mountain and through forest, reached braddock's camp on the th of july. it was on the east side of the monongahela, about two miles from the river, and about fifteen miles from fort duquesne. washington was warmly received on his arrival, especially by his fellow aides-de-camp, morris and orme. he was just in time, for the attack upon fort duquesne was to be made on the following day. the neighboring country had been reconnoitred to determine upon a plan of attack. the fort stood on the same side of the monongahela with the camp, but there was a narrow pass between them of about two miles, with the river on the left and a very high mountain on the right, and in its present state quite impassable for carriages. the route determined on was to cross the monongahela by a ford immediately opposite to the camp; proceed along the west bank of the river, for about five miles, then recross by another ford to the eastern side, and push on to the fort. the river at these fords was shallow, and the banks were not steep. according to the plan of arrangement, lieutenant-colonel gage, with the advance, was to cross the river before daybreak, march to the second ford, and recrossing there, take post to secure the passage of the main force. the advance was to be composed of two companies of grenadiers, one hundred and sixty infantry, the independent company of captain horatio gates, and two six-pounders. washington, who had already seen enough of regular troops to doubt their infallibility in wild bush-fighting, and who knew the dangerous nature of the ground they were to traverse, ventured to suggest that the virginia rangers, being accustomed to the country and to indian warfare, might be thrown in the advance. the proposition drew an angry reply from the general, indignant, very probably, that a young provincial officer should presume to school a veteran like himself. early next morning (july th), before daylight, colonel gage crossed with the advance. he was followed, at some distance, by sir john st. clair, with a working party of two hundred and fifty men, to make roads for the artillery and baggage. they had with them their wagons of tools, and two six-pounders. by sunrise, the main body turned out in full uniform. all looked as if arrayed for a fête, rather than a battle. as it was supposed the enemy would be on the watch for the crossing of the troops, it had been agreed that they should do it in the greatest order, with bayonets fixed, colors flying, and drums and fifes beating and playing. they accordingly made a gallant appearance as they forded the monongahela and wound along its banks and through the open forests. about noon they reached the second ford. gage, with the advance, was on the opposite side of the monongahela, posted according to orders; but the river bank had not been sufficiently sloped. the artillery and baggage drew up along the beach and halted until one, when the second crossing took place. when all had passed, there was again a halt close by a small stream called frazier's run, until the general arranged the order of march. first went the advance, under gage, preceded by the engineers and guides, and six light horsemen. then, sir john st. clair and the working party, with their wagons and the two six-pounders. on each side were thrown out four flanking parties. then, at some distance, the general was to follow with the main body, the artillery and baggage preceded and flanked by light horse and squads of infantry; while the virginian, and other provincial troops, were to form the rear guard. the ground before them was level until about half a mile from the river, where a rising ground, covered with long grass, low bushes, and scattered trees, sloped gently up to a range of hills. the whole country, generally speaking, was a forest, with no clear opening but the road, which was about twelve feet wide, and flanked by two ravines, concealed by trees and thickets. had braddock been schooled in the warfare of the woods, he would have thrown out indian scouts or virginia rangers in the advance, and on the flanks, to beat up the woods and ravines; but he suffered his troops to march forward through the centre of the plain, with merely their usual guides and flanking parties. it was now near two o'clock. the advanced party and the working party had crossed the plain and were ascending the rising ground. braddock was about to follow with the main body and had given the word to march, when he heard an excessively quick and heavy firing in front. washington, who was with the general, surmised that the evil he had apprehended had come to pass. for want of scouting parties ahead, the advance parties were suddenly and warmly attacked. braddock ordered lieutenant-colonel burton to hasten to their assistance with the vanguard of the main body, eight hundred strong. the residue, four hundred, were halted, and posted to protect the artillery and baggage. the firing continued, with fearful yelling. there was a terrible uproar. by the general's orders an aide-de-camp spurred forward to bring him an account of the nature of the attack. without waiting for his return the general himself, finding the turmoil increase, moved forward, leaving sir peter halket with the command of the baggage. the van of the advance had indeed been taken by surprise. it was composed of two companies of carpenters or pioneers to cut the road, and two flank companies of grenadiers to protect them. suddenly the engineer who preceded them to mark out the road gave the alarm, "french and indians!" a body of them was approaching rapidly. there was sharp firing on both sides at first. several of the enemy fell; among them their leader; but a murderous fire broke out from among trees and a ravine on the right, and the woods resounded with unearthly whoops and yellings. the indian rifle was at work, levelled by unseen hands. most of the grenadiers and many of the pioneers were shot down. the survivors were driven in on the advance. gage ordered his men to fix bayonets and form in order of battle. they did so in hurry and trepidation. he would have scaled a hill on the right, whence there was the severest firing. not a platoon would quit the line of march. they were more dismayed by the yells than by the rifles of the unseen savages. the latter extended themselves along the hill and in the ravines; but their whereabouts was only known by their demoniac cries and the puffs of smoke from their rifles. the soldiers fired wherever they saw the smoke. the officers tried in vain to restrain them until they should see their foe. all orders were unheeded; in their fright they shot at random, killing some of their own flanking parties, and of the vanguard, as they came running in. the covert fire grew more intense. in a short time most of the officers and many of the men of the advance were killed or wounded. colonel gage himself received a wound. the advance fell back in dismay upon sir john st. clair's corps, which was equally dismayed. the cannon belonging to it were deserted. colonel burton had come up with the reinforcement, and was forming his men to face the rising ground on the right, when both of the advanced detachments fell back upon him, and all now was confusion. by this time the general was upon the ground. he tried to rally the men. the colors were advanced in different places to separate the men of the two regiments. the general ordered the officers to form the men, tell them off into small divisions, and advance with them; but the soldiers could not be prevailed upon either by threats or entreaties. the virginia troops, accustomed to the indian mode of fighting, scattered themselves, and took post behind trees, whence they could pick off the lurking foe. in this way they, in some degree, protected the regulars. washington advised general braddock to adopt the same plan with the regulars; but he persisted in forming them into platoons; consequently they were cut down from behind logs and trees as fast as they could advance. several attempted to take to the trees, without orders, but the general stormed at them, called them cowards, and even struck them with the flat of his sword. several of the virginians, who had taken post and were doing good service in this manner, were slain by the fire of the regulars, directed wherever a smoke appeared among the trees. the officers behaved with consummate bravery; and washington beheld with admiration those who, in camp or on the march, had appeared to him to have an almost effeminate regard for personal ease and convenience, now exposing themselves to imminent death, with a courage that kindled with the thickening horrors. in the vain hope of inspiriting the men to drive off the enemy from the flanks and regain the cannon, they would dash forward singly or in groups. they were invariably shot down; for the indians aimed at every one who appeared to have command. some were killed by random shot of their own men, who, crowded in masses, fired with affrighted rapidity, but without aim. soldiers in the front ranks were killed by those in the rear. between friend and foe, the slaughter of the officers was terrible. throughout this disastrous day, washington distinguished himself by his courage and presence of mind. his brother aids, orme and morris, were wounded and disabled early in the action, and the whole duty of carrying the orders of the general devolved on him. his danger was imminent and incessant. he was in every part of the field, a conspicuous mark for the murderous rifle. two horses were shot under him. four bullets passed through his coat. his escape without a wound was almost miraculous. at one time he was sent to the main body to bring the artillery into action. all there was likewise in confusion; for the indians had extended themselves along the ravine so as to flank the reserve and carry slaughter into the ranks. sir peter halket had been shot down at the head of his regiment. the men who should have served the guns were paralyzed. had they raked the ravines with grapeshot the day might have been saved. in his ardor, washington sprang from his horse, wheeled and pointed a brass field-piece with his own hand, and directed an effective discharge into the woods; but neither his efforts nor example were of avail. the men could not be kept to the guns. braddock still remained in the centre of the field, in the desperate hope of retrieving the fortunes of the day. his secretary, shirley, had fallen by his side. five horses had been killed under him; still he kept his ground, vainly endeavoring to check the flight of his men, or at least to effect their retreat in good order. at length a bullet passed through his right arm, and lodged itself in his lungs. he fell from his horse, but was caught by captain stewart, of the virginia guards, who, with the assistance of another american and a servant, placed him in a tumbril. it was with much difficulty they got him out of the field--in his despair he desired to be left there. the rout now became complete. baggage, stores, artillery, everything was abandoned. the wagoners took each a horse out of his team and fled. the officers were swept off with the men in this headlong flight. it was rendered more precipitate by the shouts and yells of the savages, numbers of whom rushed forth from their coverts and pursued the fugitives to the river side. fortunately for the latter, the victors gave up the pursuit in their eagerness to collect the spoil. the shattered army continued its flight after it had crossed the monongahela, a wretched wreck of the brilliant little force that had recently gleamed along its banks, confident of victory. out of eighty-six officers, twenty-six had been killed, and thirty-six wounded. the number of rank and file killed and wounded was upwards of seven hundred. about a hundred men were brought to a halt about a quarter of a mile from the ford of the river. here was braddock, with his wounded aides-de-camp and some of his officers. braddock was still able to give orders, and had a faint hope of being able to keep possession of the ground until reinforced. most of the men were stationed in a very advantageous spot about two hundred yards from the road; and lieutenant-colonel burton posted out small parties and sentinels. before an hour had elapsed most of the men had stolen off. being thus deserted, braddock and his officers continued their retreat; he would have mounted his horse but was unable, and had to be carried by soldiers. orme and morris were placed on litters borne by horses. they were subsequently joined by colonel gage with eighty men whom he had rallied. washington, in the meantime, notwithstanding his weak state, being found most efficient in frontier service, was sent to colonel dunbar's camp, forty miles distant, with orders for him to hurry forward provisions, hospital stores, and wagons for the wounded, under the escort of two grenadier companies. it was a hard and a melancholy ride throughout the night and the following day. the tidings of the defeat preceded him, borne by the wagoners who had mounted their horses, on braddock's fall, and fled from the field of battle. washington arrived at the camp in the evening. the orders which he brought were executed during the night and he was in the saddle early in the morning accompanying the convoy of supplies. at gist's plantation, about thirteen miles off, he met gage and his scanty force escorting braddock and his wounded officers. captain stewart, and a sad remnant of the virginia light horse, still accompanied the general as his guard. the captain had been unremitting in his attentions to him during the retreat. there was a halt of one day at dunbar's camp for the repose and relief of the wounded. on the th they resumed their melancholy march, and that night reached the great meadows. the proud spirit of braddock was broken by his defeat. he remained silent the first evening after the battle, only ejaculating at night, "who would have thought it!" he was equally silent the following day; yet hope still seemed to linger in his breast, from another ejaculation: "we shall better know how to deal with them another time!" he was grateful for the attentions paid to him by captain stewart and washington, and more than once, it is said, expressed his admiration of the gallantry displayed by the virginians in the action. he died on the night of the th, at the great meadows, the place of washington's discomfiture in the previous year. his obsequies were performed before break of day. the chaplain having been wounded, washington read the funeral service. reproach spared him not, even when in his grave. the failure of the expedition was attributed both in england and america to his obstinacy, his technical pedantry, and his military conceit. he had been continually warned to be on his guard against ambush and surprise, but without avail. had he taken the advice urged on him by washington and others, to employ scouting parties of indians and rangers, he would never have been so signally surprised and defeated. still his dauntless conduct on the field of battle shows him to have been a man of fearless spirit; and he was universally allowed to be an accomplished disciplinarian. the obsequies of the unfortunate braddock being finished, the escort continued its retreat with the sick and wounded. on the th, the sad cavalcade reached the fort, and were relieved from the incessant apprehension of pursuit. here, too, flying reports had preceded them, brought by fugitives from the battle, who, with the disposition usual in such cases to exaggerate, had represented the whole army as massacred. dunbar arrived shortly afterward with the remainder of the army. the true reason why the enemy did not pursue the retreating army was not known until some time afterwards, and added to the disgrace of the defeat. they were not the main force of the french, but a mere detachment of regulars, canadians, and indians-- in all, led by captain de beaujeu. de contrecoeur, the commander of fort duquesne, had received information, through his scouts, that the english, three thousand strong, were within six leagues of his fort. despairing of making an effectual defence against such a superior force, he was balancing in his mind whether to abandon his fort without awaiting their arrival, or to capitulate on honorable terms. in this dilemma, beaujeu prevailed on him to let him sally forth with a detachment to form an ambush and give check to the enemy. de beaujeu was to have taken post at the river, and disputed the passage at the ford. for that purpose he was hurrying forward when discovered by the pioneers of gage's advance party. he was a gallant officer, and fell at the beginning of the fight. the whole number of killed and wounded of french and indians did not exceed seventy. the affair of braddock remains a memorable event in american history, and has been characterized as "the most extraordinary victory ever obtained, and the farthest flight ever made." it struck a fatal blow to the deference for british prowess, which once amounted almost to bigotry, throughout the provinces. chapter ix. washington in command.--panics on the frontier. washington arrived at mount vernon on the th of july, still in feeble condition from his long illness. his campaigning, thus far, had trenched upon his private fortune, and impaired one of the best of constitutions. his connection with the army ceased at the death of braddock, but his military duties continued as adjutant-general of the northern division of the province, and he immediately issued orders for the county lieutenants to hold the militia in readiness for parade and exercise, foreseeing that, in the present defenceless state of the frontier, there would be need of their services. tidings of the rout and retreat of the army had circulated far and near, and spread consternation throughout the country. immediate incursions both of french and indians were apprehended; and volunteer companies began to form, for the purpose of marching across the mountains to the scene of danger. on the th of august, governor dinwiddie convened the assembly to devise measures for the public safety. the sense of danger had quickened the slow patriotism of the burgesses; they no longer held back supplies; forty thousand pounds were promptly voted, and orders issued for the raising of a regiment of one thousand men. washington's friends urged him to present himself at williamsburg as a candidate for the command; they were confident of his success, notwithstanding that strong interest was making for the governor's favorite, colonel innes. with mingled modesty and pride, washington declined to be a solicitor. the only terms, he said, on which he would accept a command were a certainty as to rank and emoluments, a right to appoint his field officers, and the supply of a sufficient military chest; but to solicit the command, and, at the same time, to make stipulations, would be a little incongruous, and carry with it the face of self-sufficiency. while this was in agitation, he received letters from his mother, again imploring him not to risk himself in these frontier wars. his answer was characteristic: "honored madam--if it is in my power to avoid going to the ohio again, i shall; but if the command is pressed upon me by the general voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor on me to refuse it; and that, i am sure, must, and ought, to give you greater uneasiness than my going in an honorable command. upon no other terms will i accept it." on the very day that this letter was despatched (aug. ), he received intelligence of his appointment to the command on the terms specified in his letters to his friends. his commission nominated him commander-in-chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised in the colony. the assembly also voted three hundred pounds to him, and proportionate sums to the other officers and to the privates of the virginia companies, in consideration of their gallant conduct and their losses in the late battle. the officers next in command under him were lieutenant-colonel adam stephens and major andrew lewis. the appointment of washington to his present station was the more gratifying and honorable from being a popular one, made in deference to public sentiment; to which governor dinwiddie was obliged to sacrifice his strong inclination in favor of colonel innes. it is thought that the governor never afterwards regarded washington with a friendly eye. his conduct towards him subsequently was on various occasions cold and ungracious. having held a conference with governor dinwiddie at williamsburg, and received his instructions, washington repaired on the th of september to winchester, where he fixed his head-quarters. it was a place as yet of trifling magnitude, but important from its position; being a central point where the main roads met, leading from north to south and east to west, and commanding the channels of traffic and communication between some of the most important colonies and a great extent of frontier. here he was brought into frequent and cordial communication with his old friend, lord fairfax. the stir of war had revived a spark of that military fire which animated the veteran nobleman in the days of his youth, when an officer in the cavalry regiment of the blues. he was lord-lieutenant of the county. greenway court was his head-quarters. he had organized a troop of horse, which occasionally was exercised about the lawn of his domain, and he was now as prompt to mount his steed for a cavalry parade as he ever was for a fox-chase. his services were soon put in requisition. washington, having visited the frontier posts, established recruiting places and taken other measures of security, had set off for williamsburg on military business, when an express arrived at winchester from colonel stephens, who commanded at fort cumberland, giving the alarm that a body of indians were ravaging the country, burning the houses and slaughtering the inhabitants. the express was instantly forwarded after washington; in the meantime, lord fairfax sent out orders for the militia of fairfax and prince william counties to arm and hasten to the defence of winchester, where all was confusion and affright. one fearful account followed another. the whole country beyond it was said to be at the mercy of the savages. they had blockaded the rangers in the little fortresses or outposts provided for the protection of neighborhoods. they were advancing upon winchester with fire, tomahawk and scalping-knife. the country people were flocking into the town for safety--the townspeople were moving off to the settlements beyond the blue ridge. the beautiful valley of the shenandoah was likely to become a scene of savage desolation. in the height of the confusion, washington rode into the town. he had been overtaken by colonel stephens' express. his presence inspired some degree of confidence, and he succeeded in stopping most of the fugitives. expresses were sent off to hurry up the militia ordered out by lord fairfax. scouts were ordered out to discover the number of the foe, and convey assurances of succor to the rangers said to be blocked up in the fortresses, though washington suspected the latter to be "more encompassed by fear than by the enemy." smiths were set to work to furbish up and repair such firearms as were in the place, and wagons were sent off for musket balls, flints, and provisions. instead, however, of animated co-operation, washington was encountered by difficulties at every step. the wagons in question had to be impressed, and the wagoners compelled by force to assist. "no orders," writes he, "are obeyed, but such as a party of soldiers or my own drawn sword enforces. without this, not a single horse, for the most earnest occasion, can be had." in the meantime the panic and confusion increased. on sunday an express hurried into town, breathless with haste and terror. the indians, he said, were but twelve miles off; they had attacked the house of isaac julian; the inhabitants were flying for their lives. washington immediately ordered the town guards to be strengthened; armed some recruits who had just arrived, and sent out two scouts to reconnoitre the enemy. it was a sleepless night in winchester. horror increased with the dawn; before the men could be paraded, a second express arrived, ten times more terrified than the former. the indians were within four miles of the town, killing and destroying all before them. he had heard the constant firing of the savages and the shrieks of their victims. the terror of winchester now passed all bounds. washington put himself at the head of about forty men, militia and recruits, and pushed for the scene of carnage. the result is almost too ludicrous for record. the whole cause of the alarm proved to be three drunken troopers, carousing, hallooing, and ever and anon firing off their pistols. washington interrupted them in the midst of their revel and blasphemy and conducted them prisoners to town. the alarm thus originating had spread throughout the country. a captain, who arrived with recruits from alexandria, reported that he had found the road across the blue ridge obstructed by crowds of people flying for their lives, whom he endeavored in vain to stop. they declared that winchester was in flames! at length the band of indians, whose ravages had produced this consternation throughout the land, and whose numbers did not exceed one hundred and fifty, being satiated with carnage, conflagration and plunder, retreated, bearing off spoils and captives. intelligent scouts sent out by washington followed their traces, and brought back certain intelligence that they had recrossed the alleghany mountains and returned to their homes on the ohio. this report allayed the public panic and restored temporary quiet to the harassed frontier. most of the indians engaged in these ravages were delawares and shawnees, who, since braddock's defeat, had been gained over by the french. scarooyadi, successor to the half-king, remained true to the english, and vindicated his people to the governor and council of pennsylvania from the charge of having had any share in the late massacres. [washington now learned the fate of the other enterprises included in the plan of military operations. the defeat of braddock paralyzed the expedition against niagara. the troops assembled at albany were struck with consternation, and deserted. by the end of august, shirley was in force at oswego. but storms, sickness, and other impediments caused the completion of the enterprise to be deferred until the following year. gen. wm. johnson, it will be recollected, had the command of the expedition against crown point, on lake champlain. a fort was erected at the carrying-place on the hudson, between that river and lake george, subsequently called fort edward. part of the force were left to garrison it; the main body advanced to lake george. meanwhile there was great consternation in canada. three thousand troops, under baron de dieskaw, had arrived at quebec. yielding to public importunities, he advanced to crown point for its defence. his force was augmented by eight hundred canadians and seven hundred indians, the latter under command of the chevalier st. pierre. in the meantime, johnson remained encamped on the south end of lake george. on september th, news was received that the french had been seen within four miles of the carrying-place. a detachment was sent to intercept them, which was attacked and driven back. a panic seized upon the camp as the french emerged from the forest in battle array, led by dieskaw. but the canadians and indians held back. the camp recovered from its panic, artillery and musketry opened on the assailants, whose fire began to slacken. johnson's men and the indians leaped over the breastworks and a medley fight ensued, that ended in the slaughter, rout, or capture of the enemy. dieskaw was mortally wounded; st. pierre was slain in the attack on the detachment. the baron had intended the surprise of fort edward, but the indians and canadians refused to attack it, fearful of the cannon: he here changed his plan therefor, and attempted to surprise the camp. johnson, having erected a stockaded fort, which received the name of william henry, garrisoned it, and returned to albany. in reward for his services he received five thousand pounds and a baronetcy.] mortifying experience had convinced washington of the inefficiency of the militia laws, and he now set about effecting a reformation. through his great and persevering efforts, an act was passed in the virginia legislature giving prompt operation to court-martial; punishing insubordination, mutiny and desertion with adequate severity; strengthening the authority of a commander, so as to enable him to enforce order and discipline among officers as well as privates; and to avail himself, in time of emergency and for the common safety, of the means and services of individuals. in disciplining his men, they were instructed not merely in ordinary and regular tactics, but in all the strategy of indian warfare, and what is called "bush-fighting"--a knowledge indispensable in the wild wars of the wilderness. stockaded forts, too, were constructed at various points, as places of refuge and defence, in exposed neighborhoods. his exertions, however, were impeded by one of those questions of precedence which had so often annoyed him, arising from the difference between crown and provincial commissions. maryland, having by a scanty appropriation raised a small militia force, stationed captain dagworthy, with a company of thirty men, at fort cumberland, which stood within the boundaries of that province. dagworthy had served in canada in the preceding war, and had received a king's commission. this he had since commuted for half-pay, and, of course, had virtually parted with its privileges. he was nothing more, therefore, than a maryland provincial captain, at the head of thirty men. he now, however, assumed to act under his royal commission, and refused to obey the orders of any officer, however high his rank, who merely held his commission from a governor. nay, when governor, or rather colonel innes, who commanded at the fort, was called away to north carolina by his private affairs, the captain took upon himself the command and insisted upon it as his right. parties instantly arose, and quarrels ensued among the inferior officers; grave questions were agitated between the governors of maryland and virginia as to the fort itself; the former claiming it as within his province, the latter insisting that, as it had been built according to orders sent by the king, it was the king's fort, and could not be subject to the authority of maryland. washington refrained from mingling in this dispute; but intimated that if the commander-in-chief of the forces of virginia must yield precedence to a maryland captain of thirty men, he should have to resign his commission, as he had been compelled to do before, by a question of military rank. so difficult was it, however, to settle these disputes of precedence, especially where the claims of two governors came in collision, that it was determined to refer the matter to major-general shirley, who had succeeded braddock in the general command of the colonies. for this purpose washington was to go to boston, obtain a decision from shirley of the point in dispute, and a general regulation by which these difficulties could be prevented in future. it was thought, also, that in a conference with the commander-in-chief he might inform himself of the military measures in contemplation. accordingly, on the th of february ( ), leaving colonel adam stephens in command of the troops, washington set out on his mission, accompanied by his aide-de-camp, captain george mercer, of virginia, and captain stewart, of the virginia light horse. the party travelled in virginia style, on horseback, attended by their black servants in livery. in this way they accomplished a journey of five hundred miles in the depth of winter; stopping for some days at philadelphia and new york. those cities were then comparatively small, and the arrival of a party of young southern officers attracted attention. the late disastrous battle was still the theme of every tongue, and the honorable way in which these young officers had acquitted themselves in it made them objects of universal interest. washington's fame, especially, had gone before him; having been spread by the officers who had served with him and by the public honors decreed him by the virginia legislature. the mission to general shirley was entirely successful as to the question of rank. a written order from the commander-in-chief determined that dagworthy was entitled to the rank of a provincial captain only, and of course, must on all occasions give precedence to colonel washington as a provincial field officer. the latter was disappointed, however, in the hope of getting himself and his officers put upon the regular establishment, with commissions from the king, and had to remain subjected to mortifying questions of rank and etiquette when serving in company with regular troops. from general shirley he learnt that the main objects of the ensuing campaign would be the reduction of fort niagara, so as to cut off the communication between canada and louisiana, the capture of ticonderoga and crown point, as a measure of safety for new york, the besieging of fort duquesne, and the menacing of quebec by a body of troops which were to advance by the kennebec river. the official career of general shirley was drawing to a close. he was recalled to england, and was to be superseded by general abercrombie. the general command in america, however, was to be held by the earl of loudoun, who was invested with powers almost equal to those of a viceroy, being placed above all the colonial governors. beside his general command he was to be governor of virginia and colonel of a royal american regiment of four battalions, to be raised in the colonies, but furnished with officers who, like himself, had seen foreign service. the campaign would open on his arrival, which it was expected would be early in the spring; and brilliant results were anticipated. washington remained ten days in boston, receiving the most hospitable attentions from the polite and intelligent society of the place, after which he returned to new york. tradition gives very different motives from those of business for his sojourns in the latter city. he found there an early friend and school-mate, beverly robinson, son of john robinson, speaker of the virginia house of burgesses. he was living happily and prosperously with a young and wealthy bride, having married one of the nieces and heiresses of mr. adolphus philipse, a rich landholder. at the house of mr. beverly robinson, washington met miss mary philipse, sister of mrs. robinson, a young lady whose personal attractions are said to have rivalled her reputed wealth. a life of constant activity and care, passed for the most part in the wilderness and on the frontier, far from female society, had left washington little mood or leisure for the indulgence of the tender sentiment; but made him more sensible, in the present brief interval of gay and social life, to the attractions of an elegant woman, brought up in the polite circle of new york. that he was an open admirer of miss philipse is an historical fact; that he sought her hand, but was refused, is traditional. the most probable version of the story is, that he was called away by his public duties before he had made sufficient approaches in his siege of the lady's heart to warrant a summons to surrender. in the latter part of march we find him at williamsburg attending the opening of the legislature of virginia, eager to promote measures for the protection of the frontier and the capture of fort duquesne--the leading object of his ambition. while thus engaged, he received a letter from a friend and confidant in new york, warning him to hasten back to that city before it was too late, as captain morris, who had been his fellow aide-de-camp under braddock, was laying close siege to miss philipse. sterner alarms, however, summoned him in another direction. expresses from winchester brought word that the french had made another sortie from fort duquesne, accompanied by a band of savages, and were spreading terror and desolation through the country. in this moment of exigency all softer claims were forgotten; washington repaired in all haste to his post at winchester, and captain morris was left to urge his suit unrivalled and carry off the prize. report had not exaggerated the troubles of the frontier. it was marauded by merciless bands of savages, led, in some instances, by frenchmen. travellers were murdered, farm houses burnt down, families butchered, and even stockaded forts, or houses of refuge, attacked in open day. the marauders had crossed the mountains and penetrated the valley of the shenandoah. washington, on his arrival at winchester, found the inhabitants in great dismay. he resolved immediately to organize a force, composed partly of troops from fort cumberland, partly of militia from winchester and its vicinity, to put himself at its head, and "scour the woods and suspected places in all the mountains and valleys of this part of the frontier, in quest of the indians and their more cruel associates." he accordingly despatched an express to fort cumberland with orders for a detachment from the garrison; "but how," said he, "are men to be raised at winchester, since orders are no longer regarded in the county?" lord fairfax, and other militia officers with whom he consulted, advised that each captain should call a private muster of his men, and read before them an address, or "exhortation" as it was called, being an appeal to their patriotism and fears, and a summons to assemble on the th of april to enroll themselves for the projected mountain foray. this measure was adopted; the private musterings occurred; the exhortation was read; the time and place of assemblage appointed; but, when the day of enrollment arrived, not more than fifteen men appeared upon the ground. in the meantime the express returned with sad accounts from fort cumberland. no troops could be furnished from that quarter. the garrison was scarcely strong enough for self-defence, having sent out detachments in different directions. horrors accumulated at winchester. every hour brought its tale of terror, true or false, of houses burnt, families massacred, or beleaguered and famishing in stockaded forts. the danger approached. a scouting party had been attacked in the warm spring mountain, about twenty miles distant, by a large body of french and indians, mostly on horseback. the captain of the scouting party and several of his men had been slain, and the rest put to flight. an attack was apprehended, and the terrors of the people rose to agony. they now turned to washington as their main hope. the women surrounded him, holding up their children and imploring him with tears and cries to save them from the savages. the youthful commander looked round on the suppliant crowd with a countenance beaming with pity and a heart wrung with anguish. a letter to governor dinwiddie drew from him an instant order for a militia force from the upper counties to his assistance; but the virginia newspapers, in descanting on the frontier troubles, threw discredit on the army and its officers, and attached blame to its commander. stung to the quick by this injustice, washington publicly declared that nothing but the imminent danger of the times prevented him from instantly resigning a command from which he could never reap either honor or benefit. his sensitiveness called forth strong letters from his friends, assuring him of the high sense entertained at the seat of government, and elsewhere, of his merits and services. in fact, the situation and services of the youthful commander, shut up in a frontier town, destitute of forces, surrounded by savage foes, gallantly, though despairingly, devoting himself to the safety of a suffering people, were properly understood throughout the country, and excited a glow of enthusiasm in his favor. the legislature, too, began at length to act, but timidly and inefficiently. its measure of relief was an additional appropriation of twenty thousand pounds, and an increase of the provincial force to fifteen hundred men. with this, it was proposed to erect and garrison a chain of frontier forts, extending through the ranges of the alleghany mountains, from the potomac to the borders of north carolina; a distance of between three and four hundred miles. this was one of the inconsiderate projects devised by governor dinwiddie. washington, in letters to the governor and to the speaker of the house of burgesses, urged the impolicy of such a plan, with their actual force and means. the forts, he observed, ought to be within fifteen or eighteen miles of each other, that their spies might be able to keep watch over the intervening country, otherwise the indians would pass between them unperceived, effect their ravages, and escape to the mountains, swamps and ravines before the troops from the forts could be assembled to pursue them. they ought each to be garrisoned with eighty or a hundred men, so as to afford detachments of sufficient strength, without leaving the garrison too weak. it was evident, therefore, observed he, that to garrison properly such a line of forts would require at least two thousand men. and even then, a line of such extent might be broken through at one end before the other end could yield assistance. his idea of a defensive plan was to build a strong fort at winchester, the central point, where all the main roads met of a wide range of scattered settlements, where tidings could soonest be collected from every quarter, and whence reinforcements and supplies could most readily be forwarded. it was to be a grand deposit of military stores, a residence for commanding officers, a place of refuge for the women and children in time of alarm, when the men had suddenly to take the field; in a word, it was to be the citadel of the frontier. beside this, he would have three or four large fortresses erected at convenient distances upon the frontiers, with powerful garrisons, so as to be able to throw out, in constant succession, strong scouting parties to range the country. fort cumberland he condemned as being out of the province and out of the track of indian incursions. his representations with respect to military laws and regulations were equally cogent. in the late act of the assembly for raising a regiment it was provided that, in cases of emergency, if recruits should not offer in sufficient number, the militia might be drafted to supply the deficiencies, but only to serve until december, and not to be marched out of the province. in this case, said he, before they have entered upon service, or got the least smattering of duty, they will claim a discharge; if they are pursuing an enemy who has committed the most unheard-of cruelties, he has only to step across the potomac and he is safe. then as to the limits of service, they might just as easily have been enlisted for seventeen months as seven. then as to punishments: death, it was true, had been decreed for mutiny and desertion; but there was no punishment for cowardice; for holding correspondence with the enemy; for quitting, or sleeping on one's post; all capital offences, according to the military codes of europe. neither were there provisions for quartering or billeting soldiers, or impressing wagons and other conveyances, in times of exigency. to crown all, no court-martial could sit out of virginia; a most embarrassing regulation, when troops were fifty or a hundred miles beyond the frontier. he earnestly suggested amendments on all these points, as well as with regard to the soldiers' pay; which was less than that of the regular troops, or the troops of most of the other provinces. all these suggestions, showing at this youthful age that forethought and circumspection which distinguished him throughout life, were repeatedly and eloquently urged upon governor dinwiddie, with very little effect. the plan of a frontier line of twenty-three forts was persisted in. fort cumberland was pertinaciously kept up at a great and useless expense of men and money, and the militia laws remained lax and inefficient. it was decreed, however, that the great central fort at winchester, recommended by washington, should be erected. in the height of the alarm a company of one hundred gentlemen, mounted and equipped, volunteered their services to repair to the frontier. they were headed by peyton randolph. no doubt they would have conducted themselves gallantly had they been put to the test; but before they arrived near the scene of danger the alarm was over. about the beginning of may, scouts brought in word that the tracks of the marauding savages tended toward fort duquesne, as if on the return. in a little while it was ascertained that they had recrossed the alleghany mountain to the ohio in such numbers as to leave a beaten track, equal to that made in the preceding year by the army of braddock. the repeated inroads of the savages called for an effectual and permanent check. the idea of being constantly subject to the irruptions of a deadly foe, that moved with stealth and mystery, and was only to be traced by its ravages and counted by its footprints, discouraged all settlement of the country. the beautiful valley of the shenandoah was fast becoming a deserted and a silent place. her people, for the most part, had fled to the older settlements south of the mountains, and the blue ridge was likely soon to become virtually the frontier line of the province. chapter x. frontier service. throughout the summer of , washington exerted himself diligently in carrying out measures determined upon for frontier security. the great fortress at winchester was commenced, and the work urged forward as expeditiously as the delays and perplexities incident to a badly organized service would permit. it received the name of fort loudoun, in honor of the commander-in-chief, whose arrival in virginia was hopefully anticipated. as to the sites of the frontier posts, they were decided upon by washington and his officers, after frequent and long consultations; parties were sent out to work on them, and men recruited and militia drafted to garrison them. washington visited occasionally such as were in progress, and near at hand. in the autumn, he made a tour of inspection along the whole line, accompanied by his friend, captain hugh mercer. this tour furnished repeated proofs of the inefficiency of the militia system. in one place he attempted to raise a force with which to scour a region infested by roving bands of savages. after waiting several days, but five men answered to his summons. in another place, where three companies had been ordered to the relief of a fort attacked by the indians, all that could be mustered were a captain, a lieutenant, and seven or eight men. when the militia were drafted, and appeared under arms, the case was not much better. it was now late in the autumn: their term of service, by the act of the legislature, expired in december,--half of the time, therefore, was lost in marching out and home. their waste of provisions was enormous. to be put on allowance, like other soldiers, they considered an indignity. for want of proper military laws, they were obstinate, self-willed and perverse. the garrisons were weak for want of men, but more so from indolence and irregularity. not one was in a posture of defence; few but might be surprised with the greatest ease. at one fort the indians rushed from their lurking-place, pounced upon several children playing under the walls, and bore them off before they were discovered. another fort was surprised, and many of the people massacred in the same manner. what rendered this year's service peculiarly irksome and embarrassing to washington, was the nature of his correspondence with governor dinwiddie. that gentleman, either from the natural hurry and confusion of his mind, or from a real disposition to perplex, was extremely ambiguous and unsatisfactory in most of his orders and replies. in nothing was this disposition to perplex more apparent than in the governor's replies respecting fort cumberland. washington had repeatedly urged the abandonment of this fort as a place of frontier deposit, being within the bounds of another province and out of the track of indian incursion; so that often the alarm would not reach there until after the mischief had been effected. he applied, at length, for particular and positive directions from the governor on this head. "the following," says he, "is an exact copy of his answer: 'fort cumberland is a _king's_ fort, and built chiefly at the charge of the colony, therefore properly under our direction until a new governor is appointed.' now, whether i am to understand this aye or no to the plain simple question asked, is the fort to be continued or removed? i know not. but in all important matters i am directed in this ambiguous and uncertain way." governor dinwiddie subsequently made himself explicit on this point. taking offence at some of washington's comments on the military affairs on the frontier, he made the stand of a self-willed and obstinate man, in the case of fort cumberland; and represented it in such a light to lord loudoun as to draw from his lordship an order that it should be kept up, and an implied censure of the conduct of washington in slighting a post of such paramount importance. thus powerfully supported, dinwiddie went so far as to order that the garrisons should be withdrawn from the stockades and small frontier forts, and most of the troops from winchester, to strengthen fort cumberland, which was now to become head-quarters. by these meddlesome moves all previous arrangements were reversed, everything was thrown into confusion, and enormous losses and expenses were incurred. governor dinwiddie had never recovered from the pique caused by the popular elevation of washington to the command in preference to his favorite, colonel innes. his irritation was kept alive by a little scottish faction, who were desirous of disgusting washington with the service, so as to induce him to resign and make way for his rival. they might have carried their point during the panic at winchester, had not his patriotism and his sympathy with the public distress been more powerful than his self-love. he determined, he said, to bear up under these embarrassments in the hope of better regulations when lord loudoun should arrive; to whom he looked for the future fate of virginia. [while these events were occurring on the virginia frontier, military events went on tardily and heavily at the north. the campaign against canada hung fire. the armament coming out for the purpose under lord loudoun was delayed. gen. abercrombie reached albany june th, with two regiments. july th word was received that the forts ontario and oswego were menaced by the french. relief was delayed until the arrival of lord loudoun, which took place on the th of july. after some delays gen. webb left albany, august th, for the relief of oswego. but while the british commanders had debated, field-marshal the marquis de montcalm had acted.] he was a different kind of soldier from abercrombie or loudoun. a capacious mind and enterprising spirit animated a small, but active and untiring frame. quick in thought, quick in speech, quicker still in action, he comprehended every thing at a glance, and moved from point to point of the province with a celerity and secrecy that completely baffled his slow and pondering antagonists. crown point and ticonderoga were visited, and steps taken to strengthen their works; then, hastening to montreal, he put himself at the head of a force of regulars, canadians, and indians; ascended the st. lawrence to lake ontario; blocked up the mouth of the oswego by his vessels, landed his guns, and besieged the two forts; drove the garrison out of one into the other; killed the commander, colonel mercer, and compelled the garrisons to surrender prisoners of war. his blow achieved, montcalm returned in triumph to montreal. the season was now too far advanced for lord loudoun to enter upon any great military enterprise; he postponed, therefore, the great northern campaign, so much talked of and debated, until the following year. circumstances had led washington to think that lord loudoun "had received impressions to his prejudice by false representations of facts," and that a wrong idea prevailed at head-quarters respecting the state of military affairs in virginia. he was anxious, therefore, for an opportunity of placing all these matters in a proper light; and, understanding that there was to be a meeting in philadelphia in the month of march, between lord loudoun and the southern governors, to consult about measures of defence for their respective provinces, he wrote to governor dinwiddie for permission to attend it. "i cannot conceive," writes dinwiddie in reply, "what service you can be of in going there, as the plan concerted will, in course, be communicated to you and the other officers. however, as you seem so earnest to go, i now give you leave." this ungracious reply seemed to warrant the suspicions entertained by some of washington's friends, that it was the busy pen of governor dinwiddie which had given the "false representation of facts" to lord loudoun. about a month, therefore, before the time of the meeting, washington addressed a long letter to his lordship, explanatory of military affairs in the quarter where he had commanded. in this he set forth the various defects in the militia laws of virginia; the errors in its system of defence, and the inevitable confusion which had thence resulted. the manner in which washington was received by lord loudoun on arriving in philadelphia, showed him at once that his long, explanatory letter had produced the desired effect, and that his character and conduct were justly appreciated. during his sojourn in philadelphia he was frequently consulted on points of frontier service, and his advice was generally adopted. on one point it failed. he advised that an attack should be made on fort duquesne, simultaneous with the attempts on canada. at such time a great part of the garrison would be drawn away to aid in the defence of that province, and a blow might be struck more likely to insure the peace and safety of the southern frontier than all its forts and defences. lord loudoun, however, was not to be convinced, or at least persuaded. according to his plan, the middle and southern provinces were to maintain a merely defensive warfare. washington was also disappointed a second time in the hope of having his regiment placed on the same footing as the regular army and of obtaining a king's commission; the latter he was destined never to hold. his representations with respect to fort cumberland had the desired effect in counteracting the mischievous intermeddling of dinwiddie. the virginia troops and stores were ordered to be again removed to fort loudoun, at winchester, which once more became head-quarters, while fort cumberland was left to be occupied by a maryland garrison. the great plan of operations at the north was again doomed to failure. the reduction of crown point, on lake champlain, which had long been meditated, was laid aside, and the capture of louisburg substituted, as an acquisition of far greater importance. this was a place of great consequence, situated on the isle of cape breton, and strongly fortified. it commanded the fisheries of newfoundland, overawed new england, and was a main bulwark to acadia. [in july, loudoun set sail for halifax, with nearly six thousand men, to join with admiral holbourne, who had arrived at that port with eleven ships of the line, and transports having on board six thousand men. with this united force lord loudoun anticipated the certain capture of louisburg. but the french were again too quick for him. admiral de bois de la mothe had arrived at louisburg with seventeen ships of the line and three frigates. the place was ascertained to be well fortified and garrisoned. lord loudoun, aware of the probability of defeat and the ruin it would bring upon british arms in america, wisely, though ingloriously, returned to new york. scarce had the tidings of his lordship's departure for louisburg reached canada, when montcalm took the fort. fort william henry, on the southern shore of lake george, was now his object. colonel munro, with five hundred men, formed the garrison. with eight thousand men montcalm invested the fort, and after an obstinate resistance the brave colonel munro surrendered, but not until most of his cannon were burst and his ammunition expended. he obtained honorable terms. montcalm demolished the fort, and returned to canada.] during these unfortunate operations to the north, washington was stationed at winchester, shorn of part of his force by a detachment to south carolina, and left with seven hundred men to defend a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles in extent. the capture and demolition of oswego by montcalm had produced a disastrous effect. the whole country of the five nations was abandoned to the french. the frontiers of pennsylvania, maryland and virginia were harassed by repeated inroads of french and indians, and washington had the mortification to see the noble valley of the shenandoah almost deserted by its inhabitants and fast relapsing into a wilderness. the year wore away on his part in the harassing service of defending a wide frontier with an insufficient and badly organized force, and the vexations he experienced were heightened by continual misunderstandings with governor dinwiddie, who was evidently actuated by the petty pique of a narrow and illiberal mind, impatient of contradiction, even when in error. he took advantage of his official station to vent his spleen and gratify his petulance in a variety of ways incompatible with the courtesy of a gentleman. it may excite a grave smile at the present day to find washington charged by this very small-minded man with looseness in his way of writing to him: with remissness in his duty towards him; and even with impertinence in the able and eloquent representations which he felt compelled to make of disastrous mismanagement in military affairs. the multiplied vexations which washington experienced from this man had preyed upon his spirits, and contributed, with his incessant toils and anxieties, to undermine his health. for some time he struggled with repeated attacks of dysentery and fever, and continued in the exercise of his duties; but the increased violence of his malady, and the urgent advice of his friend, dr. craik, the army surgeon, induced him to relinquish his post towards the end of the year and retire to mount vernon. the administration of dinwiddie, however, was now at an end. he set sail for england in january, . chapter xi. operations against the french.--washington's marriage. for several months washington was afflicted by returns of his malady, accompanied by symptoms indicative, as he thought, of a decline. a gradual improvement in his health and a change in his prospects encouraged him to continue in what really was his favorite career, and at the beginning of april he was again in command at fort loudoun. mr. francis fauquier had been appointed successor to dinwiddie, and, until he should arrive, mr. john blair, president of the council, had, from his office, charge of the government. in the latter washington had a friend who appreciated his character and services, and was disposed to carry out his plans. the general aspect of affairs, also, was more animating. under the able and intrepid administration of william pitt, who had control of the british cabinet, an effort was made to retrieve the disgraces of the late american campaign, and to carry on the war with greater vigor. the instructions for a common fund were discontinued; there was no more talk of taxation by parliament. lord loudoun, from whom so much had been anticipated, had disappointed by his inactivity, and been relieved from a command in which he had attempted much and done so little. on the return of his lordship to england, the general command in america devolved on major-general abercrombie, and the forces were divided into three detached bodies; one, under major-general amherst, was to operate in the north with the fleet under boscawen, for the reduction of louisburg and the island of cape breton; another, under abercrombie himself, was to proceed against ticonderoga and crown point on lake champlain; and the third, under brigadier-general forbes, who had the charge of the middle and southern colonies, was to undertake the reduction of fort duquesne. the colonial troops were to be supplied, like the regulars, with arms, ammunition, tents and provisions at the expense of the government, but clothed and paid by the colonies; for which the king would recommend to parliament a proper compensation. the provincial officers appointed by the governors, and of no higher rank than colonel, were to be equal in command, when united in service with those who held direct from the king, according to the date of their commissions. by these wise provisions of mr. pitt a fertile cause of heartburnings and dissensions was removed. it was with the greatest satisfaction washington saw his favorite measure at last adopted, the reduction of fort duquesne; and he resolved to continue in the service until that object was accomplished. he had the satisfaction subsequently of enjoying the fullest confidence of general forbes (who was to command the expedition), who knew too well the sound judgment and practical ability evinced by him in the unfortunate campaign of braddock not to be desirous of availing himself of his counsels. washington still was commander-in-chief of the virginia troops, now augmented, by an act of the assembly, to two regiments of one thousand men each; one led by himself, the other by colonel byrd; the whole destined to make a part of the army of general forbes in the expedition against fort duquesne. before we proceed to narrate the expedition against fort duquesne, however, we will briefly notice the conduct of the two other expeditions, which formed important parts in the plan of military operations for the year. and first, of that against louisburg and the island of cape breton. [major-general amherst embarked in may with nearly twelve thousand men from halifax in the fleet of admiral boscawen. with him went brigadier-general wolfe, who was destined to gain an almost romantic celebrity. on the d of june, the fleet arrived at the bay of gabarus, seven miles from louisburg. boisterous weather prevented the landing until the th of june. three divisions, under brigadiers wolfe, whetmore and laurens, attempted the landing west of the harbor at a place feebly secured. the boats forced their way through a high surf, and under a heavy fire from the batteries. wolfe sprang into the water when the boats grounded, dashed through the surf with his men, stormed the enemy's breastworks and batteries, and drove them from the shore. by the side of wolfe was an irish youth, twenty-one years of age, whom, for his gallantry, wolfe promoted to a lieutenancy. his name was richard montgomery. the other divisions effected a landing, and louisburg was formally invested. the weather continued boisterous, and the siege advanced slowly. chevalier drucour, who commanded at louisburg, made a brave defence. his ships were at last all either fired or captured, his cannon dismounted, and being threatened with a general assault he capitulated at the earnest entreaty of the inhabitants. the second expedition was against the french forts on lakes george and champlain. early in july, abercrombie was on lake george with seven thousand regulars and nine thousand provincials. major israel putnam, who had served under johnson, was present, and with a scouting party reconnoitred the neighborhood. upon his return, abercrombie proceeded against ticonderoga. the force embarked on the th of july, in a vast flotilla of whaleboats, rafts, bateaux, etc. with abercrombie went lord howe, a young nobleman who had greatly endeared himself to the army and the people. they landed at the entrance of the strait leading to lake champlain, formed into three columns and pushed forward. the van of the centre column under lord howe encountered a detachment of the foe; a severe conflict ensued; the enemy were routed, and lord howe was killed. with him expired the master-spirit of the enterprise. abercrombie fell back to the landing-place; sent out detachments to secure a saw-mill, within two miles of the fort: this done he advanced with his whole force and took post at the mill. montcalm was strongly posted behind deep intrenchments, with an abatis of felled trees in front of his lines. the strength of his position was underrated, and an assault was ordered, which was repulsed with dreadful havoc. after four hours of desperate and fruitless fighting, abercrombie retreated to the landing-place, and, dismayed at the failure of the rash assault, which had been made against the advice of his most judicious officers, he embarked his troops and returned across the lake. while stationed here, planning fortifications, colonel bradstreet was permitted to undertake an expedition against fort frontenac, on the south side of lake ontario, which was entirely successful.] operations went on slowly in that part of the year's campaign in which washington was immediately engaged--the expedition against fort duquesne. brigadier-general forbes, who was commander-in-chief, was detained at philadelphia by those delays and cross-purposes incident to military affairs in a new country. colonel bouquet, who was to command the advanced division, took his station, with a corps of regulars, at raystown, in the centre of pennsylvania. there slowly assembled troops from various parts. three thousand pennsylvanians, twelve hundred and fifty south carolinians, and a few hundred men from elsewhere. washington, in the meantime, gathered together his scattered regiment at winchester, some from a distance of two hundred miles, and diligently disciplined his recruits. he had two virginia regiments under him, amounting, when complete, to about nineteen hundred men. seven hundred indian warriors, also, came lagging into his camp, lured by the prospect of a successful campaign. the force thus assembling was in want of arms, tents, field-equipage, and almost every requisite. washington had made repeated representations, by letter, of the destitute state of the virginia troops, but without avail; he was now ordered by sir john st. clair, the quartermaster-general of the forces under general forbes, to repair to williamsburg and lay the state of the case before the council. he set off promptly on horseback, attended by bishop, the well-trained military servant who had served the late general braddock. it proved an eventful journey, though not in a military point of view. in crossing a ferry of the pamunkey, a branch of york river, he fell in company with a mr. chamberlayne, who lived in the neighborhood, and who, in the spirit of virginian hospitality, claimed him as a guest. it was with difficulty washington could be prevailed on to halt for dinner, so impatient was he to arrive at williamsburg and accomplish his mission. among the guests at mr. chamberlayne's was a young and blooming widow, mrs. martha custis, daughter of mr. john dandridge, both patrician names in the province. her husband, john parke custis, had been dead about three years, leaving her with two young children, and a large fortune. she is represented as being rather below the middle size, but extremely well shaped, with an agreeable countenance, dark hazel eyes and hair, and those frank, engaging manners, so captivating in southern women. washington's heart appears to have been taken by surprise. the dinner, which in those days was an earlier meal than at present, seemed all too short. the afternoon passed away like a dream. bishop was punctual to the orders he had received on halting; the horses pawed at the door; but for once washington loitered in the path of duty. the horses were countermanded, and it was not until the next morning that he was again in the saddle, spurring for williamsburg. happily the white house, the residence of mrs. custis, was in new kent county, at no great distance from that city, so that he had opportunities of visiting her in the intervals of business. his time for courtship, however, was brief. military duties called him back almost immediately to winchester; but he feared, should he leave the matter in suspense, some more enterprising rival might supplant him during his absence, as in the case of miss philipse, at new york. he improved, therefore, his brief opportunity to the utmost. in a word, before they separated, they had mutually plighted their faith, and the marriage was to take place as soon as the campaign against fort duquesne was at an end. on arriving at winchester, he found his troops restless and discontented from prolonged inaction; the inhabitants impatient of the burdens imposed on them, and of the disturbances of an idle camp; while the indians, as he apprehended, had deserted outright. it was a great relief, therefore, when he received orders from the commander-in-chief to repair to fort cumberland. he arrived there on the d of july, and proceeded to open a road between that post and head-quarters at raystown, thirty miles distant, where colonel bouquet was stationed. his troops were scantily supplied with regimental clothing. the weather was oppressively warm. he now conceived the idea of equipping them in the light indian hunting garb, and even of adopting it himself. two companies were accordingly equipped in this style, and sent under the command of major lewis to head-quarters. the experiment was successful. the array was now annoyed by scouting parties of indians hovering about the neighborhood. expresses passing between the posts were fired upon; a wagoner was shot down. washington sent out counter-parties of cherokees. colonel bouquet required that each party should be accompanied by an officer and a number of white men. washington complied with the order, though he considered them an encumbrance rather than an advantage. on the other hand, he earnestly discountenanced a proposition of colonel bouquet, to make an irruption into the enemy's country with a strong party of regulars. such a detachment, he observed, could not be sent without a cumbersome train of supplies, which would discover it to the enemy, who must at that time be collecting his whole force at fort duquesne; the enterprise, therefore, would be likely to terminate in a miscarriage, if not in the destruction of the party. we shall see that his opinion was oracular. as washington intended to retire from military life at the close of this campaign, he had proposed himself to the electors of frederick county as their representative in the house of burgesses. the election was coming on at winchester; his friends pressed him to attend it, and colonel bouquet gave him leave of absence; but he declined to absent himself from his post for the promotion of his political interests. there were three competitors in the field, yet so high was the public opinion of his merit, that, though winchester had been his head-quarters for two or three years past, and he had occasionally enforced martial law with a rigorous hand, he was elected by a large majority. on the st of july arrived tidings of the brilliant success of that part of the scheme of the year's campaign conducted by general amherst and admiral boscawen. this intelligence increased washington's impatience at the delays of the expedition with which he was connected. he wished to rival these successes by a brilliant blow in the south. understanding that the commander-in-chief had some thoughts of throwing a body of light troops in the advance, he wrote to colonel bouquet, earnestly soliciting his influence to have himself and his virginia regiment included in the detachment. he soon learnt to his surprise that the road to which his men were accustomed, and which had been worked by braddock's troops in his campaign, was not to be taken in the present expedition, but a new one opened through the heart of pennsylvania, from raystown to fort duquesne, on the track generally taken by the northern traders. he instantly commenced long and repeated remonstrances on the subject; but the officers of the regular service had received a fearful idea of braddock's road from his own despatches, wherein he had described it as lying "across mountains and rocks of an excessive height, vastly steep, and divided by torrents and rivers," whereas the pennsylvania traders, who were anxious for the opening of the new road through their province, described the country through which it would pass as less difficult; above all, it was a direct line, and fifty miles nearer. this route, therefore, to the great regret of washington, was definitely adopted, and sixteen hundred men were immediately thrown in the advance from raystown to work upon it. the first of september found washington still encamped at fort cumberland, his troops sickly and dispirited, and the brilliant expedition which he had anticipated, dwindling down into a tedious operation of road-making. at length, in the month of september, he received orders from general forbes to join him with his troops at raystown, where he had just arrived, having been detained by severe illness. he was received by the general with the highest marks of respect. on all occasions, both in private and at councils of war, that commander treated his opinions with the greatest deference. he, moreover, adopted a plan drawn out by washington for the march of the army, and an order of battle which still exists, furnishing a proof of his skill in frontier warfare. it was now the middle of september; yet the great body of men engaged in opening the new military road, after incredible toil, had not advanced above forty-five miles, to a place called loyal hannan, a little beyond laurel hill. colonel bouquet, who commanded the division of nearly two thousand men sent forward to open this road, had halted at loyal hannan to establish a military post and deposit. he was upwards of fifty miles from fort duquesne, and was tempted to adopt the measure, so strongly discountenanced by washington, of sending a party on a foray into the enemy's country. he accordingly detached major grant with eight hundred picked men, some of them highlanders, others in indian garb, the part of washington's virginian regiment sent forward by him from cumberland under command of major lewis. [the enterprise proved a disastrous one. major grant conducted it with foolhardy bravado; suffered himself to be led into an ambuscade; and a scene ensued similar to that at the defeat of braddock. the whole detachment was put to rout with dreadful carnage. captain bullitt, with fifty virginians, who were in charge of the baggage, formed a barricade with the wagons, rallied some of the fugitives, succeeded in checking the enemy for a time, and, collecting the wounded, effected a rapid retreat. lewis, when surrounded by indians, saved his life by surrendering to a french officer. grant surrendered himself in like manner.] washington, who was at raystown when the disastrous news arrived, was publicly complimented by general forbes on the gallant conduct of his virginian troops, and bullitt's behavior was "a matter of great admiration." the latter was soon after rewarded with a major's commission. as a further mark of the high opinion now entertained of provincial troops for frontier service, washington was given the command of a division, partly composed of his own men, to keep in the advance of the main body, clear the roads, throw out scouting parties, and repel indian attacks. it was the th of november before the whole army assembled at loyal hannan. winter was now at hand, and upwards of fifty miles of wilderness were yet to be traversed, by a road not yet formed, before they could reach fort duquesne. again, washington's predictions seemed likely to be verified, and the expedition to be defeated by delay; for in a council of war it was determined to be impracticable to advance further with the army that season. three prisoners, however, who were brought in gave such an account of the weak state of the garrison at fort duquesne, its want of provisions and the defection of the indians, that it was determined to push forward. the march was accordingly resumed, but without tents or baggage, and with only a light train of artillery. washington still kept the advance. after leaving loyal hannan, the road presented traces of the late defeat of grant; being strewed with human bones. at length the army arrived in sight of fort duquesne, advancing with great precaution, and expecting a vigorous defence; but that formidable fortress, the terror and scourge of the frontier and the object of such warlike enterprise, fell without a blow. the recent successes of the english forces in canada, particularly the capture and destruction of fort frontenac, had left the garrison without hope of reinforcements and supplies. the whole force, at the time, did not exceed five hundred men, and the provisions were nearly exhausted. the commander, therefore, waited only until the english army was within one day's march, when he embarked his troops at night in bateaux, blew up his magazines, set fire to the fort, and retreated down the ohio by the light of the flames. on the th of november, washington, with the advanced guard, marched in, and planted the british flag on the yet smoking ruins. the ruins of the fortress were now put in a defensible state, and garrisoned by two hundred men from washington's regiment; the name was changed to that of fort pitt, in honor of the illustrious british minister; it has since been modified into pittsburg, and designates one of the most busy and populous cities of the interior. the reduction of fort duquesne terminated, as washington had foreseen, the troubles and dangers of the southern frontier. the french domination of the ohio was at an end; the indians, as usual, paid homage to the conquering power, and a treaty of peace was concluded with all the tribes between the ohio and the lakes. with this campaign ended, for the present, the military career of washington. his great object was attained, the restoration of quiet and security to his native province; and, having abandoned all hope of attaining rank in the regular army, and his health being much impaired, he gave up his commission at the close of the year, and retired from the service, followed by the applause of his fellow-soldiers and the gratitude and admiration of all his countrymen. his marriage with mrs. custis took place shortly after his return. it was celebrated on the th of january, , at the white house, the residence of the bride, in the good old hospitable style of virginia, amid a joyous assemblage of relatives and friends. chapter xii. campaigns in the north.--washington at mount vernon. [before following washington into the retirement of domestic life, we think it proper to notice the events which closed the great struggle between england and france for empire in america. abercrombie had been superseded in command by major-general amherst. according to the plan of operations for , general wolfe was to ascend the st. lawrence in a fleet of ships of war with eight thousand men, and lay siege to quebec. general amherst, in the meantime, was to advance against ticonderoga and crown point, reduce them, and push on to the st. lawrence to co-operate with wolfe. a third expedition, under brigadier-general prideaux, aided by sir william johnson, was to attack fort niagara. having reduced this fort he was to proceed against montreal. the last mentioned expedition was the first executed. the fort was invested by general prideaux, early in july. the garrison, six hundred strong, made a resolute defence. prideaux was killed on the th of july while visiting his trenches, and general gage was sent to succeed him in command. meantime the siege was pressed with vigor by sir william johnson. learning that twelve hundred regular troops were hastening to the rescue of the besieged, he despatched a force to intercept them. they met within distant view of the fort, and after a sharp conflict the french were routed and pursued through the woods. the garrison, having now no alternative, surrendered, the terms offered being honorable. meanwhile, general amherst with twelve thousand men had descended lake george. on the d they debarked, and proceeded toward ticonderoga. montcalm was absent for the protection of quebec. the garrison did not exceed four hundred men. a defence against amherst's overwhelming force would have been madness; and bourlamarque, who was in command, consequently dismantled the fortifications, as he did likewise those of crown point, and retreated down the lake. instead of following him up and hastening to co-operate with wolfe, general amherst proceeded to repair the forts, though neither was in present danger of being attacked. his delay enabled the enemy to rally their forces at isle aux noix, and deprive wolfe of the aid essential to the general success of the campaign. wolfe ascended the st. lawrence in june. with him were colonel guy carlton, and lieutenant-colonel william howe, both destined to achieve celebrity in the annals of the american revolution. the troops debarked on the isle of orleans, a little below quebec. quebec is built around the point of a rocky promontory, and flanked by precipices. the st. lawrence sweeps by it on the right, and the st. charles on the left. the place was not then, as now, rendered impregnable by fortifications. montcalm commanded the post. his forces were drawn out along the northern shore below the city, from the st. charles to the falls of montmorency, and their position was secured by intrenchments. wolfe established batteries at the west point of the isle of orleans, and at point levi, on the south bank of the st. lawrence, within cannon range of the city. from point levi the city was cannonaded; the lower town was reduced to rubbish, and many houses in the upper town were fired. anxious for a decisive action, wolfe, on the th of july crossed to the north bank of the st. lawrence, and encamped below the montmorency. he determined to attack montcalm in his camp, however difficult to be approached, and however strongly posted. the plan of attack was complicated; orders were misunderstood; confusion ensued; and the attack proved a disastrous failure. news was now received of the capture of fort niagara, ticonderoga, and crown point. their successes fired the sensitive commander, and he declared he would never return without success. he made a reconnoitering expedition above quebec. rugged cliffs rose from the water's edge; above them was a plain called the plains of abraham, by which the upper town might be approached on its weakest side. it was determined to attempt reaching the plains by scaling the cliffs at night. on the th of september, in flat-bottomed boats the troops passed the town undetected; landed in a cove called cape diamond; scrambled and struggled with difficulty up a cragged path; put to flight a sergeant's guard at the summit, and by break of day were in possession of the plains. montcalm was thunderstruck when intelligence of the fact was brought to him. he hastened to the defence of the approaches to the city; a desperate battle ensued on the fated plains. wolfe, who was in front of the english line, was wounded in the wrist. a second ball struck him in the breast. he was borne to the rear. "it is all over with me," said he, and desired those about him to lay him down. presently they cried, "they run! they run! see how they run!" "who runs?" asked wolfe eagerly, rousing from a lethargy into which he had fallen. "the enemy, sir: they give way everywhere." "now, god be praised, i will die in peace," exclaimed the dying hero, and, turning upon his side, expired. the english had indeed obtained a complete victory; and among the enemy's losses was that of their gallant leader, montcalm. the english, now in strong position on the plains, hastened to fortify. preparations were now made for the attack by both army and fleet on the upper and lower town, but the spirit of the garrison was broken, and they capitulated on the th of september. had amherst followed up his successors, the year's campaign would have ended in the subjugation of canada. his delay gave de levi, the successor of montcalm, time to rally and struggle for the salvation of the province. he laid siege to quebec in the spring, and was on the eve of success, when the arrival of a british fleet reversed the scene. the besieging army retreated, and made a last stand at montreal; but being invested with an overwhelming force, defence was hopeless. on the th of september, montreal, and with it all canada, surrendered, and the contest between france and england for dominion in america was ended.] for three months after his marriage, washington resided with his bride at the white house. during his sojourn there, he repaired to williamsburg, to take his seat in the house of burgesses. by a vote of the house it had been determined to greet his installation by a signal testimonial of respect. accordingly, as soon as he took his seat, mr. robinson, the speaker, in eloquent language, dictated by the warmth of private friendship, returned thanks, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services he had rendered to his country. washington rose to reply; blushed--stammered--trembled, and could not utter a word. "sit down, mr. washington," said the speaker, with a smile, "your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language i possess." such was washington's first launch into civil life, in which he was to be distinguished by the same judgment, devotion, courage, and magnanimity exhibited in his military career. he attended the house frequently during the remainder of the session, after which he conducted his bride to his favorite abode of mount vernon. "i am now, i believe," he writes, "fixed in this seat, with an agreeable partner for life, and i hope to find more happiness in retirement than i ever experienced in the wide and bustling world." mount vernon was his harbor of repose, where he repeatedly furled his sail, and fancied himself anchored for life. no impulse of ambition tempted him thence; nothing but the call of his country and his devotion to the public good. the place was endeared to him by the remembrance of his brother lawrence, and of the happy days he had passed here with that brother in the days of boyhood: but it was a delightful place in itself, and well calculated to inspire the rural feeling. the mansion was beautifully situated on a swelling height, crowned with wood, and commanding a magnificent view up and down the potomac. the grounds immediately about it were laid out somewhat in the english taste. the estate was apportioned into separate farms, devoted to different kinds of culture, each having its allotted laborers. much, however, was still covered with wild woods, seamed with deep dells and runs of water, and indented with inlets; haunts of deer, and lurking-places of foxes. these were, as yet, the aristocratical days of virginia. the estates were large, and continued in the same families by entails. many of the wealthy planters were connected with old families in england. the young men, especially the elder sons, were often sent to finish their education there, and on their return brought out the tastes and habits of the mother country. the governors of virginia were from the higher ranks of society, and maintained a corresponding state. a style of living prevailed that has long since faded away. the houses were spacious, commodious, liberal in all their appointments, and fitted to cope with the free-handed, open hearted hospitality of the owners. nothing was more common than to see handsome services of plate, elegant equipages, and superb carriage-horses--all imported from england. washington, by his marriage, had added above one hundred thousand dollars to his already considerable fortune, and was enabled to live in ample and dignified style. his intimacy with the fairfaxes, and his intercourse with british officers of rank, had perhaps had their influence on his mode of living. he had his chariot and four, with black postilions in livery, for the use of mrs. washington and her lady visitors. as for himself, he always appeared on horseback. his stable was well filled and admirably regulated. his stud was thoroughbred and in excellent order. a large virginia estate, in those days, was a little empire. the mansion-house was the seat of government, with its numerous dependencies, such as kitchens, smoke-house, workshops and stables. in this mansion the planter ruled supreme; his steward or overseer was his prime minister and executive officer; he had his legion of house negroes for domestic service, and his host of field negroes for the culture of tobacco, indian corn, and other crops, and for other out-of-door labor. their quarter formed a kind of hamlet apart, composed of various huts, with little gardens and poultry yards, all well stocked, and swarms of little negroes gambolling in the sunshine. then there were large wooden edifices for curing tobacco, the staple and most profitable production, and mills for grinding wheat and indian corn, of which large fields were cultivated for the supply of the family and the maintenance of the negroes. washington carried into his rural affairs the same method, activity and circumspection that had distinguished him in military life. he kept his own accounts, posted up his books and balanced them with mercantile exactness. the products of his estate became so noted for the faithfulness, as to quality and quantity, with which they were put up, that it is said any barrel of flour that bore the brand of george washington, mount vernon, was exempted from the customary inspection in the west india ports. he was an early riser, often before daybreak in the winter when the nights were long. he breakfasted at seven in summer, at eight in winter. two small cups of tea and three or four cakes of indian meal (called hoe cakes), formed his frugal repast. immediately after breakfast he mounted his horse and visited those parts of the estate where any work was going on, seeing to every thing with his own eyes, and often aiding with his own hand. dinner was served at two o'clock. he ate heartily, but was no epicure, nor critical about his food. his beverage was small beer or cider, and two glasses of old madeira. he took tea, of which he was very fond, early in the evening, and retired for the night about nine o'clock. {illustration: mount vernon. vol. i} washington delighted in the chase. in the hunting season, when he rode out early in the morning to visit distant parts of the estate where work was going on, he often took some of the dogs with him for the chance of starting a fox, which he occasionally did, though he was not always successful in killing him. he was a bold rider and an admirable horseman, though he never claimed the merit of being an accomplished fox-hunter. in the height of the season, however, he would be out with the fox-hounds two or three times a week, accompanied by his guests at mount vernon and the gentlemen of the neighborhood, especially the fairfaxes of belvoir, of which estate his friend george william fairfax was now the proprietor. on such occasions there would be a hunting dinner at one or other of those establishments, at which convivial repasts washington is said to have enjoyed himself with unwonted hilarity. the waters of the potomac also afforded occasional amusement in fishing and shooting. the fishing was sometimes on a grand scale, when the herrings came up the river in shoals, and the negroes of mount vernon were marshalled forth to draw the seine, which was generally done with great success. canvas-back ducks abounded at the proper season, and the shooting of them was one of washington's favorite recreations. the river border of his domain, however, was somewhat subject to invasion. an oysterman once anchored his craft at the landing-place, and disturbed the quiet of the neighborhood by the insolent and disorderly conduct of himself and crew. it took a campaign of three days to expel these invaders from the premises. a more summary course was pursued with another interloper. this was a vagabond who infested the creeks and inlets which bordered the estate, lurking in a canoe among the reeds and bushes, and making great havoc among the canvas-back ducks. he had been warned off repeatedly, but without effect. as washington was one day riding about the estate he heard the report of a gun from the margin of the river. spurring in that direction he dashed through the bushes and came upon the culprit just as he was pushing his canoe from shore. the latter raised his gun with a menacing look; but washington rode into the stream, seized the painter of the canoe, drew it to shore, sprang from his horse, wrested the gun from the hands of the astonished delinquent, and inflicted on him a lesson in "lynch law" that effectually cured him of all inclination to trespass again on these forbidden shores. occasionally he and mrs. washington would pay a visit to annapolis, at that time the seat of government of maryland, and partake of the gayeties which prevailed during the session of the legislature. dinners and balls abounded, and there were occasional attempts at theatricals. the latter was an amusement for which washington always had a relish, though he never had an opportunity of gratifying it effectually. neither was he disinclined to mingle in the dance, and we remember to have heard venerable ladies, who had been belles in his day, pride themselves on having had him for a partner, though, they added, he was apt to be a ceremonious and grave one. in this round of rural occupation, rural amusements and social intercourse, washington passed several tranquil years, the halcyon season of his life. his marriage was unblessed with children; but those of mrs. washington experienced from him parental care and affection, and the formation of their minds and manners was one of the dearest objects of his attention. his domestic concerns and social enjoyments, however, were not permitted to interfere with his public duties. he was active by nature, and eminently a man of business by habit. as judge of the county court, and member of the house of burgesses, he had numerous calls upon his time and thoughts, and was often drawn from home; for whatever trust he undertook, he was sure to fulfil with scrupulous exactness. about this time we find him engaged, with other men of enterprise, in a project to drain the great dismal swamp, and render it capable of cultivation. this vast morass was about thirty miles long, and ten miles wide, and its interior but little known. with his usual zeal and hardihood he explored it on horseback and on foot. in many parts it was covered with dark and gloomy woods of cedar, cypress, and hemlock, or deciduous trees, the branches of which were hung with long, drooping moss. other parts were almost inaccessible, from the density of brakes and thickets, entangled with vines, briers and creeping plants, and intersected by creeks and standing pools. in the centre of the morass he came to a great piece of water, six miles long, and three broad, called drummond's pond, but more poetically celebrated as the lake of the dismal swamp. it was more elevated than any other part of the swamp, and capable of feeding canals, by which the whole might be traversed. having made the circuit of it and noted all its characteristics, he encamped for the night upon the firm land which bordered it, and finished his explorations on the following day. in the ensuing session of the virginia legislature, the association in behalf of which he had acted was chartered under the name of the dismal swamp company; and to his observations and forecast may be traced the subsequent improvement and prosperity of that once desolate region. chapter xiii. colonial discontents. tidings of peace gladdened the colonies in the spring of . the definite treaty between england and france had been signed at fontainbleau. now, it was trusted, there would be an end to these horrid ravages that had desolated the interior of the country. the month of may proved the fallacy of such hopes. in that month the famous insurrection of the indian tribes broke out, which, from the name of the chief who was its prime mover and master-spirit, is commonly called pontiac's war. the delawares and shawnees, and other of those emigrant tribes of the ohio, among whom washington had mingled, were foremost in this conspiracy. some of the chiefs who had been his allies had now taken up the hatchet against the english. the plot was deep laid, and conducted with indian craft and secrecy. at a concerted time an attack was made upon all the posts from detroit to fort pitt (late fort duquesne). several of the small stockaded forts, the places of refuge of woodland neighborhoods, were surprised and sacked with remorseless butchery. the frontiers of pennsylvania, maryland and virginia were laid waste; and a considerable time elapsed before the frontier was restored to tolerable tranquility. fortunately, washington's retirement from the army prevented his being entangled in this savage war, which raged throughout the regions he had repeatedly visited, or rather his active spirit had been diverted into a more peaceful channel, for he was at this time occupied in the enterprise just noticed, for draining the great dismal swamp. public events were now taking a tendency which, without any political aspirations or forethought of his own, was destined gradually to bear him away from his quiet home and individual pursuits, and launch him upon a grander and wider sphere of action than any in which he had hitherto been engaged. whatever might be the natural affection of the colonies for the mother country--and there are abundant evidences to prove that it was deep-rooted and strong--it had never been properly reciprocated. they yearned to be considered as children; they were treated by her as changelings. her navigation laws had shut their ports against foreign vessels; obliged them to export their productions only to countries belonging to the british crown; to import european goods solely from england, and in english ships; and had subjected the trade between the colonies to duties. all manufactures, too, in the colonies that might interfere with those of the mother country had been either totally prohibited or subjected to intolerable restraints. the acts of parliament imposing these prohibitions and restrictions had at various times produced sore discontent and opposition on the part of the colonies. there was nothing, however, to which the jealous sensibilities of the colonies were more alive than to any attempt of the mother country to draw a revenue from them by taxation. from the earliest period of their existence they had maintained the principle that they could only be taxed by a legislature in which they were represented. in there was an attempt in boston to collect duties on foreign sugar and molasses imported into the colonies. writs of assistance were applied for by the custom-house officers, authorizing them to break open ships, stores and private dwellings, in quest of articles that had paid no duty; and to call the assistance of others in the discharge of their odious task. the merchants opposed the execution of the writ on constitutional grounds. the question was argued in court, where james otis spoke so eloquently in vindication of american rights that all his hearers went away ready to take arms against writs of assistance. another ministerial measure was to instruct the provincial governors to commission judges. not as theretofore "during good behavior," but "during the king's pleasure." new york was the first to resent this blow at the independence of the judiciary. the lawyers appealed to the public through the press against an act which subjected the halls of justice to the prerogative. their appeals were felt beyond the bounds of the province, and awakened a general spirit of resistance. thus matters stood at the conclusion of the war. one of the first measures of ministers, on the return of peace, was to enjoin on all naval officers stationed on the coasts of the american colonies the performance, under oath, of the duties of custom-house officers, for the suppression of smuggling. this fell ruinously upon a clandestine trade which had long been connived at between the english and spanish colonies, profitable to both, but especially to the former, and beneficial to the mother country, opening a market to her manufactures. as a measure of retaliation the colonists resolved not to purchase british fabrics, but to clothe themselves as much as possible in home manufactures. the demand for british goods in boston alone was diminished upwards of , pounds sterling in the course of a year. in george grenville, now at the head of government, ventured upon the policy from which walpole [his predecessor] had wisely abstained. early in march the eventful question was debated, "whether they had a right to tax america." it was decided in the affirmative. next followed a resolution, declaring it proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations, but no immediate step was taken to carry it into effect. mr. grenville, however, gave notice to the american agents in london that he should introduce such a measure on the ensuing session of parliament. in the meantime parliament perpetuated certain duties on sugar and molasses--heretofore subjects of complaint and opposition--now reduced and modified so as to discourage smuggling, and thereby to render them more productive. duties, also, were imposed on other articles of foreign produce or manufacture imported into the colonies. to reconcile the latter to these impositions, it was stated that the revenue thus raised was to be appropriated to their protection and security; in other words, to the support of a standing army, intended to be quartered upon them. we have here briefly stated but a part of what burke terms an "infinite variety of paper chains," extending through no less than twenty-nine acts of parliament, from to , by which the colonies had been held in thraldom. the new englanders were the first to take the field against the project of taxation. they denounced it as a violation of their rights as freemen; of their chartered rights, by which they were to tax themselves for their support and defence; of their rights as british subjects, who ought not to be taxed but by themselves or their representatives. they sent petitions and remonstrances on the subject to the king, the lords and the commons, in which they were seconded by new york and virginia. all was in vain. in march, , the act was passed, according to which all instruments in writing were to be executed on stamped paper, to be purchased from the agents of the british government. what was more, all offences against the act could be tried in any royal, marine or admiralty court throughout the colonies, however distant from the place where the offence had been committed; thus interfering with that most inestimable right, a trial by jury. it was an ominous sign that the first burst of opposition to this act should take place in virginia. that colony had hitherto been slow to accord with the republican spirit of new england. founded at an earlier period of the reign of james i., before kingly prerogative and ecclesiastical supremacy had been made matters of doubt and fierce dispute, it had grown up in loyal attachment to king, church, and constitution; was aristocratical in its tastes and habits, and had been remarked above all the other colonies for its sympathies with the mother country. moreover, it had not so many pecuniary interests involved in these questions as had the people of new england, being an agricultural rather than a commercial province; but the virginians are of a quick and generous spirit, readily aroused on all points of honorable pride, and they resented the stamp act as an outrage on their rights. washington occupied his seat in the house of burgesses, when, on the th of may, the stamp act became a subject of discussion. among the burgesses sat patrick henry, a young lawyer who had recently distinguished himself by pleading against the exercise of the royal prerogative in church matters, and who was now for the first time a member of the house. rising in his place, he introduced his celebrated resolutions, declaring that the general assembly of virginia had the exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants, and that whoever maintained the contrary should be deemed an enemy to the colony. the speaker, mr. robinson, objected to the resolutions, as inflammatory. henry vindicated them, as justified by the nature of the case; went into an able and constitutional discussion of colonial rights, and an eloquent exposition of the manner in which they had been assailed. the resolutions were modified, to accommodate them to the scruples of the speaker and some of the members, but their spirit was retained. the lieutenant-governor (fauquier), startled by this patriotic outbreak, dissolved the assembly, and issued writs for a new election; but the clarion had sounded. washington returned to mount vernon full of anxious thoughts inspired by the political events of the day, and the legislative scene which he witnessed. his recent letters had spoken of the state of peaceful tranquillity in which he was living; those now written from his rural home show that he fully participated in the popular feeling, and that while he had a presentiment of an arduous struggle, his patriotic mind was revolving means of coping with it. in the meantime, from his quiet abode at mount vernon, he seemed to hear the patriotic voice of patrick henry, which had startled the house of burgesses, echoing throughout the land, and rousing one legislative body after another to follow the example of that of virginia. at the instigation of the general court or assembly of massachusetts, a congress was held in new york in october, composed of delegates from massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, and south carolina. in this they denounced the acts of parliament imposing taxes on them without their consent, and extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, as violations of their rights and liberties as natural born subjects of great britain, and prepared an address to the king, and a petition to both houses of parliament, praying for redress. similar petitions were forwarded to england by the colonies not represented in the congress. the very preparations for enforcing the stamp act called forth popular tumults in various places. in boston the stamp distributor was hanged in effigy; his windows were broken; a house intended for a stamp office was pulled down, and the effigy burnt in a bonfire made of the fragments. in virginia, mr. george mercer had been appointed distributor of stamps, but on his arrival at williamsburg publicly declined officiating. it was a fresh triumph to the popular cause. the bells were rung for joy; the town was illuminated, and mercer was hailed with acclamations of the people. the st of november, the day when the act was to go into operation, was ushered in with portentous solemnities. there was great tolling of bells and burning of effigies in the new england colonies. at boston the ships displayed their colors but half-mast high. many shops were shut; funeral knells resounded from the steeples, and there was a grand auto-da-fe, in which the promoters of the act were paraded, and suffered martyrdom in effigy. at new york the printed act was carried about the streets on a pole, surmounted by a death's head, with a scroll bearing the inscription, "the folly of england and ruin of america." these are specimens of the marks of popular reprobation with which the stamp act was universally nullified. no one would venture to carry it into execution. in fact no stamped paper was to be seen; all had been either destroyed or concealed. all transactions which required stamps to give them validity were suspended, or were executed by private compact. the courts of justice were closed, until at length some conducted their business without stamps. union was becoming the watch-word. the merchants of new york, philadelphia, boston, and such other colonies as had ventured publicly to oppose the stamp act, agreed to import no more british manufactures after the st of january unless it should be repealed. so passed away the year . the dismissal of mr. grenville from the cabinet gave a temporary change to public affairs. the stamp act was repealed on the th of march, , to the great joy of the sincere friends of both countries, still, there was a fatal clause in the repeal, which declared that the king, with the consent of parliament, had power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to "bind the colonies, and people of america, in all cases whatsoever." as the people of america were contending for principles, not mere pecuniary interests, this reserved power of the crown and parliament left the dispute still open, and chilled the feeling of gratitude which the repeal might otherwise have inspired. further aliment for public discontent was furnished by other acts of parliament. one imposed duties on glass, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colors, and tea; the duties to be collected on the arrival of the articles in the colonies; another empowered naval officers to enforce the acts of trade and navigation. another wounded to the quick the pride and sensibilities of new york. the mutiny act had recently been extended to america, with an additional clause, requiring the provincial assemblies to provide the troops sent out with quarters, and to furnish them with fire, beds, candles, and other necessaries, at the expense of the colonies. the governor and assembly of new york refused to comply with this requisition as to stationary forces, insisting that it applied only to troops on a march. an act of parliament now suspended the powers of the governor and assembly until they should comply. boston continued to be the focus of what the ministerialists termed sedition. the general court of massachusetts, not content with petitioning the king for relief against the recent measures of parliament, especially those imposing taxes as a means of revenue, drew up a circular, calling on the other colonial legislatures to join with them in suitable efforts to obtain redress. in the ensuing session, governor sir francis bernard called upon them to rescind the resolution on which the circular was founded,--they refused to comply, and the general court was consequently dissolved. the governors of other colonies required of their legislatures an assurance that they would not reply to the massachusetts circular--these legislatures likewise refused compliance, and were dissolved. all this added to the growing excitement. nothing, however, produced a more powerful effect upon the public sensibilities throughout the country than certain military demonstrations at boston. [in consequence of repeated collisions between the people of that place and the commissioners of customs, two regiments of troops were sent from halifax to overawe the disaffected citizens. it was resolved in a town meeting that the king had no right to send troops thither without the consent of the assembly. the selectmen accordingly refused to find quarters for the soldiers, and while some encamped on the common, others were quartered, to the great indignation of the public, in faneuil hall.] throughout these public agitations, washington endeavored to preserve his equanimity. still he was too true a patriot not to sympathize in the struggle for colonial rights which now agitated the whole country, and we find him gradually carried more and more into the current of political affairs. a letter written on the th of april, , to his friend, george mason, shows the important stand he was disposed to take. in the previous year the merchants and traders of boston, salem, connecticut and new york, had agreed to suspend for a time the importation of all articles subject to taxation. similar resolutions had recently been adopted by the merchants of philadelphia. washington's letter is emphatic in support of the measure. "at a time," writes he, "when our lordly masters in great britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of american freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors." mason, in his reply, concurred with him in opinion. "our all is at stake," said he, "and the little conveniences and comforts of life, when set in competition with our liberty, ought to be rejected, not with reluctance but with pleasure." the result of the correspondence was the draft by the latter of a plan of association, the members of which were to pledge themselves not to import or use any articles of british merchandise or manufacture subject to duty. this paper washington was to submit to the consideration of the house of burgesses, at the approaching session in the month of may. the legislature of virginia opened on this occasion with a brilliant pageant. while military force was arrayed to overawe the republican puritans of the east, it was thought to dazzle the aristocratical descendants of the cavaliers by the reflex of regal splendor. lord botetourt, one of the king's lords of the bed-chamber, had recently come out as governor of the province. junius described him as "a cringing, bowing, fawning, sword-bearing courtier." the words of political satirists, however, are always to be taken with great distrust. however his lordship may have bowed in presence of royalty, he elsewhere conducted himself with dignity, and won general favor by his endearing manners. he had come out, however, with a wrong idea of the americans. they had been represented to him as factious, immoral, and prone to sedition; but vain and luxurious, and easily captivated by parade and splendor. the latter foibles were aimed at in his appointment and fitting out. it was supposed that his titled rank would have its effect. then to prepare him for occasions of ceremony, a coach of state was presented to him by the king. his opening of the session was in the style of the royal opening of parliament. he proceeded in due parade from his dwelling to the capitol, in his state coach, drawn by six milk-white horses. having delivered his speech according to royal form, he returned home with the same pomp and circumstance. the time had gone by, however, for such display to have the anticipated effect. the virginian legislators penetrated the intention of this pompous ceremonial, and regarded it with a depreciating smile. sterner matters occupied their thoughts; they had come prepared to battle for their rights, and their proceedings soon showed lord botetourt how much he had mistaken them. spirited resolutions were passed, denouncing the recent act of parliament imposing taxes; the power to do which, on the inhabitants of this colony, "was legally and constitutionally vested in the house of burgesses, with consent of the council and of the king, or of his governor, for the time being." copies of these resolutions were ordered to be forwarded by the speaker to the legislatures of the other colonies, with a request for their concurrence. other proceedings of the burgesses showed their sympathy with their fellow-patriots of new england. a joint address of both houses of parliament had recently been made to the king, assuring him of their support in any further measures for the due execution of the laws in massachusetts, and beseeching him that all persons charged with treason, or misprision of treason, committed within that colony since the th of december, , might be sent to great britain for trial. as massachusetts had no general assembly at this time, having been dissolved by government, the legislature of virginia generously took up the cause. an address to the king was resolved on, stating, that all trials for treason, or misprision of treason, or for any crime whatever committed by any person residing in a colony, ought to be in and before his majesty's courts within said colony; and beseeching the king to avert from his royal subjects those dangers and miseries which would ensue from seizing and carrying beyond sea any person residing in america suspected of any crime whatever, thereby depriving them of the inestimable privilege of being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as well as the liberty of producing witnesses on such trial. lord botetourt was astonished and dismayed when he heard of these high-toned proceedings. repairing to the capitol on the following day at noon, he summoned the speaker and members to the council chamber, and addressed them in the following words: "mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses, i have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." the spirit conjured up by late decrees of parliament was not so easily allayed. the burgesses adjourned to a private house. peyton randolph, their late speaker, was elected moderator. washington now brought forward a draft of the articles of association, concerted between him and george mason. they formed the groundwork of an instrument signed by all present, pledging themselves neither to import, nor use any goods, merchandise, or manufactures taxed by parliament to raise a revenue in america. this instrument was sent throughout the country for signature, and the scheme of non-importation, hitherto confined to a few northern colonies, was soon universally adopted. the popular ferment in virginia was gradually allayed by the amiable and conciliatory conduct of lord botetourt, his lordship soon became aware of the erroneous notions with which he had entered upon office. his semi-royal equipage and state were laid aside. he examined into public grievances; became a strenuous advocate for the repeal of taxes; and, authorized by his despatches from the ministry, assured the public that such repeal would speedily take place. his assurance was received with implicit faith, and for a while virginia was quieted. [in the month of may the general court of massachusetts, hitherto prorogued met according to charter. a committee immediately waited on the governor declaring that it was impossible to do business with dignity and freedom while the town was invested by sea and land, and a military guard was stationed at the state-house; and they requested the governor as his] majesty's representative, to have such forces removed out of the port and gates of the city during the session of the assembly. the governor replied that he had no authority over either the ships or troops. the court persisted in refusing to transact business while so circumstanced, and the governor was obliged to transfer the session to cambridge. there he addressed a message to that body in july, requiring funds for the payment of the troops, and quarters for their accommodation. the assembly, after ample discussion of past grievances, resolved, that the establishment of a standing army in the colony in a time of peace was an invasion of natural rights; that a standing army was not known as a part of the british constitution, and that the sending an armed force to aid the civil authority was unprecedented, and highly dangerous to the people. after waiting some days without receiving an answer to his message, the governor sent to know whether the assembly would, or would not, make provision for the troops. in their reply, they followed the example of the legislature of new york, by declining to furnish funds for the purposes specified, "being incompatible with their own honor and interest, and their duty to their constituents." they were in consequence again prorogued, to meet in boston on the th of january. so stood affairs in massachusetts. in the meantime, the non-importation associations, being generally observed throughout the colonies, produced the effect on british commerce which washington had anticipated, and parliament was incessantly importuned by petitions from british merchants imploring its intervention to save them from ruin. early in , an important change took place in the british cabinet. the duke of grafton suddenly resigned, and the reins of government passed into the hands of lord north. he was a man of limited capacity, but a favorite of the king, and subservient to his narrow colonial policy. his administration, so eventful to america, commenced with an error. in the month of march an act was passed, revoking all the duties laid in , _excepting that on tea_. this single tax was continued, as he observed, "to maintain the parliamentary right of taxation,"--the very right which was the grand object of contest. here was the stumbling-block at the threshold of lord north's administration. in vain the members of the opposition urged that this single exception, while it would produce no revenue, would keep alive the whole cause of contention; that so long as a single external duty was enforced, the colonies would consider their rights invaded, and would remain unappeased. lord north was not to be convinced. on the very day in which this ominous bill was passed in parliament, a sinister occurrence took place in boston. some of the young men of the place insulted the military while under arms; the latter resented it; the young men, after a scuffle, were put to flight, and pursued. the alarm bells rang, a mob assembled; the custom-house was threatened; the troops, in protecting it, were assailed with clubs and stones, and obliged to use their fire-arms before the tumult could be quelled. four of the populace were killed, and several wounded. the troops were now removed from the town, which remained in the highest state of exasperation; and this untoward occurrence received the opprobrious and somewhat extravagant name of "the boston massacre." in virginia the public discontents, which had been allayed by the conciliatory conduct of lord botetourt, and by his assurances, made on the strength of letters received from the ministry, that the grievances complained of would be speedily redressed, now broke out with more violence than ever. the virginians spurned the mock-remedy which left the real cause of complaint untouched. his lordship also felt deeply wounded by the disingenuousness of ministers which had led him into such a predicament, and wrote home demanding his discharge. before it arrived, an attack of bilious fever, acting upon a delicate and sensitive frame, enfeebled by anxiety and chagrin, laid him in his grave. he left behind him a name endeared to the virginians by his amiable manners, his liberal patronage of the arts, and, above all, by his zealous intercession for their rights. chapter xiv. expedition to the ohio.--tea tax. in the midst of these popular turmoils, washington was induced, by public as well as private considerations, to make another expedition to the ohio. he was one of the virginia board of commissioners, appointed at the close of the late war to settle the military accounts of the colony. among the claims which came before the board were those of the officers and soldiers who had engaged to serve until peace, under the proclamation of governor dinwiddie, holding forth a bounty of two hundred thousand acres of land, to be apportioned among them according to rank. those claims were yet unsatisfied. washington became the champion of those claims, and an opportunity now presented itself for their liquidation. the six nations, by a treaty in , had ceded to the british crown, in consideration of a sum of money, all the lands possessed by them south of the ohio. land offices would soon be opened for the sale of them. washington determined at once to visit the lands thus ceded; affix his mark on such tracts as he should select, and apply for a grant from government in behalf of the "soldiers' claim." washington had for a companion in this expedition his friend and neighbor, dr. craik. they set out on the th of october with three negro attendants, two belonging to washington, and one to the doctor. the whole party was mounted, and there was a led horse for the baggage. after twelve days' travelling they arrived at fort pitt (late fort duquesne). it was garrisoned by two companies of royal irish, commanded by a captain edmonson. a hamlet of about twenty log-houses, inhabited by indian traders, had sprung up within three hundred yards of the fort, and was called "the town." it was the embryo city of pittsburg, now so populous. at one of the houses, a tolerable frontier inn, they took up their quarters; but during their brief sojourn they were entertained with great hospitality at the fort. here at dinner washington met his old acquaintance, george croghan, who had figured in so many capacities and experienced so many vicissitudes on the frontier. he was now colonel croghan, deputy-agent to sir william johnson. on the day following the repast at the fort, washington visited croghan at his abode on the alleghany river, where he found several of the chiefs of the six nations assembled. one of them, the white mingo by name, made him a speech, accompanied, as usual, by a belt of wampum. at pittsburg the travellers left their horses, and embarked in a large canoe, to make a voyage down the ohio as far as the great kanawha. colonel croghan engaged two indians for their service, and an interpreter named john nicholson. the colonel and some of the officers of the garrison accompanied them as far as logstown, the scene of washington's early diplomacy, and his first interview with the half-king. here they breakfasted together; after which they separated, the colonel and his companions cheering the voyagers from the shore, as the canoe was borne off by the current of the beautiful ohio. washington's propensities as a sportsman had here full play. deer were continually to be seen coming down to the water's edge to drink, or browsing along the shore; there were innumerable flocks of wild turkeys, and streaming flights of ducks and geese; so that as the voyagers floated along, they were enabled to load their canoe with game. at night they encamped on the river bank, lit their fire and made a sumptuous hunter's repast. about seventy-five miles below pittsburg the voyagers landed at a mingo town, which they found in a stir of warlike preparation--sixty of the warriors being about to set off on a foray into the cherokee country against the catawbas. on the th, about three o'clock in the afternoon, they arrived at captema creek, and two days more of voyaging brought them to an indian hunting camp, near the mouth of the muskingum. here it was necessary to land and make a ceremonious visit, for the chief of the hunting party was kiashuta, a seneca sachem, the head of the river tribes. he was noted to have been among the first to raise the hatchet in pontiac's conspiracy, and almost equally vindictive with that potent warrior. as washington approached the chieftain, he recognized him for one of the indians who had accompanied him on his mission to the french in . kiashuta retained a perfect recollection of the youthful ambassador, though seventeen years had matured him into thoughtful manhood. with hunter's hospitality he gave him a quarter of a fine buffalo just slain, but insisted that they should encamp together for the night. at the mouth of the great kanawha the voyagers encamped for a day or two to examine the lands in the neighborhood, and washington set up his mark upon such as he intended to claim on behalf of the soldiers' grant. here washington was visited by an old sachem, who approached him with great reverence, at the head of several of his tribe, and addressed him through nicholson, the interpreter. he had heard, he said, of his being in that part of the country, and had come from a great distance to see him. on further discourse, the sachem made known that he was one of the warriors in the service of the french, who lay in ambush on the banks of the monongahela and wrought such havoc in braddock's army. he declared that he and his young men had singled out washington, as he made himself conspicuous riding about the field of battle with the general's orders, and had fired at him repeatedly, but without success; whence they had concluded that he was under the protection of the great spirit, had a charmed life, and could not be slain in battle. at the great kanawha washington's expedition down the ohio terminated; having visited all the points he wished to examine. his return to fort pitt, and thence homeward, affords no incident worthy of note. the discontents of virginia, which had been partially soothed by the amiable administration of lord botetourt, were irritated anew under his successor, the earl of dunmore. this nobleman had for a short time held the government of new york. when appointed to that of virginia, he lingered for several months at his former post. in the meantime he sent his military secretary, captain foy, to attend to the despatch of business until his arrival; awarding to him a salary and fees to be paid by the colony. the pride of the virginians was piqued at his lingering at new york, as if he preferred its gayety and luxury to the comparative quiet and simplicity of williamsburg. the first measure of the assembly, at its opening, was to demand by what right he had awarded a salary and fees to his secretary without consulting it; and to question whether it was authorized by the crown. his lordship had the good policy to rescind the unauthorized act, and in so doing mitigated the ire of the assembly: but he lost no time in proroguing a body which, from various symptoms, appeared to be too independent, and disposed to be untractable. he continued to prorogue it from time to time, seeking in the interim to conciliate the virginians, and soothe their irritated pride. at length, after repeated prorogations he was compelled by circumstances to convene it on the st of march, . washington was prompt in his attendance on the occasion, and foremost among the patriotic members who eagerly availed themselves of this long wished for opportunity to legislate upon the general affairs of the colonies. one of their most important measures was the appointment of a committee of eleven persons, "whose business it should be to obtain the most clear and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the british parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to or affect the british colonies, and to maintain with their sister colonies a correspondence and communication." the plan thus proposed by their "noble, patriotic sister colony of virginia" was promptly adopted by the people of massachusetts, and soon met with general concurrence. these corresponding committees, in effect, became the executive power of the patriot party, producing the happiest concert of design and action throughout the colonies. notwithstanding the decided part taken by washington in the popular movement, very friendly relations existed between him and lord dunmore. the latter appreciated his character, and sought to avail himself of his experience in the affairs of the province. it was even concerted that washington should accompany his lordship on an extensive tour, which the latter intended to make in the course of the summer along the western frontier. a melancholy circumstance occurred to defeat this arrangement. we have spoken of washington's paternal conduct towards the two children of mrs. washington. the daughter, miss custis had long been an object of extreme solicitude. she was of a fragile constitution, and for some time past had been in very declining health. early in the present summer, symptoms indicated a rapid change for the worse. washington was absent from home at the time. on his return to mount vernon he found her in the last stage of consumption. though not a man given to bursts of sensibility, he is said on the present occasion to have evinced the deepest affliction; kneeling by her bedside, and pouring out earnest prayers for her recovery. she expired on the th of june, in the seventeenth year of her age. this, of course put an end to washington's intention of accompanying lord dunmore to the frontier: he remained at home to console mrs. washington in her affliction--furnishing his lordship, however, with travelling hints and directions, and recommending proper guides. the general covenant throughout the colonies against the use of taxed tea had operated disastrously against the interests of the east india company, and produced an immense accumulation of the proscribed article in their warehouses. to remedy this lord north brought in a bill ( ), by which the company were allowed to export their teas from england to any part whatever, without paying export duty. this, by enabling them to offer their teas at a low price in the colonies would, he supposed, tempt the americans to purchase large quantities, thus relieving the company, and at the same time benefiting the revenue by the impost duty. confiding in the wisdom of this policy, the company disgorged their warehouses, freighted several ships with tea, and sent them to various parts of the colonies. this brought matters to a crisis. one sentiment, one determination, pervaded the whole continent. taxation was to receive its definitive blow. whoever submitted to it was an enemy to his country. from new york and philadelphia the ships were sent back, unladen, to london. in charleston the tea was unloaded, and stored away in cellars and other places, where it perished. at boston the action was still more decisive. the ships anchored in the harbor. some small parcels of tea were brought on shore, but the sale of them was prohibited. to settle the matter completely, and prove that on a point of principle they were not to be trifled with, a number of inhabitants, disguised as indians, boarded the ships in the night ( th december), broke open all the chests of tea, and emptied the contents into the sea. the general opposition of the colonies to the principle of taxation had given great annoyance to government, but this individual act concentrated all its wrath upon boston. a bill was forthwith passed in parliament (commonly called the boston port bill), by which all lading and unlading of goods, wares, and merchandise, were to cease in that town and harbor on and after the th of june, and the officers of the customs to be transferred to salem. another law, passed soon after, altered the charter of the province, decreeing that all counsellors, judges, and magistrates, should be appointed by the crown, and hold office during the royal pleasure. this was followed by a third, intended for the suppression of riots; and providing that any person indicted for murder, or other capital offence, committed in aiding the magistracy, might be sent by the governor to some other colony, or to great britain, for trial. such was the bolt of parliamentary wrath fulminated against the devoted town of boston. before it fell there was a session in may of the virginia house of burgesses. the social position of lord dunmore had been strengthened in the province by the arrival of his lady, and a numerous family of sons and daughters. the house of burgesses was opened in form, and one of its first measures was an address of congratulation to the governor on the arrival of his lady. it was followed up by an agreement among the members to give her ladyship a splendid ball, on the th of the month. all things were going on smoothly and smilingly, when a letter, received through the corresponding committee, brought intelligence of the vindictive measure of parliament, by which the port of boston was to be closed on the approaching st of june. the letter was read in the house of burgesses, and produced a general burst of indignation. all other business was thrown aside, and this became the sole subject of discussion. a protest against this and other recent acts of parliament was entered upon the journal of the house, and a resolution was adopted, on the th of may, setting apart the st of june as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation. on the following morning the burgesses were summoned to attend lord dunmore in the council chamber, where he made them the following laconic speech: "mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses: i have in my hand a paper, published by order of your house, conceived in such terms as reflect highly upon his majesty, and the parliament of great britain, which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." as on a former occasion, the assembly, though dissolved was not dispersed. the members adjourned to the long room of the old raleigh tavern, and passed resolutions denouncing the boston port bill as a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all north america; recommending their countrymen to desist from the use, not merely of tea, but of all kinds of east indian commodities; pronouncing an attack on one of the colonies, to enforce arbitrary taxes, an attack on all; and ordering the committee of correspondence to communicate with the other corresponding committees on the expediency of appointing deputies from the several colonies of british america to meet annually in general congress, at such place as might be deemed expedient, to deliberate on such measures as the united interests of the colonies might require. this was the first recommendation of a general congress by any public assembly, though it had been previously proposed in town meetings at new york and boston. a resolution to the same effect was passed in the assembly of massachusetts before it was aware of the proceedings of the virginia legislature. the measure recommended met with prompt and general concurrence throughout the colonies, and the fifth day of september next ensuing was fixed upon for the meeting of the first congress, which was to be held at philadelphia. on the th, letters arrived from boston giving the proceedings of a town meeting, recommending that a general league should be formed throughout the colonies suspending all trade with great britain. but twenty-five members of the late house of burgesses, including washington, were at that time remaining in williamsburg. they held a meeting on the following day, at which peyton randolph presided as moderator. after some discussion it was determined to issue a printed circular, bearing their signatures, and calling a meeting of all the members of the late house of burgesses, on the st of august, to take into consideration this measure of a general league. the circular recommended them, also, to collect, in the meantime, the sense of their respective counties. in the meantime the boston port bill had been carried into effect. on the st of june the harbor of boston was closed at noon, and all business ceased. the two other parliamentary acts altering the charter of massachusetts were to be enforced. no public meetings, excepting the annual town meetings in march and may, were to be held without permission of the governor. general thomas gage had recently been appointed to the military command of massachusetts, and the carrying out of these offensive acts. as lieutenant-colonel, he had led the advance guard on the field of braddock's defeat. fortune had since gone well with him. rising in the service, he had been governor of montreal, and had succeeded amherst in the command of the british forces on this continent. he was linked to the country also by domestic ties, having married into one of the most respectable families of new jersey. in the various situations in which he had hitherto been placed he had won esteem, and rendered himself popular. but with all his experience in america he had formed a most erroneous opinion of the character of the people. "the americans," said he to the king, "will be lions only as long as the english are lambs;" and he engaged, with five regiments, to keep boston quiet! the manner in which his attempts to enforce the recent acts of parliament were resented, showed how egregiously he was in error. at the suggestion of the assembly, a paper was circulated through the province by the committee of correspondence, entitled "a solemn league and covenant," the subscribers to which bound themselves to break off all intercourse with great britain from the st of august, until the colony should be restored to the enjoyment of its chartered rights; and to renounce all dealings with those who should refuse to enter into this compact. the very title of league and covenant had an ominous sound, and startled general gage. he issued a proclamation, denouncing it as illegal and traitorous. furthermore, he encamped a force of infantry and artillery on boston common, as if prepared to enact the lion. an alarm spread through the adjacent country. "boston is to be blockaded! boston is to be reduced to obedience by force or famine!" the spirit of the yeomanry was aroused. they sent in word to the inhabitants promising to come to their aid if necessary; and urging them to stand fast to the faith. chapter xv. the first general congress. shortly after washington's return to mount vernon, in the latter part of june, he presided as moderator at a meeting of the inhabitants of fairfax county, wherein, after the recent acts of parliament had been discussed, a committee was appointed, with himself as chairman, to draw up resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the present meeting, and to report the same at a general meeting of the county, to be held in the court-house on the th of july. the committee met according to appointment, with washington as chairman. the resolutions framed at the meeting insisted, as usual, on the right of self-government, and the principle that taxation and representation were in their nature inseparable: that the various acts of parliament for raising revenue, taking away trials by jury, ordering that persons might be tried in a different country from that in which the cause of accusation originated, closing the port of boston, abrogating the charter of massachusetts bay, etc., etc., were all part of a premeditated design and system to introduce arbitrary government into the colonies; that the sudden and repeated dissolutions of assemblies whenever they presumed to examine the illegality of ministerial mandates, or deliberated on the violated rights of their constituents, were part of the same system, and calculated and intended to drive the people of the colonies to a state of desperation, and to dissolve the compact by which their ancestors bound themselves and their posterity to remain dependent on the british crown. the resolutions, furthermore, recommended the most perfect union and co-operation among the colonies; solemn covenants with respect to non-importation and non-intercourse, and a renunciation of all dealings with any colony, town, or province that should refuse to agree to the plan adopted by the general congress. they also recommended a dutiful petition and remonstrance from the congress to the king, asserting their constitutional rights and privileges; lamenting the necessity of entering into measures that might be displeasing; declaring their attachment to his person, family, and government, and their desire to continue in dependence upon great britain; beseeching him not to reduce his faithful subjects of america to desperation, and to reflect that _from our sovereign there can be but one appeal_. the resolutions reported by the committee were adopted, and washington was chosen a delegate to represent the county at the general convention of the province, to be held at williamsburg on the st of august. [on the date appointed the convention assembled.] washington appeared on behalf of fairfax county, and presented the resolutions, already cited, as the sense of his constituents. he is said, by one who was present, to have spoken in support of them in a strain of uncommon eloquence. the convention was six days in session. resolutions, in the same spirit with those passed in fairfax county, were adopted, and peyton randolph, richard henry lee, george washington, patrick henry, richard bland, benjamin harrison, and edmund pendleton, were appointed delegates, to represent the people of virginia in the general congress. general gage from the time of taking command at boston, had been perplexed how to manage its inhabitants. had they been hot-headed, impulsive, and prone to paroxysm, his task would have been comparatively easy; but it was the cool, shrewd common sense, by which all their movements were regulated, that confounded him. there was no uproar, no riots; everything was awfully systematic and according to rule. town meetings were held, in which public rights and public measures were eloquently discussed by john adams, josiah quincy, and other eminent men. over these meetings samuel adams presided as moderator; a man clear in judgment, calm in conduct, inflexible in resolution, deeply grounded in civil and political history, and infallible on all points of constitutional law. gage was at a loss how to act. it would not do to disperse these assemblages by force of arms; for the people who composed them mingled the soldier with the polemic; and like their prototypes, the covenanters of yore, if prone to argue, were as ready to fight. so the meetings continued to be held pertinaciously. faneuil hall was at times unable to hold them, and they swarmed from that revolutionary hive into old south church. the liberty tree became a rallying place for any popular movement, and a flag hoisted on it was saluted by all processions as the emblem of the popular cause. when the time approached for the meeting of the general congress at philadelphia, washington was joined at mount vernon by patrick henry and edmund pendleton, and they performed the journey together on horseback. it was a noble companionship. henry was then in the youthful vigor and elasticity of his bounding genius, ardent, acute, fanciful, eloquent; pendleton, schooled in public life, a veteran in council, with native force of intellect, and habits of deep reflection; washington, in the meridian of his days, mature in wisdom, comprehensive in mind, sagacious in foresight. such were the apostles of liberty, repairing on their august pilgrimage to philadelphia from all parts of the land, to lay the foundations of a mighty empire. congress assembled on monday, the th of september, in a large room in carpenter's hall. there were fifty-one delegates, representing all the colonies excepting georgia. the meeting has been described as "awfully solemn." the most eminent men of the various colonies were now for the first time brought together; they were known to each other by fame, but were, personally, strangers. the object which had called them together was of incalculable magnitude. the liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils. there being an inequality in the number of delegates from the different colonies, a question arose as to the mode of voting; whether by colonies, by the poll, or by interests. after some debate, it was determined that each colony should have but one vote, whatever might be the number of its delegates. the deliberations of the house were to be with closed doors, and nothing but the resolves promulgated, unless by order of the majority. to give proper dignity and solemnity to the proceedings, it was moved on the following day that each morning the session should be opened by prayer. in the course of the day, a rumor reached philadelphia that boston had been cannonaded by the british. it produced a strong sensation; and when congress met on the following morning ( th), the effect was visible in every countenance. the delegates from the east were greeted with a warmer grasp of the hand by their associates from the south. [the rumor proved to be erroneous.] owing to closed doors, and the want of reporters, no record exists of the discussions and speeches made in the first congress. the first public measure was a resolution declaratory of their feelings with regard to the recent acts of parliament, violating the rights of the people of massachusetts, and of their determination to combine in resisting any force that might attempt to carry those acts into execution. a committee of two from each province reported a series of resolutions, which were adopted and promulgated by congress, as a "declaration of colonial rights." in this were enumerated their natural rights to the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property; and their rights as british subjects. among the latter was participation in legislative councils. this they could not exercise through representatives in parliament; they claimed, therefore, the power of legislating in their provincial assemblies; consenting, however, to such acts of parliament as might be essential to the regulation of trade; but excluding all taxation, internal or external, for raising revenue in america. the common law of england was claimed as a birthright, including the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage; of holding public meetings to consider grievances; and of petitioning the king. the benefits of all such statutes as existed at the time of the colonization were likewise claimed; together with the immunities and privileges granted by royal charters, or secured by provincial laws. the maintenance of a standing army in any colony in time of peace, without the consent of its legislature, was pronounced contrary to law. the exercise of the legislative power in the colonies by a council appointed during pleasure by the crown, was declared to be unconstitutional, and destructive to the freedom of american legislation. then followed a specification of the acts of parliament, passed during the reign of george iii., infringing and violating these rights. these were--the sugar act; the stamp act; the two acts for quartering troops; the tea act; the act suspending the new york legislature; the two acts for the trial in great britain of offences committed in america; the boston port bill; the act for regulating the government of massachusetts, and the quebec act. "to these grievous acts and measures," it was added, "americans cannot submit; but in hopes their fellow subjects in great britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: st. to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, or association. d. to prepare an address to the people of great britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of british america. d. to prepare a loyal address to his majesty." the above-mentioned association was accordingly formed, and committees were to be appointed in every county, city and town to maintain it vigilantly and strictly. masterly state papers were issued by congress in conformity to the resolutions: viz, a petition to the king, drafted by mr. dickinson, of philadelphia; an address to the people of canada by the same hand, inviting them to join the league of the colonies; another to the people of great britain, drafted by john jay, of new york; and a memorial to the inhabitants of the british colonies by richard henry lee, of virginia. the congress remained in session fifty-one days. every subject, according to adams, was discussed "with a moderation, an acuteness, and a minuteness equal to that of queen elizabeth's privy council." the papers issued by it have deservedly been pronounced masterpieces of practical talent and political wisdom. from the secrecy that enveloped its discussions, we are ignorant of the part taken by washington in the debates; the similarity of the resolutions, however, in spirit and substance to those of the fairfax county meeting, in which he presided, and the coincidence of the measures adopted with those therein recommended, show that he had a powerful agency in the whole proceedings of this eventful assembly. patrick henry, being asked, on his return home, whom he considered the greatest man in congress, replied: "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge, of south carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." on the breaking up of congress, washington hastened back to mount vernon, where his presence was more than usually important to the happiness of mrs. washington, from the loneliness caused by the recent death of her daughter and the absence of her son. the cheerfulness of the neighborhood had been diminished of late by the departure of george william fairfax for england, to take possession of estates which had devolved to him in that kingdom. his estate of belvoir, so closely allied with that of mount vernon by family ties and reciprocal hospitality, was left in charge of a steward, or overseer. through some accident the house took fire, and was burnt to the ground. it was never rebuilt. the course of political events which swept washington from his quiet home into the current of public and military life, prevented william fairfax, who was a royalist, though a liberal one, from returning to his once happy abode, and the hospitable intercommunion of mount vernon and belvoir was at an end for ever. chapter xvi. military measures.--affairs at lexington. the rumor, at the opening of congress, of the cannonading of boston had been caused by measures of governor gage. the public mind in boston and its vicinity had been rendered excessively jealous and sensitive by the landing and encamping of artillery upon the common and welsh fusiliers on fort hill, and by the planting of four large field-pieces on boston neck, the only entrance to the town by land. the country people were arming and disciplining themselves in every direction, and collecting and depositing arms and ammunition in places where they would be at hand in case of emergency. gage, on the other hand, issued orders that the munitions of war in all the public magazines should be brought to boston. one of these magazines was the arsenal in the north-west part of charlestown, between medford and cambridge. two companies of the king's troops passed silently in boats up mystic river in the night; took possession of a large quantity of gunpowder deposited there, and conveyed it to castle williams. intelligence of this sacking of the arsenal flew with lightning speed through the neighborhood. in the morning several thousands of patriots were assembled at cambridge, weapon in hand, and were with difficulty prevented from marching upon boston to compel a restitution of the powder. in the confusion and agitation, a rumor stole out into the country that boston was to be attacked; followed by another that the ships were cannonading the town, and the soldiers shooting down the inhabitants. the whole country was forthwith in arms. numerous bodies of the connecticut people had made some marches before the report was contradicted. gage, on the st of september, before this popular agitation, had issued writs for an election of an assembly to meet at salem in october; seeing, however, the irritated state of the public mind, he now countermanded the same by proclamation. the people, disregarding the countermand, carried the election, and ninety of the new members thus elected met at the appointed time. they waited a whole day for the governor to attend, administer the oaths, and open the session; but as he did not make his appearance, they voted themselves a provincial congress, and chose for president of it john hancock,--a man of great wealth, popular, and somewhat showy talents, and ardent patriotism; and eminent from his social position. this self-constituted body adjourned to concord, about twenty miles from boston; quietly assumed supreme authority, and issued a remonstrance to the governor, virtually calling him to account for his military operations in fortifying boston neck, and collecting warlike stores about him, thereby alarming the fears of the whole province and menacing the lives and property of the bostonians. general gage, overlooking the irregularity of its organization, entered into explanations with the assembly, but failed to give satisfaction. as winter approached, he found his situation more and more critical. boston was the only place in massachusetts that now contained british forces, and it had become the refuge of all the "_tories_" of the province; that is to say, of all those devoted to the british government. there was animosity between them and the principal inhabitants, among whom revolutionary principles prevailed. the town itself, almost insulated by nature, and surrounded by a hostile country, was like a place besieged. the provincial congress conducted its affairs with the order and system so formidable to general gage. having adopted a plan for organizing the militia, it had nominated general officers, two of whom, artemas ward and seth pomeroy, had accepted. the executive powers were vested in a committee of safety. this was to determine when the services of the militia were necessary; was to call them forth,--to nominate their officers to the congress,--to commission them, and direct the operations of the army. another committee was appointed to furnish supplies to the forces when called out; hence, named the committee of supplies. under such auspices, the militia went on arming and disciplining itself in every direction. arrangements had been made for keeping up an active correspondence between different parts of the country, and spreading an alarm in case of any threatening danger. under the direction of the committees just mentioned, large quantities of military stores had been collected and deposited at concord and worcester. this semi-belligerent state of affairs in massachusetts produced a general restlessness throughout the land. the weak-hearted apprehended coming troubles; the resolute prepared to brave them. military measures, hitherto confined to new england, extended to the middle and southern provinces, and the roll of the drum resounded through the villages. virginia was among the first to buckle on its armor. it had long been a custom among its inhabitants to form themselves into independent companies, equipped at their own expense, having their own peculiar uniform, and electing their own officers, though holding themselves subject to militia law. they had hitherto been self-disciplined; but now they continually resorted to washington for instruction and advice; considering him the highest authority on military affairs. he was frequently called from home, therefore, in the course of the winter and spring, to different parts of the country to review independent companies; all of which were anxious to put themselves under his command as field-officer. mount vernon, therefore, again assumed a military tone as in former days, when he took his first lessons there in the art of war. two occasional and important guests in this momentous crisis, were general charles lee,{ } and major horatio gates.{ } to washington the visits of these gentlemen were extremely welcome at this juncture, from their military knowledge and experience, especially as much of it had been acquired in america, in the same kind of warfare, if not the very same campaigns in which he himself had mingled. both were interested in the popular cause. lee was full of plans for the organization and disciplining of the militia, and occasionally accompanied washington in his attendance on provincial reviews. he was subsequently very efficient at annapolis in promoting and superintending the organization of the maryland militia. {footnote : [general charles lee was an englishman by birth, and a highly cultivated production of european warfare. he was born in , and may almost be said to have been cradled in the army, for he received a commission by the time he was eleven years of age. he served in the french war of america; in obtained a colonel's commission, and went with burgoyne to portugal. having a caustic pen he undertook to write on colonial questions, and thereby lost the favor of the ministry. he then went to poland; won the favor of king stanislaus; in obtained the rank of major-general in the polish army, and served in a campaign against the turks. leaving the polish army he led a restless life about europe, and in , coming to america, openly espoused the colonial cause. he was a man of eccentric habits, caustic humor, extensive military experience, and was considered a prodigious acquisition to the patriot cause.]} {footnote : [major horatio gates was an englishman by birth. when twenty he served as a volunteer under cornwallis, governor of halifax; next as captain under braddock; accompanied general monckton as aide-de-camp to the west indies, gained credit at the capture of martinico, and was promoted to the rank of major. his promotion did not equal his expectations, and went to england, and failing to attain his desires, came to virginia in , and purchased an estate in berkeley county, where he settled. he was now forty-six years of age.]} in the month of march the second virginia convention was held at richmond. washington attended as delegate from fairfax county. in this assembly, patrick henry, with his usual ardor and eloquence, advocated measures for embodying, arming and disciplining a militia force, and providing for the defence of the colony. washington joined him in the conviction, and was one of a committee that reported a plan for carrying those measures into effect. he was not an impulsive man to raise the battle cry, but the executive man to marshal the troops into the field and carry on the war. while the spirit of revolt was daily gaining strength and determination in america, a strange infatuation reigned in the british councils. while the wisdom and eloquence of chatham were exerted in vain in behalf of american rights, an empty braggadocio, elevated to a seat in parliament, was able to captivate the attention of the members and influence their votes by gross misrepresentations of the americans and their cause. this was no other than colonel grant, the same shallow soldier who had been guilty of a foolhardy bravado before the walls of fort duquesne, which brought slaughter and defeat upon his troops. we are told that he entertained parliament, especially the ministerial side of the house, with ludicrous stories of the cowardice of americans. this taunting and braggart speech was made in the face of the conciliatory bill of the venerable chatham, devised with a view to redress the wrongs of america. the councils of the arrogant and scornful prevailed; and instead of the proposed bill, further measures of a stringent nature were adopted, coercive of some of the middle and southern colonies, but ruinous to the trade and fisheries of new england. at length the bolt, so long suspended, fell! the troops at boston had been augmented to about four thousand men. goaded on by the instigations of the tories, and alarmed by the energetic measures of the whigs, general gage now resolved to deal the latter a crippling blow. this was to surprise and destroy their magazine of military stores at concord, about twenty miles from boston. it was to be effected on the night of the th of april by a force detached for the purpose. preparations were made with great secrecy. boats for the transportation of troops were launched, and moored under the sterns of the men-of-war. grenadiers and light infantry were relieved from duty and held in readiness. on the th, officers were stationed on the roads leading from boston to prevent any intelligence of the expedition getting into the country. at night orders were issued by general gage that no person should leave the town. about ten o'clock from eight to nine hundred men, grenadiers, light infantry and marines, commanded by lieutenant-colonel smith, embarked in the boats at the foot of boston common and crossed to lechmere point, in cambridge, whence they were to march silently and without beat of drum to the place of destination. the measures of general gage had not been shrouded in all the secrecy he imagined. dr. joseph warren, one of the committee of safety, had observed the preparatory disposition of the boats and troops, and surmised some sinister intention. he sent notice of these movements to john hancock and samuel adams, both members of the provincial congress, but at that time privately sojourning with a friend at lexington. a design on the magazine at concord was suspected, and the committee of safety ordered that the cannon collected there should be secreted and part of the stores removed. on the night of the th, dr. warren sent off two messengers by different routes to give the alarm that the king's troops were actually sallying forth. the messengers got out of boston just before the order of general gage went into effect, to prevent any one from leaving the town. about the same time a lantern was hung out of an upper window of the north church, in the direction of charlestown. this was a preconcerted signal to the patriots of that place who instantly despatched swift messengers to rouse the country. in the meantime, colonel smith set out on his nocturnal march from lechmere point by an unfrequented path across marshes, where at times the troops had to wade through water. he had proceeded but a few miles when alarm guns, booming through the night air, and the clang of village bells, showed that the news of his approach was travelling before him, and the people were rising. he now sent back to general gage for a reinforcement, while major pitcairn was detached with six companies to press forward and secure the bridges at concord. pitcairn advanced rapidly, capturing every one that he met or overtook. within a mile and a half of lexington, however, a horseman was too quick on the spur for him, and galloping to the village, gave the alarm that the redcoats were coming. drums were beaten; guns fired. by the time that pitcairn entered the village about seventy or eighty of the yeomanry, in military array, were mustered on the green near the church. the sound of drum, and the array of men in arms, indicated a hostile determination. pitcairn halted his men within a short distance of the church, and ordered them to prime and load. they then advanced at double quick time. the major, riding forward ordered the rebels, as he termed them, to disperse. the order was disregarded. a scene of confusion ensued, with firing on both sides; which party commenced it has been a matter of dispute. the firing of the americans was irregular and without much effect; that of the british was more fatal. eight of the patriots were killed and ten wounded, and the whole put to flight. colonel smith soon arrived with the residue of the detachment, and they all marched on towards concord, about six miles distant. the alarm had reached that place in the dead hour of the preceding night. the church bell roused the inhabitants. they gathered together in anxious consultation. the militia and minute men seized their arms and repaired to the parade ground near the church. exertions were now made to remove and conceal the military stores. a scout, who had been sent out for intelligence, brought word that the british had fired upon the people at lexington and were advancing upon concord. there was great excitement and indignation. part of the militia marched down the lexington road to meet them, but returned, reporting their force to be three times that of the americans. the whole of the militia now retired to an eminence about a mile from the centre of the town, and formed themselves into two battalions. about seven o'clock the british came in sight. they entered in two divisions by different roads. concord is traversed by a river of the same name, having two bridges, the north and the south. the grenadiers and light infantry took post in the centre of the town, while strong parties of light troops were detached to secure the bridges, and destroy the military stores. two hours were expended in the work of destruction without much success, so much of the stores having been removed, or concealed. during all this time the yeomanry from the neighboring towns were hurrying in with such weapons as were at hand, and joining the militia on the height, until the little cloud of war gathering there numbered about four hundred and fifty. about ten o'clock, a body of three hundred undertook to dislodge the british from the north bridge. as they approached, the latter fired upon them, killing two, and wounding a third. the patriots returned the fire with spirit and effect. the british retreated to the main body, the americans pursuing them across the bridge. by this time all the military stores which could be found had been destroyed; colonel smith, therefore, made preparations for a retreat. about noon he commenced his retrograde march for boston. it was high time. his troops were jaded by the night march and the morning's toils and skirmishings. the country was thoroughly alarmed. the yeomanry were hurrying from every quarter to the scene of action. as the british began their retreat, the americans began the work of sore and galling retaliation. along the open road the former were harassed incessantly by rustic marksmen, who took deliberate aim from behind trees or over stone fences. it was in vain they threw out flankers and endeavored to dislodge their assailants; each pause gave time for other pursuers to come within reach and open attacks from different quarters. for several miles they urged their way along woody defiles, or roads skirted with fences and stone walls, the retreat growing more and more disastrous. before reaching lexington, colonel smith received a severe wound in the leg, and the situation of the retreating troops was becoming extremely critical, when, about two o'clock, they were met by lord percy, with a brigade of one thousand men and two field-pieces. opening his brigade to the right and left, he received the retreating troops into a hollow square; where, fainting and exhausted, they threw themselves on the ground to rest. his lordship showed no disposition to advance upon their assailants, but contented himself with keeping them at bay with his field-pieces, which opened a vigorous fire from an eminence. hitherto the provincials, being hasty levies, without a leader, had acted from individual impulse, without much concert; but now general heath was upon the ground. he was one of those authorized to take command when the minute men should be called out. dr. warren also arrived on horseback, having spurred from boston on receiving news of the skirmishing. in the subsequent part of the day he was one of the most active and efficient men in the field. his presence, like that of general heath, regulated the infuriated ardor of the militia and brought it into system. lord percy, having allowed the troops a short interval for repose and refreshment, continued the retreat toward boston. as soon as he got under march, the galling assault by the pursuing yeomanry was recommenced in flank and rear. the british soldiery, irritated in turn, acted as if in an enemy's country. houses and shops were burnt down in lexington; private dwellings along the road were plundered, and their inhabitants maltreated. their march became more and more impeded by the number of their wounded. lord percy narrowly escaped death from a musket-ball, which struck off a button of his waistcoat. the provincials pressed upon him in rear, others were advancing from roxbury, dorchester, and milton; colonel pickering, with the essex militia, seven hundred strong, was at hand; there was danger of being intercepted in the retreat to charlestown. the field-pieces were again brought into play to check the ardor of the pursuit; but they were no longer objects of terror. the pursuit terminated a little after sunset at charlestown common, where general heath brought the minute men to a halt. in this memorable affair the british loss was seventy-three killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded and twenty-six missing. among the slain were eighteen officers. the loss of the americans was forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing. this was the first blood shed in the revolutionary struggle. the cry went through the land. none felt the appeal more than the old soldiers of the french war. it roused john stark, of new hampshire--a trapper and hunter in his youth, a veteran in indian warfare, a campaigner under abercrombie and amherst. within ten minutes after receiving the alarm, he was spurring towards the sea-coast. equally alert was his old comrade in frontier exploits, colonel israel putnam.{ } a man on horseback, with a drum, passed through his neighborhood in connecticut, proclaiming british violence at lexington. putnam was in the field ploughing, assisted by his son. in an instant the team was unyoked; the plough left in the furrow; the lad sent home to give word of his father's departure; and putnam, on horseback in his working garb, urging with all speed to the camp. {footnote : [israel putnam was a soldier of native growth. he had served at louisburg, fort duquesne, and crown point; had signalized himself in indian warfare: been captured by the savages, tortured, and rescued from the stake at the eleventh hour. since the peace he had resided on his farm at pomfret, in connecticut.]} the news reached virginia at a critical moment. lord dunmore, obeying a general order issued by the ministry to all the provincial governors, had seized upon the military munitions of the province. here was a similar measure to that of gage. the cry went forth that the subjugation of the colonies was to be attempted. all virginia was in combustion. the standard of liberty was reared in every county; there was a general cry to arms. washington was looked to from various quarters to take command. his old comrade in arms, hugh mercer, was about marching down to williamsburg at the head of a body of resolute men, seven hundred strong, entitled "the friends of constitutional liberty and america," whom he had organized and drilled in fredericksburg, and nothing but a timely concession of lord dunmore, with respect to some powder which he had seized, prevented his being beset in his palace. chapter xvii. capture of ticonderoga and crown point.--washington appointed commander-in-chief. at the eastward, the march of the revolution went on with accelerated speed. thirty thousand men had been deemed necessary for the defence of the country. the provincial congress of massachusetts resolved to raise thirteen thousand six hundred, as its quota. circular letters also were issued by the committee of safety, urging the towns to enlist troops with all speed, and calling for military aid from the other new england provinces. their appeals were promptly answered. bodies of militia and parties of volunteers from new hampshire, rhode island and connecticut hastened to join the minute men of massachusetts in forming a camp in the neighborhood of boston. the command of the camp was given to general artemas ward, already mentioned. he was a native of shrewsbury, in massachusetts, and a veteran of the seven years' war--having served as lieutenant-colonel under abercrombie. as affairs were now drawing to a crisis and war was considered inevitable, some bold spirits in connecticut conceived a project for the outset. this was the surprisal of the old forts of ticonderoga and crown point, already famous in the french war. their situation on lake champlain gave them the command of the main route to canada; so that the possession of them would be all-important in case of hostilities. they were feebly garrisoned and negligently guarded, and abundantly furnished with artillery and military stores, so much needed by the patriot army. this scheme was set on foot in the purlieus, as it were, of the provincial legislature of connecticut, then in session. it was not openly sanctioned by that body, but secretly favored, and money lent from the treasury to those engaged in it. sixteen men were thus enlisted in connecticut, a greater number in massachusetts, but the greatest accession of force was from what was called the "new hampshire grants." this was a region forming the present state of vermont. it had long been a disputed territory, claimed by new york and new hampshire. the settlers had resisted the attempts of new york to eject them, and formed themselves into an association called "the green mountain boys," with ethan allen at their head. he and his lieutenants, seth warner and remember baker, were outlawed by the legislature of new york, and allen was becoming a kind of robin hood among the mountains when the present crisis changed the relative position of things as if by magic. boundary feuds were forgotten amid the great questions of colonial rights. ethan allen at once stepped forward, a patriot, and volunteered with his green mountain boys to serve in the popular cause. thus reinforced, the party, now two hundred and seventy strong, pushed forward to castleton, a place within a few miles of the head of lake champlain. here a council of war was held on the d of may. ethan allen was placed at the head of the expedition. [at this juncture benedict arnold, afterwards so sadly renowned, arrived at castleton. he too had conceived the project of surprising ticonderoga and crown point; his plan had been approved by the massachusetts committee of safety, and he had received a colonel's commission. he claimed the right to command the expedition, but the green mountain boys would follow no leader but allen. arnold was fain to acquiesce. the party arrived at shoreham, opposite ticonderoga, on the night of the th of may. the boats were few, and by day-break a part of the force only had crossed. allen announced his intention to make a dash at the fort at once, before the garrison should wake.] they mounted the hill briskly but in silence, guided by a boy from the neighborhood. the day dawned as allen arrived at a sally port. a sentry pulled trigger on him, but his piece missed fire. he retreated through a covered way. allen and his men followed. another sentry was struck down by allen, and begged for quarter. it was granted on condition of his leading the way instantly to the quarters of the commandant, captain delaplace, who was yet in bed. being arrived there, allen thundered at the door, and demanded a surrender of the fort. by this time his followers had formed into two lines on the parade-ground, and given three hearty cheers. the commandant appeared at his door half-dressed. he gazed at allen in bewildered astonishment. "by whose authority do you act?" exclaimed he. "in the name of the great jehovah, and the continental congress!" replied allen with a flourish of his sword and an oath which we do not care to subjoin. there was no disputing the point. the garrison, like the commander, had been startled from sleep, and made prisoners as they rushed forth in their confusion. a surrender accordingly took place. a great supply of military and naval stores, so important in the present crisis, was found in the fortress. colonel seth warner was now sent with a detachment against crown point, which surrendered on the th of may without firing a gun; the whole garrison being a sergeant and twelve men. here were taken upward of a hundred cannon. [a plan was also concerted to surprise st. john's on the sorel river, the frontier post of canada. it was led by arnold and was eminently successful; a king's sloop of seventy tons, with two brass six-pounders, four bateaux, and many valuable stores were captured. the approach of troops from montreal rendered it necessary to abandon the post.] thus a partisan band, unpractised in the art of war, had, by a series of daring exploits and almost without the loss of a man, won for the patriots the command of lakes george and champlain, and thrown open the great highway to canada. the second general congress assembled at philadelphia on the th of may. peyton randolph was again elected as president; but being obliged to return and occupy his place as speaker of the virginia assembly, john hancock, of massachusetts, was elevated to the chair. a lingering feeling of attachment to the mother country, struggling with the growing spirit of self-government, was manifested in the proceedings of this remarkable body. many of those most active in vindicating colonial rights, and washington among the number, still indulged the hope of an eventual reconciliation, while few entertained, or at least avowed the idea of complete independence. a second "humble and dutiful" petition to the king was moved, but met with strong opposition. john adams condemned it as an imbecile measure, calculated to embarrass the proceedings of congress. he was for prompt and vigorous action. other members concurred with him. a federal union was formed, leaving to each colony the right of regulating its internal affairs according to its own individual constitution, but vesting in congress the power of making peace or war; of entering into treaties and alliances; of regulating general commerce; in a word, of legislating on all such matters as regarded the security and welfare of the whole community. the executive power was to be vested in a council of twelve, chosen by congress from among its own members, and to hold office for a limited time. such colonies as had not sent delegates to congress might yet become members of the confederacy by agreeing to its conditions. georgia, which had hitherto hesitated, soon joined the league, which thus extended from nova scotia to florida. congress lost no time in exercising their federated powers. in virtue of them, they ordered the enlistment of troops, the construction of forts in various parts of the colonies, the provision of arms, ammunition, and military stores; while to defray the expense of these, and other measures, avowedly of self-defence, they authorized the emission of notes to the amount of three millions of dollars, bearing the inscription of "the united colonies;" the faith of the confederacy being pledged for their redemption. the public sense of washington's military talents and experience, was evinced in his being chairman of all the committees appointed for military affairs. most of the rules and regulations for the army, and the measures for defence, were devised by him. the situation of the new england army, actually besieging boston, became an early and absorbing consideration. it was without munitions of war, without arms, clothing, or pay; in fact, without legislative countenance or encouragement. unless sanctioned and assisted by congress, there was danger of its dissolution. all this was the subject of much discussion out of doors. the disposition to uphold the army was general; but the difficult question was, who should be commander-in-chief? [there was a southern party in congress who were urgent for the appointment of a southern general to command, and "so many of our stanchest men," says adams, "were in the plan, that we could carry nothing without it." on the other hand hancock himself had an ambition to be appointed to the command. the opinion, however, evidently inclined in favor of washington. adams, rising in his place one day, urged upon congress that they should adopt the army at cambridge, and appoint a general. he then proceeded to advance the name of washington. the subject was postponed to a future day. on the th of june, the army was regularly adopted by congress, and the pay of the commander-in-chief fixed at five hundred dollars a month.] in this stage of the business mr. johnson, of maryland, rose and nominated washington for the station of commander-in-chief. the election was by ballot, and was unanimous. it was formally announced to him by the president on the following day, when he had taken his seat in congress. rising in his place, he briefly expressed his high and grateful sense of the honor conferred on him and his sincere devotion to the cause. "but," added he, "lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, i beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that i this day declare with the utmost sincerity i do not think myself equal the command i am honored with. as to pay, i beg leave to assure the congress that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, i do not wish to make any profit of it. i will keep an exact account of my expenses. those, i doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all i desire." four major-generals were to be appointed. general ward was elected the second in command, and lee the third. the other two major-generals were philip schuyler, of new york, and israel putnam, of connecticut. eight brigadier-generals were likewise appointed; seth pomeroy, richard montgomery, david wooster, william heath, joseph spencer, john thomas, john sullivan, and nathaniel greene. at washington's express request, his old friend, major horatio gates, then absent at his estate in virginia, was appointed adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier. in this momentous change in his condition, which suddenly altered all his course of life, and called him immediately to the camp, washington's thoughts recurred to mount vernon and its rural delights, so dear to his heart, whence he was to be again exiled. his chief concern, however, was on account of the distress it might cause to his wife. his letter to her on the subject is written in a tone of manly tenderness. "you may believe me," writes he, "when i assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, i have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity; and i should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home than i have the most distant prospect of finding abroad if my stay were to be seven times seven years. but as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, i shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose...." on the th of june he received his commission from the president of congress. the following day was fixed upon for his departure for the army. he reviewed previously, at the request of their officers, several militia companies of horse and foot. every one was anxious to see the new commander, and rarely has the public _beau ideal_ of a commander been so fully answered. he was now in the vigor of his days, forty-three years of age, stately in person, noble in his demeanor, calm and dignified in his deportment; as he sat his horse, with manly grace, his military presence delighted every eye, and wherever he went the air rang with acclamations. chapter xviii. battle of bunker hill. while congress had been deliberating on the adoption of the army and the nomination of a commander-in-chief, events had been thickening and drawing to a crisis in the excited region about boston. the provincial troops which blockaded the town prevented supplies by land, the neighboring country refused to furnish them by water; fresh provisions and vegetables were no longer to be procured, and boston began to experience the privations of a besieged city. on the th of may arrived ships of war and transports from england, bringing large reinforcements, under generals howe, burgoyne, and henry clinton, commanders of high reputation. inspirited by these reinforcements, general gage determined to take the field. previously, however, he issued a proclamation ( th june), putting the province under martial law, threatening to treat as rebels and traitors all malcontents who should continue under arms, together with their aiders and abettors; but offering pardon to all who should lay down their arms and return to their allegiance. from this proffered amnesty, however, john hancock and samuel adams were especially excepted. this proclamation only served to put the patriots on the alert against such measures as might be expected to follow, and of which their friends in boston stood ready to apprise them. the besieging force, in the meantime, was daily augmented by recruits and volunteers, and now amounted to about fifteen thousand men, distributed at various points. about ten thousand belonged to massachusetts, and were under the command of general artemas ward, whose head-quarters were at cambridge. another body of troops, under colonel john stark, already mentioned, came from new hampshire. rhode island furnished a third, under the command of general nathaniel greene. a fourth was from connecticut, under the veteran putnam. these bodies of troops, being from different colonies, were independent of each other, and had their several commanders. those from new hampshire were instructed to obey general ward as commander-in-chief; with the rest it was a voluntary act, rendered in consideration of his being military chief of massachusetts, the province which, as allies, they came to defend. there was, in fact, but little organization in the army. nothing kept it together and gave it unity of action but a common feeling of exasperated patriotism. the troops knew but little of military discipline. almost all were familiar with the use of fire-arms in hunting and fowling, but the greater part were without military dress or accoutrements; most of them were hasty levies of yeomanry, some of whom had seized their rifles and fowling-pieces and turned out in their working clothes and homespun country garbs. such was the army spread over an extent of ten or twelve miles, and keeping watch upon the town of boston, containing at that time a population of seventeen thousand souls, and garrisoned with more than ten thousand british troops, disciplined and experienced in the wars of europe. in the disposition of these forces, general ward had stationed himself at cambridge, with the main body of about nine thousand men and four companies of artillery. lieutenant-general thomas, second in command, was posted, with five thousand massachusetts, connecticut and rhode island troops, and three or four companies of artillery, at roxbury and dorchester, forming the right wing of the army; while the left, composed in a great measure of new hampshire troops, stretched through medford to the hills of chelsea. we have already mentioned the peninsula of charlestown (called from a village of the same name), which lies opposite to the north side of boston. the heights which swell up in rear of the village overlook the town and shipping. the project was conceived in the besieging camp to seize and occupy those heights. a council of war was held upon the subject. general putnam was one of the most strenuous in favor of the measure. some of the more wary and judicious, among whom were general ward and dr. warren, doubted the expediency of intrenching themselves on those heights and the possibility of maintaining so exposed a post. putnam made light of the danger. he was seconded by general pomeroy, a leader of like stamp, and another veteran of the french war. the daring councils of such men are always captivating to the inexperienced; but in the present instance they were sanctioned by one whose opinion in such matters, and in this vicinity, possessed peculiar weight. this was colonel william prescott, of pepperell, who commanded a regiment of minute men. he, too, had seen service in the french war, and acquired reputation as a lieutenant of infantry at the capture of cape breton. this was sufficient to constitute him an oracle in the present instance. he was now about fifty years of age, tall and commanding in his appearance, and retaining the port of a soldier. his opinion, probably, settled the question; and it was determined to seize on and fortify bunker's hill and dorchester heights. secret intelligence hurried forward the project. general gage, it was said, intended to take possession of dorchester heights on the night of the th of june. these heights lay on the opposite side of boston, and the committee were ignorant of their localities. those on charlestown neck, being near at hand, had some time before been reconnoitered by colonel richard gridley, and other of the engineers. it was determined to seize and fortify these heights on the night of friday, the th of june, in anticipation of the movement of general gage. troops were drafted for the purpose, and colonel prescott, from his experience in military matters was chosen by general ward to conduct the enterprise. his written orders were to fortify bunker's hill, and defend the works until he should be relieved. colonel richard gridley, the chief engineer, was to accompany him and plan the fortifications. the detachment left cambridge about nine o'clock, colonel prescott taking the lead. at charlestown neck they were joined by major brooks, of bridges' regiment, and general putnam; and here were the wagons laden with intrenching tools, which first gave the men an indication of the nature of the enterprise. charlestown neck is a narrow isthmus, connecting the peninsula with the main land; having the mystic river, about half a mile wide, on the north, and a large embayment of charles river on the south or right side. it was now necessary to proceed with the utmost caution, for they were coming on ground over which the british kept jealous watch. they had erected a battery at boston on copp's hill, immediately opposite to charlestown. five of their vessels of war were stationed so as to bear upon the peninsula from different directions, and the guns of one of them swept the isthmus or narrow neck just mentioned. across this isthmus, colonel prescott conducted the detachment undiscovered, and up the ascent of bunker's hill. this commences at the neck, and slopes up for about three hundred yards to its summit, which is about one hundred and twelve feet high. it then declines toward the south, and is connected by a ridge with breed's hill, about sixty or seventy feet high. the crests of the two hills are about seven hundred yards apart. on attaining the heights, a question rose which of the two they should proceed to fortify. bunker's hill was specified in the written orders given to colonel prescott by general ward, but breed's hill was much nearer to boston, and had a better command of the town and shipping. bunker's hill, also, being on the upper and narrower part of the peninsula, was itself commanded by the same ship which raked the neck. putnam was clear for commencing at breed's hill, and making the principal work there, while a minor work might be thrown up at bunker's hill, as a protection in the rear, and a rallying point, in case of being driven out of the main work. others concurred with this opinion. gridley marked out the lines for the fortifications; the men stacked their guns; threw off their packs; seized their trenching tools, and set to work with great spirit. so spiritedly, though silently, was the labor carried on, that by morning a strong redoubt was thrown up as a main work, flanked on the left by a breastwork, partly cannon-proof, extending down the crest of breed's hill to a piece of marshy ground called the slough. to support the right of the redoubt, some troops were thrown into the village of charlestown, at the southern foot of the hill. at dawn of day, the americans at work were espied by the sailors on board of the ships of war, and the alarm was given. the captain of the lively, the nearest ship, without waiting for orders, put a spring upon her cable, and bringing her guns to bear, opened a fire upon the hill. the other ships and a floating battery followed his example. their shot did no mischief to the works. the cannonading roused the town of boston. general gage could scarcely believe his eyes when he beheld on the opposite hill a fortification full of men, which had sprung up in the course of the night. he called a council of war. the americans might intend to cannonade boston from this new fortification; it was unanimously resolved to dislodge them. how was this to be done? a majority of the council, including clinton and grant, advised that a force should be landed on charlestown neck, under the protection of their batteries, so as to attack the americans in rear and cut off their retreat. general gage objected that it would place his troops between two armies; one at cambridge, superior in numbers, the other on the heights, strongly fortified. he was for landing in front of the works, and pushing directly up the hill; a plan adopted through a confidence that raw militia would never stand their ground against the assault of veteran troops. the sound of drum and trumpet, the clatter of hoofs, the rattling of gun-carriages, and all the other military din and bustle in the streets of boston, soon apprised the americans on their rudely fortified height of an impending attack. they were ill-fitted to withstand it, being jaded by the night's labor, and want of sleep; hungry and thirsty, having brought but scanty supplies, and oppressed by the heat of the weather. prescott sent repeated messages to general ward, asking reinforcements and provisions. ward issued orders for colonels stark and read, then at medford, to march to the relief of prescott with their new hampshire regiments. in the meantime, the americans on breed's hill were sustaining the fire from the ships, and from the battery on copp's hill, which opened upon them about ten o'clock. they returned an occasional shot from one corner of the redoubt, without much harm to the enemy, and continued strengthening their position until about eleven o'clock, when they ceased to work, piled their intrenching tools in the rear, and looked out anxiously and impatiently for the anticipated reinforcements and supplies. the tools were ultimately carried to bunker's hill, and a breastwork commenced by order of general putnam. the importance of such a work was afterwards made apparent. about noon the americans descried twenty-eight barges crossing from boston in parallel lines. they contained a large detachment of grenadiers, rangers, and light infantry, admirably equipped, and commanded by major-general howe. a heavy fire from the ships and batteries covered their advance, but no attempt was made to oppose them, and they landed about one o'clock at moulton's point, a little to the north of breed's hill. here general howe made a pause. on reconnoitering the works from this point, the americans appeared to be much more strongly posted than he had imagined, and he immediately sent over to general gage for more forces. while awaiting their arrival, refreshments were served out to the troops. the americans meanwhile took advantage of the delay to strengthen their position. the breastwork on the left of the redoubt extended to what was called the slough, but beyond this, the ridge of the hill, and the slope toward mystic river, were undefended, leaving a pass by which the enemy might turn the left flank of the position, and seize upon bunker's hill. putnam ordered his chosen officer, captain knowlton, to cover this pass with the connecticut troops under his command. a novel kind of rampart, savoring of rural device was suggested by the rustic general. about six hundred feet in the rear of the redoubt, and about one hundred feet to the left of the breastwork, was a post and rail-fence, set in a low foot-wall of stone, and extending down to mystic river. the posts and rails of another fence were hastily pulled up, and set a few feet in behind this, and the intermediate space was filled up with new mown hay from the adjacent meadows. this double fence, it will be found, proved an important protection to the redoubt, although there still remained an unprotected interval of about seven hundred feet. while knowlton and his men were putting up this fence, putnam proceeded with other of his troops to throw up the work on bunker's hill, despatching his son, captain putnam, on horseback, to hurry up the remainder of his men from cambridge. by this time stark made his appearance with the new hampshire troops, five hundred strong. putnam detained some of stark's men to aid in throwing up the works on bunker's hill, and directed him to reinforce knowlton with the rest. about two o'clock, warren arrived on the heights, ready to engage in their perilous defence, although he had opposed the scheme of their occupation. he had recently been elected a major-general, but had not received his commission. putnam offered him the command at the fence; he declined it, and merely asked where he could be of most service as a volunteer. the british now prepared for a general assault. an easy victory was anticipated; the main thought was, how to make it most effectual. the left wing, commanded by general pigot, was to mount the hill and force the redoubt, while general howe, with the right wing, was to push on between the fort and mystic river, turn the left flank of the americans, and cut off their retreat. general pigot, accordingly advanced up the hill under cover of a fire from field-pieces and howitzers planted on a small height near the landing-place on moulton's point. his troops commenced a discharge of musketry while yet at a long distance from the redoubts. the americans within the works, obedient to strict command, retained their fire until the enemy were within thirty or forty paces, when they opened upon them with a tremendous volley. being all marksmen, accustomed to take deliberate aim, the slaughter was immense, and especially fatal to officers. the assailants fell back in some confusion; but, rallied on by their officers, advanced within pistol shot. another volley, more effective than the first, made them again recoil. to add to their confusion, they were galled by a flanking fire from the handful of provincials posted in charlestown. shocked at the carnage and seeing the confusion of his troops, general pigot was urged to give the word for a retreat. in the meantime, general howe, with the right wing, advanced along mystic river toward the fence where stark, read, and knowlton were stationed, thinking to carry this slight breastwork with ease, and so get in the rear of the fortress. his artillery proved of little avail, being stopped by a swampy piece of ground, while his columns suffered from two or three field-pieces with which putnam had fortified the fence. howe's men kept up a fire of musketry as they advanced; but not taking aim, their shot passed over the heads of the americans. the latter had received the same orders with those in the redoubt, not to fire until the enemy should be within thirty paces. when the british arrived within the stated distance a sheeted fire opened upon them from rifles, muskets, and fowling-pieces, all levelled with deadly aim. the carnage, as in the other instance, was horrible. the british were thrown into confusion and fell back; some even retreated to the boats. there was a general pause on the part of the british. the american officers availed themselves of it to prepare for another attack, which must soon be made. prescott mingled among his men in the redoubt, who were all in high spirits at the severe check they had given "the regulars." he praised them for their steadfastness in maintaining their post, and their good conduct in reserving their fire until the word of command, and exhorted them to do the same in the next attack. putnam rode about bunker's hill and its skirts, to rally and bring on reinforcements which had been checked or scattered in crossing charlestown neck by the raking fire from the ships and batteries. before many could be brought to the scene of action the british had commenced their second attack. they again ascended the hill to storm the redoubt; their advance was covered as before by discharges of artillery. charlestown, which had annoyed them on their first attack by a flanking fire, was in flames, by shells thrown from copp's hill, and by marines from the ships. the thunder of artillery from batteries and ships, the bursting of bomb-shells; the sharp discharges of musketry; the shouts and yells of the combatants; the crash of burning buildings, arid the dense volumes of smoke, which obscured the summer sun, all formed a tremendous spectacle. the american troops, although unused to war, stood undismayed amidst a scene where it was bursting upon them with all its horrors. reserving their fire, as before, until the enemy was close at hand, they again poured forth repeated volleys with the fatal aim of sharpshooters. the british stood the first shock, and continued to advance; but the incessant stream of fire staggered them. their officers remonstrated, threatened, and even attempted to goad them on with their swords, but the havoc was too deadly; whole ranks were mowed down; many of the officers were either slain or wounded, and among them several of the staff of general howe. the troops again gave way and retreated down the hill. a third attack was now determined on, though some of howe's officers remonstrated, declaring it would be downright butchery. a different plan was adopted. instead of advancing in front of the redoubt, it was to be taken in flank on the left, where the open space between the breastwork and the fortified fence presented a weak point. it having been accidentally discovered that the ammunition of the americans was nearly expended, preparations were made to carry the works at the point of the bayonet. general howe, with the main body, now made a feint of attacking the fortified fence; but, while a part of his force was thus engaged, the rest brought some of the field-pieces to enfilade the breastwork on the left of the redoubt. a raking fire soon drove the americans out of this exposed place into the enclosure. the troops were now led on to assail the works. the americans again reserved their fire until their assailants were close at hand, and then made a murderous volley, by which several officers were laid low, and general howe himself was wounded in the foot. the british soldiery this time likewise reserved their fire and rushed on with fixed bayonet. clinton and pigot had reached the southern and eastern sides of the redoubt, and it was now assailed on three sides at once. prescott ordered those who had no bayonets to retire to the back part of the redoubt and fire on the enemy as they showed themselves on the parapet. the americans, however, had fired their last round, their ammunition was exhausted; and now succeeded a desperate and deadly struggle, hand to hand, with bayonets, stones, and the stocks of their muskets. at length, as the british continued to pour in, prescott gave the order to retreat. his men had to cut their way through two divisions of the enemy who were getting in rear of the redoubt, and they received a destructive volley from those who had formed on the captured works. by that volley fell the patriot warren, who had distinguished himself throughout the action. while the americans were thus slowly dislodged from the redoubt, stark, read and knowlton maintained their ground at the fortified fence; which, indeed, had been nobly defended throughout the action. the resistance at this hastily constructed work was kept up after the troops in the redoubt had given way, and until colonel prescott had left the hill; thus defeating general howe's design of cutting off the retreat of the main body; which would have produced a scene of direful confusion and slaughter. having effected their purpose, the brave associates at the fence abandoned their weak outpost, retiring slowly, and disputing the ground inch by inch, with a regularity remarkable in troops many of whom had never before been in action. the main retreat was across bunker's hill, where putnam had endeavored to throw up a breastwork. the veteran, sword in hand, rode to the rear of the retreating troops, regardless of the balls whistling about him. his only thought was to rally them at the unfinished works. it was impossible, however, to bring the troops to a stand. they continued on down the hill to the neck and across it to cambridge, exposed to a raking fire from the ships and batteries, and only protected by a single piece of ordnance. the british were too exhausted to pursue them; they contented themselves with taking possession of bunker's hill, were reinforced from boston, and threw up additional works during the night. thus ended the first regular battle between the british and the americans, and most eventful in its consequences. the former had gained the ground for which they contended; but, if a victory, it was more disastrous and humiliating to them than an ordinary defeat. according to their own returns, their killed and wounded, out of a detachment of two thousand men, amounted to one thousand and fifty-four, and a large proportion of them officers. the loss of the americans did not exceed four hundred and fifty. to the latter this defeat, if defeat it might be called, had the effect of a triumph. it gave them confidence in themselves and consequence in the eyes of their enemies. they had proved to themselves and to others that they could measure weapons with the disciplined soldiers of europe, and inflict the most harm in the conflict. among the british officers slain was major pitcairn, who, at lexington, had shed the first blood in the revolutionary war. in the death of warren the americans had to lament the loss of a distinguished patriot and a most estimable man. it was deplored as a public calamity. he was one of the first who fell in the glorious cause of his country, and his name has become consecrated in its history. chapter xix. washington on his way to the camp. in a preceding chapter we left washington preparing to depart from philadelphia for the army before boston. he set out on horseback on the st of june, having for military companions of his journey major-generals lee and schuyler, and being accompanied for a distance by several private friends. as an escort he had a "gentleman troop" of philadelphia, commanded by captain markoe; the whole formed a brilliant cavalcade. general schuyler was a man eminently calculated to sympathize with washington in all his patriotic views and feelings, and became one of his most faithful coadjutors. sprung from one of the earliest and most respectable dutch families which colonized new york, all his interests and affections were identified with the country. he had received a good education; applied himself at an early age to the exact sciences, and became versed in finance, military engineering, and political economy. he was one of those native born soldiers who had acquired experience in that american school of arms, the old french war. since the close of the french war he had served his country in various civil stations, and been one of the most zealous and eloquent vindicators of colonial rights. they had scarcely proceeded twenty miles from philadelphia when they were met by a courier, spurring with all speed, bearing despatches from the army to congress, communicating tidings of the battle of bunker's hill. washington eagerly inquired particulars; above all, how acted the militia? when told that they stood their ground bravely, sustained the enemy's fire--reserved their own until at close quarters, and then delivered it with deadly effect, it seemed as if a weight of doubt and solicitude were lifted from his heart. "the liberties of the country are safe!" exclaimed he. the news of the battle of bunker's hill had startled the whole country; and this clattering cavalcade, escorting the commander-in-chief to the army, was the gaze and wonder of every town and village. the journey may be said to have been a continual council of war between washington and the two generals. one of the most frequent subjects of conversation was the province of new york. its power and position rendered it the great link of the confederacy; what measures were necessary for its defence, and most calculated to secure its adherence to the cause? the population of new york was more varied in its elements than that of almost any other of the provinces, and had to be cautiously studied. the new yorkers were of a mixed origin, and stamped with the peculiarities of their respective ancestors. the descendants of the old dutch and huguenot families, the earliest settlers, were still among the soundest and best of the population. they inherited the love of liberty, civil and religious, of their forefathers, and were those who stood foremost in the present struggle for popular rights. a great proportion of the more modern families, dating from the downfall of the dutch government in , were english and scotch, and among these were many loyal adherents to the crown. there was a power, too, of a formidable kind within the interior of the province, which was an object of much solicitude. this was the "johnson family." we have repeatedly had occasion to speak of sir william johnson, his majesty's general agent for indian affairs, of his great wealth, and his almost sovereign sway over the six nations. in the recent difficulties between the crown and colonies, sir william had naturally been in favor of the government which had enriched and honored him, but he had viewed with deep concern the acts of parliament which were goading the colonists to armed resistance. in the height of his solicitude, he received despatches ordering him, in case of hostilities, to enlist the indians in the cause of government. to the agitation of feelings produced by these orders many have attributed a stroke of apoplexy, of which he died, on the th of july, , about a year before the time of which we are treating. his son and heir, sir john johnson, and his sons-in-law, colonel guy johnson and colonel claus felt none of the reluctance of sir william to use harsh measures in support of royalty. they lived in a degree of rude feudal style in stone mansions capable of defence, situated on the mohawk river and in its vicinity; they had many scottish highlanders for tenants; and among their adherents were violent men, such as the butlers of tryon county, and brant, the mohawk sachem, since famous in indian warfare. they had recently gone about with armed retainers, overawing and breaking up patriotic assemblages, and it was known they could at any time bring a force of warriors in the field. tryon, the governor of new york, was at present absent in england, having been called home by the ministry to give an account of the affairs of the province, and to receive instructions for its management. he was a tory in heart, and had been a zealous opponent of all colonial movements, and his talents and address gave him great influence over an important part of the community. should he return with hostile instructions, and should he and the johnsons co-operate, the one controlling the bay and harbor of new york and the waters of the hudson by means of ships and land forces; the others overrunning the valley of the mohawk and the regions beyond albany with savage hordes, this great central province might be wrested from the confederacy, and all intercourse broken off between the eastern and southern colonies. all these circumstances and considerations, many of which came under discussion in the course of this military journey, rendered the command of new york a post of especial trust and importance, and determined washington to confide it to general schuyler. he was peculiarly fitted for it by his military talents, his intimate knowledge of the province and its concerns, especially what related to the upper parts of it, and his experience in indian affairs. at newark, in the jerseys, washington was met on the th by a committee of the provincial congress, sent to conduct him to the city. the congress was in a perplexity. it had in a manner usurped and exercised the powers of governor tryon during his absence, while at the same time it professed allegiance to the crown which had appointed him. he was now in the harbor, just arrived from england, and hourly expected to land. washington, too, was approaching. how were these double claims to ceremonious respect happening at the same time to be managed? in this dilemma a regiment of militia was turned out, and the colonel instructed to pay military honors to whichever of the distinguished functionaries should first arrive. washington was earlier than the governor by several hours, and received those honors. the landing of governor tryon took place about eight o'clock in the evening. the military honors were repeated; he was received with great respect by the mayor and common council, and transports of loyalty by those devoted to the crown. it was unknown what instructions he had received from the ministry, but it was rumored that a large force would soon arrive from england, subject to his directions. at this very moment a ship of war, the asia, lay anchored opposite the city; its grim batteries bearing upon it, greatly to the disquiet of the faint-hearted among its inhabitants. in this situation of affairs washington was happy to leave such an efficient person as general schuyler in command of the place. in the meantime the provincial congress of massachusetts, then in session at watertown, had made arrangements for the expected arrival of washington. it sent on a deputation which met washington at springfield, on the frontiers of the province, and provided escorts and accommodations for him along the road. thus honorably attended from town to town, and escorted by volunteer companies and cavalcades of gentlemen, he arrived at watertown on the d of july, where he was greeted by congress with a congratulatory address, in which, however, was frankly stated the undisciplined state of the army he was summoned to command. an address of cordial welcome was likewise made to general lee. the ceremony over, washington was again in the saddle, and escorted by a troop of light horse and a cavalcade of citizens, proceeded to the head-quarters provided for him at cambridge, three miles distant. as he entered the confines of the camp, the shouts of the multitude and the thundering of artillery gave note to the enemy beleaguered in boston of his arrival. his military reputation had preceded him and excited great expectations. they were not disappointed. his personal appearance, notwithstanding the dust of travel, was calculated to captivate the public eye. as he rode through the camp, amidst a throng of officers, he was the admiration of the soldiery and of a curious throng collected from the surrounding country. happy was the countryman who could get a full view of him to carry home an account of it to his neighbors. with washington, modest at all times, there was no false excitement on the present occasion; nothing to call forth emotions of self-glorification. the honors and congratulations with which he was received, the acclamations of the public, the cheerings of the army, only told him how much was expected from him; and when he looked round upon the raw and rustic levies he was to command, "a mixed multitude of people, under very little discipline, order, or government," scattered in rough encampments about hill and dale, beleaguering a city garrisoned by veteran troops, with ships of war anchored about its harbor, and strong outposts guarding it, he felt the awful responsibility of his situation, and the complicated and stupendous task before him. he spoke of it, however, not despondingly nor boastfully and with defiance; but with that solemn and sedate resolution, and that hopeful reliance on supreme goodness, which belonged to his magnanimous nature. chapter xx. siege of boston. on the d of july, the morning after his arrival at cambridge, washington took formal command of the army. accompanied by general lee, on whose military judgment he had great reliance, he visited the different american posts, and rode to the heights commanding views over boston and its environs, being anxious to make himself acquainted with the strength and relative position of both armies. in visiting the different posts, washington halted for a time at prospect hill, which, as its name denotes, commanded a wide view over boston and the surrounding country. here putnam had taken his position after the battle of bunker's hill, fortifying himself with works which he deemed impregnable; and here the veteran was enabled to point out to the commander-in-chief, and to lee, the main features of the belligerent region, which lay spread out like a map before them. bunker's hill was but a mile distant to the west; the british standard floating as if in triumph on its summit. the main force under general howe was intrenching itself strongly about half a mile beyond the place of the recent battle. howe's sentries extended a hundred and fifty yards beyond the neck or isthmus, over which the americans retreated after the battle. a large force was intrenched south of the town on the neck leading to roxbury--the only entrance to boston by land. the troops were irregularly distributed in a kind of semicircle, eight or nine miles in extent; the left resting on winter hill, the most northern post, the right extending on the south to roxbury and dorchester neck. washington reconnoitred the british posts from various points of view. everything about them was in admirable order. the works appeared to be constructed with military science, the troops to be in a high state of discipline. the american camp, on the contrary, disappointed him. he had expected to find eighteen or twenty thousand men under arms; there were not much more than fourteen thousand. he had expected to find some degree of system and discipline; whereas all were raw militia. he had expected to find works scientifically constructed, and proofs of knowledge and skill in engineering; whereas, what he saw of the latter was very imperfect, and confined to the mere manual exercise of cannon. in riding throughout the camp, washington observed that nine thousand of the troops belonged to massachusetts; the rest were from other provinces. they were encamped in separate bodies, each with its own regulations, and officers of its own appointment. some had tents, others were in barracks, and others sheltered themselves as best they might. many were sadly in want of clothing, and all, said washington, were strongly imbued with the spirit of insubordination, which they mistook for independence. one of the encampments, however, was in striking contrast with the rest, and might vie with those of the british for order and exactness. here were tents and marquees pitched in the english style; soldiers well drilled and well equipped; everything had an air of discipline and subordination. it was a body of rhode island troops, which had been raised, drilled, and brought to the camp by brigadier-general greene,{ } of that province. {footnote : [nathaniel greene was born in rhode island in may, ; was the son of quaker parents; in his boyhood aided his father on a farm and in a mill, but having a thirst for knowledge applied himself sedulously to various studies. public affairs had aroused his martial spirit and he had applied himself to military studies. in the month of may he had been elected commander of the rhode island contingent.]} having taken his survey of the army, washington wrote to the president of congress, representing its various deficiencies, and, among other things, urging the appointment of a commissary-general, a quartermaster-general, a commissary of musters, and a commissary of artillery. above all things, he requested a supply of money as soon as possible. "i find myself already much embarrassed for want of a military chest." in one of his recommendations we have an instance of frontier expediency, learnt in his early campaigns. speaking of the ragged condition of the army, and the difficulty of procuring the requisite kind of clothing, he advises that a number of hunting-shirts, not less than ten thousand, should be provided; as being the cheapest and quickest mode of supplying this necessity. the justice and impartiality of washington were called into exercise as soon as he entered upon his command in allaying discontents among his general officers, caused by the recent appointments and promotions made by the continental congress. general spencer was so offended that putnam should be promoted over his head that he left the army without visiting the commander-in-chief; but was subsequently induced to return. general thomas felt aggrieved by being outranked by the veteran pomeroy; the latter however declining to serve, he found himself senior brigadier, and was appeased. the congress of massachusetts manifested considerate liberality with respect to head-quarters. according to their minutes, a committee was charged to procure a steward, a housekeeper, and two or three women cooks. the wishes of washington were to be consulted in regard to the supply of his table. this his station, as commander-in-chief, required should be kept up in ample and hospitable style. every day a number of his officers dined with him. as he was in the neighborhood of the seat of the provincial government, he would occasionally have members of congress and other functionaries at his board. though social, however, he was not convivial in his habits. he received his guests with courtesy; but his mind and time were too much occupied by grave and anxious concerns to permit him the genial indulgence of the table. he would retire early from the board, leaving an aide-de-camp or one of his officers to take his place. colonel mifflin was the first person who officiated as aide-de-camp. he was a philadelphia gentleman of high respectability, who had accompanied him from that city, and received his appointment shortly after their arrival at cambridge. the second aide-de-camp was john trumbull,{ } son of the governor of connecticut. trumbull was young, and unaccustomed to society, and soon found himself, he says, unequal to the elegant duties of his situation; he gladly exchanged it, therefore, for that of major of brigade. {footnote : in after years distinguished as a historical painter.} the member of washington's family most deserving of mention at present, was his secretary, mr. joseph reed. with this gentleman he had formed an intimacy in the course of his visits to philadelphia, to attend the sessions of the continental congress. mr. reed was an accomplished man, had studied law in america, and at the temple in london, and had gained a high reputation at the philadelphia bar. he had since been highly instrumental in rousing the philadelphians to co-operate with the patriots of boston. a sympathy of views and feelings had attached him to washington, and induced him to accompany him to the camp. the arrival of gates in camp was heartily welcomed by the commander-in-chief, who had received a letter from that officer, gratefully acknowledging his friendly influence in procuring him the appointment of adjutant-general. washington may have promised himself much cordial co-operation from him, recollecting the warm friendship professed by him when he visited at mount vernon, and they talked together over their early companionship in arms; but of that kind of friendship there was no further manifestation. gates was certainly of great service, from his practical knowledge and military experience at this juncture, when the whole army had in a manner to be organized; but from the familiar intimacy of washington he gradually estranged himself. a contemporary has accounted for this by alleging that he was secretly chagrined at not having received the appointment of major-general, to which he considered himself well fitted by his military knowledge and experience and which he thought washington might have obtained for him had he used his influence with congress. the hazardous position of the army from the great extent and weakness of its lines, was what most pressed on the immediate attention of washington; and he summoned a council of war, to take the matter into consideration. in this it was urged that, to abandon the line of works, after the great labor and expense of their construction, would be dispiriting to the troops and encouraging to the enemy, while it would expose a wide extent of the surrounding country to maraud and ravage. beside, no safer position presented itself, on which to fall back. this being generally admitted, it was determined to hold on to the works, and defend them as long as possible; and, in the meantime, to augment the army to at least twenty thousand men. washington now hastened to improve the defences of the camp, strengthen the weak parts of the line, and throw up additional works around the main forts. the army was distributed into three grand divisions. one, forming the right wing, was stationed on the heights of roxbury. it was commanded by major-general ward, who had under him brigadier-generals spencer and thomas. another, forming the left wing, under major-general lee, having with him brigadier-generals sullivan and greene, was stationed on winter and prospect hills; while the centre, under major-general putnam and brigadier-general heath, was stationed at cambridge. at washington's recommendation, joseph trumbull, the eldest son of the governor, received on the th of july the appointment of commissary-general of the continental army. he had already officiated with talent in that capacity in the connecticut militia. nothing excited more gaze and wonder among the rustic visitors to the camp than the arrival of several rifle companies, fourteen hundred men in all, from pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia; such stalwart fellows as washington had known in his early campaigns. stark hunters and bush fighters; many of them upwards of six feet high, and of vigorous frame; dressed in fringed frocks, or rifle shirts, and round hats. their displays of sharp shooting were soon among the marvels of the camp. one of these companies was commanded by captain daniel morgan, a native of new jersey, whose first experience in war had been to accompany braddock's army as a wagoner. he had since carried arms on the frontier and obtained a command. he and his riflemen in coming to the camp had marched six hundred miles in three weeks. while all his forces were required for the investment of boston, washington was importuned by the legislature of massachusetts and the governor of connecticut, to detach troops for the protection of different points of the sea-coast, where depredations by armed vessels were apprehended. the case of new london was specified by governor trumbull, where captain wallace of the rose frigate, with two other ships of war, had entered the harbor, landed men, spiked the cannon, and gone off threatening future visits. washington referred to his instructions, and consulted with his general officers and such members of the continental congress as happened to be in camp, before he replied to these requests; he then respectfully declined compliance. in his reply he stated frankly and explicitly the policy and system on which the war was to be conducted. "it has been debated in congress and settled," writes he, "that the militia, or other internal strength of each province, is to be applied for defence against those small and particular depredations, which were to be expected, and to which they were supposed to be competent. this will appear the more proper, when it is considered that every town, and indeed every part of our sea-coast, which is exposed to these depredations, would have an equal claim upon this army. the great advantage the enemy have of transporting troops, by being masters of the sea, will enable them to harass us by diversions of this kind; and should we be tempted to pursue them, upon every alarm, the army must either be so weakened as to expose it to destruction, or a great part of the coast be still left unprotected.... i wish i could extend protection to all, but the numerous detachments necessary to remedy the evil would amount to a dissolution of the army, or make the most important operations of the campaign depend upon the piratical expeditions of two or three men-of-war and transports." his refusal to grant the required detachments gave much dissatisfaction in some quarters, until sanctioned and enforced by the continental congress. all at length saw and acquiesced in the justice and wisdom of his decision. it was in fact a vital question, involving the whole character and fortune of the war; and it was acknowledged that he met it with a forecast and determination befitting a commander-in-chief. the great object of washington at present was to force the enemy to come out of boston and try a decisive action. his lines had for some time cut off all communication of the town with the country, and he had caused the live stock within a considerable distance of the place to be driven back from the coast, out of reach of the men-of-war's boats. at this critical juncture, when endeavoring to provoke a general action, a startling fact came to light; the whole amount of powder in the camp would not furnish more than nine cartridges to a man! a gross error had been made by the committee of supplies when washington, on taking command, had required a return of the ammunition. they had returned the whole amount of powder collected by the province, upwards of three hundred barrels; without stating what had been expended. the blunder was detected on an order being issued for a new supply of cartridges. it was found that there were but thirty-two barrels of powder in store. this was an astounding discovery. washington instantly despatched letters and expresses to rhode island, the jerseys, ticonderoga and elsewhere, urging immediate supplies of powder and lead; no quantity, however small, to be considered beneath notice. a correspondence of an important character now took place between washington and general gage. it was one intended to put the hostile services on a proper footing. a strong disposition had been manifested among the british officers to regard those engaged in the patriot cause as malefactors, outlawed from the courtesies of chivalric warfare. washington was determined to have a full understanding on this point. he was peculiarly sensitive with regard to gage. they had been companions in arms in their early days; but gage might now affect to look down upon him as the chief of a rebel army. washington took an early opportunity to let him know that he claimed to be the commander of a legitimate force, engaged in a legitimate cause, and that both himself and his army were to be treated on a footing of perfect equality. chapter xxi. projects for the invasion of canada. we must interrupt our narrative of the siege of boston to give an account of events in other quarters, requiring the superintending care of washington as commander-in-chief. letters from general schuyler, received in the course of july, had awakened apprehensions of danger from the interior. the johnsons were said to be stirring up the indians in the western parts of new york to hostility, and preparing to join the british forces in canada. great rivalry, since the exploits of ethan allen and benedict arnold, at ticonderoga and on lake champlain, had arisen between these doughty leaders. allen claimed command at ticonderoga, on the authority of the committee from the connecticut assembly, which had originated the enterprise. arnold claimed it on the strength of his instructions from the massachusetts committee of safety. the public bodies themselves seemed perplexed what to do with the prize, so bravely seized upon by these bold men. the continental congress at length legitimated the exploit, and as it were accepted the captured fortress. [the custody of it was committed to new york, with the power to call on the new england colonies for aid. the call was made, and one thousand troops under colonel hinman were sent forward by the governor of connecticut.] it had been the idea of the continental congress to have those posts dismantled, and the cannon and stores removed to the south end of lake george, where a strong post was to be established. but both allen and arnold exclaimed against such a measure; vaunting, and with reason, the importance of those forts. both were ambitious of further laurels. both were anxious to lead an expedition into canada; and ticonderoga and crown point would open the way to it. "the key is ours," writes allen to the new york congress. "if the colonies would suddenly push an army of two or three thousand men into canada, they might make an easy conquest of all that would oppose them in the extensive province of quebec, except a reinforcement from england should prevent it. such a diversion would weaken gage and insure us canada." a letter to the same purport was written by allen to trumbull, the governor of connecticut. arnold urged the same project upon the attention of the continental congress. his letter was dated from crown point, where he had a little squadron, composed of the sloop captured at st. johns, a schooner, and a flotilla of bateaux. all these he had equipped, armed, maimed, and officered; and his crews were devoted to him. within a few days after the date of this letter, colonel hinman with the connecticut troops arrived. the greater part of the green mountain boys now returned home, their term of enlistment having expired. ethan allen and his brother in arms, seth warner, repaired to congress to get pay for their men, and authority to raise a new regiment. they were received with distinguished honor by that body. as to arnold, difficulties instantly took place between him and colonel hinman. arnold refused to give up to him the command of either post, claiming on the strength of his instructions from the committee of safety of massachusetts, a right to the command of all the posts and fortresses at the south end of lake champlain and lake george. at this juncture arrived a committee of three members of the congress of massachusetts, sent by that body to inquire into the manner in which he had executed his instructions; complaints having been made of his arrogant and undue assumption of command. arnold, thunderstruck at being subjected to inquiry, when he had expected an ovation, disbanded his men and threw up his commission. quite a scene ensued. his men became turbulent; some refused to serve under any other leader; others clamored for their pay, which was in arrears. the storm was allayed by the interference of several of the officers, and the assurances of the committee that every man should be paid. the project of an invasion of canada had at first met with no favor with the continental congress. intelligence subsequently received induced it to change its plans. sir guy carleton was said to be strengthening the fortifications and garrison at st. johns, and preparing to launch vessels on the lake wherewith to regain command of it, and retake the captured posts. powerful reinforcements were coming from england and elsewhere. guy johnson was holding councils with the fierce cayugas and senecas, and stirring up the six nations to hostility. on the other hand, canada was full of religious and political dissensions. the late exploits of the americans on lake champlain, had produced a favorable effect on the canadians, who would flock to the patriot standard if unfurled among them by an imposing force. now was the time to strike a blow to paralyze all hostility from this quarter; now, while carleton's regular force was weak, and before the arrival of additional troops. influenced by these considerations, congress now determined to extend the revolution into canada, but it was an enterprise too important to be entrusted to any but discreet hands. general schuyler, then in new york, was accordingly ordered, on the th of june, to proceed to ticonderoga, and "should he find it practicable, and not disagreeable to the canadians, immediately to take possession of st. johns and montreal, and pursue such other measures in canada as might have a tendency to promote the peace and security of these provinces." schuyler arrived at ticonderoga on the th of july. colonel hinman, it will be recollected, was in temporary command at ticonderoga. the garrison was about twelve hundred strong; the greater part connecticut men, brought by himself; some were new york troops, and some few green mountain boys. schuyler, on taking command, despatched a confidential agent into canada, major john brown, an american, who resided on the sorel river, and was popular among the canadians. he was to collect information as to the british forces and fortifications, and to ascertain how an invasion and an attack on st. johns would be considered by the people of the province; in the meantime, schuyler set diligently to work to build boats and prepare for the enterprise, should it ultimately be ordered by congress. schuyler was excessively annoyed by the confusion and negligence prevalent around him, and the difficulties and delays thereby occasioned. he chafed in spirit at the disregard of discipline among his yeoman soldiery, and their opposition to all system and regularity. this was especially the case with the troops from connecticut, officered generally by their own neighbors and familiar companions, and unwilling to acknowledge the authority of a commander from a different province. he had calculated on being joined by this time by the regiment of green mountain boys which ethan allen and seth warner had undertaken to raise in the new hampshire grants. unfortunately a quarrel had arisen between those brothers in arms, which filled the green mountains with discord and party feuds. the election of officers took place on the th of july. it was made by committees from the different townships. ethan allen was entirely passed by, and seth warner nominated as lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. allen was thunderstruck at finding himself thus suddenly dismounted. his patriotism and love of adventure, however, were not quelled: and he forthwith repaired to the army at ticonderoga to offer himself as a volunteer. schuyler was on the alert with respect to the expedition against canada. from his agent, major brown, and from other sources, he had learnt that there were about seven hundred king's troops in that province; three hundred of them at st. johns, about fifty at quebec, the remainder at montreal, chamblee, and the upper posts. colonel guy johnson was at montreal with three hundred men, mostly his tenants, and with a number of indians. two batteries had been finished at st. johns, mounting nine guns each: other works were intrenched and picketed. two large row galleys were on the stocks, and would soon be finished. now was the time, according to his informants, to carry canada. it might be done with great ease and little cost. the canadians were disaffected to british rule, and would join the americans, and so would many of the indians. "i am prepared," writes he to washington, "to move against the enemy, unless your excellency and congress should direct otherwise." while awaiting orders on this head, he repaired to albany, to hold a conference and negotiate a treaty with the caughnawagas, and the warriors of the six nations, whom, as one of the commissioners of indian affairs, he had invited to meet him at that place. general richard montgomery was to remain in command at ticonderoga, during his absence, and to urge forward the military preparations. the subsequent fortunes of this gallant officer are inseparably connected with the canadian campaign, and have endeared his name to americans.{ } {footnote : [richard montgomery was born in the north of ireland in . he entered the army at eighteen years of age; served in the french war with gallantry; afterward returned to england. about three years before the revolution he sold his commission and emigrated to new york, where he married a daughter of judge robert r. livingston.]} while these things were occurring at ticonderoga, several indian chiefs made their appearance in the camp at cambridge. they came in savage state and costume, as ambassadors from their respective tribes, to have a talk about the impending invasion of canada. one was chief of the caughnawaga tribe, whose residence was on the banks of the st. lawrence, six miles above montreal. others were from st. francis, about forty-five leagues above quebec, and were of a warlike tribe, from which hostilities had been especially apprehended. washington, accustomed to deal with the red warriors of the wilderness, received them with great ceremonial. they dined at head-quarters among his officers, and it is observed that to some of the latter they might have served as models; such was their grave dignity and decorum. a council fire was held. the sachems all offered, on behalf of their tribes, to take up the hatchet for the americans, should the latter invade canada. the offer was embarrassing. congress had publicly resolved to seek nothing but neutrality from the indian nations, unless the ministerial agents should make an offensive alliance with them. the chief of the st. francis tribe declared that governor carleton had endeavored to persuade him to take up the hatchet against the americans, but in vain. washington wished to be certain of the conduct of the enemy, before he gave a reply to these indian overtures. he wrote by express, therefore, to general schuyler, requesting him to ascertain the intentions of the british governor with respect to the native tribes. by the same express, he communicated a plan which had occupied his thoughts for several days. as the contemplated movement of schuyler would probably cause all the british force in canada to be concentrated in the neighborhood of montreal and st. johns, he proposed to send off an expedition of ten or twelve hundred men, to penetrate to quebec by the way of the kennebec river. the express found schuyler in albany, where he had been attending the conference with the six nations. he had just received intelligence which convinced him of the propriety of an expedition into canada; had sent word to general montgomery to get everything ready for it, and was on the point of departing for ticonderoga to carry it into effect. in reply to washington, he declared his conviction, from various accounts which he had received, that carleton and his agents were exciting the indian tribes to hostility. "i should, therefore, not hesitate one moment," adds he, "to employ any savages that might be willing to join us." he expressed himself delighted with washington's project of sending off an expedition to quebec, regretting only that it had not been thought of earlier. having sent off these despatches, schuyler hastened back to ticonderoga. before he reached there, montgomery had received intelligence that carleton had completed his armed vessels at st. johns, and was about to send them into lake champlain by the sorel river. no time, therefore, was to be lost in getting possession of the isle aux noix, which commanded the entrance to that river. montgomery hastened, therefore, to embark with about a thousand men, which were as many as the boats now ready could hold, taking with him two pieces of artillery; with this force he set off down the lake. a letter to general schuyler explained the cause of his sudden departure, and entreated him to follow on in a whale-boat, leaving the residue of the artillery to come on as soon as conveyances could be procured. schuyler arrived at ticonderoga on the night of the th of august, but too ill of a bilious fever to push on in a whale-boat. he caused, however, a bed to be prepared for him in a covered bateau, and, ill as he was, continued forward on the following day. on the th of september he overtook montgomery at the isle la motte, where he had been detained by contrary weather, and assuming command of the little army, kept on the same day to the isle aux noix, about twelve miles south of st. johns. the siege of boston had been kept up for several weeks without any remarkable occurrence. the british remained within their lines, diligently strengthening them; the besiegers having received further supplies of ammunition, were growing impatient of a state of inactivity. towards the latter part of august there were rumors from boston that the enemy were preparing for a sortie. washington was resolved to provoke it by a kind of challenge. he accordingly detached fourteen hundred men to seize at night upon a height within musket shot of the enemy's line on charlestown neck, presuming that the latter would sally forth on the following day to dispute possession of it, and thus be drawn into a general battle. the task was executed with silence and celerity, and by daybreak the hill presented to the astonished foe the aspect of a fortified post. the challenge was not accepted. the british opened a heavy cannonade from bunker's hill, but kept within their works. the americans, scant of ammunition, could only reply with a single nine-pounder; this however sank one of the floating batteries which guarded the neck. the evident unwillingness of the british to come forth was perplexing. perhaps they persuaded themselves that the american army, composed of crude, half-disciplined levies from different and distant quarters, would gradually fall asunder and disperse, or that its means of subsistence would be exhausted. in the meantime as it was evident the enemy did not intend to come out, but were only strengthening their defences and preparing for winter, washington was enabled to turn his attention to the expedition to be sent into canada by the way of the kennebec river. a detachment of about eleven hundred men, chosen for the purpose, was soon encamped on cambridge common. the proposed expedition was wild and perilous, and required a hardy, skilful and intrepid leader. such a one was at hand. benedict arnold was at cambridge, occupied in settling his accounts with the massachusetts committee of safety. whatever faults may have been found with his conduct in some particulars, his exploits on lake champlain had atoned for them, for valor in time of war covers a multitude of sins. washington had given him an honorable reception at head-quarters, and now considered him the very man for the present enterprise. as he would be intrusted with dangerous powers, washington, beside a general letter of instructions, addressed a special one to him individually, full of cautious and considerate advice. he was furnished with handbills for distribution in canada, setting forth the friendly objects of the present expedition, as well as of that under general schuyler; and calling on the canadians to furnish necessaries and accommodations of every kind; for which they were assured ample compensation. on the th of september, arnold struck his tents and set out in high spirits. washington enjoined upon him to push forward, as rapidly as possible, success depending upon celerity; and counted the days as they elapsed after his departure, impatient to receive tidings of his progress up the kennebec, and expecting that the expedition would reach quebec about the middle of october. in the interim came letters from general schuyler, giving particulars of the main expedition. in a preceding chapter we left the general and his little army at the isle aux noix, near the sorel river, the outlet of the lake. thence, on the th of september, he sent colonel ethan allen and major brown to reconnoitre the country between that river and the st. lawrence, to distribute friendly addresses among the people and ascertain their feelings. this done, and having landed his baggage and provisions, the general proceeded along the sorel river the next day with his boats, until within two miles of st. johns, when a cannonade was opened from the fort. in the night the camp was visited secretly by a person who informed general schuyler of the state of the fort. the works were completed, and furnished with cannon. a vessel pierced for sixteen guns was launched, and would be ready to sail in three or four days. it was not probable that any canadians would join the army, being disposed to remain neutral. this intelligence being discussed in a council of war in the morning, it was determined that they had neither men nor artillery sufficient to undertake a siege. they returned, therefore, to the isle aux noix, cast up fortifications, and threw a boom across the channel of the river to prevent the passage of the enemy's vessels into the lake, and awaited the arrival of artillery and reinforcements from ticonderoga. in the course of a few days the expected reinforcements arrived, and with them a small train of artillery. ethan allen also returned from his reconnoitring expedition, of which he made a most encouraging report. preparations were now made for the investment of st. johns, by land and water. major brown, who had already acted as a scout, was sent with one hundred americans and about thirty canadians towards chamblee, to make friends in that quarter, and to join the army as soon as it should arrive at st. johns. to quiet the restless activity of ethan allen, who had no command in the army, he was sent with an escort of thirty men to retrace his steps, penetrate to la prairie, and beat up for recruits among the people whom he had recently visited. for some time past, general schuyler had been struggling with a complication of maladies, but exerting himself to the utmost in the harassing business of the camp. when everything was nearly ready, he was attacked in the night by a severe access of his disorder, which confined him to his bed, and compelled him to surrender the conduct of the expedition to general montgomery. since he could be of no further use, therefore, in this quarter, he caused his bed, as before, to be placed on board a covered bateau, and set off for ticonderoga, to hasten forward reinforcements and supplies. on the th of september, the day after schuyler's departure, montgomery proceeded to carry out the plans which had been concerted between them. landing on the th at the place where they had formerly encamped, within a mile and a half of the fort, he detached a force of five hundred men to take a position at the junction of two roads leading to montreal and chamblee, so as to intercept relief from those points. he now proceeded to invest st. johns, which had a garrison of five or six hundred regulars and two hundred canadian militia. its commander, major preston, made a brave resistance. montgomery had not proper battering cannon; his mortars were defective; his artillerists unpractised, and the engineer ignorant. the siege went on slowly, until the arrival of an artillery company under captain lamb. lamb, who was an able officer, immediately bedded a thirteen-inch mortar, and commenced a fire of shot and shells upon the fort. the distance, however, was too great, and the positions of the batteries were ill chosen. a flourishing letter was received by the general from colonel ethan allen, giving hope of further reinforcement. "i am now," writes he, "at the parish of st. ours, four leagues from sorel to the south. i have two hundred and fifty canadians under arms. as i march, they gather fast. you may rely on it that i shall join you in about three days, with five hundred or more canadian volunteers." but when on his way towards st. johns, when between longueil and la prairie, allen met colonel brown with his party of americans and canadians. a conversation took place between them. brown assured him that the garrison at montreal did not exceed thirty men, and might easily be surprised. allen's partisan spirit was instantly excited. here was a chance for another bold stroke equal to that at ticonderoga. a plan was forthwith agreed upon. allen was to return to longueil, which is nearly opposite montreal, and cross the st. lawrence in canoes in the night, so as to land a little below the town. brown, with two hundred men, was to cross above, and montreal was to be attacked simultaneously at opposite points. all this was arranged and put in action without the consent or knowledge of general montgomery. allen was again the partisan leader, acting from individual impulse. the whole force with which he undertook his part of this inconsiderate enterprise was thirty americans and eighty canadians. with these he crossed the river on the night of the th of september. guards were stationed on the roads to prevent any one passing and giving the alarm in montreal. day dawned, but there was no signal of major brown having performed his part of the scheme. the day advanced, but still no signal; it was evident major brown had not crossed. allen would gladly have recrossed the river, but it was too late. an alarm had been given to the town, and he soon found himself encountered by about forty regular soldiers and a hasty levy of canadians and indians. a smart action ensued; most of allen's canadian recruits gave way and fled, a number of americans were slain, and he at length surrendered. this reckless dash at montreal was viewed with concern by the american commander. "i am apprehensive of disagreeable consequences arising from mr. allen's imprudence," writes general schuyler. the conduct of allen was also severely censured by washington. "his misfortune," said he, "will, i hope, teach a lesson of prudence and subordination to others." washington, who was full of solicitude about the fate of arnold, received a despatch from him, dated october th, from the great portage or carrying-place between the kennebec and dead rivers. the toils of the expedition up the kennebec river had been excessive. part of the men of each division managed the boats--part marched along the banks. those on board had to labor against swift currents; to unload at rapids; transport the cargoes, and sometimes the boats themselves, for some distance on their shoulders, and then to reload. those on land had to scramble over rocks and precipices, to struggle through swamps and fenny streams; or cut their way through tangled thickets, which reduced their clothes to rags. with all their efforts, their progress was but from four to ten miles a day. by the time they arrived at the place whence the letter was written, fatigue, swamp fevers and desertion had reduced their numbers to about nine hundred and fifty effective men. arnold, however, wrote in good heart. "the last division," said he, "is just arrived; three divisions are over the first carrying-place, and as the men are in high spirits, i make no doubt of reaching the river chaudiere in eight or ten days, the greatest difficulty being, i hope, already past." chapter xxii. war along the coast.--progress of the siege. while the two expeditions were threatening canada from different quarters, the war was going on along the seaboard. the british in boston, cut off from supplies by land, fitted out small armed vessels to seek them along the coast of new england. the inhabitants drove their cattle into the interior, or boldly resisted the aggressors. parties landing to forage were often repulsed by hasty levies of the yeomanry. scenes of ravage and violence occurred. stonington was cannonaded, and further measures of vengeance were threatened by captain wallace of the rose man-of-war, a naval officer, who had acquired an almost piratical reputation along the coast, and had his rendezvous in the harbor of newport: domineering over the waters of rhode island. to check these maraudings, and to capture the enemy's transports laden with supplies, the provinces of massachusetts, rhode island and connecticut fitted out two armed vessels each, at their own expense, without seeking the sanction or aid of congress. washington, also, on his own responsibility ordered several to be equipped for like purpose. among the sturdy little new england seaports, which had become obnoxious to punishment by resistance to nautical exactions, was falmouth (now portland), in maine. on the evening of the th of october, lieutenant mowat, of the royal navy, appeared before it with several armed vessels, and sent a letter on shore, apprising the inhabitants that he was come to execute a just punishment on them for their "premeditated attacks on the legal prerogatives of the best of sovereigns." two hours were given them, "to remove the human species out of the town." with much difficulty, and on the surrendering of some arms, a respite was obtained until nine o'clock the next morning, and the inhabitants employed the interval in removing their families and effects. about half-past nine o'clock the signal gun was fired, and within five minutes several houses were in flames. the inhabitants, standing on the heights, were spectators of the conflagration. all the vessels in the harbor were destroyed or carried away as prizes, and the town left a smoking ruin. the conflagration of falmouth was as a bale of fire throughout the country. [lieutenant mowat had declared to the people of falmouth that he had orders from admiral graves to set fire to all the seaport towns between boston and halifax. washington supposed such to be the case.] general sullivan was sent to portsmouth, where there was a fortification of some strength, to give the inhabitants his advice and assistance in warding off the menaced blow. newport, also, was put on the alert, and recommended to fortify itself. under the feeling roused by these reports, the general court of massachusetts, exercising a sovereign power, passed an act for encouraging the fitting out of armed vessels to defend the sea-coast of america, and for erecting a court to try and condemn all vessels that should be found infesting the same. this act, granting letters of marque and reprisal, anticipated any measure of the kind on the part of the general government. the british ministry have, in later days, been exculpated from the charge of issuing such a desolating order as that said to have been reported by lieutenant mowat. the orders under which that officer acted, we are told, emanated from general gage and admiral graves. whatever part general gage may have had in this most ill-advised and discreditable measure, it was the last of his military government, and he did not remain long enough in the country to see it carried into effect. he sailed for england on the th of october, not absolutely superseded, but called home, "in order," as it was considerately said, "to give his majesty exact information of everything, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and experience of the service might enable him to furnish." during his absence, major-general howe would act as commander-in-chief. he never returned to america. on the th of october a committee from congress arrived in camp, sent to hold a conference with washington, and with delegates from the governments of connecticut, rhode island, massachusetts and new hampshire, on the subject of a new organization of the army. the committee consisted of benjamin franklin, thomas lynch of carolina, and colonel harrison of virginia. washington was president of the board of conference, and mr. joseph reed secretary. the committee brought an intimation from congress that an attack upon boston was much desired, if practicable. washington called a council of war of his generals on the subject; they were unanimously of the opinion that an attack would not be prudent at present. the board of conference was repeatedly in session for three or four days. the report of its deliberations rendered by the committee, produced a resolution of congress that a new army of twenty-two thousand two hundred and seventy-two men and officers should be formed, to be recruited as much as possible from the troops actually in service. unfortunately the term for which they were to be enlisted was to be _but for one year_. it formed a precedent which became a recurring cause of embarrassment throughout the war. washington's secretary, mr. reed, had, after the close of the conference, signified to him his intention to return to philadelphia, where his private concerns required his presence. his departure was deeply regretted. on the departure of mr. reed, his place as secretary was temporarily supplied by mr. robert harrison of maryland, and subsequently by colonel mifflin; neither, however, attained to the affectionate confidence reposed in their predecessor. the measures which general howe had adopted after taking command in boston, rejoiced the royalists, seeming to justify their anticipations. he proceeded to strengthen the works on bunker's hill and boston neck, and to clear away houses and throw up redoubts on eminences within the town. the patriot inhabitants were shocked by the desecration of the old south church, which was converted into a riding-school. the north church was entirely demolished and used for fuel. about the last of october, howe issued three proclamations. the first forbade all persons to leave boston without his permission under pain of military execution; the second forbade any one, so permitted, to take with him more than five pounds sterling, under pain of forfeiting all the money found upon his person and being subject to fine and imprisonment; the third called upon the inhabitants to arm themselves for the preservation of order within the town; they to be commanded by officers of his appointment. washington had recently been incensed by the conflagration of falmouth; the conduct of governor dunmore who had proclaimed martial law in virginia and threatened ruin to the patriots, had added to his provocation; the measures of general howe seemed of the same harsh character, and he determined to retaliate. "would it not be prudent," writes he to governor trumbull of connecticut, "to seize those tories who have been, are, and we know will be active against us? why should persons who are preying upon the vitals of their country, be suffered to stalk at large, whilst we know they will do us every mischief in their power?" in this spirit he ordered general sullivan, who was fortifying portsmouth, "to seize upon such persons as held commissions under the crown, and were acting as open and avowed enemies to their country, and hold them as hostages for the security of the town." still he was moderate in his retaliation, and stopped short of private individuals. the season was fast approaching when the bay between the camp and boston would be frozen over, and military operations might be conducted upon the ice. general howe, if reinforced, would then very probably "endeavor to relieve himself from the disgraceful confinement in which the ministerial troops had been all summer." washington felt the necessity, therefore, of guarding the camps wherever they were most assailable: and of throwing up batteries for the purpose. he had been embarrassed throughout the siege by the want of artillery and ordnance stores; but never more so than at the present moment. in this juncture, mr. henry knox stepped forward, and offered to proceed to the frontier forts on champlain in quest of a supply. knox was one of the patriots who had fought on bunker's hill, since when he had aided in planning the defences of the camp before boston. the aptness and talent here displayed by him as an artillerist, had recently induced washington to recommend him to congress for the command of a regiment of artillery. congress had not yet acted on that recommendation; in the meantime washington availed himself of the offered services of knox in the present instance. he was instructed to take an account of the cannon, mortars, shells, lead and ammunition that were wanting. he was to hasten to new york, procure and forward all that could be had there; and thence proceed to the head-quarters of general schuyler, who was requested by letter to aid him in obtaining what further supplies of the kind were wanting from the forts at ticonderoga, crown point, st. johns, and even quebec, should it be in the hands of the americans. knox set off on his errand with promptness and alacrity. the re-enlistment of troops actually in service was now attempted, and proved a fruitful source of perplexity. in a letter to the president of congress, washington observes that half of the officers of the rank of captain were inclined to retire; and it was probable their example would influence their men. of those who were disposed to remain, the officers of one colony were unwilling to mix in the same regiment with those of another. many sent in their names, to serve in expectation of promotion; others stood aloof, to see what advantages they could make for themselves; while those who had declined sent in their names again to serve. the difficulties were greater, if possible, with the soldiers than with the officers. they would not enlist unless they knew their colonel, lieutenant-colonel and captain; connecticut men being unwilling to serve under officers from massachusetts, and massachusetts men under officers from rhode island: so that it was necessary to appoint the officers first. twenty days later he again writes to the president of congress: "i am sorry to be necessitated to mention to you the egregious want of public spirit which prevails here. instead of pressing to be engaged in the cause of their country, which i vainly flattered myself would be the case, i find we are likely to be deserted in a most critical time.... our situation is truly alarming, and of this general howe is well apprised. no doubt when he is reinforced he will avail himself of the information." in a letter to reed he disburdened his heart more completely. "such dearth of public spirit, and such want of virtue; such stock-jobbing, and fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantage of one kind or another in this great change of military arrangement, i never saw before, and i pray god's mercy that i may never be witness to again." chapter xxiii. affairs in canada. [despatches from schuyler, dated october th, gave washington another chapter of the canada expedition. chamblee, an inferior fort within five miles of st. johns, had been captured. montgomery now pressed the siege of st. johns with vigor. major preston, although suffering for want of provisions, still held out manfully, hoping for relief from general carleton. colonel maclean, a brave and veteran scot, had enlisted three hundred of his countrymen at quebec, and was to land at the mouth of the sorel, where it empties into the st. lawrence, and proceeding along the latter river join carleton at st. johns, who would repair thither by the way of longueil. on september st, carleton embarked his force at montreal in thirty-four boats, to cross the st. lawrence, and land at longueil. as the boats approached the shore, a terrible fire of artillery and musketry opened upon them from a detachment of green mountain boys and new york troops stationed there under the command of colonel seth warner. the boats were thrown into confusion; some were disabled, others were driven on shore on an island, and carleton retreated with the rest to montreal. this disorder led to the surrender of st. johns, the garrison of which consisted of five hundred regulars and one hundred canadians. colonel maclean, who was to have co-operated with carleton, met with no better fortune than that commander.] while in full march for st. johns he encountered majors brown and livingston, who pressed him back to the mouth of the sorel, where, hearing of the repulse of carleton, and being deserted by his canadian recruits, he embarked the residue of his troops, and set off down the st. lawrence to quebec. the americans now took post at the mouth of the sorel, where they erected batteries so as to command the st. lawrence, and prevent the descent of any armed vessels from montreal. [arnold, meanwhile, was advancing with severe toil and difficulty. his troops and effects were transported across the carrying-point between the kennebec and dead rivers. on the latter river they landed their boats, and navigated its sluggish waters to the foot of snow crowned mountains. here they experienced heavy rains; some of their boats were overturned by torrents from the mountains, and many of their provisions lost. the sick list increased, and the spirits of the army gave way. but the energy of arnold was unabated. he pushed on, and at lake megantic, the source of the chaudiere, he met an emissary whom he had sent forward to sound the feelings of the french yeomanry. his report being favorable, arnold divided his provisions among his troops, and with a light foraging party pushed rapidly ahead to procure and send back supplies. chaudiere is little better than a mountain torrent, full of rocks and rapids. arnold embarked upon it with his little party in five bateaux and a birch canoe. three of the boats were dashed to pieces, the cargoes lost, and the crews saved with difficulty.] at length they reached sertigan, the first french settlement, where they were cordially received. here arnold bought provisions, which he sent back by the canadians and indians to his troops. the latter were in a state of starvation. arnold halted for a short time in the hospitable valley of chaudiere to give his troops repose, and distributed among the inhabitants the printed manifesto with which he had been furnished by washington. here he was joined by about forty norridgewock indians. on the th of november, the little army emerged from the woods at point levi, on the st. lawrence, opposite to quebec. leaving arnold in full sight of quebec, we turn to narrate the events of the upper expedition into canada. montgomery appeared before montreal on the th of november. general carleton had embarked with his little garrison and several of the civil officers of the place, on board of a flotilla of ten or eleven small vessels, and made sail in the night. the town capitulated, of course; and montgomery took quiet possession. his urbanity and kindness soon won the good will of the inhabitants, both english and french, and made the canadians sensible that he really came to secure their rights, not to molest them. intercepted letters acquainted him with arnold's arrival in the neighborhood of quebec. his great immediate object was the capture of carleton; which would form a triumphal close to the enterprise, and might decide the fate of canada. the flotilla in which the general was embarked had made repeated attempts to escape down the st. lawrence; but had as often been driven back by the batteries thrown up by the americans at the mouth of the sorel. it now lay anchored about fifteen miles above the river; and montgomery prepared to attack it with bateaux and light artillery, so as to force it down upon the batteries. carleton saw his imminent peril. disguising himself as a canadian voyager, he set off on a dark night accompanied by six peasants, in a boat with muffled oars, which he assisted to pull; slipped quietly and silently past all the batteries and guard-boats, and effected his escape to three rivers, where he embarked in a vessel for quebec. after his departure the flotilla surrendered. montgomery now placed garrisons in montreal, st. johns and chamblee, and made final preparations for descending the st. lawrence, and co-operating with arnold against quebec. to his disappointment and deep chagrin, he found but a handful of his troops disposed to accompany him. some pleaded ill health; the term of enlistment of many had expired, and they were bent on returning home; and others, who had no such excuses to make became exceedingly turbulent, and mutinous. nothing but a sense of public duty and gratitude to congress for an unsought commission, had induced montgomery to engage in the service; wearied by the continual vexations which beset it, he avowed, in a letter to schuyler, his determination to retire as soon as the intended expedition against quebec was finished. [general montgomery had been thwarted continually in his efforts by the want of subordination and discipline among his troops, "who," said he, "carry the spirit of freedom into the camp and think for themselves." accustomed as he had been, in his former military experience, to the implicit obedience of european troops, the insubordination of these yeoman soldiery was intolerable to him.] the tidings of the capture of montreal gave washington the liveliest satisfaction. he now looked forward to equal success in the expedition against quebec. certain passages of schuyler's letters, however, gave him deep concern, wherein that general complained of the embarrassments and annoyances he had experienced from the insubordination of the army. "habituated to order," said he, "i cannot without pain see that disregard of discipline, confusion and inattention which reign so generally in this quarter, and i am determined to retire. of this resolution i have advised congress." he had indeed done so. in communicating to the president of congress the complaints of general montgomery, and his intention to retire, "my sentiments," said he, "exactly coincide with his. i shall, with him, do everything in my power to put a finishing stroke to the campaign, and make the best arrangement in my power, in order to insure success to the next. this done, i must beg leave to retire." congress, however, was too well aware of his value, readily to dispense with his services. his letter produced a prompt resolution expressive of their high sense of his attention and perseverance, "which merited the thanks of the united colonies." what, however, produced a greater effect upon schuyler than any encomium or entreaty on the part of congress, were the expostulations of washington, inspired by strong friendship and kindred sympathies. "i am exceedingly sorry," writes the latter, "that you and general montgomery incline to quit the service. let me ask you, sir, when is the time for brave men to exert themselves in the cause of liberty and their country, if this is not? should any difficulties that they may have to encounter at this important crisis deter them? god knows there is not a difficulty that you both very justly complain of, that i have not in an eminent degree experienced, that i am not every day experiencing; but we must bear up against them, and make the best of mankind, as they are, since we cannot have them as we wish. let me therefore conjure you, and mr. montgomery, to lay aside such thoughts--as thoughts injurious to yourselves and extremely so to your country, which calls aloud for gentlemen of your ability." this noble appeal went straight to the heart of schuyler, and brought out a magnanimous reply. "i do not hesitate," writes he, "to answer my dear general's question in the affirmative, by declaring that now or never is the time for every virtuous american to exert himself in the cause of liberty and his country; and that it is become a duty cheerfully to sacrifice the sweets of domestic felicity to attain the honest and glorious end america has in view." [the true cause of schuyler's wish to retire from official station was the annoyance he had suffered through the campaign from sectional prejudices. the eastern troops persistently declared that the general commanding in that quarter ought to be of the colony whence the majority of the troops came. his liberal treatment of british and canadian prisoners was also a cause of offence, and rendered him unpopular.] chapter xxiv. incidents of the camp.--arnold before quebec. the forming even of the skeleton of an army under the new regulations, had been a work of infinite difficulty; to fill it up was still more difficult. the first burst of revolutionary zeal had passed away; enthusiasm had been chilled by the inaction and monotony of a long encampment; an encampment, moreover, destitute of those comforts which, in experienced warfare, are provided by a well-regulated commissariat. the troops had suffered privations of every kind, want of fuel, clothing, provisions. they looked forward with dismay to the rigors of winter, and longed for their rustic homes and their family firesides. [the connecticut troops, whose time was expiring, were urged to remain until december th, when their place would be supplied by new levies. they refused, and withdrew on the st, thereby greatly weakening the lines. this conduct excited great indignation, and the homeward-bound warriors met with a reception on their arrival at home which prompted many to return again to camp.] on the very day after the departure homeward of these troops, and while it was feared their example would be contagious, a long, lumbering train of wagons, laden with ordnance and military stores, and decorated with flags, came wheeling into the camp escorted by continental troops and country militia. they were part of the cargo of a large brigantine laden with munitions of war, captured and sent in to cape ann by the schooner lee, captain manly, one of the cruisers sent out by washington. beside the ordnance captured, there were two thousand stand of arms, one hundred thousand flints, thirty thousand round shot, and thirty-two tons of musket balls. it was a cheering incident, and was eagerly turned to account. among the ordnance was a huge brass mortar of a new construction, weighing near three thousand pounds. it was considered a glorious trophy, and there was a resolve to christen it. mifflin, washington's secretary, suggested the name. the mortar was fixed in a bed; old putnam mounted it, dashed on it a bottle of rum, and gave it the name of "congress." with washington, this transient gleam of nautical success was soon overshadowed by the conduct of the cruisers he had sent to the st. lawrence. failing to intercept the brigantines, the objects of their cruise, they landed on the island of st. johns, plundered the house of the governor and several private dwellings, and brought off three of the principal inhabitants prisoners; one of whom, mr. callbeck, was president of the council, and acted as governor. these gentlemen made a memorial to washington of this scandalous maraud. he instantly ordered the restoration of the effects which had been pillaged. shortly after the foregoing occurrence, information was received of the indignities which had been heaped upon colonel ethan allen, [who was loaded with chains and thrown into prison,] when captured at montreal by general prescott, who himself was now a prisoner in the hands of the americans. it touched washington on a point on which he was most sensitive and tenacious, the treatment of american officers when captured. [a correspondence ensued between washington and general howe, in which the former threatened as retaliation to inflict upon general prescott the same treatment and fate which colonel allen should experience. in reply, howe asserted that his command did not extend to canada and that he had no knowledge of allen or his fate. general carleton, he assumed, would not in this case forfeit his past pretensions to decency and humanity. the measure of retaliation threatened by washington was actually meted out by congress on the arrival of general prescott in philadelphia. he was ordered into close confinement in jail, though not put in irons; but subsequently, on account of his health, he was released.] at the time of this correspondence with howe, washington was earnestly occupied preparing works for the bombardment of boston, should that measure be resolved upon by congress. general putnam, in the preceding month, had taken possession in the night of cobble hill without molestation from the enemy, though a commanding eminence; and in two days had constructed a work, which, from its strength, was named putnam's impregnable fortress. he was now engaged on another work on lechmere point, to be connected with the works at cobble hill by a bridge thrown across willis's creek, and a covered way. lechmere point is immediately opposite the north part of boston; and the scarborough ship-of-war was anchored near it. putnam availed himself of a dark and foggy day (dec. ), to commence operations, and broke ground with four hundred men, at ten o'clock in the morning, on a hill at the point. "the mist," says a contemporary account, "was so great as to prevent the enemy from discovering what he was about until near twelve o'clock, when it cleared up, and opened to their view our whole party at the point, and another at the causeway throwing a bridge over the creek. the scarborough, anchored off the point, poured in a broadside. the enemy from boston threw shells. the garrison at cobble hill returned fire. our men were obliged to decamp from the point, but the work was resumed by the brave old general at night." on the next morning, general heath was detached with a party of men to carry on the work which putnam had commenced. it was to consist of two redoubts, on one of which was to be a mortar battery. there was, as yet, a deficiency of ordnance; but the prize mortar was to be mounted which putnam had recently christened, "the congress." for several days the labor at the works was continued; the redoubts were thrown up, and a covered way was constructed leading down to the bridge. all this was done notwithstanding the continual fire of the enemy. putnam anticipated great effects from this work, and especially from his grand mortar. shells there were in abundance for a bombardment; the only thing wanting was a supply of powder. amid the various concerns of the war, and the multiplied perplexities of the camp, the thoughts of washington continually reverted to his home on the banks of the potomac. a constant correspondence was kept up between him and his agent, mr. lund washington, who had charge of his various estates. the general gave clear and minute directions as to their management, and the agent rendered as clear and minute returns of everything that had been done in consequence. according to recent accounts, mount vernon had been considered in danger. lord dunmore was exercising martial law in the ancient dominion, and it was feared that the favorite abode of the "rebel commander-in-chief" would be marked out for hostility, and that the enemy might land from their ships in the potomac and lay it waste. washington's brother, john augustine, had entreated mrs. washington to leave it. the people of loudoun had advised her to seek refuge beyond the blue ridge, and had offered to send a guard to escort her. she had declined the offer, not considering herself in danger. lund washington was equally free from apprehensions on the subject. though alive to everything concerning mount vernon, washington agreed with them in deeming it in no present danger of molestation by the enemy. still he felt for the loneliness of mrs. washington's situation, heightened as it must be by anxiety on his own account. he wrote to her, therefore, by express, in november, inviting her to join him at the camp. he at the same time wrote to lund washington, engaging his continued services as an agent. this person, though bearing the same name, and probably of the same stock, does not appear to have been in any near degree of relationship. mrs. washington came on with her own carriage and horses, accompanied by her son, mr. custis, and his wife. escorts and guards of honor attended her from place to place, and she was detained some time at philadelphia by the devoted attention of the inhabitants. her arrival at cambridge was a glad event in the army. [mrs. washington presided at head-quarters with dignity and affability. some questions of ceremony had arisen, and jealousies had been excited in reference to invitations to head-quarters. the presence of mrs. washington relieved the general from numerous perplexities of this character. after her arrival the camp assumed a more convivial tone than before, and parties became common.] while giving these familiar scenes and occurrences we are tempted to subjoin one furnished from the manuscript memoir of an eye witness. a large party of virginia riflemen, who had recently arrived in camp, were strolling about cambridge, and viewing the collegiate buildings, now turned into barracks. their half-indian equipments, and fringed and ruffled hunting garbs, provoked the merriment of some troops from marblehead, chiefly fishermen and sailors, who thought nothing equal to the round jacket and trowsers. a bantering ensued between them. there was snow upon the ground, and snowballs began to fly when jokes were wanting. the parties waxed warm with the contest. they closed, and came to blows; both sides were reinforced, and in a little while at least a thousand were at fisticuffs, and there was a tumult in the camp worthy of the days of homer. "at this juncture," writes our informant, "washington made his appearance, whether by accident or design, i never knew. i saw none of his aides with him; his black servant was just behind him mounted. he threw the bridle of his own horse into his servant's hands, sprang from his seat, rushed into the thickest of the melée, seized two tall brawny riflemen by the throat, keeping them at arm's-length, talking to and shaking them." as they were from his own province, he may have felt peculiarly responsible for their good conduct; they were engaged, too, in one of those sectional brawls which were his especial abhorrence; his reprimand must, therefore, have been a vehement one. he was commanding in his serenest moments, but irresistible in his bursts of indignation. on the present occasion, we are told, his appearance and strong-handed rebuke put an instant end to the tumult. the combatants dispersed in all directions, and in less than three minutes none remained on the ground but the two he had collared. the invasion of canada still shared the anxious thoughts of washington. his last accounts of the movements of arnold, left him at point levi, opposite to quebec. it was his intention to cross the river immediately. at point levi, however, he was brought to a stand; not a boat was to be found there. letters to generals schuyler and montgomery had been carried by his faithless messengers, to caramhé, the lieutenant-governor, who, had caused all the boats of point levi to be either removed or destroyed. arnold was not a man to be disheartened by difficulties. with great exertions he procured about forty birch canoes, but stormy winds arose, and for some days the river was too boisterous for such frail craft. in the meantime the garrison at quebec was gaining strength. the veteran maclean arrived down the river with his corps of royal highland emigrants, and threw himself into the place. the lizard frigate, the hornet sloop-of-war, and two armed schooners were stationed in the river, and guard-boats patrolled at night. on the th of november, arnold received intelligence that montgomery had captured st. johns. he was instantly roused to emulation. his men, too, were inspirited by the news. the wind had abated: he determined to cross the river that very night. at a late hour in the evening he embarked with the first division. by four o'clock in the morning a large part of his force had crossed without being perceived, and landed about a mile and a half above cape diamond, at wolfe's cove, so called from being the landing-place of that gallant commander. just then a guard-boat, belonging to the lizard, came slowly along shore and discovered them. they hailed it, and ordered it to land. not complying, it was fired into and three men were killed. the boat instantly pulled for the frigate, giving vociferous alarm. without waiting the arrival of the residue of his men, for whom the canoes had been despatched, arnold led those who had landed to the foot of the cragged defile, once scaled by the intrepid wolfe, and scrambled up it in all haste. by daylight he had planted his daring flag on the far-famed heights of abraham. here the main difficulty stared him in the face. a strong line of walls and bastions traversed the promontory from one of its precipitous sides to the other; enclosing the upper and lower towns. on the right, the great bastion of cape diamond crowned the rocky height of that name. on the left was the bastion of la potasse, close by the gate of st. johns, opening upon the barracks. a council of war was now held. arnold, who had some knowledge of the place, was for dashing forward at once and storming the gate of st. johns. had they done so, they might have been successful. the gate was open and unguarded. through some blunder and delay, a message from the commander of the lizard to the lieutenant-governor had not yet been delivered, and no alarm had reached the fortress. the formidable aspect of the place, however, awed arnold's associates. cautious counsel is often fatal to a daring enterprise. while the counsel of war deliberated, the favorable moment passed away. the lieutenant-governor received the tardy message. he hastily assembled the merchants, officers of militia, and captains of merchant vessels. all promised to stand by him, and the walls looking upon the heights were soon manned by the military. arnold paraded his men within a hundred yards of the walls, and caused them to give three hearty cheers; hoping to excite a revolt in the place, or to provoke the scanty garrison to a sally. there was some firing on the part of the americans, but merely as an additional taunt; they were too far off for their musketry to have effect. a large cannon on the ramparts was brought to bear on them, and a few shots obliged the americans to retire and encamp. in the evening arnold sent a flag, demanding in the name of the united colonies the surrender of the place. some of the disaffected and the faint-hearted were inclined to open the gates, but were held in check by the mastiff loyalty of maclean. the inhabitants gradually recovered from their alarm, and armed themselves to defend their property. the sailors and marines proved a valuable addition to the garrison, which now really meditated a sortie. arnold received information of all this from friends within the walls; he heard about the same time of the capture of montreal, and that general carleton, having escaped from that place, was on his way down to quebec. he thought at present, therefore, to draw off on the th to _point aux trembles_ (aspen-tree point), twenty miles above quebec, there to await the arrival of general montgomery with troops and artillery. as his little army wended its way along the high bank of the river towards its destined encampment, a vessel passed below, which had just touched at point aux trembles. on board of it was general carleton, hurrying on to quebec. chapter xxv. washington's perplexities.--new york in danger. in the month of december a vessel had been captured, bearing supplies from lord dunmore to the army at boston. a letter on board, from his lordship to general howe, invited him to transfer the war to the southern colonies; or, at all events, to send reinforcements thither; intimating at the same time his plan of proclaiming liberty to indentured servants, negroes, and others appertaining to rebels, and inviting them to join his majesty's troops. in a word, to inflict upon virginia the horrors of a servile war. "if this man is not crushed before spring," writes washington, "he will become the most formidable enemy america has. his strength will increase as a snowball." general lee took the occasion to set forth his own system of policy. "had my opinion been thought worthy of attention," would he say, "lord dunmore would have been disarmed of his teeth and claws." he would seize tryon too, "and every governor, government man, placeman, tory and enemy to liberty on the continent, and confiscate their estates, or at least lay them under heavy contributions for the public. their persons should be secured, in some of the interior towns, as hostages for the treatment of those of our party whom the fortune of war shall throw into their hands; they should be allowed a reasonable pension out of their fortunes for their maintenance." such was the policy advocated by lee in his letters and conversation, and he soon had an opportunity of carrying it partly into operation. [newport being threatened by a naval armament from boston, general lee was despatched, at the request of the governor, to put the island in a state of defence. lee set out with alacrity. having laid out works, and given directions for fortifications, he summoned before him a number of persons who had been in the habit of supplying the enemy, and compelled them all to take an oath of fidelity to the continental claim. those who refused were put under guard and sent to providence. congress was disposed to consider these measures too highhanded, but washington approved of them.] december had been throughout a month of severe trial to washington; during which he saw his army dropping away piece-meal before his eyes. homeward every face was turned as soon as the term of enlistment was at an end. scarce could the disbanding troops be kept a few days in camp until militia could be procured to supply their place. washington made repeated and animated appeals to their patriotism; they were almost unheeded. he caused popular and patriotic songs to be sung about the camp. they passed by like the idle wind. home! home! home! throbbed in every heart. "the desire of retiring into a chimney-corner," says washington reproachfully, "seized the troops as soon as their terms expired." greene, throughout this trying month, was continually by washington's side. his letters expressing the same cares and apprehensions, and occasionally in the same language with those of the commander-in-chief, show how completely he was in his councils. the st of december arrived, the crisis of the army; for with that month expired the last of the old terms of enlistment. "we never have been so weak," writes greene, "as we shall be to-morrow, when we dismiss the old troops." on this day washington received cheering intelligence from canada. a junction had taken place, a month previously, between arnold and montgomery at point aux trembles. they were about two thousand strong, and were making every preparation for attacking quebec. on the following morning (january st, ,) his army did not amount to ten thousand men, and was composed of but half-filled regiments. even in raising this inadequate force, it had been necessary to indulge many of the men with furloughs, that they might visit their families and friends. the detachments of militia from the neighboring provinces which replaced the disbanding troops, remained but for brief periods; so that, in despite of every effort, the lines were often but feebly manned, and might easily have been forced. the anxiety of washington in this critical state of the army, may be judged from his correspondence with reed. "it is easier to conceive than to describe the situation of my mind for some time past, and my feelings under our present circumstances," writes he, on the th of january. "search the volumes of history through, and i much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found; namely, to maintain a post against the power of the british troops for six months together, without powder, and then to have one army disbanded and another raised within the same distance (musket shot) of a reinforced enemy. what may be the issue of the last manoeuvre, time only can unfold. i wish this month were well over our head." in the midst of his discouragements, washington received letters from knox, showing the spirit and energy with which he was executing his mission, in quest of cannon and ordnance stores. he had struggled manfully and successfully with all kinds of difficulties from the advanced season, and head winds, in getting them from ticonderoga to the head of lake george. "three days ago," writes he, on the th of december, "it was very uncertain whether we could get them over until next spring; but now, please god, they shall go. i have made forty-two exceedingly strong sleds, and have provided eighty yoke of oxen to drag them as far as springfield, where i shall get fresh cattle to take them to camp." early in the month of january, there was a great stir of preparation in boston harbor. a fleet of transports were taking in supplies, and making arrangements for the embarkation of troops. bomb-ketches and flat-bottomed boats were getting ready for sea, as were two sloops-of-war, which were to convey the armament. its destination was kept secret; but was confidently surmised by washington. in the preceding month of october, a letter had been laid before congress, written by some person in london of high credibility, and revealing a secret plan of operations said to have been sent out by ministers to the commanders in boston. the following is the purport: possession was to be gained of new york and albany, through the assistance of governor tryon, on whose influence with the tory part of the population, much reliance was placed. these cities were to be very strongly garrisoned. all who did not join the king's forces were to be declared rebels. the hudson river, and the east river or sound, were to be commanded by a number of small men-of-war and cutters, stationed in different parts, so as wholly to cut off all communication by water between new york and the provinces to the northward of it; and between new york and albany, except for the king's service; and to prevent, also, all communication between the city of new york and the provinces of new jersey, pennsylvania, and those to the southward of them. "by these means," said the letter, "the administration and their friends fancy they shall soon either starve out or retake the garrisons of crown point and ticonderoga, and open and maintain a safe intercourse and correspondence between quebec, albany, and new york; and thereby offer the fairest opportunity to their soldiery and the canadians, in conjunction with the indians to be procured by guy johnson, to make continual irruptions into new hampshire, massachusetts and connecticut, and so distract and divide the provincial forces, as to render it easy for the british army at boston to defeat them, break the spirits of the massachusetts people, depopulate their country, and compel an absolute subjection to great britain." this information had already excited solicitude respecting the hudson, and led to measures for its protection. it was now surmised that the expedition preparing to sail from boston, and which was to be conducted by sir henry clinton, might be destined to seize upon new york. how was the apprehended blow to be parried? general lee, who was just returned from his energetic visit to rhode island, offered his advice and services in the matter. in a letter to washington, he urged him to act at once, and on his own responsibility, without awaiting the tardy and doubtful sanction of congress, for which, in military matters, lee had but small regard. "new york must be secured," writes he, "but it will never, i am afraid, be secured by due order of the congress, for obvious reasons. they find themselves awkwardly situated on this head. you must step in to their relief. i am sensible no man can be spared from the lines under present circumstances; but i would propose that you should detach me into connecticut, and lend your name for collecting a body of volunteers. i am assured that i shall find no difficulty in assembling a sufficient number for the purposes wanted. this body in conjunction (if there should appear occasion to summon them) with the jersey regiment under the command of lord stirling, now at elizabethtown, will effect the security of new york, and the expulsion or suppression of that dangerous banditti of tories who have appeared on long island with the professed intention of acting against the authority of congress." washington, while he approved of lee's military suggestions, was cautious in exercising the powers vested in him, and fearful of transcending them. john adams was at that time in the vicinity of the camp, and he asked his opinion as to the practicability and expediency of the plan, and whether it "might not be regarded as beyond his line." adams, resolute of spirit, thought the enterprise might easily be accomplished by the friends of liberty in new york, in connection with the connecticut people, "who are very ready," said he, "upon such occasions." thus fortified, as it were, by congressional sanction, through one of its most important members, who pronounced new york as much within his command as massachusetts; he gave lee authority to carry out his plans. he was to raise volunteers in connecticut; march at their head to new york; call in military aid from new jersey; put the city and the post on the hudson in a posture of security against surprise; disarm all persons on long island and elsewhere, inimical to the views of congress, or secure them in some other manner if necessary; and seize upon all medicines, shirts and blankets, and send them on for the use of the american army. lee departed on his mission on the th of january. the people of new york were thrown into a panic on hearing that lee was in connecticut, on his way to take military possession of the city. they apprehended his appearance there would provoke an attack from the ships in the harbor. some, who thought the war about to be brought to their own doors, packed up their effects, and made off into the country with their wives and children. others beleaguered the committee of safety with entreaties against the deprecated protection of general lee. the committee, through pierre van cortlandt, their chairman, addressed a letter to lee, inquiring into the motives of his coming with an army to new york, and stating the incapacity of the city to act hostilely against the ships of war in port, from deficiency of powder, and a want of military works. lee, in reply, dated stamford, january d, disclaimed all intention of commencing actual hostilities against the men-of-war in the harbor; his instructions from the commander-in-chief being solely to prevent the enemy from taking post in the city, or lodging themselves on long island. some subordinate purposes were likewise to be executed, which were much more proper to be communicated by word of mouth than by writing. in compliance with the wishes of the committee, he promised to carry with him into the town just troops enough to secure it against any present designs of the enemy, leaving his main force on the western border of connecticut. how he conducted himself on his arrival in the city, we shall relate in a future chapter. chapter xxvi. attack on quebec.--affairs in new york. from amid surrounding perplexities, washington still turned a hopeful eye to canada. he expected daily to receive tidings that montgomery and arnold were within the walls of quebec. on the th of january came dispatches to him from general schuyler, containing withering tidings. the following is the purport. montgomery, on the d of december, the day after his arrival at point aux trembles, set off in face of a driving snow-storm for quebec, and arrived before it on the th. the works, from their great extent, appeared to him incapable of being defended by the actual garrison; made up, as he said, of "maclean's banditti," the sailors from the frigates and other vessels, together with the citizens obliged to take up arms. on the day of his arrival, he sent a flag with a summons to surrender. it was fired upon, and obliged to retire. exasperated at this outrage, montgomery wrote an indignant letter to carleton, reiterating the demand, magnifying the number of his troops, and warning him against the consequences of an assault. finding it was rejected from the walls, he prepared for an attack. the ground was frozen to a great depth, and covered with snow. by dint of excessive labor a breastwork was thrown up, four hundred yards distant from the walls and opposite to the gate of st. louis, which is nearly in the centre. it was formed of gabions, ranged side by side, and filled with snow, over which water was thrown until thoroughly frozen. here captain lamb mounted five light pieces and a howitzer. several mortars were placed in the suburbs of st. roque, which extends on the left of the promontory, below the heights, and nearly on a level with the river. from the "ice battery" captain lamb opened a well-sustained and well-directed fire upon the walls, but his field-pieces were too light to be effective. with his howitzer he threw shells into the town and set it on fire in several places. on the evening of the fifth day, montgomery paid a visit to the ice battery. the heavy artillery from the wall had repaid its ineffectual fire with ample usury. the brittle ramparts had been shivered like glass; several of the guns had been rendered useless. the general saw the insufficiency of the battery, and, on retiring, gave captain lamb permission to leave it whenever he thought proper. the veteran waited until after dark, when, securing all the guns, he abandoned the ruined redoubt. nearly three weeks had been consumed in these futile operations. the army, ill-clothed, and ill-provided, was becoming impatient of the rigors of a canadian winter; the term for which part of the troops had enlisted would expire with the year, and they already talked of returning home. montgomery was sadly conscious of the insufficiency of his means; still he could not endure the thoughts of retiring from before the place without striking a blow. he determined, therefore, to attempt to carry the place by _escalade_. colonel livingston was to make a false attack on the gate of st. johns and set fire to it; major brown, with another detachment, was to menace the bastion of cape diamond. arnold with three hundred and fifty of the hardy fellows who had followed him through the wilderness, strengthened by captain lamb and forty of his company, was to assault the suburbs and batteries of st. roque; while montgomery, with the residue of his forces, was to pass below the bastion at cape diamond, defile along the river, carry the defences at drummond's wharf, and thus enter the lower town on one side, while arnold forced his way into it on the other. these movements were all to be made at the same time, on the discharge of signal rockets, thus distracting the enemy, and calling their attention to four several points. on the st of december, at two o'clock in the morning, the troops repaired to their several destinations, under cover of a violent snow-storm. by some mistake the signal rockets were let off before the lower divisions had time to get to their fighting ground. they were descried by one of maclean's highland officers, who gave the alarm. livingston also failed to make the false attack on the gate of st. johns, which was to have caused a diversion favorable to arnold's attack on the suburb below. the feint by major brown, on the bastion of cape diamond, was successful, and concealed the march of general montgomery. that gallant commander descended from the heights to wolfe's cove, and led his division along the shore of the st. lawrence, round the beetling promontory of cape diamond. the narrow approach to the lower town in that direction was traversed by a picket or stockade, defended by canadian militia; beyond which was a second defence, a kind of block-house. the aim of montgomery was to come upon these barriers by surprise. the pass which they defended is formidable at all times, having a swift river on one side, and overhanging precipices on the other; but at this time was rendered peculiarly difficult by drifting snow, and by great masses of ice piled on each other at the foot of the cliffs. the troops made their way painfully, in extended and straggling files, along the narrow footway, and over the slippery piles of ice. among the foremost, were some of the first new york regiment, led on by captain cheeseman. montgomery, in his eagerness, threw himself far in the advance with his pioneers and a few officers, and made a dash at the first barrier. the canadians stationed there, taken by surprise, made a few random shots, then threw down their muskets and fled. montgomery sprang forward, aided with his own hand to pluck down the pickets, which the pioneers were sawing, and having made a breach sufficiently wide to admit three or four men abreast, entered sword in hand. the canadians had fled from the picket to the battery or block-house. montgomery again dashed forward, but when within forty paces of the battery, a discharge of grape-shot from a single cannon made deadly havoc. montgomery, and mcpherson, one of his aides, were killed on the spot. captain cheeseman received a canister shot through the body; with him fell his orderly sergeant and several of his men. this fearful slaughter, and the death of their general, threw everything in confusion. colonel campbell, quarter-master general, took the command and ordered a retreat. while all this was occurring on the side of cape diamond, arnold led his division against the opposite side of the lower town along the suburb and street of st. roque. like montgomery, he took the advance at the head of a forlorn hope of twenty-five men. captain lamb and his artillery company came next, with a field-piece mounted on a sledge. then came a company with ladders and scaling implements, followed by morgan and his riflemen. in the rear of all these came the main body. a battery on a wharf commanded the narrow pass by which they had to advance. this was to be attacked with the field-piece, and then scaled with ladders by the forlorn hope; while captain morgan, with his riflemen, was to pass round the wharf on the ice. the false attack which was to have been made by livingston on the gate of st. johns, by way of diversion, had not taken place; there was nothing, therefore, to call off the attention of the enemy in this quarter from the detachment. the troops, as they straggled along in lengthened file through the drifting snow were sadly galled by a flanking fire on the right, from walls and pickets. the field-piece at length became so deeply embedded in a snow-drift that it could not be moved. lamb sent word to arnold of the impediment; in the meantime, he and his artillery company were brought to a halt. the company with the scaling ladders would have halted also, having been told to keep in the rear of the artillery; but they were urged on by morgan with a thundering oath, who pushed on after them with his riflemen, the artillery company opening to the right and left to let them pass. they arrived in the advance, just as arnold was leading on his forlorn hope to attack the barrier. before he reached it a severe wound in the right leg with a musket ball completely disabled him, and he had to be borne from the field. morgan instantly took the command. just then lamb came up with his company, armed with muskets and bayonets, having received orders to abandon the field-piece, and support the advance. oswald joined him with the forlorn hope. the battery which commanded the defile mounted two pieces of cannon. there was a discharge of grape-shot when the assailants were close under the muzzles of the guns, yet but one man was killed. before there could be a second discharge, the battery was carried by assault, some firing in to the embrasures; others scaling the walls. the captain and thirty of his men were taken prisoners. the day was just dawning as morgan led on to attack the second barrier, and his men had to advance under a fire from the town walls on their right, which incessantly thinned their ranks. the second barrier was reached; they applied their scaling ladders to storm it. the defence was brave and obstinate, but the defenders were at length driven from their guns, and the battery was gained. at the last moment one of the gunners ran back, linstock in hand, to give one more shot. captain lamb snapped a fusee at him. it missed fire. the cannon was discharged, and a grape-shot wounded lamb in the head, carrying away part of the cheek-bone. he was borne off senseless to a neighboring shed. the two barriers being now taken, the way on this side into the lower town seemed open. morgan prepared to enter it with the victorious vanguard; first stationing captain dearborn and some provincials at palace gate, which opened down into the defile from the upper town. by this time, however, the death of montgomery and retreat of campbell had enabled the enemy to turn all their attention in this direction. a large detachment sent by general carleton, sallied out of palace gate after morgan had passed it, surprised and captured dearborn and the guard, and completely cut off the advanced party. the main body, informed of the death of montgomery, and giving up the game as lost, retreated to the camp, leaving behind the field-piece which lamb's company had abandoned, and the mortars in the battery of st. roque. morgan and his men were now hemmed in on all sides, and obliged to take refuge in a stone house from the inveterate fire which assailed them. from the windows of this house they kept up a desperate defence, until cannon were brought to bear upon it. then, hearing of the death of montgomery, and seeing that there was no prospect of relief, morgan and his gallant handful of followers were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war. thus foiled at every point, the wrecks of the little army abandoned their camp, and retreated about three miles from the town; where they hastily fortified themselves, apprehending a pursuit by the garrison. general carleton, however, contented himself with having secured the safety of the place, and remained cautiously passive until he should be properly reinforced. the remains of the gallant montgomery received a soldier's grave within the fortifications of quebec, by the care of cramahé, the lieutenant-governor, who had formerly known him. arnold took temporary command of the shattered army, until general wooster should arrive from montreal, to whom he sent an express, urging him to bring on succor. "on this occasion," says a contemporary writer, "he discovered the utmost vigor of a determined mind, and a genius full of resources. defeated and wounded as he was, he put his troops into such a situation as to keep them still formidable." with a mere handful of men, at one time not exceeding five hundred, he maintained a blockade of the strong fortress from which he had just been repulsed. general schuyler, who was now in albany, urged the necessity of an immediate reinforcement of three thousand men for the army in canada. washington had not a man to spare from the army before boston. he applied, therefore, on his own responsibility, to massachusetts, new hampshire and connecticut, for three regiments which were granted. his prompt measure received the approbation of congress, and further reinforcements were ordered from the same quarters. solicitude was awakened about the interior of the province of new york. arms and ammunition were said to be concealed in tryon county, and numbers of the tories in that neighborhood preparing for hostilities. sir john johnson had fortified johnson hall, gathered about him his scotch highland tenants and indian allies, and it was rumored he intended to carry fire and sword along the valley of the mohawk. schuyler, in consequence, received orders from congress to take measures for securing the military stores, disarming the disaffected, and apprehending their chiefs. he forthwith hastened from albany, at the head of a body of soldiers; was joined by colonel herkimer, with the militia of tryon county marshalled forth on the frozen bosom of the mohawk river, and appeared before sir john's stronghold, near johnstown, on the th of january. thus beleaguered, sir john, after much negotiation, capitulated. he was to surrender all weapons of war and military stores in his possession, and to give his parole not to take arms against america. the recent reverses in canada had heightened the solicitude of washington about the province of new york. that province was the central and all-important link in the confederacy; but he feared it might prove a brittle one. we have already mentioned the adverse influences in operation there. a large number of friends to the crown, among the official and commercial classes; rank tories, (as they were called,) in the city and about the neighboring country; particularly on long and staten islands; king's ships at anchor in the bay and harbor, keeping up a suspicious intercourse with the citizens; while governor tryon, castled, as it were, on board one of these ships, carried on intrigues with those disaffected to the popular cause, in all parts of the neighborhood. lee arrived at new york on the th of february, his caustic humors sharpened by a severe attack of the gout, which had rendered it necessary, while on the march, to carry him for a considerable part of the way in a litter. by a singular coincidence, on the very day of his arrival, sir henry clinton, with the squadron which had sailed so mysteriously from boston, looked into the harbor. "though it was sabbath," says a letter-writer of the day, "it threw the whole city into such a convulsion as it never knew before. many of the inhabitants hastened to move their effects into the country, expecting an immediate conflict." clinton sent for the mayor, and expressed much surprise and concern at the distress caused by his arrival; which was merely, he said, on a short visit to his friend tryon, and to see how matters stood. he professed a juvenile love for the place, and desired that the inhabitants might be informed of the purport of his visit, and that he would go away as soon as possible. for this time, the inhabitants of new york were let off for their fears. clinton, after a brief visit, continued his mysterious cruise, openly avowing his destination to be north carolina--which nobody believed, simply because he avowed it. the necessity of conferring with committees at every step was a hard restraint upon a man of lee's ardent and impatient temper, who had a soldierlike contempt for the men of peace around him; yet at the outset he bore it better than might have been expected. "the congress committees, a certain number of the committees of safety, and your humble servant," writes he to washington, "have had two conferences. the result is such as will agreeably surprise you. it is in the first place agreed, and justly, that to fortify the town against shipping is impracticable; but we are to fortify lodgements on some commanding part of the city for two thousand men. we are to erect enclosed batteries on both sides of the water, near hell gate, which will answer the double purpose of securing the town against piracies through the sound, and secure our communication with long island, now become a more important point than ever; as it is determined to form a strong fortified camp of three thousand men, on the island, immediately opposite to new york. the pass in the highlands is to be made as respectable as possible, and guarded by a battalion. in short, i think the plan judicious and complete." the pass in the highlands above alluded to, is that grand defile of the hudson where, for upwards of fifteen miles, it wends its deep channel between stern, forest-clad mountains and rocky promontories. two forts, about six miles distant from each other, and commanding narrow parts of the river at its bends through these highlands, had been commenced in the preceding autumn, by order of the continental congress; but they were said to be insufficient for the security of that important pass, and were to be extended and strengthened. washington had charged lee, in his instructions, to keep a stern eye upon the tories, who were active in new york. "you can seize upon the persons of the principals," said he; "they must be so notoriously known, that there will be little danger of committing mistakes." lee acted up to the letter of these instructions, and weeded out with a vigorous hand some of the rankest of the growth. in the exercise of his military functions, lee set governor tryon and the captain of the asia at defiance. "they had threatened perdition to the town," writes he to washington, "if the cannon were removed from the batteries and wharves, but i ever considered their threats as a _brutum fulmen_, and even persuaded the town to be of the same way of thinking. we accordingly conveyed them to a place of safety in the middle of the day, and no cannonade ensued." lee now proceeded with his plan of defences. a strong redoubt, capable of holding three hundred men, was commenced at horen's hook, commanding the pass at hell gate, so as to block up from the enemy's ships the passage between the mainland and long island. a regiment was stationed on the island, making fascines, and preparing other materials for constructing the works for an intrenched camp, which lee hoped would render it impossible for the enemy to get a footing there. "what to do with this city," writes he, "i own, puzzles me. it is so encircled with deep navigable water, that whoever commands the sea must command the town. to-morrow i shall begin to dismantle that part of the fort next to the town, to prevent its being converted into a citadel. i shall barrier the principal streets, and, at least, if i cannot make it a continental garrison, it shall be a disputable field of battle." batteries were to be erected on an eminence behind trinity church, to keep the enemy's ships at so great a distance as not to injure the town. king's bridge, at the upper end of manhattan or new york island, linking it with the mainland, was pronounced by lee "a most important pass, without which the city could have no communication with connecticut." it was, therefore, to be made as strong as possible. heavy cannon were to be sent up to the forts in the highlands; which were to be enlarged and strengthened. in the midst of his schemes, lee received orders from congress to the command in canada, vacant by the death of montgomery. he bewailed the defenceless condition of the city; the continental congress, as he said, not having, as yet, taken the least step for its security. "the instant i leave it," said he, "i conclude the provincial congress, and inhabitants in general, will relapse into their former hysterics. the men-of-war and mr. tryon will return to their old station at the wharves, and the first regiments who arrive from england will take quiet possession of the town and long island." chapter xxvii. movements before boston.--its evacuation. the siege of boston continued through the winter without any striking incident to enliven its monotony. the british remained within their works, leaving the beleaguering army slowly to augment its forces. the country was dissatisfied with the inaction of the latter. even congress was anxious for some successful blow that might revive popular enthusiasm. washington shared this anxiety, and had repeatedly, in councils of war, suggested an attack upon the town, but had found a majority of his general officers opposed to it. he had hoped some favorable opportunity would present itself, when, the harbor being frozen, the troops might approach the town upon the ice. the winter, however, though severe at first, proved a mild one, and the bay continued open. general putnam, in the meantime, having completed the new works at lechmere point, and being desirous of keeping up the spirit of his men, resolved to treat them to an exploit. accordingly, from his "impregnable fortress" of cobble hill, he detached a party of about two hundred, under his favorite officer, major knowlton, to surprise and capture a british guard stationed at charlestown. it was a daring enterprise, and executed with spirit. as charlestown neck was completely protected, knowlton led his men across the mill-dam, round the base of the hill, and immediately below the fort; set fire to the guard-house and some buildings in its vicinity; made several prisoners, and retired without loss; although thundered upon by the cannon of the fort. meanwhile, washington was incessantly goaded by the impatient murmurs of the public, as we may judge by his letters to mr. reed. "i know the integrity of my own heart," writes he, on the th of february, "but to declare it, unless to a friend, may be an argument of vanity. i know the unhappy predicament i stand in; i know that much is expected of me; i know that, without men, without arms, without ammunition, without anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done; and, what is mortifying, i know that i cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by declaring my wants; which i am determined not to do, further than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them." he still adhered to his opinion in favor of an attempt upon the town. he was aware that it would be attended with considerable loss, but believed it would be successful if the men should behave well. within a few days after the date of this letter, the bay became sufficiently frozen for the transportation of troops. "this," writes he to reed, "i thought, knowing the ice would not last, a favorable opportunity to make an assault upon the troops in town. i proposed it in council; but behold, though we had been waiting all the year for this favorable event, the enterprise was thought too dangerous." at length the camp was rejoiced by the arrival of colonel knox, with his long train of sledges drawn by oxen, bringing more than fifty cannon, mortars, howitzers, beside supplies of lead and flints. the zeal and perseverance which he had displayed in his wintry expedition across frozen lakes and snowy wastes, and the intelligence with which he had fulfilled his instructions, won him the entire confidence of washington. his conduct in this enterprise was but an earnest of that energy and ability which he displayed throughout the war. further ammunition being received from the royal arsenal at new york, and other quarters, and a reinforcement of ten regiments of militia, washington no longer met with opposition to his warlike measures. lechmere point, which putnam had fortified, was immediately to be supplied with mortars and heavy cannon, so as to command boston on the north; and dorchester heights, on the south of the town, were forthwith to be taken possession of. their possession would enable him to push his works to nook's hill, and other points opposite boston, whence a cannonade and bombardment must drive the enemy from the city. the council of massachusetts, at his request, ordered the militia of the towns contiguous to dorchester and roxbury to hold themselves in readiness to repair to the lines at those places with arms, ammunition and accoutrements, on receiving a preconcerted signal. washington felt painfully aware how much depended upon the success of this attempt. there was a cloud of gloom and distrust lowering upon the public mind. danger threatened on the north and on the south. montgomery had fallen before the walls of quebec. the army in canada was shattered. tryon and the tories were plotting mischief in new york. dunmore was harassing the lower part of virginia, and clinton and his fleet were prowling along the coast on a secret errand of mischief. in the general plan it was concerted that, should the enemy detach a large force to dislodge our men from dorchester heights, as had been done in the affair of bunker's hill, an attack upon the opposite side of the town should forthwith be made by general putnam. for this purpose he was to have four thousand picked men in readiness, in two divisions, under generals sullivan and greene. at a concerted signal from roxbury, they were to embark in boats near the mouth of charles river, cross under cover of the fire of three floating batteries, land in two places in boston, secure its strong posts, force the gates and works at the neck, and let in the roxbury troops. the evening of monday, the th of march, was fixed upon for the occupation of dorchester heights. the ground was frozen too hard to be easily intrenched; fascines, therefore, and gabions, and bundles of screwed hay, were collected during the two preceding nights, with which to form breastworks and redoubts. during these two busy nights the enemy's batteries were cannonaded and bombarded from opposite points, to occupy their attention, and prevent their noticing these preparations. they replied with spirit, and the incessant roar of artillery thus kept up, covered completely the rumbling of wagons and ordnance. as soon as the firing commenced, the detachment under general thomas set out on its cautious and secret march from the lines of roxbury and dorchester. everything was conducted as regularly and quietly as possible. a covering party of eight hundred men preceded the carts with the intrenching tools; then came general thomas with the working party, twelve hundred strong, followed by a train of three hundred wagons, laden with fascines, gabions, and hay screwed into bundles of seven or eight hundred weight. a great number of such bundles were ranged in a line along dorchester neck on the side next the enemy, to protect the troops, while passing, from being raked by the fire of the enemy. fortunately, although the moon, as washington writes, was shining in its full lustre, the flash and roar of cannonry from opposite points, and the bursting of bombshells high in the air, so engaged and diverted the attention of the enemy, that the detachment reached the heights about eight o'clock without being heard or perceived. the covering party then divided; one half proceeded to the point nearest boston, the other to the one nearest to castle williams. the working party commenced to fortify, under the directions of gridley, the veteran engineer, who had planned the works on bunker's hill. it was severe labor, for the earth was frozen eighteen inches deep; but the men worked with more than their usual spirit; for the eye of the commander-in-chief was upon them. though not called there by his duties, washington could not be absent from this eventful operation. the labors of the night were carried on with activity and address. when a relief party arrived at four o'clock in the morning, two forts were in sufficient forwardness to furnish protection against small-arms and grape-shot; and such use was made of the fascines and bundles of screwed hay, that, at dawn, a formidable-looking fortress frowned along the height. howe gazed at the mushroom fortress with astonishment, as it loomed indistinctly, but grandly, through a morning fog. "the rebels," exclaimed he, "have done more work in one night than my whole army would have done in one month." washington had watched with intense anxiety the effect of the revelation at daybreak. an american, who was on dorchester heights, gives a picture of the scene. a tremendous cannonade was commenced from the forts in boston and the shipping in the harbor. "cannon shot," writes he, "are continually rolling and rebounding over the hill, and it is astonishing to observe how little our soldiers are terrified by them. the royal troops are perceived to be in motion, as if embarking to pass the harbor and land on dorchester shore, to attack our works. the hills and elevations in this vicinity are covered with spectators, to witness deeds of horror in the expected conflict." general thomas was reinforced with two thousand men. old putnam stood ready to make a descent upon the north side of the town, with his four thousand picked men, as soon as the heights on the south should be assailed. as washington rode about the heights, he reminded the troops that it was the th of march, the anniversary of the boston massacre, and called on them to revenge the slaughter of their brethren. they answered him with shouts. howe, in the meantime, was perplexed between his pride and the hazards of his position. in his letters to the ministry, he had scouted the idea of "being in danger from the rebels." he had "hoped they would attack him." apparently, they were about to fulfil his hopes, and with formidable advantages of position. he must dislodge them from dorchester heights, or evacuate boston. the latter was an alternative too mortifying to be readily adopted. he resolved on an attack, but it was to be a night one. in the evening the british began to move. lord percy was to lead the attack. twenty-five hundred men were embarked in transports, which were to convey them to the rendezvous at castle william. a violent storm set in from the east. the transports could not reach their place of destination. the men-of-war could not cover and support them. a furious surf beat on the shore where the boats would have to land. the attack was consequently postponed until the following day. that day was equally unpropitious. the storm continued, with torrents of rain. the attack was again postponed. in the meantime, the americans went on strengthening their works; by the time the storm subsided, general howe deemed them too strong to be easily carried; the attempt, therefore, was relinquished altogether. what was to be done? the shells thrown from the heights into the town proved that it was no longer tenable. the fleet was equally exposed. admiral shuldham, the successor to graves, assured howe that if the americans maintained possession of the heights, his ships could not remain in the harbor. it was determined, therefore, in a council of war, to evacuate the place as soon as possible. but now came on a humiliating perplexity. the troops, in embarking, would be exposed to a destructive fire. how was this to be prevented? general howe's pride would not suffer him to make capitulations; he endeavored to work on the fears of the bostonians, by hinting that if his troops were molested while embarking, he might be obliged to cover their retreat by setting fire to the town. the hint had its effect. several of the principal inhabitants communicated with him through the medium of general robertson. the result of the negotiation was that a paper was concocted and signed by several of the "select men" of boston, stating the fears they had entertained of the destruction of the place, but that those fears had been quieted by general howe's declaration that it should remain uninjured, provided his troops were unmolested while embarking; the select men, therefore, begged "some assurance that so dreadful a calamity might not be brought on, by any measures from without." this paper was sent out from boston, on the evening of the th, with a flag of truce, which bore it to the american lines at roxbury. there it was received by colonel learned, and carried by him to head-quarters. washington consulted with such of the general officers as he could immediately assemble. the paper was not addressed to him, nor to any one else. it was not authenticated by the signature of general howe; nor was there any other act obliging that commander to fulfil the promise asserted to have been made by him. it was deemed proper, therefore, that washington should give no answer to the paper; but that colonel learned should signify in a letter his having laid it before the commander-in-chief, and the reasons assigned for not answering it. with this uncompromising letter, the flag returned to boston. the americans suspended their fire, but continued to fortify their positions. daily preparations were now made by the enemy for departure. by proclamation, the inhabitants were ordered to deliver up all linen and woollen goods, and all other goods that, in possession of the rebels, would aid them in carrying on the war. for some days the embarkation of the troops was delayed by adverse winds. washington, who was imperfectly informed of affairs in boston, feared that the movements there might be a feint. determined to bring things to a crisis, he detached a force to nook's hill on saturday, the th, which threw up a breastwork in the night regardless of the cannonading of the enemy. this commanded boston neck, and the south part of the town, and a deserter brought a false report to the british that a general assault was intended. the embarkation, so long delayed, began with hurry and confusion at four o'clock in the morning. the harbor of boston soon presented a striking and tumultuous scene. there were seventy-eight ships and transports casting loose for sea, and eleven or twelve thousand men, soldiers, sailors, and refugees, hurrying to embark; many, especially of the latter, with their families and personal effects. the refugees, in fact, labored under greater disadvantages than the king's troops, being obliged to man their own vessels, as sufficient seamen could not be spared from the king's transports. while this tumultuous embarkation was going on, the americans looked on in silence from their batteries on dorchester heights, without firing a shot. at an early hour of the morning, the troops stationed at cambridge and roxbury had paraded, and several regiments under putnam had embarked in boats, and dropped down charles river, to sewall's point, to watch the movements of the enemy by land and water. about nine o'clock a large body of troops was seen marching down bunker's hill, while boats full of soldiers were putting off for the shipping. two scouts were sent from the camp to reconnoitre. the works appeared still to be occupied, for sentries were posted about them with shouldered muskets. observing them to be motionless, the scouts made nearer scrutiny, and discovered them to be mere effigies, set up to delay the advance of the americans. pushing on, they found the works deserted, and gave signal of the fact; whereupon, a detachment was sent from the camp to take possession. part of putnam's troops were now sent back to cambridge; a part were ordered forward to occupy boston. general ward, too, with five hundred men, made his way from roxbury, across the neck, about which the enemy had scattered caltrops or crows' feet,{ } to impede invasion. the gates were unbarred and thrown open, and the americans entered in triumph, with drums beating and colors flying. {footnote : iron balls, with four sharp points, to wound the feet of men or horses.} by ten o'clock the enemy were all embarked and under way: putnam had taken command of the city, and occupied the important points, and the flag of thirteen stripes, the standard of the union, floated above all the forts. on the following day, washington himself entered the town where he was joyfully welcomed. the eminent services of washington throughout this arduous siege, his admirable management, by which, "in the course of a few months, _an undisciplined band of husbandmen_ became soldiers, and were enabled to invest, for nearly a year, and finally to expel a brave army of veterans, commanded by the most experienced generals," drew forth the enthusiastic applause of the nation. on motion of john adams, who had first moved his nomination as commander-in-chief, a unanimous vote of thanks to him was passed in congress; and it was ordered that a gold medal be struck, commemorating the evacuation of boston, bearing the effigy of washington as its deliverer. the british fleet bearing the army from boston, had disappeared from the coast. "whither they are bound, and where they next will pitch their tents," writes washington, "i know not." he conjectured their destination to be new york, and made his arrangements accordingly; but he was mistaken. general howe had steered for halifax, there to await the arrival of strong reinforcements from england, and the fleet of his brother, admiral lord howe; who was to be commander-in-chief of the naval forces on the north american station. it was presumed the enemy, in the ensuing campaign, would direct their operations against the middle and southern colonies. congress divided the colonies into two departments; one, comprehending new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware and maryland, was to be under the command of a major-general, and two brigadier-generals; the other, comprising virginia, the carolinas and georgia, to be under the command of a major-general and four brigadiers. in this new arrangement, the orders destining general lee to canada were superseded, and he was appointed to the command of the southern department, where he was to keep watch upon the movements of sir henry clinton. the command in canada was given to general thomas, who had distinguished himself at roxbury and was promoted to the rank of major-general. it would have been given to schuyler, but for the infirm state of his health; still congress expressed a reliance on his efforts to complete the work "so conspicuously begun and well conducted" under his orders, in the last campaign; and, as not merely the success but the very existence of the army in canada would depend on supplies sent from these colonies across the lakes, he was required, until further orders, to fix his head-quarters at albany, where, without being exposed to the fatigue of the camp until his health was perfectly restored, he would be in a situation to forward supplies; to superintend the operations necessary for the defence of new york and the hudson river, and the affairs of the whole middle department. lee set out for the south on the th of march, carrying with him his bold spirit, his shrewd sagacity, and his whimsical and splenetic humors. brigadier-general lord stirling remained in temporary command at new york. washington, presuming that the british fleet had steered for that port with the force which had evacuated boston, hastened detachments thither under generals heath and sullivan, and wrote for three thousand additional men to be furnished by connecticut. the command of the whole he gave to general putnam, who was ordered to fortify the city and the passes of the hudson according to the plans of general lee. in the meantime, washington delayed to come on himself, until he should have pushed forward the main body of his army by divisions. lee's anticipations that laxity and confusion would prevail after his departure, were not realized. the veteran putnam, on taking command, put the city under rigorous military rule. all communication between the "ministerial fleet" and shore was stopped; the ships were no longer to be furnished with provisions. any person taken in the act of holding communication with them would be considered an enemy, and treated accordingly. washington came on by the way of providence, norwich and new london, expediting the embarkation of troops from these posts, and arrived at new york on the th of april. many of the works which lee had commenced were by this time finished; others were in progress. it was apprehended the principal operations of the enemy would be on long island, the high grounds of which, in the neighborhood of brooklyn, commanded the city. washington saw that an able and efficient officer was needed at that place. greene was accordingly stationed there, with a division of the army. he immediately proceeded to complete the fortifications of that important post, and to make himself acquainted with the topography and the defensive points of the surrounding country. the aggregate force distributed at several extensive posts in new york and its environs, and on long island, staten island and elsewhere, amounted to little more than ten thousand men; some of those were on the sick list, others absent on command, or on furlough; there were but about eight thousand available and fit for duty. these, too, were without pay; those recently enlisted without arms, and no one could say where arms were to be procured. washington saw the inadequacy of the force to the purposes required and was full of solicitude about the security of a place, the central point of the confederacy, and the grand deposit of ordnance and military stores. the process of fortifying the place had induced the ships of war to fall down into the outer bay, within the hook, upwards of twenty miles from the city; but governor tryon was still on board of one of them, keeping up an active correspondence with the tories on staten and long islands, and in other parts of the neighborhood. in addition to his cares about the security of new york, washington had to provide for the perilous exigencies of the army in canada. since his arrival in the city, four regiments of troops, a company of riflemen and another of artificers had been detached under the command of brigadier-general thompson, and a further corps of six regiments under brigadier-general sullivan, with orders to join general thomas as soon as possible. still congress inquired of him whether further reinforcements to the army in canada would not be necessary, and whether they could be spared from the army in new york. his reply shows the peculiar perplexities of his situation and the tormenting uncertainty in which he was kept, as to where the next storm of war would break. "with respect to sending more troops to that country, i am really at a loss what to advise, as it is impossible, at present, to know the designs of the enemy. should they send the whole force under general howe up the river st. lawrence, to relieve quebec and recover canada, the troops gone and now going will be insufficient to stop their progress; and, should they think proper to send that, or an equal force, this way from great britain, for the purpose of possessing this city and securing the navigation of hudson's river, the troops left here will not be sufficient to oppose them; and yet, for anything we know, i think it not improbable they may attempt both; both being of the greatest importance to them, if they have men. i could wish, indeed, that the army in canada should be more powerfully reinforced; at the same time, i am conscious that the trusting of this important post, which is now become the grand magazine of america, to the handful of men remaining here, is running too great a risk." washington at that time was not aware of the extraordinary expedients england had recently resorted to against the next campaign. the duke of brunswick, the landgrave of hesse cassel, and the hereditary prince of cassel, count of hanau, had been subsidized to furnish troops to assist in the subjugation of her colonies. four thousand three hundred brunswick troops, and nearly thirteen thousand hessians, had entered the british service. beside the subsidy exacted by the german princes, they were to be paid seven pounds four shillings and four pence sterling for every soldier furnished by them, and as much more for every one slain. chapter xxviii. reverses in canada.--the highlands.--close of the invasion of canada. we left arnold before the walls of quebec, wounded, crippled, almost disabled, yet not disheartened, blockading that "proud town" with a force inferior, by half, in number to that of the garrison. for his gallant services, congress promoted him in january to the rank of brigadier-general. throughout the winter he kept up the blockade with his shattered army; though had carleton ventured upon a sortie, he might have been forced to decamp. arnold had difficulties of all kinds to contend with. his military chest was exhausted; his troops were in want of necessaries; sickness thinned his ranks. at one time, his force was reduced to five hundred men, and for two months, with all his recruitments of raw militia, did not exceed seven hundred. the failure of the attack on quebec had weakened the cause among the canadians; the peasantry had been displeased by the conduct of the american troops; they had once welcomed them as deliverers; they now began to regard them as intruders. notwithstanding all these discouragements, arnold still kept up a bold face: cut off supplies occasionally, and harassed the place with alarms. having repaired his batteries, he opened a fire upon the town, but with little effect; the best part of the artillerists, with lamb, their capable commander, were prisoners within the walls. on the st day of april, general wooster arrived from montreal, with reinforcements, and took the command. the day after his arrival, arnold, by the falling of his horse, again received an injury on the leg recently wounded, and was disabled for upwards of a week. considering himself slighted by general wooster, who did not consult him in military affairs, he obtained leave of absence until he should be recovered from his lameness, and repaired to montreal, where he took command. general thomas arrived at the camp in the course of april, and found the army in a forlorn condition, scattered at different posts, and on the island of orleans. it was numerically increased to upwards of two thousand men, but several hundred were unfit for service. the small-pox had made great ravages. they had inoculated each other. in their sick and debilitated state they were without barracks, and almost without medicine. a portion, whose term of enlistment had expired, refused to do duty, and clamored for their discharge. the winter was over, the river was breaking up, reinforcements to the garrison might immediately be expected, and then the case would be desperate. observing that the river about quebec was clear of ice, general thomas determined on a bold effort. it was to send up a fire-ship with the flood, and, while the ships in the harbor were in flames, and the town in confusion, to scale the walls. accordingly, on the d of may the troops turned out with scaling ladders; the fire-ship came up the river under easy sail, and arrived near the shipping before it was discovered. it was fired into. the crew applied a slow match to the train and pulled off. the ship was soon in a blaze, but the flames caught and consumed the sails; her way was checked, and she drifted off harmlessly with the ebbing tide. the rest of the plan was, of course, abandoned. nothing now remained but to retreat before the enemy should be reinforced. preparations were made in all haste to embark the sick and the military stores. while this was taking place, five ships made their way into the harbor, on the th of may, and began to land troops. thus reinforced, general carleton sallied forth with eight hundred or a thousand men. the americans were in no condition to withstand the attack. they had no intrenchments, and could not muster three hundred men at any point. a precipitate retreat was the consequence, in which baggage, artillery, everything was abandoned. even the sick were left behind; many of whom crawled away from the camp hospitals, and took refuge in the woods, or among the canadian peasantry. general thomas came to a halt at point deschambault, about sixty miles above quebec, and called a council of war to consider what was to be done. the enemy's ships were hastening up the st. lawrence; some were already but two or three leagues distant. the camp was without cannon; powder, forwarded by general schuyler, had fallen into the enemy's hands; there were not provisions enough to subsist the army for more than two or three days; the men-of-war, too, might run up the river, intercept all their resources, and reduce them to the same extremity they had experienced before quebec. it was resolved, therefore, to ascend the river still further. general thomas, however, determined to send forward the invalids, but to remain at point deschambault, with about five hundred men, until he should receive orders from montreal and learn whether such supplies could be forwarded immediately as would enable him to defend his position. the despatches of general thomas, setting forth the disastrous state of affairs, had a disheartening effect on schuyler, who feared the army would be obliged to abandon canada. washington, on the contrary, spoke cheeringly on the subject. he regretted that the troops had not been able to make a stand at point deschambault, but hoped they would maintain a post as far down the river as possible. [the reverses in canada, which spread consternation through the new england frontier, now laid open to invasion, strengthened the ill-will and prejudice that prevailed in the eastern states against general schuyler. he was stigmatized as the cause of the late reverses, and was even accused of being untrue to his country. committees, which the alarming state of affairs had caused to be organized in various counties, addressed washington on the subject, which, reviling schuyler, he at once demanded a court of inquiry. it is proper to add that the committees in question, after investigating the evidence, acknowledged to washington that their suspicions had been wholly groundless.] as the reverses in canada would affect the fortunes of the revolution elsewhere, washington sent general gates to lay the despatches concerning them before congress. scarce had gates departed on his mission (may th), when washington himself received a summons to philadelphia, to advise with congress concerning the opening campaign. he was informed also that gates, on the th of may, had been promoted to the rank of major-general, and mifflen to that of brigadier-general, and a wish was intimated that they might take the command of boston. washington prepared to proceed to philadelphia. in his parting instructions to putnam, who, as the oldest major-general in the city, would have the command during his absence, washington informed him of the intention of the provincial congress of new york to seize the principal tories and disaffected persons in the city and the surrounding country, especially on long island, and authorized him to afford military aid, if required, to carry the same into execution. he was also to send lord stirling, colonel putnam the engineer, and colonel knox, if he could be spared, up to the highlands, to examine the state of the forts and garrisons, and report what was necessary to put them in a posture of defence. the general, accompanied by mrs. washington, departed from new york on the st of may, and they were invited by mr. hancock, the president of congress, to be his guests during their sojourn at philadelphia. washington, in his conferences with congress, roundly expressed his conviction that no accommodation could be effected with great britain on acceptable terms. ministerialists had declared in parliament that, the sword being drawn, the most coercive measures would be persevered in until there was complete submission. the recent subsidizing of foreign troops was a part of this policy, and indicated unsparing hostility. a protracted war, therefore, was inevitable; but it would be impossible to carry it on successfully with the scanty force actually embodied, and with transient enlistments of militia. in consequence of his representations, resolutions were passed in congress that soldiers should be enlisted for three years, with a bounty of ten dollars for each recruit; that the army at new york should be reinforced until the st of december with thirteen thousand eight hundred militia; that gondolas and fire-rafts should be built to prevent the men-of-war and enemy's ships from coming into new york bay, or the narrows; and that a flying camp of ten thousand militia, furnished by pennsylvania, delaware and maryland, and likewise engaged until the st of december, should be stationed in the jerseys for the defence of the middle colonies. washington was, moreover, empowered, in case of emergency, to call on the neighboring colonies for temporary aid with their militia. another important result of his conferences with congress was the establishment of a war office. military affairs had hitherto been referred in congress to committees casually appointed, and had consequently been subject to great irregularity and neglect. henceforth a permanent committee, entitled the board of war and ordnance, was to take cognizance of them. the first board was composed of five members--john adams, colonel benjamin harrison, roger sherman, james wilson, and edward rutledge; with richard peters as secretary. it went into operation on the th of june. while at philadelphia, washington had frequent consultations with george clinton, one of the delegates from new york, concerning the interior defences of that province, especially those connected with the security of the highlands of the hudson, where part of the regiment of colonel james clinton, the brother of the delegate, was stationed. he was gratified, also, by procuring the appointment of his late secretary, joseph reed, to the post of adjutant-general, vacated by the promotion of general gates, thus placing him once more by his side. [despatches from canada continued to be disastrous. a post stationed at the cedars, forty miles above montreal consisting of about four hundred men, had been intimidated into a surrender by a body of canadians and indians. a force of one hundred men, sent to the relief of the post, was also captured. the enemy was pursued by arnold, and overtaken near st. anns, above the rapids of the st. lawrence. the prisoners captured at the cedars were threatened with massacre if arnold should attack; and this led to negotiations which resulted in their exchange. while these events were occurring mischief was brewing in another quarter. colonel guy johnson, with brant and the butlers, had been holding councils with the indians, and were threatening a maraud on the mohawk country. a correspondence was carried on between guy johnson and his cousin, sir john johnson, who was said to be preparing to co-operate with his scotch dependents. schuyler considered this a breach of sir john's parole, and sent colonel dayton to apprehend him. sir john, with a number of his tenants, retreated for refuge among the indians. shortly after this came intelligence that sir john, with his scotch warriors and indian allies, was actually coming down the valley of the mohawk, bent on revenge, and prepared to lay everything to waste. schuyler immediately collected a force at albany to oppose him; letters from washington directed schuyler to detach colonel dayton with his regiment on that service, with instructions for him to secure a post upon the old site of fort stanwix. washington also authorized schuyler to hold a conference with the six nations, and secure their active services, without waiting further directions from congress--that body having recently resolved to employ indian allies.] lord stirling, who, by washington's orders, had visited and inspected the defences in the highlands, rendered a report of their condition, of which we give the purport. fort montgomery, at the lower part of the highlands, was on the west bank of the river, north of dunderberg (or thunder hill). it was situated on a bank one hundred feet high. the river at that place was about half a mile wide. opposite the fort was the promontory of anthony's nose, many hundred feet high, accessible only to goats, or men expert in climbing. a body of riflemen stationed here might command the decks of vessels. fort montgomery appeared to lord stirling the proper place for a guard post. fort constitution was about six miles higher up the river, on a rocky island of the same name, at a narrow strait where the hudson, shouldered by precipices, makes a sudden bend round west point. a redoubt, in the opinion of lord stirling, would be needed on the point, not only for the preservation of fort constitution, but for its own importance. the garrison of that fort consisted of two companies of colonel james clinton's regiment, and captain wisner's company of minute men, in all one hundred and sixty rank and file. fort montgomery was garrisoned by three companies of the same regiment, about two hundred rank and file. both garrisons were miserably armed. the direction of the works of both forts was in the hands of commissioners appointed by the provincial congress of new york. the general command of the posts required to be adjusted. in view of all these circumstances, washington, on the th of june, ordered colonel james clinton to take command of both posts, and of all the troops stationed at them. he seemed a fit custodian for them, having been a soldier from his youth; brought up on a frontier subject to indian alarms and incursions, and acquainted with the strong points and fastnesses of the highlands. king's bridge, and the heights adjacent, considered by general lee of the utmost importance to the communication between new york and the mainland, and to the security of the hudson, were reconnoitred by washington on horseback, about the middle of the month; ordering where works should be laid out. breastworks were to be thrown up for the defence of the bridge, and an advanced work (subsequently called fort independence) was to be built beyond it, on a hill commanding spyt den duivel creek, as that inlet of the hudson is called, which links it with the harlem river. a strong work, intended as a kind of citadel, was to crown a rocky height between two and three miles south of the bridge, commanding the channel of the hudson, and below it were to be redoubts on the banks of the river at jeffrey's point. in honor of the general, the citadel received the name of fort washington. while these preparations were made for the protection of the hudson, the works about brooklyn on long island were carried on with great activity, under the superintendence of general greene. in a word, the utmost exertions were made at every point, to put the city, its environs, and the hudson river, in a state of defence, before the arrival of another hostile armament. operations in canada were now drawing to a disastrous close. general thomas, finding it impossible to make a stand at point deschambault, had continued his retreat to the mouth of the sorel, where he found general thompson with part of the troops detached by washington, from new york, who were making some preparations for defence. shortly after his arrival, he was taken ill with the small-pox, and removed to chamblee. he had prohibited inoculation among his troops, because it put too many of their scanty number on the sick list; he probably fell a victim to his own prohibition, as he died of that malady on the d of june. on his death, general sullivan, who had recently arrived with the main detachment of troops from new york, succeeded to the command; general wooster having been recalled. he advanced immediately with his brigade to the mouth of the sorel, where he found general thompson with but very few troops to defend that post, having detached colonel st. clair, with six or seven hundred men, to three rivers, about fifty miles down the st. lawrence, to give check to an advanced corps of the enemy of about eight hundred regulars and canadians, under the veteran scot, colonel maclean. sullivan proceeded forthwith to complete the works on the sorel; in the meantime he detached general thompson with additional troops to overtake st. clair and assume command of the whole party, which would then amount to two thousand men. he was by no means to attack the encampment at three rivers, unless there was great prospect of success, as his defeat might prove the total loss of canada. sullivan was aiming at the command in canada; and washington soberly weighed his merits for the appointment, in a letter to the president of congress. "he is active, spirited, and zealously attached to the cause. he has his wants and he has his foibles.... he wants experience to move upon a grand scale; for the limited and contracted knowledge, which any of us have in military matters, stands in very little stead." scarce had washington despatched this letter, when he received one from the president of congress, dated the th of june, informing him that major-general gates had been appointed to command the forces in canada, and requesting him to expedite his departure as soon as possible. the appointment of gates has been attributed to the influence of the eastern delegates, with whom he was a favorite; indeed, during his station at boston, he had been highly successful in cultivating the good graces of the new england people. he departed for his command on the th of june, vested with extraordinary powers for the regulation of affairs in that "distant, dangerous, and shifting scene." the actual force of the enemy in canada had recently been augmented to about , men; several regiments having arrived from ireland, one from england, another from general howe, and a body of brunswick troops under the baron reidesel. of these, the greater part were on the way up from quebec in divisions, by land and water, with generals carleton, burgoyne, philips and reidesel; while a considerable number under general frazer had arrived at three rivers, and others, under general nesbit, lay near them on board of transports. general thompson coasted in bateaux along the right bank of the river at that expanse called lake st. pierre, and arrived at nicolete, where he found st. clair and his detachment. he crossed the river in the night, and landed a few miles above three rivers, intending to surprise the enemy before daylight; he was not aware at the time that additional troops had arrived under general burgoyne. after landing, he marched with rapidity toward three rivers, but was led by treacherous guides into a morass, and obliged to return back nearly two miles. day broke, and he was discovered from the ships. a cannonade was opened upon his men as they made their way slowly for an hour and a half through a swamp. at length they arrived in sight of three rivers, but it was to find a large force drawn up in battle array, under general frazer, by whom they were warmly attacked, and after a brief stand thrown in confusion. thompson attempted to rally his troops, and partly succeeded, until a fire was opened upon them in rear by nesbit, who had landed from his ships. their rout now was complete. general thompson, colonel irvine, and about two hundred men were captured, twenty-five were slain, and the rest pursued for several miles through a deep swamp. after great fatigues and sufferings, they were able to get on board of their boats, which had been kept from falling into the hands of the enemy. in these they made their way back to the sorel, bringing general sullivan the alarming intelligence of the overpowering force that was coming up the river. sullivan made the desperate resolve to defend the mouth of the sorel, but was induced to abandon it by the unanimous opinion of his officers, and the evident unwillingness of his troops. dismantling his batteries, therefore, he retreated with his artillery and stores just before the arrival of the enemy, and was followed, step by step along the sorel, by a strong column under general burgoyne. on the th of june he was joined by general arnold with three hundred men, the garrison of montreal, who had crossed at longueil just in time to escape a large detachment of the enemy. thus reinforced, and the evacuation of canada being determined on in a council of war, sullivan succeeded in destroying everything at chamblee and st. johns that he could not carry away, breaking down bridges, and leaving forts and vessels in flames, and continued his retreat to the isle aux noix, where he made a halt for some days, until he should receive positive orders from washington or general schuyler. the low, unhealthy situation of the isle aux noix obliged him soon to remove his camp to the isle la motte, whence, on receiving orders to that effect from general schuyler, he ultimately embarked with his forces, sick and well, for crown point. thus ended this famous invasion; an enterprise bold in its conceptions, daring and hardy in its execution; full of ingenious expedients, and hazardous exploits; and which, had not unforeseen circumstances counteracted its well-devised plans, might have added all canada to the american confederacy. chapter xxix. the army in new york. the great aim of the british, at present, was to get possession of new york and the hudson, and make them the basis of military operations. this they hoped to effect on the arrival of a powerful armament, hourly expected, and designed for operations on the seaboard. at this critical juncture there was an alarm of a conspiracy among the tories in the city and on long island, suddenly to take up arms and co-operate with the british troops on their arrival. the wildest reports were in circulation concerning it. some of the tories were to break down king's bridge, others were to blow up the magazines, spike the guns, and massacre all the field-officers. washington was to be killed or delivered up to the enemy. some of his own body-guard were said to be in the plot. several publicans of the city were pointed out as having aided or abetted it. one of the most noted was corbie, whose tavern was said to be "to the south-east of general washington's house, to the westward of bayard's woods, and north of lispenard's meadows," from which it would appear that, at that time, the general was quartered at what was formerly called richmond hill; a mansion surrounded by trees, at a short distance from the city, in rather an isolated situation. {illustration: washington's head-quarters. richmond hill house, . vol. ii.} a committee of the new york congress traced the plot up to governor tryon, who, from his safe retreat on shipboard, acted through agents on shore. the most important of these was david matthews, the tory mayor of the city. he was accused of disbursing money to enlist men, purchase arms, and corrupt the soldiery. washington was authorized and requested by the committee to cause the mayor to be apprehended, and all his papers secured. matthews was at that time residing at flatbush on long island, at no great distance from general greene's encampment. washington transmitted the warrant of the committee to the general on the st, with directions that it should "be executed with precision, and exactly by one o'clock of the ensuing morning, by a careful officer." precisely at the hour of one, a detachment from greene's brigade surrounded the house of the mayor, and secured his person; but no papers were found, though diligent search was made. numerous other arrests took place, and among the number, some of washington's body-guard. a great dismay fell upon the tories. some of those on long island who had proceeded to arm themselves, finding the plot discovered, sought refuge in woods and morasses. washington directed that those arrested, who belonged to the army, should be tried by a court-martial, and the rest handed over to the secular power. according to statements made before the committee, five guineas bounty was offered by governor tryon to each man who should enter the king's service; with a promise of two hundred acres of land for himself, one hundred for his wife, and fifty for each child. the men thus recruited were to act on shore, in co-operation with the king's troops when they came. corbie's tavern, near washington's quarters, was a kind of rendezvous of the conspirators. from this house a correspondence was kept up with governor tryon on shipboard, through a mulatto. at this tavern it was supposed washington's body-guards were tampered with. thomas hickey, one of the guards, was said not only to be enlisted, but to have aided in corrupting his comrades. much of the evidence given was of a dubious kind. it was certain that persons had secretly been enlisted and sworn to hostile operations, but washington did not think that any regular plan had been digested by the conspirators. according to the mayor's admission before the committee, he had been cognizant of attempts to enlist tories and corrupt washington's guards, though he declared that he had discountenanced them. he, with a number of others, were detained in prison to await a trial. thomas hickey, the individual of washington's guard, was tried before a court-martial. he was an irishman, and had been a deserter from the british army. the court-martial found him guilty of mutiny and sedition, and treacherous correspondence with the enemy, and sentenced him to be hanged. the sentence was approved by washington, and was carried promptly into effect june th. while the city was still brooding over this event, four ships-of-war, portentous visitants, appeared off the hook, stood quietly in at the narrows, and dropped anchor in the bay. on the th of june an express from the look-out on staten island, announced that forty sail were in sight. they were, in fact, ships from halifax, bringing between nine and ten thousand of the troops recently expelled from boston; together with six transports filled with highland troops, which had joined the fleet at sea. at sight of this formidable armament standing into the harbor, washington instantly sent notice of its arrival to colonel james clinton, who had command of the posts in the highlands, and urged all possible preparations to give the enemy a warm reception should they push their frigates up the river. other arrivals swelled the number of ships in the bay of new york to one hundred and thirty men-of-war and transports. they made no movement to ascend the hudson, but anchored off staten island, where they landed their troops, and the hill sides were soon whitened with their tents. washington beheld the gathering storm with an anxious eye, aware that general howe only awaited the arrival of his brother, the admiral, to commence hostile operations. he wrote to the president of congress, urging a call on the massachusetts government for its quota of continental troops; and the formation of a flying camp of ten thousand men, to be stationed in the jerseys as a central force, ready to act in any direction as circumstances might require. on the d of july he issued a general order, calling upon the troops to prepare for a momentous conflict which was to decide their liberties and fortunes. those who should signalize themselves by acts of bravery would be noticed and rewarded; those who proved craven would be exposed and punished. about this time, we have the first appearance in the military ranks of the revolution of one destined to take an active and distinguished part in public affairs; and to leave the impress of his genius on the institutions of the country. as general greene one day, on his way to washington's head-quarters, was passing through a field--then on the outskirts of the city, now in the heart of its busiest quarter, and known as "the park,"--he paused to notice a provincial company of artillery, and was struck with its able performances, and with the tact and talent of its commander. he was a mere youth, apparently about twenty years of age; small in person and stature, but remarkable for his alert and manly bearing. it was alexander hamilton.{ } {footnote : [hamilton was a native of the island of nevis, in the west indies. at an early age he was put in a counting house, but his nature was aspiring, and he devoted his leisure hours to study. some early achievements of his pen gave such proof of talent that it was determined to give him the advantage of a regular education, and he was sent to king's (now columbia) college at new york.]} greene was an able tactician, and quick to appreciate any display of military science; a little conversation sufficed to convince him that the youth before him had a mind of no ordinary grasp and quickness. he invited him to his quarters, and from that time cultivated his friendship. further acquaintance heightened the general's opinion of his extraordinary merits, and he took an early occasion to introduce him to the commander-in-chief, by whom we shall soon find him properly appreciated. a valuable accession to the army, at this anxious time, was washington's neighbor, and former companion in arms, hugh mercer. his military spirit was alert as ever; the talent he had shown in organizing the virginia militia, and his zeal and efficiency as a member of the committee of safety, had been properly appreciated by congress, and on the th of june he had received the commission of brigadier-general. he was greeted by washington with the right hand of fellowship. the flying camp was about forming. washington had the nomination of some continental officer to the command. he gave it to mercer, and sent him over to paulus hook, in the jerseys, to make arrangements for the militia as they should come in; recommending him to brigadier-general william livingston, as an officer on whose experience and judgment great confidence might be reposed. livingston was a man inexperienced in arms, but of education, talent, sagacity and ready wit. mercer and he were to consult together, and concert plans to repel invasions; the new jersey militia, however, were distinct from the flying camp, and only called out for local defence. while danger was gathering round new york, the general congress at philadelphia was discussing, with closed doors, what john adams pronounced--"the greatest question ever debated in america, and as great as ever was or will be debated among men." the result was, a resolution passed unanimously, on the d of july, "that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states." "the d of july," adds the same patriotic statesman, "will be the most memorable epoch in the history of america. i am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. it ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to almighty god. it ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forth for evermore." the glorious event has, indeed, given rise to an annual jubilee, but not on the day designated by adams. the th of july is the day of national rejoicing, for on that day the "declaration of independence," that solemn and sublime document, was adopted. washington hailed the declaration with joy. it is true, it was but a formal recognition of a state of things which had long existed, but it put an end to all those temporizing hopes of reconciliation which had clogged the military action of the country. on the th of july he caused it to be read at six o'clock in the evening, at the head of each brigade of the army. "the general hopes," said he in his orders, "that this important event will serve as a fresh incentive to every officer and soldier to act with fidelity and courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his country depend, under god, solely on the success of our arms; and that he is now in the service of a state, possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." the excitable populace of new york were not content with the ringing of bells to proclaim their joy. there was a leaden statue of george iii. in the bowling green, in front of the fort. since kingly rule is at an end, why retain its effigy? on the same evening, therefore, the statue was pulled down amid the shouts of the multitude, and broken up to be run into bullets "to be used in the cause of independence." the exultation of the patriots of new york, caused by the declaration of independence, was soon overclouded. on the th of july several ships stood in from sea, and joined the naval force below. every nautical movement was now a matter of speculation and alarm. two ships-of-war were observed getting under way, and standing toward the city. one was the phoenix, of forty guns; the other the rose, of twenty guns, commanded by captain wallace. the troops were immediately at their alarm posts. it was about half-past three o'clock in the afternoon as the ships and three tenders came sweeping up the bay with the advantage of wind and tide, and shaped their course up the hudson. the batteries of the city and of paulus hook, on the opposite jersey shore, opened a fire upon them. they answered it with broadsides, but continued their course up the hudson. they had merely fired upon the batteries as they passed; and on their own part had sustained but little damage, their decks having ramparts of sand-bags. the ships below remained in sullen quiet at their anchors, and showed no intention of following them. the firing ceased. the fear of a general attack upon the city died away, and the agitated citizens breathed more freely. washington, however, apprehended this movement of the ships might be with a different object. they might be sent to land troops and seize upon the passes of the highlands. forts montgomery and constitution were far from complete, and were scantily manned. a small force might be sufficient to surprise them. thus thinking, he sent off an express to put general mifflin on the alert, who was stationed with his philadelphia troops at fort washington and king's bridge. the same express carried a letter from him to the new york convention, at that time holding its sessions at white plains in westchester county, apprising it of the impending danger. fortunately george clinton, the patriotic legislator, had recently been appointed brigadier-general of the militia of ulster and orange counties. called to his native state by his military duties in this time of danger, he had only remained in congress to vote for the declaration of independence, and then hastened home. he was now at new windsor, in ulster county, just above the highlands. washington wrote to him on the afternoon of the th, urging him to collect as great a force as possible of the new york militia, for the protection of the highlands against this hostile irruption. long before the receipt of washington's letter, clinton had been put on the alert. about nine o'clock in the morning of the th, two river sloops came to anchor above the highlands, before the general's residence. their captains informed him that new york had been attacked on the preceding afternoon. they had seen the cannonade from a distance, and judged from the subsequent firing, that the enemy's ships were up the river as far as king's bridge. clinton was as prompt a soldier as he had been an intrepid legislator. the neighboring militia were forthwith put in motion. three regiments were ordered out; one was to repair to fort montgomery; another to fort constitution; the third to rendezvous at newburgh, just above the highlands, ready to hasten to the assistance of fort constitution, should another signal be given. another of his sagacious measures was to send expresses to all the owners of sloops and boats twenty miles up the west side of the river, to haul them off so as to prevent their grounding. part of them were to be ready to carry over the militia to the forts; the rest were ordered down to fort constitution, where a chain of them might be drawn across the narrowest part of the river, to be set on fire, should the enemy's ships attempt to pass. having made these prompt arrangements, he proceeded to fort montgomery, where he fixed his head-quarters. here, on the following day (july th,) he received washington's letter, written two days previously; but by this time he had anticipated its orders, and stirred up the whole country. while the vigilant clinton was preparing to defend the passes of the highlands, danger was growing more imminent at the mouth of the hudson. the agitation into which new york was thrown on the afternoon of the th of july, by the broadsides of the phoenix and the rose, was almost immediately followed by another. on the same evening there was a great booming of cannon, with clouds of smoke, from the shipping at anchor at staten island. every spy-glass was again in requisition. the british fleet were saluting a ship of the line, just arrived from sea. she advanced grandly, every man-of-war thundering a salute as she passed. at her foretop masthead she bore st. george's flag. "it is the admiral's ship!" cried the nautical men on the look-out at the battery. "it is the admiral's ship!" was echoed from mouth to mouth, and the word soon flew throughout the city, "lord howe is come!" chapter xxx. proceedings of lord howe.--gates and schuyler. lord howe was indeed come, and affairs now appeared to be approaching a crisis. in consequence of the recent conspiracy, the convention of new york, seated at white plains in westchester county, had a secret committee stationed in new york for the purpose of taking cognizance of traitorous machinations. to this committee washington addressed a letter the day after his lordship's arrival, suggesting the policy of removing from the city and its environs, "all persons of known disaffection and enmity to the cause of america;" especially those confined in jail for treasonable offences; who might become extremely dangerous in case of an attack and alarm. he took this step with great reluctance; but felt compelled to it by circumstances. in consequence of his suggestion, thirteen persons in confinement for traitorous offences, were removed to the jail of litchfield in connecticut. among the number was the late mayor; but as his offence was not of so deep a dye as those whereof the rest stood charged, it was recommended by the president of the convention that he should be treated with indulgence. the proceedings of lord howe soon showed the policy of these precautions. his lordship had prepared a declaration, addressed to the people at large, informing them of the powers vested in his brother and himself as commissioners for restoring peace. he sent a flag on shore, bearing a circular letter, written in his civil and military capacity, to the colonial governor, requesting him to publish his address to the people as widely as possible. the british officers, considering the americans in arms rebels without valid commissions, were in the habit of denying them all military title. washington's general officers had urged him not to submit to this tacit indignity, but to reject all letters directed to him without a specification of his official rank. an occasion now presented itself for the adjustment of this matter. within a day or two an officer of the british navy, lieutenant brown, came with a flag from lord howe, seeking a conference with washington. colonel reed, the adjutant-general, embarked in a barge, and met him half way between governor's and staten islands. the lieutenant informed him that he was the bearer of a letter from lord howe to _mr._ washington. colonel reed replied that he knew no such person in the american army. the lieutenant produced and offered the letter. it was addressed to george washington, esquire. he was informed that it could not be received with such a direction. the lieutenant expressed much concern, while reed maintained his coolness, politely declining to receive the letter, as inconsistent with his duty. on the th an aide-de-camp of general howe came with a flag, and requested to know, as there appeared to be an obstacle to a correspondence between the two generals, whether colonel patterson, the british adjutant-general, could be admitted to an interview with general washington. colonel reed, who met the flag, consented in the name of the general, and pledged his honor for the safety of the adjutant-general during the interview, which was fixed for the following morning. at the appointed time, colonel reed and colonel webb, one of washington's aides, met the flag in the harbor, took colonel patterson into their barge and escorted him to town, passing in front of the grand battery. washington received the adjutant-general at head-quarters with much form and ceremony, in full military array, with his officers and guards about him. colonel patterson, addressing him by the title of _your excellency_, produced, but did not offer, a letter addressed to george washington, esquire, etc., etc., hoping that the et ceteras, which implied everything, would remove all impediments. washington replied that it was true the et ceteras implied everything, but they also implied anything. a letter, he added, addressed to a person acting in a public character should have some inscriptions to designate it from a mere private letter; and he should absolutely decline any letter addressed to himself as a private person, when it related to his public station. colonel patterson, finding the letter would not be received, endeavored, as far as he could recollect, to communicate the scope of it in the course of a somewhat desultory conversation. what he chiefly dwelt upon was that lord howe and his brother had been specially nominated commissioners for the promotion of peace, which was esteemed a mark of favor and regard to america; that they had great powers, and would derive the highest pleasure from effecting an accommodation; and he concluded by adding, that he wished his visit to be considered as making the first advance toward that desirable object. washington replied that, by what had appeared (alluding, no doubt, to lord howe's circular), their powers, it would seem, were only to grant pardons. now those who had committed no fault needed no pardon; and such was the case with the americans, who were only defending what they considered their indisputable rights. colonel patterson avoided a discussion of this matter, which, he observed, would open a very wide field; so here the conference, which had been conducted on both sides with great courtesy, terminated. washington received the applause of congress and of the public for sustaining the dignity of his station. his conduct in this particular was recommended as a model to all american officers in corresponding with the enemy. in the meantime, the irruption of the phoenix and the rose into the waters of the hudson had roused a belligerent spirit along its borders. the lower part of that noble river is commanded on the eastern side by the bold woody heights of manhattan island and westchester county, and on the western side by the rocky cliffs of the palisades. beyond those cliffs, the river expands into a succession of what may almost be termed lakes; first the tappan sea, then haverstraw bay, then the bay of peekskill; separated from each other by long stretching points, or high beetling promontories, but affording ample sea room and safe anchorage. then come the redoubtable highlands, that strait, fifteen miles in length, where the river bends its course, narrow and deep, between rocky, forest-clad mountains. the new york convention, aware of the impending danger, despatched military envoys to stir up the yeomanry along the river, and order out militia. powder and ball were sent to tarrytown, before which the hostile ships were anchored, and yeoman troops were stationed there and along the neighboring shores of the tappan sea. in a little while the militia of dutchess county and cortlandt's manor were hastening, rudely armed, to protect the public stores at peekskill, and mount guard at the entrance of the highlands. the ships-of-war which caused this alarm and turmoil, lay quietly anchored in the broad expanses of the tappan sea and haverstraw bay; shifting their ground occasionally, while their boats were out taking soundings quite up to the highlands, evidently preparing for further operations. at night, too, their barges were heard rowing up and down the river on mysterious errands. the ships, now acquainted with the channel, moved up within six miles of fort montgomery. general clinton apprehended they might mean to take advantage of a dark night, and slip by him in the deep shadows of the mountains. to prevent this, he stationed a guard at night on the furthest point in view, about two miles and a half below the fort, prepared to kindle a blazing fire should the ships appear in sight. large piles of dry brushwood mixed with combustibles were prepared at various places up and down the shore opposite to the fort, and men stationed to set fire to them as soon as a signal should be given from the lower point. the fort, therefore, while it remained in darkness, would have a fair chance with its batteries as the ships passed between it and these conflagrations. a private committee sent up by the new york convention, had a conference with the general, to devise further means of obstructing the passage of ships up the river. fire rafts were to be brought from poughkeepsie and kept at hand ready for action. these were to be lashed two together, with chains, between old sloops filled with combustibles, and sent down with a strong wind and tide, to drive upon the ships. an iron chain, also, was to be stretched obliquely across the river from fort montgomery to the foot of anthony's nose, thus, as it were, chaining up the gate of the highlands. for a protection below the highlands, it was proposed to station whale-boats about the coves and promontories of tappan sea and haverstraw bay; to reconnoitre the enemy, cruise about at night, carry intelligence from post to post, seize any river craft that might bring the ships supplies, and cut off their boats when attempting to land. galleys, also, were prepared, with nine-pounders mounted at the bows. while the security of the hudson from invading ships was claiming the attention of washington, he was equally anxious to prevent an irruption of the enemy from canada. he was grieved, therefore, to find there was a clashing of authorities between the generals who had charge of the northern frontier. gates, on his way to take command of the army in canada, had heard with surprise in albany of its retreat across the new york frontier. he still considered it under his orders, and was proceeding to act accordingly, when general schuyler observed that the resolution of congress, and the instructions of washington, applied to the army only while in canada; the moment it retreated within the limits of new york, it came within his (schuyler's) command. that there might be no delay in the service at this critical juncture the two generals agreed to refer the question of command to congress, and in the meantime to act in concert. they accordingly departed together for lake champlain, to prepare against an anticipated invasion by sir guy carleton. they arrived at crown point on the th of july, and found there the wrecks of the army recently driven out of canada. they had been harassed in their retreat by land; their transportation on the lake had been in leaky boats, without awnings, where the sick, suffering from small-pox, lay on straw, exposed to a burning july sun; no food but salt pork, often rancid, hard biscuit or unbaked flour, and scarcely any medicine. not more than six thousand men had reached crown point, and half of those were on the sick list; the shattered remains of twelve or fifteen very fine battalions. in a council of war it was determined that, under present circumstances, the post of crown point was not tenable; and that, therefore, it was expedient to fall back, and take a strong position at ticonderoga. general sullivan had been deeply hurt that gates, his former inferior in rank, should have been appointed over him to the command of the army in canada; considering it a tacit intimation that congress did not esteem him competent to the trust which had devolved upon him. he now, therefore, requested leave of absence, in order to wait on the commander-in-chief. it was granted with reluctance. on the th of july, schuyler and gates returned to ticonderoga, accompanied by arnold. instant arrangements were made to encamp the troops, and land the artillery and stores as fast as they should arrive. great exertions, also, were made to strengthen the defences of the place. colonel john trumbull, who was to have accompanied gates to canada, as adjutant-general, had been reconnoitring the neighborhood of ticonderoga, and had pitched upon a place for a fortification on the eastern side of the lake, directly opposite the east point of ticonderoga, where fort independence was subsequently built. he also advised the erection of a work on a lofty eminence, the termination of a mountain ridge, which separates lake george from lake champlain. his advice was unfortunately disregarded. preparations were made, also, to augment the naval force on the lakes. ship carpenters from the eastern states were employed at skenesborough to build the hulls of galleys and boats, which, when launched, were to be sent down to ticonderoga for equipment and armament, under the superintendence of general arnold. schuyler soon returned to albany, to superintend the general concerns of the northern department. he was indefatigable in procuring and forwarding the necessary materials and artillery for the fortification of ticonderoga. the question of command between him and gates was apparently at rest. a letter from the president of congress, dated july th, informed general gates that, according to the resolution of that body under which he had been appointed, his command was totally independent of general schuyler, _while the army was in canada_, but no longer. gates professed himself entirely satisfied with the explanation he had received, and perfectly disposed to obey the commands of schuyler. as to general sullivan, who repaired to philadelphia and tendered his resignation, the question of rank which had aggrieved him was explained in a manner that induced him to continue in service. it was universally allowed that his retreat had been ably conducted through all kinds of difficulties and disasters. a greater source of solicitude to washington than this jealousy between commanders, was the sectional jealousy springing up among the troops. in a letter to schuyler (july th), he says, "i must entreat your attention to do away the unhappy and pernicious distinctions and jealousies between the troops of different governments. enjoin this upon the officers, and let them inculcate and press home to the soldiery, the necessity of order and harmony among those who are embarked in one common cause, and mutually contending for all that freemen hold dear." nowhere were these sectional jealousies more prevalent than in the motley army assembled from distant quarters under washington's own command. reed, the adjutant-general, speaking on this subject, observes: "the southern troops, comprising the regiments south of the delaware, looked with very unkind feelings on those of new england; especially those from connecticut, whose peculiarities of deportment made them the objects of ill-disguised derision among their fellow soldiers." among the troops thus designated as southern, were some from virginia under a major leitch; others from maryland, under colonel smallwood; others from delaware, led by colonel haslet. there were four continental battalions from pennsylvania commanded by colonels shee, st. clair, wayne, and magaw; and provincial battalions, two of which were severally commanded by colonels miles and atlee. the continental battalion under colonel shee was chiefly from the city of philadelphia, especially the officers; among whom were lambert cadwalader and william allen, members of two of the principal and most aristocratic families, and alexander graydon, to whose memoirs we are indebted for some graphic pictures of the times. these pennsylvania troops were under the command of brigadier-general mifflin, who, in the preceding year, had acted as washington's aide-de-camp, and afterwards as quartermaster-general. smallwood's maryland battalion was one of the brightest in point of equipment. the scarlet and buff uniforms of those southerners contrasted vividly with the rustic attire of the yeoman battalions from the east. their officers, too, looked down upon their connecticut compeers, who could only be distinguished from their men by wearing a cockade. "there were none," says graydon, "by whom an unofficer-like appearance and deportment could be tolerated less than by a city-bred marylander; who, at this time, was distinguished by the most fashionable cut coat, the most _macaroni_ cocked-hat, and hottest blood in the union." in the same sectional spirit, he speaks of the connecticut light-horse: "old-fashioned men, truly irregulars; whether their clothing, equipments, or caparisons were regarded, it would have been difficult to have discovered any circumstance of uniformity. instead of carbines and sabres, they generally carried fowling-pieces, some of them very long, such as in pennsylvania are used for shooting ducks. here and there one appeared in a dingy regimental of scarlet, with a triangular, tarnished, laced hat. these singular dragoons were volunteers, who came to make a tender of their services to the commander-in-chief." the troops thus satirized were a body of between four and five hundred connecticut light-horse, under colonel thomas seymour. on an appeal for aid to the governor of their state, they had voluntarily hastened on in advance of the militia, to render the most speedy succor. washington speaks of them as being for the most part, if not all, men of reputation and property. they were, in fact, mostly farmers. the connecticut infantry which had been furnished by governor trumbull in the present emergency, likewise were substantial farmers, whose business would require their return, when the necessity of their further stay in the army should be over. they were all men of simple rural manners, from an agricultural state, where great equality of condition prevailed; the officers were elected by the men out of their own ranks, they were their own neighbors, and every way their equals. all this, as yet, was but little understood or appreciated by the troops from the south, among whom military rank was more defined and tenaciously observed, and where the officers were men of the cities, and of more aristocratic habits. chapter xxxi. the war in the south.--affairs in the highlands. letters from general lee gave washington intelligence of the fate of sir henry clinton's expedition to the south; that expedition which had been the subject of so much surmise and perplexity. within a year past, charleston had been fortified at various points. fort johnson, on james island, three miles from the city, and commanding the breadth of the channel, was garrisoned by a regiment of south carolina regulars under colonel gadsden. a strong fort had recently been constructed nearly opposite, on the south-west point of sullivan's island, about six miles below the city. it was mounted with twenty-six guns, and garrisoned by three hundred and seventy-five regulars and a few militia, and commanded by colonel william moultrie, of south carolina, who had constructed it. this fort, in connection with that on james island, was considered the key of the harbor. cannon had also been mounted on haddrell's point on the mainland, to the north-west of sullivan's island, and along the bay in front of the town. the arrival of general lee gave great joy to the people of charleston, from his high reputation for military skill and experience. according to his own account in a letter to washington, the town on his arrival was "utterly defenceless." he was rejoiced, therefore, when the enemy, instead of immediately attacking it, directed his whole force against the fort on sullivan's island. the british ships, in fact, having passed the bar with some difficulty, landed their troops on long island, situated to the east of sullivan's island, and separated from it by a small creek called the breach. sir henry clinton meditated a combined attack with his land and naval forces on the fort commanded by moultrie; the capture of which, he thought, would insure the reduction of charleston. the americans immediately threw up works on the north-eastern extremity of sullivan's island, to prevent the passage of the enemy over the breach, stationing a force of regulars and militia there, under colonel thompson. general lee encamped on haddrell's point, on the mainland, to the north of the island, whence he intended to keep up a communication by a bridge of boats, so as to be ready at any moment to aid either moultrie or thompson. sir henry clinton, on the other hand, had to construct batteries on long island, to oppose those of thompson, and cover the passage of his troops by boats or by the ford. thus time was consumed, and the enemy were, from the st to the th of june, preparing for the attack. at length on the th of june, the thunder bomb commenced the attack, throwing shells at the fort as the fleet, under sir peter parker, advanced. about eleven o'clock the ships dropped their anchors directly before the front battery. ["they commenced," says lee, "the most furious fire i ever saw." the garrison, however, according to british authority, stuck with the greatest constancy and firmness to their guns; fired deliberately and slow, and took a cool, effective aim. the ships suffered accordingly, they were torn almost to pieces, and the slaughter was dreadful. the fire from the ships did not produce the expected effect.] the fortifications were low, composed of earth and palmetto wood, which is soft, and makes no splinters, and the merlons were extremely thick. at one time there was a considerable pause in the american fire, and the enemy thought the fort was abandoned. it was only because the powder was exhausted. as soon as a supply could be forwarded from the mainland by general lee, the fort resumed its fire with still more deadly effect. through unskilful pilotage, several of the ships ran aground, where one, the frigate actæon, remained; the rest were extricated with difficulty. those which bore the brunt of the action were much cut up. one hundred and seventy-five men were killed, and nearly as many wounded. sir henry clinton, with two thousand troops and five or six hundred seamen, attempted repeatedly to cross from long island, and co-operate in the attack upon the fort, but was as often foiled by colonel thompson, with his battery of two cannons, and a body of south carolina rangers and north carolina regulars. the combat slackened before sunset, and ceased before ten o'clock. sir peter parker, who had received a severe contusion in the engagement, then slipped his cables, and drew off his shattered ships to five fathom hole. the actæon remained aground. on the following morning sir henry clinton made another attempt to cross from long island to sullivan's island; but was again repulsed, and obliged to take shelter behind his breastworks. sir peter parker, too, giving up all hope of reducing the fort in the shattered condition of his ships, ordered that the actæon should be set on fire and abandoned. within a few days the troops were re-embarked from long island: the attempt upon charleston was for the present abandoned, and the fleet once more put to sea. in this action, one of the severest in the whole course of the war, the loss of the americans in killed and wounded was but thirty-five men. colonel moultrie derived the greatest glory from the defence of sullivan's island; though the thanks of congress were voted as well to general lee, colonel thompson and those under their command. the tidings of this signal repulse of the enemy came most opportunely to washington, when he was apprehending an attack upon new york. * * * * * * * general putnam, beside his bravery in the field, was somewhat of a mechanical projector. the batteries at fort washington had proved ineffectual in opposing the passage of hostile ships up the hudson. he was now engaged on a plan for obstructing the channel opposite the fort, so as to prevent the passing of any more ships. a letter from him to general gales (july th) explains his project. "we are preparing chevaux-de-frise, at which we make great despatch by the help of ships, which are to be sunk. the two ships' sterns lie towards each other, about seventy feet apart. three large logs, which reach from ship to ship, are fastened to them. the two ships and logs stop the river two hundred and eighty feet. the ships are to be sunk, and when hauled down on one side, the pricks will be raised to a proper height, and they must inevitably stop the river, if the enemy will let us sink them." it so happened that one ephraim anderson, adjutant to the second jersey battalion, had recently submitted a project to congress for destroying the enemy's fleet in the harbor of new york. he had attempted an enterprise of the kind against the british ships in the harbor of quebec during the siege, and, according to his own account, would have succeeded, had not the enemy discovered his intentions, and stretched a cable across the mouth of the harbor, and had he not accidentally been much burnt. his scheme was favorably entertained by congress, and washington, by a letter dated july th, was instructed to aid him in carrying it into effect. anderson, accordingly, was soon at work at new york constructing fire-ships, with which the fleet was to be attacked. simultaneous with the attack, a descent was to be made on the british camp on staten island, from the nearest point of the jersey shore, by troops from mercer's flying camp, and by others stationed at bergen under major knowlton, putnam's favorite officer for daring enterprises. projectors are subject to disappointments. it was impossible to construct a sufficient number of fire-ships and galleys in time. the flying camp, too, recruited but slowly, and scarcely exceeded three thousand men; the combined attack by fire and sword had therefore to be given up. in the course of a few days arrived a hundred sail, with large reinforcements, among which were one thousand hessians, and as many more were reported to be on the way. the troops were disembarked on staten island, and fortifications thrown up on some of the most commanding hills. all projects of attack upon the enemy were now out of the question. indeed, some of washington's ablest advisers questioned the policy of remaining in new york, where they might be entrapped as the british had been in boston. during the latter part of july, and the early part of august, ships of war with their tenders continued to arrive, and scotch highlanders, hessians, and other troops to be landed on staten island. at the beginning of august, the squadron with sir henry clinton, recently repulsed at charleston, anchored in the bay. in the meantime, putnam's contrivances for obstructing the channel had reached their destined place. a letter, dated fort washington, august d, says: "four ships, chained and boomed, with a number of amazing large chevaux-de-frise, were sunk close by the fort under command of general mifflin, which fort mounts thirty-two pieces of heavy cannon. we are thoroughly sanguine that they (the ships up the river) never will be able to join the british fleet, nor assistance from the fleet be afforded to them." another letter, written at the same date from tarrytown, on the borders of the tappan sea, gives an account of an attack made by six row galleys upon the phoenix and the rose. they fought bravely for two hours, hulling the ships repeatedly, but sustaining great damage in return; until their commodore, colonel tupper, gave the signal to draw off. the force of the enemy collected in the neighborhood of new york was about thirty thousand men; that of the americans a little more than seventeen thousand, but was subsequently increased to twenty thousand, for the most part, raw and undisciplined. one-fourth were on the sick list with bilious and putrid fevers and dysentery; others were absent on furlough or command; the rest had to be distributed over posts and stations fifteen miles apart. washington kept the most watchful eye upon the movements of the enemy. beside their great superiority in point of numbers as well as discipline, to his own crude and scanty legions, they possessed a vast advantage in their fleet. "they would not be half the enemy they are," observed colonel reed, "if they were once separated from their ships." every arrival and departure of these, therefore, was a subject of speculation and conjecture. aaron burr, at that time in new york, aide-de-camp to general putnam, speaks in a letter to an uncle, of thirty transports, which, under convoy of three frigates, had put to sea on the th of august, with the intention of sailing round long island and coming through the sound, and thus investing the city by the north and east rivers. "they are then to land on both sides of the island," writes he, "join their forces, and draw a line across, which will hem us in, and totally cut off all communication; after which, they will have their own fun." in this emergency, washington wrote to general mercer for , men from the flying camp. colonel smallwood's battalion was immediately furnished, as a part of them. the convention of the state ordered out hasty levies of country militia, to form temporary camps on the shore of the sound, and on that of the hudson above king's bridge, to annoy the enemy, should they attempt to land from their ships on either of these waters. others were sent to reinforce the posts on long island. many of the yeomen of the country, thus hastily summoned from the plough, were destitute of arms, in lieu of which they were ordered to bring with them a shovel, spade, or pickaxe, or a scythe straightened and fastened to a pole. this rustic array may have provoked the thoughtless sneers of city scoffers, such as those cited by graydon; but it was in truth one of the glorious features of the revolution, to be thus aided in its emergencies by "hasty levies of husbandmen." by the authority of the new york convention, washington had appointed general george clinton to the command of the levies on both sides of the hudson. he now ordered him to hasten down with them to the fort just erected on the north side of king's bridge; leaving two hundred men under the command of a brave and alert officer to throw up works at the pass of anthony's nose, where the main road to albany crosses that mountain. troops of horse also were to be posted by him along the river to watch the motions of the enemy. accounts of deserters, and other intelligence, informed washington, on the th, that a great many of the enemy's troops had gone on board of the transports; that three days' provisions had been cooked, and other steps taken indicating an intention of leaving staten island. putnam, also, came up from below with word that at least one-fourth of the fleet had sailed. there were many conjectures at head-quarters as to whither they were bound, or whether they had not merely shifted their station. everything indicated, however, that affairs were tending to a crisis. a gallant little exploit at this juncture, gave a fillip to the spirits of the community. two of the fire-ships recently constructed, went up the hudson to attempt the destruction of the ships which had so long been domineering over its waters. one succeeded in grappling the phoenix, and would soon have set her in flames, but in the darkness got to leeward, and was cast loose without effecting any damage. the other, in making for the rose, fell foul of one of the tenders, grappled and burnt her. the enterprise was conducted with spirit, and though it failed of its main object, had an important effect. the commanders of the ships determined to abandon those waters, where their boats were fired upon by the very yeomanry whenever they attempted to land; and where their ships were in danger from midnight incendiaries, while riding at anchor. taking advantage of a brisk wind and favoring tide, they made all sail early on the morning of the th of august, and stood down the river, keeping close under the eastern shore, where they supposed the guns from mount washington could not be brought to bear upon them. notwithstanding this precaution, the phoenix was thrice hulled by shots from the fort, and one of the tenders once. the rose, also, was hulled once by a shot from burdett's ferry. the men on board were kept close, to avoid being picked off by a party of riflemen posted on the river bank. the ships fired grape-shot as they passed, but without effecting any injury. unfortunately, a passage had been left open in the obstructions on which general putnam had calculated so sanguinely; it was to have been closed in the course of a day or two. through this they made their way, guided by a deserter. chapter xxxii. battle of long island.--retreat. the movements of the british fleet, and of the camp on staten island, gave signs of a meditated attack; but as the nature of that attack was uncertain, washington was obliged to retain the greater part of his troops in the city for its defence, holding them ready, however, to be transferred to any point in the vicinity. general mifflin, with about five hundred of the pennsylvania troops, of colonels shee and magaw's regiments, were at king's bridge, ready to aid at a moment's notice. general george clinton was at that post, with about fourteen hundred of his yeomanry of the hudson. reports from different quarters gave washington reason to apprehend that the design of the enemy might be to land part of their force on long island, and endeavor to get possession of the heights of brooklyn, which overlooked new york; while another part should land above the city. thus, various disconnected points, distant from each other, and a great extent of intervening country, had to be defended by raw troops, against a superior force well disciplined, and possessed of every facility for operating by land and water. general greene, with a considerable force, was stationed at brooklyn. he had acquainted himself with all the localities of the island, from hell gate to the narrows, and made his plan of defence accordingly. his troops were diligently occupied in works which he laid out, about a mile beyond the village of brooklyn, and facing the interior of the island, whence a land attack might be attempted. brooklyn was immediately opposite to new york. the sound, commonly called the east river, in that place about three quarters of a mile in width, swept its rapid tides between them. the village stood on a kind of peninsula, formed by the deep inlets of wallabout bay on the north, and gowanus cove on the south. a line of intrenchments and strong redoubts extended across the neck of the peninsula, from the bay to a swamp and creek emptying into the cove. to protect the rear of the works from the enemy's ships, a battery was erected at red hook, the south-west corner of the peninsula, and a fort on governor's island, nearly opposite. about two miles and a half in front of the line of intrenchments and redoubts, a range of hills, densely wooded, extended from south-west to north-east, forming a natural barrier across the island. it was traversed by three roads. one, on the left of the works, stretched eastwardly to bedford, and then by a pass through the bedford hills to the village of jamaica; another, central and direct, led through the woody heights to flatbush; a third, on the right of the lines, passed by gowanus cove to the narrows and gravesend bay. the occupation of this range of hills, and the protection of its passes, had been designed by general greene; but unfortunately, in the midst of his arduous toils, he was taken down by a raging fever, which confined him to his bed; and general sullivan, just returned from lake champlain, had the temporary command. on the st came a letter, written in all haste by brigadier-general william livingston, of new jersey. movements of the enemy on staten island had been seen from his camp. he had sent over a spy at midnight, who brought back the following intelligence. twenty thousand men had embarked to make an attack on long island, and up the hudson. fifteen thousand remained on staten island, to attack bergen point, elizabethtown point, and amboy. washington sent a copy of the letter to the new york convention. on the following morning (august d) the enemy appeared to be carrying their plans into execution. the reports of cannon and musketry were heard from long island, and columns of smoke were descried rising above the groves and orchards at a distance. the city, as usual, was alarmed, and had reason to be so; for word soon came that several thousand men, with artillery and light-horse, were landed at gravesend; and that colonel hand, stationed there with the pennsylvania rifle regiment, had retreated to the lines, setting fire to stacks of wheat, and other articles, to keep them from falling into the enemy's hands. washington apprehended an attempt of the foe by a forced march, to surprise the lines at brooklyn. he immediately sent over a reinforcement of six battalions. it was all that he could spare, as with the next tide the ships might bring up the residue of the army, and attack the city. five battalions more, however, were ordered to be ready as a reinforcement, if required. nine thousand of the enemy had landed, with forty pieces of cannon. sir henry clinton had the chief command, and led the first division. his associate officers were the earls of cornwallis and percy, general grant, and general sir william erskine. as their boats approached the shore, colonel hand, stationed, as has been said, in the neighborhood with his rifle regiment, retreated to the chain of wooded hills, and took post on a height commanding the central road leading from flatbush. the enemy having landed without opposition, lord cornwallis was detached with the reserve to flatbush, while the rest of the army extended itself from the ferry at the narrows through utrecht and gravesend, to the village of flatland. cornwallis, with two battalions of light-infantry, colonel donop's corps of hessians, and six field-pieces, advanced rapidly to seize upon the central pass through the hills. he found hand and his riflemen ready to make a vigorous defence. this brought him to a halt, having been ordered not to risk an attack should the pass be occupied. he took post for the night, therefore, in the village of flatbush. on the th washington crossed over to brooklyn, to inspect the lines and reconnoitre the neighborhood. in this visit he felt sensibly the want of general greene's presence, to explain his plans and point out the localities. the american advanced posts were in the wooded hills. colonel hand, with his riflemen, kept watch over the central road, and a strong redoubt had been thrown up in front of the pass, to check any advance of the enemy from flatbush. another road leading from flatbush to bedford, by which the enemy might get round to the left of the works at brooklyn, was guarded by two regiments, one under colonel williams, posted on the north side of the ridge, the other by a pennsylvanian rifle regiment, under colonel miles, posted on the south side. the enemy were stretched along the country beyond the chain of hills. as yet nothing had taken place but skirmishing and irregular firing between the outposts. it was with deep concern washington noticed a prevalent disorder and confusion in the camp. there was a want of system among the officers and co-operation among the troops, each corps seeming to act independently of the rest. few of the men had any military experience, except, perchance, in bush-fighting with the indians. unaccustomed to discipline and the restraint of camps, they sallied forth whenever they pleased, singly or in squads, prowling about and firing upon the enemy, like hunters after game. much of this was no doubt owing to the protracted illness of general greene. on returning to the city, therefore, washington gave the command on long island to general putnam, warning him, however, in his letter of instructions, to summon the officers together, and enjoin them to put a stop to the irregularities which he had observed among the troops. in the meantime, the enemy were augmenting their forces on the island. two brigades of hessians, under lieutenant-general de heister, were transferred from the camp on staten island on the th. this movement did not escape the vigilant eye of washington. he now concluded that the enemy were about to make a push with their main force for the possession of brooklyn heights. he accordingly sent over additional reinforcements, and among them colonel john haslet's well equipped and well disciplined delaware regiment; which was joined to lord stirling's brigade, chiefly composed of southern troops, and stationed outside of the lines. on the th he crossed over to brooklyn, accompanied by reed, the adjutant-general. there was much movement among the enemy's troops, and their number was evidently augmented. in fact. general de heister had reached flatbush with his hessians, and taken command of the centre; whereupon sir henry clinton, with the right wing, drew off to flatlands, in a diagonal line to the right of de heister, while the left wing, commanded by general grant, extended to the place of landing on gravesend bay. washington remained all day, aiding general putnam with his counsels, who, new to the command, had not been able to make himself well acquainted with the fortified posts beyond the lines. in the evening, washington returned to the city, full of anxious thought. a general attack was evidently at hand. where would it be made? how would his inexperienced troops stand the encounter? what would be the defence of the city if assailed by the ships? it was a night of intense solicitude, and well might it be; for during that night a plan was carried into effect, fraught with disaster to the americans. the plan to which we allude was concerted by general howe, the commander-in-chief. sir henry clinton with the vanguard, composed of the choicest troops, was, by a circuitous march in the night to throw himself into the road leading from jamaica to bedford, seize upon a pass through the bedford hills, within three miles of that village, and thus turn the left of the american advanced posts. to divert the attention of the americans from this stealthy march on their left, general grant was to menace their right flank toward gravesend before daybreak, and general de heister to cannonade their centre, where colonel hand was stationed. neither, however, was to press an attack until the guns of sir henry clinton should give notice that he had effected his purpose, and turned the left flank of the americans; then the latter were to be assailed at all points with the utmost vigor. about nine o'clock in the evening of the th, sir henry clinton began his march from flatlands with the vanguard, composed of light infantry. lord percy followed with the grenadiers, artillery, and light dragoons, forming the centre. lord cornwallis brought up the rear-guard with the heavy ordnance. general howe accompanied this division. it was a silent march, without beat of drum or sound of trumpet, under guidance of a long island tory, along by-roads traversing a swamp by a narrow causeway, and so across the country to the jamaica road. about two hours before daybreak, they arrived within half a mile of the pass through the bedford hills, and halted to prepare for an attack. at this juncture they captured an american patrol, and learnt, to their surprise, that the bedford pass was unoccupied. in fact, the whole road beyond bedford, leading to jamaica, had been left unguarded, excepting by some light volunteer troops. colonels williams and miles, who were stationed to the left of colonel hand, among the wooded hills, had been instructed to send out parties occasionally to patrol the road, but no troops had been stationed at the bedford pass. the road and pass may not have been included in general greene's plan of defence, or may have been thought too far out of the way to need special precaution. the neglect of them, however, proved fatal. sir henry clinton immediately detached a battalion of light infantry to secure the pass; and, advancing with his corps at the first break of day, possessed himself of the heights. he was now within three miles of bedford, and his march had been undiscovered. having passed the heights, therefore, he halted his division for the soldiers to take some refreshment, preparatory to the morning's hostilities. there we will leave them, while we note how the other divisions performed their part of the plan. about midnight general grant moved from gravesend bay, with the left wing, composed of two brigades and a regiment of regulars, a battalion of new york loyalists, and ten field-pieces. he proceeded along the road leading past the narrows and gowanus cove, toward the right of the american works. a picket guard of pennsylvanian and new york militia, under colonel atlee, retired before him fighting to a position on the skirts of the wooded hills. in the meantime, scouts had brought in word to the american lines that the enemy were approaching in force upon the right. general putnam instantly ordered lord stirling to hasten with the two regiments nearest at hand, and hold them in check. these were haslet's delaware, and smallwood's maryland regiments; the latter the _macaronis_, in scarlet and buff, who had outshone, in camp, their yeoman fellow-soldiers in home-spun. they turned out with great alacrity, and stirling pushed forward with them on the road to the narrows. by the time he had passed gowanus cove, daylight began to appear. here, on a rising ground he met colonel atlee with his pennsylvania provincials, and learned that the enemy were near. indeed their front began to appear in the uncertain twilight. stirling ordered atlee to place himself in ambush in an orchard on the left of the road, and await their coming up, while he formed the delaware and maryland regiments along a ridge from the road, up to a piece of woods on the top of the hill. atlee gave the enemy two or three volleys as they approached, and then retreated and formed in the wood on lord stirling's left. by this time his lordship was reinforced by kichline's riflemen, part of whom he placed along a hedge at the foot of the hill, and part in front of the wood. general grant threw his light troops in the advance, and posted them in an orchard and behind hedges, extending in front of the americans, and about one hundred and fifty yards distant. it was now broad daylight. a rattling fire commenced between the british light troops and the american riflemen, which continued for about two hours, when the former retired to their main body. in the meantime, stirling's position had been strengthened by the arrival of captain carpenter with two field-pieces. these were placed on the side of the hill, so as to command the road and the approach for some hundred yards. general grant, likewise, brought up his artillery within three hundred yards, and formed his brigades on opposite hills, about six hundred yards distant. there was occasional cannonading on both sides, but neither party sought a general action. lord stirling's object was merely to hold the enemy in check; and the instructions of general grant, as we have shown, were not to press an attack until aware that sir henry clinton was on the left flank of the americans. during this time, de heister had commenced his part of the plan by opening a cannonade from his camp at flatbush upon the redoubt, at the pass of the wooded hills, where hand and his riflemen were stationed. on hearing this, general sullivan, who was within the lines, rode forth to colonel hand's post to reconnoitre. de heister, however, according to the plan of operations, did not advance from flatbush, but kept up a brisk fire from his artillery on the redoubt in front of the pass, which replied as briskly. at the same time, a cannonade from a british ship upon the battery at red hook, contributed to distract the attention of the americans. in the meantime terror reigned in new york. the volleying of musketry and the booming of cannon at early dawn, had told of the fighting that had commenced. as the morning advanced, and platoon firing and the occasional discharge of a field-piece were heard in different directions, the terror increased. washington was still in doubt whether this was but a part of a general attack, in which the city was to be included. five ships of the line were endeavoring to beat up the bay. were they to cannonade the city, or to land troops above it? fortunately, a strong head-wind baffled their efforts; but one vessel of inferior force got up far enough to open the fire already mentioned upon the fort at red hook. seeing no likelihood of an immediate attack upon the city, washington hastened over to brooklyn in his barge, and galloped up to the works. he arrived there in time to witness the catastrophe for which all the movements of the enemy had been concerted. the thundering of artillery in the direction of bedford, had given notice that sir henry had turned the left of the americans. de heister immediately ordered colonel count donop to advance with his hessian regiment, and storm the redoubt, while he followed with his whole division. sullivan did not remain to defend the redoubt. sir henry's cannon had apprised him of the fatal truth, that his flank was turned, and he in danger of being surrounded. he ordered a retreat to the lines, but it was already too late. scarce had he descended from the height, and emerged into the plain, when he was met by the british light infantry, and dragoons, and driven back into the woods. by this time de heister and his hessians had come up, and now commenced a scene of confusion, consternation, and slaughter, in which the troops under williams and miles were involved. hemmed in and entrapped between the british and hessians, and driven from one to the other, the americans fought for a time bravely, or rather desperately. some were cut down and trampled by the cavalry, others bayoneted without mercy by the hessians. some rallied in groups, and made a brief stand with their rifles from rocks or behind trees. the whole pass was a scene of carnage, resounding with the clash of arms, the tramp of horses, the volleying of fire-arms and the cries of the combatants, with now and then the dreary braying of the trumpet. at length some of the americans, by a desperate effort, cut their way through the host of foes, and effected a retreat to the lines, fighting as they went. others took refuge among the woods and fastnesses of the hills, but a great part were either killed or taken prisoners. among the latter was general sullivan. washington, as we have observed, arrived in time to witness this catastrophe, but was unable to prevent it. he had heard the din of the battle in the woods, and seen the smoke rising from among the trees; but a deep column of the enemy was descending from the hills on the left; his choicest troops were all in action, and he had none but militia to man the works. his solicitude was now awakened for the safety of lord stirling and his corps, who had been all the morning exchanging cannonades with general grant. he saw the danger to which these brave fellows were exposed, though they could not. stationed on a hill within the lines, he commanded, with his telescope, a view of the whole field, and saw the enemy's reserve, under cornwallis, marching down by a cross-road to get in their rear, and thus place them between two fires. with breathless anxiety he watched the result. the sound of sir henry clinton's cannon apprised stirling that the enemy was between him and the lines. general grant, too, aware that the time had come for earnest action, was closing up, and had already taken colonel atlee prisoner. his lordship now thought to effect a circuitous retreat to the lines, by crossing the creek which empties into gowanus cove, near what was called the yellow mills. there was a bridge and mill-dam, and the creek might be forded at low water, but no time was to be lost, for the tide was rising. leaving part of his men to keep face toward general grant, he advanced with the rest to pass the creek, but was suddenly checked by the appearance of cornwallis and his grenadiers. washington, and some of his officers on the hill, who watched every movement, had supposed that stirling and his troops, finding the case desperate, would surrender in a body without firing. on the contrary, his lordship boldly attacked cornwallis with half of smallwood's battalion, while the rest of his troops retreated across the creek. washington wrung his hands in agony at the sight. "good god!" cried he, "what brave fellows i must this day lose!" it was, indeed, a desperate fight; and now smallwood's _macaronis_ showed their game spirit. they were repeatedly broken, but as often rallied and renewed the fight. "we were on the point of driving lord cornwallis from his station," writes lord stirling, "but large reinforcements arriving, rendered it impossible to do more than provide for safety." "being thus surrounded, and no probability of a reinforcement," writes a maryland officer, "his lordship ordered me to retreat with the remaining part of our men, and force our way to our camp." only five companies of smallwood's battalion were now in action. there was a warm and close engagement for nearly ten minutes. the struggle became desperate on the part of the americans. broken and disordered, they rallied in a piece of woods, and made a second attack. they were again overpowered with numbers. some were surrounded and bayoneted in a field of indian corn; others joined their comrades who were retreating across the marsh. lord stirling had encouraged and animated his young soldiers by his voice and example, but when all was lost he sought out general de heister, and surrendered himself as his prisoner. more than two hundred and fifty brave fellows perished in this deadly struggle, within sight of the lines of brooklyn. that part of the delaware troops who had first crossed the creek and swamp, made good their retreat to the lines with a trifling loss. the enemy now concentrated their forces within a few hundred yards of the redoubts. the grenadiers were within musket shot. washington expected they would storm the works, and prepared for a desperate defence. the discharge of a cannon and volleys of musketry from the part of the lines nearest to them, seemed to bring them to a pause. it was, in truth, the forbearance of the british commander that prevented a bloody conflict. his troops, heated with action and flushed with success, were eager to storm the works; but he was unwilling to risk the loss of life that must attend an assault, when the object might be attained at a cheaper rate, by regular approaches. checking the ardor of his men, therefore, though with some difficulty, he drew them off to a hollow way in front of the lines, but out of reach of the musketry, and encamped there for the night. the loss of the americans in this disastrous battle has been variously stated, but is thought in killed, wounded and prisoners, to have been nearly two thousand; a large number, considering that not above five thousand were engaged. the enemy acknowledged a loss of killed and wounded. the success of the enemy was attributed, in some measure, to the doubt in which washington was kept as to the nature of the intended attack, and at what point it would chiefly be made. this obliged him to keep a great part of his forces in new york, and to distribute those at brooklyn over a wide extent of country, and at widely distant places. much of the day's disaster has been attributed, also, to a confusion in the command, caused by the illness of general greene. putnam, who had supplied his place in the emergency after the enemy had landed, had not time to make himself acquainted with the post and the surrounding country. the fatal error, however, and one probably arising from all these causes, consisted in leaving the passes through the wooded hills too weakly fortified and guarded; and especially in neglecting the eastern road, by which sir henry clinton got in the rear of the advanced troops, cut them off from the lines, and subjected them to a cross fire of his own men and de heister's hessians. the night after the battle was a weary, yet almost sleepless one to the americans. fatigued, dispirited, many of them sick and wounded, yet they were for the most part without tent or other shelter. to washington it was a night of anxious vigil. everything boded a close and deadly conflict. the enemy had pitched a number of tents about a mile distant. their sentries were but a quarter of a mile off, and close to the american sentries. the morning broke lowering and dreary. large encampments were gradually descried; to appearance, the enemy were twenty thousand strong. as the day advanced, their ordnance began to play upon the works. they were proceeding to intrench themselves, but were driven into their tents by a drenching rain. early in the morning general mifflin arrived in camp with part of the troops which had been stationed at fort washington and king's bridge. he brought with him shee's prime philadelphia regiment, and magaw's pennsylvania regiment, both well disciplined and officered, and accustomed to act together. they were so much reduced in number, however, by sickness, that they did not amount in the whole to more than eight hundred men. with mifflin came also colonel glover's massachusetts regiment, composed chiefly of marblehead fishermen and sailors, hardy, adroit, and weather-proof; trimly clad in blue jackets and trousers. the detachment numbered, in the whole, about thirteen hundred men, all fresh and full of spirits. they were posted at the left extremity of the intrenchments towards the wallabout. there were skirmishes throughout the day between the riflemen on the advanced posts and the british "irregulars," which at times were quite severe; but no decided attack was attempted. the main body of the enemy kept within their tents until the latter part of the day; when they began to break ground at about five hundred yards distance from the works, as if preparing to carry them by regular approaches. on the th there was a dense fog over the island, that wrapped everything in mystery. in the course of the morning, general mifflin, with adjutant-general reed, and colonel grayson of virginia, one of washington's aides-de-camp, rode to the western outposts, in the neighborhood of red hook. while they were there, a light breeze lifted the fog from a part of the new york bay, and revealed the british ships at their anchorage opposite staten island. there appeared to be an unusual bustle among them. boats were passing to and from the admiral's ship, as if seeking or carrying orders. some movement was apparently in agitation. the idea occurred to the reconnoitring party that the fleet was preparing, should the wind hold and the fog clear away, to come up the bay at the turn of the tide, silence the feeble batteries at red hook and the city, and anchor in the east river. in that case the army on long island would be completely surrounded and entrapped. alarmed at this perilous probability, they spurred back to head-quarters, to urge the immediate withdrawal of the army. as this might not be acceptable advice, reed, emboldened by his intimacy with the commander-in-chief, undertook to give it. washington instantly summoned a council of war. the difficulty was already apparent of guarding such extensive works with troops fatigued and dispirited, and exposed to the inclemencies of the weather. other dangers now presented themselves. their communication with new york might be cut off by the fleet from below. other ships had passed round long island, and were at flushing bay on the sound. these might land troops on the east side of harlem river, and make themselves masters of king's bridge; that key of manhattan island. taking all these things into consideration, it was resolved to cross with the troops to the city that very night. never did retreat require greater secrecy and circumspection. nine thousand men, with all the munitions of war, were to be withdrawn from before a victorious army, encamped so near that every stroke of spade and pickaxe from their trenches could be heard. the retreating troops, moreover, were to be embarked and conveyed across a strait three-quarters of a mile wide, swept by rapid tides. the least alarm of their movement would bring the enemy upon them, and produce a terrible scene of confusion and carnage at the place of embarkation. washington made the preparatory arrangements with great alertness, yet profound secrecy. verbal orders were sent to colonel hughes, who acted as quartermaster-general, to impress all water craft, largo and small, from spyt den duivel on the hudson round to hell gate on the sound, and have them on the east side of the city by evening. the order was issued at noon, and so promptly executed that, although some of the vessels had to be brought a distance of fifteen miles, they were all at brooklyn at eight o'clock in the evening, and put under the management of colonel glover's amphibious marblehead regiment. to prepare the army for a general movement without betraying the object, orders were issued for the troops to hold themselves in readiness for a night attack upon the enemy. to keep the enemy from discovering the withdrawal of the americans until their main body should have embarked in the boats and pushed off from the shore, general mifflin was to remain at the lines with his pennsylvania troops, and the gallant remains of haslet, smallwood and hand's regiments, with guards posted and sentinels alert, as if nothing extraordinary was taking place; when the main embarkation was effected, they were themselves to move off quietly, march briskly to the ferry, and embark. it was late in the evening when the troops began to retire from the breastworks. as one regiment quietly withdrew from their station on guard, the troops on the right and left moved up and filled the vacancy. there was a stifled murmur in the camp, unavoidable in a movement of the kind; but it gradually died away in the direction of the river, as the main body moved on in silence and order. the youthful hamilton, whose military merits had won the favor of general greene, and who had lost his baggage and a field-piece in the battle, brought up the rear of the retreating party. the embarkation went on with all possible despatch, under the vigilant eye of washington, who stationed himself at the ferry, superintending every movement. in his anxiety for despatch, he sent back colonel scammel, one of his aides-de-camp, to hasten forward all the troops that were on the march. scammel blundered in executing his errand, and gave the order to mifflin likewise. the general instantly called in his pickets and sentinels, and set off for the ferry. by this time the tide had turned; there was a strong wind from the north-east; the boats with oars were insufficient to convey the troops; those with sails could not make headway against wind and tide. there was some confusion at the ferry, and in the midst of it, general mifflin came down with the whole covering party; adding to the embarrassment and uproar. "good god! general mifflin!" cried washington, "i am afraid you have ruined us by so unseasonably withdrawing the troops from the lines." "i did so by your order," replied mifflin with some warmth. "it cannot be!" exclaimed washington. "by g--, i did!" was the blunt rejoinder. "did scammel act as aide-de-camp for the day, or did he not?" "he did." "then," said mifflin, "i had orders through him." "it is a dreadful mistake," rejoined washington, "and unless the troops can regain the lines before their absence is discovered by the enemy, the most disastrous consequences are to be apprehended." mifflin led back his men to the lines, which had been completely deserted for three-quarters of an hour. fortunately, the dense fog had prevented the enemy from discovering that they were unoccupied. the men resumed their former posts, and remained at them until called off to cross the ferry. the fog which prevailed all this time, seemed almost providential. while it hung over long island, and concealed the movements of the americans, the atmosphere was clear on the new york side of the river. the adverse wind, too, died away, the river became so smooth that the row-boats could be laden almost to the gunwale; and a favoring breeze sprang up for the sail-boats. the whole embarkation of troops, artillery, ammunition, provisions, cattle, horses and carts, was happily effected, and by daybreak the greater part had safely reached the city, thanks to the aid of glover's marblehead men. scarce anything was abandoned to the enemy, excepting a few heavy pieces of artillery. at a proper time, mifflin with his covering party left the lines, and effected a silent retreat to the ferry. washington, though repeatedly entreated, refused to enter a boat until all the troops were embarked; and crossed the river with the last. this extraordinary retreat, which, in its silence and celerity, equalled the midnight fortifying of bunker's hill, was one of the most signal achievements of the war, and redounded greatly to the reputation of washington, who, we are told, for forty-eight hours preceding the safe extricating of his army from their perilous situation, scarce closed his eyes, and was the greater part of the time on horseback. chapter xxxiii. retreat from new york island. the enemy had now possession of long island. british and hessian troops garrisoned the works at brooklyn, or were distributed at bushwick, newtown, hell gate and flushing. admiral howe came up with the main body of the fleet, and anchored close to governor's island, within cannon shot of the city. "our situation is truly distressing," writes washington to the president of congress, on the d of september. "the check our detachment sustained on the th ultimo, has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. the militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies, at a time.... with the deepest concern, i am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality of the troops.... our number of men at present fit for duty is under twenty thousand. i have ordered general mercer to send the men intended for the flying camp to this place, about a thousand in number, and to try with the militia, if practicable, to make a diversion upon staten island. till of late, i had no doubt in my own mind of defending this place; nor should i have yet, if the men would do their duty, but this i despair of. if we should be obliged to abandon the town, ought it to stand as winter quarters for the enemy? they would derive great conveniences from it, on the one hand, and much property would be destroyed on the other. it is an important question, but will admit of but little time for deliberation. at present i daresay the enemy mean to preserve it if they can. if congress, therefore, should resolve upon the destruction of it, the resolution should be a profound secret, as the knowledge will make a capital change in their plans." on the night of monday (sept. d) a forty gun ship, taking advantage of a favorable wind and tide, passed between governor's island and long island, swept unharmed by the batteries which opened upon her, and anchored in turtle bay, above the city. in the morning, washington despatched major crane of the artillery, with two twelve pounders and a howitzer to annoy her from the new york shore. they hulled her several times, and obliged her to take shelter behind blackwell's island. several other ships-of-war, with transports and store-ships had made their appearance in the upper part of the sound, having gone round long island. as the city might speedily be attacked, washington caused all the sick and wounded to be conveyed to orangetown, in the jerseys, and such military stores and baggage as were not immediately needed, to be removed, as fast as conveyances could be procured, to a post partially fortified at dobbs' ferry, on the eastern bank of the hudson, about twenty-two miles above the city. the thousand men ordered from the flying camp were furnished by general mercer. they were maryland troops under colonels griffith and richardson, and were a seasonable addition to the effective forces; but the ammunition carried off by the disbanding militia was a serious loss at this critical juncture. a work had been commenced on the jersey shore, opposite fort washington, to aid in protecting putnam's chevaux-de-frise which had sunk between them. this work had received the name of fort constitution (a name already borne by one of the forts in the highlands). troops were drawn from the flying camp to make a strong encampment in the vicinity of the fort, with an able officer to command it and a skilful engineer to strengthen the works. it was hoped, by the co-operation of these opposite forts and the chevaux-de-frise, to command the hudson, and prevent the passing and repassing of hostile ships. the british, in the meantime, forbore to press further hostilities. lord howe was really desirous of a peaceful adjustment of the strife between the colonies and the mother country, and supposed this a propitious moment for a new attempt at pacification. he accordingly sent off general sullivan on parole, charged with an overture to congress. in this he declared himself empowered and disposed to compromise the dispute between great britain and america, on the most favorable terms, and though he could not treat with congress as a legally organized body, he was desirous of a conference with some of its members. these, for the time, he should consider only as private gentlemen, but if in the conference any probable scheme of accommodation should be agreed upon, the authority of congress would afterwards be acknowledged to render the compact complete. the message caused some embarrassment in congress. to accede to the interview might seem to waive the question of independence; to decline it was to shut the door on all hope of conciliation, and might alienate the co-operation of some worthy whigs who still clung to that hope. after much debate, congress, on the th september, replied that, being the representatives of the free and independent states of america, they could not send any members to confer with his lordship in their private characters, but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they would send a committee of their body to ascertain what authority he had to treat with persons authorized by congress, and what propositions he had to offer. a committee was chosen on the th of september, composed of john adams, edward rutledge, and doctor franklin. the proposed conference was to take place on the th, at a house on staten island, opposite to amboy; at which latter place the veteran mercer was stationed with his flying camp. at amboy, the committee found lord howe's barge waiting to receive them. the admiral met them on their landing, and conducted them through his guards to his house. on opening the conference, his lordship again intimated that he could not treat with them as a committee of congress, but only confer with them as private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the two countries. the commissioners replied that as their business was to hear, he might consider them in what light he pleased; but that they should consider themselves in no other character than that in which they were placed by order of congress. lord howe then entered into a discourse of considerable length, but made no explicit proposition of peace, nor promise of redress of grievances, excepting on condition that the colonies should return to their allegiance. this, the commissioners replied, was not now to be expected. their repeated humble petitions to the king and parliament having been treated with contempt, and answered by additional injuries, and war having been declared against them, the colonies had declared their independence, and it was not in the power of congress to agree for them that they should return to their former dependent state. his lordship expressed his sorrow that no accommodation was likely to take place; and the conference broke up. the result of this conference had a beneficial effect. it showed that his lordship had no power but what was given by the act of parliament; and put an end to the popular notion that he was vested with secret powers to negotiate an adjustment of grievances. since the retreat from brooklyn, washington had narrowly watched the movements of the enemy to discover their further plans. their whole force, excepting about four thousand men, had been transferred from staten to long island. a great part was encamped on the peninsula between newtown inlet and flushing bay. a battery had been thrown up near the extremity of the peninsula, to check an american battery at horen's hook opposite, and to command the mouth of harlem river. troops were subsequently stationed on the islands about hell gate. "it is evident," writes washington, "the enemy mean to enclose us on the island of new york, by taking post in our rear, while the shipping secures the front, and thus, by cutting off our communication with the country, oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or surrender at discretion." the question was, how could their plans be most successfully opposed? on every side, he saw a choice of difficulties; every measure was to be formed with some apprehension that all the troops would not do their duty. in a council of war, held on the th of september, the question was discussed, whether the city should be defended or evacuated. all admitted that it would not be tenable, should it be cannonaded and bombarded. several of the council, among whom was general putnam, were for a total and immediate removal from the city; urging that one part of the army might be cut off before the other could support it; the extremities being at least sixteen miles apart, and the whole, when collected, being inferior to the enemy. by removing, they would deprive the enemy of the advantage of their ships; they would keep them at bay; put nothing at hazard; keep the army together to be recruited another year, and preserve the unspent stores and the heavy artillery. washington himself inclined to this opinion. others, however, were unwilling to abandon a place which had been fortified with great cost and labor, and seemed defensible, and which, by some, had been considered the key to the northern country. after much discussion a middle course was adopted. putnam, with five thousand men, was to be stationed in the city. heath, with nine thousand, was to keep guard on the upper part of the island, and oppose any attempt of the enemy to land. his troops, among whom were magaw's, shee's, hand's, and miles's pennsylvanian battalions, and haslet's delaware regiment, were posted about king's bridge and its vicinity. the third division, composed principally of militia, was under the command of generals greene and spencer, the former of whom, however, was still unwell. it was stationed about the centre of the island, chiefly along turtle bay and kip's bay, where strong works had been thrown up, to guard against any landing of troops from the ships or from the encampments on long island. it was also to hold itself ready to support either of the other divisions. washington himself had his head-quarters at a short distance from the city. a resolution of congress, passed the th of september, left the occupation or abandonment of the city entirely at washington's discretion. convinced of the propriety of evacuation, washington prepared for it by ordering the removal of all stores, excepting such as were indispensable for the subsistence of the troops while they remained. a letter from a rhode island officer, on a visit to new york, gives an idea of its agitations. "on the th of september, just after dinner, three frigates and a forty-gun ship sailed up the east river with a gentle breeze, toward hell gate, and kept up an incessant fire, assisted by the cannon at governor's island." on the th, washington's baggage was removed to king's bridge, whither head-quarters were to be transferred the same evening; it being clear that the enemy were preparing to encompass him on the island. about sunset of the same day, six more ships, two of them men-of-war, passed up the sound and joined those above. within half an hour came expresses spurring to head-quarters, one from mifflin at king's bridge, the other from colonel sargent at horen's hook. three or four thousand of the enemy were crossing at hell gate to the islands at the mouth of harlem river, where numbers were already encamped. an immediate landing at harlem, or morrisania, was apprehended. washington was instantly in the saddle, spurring to harlem heights. the night, however, passed away quietly. in the morning the enemy commenced operations. three ships of war stood up the hudson, and anchored opposite bloomingdale, a few miles above the city, and put a stop to the removal by water of stores and provisions to dobbs' ferry. about eleven o'clock, the ships in the east river commenced a heavy cannonade upon the breastworks between turtle bay and the city. at the same time two divisions of the troops encamped on long island, one british, under sir henry clinton, the other hessian, under colonel donop, emerged in boats from the deep, woody recesses of newtown inlet, and under cover of the fire from the ships, began to land at two points between turtle and kip's bays. the breastworks were manned by militia who had recently served at brooklyn. disheartened by their late defeat, they fled at the first advance of the enemy. two brigades of putnam's connecticut troops, which had been sent that morning to support them, caught the panic, and regardless of the commands and entreaties of their officers, joined in the general scamper. at this moment washington, who had mounted his horse at the first sound of the cannonade, came galloping to the scene of confusion; riding in among the fugitives, he endeavored to rally and restore them to order. all in vain. at the first appearance of sixty or seventy redcoats, they broke again without firing a shot, and fled in headlong terror. losing all self-command at the sight of such dastardly conduct, he dashed his hat upon the ground in a transport of rage. "are these the men," exclaimed he, "with whom i am to defend america!" in a paroxysm of passion and despair he snapped his pistols at some of them, threatened others with his sword, and was so heedless of his own danger that he might have fallen into the hands of the enemy, who were not eighty yards distant, had not an aide-de-camp seized the bridle of his horse, and absolutely hurried him away. it was one of the rare moments of his life, when the vehement element of his nature was stirred up from its deep recesses. he soon recovered his self-possession, and took measures against the general peril. the enemy might land another force about hell gate, seize upon harlem heights, the strong central portion of the island, cut off all retreat of the lower divisions, and effectually sever his army. in all haste, therefore, he sent off an express to the forces encamped above, directing them to secure that position immediately; while another express to putnam, ordered an immediate retreat from the city to those heights. it was indeed a perilous moment. had the enemy followed up their advantage, and seized upon the heights, before thus occupied, or had they extended themselves across the island, from the place where they had effected a landing, the result might have been most disastrous to the americans. fortunately, they contented themselves for the present with sending a strong detachment down the road along the east river, leading to the city, while the main body, british and hessians, rested on their arms. in the meantime, putnam, on receiving washington's express, called in his pickets and guards, and abandoned the city in all haste, leaving behind him a large quantity of provisions and military stores, and most of the heavy cannon. to avoid the enemy he took the bloomingdale road, though this exposed him to be raked by the enemy's ships anchored in the hudson. it was a forced march, on a sultry day, under a burning sun and amid clouds of dust. his army was encumbered with women and children, and all kinds of baggage. many were overcome by fatigue and thirst, some perished by hastily drinking cold water; but putnam rode backward and forward, hurrying every one on. all the loss sustained by him in his perilous retreat, was fifteen killed, and about three hundred taken prisoners. the fortified camp, where the main body of the army was now assembled, was upon that neck of land several miles long, and for the most part not above a mile wide, which forms the upper part of manhattan or new york island. it forms a chain of rocky heights, and is separated from the mainland by harlem river, a narrow strait, extending from hell gate on the sound, to spyt den duivel, a creek or inlet of the hudson. fort washington occupied the crest of one of the rocky heights above mentioned, overlooking the hudson, and about two miles north of it was king's bridge, crossing spyt den duivel creek, and forming at that time the only pass from manhattan island to the mainland. about a mile and a half south of the fort, a double row of lines extended across the neck from harlem river to the hudson. they faced south towards new york, were about a quarter of a mile apart, and were defended by batteries. there were strong advanced posts about two miles south of the outer line; one on the left of harlem, commanded by general spencer, the other on the right, at what was called mcgowan's pass, commanded by general putnam. about a mile and a half beyond these posts the british lines extended across the island from horen's hook to the hudson, being a continuous encampment, two miles in length, with both flanks covered by shipping. an open plain intervened between the hostile camps. while thus posted, washington was incessantly occupied in fortifying the approaches to his camp by redoubts, _abatis_, and deep intrenchments. in the course of his rounds of inspection, he was struck with the skill and science displayed in the construction of some of the works, which were thrown up under the direction of a youthful captain of artillery. it proved to be the same young officer, alexander hamilton, whom greene had recommended to his notice. after some conversation with him, washington invited him to his marquee, and thus commenced that intercourse which has indissolubly linked their memories together. on the morning of the th, word was brought to head-quarters that the enemy were advancing in three large columns. there had been so many false reports, that reed, the adjutant-general, obtained leave to sally out and ascertain the truth. washington himself soon mounted his horse and rode towards the advanced posts. on arriving there he heard a brisk firing. it was kept up for a time with great spirit. there was evidently a sharp conflict. at length reed came galloping back with information. a strong detachment of the enemy had attacked the most advanced post, which was situated on a hill skirted by a wood. it had been bravely defended by lieutenant-colonel knowlton. after skirmishing for a time, the party had been overpowered by numbers and driven in, and the outpost was taken possession of by the enemy. reed urged that troops should be sent to support the brave fellows who had behaved so well. while he was talking with washington, "the enemy," he says, "appeared in open view, and sounded their bugles in the most insulting manner, as usual after a fox-chase. i never," adds he, "felt such a sensation before; it seemed to crown our disgrace." washington, too, was stung by the taunting note of derision; it recalled the easy triumph of the enemy at kip's bay. resolved that something should be done to wipe out that disgrace, and rouse the spirits of the army, he ordered out three companies from colonel weedon's regiment just arrived from virginia, and sent them under major leitch, to join knowlton's rangers. the troops thus united were to get in the rear of the enemy, while a feigned attack was made upon them in front. the plan was partially successful. as the force advanced to make the false attack, the enemy ran down the hill, and took what they considered an advantageous position behind some fences and bushes which skirted it. a firing commenced between them and the advancing party, but at too great distance to do much harm on either side. in the meantime, knowlton and leitch, ignorant of this change in the enemy's position, having made a circuit, came upon them in flank instead of in rear. they were sharply received. a vivid contest took place, in which connecticut vied with virginia in bravery. in a little while major leitch received three bullets in his side, and was borne off the field. shortly afterward, a wound in the head from a musket ball, brought knowlton to the ground. colonel reed placed him on his horse, and conveyed him to a distant redoubt. the men, undismayed by the fall of their leaders, fought with unflinching resolution under the command of their captains. the enemy were reinforced by a battalion of hessians and a company of chasseurs. washington likewise sent reinforcements of new england and maryland troops. the action waxed hotter and hotter; the enemy were driven from the wood into the plain, and pushed for some distance; the americans were pursuing them with ardor, when washington, having effected the object of this casual encounter, and being unwilling to risk a general action, ordered a retreat to be sounded. colonel knowlton did not long survive the action. "when gasping in the agonies of death," says colonel reed, "all his inquiry was whether he had driven in the enemy." the brave leitch died of his wounds on the st of october. in the dead of the night, on the th september, a great light was beheld by the picket guards, looming up from behind the hills in the direction of the city. it continued throughout the night, and was at times so strong that the heavens in that direction appeared to them, they said, as if in flames. at daybreak huge columns of smoke were still rising. it was evident there had been a great conflagration in new york. in the course of the morning captain montresor, aide-de-camp to general howe, came out with a flag, bearing a letter to washington on the subject of an exchange of prisoners. according to montresor's account a great part of the city had been burnt down, and as the night was extremely windy, the whole might have been so, but for the exertions of the officers and men of the british army. the enemy were now bringing up their heavy cannon, preparatory to an attack upon the american camp by the troops and by the ships. what was the state of washington's army? the terms of engagement of many of his men would soon be at an end, most of them would terminate with the year, nor did congress hold out offers to encourage re-enlistments. "we are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution of the army," writes he, "and unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause will be lost." under these gloomy apprehensions, he borrowed, as he said, "a few moments from the hours allotted to sleep," and on the night of the th of september, penned an admirable letter to the president of congress, setting forth the total inefficiency of the existing military system, the total insubordination, waste, confusion, and discontent produced by it among the men, and the harassing cares and vexations to which it subjected the commanders. nor did he content himself with complaining, but, in his full, clear, and sagacious manner, pointed out the remedies. to the achievements of his indefatigable pen, we may trace the most fortunate turns in the current of our revolutionary affairs. in the present instance his representations, illustrated by sad experience, produced at length a reorganization of the army, and the establishment of it on a permanent footing. it was decreed that eighty-eight battalions should be furnished in quotas, by the different states, according to their abilities. the pay of the officers was raised. the troops which engaged to serve throughout the war were to receive a bounty of twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land, besides a yearly suit of clothes while in service. those who enlisted but for three years received no bounty in land. the bounty to officers was on a higher ratio. the states were to send commissioners to the army, to arrange with the commander-in-chief as to the appointment of officers in their quotas; but, as they might occasionally be slow in complying with this regulation, washington was empowered to fill up all vacancies. all this was a great relief to his mind. he was gratified, also, by effecting, after a long correspondence with the british commander, an exchange of prisoners, in which those captured in canada were included. among those restored to the service were lord stirling and captain daniel morgan. the latter, in reward of his good conduct in the expedition with arnold, and of "his intrepid behavior in the assault upon quebec where the brave montgomery fell," was recommended to congress by washington for the command of a rifle regiment about to be raised. we shall see how eminently he proved himself worthy of this recommendation. nothing perplexed washington at this juncture more than the conduct of the enemy. he beheld before him a hostile army, armed and equipped at all points, superior in numbers, thoroughly disciplined, flushed with success, and abounding in the means of pushing a vigorous campaign, yet suffering day after day to elapse unimproved. what could be the reason of this supineness on the part of sir william howe? he must know the depressed and disorganized state of the american camp; the absolute chaos that reigned there. did he meditate an irruption into the jerseys? a movement towards philadelphia? did he intend to detach a part of his forces for a winter's campaign against the south? in this uncertainty, washington wrote to general mercer, of the flying camp, to keep a vigilant watch from the jersey shore on the movements of the enemy, by sea and land, and to station videttes on the neversink heights, to give immediate intelligence should any of the british fleet put to sea. at the same time he himself practised unceasing vigilance, visiting the different parts of his camp on horseback. occasionally he crossed over to fort constitution, on the jersey shore, of which general greene had charge, and, accompanied by him, extended his reconnoitrings down to paulus hook, to observe what was going on in the city and among the enemy's ships. greene had recently been promoted to the rank of major-general, and now had command of all the troops in the jerseys. he had liberty to shift his quarters to baskingridge or bergen, as circumstances might require; but was enjoined to keep up a communication with the main army, east of the hudson, so as to secure a retreat in case of necessity. the security of the hudson was at this time an object of great solicitude with congress, and much reliance was placed on putnam's obstructions at fort washington. four galleys, mounted with heavy guns and swivels, were stationed at the chevaux-de-frise, and two new ships were at hand, which, filled with stones, were to be sunk where they would block up the channel. a sloop was also at anchor, having on board a machine, invented by a mr. bushnell, for submarine explosion, with which to blow up the men-of-war; a favorite scheme with general putnam. the obstructions were so commanded by batteries on each shore, that it was thought no hostile ship would be able to pass. on the th of october, however, the roebuck and phoenix, each of forty-four guns, and the tartar of twenty guns, which had been lying for some time opposite bloomingdale, got under way with their three tenders, at eight o'clock in the morning, and came standing up the river with an easy southern breeze. at their approach, the galleys and the two ships intended to be sunk, got under way with all haste, as did a schooner laden with rum, sugar and other supplies for the american army, and the sloop with bushnell's submarine machine. the roebuck, phoenix and tartar broke through the vaunted barriers as through a cobweb. seven batteries kept up a constant fire upon them, yet a gentleman was observed walking the deck of the second ship as coolly as if nothing were the matter. the hostile ships kept on their course, the american vessels scudding before them. the schooner was overhauled and captured; a well-aimed shot sent the sloop and bushnell's submarine engine to the bottom of the river. the two new ships would have taken refuge in spyt den duivel creek, but fearing there might not be water enough, they kept on and drove ashore at philips' mills at yonkers. two of the galleys got into a place of safety, where they were protected from the shore; the other two trusted to outsail their pursuers. the breeze freshened, and the frigates gained on them fast; at eleven o'clock began to fire on them with their bow-chasers, and at twelve o'clock overreached them, which caused them to bear in shore; at half-past one the galleys ran aground just above dobbs' ferry, and lay exposed to a shower of grape-shot. the crews, without stopping to burn or bilge them, swam on shore, and the enemy took possession of the two galleys. one express after another brought washington word of these occurrences. first, he sent off a party of rifle and artillery men, with two twelve-pounders, to secure the new ships which had run aground at yonkers. next, he ordered colonel sargent to march up along the eastern shore with five hundred infantry, a troop of light-horse, and a detachment of artillery, to prevent the landing of the enemy. before the troops arrived at dobbs' ferry, the ships' boats had plundered a store there and set it on fire. to prevent, if possible, the men-of-war already up the river from coming down, or others from below joining them, washington gave orders to complete the obstructions. two hulks which lay in spyt den duivel creek, were hastily ballasted by men from general heath's division, and men were sent up to get off the ships which had run aground at philips' mills, that they might be brought down and sunk immediately. [this new irruption of hostile ships caused great excitement and alarm. it was rumored that bodies of disaffected citizens were organizing in order to assist the enemy, and it was feared that these ships were carrying arms and ammunition for these bodies of men, and also concealed troops to co-operate with them in overpowering the well-affected, and in seizing upon such passes as would cut off the communication between the army and the upper counties.] fugitive river crafts carried the news up to the highlands that the frigates were already before tarrytown in the tappan sea. word was instantly despatched to peter r. livingston, president of the provincial congress, and startled that deliberative body, which was then seated at fishkill, just above the highlands. washington ordered up part of the militia from massachusetts, under general lincoln. as a further precaution, an express was sent off to colonel tash, who, with a regiment of new hampshire militia, was on his way from hartford to the camp, ordering him to repair with all possible dispatch to fishkill, and there hold himself at the disposition of the committee of safety. james clinton, also, who had charge of the posts in the highlands, was put on the alert. that trusty officer was now a brigadier-general, having been promoted by congress, on the th of august. he was charged to have all boats passing up and down the river rigidly searched, and the passengers examined. beside the usual sentries, a barge, well manned, was to patrol the river opposite to each fort every night; all barges, row-boats, and other small craft, between the forts in the highlands and the army, were to be secured in a place of safety, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands and giving intelligence. moreover, a french engineer was sent up to aid in strengthening and securing the passes. chapter xxxiv. retreat through westchester county.--battle of white plains. on the morning of the th of october, washington received intelligence by express from general heath, stationed above king's bridge, that the enemy were landing with artillery on throg's neck in the sound, about nine miles from the camp. washington surmised that howe was pursuing his original plan of getting into the rear of the american army, cutting off its supplies, which were chiefly derived from the east, and interrupting its communication with the main country. officers were ordered to their alarm posts, and the troops to be ready, under arms, to act as occasion might require. word, at the same time, was sent to general heath to dispose of the troops on his side of king's bridge, and of two militia regiments posted on the banks of harlem river opposite the camp, in such manner as he should think necessary. having made all his arrangements as promptly as possible, washington mounted his horse, and rode over towards throg's neck to reconnoitre. throg's neck is a peninsula in westchester county, stretching upwards of two miles into the sound. it was separated from the mainland by a narrow creek and a marsh, and was surrounded by water every high tide. a bridge across a creek connecting with a ruined causeway across the marsh, led to the mainland, and the upper end of the creek was fordable at low water. early in the morning, eighty or ninety boats full of men had stood up the sound from montresor's island, and long island, and had landed troops to the number of four thousand on throg's point, the extremity of the neck. thence their advance pushed forward toward the causeway and bridge, to secure that pass to the mainland. general heath had been too rapid for them. colonel hand and his philadelphia riflemen had taken up the planks of the bridge, and posted themselves opposite the end of the causeway, whence they commenced firing with their rifles. they were soon reinforced by colonel prescott, of bunker's hill renown, with his regiment, and lieutenant bryant of the artillery, with a three-pounder. checked at this pass, the british moved toward the head of the creek; here they found the americans in possession of the ford, where they were reinforced by colonel graham of the new york line, with his regiment, and lieutenant jackson of the artillery, with a six-pounder. these skilful dispositions of his troops by general heath had brought the enemy to a stand. having surveyed the ground, washington ordered works to be thrown up at the passes from the neck to the mainland. the british also threw up a work at the end of the causeway. in the afternoon nine ships, with a great number of schooners, sloops, and flat-bottomed boats full of men, passed through hell gate, towards throg's point; and information received from two deserters, gave washington reason to believe that the greater part of the enemy's forces were gathering in that quarter. general mcdougall's brigade, in which were colonel smallwood and the independent companies, was sent in the evening to strengthen heath's division at king's bridge, and to throw up works opposite the ford of harlem river. greene, who had heard of the landing of the enemy at throg's neck, wrote over to washington, from fort constitution, informing him that he had three brigades ready to join him if required. [on the th, general lee, whose return from the south had been anxiously expected, arrived in camp. the success of lee at the south was contrasted by many with the defeat on long island and evacuation of new york, and they began to consider him the main hope of the army. his appearance was welcomed as the harbinger of good luck.] no one gave him a sincerer greeting than the commander-in-chief; who, diffident of his own military knowledge, had a high opinion of that of lee. he immediately gave him command of the troops above king's bridge, now the greatest part of the army, but desired that he would not exercise it for a day or two, until he had time to acquaint himself with the localities and arrangements of the post. heath, in the interim, held the command. in the meantime, congress, on the th of october, having heard of the ingress of the phoenix, roebuck and tartar, passed a resolution that general washington be desired, if it be practicable, by every art, and at whatever expensive, to obstruct effectually the navigation of the north river between fort washington and mount constitution, as well to prevent the regress of the enemy's vessels lately gone up as to hinder them from receiving succors. washington held a council of war on the th, at lee's head-quarters, at which all the major-generals were present excepting greene, and all the brigadiers, as well as colonel knox, who commanded the artillery. letters from the convention and from individual members of it were read, concerning the turbulence of the disaffected in the upper parts of the state; intelligence gained from deserters was likewise stated, showing the intention of the enemy to surround the camp. the policy was then discussed of remaining in their present position on manhattan island, and awaiting there the menaced attack. "after much consideration and debate," says the record of the council, "the following question was stated: whether (it having appeared that the obstructions in the north river have proved insufficient, and that the enemy's whole force is now in our rear on frog point) it is now deemed possible, in our situation, to prevent the enemy from cutting off the communication with the country, and compelling us to fight them at all disadvantages or surrender prisoners at discretion?" all agreed, with but one dissenting voice,{ } that it was not possible to prevent the communication from being cut off, and that one of the consequences mentioned in the question must follow. {footnote : that of general george clinton.} as the resolve of congress seemed imperative with regard to fort washington, that post, it was agreed, should be "retained as long as possible." a strong garrison was accordingly placed in it, composed chiefly of troops from magaw's and shee's pennsylvania regiments, the latter under lieutenant-colonel lambert cadwalader, of philadelphia. shee having obtained leave of absence, colonel magaw was put in command of the post, and solemnly charged by washington to defend it to the last extremity. the name of the opposite post on the jersey shore, where greene was stationed, was changed from fort constitution to fort lee, in honor of the general. lee, in fact, was the military idol of the day. previous to decamping from manhattan island, washington formed four divisions of the army, which were respectively assigned to generals lee, heath, sullivan (recently obtained in exchange for general prescott), and lincoln. lee was stationed on valentine's hill, on the mainland immediately opposite king's bridge, to cover the transportation across it of the military stores and heavy baggage. the other divisions were to form a chain of fortified posts, extending about thirteen miles along a ridge of hills on the west side of the bronx, from lee's camp up to the village of white plains. washington's head-quarters continued to be on harlem heights for several days. by his skilful disposition of the army it was protected in its whole length by the bronx, a narrow but deep stream, fringed with trees, which ran along the foot of the ridge; at the same time his troops faced and outflanked the enemy, and covered the roads along which the stores and baggage had to be transported. on the st, he shifted his head-quarters to valentine's hill, and on the d to white plains, where he stationed himself in a fortified camp. while he was thus incessantly in action, general, now sir william howe, remained for six days passive in his camp on throg's point, awaiting the arrival of supplies and reinforcements, instead of pushing across to the hudson, and throwing himself between washington's army and the upper country. his inaction lost him a golden opportunity. by the time his supplies arrived, the americans had broken up the causeway leading to the mainland, and taken positions too strong to be easily forced. finding himself headed in this direction, sir william re-embarked part of his troops in flat boats on the th, crossed eastchester bay, and landed on pell's point, at the mouth of hutchinson's river. here he was joined in a few hours by the main body, with the baggage and artillery, and proceeded through the manor of pelham towards new rochelle; still with a view to get above washington's army. in their march, the british were waylaid and harassed by colonel glover of massachusetts, with his own, reed's and shepard's regiments of infantry. twice the british advance guard were thrown into confusion and driven back with severe loss, by a sharp fire from behind stone fences. a third time they advanced in solid columns. the americans gave them repeated volleys, and then retreated with the loss of eight killed and thirteen wounded, among whom was colonel shepard. on the st, general howe was encamped about two miles north of new rochelle, with his outposts extending to mamaroneck on the sound. while in this neighborhood, he was reinforced by a second division of hessians under general knyphausen, and a regiment of waldeckers, both of which had recently arrived in new york. he was joined, also, by the whole of the seventeenth light-dragoons, and a part of the sixteenth, which had arrived on the d instant from ireland, with lieutenant-colonel (afterwards earl) harcourt. some of their horses had been brought with them across the sea, others had been procured since their arrival. the americans at first regarded these troopers with great dread. washington, therefore, took pains to convince them, that in a rough, broken country, like the present, full of stone fences, no troops were so inefficient as cavalry. they could be waylaid and picked off by sharp-shooters from behind walls and thickets, while they could not leave the road to pursue their covert foe. further to inspirit them against this new enemy, he proclaimed, in general orders, a reward of one hundred dollars for every trooper brought in with his horse and accoutrements, and so on, in proportion to the completeness of the capture. on the th, about two o'clock in the afternoon, intelligence was brought to head-quarters that three or four detachments of the enemy were on the march, within four miles of the camp, and the main army following in columns. the drums beat to arms; the men were ordered to their posts; an attack was expected. the day passed away, however, without any demonstration of the enemy. howe detached none of his force on lateral expeditions, evidently meditating a general engagement. to prepare for it, washington drew all his troops from the posts along the bronx into the fortified camp at white plains. here everything remained quiet but expectant, throughout the th. in the morning of the th, which was sunday, the heavy booming of cannon was heard from a distance seemingly in the direction of fort washington. scouts galloped off to gain intelligence. we will anticipate their report. two of the british frigates, at seven o'clock in the morning, had moved up the hudson, and come to anchor near bourdett's ferry, below the morris house, washington's old head-quarters, apparently with the intention of stopping the ferry, and cutting off the communication between fort lee and fort washington. at the same time, troops made their appearance on harlem plains, where lord percy held command. colonel morgan immediately manned the lines with troops from the garrison of fort washington. the ships opened a fire to enfilade and dislodge them. a barbette battery on the cliffs of the jersey shore, left of the ferry, fired down upon the frigate, but with little effect. colonel magaw got down an eighteen-pounder to the lines near the morris house, and fired fifty or sixty rounds, two balls at a time. two eighteen-pounders were likewise brought down from fort lee, and planted opposite the ships. by the fire from both shores they were hulled repeatedly. it was the thundering of these cannonades which had reached washington's camp at white plains. the ships soon hoisted all sail. the foremost slipped her cable, and appeared to be in the greatest confusion. she could make no way, though towed by two boats. the other ship seeing her distress sent two barges to her assistance, and by the four boats she was dragged out of reach of the american fire, her pumps going all the time. at the time that the fire from the ships began, lord percy brought up his field-pieces and mortars, and made an attack upon the lines. he was resolutely answered by the troops sent down from fort washington, and several hessians were killed. an occasional firing was kept up until evening, when the ships fell down the river, and the troops which had advanced on harlem plains drew within their lines again. while these things were passing at fort washington, lee had struck his tents, and with the rear division, eight thousand strong, the baggage and artillery, and a train of wagons four miles long, laden with stores and ammunition, was lumbering along the rough country roads to join the main army. it was not until monday morning, after being on the road all night, that he arrived at white plains. washington's camp was situated on high ground, facing the east. the right wing stretched towards the south along a rocky hill, at the foot of which the bronx, making an elbow, protected it in flank and rear. the left wing rested on a small, deep lake among the hills. the camp was strongly intrenched in front. about a quarter of a mile to the right of the camp, and separated from the height on which it stood by the bronx and a marshy interval, was a corresponding height called chatterton's hill. as this partly commanded the right flank, and as the intervening bend of the bronx was easily passable, washington had stationed on its summit a militia regiment. the whole encampment was a temporary one, to be changed as soon as the military stores collected there could be removed; and now that general lee was arrived, washington rode out with him, and other general officers who were off duty, to reconnoitre a height which appeared more eligible. when arrived at it, lee pointed to another on the north, still more commanding. "yonder," said he "is the ground we ought to occupy." "let us go, then, and view it," replied washington. they were gently riding in that direction, when a trooper came spurring up his panting horse. "the british are in the camp, sir!" cried he. "then, gentlemen," said washington, "we have other business to attend to than reconnoitring." putting spurs to his horse, he set off for the camp at full gallop, the others spurring after him. arrived at head-quarters, he was informed by adjutant-general reed, that the picket guards had all been driven in, and the enemy were advancing; but that the whole american army was posted in order of battle. apprehensive that the enemy might attempt to get possession of chatterton's hill, he detached colonel haslet with his delaware regiment, to reinforce the militia posted there. to these he soon added general mcdougall's brigade, composed of smallwood's marylanders, ritzema's new yorkers, and two other regiments. general mcdougall had command of the whole force upon the hill, which did not exceed , men. these dispositions were scarcely made, when the enemy appeared glistening on the high grounds beyond the village of white plains. they advanced in two columns, the right commanded by sir henry clinton, the left by the hessian general, de heister. there was also a troop of horse; so formidable in the inexperienced eyes of the americans. for a time they halted in a wheat field, behind a rising ground, and the general officers rode up in the centre to hold a consultation. washington supposed they were preparing to attack him in front, and such indeed was their intention; but the commanding height of chatterton's hill had caught sir william's eye, and he determined first to get possession of it. colonel rahl was accordingly detached with a brigade of hessians to make a circuit southwardly round a piece of wood, cross the bronx about a quarter of a mile below, and ascend the south side of the hill; while general leslie, with a large force, british and hessian, should advance directly in front, throw a bridge across the stream, and charge up the hill. a furious cannonade was now opened by the british from fifteen or twenty pieces of artillery, placed on high ground opposite the hill; under cover of which, the troops of general leslie hastened to construct the bridge. in so doing, they were severely galled by two field-pieces, planted on a ledge of rock on chatterton's hill, and in charge of alexander hamilton. smallwood's maryland battalion also kept up a sharp fire of small arms. as soon as the bridge was finished, the british and hessians under leslie rushed over it, formed, and charged up the hill to take hamilton's two field-pieces. three times the two field-pieces were discharged, ploughing the ascending columns from hill-top to river, while smallwood's "blue and buff" marylanders kept up their volleys of musketry. in the meantime, rahl and his hessian brigade forded the bronx lower down, pushed up the south side of the hill, and endeavored to turn mcdougall's right flank. the militia gave the general but little support. they had been dismayed at the opening of the engagement by a shot from a british cannon, which wounded one of them in the thigh, and nearly put the whole to flight. it was with the utmost difficulty mcdougall had rallied them and posted them behind a stone wall. here they did some service, until a troop of british cavalry, having gained the crest of the hill, came on, brandishing their sabres. at their first charge the militia gave a random, scattering fire, then broke, and fled in complete confusion. a brave stand was made on the summit of the hill by haslet, ritzema, and smallwood, with their troops. twice they repulsed horse and foot, british and hessians, until, cramped for room and greatly outnumbered, they slowly and sullenly retreated down the north side of the hill, where there was a bridge across the bronx. the loss on both sides, in this short but severe action, was nearly equal. that of the americans was between three and four hundred men, killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. the british army now rested with their left wing on the hill they had just taken, and which they were busy intrenching. they were extending their right wing to the left of the american lines, so that their two wings and centre formed nearly a semicircle. it was evidently their design to outflank the american camp, and get in the rear of it. the day, however, being far advanced, was suffered to pass without any further attack; but the morrow was looked forward to for a deadly conflict. during this anxious night, washington was assiduously occupied throwing back his right wing to stronger ground; doubling his intrenchments and constructing three redoubts, with a line in front, on the summit of his post. these works were principally intended for defence against small arms, and were thrown up with a rapidity that to the enemy must have savored of magic. they were, in fact, made of the stalks of indian corn or maize taken from a neighboring corn-field, and pulled up with the earth clinging in masses to the large roots. "the roots of the stalks," says heath, "and earth on them placed in the face of the works, answered the purpose of sods and fascines. the tops being placed inwards, as the loose earth was thrown upon them, became as so many trees to the work, which was carried up with a despatch scarcely conceivable." on the morning of the th, when howe beheld how greatly washington had improved his position and strengthened it, by what appeared to be solidly constructed works, he postponed his meditated assault, ordered up lord percy from harlem with the fourth brigade and two battalions of the sixth, and proceeded to throw up lines and redoubts in front of the american camp, as if preparing to cannonade it. as the enemy were endeavoring to outflank him, especially on his right wing, washington apprehended one of their objects might be to advance a part of their force and seize on pine's bridge over croton river, which would cut off his communication with the upper country. general beall, with three maryland regiments, was sent off with all expedition to secure that pass. it was washington's idea that, having possession of croton river and the passes in the highlands, his army would be safe from further pursuit, and have time to repose after its late excessive fatigue, and would be fresh and ready to harass the enemy should they think fit to winter up the country. on the night of the st, washington shifted his whole position, set fire to the barns and out-houses containing forage and stores, which there was no time to remove, and leaving a strong rear-guard on the heights, and in the neighboring woods, retired with his main army a distance of five miles, among the high, rocky hills about northcastle. here he immediately set to work to intrench and fortify himself. general howe did not attempt to dislodge him from this fastness. he at one time ordered an attack on the rear-guard, but a violent rain prevented it, and for two or three days he remained seemingly inactive. during the night of the th, this quiet was interrupted. a mysterious sound was heard in the direction of the british camp, like the rumbling of wagons and artillery. at daybreak the meaning of it was discovered. the enemy were decamping. long trains were observed defiling across the hilly country, along the roads leading to dobbs' ferry on the hudson. the movement continued for three successive days, until their whole force, british and hessians, disappeared from white plains. chapter xxxv. washington at peekskill.--the northern army. various were the speculations at head-quarters on the sudden movement of the enemy. washington writes to general william livingston (now governor of the jerseys): "they have gone towards the north river and king's bridge. some suppose they are going into winter quarters, and will sit down in new york without doing more than investing fort washington. i cannot subscribe wholly to this opinion myself. that they will invest fort washington, is a matter of which there can be no doubt; and i think there is a strong probability that general howe will detach a part of his force to make an incursion into the jerseys, provided he is going to new york. he must attempt something on account of his reputation, for what has he done as yet with his great army?" in the same letter he expressed his determination, as soon as it should appear that the present manoeuvre was a real retreat, and not a feint, to throw over a body of troops into the jerseys to assist in checking howe's progress. in a letter of the same date, he charged general greene, should howe invest fort washington with part of his force, to give the garrison all possible assistance. on the following day (nov. ), colonel tilghman, writes to general greene from head-quarters: "the enemy are at dobbs' ferry with a great number of boats, ready to go into jersey, _or proceed up the river_." greene doubted any intention of the enemy to cross the river; it might only be a feint to mislead; still, as a precaution, he had ordered troops up from the flying camp and was posting them opposite dobbs' ferry, and at other passes where a landing might be attempted; the whole being under the command of general mercer. affairs at fort washington soon settled the question of the enemy's intention with regard to it. lord percy took his station with a body of troops before the lines to the south. knyphausen advanced on the north. the americans had previously abandoned fort independence, burnt its barracks, and removed the stores and cannon. crossing king's bridge, knyphausen took a position between it and fort washington. the approach to the fort, on this side, was exceedingly steep and rocky; as, indeed, were all its approaches excepting that on the south, where the country was more open, and the ascent gradual. the fort could not hold within its walls above one thousand men; the rest of the troops were distributed about the lines and outworks. while the fort was thus menaced, the chevaux-de-frise had again proved inefficient. on the night of the th, a frigate and two transports, bound up to dobbs' ferry with supplies for howe's army, had broken through; though, according to greene's account, not without being considerably shattered by the batteries. informed of these facts, washington wrote to greene on the th: "if we cannot prevent vessels from passing up the river, and the enemy are possessed of all the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? i am, therefore, inclined to think, that it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at mount washington; but, as you are on the spot, i leave it to you to give such orders as to evacuating mount washington as you may judge best, and so far revoking the orders given to colonel magaw, to defend it to the last." accounts had been received at head-quarters of a considerable movement on the preceding evening (nov. th) among the enemy's boats at dobbs' ferry, with the intention, it was said, of penetrating the jerseys, and falling down upon fort lee. washington, therefore, in the same letter directed greene to have all the stores not necessary to the defence removed immediately. greene, in reply, (nov. th) adhered with tenacity to the policy of maintaining fort washington. "the enemy," said he, "must invest it with double the number of men required for its defence. they must keep troops at king's bridge, to cut off all communication with the country, and in considerable force for fear of an attack." it is doubtful when or where washington received this letter, as he left the camp at northcastle at eleven o'clock on the following morning. there being still considerable uncertainty as to the intentions of the enemy, all his arrangements were made accordingly. all the troops belonging to the states west of the hudson were to be stationed in the jerseys, under command of general putnam. lord stirling had already been sent forward with the maryland and virginia troops to peekskill, to cross the river at king's ferry. another division, composed of connecticut and massachusetts troops, under general heath, was to co-operate with the brigade of new york militia, under general george clinton, in securing the highland posts on both sides of the river. the troops which would remain at northcastle after the departure of heath and his division, were to be commanded by lee. on the th of november, washington left the camp at northcastle, at o'clock, and arrived at peekskill at sunset, whither general heath with his division had preceded him by a few hours. lord stirling was there likewise, having effected the transportation of the maryland and virginia troops across the river, and landed them at the ferry south of stony point; though a better landing was subsequently found north of the point. his lordship had thrown out a scouting party in the advance, and a hundred men to take possession of a gap in the mountain, through which a road passed toward the jerseys. washington was now at the entrance of the highlands, that grand defile of the hudson, the object of so much precaution and solicitude. on the following morning, accompanied by generals heath, stirling, james and george clinton, mifflin, and others, he made a military visit in boats to the highland posts. fort montgomery was in a considerable state of forwardness, and a work in the vicinity was projected to co-operate with it. fort constitution commanded a sudden bend of the river, but lord stirling, in his report of inspection, had intimated that the fort itself was commanded by west point opposite. a glance of the eye, without going on shore, was sufficient to convince washington of the fact. a fortress subsequently erected on that point, has been considered the key of the highlands. on the morning of the th, at an early hour, washington rode out with general heath to reconnoitre the east side of the hudson, at the gorge of the highlands. henry wisner, in a report to the new york convention, had mentioned a hill to the north of peekskill, so situated, with the road winding along the side of it, that ten men on the top, by rolling down stones, might prevent ten thousand from passing. near robinson's bridge, in this vicinity, about two miles from peekskill, washington chose a place where troops should be stationed to cover the south entrance into the mountains; and here, afterwards, was established an important military depot called continental village. having made all these surveys and arrangements, he placed heath in the general command of the highlands, with written instructions to fortify the passes with all possible despatch, and directions how the troops were to be distributed on both sides of the river. during his brief and busy sojourn at peekskill, washington received important intelligence from the northern army; especially that part of it on lake champlain, under the command of general gates. the preparations for the defence of ticonderoga, and the nautical service on the lake, had met with difficulties at every step. at length, by the middle of august, a small flotilla was completed, and the command given by gates to arnold, in compliance with the advice of washington. sir guy carleton, in the meantime, was straining every nerve for the approaching conflict. vessels were brought from england in pieces and put together at st. johns, boats of various kinds and sizes were transported over land, or dragged up the rapids of the sorel. in despite of every exertion, three months elapsed before his armament was completed. by the month of october, between twenty and thirty sail were afloat and ready for action. the flag-ship (the inflexible) mounted eighteen twelve-pounders; the rest were gunboats, a gondola and a flat-bottomed vessel called a radeau, and named the _thunderer_; carrying a battery of six twenty-four and twelve six-pounders, besides howitzers. the gunboats mounted brass field-pieces and howitzers. captain pringle conducted the armament, but sir guy carleton was too full of zeal, and too anxious for the event, not to head the enterprise; he accordingly took his station on the deck of the flag-ship. they made sail early in october, in quest of the american squadron, which was said to be abroad upon the lake. [arnold had taken his post under cover of valcour island, in the channel between that island and the mainland. the british discovered arnold's flotilla on the morning of the th, and attempted to beat up into the channel. the wind did not permit the largest of them to enter. about twelve o'clock a brisk fire was opened on the american vessels, and the action soon became severe and sanguinary. the enemy landed indians on the island, who kept up a galling fire upon the americans. the congress, on board of which was arnold, was hulled several times, and many of her crew were killed or wounded. the ardor of arnold increased with the danger. he cheered on his men by voice and example, often pointing the guns with his own hands. at night the contest was still undecided, and the enemy drew off, anchoring their whole squadron in a line to prevent the escape of the americans. but arnold, aware that with his crippled and inferior force further resistance could not be maintained, took advantage of a dark, cloudy night and a strong north wind to slip silently through the enemy's line without being discovered. the next day arnold's galley, the congress, the washington galley and four gondolas, which had suffered severely in the fight, fell astern; and on the following morning, as a fog, which had covered the lake, lifted, the enemy were discerned within a few miles of them in full chase. by noon the washington was overtaken and captured. arnold meanwhile maintained a desperate running fight with the advanced vessels of the enemy's fleet, until finding resistance in vain, the crippled vessels were run on shore, fired, and the crews set off through the woods to crown point.] two schooners, two galleys, one sloop and one gondola, the remnant which had escaped of this squadron, were at anchor at the point, and general waterbury and most of his men [who had been captured in the washington galley] arrived there the next day on parole. seeing that the place must soon fall into the hands of the enemy, they set fire to the houses, destroyed everything they could not carry away, and embarking in the vessels made sail for ticonderoga. the loss of the americans in these two actions is said to have been between eighty and ninety men; that of the british about forty. the conduct of arnold in these naval affairs gained him new laurels. sir guy carleton took possession of the ruined works at crown point, where he was soon joined by the army. he made several movements by land and water, as if meditating an attack upon ticonderoga. general gates, in the meantime, strengthened his works with incessant assiduity, and made every preparation for an obstinate defence. a strong easterly wind prevented the enemy's ships from advancing to attack the lines, and gave time for the arrival of reinforcements of militia to the garrison. it also afforded time for sir guy carleton to cool in ardor, and calculate the chances and the value of success. the post, from its strength, could not be taken without great loss of life. if taken, the season was now too far advanced to think of passing lake george, and exposing the army to the perils of a winter campaign in the inhospitable and impracticable wilds to the southward. ticonderoga, too, could not be kept during the winter, so that the only result of the capture would be the reduction of the works and the taking of some cannon; all which damage the americans could remedy before the opening of the summer campaign. if, however, the defence should be obstinate, the british army, even if successful, might sustain a loss sufficient to cripple its operations in the coming year. these, and other prudential reasons, induced carleton to give up all attempt upon the fortress at present; wherefore, re-embarking his troops, he returned to st. johns, and cantoned them in canada for the winter. chapter xxxvi. capture of fort washington and garrison.--retreat through new jersey. on the morning of the th of november, washington crossed the hudson to the ferry below stony point, with the residue of the troops destined for the jerseys. far below were to be descried the phoenix, the roebuck, and the tartar, at anchor in the broad waters of haverstraw bay and the tappan sea, guarding the lower ferries. the army, thus shut out from the nearer passes, was slowly winding its way by a circuitous route through the gap in the mountains, which lord stirling had secured. leaving the troops which had just landed to pursue the same route to the hackensack, washington, accompanied by colonel reed, struck a direct course for fort lee, being anxious about affairs at fort washington. he arrived there on the following day, and found, to his disappointment, that general greene had taken no measures for the evacuation of that fortress; but on the contrary had reinforced it with a part of colonel durkee's regiment and the regiment of colonel rawlings, so that its garrison now numbered upwards of two thousand men; a great part, however, were militia. washington's orders for its evacuation had, in fact, been discretionary, leaving the execution of them to greene's judgment, "as being on the spot." the latter had differed in opinion as to the policy of such a measure; and colonel magaw, who had charge of the fortress, was likewise confident it might be maintained. the fort was now invested on all sides but one; and the troops under howe, which had been encamped at dobbs' ferry, were said to be moving down toward it. {illustration: view from the site of fort washington. vol. ii.} washington was much perplexed. the main object of howe was still a matter of doubt with him. he could not think that sir william was moving his whole force upon that fortress, to invest which, a part would be sufficient. he suspected an ulterior object, probably a southern expedition, as he was told a large number of ships were taking in wood and water at new york. he resolved, therefore, to continue a few days in this neighborhood, during which he trusted the designs of the enemy would be more apparent; in the meantime he would distribute troops at brunswick, amboy, elizabethtown and fort lee, so as to be ready at these various points to check any incursions into the jerseys. washington was mistaken in his conjecture as to sir william howe's design. the capture of fort washington was, at present, his main object; and he was encamped on fordham heights, not far from king's bridge, until preliminary steps should be taken. in the night of the th, thirty flat-bottomed boats stole quietly up the hudson, passed the american forts undiscovered, and made their way through spyt den duivel creek into harlem river. the means were thus provided for crossing that river and landing before unprotected parts of the american works. apprised by colonel magaw of his peril, general greene sent over reinforcements, with an exhortation to him to persist in his defence; and despatched an express to washington, who was at hackensack, where the troops which had crossed from peekskill were encamped. it was nightfall when washington arrived at fort lee. greene and putnam were over at the besieged fortress. he threw himself into a boat, and had partly crossed the river, when he met those generals returning. they informed him of the garrison's having been reinforced, and assured him that it was in high spirits and capable of making a good defence. it was with difficulty, however, they could prevail on him to return with them to the jersey shore, for he was excessively excited. early the next morning ( th), magaw made his dispositions for the expected attack. his forces, with the recent addition, amounted to nearly three thousand men. as the fort could not contain above a third of that number, most of them were stationed about the outworks. colonel lambert cadwalader, with eight hundred pennsylvanians, was posted in the outer lines, about two miles and a half south of the fort, the side menaced by lord percy with sixteen hundred men. colonel rawlings, of maryland, with a body of troops, many of them riflemen, was stationed by a three-gun battery, on a rocky, precipitous hill, north of the fort, and between it and spyt den duivel creek. colonel baxter, of bucks county, pennsylvania, with his regiment of militia, was posted east of the fort, on rough, woody heights bordering the harlem river, to watch the motions of the enemy, who had thrown up redoubts on high and commanding ground on the opposite side of the river, apparently to cover the crossing and landing of troops. sir william howe had planned four simultaneous attacks; one on the north by knyphausen, who was encamped on the york side of king's bridge, within cannon shot of fort washington, but separated from it by high and rough hills, covered with almost impenetrable woods. he was to advance in two columns, formed by detachments made from the hessians of his corps, the brigade of rahl, and the regiment of waldeckers. the second attack was to be by two battalions of light infantry and two battalions of guards, under brigadier-general mathew, who was to cross harlem river in flat-boats, under cover of the redoubts above mentioned, and to land on the right of the fort. this attack was to be supported by the first and second grenadiers, and a regiment of light infantry under command of lord cornwallis. the third attack, intended as a feint to distract the attention of the americans, was to be by colonel sterling, with the d regiment, who was to drop down the harlem river in bateaux to the left of the american lines, facing new york. the fourth attack was to be on the south, by lord percy, with the english and hessian troops under his command, on the right flank of the american intrenchments. about noon, a heavy cannonade thundering along the rocky hills, and sharp volleys of musketry, proclaimed that the action was commenced. knyphausen's division was pushing on from the north in two columns, as had been arranged. the right was led by colonel rahl, the left by himself. rahl essayed to mount a steep, broken height called cock hill, which rises from spyt den duivel creek, and was covered with woods. knyphausen undertook a hill rising from the king's bridge road, but soon found himself entangled in a woody defile, difficult to penetrate, and where his hessians were exposed to the fire of the three-gun battery, and rawlings' riflemen. while this was going on at the north of the fort, general mathew, with his light infantry and guards, crossed the harlem river in the flat-boats, under cover of a heavy fire from the redoubts. he made good his landing, after being severely handled by baxter and his men, from behind rocks and trees, and the breastworks thrown up on the steep river bank. a short contest ensued. baxter, while bravely encouraging his men, was killed by a british officer. his troops, overpowered by numbers, retreated to the fort. general mathew now pushed on with his guards and light infantry to cut off cadwalader. that officer had gallantly defended the lines against the attack of lord percy, until informed that colonel sterling was dropping down harlem river in bateaux to flank the lines and take him in the rear. he sent off a detachment to oppose his landing. they did it manfully. about ninety of sterling's men were killed or wounded in their boats, but he persevered, landed, and forced his way up a steep height, which was well defended, gained the summit, forced a redoubt, and took nearly two hundred prisoners. thus doubly assailed, cadwalader was obliged to retreat to the fort. he was closely pursued by percy with his english troops and hessians, but turned repeatedly on his pursuers. thus he fought his way to the fort, with the loss of several killed and more taken prisoners; but marking his track by the number of hessians slain. the defence on the north side of the fort was equally obstinate and unsuccessful. rawlings with his maryland riflemen and the aid of the three-gun battery, had for some time kept the left column of hessians and waldeckers under knyphausen at bay. at length colonel rahl, with the right column of the division, having forced his way directly up the north side of the steep hill at spyt den duivel creek, came upon rawlings' men, whose rifles, from frequent discharges, had become foul and almost useless, drove them from their strong post, and followed them until within a hundred yards of the fort, where he was joined by knyphausen, who had slowly made his way through dense forest and over felled trees. here they took post behind a large stone house, and sent in a flag with a summons to surrender. [washington had been an anxious spectator of the battle from the opposite side of the hudson. the action about the lines to the south lay open to him. when he saw cadwalader assailed in flank, the line broken, and his troops overpowered by numbers, he gave up the game as lost. seeing the flag from knyphausen's division go into the fort, he wrote a note to magaw, telling him that if he could hold out until evening and the place could not be maintained, he would endeavor to bring off the garrison. captain gooch offered to be the bearer of the note. he crossed in a small boat, landed on the bank, ran up to the fort and delivered the message. it came too late.] "the fort was so crowded by the garrison and the troops which had retreated into it that it was difficult to move about. the enemy, too, were in possession of the little redoubts around, and could have poured in showers of shells and ricochet balls that would have made dreadful slaughter." it was no longer possible for magaw to get his troops to man the lines: he was compelled, therefore, to yield himself and his garrison prisoners of war. the only terms granted them were that the men should retain their baggage and the officers their swords. the sight of the american flag hauled down, and the british flag waving in its place, told washington of the surrender. his instant care was for the safety of the upper country, now that the lower defences of the hudson were at an end. before he knew anything about the terms of capitulation, he wrote to general lee, informing him of the surrender, and calling his attention to the passes of the highlands and those which lay east of the river; begging him to have such measures adopted for their defence as his judgment should suggest to be necessary. lee, in reply, objected to removing from his actual encampment at northcastle. "it would give us," said he, "the air of being frightened; it would expose a fine, fertile country to their ravages; and i must add, that we are as secure as we could be in any position whatever." after stating that he should deposit his stores, etc., in a place fully as safe, and more central than peekskill, he adds: "as to ourselves, light as we are, several retreats present themselves. in short, if we keep a good look-out, we are in no danger; but i must entreat your excellency to enjoin the officers posted at fort lee, to give us the quickest intelligence, if they observe any embarkation on the north river." as to the affair of fort washington, all that lee observed on the subject was: "oh, general, why would you be over-persuaded by men of inferior judgment to your own? it was a cursed affair."{ } {footnote : [colonel reed, in a letter to general lee, at this juncture had allowed himself, notwithstanding the devotion he had hitherto manifested for the commander-in-chief, to express himself with great critical freedom on the loss of fort lee. after alluding to the fact that washington's own judgment was averse to the attempt of holding the fort, but that greene's advice to the contrary had kept his mind in a state of suspense, he exclaims, "oh, general! an indecisive mind is one of the greatest misfortunes that can befall an army; how often have i lamented it this campaign." some days later a letter from general lee came to head-quarters addressed to colonel reed, who at the time was absent. washington supposing it to be on official business, opened it, as he was in the habit of doing on like occasions. to his surprise he discovered it to be a private note, the tenor of which indicated that he was the subject of critical correspondence between a member of his military family and one of his generals. he immediately enclosed the letter to colonel reed, explaining how it had been opened, but without further comment. reed endeavored to explain away the remarks in lee's letter; but washington's affectionate confidence in him as a sympathizing friend had received a severe wound. reed deeply grieved over the error he had committed, and his earnest appeals to washington at a later date, restored, in a great measure, their relations of friendly confidence.]} with the capture of fort washington, the project of obstructing the navigation of the hudson, at that point, was at an end. fort lee, consequently, became useless, and washington ordered all the ammunition and stores to be removed, preparatory to its abandonment. this was effected with the whole of the ammunition and a part of the stores, and every exertion was making to hurry off the remainder, when, early in the morning of the th, intelligence was brought that the enemy, with two hundred boats, had crossed the river and landed a few miles above. general greene immediately ordered the garrison under arms, sent out troops to hold the enemy in check, and sent off an express to washington, at hackensack. the enemy had crossed the hudson, on a very rainy night, in two divisions, one diagonally upward from king's bridge, landing on the west side, about eight o'clock; the other marched up the east bank, three or four miles, and then crossed to the opposite shore. the whole corps, six thousand strong, and under the command of lord cornwallis, were landed, with their cannon, by ten o'clock, at a place called closter dock, five or six miles above fort lee, and under that line of lofty and perpendicular cliffs known as the palisades. "the seamen," says sir william howe, "distinguished themselves remarkably on this occasion, by their readiness to drag the cannon up a very narrow road for nearly half a mile to the top of a precipice, which bounds the shore for some miles on the west side." washington arrived at the fort in three quarters of an hour. being told that the enemy were extending themselves across the country, he at once saw that they intended to form a line from the hudson to the hackensack, and hem the whole garrison in between the two rivers. nothing would save it but a prompt retreat to secure the bridge over the hackensack. no time was to be lost. the troops sent out to check the enemy were recalled. the retreat commenced in all haste. there was a want of horses and wagons; a great quantity of baggage, stores and provisions, therefore, was abandoned. so was all the artillery excepting two twelve-pounders. even the tents were left standing, and camp-kettles on the fire. with all their speed they did not reach the hackensack river before the vanguard of the enemy was close upon them. expecting a brush, the greater part hurried over the bridge, others crossed at the ferry and some higher up. the enemy, however, did not dispute the passage of the river. from hackensack, colonel grayson, one of washington's aides-de-camp, wrote instantly, by his orders, to general lee; informing him that the enemy had crossed into the jerseys, and, as was reported, _in great numbers_. "his excellency," adds grayson, "thinks it would be advisable in you to remove the troops under your command on this side of the north river, and there wait for further commands." at hackensack the army did not exceed three thousand men, and they were dispirited by ill success, and the loss of tents and baggage. they were without intrenching tools, in a flat country, where there were no natural fastnesses. washington resolved, therefore, to avoid any attack from the enemy, though, by so doing, he must leave a fine and fertile region open to their ravages; or a plentiful store-house, from which they would draw voluntary supplies. a second move was necessary, again to avoid the danger of being enclosed between two rivers. leaving three regiments, therefore, to guard the passes of the hackensack, and serve as covering parties, he again decamped, and threw himself on the west bank of the passaic, in the neighborhood of newark. his army, small as it was, would soon be less. the term of enlistment of those under general mercer, from the flying camp, was nearly expired; and it was not probable that, disheartened as they were by defeats and losses, exposed to inclement weather, and unaccustomed to military hardships they would longer forego the comforts of their homes, to drag out the residue of a ruinous campaign. in addition, too, to the superiority of the force that was following him, the rivers gave the enemy facilities, by means of their shipping, to throw troops in his rear. in this extremity he cast about in every direction for assistance. colonel reed was despatched to burlington with a letter to governor william livingston, describing his hazardous situation, and entreating him to call out a portion of the new jersey militia; and general mifflin was sent to philadelphia to implore immediate aid from congress and the local authorities. his main reliance for prompt assistance, however, was upon lee. on the th came a letter from that general, addressed to colonel reed. washington opened it, as he was accustomed to do, in the absence of that officer, with letters addressed to him on the business of the army. lee was at his old encampment at northcastle. he had no means, he said, of crossing at dobbs' ferry, and the round by king's ferry would be so great that he could not get there in time to answer any purpose. "i have therefore," added he, "ordered general heath, who is close to the only ferry which can be passed, to detach two thousand men to apprise his excellency, and await his further orders; a mode which i flatter myself will answer better what i conceive to be the spirit of the orders than should i move the corps from hence. withdrawing our troops from hence would be attended with some very serious consequences, which at present would be tedious to enumerate; as to myself," adds he, "i hope to set out to-morrow." on the following day he writes to washington: "i have received your orders, and shall endeavor to put them in execution, but question whether i shall be able to carry with me any considerable number; not so much from a want of zeal in the men as from their wretched condition, with respect to shoes, stockings, and blankets, which the present bad weather renders more intolerable. i sent heath orders to transport two thousand men across the river, apprise the general, and wait for further orders; but that great man (as i might have expected) intrenched himself within the letter of his instructions, and refused to part with a single file, though i undertook to replace them with a part of my own." scarce had lee sent this letter when he received one from washington, informing him that he had mistaken his views in regard to the troops required to cross the hudson; it was his (lee's) division that he wanted to have over. the force under heath must remain to guard the posts and passes through the highlands, the importance of which was so infinitely great that there should not be the least possible risk of losing them. lee's reply explained that his idea of detaching troops from heath's division was merely for expedition's sake, intending to replace them from his own. the want of carriages and other causes had delayed him. from the force of the enemy remaining in westchester county, he did not conceive the number of them in the jerseys to be near so great as washington was taught to believe. he had been making a sweep of the country to clear it of the tories. part of his army had now moved on, and he would set out on the following day. the situation of the little army was daily becoming more perilous. in a council of war, several of the members urged a move to morristown, to form a junction with the troops expected from the northern army. washington, however, still cherished the idea of making a stand at brunswick on the raritan, or, at all events, of disputing the passage of the delaware; and in this intrepid resolution he was warmly seconded by greene. breaking up his camp once more, therefore, he continued his retreat towards new brunswick; but so close was cornwallis upon him that his advance entered one end of newark just as the american rear-guard had left the other. from brunswick, washington wrote on the th to william livingston, governor of the jerseys, requesting him to have all boats and river craft, for seventy miles along the delaware, removed to the western bank out of the reach of the enemy, and put under guard. he was disappointed in his hope of making a stand on the banks of the raritan. all the force he could muster at brunswick, including the new jersey militia, did not exceed four thousand men. colonel reed had failed in procuring aid from the new jersey legislature. that body, shifting from place to place, was on the eve of dissolution. the term of the maryland and new jersey troops in the flying camp had expired. general mercer endeavored to detain them, representing the disgrace of turning their back upon the cause when the enemy was at hand; his remonstrances were fruitless. as to the pennsylvania levies, they deserted in such numbers that guards were stationed on the roads and ferries to intercept them. washington lingered at brunswick until the st of december in the vain hope of being reinforced. the enemy, in the meantime, advanced through the country, impressing wagons and horses, and collecting cattle and sheep, as if for a distant march. at length their vanguard appeared on the opposite side of the raritan. washington immediately broke down the end of the bridge next the village, and after nightfall resumed his retreat. at princeton, washington left twelve hundred men in two brigades, under lord stirling and general adam stephen, to cover the country, and watch the motions of the enemy. stephen was the same officer that had served as a colonel under washington in the french war, as second in command of the virginia troops, and had charge of fort cumberland. the harassed army reached trenton on the d of december. washington immediately proceeded to remove his baggage and stores across the delaware. in his letters from this place to the president of congress, he gives his reasons for his continued retreat: "nothing but necessity obliged me to retire before the enemy, and leave so much of the jerseys unprotected. sorry am i to observe that the frequent calls upon the militia of this state, the want of exertion in the principal gentlemen of the country, and a fatal supineness and insensibility of danger, till it is too late to prevent an evil that was not only foreseen but foretold, have been the causes of our late disgraces." in excuse for the people of new jersey, it may be observed that they inhabited an open, agricultural country, where the sound of war had never been heard. many of them looked upon the revolution as rebellion; others thought it a ruined enterprise; the armies engaged in it had been defeated and broken up. they beheld the commander-in-chief retreating through their country with a handful of men, weary, wayworn, and dispirited; without tents, without clothing, many of them barefooted, exposed to wintry weather, and driven from post to post by a well-clad, well-fed, triumphant force, tricked out in all the glittering bravery of war. could it be wondered at that peaceful husbandmen, seeing their quiet fields thus suddenly overrun by adverse hosts, and their very hearthstones threatened with outrage, should, instead of flying to arms, seek for the safety of their wives and little ones, and the protection of their humble means, from the desolation which too often marks the course even of friendly armies? lord howe and his brother sought to profit by this dismay and despondency. a proclamation, dated th of november, commanded all persons in arms against his majesty's government to disband and return home, and all congresses to desist from treasonable acts: offering a free pardon to all who should comply within fifty days. many who had been prominent in the cause, hastened to take advantage of this proclamation. those who had most property to lose were the first to submit. the middle ranks remained generally steadfast in this time of trial. in this dark day of peril to the cause, and to himself, washington remained firm and undaunted. in casting about for some stronghold where he might make a desperate stand for the liberties of his country, his thoughts reverted to the mountain regions of his early campaigns. general mercer was at hand, who had shared his perils among these mountains, and his presence may have contributed to bring them to his mind. "what think you," said washington, "if we should retreat to the back parts of pennsylvania, would the pennsylvanians support us?" "if the lower counties give up, the back counties will do the same," was the discouraging reply. "we must then retire to augusta county in virginia," said washington. "numbers will repair to us for safety, and we will try a predatory war. if overpowered, we must cross the alleghanies." such was the indomitable spirit, rising under difficulties, and buoyant in the darkest moment, that kept our tempest-tost cause from foundering. chapter xxxvii. retreat across the delaware.--battle of trenton. notwithstanding the repeated and pressing orders and entreaties of the commander-in-chief, lee did not reach peekskill until the th of november. in a letter of that date to washington, who had complained of his delay, he simply alleged difficulties which he would explain _when both had leisure_. it was not until the th of december that lee crossed the hudson and began a laggard march, though aware of the imminent peril of washington and his army--how different from the celerity of his movements in his expedition to the south! [lee evidently considered washington's star in the decline, and his own in the ascendant. the loss of fort washington had been made a text by him to comment in his letters about the "indecision of the commander-in-chief." instead now of heartily co-operating with washington he was devising side-plans of his own, and meditating, no doubt, on his chances of promotion to the head of the american armies.] in the meantime, washington, who was at trenton, had profited by a delay of the enemy at brunswick, and removed most of the stores and baggage of the army across the delaware; and, being reinforced by fifteen hundred of the pennsylvania militia, procured by mifflin, prepared to face about, and march back to princeton with such of his troops as were fit for service, there to be governed by circumstances and the movements of general lee. accordingly, on the th of december, he sent about twelve hundred men in the advance to reinforce lord stirling, and the next day set off himself with the residue. while on the march, washington received a letter from greene, who was at princeton, informing him of a report that lee was "at the heels of the enemy." "i should think," adds greene, "he had better keep on the flanks than the rear, unless it were possible to concert an attack at the same instant of time in front and rear.... i think general lee must be confined within the lines of some general plan, or else his operations will be independent of yours." lee had no idea of conforming to a general plan; he had an independent plan of his own, and was at that moment at pompton, indulging speculations on military greatness, and the lamentable want of it in his american contemporaries. while lee was thus loitering and speculating, cornwallis, knowing how far he was in the rear, and how weak was the situation of washington's army, and being himself strongly reinforced, made a forced march from brunswick, and was within two miles from princeton. stirling, to avoid being surrounded, immediately set out with two brigades for trenton. washington, too, receiving intelligence by express of these movements, hastened back to that place, and caused boats to be collected from all quarters, and the stores and troops transported across the delaware. he himself crossed with the rear-guard on sunday morning, and took up his quarters about a mile from the river; causing the boats to be destroyed, and troops to be posted opposite the fords. the rear-guard, says an american account, had barely crossed the river, when lord cornwallis "came marching down with all the pomp of war, in great expectation of getting boats, and immediately pursuing." not one was to be had there or elsewhere; for washington had caused the boats, for an extent of seventy miles up and down the river, to be secured on the right bank. his lordship was effectually brought to a stand. he made some moves with two columns, as if he would cross the delaware above and below, either to push on to philadelphia, or to entrap washington in the acute angle made by the bend of the river opposite bordentown. an able disposition of american troops along the upper part of the river, and of a number of galleys below, discouraged any attempt of the kind. cornwallis, therefore, gave up the pursuit, distributed the german troops in cantonments along the left bank of the river, and stationed his main force at brunswick, trusting to be able before long to cross the delaware on the ice. on the th, washington wrote to the president of congress: "there is not a moment's time to be lost in assembling such a force as can be collected, as the object of the enemy cannot now be doubted in the smallest degree. indeed, i shall be out in my conjecture, for it is only conjecture, if the late embarkation at new york is not for delaware river, to co-operate with the army under general howe, who, i am informed from good authority, is with the british troops, and his whole force upon this route." in further letters to lee, washington urged the peril of philadelphia. "do come on," writes he; "your arrival may be fortunate, and, if it can be effected without delay, it may be the means of preserving a city, whose loss must prove of the most fatal consequence to the cause of america." putnam was now detached to take command of philadelphia, and put it in a state of defence, and general mifflin to have charge of the munitions of war deposited there. by their advice congress hastily adjourned on the th of december, to meet again on the th at baltimore. washington's whole force at this time was about five thousand five hundred men. gates, however, he was informed, was coming on with seven regiments detached by schuyler from the northern department; reinforced by these and the troops under lee, he hoped to be able to attempt a stroke upon the enemy's forces, which lay a good deal scattered, and to all appearances, in a state of security. while cheering himself with these hopes, and trusting to speedy aid from lee, that wayward commander, though nearly three weeks had elapsed since he had received washington's orders and entreaties to join him with all possible despatch, was no farther on his march than morristown, in the jerseys; where with militia recruits, his force was about four thousand men. [lee was secretly planning an independent attack on the enemy. hearing that three regiments detached under gates from the northern army had arrived at peekskill, he sent orders for them to join him at morristown. "i am in hopes," he writes, "to reconquer the jerseys." in the meantime washington wrote urging his speedy junction with him. boats were gathered at tinicum to facilitate his passage across the delaware. "i have so frequently," wrote washington, "mentioned our situation and the necessity of your aid, that it is painful for me to add a word on the subject." on the th, lee moved from morristown, but marched no further than vealtown, eight miles distant. there he left sullivan with his troops, while he took up his quarters three miles off, at a tavern at baskingridge. intelligence of his exposed and insecure position reached the enemy, a body of dragoons were detached, and guided by a tory, came upon lee in his quarters without warning. the few guards about the house were soon dispersed, and lee, bare-headed and in his slippers, was compelled in haste to mount a horse and accompany his captors. this capture gave great exultation to the enemy; for they considered lee the most scientific and experienced of the rebel generals. general sullivan now being in command, immediately pressed forward with the troops to join the commander-in-chief.] the loss of lee was a severe shock to the americans, many of whom, as we have shown, looked to him as the man who was to rescue them from their critical and well-nigh desperate situation. general wilkinson, in his memoirs, [who was at that time brigade-major under general gates,] points out what he considers the true secret of lee's conduct. his military reputation, originally very high, had been enhanced of late by its being generally known that he had been opposed to the occupation of fort washington; while the fall of that fortress and other misfortunes of the campaign, though beyond the control of the commander-in-chief, had quickened the discontent which, according to wilkinson, had been generated against him at cambridge, and raised a party against him in congress. "it was confidently asserted at the time," adds he, "but is not worthy of credit, that a motion had been made in that body tending to supersede him in the command of the army. in this temper of the times, if general lee had anticipated general washington in cutting the cordon of the enemy between new york and the delaware, the commander-in-chief would probably have been superseded. in this case, lee would have succeeded him." what an unfortunate change would it have been for the country! lee was undoubtedly a man of brilliant talents, shrewd sagacity, and much knowledge and experience in the art of war; but he was wilful and uncertain in his temper, self-indulgent in his habits, and an egoist in warfare; boldly dashing for a soldier's glory rather than warily acting for a country's good. he wanted those great moral qualities which, in addition to military capacity, inspired such universal confidence in the wisdom, rectitude and patriotism of washington, enabling him to direct and control legislative bodies as well as armies; to harmonize the jarring passions and jealousies of a wide and imperfect confederacy, and to cope with the varied exigencies of the revolution. congress, prior to their adjournment, had resolved that "until they should otherwise order, general washington should be possessed of all power to order and direct all things relative to the department and to the operations of war." thus empowered, he proceeded immediately to recruit three battalions of artillery. to those whose terms were expiring he promised an augmentation of twenty-five per cent. upon their pay, and a bounty of ten dollars to the men for six weeks' service. "it was no time," he said, "to stand upon expense; nor in matters of self-evident exigency to refer to congress at the distance of a hundred and thirty or forty miles. if any good officers will offer to raise men upon continental pay and establishment in this quarter, i shall encourage them to do so, and regiment them when they have done it." the promise of increased pay and bounties had kept together for a time the dissolving army. the local militia began to turn out freely. colonel john cadwalader, a gentleman of gallant spirit, and cultivated mind and manners, brought a large volunteer detachment, well equipped, and composed principally of philadelphia troops. washington, who held cadwalader in high esteem, assigned him an important station at bristol, with colonel reed, who was his intimate friend, as an associate. they had it in charge to keep a watchful eye upon count donop's hessians, who were cantoned along the opposite shore from bordentown to the black horse. on the th of december arrived general sullivan in camp, with the troops recently commanded by the unlucky lee. they were in a miserable plight; destitute of almost everything; many of them fit only for the hospital, and those whose terms were nearly out, thinking of nothing but their discharge. on the same day arrived general gates, with the remnants of four regiments from the northern army. the time seemed now propitious for the _coup de main_ which washington had of late been meditating. everything showed careless confidence on the part of the enemy. howe was in winter quarters at new york. his troops were loosely cantoned about the jerseys, from the delaware to brunswick, so that they could not readily be brought to act in concert on a sudden alarm. the hessians were in the advance, stationed along the delaware, facing the american lines, which were along the west bank. cornwallis, thinking his work accomplished, had obtained leave of absence, and was likewise at new york, preparing to embark for england. washington had now between five and six thousand men fit for service; with these he meditated to cross the river at night, at different points, and make simultaneous attacks upon the hessian advance posts. he calculated upon the eager support of his troops, who were burning to revenge the outrages on their homes and families, committed by these foreign mercenaries. they considered the hessians mere hirelings; slaves to a petty despot, fighting for sordid pay, and actuated by no sentiment of patriotism or honor. they had rendered themselves the horror of the jerseys, by rapine, brutality, and heartlessness. at first, their military discipline had inspired awe, but of late they had become careless and unguarded, knowing the broken and dispirited state of the americans, and considering them incapable of any offensive enterprise. a brigade of three hessian regiments, those of rahl, lossberg, and knyphausen, was stationed at trenton. colonel rahl had the command of the post at his own solicitation, and in consequence of the laurels he had gained at white plains and fort washington. we have before us journals of two hessian lieutenants and a corporal, which give graphic particulars of the colonel and his post. according to their representations, he, with all his bravery, was little fitted for such an important command. he lacked the necessary vigilance and forecast. one of the lieutenants speaks of him in a sarcastic vein, and evidently with some degree of prejudice. according to his account, there was more bustle than business at the post. he was a boon companion; made merry until a late hour in the night, and then lay in bed until nine o'clock in the morning. and then he took no precautions against the possibility of being attacked. a veteran officer, major von dechow, proposed that some works should be thrown up, where the cannon might be placed ready against any assault. the colonel made merry with the very idea. "an assault by the rebels! let them come! we'll at them with the bayonet." such was the posture of affairs at trenton at the time the _coup de main_ was meditated. whatever was to be done, however, must be done quickly, before the river was frozen. an intercepted letter had convinced washington of what he had before suspected, that howe was only waiting for that event to resume active operations, cross the river on the ice, and push on triumphantly to philadelphia. he communicated his project to gates, and wished him to go to bristol, take command there, and co-operate from that quarter. gates, however, pleaded ill health, and requested leave to proceed to philadelphia. the request may have surprised washington, considering the spirited enterprise that was on foot; but gates, as has before been observed, had a disinclination to serve immediately under the commander-in-chief; like lee, he had a disparaging opinion of him, or rather an impatience of his supremacy. he had, moreover, an ulterior object in view. having been disappointed and chagrined in finding himself subordinate to general schuyler in the northern campaign, he was now intent on making interest among the members of congress for an independent command. washington urged that on his way to philadelphia he would at least stop for a day or two at bristol to concert a plan of operations with reed and cadwalader, and adjust any little questions of etiquette and command that might arise between the continental colonels who had gone thither with lee's troops and the volunteer officers stationed there. he does not appear to have complied even with this request. according to wilkinson's account, he took quarters at newtown, and set out thence for baltimore on the th of december, the very day before that of the intended _coup de main_. the projected attack upon the hessian posts was to be threefold: st. washington was to cross the delaware with a considerable force, at mckonkey's ferry (now taylorsville), about nine miles above trenton, and march down upon that place, where rahl's cantonment comprised a brigade of fifteen hundred hessians, a troop of british light-horse, and a number of chasseurs. d. general ewing, with a body of pennsylvania militia, was to cross at a ferry about a mile below trenton; secure the bridge over the assunpink creek, a stream flowing along the south side of the town, and cut off any retreat of the enemy in that direction. d. general putnam, with the troops occupied in fortifying philadelphia, and those under general cadwalader, was to cross below burlington and attack the lower posts under count donop. the several divisions were to cross the delaware at night, so as to be ready for simultaneous action by five o'clock in the morning. seldom is a combined plan carried into full operation. symptoms of an insurrection in philadelphia obliged putnam to remain with some force in that city; but he detached five or six hundred of the pennsylvania militia under colonel griffin, his adjutant-general, who threw himself into the jerseys, to be at hand to co-operate with cadwalader. early on the eventful evening (dec. th), the troops destined for washington's part of the attack, about two thousand four hundred strong, with a train of twenty small pieces, were paraded near mckonkey's ferry, ready to pass as soon as it grew dark, in the hope of being all on the other side by twelve o'clock. washington repaired to the ground accompanied by generals greene, sullivan, mercer, stephen, and lord stirling. greene was full of ardor for the enterprise; eager, no doubt, to wipe out the recollection of fort washington. it was, indeed, an anxious moment for all. boats being in readiness, the troops began to cross about sunset. the weather was intensely cold, the wind was high, the current strong, and the river full of floating ice. colonel glover, with his amphibious regiment of marblehead fishermen, was in advance. they were men accustomed to battle with the elements, yet with all their skill and experience the crossing was difficult and perilous. the night was dark and tempestuous, the drifting ice drove the boats out of their course, and threatened them with destruction. it was three o'clock before the artillery was landed, and nearly four before the troops took up their line of march. trenton was nine miles distant; and not to be reached before daylight. to surprise it, therefore, was out of the question. there was no making a retreat without being discovered and harassed in repassing the river. beside, the troops from the other points might have crossed, and co-operation was essential to their safety. washington resolved to push forward and trust to providence. he formed the troops into two columns. the first he led himself, accompanied by greene, stirling, mercer, and stephen; it was to make a circuit by the upper or pennington road, to the north of trenton. the other, led by sullivan, and including the brigade of st. clair, was to take the lower river leading to the west end of the town. sullivan's column was to halt a few moments at a cross-road leading to howland's ferry to give washington's column time to effect its circuit, so that the attack might be simultaneous. on arriving at trenton they were to force the outer guards and push directly into the town before the enemy had time to form. it began to hail and snow as the troops commenced their march, and increased in violence as they advanced, the storm driving the sleet in their faces. so bitter was the cold that two of the men were frozen to death that night. the day dawned by the time sullivan halted at the cross-road. it was discovered that the storm had rendered many of the muskets wet and useless. "what is to be done?" inquired sullivan of st. clair. "you have nothing for it but to push on and use the bayonet," was the reply. while some of the soldiers were endeavoring to clear their muskets, and squibbing off priming, sullivan despatched an officer to apprise the commander-in-chief of the condition of their arms. he came back half dismayed by an indignant burst of washington, who ordered him to return instantly and tell general sullivan to "advance and charge." it was about eight o'clock when washington's column arrived in the vicinity of the village. the storm which had rendered the march intolerable, had kept every one within doors, and the snow had deadened the tread of the troops and the rumbling of the artillery. as they approached the village, washington, who was in front, came to a man that was chopping wood by the roadside, and inquired, "which way is the hessian picket?" "i don't know," was the surly reply. "you may tell," said captain forest of the artillery, "for that is general washington." the aspect of the man changed in an instant. raising his hands to heaven, "god bless and prosper you!" cried he. "the picket is in that house, and the sentry stands near that tree." the advance guard was led by a brave young officer, captain william a. washington, seconded by lieutenant james monroe (in after years president of the united states). they received orders to dislodge the picket. here happened to be stationed the very lieutenant whose censures of the negligence of colonel rahl we have referred to. by his own account, he was very near being entrapped in the guard-house. his sentries, he says, were not alert enough; and had he not stepped out of the picket-house himself and discovered the enemy, they would have been upon him before his men could scramble to their arms. "der feind! der feind! heraus! heraus!" (the enemy! the enemy! turn out! turn out!) was now the cry. by this time the american artillery was unlimbered; washington kept beside it and the column proceeded. the report of fire-arms told that sullivan was at the lower end of the town. colonel stark led his advance guard, and did it in gallant style. the attacks, as concerted, were simultaneous. the outposts were driven in; they retreated, firing from behind houses. the hessian drums beat to arms; the trumpets of the light-horse sounded the alarm; the whole place was in an uproar. some of the enemy made a wild and undirected fire from the windows of their quarters; others rushed forth in disorder and attempted to form in the main street, while dragoons, hastily mounted and galloping about, added to the confusion. washington advanced with his column to the head of king street, riding beside captain forest of the artillery. when forest's battery of six guns was opened the general kept on the left and advanced with it, giving directions to the fire. his position was an exposed one, and he was repeatedly entreated to fall back; but all such entreaties were useless when once he became heated in action. the enemy were training a couple of cannon in the main street to form a battery, which might have given the americans a serious check; but captain washington and lieutenant monroe, with a part of the advance guard rushed forward, drove the artillerists from their guns, and took the two pieces when on the point of being fired. both of these officers were wounded; the captain in the wrist, the lieutenant in the shoulder. while washington advanced on the north of the town, sullivan approached on the west, and detached stark to press on the lower or south end of the town. the british light-horse, and about five hundred hessians and chasseurs, had been quartered in the lower part of the town. seeing washington's column pressing in front, and hearing stark thundering in their rear, they took headlong flight by the bridge across the assunpink, and so along the banks of the delaware towards count donop's encampment at bordentown. had washington's plan been carried into full effect, their retreat would have been cut off by general ewing; but that officer had been prevented from crossing the river by the ice. colonel rahl, according to the account of the lieutenant who had commanded the picket, completely lost his head in the confusion of the surprise. the latter, when driven in by the american advance, found the colonel on horseback, endeavoring to rally his panic-stricken and disordered men, but himself sorely bewildered. with some difficulty he succeeded in extricating his troops from the town, and leading them into an adjacent orchard. a rapid retreat by the princeton road was apparently in his thoughts; but he lacked decision. the idea of flying before the rebels was intolerable. some one, too, exclaimed at the ruinous loss of leaving all their baggage to be plundered by the enemy. changing his mind he made a rash resolve. "all who are my grenadiers, forward!" cried he, and led his grenadiers bravely but rashly on, when, in the midst of his career, he received a fatal wound from a musket ball and fell from his horse. his men, left without their chief, were struck with dismay; heedless of the orders of the second in command, they retreated by the right up the banks of the assunpink, intending to escape to princeton. washington saw their design, and threw colonel hand's corps of pennsylvania riflemen in their way; while a body of virginia troops gained their left. brought to a stand, and perfectly bewildered, they grounded their arms and surrendered at discretion. the number of prisoners taken in this affair was nearly one thousand, of which thirty-two were officers. washington's triumph, however, was impaired by the failure of the two simultaneous attacks. general ewing, who was to have crossed before day at trenton ferry, and taken possession of the bridge leading out of the town, over which the light-horse and hessians retreated, was prevented by the quantity of ice in the river. cadwalader was hindered by the same obstacle. he got part of his troops over, but found it impossible to embark his cannon, and was obliged, therefore, to return to the pennsylvania side of the river. had he and ewing crossed, donop's quarters would have been beaten up, and the fugitives from trenton intercepted. by the failure of this part of his plan, washington had been exposed to the most imminent hazard. the force with which he had crossed, twenty-four hundred men, raw troops, was not enough to cope with the veteran garrison, had it been properly on its guard; and then there were the troops under donop at hand to co-operate with it. nothing saved him but the utter panic of the enemy, their want of proper alarm places, and their exaggerated idea of his forces. even now that the place was in his possession he dared not linger in it. there was a superior force under donop below him, and a strong battalion of infantry at princeton. his own troops were exhausted by the operations of the night and morning in cold, rain, snow and storm. they had to guard about a thousand prisoners, taken in action or found concealed in houses; there was little prospect of succor, owing to the season and the state of the river. washington gave up, therefore, all idea of immediately pursuing the enemy or keeping possession of trenton, and determined to recross the delaware with his prisoners and captured artillery. chapter xxxviii. washington recrosses the delaware.--battle of princeton. there was a kind of episode in the affair at trenton. colonel griffin, who had thrown himself previously into the jerseys with his detachment of pennsylvania militia, found himself, through indisposition and the scanty number of his troops, unable to render efficient service in the proposed attack. he sent word to cadwalader, therefore, that he should probably render him more real aid by making a demonstration in front of donop, and drawing him off so far into the interior as to be out of the way of rendering support to colonel rahl. he accordingly presented himself in sight of donop's cantonment on the th of december, and succeeded in drawing him out with nearly his whole force of two thousand men. he then retired slowly before him, skirmishing, but avoiding anything like an action, until he had lured him as far as mount holly, when he left him to find his way back to his post at his leisure. the cannonade of washington's attack in trenton on the morning of the th was distinctly heard at cadwalader's camp at bristol. imperfect tidings of the result reached there about eleven o'clock, and produced the highest exultation and excitement. cadwalader made another attempt to cross the river and join washington, whom he supposed to be still in the jerseys, following up the blow he had struck. he could not effect the passage of the river with the most of the troops, until mid-day of the th, when he received from washington a detailed account of his success, and of his having recrossed into pennsylvania. cadwalader was now in a dilemma. donop, he presumed, was still at mount holly, whither griffin had decoyed him; but he might soon march back. his forces were equal if not superior in number to his own, and veterans instead of raw militia. but then there was the glory of rivalling the exploit at trenton, and the importance of following out the effort for the relief of the jerseys and the salvation of philadelphia. beside, washington, in all probability, after disposing of his prisoners, had again crossed into the jerseys and might be acting offensively. reed relieved cadwalader from his dilemma by proposing that they should push on to burlington, and there determine, according to intelligence, whether to proceed to bordentown or mount holly. the plan was adopted, and cadwalader took up his line of march. reed and two companions spurred on to reconnoitre the enemy's outposts, about four miles from burlington, but pulled up at the place where the picket was usually stationed. there was no smoke, nor any sign of a human being. they rode up and found the place deserted. from the country people in the neighborhood they received an explanation. count donop had returned to his post from the pursuit of griffin, only in time to hear of the disaster at trenton. he immediately began a retreat in the utmost panic and confusion, calling in his guards and parties as he hurried forward. the troops in the neighborhood of burlington had decamped precipitately the preceding evening. colonel reed sent back intelligence of this to cadwalader, and still pushed on with his companions. arrived at bordentown not an enemy was to be seen; the fugitives from trenton had spread a panic on the th, and the hessians and their refugee adherents had fled in confusion, leaving their sick behind them. one of reed's companions returned to cadwalader, who had halted at burlington, and advised him to proceed. cadwalader wrote in the night to washington, informing him of his whereabouts, and that he should march for bordentown in the morning. "if you should think proper to cross over," added he, "it may easily be effected at the place where we passed; a pursuit would keep up the panic. they went off with great precipitation, and pressed all the wagons in their reach; i am told many of them are gone to south amboy." washington needed no prompting of the kind. bent upon following up his blow, he had barely allowed his troops a day or two to recover from recent exposure and fatigue, that they might have strength and spirit to pursue the retreating enemy, beat up other of their quarters, and entirely reverse affairs in the jerseys. in this spirit he had written to generals mcdougall and maxwell at morristown, to collect as large a body of militia as possible, and harass the enemy in flank and rear. men of influence also were despatched by him into different parts of the jerseys, to spirit up the militia to revenge the oppression, the ravage, and insults they had experienced from the enemy, especially from the hessians. on the th, his troops began to cross the river. it would be a slow and difficult operation, owing to the ice; two parties of light troops therefore were detached in advance, whom colonel reed was to send in pursuit of the enemy. they marched into trenton about two o'clock, and were immediately put on the traces of donop, to hang on his rear and harass him until other troops should come up. cadwalader also detached a party of riflemen from bordentown with like orders. donop, in retreating, had divided his force, sending one part by a cross road to princeton, and hurrying on with the remainder to brunswick. while this was going on, washington was effecting the passage of his main force to trenton. he himself had crossed on the th of december, but it took two days more to get the troops and artillery over the icy river, and that with great labor and difficulty. at this critical moment, washington received a letter from a committee of congress, transmitting him resolves of that body dated the th of december, investing him with military powers quite dictatorial. "happy is it for this country," write the committee, "that the general of their forces can safely be intrusted with the most unlimited power, and neither personal security, liberty or property, be in the least degree endangered thereby." washington's acknowledgement of this great mark of confidence was noble and characteristic. "i find congress have done me the honor to intrust me with powers, in my military capacity, of the highest nature and almost unlimited extent. instead of thinking myself freed from all _civil_ obligations by this mark of their confidence, i shall constantly bear in mind that, as the sword was the last resort for the preservation of our liberties, so it ought to be the first thing laid aside when those liberties are firmly established." general howe was taking his ease in winter quarters at new york, waiting for the freezing of the delaware to pursue his triumphant march to philadelphia, when tidings were brought him of the surprise and capture of the hessians at trenton. he instantly stopped lord cornwallis, who was on the point of embarking for england, and sent him back in all haste to resume the command in the jerseys. the ice in the delaware impeded the crossing of the american troops, and gave the british time to draw in their scattered cantonments and assemble their whole force at princeton. information was obtained that lord cornwallis had joined general grant with a reinforcement of chosen troops. they had now seven or eight thousand men, and were pressing wagons for a march upon trenton. word, too, was brought that general howe was on the march with a thousand light troops, with which he had landed at amboy. the situation of washington was growing critical. the enemy were beginning to advance their large pickets towards trenton. everything indicated an approaching attack. the force with him was small; to retreat across the river would destroy the dawn of hope awakened in the bosoms of the jersey militia by the late exploit, but to make a stand without reinforcements was impossible. in this emergency he called to his aid general cadwalader from crosswicks, and general mifflin from bordentown, with their collective forces amounting to about three thousand six hundred men. they promptly answered to his call, and marching in the night, joined him on the st of january. washington chose a position for his main body on the east side of the assunpink. there was a narrow stone bridge across it, where the water was very deep; the same bridge over which part of rahl's brigade had escaped in the recent affair. he planted his artillery so as to command the bridge and the fords. his advance guard was stationed about three miles off in a wood, having in front a stream called shabbakong creek. early on the morning of the d, came certain word that cornwallis was approaching with all his force. strong parties were sent out under general greene, who skirmished with the enemy and harassed them in their advance. by twelve o'clock they reached shabbakong, and halted for a time on its northern bank. then crossing it, and moving forward with rapidity, they drove the advance guard out of the woods, and pushed on until they reached a high ground near the town. here hand's corps of several battalions was drawn up and held them for a time in check. all the parties in advance ultimately retreated to the main body, on the east side of the assunpink. from all these checks and delays it was nearly sunset before cornwallis, with the head of his army, entered trenton. his rear-guard under general leslie rested at maiden head, about six miles distant, and nearly half way between trenton and princeton. forming his troops into columns, he now made repeated attempts to cross the assunpink at the bridge and the fords, but was as often repulsed by the artillery. for a part of the time washington, mounted on a white horse, stationed himself at the south end of the bridge, issuing his orders. each time the enemy was repulsed there was a shout along the american lines. at length they drew off, came to a halt, and lighted their camp fires. the americans did the same, using the neighboring fences for the purpose. a cannonade was kept up on both sides until dark; but with little damage to the americans. when night closed in, the two camps lay in sight of each other's fires, ruminating the bloody action of the following day. it was the most gloomy and anxious night that had yet closed in on the american army throughout its series of perils and disasters; for there was no concealing the impending danger. but what must have been the feelings of the commander-in-chief as he anxiously patrolled his camp and considered his desperate position? a small stream, fordable in several places, was all that separated his raw, inexperienced army from an enemy vastly superior in numbers and discipline, and stung to action by the mortification of a late defeat. in this darkest of moments a gleam of hope flashed upon his mind: a bold expedient suggested itself. almost the whole of the enemy's force must by this time be drawn out of princeton and advancing by detachments toward trenton, while their baggage and principal stores must remain weakly guarded at brunswick. was it not possible by a rapid night-march along the quaker road, a different road from that on which general leslie with the rear-guard was resting, to get past that force undiscovered, come by surprise upon those left at princeton, capture or destroy what stores were left there, and then push on to brunswick? this would save the army from being cut off; would avoid the appearance of a defeat; and might draw the enemy away from trenton, while some fortunate stroke might give additional reputation to the american arms. such was the plan which washington revolved in his mind on the gloomy banks of the assunpink, and which he laid before his officers in a council of war, held after nightfall, at the quarters of general mercer. it met with instant concurrence. one formidable difficulty presented itself. the weather was unusually mild; there was a thaw, by which the roads might be rendered deep and miry, and almost impassable. fortunately, the wind veered to the north in the course of the evening; the weather became intensely cold, and in two hours the roads were once more hard and frost-bound. in the meantime, the baggage of the army was silently removed to burlington, and every other preparation was made for a rapid march. to deceive the enemy, men were employed to dig trenches near the bridge within hearing of the british sentries, with orders to continue noisily at work until daybreak; others were to go the rounds, relieve guards at the bridge and fords, keep up the camp fires, and maintain all the appearance of a regular encampment. at daybreak they were to hasten after the army. in the dead of the night the army drew quietly out of the encampment and began its march. general mercer was in the advance with the remnant of his flying camp, now but about three hundred and fifty men. the quaker road was a complete roundabout, joining the main road about two miles from princeton, where washington expected to arrive before daybreak. the road, however, was new and rugged; cut through woods, where the stumps of trees broke the wheels of some of the baggage trains and retarded the march of the troops; so that it was near sunrise of a bright, frosty morning when washington reached the bridge over stony brook, about three miles from princeton. after crossing the bridge he led his troops along the bank of the brook to the edge of a wood, where a by-road led off on the right through low grounds, and was said by the guides to be a short cut to princeton and less exposed to view. by this road washington defiled with the main body, ordering mercer to continue along the brook with his brigade until he should arrive at the main road, where he was to secure, and if possible destroy a bridge over which it passes, so as to intercept any fugitives from princeton, and check any retrograde movements of the british troops which might have advanced towards trenton. hitherto the movements of the americans had been undiscovered by the enemy. three regiments of the latter, the th, th, and th, with three troops of dragoons, had been quartered all night in princeton, under marching orders to join lord cornwallis in the morning. the th regiment, under colonel mawhood, was already on the march; the th regiment was preparing to follow. mawhood had crossed the bridge by which the old or main road to trenton passes over stony brook, and was proceeding through a wood beyond when, as he attained the summit of a hill about sunrise, the glittering of arms betrayed to him the movement of mercer's troops to the left, who were filing along the quaker road to secure the bridge, as they had been ordered. the woods prevented him from seeing their number. he supposed them to be some broken portion of the american army flying before lord cornwallis. with this idea, he faced about and made a retrograde movement to intercept them or hold them in check; while messengers spurred off at all speed to hasten forward the regiments still lingering at princeton, so as completely to surround them. the woods concealed him until he had recrossed the bridge of stony brook, when he came in full sight of the van of mercer's brigade. both parties pushed to get possession of a rising ground on the right near the house of a mr. clark. the americans being nearest, reached it first, and formed behind a hedge fence which extended along a slope in front of the house; whence, being chiefly armed with rifles, they opened a destructive fire. it was returned with great spirit by the enemy. at the first discharge mercer was dismounted. one of his colonels, also, was mortally wounded and carried to the rear. availing themselves of the confusion thus occasioned, the british charged with the bayonet; the american riflemen having no weapon of the kind were thrown into disorder and retreated. mercer, who was on foot, endeavored to rally them, when a blow from the butt end of a musket felled him to the ground. he rose and defended himself with his sword, but was surrounded, bayoneted repeatedly, and left for dead. mawhood pursued the broken and retreating troops to the brow of the rising ground, on which clark's house was situated, when he beheld a large force emerging from a wood and advancing to the rescue. it was a body of pennsylvania militia, which washington, on hearing the firing, had detached to the support of mercer. mawhood instantly ceased pursuit, drew up his artillery, and by a heavy discharge brought the militia to a stand. at this moment washington himself arrived at the scene of action, having galloped from the by-road in advance of his troops. from a rising ground he beheld mercer's troops retreating in confusion, and the detachment of militia checked by mawhood's artillery. everything was at peril. putting spurs to his horse he dashed past the hesitating militia, waving his hat and cheering them on. his commanding figure and white horse made him a conspicuous object for the enemy's marksmen; but he heeded it not. galloping forward under the fire of mawhood's battery, he called upon mercer's broken brigade. the pennsylvanians rallied at the sound of his voice, and caught fire from his example. at the same time the th virginia regiment emerged from the wood, and moved forward with loud cheers, while a fire of grapeshot was opened by captain moulder of the american artillery from the brow of a ridge to the south. colonel mawhood, who a moment before had thought his triumph secure, found himself assailed on every side and separated from the other british regiments. he fought, however, with great bravery, and for a short time the action was desperate. washington was in the midst of it; equally endangered by the random fire of his own men and the artillery and musketry of the enemy. mawhood by this time had forced his way at the point of the bayonet through gathering foes, though with heavy loss, back to the main road, and was in full retreat towards trenton to join cornwallis. washington detached major kelly with a party of pennsylvania troops to destroy the bridge at stony brook, over which mawhood had retreated, so as to impede the advance of general leslie from maiden head. in the meantime the th regiment, which had been on the left and nearer princeton, had been encountered by the american advance-guard under general st. clair, and after some sharp fighting in a ravine had given way and was retreating across fields and along a by-road to brunswick. the remaining regiment, the th, had not been able to come up in time for the action; a part of it fled toward brunswick; the residue took refuge in the college at princeton, recently occupied by them as barracks. artillery was now brought to bear on the college, and a few shot compelled those within to surrender. in this brief but brilliant action about one hundred of the british were left dead on the field, and nearly three hundred taken prisoners, fourteen of whom were officers. the loss of the americans was about twenty-five or thirty men and several officers. among the latter was colonel haslet, who had distinguished himself throughout the campaign by being among the foremost in services of danger. a greater loss was that of general mercer. he was said to be either dead or dying in the house of mr. clark, whither he had been conveyed by his aide-de-camp, major armstrong. washington would have ridden back from princeton to visit him and have him conveyed to a place of greater security, but was assured that, if alive, he was too desperately wounded to bear removal. under these circumstances washington felt compelled to leave his old companion in arms to his fate. indeed, he was called away by the exigencies of his command, having to pursue the routed regiments which were making a headlong retreat to brunswick. in this pursuit he took the lead at the head of a detachment of cavalry. at kingston, however, three miles to the northeast of princeton, he pulled up, restrained his ardor, and held a council of war on horseback. should he keep on to brunswick or not? the capture of the british stores and baggage would make his triumph complete; but, on the other hand, his troops were excessively fatigued by their rapid march all night and hard fight in the morning. all of them had been one night without sleep, and some of them two, and many were half-starved. they were without blankets, thinly clad, some of them barefooted, and this in freezing weather. cornwallis would be upon them before they could reach brunswick. his rear-guard, under general leslie, had been quartered but six miles from princeton, and the retreating troops must have roused them. under these considerations, it was determined to discontinue the pursuit and push for morristown. there they would be in a mountainous country, heavily wooded, in an abundant neighborhood, and on the flank of the enemy, with various defiles by which they might change their position according to his movements. filing off to the left, therefore, from kingston, and breaking down the bridges behind him, washington took the narrow road by rocky hill to pluckamin. his lordship had retired to rest at trenton with the sportsman's vaunt that he would "bag the fox in the morning." nothing could surpass his surprise and chagrin when at daybreak the expiring watchfires and deserted camp of the americans told him that the prize had once more evaded his grasp; that the general whose military skill he had decried had outgeneralled him. for a time he could not learn whither the army, which had stolen away so silently, had directed its stealthy march. by sunrise, however, there was the booming of cannon, like the rumbling of distant thunder, in the direction of princeton. the idea flashed upon him that washington had not merely escaped but was about to make a dash at the british magazines at brunswick. alarmed for the safety of his military stores, his lordship forthwith broke up his camp and made a rapid march towards princeton. as he arrived in sight of the bridge over stony brook, he beheld major kelly and his party busy in its destruction. a distant discharge of round shot from his field-pieces drove them away, but the bridge was already broken. it would take time to repair it for the passage of the artillery, so cornwallis in his impatience urged his troops breast-high through the turbulent and icy stream, and again pushed forward. without further delay he hurried forward, eager to save his magazines. crossing the bridge at kingston, he kept on along the brunswick road, supposing washington still before him. the latter had got far in the advance during the delays caused by the broken bridge at stony brook, and the alteration of his course at kingston had carried him completely out of the way of cornwallis. his lordship reached brunswick towards evening, and endeavored to console himself by the safety of the military stores for being so completely foiled and out-manoeuvred. washington in the meantime was all on the alert; the lion part of his nature was aroused; and while his weary troops were resting at pluckamin, he was despatching missives and calling out aid to enable him to follow up his successes. in a letter to putnam, he says: "the enemy appear to be panic-struck. i am in hopes of driving them out of the jerseys. march the troops under your command to crosswicks, and keep a strict watch upon the enemy in this quarter." to general heath, also, who was stationed in the highlands of the hudson, he wrote at the same harried moment: "the enemy are in great consternation; and as the panic affords us a favorable opportunity to drive them out of the jerseys, it has been determined in council that you should move down towards new york with a considerable force, as if you had a design upon the city. that being an object of great importance, the enemy will be reduced to the necessity of withdrawing a considerable part of their force from the jerseys, if not the whole, to secure the city." these letters despatched, he continued forward to morristown, where at length he came to a halt from his incessant and harassing marchings. there he learnt that general mercer was still alive. he immediately sent his nephew, major george lewis, under the protection of a flag to attend upon him. lewis found him languishing in great pain; he had been treated with respect by the enemy and great tenderness by the benevolent family who had sheltered him. he expired on the th of january, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. from morristown, washington again wrote to general heath, repeating his former orders. to major-general lincoln, also, who was just arrived at peekskill, and had command of the massachusetts militia, he writes on the th: "general heath will communicate mine of this date to you, by which you will find that the greater part of your troops are to move down towards new york to draw the attention of the enemy to that quarter." colonel reed was ordered to send out rangers and bodies of militia to scour the country, waylay foraging parties, cut off supplies and keep the cantonments of the enemy in a state of siege. the expedition under general heath towards new york, from which much had been anticipated by washington, proved a failure. it moved in three divisions, by different routes, but all arriving nearly at the same time at the enemy's outposts at king's bridge. there was some skirmishing, but the great feature of the expedition was a pompous and peremptory summons of fort independence to surrender. "twenty minutes only can be allowed," said heath, "for the garrison to give their answer, and, should it be in the negative, they must abide the consequences." the garrison made no answer but an occasional cannonade. heath failed to follow up his summons by corresponding deeds. he hovered and skirmished for some days about the outposts and spyt den duivel creek, and then retired before a threatened snow-storm and the report of an enemy's fleet from rhode island, with troops under lord percy, who might land in westchester and take the besieging force in rear. but though disappointed in this part of his plan, washington, having received reinforcements of militia, continued with his scanty army to carry on his system of annoyance. the situation of cornwallis who but a short time before traversed the jerseys so triumphantly, became daily more and more irksome. spies were in his camp to give notice of every movement, and foes without to take advantage of it; so that not a foraging party could sally forth without being waylaid. by degrees he drew in his troops which were posted about the country, and collected them at new brunswick and amboy, so as to have a communication by water with new york, whence he was now compelled to draw nearly all his supplies. in fact the recent operations in the jerseys had suddenly changed the whole aspect of the war, and given a triumphant close to what had been a disastrous campaign. the troops, which for months had been driven from post to post, apparently an undisciplined rabble, had all at once turned upon their pursuers and astounded them by brilliant stratagems and daring exploits. the commander, whose cautious policy had been sneered at by enemies and regarded with impatience by misjudging friends, had all at once shown that he possessed enterprise as well as circumspection, energy as well as endurance, and that beneath his wary coldness lurked a fire to break forth at the proper moment. this year's campaign, the most critical one of the war, and especially the part of it which occurred in the jerseys, was the ordeal that made his great qualities fully appreciated by his countrymen, and gained for him from the statesmen and generals of europe the appellation of the american fabius. chapter xxxix. the army at morristown.--attack on peekskill. the howes learned to their mortification that "the mere running through a province is not subduing it." the british commanders had been outgeneralled, attacked and defeated. they had nearly been driven out of the jerseys, and were now hemmed in and held in check by washington and his handful of men castled among the heights of morristown. so far from holding possession of the territory they had so recently overrun, they were fain to ask safe conduct across it for a convoy to their soldiers captured in battle. it must have been a severe trial to the pride of cornwallis when he had to inquire by letter of washington whether money and stores could be sent to the hessians captured at trenton and a surgeon and medicines to the wounded at princeton; and washington's reply must have conveyed a reproof still more mortifying. no molestation, he assured his lordship, would be offered to the convoy by any part of the regular army under his command; but _"he could not answer for the militia, who were resorting to arms in most parts of the state, and were excessively exasperated at the treatment they had met with from both hessian and british troops."_ in fact, the conduct of the enemy had roused the whole country against them. the proclamations and printed protections of the british commanders, on the faith of which the inhabitants in general had stayed at home and forbore to take up arms, had proved of no avail. the hessians could not or would not understand them, but plundered friend and foe alike. the british soldiery often followed their example, and the plunderings of both were at times attended by those brutal outrages on the weaker sex which inflame the dullest spirits to revenge. the whole state was thus roused against its invaders. in washington's retreat of more than a hundred miles through the jerseys, he had never been joined by more than one hundred of its inhabitants; now sufferers of both parties rose as one man to avenge their personal injuries. the late quiet yeomanry armed themselves and scoured the country in small parties to seize on stragglers, and the militia began to signalize themselves in voluntary skirmishes with regular troops. morristown, where the main army was encamped, had not been chosen by washington as a permanent post, but merely as a halting-place where his troops might repose after their excessive fatigues and their sufferings from the inclement season. further considerations persuaded him that it was well situated for the system of petty warfare which he meditated, and induced him to remain there. it was protected by forests and rugged heights. it was nearly equidistant from amboy, newark, and brunswick, the principal posts of the enemy; so that any movement made from them could be met by a counter movement on his part, while the forays and skirmishes by which he might harass them would school and season his own troops. he had three faithful generals with him: greene, sullivan, and knox. washington's military family at this time was composed of his aides-de-camp, colonels meade and tench tilghman of philadelphia; and his secretary, colonel robert h. harrison of maryland. his head-quarters at first were in what was called the freemason's tavern, on the north side of the village green. his troops were encamped about the vicinity of the village, at first in tents, until they could build log huts for shelter against the winter's cold. the main encampment was near bottle hill, in a sheltered valley which was thickly wooded and had abundant springs. the enemy being now concentrated at new brunswick and amboy, general putnam was ordered by washington to move from crosswicks to princeton, with the troops under his command. he was instructed to draw his forage as much as possible from the neighborhood of brunswick, about eighteen miles off, thereby contributing to distress the enemy; to have good scouting parties continually on the look-out; to keep nothing with him but what could be moved off at a moment's warning, and, if compelled to leave princeton, to retreat towards the mountains so as to form a junction with the forces at morristown. putnam had with him but a few hundred men. "you will give out your strength to be twice as great as it is," writes washington; a common expedient with him in those times of scanty means. cantonments were gradually formed between princeton and the highlands of the hudson, which made the left flank of washington's position, and where general heath had command. general philemon dickinson, who commanded the new jersey militia, was stationed on the west side of millstone river, near somerset court-house, one of the nearest posts to the enemy's camp at brunswick. a british foraging party of five or six hundred strong, sent out by cornwallis, with forty wagons and upward of a hundred draught horses, mostly of the english breed, having collected sheep and cattle about the country, were sacking a mill on the opposite side of the river where a large quantity of flour was deposited. while thus employed, dickinson set upon them with a force equal in number but composed of raw militia and fifty philadelphia riflemen. he dashed through the river, waist deep, with his men, and charged the enemy so suddenly and vigorously that, though supported by three field-pieces, they gave way, left their convoy, and retreated so precipitately that he made only nine prisoners. a number of killed and wounded were carried off by the fugitives on light wagons. {illustration: col. morris' house. vol. ii.} to counteract the proclamation of the british commissioners, promising amnesty to all in rebellion who should, in a given time, return to their allegiance, washington now issued a counter proclamation (jan. th), commanding every person who had subscribed a declaration of fidelity to great britain, or taken an oath of allegiance, to repair within thirty days to head-quarters, or the quarters of the nearest general officer of the continental army or of the militia, and there take the oath of allegiance to the united states of america, and give up any protection, certificate or passport he might have received from the enemy; at the same time granting full liberty to all such as preferred the interest and protection of great britain to the freedom and happiness of their country, forthwith to withdraw themselves and families within the enemy's lines. all who should neglect or refuse to comply with this order were to be considered adherents to the crown and treated as common enemies. a cartel for the exchange of prisoners had been a subject of negotiation previous to the affair of trenton, without being adjusted. the british commanders were slow to recognize the claims to equality of those they considered rebels; washington was tenacious in holding them up as patriots ennobled by their cause. among the cases which came up for attention was that of ethan allen, the brave but eccentric captor of ticonderoga. his daring attempts in the "path of renown" had cost him a world of hardships;--thrown into irons as a felon; threatened with a halter; carried to england to be tried for treason; confined in pendennis castle; retransported to halifax, and now a prisoner in new york. washington had been instructed, considering his long imprisonment, to urge his exchange. this had scarce been urged, when tidings of the capture of general lee presented a case of still greater importance to be provided for. lee was reported to be in rigorous confinement in new york, and treated with harshness and indignity. the british professed to consider him a deserter, he having been a lieutenant-colonel in their service, although he alleged that he had resigned his commission before joining the american army. on the th of january, washington addressed the following letter to sir william howe: "i am directed by congress to propose an exchange of five of the hessian field-officers taken at trenton for major-general lee; or, if this proposal should not be accepted, to demand his liberty upon parole, within certain bounds, as has ever been granted to your officers in our custody. i am informed, upon good authority, that your reason for keeping him hitherto in stricter confinement than usual is that you do not look upon him in the light of a common prisoner of war but as a deserter from the british service, as his resignation has never been accepted, and that you intend to try him as such by a court-martial. i will not undertake to determine how far this doctrine may be justifiable among yourselves, but i must give you warning that major-general lee is looked upon as an officer belonging to, and under the protection of the united independent states of america, and that any violence you may commit upon his life and liberty will be severely retaliated upon the lives or liberties of the british officers, or those of their foreign allies in our hands." in this letter he likewise adverted to the treatment of american prisoners in new york; several who had recently been released having given the most shocking account of the barbarities they had experienced. sir william, in reply, proposed to send an officer of rank to washington to confer upon a mode of exchange and subsistence of prisoners. this proposal led to the appointment of two officers for the purpose, colonel walcott by general howe, and colonel harrison, "the old secretary," by washington. lee's actual treatment was not so harsh as had been represented. he was in close confinement it is true, but three rooms had been fitted up for his reception in the old city hall of new york, having nothing of the look of a prison excepting that they were secured by bolts and bars. congress, in the meantime, had resorted to their threatened measure of retaliation. on the th of february they had resolved that the board of war be directed immediately to order the five hessian field-officers and lieutenant-colonel campbell into safe and close custody, "it being the unalterable resolution of congress to retaliate on them the same punishment as may be inflicted on the person of general lee." in a letter to the president of congress, washington gives his moderating counsels on the whole subject of retaliation. "though i sincerely commiserate," writes he, "the misfortunes of general lee, and feel much for his present unhappy situation, yet with all possible deference to the opinion of congress, i fear that these resolutions will not have the desired effect, are founded on impolicy, and will, if adhered to, produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature.... the balance of prisoners is greatly against us, and a general regard to the happiness of the whole should mark our conduct. can we imagine that our enemies will not mete the same punishments, the same indignities, the same cruelties, to those belonging to us in their possession that we impose on theirs in our power? why should we suppose them to possess more humanity than we have ourselves? or why should an ineffectual attempt to relieve the distresses of one brave, unfortunate man, involve many more in the same calamities?" washington was not always successful in instilling his wise moderation into public councils. congress adhered to their vindictive policy, merely directing that no other hardships should be inflicted on the captive officers than such confinement as was necessary to carry their resolve into effect. there were other circumstances besides the treatment of general lee to produce this indignant sensibility on the part of congress. accounts were rife at this juncture of the cruelties and indignities almost invariably experienced by american prisoners at new york; and an active correspondence on the subject was going on between washington and the british commanders, at the same time with that regarding general lee. the captive americans who had been in the naval service were said to be confined, officers and men, in prison-ships which, from their loathsome condition and the horrors and sufferings of all kinds experienced on board of them, had acquired the appellation of _floating hells_. those who had been in the land service were crowded into jails and dungeons like the vilest malefactors; and were represented as pining in cold, in filth, in hunger and nakedness. [in the correspondence between lord howe and washington on this subject, the british commander denied the charges of undue severity in the treatment of prisoners, and pronounced the tales current on the subject as idle and unnatural reports. but the evidence of the truth of that statement is too complete to admit of doubt.] the _jersey prison-ship_ is proverbial in our revolutionary history; and the bones of the unfortunate patriots who perished on board, form a monument on the long island shore. the horrors of the _sugar house_, converted into a prison, are traditional in new york; and the brutal tyranny of cunningham, the provost marshal, over men of worth confined in the common jail for the sin of patriotism, has been handed down from generation to generation. that lord howe and sir william were ignorant of the extent of these atrocities we really believe, but it was their duty to be well informed. the difficulties arising out of the case of general lee interrupted the operations with regard to the exchange of prisoners; and gallant men, on both sides, suffered prolonged detention in consequence; and among the number the brave, but ill-starred ethan allen. the early part of the year brought the annual embarrassments caused by short enlistments. the brief terms of service for which the continental soldiery had enlisted, a few months perhaps, at most a year, were expiring, and the men, glad to be released from camp duty, were hastening to their rustic homes. militia had to be the dependence until a new army could be raised and organized, and washington called on the council of safety of pennsylvania speedily to furnish temporary reinforcements of the kind. all his officers that could be spared were ordered away, some to recruit, some to collect the scattered men of the different regiments, who were dispersed, he said, almost over the continent. general knox was sent off to massachusetts to expedite the raising of a battalion of artillery. different states were urged to levy and equip their quotas for the continental army. while anxiously exerting himself to strengthen his own precarious army, the security of the northern department was urged upon his attention. schuyler represented it as in need of reinforcements and supplies of all kinds. he apprehended that carleton might make an attack upon ticonderoga as soon as he could cross lake champlain on the ice. that important fortress was under the command of a brave officer, colonel anthony wayne, but its garrison had dwindled down to six or seven hundred men, chiefly new england militia. in the present destitute situation of his department as to troops, schuyler feared that carleton might not only succeed in an attempt on ticonderoga, but might push his way to albany. although washington considered a winter attack of the kind specified by schuyler too difficult and dangerous to be very probable, he urged reinforcements from massachusetts and new hampshire, whence they could be furnished most speedily. massachusetts, in fact, had already determined to send four regiments to schuyler's aid as soon as possible. notwithstanding all washington's exertions in behalf of the army under his immediate command, it continued to be deplorably in want of reinforcements, and it was necessary to maintain the utmost vigilance at all his posts to prevent his camp from being surprised. the operations of the enemy might be delayed by the bad condition of the roads, and the want of horses to move their artillery, but he anticipated an attack as soon as the roads were passable, and apprehended a disastrous result unless speedily reinforced. the designs of the enemy being mere matter of conjecture, measures varied accordingly. as the season advanced, washington was led to believe that philadelphia would be their first object at the opening of the campaign, and that they would bring round all their troops from canada by water to aid in the enterprise. under this persuasion he wrote to general heath, ordering him to send eight massachusetts battalions to peekskill. at peekskill, he observed, "they would be well placed to give support to any of the eastern or middle states; or to oppose the enemy, should they design to penetrate the country up the hudson; or to cover new england, should they invade it." on the th of march he despatched general greene to philadelphia, to lay before congress such matters as he could not venture to communicate by letter. greene had scarce departed when the enemy began to give signs of life. the delay in the arrival of artillery, more than his natural indolence, had kept general howe from formally taking the field; he now made preparations for the next campaign by detaching troops to destroy the american deposits of military stores. one of the chief of these was at peekskill, the very place whither washington had directed heath to send troops from massachusetts, and which he thought of making a central point of assemblage. brigadier-general mcdougall had the command of it in the absence of general heath, but his force did not exceed two hundred and fifty men. as soon as the hudson was clear of ice, a squadron of vessels of war and transports, with five hundred troops under colonel bird ascended the river. mcdougall had intelligence of the intended attack, and while the ships were making their way across the tappan sea and haverstraw bay, exerted himself to remove as much as possible of the provisions and stores to forts montgomery and constitution in the highlands. on the morning of the d the whole squadron came to anchor in peekskill bay, and five hundred men landed in lent's cove, on the south side of the bay, whence they pushed forward with four light field-pieces drawn by sailors. on their approach, mcdougall set fire to the barracks and principal storehouses, and retreated about two miles to a strong post, commanding the entrance to the highlands and the road to continental village, the place of the deposits. it was the post which had been noted by washington in the preceding year where a small force could make a stand and hurl down masses of rock on their assailants. hence, mcdougall sent an express to lieutenant-colonel marinus willet, who had charge of fort constitution, to hasten to his assistance. the british, finding the wharf in flames where they had intended to embark their spoils, completed the conflagration, besides destroying several small craft laden with provisions. they kept possession of the place until the following day, when a scouting party, which had advanced towards the entrance of the highlands, was encountered by colonel marinus willet with a detachment from fort constitution, and driven back to the main body after a sharp skirmish in which nine of the marauders were killed. four more were slain on the banks of canopas creek as they were setting fire to some boats. the enemy were disappointed in the hope of carrying off a great deal of booty, and finding the country around was getting under arms they contented themselves with the mischief they had done and re-embarked in the evening by moonlight, when the whole squadron swept down the hudson. chapter xl. the northern army.--british expedition to connecticut. we have now to enter upon a tissue of circumstances connected with the northern department which will be found materially to influence the course of affairs in that quarter throughout the current year, and ultimately to be fruitful of annoyance to washington himself. to make these more clear to the reader, it is necessary to revert to events in the preceding year. the question of command between schuyler and gates, when settled as we have shown by congress, had caused no interruption to the harmony of intercourse between these generals. schuyler directed the affairs of the department with energy and activity from his head-quarters at albany, where they had been fixed by congress, while gates, subordinate to him, commanded the post of ticonderoga. the disappointment of an independent command, however, still rankled in the mind of the latter, and was kept alive by the officious suggestions of meddling friends. in the course of the autumn, his hopes in this respect revived. schuyler was again disgusted with the service. in the discharge of his various and harassing duties he had been annoyed by sectional jealousies and ill will. his motives and measures had been maligned. the failures in canada had been attributed to him, and he had repeatedly entreated congress to order an inquiry into the many charges made against him, "that he might not any longer be insulted." on the th of september he actually offered his resignation of his commission as major-general, and of every other office and appointment; still claiming a court of inquiry on his conduct, and expressing his determination to fulfil the duties of a good citizen and promote the weal of his native country, but in some other capacity. the hopes of gates, inspired by this proffered resignation, were doomed to be overclouded. schuyler was informed by president hancock "that congress, during the present state of affairs, could not consent to accept of his resignation; ... that they would at an early day appoint a committee to inquire fully into his conduct, which they trusted would establish his reputation in the opinion of all good men." schuyler received the resolve of congress with grim acquiescence, but showed in his reply that he was but half soothed. "at this very critical juncture," writes he, october , "i shall continue to act some time longer, but congress must prepare to put the care of this department into other hands." he had remained at his post, therefore, discharging the various duties of his department with his usual zeal and activity; and gates, at the end of the campaign, had repaired, as we have shown, to the vicinity of congress to attend the fluctuation of events. circumstances in the course of the winter had put the worthy schuyler again on points of punctilio with congress. among some letters intercepted by the enemy and retaken by the americans was one from colonel joseph trumbull, the commissary-general, insinuating that general schuyler had secreted or suppressed a commission sent for his brother, colonel john trumbull, as deputy adjutant-general. the purport of the letter was reported to schuyler. he spurned at the insinuation. "if it be true that he has asserted such a thing," writes he to the president, "i shall expect from congress that justice which is due to me.... until mr. trumbull and i are upon a footing, i cannot do what the laws of honor and a regard to my own reputation render indispensably necessary. congress can put us on a par by dismissing one or the other from the service." congress failed to comply with the general's request. they added also to his chagrin by dismissing from the service an army physician in whose appointment he had particularly interested himself. schuyler was a proud-spirited man, and at times somewhat irascible. in a letter to congress, on the th of february, he observed: "as dr. stringer had my recommendation to the office he has sustained, perhaps it was a compliment due to me that i should have been advised of the reason of his dismission." and again: "i was in hopes some notice would have been taken of the odious suspicion contained in mr. commissary trumbull's intercepted letter. i really feel myself deeply chagrined on the occasion. i am incapable of the meanness he suspects me of, and i confidently expected that congress would have done me that justice which it was in their power to give, and which i humbly conceive they ought to have done." this letter gave great umbrage to congress, but no immediate answer was made to it. about this time the office of adjutant-general, which had remained vacant ever since the resignation of colonel reed, to the great detriment of the service, especially now when a new army was to be formed, was offered to general gates, who had formerly filled it with ability; and president hancock informed him, by letter, of the earnest desire of congress that he should resume it, retaining his present rank and pay. gates almost resented the proposal. he had a higher object in view. a letter from schuyler to congress had informed that body that he should set out for philadelphia about the st of march, and should immediately on his arrival require the promised inquiry into his conduct. gates, of course, was acquainted with this circumstance. he knew schuyler had given offence to congress; he knew that he had been offended on his own part, and had repeatedly talked of resigning. he had active friends in congress ready to push his interests. on the th of march the letter of general schuyler of the d of february, which had given such offence, was brought before the house, and it was resolved that his suggestion concerning the dismission of dr. stringer was highly derogatory to the honor of congress, and that it was expected his letters in future would be written in a style suitable to the dignity of the representative body of these free and independent states and to his own character as their officer. his expressions, too, respecting the intercepted letter, that he had expected congress would have done him all the justice in their power, were pronounced, "to say the least, ill-advised and highly indecent." while schuyler was thus in partial eclipse, the house proceeded to appoint a general officer for the northern department, of which he had stated it to be in need. on the th of march, gates received the following note from president hancock: "i have it in charge to direct that you repair to ticonderoga immediately and take command of the army stationed in that department." gates obeyed with alacrity. again the vision of an independent command floated before his mind, and he was on his way to albany at the time that schuyler, ignorant of this new arrangement, was journeying to philadelphia. he arrived in the second week in april, and found himself superseded in effect by general gates in the northern department. he enclosed to the committee of albany the recent resolutions of congress, passed before his arrival. "by these," writes he, "you will readily perceive that i shall not return a general. under what influence it has been brought about i am not at liberty now to mention. on my return to albany i shall give the committee the fullest information." taking his seat in congress as a delegate from new york, he demanded the promised investigation of his conduct during the time he had held a command in the army. it was his intention, when the scrutiny had taken place, to resign his commission and retire from the service. on the th a committee of inquiry was appointed, as at his request, composed of a member from each state. in the meantime, as second major-general of the united states (lee being the first), he held active command at philadelphia, forming a camp on the western side of the delaware, completing the works on fort island, throwing up works on red bank, and accelerating the despatch of troops and provisions to the commander-in-chief. during his sojourn at philadelphia, also, he contributed essentially to re-organize the commissary department; digesting rules for its regulation, which were mainly adopted by congress. the fame of the american struggle for independence was bringing foreign officers as candidates for admission into the patriot army, and causing great embarrassment to the commander-in-chief. congress determined that no foreign officers should receive commissions who were not well acquainted with the english language and did not bring strong testimonials of their abilities. still there was embarrassment. some came with brevet commissions from the french government, and had been assured by mr. deane, american commissioner at paris, that they would have the same rank in the american army. this would put them above american officers of merit and hard service, whose commissions were of more recent date. one monsieur ducoudray, on the strength of an agreement with mr. deane, expected to have the rank of major-general and to be put at the head of the artillery. washington deprecated the idea of intrusting a department on which the very salvation of the army might depend to a foreigner, who had no other tie to bind him to the interests of the country than honor. among the foreign candidates for appointments was one colonel conway, a native of ireland, but who, according to his own account, had been thirty years in the service of france, and claimed to be a chevalier of the order of st. louis, of which he wore the decoration. mr. deane had recommended him to washington as an officer of merit, and had written to congress that he considered him well qualified for the office of adjutant or brigadier-general. colonel conway pushed for that of brigadier-general. it had been conferred some time before by congress on two french officers, de fermois and deborre, who, he had observed, had been inferior to him in the french service, and it would be mortifying now to hold rank below them. conway accordingly received the rank of brigadier-general, of which he subsequently proved himself unworthy. he was boastful and presumptuous, and became noted for his intrigues and for a despicable cabal against the commander-in-chief, which went by his name, and of which we shall have to speak hereafter. a candidate of a different stamp had presented himself in the preceding year, the gallant, generous-spirited, thaddeus kosciuszko. he was a pole, of an ancient and noble family of lithuania, and had been educated for the profession of arms at the military school at warsaw, and subsequently in france. disappointed in a love affair with a beautiful lady of rank with whom he had attempted to elope, he had emigrated to this country, and came provided with a letter of introduction from dr. franklin to washington. "what do you seek here?" inquired the commander-in-chief. "to fight for american independence." "what can you do?" "try me." washington was pleased with the curt yet comprehensive reply and with his chivalrous air and spirit, and at once received him into his family as an aide-de-camp. congress shortly afterwards appointed him an engineer, with the rank of colonel. he proved a valuable officer throughout the revolution, and won an honorable and lasting name in our country. questions of rank among his generals were, as we have repeatedly shown, perpetual sources of perplexity to washington, and too often caused by what the sarcastic lee termed "the stumblings of congress;" such was the case at present. in recent army promotions, congress had advanced stirling, mifflin, st. clair, stephen and lincoln to the rank of major-general, while arnold, their senior in service, and distinguished by so many brilliant exploits, was passed over and left to remain a brigadier. washington was surprised at not seeing his name on the list, but supposing it might have been omitted through mistake, he wrote to arnold, who was at providence in rhode island, advising him not to take any hasty step in consequence, but to allow time for recollection, promising his own endeavors to remedy any error that might have been made. he wrote also to henry lee in congress, inquiring whether the omission was owing to accident or design. arnold was, in truth, deeply wounded by the omission, but intimated that he should avoid any hasty step and should remain at his post until he could leave it without any damage to the public interest. the principle upon which congress had proceeded in their recent promotions was explained to washington. the number of general officers promoted from each state was proportioned to the number of men furnished by it. connecticut (arnold's state) had already two major-generals, which was its full share. an opportunity occurred before long for arnold again to signalize himself. the amount of stores destroyed at peekskill had fallen far short of general howe's expectations. something more must be done to cripple the americans before the opening of the campaign. accordingly another expedition was set on foot against a still larger deposit at danbury, within the borders of connecticut, and between twenty and thirty miles from peekskill. ex-governor tryon, recently commissioned major-general of provincials, conducted it, accompanied by brigadier-general agnew and sir william erskine. he had a force two thousand strong, and made his appearance on the sound in the latter part of april with a fleet of twenty-six sail. on the th, towards evening, he landed his troops on the beach at the foot of canepo hill, near the mouth of the saugatuck river, and set off for danbury, about twenty-three miles distant. they were in a patriotic neighborhood. general silliman, of the connecticut militia, who resided at fairfield, a few miles distant, sent out expresses to rouse the country. it so happened that general arnold was at new haven, between twenty and thirty miles off, on his way to philadelphia for the purpose of settling his accounts. at the alarm of a british inroad he forgot his injuries and irritation, mounted his horse, and accompanied by general wooster hastened to join general silliman. as they spurred forward every farm house sent out its warrior, until upwards of a hundred were pressing on with them, full of the fighting spirit. lieutenant oswald, arnold's secretary in the canada campaign, was at this time at new haven enlisting men for lamb's regiment of artillery. he, too, heard the note of alarm, and mustering his recruits marched off with three field-pieces for the scene of action. in the meanwhile the british, marching all night with short haltings, reached danbury about two o'clock in the afternoon of the th. there were but fifty continental soldiers and one hundred militia in the place. these retreated, as did most of the inhabitants, excepting such as remained to take care of the sick and aged. four men, intoxicated, as it was said, fired upon the troops from the windows of a large house. the soldiers rushed in, drove them into the cellar, set fire to the house, and left them to perish in the flames. there was a great quantity of stores of all kinds in the village, and no vehicles to convey them to the ships. the work of destruction commenced. the soldiers made free with the liquors found in abundance; and throughout the greater part of the night there was revel, drunkenness, blasphemy, and devastation. tryon, full of anxiety, and aware that the country was rising, ordered a retreat before daylight, setting fire to the magazines to complete the destruction of the stores. the flames spread to the other edifices, and almost the whole village was soon in a blaze. while these scenes had been transacted at danbury, the connecticut yeomanry had been gathering. fairfield and the adjacent counties had poured out their minute men. general silliman had advanced at the head of five hundred. generals wooster and arnold joined him with their chance followers, as did a few more militia. a heavy rain retarded their march; it was near midnight when they reached bethel, within four miles of danbury. here they halted to take a little repose and put their arms in order, rendered almost unserviceable by the rain. they were now about six hundred strong. wooster took the command, as first major-general of the militia of the state. though in the sixty-eighth year of his age he was full of ardor, with almost youthful fire and daring. at dawn of day wooster detached arnold with four hundred men to push across the country and take post at ridgefield, by which the british must pass; while he with two hundred remained to hang on and harass them in flank and rear. the british began their retreat early in the morning, conducting it in regular style with flanking parties and a rear-guard well furnished with artillery. as soon as they had passed his position, wooster attacked the rear-guard with great spirit and effect; there was sharp skirmishing until within two miles of ridgefield, when, as the veteran was cheering on his men who began to waver, a musket ball brought him down from his horse and finished his gallant career. on his fall his men retreated in disorder. the delay which his attack had occasioned to the enemy had given arnold time to throw up a kind of breastwork or barricade across the road at the north end of ridgefield, where he took his stand with his little force now increased to about five hundred men. about eleven o'clock the enemy advanced in column, with artillery and flanking parties. they were kept at bay for a time, and received several volleys from the barricade, until it was outflanked and carried. arnold ordered a retreat, and was bringing off the rear guard when his horse was shot under him and came down upon his knees. arnold remained seated in the saddle, with one foot entangled in the stirrups. a tory soldier seeing his plight, rushed towards him with fixed bayonet. he had just time to draw a pistol from the holster. "you're my prisoner," cried the tory. "not yet!" exclaimed arnold, and shot him dead. then extricating his foot from the stirrup, he threw himself into the thickets of a neighboring swamp, and escaped unharmed by the bullets that whistled after him and joined his retreating troops. general tryon intrenched for the night in ridgefield, his troops having suffered greatly in their harassed retreat. the next morning, after having set fire to four houses he continued his march for the ships. the militia hung on the rear of the enemy as soon as they were in motion. arnold was again in the field with his rallied forces, strengthened by lieutenant-colonel oswald with two companies of lamb's artillery regiment and three field-pieces. with these he again posted himself on the enemy's route. difficulties and annoyances had multiplied upon the latter at every step. when they came in sight of the position where arnold was waiting for them, they changed their route, wheeled to the left, and made for a ford of saugatuck river. arnold hastened to cross the bridge and take them in flank, but they were too quick for him. colonel lamb had now reached the scene of action, as had about two hundred volunteers. leaving to oswald the charge of the artillery, he put himself at the head of the volunteers and led them up to arnold's assistance. the enemy finding themselves hard pressed, pushed for canepo hill. they reached it in the evening without a round of ammunition in their cartridge-boxes. as they were now within cannon shot of their ships, the americans ceased the pursuit. in this inroad the enemy destroyed a considerable amount of military stores, and seventeen hundred tents prepared for the use of washington's army in the ensuing campaign. the loss of general wooster was deeply deplored. as to arnold, his gallantry in this affair gained him fresh laurels, and congress, to remedy their late error, promoted him to the rank of major-general. still this promotion did not restore him to his proper position. he was at the bottom of the list of major-generals, with four officers above him, his juniors in service. as an additional balm to his wounded pride, congress a few days afterwards voted that a horse, properly caparisoned, should be presented to him in their name as a token of their approbation of his gallant conduct in the late action. the destructive expeditions against the american depots of military stores, were retaliated in kind by colonel meigs, a spirited officer who had accompanied arnold in his expedition through the wilderness against quebec. having received intelligence that the british commissaries had collected a great amount of grain, forage, and other supplies at sag harbor, a small port in the deep bay which forks the east end of long island, he crossed the sound on the d of may from guilford in connecticut, with about one hundred and seventy men in whale-boats convoyed by two armed sloops; landed on the island near southold; carried the boats a distance of fifteen miles across the north fork of the bay, launched them into the latter, crossed it, landed within four miles of sag harbor, and before daybreak carried the place, which was guarded by a company of foot. a furious fire of round and grape shot was opened upon the americans from an armed schooner, anchored about one hundred and fifty yards from shore, and stout defence was made by the crews of a dozen brigs and sloops lying at the wharf to take in freight; but meigs succeeded in burning these vessels, destroying everything on shore, and carrying off ninety prisoners; among whom were the officers of the company of foot, the commissaries, and the captains of most of the small vessels. washington was so highly pleased with the spirit and success of this enterprise, that he publicly returned thanks to colonel meigs and the officers and men engaged in it. [the committee of inquiry on general schuyler's conduct had now made their report to congress, in which they placed the character of that officer higher than ever as an able and active commander and a zealous and disinterested patriot. schuyler made a memorial to congress explaining away or apologizing for the expressions in his letter of the th of february which had given offence to the house, which was so far satisfactory that congress informed him that their sentiments concerning him were now the same as those entertained before the reception of his objectionable letter. some warm discussions now ensued in congress relative to the northern command, in which it was stated that general gates misapprehended his position, and that in sending him to ticonderoga it was not the intention of congress to give him the same command formerly held by schuyler. the friends of gates, on the other hand, pronounced it an absurdity that an officer holding so important a post as ticonderoga should be under the order of another a hundred miles distant. the discussion terminated by declaring ticonderoga, fort stanwix, and their defenders to be the northern department, over which schuyler was to have supreme command.] schuyler was received with open arms at albany on the d of june. "i had the satisfaction," writes he, "to experience the finest feelings which my country expressed on my arrival and re-appointment. the day after my arrival, the whole county committee did me the honor, in form, to congratulate me." gates was still in albany, delaying to proceed with general fermois to ticonderoga until the garrison should be sufficiently strengthened. although the resolve of congress did but define his position, which had been misunderstood, he persisted in considering himself degraded, declined serving under general schuyler, who would have given him the post at ticonderoga in his absence, and obtaining permission to leave the department, set out on the th for philadelphia to demand redress of congress. general st. clair was sent to take command of the troops at ticonderoga, accompanied by general de fermois. as the whole force in the northern department would not be sufficient to command the extensive works there on both sides of the lake, st. clair was instructed to bestow his first attention in fortifying mount independence on the east side, schuyler considering it much the most defensible, and that it might be made capable of sustaining a long and vigorous siege. it would be imprudent, he thought, to station the greater part of the forces at fort ticonderoga, as, should the enemy be able to invest it, and cut off the communication with the country on the east side, it might experience a disaster similar to that at fort washington. while schuyler was thus providing for the security of ticonderoga, gates was wending his way to philadelphia, his bosom swelling with imaginary wrongs. he arrived there on the th. the next day at noon, mr. roger sherman, an eastern delegate, informed congress that general gates was waiting at the door and wished admittance. gates was accordingly ushered in, took his seat, and proceeded to give some news concerning the indians; he then opened upon the real object of his visit, stating in a flurried and disjointed manner how that some time in march he had been appointed to a command in the northern department, but that a few days ago, without having given any cause of offence, without accusation, without trial, without hearing, without notice, he had received a resolution by which he was, in a most disgraceful manner, superseded in his command. here his irritated feelings got the better of his judgment, and he indulged in angry reproaches of congress. his conduct was pronounced disrespectful, and it was moved and seconded that he be requested to withdraw. it was then determined that he should not again be admitted on the floor; but should be informed that congress were ready and willing to hear, by way of memorial, any grievances of which he might have to complain. chapter xli. the highlands.--movements of the army. the highland passes of the hudson, always objects of anxious thought to washington, were especially so at this juncture. general mcdougall still commanded at peekskill, and general george clinton, who resided at new windsor, had command of the highland forts. the latter, at the earnest request of the new york convention, had received from congress the command of brigadier-general in the continental army. when the "unhappy affair of peekskill" had alarmed the convention of new york for the safety of the forts on the highlands, clinton, authorized by that body, had ordered out part of the militia of orange, dutchess, and westchester counties, without waiting for washington's approbation of the measure. he had strengthened, also, with anchors and cables, the chain drawn across the river at fort montgomery. a few days later came word that several transports were anchored at dobbs' ferry in the tappan sea. it might be intended to divert attention from a movement towards the delaware, or to make incursions into the country back of morristown, seize on the passes through the mountains, and cut off the communication between the army and the hudson. to frustrate such a design, washington ordered clinton to post as good a number of troops from his garrison as he could spare on the mountains west of the river. on the th of may, general greene received instructions from washington to proceed to the highlands and examine the state and condition of the forts, especially fort montgomery; the probability of an attack by water, the practicability of an approach by land; where and how this could be effected, and the eminences whence the forts could be annoyed. this done, and the opinions of the general officers present having been consulted, he was to give such orders and make such disposition of the troops as might appear necessary for the greater security of the passes by land and water. when reconnoitring the highlands in the preceding year, washington had remarked a wild and rugged pass on the western side of the hudson round bull hill, a rocky, forest-clad mountain, forming an advance rampart at the entrance to peekskill bay. "this pass," he observed, "should also be attended to, _lest the enemy by a coup de main should possess themselves of it before a sufficient force could be assembled to oppose them_." subsequent events will illustrate, though unfortunately, the sagacity and foresight of this particular instruction. general knox was associated with general greene in this visit of inspection. they examined the river and the passes of the highlands in company with generals mcdougall, george clinton, and anthony wayne. the latter, recently promoted to the rank of brigadier, had just returned from ticonderoga. the five generals made a joint report to washington, in which they recommended the completion of the obstructions in the river already commenced. these consisted of a boom, or heavy iron chain, across the river from fort montgomery to anthony's nose, with cables stretched in front to break the force of any ship under way, before she could strike it. the boom was to be protected by the guns of two ships and two row galleys stationed just above it, and by batteries on shore. this, it was deemed, would be sufficient to prevent the enemy's ships from ascending the river. if these obstructions could be rendered effective, they did not think the enemy would attempt to operate by land; "the passes through the highlands being so exceedingly difficult." {illustration: view from fort montgomery. vol. i.} the general command of the hudson was offered by washington to arnold; intending thus publicly to manifest his opinion of his deserts, and hoping, by giving him so important a post, to appease his irritated feelings. arnold, however, declined to accept it. in an interview with washington at morristown he alleged his anxiety to proceed to philadelphia and settle his public accounts, which were of considerable amount; especially as reports had been circulated injurious to his character as a man of integrity. he intended, therefore, to wait on congress and request a committee of inquiry into his conduct. beside, he did not consider the promotion conferred on him by congress sufficient to obviate their previous neglect. with these considerations he proceeded to philadelphia, bearing a letter from washington to the president of congress countenancing his complaints and testifying to the excellence of his military character. we may here add that the accusations against him were pronounced false and slanderous by the board of war. the important command of the hudson being declined by arnold was now given to putnam, who repaired forthwith to peekskill. he set about promptly to carry into effect the measures of security which greene and knox had recommended; especially the boom and chain at fort montgomery, about which general george clinton had busied himself. a large part of the new york and new england troops were stationed at this post, not merely to guard the hudson, but to render aid either to the eastern or middle states in case of exigency. about this time, washington had the satisfaction of drawing near to him his old friend and travelling companion, dr. james craik, the same who had served with him in braddock's campaign and had voyaged with him down the ohio; for whom he now procured the appointment of assistant director-general of the hospital department of the middle district, which included the states between the hudson and the potomac. towards the end of may, washington broke up his cantonments at morristown, and shifted his camp to middlebrook, within ten miles of brunswick. his whole force fit for duty was now about seven thousand three hundred men, all from the states south of the hudson. there were forty-three regiments, forming ten brigades, commanded by brigadiers muhlenberg, weedon, woodford, scott, smallwood, deborre, wayne, dehaas, conway, and maxwell. these were apportioned into five divisions of two brigades each, under major-generals greene, stephen, sullivan, lincoln and stirling. the artillery was commanded by knox. sullivan, with his division, was stationed on the right at princeton. with the rest of his force, washington fortified himself in a position naturally strong, among hills, in the rear of the village of middlebrook. his camp was, on all sides, difficult of approach, and he rendered it still more so by intrenchments. the high grounds about it commanded a wide view of the country around brunswick, the road to philadelphia, and the course of the raritan, so that the enemy could make no important movement on land without his perceiving it. on the st of may, reports were brought to camp that a fleet of a hundred sail had left new york and stood out to sea. whither bound and how freighted was unknown. if they carried troops, their destination might be delaware bay. eighteen transports also had arrived at new york, with troops in foreign uniforms, which proved to be anspachers, and other german mercenaries; there were british reinforcements also; and, what was particularly needed, a supply of tents and camp equipage. sir william howe had been waiting for the latter, and likewise until the ground should be covered with grass. the country was now in full verdure, affording "green forage" in abundance, and all things seemed to sir william propitious for the opening of the campaign. early in june, therefore, he gave up ease and gayety and luxurious life at new york, and crossing into the jerseys set up his head-quarters at brunswick. as soon as washington ascertained that sir william's attention was completely turned to this quarter, he determined to strengthen his position with all the force that could be spared from other parts, so as to be able, in case a favorable opportunity presented, to make an attack upon the enemy; in the meantime, he would harass them with his light militia troops, aided by a few continentals, so as to weaken their numbers by continual skirmishes. with this view he ordered general putnam to send down most of the continental troops from peekskill, leaving only a number sufficient, in conjunction with the militia, to guard that post against surprise. arnold, in this critical juncture, had been put in command of philadelphia, a post which he had been induced to accept, although the question of rank had not been adjusted to his satisfaction. his command embraced the western bank of the delaware with all its fords and passes, and he took up his station there with a strong body of militia, supported by a few continentals, to oppose any attempt of the enemy to cross the river. he was instructed by washington to give him notice by expresses, posted on the road, if any fleet should appear in delaware bay; and to endeavor to concert signals with the camp of sullivan at princeton, by alarm fires upon the hills. on the night of the th of june, general howe sallied forth in great force from brunswick, as if pushing directly for the delaware, but his advanced guard halted at somerset court-house, about eight or nine miles distant. apprised of this movement, washington at daybreak reconnoitred the enemy from the heights before the camp. he observed their front halting at the court-house, but a few miles distant, while troops and artillery were grouped here and there along the road and the rear-guard was still at brunswick. it was a question with washington and his generals, as they reconnoitred the enemy with their glasses, whether this was a real move toward philadelphia, or merely a lure to tempt them down from their strong position. in this uncertainty, washington drew out his army in battle array along the heights, but kept quiet. in the present state of his forces it was his plan not to risk a general action, but should the enemy really march toward the delaware, to hang heavily upon their rear. the british took up a strong position, having millstone creek on their left, the raritan all along their front, and their right resting on brunswick, and proceeded to fortify themselves with bastions. the american and british armies, strongly posted, remained four days grimly regarding each other; both waiting to be attacked. the jersey militia which now turned out with alacrity, repaired, some to washington's camp, others to that of sullivan. the latter had fallen back from princeton, and taken a position behind the sourland hills. howe pushed out detachments and made several feints, as if to pass by the american camp and march to the delaware, but washington was not to be deceived. baffled in these attempts to draw his cautious adversary into a general action, howe, on the th, suddenly broke up his camp, and pretended to return with some precipitation to brunswick, burning as he went several valuable dwelling houses. washington's light troops hovered round the enemy as far as the raritan and millstone, which secured their flanks, would permit; but the main army kept to its stronghold on the heights. on the next day came warlike news from the north. amesbury, a british spy, had been seized and examined by schuyler. burgoyne was stated as being arrived at quebec to command the forces in an invasion from canada. while he advanced with his main force by lake champlain, a detachment of british troops, canadians and indians, led by sir john johnson, was to penetrate by oswego to the mohawk river, and place itself between fort stanwix and fort edward. if this information was correct, ticonderoga would soon be attacked. the force there might be sufficient for its defence, but schuyler would have no troops to oppose the inroad of sir john johnson, and he urged a reinforcement. washington forthwith sent orders to putnam to procure sloops, and hold four massachusetts regiments in readiness to go up the river at a moment's warning. on the d, sir william again marched out of brunswick, but this time proceeded towards amboy, again burning several houses on the way; hoping, perhaps, that the sight of columns of smoke rising from a ravaged country would irritate the americans and provoke an attack. washington sent out three brigades under general greene to fall upon the rear of the enemy, while morgan hung upon their skirts with his riflemen. at the same time the army remained paraded on the heights ready to yield support if necessary. finding that howe had actually sent his heavy baggage and part of his troops over to staten island, washington, on the th, left the heights and descended to quibbletown (now new market), six or seven miles on the road to amboy, to be nearer at hand for the protection of his advanced parties. general howe now thought he had gained his point. recalling those who had crossed, he formed his troops into two columns, the right led by cornwallis, the left by himself, and marched back rapidly by different routes from amboy. he had three objects in view: to cut off the principal advanced parties of the americans; to come up with and bring the main body into an engagement near quibbletown; or that lord cornwallis, making a considerable circuit to the right, should turn the left of washington's position, get to the heights, take possession of the passes, and oblige him to abandon that stronghold where he had hitherto been so secure. washington, however, had timely notice of his movements, and penetrating his design, regained his fortified camp at middlebrook, and secured the passes of the mountains. he then detached a body of light troops under brigadier-general scott, together with morgan's riflemen, to hang on the flank of the enemy and watch their motions. cornwallis, in his circuitous march, dispersed the light parties of the advance, but fell in with lord stirling's division, strongly posted in a woody country, and well covered by artillery judiciously disposed. a sharp skirmish ensued, when the americans gave way and retreated to the hills with the loss of a few men and three field-pieces; while the british halted at westfield, disappointed in the main objects of their enterprise. perceiving that every scheme of bringing the americans to a general action, or at least of withdrawing them from their strongholds, was rendered abortive by the caution and prudence of washington, and aware of the madness of attempting to march to the delaware, through a hostile country, with such a force in his rear, sir william howe broke up his head-quarters at amboy on the last of june and crossed over to staten island on the floating bridge, and it was soon apparent that at length the enemy had really evacuated the jerseys. the question now was, what would be their next move? a great stir among the shipping seemed to indicate an expedition by water. but whither? circumstances occurred to perplex the question. scarce had the last tent been struck, and the last transport disappeared from before amboy, when intelligence arrived from general st. clair announcing the appearance of a hostile fleet on lake champlain, and that general burgoyne with the whole canada army was approaching ticonderoga. the judgment and circumspection of washington were never more severely put to the proof. was this merely a diversion with a small force of light troops and indians, intended to occupy the attention of the american forces in that quarter, while the main body of the army in canada should come round by sea and form a junction with the army under howe? but general burgoyne, in washington's opinion, was a man of too much spirit and enterprise to return from england merely to execute a plan from which no honor was to be derived. did he really intend to break through by the way of ticonderoga? in that case it must be howe's plan to co-operate with him. his next move, in such case, would be to ascend the hudson, seize on the highland passes before washington could form a union with the troops stationed there, and thus open the way for the junction with burgoyne. should washington, however, on such a presumption, hasten with his troops to peekskill, leaving general howe on staten island, what would prevent the latter from pushing to philadelphia by south amboy or any other route? such were the perplexities and difficulties presenting themselves under every aspect of the case. in this dilemma washington sent generals parsons and varnum with a couple of brigades in all haste to peekskill, and wrote to generals george clinton and putnam--the former to call out the new york militia from orange and ulster counties, the latter to summon the militia from connecticut; and as soon as such reinforcements should be at hand, to despatch four of the strongest massachusetts regiments to the aid of ticonderoga. general sullivan, moreover, was ordered to advance with his division towards the highlands as far as pompton, while washington moved his own camp back to morristown, to be ready either to push on to the highlands or fall back upon his recent position at middlebrook, according to the movements of the enemy. deserters from staten island and new york soon brought word to the camp that transports were being fitted up with berths for horses, and taking in three weeks' supply of water and provender. all this indicated some other destination than that of the hudson. lest an attempt on the eastern states should be intended, washington sent a circular to their governors to put them on their guard. in the midst of his various cares, his yeoman soldiery, the jersey militia, were not forgotten. it was their harvest time, and the state being evacuated there was no immediate call for their services; he dismissed, therefore, almost the whole of them to their homes. chapter xlii. invasion from canada. the armament advancing against ticonderoga, of which general st. clair had given intelligence, was not a mere diversion but a regular invasion; the plan of which had been devised by the king, lord george germain, and general burgoyne, the latter having returned to england from canada in the preceding year. the junction of the two armies,--that in canada and that under general howe in new york,--was considered the speediest mode of quelling the rebellion; and as the security and good government of canada required the presence of governor sir guy carleton, three thousand men were to remain there with him; the residue of the army was to be employed upon two expeditions--the one under general burgoyne, who was to force his way to albany, the other under lieutenant-colonel st. leger, who was to make a diversion on the mohawk river. the invading army was composed of three thousand seven hundred and twenty-four british rank and file, three thousand sixteen germans, mostly brunswickers, two hundred and fifty canadians, and four hundred indians; beside these there were four hundred and seventy-three artillery men, in all nearly eight thousand men. the army was admirably appointed. its brass train of artillery was extolled as perhaps the finest ever allotted to an army of the size. general phillips, who commanded the artillery, had gained great reputation in the wars in germany. brigadiers-general fraser, powel, and hamilton were also officers of distinguished merit. so was major-general the baron riedesel, a brunswicker, who commanded the german troops. while burgoyne with the main force proceeded from st. johns, colonel st. leger, with a detachment of regulars and canadians about seven hundred strong, was to land at oswego, and, guided by sir john johnson at the head of his loyalist volunteers, tory refugees from his former neighborhood, and a body of indians, was to enter the mohawk country, draw the attention of general schuyler in that direction, attack fort stanwix, and, having ravaged the valley of the mohawk, rejoin burgoyne at albany, where it was expected they would make a triumphant junction with the army of sir william howe. schuyler was uncertain as to the plans and force of the enemy. if information gathered from scouts and a captured spy might be relied on, ticonderoga would soon be attacked. this information he transmitted to washington from fort edward on the th, the very day that burgoyne embarked at st. johns. on the following day schuyler was at ticonderoga. the works were not in such a state of forwardness as he had anticipated, owing to the tardy arrival of troops and the want of a sufficient number of artificers. the works in question related chiefly to mount independence, a high circular hill on the east side of the lake, immediately opposite to the old fort, and considered the most defensible. a star fort with pickets crowned the summit of the hill, which was table land; half way down the side of a hill was a battery, and at its foot were strongly intrenched works well mounted with cannon. here the french general, de fermois, who had charge of this fort, was posted. as this part of lake champlain is narrow, a connection was kept up between the two forts by a floating bridge, supported on twenty-two sunken piers in caissons, formed of very strong timber. between the piers were separate floats, fifty feet long and twelve feet wide, strongly connected by iron chains and rivets. on the north side of the bridge was a boom, composed of large pieces of timber, secured by riveted bolts, and beside this was a double iron chain with links an inch and a half square. the bridge, boom, and chain were four hundred yards in length. this immense work, the labor of months, on which no expense had been spared, was intended, while it afforded a communication between the two forts, to protect the upper part of the lake, presenting, under cover of their guns, a barrier which it was presumed no hostile ship would be able to break through. {illustration: ruins of fort ticonderoga. vol. i.} having noted the state of affairs and the wants of the garrison, schuyler hastened to fort george, whence he sent on provisions for upwards of sixty days; and from the banks of the hudson, additional carpenters and working cattle. in the meantime, burgoyne, with his amphibious and semi-barbarous armament, was advancing up the lake. by the th, scouts began to bring in word of the approaching foe. bark canoes had been seen filled with white men and savages. then three vessels under sail, and one at anchor above split rock, and behind it the radeau, thunderer. anon came word of encampments sufficient for a large body of troops on both sides of gilliland's creek, with bateaux plying about its waters and painted warriors gliding about in canoes. st. clair wrote word of all this to schuyler, and that it was supposed the enemy were waiting the arrival of more force. schuyler urged washington for reinforcements as soon as possible, and hastened to albany to bring up the militia. while there he received word from st. clair that the enemy's fleet and army were arrived at crown point, and had sent off detachments, one up otter creek to cut off the communication by skenesborough, and another on the west side of the lake to cut off fort george. claims for assistance came hurrying on from other quarters. a large force (st. leger's) was said to be arrived at oswego, and sir john johnson with his myrmidons on his way to attack fort schuyler, the garrison of which was weak and poorly supplied with cannon. schuyler bestirs himself with his usual zeal amid the thickening alarms. he writes urgent letters to the committee of safety of new york, to general putnam at peekskill, to the governor of connecticut, to the president of massachusetts, to the committee of berkshire, and lastly to washington, stating the impending dangers and imploring reinforcements. he exhorts general herkimer to keep the militia of tryon county in readiness to protect the western frontier and to check the inroad of sir john johnson, and he assures st. clair that he will move to his aid with the militia of new york as soon as he can collect them. dangers accumulate at ticonderoga according to advices from st. clair ( th). seven of the enemy's vessels are lying at crown point; the rest of their fleet is probably but a little lower down. morning guns are heard distinctly at various places. some troops have debarked and encamped at chimney point. there is no prospect, he says, of being able to defend ticonderoga unless militia come in, and he has thought of calling in those from berkshire. "should the enemy invest and blockade us," writes he, "we are infallibly ruined; we shall be obliged to abandon this side (of the lake), and then they will soon force the other from us, nor do i see that a retreat will in any shape be practicable." the enemy came advancing up the lake on the th, their main body under burgoyne on the west side, the german reserve under baron riedesel on the east; communication being maintained by frigates and gunboats, which, in a manner, kept pace between them. on the st of july, burgoyne encamped four miles north of ticonderoga, and began to intrench and to throw a boom across the lake. his advanced guard under general fraser took post at three mile point, and the ships anchored just out of gunshot of the fort. general st. clair was a gallant scotchman who had seen service in the old french war as well as in this, and beheld the force arrayed against him without dismay. it is true his garrison was not numerous, not exceeding three thousand five hundred men, of whom nine hundred were militia. they were badly equipped also, and few had bayonets; yet they were in good heart. schuyler at this time was at albany, sending up reinforcements of continental troops and militia, and awaiting the arrival of further reinforcements, for which sloops had been sent down to peekskill. he was endeavoring also to provide for the security of the department in other quarters. the savages had been scalping in the neighborhood of fort schuyler; a set of renegade indians were harassing the settlements on the susquehanna; and the threatenings of brant, the famous indian chief, and the prospect of a british inroad by the way of oswego, had spread terror through tryon county, the inhabitants of which called upon him for support. such was the state of affairs in the north, of which washington from time to time had been informed. an attack on ticonderoga appeared to be impending; but as the garrison was in good heart, the commander resolute, and troops were on the way to reinforce him a spirited and perhaps successful resistance was anticipated by washington. his surprise may therefore be imagined on receiving a letter from schuyler, dated july th, conveying the astounding intelligence that ticonderoga was evacuated! schuyler had just received the news at stillwater on the hudson when on his way with reinforcements for the fortress. the first account was so vague that washington hoped it might prove incorrect. it was confirmed by another letter from schuyler, dated on the th at fort edward. a part of the garrison had been pursued by a detachment of the enemy as far as fort anne in that neighborhood, where the latter had been repulsed; as to st. clair himself and the main part of his forces, they had thrown themselves into the forest, and nothing was known what had become of them! "i am here," writes schuyler, "at the head of a handful of men, not above fifteen hundred, with little ammunition, not above five rounds to a man, having neither balls nor lead to make any. the country is in the deepest consternation; no carriages to remove the stores from fort george, which i expect every moment to hear is attacked; and what adds to my distress is that a report prevails that i had given orders for the evacuation of ticonderoga." washington's first attention was to supply the wants of general schuyler. an express was sent to springfield for musket cartridges, gunpowder, lead, and cartridge papers. ten pieces of artillery with harness and proper officers were to be forwarded from peekskill, as well as intrenching tools. of tents he had none to furnish, neither could heavy cannon be spared from the defence of the highlands. six hundred recruits, on their march from massachusetts to peekskill, were ordered to repair to his aid--this was all the force that washington could venture at this moment to send; but this addition to his troops, supposing those under st. clair should have come in, and any number of militia have turned out, would probably form an army equal, if not superior, to that said to be under burgoyne. beside, it was washington's idea that the latter would suspend his operations until general howe should make a movement in concert. supposing that movement would be an immediate attempt against the highlands, he ordered sullivan with his division to peekskill to reinforce general putnam. at the same time he advanced with his main army to pompton, and thence to the clove, a rugged defile through the highlands on the west side of the hudson. we will leave washington at his encampment in the clove, anxiously watching the movements of the fleet and the lower army, while we turn to the north to explain the mysterious retreat of general st. clair. in the accounts given of the approach of burgoyne to ticonderoga, it was stated that he had encamped four miles north of the fortress and intrenched himself. on the d of july, indian scouts made their appearance in the vicinity of a blockhouse and some outworks about the strait or channel leading to lake george. as general st. clair did not think the garrison sufficient to defend all the outposts, these works with some adjacent saw-mills were set on fire and abandoned. the extreme left of ticonderoga was weak, and might easily be turned; a post had therefore been established in the preceding year, nearly half a mile in advance of the old french lines, on an eminence to the north of them. general st. clair, through singular remissness, had neglected to secure it. burgoyne soon discovered this neglect, and hastened to detach general phillips and fraser with a body of infantry and light artillery to take possession of this post. they did so without opposition. heavy guns were mounted upon it; fraser's whole corps was stationed there; the post commanded the communication by land and water with lake george, so as to cut off all supplies from that quarter. in fact, such were the advantages expected from this post, thus neglected by st. clair, that the british gave it the significant name of mount hope. the enemy now proceeded gradually to invest ticonderoga. a line of troops was drawn from the western part of mount hope round to three mile point, where general fraser was posted with the advance guard, while general riedesel encamped with the german reserve in a parallel line on the opposite side of lake champlain, at the foot of mount independence. for two days the enemy occupied themselves in making their advances and securing these positions, regardless of a cannonade kept up by the american batteries. with all the pains and expense lavished by the americans to render these works impregnable, they had strangely neglected the master key by which they were all commanded. this was sugar hill, a rugged height, the termination of a mountain ridge which separates lake champlain from lake george. it stood to the south of ticonderoga, beyond the narrow channel which connected the two lakes, and rose precipitously from the waters of champlain to the height of six hundred feet. it had been pronounced by the americans too distant to be dangerous. colonel trumbull, some time an aide-de-camp to washington, had proved the contrary in the preceding year by throwing a shot from a six-pounder in the fort nearly to the summit. it was then pronounced inaccessible to an enemy. this trumbull had likewise proved to be an error, by clambering with arnold and wayne to the top, whence they perceived that a practicable road for artillery might easily and readily be made. trumbull had insisted that this was the true point for the fort, commanding the neighboring heights, the narrow parts of both lakes, and the communication between. his suggestions were disregarded; their wisdom was now to be proved. the british general, phillips, on taking his position, had regarded the hill with a practised eye. he caused it to be reconnoitred by a skilful engineer. the report was that it overlooked and had the entire command of fort ticonderoga and fort independence--being about fourteen hundred yards from the former, and fifteen hundred from the latter; that the ground could be levelled for cannon, and a road cut up the defiles of the mountain in four and twenty hours. measures were instantly taken to plant a battery on that height. while the american garrisons were entirely engaged in a different direction, cannonading mount hope and the british lines without material effect, and without provoking a reply, the british troops were busy throughout the day and night cutting a road through rocks and trees and up rugged defiles. guns, ammunition and stores, all were carried up the hill in the night; the cannon were hauled up from tree to tree, and before morning the ground was levelled for the battery on which they were to be mounted. to this work, thus achieved by a _coup de main_, they gave the name of fort defiance. on the th of july, to their astonishment and consternation, the garrison beheld a legion of red-coats on the summit of this hill, constructing works which must soon lay the fortress at their mercy. in this appalling emergency, general st. clair called a council of war. what was to be done? the batteries from this new fort would probably be open the next day: by that time ticonderoga might be completely invested, and the whole garrison exposed to capture. they had not force sufficient for one half the works, and general schuyler, supposed to be at albany, could afford them no relief. the danger was imminent; delay might prove fatal. it was unanimously determined to evacuate both ticonderoga and mount independence that very night, and to retreat to skenesborough (now whitehall), at the upper part of the lake, about thirty miles distant, where there was a stockaded fort. the main body of the army, led by general st. clair, were to cross to mount independence and push for skenesborough by land, taking a circuitous route through the woods on the east side of the lake, by the way of castleton. the cannon, stores and provisions, together with the wounded and the women, were to be embarked on board of two hundred bateaux and conducted to the upper extremity of the lake by colonel long with six hundred men, two hundred of whom, in five armed galleys, were to form a rear-guard. it was now three o'clock in the afternoon; yet all the preparations were to be made for the coming night, and that with as little bustle and movement as possible, for they were overlooked by fort defiance, and their intentions might be suspected. everything, therefore, was done quietly, but alertly; in the meantime, to amuse the enemy a cannonade was kept up every half hour toward the new battery on the hill. as soon as the evening closed, and their movements could not be discovered, they began in all haste to load the boats. such of the cannon as could not be taken were ordered to be spiked. everything was conducted with such silence and address that, although it was a moonlight night, the flotilla departed undiscovered, and was soon under the shadows of mountains and overhanging forests. the retreat by land was not conducted with equal discretion and mystery. general st. clair had crossed over the bridge to the vermont side of the lake by three o'clock in the morning, and set forward with his advance through the woods toward hubbardton; but, before the rear-guard under colonel francis got in motion, the house at fort independence, which had been occupied by the french general, de fermois, was set on fire--by his orders, it is said, though we are loth to charge him with such indiscretion, such gross and wanton violation of the plan of retreat. the consequences were disastrous. the british sentries at mount hope were astonished by a conflagration suddenly lighting up mount independence and revealing the american troops in full retreat; for the rear-guard, disconcerted by this sudden exposure, pressed forward for the woods in the utmost haste and confusion. the drums beat to arms in the british camp. alarm guns were fired from mount hope; general fraser dashed into ticonderoga with his pickets, giving orders for his brigade to arm in all haste and follow. by daybreak he had hoisted the british flag over the deserted fortress; before sunrise he had passed the bridge and was in full pursuit of the american rear-guard. burgoyne's measures were prompt. general riedesel was ordered to follow and support fraser with a part of the german troops; garrisons were thrown into ticonderoga and mount independence; the main part of the army was embarked on board of the frigates and gunboats; the floating bridge with its boom and chain, which had cost months to construct, was broken through by nine o'clock; when burgoyne set out with his squadron in pursuit of the flotilla. we left the latter making its retreat on the preceding evening towards skenesborough. the lake above ticonderoga becomes so narrow that, in those times, it was frequently called south river. the bateaux, deeply laden, made their way slowly in a lengthened line. the rear-guard of armed galleys followed at wary distance. no immediate pursuit, however, was apprehended. the floating bridge was considered an effectual impediment to the enemy's fleet. about three o'clock in the afternoon of the succeeding day, the heavily laden bateaux arrived at skenesborough. the disembarkation had scarcely commenced when the thundering of artillery was heard from below. could the enemy be at hand? it was even so. the british gunboats, having pushed on in advance of the frigates, had overtaken and were firing upon the galleys. the latter defended themselves for a while, but at length two struck and three were blown up. the fugitives from them brought word that the british ships not being able to come up, troops and indians were landing from them and scrambling up the hills, intending to get in the rear of the fort and cut off all retreat. all now was consternation and confusion. the bateaux, the storehouses, the fort, the mill were all set on fire, and a general flight took place toward fort anne, about twelve miles distant. some made their way in boats up wood creek, a winding stream. the main body under colonel long retreated by a narrow defile cut through the woods, harassed all night by alarms that the indians were close in pursuit. both parties reached fort anne by daybreak. it was a small picketed fort, near the junction of wood creek and east creek, about sixteen miles from fort edward. general schuyler arrived at the latter place on the following day. the number of troops with him was inconsiderable, but hearing of colonel long's situation, he immediately sent him a small reinforcement, with provisions and ammunition, and urged him to maintain his post resolutely. on the same day colonel long's scouts brought in word that there were british red-coats approaching. they were in fact a regiment under lieutenant-colonel hill, detached from skenesborough by burgoyne in pursuit of the fugitives. long sallied forth to meet them, posting himself at a rocky defile. as the enemy advanced he opened a heavy fire upon them in front; the british took post upon a high hill to their right, where they were warmly besieged for nearly two hours, and would certainly have been forced had not some of their indian allies arrived. this changed the fortune of the day. the americans had nearly expended their ammunition, and had not enough left to cope with this new enemy. they retreated, therefore, to fort anne, carrying with them a number of prisoners. supposing the troops under colonel hill an advance guard of burgoyne's army, they set fire to the fort and pushed on to fort edward. st. clair's retreat through the woods from mount independence continued the first day until night, when he arrived at castleton, thirty miles from ticonderoga. his rear-guard halted about six miles short, at hubbardton, to await the arrival of stragglers. it was composed of three regiments, under colonels seth warner, francis and hale; in all about thirteen hundred men. early the next morning, a sultry morning of july, while they were taking their breakfast, they were startled by the report of fire-arms. their sentries had discharged their muskets, and came running in with word that the enemy were at hand. it was general fraser, with his advance of eight hundred and fifty men, who had pressed forward in the latter part of the night, and now attacked the americans with great spirit, notwithstanding their superiority in numbers; in fact he expected to be promptly reinforced by riedesel and his germans. the americans met the british with great spirit; but at the very commencement of the action, colonel hale, with a detachment placed under his command to protect the rear, gave way, leaving warner and francis with but seven hundred men to bear the brunt of the battle. these posted themselves behind logs and trees in 'backwood' style, whence they kept up a destructive fire, and were evidently gaining the advantage, when general riedesel came pressing into the action with his german troops; drums beating and colors flying. there was now an impetuous charge with the bayonet. colonel francis was among the first who fell, gallantly fighting at the head of his men. the americans, thinking the whole german force upon them, gave way and fled, leaving the ground covered with their dead and wounded. many others who had been wounded perished in the woods, where they had taken refuge. their whole loss in killed, wounded and taken, was upwards of three hundred; that of the enemy one hundred and eighty-three. the noise of the firing when the action commenced had reached general st. clair at castleton. he immediately sent orders to two militia regiments which were in his rear, and within two miles of the battle-ground to hasten to the assistance of his rear-guard. they refused to obey and hurried forward to castleton. at this juncture st. clair received information of burgoyne's arrival at skenesborough, and the destruction of the american works there: fearing to be intercepted at fort anne, he immediately changed his route, struck into the woods on his left, and directed his march to rutland, leaving word for warner to follow him. the latter overtook him two days afterwards, with his shattered force reduced to ninety men. as to colonel hale, who had pressed towards castleton at the beginning of the action, he and his men were overtaken the same day by the enemy, and the whole party captured without making any fight. it has been alleged in his excuse, with apparent justice, that he and a large portion of his men were in feeble health and unfit for action; for his own part he died while yet a prisoner, and never had the opportunity which he sought to vindicate himself before a court-martial. on the th st. clair reached fort edward, his troops haggard and exhausted by their long retreat through the woods. such is the story of the catastrophe at fort ticonderoga which caused so much surprise and concern to washington, and of the seven days' mysterious disappearance of st. clair which kept every one in the most painful suspense. the loss of artillery, ammunition, provisions and stores, in consequence of the evacuation of these northern posts was prodigious, but the worst effect was the consternation spread throughout the country. a panic prevailed at albany, the people running about as if distracted, sending off their goods and furniture. the great barriers of the north it was said were broken through, and there was nothing to check the triumphant career of the enemy. chapter xliii. exploits and movements.--howe in the chesapeake. a spirited exploit to the eastward was performed during the prevalence of adverse news from the north. general prescott had command of the british forces in rhode island. his harsh treatment of colonel ethan allen, and his haughty and arrogant conduct on various occasions had rendered him peculiarly odious to the americans. lieutenant-colonel barton, who was stationed with a force of rhode island militia on the mainland, received word that prescott was quartered at a country house near the western shore of the island, about four miles from newport, totally unconscious of danger though in a very exposed situation. he determined, if possible, to surprise and capture him. forty resolute men joined him in the enterprise. embarking at night in two boats at warwick neck, they pulled quietly across the bay with muffled oars, undiscovered by the ships of war and guard-boats; landed in silence; eluded the vigilance of the guard stationed near the house; captured the sentry at the door, and surprised the general in his bed. his aide-de-camp leaped from the window, but was likewise taken. colonel barton returned with equal silence and address, and arrived safe at warwick with his prisoners. a sword was voted to him by congress and he received a colonel's commission in the regular army. washington hailed the capture of prescott as a peculiarly fortunate circumstance, furnishing him with an equivalent for general lee. he accordingly wrote to sir william howe, proposing the exchange. no immediate reply was received to this letter, sir william howe being at sea; in the meantime prescott remained in durance. washington continued his anxious exertions to counteract the operations of the enemy; forwarding artillery and ammunition to schuyler, with all the camp furniture that could be spared from his own encampment and from peekskill. a part of nixon's brigade was all the reinforcement he could afford in his present situation. schuyler had earnestly desired the assistance of an active officer well acquainted with the country. washington sent him arnold. the question of rank about which arnold was so tenacious was yet unsettled, and though, had his promotion been regular, he would have been superior in command to general st. clair, he assured washington that on the present occasion his claim should create no dispute. schuyler in the meantime, aided by kosciuszko the pole, who was engineer in his department, had selected two positions on moses creek, four miles below fort edward, where the troops which had retreated from ticonderoga, and part of the militia were throwing up works. to impede the advance of the enemy he had caused trees to be felled into wood creek, so as to render it unnavigable, and the roads between fort edward and fort anne to be broken up; the cattle in that direction to be brought away, and the forage destroyed. he had drawn off the garrison from fort george, and left the buildings in flames. washington cheered on his faithful coadjutor. his letters to schuyler were full of that confident hope, founded on sagacious forecast, with which he was prone to animate his generals in times of doubt and difficulty. "though our affairs for some days past have worn a dark and gloomy aspect, i yet look forward to a fortunate and happy change. i trust general burgoyne's army will meet sooner or later an effectual check, and, as i suggested before, that the success he has had will precipitate his ruin." [he pointed out that burgoyne in acting in detachment was pursuing the plan most favorable to the american cause. if some of his detachments could be cut off, it would have, he said, a most inspiriting effect. he also addressed circulars to the brigadier-generals of militia in the western portions of the eastern states, urging reinforcements for schuyler. the evacuation of ticonderoga, he showed them, had opened the door for the invasion of their district, and that burgoyne, if not vigorously opposed, would be enabled to form a junction with general howe, and thereby sever the communication between the eastern and northern states.] washington now ordered that all the vessels and river craft, not required at albany, should be sent down to new windsor and fishkill, and kept in readiness; for he knew not how soon the movements of general howe might render it suddenly necessary to transport part of his forces up the hudson. further letters from schuyler urged the increasing exigencies of his situation. it was harvest time. the militia, impatient at being detained from their rural labors, were leaving him in great numbers. in a council of general officers it had been thought advisable to give leave of absence to half, lest the whole should depart. he feared those who remained would do so but a few days. the enemy were steadily employed cutting a road toward him from skenesborough. in this position of affairs, he urged to be reinforced as speedily as possible. washington, in reply, informed him that he had ordered a further reinforcement of general glover's brigade, which was all he could possibly furnish in his own exigencies. he trusted affairs with schuyler would soon wear a more smiling aspect, that the eastern states, who were so deeply concerned in the matter, would exert themselves by effectual succors to enable him to check the progress of the enemy and repel a danger by which they were immediately threatened. "i have directed general lincoln to repair to you as speedily as the state of his health, which is not very perfect, will permit; this gentleman has always supported the character of a judicious, brave, active officer, and he is exceedingly popular in the state of massachusetts, to which he belongs; he will have a degree of influence over the militia which cannot fail of being highly advantageous." washington highly approved of a measure suggested by schuyler, of stationing a body of troops somewhere about the hampshire grants (vermont,) so as to be in the rear or on the flank of burgoyne, should he advance. it would make the latter, he said, very circumspect in his advances, if it did not entirely prevent them. it would keep him in continual anxiety for his rear, and oblige him to leave the posts behind him much stronger than he would otherwise do. he advised that general lincoln should have the command of the corps thus posted, "as no person could be more proper for it." but now the attention of the commander-in-chief is called to the sea-board. on the d of july the fleet, so long the object of watchful solicitude, actually put to sea. its destination was still a matter of conjecture. just after it had sailed a young man presented himself at one of general putnam's outposts. he had been a prisoner in new york, he said, but had received his liberty and a large reward on undertaking to be the bearer of a letter from general howe to burgoyne. this letter his feelings of patriotism prompted him to deliver up to general putnam. the letter was immediately transmitted by the general to washington. it was in the handwriting of howe and bore his signature. in it he informed burgoyne that, instead of any designs up the hudson, he was bound to the east against boston. washington at once pronounced the letter a feint. "no stronger proof could be given," said he, "that howe is not going to the eastward. the letter was evidently intended to fall into our hands.... i am persuaded more than ever that philadelphia is the place of destination." he now set out with his army for the delaware, ordering sullivan and stirling with their divisions to cross the hudson from peekskill and proceed towards philadelphia. on the th he writes from coryell's ferry, about thirty miles from philadelphia, to general gates, who was in that city: "as we are yet uncertain as to the real destination of the enemy, though the delaware seems the most probable, i have thought it prudent to halt the army at this place, howell's ferry, and trenton, at least till the fleet actually enters the bay and puts the matter beyond a doubt. from hence we can be on the proper ground to oppose them before they can possibly make their arrangements and dispositions for an attack.... as i shall pay no regard to any flying reports of the appearance of the fleet, i shall expect an account of it from you the moment you have ascertained it to your satisfaction." on the st he was informed that the enemy's fleet of two hundred and twenty-eight sail had arrived the day previous at the capes of delaware. he instantly wrote to putnam to hurry on two brigades which had crossed the river, and to let schuyler and the commanders in the eastern states know that they had nothing to fear from howe, and might bend all their forces, continental and militia, against burgoyne. in the meantime he moved his camp to germantown, about six miles from philadelphia, to be at hand for the defence of that city. the very next day came word by express that the fleet had again sailed out of the capes and apparently shaped its course eastward. "this surprising event gives me the greatest anxiety," writes he to putnam (aug. ). "the probability of his (howe) going to the eastward is exceedingly small, and the ill effects that might attend such a step inconsiderable in comparison with those that would inevitably attend a successful stroke on the highlands." under this impression washington sent orders to sullivan to hasten back with his division and the two brigades which had recently left peekskill and to recross the hudson to that post as speedily as possible, intending to forward the rest of the army with all the expedition in his power. he wrote also to general george clinton, to reinforce putnam with as many of the new york militia as could be collected. clinton, be it observed, had just been installed governor of the state of new york; the first person elevated to that office under the constitution. he still continued in actual command of the militia of the state. washington, moreover, requested putnam to send an express to governor trumbull, urging assistance from the militia of his state without a moment's loss of time. we have cited in a preceding page a letter from washington to gates at philadelphia, requiring his vigilant attention to the movements of the enemy's fleet; that ambitious officer, however, was engrossed at the time by matters more important to his individual interests. the command of the northern department seemed again within his reach. the evacuation of ticonderoga had been imputed by many either to cowardice or treachery on the part of general st. clair, and the enemies of schuyler had for some time past been endeavoring to involve him in the disgrace of the transaction. in the eagerness to excite popular feeling against him, old slanders were revived, and the failure of the invasion of canada, and all the subsequent disasters in that quarter, were again laid to his charge as commanding-general of the northern department. these charges, which for some time existed merely in popular clamor, had recently been taken up in congress, and a strong demonstration had been made against him by some of the new england delegates. "your enemies in this quarter," writes his friend, the hon. william duer (july th), "are leaving no means unessayed to blast your character.... be not surprised if you should be desired to attend congress to give an account of the loss of ticonderoga. with respect to the result of the inquiry i am under no apprehensions. like gold tried in the fire, i trust that you, my dear friend, will be found more pure and bright than ever." [schuyler, in reply, expressed his eagerness to have his conduct subjected to official investigation, but hoped the scrutiny would be postponed until after the engagement with the enemy which was now imminent. schuyler's enemies were determined, however, that he should be deprived of this chance of distinguishing himself, and pushed the business so urgently in congress that a resolution was passed summoning both schuyler and st. clair to head-quarters to account for the misfortunes in the north. schuyler's unpopularity with the eastern troops was used as a powerful argument for this step, it being asserted that the eastern militia were refusing to serve under him. the nomination of his successor was left to washington, who excused himself from the duty. the appointment, therefore, was made by congress, the eastern influence prevailed, and gates received the command.] about this time took effect a measure of congress, making a complete change in the commissariat. this important and complicated department had hitherto been under the management of one commissary-general, colonel joseph trumbull of connecticut. by the new arrangement there were to be two commissaries-general, one of purchases, the other of issues; each to be appointed by congress. they were to have several deputy commissaries under them, but accountable to congress, and to be appointed and removed by that body. these and many subordinate arrangements had been adopted in opposition to the opinion of washington, and, most unfortunately, were brought into operation in the midst of this perplexed and critical campaign. their first effect was to cause the resignation of colonel trumbull, who had been nominated commissary of purchases; and the entrance into office of a number of inexperienced men. the ultimate effect was to paralyze the organization of this vital department; to cause delay and confusion in furnishing and forwarding supplies, and to retard and embarrass the operations of the different armies throughout the year. washington had many dangers and difficulties to harass and perplex him throughout this complicated campaign, and not among the least may be classed the "stumblings of congress." for several days washington remained at germantown in painful uncertainty about the british fleet; whether gone to the south or to the east. the intense heat of the weather made him unwilling again to move his army, already excessively harassed by marchings and countermarchings. concluding, at length, that the fleet had actually gone to the east, he was once more on the way to recross the delaware, when an express overtook him on the th of august, with tidings that three days before it had been seen off sinepuxent inlet, about sixteen leagues south of the capes of delaware. again he came to a halt, and waited for further intelligence. danger suggested itself from a different quarter. might it not be howe's plan, by thus appearing with his ships at different places, to lure the army after him, and thereby leave the country open for sir henry clinton with the troops at new york to form a junction with burgoyne? with this idea washington wrote forthwith to the veteran putnam to be on the alert; collect all the force he could to strengthen his post at peekskill, and send down spies to ascertain whether sir henry clinton was actually at new york, and what troops he had there. the old general, whose boast it was that he never slept but with one eye, was already on the alert. a circumstance had given him proof positive that sir henry was in new york, and had roused his military ire. a spy, sent by that commander, had been detected furtively collecting information of the force and condition of the post at peekskill, and had undergone a military trial. a vessel of war came up the hudson in all haste, and landed a flag of truce at verplanck's point, by which a message was transmitted to putnam from sir henry clinton, claiming edmund palmer as a lieutenant in the british service. the reply of the old general was brief but emphatic: "head-quarters, th aug., . "edmund palmer, an officer in the enemy's service, was taken as a spy lurking within our lines; he has been tried as a spy, condemned as a spy, and shall be executed as a spy; and the flag is ordered to depart immediately. "israel putnam." "p. s.--he has, accordingly, been executed." governor clinton, the other guardian of the highlands, and actually at his post at fort montgomery, was equally on the alert. he had faithfully followed washington's directions in ordering out militia from different counties to reinforce his own garrison and the army under schuyler. one measure more was taken by washington, during this interval, in aid of the northern department. the indians who accompanied burgoyne were objects of great dread to the american troops, especially the militia. as a counterpoise to them, he now sent up colonel morgan with five hundred riflemen, to fight them in their own way. "they are all chosen men," said he, "selected from the army at large, and well acquainted with the use of rifles and with that mode of fighting. i expect the most eminent services from them, and i shall be mistaken if their presence does not go far towards producing a general desertion among the savages." during his encampment in the neighborhood of philadelphia, washington was repeatedly at that city, making himself acquainted with the military capabilities of the place and its surrounding country, and directing the construction of fortifications on the river. in one of these visits he became acquainted with the young marquis de lafayette, who had recently arrived from france, in company with a number of french, polish, and german officers, among whom was the baron de kalb. the marquis was not quite twenty years of age, yet had already been married nearly three years to a lady of rank and fortune. full of the romance of liberty, he had torn himself from his youthful bride, turned his back upon the gayeties and splendors of a court, and in defiance of impediments and difficulties multiplied in his path, had made his way to america to join its hazardous fortunes. it was at a public dinner, where a number of members of congress were present, that lafayette first saw washington. he immediately knew him, he said, from the officers who surrounded him, by his commanding air and person. when the party was breaking up, washington took him aside, complimented him in a gracious manner on his disinterested zeal and the generosity of his conduct, and invited him to make head-quarters his home. many days had now elapsed without further tidings of the fleet, when the tormenting uncertainties concerning it were brought to an end by intelligence that it had actually entered the chesapeake and anchored at swan point, at least two hundred miles within the capes. "by general howe's coming so far up the chesapeake," writes washington, "he must mean to reach philadelphia by that route, though to be sure it is a strange one." the mystery of these various appearances and vanishings which had caused so much wonder and perplexity is easily explained. shortly before putting to sea with the ships of war, howe had sent a number of transports and a ship cut down as a floating battery up the hudson, which had induced washington to despatch troops to the highlands. after putting to sea, the fleet was a week in reaching the capes of delaware. when there, the commanders were deterred from entering the river by reports of measures taken to obstruct its navigation. it was then determined to make for chesapeake bay, and approach in that way as near as possible to philadelphia. contrary winds, however, kept them for a long time from getting into the bay. lafayette in his memoirs describes a review of washington's army which he witnessed about this time. "eleven thousand men, but tolerably armed and still worse clad, presented," he said, "a singular spectacle; in this parti-colored and often naked state, the best dresses were hunting shirts of brown linen. their tactics were equally irregular. they were arranged without regard to size, excepting that the smallest men were the front rank: with all this there were good-looking soldiers conducted by zealous officers." the several divisions of the army had been summoned to the immediate neighborhood of philadelphia, and the militia of pennsylvania, delaware, and the northern parts of virginia were called out. many of the militia, with colonel proctor's corps of artillery, had been ordered to rendezvous at chester on the delaware, about twelve miles below philadelphia; and by washington's orders general wayne left his brigade under the next in command and repaired to chester to arrange the troops assembling there. as there had been much disaffection to the cause evinced in philadelphia, washington, in order to encourage its friends and dishearten its enemies, marched with the whole army through the city, down front and up chestnut street. great pains were taken to make the display as imposing as possible. all were charged to keep to their ranks, carry their arms well, and step in time to the music of the drums and fifes, collected in the centre of each brigade. washington rode at the head of the troops attended by his numerous staff, with the marquis lafayette by his side. the long column of the army, broken into divisions and brigades, the pioneers with their axes, the squadrons of horse, the extended trains of artillery, the tramp of steed, the bray of trumpet, and the spirit-stirring sound of drum and fife, all had an imposing effect on a peaceful city unused to the sight of marshalled armies. having marched through philadelphia, the army continued on to wilmington at the confluence of christiana creek and the brandywine, where washington set up his head-quarters, his troops being encamped on the neighboring heights. chapter xliv. advance of burgoyne.--battle of oriskany.--battle of bennington. in a preceding chapter we left burgoyne, early in july, at skenesborough, of which he had just gained possession. he remained there nearly three weeks, awaiting the arrival of the residue of his troops, with tents, baggage and provisions, and preparing for his grand move towards the hudson river. the progress of the army towards the hudson was slow and difficult, in consequence of the impediments which schuyler had multiplied in his way during his long halt at skenesborough. bridges broken down had to be rebuilt; great trees to be removed which had been felled across the roads and into wood creek, which stream was completely choked. it was not until the latter part of july that burgoyne reached fort anne. at his approach, general schuyler retired from fort edward and took post at fort miller, a few miles lower down the hudson. the indian allies who had hitherto accompanied the british army, had been more troublesome than useful. they were of the tribes of lower canada, corrupted and debased by intercourse with white men. it had been found difficult to draw them from the plunder of ticonderoga, or to restrain their murderous propensities. a party had recently arrived of a different stamp--braves of the ottawa and other tribes from the upper country, painted and decorated with savage magnificence, and bearing trophies of former triumphs. they were under the conduct of two french leaders; one named langlade, the other named st. luc, is described by burgoyne as a canadian gentleman of honor and abilities, and one of the best partisans of the french in the war of . burgoyne trusted to his newly-arrived indians to give a check to the operations of schuyler, knowing the terror they inspired throughout the country. he was naturally a humane man, and disliked indian allies, but these had hitherto served in company with civilized troops, and he trusted to the influence possessed over them by st. luc and langlade to keep them within the usages of war. a circumstance occurred, however, which showed how little the "wild honor" of these warriors of the tomahawk is to be depended upon. in general fraser's division was a young officer, lieutenant david jones, an american loyalist. his family had their home in the vicinity of fort edward before the revolution. a mutual attachment had taken place between the youth and a beautiful girl named jane mccrea, who resided with her brother on the banks of the hudson, a few miles below fort edward. the lovers were engaged to be married, when the breaking out of the war severed families and disturbed all the relations of life. the joneses were royalists; the brother of miss mccrea was a stanch whig. the former removed to canada, where he joined the royal standard, and received a lieutenant's commission. the attachment between the lovers continued, and it is probable that a correspondence was kept up between them. lieutenant jones was now in fraser's camp; in his old neighborhood. miss mccrea was on a visit to a widow lady, mrs. o'niel, residing at fort edward. the approach of burgoyne's army had spread an alarm through the country; the inhabitants were flying from their homes. the brother of miss mccrea determined to remove to albany, and sent for his sister to return home and make ready to accompany him. she prepared, reluctantly, to obey, and was to embark in a large bateaux which was to convey several families down the river. the very morning when the embarkation was to take place the neighborhood was a scene of terror. a marauding party of indians, sent out by burgoyne to annoy general schuyler, were harassing the country. several of them burst into the house of mrs. o'niel, sacked and plundered it, and carried off her and miss mccrea prisoners. in her fright the latter promised the savages a large reward if they would spare her life and take her in safety to the british camp. it was a fatal promise. halting at a spring, a quarrel arose among the savages, inflamed most probably with drink, as to whose prize she was, and who was entitled to the reward. the dispute became furious, and one, in a paroxysm of rage, killed her on the spot. he completed the savage act by bearing off her scalp as a trophy. general burgoyne was struck with horror when he heard of this bloody deed. he summoned a council of the indian chiefs, in which he insisted that the murderer of miss mccrea should be given up to receive the reward of his crime. the demand produced a violent agitation. the culprit was a great warrior, a chief, and the "wild honor" of his brother sachems was roused in his behalf. st. luc took burgoyne aside and entreated him not to push the matter to extremities, assuring him that from what was passing among the chiefs, he was sure they and their warriors would all abandon the army should the delinquent be executed. burgoyne was thus reluctantly brought to spare the offender, but thenceforth made it a rule that no party of indians should be permitted to go forth on a foray unless under the conduct of a british officer, or some other competent person who should be responsible for their behavior.{ } {footnote : [these restrictions led to ill-humor among the indians who soon announced their intention of returning home, unless the restraints imposed by burgoyne were withdrawn. burgoyne was greatly embarrassed. the indian force was valuable and obtained at an immense expense. but to his great credit he refused their demands, and the result was that the greater part of his indian allies deserted him.]} the mischief to the british cause, however, had been effected. the murder of miss mccrea resounded throughout the land, counteracting all the benefit anticipated from the terror of indian hostilities. those people of the frontiers who had hitherto remained quiet, now flew to arms to defend their families and firesides. in their exasperation they looked beyond the savages to their employers. they abhorred an army which, professing to be civilized, could league itself with such barbarians; and they execrated a government which, pretending to reclaim them as subjects, could let loose such fiends to desolate their homes. the blood of this unfortunate girl, therefore, was not shed in vain. armies sprang up from it. her name passed as a note of alarm along the banks of the hudson; it was a rallying word among the green mountains of vermont and brought down all their hardy yeomanry. as burgoyne advanced to fort edward, schuyler fell still further back and took post at saratoga, or rather stillwater, about thirty miles from albany. he had been joined by major-general lincoln, who, according to washington's directions, had hastened to his assistance. in pursuance of washington's plans, lincoln proceeded to manchester in vermont to take command of the militia forces collecting at that point. his presence inspired new confidence in the country people, who were abandoning their homes, leaving their crops ungathered, and taking refuge with their families in the lower towns. he found about five hundred militia assembled at manchester, under colonel seth warner; others were coming on from new hampshire and massachusetts to protect their uncovered frontier. burgoyne was now at fort edward where new difficulties beset him. the horses which had been contracted for in canada, for draught, burthen and saddle, arrived slowly and scantily. artillery and munitions, too, of all kinds, had to be brought from ticonderoga by the way of lake george. these, with a vast number of boats for freight, or to form bridges, it was necessary to transport over the carrying places between the lakes, and by land from fort george to fort edward. unfortunately, the army had not the requisite supply of horses and oxen. so far from being able to bring forward provisions for a march, it was with difficulty enough could be furnished to feed the army from day to day. while thus situated, burgoyne received intelligence that the part of his army which he had detached from canada under colonel st. leger, to proceed by lake ontario and oswego and make a diversion on the mohawk, had penetrated to that river, and were actually investing fort stanwix, the stronghold of that part of the country. to carry out the original plan of his campaign, it now behooved him to make a rapid move down the hudson, so as to be at hand to co-operate with st. leger on his approach to albany. but how was he to do this, deficient as he was in horses and vehicles for transportation? in this dilemma he was informed that at bennington, about twenty-four miles east of the hudson, the americans had a great depot of horses, carriages, and supplies of all kind, intended for their northern army, which might easily be surprised, being guarded by only a small militia force. an expedition was immediately set on foot, not only to surprise this place, but to scour the country, and bring off all horses fit for the dragoons, or for battalion service, with as many saddles and bridles as could be found. before relating the events of this expedition, we will turn to notice those of the detachment under st. leger, with which it was intended to co-operate, and which was investing fort schuyler. this fort, built in , on the site of an old french fortification, and formerly called fort stanwix, from a british general of that name, was situated on the right bank of the mohawk river, at the head of its navigation, and commanded the carrying-place between it and wood creek, whence the boats passed to the oneida lake, the oswego river, and lake ontario. it was thus a key to the intercourse between upper canada and the valley of the mohawk. the fort was square, with four bastions, and was originally a place of strength--having bombproof magazines, a deep moat and drawbridge, a sally port and covered way. in the long interval of peace subsequent to the french war, it had fallen to decay. recently it had been repaired by order of general schuyler, and had received his name. it was garrisoned by seven hundred and fifty continental troops from new york and massachusetts, and was under the command of colonel gansevoort of the new york line. it was a motley force which appeared before it; british, hessian, royalist, canadian and indian, about seventeen hundred in all. among them were st. leger's rangers and sir john johnson's royalist corps, called his greens. the indians were led by the famous brant. on the d of august, st. leger sent in a flag with a summons to surrender. it was disregarded. he now set his troops to work to fortify his camp and clear obstructions from wood creek and the roads for the transportation of artillery and provisions, and sent out scouting parties of indians in all directions, to cut off all communication of the garrison with the surrounding country. on the th of august, three men made their way into the fort through a swamp which the enemy had deemed impassable. they brought the cheering intelligence that general herkimer, the veteran commander of the militia of tryon county, was at oriskany, about eight miles distant, with upwards of eight hundred men. herkimer requested colonel gansevoort, through his two messengers, to fire three signal-guns on receiving word of his vicinage, upon hearing which, he would endeavor to force his way to the fort, depending upon the co-operation of the garrison. the messengers had been despatched by herkimer on the evening of the th, and he had calculated that they would reach the fort at a very early hour in the morning. through some delay, they did not reach it until between ten and eleven o'clock. gansevoort instantly complied with the message. three signal-guns were fired, and colonel willet, of the new york continentals, with two hundred and fifty men and an iron three-pounder was detached to make a diversion by attacking that part of the enemy's camp occupied by johnson and his royalists. the delay of the messengers in the night, however, disconcerted the plan of herkimer. he marshalled his troops by daybreak and waited for the signal-guns. hour after hour elapsed, but no gun was heard. his officers became impatient of delay, and urged an immediate march. colonels cox and paris were particularly urgent for an advance. paris was a prominent man in tryon county, and member of the committee of safety, and in compliance with the wishes of that committee, accompanied herkimer as his volunteer aide. losing his temper in the dispute, he accused the latter of being either a tory or a coward. "no," replied the brave old man, "i feel toward you all as a father, and will not lead you into a scrape from which i cannot extricate you." his discretion, however, was overpowered by repeated taunts, and he at length, about nine o'clock, gave the word to march. the march was rather dogged and irregular. there was ill-humor between the general and his officers. about ten o'clock they came to a place where the road was carried on a causeway of logs across a deep marshy ravine, between high level banks. the main division descended into the ravine, followed by the baggage-wagons. they had scarcely crossed it, when the enemies suddenly sprang up in front and on each side with deadly volleys of musketry and deafening yells and war-whoops. in fact, st. leger, apprised by his scouts of their intended approach, had sent a force [of johnson's greens, rangers, and indians] to waylay them. the rear-guard, which had not entered the ravine, retreated. the main body, though thrown into confusion, defended themselves bravely. one of those severe conflicts ensued, common in indian warfare, where the combatants take post with their rifles behind rock and tree, or come to deadly struggle with knife and tomahawk. the veteran herkimer was wounded early in the action. a musket ball shattered his leg just below the knee, killing his horse at the same time. he made his men place him on his saddle at the foot of a large beech tree, against the trunk of which he leaned, continuing to give his orders. the regulars attempted to charge with the bayonet, but the americans formed themselves in circles back to back, and repelled them. a heavy storm of thunder and rain caused a temporary lull to the fight, during which the patriots changed their ground. some of them stationed themselves in pairs behind trees, so that when one had fired the other could cover him until he had reloaded, for the savages were apt to rush up with knife and tomahawk the moment a man had discharged his piece. a confusion reigns over the accounts of this fight, in which every one saw little but what occurred in his immediate vicinity. the indians at length, having lost many of their bravest warriors, gave the retreating cry, oonah! oonah! and fled to the woods. the greens and rangers, hearing a firing in the direction of the fort, feared an attack upon their camp, and hastened to its defence, carrying off with them many prisoners. the americans did not pursue them, but placing their wounded on litters made of branches of trees, returned to oriskany. both parties have claimed the victory, but it does not appear that either was entitled to it. the americans had two hundred killed, and a number wounded. several of these were officers. the loss of the enemy is thought to have been equally great as to numbers. we may add that those who had been most urgent with general herkimer for this movement, were among the first to suffer from it. colonel cox was shot down at the first fire, so was a son of colonel paris; the colonel himself was taken prisoner, and fell beneath the tomahawk of the famous red jacket. as to general herkimer, he was conveyed to his residence on the mohawk river, and died nine days after the battle, not so much from his wound as from bad surgery, sinking gradually through loss of blood from an unskilful amputation. the sortie of colonel willett had been spirited and successful. he attacked the encampments of sir john johnson and the indians which were contiguous, and strong detachments of which were absent on the ambuscade. sir john and his men were driven to the river; the indians fled to the woods. willett sacked their camps; loaded wagons with camp equipage, clothing, blankets, and stores of all kinds, seized the baggage and papers of sir john and of several of his officers, and retreated safely to the fort, just as st. leger was up with a powerful reinforcement. five colors, which he had brought away with him as trophies, were displayed under the flag of the fort, while his men gave three cheers from the ramparts. st. leger now endeavored to operate on the fears of the garrison. his prisoners, it is said, were compelled to write a letter, giving dismal accounts of the affair of oriskany, and of the impossibility of getting any succor to the garrison; of the probability that burgoyne and his army were then before albany, and advising surrender to prevent inevitable destruction. st. leger accompanied the letter with warnings that, should the garrison persist in resistance, he would not be able to restrain the fury of the savages, who threatened, if further provoked, to revenge the deaths of their warriors and chiefs by slaughtering the garrison, and laying waste the whole valley of the mohawk. all this failing to shake the resolution of gansevoort, st. leger began to lose heart. the fort proved more capable of defence than he had anticipated. his artillery was too light, and the ramparts, being of sod, were not easily battered. he was obliged, reluctantly, to resort to the slow process of sapping and mining, and began to make regular approaches. gansevoort, seeing the siege was likely to be protracted, resolved to send to general schuyler for succor. colonel willett volunteered to undertake the perilous errand. he was accompanied by lieutenant stockwell, an excellent woodsman, who served as a guide. they left the fort on the th after dark, by a sally port, passed by the british sentinels and close by the indian camp without being discovered, and made their way through bog and morass and pathless forests and all kinds of risks and hardships until they reached the german flats on the mohawk. here willett procured a couple of horses, and by dint of hoof arrived at the camp of general schuyler at stillwater. schuyler was in albany in the early part of august, making stirring appeals in every direction for reinforcements. burgoyne was advancing upon him; he had received news of the disastrous affair of oriskany, and the death of general herkimer, and tryon county was crying to him for assistance. one of his appeals was to the veteran john stark. he had his farm in the hampshire grants, and his name was a tower of strength among the green mountain boys. but stark was soured with government and had retired from service, his name having been omitted in the list of promotions. hearing that he was on a visit to lincoln's camp at manchester, schuyler wrote to that general: "assure general stark that i have acquainted congress of his situation, and that i trust and entreat he will in the present alarming crisis waive his right; the greater the sacrifice he makes to his feelings, the greater will be the honor due to him for not having suffered any consideration whatever to come in competition with the weal of his country." schuyler had instant call to practise the very virtue he was inculcating. he was about to mount his horse on the th to return to the camp at stillwater, when a despatch from congress was put into his hand containing the resolves which recalled him to attend a court of inquiry about the affair of ticonderoga. schuyler felt deeply the indignity of being thus recalled at a time when an engagement was apparently at hand, but endeavored to console himself with the certainty that a thorough investigation of his conduct would prove how much he was entitled to the thanks of his country. he intimated the same in his reply to congress; in the meantime he considered it his duty to remain at his post until his successor should arrive, or some officer in the department be nominated to the command. his first care was to send relief to gansevoort and his beleaguered garrison. eight hundred men were all that he could spare from his army in its present threatened state. a spirited and effective officer was wanted to lead them. arnold was in camp; recently sent on as an efficient coadjutor by washington. he stepped promptly forward, and volunteered to lead the enterprise. after the departure of this detachment, it was unanimously determined in a council of war of schuyler and his general officers, that the post at stillwater was altogether untenable with their actual force; part of the army, therefore, retired to the islands at the fords on the mouth of the mohawk river, where it empties into the hudson, and a brigade was posted above the falls of the mohawk, called the cohoes, to prevent the enemy from crossing there. it was considered a strong position, where they could not be attacked without great disadvantage to the assailant. we will now take a view of occurrences on the right and left of burgoyne, and show the effect of schuyler's measures, poorly seconded as they were in crippling and straitening the invading army. and first we will treat of the expedition against bennington. generals phillips and riedesel demurred strongly to the expedition, but their counsels were outweighed by those of colonel skene [an influential and worthy royalist, the founder of skenesborough]. he knew, he said, all the country thereabout. the inhabitants were as five to one in favor of the royal cause, and would be prompt to turn out on the first appearance of a protecting army. he was to accompany the expedition, and much was expected from his personal influence and authority. lieutenant-colonel baum was to command the detachment. he had under him, according to burgoyne, two hundred dismounted dragoons of the regiment of riedesel, captain fraser's marksmen, which were the only british, all the canadian volunteers, a party of the provincials who perfectly knew the country, one hundred indians, and two light pieces of cannon. the whole detachment amounted to about five hundred men. to be nearer at hand in case assistance should be required, burgoyne encamped on the east side of the hudson, nearly opposite saratoga, throwing over a bridge of boats by which general fraser, with the advanced guard, crossed to that place. colonel baum set out from camp at break of day on the th of august. he was too slow a man to take a place by surprise. the people of bennington heard of his approach and were on the alert. the veteran stark was there with eight or nine hundred troops. during the late alarms the militia of the state had been formed into two brigades, one to be commanded by general william whipple; stark had with difficulty been prevailed upon to accept the command of the other, upon the express condition that he should not be obliged to join the main army but should be left to his own discretion to make war in his own partisan style, hovering about the enemy in their march through the country, and accountable to none but the authorities of new hampshire. having heard that indians had appeared at cambridge, twelve miles to the north of bennington, on the th, he sent out two hundred men under colonel gregg in quest of them. in the course of the night he learnt that they were mere scouts in advance of a force marching upon bennington. he immediately rallied his brigade, called out the militia of the neighborhood, and sent off for colonel seth warner and his regiment of militia who were with general lincoln at manchester. lincoln instantly detached them, and warner and his men marched all night through drenching rain, arriving at stark's camp in the morning, dripping wet. stark left them at bennington to dry and rest themselves and then to follow on; in the meantime he pushed forward with his men to support the party sent out the preceding day under gregg, in quest of the indians. he met them about five miles off in full retreat, baum and his force a mile in their rear. he halted and prepared for action. baum also halted, posted himself on a high ground at a bend of the little river walloomscoick and began to intrench himself. stark fell back a mile to wait for reinforcements and draw down baum from his strong position. a skirmish took place between the advance guards; thirty of baum's men were killed and two indian chiefs. an incessant rain on the th prevented an attack on baum's camp, but there was continual skirmishing. the colonel strengthened his intrenchments, and finding he had a larger force to contend with than he had anticipated, sent off in all haste to burgoyne for reinforcements. colonel breyman marched off immediately with five hundred hessian grenadiers and infantry and two six-pounders, leaving behind him his tents, baggage, and standards. in the meantime the americans had been mustering from all quarters to stark's assistance, with such weapons as they had at hand. during the night of the th, colonel symonds arrived with a body of berkshire militia. on the following morning the sun shone bright, and stark prepared to attack baum in his intrenchments; though he had no artillery, and his men, for the most part, had only their ordinary brown firelocks without bayonets. two hundred of his men, under colonel nichols, were detached to the rear of the enemy's left; three hundred under colonel herrick, to the rear of his right; they were to join their forces and attack him in the rear, while colonels hubbard and stickney, with two hundred men, diverted his attention in front. at the first sound of fire-arms, stark, who had remained with the main body in camp, mounted his horse and gave the word, _forward!_ he had promised his men the plunder of the british camp. the homely speech made by him when in sight of the enemy, has often been cited. "now, my men! there are the red coats! before night they must be ours, or molly stark will be a widow!" baum soon found himself assailed on every side, but he defended his works bravely. his two pieces of artillery, advantageously planted, were very effective, and his troops, if slow in march, were steady in action. stark inspired his men with his own impetuosity. they drove the royalist troops upon the hessians, and pressing after them stormed the works with irresistible fury. a hessian eye-witness declares that this time the rebels fought with desperation, pressing within eight paces of the loaded cannon to take surer aim at the artillerists. the latter were slain; the cannon captured. the royalists and canadians took to flight, and escaped to the woods. the germans still kept their ground and fought bravely, until there was not a cartridge left. baum and his dragoons then took to their broadswords, and the infantry to their bayonets, and endeavored to cut their way to a road in the woods, but in vain; many were killed, more wounded, baum among the number, and all who survived were taken prisoners. the victors now dispersed, some to collect booty, some to attend to the wounded, some to guard the prisoners, and some to seek refreshment, being exhausted by hunger and fatigue. at this critical juncture, breyman's tardy reinforcement came, making its way heavily and slowly to the scene of action, joined by many of the enemy who had fled. attempts were made to rally the militia; but they were in complete confusion. nothing would have saved them from defeat, had not colonel seth warner's corps fortunately arrived from bennington, fresh from repose, and advanced to meet the enemy, while the others regained their ranks. it was four o'clock in the afternoon when this second action commenced. it was fought from wood to wood and hill to hill, for several miles, until sunset. the last stand of the enemy was at van schaick's mill, where, having expended all their ammunition, of which each man had forty rounds, they gave way, and retreated, under favor of the night, leaving two field-pieces and all their baggage in the hands of the americans. four brass field-pieces, nine hundred dragoon swords, a thousand stand of arms, and four ammunition wagons were the spoils of this victory. thirty-two officers, five hundred and sixty-four privates, including canadians and loyalists, were taken prisoners. the number of slain was very considerable, but could not be ascertained; many having fallen in the woods. the brave but unfortunate baum did not long survive. the americans had one hundred killed and wounded. arnold's march to the relief of fort stanwix was slower than suited his ardent and impatient spirit. he was detained in the valley of the mohawk by bad roads, by the necessity of waiting for baggage and ammunition wagons, and for militia recruits who turned out reluctantly. conscious of the smallness of his force, he had resorted to stratagem, sending emissaries ahead to spread exaggerated reports of the number of his troops, so as to work on the fears of the enemy's indian allies and induce them to desert. the most important of these emissaries was one yan yost cuyler, an eccentric, half-witted fellow, known throughout the country as a rank tory. he had been convicted as a spy, and only spared from the halter on the condition that he would go into st. leger's camp, and spread alarming reports among the indians, by whom he was well known. to insure a faithful discharge of his mission, arnold detained his brother as a hostage. on his way up the mohawk valley, arnold was joined by a new york regiment, under colonel james livingston, sent by gates to reinforce him. on arriving at the german flats he received an express from colonel gansevoort, informing him that he was still besieged, but in high spirits and under no apprehensions. all this while st. leger was advancing his parallels and pressing the siege; while provisions and ammunition were rapidly decreasing within the fort. st leger's indian allies, however, were growing sullen and intractable. this slow kind of warfare, this war with the spade, they were unaccustomed to, and they by no means relished it. at this juncture, scouts brought word that a force one thousand strong was marching to the relief of the fort. eager to put his savages in action, st. leger, in a council of war, offered to their chiefs to place himself at their head, with three hundred of his best troops, and meet the enemy as they advanced. it was agreed, and they sallied forth together to choose a fighting ground. by this time rumors stole into the camp doubling the number of the approaching enemy. burgoyne's whole army were said to have been defeated. lastly came yan yost cuyler, with his coat full of bullet-holes, giving out that he had escaped from the hands of the americans, and had been fired upon by them. his story was believed, for he was known to be a royalist. mingling among his old acquaintances, the indians, he assured them that the americans were close at hand, and "numerous as the leaves on the trees." arnold's stratagem succeeded. the indians, fickle as the winds, began to desert. sir john johnson and colonels claus and butler endeavored in vain to reassure and retain them. in a little while two hundred had decamped, and the rest threatened to do so likewise, unless st. leger retreated. the unfortunate colonel found too late what little reliance was to be placed upon indian allies. he determined, on the d, to send off his sick, his wounded, and his artillery by wood creek that very night, and to protect them by the line of march. the indians, however, goaded on by arnold's emissaries, insisted on instant retreat. st. leger still refused to depart before nightfall. the savages now became ungovernable. they seized upon liquor of the officers about to be embarked, and getting intoxicated behaved like very fiends. in a word st. leger was obliged to decamp about noon in such hurry and confusion that he left his tents standing, and his artillery, with most of his baggage, ammunition and stores, fell into the hands of the americans. a detachment from the garrison pursued and harassed him for a time; but his greatest annoyance was from his indian allies, who plundered the boats which conveyed such baggage as had been brought off; murdered all stragglers who lagged in the rear, and amused themselves by giving false alarms to keep up the panic of the soldiery, who would throw away muskets, knapsacks, and everything that impeded their flight. it was not until he reached onondaga falls, that st. leger discovered by a letter from burgoyne, and floating reports brought by the bearer, that he had been the dupe of a _ruse de guerre_, and that at the time the advancing foe were reported to be close upon his haunches, they were not within forty miles of him. such was the second blow to burgoyne's invading army; but before the news of it reached that doomed commander, he had already been half paralyzed by the disaster at bennington. means were now augmenting in schuyler's hands. colonels livingston and pierre van cortlandt, forwarded by putnam, were arrived. governor clinton was daily expected with new york militia from the highlands. the arrival of arnold was anticipated with troops and artillery, and lincoln with the new england militia. at this propitious moment, when everything was ready for the sickle to be put into the harvest, general gates arrived in the camp. schuyler received him with the noble courtesy to which he pledged himself. after acquainting him with all the affairs of the department, the measures he had taken and those he had projected, he informed him of his having signified to congress his intention to remain in that quarter for the present and render every service in his power, and he entreated gates to call upon him for council and assistance whenever he thought proper. gates was in high spirits. his letters to washington show how completely he was aware that an easy path of victory had been opened to him. but so far was he from responding to schuyler's magnanimity, and profiting by his nobly offered counsel and assistance, that he did not even ask him to be present at his first council of war, although he invited up general ten broeck of the militia from albany to attend it. chapter xlv. battle of the brandywine.--fall of philadelphia. on the th of august the british army under general howe began to land from the fleet in elk river, at the bottom of chesapeake bay. the place where they landed was about six miles below the head of elk (now elkton), a small town, the capital of cecil county. this was seventy miles from philadelphia. early in the evening washington received intelligence that the enemy were landing. there was a quantity of public and private stores at the head of elk which he feared would fall into their hands if they moved quickly. every attempt was to be made to check them. the divisions of generals greene and stephen were within a few miles of wilmington; orders were sent for them to march thither immediately. the two other divisions which had halted at chester to refresh were to hurry forward. major-general armstrong, who now commanded the pennsylvania militia, was urged to send down in the cool of the night all the men he could muster, properly armed. general rodney, who commanded the delaware militia, was ordered to throw out scouts and patrols toward the enemy to watch their motions; and to move near them with his troops as soon as he should be reinforced by the maryland militia. light troops were sent out early in the morning to hover about and harass the invaders. the country was in a great state of alarm. the inhabitants were hurrying off their most valuable effects, so that it was difficult to procure cattle and vehicles to remove the public stores. the want of horses, and the annoyances given by the american light troops, however, kept howe from advancing promptly, and gave time for the greater part of the stores to be saved. to allay the public alarm, howe issued a proclamation on the th, promising the strictest regularity and order on the part of his army; with security of person and property to all who remained quietly at home, and pardon to those under arms, who should promptly return to their obedience. the divisions of generals greene and stephen were now stationed several miles in advance of wilmington, behind white clay creek, about ten miles from the head of elk. general smallwood and colonel gist had been directed by congress to take command of the militia of maryland, who were gathering on the western shore, and washington sent them orders to co-operate with general rodney and get in the rear of the enemy. washington now felt the want of morgan and his riflemen, whom he had sent to assist the northern army; to supply their place, he formed a corps of light troops, by drafting a hundred men from each brigade. the command was given to major-general maxwell, who was to hover about the enemy and give them continual annoyance. the army about this time was increased by the arrival of general sullivan and his division of three thousand men. he had recently, while encamped at hanover in jersey, made a gallant attempt to surprise and capture a corps of one thousand provincials stationed on staten island, at a distance from the fortified camp, and opposite the jersey shore. the attempt was partially successful; a number of the provincials were captured; but the regulars came to the rescue. sullivan had not brought sufficient boats to secure a retreat. his rear-guard was captured while waiting for the return of the boats, yet not without a sharp resistance. there was loss on both sides, but the americans suffered most. congress had directed washington to appoint a court of inquiry to investigate the matter; in the meantime, sullivan, whose gallantry remained undoubted, continued in command. there were now in camp several of those officers and gentlemen from various parts of europe who had recently pressed into the service, and the suitable employment of whom had been a source of much perplexity to washington. general deborre, the french veteran of thirty years' service, commanded a brigade in sullivan's division. brigadier-general conway, the gallicized hibernian, was in the division of lord stirling. beside these, there was louis fleury, a french gentleman of noble descent, who had been educated as an engineer, and had come out at the opening of the revolution to offer his services. washington had obtained for him a captain's commission. another officer of distinguished merit, was the count pulaski, a pole, recommended by dr. franklin as an officer famous throughout europe for his bravery and conduct in defence of the liberties of his country against russia, austria and prussia. at this time henry lee of virginia, of military renown, makes his first appearance. he was in the twenty-second year of his age, and in the preceding year had commanded a company of virginia volunteers. he had recently signalized himself in scouting parties, harassing the enemy's pickets. his adventurous exploits soon won him notoriety and the popular appellation of "light-horse harry." he was favorably noticed by washington throughout the war. several days were now passed by the commander-in-chief almost continually in the saddle, reconnoitring the roads and passes, and making himself acquainted with the surrounding country, which was very much intersected by rivers and small streams, running chiefly from northwest to southeast. he had now made up his mind to risk a battle in the open field. it is true his troops were inferior to those of the enemy in number, equipments and discipline. many of them were militia or raw recruits, yet the divisions of the army had acquired a facility at moving in large masses, and were considerably improved in military tactics. at any rate, it would never do to let philadelphia, at that time the capital of the states, fall without a blow. public impatience called for a battle; it was expected even by europe; his own valiant spirit required it, though hitherto he had been held in check by superior considerations of expediency and by the controlling interference of congress. the british army having effected a landing, it was formed into two divisions. one, under sir william howe, was stationed at elkton, with its advanced guard at gray's hill, about two miles off. the other division, under general knyphausen, was on the opposite side of the ferry at cecil court house. on the d of september the enemy advanced in considerable force, with three field-pieces, moving with great caution, as the country was difficult, woody and not well known to them. about three miles in front of white clay creek, their vanguard was encountered by general maxwell and his light troops, and a severe skirmish took place. the fire of the american sharpshooters and riflemen as usual, was very effective; but being inferior in number and having no artillery, maxwell was compelled to retreat across white clay creek, with the loss of about forty killed and wounded. the loss of the enemy was supposed to be much greater. the main body of the american army was now encamped on the east side of red clay creek, on the road leading from elkton to philadelphia. the light-infantry were in the advance, at white clay creek. the armies were from eight to ten miles apart. in this position, washington determined to await the threatened attack. his numerical force at this time was about fifteen thousand men, but from sickness and other causes the effective force, militia included, did not exceed eleven thousand, and most of these indifferently armed and equipped. the strength of the british was computed at eighteen thousand men, but, it is thought, not more than fifteen thousand were brought into action. on the th, the enemy advanced in two columns--one appeared preparing to attack the americans in front, while the other extended its left up the west side of the creek, halting at milltown, somewhat to the right of the american position. washington now suspected an intention on the part of sir william howe to march by his right, suddenly pass the brandywine, gain the heights north of that stream and cut him off from philadelphia. he summoned a council of war, therefore, that evening, in which it was determined immediately to change their position, and move to the river in question. by two o'clock in the morning, the army was under march, and by the next evening was encamped on the high grounds in the rear of the brandywine. the enemy on the same evening moved to kennet square, about seven miles from the american position. {illustration: head-quarters at brandywine. vol. iii.} the brandywine creek, as it is called, commences with two branches, called the east and west branches, which unite in one stream, flowing from west to east about twenty-two miles, and emptying itself into the delaware about twenty-five miles below philadelphia. it has several fords; one called chadd's ford, was at that time the most practicable, and in the direct route from the enemy's camp to philadelphia. as the principal attack was expected here, washington made it the centre of his position, where he stationed the main body of his army, composed of wayne's, weedon's, and muhlenberg's brigades, with the light-infantry under maxwell. an eminence immediately above the ford had been intrenched in the night, and was occupied by wayne and proctor's artillery. weedon's and muhlenberg's brigades, which were virginian troops, and formed general greene's division, were posted in the rear on the heights as a reserve to aid either wing of the army. with these washington took his stand. maxwell's light-infantry were thrown in the advance, south of the brandywine, and posted on high ground each side of the road leading to the ford. the right wing of the army commanded by sullivan, and composed of his division and those of stephen and stirling, extended up the brandywine two miles beyond washington's position. its light troops and videttes were distributed quite up to the forks. the left wing, composed of the pennsylvania militia, under major-general armstrong, was stationed about a mile and a half below the main body, to protect the lower fords, where the least danger was apprehended. early on the morning of the th, a great column of troops was descried advancing on the road leading to chadd's ford. a skirt of the woods concealed its force, but it was supposed to be the main body of the enemy; if so, a general conflict was at hand. the americans were immediately drawn out in order of battle. washington rode along the front of the ranks, and was everywhere received with acclamations. a sharp firing of small arms soon told that maxwell's light-infantry were engaged with the vanguard of the enemy. the skirmishing was kept up for some time with spirit, when maxwell was driven across the brandywine below the ford. the enemy, who had advanced but slowly, did not attempt to follow, but halted on commanding ground, and appeared to reconnoitre the american position with a view to an attack. a heavy cannonading commenced on both sides, about ten o'clock. the enemy made repeated dispositions to force the ford, which brought on as frequent skirmishes on both sides of the river, for detachments of the light troops occasionally crossed over. towards noon came an express from sullivan, with a note received from a scouting party, reporting that general howe, with a large body of troops and a park of artillery, was pushing up the lancaster road, doubtless to cross at the upper fords and turn the right flank of the american position. startled by the information, washington instantly sent off colonel theodoric bland, with a party of horse, to reconnoitre above the forks and ascertain the truth of the report. in the meantime he resolved to cross the ford, attack the division in front of him with his whole force, and rout it before the other could arrive. he gave orders for both wings to co-operate, when, as sullivan was preparing to cross, major spicer of the militia rode up, just from the forks, and assured him there was no enemy in that quarter. sullivan instantly transmitted the intelligence to washington, whereupon the movement was suspended until positive information could be obtained. after a time came a man of the neighborhood, thomas cheyney by name, spurring in all haste, the mare he rode in foam, and himself out of breath. dashing up to the commander-in-chief, he informed him that he must instantly move, or he would be surrounded. he had come upon the enemy unawares; had been pursued and fired upon, but the fleetness of his mare had saved him. the main body of the british was coming down on the east side of the stream, and was near at hand. another despatch from sullivan corroborated the story. colonel bland, whom washington had sent to reconnoitre above the forks, had seen the enemy two miles in the rear of sullivan's right, marching down at a rapid rate, while a cloud of dust showed that there were more troops behind them. in fact, knyphausen with a small division had engrossed the attention of the americans by a feigned attack at chadd's ford, kept up with great noise and prolonged by skirmishes; while the main body of the army under cornwallis, led by experienced guides, had made a circuit of seventeen miles, crossed the two forks of the brandywine, and arrived in the neighborhood of birmingham meeting-house, two miles to the right of sullivan. it was a capital stratagem, secretly and successfully conducted. finding that cornwallis had thus gained the rear of the army, washington sent orders to sullivan to oppose him with the whole right wing, each brigade attacking as soon as it arrived upon the ground. wayne, in the meantime, was to keep knyphausen at bay at the ford, and greene, with the reserve, to hold himself ready to give aid wherever required. lafayette, as a volunteer, had hitherto accompanied the commander-in-chief, but now, seeing there was likely to be warm work with the right wing, he obtained permission to join sullivan, and spurred off with his aide-de-camp to the scene of action. {illustration: maps of the battle of brandywine.} sullivan on receiving washington's orders, advanced with his own, stephen's and stirling's divisions, and began to form a line in front of an open piece of wood. the time which had been expended in transmitting intelligence, receiving orders, and marching, had enabled cornwallis to choose his ground and prepare for action. still more time was given him from the apprehension of the three generals, upon consultation, of being out-flanked upon the right, and that the gap between sullivan's and stephen's divisions was too wide, and should be closed up. orders were accordingly given for the whole line to move to the right; and while in execution, cornwallis advanced rapidly with his troops in the finest order, and opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery. the americans made an obstinate resistance, but being taken at a disadvantage, the right and left wings were broken and driven into the woods. the centre stood firm for a while, but being exposed to the whole fire of the enemy, gave way at length also. the british, in following up their advantage, got entangled in the wood. lafayette had thrown himself from his horse and was endeavoring to rally the troops, when he was shot through the leg with a musket ball, and had to be assisted into the saddle by his aide-de-camp. the americans rallied on a height to the north of dilworth, and made a still more spirited resistance than at first, but were again dislodged and obliged to retreat with a heavy loss. while this was occurring with the right wing, knyphausen, as soon as he learnt from the heavy firing that cornwallis was engaged, made a push to force his way across chadd's ford in earnest. he was vigorously opposed by wayne with proctor's artillery, aided by maxwell and his infantry. greene was preparing to second him with the reserve, when he was summoned by washington to the support of the right wing; which the commander-in-chief had found in imminent peril. greene advanced to the relief with such celerity, that it is said, on good authority, his division accomplished the march, or rather run, of five miles in less than fifty minutes. he arrived too late to save the battle, but in time to protect the broken masses of the left wing which he met in full flight. opening his ranks from time to time for the fugitives and closing them the moment they had passed, he covered their retreat by a sharp and well-directed fire from his field-pieces. his grand stand was made at a place about a mile beyond dilworth, which in reconnoitring the neighborhood washington had pointed out to him, as well calculated for a second position, should the army be driven out of the first. weedon's brigade was drawn up in a narrow defile, flanked on both sides by woods, and perfectly commanding the road; while greene, with muhlenberg's brigade, passing to the right took his station on the road. the british came on impetuously, expecting but faint opposition. they met with a desperate resistance and were repeatedly driven back. weedon's brigade on the left maintained its stand also with great obstinacy, and the check given to the enemy by these two brigades allowed time for the broken troops to retreat. weedon was at length compelled by superior numbers to seek the protection of the other brigade, which he did in good order, and greene gradually drew off the whole division in face of the enemy, who, checked by this vigorous resistance, and seeing the day far spent, gave up all further pursuit. the brave stand made by these brigades had likewise been a great protection to wayne. he had for a long time withstood the attacks of the enemy at chadd's ford, until the approach on the right of some of the enemy's troops, who had been entangled in the woods, showed him that the right wing had been routed. he now gave up the defence of his post and retreated by the chester road. knyphausen's troops were too fatigued to pursue him, and the others had been kept back, as we have shown, by greene's division. so ended the varied conflict of the day. lafayette gives an animated picture of the general retreat in which he became entangled. all around him was headlong terror and confusion. chester road, the common retreat of the broken fragments of the army from every quarter, was crowded with fugitives, with cannon, with baggage cars, all hurrying forward pell-mell, and obstructing each other. at chester, twelve miles from the field of battle, there was a deep stream with a bridge, over which the fugitives would have to pass. here lafayette set a guard to prevent their further flight. the commander-in-chief arriving soon after with greene and his gallant division, some degree of order was restored, and the whole army took its post behind chester for the night. the scene of this battle, which decided the fate of philadelphia, was within six and twenty miles of that city, and each discharge of cannon could be heard there. the two parties of the inhabitants, whig and tory, were to be seen in separate groups in the squares and public places, waiting the event in anxious silence. at length a courier arrived. his tidings spread consternation among the friends of liberty. many left their homes; entire families abandoned everything in terror and despair, and took refuge in the mountains. congress, that same evening determined to quit the city and repair to lancaster, whence they subsequently removed to yorktown. notwithstanding the rout and precipitate retreat of the american army, sir william howe did not press the pursuit, but passed the night on the field of battle, and remained the two following days at dilworth, sending out detachments to take post at concord and chester, and seize on wilmington, whither the sick and wounded were conveyed. washington, as usual, profited by the inactivity of howe; quietly retreating through derby (on the th) across the schuylkill to germantown, within a short distance of philadelphia, where he gave his troops a day's repose. finding them in good spirits and in nowise disheartened by the recent affair, which they seemed to consider a check rather than a defeat, he resolved to seek the enemy again and give him battle. as preliminary measures, he left some of the pennsylvania militia in philadelphia to guard the city; others, under general armstrong, were posted at the various passes of the schuylkill, with orders to throw up works; the floating bridge on the lower road was to be unmoored, and the boats collected and taken across the river. having taken these precautions against any hostile movement by the lower road, washington recrossed the schuylkill on the th, and advanced along the lancaster road, with the intention of turning the left flank of the enemy. howe, apprised of his intention, made a similar disposition to outflank him. the two armies came in sight of each other near the warren tavern, twenty-three miles from philadelphia, and were on the point of engaging, but were prevented by a violent storm of rain which lasted for four and twenty hours. this inclement weather was particularly distressing to the americans, who were scantily clothed, most of them destitute of blankets, and separated from their tents and baggage. the rain penetrated their cartridge-boxes and the ill-fitted locks of their muskets, rendering the latter useless, being deficient in bayonets. in this plight, washington gave up for the present all thought of attacking the enemy, as their discipline in the use of the bayonet, with which they were universally furnished, would give them a great superiority in action. the only aim at present was to get to some dry and secure place where the army might repose and refit. all day and for a great part of the night they marched under a cold and pelting rain, and through deep and miry roads to the yellow springs, thence to warwick, on french creek. at warwick furnace, ammunition and a few muskets were obtained, to aid in disputing the passage of the schuylkill, and the advance of the enemy on philadelphia. from french creek, wayne was detached with his division to get in the rear of the enemy, form a junction with general smallwood and the maryland militia, and, keeping themselves concealed, watch for an opportunity to cut off howe's baggage and hospital train; in the meantime washington crossed the schuylkill at parker's ford and took a position to defend that pass of the river. wayne set off in the night, and by a circuitous march got within three miles of the left wing of the british encamped at trydraffin, and concealing himself in a wood, waited the arrival of smallwood and his militia. at daybreak he reconnoitred the camp where howe, checked by the severity of the weather, had contented himself with uniting his columns, and remained under shelter. all day wayne hovered about the camp; there were no signs of marching; all kept quiet but lay too compact to be attacked with prudence. he sent repeated messages to washington describing the situation of the enemy. "i believe he knows nothing of my situation, as i have taken every precaution to prevent any intelligence getting to him." his motions, however, had not been so secret as he imagined. he was in a part of the country full of the disaffected, and sir william had received accurate information of his force and where he was encamped. general gray, with a strong detachment, was sent to surprise him at night in his lair. late in the evening, when wayne had set his pickets and sentinels and thrown out his patrols, a countryman brought him word of the meditated attack. he doubted the intelligence, but strengthened his pickets and patrols, and ordered his troops to sleep upon their arms. at eleven o'clock the pickets were driven in at the point of the bayonet--the enemy were advancing in column. wayne instantly took post on the right of his position, to cover the retreat of the left, led by colonel hampton, the second in command. the latter was tardy, and incautiously paraded his troops in front of their fires so as to be in full relief. the enemy rushed on without firing a gun; all was the silent but deadly work of the bayonet and cutlass. nearly three hundred of hampton's men were killed or wounded, and the rest put to flight. wayne gave the enemy some well-directed volleys, and then retreating to a small distance, rallied his troops and prepared for further defence. the british, however, contented themselves with the blow they had given and retired with very little loss, taking with them between seventy and eighty prisoners, several of them officers, and eight baggage wagons, heavily laden. general smallwood, who was to have co-operated with wayne, was within a mile of him at the time of his attack, and would have hastened to his assistance with his well-known intrepidity, but he had not the corps under his command with which he had formerly distinguished himself, and his raw militia fled in a panic at the first sight of a return party of the enemy. wayne was deeply mortified by the result of this affair, and finding it severely criticised in the army, demanded a court-martial, which pronounced his conduct everything that was to be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer; whatever blame there was in the matter fell upon his second in command. on the st, sir william howe made a rapid march high up the schuylkill, on the road leading to reading, as if he intended either to capture the military stores deposited there, or to turn the right of the american army. washington kept pace with him on the opposite side of the river up to pott's grove, about thirty miles from philadelphia. the movement on the part of howe was a mere feint. no sooner had he drawn washington so far up the river, than by a rapid countermarch on the night of the d, he got to the ford below, threw his troops across on the next morning and pushed forward for philadelphia. by the time washington was apprised of this counter-movement, howe was too far on his way to be overtaken by harassed, barefooted troops, worn out by constant marching. feeling the necessity of immediate reinforcements, he wrote on the same day to putnam, at peekskill: "i desire that without a moment's loss of time, you will detach as many effective rank and file, under proper generals and officers, as will make the whole number, including those with general mcdougall, amount to twenty-five hundred privates and non-commissioned fit for duty. i must urge you, by every motive, to send this detachment without the least possible delay." on the next day ( th) he wrote also to general gates: "i request, if circumstances will admit, that you will order colonel morgan to join me again with his corps. i sent him up when i thought you materially wanted him; and if his services can be dispensed with now, you will direct his immediate return." having called a council of officers and taken their opinions, which concurred with his own, washington determined to remain some days at pott's grove, to give repose to his troops and await the arrival of reinforcements. sir william howe halted at germantown, within a short distance of philadelphia, and encamped the main body of his army in and about that village; detaching lord cornwallis with a large force and a number of officers of distinction, to take formal possession of the city. that general marched into philadelphia on the th with a brilliant staff and escort, and followed by splendid legions of british and hessian grenadiers, long trains of artillery and squadrons of light-dragoons, the finest troops in the army all in their best array. chapter xlvi. the northern invasion.--fall of the highland forts.--defeat and surrender of burgoyne. the checks which burgoyne had received on right and left, and, in a great measure, through the spontaneous rising of the country, had opened his eyes to the difficulties of his situation, and the errors as to public feeling into which he had been led by his tory counsellors. he declared that had he any latitude in his orders, he would remain where he was, or perhaps fall back to fort edward, where his communication with lake george would be secure, and wait for some event that might assist his movement forward; his orders, however, were positive to force a junction with sir william howe. he did not feel at liberty, therefore, to remain inactive longer than would be necessary to receive the reinforcements of the additional companies, the german drafts and recruits actually on lake champlain, and to collect provisions enough for twenty-five days. these reinforcements were indispensable, because, from the hour he should pass the hudson river and proceed towards albany, all safety of communication would cease. a feature of peculiar interest is given to this wild and rugged expedition, by the presence of two ladies of rank and refinement, involved in its perils and hardships. one was lady harriet ackland, daughter of the earl of ilchester, and wife of major ackland of the grenadiers; the other was the baroness de riedesel, wife of the hessian major-general. both of these ladies had been left behind in canada. lady harriet, however, on hearing that her husband was wounded in the affair at hubbardton, instantly set out to rejoin him, regardless of danger, and of her being in a condition before long to become a mother. crossing the whole length of lake champlain, she found him in a sick bed at skenesborough. after his recovery she refused to leave him, but had continued with the army ever since. her example had been imitated by the baroness de riedesel, who had joined the army at fort edward, bringing with her her three small children. the friendship and sympathy of these two ladies in all scenes of trial and suffering, and their devoted attachment to their husbands, afford touching episodes in the story of the campaign. the american army had received various reinforcements. it was now about ten thousand strong. schuyler, finding himself and his proffered services slighted by gates, had returned to albany. his patriotism was superior to personal resentments. he still continued to promote the success of the campaign, exerting his influence over the indian tribes to win them from the enemy. at albany he held talks and war feasts with deputations of oneida, tuscarora, and onondaga warriors; and procured scouting parties of them, which he sent to the camp, and which proved of great service. the dense forests which covered the country between the hostile armies concealed their movements, and as gates threw out no harassing parties, his information concerning the enemy was vague. burgoyne, however, was diligently collecting all his forces from skenesborough, fort anne and fort george, and collecting provisions. so stood matters on the th of september, when a report was circulated in the american camp that burgoyne was in motion, and that he had made a speech to his soldiers, telling them that the fleet had returned to canada, and their only safety was to fight their way to new york. as general gates was to _receive_ an attack, it was thought he ought to choose the ground where to receive it. arnold, therefore, in company with kosciuszko, the polish engineer, reconnoitred the neighborhood in quest of a good camping-ground, and at length fixed upon a ridge of hills called bemis's heights, which kosciuszko proceeded to fortify. in the meantime colonel colburn was sent off with a small party to ascend the high hills on the east side of the hudson, and watch the movements of the enemy with glasses from their summits, or from the tops of the trees. for three days he kept thus on the look-out, sending word from time to time to camp of all that he espied. on the th there were the first signs of movement among burgoyne's troops. on the th and th they slowly passed over a bridge of boats, which they had thrown across the hudson, and encamped near fish creek. on the th, both english and hessian camps struck their tents, and loaded their baggage wagons. by twelve o'clock both began to march. colburn neglected to notice the route taken by the hessians; his attention was absorbed by the british, who made their way slowly and laboriously down the western side of the river, along a wretched road intersected by brooks and rivulets, the bridges over which schuyler had broken down. the division had with it eighty-five baggage wagons and a great train of artillery; with two unwieldy twenty-four-pounders, acting like drag anchors. having seen the army advance two miles on its march, colburn descended from the heights, and hastened to the american camp to make his report. a british prisoner, brought in soon afterwards, stated that burgoyne had come to a halt about four miles distant. on the following morning the army was under arms at daylight; the enemy, however, remained encamped, repairing bridges in front, and sending down guard-boats to reconnoitre. the americans, therefore, went on to fortify their position. the ridge of hills called bemis's heights, rises abruptly from the narrow flat bordering the west side of the river. kosciuszko had fortified the camp with intrenchments three-quarters of a mile in extent, having redoubts and batteries, which commanded the valley and even the hills on the opposite side of the river, for the hudson, in this upper part, is comparatively a narrow stream. from the foot of the height an intrenchment extended to the river, ending with a battery at the water edge, commanding a floating bridge. the right wing of the army, under the immediate command of gates, and composed of glover's, nixon's, and patterson's brigades, occupied the brow of the hill nearest to the river, with the flats below. the left wing, commanded by arnold, was on the side of the camp farthest from the river, and distant from the latter about three-quarters of a mile. it was composed of the new hampshire brigade of general poor, pierre van courtlandt's and james livingston's regiments of new york militia, the connecticut militia, morgan's riflemen, and dearborn's infantry. the centre was composed of massachusetts and new york troops. burgoyne gradually drew nearer to the camp, throwing out large parties of pioneers and workmen. the americans disputed every step. a hessian officer observes: "the enemy bristled up his hair, as we attempted to repair more bridges. at last we had to do him the honor of sending out whole regiments to protect our workmen." burgoyne now encamped about two miles from general gates, disposing his army in two lines; the left on the river, the right extending at right angles to it, about six hundred yards across the low grounds to a range of steep and rocky hills, occupied by the _élite_; a ravine formed by a rivulet from the hills passed in front of the camp. the low ground between the armies was cultivated; the hills were covered with woods, excepting three or four small openings and deserted farms. beside the ravines which fronted each camp, there was a third one, midway between them, also at right angles to the river. on the morning of the th, general gates received intelligence that the enemy were advancing in great force on his left. it was in fact their right wing, composed of the british line and led by burgoyne in person. it was covered by the grenadiers and light-infantry under general fraser and colonel breyman, who kept along the high grounds on the right; while they, in turn, were covered in front and on the flanks by indians, provincial royalists and canadians. the left wing and artillery were advancing at the same time, under major-general phillips and riedesel, along the great road and meadows by the river side, but they were retarded by the necessity of repairing broken bridges. it was the plan of burgoyne that the canadians and indians should attack the central outposts of the americans, and draw their attention in that direction, while he and fraser, making a circuit through the woods, should join forces and fall upon the rear of the american camp. as the dense forests hid them from each other, signal guns were to regulate their movements. three, fired in succession, were to denote that all was ready, and be the signal for an attack in front, flank and rear. the american pickets, stationed along the ravine of mill creek, sent repeated accounts to general gates of the movements of the enemy; but he remained quiet in his camp as if determined to await an attack. the american officers grew impatient. arnold especially, impetuous by nature, urged repeatedly that a detachment should be sent forth to check the enemy in their advance, and drive the indians out of the woods. at length he succeeded in getting permission, about noon, to detach morgan with his riflemen and dearborn with his infantry from his division. they soon fell in with the canadians and indians, which formed the advance guard of the enemy's right, and attacking them with spirit, drove them in, or rather dispersed them. morgan's riflemen, following up their advantage with too much eagerness, became likewise scattered, and a strong reinforcement of royalists arriving on the scene of action, the americans, in their turn, were obliged to give way. other detachments now arrived from the american camp, led by arnold, who attacked fraser on his right, to check his attempt to get in the rear of the camp. finding the position of fraser too strong to be forced, he sent to head-quarters for reinforcements, but they were refused by gates, who declared that no more should go. the reason he gave was that it might be attacked by the enemy's left wing. arnold now made a rapid countermarch, and his movement being masked by the woods, suddenly attempted to turn fraser's left. here he came in full conflict with the british line, and threw himself upon it with a boldness and impetuosity that for a time threatened to break it, and cut the wings of the army asunder. the grenadiers and breyman's riflemen hastened to its support. general phillips broke his way through the woods with four pieces of artillery, and riedesel came on with his heavy dragoons. reinforcements came likewise to arnold's assistance; his force, however, never exceeded three thousand men, and with these, for nearly four hours, he kept up a conflict almost hand to hand, with the whole right wing of the british army. night alone put an end to the conflict. both parties claimed the victory. but, though the british remained on the field of battle, where they lay all night upon their arms, they had failed in their object; they had been assailed instead of being the assailants, while the american troops had accomplished the purpose for which they had sallied forth, had checked the advance of the enemy, frustrated their plan of attack, and returned exulting to their camp. their loss, in killed and wounded, was between three and four hundred, including several officers; that of the enemy upwards of five hundred. burgoyne now strengthened his position with intrenchments and batteries, part of them across the meadows which bordered the river, part on the brow of the heights which commanded them. the americans likewise extended and strengthened their line of breastworks on the left of the camp; the right was already unassailable. the camps were within gunshot, but with ravines and woods between them. the situation of burgoyne was growing more and more critical. on the st he heard shouts in the american camp, and in a little while their cannon thundered a _feu de joie_. news had been received from general lincoln, that a detachment of new england troops under colonel brown had surprised the carrying-place, mills, and french lines at ticonderoga, captured an armed sloop, gunboats and bateaux, made three hundred prisoners, beside releasing one hundred american captives, and were laying siege to fort independence. fortunately for burgoyne, while affairs were darkening in the north, a ray of hope dawned from the south. while the shouts from the american camp were yet ringing in his ears, came a letter in cipher from sir henry clinton, dated the th of september, announcing his intention in about ten days to attack the forts in the highlands of the hudson. burgoyne sent back the messenger the same night, and despatched, moreover, two officers in disguise, by different routes, all bearing messages informing sir henry of his perilous situation. [arnold had been excessively indignant at gates withholding the reinforcements he had asked for in the recent action, which he attributed to pique or jealousy. gates, indeed, in the report to congress made no mention of arnold. he also withdrew from arnold's division morgan's rifle corps and dearborn's light-infantry, its main reliance. arnold called on gates to remonstrate. high words passed between them. gates in his heat told arnold that general lincoln would arrive in a day or two, and then he would have no further occasion for him. arnold returned to his quarters in a rage, but he determined to remain in camp and abide the anticipated battle.] lincoln, in the meantime, arrived in advance of his troops, which soon followed to the amount of two thousand. part of the troops, detached by him under colonel brown, were besieging ticonderoga and fort independence. colonel brown himself, with part of his detachment, had embarked on lake george in an armed schooner and a squadron of captured gunboats and bateaux, and was threatening the enemy's deposit of baggage and heavy artillery at diamond island. the toils so skilfully spread were encompassing burgoyne more and more; the gates of canada were closing behind him. we will now cast a look toward new york, and ascertain the cause of sir henry's delay in the anxiously expected operations on the hudson. the expedition of sir henry clinton had awaited the arrival of reinforcements from europe, which were slowly crossing the ocean in dutch bottoms. at length they arrived, after a three months' voyage, and now there was a stir of warlike preparation at new york. the defences of the highlands, on which the security of the hudson depended, were at this time weakly garrisoned; some of the troops having been sent off to reinforce the armies on the delaware and in the north. putnam, who had the general command of the highlands, had but eleven hundred continental and four hundred militia troops with him at peekskill, his head-quarters. there was a feeble garrison at fort independence, in the vicinity of peekskill, to guard the public stores and workshops at continental village. the highland forts, clinton, montgomery and constitution, situated among the mountains and forming their main defence, were no better garrisoned, and george clinton, who had the command of them, and who was in a manner the champion of the highlands, was absent from his post, attending the state legislature at kingston (esopus), in ulster county, in his capacity of governor. there were patriot eyes in new york to watch the course of events, and patriot boats on the river to act as swift messengers. [general putnam in september received intelligence on which he could depend of the arrival of reinforcements in new york, and of preparations by the enemy for a movement. surmising his object to be the forts of the highlands, he wrote at once to governor clinton, conveying his intelligence and asking for reinforcements of militia.] the governor forthwith hastened to his post in the highlands with such militia force as he could collect. we have heretofore spoken of his highland citadel, fort montgomery, and of the obstructions of chain, boom, and chevaux-de-frise between it and the opposite promontory of anthony's nose, with which it had been hoped to barricade the hudson. fort clinton had subsequently been erected within rifle shot of fort montgomery to occupy ground which commanded it. a deep ravine and stream called peploep's kill intervened between the two forts, across which there was a bridge. the governor had his head-quarters in fort montgomery, which was the northern and largest fort, but its works were unfinished. his brother james had charge of fort clinton, which was complete. the whole force to garrison the associate forts did not exceed six hundred men, chiefly militia, but they had the veteran, colonel lamb of the artillery, with them, and a company of his artillerists was distributed in the two forts. the armament of sir henry clinton, which had been waiting for a wind, set sail in the course of a day or two and stood up the hudson, dogged by american swift-rowing whale-boats. late at night of the th of october came a barge across the river, from peekskill to fort montgomery, bearing a letter from putnam to the governor. "this morning," writes he, "we had information from our guard-boats that there were two ships of war, three tenders, and a large number of flatbottomed boats coming up the river. they proceeded up as far as tarrytown where they landed their men. this evening they were followed by one large man-of-war, five topsail vessels, and a large number of small craft." the landing of troops at tarrytown was a mere feint on the part of sir henry to distract the attention of the americans; after marching a few miles into the country, they returned and re-embarked; the armament continued across the tappan sea and haverstraw bay to verplanck's point, where, on the th, sir henry landed with three thousand men, about eight miles below peekskill. putnam drew back to the hills in the rear of the village to prepare for the expected attack, and sent off to governor clinton for all the troops he could spare. so far the manoeuvres of sir henry clinton had been successful. it was his plan to threaten an attack on peekskill and fort independence, and, when he had drawn the attention of the american commanders to that quarter, to land troops on the western shore of the hudson, below the dunderberg (thunder hill), make a rapid march through the defiles behind that mountain to the rear of forts montgomery and clinton, come down on them by surprise and carry them by a _coup de main_. accordingly at an early hour of the following morning taking advantage of a thick fog, he crossed with two thousand men to stony point on the west shore of the river, leaving about a thousand men, chiefly royalists, at verplanck's point to keep up a threatening aspect towards peekskill. three frigates, also, were to stand up what is called the devil's horse race into peekskill bay, and station themselves within cannon shot of fort independence. having accomplished his landing, sir henry, conducted by a tory guide, set out on a forced and circuitous march of several miles by rugged defiles, round the western base of the dunderberg. at the entrance of the pass he left a small force to guard it and keep up his communication with the ships. by eight o'clock in the morning he had effected his march round the dunderberg, and halted on the northern side in a ravine, between it and a conical mount called bear hill. the possibility of an enemy's approach by this pass had been noticed by washington in reconnoitring the highlands, and he had mentioned it in his instructions to generals greene and knox, when they were sent to make their military survey, but they considered it impracticable from the extreme difficulty of the mountain passes. in this ravine sir henry divided his forces. one division, nine hundred strong, led by lieutenant-colonel campbell, was to make a circuit through the forest round the western side of bear hill, so as to gain the rear of fort montgomery. after sir henry had allowed sufficient time for them to make the circuit, he was to proceed with the other division down the ravine, towards the river, turn to the left along a narrow strip of land between the hudson and a small lake called sinipink pond, which lay at the foot of bear hill, and advance upon fort clinton. both forts were to be attacked at the same time. the detachment under campbell set off in high spirits; it was composed partly of royalists, led by colonel beverly robinson of new york, partly of emerick's chasseurs, and partly of grenadiers, under lord rawdon. with him went count gabrouski, a polish nobleman, aide-de-camp to sir henry clinton. everything thus far had been conducted with celerity and apparent secrecy, and complete surprise of both forts was anticipated. sir henry had indeed outwitted one of the guardians of the highlands, but the other was aware of his designs. governor clinton, on receiving intelligence of ships of war coming up the hudson, had sent scouts beyond the dunderberg to watch their movements. early on the present morning, word had been brought him that forty boats were landing a large force at stony point. he now, in his turn, apprehended an attack, and sent to putnam for reinforcements, preparing, in the meantime, to make such defence as his scanty means afforded. a lieutenant was sent out with thirty men from fort clinton, to proceed along the river-road and reconnoitre. he fell in with the advance guard of sir henry clinton's division, and retreated skirmishing to the fort. a larger detachment was sent out to check the approach of the enemy on this side; while sixty men, afterwards increased to a hundred, took post with a brass field-piece in the bear hill defile, a narrow and rugged pass, bordered by shagged forests. as campbell and his division came pressing forward, they were checked by the discharge of fire-arms and of the brass field-piece, which swept the steep defile. the british troops then filed off on each side into the woods, to surround the americans. the latter, finding it impossible to extricate their field-piece in the rugged pass, spiked it, and retreated into the fort. sir henry clinton had met with equally obstinate opposition in his approach to fort clinton; the narrow strip of land between lake sinipink and the hudson, along which he advanced, being fortified by an abatis. by four o'clock the americans were driven within their works, and both forts were assailed. the defence was desperate; for governor clinton was a hard fighter, and he was still in hopes of reinforcements from putnam; not knowing that the messenger he sent to him had turned traitor, and deserted to the enemy. about five o'clock, he was summoned to surrender in five minutes, to prevent the effusion of blood: the reply was a refusal. about ten minutes afterwards, there was a general attack upon both forts. it was resisted with obstinate spirit. the action continued until dusk. the ships under commodore hotham approached near enough to open an irregular fire upon the forts, and upon the vessels anchored above the chevaux-de-frise. the latter returned the fire, and the flash and roar of their cannonry in the gathering darkness and among the echoes of the mountains increased the terrors of the strife. the works, however, were too extensive to be manned by the scanty garrisons; they were entered by different places and carried at the point of the bayonet; the americans fought desperately from one redoubt to another--some were slain, some taken prisoners, and some escaped under cover of the night to the river or the mountains. "the garrison," writes clinton, significantly, "had to fight their way out as many as could, as we determined not to surrender." his brother james was saved from a deadly thrust of a bayonet by a garrison orderly-book in his pocket; but he received a flesh wound in the thigh. he slid down a precipice, one hundred feet high, into the ravine between the forts, and escaped to the woods. the governor leaped down the rocks to the river side, where a boat was putting off with a number of the fugitives. the boat crossed the hudson in safety, and before midnight the governor was with putnam, at continental village, concerting further measures. putnam had been completely outmanoeuvred by sir henry clinton. he had continued until late in the morning in the belief that peekskill and fort independence were to be the objects of attack. in the course of the morning he sallied forth with brigadier-general parsons, to reconnoitre the ground near the enemy. after their return they were alarmed, he says, by "a very heavy and hot firing both of small arms and cannon, at fort montgomery." aware of the real point of danger, he immediately detached five hundred men to reinforce the garrison. they had six miles to march along the eastern shore, and then to cross the river; before they could do so the fate of the forts was decided. british historians acknowledge that the valor and resolution displayed by the americans in the defence of these forts were in no instance exceeded during the war; their loss in killed, wounded and missing, was stated at two hundred and fifty, a large proportion of the number engaged. [colonel campbell, who commanded the enemy's detachment, major grant of the new york volunteers, and count gabrouski, sir henry's polish aide-de-camp, were slain in the assault; their fall exasperated the assailants, who revenged their loss with considerable slaughter.] on the capture of the forts, the american frigates and galleys stationed for the protection of the chevaux-de-frise slipped their cables, made all sail, and endeavored to escape up the river. the wind, however, proved adverse; there was danger of their falling into the hands of the enemy; the crews, therefore, set them on fire and abandoned them. on the following morning, the chevaux-de-frise and other obstructions between fort montgomery and anthony's nose were cleared away: the americans evacuated forts independence and constitution, and a free passage up the hudson was open for the british ships. sir henry clinton proceeded no further in person, but left the rest of the enterprise to be accomplished by sir james wallace and general vaughan, with a flying squadron of light frigates, and a considerable detachment of troops. putnam had retreated to a pass in the mountains, on the east side of the river, near fishkill, having removed as much of the stores and baggage as possible from the post he had abandoned. in a letter to washington (oct. th), he writes: "governor clinton is exerting himself in collecting the militia of this state. brigadier-general parsons i have sent off to forward in the connecticut militia, which are now arriving in great numbers. i therefore hope and trust, that in the course of a few days, i shall be able to oppose the progress of the enemy." he had concerted with governor clinton that they should move to the northward with their forces along the opposite shores of the hudson, endeavoring to keep pace with the enemy's ships and cover the country from their attacks. the enemy's light-armed vessels were now making their way up the river; landing marauding parties occasionally to make depredations. as soon as the governor could collect a little force, he pressed forward to protect kingston (esopus), the seat of the state legislature. the enemy in the meantime landed from their ships, routed about one hundred and fifty militia collected to oppose them, marched to the village, set fire to it in every part, consuming great quantities of stores collected there, and then retreated to their ships. having laid kingston in ashes, the enemy proceeded in their ravages, destroying the residences of conspicuous patriots at rhinebeck, livingston, manor, and elsewhere, and among others the mansion of the widow of the brave general montgomery--trusting to close their desolating career by a triumphant junction with burgoyne at albany. while sir henry clinton had been thundering in the highlands, burgoyne and his army had been wearing out hope within their intrenchments, vigilantly watched but unassailed by the americans. on the th of october burgoyne determined to make a grand movement on the left of the american camp, to discover whether he could force a passage should it be necessary to advance, or dislodge it from its position should he have to retreat. another object was to cover a forage of the army which was suffering from the great scarcity. for this purpose fifteen hundred of his best troops, with two twelve-pounders, two howitzers and six six-pounders, were to be led by himself, seconded by major-generals phillips and riedesel and brigadier-general fraser. on leaving his camp he committed the guard of it on the high grounds to brigadier-generals hamilton and specht, and of the redoubts on the low grounds near the river, to brigadier-general gall. forming his troops within three-quarters of a mile of the left of the americans, though covered from their sight by the forest, he sent out a corps of rangers, provincials and indians to skulk through the woods, get in their rear, and give them an alarm at the time the attack took place in front. the movement, though carried on behind the screen of forests, was discovered. in the afternoon the advanced guard of the american centre beat to arms; the alarm was repeated throughout the line. gates ordered his officers to their alarm posts, and sent forth wilkinson, the adjutant-general, to inquire the cause. from a rising ground in an open place he descried the enemy in force. returning to the camp he reported the position and movements of the enemy; that their front was open, their flanks rested on woods, under cover of which they might be attacked, and their right was skirted by a height; that they were reconnoitring the left, and he thought offered battle. a plan of attack was soon arranged. morgan with his riflemen and a body of infantry was sent to make a circuit through the woods and get possession of the heights on the right of the enemy, while general poor with his brigade of new york and new hampshire troops, and a part of leonard's brigade, were to advance against the enemy's left. morgan was to make an attack on the heights as soon as he should hear the fire opened below. burgoyne now drew out his troops in battle array. the grenadiers, under major ackland, with the artillery, under major williams, formed his left, and were stationed on a rising ground, with a rivulet called mill creek in front. next to them were the hessians, under riedesel, and british, under phillips, forming the centre. the light-infantry, under lord balcarras, formed the extreme right; having in the advance a detachment of five hundred picked men, under general fraser, ready to flank the americans as soon as they should be attacked in front. he had scarce made these arrangements, when he was astonished and confounded by a thundering of artillery on his left, and a rattling fire of rifles on the woody heights on his right. the troops under poor advanced steadily up the ascent where ackland's grenadiers and williams' artillery were stationed; received their fire and then rushed forward. ackland's grenadiers received the first brunt, but it extended along the line as detachment after detachment arrived, and was carried on with inconceivable fury. the artillery was repeatedly taken and retaken, and at length remained in possession of the americans, who turned it upon its former owners. major ackland was wounded in both legs, and taken prisoner. major williams of the artillery was also captured. the headlong impetuosity of the attack confounded the regular tacticians. much of this has been ascribed to the presence and example of arnold. that daring officer, who had lingered in the camp in expectation of a fight, was exasperated at having no command assigned him. on hearing the din of battle, he could restrain no longer his warlike impulse, but threw himself on his horse and sallied forth. putting spurs to his horse, he dashed into the scene of action, and was received with acclamation. being the superior officer in the field his orders were obeyed of course. putting himself at the head of the troops of learned's brigade, he attacked the hessians in the enemy's centre, and broke them with repeated charges. indeed, for a time his actions seemed to partake of frenzy; riding hither and thither, brandishing his sword, and cheering on the men to acts of desperation. morgan, in the meantime, was harassing the enemy's right wing with an incessant fire of small-arms, and preventing it from sending any assistance to the centre. general fraser with his chosen corps, for some time rendered great protection to this wing. mounted on an iron-gray charger, his uniform of a field officer made him a conspicuous object for morgan's sharpshooters. one bullet cut the crupper of his horse, another grazed his mane. a moment afterwards he was shot down by a marksman posted in a tree. two grenadiers bore him to the camp. his fall was as a deathblow to his corps. the arrival on the field of a large reinforcement of new york troops under general ten broeck, completed the confusion. burgoyne saw that the field was lost, and now only thought of saving his camp. the troops nearest to the lines were ordered to throw themselves within them, while generals phillips and riedesel covered the retreat of the main body, which was in danger of being cut off. the artillery was abandoned, all the horses, and most of the men who had so bravely defended it having been killed. the troops, though hard pressed, retired in good order. scarcely had they entered the camp when it was stormed with great fury; the americans, with arnold at their head, rushing to the lines under a severe discharge of grape-shot and small-arms. lord balcarras defended the intrenchments bravely; the action was fierce, and well sustained on both sides. after an ineffectual attempt to make his way into the camp in this quarter at the point of the bayonet, arnold spurred his horse toward the right flank of the camp occupied by the german reserve, where lieutenant-colonel brooks was making a general attack with a massachusetts regiment. here, with a part of a platoon, he forced his way into a sallyport, but a shot from the retreating hessians killed his horse, and wounded him in the same leg which had received a wound before quebec. he was borne off from the field, but not until the victory was complete; for the germans retreated from the works, leaving on the field their brave defender, lieutenant-colonel breyman, mortally wounded. the night was now closing in. the victory of the americans was decisive. they had routed the enemy, killed and wounded a great number, made many prisoners, taken their field-artillery and gained possession of a part of their works which laid open the right and the rear of their camp. they lay all night on their arms, within half a mile of the scene of action, prepared to renew the assault upon the camp in the morning. affecting scenes had occurred in the enemy's camp during this deadly conflict. in the morning previous to the battle, the baroness de riedesel had breakfasted with her husband in the camp. generals burgoyne, phillips, and fraser were to dine with her husband and herself in a house in the neighborhood, where she and her children were quartered. she observed much movement in the camp, but was quieted by the assurance that it was to be a mere reconnaissance. on her way home she met a number of indians, painted and decorated and armed with guns, and shouting war! war! her fears were awakened, and scarce had she reached home when she heard the rattling of fire-arms and the thundering of artillery. about one o'clock came one of the generals who were to have dined with her--poor general fraser--brought upon a handbarrow, mortally wounded. the general said to the surgeon: 'tell me the truth, is there no hope?' there was none. prayers were read, after which he desired that general burgoyne should be requested to have him buried on the next day at six o'clock in the evening on a hill where a breastwork had been constructed. lady harriet ackland was in a tent near by. news came to her that her husband was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. she was in an agony of distress.{ } the baroness divided the night between soothing attentions to lady harriet, and watchful care of her children who were asleep, but who she feared might disturb the poor dying general. towards morning, thinking his agony approaching, she wrapped them in blankets and retired with them into the entrance hall. courteous even in death, the general sent her several messages to beg her pardon for the trouble he thought he was giving her. at eight o'clock in the morning he expired. {footnote : [lady ackland afterward applied to general burgoyne for permission to pass to the american camp, and obtain general gates' consent to join her husband. it was granted, and the american general, according to burgoyne, received her "with all the humanity and respect that her rank, her merits, and her fortune deserved."]} burgoyne had shifted his position during the night to heights about a mile to the north, close to the river, and covered in front by a ravine. early in the morning the americans took possession of the camp which he had abandoned. a random fire of artillery and small-arms was kept up on both sides during the day. the british sharpshooters stationed in the ravine did some execution, and general lincoln was wounded in the leg while reconnoitring. gates, however, did not think it advisable to force a desperate enemy when in a strong position, at the expense of a prodigal waste of blood. he took all measures to cut off his retreat and insure a surrender. general fellows, with , men, had already been sent to occupy the high ground east of the hudson opposite saratoga ford. other detachments were sent higher up the river in the direction of lake george. burgoyne saw that nothing was left for him but a prompt and rapid retreat to saratoga, yet in this he was delayed by a melancholy duty of friendship; it was to attend the obsequies of the gallant fraser, who, according to his dying request, was to be interred at six o'clock in the evening, within a redoubt which had been constructed on a hill. between sunset and dark, his body was borne to the appointed place by grenadiers of his division, followed by the generals and their staffs. the americans seeing indistinctly what, in the twilight, appeared to be a movement of troops up the hill and in the redoubt, pointed their artillery in that direction. general gates protested afterwards that had he known what was going on, he would have stopped the fire immediately. preparations had been made to decamp immediately after the funeral, and at nine o'clock at night the retreat commenced. large fires had been lighted, and many tents were left standing to conceal the movement. it was a dismal retreat. the rain fell in torrents; the roads were deep and broken, and the horses weak and half-starved from want of forage. at daybreak there was a halt to refresh the troops and give time for the bateaux laden with provisions to come abreast. in three hours the march was resumed, but before long there was another halt, to guard against an american reconnoitring party which appeared in sight. it rained terribly through the residue of the th, and in consequence of repeated halts, they did not reach saratoga until evening. a detachment of americans had arrived there before them, and were throwing up intrenchments on a commanding height at fishkill. they abandoned their work, forded the hudson, and joined a force under general fellows, posted on the hills east of the river. the bridge over the fishkill had been destroyed; the artillery could not cross until the ford was examined. exhausted by fatigue, the men for the most part had not strength nor inclination to cut wood nor make fire, but threw themselves upon the wet ground in their wet clothes, and slept under the continuing rain. at daylight on the th, the artillery and the last of the troops passed the fords of the fishkill, and took a position upon the heights, and in the redoubts formerly constructed there. to protect the troops from being attacked in passing the ford by the americans, who were approaching, burgoyne ordered fire to be set to the farm-houses and other buildings on the south side of the fishkill. amongst the rest, the noble mansion of general schuyler, with store-houses, granaries, mills and the other appurtenances of a great rural establishment, was entirely consumed. the measure was condemned by friend as well as foe, but he justified it on the principles of self-preservation. the force under general fellows, posted on the opposite hills of the hudson, now opened a fire from a battery commanding the ford of that river. thus prevented from crossing, burgoyne thought to retreat along the west side as far as fort george, on the way to canada, and sent out workmen under a strong escort to repair the bridges, and open the road toward fort edward. the escort was soon recalled and the work abandoned, for the americans under gates appeared in great force on the heights south of the fishkill, and seemed preparing to cross and bring on an engagement. the opposite shores of the hudson were now lined with detachments of americans. bateaux laden with provisions, which had attended the movements of the army, were fired upon, many taken, some retaken with loss of life. it was necessary to land the provisions from such as remained, and bring them up the hill into the camp, which was done under a heavy fire from the american artillery. burgoyne called now a general council of war, in which it was resolved, since the bridges could not be repaired, to abandon the artillery and baggage, let the troops carry a supply of provisions upon their backs, push forward in the night, and force their way across the fords at or near fort edward. before the plan could be put into execution, scouts brought word that the americans were intrenched opposite those fords, and encamped in force with cannon on the high ground between fort edward and fort george. in fact by this time the american army, augmented by militia and volunteers from all quarters, had posted itself in strong positions on both sides of the hudson, so as to extend three-fourths of a circle round the enemy. giving up all further attempt at retreat, burgoyne now fortified his camp on the heights to the north of fishkill, still hoping that succor might arrive from sir henry clinton, or that an attack upon his trenches might give him some chance of cutting his way through. in this situation his troops lay continually on their arms. his camp was subjected to cannonading from fellows' batteries on the opposite side of the hudson, gates' batteries on the south of fishkill, and a galling fire from morgan's riflemen, stationed on heights in the rear. the baroness de riedesel and her helpless little ones were exposed to the dangers and horrors of this long turmoil. on the morning when the attack was opened, general de riedesel sent them to take refuge in a house in the vicinity. the baroness succeeded in getting to the house. some women and crippled soldiers had already taken refuge there. it was mistaken for head-quarters and cannonaded. the baroness retreated into the cellar, laid herself in a corner near the door with her children's heads upon her knees, and passed a sleepless night of mental anguish. in the morning the cannonade began anew. cannon balls passed through the house repeatedly with a tremendous noise. a poor soldier who was about to have a leg amputated, lost the other by one of these balls. the day was passed among such horrors. for six days, she and her children remained in this dismal place of refuge. burgoyne was now reduced to despair. his forces were diminished by losses, by the desertion of canadians and royalists, and the total defection of the indians; and on inspection it was found that the provisions on hand, even upon short allowance, would not suffice for more than three days. a council of war, therefore, was called of all the generals, field-officers and captains commanding troops. the deliberations were brief. all concurred in the necessity of opening a treaty with general gates, for a surrender on honorable terms. negotiations were accordingly opened on the th, under sanction of a flag. lieutenant kingston, burgoyne's adjutant-general, was the bearer of a note, proposing a cessation of hostilities until terms could be adjusted. the first terms offered by gates were that the enemy should lay down their arms within their intrenchments, and surrender themselves prisoners of war. these were indignantly rejected, with an intimation that, if persisted in, hostilities must recommence. counter proposals were then made by general burgoyne, and finally accepted by general gates. according to these the british troops were to march out of the camp with artillery and all the honors of war, to a fixed place, where they were to pile their arms at a word of command from their own officers. they were to be allowed a free passage to europe upon condition of not serving again in america, during the present war. the officers were to be on parole, and to wear their side-arms. all private property to be sacred; no baggage to be searched or molested. the capitulation was signed on the th of october. the british army, at the time of the surrender, was reduced by capture, death and desertion, from nine thousand to five thousand seven hundred and fifty-two men. that of gates, regulars and militia, amounted to ten thousand five hundred and fifty-four men on duty; between two and three thousand being on the sick list or absent on furlough. by this capitulation, the americans gained a fine train of artillery, seven thousand stand of arms, and a great quantity of clothing, tents, and military stores of all kinds. when the british troops marched forth to deposit their arms at the appointed place, colonel wilkinson, the adjutant-general, was the only american soldier to be seen. gates had ordered his troops to keep rigidly within their lines, that they might not add by their presence to the humiliation of a brave enemy. in fact, throughout all his conduct during the campaign, british writers and burgoyne himself give him credit for acting with great humanity and forbearance. the surrender of burgoyne was soon followed by the evacuation of ticonderoga and fort independence, the garrisons retiring to the isle aux noix and st. johns. as to the armament on the hudson, the commanders whom sir henry clinton had left in charge of it, received, in the midst of their desolating career the astounding intelligence of the capture of the army with which they had come to co-operate. nothing remained for them, therefore, but to drop down the river and return to new york. the fortresses in the highlands could not be maintained, and were evacuated and destroyed. chapter xlvii. battle of germantown.--hostilities on the delaware. having given the catastrophe of the british invasion from the north, we will revert to that part of the year's campaign which was passing under the immediate eye of washington. we left him encamped at pott's grove towards the end of september, giving his troops a few days' repose after their severe fatigues. being rejoined by wayne and smallwood with their brigades, and other troops being arrived from the jerseys, his force amounted to about eight thousand continentals and three thousand militia: with these he advanced on the th of september to skippack creek, about fourteen miles from germantown, where the main body of the british army lay encamped; a detachment under cornwallis occupying philadelphia. immediately after the battle of brandywine, admiral lord howe with great exertions had succeeded in getting his ships of war and transports round from the chesapeake into the delaware, and had anchored them along the western shore from reedy island to newcastle. they were prevented from approaching nearer by obstructions which the americans had placed in the river. the lowest of these were at billingsport (bylling's point), where chevaux-de-frise in the channel of the river were protected by a strong redoubt on the jersey shore. higher up were fort mifflin on mud (or fort) island, and fort mercer on the jersey shore; with chevaux-de-frise between them. washington had exerted himself to throw a garrison into fort mifflin, and keep up the obstructions of the river. sir william howe had concerted operations with his brother by land and water, to reduce the forts and clear away the obstructions of the river. with this view he detached a part of his force into the jerseys to proceed, in the first instance, against the fortifications at billingsport. washington had been for some days anxiously on the lookout for some opportunity to strike a blow of consequence, when two intercepted letters gave him intelligence of this movement. he immediately determined to make an attack upon the british camp at germantown, while weakened by the absence of this detachment. to understand the plan of the attack, some description of the british place of encampment is necessary. germantown, at that time, was little more than one continued street, extending two miles north and south. beyond the village, and about a hundred yards east of the road, stood a spacious stone edifice, the country-seat of benjamin chew, chief justice of pennsylvania previous to the revolution. four roads approached the village from above; that is, from the north. the skippack, which was the main road, led over chestnut hill and mount airy down to and through the village towards philadelphia, forming the street of which we have just spoken. on its right and nearly parallel was the monatawny or ridge road, passing near the schuylkill, and entering the main road below the village. on the left of the skippack or main road was the limekiln road, running nearly parallel to it for a time, and then turning towards it, almost at right angles, so as to enter the village at the market-place. still further to the left or east, and outside of all, was the old york road, falling into the main road some distance below the village. the main body of the british forces lay encamped across the lower part of the village, divided into almost equal parts by the main street or skippack road. the right wing commanded by general grant, was to the east of the road, the left wing to the west. each wing was covered by strong detachments and guarded by cavalry. general howe had his head-quarters in the rear. the advance of the army, composed of the d battalion of british light-infantry, with a train of artillery, was more than two miles from the main body, on the west of the road, with an outlying picket stationed with two six-pounders at allen's house on mount airy. about three-quarters of a mile in the rear of the light-infantry, lay encamped in a field opposite "chew's house," the th regiment of infantry, under colonel musgrave. according to washington's plan for the attack, sullivan was to command the right wing, composed of his own division, principally maryland troops, and the division of general wayne. he was to be sustained by a _corps de reserve_, under lord stirling, composed of nash's north carolina and maxwell's virginia brigades, and to be flanked by the brigade of general conway. he was to march down the skippack road and attack the left wing; at the same time general armstrong, with the pennsylvania militia, was to pass down the monatawny or ridge road, and get upon the enemy's left and rear. greene with the left wing, composed of his own division and the division of general stephen, and flanked by mcdougall's brigade, was to march down the limekiln road, so as to enter the village at the market-house. the two divisions were to attack the enemy's right wing in front, mcdougall with his brigade to attack it in flank, while smallwood's division of maryland militia and forman's jersey brigade, making a circuit by the old york road, were to attack it in the rear. two-thirds of the forces were thus directed against the enemy's right wing, under the idea that, if it could be forced, the whole army must be pushed into the schuylkill, or compelled to surrender. the attack was to begin on all quarters at daybreak. about dusk, on the d of october, the army left its encampment at matuchen hills, by its different routes. washington accompanied the right wing. it had fifteen miles of weary march to make over rough roads, so that it was after daybreak when the troops emerged from the woods on chestnut hill. the morning was dark with a heavy fog. a detachment advanced to attack the enemy's out-picket, stationed at allen's house. the patrol was led by captain allen mclane. he fell in with double sentries, whom he killed with the loss of one man. the alarm, however, was given; the distant roll of a drum and the call to arms resounded through the murky air. the picket guard, after discharging their two six-pounders, were routed, and retreated down the south side of mount airy to the battalion of light-infantry who were forming in order of battle. as their pursuers descended into the valley, the sun rose, but was soon obscured. wayne led the attack upon the light-infantry. they broke at first but soon formed again, when a heavy and well-directed fire took place on both sides. they again gave way, but being supported by the grenadiers, returned to the charge. sullivan's division and conway's brigade formed on the west of the road, and joined in the attack; the rest of the troops were too far to the north to render any assistance. the infantry, after fighting bravely for a time, broke and ran, leaving their artillery behind. they were hotly pursued by wayne. his troops remembered the bloody th of september, and the ruthless slaughter of their comrades. it was a terrible melée. the fog, together with the smoke of the cannonry and musketry, made it almost as dark as night; our people mistaking one another for the enemy, frequently exchanged shots before they discovered their error. the whole of the enemy's advance were driven from their camping ground, leaving their tents standing, with all their baggage. colonel musgrave, with six companies of the th regiment, threw himself into chew's house, barricaded the doors and lower windows, and took post above stairs; the main torrent of the retreat passed by pursued by wayne into the village. as the residue of this division of the army came up to join in the pursuit, musgrave and his men opened a fire of musketry upon them from the upper windows of his citadel. this brought them to a halt. some of the officers were for pushing on; but general knox stoutly objected, insisting on the old military maxim, never to leave a garrisoned castle in the rear. his objection unluckily prevailed. a flag sent with a summons to surrender was fired upon. the house was now cannonaded, but the artillery was too light to have the desired effect. an attempt was made to set fire to the basement. he who attempted it was shot dead from a grated cellar window. at length a regiment was left to keep guard upon the mansion and hold its garrison in check, and the rear division again pressed forward. this half hour's delay, however, of nearly one-half of the army, disconcerted the action. the divisions and brigades thus separated from each other by the skirmishing attack upon chew's house, could not be re-united. the fog and smoke rendered all objects indistinct at thirty yards' distance; the different parts of the army knew nothing of the position or movements of each other, and the commander-in-chief could take no view nor gain any information of the situation of the whole. the original plan of attack was only effectively carried into operation in the centre. still the action, though disconnected, irregular and partial, was animated in various quarters. sullivan, being reinforced by nash's north carolina troops and conway's brigade, pushed on a mile beyond chew's house, where the left wing of the enemy gave way before him. greene and stephen, with their divisions, having had to make a circuit, were late in coming into action, and became separated from each other, part of stephen's division being arrested by a heavy fire from chew's house and pausing to return it. greene, however, with his division, pressed rapidly forward, drove an advance regiment of light-infantry before him, took a number of prisoners, and made his way quite to the market-house in the centre of the village, where he encountered the right wing of the british drawn up to receive him. the impetuosity of his attack had an evident effect upon the enemy, who began to waver. forman and smallwood, with the jersey and maryland militia, were just showing themselves on the right flank of the enemy, and our troops seemed on the point of carrying the whole encampment. at this moment a singular panic seized our army. various causes are assigned for it. sullivan alleges that his troops had expended all their cartridges, and were alarmed by seeing the enemy gathering on their left, and by the cry of a light-horseman, that the enemy were getting round them. wayne's division, which had pushed the enemy nearly three miles, was alarmed by the approach of a large body of american troops on its left flank, which it mistook for foes, and fell back in defiance of every effort of its officers to rally it. in its retreat it came upon stephen's division and threw it into a panic, being, in its turn, mistaken for the enemy; thus all fell into confusion, and our army fled from their own victory. in the meantime the enemy, having recovered from the first effects of the surprise, advanced in their turn. general grey brought up the left wing, and pressed upon the american troops as they receded. lord cornwallis, with a squadron of light-horse from philadelphia, arrived just in time to join in the pursuit. the retreat of the americans was attended with less loss than might have been expected, and they carried off all their cannon and wounded. the retreat continued through the day to perkiomen creek, a distance of twenty miles. the loss of the enemy in this action is stated by them to be seventy-one killed, four hundred and fifteen wounded, and fourteen missing: among the killed was brigadier-general agnew. the american loss was one hundred and fifty killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, and about four hundred taken prisoners. among the killed was general nash of north carolina. among the prisoners was colonel mathews of virginia. the sudden retreat of the army gave washington surprise, chagrin and mortification. "every account," said he subsequently, in a letter to the president of congress, "confirms the opinion i at first entertained, that our troops retreated at the instant when victory was declaring herself in our favor. the tumult, disorder, and even despair which it seems had taken place in the british army, were scarcely to be paralleled; and it is said, so strongly did the ideas of a retreat prevail, that chester was fixed on for their rendezvous. i can discover no other cause for not improving this happy opportunity, than the extreme haziness of the weather." the plan of attack was too widely extended for strict concert, and too complicated for precise co-operation, as it had to be conducted in the night, and with a large proportion of undisciplined militia. but although the americans were balked of the victory, which seemed within their grasp, the impression made by the audacity of this attempt upon germantown was greater we are told than that caused by any single incident of the war after lexington and bunker's hill. washington remained a few days at perkiomen creek, to give his army time to rest and recover from the disorder incident to a retreat. having been reinforced by the arrival of twelve hundred rhode island troops from peekskill, under general varnum, and nearly a thousand virginia, maryland and pennsylvania troops, he gradually drew nearer to philadelphia, and took a strong position at white marsh, within fourteen miles of that city. by a resolution of congress, all persons taken within thirty miles of any place occupied by british troops, in the act of conveying supplies to them, were subjected to martial law. acting under the resolution, washington detached large bodies of militia to scour the roads above the city, and between the schuylkill and chester, to intercept all supplies going to the enemy. on the forts and obstructions in the river, washington mainly counted to complete the harassment of philadelphia. these defences had been materially impaired. the works at billingsport had been attacked and destroyed, and some of the enemy's ships had forced their way through the chevaux-de-frise placed there. the american frigate delaware, stationed in the river between the upper forts and philadelphia, had run aground before a british battery and been captured. it was now the great object of the howes to reduce and destroy, and of washington to defend and maintain the remaining forts and obstructions. fort mifflin, which we have already mentioned, was erected on a low, green, reedy island in the delaware, a few miles below philadelphia, and below the mouth of the schuylkill. it consisted of a strong redoubt with extensive outworks and batteries. there was but a narrow channel between the island and the pennsylvania shore. the main channel, practicable for ships, was on the other side. in this were sunk strong chevaux-de-frise, difficult either to be weighed or cut through, and dangerous to any ships that might run against them; subjected as they would be to the batteries of fort mifflin on one side, and on the other to those of fort mercer, a strong work at red bank on the jersey shore. fort mifflin was garrisoned by troops of the maryland line, under lieutenant-colonel samuel smith of baltimore; and had kept up a brave defence against batteries erected by the enemy on the pennsylvania shore. a reinforcement of virginia troops made the garrison between three and four hundred strong. floating batteries, galleys, and fire-ships, commanded by commodore hazelwood, were stationed under the forts and about the river. fort mercer had hitherto been garrisoned by militia, but washington now replaced them by four hundred of general varnum's rhode island continentals. colonel christopher greene was put in command; a brave officer who had accompanied arnold in his rough expedition to canada, and fought valiantly under the walls of quebec. colonel greene was accompanied by captain mauduit duplessis, who was to have the direction of the artillery. he was a young french engineer of great merit, who had volunteered in the american cause, and received a commission from congress. the chevaux-de-frise in the river had been constructed under his superintendence. greene, aided by duplessis, made all haste to put fort mercer in a state of defence; but before the outworks were completed, he was surprised (october ) by the appearance of a large force emerging from a wood within cannon shot of the fort. their uniforms showed them to be hessians. they were, in fact, four battalions twelve hundred strong of grenadiers, picked men, beside light-infantry and chasseurs, all commanded by count donop, who had figured in the last year's campaign. colonel greene, in nowise dismayed by the superiority of the enemy forming in glistening array before the wood, prepared for a stout resistance. in a little while an officer was descried, riding slowly up with a flag, accompanied by a drummer. greene ordered his men to keep out of sight, that the fort might appear but slightly garrisoned. when within proper distance the drummer sounded a parley, and the officer summoned the garrison to surrender; with a threat of no quarter in case of resistance. greene's reply was that the post would be defended to the last extremity. the flag rode back and made a report. forthwith the hessians were seen at work throwing up a battery within half a mile of the outworks. it was finished by four o'clock, and opened a heavy cannonade, under cover of which the enemy were preparing to approach. as the american outworks were but half finished and were too extensive to be manned by the garrison, it was determined by greene and duplessis that the troops should make but a short stand there, to gall the enemy in their approach, and then retire within the redoubt, which was defended by a deep intrenchment, boarded and fraised. donop led on his troops in gallant style under cover of a heavy fire from his battery. they advanced in two columns to attack the outworks in two places. as they advanced they were excessively galled by a flanking fire from the american galleys and batteries, and by sharp volleys from the outworks. the latter, however, as had been concerted, were quickly abandoned by the garrison. the enemy entered at two places, and imagining the day their own, the two columns pushed on with shouts to storm different parts of the redoubt. as yet no troops were to be seen; but as one of the columns approached the redoubt on the north side, a tremendous discharge of grape-shot and musketry burst forth from the embrasures in front, and a half-masked battery on the left. the slaughter was prodigious; the column was driven back in confusion. count donop, with the other column, in attempting the south side of the redoubt, had passed the abatis when a similar tempest of artillery and musketry burst upon them. some were killed on the spot, many were wounded, and the rest were driven out. donop himself received a mortal wound; lieutenant-colonel mingerode, the second in command, was also dangerously wounded. several other of the best officers were slain or disabled. the troops retreated in confusion, hotly pursued, and were again cut up in their retreat by the flanking fire from the galleys and floating batteries. the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, in this brief but severe action, was about four hundred men; that of the americans, eight killed and twenty-nine wounded. according to the plan of the enemy, fort mifflin, opposite to fort mercer, was to have been attacked at the same time by water. the force employed was the augusta of sixty-four guns, the roebuck of forty-four, two frigates, the merlin sloop of eighteen guns, and a galley. they forced their way through the lower line of chevaux-de-frise; but the augusta and merlin ran aground below the second line, and every effort to get them off proved fruitless. to divert attention from their situation, the other vessels drew as near to fort mifflin as they could, and opened a cannonade. they kept up a fire upon the fort throughout the evening, and recommenced it early in the morning, as did likewise the british batteries on the pennsylvania shore; hoping that under cover of it the ships might be got off. a strong adverse wind, however, kept the tide from rising sufficiently to float them. the americans discovered their situation, and sent down four fire-ships to destroy them, but without effect. a heavy fire was now opened upon them, from the galleys and floating batteries. it was warmly returned. in the course of the action, a red-hot shot set the augusta on fire. it was impossible to check the flames. she blew up while the second lieutenant, the chaplain, the gunner, and several of the crew were yet on board, most of whom perished. the merlin was now set on fire and abandoned; the roebuck and the other vessels dropped down the river, and the attack on fort mifflin was given up. these signal repulses of the enemy had an animating effect on the public mind, and were promptly noticed by congress. colonel greene, who commanded at fort mercer, lieutenant-colonel smith of maryland, who commanded at fort mifflin, and commodore hazelwood, who commanded the galleys, received the thanks of that body; and subsequently, a sword was voted to each, as a testimonial of distinguished merit. we have heretofore had occasion to advert to the annoyances and perplexities occasioned to washington by the claims and pretensions of foreign officers who had entered into the service. among the officers who came out with lafayette, was the baron de kalb, a german by birth, but who had long been employed in the french service, and though a silver-haired veteran, sixty years of age, was yet fresh and active and vigorous. in the month of september, congress had given him the commission of major-general, to date with that of lafayette. this instantly produced a remonstrance from brigadier-general conway, who considered himself slighted and forgot, in their giving a superior rank to his own to a person who had not rendered the cause the least service, and who had been his inferior in france. he claimed, therefore, for himself the rank of major-general, and was supported in his pretensions by persons both in and out of congress; especially by mifflin, the quartermaster-general. washington had already been disgusted by the overweening presumption of conway, and was surprised to hear that his application was likely to be successful. he wrote on the th of october to richard henry lee, then in congress, warning him that such an appointment would be as unfortunate a measure as ever was adopted. "i would ask," writes he, "why the youngest brigadier in the service should be put over the heads of the oldest, and thereby take rank and command of gentlemen who but yesterday were his seniors?... this truth i am well assured of that they will not serve under him. i leave you to guess, therefore, at the situation this army would be in at so important a crisis, if this event should take place." this opposition to his presumptuous aspirations at once threw conway into a faction forming under the auspices of general mifflin. this gentleman had recently tendered his resignation of the commission of major-general and quartermaster-general on the plea of ill health, but was busily engaged in intrigues against the commander-in-chief, towards whom he had long cherished a secret hostility. conway now joined with him heart and hand, and soon became so active and prominent a member of the faction that it acquired the name of _conway's cabal_. the object was to depreciate the military character of washington, in comparison with that of gates, to whom was attributed the whole success of the northern campaign. gates was perfectly ready for such an elevation. in fact, in the excitement of his vanity, he appears to have forgotten that there was a commander-in-chief, to whom he was accountable. he neglected to send him any despatch on the subject of the surrender of burgoyne, contenting himself with sending one to congress, then sitting at yorktown. washington was left to hear of the important event by casual rumor, until he received a copy of the capitulation in a letter from general putnam. gates was equally neglectful to inform him of the disposition he intended to make of the army under his command. he delayed even to forward morgan's rifle corps, though their services were no longer needed in his camp, and were so much required in the south. it was determined, therefore, in a council of war, that one of washington's staff should be sent to gates to represent the critical state of affairs. colonel alexander hamilton, his youthful but intelligent aide-de-camp, was charged with this mission. he bore a letter from washington to gates, dated october th, of which the following is an extract: "by this opportunity i do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the signal success of the army under your command.... at the same time, i cannot but regret that a matter of such magnitude, and so interesting to our general operations, should have reached me by report only; or through the channel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the importance of it required, and which it would have received by a line under your signature stating the simple fact." such was the calm and dignified notice of an instance of official disrespect, almost amounting to insubordination. it is doubtful whether gates, in his state of mental effervescence, felt the noble severity of the rebuke. a fortuitous circumstance, which we shall explain hereafter, apprised washington about this time that a correspondence, derogatory to his military character and conduct was going on between general conway and general gates. washington conducted himself with dignified forbearance, contenting himself with letting conway know, by the following brief note, dated november th, that his correspondence was detected: "sir--a letter which i received last night contained the following paragraph--'in a letter from general conway to general gates, he says: _heaven has determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it._'" "i am, sir, your humble servant, "george washington." the brevity of this note rendered it the more astounding. it was a hand-grenade thrown into the midst of the cabal. the effect upon other members we shall show hereafter: it seems, at first, to have prostrated conway. he immediately sent in his resignation. it was not, however, accepted by congress; on the contrary he was supported by the cabal, and was advanced to further honors, which we shall specify hereafter. in the meantime, the cabal went on to make invidious comparisons between the achievements of the two armies, deeply derogatory to that under washington. publicly, he took no notice of them. the non-arrival of reinforcements from the northern army continued to embarrass washington's operations. the enemy were making preparations for further attempts upon forts mercer and mifflin. general howe was constructing redoubts and batteries on province island, on the west side of the delaware, within five hundred yards of fort mifflin, and mounting them with heavy cannon. washington consulted with his general officers what was to be done. had the army received the expected reinforcements from the north, it might have detached sufficient force to the west side of the schuylkill to dislodge the enemy from province island; but at present it would require almost the whole of the army for the purpose. this would leave the public stores at easton, bethlehem and allentown, uncovered, as well as several of the hospitals. it would also leave the post at red bank unsupported, through which fort mifflin was reinforced and supplied. it was determined, therefore, to await the arrival of the expected reinforcements from the north, before making any alteration in the disposition of the army. in the meantime, the garrisons of forts mercer and mifflin were increased, and general varnum was stationed at red bank with his brigade, to be at hand to render reinforcements to either of them as occasion might require. on the th of november, general howe commenced a heavy fire upon fort mifflin from his batteries, which mounted eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-two pounders. major fleury acquitted himself with intelligence and spirit as engineer; but an incessant cannonade and bombardment for several days, defied all repairs. the block-houses were demolished, the palisades beaten down, the guns dismounted, the barracks reduced to ruins. captain treat, a young officer of great merit, who commanded the artillery, was killed, as were several non-commissioned officers and privates; and a number were wounded. the survivors, who were not wounded, were exhausted by want of sleep, hard duty, and constant exposure to the rain. colonel smith himself was disabled by severe contusions, and obliged to retire to red bank. the fort was in ruins; there was danger of its being carried by storm, but the gallant fleury thought it might yet be defended with the aid of fresh troops. such were furnished from varnum's brigade: lieutenant-colonel russell, of the connecticut line, replaced colonel smith. he in his turn was obliged to relinquish the command through fatigue and ill health, and was succeeded by major thayer of rhode island, aided by captain (afterwards commodore) talbot. on the fourth day the enemy brought a large indiaman, cut down to a floating battery, to bear upon the works; but though it opened a terrible fire, it was silenced before night. the next day several ships-of-war got within gunshot. two prepared to attack it in front; others brought their guns to bear on fort mercer; while two made their way into the narrow channel between mud island and the pennsylvania shore, to operate with the british batteries erected there. at a concerted signal a cannonade was opened from all quarters. the heroic little garrison stood the fire without flinching; the danger, however, was growing imminent. the batteries on province island enfiladed the works. the ships in the inner channel approached so near as to throw hand-grenades into the fort, while marines stationed in the round-tops stood ready to pick off any of the garrison that came in sight. the scene now became awful; incessant firing from ships, forts, gondolas and floating batteries, with clouds of sulphurous smoke, and the deafening thunder of cannon. before night there was hardly a fortification to defend; palisades were shivered, guns dismounted, the whole parapet levelled. there was terrible slaughter; most of the company of artillery were destroyed; fleury himself was wounded. captain talbot received a wound in the wrist, but continued bravely fighting until disabled by another wound in the hip. to hold out longer was impossible. colonel thayer made preparations to evacuate the fort in the night. everything was removed in the evening that could be conveyed away without too much exposure to the murderous fire from the round-tops. the wounded were taken over to red bank, accompanied by part of the garrison. thayer remained with forty men until eleven o'clock, when they set fire to what was combustible of the fort they had so nobly defended, and crossed to red bank by the light of its flames. the loss of this fort was deeply regretted by washington, though he gave high praise to the officers and men of the garrison. colonel smith was voted a sword by congress, and fleury received the commission of lieutenant-colonel. washington still hoped to keep possession of red bank, and thereby prevent the enemy from weighing the chevaux-de-frise before the frost obliged their ships to quit the river. "i am anxiously waiting the arrival of the troops from the northward," writes he, "who ought, from the time they have had my orders to have been here before this. colonel hamilton, one of my aides, is up the north river, doing all he can to push them forward, but he writes me word that he finds many unaccountable delays thrown in his way. the want of these troops has embarrassed all my measures exceedingly." the delays in question will best be explained by a few particulars concerning the mission of colonel hamilton. [hamilton had expected to find matters in such a train that he would have little to do but hurry on ample reinforcements already on the march; but he soon discovered that it was designed to retain the greater part of the northern army at albany and in the highlands, sparing only about four thousand men to the commander-in-chief. morgan and his riflemen had been tardily detached, he having met them on the march near new windsor on the morning of november d. putnam, he found, was busy with the project of an attack on new york; and gates was full of reasons why more troops should not be despatched southward, claiming that there was no certainty that sir henry clinton had gone to join howe, and that there was a possibility of his returning up the river. if his army were depleted, albany would be exposed, new england left open to the ravages of the enemy, and his own contemplated movement against ticonderoga abandoned. it was with the greatest difficulty that hamilton induced gates to detach the brigades of poor and patterson to the aid of the commander-in-chief. washington would not have received a man, he declared, if the whole could have been kept at albany with any decency. governor clinton, hamilton found, was the only general officer who appreciated washington's position, and disposed to promote the general good, independent of personal considerations. putnam who, unlike gates, was innocent of intrigues against the commander-in-chief, was still so bent upon his favorite scheme of an attack on new york, that only hamilton's positive orders, as from washington, to send the continental troops under him southward, retaining the militia, brought the bellicose veteran to a reluctant compliance. washington, in a letter to putnam, reprimanded his tardiness, concluding with, "i could wish that in future my orders may be immediately complied with, without arguing upon the propriety of them." the intrigues in progress around him made it necessary for washington at this moment to assert his superior command, although he acquitted putnam of any part in them.] in the meantime, sir william howe was following up the reduction of fort mifflin by an expedition against fort mercer, which still impeded the navigation of the delaware. on the th of november, lord cornwallis was detached with two thousand men to cross from chester into the jerseys, where he would be joined by a force advancing from new york. apprised of this movement, washington detached general huntington with a brigade, to join varnum at red bank. general greene was also ordered to repair thither with his division, and an express was sent off to general glover who was on his way through the jerseys with his brigade, directing him to file off to the left towards the same point. these troops, with such militia as could be collected, washington hoped would be sufficient to save the fort. before they could form a junction, however, and reach their destination, cornwallis appeared before it. a defence against such superior force was hopeless. the works were abandoned; they were taken possession of by the enemy who proceeded to destroy them. after the destruction had been accomplished, the reinforcements from the north, so long and so anxiously expected, and so shamefully delayed, made their appearance. "had they arrived but ten days sooner," writes washington to his brother, "it would, i think, have put it in my power to save fort mifflin, which defended the chevaux-de-frise, and consequently have rendered philadelphia a very ineligible situation for the enemy this winter." the evil which washington had so anxiously striven to prevent had now been effected. the american vessels stationed in the river had lost all protection. some of the galleys escaped past the batteries of philadelphia in a fog, and took refuge in the upper part of the delaware; the rest were set on fire by their crews and abandoned. washington advised the navy board, now that the enemy had the command of the river, to have all the american frigates scuttled and sunk immediately. the board objected to sinking them, but said they should be ballasted and plugged, ready to be sunk in case of attack. washington warned them that an attack would be sudden, so as to get possession of them before they could be sunk or destroyed;--his advice and warning were unheeded; the consequence will hereafter be shown. chapter xlviii. the army on the schuylkill.--at valley forge.--the conway cabal. on the evening of the th of november washington reconnoitred, carefully and thoughtfully, the lines and defences about philadelphia, from the opposite side of the schuylkill. his army was now considerably reinforced; the garrison was weakened by the absence of a large body of troops under lord cornwallis in the jerseys. some of the general officers thought this an advantageous moment for an attack upon the city. such was the opinion of lord stirling, and especially of general wayne, mad anthony, as he was familiarly called, always eager for some daring enterprise. the recent victory at saratoga had dazzled the public mind and produced a general impatience for something equally striking and effective in this quarter. with an anxious eye washington scrutinized the enemy's works. they appeared to be exceeding strong. a chain of redoubts extended along the most commanding ground from the schuylkill to the delaware. they were framed, planked, and of great thickness, and were surrounded by a deep ditch, enclosed and fraised. the intervals were filled with an abatis, in constructing which all the apple trees of the neighborhood, beside forest trees, had been sacrificed. the idea of lord stirling and those in favor of an attack was, that it should be at different points at daylight; the main body to attack the lines to the north of the city, while greene, embarking his men in boats at dunk's ferry, and passing down the delaware, and potter, with a body of continentals and militia, moving down the west side of the schuylkill, should attack the eastern and western fronts. washington saw that there was an opportunity for a brilliant blow, that might satisfy the impatience of the public, but he saw that it must be struck at the expense of a fearful loss of life. returning to camp, he held a council of war of his principal officers, in which the matter was debated at great length and with some warmth, but without coming to a decision. at breaking up, washington requested that each member of the council would give his opinion the next morning in writing, and he sent off a messenger in the night for the written opinion of general greene. only four members of the council, stirling, wayne, scott and woodford, were in favor of an attack; of which lord stirling drew up the plan. eleven (including greene) were against it, objecting, among other things, that the enemy's lines were too strong and too well supported, and their force too numerous, well disciplined and experienced, to be assailed without great loss and the hazard of a failure. had washington been actuated by mere personal ambition and a passion for military fame, he might have disregarded the loss and hazarded the failure; but his patriotism was superior to his ambition; he shrank from a glory that must be achieved at such a cost, and the idea of an attack was abandoned. a letter from general greene received about this time, gave washington some gratifying intelligence about his youthful friend, the marquis de lafayette. though not quite recovered from the wound received at the battle of brandywine, he had accompanied general greene as a volunteer in his expedition into the jerseys, and had been indulged by him with an opportunity of gratifying his belligerent humor, in a brush with cornwallis' outposts. "the marquis," writes greene, "with about four hundred militia and the rifle corps, attacked the enemy's picket last evening killed about twenty, wounded many more, and took about twenty prisoners. the marquis is charmed with the spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps.... the marquis is determined to be in the way of danger." washington had repeatedly written to congress in favor of giving the marquis a command equal to his nominal rank. he availed himself of the present occasion to support his former recommendations, by transmitting to congress an account of lafayette's youthful exploit. he received, in return, an intimation from that body, that it was their pleasure he should appoint the marquis to the command of a division in the continental army. the division of general stephen at this time was vacant; that veteran officer, who had formerly won honor for himself in the french war, having been dismissed for misconduct at the battle of germantown, the result of intemperate habits, into which he unfortunately had fallen. lafayette was forthwith appointed to the command of that division. at this juncture (november th), a modification took place in the board of war, indicative of the influence which was operating in congress. it was increased from three to five members: general mifflin, joseph trumbull, richard peters, colonel pickering, and last, though certainly not least, general gates. mifflin's resignation of the commission of quartermaster-general had recently been accepted; but that of major-general was continued to him, though without pay. general gates was appointed president of the board, and the president of congress was instructed to express to him, in communicating the intelligence, the high sense which that body entertained of his abilities and peculiar fitness to discharge the duties of that important office, upon the right execution of which the success of the american cause so eminently depended; and to inform him it was their intention to continue his rank as major-general, and that he might officiate at the board or in the field, as occasion might require; furthermore, that he should repair to congress with all convenient despatch to enter upon the duties of his appointment. it was evidently the idea of the cabal that gates was henceforth to be the master-spirit of the war. while busy faction was at work, both in and out of congress, to undermine the fame and authority of washington, general howe, according to his own threat, was preparing to "drive him beyond the mountains." on the th of december, captain allen mclane, a vigilant officer already mentioned, of the maryland line, brought word to head-quarters that an attack was to be made that very night on the camp at white marsh. washington made his dispositions to receive the meditated assault, and, in the meantime, detached mclane with one hundred men to reconnoitre. the latter met the van of the enemy about eleven o'clock at night, on the germantown road; attacked it at the three mile run, forced it to change its line of march, and hovered about and impeded it throughout the night. about three o'clock in the morning the alarm-gun announced the approach of the enemy. they appeared at daybreak, and encamped on chestnut hill, within three miles of washington's right wing. brigadier-general james irvine, with six hundred of the pennsylvania militia, was sent out to skirmish with their light advanced parties. he encountered them at the foot of the hill, but after a short conflict, in which several were killed and wounded, his troops gave way and fled in all directions, leaving him and four or five of his men wounded on the field, who were taken prisoners. general howe passed the day in reconnoitring, and at night changed his ground, and moved to a hill on the left, and within a mile of the american line. it was his wish to have a general action; but to have it on advantageous terms. he had scrutinized washington's position and pronounced it inaccessible. for three days he manoeuvred to draw him from it, shifting his own position occasionally, but still keeping on advantageous ground. washington was not to be decoyed. he knew the vast advantages which superior science, discipline and experience gave the enemy in open field fight, and remained within his lines. all his best officers approved of his policy. several sharp skirmishes occurred at edge hill and elsewhere, in which morgan's riflemen and the maryland militia were concerned. there was loss on both sides, but the americans gave way before a great superiority of numbers. on the th there was every appearance that howe meditated an attack on the left wing. washington's heart now beat high, and he prepared for a warm and decisive action. in the course of the day he rode through every brigade, giving directions how the attack was to be met, and exhorting his troops to depend mainly on the bayonet. the day wore away with nothing but skirmishes, in which morgan's riflemen, and the maryland militia under colonel gist, rendered good service. an attack was expected in the night, or early in the morning; but no attack took place. the spirit manifested by the americans in their recent contests had rendered the british commanders cautious. the next day in the afternoon, the enemy were again in motion; but instead of advancing, filed off to the left, halted and lit up a long string of fires on the heights; behind which they retreated, silently and precipitately, in the night. by the time washington received intelligence of their movement they were in full march by two or three routes for philadelphia. he immediately detached light parties to fall upon their rear, but they were too far on the way for any but light-horse to overtake them. here then was another occasion of which the enemies of washington availed themselves to deride his cautious policy. yet it was clearly dictated by true wisdom. his heart yearned for a general encounter with the enemy. in his despatch to the president of congress, he writes, "i sincerely wish that they had made an attack; as the issue, in all probability, from the disposition of our troops and the strong situation of our camp, would have been fortunate and happy. at the same time i must add, that reason, prudence, and every principle of policy forbade us from quitting our post to attack them. nothing but success would have justified the measure, and this could not be expected from their position." at this time, one of the earliest measures recommended by the board of war, and adopted by congress, showed the increasing influence of the cabal; two inspectors-general were to be appointed for the promotion of discipline and reformation of abuses in the army; and one of the persons chosen for this important office was conway, with the rank, too, of major-general! this was tacitly in defiance of the opinion so fully expressed by washington of the demerits of the man, and the ruinous effects to be apprehended from his promotion over the heads of brigadiers of superior claims. conway, however, was the secret colleague of gates, and gates was now the rising sun. winter had now set in with all its severity. the troops, worn down by long and hard service, had need of repose. poorly clad, also, and almost destitute of blankets, they required a warmer shelter than mere tents against the inclemencies of the season. the nearest towns which would afford winter-quarters, were lancaster, york and carlisle; but should the army retire to either of these, a large and fertile district would be exposed to be foraged by the foe, and its inhabitants, perhaps, to be dragooned into submission. the plan adopted by washington, after holding a council of war, and weighing the discordant opinions of his officers, was to hut the army for the winter at valley forge, in chester county, on the west side of the schuylkill, about twenty miles from philadelphia. here he would be able to keep a vigilant eye on that city, and at the same time protect a great extent of country. sad and dreary was the march to valley forge, uncheered by the recollection of any recent triumph, as was the march to winter-quarters in the preceding year. hungry and cold were the poor fellows who had so long been keeping the field, for provisions were scant, clothing worn out, and so badly off were they for shoes, that the footsteps of many might be tracked in blood. yet at this very time we are told, "hogsheads of shoes, stockings and clothing, were lying at different places on the roads and in the woods, perishing for want of teams, or of money to pay the teamsters." such were the consequences of the derangement of the commissariat. washington wrote to the president of congress on the subject: "i do not know from what cause this alarming deficiency, or rather total failure of supplies arises; but unless more vigorous exertions and better regulations take place in that line (the commissaries' department) immediately, the army must dissolve. i have done all in my power by remonstrating, by writing, by ordering the commissaries on this head, from time to time, but without any good effect, or obtaining more than a present scanty relief." scarce had washington despatched this letter, when he learnt that the legislature of pennsylvania had addressed a remonstrance to congress against his going into winter-quarters, instead of keeping in the open field. this letter, received in his forlorn situation, surrounded by an unhoused, scantily clad, half-starved army, shivering in the midst of december's snow and cold, put an end to his forbearance, and drew from him another letter to the president of congress, dated on the d, which we shall largely quote, not only for its manly and truthful eloquence, but for the exposition it gives of the difficulties of his situation, mainly caused by unwise and intermeddling legislation. and first as to the commissariat:-- "though i have been tender, heretofore," writes he, "of giving any opinion, or lodging complaints, as the change in that department took place contrary to my judgment, and the consequences thereof were predicted, yet finding that the inactivity of the army, whether for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my account, not only by the common vulgar, but by those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. with truth then, i can declare, that no man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than i have by every department of the army. since the month of july we have had no assistance from the quartermaster-general; and to want of assistance from this department, the commissary-general charges great part of his deficiency.... as a proof of the little benefit received from a clothier-general, and as a further proof of the inability of an army, under the circumstances of this, to perform the common duties of soldiers (besides a number of men confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in farmers' houses on the same account), we have, by a field return this day made, no less than two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp unfit for duty, because they are barefoot, and otherwise naked. by the same return, it appears that our whole strength in continental troops, including the eastern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of general burgoyne, exclusive of the maryland troops sent to wilmington, amounts to no more than eight thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that since the th instant, our numbers fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particularly on account of blankets, have decreased near two thousand men. "we find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter-quarters or not (for i am sure no resolution of mine could warrant the remonstrance), reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow; and moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages i have described ours to be--which are by no means exaggerated--to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the states of pennsylvania and jersey.... i can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, i feel abundantly for them, and, from my soul, i pity those miseries, which it is neither in my power to relieve nor prevent." in the present exigency to save his camp from desolation and to relieve his starving soldiery, he was compelled to exercise the authority recently given him by congress, to forage the country round, seize supplies wherever he could find them, and pay for them in money or in certificates redeemable by congress. he exercised these powers with great reluctance. he was apprehensive of irritating the jealousy of military sway, prevalent throughout the country, and of corrupting the morals of the army. we here close washington's operations for ; one of the most arduous and eventful years of his military life, and one of the most trying to his character and fortunes. he began it with an empty army chest, and a force dwindled down to four thousand half-disciplined men. throughout the year he had had to contend, not merely with the enemy, but with the parsimony and meddlesome interference of congress. in his most critical times that body had left him without funds and without reinforcements. it had made promotions contrary to his advice and contrary to military usage; thereby wronging and disgusting some of his bravest officers. it had changed the commissariat in the very midst of a campaign, and thereby thrown the whole service into confusion. among so many cross-purposes and discouragements, it was a difficult task for washington to "keep the life and soul of the army together." yet he had done so. marvellous indeed was the manner in which he had soothed the discontents of his aggrieved officers, and reconciled them to an ill-requiting service; and still more marvellous the manner in which he had breathed his own spirit of patience and perseverance in his yeoman soldiery, during their sultry marchings and countermarchings through the jerseys, under all kinds of privations, with no visible object of pursuit to stimulate their ardor, hunting, as it were, the rumored apparitions of an unseen fleet. the same machinations which were so successful in displacing the noble-hearted schuyler from the head of the northern department, were now at work to undermine the commander-in-chief, and elevate the putative hero of saratoga on his ruins. he was painfully aware of them; yet in no part of the war did he more thoroughly evince that magnanimity which was his grand characteristic, than in the last scenes of this campaign, where he rose above the tauntings of the press, the sneerings of the cabal, the murmurs of the public, the suggestions of some of his friends, and the throbbing impulses of his own courageous heart, and adhered to that fabian policy which he considered essential to the safety of the cause. to dare is often the impulse of selfish ambition or harebrained valor: to forbear is at times the proof of real greatness. while censure and detraction had dogged washington throughout his harassing campaign, gates was the constant theme of popular eulogium, and was held up by the cabal as the only one capable of retrieving the desperate fortunes of the south. letters from his friends in congress urged him to hasten on, take his seat at the head of the board of war, assume the management of military affairs, and _save the country!_ gates was not a strong-minded man. is it a wonder, then, that his brain should be bewildered by the fumes of incense offered up on every side. in the midst of his triumph, however, while feasting on the sweets of adulation, came the withering handwriting on the wall! it is an epistle from his friend mifflin. "my dear general," writes he, "an extract from conway's letter to you has been procured and sent to head-quarters.... general washington enclosed it to conway without remarks." nothing could surpass the trouble and confusion of mind of gates on the perusal of this letter. part of his correspondence with conway had been sent to head-quarters. but what part? what was the purport and extent of the alleged extracts. how had they been obtained? who had sent them? mifflin's letter specified nothing; and this silence as to particulars left an unbounded field for tormenting conjecture. in fact, mifflin knew nothing in particular when he wrote; nor did any of the cabal. the laconic nature of washington's note to conway had thrown them all in confusion. none knew the extent of the correspondence discovered, nor how far they might be individually compromised. gates, in his perplexity, suspected that his portfolio had been stealthily opened and his letters copied. but which of them?--and by whom? he wrote to conway and mifflin, anxiously inquiring what part of their correspondence had been thus surreptitiously obtained, and made rigid inquiries among the gentlemen of his staff. all disavowed any knowledge of the matter. in this state of mental trepidation, gates wrote, on the th of december, a letter to washington, [in which, after speaking of his disagreeable situation in discovering his confidential letters exposed to public inspection, he urged washington to give him his aid in "tracing the author of the infidelity," and asserting that it was in washington's power to do him and the united states an important service by detecting a wretch "who may betray me, and capitally injure the very operations under your immediate directions." he concluded by announcing his intention of forwarding a copy of his letter to the president, "that the congress may, in concert with your excellency, obtain as soon as possible a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states." washington's reply was characterized with his usual dignity and candor. after expressing his surprise that a copy of gates' letter should have been sent to congress, and asserting that he was thereby laid under the necessity of returning his answer through the same body, he proceeds to state that colonel wilkinson, in the month of october last, fell in with major mcwilliams, aide-de-camp to lord stirling, and informed him, not in confidence, that general conway had written to gates as follows: "heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it." washington then adds that this circumstance had not been communicated to any officer in the army except lafayette, to whom it was shown under injunctions of secrecy, so desirous was he of concealing every matter that "could interrupt the tranquillity of the army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by dissensions therein." he concludes by declaring that he considered the information as coming from gates, given with a view to forewarn and forearm him against a dangerous incendiary, "in which character sooner or later this country will know general conway."] gates was disposed to mark his advent to power by a striking operation. a notable project had been concerted by him and the board of war for a winter irruption into canada. an expedition was to proceed from albany, cross lake champlain on the ice, burn the british shipping at st. johns, and press forward to montreal. washington was not consulted in the matter: the project was submitted to congress, and sanctioned by them without his privity. one object of the scheme was to detach the marquis de lafayette from washington, to whom he was devotedly attached, and bring him into the interests of the cabal. for this purpose he was to have the command of the expedition; an appointment which it was thought would tempt his military ambition. conway was to be second in command, and it was trusted that his address and superior intelligence would virtually make him the leader. the first notice that washington received of the project was in a letter from gates, enclosing one to lafayette, informing the latter of his appointment, and requiring his attendance at yorktown to receive his instructions. gates, in his letter to washington, asked his opinion and advice; evidently as a matter of form. the latter expressed himself obliged by the "polite request," but observed that, as he neither knew the extent of the objects in view, nor the means to be employed to effect them, it was not in his power to pass any judgment upon the subject. the cabal overshot their mark. lafayette, who was aware of their intrigues, was so disgusted by the want of deference and respect to the commander-in-chief evinced in the whole proceeding, that he would at once have declined the appointment had not washington himself advised him strongly to accept it. [the project was never carried out. lafayette, still having a favorable opinion of conway's military talents, was aware of the game he was playing, and succeeded in getting de kalb appointed to the expedition, whose commission being of older date, would give him the precedence of that officer. when lafayette arrived at albany it was soon found that the contemplated irruption was not practicable. schuyler, lincoln, and arnold all opposed it. instead of twenty-five hundred men which had been promised lafayette, not twelve hundred in all were found to be fit for duty, and these shrinking from a winter incursion into so cold a country. stark, who was to have joined the expedition, was disinclined. enlistments could not be made for want of money, or the means of offering other inducements. the project, in view of the numerous discouragements and difficulties, was at length formally suspended by a resolve of congress.] washington's letter of the th of january, on the subject of the conway correspondence, had not reached general gates until the d of january, after his arrival at yorktown. no sooner did gates learn from its context that all washington's knowledge of that correspondence was confined to a single paragraph of a letter, and that merely as quoted in conversation by wilkinson, than the whole matter appeared easily to be explained or shuffled off. he accordingly took pen in hand, and addressed washington as follows, on the d of january: "the letter which i had the honor to receive yesterday from your excellency, has relieved me from unspeakable uneasiness. i now anticipate the pleasure it will give you when you discover that what has been conveyed to you for an extract of general conway's letter to me, was not an information which friendly motives induced a man of honor to give, that injured virtue might be forearmed against secret enemies. the paragraph which your excellency has condescended to transcribe, is spurious. it was certainly fabricated to answer the most selfish and wicked purposes." he then goes on to declare that the genuine letter of conway was perfectly harmless, containing judicious remarks upon the want of discipline in the army, but making no mention of weak generals or bad counsellors. general conway, also, in a letter to washington (dated january th), informs him that the letter had been returned to him by gates, and that he found with great satisfaction that "the paragraph so much spoken of did not exist in the said letter, nor anything like it." he had intended, he adds, to publish the letter, but had been dissuaded by president laurens and two or three members of congress, to whom he had shown it, lest it should inform the enemy of a misunderstanding among the american generals. he therefore depended upon the justice, candor, and generosity of general washington to put a stop to the forgery. on the th of february, washington wrote gates a long and searching reply to his letters of the th and d of january, analyzing them, and showing how, in spirit and import, they contradicted each other; and how sometimes the same letter contradicted itself. how, in the first letter, the reality of the extracts was by implication allowed, and the only solicitude shown was to find out the person who brought them to light; while, in the second letter, the whole was pronounced, "in word as well as in substance, a wicked forgery." "it is not my intention," observes washington, "to contradict this assertion, but only to intimate some considerations which tend to induce a supposition that, though none of general conway's letters to you contained the offensive passage mentioned, there might have been something in them too nearly related to it, that could give such an extraordinary alarm. if this were not the case, how easy in the first instance to have declared there was nothing exceptionable in them, and to have produced the letters themselves in support of it?"{ } {footnote : [the conway letter proved a further source of trouble to the cabal. wilkinson learning that gates had denounced him as the betrayer of the letter, and spoken of him in the grossest language, wrote to gates demanding honorable reparation. they met, however, and the explanations of gates appeased wilkinson for the time, who now turned to lord stirling as the betrayer of his confidence, asserting that he should "bleed for his conduct." but in this case, as in the other, wilkinson's irritable honor was easily pacified. lord stirling having admitted, according to wilkinson's request, that the disclosure in question "occurred in a private company during a convivial hour." subsequently wilkinson was shown, by washington, gates' letter, in which the extract from conway's letter was pronounced a forgery. wilkinson, who was secretary of the board of war, of which gates was president, now resigned his office, compelled to it, as he said, "by the acts of treachery and falsehood in which he had detected major-general gates." wilkinson, as bearer of the news of the capture of burgoyne to congress, had been rewarded by promotion to the rank of brigadier-general. this was protested against by a large number of colonels, whereupon wilkinson resigned, and withdrew from the army.]} chapter xlix. exploits of lee and lafayette.--british commissioners. during the winter's encampment at valley forge, washington sedulously applied himself to the formation of a new system for the army. at his earnest solicitation, congress appointed a committee of five, called the committee of arrangement, to repair to the camp and assist him in the task.{ } before their arrival he had collected the written opinions and suggestions of his officers on the subject, and from these, and his own observations and experience, had prepared a document exhibiting the actual state of the army, the defects of previous systems, and the alterations and reforms that were necessary. the committee remained three months with him in camp, and then made a report to congress founded on his statement. the reforms therein recommended were generally adopted. {footnote : names of the committee--general reed, nathaniel folsom, francis dana, charles carroll, and gouverneur morris.} in the meantime, the distresses of the army continued to increase. the surrounding country for a great distance was exhausted, and had the appearance of having been pillaged. the parties sent out to forage too often returned empty-handed. "for some days past there has been little less than a famine in the camp," writes washington, on one occasion. "a part of the army has been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. naked and starving as they are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not been, ere this, excited by their suffering to a general mutiny and desertion." a british historian gives a striking picture of the indolence and luxury which reigned at the same time in the british army in philadelphia. it is true the investment of the city by the americans rendered provisions dear and fuel scanty, but the consequent privations were felt by the inhabitants, not by their invaders. the latter revelled as if in a conquered place. private houses were occupied without rendering compensation; the officers were quartered on the principal inhabitants, many of whom were of the society of "friends." the quiet habits of the city were outraged by the dissolute habits of a camp. gaming prevailed to a shameless degree. a foreign officer kept a faro bank, at which he made a fortune, and some of the young officers ruined themselves. "during the whole of this long winter of riot and dissipation," continues the same writer, "washington was suffered to remain undisturbed at valley forge, with an army not exceeding five thousand effective men; and his cannon frozen up and immovable. a nocturnal attack might have forced him to a disadvantageous action or compelled him to a disastrous retreat." on one occasion there was a flurry at the most advanced post, where captain henry lee (light-horse harry) with a few of his troops was stationed. he had made himself formidable to the enemy by harassing their foraging parties. an attempt was made to surprise him. a party of about two hundred dragoons, taking a circuitous route in the night, came upon him by daybreak. he had but a few men with him at the time, and took post in a large store-house. his scanty force did not allow a soldier for each window. the dragoons attempted to force their way into the house. there was a warm contest. the dragoons were bravely repulsed, and sheered off, leaving two killed and four wounded. washington, whose heart evidently warmed to this young virginian officer, not content with noticing his exploit in general orders, not long afterwards strongly recommended him for the command of two troops of horse, with the rank of major, to act as an independent partisan corps. "his genius," observes he, "particularly adapts him to a command of this nature; and it will be the most agreeable to him of any station in which he could be placed." it was a high gratification to washington when congress made this appointment; accompanying it with encomiums on lee as a brave and prudent officer. in the month of february, mrs. washington rejoined the general at valley forge, and took up her residence at head-quarters. the arrangements consequent on her arrival bespeak the simplicity of style in this rude encampment. "the general's apartment is very small," writes she to a friend; "he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first." lady stirling, mrs. knox, the wife of the general, and the wives of other of the officers were also in the camp. the reforms in the commissariat had begun to operate. provisions arrived in considerable quantities; supplies, on their way to the philadelphia market to load the british tables were intercepted and diverted into the hungry camp of the patriots; magazines were formed in valley forge; the threatened famine was averted; "grim-visaged war" gradually relaxed his features, and affairs in the encampment began to assume a more cheering aspect. an important arrival in the camp was that of the baron steuben, towards the latter part of february. he was a seasoned soldier from the old battle fields of europe; having served in the seven years' war, been aide-de-camp to the great frederick, and connected with the quartermaster-general's department. honors had been heaped upon him in germany. after leaving the prussian army he had been grand marshal of the court of the prince of hohenzollern-hechingen, colonel in the circle of suabia, lieutenant-general under the prince margrave of baden, and knight of the order of fidelity; and he had declined liberal offers from the king of sardinia and the emperor of austria. with an income of about three thousand dollars, chiefly arising from various appointments, he was living pleasantly in distinguished society at the german courts, and making occasional visits to paris, when he was persuaded by the count de st. germain, french minister of war, and others of the french cabinet, to come out to america, and engage in the cause they were preparing to befriend. their object was to secure for the american armies the services of an officer of experience and a thorough disciplinarian. through their persuasions he resigned his several offices, and came out at forty-eight years of age, a soldier of fortune, to the rude fighting grounds of america, to aid a half disciplined people in their struggle for liberty. the baron had brought strong letters from dr. franklin and mr. deane, our envoys at paris, and from the count st. germain. landing in portsmouth in new hampshire, dec. st, he had forwarded copies of his letters to washington. by washington's direction he had proceeded direct to congress. his letters procured him a distinguished reception from the president. a committee was appointed to confer with him. he offered his services as a volunteer: making no condition for rank or pay, but trusting, should he prove himself worthy and the cause be crowned with success, he would be indemnified for the sacrifices he had made, and receive such further compensation as he might be thought to merit. the committee having made their report, the baron's proffered services were accepted with a vote of thanks for his disinterestedness, and he was ordered to join the army at valley forge. that army, in its ragged condition and squalid quarters, presented a sorry aspect to a strict disciplinarian from germany, accustomed to the order and appointments of european camps; and the baron often declared, that under such circumstances no army in europe could be kept together for a single month. the liberal mind of steuben, however, made every allowance; and washington soon found in him a consummate soldier, free from pedantry or pretension. the evils arising from a want of uniformity in discipline and manoeuvres throughout the army, had long caused washington to desire a well organized inspectorship. he knew that the same desire was felt by congress. conway had been appointed to that office, but had never entered upon its duties. the baron appeared to be peculiarly well qualified for such a department; washington determined, therefore, to set on foot a temporary institution of the kind. accordingly he proposed to the baron to undertake the office of inspector-general. the latter cheerfully agreed. two ranks of inspectors were appointed under him; the lowest to inspect brigades, the highest to superintend several of these. in a little while the whole army was under drill; for a great part, made up of raw militia, scarcely knew the manual exercise. many of the officers, too, knew little of manoeuvring, and the best of them had much to learn. the baron furnished his sub-inspectors with written instructions relative to their several functions. he took a company of soldiers under his immediate training, and after he had sufficiently schooled it, made it a model for the others, exhibiting the manoeuvres they had to practise. his discipline extended to their comforts. he inquired into their treatment by the officers. he examined the doctors' reports, visited the sick, and saw that they were well lodged and attended. the strong good sense of the baron was evinced in the manner in which he adapted his tactics to the nature of the army and the situation of the country, instead of adhering with bigotry to the systems of europe. his instructions were appreciated by all. the officers received them gladly and conformed to them. the men soon became active and adroit. the army gradually acquired a proper organization, and began to operate like a great machine; and washington found in the baron an intelligent, disinterested, truthful coadjutor, well worthy of the badge he wore as a knight of the order of _fidelity_. another great satisfaction to washington was the appointment by congress (march d) of greene to the office of quartermaster-general; still retaining his rank of major-general in the army. the confusion and derangement of this department during the late campaign, while filled by general mifflin, had been a source of perpetual embarrassment. that officer, however capable of doing his duty, was hardly ever at hand. the line and the staff were consequently at variance; and the country was plundered in a way sufficient to breed a civil war between the staff and the inhabitants. greene undertook the office with reluctance, and agreed to perform the military duties of it without compensation for the space of a year. the spring opened without any material alteration in the dispositions of the armies. washington at one time expected an attack upon his camp; but sir william was deficient in the necessary enterprise; he contented himself with sending out parties which foraged the surrounding country for many miles, and scoured part of the jerseys, bringing in considerable supplies. these forays were in some instances accompanied by wanton excesses and needless bloodshed. a ravaging party ascended the delaware in flat-bottomed boats and galleys; set fire to public storehouses in bordentown containing provisions and munitions of war; burnt two frigates, several privateers, and a number of vessels of various classes, some of them laden with military stores. had the armed vessels been sunk according to the earnest advice of washington, the greater part of them might have been saved. a circular letter was sent by washington on the th to all the general officers in camp, requesting their opinions in writing, which of three plans to adopt for the next campaign: to attempt the recovery of philadelphia; to transfer the war to the north and make an attempt on new york; or to remain quiet in a secure and fortified camp, disciplining and arranging the army until the enemy should begin their operations; then to be governed by circumstances. just after the issue of this circular, intelligence received from congress showed that the ascendency of the cabal was at an end. by a resolution of that body on the th, gates was directed to resume the command of the northern department, and to proceed forthwith to fishkill for that purpose. he was invested with powers for completing the works on the hudson,{ } and authorized to carry on operations against the enemy should any favorable opportunity offer, for which purposes he might call for the artificers and militia of new york and the eastern states: but he was not to undertake any expedition against new york without previously consulting the commander-in-chief. washington was requested to assemble a council of major-generals to determine upon a plan of operations, and gates and mifflin, by a subsequent resolution, were ordered to attend that council. this arrangement, putting gates under washington's order, evinced the determination of congress to sustain the latter in his proper authority. {footnote : [the highlands had been carefully reconnoitred in the course of the winter by putnam, gov. clinton, james clinton, and several others, and west point selected as the most eligible place to be fortified.]} and here we may note the downfall of the intriguing individual who had given his name to the now extinguished cabal. conway, after the departure of lafayette and de kalb from albany, had remained but a short time in the command there, being ordered to join the army under general mcdougall, stationed at fishkill. thence he was soon ordered back to albany, whereupon he wrote an impertinent letter to the president of congress, complaining that he was "boxed about in a most indecent manner," and intimated a wish that the president would make his resignation acceptable to congress. to his surprise and consternation, his resignation was immediately accepted. he instantly wrote to the president, declaring that his meaning had been misapprehended, and accounting for it by some orthographical or grammatical faults in his letter, being an irishman, who had learnt his english in france. all his efforts to get reinstated were unavailing, though he went to yorktown to make them in person.{ } {footnote : [conway here disappears from this history. he became involved in a duel with gen. john cadwalader, in which he was severely wounded. upon his recovery from his wounds he embarked for france.]} the capture of burgoyne and his army was now operating with powerful effect on the cabinets of both england and france. with the former it was coupled with the apprehension that france was about to espouse the american cause. the consequence was lord north's "conciliatory bills," as they were called, submitted by him to parliament, and passed with but slight opposition. one of these bills regulated taxation in the american colonies, in a manner which, it was trusted, would obviate every objection. the other authorized the appointment of commissioners clothed with powers to negotiate with the existing governments; to proclaim a cessation of hostilities; to grant pardons, and to adopt other measures of a conciliatory nature. intelligence that a treaty between france and the united states had actually been concluded at paris, induced the british minister to hurry off a draft of the bills to america, to forestall the effects of the treaty upon the public mind. general tryon caused copies of it to be printed in new york and circulated through the country. he sent several of them to general washington, th april, with a request that they should be communicated to the officers and privates of his army. washington felt the singular impertinence of the request. he transmitted them to congress, observing that the time to entertain such overtures was past. "nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. a peace on other terms would, if i may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. the injuries we have received from the british nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten." these and other objections advanced by him met with the concurrence of congress, and it was unanimously resolved that no conference could be held, no treaty made with any commissioners on the part of great britain, until that power should have withdrawn its fleets and armies, or acknowledged in positive and express terms the independence of the united states. on the following day, april d, a resolution was passed recommending to the different states to pardon, under such restrictions as might be deemed expedient, such of their citizens as, having levied war against the united states, should return to their allegiance before the th of june. the tidings of the capitulation of burgoyne had been equally efficacious in quickening the action of the french cabinet. the negotiations, which had gone on so slowly as almost to reduce our commissioners to despair, were brought to a happy termination, and on the d of may, ten days after the passing by congress of the resolves just cited, a messenger arrived express from france with two treaties, one of amity and commerce, the other of defensive alliance, signed in paris on the th of february by m. girard on the part of france, and by benjamin franklin, silas deane, and arthur lee on the part of the united states. this last treaty stipulated that, should war ensue between france and england, it should be made a common cause by the contracting parties, in which neither should make truce or peace with great britain without the consent of the other, nor either lay down their arms until the independence of the united states was established. these treaties were unanimously ratified by congress, and their promulgation was celebrated by public rejoicings throughout the country. the th of may was set apart for a military fête at the camp at valley forge. the army was assembled in best array; there was solemn thanksgiving by the chaplains at the head of each brigade; after which a grand parade, a national discharge of thirteen guns, a general _feu de joie_, and shouts of the whole army, "long live the king of france--long live the friendly european powers--huzza for the american states." a banquet succeeded, at which washington dined in public with all the officers of his army, attended by a band of music. on the th, the council of war, ordered by congress, was convened; at which were present major-generals gates, greene, stirling, mifflin, lafayette, de kalb, armstrong and steuben, and brigadier-generals knox and duportail. after the state of the forces, british and american, their number and distribution, had been laid before the council by the commander-in-chief, and a full discussion had been held, it was unanimously determined to remain on the defensive, and not attempt any offensive operation until some opportunity should occur to strike a successful blow. the military career of sir william howe in the united states was now drawing to a close. his conduct of the war had given much dissatisfaction in england. his enemies observed that everything gained by the troops was lost by the general; that he had suffered an enemy with less than four thousand men to reconquer a province which he had recently reduced, and lay a kind of siege to his army in their winter quarters; and that he had brought a sad reverse upon the british arms by failing to co-operate vigorously and efficiently with burgoyne. sir william, on his part, had considered himself slighted by the ministry; his suggestions, he said, were disregarded, and the reinforcements withheld which he considered indispensable for the successful conduct of the war. he had therefore tendered his resignation, which had been promptly accepted, and sir henry clinton ordered to relieve him. clinton arrived in philadelphia on the th of may, and took command of the army on the th. soon after he had taken the command, there were symptoms of an intention to evacuate philadelphia. whither the enemy would thence direct their course was a matter of mere conjecture. lafayette was therefore detached by washington, with twenty-one hundred chosen men and five pieces of cannon, to take a position nearer the city, where he might be at hand to gain information, watch the movements of the enemy, check their predatory excursions, and fall on their rear when in the act of withdrawing. the marquis crossed the schuylkill on the th of may, and proceeded to barren hill, about half way between washington's camp and philadelphia, and about eleven miles from both. here he planted his cannon facing the south, with rocky ridges bordering the schuylkill on his right; woods and stone houses on his left. behind him the roads forked, one branch leading to matson's ford of the schuylkill, the other by swedes' ford to valley forge. in advance of his left wing was mclane's company and about fifty indians. pickets and videttes were placed in the woods to the south, through which the roads led to philadelphia, and a body of six hundred pennsylvania militia were stationed to keep watch on the roads leading to white marsh. in the meantime sir henry clinton having received intelligence through his spies of this movement of lafayette, concerted a plan to entrap the young french nobleman. five thousand men were sent out at night under general grant to make a circuitous march by white marsh, and get in the rear of the americans; another force under general grey was to cross to the west side of the schuylkill, and take post below barren hill, while sir henry in person was to lead a third division along the philadelphia road. the plan came near being completely successful, through the remissness of the pennsylvania militia, who had left their post of observation. early in the morning word was brought that red coats had been descried in the woods near white marsh. lafayette was expecting a troop of american dragoons in that quarter who wore scarlet uniforms, and supposed these to be them; to be certain, however, he sent out an officer to reconnoitre. the latter soon came spurring back at full speed. a column of the enemy had pushed forward on the road from white marsh, were within a mile of the camp, and had possession of the road leading to valley forge. another column was advancing on the philadelphia road. in fact, the young french general was on the point of being surrounded by a greatly superior force. lafayette saw his danger, but maintained his presence of mind. throwing out small parties of troops to show themselves at various points of the intervening wood, as if an attack on grant was meditated, he brought that general to a halt to prepare for action, while he with his main body pushed forward for matson's ford on the schuylkill. the alarm-guns at sunrise had apprised washington that the detachment under lafayette was in danger. the troops at valley forge were instantly under arms. washington, with his aides-de-camp and some of his general officers, galloped to the summit of a hill, and anxiously reconnoitred the scene of action with a glass. his solicitude for the marquis was soon relieved. the stratagem of the youthful warrior had been crowned with success. he completely gained the march upon general grant, reached matson's ford in safety, crossed it in great order, and took a strong position on high grounds which commanded it. the enemy arrived at the river just in time for a skirmish as the artillery was crossing. seeing that lafayette had extricated himself from their hands, and was so strongly posted, they gave over all attack, and returned somewhat disconcerted to philadelphia; while the youthful marquis rejoined the army at valley forge, where he was received with acclamations. the exchange of general lee for general prescott, so long delayed by various impediments, had recently been effected; and lee was reinstated in his position of second in command. colonel ethan allen, also, had been released from his long captivity in exchange for colonel campbell. allen paid a visit to the camp at valley forge, where he had much to tell of his various vicissitudes and hardships. in a few days, a brevet commission of colonel arrived for him; but he had already left camp for his home in vermont, where he appears to have hung up his sword, for we meet with no further achievements by him on record. indications continued to increase of the departure of troops from philadelphia. new york, it was concluded, would be the place of destination; either as a rendezvous, or a post whence to attempt the occupation of the hudson. would they proceed thither by land or water? supposing the former, washington would gladly have taken post in jersey to oppose or harass them on their march through that state. his camp, however, was encumbered by upwards of three thousand sick; and covered a great amount of military stores. he dared not weaken it by detaching a sufficient force; especially as it was said the enemy intended to attack him before their departure. for three weeks affairs remained in this state. washington held his army ready to march toward the hudson at a moment's warning, and sent general maxwell with a brigade of jersey troops to co-operate with major-general dickinson and the militia of that state in breaking down the bridges and harassing the enemy, should they actually attempt to march through it. in the meantime, the commissioners empowered under the new conciliatory bills to negotiate the restoration of peace between great britain and her former colonies, arrived in the delaware in the trident ship-of-war. these were frederick howard, earl of carlisle; william eden (afterwards lord auckland), brother of the last colonial governor of maryland; and george johnstone, commonly known as governor johnstone, having held that office in florida. the commissioners landed at philadelphia on the th of june, and discovered to their astonishment that they had come out, as it were, in the dark, on a mission in which but a half confidence had been reposed in them by government. three weeks before their departure from england, orders had been sent out to sir henry clinton to evacuate philadelphia and concentrate his forces at new york; yet these orders were never imparted to them. their letters and speeches testify their surprise and indignation at finding their plan of operations so completely disconcerted by their own cabinet. the orders for evacuation, however, were too peremptory to be evaded, but johnstone declared that if he had known of them, he never would have gone on the mission. the commissioners had prepared a letter for congress, merely informing that body of their arrival and powers, and their disposition to promote a reconciliation, intending quietly to await an answer; but the unexpected situation of affairs occasioned by the order for evacuation, obliged them to alter their resolution, and to write one of a different character bringing forward at once all the powers delegated to them. on the th of june, sir henry clinton informed washington of the arrival of the commissioners, and requested a passport for their secretary, dr. ferguson, the historian, to proceed to yorktown bearing a letter to congress. washington sent to congress a copy of sir henry's letter, but did not consider himself at liberty to grant the passport until authorized by them. without waiting the result, the commissioners forwarded, by the ordinary military post, their letter, accompanied by the "conciliatory acts" and other documents. they were received by congress on the th. the reading of the letter was interrupted, and it came near being indignantly rejected, on account of expressions disrespectful to france, charging it with being the insidious enemy of both england and her colonies, and interposing its pretended friendship to the latter "only to prevent reconciliation and prolong this destructive war." in their reply, signed by the president (june th), they observed that nothing but an earnest desire to spare further effusion of blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most christian majesty, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation; and in conclusion, they expressed a readiness to treat as soon as the king of great britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition for peace, either by an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the states, or by the withdrawal of his fleets and armies. we will not follow the commissioners through their various attempts, overtly and covertly, to forward the object of their mission. we cannot, however, pass unnoticed an intimation conveyed from governor johnstone to general joseph reed, at this time an influential member of congress, that effectual services on his part to restore the union of the two countries might be rewarded by ten thousand pounds sterling, and any office in the colonies in his majesty's gift. to this reed made his brief and memorable reply: "i am not worth purchasing; but such as i am, the king of great britain is not rich enough to do it." the commissioners, disappointed in their hopes of influencing congress, attempted to operate on the feelings of the public, at one time by conciliatory appeals, at another by threats and denunciations. their last measure was to publish a manifesto recapitulating their official proceedings; stating the refusal of congress to treat with them, and offering to treat within forty days with deputies from all or any of the colonies or provincial assemblies; holding forth, at the same time, the usual offers of conditional amnesty. this measure, like all which had preceded it, proved ineffectual; the commissioners embarked for england, and so terminated this tardy and blundering attempt of the british government and its agents to effect a reconciliation--the last attempt that was made. chapter l. evacuation of philadelphia.--battle of monmouth court house. the delay of the british to evacuate philadelphia tasked the sagacity of washington, but he supposed it to have been caused by the arrival of the commissioners from great britain. the force in the city in the meantime had been much reduced. five thousand men had been detached to aid in a sudden descent on the french possessions in the west indies; three thousand more to florida. most of the cavalry with other troops had been shipped with the provision train and heavy baggage to new york. the effective force remaining with sir henry was now about nine or ten thousand men; that under washington was a little more than twelve thousand continentals, and about thirteen hundred militia. it had already acquired considerable proficiency in tactics and field manoeuvring under the diligent instructions of steuben. early in june it was evident that a total evacuation of the city was on the point of taking place; and circumstances convinced washington that the march of the main body would be through the jerseys. some of his officers thought differently, especially general lee, who had now the command of a division composed of poor, varnum, and huntington's brigades. in consequence, washington called a general council of war on the th, to consider what measures to adopt; whether to undertake any enterprise against the enemy in their present circumstances--whether the army should remain in its actual position, until the final evacuation had taken place, or move immediately toward the delaware--whether, should the enemy march through the jerseys, it would be advisable to attack them while on the way, or to push on directly to the hudson, and secure that important communication between the eastern and southern states? in case an attack while on the march were determined on, should it be a partial or a general one? lee was opposed to an attack of any kind. he would make a bridge of gold for the enemy. they were nearly equal in number to the americans, and far superior in discipline. an attack would endanger the safety of the cause. he advised merely to follow the enemy, observe their motions, and prevent them from committing any excesses. lee's opinions had still great weight with the army; most of the officers, both foreign and american, concurred with him. greene, lafayette, wayne, and cadwalader, thought differently. they could not brook that the enemy should evacuate the city, and make a long march through the country unmolested. washington seeing such want of unanimity among his generals, requested their opinions in writing. before these were given in, word was brought that the enemy had actually evacuated the city. sir henry had taken his measures with great secrecy and despatch. the army commenced moving at three o'clock on the morning of the th, retiring to a point of land below the town formed by the confluence of the delaware and schuylkill, and crossing the former river in boats. by ten o'clock in the morning the rear-guard landed on the jersey shore. on the first intelligence of this movement, washington detached general maxwell with his brigade, to co-operate with general dickinson and the new jersey militia in harassing the enemy on their march. he sent general arnold, also, with a force to take command of philadelphia, that officer being not yet sufficiently recovered from his wound for field service; then, breaking up his camp at valley forge, he pushed forward with his main force in pursuit of the enemy. as the route of the latter lay along the eastern bank of the delaware as high as trenton, washington was obliged to make a considerable circuit, so as to cross the river higher up at coryell's ferry, near the place where, eighteen months previously, he had crossed to attack the hessians. heavy rains and sultry summer heat retarded his movements; but the army crossed on the th. the british were now at moorestown and mount holly. thence they might take the road on the left for brunswick, and so on to staten island and new york; or the road to the right through monmouth, by the heights of middletown to sandy hook. uncertain which they might adopt, washington detached colonel morgan with six hundred picked men to reinforce maxwell, and hang on their rear; while he himself pushed forward with the main body toward princeton, cautiously keeping along the mountainous country to the left of the most northern road. the march of sir henry was very slow. from his dilatory movements, washington suspected sir henry of a design to draw him down into the level country, and then, by a rapid movement on his right, to gain possession of the strong ground above him, and bring him to a general action on disadvantageous terms. he himself was inclined for a general action whenever it could be made on suitable ground: he halted, therefore, at hopewell, about five miles from princeton, and held another council of war. the result of it, writes his aide-de-camp, colonel hamilton, "would have done honor to the most honorable society of midwives, and to them only." the purport was to keep at a distance from the enemy, and annoy them by detachments. lee, according to hamilton, was the prime mover of this plan, in pursuance of which a detachment of fifteen hundred men was sent off under brigadier-general scott, to join the other troops near the enemy's line. generals greene, wayne, and lafayette were in the minority in the council, and subsequently gave separately the same opinion in writing, that the rear of the enemy should be attacked by a strong detachment, while the main army should be so disposed as to give a general battle, should circumstances render it advisable. as this opinion coincided with his own, washington determined to act upon it. sir henry clinton in the meantime had advanced to allentown, on his way to brunswick, to embark on the raritan. finding the passage of that river likely to be strongly disputed by the forces under washington, and others advancing from the north under gates, he changed his plan, and turned to the right by a road leading through freehold to navesink and sandy hook; to embark at the latter place. washington, no longer in doubt as to the route of the enemy's march, detached wayne with one thousand men to join the advanced corps, which, thus augmented, was upwards of four thousand strong. the command of the advance properly belonged to lee as senior major-general; but it was eagerly solicited by lafayette, as an attack by it was intended, and lee was strenuously opposed to everything of the kind. washington willingly gave his consent, provided general lee were satisfied with the arrangement. the latter ceded the command without hesitation. scarce, however, had he relinquished the command, when he changed his mind. in a note to washington he declared that, in assenting to the arrangement, he had considered the command of the detachment one more fitting a young volunteering general than a veteran like himself, second in command in the army. he now viewed it in a different light. lafayette would be at the head of all the continental parties already in the line; six thousand men at least; a command next to that of the commander-in-chief. should the detachment march, therefore, he entreated to have the command of it. washington was perplexed how to satisfy lee's punctilious claims without wounding the feelings of lafayette. a change in the disposition of the enemy's line of march furnished an expedient. sir henry clinton, finding himself harassed by light troops on the flanks, and in danger of an attack in the rear, placed all his baggage in front under the convoy of knyphausen, while he threw the main strength of his army in the rear under lord cornwallis. this made it necessary for washington to strengthen his advanced corps; and he took this occasion to detach lee, with scott's and varnum's brigades, to support the force under lafayette. as lee was the senior major-general, this gave him the command of the whole advance. washington explained the matter in a letter to the marquis, who resigned the command to lee when the latter joined him on the th. that evening the enemy encamped on high ground near monmouth court house. lee encamped with the advance at englishtown, about five miles distant. the main body was three miles in his rear. about sunset washington rode forward to the advance, and anxiously reconnoitred sir henry's position. it was protected by woods and morasses, and too strong to be attacked with a prospect of success. should the enemy, however, proceed ten or twelve miles further unmolested, they would gain the heights of middletown, and be on ground still more difficult. to prevent this, he resolved that an attack should be made on their rear early in the morning, as soon as their front should be in motion. this plan he communicated to general lee, in presence of his officers, ordering him to make dispositions for the attack keeping his troops lying on their arms, ready for action on the shortest notice; a disposition he intended to observe with his own troops. this done, he rode back to the main body. early in the morning, washington received an express informing him that the enemy were in motion. he instantly sent orders to lee to push forward and attack them, unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary, adding that he was coming on to support him. for that purpose he immediately set forward with his own troops, ordering them to throw by their knapsacks and blankets. knyphausen, with the british vanguard, had begun about daybreak to descend into the valley between monmouth court house and middletown. to give the long train of wagons and pack horses time to get well on the way, sir henry clinton with his choice troops remained in camp on the heights of freehold, until eight o'clock, when he likewise resumed the line of march toward middletown. in the meantime, lee had advanced with the brigades of wayne and maxwell, to support the light troops engaged in skirmishing. the difficulty of reconnoitring a country cut up by woods and morasses, and the perplexity occasioned by contradictory reports, embarrassed his movements. being joined by lafayette with the main body of the advance, he had now about four thousand men at his command, independent of those under morgan and general dickinson. arriving on the heights of freehold, and riding forward with general wayne to an open place to reconnoitre, lee caught sight of a force under march, but partly hidden from view by intervening woods. supposing it to be a mere covering party of about two thousand men, he detached wayne with seven hundred men and two pieces of artillery, to skirmish in its rear and hold it in check; while he, with the rest of his force, taking a shorter road through the woods, would get in front of it, and cut it off from the main body. he at the same time sent a message to washington, apprising him of this movement and of his certainty of success. washington in the meantime was on his march with the main body, to support the advance, as he had promised. the booming of cannon at a distance indicated that the attack so much desired had commenced, and caused him to quicken his march. arrived near freehold church, where the road forked, he detached greene with part of his forces to the right, to flank the enemy in the rear of monmouth court house, while he, with the rest of the column, would press forward by the other road. washington had alighted while giving these directions, and was standing with his arm thrown over his horse, when a countryman rode up and said the continental troops were retreating. washington was provoked at what he considered a false alarm. the man pointed, as his authority, to an american fifer who just then came up in breathless affright. the fifer was ordered into custody to prevent his spreading an alarm among the troops who were advancing, and was threatened with a flogging should he repeat the story. springing on his horse, washington had moved forward but a short distance when he met other fugitives, one in the garb of a soldier, who all concurred in the report. he now sent forward colonels fitzgerald and harrison to learn the truth, while he himself spurred past freehold meeting house. between that edifice and the morass beyond it, he met grayson's and patton's regiments in most disorderly retreat, jaded with heat and fatigue. riding up to the officer at their head, washington demanded whether the whole advanced corps were retreating. the officer believed they were. it seemed incredible. there had been scarce any firing--washington had received no notice of the retreat from lee. he was still almost inclined to doubt, when the heads of several columns of the advance began to appear. it was too evident--the whole advance was falling back on the main body, and no notice had been given to him. one of the first officers that came up was colonel shreve, at the head of his regiment. washington, greatly surprised and alarmed, asked the meaning of this retreat. the colonel smiled significantly--he did not know--he had retreated by order. there had been no fighting excepting a slight skirmish with the enemy's cavalry, which had been repulsed. a suspicion flashed across washington's mind of wrongheaded conduct on the part of lee, to mar the plan of attack adopted contrary to his counsels. ordering colonel shreve to march his men over the morass, halt them on the hill beyond and refresh them, he galloped forward to stop the retreat of the rest of the advance, his indignation kindling as he rode. at the rear of the regiment he met major howard; he, too, could give no reason for the retreat, but seemed provoked at it--declaring that he had never seen the like. another officer exclaimed with an oath that they were flying from a shadow. arriving at a rising ground, washington beheld lee approaching with the residue of his command in full retreat. by this time he was thoroughly exasperated. "what is the meaning of all this, sir?" demanded he, in the sternest and even fiercest tone, as lee rode up to him. lee for a moment was disconcerted, and hesitated in making a reply, for washington's aspect, according to lafayette, was terrible. "i desire to know the meaning of this disorder and confusion," was again demanded still more vehemently. lee, stung by the manner more than the words of the demand, made an angry reply, and provoked still sharper expressions, which have been variously reported. "i am very sorry," said washington, "that you undertook the command, unless you meant to fight the enemy." "i did not think it prudent to bring on a general engagement." "whatever your opinion may have been," replied washington, disdainfully, "i expected my orders would have been obeyed." this all passed rapidly, and, as it were, in flashes, for there was no time for parley. the enemy were within a quarter of an hour's march. washington's appearance had stopped the retreat. the fortunes of the day were to be retrieved, if possible, by instant arrangements. these he proceeded to make with great celerity. the place was favorable for a stand; it was a rising ground, to which the enemy could approach only over a narrow causeway. the rallied troops were hastily formed upon this eminence. colonels stewart and ramsey, with two batteries, were stationed in a covert of woods on their left, to protect them and keep the enemy at bay. colonel oswald was posted for the same purpose on a height, with two field-pieces. the promptness with which everything was done showed the effects of the baron steuben's discipline. washington, having made all his arrangements with great dispatch but admirable clearness and precision, rode back to lee in calmer mood, and inquired, "will you retain the command on this height or not? if you will, i will return to the main body, and have it formed on the next height." "it is equal to me where i command," replied lee. "i expect you will take proper means for checking the enemy," rejoined washington. "your orders shall be obeyed; and i shall not be the first to leave the ground," was the reply. a warm cannonade by oswald, stewart and ramsey had the desired effect. the enemy were brought to a stand, and washington had time to gallop back and bring on the main body. this he formed on an eminence, with a wood in the rear and the morass in front. the left wing was commanded by lord stirling, who had with him a detachment of artillery and several field-pieces. general greene was on his right. lee had maintained his advanced position with great spirit, but was at length obliged to retire. he brought off his troops in good order across a causeway which traversed the morass in front of lord stirling. having formed his men in a line, beyond the morass, he rode up to washington. "here, sir, are my troops," said he, "how is it your pleasure i should dispose of them?" washington saw that the poor fellows were exhausted by marching, countermarching, hard fighting and the intolerable heat of the weather: he ordered lee, therefore, to repair with them to the rear of englishtown, and assemble there all the scattered fugitives he might meet with. the batteries under the direction of lord stirling opened a brisk and well-sustained fire upon the enemy; who, finding themselves warmly opposed in front, attempted to turn the left flank of the americans, but were driven back by detached parties of infantry stationed there. they then attempted the right; but here were met by general greene, who had planted his artillery, under knox, on a commanding ground, and not only checked them but enfiladed those who were in front of the left wing. wayne too, with an advanced party posted in an orchard, and partly sheltered by a barn, kept up a severe and well-directed fire upon the enemy's centre. repeated attempts were made to dislodge him, but in vain. colonel monckton now undertook to drive wayne from his post at the point of the bayonet. having made a brief harangue to his men, he led them on in column. wayne's men reserved their fire, until colonel monckton, waving his sword, called out to his grenadiers to charge. at that instant a sheeted volley laid him low, and made great slaughter in his column, which was again repulsed. the enemy at length gave way, and fell back to the ground which lee had occupied in the morning. here their flanks were secured by woods and morasses, and their front could only be approached across a narrow causeway. notwithstanding the difficulties of the position, washington prepared to attack it; ordering general poor with his own and the carolina brigade, to move round upon their right, and general woodford on their left; while the artillery should gall them in front. before these orders could be carried into effect the day was at an end. many of the soldiers had sunk upon the ground, overcome by fatigue and the heat of the weather; all needed repose. the troops, therefore, which had been in the advance, were ordered to lie on their arms on the ground they occupied, so as to be ready to make the attack by daybreak. the main army did the same, on the field of action, to be at hand to support them. washington lay on his cloak at the foot of a tree, with lafayette beside him, talking over the strange conduct of lee; whose disorderly retreat had come so near being fatal to the army. it was indeed a matter of general perplexity, to which the wayward character of lee greatly contributed. some who recollected his previous opposition to all plan of attack, almost suspected him of wilfully aiming to procure a defeat. it would appear, however, that he had been really surprised and thrown into confusion by a move of sir henry clinton, who, seeing the force under lee descending on his rear from freehold heights, had suddenly turned upon it, aided by troops from knyphausen's division, to oblige it to call to its assistance the flanking parties under morgan and dickinson, which were threatening his baggage train. so that lee, instead of a mere covering party which he had expected to cut off, had found himself front to front with the whole rear division of the british army; and that too, on unfavorable ground, with a deep ravine and a morass in his rear. at daybreak the drums beat the reveillé. the troops roused themselves from their heavy sleep, and prepared for action. to their surprise, the enemy had disappeared: there was a deserted camp, in which were found four officers and about forty privates, too severely wounded to be conveyed away by the retreating army. sir henry clinton, it appeared, had allowed his wearied troops but short repose on the preceding night. at ten o'clock, when the american forces were buried in their first sleep, he had set forward to join the division under knyphausen, which, with the baggage train, having pushed on during the action, was far on the road to middletown. so silent had been his retreat, that it was unheard by general poor's advance party, which lay near by. the distance to which the enemy must by this time have attained, the extreme heat of the weather, and the fatigued condition of the troops, deterred washington from continuing a pursuit through a country where the roads were deep and sandy, and there was great scarcity of water. besides, persons well acquainted with the country assured him that it would be impossible to annoy the enemy in their embarkation, as he must approach the place by a narrow passage, capable of being defended by a few men against his whole force. detaching general maxwell's brigade and morgan's rifle corps, therefore, to hang on the rear of the enemy, prevent depredation and encourage desertions, he determined to shape his course with his main body by brunswick toward the hudson, lest sir henry should have any design upon the posts there. the american loss in the recent battle was eight officers and sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded. the officers who had charge of the burying parties reported that they found two hundred and forty-five non-commissioned officers and privates, and four officers, left dead by the enemy on the field of battle. after giving his troops a day's repose, washington decamped on the th. his march lay through a country destitute of water, with deep, sandy roads wearying to the feet, and reflecting the intolerable heat and glare of a july sun. many of the troops, harassed by previous fatigue, gave out by the way. some few died, and a number of horses were likewise lost. washington, ever considerate of the health and comfort of his men, encamped near brunswick on open, airy grounds, and gave them time to repose; while lieutenant-colonel aaron burr, at that time a young and enterprising officer, was sent on a reconnoitring expedition, to learn the movements and intentions of the enemy. sir henry clinton with the royal army had arrived at the highlands of navesink, in the neighborhood of sandy hook, on the th of june. he had lost many men by desertion, hessians especially, during his march through the jerseys, which, with his losses by killed, wounded and captured, had diminished his army more than two thousand men. the storms of the preceding winter had cut off the peninsula of sandy hook from the mainland, and formed a deep channel between them. fortunately the squadron of lord howe had arrived the day before, and was at anchor within the hook. a bridge was immediately made across the channel with the boats of the ships, over which the army passed to the hook on the th of july, and thence was distributed. having brought the army to a halt, we have time to notice a correspondence between general lee and washington, immediately subsequent to the affair of monmouth. the pride of the general had been deeply wounded by the rebuke he had received on the field of battle. on the following day (june th) he addressed a note to washington on the subject. by mistake it was dated july st. "from the knowledge i have of your excellency's character," writes he, "i must conclude that nothing but the misinformation of some very stupid, or misrepresentation of some very wicked person, could have occasioned your making use of so very singular expressions as you did on my coming up to the ground where you had taken post. they implied that i was guilty either of disobedience of orders, want of conduct, or want of courage. your excellency will therefore infinitely oblige me by letting me know on which of these three articles you ground your charge." washington, in reply, wrote: "i received your letter (dated through mistake the st of july), expressed as i conceive in terms highly improper. i am not conscious of making use of any very singular expressions at the time of meeting you, as you intimate. what i recollect to have said was dictated by duty and warranted by the occasion. as soon as circumstances will permit, you shall have an opportunity of justifying yourself to the army, to congress, to america, and to the world in general." to this lee rejoined, in a note, misdated th june: "sir, you cannot afford me greater pleasure than in giving me the opportunity of showing to america the sufficiency of her respective servants. i trust that temporary power of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it, will not be able, by all the mists they can raise, to obfuscate the bright rays of truth. in the meantime, your excellency can have no objection to my retiring from the army," etc. shortly after despatching this note, lee addressed another to washington. "i have reflected on both your situation and mine," writes he, "and beg leave to observe, that it will be for our mutual convenience that a court of inquiry should be immediately ordered.... i must entreat, therefore, from your love of justice, that you will immediately exhibit your charge, and that on the first halt i may be brought to a trial." washington in reply acknowledged the receipt of the two last notes, and added, "i have sent colonel scammel and the adjutant-general to put you under arrest, who will deliver you a copy of the charges on which you will be tried." a court-martial was accordingly formed on the th of july, at brunswick, the first halting place. it was composed of one major-general, four brigadiers, and eight colonels, with lord stirling as president. it moved with the army, and convened subsequently at paramus, peekskill, and northcastle, the trial lasting until the th of august. the result of the prolonged and tedious investigation was that he was found guilty of all the charges exhibited against him. [ st. disobedience of orders. d. misbehavior before the enemy, by making an unnecessary and disorderly retreat. d. disrespect to the commander-in-chief in letters dated july st and june th.] he was sentenced to be suspended from all command for one year; the sentence to be approved or set aside by congress. we must anticipate dates to dispose briefly of the career of general lee, who is not connected with subsequent events of the revolution. congress were more than three months in coming to a decision on the proceedings of the court-martial. at length, on the th of december, the sentence was approved in a very thin session of congress, fifteen members voting in the affirmative and seven in the negative. from that time lee was unmeasured in his abuse of washington, and his reprobation of the court-martial, which he termed a "court of inquisition." his aggressive tongue at length involved him in a quarrel with colonel laurens, one of washington's aides, a high-spirited young gentleman who felt himself bound to vindicate the honor of his chief. a duel took place, and lee was wounded in the side. towards spring he retired to his estate in berkley county in virginia, where he led a kind of hermit life. dogs and horses were his favorite companions. his house is described as being a mere shell, destitute of comforts and conveniences. for want of partitions the different parts were designated by lines chalked on the floor. in one corner was his bed; in another were his books; his saddles and harness in a third; a fourth served as a kitchen. the term of his suspension had expired when a rumor reached him that congress intended to take away his commission. the intelligence "ruffled his temper beyond all bounds." in his hurry and heat, without attempting to ascertain the truth of the report, he scrawled the following note to the president of congress: "sir, i understand that it is in contemplation of congress, on the principle of economy, to strike me out of their service. congress must know very little of me if they suppose that i would accept of their money, since the confirmation of the wicked and infamous sentence which was passed upon me. i am, sir," etc. this insolent note occasioned his prompt dismissal from the service. though bitter in his enmities, lee had his friendships, and was warm and constant in them as far as his capricious humors would allow. there was nothing crafty or mean in his character, nor do we think he ever engaged in the low intrigues of the cabal; but he was a disappointed and embittered man, and the gall of bitterness overflowed his generous qualities. in such a discordant state of feeling, he was not a man for the sweet solitude of the country. he became weary of his virginia estate; though in one of the most fertile regions of the shenandoah valley. his farm was mismanaged; his agents were unfaithful; he entered into negotiations to dispose of his property, in the course of which he visited philadelphia. on arriving there he was taken with chills, followed by a fever, which went on increasing in violence, and terminated fatally. a soldier even unto the end, warlike scenes mingled with the delirium of his malady. in his dying moments he fancied himself on the field of battle. the last words he was heard to utter were, "stand by me, my brave grenadiers!" chapter li. arrival of a french fleet.--massacre at wyoming valley.--capture of savannah. while encamped at paramus, washington, in the night of the th of july, received a letter from congress informing him of the arrival of a french fleet on the coast; instructing him to concert measures with the commander, the count d'estaing, for offensive operations by sea and land, and empowering him to call on the states from new hampshire to new jersey inclusive, to aid with their militia. the fleet in question was composed of twelve ships of the line and six frigates, with a land force of four thousand men. on board of it came mons. gerard, minister from france to the united states, and the hon. silas deane, one of the american ministers who had effected the late treaty of alliance. the fleet had sailed from toulon on the th of april. after struggling against adverse winds for eighty-seven or eighty-eight days, it had made its appearance off the northern extremity of the virginia coast, and anchored at the mouth of the delaware on the th of july. finding the enemy had evacuated both city and river, the count sent up the french minister and mr. deane to philadelphia in a frigate, and then, putting to sea, continued along the coast. a little earlier, and he might have intercepted the squadron of lord howe on its way to new york. it had had but a very few days the advantage of him, and when he arrived with his fleet in the road outside of sandy hook, he descried the british ships quietly anchored inside of it. a frank and cordial correspondence took place forthwith between the count and washington, and a plan of action was concerted between them by the intervention of confidential officers; washington's aides-de-camp, laurens and hamilton, boarding the fleet while off the hook, and major chouin, a french officer of merit, repairing to the american head-quarters. the first idea of the count was to enter at sandy hook, and capture or destroy the british fleet, composed of six ships of the line, four fifty-gun ships, and a number of frigates and smaller vessels; should he succeed in this, which his greatly superior force rendered probable, he was to proceed against the city, with the co-operation of the american forces. to be at hand for such purpose, washington crossed the hudson, with his army, at king's ferry, and encamped at white plains about the th of july. several experienced american pilots and masters of vessels, however, who had accompanied colonels laurens and hamilton on board of the fleet, declared that there was not sufficient depth of water on the bar to admit the safe passage of the largest ships, one of which carried and another guns; the attempt, therefore, was reluctantly abandoned, and the ships anchored about four miles off, near shrewsbury on the jersey coast, taking in provisions and water. the enterprise which the american and french commanders deemed next worthy of a combined operation, was the recapture of rhode island proper, that is to say, the island which gives its name to the state, and which the enemy had made one of their military depots and strongholds. in anticipation of such an enterprise, washington, on the th of july wrote to general sullivan, who commanded at providence, ordering him to make the necessary preparations for a descent from the mainland upon the island, and authorizing him to call in reinforcements of new england militia. he subsequently sent to his aid the marquis lafayette with two brigades (varnum's and glover's). quartermaster-general greene also was detached for the service, being a native of the island, well acquainted with its localities, and having great influence among its inhabitants. sullivan was instructed to form his whole force, continental, state and militia, into two equal divisions, one to be commanded by greene, the other by lafayette. on the d of july, the french fleet, having finished taking in its supplies, stood away to the eastward, and on the th arrived off point judith, coming to anchor within five miles of newport. rhode island (proper), the object of this expedition, is about sixteen miles long, running deep into the great narraganset bay. seaconnet channel separates it on the east from the mainland, and on the west the main channel passes between it and conanicut island. the town of newport is situated near the south end of the island, facing the west, with conanicut island in front of it. it was protected by batteries and a small naval force. here general sir robert pigott, who commanded in the island, had his head-quarters. the force under him was about six thousand strong, variously posted about the island, some in works at the north end, but the greater part within strongly intrenched lines extending across the island, about three miles from the town. general greene hastened from providence on hearing of the arrival of the fleet of count d'estaing, and went on board of it at the anchorage to concert a plan of operations. it was agreed that the fleet should force its way into the harbor at the same time that the americans approached by land, and that the landing of the troops from the ships on the west side of the island should take place at the same time that the americans should cross seaconnet channel, and land on the east side near the north end. this combined operation was to have been carried promptly into effect, but was postponed until the th of august, to give time for the reinforcements sent by washington to arrive. the delay was fatal to the enterprise. on the th, the count d'estaing entered the harbor and passed up the main channel, exchanging a cannonade with the batteries as he passed, and anchored a little above the town, between goat and conanicut islands. the english, on his approach, burnt or scuttled three frigates and some smaller vessels, which would otherwise have been captured. general sullivan, to be ready for the concerted attack, had moved down from providence to the neighborhood of howland's ferry, on the east side of seaconnet passage. the british troops stationed opposite on the north end of the island, fearful of being cut off, evacuated their works in the night of the th, and drew into the lines at newport. sullivan, seeing the works thus abandoned, could not resist the temptation to cross the channel in flat-bottomed boats on the morning of the th, and take possession of them. this sudden movement, a day in advance of the concerted time, and without due notice given to the count, surprised and offended him, clashing with his notions of etiquette and punctilio. he, however, prepared to co-operate, and was ordering out his boats for the purpose, when, about two o'clock in the day, his attention was called to a great fleet of ships standing toward newport. it was, in fact, the fleet of lord howe. that gallant nobleman had heard of the danger of newport, and being reinforced by four stout ships, part of a squadron coming out under admiral byron, had hastened to its relief; though still inferior in force to the french admiral. the delay of the concerted attack had enabled him to arrive in time. the wind set directly into the harbor. had he entered promptly the french would have been placed between two fires, from his ships and the batteries, and cramped up in a confined channel where their largest ships had no room to operate. his lordship, however, came to anchor at point judith, some distance from the south-west entrance of the bay. in the night the wind changed to the north-east. the count hastened to avail himself of the error of the british admiral. favored by the wind, he stood out of the harbor at eight o'clock in the morning to give the enemy battle where he should have good sea room; previously sending word to general sullivan that he would land his promised troops and marines, and co-operate with him on his return. the french ships were severely cannonaded as they passed the batteries, but without material damage. forming in order of battle, they bore down upon the fleet of lord howe, confidently anticipating a victory from their superiority of force. the british ships slipt their cables at their approach, and likewise formed in line of battle, but his lordship avoided an encounter while the enemy had the weathergage. to gain this on the one part, and retain it on the other, the two fleets manoeuvred throughout the day standing to the southward, and gradually disappearing from the anxious eyes of the belligerent forces on rhode island. the army of sullivan, now left to itself before newport, amounted to ten thousand men, having received the militia reinforcements. lafayette advised the delay of hostile operations until the return of d'estaing, but the american commander, piqued and chagrined at the departure of his allies, determined to commence the siege immediately without waiting for his tardy aid. on the th, however, came on a tempest of wind and rain which raged for two days and nights with unexampled violence. on the th the weather cleared up and the sun shone brightly, but the army was worn down and dispirited. the day was passed in drying their clothes, cleaning their arms, and putting themselves in order for action. by the next morning they were again on the alert. expecting the prompt return of the french, they now took post on honeyman's hill, about two miles from the british lines, and began to construct batteries, form lines of communication, and make regular approaches. the british were equally active in strengthening their defences. there was casual cannonading on each side, but nothing of consequence. several days elapsed without the re-appearance of the french. the situation of the besiegers was growing critical, when, on the evening of the th, they descried the expected fleet standing toward the harbor. all now was exultation in the camp. should the french with their ships and troops attack the town by sea and land on the one side while the americans assailed it on the other, the surrender of the place was inevitable. these sanguine anticipations, however, were shortlived. the french fleet was in a shattered and forlorn condition. after sailing from before newport on the th, it had manoeuvred for two days with the british fleet, each unwilling to enter into action without having the weathergage. while thus manoeuvring, the same furious storm which had raged on shore separated and dispersed them with fearful ravage. some single encounters of scattered ships subsequently took place, but without definite result. all were too much tempest-tossed and disabled to make good fight. lord howe with such of his ships as he could collect bore away to new york to refit, and the french admiral was now before newport, but in no plight or mood for fighting. in a letter to general sullivan, he informed him that pursuant to the orders of his sovereign and the advice of his officers, he was bound for boston, being instructed to repair to that port should he meet with misfortune, or a superior british force appear upon the coast. dismayed at this intelligence which threatened ruin and disgrace to the enterprise, sullivan wrote a letter of remonstrance to the count, and general greene and the marquis lafayette repaired with it on board of the admiral's ship, to enforce it by their personal exertions. they represented to the count the certainty of carrying the place in two days by a combined attack; and the discouragement and reproach that would follow a failure on this their first attempt at co-operation; an attempt, too, for which the americans had made such great and expensive preparations, and on which they had indulged such sanguine hopes. these and other considerations equally urgent had their weight with the count, and he was inclined to remain and pursue the enterprise, but was overruled by the principal officers of his fleet. the fact is, that he was properly a land officer, and they had been indignant at his having a nautical command over their heads. they were glad, therefore, of any opportunity to thwart and mortify him; and now insisted on his complying with his letter of instructions and sailing for boston. at the sailing of the ships there was a feeling of exasperation throughout the camp. sullivan gave vent to his vexation in a general order on the th, wherein he observed: "the general cannot help lamenting the sudden and unexpected departure of the french fleet, as he finds it has a tendency to discourage some who placed great dependence upon the assistance of it; though he can by no means suppose the army or any part of it, endangered by this movement. he yet hopes the event will prove america able to procure that by her own arms which her allies refuse to assist in obtaining." on cooler reflection he thought proper in subsequent orders, to explain away this rash imputation on french loyalty, but a general feeling of irritation against the french continued to prevail in the army. the departure of the fleet was a death-blow to the enterprise. between two and three thousand volunteers abandoned the camp in the course of four and twenty hours; others continued to go off; and in a few days the number of besiegers did not exceed that of the besieged. all thoughts of offensive operations were now at an end. the question was how best to extricate the army from its perilous position. on the th it was determined, in a council of war, to fall back to the military works at the north end of the island, and fortify there, until it should be known whether the french fleet would soon return to their assistance, the marquis lafayette setting off with all speed to have an interview with the count d'estaing, and ascertain the fact. general sullivan broke up his camp, and commenced his retreat that very night, between nine and ten o'clock. their retreat was not discovered until daylight, when a pursuit was commenced. the covering parties behaved gallantly, making frequent stands. after a series of skirmishes they were pressed back to the fortified grounds on the north end of the island; but sullivan had already taken post there, on batt's hill, the main body of his army being drawn up in order of battle, with strong works in their rear, and a redoubt in front of the right wing. the british now took post on an advantageous height called quaker hill, a little more than a mile from the american front, whence they commenced a cannonade which was briskly returned. skirmishing ensued until about ten o'clock, when two british sloops-of-war and some small vessels having gained a favorable position, the enemy's troops, under cover of their fire, advanced in force to turn the right flank of the american army, and capture the redoubt which protected it. this was bravely defended by general greene; a sharp action ensued, which had nearly become a general one; between two and three hundred men were killed on each side; the british at length drew back to their artillery and works on quaker hill, and a mutual cannonade was resumed and kept up until night. on the following day ( th) general sullivan received intelligence that lord howe had again put to sea with the design, no doubt, to attempt the relief of newport. under these circumstances it was determined to abandon rhode island. to do so with safety, however, required the utmost caution, as the hostile sentries were within four hundred yards of each other. the position on batt's hill favored a deception. tents were brought forward and pitched in sight of the enemy, and a great part of the troops employed throughout the day in throwing up works, as if the post was to be resolutely maintained; at the same time, the heavy baggage and stores were quietly conveyed away in the rear of the hill, and ferried across the bay. as soon as it was dark the tents were struck, fires were lighted at various points, the troops withdrawn, and in a few hours the whole were transported across the channel to the mainland. the whole army had crossed by two o'clock in the morning unperceived by the enemy; the very next day sir henry clinton arrived at newport in a light squadron, with a reinforcement of four thousand men, a naval and land force that might effectually have cut off sullivan's retreat, had he lingered on the island. sir henry, finding he had arrived a day too late, returned to new york, but first detached major-general sir charles grey with the troops, on a ravaging expedition to the eastward; chiefly against ports which were the haunts of privateers. he destroyed more than seventy vessels in acushnet river, some of them privateers with their prizes, others peaceful merchant ships. new bedford and fair haven having been made military and naval deposits, were laid waste, wharves demolished, rope-walks, store-houses and mills, with several private dwellings, wrapped in flames. similar destruction was effected at the island of martha's vineyard. having thus ravaged the coasts of new england, the squadron returned laden with inglorious spoil to new york. lord howe, also, who had sailed for boston in the hope of intercepting the count d'estaing, and had reached there on the th of august, found the french fleet safely sheltered in nantasket road, and protected by american batteries erected on commanding points. he also returned to new york, and shortly afterward, availing himself of a permission granted him some time before by government, resigned the command of the fleet to admiral gambler, to hold it until the arrival of admiral byron. while hostilities were carried on in the customary form along the atlantic borders, indian warfare, with all its atrocity, was going on in the interior. the british post at niagara was its cradle. it was the common rallying place of tories, refugees, savage warriors, and other desperadoes of the frontiers. hither brant, the noted indian chief, had retired after the repulse of st. leger at fort schuyler, to plan further mischief; and here was concerted the memorable incursion into the valley of wyoming, suggested by tory refugees, who had until recently inhabited it. the valley of wyoming is a beautiful region lying along the susquehanna. peaceful as was its aspect, it had been the scene of sanguinary feuds prior to the revolution, between the people of pennsylvania and connecticut, who both laid claim to it. seven rural forts or block-houses, situated on various parts of the valley, had been strongholds during these territorial contests, and remained as places of refuge for women and children in times of indian ravage. the expedition now set on foot against it, in june, was composed of butler's rangers, johnson's royal greens, and brant, with his indian braves. their united force, about eleven hundred strong, was conducted by colonel john butler, renowned in indian warfare. passing down the chemung and susquehanna in canoes, they landed at a place called three islands, struck through the wilderness to a gap or "notch" of the mountains, by which they entered the valley of wyoming. butler made his head-quarters at one of the strongholds already mentioned, called wintermoot's fort, from a tory family of the same name. hence he sent out his marauding parties to plunder and lay waste the country. rumors of this intended invasion had reached the valley some time before the appearance of the enemy, and had spread great consternation. most of the sturdy yeomanry were absent in the army. a company of sixty men, enlisted under an act of congress, and hastily and imperfectly organized, yet styling themselves regulars, took post at one of the strongholds called forty fort; where they were joined by about three hundred of the most efficient of the yeomanry, armed and equipped in rude rustic style. in this emergency old men and boys volunteered to meet the common danger, posting themselves in the smaller forts in which women and children had taken refuge. colonel zebulon butler, an officer of the continental army, took the general command. several officers arrived from the army, having obtained leave to repair home for the protection of their families. they brought word that a reinforcement, sent by washington, was on its way. in the meantime the marauding parties sent out by butler and brant were spreading desolation through the valley; farm-houses were wrapped in flames; husbandmen were murdered while at work in the fields; all who had not taken refuge in the fort were threatened with destruction. what was to be done? wait for the arrival of the promised reinforcement, or attempt to check the ravage? the latter was rashly determined on. leaving the women and children in forty fort, colonel zebulon butler with his men sallied forth on the d of july, and made a rapid move upon wintermoot fort, hoping to come upon it by surprise. they found the enemy drawn up in front of it, in a line extending from the river to a marsh; colonel john butler and his rangers, with johnson's royal greens, on the left; indians and tories on the right. the americans formed a line of the same extent; the regulars under colonel butler on the right flank resting on the river, the militia under colonel denison on the left wing on the marsh. a sharp fire was opened from right to left; after a few volleys the enemy in front of colonel butler began to give way. the indians, however, throwing themselves into the marsh, turned the left flank of the americans and attacked the militia in the rear. denison, finding himself exposed to a cross fire, sought to change his position, and gave the word to fall back. it was mistaken for an order to retreat. in an instant the left wing turned and fled; all attempts to rally it were vain; the panic extended to the right wing. the savages, throwing down their rifles, rushed on with tomahawk and scalping-knife, and a horrible massacre ensued. some of the americans escaped to forty fort, some swam the river; others broke their way across the swamp, and climbed the mountain; some few were taken prisoners; but the greater number were slaughtered. the desolation of the valley was now completed; fields were laid waste, houses burnt, and their inhabitants murdered. according to the british accounts, upwards of four hundred of the yeomanry of wyoming were slain, and five thousand persons fled in the utmost distress and consternation, seeking refuge in the settlements on the lehigh and the delaware. after completing this horrible work of devastation, the enemy retired before the arrival of the troops detached by washington. for a great part of the summer, washington had remained encamped at white plains, watching the movements of the enemy at new york. early in september he observed a great stir of preparation; cannon and military stores were embarked, and a fleet of one hundred and forty transports were ready to make sail. what was their destination? there were but two capital objects which they could have in view, beside the defeat and dispersion of his army. one was to get possession of the forts and passes of the highlands: the other, by a junction of their land and naval forces, to attempt the destruction of the french fleet at boston, and regain possession of that town. those points were so far asunder that it was difficult to protect the one without leaving the other exposed. to do the best that the nature of the case would admit, washington strengthened the works and reinforced the garrison in the highlands, stationing putnam with two brigades in the neighborhood of west point. general gates was sent with three brigades to danbury in connecticut, where he was joined by two brigades under general mcdougal, while washington moved his camp to a rear position at fredericksburg on the borders of connecticut, and about thirty miles from west point, so as to be ready for a movement to the eastward or a speedy junction for the defence of the hudson. scarce had washington moved from white plains, when sir henry clinton threw a detachment of five thousand men under lord cornwallis into the jerseys, between the hackensack and hudson rivers, and another of three thousand under knyphausen into westchester county, between the hudson and the bronx. these detachments held communication with each other, and by the aid of flat-bottomed boats could unite their forces, in twenty-four hours, on either side of the hudson. washington considered these mere foraging expeditions, though on a large scale, and detached troops into the jerseys to co-operate with the militia in checking them; but, as something more might be intended, he ordered general putnam to cross the river to west point, for its immediate security; while he himself moved with a division of his army to fishkill. wayne, who was with the detachment in the jerseys, took post with a body of militia and a regiment of light-horse in front of the division of lord cornwallis. the militia were quartered at the village of new tappan; but lieutenant-colonel baylor, who commanded the light-horse, chose to camp apart, to be free, as is supposed, from the control of wayne. he took up his quarters, therefore, in old tappan, where his men lay very negligently and unguardedly in barns. cornwallis had intelligence of their exposed situation, and laid a plan to cut off the whole detachment. a body of troops from knyphausen's division was to cross the hudson in the night, and come by surprise upon the militia in new tappan: at the same time, major-general grey, of marauding renown, was to advance on the left, and attack baylor and his dragoons in their careless quarters in old tappan. fortunately knyphausen's troops, led by lieutenant-colonel campbell, were slow in crossing the river, and the militia were apprised by deserters of their danger in time to escape. not so with baylor's party. general grey, having cut off a sergeant's patrol, advanced in silence, and surrounded with his troops three barns in which the dragoons were sleeping. we have seen, in his surprise of wayne's detachment in the preceding year, how stealthy and effective he was in the work of destruction. to prevent noise he had caused his men to draw the charges and take the flints from their guns, and fix their bayonets. the bayonet was his favorite weapon. with this his men rushed forward, and, deaf for a time to all cries for mercy, made a savage slaughter of naked and defenceless men. eleven were killed on the spot, and twenty-five mangled with repeated thrusts, some receiving ten, twelve, and even sixteen wounds. among the wounded were colonel baylor and major clough, the last of whom soon died. this whole movement of troops, on both sides of the hudson, was designed to cover an expedition against little egg harbor, on the east coast of new jersey, a noted rendezvous of american privateers. three hundred regular troops, and a body of royalist volunteers from the jerseys, headed by captain patrick ferguson, embarked at new york on board galleys and transports, and made for little egg harbor under convoy of vessels of war. they were long at sea. the country heard of their coming; four privateers put to sea and escaped; others took refuge up the river. the wind prevented the transports from entering. the troops embarked in row galleys and small craft, and pushed twenty miles up the river to the village of chestnut neck. here were batteries without guns, prize ships which had been hastily scuttled, and storehouses for the reception of prize goods. the batteries and storehouses were demolished, the prize ships burnt, saltworks destroyed, private dwellings sacked and laid in ashes; all, it was pretended, being the property of persons concerned in privateering. the vessels which brought this detachment being wind-bound for several days, captain ferguson had time for another enterprise. among the forces detached by washington into the jerseys to check these ravages, was the count pulaski's legionary corps, composed of three companies of foot, and a troop of horse, officered principally by foreigners. a deserter from the corps brought word to the british commander that the legion was cantoned about twelve miles up the river; the infantry in three houses by themselves; count pulaski with the cavalry at some distance apart. informed of these circumstances, captain ferguson embarked in boats with two hundred and fifty men, ascended the river in the night, landed at four in the morning, and surrounded the houses in which the infantry were sleeping. "it being a night attack," says the captain in his official report, "little quarter of course could be given, _so there were only five prisoners_." fifty of the infantry were butchered on the spot: among whom were two of the foreign officers, the baron de bose and lieutenant de la broderie. the clattering of hoofs gave note of the approach of pulaski and his horse, whereupon the british made a rapid retreat to their boats and pulled down the river, and thus ended the marauding expedition of captain ferguson, worthy of the times of the buccaneers. the detachment on the east side of the hudson likewise made a predatory and disgraceful foray from their lines at king's bridge, towards the american encampment at white plains, plundering the inhabitants without discrimination, not only of their provisions and forage, but of the very clothes on their backs. none were more efficient in this ravage than a party of about one hundred of captain donop's hessian yagers, and they were in full maraud between tarrytown and dobbs' ferry, when a detachment of infantry under colonel richard butler, and of cavalry under major henry lee, came upon them by surprise, killed ten of them on the spot, and captured a lieutenant and eighteen privates. the british detachments having accomplished the main objects of their movements, returned to new york; leaving those parts of the country they had harassed still more determined in their hostility, having achieved nothing but what is least honorable and most detestable in warfare. about the middle of september admiral byron arrived at new york with the residue of the scattered armament, which had sailed from england in june to counteract the designs of the count d'estaing. finding that the count was still repairing his shattered fleet in the harbor of boston, he put to sea again as soon as his ships were refitted, and set sail for that port to entrap him. success seemed likely to crown his schemes: he arrived off boston on the st of november; his rival was still in port. scarce had the admiral entered the bay, however, when another violent storm drove him out to sea, disabled his ships, and compelled him to put into rhode island to refit. meanwhile, the count having his ships in good order, and finding the coast clear, put to sea, and made the best of his way for the west indies. the force at new york, which had been an object of watchful solicitude, was gradually dispersed in different directions. immediately after the departure of admiral byron for boston, another naval expedition had been set on foot by sir henry clinton. all being ready, a fleet of transports with five thousand men, under general grant, convoyed by commodore hotham with a squadron of six ships-of-war, set sail on the d of november, with the secret design of an attack on st. lucia. towards the end of the same month, another body of troops, under lieutenant-colonel campbell, sailed for georgia in the squadron of commodore hyde parker; the british cabinet having determined to carry the war into the southern states. at the same time general prevost, who commanded in florida, was ordered by sir henry clinton to march to the banks of the savannah river, and attack georgia in flank, while the expedition under campbell should attack it in front on the seaboard. the squadron of commodore hyde parker anchored in the savannah river towards the end of december. an american force of about six hundred regulars, and a few militia under general robert howe, were encamped near the town. lieutenant-colonel campbell landed his troops on the th of december. the whole country bordering the river is a deep morass, cut up by creeks, and only to be traversed by causeways. over one of these, six hundred yards in length, with a ditch on each side, colonel campbell advanced, putting to flight a small party stationed to guard it. general howe had posted his little army on the main road, with the river on his left and a morass in front. a negro gave campbell information of a path leading through the morass, by which troops might get unobserved to the rear of the americans. sir james baird was detached with the light infantry by this path, while colonel campbell advanced in front. the americans, thus suddenly attacked in front and rear, were completely routed; upwards of one hundred were either killed on the spot or perished in the morass; thirty-eight officers and four hundred and fifteen privates were taken prisoners, the rest retreated up the savannah river and crossed into south carolina. savannah, the capital of georgia, was taken possession of by the victors, with cannon, military stores and provisions; their loss was only seven killed and nineteen wounded. while colonel campbell had thus invaded georgia in front, general prevost, who commanded the british forces in florida, had received orders from sir henry clinton to take it in flank. he accordingly traversed deserts to its southern frontier, took sunbury, the only remaining fort of importance, and marched to savannah, where he assumed the general command, detaching colonel campbell against augusta. by the middle of january ( ) all georgia was reduced to submission. a more experienced american general than howe had by this time arrived to take command of the southern department, major-general lincoln, who had gained such reputation in the campaign against burgoyne, and whose appointment to this station had been solicited by the delegates from south carolina and georgia. he had received his orders from washington in the beginning of october. of his operations at the south we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. chapter lii. washington in philadelphia.--indian warfare.--capture of stony point.--ravages in connecticut.--repulse at savannah. about the beginning of december, washington distributed his troops for the winter in a line of strong cantonments extending from long island sound to the delaware. general putnam commanded at danbury, general mcdougall in the highlands, while the head-quarters of the commander-in-chief were near middlebrook in the jerseys. the objects of this arrangement were the protection of the country; the security of the important posts on the hudson, and the safety, discipline, and easy subsistence of the army. in the course of this winter he devised a plan of alarm signals, which general philemon dickinson was employed to carry into effect. on bottle hill, which commanded a vast map of country, sentinels kept watch day and night. should there be an irruption of the enemy, an eighteen pounder, called the old sow, fired every half hour, gave the alarm in the day time or in dark and stormy nights; an immense fire or beacon at other times. on the booming of that heavy gun, lights sprang up from hill to hill along the different ranges of heights; the country was aroused, and the yeomanry, hastily armed, hurried to their gathering places. washington was now doomed to experience great loss in the narrow circle of those about him, on whose attachment and devotion he could place implicit reliance. the marquis lafayette, seeing no immediate prospect of active employment in the united states, and anticipating a war on the continent of europe, was disposed to return to france to offer his services to his sovereign; desirous, however, of preserving a relation with america, he merely solicited from congress the liberty of going home for the next winter; engaging himself not to depart until certain that the campaign was over. washington backed his application for a furlough, as an arrangement that would still link him with the service; expressing his reluctance to part with an officer who united "to all the military fire of youth an uncommon maturity of judgment." congress in consequence granted the marquis an unlimited leave of absence, to return to america whenever he should find it convenient. much of the winter was passed by washington in philadelphia, occupied in devising and discussing plans for the campaign of . it was an anxious moment with him. circumstances which inspired others with confidence, filled him with solicitude. the alliance with france had produced a baneful feeling of security, which, it appeared to him, was paralyzing the energies of the country. england, it was thought, would now be too much occupied in securing her position in europe, to increase her force or extend her operations in america. many, therefore, considered the war as virtually at an end; and were unwilling to make the sacrifices, or supply the means necessary for important military undertakings. dissensions, too, and party feuds were breaking out in congress, owing to the relaxation of that external pressure of a common and imminent danger, which had heretofore produced a unity of sentiment and action. that august body had, in fact, greatly deteriorated since the commencement of the war. many of those whose names had been as watchwords at the declaration of independence, had withdrawn from the national councils; occupied either by their individual affairs, or by the affairs of their individual states. washington, whose comprehensive patriotism embraced the whole union, deprecated and deplored the dawning of this sectional spirit. america, he declared, had never stood in more imminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period. in discussing the policy to be observed in the next campaign, washington presumed the enemy would maintain their present posts and conduct the war as heretofore; in which case he was for remaining entirely on the defensive. one single exception was made by him. the horrible ravages and massacres perpetrated by the indians and their tory allies at wyoming had been followed by similar atrocities at cherry valley, in the state of new york, and called for signal vengeance to prevent a repetition. washington knew by experience that indian warfare, to be effective, should never be merely defensive, but must be carried into the enemy's country. the six nations, the most civilized of the savage tribes, had proved themselves the most formidable. his idea was to make war upon them in their own style; penetrate their country, lay waste their villages and settlements, and at the same time destroy the british post at niagara, that nestling-place of tories and refugees. the policy thus recommended was adopted by congress. arrangements were set on foot to carry that part relative to the indians into execution. the first act was an expedition from fort schuyler by colonel van schaick, lieutenant-colonel willett, and major cochran, with about six hundred men, who, on the th of april, surprised the towns of the onondagas, destroyed the whole settlement, and returned to the fort without the loss of a single man. the great expedition of the campaign, however, was in revenge of the massacre of wyoming. early in the summer three thousand men assembled in that lately desolated region, and, conducted by general sullivan, moved up the west branch of the susquehanna into the seneca country. while on the way they were joined by a part of the western army under general james clinton, who had come from the valley of the mohawk by otsego lake and the east branch of the susquehanna. the united forces amounted to about five thousand men, of which sullivan had the general command. the indians, and their allies the tories, had received information of the intended invasion, and appeared in arms to oppose it. they were much inferior in force, however, being about fifteen hundred indians and two hundred white men, commanded by the two butlers, johnson, and brant. a battle took place at newtown, on the th of august, in which they were easily defeated. sullivan then pushed forward into the heart of the indian country, penetrating as far as the genesee river, laying everything waste, setting fire to deserted dwellings, destroying cornfields, orchards, gardens, everything that could give sustenance to man, the design being to starve the indians out of the country. the latter retreated before him with their families, and at length took refuge under the protection of the british garrison at niagara. having completed his errand, sullivan returned to easton in pennsylvania. the thanks of congress were voted to him and his army, but he shortly afterward resigned his commission on account of ill health and retired from the service. a similar expedition was undertaken by colonel brodhead, from pittsburg up the alleghany, against the mingo, muncey, and seneca tribes, with similar results. the wisdom of washington's policy of carrying the war against the indians into their country, and conducting it in their own way, was apparent from the general intimidation produced among the tribes by these expeditions, and the subsequent infrequency of their murderous incursions. * * * * * * * the situation of sir henry clinton must have been mortifying in the extreme to an officer of lofty ambition and generous aims. his force, between sixteen and seventeen thousand strong, was superior in number, discipline, and equipment to that of washington; yet his instructions confined him to a predatory warfare carried on by attacks and marauds at distant points, harassing, it is true, yet irritating to the country intended to be conciliated, and brutalizing to his own soldiery. such was the nature of an expedition set on foot against the commerce of the chesapeake; by which commerce the armies were supplied and the credit of the government sustained. on the th of may, a squadron under sir george collier, convoying transports and galleys, with twenty-five hundred men, commanded by general mathews, entered these waters, took possession of portsmouth without opposition, sent out armed parties against norfolk, suffolk, gosport, kemp's landing, and other neighboring places, where were immense quantities of provisions, naval and military stores, and merchandise of all kinds; with numerous vessels, some on the stocks, others richly laden. wherever they went, a scene of plunder, conflagration, and destruction ensued. a few days sufficed to ravage the whole neighborhood. while this was going on at the south, washington received intelligence of movements at new york and in its vicinity, which made him apprehend an expedition against the highlands of the hudson. since the loss of forts montgomery and clinton, the main defences of the highlands had been established at the sudden bend of the river where it winds between west point and constitution island. two opposite forts commanded this bend, and an iron chain which was stretched across it. washington had projected two works also just below the highlands, at stony point and verplanck's point, to serve as outworks of the mountain passes, and to protect king's ferry, the most direct and convenient communication between the northern and middle states. a small but strong fort had been erected on verplanck's point, and was garrisoned by seventy men under captain armstrong. a more important work was in progress at stony point. when completed, these two forts, on opposite promontories, would form as it were the lower gates of the highlands. to be at hand in case of any real attempt upon the highlands, washington drew up with his forces in that direction; moving by the way of morristown. an expedition up the hudson was really the object of sir henry clinton's movements, and for this he was strengthened by the return of sir george collier with his marauding ships and forces from virginia. on the th of may, sir henry set out on his second grand cruise up the hudson, with an armament of about seventy sail, great and small, and one hundred and fifty flat-boats. admiral sir george collier commanded the armament, and there was a land force of about five thousand men under general vaughan. the first aim of sir henry was to get possession of stony and verplanck's points; his former expedition had acquainted him with the importance of this pass of the river. on the morning of the st, the forces were landed in two divisions, the largest under general vaughan, on the east side of the river, about seven or eight miles below verplanck's point; the other, commanded by sir henry in person, landed in haverstraw bay, about three miles below stony point. there were but about thirty men in the unfinished fort; they abandoned it on the approach of the enemy, and retreated into the highlands, having first set fire to the block-house. the british took quiet possession of the fort in the evening; dragged up cannon and mortars in the night, and at daybreak opened a furious fire upon fort lafayette. it was cannonaded at the same time by the armed vessels, and a demonstration was made on it by the division under general vaughan. thus surrounded, the little garrison of seventy men was forced to surrender, with no other stipulation than safety to their persons and to the property they had in the fort. major andré was aide-de-camp to sir henry, and signed the articles of capitulation. washington presumed that the main object of sir henry was to get possession of west point, the guardian fortress of the river, and that the capture of stony and verplanck's points were preparatory steps. he would fain have dislodged him from these posts, but deferring any attempt on them for the present, he took measures for the protection of west point. leaving general putnam and the main body of the army at smith's clove, a mountain pass in the rear of haverstraw, he removed his head-quarters to new windsor, to be near west point in case of need, and to press the completion of its works. general mcdougall was transferred to the command of the point. three brigades were stationed at different places on the opposite side of the river, under general heath, from which fatigue parties crossed daily to work on the fortifications. this strong disposition of the american forces checked sir henry's designs against the highlands. contenting himself, therefore, for the present, with the acquisition of stony and verplanck's points, he returned to new york, where he soon set on foot a desolating expedition along the seaboard of connecticut. that state, while it furnished the american armies with provisions and recruits, and infested the sea with privateers, had hitherto experienced nothing of the horrors of war within its borders. sir henry, in compliance with his instructions from government, was now about to give it a scourging lesson. general (late governor) tryon, was the officer selected by sir henry for this inglorious, but apparently congenial service. about the beginning of july he embarked with two thousand six hundred men, in a fleet of transports and tenders, and was convoyed up the sound by sir george collier with two ships-of-war. on the th of july the troops landed near new haven, in two divisions, one led by tryon, the other by brigadier-general garth, his lieutenant. they came upon the neighborhood by surprise; yet the militia assembled in haste, and made a resolute though ineffectual opposition. the british captured the town, dismantled the fort, and took or destroyed all the vessels in the harbor; with all the artillery, ammunition, and public stores. several private houses were plundered. they next proceeded to fairfield; where, meeting with greater resistance, they thought the moment arrived for a wholesome example of severity. accordingly, they not merely ravaged and destroyed the public stores and the vessels in the harbor, but laid the town itself in ashes. the exact return of this salutary lesson gives the destruction of ninety-seven dwelling-houses, sixty-seven barns and stables, forty-eight store-houses, three places of worship, a court-house, a jail, and two school-houses. at norwalk, where they landed on the th of july, they burnt one hundred and thirty dwelling-houses, eighty-seven barns, twenty-two store-houses, seventeen shops, four mills, two places of worship, and five vessels which were in the harbor. the loss of the british throughout the whole expedition amounted, according to their own accounts, to twenty killed, ninety-six wounded, and thirty-two missing. it was intended to crown this grand ravage by a descent on new london, a noted rendezvous of privateers; but as greater opposition was expected there than at either of the other places the squadron returned to huntington bay, on long island, to await reinforcements; and commodore collier proceeded to throg's neck, to confer with sir henry clinton about further operations. washington on hearing of the departure of the expedition to the eastward, and before he was acquainted with its definite object, detached general heath, with two brigades of connecticut militia, to counteract the movements of the enemy. this was all that he could spare from the force stationed for the protection of the highlands. any weakening of his posts there might bring the enemy suddenly upon him, such was their facility in moving from one place to another by means of their shipping. indeed, he had divined that a scheme of the kind was at the bottom of the hostile movement to the eastward. as a kind of counter-check to sir henry, washington had for some days been planning the recapture of stony point and fort lafayette. he had reconnoitred them in person; spies had been thrown into them, and information collected from deserters. stony point having been recently strengthened by the british was now the most important. it was a rocky promontory advancing far into the hudson, which washed three sides of it. a deep morass, covered at high water, separated it from the mainland, but at low tide might be traversed by a narrow causeway and bridge. the promontory was crowned by strong works, furnished with heavy ordnance, commanding the morass and causeway. lower down were two rows of abatis, and the shore at the foot of the hill could be swept by vessels of war anchored in the river. the garrison was about six hundred strong, commanded by lieutenant-colonel johnson. to attempt the surprisal of this isolated post, thus strongly fortified, was a perilous enterprise. general wayne, mad anthony as he was called from his daring valor, was the officer to whom washington proposed it, and he engaged in it with avidity. according to washington's plan, it was to be attempted by light-infantry only, at night, and with the utmost secrecy, securing every person they met to prevent discovery. between one and two hundred chosen men and officers were to make the surprise; preceded by a vanguard of prudent, determined men, well commanded, to remove obstructions, secure sentries, and drive in the guards. on getting possession of stony point, wayne was to turn its guns upon fort lafayette and the shipping. a detachment was to march down from west point by peekskill, to the vicinity of fort lafayette, and hold itself ready to join in the attack upon it, as soon as the cannonade began from stony point. on the th of july, about mid-day, wayne set out with his light-infantry from sandy beach, fourteen miles distant from stony point. about eight in the evening, they arrived within a mile and a half of the forts, without being discovered. about half-past eleven, the whole moved forward, guided by a negro of the neighborhood who had frequently carried in fruit to the garrison, and served the americans as a spy. he led the way, accompanied by two stout men disguised as farmers. the countersign was given to the first sentinel, posted on high ground west of the morass. while the negro talked with him, the men seized and gagged him. the sentinel posted at the head of the causeway was served in the same manner. the causeway, however, was overflowed, and it was some time after twelve o'clock before the troops could cross; leaving three hundred men under general muhlenberg, on the western side of the morass, as a reserve. at the foot of the promontory, the troops were divided into two columns, for simultaneous attacks on opposite sides of the works. one hundred and fifty volunteers, led by lieutenant-colonel fleury, seconded by major posey, formed the vanguard of the right column; one hundred volunteers under major stewart, the vanguard of the left. in the advance of each was a forlorn hope of twenty men, one led by lieutenant gibbon, the other by lieutenant knox; it was their desperate duty to remove the abatis. so well had the whole affair been conducted, that the americans were close upon the outworks before they were discovered. there was then severe skirmishing at the pickets. the americans used the bayonet; the others discharged their muskets. the reports roused the garrison. stony point was instantly in an uproar. the drums beat to arms; every one hurried to his alarm post; the works were hastily manned, and a tremendous fire of grape-shot and musketry opened upon the assailants. the two columns forced their way with the bayonet, at opposite points, surmounting every obstacle. colonel fleury was the first to enter the fort and strike the british flag. major posey sprang to the ramparts and shouted, "the fort is our own." the two columns arrived nearly at the same time, and met in the centre of the works. the garrison surrendered at discretion. at daybreak, the guns of the fort were turned on fort lafayette and the shipping. the latter cut their cables and dropped down the river. through a series of blunders, the detachment from west point, which was to have co-operated, did not arrive in time, and came unprovided with suitable ammunition for their battering artillery. this part of the enterprise, therefore, failed; fort lafayette held out. the storming of stony point stands out in high relief as one of the most brilliant achievements of the war. the americans had effected it without firing a musket. on their part it was the silent, deadly work of the bayonet; the fierce resistance they met at the outset may be judged by the havoc made in their forlorn hope; out of twenty-two men, seventeen were either killed or wounded. the whole loss of the americans was fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded. of the garrison, sixty-three were slain, including two officers; five hundred and fifty-three were taken prisoners, among whom were a lieutenant-colonel, four captains, and twenty-three subaltern officers. {illustration: new london, conn. vol. iv.} tidings of the capture of stony point, and the imminent danger of fort lafayette, reached sir henry clinton just after his conference with sir george collier at throg's neck. the expedition against new london was instantly given up; the transports and troops were recalled; a forced march was made to dobbs' ferry on the hudson; a detachment was sent up the river in transports to relieve fort lafayette, and sir henry followed with a greater force, hoping washington might quit his fastnesses, and risk a battle for the possession of stony point. again the fabian policy of the american commander-in-chief disappointed the british general. having well examined the post in company with an engineer and several general officers, he found that at least fifteen hundred men would be required to maintain it, a number not to be spared from the army at present. the works, too, were only calculated for defence on the land side, and were open towards the river, where the enemy depended upon protection from their ships. it would be necessary to construct them anew, with great labor. the army, also, would have to be in the vicinity, too distant from west point to aid in completing or defending its fortifications, and exposed to the risk of a general action on unfavorable terms. for these considerations, in which all his officers concurred, washington evacuated the post on the th, removing the cannon and stores, and destroying the works; after which he drew his forces together in the highlands, and established his quarters at west point. sir henry retook possession of stony point, and fortified and garrisoned it more strongly than ever, but was too wary to risk an attempt upon the strongholds of the highlands. the brilliant affair of the storming of stony point was somewhat overshadowed by the result of an enterprise at the eastward, undertaken without consulting washington. a british detachment from halifax, of seven or eight hundred men, had founded in june a military post on the eastern side of the bay of penobscot, nine miles below the river of that name, and were erecting a fort there, intended to protect nova scotia, control the frontiers of massachusetts, and command the vast wooded regions of maine. the people of boston, roused by this movement, which invaded their territory, and touched their pride and interests, undertook, on their own responsibility, a naval and military expedition intended to drive off the invaders. a squadron of armed ships and brigantines under commodore saltonstall put to sea, convoying transports, on board of which were near four thousand land troops under general lovel. arriving in the penobscot on the th of may, they found colonel maclean posted on a peninsula, steep and precipitous toward the bay, and deeply trenched on the land side, with three ships-of-war anchored before it. lovel was repulsed, with some little loss, in an attempt to effect a landing on the peninsula; but finally succeeded before daybreak on the th. the moment was propitious for a bold and vigorous blow. the fort was but half finished; the guns were not mounted; the three armed vessels could not have offered a formidable resistance; but, unfortunately, the energy of a wayne was wanting to the enterprise. lovel proceeded by regular siege. he threw up works at seven hundred and fifty yards distance, and opened a cannonade, which was continued from day to day, for a fortnight. the delay gave time for admiral collier at new york to hear of this enterprise, and take measures for its defeat. on the th of august, lovel was astounded by intelligence that the admiral was arrived before the bay with a superior armament. thus fairly entrapped, he endeavored to extricate his force with as little loss as possible. before news of collier's arrival could reach the fort, he re-embarked his troops in the transports to make their escape up the river. his armed vessels were drawn up in a crescent as if to give battle, but it was merely to hold the enemy in check. they soon gave way; some were captured, others were set on fire or blown up, and abandoned by their crews. the transports being eagerly pursued and in great danger of being taken, disgorged the troops and seamen on the wild shores of the river: whence they had to make the best of their way to boston, struggling for upwards of a hundred miles through a pathless wilderness, before they reached the settled parts of the country. if washington was chagrined by the signal failure of this expedition, he was cheered by the better fortune of one set on foot about the same time, under his own eye, by his young friend, major henry lee of the virginia dragoons. this active and daring officer had frequently been employed by him in scouring the country on the west side of the hudson to collect information; keep an eye upon the enemy's posts; cut off their supplies, and check their foraging parties. the _coup de main_ at stony point had piqued his emulation. in the course of his reconnoitring, and by means of spies, he had discovered that the british post at paulus hook, immediately opposite to new york, was very negligently guarded. paulus hook is a long low point of the jersey shore, stretching into the hudson, and connected to the main land by a sandy isthmus. a fort had been erected on it, and garrisoned with four or five hundred men, under the command of major sutherland. it was a strong position. a creek, fordable only in two places, rendered the hook difficult of access. within this, a deep trench had been cut across the isthmus, traversed by a drawbridge with a barred gate; and still within this was a double row of abatis, extending into the water. confident in the strength of his position, and its distance from any american force, major sutherland had become remiss in his military precautions. all this had been ascertained by major lee; and he now proposed the daring project of surprising the fort at night, and thus striking an insulting blow "within cannon shot of new york." washington was disposed to favor the adventurous schemes of this young officer. on the th of august, lee set out on the expedition, at the head of three hundred men of lord stirling's division, and a troop of dismounted dragoons under captain mclane. it was between two and three in the morning when he arrived at the creek. it happened, fortunately, that major sutherland, the british commander, had the day before detached a foraging party under a major buskirk to a part of the country called the english neighborhood. as lee and his men approached they were mistaken by the sentinel for this party on its return. the darkness of the night favored the mistake. they passed the creek and ditch, entered the works unmolested, and had made themselves masters of the post before the negligent garrison were well roused from sleep. major sutherland and about sixty hessians threw themselves into a small block-house on the left of the fort and opened an irregular fire. to attempt to dislodge them would have cost too much time. alarm guns from the ships in the river and the forts at new york threatened speedy reinforcements to the enemy. having made one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners, among whom were three officers, lee commenced his retreat, without tarrying to destroy either barracks or artillery. few of the enemy were slain, for there was but little fighting and no massacre. his own loss was two men killed and three wounded. the arrival of admiral arbuthnot, with a fleet bringing three thousand troops and a supply of provisions and stores, strengthened the hands of sir henry clinton. still he had not sufficient force to warrant any further attempt up the hudson, washington, by his diligence in fortifying west point, having rendered that fastness of the highlands apparently impregnable. sir henry turned his thoughts, therefore, towards the south, hoping by a successful expedition in that direction to counterbalance ill success in other quarters. at this juncture news was received of the arrival of the count d'estaing with a formidable fleet on the coast of georgia, having made a successful cruise in the west indies, in the course of which he had taken st. vincent's and granada. a combined attack upon new york was again talked of. in anticipation of it, washington called upon several of the middle states for supplies of all kinds, and reinforcements of militia. sir henry clinton also changed his plans; caused rhode island to be evacuated; the troops and stores to be brought away; the garrisons brought off from stony and verplanck's points, and all his forces to be concentrated at new york, which he endeavored to put in the strongest posture of defence. intelligence recently received, too, that spain had joined france in hostilities against england, contributed to increase the solicitude and perplexities of the enemy, while it gave fresh confidence to the americans. washington's anticipations of a combined operation with d'estaing against new york were again disappointed. the french admiral, on arriving on the coast of georgia, had been persuaded to co-operate with the southern army, under general lincoln, in an attempt to recover savannah. for three weeks a siege was carried on with great vigor, by regular approaches on land, and cannonade and bombardment from the shipping. on the th of october, although the approaches were not complete, and no sufficient breach had been effected, lincoln and d'estaing, at the head of their choicest troops, advanced before daybreak to storm the works. the assault was gallant but unsuccessful; both americans and french had planted their standards on the redoubts, but were finally repulsed. after the repulse, both armies retired from before the place, the french having lost in killed and wounded upwards of six hundred men, the americans about four hundred. d'estaing himself was among the wounded, and the gallant count pulaski among the slain. the loss of the enemy was trifling, being protected by their works. the tidings of this reverse, which reached washington late in november, put an end to all prospect of co-operation from the french fleet; a consequent change took place in all his plans. the militia of new york and massachusetts, recently assembled, were disbanded, and arrangements were made for the winter. the army was thrown into two divisions; one was to be stationed under general heath in the highlands, for the protection of west point and the neighboring posts; the other and principal division was to be hutted near morristown, where washington was to have his head-quarters. the cavalry were to be sent to connecticut. understanding that sir henry clinton was making preparations at new york for a large embarkation of troops, and fearing they might be destined against georgia and carolina, he resolved to detach the greater part of his southern troops for the protection of those states; a provident resolution, in which he was confirmed by subsequent instructions from congress. accordingly, the north carolina brigade took up its march for charleston in november, and the whole of the virginia line in december. notwithstanding the recent preparations at new york, the ships remained in port, and the enemy held themselves in collected force there. sir henry was regulating his movements by those the french fleet might make after the repulse at savannah. intelligence at length arrived that it had been dispersed by a violent storm. count d'estaing, with a part, had shaped his course for france; the rest had proceeded to the west indies. sir henry now lost no time in carrying his plans into operation. leaving the garrison of new york under the command of lieutenant-general knyphausen, he embarked several thousand men on board of transports, to be convoyed by five ships-of-the-line and several frigates under admiral arbuthnot, and set sail on the th of december, accompanied by lord cornwallis, on an expedition intended for the capture of charleston and the reduction of south carolina. chapter liii. army at morristown.--arnold in philadelphia.--charleston besieged. the dreary encampment at valley forge has become proverbial for its hardships; yet they were scarcely more severe than those suffered by washington's army during the present winter, while hutted among the heights of morristown. the winter set in early, and was uncommonly rigorous. the transportation of supplies was obstructed; the magazines were exhausted, and the commissaries had neither money nor credit to enable them to replenish them. for weeks at a time the army was on half allowance; sometimes without meat, sometimes without bread, sometimes without both. there was a scarcity, too, of clothing and blankets, so that the poor soldiers were starving with cold as well as hunger. {illustration: head-quarters, morristown, n.j. vol. iii.} a rigorous winter had much to do with the actual distresses of the army, but the root of the evil lay in the derangement of the currency. congress had commenced the war without adequate funds, and without the power of imposing direct taxes. to meet pressing emergencies, it had emitted paper money, which, for a time, passed currently at par; but sank in value as further emissions succeeded, and that already in circulation remained unredeemed. the several states added to the evil by emitting paper in their separate capacities: thus the country gradually became flooded with a "continental currency," as it was called; irredeemable, and of no intrinsic value. the consequence was a general derangement of trade and finance. the continental currency declined to such a degree, that forty dollars in paper were equivalent to only one in specie. congress attempted to put a stop to this depreciation, by making paper money a legal tender, at its nominal value, in the discharge of debts, however contracted. this opened the door to knavery, and added a new feature to the evil. the commissaries now found it difficult to purchase supplies for the immediate wants of the army, and impossible to provide any stores in advance. they were left destitute of funds, and the public credit was prostrated by the accumulating debts suffered to remain uncancelled. the changes which had taken place in the commissary department added to this confusion. the commissary-general, instead of receiving, as heretofore, a commission on expenditures, was to have a fixed salary in paper currency; and his deputies were to be compensated in like manner, without the usual allowance of rations and forage. no competent agents could be procured on such terms; and the derangement produced throughout the department compelled colonel wadsworth, the able and upright commissary-general, to resign. in the present emergency washington was reluctantly compelled, by the distresses of the army, to call upon the counties of the state for supplies of grain and cattle, proportioned to their respective abilities. these supplies were to be brought into the camp within a certain time; the grain to be measured and the cattle estimated by any two of the magistrates of the county in conjunction with the commissary, and certificates to be given by the latter, specifying the quantity of each and the terms of payment. wherever a compliance with this call was refused, the articles required were to be impressed: it was a painful alternative, yet nothing else could save the army from dissolution or starving. washington charged his officers to act with as much tenderness as possible, graduating the exaction according to the stock of each individual, so that no family should be deprived of what was necessary to its subsistence. to the honor of the magistrates and the people of jersey, washington testifies that his requisitions were punctually complied with, and in many counties exceeded. as the winter advanced, the cold increased in severity. it was the most intense ever remembered in the country. the great bay of new york was frozen over. no supplies could come to the city by water. provisions grew scanty; and there was such lack of firewood that old transports were broken up, and uninhabited wooden houses pulled down for fuel. the safety of the city was endangered. the ships-of-war, immovably ice-bound in its harbor, no longer gave it protection. the insular security of the place was at an end. an army with its heaviest artillery and baggage might cross the hudson on the ice. washington was aware of the opportunity which offered itself for a signal _coup de main_, but was not in a condition to profit by it. his troops, hutted among the heights of morristown, were half fed, half clothed, and inferior in number to the garrison of new york. he was destitute of funds necessary to fit them for the enterprise, and the quartermaster could not furnish means of transportation. still, in the frozen condition of the bay and rivers, some minor blow might be attempted, sufficient to rouse and cheer the spirits of the people. with this view, having ascertained that the ice formed a bridge across the strait between the jersey shore and staten island, he projected a descent upon the latter by lord stirling with twenty-five hundred men, to surprise and capture a british force of ten or twelve hundred. his lordship crossed on the night of the th of january, from de hart's point to the island. his approach was discovered; the troops took refuge in the works, which were too strongly situated to be attacked; a channel remaining open through the ice across the bay, a boat was despatched to new york for reinforcements. the projected surprise having thus proved a complete failure, and his own situation becoming hazardous, lord stirling recrossed to the jersey shore with a number of prisoners whom he had captured. by way of retort, knyphausen, on the th of january, sent out two detachments to harass the american outposts. one crossed to paulus hook, and being joined by part of the garrison of that post, pushed on to newark, surprised and captured a company stationed there, set fire to the academy, and returned without loss. the other detachment, consisting of one hundred dragoons and between three and four hundred infantry, under lieutenant-colonel boskirk, crossed from staten island to trembly's point, surprised the picket-guard at elizabethtown, and captured two majors, two captains, and forty-two privates. this, likewise, was effected without loss. the disgraceful part of the expedition was the burning of the town house, a church, and a private residence, and the plundering of the inhabitants. the church destroyed was a presbyterian place of worship, and its pastor, the rev. james caldwell, had rendered himself an especial object of hostility to both briton and tory. his church had at times served as hospital to the american soldier; or shelter to the hastily assembled militia. its bell was the tocsin of alarm; from its pulpit he had many a time stirred up the patriotism of his countrymen by his ardent, eloquent, and pathetic appeals. his popularity in the army, and among the jersey people, was unbounded. another noted maraud during knyphausen's military sway, was in the lower part of westchester county, in a hilly region lying between the british and american lines, which had been the scene of part of the past year's campaign. in this region, about twenty miles from the british outposts, and not far from white plains, the americans had established a post of three hundred men at a stone building commonly known as young's house, from the name of its owner. it commanded a road which passed from north to south down along the narrow but fertile valley of the sawmill river. on this road the garrison of young's house kept a vigilant eye, to intercept the convoys of cattle and provisions which had been collected or plundered by the enemy, and which passed down this valley toward new york. this post had long been an annoyance to the enemy, but its distance from the british lines had hitherto saved it from attack. the country now was covered with snow; troops could be rapidly transported on sleighs; and it was determined that young's house should be surprised, and this rebel nest broken up. on the evening of the d of february, an expedition set out for the purpose from king's bridge, led by lieutenant-colonel norton, and consisting of four flank companies of guards, two companies of hessians, and a party of yagers, all in sleighs; beside a body of yager cavalry, and a number of mounted westchester refugees, with two three-pounders. the snow being newly fallen, was deep; the sleighs broke their way through it with difficulty. the troops at length abandoned them and pushed forward on foot. the cannon were left behind for the same reason. it was a weary tramp. the sun rose while they were yet seven miles from young's house. to surprise the post was out of the question; still they kept on. before they could reach the house the country had taken the alarm, and the westchester yeomanry had armed themselves, and were hastening to aid the garrison. the british light infantry and grenadiers invested the mansion; the cavalry posted themselves on a neighboring eminence, to prevent retreat or reinforcement, and the house was assailed. it made a brave resistance, and was aided by some of the yeomanry stationed in an adjacent orchard. the garrison, however, was overpowered; numbers were killed, and ninety taken prisoners. the house was sacked and set in flames. the most irksome duty that washington had to perform during this winter's encampment at morristown, regarded general arnold and his military government of philadelphia in . to explain it requires a glance back to that period. at the time of entering upon this command, arnold's accounts with government were yet unsettled; the committee appointed by congress at his own request to examine them having considered some of his charges dubious and others exorbitant. the command of philadelphia at this time was a delicate and difficult one, and required to be exercised with extreme circumspection. the boundaries between the powers vested in the military commander and those inherent in the state government were ill defined. disaffection to the american cause prevailed both among the permanent and casual residents, and required to be held in check with firmness but toleration. by a resolve of congress, no goods, wares, or merchandise were to be removed, transferred, or sold, until the ownership of them could be ascertained by a joint committee of congress and of the council of pennsylvania; any public stores belonging to the enemy were to be seized and converted to the use of the army. washington, in his letter of instructions left it to arnold's discretion to adopt such measures as should appear to him most effectual and least offensive in executing this resolve of congress; in which he was to be aided by an assistant quartermaster-general, subject to his directions. one of arnold's first measures was to issue a proclamation enforcing the resolve of congress. in so doing, he was countenanced by leading personages of philadelphia, and the proclamation was drafted by general joseph reed. the measure excited great dissatisfaction, and circumstances attending the enforcement of it gave rise to scandal. former instances of a mercenary spirit made arnold liable to suspicions, and it was alleged that, while by the proclamation he shut up the stores and shops so that even the officers of the army could not procure necessary articles of merchandise, he was privately making large purchases for his own enrichment. his style of living gave point to this scandal. he occupied one of the finest houses in the city; set up a splendid establishment; had his carriage and four horses and a train of domestics; gave expensive entertainments, and indulged in a luxury and parade which were condemned as little befitting a republican general. ostentatious prodigality, in fact, was arnold's besetting sin. in the exercise of his military functions he had become involved in disputes with the president (wharton) and executive council of pennsylvania, and by his conduct, which was deemed arbitrary and arrogant, had drawn upon himself the hostility of that body, which became stern and unsparing censors of his conduct. he had not been many weeks in philadelphia before he became attached to one of its reigning belles, miss margaret shippen, daughter of mr. edward shippen, in after years chief justice of pennsylvania. her family were not considered well affected to the american cause; the young lady herself, during the occupation of the city by the enemy, had been a "toast" among the british officers. party feeling at that time ran high in philadelphia on local subjects connected with the charge of the state government. arnold's connection with the shippen family increased his disfavor with the president and executive council, who were whigs to a man. in the beginning of december, general reed became president of the executive council of pennsylvania, and under his administration the ripening hostility to arnold was brought to a crisis. his public conduct [during arnold's absence at washington's camp on the raritan] was discussed in the executive council of pennsylvania, and it was resolved unanimously, that the course of his military command in the city had been in many respects oppressive, unworthy of his rank and station, and highly discouraging to the liberties and interests of america, and disrespectful to the supreme executive authority of the state. as he was an officer of the united states, the complaints and grievances of pennsylvania were set forth by the executive council in eight charges, and forwarded to congress, accompanied by documents, and a letter from president reed. information of these facts, with a printed copy of the charges, reached arnold at washington's camp. on the following day he issued an address to the public, recalling his faithful services of nearly four years, and inveighing against the proceedings of the president and council; who, not content with injuring him in a cruel and unprecedented manner with congress, had ordered copies of their charges to be printed and dispersed throughout the several states, for the purpose of prejudicing the public mind against him, while the matter was yet in suspense. in conclusion, arnold informed the public that he had requested congress to direct a court-martial to inquire into his conduct, and trusted his countrymen would suspend their judgment in the matter, until he should have an opportunity of being heard. on the th of february, arnold's appeal to congress was referred to the committee which had under consideration the letter of president reed and its accompanying documents, and it was charged to make a report with all convenient despatch. arnold, in the course of january, had obtained permission from washington to resign the command of philadelphia, but deferred to act upon it, until the charges against him should be examined. about the middle of march, the committee brought in a report exculpating him from all criminality in the matters charged against him. as soon as the report was brought in, he considered his name vindicated, and resigned. whatever exultation he may have felt was short-lived. congress did not call up and act upon the report, as, in justice to him, they should have done, whether to sanction it or not; but referred the subject anew to a joint committee of their body and the assembly and council of pennsylvania. the report of the joint committee brought up animated discussions in congress. several resolutions recommended by the committee were merely of a formal nature, and intended to soothe the wounded sensibilities of pennsylvania; these were passed without dissent; but it was contended that certain charges advanced by the executive council of that state were only cognizable by a court-martial, and, after a warm debate, it was resolved (april d,) by a large majority, that the commander-in-chief should appoint such a court for the consideration of them. arnold inveighed bitterly against the injustice of subjecting him to a trial before a military tribunal for alleged offences of which he had been acquitted by the committee of congress. he was sacrificed, he said, to avoid a breach with pennsylvania. in a letter to washington, he charged it all to the hostility of president reed, who, he affirmed, had by his address kept the affair in suspense for two months, and at last obtained the resolution of congress directing the court-martial. he urged washington to appoint a speedy day for the trial, that he might not linger under the odium of an unjust public accusation. it was doubtless soothing to his irritated pride, that the woman on whom he had placed his affections remained true to him; for his marriage with miss shippen took place just five days after the mortifying vote of congress. washington sympathized with arnold's impatience, and appointed the st of may for the trial, but it was repeatedly postponed; first, at the request of the pennsylvania council, to allow time for the arrival of witnesses from the south; afterwards, in consequence of threatening movements of the enemy, which obliged every officer to be at his post. arnold, in the meantime, continued to reside at philadelphia, holding his commission in the army, but filling no public office; getting deeper and deeper in debt, and becoming more and more unpopular. for months, he remained in this anxious and irritated state. at length, when the campaign was over, and the army had gone into winter-quarters, the long-delayed court-martial was assembled at morristown. of the eight charges originally advanced against arnold by the pennsylvania council, four only came under cognizance of the court. of two of these he was entirely acquitted. the remaining two were: _first_. that while in the camp at valley forge, he, without the knowledge of the commander-in-chief, or the sanction of the state government, had granted a written permission for a vessel belonging to disaffected persons to proceed from the port of philadelphia, then in possession of the enemy, to any port of the united states. _second_. that, availing himself of his official authority, he had appropriated the public wagons of pennsylvania, when called forth on a special emergency, to the transportation of private property, and that of persons who voluntarily remained with the enemy, and were deemed disaffected to the interests and independence of america. in regard to the first of these charges, arnold alleged that the person who applied for the protection of the vessel, had taken the oath of allegiance to the state of pennsylvania required by the laws; and that the intentions of that person and his associates with regard to the vessel and cargo appeared to be upright. in regard to the second charge, while it was proved that under his authority public wagons had been so used, it was allowed in extenuation that they had been employed at private expense, and without any design to defraud the public or impede the military service. in regard to both charges, nothing fraudulent on the part of arnold was proved, but the transactions involved in the first were pronounced irregular, and contrary to one of the articles of war; and in the second, imprudent and reprehensible, considering the high station occupied by the general at the time, and the court sentenced him to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief. the sentence was confirmed by congress on the th of february ( ). the reprimand adjudged by the court-martial was administered by washington with consummate delicacy. the following were his words: "our profession is the chastest of all; even the shadow of a fault tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements. the least inadvertence may rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired. i reprehend you for having forgotten, that, in proportion as you had rendered yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in your deportment towards your fellow-citizens. exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the list of our most valued commanders. i will myself furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with opportunities of regaining the esteem of your country." a reprimand so mild and considerate accompanied by such high eulogiums and generous promises, might have had a favorable effect upon arnold, had he been in a different frame of mind; but he had persuaded himself that the court would incline in his favor and acquit him altogether; and he resented deeply a sentence, which he protested against as unmerited. his resentment was aggravated by delays in the settlement of his accounts, as he depended upon the sums he claimed as due to him for the payment of debts by which he was harassed. in the month of march we find him intent on a new and adventurous project. he had proposed to the board of admiralty an expedition requiring several ships-of-war and three or four hundred land troops, offering to take command of it should it be carried into effect, as his wounds still disabled him from duty on land. washington, who knew his abilities in either service was disposed to favor his proposition, but the scheme fell through from the impossibility of sparing the requisite number of men from the army. on the failure of the project, he requested and obtained from washington leave of absence from the army for the summer, there being, he said, little prospect of an active campaign, and his wounds unfitting him for the field. the return of spring brought little alleviation to the sufferings of the army at morristown. all means of supplying its wants or recruiting its ranks were paralyzed by the continued depreciation of the currency. while washington saw his forces gradually diminishing, his solicitude was intensely excited for the safety of the southern states. the reader will recall the departure from new york, in the latter part of december, of the fleet of admiral arbuthnot with the army of sir henry clinton, destined for the subjugation of south carolina. the voyage proved long and tempestuous. the ships were dispersed. several fell into the hands of the americans. one ordnance vessel foundered. most of the artillery horses, and all those of the cavalry perished. the scattered ships rejoined each other about the end of january, at tybee bay on savannah river; where those that had sustained damage were repaired as speedily as possible. the loss of the cavalry horses was especially felt by sir henry. there was a corps of two hundred and fifty dragoons, on which he depended greatly in the kind of guerilla warfare he was likely to pursue in a country of forests and morasses. lieutenant-colonel banastre tarleton, who commanded them, was one of those dogs of war which sir henry was prepared to let slip on emergencies, to scour and maraud the country. this "bold dragoon," so noted in southern warfare, was about twenty-six years of age, of a swarthy complexion, with small, black, piercing eyes. he is described as being rather below the middle size, square-built and strong, "with large muscular legs." landing from the fleet, perfectly dismounted, he repaired with his dragoons, in some of the quartermasters' boats to port royal island, on the seaboard of south carolina, "to collect at that place, from friends or enemies, by money or by force, all the horses belonging to the islands in the neighborhood." in the meantime, the transports having on board a great part of the army, sailed under convoy on the th of february from savannah to north edisto sound, where the troops disembarked on the th, on st. john's island, about thirty miles below charleston. thence, sir henry clinton set out for the banks of ashley river opposite to the city, while a part of the fleet proceeded round by sea, for the purpose of blockading the harbor. the advance of sir henry was slow and cautious. much time was consumed by him in fortifying intermediate ports, to keep up a secure communication with the fleet. he ordered from savannah all the troops that could be spared, and wrote to knyphausen, at new york, for reinforcements from that place. general lincoln [now in command at charleston] took advantage of this slowness on the part of his assailant, to extend and strengthen the works. charleston stands at the end of an isthmus formed by the ashley and cooper rivers. beyond the main works on the land side he cut a canal, from one to the other of the swamps which border these rivers. in advance of the canal were two rows of abatis and a double picketed ditch. within the canal, and between it and the main works, were strong redoubts and batteries, to open a flanking fire on any approaching column, while an inclosed hornwork of masonry formed a kind of citadel. a squadron commanded by commodore whipple, and composed of nine vessels of war of various sizes, the largest mounting forty-four guns, was to co-operate with forts moultrie and johnston, and the various batteries in defence of the harbor. they were to lie before the bar so as to command the entrance of it. great reliance also was placed on the bar itself, which it was thought no ship-of-the-line could pass. governor rutledge, a man eminent for talents, patriotism, firmness and decision, was clothed with dictatorial powers during the present crisis; he called out the militia of the state, and it was supposed they would duly obey the call. large reinforcements of troops also were expected from the north. under all these circumstances, general lincoln yielded to the entreaties of the inhabitants, and, instead of remaining with his army in the open country, as he had intended, shut himself up with them in the place for its defence, leaving merely his cavalry and two hundred light troops outside, who were to hover about the enemy and prevent small parties from marauding. it was not until the th of march that sir henry clinton effected his tardy approach, and took up a position on charleston neck, a few miles above the town. admiral arbuthnot soon showed an intention of introducing his ships into the harbor; barricading their waists, anchoring them in a situation where they might take advantage of the first favorable spring-tide, and fixing buoys on the bar for their guidance. commodore whipple had by this time ascertained by sounding, that a wrong idea had prevailed of the depth of water in the harbor, and that his ships could not anchor nearer than within three miles of the bar, so that it would be impossible for him to defend the passage of it. he quitted his station within it, therefore, after having destroyed a part of the enemy's buoys, and took a position where his ships might be abreast, and form a cross-fire with the batteries of fort moultrie, where colonel pinckney commanded. washington was informed of these facts, by letters from his former aide-de-camp, colonel laurens, who was in charleston at the time. the information caused anxious forebodings. "the impracticability of defending the bar, i fear, amounts to the loss of the town and garrison," writes he in reply. his solicitude for the safety of the south was increased, by heaving of the embarkation at new york of two thousand five hundred british and hessian troops, under lord rawdon, reinforcements for sir henry clinton. it seemed evident the enemy intended to push their operations with vigor at the south; perhaps, to make it the principal theatre of the war. gladly would washington have hastened to the south in person, but at this moment his utmost vigilance was required to keep watch upon new york and maintain the security of the hudson, the vital part of the confederacy. the weak state of the american means of warfare in both quarters, presented a choice of difficulties. the south needed support. could the north give it without exposing itself to ruin, since the enemy, by means of their ships, could suddenly unite their forces, and fall upon any point that they might consider weak? such were the perplexities to which he was continually subjected, in having with scanty means to provide for the security of a vast extent of country, and with land forces merely, to contend with an amphibious enemy. looking, however, as usual, to the good of the whole union, he determined to leave something at hazard in the middle states, where the country was internally so strong, and yield further succor to the southern states, which had not equal military advantages. with the consent of congress, therefore, he put the maryland line under marching orders, together with the delaware regiment, which acted with it, and the first regiment of artillery. the baron de kalb, now at the head of the maryland division, was instructed to conduct this detachment with all haste to the aid of general lincoln. he might not arrive in time to prevent the fall of charleston, but he might assist to arrest the progress of the enemy and save the carolinas. chapter liv. discontents in the army.--fall of charleston. we have cited the depreciation of the currency as a main cause of the difficulties and distresses of the army. the troops were paid in paper money at its nominal value. a memorial of the officers of the jersey line to the legislature of their state, represented the depreciation to be so great, that four months' pay of a private soldier would not procure for his family a single bushel of wheat; the pay of a colonel would not purchase oats for his horse, and a common laborer or express rider could earn four times the pay in paper of an american officer. congress, too, in its exigencies, being destitute of the power of levying taxes, which vested in the state governments, devolved upon those governments, in their separate capacities, the business of supporting the army. this produced a great inequality in the condition of the troops; according to the means and the degree of liberality of their respective states. some states furnished their troops amply not only with clothing, but with many comforts and conveniencies; others were more contracted in their supplies; while others left their troops almost destitute. some of the states, too, undertook to make good to their troops the loss in their pay caused by the depreciation of the currency. as this was not general it increased the inequality of condition. these, and other defects in the military system, were pressed by washington upon the attention of congress in a letter to the president. in consequence it was proposed in congress to send a committee of three of its members to head-quarters to consult with the commander-in-chief, and, in conjunction with him, to effect such reforms and changes in the various departments of the army as might be deemed necessary. after a prolonged debate, a committee of three was chosen by ballot; it consisted of general schuyler and messrs. john mathews, and nathaniel peabody. it was a great satisfaction to washington to have his old friend and coadjutor, schuyler, near him in this capacity, in which, he declared, no man could be more useful. the committee, on arriving at the camp, found the disastrous state of affairs had not been exaggerated. for five months the army had been unpaid. every department was destitute of money or credit; there were rarely provisions for six days in advance; on some occasions the troops had been for several successive days without meat; there was no forage; the medical department had neither tea, chocolate, wine, nor spirituous liquors of any kind. to soothe the discontents of the army, and counteract the alarming effects of the depreciation of the currency, congress now adopted the measure already observed by some of the states, and engaged to make good to the continental and the independent troops the difference in the value of their pay caused by this depreciation; and that all moneys or other articles heretofore received by them, should be considered as advanced on account, and comprehended at their just value in the final settlement. at this gloomy crisis came a letter from the marquis de lafayette, dated april th, announcing his arrival at boston. washington's eyes, we are told, were suffused with tears as he read this most welcome epistle. he would immediately have sent a troop of horse to escort the marquis through the tory settlements between morristown and the hudson, had he known the route he intended to take; the latter, however, arrived safe at head-quarters on the th of may, where he was welcomed with acclamations, for he was popular with both officers and soldiers. washington folded him in his arms in a truly paternal embrace, and they were soon closeted together to talk over the state of affairs, when lafayette made known the result of his visit to france. his generous efforts at court had been crowned with success, and he brought the animating intelligence that a french fleet, under the chevalier de ternay, was to put to sea early in april, bringing a body of troops under the count de rochambeau, and might soon be expected on the coast to co-operate with the american forces; this, however, he was at liberty to make known only to washington and congress. remaining but a single day at head-quarters, he hastened on to the seat of government, where he met the reception which his generous enthusiasm in the cause of american independence had so fully merited. within three days after the departure of the marquis from morristown, washington in a letter to him, gave his idea of the plan which it would be proper for the french fleet and army to pursue on their arrival upon the coast. the reduction of new york he considered the first enterprise to be attempted by the co-operating forces. the whole effective land force of the enemy he estimated at about eight thousand regulars and four thousand refugees, with some militia on which no great dependence could be placed. their naval force consisted of one seventy-four gun ship, and three or four small frigates. in this situation of affairs the french fleet might enter the harbor and gain possession of it without difficulty, cut off its communications, and, with the co-operation of the american army, oblige the city to capitulate. he advised lafayette, therefore, to write to the french commanders, urging them on their arrival on the coast to proceed with their land and naval forces with all expedition to sandy hook, and there await further advices; should they learn, however, that the expedition under sir henry clinton had returned from the south to new york, they were to proceed to rhode island. general arnold was at this time in philadelphia, and his connection with subsequent events requires a few words concerning his career, daily becoming more perplexed. he had again petitioned congress on the subject of his accounts. the board of treasury had made a report far short of his wishes. he had appealed, and his appeal, together with all the documents connected with the case, was referred to a committee of three. old doubts and difficulties continued; there was no prospect of a speedy settlement; he was in extremity. [in his extremity he applied to the french minister, m. de luzerne, a generous-spirited man, representing the hardships of his case, the ingratitude of his country, the hostility he had experienced from pennsylvania, his urgent private necessities, and implored a loan equal to the amount of his debts, intimating that the attachment and gratitude of an american general of his rank and influence would be of vast importance to france in the transactions likely to arise between the two countries. m. de luzerne, in reply, said that the league between france and america had for its basis a reciprocal interest and good will, and that it could be fulfilled without intrigue or secret practices. arnold retired from the interview a mortified and desperate man; and writing to general schuyler, who was about to visit the camp as one of the committee, expressed a wish to rejoin the army, and intimated that as his wounds made it painful for him to ride or walk, the command of west point would best suit his present condition.] in the meantime, the army with which washington was to co-operate in the projected attack upon new york, was so reduced by the departure of troops whose term had expired and the tardiness in furnishing recruits, that it did not amount quite to four thousand rank and file, fit for duty. among these was a prevalent discontent. their pay was five months in arrear; if now paid it would be in continental currency, without allowance for depreciation, consequently, almost worthless for present purposes. a long interval of scarcity and several days of actual famine, brought matters to a crisis. on the th of may, in the dusk of the evening, two regiments of the connecticut line assembled on their parade by beat of drum, and declared their intention to march home bag and baggage, "or, at best, to gain subsistence at the point of the bayonet." every argument and expostulation was used with the mutineers. they were reminded of their past good conduct, of the noble objects for which they were contending, and of the future indemnifications promised by congress. their answer was, that their sufferings were too great to be allayed by promises, in which they had little faith; they wanted present relief. it was with difficulty they could be prevailed upon to return to their huts. indeed, a few turned out a second time, with their packs, and were not to be pacified. these were arrested and confined. in this alarming state of destitution, washington looked round anxiously for bread for his famishing troops. new york, jersey, pennsylvania, and maryland were what he termed his "flour country." virginia was sufficiently tasked to supply the south. new york, by legislative coercion, had already given all that she could spare from the subsistence of her inhabitants. jersey was exhausted by the long residence of the army. maryland had made great exertions, and might still do something more, and delaware might contribute handsomely, in proportion to her extent: but pennsylvania was now the chief dependence, for that state was represented to be full of flour. washington's letter of the th of december to president reed, had obtained temporary relief from that quarter; he now wrote to him a second time, and still more earnestly, and sought to rouse president reed to extraordinary exertions. "this is a time," writes he, "to hazard and to take a tone of energy and decision. all parties but the disaffected will acquiesce in the necessity and give it their support." he urges reed to press upon the legislature of pennsylvania the policy of investing its executive with plenipotentiary powers. his letter procured relief for the army from the legislature, and a resolve empowering the president and council, during its recess, to declare martial law, should circumstances render it expedient. in like manner, he endeavored to rouse the dormant fire of congress, and impart to it his own indomitable energy. "certain i am," writes he to a member of that body, "unless congress speak in a more decisive tone, unless they are vested with powers by the several states, competent to the purposes of war, or assume them as matters of right, and they and the states respectively act with more energy than they have hitherto done, that our cause is lost. we can no longer drudge on in the old way. by ill-timing the adoption of measures, by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses and derive no benefit from them. one state will comply with a requisition of congress; another neglects to do it; a third executes it by halves; and all differ, either in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always working up-hill; and, while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, we shall ever be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage." at this juncture came official intelligence from the south to connect which with the general course of events, requires a brief notice of the operations of sir henry clinton in that quarter. in the preceding chapter we left the british fleet under admiral arbuthnot, preparing to force its way into the harbor of charleston. several days elapsed before the ships were able, by taking out their guns, provisions, and water, and availing themselves of wind and tide to pass the bar. they did so on the th of march, with but slight opposition from several galleys. commodore whipple, then, seeing the vast superiority of their force, made a second retrograde move, stationing some of his ships in cooper river, and sinking the rest at its mouth so as to prevent the enemy from running up that river, and cutting off communication with the country on the east: the crews and heavy cannon were landed to aid in the defence of the town. the reinforcements expected from the north were not yet arrived; the militia of the state did not appear at governor rutledge's command, and other reliances were failing. at this time the reinforcements which sir henry clinton had ordered from savannah were marching toward the cambayee under brigadier-general patterson. on his flanks moved major ferguson with a corps of riflemen, and major cochrane with the infantry of the british legion; two brave and enterprising officers. it was a toilsome march, through swamps and difficult passes. being arrived in the neighborhood of port royal, where tarleton had succeeded, though indifferently, in remounting his dragoons, patterson sent orders to that officer to join him. tarleton hastened to obey the order. his arrival was timely. the carolina militia having heard that all the british horses had perished at sea, made an attack on the front of general patterson's force, supposing it to be without cavalry. to their surprise, tarleton charged them with his dragoons, routed them, took several prisoners, and, what was more acceptable, a number of horses. tarleton had soon afterwards to encounter a worthy antagonist in colonel william washington, the same cavalry officer who had distinguished himself at trenton, and was destined to distinguish himself still more in this southern campaign. he is described as being six feet in height, broad, stout and corpulent. bold in the field, careless in the camp; kind to his soldiers; harassing to his enemies; gay and good-humored; with an upright heart and a generous hand, a universal favorite. he was now at the head of a body of continental cavalry, consisting of his own and bland's light-horse, and pulaski's hussars. a brush took place in the neighborhood of rantoul's bridge. colonel washington had the advantage, took several prisoners, and drove back the dragoons of the british legion, but durst not pursue them for want of infantry. on the th of april, brigadier-general woodford with seven hundred virginia troops, after a forced march of five hundred miles in thirty days, crossed from the east side of cooper river, by the only passage now open, and threw himself into charleston. it was a timely reinforcement, and joyfully welcomed; for the garrison, when in greatest force, amounted to little more than two thousand regulars and one thousand north carolina militia. about the same time admiral arbuthnot, in the roebuck, passed sullivan's island, with a fresh southerly breeze, at the head of a squadron of seven armed vessels and two transports. colonel pinckney opened a heavy cannonade from the batteries of fort moultrie. the ships thundered in reply, and clouds of smoke were raised, under the cover of which they slipped by, with no greater loss than twenty-seven men killed and wounded. a store-ship which followed the squadron ran aground, was set on fire and abandoned, and subsequently blew up. the ships took a position near fort johnston, just without the range of the shot from the american batteries. after the passage of the ships, colonel pinckney and a part of the garrison withdrew from fort moultrie. the enemy had by this time completed his first parallel, and the town being almost entirely invested by sea and land, received a joint summons from the british general and admiral to surrender. "sixty days have passed," writes lincoln in reply, "since it has been known that your intentions against this town were hostile, in which, time has been afforded to abandon it, but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity." the british batteries were now opened. the siege was carried on deliberately by regular parallels, and on a scale of magnitude scarcely warranted by the moderate strength of the place. a great object with the besieged was to keep open the channel of communication with the country by the cooper river, the last that remained by which they could receive reinforcements and supplies, or could retreat if necessary. for this purpose, governor rutledge, leaving the town in the care of lieutenant-governor gadsden, and one half of the executive council, set off with the other half, and endeavored to rouse the militia between the cooper and santee rivers. his success was extremely limited. two militia posts were established by him; one between these rivers, the other at a ferry on the santee; some regular troops, also, had been detached by lincoln to throw up works about nine miles above the town, on the wando, a branch of cooper river, and at lempriere's point; and brigadier-general huger,{ } with a force of militia and continental cavalry, including those of colonel william washington, was stationed at monk's corner, about thirty miles above charleston, to guard the passes at the head waters of cooper river. {footnote : pronounced hugee--of french huguenot descent.} sir henry clinton, when proceeding with his second parallel, detached lieutenant-colonel webster with fourteen hundred men to break up these posts. the most distant one was that of huger's cavalry at monk's corner. the surprisal of this was entrusted to tarleton, who, with his dragoons was in webster's advanced guard. he was to be seconded by major patrick ferguson with his riflemen. ferguson was a fit associate for tarleton, in hardy, scrambling, partisan enterprise: equally intrepid and determined, but cooler and more open to impulses of humanity. on the evening of the th of april, tarleton moved with the van towards monk's corner. a night march had been judged the most advisable. it was made in profound silence and by unfrequented roads. a few dollars gained the services of a negro as a guide. the surprisal of general huger's camp was complete. several officers and men who attempted to defend themselves were killed or wounded. general huger, colonel washington, with many others, officers and men, escaped in the darkness to the neighboring swamps. one hundred officers, dragoons and hussars were taken, with about four hundred horses and near fifty wagons, laden with arms, clothing, and ammunition. biggins bridge on cooper river was likewise secured, and the way opened for colonel webster to advance nearly to the head of the passes, in such a manner as to shut up charleston entirely. the american cavalry had gradually re-assembled on the north of the santee, under colonel white of new jersey, where they were joined by some militia infantry, and by colonel william washington, with such of his dragoons as had escaped at monk's corner. cornwallis had committed the country between cooper and wando rivers to tarleton's charge, with orders to be continually on the move with the cavalry and infantry of the legion; to watch over the landing-places; obtain intelligence from the town, the santee river and the back country, and to burn such stores as might fall into his hands rather than risk their being retaken by the enemy. hearing of the fortuitous assemblage of american troops, tarleton came suddenly upon them by surprise at laneau's ferry. it was one of his bloody exploits. five officers and thirty-six men were killed and wounded, and seven officers and six dragoons taken, with horses, arms and equipments. colonels white, washington and jamieson, with other officers and men, threw themselves in the river and escaped by swimming; while some who followed their example, perished. the arrival of a reinforcement of three thousand men from new york enabled sir henry clinton to throw a powerful detachment under lord cornwallis, to the east of cooper river, to complete the investment of the town and cut off all retreat. fort moultrie surrendered. the batteries of the third parallel were opened upon the town. this fire was kept up for two days. the besiegers crossed the canal; pushed a double sap to the inside of the abatis, and prepared to make an assault by sea and land. all hopes of successful defence were at an end. the works were in ruins; the guns almost all dismounted; the garrison exhausted with fatigue, the provisions nearly consumed. the inhabitants, dreading the horrors of an assault, joined in a petition to general lincoln and prevailed upon him to offer a surrender on terms which had already been offered and rejected. these terms were still granted, and the capitulation was signed on the th of may. the garrison were allowed some of the honors of war. the loss of the british in the siege was seventy-six killed and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded; that of the americans nearly the same. the prisoners taken by the enemy, exclusive of the sailors, amounted to five thousand, six hundred and eighteen men; comprising every male adult in the city. the continental troops did not exceed two thousand, five hundred of whom were in the hospital; the rest were citizens and militia. sir henry clinton considered the fall of charleston decisive of the fate of south carolina. to complete the subjugation of the country, he planned three expeditions into the interior; one, under lieutenant-colonel brown, was to move up the savannah river to augusta, on the borders of georgia; another, under lieutenant-colonel cruger, was to proceed up the southwest side of the santee river to the district of ninety-six,{ } a fertile and salubrious region, between the savannah and the saluda rivers: while a third, under cornwallis, was to cross the santee, march up the northeast bank, and strike at a corps of troops under colonel buford, which were retreating to north carolina with artillery and a number of wagons, laden with arms, ammunition and clothing. {footnote : so called in early times from being ninety-six miles from the principal town of the cherokee nation.} colonel buford, in fact, had arrived too late for the relief of charleston, and was now making a retrograde move; he had come on with three hundred and eighty troops of the virginia line, and two field pieces, and had been joined by colonel washington with a few of his cavalry that had survived the surprisal by tarleton. as buford was moving with celerity, and had the advantage of distance, cornwallis detached tarleton in pursuit of him, with one hundred and seventy dragoons, a hundred mounted infantry, and a three-pounder. the bold partisan pushed forward with his usual ardor and rapidity, and coming upon buford's rear-guard captured a sergeant and four dragoons. buford hastily drew up his men in order of battle, in an open wood, on the right of the road. his artillery and wagons, which were in the advance escorted by part of his infantry, were ordered to continue on their march. there appears to have been some confusion on the part of the americans, and they had an impetuous foe to deal with. before they were well prepared for action they were attacked in front and on both flanks by cavalry and mounted infantry. the american battalion was broken; most of the men threw down their arms and begged for quarter, but were cut down without mercy. one hundred and thirteen were slain on the spot, and one hundred and fifty so mangled and maimed that they could not be removed. colonel buford and a few of the cavalry escaped, as did about a hundred of the infantry, who were with the baggage in the advance. fifty prisoners were all that were in a condition to be carried off by tarleton as trophies of this butchery. the two other detachments which had been sent out by clinton, met with nothing but submission. the people in general, considering resistance hopeless, accepted the proffered protection, and conformed to its humiliating terms. sir henry now persuaded himself that south carolina was subdued, and proceeded to station garrisons in various parts to maintain it in subjection. in the fullness of his confidence, he issued a proclamation on the d of june, discharging all the military prisoners from their paroles after the th of the month, excepting those captured in fort moultrie and charleston. all thus released from their parole were reinstated in the rights and duties of british subjects. all were to be ready to take up arms at a moment's notice. those who had families were to form a militia for home defence. those who had none were to serve with the royal forces. all who should neglect to return to their allegiance, or should refuse to take up arms against the independence of their country, were to be considered as rebels and treated accordingly. having struck a blow, which, as he conceived, was to insure the subjugation of the south, sir henry embarked for new york on the th of june with a part of his forces, leaving the residue under the command of lord cornwallis who was to carry the war into north carolina and thence into virginia. chapter lv. marauds in the jerseys.--the french fleet at newport. a handbill published by the british authorities in new york reached washington's camp on the st of june, and made known the surrender of charleston. [with this intelligence came reports of a large fleet entering sandy hook, which was supposed to be the return of sir henry with the whole or part of his force.] the report proved to be erroneous, but on the th of june came a new alarm. the enemy, it was said, were actually landing in force at elizabethtown point, to carry fire and sword into the jerseys! it was even so. knyphausen, through spies and emissaries, had received exaggerated accounts of the recent outbreak in washington's camp and of the general discontent among the people of new jersey, and was persuaded that a sudden show of military protection, following up the news of the capture of charleston, would produce a general desertion among washington's troops, and rally back the inhabitants of the jerseys to their allegiance to the crown. in this belief he projected a descent into the jerseys with about five thousand men, and some light artillery, who were to cross in divisions in the night of the th of june from staten island to elizabethtown point. the first division, led by brigadier-general sterling, actually landed before dawn of the th, and advanced as silently as possible. the heavy and measured tramp of the troops, however, caught the ear of an american sentinel stationed at a fork where the roads from the old and new point joined. he challenged the dimly descried mass as it approached, and receiving no answer, fired into it. that shot wounded general sterling in the thigh, and ultimately proved mortal. the wounded general was carried back, and knyphausen took his place. this delayed the march until sunrise, and gave time for the troops of the jersey line, under colonel elias dayton, stationed in elizabethtown, to assemble. they were too weak in numbers, however, to withstand the enemy, but retreated in good order, skirmishing occasionally. signal guns and signal fires were rousing the country. the militia and yeomanry armed themselves with such weapons as were at hand, and hastened to their alarm posts. the enemy took the old road, by what was called galloping hill, towards the village of connecticut farms; fired upon from behind walls and thickets by the hasty levies of the country. at connecticut farms, the retreating troops under dayton fell in with the jersey brigade, under general maxwell, and a few militia joining them, the americans were enabled to make some stand, and even to hold the enemy in check. the latter, however, brought up several field pieces, and being reinforced by a second division which had crossed from staten island some time after the first, compelled the americans again to retreat. some of the enemy, exasperated at the unexpected opposition they had met with throughout their march, and pretending that the inhabitants of this village had fired upon them from their windows, began to pillage and set fire to the houses.{ } {footnote : [the wife of the rev. james caldwell, already alluded to, was in the village at the time, and while sitting on the side of a bed, holding a child by the hand, a musket was discharged in at the window, and the ball striking her in the breast, she fell dead on the floor.]} in the meantime knyphausen was pressing on with his main force towards morristown. the booming of alarm guns had roused the country; every valley was pouring out its yeomanry. two thousand were said to be already in arms below the mountains. within half a mile of springfield, knyphausen halted to reconnoitre. that village, through which passes the road to springfield, had been made the american rallying-point. it stands at the foot of what are called the short hills, on the west side of rahway river, which runs in front of it. on the bank of the river, general maxwell's jersey brigade and the militia of the neighborhood were drawn up to dispute the passage. washington had arrived and taken his position that afternoon, prepared to withstand an encounter though not to seek one. all night his camp fires lighted up the short hills, and he remained on the alert expecting to be assailed in the morning; but in the morning no enemy was to be seen. knyphausen had experienced enough to convince him that he had been completely misinformed as to the disposition of the jersey people and of the army. disappointed as to the main objects of his enterprise, he had retreated under cover of the night. on the th of june the fleet from the south actually arrived in the bay of new york, and sir henry clinton landed his troops on staten island, but almost immediately re-embarked them; as if meditating an expedition up the river. fearing for the safety of west point, washington set off on the st june, with the main body of his troops, towards pompton; while general greene, with maxwell and stark's brigades, lee's dragoons and the militia of the neighborhood, remained encamped on the short hills, to cover the country and protect the stores at morristown. washington's movements were slow and wary, unwilling to be far from greene until better informed of the designs of the enemy. at rockaway bridge, about eleven miles beyond morristown, he received word on the d that the enemy were advancing from elizabethtown against springfield. supposing the military depot at morristown to be their ultimate object, he detached a brigade to the assistance of greene, and fell back five or six miles, so as to be in supporting distance of him. the re-embarkation of the troops at staten island had, in fact, been a stratagem of sir henry clinton to divert the attention of washington, and enable knyphausen to carry out the enterprise which had hitherto hung fire. no sooner did the latter ascertain that the american commander-in-chief had moved off with his main force towards the highlands, than he sallied from elizabethtown, five thousand strong, with a large body of cavalry, and fifteen or twenty pieces of artillery; hoping not merely to destroy the public stores at morristown, but to get possession of those difficult hills and defiles among which washington's army had been so securely posted, and which constituted the strength of that part of the country. it was early on the morning of the d that knyphausen pushed forward toward springfield. beside the main road which passes directly through the village toward morristown, there is another north of it, called the vauxhall road, crossing several small streams, the confluence of which forms the rahway. these two roads unite beyond the village in the principal pass of the short hills. the enemy's troops advanced rapidly in two compact columns, the right one by the vauxhall road, the other by the main or direct road. general greene was stationed among the short hills, about a mile above the town. his troops were distributed at various posts, for there were many passes to guard. at five o'clock in the morning, signal-guns gave notice of the approach of the enemy. the drums beat to arms throughout the camp. the troops were hastily called in from their posts among the mountain passes, and preparations were made to defend the village. major lee, with his dragoons and a picket-guard, was posted on the vauxhall road to check the right column of the enemy in its advance. colonel dayton, with his regiment of new jersey militia, was to check the left column on the main road. colonel angel of rhode island, with about two hundred picked men, and a piece of artillery, was to defend a bridge over the rahway, a little west of the town. colonel shreve, stationed with his regiment at a second bridge over a branch of the rahway, east of the town, was to cover, if necessary, the retreat of colonel angel. those parts of maxwell and stark's brigades which were not thus detached were drawn up on high grounds in the rear of the town, having the militia on their flanks. there was some sharp fighting at a bridge on the vauxhall road, where major lee with his dragoons and picket-guard held the right column at bay; a part of the column, however, forded the stream above the bridge, gained a commanding position, and obliged lee to retire. the left column met with similar opposition from dayton and his jersey regiment. the severest fighting of the day was at the bridge over the rahway. for upwards of half an hour colonel angel defended it with his handful of men against a vastly superior force. one-fourth of his men were either killed or disabled: the loss of the enemy was still more severe. angel was at length compelled to retire. he did so in good order, carrying off his wounded, and making his way through the village to the bridge beyond it. here his retreat was bravely covered by colonel shreve, but he too was obliged to give way before the overwhelming force of the enemy, and join the brigades of maxwell and stark upon the hill. general greene, finding his front too much extended for his small force, and that he was in danger of being outflanked on the left by the column pressing forward on the vauxhall road, took post with his main body on the first range of hills, where the roads were brought near to a point and passed between him and the height occupied by stark and maxwell. he then threw out a detachment which checked the further advance of the right column of the enemy along the vauxhall road, and secured that pass through the short hills. feeling himself now strongly posted, he awaited with confidence the expected attempt of the enemy to gain the height. no such attempt was made. the resistance already experienced, especially at the bridge, and the sight of militia gathering from various points, dampened the ardor of the hostile commander. he saw that, should he persist in pushing for morristown, he would have to fight his way through a country abounding with difficult passes, every one of which would be obstinately disputed; and that the enterprise, even if successful, might cost too much, beside taking him too far from new york, at a time when a french armament might be expected. before the brigade detached by washington arrived at the scene of action, therefore, the enemy had retreated. previous to their retreat they wreaked upon springfield the same vengeance they had inflicted on connecticut farms. the whole village, excepting four houses, was reduced to ashes. their second retreat was equally ignoble with their first. they were pursued and harassed the whole way to elizabethtown by light scouting parties and by the militia and yeomanry of the country, exasperated by the sight of the burning village. lee, too, came upon their rear-guard with his dragoons; captured a quantity of stores abandoned by them in the hurry of retreat, and made prisoners of several refugees. it was sunset when the enemy reached elizabethtown. during the night they passed over to staten island by their bridge of boats. by six o'clock in the morning all had crossed, and the bridge had been removed--and the state of new jersey, so long harassed by the campaignings of either army was finally evacuated by the enemy. apprehensive that the next move of the enemy would be up the hudson, washington resumed his measures for the security of west point; moving towards the highlands in the latter part of june. circumstances soon convinced him that the enemy had no present intention of attacking that fortress, but merely menaced him at various points to retard his operations, and oblige him to call out the militia; thereby interrupting agriculture, distressing the country, and rendering his cause unpopular. having, therefore, caused the military stores in the jerseys to be removed to more remote and secure places, he countermanded by letter the militia which were marching to camp from connecticut and massachusetts. he now exerted himself to the utmost to procure from the different state legislatures their quotas and supplies for the regular army. the desired relief, however, had to be effected through the ramifications of general and state governments and their committees. the operations were tardy and unproductive. liberal contributions were made by individuals; a bank was established by the inhabitants of philadelphia to facilitate the supplies of the army, and an association of ladies of that city raised by subscription between seven and eight thousand dollars which were put at the disposition of washington. the capture of general lincoln at charleston had left the southern department without a commander-in-chief. as there were likely to be important military operations in that quarter, washington had intended to recommend general greene for the appointment. he was an officer on whose abilities, discretion, and disinterested patriotism he had the fullest reliance, and whom he had always found thoroughly disposed to act in unison with him in his general plan of carrying on the war. congress, however, with unbecoming precipitancy, gave that important command to general gates (june th), without waiting to consult washington's views or wishes. on the th of july a french fleet, under the chevalier de ternay, arrived at newport, in rhode island. it was composed of seven ships-of-the-line, two frigates and two bombs, and convoyed transports on board of which were upwards of five thousand troops. this was the first division of the forces promised by france, of which lafayette had spoken. the second division had been detained at brest for want of transports, but might soon be expected. the count de rochambeau, lieutenant-general of the royal armies, was commander-in-chief of this auxiliary force. he was a veteran, fifty-five years of age, who had early distinguished himself, when colonel of the regiment of auvergne, and had gained laurels in various battles. another officer of rank and distinction in this force, was major-general the marquis de chastellux, a friend and relative of lafayette, but much his senior, being now forty-six years of age. he was not only a soldier, but a man of letters, and one familiar with courts as well as camps. the instructions of the french ministry to the count de rochambeau placed him entirely under the command of general washington. the french troops were to be considered as auxiliaries, and as such were to take the left of the american troops, and, in all cases of ceremony, to yield them the preference. this considerate arrangement was intended to prevent the recurrence of those questions of rank and etiquette which had heretofore disturbed the combined service. washington, in general orders, congratulated the army on the arrival of this timely and generous succor, which he hailed as a new tie between france and america; anticipating that the only contention between the two armies would be to excel each other in good offices, and in the display of every military virtue. the american cockade had hitherto been black, that of the french was white; he recommended to his officers a cockade of black and white intermingled in compliment to their allies, and as a symbol of friendship and union. his joy at this important reinforcement was dashed by the mortifying reflection that he was still unprovided with the troops and military means requisite for the combined operations meditated. still he took upon himself the responsibility of immediate action, and forthwith despatched lafayette to have an interview with the french commanders, explain the circumstances of the case, and concert plans for the proposed attack upon new york. the arrival, however, of the british admiral, graves, at new york, on the th of july, with six ships-of-the-line, gave the enemy such a superiority of naval force that the design on new york was postponed until the second french division should make its appearance, or a squadron under the count de guichen, which was expected from the west indies. in the meantime, sir henry clinton, who had information of all the plans and movements of the allies, determined to forestall the meditated attack upon new york, by beating up the french quarters on rhode island. this he was to do in person at the head of six thousand men, aided by admiral arbuthnot with his fleet. sir henry accordingly proceeded with his troops to throg's neck on the sound; there to embark on board of transports which arbuthnot was to provide. no sooner did washington learn that so large a force had left new york, than he crossed the hudson to peekskill, and prepared to move towards king's bridge, with the main body of his troops, which had recently been reinforced. his intention was, either to oblige sir henry to abandon his project against rhode island, or to strike a blow at new york during his absence. the expedition of sir henry was delayed by the tardy arrival of transports. in the meantime he heard of the sudden move of washington, and learned, moreover, that the position of the french at newport had been strengthened by the militia from the neighboring country. these tidings disconcerted his plans. he left admiral arbuthnot to proceed with his squadron to newport, blockade the french fleet, and endeavor to intercept the second division, supposed to be on its way, while he with his troops hastened back to new york. in consequence of their return, washington again withdrew his forces to the west side of the hudson; first establishing a post and throwing up small works at dobbs' ferry, about ten miles above king's bridge. arnold now received the important command which he had so earnestly coveted. it included the fortress at west point and the posts from fishkill to king's ferry, together with the corps of infantry and cavalry advanced toward the enemy's line on the east side of the river. washington took post at orangetown or tappan, on the borders of the jerseys, and opposite to dobbs' ferry, to be at hand for any attempt upon new york. the execution of this cherished design, however, was again postponed by intelligence that the second division of the french reinforcements was blockaded in the harbor of brest by the british: washington still had hopes that it might be carried into effect by the aid of the squadron of the count de guichen from the west indies; or of a fleet from cadiz. at this juncture, a derangement took place in the quartermaster-general's department, of which general greene was the head. the reorganization of this department had long been in agitation. a system had been digested by washington, schuyler and greene, adapted, as they thought, to the actual situation of the country. greene had offered, should it be adopted, to continue in the discharge of the duties of the department, without any extra emolument other than would cover the expenses of his family. congress devised a different scheme. he considered it incapable of execution, and likely to be attended with calamitous and disgraceful results; he, therefore, tendered his resignation. the tone and manner assumed by general greene in offering his resignation, were deeply offensive to congress. his resignation was promptly accepted, and colonel pickering appointed to succeed him. the commissariat was equally in a state of derangement. "at this very juncture," writes washington (aug. th), "i am reduced to the painful alternative, either of dismissing a part of the militia now assembling, or of letting them come forward to starve; which it will be extremely difficult for the troops already in the field to avoid.... every day's experience proves more and more that the present mode of supplies is the most uncertain, expensive and injurious that could be devised. it is impossible for us to form any calculations of what we are to expect, and consequently to concert any plans for future execution." the anxiety of washington at this moment of embarrassment was heightened by the receipt of disastrous intelligence from the south. chapter lvi. battle of camden. lord cornwallis, when left in military command at the south by sir henry clinton, was charged, it will be recollected, with the invasion of north carolina. it was an enterprise in which much difficulty was to be apprehended, both from the character of the people and the country. the original settlers were from various parts, most of them men who had experienced political or religious oppression, and had brought with them a quick sensibility to wrong, a stern appreciation of their rights, and an indomitable spirit of freedom and independence. it was this spirit which gave rise to the confederacy, called the regulation, formed to withstand the abuses of power; and the first blood shed in our country, in resistance to arbitrary taxation, was at almance in this province, in a conflict between the regulators and governor tryon. above all, it should never be forgotten, that at mecklenburg, in the heart of north carolina, was fulminated the first declaration of independence of the british crown, upwards of a year before like declaration by congress. the physical difficulties arising from the nature of the country consisted in its mountain fastnesses in the northwestern part, its vast forests, its sterile tracts, its long rivers, destitute of bridges, and which, though fordable in fair weather, were liable to be swollen by sudden storms and freshets, and rendered deep, turbulent and impassable. these rivers, in fact, which rushed down from the mountain, but wound sluggishly through the plains, were the military strength of the country, as we shall have frequent occasion to show in the course of our narrative. lord cornwallis forbore to attempt the invasion of north carolina until the summer heats should be over and the harvests gathered in. in the meantime he disposed of his troops in cantonments, to cover the frontiers of south carolina and georgia, and maintain their internal quiet. the command of the frontiers was given by him to lord rawdon, who made camden his principal post. this town, the capital of kershaw district, a fertile, fruitful country, was situated on the east bank of the wateree river, on the road leading to north carolina. it was to be the grand military depot for the projected campaign. the proclamation of sir henry clinton, putting an end to all neutrality, and the rigorous penalties and persecutions with which all infractions of its terms were punished, had for a time quelled the spirit of the country. by degrees, however, the dread of british power gave way to impatience of british exactions. symptoms of revolt manifested themselves in various parts. they were encouraged by intelligence that de kalb, sent by washington, was advancing through north carolina at the head of two thousand men, and that the militia of that state and of virginia were joining his standard. this was soon followed by tidings that gates, the conqueror of burgoyne, was on his way to take command of the southern forces. the prospect of such aid from the north reanimated the southern patriots. one of the most eminent of these was thomas sumter, whom the carolinians had surnamed the game cock. [he was now between forty and fifty years of age, brave, hardy and vigorous. he had seen service against the indians, and in the french war, and had held the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the continental line. after the fall of charleston he had sought refuge with his family in one of the open savannahs that lie concealed amid the swamps with which the lower part of south carolina abounds. in one of his temporary absences his retreat had been invaded, his house burnt to the ground, and his wife and children driven forth without shelter.] private injury had thus been added to the incentives of patriotism. emerging from his hiding-place, he had thrown himself among a handful of his fellow-sufferers who had taken refuge in north carolina. they chose him at once as a leader, and resolved on a desperate struggle for the deliverance of their native state. destitute of regular weapons, they forged rude substitutes out of the implements of husbandry. old mill-saws were converted into broad-swords; knives at the ends of poles served for lances; while the country housewives gladly gave up their pewter dishes and other utensils, to be melted down and cast into bullets for such as had fire-arms. when sumter led this gallant band of exiles over the border, they did not amount in number to two hundred; yet with these he attacked and routed a well-armed body of british troops and tories, the terror of the frontier. his followers supplied themselves with weapons from the slain. in a little while his band was augmented by recruits. parties of militia, also, recently embodied under the compelling measures of cornwallis, deserted to the patriot standard. thus reinforced to the amount of six hundred men, he made, on the th of july, a spirited attack on the british post at rocky mount, near the catawba, but was repulsed. a more successful attack was made by him, eight days afterwards, on another post at hanging rock. the advance of de kalb with reinforcements from the north, had been retarded by various difficulties, the most important of which was want of provisions. this had been especially the case, he said, since his arrival in north carolina. the legislative or executive power, he complained, gave him no assistance, nor could he obtain supplies from the people but by military force. there was no flour in the camp, nor were dispositions made to furnish any. his troops were reduced for a time to short allowance, and at length, on the th of july, brought to a positive halt at deep river. the north carolina militia, under general caswell, were already in the field, on the road to camden, beyond the pedee river. he was anxious to form a junction with them, but a wide and sterile region lay between him and them, difficult to be traversed, unless magazines were established in advance, or he were supplied with provisions to take with him. for three weeks he remained in this encampment, foraging an exhausted country for a meagre subsistence, and was thinking of deviating to the right, and seeking the fertile counties of mecklenburg and rowan, when on the th of july, general gates arrived at the camp. gates approved of de kalb's standing orders, but at the first review of the troops, to the great astonishment of the baron, gave orders for them to hold themselves in readiness to march at a _moment's warning_. it was evident he meant to signalize himself by celerity of movement in contrast with protracted delays. it was in vain the destitute situation of the troops was represented to him, and that they had not a day's provision in advance. his reply was, that wagons laden with supplies were coming on, and would overtake them in two days. on the th he actually put the army in motion over the buffalo ford, on the direct road to camden. colonel williams, the adjutant-general of de kalb, warned him of the sterile nature of that route, and recommended a more circuitous one further north, which passed through the abundant county of mecklenburg. gates persisted in taking the direct route, which proved all that had been represented. it led through a region of pine barrens, sand hills and swamps, with few human habitations, and those mostly deserted. the supplies of which he had spoken never overtook him. his army had to subsist itself on lean cattle roaming almost wild in the woods; and to supply the want of bread with green indian corn, unripe apples and peaches. the consequence was a distressing prevalence of dysentery. having crossed the pedee river on the d of august, the army was joined by a handful of brave virginia regulars under lieutenant-colonel porterfield, who had been wandering about the country since the disaster of charleston; and on the th, the much-desired junction took place with the north carolina militia. on the th they encamped at rugeley's mills, otherwise called clermont, about twelve miles from camden, and on the following day were reinforced by a brigade of seven hundred virginia militia under general stephens. on the approach of gates, lord rawdon had concentrated his forces at camden. the post was flanked by the wateree river and pine-tree creek, and strengthened with redoubts. lord cornwallis had hastened hither from charleston on learning that affairs in this quarter were drawing to a crisis, and had arrived here on the th. the british effective force thus collected was something more than two thousand, including officers. about five hundred were militia and tory refugees from north carolina. the forces under gates according to the return of his adjutant-general, were three thousand and fifty-two fit for duty; more than two-thirds of them, however, were militia. on the th he received an express from general sumter, who, with his partisan corps, after harassing the enemy at various points, was now endeavoring to cut off their supplies from charleston. the object of the express was to ask a reinforcement of regulars to aid him in capturing a large convoy of clothing, ammunition and stores, on its way to the garrison, and which would pass wateree ferry, about a mile from camden. gates accordingly detached colonel woolford of the maryland line with one hundred regulars, a party of artillery, and two brass field-pieces. on the same evening he moved with his main force to take post at a deep stream about seven miles from camden, intending to attack lord rawdon or his redoubts should he march out in force to repel sumter. by a singular coincidence, lord cornwallis on the very same evening sallied forth from camden to attack the american camp at clermont. about two o'clock at night the two forces blundered, as it were, on each other about half way. a skirmish took place between their advanced guards, in which porterfield of the virginia regulars was mortally wounded. some prisoners were taken on either side. gates was astounded at being told that the enemy at hand was cornwallis with three thousand men. calling a council of war he demanded what was best to be done. for a moment or two there was blank silence. it was broken by general stevens of the virginia militia, with the significant question, "gentlemen, is it not too late _now_ to do anything but fight?" no other advice was asked or offered, and all were required to repair to their respective commands. in forming the line, the first maryland division, including the delawares, was on the right, commanded by de kalb. the virginia militia under stevens, were on the left. caswell with the north carolinians formed the centre. the artillery was in battery on the road. each flank was covered by a marsh. the second maryland brigade formed a reserve, a few hundred yards in rear of the first. at daybreak (aug. th), the enemy were dimly descried advancing in column; they appeared to be displaying to the right. gates ordered that stevens should advance briskly with his brigade of virginia militia and attack them while in the act of displaying. no sooner did stevens receive the order than he put his brigade in motion, but discovered that the right wing of the enemy was already in line. a few sharp-shooters were detached to run forward, post themselves behind trees within forty or fifty yards of the enemy to extort their fire while at a distance, and render it less terrible to the militia. the expedient failed. the british rushed on shouting and firing. the inexperienced militia, dismayed and confounded by this impetuous assault, threw down their loaded muskets and fled. the panic spread to the north carolina militia. part of them made a temporary stand, but soon joined with the rest in flight, rendered headlong and disastrous by the charge and pursuit of tarleton and his cavalry. gates, seconded by his officers, made several attempts to rally the militia, but was borne along with them. the day was hazy; there was no wind to carry off the smoke, which hung over the field of battle like a thick cloud. nothing could be seen distinctly. supposing that the regular troops were dispersed like the militia, gates gave up all for lost, and retreated from the field. the regulars, however, had not given away. the maryland brigades and the delaware regiment, unconscious that they were deserted by the militia, stood their ground, and bore the brunt of the battle. though repeatedly broken, they as often rallied, and braved even the deadly push of the bayonet. at length a charge of tarleton's cavalry on their flank threw them into confusion, and drove them into the woods and swamps. none showed more gallantry on this disastrous day than the baron de kalb; he fought on foot with the second maryland brigade, and fell exhausted after receiving eleven wounds. his aide-de-camp, de buysson, supported him in his arms and was repeatedly wounded in protecting him. he announced the rank and nation of his general, and both were taken prisoners. de kalb died in the course of a few days. general gates in retreating had hoped to rally a sufficient force at clermont to cover the retreat of the regulars, but the further they fled, the more the militia were dispersed, until the generals were abandoned by all but their aides. to add to the mortification of gates, he learned in the course of his retreat that sumter had been completely successful, and having reduced the enemy's redoubt on the wateree, and captured one hundred prisoners and forty loaded wagons, was marching off with his booty on the opposite side of the river; apprehending danger from the quarter in which he had heard firing in the morning. cornwallis was apprehensive that sumter's corps might form a rallying point to the routed army. on the morning of the th of august, therefore, he detached tarleton in pursuit with a body of cavalry and light infantry, about three hundred and fifty strong. sumter was retreating up the western side of the wateree, much encumbered by his spoils and prisoners. tarleton pushed up by forced and concealed marches on the eastern side. at dusk tarleton descried the fires of the american camp about a mile from the opposite shore. in the morning his sentries gave word that the americans were quitting their encampment. it was evident they knew nothing of a british force being in pursuit of them. tarleton now crossed the wateree. the delay in crossing, and the diligence of sumter's march, increased the distance between the pursuers and the pursued. about noon a part of tarleton's force gave out through heat and fatigue. leaving them to repose on the bank of fishing creek, he pushed on with about one hundred dragoons, the freshest and most able; still marching with great circumspection. a sergeant and five dragoons rode up to the summit of a neighboring hill to reconnoitre. crouching on their horses they made signs to tarleton. he cautiously approached the crest of the hill, and looking over, beheld the american camp on a neighboring height in a most negligent condition. the troops, having for the last four days been almost without food or sleep, were indulged in complete relaxation. their arms were stacked, and they were scattered about, some strolling, some lying on the grass under the trees, some bathing in the river. sumter himself had thrown off part of his clothes on account of the heat of the weather. tarleton prepared for instant attack. his cavalry and infantry formed into one line, dashed forward with a general shout, and, before the americans could recover from their surprise, got between them and the parade ground on which the muskets were stacked. all was confusion and consternation in the american camp. some opposition was made from behind baggage wagons, and there was skirmishing in various quarters, but in a little while there was a universal flight to the river and the woods. between three and four hundred were killed and wounded; all their arms and baggage with two brass field-pieces fell into the hands of the enemy, who also recaptured the prisoners and booty taken at camden. sumter with about three hundred and fifty of his men effected a retreat; he galloped off, it is said, without saddle, hat or coat. it was not until the beginning of september that washington received word of the disastrous reverse at camden. the shock was the greater as previous reports from that quarter had represented the operations a few days preceding the action as much in our favor. it was evident to washington that the course of war must ultimately tend to the southern states, yet the situation of affairs in the north did not permit him to detach any sufficient force for their relief. all that he could do for the present was to endeavor to hold the enemy in check in that quarter. for this purpose he gave orders that some regular troops, enlisted in maryland for the war, and intended for the main army, should be sent to the southward. he wrote to governor rutledge of south carolina ( th september), to raise a permanent, compact, well-organized body of troops, instead of depending upon a numerous army of militia, always "inconceivably expensive, and too fluctuating and undisciplined" to oppose a regular force. he was still more urgent and explicit on this head in his letters to the president of congress (september th). "regular troops alone," said he, "are equal to the exigencies of modern war, as well for defence as offence; and whenever a substitute is attempted, it must prove illusory and ruinous. no militia will ever acquire the habits necessary to resist a regular force." he had scarce written the foregoing, when he received a letter from the now unfortunate gates, dated at hillsborough, august th and september d, giving particulars of his discomfiture. no longer vaunting and vainglorious, he pleads nothing but his patriotism, and deprecates the fall which he apprehends awaits him. the appeal which he makes to washington's magnanimity to support him in this day of his reverse, is the highest testimonial he could give to the exalted character of the man whom he once affected to underrate and aspired to supplant. washington still cherished the idea of a combined attack upon new york as soon as a french naval force should arrive. the destruction of the enemy here would relieve this part of the union from an internal war, and enable its troops and resources to be united with those of france in vigorous efforts against the common enemy elsewhere. hearing, therefore, that the count de guichen with his west india squadron was approaching the coast, washington prepared to proceed to hartford, in connecticut, there to hold a conference with the count de rochambeau and the chevalier de ternay, and concert a plan for future operations, of which the attack on new york was to form the principal feature. chapter lvii. the treason of arnold.--trial and execution of andrÉ. we have now to enter upon a sad episode of our revolutionary history--the treason of arnold. of the military skill, daring enterprise, and indomitable courage of this man, ample evidence has been given in the foregoing pages. of the implicit confidence reposed in his patriotism by washington, sufficient proof is manifested in the command with which he was actually entrusted. but arnold was false at heart, and at the very time of seeking that command had been for many months in traitorous correspondence with the enemy. the first idea of proving recreant to the cause he had vindicated so bravely, appears to have entered his mind when the charges preferred against him by the council of pennsylvania were referred by congress to a court-martial. before that time he had been incensed against pennsylvania; but now his wrath was excited against his country, which appeared so insensible to his services. disappointment in regard to the settlement of his accounts added to his irritation, and mingled sordid motives with his resentment; and he began to think how, while he wreaked his vengeance on his country, he might do it with advantage to his fortunes. with this view he commenced a correspondence with sir henry clinton in a disguised handwriting, and under the signature of _gustavus_, representing himself as a person of importance in the american service, who, being dissatisfied with the late proceedings of congress, particularly the alliance with france, was desirous of joining the cause of great britain, could he be certain of personal security and indemnification for whatever loss of property he might sustain. his letters occasionally communicated articles of intelligence of some moment which proved to be true, and induced sir henry to keep up the correspondence; which was conducted on his part by his aide-de-camp, major john andré,{ } likewise in a disguised hand, and under the signature of john anderson. months elapsed before sir henry discovered who was his secret correspondent. even after discovering it he did not see fit to hold out very strong inducements to arnold for desertion. the latter was out of command and had nothing to offer but his services; which in his actual situation were scarcely worth buying. {footnote : [major andré was born in london in , but his parents were of geneva, switzerland, where he was educated. he was designed for mercantile life, and entered a london counting-house, the sober routine of which, however, was so distasteful to him that he soon abandoned it for the army. an engagement in his eighteenth year to a beautiful girl, miss honora sneyd, which the father of the young lady broke off, is said to have been one cause of this step. he came to america in as lieutenant of the royal fusiliers. his temper was light and festive, and his varied, graceful talents, and his engaging manners rendered him generally popular.]} in the meantime the circumstances of arnold were daily becoming more desperate. debts were accumulating, and creditors becoming more and more importunate as his means to satisfy them decreased. the public reprimand he had received was rankling in his mind, and filling his heart with bitterness. still he hesitated on the brink of absolute infamy, and attempted a half-way leap. such was his proposition to m. de luzerne to make himself subservient to the policy of the french government, on condition of receiving a loan equal to the amount of his debts. it was his last card before resorting to utter treachery. failing in it, his desperate alternative was to get some important command, the betrayal of which to the enemy might obtain for him a munificent reward. such was the secret of his eagerness to obtain the command of west point, the great object of british and american solicitude, on the possession of which were supposed by many to hinge the fortunes of the war. he took command of the post and its dependencies about the beginning of august, fixing his head-quarters at beverley, a country-seat a little below west point, on the opposite or eastern side of the river. it was commonly called the robinson house, having formerly belonged to colonel beverley robinson. colonel robinson was a royalist; had entered into the british service, and was now residing in new york, and beverley with its surrounding lands had been confiscated. from this place arnold carried on a secret correspondence with major andré. their letters still in disguised hands, and under the names of gustavus and john anderson, purported to treat merely of commercial operations, but the real matter in negotiation was the betrayal of west point and the highlands to sir henry clinton. this stupendous piece of treachery was to be consummated at the time when washington, with the main body of his army, would be drawn down towards king's bridge, and the french troops landed on long island, in the projected co-operation against new york. at such time, a flotilla under rodney, having on board a large land force, was to ascend the hudson to the highlands, which would be surrendered by arnold almost without opposition, under pretext of insufficient force to make resistance. the immediate result of this surrender, it was anticipated, would be the defeat of the combined attempt upon new york; and its ultimate effect might be the dismemberment of the union and the dislocation of the whole american scheme of warfare. correspondence had now done its part in the business; for the completion of the plan and the adjustment of the traitor's recompense, a personal meeting was necessary between arnold and andré. the former proposed that it should take place at his own quarters, where andré should come in disguise as a bearer of intelligence, and under the feigned name of john anderson. andré positively objected to entering the american lines; it was arranged, therefore, that the meeting should take place on neutral ground, near the american out-posts at dobbs' ferry, on the th of september, at twelve o'clock. andré attended at the appointed place and time, accompanied by colonel beverley robinson, who was acquainted with the plot. an application of the latter for the restoration of his confiscated property in the highlands seemed to have been used occasionally as a blind in these proceedings. arnold had passed the preceding night at what was called the white house, the residence of mr. joshua hett smith, situated on the west side of the hudson, in haverstraw bay, about two miles below stony point. he set off thence in his barge for the place of rendezvous; but not being protected by a flag, was fired upon and pursued by the british guard-boats stationed near dobbs' ferry. he took refuge at an american post on the western shore, whence he returned in the night to his quarters. new arrangements were made for an interview, but it was postponed until after washington should depart for hartford to hold the proposed conference with count rochambeau and the other french officers. in the meantime the british sloop-of-war, vulture, anchored a few miles below teller's point, to be at hand in aid of the negotiation. on board was colonel robinson, who, pretending to believe that general putnam still commanded in the highlands, addressed a note to him requesting an interview on the subject of his confiscated property. this letter he sent by a flag, enclosed in one addressed to arnold; soliciting of him the same boon should general putnam be absent. on the th september, washington with his suite crossed the hudson to verplanck's point, in arnold's barge, on his way to hartford. arnold accompanied him as far as peekskill, and on the way, laid before him, with affected frankness, the letter of colonel robinson, and asked his advice. washington disapproved of any such interview, observing that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of confiscated property. arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the vulture, as if bearing a reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. by this occasion he informed colonel robinson that a person with a boat and flag would be alongside of the vulture on the night of the th; and that any matter he might wish to communicate, would be laid before general washington on the following saturday, when he might be expected back from newport. on the faith of the information thus covertly conveyed, andré proceeded up the hudson on the th, and went on board of the vulture, where he found colonel robinson, and expected to meet arnold. the latter, however, had made other arrangements, probably with a view to his personal security. about half-past eleven of a still and starlight night (the st), a boat was descried from on board, gliding silently along, rowed by two men with muffled oars. she was hailed by an officer on watch, and called to account. a man seated in the stern gave out that they were from king's ferry, bound to dobbs' ferry. he was ordered alongside and soon made his way on board. he proved to be mr. joshua hett smith, already mentioned, whom arnold had prevailed upon to go on board of the vulture, and bring a person on shore who was coming from new york with important intelligence. he had given him passes to protect him and those with him, in case he should be stopped, either in going or returning, by the american water guard, which patrolled the river in whale-boats. he had made him the bearer of a letter addressed to colonel beverley robinson, which was to the following purport: "this will be delivered to you by mr. smith, who will conduct you to a place of safety. neither mr. smith nor any other person shall be made acquainted with your proposals: if they (which i doubt not) are of such a nature that i can officially take notice of them, i shall do it with pleasure. i take it for granted colonel robinson will not propose anything that is not for the interest of the united states as well as of himself." all this use of colonel robinson's name was intended as a blind, should the letter be intercepted. robinson introduced andré to smith by the name of john anderson, who was to go on shore in his place (he being unwell), to have an interview with general arnold. andré wore a blue great coat which covered his uniform, and smith always declared that at the time he was totally ignorant of his name and military character. andré, embarking in the boat with smith, was silently rowed to the western side of the river, about six miles below stony point. here they landed a little after midnight, at the foot of a shadowy mountain called the long clove. arnold was in waiting, but standing aloof among thickets. the midnight negotiation between andré and arnold was carried on in darkness among the trees. one hour after another passed away when smith approached the place of conference, and gave warning that it was near daybreak, and if they lingered much longer the boat would be discovered. the nefarious bargain was not yet completed, and arnold feared the sight of a boat going to the vulture might cause suspicion. he prevailed therefore upon andré to remain on shore until the following night. the boat was accordingly sent to a creek higher up the river, and andré set off with arnold for smith's house. the road passed through the village of haverstraw. as they rode along in the dark, the voice of a sentinel demanding the countersign startled andré with the fearful conviction that he was within the american lines, but it was too late to recede. it was daybreak when they arrived at smith's house. they had scarcely entered when the booming of cannon was heard from down the river. it gave andré uneasiness, and with reason. colonel livingston, who commanded above at verplanck's point, learning that the vulture lay within shot of teller's point, which divides haverstraw bay from the tappan sea, had sent a party with cannon to that point in the night, and they were now firing upon the sloop-of-war. andré watched the cannonade with an anxious eye from an upper window of smith's house. he was relieved from painful solicitude when he saw the vessel weigh anchor, and drop down the river out of reach of cannon shot. after breakfast, the plot for the betrayal of west point and its dependent posts was adjusted, and the sum agreed upon that arnold was to receive, should it be successful. andré was furnished with plans of the works, and explanatory papers, which, at arnold's request, he placed between his stockings and his feet; promising in case of accident, to destroy them. all matters being thus arranged, arnold prepared to return in his own barge to his head-quarters at the robinson house. as the vulture had shifted her ground, he suggested to andré a return to new york by land, as most safe and expeditious; the latter, however, insisted upon being put on board of the sloop-of-war on the ensuing night. arnold consented; but, before his departure, to provide against the possible necessity of a return by land, he gave andré the following pass, dated from the robinson house: "permit mr. john anderson to pass the guards to the white plains, or below, if he chooses; he being on public business by my direction. b. arnold, m. gen'l." smith also, who was to accompany him, was furnished with passports to proceed either by water or by land. arnold departed about ten o'clock. andré passed a lonely day, casting many a wistful look toward the vulture. as evening approached he grew impatient, and spoke to smith about departure. to his surprise he found the latter had made no preparation for it; he had discharged his boatmen, who had gone home: in short, he refused to take him on board the vulture. the cannonade of the morning had probably made him fear for his personal safety, should he attempt to go on board, the vulture having resumed her exposed position. he offered, however, to cross the river with andré at king's ferry, put him in the way of returning to new york by land, and accompany him some distance on horseback. andré was in an agony at finding himself, notwithstanding all his stipulations, forced within the american lines; but there seemed to be no alternative, and he prepared for the hazardous journey. he wore, as we have noted, a military coat under a long blue surtout; he was now persuaded to lay it aside, and put on a citizen's coat of smith's; thus adding disguise to the other humiliating and hazardous circumstances of the case. it was about sunset when andré and smith crossed from king's ferry to verplanck's point. after proceeding about eight miles on the road toward white plains, they were stopped between eight and nine o'clock, near crompond, by a patrolling party. the captain of it was uncommonly inquisitive and suspicious. the passports with arnold's signature satisfied him. he warned them, however, against the danger of proceeding further in the night. cow boys from the british lines were scouring the country, and had recently marauded the neighborhood. smith's fears were again excited, and andré was obliged to yield to them. a bed was furnished them in a neighboring house, where andré passed an anxious and restless night. at daybreak he awoke smith, and hurried their departure. they were now approaching that noted part of the country heretofore mentioned as the neutral ground, extending north and south about thirty miles, between the british and american lines. a beautiful region of forest-clad hills, fertile valleys, and abundant streams, but now almost desolated by the scourings of skinners and cow boys; the former professing allegiance to the american cause, the latter to the british, but both arrant marauders. about two and a half miles from pine's bridge, on the croton river, andré and his companion partook of a scanty meal at a farm-house. here they parted, smith to return home, andré to pursue his journey alone to new york. he had not proceeded far, when coming to a place where a small stream crossed the road and ran into a woody dell, a man stepped out from the trees, levelled a musket and brought him to a stand, while two other men, similarly armed, showed themselves prepared to second their comrade. the man who had first stepped out wore a refugee uniform. at sight of it, andré's heart leapt, and he felt himself secure. losing all caution, he exclaimed, eagerly: "gentlemen, i hope you belong to our party?" "what party?" was asked. "the lower party," said andré. "we do," was the reply. all reserve was now at an end. andré declared himself to be a british officer; that he had been up the country on particular business, and must not be detained a single moment. to his consternation, the supposed refugee now avowed himself and his companions to be americans, and told andré he was their prisoner!{ } {footnote : [the names of the captors were john paulding, isaac van wart, and david williams.]} andré was astounded at finding into what hands he had fallen; and how he had betrayed himself by his heedless avowal. promptly, however, recovering his self possession he endeavored to pass off his previous account of himself as a mere subterfuge. "a man must do anything," said he laughingly, "to get along." he now declared himself to be a continental officer, going down to dobbs' ferry to get information from below; so saying, he drew forth and showed them the pass of general arnold. this, in the first instance, would have been sufficient; but his unwary tongue had ruined him. the suspicions of his captors were completely roused. paulding asked whether he had any letters about him. he answered, no. they proceeded to search him. they obliged him to take off his coat and vest, and found on him eighty dollars in continental money, but nothing to warrant suspicion of anything sinister, and were disposed to let him proceed, when paulding exclaimed: "boys, i am not satisfied--his boots must come off!" at this andré changed color. his boots, he said, came off with difficulty, and he begged he might not be subjected to the inconvenience and delay. his remonstrances were in vain. he was obliged to sit down; his boots were drawn off, and the concealed papers discovered. hastily scanning them, paulding exclaimed, "my god! he is a spy!" he demanded of andré where he had gotten these papers. "of a man at pine's bridge, a stranger to me," was the reply. while dressing himself, andré endeavored to ransom himself from his captors; rising from one offer to another. he would give any reward they might name either in goods or money, and would remain with two of their party while one went to new york to get it. here paulding broke in and declared with an oath that if he would give ten thousand guineas he should not stir one step. the unfortunate andré now submitted to his fate, and the captors set off with their prisoner for north castle, the nearest american post, distant ten or twelve miles. arrived at north castle, lieutenant-colonel jameson, who was in command there, recognized the handwriting of arnold in the papers found upon andré, and, perceiving that they were of a dangerous nature, sent them off by express to general washington, at hartford. andré, still adhering to his assumed name, begged that the commander at west point might be informed that john anderson, though bearing his passport, was detained. jameson appears completely to have lost his head on the occasion. he wrote to arnold, stating the circumstances of the arrest, and that the papers found upon the prisoner had been despatched by express to the commander-in-chief, and at the same time he sent the prisoner himself, under a strong guard, to accompany the letter. shortly afterwards, major tallmadge, next in command to jameson, but of a much clearer head, arrived at north castle, having been absent on duty to white plains. when the circumstances of the case were related to him, he at once suspected treachery on the part of arnold. at his earnest entreaties, an express was sent after the officer who had andré in charge, ordering him to bring the latter back to north castle; but by singular perversity or obtuseness in judgment, jameson neglected to countermand the letter which he had written to arnold. when andré was brought back, and was pacing up and down the room, tallmadge saw at once by his air and movements, and the mode of turning on his heel, that he was a military man. by his advice, and under his escort, the prisoner was conducted to colonel sheldon's post at lower salem, as more secure than north castle. here andré, being told that the papers found upon his person had been forwarded to washington, addressed to him immediately the following lines: "i beg your excellency will be persuaded that no alteration in the temper of my mind or apprehensions for my safety induces me to take the step of addressing you; but that it is to secure myself from the imputation of having assumed a mean character for treacherous purposes or self-interest.... it is to vindicate my fame that i speak, and not to solicit security. the person in your possession is major john andré, adjutant-general of the british army. the influence of one commander in the army of his adversary is an advantage taken in war. a correspondence for this purpose i held; as confidential (in the present instance) with his excellency, sir henry clinton. to favor it, i agreed to meet upon ground not within the posts of either army, a person who was to give me intelligence. i came up in the vulture man-of-war for this effect, and was fetched from the shore to the beach. being there, i was told that the approach of day would prevent my return, and that i must be concealed until the next night. i was in my regimentals, and had fairly risked my person. against my stipulation, my intention, and without my knowledge beforehand, i was conducted within one of your posts. thus was i betrayed into the vile condition of an enemy within your posts...." this letter he submitted to the perusal of major tallmadge, who was surprised and agitated at finding the rank and importance of the prisoner he had in charge. the letter being despatched, and andré's pride relieved on a sensitive point, he resumed his serenity, apparently unconscious of the awful responsibility of his situation. on the very day that the treasonable conference between arnold and andré took place, on the banks of haverstraw bay, washington had his interview with the french officers at hartford. it led to no important result. intelligence was received that the squadron of the count de guichen, on which they had relied to give them superiority by sea, had sailed for europe. this disconcerted their plans, and washington, in consequence, set out two or three days sooner than had been anticipated on his return to his head-quarters on the hudson. he was accompanied by lafayette and general knox with their suites; also, part of the way, by count matthew dumas, aide-de-camp to rochambeau. on approaching the hudson, washington took a more circuitous route than the one he had originally intended, striking the river at fishkill, just above the highlands, that he might visit west point, and show the marquis the works which had been erected there during his absence in france. circumstances detained them a night at fishkill. their baggage was sent on to arnold's quarters in the robinson house, with a message apprising the general that they would breakfast there the next day. in the morning (sept. th) they were in the saddle before break of day, having a ride to make of eighteen miles through the mountains. when within a mile of the robinson house, washington turned down a cross road leading to the banks of the hudson. lafayette apprised him that he was going out of the way, and hinted that mrs. arnold must be waiting breakfast for him. "ah, marquis!" replied he good-humoredly, "you young men are all in love with mrs. arnold. go you and breakfast with her, and tell her not to wait for me. i must ride down and examine the redoubts on this side of the river, but will be with her shortly." the marquis and general knox, however, turned off and accompanied him down to the redoubts, while colonel hamilton and lafayette's aide-de-camp, major james mchenry, continued along the main road to the robinson house, bearing washington's apology, and request that the breakfast might not be retarded. the family with the two aides-de-camp sat down to breakfast. mrs. arnold had arrived but four or five days previously from philadelphia, with her infant child, then about six months old. she was bright and amiable as usual. arnold was silent and gloomy. it was an anxious moment with him. in the midst of the repast a horseman alighted at the gate. it was the messenger bearing jameson's letter to arnold, stating the capture of andré, and that dangerous papers found on him had been forwarded to washington. the mine had exploded beneath arnold's feet. controlling the dismay that must have smitten him to the heart, he beckoned mrs. arnold from the breakfast table, signifying a wish to speak with her in private. when alone with her in her room up-stairs, he announced in hurried words that he was a ruined man, and must instantly fly for his life! overcome by the shock, she fell senseless on the floor. without pausing to aid her, he hurried down stairs, informed his guests that he must haste to west point to prepare for the reception of the commander-in-chief; and mounting the horse of the messenger, which stood saddled at the door, galloped down to the landing-place, where his six-oared barge was moored. throwing himself into it, he ordered his men to pull out into the middle of the river, and then made down with all speed for teller's point. washington arrived at the robinson house shortly after the flight of the traitor. being informed that mrs. arnold was in her room, unwell, and that arnold had gone to west point to receive him, he took a hasty breakfast, and repaired to the fortress, leaving word that he and his suite would return to dinner. he remained at the point throughout the morning inspecting the fortifications. in the meantime, the messenger whom jameson had despatched to hartford with a letter covering the papers taken on andré, arrived at the robinson house. he had learnt, while on the way to hartford, that washington had left that place, whereupon he turned bridle to overtake him, but missed him in consequence of the general's change of route. coming by the lower road, the messenger had passed through salem, where andré was confined, and brought with him the letter written by that unfortunate officer to the commander-in-chief, the purport of which has already been given. these letters being represented as of the utmost moment, were opened and read by colonel hamilton, as washington's aide-de-camp and confidential officer. he maintained silence as to their contents; met washington, as he and his companions were coming up from the river, on their return from west point, spoke to him a few words in a low voice, and they retired together into the house. whatever agitation washington may have felt when these documents of deep-laid treachery were put before him, he wore his usual air of equanimity when he rejoined his companions. taking knox and lafayette aside, he communicated to them the intelligence, and placed the papers in their hands. his first idea was to arrest the traitor. conjecturing the direction of his flight, he despatched colonel hamilton on horseback to spur with all speed to verplanck's point, with orders to the commander to intercept arnold should he not already have passed that post. in the meantime, arnold, panic-stricken, had sped his caitiff flight through the highlands; infamy howling in his rear; arrest threatening him in the advance; a fugitive past the posts which he had recently commanded; shrinking at the sight of that flag which hitherto it had been his glory to defend! he had passed through the highlands in safety, but there were the batteries at verplanck's point yet to fear. fortunately for him, hamilton, with the order for his arrest had not arrived there. his barge was known by the garrison. a white handkerchief displayed gave it the sanction of a flag of truce: it was suffered to pass without question, and the traitor effected his escape to the vulture sloop-of-war, anchored a few miles below. as if to consummate his degradation by a despicable act of treachery and meanness, he gave up to the commander his coxswain and six bargemen as prisoners of war. we are happy to add that this perfidy excited the scorn of the british officers; and, when it was found that the men had supposed they were acting under the protection of a flag, they were released by order of sir henry clinton. colonel hamilton returned to the robinson house and reported the escape of the traitor. he brought two letters also to washington, which had been sent on shore from the vulture, under a flag of truce. one was from arnold, in which he wrote: "i ask no favor for myself. i have too often experienced the ingratitude of my country to attempt it; but, from the known humanity of your excellency, i am induced to ask your protection for mrs. arnold from every insult and injury that a mistaken vengeance of my country may expose her to.... i beg she may be permitted to return to her friends in philadelphia, or to come to me as she may choose." the other letter was from colonel beverley robinson, interceding for the release of andré, on the plea that he was on shore under the sanction of a flag of truce, at the request of arnold. notwithstanding washington's apparent tranquillity and real self-possession, it was a time of appalling distrust. how far the treason had extended, who else might be implicated in it, was unknown. arnold had escaped, and was actually on board of the vulture; he knew everything about the condition of the posts: might he not persuade the enemy in the present weak state of the garrisons to attempt a _coup de main_? washington instantly, therefore, despatched a letter to colonel wade, who was in temporary command at west point. "general arnold is gone to the enemy," writes he. "i request that you will be as vigilant as possible, and as the enemy may have it in contemplation to attempt some enterprise, _even to-night_, against these posts, i wish you to make, immediately after the receipt of this, the best disposition you can of your force, so as to have a proportion of men in each work on the west side of the river." a regiment stationed in the highlands was ordered to the same duty, as well as a body of the massachusetts militia from fishkill. at half-past seven in the evening, washington wrote to general greene, who, in his absence, commanded the army at tappan; urging him to put the left division in motion as soon as possible, with orders to proceed to king's ferry, where, or before they should arrive there, they would be met with further orders. in the meantime, mrs. arnold remained in her room in a state bordering on frenzy. arnold might well confide in the humanity and delicacy of washington in respect to her. he regarded her with the sincerest commiseration, acquitting her of all previous knowledge of her husband's guilt. during the brief time she remained at the robinson house, she was treated with the utmost deference and delicacy, but soon set off under a passport of washington, for her father's house in philadelphia. on the th of september, the day after the treason of arnold had been revealed to washington, andré arrived at the robinson house, having been brought on in the night, under escort and in charge of major tallmadge. washington made many inquiries of the major, but declined to have the prisoner brought into his presence, apparently entertaining a strong idea of his moral obliquity, from the nature of the scheme in which he had been engaged, and the circumstances under which he had been arrested. the same evening he transmitted him to west point, and shortly afterwards, joshua h. smith, who had likewise been arrested. still, not considering them secure even there, he determined on the following day to send them on to the camp. major tallmadge continued to have the charge of andré. not regarding him from the same anxious point with the commander-in-chief, and having had opportunities of acquiring a personal knowledge of him, he had become fascinated by his engaging qualities. "the ease and affability of his manners," writes he, "polished by the refinement of good society and a finished education, made him a most delightful companion. it often drew tears from my eyes to find him so agreeable in conversation on different subjects, when i reflected on his future fate, and that too, as i feared, so near at hand." early on the morning of the th, the prisoners were embarked in a barge, to be conveyed from west point to king's ferry. after disembarking at king's ferry, near stony point, they set off for tappan under the escort of a body of horse. as they approached the clove, a deep defile in the rear of the highlands, andré, who rode beside tallmadge, became solicitous to know the opinion of the latter as to what would be the result of his capture, and in what light he would be regarded by general washington and by a military tribunal, should one be ordered. tallmadge evaded the question as long as possible, but being urged to a full and explicit reply, gave it, he says, in the following words: "i had a much-loved classmate in yale college, by the name of nathan hale, who entered the army in . immediately after the battle of long island, general washington wanted information respecting the strength, position, and probable movements of the enemy. captain hale tendered his services, went over to brooklyn, and was taken, just as he was passing the outposts of the enemy on his return; said i with emphasis--'do you remember the sequel of the story?' 'yes,' said andré. 'he was hanged as a spy! but you surely do not consider his case and mine alike?' 'yes, precisely similar.'"{ } {footnote : the fate of the heroic youth here alluded to, deserves a more ample notice. born in coventry, connecticut, june th, , he entered yale college in , and graduated with some distinction in september, . on quitting college he engaged as a teacher, as is common with young men in new england, while studying for a profession. his half-formed purpose was to devote himself to the ministry. he was teaching at new london, when an express arrived, bringing tidings of the outbreak at lexington. a town meeting was called, and hale was among the most ardent of the speakers, proposing an instant march to the scene of hostilities, and offering to volunteer. he served in the army before boston as a lieutenant; prevailed on his company to extend their term of service by offering them his own pay, and for his good conduct received from congress the commission of captain. he commanded a company in colonel knowlton's regiment in the following year. after the disastrous battle of long island, washington applied to that officer for a competent person to penetrate the enemy's camp, and procure intelligence of their designs. hale, in the ardor of patriotism, volunteered for the unenviable enterprise, though fully aware of its peril, and the consequences of capture. assuming his old character as schoolmaster, he crossed the sound at night from norwalk to huntington on long island, visited the british encampments unsuspected, made drawings of the enemy's works, and noted down memoranda in latin of the information he gathered, and then retraced his steps to huntington, where a boat was to meet him and convey him back to the connecticut shore. unfortunately a british guard ship was at that time anchored out of view in the sound, and had sent a boat on shore for water. hale mistook it for the expected boat, and did not discover his mistake until he found himself in the hands of enemies. he was stripped and searched, the plans and memoranda were found concealed in the soles of his shoes, and proved him to be a spy. he was conveyed to the guard ship, and thence to new york, where he was landed on the st of september, the day of the great fire. he was taken to general howe's head-quarters, and after brief parley with his judge, ordered for execution the next morning at daybreak. his patriot spirit shone forth in his dying words--"i only regret that i have but one life to lose for my country."} the capture of andré caused a great sensation at new york. he was universally popular with the army, and an especial favorite of sir henry clinton. the latter addressed a letter to washington on the th, claiming the release of andré on similar ground to that urged by colonel robinson--his having visited arnold at the particular request of that general officer, and under the sanction of a flag of truce; and his having been stopped while travelling under arnold's passports. the same letter inclosed one addressed by arnold to sir henry, and intended as a kind of certificate of the innocence of andré. "i commanded at the time at west point," writes the renegade, "had an undoubted right to send my flag of truce to major andré, who came to me under that protection, and, having held conversation with him, i delivered him confidential papers in my own hand-writing to deliver to your excellency." neither the official demand of sir henry clinton, nor the impudent certificate of arnold, had any effect on the steady mind of washington. he considered the circumstances under which andré had been taken such as would have justified the most summary proceedings, but he determined to refer the case to the examination and decision of a board of general officers, which he convened on the th of september, the day after his arrival at tappan. it was composed of six major-generals--greene, stirling, st. clair, lafayette, r. howe, and steuben; and eight brigadiers--parsons, jas. clinton, knox, glover, paterson, hand, huntingdon, and stark. general greene, who was well versed in military law, and was a man of sound head and kind heart, was president, and colonel john lawrence, judge advocate-general. colonel alexander hamilton gives, in letters to his friends, many interesting particulars concerning the conduct of the prisoner. "when brought before the board of officers," writes he, "he met with every mark of indulgence, and was required to answer no interrogatory which would even embarrass his feelings. on his part, while he carefully concealed everything that might implicate others, he frankly confessed all the facts relating to himself, and upon his confession, without the trouble of examining a witness, the board made up their report." it briefly stated the circumstances of the case, and concluded with the opinion of the court, that major andré, adjutant-general of the british army, ought to be considered a spy from the enemy, and, agreeably to the law and usage of nations, ought to suffer death. andré met the result with manly firmness. even in this situation of gathering horrors, he thought of others more than of himself. "there is only one thing that disturbs my tranquillity," said he to hamilton. "sir henry clinton has been too good to me; he has been lavish of his kindness. i am bound to him by too many obligations, and love him too well, to bear the thought that he should reproach himself, or others should reproach him, on the supposition of my having conceived myself obliged, by his instructions, to run the risk i did. i would not for the world leave a sting in his mind that should embitter his future days." he could scarce finish the sentence; bursting into tears, in spite of his efforts to suppress them, and with difficulty collected himself enough afterwards to add, "i wish to be permitted to assure him that i did not act under this impression, but submitted to a necessity imposed upon me, as contrary to my own inclination as to his wishes." his request was complied with, and he wrote a letter to sir henry clinton to the above purport. he made mention also of his mother and three sisters, to whom the value of his commission would be an object. "it is needless," said he, "to be more explicit on this subject; i am persuaded of your excellency's goodness." this letter accompanied one from washington to sir henry clinton, stating the report of the board of inquiry, omitting the sentence. captain aaron ogden, a worthy officer of the new jersey line, was selected by washington to bear these despatches to the enemy's post at paulus hook, thence to be conveyed across the hudson to new york. before his departure, he called by washington's request on the marquis lafayette, who gave him instructions to sound the officer commanding at that post whether sir henry clinton might not be willing to deliver up arnold in exchange for andré. ogden arrived at paulus hook in the evening, and made the suggestion, as if incidentally, in the course of conversation. the officer crossed the river before morning, and communicated the matter to sir henry clinton, but the latter instantly rejected the expedient as incompatible with honor and military principle. the execution was to have taken place on the st of october, at five o'clock in the afternoon; but in the interim washington received a second letter from sir henry clinton, dated september th, expressing an opinion that the board of inquiry had not been rightly informed of all the circumstances on which a judgment ought to be formed, and that, in order that he might be perfectly apprised of the state of the matter before he proceeded to put that judgment in execution, he should send a commission on the following day, composed of lieutenant-governor elliot, william smith, chief justice of the province, and lieutenant-general robertson, to wait near dobbs' ferry for permission and safe conduct to meet washington, or such persons as he should appoint to converse with them on the subject. this letter caused a postponement of the execution, and general greene was sent to meet the commissioners at dobbs' ferry. they came up in the morning of the st of october, in a schooner, with a flag of truce, and were accompanied by colonel beverley robinson. general robertson, however, was the only commissioner permitted to land, the others not being military officers. a long conference took place between him and general greene, without any agreement of opinion upon the question at issue. greene returned to camp promising to report faithfully to washington the arguments urged by robertson, and to inform the latter of the result. greene, in a brief letter to general robertson, informed him that he had as full a report of their conference to the commander-in-chief as his memory would serve, but that it had made no alteration in washington's opinion and determination. robertson was piqued at the brevity of the note, and professed to doubt whether greene's memory had served him with sufficient fulness and exactness; he addressed therefore to washington his own statement of his reasoning on the subject; after despatching which, he and the other commissioners returned in the schooner to new york. {illustration: major john andrÉ. vol. iv.} during this day of respite andré had conducted himself with his usual tranquillity. a likeness of himself, seated at a table in his guard-room, which he sketched with a pen and gave to the officer on guard, is still extant. it being announced to him that one o'clock on the following day was fixed on for his execution, he remarked, that since it was his lot to die, there was still a choice in the mode; he therefore addressed a note to washington, concluding as follows: "let me hope, sir, that if aught in my character impresses you with esteem towards me; if aught in my misfortunes marks me as the victim of policy and not of resentment, i shall experience the operation of these feelings in your breast by being informed that i am not to die on a gibbet." had washington consulted his feelings merely, this affecting appeal might not have been in vain, for, though not impulsive, he was eminently benevolent. he had no popular censure to apprehend should he exercise indulgence, for the popular feeling was with the prisoner. but he had a high and tenacious sense of the duties and responsibilities of his position, and never more than in this trying moment, when he had to elevate himself above the contagious sympathies of those around him, dismiss all personal considerations, and regard the peculiar circumstances of the case. the long course of insidious operations which had been pursued to undermine the loyalty of one of his most trusted officers; the greatness of the evil which the treason would have effected, if successful; the uncertainty how far the enemy had carried, or might still be carrying, their scheme of corruption, for anonymous intimations spoke of treachery in other quarters; all these considerations pointed this out as a case in which a signal example was required. he took counsel with some of his general officers. their opinions coincided with his own--that under present circumstances, it was important to give a signal warning to the enemy, by a rigorous observance of the rules of war and the usages of nations in like cases. but although andré's request as to the mode of his death was not to be granted, it was thought best to let him remain in uncertainty on the subject; no answer, therefore, was returned to his note. on the morning of the d, he maintained a calm demeanor, though all around him were gloomy and silent. he even rebuked his servant for shedding tears. having breakfasted, he dressed himself with care in the full uniform of a british officer, which he had sent for to new york, placed his hat upon the table, and accosting the officers on guard--"i am ready," said he, "at any moment gentlemen to wait upon you." he walked to the place of execution between two subaltern officers, arm in arm, with a serene countenance, bowing to several gentlemen whom he knew. colonel tallmadge accompanied him, and we quote his words: "when he came within sight of the gibbet, he appeared to be startled, and inquired with some emotion whether he was not to be shot. being informed that the mode first appointed for his death could not consistently be altered, he exclaimed, 'how hard is my fate!' but immediately added, 'it will soon be over.' i then shook hands with him under the gallows, and retired." all things being ready, he stepped into the wagon; appeared to shrink for an instant, but recovering himself, exclaimed: "it will be but a momentary pang!" taking off his hat and stock, and opening his shirt collar, he deliberately adjusted the noose to his neck, after which he took out a handkerchief, and tied it over his eyes. being told by the officer in command that his arms must be bound, he drew out a second handkerchief, with which they were pinioned. colonel scammel now told him that he had an opportunity to speak, if he desired it. his only reply was, "i pray you to bear witness that i meet my fate like a brave man." the wagon moved from under him, and left him suspended. he died almost without a struggle. his remains were interred within a few yards of the place of his execution; whence they were transferred to england in , by the british consul, then resident in new york, and were buried in westminster abbey, near a mural monument which had been erected to his memory. washington, in a letter to the president of congress, passed a high eulogium on the captors of andré, and recommended them for a handsome gratuity. congress accordingly expressed, in a formal vote, a high sense of their virtuous and patriotic conduct; awarded to each of them a farm, a pension for life of two hundred dollars, and a silver medal, bearing on one side an escutcheon on which was engraved the word fidelity, and on the other side the motto, _vincit amor patriæ_. these medals were delivered to them by general washington at head-quarters, with impressive ceremony. joshua h. smith, who aided in bringing andré and arnold together, was tried by a court-martial, on a charge of participating in the treason, but was acquitted, no proof appearing of his having had any knowledge of arnold's plot, though it was thought he must have been conscious of something wrong in an interview so mysteriously conducted. arnold was now made brigadier-general in the british service, and put on an official level with honorable men who scorned to associate with the traitor. what golden reward he was to have received had his treason been successful, is not known; but six thousand three hundred and fifteen pounds sterling were paid to him, as a compensation for losses which he pretended to have suffered in going over to the enemies of his country. the vilest culprit, however, shrinks from sustaining the obloquy of his crimes. shortly after his arrival in new york, arnold published an address to the inhabitants of america, in which he endeavored to vindicate his conduct. he alleged that he had originally taken up arms merely to aid in obtaining a redress of grievances. he had considered the declaration of independence precipitate, and the reasons for it obviated, by the subsequent proffers of the british government; and he inveighed against congress for rejecting those offers, without submitting them to the people. finally, the treaty with france, a proud, ancient and crafty foe, the enemy of the protestant faith and of real liberty, had completed, he said, the measure of his indignation, and determined him to abandon a cause sustained by iniquity and controlled by usurpers. besides this address, he issued a proclamation inviting the officers and soldiers of the american army, who had the real interest of their country at heart, and who were determined to be no longer the tools and dupes of congress, and of france, to rally under the royal standard, and fight for true american liberty; holding out promises of large bounties and liberal subsistence, with compensation for all the implements and accoutrements of war they might bring with them. both the address and the proclamation were regarded by americans with the contempt they merited. none rallied to the standard of the renegade but a few deserters and refugees, who were already within the british lines, and prepared for any desperate or despicable service. mrs. arnold, on arriving at her father's house in philadelphia, had decided on a separation from her husband, to whom she could not endure the thoughts of returning after his dishonor. this course, however, was not allowed her. the executive council, wrongfully suspecting her of having aided in the correspondence between her husband and andré, knowing its treasonable tendency, ordered her to leave the state within fourteen days, and not to return during the continuance of the war. "we tried every means," writes one of her connections, "to prevail on the council to permit her to stay among us." it was all in vain, and, strongly against her will, she rejoined her husband in new york. she returned home but once, about five years after her exile, and was treated with such coldness and neglect that she declared she never could come again. in england her charms and virtues, it is said, procured her sympathy and friendship, and helped to sustain the social position of her husband, who, however, was "generally slighted, and sometimes insulted." she died in london, in the winter of . chapter lviii. plan to entrap arnold.--projects against new york. at this time a plan was formed at washington's suggestion to get possession of the person of arnold. the agent pitched upon by lee for the purpose, was the sergeant-major of cavalry in his legion, john champe by name, a young virginian about twenty-four years of age. by many promises and much persuasion, lee brought him to engage in the attempt. champe was to make a pretended desertion to the enemy at new york. there he was to enlist in a corps which arnold was raising, insinuate himself into some menial or military situation about his person, and watching for a favorable moment, was, with the aid of a confederate from newark, to seize him in the night, gag him, and bring him across the hudson into bergen woods, in the jerseys. washington, in approving the plan, enjoined and stipulated that arnold should be brought to him alive. the pretended desertion of the sergeant took place on the night of october th, and was attended with difficulties. he had to evade patrols of horse and foot, beside stationary guards and irregular scouting parties. major lee could render him no assistance other than to delay pursuit, should his departure be discovered. about eleven o'clock the sergeant took his cloak, valise, and orderly book, drew his horse from the picket, and mounting, set out on his hazardous course, while the major retired to rest. he had not been in bed half an hour, when captain carnes, officer of the day, hurrying into his quarters, gave word that one of the patrols had fallen in with a dragoon, who, on being challenged, put spurs to his horse, and escaped. lee pretended to be annoyed by the intrusion, and to believe that the pretended dragoon was some countryman of the neighborhood. the captain was piqued; made a muster of the dragoons, and returned with word that the sergeant-major was missing, who had gone off with horse, baggage, arms, and orderly book. lee was now compelled to order out a party in pursuit under cornet middleton, but in so doing, he contrived so many delays, that, by the time they were in the saddle, champe had an hour's start. his pursuers, too, were obliged in the course of the night, to halt occasionally, dismount and examine the road, to guide themselves by the horse's tracks. at daybreak they pressed forward more rapidly, and from the summit of a hill descried champe not more than half a mile in front. the sergeant at the same moment caught sight of his pursuers, and now the chase became desperate. champe had originally intended to make for paulus hook but changed his course, threw his pursuers at fault, and succeeded in getting abreast of two british galleys at anchor near the shore beyond bergen. he had no time to lose. cornet middleton was but two or three hundred yards behind him. throwing himself off his horse, and running through a marsh, he plunged into the river, and called to the galleys for help. a boat was sent to his assistance, and he was conveyed on board of one of those vessels. for a time the whole plan promised to be successful. champe enlisted in arnold's corps; was employed about his person; and every arrangement was made to surprise him at night in a garden in the rear of his quarters, convey him to a boat, and ferry him across the hudson. on the appointed night, lee, with three dragoons and three led horses, was in the woods of hoboken, on the jersey shore, waiting to receive the captive. hour after hour passed away--no boat approached--day broke; and the major with his dragoons and his led horses, returned perplexed and disappointed to the camp. it subsequently proved that on the day preceding the night fixed on for the capture, arnold had removed his quarters to another part of the town, and that the american legion, consisting chiefly of american deserters, had been transferred from their barracks to one of the transports. among the troops thus transferred was john champe: nor was he able for a long time to effect his escape, and resume his real character of a loyal and patriotic soldier. he was rewarded when he did so, by the munificence of the commander-in-chief, and the admiration of his old comrades in arms. we have here to note the altered fortunes of the once prosperous general gates. the sudden annihilation of an army from which so much had been expected, and the retreat of the general before the field was absolutely lost, appeared to demand a strict investigation. congress therefore passed a resolution (october th), requiring washington to order a court of inquiry into the conduct of gates as commander of the southern army, and to appoint some other officer to the command until the inquiry should be made. washington at once selected greene for the important trust. his choice was in concurrence with the expressed wishes of the delegates of the three southern states, conveyed to him by one of their number. with regard to the court of inquiry, baron steuben, who was to accompany greene to the south was to preside, and the members of the court were to be such general and field-officers of the continental troops as were not present at the battle of camden, or having been present, were not wanted as witnesses, or were persons to whom general gates had no objection. the affair was to be conducted with the greatest impartiality, and with as much despatch as circumstances would permit. ravaging incursions from canada had harassed the northern parts of the state of new york of late, and laid desolate some parts of the country from which washington had hoped to receive great supplies of flour for the armies. major carleton, a nephew of sir guy, at the head of a motley force, european, tory, and indian, had captured forts anne and george. sir john johnson also, with joseph brant, and a mongrel half-savage crew, had laid waste the fertile region of the mohawk river, and burned the villages of schoharie and caughnawaga. the greatest alarm prevailed throughout the neighboring country. governor clinton himself took the field at the head of the militia, but before he arrived at the scene of mischief, the marauders had been encountered and driven back by general van rensselaer and the militia of those parts; not, however, until they had nearly destroyed the settlements on the mohawk. washington now put brigadier-general james clinton (the governor's brother) in command of the northern department. the state of the army was growing more and more a subject of solicitude to the commander-in-chief. he felt weary of struggling on with such scanty means, and such vast responsibility. the campaign, which at its commencement had seemed pregnant with favorable events, had proved sterile and inactive, and was drawing to a close. the short terms for which most of the troops were enlisted must soon expire, and then the present army would be reduced to a mere shadow. "to suppose," writes he, "that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army, that this army will be subsisted by state supplies, and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is in my opinion absurd, and as unreasonable as to expect an inversion in the order of nature to accommodate itself to our views. if it was necessary, it could be proved to any person of a moderate understanding, that an annual army, raised on the spur of the occasion, besides being unqualified for the end designed, is, in various ways which could be enumerated, ten times more expensive than a permanent body of men under good organization and military discipline, which never was nor ever will be the case with new troops." we will here add that the repeated and elaborate reasonings of washington, backed by dear bought experience, slowly brought congress to adopt a system suggested by him for the organization and support of the army, according to which, troops were to be enlisted to serve throughout the war, and all officers who continued in service until the return of peace were to receive half pay during life. the marquis lafayette at this time commanded the advance guard of washington's army, composed of six battalions of light infantry. they were better clad than the other soldiery; in trim uniforms, leathern helmets, with crests of horse-hair. the officers were armed with spontoons, the non-commissioned officers with fusees; both with short sabres which the marquis had brought from france, and presented to them. he was proud of his troops, and had a young man's ardor for active service. the inactivity which had prevailed for some time past was intolerable to him. the marquis saw with repining the campaign drawing to a close, and nothing done that would rouse the people in america, and be spoken of at the court of versailles. he was urgent with washington that the campaign should be terminated by some brilliant stroke. complaints, he hinted, had been made in france of the prevailing inactivity. the brilliant stroke, suggested with some detail by the marquis, was a general attack upon fort washington, and the other posts at the north end of the island of new york, and, under certain circumstances, which he specified, _make a push for the city_. washington regarded the project of his young and ardent friend with a more sober and cautious eye. "it is impossible, my dear marquis," replies he, "to desire more ardently than i do to terminate the campaign by some happy stroke; but we must consult our means rather than our wishes, and not endeavor to better our affairs by attempting things, which for want of success may make them worse.... it would, in my opinion, be imprudent to throw an army of ten thousand men upon an island, against nine thousand, exclusive of seamen and militia. this, from the accounts we have, appears to be the enemy's force. all we can do at present, therefore, is to endeavor to gain a more certain knowledge of their situation, and act accordingly." the british posts in question were accordingly reconnoitred from the opposite banks of the hudson, by colonel gouvion, an able french engineer. preparations were made to carry the scheme into effect, should it be determined upon, when news was received of the unexpected and accidental appearance of several british armed vessels in the hudson; the effect was to disconcert the plan and finally to cause it to be abandoned. some parts of the scheme were attended with success. the veteran stark, with a detachment of twenty-five hundred men, made an extensive forage in westchester county, and major tallmadge with eighty men, chiefly dismounted dragoons of sheldon's regiment, crossed in boats from the connecticut shore to long island, where the sound was twenty miles wide; traversed the island on the night of the d of november, surprised fort george at coram, captured the garrison of fifty-two men, demolished the fort, set fire to magazines of forage, and recrossed the sound to fairfield, without the loss of a man: an achievement which drew forth a high eulogium from congress. at the end of november the army went into winter-quarters; the pennsylvania line in the neighborhood of morristown, the jersey line about pompton, the new england troops at west point, and the other posts of the highlands; and the new york line was stationed at albany, to guard against any invasion from canada. the french army remained stationed at newport, excepting the duke of lauzun's legion, which was cantoned at lebanon in connecticut. washington's head-quarters were established at new windsor, on the hudson. we will now turn to the south to note the course of affairs in that quarter during the last few months. chapter lix. the war in the south.--battle of king's mountain. cornwallis having, as he supposed, entirely crushed the "rebel cause" in south carolina, by the defeats of gates and sumter, remained for some time at camden, detained by the excessive heat of the weather and the sickness of part of his troops, broken down by the hardships of campaigning under a southern sun. he awaited also supplies and reinforcements. immediately after the victory at camden, he had ordered the friends to royalty in north carolina "to arm and intercept the beaten army of general gates," promising that he would march directly to the borders of that province in their support: he now detached major patrick ferguson to its western confines, to keep the war alive in that quarter. this resolute partisan had with him his own corps of light infantry, and a body of royalist militia of his own training. his whole force was between eleven and twelve hundred men, noted for activity and alertness, and unincumbered with baggage or artillery. his orders were to skirr the mountain country between the catawba and the yadkin, harass the whigs, inspirit the tories, and embody the militia under the royal banner. this done, he was to repair to charlotte, the capital of mecklenburg county, where he would find lord cornwallis, who intended to make it his rendezvous. should he, however, in the course of his tour, be threatened by a superior force, he was immediately to return to the main army. during the suspense of his active operations in the field, cornwallis instituted rigorous measures against americans who continued under arms. among these were included many who had taken refuge in north carolina. a commissioner was appointed to take possession of their estates and property; of the annual product of which a part was to be allowed for the support of their families, the residue to be applied to the maintenance of the war. letters from several of the principal inhabitants of charleston having been found in the baggage of the captured american generals, the former were accused of breaking their parole, and holding a treasonable correspondence with the armed enemies of england; they were in consequence confined on board of prison ships, and afterwards transported to st. augustine in florida. among the prisoners taken in the late combats, many, it was discovered, had british protections in their pockets; these were deemed amenable to the penalties of the proclamation issued by sir henry clinton on the d of june; they were therefore led forth from the provost and hanged almost without the form of an inquiry. these measures certainly were not in keeping with the character for moderation and benevolence usually given to lord cornwallis; but they accorded with the rancorous spirit manifested toward each other both by whigs and tories in southern warfare. cornwallis decamped from camden, and set out for north carolina. in the subjugation of that province, he counted on the co-operation of the troops which sir henry clinton was to send to the lower part of virginia, which, after reducing the virginians to obedience, were to join his lordship's standard on the confines of north carolina. advancing into the latter province, he took post at charlotte, where he had given rendezvous to ferguson. the surrounding country was wild and rugged, covered with close and thick woods, and crossed in every direction by narrow roads. the inhabitants were stanch whigs, with the pugnacious spirit of the old covenanters. instead of remaining at home and receiving the king's money in exchange for their produce, they turned out with their rifles, stationed themselves in covert places, and fired upon the foraging parties; convoys of provisions from camden had to fight their way, and expresses were shot down and their despatches seized. the capture of his expresses was a sore annoyance to cornwallis, depriving him of all intelligence concerning the movements of colonel ferguson, whose arrival he was anxiously awaiting. the expedition of that doughty partisan officer here calls for especial notice. he had been chosen for this military tour as being calculated to gain friends by his conciliating disposition and manners. he however, had a loyal hatred of whigs, and to his standard flocked many rancorous tories, besides outlaws and desperadoes, so that his progress through the country was attended by many exasperating excesses. he was on his way to join cornwallis when a chance for a signal exploit presented itself. an american force under colonel elijah clarke, of georgia, was retreating to the mountain districts of north carolina, after an unsuccessful attack upon the british post at augusta. ferguson resolved to cut off their retreat. turning towards the mountains, he made his way through a rugged wilderness and took post at gilbert-town, a small frontier village of log-houses. "all of a sudden," say the british chroniclers just cited, "a numerous, fierce and unexpected enemy sprung up in the depths of the desert. the scattered inhabitants of the mountains assembled without noise or warning, under the conduct of six or seven of their militia colonels, to the number of six hundred strong, daring, well-mounted and excellent horsemen." these were the people of the mountains which form the frontiers of the carolinas and georgia, "mountain men," as they were commonly called, a hardy race, half huntsmen, half herdsmen. beside these, there were other elements of war suddenly gathering in ferguson's vicinity. a band of what were termed "the wild and fierce" inhabitants of kentucky, with men from other settlements west of the alleghanies, had crossed the mountains, led by colonels campbell and boone, to pounce upon a quantity of indian goods at augusta; but had pulled up on hearing of the repulse of clarke. the stout yeomen, also, of the district of ninety-six, roused by the marauds of ferguson, had taken the field, under the conduct of colonel james williams, of granville county. here, too, were hard-riders and sharp-shooters, from holston river, powel's valley, botetourt, fincastle, and other parts of virginia, commanded by colonels campbell, cleveland, shelby and sevier. such were the different bodies of mountaineers and backwoodsmen, suddenly drawing together from various parts to the number of three thousand. in this exigency, ferguson remembered the instructions of cornwallis, that he should rejoin him should he find himself threatened by a superior force; breaking up his quarters, therefore, he pushed for the british army, sending messengers ahead to apprise his lordship of his danger. unfortunately for him, his missives were intercepted. gilbert-town had not long been vacated by ferguson and his troops, when the motley host we have described thronged in. some were on foot, but the greater part on horseback. some were in homespun garb; but the most part in hunting-shirts. each man had his long rifle and hunting-knife, his wallet, or knapsack and blanket, and either a buck's tail or sprig of evergreen in his hat. there was neither tent nor tent equipage, neither baggage nor baggage-wagon to encumber the movements of that extemporaneous host. being told that ferguson had retreated by the cherokee road toward north carolina, about nine hundred of the hardiest and best mounted set out in urgent pursuit; leaving those who were on foot, or weakly mounted, to follow on as fast as possible. colonel william campbell, of virginia, having come from the greatest distance was allowed to have command of the whole party; but there was not much order nor subordination. each colonel led his own men in his own way. a rapid and irregular march was kept up all night in murky darkness and through a heavy rain. about daybreak they crossed broad river, where an attack was apprehended. not finding the enemy, they halted, lit their fires, made their morning's meal, and took a brief repose. by nine o'clock they were again on the march. the rainy night had been succeeded by a bright october morning, and all were in high spirits. ferguson, they learnt, had taken the road toward king's mountain, about twelve miles distant. when within three miles of it their scouts brought in word that he had taken post on its summit. the officers now held a short consultation on horseback, and then proceeded. the position taken by ferguson was a strong one. king's mountain rises out of a broken country, and is detached, on the north, from inferior heights by a deep valley, so as to resemble an insulated promontory about half a mile in length, with sloping sides, excepting on the north. the mountain was covered for the most part with lofty forest trees, free from underwood, interspersed with boulders and masses of gray rock. the forest was sufficiently open to give free passage to horsemen. dismounting at a small stream which runs through a ravine, the americans picketed their horses or tied them to the branches of the trees, and gave them in charge of a small guard. they then formed themselves into three divisions of nearly equal size, and prepared to storm the heights on three sides. campbell, seconded by shelby, was to lead the centre division; sevier with mcdowell the right, and cleveland and williams the left. the divisions were to scale the mountain as nearly as possible at the same time. the fighting directions were in frontier style;--when once in action, everyone must act for himself. the men were not to wait for the word of command, but to take good aim and fire as fast as possible. when they could no longer hold their ground, they were to get behind trees, or retreat a little, and return to the fight, but never to go quite off. campbell allowed time for the flanking divisions to move to the right and left along the base of the mountain, and take their proper distances; he then pushed up in front with the centre division, he and shelby each at the head of his men. the first firing was about four o'clock, when a picket was driven in by cleveland and williams on the left, and pursued up the mountain. campbell soon arrived within rifle distance of the crest of the mountain, whence a sheeted fire of musketry was opened upon him. he instantly deployed his men, posted them behind trees, and returned the fire with deadly effect. ferguson, rushed out with his regulars, made an impetuous charge with the bayonet, and dislodging his assailants from their coverts, began to drive them down the mountain, they not having a bayonet among them. he had not proceeded far, when a flanking fire was opened by one of the other divisions; facing about and attacking this he was again successful, when a third fire was opened from another quarter. thus, as fast as one division gave way before the bayonet, another came to its relief; while those who had given way rallied and returned to the charge. ferguson found that he was completely in the hunter's toils, beset on every side; but he stood bravely at bay, until the ground around him was strewed with the killed and wounded, picked off by the fatal rifle. his men were at length broken, and retreated in confusion along the ridge. he galloped from place to place endeavoring to rally them, when a rifle ball brought him to the ground, and his white horse was seen careering down the mountain without a rider. this closed the bloody fight; for ferguson's second in command, seeing all further resistance hopeless, hoisted a white flag, beat a parley and sued for quarters. one hundred and fifty of the enemy had fallen, and as many been wounded; while of the americans, but twenty were killed, though a considerable number were wounded. among those slain was colonel james williams, who had commanded the troops of ninety-six, and proved himself one of the most daring of the partisan leaders. eight hundred and ten men were taken prisoners, one hundred of whom were regulars, the rest royalists. the rancor awakened by civil war was shown in the treatment of some of the prisoners. a court-martial was held the day after the battle, and a number of tory prisoners who had been bitter in their hostility to the american cause, and flagitious in their persecution of their countrymen, were hanged. this was to revenge the death of american prisoners hanged at camden and elsewhere. the army of mountaineers and frontier men, thus fortuitously congregated, did not attempt to follow up their signal blow. they had no general scheme, no plan of campaign; it was the spontaneous rising of the sons of the soil, to revenge it on its invaders, and, having effected their purpose, they returned in triumph to their homes. they were little aware of the importance of their achievement. the battle of king's mountain, inconsiderable as it was in the numbers engaged, turned the tide of southern warfare. the destruction of ferguson and his corps gave a complete check to the expedition of cornwallis. he began to fear for the safety of south carolina, liable to such sudden irruptions from the mountains; lest, while he was facing to the north, these hordes of stark-riding warriors might throw themselves behind him, and produce a popular combustion in the province he had left. he resolved, therefore, to return with all speed to that province and provide for its security. on the th of october he commenced his retrograde and mortifying march, conducting it in the night, and with such hurry and confusion, that nearly twenty wagons, laden with baggage and supplies, were lost. as he proceeded, the rainy season set in; the brooks and rivers became swollen, and almost impassable; the roads deep and miry; provisions and forage scanty; the troops generally sickly, having no tents. at length the army arrived at winnsborough, in south carolina. hence, by order of cornwallis, lord rawdon wrote on the th october to brigadier-general leslie, who was at that time in the chesapeake, with the force detached by sir henry clinton for a descent upon virginia, suggesting the expediency of his advancing to north carolina, for the purpose of co-operation with cornwallis, who feared to proceed far from south carolina, lest it should be again in insurrection. the victory at king's mountain had set the partisan spirit throughout the country in a blaze. francis marion was soon in the field. he had been made a brigadier-general by governor rutledge, but his brigade, as it was called, was formed of neighbors and friends, and was continually fluctuating in numbers. he was nearly fifty years of age, and small of stature, but hardy, healthy and vigorous. he had his haunts and strongholds in the morasses of the pedee and black river. his men were hardy and abstemious as himself; they ate their meat without salt, often subsisted on potatoes, were scantily clad, and almost destitute of blankets. marion was full of stratagems and expedients. sallying forth from his morasses, he would overrun the lower districts, pass the santee, beat up the small posts in the vicinity of charleston, cut up the communication between that city and camden; and having struck some signal blow, so as to rouse the vengeance of the enemy, would retreat again into his fenny fastnesses. hence the british gave him the bye-name of the _swamp fox_, but those of his countrymen who knew his courage, his loftiness of spirit and spotless integrity, considered him the _bayard of the south_. tarleton, who was on duty in that part of the country, undertook, as he said, to draw the swamp fox from his cover. he accordingly marched cautiously down the east bank of the wateree with a body of dragoons and infantry, in compact order. the fox, however, kept close; he saw that the enemy was too strong for him. tarleton now changed his plan. by day he broke up his force into small detachments or patrols, giving them orders to keep near enough to each other to render mutual support if attacked, and to gather together at night. the artifice had its effect. marion sallied forth from his covert just before daybreak to make an attack upon one of these detachments, when, to his surprise, he found himself close upon the british camp. perceiving the snare that had been spread for him, he made a rapid retreat. a close pursuit took place. for seven hours marion was hunted from one swamp and fastness to another; several stragglers of his band were captured, and tarleton was in strong hope of bringing him into action, when an express came spurring from cornwallis, calling for the immediate services of himself and his dragoons in another quarter. sumter was again in the field! that indefatigable partisan having recruited a strong party in the mountainous country, to which he retreated after his defeat on the wateree, had re-appeared on the west side of the santee, repulsed a british party sent against him, killing its leader; then, crossing broad river, had effected a junction with colonels clark and brannan, and now menaced the british posts in the district of ninety-six. it was to disperse this head of partisan war that tarleton was called off from beleaguering marion. advancing with his accustomed celerity, he thought to surprise sumter on the enoree river. a deserter apprised the latter of his danger. he pushed across the river, but was hotly pursued, and his rear-guard roughly handled. he now made for the tyger river, noted for turbulence and rapidity; once beyond this, he might disband his followers in the woods. tarleton, to prevent his passing it unmolested, spurred forward in advance of his main body with one hundred and seventy dragoons and eighty mounted men of the infantry. before five o'clock (nov. th) his advanced guard overtook and charged the rear of the americans, who retreated to the main body. sumter finding it impossible to cross tyger river in safety, took post on black stock hill with a rivulet and rail fence in front, the tyger river in the rear and on the right flank, and a large log barn on the left. the barn was turned into a fortress, and a part of the force stationed in it to fire through the apertures between the logs. tarleton halted on an opposite height to await the arrival of his infantry, and part of his men dismounted to ease their horses. sumter seized this moment for an attack. he was driven back after some sharp fighting. the enemy pursued, but were severely galled by the fire from the log barn. enraged at seeing his men shot down, tarleton charged with his cavalry but found it impossible to dislodge the americans from their rustic fortress. at the approach of night he fell back to join his infantry, leaving the ground strewed with his killed and wounded. the loss of the americans was only three killed and four wounded. sumter who had received a severe wound in the breast, remained several hours on the field of action; but understanding the enemy would be powerfully reinforced in the morning, he crossed the tyger river in the night. he was then placed on a litter between two horses, and thus conducted across the country by a few faithful adherents. the rest of his little army dispersed themselves through the woods. while the attention of the enemy was thus engaged by the enterprises of sumter and marion and their swamp warriors, general gates was gathering together the scattered fragments of his army at hillsborough. the vanity of gates was completely cut down by his late reverses. to add to his depression of spirits, he received the melancholy intelligence of the death of an only son, and, while he was yet writhing under the blow, came official despatches informing him of his being superseded in command. a letter from washington, we are told, accompanied them, sympathizing with him in his domestic misfortunes, adverting with peculiar delicacy to his reverses in battle, assuring him of his undiminished confidence in his zeal and capacity. the effect of this letter was overpowering. gates was found walking about his room in the greatest agitation, pressing the letter to his lips, breaking forth into ejaculations of gratitude and admiration, and when he could find utterance to his thoughts, declared that its tender sympathy and considerate delicacy had conveyed more consolation and delight to his heart than he had believed it possible ever to have felt again. general greene arrived at charlotte, on the d of december. on his way from the north he had made arrangements for supplies from the different states; and had left the baron steuben in virginia to defend that state and procure and send on reinforcements and stores for the southern army. on the day following his arrival, greene took formal command. the delicacy with which he conducted himself towards his unfortunate predecessor is said to have been "edifying to the army." consulting with his officers as to the court of inquiry on the conduct of general gates, ordered by congress, it was determined that there was not a sufficient number of general officers in camp to sit upon it; that the state of general gates' feelings, in consequence of the death of his son, disqualified him from entering upon the task of his defence; and that it would be indelicate in the extreme to press on him an investigation, which his honor would not permit him to defer. gates, in fact, when informed in the most delicate manner of the order of congress, was urgent that a court of inquiry should be immediately convened: he acknowledged there was some important evidence that could not at present be procured; but he relied on the honor and justice of the court to make allowance for the deficiency. he was ultimately brought to acquiesce in the decision of the council of war for the postponement, but declared that he could not think of serving until the matter should have been properly investigated. he determined to pass the interim on his estate in virginia. the whole force at charlotte, when greene took command, did not much exceed twenty-three hundred men, and more than half of them were militia. it had been broken in spirit by the recent defeat. the officers had fallen into habits of negligence; the soldiers were loose and disorderly, without tents and camp equipage; badly clothed and fed, and prone to relieve their necessities by depredating upon the inhabitants. a recent exploit had given some animation to the troops. lieutenant-colonel washington, detached with a troop of light-horse to check a foraging party of the enemy, scoured the country within thirteen miles of camden. here he found a body of loyalist militia strongly posted at clermont, the seat of colonel rugeley, their tory commander. they had ensconced themselves in a large barn, built of logs, and had fortified it by a slight intrenchment and a line of abatis. to attack it with cavalry was useless. colonel washington dismounted part of his troops to appear like infantry; placed on two wagon-wheels the trunk of a pine-tree, shaped and painted to look like a field-piece, brought it to bear upon the enemy, and, displaying his cavalry, sent in a flag summoning the garrison to surrender instantly, on pain of having their log castle battered about their ears. the garrison, to the number of one hundred and twelve men, with colonel rugeley at their head, gave themselves up prisoners of war. the first care of general greene was to reorganize his army. he went to work quietly but resolutely; called no councils of war; communicated his plans and intentions to few, and such only as were able and willing to aid in executing them. finding the country round charlotte exhausted by repeated foragings, he separated the army into two divisions. one, about one thousand strong, was commanded by brigadier-general morgan, of rifle renown, and was composed of four hundred continental infantry, under lieutenant-colonel howard of the maryland line, two companies of virginia militia under captains tripplet and tate, and one hundred dragoons under lieutenant-colonel washington. with these morgan was detached towards the district of ninety-six, in south carolina, with orders to take a position near the confluence of the pacolet and broad rivers, and assemble the militia of the country. with the other division, greene made a march of toilful difficulty through a barren country, to hicks' creek, in chesterfield district, on the east side of the pedee river, opposite the cheraw hills. there he posted himself, on the th, partly to discourage the enemy from attempting to possess themselves of cross creek, which would give them command of the greatest part of the provisions of the lower country--partly to form a camp of repose. chapter lx. hostilities in the south.--mutiny. the occurrences recorded in the last few pages made washington apprehend a design on the part of the enemy to carry the stress of war into the southern states. conscious that he was the man to whom all looked in time of emergency, and who was, in a manner, responsible for the general course of military affairs, he deeply felt the actual impotency of his position. in a letter to franklin, who was minister-plenipotentiary at the court of versailles, he strongly expresses his chagrin: "latterly, we have been obliged to become spectators of a succession of detachments from the army at new york in aid of lord cornwallis, while our naval weakness, and the political dissolution of a great part of our army, put it out of our power to counteract them at the southward, or to take advantage of them here." the last of these detachments to the south took place on the th of december, but was not destined, as washington had supposed, for carolina. sir henry clinton had received information that the troops already mentioned as being under general leslie in the chesapeake, had, by orders from cornwallis, sailed for charleston, to reinforce his lordship; and this detachment was to take their place in virginia. it was composed of british, german, and refugee troops, about seventeen hundred strong, and was commanded by benedict arnold, now a brigadier-general in his majesty's service. sir henry clinton, who distrusted the fidelity of the man he had corrupted, sent with him colonels dundas and simcoe, experienced officers, by whose advice he was to be guided in every important measure. he was to make an incursion into virginia, destroy the public magazines, assemble and arm the loyalists, and hold himself ready to co-operate with lord cornwallis. as washington beheld one hostile armament after another winging its way to the south, and received applications from that quarter for assistance, which he had not the means to furnish, it became painfully apparent to him, that the efforts to carry on the war had exceeded the natural capabilities of the country. its widely diffused population, and the composition and temper of some of its people, rendered it difficult to draw together its resources. commerce was almost extinct; there was not sufficient natural wealth on which to found a revenue; paper currency had depreciated through want of funds for its redemption until it was nearly worthless. the mode of supplying the army by assessing a proportion of the productions of the earth, had proved ineffectual, oppressive, and productive of an alarming opposition. domestic loans yielded but trifling assistance. these considerations washington was continually urging upon the attention of congress in his full and perspicuous manner; the end of which was to enforce his opinion that a foreign loan was indispensably necessary to a continuance of the war. his earnest counsels and entreaties were at length successful in determining congress to seek aid both in men and money from abroad. accordingly, on the th of december they commissioned lieutenant-colonel john laurens, special minister at the court of versailles, to apply for such aid. the situation he had held, as aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, had given him an opportunity of observing the course of affairs, and acquainting himself with the wants and resources of the country; and he was instructed to confer with washington, previous to his departure, as to the objects of his mission. scarce had colonel laurens been appointed when a painful occurrence proved the urgent necessity of the required aid. in the arrangement for winter-quarters, the pennsylvania line, consisting of six regiments, was hutted near morristown. these troops had experienced the hardships and privations common to the whole army, but had an additional grievance peculiar to themselves. many of them had enlisted to serve "for three years, or during war," that is to say, for less than three years should the war cease in less time. when, however, having served for three years, they sought their discharge, the officers, loth to lose such experienced soldiers, interpreted the terms of enlistment to mean three years, or to the end of the war, should it continue for a longer time. this chicanery naturally produced great exasperation. the first day of the new year arrived. the men were excited by an extra allowance of ardent spirits. in the evening, at a preconcerted signal, a great part of the pennsylvania line, non-commissioned officers included, turned out under arms, declaring their intention to march to philadelphia and demand redress from congress. wayne endeavored to pacify them; they were no longer to be pacified by words. three regiments which had taken no part in the mutiny were paraded under their officers. the mutineers compelled them to join their ranks. their number being increased to about thirteen hundred, they seized upon six field-pieces, and set out in the night for philadelphia under command of their sergeants. fearing the enemy might take advantage of this outbreak, wayne detached a jersey brigade to chatham, and ordered the militia to be called out there. alarm fires were kindled upon the hills; alarm guns boomed from post to post; the country was soon on the alert. wayne was not "mad anthony" on the present occasion. all his measures were taken with judgment and forecast. he sent provisions after the mutineers, lest they should supply their wants from the country people by force. two officers of rank spurred to philadelphia, to apprise congress of the approach of the insurgents, and put it upon its guard. wayne sent a despatch with news of the outbreak to washington; he then mounted his horse, and accompanied by colonels butler and stewart, two officers popular with the troops, set off after the mutineers, either to bring them to a halt, or to keep with them, and seek every occasion to exert a favorable influence over them. in the meantime, sir henry clinton received intelligence at new york of the mutiny, and hastened to profit by it. emissaries were despatched to the camp of the mutineers, holding out offers of pardon, protection, and ample pay, if they would return to their allegiance to the crown. general wayne and his companions, colonels butler and stewart, had overtaken the insurgent troops on the d of january, at middlebrook. they were proceeding in military form, under the control of a self-constituted board of sergeants, whose orders were implicitly obeyed. conferences were held by wayne with sergeants delegated from each regiment. they appeared to be satisfied with the mode and promises of redress held out to them; but the main body of the mutineers persisted in revolt, and proceeded on the next day to princeton. their proceedings continued to be orderly; military forms were still observed; they obeyed their leaders, behaved well to the people of the country, and committed no excesses. general wayne and colonels butler and stewart remained with them in an equivocal position; popular, but without authority, and almost in durance. the insurgents professed themselves still ready to march under them against the enemy, but would permit none other of their former officers to come among them. the marquis de lafayette, general st. clair and colonel laurens, the newly-appointed minister to france, arrived at the camp and were admitted; but afterwards were ordered away at a short notice. the news of the revolt caused great consternation in philadelphia. a committee of congress set off to meet the insurgents, accompanied by reed, the president of pennsylvania, and one or two other officers, and escorted by a city troop of horse. the committee halted at trenton, whence president reed wrote to wayne, requesting a personal interview at four o'clock in the afternoon, at four miles' distance from princeton. wayne was moreover told to inform the troops, that he (reed) would be there to receive any propositions from them, and redress any injuries they might have sustained; but that, after the indignities they had offered to the marquis and general st. clair, he could not venture to put himself in their power. wayne, knowing that the letter was intended for his troops more than for himself, read it publicly on the parade. it had a good effect upon the sergeants and many of the men. still it was not thought prudent for president reed to trust himself within their camp. wayne promised to meet him on the following day ( th), though it seemed uncertain whether he was master of himself, or whether he was not a kind of prisoner. at this critical juncture, two of sir henry's emissaries arrived in the camp, and delivered to the leaders of the malcontents a paper containing his seductive proposals and promises. the mutineers, though openly arrayed in arms against their government, spurned at the idea of turning "arnolds," as they termed it. the emissaries were seized and conducted to general wayne, who placed them in confinement, promising that they should be liberated should the pending negotiation fail. this incident had a great effect in inspiring hope of the ultimate loyalty of the troops; and the favorable representations of the temper of the men, made by general wayne in a personal interview, determined president reed to venture among them. the propositions now offered to the troops were:--to discharge all those who had enlisted indefinitely for three years or during the war; the fact to be inquired into by three commissioners appointed by the executive. to give immediate certificates for the deficit in their pay caused by the depreciation of the currency, and the arrearages to be settled as soon as circumstances would permit. to furnish them immediately with certain specified articles of clothing which were most wanted. these propositions proving satisfactory, the troops set out for trenton, where the negotiation was concluded. the two spies who had tampered with the fidelity of the troops, were tried by a court-martial, found guilty, and hanged at the cross-roads near trenton. the accommodation entered into with the mutineers of the pennsylvania line appeared to washington of doubtful policy, and likely to have a pernicious effect on the whole army. his apprehensions were soon justified by events. on the night of the th of january, a part of the jersey troops, stationed at pompton, rose in arms, claiming the same terms just yielded to the pennsylvanians. for a time it was feared the revolt would spread throughout the line. in this instance, washington adopted a more rigorous course than in the other. the present insurgents were not so formidable in point of numbers as the pennsylvanians; the greater part of them, also, were foreigners, for whom he felt less sympathy than for native troops. a detachment from the massachusetts line was sent under major-general howe, who was instructed to compel the mutineers to unconditional submission; to grant them no terms while in arms, or in a state of resistance; and on their surrender, instantly to execute a few of the most active and incendiary leaders. his orders were punctually obeyed, and were crowned with complete success. howe had the good fortune, after a tedious night march, to surprise the mutineers napping in their huts just at daybreak. five minutes only were allowed them to parade without their arms and give up their ringleaders. this was instantly complied with, and two of them were executed on the spot. thus the mutiny was quelled, the officers resumed their command, and all things were restored to order. a great cause of satisfaction to washington was the ratification of the articles of confederation between the states, which took place not long after this agitating juncture. a set of articles had been submitted to congress by dr. franklin, as far back as . a form had been prepared and digested by a committee in , and agreed upon, with some modifications in , but had ever since remained in abeyance, in consequence of objections made by individual states. the confederation was now complete, and washington, in a letter to the president of congress, congratulated him and the body over which he presided, on an event long wished for, and which he hoped would have the happiest effects upon the politics of this country, and be of essential service to our cause in europe. * * * * * * * the armament under command of arnold met with that boisterous weather which often rages along our coast in the winter. his ships were tempest tost and scattered, and half of his cavalry horses and several of his guns had to be thrown overboard. it was the close of the year when he anchored in the chesapeake. virginia, at the time, was almost in a defenceless state. baron steuben, who had the general command there, had recently detached such of his regular troops as were clothed and equipped to the south, to reinforce general greene. governor jefferson, on hearing of the arrival of the fleet, called out the militia from the neighboring counties; but few could be collected on the spur of the moment, for the whole country was terror-stricken and in confusion. having land and sea forces at his command, arnold opened the new year with a buccaneering ravage. ascending james river with some small vessels which he had captured, he landed on the th of january with nine hundred men at westover, about twenty-five miles below richmond, and pushed for the latter place, at that time little more than a village, though the metropolis of virginia. it was arnold's hope to capture the governor; but the latter, after providing for the security of as much as possible of the public stores, had left richmond the evening before on horseback to join his family at tuckahoe, whence, on the following day, he conveyed them to a place of safety. governor jefferson got back by noon to manchester, on the opposite side of james river, in time to see arnold's marauders march into the town. arnold sent some of the citizens to the governor, offering to spare the town, provided his ships might come up james river to be laden with tobacco from the warehouses. his offer was indignantly rejected, whereupon fire was set to the public edifices, stores, and workshops; private houses were pillaged, and a great quantity of tobacco consumed. while this was going on, colonel simcoe had been detached to westham, six miles up the river, where he destroyed a cannon foundry and sacked a public magazine; and after effecting a complete devastation, rejoined arnold at richmond. having completed his ravage, arnold re-embarked at westover and fell slowly down the river, landing occasionally to burn, plunder, and destroy; pursued by steuben with a few continental troops and all the militia that he could muster. general nelson, also, with similar levies opposed him. lower down the river some skirmishing took place, a few of arnold's troops were killed and a number wounded, but he made his way to portsmouth, opposite norfolk, where he took post on the th of january, and proceeded to fortify. steuben would have attempted to drive him from this position, but his means were totally inadequate. collecting from various parts of the country all the force that could be mustered, he so disposed it at different points as to hem the traitor in, and prevent his making further incursions. about this time an important resolution was adopted in congress. washington had repeatedly, in his communications to that body, attributed much of the distresses and disasters of the war to the congressional mode of conducting business through committees and "boards," thus causing irregularity and delay, preventing secrecy and augmenting expense. he was greatly rejoiced, therefore, when congress decided to appoint heads of departments; secretaries of foreign affairs, of war and of marine, and a superintendent of finance. "i am happy, thrice happy, on private as well as public account," writes he, "to find that these are in train. for it will ease my shoulders of an immense burthen, which the deranged and perplexed situation of our affairs, and the distresses of every department of the army, had placed upon them." [colonel hamilton was suggested to take charge of the department of finance, and washington in reply to general sullivan, who had sounded him on the subject, spoke in warm terms of his fitness for the post. a few days after washington had penned this eulogium, a scene occurred between him and colonel hamilton that gave him deep chagrin. washington, in passing hamilton on the stairs, informed him that he wished to speak to him. hamilton allowed some circumstances to delay his compliance with this request; and washington, when they met, accosted him with warmth. "colonel hamilton," said he, "you have kept me waiting at the head of the stairs these ten minutes. i must tell you, sir, you treat me with disrespect." hamilton promptly replied: "i am not conscious of it, sir; but since you have thought it necessary to tell me so, we part," and they separated. washington soon after sent to hamilton stating his desire, in a candid conversation, to heal a difference which could not have happened but in a moment of passion. but hamilton had long determined, according to his own statement, that if a breach should occur between them not to consent to an accommodation. he was ambitious of an independent position, and declared that he had always disliked the office of an aide-de-camp. but although a coolness ensued between washington and his favorite aide, it proved but temporary.] the friendship between these illustrious men was destined to survive the revolution, and to signalize itself through many eventful years. chapter lxi. battle of the cowpens.--battle of guilford court-house. the stress of war, as washington apprehended, was at present shifted to the south. in a former chapter we left general greene, in the latter part of december, posted with one division of his army on the east side of the pedee river in north carolina, having detached general morgan with the other division, one thousand strong, to take post near the confluence of the pacolet and broad rivers in south carolina. cornwallis lay encamped about seventy miles to the southwest of greene, at winnsborough, in fairfield district. general leslie had recently arrived at charleston from virginia, and was advancing to reinforce him with fifteen hundred men. this would give cornwallis such a superiority of force, that he prepared for a second invasion of north carolina. his plan was to leave lord rawdon at the central post of camden with a considerable body of troops to keep all quiet, while his lordship by rapid marches would throw himself between greene and virginia, cut him off from all reinforcements in that quarter, and oblige him either to make battle with his present force, or retreat precipitately from north carolina. by recent information, he learnt that morgan had passed both the catawba and broad rivers, and was about seventy miles to the northwest of him, on his way to the district of ninety-six. as he might prove extremely formidable if left in his rear, tarleton was sent in quest of him, with about three hundred and fifty of his famous cavalry, a corps of legion and light infantry, and a number of the royal artillery with two field-pieces; about eleven hundred choice troops in all. cornwallis moved with his main force on the th of december, in a northwest direction between the broad river and the catawba, leading toward the back country. this was for the purpose of crossing the great rivers at their fords near their sources; for they are fed by innumerable petty streams which drain the mountains, and are apt in the winter time, when storms of rain prevail, to swell and become impassable below their forks. he took this route also, to cut off morgan's retreat, or prevent his junction with greene, should tarleton's expedition fail of its object. tarleton, after several days' hard marching, came upon the traces of morgan, who was posted on the north bank of the pacolet, to guard the passes of that river. he sent word to cornwallis of his intention to force a passage across the river, and compel morgan either to fight or retreat, and suggested that his lordship should proceed up the eastern bank of broad river, so as to be at hand to co-operate. his lordship, in consequence, took up a position at turkey creek, on broad river. morgan had been recruited by north carolina and georgia militia, so that his force was nearly equal in number to that of tarleton, but, in point of cavalry and discipline, vastly inferior. cornwallis, too, was on his left, and might get in his rear; checking his impulse, therefore, to dispute the passage of the pacolet, he crossed that stream and retreated towards the upper fords of broad river. tarleton reached the pacolet on the evening of the th, and pressed on in pursuit. at ten o'clock at night he reached an encampment which morgan had abandoned a few hours previously, apparently in great haste, for the camp fires were still smoking, and provisions had been left behind half-cooked. eager to come upon his enemy while in the confusion of a hurried flight, tarleton allowed his exhausted troops but a brief repose, and, leaving his baggage under a guard, resumed his dogged march about two o'clock in the night. a little before daylight of the th, he captured two videttes, from whom he learnt, to his surprise, that morgan, instead of a headlong retreat, had taken a night's repose, and was actually preparing to give him battle. morgan, in fact, had been urged by his officers to retreat across broad river, which was near by, and make for the mountainous country; but, closely pressed as he was, he feared to be overtaken while fording the river, and while his troops were fatigued and in confusion; beside, being now nearly equal in number to the enemy, military pride would not suffer him to avoid a combat. the place where he came to halt was known in the early grants by the name of hannah's cowpens, being part of a grazing establishment of a man named hannah. it was in an open wood, favorable to the action of cavalry. there were two eminences of unequal height, and separated from each other by an interval about eighty yards wide. to the first eminence, which was the highest, there was an easy ascent of about three hundred yards. on these heights morgan had posted himself. in arranging his troops for action, he drew out his infantry in two lines. the first was composed of the north and south carolina militia, under colonel pickens, having an advanced corps of north carolina and georgia volunteer riflemen. this line, on which he had the least dependence, was charged to wait until the enemy were within dead shot; then to take good aim, fire two volleys and fall back. the second line, drawn up a moderate distance in the rear of the first, and near the brow of the main eminence, was composed of colonel howard's light infantry and the virginia riflemen; all continental troops. they were informed of the orders which had been given to the first line, lest they should mistake their falling back for a retreat. colonel howard had the command of this line, on which the greatest reliance was placed. about a hundred and fifty yards in the rear of the second line, and on the slope of the lesser eminence, was colonel washington's troop of cavalry, about eighty strong; with about fifty mounted carolinian volunteers, under major mccall, armed with sabres and pistols. it was about eight o'clock in the morning (jan. th), when tarleton came up. the position of the americans seemed to him to give great advantage to his cavalry, and he made hasty preparation for immediate attack, anticipating an easy victory. part of his infantry he formed into a line, with dragoons on each flank. the rest of the infantry and cavalry were to be a reserve, and to wait for orders. impetuous at all times, he did not even wait until the reserve could be placed, but led on his first line, which rushed shouting to the attack. the north carolina and georgia riflemen in the advance, delivered their fire with effect, and fell back to the flanks of picken's militia. these, as they had been instructed, waited until the enemy were within fifty yards, and then made a destructive volley, but soon gave way before the push of the bayonet. the british infantry pressed up to the second line, while forty of their cavalry attacked it on the right, seeking to turn its flank. colonel howard seeing himself in danger of being outflanked, endeavored to change his front to the right. his orders were misunderstood, and his troops were falling into confusion, when morgan rode up and ordered them to retreat over the hill, where colonel washington's cavalry were hurried forward for their protection. the british, seeing the troops retiring over the hill, rushed forward irregularly in pursuit of what they deemed a routed foe. to their astonishment they were met by colonel washington's dragoons, who spurred on them impetuously, while howard's infantry, facing about, gave them an effective volley of musketry, and then charged with the bayonet. the enemy now fell into complete confusion. some few artillerymen attempted to defend their guns, but were cut down or taken prisoners, and the cannon and colors captured. a panic seized upon the british troops. tarleton endeavored to bring his legion cavalry into action to retrieve the day. they had stood aloof as a reserve, and now, infected by the panic, turned their backs upon their commander, and galloped off through the woods, riding over the flying infantry. fourteen of his officers, however, and forty of his dragoons, remained true to him; with these he attempted to withstand the attack of washington's cavalry, and a fierce melée took place; but on the approach of howard's infantry, tarleton gave up all for lost, and spurred off with his few but faithful adherents, trusting to the speed of their horses for safety. the loss of the british in this action was ten officers and above one hundred men killed, two hundred wounded, and between five and six hundred rank and file made prisoners; while the americans had but twelve men killed and sixty wounded. the spoils taken by morgan, according to his own account, were two field-pieces, two standards, eight hundred muskets, one traveling forge, thirty-five wagons, seventy negroes, upwards of one hundred dragoon-horses, and all the music. the enemy, however, had destroyed most of their baggage, which was immense. morgan did not linger on the field of battle. leaving colonel pickens with a body of militia under the protection of a flag, to bury the dead and provide for the wounded of both armies, he set out the same day about noon with his prisoners and spoils. lord cornwallis, with his main force, was at turkey creek, only twenty-five miles distant, and must soon hear of the late battle. his object was to get to the catawba before he could be intercepted by his lordship, who lay nearer than he did to the fords of that river. before nightfall he crossed broad river at the cherokee ford, and halted for a few hours on its northern bank. before daylight of the th he was again on the march. colonel washington, who had been in pursuit of the enemy, rejoined him in the course of the day, as also did colonel pickens, who had left such of the wounded as could not be moved, under the protection of the flag of truce. cornwallis, on the eventful day of the th, was at his camp on turkey creek, confidently waiting for tidings from tarleton of a new triumph, when, towards evening, some of his routed dragoons came straggling into camp, haggard and forlorn, to tell the tale of his defeat. it was a thunder-stroke. tarleton defeated! and by the rude soldier he had been so sure of entrapping! it seemed incredible. it was confirmed, however, the next morning, by the arrival of tarleton himself, discomfited and crest-fallen. in his account of the recent battle, he represented the force under morgan to be two thousand. this exaggerated estimate, together with the idea that the militia would now be out in great force, rendered his lordship cautious. he remained a day or two at turkey creek to collect the scattered remains of tarleton's forces, and to await the arrival of general leslie. on the th, having been rejoined by leslie, his lordship moved towards king's creek, and thence in the direction of king's mountain, until informed of morgan's retreat toward the catawba. cornwallis now altered his course in that direction, and, trusting that morgan, encumbered, as he supposed him to be, by prisoners and spoils, might be overtaken before he could cross that river, detached a part of his force, without baggage, in pursuit of him, while he followed on with the remainder. nothing, say the british chroniclers, could exceed the exertions of the detachment; but morgan succeeded in reaching the catawba and crossing it in the evening, just two hours before those in pursuit of him arrived on its banks. a heavy rain came on and fell all night, and by daybreak the river was so swollen as to be impassable. it continued for several days, and gave morgan time to send off his prisoners who had crossed several miles above, and to call out the militia of mecklenburg and rowan counties to guard the fords of the river. lord cornwallis had moved slowly with his main body. he was encumbered by an immense train of baggage; the roads were through deep red clay, and the country was cut up by streams and morasses. it was not until the th that he assembled his whole force at ramsour's mills, on the little catawba, as the south fork of that river is called, and learnt that morgan had crossed the main stream. now he felt the loss he had sustained in the late defeat of tarleton, of a great part of his light troops. in this crippled condition, he determined to relieve his army of everything that could impede rapid movement in his future operations. two days, therefore, were spent by him at ramsour's mills, in destroying all such baggage and stores as could possibly be spared. general greene was gladdened by a letter from morgan, written shortly after his defeat of tarleton, and transmitted the news to washington with his own generous comments. he had recently received intelligence of the landing of troops at wilmington, from a british squadron, supposed to be a force under arnold, destined to push up cape fear river, and co-operate with cornwallis; he had to prepare, therefore, not only to succor morgan, but to prevent this co-operation. he accordingly detached general stevens with his virginia militia (whose term of service was nearly expired) to take charge of morgan's prisoners, and conduct them to charlottesville in virginia. at the same time he wrote to the governors of north carolina and virginia for all the aid they could furnish; to steuben to hasten forward his recruits, and to shelby, campbell and others to take arms once more and rival their achievements at king's mountain. this done, he left general huger in command of the division on the pedee, with orders to hasten on by forced marches to salisbury, to join the other division; in the meantime he set off on horseback for morgan's camp, attended merely by a guide, an aide-de-camp, and a sergeant's guard of dragoons. his object was to aid morgan in assembling militia and checking the enemy until the junction of his forces could be effected. it was a hard ride of upwards of a hundred miles through a rough country. on the last day of january he reached morgan's camp at sherrard's ford on the east side of the catawba. the british army lay on the opposite side of the river, but a few miles distant from it, and appeared to be making preparations to force a passage across, as it was subsiding, and would soon be fordable. greene supposed cornwallis had in view a junction with arnold at cape fear; he wrote, therefore, to general huger to hurry on, so that with their united forces they could give his lordship a defeat before he could effect the junction. more correct information relieved him from the apprehension of a co-operation of arnold and cornwallis. the british troops which had landed at wilmington, were merely a small detachment sent from charleston to establish a military depot for the use of cornwallis in his southern campaign. they had taken possession of wilmington without opposition. greene now changed his plans. he was aware of the ill-provided state of the british army, from the voluntary destruction of their wagons, tents and baggage. his plan now was to tempt the enemy continually with the prospect of a battle, but continually to elude one; to harass them by a long pursuit, draw them higher into the country, and gain time for the division advancing under huger to join him. it was the fabian policy that he had learnt under washington, of whom he prided himself on being a disciple. as the subsiding of the catawba would enable cornwallis to cross, greene ordered morgan to move off silently with his division on the evening of the st, and to press his march all night, so as to gain a good start in advance, while he (greene) would remain to bring on the militia, who were employed to check the enemy. these militia, assembled from the neighboring counties, did not exceed five hundred. two hundred of them were distributed at different fords: the remaining three hundred, forming a corps of mounted riflemen under general davidson, were to watch the movements of the enemy, and attack him wherever he should make his main attempt to cross. when the enemy should have actually crossed, the different bodies of militia were to make the best of their way to a rendezvous, sixteen miles distant, on the road to salisbury. while these dispositions were being made by the american commander, cornwallis was preparing to cross the river. the night of the st was chosen for the attempt. to divert the attention of the americans, he detached colonels webster and tarleton with a part of the army to a public ford called beattie's ford, where he supposed davidson to be stationed. there they were to make a feint of forcing a passage. the main attempt, however, was to be made six miles lower down, where little, if any, opposition was anticipated. cornwallis set out with the main body of his army at one o'clock in the morning. the night was dark and rainy. it was near daybreak by the time the head of the column reached the ford. to their surprise, they beheld numerous camp fires on the opposite bank. word was hastily carried to cornwallis that the ford was guarded. it was so indeed: davidson was there with his riflemen. at that place the catawba was nearly five hundred yards wide, about three feet deep, very rapid, and full of large stones. the troops entered the river in platoons, to support each other against the current, and were ordered not to fire until they should gain the opposite bank. colonel hall, of the light infantry of the guards, led the way; the grenadiers followed. the noise of the water and the darkness covered their movements until they were nearly half-way across, when they were descried by an american sentinel. he challenged them three times, and receiving no answer, fired. terrified by the report, the man who was guiding the british turned and fled. colonel hall, thus abandoned, led the way directly across the river; whereas the true ford inclined diagonally further down. hall had to pass through deeper water, but he reached a part of the bank where it was unguarded. the american pickets, too, which had turned out at the alarm given by the sentinel, had to deliver a distant and slanting fire. still it had its effect. three of the british were killed, and thirty-six wounded. colonel hall pushed on gallantly, but was shot down as he ascended the bank. general davidson hastened with his men towards the place where the british were landing. the latter formed as soon as they found themselves on firm ground, charged davidson's men before he had time to get them in order, killed and wounded about forty, and put the rest to flight. general davidson was the last to leave the ground, and was killed just as he was mounting his horse. general greene, informed that the enemy had crossed the catawba at daybreak, awaited anxiously at the rendezvous the arrival of the militia. it was not until after midnight that he heard of their utter dispersion, and of the death of davidson. apprehending the rapid advance of cornwallis, he hastened to rejoin morgan, who with his division was pushing forward for the yadkin, first sending orders to general huger to conduct the other division by the most direct route to guilford court-house, where the forces were to be united. greene spurred forward through heavy rain and deep miry roads. it was a dreary ride and a lonely one, for he had detached his aides-de-camp in different directions to collect the scattered militia. cornwallis did not advance so rapidly as had been apprehended. after crossing the catawba, he had to wait for his wagons and artillery, which had remained on the other side in the woods; so that by nightfall of the st of february he was not more than five miles on the road to salisbury. eager to come up with the americans, he mounted some of the infantry upon the baggage horses, joined them to the cavalry, and sent the whole forward under general o'hara. they arrived on the banks of the yadkin at night, between the d and d of february, just in time to capture a few wagons lingering in the rear of the american army, which had passed. the riflemen who guarded them retreated after a short skirmish. there were no boats with which to cross; the americans had secured them on the other side. the rain which had fallen throughout the day had overflooded the ford by which the american cavalry had passed. the pursuers were again brought to a stand. after some doubt and delay, cornwallis took his course up the south side of the yadkin, and crossed by what is still called the shallow ford, while greene continued on unmolested to guilford court-house, where he was joined by general huger and his division on the th. cornwallis was now encamped about twenty-five miles above them, at the old moravian town of salem. the great object of greene now was to get across the river dan, and throw himself into virginia. with the reinforcements and assistance he might there expect to find, he hoped to effect the salvation of the south, and prevent the dismemberment of the union. the object of cornwallis was to get between him and virginia, force him to a combat before he could receive those reinforcements, or enclose him in between the great rivers on the west, the sea on the east, and the two divisions of the british army under himself and lord rawdon on the north and south. his lordship had been informed that the lower part of the dan, at present, could only be crossed in boats, and that the country could not afford a sufficient number for the passage of greene's army; he trusted, therefore, to cut him off from the upper part of the river, where alone it was fordable. greene, however, had provided against such a contingency. boats had been secured at various places by his agents, and could be collected at a few hours' notice at the lower ferries. instead, therefore, of striving with his lordship for the upper fords, greene shaped his course for boyd's and irwin's fords, just above the confluence of the dan and staunton rivers which forms the roanoke, and about seventy miles from guilford court-house. this would give him twenty-five miles advantage of lord cornwallis at the outset. general kosciuszko was sent with a party in advance to collect the boats and throw up breastworks at the ferries. in ordering his march, general greene took the lead with the main body, the baggage, and stores. general morgan would have had the command of the rear-guard, but being disabled by a violent attack of ague and rheumatism, it was given to colonel otho h. williams (formerly adjutant-general), who had with him colonels howard, washington and lee. this corps, detached some distance in the rear, did infinite service. being lightly equipped, it could manoeuvre in front of the british line of march, break down bridges, sweep off provisions, and impede its progress, in a variety of ways, while the main body moved forward unmolested. it was now that cornwallis most felt the severity of the blow he had received at the battle of the cowpens in the loss of his light troops, having so few to cope with the élite corps under williams. we forbear to enter into the details of this masterly retreat, the many stratagems and manoeuvres of the covering party to delay and hoodwink the enemy. tarleton himself bears witness, in his narrative, that every measure of the americans was judiciously designed and vigorously executed. so much had cornwallis been misinformed at the outset as to the means below of passing the river, that he pushed on in the firm conviction that he was driving the american army into a trap, and would give it a signal blow before it could cross the dan. in the meantime, greene, with the main body, reached the banks of the river, and succeeded in crossing over with ease in the course of a single day at boyd's and irwin's ferries, sending back word to williams, who with his covering party was far in the rear. that intelligent officer encamped, as usual, in the evening, at a wary distance in front of the enemy, but stole a march upon them after dark, leaving his camp fires burning. he pushed on all night, arrived at the ferry in the morning of the th, having marched forty miles within the last four and twenty hours; and made such despatch in crossing, that his last troops had landed on the virginia shore by the time the astonished enemy arrived on the opposite bank. for a day the two armies lay panting within sight of each other on the opposite banks of the river, which had put an end to the race. on the th, the river began to subside; the enemy might soon be able to cross. greene prepared for a further retreat by sending forward his baggage on the road to halifax, and securing the passage of the staunton. at halifax he was resolved to make a stand, rather than suffer the enemy to take possession of it without a struggle. its situation on the roanoke would make it a strong position for their army, supported by a fleet, and would favor their designs both on virginia and the carolinas. with a view to its defence, intrenchments had already been thrown up, under the direction of kosciuszko. lord cornwallis, however, did not deem it prudent, under present circumstances, to venture into virginia, where greene would be sure of powerful reinforcements. north carolina was in a state of the utmost disorder and confusion; he thought it better to remain in it for a time, and profit by having compelled greene to abandon it. after giving his troops a day's repose, therefore, he put them once more in motion on the th, along the road by which he had pursued greene. this changed the game. lee, with his legion, strengthened by two veteran maryland companies, and pickens, with a corps of south carolina militia, all light troops, were transported across the dan in the boats, with orders to gain the front of cornwallis, hover as near as safety would permit, cut off his intercourse with the disaffected parts of the country, and check the rising of the royalists. greene, in the meanwhile, remained with his main force on the northern bank of the dan; waiting to ascertain his lordship's real designs, and ready to cross at a moment's warning. the movements of cornwallis, for a day or two, were of a dubious nature, designed to perplex his opponents; or the th, however, he took post at hillsborough. here he issued a proclamation, inviting all loyal subjects to assist in suppressing the remains of rebellion, and re-establishing good order and constitutional government. by another instrument, all who could raise independent companies were called upon to give in their names at head-quarters, and a bounty in money and lands was promised to those who should enlist under them. tarleton was detached with the cavalry and a small body of infantry to a region of country lying between the haw and deep rivers, to bring on a considerable number of loyalists who were said to be assembling there. rumor, in the meantime, had magnified the effect of his lordship's proclamations. word was brought to greene, that the tories were flocking from all quarters to the royal standard. seven companies, it was said, had been raised in a single day. at this time the reinforcements to the american camp had been little more than six hundred virginia militia, under general stevens. greene saw that at this rate, if cornwallis was allowed to remain undisturbed, he would soon have complete command of north carolina; he boldly determined, therefore, to recross the dan at all hazards with the scanty force at his command, and give his lordship check. in this spirit he broke up his camp and crossed the river on the d. in the meantime, lee and pickens, who were scouring the country about hillsborough, received information of tarleton's recruiting expedition. there was no foe they were more eager to cope with; and they resolved to give him a surprise. having forded the haw one day about noon, they learned that he was encamped about three miles off, that his horses were unsaddled, and that everything indicated confident security. they now pushed on under covert of the woods, prepared to give the bold partisan a blow after his own fashion. before they reached the place, tarleton had marched on. being informed that he was to halt for the night at the distance of six miles, they still trusted to surprise him. on the way, however, they had an encounter with a body of three or four hundred mounted royalists, armed with rifles, and commanded by a colonel pyle, marching in quest of tarleton. as lee with his cavalry was in the advance, he was mistaken for tarleton, and hailed with loyal acclamations. he favored the mistake, and was taking measures to capture the royalists, when some of them, seeing the infantry under pickens, discovered their error and fired upon the rear-guard. the cavalry instantly charged upon them; ninety were cut down and slain, and a great number wounded; among the latter was colonel pyle himself, who took refuge among the thickets on the borders of a piece of water which still bears his name. after all, lee and pickens missed the object of their enterprise. the approach of night and the fatigue of their troops, made them defer their attack upon tarleton until morning. in the meantime, the latter had received an express from cornwallis, informing him that greene had passed the dan, and ordering him to return to hillsborough as soon as possible. he hastened to obey. lee with his legion was in the saddle before daybreak; but tarleton's troops were already on the march. before sunrise, he had forded the haw, and "light-horse harry" gave over the pursuit. the re-appearance of greene and his army in north carolina, heralded by the scourings of lee and pickens, disconcerted the schemes of lord cornwallis. the recruiting service was interrupted. many royalists, who were on the way to his camp, returned home. forage and provisions became scarce in the neighborhood. he found himself, he said, "amongst timid friends and adjoining to inveterate rebels." on the th, therefore, he abandoned hillsborough, threw himself across the haw, and encamped near alamance creek, one of its principal tributaries, in a country favorable to supplies and with a tory population. his position was commanding, at the point of concurrence of roads from salisbury, guilford, high rockford, cross creek, and hillsborough. it covered also the communication with wilmington, where a dépôt of military stores, so important to his half-destitute army, had recently been established. greene with his main army took post about fifteen miles above him, on the heights between troublesome creek and reedy fork, one of the tributaries of the haw. his plan was to cut the enemy off from the upper counties; to harass him by skirmishes, but to avoid a general battle; thus gaining time for the arrival of reinforcements daily expected. on the th of march, cornwallis, learning that the light troops under williams were very carelessly posted, put his army suddenly in motion, and crossed the alamance in a thick fog; with the design to beat up their quarters, drive them in upon the main army, and bring greene to action should he come to their assistance. his movement was discovered by the american patrols, and the alarm given. williams hastily called in his detachments, and retreated with his light troops across reedy fork, while lee with his legion manoeuvred in front of the enemy. a stand was made by the americans at wetzell's mill, but they were obliged to retire with the loss of fifty killed and wounded. cornwallis did not pursue; evening was approaching, and he had failed in his main object; that of bringing greene to action. the latter, fixed in his resolve of avoiding a conflict, had retreated across the haw. greene's long-expected reinforcements now arrived, having been hurried on by forced marches. they consisted of a brigade of virginia militia, under general lawson, two brigades of north carolina militia, under generals butler and eaton, and four hundred regulars, enlisted for eighteen months. his whole effective force, according to official returns, amounted to four thousand two hundred and forty-three foot, and one hundred and sixty-one cavalry. of his infantry, not quite two thousand were regulars, and of these, three-fourths were new levies. his force nearly doubled in number that of cornwallis, which did not exceed two thousand four hundred men; but many of greene's troops were raw and inexperienced, and had never been in battle; those of the enemy were veterans, schooled in warfare. greene knew the inferiority of his troops in this respect; his reinforcements, too, fell far short of what he had been led to expect, yet he determined to accept the battle which had so long been offered. all detachments were ordered to assemble at guilford, within eight miles of the enemy, where he encamped on the th, sending his wagons and heavy baggage to the iron works at troublesome creek, ten miles in his rear. cornwallis sent his carriages and baggage to bell's mills, on deep river, and set out at daybreak on the th for guilford. within four miles of that place, near the new garden meeting-house, tarleton with the advanced guard came upon the american advance-guard, composed of lee's partisan legion, and some mountaineers and virginia militia. tarleton and lee were well matched in military prowess, and the skirmish between them was severe. lee's horses, being from virginia and pennsylvania, were superior in weight and strength to those of his opponent, which had been chiefly taken from plantations in south carolina. the latter were borne down by a charge in close column. tarleton, seeing that his weakly-mounted men fought to a disadvantage, sounded a retreat; lee endeavored to cut him off. a general conflict of the vanguards, horse and foot, ensued, when the appearance of the main body of the enemy obliged lee, in his turn, to retire with precipitation. during this time, greene was preparing for action on a woody eminence, a little more than a mile south of guilford court-house. the neighboring country was covered with forest, excepting some cultivated fields about the court-house, and along the salisbury road, which passed through the centre of the place, from south to north. he had drawn out his troops in three lines. the first, composed of north carolina militia, volunteers and riflemen, under generals butler and eaton, was posted behind a fence, with an open field in front, and woods on the flanks and in the rear. about three hundred yards behind this, was the second line, composed of virginia militia, under generals stevens and lawson, drawn up across the road, and covered by a wood. the third line, about four hundred yards in the rear of the second, was composed of continental troops or regulars; those of virginia under general huger on the right, those of maryland under colonel williams on the left. colonel washington with a body of dragoons, kirkwood's delaware infantry, and a battalion of virginia militia covered the right flank; lee's legion, with the virginia riflemen under colonel campbell, covered the left. two six-pounders were in the road, in advance of the first line; two field-pieces with the rear-line near the court-house, where general greene took his station. about noon the head of the british army was descried advancing spiritedly from the south along the salisbury road, and defiling into the fields. a cannonade was opened from the two six-pounders, in front of the first american line. it was answered by the british artillery. neither produced much effect. the enemy now advanced coolly and steadily in three columns; the hessians and highlanders under general leslie on the right, the royal artillery and guards in the centre, and webster's brigade on the left. the north carolinians, who formed the first line, waited until the enemy were within one hundred and fifty yards, when, agitated by their martial array and undaunted movement, they began to fall into confusion; some fired off their pieces without taking aim; others threw them down, and took to flight. a volley from the foe, a shout, and a charge of the bayonet, completed their discomfiture. some fled to the woods, others fell back upon the virginians, who formed the second line. general stevens, who commanded the latter, ordered his men to open and let the fugitives pass, pretending that they had orders to retire. under his spirited command and example, the virginians kept their ground and fought bravely. the action became much broken up and diversified by the extent of the ground. the thickness of the woods impeded the movements of the cavalry. the reserves on both sides were called up. the british bayonet again succeeded; the second line gave way, and general stevens, who had kept the field for some time, after being wounded in the thigh by a musket-ball, ordered a retreat. the enemy pressed with increasing ardor against the third line, composed of continental troops, and supported by colonel washington's dragoons and kirkwood's delawares. greene counted on these to retrieve the day. they were regulars; they were fresh, and in perfect order. he rode along the line, calling on them to stand firm, and give the enemy a warm reception. the first maryland regiment which was on the right wing, was attacked by colonel webster, with the british left. it stood the shock bravely, and being seconded by some virginia troops, and kirkwood's delawares, drove webster across a ravine. the second maryland regiment was not so successful. impetuously attacked by colonel stewart, with a battalion of the guards and a company of grenadiers, it faltered, gave way and fled, abandoning two field-pieces, which were seized by the enemy. stewart was pursuing, when the first regiment which had driven webster across the ravine, came to the rescue with fixed bayonets, while colonel washington spurred up with his cavalry. the fight now was fierce and bloody. stewart was slain; the two field-pieces were retaken, and the enemy in their turn gave way and were pursued with slaughter; a destructive fire of grape-shot from the enemy's artillery checked the pursuit. two regiments approached on the right and left; webster recrossed the ravine and fell upon kirkwood's delawares. there was intrepid fighting in different parts of the field; but greene saw that the day was lost; there was no retrieving the effect produced by the first flight of the north carolinians. unwilling to risk the utter destruction of his army, he directed a retreat, which was made in good order, but they had to leave their artillery on the field, most of the horses having been killed. about three miles from the field of action he made a halt to collect stragglers, and then continued on to the place of rendezvous at speedwell's iron works on troublesome creek. the british were too much cut up and fatigued to follow up their victory. two regiments, with tarleton's cavalry, attempted a pursuit, but were called back. the loss of the americans in this hard-fought affair was never fully ascertained. their official returns, made immediately after the action, give little more than four hundred killed and wounded, and between eight and nine hundred missing; but lord cornwallis states in his despatches, that between two and three hundred of the americans were found dead on the field of battle. the loss sustained by his lordship, even if numerically less, was far more fatal; for, in the circumstances in which he was placed, it was not to be supplied, and it completely maimed him. of his small army, ninety-three had fallen, four hundred and thirteen were wounded, and twenty-six missing. among the killed and wounded were several officers of note. thus, one-fourth of his army was either killed or disabled; his troops were exhausted by fatigue and hunger; his camp was encumbered by the wounded. his victory, in fact, was almost as ruinous as a defeat. greene lay for two days within ten miles of him, near the iron works on troublesome creek, gathering up his scattered troops. he had imbibed the spirit of washington, and remained undismayed by hardships or reverses. cornwallis, so far from being able to advance in the career of victory, could not even hold the ground he had so bravely won, but was obliged to retreat from the scene of triumph to some secure position where he might obtain supplies for his famished army. leaving, therefore, about seventy of his officers and men, who were too severely wounded to bear travelling, together with a number of wounded americans, under the protection of a flag of truce, he set out, on the third day after the action, by easy marches, for cross creek, an eastern branch of cape fear river, where was a settlement of scottish highlanders, stout adherents, as he was led to believe, to the royal cause. here he expected to be plentifully supplied with provisions, and to have his sick and wounded well taken care of. hence, too, he could open a communication by cape fear river, with wilmington. no sooner did greene learn that cornwallis was retreating, than he set out to follow him, determined to bring him again to action; and presenting the singular spectacle of the vanquished pursuing the victor. his troops, however, suffered greatly in this pursuit from wintry weather, deep, wet, clayey roads, and scarcity of provisions. on the th, greene arrived at ramsey's mills, on deep river, hard on the traces of cornwallis, who had left the place a few hours previously with such precipitation, that several of his wounded, who had died while on the march, were left behind unburied. at deep river, greene was brought to a stand. cornwallis had broken down the bridge by which he had crossed; and further pursuit for the present was impossible. the constancy of the militia now gave way. they had been continually on the march with little to eat, less to drink, and obliged to sleep in the woods in the midst of smoke. every step had led them from their homes and increased their privations. they were now in want of everything, for the retreating enemy left a famished country behind him. the term for which most of them had enlisted was expired, and they now demanded their discharge. the demand was just and reasonable, and, after striving in vain to shake their determination, greene felt compelled to comply with it. his force thus reduced, it would be impossible to pursue the enemy further. in this situation, remote from reinforcements, inferior to the enemy in numbers, and without hope of support, what was to be done? "if the enemy falls down toward wilmington," said he, "they will be in a position where it would be impossible for us to injure them if we had a force." suddenly he determined to change his course, and carry the war into south carolina. this would oblige the enemy either to follow him, and thus abandon north carolina, or to sacrifice all his posts in the upper part of north carolina and georgia. to washington, to whom he considered himself accountable for his policy, and from whose council he derived confidence and strength, he writes on the present occasion: "all things considered, i think the movement is warranted by the soundest reasons, both political and military...." he apprised sumter, pickens, and marion, by letter, of his intentions, and called upon them to be ready to co-operate. on the th of march he discharged all his militia, with many thanks for the courage and fortitude with which they had followed him through so many scenes of peril and hardship. then, after giving his army a short taste of the repose they needed, and having collected a few days' provisions, he set forward on the th of april toward camden, where lord rawdon had his head-quarters. cornwallis, in the meantime, was grievously disappointed in the hopes he had formed of obtaining ample provisions and forage at cross creek, and strong reinforcements from the royalists in the neighborhood. neither could he open a communication by cape fear river for the conveyance of his troops to wilmington. the distance by water was upwards of a hundred miles, the breadth of the river seldom above one hundred yards, the banks high, and the inhabitants on each side generally hostile. he was compelled, therefore, to continue his retreat by land, quite to wilmington, where he arrived on the th of april. it was his lordship's intention, as soon as he should have equipped his own corps and received a part of the expected reinforcements from ireland, to return to the upper country, in hopes of giving protection to the royal interests in south carolina, and of preserving the health of his troops until he should concert new measures with sir henry clinton. his plans were all disconcerted, however, by intelligence of greene's rapid march toward camden. all thoughts of offensive operations against north carolina were at an end. sickness, desertion, and the loss sustained at guilford court-house, had reduced his little army to fourteen hundred and thirty-five men. in this sad predicament, after remaining several days in a painful state of irresolution he determined to take advantage of greene's having left the back part of virginia open, to march directly into that province, and attempt a junction with the force acting there under general phillips. by this move, he might draw greene back to the northward, and by the reduction of virginia, he might promote the subjugation of the south. the move, however, he felt to be perilous. his troops were worn down by upwards of eight hundred miles of marching and countermarching, through an inhospitable and impracticable country; they had now three hundred more before them; under still worse circumstances than those in which they first set out. there was no time for hesitation or delay; greene might return and render the junction with phillips impracticable; having sent an express to the latter, therefore, informing him of his coming, and appointing a meeting at petersburg, his lordship set off on the th of april, on his fated march into virginia. we must now step back in dates to bring up events in the more northern parts of the union. chapter lxii. the war in virginia.--demonstrations against new york. in a former chapter we left benedict arnold fortifying himself at portsmouth, after his ravaging incursion. at the solicitation of governor jefferson, backed by congress, the chevalier de la luzerne had requested the french commander at the eastward to send a ship-of-the-line and some frigates to chesapeake bay to oppose the traitor. fortunately, at this juncture a severe snowstorm (jan. d) scattered arbuthnot's blockading squadron, wrecking one ship-of-the-line and dismasting others, and enabled the french fleet at newport to look abroad; and rochambeau wrote to washington that the chevalier destouches, who commanded the fleet, proposed to send three or four ships to the chesapeake. washington feared the position of arnold and his well-known address might enable him to withstand a mere attack by sea; anxious to ensure his capture, he advised that destouches should send his whole fleet, and that de rochambeau should embark about a thousand men on board of it, with artillery and apparatus for a siege; engaging, on his own part, to send off immediately a detachment of twelve hundred men to co-operate. before the receipt of this letter, the french commanders, acting on their first impulse, had, about the th of february, detached m. de tilly, with a sixty-gun ship and two frigates, to make a dash into the chesapeake. washington was apprised of their sailing just as he was preparing to send off the twelve hundred men spoken of in his letter to de rochambeau. he gave the command of this detachment to lafayette, instructing him to act in conjunction with the militia and the ships sent by destouches against the enemy's corps actually in virginia. as the case was urgent, he was to suffer no delay, when on the march, for want either of provisions, forage, or wagons, but where ordinary means did not suffice, he was to resort to military impress. lafayette set out on his march on the d of february, and washington was indulging the hope that, scanty as was the naval force sent to the chesapeake, the combined enterprise might be successful, when on the th he received a letter from the count de rochambeau announcing its failure. de tilly had made his dash into chesapeake bay, but arnold had been apprised by the british admiral arbuthnot of his approach, and had drawn his ships high up elizabeth river. the water was too shallow for the largest french ships to get within four leagues of him. one of de tilly's frigates ran aground, and was got off with difficulty, and that commander, seeing that arnold was out of his reach, and fearing to be himself blockaded should he linger, put to sea and returned to newport; having captured during his cruise a british frigate of forty-four guns, and two privateers with their prizes. the french commanders now determined to follow the plan suggested by washington, and operate in the chesapeake with their whole fleet and a detachment of land troops, being, as they said, disposed to risk everything to hinder arnold from establishing himself at portsmouth. washington set out for newport to concert operations with the french commanders, where he arrived on the th of march, and found the french fleet ready for sea, the troops eleven hundred strong, commanded by general the baron de viomenil, being already embarked. he went immediately on board of the admiral's ship, where he had an interview with the count de rochambeau, and arranged the plan of the campaign. on the th of march, at ten o'clock at night, he writes to lafayette: "i have the pleasure to inform you that the whole fleet went out with a fair wind this evening about sunset." the british fleet made sail in pursuit, on the morning of the th; as the french had so much the start, it was hoped they would reach chesapeake bay before them. in the meantime, lafayette with his detachment was pressing forward by forced marches for virginia. arriving at the head of elk on the d of march, he halted until he should receive tidings respecting the french fleet. on the th he received washington's letter of the st, apprising him of the approaching departure of the whole fleet with land forces. lafayette now conducted his troops by water to annapolis, and concluding, from the time the ships were to sail, and the winds which had since prevailed, the french fleet must be already in the chesapeake, he crossed the bay in an open boat to virginia, and pushed on to confer with the american and french commanders: get a convoy for his troops, and concert matters for a vigorous co-operation. arriving at york on the th, he found the baron steuben in the bustle of military preparations, and confident of having five thousand militia ready to co-operate. these, with lafayette's detachment, would be sufficient for the attack by land; nothing was wanting but a co-operation by sea; and the french fleet had not yet appeared, though double the time necessary for the voyage had elapsed. on the th, word was brought that a fleet had come to anchor within the capes. it was supposed of course to be the french, and now the capture of the traitor was certain. he himself from certain signs appeared to be in great confusion; none of his ships ventured down the bay. an officer of the french navy bore down to visit the fleet, but returned with the astounding intelligence that it was british! admiral arbuthnot had in fact overtaken destouches on the th of march, off the capes of virginia. their forces were nearly equal; eight ships-of-the-line, and four frigates on each side, the french having more men, the english more guns. an engagement took place which lasted about an hour. the british van at first took the brunt of the action, and was severely handled; the centre came up to its relief. the french line was broken and gave way, but rallied, and formed again at some distance. the crippled state of some of his ships prevented the british admiral from bringing on a second encounter; nor did the french seek one, but shaped their course the next day back to newport. both sides claimed a victory. the british certainly effected the main objects they had in view; the french were cut off from the chesapeake; the combined enterprise against portsmouth was disconcerted, and arnold was saved. a detachment [of two thousand troops] from new york, under general phillips, arrived at portsmouth on the th of march. that officer immediately took command, greatly to the satisfaction of the british officers, who had been acting under arnold. the force now collected there amounted to three thousand five hundred men. the disparity in force was now so great, that the baron steuben had to withdraw his troops, and remove the military stores into the interior. many of the militia, too, their term of three months being expired, stacked their arms, and set off for their homes, and most of the residue had to be discharged. general phillips had hitherto remained quiet in portsmouth, completing the fortifications, but evidently making preparations for an expedition. on the th of april he left one thousand men in garrison, and embarking the rest in small vessels of light draught, proceeded up james river, destroying armed vessels, public magazines, and a ship-yard belonging to the state. landing at city point, he advanced against petersburg, a place of deposit of military stores and tobacco. he was met about a mile below the town by about one thousand militia, under general muhlenburg, who, after disputing the ground inch by inch for nearly two hours, with considerable loss on both sides, retreated across the appomattox, breaking down the bridge behind them. phillips entered the town, set fire to the tobacco warehouses, and destroyed all the vessels lying in the river. repairing and crossing the bridge over the appomattox, he proceeded to chesterfield court-house, where he destroyed barracks and public stores; while arnold, with a detachment, laid waste the magazines of tobacco in the direction of warwick. a fire was opened by the latter from a few field-pieces on the river bank, upon a squadron of small, armed vessels, which had been intended to co-operate with the french fleet against portsmouth. the crews scuttled or set fire to them, and escaped to the north side of the river. this destructive course was pursued until they arrived at manchester, a small place opposite richmond, where the tobacco warehouses were immediately in a blaze. richmond was a leading object of this desolating enterprise, for there a great part of the military stores of the state had been collected. fortunately, lafayette, with his detachment of two thousand men, had arrived there, by forced marches, the evening before, and being joined by about two thousand militia and sixty dragoons (the latter, principally young virginians of family), had posted himself strongly on the high banks on the north side of the river. there being no bridge across the river at that time, general phillips did not think it prudent to attempt a passage in face of such a force so posted. returning down the south bank of the river, to the place where his vessels awaited him, he re-embarked on the d of may, and dropped slowly down the river below the confluence of the chickahomony. he was followed cautiously, and his movements watched by lafayette, who posted himself behind the last-named river. despatches from cornwallis now informed phillips that his lordship was advancing with all speed from the south to effect a junction with him. the general immediately made a rapid move to regain possession of petersburg, where the junction was to take place. lafayette attempted by forced marches to get there before him, but was too late. falling back, therefore, he recrossed james river and stationed himself some miles below richmond, to be at hand for the protection of the public stores collected there. during this main expedition of phillips, some of his smaller vessels had carried on the plan of plunder and devastation in other of the rivers emptying into the chesapeake bay; setting fire to the houses where they met with resistance. in the meantime the desolating career of general phillips was brought to a close. he had been ill for some days previous to his arrival at petersburg, and by the time he reached there, was no longer capable of giving orders. he died four days afterwards; honored and deeply regretted by his brothers in arms, as a meritorious and well-tried soldier. lord cornwallis arrived at petersburg on the th of may, after nearly a month's weary marching from wilmington. his lordship, on taking command, found his force augmented by a considerable detachment of royal artillery, two battalions of light infantry, the th and th british regiments, a hessian regiment, lieutenant-colonel simcoe's corps of queen's rangers, cavalry and infantry, one hundred yagers, arnold's legion of royalists, and the garrison of portsmouth. his mind, we are told, was now set at ease with regard to southern affairs; his spirits, so long jaded by his harassing tramps about the carolinas, were again lifted up by his augmented strength. while affairs were approaching a crisis in virginia, troubles were threatening from the north. there were rumors of invasion from canada; of war councils and leagues among the savage tribes; of a revival of the territorial feuds between new york and vermont. such, however, was the deplorable inefficiency of the military system, that though, according to the resolves of congress, there were to have been thirty-seven thousand men under arms at the beginning of the year, washington's whole force on the hudson in the month of may did not amount to seven thousand men, of whom little more than four thousand were effective. he still had his head-quarters at new windsor, just above the highlands, and within a few miles of west point. here he received intelligence that the enemy were in force on the opposite side of the hudson, marauding the country on the north side of croton river, and he ordered a hasty advance of connecticut troops in that direction. the croton river flows from east to west across westchester county, and formed as it were the barrier of the american lines. the advanced posts of washington's army guarded it, and by its aid, protected the upper country from the incursions of those foraging parties and marauders which had desolated the neutral ground below it. the incursions most to be guarded against were those of colonel delancey's loyalists, a horde of tories and refugees which had their stronghold in morrisania. the object of their present incursion was to surprise an outpost of the american army stationed near a fordable part of the croton river, not far from pine's bridge. the post was commanded by colonel christopher greene, of rhode island, the same who had successfully defended fort mercer on the delaware, when assailed by count donop. he was a valuable officer, highly prized by washington. colonel delancey, who led this foray, was successor to the unfortunate andré as adjutant-general of the british army. he conducted it secretly, and in the night, at the head of a hundred horse and two hundred foot. the croton was forded at daybreak, just as the night-guard had been withdrawn, and the farm-houses were surprised and assailed in which the americans were quartered. that occupied by colonel greene and a brother officer, major flagg, was first surrounded. the major started from his bed, and discharged his pistols from a window, but was shot through the head, and afterwards despatched by cuts and thrusts of the sabre. the door of greene's room was burst open. he defended himself vigorously and effectively with his sword, for he had great strength, but he was overpowered by numbers, cut down, and barbarously mangled. a massacre was going on in other quarters. besides these two officers, there were between thirty and forty killed and wounded, and several made prisoners. it is said that colonel delancey was not present at the carnage, but remained on the south side of the croton to secure the retreat of his party. before the troops ordered out by washington arrived at the post, the marauders had made a precipitate retreat. they had attempted to carry off greene a prisoner, but he died within three-quarters of a mile of the house. the commander-in-chief, we are told, heard with anguish and indignation the tragical fate of this, his faithful friend and soldier. at this juncture washington's attention was called in another direction. a frigate had arrived at boston, bringing the count de barras, to take command of the french naval force. he was a veteran about sixty years of age, and had commanded d'estaing's vanguard, when he forced the entrance of newport harbor. the count brought the cheering intelligence, that an armament of twenty ships-of-the-line, with land forces, was to sail, or had sailed, from france, under the count de grasse for the west indies, and that twelve of these ships were to relieve the squadron at newport, and might be expected on the coast of the united states in july or august. the count de rochambeau, having received despatches from the court of france, now requested an interview with washington. the latter appointed weathersfield in connecticut for the purpose; and met the count there on the d of may, hoping to settle a definite plan of the campaign. both as yet were ignorant of the arrival of cornwallis in virginia. the policy of a joint expedition to relieve the carolinas was discussed. as the french ships in newport were still blockaded by a superior force, such an expedition would have to be made by land. a march to the southern states was long and harassing, and always attended with a great waste of life. on the other hand, an effective blow might be struck at new york, the garrison having been reduced one-half by detachments to the south. it was determined, therefore, that the french troops should march from newport as soon as possible, and form a junction with the american army on the hudson, and that both should move down to the vicinity of new york to make a combined attack, in which the count de grasse should be invited to co-operate with his fleet and a body of land troops. a vessel was despatched by de rochambeau, to inform the count de grasse of this arrangement; and letters were addressed by washington to the executive authorities of new jersey and the new england states, urging them to fill up their battalions and furnish their quotas of provisions. notwithstanding all his exertions, however, when he mustered his forces at peekskill, he was mortified to find not more than five thousand effective men. notwithstanding, too, all the resolutions passed in the legislatures of the various states for supplying the army, it would, at this critical moment, have been destitute of provisions, especially bread, had it not been for the zeal, talents, and activity of mr. robert morris, now a delegate to congress, from the state of pennsylvania, and recently appointed superintendent of finance. this patriotic and energetic man, when public means failed, pledged his own credit in transporting military stores and feeding the army. the count de rochambeau and the duke de lauzun being arrived with their troops in connecticut, on their way to join the american army, washington prepared for spirited operations; quickened by the intelligence that a part of the garrison of new york had been detached to forage the jerseys. two objects were contemplated by him: one, the surprisal of the british works at the north end of new york island; the other the capture or destruction of delancey's corps of refugees in morrisania. the attack upon the posts was to be conducted by general lincoln, with a detachment from the main army, which he was to bring down by water--that on delancey's corps by the duke de lauzun with his legion, aided by sheldon's dragoons, and a body of connecticut troops. both operations were to be carried into effect on the d of july. the duke was to march down from ridgebury in connecticut, for the purpose. everything was to be conducted with secrecy and by the way of surprisal. should anything occur to prevent lincoln from attempting the works on new york island, he was to land his men above spyt den duivel creek, march to the high grounds in front of king's bridge, lie concealed there until the duke's attack on delancey's corps should be announced by firing or other means; then to dispose of his force in such a manner as to make the enemy think it larger than it really was; thereby deterring troops from coming over the bridge to turn lauzun's right, while he prevented the escape over the bridge of delancey's refugees when routed from morrisania. in pursuance of the plan, lincoln left the camp near peekskill on the st, with eight hundred men, and artillery, and proceeded to teller's point, where they were embarked in boats with muffled oars, and rowed silently at night down the tappan sea. at daylight they kept concealed under the land. the duke de lauzun was supposed, at the same time, to be on the way from connecticut. washington, at three o'clock on the morning of the d, left his tents standing at peekskill, and commenced his march with his main force, to valentine's hill, four miles above king's bridge. there he posted himself to cover the detached troops, and improve any advantages that might be gained them. lincoln, on the morning of the d, had left his flotilla concealed under the eastern shore, and crossed to fort lee to reconnoitre fort washington from the cliffs on the opposite side of the hudson. to his surprise and chagrin, he discovered a british force encamped on the north end of new york island, and a ship-of-war anchored in the river. in fact, the troops which had been detached into the jerseys, had returned, and the enemy were on the alert; the surprisal of the forts, therefore, was out of the question. his thoughts now were to aid the duke de lauzun's part of the scheme, as he had been instructed. before daylight on the d, he landed his troops above spyt den duivel creek, and took possession of the high ground on the north of harlem river, where fort independence once stood. here he was discovered by a foraging party of the enemy, fifteen hundred strong, who had sallied out at daybreak to scour the country. an irregular skirmish ensued. the firing was heard by the duke de lauzun, who was just arrived with his troops at eastchester, fatigued by a long and forced march in sultry weather. finding the country alarmed, and all hope of surprising delancey's corps at an end, he hastened to the support of lincoln. washington also advanced with his troops from valentine's hill. the british, perceiving their danger, retreated to their boats on the east side of harlem river, and crossed over to new york island. a trifling loss in killed and wounded had been sustained on each side, and lincoln had made a few prisoners. being disappointed in both objects, washington did not care to fatigue his troops any more, but suffered them to remain on their arms, and spent a good part of the day reconnoitring the enemy's works. in the afternoon he retired to valentine's hill, and the next day marched to dobbs' ferry, where he was joined by the count de rochambeau on the th july. the two armies now encamped--the american in two lines, resting on the hudson at dobbs' ferry, where it was covered by batteries, and extending eastward toward the neperan or sawmill river; the french in a single line on the hills further east, reaching to the bronx river. the two armies lay thus encamped for three or four weeks. in the meantime letters urged washington's presence in virginia. richard henry lee advised that he should come with two or three thousand good troops, and be clothed with dictatorial powers. "i am fully persuaded, and upon good military principles," writes washington in reply, "that the measures i have adopted will give more effectual and speedy relief to the state of virginia than my marching thither, with dictatorial powers, at the head of every man i could draw from hence, without leaving the important posts on the north river quite defenceless, and these states open to devastation and ruin. my present plan of operation, which i have been preparing with all the zeal and activity in my power, will, i am morally certain, with proper support produce one of two things, either the fall of new york, or a withdrawal of the troops from virginia, excepting a garrison at portsmouth, at which place i have no doubt of the enemy's intention of establishing a permanent post." within two or three days after this letter was written, washington crossed the river at dobbs' ferry, accompanied by the count de rochambeau, general de beville, and general duportail, to reconnoitre the british posts on the north end of new york island. they were escorted by one hundred and fifty of the new jersey troops, and spent the day on the jersey heights ascertaining the exact position of the enemy on the opposite shore. their next movement was to reconnoitre the enemy's posts at king's bridge and on the east side of new york island, and to cut off, if possible, such of delancey's corps as should be found without the british lines. five thousand troops, french and american, led by the count de chastellux and general lincoln, were to protect this reconnoissance, and menace the enemy's posts. everything was prepared in secrecy. on the st of july, at eight o'clock in the evening, the troops began their march. the detachment arrived at king's bridge about daylight, and formed on the height back of fort independence. the enemy's forts on new york island did not appear to have the least intelligence of what was going on, nor to be aware that hostile troops were upon the heights opposite, until the latter displayed themselves in full array, their arms flashing in the morning sunshine, and their banners, american and french, unfolded to the breeze. while the enemy was thus held in check, washington and de rochambeau, accompanied by engineers and by their staffs, set out under the escort of a troop of dragoons to reconnoitre the enemy's position and works from every point of view. it was a wide reconnoissance, extending across the country outside of the british lines from the hudson to the sound. the whole was done slowly and scientifically, exact notes and diagrams being made of everything that might be of importance in future operations. while the enemy's works had been thoroughly reconnoitred, light troops and lancers had performed their duty in scouring the neighborhood. the refugee posts which had desolated the country were broken up. most of the refugees, washington says, had fled and hid themselves in secret places; some got over by stealth to the adjacent islands and to the enemy's shipping, and a few were caught. chapter lxiii. ravages in virginia.--operations in carolina.--attack on new london. the first object of lord cornwallis on the junction of his forces at petersburg in may, was to strike a blow at lafayette. the marquis was encamped on the north side of james river, between wilton and richmond, with about one thousand regulars, two thousand militia, and fifty dragoons. he was waiting for reinforcements of militia, and for the arrival of general wayne, with the pennsylvania line. his lordship hoped to draw him into an action before thus reinforced, and with that view, marched, on the th of may, from petersburg to james river, which he crossed at westover, about thirty miles below richmond. here he was joined on the th by a reinforcement just arrived from new york, part of which he sent under general leslie to strengthen the garrison at portsmouth. he was relieved also from military companionship with the infamous arnold, who obtained leave of absence to return to new york, where business of importance was said to demand his attention. being now strongly reinforced, cornwallis moved to dislodge lafayette from richmond. this latter, conscious of the inferiority of his forces, decamped as soon as he heard his lordship had crossed james river, and directed his march toward the upper country, inclining to the north, to favor a junction with wayne. cornwallis followed him as far as the upper part of hanover county, destroying public stores wherever found. he soon found it impossible either to overtake lafayette, or prevent his junction with wayne; he turned his attention, therefore, to other objects. greene, in his passage through virginia, had urged the importance of removing horses out of the way of the enemy; his caution had been neglected; the consequences were now felt. the great number of fine horses in the stables of virginia gentlemen, who are noted for their love of the noble animal, had enabled cornwallis to mount many of his troops in first-rate style. these he employed in scouring the country, and destroying public stores. tarleton and his legion, it is said, were mounted on race-horses. the state legislature had been removed for safety to charlottesville, where it was assembled for the purpose of levying taxes, and drafting militia. tarleton, with one hundred and eighty cavalry and seventy mounted infantry, was ordered by cornwallis to make a dash there, break up the legislature, and carry off members. on his way thither, on the th of june, he captured and destroyed a convoy of arms and clothing destined for greene's army in north carolina. at another place he surprised several persons of note at the house of a dr. walker, but lingered so long breakfasting, that a person mounted on a fleet horse had time to reach charlottesville before him, and spread the alarm. tarleton crossed the rivanna, which washes the hill on which charlottesville is situated; dispersed a small force collected on the bank, and galloped into the town thinking to capture the whole assembly. seven alone fell into his hands; the rest had made their escape. no better success attended a party of horse under captain mcleod, detached to surprise the governor (thomas jefferson), at his residence in monticello. having set fire to all the public stores at charlottesville, tarleton pushed for the point of fork at the confluence of the rivanna and fluvanna; to aid, if necessary, a detachment sent under colonel simcoe to destroy a great quantity of military stores collected at that post. the baron steuben, who was stationed there with five hundred virginia regulars and a few militia, and had heard of the march of tarleton, had succeeded in transporting the greater part of the stores, as well as his troops, across the river, and as the water was deep and the boats were all on his side, he might have felt himself secure. the unexpected appearance of simcoe's infantry, however, designedly spread out on the opposite heights, deceived him into the idea that it was the van of the british army. in his alarm he made a night retreat of thirty miles, leaving the greater part of the stores scattered along the river bank; which were destroyed the next morning by a small detachment of the enemy sent across in canoes. on the th of june, lafayette was at length gladdened by the arrival of wayne with about nine hundred of the pennsylvania line. thus reinforced, he changed his whole plan, and ventured on the aggressive. cornwallis had gotten between him and a large deposit of military stores at albemarle old court-house. the marquis, by a rapid march at night, through a road long disused, threw himself between the british army and the stores, and, being joined by a numerous body of mountain militia, took a strong position to dispute the advance of the enemy. cornwallis did not think it advisable to pursue this enterprise, especially as he heard lafayette would soon be joined by forces under baron steuben. he turned his face, therefore, toward the lower part of virginia, and made a retrograde march, first to richmond, and afterwards to williamsburg. lafayette, being joined by steuben and his forces, had about four thousand men under him, one half of whom were regulars. he now followed the british army at the distance of eighteen or twenty miles, throwing forward his light troops to harass their rear, which was covered by tarleton and simcoe with their cavalry and infantry. cornwallis arrived at williamsburg on the th, and sent out simcoe to destroy some boats and stores on the chickahominy river, and to sweep off the cattle of the neighborhood. lafayette heard of the ravage, and detached lieutenant-colonel butler, of the pennsylvania line, with a corps of light troops, and a body of horse under major mcpherson, to intercept the marauders. as the infantry could not push on fast enough for the emergency, mcpherson took up fifty of them behind fifty of his dragoons, and dashed on. he overtook a company of simcoe's rangers under captain shank about six miles from williamsburg, foraging at a farm; a sharp encounter took place; mcpherson at the outset was unhorsed and severely hurt. the action continued. simcoe with his infantry, who had been in the advance convoying a drove of cattle, now engaged in the fight. butler's riflemen began to arrive, and supported the dragoons. neither knew the strength of the force they were contending with; but supposed it the advance guard of the opposite army. an alarm gun was fired by the british on a neighboring hill. it was answered by alarm guns at williamsburg. the americans supposed the whole british force coming out to assail them, and began to retire. simcoe, imagining lafayette to be at hand, likewise drew off, and pursued his march to williamsburg. the loss in killed and wounded on both sides was severe for the number engaged; but the statements vary, and were never reconciled. an express was received by cornwallis at williamsburg which obliged him to change his plans. the movements of washington in the neighborhood of new york, menacing an attack, had produced the desired effect. sir henry clinton, alarmed for the safety of the place, had written to cornwallis requiring a part of his troops for its protection. his lordship prepared to comply with this requisition, but as it would leave him too weak to continue at williamsburg, he set out on the th of july for portsmouth. lafayette followed him on the ensuing day, and took post within nine miles of his camp; intending, when the main body of the enemy should have crossed the ford to the island of jamestown, to fall upon the rear guard. cornwallis suspected his design, and prepared to take advantage of it. the wheel carriages, bat horses and baggage, were passed over to the island under the escort of the queen's rangers; making a great display, as if the main body had crossed; his lordship, however, with the greater part of his forces, remained on the mainland, his right covered by ponds, the centre and left by morasses over which a few narrow causeways of logs connected his position with the country, and james island lay in the rear. his camp was concealed by a skirt of woods, and covered by an outpost. in the morning of the th, as the americans were advancing, a negro and a dragoon, employed by tarleton, threw themselves in their way, pretending to be deserters, and informed them that the body of the king's troops had passed james river in the night, leaving nothing behind but the rear guard, composed of the british legion and a detachment of infantry. persuaded of the fact, lafayette with his troops crossed the morass on the left of the enemy by a narrow causeway of logs, and halted beyond about sunset. wayne was detached with a body of riflemen, dragoons and continental infantry, to make the attack, while the marquis with nine hundred continentals and some militia stood ready to support him. wayne easily routed a patrol of cavalry and drove in the pickets, who had been ordered to give way readily. the outpost which covered the camp defended itself more obstinately; though exceedingly galled by the riflemen. wayne pushed forward with the pennsylvania line, eight hundred strong, and three field-pieces, to attack it; at the first discharge of a cannon more than two thousand of the enemy emerged from their concealment, and he found too late that the whole british line was in battle array before him. to retreat was more dangerous than to go on. so thinking, with that impetuous valor which had gained him the name of "mad anthony," he ordered a charge to be sounded, and threw himself, horse and foot, with shouts upon the enemy. it was a sanguinary conflict and a desperate one, for the enemy were outflanking him right and left. fortunately, the heaviness of the fire had awakened the suspicions of lafayette;--it was too strong for the outpost of a rear-guard. spurring to a point of land which commanded a view of the british camp, he discovered the actual force of the enemy, and the peril of wayne. galloping back, he sent word to wayne to fall back to general muhlenburg's brigade, which had just arrived, and was forming within half a mile of the scene of conflict. wayne did so in good order, leaving behind him his three cannon; the horses which drew them having been killed. the whole army then retired across the morass. the loss of the americans in this brief but severe conflict is stated by lafayette to have been one hundred and eighteen killed, wounded and prisoners, including ten officers. the british loss was said to be five officers wounded, and seventy-five privates killed and wounded. lafayette retreated to green springs, where he rallied and reposed his troops. cornwallis crossed over to jamestown island after dark, and three days afterwards, passing the james river with his main force, proceeded to portsmouth. we will now turn to resume the course of general greene's campaigning in the carolinas. it will be recollected that he, on the th of april, set out from deep river on a retrograde march to carry the war again into south carolina, beginning by an attack on lord rawdon's post at camden. sumter and marion had been keeping alive the revolutionary fire in that state. on the re-appearance of greene, they stood ready to aid with heart and hand. on his way to camden, greene detached lee to join marion with his legion, and make an attack upon fort watson by way of diversion. for himself, he appeared before camden, but finding it too strong and too well garrisoned, fell back about two miles, and took post at hobkirk's hill, hoping to draw his lordship out. he succeeded but too well. his lordship attacked him on the th of april, coming upon him partly by surprise. there was a hard-fought battle, but through some false move among part of his troops, greene was obliged to retreat. his lordship did not pursue, but shut himself up in camden, waiting to be rejoined by part of his garrison which was absent. greene posted himself near camden ferry on the wateree, to intercept these reinforcements. lee and marion, who had succeeded in capturing fort watson, also took a position on the high hills of santee for the same purpose. their efforts were unavailing. lord rawdon was rejoined by the other part of his troops. his superior force now threatened to give him the mastery. greene felt the hazardous nature of his situation. his troops were fatigued by their long marchings; he was disappointed of promised aid and reinforcements from virginia; still he was undismayed, and prepared for another of his long and stubborn retreats. the next morning there was a joyful reverse. rawdon was preparing to evacuate camden. his lordship had heard of the march of cornwallis into virginia, and that all hope of aid from him was at an end. his garrison was out of provisions. all supplies were cut off by the americans; he had no choice but to evacuate. he left camden in flames. rapid successes now attended the american arms. fort motte, the middle post between camden and ninety-six, was taken by marion and lee. lee next captured granby, and marched to aid pickens in the siege of augusta; while greene, having acquired a supply of arms, ammunition and provisions from the captured forts, sat down before the fortress of ninety-six, on the d of may. it was the great mart and stronghold of the royalists, and was principally garrisoned by royalists from new jersey and new york, commanded by colonel cruger, a native of new york. the siege lasted for nearly a month. the place was valiantly defended. lee arrived with his legion, having failed before augusta, and invested a stockaded fort which formed part of the works. word was brought that lord rawdon was pressing forward with reinforcements, and but a few miles distant on the saluda. greene endeavored to get up sumter, marion and pickens to his assistance, but they were too far on the right of lord rawdon to form a junction. the troops were eager to storm the works before his lordship should arrive. a partial assault was made on the th of june. it was a bloody contest. the stockaded fort was taken, but the troops were repulsed from the main works. greene retreated across the saluda, and halted at bush river, at twenty miles distance, to observe the motion of the enemy. lord rawdon entered ninety-six on the st, but sallied forth again on the th, taking with him all the troops capable of fatigue, two thousand in number, without wheel carriage of any kind, or even knapsacks, hoping by a rapid move to overtake greene. want of provisions soon obliged him to give up the pursuit, and return to ninety-six. leaving about one half of his force there, under colonel cruger, he sallied a second time from ninety-six, at the head of eleven hundred infantry, with cavalry, artillery, and field-pieces, marching by the south side of the saluda for the congaree. he was now pursued in his turn by greene and lee. in this march more than fifty of his lordship's soldiers fell dead from heat, fatigue and privation. at orangeburg, where he arrived on the th of july, his lordship was joined by a large detachment under colonel stuart. greene had followed him closely, and having collected all his detachments, and being joined by sumter, appeared within four miles of orangeburg, on the th of july, and offered battle. the offer was not accepted, and the position of lord rawdon was too strong to be attacked. greene remained there two or three days; when, learning that colonel cruger was advancing with the residue of the forces from ninety-six, which would again give his lordship a superiority of force, he moved off with his infantry on the night of the th of july, crossed the saluda, and posted himself on the east side of the wateree, at the high hills of santee. he now detached sumter with about a thousand light troops to scour the lower country, and attack the british posts in the vicinity of charleston, now left uncovered by the concentration of their forces at orangeburg. under sumter acted marion, lee, the hamptons, and other enterprising partisans. they were to act separately in breaking up the minor posts at and about dorchester, but to unite at monk's corner, where lieutenant-colonel coates was stationed with the th regiment. this post carried, they were to re-unite with greene's army on the high hills of santee. scarce was sumter on his march, when he received a letter from greene, dated july th, stating that cruger had formed a junction with lord rawdon the preceding night; no time, therefore, was to be lost. "push your operations night and day: station a party to watch the enemy's motions at orangeburg. keep colonel lee and general marion advised of all matters from above, and tell colonel lee to thunder even at the gates of charleston." conformably to these orders, colonel henry hampton with a party was posted to keep an eye on orangeburg. lee with his legion, accompanied by lieutenant-colonel wade hampton, and a detachment of cavalry, was sent to carry dorchester, and then press forward to the gates of charleston; while sumter with the main body, took up his line of march along the road on the south side of the congaree, towards monk's corner. as lee approached dorchester, colonel wade hampton, with his cavalry, passed to the east of that place, to a bridge on goose creek, to cut off all communication between the garrison and monk's corner. his sudden appearance gave the alarm, the garrison abandoned its post, and when lee arrived there he found it deserted. he proceeded to secure a number of horses and wagons, and some fixed ammunition, which the garrison had left behind, and to send them off to hampton. hampton, kept in suspense by this delay, lost patience. he feared that the alarm would spread through the country, and the dash into the vicinity of charleston be prevented. abandoning the bridge at goose creek, therefore, he set off with his cavalry, clattered down to the neighborhood of the lines, and threw the city into confusion. the bells rang, alarm guns were fired, the citizens turned out under arms. hampton captured a patrol of dragoons and a guard, at the quarter-house; and then retired, carrying off fifty prisoners, several of them officers. lee arrived in the neighborhood on the following day, but hampton had been beforehand with him, made the dash, and "thundered at the gate." both now hastened to rejoin sumter on the evening of the th, who was only waiting to collect his detachments, before he made an attack on colonel coates at monk's corner. the assault was to be made on the following morning. during the night coates decamped. a pursuit was commenced; lee with his legion, and hampton with the state cavalry, took the lead; sumter followed with the infantry. the rear-guard of the british, about one hundred strong, was overtaken with the baggage, at the distance of eighteen miles. they were new troops recently arrived from ireland, and had not seen service. on being charged by the cavalry, sword in hand, they threw down their arms without firing a shot, and cried for quarter, which was granted. while lee was securing them, captain armstrong with the first section of cavalry pushed on in pursuit of coates and the main body. that officer had crossed a wooden bridge over quimby creek, loosened the planks, and was only waiting to be rejoined by his rear-guard, to throw them off, and cut off all pursuit. his troops were partly on a causeway beyond the bridge, partly crowded in a lane. he knew nothing of an enemy being at hand, until he saw armstrong spurring up with his section. coates gave orders for his troops to halt, form, and march up; a howitzer was brought to bear upon the bridge, and a fatigue party rushed forward to throw off the planks. armstrong saw the danger, dashed across the bridge, with his section, drove off the artillerists, and captured the howitzer before it could be discharged. the fatigue men, who had been at work on the bridge, snatched up their guns, gave a volley and fled. armstrong's party, in crossing the bridge, had displaced some of the planks, and formed a chasm. lieutenant carrington with the second section of dragoons leaped over it; the chasm being thus enlarged, the horses of the third section refused. a pell-mell fight took place between the handful of dragoons who had crossed, and some of the enemy. armstrong, seeing the foe too strong in front, and no reinforcement coming on in rear, wheeled off with some of his men to the left, galloped into the woods, and pushed up along the stream to ford it, and seek the main body. during the melée, lee had come up and endeavored with the dragoons of the third section to replace the planks of the bridge. their efforts were vain; the water was deep, the mud deeper; there was no foothold, nor was there any firm spot where to swim the horses across. while they were thus occupied, colonel coates, with his men, opened a fire upon them from the other end of the bridge; having no fire-arms to reply with, they were obliged to retire. the remainder of the planks were then thrown off from the bridge, after which colonel coates took post on an adjacent plantation. it was not until three o'clock in the afternoon, that sumter with his forces appeared upon the ground, having had to make a considerable circuit on account of the destruction of the bridge. by four o'clock the attack commenced. sumter, with part of the troops, advanced in front under cover of a line of negro huts, which he wished to secure. marion, with his brigade, much reduced in number, approached on the right of the enemy, where there was no shelter but fences; the cavalry, not being able to act, remained at a distance as a reserve, and, if necessary, to cover a retreat. sumter's brigade soon got possession of the huts, where they used their rifles with sure effect. marion and his men rushed up through a galling fire to the fences on the right. the enemy retired within the house and garden, and kept up a sharp fire from doors and windows and picketed fence. unfortunately, the americans had neglected to bring on their artillery. having repaired the bridge, they sent off for the artillery and a supply of powder, which accompanied it. the evening was at hand; their ammunition was exhausted, and they retired in good order, intending to renew the combat with artillery in the morning. when they came to compare notes, it was found that the loss in killed and wounded had chiefly fallen on marion's corps. his men, from their exposed situation, had borne the brunt of the battle; while sumter's had suffered but little, being mostly sheltered in the huts. jealousy and distrust were awakened, and discord reigned in the camp. partisan and volunteer troops readily fall asunder under such circumstances. many moved off in the night. lee, accustomed to act independently, and unwilling, perhaps, to acknowledge sumter as his superior officer, took up his line of march for head-quarters without consulting him. sumter still had force enough, now that he was joined by the artillery, to have held the enemy in a state of siege; but he was short of ammunition, and he apprehended the approach of lord rawdon, who, it was said, was moving down from orangeburg. he therefore retired across the santee, and rejoined greene at his encampment. so ended this foray, which fell far short of the expectations formed from the spirit and activity of the leaders and their men. one of the best effects of the incursion was the drawing down lord rawdon from orangeburg, with five hundred of his troops. he returned no more to the upper country, but sailed not long after from charleston for europe. colonel stuart, who was left in command at orangeburg, moved forward from that place, and encamped on the south side of the congaree river, near its junction with the wateree, and within sixteen miles of greene's position on the high hills of santee. the two armies lay in sight of each other's fires, but two large rivers intervened, to secure each party from sudden attack. both armies, however, needed repose, and military operations were suspended, as if by mutual consent, during the sultry summer heat. * * * * * * * after the grand reconnoissance of the posts on new york island, related in a former page, the confederate armies remained encamped about dobbs' ferry and the greenburg hills, awaiting an augmentation of force for their meditated attack. letters now came from lafayette, dated th and th of july, speaking of the embarkation of the greatest part of cornwallis' army at portsmouth. he supposed their destination to be new york, yet, though wind and weather were favorable, they did not sail. "should a french fleet now come into hampton roads," adds the sanguine marquis, "the british army would, i think be ours." at this juncture arrived the french frigate concorde at newport, bringing despatches from admiral the count de grasse. he was to leave st. domingo on the d of august, with between twenty-five and thirty ships-of-the-line, and a considerable body of land forces, and to steer immediately for the chesapeake. this changed the face of affairs, and called for a change in the game. all attempt upon new york was postponed; the whole of the french army, and as large a part of the americans as could be spared, were to move to virginia, and co-operate with the count de grasse for the redemption of the southern states. washington apprised the count by letter of this intention. he wrote also to lafayette on the th of august: "by the time this reaches you the count de grasse will either be in the chesapeake, or may be looked for every moment. under these circumstances, whether the enemy remain in full force, or whether they have only a detachment left, you will immediately take such a position as will best enable you to prevent their sudden retreat through north carolina, which i presume they will attempt the instant they perceive so formidable an armament." washington's "soul was now in arms." at length, after being baffled and disappointed so often by the incompetency of his means, and above all, thwarted by the enemy's naval potency, he had the possibility of coping with them both on land and sea. the contemplated expedition was likely to consummate his plans and wind up the fortunes of the war, and he determined to lead it in person. he would take with him something more than two thousand of the american army; the rest, chiefly northern troops, were to remain with general heath, who was to hold command of the posts of the hudson. perfect secrecy was maintained as to this change of plan. preparations were still carried on, as if for an attack upon new york. an extensive encampment was marked out in the jerseys, and ovens erected and fuel provided for the baking of bread; as if a part of the besieging force was to be stationed there, thence to make a descent upon the enemy's garrison on staten island, in aid of the operations against the city. the american troops, themselves, were kept in ignorance of their destination. previous to his decampment, washington sent forward a party of pioneers to clear the roads towards king's bridge, as if the posts recently reconnoitred were about to be attempted. on the th of august, his troops were paraded with their faces in that direction. when all were ready, however, they were ordered to face about, and were marched up along the hudson river towards king's ferry. de rochambeau, in like manner, broke up his encampment, and took the road by white plains, north castle, pine's bridge, and crompond, toward the same point. on the th, washington arrived at king's ferry, and his troops began to cross the hudson with their baggage, stores and cannon, and encamp at haverstraw. he himself crossed in the evening, and took up his quarters at colonel hay's, at the white house. thence he wrote to the count de grasse, (presuming that the letter would find him in the chesapeake,) urging him to send up all his frigates and transports to the head of elk, by the th of september, for the transportation of the combined army, which would be there by that time. he informed him also that the count de barras had resolved to join him in the chesapeake with his squadron. on the d the french troops arrived by their circuitous route, and began to cross to stony point with their artillery, baggage and stores. the two armies having safely crossed the hudson, commenced, on the th, their several lines of march toward the jerseys. both armies were still kept in the dark, as to the ultimate object of their movement. an intelligent observer, who accompanied the army, writes: "our situation reminds me of some theatrical exhibition, where the interest and expectations of the spectators are continually increasing, and where curiosity is wrought to the highest point." the mystery was at length solved. "we have now passed all the enemy's posts," continues the foregoing writer, "and are pursuing our route, with increased rapidity, toward philadelphia." washington reached the delaware with his troops before sir henry clinton was aware of their destination. it was too late to oppose their march, even had his forces been adequate. as a kind of counterplot, therefore, and in the hope of distracting the attention of the american commander, and drawing off a part of his troops, he hurried off an expedition to the eastward, to insult the state of connecticut, and attack her seaport of new london. the command of this expedition, which was to be one of ravage and destruction, was given to arnold, as if it was necessary to complete the measure of his infamy, that he should carry fire and sword into his native state, and desecrate the very cradle of his infancy. on the th of september he appeared off the harbor of new london with a fleet of ships and transports and a force of two thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. new london stands on the west bank of the river thames. the approach to it was defended by two forts on opposite sides of the river, and about a mile below the town; fort trumbull on the west and fort griswold on the east side, on a height called groton hill. the troops landed in two divisions of about eight hundred men each; one under lieutenant-colonel eyre on the east side, the other under arnold on the west, on the same side with new london, and about three miles below it. arnold met with but little opposition. the few militia who manned an advance battery and fort trumbull, abandoned their posts, and crossed the river to fort griswold. he pushed on and took possession of the town. colonel eyre had a harder task. the militia, about one hundred and fifty-seven strong, had collected in fort griswold, hastily and imperfectly armed it is true, but they were brave men, and had a brave commander, colonel william ledyard, brother of the celebrated traveller. the fort was square and regularly built. arnold, unaware of its strength, had ordered colonel eyre to take it by a _coup de main_. he discovered his mistake, and sent counter orders, but too late. colonel eyre forced the pickets; made his way into the fosse, and attacked the force on three sides; it was bravely defended; the enemy were repeatedly repulsed; they returned to the assault, scrambled up on each other's shoulders, effected a lodgment on the fraise, and made their way with fixed bayonets through the embrasures. colonel eyre received a mortal wound near the works; major montgomery took his place; a negro thrust him through with a spear as he mounted the parapet; major bromfield succeeded to the command, and carried the fort at the point of the bayonet. in fact, after the enemy were within the walls, the fighting was at an end and the slaughter commenced. colonel ledyard had ordered his men to lay down their arms; but the enemy, exasperated by the resistance they had experienced, and by the death of their officers, continued the deadly work of the musket and the bayonet. colonel ledyard, it is said, was thrust through with his own sword after yielding it up to major bromfield. seventy of the garrison were slain, and thirty-five desperately wounded; and most of them after the fort had been taken. the loss of the enemy was two officers and forty-six soldiers killed, and eight officers and one hundred and thirty-five soldiers wounded. arnold, in the meantime, had carried on the work of destruction at new london. some of the american shipping had effected their escape up the river, but a number were burnt. fire, too, was set to the public stores; it communicated to the dwelling-houses, and, in a little while, the whole place was wrapped in flames. having completed his ravage, arnold retreated to his boats, leaving the town still burning. so ended his career of infamy in his native land; a land which had once delighted to honor him, but in which his name was never thenceforth to be pronounced without a malediction. on the th of august, washington, with his suite, had arrived at philadelphia. during his sojourn in the city he was hospitably entertained at the house of mr. morris, the patriotic financier. the greatest difficulty with which he had to contend in his present enterprise was the want of funds, part of his troops not having received any pay for a long time, and having occasionally given evidence of great discontent. in this emergency he was accommodated by the count de rochambeau, with a loan of twenty thousand hard dollars, which mr. robert morris engaged to repay by the st of october. this pecuniary pressure was relieved by the arrival in boston, on the th of august, of colonel john laurens from his mission to france, bringing with him two and a half millions of livres in cash, being part of a subsidy of six millions of livres granted by the french king. on the d of september the american troops passed through philadelphia. the french troops entered on the following day. at philadelphia, washington received despatches from lafayette, dated the st and th of august, from his camp at the forks of york river in virginia. the embarkation at portsmouth, which the marquis had supposed might be intended for new york, was merely for yorktown, where cornwallis had determined to establish the permanent post ordered in his instructions. yorktown was a small place situated on a projecting bank on the south side of york river, opposite a promontory called gloucester point. the river between was not more than a mile wide, but deep enough to admit ships of a large size and burthen. here concentrating his forces, he had proceeded to fortify the opposite points, calculating to have the works finished by the beginning of october. believing that he had no present enemy but lafayette to guard against, cornwallis felt so secure in his position that he wrote to sir henry on the d of august, offering to detach a thousand or twelve hundred men to strengthen new york against the apprehended attack of the combined armies. washington left philadelphia on the th of september, on his way to the head of elk. about three miles below chester, he was met by an express bearing tidings of the arrival of the count de grasse in the chesapeake with twenty-eight ships-of-the-line. washington instantly rode back to chester to rejoice with the count de rochambeau, who was coming down to that place from philadelphia by water. washington reached the head of elk on the th. the troops and a great part of the stores were already arrived, and beginning to embark. thence he wrote to the count de grasse, felicitating him on his arrival; and informing him that the van of the two armies were about to embark and fall down the chesapeake, form a junction with the troops under the count de st. simon and the marquis de lafayette, and co-operate in blocking up cornwallis in york river, so as to prevent his retreat by land or his getting any supplies from the country. everything had thus far gone on well, but there were not vessels enough at the head of elk for the immediate transportation of all the troops, ordnance and stores; a part of the troops would have to proceed to baltimore by land. leaving general heath to bring on the american forces, and the baron de viomenil the french, washington, accompanied by de rochambeau, crossed the susquehanna early on the th, and pushed forward for baltimore. on the th he left baltimore a little after daybreak, accompanied only by colonel humphreys; the rest of his suite were to follow at their ease; for himself, he was determined to reach mount vernon that evening. six years had elapsed since last he was under its roof; six wearing years of toil, of danger, and of constant anxiety. during all that time, and amid all his military cares, he had kept up a regular weekly correspondence with his steward or agent, regulating all the affairs of his rural establishment with as much exactness as he did those of the army. it was a late hour when he arrived. he was joined by his suite at dinner-time on the following day, and by the count de rochambeau in the evening. general chastellux and his aides-de-camp arrived there on the th, and mount vernon was now crowded with guests, who were all entertained in the ample style of old virginian hospitality. on the th, tearing himself away once more from the home of his heart, washington with his military associates continued onward to join lafayette at williamsburg. chapter lxiv. operations before yorktown.--greene in the south. lord cornwallis had been completely roused from his dream of security by the appearance, on the th of august, of the fleet of count de grasse within the capes of the delaware. three french ships-of-the-line and a frigate soon anchored at the mouth of york river. the boats of the fleet were immediately busy conveying three thousand three hundred land forces, under the marquis de st. simon, up james river to form the preconcerted junction with those under lafayette. awakened to his danger, cornwallis, as washington had foreseen, meditated a retreat to the carolinas. it was too late. york river was blocked up by french ships; james river was filled with armed vessels covering the transportation of the troops. his lordship reconnoitred williamsburg; it was too strong to be forced, and wayne had crossed james river to join his troops to those under the marquis. seeing his retreat cut off in every direction, cornwallis proceeded to strengthen his works; sending off repeated expresses to apprise sir henry clinton of his perilous situation. the count de grasse had been but a few days anchored within the chesapeake, and fifteen hundred of his seamen were absent, conveying the troops up james river, when admiral graves, who then commanded the british naval force on the american coast, appeared with twenty sail off the capes of virginia. de grasse, anxious to protect the squadron of the count de barras, which was expected from rhode island, and which it was the object of graves to intercept, immediately slipped his cables and put to sea with twenty-four ships, leaving the rest to blockade york and james rivers. admiral graves, immediately prepared for action, although he had five ships less than de grasse. the latter, however, was not disposed to accept the challenge, his force being weakened by the absence of so many of his seamen, employed in transporting troops. his plan was to occupy the enemy by partial actions and skilful manoeuvres, so as to retain his possession of the chesapeake, and cover the arrival of de barras. the vans of the two fleets, and some ships of the centre, engaged about four o'clock in the afternoon of the th of september. the conflict soon became animated. several ships were damaged, and many men killed and wounded on both sides. de grasse, who had the advantage of the wind, drew off after sunset; satisfied with the damage done and sustained, and not disposed for a general action. for four days the fleets remained in sight of each other, repairing damages and manoeuvring; but the french having still the advantage of the wind, maintained their prudent policy of avoiding a general engagement. at length de grasse, learning that de barras was arrived within the capes, formed a junction with him, and returned with him to his former anchoring ground, with two english frigates which he had captured. admiral graves, disappointed in his hope of interrupting de barras, and finding the chesapeake guarded by a superior force with which he could not prudently contend, left the coast and bore away for new york. under convoy of the squadron of de barras came a fleet of transports, conveying land forces under m. de choisy, with siege artillery and military stores. from williamsburg, washington sent forward count fersen, one of the aides-de-camp of de rochambeau, to hurry on the french troops with all possible despatch. he wrote to the same purport to general lincoln: "every day we now lose," said he, "is comparatively an age; as soon as it is in our power with safety, we ought to take our position near the enemy. hurry on, then, my dear sir, with your troops, on the wings of speed." it was with great satisfaction washington learned that admiral de barras had anticipated his wishes, in sending transports and prize vessels up the bay to assist in bringing on the french troops. in the meantime, he with count de rochambeau was desirous of having an interview with the admiral on board of his ship, provided he could send some fast-sailing cutter to receive them. a small ship, the queen charlotte, was furnished by the admiral for the purpose. it had been captured on its voyage from charleston to new york, having lord rawdon on board, and had been commodiously fitted up for his lordship's reception. on board of this vessel washington and de rochambeau, with the chevalier de chastellux and generals knox and duportail, embarked on the th, and proceeding down james river, came the next morning in sight of the french fleet riding at anchor in lynn haven bay, just under the point of cape henry. about noon they got alongside of the admiral's ship, the ville de paris, and were received on board with great ceremony, and naval and military parade. admiral de grasse was a tall, fine-looking man, plain in his address and prompt in the discharge of business. a plan of co-operation was soon arranged, to be carried into effect on the arrival of the american and french armies from the north, which were actually on their way down the chesapeake from the head of elk. business being despatched, dinner was served, after which they were conducted throughout the ship, and received the officers of the fleet, almost all of whom came on board. by the th the american and french troops were mostly arrived and encamped near williamsburg, and preparations were made for the decisive blow. yorktown, as has already been noted, is situated on the south side of york river, immediately opposite gloucester point. cornwallis had fortified the town by seven redoubts and six batteries on the land side, connected by intrenchments; and there was a line of batteries along the river. the town was flanked on each side by deep ravines and creeks emptying into york river; their heads, in front of the town, being not more than half a mile apart. the enemy had availed themselves of these natural defences, in the arrangement of extensive outworks, with redoubts strengthened by abatis; field-works mounted with cannon, and trees cut down and left with the branches pointed outward. gloucester point had likewise been fortified. its batteries, with those of yorktown, commanded the intervening river. ships of war were likewise stationed on it, protected by the guns of the forts, and the channel was obstructed by sunken vessels. the defence of gloucester point was confided to lieutenant-colonel dundas, with six or seven hundred men. that evening cornwallis received despatches from sir henry clinton, informing him of the arrival of admiral digby, and that a fleet of twenty-three ships-of-the-line, with about five thousand troops, would sail to his assistance probably on the th of october. cornwallis immediately wrote in reply: "i have ventured these last two days to look general washington's whole force in the face in the position on the outside of my works, and have the pleasure to assure your excellency that there is but one wish throughout the army, which is that the enemy would advance.... i shall retire this night within the works, and have no doubt, if relief arrives in any reasonable time, york and gloucester will be both in the possession of his majesty's troops." that night his lordship accordingly abandoned his outworks, and drew his troops within the town. the outworks thus abandoned were seized upon the next morning by detachments of american light infantry and french troops, and served to cover the troops employed in throwing up breastworks. the combined french and american forces were now twelve thousand strong, exclusive of the virginia militia which general thomas nelson [now governor of virginia], had brought into the field. on the morning of the th of september, the combined armies marched from williamsburg toward yorktown, about twelve miles distant, and encamped at night within two miles of it, driving in the pickets and some patrols of cavalry. general de choisy was sent across york river, with lauzun's legion and general weedon's brigade of militia, to watch the enemy on the side of gloucester point. by the st of october the line of the besiegers, nearly two miles from the works, formed a semicircle, each end resting on the river, so that the investment by land was complete; while the count de grasse, with the main fleet, remained in lynn haven bay, to keep off assistance by sea. the besieged army began now to be greatly distressed for want of forage, and had to kill many of their horses, the carcasses of which were continually floating down the river. in the evening of the d of october, tarleton with his legion and the mounted infantry were passed over the river to gloucester point, to assist in foraging. at daybreak lieutenant-colonel dundas led out part of his garrison to forage the neighboring country. about ten o'clock the wagons and bat horses laden with indian corn were returning, covered by tarleton and his dragoons as a rear-guard, when word was brought that an enemy was advancing in force. the report was confirmed by a cloud of dust from which emerged lauzun and the frence hussars and lancers. tarleton, with part of his legion, advanced to meet them; the rest, with simcoe's dragoons, remained as a rear-guard in a skirt of woods. a skirmish ensued, gallantly sustained on each side, but the superiority of tarleton's horses gave him the advantage. general choisy hastened up with a corps of cavalry and infantry to support the hussars. in the medley fight, a dragoon's horse, wounded by a lance, plunged, and overthrew both tarleton and his steed. the rear-guard rushed from their covert to rescue their commander. they came galloping up in such disorder, that they were roughly received by lauzun's hussars, who were drawn up on the plain. in the meantime tarleton scrambled out of the melée, mounted another horse, and ordered a retreat, to enable his men to recover from their confusion. dismounting forty infantry, he placed them in a thicket. their fire checked the hussars in their pursuit. the british dragoons rallied, and were about to charge, when the hussars retired behind their infantry, and a fire was opened upon the british by some militia from behind a fence. tarleton again ordered a retreat to be sounded, and the conflict came to an end. this was the last affair of tarleton and his legion in the revolutionary war. the next day general choisy, being reinforced by a detachment of marines from the fleet of de grasse, cut off all communication by land between gloucester and the country. at this momentous time, when the first parallel before the besieged city was about to be opened, washington received dispatches from his faithful coadjutor, general greene, giving him important intelligence of his co-operations in the south; to consider which we will suspend for a moment our narrative of affairs before yorktown. for some weeks in the months of july and august, general greene had remained encamped with his main force on the high hills of santee, refreshing and disciplining his men, and awaiting the arrival of promised reinforcements. in the meantime, marion with his light troops, aided by colonel washington with his dragoons, held control over the lower santee. lee was detached to operate with sumter's brigade on the congaree, and colonel harden with his mounted militia was scouring the country about the edisto. greene was disappointed as to reinforcements. all that he had received were two hundred north carolina levies and five hundred south carolina militia; still he prepared for a bold effort to drive the enemy from their remaining posts. for that purpose, on the d of august he broke up his encampment to march against colonel stuart. the latter still lay encamped about sixteen miles distant, in a straight line; but the congaree and wateree lay between, bordered by swamps overflowed by recent rains; to cross them and reach the hostile camp, it was necessary to make a circuit of seventy miles. while greene was making it, stuart abandoned his position, and moved down forty miles to the vicinity of eutaw springs, where he was reinforced by a detachment from charleston with provisions. greene followed on by easy marches. he had been joined by general pickens with a party of the ninety-six militia, and by the state troops under lieutenant-colonel henderson; and now moved slowly to give time for marion, who was scouring the country about the edisto, to rejoin him. this was done on the th of september at laurens' place, within seventeen miles of stuart's camp. here baggage, tents, everything that could impede motion was left behind, and on the afternoon of the th the army was pushed on within seven miles of the eutaws, where it bivouacked for the night. at four o'clock in the morning this little army was in motion. greene's whole force at that time did not exceed two thousand men; that of the enemy he was seeking, about twenty-three hundred. the americans, however, were superior in cavalry. his army advanced in two columns, which were to form the two lines of battle. within four miles of eutaw they met with a british detachment of one hundred and fifty infantry and fifty cavalry under major coffin, sent forward to reconnoitre; it was put to flight after a severe skirmish. supposing this to be the van of the enemy, greene halted his columns and formed. the south carolinians in equal divisions formed the right and left of the first line, the north carolinians the centre. general marion commanded the right; general pickens the left; colonel malmedy the centre. colonel henderson with the state troops covered the left of the line; colonel lee with his legion the right. of the second line, composed of regulars, the north carolinians, under general sumner, were on the right; the marylanders, under colonel williams, on the left; the virginians, under colonel campbell, in the centre. colonel washington with his cavalry followed in the rear as a corps de reserve. two three-pounders moved on the road in the centre of the first line; two six-pounders in a like position in the second line. in this order the troops moved forward, keeping their lines as well as they could through open woods, which covered the country on each side of the road. within a mile of the camp they encountered a body of infantry thrown forward by colonel stuart, to check their advance while he had time to form his troops in order of battle. these were drawn up in line in a wood two hundred yards west of eutaw springs. the right rested on eutaw creek, and was covered by a battalion of grenadiers and infantry under major majoribanks, partly concealed among thickets on the margin of the stream. the left of the line extended across the charleston road, with a reserve corps in a commanding situation covering the road. about fifty yards in the rear of the british line was a cleared field, in which was their encampment, with the tents all standing. adjoining it was a brick house with a palisadoed garden, which colonel stuart intended as a protection, if too much pressed by cavalry. the advanced party of infantry, which had retired firing before the americans, formed on the flanks of colonel stuart's line. the carolinian militia had pressed after them. about nine o'clock the action was commenced by the left of the american line, and soon became general. the militia fought until they had expended seventeen rounds, when they gave way, covered by lee and henderson, who fought bravely on the flanks of the line. sumner, with the regulars who formed the second line, advanced in fine style to take the place of the first. the enemy likewise brought their reserve into action; the conflict continued to be bloody and severe. sumner's brigade, formed partly of recruits, gave way under the superior fire of the enemy. the british rushed forward to secure their fancied victory. greene, seeing their line disordered, instantly ordered williams with his marylanders to "sweep the field with the bayonet." williams was seconded by colonel campbell with the virginians. the order was gallantly obeyed. they delivered a deadly volley at forty yards' distance, and then advanced at a brisk rate, with loud shouts and trailed arms. the british recoiled. while the marylanders and virginians attacked them in front, lee with his legion turned their left flank and charged them in rear. colonel hampton with the state cavalry made a great number of prisoners, and colonel washington, coming up with his reserve of horse and foot, completed their defeat. they were driven back through their camp; many were captured; many fled along the charleston road, and others threw themselves into the brick house. major majoribanks and his troops could still enfilade the left flank of the americans from their covert among the thickets on the border of the stream. greene ordered colonel washington with his dragoons and kirkwood's delaware infantry to dislodge them, and colonel wade hampton to assist with the state troops. colonel washington, without waiting for the infantry, dashed forward with his dragoons. it was a rash move. the thickets were impervious to cavalry. the dragoons separated into small squads, and endeavored to force their way in. horses and riders were shot down or bayoneted; most of the officers were either killed or wounded. colonel washington had his horse shot under him; he himself was bayoneted, and would have been slain, had not a british officer interposed, who took him prisoner. by the time hampton and kirkwood came up, the cavalry were routed. while hampton rallied them, kirkwood with his delawares charged with bayonet upon the enemy in the thickets. majoribanks fell back with his troops, and made a stand in the palisadoed garden of the brick house. victory now seemed certain on the side of the americans. unfortunately, the soldiers, thinking the day their own, fell to plundering the tents, devouring the food and carousing on the liquors found there. many of them became intoxicated and unmanageable--the officers interfered in vain; all was riot and disorder. the enemy in the meantime recovered from their confusion, and opened a fire from every window of the house and from the palisadoed garden. there was a scattering fire also from the woods and thickets on the right and left. colonel stuart was by this time rallying his left wing, and advancing to support the right; when greene, finding his ammunition nearly exhausted, determined to give up the attempt to dislodge the enemy from their places of refuge, since he could not do it without severe loss. he remained on the ground long enough to collect his wounded, excepting those who were too much under the fire of the house, and then, leaving colonel hampton with a strong picket on the field, he returned to the position seven miles off, which he had left in the morning. the enemy decamped in the night after destroying a large quantity of provisions, and breaking upwards of a thousand stand of arms; they left behind also seventy of their wounded. their loss in killed, wounded and captured, in this action, was six hundred and thirty-three, of whom five hundred were prisoners; the loss sustained by the americans in killed, wounded and missing, was five hundred and thirty-five. one of the slain most deplored was colonel campbell, who had so bravely led on the virginians. stuart met with reinforcements about fourteen miles from eutaw, but continued his retreat to monk's corner, within twenty-five miles of charleston. greene followed with his main force almost to monk's corner: finding the number and position of the enemy too strong to be attacked with prudence, he fell back to eutaw, where he remained a day or two to rest his troops, and then returned by easy marches to his old position near the heights of santee. chapter lxv. siege and surrender of yorktown. general lincoln had the honor, on the night of the th of october, of opening the first parallel before yorktown. it was within six hundred yards of the enemy; nearly two miles in extent, and the foundations were laid for two redoubts. he had under him a large detachment of french and american troops, and the work was conducted with such silence and secrecy in a night of extreme darkness, that the enemy were not aware of it until daylight. a severe cannonade was then opened from the fortifications; but the men were under cover and continued working. by the afternoon of the th the parallel was completed, and two or three batteries were ready to fire upon the town. "general washington put the match to the first gun," says an observer who was present; "a furious discharge of cannon and mortars immediately followed, and earl cornwallis received his first salutation." the cannonade was kept up almost incessantly for three or four days from the batteries above mentioned, and from three others managed by the french. the half-finished works of the enemy suffered severely, the guns were dismounted or silenced, and many men killed. the red-hot shot from the french batteries northwest of the town reached the english shipping. the charon, a forty-four gun ship, and three large transports, were set on fire by them. the flames ran up the rigging to the tops of the masts. the conflagration, seen in the darkness of the night, with the accompanying flash and thundering of cannon, and soaring and bursting of shells, and the tremendous explosions of the ships, all presented a scene of mingled magnificence and horror. on the night of the th the second parallel was opened by the baron steuben's division, within three hundred yards of the works. the british now made new embrasures, and for two or three days kept up a galling fire upon those at work. the latter were still more annoyed by the flanking fire of two redoubts three hundred yards in front of the british works. as they enfiladed the intrenchments, and were supposed also to command the communication between yorktown and gloucester, it was resolved to storm them both on the night of the th; the one nearest the river by a detachment of americans commanded by lafayette, the other by a french detachment led by the baron de viomenil. in the arrangements for the assault, lafayette had given the honor of leading the advance to his own aide-de-camp, lieutenant-colonel gimat. this instantly touched the military pride of hamilton, who exclaimed against it as an unjust preference, it being his tour of duty. it was therefore arranged that colonel gimat's battalion should lead the van, and be followed by that of hamilton, and that the latter should command the whole advanced corps. about eight o'clock in the evening rockets were sent up as signals for the simultaneous attack. hamilton, to his great joy, led the advance of the americans. the men, without waiting for the sappers to demolish the abatis in regular style, pushed them aside or pulled them down with their hands, and scrambled over, like rough bush-fighters. hamilton was the first to mount the parapet, placing one foot on the shoulder of a soldier, who knelt on one knee for the purpose. the men mounted after him. not a musket was fired. the redoubt was carried at the point of the bayonet. the loss of the americans was one sergeant and eight privates killed, seven officers and twenty-five non-commissioned officers and privates wounded. the loss of the enemy was eight killed and seventeen taken prisoners. among the latter was major campbell, who had commanded the redoubt. the french stormed the other redoubt, which was more strongly garrisoned, with equal gallantry, but less precipitation. they proceeded according to rule. the soldiers paused while the sappers removed the abatis, during which time they were exposed to a destructive fire, and lost more men than did the americans in their headlong attack. the abatis being removed, the troops rushed to the assault. the chevalier de lameth, lafayette's adjutant-general, was the first to mount the parapet of the redoubt, and received a volley at arms' length from the hessians who manned it. shot through both knees, he fell back into the ditch, and was conveyed away under care of his friend, the count de dumas. the count de deuxponts, leading on the royal grenadiers of the same name, was likewise wounded. the grenadiers of the gatinais regiment fought with true gallic fire. one third of them were slain, and among them captain de sireuil, a valiant officer of chasseurs. the redoubts thus taken were included the same night in the second parallel, and howitzers were mounted upon them the following day. the capture of them reduced lord cornwallis almost to despair. writing that same day to sir henry clinton, he observes, "my situation now becomes very critical; we dare not show a gun to their old batteries, and i expect that their new ones will open to-morrow morning.... the safety of the place is, therefore, so precarious, that i cannot recommend that the fleet and army should run great risk in endeavoring to save us," a generous abnegation of self on the part of the beleaguered commander. had the fleet and army sailed, as he had been given to expect, about the th of october, they might have arrived in time to save his lordship; but at the date of the above letter they were still lingering in port. delay of naval succor was fatal to british operations in this war. the second parallel was now nearly ready to open. cornwallis dreaded the effect of its batteries on his almost dismantled works. to retard the danger as much as possible, he ordered an attack on two of the batteries that were in the greatest state of forwardness, their guns to be spiked. it was made a little before daybreak of the th, by about three hundred and fifty men, under the direction of lieutenant-colonel abercrombie. the redoubts which covered the batteries were forced in gallant style, and several pieces of artillery hastily spiked. by this time the supporting troops from the trenches came up, and the enemy were obliged to retreat. the mischief had been done too hastily. the spikes were easily extracted, and before evening all the batteries and the parallel were nearly complete. at this time the garrison could not show a gun on the side of the works exposed to attack, and the shells were nearly expended; the place was no longer tenable. rather than surrender, cornwallis determined to attempt an escape. his plan was to leave his sick and wounded and his baggage behind, cross over in the night to gloucester point, attack choisy's camp before daybreak, mount his infantry on the captured cavalry horses, and on such other as could be collected on the road, push for the upper country by rapid marches until opposite the fords of the great rivers, then turn suddenly northward, force his way through maryland, pennsylvania and the jerseys, and join sir henry clinton in new york. it was a wild and daring scheme, but his situation was desperate, and the idea of surrender intolerable. in pursuance of this design, sixteen large boats were secretly prepared; a detachment was appointed to remain and capitulate for the townspeople, the sick and the wounded; a large part of the troops were transported to the gloucester side of the river before midnight, and the second division had actually embarked, when a violent storm of wind and rain scattered the boats, and drove them a considerable distance down the river. they were collected with difficulty. it was now too late to effect the passage of the second division before daybreak, and an effort was made to get back the division which had already crossed. it was not done until the morning was far advanced, and the troops in recrossing were exposed to the fire of the american batteries. the hopes of lord cornwallis were now at an end. his works were tumbling in ruins about him, under an incessant cannonade; his garrison was reduced in number by sickness and death, and exhausted by constant watching and severe duty. unwilling to expose the residue of the brave troops which had stood by him so faithfully, to the dangers and horrors of an assault, which could not fail to be successful, he ordered a parley to be beaten about ten o'clock on the morning of the th, and despatched a flag with a letter to washington proposing a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, and that two officers might be appointed by each side to meet and settle terms for the surrender of the posts of york and gloucester. washington felt unwilling to grant such delay, when reinforcements might be on the way for cornwallis from new york. in reply, therefore, he requested that, previous to the meeting of commissioners, his lordship's proposals might be sent in writing to the american lines, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities during two hours from the delivery of the letter, would be granted. this was complied with; but as the proposals offered by cornwallis were not all admissible, washington drew up a schedule of such terms as he would grant, and transmitted it to his lordship. the armistice was prolonged. commissioners met, the viscount de noailles and lieutenant-colonel laurens on the part of the allies; colonel dundas and major ross on the part of the british. after much discussion, a rough draft was made of the terms of capitulation to be submitted to the british general. these washington caused to be promptly transcribed, and sent to lord cornwallis early in the morning of the th, with a note expressing his expectation that they would be signed by eleven o'clock, and that the garrison would be ready to march out by two o'clock in the afternoon. lord cornwallis was fain to comply, and, accordingly, on the same day, the posts of yorktown and gloucester were surrendered to general washington as commander-in-chief of the combined army; and the ships of war, transports and other vessels, to the count de grasse, as commander of the french fleet. the garrison of yorktown and gloucester, including the officers of the navy and seamen of every denomination, were to surrender as prisoners of war to the combined army; the land force to remain prisoners to the united states, the seamen to the king of france.{ } the garrison was to be allowed the same honors granted to the garrison of charleston when it surrendered to sir henry clinton. the officers were to retain their side arms; both officers and soldiers their private property, and no part of their baggage or papers was to be subject to search or inspection. the soldiers were to be kept in virginia, maryland, or pennsylvania, as much by regiments as possible, and supplied with the same rations of provisions as the american soldiers. the officers were to be permitted to proceed, upon parole, to europe or to any maritime port on the continent of america in possession of british troops. {footnote : the number of prisoners amounted to , , of whom , were rank and file, six commissioned, and twenty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates, had previously been captured in the two redoubts, or in the sortie of the garrison. the loss sustained by the garrison during the siege, in killed, wounded, and missing, amounted to . that of the combined army in killed was about . the combined army to which cornwallis surrendered, was estimated at , , of whom , were french, , continentals, and , militia.--_holmes' annals_.} on the following morning, washington in general orders congratulated the allied armies on the recent victory, awarding high praise to the officers and troops both french and american, for their conduct during the siege, and specifying by name several of the generals and other officers who had especially distinguished themselves. all those of his army who were under arrest were pardoned and set at liberty. cornwallis felt deeply the humiliation of this close to all his wide and wild campaigning, and was made the more sensitive on the subject by circumstances of which he soon became apprised. on the very day that he had been compelled to lay down his arms before yorktown, the lingering armament intended for his relief sailed from new york. it consisted of twenty-five ships-of-the-line, two fifty-gun ships, and eight frigates; with sir henry clinton and seven thousand of his best troops. sir henry arrived off the capes of virginia on the th, and gathered information which led him to apprehend that lord cornwallis had capitulated. he hovered off the mouth of the chesapeake until the th, when, having fully ascertained that he had come too late, he turned his tardy prows toward new york. in the meantime rejoicings spread throughout the union. "cornwallis is taken!" was the universal acclaim. it was considered a death-blow to the war. congress gave way to transports of joy. thanks were voted to the commander-in-chief, to the counts de rochambeau and de grasse, to the officers of the allied armies generally, and to the corps of artillery and engineers especially. two stands of colors, trophies of the capitulation, were voted to washington, two pieces of field ordnance to de rochambeau and de grasse; and it was decreed that a marble column, commemorative of the alliance between france and the united states, and of the victory achieved by their associated arms, should be erected in yorktown. finally, congress issued a proclamation, appointing a day for general thanksgiving and prayer, in acknowledgment of this signal interposition of divine providence. far different was the feeling of the british ministry when news of the event reached the other side of the atlantic. lord george germain was the first to announce it to lord north at his office in downing street. "and how did he take it?" was the inquiry. "as he would have taken a ball in the breast," replied lord george, "for he opened his arms, exclaiming wildly as he paced up and down the apartment, 'oh god! it is all over!'" chapter lxvi. dissolution of the combined armies.--discontents in the army. washington would have followed up the reduction of yorktown by a combined operation against charleston, and addressed a letter to the count de grasse on the subject, but the count alleged in reply that the orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engagements with the spaniards, rendered it impossible to remain the necessary time for the operation. the prosecution of the southern war, therefore, upon the broad scale which washington had contemplated, had to be relinquished; for, without shipping and a convoy, the troops and everything necessary for a siege would have to be transported by land with immense trouble, expense and delay; while the enemy, by means of their fleets, could reinforce or withdraw the garrison at pleasure. under these circumstances, washington had to content himself, for the present, with detaching two thousand pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia continental troops, under general st. clair, for the support of general greene, trusting that, with this aid, he would be able to command the interior of south carolina, and confine the enemy to the town of charleston. a dissolution of the combined forces now took place. the marquis st. simon embarked his troops on the last of october, and the count de grasse made sail on the th of november, taking with him two beautiful horses which washington had presented to him in token of cordial regard. lafayette, seeing there was no probability of further active service in the present year, resolved to return to france on a visit to his family, and, with washington's approbation, set out for philadelphia to obtain leave of absence from congress. the british prisoners were marched to winchester in virginia, and frederickstown in maryland, and lord cornwallis and his principal officers sailed for new york on parole. the main part of the american army embarked for the head of elk, and returned northward under the command of general lincoln, to be cantoned for the winter in the jerseys and on the hudson, so as to be ready for operations against new york, or elsewhere, in the next year's campaign. the french army were to remain for the winter in virginia, and the count de rochambeau established his head-quarters at williamsburg. having attended in person to the distribution of ordnance and stores, the departure of prisoners, and the embarkation of the troops under lincoln, washington left yorktown on the th of november, and arrived the same day at eltham, the seat of his friend colonel bassett. he arrived just in time to receive the last breath of john parke custis, the son of mrs. washington. the deceased had been an object of washington's care from childhood, and had been cherished by him with paternal affection. formed under his guidance and instructions, he had been fitted to take a part in the public concerns of his country, and had acquitted himself with credit as a member of the virginia legislature. he was but twenty-eight years old at the time of his death, and left a widow and four young children. it was an unexpected event, and the dying scene was rendered peculiarly affecting from the presence of the mother and wife of the deceased. as a consolation to mrs. washington in her bereavement, washington adopted the two youngest children of the deceased, a boy and girl, who thenceforth formed a part of his immediate family. from eltham, washington proceeded to mount vernon; but public cares gave him little leisure to attend to his private concerns. we have seen how repeatedly his steady mind had been exercised in the darkest times of the revolutionary struggle, in buoying up the public heart when sinking into despondency. he had now an opposite task to perform, to guard against an overweening confidence inspired by the recent triumph. in a letter to general greene, he writes: "i shall remain but a few days here, and shall proceed to philadelphia, when i shall attempt to stimulate congress to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. my greatest fear is, that congress, viewing this stroke in too important a point of light, may think our work too nearly closed, and will fall into a state of languor and relaxation." towards the end of november, washington was in philadelphia, where congress received him with distinguished honors. he lost no time in enforcing the policy respecting the ensuing campaign, which he had set forth in his letter to general greene. his views were met by the military committee of congress, with which he was in frequent consultation, and by the secretaries of war, finance, and public affairs, who attended their conferences. under his impulse and personal supervision, the military arrangements for were made with unusual despatch. on the th of december resolutions were passed in congress for requisitions of men and money from the several states; and washington backed those requisitions by letters to the respective governors, urging prompt compliance. the persuasion that peace was at hand was, however, too prevalent for the public to be roused to new sacrifices and toils to maintain what was considered the mere shadow of a war. the states were slow in furnishing a small part of their respective quotas of troops, and still slower in answering to the requisitions for money. after remaining four months in philadelphia, washington set out in march to rejoin the army at newburg on the hudson. in a recent letter to general greene, washington had expressed himself strongly on the subject of retaliation. "of all laws it is the most difficult to execute, where you have not the transgressor himself in your possession. humanity will ever interfere, and plead strongly against the sacrifice of an innocent person for the guilt of another." his judgment and feelings were soon put to the proof in this respect. a new york refugee, by the name of philip white, had been captured by the jersey people, and killed in attempting to escape. his partisans in new york determined on a signal revenge. captain joseph huddy, who had been captured when bravely defending a blockhouse in monmouth county, was now drawn forth from prison, conducted into the jerseys by a party of refugees, headed by a captain lippencott, and hanged on the heights of middletown. the neighboring country cried out for retaliation. washington submitted the matter to a board of general and field-officers. it was unanimously determined that the offender should be demanded for execution, and, if not given up, that retaliation should be exercised on a british prisoner of equal rank. washington accordingly sent proofs to sir henry clinton of what he stigmatized as a murder, and demanded that the officer who commanded the execution of captain huddy should be given up. sir henry declined a compliance, but stated that he had ordered a strict inquiry into the circumstances of captain huddy's death, and would bring the perpetrators of it to immediate trial. washington about the same time received the copy of a resolution of congress approving of his firm and judicious conduct, and promising to support him "in his fixed purpose of exemplary retaliation." he accordingly ordered a selection to be made by lot, for the above purpose, from among the british officers, prisoners at lancaster, in pennsylvania. the lot fell upon captain charles asgill, of the guards, a youth only nineteen years of age, of an amiable character, and only son and heir of sir charles asgill, a wealthy baronet. the youth bore his lot with firmness, but his fellow prisoners were incensed at sir henry clinton for exposing him to such a fate by refusing to deliver up the culprit. one of their number, a son of the earl of ludlow, solicited permission from washington to proceed to new york and lay the case before sir guy carleton, who had succeeded in command to sir henry clinton. the matter remained for some time in suspense. lippencott was at length tried by a court-martial, but acquitted, it appearing that he had acted under the verbal orders of governor franklin, president of the board of associated loyalists. the british commander reprobated the death of captain huddy, and broke up the board. these circumstances changed in some degree the ground upon which washington was proceeding. he laid the whole matter before congress, admitted captain asgill on parole at morristown, and subsequently intimated to the secretary of war his private opinion in favor of his release, with permission to go to his friends in europe. in the meantime lady asgill, the mother of the youth, had written a pathetic letter to the count de vergennes, the french minister of state, imploring his intercession in behalf of her son. the letter was shown to the king and queen, and by their direction the count wrote to washington, soliciting the liberation of asgill. washington referred to congress the communication from the count, and urged a favorable decision. to his great relief, he received their directions to set captain asgill at liberty. the solicitude felt by washington on account of the universal relaxation of the sinews of war, was not allayed by reports of pacific speeches, and motions made in the british parliament, which might be delusive. "even if the nation and parliament," said he, "are really in earnest to obtain peace with america, it will, undoubtedly, be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our hands; and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that we may take the advantage of every favorable opportunity, until our wishes are fully obtained. no nation ever yet suffered in treaty by preparing, even in the moment of negotiation, most vigorously for the field." sir guy carleton arrived in new york early in may to take the place of sir henry clinton, who had solicited his recall. in a letter dated may th, sir guy informed washington of his being joined with admiral digby in the commission of peace; he transmitted at the same time printed copies of the proceedings in the house of commons on the th of march, respecting an address to the king in favor of peace; and of a bill reported in consequence thereof, authorizing the king to conclude a peace or truce with the revolted provinces of north america. as this bill, however, had not passed into a law when sir guy left england, it presented no basis for a negotiation; and was only cited by him to show the pacific disposition of the british nation, with which he professed the most zealous concurrence. still, though multiplied circumstances gradually persuaded washington of a real disposition on the part of great britain to terminate the war, he did not think fit to relax his preparations for hostilities. on the d of august, sir guy carleton and admiral digby wrote a joint letter to washington, informing him that they were acquainted, by authority, that negotiations for a general peace had already been commenced at paris, and that the independence of the united states would be proposed in the first instance by the british commissioner, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. even yet, washington was wary. no offers had been made on the part of great britain for a general cessation of hostilities, and, although the british commanders were in a manner tied down by the resolves of the house of commons, to a defensive war, only in the united states, they might be at liberty to transport part of their force to the west indies, to act against the french possessions in that quarter. with these considerations he wrote to the count de rochambeau, then at baltimore, advising him, for the good of the common cause, to march his troops to the banks of the hudson, and form a junction with the american army. the junction took place about the middle of september. the french army crossed the hudson at king's ferry to verplanck's point, where the american forces were paraded under arms to welcome them. [great discontents prevailed at this time in the army, both among officers and men. the army was almost destitute, and there were days when the troops were absolutely in want of provisions. the pay of the officers, too, was greatly in arrear; many doubted whether they would ever receive the half-pay decreed to them by congress for a term of years after the war, and fears began to be expressed that, in the event of peace, they would all be disbanded with their claims unliquidated and themselves cast upon the community penniless, and unfitted, by long military habitudes for the gainful pursuits of peace.] [the army went into winter-quarters at newburg, and in the leisure and idleness of a winter camp, the discontents among the officers had time to ferment. the arrearages of pay became a topic of constant and angry comment, and a memorial was addressed to congress representing the hardships of the case, and proposing that a specific sum should be granted them for the money actually due, and as a commutation for half-pay. the memorial gave rise to prolonged discussions, and the winter passed without any definite measures on the subject. meanwhile anonymous papers of a dangerous and incendiary character began to be circulated in the camp, and meetings were summoned having in view ulterior measures of redress. this washington anticipated by summoning a meeting of the officers in his own name, which he addressed in a forcible and feeling manner, dwelling upon their services, the good intentions of congress, and urging them in the most eloquent terms to turn a deaf ear to the specious arguments of those who were attempting "to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood." his earnest appeal was of effect; resolutions were passed, declaring that no circumstances of distress or danger should induce them to sully the reputation and glory acquired at the price of their blood and eight years' faithful services. washington now urged the subject upon the attention of congress, and a resolution was concurred in commuting the half-pay into a sum equal to five years' whole pay.] chapter lxvii. news of peace.--washington's farewell to the army, and resignation of his commission. at length arrived the wished-for news of peace. a general treaty had been signed at paris on the th of january. an armed vessel, the triumph, belonging to the count d'estaing's squadron, arrived at philadelphia from cadiz, on the d of march, bringing a letter from the marquis de lafayette, to the president of congress, communicating the intelligence. in a few days sir guy carleton informed washington, by letter, that he was ordered to proclaim a cessation of hostilities by sea and land. a similar proclamation issued by congress, was received by washington on the th of april. being unaccompanied by any instructions respecting the discharge of the part of the army with him, should the measure be deemed necessary, he found himself in a perplexing situation. the accounts of peace received at different times had raised an expectation in the minds of those of his troops that had engaged "for the war," that a speedy discharge must be the consequence of the proclamation. most of them could not distinguish between a proclamation of a cessation of hostilities and a definitive declaration of peace, and might consider any further claim on their military services an act of injustice. it was becoming difficult to enforce the discipline necessary to the coherence of an army. washington represented these circumstances in a letter to the president, and earnestly entreated a prompt determination on the part of congress, as to what was to be the period of the services of these men, and how he was to act respecting their discharge. he urged that, in discharging those who had been engaged "for the war," the non-commissioned officers and soldiers should be allowed to take with them, as their own property, and as a gratuity, their arms and accoutrements. his letter produced a resolution in congress, that the services of the men engaged in the war did not expire until the ratification of the definitive articles of peace; but that the commander-in-chief might grant furloughs to such as he thought proper, and that they should be allowed to take their arms with them. washington availed himself freely of this permission: furloughs were granted without stint; the men set out singly or in small parties for their rustic homes, and the danger and inconvenience were avoided of disbanding large masses, at a time, of unpaid soldiery. in the meantime sir guy carleton was making preparations for the evacuation of the city of new york. on the th of may a personal conference took place between washington and sir guy at orangetown, about the transfer of posts in the united states held by the british troops, and the delivery of all property stipulated by the treaty to be given up to the americans. on the th of may, egbert benson, william s. smith, and daniel parker, were commissioned by congress to inspect and superintend at new york the embarkation of persons and property in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty. the officers in the patriot camp on the hudson were not without gloomy feelings at the thought of their approaching separation from each other. eight years of dangers and hardships, shared in common and nobly sustained, had welded their hearts together, and made it hard to rend them asunder. prompted by such feelings, general knox suggested, as a mode of perpetuating the friendships thus formed, and keeping alive the brotherhood of the camp, the formation of a society composed of the officers of the army. the suggestion met with universal concurrence, and the hearty approbation of washington. meetings were held, at which the baron steuben, as senior officer, presided. a plan was drafted, and the society was organized. in memory of the illustrious roman, lucius quintius cincinnatus, who retired from war to the peaceful duties of the citizen, it was to be called "the society of the cincinnati." the objects proposed by it were to preserve inviolate the rights and liberties for which they had contended; to promote and cherish national honor and union between the states; to maintain brotherly kindness toward each other, and extend relief to such officers and their families as might stand in need of it. the general society, for the sake of frequent communications, was to be divided into state societies, and these again into districts. washington was chosen unanimously to officiate as president of it, until the first general meeting, to be held in may, . on the th of june, washington addressed a letter to the governors of the several states on the subject of the dissolution of the army. the opening of it breathes that aspiration after the serene quiet of private life, which had been his dream of happiness throughout the storms and trials of his anxious career, but the full fruition of which he was never to realize. his letter then described the enviable condition of the citizens of america, and proceeded ably and eloquently to discuss what he considered the four things essential to the well-being, and even the existence of the united states as an independent power. first. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head, and a perfect acquiescence of the several states, in the full exercise of the prerogative vested in such a head by the constitution. second. a sacred regard to public justice in discharging debts and fulfilling contracts made by congress, for the purpose of carrying on the war. third. the adoption of a proper peace establishment; in which care should be taken to place the militia throughout the union on a regular, uniform and efficient footing. and fourth. a disposition among the people of the united states to forget local prejudices and policies; to make mutual concessions, and to sacrifice individual advantages to the interests of the community. these four things washington pronounced the pillars on which the glorious character must be supported. "liberty is the basis; and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country." we forbear to go into the ample and admirable reasoning with which he expatiates on these heads, and above all, enforces the sacred inviolability of the union; they have become familiar with every american mind, and ought to govern every american heart. washington resolved to while away part of the time that must intervene before the arrival of the definitive treaty, by making a tour to the northern and western parts of the state, and visiting the places which had been the theatre of important military transactions. he had another object in view; he desired to facilitate as far as in his power the operations which would be necessary for occupying, as soon as evacuated by british troops, the posts ceded by the treaty of peace. governor clinton accompanied him on the expedition. they set out by water from newburg, ascended the hudson to albany, visited saratoga and the scene of burgoyne's surrender, embarked on lake george, where light boats had been provided for them, traversed that beautiful lake so full of historic interest, proceeded to ticonderoga and crown point; and after reconnoitring those eventful posts, returned to schenectady, whence they proceeded up the valley of the mohawk river. having reached fort schuyler, formerly fort stanwix, they crossed over to wood creek, which empties into oneida lake, and affords the water communication with ontario. they then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the susquehanna, and viewed lake otsego and the portage between that lake and the mohawk river. washington returned to head-quarters at newburg on the th of august, after a tour of at least seven hundred and fifty miles, performed in nineteen days, and for the most part on horseback. by a proclamation of congress, dated th of october, all officers and soldiers absent on furlough were discharged from further service; and all others who had engaged to serve during the war, were to be discharged from and after the d of november. a small force only, composed of those who had enlisted for a definite time, were to be retained in service until the peace establishment should be organized. in general orders of november d, washington, after adverting to this proclamation, adds: "it only remains for the commander-in-chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the united states, however widely dispersed the individuals who compose them may be, and to bid them an affectionate and a long farewell." he then goes on to make them one of those paternal addresses which so eminently characterize his relationship with his army, so different from that of any other commander. he takes a brief view of the glorious struggle from which they had just emerged; the unpromising circumstances under which they had undertaken it, and the signal interposition of providence in behalf of their feeble condition; the unparalleled perseverance of the american armies for eight long years, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement; a perseverance which he justly pronounces to be little short of _a standing miracle_. adverting then to the enlarged prospects of happiness opened by the confirmation of national independence and sovereignty, and the ample and profitable employments held out in a republic so happily circumstanced, he exhorts them to maintain the strongest attachment to the union, and to carry with them into civil society the most conciliatory dispositions; proving themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens, than they had been victorious as soldiers. notwithstanding every exertion had been made for the evacuation of new york, such was the number of persons and the quantity of effects of all kinds to be conveyed away, that the month of november was far advanced before it could be completed. sir guy carleton had given notice to washington of the time he supposed the different posts would be vacated, that the americans might be prepared to take possession of them. on the st the british troops were drawn in from the oft-disputed post of king's bridge and from m'gowan's pass, also from the various posts on the eastern part of long island. paulus hook was relinquished on the following day, and the afternoon of the th of november was appointed by sir guy for the evacuation of the city and the opposite village of brooklyn. washington, in the meantime, had taken his station at harlem, accompanied by governor clinton, who, in virtue of his office, was to take charge of the city. they found there general knox with the detachment from west point. sir guy carleton had intimated a wish that washington would be at hand to take immediate possession of the city, and prevent all outrage, as he had been informed of a plot to plunder the place whenever the king's troops should be withdrawn. he had engaged, also, that the guards of the redoubts on the east river, covering the upper part of the town, should be the first to be withdrawn, and that an officer should be sent to give washington's advanced guard information of their retiring. although washington doubted the existence of any such plot as that which had been reported to the british commander, yet he took precautions accordingly. on the morning of the th the american troops, composed of dragoons, light infantry and artillery, moved from harlem to the bowery at the upper part of the city. there they remained until the troops in that quarter were withdrawn, when they marched into the city and took possession, the british embarking from the lower parts. a formal entry then took place of the military and civil authorities. {illustration: room in fraunces' tavern. vol. iv.} in the course of a few days washington prepared to depart for annapolis, where congress was assembling, with the intention of asking leave to resign his command. a barge was in waiting about noon on the th of december at whitehall ferry to convey him across the hudson to paulus hook. the principal officers of the army assembled at fraunces' tavern, in the neighborhood of the ferry, to take a final leave of him. on entering the room, and finding himself surrounded by his old companions in arms, who shared with him so many scenes of hardship, difficulty, and danger, his agitated feelings overcame his usual self-command. filling a glass of wine, and turning upon them his benignant but saddened countenance, "with a heart full of love and gratitude," said he, "i now take leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." having drunk his farewell benediction, he added with emotion, "i cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." general knox, who was nearest, was the first to advance. washington, affected even to tears, grasped his hand and gave him a brother's embrace. in the same affectionate manner he took leave severally of the rest. not a word was spoken. the deep feeling and manly tenderness of these veterans in the parting moment could find no utterance in words. silent and solemn they followed their loved commander as he left the room, passed through a corps of light infantry, and proceeded on foot to whitehall ferry. having entered the barge, he turned to them, took off his hat and waved a silent adieu. they replied in the same manner, and having watched the barge until the intervening point of the battery shut it from sight, returned, still solemn and silent, to the place where they had assembled. on his way to annapolis, washington stopped for a few days at philadelphia, where with his usual exactness in matters of business, he adjusted with the comptroller of the treasury his accounts from the commencement of the war down to the th of the actual month of december. these were all in his own handwriting, and kept in the cleanest and most accurate manner, each entry being accompanied by a statement of the occasion and object of the charge. the gross amount was about fourteen thousand five hundred pounds sterling; in which were included moneys expended for secret intelligence and service, and in various incidental charges. all this, it must be noted, was an account of money actually expended in the progress of the war; not for arrearage of pay; for it will be recollected washington accepted no pay. in passing through new jersey, pennsylvania, and maryland, the scenes of his anxious and precarious campaigns, washington was everywhere hailed with enthusiasm by the people, and greeted with addresses by legislative assemblies, and learned and religious institutions. being arrived at annapolis, he addressed a letter to the president of congress, on the th of december, requesting to know in what manner it would be most proper to offer his resignation; whether in writing or at an audience. the latter mode was adopted, and the hall of congress appointed for the ceremonial. at twelve o'clock [the d,] the gallery, and a great part of the floor of the hall of congress, were filled with ladies, with public functionaries of the state, and with general officers. washington entered, conducted by the secretary of congress, and took his seat in a chair appointed for him. after a brief pause, the president (general mifflin) informed him, that "the united states in congress assembled, were prepared to receive his communication." washington then rose, and delivered a short address. "the great events," said he, "on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i now have the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country." after expressing his obligations to the army in general, and acknowledging the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the confidential officers who had been attached to his person, and composed his family during the war, and whom he especially recommended to the favor of congress, he continued--"having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." having delivered his commission into the hands of the president, the latter, in reply to his address, bore testimony to the patriotism with which he had answered to the call of his country, and defended its invaded rights before it had formed alliances, and while it was without funds or a government to support him; to the wisdom and fortitude with which he had conducted the great military contest, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through all disasters and changes. "you retire," added he, "from the theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages." the very next morning washington left annapolis, and hastened to his beloved mount vernon, where he arrived the same day, on christmas-eve, in a frame of mind suited to enjoy the sacred and genial festival. "the scene is at last closed," said he in a letter to governor clinton; "i feel myself eased of a load of public care. i hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues." chapter lxviii. washington at mount vernon. for some time after his return to mount vernon, washington was in a manner locked up by the ice and snow of an uncommonly rigorous winter, so that social intercourse was interrupted, and he could not even pay a visit of duty and affection to his aged mother at fredericksburg. but it was enough for him at present that he was at length at home at mount vernon. yet the habitudes of the camp still haunted him; he could hardly realize that he was free from military duties; on waking in the morning he almost expected to hear the drum going its stirring rounds and beating the reveillé. during the winter storms he anticipates the time when the return of the sun will enable him to welcome his friends and companions in arms to partake of his hospitality; and lays down his unpretending plan of receiving the curious visitors who are likely to throng in upon him. "my manner of living," writes he to a friend, "is plain, and i do not mean to be put out of it. a glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready; and such as will be content to partake of them, are always welcome. those who expect more will be disappointed." some degree of economy was necessary, for his financial concerns had suffered during the war, and the products of his estate had fallen off during his long absence. in the meantime the supreme council of pennsylvania, properly appreciating the disinterestedness of his conduct, aware that popular love and popular curiosity would attract crowds of visitors to mount vernon, and subject him to extraordinary expenses, had instructed their delegates in congress to call the attention of that body to these circumstances, with a view to produce some national reward for his eminent services. before acting upon these instructions, the delegates were directed to send a copy of them to washington for his approbation. he received the document while buried in accounts and calculations, and when, had he been of a mercenary disposition, the offered intervention in his favor would have seemed most seasonable; but he at once most gratefully and respectfully declined it, jealously maintaining the satisfaction of having served his country at the sacrifice of his private interests. as spring advanced, mount vernon, as had been anticipated, began to attract numerous visitors. they were received in the frank, unpretending style washington had determined upon. it was truly edifying to behold how easily and contentedly he subsided from the authoritative commander-in-chief of armies into the quiet country gentleman. there was nothing awkward or violent in the transition. he seemed to be in his natural element. mrs. washington, too, who presided with quiet dignity at head-quarters, and cheered the wintry gloom of valley forge with her presence, presided with equal amenity and grace at the simple board of mount vernon. she had a cheerful good sense that always made her an agreeable companion, and was an excellent manager. in entering upon the out-door management of his estate, washington was but doing in person what he had long been doing through others. he had never virtually ceased to be the agriculturist. throughout all his campaigns he had kept himself informed of the course of rural affairs at mount vernon. by means of maps on which every field was laid down and numbered, he was enabled to give directions for their several cultivation, and receive accounts of their several crops. no hurry of affairs prevented a correspondence with his overseer or agent, and he exacted weekly reports. thus his rural were interwoven with his military cares; the agriculturist was mingled with the soldier. the fairfaxes, the kind friends of his boyhood, and social companions of his riper years, were no longer at hand to share his pleasures and lighten his cares. there were no more hunting dinners at belvoir. george william fairfax, its former possessor, was in england; his political principles had detained him there during the war, and part of his property had been sequestered. old lord fairfax, the nimrod of greenway court, washington's early friend and patron, with whom he had first learned to follow the hounds, had lived on in a green old age at his sylvan retreat in the beautiful valley of the shenandoah; popular with his neighbors and unmolested by the whigs, although frank and open in his adherence to great britain. he had attained his ninety-second year, when tidings of the surrender of yorktown wounded the national pride of the old cavalier to the quick, and snapped the attenuated thread of his existence. on the th of august, washington was gladdened by having the marquis de lafayette under his roof, who had recently arrived from france. the marquis passed a fortnight with him, a loved and cherished guest, at the end of which he departed for a time, to be present at the ceremony of a treaty with the indians. washington now prepared for a tour to the west of the appalachian mountains, to visit his lands on the ohio and kanawha rivers. dr. craik, the companion of his various campaigns, and who had accompanied him in on a similar tour, was to be his fellow-traveller. his original intention had been to survey and inspect his lands on the monongahela river; then to descend the ohio to the great kanawha, where also he had large tracts of wild land. on arriving on the monongahela, however, he heard such accounts of discontent and irritation among the indian tribes, that he did not consider it prudent to venture among them. some of his land on the monongahela was settled; the rest was in the wilderness, and of little value in the present unquiet state of the country. he abridged his tour, therefore; proceeded no further west than the monongahela; ascended that river, and then struck southward through the wild, unsettled regions of the alleghanies, until he came out into the shenandoah valley near staunton. he returned to mount vernon on the th of october. during all this tour he had carefully observed the course and character of the streams flowing from the west into the ohio, and the distance of their navigable parts from the head navigation of the rivers east of the mountains, with the nearest and best portage between them. for many years he had been convinced of the practicability of an easy and short communication between the potomac and james rivers, and the waters of the ohio, and thence on to the great chain of lakes; and of the vast advantages that would result therefrom to the states of virginia and maryland. he had even attempted to set a company on foot to undertake at their own expense the opening of such a communication, but the breaking out of the revolution had put a stop to the enterprise. one object of his recent tour was to make observations and collect information on the subject; and all that he had seen and heard quickened his solicitude to carry the scheme into effect. [he set forth his views upon the subject to benjamin harrison, governor of virginia, urging its importance to the state, and predicting that new york would lose no time in forming communication by water with the western lakes. the governor laid the letter before the state legislature, and washington was induced to go to richmond to give the measure his personal support.] in a letter to richard henry lee, recently chosen president of congress, he urged it upon his attention; suggesting that the western waters should be explored, their navigable capabilities ascertained, and that a complete map should be made of the country. in the latter part of december he was at annapolis, at the request of the assembly of virginia, to arrange matters with the assembly of maryland respecting it. through his indefatigable exertions two companies were formed under the patronage of the governments of these states, for opening the navigation of the potomac and james rivers, and he was appointed president of both. by a unanimous vote of the assembly of virginia, fifty shares in the potomac, and one hundred in the james river company, were appropriated for his benefit. washington was exceedingly embarrassed by the appropriation. to decline so noble and unequivocal a testimonial of the good opinion and good will of his countrymen might be construed into disrespect, yet he wished to be perfectly free to exercise his judgment and express his opinions in the matter, without being liable to the least suspicion of interested motives. while, however, he declined to receive the proffered shares for his own benefit, he intimated a disposition to receive them in trust, to be applied to the use of some object or institution of a public nature. his wishes were complied with, and the shares were ultimately appropriated by him to institutions devoted to public education. yet, though the love for his country would thus interfere with his love for his home, the dream of rural retirement at mount vernon still went on. at the opening of the year ( ) the entries in his diary show him diligently employed in preparations to improve his groves and shrubbery. on the th of january he notes that the white thorn is full in berry. on the th he begins to clear the pine groves of undergrowth. in february he transplants ivy under the walls of the garden to which it still clings. in march he is planting hemlock trees, that most beautiful species of american evergreen, numbers of which had been brought hither from occoquan. in april he is sowing holly berries in drills, some adjoining a green-briar hedge on the north side of the garden gate; others in a semicircle on the lawn. many of the holly bushes thus produced, are still flourishing about the place in full vigor. we find in his diary noted down with curious exactness each day's labor and the share he took in it; his frequent rides to the mill swamp, the dogue creek, the "plantation of the neck," and other places along the potomac in quest of young elms, ash trees, white thorn, crab-apples, maples, mulberries, willows and lilacs; the winding walks which he lays out, and the trees and shrubs which he plants along them. now he sows acorns and buck-eye nuts brought by himself from the monongahela; now he opens vistas through the pine grove, commanding distant views through the woodlands; and now he twines round his columns scarlet honeysuckles, which his gardener tells him will blow all the summer. the ornamental cultivation of which we have spoken was confined to the grounds appertaining to what was called the mansion-house farm; but his estate included four other farms, all lying contiguous, and containing three thousand two hundred and sixty acres; each farm having its bailiff or overseer, with a house for his accommodation, barns and out-houses for the produce, and cabins for the negroes. on a general map of the estate, drawn out by washington himself, these farms were all laid down accurately and their several fields numbered; he knew the soil and local qualities of each, and regulated the culture of them accordingly. in addition to these five farms there were several hundred acres of fine woodland, so that the estate presented a beautiful diversity of land and water. in the stables near the mansion-house were the carriage and saddle horses, of which he was very choice; on the four farms there were draught horses, mules, head of black cattle, sheep, and a great number of swine, which last ran at large in the woods. in the management of his estate he was remarkably exact. no negligence on the part of the overseers or those under them was passed over unnoticed. he seldom used many words on the subject of his plans; rarely asked advice; but, when once determined, carried them directly and silently into execution; and was not easily dissuaded from a project when once commenced. while washington was thus calmly employed, came a letter from henry lee, who was now in congress, conveying a mournful piece of intelligence: "your friend and second, the patriot and noble greene, is no more. universal grief reigns here." greene died on the th of june, at his estate of mulberry grove, on savannah river, presented to him by the state of georgia. his last illness was brief; caused by a stroke of the sun; he was but forty-four years of age. the news of his death struck heavily on washington's heart, to whom, in the most arduous trials of the revolution, he had been a second self. he had taken washington as his model, and possessed naturally many of his great qualities. like him, he was sound in judgment; persevering in the midst of discouragements; calm and self-possessed in time of danger; heedful of the safety of others; heedless of his own. like him, he was modest and unpretending, and like him he had a perfect command of temper. other deaths pressed upon washington's sensibility about the same time. that of general mcdougall, who had served his country faithfully through the war, and since with equal fidelity in congress. that, too, of colonel tench tilghman, for a long time one of washington's aides-de-camp, and "who left," writes he, "as fair a reputation as ever belonged to a human character." "thus," adds he, "some of the pillars of the revolution fall. others are mouldering by insensible degrees. may our country never want props to support the glorious fabric!" chapter lxix. the constitutional convention.--washington elected president. from his quiet retreat of mount vernon, washington, though ostensibly withdrawn from public affairs, was watching with intense solicitude the working together of the several parts in the great political confederacy; anxious to know whether the thirteen distinct states, under the present organization, could form a sufficiently efficient general government. he was daily becoming more and more doubtful of the solidity of the fabric he had assisted to raise. the form of confederation which had bound the states together and met the public exigencies during the revolution, when there was a pressure of external danger, was daily proving more and more incompetent to the purposes of a national government. congress had devised a system of credit to provide for the national expenditure and the extinction of the national debts, which amounted to something more than forty millions of dollars. the system experienced neglect from some states and opposition from others; each consulting its local interests and prejudices, instead of the interests and obligations of the whole. in like manner treaty stipulations, which bound the good faith of the whole, were slighted, if not violated by individual states, apparently unconscious that they must each share in the discredit thus brought upon the national name. in letters to his correspondents washington writes: "the confederation appears to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance, and congress a nugatory body; their ordinances being little attended to.... the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness." ... "i have ever been a friend to adequate powers in congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of europe. we are either a united people under one head and for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other." ... "we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. i do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states.... we are apt to run from one extreme to another. i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchial form of government without horror. from thinking proceeds speaking, thence acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems, founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and fallacious! would to god that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend." his anxiety on the subject was quickened by accounts of discontents and commotions in the eastern states produced by the pressure of the times, the public and private indebtedness, and the imposition of heavy taxes, at a moment of financial embarrassment. general knox, now secretary at war, who had been sent by congress to massachusetts to inquire into these troubles, thus writes about the insurgents: "their creed is, that the property of the united states has been protected from the confiscation of britain by the joint exertions of _all_, and therefore ought to be _the common property of all_, and he that attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from off the face of the earth." again: "they are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded paper, which shall be a tender in all cases whatever." in reply to colonel henry lee in congress, who had addressed several letters to him on the subject, washington writes: "you talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in massachusetts. i know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. _influence_ is not _government_. let us have a government by which our lives, liberties and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. there is a call for decision. know precisely what the insurgents aim at. if they have _real_ grievances, redress them, if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it at the moment. if they have not, employ the force of government against them at once.... let the reins of government, then, be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. if defective, let it be amended; but not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence." a letter to him from his former aide-de-camp, colonel humphreys, dated new haven, november st, says: "the troubles in massachusetts still continue. government is prostrated in the dust, and it is much to be feared that there is not energy enough in that state to re-establish the civil powers. the leaders of the mob, whose fortunes and measures are desperate, are strengthening themselves daily; and it is expected that they will soon take possession of the continental magazine at springfield, in which there are from ten to fifteen thousand stand of arms in excellent order. a general want of compliance with the requisitions of congress for money seems to prognosticate that we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. congress, i am told, are seriously alarmed, and hardly know which way to turn or what to expect. indeed, my dear general, nothing but a good providence can extricate us from the present convulsion." "what, gracious god! is man," writes washington, "that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. it was but the other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live; constitutions of our own choice and making; and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them.... how melancholy is the reflection, that in so short a time we should have made such large strides towards fulfilling the predictions of our transatlantic foes! 'leave them to themselves, and their government will soon dissolve.' will not the wise and good strive hard to avert this evil? or will their supineness suffer ignorance and the arts of self-interested and designing, disaffected and desperate characters, to involve this great country in wretchedness and contempt? what stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our government than these disorders? if there is not power in it to check them, what security has a man for life, liberty, or property?" thus washington, even though in retirement, was almost unconsciously exercising a powerful influence on national affairs; no longer the soldier, he was now becoming the statesman. the opinions and counsels given in his letters were widely effective. the expedient for federate organization, had extended and ripened in legislative assemblies, and ended in a plan of a convention composed of delegates from all the states, to meet in philadelphia for the sole and express purpose of revising the federal system, and correcting its defects; the proceedings of the convention to be subsequently reported to congress, and the several legislatures, for approval and confirmation. washington was unanimously put at the head of the virginia delegation, but for some time objected to accept the nomination. he feared to be charged with inconsistency in again appearing in a public situation, after his declared resolution to the contrary. these considerations were strenuously combated, for the weight and influence of his name and counsel were felt to be all-important in giving dignity to the delegation. two things contributed to bring him to a favorable decision: first, an insinuation that the opponents of the convention were monarchists, who wished the distractions of the country should continue, until a monarchial government might be resorted to as an ark of safety. the other was the insurrection in massachusetts. before the time arrived for the meeting of the convention, which was the second monday in may, his mind was relieved from poignant solicitude, by learning that the insurrection in massachusetts had been suppressed with but little bloodshed, and that the principals had fled to canada. on the th of may, washington set out from mount vernon to attend the convention. it was not until the th of may that a sufficient number of delegates were assembled to form a quorum, when they proceeded to organize the body, and by a unanimous vote washington was called up to the chair as president. we forbear to go into the voluminous proceedings of this memorable convention, which occupied from four to seven hours each day for four months; and in which every point was the subject of able and scrupulous discussion by the best talent and noblest spirits of the country. washington felt restrained by his situation as president from taking a part in the debates, but his well-known opinions influenced the whole. the result was the formation of the constitution of the united states, which (with some amendments made in after years) still exists. the constitution thus formed was forwarded to congress, and thence transmitted to the state legislatures, each of which submitted it to a state convention composed of delegates chosen for that express purpose by the people. the ratification of the instrument by nine states was necessary to carry it into effect; and as the several state conventions would assemble at different times, nearly a year must elapse before the decisions of the requisite number could be obtained. during this time, washington resumed his retired life at mount vernon, seldom riding, as he says, beyond the limits of his own farms, but kept informed by his numerous correspondents, such as james madison, john jay, and generals knox, lincoln and armstrong, of the progress of the constitution through its various ordeals, and of the strenuous opposition which it met with in different quarters, both in debate and through the press. the testimonials of ratification having been received by congress from a sufficient number of states, an act was passed by that body on the th of september, appointing the first wednesday in january, , for the people of the united states to choose electors of a president according to the constitution, and the first wednesday in the month of february following for the electors to meet and make a choice. the meeting of the government was to be on the first wednesday in march, and in the city of new york. before the official forms of an election could be carried into operation, a unanimous sentiment throughout the union pronounced washington the nation's choice to fill the presidential chair. he looked forward to the possibility of his election with characteristic modesty and unfeigned reluctance; as his letters to his confidential friends bear witness. "it has no fascinating allurements for me," writes he to lafayette. "at my time of life and under my circumstances, the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment." the election took place at the appointed time, and it was soon ascertained that washington was chosen president for the term of four years from the th of march. by this time the arguments and entreaties of his friends, and his own convictions of public expediency, had determined him to accept; and he made preparations to depart for the seat of government as soon as he should receive official notice of his election. among other duties he paid a visit to his mother at fredericksburg; it was a painful, because likely to be a final one, for she was afflicted with a malady which, it was evident, must soon terminate her life. their parting was affectionate, but solemn; she had always been reserved and moderate in expressing herself in regard to the successes of her son; but it must have been a serene satisfaction at the close of her life to see him elevated by his virtues to the highest honor of his country. from a delay in forming a quorum of congress the votes of the electoral college were not counted until early in april, when they were found to be unanimous in favor of washington. on the th of april, he received a letter from the president of congress, duly notifying him of his election; and he prepared to set out immediately for new york, the seat of government. his progress was a continued ovation. the ringing of bells and roaring of cannonry proclaimed his course through the country. the old and young, women and children, thronged the highways to bless and welcome him. deputations of the most respectable inhabitants from the principal places came forth to meet and escort him. at baltimore, on his arrival and departure, his carriage was attended by a numerous cavalcade of citizens, and he was saluted by the thunder of artillery. at the frontier of pennsylvania he was met by his former companion-in-arms, mifflin, now governor of the state, who with judge peters and a civil and military escort, was waiting to receive him. washington had hoped to be spared all military parade, but found it was not to be evaded. at chester, where he stopped to breakfast, there were preparations for a public entrance into philadelphia. cavalry had assembled from the surrounding country; a superb white horse was led out for washington to mount, and a grand procession set forward, with general st. clair, of revolutionary notoriety, at its head. it gathered numbers as it advanced; passed under triumphal arches entwined with laurel, and entered philadelphia amid the shouts of the multitude. we question whether any of these testimonials of a nation's gratitude affected washington more sensibly than those he received at trenton. it was on a sunny afternoon when he arrived on the banks of the delaware, where, twelve years before, he had crossed in darkness and storm, through clouds of snow and drifts of floating ice, on his daring attempt to strike a blow at a triumphant enemy. on the bridge crossing that eventful stream, the ladies of trenton had caused a triumphal arch to be erected. it was entwined with evergreens and laurels, and bore the inscription, "the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters." at this bridge the matrons of the city were assembled to pay him reverence; and as he passed under the arch, a number of young girls, dressed in white and crowned with garlands, strewed flowers before him, singing an ode expressive of their love and gratitude. never was ovation more graceful, touching and sincere; and washington, tenderly affected, declared that the impression of it on his heart could never be effaced. in respect to his reception at new york, washington had signified in a letter to governor clinton, that none could be so congenial to his feelings as a quiet entry devoid of ceremony; but his modest wishes were not complied with. at elizabethtown point, a committee of both houses of congress, with various civic functionaries, waited by appointment to receive him. he embarked on board of a splendid barge, constructed for the occasion. it was manned by thirteen branch pilots, masters of vessels, in white uniforms, and commanded by commodore nicholson. other barges fancifully decorated followed, having on board the heads of departments and other public officers, and several distinguished citizens. as they passed through the strait between the jerseys and staten island, called the kills, other boats decorated with flags fell in their wake, until the whole, forming a nautical procession, swept up the broad and beautiful bay of new york to the sound of instrumental music. he approached the landing-place of murray's wharf amid the ringing of bells, the roaring of cannonry, and the shouting of multitudes collected on every pier-head. on landing he was received by governor clinton. general knox, too, who had taken such affectionate leave of him on his retirement from military life, was there to welcome him in his civil capacity. other of his fellow-soldiers of the revolution were likewise there, mingled with the civic dignitaries. carpets had been spread to a carriage prepared to convey him to his destined residence, but he preferred to walk. he was attended by a long civil and military train. in the streets through which he passed the houses were decorated with flags, silken banners, garlands of flowers and evergreens, and bore his name in every form of ornament. the streets were crowded with people, so that it was with difficulty a passage could be made by the city officers. the inauguration was delayed for several days, in which a question arose as to the form or title by which the president elect was to be addressed, and a committee in both houses was appointed to report upon the subject. it was finally resolved that the address should be simply "the president of the united states," without any addition of title; a judicious form which has remained to the present day. the inauguration took place on the th of april. at nine o'clock in the morning there were religious services in all the churches. at twelve o'clock the city troops paraded before washington's door, and soon after the committees of congress and heads of departments came in their carriages. at half-past twelve the procession moved forward, preceded by the troops; next came the committees and heads of departments in their carriages; then washington in a coach of state, his aide-de-camp, colonel humphreys, and his secretary, mr. lear, in his own carriage. the foreign ministers and a long train of citizens brought up the rear. about two hundred yards before reaching the hall, washington and his suite alighted from their carriages, and passed through the troops, who were drawn up on each side, into the hall and senate chamber, where the vice-president, the senate and house of representatives were assembled. the vice-president, john adams, recently inaugurated, advanced and conducted washington to a chair of state at the upper end of the room. a solemn silence prevailed, when the vice-president rose, and informed him that all things were prepared for him to take the oath of office required by the constitution. the oath was to be administered by the chancellor of the state of new york, in a balcony in front of the senate chamber, and in full view of an immense multitude occupying the street, the windows, and even roofs of the adjacent houses. the balcony formed a kind of open recess, with lofty columns supporting the roof. in the centre was a table with a covering of crimson velvet, upon which lay a superbly bound bible on a crimson velvet cushion. this was all the paraphernalia for the august scene. all eyes were fixed upon the balcony, when, at the appointed hour, washington made his appearance, accompanied by various public functionaries, and members of the senate and house of representatives. he was clad in a full suit of dark-brown cloth, of american manufacture, with a steel-hilted dress sword, white silk stockings, and silver shoe-buckles. his hair was dressed and powdered in the fashion of the day, and worn in a bag and solitaire. his entrance on the balcony was hailed by universal shouts. he was evidently moved by this demonstration of public affection. advancing to the front of the balcony, he laid his hand upon his heart, bowed several times, and then retreated to an arm-chair near the table. the populace appeared to understand that the scene had overcome him, and were hushed at once into profound silence. after a few moments washington rose and again came forward. john adams, the vice-president, stood on his right; on his left the chancellor of the state, robert r. livingston; somewhat in the rear were roger sherman, alexander hamilton, generals knox, st. clair, the baron steuben and others. the chancellor advanced to administer the oath prescribed by the constitution, and mr. otis, the secretary of the senate, held up the bible on its crimson cushion. the oath was read slowly and distinctly; washington at the same time laying his hand on the open bible. when it was concluded, he replied solemnly, "i swear--so help me god!" the chancellor now stepped forward, waved his hand and exclaimed, "long live george washington, president of the united states!" at this moment a flag was displayed on the cupola of the hall; on which signal there was a general discharge of artillery on the battery. all the bells in the city rang out a joyful peal, and the multitude rent the air with acclamations. washington again bowed to the people and returned into the senate chamber, where he delivered, to both houses of congress, his inaugural address. after this he proceeded with the whole assemblage on foot to st. paul's church, where prayers suited to the occasion were read by dr. prevost, bishop of the protestant episcopal church in new york, who had been appointed by the senate one of the chaplains of congress. so closed the ceremonies of the inauguration. we have been accustomed to look to washington's private letters for the sentiments of his heart. those written to several of his friends immediately after his inauguration show how little he was excited by his official elevation. "i greatly fear," writes he, "that my countrymen will expect too much from me. i fear, if the issue of public measures should not correspond with their sanguine expectations, they will turn the extravagant, and i might almost say undue praises, which they are heaping upon me at this moment, into equally extravagant, though i will fondly hope unmerited censures." little was his modest spirit aware that the praises so dubiously received were but the opening notes of a theme that was to increase from age to age, to pervade all lands and endure throughout all generations. chapter lxx. organization of the new government. the eyes of the world were upon washington at the commencement of his administration. he had won laurels in the field; would they continue to flourish in the cabinet? his position was surrounded by difficulties. inexperienced in the duties of civil administration, he was to inaugurate a new and untried system of government, composed of states and people, as yet a mere experiment, to which some looked forward with buoyant confidence, many with doubt and apprehension. the constitution had met with vehement opposition, when under discussion in the general and state governments. only three states, new jersey, delaware and georgia, had accepted it unanimously. several of the most important states had adopted it by a mere majority; five of them under an expressed expectation of specified amendments or modifications; while two states, rhode island and north carolina, still stood aloof. the very extent of the country he was called upon to govern, ten times larger than that of any previous republic, must have pressed with weight upon washington's mind. it presented to the atlantic a front of fifteen hundred miles, divided into individual states, differing in the forms of their local governments, differing from each other in interests, in territorial magnitudes, in amount of population, in manners, soils, climates and productions, and the characteristics of their several peoples. beyond the alleghanies extended regions almost boundless, as yet for the most part wild and uncultivated. vast tracts, however, were rapidly being peopled, and would soon be portioned into sections requiring local governments. the great natural outlet for the exportation of the products of this region of inexhaustible fertility, was the mississippi; but spain opposed a barrier to the free navigation of this river. here was peculiar cause of solicitude. before leaving mount vernon, washington had heard that the hardy yeomanry of the far west were becoming impatient of this barrier, and indignant at the apparent indifference of congress to their prayers for its removal. he had heard, moreover, that british emissaries were fostering these discontents, sowing the seed of disaffection, and offering assistance to the western people to seize on the city of new orleans and fortify the mouth of the mississippi; while, on the other hand, the spanish authorities at new orleans were represented as intriguing to effect a separation of the western territory from the union, with a view or hope of attaching it to the dominion of spain. great britain, too, was giving grounds for territorial solicitude in these distant quarters by retaining possession of the western posts, the surrender of which had been stipulated by treaty. her plea was, that debts due to british subjects, for which by the same treaty the union states were bound, remained unpaid. this the americans alleged was a mere pretext; the real object of their retention being the monopoly of the fur trade; and to the mischievous influence exercised by these posts over the indian tribes, was attributed much of the hostile disposition manifested by the latter along the western frontier. while these brooding causes of anxiety existed at home, the foreign commerce of the union was on a most unsatisfactory footing, and required prompt and thorough attention. it was subject to maraud, even by the corsairs of algiers, tunis and tripoli, who captured american merchant vessels and carried their crews into slavery; no treaty having yet been made with any of the barbary powers excepting morocco. to complete the perplexities which beset the new government, the finances of the country were in a lamentable state. there was no money in the treasury. the efforts of the former government to pay or fund its debts, had failed; there was a universal state of indebtedness, foreign and domestic, and public credit was prostrate. such was the condition of affairs when washington entered upon his new field of action. as yet he was without the support of constitutional advisers, the departments under the new government not being organized; he could turn with confidence, however, for counsel in an emergency to john jay, who still remained at the head of affairs, where he had been placed in . he was sure of sympathy also in his old comrade, general knox, who continued to officiate as secretary of war; while the affairs of the treasury were managed by a board, consisting of samuel osgood, walter livingston, and arthur lee. among the personal friends not in office, to whom washington felt that he could safely have recourse for aid in initiating the new government, was alexander hamilton. it was also a great satisfaction to washington, on looking round for reliable advisers at this moment, to see james madison among the members of congress: madison, who had been with him in the convention, who had labored in "the federalist," and whose talents as a speaker, and calm, dispassionate reasoner; whose extensive information and legislative experience destined him to be a leader in the house. highly appreciating his intellectual and moral worth, washington would often turn to him for counsel. the moment the inauguration was over, washington was made to perceive that he was no longer master of himself or of his home. "by the time i had done breakfast," writes he, "and thence till dinner, and afterwards till bedtime, i could not get rid of the ceremony of one visit before i had to attend to another. in a word, i had no leisure to read or to answer the despatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters." how was he to be protected from these intrusions? what, too, were to be the forms and ceremonials to be adopted in the presidential mansion that would maintain the dignity of his station, allow him time for the performance of its official duties, and yet be in harmony with the temper and feelings of the people, and the prevalent notions of equality and republican simplicity? looking round upon the able men at hand, such as adams, hamilton, jay, madison, he propounded to them a series of questions as to a line of conduct proper for him to observe. in regard to visitors, for instance, would not one day in the week be sufficient for visits of compliment, and one hour every morning (at eight o'clock for example) for visits on business? might he make social visits to acquaintances and public characters, not as president, but as private individual? and then as to his table--under the preceding form of government, the presidents of congress had been accustomed to give dinners twice a week to large parties of both sexes, and invitations had been so indiscriminate, that every one who could get introduced to the president conceived he had a right to be invited to his board. washington was resolved not to give general entertainments of this kind, but in his series of questions he asked whether he might not invite, informally or otherwise, six, eight, or ten official characters, including in rotation the members of both houses of congress, to dine with him on the days fixed for receiving company, without exciting clamors in the rest of the community. adams in his reply talked of chamberlains, aides-de-camp, masters of ceremony, and evinced a high idea of the presidential office and the state with which it ought to be maintained. two days in a week would be required for the receipt of visits of compliment. persons desiring an interview with the president should make application through the minister of state. in every case the name, quality or business of the visitor should be communicated to a chamberlain or gentleman in waiting, who should judge whom to admit, and whom to exclude. the time for receiving visits ought to be limited, as for example, from eight to nine or ten o'clock, lest the whole morning be taken up. the president might invite what official character, members of congress, strangers, or citizens of distinction he pleased, in small parties without exciting clamors; but this should always be done without formality. his private life should be at his own discretion, as to giving or receiving informal visits among friends and acquaintances; but in his official character, he should have no intercourse with society but upon public business, or at his levees. hamilton, in his reply, while he considered it a primary object for the public good that the dignity of the presidential office should be supported, advised that care should be taken to avoid so high a tone in the demeanor of the occupant, as to shock the prevalent notions of equality. the president, he thought, should hold a levee at a fixed time once a week, remain half an hour, converse cursorily on indifferent subjects with such persons as invited his attention, and then retire. he should accept no invitations, give formal entertainments twice, or at most, four times in the year; on levee days to give informal invitations to family dinners; not more than six or eight to be asked at a time, and the civility to be confined essentially to members of the legislature, and other official characters--the president never to remain long at table. the heads of departments should, of course, have access to the president on business. foreign ministers of some descriptions should also be entitled to it. members of the senate should also have a right of _individual_ access on matters relative to the _public administration_. the reason alleged by hamilton for giving the senate this privilege, and not the representatives, was, that in the constitution "the senate are coupled with the president in certain executive functions, treaties, and appointments. this makes them in a degree his constitutional counsellors, and give them a peculiar claim to the right of access." these are the only written replies that we have before us of washington's advisers on this subject. colonel humphreys, formerly one of washington's aides-de-camp, and recently secretary of jefferson's legation at paris, was at present an inmate in the presidential mansion. general knox was frequently there; to these jefferson assures us, on washington's authority, was assigned the task of considering and prescribing the minor forms and ceremonies, the etiquette, in fact, to be observed on public occasions. some of the forms proposed by them, he adds, were adopted. others were so highly strained that washington absolutely rejected them. on the th of may, mrs. washington, accompanied by her grandchildren, eleanor custis and george washington parke custis set out from mount vernon in her travelling carriage with a small escort of horse, to join her husband at the seat of government: as she had been accustomed to join him at head-quarters, in the intervals of his revolutionary campaigns. throughout the journey she was greeted with public testimonials of respect and affection. on the following day [after her arrival in new york] washington gave a demi-official dinner, of which mr. wingate, a senator from new hampshire, who was present, writes as follows: "the guests consisted of the vice-president, the foreign ministers, the heads of departments, the speaker of the house of representatives, and the senators from new hampshire and georgia, the then most northern and southern states. it was the least showy dinner that i ever saw at the president's table, and the company was not large." on the evening of the following day, (friday, may th,) mrs. washington had a general reception, which was attended by all that were distinguished in official and fashionable society. henceforward there were similar receptions every friday evening, from eight to ten o'clock, to which the families of all persons of respectability, native or foreign, had access, without special invitation; and at which the president was always present. these assemblages were as free from ostentation and restraint as the ordinary receptions of polite society; yet the reader will find they were soon subject to invidious misrepresentation; and cavilled at as "court-like levees" and "queenly drawing-rooms." in regard to the deportment of washington at this juncture, we have been informed by one who had opportunities of seeing him, that he still retained a military air of command which had become habitual to him. at levees and drawing-rooms he sometimes appeared cold and distant, but this was attributed by those who best knew him to the novelty of his position and his innate diffidence, which seemed to increase with the light which his renown shed about him. though reserved at times, his reserve had nothing repulsive in it, and in social intercourse, where he was no longer under the eye of critical supervision, soon gave way to soldier-like frankness and cordiality. at all times his courtesy was genuine and benignant, and totally free from that stately condescension sometimes mistaken for politeness. nothing we are told could surpass the noble grace with which he presided at a ceremonial dinner; kindly attentive to all his guests, but particularly attentive to put those at their ease and in a favorable light who appeared to be most diffident. much has been said of washington's equipages, when at new york, and of his having four and sometimes six horses before his carriage, with servants and outriders in rich livery. such style we would premise was usual at the time both in england and the colonies, and had been occasionally maintained by the continental dignitaries, and by the governors of the several states, prior to the adoption of the new constitution. it was still prevalent, we are told, among the wealthy planters of the south, and sometimes adopted by 'merchant princes' and rich individuals at the north. as soon as washington could command sufficient leisure to inspect papers and documents, he called unofficially upon the heads of departments to furnish him with such reports in writing as would aid him in gaining a distinct idea of the state of public affairs. for this purpose also he had recourse to the public archives, and proceeded to make notes of the foreign official correspondence from the close of the war until his inauguration. he was interrupted in his task by a virulent attack of anthrax, which for several days threatened mortification. the knowledge of his perilous condition spread alarm through the community; he, however, remained unagitated. his sufferings were intense, and his recovery was slow. for six weeks he was obliged to lie on his right side; but after a time he had his carriage so contrived that he could extend himself at full length in it, and take exercise in the open air. while yet in a state of convalescence, washington received intelligence of the death of his mother. the event, which took place at fredericksburg in virginia, on the th of august, was not unexpected; she was eighty-two years of age, and had for some time been sinking under an incurable malady, so that when he last parted with her he had apprehended that it was a final separation. hitherto the new government had not been properly organized, but its several duties had been performed by the officers who had them in charge at the time of washington's inauguration. it was not until the th of september that laws were passed instituting a department of foreign affairs (afterwards termed department of state,) a treasury department, and a department of war, and fixing their respective salaries. on the following day, washington nominated general knox to the department of war, the duties of which that officer had hitherto discharged. the post of secretary of the treasury was one of far greater importance at the present moment. it was a time of financial exigency. as yet no statistical account of the country had been attempted; its fiscal resources were wholly unknown; its credit was almost annihilated, for it was obliged to borrow money even to pay the interest of its debts. under these circumstances washington needed an able and zealous coadjutor in the treasury department. such a person he considered alexander hamilton, whom he nominated as secretary of the treasury, and whose qualifications for the office were so well understood by the senate that his nomination was confirmed on the same day on which it was made. within a few days after hamilton's appointment, the house of representatives (sept. ), acting upon the policy so ardently desired by washington, passed a resolution, declaring their opinion of the high importance to the honor and prosperity of the united states, that an adequate provision should be made for the support of public credit; and instructing the secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for the purpose, and report it at their next session. the arrangement of the judicial department was one of washington's earliest cares. on the th of september he wrote unofficially to edmund randolph, of virginia, informing him that he had nominated him attorney-general of the united states, and would be highly gratified with his acceptance of that office. randolph promptly accepted the nomination, but did not take his seat in the cabinet until some months after knox and hamilton. by the judicial system established for the federal government, the supreme court of the united states was to be composed of a chief justice and five associate judges. there were to be district courts with a judge in each state, and circuit courts held by an associate judge and a district judge. john jay, of new york, received the appointment of chief justice. jay's associate judges were, john rutledge of south carolina, james wilson of pennsylvania, william cushing of massachusetts, john blair of virginia, and james iredell of north carolina. on the th of september, congress adjourned to the first monday in january, after an arduous session, in which many important questions had been discussed, and powers organized and distributed. the cabinet was still incomplete; the department of foreign affairs, or rather of state, as it was now called, was yet to be supplied with a head. john jay would have received the nomination had he not preferred the bench. washington next thought of thomas jefferson, who had so long filled the post of minister plenipotentiary at the court of versailles, but had recently solicited and obtained permission to return, for a few months, to the united states for the purpose of placing his children among their friends in their native country, and of arranging his private affairs, which had suffered from his protracted absence. at the time of writing to jefferson, offering him the department of state, washington was on the eve of a journey through the eastern states, with a view, as he said, to observe the situation of the country, and with a hope of perfectly re-establishing his health, which a series of indispositions had much impaired. having made all his arrangements and left the papers appertaining to the office of foreign affairs under the temporary superintendence of mr. jay, he set out from new york on the th of october, travelling in his carriage with four horses, and accompanied by his official secretary, major jackson, and his private secretary, mr. lear. though averse from public parade, he could not but be deeply affected and gratified at every step by the manifestations of a people's love. wherever he came, all labor was suspended; business neglected. the bells were rung, the guns were fired; there were civic processions and military parades and triumphal arches, and all classes poured forth to testify, in every possible manner, their gratitude and affection for the man whom they hailed as the father of his country; and well did his noble stature, his dignified demeanor, his matured years, and his benevolent aspect, suit that venerable appellation. his journey eastward terminated at portsmouth, whence he turned his face homeward by a middle route through the interior of the country to hartford, and thence to new york, where he arrived between two and three o'clock on the th of november. chapter lxxi. financial difficulties.--party jealousies.--operations against the indians. congress re-assembled on the th of january ( ), but a quorum of the two houses was not present until the th, when the session was opened by washington in form, with an address delivered before them in the senate chamber. among the most important objects suggested in the address for the deliberation of congress, were provisions for national defence; provisions for facilitating intercourse with foreign nations, and defraying the expenses of diplomatic agents; laws for the naturalization of foreigners; uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the united states; facilities for the advancement of commerce, agriculture, and manufactures; attention to the post-office and post-roads; measures for the promotion of science and literature, and for the support of public credit. this last object was the one which washington had more immediately at heart. the government was now organized, apparently, to the satisfaction of all parties; but its efficiency would essentially depend on the success of a measure which washington had pledged himself to institute, and which was yet to be tried; namely, a system of finance adapted to revive the national credit, and place the public debt in a condition to be paid off. at the close of the war the debt amounted to forty-two millions of dollars; but so little had the country been able to fulfil its engagements, owing to the want of a sovereign legislature having the sole and exclusive power of laying duties upon imports, and thus providing adequate resources, that the debt had swollen, through arrears of interest, to upwards of fifty-four millions. of this amount nearly eight millions were due to france, between three and four millions to private lenders in holland, and about two hundred and fifty thousand in spain; making altogether, nearly twelve millions due abroad. the debt contracted at home amounted to upwards of forty-two millions, and was due, originally, to officers and soldiers of the revolutionary war, who had risked their lives for the cause; farmers who had furnished supplies for the public service, or whose property had been assumed for it; capitalists who, in critical periods of the war, had adventured their fortunes in support of their country's independence. the domestic debt, therefore, could not have had a more sacred and patriotic origin; but in the long delay of national justice, the paper which represented these outstanding claims, had sunk to less than a sixth of its nominal value, and the larger portion of it had been parted with at that depreciated rate, either in the course of trade, or to speculative purchasers. the debt, when thus transferred, lost its commanding appeal to patriotic sympathy, but remained as obligatory in the eye of justice. in public newspapers, however, and in private circles, the propriety of a discrimination between the assignees and the original holders of the public securities, was freely discussed. beside the foreign and domestic debt of the federal government, the states, individually, were involved in liabilities contracted for the common cause, to an aggregate amount of about twenty-five millions of dollars; of which, more than one-half was due from three of them; massachusetts and south carolina each owing more than five millions, and virginia more than three and a half. the reputation and the well-being of the government were, therefore, at stake upon the issue of some plan to retrieve the national credit, and establish it upon a firm and secure foundation. the secretary of the treasury (mr. hamilton), it will be remembered, had been directed by congress to prepare such a plan during its recess. in the one thus prepared, he asserted, what none were disposed to question, the propriety of paying the foreign debt according to its terms. he asserted, also, the equal validity of the original claims of the american creditors of the government; whether those creditors were the original holders of its certificates or subsequent purchasers of them at a depreciated value. the idea of any distinction between them, which some were inclined to advance, he repudiated as alike unjust, impolitic, and impracticable. he urged, moreover, the assumption, by the general government, of the separate debts of the states, contracted for the common cause, and that a like provision should be made for their payment as for the payment of those of the union. they were all contracted in the struggle for national independence, not for the independence of any particular part. no more money would be required for their discharge as federal, than as state debts. he recommended, therefore, that the entire mass of debt be funded; the union made responsible for it, and taxes imposed for its liquidation. the plan was reported to the house by mr. hamilton, the th of january, but did not undergo consideration until the th of february, when it was opposed with great earnestness, especially the point of assuming the state debts, as tending to consolidation, as giving an undue influence to the general government, and as being of doubtful constitutionality. this financial union of the states was reprobated not only on the floor of congress, but in different parts of the union, as fraught with political evil. the northern and eastern states generally favored the plan, as did also south carolina, but virginia manifested a determined opposition. the measure, however, passed, in committee of the whole, on the th of march, by a vote of to . the funding of the state debts was supposed to benefit materially the northern states, in which was the entire capital of the country; yet, south carolina voted for the assumption. the fact is, opinions were honestly divided on the subject. the great majority were aiming to do their duty--to do what was right; but their disagreement was the result of real difficulties incident to the intricate and complicated problem with which they had to deal. at this juncture (march st), when virginian discontents were daily gaining strength, mr. jefferson arrived in new york to undertake the duties of the department of state. he had just been in virginia, where the forms and ceremonials adopted at the seat of our government were subjects of cavil and sneer; where it was reported that washington affected a monarchial style in his official intercourse, that he held court-like levees, and mrs. washington "queenly drawing-rooms," at which none but the aristocracy were admitted, that the manners of both were haughty, and their personal habits reserved and exclusive. the impressions thus made on jefferson's mind, received a deeper stamp on his arrival in new york, from conversations with his friend madison, in the course of which the latter observed, that "the satellites and sycophants which surrounded washington, had wound up the ceremonials of the government to a pitch of stateliness which nothing but his personal character could have supported, and which no character after him could ever maintain." thus prepossessed and premonished, jefferson looked round him with an apprehensive eye, and appears to have seen something to startle him at every turn. we give, from his private correspondence, his own account of his impressions. "being fresh from the french revolution, while in its first and pure stage, and, consequently, somewhat whetted up in my own republican principles, i found a state of things in the general society of the place, which i could not have supposed possible. the revolution i had left, and that we had just gone through in the recent change of our own government, being the common topics of conversation, i was astonished to find the general prevalence of monarchial sentiments, insomuch, that in maintaining those of republicanism, i had always the whole company on my hands, never scarcely finding among them a single co-advocate in that argument, unless some old member of congress happened to be present. the furthest that any one would go in support of the republican features of our new government, would be to say, 'the present constitution is well as a beginning, and may be allowed a fair trial, but it is, in fact, only a stepping stone to something better.'" alexander hamilton, though pledged and sincerely disposed to support the republican form, with regard to our country, preferred _theoretically_, a monarchial form; and, being frank of speech, and, as gouverneur morris writes, "prone to mount his hobby," may have spoken openly in favor of that form as suitable to france; and as his admirers took their creed from him, opinions of the kind may have been uttered pretty freely at dinner-tables. these, however, which so much surprised and shocked mr. jefferson, were probably merely speculative opinions, broached in unguarded hours, with no sinister design, by men who had no thought of paving the way for a monarchy. they made, however, a deep impression on his apprehensive mind, which sank deeper and deeper until it became a fixed opinion with him, that there was the desire and aim of a large party, of which hamilton was the leader, to give a regal form to the government. the question of the assumption of the state debts was resumed in congress on the th of march, on a motion to commit, which was carried by a majority of two; the five members from north carolina (now a state of the union) who were strongly opposed to assumption, having taken their seats and reversed the position of parties on the question. an angry and intemperate discussion was revived, much to the chagrin of washington, who was concerned for the dignity of congress; and who considered the assumption of the state debts, under proper restrictions and scrutiny into accounts, to be just and reasonable. on the th of april, when the question to commit was taken, there was a majority of two against the assumption. on the th the house was discharged, for the present, from proceeding on so much of the report as related to the assumption. jefferson, who had arrived in new york in the midst of what he terms "this bitter and angry contest," had taken no concern in it; being, as he says, "a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors in it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and to be unaware of its object." we give his own account of an earnest effort made by hamilton, who, he says, was "in despair," to resuscitate, through his influence, his almost hopeless project. "as i was going to the president's one day, i met him [hamilton] in the street. he walked me backwards and forwards before the president's door for half an hour. he painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been wrought; the disgust of those who were called the creditor states; the danger of the _secession_ of their members, and the separation of the states. he observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern; that the president was the centre on which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, measures approved by him.... i proposed to him to dine with me the next day, and i would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and i thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together, coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the union. the discussion took place. i could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because i was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. but it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the union and of concord among the states, was more important, and that, therefore, it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some members should change their votes. but it was observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the southern states, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. there had before been projects to fix the seat of government either at philadelphia or at georgetown on the potomac; and it was thought that, by giving it to philadelphia for ten years, and to georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. so two of the potomac members (white and lee, but white with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, and hamilton undertook to carry the other point. in doing this, the influence he had established over the eastern members, with the agency of robert morris with those of the middle states, effected his side of the engagement." the decision of congress was ultimately in favor of assumption, though the form in which it finally passed differed somewhat from the proposition of hamilton. a specific sum was assumed ($ , , ), and this was distributed among the states in specific portions. thus modified, it passed the senate, july d, by the close vote of fourteen to twelve; and the house, july th, by thirty-four to twenty-eight. the question about the permanent seat of government, which, from the variety of contending interests, had been equally a subject of violent contest, was now compromised. it was agreed that congress should continue for ten years to hold its sessions at philadelphia; during which time the public buildings should be erected at some place on the potomac, to which the government should remove at the expiration of the above term. a territory, ten miles square, selected for the purpose on the confines of maryland and virginia, was ceded by those states to the united states, and subsequently designated as the district of columbia. one of the last acts of the executive during this session was the conclusion of a treaty of peace and friendship with the creek nation of indians, represented at new york by mr. m'gillivray, and thirty of the chiefs and head men. by this treaty (signed august th), an extensive territory, claimed by georgia, was relinquished, greatly to the discontent of that state; being considered by it an unjustifiable abandonment of its rights and interests. congress adjourned on the th of august. jefferson, commenting on the discord that had prevailed for a time among the members, observes, that in the latter part of the session, they had reacquired the harmony which had always distinguished their proceedings before the introduction of the two disagreeable subjects of the assumption and the residence: "these," said he, "really threatened, at one time, a separation of the legislature _sine die_." washington, too, however grieved and disappointed he may have been by the dissensions which had prevailed in congress, consoled himself by the fancied harmony of his cabinet. singularly free himself from all jealousy of the talents and popularity of others, and solely actuated by zeal for the public good, he had sought the ablest men to assist him in his arduous task, and supposed them influenced by the same unselfish spirit. yet, at this very moment, a lurking spirit of rivalry between jefferson and hamilton was already existing and daily gaining strength. jefferson, who, as we have intimated, already considered hamilton a monarchist in his principles, regarded all his financial schemes with suspicion, as intended to strengthen the influence of the treasury and make its chief the master of every vote in the legislature, "which might give to the government the direction suited to his political views." under these impressions, jefferson looked back with an angry and resentful eye, to the manner in which hamilton had procured his aid in effecting the measure of assumption. he now regarded it as a finesse by which he had been entrapped, and stigmatized the measure itself as a "fiscal manoeuvre, to which he had most ignorantly and innocently been made to hold the candle." * * * * * * * frequent depredations had of late been made on our frontier settlements by what washington termed "certain banditti of indians" from the north-west side of the ohio. some of our people had been massacred and others carried into deplorable captivity. the indians of the wabash and the miami rivers, who were the present aggressors, were numerous, warlike, and not deficient in discipline. washington had deprecated a war with these savages, but finding all pacific overtures unavailing, and rather productive of more daring atrocities, he felt compelled to resort to it, alike by motives of policy, humanity and justice. an act had been provided for emergencies, by which the president was empowered to call out the militia for the protection of the frontier; this act he put in force in the interval of congress; and under it an expedition was set on foot, which began its march on the th of september from fort washington (which stood on the site of the present city of cincinnati). brigadier-general harmer, a veteran of the revolution, led the expedition, having under him three hundred and twenty regulars, with militia detachments from pennsylvania and virginia (or kentucky), making in all fourteen hundred and fifty-three men. after a march of seventeen days, they approached the principal village of the miamis. the indians did not await an attack, but set fire to the village and fled to the woods. the destruction of the place, with that of large quantities of provisions, was completed. an indian trail being discovered, colonel hardin, a continental officer who commanded the kentucky militia, was detached to follow it, at the head of one hundred and fifty of his men, and about thirty regulars, under captain armstrong and ensign hartshorn. they followed the trail for about six miles, and were crossing a plain covered by thickets, when suddenly there were volleys of rifles on each side, from unseen marksmen, accompanied by the horrid war-whoop. the trail had, in fact, decoyed them into an ambush of seven hundred savages, under the famous warrior little turtle. the militia fled, without firing a musket. the savages now turned upon the little handful of regulars, who stood their ground, and made a brave resistance with the bayonet until all were slain, excepting captain armstrong, ensign hartshorn, and five privates. the army, notwithstanding, effected the main purpose of the expedition in laying waste the indian villages and destroying their winter's stock of provisions, after which it commenced its march back to fort washington. on the st of october, when it was halted about ten miles to the west of chillicothe, an opportunity was given colonel hardin to wipe out the late disgrace of his arms. he was detached with a larger body of militia than before, and sixty regulars, under major willys, to seek and bring the savages to action. the accounts of these indian wars are very confused. it appears, however, that he had another encounter with little turtle and his braves. it was a bloody battle, fought well on both sides. the militia behaved bravely, and lost many men and officers, as did the regulars; major willys fell at the commencement of the action. colonel hardin was at length compelled to retreat, leaving the dead and wounded in the hands of the enemy. after he had rejoined the main force, the whole exhibition made its way back to fort washington, on the banks of the ohio. congress reassembled, according to adjournment, on the first monday in december, at philadelphia, which was now, for a time, the seat of government. congress, at its opening, was chiefly occupied in financial arrangements, intended to establish the public credit and provide for the expenses of government. according to the statement of the secretary of the treasury, an additional annual revenue of eight hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars would be required, principally to meet the additional charges arising from the assumption of the state debts. he proposed to raise it by an increase of the impost on foreign distilled spirits, and a tax by way of excise on spirits distilled at home. an impost and excise bill was accordingly introduced into congress, and met with violent opposition. an attempt was made to strike out the excise, but failed, and the whole bill was finally carried through the house. mr. hamilton, in his former treasury report, had recommended the establishment of a national bank; he now, in a special report, urged the policy of the measure. a bill, introduced in conformity with his views, was passed in the senate, but vehemently opposed in the house; partly on considerations of policy, but chiefly on the ground of constitutionality. on one side it was denied that the constitution had given to congress the power of incorporation; on the other side it was insisted that such power was incident to the power vested in congress for raising money. the question was argued at length, and with great ardor, and after passing the house of representatives by a majority of nineteen votes, came before the executive for his approval. washington was fully alive to the magnitude of the question and the interest felt in it by the opposing parties. the cabinet was divided on it. jefferson and randolph denied its constitutionality; hamilton and knox maintained it. washington required of each minister the reasons of his opinion in writing; and, after maturely weighing them, gave his sanction to the act, and the bill was carried into effect. the objection of jefferson to a bank was not merely on constitutional grounds. in his subsequent writings he avows himself opposed to banks, as introducing a paper instead of a cash system--raising up a moneyed aristocracy, and abandoning the public to the discretion of avarice and swindlers. paper money might have some advantages, but its abuses were inevitable, and by breaking up the measure of value, it made a lottery of all private property. these objections he maintained to his dying day; but he had others, which may have been more cogent with him in the present instance. he considered the bank as a powerful engine intended by hamilton to complete the machinery by which the whole action of the legislature was to be placed under the direction of the treasury, and shaped to further a monarchial system of government. [the opposite policy of these rival statesmen brought them into incessant collision. "hamilton and myself," writes jefferson, "were daily pitted in the cabinet like two cocks." in the meantime two political parties were forming under their adverse standards.] both had the good of the country at heart, but differed as to the policy by which it was to be secured. the federalists, who looked up to hamilton as their model, were in favor of strengthening the general government so as to give it weight and dignity abroad and efficiency at home; to guard it against the encroachments of the individual states and a general tendency to anarchy. the other party, known as republicans or democrats, and taking mr. jefferson's view of affairs, saw in all the measures advocated by the federalists, an intention to convert the federal into a great central or consolidated government, preparatory to a change from a republic to a monarchy. the particulars of general harmer's expedition against the indians, when reported to congress, gave great dissatisfaction. the conduct of the troops, in suffering themselves to be surprised, was for some time stigmatized as disgraceful. further troubles in that quarter were apprehended, for the miamis were said to be less disheartened by the ravage of their villages than exultant at the successful ambuscades of little turtle. three seneca chiefs, cornplanter, half town and great tree, being at the seat of government on business of their own nation, offered to visit these belligerent tribes, and persuade them to bury the hatchet. washington, in a set speech, encouraged them in the undertaking. in the course of the present session, congress received and granted the applications of kentucky and vermont for admission into the union, the former after august, ; the latter immediately. on the d of march the term of this first congress expired. as the indians on the north-west side of the ohio still continued their hostilities, one of the last measures of congress had been an act to augment the military establishments, and to place in the hands of the executive more ample means for the protection of the frontiers. a new expedition against the belligerent tribes had, in consequence, been projected. general st. clair, actually governor of the territory west of the ohio, was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed. washington had been deeply chagrined by the mortifying disasters of general harmer's expedition to the wabash, resulting from indian ambushes. in taking leave of his old military comrade, st. clair, he wished him success and honor, but gave him a solemn warning. "you have your instructions from the secretary of war. i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight. i repeat it--_beware of a surprise!_" with these warning words sounding in his ear, st. clair departed. chapter lxxii. tour southward.--defeat of st. clair.--dissensions in the cabinet. in the month of march, washington set out on a tour through the southern states; travelling with one set of horses and making occasional halts. the route projected, and of which he had marked off the halting places, was by fredericksburg, richmond, wilmington (n. c.), and charleston to savannah; thence to augusta, columbia, and the interior towns of north carolina and virginia comprising a journey of eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles; all which he accomplished without any interruption from sickness, bad weather, or any untoward accident. he returned to philadelphia on the th of july, much pleased with his tour. it had enabled him, he said, to see, with his own eyes, the situation of the country, and to learn more accurately the disposition of the people, than he could have done from any verbal information. he had looked around him, in fact, with a paternal eye, been cheered as usual by continual demonstrations of a nation's love, and his heart had warmed with the reflection how much of this national happiness had been won by his own patriotic exertions. a few weeks of autumn were passed by washington at mount vernon, with his family in rural enjoyment, and in instructing a new agent, mr. robert lewis, in the management of his estate; his nephew, major george a. washington, who ordinarily attended to his landed concerns being absent among the mountains in quest of health. the second congress assembled at philadelphia on the th of october, and on the th washington delivered his opening speech. after remarking upon the prosperous situation of the country, and the success which had attended its financial measures, he adverted to the offensive operations against the indians, which government had been compelled to adopt for the protection of the western frontier. some of these operations, he observed, had been successful. others were still depending. a brief statement will be sufficient for the successful operations alluded to. two expeditions had been organized in kentucky against the villages on the wabash. the first in may, was led by general charles scott, having general wilkinson as second in command. the second, a volunteer enterprise, in august was led by wilkinson alone. very little good was effected, or glory gained by either of these expeditions. indian villages and wigwams were burned, and fields laid waste; some few warriors were killed and prisoners taken, and an immense expense incurred. of the events of a third enterprise, led by general st. clair himself, no tidings had been received at the time of washington's opening speech; but we will anticipate the official despatches, and proceed to show how it fared with that veteran soldier, and how far he profited by the impressive warning which he had received from the president at parting. the troops for his expedition assembled early in september, in the vicinity of fort washington (now cincinnati). there were about two thousand regulars, and one thousand militia. the regulars included a corps of artillery and several squadrons of horse. an arduous task was before them. roads were to be opened through a wilderness; bridges constructed for the conveyance of artillery and stores, and forts to be built so as to keep up a line of communication between the wabash and the ohio, the base of operations. the troops commenced their march directly north, on the th or th of september, cutting their way through the woods, and slowly constructing the line of forts. after placing garrisons in the forts, the general continued his march. it was a forced one with him, for he was so afflicted with the gout that he could not walk, and had to be helped on and off his horse; but his only chance to keep his little army together was to move on. the army had proceeded six days after leaving fort jefferson, and were drawing near a part of the country where they were likely to meet with indians, when, on the th of october, sixty of the militia deserted in a body; intending to supply themselves by plundering the convoys of provisions which were coming forward in the rear. the st united states regiment, under major hamtranck, was detached to march back beyond fort jefferson, apprehend these deserters, if possible, and, at all events, prevent the provisions that might be on the way, from being rifled. the force thus detached, consisted of three hundred of the best disciplined men in the service, with experienced officers. thus reduced to , effective rank and file, the army continued its march to a point about twenty-nine miles from fort jefferson, and ninety-seven from fort washington, and fifteen miles south of the miami villages, where it encamped, november d, on a rising ground with a stream forty feet wide in front, running westerly. the militia were encamped beyond the stream about a quarter of a mile in the advance, on a high flat. it was the intention of st. clair to throw up a slight work on the following day, [nov. th] and to move on to the attack of the indian villages as soon as he should be rejoined by major hamtranck and the first united states regiment. but about half an hour before sunrise, just after the troops had been dismissed on parade, a horrible sound burst forth from the woods around the militia camp, resembling, says an officer, the jangling of an infinitude of horse-bells. it was the direful indian yell, followed by the sharp reports of the deadly rifle. the militia returned a feeble fire and then took to flight, dashing helter-skelter into the other camp. the first line of the continental troops, which was hastily forming, was thrown into disorder. the indians were close upon the heels of the flying militia, and would have entered the camp with them, but the sight of troops drawn up with fixed bayonets to receive them, checked their ardor, and they threw themselves behind logs and bushes at the distance of seventy yards; and immediately commenced an attack upon the first line, which was soon extended to the second. the great weight of the attack was upon the centre of each line where the artillery was placed. the artillery, if not well served, was bravely fought; a quantity of canister and some round shot were thrown in the direction whence the indians fired; but, concealed as they were, and only seen occasionally as they sprang from one covert to another, it was impossible to direct the pieces to advantage. st. clair, who, unable to mount his horse, was borne about on a litter, preserved his coolness in the midst of the peril and disaster, giving his orders with judgment and self-possession. seeing to what disadvantage his troops fought with a concealed enemy, he ordered colonel darke, with his regiment of regulars, to rouse the indians from their covert with the bayonet, and turn their left flank. this was executed with great spirit: the enemy were driven three or four hundred yards; but, for want of cavalry or riflemen, the pursuit slackened, and the troops were forced to give back in turn. the savages had now got into the camp by the left flank; again several charges were made, but in vain. the contest had now endured for more than two hours and a half. half the army was killed, and the situation of the remainder was desperate. there appeared to be no alternative but a retreat. at half-past nine, general st. clair ordered colonel darke, with the second regiment, to make another charge, as if to turn the right wing of the enemy, but, in fact, to regain the road from which the army was cut off. this object was effected. "having collected in one body the greatest part of the troops," writes one of the officers, "and such of the wounded as could possibly hobble along with us, we pushed out from the left of the rear line, sacrificing our artillery and baggage." it was a disorderly flight. the troops threw away arms, ammunition, and accoutrements; even the officers, in some instances, divested themselves of their fusees. fortunately, the enemy did not pursue above a mile or two, returning, most probably, to plunder the camp. by seven in the evening, the fugitives reached fort jefferson, a distance of twenty-nine miles. here they met major hamtranck with the first regiment; but, as this force was far from sufficient to make up for the losses of the morning, the retreat was continued to fort washington, where the army arrived on the th, at noon, shattered and broken-spirited. in this disastrous battle the whole loss amounted to six hundred and seventy-seven killed, including thirty women, and two hundred and seventy-one wounded. [washington was at dinner with company when the news of the disaster reached him. an officer had dismounted at the president's door, bearing despatches which he insisted should be placed in the president's hands immediately. washington, with an apology to his guests, left the table to receive them, and presently returned, resuming his seat without allusion to the incident. mrs. washington held her drawing-room that evening, and washington appeared in the assembly with his usual serenity. at ten o'clock he and his secretary, mr. lear, were alone.] the general walked slowly backward and forward for some minutes in silence. as yet there had been no change in his manner. taking a seat on a sofa by the fire he told mr. lear to sit down; the latter had scarce time to notice that he was extremely agitated, when he broke out suddenly: "it's all over!--st. clair's defeated!--routed: the officers nearly all killed, the men by wholesale; the rout complete; too shocking to think of, and a surprise into the bargain!" all this was uttered with great vehemence. then pausing and rising from the sofa, he walked up and down the room in silence, violently agitated, but saying nothing. when near the door he stopped short; stood still for a few moments, when there was another terrible explosion of wrath. "yes," exclaimed he, "here, on this very spot, i took leave of him; i wished him success and honor. 'you have your instructions from the secretary of war,' said i, 'i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word, beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight us. i repeat it, beware of a surprise.' he went off with that, my last warning, thrown into his ears. and yet! to suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hacked, butchered, tomahawked, by a surprise--the very thing i guarded him against--o god! o god!" exclaimed he, throwing up his hands, and while his very frame shook with emotion, "he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country! the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of heaven!" mr. lear remained speechless; awed into breathless silence by the appalling tones in which this torrent of invective was poured forth. the paroxysm passed by. washington again sat down on the sofa--he was silent--apparently uncomfortable, as if conscious of the ungovernable burst of passion which had overcome him. "this must not go beyond this room," said he, at length, in a subdued and altered tone--there was another and a longer pause; then, in a tone quite low: "general st. clair shall have justice," said he. "i looked hastily through the despatches; saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars. i will receive him without displeasure; i will hear him without prejudice; he shall have full justice." * * * * * * * in the course of the present session of congress a bill was introduced for apportioning representatives among the people of the several states, according to the first enumeration. the constitution had provided that the number of representatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand persons, and the house of representatives passed a bill allotting to each state one member for this amount of population. this ratio would leave a fraction, greater or less, in each state. its operation was unequal, as in some states a large surplus would be unrepresented, and hence, in one branch of the legislature, the relative power of the state be affected. that, too, was the popular branch, which those who feared a strong executive, desired to provide with the counterpoise of as full a representation as possible. to obviate this difficulty the senate adopted a new principle of apportionment. they assumed the total population of the united states, and not the population of each state, as the basis on which the whole number of representatives should be ascertained. this aggregate they divided by thirty thousand: the quotient gave one hundred and twenty as the number of representatives; and this number they apportioned upon the several states according to their population; allotting to each one member for every thirty thousand, and distributing the residuary members (to make up the one hundred and twenty) among the states having the largest fractions. after an earnest debate, the house concurred, and the bill came before the president for his decision. the sole question was as to its constitutionality; that being admitted, it was unexceptionable. washington took the opinion of his cabinet. jefferson and randolph considered the act at variance with the constitution. knox was undecided. hamilton thought the clause of the constitution relating to the subject somewhat vague, and was in favor of the construction given to it by the legislature. after weighing the arguments on both sides, and maturely deliberating, the president made up his mind that the act was unconstitutional. he accordingly returned the bill with his objections, being the first exercise of the veto power. a new bill was substituted, and passed into a law; giving a representative for every thirty-three thousand to each state. great heat and asperity were manifested in the discussions of congress throughout the present session. washington had observed with pain the political divisions which were growing up in the country; and was deeply concerned at finding that they were pervading the halls of legislation. the press, too, was contributing its powerful aid to keep up and increase the irritation. two rival papers existed at the seat of government; one was fenno's gazette, of the united states, the other was the national gazette, edited by philip freneau. freneau had been editor of the new york daily advertiser, but had come to philadelphia in the autumn of to occupy the post of translating clerk in mr. jefferson's office, and had almost immediately (oct. ) published the first number of his gazette. notwithstanding his situation in the office of the secretary of state, freneau became and continued to be throughout the session, a virulent assailant of most of the measures of government; excepting such as originated with mr. jefferson, or were approved by him. heart-weary by the political strifes and disagreements which were disturbing the country and marring the harmony of his cabinet, the charge of government was becoming intolerably irksome to washington; and he longed to be released from it, and to be once more master of himself, free to indulge those rural and agricultural tastes which were to give verdure and freshness to his future existence. he had some time before this expressed a determination to retire from public life at the end of his presidential term. but one more year of that term remained to be endured, and he congratulated himself with the thought. he had confidential conversations with mr. madison on the subject, and asked him to think what would be the proper time and mode of announcing his intention to the public; and intimating a wish that mr. madison would prepare for him the announcement. mr. madison remonstrated in the most earnest manner against such a resolution, setting forth, in urgent language, the importance to the country of his continuing in the presidency. washington listened to his reasoning with profound attention, but still clung to his resolution. in consequence of st. clair's disastrous defeat and the increasing pressure of the indian war, bills had been passed in congress for increasing the army, by adding three regiments of infantry and a squadron of cavalry (which additional force was to serve for three years, unless sooner discharged), also for establishing a uniform militia system. st. clair resigned his commission, and was succeeded in his western command by general wayne, the mad anthony of the revolution, still in the vigor of his days, being forty-seven years of age. washington's first thought was that a decisive expedition conducted by this energetic man of the sword, might retrieve the recent frontier disgrace, and put an end to the persevering hostility of the indians. in deference, however, to the clamors which had been raised against the war and its expenses, and to meet what appeared to be the prevalent wish of the nation, he reluctantly relinquished his more energetic policy, and gave in to that which advised further negotiations for peace; though he was far from anticipating a beneficial result. in regard to st. clair, we will here add that a committee of the house of representatives ultimately inquired into the cause of the failure of his expedition, and rendered a report, in which he was explicitly exculpated. his adjutant general also (winthrop sargent), in his private diary, testifies to st. clair's coolness and bravery, though debilitated by illness. public sentiment, however, remained for a long time adverse to him; but washington, satisfied with the explanations which had been given, continued to honor him with his confidence and friendship. congress adjourned on the th of may, and soon afterward washington set off on a short visit to mount vernon. the season was in all its beauty, and never had this rallying place of his affections appeared to him more attractive. how could he give up the prospect of a speedy return to its genial pursuits and pleasures from the harassing cares and janglings of public life. on the th of may, he wrote to mr. madison on the subject of their late conversation. he now renewed the request he had made him, for advice as to the proper time and mode for announcing his intention of retiring, and for assistance in preparing the announcement. "in revolving this subject myself," writes he, "my judgment has always been embarrassed. on the one hand, a previous declaration to retire, not only carries with it the appearance of vanity and self-importance, but it may be construed into a manoeuvre to be invited to remain; and, on the other hand, to say nothing, implies consent, or, at any rate, would leave the matter in doubt; and to decline afterwards, might be deemed as bad and uncandid." "i would fain carry my request to you further," adds he. "as the recess [of congress] may afford you leisure, and, i flatter myself, you have dispositions to oblige me, i will, without apology, desire, if the measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to produce public good, or private honor, that you would turn your thoughts to a valedictory address from me to the public." he then went on to suggest a number of the topics and ideas which the address was to contain; all to be expressed in "plain and modest terms." but, in the main, he left it to mr. madison to determine whether, in the first place, such an address would be proper; if so, what matters it ought to contain and when it ought to appear; whether at the same time with his [washington's] declaration of his intention to retire, or at the close of his career. madison, in reply, approved of the measure, and advised that the notification and address should appear together, and be promulgated through the press in time to pervade every part of the union by the beginning of november. with the letter he sent a draft of the address. "you will readily observe," writes he, "that in executing it i have aimed at that plainness and modesty of language, which you had in view, and which, indeed, are so peculiarly becoming the character and the occasion; and that i had little more to do as to the matter than to follow the just and comprehensive outline which you had sketched. i flatter myself, however, that in everything which has depended on me, much improvement will be made, before so interesting a paper shall have taken its last form." before concluding his letter, madison expressed a hope that washington would reconsider his idea of retiring from office, and that the country might not, at so important a conjuncture, be deprived of the inestimable advantage of having him at the head of its councils. on the d of may, jefferson also addressed a long letter to washington on the same subject, [stating that, when washington first mentioned to him his purpose of retiring, he was silent, although he felt all the magnitude of the event; because he reflected that, as the nation would some day have to walk alone, if the essay should be made while he were alive and looking on, they would derive confidence from that circumstance, and resource if it failed. the public mind, moreover, was then calm and confident, and in a favorable state for making the experiment. this was now changed; the public mind had become disturbed and excited. there was a determined purpose in many, by the funding system, and other plans, "to prepare the way for a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy, of which the english constitution is to be the model." he concluded by declaring the continuance of washington at the head of affairs to be of the last importance. the confidence of the whole union was centred in him. north and south would hang together if they had him to hang on; and his being at the helm would be an answer to every argument which might be used from any quarter, to lead the people into violence or secession.] the letter of jefferson was not received by washington until after his return to philadelphia, and the purport of it was so painful to him, that he deferred from day to day having any conversation with that statesman on the subject. in regard to the suspicions and apprehensions which were haunting jefferson's mind, hamilton expressed himself roundly in one of his cabinet papers: "the idea of introducing a monarchy or aristocracy into this country, by employing the influence and force of a government continually changing hands, towards it, is one of those visionary things that none but madmen could meditate, and that no wise man will believe. if it could be done at all, which is utterly incredible, it would require a long series of time, certainly beyond the life of any individual, to effect it--who, then, would enter into such a plot? for what purpose of interest or ambition?" on the th of july, washington had a conversation with jefferson on the subject of the letter; and endeavored with his usual supervising and moderating assiduity to allay the jealousies and suspicions which were disturbing the mind of that ardent politician. these, he intimated, had been carried a great deal too far. there might be _desires_, he said, among a few in the higher walks of life, particularly in the great cities, to change the form of government into a monarchy, but he did not believe there were any _designs_; and he believed the main body of the people in the eastern states were as steadily for republicanism as in the southern. hamilton was equally strenuous with jefferson in urging upon washington the policy of a re-election, as it regarded the public good, and wrote to him fully on the subject. it was the opinion of every one, he alleged, with whom he had conversed, that the affairs of the national government were not yet firmly established; that its enemies, generally speaking, were as inveterate as ever; that their enmity had been sharpened by its success and all the resentments which flow from disappointed predictions and mortified vanity; that a general and strenuous effort was making in every state to place the administration of it in the hands of its enemies, as if they were its safest guardians; that the period of the next house of representatives was likely to prove the crisis of its national character; that if washington continued in office, nothing materially mischievous was to be apprehended; but, if he should quit, much was to be dreaded. mr. edmund randolph also, after a long letter on the "jeopardy of the union," which seemed to him "at the eve of a crisis," adds: "the fuel which has been already gathered for combustion wants no addition. but how awfully might it be increased, were the violence, which is now suspended by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation." not the cabinet, merely, divided as it was in its political opinions, but all parties, however discordant in other points, concurred in a desire that washington should continue in office--so truly was he regarded as the choice of the nation. but though the cabinet was united in feeling on this one subject, in other respects its dissensions were increasing in virulence. washington had noticed this growing feud with excessive pain, and at length found it necessary to interfere and attempt a reconciliation between the warring parties. in the course of a letter to jefferson (aug. d), on the subject of indian hostilities, and the possibility of their being furnished by foreign agents to check, as far as possible, the rapid increase, extension, and consequence of the united states, "how unfortunate then," observes he, "and how much to be regretted that, while we are encompassed on all sides with armed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. the latter, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming and the most afflicting of the two; and without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be prejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, i believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man, will be lost perhaps forever." admonitions to the same purport were addressed by him to hamilton. "having premised these things," adds he, "i would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each other; and, instead of those wounding suspicions and irritating charges, with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which cannot fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there may be mutual forbearance and temporizing yielding _on all sides_. without these i do not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or how the union of the states can be much longer preserved." washington's solicitude for harmony in his cabinet had been rendered more anxious by public disturbances in some parts of the country. the excise law on ardent spirits distilled within the united states, had, from the time of its enactment by congress in , met with opposition from the inhabitants of the western counties of pennsylvania. it had been modified and rendered less offensive within the present year; but the hostility to it had continued. combinations were formed to defeat the execution of it, and the revenue officers were riotously opposed in the execution of their duties. determined to exert all the legal powers with which he was invested to check so daring and unwarrantable a spirit, washington, on the th of september, issued a proclamation, warning all persons to desist from such unlawful combinations and proceedings, and requiring all courts, magistrates, and officers to bring the infractors of the law to justice; copies of which proclamation were sent to the governors of pennsylvania and of north and south carolina. chapter lxxiii. washington's second term.--difficulties with the french ambassador. it was after a long and painful conflict of feelings that washington consented to be a candidate for a re-election. there was no opposition on the part of the public, and the vote for him in the electoral college was unanimous. in a letter to a friend, he declared himself gratefully impressed by so distinguished and honorable a testimony of public approbation and confidence. george clinton, of new york, was held up for the vice-presidency, in opposition to john adams; but the latter was re-elected by a majority of twenty-seven electoral votes. the session of congress opened on the th of november. the continuance of the indian war formed a painful topic in the president's address. efforts at pacification had as yet been unsuccessful; two brave officers, colonel hardin and major trueman, who had been sent to negotiate with the savages, had been severally murdered. vigorous preparations were therefore making for an active prosecution of hostilities, in which wayne was to take the field. the factious and turbulent opposition which had been made in some parts of the country to the collection of duties on spirituous liquors distilled in the united states, was likewise adverted to by the president, and a determination expressed to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. in a part of the speech addressed to the house of representatives, he expressed a strong hope that the state of the national finances was now sufficiently matured to admit of an arrangement for the redemption and discharge of the public debt. the address was well received by both houses, and a disposition expressed to concur with the president's views and wishes. the discussion of the subjects to which he had called their attention, soon produced vehement conflicts of opinion in the house, marking the growing virulence of parties. the secretary of the treasury, in reporting, at the request of the house, a plan for the annual reduction of so much of the national debt as the united states had a right to redeem, spoke of the expenses of the indian war, and the necessity of additional internal taxes. the consideration of the report was parried or evaded, and a motion made to reduce the military establishment. this gave an opportunity for sternly criticising the mode in which the indian war had been conducted; for discussing the comparative merits and cost of regular and militia forces, and for inveighing against standing armies, as dangerous to liberty. these discussions, while they elicited much heat, led to no present result, and gave way to an inquiry into the conduct of the secretary of the treasury in regard to certain loans, which the president in conformity to acts of congress, had authorized him to make; but concerning the management of which he had not furnished detailed reports to the legislature. the subject was opened by mr. giles, of virginia, who moved in the house of representatives a series of resolutions seeking information in the matter, and who followed his resolutions by a speech, charging the secretary of the treasury with official misconduct, and intimating that a large balance of public money had not been accounted for. a report of the secretary gave all the information desired; but the charges against him continued to be urged with great acrimony to the close of the session, when they were signally rejected, not more than sixteen members voting for any one of them. washington, though he never courted popularity, was attentive to the signs of public opinion, and disposed to be guided by them when right. the time for entering upon his second term of presidency was at hand. there had been much cavilling at the parade attending his first installation. to guide him on the coming occasion, washington called the heads of departments together, and desired they would consult with one another, and agree on any changes they might consider for the better, assuring them he would willingly conform to whatever they should advise. they held such consultation, and ultimately gave their individual opinions in writing, with regard to the time, manner, and place of the president's taking the oath of office. as they were divided in opinion, and gave no positive advice as to any change, no change was made. on the th of march, the oath was publicly administered to washington by mr. justice cushing, in the senate chamber, in presence of the heads of departments, foreign ministers, such members of the house of representatives as were in town, and as many other spectators as could be accommodated. it was under gloomy auspices, a divided cabinet, an increasing exasperation of parties, a suspicion of monarchial tendencies, and a threatened abatement of popularity, that washington entered upon his second term of presidency. it was a portentous period in the history of the world, for in a little while came news of that tragical event, the beheading of louis xvi. an event followed hard upon it to shake the quiet of the world. early in april intelligence was received that france had declared war against england. popular excitement was now wound up to the highest pitch. what, it was asked, were americans to do in such a juncture? could they remain unconcerned spectators of a conflict between their ancient enemy and republican france? should they fold their arms and look coldly on a war, begun, it is true, by france, but threatening the subversion of the republic, and the re-establishment of a monarchial government? many, in the wild enthusiasm of the moment, would at once have precipitated the country into a war. fortunately this belligerent impulse was not general, and was checked by the calm, controlling wisdom of washington. he was at mount vernon when he received news of the war, and understood that american vessels were already designated, and some even fitting out to serve in it as privateers. hastening back to philadelphia, he held a cabinet council on the th of april to deliberate on the measures proper to be observed by the united states in the present crisis; and to determine upon a general plan of conduct for the executive. in this council it was unanimously determined that a proclamation should be issued by the president, "forbidding the citizens of the united states to take part in any hostilities on the seas, and warning them against carrying to the belligerents any articles deemed contraband according to the modern usages of nations, and forbidding all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation towards those at war." it was unanimously agreed also, that should the republic of france send a minister to the united states, he should be received. no one at the present day questions the wisdom of washington's proclamation of neutrality. it was our true policy to keep aloof from european war, in which our power would be inefficient, our loss certain. the measure, however, was at variance with the enthusiastic feelings and excited passions of a large portion of the citizens. they treated it for a time with some forbearance, out of long-cherished reverence for washington's name; but his popularity, hitherto unlimited, was no proof against the inflamed state of public feeling. the proclamation was stigmatized as a royal edict; a daring assumption of power; an open manifestation of partiality for england and hostility to france. washington saw that a deadly blow was aimed at his influence and his administration, and that both were at hazard; but he was convinced that neutrality was the true national policy, and he resolved to maintain it, whatever might be his immediate loss of popular favor. his resolution was soon put to the test. the french republic had recently appointed edmond charles genet, or 'citizen genet,' as he was styled, minister to the united states. he was represented as a young man of good parts, very well educated, and of an ardent temper. a letter from gouverneur morris [at that time minister to france] apprised mr. jefferson that the executive council had furnished genet with three hundred blank commissions for privateers, to be given clandestinely to such persons as he might find in america inclined to take them. genet's conduct proved the correctness of this information. he had landed at charleston, south carolina, from the french frigate, the ambuscade, on the th of april, a short time before the proclamation of neutrality, and was received with great rejoicing and extravagant demonstrations of respect. his landing at a port several hundred miles from the seat of government was a singular move for a diplomat; but his object in so doing was soon evident. it is usual for a foreign minister to present his credentials to the government to which he comes, and be received by it in form before he presumes to enter upon the exercise of his functions. citizen genet, however, did not stop for these formalities. confident in his nature, heated in his zeal, and flushed with the popular warmth of his reception, he could not pause to consider the proprieties of his mission and the delicate responsibilities involved in diplomacy. the contiguity of charleston to the west indies made it a favorable port for fitting out privateers against the trade of these islands; and during genet's short sojourn there he issued commissions for arming and equipping vessels of war for that purpose, and manning them with americans. in the latter part of april, genet set out for the north by land. as he proceeded on his journey, the newspapers teemed with accounts of the processions and addresses with which he was greeted, and the festivities which celebrated his arrival at each place. on the th of may he arrived at philadelphia. his belligerent operations at charleston had already been made a subject of complaint to the government by mr. hammond, the british minister; but they produced no abatement in the public enthusiasm. on the following day, various societies and a large body of citizens waited upon him with addresses, recalling with gratitude the aid given by france in the achievement of american independence, and extolling and rejoicing in the success of the arms of the french republic. on the same day, before genet had presented his credentials and been acknowledged by the president, he was invited to a grand republican dinner, "at which," we are told, "the company united in singing the marseilles hymn." on the th of may, genet presented his letter of credence to the president: by whom, notwithstanding his late unwarrantable proceedings at charleston, he was well received. washington taking the occasion to express his sincere regard for the french nation. the acts of this diplomatic personage at charleston had not been the sole ground of the complaint preferred by the british minister. the capture of the british vessel, the grange, by the frigate ambuscade, formed a graver one. occurring within our waters, it was a clear usurpation of national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights. the british minister demanded a restitution of the prize, and the cabinet were unanimously of opinion that restitution should be made; nor was there any difficulty with the french minister on this head; but restitution was likewise claimed of other vessels captured on the high seas and brought into port by the privateers authorized by genet. in regard to these there was a difference of sentiment in the cabinet. hamilton and knox were of opinion that the government should interpose to restore the prizes; it being the duty of a neutral nation to remedy any injury sustained by armaments fitted out in its ports. jefferson and randolph contended that the case should be left to the decision of the courts of justice. if the courts adjudged the commissions issued by genet to be invalid, they would, of course, decide the captures made under them to be void, and the property to remain in the original owners; if, on the other hand, the legal right to the property had been transferred to the captors, they would so decide. seeing this difference of opinion in the cabinet, washington reserved the point for further deliberation; but directed the secretary of state to communicate to the ministers of france and britain the principles in which they concurred; these being considered as settled. circular letters, also, were addressed to the governors of several states, requiring their co-operation, with force, if necessary, to carry out the rules agreed upon. genet took umbrage at these decisions of the government, and expressed his dissatisfaction in a letter, complaining of them as violations of natural right, and subversive of the existing treaties between the two nations. his letter, though somewhat wanting in strict decorum of language, induced a review of the subject in the cabinet; and he was informed that no reason appeared for changing the system adopted. he was further informed that, in the opinion of the executive, the vessels which had been illegally equipped should depart from the ports of the united states. genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. he was aware of the grateful feelings of the nation to france; of the popular disposition to go all lengths, short of war, in her favor; of the popular idea that republican interests were identical on both sides of the atlantic; that a royal triumph over republicanism in europe would be followed by a combination to destroy it in this country. the people, he thought, were with him, if washington was not, and he believed the latter would not dare to risk his popularity in thwarting their enthusiasm. he persisted, therefore, in disregarding the decisions of the government, and spoke of them as a departure from the obligations it owed to france; a cowardly abandonment of friends when danger menaced. another event added to the irritation of genet. two american citizens, whom he had engaged at charleston to cruise in the service of france, were arrested on board of the privateer, conducted to prison, and prosecutions commenced against them. the indignant feelings of genet were vented in an extraordinary letter to the secretary of state. when speaking of their arrest, "the crime laid to their charge," writes he--"the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state--is the serving of france, and defending with her children the common glorious cause of liberty." the lofty and indignant tone of this letter had no effect in shaking the determination of government, or obtaining the release of the prisoners. washington confesses, however, that he was very much hurried and perplexed by the "disputes, memorials, and what not," with which he was pestered, by one or other of the powers at war. it was a sore trial of his equanimity, his impartiality and his discrimination, and wore upon his spirits and his health. in the latter part of july, washington was suddenly called to mount vernon by the death of mr. whiting, the manager of his estates. during his brief absence from the seat of government, occurred the case of the little sarah. this was a british merchant vessel which had been captured by a french privateer, and brought into philadelphia, where she had been armed and equipped for privateering; manned with one hundred and twenty men, many of them americans, and her name changed into that of _le petit democrat_. this, of course, was in violation of washington's decision, which had been communicated to genet. general mifflin, now governor of pennsylvania, being informed, on the th of july, that the vessel was to sail the next day, sent his secretary, mr. dallas, at midnight to genet, to persuade him to detain her until the president should arrive, intimating that otherwise force would be used to prevent her departure. genet flew into one of the transports of passion to which he was prone; contrasted the treatment experienced by him from the officers of government, with the attachment to his nation professed by the people at large; declared that the president was not the sovereign of the country, and had no right, without consulting congress, to give such instructions as he had issued to the state governors; threatened to appeal from his decision to the people, and to repel force by force, should an attempt be made to seize the privateer. apprised of this menace, governor mifflin forthwith ordered out one hundred and twenty of the militia to take possession of the privateer, and communicated the circumstances of the case to the cabinet. mr. jefferson now took the matter in hand, and, on the th of july, in an interview with genet, repeated the request that the privateer be detained until the arrival of the president. genet, he writes, instantly took up the subject in a very high tone, and went into an immense field of declamation and complaint. jefferson made a few efforts to be heard, but, finding them ineffectual, suffered the torrent of vituperation to pour on. when genet had subsided into coolness, jefferson pressed the detention of the little sarah until the president's return; intimating that her previous departure would be considered a very serious offence. genet made no promise, but expressed himself very happy to be able to inform mr. jefferson that the vessel was not in a state of readiness; she had to change her position that day, he said, and fall down the river, somewhere about the lower end of the town, for the convenience of taking some things on board, and would not depart yet. jefferson was accordingly impressed with the belief that the privateer would remain in the river until the president should decide on her case, and, on communicating this conviction to the governor, the latter ordered the militia to be dismissed. washington arrived at philadelphia on the th of july, when papers requiring "instant attention" were put into his hands. they related to the case of the little sarah, and were from jefferson, who, being ill with fever, had retired to his seat in the country. nothing could exceed the displeasure of washington when he examined these papers. in a cabinet council held the next day, it was determined to detain in port all privateers which had been equipped within the united states by any of the belligerent powers. no time was lost in communicating this determination to genet; but, in defiance of it, the vessel sailed on her cruise. it must have been a severe trial of washington's spirit to see his authority thus braved and insulted, and to find that the people, notwithstanding the indignity thus offered to their chief magistrate, sided with the aggressors, and exulted in their open defiance of his neutral policy. fresh mortifications awaited him, from the distempered state of public sentiment. the trial came on of gideon henfield, an american citizen, prosecuted under the advice of the attorney-general, for having enlisted, at charleston, on board of a french privateer which had brought prizes into the port of philadelphia. the populace took part with henfield. he had enlisted before the proclamation of neutrality had been published, and even if he had enlisted at a later date, was he to be punished for engaging with their ancient ally, france, in the cause of liberty against the royal despots of europe? his acquittal exposed washington to the obloquy of having attempted a measure which the laws would not justify. it showed him, moreover, the futility of attempts at punishment for infractions of the rules proclaimed for the preservation of neutrality; while the clamorous rejoicing by which the acquittal of henfield had been celebrated, evinced the popular disposition to thwart that line of policy which he considered most calculated to promote the public good. nothing, however, could induce him to swerve from that policy. hitherto washington had exercised great forbearance toward the french minister, notwithstanding the little respect shown by the latter to the rights of the united states; but the official communications of genet were becoming too offensive and insulting to be longer tolerated. meetings of the heads of departments and the attorney-general were held at the president's on the st and d of august, in which the whole of the official correspondence and conduct of genet was passed in review; and it was agreed that his recall should be desired. it was proposed that a publication of the whole correspondence, and a statement of the proceedings, should be made by way of appeal to the people. this produced animated debates. hamilton spoke with great warmth in favor of an appeal. jefferson opposed it. "genet," said he, "will appeal also; it will become a contest between the president and genet." washington, already weary and impatient under the incessant dissensions of his cabinet, was stung by the suggestion that he might be held up as in conflict with genet, and subjected, as he had been, to the ribaldry of the press. at this unlucky moment knox blundered forth with a specimen of the scandalous libels already in circulation; a pasquinade lately printed, called the funeral of george washington, wherein the president was represented as placed upon a guillotine, a horrible parody on the late decapitation of the french king. "the president," writes jefferson, "now burst forth into one of those transports of passion beyond his control; inveighed against the personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him, and defied any man on earth to produce a single act of his since he had been in the government that had not been done on the purest motives. he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since. in the agony of his heart he declared that he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor of the world--and yet, said he, indignantly, they are charging me with wanting to be a king! "all were silent during this burst of feeling--a pause ensued--it was difficult to resume the question. washington, however, who had recovered his equanimity, put an end to the difficulty. there was no necessity, he said, for deciding the matter at present; perhaps events would show whether the appeal would be necessary or not." washington had hitherto been annoyed and perplexed by having to manage a divided cabinet; he was now threatened with that cabinet's dissolution. mr. hamilton had informed him by letter, that private as well as public reasons had determined him to retire from office towards the close of the next session; probably with a view to give congress an opportunity to examine into his conduct. now came a letter from mr. jefferson, dated july st, in which he announced his intention to withdraw; "at the close of the ensuing month of september, i shall beg leave to retire to scenes of greater tranquillity, from those for which i am every day more and more convinced that neither my talents, tone of mind, nor time of life fit me." washington was both grieved and embarrassed by this notification. full of concern, he called upon jefferson at his country residence near philadelphia; pictured his deep distress at finding himself, in the present perplexing juncture of affairs, about to be deserted by those of his cabinet on whose counsel he had counted, and whose places he knew not where to find persons competent to supply; and, in his chagrin, again expressed his repentance that he himself had not resigned as he had once meditated. the public mind, he went on to observe, was in an alarming state of ferment; political combinations of various kinds were forming; where all this would end he knew not. a new congress was to assemble, more numerous than the last, perhaps of a different spirit; the first expressions of its sentiments would be important, and it would relieve him considerably if jefferson would remain in office, if it were only until the end of the session. washington had the highest opinion of jefferson's abilities, his knowledge of foreign affairs, his thorough patriotism; and it was his earnest desire to retain him in his cabinet through the whole of the ensuing session of congress; before the close of which he trusted the affairs of the country relating to foreign powers, indian disturbances, and internal policy, would have taken a more decisive, and it was to be hoped agreeable form than they then had. a compromise was eventually made, according to which jefferson was to be allowed a temporary absence in the autumn, and on his return was to continue in office until january. in the meantime genet had proceeded to new york, which was just then in a great agitation. the frigate ambuscade, while anchored in the harbor, had been challenged to single combat by the british frigate boston, captain courtney, which was cruising off the hook. the challenge was accepted; a severe action ensued; courtney was killed; and the boston, much damaged, was obliged to stand for halifax. the ambuscade returned triumphant to new york, and entered the port amid the enthusiastic cheers of the populace. on the same day, a french fleet of fifteen sail arrived from the chesapeake and anchored in the hudson river. the officers and crews were objects of unbounded favor with all who inclined to the french cause. in the midst of this excitement, the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon announced that citizen genet was arrived at powles hook ferry, directly opposite the city. there was an immediate assemblage of the republican party in the fields now called the park. a committee was appointed to escort genet into the city. he entered it amid the almost frantic cheerings of the populace. addresses were made to him, expressing devoted attachment to the french republic, and abjuring all neutrality in regard to its heroic struggle. in the midst of his self-gratulation and complacency, however, he received a letter from mr. jefferson (sept. ), acquainting him with the measures taken to procure his recall, and inclosing a copy of the letter written for that purpose to the american minister at paris. it was added, that, out of anxious regard lest the interests of france might suffer, the executive would, in the meantime, receive his (m. genet's) communications in writing, and admit the continuance of his functions so long as they should be restrained within the law as theretofore announced to him, and should be of the tenor usually observed towards independent nations, by the representative of a friendly power residing with them. the letter of the secretary of state threw genet into a violent passion, and produced a reply (sept. ), written while he was still in a great heat. unfortunately for genet's ephemeral popularity, a rumor got abroad that he had expressed a determination to appeal from the president to the people. the spirit of audacity thus manifested by a foreign minister shocked the national pride. meetings were held in every part of the union to express the public feeling in the matter. in these meetings the proclamation of neutrality and the system of measures flowing from it, were sustained, partly from a conviction of their wisdom and justice, but more from an undiminished affection for the person and character of washington; for many who did not espouse his views, were ready to support him in the exercise of his constitutional functions. chapter lxxiv. neutrality.--whiskey insurrection.--wayne's success against the indians. while the neutrality of the united states, so jealously guarded by washington, was endangered by the intrigues of the french minister, it was put to imminent hazard by ill-advised measures of the british cabinet. there was such a scarcity in france, in consequence of the failure of the crops, that a famine was apprehended. england, availing herself of her naval ascendency, determined to increase the distress of her rival by cutting off all her supplies from abroad. in june, , therefore, her cruisers were instructed to detain all vessels bound to france with cargoes of corn, flour, or meal, take them into port, unload them, purchase the cargoes, make a proper allowance for the freight, and then release the vessels; or to allow the masters of them, on a stipulated security, to dispose of their cargoes in a port in amity with england. this measure gave umbrage to all parties in the united states, and brought out an earnest remonstrance from the government, as being a violation of the law of neutrals, and indefensible on any proper construction of the law of nations. another grievance which helped to swell the tide of resentment against great britain, was the frequent impressment of american seamen, a wrong to which they were particularly exposed from national similarity. to these may be added the persistence of great britain in holding the posts to the south of the lakes, which, according to treaty stipulations, ought to have been given up. washington did not feel himself in a position to press our rights under the treaty, with the vigorous hand that some would urge; questions having risen in some of the state courts, to obstruct the fulfilment of our part of it, which regarded the payment of british debts contracted before the war. the hostilities of the indians north of the ohio, by many attributed to british wiles, still continued. the attempts at an amicable negotiation had proved as fruitless as washington had anticipated. the troops under wayne had, therefore, taken the field to act offensively; but from the lateness of the season, had formed a winter camp near the site of the present city of cincinnati, whence wayne was to open his campaign in the ensuing spring. congress assembled on the d of december ( ), with various causes of exasperation at work; the intrigues of genet and the aggressions of england, uniting to aggravate to a degree of infatuation the partiality for france, and render imminent the chance of a foreign war. washington, in his opening speech, after expressing his deep and respectful sense of the renewed testimony of public approbation manifested in his re-election, proceeded to state the measures he had taken, in consequence of the war in europe, to protect the rights and interests of the united states, and maintain peaceful relations with the belligerent parties. still he pressed upon congress the necessity of placing the country in a condition of complete defence. one part of his speech conveyed an impressive admonition to the house of representatives: "no pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; in none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable." the necessity of augmenting the public revenue in a degree commensurate with the objects suggested, was likewise touched upon. the choice of speaker showed that there was a majority of ten against the administration, in the house of representatives; yet it was manifest, from the affectionate answer on the th, of the two houses, to washington's speech, and the satisfaction expressed at his re-election, that he was not included in the opposition which, from this act, appeared to await his political system. notwithstanding the popular ferment in favor of france, both houses seem to have approved the course pursued by washington in regard to that country; and as to his proclamation of neutrality, while the house approved of it in guarded terms, the senate pronounced it a "measure well-timed and wise; manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it." early in the session, mr. jefferson, in compliance with a requisition which the house of representatives had made, feb. , , furnished an able and comprehensive report of the state of trade of the united states with different countries; the nature and extent of exports and imports, and the amount of tonnage of the american shipping: specifying, also, the various restrictions and prohibitions by which our commerce was embarrassed, and in some instances, almost ruined. "two methods," he said, "presented themselves, by which these impediments might be removed, modified, or counteracted; friendly arrangement or countervailing legislation. friendly arrangements were preferable with all who would come into them, and we should carry into such arrangements all the liberality and spirit of accommodation which the nature of the case would admit. but," he adds, "should any nation continue its system of prohibitive duties and regulations, it behooves us to protect our citizens, their commerce, and navigation, by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations." with this able and elaborate report, jefferson closed his labors as secretary of state. washington had been especially sensible of the talents and integrity displayed by jefferson during the closing year of his secretaryship, and particularly throughout this french perplexity, and had recently made a last attempt, but an unsuccessful one, to persuade him to remain in the cabinet. the place thus made vacant was filled by mr. edmond randolph, whose office of attorney-general was conferred on mr. william bradford, of pennsylvania. the report of mr. jefferson on commercial intercourse, was soon taken up in the house in a committee of the whole. a series of resolutions based on it, and relating to the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the united states, were introduced by mr. madison, and became the subject of a warm and acrimonious debate. the report upheld the policy of turning the course of trade from england to france, by discriminations in favor of the latter; and the resolutions were to the same purport. the idea was to oppose commercial resistance to commercial injury; to enforce a perfect commercial equality by retaliating impositions, assuming that the commercial system of great britain was hostile to the united states--a position strongly denied by some of the debaters. though the subject was, or might seem to be, of a purely commercial nature, it was inevitably mixed up with political considerations, according as a favorable inclination to england or france was apprehended. the debate, which had commenced on the th of january, ( ,) was protracted to the d of february, when the question being taken on the first resolution, it was carried by a majority of only five, so nearly were parties divided. the further consideration of the remaining resolutions was postponed to march, when it was resumed, but, in consequence of the new complexion of affairs, was suspended without a decision. the next legislative movement was also productive of a warm debate, though connected with a subject which appealed to the sympathies of the whole nation. algerine corsairs had captured eleven american merchant vessels, and upwards of one hundred prisoners, and the regency manifested a disposition for further outrages. a bill was introduced into congress proposing a force of six frigates, to protect the commerce of the united states against the cruisers of this piratical power. the bill met with strenuous opposition, but was eventually passed by both houses. in the course of this session, fresh instances had come before the government of the mischievous activity and audacity of genet; showing that, not content with compromising the neutrality of the united states at sea, he was attempting to endanger it by land. from documents received, it appeared that in november he had sent emissaries to kentucky, to enroll american citizens in an expedition against new orleans, and the spanish possessions; furnishing them with blank commissions for the purpose. it was an enterprise in which the adventurous people of that state were ready enough to embark, through enthusiasm for the french nation and impatience at the delay of spain to open the navigation of the mississippi. another expedition was to proceed against the floridas; men for the purpose to be enlisted at the south, to rendezvous in georgia, and to be aided by a body of indians and by a french fleet, should one arrive on the coast. a proclamation from governor moultrie checked all such enlistments in south carolina. documents relating to these transactions were communicated to congress by washington early in january. but, though the expedition set on foot in south carolina had been checked, it was subsequently reported that the one in kentucky against louisiana, was still in progress and about to descend the ohio. these schemes showed such determined purpose, on the part of genet, to undermine the peace of the united states, that washington, without waiting a reply to the demand for his recall, resolved to keep no further terms with that headlong diplomat. in a cabinet council it was determined to supersede his diplomatic functions, deprive him of the consequent privileges, and arrest his person; a message to congress, avowing such determination, was prepared, but at this critical juncture came despatches from gouverneur morris announcing his recall. mr. fauchet, secretary of the executive council, was appointed to succeed him. about this time vigilance was required to guard against wrongs from an opposite quarter. we have noticed the orders issued by great britain to her cruisers in june, , and the resentment thereby excited in the united states. on the th of the following month of november, she had given them additional instructions to detain all vessels laden with the produce of any colony belonging to france, or carrying supplies to any such colony, and to bring them, with their cargoes, to british ports, for adjudication in the british courts of admiralty. captures of american vessels were taking place in consequence of these orders, and heightening public irritation. they were considered indicative of determined hostility on the part of great britain, and they produced measures in congress preparatory to an apprehended state of war. an embargo was laid, prohibiting all trade from the united states to any foreign place for the space of thirty days, and vigorous preparations for defence were adopted with but little opposition. on the th of march, resolutions were moved that all debts due to british subjects be sequestered and paid into the treasury, as a fund to indemnify citizens of the united states for depredations sustained from british cruisers, and that all intercourse with great britain be interdicted until she had made compensation for these injuries, and until she should make surrender of the western posts. the popular excitement was intense. meetings were held on the subject of british spoliations. 'peace or war' was the absorbing question. while the public mind was in this inflammable state, washington received advices from mr. pinckney, the american minister in london, informing him that the british ministry had issued instructions to the commanders of armed vessels, revoking those of the th of november, . lord grenville also, in conversation with mr. pinckney, had explained the real motives for that order, showing that, however oppressive in its execution, it had not been intended for the special vexation of american commerce. washington laid pinckney's letter before congress on the th of april. it had its effect on both parties; federalists saw in it a chance of accommodating difficulties, and, therefore, opposed all measures calculated to irritate; the other party did not press their belligerent propositions to any immediate decision, but showed no solicitude to avoid a rupture. the war cry, however, is too obvious a means of popular excitement to be readily given up. busy partisans saw that the feeling of the populace was belligerent, and every means were taken by the press and the democratic societies to exasperate this feeling; according to them the crisis called, not for moderation, but for decision, for energy. still to adhere to a neutral position would argue tameness--cowardice! washington, however, was too morally brave to be clamored out of his wise moderation by such taunts. he resolved to prevent a war, if possible, by an appeal to british justice, to be made through a special envoy, who should represent to the british government the injuries we had sustained from it in various ways, and should urge indemnification. the measure was decried by the party favorable to france, as an undue advance to the british government; but they were still more hostile to it when it was rumored that hamilton was to be chosen for the mission. a member of the house of representatives addressed a strong letter to the president, deprecating the mission, but especially the reputed choice of the envoy. hamilton, aware of the "collateral obstacles" which existed with respect to himself, had resolved to advise washington to drop him from the consideration and to fix upon another character, and recommended john jay, the chief justice of the united states, as the man whom it would be advisable to send. mr. jay was the person ultimately chosen. washington, in his message, thus nominating an additional envoy to great britain, expressed undiminished confidence in the minister actually in london. "but a mission like this," observes he, "while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for a friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility." the nomination was approved by a majority of ten senators. the french government having so promptly complied with the wishes of the american government in recalling citizen genet, requested, as an act of reciprocity, the recall of gouverneur morris, whose political sympathies were considered highly aristocratical. the request was granted accordingly, but washington, in a letter to morris, notifying him of his being superseded, assured him of his own undiminished confidence and friendship. james munroe was appointed in his place. [the discontents in the western part of pennsylvania excited by the excise law, now broke out into open insurrection.] we have already mentioned the riotous opposition this law had experienced. bills of indictment had been found against some of the rioters. the marshal, when on the way to serve the processes issued by the court, was fired upon by armed men, and narrowly escaped with his life. he was subsequently seized and compelled to renounce the exercise of his official duties. the house of general nevil, inspector of the revenue, was assailed, but the assailants were repulsed. they assembled in greater numbers; the magistrates and militia officers shrank from interfering, lest it should provoke a general insurrection; a few regular soldiers were obtained from the garrison at fort pitt. there was a parley. the insurgents demanded that the inspector and his papers should be given up; and the soldiers march out of the house and ground their arms. the demand being refused, the house was attacked, the out-houses set on fire, and the garrison was compelled to surrender. the marshal and inspector finally escaped out of the country; descended the ohio, and, by a circuitous route, found their way to the seat of government; bringing a lamentable tale of their misadventures. it was intimated that the insurgent district could bring seven thousand men into the field. delay would only swell the growing disaffection. on the th of august, washington issued a proclamation, warning the insurgents to disperse, and declaring that if tranquillity were not restored before the st of september, force would be employed to compel submission to the laws. to show that this was not an empty threat, he, on the same day, made a requisition on the governors of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, for militia to compose an army of twelve thousand men. the insurgents manifesting a disposition to persevere in their rebellious conduct, the president issued a second proclamation on the th of september, describing in forcible terms, the perverse and obstinate spirit with which the lenient propositions of government had been met, and declaring his fixed purpose to reduce the refractory to obedience. shortly after this he left philadelphia for carlisle, to join the army, then on its march to suppress the insurrection in the western part of pennsylvania. on the th, the pennsylvania troops set out from carlisle for their rendezvous at bedford, and washington proceeded to williamsport, thence to go on to fort cumberland, the rendezvous of the virginia and maryland troops. he arrived at the latter place on the th of october, and found a respectable force assembled from those states, and learnt that fifteen hundred more from virginia were at hand. all accounts agreed that the insurgents were greatly alarmed at the serious appearance of things. at bedford, washington arranged matters and settled a plan of military operations. the governors of virginia, maryland and pennsylvania, were at the head of the troops of their respective states, but governor lee was to have the general command. this done, washington prepared to shape his course for philadelphia. washington pushed on for philadelphia, through deep roads and a three days' rain, and arrived there about the last of october. governor lee marched with the troops in two divisions, amounting to fifteen thousand men, into the western counties of pennsylvania. this great military array extinguished at once the kindling elements of a civil war, "by making resistance desperate." at the approach of so overwhelming a force the insurgents laid down their arms, and gave assurance of submission, and craved the clemency of government. it was extended to them. a few were tried for treason, but were not convicted; but as some spirit of discontent was still manifest, major-general morgan was stationed with a detachment for the winter, in the disaffected region. it was with great satisfaction that washington had been able to announce [in his speech at the opening of congress, nov. th] favorable intelligence of the campaign of general wayne against the hostile indians west of the ohio. that brave commander had conducted it with a judgment and prudence little compatible with the hare-brained appellation he had acquired by his rash exploits during the revolution. leaving his winter encampment on the ohio, in the spring (of ), he had advanced cautiously into the wild country west of it; skirmishing with bands of lurking savages as he advanced, and establishing posts to keep up communication and secure the transmission of supplies. it was not until the th of august that he arrived at the junction of the rivers au glaize and miami, in a fertile and populous region, where the western indians had their most important villages. here he threw up some works, which he named fort defiance. being strengthened by eleven hundred mounted volunteers from kentucky, his force exceeded that of the savage warriors who had collected to oppose him, which scarcely amounted to two thousand men. these, however, were strongly encamped in the vicinity of fort miami, a british post, about thirty miles distant, and far within the limits of the united states, and seemed prepared to give battle, expecting, possibly, to be aided by the british garrison. on the th, being arrived near the enemy's position, his advanced guard was fired upon by an ambush of the enemy concealed in a thicket, and was compelled to retreat. the general now ordered an attack of horse and foot upon the enemy's position; the indians were roused from their lair with the point of the bayonet; driven, fighting for more than two miles, through thick woods, and pursued with great slaughter, until within gunshot of the british fort. in his official address to congress, washington had urged the adoption of some definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. a plan was reported by mr. hamilton, th january, , which he had digested and prepared on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of public credit. the report embraced a comprehensive view of the system which he had pursued, and made some recommendations, which after much debate were adopted. so closed mr. hamilton's labors as secretary of the treasury. he had long meditated a retirement from his post, the pay of which was inadequate to the support of his family, but had postponed it, first, on account of the accusations brought against him in the second congress, and of which he awaited the investigation; secondly, in consequence of events which rendered the prospect of a continuance of peace precarious. but these reasons no longer operating, he gave notice, that on the last day of the ensuing month of january he should give in his resignation. hamilton was succeeded in office by oliver wolcott, of connecticut, a man of judgment and ability, who had served as comptroller, and was familiar with the duties of the office. knox likewise had given in his resignation at the close of the month of december. "after having served my country nearly twenty years," writes he to washington, "the greatest portion of which under your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance that i find myself constrained to withdraw from so honorable a station. but the natural and powerful claims of a numerous family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential interests." knox was succeeded in the war department by colonel timothy pickering, at that time postmaster-general. chapter lxxv. jay's treaty.--party claims.--difficulties with france.--farewell address. washington had watched the progress of the mission of mr. jay to england with an anxious eye. he was aware that he had exposed his popularity to imminent hazard, by making an advance toward a negotiation with that power; but what was of still greater moment with him, he was aware that the peace and happiness of his country were at stake on the result of that mission. it was, moreover, a mission of great delicacy, from the many intricate and difficult points to be discussed, and the various and mutual grounds of complaint to be adjusted. mr. jay, in a letter dated august th, , had informed him confidentially, that the ministry were prepared to settle the matters in dispute upon just and liberal terms; still, what those terms, which they conceived to be just and liberal, might prove when they came to be closely discussed, no one could prognosticate. at length, on the th of march, , four days after the close of the session of congress, a treaty arrived which had been negotiated by mr. jay, and signed by the ministers of the two nations on the th of november, and was sent out for ratification. washington immediately made the treaty a close study; some of the provisions were perfectly satisfactory; of others, he did not approve; on the whole, believing the advantages to outweigh the objections, and that it was the best treaty attainable, he made up his mind to ratify it, should it be approved by the senate. as a system of predetermined hostility to the treaty, however, was already manifested, and efforts were made to awaken popular jealousy concerning it, washington kept its provisions secret, that the public mind might not be preoccupied on the subject. in the course of a few days, however, enough leaked out to be seized upon by the opposition press to excite public distrust, though not enough to convey a distinct idea of the merits of the instrument. in the course of this month arrived mr. adet, who had been appointed by the french government to succeed mr. fauchet as minister to the united states. {illustration: from houdon's bust. vol. iv.} the senate was convened by washington on the th of june, and the treaty of mr. jay was laid before it, with its accompanying documents. the session was with closed doors, discussions were long and arduous, and the treaty underwent a scrutinizing examination. the twelfth article met with especial objections. this article provided for a direct trade between the united states and the british west india islands, in american vessels not exceeding seventy tons burden, conveying the produce of the states or of the islands; but it prohibited the exportation of molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton, in american vessels, either from the united states or the islands, to any part of the world. under this article it was a restricted intercourse, but mr. jay considered the admission even of small vessels, to the trade of these islands, an important advantage to the commerce of the united states. he had not sufficiently adverted to the fact that, among the prohibited articles, cotton was also a product of the southern states. its cultivation had been but recently introduced there; so that when he sailed for europe hardly sufficient had been raised for domestic consumption, and at the time of signing the treaty very little, if any, had been exported. still it was now becoming an important staple of the south, and hence the objection of the senate to this article of the treaty. on the th of june two-thirds of the senate, the constitutional majority, voted for the ratification of the treaty, stipulating, however, that an article be added suspending so much of the twelfth article as respected the west india trade, and that the president be requested to open, without delay, further negotiation on this head. in the meantime the popular discontent which had been excited concerning the treaty was daily increasing. the secrecy which had been maintained with regard to its provisions was wrested into a cause of offence. such was the irritable condition of the public mind when, on the th of june, a senator of the united states (mr. mason of virginia) sent an abstract of the treaty to be published in a leading opposition paper in philadelphia. the whole country was immediately in a blaze. beside the opposition party, a portion of the cabinet was against the ratification. of course it received but a faltering support, while the attack upon it was vehement and sustained. the assailants seemed determined to carry their point by storm. meetings to oppose the ratification were held in boston, new york, philadelphia, baltimore, and charleston. the smaller towns throughout the union followed their example. in new york a copy of the treaty was burnt before the governor's house. in philadelphia it was suspended on a pole carried about the streets, and finally burnt in front of the british minister's house, amid the shoutings of the populace. the whole country seemed determined, by prompt and clamorous manifestations of dissatisfaction, to make washington give way. he saw their purpose; he was aware of the odious points of view on which the treaty might justly be placed; his own opinion was not particularly favorable to it; but he was convinced that it was better to ratify it, in the manner the senate had advised, and with the reservation already mentioned, than to suffer matters to remain in their present unsettled and precarious state. before he could act upon this conviction a new difficulty arose to suspend his resolution. news came that the order of the british government of the th of june, , for the seizure of provisions in vessels going to french ports, was renewed. washington instantly directed that a strong memorial should be drawn up against this order; as it seemed to favor a construction of the treaty which he was determined to resist. while this memorial was in course of preparation, he was called off to mount vernon. the opposition made to the treaty from meetings in different parts of the union gave him the most serious uneasiness, from the effect it might have on the relations with france and england. his reply (july th) to an address from the selectmen of boston, contains the spirit of his replies to other addresses of the kind: "without a predilection for my own judgment i have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. but the constitution is the guide which i never can abandon. it has assigned to the president the power of making treaties with the advice and consent of the senate. it was, doubtless, supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. under this persuasion, i have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. to the high responsibility of it, i freely submit, and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. while i feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, i can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." never, during his administration, had he seen a crisis, in his judgment, so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which, whether viewed on one side or the other, more was to be apprehended. it was a crisis, he said, that most eminently called upon the administration to be wise and temperate, as well as firm. the public clamor continued, and induced a reiterated examination of the subject; but did not shake his purpose. the difficult and intricate questions pressing upon the attention of government left washington little mood to enjoy the retirement of mount vernon, being constantly in doubt whether his presence in philadelphia were not necessary. in his letters to randolph, he requested to be kept continually advised on this head. "i do not require more than a day's notice to repair to the seat of government." his promptness was soon put to the test. early in august came a mysterious letter, dated july , from mr. pickering, the secretary of war. "on the subject of the treaty," writes pickering, "i confess i feel extreme solicitude, and for a _special reason_, which can be communicated to you only in person. i entreat, therefore, that you will return with all convenient speed to the seat of government. in the meanwhile, for the reason above referred to, i pray you to decide on no important political measure, in whatever form it may be presented to you." the receipt of this enigmatical letter induced washington to cut short his sojourn at mount vernon, and hasten to philadelphia. he arrived there on the th of august; and on the same day received a solution of the mystery. a despatch written by fauchet, the french minister, to his government in the preceding month of november, was placed in washington's hands with a translation of it made by mr. pickering. the despatch had been found on board of a french privateer, captured by a british frigate, and had been transmitted to the ministry. lord grenville, finding it contained passages relating to the intercourse of mr. randolph, the american secretary of state, with mr. fauchet, had sent it to mr. hammond, the british minister in philadelphia. he had put it into the hands of mr. wolcott, the secretary of the treasury, who had shown it to the secretary of war and the attorney-general; and the contents had been considered so extraordinary as to call forth the mysterious letter entreating the prompt return of washington. the following passages in fauchet's intercepted despatch related to the western insurrection and the proclamation of washington: "two or three days before the proclamation was published, and of course before the cabinet had resolved on its measures, the secretary of state came to my house. all his countenance was grief. he requested of me a private conversation. it is all over, he said to me; a civil war is about to ravage our unhappy country. four men, by their talents, their influence, and their energy, may save it. but debtors of english merchants, they will be deprived of their liberty if they take the smallest step. could you lend them instantaneously funds to shelter them from english prosecution? this inquiry astonished me much. it was impossible for me to make a satisfactory answer. you know my want of power and deficiency in pecuniary means.... thus, with some thousands of dollars, the republic could have decided on civil war or peace. thus _the consciences of the pretended patriots of america have already their price_." the perusal of the letter gave washington deep perplexity and concern. he revolved the matter in his mind in silence. the predominant object of his thoughts recently had been to put a stop to the public agitation on the subject of the treaty; and he postponed any new question of difficulty until decided measures had laid the other at rest. on the next day, therefore, ( th,) he brought before the cabinet the question of immediate ratification. it was finally agreed to ratify the treaty immediately; but to accompany the ratification with a strong memorial against the provision order. the ratification was signed by washington on the th of august. his conduct towards randolph, in the interim, had been as usual, but now that the despatch of public business no longer demanded the entire attention of the cabinet, he proceeded to clear up the doubts occasioned by the intercepted despatch. accordingly, on the following day, as randolph entered the cabinet, washington, who was conversing with pickering and wolcott, rose and handed to him the letter of fauchet, asking an explanation of the questionable parts. randolph appears to have been less agitated by the production of the letter, than hurt that the inquiry concerning it had not first been made of him in private. he postponed making any specific reply until he should have time to examine the letter at his leisure; and observed on retiring, that, after the treatment he had experienced he could not think of remaining in office a moment longer. in a letter to the president the same day he writes: "your confidence in me, sir, has been unlimited, and i can truly affirm unabused. my sensations, then, cannot be concealed, when i find that confidence so suddenly withdrawn, without a word or distant hint being previously dropped to me. this, sir, as i mentioned in your room, is a situation in which i cannot hold my present office, and therefore i hereby resign it. it will not, however, be concluded from hence that i mean to relinquish the inquiry. no, sir; very far from it. i will also meet any inquiry; and to prepare for it, if i learn there is a chance of overtaking mr. fauchet before he sails, i will go to him immediately. i have to beg the favor of you to permit me to be furnished with a copy of the letter, and i will prepare an answer to it; which i perceive that i cannot do as i wish, merely upon the few hasty memoranda which i took with my pencil.... "i here most solemnly deny that any overture came from me, which was to produce money to me or any others for me; and that in any manner, directly or indirectly, was a shilling ever received by me; nor was it ever contemplated by me, that one shilling should be applied by mr. fauchet to any purpose relative to the insurrection." washington, in reply, observes: "whilst you are in pursuit of means to remove the strong suspicions arising from this letter, no disclosure of its contents will be made by me; and i will enjoin the same on the public officers who are acquainted with the purport of it.... no man would rejoice more than i to find that the suspicions which have resulted from the intercepted letter were unequivocally and honorably removed." mr. fauchet, in the meantime, having learnt previous to embarkation, that his despatch had been intercepted, wrote a declaration, denying that mr. randolph had ever indicated a willingness to receive money for personal objects, and affirming that he had had no intention to say anything in his letter to his government to the disadvantage of mr. randolph's character. mr. randolph now set to work to prepare a pamphlet in explanation of his conduct. while thus occupied he addressed several notes to washington, requiring information on various points, and received concise answers to all his queries. on one occasion, where he had required a particular paper, he published in the gazette an extract from his note to washington; as if fearing the request might be denied, lest the paper in question should lay open many confidential and delicate matters. in reply, washington writes: "that you may have no cause to complain of the withholding of any paper, however private and confidential, which you shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature ... you are at full liberty to publish, without reserve, _any_ and _every_ private and confidential letter i ever wrote to you; nay more, every word i ever uttered to you or in your hearing, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." the vindication which mr. randolph had been preparing appeared in december. in this, he gave a narrative of the principal events relating to the case, his correspondence with the president, and the whole of the french minister's letter. he endeavored to explain those parts of the letter which had brought the purity of his conduct in question; but, as has been observed, "he had a difficult task to perform, as he was obliged to prove a negative, and to explain vague expressions and insinuations connected with his name in fauchet's letter." fauchet himself furnished the best vindication in his certificate above mentioned; but it is difficult to reconcile his certificate with the language of his official letter to his government. we are rather inclined to attribute to misconceptions and hasty inferences of the french minister, the construction put by him in his letter on the conversation he had held with mr. randolph. the latter injured his cause by the embittered feelings manifested in his vindication, and the asperity with which he spoke of washington there and elsewhere. he deeply regretted it in after life. after a considerable interval from the resignation of randolph, colonel pickering was transferred to the department of state, and mr. james mchenry was appointed secretary of war. the office of attorney-general becoming vacant by the death of mr. bradford, was offered to mr. charles lee of virginia, and accepted by him on the last day of november. during the late agitations, george washington lafayette, the son of the general, had arrived at boston under the name of motier, accompanied by his tutor, m. frestel, and had written to washington apprising him of his arrival. it was an embarrassing moment to washington. the letter excited his deepest sensibility, bringing with it recollections of lafayette's merits, services, and sufferings, and of their past friendship, and he resolved to become "father, friend, protector, and supporter" to his son. but he must proceed with caution; on account of his own official character as executive of the united states, and of the position of lafayette in regard to the french government. caution, also, was necessary, not to endanger the situation of the young man himself, and of his mother and friends whom he had left behind. philadelphia would not be an advisable residence for him at present, until it was seen what opinions would be excited by his arrival; as washington would for some time be absent from the seat of government, while all the foreign functionaries were residing there, particularly those of his own nation. washington suggested, therefore, that he should enter for the present as a student at the university in cambridge, massachusetts, and engaged to pay all the expenses for the residence there of himself and his tutor. it was subsequently thought best that young lafayette should proceed to new york, and remain in retirement, at the country house of a friend in its vicinity, pursuing his studies with his tutor, until washington should direct otherwise. * * * * * * * in his speech at the opening of the session of congress in december, washington presented a cheerful summary of the events of the year. first he announced that a treaty had been concluded provisionally by general wayne, with the indians north-west of the ohio, by which the termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war with those tribes was placed at the option of the united states. a letter from the emperor of morocco, recognizing a treaty which had been made with his deceased father, insured the continuance of peace with that power. the terms of a treaty with the dey and regency of algiers had been adjusted in a manner to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace in that quarter, and the liberation of a number of american citizens from a long and grievous captivity. a speedy and satisfactory conclusion was anticipated of a negotiation with the court of madrid, "which would lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship," said washington, "we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cherish." adverting to the treaty with great britain and its conditional ratification, the result on the part of his britannic majesty was yet unknown, but when ascertained, would immediately be placed before congress. "in regard to internal affairs, every part of the union gave indications of rapid and various improvement. with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived; with resources fully adequate to present exigencies; with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty; and with mild and wholesome laws, was it too much to say that our country exhibited a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equalled?" there was, as usual, a cordial answer from the senate; but, in the present house of representatives, as in the last one, the opposition were in the majority. in the response reported by a committee, one clause expressing undiminished confidence in the chief magistrate was demurred to; some members affirmed that, with them, it had been considerably diminished by a late transaction. after a warm altercation, to avoid a direct vote, the response was recommitted, and the clause objected to modified. the following is the form adopted: "in contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character." in february the treaty with great britain, as modified by the advice of the senate, came back ratified by the king of great britain, and on the last of the month a proclamation was issued by the president, declaring it to be the supreme law of the land. the opposition in the house of representatives were offended that washington should issue this proclamation before the sense of that body had been taken on the subject, and denied the power of the president and senate to complete a treaty without its sanction. they were bent on defeating it by refusing to pass the laws necessary to carry it into effect; and, as a preliminary, passed a resolution requesting the president to lay before the house the instruction to mr. jay, and the correspondence and other documents relative to the treaty. washington, believing that these papers could not be constitutionally demanded, resolved, he said, from the first moment, and from the fullest conviction of his mind, to _resist the principle_, which was evidently intended to be established by the call of the house; he only deliberated on the manner in which this could be done with the least bad consequences. after mature deliberation and with the assistance of the heads of departments and the attorney-general, he prepared and sent in to the house an answer to their request. in this he dwelt upon the necessity of caution and secrecy in foreign negotiations, as one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed, confining it to a small number of members. to admit a right in the house of representatives to demand and have all the papers respecting a foreign negotiation would, he observed, be to establish a dangerous precedent. after various further remarks, he concludes: "as, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the house of representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with great britain exhibits itself in all the objects requiring legislative provision; and on these, the papers called for can throw no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be observed, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your request." a resolution to make provision for carrying the treaty into effect, gave rise to an animated and protracted debate. meanwhile, the whole country became agitated on the subject; meetings were held throughout the united states, and it soon became apparent that the popular feeling was with the minority in the house of representatives, who favored the making of the necessary appropriations. the public will prevailed, and, on the last day of april, the resolution was passed, though by a close vote of fifty-one to forty-eight. for some months past, mr. thomas pinckney had been solicitous to be relieved from his post of minister-plenipotentiary at london, but the doubtful issue of the above dispute, and the difficulty of finding a fit substitute for him, had caused delay in the matter. such a man at length presented in mr. rufus king, of new york. mr. king was nominated to the senate on the th of may, and his nomination was confirmed. on the st of june this session of congress terminated. shortly after the recess of congress another change was made in the foreign diplomacy. mr. monroe, when sent envoy to france, had been especially instructed to explain the views and conduct of the united states in forming the treaty with england; and had been amply furnished with documents for the purpose. from his own letters, however, it appeared that he had omitted to use them. whether this rose from undue attachment to france, from mistaken notions of american interests, or from real dislike to the treaty, the result was the very evil he had been instructed to prevent. the french government misconceived the views and conduct of the united states, suspected their policy in regard to great britain, and when aware that the house of representatives would execute the treaty made by jay, became bitter in their resentment. symptoms of this appeared in the capture of an american merchantman by a french privateer. under these circumstances it was deemed expedient by washington and his cabinet to recall mr. monroe, and appoint another american citizen in his stead. the person chosen was charles cotesworth pinckney of south carolina, elder brother of the late minister to london. the period for the presidential election was drawing near, and great anxiety began to be felt that washington would consent to stand for a third term. no one, it was agreed, had greater claim to the enjoyment of retirement, in consideration of public services rendered; but it was thought the affairs of the country would be in a very precarious condition should he retire before the wars of europe were brought to a close. washington, however, had made up his mind irrevocably on the subject, and resolved to announce, in a farewell address, his intention of retiring. such an instrument, it will be recollected, had been prepared for him from his own notes, by mr. madison, when he had thought of retiring at the end of his first term. as he was no longer in confidential intimacy with mr. madison, he turned to mr. hamilton as his adviser and coadjutor, and appears to have consulted him on the subject early in the present year. we forbear to go into the vexed question concerning this address; how much of it is founded on washington's original "notes and heads of topics;" how much was elaborated by madison, and how much is due to hamilton's recasting and revision. the whole came under the supervision of washington; and the instrument, as submitted to the press, was in his handwriting, with many ultimate corrections and alterations. washington had no pride of authorship; his object always was to effect the purpose in hand, and for that he occasionally invoked assistance, to ensure a plain and clear exposition of his thoughts and intentions. the address certainly breathes his spirit throughout, is in perfect accordance with his words and actions. it was published in september, in a philadelphia paper called the daily advertiser. congress formed a quorum on the th day of december, the first day of the session which succeeded the publication of the farewell address. on the th, washington met the two houses of congress for the last time. in his speech he recommended an institution for the improvement of agriculture, a military academy, a national university, and a gradual increase of the navy. the disputes with france were made the subject of the following remarks: "while in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret i mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the west indies from the cruisers and agents of the french republic; and communications have been received from its minister here, which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and which are in other respects far from agreeable. it has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that republic." in concluding his address he observes: "the situation in which i now stand for the last time in the midst of the representatives of the people of the united states, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced, and i cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the supreme ruler of the universe and sovereign arbiter of nations, that his providential care may be still extended to the united states; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." the senate, in their reply to the address, after concurring in its views of the national prosperity, as resulting from the excellence of the constitutional system and the wisdom of the legislative provisions, added, that they would be deficient in gratitude and justice did they not attribute a great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness and talents of his administration, conspicuously displayed in the most trying times, and on the most critical occasions. the reply of the house, after premising attention to the various subjects recommended to their consideration in the address, concluded by a warm expression of gratitude and admiration, inspired by the virtues and services of the president, by his wisdom, firmness, moderation and magnanimity; and testifying to the deep regret with which they contemplated his intended retirement from office. the reverence and affection expressed for him in both houses of congress, and their regret at his intended retirement, were in unison with testimonials from various state legislatures and other public bodies, which were continually arriving since the publication of his farewell address. during the actual session of congress, washington endeavored to prevent the misunderstandings, which were in danger of being augmented, between the united states and the french government. in the preceding month of november, mr. adet, the french minister, had addressed a letter to the secretary of state, recapitulating the complaints against the government of the united states made by his predecessors and himself, denouncing the _insidious_ proclamation of neutrality and the wrongs growing out of it, and using language calculated to inflame the partisans of france; a copy of which letter had been sent to the press for publication. one of the immediate objects he had in view in timing the publication was supposed by washington to be to produce an effect on the presidential election; his ultimate object, to establish such an influence in the country as to sway the government and control its measures. early in january, , therefore, washington requested mr. pickering, the secretary of state, to address a letter to mr. pinckney, united states minister to france, stating all the complaints alleged by the french minister against the government, examining and reviewing the same, and accompanying the statement with a collection of letters and papers relating to the transaction therein adverted to. the letter to mr. pinckney, with its accompanying documents, was laid before congress on the th of january, ( ), to be transmitted to that minister. in the month of february the votes taken at the recent election were opened and counted in congress; when mr. adams, having the highest number, was declared president, and mr. jefferson, having the next number, vice-president; their term of four years to commence on the th of march next ensuing. washington now began to count the days and hours that intervened between him and his retirement. on the day preceding it, he writes to his old fellow-soldier and political coadjutor, henry knox: "to the wearied traveller, who sees a resting place, and is bending his body to lean thereon, i now compare myself.... the remainder of my life, which in the course of nature cannot be long, will be occupied in rural amusements; and though i shall seclude myself as much as possible from the noisy and bustling world, none would, more than myself, be regaled by the company of those i esteem, at mount vernon, more than twenty miles from which, after i arrive there, it is not likely that i shall ever be." on the d of march, he gave a kind of farewell dinner to the foreign ministers and their wives, mr. and mrs. adams, mr. jefferson, and other conspicuous personages of both sexes. "during the dinner much hilarity prevailed," says bishop white, who was present. when the cloth was removed washington filled his glass: "ladies and gentlemen," said he, "this is the last time i shall drink your health as a public man; i do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness." the gayety of the company was checked in an instant; all felt the importance of this leave-taking. on the th of march, an immense crowd had gathered about congress hall. at eleven o'clock, mr. jefferson took the oath as vice-president in the presence of the senate; and proceeded with that body to the chamber of the house of representatives, which was densely crowded, many ladies occupying chairs ceded to them by members. after a time, washington entered amidst enthusiastic cheers and acclamations, and the waving of handkerchiefs. at the close of the ceremony, as washington moved toward the door to retire, there was a rush from the gallery to the corridor that threatened the loss of life or limb, so eager were the throng to catch a last look of one who had so long been the object of public veneration. when washington was in the street he waved his hat in return for the cheers of the multitude, his countenance radiant with benignity, his gray hairs streaming in the wind. the crowd followed him to his door; there, turning round, his countenance assumed a grave and almost melancholy expression, his eyes were bathed in tears, his emotions were too great for utterance, and only by gestures could he indicate his thanks and convey his farewell blessing. in the evening a splendid banquet was given to him by the principal inhabitants of philadelphia in the amphitheatre, which was decorated with emblematical paintings. all the heads of departments, the foreign ministers, several officers of the late army, and various persons of note, were present. among the paintings, one represented the home of his heart, the home to which he was about to hasten--mount vernon. chapter lxxvi. washington's retirement and death. [the limitations of this volume render it necessary to condense the remaining portions of washington's biography into as few sentences as possible. washington's official career being terminated, he set off for mount vernon accompanied by mrs. washington, her grand-daughter, miss nelly custis, and george washington lafayette, with his preceptor. once more at mount vernon, that haven of repose to which he had so often turned a wistful eye, he surrendered himself to those agricultural and rural pursuits for which he had a fondness. he was beset with many visitors, and as a relief from some of the duties of hospitality he persuaded his nephew, lawrence lewis, to become an inmate of mount vernon. an attachment grew up between young lewis and miss nelly custis, which eventuated in their union. the fate of lafayette, who had been thrown into prison at olmutz, had awakened the earnest solicitude of washington, but in the autumn of this year ( ), letters were received by young lafayette that his father had been released and was on his way to paris. george lafayette, anxious to join his father's family, immediately sailed from new york with his tutor, on the th of october. the differences between france and america were now assuming an alarming aspect. the french government, in the recall of mr. monroe, had refused to receive his successor. in view of this fact, and of the capture of american vessels by french cruisers, president adams convened an extra session of congress on the th of may. three special envoys to france were appointed by mr. adams, who, it was hoped, would be able to adjust all differences by a treaty between the two powers. their mission was unsuccessful. the directory now believing that the people of america would not sustain their government in a war against france, enacted a law subjecting to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter was of british production, although the entire property belonged to neutrals. as the united states were at this time the great neutral carriers, this decree struck at a vital point in their maritime power. when this act became known the spirit of the nation was aroused, and war with france seemed inevitable. the government resolved on vigorous measures; the president was authorized to enlist ten thousand men, and the senate nominated washington commander-in-chief of all the armies raised or to be raised. the secretary of war bore the commission to washington in person, who accepted the commission with great reluctance, with the condition that he should not be called into the field until the army was in a situation to require his presence. hamilton, pinckney, and knox were appointed major-generals. knox, indignant at being placed below those who were his juniors in the war of the revolution, refused to serve. these military measures soon had their effect on french policy. president adams received intimations that whatever plenipotentiary the united states might send to france to put an end to the existing differences between the two countries, would be received with the respect due to the representative of a free, independent, and powerful nation. mr. adams, glad to escape from his belligerent difficulties, laid these facts before the senate on the th of february, ( ), and nominated mr. murray as envoy. oliver ellsworth and mr. davie were ultimately associated with him in the mission. they sailed on the d of the following november.] washington continued to superintend from a distance the concerns of the army, as his ample and minute correspondence manifests; and he was at the same time earnestly endeavoring to bring the affairs of his rural domain into order. it was a period of incessant activity and toil, therefore, both mental and bodily. he was for hours in his study occupied with his pen, and for hours on horseback, riding the rounds of his extensive estate, visiting the various farms, and superintending the works in operation. all this he did with unfailing vigor, though now in his sixty-seventh year. winter had now set in, with occasional wind and rain and frost, yet washington still kept up his active round of in-door and out-door avocations, as his diary records. he was in full health and vigor, dined out occasionally, and had frequent guests at mount vernon. for some time past he had been occupied in digesting a complete system on which his estate was to be managed for several succeeding years; specifying the cultivation of the several farms, with tables designating the rotations of the crops. it occupied thirty folio pages, and was executed with that clearness and method which characterized all his business papers. this was finished on the th of december, and was accompanied by a letter of that date to his manager or steward. according to his diary, the morning on which these voluminous instructions to his steward were dated was clear and calm, but the afternoon was lowering. the next day ( th), he notes that there was wind and rain, and "at night _a large circle round the moon_." the morning of the th was overcast. about ten o'clock he mounted his horse, and rode out as usual to make the rounds of the estate. the ominous ring round the moon, which he had observed on the preceding night, proved a fatal portent. "about one o'clock," he notes, "it began to snow, soon after to hail, and then turned to a settled cold rain." having on an overcoat, he continued his ride without regarding the weather, and did not return to the house until after three. his secretary approached him with letters to be franked, that they might be taken to the post-office in the evening. washington franked the letters, but observed that the weather was too bad to send a servant out with them. mr. lear perceived that snow was hanging from his hair, and expressed fears that he had got wet; but he replied, "no, his great coat had kept him dry." as dinner had been waiting for him he sat down to table without changing his dress. "in the evening," writes his secretary, "he appeared as well as usual." on the following morning the snow was three inches deep and still falling, which prevented him from taking his usual ride. he complained of a sore throat, and had evidently taken cold the day before. in the afternoon the weather cleared up, and he went out on the grounds between the house and the river, to mark some trees which were to be cut down. a hoarseness which had hung about him through the day grew worse towards night, but he made light of it. he was very cheerful in the evening, as he sat in the parlor with mrs. washington and mr. lear, amusing himself with the papers which had been brought from the post-office. on retiring to bed, mr. lear suggested that he should take something to relieve the cold. "no," replied he, "you know i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came." in the night he was taken extremely ill with ague and difficulty of breathing. between two and three o'clock in the morning he awoke mrs. washington, who would have risen to call a servant; but he would not permit her, lest she should take cold. at daybreak, when the servant woman entered to make a fire, she was sent to call mr. lear. he found the general breathing with difficulty, and hardly able to utter a word intelligibly. washington desired that dr. craik, who lived in alexandria, should be sent for, and that in the meantime, rawlins, one of the overseers, should be summoned to bleed him before the doctor could arrive. a gargle was prepared for his throat, but whenever he attempted to swallow any of it, he was convulsed and almost suffocated. rawlins made his appearance soon after sunrise, but when the general's arm was ready for the operation became agitated. "don't be afraid," said the general, as well as he could speak. rawlins made an incision. "the orifice is not large enough," said washington. the blood, however, ran pretty freely, and mrs. washington, uncertain whether the treatment was proper, and fearful that too much blood might be taken, begged mr. lear to stop it. when he was about to untie the string the general put up his hand to prevent him, and as soon as he could speak, murmured, "more--more;" but mrs. washington's doubts prevailed, and the bleeding was stopped, after about half a pint of blood had been taken. external applications were now made to the throat, and his feet were bathed in warm water, but without affording any relief. his old friend, dr. craik, arrived between eight and nine, and two other physicians, drs. dick and brown, were called in. various remedies were tried, and additional bleeding, but all of no avail. "about half-past four o'clock," writes mr. lear, "he desired me to call mrs. washington to his bedside, when he requested her to go down into his room and take from his desk two wills, which she would find there, and bring them to him, which she did. upon looking at them, he gave her one, which he observed was useless, as being superseded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and took the other and put it into her closet." in the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress from the difficulty of breathing, and frequently changed his posture in the bed. about five o'clock his old friend, dr. craik, came again into the room, and approached the bedside. "doctor," said the general, "i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed, from my first attack, that i should not survive it--my breath cannot last long." the doctor pressed his hand in silence, retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. between five and six the other physicians came in, and he was assisted to sit up in his bed. "i feel i am going," said he; "i thank you for your attentions, but i pray you to take no more trouble about me; let me go off quietly; i cannot last long." he lay down again; all retired excepting dr. craik. the general continued uneasy and restless, but without complaining, frequently asking what hour it was. further remedies were tried without avail in the evening. he took whatever was offered him, did as he was desired by the physicians, and never uttered sigh or complaint. "about ten minutes before he expired (which was between ten and eleven o'clock)," mr. lear further writes, "his breathing became easier. he lay quietly; he withdrew his hand from mine and felt his own pulse. i saw his countenance change. i spoke to dr. craik, who sat by the fire. he came to the bedside. the general's hand fell from his wrist. i took it in mine and pressed it to my bosom. dr. craik put his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh." we add from mr. lear's account a few particulars concerning the funeral. the old family vault on the estate had been opened, the rubbish cleared away, and a door made to close the entrance, which before had been closed with brick. the funeral took place on the th of december. about eleven o'clock the people of the neighborhood began to assemble. the corporation of alexandria, with the militia and freemasons of the place, and eleven pieces of cannon, arrived at a later hour. a schooner was stationed off mount vernon to fire minute guns. about three o'clock the procession began to move, passing out through the gate at the left wing of the house, proceeding round in front of the lawn and down to the vault, on the right wing of the house; minute guns being fired at the time. the troops, horse and foot, formed the escort; then came four of the clergy; then the general's horse, with his saddle, holsters, and pistols, led by two grooms in black. the body was borne by the freemasons and officers; several members of the family and old friends, among the number dr. craik, and some of the fairfaxes, followed as chief mourners. the corporation of alexandria and numerous private persons closed the procession. the rev. mr. davis read the funeral service at the vault, and pronounced a short address; after which the masons performed their ceremonies, and the body was deposited in the vault. on opening the will which he had handed to mrs. washington shortly before his death, it was found to have been carefully drawn up by himself in the preceding july; and by an act in conformity with his whole career, one of its first provisions directed the emancipation of his slaves on the decease of his wife. it had long been his earnest wish that the slaves held by him _in his own right_ should receive their freedom during his life, but he had found that it would be attended with insuperable difficulties on account of their intermixture by marriage with the "dower negroes," whom it was not in his power to manumit under the tenure by which they were held. with provident benignity he also made provision in his will for such as were to receive their freedom under this devise, but who, from age, bodily infirmities, or infancy, might be unable to support themselves, and he expressly forbade, under any pretence whatsoever, the sale or transportation out of virginia of any slave of whom he might die possessed. a deep sorrow spread over the nation on hearing that washington was no more. congress, which was in session, immediately adjourned for the day. the next morning it was resolved that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black: that the members and officers of the house wear black during the session, and that a joint committee of both houses be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of doing honor to the memory of the man, "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." public testimonials of grief and reverence were displayed in every part of the union. nor were these sentiments confined to the united states. when the news of washington's death reached england, lord bridport, who had command of a british fleet of nearly sixty sail of the line, lying at torbay, lowered his flag half-mast, every ship following the example; and bonaparte, first consul of france, on announcing his death to the army, ordered that black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the public service for ten days. the character of washington may want some of those poetical elements which dazzle and delight the multitude, but it possessed fewer inequalities, and a rarer union of virtues than perhaps ever fell to the lot of one man. prudence, firmness, sagacity, moderation, an overruling judgment, an immovable justice, courage that never faltered, patience that never wearied, truth that disdained all artifice, magnanimity without alloy. it seems as if providence had endowed him in a preëminent degree with the qualities requisite to fit him for the high destiny he was called upon to fulfil--to conduct a momentous revolution which was to form an era in the history of the world, and to inaugurate a new and untried government, which, to use his own words, was to lay the foundation "for the enjoyment of much purer civil liberty, and greater public happiness, than have hitherto been the portion of mankind." the fame of washington stands apart from every other in history; shining with a truer lustre and a more benignant glory. with us his memory remains a national property, where all sympathies throughout our widely-extended and diversified empire meet in unison. under all dissensions and amid all the storms of party, his precepts and example speak to us from the grave with a paternal appeal; and his name--by all revered--forms a universal tie of brotherhood--a watchword of our union. the end. [transcriber's note: this production is based on https://archive.org/details/essayoncharacte guiz/page/ ] {i} essay on the character and influence of washington in the revolution of the united states of america. by m. guizot. translated from the french. third edition. new york published by james miller, (successor to c. s. francis & co.,) broadway. . {ii} entered, according to act of congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty, by james munroe & co., in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. {iii} translator's preface. the following essay is a translation of the introduction, by m. guizot, to a french version of sparks's life of washington, and of selected portions of washington's writings, which has recently appeared in paris, in six octavo volumes. m. guizot is well known, not only as the author of many valuable historical works, but as a practical statesman himself, and therefore peculiarly qualified to appreciate the character of washington, and to estimate his claims to the gratitude of his country, and the admiration of mankind. the essay can hardly fail to be read with interest by every countryman of the illustrious man who forms its subject. it is a performance remarkable for the knowledge which it evinces of our own history, for its great political wisdom, its elevated moral tone, and its just discrimination in regard to the character of washington. {iv} every american citizen must be highly gratified to find his own veneration for the name of washington confirmed by this unbiassed tribute from a foreigner so distinguished in literature and politics, as m. guizot. nothing has ever been written concerning him in europe, so accurate, so just, and so profound as this; and it will serve to justify and strengthen that admiration, which has been accorded to him in foreign countries, hardly less than in his own. george s. hillard. {v} advertisement of the french publishers. no foreign event occurring at a distance ever awakened so lively a sympathy in france, as the revolution of the united states of america. no great man who was a foreigner has ever, in this country, been the object of general admiration to such an extent as washington. he has had the applause of both the court and the people, of the old _régime_ and the new nation. during his life, testimonials of respect were heaped upon him by louis the sixteenth; and, at his death, napoleon directed a public mourning for him, and a funeral oration. [footnote ] [footnote : "bonaparte rendered unusual honors to the name of washington, not long after the event of his death was made known in france. by what motives he was prompted, it is needless to inquire. at any rate, both the act itself and his manner of performing it are somewhat remarkable, when regarded in connexion with his subsequent career. he was then first consul. on the th of february, he issued the following order of the day to the army, "washington is dead! this great man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of his country. his memory will always be dear to the french people, as it will be to all free men of the two worlds; and especially to french soldiers, who like him and the american soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality. the first consul likewise ordered, that during ten days, black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the republic. on the same day a splendid ceremony took place in the champ de mars, and the trophies brought by the army from egypt were displayed with great pomp. immediately after this ceremony was over, a funeral oration, in honor of washington (_eloge funèbre de washington_) was pronounced by m. de fontanes, in the hotel des invalides, then called the temple of mars. the first consul, and all the civil and military authorities of the capital, were present."--sparks's _life of washington_, pp. , , _note_.] {vi} it is now forty years since this great man has been reposing, to use his own expression, "in the mansions of rest," at mount vernon, by the side of his fathers. but his country has recently reared to him the noblest of monuments, in the publication of his _works_, consisting of his letters, discourses, and messages, comprising what was written and spoken by him in the midst of his active career, and forming indeed his lively image and the true history of his life. these are, in truth, his _works_. washington preserved with scrupulous care, either a first draft or an exact copy of every letter he wrote, whether as a public man or a private individual, and whether they related to his own concerns, the management and culture of his farms, or to the interests of the state. {vii} during the period from to , in his retirement at mount vernon, he arranged the first part of this correspondence, containing among other things, whatever had been written by him during the war of independence; and, at his death, he bequeathed all his papers, together with his estate at mount vernon, to his nephew, bushrod washington, who was for thirty years one of the justices of the supreme court of the united states. the entire collection, comprising the letters written by washington himself, and those addressed to him, filled more than two hundred folio volumes. the congress of the united states has recently purchased these precious papers, and caused them to be deposited in the national archives. an able editor, mr. sparks, already well known by his important historical labors, and especially by editing the "diplomatic correspondence of the united states during the war of independence," (printed at boston in twelve octavo volumes), has examined these papers and made selections and extracts from them. the family of washington, his surviving friends, and various intelligent and distinguished persons favored his efforts in executing this patriotic task. {viii} mr. sparks has not remained content with the collection of materials, already so ample, which was in his possession; he traveled over america and europe, and the public and private collections of france and england were liberally opened to him. he has sought out, and brought together from all quarters, the documents necessary to illustrate and complete this authentic biography of a great man, which is the history of the infant years of a great people; and a work in twelve large octavo volumes, adorned with portraits, plates, and _fac-similes_, under the title of "the writings of george washington," has been the result of this labor, which has been performed in all its parts with scrupulous fidelity, patriotism, and a love of the subject. the work is divided into several parts. the first volume contains a life of washington, written by mr. sparks. the second volume, entitled part first, contains the official and private letters of washington, prior to the american revolution, (from the th of march, , to the st of may, ). the official letters relate to the war of - , between france and england, for the possession of the territories lying west of the english colonies. {ix} the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth volumes (being the second part) comprise the correspondence and the various papers relating to the american revolution and the war of independence, (from the th of june, , to the d of december, ). the ninth volume (being the third fart) is composed of the private letters written by washington from the end of to the spring of , in the interval between his return to mount vernon, after the peace of versailles, and his elevation to the presidency of the united states, (from the th of december, , to the th of april, ). the tenth and eleventh volumes (being the fourth part) comprise the official and private correspondence of washington from his elevation to the presidency to the close of his life, (from the th of may, , to the th of december, ). the twelfth volume (being the fifth part), contains the documents and messages addressed by washington to congress, as president of the united states, and also his proclamations and addresses to the american people in general, or to particular classes of citizens. {x} each volume is terminated by an appendix, in which the editor has collected a variety of historical documents of great interest, and, generally speaking, hitherto unpublished, which illustrate the principal events of the period, and the most important parts of the life and character of washington. finally, numerous and accurate notes, scattered through the work, give all the information necessary for the complete understanding of the letters and incidents to which they relate. viewed as a whole and in its details, in its literary execution and in its outward form, the edition is worthy of the great name to which it is consecrated. in , when the work had been just completed, the american editor, desirous that washington should be as well known in france as in his own country, applied to m. guizot, requesting him to make a selection, from the voluminous correspondence, of such portions as seemed most calculated to awaken an interest in the french public, and to superintend their publication in the french language. m. guizot has made this selection; upon the principle of taking, especially, first, the letters concerning the relations of france and the united states at that period, and the distinguished part which our country acted in that great event; secondly, those which develope the political views of washington in the formation of the constitution and the organization of the government of the united states,--views full of valuable instruction; thirdly, those which exhibit in the clearest light the character, the turn of mind, and the manners of the great man from whom they proceeded. {xi} in order to accomplish fully the honorable task which he undertook, m. guizot was desirous of presenting his own views of the character of washington, and of his influence in the revolution which founded the united states of america; and these are contained in the introduction, which is prefixed to our edition. we have spared no pains to make its external appearance worthy of the intrinsic value of its contents. we are indebted to the kindness of general cass, the minister of the united states in france, for most useful assistance and information; and he has afforded them with a kindness, at once so enlightened and so generous, that we feel it our duty to make a public acknowledgment of our obligations to him. {xii} { } character and influence of washington. two difficult and important duties are assigned to man, and may constitute his true glory: to support misfortune and resign himself to it with firmness; to believe in goodness and trust himself to it with unbroken confidence. there is a spectacle not less noble or less improving, than that of a virtuous man struggling with adversity; it is that of a virtuous man at the head of a good cause, and giving assurance of its triumph. if there were ever a just cause, and one which deserved success, it was that of the english colonies in their struggle to become the united states of america. { } in their case, open insurrection had been preceded by resistance. this resistance was founded upon historical right and upon facts, upon natural right and upon opinions. it is the honorable distinction of england to have given to her colonies, in their infancy, the seminal principle of their liberty. almost all of them, either at the time of their being planted or shortly after, received charters which conferred upon the colonists the rights of the mother country. and these charters were not a mere deceptive form, a dead letter, for they either established or recognized those powerful institutions, which impelled the colonists to defend their liberties and to control power by dividing it; such as the laying of taxes by vote, the election of the principal public bodies, trial by jury, and the right to meet and deliberate upon affairs of general interest. thus the history of these colonies is nothing else than the practical and sedulous development of the spirit of liberty, expanding under the protecting influence of the laws and traditions of the country. such, indeed, was the history of england itself. { } a still more striking resemblance is presented in the fact, that the colonies of america, at least the greater part of them and the most considerable among them, either were founded, or received their principal increase, precisely at the period when england was preparing to sustain, or was already sustaining, those bold conflicts against the claims of absolute power, which were to confer upon her the honorable distinction of giving to the world the first example of a great nation, free and well governed. from to , under elizabeth, james the first, charles the first, the long parliament, cromwell, charles the second, james the second, william the third, and queen anne, the charters of virginia, of massachusetts, of maryland, of carolina, and of new york, were, one after another, recognized, contested, restrained, enlarged, lost, regained; incessantly exposed to those struggles and those vicissitudes, which are the condition, indeed the very essence, of liberty; for it is victory, and not peace, that free communities can lay claim to. { } at the same time with their legal rights, the colonists had also religious faith. it was not only as englishmen, but as christians, that they wished to be free; and their faith was more dear to them than their charters. indeed, these charters were, in their eyes, nothing more than a manifestation and an image, however imperfect, of the great law of god, the gospel. their rights would not have been lost, even had they been deprived of their charters. in their enthusiastic state of mind, supported by divine favor, they would have traced these rights to a source superior and inaccessible to all human power; for they cherished sentiments more elevated than even the institutions themselves, over which they were so sensitively watchful. it is well known, that, in the eighteenth century, the human understanding, impelled by the accumulation of wealth, the growth of population, and the increase of every form of social power, as well as by its own impetuous and self-derived activity, attempted the conquest of the world. political science, in all its forms, woke into new and vigorous life; as did, to a still greater degree, the spirit of philosophy, proud, unsatisfied, eager to penetrate and to regulate all things. { } english america shared in this great movement, but serenely and dispassionately; obeying its inherent tendency rather than rushing into new and untried paths. philosophical opinions were there combined with religious belief, the triumphs of reason with the heritage of faith, and the rights of man with those of the christian. a noble spectacle is presented to us, when we see the union of historical and rational right, of traditions and opinions. a nation, in such a case, gains in prudence as well as in energy. when time-honored and esteemed truths control man without enslaving him, restrain at the same time that they support him, he can move onward and upward, without danger of being carried away by the impetuous flight of his own spirit, soon to be either dashed in pieces against unknown obstacles, or to sink gradually into a sluggish and paralyzing inactivity. { } and when, by a further union, still more beautiful and more salutary, religious belief is indissolubly linked, in the very mind of man, to the general progress of opinions, and liberty of reason to the firm convictions of faith,--it is then that a people may trust themselves to the boldest institutions. for religious belief promotes, to an incalculable extent, the wise management of human affairs. in order to discharge properly the duty assigned to him in this life, man must contemplate it from a higher point of view; if his mind be merely on the same level with the task he is performing, he will soon fall below it, and become incapable of accomplishing it in a worthy manner. such was the fortunate condition, both of man and of society, in the english colonies, when, in a spirit of haughty aggression, england undertook to control their fortunes and their destiny, without their own consent. this aggression was not unprecedented, nor altogether arbitrary; it also rested upon historical foundations, and might claim to be supported by some right. { } it is the great problem of political science, to bring the various powers of society into harmony, by assigning to each its sphere and its degree of activity; a harmony never assured, and always liable to be disturbed, but which, nevertheless, can be produced, even from the elements of the struggle itself, to that degree which the public safety imperatively demands. it is not the privilege of states in their infancy to accomplish this result. not that any essential power is in them absolutely disregarded and annihilated; on the contrary, all powers are found in full activity; but they manifest themselves in a confused manner, each one in its own behalf, without necessary connexion or any just proportion, and in a way to bring on, not the struggle which leads to harmony, but the disorder which renders war inevitable. in the infancy of the english colonies, three different powers are found, side by side with their liberties, and consecrated by the same charters,--the crown, the proprietary founders, whether companies or individuals, and the mother country. the crown, by virtue of the monarchical principle, and with its traditions, derived from the church and the empire. the proprietary founders, to whom the territory had been granted, by virtue of the feudal principle, which attaches a considerable portion of sovereignty to the proprietorship of the soil. { } the mother country, by virtue of the colonial principle, which, at all periods and among all nations, by a natural connexion between facts and opinions, has given to the mother country a great influence over the population proceeding from its bosom. from the very commencement, as well in the course of events as in the charters, there was great confusion among these various powers, by turns exalted or depressed, united or divided, sometimes protecting, one against another, the colonists and their franchises, and sometimes assailing them in concert. in the course of these confused changes, all sorts of pretexts were assumed, and facts of all kinds cited, in justification and support either of their acts or their pretensions. in the middle of the seventeenth century, when the monarchical principle was overthrown in england in the person of charles the first, one might be led to suppose, for a moment, that the colonies would take advantage of this to free themselves entirely from its control. { } in point of fact, some of them, massachusetts especially, settled by stern puritans, showed themselves disposed, if not to break every tie which bound them to the mother country, at least to govern themselves, alone, and by their own laws. but the long parliament, by force of the colonial principle, and in virtue of the rights of the crown which it inherited, maintained, with moderation, the supremacy of great britain. cromwell, succeeding to the power of the long parliament, exercised it in a more striking manner, and, by a judicious and resolute principle of protection, prevented or repressed, in the colonies, both royalist and puritan, every faint aspiration for independence. this was to him an easy task. the colonies, at this period, were feeble and divided. virginia, in , did not contain more than three or four thousand inhabitants, and in hardly thirty thousand. [footnote ] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, edition of , vol. i. p. . bancroft's _history of the united states_, vol. i. pp. , , .] { } maryland had at most only twelve thousand. in these two provinces the royalist party had the ascendency, and greeted with joy the restoration. in massachusetts, on the other hand, the general feeling was republican; the fugitive regicides, goffe and whalley, found there favor and protection; and when the local government were compelled to proclaim charles the second as king, they forbade, at the same time, all tumultuous assemblies, all kinds of merry-making, and even the drinking of the king's health. there was, at that time, neither the moral unity, nor the physical strength, necessary to the foundation of a state. after , when england was finally in possession of a free government, the colonies felt but slightly its advantages. the charters, which charles the second and james the second had either taken away or impaired, were but imperfectly and partially restored to them. the same confusion prevailed, the same struggles arose between the different powers. the greater part of the governors, coming from europe, temporarily invested with the prerogatives and pretensions of royalty, displayed them with more arrogance than power, in an administration, generally speaking, inconsistent, irritating, seldom successful, frequently marked by grasping selfishness, and a postponement of the interests of the public to petty personal quarrels. { } moreover, it was henceforth not the crown alone, but the crown and the mother country united, with which the colonies had to deal. their real sovereign was no longer the king, but the king and the people of great britain, represented and mingled together in parliament. and the parliament regarded the colonies with nearly the same eyes, and held, in respect to them, nearly the same language, as had lately been used towards the parliament itself, by those kings whom it afterwards overcame. an aristocratic senate is the most intractable of masters. every member of it possesses the supreme power, and no one is responsible for its exercise. in the mean time, the colonies were rapidly increasing in population, in wealth, in strength internally, and in importance externally. instead of a few obscure establishments, solely occupied with their own affairs, and hardly able to sustain their own existence, a people was now forming itself, whose agriculture, commerce, enterprising spirit, and relative position to other states, were giving them a place and consideration among men. { } the mother country, unable to govern them well, had neither the leisure nor the ill will to oppress them absolutely. she vexed and annoyed them without checking their growth. and the minds of men were expanded, and their hearts elevated, with the growing fortunes of the country. by an admirable law of providence, there is a mysterious connexion between the general condition of a country, and the state of feeling among the citizens; a certain, though not obvious, bond of union, which connects their growth and their destinies, and which makes the farmer in his fields, the merchant in his counting-room, even the mechanic in his workshop, grow more confident and high-spirited, in proportion as the society, in whose bosom they dwell, is enlarged and strengthened. as early as , the general court of massachusetts passed a resolution, "that no tax should be levied upon his majesty's subjects in the colonies, without the consent of the governor and council, and the representatives in general court assembled." [footnote ] [footnote : story's _commentaries on the constitution_, vol. i. p. .] { } in , the legislative assembly of new york made a similar declaration. [footnote ] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. ii. p. .] the government of great britain repelled them, sometimes by its silence, and sometimes by its measures, which were always a little indirect and reserved. the colonists were often silent in their turn, and did not insist upon carrying out their principles to their extreme consequences. but the principles themselves were spreading among the colonial society, at the same time that the resources were increasing, which were destined, at a future day to be devoted to their service, and to insure their triumph. thus, when that day arrived, when george the third and his parliament, rather in a spirit of pride, and to prevent the loss of absolute power by long disuse, than to derive any advantage from its exercise, undertook to tax the colonies without their consent, a powerful, numerous, and enthusiastic party,--the national party,--immediately sprang into being, ready to resist, in the name of right and of national honor. { } it was indeed a question of right and of honor, and not of interest or physical well-being. the taxes were light, and imposed no burden upon the colonists. but they belonged to that class of men who feel most keenly the wrongs which affect the mind alone, and who can find no repose while honor is unsatisfied. "for, sir, what is it we are contending against? is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, because burdensome? no; it is the right only, that we have all along disputed." [footnote ] such was, at the commencement of the quarrel, the language of washington himself, and such was the public sentiment--a sentiment founded in sound policy, as well as moral sense, and manifesting as much judgment as virtue. [footnote : washington to bryan fairfax. _washington's writings_, vol. ii. p. .] { } an instructive spectacle is presented to our contemplation, in the number of public associations, which at that time were formed in the colonies;--associations, local or general, accidental or permanent; chambers of burgesses and of representatives, conventions, committees, and congresses. men of very different characters and dispositions there met together; some, full of respect and attachment to the mother country, others, ardently devoted to that american country which was growing up under their eyes and by the labor of their own hands; the former, anxious and dejected, the latter, confident and enthusiastic, but all moved and united by the same elevated sentiment, and the same resolution to resist; giving the freest utterance to their various views and opinions, without its producing any deep or permanent division; on the contrary, respecting in each other the rights of freedom, discussing together the great question of the country with that conscientious purpose, that spirit of justice and discretion, which gave them assurance of success, and diminished the cost of its purchase. in june , the first congress, assembled at philadelphia, took measures for the publication of a solemn declaration, for the purpose of justifying the taking up of arms. { } two members, one from virginia, and one from pennsylvania, were a part of the committee charged with the duty of drawing it up. "i prepared," relates mr. jefferson himself, "a draft of the declaration committed to us. it was too strong for mr. dickinson. he still retained the hope of reconciliation with the mother country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by offensive statements. he was so honest a man, and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged, even by those who could not feel his scruples. we therefore requested him to take the paper, and put it into a form he could approve. he did so; preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs, and half of the preceding one. we approved and reported it to congress, who accepted it. congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to mr. dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the king according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely an amendment. { } the disgust against its humility was general; and mr. dickinson's delight at its passage was the only circumstance that reconciled them to it. the vote being passed, although further observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, 'there is but one word, mr. president, in the paper, which i disapprove, and that is the word _congress;_' on which benjamin harrison rose and said, 'there is but one word in the paper, mr. president, of which i approve, and that is the word _congress_.'" [footnote ] [footnote : jefferson's _memoirs_, vol. i. pp. , .] such a unanimity of feeling in the midst of so much liberty was not a short-lived wisdom, the happy influence of the first burst of enthusiasm. during the period of nearly ten years, which the great contest occupied, men the most unlike, who were ranked under the banners of the same national party, young and old, enthusiastic and calm, continued to act thus in concert, one portion being sufficiently wise, and the other sufficiently firm, to prevent a rupture. and when, forty-six years afterwards, [footnote ] after having taken part in the violent struggle between the parties which american liberty gave birth to, himself the head of the victorious party, mr. jefferson called up anew the recollections of his youth, we may be sure, that it was not without mingled emotions of pain and pleasure, that he recurred to these noble examples of moderation and justice. [footnote : mr. jefferson wrote his _memoirs_ in .] { } insurrection, resistance to established authority, and the enterprise of forming a new government, are matters of grave importance to men like these, to all men of sense and virtue. those who have the most forecast, never calculate its whole extent. the boldest would shudder in their hearts, could they foresee all the dangers of the undertaking. independence was not the premeditated purpose, not even the wish, of the colonies. a few bold and sagacious spirits either saw that it would come, or expressed their desire for it, after the period of resistance under the forms of law had passed. but the american people did not aspire to it, and did not urge their leaders to make claim to it. { } "'for all what you americans say of your loyalty,' observed the illustrious lord camden, at that time mr. pratt, 'i know you will one day throw off your dependence upon this country; and, notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for independence.' franklin answered, 'no such idea is entertained in the minds of the americans; and no such idea will ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them.' 'very true,' replied mr. pratt, 'that is one of the main causes i see will happen, and will produce the event.'" [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] lord camden was right in his conjectures. english america was grossly abused; and yet, in , and even in , hardly a year before the declaration of independence, and when it was becoming inevitable, washington and jefferson thus wrote; "although you are taught, i say, to believe, that the people of massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, grossly abused. ... { } i can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may, at the same lime, rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure." [footnote ] [footnote : letter to robert mackenzie, october, ; washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] "believe me, dear sir, there is not in the british empire a man, who more cordially loves a union with great britain than i do. but, by the god that made me, i will cease to exist, before i will yield to a connexion on such terms as the british parliament propose, and, in this, i think i speak the sentiments of america. we want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. it is will alone, which is wanting, and that is growing apace, under the fostering hand of our king." [footnote ] [footnote : letter to mr. randolph, th november, ; jefferson's _memoirs and correspondence_, vol. i. p. .] { } george the third, in point of fact, pledged to the course he was pursuing, and acting under the influence of passionate obstinacy, animated and sustained his ministers and the parliament in the struggle. in vain were fresh petitions constantly presented to him, always loyal and respectful without insincerity; in vain was his name commended to the favor and protection of god, in the services of religion, according to usual custom. he paid no attention, either to the prayers which were made to him, or to those which were offered to heaven in his behalf; and by his order the war continued, without ability, without vigorous and well-combined efforts, but with that hard and haughty obstinacy, which destroys in the heart all affection as well as hope. evidently the day had arrived, when power had forfeited its claim to loyal obedience; and when the people were called upon to protect themselves by force, no longer finding in the established order of things either safety or shelter. such a moment is a fearful one, big with unknown events; one, which no human sagacity can predict, and no human government can control, but which, notwithstanding, does sometimes come, bearing an impress stamped by the hand of god. { } if the struggle, which begins at such a moment, were one absolutely forbidden; if, at the mysterious point in which it arises, this great social duty did not press even upon the heads of those who deny its existence, the human race, long ago, wholly fallen under the yoke, would have lost all dignity as well as all happiness. nor was there wanting another condition, also essential, to the legitimate character of the insurrection of the english colonies. they had a reasonable chance of success. no vigorous hand, at that time, had the management of public affairs in england. the cabinet of lord north was not remarkable for talent or generosity of feeling. the only eminent man in the country, lord chatham, was in the opposition. { } the times of extreme tyranny had gone by. proscriptions, judicial and military cruelties, a general and systematic laying waste of the country; all those terrible measures, those atrocious sufferings, which a little while before in the heart of europe, in a cause equally just, had been inflicted upon the hollanders, would not have been tolerated in the eighteenth century, by the spectators of the american contest, and, indeed, were never thought of by those who were the most fiercely engaged in it. on the contrary, a powerful party was formed, and eloquent voices were constantly lifted up, in the british parliament itself, in support of the colonies and of their rights. this is the glory and distinction of a representative government, that it insures to every cause its champions, and brings even into the arena of politics those defences, which were instituted for the sanctuary of the laws. europe, moreover, could not be a passive spectator of such a struggle. two great powers, france and spain, had serious losses and recent injuries in america itself, to avenge upon england. { } two powers, whose greatness was of recent growth, russia and prussia, displayed in favor of liberal opinions a sympathy which was enlightened, though a little ostentatious, and showed themselves disposed to seize the occasion of bringing discredit upon england, or of injuring her, in the name of liberty itself. a republic, formerly glorious and formidable, still rich and honored, holland, could not fail to assist america, against her ancient rival, with her capital, and her credit. finally, among the powers of an inferior rank, all those whose situation rendered the maritime supremacy of england odious or injurious to them, could not but feel in favor of the new state a good will; timid, perhaps, and without immediate effect, but still useful and encouraging. by the rarest good fortune, at that time every thing united and acted in concert in favor of the insurgent colonies. their cause was just, their strength already great, and their characters marked by prudence and morality. upon their own soil, laws and manners, old facts and modern opinions, united in sustaining and animating them in their purpose. great alliances were preparing for them in europe. even in the councils of the hostile mother country, they had powerful support. never, in the history of human societies, had any new and contested right received so much favor, and engaged in the strife with so many chances of success. { } still by how many obstacles was this undertaking opposed! what efforts and sacrifices did it cost to the generation which was charged with the duty of accomplishing it! how many times did it appear to be, and indeed really was, on the point of being utterly defeated! in the country itself, among the people in appearance and sometimes in reality so unanimous, independence, when once declared, soon met numerous and active adversaries. in , hardly had the first guns been fired at lexington, when, in the midst of the general enthusiasm, a company of connecticut troops was requisite in new york to sustain the republican party against the tories or loyalists, a name which the partisans of the mother country had proudly adopted. [footnote ] in , new york sent important supplies to the english army under the orders of general gage. [footnote ] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. ii. p. .] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. ii. p. .] { } in , when general howe arrived upon the shores of the same province, a crowd of inhabitants manifested their joy, renewed the oath of fidelity to the crown, and took up arms in its behalf. [footnote ] the feeling was the same in new jersey, and the loyalist corps, levied in these two provinces, equalled in numbers the contingents furnished by them to the republican armies.[footnote ] in the midst of this population, washington himself was not in safety; a conspiracy was formed to deliver him up to the english, and some members of his own guard were found to be engaged in it. [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. ii. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. iii. p. . spark's _life of washington_, vol. i. p .] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. ii. p. .] { } maryland and georgia were divided. in north and south carolina, in and , two loyalist regiments, one of fifteen hundred, and the other of seven hundred men, were formed in a few days. against these domestic hostilities, congress and the local governments used, at first, extreme moderation; rallying the friends of independence without troubling themselves with its opponents; demanding nothing from those who would have refused; everywhere exerting themselves by means of writings, correspondence, associations, and the sending of commissioners into the doubtful counties, to confirm their minds, to remove their scruples, and to demonstrate to them the justice of their cause, and the necessity there was for the steps they had taken. for, generally, the loyalist party was founded upon sincere and honorable sentiments; fidelity, affection, gratitude, respect for tradition, and a love of established order; and from such sentiments it derived its strength. for some time the government contented itself with watching over this party and keeping it under restraint; in some districts, they even entered into treaty with it, to secure its neutrality. but the course of events, the imminence of the danger, the urgent need of assistance, and the irritation of the passions, soon led to a more rigorous course. arrests and banishment became frequent. the prisons were filled. confiscations of property commenced. { } local committees of public safety disposed of the liberty of their fellow-citizens, on the evidence of general notoriety. popular violence, in more than one instance, was added to the arbitrary severities of the magistrates. a printer in new york was devoted to the cause of the loyalists; a troop of horsemen, who had come from connecticut for that purpose, broke his presses and carried off his types. [footnote ] the spirit of hatred and vengeance was awakened. in georgia and south carolina, on the western frontier of connecticut and of pennsylvania, the struggle between the two parties was marked with cruelty. notwithstanding the legitimate character of the cause, notwithstanding the virtuous wisdom of its leaders, the infant republic was experiencing the horrors of a civil war. [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. ii. p. .] evils and dangers, still more serious, were every day springing from the national party itself. the motives which led to the insurrection were pure; too pure to consist for any length of time, among the mass at least, with the imperfections of humanity. { } when the people were appealed to in the name of rights, to be maintained, and honor to be saved, the first impulse was a general one. but, however great may be the favor of providence in such great enterprises, the toil is severe, success is slow, and the generality of men soon become exhausted through weariness or impatience. the colonists had not taken up arms to escape from any atrocious tyranny; they had not, like their ancestors in fleeing from england, the first privileges of life to regain, personal security and religious toleration. they were no longer stimulated by any urgent personal motive; there were no social spoils to be divided, no old and deep-seated passions to gratify. the contest was prolonged without creating in thousands of retired families those powerful interests, those coarse but strong ties, which, in our old and violent europe, have so often given to revolutions their force and their misery. every day, almost every step towards success, on the contrary, called for new efforts and new sacrifices. { } "i believe, or at least i hope," wrote washington, "that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end." [footnote ] [footnote : letter to bryan fairfax; _washington's writings_, vol. ii. p. .] a sublime hope, one which deserved to be rewarded as it was, by the triumph of the cause, but which could not raise to its own lofty elevation all that population, whose free and concurring support was the condition, and indeed the only means, of success. depression, lukewarmness, inactivity, the desire to escape from labors and expenses, soon became the essential evil, the pressing danger, against which the leaders had constantly to struggle. in point of fact, it was among the leaders, in the front ranks of the party, that enthusiasm and devotedness were maintained. in other instances of similar events, the impulse of perseverance and self-sacrifice has come from the people. in america, it was the independent and enlightened classes, who were obliged to animate and sustain the people in the great contest in which they were engaged for their country's sake. { } in the ranks of civil life, the magistrates, the rich planters, the leading merchants, and, in the army, the officers, always showed themselves the most ardent and the most firm; from them, example as well as counsel proceeded, and the people at large followed them with difficulty, instead of urging them on. "take none for officers but _gentlemen_," was the recommendation of washington, after the war had lasted three years.[footnote ] so fully had he been taught by experience, that these were everywhere devoted to the cause of independence, and ready to risk every thing and suffer every thing to insure its success. [footnote : in his instructions to colonel george baylor, th of january, ; _washington's writings_, vol. iv. p. .] these, too, were the only persons who, at least on their own account, could sustain the expenses of the war, for the state made no provision for them. perhaps no army ever lived in a more miserable condition than the american army. { } almost constantly inferior in numbers to the enemy; exposed to a periodical and, in some sort, legalized desertion; called upon to march, encamp, and fight, in a country of immense extent, thinly peopled, in parts uncultivated, through vast swamps and savage forests, without magazines of provisions, often without money to purchase them, and without the power to make requisitions of them; obliged, in carrying on war, to treat the inhabitants, and to respect them and their property, as if it had consisted of troops in garrison in a time of peace, this army was exposed to great exigencies, and a prey to unheard-of sufferings. "for some days," writes washington, in , "there has been little less than a famine in camp. a part of the army have been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. the soldiers are naked and starving." ... "we find gentlemen reprobating the measure of going into winter quarters; as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow; and, moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable, for an inferior army, under the disadvantages i have described ours to be, to confine a superior one, in all respects well-appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the states of pennsylvania and jersey." { } "i can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. i feel super-abundantly for the poor soldiers, and, from my soul, i pity those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve nor prevent." [footnote ] [footnote : _washington's writings_, vol. v. pp. , .] congress, to whom he applied, could do hardly more than he himself. without the strength necessary to enforce the execution of its orders; without the power of passing any laws upon the subject of taxes; obliged to point out the necessities of the country, and to solicit the thirteen confederated states to provide for them, in the face of an exhausted people, a ruined commerce, and a depreciated paper currency; this assembly, though firm and prudent, was often able to do nothing more than address new entreaties to the states, and clothe washington with new powers; instructing him to obtain from the local governments, reinforcements, money, provisions, and every thing requisite to carry on the war. { } washington accepted this difficult trust: and he soon found a new obstacle to surmount, a new danger to remove. no bond of union, no central power, had hitherto united the colonies. each one having been founded and governed separately, each, on its own account, providing for its own safety, for its public works, for its most trifling as well as most important affairs, they had contracted habits of isolation and almost of rivalship, which the distrustful mother country had taken pains to foster. in their relations to each other, even ambition and the desire of conquest insinuated themselves, as if the states had been foreign to each other; the most powerful ones sometimes attempted to absorb the neighboring establishments, or to deprive them of their authority; and in their most important interest, the defence of their frontiers against the savages, they often followed a selfish course of policy, and mutually abandoned one another. { } it was a most arduous task to combine at once, into one system, elements which had hitherto been separated, without holding them together by violence, and, while leaving them free, to induce them to act in concert under the guidance of one and the same power. the feelings of individuals no less than public institutions, passions as well as laws, were opposed to this result. the colonies wanted confidence in each other. all of them were jealous of the power of congress, the new and untried rival of the local assemblies; they were still more jealous of the army, which they regarded as being, at the same time, dangerous to the independence of the states and to the liberty of the citizens. upon this point, new and enlightened opinions were in unison with popular feeling. the danger of standing armies, and the necessity, in free countries, of perpetually resisting and diminishing their power, their influence, and the contagion of their morals, was one of the favorite maxims of the eighteenth century. { } nowhere, perhaps, was this maxim more generally or more warmly received than in the colonies of america. in the bosom of the national party, those who were the most ardent, the most firmly resolved to carry on the contest with vigor and to the end, were also the most sensitive friends of civil liberty; that is to say, these were the men, who looked upon the army, a military spirit, military discipline, with the most hostile and suspicious eye. thus it happened, that obstacles were met with precisely in that quarter in which it was natural to look for, and to expect to find, the means of success. and in this army itself, the object of so much distrust, there prevailed the most independent and democratic spirit. all orders were submitted to discussion. each company claimed the privilege of acting on its own account and for its own convenience. the troops of the different states were unwilling to obey any other than their own generals; and the soldiers, any other than officers, sometimes directly chosen, and always at least approved, by themselves. { } and the day after a defeat which it was necessary to retrieve, or a victory which was to be followed up, whole regiments would break up and go home, it being impossible to prevail upon them to wait even a few days for the arrival of their successors. a painful doubt, mingled with apprehension, arises in the mind at the contemplation of the many and severe sufferings with which the course of the most just revolution is attended, and of the many and perilous chances to which a revolution, the best prepared for success, is exposed. but this doubt is rash and unjust. man, through pride, is blind in his confident expectation, and, through weakness, is no less blind in his despair. the most just and successful revolution brings into light the evil, physical and moral, always great, which lies hidden in every human society. but the good does not perish in this trial, nor in the unholy connexion which it is thus led to form; however imperfect and alloyed, it preserves its power as well as its rights; if it be the leading principle in men, it prevails, sooner or later, in events also, and instruments are never wanting to accomplish its victory. { } let the people of the united states for ever hold in respectful and grateful remembrance, the leading men of that generation which achieved their independence, and founded their government! franklin, adams, hamilton, jefferson, madison, jay, henry mason, greene, knox, morris, pinckney, clinton, trumbull, rutledge; it would be impossible to enumerate them all; for, at the time the contest began, there were in each colony, and in almost every county in each colony, some men already honored by their fellow citizens, already well known in the defence of public liberty, influential by their property, talent, or character; faithful to ancient virtues, yet friendly to modern improvement; sensible to the splendid advantages of civilization, and yet attached to simplicity of manners; high-toned in their feelings, but of modest minds, at the same time ambitious and prudent in their patriotic impulses; men of rare endowments, who expected much from humanity, without presuming too much upon themselves, and who risked for their country far more than they could receive from her, even after her triumph. { } it was to these men, aided by god and seconded by the people, that the success of the cause was due. among them, washington was the chief. while yet young, indeed very young, he had become an object of great expectation. employed as an officer of militia in some expeditions to the western frontier of virginia against the french and indians, he had made an equal impression on his superiors and his companions, the english governors and the american people. the former wrote to london to recommend him to the favor of the king. [footnote ] the latter, assembled in their churches, to invoke the blessing of god upon their arms, listened with enthusiasm to an eloquent preacher, samuel davies, who, in praising the courage of the virginians, exclaimed, "as a remarkable instance of this, i many point out to the public that heroic youth, colonel washington, whom i cannot but hope providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] [footnote : august th, . washington's writings. vol. ii. p. .] { } it is also related, that fifteen years afterwards, in a journey which washington made to the west, when on the banks of the ohio, an old indian at the head of his tribe requested to see him, and told him that, at the battle of monongahela, he had several times discharged his rifle at him, and directed his warriors to do the same; but, to their great surprise, their balls had no effect. convinced that washington was under the protection of the great spirit, he had ceased to fire at him, and had now come to pay his respects to a man who, by the peculiar favor of heaven, could never die in battle. men are fond of thinking that providence has permitted them to penetrate its secret purposes. the anecdote of the old chief became current in america, and formed the subject of a drama, called _the indian prophecy_. [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] { } never, perhaps, was this vague expectation, this premature confidence in the destiny, i hardly venture to say the predestination, of any individual more natural, than in the case of washington; for there never was a man who appeared to be, and who really was, from his youth, and in his early actions, more consistent with his future career, and more adapted to the cause, upon which he was destined to bestow success. he was a planter by inheritance and inclination, and devoted to those agricultural interests, habits, and modes of life, which constituted the chief strength of american society. fifty years later, jefferson, in order to justify his confidence in the purely democratic organization of this society, said, "it cannot deceive us as long as we remain virtuous, and i think we shall, as long as agriculture is our principal object." [footnote ] [footnote : _edinburgh review_, july, , p. .] from the age of twenty years, washington considered agriculture as his principal employment, making himself well acquainted with the prevalent tone of feeling, and sympathizing with the virtuous and simple habits of his country. { } traveling, field-sports, the survey of distant tracts of land, intercourse, friendly or hostile, with the indians on the frontier, these formed the amusements of his youth. he was of that bold and hardy temperament, which takes pleasure in those adventures and perils, which, in a vast and wild country, man has to encounter. he had that strength of body, perseverance, and presence of mind, which insure success. in this respect, at his entrance into life, he felt a slightly presumptuous degree of self-confidence. he writes to governor dinwiddie; "for my own part i can answer, that i have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials, and, i flatter myself, resolution to face what any man dares." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] to a spirit like this, war was a more congenial employment than field-sports or traveling. as soon as an opportunity offered, he embraced the employment with that ardor, which, in the early period of life, does not reveal a man's capacity so certainly as his taste. { } in , it is said, when george the second was hearing a despatch read, which had been transmitted by the governor of virginia, and in which washington, than a young major, ended the narrative of his first battle with the words, "i heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound;" the king observed, "he would not say so, if he had been used to hear many." washington was of the king's opinion; for, when the major of the virginia militia had become the commander-in-chief of the united states, some one having asked him if it were true, that he had ever expressed such a sentiment, he replied, "if i said so, it was when i was young." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] but his youthful ardor, which was at the same time serious and calm, had the authority which belongs to a riper age. from the first moment in which he embraced the military profession, he took pleasure, far more than in the excitement of battle, in that noble exercise of the understanding and the will, armed with power in order to accomplish a worthy purpose, that powerful combination of human action and good fortune, which kindles and inspires the most elevated as well as the most simple minds. { } born in the first rank of colonial society, trained in the public schools in the midst of his countrymen, he took his place naturally at their head; for he was at once their superior and their equal; formed to the same habits, skilled in the same exercises; a stranger, like them, to all elegant learning, without any pretensions to scientific knowledge, claiming nothing for himself, and exerting only in the public service that ascendency, which always attends a judicious and penetrating understanding, and a calm and energetic character, in a disinterested position. in , he was just appearing in society, and entering upon his military career. it is a young officer of two-and-twenty, who commands battalions of militia, and corresponds with the representative of the king of england. in neither of these relations does he feel any embarrassment. he loves his associates; he respects the king and the governor; but neither affection nor respect alters the independence of his judgment or of his conduct. { } by an admirable, instinctive power of action and command, he sees and apprehends, by what means and upon what terms success is to be obtained in the enterprise he has undertaken on behalf of his king and his country. and these terms he imposes, these means he insists upon; from the soldiers he exacts all that can be accomplished by discipline, promptness, and activity in the service; from the governor, that he shall discharge his duty in respect to the pay of the soldiers, the furnishing of supplies, and the choice of officers. in every case, whether his words or opinions are sent up to the superior to whom he is rendering his account, or pass down to the subordinates under his command, they are equally precise, practical, and decided, equally marked by that authority which truth and necessity bestow upon the man who appears in their name. from this moment, washington is the leading american of his time, the faithful and conspicuous representative of his country, the man who will best understand and best serve her, whether he be called upon to fight or negotiate for her, to defend or to govern her. { } it is not the issue alone which has revealed this. his contemporaries foresaw it. colonel fairfax, his first patron, wrote to him, in , "your good health and fortune are the toast at every table." [footnote ] in , chosen, for the first time, to the house of burgesses in virginia, at the moment when he was taking his seat in the house, the speaker, mr. robinson, presented to him, in warm and animated terms, the thanks of the house for the services which he had rendered to his country. washington rose to make his acknowledgments for so distinguished an honor; but such was his embarrassment, that he could not speak a single word; he blushed, hesitated, and trembled. the speaker at once came to his aid, and said, "sit down, mr. washington; your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language that i possess." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ii. p. .] [footnote : spark's _life of washington_, vol. i. p. .] { } finally, in , on the eve of the great struggle, after the separation of the first congress held for the purpose of making preparations to meet it, patrick henry replied to those that inquired of him, who was the first man in congress, "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge, of south carolina, is the greatest orator; but, if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." [footnote ] [footnote : spark's _life of washington_, vol. i., p. .] however, to say nothing of eloquence, washington had not those brilliant and extraordinary qualities, which strike the imagination of men at the first glance. he did not belong to the class of men of vivid genius, who pant for an opportunity of display, are impelled by great thoughts or great passions, and diffuse around them the wealth of their own natures, before any outward occasion or necessity calls for its employment. free from all internal restlessness and the promptings and pride of ambition, washington did not seek opportunities to distinguish himself, and never aspired to the admiration of the world. { } this spirit so resolute, this heart so lofty, was profoundly calm and modest. capable of rising to a level with the highest destiny, he might have lived in ignorance of his real power without suffering from it, and have found, in the cultivation of his estates, a satisfactory employment for those energetic faculties, which were to be proved equal to the task of commanding armies and founding a government. but, when the opportunity presented itself, when the exigence occurred, without effort on his part, without any surprise on the part of others, indeed rather, as we have just seen, in conformity with their expectations, the prudent planter stood forth a great man. he had, in a remarkable degree, those two qualities which, in active life, make men capable of great things. he could confide strongly in his own views, and act resolutely in conformity with them, without fearing to assume the responsibility. { } it is always a weakness of conviction, that leads to weakness of conduct; for man derives his motives from his own thoughts, more than from any other source. from the moment that the quarrel began, washington was convinced, that the cause of his country was just, and that success must necessarily follow so just a cause, in a country already so powerful. nine years were to be spent in war to obtain independence, and ten years in political discussion to form a system of government. obstacles, reverses, enmities, treachery, mistakes, public indifference, personal antipathies, all these incumbered the progress of washington, during this long period. but his faith and hope were never shaken for a moment. in the darkest hours, when he was obliged to contend against the sadness which hung upon his own spirits, he says, "i cannot but hope and believe, that the good sense of the people will ultimately get the better of their prejudices. ... i do not believe, that providence has done so much for nothing. ... the great governor of the universe has led us too long and too far on the road to happiness and glory to forsake us in the midst of it. by folly and improper conduct, proceeding from a variety of causes, we may now and then get bewildered; but i hope and trust, that there is good sense and virtue enough left to recover the right path before we shall be entirely lost." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. pp. , , .] { } and at a later period, when that very france which had so well sustained him daring the war, brought upon him embarrassments and perils more formidable than war; when europe, upheaved from its foundations, was pressing heavily upon his thoughts, and perplexing his mind, no less than america, he still continued to hope and to trust. "the rapidity of national revolutions appears no less astonishing than their magnitude. in what they will terminate is known only to the great ruler of events; and, confiding in his wisdom and goodness, we may safely trust the issue to him, without perplexing ourselves to seek for that, which is beyond human ken; only taking care to perform the parts assigned to us, in a way that reason and our own consciences approve." [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. x. p. .] { } the same strength of conviction, the same fidelity to his own judgment, which he manifested in his estimate of things generally, attended him in his practical management of business. possessing a mind of admirable freedom, rather in virtue of the soundness of its views, than of its fertility; and variety, he never received his opinions at second hand, nor adopted them from any prejudice; but, on every occasion, he formed them himself, by the simple observation or attentive study of facts, unswayed by any bias or prepossession, always acquainting himself personally with the actual truth. thus, when he had examined, reflected, and made up his mind, nothing disturbed him; he did not permit himself to be thrown into, and kept in, a state of perpetual doubt and irresolution, either by the opinions of others, or by love of applause, or by fear of opposition. he trusted in god and in himself. "if any power on earth could, or the great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, there is no being that inhabits the terrestrial globe, that would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as i remain a servant of the public. but as i have found no better guide hitherto, than upright intentions, and close investigation, i shall adhere to those maxims, while i keep the watch." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] { } to this strong and independent understanding, he joined a great courage, always ready to act upon conviction, and fearless of consequences. "what i admire in christopher columbus," said turgot, "is, not his having discovered the new world, but his having gone to search for it on the faith of an opinion." whether the occasion was of great or little moment, whether the consequences were near at hand or remote, washington, when once convinced never hesitated to move onward upon the faith of his conviction. one would have inferred, from his firm and quiet resolution, that it was natural to him to act with decision, and assume responsibility;--a certain sign of a genius born to command; an admirable power, when united to a conscientious disinterestedness. { } on the list of great men, if there be some who have shone with a more dazzling lustre, there are none who have been exposed to a more complete test, in war and in civil government; resisting the king, in the cause of liberty, and the people, in the cause of legitimate authority; commencing a revolution and ending it. from the first moment, his task was clearly manifest in all its extent and all its difficulty. to carry on the war, he had not merely to create an army. to this work, always so difficult, the creating power itself was wanting. the united states had neither a government nor an army. congress, a mere phantom, whose unity was only in name, had neither authority, nor power, nor courage, and did nothing. washington was obliged, from his camp, not only to make constant solicitations, but to suggest measures for adoption, to point out to congress what course they should pursue, if they would prevent both themselves and the army from becoming an idle name. his letters were read while they were in session, and supplied the subject of their debates; debates, characterized by inexperience, timidity, and distrust. they rested satisfied with appearances and promises. they sent messages to the local governments. { } they expressed apprehensions of military power. washington replied respectfully, obeyed, and then insisted; demonstrated the deceptiveness of appearances, and the necessity of a real force to give him the substance of the power, of which he had the name, and to insure to the army the success which they expected of it. brave and intelligent men, devoted to the cause, were not wanting in this assembly, so little experienced in the art of government. some of them went to the camp, examined for themselves, had interviews with washington, and brought with them, on their return, the weight of their own observations and of his advice. the assembly gradually grew wiser and bolder, and gained confidence in themselves and in their general. they adopted the measures, and conferred upon him the powers, which were necessary. he then entered into correspondence and negotiations with local governments, legislatures, committees, magistrates, and private citizens; placing facts before their eyes; appealing to their good sense and their patriotism; availing himself, for the public service, of his personal friendships; dealing prudently with democratic scruples and the sensitiveness of vanity; maintaining his own dignity; speaking as became his high station, but without giving offence, and with persuasive moderation; though wisely heedful of human weakness, being endowed with the power, to an extraordinary degree, of influencing men by honorable sentiments and by truth. { } and when he had succeeded, when congress first, and afterwards the different states, had granted him the necessary means of making an army, his task was not finished; the business of the war had not yet commenced; the army did not exist. here, too, he was obstructed by a complete inexperience, the same want of unity, the same passion for individual independence, the same conflict between patriotic purposes and disorganizing impulses. here, too, he was obliged to bring discordant elements into harmony; to keep together those which were constantly ready to separate; to enlighten, to persuade, to induce; to use personal influence; and, without endangering his dignity or his power, to obtain the moral fidelity, the full and free support, both of the officers and soldiers. { } then only could washington act as a general, and turn his attention to the war. or, rather, it was during the war, in the midst of its scenes, its perils, and its hazards, that he was constantly obliged to recommence, both in the country and the army itself, this work of organization and government. his military capacity has been called in question. he did not manifest, it is true, those striking displays of it which, in europe, have given renown to great captains. operating with a small army over an immense space, great manoeuvres and great battles were necessarily unknown to him. but his superiority, acknowledged and declared by his companions, the continuance of the war during nine years, and its final success, are also to be taken as proofs of his merit, and may well justify his reputation. his personal bravery was chivalrous even to rashness, and he more than once abandoned himself to this impulse in a manner painful to contemplate. more than once, the american militia, seized with terror, took to flight, and brave officers sacrificed their lives to infuse courage into their soldiers. { } in , on a similar occasion, washington indignantly persisted in remaining on the field of battle, exerting himself to arrest the fugitives by his example and even by his hand. "we made," wrote general greene the next day, "a miserable, disorderly retreat from new york, owing to the disorderly conduct of the militia. fellows's and parsons's brigades ran away from about fifty men, and left his excellency on the ground within eighty yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than life." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. iv. p. .] on more than one occasion, also, when the opportunity appeared favorable, he displayed the boldness of the general as well as the intrepidity of the man. he has been called the _american fabius_, it being said that the art of avoiding battle, of baffling the enemy, and of temporizing, was his talent as well as his taste. in , before boston, at the opening of the war, this fabius wished to bring it to a close by a sudden attack upon the english army, which he flattered himself he should be able to destroy. { } three successive councils of war, forced him to abandon his design, but without shaking his conviction, and he expressed bitter regret at the result. [footnote ] in , in the state of new york, when the weather was extremely cold, in the midst of a retreat, with troops half disbanded, the greater part of whom were preparing to leave him and return to their own homes, washington suddenly assumed an offensive position, attacked, one after another, at trenton and princeton, the different corps of the english army, and gained two battles in eight hours. [footnote : washington's writings, vol. iii. pp. , , , , , , , .] moreover, he understood what was even a much higher and much more difficult art, than that of making war; he knew how to control and direct it. war was to him only a means, always kept subordinate to the main and final object,--the success of the cause, the independence of the country. when, in , the prospect of a possible war between the united states and france occurred to disturb the repose of mount vernon, though already approaching to old age and fond of his retirement, he thus wrote to mr. adams, his successor in the administration of the republic. { } "it was not difficult for me to perceive that, if we entered into a serious contest with france, the character of the war would differ materially from the last we were engaged in. in the latter, time, caution, and worrying the enemy, until we could be better provided with arms and other means, and had better disciplined troops to carry it on, was the plan for us. but if we should be engaged with the former, they ought to be attacked every step." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] this system of active and aggressive war, which, at the age of sixty-six, he proposed to adopt, was one which, twenty-two years before, in the vigor of life, neither the advice of some of the generals, his friends, nor the slanders of some others, his enemies, nor the complaints of the states which were laid waste by the enemy, nor popular clamor, nor the desire of glory, nor the recommendations of congress itself, had been able to induce him to follow. { } "i know the unhappy predicament i stand in; i know that much is expected of me; i know, that without men, without arms, without ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done; and, what is mortifying, i know that i cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, which i am determined not to do. ... my own situation is so irksome to me at times, that, if i did not consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, i should, long ere this, have put every thing on the cast of a die." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. iii p. .] he persisted in this course during nine years. only when the protracted nature of the contest and the general indifference were occasioning a feeling of discouragement, akin to apathy, did he determine to strike a blow, to encounter some brilliant hazard, to make the country aware of the presence of his army, and relieve the people's hearts of some of their apprehensions. { } it was thus that, in , he fought the battle of germantown. and when, in the midst of reverses, endured with heroic patience, he was asked what he should do if the enemy continued to advance, if philadelphia, for instance, should be taken; he replied, "we will retreat beyond the susquehanna river, and thence, if necessary, to the alleghany mountains." [footnote ] [footnote : sparks's _washington_, vol. i. p. .] besides this patriotic calmness and patience, he displayed the same quality in another form, still more praiseworthy. he saw, without chagrin and ill-humor, the successes of his inferiors in command. still more, when the public service rendered it advisable, he supplied them largely with the means and opportunity of gaining them. a disinterestedness worthy of all praise, rarely found in the greatest minds; as wise as it was noble, in the midst of the envious tendencies of a democratic society; and which, perhaps, we may be permitted to hope, was in his case attended with a deep and tranquil consciousness of his superiority, and of the glory that would follow him. { } when the horizon was dark, when repeated checks and a succession of misfortunes seemed to throw a doubt upon the capacity of the commander-in-chief, and gave birth to disorders, intrigues, and hostile insinuations, a powerful voice was quickly raised in his behalf,--the voice of the army, which loaded washington with testimonials of affectionate respect, and placed him beyond the reach of complaints and hostile attacks. in the winter of and . while the army was encamped at valley forge, exposed to the most severe hardships, some restless and treacherous spirits organized against washington a conspiracy of considerable magnitude, which penetrated into the congress itself. he opposed himself to it with stern frankness, saying, without reserve and without cautious insincerity, all he thought of his adversaries, and leaving his conduct to speak for itself. such a course, at such a moment, was putting much at hazard. but the public respect in which he was held was so profound, the friends of washington, lord stirling, lafayette, greene, knox, patrick henry, henry laurens, supported him so warmly, the movement of opinion in the army was so decided, that he triumphed almost without defending himself. { } the principal framer of this conspiracy, an irishman by the name of conway, after having sent in his resignation, continued to spread against him the most injurious charges. general cadwalader resented this conduct; a duel was the consequence; and conway, severely wounded, and believing himself to be near his death, wrote as follows, to washington. "i find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your excellency. my career will soon be over; therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. you are, in my eyes, the great and good man. may you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these states, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. v. p. . ] { } in , the officers of a new jersey regiment, imperfectly paid, burdened with debts contracted in the service, anxious about their future prospects and those of their families, made an official declaration to the legislature of that state, that they would resign in a body, if they were not better treated. washington blamed them extremely, and required of them to withdraw their declaration; but they persisted in their course. "it was, and still is, our determination to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers, until the legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. we beg leave to assure your excellency, that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure; that we love the service, and love our country; but when that country gets so lost to virtue and justice, as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." [footnote ] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. iv. p. .] { } thus, respect for washington appeared conspicuously, even in the cabals formed against him, and was mingled with disobedience itself. in the state of distress and disorganization into which the american army was perpetually falling, the personal influence of washington, the affection which was felt for him, the desire of imitating his example, the fear of losing his esteem, or even of giving him pain, deserve to be enumerated among the principal causes, which kept many men, both officers and soldiers, at their posts, kindled anew their zeal, and formed among them that military _esprit de corps_, that friendship of the camp, which is a feeling of great strength, and a fine compensating influence in so rough a profession. it is a privilege of great men, and often a corrupting one, to inspire affection and devotedness, without feeling them in return. this vice of greatness washington was exempt from. he loved his associates, his officers, his army. it was not merely from a sense of justice and duty, that he sympathized in their sufferings, and took their interests into his own hands with an indefatigable zeal. { } he regarded them with a truly tender feeling, marked by compassion for the sufferings he had seen them endure, and by gratitude for the attachment which they had shown to him. and when, in , at the close of the war, at frances's tavern, in new york, the principal officers, at the moment of their final separation, passed in silence before him, each one pressing his hand as he went by, he was himself moved and agitated, at heart and in his countenance, to a degree that seemed hardly consistent with the firm composure of his spirit. nevertheless, he never showed to the army any weakness, or any spirit of unworthy compliance. he never permitted it to be the first object of consideration to itself, and never lost an opportunity to inculcate upon it this truth, that subordination and implicit submission, not only to its country, but to the civil power, was its natural condition, and its first duty. upon this subject, he gave it, on three important occasions, the most admirable and the most effective of lessons, that of example. in , he rejected, "with great and painful surprise," [footnote ] (these are his expressions), the crown and the supreme power, which some discontented officers were offering to him. [footnote : washington's writings, vol. viii. p. .] { } in , on the eve of the disbanding of the troops, having been informed that the draft of an address was circulating through the army, and that a general meeting was about to be held to deliberate upon the means of obtaining by force, that which congress, in spite of justice, had refused to grant, he expressed, in the orders of the day, his strong disapprobation of the measure, himself called together another meeting, attended in person, recalled the officers to the consideration of their duty and the public good, and then withdrew, before any discussion took place, wishing to leave to the parties themselves the merit of retracing their steps, which was done promptly and generally. [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. viii. pp. - .] { } finally, in and , when the officers in their retirement attempted to form among themselves the society of cincinnati, in order to preserve some bond of union in their dispersed condition, and for the mutual aid of themselves and their families, as soon as washington saw that the uneasiness and distrust of a jealous people were awakened by the mere name of a military society, a military order, notwithstanding the personal inclination which he felt towards the institution, he not only caused a change to be made in its statutes, but publicly declined being its president, and ceased to take any part in it. [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. pp. , .] by a singular coincidence, about the same time, gustavus the third, king of sweden, forbade the swedish officers who had served in the french army during the american war, to wear the order of the cincinnati, "on the ground, that the institution had a republican tendency not suited to his government." [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] "if we cannot convince the people that their fears are ill-founded, we should, at least, in a degree yield to them," said washington, upon this subject. [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] he did not yield, even to the people, when the public interest would have suffered from such a course; but he had too just a sense of the relative importance of things to display the same inflexibility, when merely personal interests or private feelings, however reasonable, were in question. { } when the object of the war was obtained, when he had taken leave of his companions in arms, mingled with his affectionate regret, and the joy which he felt in the prospect of repose after victory, another feeling may be perceived in his mind, faint indeed, and perhaps even unknown to himself, and this was, a regret in leaving his military life, that noble profession to which he had devoted his best years with so much distinction. it was a highly congenial employment to washington, whose genius was methodical, and more firm than inventive; who was just, and full of good-will to all men, but grave, somewhat cold, born for command rather than struggle; in action, loving order, discipline, and subordination of ranks; and preferring the simple and vigorous exercise of power, in a good cause, to the complicated intrigues and impassioned debates of politics. { } "the scene is at last closed. ... on the eve of christmas, i entered these doors an older man by nine years than when i left them. ... i am just beginning to experience that ease and freedom from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to realize. it was not till lately i could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as i waked in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that i was no longer a public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions. ... i hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues. ... the life of a husbandman, of all others, is the most delightful. it is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. ... i have not only retired from all public employments, but i am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction. envious of none, i am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order for my march, i will move gently down the stream of life, until i sleep with my fathers." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. pp. , , , , .] { } washington, in uttering such language, was not merely expressing a momentary feeling, the enjoyment of repose, after long-protracted toil, and of liberty, after a severe confinement. the tranquil and active life of a great landed proprietor; those employments, full of interest and free from anxiety; that domestic authority, seldom disputed, and attended with little responsibility; that admirable harmony between the intelligence of man and the prolific power of nature; that sober and simple hospitality; the high satisfaction which springs from consideration and good-will obtained without effort,--these were truly suited to his taste, and were the objects of constant preference to his mind. he would probably have chosen this very life. he enjoyed it; and he enjoyed, besides, all that could be added to it by the public gratitude and his glory, which were delightful in spite of their importunate claims upon him. { } always of a serious and practical turn of mind, he made improvements in the cultivation of his estates, embellished his mansion-house, occupied himself with the local interests of virginia, traced the outline of that great system of internal navigation from east to west, which was destined, at a future period, to put the united states in possession of one-half the new world, established schools, put his papers in order, carried on an extensive correspondence, and took great pleasure in receiving, under his roof, and at his table, his attached friends. "it is my wish," he wrote to one of them, a few days after his return to mount vernon, "that the mutual friendship and esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of public life, may not wither and die in the serenity of retirement. we should rather amuse the evening hours of life in cultivating the tender plants, and bringing them to perfection before they are transplanted to a happier clime." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] { } towards the end of the year , m. de lafayette came to mount vernon. washington felt for him a truly paternal affection, the tenderest, perhaps, of which his life presents any trace. apart from the services rendered by him, from the personal esteem he inspired, and from the attractiveness of his character, apart even from the enthusiastic devotion which m. de lafayette testified for him, this elegant and chivalrous young nobleman, who had escaped from the court of versailles to dedicate his sword and his fortune to the yeomanry of america, was singularly pleasing to the grave american general. it was, as it were, a homage paid by the nobility of the old world to his cause and his person; a sort of connecting tie between him and that french society, which was so brilliant, so intellectual, and so celebrated. in his modest elevation of mind, he was flattered as well as touched by it, and his thoughts rested with an emotion full of complacency upon this young friend, whose life was like that of none other, and who had quitted every thing to serve by his side. { } "in the moment of our separation," he wrote to him, "upon the road as i traveled, and every hour since, i have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. i often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight i should ever have of you. and though i wished to say no, my fears answered yes. i called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that i was now descending the hill i had been fifty-two years climbing, and that, though i was blest with a good constitution, i was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. these thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again. but i will not repine; i have had my day." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] notwithstanding this sad presentiment, and his sincere taste for repose, his thoughts dwelt constantly upon the condition and affairs of his country. no man can separate himself from the place in which he has once held a distinguished position. { } "retired as i am from the world," he writes in , "i frankly acknowledge i cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] the spectacle deeply affected and disturbed him. the confederation was falling to pieces. congress, its sole bond of union, was without power, not even daring to make use of the little that was intrusted to it. the moral weakness of men was added to the political weakness of institutions. the states were falling a prey to their hostilities, to their mutual distrust, to their narrow and selfish views. the treaties, which had sanctioned the national independence, were executed only in an imperfect and a precarious manner. the debts contracted, both in the old and new world, were unpaid. the taxes destined to liquidate them never found their way into the public treasury. agriculture was languishing; commerce was declining; anarchy was extending. in all parts of the country itself, whether enlightened or ignorant, whether the blame was laid on the government, or the want of government, the discontent was general. { } in europe, the reputation of the united states was rapidly sinking. it was asked if there would ever be any united states. england encouraged this doubt, looking forward to the hour when she might profit by it. the sorrow of washington was extreme, and he was agitated and humbled as if he had been still responsible for the course of events. "what, gracious god!" he wrote, on learning the troubles in massachusetts, "is man, that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct? it was but the other day, that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live; constitutions of our own choice and making; and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. the thing is so unaccountable, that i hardly know how to realize it, or to persuade myself, that i am not under the illusion of a dream." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] { } "we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. experience has taught us, that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a coercive power." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] "from the high ground we stood upon, to be so fallen, so lost, is really mortifying." [footnote ] "in regretting, which i have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend, general greene, i have accompanied it of late with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to the scenes which, it is more than probable, many of his compatriots may live to bemoan." [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] nevertheless, the course of events, and the progress of general good sense, were also mingling hope with this patriotic sorrow,-- a hope full of anxiety and uneasiness, the only one which the imperfection of human things permits elevated minds to form, but which is sufficient to keep up their courage. throughout the whole confederation, the evil was felt and a glimpse was caught of the remedy. { } the jealousies of the states, local interests, ancient habits, democratic prejudices, were all strongly opposed to the sacrifices which were requisite in order to form a government in which the central power should be stronger and more prominent. still, the spirit of order and union; the love of america as their country; regret at seeing it decline in the esteem of mankind; the disgust created by the petty, interminable, and profitless disturbances of anarchy; the obvious nature of its evils, the perception of its dangers; all the just opinions and noble sentiments which filled the mind of washington, were gradually extending themselves, gathering additional strength, and preparing the way for a happier future. four years had hardly elapsed since the peace, which had sanctioned the acquisition of independence, when a national convention, brought together by a general spontaneous feeling, assembled at philadelphia, for the purpose of reforming the federal government. commencing its session the th day of may, , it made choice of washington for its president on the same day. { } from the th of may to the th of september, it was occupied in forming the constitution, which has governed the united states of america for fifty years; deliberating with closed doors, and under influences the most intelligent and the most pure that ever presided over such a work. on the th of april, , at the very moment when the constituent assembly was commencing its session at paris, washington, having been chosen by a unanimous vote, took an oath, as president of the republic, to maintain and put in force the new-born constitution, in the presence of the great functionaries and legislative bodies which had been created by it. never did a man ascend to the highest dignity by a more direct path, nor in compliance with a more universal wish, nor with an influence wider and more welcome. he hesitated much. in leaving the command of the army, he had openly announced, and had sincerely promised himself, that he should live in retirement, a stranger to public affairs. to change his plans, to sacrifice his tastes and his repose, for very uncertain success, perhaps to be charged with inconsistency and ambition, this was to him an immense effort. { } the assembling of congress was delayed; the election of washington to the presidency, though known, had not been officially announced to him. "for myself," he wrote to his friend, gen knox, "the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for, in confidence i tell you, (with the _world_ it would obtain little credit,) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit, who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am i, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to manage the helm." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] the message at length arrived, and he commenced his journey. in his diary, he writes; "about ten o'clock, i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york, with the best disposition to render service to my country, in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] { } his journey was a triumphal procession; on the road, and in the towns, the whole population came out to meet him, with shouts of applause and prayers in his behalf. he entered new york, conducted by a committee of congress, in an elegantly decorated barge, rowed by thirteen pilots, representing the thirteen states, in the midst of an immense crowd in the harbor and upon the shore. his own state of feeling remained the same. "the display of boats," says he in his diary, "which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the sky as i passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case, after all my labors to do good,) as they were pleasing." [footnote ] [footnote : marshall's _life of washington_, vol. v. p. .] { } about a century and a half before, on the banks of the thames, a similar crowd and like outward signs of feeling had attended cromwell to westminster, when he was proclaimed protector of the commonwealth of england. "what throngs! what acclamations!" said his flatterers. cromwell replied, "there would be still more, if they were going to hang me." a singular resemblance, and also a noble difference between the sentiments and the language of a corrupted great man and a virtuous great man. washington was, with reason, anxious about the task which he undertook. the sagacity of a sage, united to the devotedness of a hero, constitutes the highest glory of humanity. the nation, which he had conducted to independence, and which required a government at his hands, being hardly yet formed, was entering upon one of those social changes which render the future so uncertain, and power so perilous. it is a remark often made, and generally assented to, that in the english colonies, before their separation from the mother country, the state of society and feeling was essentially republican, and that every thing was prepared for this form of government. { } but a republican form of government can govern, and, in point of fact, has governed societies essentially different; and the same society may undergo great changes without ceasing to be a republic. all the english colonies showed themselves, nearly in the same degree, in favor of the republican constitution. at the north and at the south, in virginia and the carolinas, as well as in connecticut and massachusetts, the public will was the same, so far as the form of government was concerned. still, (and the remark has been often made,) considered in their social organization, in the condition and relative position of their inhabitants, these colonies were very different. in the south, especially in virginia and north carolina, the soil belonged, in general, to large proprietors, who were surrounded by slaves or by cultivators on a small scale. entails and the right of primogeniture secured the perpetuity of families. there was an established and endowed church. the civil legislation of england, bearing strongly the impress of its feudal origin, had been maintained almost without exception. the social state was aristocratic. { } in the north, especially in massachusetts, connecticut, new hampshire, rhode island, &c., the fugitive puritans had brought with them, and planted there, strict democracy with religious enthusiasm. here, there was no slavery; there were no large proprietors in the midst of an inferior population, no entailment of landed property; there was no church, with different degrees of rank, and founded in the name of the state; no social superiority, lawfully established and maintained. man was here left to his own efforts and to divine favor. the spirit of independence and equality had passed from the church to the state. still, however, even in the northern colonies, and under the sway of puritan principles, other causes, not sufficiently noticed, qualified this character of the social state, and modified its development. there is a great, a very great difference between a purely religious and a purely political democratic spirit. { } however ardent, however impracticable the former may be, it receives in its origin, and maintains in its action, a powerful element of subordination and order, that is, reverence. in spite of their spiritual pride, the puritans, every day, bent before a master, and submitted to him their thoughts, their heart, their life: and on the shores of america, when they had no longer to defend their liberties against human power, when they were governing themselves in the presence of god, the sincerity of their faith and the strictness of their manners, counteracted the inclination of the spirit of democracy towards individual lawlessness and general disorder. those magistrates, so watched, so constantly changed, had still a strong ground of support, which rendered them firm, often even severe, in the exercise of authority. in the bosom of those families, so jealous of their rights, so opposed to all political display, to all conventional greatness, the paternal authority was strong and much respected. the law sanctioned rather than limited it. entails and inequality in inheritance were forbidden; but the father had the entire disposition of his property, and divided it among his children according to his own will. { } in general, civil legislation was not controlled by political maxims, and preserved the impress of ancient manners. in consequence of this, the democratic spirit, though predominant, was everywhere met by checks and balances. besides, a circumstance of material importance, temporary, but of decisive effect, served to conceal its presence and retarded its sway. in the towns, there was no populace; in the country, the population was settled around the principal planters, commonly those who had received grants of the soil, and were invested with the local magistracies. the social principles were democratic, but the position of individuals was very little so. instruments were wanting to give effect to the principles. influence still dwelt with rank. and on the other hand, the number did not press heavily enough to make the greater weight in the balance. but the revolution, hastening the progress of events, gave to american society a general and rapid movement in the direction of democracy. in those states where the aristocratic principle was still strong, as in virginia, it was immediately assailed and subdued. { } entails disappeared. the church lost not only its privileges, but its official rank in the state. the elective principle prevailed throughout the whole government. the right of suffrage was greatly extended. civil legislation, without undergoing a radical change, inclined more and more towards equality. the progress of democracy was still more marked in events than in laws. in the towns, the population increased rapidly, and with it, the populace also. in the country towards the west, beyond the alleghany mountains, by a constant and accelerated movement of emigration, new states were growing up or preparing to be formed, inhabited by a scattered population, always in contest with the rude powers of nature and the ferocious passions of savages; half savage themselves; strangers to the forms and proprieties of thickly settled communities; given up to the selfishness of their own separated and solitary existence, and of their passions; bold, proud, rude, and passionate. { } thus, in all parts of the country, along the sea-board as well as in the interior of the continent, in the great centres of population, and in the forests hardly yet explored, in the midst of commercial activity and of rural life, numbers, the simple individual, personal independence, primitive equality, all these democratic elements were increasing, extending their influence, and taking, in the state and its institutions, the place which had been prepared for them, but which they had not previously held. and, in the course of ideas, the same movement, even more rapid, hurried along the minds of men and the progress of opinion, far in advance of events. in the midst of the most civilized and wisest states, the most radical theories obtained not only favor but strength. "the property of the united states has been protected from the confiscation of britain, by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property of all; and he that attempts opposition to this creed, is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face of the earth. ... { } they are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded paper money, which shall be a tender in all cases whatever." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] these disorganizing fancies were received in massachusetts, connecticut, and new hampshire, by a considerable portion of the people; twelve or fifteen thousand men took up arms, in order to reduce them to practice. and the evil appeared so serious, that madison, the most intimate friend of jefferson, a man whom the democratic party subsequently ranked among its leaders, regarded american society as almost lost, and hardly ventured to entertain any hope. [footnote ] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] two powers act in concurrence to develope and maintain the life of a people; its civil constitution and its political organization, the general influences of society and the authorities of the state; the latter were wanting to the infant american commonwealth, still more than the former. in this society, so disturbed, so slightly connected, the old government had disappeared, and the new had not yet been formed. { } i have spoken of the insignificance of congress, the only bond of union between the states, the only central power; a power without rights and without strength; signing treaties, nominating ambassadors, proclaiming that the public good required certain laws, certain taxes, and a certain army; but not having itself the power of making laws, or judges, or officers to administer them; without taxes, with which to pay its ambassadors, officers, and judges, or troops to enforce the payment of taxes and cause its laws, judges, and officers to be respected. the political state was still more weak and more wavering than the social state. the constitution was formed to remedy this evil, to give to the union a government. it accomplished two great results. the central government became a real one, and was placed in its proper position. the constitution freed it from the control of the states, gave it a direct action upon the citizens without the intervention of the local authorities, and supplied it with the instruments necessary to give effect to its will; with taxes, judges, officers, and soldiers. { } in its own interior organization, the central government was well conceived and well balanced; the duties and relations of the several powers were regulated with great good sense, and a clear understanding of the conditions upon which order and political vitality were to be had; at least for a republican form, and the society for which it was intended. in comparing the constitution of the united states with the anarchy from which it sprang, we cannot too much admire the wisdom of its framers, and of the generation which selected and sustained them. but the constitution, though adopted and promulgated, was as yet a mere name. it supplied remedies against the evil, but the evil was still there. the great powers, which it had brought into existence, were confronted with the events which had preceded it and rendered it so necessary, and with the parties which were formed by these events, and were striving to mould society, and the constitution itself, according to their own views. at the first glance, the names of these parties excite surprise. federal and democratic; between these two qualities, these two tendencies, there is no real and essential difference. { } in holland, in the seventeenth century, in switzerland even in our time, it was the democratic party which aimed at strengthening the federal union, the central government; it was the aristocratic party which placed itself at the head of the local governments, and defended their sovereignty. the dutch people supported william of nassau and the stadtholdership against john de witt and the leading citizens of the towns. the patricians of schweitz and uri are the most obstinate enemies of the federal diet and of its power. in the course of their struggle, the american parties often received different designations. the democratic party arrogated to itself the title of _republican_, and bestowed on the other, that of _monarchists_ and _monocrats_. the federalists called their opponents _anti-unionists_. they mutually accused each other of tending, the one to monarchy, and the other to separation; of wishing to destroy, the one the republic, and the other the union. this was either a bigoted prejudice or a party trick. both parties were sincerely friendly to a republican form of government and the union of the states. { } the names, which they gave one another for the sake of mutual disparagement, were still more false than their original denominations were imperfect and improperly opposed to each other. practically, and so far as the immediate affairs of the country were concerned, they differed less, than they either said or thought, in their mutual hatred. but, in reality, there was a permanent and essential difference between them in their principles and their tendencies. the federal party was, at the same time, aristocratic, favorable to the preponderance of the higher classes, as well as to the power of the central government. the democratic party was, also, the local party; desiring at once the rule of the majority, and the almost entire independence of the state governments. thus there were points of difference between them, respecting both social order and political order; the constitution of society itself, as well as of its government. thus those paramount and eternal questions, which have agitated and will continue to agitate the world, and which are linked to the far higher problem of man's nature and destiny, were all involved in the american parties, and were all concealed under their names. { } it was in the midst of this society; so agitated and disturbed, that washington, without ambition, without any false show, from a sense of duty rather than inclination, and rather trusting in truth than confident of success, undertook actually to found the government which a new-born constitution had just decreed. he rose to his high office, invested with an immense influence, which was acknowledged and received even by his enemies. but he himself has made the profound remark, that "influence is not government." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] in the struggle of the parties, all that had reference to the mere organization of civil society, occupied his attention very little. this involves abstruse and recondite questions, which are clearly revealed only to the meditations of the philosopher, after he has surveyed human societies in all periods and under all their forms. washington was little accustomed to contemplation, or acquainted with science. { } in , before going to philadelphia, he had undertaken, for the purpose of getting clear views, to study the constitution of the principal confederations, ancient and modern; and the abstract of this labor, found among his papers, shows, that he had made a collection of facts in support of the plain dictates of his good sense, rather than penetrated into the essential nature of these complicated associations. moreover, washington's natural inclination was rather to a democratic social state, than to any other. of a mind just, rather than expansive, of a temper wise and calm; full of dignity, but free from all selfish and arrogant pretensions; coveting rather respect than power; the impartiality of democratic principles, and the simplicity of democratic manners, far from offending or annoying him, suited his tastes and satisfied his judgment. he did not trouble himself with inquiring, like the partisans of the aristocratic system, whether more elaborate combinations, a division into ranks, privileges, and artificial barriers, were necessary to the preservation of society. he lived tranquilly in the midst of an equal and sovereign people, finding its authority to be lawful, and submitting to it without effort. { } but when the question was one of political and not social order, when the discussion turned upon the organization of the government, he was strongly federal, opposed to local and popular pretensions, and the declared advocate of the unity and force of the central power. he placed himself under this standard, and did so in order to insure its triumph. but still his elevation was not the victory of a party, and awakened in no one either exultation or regret. in the eyes, not only of the public, but of his enemies, he was not included in any party, and was above them all; "the only man in the united states," said jefferson, "who possessed the confidence of all; ... there was no other one, who was considered as any thing more than a party leader." [footnote ] [footnote : jefferson's _memoirs_, vol. iv. p. .] { } it was his constant effort to maintain this honorable privilege. "it is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air. [footnote ] ... if it should be my inevitable fate to administer the government, i will go to the chair under no preëngagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. [footnote ] ... should any thing tending to give me anxiety present itself in this or any other publication, i shall never undertake the painful task of recrimination, nor do i know that i should even enter upon my justification. [footnote ] ... all else is but food for declamation. [footnote ] ... men's minds are as variant as their faces; and, where the motives of their actions are pure, the operation of the former is no more to be imputed to them as a crime, than the appearance of the latter. [footnote ] ... differences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to a certain point, they may perhaps be necessary." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. ix. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. x. p. .] { } a stranger also to all personal disputes, to the passions and prejudices of his friends as well as his enemies, the purpose of his whole policy was to maintain this position; and to this policy he gave its true name; he called it "the just medium." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] it is much to have the wish to preserve a just medium; but the wish, though accompanied with firmness and ability, is not always enough to secure it. washington succeeded in this, as much by the natural turn of his mind and character, as by making it his peculiar aim; he was, indeed, really of no party, and his country, in esteeming him so, did no more than pay homage to truth. a man of experience and a man of action, he had an admirable wisdom, and made no pretension to systematic theories. he took no side beforehand; he made no show of the principles that were to govern him. thus, there was nothing like a logical harshness in his conduct, no committal of self-love, no struggle of rival talent. when he obtained the victory, his success was not to his adversaries either a stake lost, or a sweeping sentence of condemnation. it was not on the ground of the superiority of his own mind, that he triumphed; but on the ground of the nature of things, and of the inevitable necessity that accompanied them. { } still his success was not an event without a moral character, the simple result of skill, strength, or fortune. uninfluenced by any theory, he had faith in truth, and adopted it as the guide of his conduct. he did not pursue the victory of one opinion against the partisans of another; neither did he act from interest in the event alone, or merely for success. he did nothing which he did not think to be reasonable and just; so that his conduct, which had no systematic character, that might be humbling to his adversaries, had still a moral character, which commanded respect. men had, moreover, the most thorough conviction of his disinterestedness; that great light, to which men so willingly trust their fate; that vast power, which draws after it their hearts, while, at the same time, it gives them confidence that their interests will not be surrendered, either as a sacrifice, or as instruments to selfishness and ambition. { } his first act, the formation of his cabinet, was the most striking proof of his impartiality. four persons were selected by him; hamilton and knox, of the federal party; jefferson and randolph, of the democratic. knox was a soldier, of integrity, of moderate abilities, and easily influenced; randolph, a restless spirit, of doubtful probity, and little good faith; jefferson and hamilton were both sincere, honest, enthusiastic, and able,--the real heads of the two parties. hamilton deserves to be ranked among those men, who have best understood the vital principles and essential conditions of government; not merely of a nominal government, but of a government worthy of its mission and of its name. in the constitution of the united states, there is not an element of order, strength, and durability, to the introduction and adoption of which he did not powerfully contribute. perhaps he believed the monarchical form preferable to the republican. perhaps he sometimes had doubts of the success of the experiment attempted in his own country. perhaps, also, carried away by his vivid imagination and the logical vehemence of his mind, he was sometimes exclusive in his views, and went too far in his inferences. { } but, of a character as lofty as his mind, he faithfully served the republic, and labored to found and not to weaken it. his superiority consisted in knowing, that, naturally, and by a law inherent in the nature of things, power is above, at the head of society; that government should be constituted according to this law; and that every contrary system or effort brings, sooner or later, trouble and weakness into the society itself. his error consisted in adhering too closely, and with a somewhat arrogant obstinacy, to the precedents of the english constitution, in attributing sometimes in these precedents the same authority to good and to evil, to principles and to the abuse of them, and in not attaching due importance to, and reposing sufficient confidence in, the variety of political forms and the flexibility of human society. there are occasions, in which political genius consists, in not fearing what is new, while what is eternal is respected. the democratic party, not the turbulent and coarse democracy of antiquity or of the middle ages, but the great modern democracy, never had a more faithful or more distinguished representative than jefferson. { } a warm friend of humanity, liberty, and science; trusting in their goodness as well as their rights; deeply touched by the injustice with which the mass of mankind have been treated, and the sufferings they endure, and incessantly engaged, with an admirable disinterestedness, in remedying them or preventing their recurrence; accepting power as a dangerous necessity, almost as one evil opposed to another, and exerting himself not merely to restrain, but to lower it; distrusting all display, all personal splendor, as a tendency to usurpation; of a temper open, kind, indulgent, though ready to take up prejudices against, and feel irritated with, the enemies of his party; of a mind bold, active, ingenious, inquiring, with more penetration than forecast, but with too much good sense to push things to the extreme, and capable of employing, against a pressing danger or evil, a prudence and firmness which would perhaps have prevented it, had they been adopted earlier or more generally. { } it was not an easy task to unite these two men, and make them act in concert in the same cabinet. the critical state of affairs at the first adoption of the constitution, and the impartial preponderance of washington alone could accomplish it. he applied himself to it with consummate perseverance and wisdom. at heart, he felt a decided preference for hamilton and his views. "by some," said he, "he is considered an ambitious man, and therefore a dangerous one. that he is ambitious, i shall readily grant; but it is of that laudable kind, which prompts a man to excel in whatever he takes in hand. he is enterprising, quick in his perceptions, and his judgment intuitively great." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] but it was only in , in the freedom of his retirement, that washington spoke so explicitly. while in office, and between his two secretaries, he maintained towards them a strict reserve, and testified the same confidence in them both. he believed both of them to be sincere and able; both of them necessary to the country and to himself. jefferson was to him, not only a connecting tie, a means of influence, with the popular party, which was not slow in becoming the opposition; but he made use of him in the internal administration of his government, as a counterpoise to the tendencies, and especially to the language, sometimes extravagant and inconsiderate, of hamilton and his friends. { } he had interviews and consultations with each of them separately, upon the subjects which they were to discuss together, in order to remove or to lessen beforehand their differences of opinion. he knew how to turn the merit and the popularity of each with his own party, to the general good of the government, even to their own mutual advantage. he skillfully availed himself of every opportunity to employ them in a common responsibility. and when a disagreement too wide, and passions too impetuous, seemed to threaten an immediate rupture, he interposed, used exhortation and intreaty, and, by his personal influence, by a frank and touching appeal to the patriotism and right-mindedness of the two rivals, he at least postponed the breaking forth of the evil which he could not eradicate. { } he dealt with things with the same prudence and tact as with men; careful of his personal position, starting no premature or superfluous question; free from the restless desire to regulate every thing and control every thing; leaving the grand bodies of the state, the local governments, and the officers of his administration, to act in their appropriate spheres, and never, except in a case of clear and practical necessity, pledging his own opinion or responsibility. and this policy, so impartial, so cautions, so careful to embarrass neither affairs nor itself, was by no means the policy of an inactive, uncertain, ill-compounded administration, seeking and receiving its opinions and direction from all quarters. on the contrary, there never was a government more determined, more active, more decided in its views, and more effective in its decisions. it had been formed against anarchy and to strengthen the federal union, the central power. it was entirely faithful to its office. at its very commencement, in the first session of the first congress, numerous great questions arose; it was necessary to put the constitution in vigorous action. { } the relations of the two branches of the legislature with the president; the mode of communication between the president and the senate in regard to treaties and the nomination to high offices; the organization of the judiciary; the creation of ministerial departments; all these points were discussed and regulated. a work of vast labor, in which the constitution was, to some extent, given over a second time to the strife of parties. without ostentation, without intrigue, without any attempt at encroachment, but provident and firm in the cause of the power which was intrusted to him, washington, by his personal influence, by an adherence openly given to sound principles, had a powerful influence in causing the work to be carried on in the same spirit which presided over its beginning, and to result in the dignified and firm organization of the government. his practice corresponded with his principles. once fairly engaged with public business and parties, this man who, in the formation of his cabinet, showed himself so tolerant, enjoined and observed, in his administration, a strict unity of views and conduct. { } "i shall not, whilst i have the honor to administer the government, bring a man into any office of consequence knowingly, whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political suicide." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] "in a government as free as ours," he wrote to gouverneur morris, at that time residing in london, "where the people are at liberty, and will express their sentiments, (oftentimes imprudently, and, for want of information, sometimes unjustly,) allowances must be made for occasional effervescences; but, after the declaration which i have made of my political creed, you can run no hazard in asserting, that the executive branch of this government never has suffered, nor will suffer, while i preside, any improper conduct of its officers to escape with impunity, nor give its sanction to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] in matters, also, of mere form, and foreign to the usual habits of his life, he was enlightened and directed by a wise tact, a sure instinct as to what is suitable and proper, a regard to which is itself one of the conditions of power. { } the ceremonials to be observed towards the president became, after his election, a grave party question. many federalists, passionately attached to the traditions and splendor of monarchy, exulted when at a ball they had succeeded in causing a sofa to be placed on an elevation two steps above the floor of the hall, upon which only washington and his wife could be seated. [footnote ] many of the democrats saw in these displays, and in the public levees of the president, the premeditated return of tyranny, and were indignant, that, receiving at a fixed hour, in his house, all those who presented themselves, he made them only a stiff and slight bow. [footnote ] [footnote : jefferson's _memoirs_, vol. iv. p. . ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] washington smiled at both the delight and the indignation, and persisted in the regulations, surely very modest, which he had adopted. "were i to give indulgence to my inclinations, every moment that i could withdraw from the fatigue of my station should be spent in retirement. that it is not, proceeds from the sense i entertain of the propriety of giving to every one as free access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of government; and that respect, i conceive, is neither to be acquired nor preserved but by observing a just medium between much state and too great familiarity." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] { } more serious embarrassments soon put his firmness to a more severe test. after the establishment of the constitution, the finances formed a question of vast importance to the republic, perhaps the principal one. they were in a state of extreme confusion; there were debts of the union, contracted at home and abroad; debts of individual states, contracted in their own names, but in behalf of the common cause; warrants for requisitions; contracts for supplies; arrears of interest; also other claims, different in their character and origin, imperfectly known and not liquidated. and at the end of this chaos, there were no settled revenues, sufficient to meet the expenses which it imposed. many persons, and, it must be acknowledged, the democratic party in general, were unwilling that light should be thrown into this chaos by assuming all these obligations, or even by funding them. { } they would have imposed upon each state its debts, however unequal the burden might have been. they would have made distinctions between the creditors; classifications founded upon the origin of their claims and the real amount of what they had paid for them. in short, all those measures were proposed which, under an appearance of scrupulous investigation and strict justice, were in reality nothing but evasions to escape from or reduce the engagements of the state. as secretary of the treasury, hamilton proposed the opposite system;--the funding and the entire payment, at the expense of the union, of all the debts actually contracted for the common benefit, whether with foreigners or americans, and whoever were the contractors or the present holders, and whatever was the origin of the claims;--the laying of taxes sufficient to secure the redemption of the public debt;--the formation of a national bank, capable of aiding the government in its financial operations, and of sustaining its credit. { } this system was the only moral and manly one; the only one in conformity with honesty and truth. it strengthened the union, by uniting the states financially, as they were united politically. it established american credit, by this striking example of fidelity to public engagements, and by the guaranties which it afforded for their fulfilment. it fortified the central government by rallying around it the capitalists, and by giving it powerful means of influence over them and through them. at the first movement, the opponents of hamilton did not dare to make any open objection; but they exerted themselves to lessen the authority of the principle, by contesting the equal fairness of the debts, by discussing the honesty of the creditors, and by exclaiming against the taxes. partisans of local independence, they rejected, instead of viewing with satisfaction, the political consequences of a financial union, and demanded, in virtue of their general principles, that the states should be left, as to the past as well as for the future, to the various chances of their situation and their destiny. { } american credit seemed to them to be bought at too dear a price. they would obtain it, as necessity might require, by means less burdensome and more simple. they found fault with the theories of hamilton respecting credit, the public debt and its redemption, and banks, as difficult to be understood and fallacious. but the ultimate effect of the system especially excited their wrath. the aristocracy of wealth is a perilous ally to power; for it is that which inspires the least esteem and the most envy. when the question was on the payment of the public debt, the federal party had on their side the principles of morality and honor. when the public debt, and the speculations founded upon it, were becoming a means of sudden wealth, and perhaps of unlawful influence, the severity of morals passed over to the democratic party, and integrity lent its support to envy. hamilton sustained the contest with his usual energy, as pure in his motives as he was firm in his convictions; the head of a party still more than a financier; and, in the administration of the finances, always chiefly occupied with his political object, the foundation of the state, and the strength of its government. { } the perplexity of washington was great. a stranger to financial studies, he had not, upon the intrinsic merit of the proposed questions, a personal conviction derived from knowledge. he felt their justice and their political utility. he had confidence in hamilton, in his judgment and his virtue. still, as the debate was prolonged and objections were multiplied, some of them disturbed his mind and others troubled his conscience; and he asked himself with some embarrassment, whether all the reasons were indeed on the side of the government. i know not which is the more worthy of admiration, the impartiality which inspired these doubts, or the firmness with which, in the final result and after every thing had been well considered, he always sustained hamilton and his measures. this was a step of great political sagacity. though it might have been true, that some fallacies were mingled with the financial measures of the secretary of the treasury, and some abuses with their execution, a far higher truth predominated in them; by laying the foundation of the public faith, and by closely connecting the administration of the finances with the policy of the state, he gave to the new government, from the first moment, the consistence of an old and well-established authority. { } the success surpassed the proudest expectations. confidence appeared in men's minds, activity in business, and order in the administration. agriculture and commerce flourished; credit rose rapidly. society prospered with a sense of security, feeling itself free and well-governed. the country and the government grew strong together, in that admirable harmony which is the healthy condition of states. washington beheld with his own eyes, upon every point of the american territory, this spectacle so glorious and so delightful to him. in three public journeys, he slowly traveled over the whole union, everywhere received with grateful and affectionate admiration, the only recompense worthy to affect the heart of a public man. { } on his return, he thus wrote; "i am much pleased, that i have taken this journey. ... the country appears to be in a very improving state; and industry and frugality are becoming much more fashionable than they have hitherto been. tranquillity reigns among the people, with that disposition towards the general government, which is likely to preserve it. ... the farmer finds a ready market for his produce, and the merchant calculates with more certainty on his payments. ... every day's experience of the government of the united states seems to confirm its establishment, and to render it more popular. a ready acquiescence in the laws made under it shows, in a strong light, the confidence, which the people have in their representatives and in the upright views of those who administer the government." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] and almost at the same time, as if providence had provided that the same testimony should go down to posterity from all parties, jefferson wrote; "new elections have taken place for the most part, and very few changes made. this is one of many proofs, that the proceedings of the new government have given general satisfaction. ... our affairs are proceeding in a train of unparalleled prosperity. { } this arises from the real improvements of our government; from the unbounded confidence reposed in it by the people, their zeal to support it, and their conviction, that a solid union is the best rock of their safety." [footnote ] [footnote : jefferson's _memoirs_, vol. iii. pp. , .] thus, when the close of washington's presidency approached, when the necessity of again selecting a chief magistrate for the nation was near at hand, a general movement was directed towards him, to entreat him to accept, a second time, the burden of office. a movement with great diversity, in spite of its apparent unanimity; the federal party wished to retain possession of the power; the democratic opposition felt, that the time had not come for them to aspire to it; and that the country could not dispense with the policy, nor with the man, they nevertheless had a distinct purpose of attacking. the public were fearful of seeing an interruption of that order and prosperity, so highly valued and so precarious. but, whether open or concealed, patriotic or selfish, sincere or hypocritical, the sentiments and opinions of all concurred to the same end. { } washington alone hesitated. his calm and penetrating mind found in his own disinterestedness a freedom, which preserved him from all illusion, both as to affairs and as to himself. the brilliant aspect, the really prosperous condition, of public affairs, did not conceal from his eyes the imminent perils of his situation. from abroad, the intelligence of the french revolution was already startling america. an unavoidable war, commenced with ill success, against the indians, was requiring considerable efforts. in the cabinet, the disagreement between hamilton and jefferson grew very violent; the most urgent intreaties of the president failed to control it; it was almost officially displayed in two newspapers, the _national gazette_ and the _united states gazette_, fierce enemies under the name of rivals; the known editor of the former was a clerk in jefferson's department. [footnote ] [footnote : his name was freneau.] thus encouraged, the opposition press resorted to the most bitter violence, and washington suffered great uneasiness on account of it. { } he wrote to mr. randolph, the attorney-general; "if government, and the officers of it, are to be the constant theme for newspaper abuse, and this too without condescending to investigate the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, i conceive, for any man living to manage the helm or keep the machine together." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. . ] in some parts of the country, especially in western pennsylvania, one of the taxes imposed for making provision for the public debt had awakened the spirit of sedition; numerous meetings of the people had declared that they would not pay it; and washington was compelled to declare in his turn, by an official proclamation, that he would enforce the execution of the laws. in congress itself, the administration no longer received so constant and powerful a support; hamilton was, day after day, the object of the most animated attacks; the opposition were unsuccessful in the motions they made against him, but his own plans were not always adopted. { } finally, towards washington himself, the language of the house of representatives, always respectful and affectionate, was no longer so full or so tender; on the twenty-second day of february, , the anniversary of his birth, a motion to adjourn the session for half an hour in order to go and pay their respects to him, after being warmly opposed, passed by only a majority of twenty-three votes. none of these facts, none of these symptoms, escaped the vigilant sagacity of washington. his natural taste for private life and the repose of mount vernon returned with double force. his past success, far from inspiring confidence, made him more fearful for the future. modestly, but passionately attached to the consideration in which he was held, and to his glory, he was unwilling they should suffer the least abatement. the earnest wish expressed by all would not have been sufficient to determine him; his personal convictions, the public good, the obvious urgency of affairs, the desire or rather the duty of carrying on still further his work yet incomplete, were alone able to overbalance in his mind the dictates of prudence and inclination. { } he weighed and discussed within himself these different motives, with a more anxious solicitude than seemed to be consistent with his nature, and ended by saying, in the pious weariness of his spirit, "as the all-wise disposer of events has hitherto watched over my steps, i trust, that, in the important one i may soon be called upon to take, he will mark the course so plainly, as that i cannot mistake the way." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] unanimously reelected, he resumed his duties with the same disinterestedness, the same courage, and, in spite of his success, with less confidence, perhaps, than the first time. he had a true presentiment of the trials which awaited him. there are some events which providence does not permit those who live at the time of their occurrence to understand; so vast, so complicated, that they far surpass the comprehension of man, and, even when they are exploding, still remain for a long time darkly hidden in the depths, from which proceed those shocks, that ultimately decide the destinies of the world. { } such was the french revolution. who has measured it? whose judgment and forecast have not been a thousand times deceived by it, whether friends or foes, admirers or detractors? when the spirit of society and the spirit of man are shaken and convulsed to such a degree, results are produced which no imagination had conceived, no forethought could grasp. that which experience has taught us, washington caught sight of from the first day. at the time when the french revolution had hardly begun, he was already suspending his judgment, and taking his position aloof from all parties and all spectators; free from the presumption of their predictions, from the blindness of their hostility or their hope. "the whole business is so extraordinary in its commencement, so wonderful in its progress, and maybe so stupendous in its consequences, that i am almost lost in the contemplation. ... nobody is more anxious for the happy issue of that business, than i am; as no one can wish more sincerely for the prosperity of the french nation, than i do." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] { } "if it ends as our last accounts, to the first of august, [ ,] predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in europe; but i fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before, matters are finally settled. ... the mortification of the king, the intrigues of the queen, and the discontent of the princes and noblesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the national assembly; ... the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed friends to the measure. ... to forbear running from one extreme to another is no easy matter; and, should this be the case, rocks and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and give a higher-toned despotism than the one which existed before." [footnote ] "it is a boundless ocean, whence no land is to be seen." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. x. p. .] [footnote : ibid., vol. x. p. .] { } from that time, he maintained towards the nations and events of europe an extreme reserve; faithful to the principles which had founded the independence and the liberties of america, animated by a grateful good-will towards france, and seizing with earnestness upon every occasion to manifest it, but silent and self-restrained, as if under the presentiment of some grave responsibility of which he should be obliged to sustain the weight, and not wishing to pledge beforehand either his personal opinion or the policy of his country. when the trying moment arrived, when the declaration of war between france and england caused the great revolutionary struggle to break out in europe, the resolution of washington was decided and prompt. he immediately made proclamation of the neutrality of the united states. "my politics are plain and simple; ... to maintain friendly terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all; being thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and interest to do so." [footnote ] "i want an _american_ character, that the powers of europe may be convinced, we act for _ourselves_, and not for others." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. pp. , .] [footnote : ibid., vol. xi. p. .] { } "regarding the overthrow of europe at large as a matter not entirely chimerical, it will be our prudence to cultivate a spirit of self-dependence, and to endeavor, by unanimity, vigilance, and exertion, under the blessing of providence, to hold the scales of our destiny in our own hands. standing, as it were, in the midst of falling empires, it should be our aim to assume a station and attitude, which will preserve us from being overwhelmed in their ruins." [footnote ] "nothing short of self-respect, and that justice which is essential to a national character, ought to involve us in war; for sure i am, if this country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance, in a just cause, to any power whatever; such, in that time, will be its population, wealth, and resources." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p .] [footnote : ibid., vol. xi. p. .] at first, the approbation was general. the desire for peace, and the reluctance to express any opinion which might endanger it, were predominant in men's minds. upon the principle of neutrality the cabinet had been unanimous. { } but intelligence from europe was continually arriving, and was spreading like wild-fire through the country. the coalition formed against france assailed the guardian principles of america, the independence and internal liberty of nations. england was at its head, hated as a recent enemy, suspected as a former master. her decrees and measures in regard to neutral commerce and the impressment of sailors wounded the united states in their dignity and their interests. with the great question of neutrality, particular questions arose, doubtful enough to serve as a just reason or a pretext for diversity of opinions and strong expressions of feeling. upon some of them, as, for instance, on the restitution of maritime prizes and the mode of receiving the new minister expected from france, the cabinet was no longer unanimous. this minister, m. genêt, arrived; and his journey from charleston to philadelphia was a popular triumph. everywhere, on his journey, numerous and enthusiastic democratic associations assembled, invited him to meet them, and made addresses to him; the newspapers rapidly circulated through the country accounts of these rejoicings and the news from france. { } the public feeling grew more and more inflamed. of an enthusiastic temperament himself, and blindly borne away by the desire of engaging the united states in a war to aid his country, m. genêt believed himself to have the right and the ability to dare every thing, and to succeed in every thing. he issued letters of marque, enrolled american citizens, armed privateers, adjudged prizes, and acted as a sovereign power in this foreign territory, in the name of republican brotherhood. and when washington, at first astonished and motionless, but soon determined, vindicated the rights of the general government. genêt entered into an avowed contest with him, supported his own pretensions, broke out into violent abuse of him, encouraged the spirit of sedition, and even threatened to appeal to the people against a president who was unfaithful to his trust, and to the general cause of liberty. no head of a state was ever more reserved than washington in the exercise of power; more cautious in making engagements and taking new steps. { } but, also, no one ever maintained more firmly his declarations, his purposes, and his rights. he was president of the united states of america. he had, in their name, and by virtue of their constitution, proclaimed their neutrality. the neutrality was to be real and respected as well as his power. at five successive meetings, he laid before his cabinet the whole correspondence, and all the documents, relating to this singular contest; and the cabinet decided unanimously, that the recall of m. genêt should be immediately demanded of the french government. genêt was recalled. in the opinion of america, as well as in his demand upon france, washington gained a triumph. the federalists indignantly rallied around him. the pretensions and extravagant conduct of genêt had alienated many persons of the democratic party. jefferson had not hesitated to support the president against him. a favorable reaction took place, and the contest seemed at an end. { } but in government, as well as in war, there are victories which cost dear, and leave the danger still existing. the revolutionary fever, once more kindled in the united states, did not depart with a recalled minister. instead of that harmony of feeling, that calm after the storm of passions; instead of that course of prosperity and general moderation, upon which the american republic was lately congratulating itself, two parties were there in a hostile attitude, more widely separated, more violently irritated, than ever. the opposition no longer confined its attacks to the administration alone, to the financial measures of government, and to this or that doubtful application of legal powers. it had, concealed within itself, in the democratic associations, in the periodical press, and among the foreigners who swarmed throughout the country, a true revolutionary faction, eager to overturn society and its government, in order to reconstruct them upon other foundations. "there exists in the united states," writes washington to lafayette, "a party formed by a combination of causes, which oppose the government in all its measures, and are determined, as all their conduct evinces, by clogging its wheels, indirectly to change the nature of it, and to subvert the constitution. { } to effect this, no means which have a tendency to accomplish their purposes are left unessayed. the friends of government, who are anxious to maintain its neutrality, and to preserve the country in peace, and adopt measures to secure these objects, are charged by them as being monarchists, aristocrats, and infractors of the constitution, which, according to their interpretation of it, would be a mere cipher. they arrogated to themselves the sole merit of being the friends of france, when in fact they had no more regard for that nation than for the grand turk, farther than their own views were promoted by it; denouncing those who differed in opinion, (whose principles are purely american, and whose sole view was to observe a strict neutrality,) as acting under british influence, and being directed by her counsels, or as being her pensioners." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. ,] { } "if the conduct of these men is viewed with indifference; if there are activity and misrepresentation on one side, and supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by intriguing and discontented foreigners under proscription, who were at war with their own governments, and the greater part of them with _all_ governments, they will increase, and nothing short of omniscience can foretell the consequences." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] in the midst of this pressing danger, jefferson, who was little inclined to engage any further in the contest, and who had announced his intention six months before, and had only delayed putting it in execution at the solicitation of washington himself, peremptorily withdrew from the cabinet. the crisis was a formidable one. a general agitation spread throughout the country. the western counties of pennsylvania resisted with violence the tax on distilled spirits. in kentucky and georgia, warlike insurrections, perhaps excited from abroad, threatened, on their own authority, to take forcible possession of louisiana and florida, and to engage the nation, in spite of itself, in a conflict with spain. the war against the indians continued, always difficult and of doubtful issue. { } a new congress had just assembled, full of respect for washington; but yet the house of representatives showed itself more reserved in its approbation of his foreign policy, and chose an opposition speaker by a majority of ten votes. england desired to maintain peace with the united states; but, whether she had doubts of the success of washington in this system, or acted in obedience to the dictates of her general policy, or from an insolent spirit of contempt, she continued and even aggravated her measures against the commerce of the americans, whose irritation also increased in its turn. "it has not been the smallest of these embarrassments," writes washington, "that the domineering spirit of great britain should revive again just at this crisis, and the outrageous and insulting conduct of some of her officers should combine therewith to play into the hands of the discontented, and sour the minds of those who are friends to peace. but this, by the bye." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] { } it was indeed "by the bye," and without any purpose of taking advantage of it in order to weaken his policy or to exalt his merit, that he pointed out the obstacles scattered along his path. as exempt from vanity as from indecision, he took pains to surmount, but not to display them. at the time when the ascendency of the democratic party seem to be assured, when the federalists themselves were wavering, when severe measures proposed in congress against england were about, perhaps, to render war inevitable, washington suddenly announced to the senate, by a message, that he had just nominated one of the principal leaders of the federal party, mr. jay, envoy extraordinary to the court of london, in order to attempt to reconcile the differences between the two nations by the peaceful instrument of negotiation. the senate immediately confirmed his choice. the indignation of the opposition was at its height. they desired war, and especially, by means of war, a change of policy. the simple continuance of the present state of affairs promised to lead to that result. in so excited a state of feeling, in the midst of the increasing irritation, a rumor from europe, a new insult to the american flag, the slightest circumstance, might cause hostilities to break out. { } washington, by his sudden resolution, gave a new turn to events. the negotiations might be successful; they made it the duty of the government to await the result. if they failed, he remained in a position to make war himself, and to control it, without his policy's receiving a death-blow. in order to give to his negotiations the authority of a strong and well-established power, at the same time that he was baffling the hopes of his enemies as to matters abroad, washington resolved to repress their efforts at home. the resistance of some counties in pennsylvania to the tax on distilled spirits had become an open rebellion. he announced, by a proclamation, his firm purpose of enforcing the execution of the laws; assembled the militia of virginia, maryland, new jersey, and pennsylvania itself; formed them into an army; went in person to the places of rendezvous, with a determination to take the command himself if the contest became serious; and did not return to philadelphia till he had learned, with certainty, that the insurgents would not venture to sustain it. { } they dispersed, in point of fact, on the approach of the army, a detachment of which took up winter quarters in the disaffected country. washington, on this occasion, felt that stern but deep joy, sometimes granted, in free countries, to a virtuous man who bears firmly the weight of power. everywhere, especially in the states which were near the scene of the insurrection, good citizens were aware of the danger, and felt their obligation to contribute, by their own efforts, to the support of the laws. the magistrates were resolute, the militia zealous; a strong public opinion silenced the hypocritical sophistries of the advocates of the insurrection; and washington did his duty with the approbation and support of his country. a moderate compensation, indeed, for the new and bitter trials that awaited him. at about the same period, his cabinet, which had shared his labors and his glory, withdrew from him. hamilton, who was the object of a hostility always increasing, after having sustained the contest as long as the success of his plans and his honor required, compelled at length to think of himself and of his family, resigned. { } knox followed his example. thus washington was surrounded by none but new men, who, though devoted to his course of policy, had much less weight of authority than their predecessors, when mr. jay returned from london, bringing the result of those negotiations, the mere announcement of which had excited so much indignation. the treaty was far from accomplishing all that was to be desired. it did not settle all the questions, nor secure all the interests of the united states; but it put an end to the principal differences of the two nations; it assured the full execution, hitherto delayed by great britain, of the agreements entered into with her when she had recognized the independence of the country; it prepared the way for new and more favorable negotiations. in short, it was peace; an assured peace; one which lessened even those evils, which it did not remove. washington did not hesitate. he had the rare courage to adhere firmly to a leading principle, and to accept, without a murmur, the imperfections and inconveniences which accompany success. { } he immediately communicated the treaty to the senate, who approved it, with the exception of one article, in regard to which a modification was to be required of england. the question still remained in suspense. the opposition made their utmost efforts. addresses came from boston, new york, baltimore, georgetown, &c., expressing disapprobation of the treaty, and requesting the president not to ratify it. the populace of philadelphia assembled in a riotous manner, marched through the town, carrying the articles of the treaty at the end of a pole, and formally burned them before the house of the british minister and consul. washington, who had gone to pass some days at mount vernon, returned in haste to philadelphia, and consulted his cabinet on the question of immediately ratifying the treaty, without awaiting the arrival from london of the modification which even the senate had declared necessary. this step was a bold one. one member of the cabinet, randolph, made objections. washington went on and ratified the treaty. the british government agreed to the modification demanded, and in its turn ratified it. { } there still remained the duty of carrying it into effect, which required legislative measures and the intervention of congress. the contest was renewed in the house of representatives. several times the opposition gained a majority. washington stood firm, in the name of the constitution, which his opponents also appealed to against him. finally, at the end of six months, that peace might not be disturbed, in the general conviction that the president would be inflexible, the opposition being rather wearied out than overcome, the measures necessary for carrying the treaty into effect were adopted by a majority of three votes. throughout the country, in public meetings and in newspapers, the fury of party exceeded all bounds. from all quarters, every day, addresses full of censure, anonymous letters, invectives, calumnies, threats, were poured out against washington. even his integrity was scandalously assailed. he remained unmoved. he replied to the addresses; "my sense of the treaty has been manifested by its ratification. the principles on which my sanction was given, have been made public. i regret the diversity of opinion. { } but whatever qualities, manifested in a long and arduous public life, have acquired for me the confidence of my fellow-citizens, let them be assured that they remain unchanged; and that they will continue to be exerted on every occasion, in which the honor, the happiness, and welfare of our common country are immediately involved." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xii. p. .] on the attacks of the press, he said; "i did not believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within those of possibility, that while i was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth; and wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, i should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that, too, in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. { } but enough of this. i have already gone further in the expression of my feelings than i intended." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xi. p. .] good men, the friends of order and justice, at length perceived that they were leaving their noble champion exposed, without defence, to unworthy attacks. in free countries, falsehood stalks with a bold front; vain would be the attempt to force it to keep concealed; but it is the duty of truth, also, to lift up its head; on these terms alone is liberty a blessing. in their turn, numerous and cordial congratulations, encouraging and grateful addresses, were presented to washington. and when the close of his second presidency approached, in all parts of the union, even those where the opposition seemed to prevail, a multitude of voices were raised, to entreat him to accept a third time the highest power which the suffrages of his fellow-citizens could confer. { } but his resolution was fixed. he did not permit even a discussion of the question. that memorable farewell address, in which, as he was returning into the midst of the people whom he had governed, he dispensed to them the last teachings of his long-gathered wisdom, is still, after more than forty years, cherished by them as an object of remembrance, and almost of tenderness of feeling. "in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but, if i may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated." [footnote ] ... [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xii. p. .] { } "though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. "relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xii. pp. , .] { } what an incomparable example of dignity and modesty! how perfect a model of that respect for the public and for one's self, which gives to power its moral grandeur! washington did well to withdraw from public business. he had entered upon it at one of those moments, at once difficult and favorable, when nations, surrounded by perils, summon all their virtue and all their wisdom to surmount them. he was admirably suited to this position. he held the sentiments and opinions of his age without slavishness or fanaticism. the past, its institutions, its interests, its manners, inspired him with neither hatred nor regret. his thoughts and his ambition did not impatiently reach forward into the future. the society, in the midst of which he lived, suited his tastes and his judgment. he had confidence in its principles and its destiny; but a confidence enlightened and qualified by an accurate instinctive perception of the eternal principles of social order. { } he served it with heartiness and independence, with that combination of faith and fear which is wisdom in the affairs of the world, as well as before god. on this account, especially, he was qualified to govern it; for democracy requires two things for its tranquillity and its success; it must feel itself to be trusted and yet restrained, and must believe alike in the genuine devotedness and the moral superiority of its leaders. on these conditions alone can it govern itself while in a process of development, and hope to take a place among the durable and glorious forms of human society. it is the honor of the american people to have, at this period, understood and accepted these conditions. it is the glory of washington to have been their interpreter and instrument. he did the two greatest things which, in politics, man can have the privilege of attempting. he maintained, by peace, that independence of his country, which he had acquired by war. he founded a free government, in the name of the principles of order, and by reestablishing their sway. { } when he retired from public life, both tasks were accomplished, and he could enjoy the result. for, in such high enterprises, the labor which they have cost matters but little. the sweat of any toil is dried at once on the brow where god places such laurels. he retired voluntarily, and a conqueror. to the very last, his policy had prevailed. if he had wished, he could still have kept the direction of it. his successor was one of his most attached friends, one whom he had himself designated. still the epoch was a critical one. he had governed successfully for eight years, a long period in a democratic state, and that in its infancy. for some time, a policy opposed to his own had been gaining ground. american society seemed disposed to make a trial of new paths, more in conformity, perhaps, with its bias. perhaps the hour had come for washington to quit the arena. his successor was there overcome. mr. adams was succeeded by mr. jefferson, the leader of the opposition. since that time, the democratic party has governed the united states. { } is this a good or an evil? could it be otherwise? had the government continued in the hands of the federal party, would it have done better? was this possible? what have been the consequences, to the united states, of the triumph of the democratic party? have they been carried out to the end, or have they only begun? what changes have the society and constitution of america undergone, what have they yet to undergo, under their influence? these are great questions; difficult, if i mistake not, for natives to solve, and certainly impossible for a foreigner. however it may be, one thing is certain; that which washington did,--the founding of a free government, by order and peace, at the close of the revolution,--no other policy than his could have accomplished. he has had this true glory; of triumphing, so long as he governed; and of rendering the triumph of his adversaries possible, after him, without disturbance to the state. more than once, perhaps, this result presented itself to his mind, without disturbing his composure. "with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions; and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes." [footnote ] [footnote : washington's writings, vol. xii. p .] { } the people of the united states are virtually the arbiters of their own fortunes. washington had aimed at that high object. he reached his mark. who has succeeded like him? who has seen his own success so near and so soon? who has enjoyed, to such a degree and to the last, the confidence and gratitude of his country? still, at the close of his life, in the delightful and honorable retirement at mount vernon, which he had so longed for, this great man, serene as he was, was inwardly conscious of a slight feeling of lassitude and melancholy; a feeling very natural at the close of a long life employed in the affairs of men. power is an oppressive burden; and mankind are hard to serve, when one is struggling virtuously against their passions and their errors. even success does not efface the sad impressions which the contest has given birth to; and the exhaustion, which succeeds the struggle, is still felt in the quiet of repose. { } the disposition of the most eminent men, and of the best among the most eminent, to keep aloof from public affairs, in a free democratic society, is a serious fact. washington, jefferson, madison, all ardently sighed for retirement. it would seem as if, in this form of society, the task of government were too severe for men who are capable of comprehending its extent, and desirous of discharging the trust in a proper manner. still, to such men alone this task is suited, and ought to be intrusted. government will be, always and everywhere, the greatest exercise of the faculties of man, and consequently that which requires minds of the highest order. it is for the honor, as well as for the interest, of society, that such minds should be drawn into the administration of its affairs, and retained there; for no institutions, no securities, can supply their place. { } and, on the other hand, in men who are worthy of this destiny, all weariness, all sadness of spirit, however it might be permitted in others, is a weakness. their vocation is labor. their reward is, indeed, the success of their efforts, but still only in labor. very often they die, bent under the burden, before the day of recompense arrives. washington lived to receive it. he deserved and enjoyed both success and repose. of all great men, he was the most virtuous, and the most fortunate. in this world, god has no higher favors to bestow. the end. proofreaders washington and his colleagues a chronicle of the rise and fall of federalism by henry jones ford new haven: yale university press textbook edition the chronicles of america series allen johnson, editor gerhard r. lomer and charles w. jefferys, assistant editors contents i. an imitation court ii. great decisions iii. the master builder iv. alarums and excursions v. tribute to the algerines vi. french designs on america vii. a settlement with england viii. party violence ix. the personal rule of john adams bibliographical note index chapter i an imitation court washington was glad to remain at mount vernon as long as possible after he had consented to serve as president, enjoying the life of a country gentleman, which was now much more suited to his taste than official employment. he was weary of public duties and the heavy demands upon his time which had left him with little leisure for his private life at home. his correspondence during this period gives ample evidence of his extreme reluctance to reassume public responsibilities. to bring the matter to its true proportions, it must be remembered that to the view of the times the new constitution was but the latest attempt to tinker the federal scheme, and it was yet to be seen whether this endeavor would be any more successful than previous efforts had been. as for the title of president, it had already been borne by a number of congressional politicians and had been rather tarnished by the behavior of some of them. washington was not at all eager to move in the matter before he had to, and he therefore remained on his farm until congress met, formally declared the result of the election, and sent a committee to mount vernon to give him official notice. it was not until april , , that he was formally installed as president. madison and hamilton were meanwhile going ahead with their plans. this time was perhaps the happiest in their lives. they had stood together in years of struggle to start the movement for a new constitution, to steer it through the convention, and to force it on the states. although the fight had been a long and a hard one, and although they had not won all that they had wanted, it was nevertheless a great satisfaction that they had accomplished so much, and they were now applying themselves with great zest to the organization of the new government. madison was a member of congress; hamilton lived near the place where congress held its sittings in new york and his house was a rendezvous for the federal leaders. thither madison would often go to talk over plans and prospects. a lady who lived near by has related how she often saw them walking and talking together, stopping sometimes to have fun with a monkey skipping about in a neighbor's yard. at that time madison was thirty-eight; hamilton was thirty-two. they were little men, of the quick, dapper type. madison was five feet six and a quarter inches tall, slim and delicate in physique, with a pale student's face lit up by bright hazel eyes. he was as plain as a quaker in his style of dress, and his hair, which was light in color, was brushed straight back and gathered into a small queue, tied with a plain ribbon. hamilton was of about the same stature, but his figure had wiry strength. his scottish ancestry was manifest in his ruddy complexion and in the modeling of his features. he was more elegant than madison in his habitual attire. he had a very erect, dignified bearing; his expression was rather severe when his features were in repose, but he had a smile of flashing radiance when he was pleased and interested, washington, who stood over six feet two inches in his buckled shoes, had to look down over his nose when he met the young statesmen who had been the wheel horses of the federal movement. soon after washington arrived in new york he sought hamilton's aid in the management of the national finances. there was the rock on which the government of the confederation had foundered. there the most skillful pilotage was required if the new government was to make a safe voyage. washington's first thought had been to get robert morris to take charge again of the department that he had formerly managed with conspicuous ability, and while stopping in philadelphia on his way to new york, he had approached morris on the subject. morris, who was now engaged in grand projects which were eventually to bring him to a debtor's prison, declined the position but strongly recommended hamilton. this suggestion proved very acceptable to washington, who was well aware of hamilton's capacity. the thorny question of etiquette was the next matter to receive washington's attention. personally he favored the easy hospitality to which he was accustomed in virginia, but he knew quite well that his own taste ought not to be decisive. the forms that he might adopt would become precedents, and hence action should be taken cautiously. washington was a methodical man. he had a well-balanced nature which was never disturbed by timidity of any kind and rarely by anxiety. his anger was strong when it was excited, but his ordinary disposition was one of massive equanimity. he was not imaginative, but he took things as they came, and did what the occasion demanded. in crises that did not admit of deliberation, his instinctive courage guided his behavior, but such crises belong to military experience, and in civil life careful deliberation was his rule. it was his practice to read important documents pen in hand to note the points. from one of his familiar letters to general knox we learn that on rising in the morning he would turn over in his mind the day's work and would consider how to deal with it. his new circumstances soon apprised him that the first thing to be settled was his deportment as president. under any form of government the man who is head of the state is forced, as part of his public service, to submit to public exhibition and to be exact in social observance; but, unless precautions are taken, engagements will consume his time and strength. writing to a friend about the situation in which he found himself, washington declared: "by the time i had done breakfast, and thence till dinner, and afterwards till bed-time, i could not get relieved from the ceremony of one visit, before i had to attend to another. in a word, i had no leisure to read or answer the dispatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters." the radical treatment which the situation called for was aided by a general feeling in congress that arrangements should be made for the president different from those under the articles of confederation. it had been the practice for the president to keep open house. of this custom washington remarked that it brought the office "in perfect contempt; for the table was considered a public one, and every person, who could get introduced, conceived that he had a right to be invited to it. this, although the table was always crowded (and with mixed company, and the president considered in no better light than as a _maître d'hôtel_), was in its nature impracticable, and as many offenses given as if no table had been kept." it was important to settle the matter before mrs. washington joined him in new york. inside of ten days from the time he took the oath of office, he therefore drafted a set of nine queries, copies of which he sent to jay, madison, hamilton, and john adams, with these sensible remarks: "many things, which appear of little importance in themselves and at the beginning, may have great and durable consequences from their having been established at the commencement of a new general government. it will be much easier to commence the administration upon a well-adjusted system, built on tenable grounds, than to correct errors, or alter inconveniences, after they shall have been confirmed by habit. the president, in all matters of business and etiquette, can have no object but to demean himself in his public character in such a manner as to maintain the dignity of his office, without subjecting himself to the imputation of superciliousness or unnecessary reserve. under these impressions he asks for your candid and undisguised opinion." only the replies of hamilton and adams have been preserved. hamilton advised washington that while "the dignity of the office should be supported ... care will be necessary to avoid extensive disgust or discontent.... the notions of equality are yet, in my opinion, too general and strong to admit of such a distance being placed between the president and other branches of the government as might even be consistent with a due proportion." hamilton then sketched a plan for a weekly levee: "the president to accept no invitations, and to give formal entertainments only twice or four times a year, the anniversaries of important events of the revolution." in addition, "the president on levee days, either by himself or some gentleman of his household, to give informal invitations to family dinners ... not more than six or eight to be invited at a time, and the matter to be confined essentially to members of the legislature and other official characters. the president never to remain long at table." hamilton observed that his views did not correspond with those of other advisers, but he urged the necessity of behaving so as "to remove the idea of too immense inequality, which i fear would excite dissatisfaction and cabal." this was sagacious advice, and washington would have benefited by conforming to it more closely than he did. the prevailing tenor of the advice which he received is probably reflected in the communication from adams, who was in favor of making the government impressive through grand ceremonial. "chamberlains, aides-de-camp, secretaries, masters of ceremonies, etc., will become necessary.... neither dignity nor authority can be supported in human minds, collected into nations or any great numbers, without a splendor and majesty in some degree proportioned to them." adams held that in no case would it be "proper for the president to make any formal public entertainment," but that this should be the function of some minister of state, although "upon such occasions the president, in his private character, might honor with his presence." the president might invite to his house in small parties what official characters or citizens of distinction he pleased, but this invitation should always be given without formality. the president should hold levees to receive "visits of compliment," and two days a week might not be too many for this purpose. the idea running through adams's advice was that in his private character the president might live like any other private gentleman of means, but that in his public functions he should adopt a grand style. this advice, which washington undoubtedly received from others as well as adams, influenced washington's behavior, and the consequences were exactly what hamilton had predicted. according to jefferson's recollection, many years afterward, washington told him that general knox and colonel humphreys drew up the regulations and that some were proposed "so highly strained that he absolutely rejected them." jefferson further related that, when washington was re-elected, hamilton took the position that the parade of the previous inauguration ought not to be repeated, remarking that "there was too much ceremony for the character of our government." it is a well-known characteristic of human nature to be touchy about such matters as these. popular feeling about washington's procedure was inflamed by reports of the grand titles which congress was arranging to bestow upon the president. that matter was, in fact, considered by the senate on the very day of washington's arrival in new york and before any steps could have been taken to ascertain his views. a joint committee of the two houses reported against annexing "any style or title to the respective styles or titles of office expressed in the constitution." but a group of senators headed by john adams was unwilling to let the matter drop, and another senate committee was appointed which recommended as a proper style of address "his highness, the president of the united states of america, and protector of their liberties." while the senate debated, the house acted, addressing the president in reply to his inaugural address simply as "the president of the united states." the senate now had practically no choice but to drop the matter, but in so doing adopted a resolution that because of its desire that "a due respect for the majesty of the people of the united states may not be hazarded by singularity," the senate was still of the opinion "that it would be proper to annex a respectable title to the office." thus it came about that the president of the united states is distinguished by having no title. a governor may be addressed as "your excellency," a judge as "your honor," but the chief magistrate of the nation is simply "mr. president." it was a relief to washington when the senate discontinued its attempt to decorate him. he wrote to a friend, "happily this matter is now done with, i hope never to be revived." details of the social entanglements in which washington was caught at the outset of his administration are generally omitted by serious historians, but whatever illustrates life and manners is not insignificant, and events of this character had, moreover, a distinct bearing on the politics of the times. the facts indicate that washington's arrangements were somewhat encumbered by the civic ambition of new york. that bustling town of , population desired to be the capital of the nation, and, in the splendid exertions which it made, it went rather too far. federal hall, designed as a city hall, was built in part for the accommodation of congress, on the site in wall street now in part occupied by the united states sub-treasury. the plans were made by major pierre charles l'enfant, a french engineer who had served with distinction in the continental army but whose clearest title to fame is the work which he did in laying out the city of washington when it was made the national capital. federal hall exceeded in dignified proportions and in artistic design any public building then existing in america. the painted ceilings, the crimson damask canopies and hangings, and the handsome furniture were considered by many political agitators to be a great violation of republican simplicity. the architect was first censured in the public press and then, because of disputes, received no pay for his time and trouble, although, had he accepted a grant of city lots offered by the town council he would have received a compensation that would have turned out to be very valuable. federal hall had been completed and presented to congress before washington started for new york. the local arrangements for his reception were upon a corresponding scale of magnificence, but with these washington had had nothing to do. the barge in which he was conveyed from the jersey shore to new york was fifty feet long, hung with red curtains and having an awning of satin. it was rowed by thirteen oarsmen, in white with blue ribbons. in the inauguration ceremonies washington's coach was drawn by four horses with gay trappings and hoofs blackened and polished. this became his usual style. he seldom walked in the street, for he was so much a public show that that might have been attended by annoying practical inconvenience; but when he rode out with mrs. washington his carriage was drawn by four--sometimes six--horses, with two outriders, in livery, with powdered hair and cockades in their hats. when he rode on horseback, which he often did for exercise, he was attended by outriders and accompanied by one or more of the gentlemen of his household. toward the end of the year there arrived from england the state coach which he used in formal visits to congress and for other ceremonious events. it was a canary-colored chariot, decorated with gilded nymphs and cupids, and emblazoned with the washington arms. his state was simplified when he went to church, which he did regularly every sunday; then his coach was drawn by two horses, with two footmen behind, and was followed by a post-chaise carrying two gentlemen of his household. washington was fond of horses and was in the habit of keeping a fine stable. the term "muslin horses" was commonly used to denote the care taken in grooming. the head groom would test the work of the stable-boys by applying a clean muslin handkerchief to the coats of the animals, and, if any stain of dirt showed, there was trouble. the night before the white horses which washington used as president were to be taken out, their coats were covered by a paste of whiting, and the animals were swathed in wrappings. in the morning the paste was dry and with rubbing gave a marble gloss to the horses' coats. the hoofs were then blackened and polished, and even the animals' teeth were scoured. such arrangements, however, were not peculiar to washington's stable. this was the usual way in which grooming for "the quality" was done in that period. the first house occupied by washington was at the corner of pearl and cherry streets, then a fashionable locality. what the new york end of the brooklyn bridge has left of it is now known as franklin square. the house was so small that three of his secretaries had to lodge in one room; and custis in his recollections tells how one of them, who fancied he could write poetry, would sometimes disturb the others by walking the floor in his nightgown trying the rhythm of his lines by rehearsing them with loud emphasis. about a year later washington removed to a larger house on the west side of broadway near bowling green. both buildings went down at an early date before the continual march of improvement in new york. in washington's time wall street was superseding pearl street as the principal haunt of fashion. here lived alexander hamilton and other new yorkers prominent in their day; here were fashionable boarding-houses at which lived the leading members of congress. when some fashionable reception was taking place, the street was gay with coaches and sedan-chairs, and the attire of the people who then gathered was as brilliant as a flight of cockatoos. it was a period of spectacular dress and behavior for both men and women, the men rivaling the women in their use of lace, silk, and satin. dr. john bard, the fashionable doctor of his day, who attended washington through the severe illness which laid him up for six weeks early in his administration, habitually wore a cocked hat and a scarlet coat, his hands resting upon a massive cane as he drove about in a pony-phaeton. the scarlet waistcoat with large bright buttons which jefferson wore on fine occasions, when he arrived on the scene, showed that he was not then averse to gay raiment. plain styles of dress were among the many social changes ushered in by the french revolution and the war cycle that ensued from it. titles figured considerably in colonial society, and the revolutionary war did not destroy the continuity of usage. it was quite in accord with the fashion of the times that the courtesy title of lady washington was commonly employed in talk about the president's household. mrs. washington arrived in new york from mount vernon on may , . she was met by the president with his barge on the jersey shore, and as the barge passed the battery a salute of thirteen cannon was fired. at the landing-place a large company was gathered, and the coach that took her to her home was escorted with military parade. the questions of etiquette had been settled by that time, and she performed her social duties with the ease of a virginia gentlewoman always used to good society. she found them irksome, however, as such things had long since lost their novelty. writing to a friend she said, "i think i am more like a state prisoner than anything else." she was then a grandmother through her children by her first husband. although she preferred plain attire, she is described on one occasion as wearing a velvet gown over a white satin petticoat, her hair smoothed back over a moderately high cushion. it was the fashion of the times for the ladies to tent their hair up to a great height. at one of mrs. washington's receptions, miss mcivers, a new york belle, had such a towering coiffure that the feathers which surmounted it brushed a lighted chandelier and caught fire. the consequences might have been serious had the fire spread to the pomatumed structure below, but one of the president's aides sprang to the rescue and smothered the burning plumes between the palms of his hands before any harm came to the young lady. every tuesday while congress was in session washington received visitors from three to four o'clock. these receptions were known as his levees. he is described as clad in black velvet; his hair was powdered and gathered behind in a silk bag; he wore knee and shoe buckles and yellow gloves; he held a cocked hat with a cockade and a black feather edging; and he carried a long sword in a scabbard of white polished leather. as visitors were presented to him by an aide, washington made a bow. to a candid friend who reported to him that his bows were considered to be too stiff, he replied: "would it not have been better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the effects of age, or to the unskillfulness of my teacher, rather than to pride and dignity of office, which god knows has no charm for me?" washington bore with remarkable humility the criticisms of his manners that occasionally reached him. on friday evenings mrs. washington received, and these affairs were known as her "drawing-rooms." they were over by nine o'clock which was bed-time in the washington household; for washington was an early riser, often getting up at four in the morning to start the day's work betimes. the "drawing-rooms" were more cheery affairs than the levees, as mrs. washington had simple unaffected manners, and the general had made it known that on these occasions he desired to be regarded not as the president but simply as a private gentleman. this gave him an opportunity such as he did not have at the levees to unbend and to enjoy himself. besides these receptions a series of formal dinners was given to diplomatic representatives, high officers of government, and members of congress. senator maclay of pennsylvania recorded in the diary he kept during the first congress that washington would drink wine with every one in the company, addressing each in turn by name. maclay thought it of sufficient interest to record that on one occasion a trifle was served which had been made with rancid cream. all the ladies watched to see what mrs. washington would do with her portion; and next day there were tittering remarks all through the fashionable part of the town over the fact that she had martyred herself and swallowed the dose. incidentally maclay, who was in nearly everything a vehement opponent of the policy of the administration, bore witness to washington's perfect courtesy, maclay noted that in spite of his antagonistic attitude washington invited him to dinner and paid him "marked attention," although "he knows enough to satisfy him that i will not be senator after the d of march, and to the score of his good nature must i place these attentions." in his relations with congress, washington followed precedents derived from the english constitutional system under which he had been educated. no question was raised by anybody at first as to the propriety of a course with which the public men of the day were familiar. he opened the session with an address to congress couched somewhat in the style of the speech from the throne. at the first session there was talk of providing some sort of throne for him; but the proposal came to nothing. he spoke from the vice-president's chair, and the representatives went into the senate chamber to hear him, as the commons proceed to the house of lords on such occasions. congress, too, conformed to english precedents by voting addresses in reply, and then the members repaired to the president's "audience chamber," where the presiding officers of the two houses delivered their addresses and received the president's acknowledgments. these were disagreeable duties for washington, although he discharged them conscientiously. maclay has recorded in his diary the fact that when washington made his first address to congress he was "agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket." it was not until june that washington settled these delicate affairs of official etiquette sufficiently to enable him to attend to details of administration. the government, although bankrupt, was in active operation, and the several executive departments were under secretaries appointed by the old congress. the distinguished new york jurist, john jay, now forty-four years old, had been secretary of foreign affairs since . he had long possessed washington's confidence, and now retained his secretaryship until the government was organized, whereupon he left that post to become the first chief-justice of the united states. henry knox of massachusetts, aged thirty-nine, had been secretary of war since , a position to which washington helped him. they were old friends, for knox had served through the war with washington in special charge of artillery. the postmaster-general, ebenezer hazard, was not in washington's favor. while the struggle over the adoption of the constitution was going on hazard put a stop to the customary practice by which newspaper publishers were allowed to exchange copies by mail. washington wrote an indignant letter to john jay about this action which was doing mischief by "inducing a belief that the suppression of intelligence at that critical juncture was a wicked trick of policy contrived by an aristocratic junto." as soon as washington could move in the matter, hazard was superseded by samuel osgood, who as a member of the old congress had served on a committee to examine the post-office accounts. there was no secretary of the treasury at that time, but the affairs of that department were in the hands of a board of commissioners,--this same samuel osgood, together with walter livingston and arthur lee. to all these officials washington now applied for a written account of "the real situation" of their departments. several months elapsed before he was in a position to make new arrangements. the salary bill was approved september , , and on the same day washington commissioned hamilton as secretary of the treasury,-- the first of the new appointments, although in the creative enactments the treasury department came last. next came henry knox, secretary of war and of the navy, on september ; thomas jefferson, secretary of state; and edmund randolph, attorney-general, on september , on which date osgood was also appointed. what may be said to be washington's cabinet was thus established, but the term itself did not come into use until . at the outset no more was decided than that the new government should have executive departments, and in superficial appearance these were much like those of the old government. the constitution made no distinct provision for a cabinet, and the only clause referring to the subject is the provision authorizing the president to "require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices." this provision does not contemplate a body that should be consultative by its normal character. the prevailing opinion at the time the constitution was framed was that the consultative function would be exercised by the senate, which together with the president would form the administration. upon this ground, mason of virginia refused to sign the report of the constitutional convention. it was owing to practical experience and not to the language of the constitution that the president was soon repelled from using the senate as his privy council and was thrown back upon the aid of the heads of the executive departments, who were thus drawn close to him as his cabinet.[footnote: in this formative process the postmaster-general was left outside in washington's time, since his functions were purely of a business nature, not directly affected by the issues on which washington desired advice. the postmaster-general did not become a member of the cabinet until .] the inchoate character of the cabinet for a considerable period explains what might otherwise seem to be an anomaly,--the delay of jefferson in occupying his post. he did not arrive until march , , when washington had been in office nearly a year. but this situation occasioned no remark. the notion that the heads of the departments formed a cabinet, taking office with the president and reflecting his personal choice as his advisers, was not developed until long after washington's administration, although the cabinet itself, as a distinct feature of the system of government, dates from his first term. the importance which the cabinet soon acquired is evidence that, even under a written constitution, institutions owe more to circumstances than to intentions. the constitution of the united states is no exception to the rule that the true constitution of a country is the actual distribution of power, written provisions being efficacious only in the way and to the extent that they affect such distribution in practice. hence results may differ widely from the expectations with which those provisions are introduced. a constitution is essentially a growth and never merely a contrivance. chapter ii great decisions while washington was bearing with military fortitude the rigors and annoyances of the imitation court in which he was confined, congress reached decisions that had a vast effect in determining the actual character of the government. the first business in order of course was the raising of revenue, for the treasury was empty, and payments of interest due on the french and spanish loans were years behind. madison attacked this problem before washington arrived in new york to take the oath of office. on april he introduced in the house a resolution which aimed only at giving immediate effect to a scheme of duties and imposts that had been approved generally by the states in . on the very next day debate upon this resolution began in the committee of the whole, for there was then no system of standing committees to intervene between the house and its business. the debate soon broadened out far beyond the lines of the original scheme, and in it the student finds lucidly presented the issues of public policy that have accompanied tariff debates ever since. madison laid down the general principle that "commerce ought to be free, and labor and industry left at large to find its proper object," but suggested that it would be unwise to apply this principle without regard to particular circumstances. "although interest will, in general, operate effectually to produce political good, yet there are causes in which certain factitious circumstances may divert it from its natural channel, or throw or retain it in an artificial one." in language which now reads like prophecy he referred to cases "where cities, companies, or opulent individuals engross the business from others, by having had an uninterrupted possession of it, or by the extent of their capitals being able to destroy a competition." the same situation could occur between nations, and had to be considered. there was some truth, he also thought, in the opinion "that each nation should have within itself the means of defense, independent of foreign supplies," but he considered that this argument had been urged beyond reason, as "there is good reason to believe that, when it becomes necessary, we may obtain supplies abroad as readily as any other nation whatsoever." he instanced as a cogent reason in favor of protective duties that, as the states had formerly the power of making regulations of trade to cherish their domestic interests, it must be presumed that, when they put the exercise of this power into other hands by adopting the constitution, "they must have done this with the expectation that those interests would not be neglected" by congress. actuated by such views, and doubtless also influenced by the great need for revenue, madison was on the whole favorable to amendments extending the list of dutiable articles. though there were conflicts between members from manufacturing districts and those from agricultural constituencies, and though the salt protectionists of new york had some difficulty in carrying their point, the contention did not follow sectional lines. coal was added to the list on the motion of a member from virginia. the duties levied were, however, very moderate, ranging from five to twelve and one-half per cent, with an exception in the case of one article that might be considered a luxury. the bill as it passed the house discriminated in favor of nations with which the united states had commercial treaties. that is to say, it favored france and holland as against great britain, which had the bulk of america's foreign trade. though madison insisted on this provision and was supported by a large majority of the house, the senate would not agree to it. during the early sessions of congress the senate met behind closed doors, a practice which it did not abandon until five years later. from the accounts of the discussion preserved in maclay's diary it appears that there was much wrangling. maclay relates that on one occasion when pennsylvania's demands were sharply attacked, his colleague, robert morris, was so incensed that maclay "could see his nostrils widen and his nose flatten like the head of a viper." pierce butler of south carolina "flamed away and threatened a dissolution of the union, with regard to his state, as sure as god was in the firmament." thus began a line of argument that was frequently pursued thereafter until it was ended by wager of battle. on several occasions the division was so close that vice-president adams gave the casting vote. although there was much railing in the senate against imposts as a burden to the agricultural sections, yet some who opposed duties in the abstract thought of particulars that ought not to be neglected if the principle of protection were admitted. duties on hemp and cotton therefore found their way into the bill through amendments voted by the senate. adjustment of the differences between the two houses was hindered by the resentment of the house at the removal of the treaty discrimination feature, but the senate with characteristic address evaded the issue by promising to deal with it as a separate measure and ended by thwarting the house on that point. on the whole, in view of the sharp differences of opinion, the action taken on the tariff was remarkably expeditious. the bill, which passed the house on may , was passed by the senate on june , and although delay now ensued because of the conflict over the discrimination issue, the bill became law by the president's approval on july . this prompt conclusion in spite of closely-balanced factions becomes more intelligible when it is observed that the rules of the senate then provided that, "in case of a debate becoming tedious, four senators may call for the question." brief as was the period of consideration as compared with the practice since that day, maclay noted indignantly that the merchants had "already added the amount of the duties to the price of their goods" so that a burden fell upon the consumers without advantage to the treasury. such consequence is evidence of defect in procedure which the experience of other nations has led them to correct, but which has continued to increase in the united states until it has attained monstrous proportions. under the english budget system new imposts now take effect as soon as they are proposed by the government, the contingency of alteration in the course of enactment being provided for by return of payments made in error. the general tendency of civilized government is now strongly in favor of attaching the process of deliberation upon financial measures to the period of their administrative incubation, and of shortening the period of formal legislative consideration. one of the tasks of congress in its first session was to draught amendments to the constitution. the reasons for such action were stated by madison to be a desire to propitiate those who desired a bill of rights, and an effort to secure acceptance of the constitution in rhode island and north carolina. promises had been made, in the course of the struggle for adoption, that this matter would be taken up, and there was a general willingness to proceed with it. under the leadership of madison, the house adopted seventeen amendments, which were reduced by the senate to twelve. of these, ten were eventually ratified and formed what is commonly known as the bill of rights. apart from this matter, the session, which lasted until september , was almost wholly occupied with measures to organize the new government. to understand the significance of the action taken, it should be remembered that the passions excited by the struggle over the new constitution were still turbulent. fisher ames of massachusetts, a member without previous national experience, who watched the proceedings with keen observation, early noticed the presence of a group of objectors whose motives he regarded as partly factious and partly temperamental. writing to a friend about the character of the house, he remarked: "three sorts of people are often troublesome: the anti-federals, who alone are weak and some of them well disposed; the dupes of local prejudices, who fear eastern influence, monopolies, and navigation acts; and lastly the violent republicans, as they think fit to style themselves, who are new lights in politics, who are more solicitous to establish, or rather to expatiate upon, some sounding principle of republicanism, than to protect property, cement the union, and perpetuate liberty." the spirit of opposition had from the first an experienced leader in elbridge gerry of massachusetts. he had seen many years of service in the continental congress which he first entered in . he was a delegate to the philadelphia convention, in whose sessions he showed a contentious temper, and in the end refused to subscribe to the new constitution. in the convention debates he had strongly declared himself "against letting the heads of the departments, particularly of finance, have anything to do with business connected with legislation." defeated in the convention, gerry was now bent upon making his ideas prevail in the organization of the government. on may , the matter of the executive departments was brought up in committee of the whole by boudinot of new jersey. at this time it was the practice of congress to take up matters first in committee of the whole, and, after general conclusions had been reached, to appoint a committee to prepare and bring in a bill. a warm discussion ensued on the question whether the heads of the departments should be removable by the president. gerry, who did not take a prominent part in the debate, spoke with a mildness that was in marked contrast with the excitement shown by some of the speakers. he was in favor of supporting the president to the utmost and of making him as responsible as possible, but since congress had obviously no right to confer a power not authorized by the constitution, and since the constitution had conditioned appointments on the consent of the senate, it followed that removals must be subject to the same condition. he spoke briefly and only once, although the debate became long and impassioned. but he was merely reserving his fire, as subsequent developments soon showed. without a call for the ayes and nays, the question was decided in favor of declaring the power of removal to be in the president. the committee then proceeded to the consideration of the treasury department. gerry at once made a plea for delay. "he thought they were hurrying on business too rapidly. gentlemen had already committed themselves on one very important point." he "knew nothing of the system which gentlemen proposed to adopt in arranging the treasury department," but the fact was worth considering that "the late congress had, on long experience, thought proper to organize the treasury department, in a mode different from that now proposed." he "would be glad to know what the reasons were that would induce the committee to adopt a different system from that which had been found most beneficial to the united states." what gerry had in view was the retention of the then existing system of treasury management by a board of commissioners. in the continental congress had been forced to let the treasury pass out of its own hands into those of a superintendent of finance, through sheer inability to get any funds unless the change was made. robert morris, who held the position, had resigned in january, , because of the behavior of congress, but the attitude of the army had become so menacing that he was implored to remain in office and attend to the arrears of military pay. he had managed to effect a settlement, and at length retired from office on november , . congress then put the treasury in the hands of three commissioners appointed and supervised by it. gerry was now striving to continue this arrangement with as little change as possible. when debate was resumed the next day, gerry made a long, smooth speech on the many superior advantages of the board system. the extent and variety of the functions of the office would be a trial to any one man's integrity. "admit these innumerable opportunities for defrauding the revenue, without check or control, and it is next to impossible he should remain unsullied in reputation, or innoxious with respect to misapplying his trust." the situation would be "very disagreeable to the person appointed, provided he is an honest, upright man; it will be disagreeable also to the people of the union, who will always have reason to suspect" misconduct. "we have had a board of treasury and we have had a financier. have not express charges, as well as vague rumors, been brought against him at the bar of the public? they may be unfounded, it is true; but it shows that a man cannot serve in such a station without exciting popular clamor. it is very well known, i dare say, to many gentlemen in this house, that the noise and commotion were such as obliged congress once more to alter their treasury department, and place it under the management of a board of commissioners." he descanted upon the perils to liberty involved in the course they were pursuing. surround the president with ministers of state and "the president will be induced to place more confidence in them than in the senate.... an oligarchy will be confirmed upon the ruin of the democracy; a government most hateful will descend to our posterity and all our exertions in the glorious cause of freedom will be frustrated." gerry's speech as a whole was tactful and persuasive, but he made a blunder when he appealed to the recollections of the old members, men who had been in the continental congress, or else in some position where they could view its springs of action. their recollections now came forward to his discomfiture. "my official duty," said wadsworth of connecticut, "has led me often to attend at the treasury of the united states, and, from my experience, i venture to pronounce that a board of treasury is the worst of all institutions. they have doubled our national debt." he contrasted the order and clearness of accounts while the superintendent of finance was in charge with the situation since then. if the committee had before them the transactions of the treasury board, "instead of system and responsibility they would find nothing but confusion and disorder, without a possibility of checking their accounts." boudinot of new jersey said he "would state a circumstance which might give the committee some small idea of what the savings under the superintendent were. the expenditure of hay at a certain post was one hundred and forty tons; such was the estimate laid before him; yet twelve tons carried the post through the year, and the supply was abundant, and the post was as fully and usefully occupied as it had ever been before." of course there was an outcry against the superintendent of finance; "he rather wondered that the clamor was not more loud and tremendous." he remembered that "one hundred and forty-six supernumerary officers were brushed off in one day, who had long been sucking the vital blood and spirit of the nation. was it to be wondered at, if this swarm should raise a buzz about him?" gerry fought on almost singlehanded, but he could not refute the evidence that he had invited. he lost his temper and resorted to sarcasm. if a single head of the treasury was so desirable, why not "have a single legislator; one man to make all the laws, the revenue laws particularly, because among many there is less responsibility, system, and energy; consequently a numerous representation in this house is an odious institution." the case for the treasury board was so hopeless that nothing more was heard of it; but the battle over the removal question was renewed with added violence, when the bill for establishing the department of foreign affairs came up for consideration. white of virginia now led the attack. he had been a member of the continental congress from to , and a member of the ratifying convention of his state. although he voted for a provisional acceptance of the constitution, he had supported an amendment requiring congress to collect direct taxes or excises through state agency, which would have been in effect a return to the plan of requisitions--the bane of the confederation. in an elaborate speech he attacked the clause giving the president power to remove from office, as an attempt to impart an authority not conferred by the constitution, and inconsistent with the requirement that appointments should be made with the advice and consent of the senate. the debate soon became heated. "let us look around at this moment," said jackson of georgia, "and see the progress we are making toward venality and corruption. we already hear the sounding title of _highness_ and _most honorable_ trumpeted in our ears, which, ten years since, would have exalted a man to a station as high as haman's gibbet." page of virginia was ablaze with indignation. "good god!" he exclaimed. "what, authorize in a free republic, by law, too, by your first act, the exertion of a dangerous royal prerogative in your chief magistrate!" gerry, in remarks whose oblique criticism upon arrangements at the president's house was perfectly well understood, dwelt upon the possibility that the president might be guided by some other criterion than discharge of duty as the law directs. "perhaps the officer is not good natured enough; he makes an ungraceful bow, or does it left leg foremost; this is unbecoming in a great officer at the president's levee. now, because he is so unfortunate as not to be so good a dancer as he is a worthy officer, he must be removed." these rhetorical flourishes, which are significant of the undercurrent of sentiment, hardly do justice to the general quality of the debate which was marked by legal acuteness on both sides. madison pressed home the sensible argument that the president could not be held to responsibility unless he could control his subordinates. "and if it should happen that the officers connect themselves with the senate, they may mutually support each other, and for want of efficacy reduce the power of the president to a mere vapor; in which case, his responsibility would be annihilated and the expectation of it unjust." the debate lasted for several days, but madison won by a vote of to in committee, in favor of retaining the clause. on second thought, however, and probably after consultation with the little group of constructive statesmen who stood behind the scenes, he decided that it might be dangerous to allow the president's power of removal to rest upon a legislative grant that might be revoked. when the report from the committee of the whole was taken up in the house, a few days later, benson of new york proposed that the disputed clause should be omitted and the language of the bill should be worded so as to imply that the power of removal was in the president. madison accepted the suggestion, and the matter was thus settled. the point was covered by providing that the chief clerk of the department should take charge "whenever the principal officer shall be removed from office by the president." the clause got through the senate by the casting vote of the vice-president, and a similar provision was inserted, without further contest, in all the acts creating the executive departments. it is rather striking evidence of the utopian expectations which could then be indulged that daniel carroll of maryland was persistent in urging that the existence of the office should be limited to a few years, "under a hope that a time would come when the united states would be disengaged from the necessity of supporting a secretary of foreign affairs." although gerry and others expressed sympathy with the motion it was voted down without a division. when the bill establishing the treasury department was taken up, page of virginia made a violent attack upon the clause authorizing the secretary to "digest and report plans." he denounced it as "an attempt to create an undue influence" in the house. "nor would the mischief stop here; it would establish a precedent which might be extended until we admitted all the ministers of the government on the floor, to explain and support the plans they have digested and reported; thus laying the foundation for an aristocracy or a detestable monarchy." as a matter of fact, a precedent in favor of access to congress already existed. the old superintendent of finance and the board which succeeded him had the power now proposed for the secretary of the treasury. livermore of new hampshire, who had been a member of the continental congress, admitted this fact, but held that such power was not dangerous at that time since congress then possessed both legislative and executive authority. they could abolish his plans and his office together, if they thought proper; "but we are restrained by a senate and by the negative of the president," gerry declared his assent to the views expressed by page. "if the doctrine of having prime and great ministers of state was once well established, he did not doubt but that we should soon see them distinguished by a green or red ribbon, or other insignia of court favor and patronage." the strongest argument in favor of retaining the clause referred to was made by fisher ames, who had begun to display the powers of clear statement and of convincing argument that soon established his supremacy in debate. he brought the debate at once to its proper bearings by pointing out that there were really only two matters to be considered: whether the proposed arrangement was useful, and whether it could be safely guarded from abuse. "the secretary is presumed to acquire the best knowledge of the subject of finance of any member of the community. now, if this house is to act on the best knowledge of circumstances, it seems to follow logically that the house must obtain the evidence from that officer: the best way of doing this will be publicly from the officer himself, by making it his duty to furnish us with it." in one of those eloquent passages which brighten the records of debate whenever ames spoke at any length, he pictured the difficulties that had to be surmounted. "if we consider the present situation of our finances, owing to a variety of causes, we shall no doubt perceive a great, although unavoidable confusion throughout the whole scene; it presents to the imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos; impossible to be reduced to order without the mind of the architect is clear and capacious, and his power commensurate to the occasion." he asked, "what improper influence could a plan reported openly and officially have on the mind of any member, more than if the scheme and information were given privately at the secretary's office?" merely to call for information would not be advantageous to the house. "it will be no mark of inattention or neglect, if he take time to consider the questions you propound; but if you make it his duty to furnish you plans ... and he neglect to perform it, his conduct or capacity is virtually impeached. this will be furnishing an additional check." sedgwick of massachusetts made a strong speech to the same effect. "make your officer responsible," he said with prophetic vision, "and the presumption is, that plans and information are properly digested; but if he can secrete himself behind the curtain, he might create a noxious influence, and not be answerable for the information he gives." the weight of the argument was heavily on the side of the supporters of the clause, and it looked as though the group of objectors would again be beaten. but now a curious thing happened. fitzsimmons remarked that, if he understood the objection made to the clause, "it was a jealousy arising from the power given the secretary to report plans of revenue to the house." he suggested that "harmony might be restored by changing the word 'report' into 'prepare'." fitzsimmons was esteemed by the house because of his zealous support of the war of independence and also because he stood high as a successful philadelphia merchant, but he did not, however, rank as a leader. early in the session ames described him as a man who "is supposed to understand trade, and he assumes some weight in such matters. he is plausible, though not over civil; is artful, has a glaring eye, a down look, speaks low, and with apparent candor and coolness." he was hardly the man to guide the house on a matter pertaining to the organization of public authority. while the removal issue was before the house, madison had been prominent in debate, and had spoken with great power and earnestness; but up to this time he had said nothing on the issue now pending. he now remarked that he did not believe that the danger apprehended by some really existed, but twice in his speech he admitted that "there is a small possibility, though it is but small, that an officer may derive a weight from this circumstance, and have some degree of influence upon the deliberations of the legislature." in its practical effect the speech favored the compromise which fitzsimmons had just proposed; in fact, the only opposition to the change of phrasing now came from a few extremists who still clamored for the omission of the entire clause. the decisive effect of madison's intervention was a natural consequence of the leadership he had held in the movement for the new constitution and of his standing as the representative of the new administration, of his possessing washington's confidence and acting as his adviser. washington, then being without a cabinet, had turned to madison for help in discharging the duties of his office, and at washington's written request madison had drafted for him his replies to the addresses of the house and the senate at the opening of the session. it was a matter of course in such circumstances that the house accepted fitzsimmons' amendment,--"by a great majority," according to the record,--and thus the secretary of the treasury was shut out of the house and was condemned to work in the lobby. the consequences of this decision have been so vast that it is worth while making an inquiry into motive, although the materials upon which judgment must rest are scant. no one can read the record of this discussion without noting that madison's approval of the original clause was lukewarm as compared with the ardor he had shown when the question was whether washington should be allowed to remove his subordinates. this contrast suggests that madison's behavior was affected by fear of hamilton's influence. would it be prudent for him to give hamilton the advantage of being able to appear in person before the house, and probably to supplant madison himself as the spokesman of the administration? divergence between the two men had already begun in details. at the time the vote on the powers of the secretary of the treasury was taken, the tariff bill and the tonnage bill were still pending, and hamilton's influence operated against madison's views on some points. moreover, the question of the permanent residence of the federal government was coming forward and was apparently overshadowing everything else in the minds of members. ames several times in his correspondence at this period remarks upon madison's timidity, which was due to his concern about virginia state politics. any arrangement that might enable hamilton to cross swords with an opponent on the floor of the house could not be attractive to madison, who was a lucid reasoner but not an impressive speaker. hamilton was both of these, and he possessed an intellectual brilliancy which madison lacked. ames, who respected madison's abilities and who regarded him as the leading member of the house, wrote that "he speaks low, his person is little and ordinary; he speaks decently as to manner, and no more; his language is very pure, perspicuous, and to the point." why fitzsimmons should be opposed to the appearance of the secretary in person in the house, as had been robert morris's practice when he was superintendent of finance, is plain enough. maclay's diary has many references to fitzsimmons's negotiations with members on tariff rates. it was not to the advantage of private diplomacy to allow the secretary to shape and define issues on the floor of the house. but fitzsimmons could not have had his way about the matter without madison's help. gibbon remarks that the greatest of theological controversies which racked the roman empire and affected the peace of millions turned on the question whether a certain word should be spelled with one diphthong or another. a like disproportion between the vastness of results and the minuteness of verbal distinction is exhibited in this decision by the house. the change of "report" into "prepare" threw up a ridge in the field of constitutional development that has affected the trend of american politics ever since. this is the explanation of a problem of comparative politics that has often excited much wondering notice: why it is that alone among modern representative assemblies the american house of representatives tends to decline in prestige and authority. the original expectation was that the house of representatives would take a dominant position like that of the house of commons, but its degradation began so soon that fisher ames noted it as early as . writing to hamilton he observed: "the heads of departments are chief clerks. instead of being the ministry, the organs of the executive power, and imparting a kind of momentum to the operation of the laws, they are precluded even from communicating with the house by reports.... committees already are the ministers and while the house indulges a jealousy of encroachment in its functions, which are properly deliberative, it does not perceive that these are impaired and nullified by the monopoly as well as the perversion of information by these committees." justice story, who entered congress in as a jeffersonian republican, noted the process of degradation, and in his _commentaries_ he pointed out the cause: "the executive is compelled to resort to secret and unseen influences, to private interviews and private arrangements to accomplish its own appropriate purposes, instead of proposing and sustaining its own duties and measures by a bold and manly appeal to the nation in the face of its representatives." the last of the organic acts of the session was the one establishing the judiciary. the student will be disappointed if he examines the record to note whether there was any vision of the ascendancy which the judiciary was to obtain in the development of the american constitutional system. the debates were almost wholly about the possibilities of conflict between the state and the federal courts. although maclay's diary gives a one-sided and distorted account of the proceedings in the senate, the course of the debate is clear. ellsworth of connecticut had principal charge of the bill. at the outset lee and grayson of virginia made an ineffectual effort to confine the original jurisdiction of the federal courts to cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, and argued that jurisdiction over other cases involving federal law might be conferred upon state courts. this was a point on which there had been some difference of opinion between hamilton and madison. the former held that it was within the competency of congress, when instituting tribunals inferior to the supreme court, to adopt the state courts for that purpose. madison held that nothing less than a system of federal courts quite distinct from the state courts would satisfy the requirements of the constitution. when the bill was taken up in the house, there was a long debate over this matter. the costly duplication of judicial establishments that has ever since existed in the united states is certainly not necessary to a federal system, but is an american peculiarity. the advocates of a unified system were hampered by the fact that this view was pressed by some in a spirit of hostility to the constitution. the decisive argument was the untrustworthiness of the state courts. madison urged this fact with great force and pointed out that in some of the states the courts "are so dependent on the state legislatures, that to make the federal laws dependent on them, would throw us back into all the embarrassments which characterized our former situation." such was the low repute of the state legislatures that the only way in which this argument could be met was to argue that "congress shall have power, in its fullest extent, to correct, reverse, or affirm, any decree of a state court." this high assertion of federal authority was made by jackson of georgia in the course of a long legal argument. the debate did not follow sectional lines, and in general it was not unfairly described by maclay as a lawyer's wrangle. the bill was put into shape by the senate, and reached the house toward the close of the session when the struggle over the site of the national capital was overshadowing everything else. it was so generally believed that nothing important could be gained by attempts at amendment that, after an airing of opinions, the house accepted the measure just as it had come from the senate. chapter iii the master builder the subject of national finance had long interested hamilton. his ideas had been matured by a diligent and minute study of english precedents, and now that his opportunity had come he was ready to grasp it. soon after he took office, the house resolved that "an adequate provision for the support of the public credit" should be made, and it directed the secretary of the treasury "to prepare a plan for that purpose and to report the same to the house at its next meeting." this was, in effect, a postponement until the second session of the first congress, which began in january, . in his opening address to congress, washington pointedly referred to the public credit resolution which he had noted "with peculiar pleasure." on the next day a letter from hamilton was read in the house stating that he had prepared his plan and was ready to report the same to the house when they should be pleased to receive it. this announcement brought up anew the question in what manner the secretary should make his report. gerry was on his feet at once with a motion that it should be made in writing. boudinot "hoped that the secretary of the treasury might be permitted to make his report in person in order to answer such inquiries as the members might be disposed to make, for it was a justifiable surmise that gentlemen would not be able clearly to comprehend so intricate a subject without oral illustration." the allusion to the intricacy of the subject had the effect of turning against the plan of oral communication some who had favored giving the secretary the same direct access to congress that the superintendent of finance had formerly enjoyed. ames, for instance, now desired that the secretary's communications should be in writing since "in this shape they would obtain a degree of permanency favorable to the responsibility of the officer, while, at the same time, they would be less liable to be misunderstood." benson suggested that since the resolution of congress had directed the secretary to make a report, it was left to his discretion to "make it in the manner for which he is prepared." gerry adroitly countered by saying that the resolution provided for a report. that done, it would be time enough "to give him the right to lay before them his explanations, if he thinks explanations necessary." the debate was brief and one-sided; the motion for receiving the report in writing was adopted without a division. five days later the written report was laid before the house, but the secretary was never accorded an opportunity to offer any personal explanations. this masterly report, which is justly regarded as the corner-stone of american public credit, excites the admiration of the reader by the clearness of its analysis, the cogency of its argument, and the broad range of its vision. the principles of action that it embodied, however, were few and simple, chief among them being exact and punctual fulfillment of contract. "states, like individuals, who observe their engagements, are respected and trusted; while the reverse is the fate of those who pursue an opposite conduct." to discharge the principal of the public debt was of course impracticable; nor was it desirable, as the creditors would be well pleased to leave it at interest. incidentally the funding of the debt would provide securities that would serve trade as a species of currency, and would set in motion a long train of benefits that would extend throughout the community. in the funding operation the debts contracted by the states should be included. as to this hamilton remarked: "the general principle of it seems to be equitable, for it seems difficult to conceive a good reason why the expenses for the particular defense of a part in a common war should not be a common charge, as well as those incurred professedly for the general defense. the defense of each part is that of the whole; and unless the expenditures are brought into a common mass, the tendency must be to add to the calamities suffered by being the most exposed to the ravages of war and increase of burthens." hamilton computed the amount of the foreign debt, principal and arrears, at $ , , . ; the domestic debt, including that of the states, at $ , , . ,--a total of over fifty-four millions with an annual interest charge at existing rates amounting to $ , , . ,--a staggering total for a nation whose revenue was then insufficient to meet its current expenses. nevertheless hamilton refused to admit that "such a provision would exceed the abilities of the country," but he was "clearly of the opinion that to make it would require the extension of taxation to a degree and to objects which the true interest of the public creditor forbids." he therefore favored a composition, in arranging which there would be strict adherence to the principle "that no change in the rights of creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent; and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact as well as in name." it followed that "every proposal of a change ought to be in the shape of an appeal to their interests; but not to their necessities." hamilton then went into details of a funding loan, in which various options were offered to the creditors, including land grants in part payment, and conversion in whole or in part into annuities, several sorts of which were offered. he submitted estimates of how the various plans would work out in practice, and he concluded that the annual revenue which would be required to enable the government to meet its obligations under the scheme and also to maintain its current service would amount to $ , , . , a sum that could be readily provided. there could not have been a more striking contrast than there was between the humiliating conditions which actually existed and the grand results which hamilton designed and confidently expected. the ardent and hopeful tone of his plan, conceived in apparently desperate circumstances, is very marked. he declared: "it cannot but merit particular attention that among ourselves the most enlightened friends of good government are those whose expectations are the highest. to justify and preserve their confidence; to promote the increasing respectability of the american name; to answer the calls of justice; to restore landed property to its due value; to furnish new resources both to agriculture and commerce; to cement more closely the union of the states; to add to their security against foreign attack; to establish public order on the basis of a liberal and upright policy--these are the great and invaluable ends to be secured by a proper and adequate provision at the present period for the support of public credit." all these great objects were indeed attained, but hamilton's anticipation of them was at the time regarded as either a pretext made to cajole congress or else merely an ebullition from his own sanguine nature not to be taken too seriously by sensible people. senator maclay of pennsylvania regarded hamilton's plans as wildly extravagant in their conception and iniquitous in their practical effect. in his opinion, hamilton had "a very boyish, giddy manner, and scotch-irish people could well call him a 'skite.'" jackson of georgia exposed to the house the folly of hamilton's proposals by pointing out that a funded debt meant national decay. he mentioned england as "a melancholy instance of the ruin attending such engagements." to such a pitch had the "spirit of funding and borrowing been carried in that country" that its national debt was now "a burthen which the most sanguine mind can never contemplate they will ever be relieved from." france also was "considerably enfeebled and languishes under a heavy load of debt." he argued that by funding the debt in america "the same effect must be produced that has taken place in other nations; it must either bring on national bankruptcy, or annihilate her existence as an independent empire." such dismal prognostications on the very eve of the napoleonic era, with its tremendous revelations of national power, were quite common at that time. the long rambling debate that took place in the house when hamilton's report was taken up for consideration abounds with similar instances of shortsightedness. many members did not scruple to advise repudiation, in whole or in part. livermore of new hampshire admitted that the foreign debt should be provided for, since it was "lent to the united states in real coin, by disinterested persons, not concerned or benefited by the revolution," but that the domestic debt was "for depreciated paper, or services done at exorbitant rates, or for goods or provisions supplied at more than their real worth, by those who received all the benefits arising from our change of condition." true, congress had pledged its faith to the redemption of issues at their face value, "but this was done on a principle of policy, in order to prevent the rapid depreciation which was taking place." he argued that "money lent in this depreciated and depreciating state can hardly be said to be lent from a spirit of patriotism; it was a mere speculation in public securities." the distinction between the foreign debt and the domestic was seized by many members as providing a just basis for discrimination. page of virginia observed that "our citizens were deeply interested, and, i believe, if they were never to get a farthing for what is owing to them for their services, they would be well paid; they have gained what they aimed at; they have secured their liberties and their laws; they will be satisfied that this house has pledged itself to pay foreigners the generous loans they advanced to us in the day of distress." in the course of the debate the power to do was so often mentioned as implying the right to do that ames was moved to remark: "i have heard that in the east indies the stock of the labor and the property of the empire is the property of the prince; that it is held at his will and pleasure; but this is a slavish doctrine, which i hope we are not prepared to adopt here." as a matter of fact, there had already been extensive scaling of the debt, and the note emissions had been pretty nearly wiped out. to save the public credit from complete collapse, the continental congress had entered into definite contracts under the most solemn pledges, and it was upon this select class of securities that it was now proposed to start anew the process of repudiation. but public opinion displayed itself so hostile to such perfidy that the party of repudiation in congress soon dwindled to insignificance and the struggle finally settled upon two issues, discrimination and assumption. weeks of debate ensued, and the deepest impression made by a careful perusal of the record is the inability of members to appreciate the importance of the issues. much of the tedious and pointless character of their speeches may be ascribed to the lack of the personal presence of the secretary. there being nothing to focus the debate and exclude the fictitious and irrelevant, it rambled in any direction a speaker's fancy might suggest. moreover, its quality was impaired because any consideration of motive was of the nature of talking about a man behind his back and this, everyone knows, is very different from saying things to his face. assertions and innuendos which would hardly have been hazarded had hamilton been present, or which, had they been made, would have been forthwith met and refuted, were indulged in without restraint. although one of the reasons given for requiring a written report was that the house would be the better informed, the debate does not indicate that the arguments by which hamilton had vindicated his proposals had really been apprehended. the question whether or not any discrimination could be made between original holders of the public securities and those who had acquired them by purchase was considered at length by hamilton in his report. the public securities had been at such a heavy discount that now, if they were to be met at face value, speculators would reap large profits. hamilton put the case of the opposition as strongly as possible. it might be urged that it was unreasonable "to pay twenty shillings in the pound to one who had not given more for it than three or four; and it is added that it would be hard to aggravate the misfortune of the first owner, who, probably through necessity, parted with, his property at so great a loss, by obliging him to contribute to the profit of the person who had speculated on his distresses." nevertheless, hamilton submitted considerations showing that discrimination would be "equally unjust and impolitic, as highly injurious even to the original holders of public securities, as ruinous to public credit." it is unnecessary to repeat the lucid argument by which hamilton demonstrated the soundness of his position, for security of transfer is now well understood to be an essential element of public credit; but the special point of interest is that the debate simply ignored hamilton's argument and rambled along over the superficial aspects of the case, dwelling upon the sorrows of those who had parted with their holdings, and exhibiting their situation as the most important matter to be considered. madison was most active in making that branch of the case the leading issue, and in a series of elaborate speeches which cannot now be read without regret, he urged that the present holders should be allowed only the highest market price previously recorded, and that the residue should go to the original holders. boudinot at once pointed out that there was nothing on record to show who might be an original bona fide holder. great quantities of the certificates of indebtedness had, as a mere matter of convenience, been issued to government clerks who afterwards distributed them among those who furnished supplies to the government or who performed services entitling them to pay. he mentioned that he himself appeared on the record as original holder in cases wherein he had really acted in behalf of his neighbors to relieve them of the trouble of personal appearance. madison's proposition would therefore invest him with a legal title to property which really belonged to others. but this and other evidence of the real effect of madison's proposal failed to move him, further than to cause him to declare that "all that he wished was that the claims of the original holders, not less than those of the actual holders, should be fairly examined and justly decided," finally benson of new york gave him a shrewd home thrust that plainly embarrassed him. he put the question whether, if he had purchased a certificate from madison, and the treasury withheld part of the amount for madison as the original holder, madison would keep the money? "i ask," said benson, "whether he would take advantage of the law against me, and refuse to give me authority to take it up in his name?" madison evaded the query by saying that everything would depend upon the circumstances of any particular case, and that circumstances were conceivable in which the most tender conscience need not refrain from taking the benefit of what the government had determined. the debate on madison's discrimination amendment lasted from the eleventh to the twenty-second day of february--washington's birthday. the house did honor to the day when it rejected madison's motion by the crushing vote of to . with that, his pretensions to the leadership of the house quite disappeared. the assumption of state debts was the subject of a debate in committee of the whole which lasted from the twenty-third of february to the second of march. new factional lines now revealed a supposed diversity of interest of the several states. the false notions of finance then current were illustrated by an argument that was in continual use, either on the floor or in the lobby. members would figure how much their states would have to pay as their share of the debt that would be assumed, and on that basis would reach conclusions as to how their states stood to win or lose by the transaction. by this reckoning, of course, the great gainer would appear to be the state upon whom the chances of war had piled the largest debt. this calculation made burke of south carolina, usually an opponent of anything coming from hamilton, a strong advocate of assumption. he told the house that "if the present question was lost, he was almost certain it would end in her bankruptcy, for she [south carolina] was no more able to grapple with her enormous debt than a boy of twelve years of age is able to grapple with a giant." livermore, representing a state never within the actual field of military operations, at once replied: "i conceive that the debt of south carolina, or massachusetts, or of an individual, has nothing to do with our deliberations. if they have involved themselves in debt, it is their misfortune, and they must extricate themselves as well as they can." on a later occasion stone of maryland, another state that lay outside the track of war, gave the leading war-debt states an admonition of the kind that adds insult to injury, saying "however inconvenient it may be to massachusetts or south carolina to make a bold exertion, and nobly bear the burthens of their present debt, i believe in the end it would be found to conduce greatly to their advantage." burke made a crushing rejoinder. "was maryland like south carolina constantly grappling with the enemy during the whole war? there is not a road in the state but has witnessed the ravages of war; plantations were destroyed, and the skeletons of houses, to this day, point out to the traveler the route of the british army; her citizens were exposed to every violence, their capital taken, and their country almost overrun by the enemy; men, women, and children murdered by the indians and tories; all the personal property consumed, and now is it to be wondered at that she is not able to make exertions equal with other states, who have been generally in an undisturbed condition?" the argument pressed by the advocates of assumption was that the state debts contracted during the revolutionary war were for the common defense, and that, unless these were assumed by the general government, the adoption of the new constitution would do injury by withdrawing revenue resources which the states had formerly possessed. this position at the present day seems reasonable enough, but it is certain that at that time people worked themselves into a genuine rage over the matter and were able to persuade themselves into a sincere belief that it was outrageous the unfortunate states should expect the others to bear their troubles, and that hamilton was a great rogue for proposing such a scheme. writing in his private diary, maclay characterized the plan as "a monument of political absurdity," and he was in the habit of referring to hamilton's supporters as his "gladiators" and as a "corrupt squadron." on the whole the records make painful reading. the prevailing tone of public life was one of dull and narrow provincialism, at times thickening into stupidity, at times sharpening into spite, although ordinarily made respectable by a serious attitude to life and by a stolid fortitude in facing whatever the distracted times might present. it was the influence of a few great men that made america a nation. if one is not subject to the spirit of ancestor worship that has long ruled american history, one is bound to say that--apart from some forceful pamphleteering of transient purpose--the voluminous political literature of the formative period displays much pedantic erudition but has little that goes really deep. the _federalist_, the artillery of a hard fought battle, is a striking exception. so, too, is the series of reports by hamilton. but his plans could not prevail by force of reason against the general spirit of selfish particularism. although on march a motion adverse to assumption in committee of the whole was defeated by a vote of to , it was then known that a majority could not be procured for enactment, and on april the assumption bill was defeated outright in the house, to . maclay, who went over to the house from the senate to witness the event, gloated over the defeat in his diary: "sedgwick, from boston, pronounced a funeral oration over it. he was called to order; some confusion ensued; he took his hat and went out. when he returned, his visage bore the visible marks of weeping. fitzsimmons reddened like scarlet; his eyes were brimful. clymer's color, always pale, now merged to a deadly white; his lips quivered, and his nether jaw shook with convulsive motions; his head, neck, and breast contracted with gesticulations resembling those of a turkey or goose nearly strangled in the act of deglutition. benson bungled like a shoemaker who has lost his end.... wadsworth hid his grief under the rim of a round hat. boudinot's wrinkles rose in ridges and the angles of his mouth were depressed and assumed a curve resembling a horse's shoe." the defeat did not discourage hamilton. he had successfully handled a more difficult situation in getting new york to ratify the constitution, and, resorting now to the same means he had then employed, he used pressure of interest to move those who could not be stirred by reason. the intense concern felt by members in the choice of the site of the national capital supplied him with the leverage which he brought to bear on the situation. most of the members were more stirred by that question than by any other before congress. it was a prominent topic in madison's correspondence from the time the constitution was adopted. maclay's diary abounds with references to the subject. some of his bitterest sentences are penned about the conduct of those who preferred some other site to that on the susquehanna river which he knew to be the best because he lived there himself. bargaining among the members as to the selection had been going on almost from the first. as early as april , , before washington had been installed in his office, maclay mentions a meeting "to concert some measures for the removal of congress." thereafter notices of pending deals appear frequently in his diary. after the defeat of the assumption bill, the diary notes the activity of hamilton in this matter. an entry of june , , ascribes to robert morris the statement that "hamilton said he wanted one vote in the senate and five in the house of representatives; that he was willing and would agree to place the permanent residence of congress at germantown or falls of the delaware (trenton), if he would procure him those votes." although definite knowledge is unattainable, one gets the impression, in following the devious course of these intrigues, that had pennsylvania interests been united they could have decided the site of the national capital; but the delegation was divided over the relative merits of the delaware and the susquehanna as well as on the question of assumption. hamilton's efforts in this quarter were ineffectual, and the winning combination was finally arranged elsewhere and otherwise by the aid of jefferson. thomas jefferson was at this time forty-seven years old, and owing both to seniority and to the distinguished positions he had held, he ranked as the most illustrious member of the administration. his correspondence at this period shows that he was fully aware of the importance of the crisis, and he did not overrate it when he wrote to james monroe, june , , that, unless the measures of the administration were successful, "our credit will burst and vanish, and the states separate to take care everyone of itself." in this letter jefferson outlined the compromise that was actually adopted by congress. the strongest opposition to the assumption bill had come from virginia, although maryland, georgia, and new hampshire also opposed it, and the middle states were divided. jefferson was able to get enough southern votes to carry assumption in return for enough votes from hamilton's adherents to carry the potomac site. an agreement was reached at a dinner given by jefferson to which he invited hamilton and madison. according to this arrangement, the capital was to remain in philadelphia for ten years and after that to be on the potomac river in a district ten miles square to be selected by the president. the residence act was approved july , ; the funding and assumption measures, now combined in one bill, became law on august . after jefferson turned against the administration, his participation in the passage of the assumption bill was such an awkward circumstance that he discredited his own intelligence by professing that he "was most ignorantly and innocently made to hold the candle" to hamilton's "game." in reality the public service jefferson then performed was the most useful in all his long and fruitful career. but for this action, the declaration of independence, to the drafting of which he owes his greatest fame, might now be figuring among the historical documents of lost causes, like similar elaborate statements of principle made during the commonwealth period in england. had the national forces failed at the critical period of financial organization, and the states, bankrupt by the revolutionary struggle, been left in the lurch, the republic would have followed the usual course of disintegration displayed by federations from the time of the greek amphictyonies down to that of the holy roman empire. the charge was made soon after hamilton's victory that it was largely due to the influence of speculators. the advance in the market value of securities produced by hamilton's measures certainly gave an opportunity to speculators of which they availed themselves with the unscrupulous activity characteristic of the sordid tribe. jefferson has left an account of "the base scramble." "couriers and relay horses by land, and swift sailing pilot boats by sea, were flying in all directions. active partners and agents were associated and employed in every state, town, and country neighborhood, and this paper was bought up at five shillings, and even as low as two shillings in the pound, before the holder knew that congress had already provided for its assumption at par. immense sums were thus filched from the poor and ignorant, and fortunes accumulated by those who had themselves been poor enough before." this account is highly colored. the struggle was too close, and the issue was long too doubtful, to admit of speculative preparations extending to every "town and country neighborhood." if speculation took place on such a large scale, it must have been also taking risks on a large scale, for assumption was not assured until jefferson himself put his shoulder to the wheel. the lack of means for prompt diffusion of intelligence naturally provided large opportunity for speculation by those in a position to keep well-informed, and undoubtedly large profits were made; but the circumstances were such that it seems most probable that profits were less than market opportunities would have allowed had not the issue been so long in doubt. nevertheless there was much speculative activity, and the charge was soon made that it extended into congress.[footnote: this charge was put forth by john taylor in pamphlets printed in and , in which he reviewed the financial policy of the administration and gave a list of congressmen who had invested in the public funds. the facts on which this charge rests have been collected and examined by professor beard in his _economic origins of jeffersonian democracy_. his analysis shows that out of sixty-four members of the house, twenty-nine were security holders, and of these twenty-one voted for and eight voted against assumption. but the facts disclosed do not sustain his theory that the issue was essentially a conflict between capitalism and agrarianism. the assumption bill was lifted to its place on the statute book through the leverage exerted by hamilton and jefferson, with washington's prestige as their fulcrum. the characters of these three men resist schemes of classification according to economic interest. the principal value of analysis of the economic elements of the struggle is to protect from undervaluation the motives that actuated the opposition to hamilton's measures. the historian has the advantage of a perspective denied to participants in events, and this fact is apt to turn unduly to the discredit of lost causes.] the passage of assumption was the turning point. other important measures followed, but none of them met with difficulties which the administration could not overcome by ordinary methods of persuasion and appeal. a national bank was authorized by an act approved on february , . hamilton's famous report on manufactures, a masterly analysis of the sources of national wealth and of the means of improving them, was sent to congress on december , . upon his recommendation congress established the mint, the only point which excited controversy being hamilton's proposal that the coins should be stamped with the head of the president in whose administration they were issued. this suggestion was rejected on the ground that it smacked too much of the practice of monarchies. the queer totemistic designs of american coinage are a consequence of this decision. the formation of national government by voluntary agreement is a unique event. the explanation of this peculiar result in the case of america is the unifying influence of hamilton's measures. they interested in the support of the government economic forces strong enough to counteract the separatist tendencies that had always before broken up states unless they were held together by sheer might of power in their rulers. the means employed have been cited as evidence in support of the economic interpretation of history now in fashion. government, it is true, like every other form of life, must meet the fundamental needs of subsistence and defense, but this truism supplies no explanation of the particular mode of doing so that may be adopted. those needs account for motion but not for direction. human will, discernment, and purpose enter and complicate the situation in a way that makes theories of determinism appear absurd. no one has ever contended that hamilton was prompted by an economic motive in giving up his law practice to accept public office. he did so against the remonstrances of his friends, whose predictions that what he would get out of it for himself would be calumny, persecution, and loss of fortune, were all fully verified; but he possessed a nature which found its happiness in bringing high ideals to grand fulfillment, and in applying his powers to that object he let everything else go. hamilton's career is one of the greatest of those facts that baffle attempts to reduce history to an exhibition of the play of economic forces. chapter iv alarums and excursions the shakespearian stage direction which heads this chapter appropriately describes the course of administrative experience while washington was trying to get from congress the means of sustaining the responsibilities with which he was charged by his office. events did not stand still because for a time anything like national government had ceased. before washington left mount vernon he had been disquieted by reports of indian troubles in the west, and of intrigues by great britain--which still retained posts that according to the treaty of peace belonged to the united states,--and by spain which held the lower mississippi. washington applied himself to these matters as soon as he was well in office, but he was much hindered in his arrangements by apathy or indifference in congress. he noted in his diary for may , , communications made to him of a disposition among members of congress "to pay little attention to the western country because they were of the opinion it would soon shake off its dependence on this, and, in the meantime would be burdensome to it." from a letter of gen. rufus putnam, one of the organizers of the ohio company, it appears that in july, , ames of massachusetts put these queries to him: "can we retain the western country with the government of the united states? and if we can, what use will it be to them?" putnam wrote a labored article to the effect that it was both feasible and desirable to hold the west, but the character of his arguments shows that there was then a poor prospect of success. at that time no one could have anticipated the napoleonic wars which ended all european competition for the possession of the mississippi valley, and, as it were, tossed that region into the hands of the united states. there was strong opposition in congress to pursuing any course that would require maintenance of an army or navy. some held that it was a great mistake to have a war department, and that there would be time enough to create one in case war should actually arrive. in a message to the senate, august , , washington had urged the importance of "some uniform and effective system for the militia of the united states," saying that he was "particularly anxious" it should receive early attention. on january , , general knox submitted to congress a plan to which there are frequent references in washington's diary, showing the special interest he took in the subject. the report laid down principles which have long since been embraced by european nations, but which have just recently been recognized by the united states. it asserts: "that it is the indispensable duty of every nation to establish all necessary institutions for its protection and defense; that it is a capital security to a free state for the great body of the people to possess a competent knowledge of the military art; that every man of the proper age and ability of body is firmly bound by the social compact to perform, personally, his proportion of military duty for the defense of the state; that all men of the legal military age should be armed, enrolled, and held responsible for different degrees of military service." in furtherance of these principles a scheme was submitted providing for military service by the citizens of the united states beginning at eighteen years of age and terminating at sixty. the response of congress was the act of april , , authorizing a military establishment "to the number of one thousand two hundred and sixteen non-commissioned officers, privates, and musicians," with permission to the president to call state militia into service if need be, "in protecting the inhabitants of the frontiers." washington, in noting in his diary his approval of the act, observed that it was not "adequate to the exigencies of the government and the protection it is intended to afford." the indian troubles in the southwest were made particularly serious by the ability of the head-chief of the creek nation, alexander mcgillivray, the authentic facts of whose career might seem too wildly improbable even for the uses of melodrama. his grandmother was a full-blooded creek of high standing in the nation. she had a daughter by captain marchand, a french officer. this daughter, who is described as a bewitching beauty, was taken to wife by lachland mcgillivray, a scotchman engaged in the indian trade. a son was born who, at the age of ten, was sent by his father to charleston to be educated, where he remained nearly seven years receiving instruction both in english and latin. this son, alexander, was intended by his father for civilized life, and when he was seventeen he was placed with a business house in savannah. during the revolutionary war the father took the tory side and his property was confiscated. the son took refuge with his indian kinsfolk, and acquired in their councils an ascendancy which also extended to the seminole tribe. his position and influence made his favor an important object with all powers having american interests. during the war the british conferred upon him the rank and pay of a colonel. in , as the representative of the creek and seminole nations, he formed a treaty of alliance with spain, by the terms of which he became a spanish commissary with the rank and pay of a colonel. against the state of georgia, the creek nation had grievances which mcgillivray was able to voice with a vigor and an eloquence that compelled attention. it was the old story, so often repeated in american history, of encroachments upon indian territory. attempts at negotiation had been made by the old government, and these were now renewed by washington with no better result. mcgillivray met the commissioners, but left on finding that they had no intention of restoring the indian lands that had been taken. a formidable indian war seemed imminent, but washington, whose own frontier experience made him well versed in indian affairs, judged correctly that the way to handle the situation was to induce mcgillivray to come to new york, though, as he noted in his diary, the matter must be so managed that the "government might not appear to be an agent in it, or suffer in its dignity if the attempt to get him here should not succeed." with his habitual caution, washington considered the point whether he could send out an agent without consulting the senate on the appointment, and he instructed general knox "to take the opinion of the chief justice of the united states and the secretary of the treasury." the assurances obtained were such that washington selected an experienced frontier commander, colonel marinus willett of new york, and impressed upon him the importance of bringing the indian chiefs to new york, pointing out "the arguments justifiable for him to use to effect this, with such lures as respected mcgillivray personally, and might be held out to them." colonel willett was altogether successful, though the inducements he offered were probably aided by mcgillivray's desire to visit new york and meet general washington. other chiefs accompanied him, and on their way they received many official attentions. an incident which occurred at guilford court house, north carolina, displays mcgillivray's character in a kindly light. a woman whose husband had been killed by creek indians and who with her children had been made captive, visited mcgillivray to thank him for effecting their release, and it was disclosed that he had since that time been contributing to the support of the family. at new york, the recently organized tammany society turned out in costumes supposed to represent indian attire and escorted the visiting chiefs to federal hall. eventually washington himself went to federal hall in his coach of state and in all the trappings of official dignity, to sign the treaty concluded with the indians. the treaty, which laid down the pattern subsequently followed by the government in its dealings with the indians, recognized the claims of the creek nation to part of the territory it claimed, and gave compensation for the part it relinquished by an annuity of fifteen hundred dollars for the tribe, and an annuity of one hundred dollars for each of the principal chiefs. for his part in the transaction mcgillivray was commissioned an agent of the united states with the rank of brigadier-general, a position which he sustained with dignity. he was six feet tall, spare in frame, erect in carriage. his eyes were large, dark, and piercing; his forehead, wider at the top than just above the eyes, was so high and broad as to be almost bulging. when he was a british colonel, he wore the uniform of that rank; when in the spanish service, he wore the military dress of that country; and after washington appointed him a brigadier-general he sometimes wore the uniform of the american army, but never in the presence of spaniards. in different parts of his dominions he had good houses where he practised generous hospitality. his influence was shaken by his various political alliances, and before he died in he had lost much of his authority. in the course of these negotiations washington had an experience with the senate which thereafter affected his official behavior. the debates of the constitutional convention indicated an expectation that the senate would act as a privy council to the president; and washington--intent above all things on doing his duty--tried to treat it as such. in company with general knox he went to the senate chamber, prepared to explain his negotiations with the indian chiefs, but he forthwith experienced the truth of the proverb that although you may lead a horse to water you cannot make him drink. in his diary for august , , maclay gave a characteristic account of the scene. washington presided, taking the vice-president's chair. "he rose and told us bluntly that he had called on us for our advice and consent to some propositions respecting the treaty to be held with the southern indians. said he had brought general knox with him who was well acquainted with the business." a statement was read giving a schedule of the propositions on which the advice of the senate was asked. maclay relates that he called for the reading of the treaties and other documents referred to in the statement. "i cast an eye at the president of the united states. i saw he wore an aspect of stern displeasure." there was a manifest reluctance of the senate to proceed with the matter in the president's presence, and finally a motion was made to refer the business to a committee of five. a sharp debate followed in which "the president of the united states started up in a violent fret. 'this defeats every purpose of my coming here' were the first words that he said. he then went on to say that he had brought his secretary of war with him to give any necessary information; that the secretary knew all about the business, and yet he was delayed and could not go on with the matter." the situation evidently became strained. maclay relates: "a pause for some time ensued. we waited for him to withdraw. he did so with a discontented air." the privy council function of the senate was thus in effect abolished by its own action. thereafter the president had practically no choice save to conclude matters subject to subsequent ratification by the senate. it soon became the practice of the senate to restrict the president's power of appointment by conditioning it upon the approval of the senators from the state in which an appointment was made. the clause providing for the advice and consent of the senate was among the changes made in the original draft to conciliate the small states, but it was not supposed that the practical effect would be to allow senators to dictate appointments. it was observed in the _federalist_ that "there will be no exertion of choice on the part of senators." nevertheless there was some uneasiness on the point. in a letter of may , , ames remarked that "the meddling of the senate in appointments is one of the least defensible parts of the constitution," and with prophetic insight he foretold that "the number of the senators, the secrecy of their doings, would shelter them, and a corrupt connection between those who appoint to office and the officers themselves would be created." washington had to submit to senatorial dictation almost at the outset of his administration, the senate refusing to confirm his nomination of benjamin fishbourn for the place of naval officer at savannah. the only details to be had about this affair are those given in a special message of august , , from which it appears that washington was not notified of the grounds of the senate's objection. he defended his selection on the ground that fishbourn had a meritorious record as an army officer, had held distinguished positions in the state government of georgia which testified public confidence, and moreover was actually holding, by virtue of state appointment, an office similar to that to which washington desired to appoint him. the appointment was, in fact, no more than the transfer to the federal service of an official of approved administrative experience, and was of such manifest propriety that it seems most likely that the rejection was due to local political intrigue using the georgia senators as its tool. the office went to lachlan mcintosh, who was a prominent georgia politician. over ten years before he had killed in a duel button gwinnett, a signer of the declaration of independence. gwinnett was the challenger and mcintosh was badly wounded in the duel, but the affair caused a feud that long disturbed georgia politics, and through the agency of the senate it was able to reach and annoy the president of the united states. at the time when washington was inaugurated both north carolina and rhode island were outside the union. the national government was a new and doubtful enterprise, remote from and unfamiliar to the mass of the people. to turn their thoughts toward the new administration it seemed to be good policy for washington to make tours. the notes made by washington in his diary indicate that the project was his own notion, but both hamilton and knox cordially approved it and madison "saw no impropriety" in it. therefore, shortly after the recess of the first session of congress, washington started on a trip through the northern states, pointedly avoiding rhode island, then a foreign country. it was during this tour that a question of etiquette occurred about which there was a great stir at the time. john hancock, then governor of massachusetts, did not call upon washington but wrote inviting washington to stay at his house, and when this invitation was declined, he wrote again inviting the president to dinner _en famille_. washington again declined, and this time the failure of the governor to pay his respects to the president of the united states was the talk of the town. some of hancock's aides now called with excuses on the score of his illness. washington noted in his diary, "i informed them in explicit terms that i should not see the governor unless it was at my own lodgings." this incident occurred on saturday evening, and the effect was such that governor hancock called in person on sunday. the affair was the subject of much comment not to governor hancock's advantage. washington's church-going habits on this trip afford no small evidence of the patient consideration which he paid to every point of duty. in new york, he attended episcopal church service regularly once every sunday. on his northern tour he went to the episcopal church in the morning, and then showed his respect for the dominant religious system of new england by attending the congregational church in the afternoon. his northern tour lasted from october to november , , and was attended by popular manifestations that must have promoted the spread of national sentiment. on november , , north carolina came into the union, and rhode island followed on may , . washington started on a tour of the southern states on march , , in which he covered more than seventeen hundred miles in sixty-six days, and was received with grand demonstrations at all the towns he visited. while he was making these tours, which in the days before the railroad and the telegraph were practically the only efficacious means of establishing the new government in the thoughts and feelings of the people, he was much concerned about frontier troubles, and with good reason, as he well knew the deficiency of the means that congress had allowed. the tiny army of the united states was under the command of lieutenant-colonel josiah harmar, with the brevet rank of general. in october, , harmar led his troops, nearly four-fifths of which were new levies of militia, against the indians who had been disturbing the western frontier. the expedition was a succession of blunders and failures which were due more to the rude and undisciplined character of the material that harmar had to work with than to his personal incapacity. harmar did succeed in destroying five indian villages with their stores of corn, but their inhabitants had warning enough to escape and were able to take prompt vengeance. a detachment of troops was ambushed and badly cut up. the design had been to push on to the upper course of the wabash, but so many horses had been stolen by the indians that the expedition was crippled. as a result, harmar marched his troops back again, professing to believe that punishment had been inflicted upon the indians that would be a severe lesson to them. what really happened was that the indians were encouraged to think that they were more than a match for any army which the settlers could send against them, and before long news came of the destruction of settlements and the massacre of their inhabitants. "unless," wrote rufus putnam to washington, "government speedily sends a body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people." washington did what he could. he sent to congress putnam's letter and other frontier communications, but congress, which was stubbornly opposed to creating a national army, replied, when the need was demonstrated, that the militia of the several states were available. the government was without means of protecting the indians against abuse and injustice or of protecting the settlers against the savage retaliations that naturally followed. the dilemma was stated with sharp distinctness in correspondence which passed between washington and hamilton in april, . washington wrote that it was a hopeless undertaking to keep peace on the frontier "whilst land-jobbing and the disorderly conduct of our borderers are suffered with impunity; and while the states individually are omitting no occasion to intermeddle in matters which belong to the general government." hamilton in reply went to the root of the matter. "our system is such as still to leave the public peace of the union at the mercy of each state government." he proceeded to give a concrete instance: "for example, a party comes from a county of virginia into pennsylvania, and wantonly murders some friendly indians. the national government, instead of having power to apprehend the murderers and bring them to justice, is obliged to make a representation to that of pennsylvania; that of pennsylvania, again, is to make a requisition of that of virginia. and whether the murderers shall be brought to justice at all must depend upon the particular policy, and energy, and good disposition of two state governments, and the efficacy of the provisions of their respective laws. and security of other states and the money of all are at the discretion of one. these things require a remedy; but when that will come, god knows." toward the close of its last session, the first congress was induced to pass an act "for raising and adding another regiment to the military establishment of the united states and for making further provision for the protection of the frontiers." the further provision authorized the president to employ "troops enlisted under the denomination of levies" for a term not exceeding six months and in number not exceeding two thousand. the law thus made it compulsory that the troops should move while still raw and untrained. congress had fixed the pay of the privates at three dollars a month, from which ninety cents were deducted, and it had been necessary to scrape the streets and even the prisons of the seaboard cities for men willing to enlist upon such terms. washington gave the command to general arthur st. clair, whose military experience should have made him a capable commander, but he was then in bad health and unable to handle the situation under the conditions imposed upon him. general harmar, enlightened by his own experience, predicted that such an army would certainly be defeated. the campaign was intended as an expedition to chastise the indians so that they would be deterred from molesting the settlers, but it resulted in a disaster that greatly encouraged indian depredations. as the army approached the indian towns, a body of the militia deserted, and it was reported to st. clair that they intended to plunder the supplies. he sent one of his regular regiments after them, thus reducing his available force to about fourteen hundred men. on november , , this force camped on the eastern fork of wabash. before daybreak the next morning the indians made a sudden attack, taking the troops by surprise and throwing them into disorder. it was the story of braddock's defeat over again. the troops were surrounded by foes that they could not see and could not reach. indian marksmen picked off the gunners until the artillery was silenced; then the indians rushed in and seized the guns. in the combat there were both conspicuous exploits of valor and disgraceful scenes of cowardice. in that dark hour st. clair showed undaunted courage. he was in the front of the fight, and several times he headed charges. he seemed to have a charmed life, for although eight bullets pierced his clothes, one cutting away a lock of the thick gray hair that flowed from under his three-cornered hat, he escaped without a wound. finally defeat became a rout which st. clair was powerless to check. pushed aside in the rush of fugitives, he was left in a position of great peril. if the indian pursuit had been persistent, few might have escaped, but the indians stopped to plunder the camp. nevertheless six hundred and thirty men were killed and over two hundred and eighty wounded, with small loss to the indians. washington's reception of the news illustrates both his iron composure and the gusts of passion under which it sometimes gave way. the details are unquestionably authentic, as they were communicated by washington's secretary who witnessed the scene. washington was having a dinner party when an officer arrived at the door and sent word that he was the bearer of dispatches from the western army. the secretary went out to him, but the officer said his instructions were to deliver the dispatches to the president in person. washington then went to the officer and received the terrible news. he returned to the table as though nothing had happened, and everything went on as usual. after dinner there was a reception in mrs. washington's drawing-room and the president, as was his custom, spoke courteously to every lady in the room. by ten o'clock all the visitors had gone and washington began to pace the floor at first without any change of manner, but soon he began to show emotional excitement and he broke out suddenly: "it's all over! st. clair is defeated--routed,--the officers nearly all killed--the men by wholesale,--the rout complete,--too shocking to think of,--and a surprise into the bargain!" when near the door in his agitated march about the room, he stopped and burst forth, "yes, here on this very spot i took leave of him; i wished him success and honor; 'you have your instructions,' i said, 'from the secretary of war; i had a strict eye to them, and will add one word-- beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight us!' he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet, to suffer that army to be cut to pieces--hacked, butchered, tomahawked--by a surprise! o god, o god, he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country! the blood of the slain is upon him--the curse of the widows and orphans--the curse of heaven!" the secretary relates that this torrent of passion burst forth in appalling tones. the president's frame shook. "more than once he threw his hands up as he hurled imprecations upon st. clair." but at length he got his feelings under control, and after a pause he remarked, "i will hear him without prejudice. he shall have full justice." st. clair was, indeed, treated with marked leniency. a committee of the house reported that the failure of the expedition could not "be imputed to his conduct, either at any time before or during the action." st. clair was continued in his position as governor of the northwest territory and remained there until . notwithstanding the dire results of relying on casual levies, congress was still stubbornly opposed to creating an effective force under national control, and in this attitude to some extent reflected even frontier sentiment. ames in a letter of january , , wrote that "even the views of the western people, whose defense has been undertaken by government, have been unfriendly to the secretary of war and to the popularity of the government. they wish to be hired as volunteers, at two-thirds of a dollar a day to fight the indians. they are averse to the regulars." by the act of march , , congress authorized three additional regiments, with the proviso, however, that they "shall be discharged as soon as the united states shall be at peace with the indian tribes." this legislation, nevertheless, was a great practical improvement on the previous act. general wayne, who now took command, was fortunately circumstanced in that he was under no pressure to move against the indians. public opinion favored a return to negotiation, so that he had time to get his troops under good discipline. he did not move the main body of his troops until the summer of , and on august , he inflicted a smashing defeat on the indians, at a place known as the fallen timbers, followed up the victory by punitive expeditions to the indian towns, and burned their houses and crops. the campaign was a complete success. the indians were so humbled by their losses that they sued for peace, and negotiations began which were concluded in the summer of by the treaty of greenville, under which the northwestern tribes ceded an extensive territory to the united states. it was notorious that the trouble which the american authorities had experienced with the indians had been largely due to the activity of british agents. in his report wayne noted that the destruction effected by his troops included "the houses, stores, and property of colonel mckee, the british agent, and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the united states and the savages." a sharp correspondence took place between wayne and major william campbell, commanding a british post on the miami. campbell protested against the approach of wayne's army, "no war existing between great britain and america." wayne assented to this statement, and then asked what he meant "by taking post far within the well known and acknowledged limits of the united states." campbell rejoined that he had acted under orders and as to his right, that was a matter which were best left to "the ambassadors of our different nations." campbell refused to obey wayne's demand to withdraw, and wayne ignored campbell's threat to fire if he were approached too close. wayne reported that the only notice he took of this threat was "by immediately setting fire to and destroying everything within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of the guns." "had mr. campbell carried his threats into execution," added wayne, "it is more than probable he would have experienced a storm." no collision actually took place at that time but there was created a situation which, unless it were removed by diplomacy, must have eventually brought on war. chapter v tribute to the algerines at the time when washington took office, the captains and crews of two american vessels, which had been seized by algerine corsairs in , still remained in captivity. the continental congress had made some efforts in their behalf which were contemptuously received. the dey of algiers did not wish any treaty with the united states; but he did want $ , . for the twenty-one captives whom he then held. farther than that negotiation had not progressed. agents of the united states were advised that, if such a high amount were paid, the corsairs would pursue american vessels in preference to those of any other nation, and that the shrewd thing would be to pretend indifference to the fate of the captives. this advice was acted upon even to the extent of cutting off the supplies which had been forwarded to the captives through the spanish consul at algiers. the summary method which was pursued was that of dishonoring bills drawn by him to cover his expenditures. jefferson, who while minister to france had been closely connected with these proceedings, was called upon by congress for a report upon them, not long after he took office as secretary of state. this report, december , , set forth the fact that the mediterranean trade, which had employed from eighty to one hundred ships with about twelve hundred seamen, had been almost destroyed. in the interest of the negotiations, it had been necessary "to suffer the captives and their friends to believe for a while, that no attention was paid to them, no notice taken of their letters," and they were "still under this impression." jefferson contented himself with submitting the facts in the case, remarking that "upon the whole it rests with congress to decide between war, tribute, and ransom. if war, they will consider how far our own resources shall be called forth, and how far they will enable the executive to engage, in the forms of the constitution, the cooperation of other powers. if tribute or ransom, it will rest with them to limit and provide the amount; and with the executive, observing the same constitutional forms, to make arrangements for employing it to the best advantage." the problem which jefferson thus put before congress was a singularly difficult one. among the captives was captain richard o'brien, whose ship, the _dauphin_ of philadelphia, was taken july , . he had a ready pen and, apparently, had unrestricted access to the mails. his letters were those of a shrewd observer and depicted a situation that bristled with perplexity. the algerines had about a dozen vessels, their armament ranging from ten to thirty-six guns, but of these vessels only two belonged to the government, the others being private ventures. though they preyed on merchantmen, they avoided engagements, and did not come out at all if there were vessels cruising for them. a blockade was effective only while it lasted. whenever it was raised, out came the corsairs again. an occasional bombardment of their port did not cow them and had no permanent effect. a french official described it as being "like breaking glass windows with guineas." the algerines made treaties with some powers in consideration of tribute but refused peace to others on any terms; as they did not desire to shut out all opportunity for their time-honored sport of piracy. congress was slow to take action of any kind. in january, , maclay noted that a committee had decided that the mediterranean trade could not be preserved without an armed force to protect it, and that a navy should be established as soon as the treasury was in a position to bear the expense. meanwhile the president began fresh negotiations, which were attended by singular fatality. thomas barclay, who had some diplomatic experience, was commissioned to go to the emperor of morocco. when barclay reached gibraltar, he was taken ill, and, after being removed to lisbon, he died. admiral john paul jones was then appointed special commissioner to arrange for the ransom of the captives. as he had then left the russian service and was living in paris, it was supposed that his services would be available, but he died before the commission could reach him. the delay caused by these events was made so much worse by the slow transmission of intelligence that two years elapsed before a fresh start was made by placing the conduct of matters in the hands of colonel david humphreys, then minister to portugal. humphreys had gone as far as gibraltar on his mission when he learned that a truce had been suddenly arranged between portugal and algiers. this was alarming news, since it meant that the algerines could now pass into the atlantic from which they had been excluded by portuguese war-vessels stationed in the strait of gibraltar. "i have not slept since the receipt of the news of this the hellish plot," wrote edward church, the united states consul at lisbon. church was energetic in spreading the intelligence, which fortunately reached some american shipmasters in time to save them. in october, , as thirteen american vessels were in the port of lisbon afraid to venture out, church pleaded their case so vigorously that the portuguese government agreed to give them an armed convoy. nevertheless the algerines found plenty of game among american ships then at sea, for they captured ten vessels and added one hundred and five more americans to the stock of slaves in algiers. "they are in a distressed and naked situation," wrote captain o'brien, who had himself then been eight years in captivity. humphreys made arrangements by which they received clothing and a money allowance ranging from twelve cents a day for a seaman up to eight dollars a month for a captain. nothing, however, could be done in the way of peace negotiations. one of humphreys' agents reported that the dey could not make peace even if he really wanted to do so. "he declared to me that his interest does not permit him to accept your offers, sir, even were you to lavish millions upon him, 'because,' said he, 'if i were to make peace with everybody, what should i do with my corsairs? what should i do with my soldiers? they would take off my head, for want of other prizes.'" this was an honest disclosure of the situation. humphreys wrote jefferson that "no choice is left for the united states but to prepare a naval force for the protection of their trade." captain o'brien wrote, "by all means urge congress to fit out some remarkably fast sailing cruisers, well appointed and manned." in january, , accordingly, a committee of the house brought in a resolution for building four ships of guns and two of guns each. the debate began on february , and for some time was altogether one-sided, with one speaker after another opposing the creation of a navy. madison, as was now his habit, had doubts as to the propriety of the measure. he fancied that peace "might be purchased for less money than this armament would cost." clark of new jersey had "an objection to the establishment of a fleet, because, when once it had been commenced, there would be no end to it." he had "a scheme which he judged would be less expensive and more effectual. this was to hire the portuguese to cruise against the algerines." baldwin of georgia thought that "bribery alone could purchase security from the algerines." nicholas of virginia "feared that we were not a match for the algerines." smith of maryland and fitzsimmons of pennsylvania championed the resolution, and fisher ames made some remarks on madison's lack of spirit that caused madison to define his position. he proposed as a substitute for the pending measure that money should "be employed in such a manner as should be found most effectual for obtaining a peace with the regency of algiers; and failing of this, that the sum should be applied to the end of obtaining protection from some of the european powers." this motion warmed up the debate. giles of virginia came to madison's support in a style that was not helpful. he "considered navies altogether as very foolish things. an immense quantity of property was spread on the water for no purpose whatever, which might have been employed by land to the best purpose." the suggestion that the united states should be a hermit nation was an indiscreet exposure of the logical significance of madison's plan, and it perhaps turned the scale in favor of employing force. the bill came up in the house for final passage on march , . its opponents now sparred for time, but a motion to recommit in order to give opportunity for further consideration was defeated by to . giles made a final effort, by a long and elaborate address, in which he argued that the effect of fitting out a navy would be to involve the united states in war with all the european powers. moreover, a navy would be dangerous to american liberty. "a navy is the most expensive of all means of defense, and the tyranny of governments consists in the expensiveness of their machinery." he pointed to the results of british naval policy. "the government is not yet destroyed, but the people are oppressed, liberty is banished." the french monarchy had been ruined by its navy. he was "astonished, with these fatal examples before our eyes, that there should be gentlemen who would wish to enter upon this fashionable system of politics." in discussing the expense of maintaining a navy, he expressed his fear that it would eventually bring back the miseries of feudalism. william smith of south carolina made a reply in which he defined the issue as being between defense and tribute; but giles had the last word. he wanted to know whether it was maintained that the frigates it was proposed to build would "boldly march upon land and break the chains of the prisoners?" he begged congress not to do what "would irritate the barbarians and furnish additional misery to the unfortunate prisoners." in this closing struggle over the bill giles fought single-handed. when he had quite finished, the bill was passed by yeas to nays, a result which showed a decided gain in strength from the discussion. the debates in the senate have not been preserved, but the senate was so evenly divided that it took the casting vote of the vice-president to pass the bill, which became law march , . in order to get it passed at all, a proviso had been tacked on that, if peace terms could be arranged, "no farther proceeding be had under this act." in september, , a treaty of peace with algiers was finally concluded, after negotiations had been facilitated by a contingent fee of $ , paid to "bacri the jew, who has as much art in this sort of management as any man we ever knew," the american agents reported. it was a keen bargain, as bacri had to propitiate court officials at his own risk, and had to look for both reimbursement and personal profit, too, out of the lump sum he was to receive in event of his success. it can hardly be doubted that he had the situation securely in hand before making the bargain. the money paid in algiers for the ransom of the captives, for tribute and for presents to officials amounted to $ , . . but in addition the united states agreed to build a frigate for the algerine navy and also supply naval stores, which with incidental expenses brought the total cost of the peace treaty up to $ , . . moreover, the united states agreed to pay an annual tribute of , sequins,--about $ , . by the terms of the navy act, the united states had to stop building vessels for its own protection. of those which had been authorized, the frigates _constitution, united states_, and _constellation_ were under way and were eventually completed. the timber, with material that had been collected for the other vessels, was sold, except what was needed for the frigate which was to be presented to the algerines, and which was to be built at portsmouth, n.h. the whole affair was a melancholy business that must have occasioned washington deep chagrin. in his address to congress, december , , announcing the success of the negotiations for effecting the release of the captives, he observed that "to secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression." chapter vi french designs on america a few months before france declared war upon england, february , , edmond genet was appointed french minister to the united states. he landed at charleston, april , and at once began activities so authoritative as to amount to an erection of french sovereignty in the united states. the subsequent failure of his efforts and the abrupt ending of his diplomatic career have so reacted upon his reputation that associations of boastful arrogance and reckless incompetency cling to his name. this estimate holds him too lightly and underrates the peril to which the united states was then exposed. genet was no casual rhetorician raised to important office by caprice of events, but a trained diplomatist of hereditary aptitude and of long experience. his father was chief of the bureau of correspondence in the department of foreign affairs for the french monarchy, and it was as an interpreter attached to that bureau that the son began his career in . while still a youth, he gained literary distinction by his translations of historical works from swedish into french. genet was successively attached to the french embassies at berlin and vienna, and in he succeeded his father in the department of foreign affairs. in , he was secretary of the french embassy at st. petersburg, where his zeal for french revolutionary principles so irritated the empress catherine that she characterized him as "a furious demagogue," and in he was forced to leave russia. in the same year he was named ambassador to holland, and thence was soon transferred to the united states. it is obvious that a man of such experience could not be ignorant of diplomatic forms and of international proprieties of behavior. if he pursued a course that has since seemed to be a marvel of truculence, the explanation should be sought in the circumstances of his mission more than in the nature of his personality. when the matter is considered from this standpoint, not only does one find that genet's proceedings become consistent and intelligible, but one becomes deeply impressed with the magnitude of the peril then confronting the united states. nothing less than american independence was at stake. it should be borne in mind that france, in aiding america against england, had been pursuing her own ends. in august, , the french government advised its american representative that it had observed with indifference the movements going on in the united states and would view the break-up of the confederation without regret. "we have never pretended to make of america a useful ally; we have had no other object than to deprive great britain of that vast continent." but, now that war with england had broken out again, it was worth while making an effort to convert america into a useful ally. jefferson, while minister to paris, had been sympathetic with the revolutionary movement. in , the english ambassador reported to his government that jefferson was much consulted by the leaders of the third estate. on the other hand, gouverneur morris, who was then living in paris, sympathized frankly with the king. nevertheless he was chosen to succeed jefferson as the american minister. in notifying him of the appointment, washington let him know that there had been objections. "it was urged that in france you were considered as a favorer of the aristocracy, and unfriendly to its revolution." washington's reminder that it was his business to promote the interest of his own country did not have any apparent effect on morris's behavior. he became the personal agent of louis xvi, and he not only received and disbursed large sums on the king's account, but he also entered into plans for the king's flight from paris. during the reign of terror which began in , he behaved with an energy and an intrepidity honorable to him as a man; in general, however, his course tended to embroil and not to guard american interests. in the face of the european coalition against revolutionary france, the principle of action was that announced by danton,--"to dare, and to dare, and without end to dare." genet therefore went on his mission to america keyed to measures which were audacious but which can hardly be described as reckless. by plunging heavily he might make a big winning; if he failed, he was hardly worse off than if he had not made the attempt. to draw the united states into the war as the ally of france was only one part of his mission. he was also planning to reëstablish the french colonial empire, the loss of which was still an unhealed wound. canada, louisiana, and the floridas were all in his mind. in louisiana, france regarded conditions as being so favorable that genet was instructed to make special efforts in that quarter. spain, which had entered the coalition against republican france, held the lower mississippi. spain was therefore the common enemy of france and of the american settlements west of the mountains. ought not then those two republican interests to work together to expel spain and to seize louisiana? moreover, there was a belief, not without grounds, that the older states which formed the american union were indifferent to the needs and interests of the country west of the alleghenies and would be more relieved than afflicted if it should take its destinies into its own hands. such considerations animated a group of americans in paris, among whose prominent members were thomas paine, the pamphleteer, joel barlow, the poet, and dr. james o'fallon, a revolutionary soldier now interested in western land speculation. all were then ardent sympathizers with the french revolution, and they entered heartily into the design of stirring up the western country against spain. the project attracted some frontier leaders, among them george rogers clark, famous for his successful campaigns against the hostile indians and the british during the revolutionary war. he was to lead a force of western riflemen against the spanish posts in louisiana, and genet brought with him blank brevets of officers up to the grade of captain for bestowal on the indian chiefs who would cooperate. the expenses of the expedition were to be met by collections which genet expected to make from the treasury of the united states on account of sums due to france. the project of using the united states as a french base could claim legal rights under the treaties of between france and the united states. there were two treaties, both concluded on the same day. one, entitled a treaty of amity and commerce, was a mutual conveyance of privileges; it provided that the ships of war of each country should defend the vessels of the other country against all attacks that might occur while they were in company. besides this right of convoy, each country had the right to use the ports of the other, either for ships of war or for privateers and their prizes, "nor shall such prizes be arrested or seized when they come to and enter the ports of either party; nor shall the searchers or other officers of those places search the same, or make any examination concerning the lawfulness of such prizes, but they may hoist sail at any time, and depart." all vessels of either country had the right to take refuge in the ports of the other, whether from stress of weather or pursuit of enemies, "and they shall be permitted to refresh and provide themselves at reasonable rates, with victuals and all things needful for the sustenance of their persons or reparation of their ships, and conveniency of their voyage; and they shall no ways be detained or hindered from returning out of the said ports or roads, but may remove and depart when and whither they please, without any let or hindrance." it was expressly provided that such hospitality should not be extended to vessels of an enemy of either country. the accompanying instrument, entitled a treaty of alliance, was a mutual guarantee of territorial possessions, "forever against all other powers." these broad rights and privileges were supplemented by the convention of on consular functions, which facilitated the organization of a consular jurisdiction competent to deal with cases arising from the treaties. there was still due to france on loans contracted during the revolution a remainder of about $ , , payable by instalments, subject to the proviso that "congress and the united states" had "the liberty of freeing themselves by anticipated payments should the state of their finances admit." it was planned to get the united states to reciprocate the past favors of france by favoring her now, if not by direct payments of money, at least by acceptances which genet could use in purchasing supplies. the fact that whatever in the way of money or accommodations was obtained in the united states would be used in business in that country was counted upon to facilitate the transaction. these facts form the background against which genet's activities should be viewed. he came with deliberate intent to rush the situation, and armed with all needful powers for that purpose, so far as the french government could confer them. according to a dispatch from morris to the state department, genet "took with him three hundred blank commissions which he is to distribute to such as will fit out cruisers in our ports to prey on the british commerce." at charleston, genet received an enthusiastic reception. the revolutionary commander, general moultrie, who was then governor of south carolina, entered so cordially into genet's plans that in his first dispatch home, genet was able to say to his government that moultrie had permitted him to arm privateers and had assisted the various branches of his mission in every possible way. such was genet's energy that within five days after his arrival he had opened a recruiting station at which american seamen were taken into the french service; he had commissioned american vessels as french privateers; and he had turned the french consul's office into an admiralty court for which business was provided by the prizes that were being brought in. after seeing under way all matters that he could attend to in charleston, genet moved on to philadelphia, and received on his way thither such greetings as to give to his journey the character of a triumphal progress. meanwhile, _l'ambuscade_, the french frigate which had brought genet to charleston, was proceeding to philadelphia, taking prizes on her way and sending them to american ports. in delaware bay she captured the _grange_, an english merchantman lying there at anchor, and took this vessel with her to philadelphia as a prize. as genet neared philadelphia on may , _l'ambuscade_ gave notice by firing three guns, at which signal a procession was formed to meet genet at gray's ferry and escort him to his lodgings. he found awaiting him a letter from george rogers clark, which gave an account of his plans for the invasion of louisiana and the capture of new orleans, and which announced his readiness to start if he were assisted by some frigates and provided with three thousand pounds sterling to meet expenses. genet received reports from other agents or friendly correspondents in the spanish territory, and so active was he in forwarding the objects of his mission that on june he was able to write to his government, "i am provisioning the west indies, i excite the canadians to break the british yoke, i arm the kentukois and prepare a naval expedition which will facilitate their descent on new orleans." these claims were well founded. genet did, in fact, make an effective start, and had he been able to command funds he might have opened a great chapter of history. george rogers clark was the ablest and most successful commander that the frontier had yet produced, and such was the weakness of the spanish defenses that had his expedition been actually launched as planned, the conquest of louisiana might indeed have been accomplished. it was not any defect in genet's arrangements that frustrated his plans, but his inability to raise money and the uncertainty of his position as the agent of a government which was undergoing rapid revolutionary change. news that the french republic had declared war against great britain reached the united states early in april, . washington, who was then at mount vernon, wrote to jefferson that "it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality," and he requested that the secretary should "give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay." on arriving at philadelphia a few days later, washington was met by a distracted cabinet. the great difficulty was the conflict of obligations. the united states had a treaty of alliance with france; it had a treaty of peace with great britain. the situation had become such that it could not sustain both relations at the same time. if the united states remained neutral, it would have to deny to france privileges conferred by the treaty which had been negotiated when both countries were at war with great britain. how far was that treaty now binding? it had been made with "the most christian king," whose head had been cut off. did not his engagements fall with his head? that was the very position taken by the government of the french republic, which had asserted the right to decide what treaties of the old monarchy should be retained and what rejected. as an incident of the present case, the question was to be decided whether the ambassador of the french republic should be received. such were the issues that washington's administration had to face, at a time when the whole country was thrilling with enthusiasm in behalf of the french republic. chief justice marshall left on record his opinion that this feeling "was almost universal," and that "a great majority of the american people deemed it criminal to remain unconcerned spectators of a conflict between their ancient enemy and republican france." washington acted with his customary deliberation. on april , , he submitted to the members of his cabinet thirteen questions. jefferson, who held that the french treaty was still operative, noted that the questions reached him in washington's own handwriting, "yet it was palpable from the style, their ingenious tissue and suite, that they were not the president's, that they were raised upon a prepared chain of argument, in short, that the language was hamilton's and the doubts his alone." in jefferson's opinion they were designed to lead "to a declaration of the executive that our treaty with france is void." jefferson was right as to hamilton's authorship. at a time when jefferson had no advice to give save that it would be well to consider whether congress ought not to be summoned, hamilton had ready a set of interrogatories which subjected the whole situation to close analysis. the critical questions were these: "shall a proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of the united states in the war between france and great britain, &c.? shall it contain a declaration of neutrality or not? what shall it contain? "are the united states obliged, by good faith, to consider the treaties heretofore made with france as applying to the present situation of the parties? may they either renounce them, or hold them suspended till the government of france shall be established?" to the interrogatories framed by hamilton, washington added one which presented the point raised by jefferson--"is it necessary or advisable to call together the two houses of congress, with a view to the present posture of european affairs? if it is, what shall be the particular object of such a call?" the cabinet met on april . on the question of a proclamation of neutrality jefferson argued that such a proclamation would be equivalent to a declaration that the united states would not take part in the war, and that this matter did not lie within the power of the executive, since it was the province of congress to declare war. congress ought therefore to be called to consider the question. hamilton, who held that it was both the right and the duty of the president to proclaim neutrality, was strongly opposed to summoning congress. in a brief record of the proceedings he remarked that "whether this advice proceeded from a secret wish to involve us in a war, or from a constitutional timidity, certain it is such a step would have been fatal to the peace and tranquillity of america." the matter was finally compromised by an unanimous agreement that a proclamation should be issued "forbidding our citizens taking any part in any hostilities on the seas with or against any of the belligerent powers; and warning them against carrying to any such powers any of those articles deemed contraband, according to the modern usage of nations; and enjoining them from all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation toward those at war." jefferson's scruples having been appeased by avoiding the use of the term "neutrality," it was now unanimously decided that congress should not be called. it was further decided that the french minister should be received. jefferson and randolph, however, were of opinion that he should be received without conditions, while hamilton, supported by knox, held that the minister ought to be apprised of the intention to reserve the question whether the treaties were still operative, "lest silence on that point should occasion misconstruction." the even division of the cabinet on this point was in practical effect a victory for jefferson. the cabinet was unable to reach any decision in the matter of treaty obligations. jefferson held that they were still operative; hamilton, that they were "temporarily and provisionally suspended." knox sided with hamilton, and randolph, although he at first sided with jefferson, was so shaken in his opinion by hamilton's argument that he asked further time for consideration. eventually written opinions were submitted by hamilton, jefferson, and randolph, confirming the views they had previously expressed, and, as knox concurred with hamilton, the cabinet was still evenly divided on that fundamental question. the proclamation, on the lines upon which all had agreed, was draughted by randolph who showed it to jefferson in order to assure him that "there was no such word as neutrality in it." jefferson, whose own account this is, did not mention that he raised any objection to the wording of the proclamation at the time, though a few months later he referred to it in his private correspondence as a piece of "pusillanimity," because it omitted any expression of the affection of america for france. the proclamation was issued on april , two weeks after the arrival of genet at charleston. the procedure that had been adopted at jefferson's instance avoided none of the difficulties that a declaration of neutrality would have encountered but rather increased them by putting the government in a false position. the mere omission of the term did not prevent it from being known as a neutrality proclamation. it was at once so designated and has always been so considered. jefferson himself, in advising the american foreign representatives of the policy of the government, said that it would be "a fair neutrality"; and, in writing to madison a few days after the proclamation had been issued, he remarked, "i fear a fair neutrality will prove a disagreeable pill to our friends, though necessary to keep us out of the calamities of war." by its terms, however, the proclamation was simply an admonition to american citizens to keep out of the war, with notice that, if they got into trouble by engaging in contraband trade, they would not receive the protection of the united states, and would be liable to prosecution for the commission of acts of a nature to "violate the law of nations." it is manifest that the question whether or not the french treaty was still in operation was of great practical importance. if it was still in force, the treaty formed part of the law of the land, and american citizens might plead immunity for acts done in pursuance of its provisions. hamilton was for suspending the treaty since a situation had arisen which made its provisions inconsistent with a policy of neutrality. his main contention was that the obligations imposed by the treaty of ' were no longer binding on the united states, since they contemplated only defensive war. by her declaration of war france had taken the offensive, thereby relieving the united states of her reciprocal obligations. jefferson held that the treaty was still operative, for even if its provisions apparently required the united states to engage in the war, it did not follow that such action would be an actual consequence. the possibility was "not yet certain enough to authorize us in sound morality to declare, at this moment, the treaties null." meanwhile genet was left in a position in which he had a perfect right to claim all privileges conferred on france by the treaty. the result was a curious chapter of diplomatic correspondence. genet took an attitude of indignant remonstrance at the duplicity of the american position. did not the united states have a treaty with france? by what authority then did the administration interfere with him in the enjoyment of his rights as the representative of france, and interfere with american citizens in their dealings with him? he shrewdly refrained from any attempt to defend the capture of the _grange_ by _l'ambuscade_ in delaware bay. "the learned conclusions of the attorney-general of the united states, and the declarations of the american government, have been on this subject the rule of my conduct. i have caused the prize to be given up." but he stood firm on rights secured by the treaty. "as long as the states, assembled in congress, shall not have determined that this solemn engagement should not be performed, no one has the right to shackle our operations, and to annul their effect, by hindering those of our marines who may be in the american ports, to take advantage of the commissions which the french government has charged me to give to them, authorizing them to defend themselves, and fulfill, if they find an opportunity, all the duties of citizens against the enemies of the state." this was using an argument borrowed from jefferson's abundant stock of constitutional limitations. genet was, of course, advised of the dissensions in the cabinet. he was on such confidential terms with jefferson that he talked freely about the projected raid on louisiana. jefferson noted in his diary that "he communicated these things to me, not as secretary of state, but as mr. jefferson." jefferson told genet that he "did not care what insurrections should be excited in louisiana," but that "enticing officers and soldiers from kentucky to go against spain was really putting a halter about their necks, for that they would assuredly be hung if they commenced hostilities against a nation at peace with the united states." so great is the force of legal pedantry that jefferson was unable to agree that the president should proclaim neutrality in clear and positive terms; but that same pedantry was effectively employed in covering the legal flaws of jefferson's position in his notes to genet. he attenuated the treaty obligations by strict construction and also by reservations founded on the general principles of international law. "by our treaties with several of the belligerent powers," he told genet, "we have established a style of peace with them. but without appealing to treaties, we are at peace with them all by the law of nature: for, by nature's law, man is at peace with man." hence the propriety of forbidding acts within american jurisdiction that would cause disturbance of this peace, a point on which he quoted copiously from vattel. genet manifested some irritation at being referred to treatises on international law when he was resting his case on a treaty the validity of which jefferson acknowledged. "let us not lower ourselves," he wrote, "to the level of ancient politics by diplomatic subtleties. let us be frank in our overtures, in our declarations, as our two nations are in their affections, and, by this plain and sincere conduct, arrive at the object by the shortest way." logically jefferson's position was that of maintaining the validity of the treaty while opposing the fulfillment of its obligations. at the same time he had to carry on a correspondence with hammond, the british minister, who was making complaints of the use of american ports for french depredations on british commerce, and to him jefferson pleaded entire willingness to discharge in good faith the obligations of a neutral power. it may seem as if jefferson was attempting the impossible feat of trying to ride at one time two horses going in opposite directions, but such was his dexterity that in appearance he was largely successful. meanwhile he contrived to throw on hamilton and his adherents the blame for the feebleness and inconsistency of national policy. in letters to his congressional lieutenants, monroe in the senate and madison in the house, he lamented "the anglophobia, secret antigallomany" that have "decided the complexion of our dispositions." he spoke scornfully of randolph, whom he regarded as so irresolute that the votes in the cabinet were "generally two and a half against one and a half," by which he meant that hamilton and knox stood together against jefferson, while randolph divided his influence between the two actions. so inflamed was the state of public opinion that a rising against the government seemed possible. in a letter written twenty years later, john adams described "the terrorism excited by genet, in , when ten thousand people in the streets of philadelphia, day after day, threatened to drag washington out of his house, and effect a revolution in the government, or compel it to declare war in favor of the french revolution and against england." adams related that he "judged it prudent and necessary to order chests of arms from the war office" to be brought into his house to defend it from attack, and he had it from "the coolest and firmest minds" that nothing but the outbreak of yellow fever in philadelphia that summer "could have saved the united states from a fatal revolution of government." on the other hand, letters written by hamilton during the time of all this excitement show that he thought little of it, although he more than anyone else was its target. in may, , he wrote that the number of persons who went to meet genet "would be stated high at a hundred," and he did not believe that a tenth part of the city participated in the meetings and addresses of genet's sympathizers. "a crowd will always draw a crowd, whatever be the purpose. curiosity will supply the place, of attachment to, or interest in, the object." washington's own letters at this period show no trace of concern about his personal safety though he smarted under the attacks on his motives. an entry of august , , in jefferson's private diary, forming the volume since known as "the anas," relates that at a cabinet meeting knox exhibited a print entitled the funeral of george w----n, in which the president was placed on a guillotine. "the president was much inflamed; got into one of those passions when he cannot command himself; ran much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his since he had been in the government which was not done from the purest motives; that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since; that by god he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor of the world; and that they were charging him with wanting to be king; that that rascal freneau sent him three of his papers every day, as if he thought he would become the distributor of his papers; that he could see in this nothing but an impudent design to insult him." freneau was one of jefferson's subordinates in the state department, combining with his duties there the editorship of a newspaper engaged in spreading the calumny that the administration was leaning toward monarchy through the influence of hamilton and his friends, who despised republicanism, hated france, and loved england. this journalistic campaign went on under the protection of jefferson to the disturbance of an administration of which jefferson himself formed a part. this circumstance has given trouble to jefferson's biographers, and it is now somewhat difficult to make those allowances to which jefferson is entitled from the candid historian. such behavior at the present day would be regarded as treacherous, for it is now a settled doctrine that it is the duty of a member of the president's cabinet to give unreserved support to his policy, or to resign. but at that period, neither in england nor in the united states, did this view of cabinet solidarity prevail. it was not considered against the rules of the game for a cabinet official to use any opportunities within reach for promoting his aims or to boast such behavior as patriotic zeal. jefferson, who wanted to resign and stayed on only at washington's earnest desire, certainly rendered a service to the administration, which was then so unpopular that jefferson's connection with it was a political asset of great value. hamilton also made use of the services of journalism. when on june , , publication began of a series of eight articles signed "pacificus," it was well known that hamilton was the author. the acute analysis and cogent reasoning of these articles have given them classic rank as an exposition of national rights and duties. upon minds open to reason their effect was marked. jefferson wrote to madison, "for god's sake, my dear sir, take up your pen, select the most striking heresies, and cut him to pieces in the face of the public." madison did take up his pen, but he laid it down again without attempting to controvert hamilton's argument. the five articles which madison wrote over the signature "helvidius" do not proceed farther into the subject than a preliminary examination of executive authority, in which he laid down principles of strict construction of the constitution which have never been adopted in practice and which are now interesting only as specimens of dialectic subtlety. although as an electioneering tactician jefferson had superior ability, neither he nor any of his associates was a match for hamilton in debate. as the issues were discussed, the jeffersonians lost ground, and for this they put the blame on genet. by july , jefferson was writing to madison that genet "renders my position immensely difficult," and thereafter in the correspondence of jefferson, madison, and monroe, genet figures as a rash man whose indiscretions embarrassed his friends and impeded his own objects. this view has to a large extent passed over into history, but when it is considered that genet did not come to america for jefferson's comfort but to accomplish certain things for his own government, it must be owned that he had considerable success. although his means were small, he managed to engage in the french service an active american fleet including such vessels as _le cassius, l'ami de le point à petre, l'amour de la liberté, la vengeance, la montagne, le vainqueur de la bastille, la carmagnole, l'espérance, le citoyen genet, sans pareil_, and _le petit démocrate._ the last-mentioned vessel was originally an english merchantman, the brig _little sarah_, brought into philadelphia harbor as a french prize. when it was learned that this vessel had been armed and equipped for service as a french man-of-war, governor mifflin of pennsylvania gave orders that the vessel should be detained. genet threatened forcible resistance, and a clash might have occurred, had jefferson not intervened. he went to genet's house on sunday to persuade him not to move the vessel until the president could decide the case. genet refused to give any promise, but remarked that the vessel would probably not be ready to depart for several days. jefferson thereupon exerted himself successfully to prevent the taking of any steps to detain the vessel. washington, harassed and confused by the dissensions of his cabinet, now desired that the advice of the justices of the supreme court be taken. hamilton was opposed to a proceeding which involved prejudgment by the court on questions which might come before it in due course of law, and which seemed to him also to be an avoidance of the proper responsibility of the executive. nevertheless he took part in preparing the case, and of the twenty-nine questions submitted to the supreme court, hamilton framed twenty-one, jefferson seven, and washington himself the last. jefferson notified genet of this consultation as an additional reason for patience, "the object of it being to obtain the best advice possible on the sense of the laws and treaties respecting the several cases. i am persuaded you will think the delay well compensated." genet did not think so, and _le petit démocrate_ put to sea in defiance of american authority. the justices declined to answer the questions, and the administration had to face its responsibilities on its own judgment of its rights and duties. at least one member of the administration had clear and positive ideas on that subject. hamilton, who in his "pacificus" letters had given a masterly exposition of international obligations, now took up the particular issues raised by genet's claims, which at that time were receiving ardent championship. freneau's _national gazette_ held that genet had really acted "too tamely," had been "too accommodating for the peace of the united states." hamilton now replied by a series of articles in the _daily advertiser_ over the signature "no jacobin," in which genet's behavior was reviewed. after five articles had appeared in rapid succession, the series was abruptly terminated because hamilton was taken down by the yellow fever. the journalistic war was almost in the nature of a duel between the state and the treasury departments. genet must have been amused. lack of funds hindered his activities more than anything else. jefferson had advised washington that, "if the instalments falling due in this year could be advanced without incurring more danger," it would be well to make the payments, as he "thought it very material to keep alive the friendly sentiments of france." but this was a matter which pertained to hamilton's own department, and in that field his advice controlled washington. genet could do nothing in this direction, and before the affair of _le petit démocrate_ he had ceased to expect financial aid. jefferson was now so angry and indignant that he no longer opposed the suggestions that had been made in cabinet meetings that genet should be dismissed, and the note on that subject which he drafted for transmission to the french government is an able document. the french government, with ample reason, conditioned the recall of genet upon the recall of morris, who was succeeded by james monroe. meanwhile genet's situation had become perilous through revolution at home. on october , , his government issued an order for his arrest. the united states now became his asylum. he acquired citizenship, married a daughter of governor clinton of new york, and settled down to a useful and respected career as a country gentleman devoted to the improvement of agriculture. he died at his home, schodak, new york, in , after having founded an american family. at the time when genet, favored by the exasperated state of western sentiment over the navigation of the lower mississippi, was promoting an attack upon the spanish posts, the administration had already been engaged for a long time in efforts to secure "full enjoyment of that navigation," as well as a settlement of the southwestern boundary. in december, , washington nominated william carmichael, chargé d'affaires in spain, and william short, then chargé d'affaires in france, commissioners to make a treaty. their efforts proved unsuccessful, and in the spanish commissioner in the united states gave notice that they were not acceptable personally, and that it "was hoped that some other person would be appointed, with full powers, to settle this treaty, and graced with such a character as became the royalty to which he was accredited." washington then nominated thomas pinckney, at that time minister in london, as minister plenipotentiary in spain. when pinckney arrived on the scene he was met with the dilatory methods then characteristic of spanish diplomacy, and finally he had to bring matters to an issue by demanding his passports. his determination so impressed the spanish government that it finally consented to a treaty, october , , which fixed the southern boundary of the united states and opened the mississippi river to navigation. the boundary line was to run east along the thirty-first parallel of latitude from the mississippi to the appalachicola, thence along the latter river to its junction with the flint, thence to the headwaters of the st. mary's, and along its course to the atlantic ocean. the free navigation of the mississippi was coupled with the privilege of depositing merchandise at new orleans "without paying any other duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores." this privilege was to be continued after three years, or "an equivalent establishment" on the banks of the mississippi was to be assigned to citizens of the united states--a provision which was not free from ambiguities and which furnished fresh material for controversy a few years later. chapter vii a settlement with england according to jefferson, the president originally took the same view of the french treaty that he did. jefferson relates that on april , , washington spoke of having "never had a doubt of the validity of the french treaty," and he notes that in the cabinet disputes washington was inclined to his views. as the embarrassments of the administration thickened, the president, it is true, leaned more and more toward hamilton, but this inclination was due more to necessity than to personal partiality. the explanation stands out in jefferson's own account of events. hamilton was clear, positive, and decided as to what to do and how to do it. jefferson was active in finding objections but not in finding ways and means of action. this contrast became sharper as time went on, and, as washington was in a position where he had to do something, he was forced to rely on hamilton more and more. jefferson held that it would be inexpedient for the general government to assume the duty of fortifying the harbors, and that there was no constitutional authority for establishing a military academy. on november , , there was a prolonged wrangle over these issues at a cabinet meeting, which the president ended by saying that he would recommend the military academy to congress, and "let them decide for themselves whether the constitution authorized it or not." this was the last of the quarrelsome cabinet sessions recorded by jefferson. he vacated the office of secretary of state, december , , and thereafter the ascendancy of hamilton in the cabinet was indisputed. an immediate effect of the change was to give new vigor to efforts at reaching a settlement with great britain. the old troubles over her retention of the western posts still continued, and in addition to them came new difficulties arising from war measures. on january , , thomas pinckney, then american minister to great britain, wrote that war was about to begin, "and although our claim to a free intercourse is founded in reason and our national right, yet, as we have no armed neutrality the members whereof this people have to fear, they may stop our vessels bound to french ports with provisions." what was feared soon happened. by the french decree of , the french colonies were opened to american trade and west indian commerce flourished. this was now afflicted by contraband regulations laid down by great britain, under which many american vessels were seized for carrying cargoes to or from french ports. although genet's activities and the extent to which they were indulged by the united states did not tend to promote friendly relations with great britain, yet it does not appear that the british policy was inspired by resentment. the regulations as defined by instructions issued on june , , made liable to detention all vessels carrying "corn, flour, or meal" to french ports, with the proviso that the cargoes might be purchased on behalf of the british government and the ships might then be released with a due allowance for freight, or they might be allowed to dispose of their cargoes in the ports of any country in amity with great britain. vessels attempting to enter a blockaded port were liable to seizure and condemnation, save that the ships of denmark and sweden might be seized only if they should persist in trying to enter after once having been turned back. conciliatory explanations were made by hammond, the british minister, in notifying our state department. he pointed out that only corn and flour were contraband, that the regulations did not extend to other provisions, and that they secured "to the proprietors, supposing them neutral, a full indemnification for any loss they may possibly sustain." the special privilege extended to denmark and sweden was attributed to treaty requirements and therefore could not be regarded as invidious. in reply jefferson at home and pinckney abroad argued in behalf of the united states for the principle that free ships make free goods, but great britain would not hearken to a doctrine that struck at the efficacy of her sea power. washington besought congress to support the efforts of the administration by making, for the defense of american interests, such provision as would inspire respect. in his address of december , , he observed: "there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." the answer of congress was the grudging consent to some naval preparations already recounted. after the passage of the navy bill sedgwick of massachusetts endeavored to interest the house in the general subject of military preparation. on march , , he introduced resolutions for raising fifteen additional regiments for two years, the term to be extended for three years in case of the outbreak of war. in advocating this measure he spoke of the sorry experience of the country in depending upon militia. their "want of discipline occasions them to commit a great waste on the property of their fellow citizens, besides a waste of public property." as long as we depend upon militia, "european nations will not consider us as able to retaliate and assert our rights." nothing came of this sensible proposal, but sedgwick made an auxiliary suggestion which congress did adopt. he urged that the sailing of vessels from the ports of the united states be prohibited. an embargo would hold over foreign nations the threat that, unless they behaved themselves, their supplies from the united states might be cut off. such embargo was voted for a month from march , , which was subsequently extended for another month, and the president was authorized to lay, regulate, and revoke embargoes during the recess of congress. congress regarded the embargo policy as a cheap way out of a difficult situation, but this method was really not only far more costly to the nation than would have been the straightforward course of arming for defense, but at the same time accomplished nothing. dayton of new jersey proposed to supplement the embargo by the sequestration of all debts due from citizens of the united states to british subjects. clark of new jersey outdid his colleague by proposing to prohibit all commercial intercourse between the united states and great britain until such time as that country should surrender the western posts and should make restitution for all losses sustained by american citizens. violent speeches were made on these proposals at the very time when the house was refusing to support either an army or a navy. sedgwick introduced some good sense into a debate that was alternating between blatant vaporing and legal pedantry, by pointing out that, under the constitution, the president of the united states ought to be allowed to have some say about the matter. it was the function of the president to treat with foreign powers, and yet the house was now considering action which was in effect "prescribing the terms of treaty, and restraining the constitutional power from treating on any other terms." this argument was used effectively by a number of speakers. it turned the main position taken by the advocates of non-intercourse, which was that the real objection came from the bondholders who feared that the ensuing loss of revenue might prevent them from getting their interest. such imputations of sordid motive became fruitless when the issue was raised of the constitutional authority of the president, but the advocates of non-intercourse met this new point of view by pointing out that the constitution gave congress the right to regulate commerce. the feeling against great britain was so great that the house was bent on indulging it, and on april , , the non-intercourse bill was passed by a vote of to . the senate was so evenly divided that, on the motion to pass the bill to its third reading, there was a tie vote, and vice-president adams, who was called upon for a casting vote, gave it against the bill. about a month later in the house another attempt was made to carry the policy of non-intercourse by a joint resolution, but by this time a reaction in favor of the administration had set in and the resolution received only yeas to nays, james madison being among those who stuck to the proposal to the last. while the house was abandoning itself to reckless mischief-making, washington was striving to arrange matters by negotiation. the perplexities of his situation were great and varied. as a military man he knew that american jurisdiction was precarious so long as great britain held the interior. the matter had been the subject of prolix correspondence between jefferson and hammond, but the american demands that great britain should surrender the frontier posts in accordance with the treaty of peace had been met by demands that america, in accordance with that same treaty, should first satisfy various claims of british subjects for restitution, indemnity, and relief. the regular diplomatic machinery stuck fast at this point, both at home and abroad. in one of his gossipy, confidential letters fisher ames remarked that hammond was a most "petulant, impudent" man, habitually railing against the conduct of our government "with a gabble that his feelings render doubly unintelligible." but pinckney, our representative in england, was equally undiplomatic. he was "sour and also gallican"; although calm in manner, "he had prejudices, and unless a man has a mind above them, he can do little service there." washington decided that it would be wise to send a special envoy to deal with all the points at issue. he thought first of hamilton, but was warned that the senate would not ratify such an appointment. hamilton recommended john jay as "the only man in whose qualifications for success there would be thorough confidence." jay was then chief-justice, but the crisis was so dangerous as to justify washington in calling him even from that important post. he had matchless qualifications for the mission. he had been minister to spain, - ; he had been one of the commissioners who had negotiated the treaty of peace of ; he had been secretary of foreign affairs, - ; so that he had had an experience which familiarized him with every detail of the questions at issue. as a negotiator he had always gained marked success by acting upon his own principle that "a little good-natured wisdom often does more in politics than much slippery craft." jay showed fine patriotism in accepting the appointment. he remarked to his friends that no man could frame a treaty with great britain without making himself unpopular and odious and he accepted the mission under "a conviction that to refuse it would be to desert my duty for the sake of my ease and domestic concerns and comforts." jay was nominated as envoy extraordinary on april , , and, after three days of violent debate, the appointment was confirmed by the senate. the event did not moderate the rage of the house for immediate action. some members urged that it was indelicate for the house to be passing reprisals at a time when the executive was attempting friendly negotiations; but the reply was made that, if there was any indelicacy, it was on the part of the executive, inasmuch as the house proceedings had been already begun when the president decided to nominate an envoy extraordinary. while congress was fuming and wrangling, jay was proceeding with his difficult task. he sailed on may , and on june landed in england where he was hospitably received. despite these personal attentions, the differences to be adjusted were so numerous and complicated that on the surface the situation looked almost hopeless. conditions, however, were really more favorable than they appeared to be. a change, latent but influential, had taken place in the mental attitude of the governing class in england. there had been a notion that american independence would not last long and that the country would eventually be restored to the british crown. the drift of events was rather in that direction until hamilton's measures gave the ascendancy to the forces making for american national development. the practical statesmanship of great britain perhaps saw more clearly the significance of what was taking place than did that of america itself, and it was prepared to reckon with this new condition. moreover, the european commotion resulting from the french revolution had brought to the front a new set of interests and anxieties, for the free handling of which a settlement of differences with the united states might be advantageous. the effect of such considerations was at least to render the situation more manageable than might have been expected, and jay improved his opportunities with admirable tact. in pursuance of his principle of bringing "good-natured wisdom" to bear, jay suggested to lord grenville, the british secretary for foreign affairs, that they should dispense with written communications, and merely meet and converse informally "until there should appear a probability of coming to some amicable mutual understanding." even after such understanding should be put into writing, it was not to be regarded as official or binding, but simply as an exchange of private memoranda. so strictly was this informal method adhered to that the regular force of secretaries and copyists had nothing to do with the proceedings until the treaty was almost ready for signing. jay had been instructed to demand compensation for some three thousand slaves who had followed the british troops when they departed, but lord grenville stood firm on the principle that the slave, once under the british flag, became a free man, the property rights of the former owner thereupon becoming extinct and not forming a subject for compensation. jay, who really held the same opinion, had to yield the point. it was agreed that the western posts should be evacuated by june , , an arrangement which would allow the british government to retain them about two years longer. that government had already justified its retention of these posts by averring that the united states had not complied with the articles of the peace treaty relating to british debts. jay was not in a position to argue the point with any force, for when he was secretary of foreign affairs he had advised congress that these articles "have been constantly violated on our part by legislative acts, then and still existing and operating"; and that great britain was therefore not to blame for retaining the posts. the british government was undoubtedly cognizant of this report, and jay could not make any effective opposition to a proviso which in effect said to the united states, "before surrendering the posts we will wait and see whether you intend to fulfill your agreements." the root of the trouble--an evil often felt and still experienced in the united states--was defective sovereignty, an inability of the whole to control the behavior of its parts. jay could not deny that the peace treaty had been violated by state legislation, and only by the humiliating means of an avowal of its impotence could he exonerate the national government from the imputation of bad faith. the matter was disposed of by provision for a joint commission to decide upon all cases in which it was alleged that unlawful impediments had been placed in the way of collection of debts due british subjects, and by the united states undertaking payment of the awards. a similar commission was to pass upon american claims for british violation of neutral rights. this arrangement was a concession whose practical value was eventually shown by the fact that as a result american merchants received some millions of dollars. jay displayed marked adroitness as a negotiator in dealing with the issues growing out of past differences, but he made an extraordinary slip in providing for commercial relations between the two countries. in their general tenor the articles displayed broad liberality. between all british dominions in europe and the territories of the united states there was to be "a reciprocal and perfect liberty of commerce and navigation." american vessels were to "be admitted and hospitably received" in the ports of east india, and, although participation in the coasting trade was prohibited, it was provided that this restriction should not prevent ships going from one port of discharge to another. the east indian trade was not, however, so important as the nearer west indian trade, and with respect to the latter the treaty provisions were narrow and exacting. american vessels were limited to seventy tons burden, and it was provided that "the united states will prohibit and restrain the carrying away of molasses, sugar, coffee, or cotton in american vessels, either for his majesty's islands or the united states, to any part of the world except the united states, reasonable sea-stores excepted." jay, in a letter to washington, excused his acceptance of this restraint on the ground that "the commercial part of the treaty may be terminated at the expiration of two years after the war, and in the meantime a state of things more auspicious to negotiation will probably arise, especially if the next session of congress should not interpose fresh obstacles." the treaty was silent on the subject of impressment, but jay's failure on that point was just what was to have been expected in view of the unwillingness of the united states to defend its commerce. impressment was not abandoned until many years afterwards, and then not through treaty stipulation but because the united states had a navy and could resist aggression on the seas. in its treatment of the subject of contraband, the treaty took positions in accord with the international law then received, but in one respect it made a distinct advance. provision was made that war between the two countries should never become the pretext for confiscation of debts or annulment of contracts. this position involves the noble principle that war should never supersede justice but should be the servant of justice. great practical advantage was experienced from it in the war of , when the united states was a creditor nation. on the whole, jay's diplomacy was as enlightened as it was shrewd, but at the time it exposed him to furious denunciation which he disdained to notice. "i had read the history of greece," he wrote to a friend, "and was apprised of the politics and proceedings of more recent date." the philosophic composure which he drew from his knowledge of history enabled him to behave with calm dignity while he was being burned in effigy, and while mob orators were heaping insult and calumny on his name. after a struggle that shook the government, the treaty was ratified by the senate on june , , with the exception of the article about the west indian trade, an omission to which great britain made no objection. the treaty was extremely unpopular, chiefly because unreasonable expectations of its provisions had been entertained. people had yet to learn that national independence has its defects as well as its advantages, and that the traditional intimacy between the west indies and america was now on a footing of privilege and not of right. the great benefits conferred by the treaty were therefore not appreciated, and so violent was the fury its terms excited that it was perhaps fortunate that jay did not resume his seat on the supreme bench. before his return from england and before the details of the treaty had been made public, he had been elected governor of new york, and to accept this office he resigned the chief-justiceship. chapter viii party violence when, in july, , jefferson notified the president of his wish to resign from the cabinet, hamilton's resignation had already been before the president for several weeks. ever since the removal of congress to philadelphia, hamilton's circumstances had become less and less able to endure the strain of maintaining his official position on a salary of $ a year. he had fully experienced the truth of the warnings he had received that, if he gave himself to the public service, he might spend his time and substance without receiving gratitude for his efforts or credit for his motives. his vocation for statesmanship, however, was too genuine and his courage too high for such results to dishearten him. he had now accomplished what he had set out to do in securing the adoption of the measures which established the new government, and he no longer regarded his administrative position as essential to the success of his policy. meanwhile the need had become urgent that he should resume the practice of his profession to provide for his family. it was not in his nature, however, to leave the front when a battle was coming on, and, although he gave early notice of his intention so that washington should have ample time to look about for his successor, the resignation was not to become effective until congress had met and shown its temper. according to jefferson, washington once remarked to him that he supposed hamilton "had fixed on the latter part of next session to give an opportunity to congress to examine into his conduct." although hamilton had made up his mind to retire, he intended to march out with flying colors, as became the victor on a hard-fought field. so far, he had met and beaten all enemies who had dared to assail his honor; he meant to beat them again if they renewed the attack, and he had word that one encounter was coming more formidable than any before. hamilton's success in carrying his measures through congress, by sheer dexterity of management when numbers were against him, added intense bitterness to the natural chagrin felt by the defeated faction. men like jefferson and madison were subject to traditions of behavior that required them to maintain a certain style of public decorum no matter how they might rage in private. but new men with new manners were coming on the scene, and among them the opposition to hamilton had found a new leader-- william branch giles of virginia. he was a princeton graduate of the class of , had studied for the bar, and had been admitted to practice in . to the full legal equipment of the period he added an energy and an audacity that speedily brought him legal and political distinction. he was active and outspoken in advocating the adoption of the new constitution, at a time when popular sentiment in virginia was strongly inclined to be adverse. he had no hesitation about undertaking unpopular causes, and hence british debt cases became a marked feature of his practice. virginia state law had suspended the recovery of debts due british subjects until reparation had been made for the loss of negro slaves taken away by the british during the war, and until the western posts had been surrendered. but the peace treaty of stipulated that creditors on neither side should meet with lawful impediment in the recovery of debts, and by the new constitution treaties had become part of the law of the land. on the basis of a national jurisdiction in conflict with the virginia statutes, giles acted so energetically, that he himself related that by he had been employed in at least one hundred british debt cases, and was "as successful in collecting monies under judgments as is usually the case with citizens." comprehension of the true nature of the struggle in which giles became conspicuous must start with the fact that the constitution was reluctantly accepted and with great uneasiness as to possible consequences. in the virginia convention of , it was declared that the new constitution was essentially a scheme of the military men to subject the people to their rule. this argument was not so much met as avoided by the declaration that there could be no tyranny while washington lived. the rejoinder was obvious: what if he should not be able to withstand military influence? what if, in spite of him, the government should be given a dangerous character that would develop after he passed away? jefferson had felt misgivings on this score from the first, and madison experienced them as soon as differences on practical measures arose between himself and hamilton. jefferson and madison wanted the government to be made respectable but not strong. hamilton saw what they could not see--and indeed what few at that time could see--that a government cannot be made respectable without being made strong. washington was probably without any clear views of his own on constitutional questions, and what evidence there is on this point supports jefferson's claim that washington was more disposed to confide in him and in madison than in hamilton. when jefferson relinquished the state department, washington proposed to give madison the post, but was told he would not think of taking it. washington then transferred randolph to the position because he could not get anybody else of suitable capacity. whatever washington's personal inclinations may have been, he was in a position in which he had to act. hamilton was the only one whom he could find to show him the way, and thus circumstances more and more compelled washington to accept hamilton's guidance, while at the same time it seemed increasingly clear to the opposition that it was above all things necessary to crush hamilton. this state of sentiment must be kept in mind in order to make intelligible the rabid violence of the party warfare which had long been going on against hamilton, and which--now that jefferson had left the cabinet--was soon to be extended to washington himself. when giles went to the front in this war, both jefferson and madison were busy behind the firing line supplying munitions. giles was elected in to fill a vacancy caused by the death of theodorick bland, and took his seat in the third session of the first congress. the assumption bill had been passed, but that was only the first of the series of financial measures proposed by hamilton, and giles followed madison's lead in unsuccessful resistance to the excise and to the national bank. giles was re-elected to the second congress, which opened on october , . in the course of this session he became the leader of the opposition, not by supplanting madison but through willingness to take responsibilities from which madison, like jefferson, shrank, because he, too, preferred activity behind the scenes. this situation has often occurred in parliamentary history--a zealous party champion scouting the scruples and restraints that hampered the official leadership, and assuming an independent line of attack with the covert favor and assistance of that leadership. in the effort to crush hamilton a series of raids was led by giles, whose appetite for fighting could never be extinguished no matter how severe might be his defeat. after much preliminary skirmishing which put heavy tasks on hamilton in the way of getting up reports and documents, a grand attack was made on january , . a series of resolutions, in drafting which madison and jefferson took part, was presented, calling for minute particulars of all loans, names of all persons to whom payments had been made, statements of semi-monthly balances between the treasury and the bank, and an account of the sinking fund and of unexpended appropriations,--all from the beginning of the government until the end of . the resolution required hamilton to complete and state all the accounts of the treasury department up to a period only a little over three weeks before the resolutions were presented, and to give a detailed transcript of particulars. but the treasury accounts were in such perfect order, and so great was hamilton's capacity for work, that the information called for was promptly transmitted in reports dated february , february , and february . at the same time hamilton hit back by observing that the resolutions "were not moved without a pretty copious display of the reasons on which they were founded," which "were of a nature to excite attention, to beget alarm, to inspire doubts." giles was soon able to renew the attack. jefferson and madison helped him to prepare a series of nine resolutions which were presented on february . they specifically charged hamilton with violation of law, neglect of duty, transgression of the proper limits of his authority, and indecorum in his attitude towards the house. the series ended with a resolution that a copy should be transmitted to the president. the proceeding was a sort of impeachment, framed with the purpose not of bringing hamilton to trial but of forcing him out of the cabinet. the charges against him were purely technical and were actuated by malevolence. hamilton, though not allowed to come into the house to defend himself, nevertheless participated in the debate indirectly by writing the speech delivered by william smith and credited to him in the annals of congress. it was so generally felt in congress that the resolutions were founded on nothing more substantial than spite that giles could not hold his forces together, and as the debate proceeded the number of his adherents dwindled. the house began voting at a night session on march st. after the third resolution had been defeated by a vote of to , an attempt was made to withdraw the others, but such action was refused, and one by one the remaining resolutions were defeated by increasing numbers until only seven voted with giles at the last, among them james madison. it was a signal triumph for hamilton. but his enemies were not disposed to accept the decision as final, and jefferson thought it might be revised at the next session. it was not until the second congress that the old factions finally disappeared and the formation of national parties began. the issue over the adoption of the constitution had produced federalists and anti-federalists, but with its adoption anti-federalism as such became a thing of the past. opposition to the government had to betake itself to the political platform provided by the successful introduction of the new system of government, and was obliged to distinguish itself from official federalism by attacking not the constitution but the way in which the constitution was being construed and applied. the suspicion, jealousy, and dislike with which the new government was regarded, in many quarters were reflected from the beginning in the behavior of congress. there was from the first a disposition to find fault and to antagonize, and as time went on this disposition was aggravated by the great scope allowed to misunderstanding and calumny from the lack of direct contact between congress and the administration. in founding a new party, jefferson only organized forces that were demanding leadership. he consolidated the existing opposition, and gave it the name "republican party," implying that its purpose was to resist the rise of monarchy and the growth of royal prerogative in the system of government which was introduced by the adoption of the constitution. it is clear enough now that the implication was mere calumny; the notion that washington was either aiming at monarchy or was conniving at it through ignorance was a grotesque travesty of the shameful situation that actually existed; but fictions, pretenses, slanders, and calumnies that would never have been allowed utterance if the administration and congress had stood face to face now had opportunity to spread and infect public opinion. hence the tone of extreme rage that dishonors the political contention of the period and the malice that stains the correspondence of the faction chiefs. although a distinct party opposition appeared and assumed a name during the second congress, it disavowed as yet any opposition to washington and represented its actual attempts to thwart the measures of the administration as efforts to counteract washington's evil advisers. the old constitutional tradition that the king can do no wrong, which still lingered in american politics, tended to an analogous elevation of the presidential office above the field of party strife, while leaving the president's cabinet advisers fully exposed to it, just as in the case of the ministers of the crown in england. allowance must be made for the effect of this tradition when judgment is passed on the political activities of the period. considered with regard to present standards of political behavior, the course of jefferson in fomenting opposition to the administration of which he was a part wears the appearance of despicable intrigue. there was nothing mean or low about it, however, in the opinion of himself and his friends, and even his enemies would have allowed it to be within the rules of the game. jefferson did his best to defeat in congress measures adopted by washington on the advice of hamilton, and he also did his best to undermine washington's confidence in hamilton. in his personal dealings with washington, jefferson had every advantage, for he had washington's ear and could, more readily than hamilton, direct the currents of unconscious influence that produce the will to believe. but jefferson's animosity kept tempting him to overplay his hand in a way that was fatal in the face of an antagonist so keen and so dexterous as hamilton. in a letter of may , , jefferson presented to washington an elaborate indictment of hamilton's policy as a justification of his own behavior in organizing an opposition party in congress. he charged hamilton with subverting the character of the government by his financial measures, the logical consequence of which would be "a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy." hence the need for organizing "the republican party who wish to preserve the government in its present form." washington thought over the matter, and-- according to jefferson--reopened the subject in a personal interview on july . being now fully apprised of jefferson's case, washington himself prepared a brief of it, divided into numbered sections, and applied to hamilton for a statement of his ideas upon the "enumerated discontents," framed so "that those ideas may be applied to the correspondent numbers." the proceeding is a fine instance of the care which washington exercised in forming his opinions. of course, as soon as charges of corruption and misdemeanor were reduced to exact statement the matter was put just where hamilton wanted to get it, and in the grasp of his powerful hands its trashy character was promptly displayed. it is needless to go into details, now that public loans, the funding of floating indebtedness in excess of current income, and the maintenance of a national banking system to supply machinery of credit, are such well recognized functions that the wonder is how any statesman could have ever thought otherwise. jefferson's arguments, when read with the prepossessions of the present day, are so apt to leave an impression of absurdity that they constitute a troublesome episode for his biographers. jefferson's maneuvering utterly failed to injure hamilton in washington's esteem, but it did have the effect of so thoroughly disgusting washington with public life that at one time he was determined to refuse a reelection, and even went so far as to ask madison to prepare a valedictory address for him. he consented to serve another term most reluctantly, and not until he had been besought to do so by the leaders on both sides. jefferson was as urgent as was hamilton. while washington was still wavering, he received a strong letter from edmund randolph that doubtless touched his soldierly pride. the letter closed with this sharp argument: "you suffered yourself to yield when the voice of your country summoned you to the administration. should a civil war arise, you cannot stay at home. and how much easier will it be to disperse the factions, which are rushing to this catastrophe, than to subdue them after they shall appear in arms? it is the fixed opinion of the world, that you surrender nothing incomplete." an appeal of this character was the most effective that could possibly be addressed to washington, but in consenting he grumbled over the hardship of having to keep in active service at his time of life after already having served for so long a time. he complained that his hearing was getting bad and that "perhaps his other faculties might fall off and he not be sensible of it." acquiescence in washington's candidacy made it practically impossible for the republican party to manifest its true strength. the compliment of republican support was awarded to governor clinton of new york, who together with washington received all the electoral votes of virginia, new york, north carolina, and georgia. a stray electoral vote from pennsylvania brought clinton's total up to , whereas john adams received votes which re-elected him as vice-president. jefferson received only four electoral votes, all from kentucky, but his poor showing in this election was wholly due to the intricacy of the electoral system, and his party meanwhile developed so much strength that when the third congress met on december , , the republicans were strong enough to elect the speaker. undeterred by this circumstance, hamilton forced the fighting. the jeffersonians had been excusing the defeat they had received in attacking hamilton in the previous congress on the ground that the house had acted without allowing sufficient time for due examination of the evidence. this plea supplied to hamilton an occasion for prompt action. exactly two weeks after the meeting of congress he addressed a letter to the speaker, in which he declared: "unwilling to leave the matter on such a footing, i have concluded to request of the house of representatives, as i now do, that a new inquiry may be, without delay, instituted in some mode, most effectual for an accurate and thorough investigation; and i will add, that the more comprehensive it is, the more agreeable it will be to me." giles promptly took up the challenge, and moved the appointment of a committee to examine the state of the treasury department in all its particulars. pending action by the house, a new complication was introduced, which, though meant as a blow at hamilton, resulted in a signal triumph for him. his enemies got hold of a discharged clerk of the treasury department by means of whom they now tried to counteract the effect of hamilton's challenge. two days after hamilton's letter to the speaker, a memorial from andrew g. fraunces was laid before the house making charges which amounted to this: that there was a combination between hamilton and other officers of the treasury department to evade payment of warrants so that they could be bought up for speculative purposes. hamilton's request for an investigation was allowed to lie on the table, but the memorial from fraunces was referred to a select committee of which giles was a member. this circumstance turned out to be much to hamilton's advantage. giles was an erect, bold, manly foe; he could not stomach the sort of testimony upon which depended the charges against hamilton's personal integrity, and he concurred in a report on hamilton finding that the evidence was "fully sufficient to justify his conduct; and that in the whole course of this transaction the secretary and other officers of the treasury have acted a meritorious part towards the public." giles, while exonerating hamilton of the charge of dishonesty, did not desist from pressing his motion for further investigation of the treasury department. but he admitted that imputations upon the secretary's integrity had been quite removed, and he now urged that "the primary object of the resolution is to ascertain the boundaries of discretion and authority between the legislature and the treasury department." in thus shifting his ground he presented a new issue in which the house--and indeed giles's own party associates--took little interest. the fact was that the attack on hamilton had failed, that the purpose of showing him to be unworthy of washington's confidence had been abandoned as impracticable, and that all that remained was a proposal that the house should again engage in a laborious investigation of the desirability of attempting a new delimitation of the functions of the treasury department and of congress. but this, of course, did not concern hamilton. he had acted under existing laws and with responsibilities which were defined by them. if congress saw fit to make new laws, the consequences would fall upon his successor in office, not upon him since he was about to retire. if congress made fetters for the secretary, it might even be that some member of giles's own party would have to wear them. thus, however giles's latest proposal might be viewed, it was not attractive. moreover, it was presented at a time when the house had much more urgent matters to consider. the country was wild with excitement over the retaliating orders and decrees of great britain and france, which subjected american interests to injury from both sides. giles and page appear to have been the only speakers on the resolution when it was taken up for consideration on february , , and both disclaimed any intention of reflecting upon hamilton. the resolution received decent interment by reference to a committee, with no one objecting. the practical conclusion of the matter was that hamilton had beaten his enemies once more and beaten them thoroughly. before resigning his office, hamilton added still another great achievement to his record of illustrious service in establishing public authority. the violent agitation against the excise act promoted by the jeffersonians naturally tended to forcible resistance. one of the counts of jefferson's indictment of hamilton's policy which had been presented to washington was that the excise law was "of odious character ... committing the authority of the government in parts where resistance is most probable and coercion least practicable." the parts thus referred to were the mountains of western pennsylvania. the popular discontent which arose there from the imposition of taxes upon their principal staple--distilled spirits--naturally coalesced with the agitation carried on against washington's neutrality policy. at a meeting of delegates from the election districts of allegheny county held at pittsburgh, resolutions were adopted attributing the policy of the government "to the pernicious influence of stockholders." this was an echo of jefferson's views. but the resolutions went on to declare: "our minds feel this with so much indignancy, that we are almost ready to wish for a state of revolution and the guillotine of france, for a short space, in order to inflict punishment on the miscreants that enervate and disgrace our government." this was an echo of the talk in the political clubs that had been formed throughout the country. the original model was apparently the jacobin club of paris. the philadelphia club with which the movement started, soon after genet's arrival, adopted the jacobin style of utterance. it declared its object to be the preservation of a freedom whose existence was menaced by a "european confederacy transcendent in power and unparalleled in iniquity," and also by "the pride of wealth and arrogance of power" displayed in the united states. writing to governor lee of virginia, washington said that he considered "this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the democratic societies." hamilton moved warily, doing whatever lay in his power to smooth the practical working of the system in the hope of "attaining the object of the laws by means short of force." but such was the inflamed state of feeling in western pennsylvania that no course was acceptable short of abandonment by the government of efforts to enforce the internal revenue laws. during , there were several outrageous attacks on agents of the government, and the execution of warrants for the arrest of rioters was refused by local authority. people who showed a disposition to side with the government had their barns burned. a revenue inspector was tarred and feathered, and was run out of the district. the patience with which the government endured insults to its authority encouraged the mob spirit. on july , , the house of inspector neville was attacked by a mob, and, when he appealed to the local authorities for protection, he was notified that there was such a general combination of the people that the laws could not be executed. neville, a revolutionary veteran of tried valor, was able to obtain the help of an officer and eleven soldiers from fort pitt, but the mob was too numerous and too well-armed to be withstood by so weak a force. after a skirmish in which the mob fired the buildings and the place became untenable, the troops had to surrender. soon after this affair, a convention of delegates from the four western counties of pennsylvania was called to meet on august to concert measures for united action. organized insurrection had, in fact, begun. "the government," said washington, "could no longer remain a passive spectator of the contempt with which the laws were treated." but when he called for cabinet opinions, the old variance at once showed itself. randolph thought that calm consideration of the situation "banishes every idea of calling the militia into immediate action." he pointed out that the disaffected region had more than fifteen thousand white males above the age of sixteen, and that sympathy with the insurgents was active in "several counties in virginia having a strong militia." there was also the risk that the insurgents might seek british aid, in which case a severance of the union might result. randolph also enlarged upon the expense that would attend military operations and questioned whether the funds could be obtained. he advised a proclamation and the appointment of commissioners to treat with the insurgents. should such means fail, and should it appear that the judiciary authority was withstood, then at last military force might be employed. hamilton held that "a competent force of militia should be called forth and employed to suppress the insurrection, and support the civil authority." it appeared to him that "the very existence of the government demands this course." he urged that the force employed ought "to be an imposing one, such, if practicable, as will deter from opposition, save the effusion of the blood of the citizens, and serve the object to be accomplished." he proposed a force of twelve thousand men, of whom three thousand were to be cavalry, and he advised that, in addition to the pennsylvania militia, new jersey, maryland, and virginia should each contribute a quota. all the members of the cabinet except randolph concurred in hamilton's opinion. the practical execution of the measures was entrusted to hamilton, who acted with great sagacity. some appearance of timidity and inertia in pennsylvania state authority was indirectly but effectually counteracted by measures which showed that the military expedition would move even if pennsylvania held back. although some troops were to gather at carlisle, pennsylvania, others were to meet at cumberland fort, virginia. the business was so shrewdly managed that pennsylvania state authority fell obediently into line, and the insurgents were so cowed by the determined action of the government that they submitted without a struggle. washington thought that this event would react upon the clubs and "effectuate their annihilation sooner than it might otherwise have happened." a general collapse among them certainly followed, and they disappeared from the political scene. it is in the nature of precaution that the more successful it is the less necessary it appears to have been, and thus the complete success of hamilton's management furnished his enemies with a new argument against him of which they afterwards made great use. the costly military expedition that had no fighting to do was continually held up to public ridicule. that the expense was trifling in comparison with the objects achieved must deeply impress any one who examines the records of the times. a mistake might have been fatal to the existence of the government. it has become so powerful and massive since that time, that we can hardly realize what a rickety structure it then was, and how readily, in less capable hands, it might have collapsed. randolph, then secretary of state, seems to have been in a panic. fauchet, the french minister at that time, reported to his government that randolph called upon him and with a grief-stricken countenance declared, "it is all over; a civil war is about to ravage our unhappy country." he represented to fauchet that there were four men whose talents, influence, and energy might save it. "but debtors of english merchants, they will be deprived of their liberty if they take the smallest step." he wanted to know whether fauchet could lend "funds sufficient to shelter them from english persecution." fauchet's letter was captured by the british and made public. randolph's explanations did not clear up the obscurity that surrounds the affair. his version was that the four men were flour merchants who were being pressed by their creditors "and that the money was wanted only for the purpose of paying them what was actually due to them in virtue of existing contracts." even on his own showing it was a shady transaction, and he retired from washington's cabinet under a cloud. washington always had difficulty about the composition of his cabinet. a capable man had been found to succeed randolph as attorney-general in the person of william bradford, an able pennsylvania lawyer, but he died in , and was succeeded by charles lee of virginia. when knox resigned in , the vacancy was filled by transferring to the war department timothy pickering of massachusetts, who had previously served as postmaster-general. when hamilton retired, january, , he was succeeded by oliver wolcott of connecticut, who had been comptroller of the treasury. after randolph had been discredited by the fauchet letter, the office of secretary of state went a-begging. it was offered to william paterson of new jersey, to thomas johnson of maryland, to charles cotesworth pinckney of south carolina, but all these men declined. washington got word that patrick henry, the old antagonist of the constitution, was showing federalist leanings in opposition to jefferson and madison, and henry was then tendered the appointment, but he too declined. others were approached but all refused, and meanwhile pickering, though secretary of war, also attended to the work of the state department. the matter was finally settled by permanently attaching pickering to the state department, while the vacancy thus created at the head of the war department was filled by james mchenry, an appointment which washington himself described as "hobson's choice." hamilton, although out of the cabinet, still remained a trusted adviser, and he rendered splendid service at a dangerous crisis. in spite of the fact that the jay treaty had been ratified by the senate in june, , it was an issue in the fall elections that year. jefferson held that the treaty was an "execrable thing," an "infamous act, which is really nothing more than a treaty of alliance between england and the anglo-men of this country against the legislature and the people of the united states." giles, who had been in close consultation with jefferson, moved with characteristic energy to translate jefferson's views into congressional action. the fourth congress met on december , , and although a federalist, jonathan dayton of new jersey was elected speaker, the republicans were strong enough to tone down the reply to the president's address by substituting for an expression of "undiminished confidence" an acknowledgment of "zealous and faithful services," which expressed "approval of his course." on march , , the house by a vote of to adopted a resolution calling upon the president to lay before it his instructions to jay, "together with the correspondence and the other documents relative to said treaty." advised by hamilton and sustained by his whole cabinet, washington replied on march , by declining to comply because concurrence of the house was not necessary to give validity to the treaty, and "because of the necessity of maintaining the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments." the house retorted by a resolution declaring its right to judge the merits of the case when application was made for an appropriation to give effect to a treaty. debate on this issue, which is still an open one in our constitutional system, began on april and continued for sixteen days. madison opposed the execution of the treaty, but the principal speech was made by giles, whose argument covers twenty-eight columns in the _annals_. as the struggle proceeded, the jeffersonians lost ground. it became evident that weighty elements of public opinion were veering around to the support of the treaty as the best arrangement attainable in the circumstances. the balance of strength became so close that the scales were probably turned by a speech of wonderful power and eloquence delivered by fisher ames. a decision was reached on april , the test question being on declaring the treaty "highly objectionable." forty-eight votes were cast on each side and the speaker gave his decision for the negative. in the end, the house stood to in favor of carrying the treaty into effect. only four votes for the treaty came from the section south of mason and dixon's line. during the agitation over the jay treaty the rage of party spirit turned full against washington himself. he was blackguarded and abused in every possible way. he was accused of having shown incapacity while general and of having embezzled public funds while president. he was nicknamed "the step-father of his country." the imputation on his honor stung so keenly that he declared "he would rather be in his grave than in the presidency," and in private correspondence he complained that he had been assailed "in terms so exaggerated and indecent as could scarcely be applied to a nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket." the only rejoinder which his dignity permitted him to make is that contained in his farewell address, dated september , , in which he made a modest estimate of his services and made a last affectionate appeal to the people whom he had so faithfully served. the farewell address was not a communication to congress. it was issued in view of the approaching presidential election, to give public notice that he declined "being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made." the usual address to congress was delivered by washington on december , , shortly after the opening of the second session of the fourth congress. the occasion was connected in the public mind with his recent valedictory, and congress was ready to vote a reply of particularly cordial tenor. giles stood to his guns to the last, speaking and voting against complimentary resolutions. "he hoped gentlemen would compliment the president privately, as individuals; at the same time, he hoped such adulation would never pervade the house." he held that "the administration has been neither wise nor firm," and he acknowledged that he was "one of those who do not think so much of the president as some others do." on this issue madison forsook him, and giles was voted down, to . among the eleven who stood by giles was a new member who made his first appearance that session--andrew jackson of tennessee. in later years, when giles's opinions had been modified by experience and reflection, he regretted his attitude towards washington. it is due to giles to say that he did not stab in the dark. he had qualities of character that under better constitutional arrangements would have invigorated the functions of the house as an organ of control, but at that time, with the separation that had been introduced between the house and the administration, his energy was mischievous and his intrepidity was a misfortune to himself and to his party. washington's term dragged to its close like so much slow torture. others might resign, but he had to stand at his post until the end, and it was a happy day for him when he got his discharge. his elation was so manifest that it was noticed by john adams. writing to his wife about the ceremony the day after the inauguration, adams remarked that washington "seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. methought i heard him say, 'ay! i am fairly out, and you fairly in! see which of us will be the happiest.'" chapter ix the personal rule of john adams the narrow majority by which john adams was elected did not accurately reflect the existing state of party strength. the electoral college system, by its nature, was apt to distort the situation. originally the electors voted for two persons without designating their preference for president. there was no inconvenience on that account while washington was a candidate, since he was the first choice of all the electors; but in , with washington out of the field, both parties were in the dilemma that, if they voted solidly for two candidates, the vote of the electoral college would not determine who should be president. to avert this situation, the adherents of a presidential candidate would have to scatter votes meant to have only vice-presidential significance. this explains the wide distribution of votes that characterized the working of the system until it was changed by the twelfth amendment adopted in . in , the electoral college gave votes to thirteen candidates. the federalist ticket was john adams and thomas pinckney of south carolina. hamilton urged equal support of both as the surest way to defeat jefferson; but eighteen adams electors in new england withheld votes from pinckney to make sure that he should not slip in ahead of adams. had they not done so, pinckney would have been chosen president, a possibility which hamilton foresaw because of pinckney's popularity in the south. new york, new jersey, and delaware voted solidly for adams and pinckney as hamilton had recommended, but south carolina voted solidly for both jefferson and pinckney, and moreover pinckney received scattering votes elsewhere in the south. the action of the adams electors in new england defeated pinckney, and gave jefferson the vice-presidency, the vote for the leading candidates being for adams, for jefferson, and for pinckney. the tendency of such conditions to inspire political feuds and to foster factional animosity is quite obvious. this situation must be borne in mind, in order to make intelligible the course of adams's administration. adams had an inheritance of trouble from the same source which had plagued washington's administration,--the efforts of revolutionary france to rule the united states. in selecting monroe to succeed morris, washington knew that the former was as friendly to the french revolution as morris had been opposed to it, and hence he hoped that monroe would be able to impart a more friendly feeling to the relations of the two countries. monroe arrived in paris just after the fall of robespierre. the committee of public safety then in possession of the executive authority hesitated to receive him. monroe wrote to the president of the national convention then sitting, and a decree was at once passed that the minister of the united states should "be introduced in the bosom of the convention." monroe presented himself on august , , and made a glowing address. he descanted upon the trials by which america had won her independence and declared that "france, our ally and friend, and who aided in the contest, has now embarked in the same noble career." the address was received with enthusiasm, the president of the convention drew monroe to his bosom in a fraternal embrace; and it was decreed that "the flags of the united states of america shall be joined to those of france, and displayed in the hall of the sittings of the convention, in sign of the union and eternal fraternity of the two peoples." in compliance with this decree monroe soon after presented an american flag to the convention. when the news of these proceedings reached the state department, a sharp note was sent to monroe "to recommend caution lest we be obliged at some time or other to explain away or disavow an excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool system of neutrality." the french government regarded the jay treaty as an affront and as a violation of our treaties with france. many american vessels were seized and confiscated with their cargoes, and hundreds of american citizens were imprisoned. washington thought that monroe was entirely too submissive to such proceedings; therefore, on august , , monroe was recalled and soon after charles cotesworth pinckney was appointed in his stead. the representation of france in the united states had been as mutable as her politics. fauchet, who succeeded genet, retired in june, , and was succeeded by adet, who like his predecessors, carried on active interference with american politics, and even attempted to affect the presidential election by making public a note addressed to the secretary of state complaining of the behavior of the administration. in adams's opinion this note had some adverse effect in pennsylvania but no other serious consequences, since it was generally resented. meanwhile pinckney arrived in france in december, , and the directory refused to receive him. he was not even permitted to remain in paris; but honors were showered upon monroe as he took his leave. in march, , adet withdrew, and diplomatic relations between the two countries were entirely suspended. by a decree made two days before adams took office, the directory proclaimed as pirates, to be treated without mercy, all americans found serving on board british vessels, and ordered the seizure of all american vessels not provided with lists of their crews in proper form. though made under cover of the treaty of , this latter provision ran counter to its spirit and purpose. captures of american ships began at once. as joel barlow wrote, the decree of march , , "was meant to be little short of a declaration of war." the curious situation which ensued from the efforts made by adams to deal with this emergency cannot be understood without reference to his personal peculiarities. he was vain, learned, and self-sufficient, and he had the characteristic defect of pedantry: he overrated intelligence and he underrated character. hence he was inclined to resent washington's eminence as being due more to fortune than to merit, and he had for hamilton an active hatred compounded of wounded vanity and a sense of positive injury. he knew that hamilton thought slightingly of his political capacity and had worked against his political advancement, and he was too lacking in magnanimity to do justice to hamilton's motives. his state of mind was well known to the republican leaders, who hoped to be able to use him. jefferson wrote to madison suggesting that "it would be worthy of consideration whether it would not be for the public good to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections." jefferson himself called on adams and showed himself desirous of cordial relations. mrs. adams responded by expressions of pleasure at the success of jefferson, between whom and her husband, she said, there had never been "any public or private animosity." such rejoicing over the defeat of the federalist candidate for vice-president did not promote good feeling between the president and the federalist leaders. the morning before the inauguration, adams called on jefferson and discussed with him the policy to be pursued toward france. the idea had occurred to adams that a good impression might be made by sending out a mission of extraordinary weight and dignity, and he wanted to know whether jefferson himself would not be willing to head such a mission. without checking adams's friendly overtures, jefferson soon brought him to agree that it would not be proper for the vice-president to accept such a post. adams then proposed that madison should go. on march , jefferson reported to adams that madison would not accept. then for the first time, according to adams's own account, he consulted a member of his cabinet, supposed to be wolcott although the name is not mentioned. adams took over washington's cabinet as it was finally constituted after the retirement of jefferson and hamilton and the virtual expulsion of randolph. the process of change had made it entirely federalist in its political complexion, and entirely devoted to washington and hamilton in its personal sympathies. that adams should have adopted it as his own cabinet has been generally regarded as a blunder, but it was a natural step for him to take. to get as capable men to accept the portfolios as those then holding them would have been difficult, so averse had prominent men become to putting themselves in a position to be harried by congress, with no effective means of explaining and justifying their conduct. congress then had a prestige which it does not now possess, and its utterances then received consideration not now accorded. whenever presidential electors were voted for directly by the people, the poll was small compared with the vote for members of congress. moreover, there was then a feeling that the cabinet should be regarded as a bureaucracy, and for a long period this conception tended to give remarkable permanence to its composition. when the personal attachments of the cabinet chiefs are considered, it is easy to imagine the dismay and consternation produced by the dealings of adams with jefferson. by the time adams consulted the members of his cabinet, they had become suspicious of his motives and distrustful of his character. before long they were writing to washington and hamilton for advice, and were endeavoring to manage adams by concerted action. in this course they had the cordial approval of leading federalists, who would write privately to members of the cabinet and give counsel as to procedure. wolcott, a federalist leader in connecticut, warned his son, the secretary of the treasury, that adams was "a man of great vanity, pretty capricious, of a very moderate share of prudence, and of far less real abilities than he believes himself to possess," so that "it will require a deal of address to render him the service which it will be essential for him to receive." the policy to be pursued was still unsettled when news came of the insulting rejection of pinckney and the domineering attitude assumed by france. on march , adams issued a call for the meeting of congress on may , and then set about getting the advice of his cabinet. he presented a schedule of interrogatories to which he asked written answers. the attitude of the cabinet was at first hostile to adams's favorite notion of a special mission, but as hamilton counseled deference to the president's views, the cabinet finally approved the project. adams appointed john marshall of virginia and elbridge gerry of massachusetts to serve in conjunction with pinckney, who had taken refuge in holland. strong support for the government in taking a firm stand against france was manifested in both houses of congress. hamilton aided secretary wolcott in preparing a scheme of taxation by which the revenue could be increased to provide for national defense. with the singular fatality that characterized federalist party behavior throughout adams's administration, however, all the items proposed were abandoned except one for stamp taxes. what had been offered as a scheme whose particulars were justifiable by their relation to the whole was converted into a measure which was traditionally obnoxious in itself, and was now made freshly odious by an appearance of discrimination and partiality. the federalists did improve their opportunity in the way of general legislation: much needed laws were passed to stop privateering, to protect the ports, and to increase the naval armament; and adams was placed in a much better position to maintain neutrality than washington had been. fear of another outbreak of yellow fever accelerated the work of congress, and the extra session lasted only a little over three weeks. such was the slowness of communication in those days that, when congress reassembled at the regular session in november, no decisive news had arrived of the fate of the special mission. adams with proper prudence thought it would be wise to consider what should be done in case of failure. on january , , he addressed to the members of his cabinet a letter requesting their views. no record is preserved of the replies of the secretaries of state and of the treasury. lee, the attorney-general, recommended a declaration of war. mchenry, the secretary of war, offered a series of seven propositions to be recommended to congress: . permission to merchant ships to arm; . the construction of twenty sloops of war; . the completion of frigates already authorized; . grant to the president of authority to provide ships of the line, not exceeding ten, "by such means as he may judge best." . suspension of the treaties with france; . an army of sixteen thousand men, with provision for twenty thousand more should occasion demand; . a loan and an adequate system of taxation. these recommendations are substantially identical with those made by hamilton in a letter to pickering, and the presumption is strong that mchenry's paper is a product of hamilton's influence, and that it had the concurrence of pickering and wolcott. the suggestion that the president should be given discretionary authority in the matter of procuring ships of the line contemplated the possibility of obtaining them by transfer from england, not through formal alliance but as an incident of a coöperation to be arranged by negotiation, whose objects would also include aid in placing a loan and permission for american ships to join british convoys. this feature of mchenry's recommendations could not be curried out pickering soon informed hamilton that the old animosities were still so active "in some breasts" that the plan of cooperation was impracticable. meanwhile the composite mission had accomplished nothing except to make clear the actual character of french policy. when the envoys arrived in france, the directory had found in napoleon bonaparte an instrument of power that was stunning europe by its tremendous blows. that instrument had not yet turned to the reorganization of france herself, and at the time it served the rapacious designs of the directory. europe was looted wherever the arms of france prevailed, and the levying of tribute both on public and on private account was the order of the day. talleyrand was the minister of foreign affairs, and he treated the envoys with a mixture of menace and cajolery. it was a part of his tactics to sever the republican member, gerry, from his federalist colleagues. gerry was weak enough to be caught by talleyrand's snare, and he was foolish enough to attribute the remonstrances of his colleagues to vanity. "they were wounded," he wrote, "by the manner in which they had been treated by the government of france, and the difference which had been used in respect to me." gerry's conduct served to weaken and delay the negotiations, but he eventually united with his colleagues in a detailed report to the state department, which was transmitted to congress by the president on april , . in the original the names of the french officials concerned were written at full length in the department cipher. in making a copy for congress, secretary pickering substituted for the names the terminal letters of the alphabet, and hence the report has passed into history as the x.y.z. dispatches. the story, in brief, was that on arriving in paris the envoys called on talleyrand, who said that he was busy at that very time on a report to the directory on american affairs, and in a few days would let them know how matters stood. a few days later they received notice through talleyrand's secretary that the directory was greatly exasperated by expressions used in president adams's address to congress, that the envoys would probably not be received until further conference, and that persons might be appointed to treat with them. a few more days elapsed, and then three persons presented themselves as coming from talleyrand. they were hottinguer, bellamy, and hauteval, designated as x.y.z. in the communication to congress. they said that a friendly reception by the directory could not be obtained unless the united states would assist france by a loan, and that "a sum of money was required for the pocket of the directory and ministers, which would be at the disposal of m. talleyrand." this "douceur to the directory," amounting to approximately $ , , was urged with great persistence as an indispensable condition of friendly relations. the envoys temporized and pointed out that their government would have to be consulted on the matter of the loan. the wariness of the envoys made talleyrand's agents the more insistent about getting the "douceur." at one of the interviews hottinguer exclaimed:-- "gentlemen, you do not speak to the point; it is money; it is expected that you will offer money." the envoys replied that on this point their answer had already been given. "'no,' said he, 'you have not: what is your answer?' we replied, 'it is no; no; not a sixpence.'" this part of the envoys' report soon received legendary embellishment, and in innumerable stump speeches it rang out as, "not one cent for tribute; millions for defense!" the publication of the x.y.z. dispatches sent rolling through the country a wave of patriotic feeling before which the republican leaders quailed and which swept away many of their followers. jefferson held that the french government ought not to be held responsible for "the turpitude of swindlers," and he steadfastly opposed any action looking to the use of force to maintain american rights. some of the republican members of congress, however, went over to the federalist side, and jefferson's party was presently reduced to a feeble and dispirited minority. loyal addresses rained upon adams. there appeared a new national song, _hail columbia_, which was sung all over the land and which was established in lasting popularity. among its well-known lines is an exulting stanza beginning: "behold the chief who now commands, once more to serve his country stands." this is an allusion to the fact that washington had left his retirement to take charge of the national forces. the envoys had been threatened that, unless they submitted to the french demands, the american republic might share the fate of the republic of venice. the response of congress was to vote money to complete the frigates, the _united states_, the _constitution_, and the _constellation_, work on which had been suspended when the algerine troubles subsided; and further, to authorize the construction or purchase of twelve additional vessels. for the management of this force, the navy department was created by the act of april , . by an act of may , the president was authorized to raise a military force of ten thousand men, the commander of which should have the services of "a suitable number of major-generals." on july , the treaties with france that had so long vexed the united states were abrogated. the operations of the navy department soon showed that american sailors were quite able and willing to defend the nation if they were allowed the opportunity. in december, , the navy department worked out a plan of operations in the enemy's waters. to repress the depredations of the french privateers in the west indies, a squadron commanded by captain john barry was sent to cruise to the windward of st. kitts as far south as barbados, and it made numerous captures. a squadron under captain thomas truxtun cruised in the vicinity of porto rico. the flagship was the frigate _constellation_, which on february , , encountered the french frigate, _l'insurgente_, and made it strike its flag after an action lasting only an hour and seventeen minutes. the french captain fought well, but he was put at a disadvantage by losing his topmast at the opening of the engagement, so that captain truxtun was able to take a raking position. the american loss was only one killed and three wounded, while _l'insurgente_ had twenty-nine killed and forty-one wounded. on february , , the _constellation_ fought the heavy french frigate _vengeance_ from about eight o'clock in the evening until after midnight, when the _vengeance_ lay completely silenced and apparently helpless. but the rigging and spars of the _constellation_ had been so badly cut up that the mainmast fell, and before the wreck could be cleared away the _vengeance_ was able to make her escape. during the two years and a half in which hostilities continued, the little navy of the united states captured eighty-five armed french vessels, nearly all privateers. only one american war vessel was taken by the enemy, and that one had been originally a captured french vessel. the value of the protection thus extended to american trade is attested by the increase of exports from $ , , in to $ , , in . revenue from imports increased from $ , , in to $ , , in . the creation of an army, however, was attended by personal disagreements that eventually wrecked the administration. without waiting to hear from washington as to his views, adams nominated him for the command and then tried to overrule his arrangements. the notion that washington could be hustled into a false position was a strange blunder to be made by anyone who knew him. he set forth his views and made his stipulations with his customary precision, in letters to secretary mchenry, who had been instructed by adams to obtain washington's advice as to the list of officers. washington recommended as major-generals, hamilton, c.c. pinckney, and knox, in that order of rank. adams made some demur to the preference shown for hamilton, but mchenry showed him washington's letter and argued the matter so persistently that adams finally sent the nominations to the senate in the same order as washington had requested. confirmation promptly followed, and a few days later adams departed for his home at quincy, massachusetts, without notice to his cabinet. it soon appeared that he was in the sulks. when mchenry wrote to him about proceeding with the organization of the army, he replied that he was willing provided knox's precedence was acknowledged, and he added that the five new england states would not patiently submit to the humiliation of having knox's claim disregarded. from august to october , wrangling over this matter went on. the members of the cabinet were in a difficult position. it was their understanding that washington's stipulations had been accepted, but the president now proposed a different arrangement. pickering and mchenry wrote to washington explaining the situation in detail. news of the differences between adams and washington of course soon got about and caused a great buzz in political circles. adams became angry over the opposition he was meeting, and on august he wrote to mchenry that "there has been too much intrigue in this business, both with general washington and with me"; that it might as well be understood that in any event he would have the last say, "and i shall then determine it exactly as i should now, knox, pinckney, and hamilton." washington stood firm and, on september , wrote to the president demanding "that he might know at once and precisely what he had to expect." in reply adams said that he had signed the three commissions on the same day in the hope "that an amicable adjustment or acquiescence might take place among the gentlemen themselves." but should this hope be disappointed, "and controversies shall arise, they will of course be submitted to you as commander-in-chief." adams, of course, knew quite well that such matters did not settle themselves, but he seems to have imagined that all he had to do was to sit tight and that matters would have to come his way. the tricky and shuffling behavior to which he descended would be unbelievable of a man of his standing were there not an authentic record made by himself. the suspense finally became so intolerable that the cabinet acted without consulting the president any longer on the point. the secretary of war submitted to his colleagues all the correspondence in the case and asked their advice. the secretaries of state, of the treasury, and of the navy made a joint reply declaring "the only inference which we can draw from the facts before stated, is, that the president consents to the arrangement of rank as proposed by general washington," and that therefore "the secretary of war ought to transmit the commissions, and inform the generals that in his opinion the rank is definitely settled according to the original arrangement." this was done; but knox declined an appointment ranking him below hamilton and pinckney. thus, adams despite his obstinacy, was completely baffled, and a bitter feud between him and his cabinet was added to the causes now at work to destroy the federalist party. the federalist military measures were sound and judicious, and the expense, although a subject of bitter denunciation, was really trivial in comparison with the national value of the enhanced respect and consideration obtained for american interests. but these measures were followed by imprudent acts for regulating domestic politics. by the act of june , , the period of residence required before an alien could be admitted to american citizenship was raised from five years to fourteen. by the act of june , , the efficacy of which was limited to two years, the president might send out of the country "such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the united states, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof." the state of public opinion might then have sanctioned these measures had they stood alone, but they were connected with another which proved to be the weight that pulled them all down. by the act of july , , it was made a crime to write or publish "any false, scandalous, and malicious" statements about the president or either house of congress, to bring them "into contempt or disrepute," or to "stir up sedition within the united states." there were plenty of precedents in english history for legislation of such character. robust examples of it were supplied in england at that very time. there were also strong colonial precedents. according to secretary wolcott, the sedition law was "merely a copy from a statute of virginia in october, ." but a revolutionary whig measure aimed at tories was a very different thing in its practical aspect from the same measure used by a national party against a constitutional opposition. hamilton regarded such legislation as impolitic, and, on hearing of the sedition bill, he wrote a protesting letter, saying, "let us not establish tyranny. energy is a very different thing from violence." but in general the federalist leaders were so carried away by the excitement of the times that they could not practice moderation. their zealotry was sustained by political theories which made no distinction between partisanship and sedition. the constitutional function of partisanship was discerned and stated by burke in , but his definition of it, as a joint endeavor to promote the national interest upon some particular principle, was scouted at the time and was not allowed until long after. the prevailing idea in washington's time, both in england and america, was that partisanship was inherently pernicious and ought to be suppressed. washington's _farewell address_ warned the people "in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party." the idea then was that government was wholly the affair of constituted authority, and that it was improper for political activity to surpass the appointed bounds. newspaper criticism and partisan oratory were among the things in washington's mind when he censured all attempts "to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities." hence judges thought it within their province to denounce political agitators when charging a grand jury. chief justice ellsworth, in a charge delivered in massachusetts, denounced "the french system-mongers, from the quintumvirate at paris to the vice-president and minority in congress, as apostles of atheism and anarchy, bloodshed, and plunder." in charges delivered in western pennsylvania, judge addison dealt with such subjects as jealousy of administration and government, and the horrors of revolution. washington, then in private life, was so pleased with the series that he sent a copy to friends for circulation. convictions under the sedition law were few, but there were enough of them to cause great alarm. a jerseyman, who had expressed a wish that the wad of a cannon, fired as a salute to the president, had hit him on the rear bulge of his breeches, was fined $ . matthew lyon of vermont, while canvassing for reëlection to congress, charged the president with "unbounded thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adulation, and a selfish avarice." this language cost him four months in jail and a fine of $ . but in general the law did not repress the tendencies at which it was aimed but merely increased them. the republicans, too weak to make an effective stand in congress, tried to interpose state authority. jefferson drafted the kentucky resolutions, adopted by the state legislature in november, . they hold that the constitution is a compact to which the states are parties, and that "each party has an equal right to judge for itself as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." the alien and sedition laws were denounced, and steps were proposed by which protesting states "will concur in declaring these acts void and of no force, and will each take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts, nor any others of the general government, not plainly and intentionally authorized by the constitution, shall be exercised within their respective territories." the virginia resolutions, adopted in december, , were drafted by madison. they view "the powers of the federal government as resulting from the compact to which the states are parties," and declare that, if those powers are exceeded, the states "have the right and are in duty bound to interpose." this doctrine was a vial of woe to american politics until it was cast down and shattered on the battlefield of civil war. it was invented for a partisan purpose, and yet was entirely unnecessary for that purpose. the federalist party as then conducted was the exponent of a theory of government that was everywhere decaying. the alien and sedition laws were condemned and discarded by the forces of national politics, and state action was as futile in effect as it was mischievous in principle. it diverted the issue in a way that might have ultimately turned to the advantage of the federalist party, had it possessed the usual power of adaptation to circumstances. after all, there was no reason inherent in the nature of that party why it should not have perpetuated its organization and repaired its fortunes by learning how to derive authority from public opinion. the needed transformation of character would have been no greater than has often been accomplished in party history. indeed, there is something abnormal in the complete prostration and eventual extinction of the federalist party; and the explanation is to be found in the extraordinary character of adams's administration. it gave such prominence and energy to individual aims and interests that the party was rent to pieces by them. in communicating the x.y.z. dispatches to congress, adams declared: "i will never send another minister to france without assurance that he will be received, respected, and honored, as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation." but on receiving an authentic though roundabout intimation that a new mission would have a friendly reception, he concluded to dispense with direct assurances, and, without consulting his cabinet, sent a message to the senate on february , , nominating murray, then american minister to holland, to be minister to france. this unexpected action stunned the federalists and delighted the republicans as it endorsed the position they had always taken that war talk was folly and that france was ready to be friendly if america would treat her fairly. "had the foulest heart and the ablest head in the world," wrote senator sedgwick to hamilton, "been permitted to select the most embarrassing and ruinous measure, perhaps it would have been precisely the one which has been adopted." hamilton advised that "the measure must go into effect with the additional idea of a commission of three." the committee of the senate to whom the nomination was referred made a call upon adams to inquire his reasons. according to adams's own account, they informed him that a commission would be more satisfactory to the senate and to the public. according to secretary pickering, adams was asked to withdraw the nomination and refused, but a few days later, on hearing that the committee intended to report against confirmation, he sent in a message nominating chief justice ellsworth and patrick henry, together with murray, as envoys extraordinary. the senate, much to adams's satisfaction, promptly confirmed the nominations, but this was because hamilton's influence had smoothed the way. patrick henry declined, and governor davie of north carolina was substituted. by the time this mission reached france, napoleon bonaparte was in power and the envoys were able to make an acceptable settlement of the questions at issue between the two countries. the event came too late to be of service to adams in his campaign for reëlection, but it was intensely gratifying to his self-esteem. some feelers were put forth to ascertain whether washington could not be induced to be a candidate again, but the idea had hardly developed before all hopes in that quarter were abruptly dashed by his death on december , , from a badly treated attack of quinsy. efforts to substitute some other candidate for adams proved unavailing, as new england still clung to him on sectional grounds. news of these efforts of course reached adams and increased his bitterness against hamilton, whom he regarded as chiefly responsible for them. adams had a deep spite against members of his cabinet for the way in which they had foiled him about hamilton's commission, but for his own convenience in routine matters he had retained them, although debarring them from his confidence. in the spring of he decided to rid himself of men whom he regarded as "hamilton's spies." the first to fall was mchenry, whose resignation was demanded on may , , after an interview in which--according to mchenry--adams reproached him with having "biased general washington to place hamilton in his list of major-generals before knox." pickering refused to resign, and he was dismissed from office on may . john marshall became the secretary of state, and samuel dexter of massachusetts, secretary of war. wolcott retained the treasury portfolio until the end of the year, when he resigned of his own motion. the events of the summer of completed the ruin of the federalist party. that adams should have been so indifferent to the good will of his party at a time when he was a candidate for reëlection is a remarkable circumstance. a common report among the federalists was that he was no longer entirely sane. a more likely supposition was that he was influenced by some of the republican leaders and counted on their political support. in biographies of gerry it is claimed that he was able to accomplish important results through his influence with adams. at any rate, adams gave unrestrained expression to his feelings against hamilton, and finally hamilton was aroused to action. on august , , he wrote to adams demanding whether it was true that adams had "asserted the existence of a british faction in this country" of which hamilton himself was said to be a leader. adams did not reply. hamilton waited until october , and then wrote again, affirming "that by whomsoever a charge of the kind mentioned in my former letter, may, at any time, have been made or insinuated against me, it is a base, wicked, and cruel calumny; destitute even of a plausible pretext, to excuse the folly, or mask the depravity which must have dictated it." hamilton, always sensitive to imputations upon his honor, was not satisfied to allow the matter to rest there. he wrote a detailed account of his relations with adams, involving an examination of adams's public conduct and character, which he privately circulated among leading federalists. it is an able paper, fully displaying hamilton's power of combining force of argument with dignity of language, but although exhibiting adams as unfit for his office it advised support of his candidacy. burr obtained a copy and made such use of parts of it that hamilton himself had to publish it in full. in this election the candidate associated with adams by the federalists was charles cotesworth pinckney of south carolina. though one adams elector in rhode island cut pinckney, he would still have been elected had the electoral votes of his own state been cast for him as they had been for thomas pinckney, four years before; but south carolina now voted solidly for both republican candidates. the result of the election was a tie between jefferson and burr, each receiving votes, while adams received and pinckney . the election was thus thrown into the house, where some of the federalists entered into an intrigue to give burr the presidency instead of jefferson, but this scheme was defeated largely through hamilton's influence. he wrote: "if there be a man in this world i ought to hate, it is jefferson. with burr i have always been personally well. but the public good must be paramount to every private consideration." the result of the election was a terrible blow to adams. his vanity was so hurt that he could not bear to be present at the installation of his successor, and after working almost to the stroke of midnight signing appointments to office for the defeated federalists, he drove away from washington in the early morning before the inauguration ceremonies began. eventually he soothed his self-esteem by associating his own trials and misfortunes with those endured by classical heroes. he wrote that washington, hamilton, and pinckney formed a triumvirate like that of antony, octavius, and lepidus, and "that cicero was not sacrificed to the vengeance of antony more egregiously than john adams was to the unbridled and unbounded ambition of alexander hamilton in the american triumvirate." bibliographical note abundant materials are available for the period covered by this work. chief among them are the annals of congress, the state papers, and the writings of statesmen to be found in any library index under their names. the style maintained by washington early became a subject of party controversy and to this may be attributed a noticeable variation in accounts given by different authors. for instance, washington irving, who as a child witnessed the first inauguration parade, says in his _life of washington_ that the president's coach "was drawn by a single pair of horses." but the detailed account given in the _new york packet_ of may , , the day after the ceremony, says that "the president joined the procession in his carriage and four." the following authorities may be consulted on the point: b.j. lossing, article in _the independent_, vol. xli, april , . martha j. lamb, article in _magazine of american history_, vol. xx, december, . for details of official etiquette during washington's administration, the following may be consulted: george washington, _diary_, from to . edited by b.j. lossing ( ). william maclay, _journal_, - ( ). george w. p. custis, _memoirs of washington_ ( ). james g. wilson, _the memorial history of new york_ ( ). anne hollingsworth wharton, _martha washington_ ( ). works of special importance for their documentary matter and for their exhibition of the personal aspect of events are: j. c. hamilton, _history of the republic of the united states_, vols. ( ). h. s. randall, _life of thomas jefferson_, vols. ( ). george gibbs, _administrations of washington and john adams_, vols. ( ). some economic aspects of the struggle over hamilton's financial measures are exhibited by: charles a. beard, _economic origins of jeffersonian democracy_ ( ). new light has been cast upon genet's mission, causing a great change in estimates of his character and activities, by materials drawn from the french archives by professor f.j. turner, and presented in the following articles: "the origin of genet's projected attack on louisiana and the floridas," _american historical review_, vol. iii. "the policy of france toward the mississippi valley," _american historical review_, vol. x. "the diplomatic contest for the mississippi valley," _atlantic monthly_, vol. xciii. further references will be found appended to the articles on _washington, hamilton, jefferson, madison, jay_, and _john adams_ in _the encyclopaedia britannica_, th edition. index adams, john, favors making government impressive through ceremony, attitude toward genet affair, reelected vice-president, elected president, personal characteristics, relations with jefferson, cabinet, defeat at election of , addison, alexander, judge, algiers, relations with, treaty with, alien and sedition laws, ames, fisher, of massachusetts, bacri, the jew, barclay, thomas, baldwin, abraham, of georgia, barlow, joel, barry, john, captain, beard, c.a., _economic origins of jeffersonian democracy_, benson, egbert, of new york, boudinot, elias, of new jersey, bradford, william, of rhode island, burke, edanus, of south carolina, burr, aaron, butler, pierce, of south carolina, cabinet, president's, a development after washington's administration, status of, campbell, william, major, carmichael, william, church, edward, u. s. consul at lisbon, clark, abraham, of new jersey, clark, george rogers, clinton, george, of new york, _constellation_, the, ship, _constitution_, the, ship, constitutional amendments adopted, _daily advertizer_, _dauphin_, the, ship, dayton, jonathan, of new jersey, dexter, samuel, of massachusetts, district of columbia, exact site to be selected by the president, ellsworth, oliver, of connecticut, federal hall, _federalist_, federalist party, finance, national, tariff bill, debt of united states ( ), assumption bill, national bank established, mint established, fishbourn, benjamin, fitzsimmons, thomas, of pennsylvania, france, relations with united states, treaties of , representation in united states, special mission to, treaties abrogated ( ), maritime troubles with, second mission to, fraunces, a.g., freneau, philip, editor of _national gazette_, genet, edmond, appointed french minister to united states; a trained diplomatist, audacious mission, reception in united states, policy toward louisiana, argues for treaty rights, public opinion for, arrest by french government, success, united states becomes his asylum, bibliography, germantown, proposal to place capital at, gerry, elbridge, of massachusetts, giles, w.b., of virginia, _grange_, the, ship, grayson, william, of virginia, great britain, lays down contraband regulations, retains western posts in america, treaty with ( ), greenville, treaty of ( ), gwinnett, button, _hail columbia_, hamilton, alexander, personal appearance, aid in finance sought by washington, advises washington as to deportment, appointed secretary of treasury, rivalry between madison and, opinion as to establishment of courts, report to congress ( ), stand on the question of security of transfer, interest in site for national capital, report on manufactures, appreciation of, author of interrogatories to the cabinet ( ), opinion on french treaty obligations; stands against jefferson, calmness in regard to genet affair, "pacificus,", "no jacobin,", resigns as secretary of treasury ( ), party warfare against, requests a treasury investigation, opinion as to enforcing law, remains trusted adviser, aids wolcott in preparing scheme of taxation, appointed major-general, relations with adams, bibliography, hammond, george, british minister to united states, hancock, john, harmar, josiah, lieutenant-colonel, hazard, ebenezer, postmaster-general, henry, patrick, humphreys, david, colonel, indian troubles in the west, jackson, andrew, jackson, james, of georgia, jay, john, secretary of foreign affairs, appointed envoy extraordinary to great britain ( ), mission to england, elected governor of new york, jay treaty, terms of, agitation over, french attitude toward, jefferson, thomas, appointed secretary of state, attitude on question of assumption of state debts, importance of public service, report on the algerine question, as minister to paris, opinion on french treaty obligations, "the anas," disturbs the administration, resigns as secretary of state ( ), for the principle "free ships, free goods," opponent of hamilton, drafts kentucky resolutions ( ), elected president, bibliography, johnson, thomas, of maryland, jones, john paul, admiral, judiciary, establishment of the, kentucky resolutions, knox, henry, secretary of war since , secretary of war and of the navy, submits plan for militia, supports hamilton in question of treaty obligations, recommended as major-general by washington, question of precedence of rank, declines appointment, _la carmagnole_, ship, _l'ambuscade_, ship, _l'ami de la point à petre_, ship, _la montagne_, ship, _l'amour de la liberté_, ship, _la vengeance_, ship, _le cassius_, ship, _le citoyen genet_, ship, lee, arthur, lee, charles, of virginia, lee, r.h., of virginia, l'enfant, p.c., _le petit démocrate_, ship, _l'espérance_, ship, _le vainqueur de bastille_, ship, _little sarah_, ship, livermore, samuel, of new hampshire, livingston, walter, louisiana territory, mcgillivray, alexander, head chief of the creeks, mchenry, james, of maryland, mcintosh, lachlan, maclay, william, of pennsylvania, diary of, madison, james, cooperates with hamilton in government organization, personal appearance, introduces scheme for raising revenue, upholds president's power of removal, acts as advisor to washington, opinion as to system of federal courts, stand on question of security of transfer, opinion on creation of a navy, "helvidius," attitude toward non-intercourse, drafts virginia resolutions ( ), marshall, john, opinion on neutrality of united states ( ), appointed commissioner to france, becomes secretary of state, military preparedness, policy of, monroe, james, morris, gouverneur, morris, robert, moultrie, william, general, murray, w.v., minister to holland, napoleon bonaparte, _national gazette_, naval policy of the united states, neutrality, question of ( ), new york, desires to be capital of nation, washington's home in, nicholas, w.c., of virginia, non-intercourse bill, north carolina admitted to the union ( ), o'brien richard, captain, o'fallon, james, dr., osgood, samuel, postmaster-general, page, john, of virginia, paine, thomas, paterson, william, of new jersey, philadelphia club, pickering, timothy of massachusetts, pinckney, c.c., pinckney, thomas, president of the united states, social position and duties, official title, power of removal by, putnam, rufus, general, randolph, edmund, appointed attorney-general, opinion on question of french treaty obligations, divides influence between factions in cabinet, transferred to state department, letter to washington, opinion as to enforcing law, applies to french minister for funds, retires, republican party, residence act, rhode island admitted to the union ( ), st. clair, arthur, general, _sans pareil_, ship, sedgwick, theodore, of massachusetts, senate, privy council function of, short, william, smith, samuel, of maryland, smith, william, of south carolina, spain, treaty with ( ), stone, m.j., of maryland, story, joseph, justice, talleyrand, tariff, _see_ finance. taylor, john, treasury department, established by congress, rights and duties of secretary defined, secretary's report, trenton, proposal to place capital at, truxtun, thomas, captain, _united states_, the, ship virginia resolutions wadsworth, jeremiah, of connecticut war department, opposition to washington, george, reluctant to reassume public responsibilities, installed as president ( ), personal characteristics; his magnificence, his levees; first message to congress; first cabinet, message to senate ( ), differences with the senate, tours, church-going habits, receives news of st. clair's defeat, concern about genet affair, opinion as to validity of french treaty, dependence upon hamilton, address of dec. , , reëlected president, party spirit against, farewell address ( ), death ( ), bibliography, washington, martha, arrival in new york, her entertainments wayne, anthony, general west indies, trade with whiskey insurrection, white, alexander, of virginia willett, marinus, colonel wolcott, oliver, of connecticut "x.y.z." dispatches "makers of american history" series george washington by calista mccabe courtenay illustrated by a. m. turner and harriet kaucher [illustration: george washington] copyright, , by sam'l gabriel sons & company new york contents page chapter i washington's early life--appointed as surveyor--first trip into the wilderness--entrusted with message to the french. chapter ii washington appointed a member of gen. braddock's staff--french and indian war--washington made commander of virginia forces--causes of the american revolution--washington a member of the first continental congress. chapter iii beginning of the revolution--washington made commander-in-chief of the continental army--british forced to leave boston. chapter iv declaration of independence signed--battle of long island--battle of white plains--washington crosses the delaware and surprises the hessians at trenton. chapter v recapture of fort ticonderoga by gen. burgoyne--battle of brandywine--battle of germantown--burgoyne's surrender at saratoga--washington at valley forge--alliance with france. chapter vi battle of monmouth--patriots receive aid from france--recapture of fort at stony point by gen. anthony wayne--washington at morristown--surrender of charleston, s. c., to the british--treason of benedict arnold. chapter vii gen. gates defeated at camden, s. c.--battle of king's mountain--washington sends aid to the south--siege of yorktown--surrender of lord cornwallis--peace treaty signed--washington's farewell to his officers. chapter viii washington retires to mount vernon--inaugurated as first president of the united states--his reelection--his death at mount vernon. [illustration: the washington monument] list of colored plates washington leaving his home _frontispiece_ washington taking command of the army washington crossing the delaware at valley forge washington bidding farewell to his officers washington welcomed in new york [illustration] chapter i washington's early life--appointed as surveyor--first trip into the wilderness--entrusted with message to the french-- - [illustration] the twenty-second day of february is a national holiday in america because, as everybody knows, it is the anniversary of george washington's birthday. all loyal americans love and honor him, the greatest man in the history of the republic. he was born in , in westmoreland county, virginia, where the potomac river flowed past his father's farm. the farm-house, called "wakefield," was burned, but the united states government built a monument to mark the place where it stood. when "wakefield" was destroyed, the family lived for a time in a home, later called mount vernon, in fairfax county. but the real boyhood home of george washington was a farm overlooking the rappahannock river, where his parents went when he was about eight years old. his father, augustine washington, was a prosperous virginia planter, and owned several fine estates. his mother's name was mary ball. she was a beautiful and sensible woman, and a wise, firm and loving mother. she was his father's second wife and there were two little lads already in the home, lawrence and augustine, when she came to take the place of their mother who had died. besides these two half-brothers, george had two sisters and three brothers. the two older sons were sent to england to school. when george was eight years old, lawrence returned home, having finished his studies. a great affection at once sprang up between them. george was a fine, manly little fellow whom any big brother could love, and he looked up to lawrence as a model. before long, lawrence went away to the wars, serving under admiral vernon in the west indies. his letters filled george with admiration and he at once became commander-in-chief of all the boys at school; they had parades and battles in imitation of those lawrence wrote about. george's father died when he was twelve years old, but, fortunately, he had a wise and careful mother. she taught him respect and obedience to authority; justice and courtesy to others; loyalty to god and his country. he had a high temper and a spirit of command, which she taught him to control. a few times only in his life, when greatly provoked, did his anger get beyond bounds. he loved and honored his mother deeply and never forgot her teachings. george and his younger brothers were educated in the country schools of virginia. george soon showed that he had a practical mind, caring little for poetry and literature. he liked mathematics and wanted to know about business and keeping accounts. he spent hours copying into a book the exact forms of legal papers of all kinds. he was very neat and accurate in his school work and learned the value of system and order. he never began a thing without finishing it. he never did anything without knowing the reason why. when he grew up, these fine principles and this skill and accuracy, fitted him to take a great part in the history of america. all boys in those early days knew how to handle guns and manage horses. george was an expert rider and loved the life of the woods. being exceptionally tall and strong, he was the champion athlete at school. it is said he could throw a stone farther than any man in virginia. besides, he was so fair-minded that the boys always let him settle their disputes and quarrels, knowing he would give every one a square deal. he was the admired and trusted leader of them all. in addition to his mother's care, george soon had the loving advice and devoted friendship of his brother lawrence. the war was over and that splendid young gentleman had come home, and had married the charming anne fairfax. his house, willed to him by his father, stood upon a hill overlooking the beautiful potomac river. to this lovely home, surrounded by lawns and stately trees, lawrence gave the name mount vernon, in honor of the admiral under whom he had served. george spent as much time as possible here, where he met many persons of education and refinement. while he was still a young boy, he wrote out for himself a long list of rules of politeness and good behavior. he had observed that older people do not like careless children, who forget the comforts and rights of others. as a result, he was well liked by his brother's friends. among them were often military and naval officers, who told him stories of war and adventure in foreign lands. when he was fourteen, one of these officers would have appointed him midshipman in the british navy. he was eager to go, but his mother needed his help in the management of their property. so he continued two years more at school, studying mathematics, engineering and surveying. the country was then new and wild and there was much work for land surveyors, whose business it was to measure off boundaries and describe the positions of rivers, mountains and forests in a piece of land. george learned to do this so well that by the time he was sixteen, he was appointed public surveyor of his county. his chief work for the next three years was on the vast tracts of land owned by lord fairfax, the uncle of lawrence washington's wife. though very young, george was a great favorite with his lordship, who often took him fox hunting. george was a bold and skillful horseman and rode well after the hounds. [illustration: surveying] the estate of lord fairfax, lying between the potomac and rappahannock rivers and extending to the alleghany mountains, had been given to his grandfather by king charles ii. these lands had never been settled nor surveyed. people known as squatters were now moving in and taking possession of the best places without permission. it became necessary to have the land surveyed, and these settlers either driven out or made to pay for certain definite parts. lord fairfax knew no one who could do this so well as george washington, for he was strong and fair enough to deal wisely with the rough settlers. it was just what george wanted to do, and he gladly accepted the offer. in march, george set out for his first trip into the wilderness. he was just sixteen years old, and it was his first big undertaking. george fairfax, anne's brother, went with him. they crossed the mountains into the lovely valley of the shenandoah river. george's letters home were full of the beauty of the country and the richness of the land. after the first night, they found it more comfortable to sleep out under the sky than in the poor, untidy lodgings of the settlers. they lived on wild turkey and other game. they did their own cooking, roasting the meat on sticks over the fire and eating it on broad, clean chips. they met a party of war-painted indians, and for the first time george saw an indian war dance. he studied the indians carefully, for he wanted to understand their ways so that he might know how to deal with them. all through his life, he was kind and just in his treatment of these people. the work of surveying grants of land took them long distances among the mountains and through the valleys. they traveled on horseback over the woodland trails, for there were as yet no roads. sometimes they found the rivers so high that they crossed in canoes, their horses swimming. george returned in a month, well pleased with his adventures, and lord fairfax, delighted with his success, paid him well. the cordial, friendly, free life of virginia pleased lord fairfax more than did the life in england. when he heard the account of the fertility and beauty of the shenandoah valley, he decided to make his home there. george laid out for him a fine farm of ten thousand acres. the long stone farm-house, surrounded by servants' quarters, stables and kennels, was located on a charming hillside. the place was called "greenway court," and visitors always found a warm welcome, whether indians, woodsmen, or friends from the cities. here george stayed when on his surveying trips and during the hunting seasons. until he was nineteen, george spent his time at his work, or at home with his mother or at mount vernon with lawrence. the society of his home and friends kept him from being spoiled by the roughness of the wilderness. he was now six feet, two inches in height, with a fresh, out-door complexion, blue eyes and brown hair. he had attractive manners, he was careful about his dress, and presented a pleasing appearance. through all his life, george washington was a true gentleman. he was so well paid for his work that he was able to buy several pieces of fine land. his noble character gave him a high place among the leading men of his colony. when he was nineteen, he was appointed one of four military officers in the colonies, with the rank and pay of a major, $ a year--a considerable sum at that time. troubles had now arisen between the french and the english about the ownership of lands west of the alleghany mountains. the indians, regarding the lands as theirs, took part in the disturbance. to protect her frontiers, virginia was divided into four districts, each under a leader, whose duty it was to organize and drill militia. george at once began to study military tactics and the arts of war. this was interrupted by a trip to the west indies with his beloved brother lawrence, who was ill of consumption. they had hardly arrived there when george had a severe attack of smallpox; though he soon got well, his face was scarred for life. he wrote home about the beauty of the island, the wonderful trees and fruits, and his social pleasures--dinners, parties and drives. for the first time in his life, he attended a theater. he visited the courts of justice and the fortifications; studied the laws, the soil and the crops, learning all that could be learned about the island. the trip resulted in no lasting good for lawrence, however, for he died the following summer, beloved and honored by the colonists. george was only twenty, but lawrence left mount vernon in his charge, and the care of his wife and little daughter. the farm on the rappahannock had been given to george by their father. these two fine estates, with the property he had bought for himself, made george a large land owner when still a very young man. the care of all this property and his military duties kept him busy. during this time, the trouble with the french had grown more serious. the english, having settled the eastern sea-coast, claimed the lands to the west for their settlers. the french claimed the same lands by reason of having explored them first. the rich country lying west of the alleghany mountains, between the great lakes and the ohio river, was the region in question. the french were planning to hold it by a line of forts from the lakes to the gulf of mexico, and near the eastern end of lake erie, they had built two forts. governor robert dinwiddie of virginia decided to send a message to the french commandant, saint pierre, warning him to keep off english soil. he needed someone brave and strong enough to travel in the winter, through hundreds and hundreds of miles of forests and across mountains and swift rivers; who knew how to take care of himself in the woods; who could get along with the indians, and meet the french officers with courtesy and wisdom. of all the men in virginia, the governor chose george washington, only twenty-one years old, for this dangerous and important journey! so, late in the autumn of , major washington set out for the ohio river, accompanied by christopher gist, a brave and daring frontiersman, and an indian chief called half king, as guides, together with interpreters and a small company of trusted men. they traveled on horseback, and took with them tents and supplies for the journey. as they proceeded, cold weather overtook them and the forests became almost impassable from snow. traveling was so difficult that, when they reached the monongahela river, they sent two men down the river in a canoe with their baggage. these men waited for them at the fork where the allegheny river joins the monongahela to form the ohio. as soon as washington saw this fork, he marked it as a splendid location for a fort, of which we shall learn more later. pushing on a little farther, washington and his men reached a little settlement on the ohio river, where indian chiefs met him in council. he told them he had a letter for the french commandant and asked for their advice and help. indians are very dignified and slow in their councils. they kept washington waiting for several days. then three of the greatest chiefs went with him to the french forts. these were in what is now northwestern pennsylvania. it was a journey of many miles through snow and mud and took nearly a week. [illustration: starting for the french camp] it was almost the middle of december before washington delivered his message to the french commandant, saint pierre. he was politely received by the french officers, with whom he discussed matters very tactfully. it took some days to prepare the reply to the governor of virginia. while they waited, the french tried, with presents and liquor, to coax washington's indian friends to leave him. at this time, the indian tribes were in a difficult position. both the french and the english were trying to get their lands and each seeking to win their alliance against the other. washington reminded the chiefs that he had their word of honor and so kept them with him. after receiving the french reply, the party started back home, going as far as possible in canoes. the rivers were swollen and full of ice, making the water-trip extremely dangerous. on christmas day, washington began his long journey home--nearly a thousand miles through almost trackless forests. the horses became so tired that he and christopher gist decided to hurry on foot, in advance of the others, to the fork of the ohio, leaving their horses to be brought later. they tramped several days, camping in the forests at night. an indian met them and offered to show them a short cut. but he was treacherous and guided them out of their way and tried to shoot them. they escaped, traveling as fast as they could all night and all the next day. at nightfall they came to the allegheny river, expecting to find it frozen over, but it was full of floating ice and they had no way to cross. after working a whole day, with only a small hatchet, they made a raft. in trying to pole this across the swift current, washington was thrown into the water and was nearly drowned, but he managed to get on the raft again and they reached an island, where they spent the night. it was so intensely cold that gist's hands and feet were frozen. the next morning, they got ashore on the chunks of ice and by suppertime were in the warm house of a trader named frazier. in a few days, they were rested enough to go on to gist's home, where the major bade his companion good-by and went on alone on horseback, through constant snows and bitter cold. on the sixteenth of january ( ), major washington delivered the french reply to governor dinwiddie. he had been absent almost three months on his perilous journey, and you can imagine that his mother and friends were glad to see him safe at home again. the governor and the colonists were very proud of the way washington had performed his errand. his wisdom in his dealings with the indians and the french, his firmness, his courage and daring in the face of peril, had indeed been marked. he had not only done well what he had been sent to do, but he had thoroughly examined the french forts and made notes of the best places for english defenses. from that time, he was trusted with important duties. as might have been expected, the reply from the french commandant stated that the land belonged to french settlers and that they intended to keep it. it was washington's opinion that the french intended in the spring to take possession of the whole country. the governor of virginia tried to interest other colonies to help fight the french. when they refused, virginia sent captain trent to raise a company of men in the western country and to build a fort at the fork of the ohio river, where the city of pittsburgh now stands. washington, now colonel, was ordered to raise three hundred men and build a road to this fort for cannon and supplies. he succeeded in getting together one hundred and fifty men, who were poorly equipped, and without training. they built the road as far as cumberland. here, in april, , they met captain trent's men in retreat. a french force of three hundred men had surprised them by suddenly paddling down the river in canoes, and planting their guns before the fort, with a summons to surrender in an hour. one young officer and fifty men could not hold out against so many. so they surrendered and marched back over the mountains. every day traders and settlers came by, hurrying eastward. they said the french had taken the place at the fork of the ohio and were building a strong fort. they were coaxing the indians, with fine presents, to fight the english. if the british were to succeed against the french, they required a good road over which to march an army. so colonel washington hurried the road building as much as possible, but at best he could make only slow progress in such mountainous country. he received a message from the friendly chief half king, telling him that a french force was on its way to attack him. with a little band of men, washington made his way by night through the forest, in a heavy rain, to the camp of half king. indian scouts tracked the frenchmen to a forest near a place called great meadows, where, in may, washington and his men attacked them on one side and the indians on the other. the colonel was in the thickest of the fight and, for the first time, heard bullets whistling about his head. ten frenchmen were killed and twenty-one taken prisoners. half king sent the scalps of the dead men, with tomahawks and strings of black wampum (small beads made of shells and sometimes used by the indians as money), to all his allies and asked them to join the english. this was washington's first skirmish and it opened the french and indian war that lasted seven years. washington now encamped at great meadows where he dug rude trenches, which he called fort necessity. supplies of food and ammunition were slow in reaching him. he had been reënforced with troops from the command of colonel fry, who had died on the way, and washington was now made commander of the joint forces of about three hundred men. the french finished their fort, which they called duquesne (doo-cané). then about nine hundred french and indians attacked washington. the english fought bravely, but half king and his men deserted washington. being greatly outnumbered, he was obliged to surrender. colonel washington led his beaten and discouraged men home, trying to cheer them while sharing their hardships. the campaign, fought against such odds, had not been successful, but washington was publicly thanked for his bravery and hard work. he resigned his commission and went to look after his mother's affairs. he soon settled at mount vernon and began work on his farm. his greatest desire was to devote himself to country life, but he was needed too much by the colony to be allowed to live as a private man. [illustration] chapter ii washington appointed a member of gen. braddock's staff--french and indian war--washington made commander of virginia forces--causes of the american revolution--washington a member of the first continental congress-- - early in the following year ( ), england sent out general braddock and a thousand soldiers, trained in battle, to take fort duquesne and drive the french from the ohio valley. washington was appointed a member of his staff. [illustration: the indians fell upon their flanks] general braddock was a brave and experienced soldier, but he knew nothing of warfare in a new country, amid great forests and savage foes. he knew but one way to fight, which he had learned in the orderly camps and wide fields of europe, and felt that nobody could defeat his well-drilled soldiers. he thought washington too young to give advice, and paid no attention to what he said. he looked with contempt upon the queerly dressed, untrained virginia troops, whom he called "raw recruits." instead of being friendly and generous with the indians, braddock treated them coldly and they left him. with much difficulty, the army and its supplies were brought over the mountains and approached fort duquesne early in july. as they drew near it, braddock's men put on their scarlet uniforms and forded the river, with bands playing and colors flying. it was the first time washington ever saw a regular, well-disciplined army and he enjoyed the sight, although he wondered how their orderly ranks were going to fight among the rocks and trees. fearing an attack from the woods, he wanted to send indian scouts and virginia rangers ahead. general braddock admired washington, but could not help laughing at his fears. so he sent his soldiers gayly forward. suddenly, they were attacked in front! with hideous yells, the indians fell upon their flanks. all that general braddock had learned of warfare was of little use to him now in the wilderness, but he was courageous and determined. four horses were shot under him and he was fatally wounded. before he died, he praised the virginians, like a brave and true gentleman, and apologized to washington for not heeding his advice. he left to him his horse and his servant. all the staff officers were killed but washington. his splendid height and broad shoulders made him a fine target, as he rode about the field trying to rally the men. his horses were killed under him and his clothing was torn by bullets. an indian chief said, "a power mightier than we shielded him. he cannot die in battle!" the contest ended in a terrible defeat for the english. the regulars were useless and frightened. the despised virginians were brave but too few in number to meet the enemy alone. the survivors retreated with the wounded to fort cumberland (maryland). washington had been twice defeated, but his courage and wisdom were so great that virginia had made him commander-in-chief of her forces. his tasks were heavy for so young a man--he was only twenty-three at that time! he did the best he could under many difficulties and raised and drilled a force of militia. while facing a common danger, the colonies were not united then in any way, except under a governor general sent out from england by the king. washington had no authority over troops from any other colony, nor would officers commissioned by the king take orders from him. naturally, all sorts of disputes arose and finally washington decided to go to boston to put all these questions before governor general william shirley. two other young virginia officers rode with him. it was midwinter. they had hundreds of miles of mud roads to travel. they had fine horses and were attended by mounted black servants in livery. the story of washington's bravery in braddock's defeat was known throughout the country. when these three handsome young officers reached the cities along the way, they were splendidly entertained, for every one wanted to honor washington. he wore fine clothes and his appearance and manners delighted all who met him. general shirley received him with favor and granted his requests. word was brought that the french and indians were attacking the settlers beyond the mountains. washington hurried back to his command at winchester. he was anxious to have the forces and supplies necessary to attack fort duquesne at once. but while the people were clamoring for protection, washington was unable to help them on account of the unfair treatment of governor dinwiddie, and the indifference of england. his force was too small and untrained to make an attempt against the french; but he remained patient and cheerful and for almost two years, he stood by the people who depended upon him. then william pitt became prime minister of england ( ) and at once took an interest in the defense of the colonies. washington was ordered to proceed against fort duquesne. that french garrison had been weakened by taking men and supplies to the battle-front on the north, where they were being defeated by the british. before washington reached the fort, the commandant set fire to it and fled. washington planted the british flag upon the still smoking ruins and on the same site built fort pitt, which he named in honor of the great english statesman. this is where the city of pittsburgh now stands. thus ended the french occupation of the ohio valley. the many cares and hardships washington had suffered had made him ill and he returned to mount vernon, hoping that his military life was over. he was greatly loved and honored by his soldiers and his fellow countrymen. when washington was twenty-seven years old, he married a charming young widow, mrs. martha custis. the wedding took place january , . mrs. custis had a little girl, martha, four years old, and a little boy, john, who was six. washington dearly loved these children, whom he taught and trained with great care. he and his wife were great favorites socially and at their home (mount vernon) they entertained many guests. here the custis children met many of the prominent men of those days. one of these visitors was louis philippe, the exiled king of france. noticing how many letters washington wrote, he asked him if he were not afraid of writing something he might regret. washington answered that he was careful never to do or say a thing he could afterward be sorry for. washington kept fine horses and dogs and was very fond of hunting. although busy with the care of his great farms and his wife's large estate, he found time to follow the hounds. his wisdom and honesty were so trusted that, aside from his own affairs, other people gave him charge of theirs. he was often called upon to settle disputes, thus preventing law-suits. he was a member of the virginia legislature, then called the house of burgesses, of which he attended every meeting and was careful to know all about the affairs of the colony. when he first took his seat in the legislature, he was thanked for his military service to the colony. he rose to reply, but could only blush and stammer. the speaker said, "sit down, mr. washington, your modesty equals your valor!" for fifteen years, washington led a peaceful and happy life with his family. he was kept busy looking after his vast estates. but then again, the country began to claim his attention. george iii was king of england. under his rule, unjust laws were made for the colonies, which the wise men of america knew would destroy their rights. the colonies were not represented in the british parliament (where the laws were made) and so claimed that parliament had no right to tax them. needing money, england laid heavy taxes on the colonies, which they would not pay. after much trouble, all the taxes were taken off except the one on tea. that was left to prove england's right to tax the colonies. in the autumn of , several ships were sent over loaded with tea, which was to be sold very cheaply. but the colonists refused to have tea at any price rather than submit to "taxation without representation." there can be no freedom in a land whose people may be taxed without their consent. from several ports, the ships were sent back. in boston, a party of citizens dressed as indians, boarded the ships at night, december , and threw all the tea into the harbor. this is called the boston tea party. the same violence occurred at annapolis, maryland. to punish the city of boston, parliament passed a law that no ship should come in or go out of her harbor. the port was closed and business stopped. [illustration: the boston tea-party] news of this was carried to the other colonies. in virginia, a day of fasting and prayer was appointed. the people did not want to give up their liberties, for which many had come to america. it seemed, on the other hand, very dreadful to go to war with the mother country. the colonies were independent of one another, but knew they must stand together against the injustice of england. meetings were held in each colony to talk matters over, and it was decided to hold a general congress, made up of men selected by each colony. in the virginia convention, washington was one of the first to say that the colonies ought to be allowed to govern themselves, make their own laws and decide their own taxes. he was usually very quiet in all that he said and did, but the wrongs of boston had so stirred him that he made a fiery speech. he said he would raise a thousand men, pay them himself and march at their head to the relief of boston. he said he had hoped there would be no break with england and he shrank from the horror of war, but now he began to feel that it could not be avoided and if so, no sacrifice was too great to preserve the liberties of america for the millions who would some day call it their home. he was one of several delegates chosen to represent virginia in the general congress, which was held at carpenters' hall in philadelphia, september , . there were fifty-two members, the ablest men of all the colonies. someone asked patrick henry who was the greatest man among them and he said, "colonel washington, if you speak of solid information and sound judgment." these men met, not as members of separate colonies, but as americans with one country and one cause. each meeting was opened with a prayer. not often, in the whole history of the world, have men had to decide more important and difficult questions. for almost two months, they discussed all the points in which they believed they were wronged by england. they were careful and just in all that they said. they wanted to keep peace. none of them wished to be independent of england. neither were they willing to submit to injustice and the loss of their rights and privileges. they wrote a petition to the king and letters to the people of england and of canada. these papers were very fair and wise and showed the noble minds and loyal hearts of these early great americans. they were not rebelling, they were simply declaring their rights. in reply, england only passed more unjust laws. the spirit of revolt spread through the colonies. militia was organized; some were called "minute men" because they promised to leave everything and go to war at a minute's notice. months passed in active preparations. military stores were collected. the patriots were determined to face death rather than submit longer to british oppression. meanwhile, the british general gage, stationed in boston with four thousand british soldiers, decided to surprise and take, by night, the supplies of the militia in concord, twenty miles away. dr. joseph warren, one of the patriots, heard of it and secretly sent paul revere galloping out of boston on a fast horse to awaken the people along the way and carry the alarm to concord. when the british reached lexington (about nine miles from boston), they found seventy or eighty citizens armed and waiting for them in the darkness! early in the morning of the th of april, , the first battle of the great american revolution was fought (the battle of lexington). the trained soldiers of england soon scattered the handful of patriots at lexington and concord, but, as the day wore on, they were joined by other patriots, and by the night of april th, general gage found himself besieged in boston by a rustic army of , men. the news of the battle spread rapidly and spurred the colonies to instant and bitter war. washington said that the once happy america must be drenched in blood, or inhabited by slaves, and that no true man could hesitate to choose death for himself rather than slavery for his country. he was at mount vernon when the sad news came, getting ready to attend the second congress. [illustration: israel putnam] chapter iii beginning of the revolution--washington made commander-in-chief of the continental army--british forced to leave boston-- - [illustration: a ragged continental] at the second continental congress, held may , , washington was made chairman of committees for getting ammunition, supplies and money for the war. his military knowledge and experience enabled him to make rules and regulations for an army, and he advised what forts should be garrisoned. (troops placed in a fort for defense.) it was necessary for congress to take care of the army of , patriots that had hastily gathered in the neighborhood of boston, and to appoint a commander-in-chief of all the forces of the colonies. they had to decide as to who in all the country, could best be trusted with this important and responsible position. all eyes turned to washington. when his name was first mentioned for this place, he, with his usual modesty, slipped out of the room. but he was chosen commander-in-chief by the unanimous (all agreeing) vote of congress. when told of his appointment, he accepted, though he said he did not think he was "equal to the command he was honored with." he refused to take any pay for his services, saying that no money, nor anything else but duty and patriotism could tempt him to leave his home. having one of the loveliest homes in america, he gave up his comfort and happiness and risked all he had for his country. congress also appointed four major-generals--one of them the brave old israel putnam--and eight brigadier-generals. there were many men in congress at that time whose names americans can never forget. they did many wise things, but none was more fortunate than this choice of a commander-in-chief for the continental army. one of the members, john adams, called him "the modest and virtuous, the generous and brave george washington." washington's early life and training fitted him in a wonderful way for this great and difficult post. as a young surveyor, he had learned much about the country and how to make his way through forests and mountains. later, as a commander, he had learned how to fight in the woods, and all the secrets of frontier warfare. with braddock, he had learned that soldiers drilled on the parade grounds and battle-fields of europe did not know what to do when hemmed in by rocks and brush and savage enemies in a new and uncleared country. he had also learned how to value and how to handle the independent, though rough-looking, soldiers of the backwoods. with all this knowledge and experience, with his clear mind and high courage, washington was the most dangerous foe the british could have. in june ( ), washington, as commander-in-chief of the army, left philadelphia for boston. there was no time to visit mount vernon. he wrote to his wife, telling her to be brave and that he trusted god would soon bring him safely home. general philip schuyler and general charles lee and a light horse troop went with him. as they galloped along the way, people came out of the farms and villages to see the great general. washington, now forty-three years old, was very splendid and dignified in his bearing, yet always modest and quiet--a gentleman and a soldier. about twenty miles from philadelphia, they met a messenger from boston riding a fleet horse and bearing dispatches to congress. they stopped and heard from him the news of the battle of bunker hill, which had just been fought (june , ). the british had been victorious, but not until more than half their number had been killed and the patriots had fired their last round of ammunition. when washington was told how bravely the militia had stood their ground, he said, "the liberties of the country are safe!" he was not troubled by the triumph of the british, because he felt sure the americans would win when properly armed and drilled. this news made him more anxious to reach the scene of action and he traveled on as fast as he could. he left general schuyler to command the patriot forces in new york. [illustration: the charge at bunker hill] on july second, he reached his headquarters in cambridge, where he was received with cheers and the thunder of cannon. the men had so little powder that they could not give him a great salute, but they spared all they could. the next day, july , , washington took command of the continental army under a large elm tree, which still stands on the cambridge common. the patriot army was a rather discouraging sight. the , men had been called together without any preparation. they were farmers, fishermen and shop-keepers. they had very little discipline or order and were in need of everything--arms, ammunition, food, clothing, tents, shoes. as yet they were not one army, but a collection of separate companies from the different new england colonies. each had its own regulations, its own officers and its own interests. there were jealousy and often misunderstanding among them. after reviewing this army, general washington visited the american forts strung in an irregular semi-circle around boston, within which the british forces were besieged. he found the men camped in rough board shacks, or shelters made of turf and brush, and dressed in the clothes they wore on their farms and in the villages. here and there was a tent. no wonder the british, in their orderly tents and fine scarlet uniforms, thought they could soon scatter this mixed crowd! there was but one exception. general nathanael greene, of rhode island, had raised and drilled a body of men and brought them to boston under fine discipline, with good tents and clothing. his camp showed what could be done. general greene became one of washington's most faithful and lifelong friends, and was one of the greatest generals of the revolution. in contrast with the undisciplined, ragged continental troops were the trained british soldiers, commanded by experienced generals. they were well fortified in boston and the harbor was defended by their warships. they felt no fear of the irregular line of posts with which the americans thought to hem them in. washington at once began the task of organizing the army and teaching and training the men. in this he showed skill beyond almost any other man in history. he was beset with many difficulties, among them the jealousy and discontent of some of the officers. there was one general, however, who was always ready to serve in any place and put the cause above himself. this was israel putnam, the brave man who was plowing in his field when he heard of the battle of lexington. he left his plow in the furrow, unhitched his horses and galloped sixty-eight miles that day to cambridge! he was nearly sixty years of age at the time. he was much loved by the army for his bravery and generosity and all were glad when "old put" was appointed major-general. washington formed the army into six brigades of six regiments each. he wrote to congress to appoint at once officers to help him. he wanted an adjutant-general to train and discipline the troops; a quartermaster to arrange for all supplies, and an officer to look after enlistments. the men had enlisted for only a short time and numbers returned home after this term of enlistment expired; so it was hard to keep the army up to fighting strength. the lack of powder was also a very serious matter and washington sent to the southern colonies, asking for what they had in store. he at once began to improve the defenses and strengthen the weak places. soon a strong line of fortifications surrounded the city. the strictest discipline was required and washington visited the forts every day. the arrival of fourteen hundred riflemen from pennsylvania, virginia and maryland was a great help; among these were the stalwart sharp-shooters under colonel daniel morgan, whom washington had known in the french war. they were six feet tall and over, and dressed in hunting shirts and wide-brimmed hats. they had marched six hundred miles in three weeks. the winter passed in drilling the army and trying to get powder. washington was besieging boston without any powder, though the british little thought that was the reason he did not attack them! all he could do was to cut them off from nearby supplies of food, but they sent out warships with men who plundered the coasts of new england. the people drove their cattle inland and fought the invaders boldly. [illustration: mrs. washington set out for cambridge] knowing that he could not return home, general washington sent for his wife to come to cambridge. mrs. washington set out on the long journey in her carriage, drawn by four horses, and accompanied by her son and his wife. (her daughter had died in the meantime.) colored servants in scarlet and white liveries rode beside the carriage. escorts of horsemen brought them from city to city, until they arrived in camp, just before christmas. it had been more than half a year since the general had seen his family and his work was made easier by having with him those he loved. the craigie house in cambridge (later the home of the poet longfellow), was washington's headquarters. here mrs. washington helped him entertain officers and members of congress. the general was so busy that he was often obliged to leave his guests at the table, while his own meal remained unfinished. the plundering attacks by the british upon the new england coast became so violent that, without waiting for congress to act, washington had several armed vessels fitted out. they were commanded by such brave sea captains as john manly and john paul jones and were ordered by the general to defend the coast and capture british ships bringing supplies from england. as the weeks passed, it grew more difficult to keep up the numbers of the army. the men grew tired of the long and uncomfortable encampment without any fighting. had there been any powder, their general would gladly have given them fighting enough! all through the war, washington was troubled and handicapped by these short enlistments, as he had to be constantly training new recruits. in december, some connecticut troops decided to go home without even remaining for their full time. some took their guns and ammunition. this desertion was a bad thing for the discipline of the army, and sorely distressed washington. on their way home, these men were made to feel what the people thought of their conduct, for no one would give them food, and their friends would not receive them kindly when they arrived. the day after they walked off, something happened that put new life into the camp. a long train of wagons came lumbering and jolting into cambridge, with flags flying and an escort of soldiers and horsemen. what was in the wagons?--cannon! and thousands of guns and shot and thirty-two tons of musket balls! captain john manly, of the ship _essex_, had captured a large british brigantine and taken her cargo of munitions. in spite of washington's efforts to appeal to their patriotism, the soldiers still wanted to go home. they were sick of the discomforts of camp. by january ( ), only ten thousand men were left, and there was danger of the poorly defended lines being taken. but for some reason, the british made no attack. during this disheartening time, general greene was a great help, with his courage and patriotism and cheerfulness. in february, colonel henry knox returned from the forts on lake champlain with a long train of forty-two ox-sleds, carrying artillery and ammunition. he had gone in midwinter after the supplies of cannon and lead captured from the british the year before and had performed his errand with daring and faithfulness. then ten regiments of militia arrived and at last, washington and his generals thought they had men and ammunition enough to attack the british. general putnam had fortified a hill north of the city of boston. troops were sent, on the night of march , to fortify dorchester heights, to the south from which boston and the harbor could be swept by guns. that the british might not hear the noise of the wagons and pickaxes, the patriots bombarded the city all night. the ground was deeply frozen and the work hard. but washington was with the men, everywhere helping and encouraging them. when morning came, the british looked upon four forts raised as if by the magic of an aladdin's lamp! general sir william howe determined to attack these new works. a storm of great fury arose and he waited. the storm continued all night and all day. the patriots used this time to strengthen their forts, and the british saw they could not hold the city against them; so they prepared to leave, taking everything with them that could be of use to the "rebels." they were allowed to embark upon their ships without being fired on, to prevent their burning the city. they sailed away to halifax. after being besieged ten months, boston fell into washington's hands without a battle! washington was thanked by congress and given a gold medal in honor of the capture of boston. chapter iv declaration of independence signed--battle of long island--battle of white plains--washington crosses the delaware and surprises the hessians at trenton-- - let us now consider some events which had taken place elsewhere in the country. before washington had been made commander-in-chief, ethan allen, with the "green mountain boys" (so-called because they came from vermont, the "green mountain state"), had surprised and taken, without a fight, fort ticonderoga in eastern new york. shortly after, crown point on lake champlain was captured by colonel benedict arnold. the capture of these two british forts opened the way to canada. [illustration: the liberty bell] while washington was building up the army and besieging boston, an expedition against montreal and quebec was planned. general richard montgomery, who commanded a force on lake champlain, marched up to montreal, which surrendered (november, ) without a struggle. benedict arnold was sent, with about twelve hundred men from boston, to join montgomery's forces in the attack on quebec. they were to make their way up the kennebec river and through the dense maine woods. arnold was a brave soldier and led his men through hardships and perils, through snow and ice and over frozen mountains, until they reached quebec. on the last day of december, with the ground frozen and covered with snow, the two american armies made a combined attack on the city; but quebec did not surrender, though the patriots fought with desperate courage and daring. the gallant montgomery led his men up the heights, dashing forward with the cry, "push on, my brave boys! quebec is ours!" a volley from a cannon killed him and scattered his men. the americans suffered terrible losses. in the death of general montgomery, america lost one of her bravest soldiers and truest gentlemen. he was deeply mourned in england as well as in america. benedict arnold also was beaten back; his leg was shattered by a musket ball, but he bravely fortified his position and with five hundred men besieged quebec. he wrote, "i am in the way of my duty and i know no fear." as the weeks passed, the men grew weary and homesick. they suffered untold hardships from want of food, clothing and shelter, and from the bitter cold of the canadian winter. though arnold and his men fought bravely, quebec did not fall into the hands of the americans. their attacks were repulsed by the british forces in command of the city. shortly after the capture of boston, washington brought his army to new york, as he feared the british might take that city. he sent general putnam to fortify new york and the hudson river, and he followed, gathering troops on the way. when he arrived, he fortified brooklyn heights, long island, and put general greene in command. he had only about eight thousand men to garrison the forts about new york. the same troubles from short enlistments, lack of discipline and supplies had to be met. washington was freely giving himself to the just and righteous cause of american freedom, and he would not be discouraged even by want of spirit and obedience in his troops. there was another difficulty. all over the country and especially in new york, many persons, called tories, were still loyal to king george iii, and washington feared treachery from them. the british fleet, however, had not gone to new york, but up to halifax. general howe and his army waited in halifax for ships and men from england. with their help, he expected to drive the americans out of new york and away from the hudson river. england intended to crush the colonies and hired german troops, called hessians, in addition to her own forces. it was now a year since the battle of lexington was fought and washington feared that the war would be a long one. he went to philadelphia to consult with congress. to succeed against the british, the colonies, he knew, must work together in earnest for their common liberty. the army must have regular pay and supplies, and the men must promise to serve as long as needed. congress established a war office and ordered that the term of enlistment be for three years. washington returned to new york and soon afterwards a conspiracy (plot) among the tories was discovered. many arrests were made. a member of washington's body-guard was found to be in the plot and he was hanged. while this was going on, the british fleet arrived in the harbor. there were one hundred and thirty ships. the troops-- , --were landed on staten island. washington was very uneasy with this large force before him and he knew not how many treacherous tories about him. for a year, the americans had been fighting on account of unjust laws and taxes. but england had grown still more severe and unfair, until many began to believe that the only hope for peace and prosperity in the colonies was in their union with one another and their separation from england. washington had hoped that the trouble with the mother country might be peaceably settled. but the time had now come when he urged congress to declare the independence of the colonies and throw off the british yoke. while he, in new york, was facing foes within and without, congress in philadelphia was discussing this great question behind locked doors. anxious throngs crowded the streets waiting for the decision. at last, on the th of july, , the liberty bell in the state house tower rang out the glad tidings that congress had adopted the declaration of independence! washington was overjoyed when a messenger brought him the word. on the evening of july , he had his army drawn up to hear the declaration read before each brigade. he said he hoped that it would inspire each man to live and act with courage, "as became a christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country." the people of new york tore down a statue of king george and melted it into bullets for the army. [illustration: the british fleet arrived] there was not much time for rejoicing, however, considering that the british ships were in new york harbor. among them was the flagship of lord richard howe, admiral of the british navy and brother of general howe. he came with a proposal of peace from england and tried to deliver it in the form of a message addressed to "george washington." washington, resenting this insult, refused to receive the message and did not accept it until it was returned properly addressed to "general george washington." congress thanked him for making the british respect the dignity of his office. america had decided to be free at any cost, and while her cause did not look very promising, it was too late to talk about peace. washington knew his forces were not strong enough to defend new york. the enemy had its great fleet, and thousands of men already on land with thousands more coming. washington had brought the army up to fifteen thousand men, but hesitated to rely on this force. he was still troubled by jealousies among the officers and among the troops from the different colonies, although he tried to show them that honor and success depended on self-forgetfulness and working together for the cause. the militia could not be counted on and could be called out only for special occasions. whole companies would leave at the end of their enlistment, even though they were greatly needed. we cannot always be proud of this fighting force, though it showed splendid courage when really in action. the men had not learned that a brave soldier does not quit, but patiently endures hardships. at best, washington's army was too small to strongly fortify any one place about new york. he had no idea where the british would attack first, and so had spread the army out until it was a long, weak line. on august and ( ), the enemy surrounded the fortifications at brooklyn on long island. the americans fought with great bravery, but were outnumbered and defeated. about two thousand were killed, wounded or captured. regiments had hurried to their help from points nearby and most of the army was finally on long island. fearing his whole force would be destroyed, washington decided to withdraw to new york, which he did in the night, under cover of heavy rain, wind and fog. he had not slept for two days and nights and had hardly been out of the saddle, but he watched the men embark with all their belongings, and he himself went in the last boat. when the british soldiers awoke in the morning, they were amazed to find that the whole american army had disappeared! [illustration: nathan hale] it was important for washington to know what the next move of the british would be. captain nathan hale, a fine young officer, volunteered to act as spy. he succeeded in passing through the enemy's lines and making notes and drawings, but on his way back, he was captured by the british. on sept. , , this noble patriot was hanged. his last words, while standing on the scaffold, were, "i only regret that i have but one life to lose for my country." the army in new york was in great danger of being surrounded and captured by the british, whose gunboats bombarded all the forts. more than half of the population of the city were tories and several thousand of the militia had deserted. washington was kind of heart and did not blame them too much, but he knew that his force was too small to hold the city of new york; so he began to withdraw to the northern end of manhattan island. the british moved upon the city and found it easy to land, because the soldiers, left to defend the first fort they attacked, ran off in confusion. washington, hearing the shots, galloped into their midst and tried to rally them, but they scattered like frightened rabbits. washington lost his temper, and throwing his hat on the ground, he exclaimed, "are these the men with whom i am to defend america?" he would have been killed or captured by the oncoming british, if one of his officers had not seized the bridle of his horse and dragged him away. the main body of the american army soon assembled in a strong camp on the rocky heights near king's bridge, defended by fort washington. here they were attacked by the british (september, ), when the regular continental troops fought valiantly and proved victorious, wiping out the disgrace of the retreat which put general howe in possession of new york. this success greatly strengthened the army. the americans had repulsed the british at king's bridge, but lord howe sent gunboats up the hudson river to cut off washington from his supplies, which were stored in connecticut. washington thought he might be forced to surrender if he remained, so he decided to leave a garrison at fort washington and take the army into camp at white plains (new york). a great many of his men were sick or wounded, and the hospital arrangements were poor and insufficient. the disabled men were lying in crowded sheds, stables and any other places of shelter that could be found. washington did all he could to relieve their sufferings, and in a letter to congress, he begged for better pay for the men and better supplies. he also urged that a call be made for men who would enlist for the entire term of war, however long it might be. a british officer wrote to a friend in london: "the rebel army is so wretched! i believe no nation ever saw such a set of tatterdemalions (ragged fellows). there are few coats among them but are out at the elbows and in a whole regiment, there is hardly a sound pair of breeches. how they must be pinched by the winter! we, who are warmly clothed, feel it severely." the camp at white plains was attacked by the british, with heavy loss on both sides, and washington again withdrew his men in the night and entrenched himself at north castle on the east side of the hudson. the british did not follow him, and this left washington in doubt as to what their next move would be. he left a part of the troops in camp, stationed a strong force in the highlands to defend the hudson river, and with the rest of his army, crossed into new jersey, opposite fort washington. from this point, he saw general howe capture fort washington and, without power to prevent it, beheld his brave men bayoneted by the cruel german soldiers. the supplies and the survivors of the garrison--about twenty-eight hundred men--fell into the hands of the enemy (november , ). following this, lord charles cornwallis led six thousand british across the river and attacked washington's forces, obliging him to retreat across new jersey, over the delaware river and into pennsylvania. washington had with him but three thousand soldiers, ragged and half starved, but they loved their commander and were ready to make any sacrifice for him and their country. he had sent orders to general charles lee to bring reinforcements from the north, but lee was in no hurry to obey. lord howe, who was anxious for peace, issued an order for all americans to lay down their arms and go home; for congress to break up, and he promised pardon for every one if the order was obeyed. a great many were faint-hearted enough to give up, even though america had sacrificed so much for freedom. but washington was undaunted and remained true to his purpose to free the colonies. he cheered his suffering soldiers and, after securing reënforcements from the militia of new jersey and pennsylvania, he took his stand at a point across the delaware river opposite trenton. he seized all the boats on the river and when lord cornwallis marched into trenton, there were no boats for his troops and they could not cross the river to attack the americans. leaving hessian troops to guard trenton, cornwallis withdrew to wait until ice should bridge the river for him. these german--or hessian--soldiers were hated by the americans on account of their cruelty and because they were fighting for pay. it was evident that the british intended to attack philadelphia and general putnam was sent to defend it. congress took fright and moved to baltimore. the british held new york and washington knew the people would lose heart if philadelphia should also be taken. general lee's forces at last arrived, though the general himself, because of his carelessness and laziness, had been captured on the way. with this reënforcement and with forces commanded by generals gates and sullivan, which had joined him, washington intended to surprise the garrison in trenton. he divided his army into three detachments and planned to cross the delaware on christmas night, because he knew the german soldiers would be drinking and frolicking on that holiday. washington himself led about twenty-four hundred men, with artillery, to a crossing at a point nine miles up the river. the night was dark and stormy. it was hailing and snowing and bitter cold. the river was filled with drifting cakes of ice, which imperiled the boats. the crossing was extremely dangerous and it took more than ten hours to get the troops and their guns on the other side. when he arrived, washington found the other two detachments had not started, so his forces alone surprised the hessians completely, captured trenton and took a thousand prisoners! messengers were dispatched to call the army from the hudson and to gather the new jersey militia. when these forces were assembled, washington again crossed the icy river into pennsylvania, but returned and occupied trenton a few days later. lord cornwallis, who had come down in a hurry from princeton, planned to "bag the fox in the morning." but he found the "fox" had been too sly for him, for washington, leaving his camp fires burning, had quietly led his army off at dead of night, by a rough and roundabout way, to princeton. at sunrise (jan. , ), he surprised and put to flight the regiment of british which had started out from princeton to help cornwallis at trenton. meanwhile, cornwallis awoke to find his "fox" gone and he set out for princeton, arriving just as the patriots had completed the destruction of the bridge leading to the town. washington pushed on, destroying the bridges as he went. his men were nearly exhausted when at last they reached camp at morristown, where washington established headquarters, so he could guard the road between new york and philadelphia, and keep cornwallis shut up in new brunswick and amboy (new jersey). congress thanked washington, and great soldiers all over the world praised him for the wonderful way in which he had led his soldiers out of the enemy's pitfalls and turned defeat to victory. many colonists, who had seen no hope of success, now believed that washington's generalship would triumph. congress gave him full military authority and he issued a proclamation, ordering all who were loyal to the king to go to the british camp and all others to take the oath of allegiance to the united states. chapter v recapture of fort ticonderoga by gen. burgoyne--battle of brandywine--battle of germantown--burgoyne's surrender at saratoga--washington at valley forge--alliance with france-- - [illustration: marquis de la fayette] the fame of the american cause reached europe and many foreign officers came over, asking to be allowed to give their help. among them was thaddeus kosciusko, a military engineer from warsaw (poland). washington asked him, "why do you come?" "to fight for american independence," he said. "what can you do?" asked general washington. "try me!" was the brief reply. washington "tried him," and he proved a valuable help throughout the revolution. another who volunteered his services was washington's devoted friend, the young french nobleman, the marquis de lafayette. though scarcely twenty years of age, lafayette loved human liberty more than home and friends and the easy life of the french court, and at his own expense, he fitted out a ship, loaded with military stores, and sought to aid the americans in their struggle. washington loved him for his fine spirit, charming manner and soldierly bearing. he became a member of the commander's family and his name is honored by every american. the year was a very hard and trying one. washington's forces were too weak to fight regular battles with the british. he used every device to make general howe think he had a strong army, and at the same time, tried to convince congress that he could not act for want of men and supplies. the british kept him guessing about what they would do next. would they attack philadelphia or the fort on lake champlain? he did not dare to withdraw troops from either place to strengthen the other. general john burgoyne, one of howe's lieutenant-generals, arrived from england in the summer of . he landed at quebec and marched with eight thousand men, british, germans and indians, to fort ticonderoga. the garrison of thirty-five hundred men surrendered. valuable stores were taken and the presence of this new army discouraged the americans. but washington only said, "we should never despair. if new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new exertions." he could not leave his own position, but he showed the greatest wisdom in arranging and locating the forces in the north. he sent his valued virginia riflemen, under colonel daniel morgan, to help fight burgoyne's indians. for months, washington had watched the british fleet in new york harbor and now it put to sea with eighteen thousand men on board. would it go to boston or to philadelphia? washington led his army toward philadelphia, believing this would be the british point of attack, and soon after, the fleet appeared while washington was camped at germantown, near philadelphia. the fleet sailed away, however, without making an attack and the summer passed in marching troops here and there--calling them out and sending them home again. washington had a busy time watching burgoyne on the hudson and the lakes, watching howe, who was occupying new york and new jersey, and guarding the coast. the fleet finally disappeared and, after a council of war, the american officers decided to leave philadelphia and all march north together to attack the british forces in new york. this was such an important move that a letter was sent to congress asking permission. the messenger who carried the letter was alexander hamilton, a mere youth, though he was captain of artillery. he was very small but so brave that they called him "the little lion" and washington addressed him affectionately as "my boy." congress approved of the plan to attack new york and the army was about to march, when it was reported that the british fleet was sailing up the chesapeake bay. washington's army halted near philadelphia. the commander-in-chief knew that there were people in philadelphia who did not favor the cause of american freedom, thinking it foolish for the poorly equipped continental troops to fight the british. to encourage the people of philadelphia, washington decided to parade the army through the city. he rode at the head with his staff. the men were poorly clad and had no uniforms, but their guns were bright and they carried them well. they made a brave showing and after the parade, marched into camp on the brandywine creek. [illustration: washington and alexander hamilton] the british landed at elkton, maryland--about fifty miles from philadelphia. washington sent troops of light horse to ride about the country and annoy them in every way possible. one young commander, henry lee, of virginia, was so daring that they called him "light horse harry." he was another of the brave young officers whom washington loved to have about him and who helped him overcome the difficulties that beset him at every turn. washington spent most of his time in the saddle, watching the march of the british. his troops were unequal to the enemy in every way, and though the war had lasted more than two years, he had never dared to risk a real battle. the time had come when he must make a stand in the open or acknowledge to the world the weakness of his army. he had about eleven thousand men, while the british numbered about eighteen thousand. he appealed to his soldiers to do their best and make a firm stand in defense of their national capital (philadelphia). the battle of the brandywine was fought on september , , and the americans were badly defeated. following this, congress moved to lancaster (pa.) and the british, under cornwallis, took possession of philadelphia, which they entered dressed in their bright scarlet uniforms, the bands playing "god save the king." what a contrast to the ragged continentals who had marched there a few weeks before! washington did not despair. his courage and determination grew stronger in the face of defeat and he firmly believed his fortunes would take a turn. after resting his troops, he made a surprise attack on general howe at germantown. he was in a fair way to success, when a heavy fog came on. the americans could not tell their own soldiers apart from the enemy and a panic took place. but washington, who was in the hottest of the fight, was not discouraged even at this disaster. he had proved to the world that his troops were not afraid of the british army, and his men, in spite of their losses, were encouraged by this encounter with trained european soldiers. the english had looked down on the american patriots, but they were now beginning to find them worthy foes. during this time, the army in the north had been busy. general burgoyne had sent a force to bennington, vermont, to seize cattle and supplies, but general john stark, at the head of the new england militia, completely routed them. he captured a quantity of guns and ammunition and hundreds of prisoners. at the same time, west of the hudson, another body of british was defeated and their tents and stores taken by the americans. this was joyful news to washington, and these victories served to keep up the spirits of the patriots and also to disgust the indians with their british commanders. the militia, too, gained confidence, overcoming their fears and finding they were a match for the british and the germans. recruits flocked to the american camp in the north and burgoyne was soon surrounded. in the great battle near saratoga (n. y.), he was completely defeated and surrendered to general horatio gates on october , . this splendid victory gave the americans large quantities of military stores, but most of all, it gave them confidence, for they had at last beaten the british forces. the experience of actual warfare and the example of the trained soldiers had taught them how to fight. one of burgoyne's officers said that when the continental troops were drawn up to receive the surrender, they stood like soldiers, though dressed as if they had come from the farm or the shop. he was surprised to see how straight and strong and fine they were! general gates ordered his men not to cheer or show any desire to humiliate their beaten foes, and this courtesy tendered him by general gates was reported to parliament by general burgoyne when he returned to england. he was especially touched by it because he had needlessly burned some of the beautiful homes of the very officers who were so gracious to him. this courtesy was very fine in gates, but he failed in his duty to his commander-in-chief, and in many ways was unreliable. he did not report the victory to washington, as was his duty, and paid no attention to his commands. he did not send the troops to philadelphia, as he was ordered, and he did not even return the company of virginia riflemen until it was too late. general gates and his friends were doing all in their power to destroy the good name and the authority of washington. they kept back troops washington needed and then criticized him for not fighting a decisive battle. but washington endured their fault-finding in silence, for he knew that an open battle with such a powerful foe meant certain defeat, and patriotism so filled his heart that it left no room for selfish ambition. he was not seeking personal glory, but independence for america. if general howe had attacked him, he would have fought bravely, but he and his fellow officers knew it was unwise to attack the british. in many skirmishes, however, his troops showed courage and steadfastness, and proved they were making progress in the arts of warfare. a few months before this, congress had made some changes in the quartermaster (the officer who attends to supplies) and in the commissary (food) departments, although washington had opposed the changes. the result was a bad mix-up in getting supplies to the army, and food and clothing spoiled and went to waste for want of wagons to carry them to the camp. winter set in, and the troops were poorly clad and worn out from hardships. there were not enough blankets to go around, and many of the men were obliged to sit by the camp fires all night and thus got very little rest. washington decided to go into winter quarters in the village of valley forge, about twenty miles from philadelphia. from here, he could watch general howe's movements and be ready, if necessary, to defend congress, which now met at york. on the march to valley forge, many of the soldiers were barefooted and they left a trail of blood on the frozen ground. to add to their suffering, someone blundered, and they were several days without food. washington was blamed for going into winter quarters and not driving the enemy out of philadelphia. he wrote to congress, giving a full account of how he had been annoyed and hindered by those who should have helped him. he told them that nearly three thousand of his men were unfit for duty because they were almost naked, and two thousand more were sick for want of food and shelter. during this cruel winter of - , many men froze and starved to death in camp and hundreds of horses were lost. washington, who was always careful about other people's property, was sometimes obliged to let his men seize food from the farmers. congress did not stand by him. some of the members were jealous of his power and his influence. general gates was the popular hero after the victory of saratoga, and a plot hatched by officers and members of congress almost succeeded in putting him in washington's place. though washington's plan had made the defeat of general burgoyne possible, gates claimed all the credit. washington bore all this fault-finding and unfairness with patient courage. he kept his temper and devoted himself to his suffering men, whose endurance touched his heart. fortunately for america, the conspiracy against washington failed and the only result was to make his name and fame brighter and more widespread. while the americans in camp at valley forge were so miserable, the british, twenty miles away, were spending a gay winter in the homes of the people of philadelphia. why they did not attack and destroy the wretched patriot army was a mystery. after awhile, provisions and other necessities were secured and the camp became more cheerful. mrs. washington and the wives of some of the other officers came to join their husbands. baron frederick von steuben, a german officer, who had served in several wars and received great honors, was sent to america by friends in paris. he offered to fight for the colonists without rank or pay. congress sent him to washington, who realized that his experience would be valuable, and who asked him to drill and discipline the troops. steuben was a wonderful soldier and after a few weeks under his direction, the army learned something of real military tactics, and how to work together like a great machine. he not only drilled them, but looked after their comforts and won their love by his kindness. [illustration: benjamin franklin was at the french court] not all the work for freedom was done on the battle-fields and in the camps. while washington and his soldiers were skirmishing with the british and while they were encamped at valley forge, benjamin franklin, one of the foremost thinkers and statesmen of the time, was in europe making friends for the american cause and asking help for the struggling colonists. the king of france made a treaty of alliance with him, which congress signed may th, . three days later, it was celebrated in camp with thanksgiving and parades, and the news that france was to help the american cause thrilled every patriot's heart with joy. chapter vi battle of monmouth--patriots receive aid from france--recapture of fort at stony point by gen. anthony wayne--washington at morristown--surrender of charleston, s. c., to the british--treason of benedict arnold-- - [illustration: molly pitcher] general howe had spent a pleasant winter and spring holding philadelphia, but he had done nothing in the way of military service. he was now ordered home and sir henry clinton took his place and was told to leave the city. while washington was in doubt as to what move clinton would make, messengers came from england with offers of peace for the colonies. they offered a large bribe to general joseph reed, a member of congress. his scornful answer was, "i am not worth purchasing, but such as i am, the king of great britain is not rich enough to do it!" this was the spirit that won freedom for america. in june ( ), general clinton withdrew his army from philadelphia and washington marched his troops out of valley forge and followed him. near monmouth, new jersey, washington decided to make an attack. he sent general charles lee (who, by this time, had been released by the british) with six thousand men to start the battle, while he brought up the main division. general lee, who never would take orders from washington, commanded his men to retreat. immediately washington heard of this disobedience, he galloped forward, sternly ordered lee to the rear, and with hot words rallied the men, stopped the retreat and saved the day. his presence and the courage he displayed ended the disorder and put new life into the men. an officer, who saw him at the time, said his anger was splendid and he "swore like an angel from heaven." washington spent the night upon the field, his head pillowed on the roots of a tree. at daybreak he arose to renew the attack, but the enemy had learned one of his own tricks and, as washington himself put it, "had stolen off in the night as silent as the grave." it was at this battle of monmouth that molly pitcher became a heroine. she had been carrying water to the men in action. at one gun, six men had been killed, the last one her husband. as he fell, she seized the ramrod from his hand and took his place. washington was proud of her courage and gave her the rank and pay of her husband. the love and respect in which the army held washington were increased by his magnificent daring and splendid generalship in this battle. congress thanked him "for his great good conduct." general charles lee, who had always been disrespectful to washington and who had tried his best to harm him, was court-martialed for insubordination (disobedience) and deprived of his command. (charles lee was not connected with the lees of virginia.) general lee was really a brilliant soldier, but he was ruined by his own jealous disposition. washington treated him and all other enemies with the kindness of a great mind and a true heart. after the battle of monmouth, clinton took up his quarters in new york and washington remained in new jersey. soon he received word that the french king had sent a fleet of eighteen ships and four thousand soldiers to help the colonists. the americans were very glad of this, thinking that the british fleet would now be destroyed; but the attack of the french (august, ) was unsuccessful and they sailed away without having done much good. we have spoken several times of the tories who sided with the british. when the war broke out, the patriot settlers in the wyoming valley, pennsylvania, decided they would join in the defense of the country and they drove all the tories out of the valley. just after the battle of monmouth (june , ), while all the fighting men were away, these tories got together seven hundred indians and attacked the women and children. before washington could send aid, the whole valley was laid waste. all the homes were burned. hundreds were killed by the indians and many more died trying to reach places of safety. this was followed by night attacks in different places, when sentinels were surprised and murdered by indians and tories. indeed, all through the war, the most cruel enemies the patriots had were their tory neighbors. to guard against such attacks, and to be ready to meet the british at any point, washington distributed his troops in a long line of camps and got ready to defend the country from boston to philadelphia. the hudson river was guarded by a fortress at west point. in order to call the militia out, he arranged a system of signals. on a high hill overlooking the british camp, sentries kept constant watch. if the enemy moved, warning was to be given by firing a big gun. when the gun boomed, fires were to be lighted on the hills within hearing. as soon as these were seen from more distant hills, other fires were to be lighted, until every hilltop blazed and all the countryside was roused and men warned to hurry to their rallying places. though general clinton had a great army, he did not offer battle. he carried on an annoying form of warfare by sending out small bodies of men to distant places, to attack and destroy. in this way he plundered and burned villages on the shores of the chesapeake and in new england and captured valuable stores. [illustration: "mad anthony" wayne] while these things were happening, washington planned to recapture the fort at stony point on the hudson, which had been taken by sir henry clinton, may , . his plan was entrusted to general wayne, called "mad anthony" wayne because of his dashing bravery. wayne took a small body of light-armed, fearless men, marched through the mountains and at midnight on july , stormed the fort and captured it. this feat was so well done that it is considered one of the great events of the war. congress thanked washington for the victory and gave wayne a medal for his courage and success. the swift and daring young scout, "light horse harry" lee, was with this expedition. after it was over, he asked permission to lead an attack on the garrison of paulus hook (now jersey city), right under the guns of new york. washington, who always admired courageous deeds, allowed him to make the attempt. lee surprised the fort at night, captured a number of prisoners and made a successful retreat while the guns from the battleships were sounding the alarm. these two daring attacks increased the confidence and spirit of the americans and gave the british more respect for them. still, it was tiresome for the troops to remain month after month in camp, wondering what the enemy would do next. washington had more serious troubles. congress was slow and often unwise in its acts. the people grew tired of the war, because business was suffering and the farms were neglected, and nothing seemed to be gained by it. officers resigned from the army and men deserted. washington was laughed at by the tories and criticized by his friends. but he was patient and said, "we must not despair! the game is yet in our hands; to play it well is all we have to do." washington's greatness is shown not only by his skill in action, but by the patience with which he could wait. he simply would not be discouraged. under such trials, he became "the best among the great." the winter came and washington took part of his army into a camp of log huts at morristown, new jersey. the sad story of valley forge was repeated here and the winter ( - ) was the coldest ever known in the colonies. when the war broke out, there was, of course, no american money. congress had put out some paper money called "continental currency," but it was worth so little that it took a great deal of it to buy anything. washington was obliged to ask the states to give the army grain and cattle. new jersey, where a part of the army was stationed, was very generous and the women knitted socks and made clothes for the soldiers. the british went on surprising and killing small garrisons and plundering the country. in december, , general clinton sailed, with general cornwallis and a strong army, to attack charleston, south carolina. they landed at savannah, georgia, and marched overland. washington dared not go to the help of the southern troops and leave the hudson unguarded against the british army from canada, which might descend upon it. general benjamin lincoln and commander whipple were, therefore, left alone to defend charleston, which they did bravely, though it was bombarded on all sides by the british. they held out until their guns were destroyed and their provisions gone. the people were frightened into submission and on may , , the city of charleston surrendered, and lincoln and his army became prisoners of war. considering south carolina conquered, general clinton went back to new york, leaving lord cornwallis in command, with orders to subdue north carolina and virginia. after their success in the south, the british made an attempt to capture washington's headquarters at morristown. the patriots of new jersey rallied to the help of the army and drove off the british, who withdrew, burning houses and killing people as they went. soon after this, the americans were encouraged by the arrival (july , ) of a large french force under count de rochambeau (ro-sham-bo), who came to help them. early in the year (january, ), washington had had the unpleasant duty laid upon him by congress of rebuking general benedict arnold, who, though he was very brave and fought gallantly, had been guilty of several unwise acts. washington greatly admired general arnold and made his reproof so gentle that it was almost a compliment. but being called to account at all was more than arnold could bear. he felt hurt, too, that congress had promoted others and had only blame for him. this so enraged him that he proved false to the trust washington had placed in him and false to his country. after his rebuke, feeling that he had been treated unfairly, arnold began writing letters to major john andré, a popular young british officer, in which he offered to betray the fortress of the hudson. at arnold's own request, washington gave him command of west point and an important part in a plan to attack the british with the help of the french. washington had gone to consult with the french commander in newport (r. i.), when major andré and general arnold met. at dead of night, september , , they went to a house in the forest to make arrangements for the betrayal of west point. with letters and plans of the fort hidden in his boots, major andré rode back alone to new york. he was caught and searched by three young farmers, who were guarding their cattle against the outlaws who overran the neighborhood. they found the letters and knew he was a spy. andré begged them to release him and made them all kinds of offers if they would, but they marched him off ten miles to the nearest fort. [illustration: a messenger came to benedict arnold] general washington came back from newport two days earlier than he was expected. lafayette, count rochambeau and hamilton rode with him and they planned to go at once to west point. arnold was living with his family in a house several miles from the fort and washington sent word they would have breakfast with him. this was the very day for the fort to be given up and the sudden return of washington frightened arnold. just before his guests arrived, a messenger brought word of andré's capture. hastily bidding his wife good-by, he flung himself on his horse and galloped away. after breakfast, washington went on with rochambeau to the fort. no salute welcomed them. general arnold was not there and apparently they were not expected. while wondering at his absence, washington had no thought of treachery. then hamilton brought him the dreadful news. "whom can we trust now?" was all he said. hamilton rode hard after arnold, but he escaped to the british ship which was lying in the river. major andré endeared himself to everybody by his charming manners, intelligence and bravery. the young officers loved him and the british made every effort to save him, but honorably refused to give up general arnold in exchange for him. washington treated andré with the greatest kindness, but justice to america required that this fine young officer should die and he suffered the shameful death of a spy (october , ). his body was later sent to england and he was buried in westminster abbey. general arnold was made an officer in the british army, but nobody trusted him, and the men hated his command. twenty years afterward ( ), he died, poor and broken-hearted, in a foreign land. it is said that, on his death-bed, he called for his old american uniform and asked to be allowed to die in it. "god forgive me," he cried, "for ever putting on another!" count rochambeau had told a pretty story about his journey from newport with general washington. one evening, as they passed through a large town, the people came out to greet their general. throngs of children carrying torches crowded about him, touching his hands and calling him "father." he was very kind and gentle to all these people, but the patriotism of the children pleased him most. he said great britain could never conquer a country whose children were taught to be loyal. another french officer said of washington's horses, "they are as good as they are beautiful, and all perfectly trained. he trains them all himself. he leaps the highest barriers and rides very fast." at one time, early in the war, when the virginia riflemen first came north, some marblehead (mass.) fishermen laughed at their fringed hunting shirts and a fight followed. washington heard of it, jumped on his horse and galloped into camp. his colored servant was going to let down some bars for him, but he leaped over them and dashed into the midst of the fight. he seized the two biggest riflemen and shook them, commanding peace. washington, as usual, was prevented, through lack of men and supplies, from giving the british a blow. months passed without much being done, except dashing skirmishes now and then. the two camps watched each other, wondering what the other would do. [illustration] chapter vii general gates defeated at camden, s. c.--battle of king's mountain--washington sends aid to the south--siege of yorktown--surrender of lord cornwallis--peace treaty signed--washington's farewell to his officers-- - [illustration] though washington did not have any encounters with the british for a long time, the americans were engaged in bitter fighting in the south. lord cornwallis angered the people of south carolina by hanging a number of prisoners at charleston and by the cruel raids of general tarleton and his dragoons, who rode about the country, slaying innocent people. general thomas sumter, who was nicknamed the "game cock," gathered together a few men. those who had no guns sharpened their saws into swords and fastened hunting knives on long poles and thus armed, these soldiers gave the british a great deal of trouble. meanwhile, general lincoln was still held a prisoner of war and the people were very glad when they heard that general gates, the hero of saratoga, had been sent to take command of the southern forces of the american army. gates was very headstrong, however, and thought he knew more than any one could tell him and would take no advice from officers on the ground. he did the worst thing he could do--he rushed at once into an open battle with lord cornwallis (august , ) and met with a terrible defeat at camden, south carolina. cornwallis now marched into north carolina to subdue that state. her scotch-irish people, always brave, had declared themselves independent of great britain a whole year before congress had dared to do so. cornwallis found himself in a "hornets' nest." sharp-shooters and bold riders cut off his messengers and foraging parties. in the western part, the mountain people gathered, who were used to indian fighting. they were joined by rugged men from all parts of the south. each man was dressed in homespun, with a deer's tail or bit of green stuck in his hat. each carried a long rifle, hunting knife, knapsack and blanket. at king's mountain (on the border line between north and south carolina), this little army overtook and destroyed a british and tory force under general ferguson. soon after, lord cornwallis retreated to south carolina again. the victory at king's mountain aroused all the patriotism of the mountain folk. francis marion, one of the bravest soldiers of the south, took the field with a brigade of friends and neighbors. armed with knives and rude swords, he, like sumter, would surprise and capture british posts and then gallop back to the woods, while the enemy would be at a loss to know where he came from. the british called him the "swamp fox." about this time, colonel william washington, a kinsman of the general, with a few horsemen, surprised a body of tories who had made their headquarters in a log barn. he put the trunk of a tree on two wagon wheels, painted it to look like a cannon, and pointed it at the barn. then he sent a messenger with a white flag of truce to tell them to surrender or be blown to pieces. their leader and one hundred and twelve men surrendered! they felt very foolish when they saw the cannon and were laughed at all over the state. general gates, broken-hearted over his defeat at camden, was trying to gather up his scattered army. to add to his sorrow, he received word that his only son was dead, and soon after, he was notified that congress had given his command to general greene and ordered an investigation of his defeat. these troubles were almost more than he could bear, but his feelings were soothed by a letter from general washington, full of tender sympathy and expressions of confidence. the letter so comforted him that he was found in his room kissing the words. general greene was also very considerate, and the proud heart of gates, who had wronged both these men, was melted, by their kindness, into lasting love for them. general greene found the army small and discouraged, but he soon inspired the men with renewed hope. he had with him the famous virginia rifles under general daniel morgan, who had served bravely at quebec and saratoga. this division was attacked at cowpens (s. c.) january , , by tarleton and his large force, but morgan was so daring and skillful that he routed the british, who lost of their men. cornwallis tried to attack general greene, who knew his army was too small to risk a battle; so he led cornwallis a long chase through forests and mountains, while his light horse troops under harry lee annoyed the british like wasps that sting and fly away to return and sting again! greene was at last overtaken and defeated, but the effect of the battle so crippled the british that there was nothing for them to do but retreat to the nearest sea-coast town, where they might get aid from their fleet. general greene marched hard after them, turning his defeat into a victory, and so hampering cornwallis that he lost hope. cornwallis now turned northward into virginia and greene gave up the chase and marched into south carolina. he, with lee, marion, sumter, wade hampton and other daring officers, fought battle after battle until they had regained from the british most of georgia and the carolinas (september, ). in virginia, lafayette and "mad anthony" wayne kept annoying cornwallis as he marched to portsmouth on the james river. meanwhile washington, while giving advice and directing the campaigns in the south, where he had sent some of his most brilliant generals, was watching general clinton. ever since the battle of monmouth (n. j.), he had remained in the neighborhood of new york. though he was needed with his army in the south, he dared not leave the hudson unguarded. at last, however, he planned to help the south by causing the british to recall some of their troops. he had the french forces come and encamp near his army, and appear to be making arrangements for laying siege to new york. even the soldiers thought they were going to try to take the city. general clinton fell into the trap and wrote to cornwallis for all the regiments he could spare. troops were hurried aboard ship and set sail for new york. clinton found out, too late, how completely he had been deceived, for washington and rochambeau slipped out of their camps and marched their armies across new jersey! he took his revenge by sending benedict arnold, who was now a british officer, to his native state, connecticut, to plunder and lay waste the country and murder the garrisons. this brutality was arnold's last act in america, and shortly after, he went to england. when the french and continental armies reached philadelphia, they were received with rejoicing. washington was entertained in the home of robert morris, a patriot banker, without whose help, in raising money, washington could not have saved the country and who more than once had come to the aid of the army. at this time, he loaned the government $ , in gold, and at about the same time, france sent the colonists more than a million dollars in coin. the continental army paraded through philadelphia (august , ), dusty and ragged, but keeping step to the fife and drum. the next day, the french troops marched through, jaunty in white and green uniforms, with bands playing. lafayette, who was in virginia, sent word to washington that the british troops had landed at yorktown (instead of going to new york), and that cornwallis was strongly fortified there. the british battleships lay in the river before the town. cornwallis thought his only enemy was lafayette, of whom he had little fear. lafayette carefully arranged his troops to cut off any retreat from yorktown, and waited for washington. a powerful french fleet arrived from france and bottled up cornwallis in the york river. the american and french armies marched on from philadelphia, washington taking time on the way to visit mount vernon, which he had not seen for six years. [illustration: washington spent the first night under a mulberry tree] cornwallis felt very safe and snug in yorktown (va.) till he saw the french ships, and then he decided to retreat. but every way was blocked. the allied armies (american and french) entrenched themselves close about the town. washington spent the first night among his men sleeping under a mulberry tree. on the night of october th ( ), the siege of yorktown began, washington himself putting the match to the first gun. a week later, two strong british redoubts (forts) were stormed and taken, one by an american company under colonel hamilton and the other by the french. the british kept up a constant bombardment of the american lines, and washington was often in the greatest peril. on one occasion, an officer spoke of his danger and washington said, "if you think so, you are at liberty to step back." he was never afraid and what the indian had said of him years ago seemed indeed true.--"a mighty power protected him and he could not die in battle!" the americans pounded the british fortifications to pieces. cornwallis looked in vain for help from new york. he was surrounded on all sides and all hope of escape was gone. on the th of october, , in order not to sacrifice the lives of any more of his brave men, lord cornwallis surrendered to general washington. the whole country went wild with joy over this great victory, and the americans did not forget that the french, with their men, money and ships, made it possible for them to win. the troops held services of thanksgiving in camp, and congress named a day when all the people should thank god. when cornwallis surrendered, washington treated the british with great kindness and courtesy. the english were now having so much trouble in europe that it was difficult for them to carry on the war in america; but they were not willing to make peace on terms that america would accept. washington thought that the only way to secure a glorious and lasting peace was to be prepared to carry on the war. if the british should see the colonists weak and unprepared, they would either conquer them or offer them an inglorious peace. he, therefore, fortified his forces at newburgh on the hudson, where they were joined by the french. the entire year was spent in camp. the men soon became discontented. congress and the states were slow, as usual, in furnishing supplies. but washington's patience and fair dealing kept the men loyal to him and the country. the first articles of peace were signed in france, november , , but it was not until september , , that the final treaty of peace with england was signed at paris. on april th ( ), just eight years after the battle of lexington, washington proclaimed to his troops that the war was over; but the british did not leave new york until november, and then washington and the governor marched in. [illustration: mrs. betsy ross] on december , at fraunce's tavern, new york city, he said good-by to the officers and men who had served and suffered so long with him; there were tears in his eyes and theirs, as he shook their hands and bade them farewell. a ship carried him to annapolis, maryland, where he surrendered his commission to congress. he said, "i close this last act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping." he sheathed his sword after years of faithful and honorable service. through good and evil fortunes, he had always held firmly to ideals of truth, courage and patriotism, and he retired from public life admired and loved by his countrymen. he arrived at mount vernon on christmas eve ( ). the united states now had a place among the nations of the world. she had a flag of her own, the beautiful stars and stripes, created in the dark days of the war. for a hundred and fifty years, the colonies had used the flag of great britain. when the revolution broke out, each state and regiment had its own flag; but in , congress appointed washington, robert morris and colonel ross a committee to devise a flag. they were in philadelphia at the time, and it was in the house of betsy ross (which still stands) that the first american flag was made, consisting of thirteen red and white stripes, with a circle of thirteen white stars on a blue field, "representing a new constellation." (a group of fixed stars.) this flag was accepted by congress on june , the day that is now celebrated in the united states as flag day. chapter viii washington retires to mount vernon--inaugurated as first president of the united states--his reÃ�lection--his death at mount vernon-- - [illustration: the dome of the capitol at washington] there are many things to be remembered about the revolution. its objects were to gain liberty, equality and a fair chance for everybody. it was won by the patience and courage of patriots, ill-fed, ill-clad and ill-paid. its armies were too weak for the glory of many great battles. years afterward, lafayette said to napoleon, "it was the grandest of causes, won by the skirmishes of sentinels and outposts." washington laid aside his sword and spent five happy years at mount vernon. he was a brave soldier, but he loved best the quiet life of the farm. he once said, "how pitiful is the ambition which desolates the world with fire and sword for the purpose of conquest and fame, compared to making our neighbors and fellowmen happy!" his home was filled with guests whom he loved to entertain and who were always sure of a courteous and dignified welcome. the two little children of mrs. washington's son (who had died of fever during the war), nelly and george, made the place merry and the general joined in their play and enjoyed the change from camp to home life. those who were with him constantly say that he never spoke of himself and never referred to any of his battles. he had done his work and done it well. now he left it behind him and looked forward to the joy of his home. at the close of the war, some of his friends had wanted to make him king, but he would not hear of it. he had fought to make america a free land, and not for his own glory. [illustration: washington spent five happy years at mount vernon] the thirteen states were loosely bound together in a confederation. as time went on, the rights of different states came into conflict. washington, from his fireside, watched the interests of his country. he believed with other great americans that only a strong central government could keep harmony among the states. in , a convention was called in philadelphia to talk the matter over. each state sent its most brilliant and thoughtful men, among them, of course, being washington. after four months of careful consideration and labor, they offered to the american people the glorious constitution, upon which has been built up the great republic of the united states. washington said they had god's help in "laying the foundation for tranquillity and happiness." the people accepted the constitution and turned to washington for their first president. no one else was thought of, and he was unanimously elected. new york was chosen for the capital. before he left virginia, washington went to say farewell to his mother, knowing he would never see her again. she was old and feeble, but happy to see her son so useful and so honored. she always said, "he is a good son and has done his duty as a man." as washington journeyed to new york, people thronged the roadsides. bells rang and cannon roared. soldiers and citizens escorted him from city to city. at the lower end of new york bay, he was received on a splendid barge, which led a procession of boats gay with flags and music. at the pier, he was met by the governor of the state. on april , , washington took the oath of office on the open balcony of federal hall, in wall street, in the presence of a great multitude. then he walked to st. paul's church and devoutly kneeling, prayed to god for strength and guidance. washington had need to pray, for he was facing difficulties and problems greater than any he had known. he was at the head of a government, such as had never been tried before, and the eyes of the world were upon him. the peoples of down-trodden lands looked to him for the success of freedom. he said truly, "i walk untrodden ground," for there was no great republic in history whose example he could follow. his heavy task was to bring into harmony the differences of widely separate states; to make fair laws; to create a national money; to organize the different departments of government--in short, to make one nation out of thirteen. washington never flinched from responsibility. he took up his new work with methodical patience, and was most fortunate in having the help of great men. the states sent their best men to congress. john adams was vice-president. the first secretary of state was thomas jefferson, who had written the declaration of independence. general knox was made secretary of war. the still youthful alexander hamilton was appointed secretary of the treasury; the country owes much to him for its success and prosperity, for he was the one who made the financial plans, without which the government could not exist. [illustration: federal hall] washington's family joined him in new york, where they lived. the city streets were dirty and dark at this time and only one was paved. negro slaves carried all the water for the household from the river, in tubs balanced on their heads, while drinking water was sold from wagons, as there was only one pump in the city. the president traveled about in a cream-colored coach with pictures painted on the doors and panels. it was drawn by cream-colored horses with white manes and tails. sometimes on saturday afternoons, this coach, which was well known to all the people, was sent to bring playmates to drive with nelly and george. washington drove to the first meeting of congress in a coach drawn by six horses, with a coachman and footman in scarlet and white liveries, and with an escort mounted on prancing white steeds. such style really was not uncommon in those days and the six horses were not so much for show as they were needed to draw the heavy carriage over the bad roads. the fear that our country might become a monarchy had not entirely disappeared, so washington lived as simply as he could and avoided everything that suggested the pomp of a king. the president and mrs. washington often went on foot to call on their friends, and that the people might meet them freely, they held public receptions on friday evenings from eight to ten. while always reserved and dignified, washington was gracious and attentive to his guests. his wife was the same sweet hostess as at mount vernon. at dinner, if no chaplain was present, washington asked the blessing himself. sunday was always strictly observed in the washington household. in the morning, the president went to church, and the rest of the day he spent quietly with his family. in the autumn after his election, he wrote the first proclamation setting aside a thursday in november for thanksgiving. from that time to this, in november of each year, america gives thanks to god for her liberties. at this time, lafayette was fighting for the cause of liberty in france. when the terrible bastille prison in paris was torn down at his command, he sent its huge key to washington, because he believed the same love of liberty, for which washington had fought, had also destroyed this state dungeon of tyranny, where many good people had suffered unjustly. one of the problems washington had to meet was the warlike attitude of the indians, with whom there was some border fighting. he always treated them fairly and often entertained them. when they came, he impressed them by a great show of elegance and style. once a great chief and twenty-eight warriors from alabama came to make a treaty. the president gave them a splendid dinner at his house. then he showed them a full length, oil portrait of himself. they looked at it, touched it and looked behind it. finding it flat, they grunted in disgust and not one of them would allow his picture to be made! dressed in his handsomest clothes, the president took them, in their full dress of feathers and paint, for a walk down broadway, which he enjoyed as much as they. washington liked to slip away from his cares and go fishing. he was a good fisherman and it was said "all the fish came to his hook." the southern states were not pleased with the choice of new york as the capital, as they thought it too far away; so the seat of government was moved to philadelphia. washington wanted to move quietly. on a summer morning, he and his family were all up by candle light, expecting to steal away in their carriages, when, suddenly, a military band began to play under their windows! the people came running from all directions. "there, we are found out!" said the president. "well, they must have their way." so his party walked to the pier between rows of loving people, and were rowed to the jersey shore, while cannon boomed and the multitude shouted. six horses were needed to drag their coach over the poor roads and the occupants of the coach were in danger of being upset. the house of robert morris, in philadelphia, was taken for washington, who paid the rent himself. pennsylvania built a president's mansion, but it was so big and fine that washington refused to live in it, and so it was used for the pennsylvania university. while his furniture was coming by sea from new york, washington had time for a short visit to mount vernon, but he and his family were settled in his new home when congress met the first monday in december. about this time, two political parties began to form in the united states. the federalists, who were led by hamilton, wanted to make a strong central government, which would develop the country and be respected abroad. the democratic-republicans, who were led by jefferson, wanted the states to hold the chief power, because they were afraid a strong central government might be turned into a monarchy. both parties had the good of the country at heart. jefferson's party is the democratic party of the present day and the federalists live still in the republican party. jefferson and hamilton were bitterly opposed to each other's ideas and disputed with their usual fighting quality. washington quietly heard each side and did his best to keep the two men at peace, for the country needed both. in the spring and summer of , washington made a tour of the southern states. it was a trip covering eighteen hundred and seventy-five miles. the same horses made the entire journey and kept up their spirits until they trotted back into their stalls at home! the president returned very happy about the condition of the country and delighted with its confidence in the new government. the end of his term of four years drew near and washington looked forward to the comfort of private life. he was growing quite deaf and had had several severe illnesses. he was tired of the load of care, and of the strife of opposing parties. but four years were not time enough to establish so great a government. washington alone held the faith and confidence of the people, and they begged him to give them four years more. he wanted to retire, as he feared that, after another term, he would not be able to carry out his plans for mount vernon; but he finally consented. washington's second term was filled with great difficulties. indians attacked the western frontiers, and algerian [algeria is in northern africa] pirates seized american ships and imprisoned american citizens. france and england were at war and it was difficult to keep america out of the quarrel. these and other problems, besides disputes among public men, kept washington's heart weary and sore. through it all, he said, "there is but one straight course and that is to seek truth and pursue it steadily." his only wish was to "lead the country to respectability, wealth and happiness." he paid no attention to his own comfort or desire. though often misunderstood and ridiculed by men who did not agree with him, he never failed to do what he thought was right. his wisdom and justice were so great that, in all these years, the wisest men have found little in the actions of washington they would change. jefferson said of him that no motive of interest or friendship or hatred could influence him; "he was in every sense of the word a wise, a good and a great man." at the close of his second term, , washington insisted upon retiring, and he counted the days until he might lay aside the cares of office and seek his rest. he sent his farewell address to congress, and it has been said that nothing finer has ever been written than his last great message to his countrymen. on the th of march, , john adams was inaugurated as the second president of the united states. but the thought and love of the great assembly at the inaugural ceremony were turned toward washington, the white-haired soldier who had led the country through war to prosperous peace. the people followed him to his door, where, with tears in his eyes, the "father of his country" waved farewell to them and to all beloved citizens of the nation. in a few days, washington was at home again upon his farm. he spent his time riding over his plantations, looking after his crops and horses and cattle. often he took out his surveying instruments and spent a day laying out his land, or he planted trees and vines about his house and lawns. to the country folks, he was a beloved neighbor and friend. visitors came frequently to his home, while nelly and george and their young friends kept the place lively. under the care of her grandmother, nelly had grown into a beautiful and well educated young lady. her wit and sweetness of temper were a great joy to washington, who loved her dearly. she had many suitors, but delighted washington by choosing his favorite nephew, lawrence lewis, for her husband. they were married on washington's birthday and the general wore his old continental uniform of buff and blue, though he had a new and finely embroidered one that nelly wanted him to put on. the quiet life of mount vernon was broken before long. the new president got into such trouble with france that the country was threatened with war. washington was asked to take his old position of commander-in-chief of the army and he accepted. he organized an army, but, fortunately, peace was made without bloodshed, and he was glad to go back to mount vernon. one winter day, while riding, washington was caught in a heavy storm of rain and snow. he was used to all kinds of weather and thought nothing of the exposure, even though he was hoarse and had a severe cold the next day. before morning of the third day, he was very ill and when the doctors came, they bled him. it was the stupid practice of those days and in a few hours washington was so weakened as to be past hope of recovery. he died on december , , as bravely as he had lived. his wife praying beside him was as brave and calm as he. he had asked that his funeral might be a simple one, and so it was. none was there but friends and neighbors. the casket was carried out upon the veranda that all might see his face. troops from alexandria, (va.) with solemn music led the funeral procession. four clergymen in white followed. the general's favorite horse, with saddle and bridle, was led by two negro grooms. the casket, borne by free masons and army officers, was followed by his family, and by friends and neighbors. while minute guns were fired from a warship in the river below, the procession wound along the lovely paths of mount vernon to the family tomb on the hillside. here the body was laid to rest with religious and masonic ceremonies. when the news reached the people that washington was dead, the whole country went into deepest mourning. in europe, the sorrow was true and sincere. the british fleets put their flags at half-mast and napoleon ordered crêpe put upon the banners of france. though washington was born and educated in america and belongs truly to americans, he was such a friend to humanity, such a champion of liberty, that the whole world claims him as a model. his will provided that, after the death of his wife, all his slaves should be free and he left money for those who could not earn a living. his able management had made mount vernon a great estate of nine thousand acres. beside this, he held forty-four other tracts of land in nine different states, and he was one of the greatest land owners in america. believing that the republic would stand secure only upon a foundation of education, courage and conscience, he left money for a great american university. in this, he wanted the young people to be trained in the principles of true americanism. he wanted the intelligence of the country to guide its politics. it is unfortunate that, to the present day, the university has not been founded, although there is now every likelihood that such a national university will be established in washington and vast sums contributed to the fund washington had left for this purpose. the site of the city of washington was selected for the federal capital in , and ten years later, the seat of government was moved from philadelphia to washington. president washington himself headed the body of commissioners who chose the site and arranged for the purchase of the land. the city was named in his honor. it is beautifully laid out with magnificent avenues, parks, fountains and stately buildings, and is one of the finest and most comfortable cities in the world. in the house at mount vernon, there was a little attic room, hot in summer, bitter cold in winter. but its one window was the only one that looked upon the tomb on the hillside, and so mrs. washington, after the death of her husband, moved into this little room. two and a half years later, she died there and her body was laid beside that of washington. [illustration: washington's tomb at mount vernon] years passed and the beautiful house began to fall into ruin. a new and simple tomb was erected to washington, but it also was neglected. nothing was done to restore mount vernon until the women of the country bought the place. they rebuilt the walls and porches, brought back the old furniture, planted vines about the tomb, and still keep it as washington would have wished, as a shrine for all to visit, where respect can be paid to the memory of the "father of his country." the life of george washington, commander in chief of the american forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the united states. compiled under the inspection of the honourable bushrod washington, from _original papers_ bequeathed to him by his deceased relative, and now in possession of the author. to which is prefixed, an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the english on the continent of north america, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. by john marshall. vol. v. the citizens' guild of washington's boyhood home fredericksburg, va. printed in the u.s.a. [illustration: president washington _from the portrait by john vanderlyn, in the capitol at washington_ _this full-length portrait of our first president is the work of an artist to whom napoleon i awarded a gold medal for his "marius among the ruins of carthage," and another of whose masterpieces, "ariadne in naxos," is pronounced one of the finest nudes in the history of american art. for vanderlyn sat many other notable public men, including monroe, madison, calhoun, clinton, zachary taylor and aaron burr, who was his patron and whose portrait by vanderlyn hangs in the new york metropolitan museum of art. nevertheless, vanderlyn failed in achieving the success his genius merited, and he once declared bitterly that "no one but a professional quack can live in america." poverty paralyzed his energies, and in , old and discouraged he retired to his native town of kingston, new york, so poor that he had to borrow twenty-five cents to pay the expressage of his trunk. obtaining a bed at the local hotel, he was found dead in it the next morning, in his seventy-seventh year._] contents chapter i. g. washington again unanimously elected president.... war between great britain and france.... queries of the president respecting the conduct to be adopted by the american government.... proclamation of neutrality.... arrival of mr. genet as minister from france.... his conduct.... illegal proceedings of the french cruisers.... opinions of the cabinet.... state of parties.... democratic societies.... genet calculates upon the partialities of the american people for france, and openly insults their government.... rules laid down by the executive to be observed in the ports of the united states in relation to the powers at war.... the president requests the recall of genet.... british order of th of june, .... decree of the national convention relative to neutral commerce. chapter ii. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... his message on the foreign relations of the united states.... report of the secretary of state on the commerce of the united states.... he resigns.... is succeeded by mr. randolph.... mr. madison's resolutions founded on the above report.... debate thereon.... debates on the subject of a navy.... an embargo law.... mission of mr. jay to great britain.... inquiry into the conduct of the secretary of the treasury, terminates honourably to him.... internal taxes.... congress adjourns. chapter iii. genet recalled.... is succeeded by mr. fauchet.... gouverneur morris recalled, and is succeeded by mr. monroe.... kentucky remonstrance.... intemperate resolutions of the people of that state.... general wayne defeats the indians on the miamis.... insurrection in the western parts of pennsylvania.... quelled by the prompt and vigorous measures of the government.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... democratic societies.... resignation of colonel hamilton.... is succeeded by mr. wolcott.... resignation of general knox.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... treaty between the united states and great britain.... conditionally ratified by the president.... the treaty unpopular.... mr. randolph resigns.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... colonel m'henry appointed secretary at war.... charge against the president rejected..... treaty with the indians north-west of the ohio.... with algiers.... with spain.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... mr. adet succeeds mr. fauchet..... the house of representatives call upon the president for papers relating to the treaty with great britain.... he declines sending them.... debates upon the treaty making power.... upon the bill for making appropriations to carry into execution the treaty with great britain.... congress adjourns.... the president endeavours to procure the liberation of lafayette. chapter iv. letters from general washington to mr. jefferson.... hostile measures of france against the united states.... mr. monroe recalled and general pinckney appointed to succeed him.... general washington's valedictory address to the people of the united states.... the minister of france endeavours to influence the approaching election.... the president's speech to congress.... he denies the authenticity of certain spurious letters published in .... john adams elected president, and thomas jefferson vice president.... general washington retires to mount vernon.... political situation of the united states at this period.... the french government refuses to receive general pinckney as minister.... congress is convened.... president's speech.... three envoys extraordinary deputed to france.... their treatment.... measures of hostility adopted by the american government against france.... general washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american army.... his death.... and character. the life of george washington chapter i. g. washington again unanimously elected president.... war between great britain and france.... queries of the president respecting the conduct to be adopted by the american government.... proclamation of neutrality.... arrival of mr. genet as minister from france.... his conduct.... illegal proceedings of the french cruisers.... opinions of the cabinet.... state of parties.... democratic societies.... genet calculates upon the partialities of the american people for france, and openly insults their government.... rules laid down by the executive to be observed in the ports of the united states in relation to the powers at war.... the president requests the recall of genet.... british order of th of june, .... decree of the national convention relative to neutral commerce. { } the term for which the president and vice president had been elected being about to expire on the third of march, the attention of the public had been directed to the choice of persons who should fill those high offices for the ensuing four years. respecting the president, but one opinion prevailed. from various motives, all parties concurred in desiring that the present chief magistrate should continue to afford his services to his country. yielding to the weight of the representations made to him from various quarters, general washington had been prevailed upon to withhold a declaration, he had at one time purposed to make, of his determination to retire from political life. respecting the person who should fill the office of vice president, the public was divided. the profound statesman who had been called to the duties of that station, had drawn upon himself a great degree of obloquy, by some political tracts, in which he had laboured to maintain the proposition that a balance in government was essential to the preservation of liberty. in these disquisitions, he was supposed by his opponents to have discovered sentiments in favour of distinct orders in society; and, although he had spoken highly of the constitution of the united states, it was imagined that his balance could be maintained only by hereditary classes. he was also understood to be friendly to the system of finance which had been adopted; and was believed to be among the few who questioned the durability of the french republic. his great services, and acknowledged virtues, were therefore disregarded; and a competitor was sought for among those who had distinguished themselves in the opposition. the choice was directed from mr. jefferson by a constitutional restriction on the power of the electors, which would necessarily deprive him of the vote to be given by virginia. it being necessary to designate some other opponent to mr. adams, george clinton, the governor of new york, was selected for this purpose. throughout the war of the revolution, this gentleman had filled the office of chief magistrate of his native state; and, under circumstances of real difficulty, had discharged its duties with a courage, and an energy, which secured the esteem of the commander-in-chief, and gave him a fair claim to the favour of his country. embracing afterwards with ardour the system of state supremacy, he had contributed greatly to the rejection of the resolutions for investing congress with the power of collecting an impost on imported goods, and had been conspicuous for his determined hostility to the constitution of the united states. his sentiments respecting the measures of the government were known to concur with those of the minority in congress. [sidenote: george washington again unanimously elected president.] both parties seemed confident in their strength; and both made the utmost exertions to insure success. on opening the ballots in the senate chamber, it appeared that the unanimous suffrage of his country had been once more conferred on general washington, and that mr. adams had received a plurality of the votes. the unceasing endeavours of the executive to terminate the indian war by a treaty, had at length succeeded with the savages of the wabash; and, through the intervention of the six nations, those of the miamis had also been induced to consent to a conference to be held in the course of the ensuing spring. though probability was against the success of this attempt to restore peace, all offensive operations, on the part of the united states, were still farther suspended. the indians did not entirely abstain from hostilities; and the discontents of the western people were in no small degree increased by this temporary prohibition of all incursions into the country of their enemy. in georgia, where a desire to commence hostilities against the southern indians had been unequivocally manifested, this restraint increased the irritation against the administration. the indian war was becoming an object of secondary magnitude. the critical and irritable state of things in france began so materially to affect the united states, as to require an exertion of all the prudence, and all the firmness, of the government. the th[ ] of august, , was succeeded in that nation by such a state of anarchy, and by scenes of so much blood and horror; the nation was understood to be so divided with respect to its future course; and the republican party was threatened by such a formidable external force; that there was much reason to doubt whether the fallen monarch would be finally deposed, or reinstated with a greater degree of splendour and power than the constitution just laid in ruins, had assigned to him. that, in the latter event, any partialities which might be manifested towards the intermediate possessors of authority, would be recollected with indignation, could not be questioned by an attentive observer of the vindictive spirit of parties;--a spirit which the deeply tragic scenes lately exhibited, could not fail to work up to its highest possible pitch. the american minister at paris, finding himself in a situation not expected by his government, sought to pursue a circumspect line of conduct, which should in no respect compromise the united states. the executive council of france, disappointed at the coldness which that system required, communicated their dissatisfaction to their minister at philadelphia. at the same time, mr. morris made full representations of every transaction to his government, and requested explicit instructions for the regulation of his future conduct. [footnote : the day on which the palace of the tuilleries was stormed and the royal government subverted.] the administration entertained no doubt of the propriety of recognizing the existing authority of france, whatever form it might assume. that every nation possessed a right to govern itself according to its own will, to change its institutions at discretion, and to transact its business through whatever agents it might think proper, were stated to mr. morris to be principles on which the american government itself was founded, and the application of which could be denied to no other people. the payment of the debt, so far as it was to be made in europe, might be suspended only until the national convention should authorize some power to sign acquittances for the monies received; and the sums required for st. domingo would be immediately furnished. these payments would exceed the instalments which had fallen due; and the utmost punctuality would be observed in future. these instructions were accompanied with assurances that the government would omit no opportunity of convincing the french people of its cordial wish to serve them; and with a declaration that all circumstances seemed to destine the two nations for the most intimate connexion with each other. it was also pressed upon mr. morris to seize every occasion of conciliating the affections of france to the united states, and of placing the commerce between the two countries on the best possible footing.[ ] [footnote : with this letter were addressed two others to the ministers at london and paris respectively, stating the interest taken by the president and people of the united states in the fate of the marquis de lafayette. this gentleman was declared a traitor by france, and was imprisoned by prussia. the ministers of the united states were to avail themselves of every opportunity of sounding the way towards his liberation, which they were to endeavour to obtain by informal solicitations; but, if formal ones should be necessary, they were to watch the moment when they might be urged with the best prospect of success. this letter was written at the sole instance of the president.] the feelings of the president were in perfect unison with the sentiments expressed in this letter. his attachment to the french nation was as strong, as consistent with a due regard to the interests of his own; and his wishes for its happiness were as ardent, as was compatible with the duties of a chief magistrate to the state over which he presided. devoted to the principles of real liberty, and approving unequivocally the republican form of government, he hoped for a favourable result from the efforts which were making to establish that form, by the great ally of the united states; but was not so transported by those efforts, as to involve his country in their issue; or totally to forget that those aids which constituted the basis of these partial feelings, were furnished by the family whose fall was the source of triumph to a large portion of his fellow citizens. he therefore still preserved the fixed purpose of maintaining the neutrality of the united states, however general the war might be in europe; and his zeal for the revolution did not assume so ferocious a character as to silence the dictates of humanity, or of friendship. not much time elapsed before the firmness of this resolution was put to the test. [sidenote: war between great britain and france.] early in april, the declaration of war made by france against great britain and holland reached the united states. this event restored full vivacity to a flame, which a peace of ten years had not been able to extinguish. a great majority of the american people deemed it criminal to remain unconcerned spectators of a conflict between their ancient enemy and republican france. the feeling upon this occasion was almost universal. men of all parties partook of it. disregarding totally the circumstances which led to the rupture, except the order which had been given to the french minister to leave london, and disregarding equally the fact that actual hostilities were first commenced by france, the war was confidently and generally pronounced a war of aggression on the part of great britain, undertaken with the sole purpose of imposing a monarchical government on the french people. the few who did not embrace these opinions, and they were certainly very few, were held up as objects of public detestation; and were calumniated as the tools of britain, and the satellites of despotism. yet the disposition to engage in the war, was far from being general. the inclination of the public led to a full indulgence of the most extravagant partiality; but not many were willing to encounter the consequences which that indulgence would infallibly produce. the situation of america was precisely that, in which the wisdom and foresight of a prudent and enlightened government, was indispensably necessary to prevent the nation from inconsiderately precipitating itself into calamities, which its reflecting judgment would avoid. as soon as intelligence of the rupture between france and britain was received in the united states, indications were given in some of the seaports, of a disposition to engage in the unlawful business of privateering on the commerce of the belligerent powers. the president was firmly determined to suppress these practices, and immediately requested the attention of the heads of departments to this interesting subject. [sidenote: queries put by the president to his cabinet in relation to the conduct proper to be adopted by the american government in consequence of this event.] as the new and difficult situation in which the united states were placed suggested many delicate inquiries, he addressed a circular letter to the cabinet ministers, inclosing for their consideration a well digested series of questions, the answers to which would form a complete system by which to regulate the conduct of the executive in the arduous situations which were approaching.[ ] [footnote : see note no. i. at the end of the volume.] these queries, with some of the answers of them, though submitted only to the cabinet, found their way to the leading members of the opposition; and were among the unacknowledged but operating pieces of testimony, on which the charge against the administration, of cherishing dispositions unfriendly to the french republic, was founded. in taking a view of the whole ground, points certainly occurred, and were submitted to the consideration of the cabinet, on which neither the chief magistrate nor his ministers felt any doubt. but the introduction of questions relative to these points, among others with which they were intimately connected, would present a more full view of the subject, and was incapable of producing any mischievous effect, while they were confined to those for whom alone they were intended. in the meeting of the heads of departments and the attorney general, which was held in consequence of this letter, it was unanimously agreed, that a proclamation ought to issue, forbidding the citizens of the united states to take part in any hostilities on the seas, with, or against, any of the belligerent powers; warning them against carrying to any of those powers articles deemed contraband according to the modern usages of nations; and enjoining them from all acts inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation towards those at war. with the same unanimity, the president was advised to receive a minister from the republic of france; but, on the question respecting a qualification to his reception, a division was perceived. the secretary of state and the attorney general were of opinion, that no cause existed for departing in the present instance from the usual mode of acting on such occasions. the revolution in france, they conceived, had produced no change in the relations between the two nations; nor was there any thing in the alteration of government, or in the character of the war, which would impair the right of france to demand, or weaken the duty of the united states faithfully to comply with the engagements which had been solemnly formed. the secretaries of the treasury, and of war, held a different opinion. admitting in its fullest latitude the right of a nation to change its political institutions according to its own will, they denied its right to involve other nations, _absolutely and unconditionally_, in the consequences of the changes which it may think proper to make. they maintained the right of a nation to absolve itself from the obligations even of real treaties, when such a change of circumstances takes place in the internal situation of the other contracting party, as so essentially to alter the existing state of things, that it may with good faith be pronounced to render a continuance of the connexion which results from them, disadvantageous or dangerous. they reviewed the most prominent of those transactions which had recently taken place in france, and noticed the turbulence, the fury, and the injustice with which they were marked. the jacobin club at paris, whose influence was well understood, had even gone so far, previous to the meeting of the convention, as to enter into measures with the avowed object of purging that body of those persons, favourers of royalty, who might have escaped the attention of the primary assemblies. this review was taken, to show that the course of the revolution had been attended with circumstances which militate against a full conviction of its having been brought to its present stage, by such a free, regular, and deliberate act of the nation, as ought to silence all scruples about the validity of what had been done. they appeared to doubt whether the present possessors of power ought to be considered as having acquired it with the real consent of france, or as having seized it by violence;--whether the existing system could be considered as permanent, or merely temporary. they were therefore of opinion, not that the treaties should be annulled or absolutely suspended, but that the united states should reserve, for future consideration and discussion, the question whether the operation of those treaties ought not to be deemed temporarily and provisionally suspended. should this be the decision of the government, they thought it due to a spirit of friendly and candid procedure, in the most conciliating terms, to apprize the expected minister of this determination. on the questions relative to the application of the clause of guarantee to the existing war, some diversity of sentiment also prevailed. the secretary of state and the attorney general conceived, that no necessity for deciding thereon existed, while the secretaries of the treasury, and of war, were of opinion that the treaty of alliance was plainly defensive, and that the clause of guarantee did not apply to a war which, having been commenced by france, must be considered as offensive on the part of that power. against convening congress, the opinion appears to have been unanimous. the cabinet being thus divided on an important part of the system which, in the present critical posture of affairs, ought to be adopted by the executive, the president signified his desire that the ministers would respectively state to him in writing the opinions they had formed, together with the reasoning and authorities by which those opinions were supported. the written arguments which were presented on this occasion, while they attest the labour, and reflect honour on the talents of those by whom they were formed, and evince the equal sincerity and zeal with which the opinions on each side were advanced, demonstrate an opposition of sentiment respecting the french revolution, which threatened to shed its influence on all measures connected with that event, and to increase the discord which already existed in the cabinet. so far as respected the reception of a minister from the french republic without qualifying that act by any explanations, and the continuing obligation of the treaties, the president appears to have decided in favour of the opinions given by the secretary of state and the attorney general. [sidenote: proclamation of neutrality.] the proclamation of neutrality which was prepared by the attorney general, in conformity with the principles which had been adopted, was laid before the cabinet; and, being approved, was signed by the president, and ordered to be published. this measure derives importance from the consideration, that it was the commencement of that system to which the american government afterwards inflexibly adhered, and to which much of the national prosperity is to be ascribed. it is not less important in another view. being at variance with the prejudices, the feelings, and the passions of a large portion of the society, and being founded on no previous proceedings of the legislature, it presented the first occasion, which was thought a fit one, for openly assaulting a character, around which the affections of the people had thrown an armour theretofore deemed sacred, and for directly criminating the conduct of the president himself. it was only by opposing passions to passions, by bringing the feeling in favour of france, into conflict with those in favour of the chief magistrate, that the enemies of the administration could hope to obtain the victory. for a short time, the opponents of this measure treated it with some degree of delicacy. the opposition prints occasionally glanced at the executive; considered all governments, including that of the united states, as naturally hostile to the liberty of the people; and ascribed to this disposition, the combination of european governments against france, and the apathy with which this combination was contemplated by the executive. at the same time, the most vehement declamations were published, for the purpose of inflaming the resentments of the people against britain; of enhancing the obligations of america to france; of confirming the opinions, that the coalition of european monarchs was directed, not less against the united states, than against that power to which its hostility was avowed, and that those who did not avow this sentiment were the friends of that coalition, and equally the enemies of america and france. these publications, in the first instance, sufficiently bitter, quickly assumed a highly increased degree of acrimony. as soon as the commotions which succeeded the deposition of louis xvi. had, in some degree, subsided, the attention of the french government was directed to the united states, and the resolution was taken to recall the minister who had been appointed by the king; and to replace him with one who might be expected to enter, with more enthusiasm, into the views of the republic.[ ] [footnote : see note no. ii. at the end of the volume.] the citizen genet, a gentleman of considerable talents, and of an ardent temper, was selected for this purpose. the letters he brought to the executive of the united states, and his instructions, which he occasionally communicated, were, in a high degree, flattering to the nation, and decently respectful to its government. but mr. genet was also furnished with private instructions, which the course of subsequent events tempted him to publish. these indicate that, if the american executive should not be found sufficiently compliant with the views of france, the resolution had been taken to employ with the people of the united states the same policy which was so successfully used with those of europe; and thus to affect an object which legitimate negotiations might fail to accomplish. [sidenote: arrival of mr. genet as minister from france.] mr. genet possessed many qualities which were peculiarly adapted to the objects of his mission; but he seems to have been betrayed by the flattering reception which was given him, and by the universal fervour expressed for his republic, into a too speedy disclosure of his intentions. [sidenote: his conduct.] on the eighth of april he arrived, not at philadelphia, but at charleston, in south carolina, a port whose contiguity to the west indies would give it peculiar convenience as a resort for privateers. he was received by the governor of that state, and by its citizens, with an enthusiasm well calculated to dissipate every doubt he might previously have entertained, concerning the dispositions on which he was to operate. at this place he continued for several days, receiving extravagant marks of public attachment, during which time, he undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the united states were at peace. the captures made by these cruisers were brought into port, and the consuls of france were assuming, under the authority of mr. genet, to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and authorize their sale. from charleston, mr. genet proceeded by land to philadelphia, receiving on his journey, at the different towns through which he passed, such marks of enthusiastic attachment as had never before been lavished on a foreign minister. on the th of may, he arrived at the seat of government, preceded by the intelligence of his transactions in south carolina. this information did not diminish the extravagant transports of joy with which he was welcomed by the great body of the inhabitants. means had been taken to render his entry pompous and triumphal; and the opposition papers exultingly stated that he was met at gray's ferry by "crowds who flocked from every avenue of the city, to meet the republican ambassador of an allied nation." the day succeeding his arrival, he received addresses of congratulation from particular societies, and from the citizens of philadelphia, who waited on him in a body, in which they expressed their fervent gratitude for the "zealous and disinterested aids," which the french people had furnished to america, unbounded exultation at the success with which their arms had been crowned, and a positive conviction that the safety of the united states depended on the establishment of the republic. the answers to these addresses were well calculated to preserve the idea of a complete fraternity between the two nations; and that their interests were identified. the day after being thus accredited by the citizens of philadelphia, he was presented to the president, by whom he was received with frankness, and with expressions of a sincere and cordial regard for his nation. in the conversation which took place on this occasion, mr. genet gave the most explicit assurances that, in consequence of the distance of the united states from the theatre of action, and of other circumstances, france did not wish to engage them in the war, but would willingly leave them to pursue their happiness and prosperity in peace. the more ready faith was given to these declarations, because it was believed that france might derive advantages from the neutrality of america, which would be a full equivalent for any services which she could render as a belligerent. before the ambassador of the republic had reached the seat of government, a long catalogue of complaints, partly founded on his proceedings in charleston, had been made by the british minister to the american executive. this catalogue was composed of the assumptions of sovereignty already mentioned;--assumptions calculated to render america an instrument of hostility to be wielded by france against those powers with which she might be at war. [sidenote: illegal proceedings of the french cruisers.] these were still further aggravated by the commission of actual hostilities within the territories of the united states. the ship grange, a british vessel which had been cleared out from philadelphia, was captured by the french frigate l'ambuscade within the capes of the delaware, while on her way to the ocean. the prizes thus unwarrantly made, being brought within the power of the american government, mr. hammond, among other things, demanded a restitution of them. on many of the points suggested by the conduct of mr. genet, and by the memorials of the british minister, it would seem impossible that any difference of opinion could exist among intelligent men, not under the dominion of a blind infatuation. accordingly it was agreed in the cabinet, without a dissenting voice, that the jurisdiction of every independent nation, within the limits of its own territory, being of a nature to exclude the exercise of any authority therein by a foreign power, the proceedings complained of, not being warranted by any treaty, were usurpations of national sovereignty, and violations of neutral rights, a repetition of which it was the duty of the government to prevent. it was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws should be tried against those citizens of the united states who had joined in perpetrating the offence. [sidenote: opinions of the cabinet in relation thereto.] the question of restitution, except as to the grange, was more dubious. the secretary of state and the attorney general contended that, if the commissions granted by mr. genet were invalid, the captures were totally void, and the courts would adjudge the property to remain in the former owners. in this point of view, therefore, there being a regular remedy at law, it would be irregular for the government to interpose. if, on the contrary, the commissions were good, then, the captures having been made on the high seas, under a valid commission from a power at war with great britain, the original right of the british owner was, by the laws of war, transferred to the captor. the legal right being in the captor, it could only be taken from him by an act of force, that is to say, of reprisal for the offence committed against the united states in the port of charleston. reprisal is a very serious thing, ought always to be preceded by a demand and refusal of satisfaction, is generally considered as an act of war, and never yet failed to produce it in the case of a nation able to make war. [illustration: martha washington _from the portrait by james sharples_ _this is one of the three sharples portraits of the washington family and the only good profile of martha washington that was painted from life. martha, who was a few months younger than her husband, is described as having been "amiable in character and lovely in person." by the courtesy of the period she was called lady washington, and whether in her own home or at the "federal court," she presided with marked dignity and grace. she died at mount vernon, may , , having survived her husband two and a half years._ courtesy herbert l. pratt] admitting the case to be of sufficient importance to require reprisal, and to be ripe for that step, the power of taking it was vested by the constitution in congress, not in the executive department of the government. of the reparation for the offence committed against the united states, they were themselves the judges, and could not be required by a foreign nation, to demand more than was satisfactory to themselves. by disavowing the act, by taking measures to prevent its repetition, by prosecuting the american citizens who were engaged in it, the united states ought to stand justified with great britain; and a demand of further reparation by that power would be a wrong on her part. the circumstances under which these equipments had been made, in the first moments of the war, before the government could have time to take precautions against them, and its immediate disapprobation of those equipments, must rescue it from every imputation of being accessory to them, and had placed it with the offended, not the offending party. those gentlemen were therefore of opinion, that the vessels which had been captured on the high seas, and brought into the united states, by privateers fitted out and commissioned in their ports, ought not to be restored. the secretaries of the treasury, and of war, were of different opinion. they urged that a neutral, permitting itself to be made an instrument of hostility by one belligerent against another, became thereby an associate in the war. if land or naval armaments might be formed by france within the united states, for the purpose of carrying on expeditions against her enemy, and might return with the spoils they had taken, and prepare new enterprises, it was apparent that a state of war would exist between america and those enemies, of the worst kind for them: since, while the resources of the country were employed in annoying them, the instruments of this annoyance would be occasionally protected from pursuit, by the privileges of an ostensible neutrality. it was easy to see that such a state of things could not be tolerated longer than until it should be perceived. it being confessedly contrary to the duty of the united states, as a neutral nation, to suffer privateers to be fitted in their ports to annoy the british trade, it seemed to follow that it would comport with their duty, to remedy the injury which may have been sustained, when it is in their power so to do. that the fact had been committed before the government could provide against it might be an excuse, but not a justification. every government is responsible for the conduct of all parts of the community over which it presides, and is supposed to possess, at all times, the means of preventing infractions of its duty to foreign nations. in the present instance, the magistracy of the place ought to have prevented them. however valid this excuse might have been, had the privateers expedited from charleston been sent to the french dominions, there to operate out of the reach of the united states, it could be of no avail when their prizes were brought into the american ports, and the government, thereby, completely enabled to administer a specific remedy for the injury. although the commissions, and the captures made under them, were valid as between the parties at war, they were not so as to the united states. for the violation of their rights, they had a claim to reparation, and might reasonably demand, as the reparation to which they were entitled, restitution of the property taken, with or without an apology for the infringement of their sovereignty. this they had a right to demand as a species of reparation consonant with the nature of the injury, and enabling them to do justice to the party in injuring whom they had been made instrumental. it could be no just cause of complaint on the part of the captors that they were required to surrender a property, the means of acquiring which took their origin in a violation of the rights of the united states. on the other hand, there was a claim on the american government to arrest the effects of the injury or annoyance to which it had been made accessory. to insist therefore on the restitution of the property taken, would be to enforce a right, in order to the performance of a duty. these commissions, though void as to the united states, being valid as between the parties, the case was not proper for the decision of the courts of justice. the whole was an affair between the governments of the parties concerned, to be settled by reasons of state, not rules of law. it was the case of an infringement of national sovereignty to the prejudice of a third party, in which the government was to demand a reparation, with the double view of vindicating its own rights, and of doing justice to the suffering party. they, therefore, were of opinion that, in the case stated for their consideration, restitution ought to be made. on the point respecting which his cabinet was divided, the president took time to deliberate. those principles on which a concurrence of sentiment had been manifested being considered as settled, the secretary of state was desired to communicate them to the ministers of france and britain; and circular letters were addressed to the executives of the several states, requiring their co-operation, with force if necessary, in the execution of the rules which were established. the citizen genet was much dissatisfied with these decisions of the american government. he thought them contrary to natural right, and subversive of the treaties by which the two nations were connected. in his exposition of these treaties, he claimed, for his own country, all that the two nations were restricted from conceding to others, thereby converting negative limitations into an affirmative grant of privileges to france. without noticing a want of decorum in some of the expressions which mr. genet had employed, he was informed that the subjects on which his letter treated had, from respect to him, been reconsidered by the executive; but that no cause was perceived for changing the system which had been adopted. he was further informed that, in the opinion of the president, the united states owed it to themselves, and to the nations in their friendship, to expect, as a reparation for the offence of infringing their sovereignty, that the vessels, thus illegally equipped, would depart from their ports. mr. genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. adhering to his own construction of the existing treaty, he affected to consider the measures of the american government as infractions of it, which no power in the nation had a right to make, unless the united states in congress assembled should determine that their solemn engagements should no longer be performed. intoxicated with the sentiments expressed by a great portion of the people, and unacquainted with the firm character of the executive, he seems to have expected that the popularity of his nation would enable him to overthrow that department, or to render it subservient to his views. it is difficult otherwise to account for his persisting to disregard its decisions, and for passages with which his letters abound, such as the following: "every obstruction by the government of the united states to the arming of french vessels must be an attempt on the rights of man, upon which repose the independence and laws of the united states; a violation of the ties which unite the people of france and america; and even a manifest contradiction of the system of neutrality of the president; for, in fact, if our merchant vessels,[ ] or others, are not allowed to arm themselves, when the french alone are resisting the league of all the tyrants against the liberty of the people, they will be exposed to inevitable ruin in going out of the ports of the united states, which is certainly not the intention of the people of america. their fraternal voice has resounded from every quarter around me, and their accents are not equivocal. they are pure as the hearts of those by whom they are expressed, and the more they have touched my sensibility, the more they must interest in the happiness of america the nation i represent;--the more i wish, sir, that the federal government should observe, as far as in their power, the public engagements contracted by both nations; and that, by this generous and prudent conduct, they will give at least to the world, the example of a true neutrality, which does not consist in the cowardly abandonment of their friends in the moment when danger menaces them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do no better, to the obligations they have contracted with them. it is by such proceedings that they will render themselves respectable to all the powers; that they will preserve their friends and deserve to augment their numbers." [footnote : the regulation alluded to as was stated by mr. jefferson in reply, did not relate to vessels arming for defence, but to cruisers against the enemies of france.] a few days previous to the reception of the letter from which the above is an extract, two citizens of the united states, who had been engaged by mr. genet in charleston to cruise in the service of france, were arrested by the civil magistrate, in pursuance of the determination formed by the executive for the prosecution of persons having thus offended against the laws. mr. genet demanded their release in the following extraordinary terms: "i have this moment been informed that two officers in the service of the republic of france, citizen gideon henfield and john singletary, have been arrested on board the privateer of the french republic, the citizen genet, and conducted to prison. the crime laid to their charge--the crime which my mind can not conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state,--is the serving of france, and defending with her children the common glorious cause of liberty. "being ignorant of any positive law or treaty which deprives americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of france from on board their vessels, i call upon your intervention, sir, and that of the president of the united states, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments animating them, and by the act of their engagement, anterior to every act to the contrary, the right of french citizens, if they have lost that of american citizens." this lofty offensive style could not fail to make a deep impression on a mind penetrated with a just sense of those obligations by which the chief magistrate is bound to guard the dignity of his government, and to take care that his nation be not degraded in his person. yet, in no single instance, did the administration, in its communications with mr. genet, permit itself to be betrayed into the use of one intemperate expression. the firmness with which the extravagant pretensions of that gentleman were resisted, proceeding entirely from a sense of duty and conviction of right, was unaccompanied with any marks of that resentment which his language and his conduct were alike calculated to inspire. [sidenote: state of parties.] mr. genet appears to have been prevented from acquiescing in a line of conduct thus deliberately adopted and prudently pursued, by a belief that the sentiments of the people were in direct opposition to the measures of their government. so excessive, and so general, were the demonstrations of enthusiastic devotion to france; so open were their expressions of outrage and hostility towards all the powers at war with that republic; so thin was the veil which covered the chief magistrate from that stream of malignant opprobrium directed against every measure which thwarted the views of mr. genet; that a person less sanguine than that minister might have cherished the hope of being able ultimately to triumph over the opposition to his designs. civic festivals, and other public assemblages of people, at which the ensigns of france were displayed in union with those of america; at which the red cap, as a symbol of french liberty and fraternity, triumphantly passed from head to head; at which toasts were given expressive of a desire to identify the people of america with those of france; and, under the imposing guise of adhering to principles not to men, containing allusions to the influence of the president which could not be mistaken; appeared to mr. genet to indicate a temper extremely favourable to his hopes, and very different from that which would be required for the preservation of an honest neutrality. through the medium of the press, these sentiments were communicated to the public, and were represented as flowing from the hearts of the great body of the people. in various other modes, that important engine contributed its powerful aid to the extension of opinions, calculated, essentially, to vary the situation of the united states. the proclamation of neutrality which was treated as a royal edict, was not only considered as assuming powers not belonging to the executive, and, as evidencing the monarchical tendencies of that department, but as demonstrating the disposition of the government to break its connexions with france, and to dissolve the friendship which united the people of the two republics. the declaration that "the duty and interest of the united states required that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers," gave peculiar umbrage. the scenes of the revolutionary war were brought into review; the object and effect of british hostility were painted in glowing colours; and the important aids afforded by france were drawn with a pencil not less animated. that the conduct of britain, since the treaty of peace had furnished unequivocal testimony of enmity to the united states, was strongly pressed. with this continuing enmity was contrasted the amicable dispositions professed by the french republic; and it was asked with indignation, whether the interests of the united states required that they should pursue "a line of conduct entirely impartial between these two powers? that the services of the one as well as the injuries of the other, should be forgotten? that a friend and an enemy should be treated with equal favour? and that neither gratitude nor resentment should constitute a feature of the american character?" the supposed freedom of the french was opposed to the imagined slavery of the english; and it was demanded whether "the people of america were alike friendly to republicanism and to monarchy? to liberty and to despotism?" with infectious enthusiasm it was contended, that there was a natural and inveterate hostility between monarchies and republics; that the present combination against france was a combination against liberty in every part of the world; and that the destinies of america were inseparably linked with those of the french republic. on the various points of controversy which had arisen between the executive and mr. genet, this active and powerful party openly and decidedly embraced the principles for which that minister contended. it was assumed that his demands were sanctioned by subsisting treaties, and that his exposition of those instruments was perfectly correct. the conduct of the executive in withholding privileges to which france was said to be entitled by the most solemn engagements, was reprobated with extreme acrimony; was considered as indicative of a desire to join the coalesced despots in their crusade against liberty; and as furnishing to the french republic such just motives for war, that it required all her moderation and forbearance to restrain her from declaring it against the united states. mr. genet was exhorted not to relax in his endeavours to maintain the just rights of his country; and was assured that, in the affections of the people, he would find a firm and certain support. these principles and opinions derived considerable aid from the labours and intrigues of certain societies, who had constituted themselves the guardians of american liberty. the manner in which that attention of the conduct of those invested with the power which is essential in balanced governments, may safely be employed, had been so misconceived, that temporary and detached clubs of citizens had occasionally been formed in different parts of the united states, for the avowed purpose of watching the conduct of their rulers. after the adoption of the constitution, some slight use was made, by its enemies, of this weapon; and, in the german republican society particularly, many of the most strenuous opponents of the administration were collected. [sidenote: democratic societies formed.] the force and power of these institutions had been fully developed, and their efficacy in prostrating existing establishments clearly ascertained by the revolution in france. the increased influence which they derived from corresponding with each other, had been unequivocally demonstrated; and soon after the arrival of mr. genet, a democratic society was formed in philadelphia on the model of the jacobin club in paris. an anxious solicitude for the preservation of freedom, the very existence of which was menaced by a "european confederacy transcendent in power and unparalleled in iniquity;" which was endangered also by "the pride of wealth and arrogance of power," displayed within the united states; was the motive assigned for the association. "a constant circulation of useful information, and a liberal communication of republican sentiments, were thought to be the best antidotes to any political poison with which the vital principle of civil liberty might be attacked:" and to give the more extensive operation to their labours, a corresponding committee was appointed, through whom they would communicate with other societies, which might be established on similar principles, throughout the united states. faithful to their founder, and true to the real objects of their association, these societies continued, during the term of their existence, to be the resolute champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of the french republic on the government of the united states, and the steady defamers of the views and measures of the american executive. thus strongly supported, mr. genet persisted in his construction of the treaties between the two nations; and, in defiance of the positive determination of the government, continued to act according to that construction. the president was called to mount vernon by urgent business, which detained him less than three weeks; and, in his absence, the heads of departments superintended the execution of those rules which had been previously established. in this short interval, a circumstance occurred, strongly marking the rashness of the minister of france, and his disrespect to the executive of the united states. the little sarah, an english merchantman, had been captured by a french frigate, and brought into the port of philadelphia, where she was completely equipped as a privateer, and was just about to sail on a cruise under the name of _le petit democrat_, when the secretary of the treasury communicated her situation to the secretaries of state and of war; in consequence of which, governor mifflin was desired to cause an examination of the fact. the warden of the port was directed to institute the proper inquiries; and late in the evening of the sixth of july, he reported her situation, and that she was to sail the next day. [sidenote: genet calculates upon the partialities of the american people for france and openly insults their government.] in pursuance of the instructions which had been given by the president, the governor immediately sent mr. secretary dallas for the purpose of prevailing on mr. genet to relieve him from the employment of force, by detaining the vessel in port until the arrival of the president, who was then on his way from mount vernon. mr. dallas communicated this message to the french minister in terms as conciliatory as its nature would permit. on receiving it, he gave a loose to the most extravagant passion. after exclaiming with vehemence against the measure, he complained, in strong terms, and with many angry epithets, of the ill treatment which he had received from some of the officers of the general government, which he contrasted with the cordial attachment that was expressed by the people at large for his nation. he ascribed the conduct of those officers to principles inimical to the cause of france, and of liberty. he insinuated that, by their influence, the president had been misled; and observed with considerable emphasis, that the president was not the sovereign of this country. the powers of peace and war being vested in congress, it belonged to that body to decide those questions growing out of treaties which might involve peace or war; and the president, therefore, ought to have assembled the national legislature before he ventured to issue his proclamation of neutrality, or to prohibit, by his instructions to the state governors, the enjoyment of the particular rights which france claimed under the express stipulations of the treaty of commerce. the executive construction of that treaty was neither just nor obligatory; and he would make no engagement which might be construed into a relinquishment of rights which his constituents deemed indispensable. in the course of this vehement and angry declamation, he spoke of publishing his correspondence with the officers of government, together with a narrative of his proceedings; and said that, although the existing causes would warrant an abrupt departure, his regard for the people of america would induce him to remain here, amidst the insults and disgusts that he daily suffered in his official character from the public officers, until the meeting of congress; and if that body should agree in the opinions and support the measures of the president, he would certainly withdraw, and leave the dispute to be adjusted between the two nations themselves. his attention being again called by mr. dallas to the particular subject, he peremptorily refused to enter into any arrangements for suspending the departure of the privateer, and cautioned him against any attempt to seize her, as she belonged to the republic; and, in defence of the honour of her flag, would unquestionably repel force by force. on receiving the report of mr. dallas, governor mifflin ordered out one hundred and twenty militia, for the purpose of taking possession of the privateer; and communicated the case, with all its circumstances, to the officers of the executive government. on the succeeding day, mr. jefferson waited on mr. genet, in the hope of prevailing on him to pledge his word that the privateer should not leave the port until the arrival of the president. the minister was not less intemperate with mr. jefferson than he had been with mr. dallas. he indulged himself, in a repetition of nearly the same passionate language, and again spoke, with extreme harshness, of the conduct of the executive. he persisted in refusing to make any engagements for the detention of the vessel; and, after his rage had in some degree spent itself, he entreated that no attempt might be made to take possession of her, as her crew was on board, and force would be repelled by force. he then also said that she was not ready to sail immediately. she would change her position, and fall down the river a small distance on that day; but was not yet ready to sail. in communicating this conversation to governor mifflin, mr. jefferson stated his conviction that the privateer would remain in the river until the president should decide on her case; in consequence of which, the governor dismissed the militia, and requested the advice of the heads of departments on the course which it would be proper for him to pursue. both the governor and mr. jefferson stated, that in reporting the conversation between mr. genet and himself, mr. dallas had said that mr. genet threatened, in express terms, "to appeal from the president to the people." thus braved and insulted in the very heart of the american empire, the secretaries of the treasury, and of war, were of opinion that it was expedient to take immediate provisional measures for establishing a battery on mud island, under cover of a party of militia, with directions, that if the vessel should attempt to depart before the pleasure of the president should be known concerning her, military coercion should be employed to arrest her progress. the secretary of state dissenting from this opinion, the measure was not adopted. the vessel fell down to chester before the arrival of the president, and sailed on her cruise before the power of the government could be interposed. on the th of july the president reached philadelphia, and requested that his cabinet ministers would convene at his house the next day at nine in the morning. among the papers placed in his hands by the secretary of state, which required immediate attention, were those which related to the little democrat. on reading them, a messenger was immediately despatched for the secretary, but he had retired, indisposed, to his seat in the country. upon hearing this, the president instantly addressed a letter to him, of which the following is an extract. "what is to be done in the case of the little sarah, now at chester? is the minister of the french republic to set the acts of this government at defiance _with impunity_--and then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? what must the world think of such conduct? and of the government of the united states in submitting to it? "these are serious questions--circumstances press for decision;--and as you have had time to consider them, (upon me they come unexpectedly,) i wish to know your opinion upon them even before to-morrow--for the vessel may then be gone." in answer to this letter, the secretary stated the assurances which had on that day been given to him by mr. genet, that the vessel would not sail before the president's decision respecting her should be made. in consequence of this information, immediate coercive measures were suspended; and in the council of the succeeding day it was determined to retain in port all[ ] privateers which had been equipped by any of the belligerent powers within the united states. this determination was immediately communicated to mr. genet; but, in contempt of it, the little democrat proceeded on her cruise. [footnote : they were particularly enumerated, and the decision was also extended to the ship jane, an english armed merchantman, alleged by mr. genet to be a privateer, and the governor was requested to attend to her, and if he found her augmenting her force and about to depart, to cause her to be stopped. the jane had augmented her armament by replacing four old gun-carriages with new ones, and opening two new portholes. the request of the british consul that these alterations might be allowed was peremptorily rejected, and directions were given that she should be restored precisely to the situation in which she entered the port. had she attempted to sail without obeying these orders, governor mifflin had taken measures to stop her at mud island.] in this, as in every effort made by the executive to maintain the neutrality of the united states, that great party which denominated itself "the people," could perceive only a settled hostility to france and to liberty, a tame subserviency to british policy, and a desire, by provoking france, to engage america in the war, for the purpose of extirpating republican principles.[ ] [footnote : see note no. iii. at the end of the volume.] the administration received strong additional evidence of the difficulty that would attend an adherence to the system which had been commenced, in the acquittal of gideon henfield. a prosecution had been instituted against this person who had enlisted in charleston on board a french privateer equipped in that port, which had brought her prizes into the port of philadelphia. this prosecution had been directed under the advice of the attorney general, who was of opinion, that persons of this description were punishable for having violated subsisting treaties, which, by the constitution, are the supreme law of the land; and that they were also indictable at common law, for disturbing the peace of the united states. it could not be expected that the democratic party would be inattentive to an act so susceptible of misrepresentation. their papers sounded the alarm; and it was universally asked, "what law had been offended, and under what statute was the indictment supported? were the american people already prepared to give to a proclamation the force of a legislative act, and to subject themselves to the will of the executive? but if they were already sunk to such a state of degradation, were they to be punished for violating a proclamation which had not been published when the offence was committed, if indeed it could be termed an offence to engage with france, combating for liberty against the combined despots of europe?" as the trial approached, a great degree of sensibility was displayed; and the verdict in favour of henfield was celebrated with extravagant marks of joy and exultation. it bereaved the executive of the strength to be derived from an opinion, that punishment might be legally inflicted on those who should openly violate the rules prescribed for the preservation of neutrality; and exposed that department to the obloquy of having attempted a measure which the laws would not justify. about this time, a question growing out of the war between france and britain, the decision of which would materially affect the situation of the united states, was presented to the consideration of the executive. it will be recollected that during the war which separated america from britain, the celebrated compact termed the _armed neutrality_ was formed in the north of europe, and announced to the belligerent powers. a willingness to acquiesce in the principles it asserted, one of which was that free bottoms should make free goods, was expressed by the governments engaged in the war, with the single exception of great britain. but, however favourably the united states, as a belligerent, might view a principle which would promote the interests of inferior maritime powers, they were not willing, after the termination of hostilities, to enter into engagements for its support which might endanger their future peace; and, in this spirit, instructions were given to their ministers in europe. this principle was ingrafted into the treaty of commerce with france; but no stipulation on the subject had been made with england. it followed, that, with france, the character of the bottom was imparted to the cargo; but with britain, the law of nations was the rule by which the respective rights of the belligerent and neutral were to be decided. construing this rule to give security to the goods of a friend in the bottoms of an enemy, and to subject the goods of an enemy to capture in the bottoms of a friend, the british cruisers took french property out of american vessels, and their courts condemned it as lawful prize. mr. genet had remonstrated against the acquiescence of the american executive in this exposition of the law of nations, in such terms as he was accustomed to employ; and on the th of july, in the moment of the contest respecting the little democrat, he had written a letter demanding an immediate and positive answer to the question, what measures the president had taken, or would take, to cause the american flag to be respected? he observed, that "as the english would continue to carry off, with impunity, french citizens, and french property found on board of american vessels, without embarrassing themselves with the philosophical principles proclaimed by the president of the united states," and as the embarrassing engagements of france deprived her of the privileges of making reprisals at every point, it was necessary for the interests of both nations, quickly to agree on taking other measures. not receiving an immediate answer, mr. genet, towards the close of july, again addressed the secretary of state on the subject. in this extraordinary letter, after complaining of the insults offered to the american flag by seizing the property of frenchmen confided to its protection, he added, "your political rights are counted for nothing. in vain do the principles of neutrality establish, that friendly vessels make friendly goods; in vain, sir, does the president of the united states endeavour, by his proclamation, to reclaim the observation of this maxim; in vain does the desire of preserving peace lead to sacrifice the interests of france to that of the moment; in vain does the thirst of riches preponderate over honour in the political balance of america: all this management, all this condescension, all this humility, end in nothing; our enemies laugh at it; and the french, too confident, are punished for having believed that the american nation had a flag, that they had some respect for their laws, some conviction of their strength, and entertained some sentiment of their dignity. it is not possible for me, sir, to paint to you all my sensibility at this scandal which tends to the diminution of your commerce, to the oppression of ours, and to the debasement and vilification of republics. it is for americans to make known their generous indignation at this outrage; and i must confine myself to demand of you a second time, to inform me of the measures which you have taken, in order to obtain restitution of the property plundered from my fellow citizens, under the protection of your flag. it is from our government they have learnt that the americans were our allies, that the american nation was sovereign, and that they knew how to make themselves respected. it is then under the very same sanction of the french nation, that they have confided their property and persons to the safeguard of the american flag; and on her, they submit the care of causing those rights to be respected. but if our fellow citizens have been deceived, if you are not in a condition to maintain the sovereignty of your people, speak; we have guaranteed it when slaves, we shall be able to render it formidable, having become freemen." on the day preceding the date of this offensive letter, the secretary of state had answered that of the th of july; and, without noticing the unbecoming style in which the decision of the executive was demanded, had avowed and defended the opinion, that "by the general law of nations, the goods of an enemy found in the vessels of a friend are lawful prize." this fresh insult might therefore be passed over in silence. while a hope remained that the temperate forbearance of the executive, and the unceasing manifestations of its friendly dispositions towards the french republic, might induce the minister of that nation to respect the rights of the united states, and to abstain from violations of their sovereignty, an anxious solicitude not to impair the harmony which he wished to maintain between the two republics, had restrained the president from adopting those measures respecting mr. genet, which the conduct of that gentleman required. he had seen a foreign minister usurp within the territories of the united states some of the most important rights of sovereignty, and persist, after the prohibition of the government, in the exercise of those rights. in asserting this extravagant claim, so incompatible with national independence, the spirit in which it originated had been pursued, and the haughty style of a superior had been substituted for the respectful language of diplomacy. he had seen the same minister undertake to direct the civil government; and to pronounce, in opposition to the decisions of the executive, in what departments of the constitution of the united states had placed certain great national powers. to render this state of things more peculiarly critical and embarrassing, the person most instrumental in producing it, had, from his arrival, thrown himself into the arms of the people, stretched out to receive him; and was emboldened by their favour, to indulge the hope of succeeding in his endeavours, either to overthrow their government, or to bend it to his will. but the full experiment had now been made; and the result was a conviction not to be resisted, that moderation would only invite additional injuries, and that the present insufferable state of things could be terminated only by procuring the removal of the french minister, or by submitting to become, in his hands, the servile instrument of hostility against the enemies of his nation. information was continually received from every quarter, of fresh aggressions on the principles established by the government; and, while the executive was thus openly disregarded and contemned, the members of the administration were reproached in all the papers of an active and restless opposition, as the violators of the national faith, the partisans of monarchy, and the enemies of liberty and of france. the unwearied efforts of that department to preserve that station in which the various treaties in existence had placed the nation, were incessantly calumniated[ ] as infractions of those treaties, and ungrateful attempts to force the united states into the war against france. [footnote : see note no. iv. at the end of the volume.] the judgment of the president was never hastily formed; but, once made up, it was seldom to be shaken. before the last letter of mr. genet was communicated to him, he seems to have determined to take decisive measures respecting that minister. [sidenote: rules laid down by the executive in relation to the powers at war within the ports of the united states.] that the course to be pursued might be well considered, the secretary of state was requested to collect all the correspondence with him, to be laid before a cabinet council about to be held for the purpose of adjusting a complete system of rules to be observed by the belligerents in the ports of the united states. these rules were discussed at several meetings, and finally, on the third of august, received the unanimous approbation of the cabinet. they[ ] evidence the settled purpose of the executive, faithfully to observe all the national engagements, and honestly to perform the duties of that neutrality in which the war found them, and in which those engagements left them free to remain. [footnote : see note no. v. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: the president requests the recall of genet.] in the case of the minister of the french republic, it was unanimously agreed that a letter should be written to mr. morris, the minister of the united states at paris, stating the conduct of mr. genet, resuming the points of difference which had arisen between the government and that gentleman, assigning the reasons for the opinion of the former, desiring the recall of the latter, and directing that this letter, with those which had passed between mr. genet and the secretary of state, should be laid before the executive of the french government. to a full view of the transactions of the executive with mr. genet, and an ample justification of its measures, this able diplomatic performance adds assurances of unvarying attachment to france, expressed in such terms of unaffected sensibility, as to render it impossible to suspect the sincerity of the concluding sentiment--"that, after independence and self-government, there was nothing america more sincerely wished than perpetual friendship with them." an adequate idea of the passion it excited in mr. genet, who received the communication in september, at new york, can be produced only by a perusal of his letter addressed, on that occasion, to the secretary of state. the asperity of his language was not confined to the president, whom he still set at defiance, whom he charged with transcending the limits prescribed by the constitution, and of whose accusation before congress he spoke as an act of justice "which the american people, which the french people, which all free people were interested to reclaim:" nor to those "gentlemen who had been painted to him so often as aristocrats, partisans of monarchy, partisans of england, and consequently enemies of the principles which all good frenchmen had embraced with a religious enthusiasm." its bitterness was also extended to the secretary of state himself, whom he had been induced to consider as his personal friend, and who had, he said, "initiated him into mysteries which had inflamed his hatred against all those who aspire to an absolute power." during these deliberations, mr. genet was received in new york with the same remarks of partiality to his nation, and of flattering regard to himself, which had been exhibited in the more southern states. at this place too, he manifested the same desire to encourage discontent at the conduct of the government, and to embark america in the quarrel, by impressing an opinion that the existence of liberty depended on the success of the french republic, which he had uniformly avowed. in answer to an address from the republican citizens of new york, who had spoken of the proclamation of neutrality as relating only to acts of open hostility, not to the feelings of the heart; and who had declared that they would "exultingly sacrifice a liberal portion of their dearest interests could there result, on behalf of the french republic, an adequate advantage;" he said--"in this respect i can not but interpret as you have done the declaration of your government. they must know that the strict performance of treaties is the best and safest policy; they must know that good faith alone can inspire respectability to a nation; that a pusillanimous conduct provokes insult, and brings upon a country those very dangers which it weakly means to avert. "there is indeed too much reason to fear that you are involved in the general conspiracy of tyrants against liberty. they never will, they never can forgive you for having been the first to proclaim the rights of man. but you will force them to respect you by pursuing with firmness the only path which is consistent with your national honour and dignity. "the cause of france is the cause of all mankind, and no nation is more deeply interested than you are in its success. whatever fate awaits her, you are ultimately to share. but the cause of liberty is great and it shall prevail. "and if france, under a despotic yoke, has been able so successfully to assert your rights, they can never again be endangered while she is at liberty to exert, in your support, that powerful arm which now defies the combined efforts of a whole world." while these exertions were successfully making to give increased force, and a wider extent, to opinions which might subvert the system adopted by the executive, mr. jay, the chief justice of the united states, and mr. king, a senator representing the state, arrived in new york from philadelphia. they had been preceded by a report, which was whispered in private circles, that the french minister had avowed a determination to appeal from the president to the people. the confidential intercourse subsisting between these gentlemen and a part of the administration rendering it probable that this declaration, if made, had been communicated to them, they were asked, whether the report was true; having received the information through a channel[ ] which was entitled to the most implicit faith, they answered that it was. [footnote : they received it from the secretaries of the treasury and of war.] their having said so was controverted; and they were repeatedly required, in the public papers, to admit or deny that they had made such an assertion. thus called upon, they published a certificate avowing that they had made the declaration imputed to them. on reflecting men this communication made a serious impression. the recent events in poland, whose dismemberment and partition were easily traced to the admission of foreign influence, gave additional solemnity to the occurrence, and led to a more intent consideration of the awful causes which would embolden a foreign minister to utter such a threat. that party, which in the commencement of the contests respecting the constitution was denominated federal, had generally supported the measures of the administration. that which was denominated anti-federal, had generally opposed those measures. south of the potomac especially, there was certainly many important exceptions to this arrangement of parties; yet as a general arrangement, it was unquestionably correct. in the common partialities for france, in the common hope that the revolution in that country would be crowned with success, and would produce important benefits to the human race, they had equally participated; but in the course to be pursued by the united states, the line of separation between the two parties was clear and distinct. the federalists were universally of opinion that, in the existing war, america ought to preserve a neutrality as impartial as was compatible with her treaties; and that those treaties had been fairly and justly construed by the executive. seduced however by their wishes, and by their affections, they at first yielded implicit faith to the assurances given by mr. genet of the disinclination of the french republic to draw them from this eligible position; and from this belief, they receded slowly and reluctantly. they were inclined to ascribe the bitter invectives which were pronounced against the executive to an inveterate hostility to the government, and to those who administered it; and, when at length they were compelled to perceive that the whole influence of mr. genet was employed in stimulating and pointing these invectives, they fondly indulged the hope that his nation would not countenance his conduct. adding to their undiminished attachment to the chief magistrate, a keen sense of the disgrace, the humiliation, and the danger of permitting the american government to be forced into any system of measures by the machinations of a foreign minister with the people, they had occasionally endeavoured, through the medium of the press, to keep the public mind correct; and, when it was announced that an appeal to themselves was threatened, they felt impelled by the strongest sentiments of patriotism and regard for national honour, to declare the indignation which the threat had inspired. in every quarter of the union, the people assembled in their districts, and the strength of parties was fully tried. the contest was warm and strenuous. but public opinion appeared to preponderate greatly in favour of neutrality, and of the proclamation by which its observance was directed. it was apparent too, that the american bosom still glowed with ardent affection for their chief magistrate; and that, however successful might have been the shafts directed against some of those who shared his confidence, the arrows aimed at himself had missed their mark. yet it was not to be concealed that the indiscreet arrogance of mr. genet, the direct insults to the president, and the attachment which many, who were in opposition to the general measures of the administration, still retained for the person of that approved patriot, contributed essentially to the prevalence of the sentiment which was called forth by the occasion. in the resolutions expressing the strongest approbation of the measures which had been adopted, and the greatest abhorrence of foreign influence, a decided partiality for france was frequently manifested; while in those of a contrary description, respect for the past services of the president, and a willingness to support the executive in the exercises of its constitutional functions, seemed, when introduced, to be reluctantly placed among the more agreeable declarations of detestation for those who sought to dissolve the union between america and france, and of the devotion with which the french revolution ought to be espoused by all the friends of liberty. the effect which the certificate of mr. jay and mr. king might possibly produce was foreseen; and mr. genet sought to avoid its influence by questioning its veracity. not only had it never been alleged that the exceptionable expressions were used to the president personally, but it was certain that they had not been uttered in his presence. affecting not to have adverted to this obvious circumstance, the minister, on the th of august, addressed a letter to the chief magistrate, which, being designed for publication, was itself the act he had threatened, in which he subjoined to a detail of his accusations against the executive, the demand of an explicit declaration that he had never intimated to him an intention to appeal to the people. on the th this letter was answered by the secretary of state, who, after acknowledging its receipt by the president, added, "i am desired to observe to you that it is not the established course for the diplomatic characters residing here to have any direct correspondence with him. the secretary of state is the organ through which their communications should pass. "the president does not conceive it to be within the line of propriety or duty, for him to bear evidence against a declaration, which, whether made to him or others, is perhaps immaterial; he therefore declines interfering in the case." seldom has more conclusive testimony been offered of the ascendency which, in the conflicts of party, the passions maintain over reason, than was exhibited, on this occasion, by the zealous partisans of the french minister. it might have been expected that, content with questioning the fact, or with diverting the obloquy attending it from the french nation, no american would have been found hardy enough to justify it; and but few, to condemn those gentlemen by whose means it had reached the public ear. nothing could be farther removed from this expectation, than the conduct that was actually observed. the censure merited by the expressions themselves fell, not upon the person who had used them, but upon those who had communicated them to the public. writers of considerable political eminence, charged them as being members of a powerful faction who were desirous of separating america from france, and connecting her with england, for the purpose of introducing the british constitution. as if no sin could equal the crime of disclosing to the people a truth which, by inducing reflection, might check the flood of that passion for france which was deemed the surest test of patriotism, the darkest motives were assigned for the disclosure, and the reputation of those who made it has scarcely been rescued by a lapse of years, and by a change of the subjects of controversy, from the peculiar party odium with which they were at the time overwhelmed. sentiments of a still more extraordinary nature were openly avowed. in a republican country, it was said, the people alone were the basis of government. all powers being derived from them, might, by them, be withdrawn at pleasure. they alone were the authors of the law, and to them alone, must the ultimate decision on the interpretation belong. from these delicate and popular truths, it was inferred, that the doctrine that the sovereignty of the nation resided in the departments of government was incompatible with the principles of liberty; and that, if mr. genet dissented from the interpretation given by the president to existing treaties, he might rightfully appeal to the real sovereign whose agent the president was, and to whom he was responsible for his conduct. is the president, it was asked, a _consecrated_ character, that an appeal from his decisions must be considered criminal? or are the people in such a state of monarchical degradation, that to speak of consulting them is an offence as great, as if america groaned under a dominion equally tyrannical with the old monarchy of france? it was soon ascertained that mr. dallas, to whom this threat of appealing to the people had been delivered, did not admit that the precise words had been used. mr. genet then, in the coarsest terms, averred the falsehood of the certificate which had been published, and demanded from the attorney general, and from the government, that mr. jay and mr. king should be indicted for a libel upon himself and his nation. that officer accompanied his refusal to institute this information with the declaration that any other gentleman of the profession, who might approve and advise the attempt, could be at no loss to point out a mode which would not require his intervention. while the minister of the french republic thus loudly complained of the unparalleled injury he received from being charged with employing a particular exceptionable phrase, he seized every fair occasion to carry into full execution the threat which he denied having made. his letters, written for the purpose of publication, and actually published by himself, accused the executive, before the tribunal of the people, on those specific points, from its decisions respecting which he was said to have threatened the appeal. as if the offence lay, not in perpetrating the act, but in avowing an intention to perpetrate it, this demonstration of his designs did not render his advocates the less vehement in his support, nor the less acrimonious in reproaching the administration, as well as mr. jay and mr. king. whilst insult was thus added to insult, the utmost vigilance of the executive officers was scarcely sufficient to maintain an observance of the rules which had been established for preserving neutrality in the american ports. mr. genet persisted in refusing to acquiesce in those rules; and fresh instances of attempts to violate them were continually recurring. among these, was an outrage committed in boston, too flagrant to be overlooked. a schooner, brought as a prize into the port of boston by a french privateer, was claimed by the british owner; who instituted proceedings at law against her, for the purpose of obtaining a decision on the validity of her capture. she was rescued from the possession of the marshal, by an armed force acting under the authority of mr. duplaine, the french consul, which was detached from a frigate then lying in port. until the frigate sailed, she was guarded by a part of the crew; and, notwithstanding the determination of the american government that the consular courts should not exercise a prize jurisdiction within the territories of the united states, mr. duplaine declared his purpose to take cognizance of the case. to this act of open defiance, it was impossible for the president to submit. the facts being well attested, the exequatur which had been granted to mr. duplaine was revoked, and he was forbidden further to exercise the consular functions. it will excite surprise that even this necessary measure could not escape censure. the self-proclaimed champions of liberty discovered in it a violation of the constitution, and a new indignity to france. mr. genet did not confine his attempts to employ the force of america against the enemies of his country to maritime enterprises. on his first arrival, he is understood to have planned an expedition against the floridas, to be carried on from georgia; and another against louisiana, to be carried on from the western parts of the united states. intelligence was received that the principal officers were engaged; and the temper of the people inhabiting the western country was such as to furnish some ground for the apprehension, that the restraints which the executive was capable of imposing, would be found too feeble to prevent the execution of this plan. the remonstrances of the spanish commissioners on this subject, however, were answered with explicit assurances that the government would effectually interpose to defeat any expedition from the territories of the united states against those of spain; and the governor of kentucky was requested to co-operate in frustrating this improper application of the military resources of his state. it was not by the machinations of the french minister alone that the neutrality of the united states was endangered. the party which, under different pretexts, urged measures the inevitable tendency of which was war, derived considerable aid, in their exertions to influence the passions of the people, from the conduct of others of the belligerent powers. the course pursued both by britain and spain rendered the task of the executive still more arduous, by furnishing weapons to the enemies of neutrality, capable of being wielded with great effect. the resentment excited by the rigour with which the maritime powers of europe retained the monopoly of their colonial commerce, had, without the aid of those powerful causes which had lately been brought into operation, been directed peculiarly against great britain. these resentments had been greatly increased. that nation had not mitigated the vexations and inconveniences which war necessarily inflicts on neutral trade, by any relaxations in her colonial policy. [sidenote: decree of the national convention relative to neutral commerce.] to this rigid and repulsive system, that of france presented a perfect contrast. either influenced by the politics of the moment, or suspecting that, in a contest with the great maritime nations of europe, her commerce must search for security in other bottoms than her own, she opened the ports of her colonies to every neutral flag, and offered to the united states a new treaty, in which it was understood that every mercantile distinction between americans and frenchmen should be totally abolished. with that hasty credulity which, obedient to the wishes, can not await the sober and deliberate decisions of the judgment, the americans ascribed this change, and these propositions, to the liberal genius of freedom; and expected the new commercial and political systems to be equally durable. as if, in the term republic, the avaricious spirit of commercial monopoly would lose its influence over men; as if the passions were to withdraw from the management of human affairs, and leave the helm to the guidance of reason, and of disinterested philanthropy; a vast proportion of the american people believed this novel system to be the genuine offspring of new-born liberty; and consequently expected that, from the success of the republican arms, a flood of untried good was to rush upon the world. the avidity with which the neutral merchants pressed forward to reap the rich and tempting harvest offered to them by the regulations and the wants of france, presented a harvest not less rich and tempting to the cruisers of her enemies. captures to a great extent were made, some with, others without, justifiable cause; and the irritations inseparable from disappointment in gathering the fruits of a gainful traffic, were extensively communicated to the agricultural part of society. the vexations on the ocean to which neutrals are commonly exposed during war, were aggravated by a measure of the british cabinet, which war was not admitted to justify. [sidenote: british order of .] the vast military exertions of the french republic had carried many hands from their usual occupations, to the field; and the measures of government, added to the internal commotions, had discouraged labour by rendering its profits insecure. these causes, aided perhaps by unfavourable seasons, had produced a scarcity which threatened famine. this state of things suggested to their enemies the policy of increasing the internal distress, by cutting off the external supply. in execution of this plan, the british cruisers were instructed "to stop all vessels loaded wholly or in part with corn, flour, or meal, bound to any port in france, or any port occupied by the armies of france, and to send them to such ports as shall be most convenient, in order that such corn, meal, or flour, may be purchased on behalf of his majesty's government, and the ships be relieved after such purchase, and after a due allowance for freight; or that the masters of such ships on giving due security, to be approved by the court of admiralty, be permitted to proceed to dispose of their cargoes of corn, meal, or flour, in the ports of any country in amity with his majesty." in the particular character of the war, and in the general expressions of some approved modern writers on the law of nations, the british government sought a justification of this strong measure. but by neutrals generally, it was deemed an unwarrantable invasion of their rights; and the remonstrances made against it by the american government in particular, were serious and earnest. this attempt to make a principle, which was understood to be applicable only to blockaded places, subservient to the impracticable plan of starving an immense agricultural nation, was resisted with great strength of reasoning by the administration; and added, not inconsiderably, to the resentment felt by the body of the people.[ ] [footnote : see note no. vi. at the end of the volume.] hostilities on the ocean disclosed still another source of irritation, which added its copious stream to the impetuous torrent which threatened to sweep america into the war that desolated europe. the british government had long been accustomed to resort to the practice of manning their fleet by impressment. the exercise of this prerogative had not been confined to the land. merchantmen in their ports, and even at sea, were visited, and mariners were taken out of them, to be employed in the royal navy. the profits of trade enabling neutral merchants to give high wages, british sailors were tempted, in great numbers, to enter their service; but the neutral ship furnished no protection. disregarding the bottom in which they sailed, the officers of the navy impressed them wherever found, often leaving scarcely hands enough to navigate the vessel into port. the americans were peculiarly exposed to the abuse to which such usages are liable. descended from the same ancestors and speaking the same language, the distinction between them and the english, though in general sufficiently marked, was not always so visible as to prevent unintentional error; nor were the captains of ships of war, at all times, very solicitous to avoid mistake. native americans, therefore, were frequently impressed, and compelled to serve against the french republic. the british cabinet disclaimed all pretensions to the impressment of real american citizens, and declared officially a willingness to discharge them, on the establishment of their citizenship. but time was necessary to procure the requisite testimonials; and those officers who had notoriously offended in this respect, were not so discountenanced by their government as to be deterred from a repetition of the offence. there was too, one class of citizens, concerning whose rights a difference of opinion prevailed, which has not even yet been adjusted. these were british subjects who had migrated to, and been adopted by, the united states. the continuance of the indian war added still another item to this catalogue of discontents. the efforts of the united states to make a treaty with the savages of the miamis had proved abortive. the indians insisted on the ohio as the boundary between them and the whites; and, although the american commissioners expressed a willingness to relinquish some of the lands purchased at the treaty of fort harmar, and pressed them to propose some line between the boundary established by that treaty and the ohio, they adhered inflexibly to their original demand. it was extensively believed in america, and information collected from the indians countenanced the opinion, that they were encouraged by the government of canada to persevere in this claim, and that the treaty was defeated by british influence. the conviction was universal that this influence would continue so long as the posts south of the lakes should be occupied by british troops; and the uneasiness which the detention of those posts created, daily acquired strength. unfortunately, the original pretext for detaining them was not yet removed. the courts of the united states had not yet declared that british debts contracted before the war, were recoverable. in one of the circuits, a decision had been recently made, partly favourable, and partly unfavourable, to the claim of the creditor. to this decision writs of error had been brought, and the case was pending before the supreme court. the motives therefore originally assigned for holding the posts on the lakes still remained; and, as it was a maxim with the executive "to place an adversary clearly in the wrong," and it was expected that the existing impediments to the fulfilment of the treaty on the part of the united states would soon be done away, it was thought unadviseable, had the military force of the union been equal to the object, to seize those posts, until their surrender could be required in consequence of a complete execution of the treaty. in the mean time, the british minister was earnestly pressed upon the subject. this prudent conduct was far from being satisfactory to the people. estimating at nothing, infractions made by themselves, and rating highly those committed by the opposite party, they would, in any state of things, have complained loudly of this act of the british government. but, agitated as they were by the various causes which were perpetually acting on their passions, it is not wonderful that an increased influence was given to this measure; that it should be considered as conclusive testimony of british hostility, and should add to the bitterness with which the government was reproached for attempting a system "alike friendly and impartial to the belligerent powers." the causes of discontent which were furnished by spain, though less the theme of public declamation, continued to be considerable. the american ministers at madrid could make no progress in their negotiation. the question of limits remained unsettled, and the mississippi was still closed against the americans. in addition to these subjects of disquiet, the southern states were threatened with war from the creeks and cherokees, who were, with good reason, believed to be excited to hostility by the spanish government. of these irritating differences, that which related to the mississippi was far the most operative, and embarrassing. the imagination, especially when warmed by discontent, bestows on a good which is withheld, advantages much greater than the reality will justify; and the people of the western country were easily persuaded to believe that the navigation of the mississippi was a mine of wealth which would at once enrich them. that jealousy which men so readily entertain of the views of those with whom they do not associate, had favoured the efforts made by the enemies of the administration, to circulate the opinion that an opposition of interests existed between the eastern and the western people, and that the endeavours of the executive to open their great river were feeble and insincere. at a meeting of the democratic society in lexington, in kentucky, this sentiment was unanimously avowed in terms of peculiar disrespect to the government; and a committee was appointed to open a correspondence with the inhabitants of the whole western country, for the purpose of uniting them on this all important subject, and of preparing on it a remonstrance to the president and congress of the united states, to be expressed "in the bold, decent and determined language, proper to be used by injured freemen when they address the servants of the people." they claimed much merit for their moderation in having thus long, out of regard to their government, and affection for their fellow citizens on the atlantic, abstained from the use of those means which they possessed for the assertion of what they termed a natural and unalienable right; and seemed to indicate the opinion that this forbearance could not be long continued. without regarding the determination of spain in the case or the poverty of the means placed in the hands of the executive for inducing a change in this determination, they demanded from the government the free use of the mississippi, as if only an act of the will was necessary to insure it to them. not even the probability that the public and intemperate expression of these dangerous dispositions would perpetuate the evil, could moderate them. this restless uneasy temper gave additional importance to the project of an expedition against louisiana, which had been formed by mr. genet. these public causes for apprehending hostilities[ ] with spain, were strengthened by private communications. the government had received intelligence from their ministers in europe that propositions had been made by the cabinet of madrid to that of london, the object of which was the united states. the precise nature of these propositions was not ascertained, but it was understood generally, that their tendency was hostile. [footnote : the state of affairs was so inauspicious to the continuance of peace that in a letter written in the month of june, to the secretary of war, the president thus expressed himself: "it is of great importance that this government should be fully informed of the spanish force in the floridas, the troops which have lately arrived, the number of their posts, and the strength and situation of each; together with such other circumstances as would enable it to adopt correspondent measures, in case we should, in spite of our endeavours to avoid it, get embroiled with that nation. it would be too improvident, might be too late, and certainly would be disgraceful, to have this information to obtain when our plans ought to be formed." after suggesting the propriety of making the proper inquiries in a particular channel, he added, "i point you to the above as one source only of information. my desire to obtain knowledge of these facts leads me to request with equal earnestness, that you would improve every other to ascertain them with certainty. no reasonable expense should be spared to accomplish objects of such magnitude in times so critical."] thus unfavourable to the pacific views of the executive were the circumstances under which congress was to assemble. chapter ii. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... his message on the foreign relations of the united states.... report of the secretary of state on the commerce of the united states.... he resigns.... is succeeded by mr. randolph.... mr. madison's resolutions founded on the above report.... debate thereon.... debates on the subject of a navy.... an embargo law.... mission of mr. jay to great britain.... inquiry into the conduct of the secretary of the treasury, terminates honourably to him.... internal taxes.... congress adjourns. { } [sidenote: meeting of congress.] a malignant fever, believed to be infectious, had, through part of the summer and autumn, severely afflicted the city of philadelphia, and dispersed the officers of the executive government. although the fear of contagion was not entirely dispelled when the time for the meeting of congress arrived, yet, such was the active zeal of parties, and such the universal expectation that important executive communications would be made, and that legislative measures not less important would be founded on them, that both houses were full on the first day, and a joint committee waited on the president with the usual information that they were ready to receive his communications. on the fourth of december, at twelve, the president met both houses in the senate chamber. his speech was moderate, firm, dignified, and interesting. it commenced with his own re-election, his feelings at which were thus expressed-- [sidenote: president's speech.] "since the commencement of the term for which i have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense which i feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. while on the one hand, it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality with which i have been honoured by my country; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration could ever have torn me. but, influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, i have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power; and i humbly implore that being on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general happiness." passing to those measures which had been adopted by the executive for the regulation of its conduct towards the belligerent nations, he observed, "as soon as the war in europe had embraced those powers with whom the united states have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question by suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. it seemed therefore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequence of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties; and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing state of things, an easier admission of our rights to the immunities belonging to our situation. under these impressions the proclamation which will be laid before you was issued. "in this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, i resolved to adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties, and assert the privileges of the united states. these were reduced into a system, which shall be communicated to you." after suggesting those legislative provisions on this subject, the necessity of which had been pointed out by experience, he proceeded to say, "i can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of _our_ duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from _them_ the fulfilment of their duties towards us. the united states ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every nation abounds. there is a rank due to the united states among nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace--one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity--it must be known that we are, at all times, ready for war." these observations were followed by a recommendation to augment the supply of arms and ammunition in the magazines, and to improve the militia establishment. after referring to a communication to be subsequently made for occurrences relative to the connexion of the united states with europe, which had, he said, become extremely interesting; and after reviewing indian affairs, he particularly addressed the house of representatives. having presented to them in detail some subjects of which it was proper they should be informed, he added;--"no pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; on none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable. "the productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to be equal to the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite; and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who can not but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions, to obviate a future accumulation of burdens." the speech was concluded with the following impressive exhortation: "the several subjects to which i have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations, and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. but, as the legislative proceedings of the united states will never, i trust, be reproached for the want of temper, or of candour, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operation." [sidenote: his message on the subject of the foreign relations of the united states.] the day succeeding that on which this speech was delivered, a special message was sent to both houses, containing some of the promised communications relative to the connexion of the united states with foreign powers. after suggesting as a motive for this communication that it not only disclosed "matter of interesting inquiry to the legislature," but, "might indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone were competent;" the president added--"the representative and executive bodies of france have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation; and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground. a decree, however, of the national assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports, and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as to the united states, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. representations on the subject will be immediately given in charge to our minister there, and the result shall be communicated to the legislature. "it is with extreme concern i have to inform you that the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here, has breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him. their tendency on the contrary has been to involve us in a war abroad and discord and anarchy at home. so far as his acts, or those of his agents, have threatened an immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. where their danger was not imminent, they have been borne with, from sentiments of regard to his nation, from a sense of their friendship towards us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the actions of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, i will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order. in the mean time i have respected and pursued the stipulations of our treaties, according to what i judged their true sense; and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others left us free to perform. i have gone further. rather than employ force for the restitution of certain vessels which i deemed the united states bound to restore, i thought it more adviseable to satisfy the parties by avowing it to be my opinion, that, if restitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the united states to make compensation." the message next proceeded to state that inquiries had been instituted respecting the vexations and spoliations committed on the commerce of the united states, the result of which when received would be communicated. the order issued by the british government on the th of june, and the measures taken by the executive of the united states in consequence thereof, were briefly noticed; and the discussions which had taken place in relation to the non-execution of the treaty of peace were also mentioned. the message was then concluded with a reference to the negotiations with spain. "the public good," it was said, "requiring that the present state of these should be made known to the legislature in confidence only, they would be the subject of a separate and subsequent communication." this message was accompanied with copies of the correspondence between the secretary of state and the french minister, on the points of difference which subsisted between the two governments, together with several documents necessary for the establishment of particular facts; and with the letter written by mr. jefferson to mr. morris, which justified the conduct of the united states by arguments too clear to be misunderstood, and too strong ever to be encountered. the extensive discussions which had taken place relative to the non-execution of the treaty of peace, and the correspondence produced by the objectionable measures which had been adopted by the british government during the existing war, were also laid before the legislature. in a popular government, the representatives of the people may generally be considered as a mirror, reflecting truly the passions and feelings which govern their constituents. in the late elections, the strength of parties had been tried; and the opposition had derived so much aid from associating the cause of france with its own principles, as to furnish much reason to suspect that, in one branch of the legislature at least, it had become the majority. the first act of the house of representatives served to strengthen this suspicion. by each party a candidate for the chair was brought forward; and mr. muhlenberg, who was supported by the opposition, was elected by a majority of ten votes, against mr. sedgewick, whom the federalists supported. the answer, however, to the speech of the president, wore no tinge of that malignant and furious spirit which had infused itself into the publications of the day. breathing the same affectionate attachment to his person and character which had been professed in other times, and being approved by every part of the house, it indicated that the leaders, at least, still venerated their chief magistrate, and that no general intention as yet existed, to involve him in the obloquy directed against his measures. noticing that unanimous suffrage by which he had been again called to his present station, "it was," they said, "with equal sincerity and promptitude they embraced the occasion for expressing to him their congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation, and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which had produced this obedience to the voice of his country. it is," proceeded the address, "to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits that the tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flattery; and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favour of the public happiness." the proclamation of neutrality was approved in guarded terms, and the topics of the speech were noticed in a manner which indicated dispositions cordially to co-operate with the executive. on the part of the senate also, the answer to the speech was unfeignedly affectionate. in warm terms they expressed the pleasure which the re-election of the president gave them. "in the unanimity," they added, "which a second time marks this important national act, we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes, another proof of that discernment, and constancy of sentiments and views, which have hitherto characterized the citizens of the united states." speaking of the proclamation, they declared it to be "a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it." in a few days, a confidential message was delivered, communicating the critical situation of affairs with spain. the negotiations attempted with that power in regard to the interesting objects of boundary, navigation, and commerce, had been exposed to much delay and embarrassment, in consequence of the changes which the french revolution had effected in the political state of europe. meanwhile, the neighborhood of the spanish colonies to the united states had given rise to various other subjects of discussion, one of which had assumed a very serious aspect. having the best reason to suppose that the hostility of the southern indians was excited by the agents of spain, the president had directed the american commissioners at madrid to make the proper representations on the subject, and to propose that each nation should, with good faith, promote the peace of the other with their savage neighbours. about the same time, the spanish government entertained, or affected to entertain, corresponding suspicions of like hostile excitements by the agents of the united states, to disturb their peace with the same nations. the representations which were induced by these real or affected suspicions, were accompanied with pretensions, and made in a style, to which the american executive could not be inattentive. his catholic majesty asserted these claims as a patron and protector of those indians. he assumed a right to mediate between them and the united states, and to interfere in the establishment of their boundaries. at length, in the very moment when those savages were committing daily inroads on the american frontier, at the instigation of spain, as was believed, the representatives of that power, complaining of the aggressions of american citizens on the indians, declared "that the continuation of the peace, good harmony, and perfect friendship of the two nations, was very problematical for the future, unless the united states should take more convenient measures, and of greater energy than those adopted for a long time past." notwithstanding the zeal and enthusiasm with which the pretensions of the french republic, as asserted by their minister, continued to be supported out of doors, they found no open advocate in either branch of the legislature. that this circumstance is, in a great measure, to be ascribed to the temperate conduct of the executive, and to the convincing arguments with which its decisions were supported, ought not to be doubted. but when it is recollected that the odium which these decisions excited, sustained no diminution; that the accusation of hostility to france and to liberty, which originated in them, was not retracted; that, when afterwards many of the controverted claims were renewed by france, her former advocates still adhered to her; it is not unreasonable to suppose that other considerations mingled themselves with the conviction which the correspondence laid before the legislature was calculated to produce. an attack on the administration could be placed on no ground more disadvantageous than on its controversy with mr. genet. the conduct and language of that minister were offensive to reflecting men of all parties. the president had himself taken so decisive a part in favour of the measures which had been adopted, that they must be ascribed to him, not to his cabinet; and, of consequence, the whole weight of his personal character must be directly encountered, in an attempt to censure those measures. from this censure it would have been difficult to extricate the person who was contemplated by the party in opposition as its chief; for the secretary of state had urged the arguments of the administration with a degree of ability and earnestness, which ought to have silenced the suspicion that he might not feel their force. the expression of a legislative opinion, in favour of the points insisted on by the french minister, would probably have involved the nation in a calamitous war, the whole responsibility for which would rest on them. to these considerations was added another which could not be disregarded. the party in france, to which mr. genet owed his appointment, had lost its power; and his fall was the inevitable consequence of the fall of his patrons. that he would probably be recalled was known in america; and that his conduct had been disapproved by his government was generally believed. the future system of the french republic, with regard to the united states, could not be foreseen; and it would be committing something to hazard, not to wait its development. these objections did not exist to an indulgence of the partialities and prejudices of the nation towards the belligerent powers, in measures suggested by its resentment against great britain. but, independent of these considerations, it is scarcely possible to doubt that congress really approved the conduct of the executive with regard to france, and was also convinced that a course of hostility had been pursued by great britain, which the national interest and the national honour required them to repel. in the irritable state of the public temper, it was not difficult to produce this opinion. in addition to the causes of dissatisfaction with great britain which have already been suggested, others soon occurred. under her auspices, a truce for one year had been lately negotiated between portugal and the regency of algiers, which, by withdrawing a small squadron stationed during the war, by the former power, in the streights, opened a passage into the atlantic to the cruisers of the latter. the capture of american merchantmen, which was the immediate consequence of this measure, was believed, in the united states, to have been its motive. not admitting the possibility that a desire to extricate portugal from a war unproductive of any advantages, and to leave her maritime force free to act elsewhere, could have induced this interposition of england, the americans ascribed it, exclusively, to that enmity to their commerce, and to that jealousy of its prosperity, which had, as they conceived, long marked the conduct of those who administered the affairs of that nation. this transaction was afterwards explained by england, and was ascribed to her desire to serve an ally, and to enable that ally to act more efficaciously in a common cause. [illustration: george washington _from the painting by charles willson peale._ _in june, , washington spent some time in princeton, new jersey, whither the continental congress had adjourned from philadelphia in consequence of a mutiny among the unpaid troops stationed there. on leaving princeton the american commander-in-chief donated guineas to the college of new jersey, now princeton university. the trustees spent the money on this portrait and had it put in the frame formerly occupied by a picture of king george iii, which was destroyed by a cannon ball in the battle of princeton. this canvas still hangs in the princeton faculty room._ by courtesy of princeton university] from governments accustomed to trust rather to artifice, than to force or to reason, and influenced by vindictive passions which they have not strength or courage to gratify, hostility may be expected to exert itself in a cruel insidious policy, which unfeelingly dooms individuals to chains, and involves them in ruin, without having a tendency to effect any national object. but the british character rather wounds by its pride, and offends by its haughtiness, and open violence, than injures by the secret indulgence of a malignant, but a paltry and unprofitable revenge: and, certainly, such unworthy motives ought not lightly to be imputed to a great and magnanimous nation, which dares to encounter a world, and risk its existence, for the preservation of its station in the scale of empires, of its real independence, and of its liberty. but, in believing the views of the british cabinet to be unfriendly to the united states, america was perhaps not entirely mistaken. indeed, dispositions of a different nature could not reasonably have been expected. it may be denied, but can not be disguised, that the sentiments openly expressed by a great majority of the american people, warranted the opinion that, notwithstanding the exertions of the administration, they were about to arrange themselves, in the war, on the side of france. in a government like that of the united states, no firmness on the part of the chief magistrate can long resist the current of popular opinion; and that opinion, without professing it, unquestionably led to war. if the character of the british minister at philadelphia is to be collected from his intercourse with the executive of the country to which he was deputed, there is reason to suppose that his communications to his own government did not diminish the impression which the evidence furnished on this subject, by the american people themselves, was calculated to make. it is therefore not improbable, whatever may be the permanent views of england respecting the commercial prosperity of the united states, that the measures of the british cabinet, about this time, were taken in the belief that war between the two nations was a probable event. [sidenote: report of the secretary of state in relation to the commerce of the united states.] early in the session a report was made by the secretary of state, in pursuance of a resolution of the house of representatives passed on the d of february, , requiring him "to report to congress the nature and extent of the privileges and restrictions of the commercial intercourse of the united states with foreign nations, and the measures which he should think proper to be adopted for the improvement of the commerce and navigation of the same." this report stated the exports of the united states in articles of their own produce and manufacture at nineteen millions, five hundred and eighty-seven thousand, and fifty-five dollars; and the imports at nineteen millions, eight hundred and twenty-three thousand, and sixty dollars. of the exports, nearly one-half was carried to the kingdom of great britain and its dominions; of the imports, about four-fifths were brought from the same countries. the american shipping amounted to two hundred and seventy-seven thousand, five hundred and nineteen tons, of which not quite one-sixth was employed in the trade with great britain and its dominions. in all the nations of europe, most of the articles produced in the united states were subjected to heavy duties, and some of them were prohibited. in england, the trade of the united states was in the general on as good a footing as the trade of other countries; and several articles were more favoured than the same articles of the growth of other countries. the statements and arguments of this report tended to enforce the policy of making discriminations which might favour the commerce of the united states with france, and discourage that with england; and which might promote the increase of american navigation as a branch of industry, and a resource of defence. this was the last official act of the secretary of state. early in the preceding summer, he had signified to the president his intention to retire in september from the public service; and had, with some reluctance, consented to postpone the execution of this intention to the close of the year. retaining his purpose, he resigned his office on the last day of december. [sidenote: he resigns.] this gentleman withdrew from political station at a moment when he stood particularly high in the esteem of his countrymen. his determined opposition to the financial schemes which had been proposed by the secretary of the treasury, and approved by the legislative and executive departments of the government; his ardent and undisguised attachment to the revolutionary party in france; the dispositions which he was declared to possess in regard to great britain; and the popularity of his opinions respecting the constitution of the united states; had devoted to him that immense party whose sentiments were supposed to comport with his, on most, or all of these interesting subjects. to the opposite party he had, of course, become particularly unacceptable. but the publication of his correspondence with mr. genet dissipated much of the prejudice which had been excited against him. he had, in that correspondence, maintained with great ability the opinions embraced by the federalists on those points of difference which had arisen between the two republics; and which, having become universally the subjects of discussion, had in some measure displaced those topics on which parties were previously divided. the partiality for france that was conspicuous through the whole of it, detracted nothing from its merit in the opinion of the friends of the administration, because, however decided their determination to support their own government in a controversy with any nation whatever, they felt all the partialities for that republic which the correspondence expressed. the hostility of his enemies therefore was, for a time, considerably lessened, without a corresponding diminution of the attachment of his friends. it would have been impracticable, in office, long to preserve these dispositions. and it would have been difficult to maintain that ascendency which he held over the minds of those who had supported, and probably would continue to support, every pretension of the french republic, without departing from principles and measures which he had openly and ably defended. [sidenote: is succeeded by mr. randolph.] he was immediately succeeded by mr. edmund randolph; and the office of attorney general was filled by mr. william bradford, a gentleman of considerable eminence in pennsylvania. { } on the fourth of january, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the secretary of state, relative to the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the united states; when mr. madison, after some prefatory observations, laid on the table a series of resolutions[ ] for the consideration of the members. [footnote : see note no. vii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: mr. madison's resolutions founded on the above report.] these memorable resolutions embraced almost completely the idea of the report. they imposed an additional duty on the manufactures, and on the tonnage of vessels, of nations having no commercial treaty with the united states; while they reduced the duties already imposed by law, on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations having such commercial treaty: and they reciprocated the restrictions which were imposed on american navigation. [sidenote: debate thereon.] on the th of january they were taken into consideration, when the debate was opened by mr. smith of south carolina. after noticing the importance of the subject to the best interests of the united states, he observed that, being purely commercial in its nature, he would exclude from the view he should take of it, those political considerations which some might think connected with it. he imagined it would be right to dismiss, for the present, all questions respecting the indians, algerines, and western posts. there would be a time for these questions; and then he should give his opinion upon them with firmness, and according to what he conceived to be the true interests of his country. the regulation of commerce gave of itself sufficient scope for argument, without mixing it with extraneous matter. after some general observations on the delicacy of the crisis, and on the claims of the resolutions to dispassionate investigation, he proceeded to consider the report on which they were founded. the great object of that report being to establish a contrast between france and britain, he would request the attention of the committee to an accurate statement of facts, which, being compared with the report, would enable them to decide on the justness of its inferences. in the opinion that any late relaxations of the french republic were produced by interests too momentary and fluctuating to be taken as the basis of calculations for a permanent system, he should present a comparative view of the commerce of the united states to those countries, as it stood anterior to the revolution of france. for this purpose, he produced a table which had been formed by a person whose commercial information was highly respectable, from which he said it would appear, notwithstanding the plaudits so generally bestowed on the justice and liberality of the one nation, and the reproaches uttered against the other, that, with the exception of the trifling article of fish oil, the commerce of the united states was not more favoured in france than in great britain, and was, in many important articles, more favoured by the latter power, than that of other nations. mr. smith then reviewed, in detail, the advantages and disadvantages attending the sale of the great products of america in the ports of each nation, which, he conceived, were more encouraged by the british than by the french market. a comparative statement, he added, of the value of the exports of the two countries, would assist in confirming this opinion. the value of the exports to great britain, at the close of the year ending with september, , was nearly double those made to france in the same period: and even the average of the years , and , gave an annual excess to the exports to great britain of three millions, seven hundred and fifty-two thousand, seven hundred and sixty dollars. the great amount of merchandise imported from britain, instead of being a grievance, demonstrated, in the opinion of mr. smith, the utility of the trade with that country. for the extent of the intercourse between the two nations, several obvious reasons might be assigned. britain was the first manufacturing country in the world, and was more able, than any other, to supply an assortment of those articles which were required in the united states. she entitled herself, too, to the preference which was given her, by the extensive credit she afforded. to a young country wanting capital, credit was of immense advantage. it enabled them to flourish by the aid of foreign capital, the use of which had, more than any other circumstance, nourished the industry of america. by the advocates for forcing a trade with france, it was asserted that she could supply the wants of america on better terms than great britain. to do this, she must not only sell cheaper, but give credit, which, it was known her merchants either could not, or would not give. the very necessity of laying a duty on british manufactures, in order to find a sale for those of other countries, was a proof that the first could be purchased on better terms, or were better adapted to the market. if the object of the resolutions were the encouragement of domestic manufactures, there might be some semblance of argument in their favour. but this is not contemplated. their avowed object is to turn the course of trade from one nation to another, by means which would subject the citizens of the united states to great inconvenience. mr. smith next proceeded to consider the subject with a view to navigation. the trade of the united states to great britain, for the transportation of their own produce, was as free in american as in british bottoms, a few trifling port charges excepted. in france, they enjoyed the advantages granted to the most favoured nation. thus far the comparison was in favour of great britain. in the west indies, he admitted the existence of a different state of things. all american bottoms were excluded from the british islands, with the exception of turks island. in the french islands, vessels under sixty tons were admitted, but this advantage was common to all other nations. the effect of the difference in the regulations of the two rival nations in respect of navigation, was not so considerable as the secretary of state had supposed. he had stated the tonnage employed in the intercourse with france and her colonies, at , tons; and that employed in the commerce with great britain at , tons. the secretary was led into this miscalculation by taking for his guide, the actual entries of american bottoms from the dominions of each country in the year. as four voyages are made to the west indies, while only two are made to europe, the vessels employed in the former traffic will be counted four times in the year, and those employed in the latter will be counted only twice in the same period. the deceptiveness of the calculations made from these data had induced a call on the secretary of the treasury for an account of the actual tonnage employed in trade with foreign nations for one year. this account shows that france employs , tons, and great britain , tons, of american shipping; leaving in favour of france, an excess of , , instead of , tons, as reported by the secretary of state. from this comparative view taken of the regulations of the two nations, mr. smith conceived himself justified in saying, that the commercial system of great britain towards the united states, far from being hostile, was friendly; and that she made many discriminations in their favour. france, on the contrary, placed them on a better situation than her rival, only in one solitary instance, the unimportant article of fish oil. if this be a true picture of the existing state of things, and he could not perceive in what it was defective, was it not time, he asked, that the deceptions practised on the people by the eulogists of france and the revilers of great britain, should be removed? the resolutions were supported by mr. madison, mr. findley, mr. nicholas, mr. clarke, mr. smiley, mr. moore, and mr. giles. they admitted the subject before the committee to be of a commercial nature, but conceived it to be impracticable to do justice to the interests of the united states, without some allusions to politics. the question was in some measure general. they were to inquire how far it was the interest of this country by commercial regulations to vary the state of commerce now existing. they were of opinion that most of the injuries proceeding from great britain were inflicted for the promotion of her commercial objects, and were to be remedied by commercial resistance. the indian war, and the algerine attack, originated both in commercial views, or great britain must stand without excuse for instigating the most horrid cruelties. the propositions before the committee were the strongest weapon america possessed, and would, more probably than any other, restore her to all her political and commercial rights. they professed themselves the friends of free trade, and declared the opinion that it would be to the general advantage, if all commerce was free. but this rule was not without its exceptions. the navigation act of great britain was a proof of the effect of one exception on the prosperity of national commerce. the effect produced by that act was equally rapid and extensive. there is another exception to the advantages of a free trade, where the situation of a country is such with respect to another, that by duties on the commodities of that other, it shall not only invigorate its own means of rivalship, but draw from that other the hands employed in the production of those commodities. when such an effect can be produced, it is so much clear gain, and is consistent with the general theory of national rights. the effect of leaving commerce to regulate itself is to submit it to the regulation of other nations. if the united states had a commercial intercourse with one nation only, and should permit a free trade, while that nation proceeded on a monopolizing system, would not the carrying trade be transferred to that nation, and with it, the maritime strength it confers be heaped upon a rival? then, in the same proportion to the freedom granted to the vessels of other nations in the united states, and to the burdens other nations impose on american vessels, will be the transfer of those maritime resources. the propositions before the committee should be examined as they concern navigation, manufactures, and the just principles of discrimination that ought to prevail in their policy to nations having treaties with them. with respect to navigation, it was conceded that they were not placed upon the same footing by the two nations with whom they had the greatest commercial intercourse. british vessels could bring the produce of all countries into any port of the united states; while american vessels could carry to the ports of britain only their own commodities, and those only to a part of her dominions. from her ports in the west indies they were entirely excluded. to exhibit at a glance the effect of the british navigation act, it was sufficient to compare the quantity of american and british tonnage employed in their intercourse with each other. the former in amounted to , tons, and the latter to , tons. the effect of british policy would be further shown by showing the proportion of domestic tonnage employed at the same time in the intercourse with other european nations. with spain the american was to the spanish as five to one, with portugal six to one, netherlands fifteen to one, denmark twelve to one, france five to one, great britain one to five. this ratio had by particular circumstances been somewhat changed. from calculations founded on the documents last introduced into the house, it appeared that, at present, the proportion of american to foreign tonnage employed in the american trade was, with spain as sixteen to one, portugal seventeen to one, netherlands twenty-six to one, denmark fifteen to one, russia fourteen to one, france between four and five to one, and great britain one to three. the situation of american commerce was the more mortifying when the nature and amount of their exports came to be considered. they were not only necessaries of life, or necessaries for manufactures, and therefore of life to the manufacturer, but their bulkiness gave them an advantage over the exports of every other country. if america, to increase her maritime strength, should secure to herself the transportation of her own commodities, leaving to other nations the transportation of theirs, it would greatly augment the proportion of her shipping and of her sailors. in relation to manufactures, the regulations existing between the united states and great britain were not more equal. out of the whole amount of manufactured articles imported into this country, which was stated in round numbers at fifteen millions, two hundred and ninety thousand dollars, great britain furnished thirteen millions, nine hundred and sixty thousand. in the same period, in the year - , the articles which the united states received from france, a country which actually consumed more of their produce, amounted only to one hundred and fifty-five thousand dollars. the balance of trade, at the same epoch, was greatly in favour of the united states with every other nation, and greatly against them with britain. although it might happen in some cases, that other advantages might be derived from an intercourse with a particular nation, which might compensate for an unfavourable balance of trade, it was impossible that this could happen in the intercourse with great britain. other nations, however, viewed a balance of trade against them as a real evil; and great britain, in particular, was careful to prevent it. what then must be the feelings of a nation, between whom and the united states the most friendly relations existed, when she saw, not only the balance of trade against her, but that what was thus obtained from her, flowed in the same manner into the coffers of one of her most jealous rivals, and inveterate enemies? the propriety of discriminating between nations having treaties with the united states, and those having none, was admitted in some states before the establishment of the present government, and was sanctioned by that house during their sittings in new york. it was the practice of nations to make such a discrimination. it was necessary to give value to treaties. the disadvantages of depending on a single nation for articles of necessary consumption was strongly pressed; and it was added as an evil of most serious magnitude, more truly alarming than any other of its features, that this commercial dependence produced an influence in their councils which enabled it, the more inconvenient it became by its constant growth, to throw the more obstacles in the way of a necessary remedy. they entertained no apprehensions of injurious consequences from adopting the proposed resolutions. the interests of great britain would not suffer her to retaliate: and the intercourse between the two countries would not be interrupted further than was required by the convenience and the interests of the united states. but if great britain should retaliate, the effects of a commercial conflict would be felt by her, much more sensibly, than by the united states. its effects would be felt in the shipping business, by the merchants, and above all by the manufacturer. calculations were offered, by comparing the total amount of british exports with those to the united states, to prove, that three hundred thousand british manufacturers would be suddenly thrown out of employment, by withdrawing the trade carried on between america and that country. in the complication of distress to which such a measure would reduce them, they would consider the united states as a natural asylum from wretchedness. but whether they remained in discontent at home, or sought their fortune abroad, the evil would be considered and felt by the british government as equally great, and they would surely beware of taking any step that might provoke it. on the advantages of america in such a contest with a populous and manufacturing country, they dwelt with peculiar earnestness. she produced all the necessaries of life within herself, and could dispense with the articles received from others. but great britain, not producing them in sufficient abundance, was dependent on the united states for the supply of her most essential wants. again, the manufacturer of that country was dependent on this for the sale of his merchandise which was to purchase his bread. thus was produced a double dependence of great britain on the united states. she was also dependent on them for the raw materials which formed the basis of her manufactures. her west indies were almost completely dependent. this country furnished the best market for their productions, and was almost the only one which could supply them with the necessaries of life. the regulation excluding the provisions of other foreign countries was entitled to no consideration. it was of ancient date, and had remained untouched because there was no other foreign country by which provisions could be supplied. that the commercial regulations of great britain were as favourable to the united states as to other nations, ought not to satisfy america. if other nations were willing to bear impositions, or were unable to retaliate, their examples were not worthy of imitation. america was in a condition to insist, and ought to insist, on perfect commercial equality. it was denied that any real advantage was derived from the extensive credit given by the merchants of great britain. on the contrary, the use made of british capital was pronounced a great political evil. it increased the unfavourable balance of trade, discouraged domestic manufactures, and promoted luxury. but its greatest mischief was, that it favoured a system of british influence, which was dangerous to their political security. as the debate advanced, the expressions of exasperation against britain became stronger; and occasionally allusions were made to those party questions which had long agitated the public mind, with a bitterness which marked their intimate connexion with the conduct of the united states to foreign countries. it was said to be proper in deciding the question under debate, to take into view political, as well as commercial considerations. ill will and jealousy had at all times been the predominant features of the conduct of england to the united states. that government had grossly violated the treaty of peace, had declined a commercial treaty, had instigated the indians to raise the tomahawk and scalping knife against american citizens, had let loose the algerines upon their unprotected commerce, and had insulted their flag, and pillaged their trade in every quarter of the world. these facts being notorious, it was astonishing to hear gentlemen ask how had britain injured their commerce? the conduct of france, on the contrary, had been warm and friendly. that nation respected american rights, and had offered to enter into commercial arrangements on the liberal basis of perfect reciprocity. the period which mr. smith had taken as that at which the systems of the two nations should be compared with each other, was reprobated with peculiar severity. it was insinuated to proceed from a wish that the united states should directly countenance the restoration of despotism; and much regret was expressed that a distrust of the permanency of the french revolution should be avowed. it was hoped and believed that the present was the settled state of things; and that the old order of things was unsettled for ever: that the french revolution was as much more permanent than had been the french despotism, as was the great fabric of nature, than the petty plastic productions of art. to exclude the period since the revolution, would be to exclude some of the strongest evidences of the friendship of one nation, and the enmity of the other. the animadversions which had been made on the report of the secretary of state were retorted with acrimony. it was declared that he would not suffer by a comparison in point of intelligence, accuracy, and patriotism, either with the laborious compiler of the table produced by mr. smith, or with the gentleman who had been judiciously selected for its interpreter. some explanations were given of the inaccuracies which had been alleged; and the facts omitted were declared to be immaterial circumstances, which, if inserted, would have swelled the report, without adding to the information it communicated. in reply to the argument which stated that great britain did not, in common years, raise a sufficient quantity of grain for her own consumption, and would consequently afford an increasing market for american wheat and flour, it was remarked that this not only established the all important position of the dependence of that country on this, but suggested a very interesting reflection. it was that the continual increase of debt and paper machinery, will not produce a correspondent increase of ability in the nation to feed itself. that an infinity of paper will not produce an infinity of food. in contrasting the ability of the two nations to support a commercial conflict, it was said, "great britain, tottering under the weight of a king, a court, a nobility, a priesthood, armies, navies, debts, and all the complicated machinery of oppression which serves to increase the number of unproductive, and lessen the number of productive hands; at this moment engaged in a foreign war; taxation already carried to the ultimatum of financial device; the ability of the people already displayed in the payment of taxes, constituting a political phenomenon; all prove the debility of the system, and the decreptitude of old age. on the other hand, the united states, in the flower of youth; increasing in hands; increasing in wealth; and, although an imitative policy had unfortunately prevailed in the erection of a funded debt, in the establishment of an army, the anticipation of a navy,[ ] and all the paper machinery for increasing the number of unproductive, and lessening the number of productive hands; yet the operation of natural causes has, as yet, in some degree, countervailed their influence, and still furnish a great superiority in comparison with great britain." an attempt was made to liken the present situation of america to that in which she stood at the commencement of her revolutionary war; and the arguments drawn from the inconvenience to which a privation of british manufactures would expose the people at large were answered by observing--"this was not the language of america at the time of the non-importation association; this was not her language at the time of the declaration of independence. whence then this change of american sentiment? has america less ability than she then had? is she less prepared for a national trial than she then was? this can not be pretended. there is, it is true, one great change in her political situation. america has now a funded debt: she had no funded debt at those glorious epochs. may not this change of sentiment, therefore, be looked for in her change of situation in this respect? may it not be looked for in the imitative sympathetic organization of our funds with the british funds? may it not be looked for in the indiscriminate participation of citizens and foreigners in the emoluments of the funds? may it not be looked for in the wishes of some to assimilate the government of the united states to that of great britain? or at least, in wishes for a more intimate connexion? [footnote : resolutions had been offered for the creation of a small navy to be employed in the mediterranean.] "if these causes exist, it is not difficult to find the source of the national debility. it is not difficult to see that the interests of the few, who receive and disburse the public contributions, are more respected than the interest of the great majority of the society, who furnish the contributions. it is not difficult to see that the government, instead of legislating for a few millions, is legislating for a few thousands; and that the sacredness of their rights is the great obstacle to a great national exertion." in addition to mr. smith, of south carolina, the resolutions were opposed by mr. smith, of maryland, mr. goodhue, mr. lea, mr. dexter, mr. ames, mr. dayton, mr. hartley, mr. tracy, mr. hillhouse, mr. forest, mr. fitzsimmons, and mr. foster. if, it was said, the united states had sustained political wrongs from great britain, they should feel as keenly as any persons for the prostrated honour of their country; but this was not the mode of redressing them. when that subject should be brought before congress, they would not be slow in taking such measures as the actual state of things might require. but they did not approve of retaliating injuries under the cloak of commercial regulations. independent of other objections, it would derogate from the dignity of the american character. the resolutions, it was said, ought to be contemplated commercially; and the influence they would probably have on the united states, deliberately weighed. if they were adopted, it ought to be because they would promote the interests of america, not because they would benefit one foreign nation, and injure another. it was an old adage that there was no friendship in trade. neither ought there to be any hatred. these maxims should not be forgotten in forming a judgment on the propositions before the committee. their avowed objects were to favour the navigation and the manufactures of the united states, and their probable operation on these objects ought to be considered. it had been said that the american tonnage ought to bear the same proportion to the foreign tonnage employed in her trade, as exists between the bulk of her exports and imports. but the correctness of this principle was not admitted. the fact was otherwise, and it was not believed to be an evil. great britain carries for other nations from necessity. her situation is calculated for navigation. her country is fully peopled, so full that the ground is not sufficient to furnish bread for the whole. instead, therefore, of ploughing the earth for subsistence, her subjects are obliged to plough the ocean. the defence of their coasts has been another cause which obliges them to abandon the more lucrative pursuits of agriculture, to provide for their defence. they have been compelled to sacrifice profit to safety. the united states possessed a fertile, extensive, and unsettled country; and it might well be questioned how far their real interests would be promoted by forcing a further acceleration of the growth of their marine, by impelling their citizens from the cultivation of the soil to the navigation of the ocean. the measures already adopted had been very operative; and it was by no means certain that an additional stimulus would be advantageous. the increased duty on foreign tonnage, and on goods imported in foreign bottoms, had already been attended with sensible effects. in , the american tonnage was one-half the whole tonnage employed in their trade: in , it was three-fifths: in , it had increased to two-thirds. this growth was believed to be sufficiently rapid. it was more rapid than the growth of british tonnage had ever been under the fostering care of their celebrated navigation act. let the existing system be left to its natural operation, and it was believed that it would give to the united states that share in the carriage of their commodities, which it was their interest to take. but if a different opinion prevailed, and it was conceived that additional encouragement ought to be given to navigation, then let the duty on all foreign bottoms be increased, and let the particular disabilities to which american vessels are subjected in any country, be precisely retaliated. the discriminations proposed, instead of increasing american navigation, were calculated to encourage the navigation of one foreign nation at the expense of another. the united states did not yet possess shipping sufficient for the exportation of their produce. the residue must reach a market in foreign bottoms, or rot upon their hands. they were advancing to a different state of things; but, in the mean time, they ought to pursue their interest, and employ those vessels which would best answer their purpose. the attempt to make it their interest to employ the vessels of france rather than those of britain, by discriminating duties which must enhance the price of freight, was a premium to the vessels of the favourite nation, paid by american agriculture. the navigation act of great britain had been made a subject of heavy complaint. but that act was not particularly directed against the united states. it had been brought into operation while they were yet colonies, and was not more unfavourable to them than to others. to its regulations, great britain was strongly attached; and it was not probable that america could compel her to relinquish them. calculations were made on the proportion of british manufactures consumed in america, from which it was inferred that her trade, though important, was not sufficiently important to force that nation to abandon a system which she considered as the basis of her grandeur. in the contest, considerable injury would be unquestionably sustained; and nothing was perceived in the situation of the united states, which should induce them to stand forth the champions of the whole commercial world, in order to compel the change of a system, in which all other nations had acquiesced. but if they were to engage in such a contest, it was by a similar act, by opposing disabilities to disabilities, that it ought to be carried on. upon this point, several members who were opposed to the resolutions, avowed an opinion favourable to an american navigation act, and expressed their willingness to concur in framing regulations which meet the prohibitions imposed on their vessels with corresponding prohibitions. thus far they were ready to go; but they were not ready to engage in a contest injurious to themselves, for the benefit of a foreign nation. another avowed object of the resolutions was to favour the manufactures of the united states. but certainly it was not by discriminating duties, by endeavouring to shift commerce from one channel to another, that american manufactures were to be promoted. this was to be done by pursuing the course already adopted, by laying protecting duties on selected articles, in the manufacture of which america had made some progress; and by a prohibitory duty on others, of which a sufficient domestic supply could be afforded. but the proposed measure only went to the imposition of a tax on their own citizens, for the benefit of a foreign nation. if the british market afforded an assortment of goods best suited to their consumption, and could give them cheaper, a prohibitory duty imposed upon those goods would only drive their citizens to seek them in another market, less able to supply their wants, and at a dearer rate. there was nothing in this tending to encourage manufactures. if the united states were prepared to manufacture to the whole amount of their wants, the importation of all rival articles might be prohibited. but this they were not prepared to do. their manufactures must advance by slow degrees; and they were not to enter into a measure of this kind, for the purpose of retaliating on a nation which had not commercially injured them. the resolutions then were adapted to the encouragement neither of the navigation, nor the manufactures of the united states, but of a foreign nation. their effect would obviously be to force trade to change its natural course, by discriminations against a nation which had in no instance discriminated against the united states, but had favoured them in many points of real importance. by what commercial considerations could such a system be recommended? that it would be attended with great immediate inconveniences must be admitted; but for these, ample compensation, it had been said, was to be found in its remote advantages. these were, a diminution of american commerce with one nation, by its proportional augmentation with another; and a repeal of the navigation act, and of the colonial system of great britain. on the subject of forcing trade from one nation to another, which is, of necessity, so complicated in principle, so various and invisible in consequence, the legislature should never act but with the utmost caution. they should constantly keep in view, that trade will seek its own markets, find its own level, and regulate itself much better than it could be regulated by law. although the government might embarrass it, and injure their own citizens, and even foreign nations, for a while, it would eventually rise above all the regulations they could make. merchants, if left to themselves, would always find the best markets. they would buy as cheap and sell as dear as possible. why drive them from those markets into others which were less advantageous? if trade with britain was less free, or less profitable, than with france, the employment of coercive means to force it into french channels would be unnecessary. it would voluntarily run in them. that violence must be used in order to change its course, demonstrated that it was in its natural course. it was extraordinary to hear gentlemen complaining of british restrictions on american commerce, and at the same time stating her proportion of that commerce as a national grievance, and that the trade was so free as to become an injury. the very circumstance that she retained so large a share of it, was evidence that it did not experience in her ports unusual burdens. whenever greater advantages were offered by other countries, there would be no need of legislative interference to induce the merchants to embrace them. that portion of trade would go to each country, for which the circumstances of each were calculated. if great britain purchased more american produce than she consumed, it was because, all circumstances considered, it was the interest of america to sell her more than she consumed. while this interest continued, no mischief could result from the fact; when the cause should cease, the effect would cease also, without the intervention of the legislature. it was very improbable that the resolutions under consideration would effect their other avowed object, a repeal of the british navigation act. the season, it was said, was peculiarly unfavourable to such experiments. the internal convulsions of france had laid her manufactures in ruins. she was not in a condition to supply her own wants, much less those of the united states. the superb column erected at lyons could furnish no stimulus to the industry of her manufacturers. but the attempt to stop the natural intercourse between the united states and great britain, though incapable of producing on the latter the full effect which was desired, might inflict deep and lasting wounds on the most essential interests of the former. the injuries which their agriculture would sustain from the measure, might be long and severely felt. it had been proudly stated, that while america received articles which might be dispensed with, she furnished in return the absolute necessaries of life; she furnished bread, and raw materials for manufactures. "one would think," said mr. tracy, "to hear the declarations in this house, that all men were fed at the opening of our hand; and, if we shut that hand, the nations starve, and if we but shake the fist after it is shut, they die." and yet one great objection to the conduct of britain was, her prohibitory duty on the importation of bread stuff while it was under a certain price. nothing could be more deceptive than the argument founded on the nature of american exports. what, it was asked, would be done with the surplus produce of the united states? was it to remain in the country, and rot upon the hands of those who raised it? if not, if it was to be exported, it would find its way to the place of demand. food would search out those who needed it; and the raw material would be carried to the manufacturer whose labour could give it value. but there was a much more serious aspect in which this subject ought to be placed. the products of america grew in other soils than hers. the demands for them might be supplied by other countries. indeed, in some instances, articles usually obtained from the united states would be excluded by a fair competition with the same articles furnished by other countries. the discriminations made in their favour enabled them to obtain a preference in the british market. by withholding those which were of the growth of the united states, great britain would not lose the article, but america would lose the market; and a formidable rival would be raised up, who would last much longer than the resolutions under consideration. it is easy by commercial regulations to do much mischief, and difficult to retrieve losses. it is impossible to foresee all evils which may arise out of such measures; and their effects may last after the cause is removed. the opponents of the resolutions persisted to consider the credit given by british merchants, as a solid advantage to any country which, like the united states, was defective in commercial capital; but they denied that, from that source, any political influence had arisen. "if," said mr. tracy, "we may argue from a great state, virginia, to the union, this is not true; for although that state owes immense debts, her representatives come forward with great spirit to bring great britain to her feet. the people to the eastward do not owe the english merchants, and are very generally opposed to these regulations. these facts must convince us that the credit given by great britain, does not operate to produce a fear, and a dependence, which can be alarming to government." "if," said mr. dexter, "i have a predilection for any country besides my own, that bias is in favour of france, the place of my father's sepulture. no one, more than myself, laments the spasm of patriotism which convulses that nation, and hazards the cause of freedom; but i shall not suffer the torrent of love or hatred to sweep me from my post. i am sent neither to plead the cause of france nor england, but am delegated as a guardian of the rights and interests of america." the speakers against the resolutions universally laboured to exclude from all weight in the decision on them, considerations which were foreign to the interests of the united states. "the discussion of this subject," said mr. tracy, "has assumed an appearance which must be surprising to a stranger, and painful in the extreme to ourselves. the supreme legislature of the united states is seriously deliberating, not upon the welfare of our own citizens, but upon the relative circumstances of two european nations; and this deliberation has not for its object, the relative benefits of their markets to us, but which form of government is best and most like our own, which people feel the greatest affection for us, and what measures we can adopt which will best humble one and exalt the other. "the primary motive of these resolutions, as acknowledged by their defenders, is, not the increase of our agriculture, manufactures, or navigation, but to humble great britain and build up france; and although it is said our manufactures and navigation may receive some advantage, it is only mentioned as a substitute in case of failure as to the great object. "the discussion in favour of these resolutions has breathed nothing but hostility and revenge against the english; and yet _they_ put on the mild garb of commercial regulations. legislatures, always cautious of attempting to force trade from its own channels and habits, should certainly be peculiarly cautious, when they do undertake such business, to set about it with temperance and coolness; but in this debate, we are told of the inexecution of a former treaty, withholding western posts, insults and dominations of a haughty people, that through the agency of great britain the savages are upon us on one side, and the algerines on the other. the mind is roused by a group of evils, and then called upon to consider a statement of duties on goods imported from foreign countries. if the subject is commercial, why not treat it commercially, and attend to it with coolness? if it is a question of political hostility, or of war, a firmer tone may be adopted." on this side of the question, the conduct of great britain, if as hostile as it was represented to be, was spoken of with high indignation. "if," said mr. tracy, "these statements are founded in fact, i can not justify myself to my constituents, or my conscience, in saying the adoption of the regulations of commerce, a navigation act, or the whole parade of shutting ports, and freeing trade from its shackles, is in any degree calculated to meet or remedy the evil. "although i deprecate war as the worst of calamities for my country, yet i would inquire seriously whether we had on our part, fulfilled the treaty with great britain, and would do complete justice to them first. i would negotiate as long and as far as patience ought to go; and, if i found an obstinate denial of justice, i would then lay the hand of force upon the western posts, and would teach the world that the united states were no less prompt in commanding justice to be done them, than they had been patient and industrious in attempting to obtain it by fair and peaceable means. in this view of the subject i should be led to say, away with your milk and water regulations; they are too trifling to effect objects of such importance. are the algerines to be frightened with paper resolves, or the indians to be subdued, or the western posts taken, by commercial regulations? when we consider the subject merely as a commercial one, it goes too far, and attempts too much; but when considered as a war establishment, it falls infinitely short of the mark, and does too little." this earnest and interesting debate was protracted to a great length, and was conducted on both sides with great spirit and eloquence. at length, on the third of february, the question was taken on the first resolution, which was carried by a majority of five. the further consideration of the resolutions was then postponed until the first monday in march. this animated debate was succeeded by another, on a question which also brought into full view, the systems that were embraced by the opposite parties, on some of those great national subjects which give a character to an administration. on the second of january, a resolution was agreed to in the house of representatives declaring "that a naval force adequate to the protection of the commerce of the united states against the algerine corsairs, ought to be provided." the force proposed was to consist of six frigates; four of forty-four, and two of thirty-six guns. this measure was founded on the communications of the president, representing the improbability of being able to negotiate a peace with the dey of algiers; and on undoubted information that the corsairs of that regency had, during their first short cruise in the atlantic, captured eleven american merchantmen, and made upwards of one hundred prisoners; and were preparing to renew their attack on the unprotected vessels of the united states. in every stage of its progress this bill was most strenuously opposed. [sidenote: debates on the subject of a navy.] the measure was viewed simply as a present protection to commerce, and then as the commencement of a permanent naval establishment. in both characters it was reprobated with extreme severity. as a measure of protection, it was declared to be altogether incompetent to the attainment of its object, because the force contemplated was insufficient, and because it could not be brought into immediate use. the measure, therefore, would be totally inefficacious. but the object might be effected by other means, more eligible, and less expensive. by proper management, and a due attention to time and circumstances, a peace might be procured with money. nations possessing a naval force greatly superior to the proposed armament, had found it to their advantage to purchase the friendship of the algerines. that mode of procuring peace was recommended both by its efficacy, and its economy. unless the object was obtained, the money would not be expended. another mode of giving security to their commerce, preferable to the plan in the bill, was to purchase the protection of foreign powers. this might be acquired at a less expense than would be incurred in fitting out the proposed armament, and its utility would be immediate. but the measure was also to be considered as the commencement of a permanent navy. the question which this view of it presented, was one of the most important that could engage the consideration of the house. the adoption of the principle would involve a complete dereliction of the policy of discharging the public debt. history afforded no instance of a nation which continued to increase its navy, and at the same time to decrease its debt. to the expensiveness of the navy system were ascribed the oppression under which the people of england groaned, the overthrow of the french monarchy, and the dangers which threatened that of great britain. the expensiveness of the government was the true ground of the oppression of the people. the king, the nobility, the priesthood, the _army_, and above all, the navy. all this machinery lessens the number of productive, and increases the number of unproductive hands in the nation. the united states had already advanced full far enough in this system. in addition to the civil list, they had funded a debt on the principles of duration, had raised an army at an immense expense, and now a proposition was made for a navy. the system of governing by debts, was the most refined system of tyranny. it seemed to be a contrivance devised by politicians to succeed the old system of feudal tenures. both were tyrannical, but the objects of their tyranny were different. the one operated on the person, the other operates on the pockets of the individual. the feudal lord was satisfied with the acknowledgment of the tenant that he was a slave, and the rendition of a pepper corn as an evidence of it; the product of his labour was left for his own support. the system of debts affords no such indulgence. its true policy is to devise objects of expense, and to draw the greatest possible sum from the people in the least visible mode. no device can facilitate the system of debts and expense so much as a navy; and they should hold the liberty of the american people at a lower rate, should this policy be adopted. another great objection to the establishment of a navy was, that until the united states should be able to contend with the great maritime powers on the ocean, it would be a hostage, to its full value, for their good behaviour. it would increase rather than lessen their dependence. in reply, it was said that if it had been the intention of the house to incur a vast expense in the establishment of a navy for vain parade, there might be force in some of the objections which had been made. but this was not the case. it was a measure, not of choice, but of necessity. it was extorted by the pressure of unavoidable events. it being universally admitted that their commerce required protection against the algerine corsairs, the question was, simply, whether the plan proposed in the bill was the best mode of affording that protection. to decide this question, it would be proper to consider the substitutes which had been offered; and then to review the objections which had been made to the measure. the substitutes were, first, to purchase a peace; and secondly, to subsidize other nations to protect commerce. on the first substitute, it was said that the late communications must satisfy every person who had attended to them, that all hope of purchasing a peace must be abandoned, unless there was a manifestation of some force which might give effect to negotiation. so long as the vessels of the united states remained an easy and tempting prey to the cupidity of those corsairs, it would be vain to expect that they would sell a peace for the price the government would be willing to give, or that a peace would be of any duration. if the executive had experienced such difficulties while the algerine cruisers had captured only one or two vessels, and were confined to the mediterranean by a portuguese squadron, how much less prospect was there of success after they had captured a considerable number of ships, were likely to capture many more, and were at liberty to cruise on the atlantic to the very coasts of the united states? even that little prospect of success would be diminished, when the dey of algiers should understand that the united states would take no measures to protect their trade, and were afraid of the expense of a small armament. it was to be understood that they did not rely solely on the operations of the armament. they still looked forward to negotiation, and were willing to provide the means for purchasing a peace. but the former measure was necessary to give success to the latter, and the armament might be employed to advantage should negotiation fail. the other substitute was to subsidize foreign powers. the national dishonour of depending upon others for that protection which the united states were able to afford themselves, was strongly urged. but there were additional objections to this project. either the nations in contemplation were at peace or at war with the regency of algiers. if the former, it was not to be expected that they would relinquish that peace for any indemnification the united states could make them. if the latter, they had sufficient inducements to check the depredations of their enemies without subsidies. such a protection would be hazardous, as it would be, at any time, in the power of the nation that should be employed, to conclude a truce with algiers, and leave the trade of the united states at the mercy of her corsairs. while the expense of protection was perpetually to be incurred, it would never furnish the strength which that expense ought to give. with a navy of her own, america might co-operate to advantage with any power at war with algiers, but it would be risking too much to depend altogether on any foreign nation. to the argument that the force was incompetent to the object, it was answered, that, from the documents before them, and from the diligent inquiries of a large committee, the number and strength of the algerine corsairs had been ascertained, and the armament contemplated in the bill was believed to be sufficient. if gentlemen thought differently, it was surprising that they did not move to augment it. the expense of the frigates had been strongly urged. but the saving in insurance, in ships and cargoes, and in the ransom of seamen, was more than equivalent to this item. "but are not the slavery of our fellow citizens, and the national disgrace resulting from it, to be taken into the account? these are considerations beyond all calculation. who can, after reading the affecting narratives of the unfortunate, sit down contented with cold calculations and syllogisms? their narratives ought to excite every possible exertion, not only to procure the release of the captured, but to prevent the increase of the number of these unhappy victims." that a bill providing six frigates, to exist during the war with the algerines, should excite apprehensions of a large permanent navy, and of an immense debt, was truly astonishing. but even if the bill had not contained a clause enabling the president to discontinue the armament provided peace should be concluded with the regency of algiers, the weight of the objection was denied. america was peculiarly fitted for a navy; she abounded in all kinds of naval resources, and had within herself, those means which other nations were obliged to obtain from abroad. her situation, and the dispositions of a considerable proportion of her citizens, evinced still more the propriety of a naval establishment. perhaps the country was not yet mature for such an establishment to any great extent. but the period was not far distant when it would be. the united states had an increasing population, much individual wealth, and considerable national resources. it was not believed that the expense of equipping a small naval armament for the protection of their commerce, would be insupportable. it was, however, matter of surprise, that gentlemen who had deemed the improvement of american navigation, as a source of defence, an object of so much importance as to be anxious to wage an immediate commercial war with great britain for that purpose, should avow such a fixed determination against resorting to that resource in any degree whatever, under circumstances the most urgent. the original resolution was carried only by a majority of two voices; but as the bill advanced, several members who were accustomed to vote in the opposition gave it their support; and, on the final question, a majority of eleven appeared in its favour. the other branch of the legislature concurred, and it received the cordial assent of the president. pending these discussions, the irritations in which they commenced were greatly aggravated by accounts, that captures of american vessels by british cruisers were made to an extent altogether unprecedented; and early in march, an authentic paper was received which proved that those captures were not unauthorized. on the sixth of november, , additional instructions had been issued to the ships of war and privateers of great britain, requiring them to stop and detain all ships, laden with goods the produce of any colony belonging to france, or carrying provisions or other supplies to any such colony, and to bring the same, with their cargoes, to legal adjudication, in the british courts of admiralty. these instructions made a serious impression on the most reflecting and moderate men in the united states. it was believed that they originated in a spirit of hostility which must lead to war; and that it had now become the part of prudence to prepare for that event. on the th of march, mr. sedgewick moved several resolutions, the objects of which were to raise a military force, and to authorize the president to lay an embargo. the armament was to consist of fifteen thousand men, who should be brought into actual service in case of war with any european power, but not until war should break out. in the mean time, they were to receive pay while assembled for the purpose of discipline, which was not to exceed twenty-four days in each year. after stating the motives which led to the introduction of these resolutions, they were laid on the table for the consideration of the members. two days afterwards, a motion was made to take up that which related to an embargo; but this motion was negatived for the purpose of resuming the consideration of the commercial regulations which had been offered by mr. madison. on the motion of mr. nicholas, those resolutions were amended so as to subject the manufactures of great britain alone, instead of those of all nations having no commercial treaties with the united states, to the proposed augmentation of duties. they were again debated with great earnestness, but no decision on them was made. in addition to the objections urged against them as forming a commercial system in time of peace, they were said to be particularly inapplicable to the present moment. if, as was believed, the united states were about to be forced into a war, the public counsels ought to be directed to measures of defence. in that event, the resolutions would, at best, be useless. but the greater the danger of war, the more incumbent was it on the government to unite public opinion in support of it; and this would best be effected by observing a line of conduct which would furnish no just cause of hostility. the commercial discriminations proposed were of a hostile and irritating nature, might render war certain, would be considered by many as unnecessary, and might impair that unanimity in which the great strength of the country consisted. it was submitted to the gentlemen to decide whether it was wise to press their system through, with so small a majority as was in its favour. the resolutions were defended on the principle, that though not in themselves contributing to the national defence, they would not prevent the adoption of such other measures as the state of things might render necessary. if war should take place, they could do no harm. but war must at some time be succeeded by peace: and they would form a valuable basis for negotiation.[ ] [footnote : in the course of this debate the resolutions were still considered as calculated to promote the interests, not of the united states, but of france. mr. ames said they had _french_ stamped upon the very face of them. this expression produced a warm retort from colonel parker. he wished there was a stamp on the forehead of every person to designate whether he was for france or britain. for himself he would not be silent and hear that nation abused to whom america was indebted for her rank as a nation. he was firmly persuaded that but for the aid of france in the last war, those gentlemen now on the floor who prided themselves in abusing her, would not have had an opportunity in that place of doing it. this sentiment produced a clap in the galleries. this indecorum was severely reprobated, and a motion was made to clear the galleries. although the debate shows that the degree of sensibility excited by this disorder was extremely different in the different parties, it was justified by none, and the galleries were cleared.] [sidenote: an embargo law.] on the st of march, mr. sedgewick's motion authorizing the president to lay an embargo was negatived by a majority of two voices; but in a few days, the consideration of that subject was resumed, and a resolution passed, prohibiting all trade from the united states to any foreign port or place for the space of thirty days, and empowering the president to carry the resolution into effect. this resolution was accompanied with vigorous provisional measures for defence, respecting the adoption of which, no considerable division of sentiment was avowed. while the measures of congress indicated that expectation of war, a public document made its appearance which seemed to demonstrate that great britain also was preparing for that event. this was the answer of lord dorchester, on the th of february, to a speech delivered by the deputies of a great number of indian tribes assembled at quebec. in this answer, his lordship had openly avowed the opinion, founded, as he said, on the conduct of the american people, that a war between great britain and the united states, during the present year, was probable, and that a new line between the two nations must then be drawn by the sword. this document was not authentic; but it obtained general belief, and contributed to confirm the opinion that war was scarcely to be avoided. on the th of march, mr. dayton moved a resolution for sequestering all debts due to british subjects, and for taking means to secure their payment into the treasury, as a fund out of which to indemnify the citizens of the united states for depredations committed on their commerce by british cruisers, in violation of the laws of nations. the debate on this resolution was such as was to be expected from the irritable state of the public mind. the invectives against the british nation were uttered with peculiar vehemence, and were mingled with allusions to the exertions of the government for the preservation of neutrality, censuring strongly the system which had been pursued. before any question was taken on the proposition for sequestering british debts, and without a decision on those proposed by mr. madison, mr. clarke moved a resolution, which in some degree suspended the commercial regulations that had been so earnestly debated. this was to prohibit all intercourse with great britain until her government should make full compensation for all injuries done to the citizens of the united states by armed vessels, or by any person or persons acting under the authority of the british king; and until the western posts should be delivered up.[ ] [footnote : a few days before the motions of mr. dayton and mr. clarke, a report was made by the secretary of state relative to the vexations of american commerce committed by the officers and cruisers of the belligerent powers. it was made from materials collected in an inquiry which had been instituted by the president before the meeting of congress. in this report, after detailing the numerous complaints which were made against great britain, the secretary proceeded to notice those which were brought against other nations. against france, he said, it was urged that her privateers harassed the american trade no less than those of the british. that their courts of admiralty were guilty of equal oppression. that they had violated the treaty between the two nations. that a very detrimental embargo had detained a number of american vessels in her ports, and that the government had discharged a specie contract with assignats. the effect of this report seems to have been to excite a suspicion that the secretary of state was not sufficiently attached to liberty and to france.] on the fourth of april, before any decision was made on the several propositions which have been stated, the president laid before congress a letter just received from mr. pinckney, the minister of the united states at london, communicating additional instructions to the commanders of british armed ships, which were dated the eighth of january. these instructions revoked those of the sixth of november; and, instead of bringing in for adjudication all neutral vessels trading with the french islands, british cruisers were directed to bring in those only which were laden with cargoes the produce of the french islands, and were on a direct voyage from those islands to europe. the letter detailed a conversation with lord grenville on this subject, in which his lordship explained the motives which had originally occasioned the order of the sixth of november, and gave to it a less extensive signification than it had received in the courts of vice admiralty. it was intended, he said, to be temporary, and was calculated to answer two purposes. one was, to prevent the abuses which might take place in consequence of the whole of the st. domingo fleet having gone to the united states; the other was, on account of the attack designed upon the french west india islands by the armament under sir john jarvis and sir charles grey; but it was now no longer necessary to continue the regulations for those purposes. his lordship added, that the order of the sixth of november did not direct the confiscation of all vessels trading with the french islands, but only that they should be brought in for legal adjudication; and he conceived that no vessel would be condemned under it, which would not have been previously liable to the same sentence. the influence of this communication on the party in the legislature which was denominated federal, was very considerable. believing that the existing differences between the two nations still admitted of explanation and adjustment, they strenuously opposed all measures which were irritating in their tendency, or which might be construed into a dereliction of the neutral character they were desirous of maintaining; but they gave all their weight to those which, by putting the nation in a posture of defence, prepared it for war, should negotiation fail. on the opposite party, no change of sentiment or of views appears to have been produced. their system seems to have been matured, and not to have originated in the feelings of the moment. they adhered to it therefore with inflexible perseverance; but seemed not anxious to press an immediate determination of the propositions which had been made. these propositions were discussed with great animation; but, notwithstanding an ascertained majority in their favour, were permitted to remain undecided, as if their fate depended on some extrinsic circumstance. meanwhile, great exertions were made to increase the public agitation, and to stimulate the resentments which were felt against great britain. the artillery of the press was played with unceasing fury on the minority of the house of representatives; and the democratic societies brought their whole force into operation. language will scarcely afford terms of greater outrage than were employed against those who sought to stem the torrent of public opinion, and to moderate the rage of the moment. they were denounced as a british faction, seeking to impose chains on their countrymen. even the majority was declared to be but half roused; and to show little of that energy and decision which the crisis required. unequivocal evidence, it was said, had been obtained of the liberticide intentions of great britain; and only the successes of freedom against tyranny, the triumphs of their magnanimous french brethren over slaves, had been the means of once more guaranteeing the independence of this country. the glorious example of france ought to animate the american people to every exertion to raise their prostrate character; and every tie of gratitude and interest should lead them to cement their connexion with that great republic. the proclamation of neutrality, though admitted to have originated in the best motives on the part of the president, was declared to be not only questionable in a constitutional point of view, but eventually to have proved impolitic. being falsely construed by great britain into a manifestation of a pusillanimous disposition, it served to explain the aggressions of that nation. experience now urged the abandonment of a line of conduct, which had fed the pride and provoked the insults of their unprincipled and implacable enemy; and was derogatory to the honour, inconsistent with the interest, and hostile to the liberties of their country. their tameness under british aggressions was declared to furnish just cause of offence to france; since every infringement of right submitted to by a neutral, inflicted a correspondent injury on the nation at war with the offending power. the proceedings of the legislature continued to manifest a fixed purpose to pursue the system which had been commenced; and the public sentiment seemed to accord with that system. that the nation was advancing rapidly to a state of war, was firmly believed by many intelligent men, who doubted the necessity, and denied the policy of abandoning the neutral position which had been thus long maintained. in addition to the extensive calamities which must, in any state of things, result to the united states from a rupture with a nation which was the mistress of the ocean, and which furnished the best market for the sale of their produce, and the purchase of manufactures of indispensable necessity, there were considerations belonging exclusively to the moment, which, though operating only in a narrow circle, were certainly entitled to great respect. that war with britain, during the continuance of the passionate and almost idolatrous devotion of a great majority of the people to the french republic, would throw america so completely into the arms of france as to leave her no longer mistress of her own conduct, was not the only fear which the temper of the day suggested. that the spirit which triumphed in that nation, and deluged it with the blood of its revolutionary champions, might cross the atlantic, and desolate the hitherto safe and peaceful dwellings of the american people, was an apprehension not so entirely unsupported by appearances, as to be pronounced chimerical. with a blind infatuation, which treated reason as a criminal, immense numbers applauded a furious despotism, trampling on every right, and sporting with life, as the essence of liberty; and the few who conceived freedom to be a plant which did not flourish the better for being nourished with human blood, and who ventured to disapprove the ravages of the guillotine, were execrated as the tools of the coalesced despots, and as persons who, to weaken the affection of america for france, became the calumniators of that republic. already had an imitative spirit, captivated with the splendour, but copying the errors of a great nation, reared up in every part of the continent self created corresponding societies, who, claiming to be the people, assumed a control over the government, and were loosening its bands. already were the mountain,[ ] and a revolutionary tribunal, favourite toasts; and already were principles familiarly proclaimed which, in france, had been the precursors of that tremendous and savage despotism, which, in the name of the people, and by the instrumentality of affiliated societies, had spread its terrific sway over that fine country, and had threatened to extirpate all that was wise and virtuous. that a great majority of those statesmen who conducted the opposition would deprecate such a result, furnished no security against it. when the physical force of a nation usurps the place of its wisdom, those who have produced such a state of things no longer control it. [footnote : a well known term designating the most violent party in france.] these apprehensions, whether well or ill founded, produced in those who felt them, an increased solicitude for the preservation of peace. their aid was not requisite to confirm the judgment of the president on this interesting subject. fixed in his purpose of maintaining the neutrality of the united states, until the aggressions of a foreign power should clearly render neutrality incompatible with honour; and conceiving, from the last advices received from england, that the differences between the two nations had not yet attained that point, he determined to make one decisive effort, which should either remove the ostensible causes of quarrel, or demonstrate the indisposition of great britain to remove them. this determination was executed by the nomination of an envoy extraordinary to his britannic majesty, which was announced to the senate on the th of april in the following terms: "the communications which i have made to you during your present session, from the despatches of our minister in london, contain a serious aspect of our affairs with great britain. but as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted zeal, before the last resource which has so often been the scourge of nations, and can not fail to check the advanced prosperity of the united states, is contemplated, i have thought proper to nominate, and do hereby nominate john jay, as envoy extraordinary of the united states, to his britannic majesty. [sidenote: mr. jay appointed envoy extraordinary to great britain.] "my confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in london continues undiminished. but a mission like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for the friendly adjustment of our complaints, and a reluctance to hostility. going immediately from the united states, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country; and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with sincerity." to those who believed the interests of the nation to require a rupture with england, and a still closer connexion with france, nothing could be more unlooked for, or more unwelcome, than this decisive measure. that it would influence the proceedings of congress could not be doubted; and it would materially affect the public mind was probable. evincing the opinion of the executive that negotiation, not legislative hostility, was still the proper medium for accommodating differences with great britain, it threw on the legislature a great responsibility, if they should persist in a system calculated to defeat that negotiation. by showing to the people that their president did not yet believe war to be necessary, it turned the attention of many to peace; and, by suggesting the probability, rekindled the almost extinguished desire, of preserving that blessing. scarcely has any public act of the president drawn upon his administration a greater degree of censure than this. that such would be its effect, could not be doubted by a person who had observed the ardour with which opinions that it thwarted were embraced, or the extremity to which the passions and contests of the moment had carried all orders of men. but it is the province of real patriotism to consult the utility, more than the popularity of a measure; and to pursue the path of duty, although it may be rugged. in the senate, the nomination was approved by a majority of ten voices; and, in the house of representatives, it was urged as an argument against persevering in the system which had been commenced. on the th of april, a motion for taking up the report of the committee of the whole house on the resolution for cutting off all commercial intercourse with great britain, was opposed, chiefly on the ground that, as an envoy had been nominated to the court of that country, no obstacle ought to be thrown in his way. the adoption of the resolution would be a bar to negotiation, because it used the language of menace, and manifested a partiality to one of the belligerents which was incompatible with neutrality. it was also an objection to the resolution that it prescribed the terms on which alone a treaty should be made, and was consequently an infringement of the right of the executive to negotiate, and an indelicacy to that department. in support of the motion, it was said, that the measure was strictly within the duty of the legislature, they having solely the right to regulate commerce. that, if there was any indelicacy in the clashing of the proceedings of the legislature and executive, it was to the latter, not to the former, that this indelicacy was to be imputed. the resolution which was the subject of debate had been several days depending in the house, before the nomination of an envoy extraordinary had been made. america having a right, as an independent nation, to regulate her own commerce, the resolution could not lead to war; on the contrary, it was the best means of bringing the negotiation to a happy issue. the motion for taking up the report was carried in the affirmative. some embarrassment was produced by an amendment offered by mr. smith of south carolina, who proposed to add another condition to the restoration of intercourse between the two countries. this was, compensation for the negroes carried away in violation of the treaty of peace. the house avoided this proposition by modifying the resolutions so as to expunge all that part of it which prescribed the conditions on which the intercourse might be restored. a bill was brought in conforming to this resolution, and carried by a considerable majority. in the senate, it was lost by the casting vote of the vice president. the system which had been taken up in the house of representatives was pressed no further. the altercations between the executive and the minister of the french republic, had given birth to many questions which had been warmly agitated in the united states, and on which a great diversity of sentiment prevailed. the opinion of the administration that the relations produced by existing treaties, and indeed by a state of peace independent of treaty, imposed certain obligations on the united states, an observance of which it was the duty of the executive to enforce, had been reprobated with extreme severity. it was contended, certainly by the most active, perhaps by the most numerous part of the community, not only that the treaties had been grossly misconstrued, but also that, under any construction of them, the interference of the executive acquired the sanction of legislative authority; that, until the legislature should interpose and annex certain punishments to infractions of neutrality, the natural right possessed by every individual to do any act not forbidden by express law, would furnish a secure protection against those prosecutions which a tyrannical executive might direct for the crime of disregarding its illegal mandates. the right of the president to call out the militia for the detention of privateers about to violate the rules he had established, was, in some instances, denied; attempts to punish those who had engaged, within the united states, to carry on expeditions against foreign nations, were unsuccessful; and a grand jury had refused to find a bill of indictment against mr. duplaine, for having rescued, with an armed force, a vessel which had been taken into custody by an officer of justice. of consequence, however decided the opinion of the executive might be with respect to its constitutional powers and duties, it was desirable to diminish the difficulties to be encountered in performing those duties, by obtaining the sanction of the legislature to the rules which had been established for the preservation of neutrality. the propriety of legislative provision for the case was suggested by the president at the commencement of the session, and a bill was brought into the senate, "in addition to the act for punishing certain crimes against the united states." this bill prohibited the exercise, within the american territory, of those various rights of sovereignty which had been claimed by mr. genet, and subjected any citizen of the united states who should be convicted of committing any of the offences therein enumerated, to fine and imprisonment. it also prohibited the condemnation and sale within the united states, of prizes made from the citizens or subjects of nations with whom they were at peace. necessary as this measure was, the whole strength of the opposition in the senate was exerted to defeat it. motions to strike out the most essential clause were successively repeated, and each motion was negatived by the casting vote of the vice president. it was only by his voice that the bill finally passed.[ ] [footnote : previous to taking the question on this bill, a petition had been received against mr. gallatin, a senator from the state of pennsylvania, who was determined not to have been a citizen a sufficient time to qualify him under the constitution for a seat in the senate. this casual circumstance divided the senate, or the bill would probably have been lost.] in the house of representatives also, this bill encountered a serious opposition. the sections which prohibited the sale of prizes in the united states, and that which declared it to be a misdemeanour to accept a commission from a foreign power within the territory of the united states, to serve against a nation with whom they were at peace, were struck out; but that which respected the acceptance of commissions was afterwards reinstated. in the course of the session, several other party questions were brought forward, which demonstrated, at the same time, the strength, and the zeal of the opposition. the subject of amending the constitution was revived; and a resolution was agreed to in both houses for altering that instrument, so far as to exempt states from the suits of individuals. while this resolution was before the senate, it was also proposed to render the officers of the bank, and the holders of stock, ineligible to either branch of the legislature; and this proposition, so far as respected officers in the bank, was negatived by a majority of only one vote.[ ] a bill to sell the shares of the united states in the bank was negatived by the same majority. [footnote : a clause in the resolution as proposed, which was understood to imply that the act for incorporating the bank was unconstitutional, was previously struck out by the same majority.] [sidenote: inquiry into the conduct of the secretary of the treasury terminates honourably to him.] in both houses inquiries were set on foot respecting the treasury department, which obviously originated in the hope of finding some foundation for censuring that officer, but which failed entirely. in a similar hope, as respected the minister of the united states at paris, the senate passed a vote requesting the president to lay before that body, his correspondence with the french republic, and also with the department of state.[ ] [footnote : see note no. viii. at the end of the volume.] the preparations for an eventual war, which the aspect of public affairs rendered it imprudent to omit, and a heavy appropriation of a million, which, under the title of foreign intercourse, was made for the purpose of purchasing peace from algiers, and liberating the americans who were in captivity, created demands upon the treasury which the ordinary revenues were insufficient to satisfy. that the imposition of additional taxes had become indispensable, was a truth too obvious to be controverted with the semblance of reason; but the subjects of taxation afforded at all times an ample field for discussion. the committee of ways and means reported several resolutions for extending the internal duties to various objects which were supposed capable of bearing them, and also proposed an augmentation of the impost on foreign goods imported into the united states, and a direct tax. it was proposed to lay a tax on licenses to sell wines and spirituous liquors, on sales at auction, on pleasure carriages, on snuff manufactured, and on sugar refined in the united states, and also to lay a stamp duty. [sidenote: internal taxes laid.] the direct tax was not even supported by the committee. only thirteen members voted in its favour. the augmentation of the duty on imposts met with no opposition. the internal duties were introduced in separate bills, that each might encounter only those objections which could be made to itself; and that the loss of one might not involve the loss of others. the resolution in favour of stamps was rejected: the others were carried, after repeated and obstinate debates. the members of the opposition were in favour of raising the whole sum required by additional burdens on trade, and by direct taxes. while these measures were depending before congress, memorials and resolutions against them were presented by the manufacturers, which were expressed in terms of disrespect that evidenced the sense in which numbers understood the doctrine, _that the people were sovereign, and those who administered the government, their servants_. this opportunity for charging the government with tyranny and oppression, with partiality and injustice, was too favourable not to be embraced by the democratic societies, those self proclaimed watchful sentinels over the rights of the people. a person unacquainted with those motives which, in the struggle of party, too often influence the conduct of men, would have supposed a direct tax to be not only in itself more eligible, but to be more acceptable to the community than those which were proposed. to the more judicious observers of the springs of human action, the reverse was known to be the fact. [illustration: george washington's bedroom at mount vernon _it was in this room that washington expired, december , . two days previously he was exposed in the saddle, for several hours, to cold and snow, and contracted acute laryngitis for which he was ineffectually treated in the primitive manner of the period. a short time before ceasing to breathe, he said: "i die hard; but i am not afraid to go. i believed from my first attack that i should not survive it. my breath cannot last long." a little later he murmured: "i feel myself going. i thank you for your attentions; but i pray you to take no more trouble about me. let me go off quietly. i cannot last long." after giving some instructions about his burial he became easier, felt his own pulse, and died without a struggle._] the friends of the administration supported the proposed system against every objection to it, because they believed it to be more productive, and less unpopular, than a direct tax. it is not impossible that what recommended the system to one party, might constitute a real objection to it with those who believed that the public interest required a change[ ] in the public councils. [footnote : the declaration was not unfrequently made that the people could only be roused to a proper attention to the violation of their rights, and to the prodigal waste of their money, by perceiving the weight of their taxes. this was concealed from them by the indirect, and would be disclosed to them by the direct, system of taxation.] on the ninth of june, this active and stormy session was closed by an adjournment to the first monday in the succeeding november. [sidenote: congress adjourns.] the public was not less agitated than the legislature had been, by those interesting questions which had occasioned some of the most animated and eloquent discussions that had ever taken place on the floor of the house of representatives. mr. madison's resolutions especially, continued to be the theme of general conversation; and, for a long time, divided parties throughout the united states. the struggle for public opinion was ardent; and each party supported its pretensions, not only with those arguments which each deemed conclusive, but also by those reciprocal criminations which, perhaps, each, in part, believed. the opposition declared that the friends of the administration were an aristocratic and corrupt faction, who, from a desire to introduce monarchy, were hostile to france, and under the influence of britain; that they sought every occasion to increase expense, to augment debt, to multiply the public burdens, to create armies and navies, and, by the instrumentality of all this machinery, to govern and enslave the people: that they were a paper nobility, whose extreme sensibility at every measure which threatened the funds, induced a tame submission to injuries and insults, which the interests and honour of the nation required them to resist. the friends of the administration retorted, that the opposition was prepared to sacrifice the best interests of their country on the altar of the french revolution. that they were willing to go to war for french, not for american objects: that while they urged war they withheld the means of supporting it, in order the more effectually to humble and disgrace the government: that they were so blinded by their passion for france as to confound crimes with meritorious deeds, and to abolish the natural distinction between virtue and vice: that the principles which they propagated, and with which they sought to intoxicate the people, were, in practice, incompatible with the existence of government. that they were the apostles of anarchy, not of freedom; and were consequently not the friends of real and rational liberty. chapter iii. genet recalled.... is succeeded by mr. fauchet.... gouverneur morris recalled, and is succeeded by mr. monroe.... kentucky remonstrance.... intemperate resolutions of the people of that state.... general wayne defeats the indians on the miamis.... insurrection in the western parts of pennsylvania.... quelled by the prompt and vigorous measures of the government.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... democratic societies.... resignation of colonel hamilton.... is succeeded by mr. wolcott.... resignation of general knox.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... treaty between the united states and great britain.... conditionally ratified by the president.... the treaty unpopular.... mr. randolph resigns.... is succeeded by colonel pickering.... colonel m'henry appointed secretary of war.... charge against the president rejected..... treaty with the indians north-west of the ohio.... with algiers.... with spain.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... mr. adet succeeds mr. fauchet..... the house of representatives call upon the president for papers relating to the treaty with great britain.... he declines sending them.... debates upon the treaty making power.... upon the bill for making appropriations to carry into execution the treaty with great britain.... congress adjourns.... the president endeavours to procure the liberation of lafayette. { } that the most material of those legislative measures on which the two great parties of the united states were divided, might be presented in one unbroken view, some transactions have been passed over, which will now be noticed. in that spirit of conciliation, which adopts the least irritating means for effecting its objects, the president had resolved to bear with the insults, the resistance, and the open defiance of mr. genet, until his appeal to the friendship and the policy of the french republic should be fairly tried. early in january, this resolution was shaken, by fresh proofs of the perseverance of that minister, in a line of conduct, not to be tolerated by a nation, which has not surrendered all pretensions to self government. mr. genet had meditated, and deliberately planned, two expeditions to be carried on from the territories of the united states, against the dominions of spain; and had, as minister of the french republic, granted commissions to citizens of the united states, who were privately recruiting troops for the proposed service. the first was destined against the floridas, and the second against louisiana. the detail of the plans had been settled. the pay, rations, clothing, plunder, and division of the conquered lands to be allotted to the military; and the proportion of the acquisitions to be reserved to the republic of france, were arranged. the troops destined to act against the floridas were to be raised in the three southern states, were to rendezvous in georgia, were to be aided by a body of indians and were to co-operate with the french fleet, should one arrive on the coast. this scheme had been the subject of a correspondence between the executive and mr. genet, but was in full progress in the preceding december, when by the vigilance of the legislature of south carolina, it was more particularly developed, and some of the principal agents were arrested. about the same time, intelligence less authentic, but wearing every circumstance of probability, was received, stating that the expedition against louisiana, which was to be carried on down the ohio from kentucky, was in equal maturity. [sidenote: genet recalled.] this intelligence seemed to render a further forbearance incompatible with the dignity, perhaps with the safety of the united states. the question of superseding the diplomatic functions of mr. genet, and depriving him of the privileges attached to that character, was brought before the cabinet; and a message to congress was prepared, communicating these transactions, and avowing a determination to adopt that measure within ---- days, unless, in the mean time, one or the other house should signify the opinion that it was not adviseable so to do. in this state, the business was arrested by receiving a letter from mr. morris, announcing, officially, the recall of this rash minister. [sidenote: is succeeded by mr. fauchet.] mr. fauchet, the successor of mr. genet, arrived in february, and brought with him strong assurances that his government totally disapproved the conduct of his predecessor. he avowed a determination to avoid whatever might be offensive to those to whom he was deputed, and a wish to carry into full effect the friendly dispositions of his nation towards the united states. for some time, his actions were in the spirit of these professions. [sidenote: gouverneur morris is recalled and is succeed by mr. monroe.] not long after the arrival of mr. fauchet, the executive government of france requested the recall of mr. morris. with this request the president immediately complied; and mr. monroe, a senator from virginia, who had embraced with ardour the cause of the french republic, and was particularly acceptable to the party in opposition, was appointed to succeed him. the discontents which had been long fomented in the western country, had assumed a serious and alarming appearance. [sidenote: kentucky remonstrance.] a remonstrance to the president and congress of the united states from the inhabitants of kentucky, respecting the navigation of the mississippi, was laid before the executive, and each branch of the legislature. the style of this paper accorded well with the instructions under which it had been prepared. in the language of an offended sovereign people, injured by the maladministration of public servants, it demanded the use of the mississippi as a natural right which had been unjustly withheld; and charged the government, openly, with being under the influence of a local policy, which had prevented its making one single real effort for the security of a good which was all essential to the prosperity of the western people. several intemperate aspersions upon the legislative and executive departments, accompanied with complaints that the course of the negotiations had not been communicated to those who were interested in the event, and with threats obviously pointing to dismemberment, were concluded with a declaration that nothing would remunerate the western people for the suspension of this great territorial right; that they must possess it; that the god of nature had given them the means of acquiring and enjoying it; and that to permit a sacrifice of it to any other considerations, would be a crime against themselves and their posterity. in the senate, the subject was referred to a committee, who reported, "that in the negotiation now carrying on at madrid between the united states and spain, the right of the former to the free navigation of the mississippi is well asserted and demonstrated, and their claim to its enjoyment is pursued with all the assiduity and firmness which the magnitude of the subject demands; and will doubtless continue to be so pursued until the object shall be obtained, or adverse circumstances shall render the further progress of the negotiation impracticable. that in the present state of the business, it would be improper for congress to interfere. but in order to satisfy the citizens of the united states more immediately interested in the event of this negotiation, that the united states have uniformly asserted their right to the free use of the navigation of the river mississippi, and have employed and will continue to pursue such measures as are best adapted to obtain the enjoyment of this important territorial right, the committee recommend that it be resolved by the senate-- "that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is requested to cause to be communicated to the executive of the state of kentucky,[ ] such part of the existing negotiation between the united states and spain relative to this subject, as he may deem adviseable, and consistent with the course of the negotiation." [footnote : two months previous to the passage of this resolution, the secretary of state had, by direction of the president, given the governor the most solemn assurances on this point.] in the house of representatives also, a resolution was passed, expressing the conviction of the house, that the executive was urging the claim of the united states to the navigation of the mississippi, in the manner most likely to prove successful. had the measures pursued in the western country been dictated, exclusively, by a wish to obtain an important good, these resolutions would have allayed the ferment which had been excited. the effect which must be produced on spain by the insinuation that the continuance of their connexion with the atlantic states depended on obtaining the object they sought, was too apparent to escape the notice of men endowed with an ordinary share of intelligence. but when the real motives for human action are latent, it is vain to demonstrate the unreasonableness of those which are avowed. after the reception of these resolutions, a number of the principal citizens from various parts of kentucky assembled at lexington, and among many intemperate resolutions passed the following: [sidenote: intemperate resolutions of the people of that state.] "that the general government whose duty it was to put us in possession of this right (the navigation of the mississippi) have, either through design or mistaken policy, adopted no effectual measures for its attainment. "that even the measures they have adopted, have been uniformly concealed from us, and veiled in mysterious secrecy. "that civil liberty is prostituted, when the servants of the people are suffered to tell their masters, that communications which they may judge important ought not to be intrusted to them." these resolutions concluded with a recommendation of county meetings, of county committees of correspondence, and of a convention when it might be judged expedient, to deliberate on the proper steps for the attainment and security of their just rights. to estimate these resolutions accurately, it will be necessary to view in connexion with them, the military preparations which were making in that country, under the authority of france. in october, , it was alleged by the spanish commissioners, that four frenchmen had left philadelphia, empowered by the minister of the french republic to prepare an expedition, in kentucky, against new orleans. this fact was immediately communicated by mr. jefferson to the governor of that state, with a request that he would use those means of prevention which the law enabled him to employ. binding to good behaviour was particularly recommended. this letter was accompanied by one from the secretary of war, conveying the request of the president, that, if preventive means should fail, effectual military force should be employed to arrest the expedition; and general wayne was ordered to hold a body of troops at the disposal of the governor, should he find the militia insufficient for his purpose. the governor had already received information, that a citizen of kentucky was in possession of a commission appointing him commander-in-chief of the proposed expedition; and that the frenchmen alluded to in the letter of mr. jefferson, had arrived, and, far from affecting concealment declared, that they only waited for money which they expected soon to receive, in order to commence their operations. the following extract of a letter from the governor, on this subject, exhibits a curious specimen of the conclusions to which gentlemen were conducted by the course of political reasoning which prevailed at the day. after stating the facts above alluded to, he says, "i have great doubts, even if they do attempt to carry their plan into execution, (provided they manage their business with prudence,) whether there is any legal authority to restrain or punish them, at least before they have actually accomplished it. for if it is lawful for any one citizen of this state to leave it, it is equally so for any number of them to do it. it is also lawful to carry with them any quantity of provisions, arms, and ammunition; and if the act is lawful in itself, there is nothing but the particular intention with which it is done that can possibly make it unlawful. but i know of no law which inflicts a punishment on intention only; or any criterion by which to decide what would be sufficient evidence of that intention, if it was a proper subject for legal censure. "i shall, upon all occasions, be averse to the exercise of any power which i do not consider myself as clearly and explicitly invested with, much less would i assume power to exercise it against men whom i consider as friends and brethren, in favour of a man whom i view as an enemy and a tyrant. i shall also feel but little inclination to take an active part in punishing or restraining any of my fellow citizens for a supposed intrusion only, to gratify or remove the fears of the minister or a prince who openly withholds from us an invaluable right, and who secretly instigates against us a most savage and cruel enemy." upon the receipt of this extraordinary letter, the president directed general wayne to establish a military post at fort massac, on the ohio, for the purpose of stopping by force, if peaceful means should fail, any body of armed men who should be proceeding down that river. this precaution appears to have been necessary. the preparations for the expedition were, for some time, carried on with considerable activity; and there is reason to believe that it was not absolutely relinquished, until spain ceased to be the enemy of france.[ ] [footnote : intercepted letters were laid before the president, showing that this expedition had been communicated to some members of the national convention and approved. it was stated that mr. genet, with the rank of major general, was to be commander-in-chief of all forces raised on the american continent, and to direct their movements.] the proceedings of the legislature of south carolina embarrassed those who had planned the invasion of the floridas, but did not entirely disconcert them. in april, a french sloop of war arrived on the confines of georgia and east florida, with a small body of troops, who were landed on one of the islands on the coast, south of the st. mary, and who declared themselves to be part of a larger force, which might soon be expected. upon their arrival, several small corps of americans who had engaged to serve the republic of france, assembled in georgia, for the purpose, as was universally understood, of co-operating with the french against the neighbouring dominions of spain. the interposition of government, and the inadequacy of the force to the object, disconcerted this expedition. its leader conducted his followers into the indian country, and endeavoured to make a settlement on their hunting grounds. while these turbulent scenes were acting, the loud plaudits of france, which were dictated by a passionate devotion to that country, were reechoed from every part of the american continent. the friendship of that republic for the united states, her respect for their rights, the ingratitude with which her continuing benefits were repaid, the injustice done her by the executive, its tameness under british insults, were the inexhaustible themes of loud, angry, and unceasing declamation. it required a firmness of mind, and a weight of character possessed only by the chief magistrate, to maintain the ground he had taken, against such an assemblage of passions and of prejudices. it will be recollected that in the preceding year, the attempt to treat with the hostile indians had suspended the operations of general wayne until the season for action had nearly passed away. after the total failure of negotiation, the campaign was opened with as much vigour as a prudent attention to circumstances would permit. the indians had expected an attempt upon their villages, and had collected in full force, with the apparent determination of risking a battle in their defence. a battle was desired by the american general; but the consequences of another defeat were too serious to warrant him in putting more to hazard by precipitate movements, than the circumstances of the war required. the negotiations with the indians were not terminated till september, and it was then too late to complete the preparations which would enable general wayne to enter their country and to hold it. he, therefore, contented himself with collecting his army and penetrating about six miles in advance of fort jefferson into the uninhabited country, where he established himself for the winter, in a camp called greensville. after fortifying his camp, he took possession of the ground on which the americans had been defeated in , where he erected fort recovery. these positions afforded considerable protection to the frontiers, and facilitated the opening of the ensuing campaign. seeing only the dark side of every measure adopted by the government, and not disinclined to militia expeditions made at the expense of the united states, the people of kentucky loudly charged the president with a total disregard of their safety, pronounced the continental troops entirely useless, declared that the indians were to be kept in awe alone by militia, and insisted that the power should be deposited with some person in their state, to call them out at his discretion, at the charge of the united states. meanwhile, some steps were taken by the governor of upper canada which were well calculated to increase suspicions respecting the dispositions of great britain. it was believed by the president, not without cause,[ ] that the cabinet of london was disposed to avail itself of the non-execution of that article of the treaty of peace, which stipulates for the payment of debts, to justify a permanent detention of the posts on the southern side of the great lakes, and to establish a new boundary line, whereby those lakes should be entirely comprehended in upper canada. early in the spring, a detachment from the garrison of detroit repossessed and fortified a position near fifty miles south of that station, on the miamis of the lakes, a river which empties into lake erie at its westernmost point. [footnote : see note no. ix. at the end of the volume.] this movement, the speech of lord dorchester, and other facts which strengthened the belief that the hostile indians were at least countenanced by the english, were the subjects of a correspondence between the secretary of state and mr. hammond, in which crimination was answered by recrimination, in which a considerable degree of mutual irritation was displayed, and in which each supported his charges against the nation of the other, much better than he defended his own. it did not, however, in any manner, affect the operations of the army. the delays inseparable from the transportation of necessary supplies through an uninhabited country, infested by an active enemy peculiarly skilled in partisan war, unavoidably protracted the opening of the campaign until near midsummer. meanwhile, several sharp skirmishes took place, in one of which a few white men were stated to be mingled with the indians. on the th of august, general wayne reached the confluence of the au glaize and the miamis of the lakes, where he threw up some works of defence, and protection for magazines. the richest and most extensive settlements of the western indians lay about this place. the mouth of the au glaize is distant about thirty miles from the post occupied by the british on the miamis of the lakes, in the vicinity of which the whole strength of the enemy, amounting, according to intelligence on which general wayne relied, to rather less than two thousand men, was collected. the continental legion was not much inferior in number to the indians: and a reinforcement of about eleven hundred mounted militia from kentucky, commanded by general scott, gave a decided superiority of strength to the army of wayne. that the indians had determined to give him battle was well understood; and the discipline of his legion, the ardour of all his troops, and the superiority of his numbers, authorized him confidently to expect a favourable issue. yet, in pursuance of that policy by which the united states had been uniformly actuated, he determined to make one more effort for the attainment of peace without bloodshed. messengers were despatched to the several hostile tribes who were assembled in his front, inviting them to appoint deputies to meet him on his march, in order to negotiate a lasting peace. on the th of august, the american army advanced down the miamis, with its right covered by that river; and on the th, arrived at the rapids. here they halted on the th, in order to erect a temporary work for the protection of the baggage, and to reconnoitre the situation of the enemy. the indians were advantageously posted behind a thick wood, and behind the british fort. [sidenote: general wayne defeats the indians at the miamis.] at eight in the morning of the th, the american army advanced in columns: the legion with its right flank covered by the miamis: one brigade of mounted volunteers commanded by general todd was on the left; and the other under general barbee was in the rear. a select battalion, commanded by major price, moved in front of the legion, sufficiently in advance to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action.[ ] [footnote : an evasive answer having been returned to the pacific overture made from the au glaize, general wayne was uncertain whether the indians had decided for peace or war.] after marching about five miles, major price received a heavy fire from a concealed enemy, and was compelled to retreat. the indians had chosen their ground with judgment. they had advanced into the thick wood in front of the british works which extends several miles west from the miamis, and had taken a position, rendered almost inaccessible to horse by a quantity of fallen timber which appeared to have been blown up in a tornado. they were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other; and, as is their custom, with a very extended front. their line stretched to the west, at right angles with the river, about two miles; and their immediate effort was to turn the left flank of the american army. on the discharge of the first rifle, the legion was formed in two lines, and the front was ordered to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the enemy from his covert at the point of the bayonet; then, and not until then, to deliver a fire, and to press the fugitives too closely to allow them time to load after discharging their pieces. soon perceiving the strength of the enemy in front, and that he was endeavouring to turn the american left, the general ordered the second line to support the first. the legion cavalry, led by captain campbell, was directed to penetrate between the indians and the river, where the wood was less thick and entangled, in order to charge their left flank; and general scott, at the head of the mounted volunteers, was directed to make a considerable circuit, and to turn their right flank. these orders were executed with spirit and promptitude; but such was the impetuosity of the charge made by the first line of infantry, so entirely was the enemy broken by it, and so rapid was the pursuit, that only a small part of the second line and of the mounted volunteers could get into the action. in the course of one hour, the indians were driven more than two miles, through thick woods; when the pursuit terminated within gun shot of the british fort. general wayne remained three days on the banks of the miamis, in front of the field of battle, during which time the houses and cornfields above and below the fort, some of them within pistol shot of it, were reduced to ashes. during these operations, a correspondence took place between general wayne and major campbell, the commandant of the fort, which is stated by the former in such a manner as to show, that hostilities between them were avoided only by the prudent acquiescence of the latter in this devastation of property within the range of his guns. on the th, the army returned to au glaize by easy marches, destroying on its route all the villages and corn within fifty miles of the river. in this decisive battle, the loss of the americans, in killed and wounded, amounted to one hundred and seven, including officers. among the dead was captain campbell, who commanded the cavalry, and lieutenant towles of the infantry, both of whom fell in the first charge. general wayne bestowed great and well merited praise on the courage and alacrity displayed by every part of the army. the hostility of the indians still continuing, their whole country was laid waste, and forts were erected in the heart of their settlements, to prevent their return. this seasonable victory rescued the united states from a general war with all the indians north-west of the ohio. the six nations had discovered a restless uneasy temper; and the interposition of the president, to prevent a settlement which pennsylvania was about to make at presqueisle, seemed rather to suspend the commencement of hostilities, than to establish permanent pacific dispositions among those tribes. the battle of the th of august, however, had an immediate effect; and the clouds which had been long gathering in that quarter, were instantly dissipated. in the south too, its influence was felt. in that quarter, the inhabitants of georgia and the indians seemed equally disposed to war. scarcely was the feeble authority of the government competent to restrain the aggressions of the former, or the dread of its force sufficient to repress those of the latter. in this doubtful state of things, the effect of a victory could not be inconsiderable. about this time, the seditious and violent resistance to the execution of the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the united states, had advanced to a point in the counties of pennsylvania lying west of the alleghany mountains, which required the decisive interposition of government. [sidenote: insurrection in the western parts of pennsylvania.] notwithstanding the multiplied outrages committed on the persons and property of the revenue officers, and of those who seemed willing to submit to the law, yet, in consequence of a steady adherence to the system of counteraction adopted by the executive, it was visibly gaining ground, and several distillers in the disaffected country were induced to comply with its requisites. the opinion, that the persevering efforts of the administration would ultimately prevail, derived additional support from the passage of an act by the present congress, containing those provisions which had been suggested by the chief of the treasury department. the progress of this bill, which became a law on the fifth of june, could not have been unknown to the malcontents, nor could its probable operation have been misunderstood. they perceived that the certain loss of a market for the article, added to the penalties to which delinquents were liable, might gradually induce a compliance on the part of distillers, unless they could, by a systematic and organized opposition, deprive the government of the means it employed for carrying the law into execution. on the part of the executive, this open defiance of the laws, and of the authority of the government, was believed imperiously to require, that the strength and efficacy of those laws should be tried. against the perpetrators of some of the outrages which had been committed, bills of indictment had been found in a court of the united states, upon which process was directed to issue; and at the same time, process was also issued against a great number of non-complying distillers. the marshal repaired in person to the country which was the scene of these disorders, for the purpose of serving the processes. on the th of july, while in the execution of his duty, he was beset on the road by a body of armed men, who fired on him, but fortunately did him no personal injury. at daybreak, the ensuing morning, a party attacked the house of general nevil, the inspector; but he defended himself resolutely, and obliged the assailants to retreat. knowing well that this attack had been preconcerted, and apprehending that it would be repeated, he applied to the militia officers and magistrates of the county for protection. the answer was, that "owing to the too general combination of the people to oppose the revenue system, the laws could not be executed so as to afford him protection: that should the _posse comitatus_ be ordered out to support the civil authority, they would favour the party of the rioters." on the succeeding day, the insurgents re-assembled to the number of about five hundred, to renew their attack on the house of the inspector. that officer, finding that no protection could be afforded by the civil authority, had applied to the commanding officer at fort pitt, and had obtained a detachment of eleven men from that garrison, who were joined by major kirkpatrick. successful resistance to so great a force being obviously impracticable, a parley took place, at which the assailants, after requiring that the inspector[ ] and all his papers should be delivered up, demanded that the party in the house should march out and ground their arms. this being refused, the parley terminated, and the assault commenced. the action lasted until the assailants set fire to several adjacent buildings, the heat from which was so intense that the house could no longer be occupied. from this cause, and from the apprehension that the fire would soon be communicated to the main building, major kirkpatrick and his party surrendered themselves. [footnote : the inspector had left the house and secreted himself. the demand of the papers was acceded to.] the marshal and colonel pressly nevil were seized on their way to general nevil's house, and detained until two the next morning. the marshal, especially, was treated with extreme rudeness. his life was frequently threatened, and was probably saved by the interposition of some leading individuals who possessed more humanity, or more prudence, than those with whom they were associated. he could obtain his liberty only by entering into a solemn engagement, which was guaranteed by colonel nevil, to serve no more process on the western side of the alleghany mountains. the marshal and inspector having both retired to pittsburg, the insurgents deputed two of their body, one of whom was a justice of the peace, to demand that the former should surrender all his process, and that the latter should resign his office; threatening, in case of refusal, to attack the place, and seize their persons. these demands were not acceded to; but pittsburg affording no security, these officers escaped from the danger which threatened them, by descending the ohio; after which, they found their way by a circuitous route to the seat of government. the perpetrators of these treasonable practices, being desirous to ascertain their strength, and to discover any latent enemies who might remain unsuspected in the bosom of the disaffected country, despatched a party which stopped the mail from pittsburg to philadelphia, cut it open, and took out the letters which it contained. in some of these letters, a direct disapprobation of the violent measures which had been adopted was avowed; and in others, expressions were used which indicated unfriendly dispositions towards them. upon acquiring this intelligence, delegates were deputed from the town of washington to pittsburg, where the writers of the offensive letters resided, to demand the banishment of the offenders. a prompt obedience to this demand was unavoidable; and the inhabitants of pittsburg, who were convened on the occasion, engaged to attend a general meeting of the people, who were to assemble the next day in braddock's field, in order to carry into effect such further measures as might be deemed adviseable with respect to the excise and its friends. they also determined to elect delegates to a convention which was to meet, on the th of august, at parkinson's ferry. the avowed motives to these outrages were to compel the resignation of all officers engaged in the collection of the duties on distilled spirits; to withstand by force of arms the authority of the united states; and thereby to extort a repeal of the law imposing those duties, and an alteration in the conduct of government. affidavits attesting this serious state of things were laid before the president. the opposition had now reached to a point which seemed to forbid the continuance of a temporizing system. the efforts at conciliation, which, for more than three years, the government had persisted to make, and the alterations repeatedly introduced into the act for the purpose of rendering it less exceptionable, instead of diminishing the arrogance of those who opposed their will to the sense of the nation, had drawn forth sentiments indicative of designs much deeper than the evasion of a single act. the execution of the laws had at length been resisted by open force, and a determination to persevere in these measures was unequivocally avowed. the alternative of subduing this resistance, or of submitting to it was presented to the government. the act of congress which provided for calling forth the militia "to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," required as a pre-requisite to the exercise of this power, "that an associate justice, or the judge of the district, should certify that the laws of the united states were opposed, or their execution obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals." in the same act it was provided, "that if the militia of the state, where such combinations may happen, shall refuse, or be insufficient, to suppress the same, the president may employ the militia of other states." the evidence which had been transmitted to the president was laid before one of the associate justices, who gave the certificate, which enabled the chief magistrate to employ the militia in aid of the civil power. the executive being now authorized to adopt such measures as the crisis might require, the subject was again seriously considered in the cabinet; and the governor of pennsylvania was also consulted respecting it. to avoid military coercion, if obedience to the laws could be produced by other means, was the universal wish; and therefore, all concurred in advising the appointment of commissioners from the governments of both the union, and the state, who should warn the deluded insurgents of the impending danger, and should convey a full pardon for past offences, upon the condition of future submission. but, respecting ulterior and eventual measures, a difference of opinion prevailed. the act already mentioned, made it the duty of the president, previous to the employment of military force, to issue his proclamation, commanding the insurgents to disperse within a limited time. the secretary of state (and the governor of pennsylvania is understood to have concurred with him) was of opinion, that this conciliatory mission should be unaccompanied by any measure which might wear the appearance of coercion. he was alarmed at the strength of the insurgents, at their connexion with other parts of the country, at the extensive-ness of the prevailing discontents with the administration, and at the difficulty and expense of bringing the militia into the field. the governor of pennsylvania having declared his opinion, that the militia of that state, who could be drawn forth, would be incompetent to enforce obedience, the aid of the neighbouring states would consequently be necessary. the secretary of state feared that the militia of the neighbouring states would refuse to march; and that, should he be mistaken in this, their compliance with the orders of the executive might be not less fatal than their disobedience. the introduction of a foreign militia into pennsylvania might greatly increase the discontents prevailing in that state. his apprehensions of a failure, in the attempt to restore tranquillity by coercive means, were extreme; and the tremendous consequences of a failure were strongly depicted. from the highly inflamed state of parties, he anticipated a civil war, which would pervade the whole union, and drench every part of it with the blood of american citizens. the secretary of the treasury, the secretary of war, and the attorney general, were of opinion that the president was bound by the most high and solemn obligations to employ the force which the legislature had placed at his disposal, for the suppression of a criminal and unprovoked insurrection. the case contemplated by congress had clearly occurred; and the president was urged by considerations the most awful, to perform the duty imposed on him by the constitution, of providing "that the laws be faithfully executed." the long forbearance of government, and its patient endeavours to recall the deluded people to a sense of their duty and interest by appeals to their reason, had produced only increase of violence, and a more determined opposition. perseverance in that system could only give a more extensive range to disaffection, and multiply the dangers resulting from it. those who were of opinion that the occasion demanded a full trial of the ability of the government to enforce obedience to the laws, were also of opinion, that policy and humanity equally dictated the employment of a force which would render resistance desperate. the insurgent country contained sixteen thousand men able to bear arms; and the computation was, that they could bring seven thousand into the field. if the army of the government should amount to twelve thousand men, it would present an imposing force which the insurgents would not venture to meet. it was impossible that the president could hesitate to embrace the latter of these opinions. that a government entrusted to him should be trampled under foot by a lawless section of the union, which set at defiance the will of the nation, as expressed by its representatives, was an abasement to which neither his judgment nor his feelings could submit. he resolved, therefore, to issue the proclamation, which, by law, was to precede the employment of force. on the same day, a requisition was made on the governors of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, for their several quotas of militia to compose an army of twelve thousand[ ] men; who were to be immediately organized, and prepared to march at a minute's warning. [footnote : this requisition was afterwards augmented to fifteen thousand.] while steps were taking to bring this force into the field, a last essay was made to render its employment unnecessary. three distinguished and popular citizens of pennsylvania were deputed by the government to be the bearers of a general amnesty for past offences, on the sole condition of future obedience to the laws. it having been deemed adviseable that the executive of the state should act in concert with that of the united states, governor mifflin also issued a proclamation, and appointed commissioners to act with those of the general government. meanwhile, the insurgents omitted nothing which might enlarge the circle of disaffection. attempts were made to embark the adjacent counties of virginia in their cause, and their violence was extended to morgantown, at which place an inspector resided, who saved himself by flight, and protected his property by advertising on his own door that he had resigned his office. they also made similar excursions into the contiguous counties of pennsylvania, lying east of the alleghany mountains, where numbers were ready to join them. these deluded men, giving too much faith to the publications of democratic societies, and to the furious sentiments of general hostility to the administration, and particularly to the internal taxes, with which the papers in the opposition abounded, seem to have entertained the opinion, that the great body of the people were ready to take up arms against their government, and that the resistance commenced by them would spread throughout the union, and terminate in a revolution. the convention at parkinson's ferry had appointed a committee of safety consisting of sixty members, who chose fifteen of their body to confer with the commissioners of the united states, and of the state of pennsylvania. this committee of conference was not empowered to conclude on any thing. they could only receive and report the propositions which might be made to them. men of property and intelligence, who had contributed to kindle the flame under the common error of being able to regulate its heat, now trembled at the extent of the conflagration. it had passed the limits they had assigned to it, and was no longer subject to their control. the committee of conference expressed themselves unanimously in favour of accepting the terms offered by the government, and exerted themselves in the committee of safety to obtain a decision to the same effect. in that committee, the question whether they would submit peaceably to the execution of the law, retaining expressly the privilege of using all constitutional means to effect its repeal, was debated with great zeal. the less violent party carried it by a small majority; but, not thinking themselves authorized to decide for their constituents on so momentous a question, they afterwards resolved that it should be referred to the people. this reference resulted in demonstrating that, though many were disposed to demean themselves peaceably, yet a vast mass of opposition remained, determined to obstruct the re-establishment of civil authority. from some causes, among which was disaffection to the particular service, the prospect of bringing the quota of troops required from pennsylvania into the field, was at first unpromising. but the assembly, which had been summoned by the governor to meet on the first of september, expressed in strong terms its abhorrence of this daring attempt to resist the laws, and to subvert the government of the country; and a degree of ardour and unanimity was displayed by the people of other states, which exceeded the hopes of the most sanguine friends of the administration. some feeble attempts were indeed made to produce a disobedience to the requisition of the president, by declaring that the people would never be made the instruments of the secretary of the treasury to shed the blood of their fellow citizens; that the representatives of the people ought to be assembled before a civil war was commenced; and by avowing the extravagant opinion that the president could not lawfully call forth the militia of any other state, until actual experiment had ascertained the insufficiency of that of pennsylvania. but these insidious suggestions were silenced by the general sense of the nation, which loudly and strongly proclaimed that the government and laws must be supported. the officers displayed an unexampled activity; and intelligence from every quarter gave full assurance that, with respect to both numbers and time, the requisitions of the president would be punctually observed. the governor of pennsylvania compensated for the defects in the militia law of that state by his personal exertions. from some inadvertence, as was said, on the part of the brigade inspectors, the militia could not be drafted, and consequently the quota of pennsylvania could be completed only by volunteers. the governor, who was endowed with a high degree of popular elocution, made a circuit through the lower counties of the state, and publicly addressed the militia, at different places where he had caused them to be assembled, on the crisis in the affairs of their country. so successful were these animating exhortations, that pennsylvania was not behind her sister states in furnishing the quota required from her. on the th of september, the president issued a second proclamation, describing in terms of great energy the obstinate and perverse spirit with which the lenient propositions of the government had been received; and declaring his fixed determination, in obedience to the high and irresistible duty consigned to him by the constitution, "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," to reduce the refractory to obedience. the troops of new jersey and pennsylvania were directed to rendezvous at bedford, and those of maryland and virginia at cumberland, on the potomac.[ ] the command of the expedition had been conferred on governor lee of virginia; and the governors of new jersey and pennsylvania commanded the militia of their respective states under him. [footnote : the spirit of disaffection was rapidly spreading, and had it not been checked by this vigorous exertion of the powers of the government, it would be difficult to say what might have been its extent. even while the militia were assembling, it broke out in more than one county in pennsylvania, and showed itself in a part of maryland.] the president, in person, visited each division of the army; but, being confident that the force employed must look down all resistance, he left the secretary of the treasury to accompany it, and returned himself to philadelphia, where the approaching session of congress required his presence. [sidenote: quelled by the prompt and vigorous measures of the government.] from cumberland and bedford, the army marched in two divisions into the country of the insurgents. the greatness of the force prevented the effusion of blood. the disaffected did not venture to assemble in arms. several of the leaders who had refused to give assurances of future submission to the laws were seized, and some of them detained for legal prosecution. but although no direct and open opposition was made, the spirit of insurrection was not subdued. a sour and malignant temper displayed itself, which indicated, but too plainly, that the disposition to resist had only sunk under the pressure of the great military force brought into the country, but would rise again should that force be withdrawn. it was, therefore, thought adviseable to station for the winter, a detachment to be commanded by major general morgan, in the centre of the disaffected country. thus, without shedding a drop of blood, did the prudent vigour of the executive terminate an insurrection, which, at one time, threatened to shake the government of the united states to its foundation. that so perverse a spirit should have been excited in the bosom of prosperity, without the pressure of a single grievance, is among those political phenomena which occur not unfrequently in the course of human affairs, and which the statesman can never safely disregard. when real ills are felt, there is something positive and perceptible to which the judgment may be directed, the actual extent of which may be ascertained, and the cause of which may be discerned. but when the mind, inflamed by supposititious dangers, gives a full loose to the imagination, and fastens upon some object with which to disturb itself, the belief that the danger exists seems to become a matter of faith, with which reason combats in vain. under a government emanating entirely from the people, and with an administration whose sole object was their happiness, the public mind was violently agitated with apprehensions of a powerful and secret combination against liberty, which was to discover itself by the total overthrow of the republican system. that those who were charged with these designs were as destitute of the means, as of the will to effect them, did not shake the firm belief of their existence. disregarding the apparent partiality of the administration for france, so far as that partiality was compatible with an honest neutrality, the zealots of the day ascribed its incessant labours for the preservation of peace, to a temper hostile to the french republic; and, while themselves loudly imprecating the vengeance of heaven and earth on one of the belligerents, and openly rejoicing in the victories of the other; while impetuously rushing into a war with britain, and pressing measures which would render accommodation impracticable; they attributed a system calculated to check them in this furious career, not to that genuine american spirit which produced it, but to an influence which, so far as opinions are to depend on facts, has at no time insinuated itself into the councils of the united states. in popular governments, the resentments, the suspicions, and the disgusts, produced in the legislature by warm debate, and the chagrin of defeat; by the desire of gaining, or the fear of losing power; and which are created by personal views among the leaders of parties, will infallibly extend to the body of the nation. not only will those causes of dissatisfaction be urged which really operate on the minds of intelligent men, but every instrument will be seized which can effect the purpose, and the passions will be inflamed by whatever may serve to irritate them. among the multiplied evils generated by faction, it is perhaps not the least, that it has a tendency to abolish all distinction between virtue and vice; and to prostrate those barriers which the wise and good have erected for the protection of morals, and which are defended solely by opinion. the victory of the party becomes the great object; and, too often, all measures are deemed right or wrong, as they tend to promote or impede it. the attainment of the end is considered as the supreme good, and the detestable doctrine is adopted that the end will justify the means. the mind, habituated to the extenuation of acts of moral turpitude, becomes gradually contaminated, and loses that delicate sensibility which instinctively inspires horror for vice, and respect for virtue. in the intemperate abuse which was cast on the principal measures of the government, and on those who supported them; in the violence with which the discontents of the opponents to those measures were expressed; and especially in the denunciations which were uttered against them by the democratic societies; the friends of the administration searched for the causes of that criminal attempt which had been made in the western parts of pennsylvania, to oppose the will of the nation by force of arms. had those misguided men believed that this opposition was to be confined within their own narrow limits, they could not have been so mad, or so weak as to have engaged in it. the ideas of the president on this subject were freely given to several of his confidential friends. "the _real people_" he said, "occasionally assembled in order to express their sentiments on political subjects, ought never to be confounded with permanent self-appointed societies, usurping the right to control the constituted authorities, and to dictate to public opinion. while the former was entitled to respect, the latter was incompatible with all government, and must either sink into general disesteem, or finally overturn the established order of things." [sidenote: meeting of congress.] in his speech, at the opening of congress, the president detailed at considerable length the progress of opposition to the laws, the means employed both by the legislature and executive to appease the discontents which had been fomented,[ ] and the measures which he had finally taken to reduce the refractory to submission. [footnote : the impression, he said, made by this moderation on the discontented, did not correspond with what it deserved. the acts of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing individuals. the very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men began to denounce threats against the officers employed. from a belief that by a more formal concert their operations might be defeated, certain self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation.] as commander-in-chief of the militia when called into actual service, he had, he said, visited the places of general rendezvous, to obtain more correct information, and to direct a plan for ulterior movements. had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from obstruction, he should have caught with avidity at the opportunity of restoring the militia to their families and homes. but succeeding intelligence had tended to manifest the necessity of what had been done, it being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents, that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular law; but that a spirit inimical to all order had actuated many of the offenders. after bestowing a high encomium on the alacrity and promptitude with which persons in every station had come forward to assert the dignity of the laws, thereby furnishing an additional proof that they understood the true principles of government and liberty, and felt their inseparable union; he added-- [sidenote: democratic societies.] "to every description indeed of citizens, let praise be given. but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of american happiness,--the constitution of the united states. and when in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth that those who rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." the president could not omit this fair occasion, once more to press on congress a subject which had always been near his heart. after mentioning the defectiveness of the existing system, he said-- "the devising and establishing of a well regulated militia, would be a genuine source of legislative honour, and a perfect title to public gratitude. i therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia; and thus providing, in the language of the constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions." after mentioning the intelligence from the army under the command of general wayne, and the state of indian affairs, he again called the attention of the house of representatives to a subject scarcely less interesting than a system of defence against external and internal violence. "the time," he said, "which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures, has developed our pecuniary resources, so as to open the way for a definitive plan for the redemption of the public debt. it is believed that the result is such as to encourage congress to consummate this work without delay. nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the union, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. indeed, whatever is unfinished of our system of public credit, can not be benefited by procrastination; and, as far as may be practicable, we ought to place that credit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all governments." he referred to subsequent communications for certain circumstances attending the intercourse of the united states with foreign nations. "however," he added, "it may not be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has been, to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and inviolate faith; to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended; and correct what may have been injurious to any nation; and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability, to insist upon justice being done to ourselves." in the senate, an answer was reported which contained the following clause: "our anxiety, arising from the licentious and open resistance to the laws in the western counties of pennsylvania, has been increased by the proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and administration of the government; proceedings, in our apprehension, founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental in misleading our fellow citizens in the scene of insurrection." the address proceeded to express the most decided approbation of the conduct of the president in relation to the insurgents; and, after noticing the different parts of the speech, concluded with saying-- "at a period so momentous in the affairs of nations, the temperate, just, and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers, has been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude and thanks." to this unequivocal approbation of the policy adopted by the executive with regard to foreign nations, no objections were made. the clause respecting democratic societies was seriously opposed; but the party in favour of the administration had been strengthened in the senate by recent events, and the address reported by the committee was agreed to without alteration. the same spirit did not prevail in the house of representatives. in that branch of the legislature, the opposition party continued to be the most powerful, and the respect of their leaders for the person and character of the chief magistrate was visibly diminishing. his interference with a favourite system was not forgotten, and the mission of mr. jay still rankled in their bosoms. the address prepared by the committee, to whom the speech was referred, omitted to notice those parts which respected self created societies, the victory of general wayne, and the policy observed by the executive in its intercourse with foreign nations. on a motion being made by mr. dayton to amend it, by inserting a clause which should express the satisfaction of the house at the success of the army under general wayne, mr. madison said, that it had been the wish of the committee who framed the address, to avoid the minutia of the speech: but as a desire was manifested to amplify particular parts, it might not be amiss to glance at the policy observed towards foreign nations. he therefore moved to amend the amendment by adding the words, "solicitous also as we are for the preservation of peace with all nations, we can not otherwise than warmly approve of _a_ policy in our foreign transactions, which keeps in view as well the maintenance of our national rights, as the continuance of that blessing." mr. hillhouse wished the word _your_ to be substituted for the article _a_, that the answer might point, not to an abstract policy, but to that of the executive, and thus have a direct application to the speech. this motion produced a warm discussion, which terminated in a request that mr. madison would withdraw his amendment; the friends of the administration being of opinion, that it was more eligible to pass over that part of the speech in silence, than to answer it in terms so equivocal as those to which alone the house seemed willing to assent. a proposition was then made by mr. fitzsimmons to introduce into the address, a clause declaring, that "in tracing the origin and progress of the insurrection, they (the house of representatives) entertain no doubt that certain self created societies and combinations of men, careless of consequences, and disregarding truth, by disseminating suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the government, have had an influence in fomenting this daring outrage against the principles of social order, and the authority of the laws." this attempt to censure certain organized assemblages of factious individuals, who, under the imposing garb of watchfulness over liberty, concealed designs subversive of all those principles which preserve the order, the peace, and the happiness of society, was resisted by the whole force of the opposition. a very eloquent and animated debate ensued, which terminated in the committee, by striking out the words "self created societies;" forty-seven voting for, and forty-five against expunging them. the question was resumed in the house; and, the chairman of the committee being opposed in sentiment to the speaker, who was now placed in the chair, the majority was precisely changed, and the words were reinstated. this victory, however, if it may be termed one, was soon lost. a motion for confining the censure to societies and combinations within the four western counties of pennsylvania and the adjacent country, succeeded by the casting vote of the speaker, upon which, the friends of the amendment gave it up, and the address was voted without expressing any sentiment on the subject. this triumph over the administration revived, for a moment, the drooping energies of these pernicious societies. but it was only for a moment. the agency ascribed to them by the opinion of the public, as well as of the president, in producing an insurrection which was generally execrated, had essentially affected them; and while languishing under this wound, they received a deadly blow from a quarter whence hostility was least expected. the remnant of the french convention, rendered desperate by the ferocious despotism of the jacobins, and of the sanguinary tyrant who had made himself their chief; perceiving that the number of victims who were immolated as his caprice might suggest, instead of satiating, could only stimulate his appetite for blood, had, at length, sought for safety by boldly confronting danger; and, succeeding in a desperate attempt to bring robespierre to the guillotine, had terminated his reign of terror. the colossean power of the clubs, which had been abused to an excess that gives to faithful history the appearance of fiction, fell with that of their favourite member, and they sunk into long merited disgrace. the means by which their political influence had been maintained were wrested from them; and, in a short time, their meetings were prohibited. not more certain is it that the boldest streams must disappear, if the fountains which fed them be emptied, than was the dissolution of the democratic societies of america, when the jacobin clubs were denounced by france. as if their destinies depended on the same thread, the political death of the former was the unerring signal for that of the latter; and their expiring struggles, incapable of deferring their fate, only attested the reluctance with which they surrendered their much abused power. notwithstanding the disagreement between the executive and one branch of the legislature concerning self created societies, and the policy observed towards foreign nations, the speech of the president was treated with marked respect; and the several subjects which it recommended, engaged the immediate attention of congress. a bill was passed authorizing the president to station a detachment of militia in the four western counties of pennsylvania; provision was made to compensate those whose property had been destroyed by the insurgents, should those who had committed the injury be unable to repair it: and an appropriation exceeding one million one hundred thousand dollars was made to defray the expenses occasioned by the insurrection. many of the difficulties which had occurred in drawing out the militia were removed, and a bill was introduced to give greater energy to the militia system generally; but this subject possessed so many intrinsic difficulties, that the session passed away without effecting any thing respecting it. a bill for the gradual redemption of the national debt was more successful. the president had repeatedly and earnestly recommended to the legislature the adoption of measures which might effect this favourite object; but, although that party which had been reproached with a desire to accumulate debt as a means of subverting the republican system had uniformly manifested a disposition to carry this recommendation into effect, their desire had hitherto been opposed by obstacles they were unable to surmount. professions of an anxious solicitude to discharge the national engagements, without providing the means of actual payment, might gratify those who consider words as things, but would be justly estimated by men, who, neither condemning indiscriminately, nor approving blindly, all the measures of government, expect that, in point of fact, it shall be rightly and honestly administered. on the friends of the administration, therefore, it was incumbent to provide real, substantial funds, which should attest the sincerity of their professions. this provision could not be made without difficulty. the duty on imported articles, and on tonnage, though rapidly augmenting, could not, immediately, be rendered sufficiently productive to meet, alone, the various exigencies of the treasury, and yield a surplus for the secure establishment of a permanent fund to redeem the principal of the debt. additional sources of revenue must therefore be explored, or the idea of reducing the debt be abandoned. new taxes are the never failing sources of discontent to those who pay them, and will ever furnish weapons against those who impose them, too operative not to be seized by their antagonists. in a government where popularity is power, it requires no small degree of patriotism to encounter the odium which, however urgently required, they seldom fail to excite. ready faith is given to the declaration that they are unjust, tyrannical, and unnecessary; and no inconsiderable degree of firmness is requisite to persevere in a course attended with so much political hazard. the opposition made to the internal taxes, which commenced in congress, had extended itself through the community. although only the act imposing duties on spirits distilled within the united states had been resisted by force, yet such a degree of irritation was manifested against the whole system, as to evince the repugnance with which a large portion of the people saw it go into operation. the duties on refined sugars, and manufactured tobacco, especially, were censured in terms which would authorize an opinion that a defect of power, rather than of will, to resist the execution of the law, confined some of its opponents to remonstrances. nothing could be more unfriendly than this spirit, to the reduction of the debt. the reports of the secretary of the treasury having suggested the several steps which had been taken by congress in the system of internal taxation, he was justly considered as its author. the perseverance which marked the character of this officer, gave full assurance that no clamour would deter him from continuing to recommend measures which he believed to be essential to the due administration of the finances. that the establishment of public credit on a sound basis was all important to the character and prosperity of the united states, constituted one of those political maxims to which he invariably adhered; and to effect it completely, seems to have been among the first objects of his ambition. he had bestowed upon this favourite subject the most attentive consideration; and while the legislature was engaged in the discussions of a report made by a select committee on a resolution moved by mr. smith, of south carolina, purporting that further provision ought to be made for the reduction of the debt, addressed a letter to the house of representatives, through their speaker, informing them that he had digested and prepared a plan on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of public credit, which he was ready to communicate. this comprehensive and valuable report presented the result of his laborious and useful investigations, on a subject equally intricate and interesting. this was the last official act of colonel hamilton. the penurious provision made for those who filled the high executive departments in the american government, excluded from a long continuance in office all those whose fortunes were moderate, and whose professional talents placed a decent independence within their reach. while slandered as the accumulator of thousands by illicit means, colonel hamilton had wasted in the public service great part of the property acquired by his previous labours, and had found himself compelled to decide on retiring from his political station. the accusations brought against him in the last session of the second congress had postponed the execution of this design, until opportunity should be afforded for a more full investigation of his official conduct; but he informed the president that, on the close of the session, to meet in december, , he should resign his situation in the administration. the events which accumulated about that time, and which were, he said in a letter to the president, of a nature to render the continuance of peace in a considerable degree precarious, deferred his meditated retreat. "i do not perceive," he added, "that i could voluntarily quit my post at such a juncture, consistently with considerations either of duty or character; and therefore, i find myself reluctantly obliged to defer the offer of my resignation. "but if any circumstances should have taken place in consequence of the intimation of an intention to resign, or should otherwise exist, which serve to render my continuance in office in any degree inconvenient or ineligible, i beg leave to assure you, sir, that i should yield to them with all the readiness naturally inspired by an impatient desire to relinquish a situation, in which, even a momentary stay is opposed by the strongest personal and family reasons, and could only be produced by a sense of duty or reputation." [sidenote: resignation of colonel hamilton.] { } assurances being given by the president, of the pleasure with which the intelligence, that he would continue at his post through the crisis, was received, he remained in office until the commencement of the ensuing year. on the st of december, immediately on his return from the western country, the dangers of domestic insurrection or foreign war having subsided, he gave notice that he should on the last day of january give in his resignation. seldom has any minister excited the opposite passions of love and hate in a higher degree than colonel hamilton. his talents were too pre-eminent not to receive from all the tribute of profound respect; and his integrity and honour as a man, not less than his official rectitude, though slandered at a distance, were admitted to be superior to reproach, by those enemies who knew him. but with respect to his political principles and designs, the most contradictory opinions were entertained. while one party sincerely believed his object to be the preservation of the constitution of the united states in its original purity; the other, with perhaps equal sincerity, imputed to him the insidious intention of subverting it. while his friends were persuaded, that as a statesman, he viewed all foreign nations with an equal eye; his enemies could perceive in his conduct, only hostility to france and attachment to her rival. it was his fortune to hold a conspicuous station in times which were peculiarly tempestuous, and under circumstances peculiarly unfavourable to the fair action of the judgment. in the midst of prejudices against the national debt, which had taken deep root, and had long been nourished, he was called to the head of a department, whose duty it was to contend with those prejudices, and to offer a system which, in doing justice to the creditor of the public, might retrieve the reputation of his country. while the passions were inflamed by a stern contest between the advocates of a national, and of state governments, duties were assigned to him, in the execution of which there were frequent occasions to manifest his devotion to the former. when a raging fever, caught from that which was desolating france, and exhibiting some of its symptoms, had seized the public mind, and reached its understanding, it was unfavourable to his quiet, and perhaps to his fame, that he remain uninfected by the disease. he judged the french revolution without prejudice; and had the courage to predict that it could not terminate in a free and popular government. such opinions, at such a time, could not fail to draw a load of obloquy upon a man whose frankness gave them publicity, and whose boldness and decision of character insured them an able and steady support. the suspicions they were calculated to generate, derived great additional force from the political theories he was understood to hold. it was known that, in his judgment, the constitution of the united states was rather chargeable with imbecility, than censurable for its too great strength; and that the real sources of danger to american happiness and liberty, were to be found in its want of the means to effect the objects of its institution;--in its being exposed to the encroachments of the states,--not in the magnitude of its powers. without attempting to conceal these opinions, he declared his perfect acquiescence in the decision of his country; his hope that the issue would be fortunate; and his firm determination, in whatever might depend upon his exertions, to give the experiment the fairest chance for success. no part of his political conduct has been perceived, which would inspire doubts of the sincerity of these declarations. his friends may appeal with confidence to his official acts, to all his public conduct, for the refutation of those charges which were made against him while at the head of the treasury department, and were continued, without interruption, till he ceased to be the object of jealousy. in the esteem and good opinion of the president, to whom he was best known, colonel hamilton at all times maintained a high place. while balancing on the mission to england, and searching for a person to whom the interesting negotiation with that government should be confided, the mind of the chief magistrate was directed, among others, to this gentleman.[ ] he carried with him out of office,[ ] the same cordial esteem for his character, and respect for his talents, which had induced his appointment. [footnote : the apprehensions entertained by the opposition that colonel hamilton would be appointed on the embassy to england were extreme. among the letters to general washington, are some from members of each branch of the legislature, advising against the mission generally, and dissuading him from the appointment of colonel hamilton particularly, in terms which manifest a real opinion that the best interests of the nation would be sacrificed by such an appointment. colonel hamilton himself recommended mr. jay.] [footnote : see note no. x. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: is succeeded by mr. wolcott.] the vacant office of secretary of the treasury was filled by mr. wolcott, of connecticut, a gentleman of sound judgment, who was well versed in its duties. he had served as comptroller for a considerable time, and in that situation, had been eminently useful to the head of the department. the report of the select committee recommended additional objects for internal taxation, and that the temporary duties already imposed should be rendered permanent. the opposition made to this important part of the system was so ardent, and so persevering, that, though the measure was taken up early in the session, the bill did not pass the house of representatives until late in february. not only were the taxes proposed by the friends of the administration encountered successively by popular objections, urged with all the vehemence of passion, and zeal of conviction, but it was with extreme difficulty that the duties on sugar refined, and tobacco manufactured, within the united states, could be rendered permanent. when gentlemen were urged to produce a substitute for the system they opposed, a direct tax was mentioned with approbation; but no disposition was shown to incur the responsibility of becoming the patrons of such a measure. at length, by the most persevering exertions of the federal party, the bill was carried through the house; and thus was that system adopted, which, if its operations shall not be disturbed, and if no great accumulations of debt be made, will, in a few years, discharge all the engagements of the united states. on the third of march, this important session was ended. although the party hostile to the administration had obtained a small majority in one branch of the legislature, several circumstances had occurred to give great weight to the recommendations of the president. among these may be reckoned the victory obtained by general wayne, and the suppression of the western insurrection. in some points, however, which he had pressed with earnestness, his sentiments did not prevail. one of these was a bill introduced into the senate for preserving peace with the indians, by protecting them from the intrusions and incursions of the whites. from the commencement of his administration, the president had reviewed this subject with great interest, and had permitted scarcely a session of congress to pass away, without pressing it on the attention of the legislature. it had been mentioned in his speech at the commencement of the present session, and had been further enforced by a message accompanying a report made upon it by the secretary of war. the following humane sentiments, extracted from that report, are characteristic of the general views of the administration. "it seems that our own experience would demonstrate the propriety of endeavouring to preserve a pacific conduct in preference to a hostile one with the indian tribes. the united states can get nothing by an indian war; but they risk men, money, and reputation. as we are more powerful and more enlightened than they are, there is a responsibility of national character that we should treat them with kindness, and even with liberality." the plan suggested in this report was, to add to those arrangements respecting trade, which were indispensable to the preservation of peace, a chain of garrisoned posts within the territory of the indians, provided their assent to the measure should be obtained; and to subject all those who should trespass on their lands to martial law. a bill founded on this report passed the senate, but was lost, in the house of representatives, by a small majority. [sidenote: resignation of general knox.] this report preceded the resignation of the secretary of war but a few days. this valuable officer, too, was driven from the service of the public, by the scantiness of the compensation allowed him. on the th of december, , he addressed a letter to the president giving him official notice that, with the year, his services as secretary for the department of war would cease. this resolution had long before been verbally communicated. "after having served my country," concluded the letter, "near twenty years, the greater portion of the time under your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance i find myself constrained to withdraw from so honourable a situation. but the natural and powerful claims of a numerous family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential interests. "in whatever situation i shall be, i shall recollect your confidence and kindness with all the fervour and purity of affection, of which a grateful heart is susceptible." in the letter accepting his resignation, the president expressed the regret it occasioned, and added: "i can not suffer you, however, to close your public service, without uniting to the satisfaction which must arise in your own mind from conscious rectitude, assurances of my most perfect persuasion that you have deserved well of your country. "my personal knowledge of your exertions, while it authorizes me to hold this language, justifies the sincere friendship which i have borne you, and which will accompany you in every situation of life." [sidenote: is succeeded by colonel pickering.] colonel pickering, a gentleman who had filled many important offices through the war of the revolution; who had discharged several trusts of considerable confidence under the present government; and who at the time was postmaster general, was appointed to succeed him. on the seventh of march, the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the united states and great britain, which had been signed by the ministers of the two nations, on the th of the preceding november, was received at the office of state. [sidenote: treaty between the united states and great britain.] from his arrival in london on the th of june, mr. jay had been assiduously and unremittingly employed on the arduous duties of his mission. by a deportment respectful, yet firm, mingling a decent deference for the government to which he was deputed, with a proper regard for the dignity of his own, this minister avoided those little asperities which frequently embarrass measures of great concern, and smoothed the way to the adoption of those which were suggested by the real interests of both nations. many and intricate were the points to be discussed. on some of them an agreement was found to be impracticable; but, at length, a treaty was concluded, which mr. jay declared to be the best that was attainable, and which he believed it for the interests of the united states to accept.[ ] indeed it was scarcely possible to contemplate the evidences of extreme exasperation which were given in america, and the nature of the differences which subsisted between the two countries, without feeling a conviction that war was inevitable, should this attempt to adjust those differences prove unsuccessful. [footnote : in a private letter to the president, of the same date with the signature of the treaty, mr. jay said "to do more was impossible. i ought not to conceal from you, that the confidence reposed in your personal character was visible and useful throughout the negotiation. "if there is not a good disposition in the far greater part of the cabinet and nation towards us, i am exceedingly mistaken. i do not mean an ostensible and temporizing, but a real good disposition.--i wish it may have a fair trial."] on monday, the th of june, the senate, in conformity with the summons of the president, convened in the senate chamber, and the treaty, with the documents connected with it, were submitted to their consideration. on the th of june, after a minute and laborious investigation, the senate, by precisely a constitutional majority, advised and consented to its conditional ratification. an insuperable objection existed to an article regulating the intercourse with the british west indies, founded on a fact which is understood to have been unknown to mr. jay. the intention of the contracting parties was to admit the direct intercourse between the united states and those islands, but not to permit the productions of the latter to be carried to europe in the vessels of the former. to give effect to this intention, the exportation from the united states of those articles which were the principal productions of the islands was to be relinquished. among these was cotton. this article, which a few years before was scarcely raised in sufficient quantity for domestic consumption, was becoming one of the richest staples of the southern states. the senate being informed of this fact, advised and consented that the treaty should be ratified on condition that an article be added thereto, suspending that part of the twelfth article which related to the intercourse with the west indies. although, in the mind of the president, several objections to the treaty had occurred, they were overbalanced by its advantages; and before transmitting it to the senate, he had resolved to ratify it, if approved by that body. the resolution of the senate presented difficulties which required consideration. whether they could advise and consent to an article which had not been laid before them; and whether their resolution was to be considered as the final exercise of their power, were questions not entirely free from difficulty. nor was it absolutely clear that the executive could ratify the treaty, under the advice of the senate, until the suspending article should be introduced into it. a few days were employed in the removal of these doubts, at the expiration of which, intelligence was received from europe which suspended the resolution which the president had formed. the english papers contained an account, which, though not official, was deemed worthy of credit, that the order of the th of june, , for the seizure of provisions going to french ports, was renewed. in the apprehension that this order might be construed and intended as a practical construction of that article in the treaty which seemed to favour the idea that provisions, though not generally contraband, might occasionally become so, a construction in which he had determined not to acquiesce, the president thought it wise to reconsider his decision. of the result of this reconsideration, there is no conclusive testimony. a strong memorial against this objectionable order was directed; and the propositions to withhold the ratifications of the treaty until the order should be repealed; to make the exchange of ratifications dependent upon that event; and to adhere to his original purpose of pursuing the advice of the senate, connecting with that measure the memorial which had been mentioned, as an act explanatory of the sense in which his ratification was made, were severally reviewed by him. in conformity with his practice of withholding his opinion on controverted points until it should become necessary to decide them, he suspended his determination on these propositions until the memorial should be prepared and laid before him. in the meantime, his private affairs required that he should visit mount vernon. so restless and uneasy was the temper respecting foreign nations, that no surprise ought to be excited at the anxiety which was felt on the negotiation of a treaty with great britain, nor at the means which were used, before its contents were known, to extend the prejudices against it. great umbrage was taken at the mysterious secrecy in which the negotiation had been involved. that the instrument itself was not immediately communicated to the public, and that the senate deliberated upon it with closed doors, were considered as additional evidences of the contempt in which their rulers held the feelings and understandings of the people, and of the monarchical tendencies of the government. crowned heads, it was loudly repeated, who were machinating designs subversive of the rights of man, and the happiness of nations, might well cover with an impenetrable veil, their dark transactions; but republics ought to have no secrets. in republics, those to whom power was delegated, being the servants of the people, acting solely for their benefit, ought to transact all national affairs in open day. this doctrine was not too absurd for the extravagance of the moment. the predetermined hostility to the treaty increased in activity, as the period for deciding its fate approached. on its particular merits, no opinion could be formed, because they were unknown; but on the general question of reconciliation between the two countries, a decisive judgment was extensively made up. the sentiments called forth by the occasion demonstrated, that no possible adjustment of differences with great britain, no possible arrangement which might promise a future friendly intercourse with that nation, could be satisfactory. the president was openly attacked; his whole system strongly condemned; and the mission of mr. jay, particularly, was reprobated in terms of peculiar harshness. that a treaty of amity and commerce should have been formed, whatever might be its principles, was a degrading insult to the american people; a pusillanimous surrender of their honour; and an insidious injury to france. between such a compact, and an alliance, no distinction was taken. it was an abandonment of the ancient ally of the united states, whose friendship had given them independence, and whose splendid victories still protected them, for a close connexion with her natural enemy, and with the enemy of human liberty. the pretended object of the mission, it was said, was a reparation for wrongs, not a contaminating connexion with the most faithless and corrupt court in the world. the return of the envoy without that reparation, was a virtual surrender of the claim. the honour of the united states required a peremptory demand of the immediate surrender of the western posts, and of compensation for the piratical depredations committed on their commerce; not a disgraceful and humiliating negotiation. the surrender, and the compensation, ought to have been made instantly; for no reliance could be placed in promises to be performed in future. that the disinclination formerly manifested by great britain, to give the stability and certainty of compact to the principles regulating the commercial intercourse between the two countries, had constituted an important item in the catalogue of complaints against that power: that the existence, or non-existence of commercial treaties had been selected as the criterion by which to regulate the discriminations proposed to be made in the trade of foreign nations; that, in the discussion on this subject, the favourers of commercial hostility had uniformly supported the policy of giving value to treaties with the united states; these opinions were instantly relinquished by the party which had strenuously asserted them while urged by their leaders in congress; and it was imputed as a crime to the government, and to its negotiator, that he had proceeded further than to demand immediate and unconditional reparation of the wrongs sustained by the united states. the most strenuous and unremitting exertions to give increased energy to the love which was openly avowed for france, and to the detestation which was not less openly avowed for england,[ ] were connected with this course of passionate declamation. [footnote : see note no. xi. at the end of the volume.] such was the state of parties when the senate advised the ratification of the treaty. although common usage, and a decent respect for the executive, and for a foreign nation, not less than a positive resolution, required that the seal of secrecy should not be broken by the senate, an abstract of this instrument, not very faithfully taken, was given to the public; and on the th of june, a senator of the united states transmitted a copy of it to the most distinguished editor of the opposition party in philadelphia, to be communicated to the public through the medium of the press. if the negotiation itself had been acrimoniously censured; if amicable arrangements, whatever might be their character, had been passionately condemned; it was not to be expected that the treaty would assuage these pre-existing irritations. in fact, public opinion did receive a considerable shock, and men uninfested by the spirit of faction felt some disappointment on its first appearance. in national contests, unless there be an undue attachment to the adversary country, few men, even among the intelligent, are sensible of the weakness which may exist in their own pretensions, or can allow their full force to the claims of the other party. if the people at large enter keenly into the points of controversy with a foreign power, they can never be satisfied with any equal adjustment of those points, unless other considerations, stronger than abstract reason, afford that satisfaction; nor will it ever be difficult to prove to them, in a case unassisted by the passions, that in any practicable commercial contract, they give too much, and receive too little. on no subject whatever have considerations, such as these, possessed more influence than in that which was now brought before the american people. their operation was not confined to those whose passions urged them to take part in the war, nor to the open enemies of the executive. the friends of peace, and of the administration, had generally received impressions unfavourable to the fair exercise of judgment in the case, which it required time and reflection to efface. even among them, strong prejudices had been imbibed in favour of france, which the open attempts on the sovereignty of the united states had only weakened; and the matters of controversy with great britain had been contemplated with all that partiality which men generally feel for their own interests. with respect to commerce also, strong opinions had been preconceived. the desire to gain admission into the british west india islands, especially, had excited great hostility to that colonial system which had been adopted by every country in europe; and sufficient allowances were not made for the prejudices by which that system was supported. the treaty, therefore, when exposed to the public view, found one party prepared for a bold and intrepid attack, but the other, not ready in its defence. an appeal to the passions, the prejudices, and the feelings of the nation, might confidently be made by those whose only object was its condemnation; which reflection, information, and consequently time, were required by men whose first impressions were not in its favour, but who were not inclined to yield absolutely to those impressions. that a treaty involving a great variety of complicated national interests, and adjusting differences of long standing, which had excited strong reciprocal prejudices, would require a patient and laborious investigation, both of the instrument itself, and of the circumstances under which it was negotiated, before even those who are most conversant in diplomatic transactions could form a just estimate of its merits, would be conceded by all reflecting men. but an immense party in america, not in the habit of considering national compacts, without examining the circumstances under which that with great britain had been formed, or weighing the reasons which induced it; without understanding the instrument, and in many instances without reading it, rushed impetuously to its condemnation; and, confident that public opinion would be surprised by the suddenness, or stormed by the fury of the assault, expected that the president would be compelled to yield to its violence. in the populous cities, meetings of the people were immediately summoned, in order to take into their consideration, and to express their opinions respecting an instrument, to comprehend the full extent of which, a statesman would need deep reflection in the quiet of his closet, aided by considerable inquiry. it may well be supposed that persons feeling some distrust of their capacity to form, intuitively, a correct judgment on a subject so complex, and disposed only to act knowingly, would be unwilling to make so hasty a decision, and consequently be disinclined to attend such meetings. many intelligent men, therefore, stood aloof, while the most intemperate assumed, as usual, the name of the people; pronounced a definitive and unqualified condemnation of every article in the treaty; and, with the utmost confidence, assigned reasons for their opinions, which, in many instances, had only an imaginary existence; and in some, were obviously founded on the strong prejudices which were entertained with respect to foreign powers. it is difficult to review the various resolutions and addresses to which the occasion gave birth, without feeling some degree of astonishment, mingled with humiliation, at perceiving such proofs of the deplorable fallibility of human reason. the first meeting was held in boston. the example of that city was soon followed by new york, philadelphia, baltimore, and charleston; and, as if their addresses were designed at least as much for their fellow citizens as for their president, while one copy was transmitted to him, another was committed to the press. the precedent set by these large cities was followed, with wonderful rapidity, throughout the union; and the spirit in which this system of opposition originated sustained no diminution of violence in its progress. on the th of july, at baltimore, on his way to mount vernon, the president received the resolutions passed by the meeting at boston, which were enclosed to him in a letter from the select men of that town. the answer to this letter and to these resolutions evinced the firmness with which he had resolved to meet the effort that was obviously making, to control the exercise of his constitutional functions, by giving a promptness and vigour to the expression of the sentiments of a party, which might impose it upon the world as the deliberate judgment of the public. addresses to the chief magistrate, and resolutions of town and country meetings, were not the only means which were employed to enlist the american people against the measure which had been advised by the senate. in an immense number of essays, the treaty was critically examined, and every argument which might operate on the judgment or prejudice of the public, was urged in the warm and glowing language of passion. to meet these efforts by counter efforts, was deemed indispensably necessary by the friends of that instrument; and the gazettes of the day are replete with appeals to the passions, and to the reason, of those who are the ultimate arbiters of every political question. that the treaty affected the interests of france not less than those of the united states, was, in this memorable controversy, asserted by the one party, with as much zeal as it was denied by the other. these agitations furnished matter to the president for deep reflection, and for serious regret; but they appear not to have shaken the decision he had formed, or to have affected his conduct otherwise than to induce a still greater degree of circumspection in the mode of transacting the delicate business before him. on their first appearance, therefore, he resolved to hasten his return to philadelphia, for the purpose of considering, at that place rather than at mount vernon, the memorial against the provision order, and the conditional ratification of the treaty. in a private letter to the secretary of state, of the th of july, accompanying the official communication of this determination, he stated more at large the motives which induced it. these were, the violent and extraordinary proceedings which were taking place, and might be expected, throughout the union; and his opinion that the memorial, the ratification, and the instructions which were framing, were of such vast magnitude as not only to require great individual consideration, but a solemn conjunct revision. he viewed the opposition which the treaty was receiving from the meetings in different parts of the union, in a very serious light;--not because there was more weight in any of the objections than was foreseen at first,--for in some of them there was none, and in others, there were gross misrepresentations; nor as it respected himself personally, for that he declared should have no influence on his conduct. he plainly perceived, and was accordingly preparing his mind for, the obloquy which disappointment and malice were collecting to heap upon him. but he was alarmed on account of the effect it might have on france, and the advantage which the government of that country might be disposed to make of the spirit which was at work, to cherish a belief, that the treaty was calculated to favour great britain at her expense. whether she believed or disbelieved these tales, their effect, he said, would be nearly the same. "to sum up the whole," he added, "in a few words, i have never, since i have been in the administration of the government, seen a crisis which, in my opinion, has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one side or the other. from new york there is, and i am told will further be, a counter current;[ ] but how formidable it may appear i know not. if the same does not take place at boston and other towns, it will afford but too strong evidence that the opposition is in a manner universal, and would make the ratification a very serious business indeed. but as it respects the french, even counter resolutions would, for the reasons i have already mentioned, do little more than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the other side would have." [footnote : the chamber of commerce in new york had voted resolutions expressing their approbation of the treaty.] in a private letter of the st of july to the same gentleman, after repeating his determination to return to philadelphia, and his impression of the wisdom, the temperateness, and the firmness for which the crisis most eminently called; he added, "for there is too much reason to believe, from the pains that have been taken before, at, and since the advice of the senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally imagined. how should it be otherwise? when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts: that their rights have not only been neglected, but absolutely sold; that there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty: that the benefits are all on the side of great britain: and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and has been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to oppress the french republic, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary too to every principal of gratitude and sound policy. in time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly turn; but, in the mean while, this government, in relation to france and england, may be compared to a ship between scylla and charybdis. if the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the french (or rather of war and confusion) will excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments;--if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences that may follow as it respects great britain. "it is not to be inferred from hence that i am or shall be disposed to quit the ground i have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge, should compel it; for there is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth, and to pursue it steadily. but these things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary; and that there are strong evidences of the necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determination of government into effect, with prudence as it respects our own people, and with every exertion to produce a change for the better with great britain." in a letter of the third of august, written to the same gentleman, in which he stated the increasing extent of hostility to the treaty, the president added: "all these things do not shake my determination with respect to the proposed ratification, nor will they, unless something more imperious and unknown to me, should, in the opinion of yourself and the gentlemen with you, make it adviseable for me to pause." [sidenote: conditionally ratified by the president.] in the afternoon of the th of august the president arrived in philadelphia; and on the next day, the question respecting the immediate ratification of the treaty was brought before the cabinet. the secretary of state maintained, singly, the opinion, that, during the existence of the provision order,[ ] and during the war between britain and france, this step ought not to be taken. this opinion did not prevail. the resolution was adopted to ratify the treaty immediately, and to accompany the ratification with a strong memorial against the provision order, which should convey, in explicit terms, the sense of the american government on that subject. by this course, the views of the executive were happily accomplished. the order was revoked, and the ratifications of the treaty were exchanged. [footnote : previous to the reception of the account of this order, the opinion of the secretary had been in favour of ratifying the treaty.] [sidenote: the treaty unpopular in the united states.] the president was most probably determined to adopt this course by the extreme intemperance with which the treaty was opposed, and the rapid progress which this violence was apparently making. it was obvious that, unless this temper could be checked, it would soon become so extensive, and would arrive at such a point of fury, as to threaten dangerous consequences. it was obviously necessary either to attempt a diminution of its action by rendering its exertions hopeless, and by giving to the treaty the weight of his character and influence, or to determine ultimately to yield to it. a species of necessity therefore seems to have been created for abandoning the idea, if it was ever taken up, of making the ratification of the treaty dependent on the revocation of the provision order. the soundness of the policy which urged this decisive measure was proved by the event. the confidence which was felt in the judgment and virtue of the chief magistrate, induced many, who, swept away by the popular current, had yielded to the common prejudices, to re-examine, and discard opinions which had been too hastily embraced; and many were called forth by a desire to support the administration in measures actually adopted, to take a more active part in the general contest than they would otherwise have pursued. the consequence was, that more moderate opinions respecting the treaty began to prevail. in a letter from mount vernon of the th of september, addressed to general knox, who had communicated to him the change of opinion which was appearing in the eastern states, the president expressed in warm terms the pleasure derived from that circumstance, and added: "next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. but the latter being secondary, i can not make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. if any person on earth could, or the great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as i remain a servant of the public. but as i have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, and close investigation, i shall adhere to them while i keep the watch, leaving it to those who will come after me, to explore new ways, if they like, or think them better." [sidenote: charge against the president rejected.] if the ratification of the treaty increased the number of its open advocates, it seemed also to give increased acrimony to the opposition. such hold had the president taken of the affections of the people, that even his enemies had deemed it generally necessary to preserve, with regard to him, external marks of decency and respect. previous to the mission of mr. jay, charges against the chief magistrate, though frequently insinuated, had seldom been directly made; and the cover under which the attacks upon his character were conducted, evidenced the caution with which it was deemed necessary to proceed. that mission visibly affected the decorum which had been usually observed towards him; and the ratification of the treaty brought sensations into open view, which had long been ill concealed. his military and political character was attacked with equal violence, and it was averred that he was totally destitute of merit, either as a soldier, or a statesman. the calumnies with which he was assailed were not confined to his public conduct; even his qualities as a man were the subjects of detraction. that he had violated the constitution in negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the senate, and in embracing within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the legislature, was openly maintained, for which an impeachment was publicly suggested; and that he had drawn from the treasury for his private use, more than the salary annexed to his office, was asserted without a blush.[ ] this last allegation was said to be supported by extracts from the treasury accounts which had been laid before the legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering effrontery. [footnote : see the aurora from august to december, . see, in particular, a series of essays, signed "a calm observer," published from the d of october to the th of november, .] though the secretary of the treasury denied that the appropriations made by the legislature had ever been exceeded, the atrocious charge was still confidently repeated; and the few who could triumph in any spot which might tarnish the lustre of washington's fame, felicitated themselves on the prospect of obtaining a victory over the reputation of a patriot, to whose single influence, they ascribed the failure of their political plans. with the real public, the confidence felt in the integrity of the chief magistrate remained unshaken; but so imposing was the appearance of the documents adduced, as to excite an apprehension that the transaction might be placed in a light to show that some indiscretion, in which he had not participated, had been inadvertently committed. this state of anxious suspense was of short duration. the late secretary of the treasury, during whose administration of the finances this peculation was said to have taken place, came forward with a full explanation of the fact. it appeared that the president himself had never touched any part of the compensation annexed to his office, but that the whole was received, and disbursed, by the gentleman who superintended the expenses of his household. that it was the practice of the treasury, when a sum had been appropriated for the current year, to pay it to that gentleman occasionally, as the situation of the family might require. the expenses at some periods of the year exceeded, and at others fell short of the allowance for the quarter; so that at some times money was paid in advance on account of the ensuing quarter, and at others, that which was due at the end of the quarter was not completely drawn out. the secretary entered into an examination of the constitution and laws to show that this practice was justifiable, and illustrated his arguments by many examples in which an advance on account of money appropriated to a particular object, before the service was completed, would be absolutely necessary. however this might be, it was a transaction in which the president personally was unconcerned.[ ] [footnote : gazette of the united states, th november, .] when possessed of the entire fact, the public viewed, with just indignation, this attempt to defame a character which was the nation's pride. americans felt themselves involved in this atrocious calumny on their most illustrious citizen; and its propagators were frowned into silence. [sidenote: mr. randolph resigns. is succeeded by colonel pickering.] [sidenote: colonel mchenry appointed secretary of war.] on the th of august, the secretary of state had resigned[ ] his place in the administration, and some time elapsed before a successor was appointed.[ ] at length, colonel pickering was removed to the department of state, and mr. m'henry, a gentleman who had served in the family of general washington, and in the congress prior to the establishment of the existing constitution, was appointed to the department of war. by the death of mr. bradford, a vacancy was also produced in the office of attorney general, which was filled by mr. lee, a gentleman of considerable eminence at the bar, and in the legislature of virginia. [footnote : see note no. xii. at the end of the volume.] [footnote : see note no. xiii. at the end of the volume.] many of those embarrassments in which the government, from its institution, had been involved, were now ended, or approaching their termination. the opposition to the laws, which had so long been made in the western counties of pennsylvania, existed no longer. [sidenote: treaty with the indians north-west of the ohio.] on the third of august, a definitive treaty was concluded by general wayne with the hostile indians north-west of the ohio, by which the destructive and expensive war which had long desolated that frontier, was ended in a manner perfectly agreeable to the united states. an accommodation had taken place with the powerful tribes of the south also; and to preserve peace in that quarter, it was only necessary to invest the executive with the means of restraining the incursions which the disorderly inhabitants of the southern frontier frequently made into the indian territory; incursions, of which murder was often the consequence. few subjects had excited more feeling among the people, or in the government of the united states, than the captivity of their fellow citizens in algiers. even this calamity had been seized as a weapon which might be wielded with some effect against the president. overlooking the exertions he had made for the attainment of peace, and the liberation of the american captives; and regardless of his inability to aid negotiation by the exhibition of force, the discontented ascribed the long and painful imprisonment of their unfortunate brethren to a carelessness in the administration respecting their sufferings, and to that inexhaustible source of accusation,--its policy with regard to france and britain. [sidenote: treaty with algiers.] after the failure of several attempts to obtain a peace with the regency of algiers, a treaty was, at length, negotiated on terms which, though disadvantageous, were the best that could be obtained. the exertions of the executive to settle the controversy with spain respecting boundary, and to obtain the free use of the mississippi, had been unavailing. a negotiation in which mr. short and mr. carmichael were employed at madrid, had been protracted by artificial delays on the part of the spanish cabinet, until those ministers had themselves requested that the commission should be terminated. [sidenote: treaty with spain.] at length, spain, embarrassed by the war in which she was engaged, discovered symptoms of a temper more inclined to conciliation, and intimated to the secretary of state, through her commissioners at philadelphia, that a minister, deputed on the special occasion, of higher rank than mr. short, who was a resident, would be able to expedite the negotiation. on receiving this intimation, the president, though retaining a high and just confidence in mr. short, nominated mr. pinckney, in november, , as envoy extraordinary to his catholic majesty. mr. pinckney repaired in the following summer to madrid, and a treaty was concluded on the th of october, in which the claims of the united states, on the important points of boundary, and the mississippi, were fully conceded. thus were adjusted, so far as depended on the executive, all those external difficulties with which the united states had long struggled; most of which had originated before the establishment of the existing government, and some of which portended calamities that no common share of prudence could have averted. [sidenote: meeting of congress.] although the signature of the treaties with spain and algiers had not been officially announced at the meeting of congress, the state of the negotiations with both powers was sufficiently well understood to enable the president with confidence to assure the legislature, in his speech at the opening of the session, that those negotiations were in a train which promised a happy issue. [sidenote: president's speech.] after expressing his gratification at the prosperous state of american affairs, the various favourable events which have been already enumerated were detailed in a succinct statement, at the close of which he mentioned the british treaty, which, though publicly known, had not before been communicated officially to the house of representatives. "this interesting summary of our affairs," continued the speech, "with regard to the powers between whom and the united states controversies have subsisted; and with regard also to our indian neighbours with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. if by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national faith and honour, shall be the happy results,--how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country." after presenting an animated picture of the situation of the united states, and recommending several objects to the attention of the legislature, the president concluded with observing: "temperate discussion of the important subjects that may arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference in opinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare of our country, to need any recommendation of mine." in the senate, an address was reported which echoed back the sentiments of the speech. in this house of representatives, as in the last, the party in opposition to the administration had obtained a majority. this party was unanimously hostile to the treaty with great britain; and it was expected that their answer to the speech of the president would indicate their sentiments on a subject which continued to agitate the whole american people. the answer reported by the committee contained a declaration, that the confidence of his fellow citizens in the chief magistrate remained undiminished. on a motion, to strike out the words importing this sentiment, it was averred, that the clause asserted an untruth. it was not true that the confidence of the people in the president was undiminished. by a recent transaction it had been considerably impaired; and some gentlemen declared that their own confidence in him was lessened. by the friends of the administration, the motion was opposed with great zeal, and the opinion that the confidence of the people in their chief magistrate remained unshaken, was maintained with ardour. but they were outnumbered. to avoid a direct vote on the proposition, it was moved, that the address should be recommitted. this motion succeeded, and, two members being added to the committee, an answer was reported in which the clause objected to was so modified as to be free from exception. that part of the speech which mentioned the treaty with great britain was alluded to in terms which, though not directly expressive of disapprobation, were sufficiently indicative of the prevailing sentiment. early in the month of january the president transmitted to both houses of congress a message, accompanying certain communications from the french government which were well calculated to cherish those ardent feelings that prevailed in the legislature. it was the fortune of mr. monroe to reach paris, soon after the death of robespierre, and the fall of the jacobins. on his reception as the minister of the united states, which was public, and in the convention, he gave free scope to the genuine feelings of his heart; and, at the same time, delivered to the president of that body, with his credentials, two letters addressed by the secretary of state to the committee of public safety. these letters were answers to one written by the committee of safety to the congress of the united states. the executive department being the organ through which all foreign intercourse was to be conducted, each branch of the legislature had passed a resolution directing this letter to be transmitted to the president, with a request, that he would cause it to be answered in terms expressive of their friendly dispositions towards the french republic. so fervent were the sentiments expressed on this occasion, that the convention decreed that the flag of the american and french republics should be united together, and suspended in its own hall, in testimony of eternal union and friendship between the two people. to evince the impression made on his mind by this act, and the grateful sense of his constituents, mr. monroe presented to the convention the flag of the united states, which he prayed them to accept as a proof of the sensibility with which his country received every act of friendship from its ally, and of the pleasure with which it cherished every incident which tended to cement and consolidate the union between the two nations. [sidenote: mr. adet succeeds mr. fauchet.] the committee of safety, disregarding the provisions of the american constitution, although their attention must have been particularly directed to them by the circumstance that the letter to congress was referred by that body to the executive, again addressed the legislature in terms adapted to that department of government which superintends its foreign intercourse, and expressive, among other sentiments, of the sensibility with which the french nation had perceived those sympathetic emotions with which the american people had viewed the vicissitudes of her fortune. mr. adet, who was to succeed mr. fauchet at philadelphia, and who was the bearer of this letter, also brought with him the colours of france, which he was directed to present to the united states. he arrived in the summer; but probably in the idea that these communications were to be made by him directly to congress, did not announce them to the executive until late in december. { } the first day of the new year was named for their reception; when the colours were delivered to the president, and the letter to congress also was placed in his hands. in executing this duty, mr. adet addressed a speech to the president, which, in the glowing language of his country, represented france as struggling, not only for her own liberty, but for that of the human race. "assimilated to, or rather identified with free people by the form of her government, she saw in them," he said, "only friends and brothers. long accustomed to regard the american people as her most faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of america, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny." to answer this speech was a task of some delicacy. it was necessary to express feelings adapted to the occasion, without implying sentiments with respect to the belligerent powers, which might be improper to be used by the chief magistrate of a neutral country. with a view to both these objects, the president made the following reply: "born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country; my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in any country, i see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. but above all, the events of the french revolution have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. to call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. wonderful people! ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits. i rejoice that the period of your toils, and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. i rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution,[ ] designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. i rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm,--liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government;--a government which, being formed to secure the happiness of the french people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the united states by its resemblance to their own. on these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. [footnote : subsequent to the mission of mr. adet, but previous to this time, the revolutionary government which succeeded the abolition of monarchy had yielded to the constitution of the republican form.] "in delivering to you these sentiments, i express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow citizens in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the french revolution: and they will certainly join with me in purest wishes to the supreme being, that the citizens of our sister republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that liberty which they have purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. "i receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs, and of the infranchisements of your nation, the colours of france, which you have now presented to the united states. the transaction will be announced to congress, and the colours will be deposited with the archives of the united states, which are at once the evidence and the memorials of their freedom and independence; may these be perpetual! and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate with their existence." the address of mr. adet, the answer of the president, and the colours of france, were transmitted to congress with the letter from the committee of safety. in the house of representatives a resolution was moved, requesting the president to make known to the representatives of the french republic, the sincere and lively sensations which were excited by this honourable testimony of the existing sympathy and affections of the two republics; that the house rejoiced in an opportunity of congratulating the french republic on the brilliant and glorious achievements accomplished during the present afflictive war; and hoped that those achievements would be attended with a perfect attainment of their object, the permanent establishment of the liberty and happiness of that great and magnanimous people. the letter to congress having come from the committee of safety, which, under the revolutionary system, was the department that was charged with foreign intercourse; and a constitution having been afterwards adopted in france, by which an executive directory was established, to which all the foreign relations of the government were confided, an attempt was made to amend this resolution, by substituting the directory for the representatives of the people. but this attempt failed; after which the resolution passed unanimously. in the senate also a resolution was offered, expressive of the sensations of that house, and requesting the president to communicate them to the proper organ of the french republic. an amendment was moved to vary this resolution so as to express the sentiment to the president, and omit the request that it should be communicated to the french republic. the complimentary correspondence between the two nations, had, it was said, reached a point, when, if ever, it ought to close. this amendment, though strenuously combated by the opposition, was adopted. in february, the treaty with great britain was returned, in the form advised by the senate, ratified by his britannic majesty. the constitution declaring a treaty, when made, the supreme law of the land, the president announced it officially to the people in a proclamation, requiring from all persons its observance and execution; a copy of which was transmitted to each house on the st of march. the party which had obtained the majority in one branch of the legislature, having openly denied the right of the president to negotiate a treaty of commerce, was not a little dissatisfied at his venturing to issue this proclamation before the sense of the house of representatives had been declared on the obligation of the instrument. [sidenote: the house of representatives call upon the president for papers relating to the treaty with great britain.] this dissatisfaction was not concealed. on the d of march, mr. livingston laid upon the table a resolution, requesting the president "to lay before the house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states, who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, communicated by his message of the st of march, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to the said treaty." on the th of march, he amended this resolution by adding the words, "excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed." after some debate, mr. madison proposed to modify the amendment of mr. livingston, so as to except such papers, as in the judgment of the president, it might be inconsistent with the interest of the united states at this time to disclose. this proposition was rejected by a majority of ten voices, and the discussion of the original resolution was resumed. the debate soon glided into an argument on the nature and extent of the treaty making power. the friends of the administration maintained, that a treaty was a contract between two nations, which, under the constitution, the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, had a right to make; and that it was made when, by and with such advice and consent, it had received his final act. its obligations then became complete on the united states; and to refuse to comply with its stipulations, was to break the treaty, and to violate the faith of the nation. the opposition contended, that the power to make treaties, if applicable to every object, conflicted with powers which were vested exclusively in congress. that either the treaty making power must be limited in its operation, so as not to touch objects committed by the constitution to congress, or the assent and co-operation of the house of representatives must be required to give validity to any compact, so far as it might comprehend those objects. a treaty, therefore, which required an appropriation of money, or any act of congress to carry it into effect, had not acquired its obligatory force until the house of representatives had exercised its powers in the case. they were at full liberty to make, or to withhold, such appropriation, or other law, without incurring the imputation of violating any existing obligation, or of breaking the faith of the nation. the debate on this question was animated, vehement, and argumentative; all the party passions were enlisted in it; and it was protracted until the th of march, when the resolution was carried in the affirmative by sixty-two to thirty-seven voices. the next day, the committee appointed to present it to the chief magistrate reported his answer, which was, "that he would take the resolution into consideration." the situation in which this vote placed the president was peculiarly delicate. in an elective government, the difficulty of resisting the popular branch of the legislature is at all times great, but is particularly so when the passions of the public have been strongly and generally excited. the popularity of a demand for information, the large majority by which that demand was supported, the additional force which a refusal to comply with it would give to suspicions already insinuated, that circumstances had occurred in the negotiation which the administration dared not expose, and that the president was separating himself from the representatives of the people, furnished motives, not lightly to be over-ruled, for yielding to the request which had been made. [illustration: george washington _from the profile portrait by james sharples_ _sharples painted two pictures of washington--this portrait showing him in the costume of a country gentleman, distinguished as being the only profile of the first president ever painted, and a full face presentation of him in military dress, reproduced in volume iv of this work._ _sharples, an english painter by birth, was recommended by the great george romney as being equipped to produce a work "worthy of the greatest of americans." his success is attested by the praise of washington's adopted son, who declared the sharples portraits to be "the truest likenesses ever made," and by ralph waldo emerson, who saw the pictures later in england and wrote: "i would willingly have crossed the atlantic, if only to look on these portraits."_ courtesy herbert l. pratt] but these considerations were opposed by others which, though less operative with men who fear to deserve the public favour by hazarding its loss, possess an irresistible influence over a mind resolved to pursue steadily the path of duty, however it may abound with thorns. that the future diplomatic transactions of the government might be seriously and permanently affected by establishing the principle that the house of representatives could demand as a right, the instructions given to a foreign minister, and all the papers connected with a negotiation, was too apparent to be unobserved. nor was it less obvious that a compliance with the request now made, would go far in establishing this principle. the form of the request, and the motives which induced it, equally led to this conclusion. it left nothing to the discretion of the president with regard to the public interests; and the information was asked for the avowed purpose of determining whether the house of representatives would give effect to a public treaty. it was also a subject for serious reflection, that in a debate unusually elaborate, the house of representatives had claimed a right of interference in the formation of treaties, which, in the judgment of the president, the constitution had denied them. duties the most sacred requiring that he should resist this encroachment on the department which was particularly confided to him, he could not hesitate respecting the course it became him to take; and on the th of march he returned the following answer to the resolution which had been presented to him. "gentlemen of the house of representatives, "with the utmost attention i have considered your resolution of the th instant, requesting me to lay before your house, a copy of the instructions to the minister of the united states, who negotiated the treaty with the king of great britain, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers, as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed. "in deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle. "i trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the constitution has enjoined it upon the president as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either house of congress as a right; and with truth i affirm, that it has been, as it will continue to be, while i have the honour to preside in the government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the united states, and my sense of the obligation it imposes, to preserve, protect and defend the constitution[ ] will permit. [footnote : the words of the oath of office prescribed for the chief magistrate.] "the nature of foreign negotiations require caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy: and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated would be extremely impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief to other persons. the necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. "to admit then a right in the house of representatives to demand, and to have as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent. "it does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for, can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. i repeat that i have no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my station will permit, or the public good shall require to be disclosed; and in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with great britain were laid before the senate, when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice. "the course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the house, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the constitution of the united states. "having been a member of the general convention, and knowing the principles on which the constitution was formed, i have ever entertained but one opinion upon this subject; and from the first establishment of the government to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion. that the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and that every treaty so made and promulgated, thenceforward becomes the law of the land. it is thus that the treaty making power has been understood by foreign nations: and in all the treaties made with them, _we_ have declared, and _they_ have believed, that when ratified by the president with the advice and consent of the senate, they became obligatory. in this construction of the constitution, every house of representatives has heretofore acquiesced; and until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared to my knowledge, that this construction was not a true one. nay, they have more than acquiesced; for until now, without controverting the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. "there is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with the opinions entertained by the state conventions when they were deliberating on the constitution; especially by those who objected to it, because there was not required in commercial treaties, the consent of two-thirds of the whole number of the members of the senate, instead of two-thirds of the senators present; and because in treaties respecting territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three-fourths of the whole number of the members of both houses respectively was not made necessary. "it is a fact declared by the general convention and universally understood, that the constitution of the united states was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. and it is well known, that under this influence, the smaller states were admitted to an equal representation in the senate with the larger states; and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers; for on the equal participation of those powers, the sovereignty and political safety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. "if other proofs than these and the plain letter of the constitution itself be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the general convention which i have deposited in the office of the department of state. in these journals it will appear, that a proposition was made 'that no treaty should be binding on the united states which was not ratified by a law,' and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. [sidenote: he declines sending them.] "as therefore it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the house of representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with great britain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative provision; and on these the papers called for can throw no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be preserved; a just regard to the constitution, and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your request." the terms in which this decided, and, it would seem, unexpected negative to the call for papers was conveyed, appeared to break the last cord of that attachment which had theretofore bound some of the active leaders of the opposition to the person of the president. amidst all the agitations and irritations of party, a sincere respect, and real affection for the chief magistrate, the remnant of former friendship, had still lingered in the bosoms of some who had engaged with ardour in the political contests of the day. but, if the last spark of this affection was not now extinguished, it was at least concealed under the more active passions of the moment. [sidenote: debates upon the treaty making power.] a motion to refer the message of the president to a committee of the whole house, was carried by a large majority. in committee, resolutions were moved by mr. blount of north carolina, declaratory of the sense of the house respecting its own power on the subject of treaties. these resolutions take a position less untenable than had been maintained in argument, and rather inexplicit on an essential part of the question. disclaiming a power to interfere in making treaties, they assert the right of the house of representatives, whenever stipulations are made on subjects committed by the constitution to congress, to deliberate on the expediency of carrying them into effect, without deciding what degree of obligation the treaty possesses on the nation, so far as respects those points, previous to such deliberation. after a debate in which the message was freely criticised, the resolutions were carried, fifty-seven voting in the affirmative, and thirty-five in the negative. in the course of the month of march, the treaties with his catholic majesty, and with the dey of algiers, had been ratified by the president, and were laid before congress. on the th of april, in a committee of the whole house on the state of the union, the instant the chairman was seated, mr. sedgewick moved "that provision ought to be made by law for carrying into effect with good faith the treaties lately concluded with the dey and regency of algiers, the king of great britain, the king of spain, and certain indian tribes north-west of the ohio." this motion produced a warm altercation. the members of the majority complained loudly of the celerity with which it had been made, and resented the attempt to blend together four treaties in the same resolution, after the solemn vote entered upon their journals, declaratory of their right to exercise a free discretion over the subject, as an indignity to the opinions and feelings of the house. after a discussion manifesting the irritation which existed, the resolution was amended, by changing the word "treaties" from the plural to the singular number, and by striking out the words "dey and regency of algiers, the king of great britain, and certain indian tribes north-west of the river ohio," so that only the treaty with the king of spain remained to be considered. mr. gallatin then objected to the words "provision ought to be made by law," as the expression seemed to imply a negative of the principle laid down in their resolution, that the house was at perfect liberty to pass, or not to pass, any law for giving effect to a treaty. in lieu of them, he wished to introduce words declaring the expediency of passing the necessary laws. this amendment was objected to as an innovation on the forms which had been invariably observed; but it was carried; after which, the words "with good faith," were also discarded. the resolution thus amended was agreed to without a dissenting voice; and then, similar resolutions were passed respecting the treaties with algiers, and with the indians north-west of the ohio. [sidenote: upon the bill for making appropriations to carry into execution the treaty with great britain.] this business being despatched, the treaty with great britain was brought before the house. the friends of that instrument urged an immediate decision of the question. on a subject which had so long agitated the whole community, the judgment of every member, they believed, was completely formed; and the hope to make converts by argument was desperate. in fact, they appeared to have entertained the opinion that the majority would not dare to encounter the immense responsibility of breaking that treaty, without previously ascertaining that the great body of the people were willing to meet the consequences of the measure. but the members of the opposition, though confident of their power to reject the resolution, called for its discussion. the expectation might not unreasonably have been entertained, that the passions belonging to the subject would be so inflamed by debate, as to produce the expression of a public sentiment favourable to their wishes; and, if in this they should be disappointed, it would be certainly unwise, either as a party, or as a branch of the legislature, to plunge the nation into embarrassments in which it was not disposed to entangle itself, and from which the means of extricating it could not be distinctly perceived. the minority soon desisted from urging an immediate decision of the question; and the spacious field which was opened by the propositions before the house, seemed to be entered with equal avidity and confidence by both parties. at no time perhaps have the members of the national legislature been stimulated to great exertions by stronger feelings than impelled them on this occasion. never has a greater display been made of argument, of eloquence, and of passion; and never has a subject been discussed in which all classes of their fellow citizens took a deeper interest. to those motives which a doubtful contest for power, and for victory, can not fail to furnish, were added others of vast influence on the human mind. those who supported the resolution, declaring the expediency of carrying the treaty into effect, firmly believed that the faith of the nation was pledged, and that its honour, its character, and its constitution, depended on the vote about to be given. they also believed that the best interests of the united states required an observance of the compact as formed. in itself, it was thought as favourable as the situation of the contracting parties, and of the world, entitled them to expect; but its chief merit consisted in the adjustment of ancient differences, and in its tendency to produce future amicable dispositions, and friendly intercourse. if congress should refuse to perform this treaty on the part of the united states, a compliance on the part of great britain could not be expected. the posts on the great lakes would still be occupied by their garrisons; no compensation would be made for american vessels illegally captured; the hostile dispositions which had been excited would be restored with increased aggravation; and that these dispositions must lead infallibly to war, was implicitly believed. they also believed that the political subjugation of their country would be the inevitable consequence of a war with britain, during the existing impassioned devotion of the united states to france. the opposite party was undoubtedly of opinion that the treaty contained stipulations really injurious to the united states. several favourite principles to which they attached much importance, were relinquished by it; and some of the articles relative to commerce, were believed to be unequal in their operation. nor ought the sincerity with which their opinion on the constitutional powers of the house had been advanced, to be questioned. in the fervour of political discussion, that construction which, without incurring the imputation of violating the national faith, would enable the popular branch of the legislature to control the president and senate in making treaties, may have been thought the safe and the correct construction. but no consideration appears to have had more influence than the apprehension that the amicable arrangements made with great britain, would seriously affect the future relations of the united states with france. might a conjecture on this subject be hazarded, it would be that, in the opinion of many intelligent men, the preservation of that honest and real neutrality between the belligerent powers, at which the executive had aimed, was impracticable; that america would probably be forced into the war; and that the possibility of a rupture with france was a calamity too tremendous not to be avoided at every hazard. as had been foreseen, this animated debate was on a subject too deeply and immediately interesting to the people, not to draw forth their real sentiments. the whole country was agitated; meetings were again held throughout the united states; and the strength of parties was once more tried. the fallacy of many of the objections to the treaty had been exposed, the odium originally excited against it had been diminished, the belief that its violation would infallibly precipitate the nation into a war, if not universal, was extensive. these considerations brought reflecting men into action; and the voice of the nation was pronounced unequivocally with the minority in the house of representatives. this manifestation of the public sentiment was decisive with congress. on the th of april the question was taken in the committee of the whole, and was determined, by the casting vote of the chairman, in favour of the expediency of making the necessary laws. the resolution was finally carried, fifty-one voting in the affirmative, and forty-eight in the negative. that necessity to which a part of the majority in the house of representatives had reluctantly yielded, operated on no other subject; nor did it affect the strength of parties. their opinion respecting that system of policy which ought to be observed in their external relations, remained the same; and their partialities and prejudices for and against foreign nations, sustained no diminution. with regard to internal affairs also, the same spirit was retained. so excessive had been the jealousy entertained by the opposition against a military force of any kind, that, even under the pressure of the algerine war, the bill providing a naval armament could not be carried through the house without the insertion of a section suspending all proceedings under the act, should that war be terminated. the event which was to arrest the executive in the prosecution of this work having occurred, not a single frigate could be completed, without further authority from the legislature. this circumstance was the more important, as a peace had not been concluded with tunis, or tripoli; and, of consequence, the mediterranean could not yet be safely navigated by the vessels of the united states. the president called the attention of congress to this subject; and stated the loss which would accrue from the sudden interruption of the work, and dispersion of the workmen. a bill to enable him to complete three, instead of six frigates, was with difficulty carried through the house. but, except the treaty with great britain, no subject was brought forward in which parties felt a deeper interest, than on those questions which related to the revenue. notwithstanding the increasing productiveness of the duties on external commerce, this resource had not yet become entirely adequate to the exigencies of the nation. to secure the complete execution of the system for gradually redeeming the public debt, without disregarding those casualties to which all nations are exposed, it was believed that some additional aids to the treasury would be required. upon the nature of these aids, much contrariety of opinion prevailed. the friends of the administration were in favour of extending the system of indirect internal taxation: but, constituting the minority in one branch of the legislature, they could carry no proposition on which the opposition was united; and the party which had become the majority in the house of representatives, had been generally hostile to that mode of obtaining revenue. from an opinion that direct taxes were recommended by intrinsic advantages, or that the people would become more attentive to the charges against the administration, should their money be drawn from them by visible means, those who wished power to change hands, had generally manifested a disposition to oblige those who exercised it, to resort to a system of revenue, by which a great degree of sensibility will always be excited. the indirect taxes proposed in the committee of ways and means were strongly resisted; and only that which proposed an augmentation of the duty on carriages for pleasure was passed into a law. [sidenote: congress adjourns.] on the first day of june, this long and interesting session was terminated. no preceding legislature had been engaged in discussions by which their own passions, or those of their constituents were more strongly excited; nor on subjects more vitally important to the united states. from this view of the angry contests of party, it may not be unacceptable to turn aside for a moment, and to look back to a transaction in which the movements of a feeling heart discover themselves, not the less visibly, for being engaged in a struggle with the stern duties of a public station. [sidenote: the president endeavors to procure the liberation of lafayette.] no one of those foreigners who, during the war of the revolution, had engaged in the service of the united states, had embraced their cause with so much enthusiasm, or had held so distinguished a place in the affections of general washington, as the marquis de lafayette. the attachment of these illustrious personages to each other had been openly expressed, and had yielded neither to time, nor to the remarkable vicissitude of fortune with which the destinies of one of them had been chequered. for his friend, while guiding the course of a revolution which fixed the anxious attention of the world, or while a prisoner in prussia, or in the dungeon of olmutz, the president manifested the same esteem, and felt the same solicitude. the extreme jealousy, however, with which the persons who administered the government of france, as well as a large party in america, watched his deportment towards all those whom the ferocious despotism of the jacobins had exiled from their country, imposed upon him the painful necessity of observing great circumspection in his official conduct, on this delicate subject. a formal interposition in favour of the virtuous and unfortunate victim of their furious passions, would have been unavailing. without benefiting the person whom it would be designed to aid, it might produce serious political mischief. but the american ministers employed at foreign courts were instructed to seize every fair occasion to express, unofficially, the interest taken by the president in the fate of lafayette; and to employ the most eligible means in their power to obtain his liberty, or to meliorate his situation. a confidential person[ ] had been sent to berlin to solicit his discharge: but before this messenger had reached his destination, the king of prussia had delivered over his illustrious prisoner to the emperor of germany. mr. pinckney had been instructed not only to indicate the wishes of the president to the austrian minister at london, but to endeavour, unofficially, to obtain the powerful mediation of britain; and had at one time flattered himself that the cabinet of st. james would take an interest in the case; but this hope was soon dissipated. [footnote : mr. james marshall.] after being disappointed in obtaining the mediation of the british cabinet, the president addressed the following letter to the emperor of germany. "it will readily occur to your majesty that occasions may sometimes exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects which affect his sensibility and claim his interposition as a man. finding myself precisely in this situation at present, i take the liberty of writing this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology for it. "in common with the people of this country, i retain a strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the marquis de lafayette; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. it is natural, therefore, that i should sympathize with him and his family in their misfortunes, and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present confinement is not the least distressing. "i forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. permit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment, and the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the mediation of humanity? allow me, sir, on this occasion, to be its organ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions, and under such restrictions, as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. "as it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances, i would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe that this request appears to me to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound policy, and durable glory." this letter was transmitted to mr. pinckney to be conveyed to the emperor through his minister at london. how far it operated in mitigating immediately the rigour of lafayette's confinement, or in obtaining his liberation, remains unascertained. chapter iv. letter from general washington to mr. jefferson.... hostile measures of france against the united states.... mr. monroe recalled and general pinckney appointed to succeed him.... general washington's valedictory address to the people of the united states.... the minister of france endeavours to influence the approaching election.... the president's speech to congress.... he denies the authenticity of certain spurious letters published in .... john adams elected president, and thomas jefferson vice president.... general washington retires to mount vernon.... political situation of the united states at this period.... the french government refuses to receive general pinckney as minister.... congress is convened.... president's speech.... three envoys extraordinary deputed to france.... their treatment.... measures of hostility adopted by the american government against france.... general washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american army.... his death.... and character. { } the confidential friends of the president had long known his fixed purpose to retire from office at the end of his second term, and the people generally suspected it. those who dreaded a change of system, in changing the person, of the chief magistrate, manifested an earnest desire to avoid this hazard, by being permitted once more to offer to the public choice a person who, amidst all the fierce conflicts of party, still remained the object of public veneration. but his resolution was to be shaken only by the obvious approach of a perilous crisis, which, endangering the safety of the nation, would make it unworthy of his character, and incompatible with his principles, to retreat from its service. in the apprehension that the co-operation of external with internal causes might bring about such a crisis, he had yielded to the representations of those who urged him to leave himself master of his conduct, by withholding a public declaration of his intention, until the propriety of affording a reasonable time to fix on a successor should require its disclosure. "if," said colonel hamilton in a letter on this subject of the fifth of july, "a storm gathers, how can you retreat? this is a most serious question." the suspense produced in the public opinion by this silence on the part of the chief magistrate, seemed to redouble the efforts of those who laboured to rob him of the affection of the people, and to attach odium to the political system which he had pursued. as passion alone is able successfully to contend with passion, they still sought, in the hate which america bore to britain, and in her love to france, for the most powerful means with which to eradicate her love to washington. amongst the various artifices employed to effect this object, was the publication of those queries which had been propounded by the president to his cabinet council, previous to the arrival of mr. genet. this publication was intended to demonstrate the existence of a disposition in the chief magistrate unfriendly to the french republic, of "a machiavellian policy, which nothing but the universal sentiment of enthusiastic affection displayed by the _people_ of the united states, on the arrival of mr. genet, could have subdued." some idea of the intemperance of the day may be formed from the conclusion of that number of a series of virulent essays, in which these queries were inserted, and from recollecting that it was addressed to a man who, more than any other, had given character as well as independence to his country; and whose life, devoted to her service, had exhibited one pure undeviating course of virtuous exertion to promote her interests. it is in these words: "the foregoing queries were transmitted for consideration to the heads of departments, previously to a meeting to be held at the president's house. the text needs no commentary. it has stamped upon its front in characters brazen enough for idolatry to comprehend, perfidy and ingratitude. to doubt in such a case was dishonourable, to proclaim those doubts treachery. for the honour of the american character and of human nature, it is to be lamented that the records of the united states exhibit such a stupendous monument of degeneracy. it will almost require the authenticity of holy writ to persuade posterity that it is not a libel ingeniously contrived to injure the reputation of the saviour of his country." as this state paper was perfectly confidential, and had been communicated only to the cabinet ministers, mr. jefferson thought proper to free himself from any possible suspicion of having given it publicity, by assuring the president that this breach of confidence must be ascribed to some other person. [sidenote: letter from general washington to mr. jefferson.] in answer to this letter the president said-- "if i had entertained any suspicion before, that the queries which have been published in bache's paper proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary would have removed them:--but the truth is, i harboured none. i am at no loss to conjecture from what source they flowed, through what channel they were conveyed, nor for what purpose they and similar publications appear. "as you have mentioned[ ] the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion i conceived you entertained of me; that to your particular friends and connexions you have described, and they have denounced me, as a person under a dangerous influence, and that, if i would listen _more_ to some _other_ opinions, all would be well. my answer invariably has been, that i had never discovered any thing in the conduct of mr. jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his sincerity; that if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the _sole_ objects of my pursuit; that there were as many instances within his _own_ knowledge of my having decided _against_ as in _favour_ of the person evidently alluded to; and moreover, that i was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. in short, that i was no party man myself, and that the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. [footnote : in the same letter mr. jefferson had stated his total abstraction from party questions.] "to this i may add, and very truly, that until the last year or two, i had no conception that parties would, or even could go the lengths i have been witness to; nor did i believe, until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability--hardly within those of possibility--that while i was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth; and wished by steering a steady course to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, i should be accused of being the enemy of one nation and subject to the influence of another; and to prove it, that every act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a nero--to a notorious defaulter--or even to a common pick-pocket. "but enough of this--i have already gone further in the expression of my feelings than i intended." of the numerous misrepresentations and fabrications which, with unwearied industry, were pressed upon the public in order to withdraw the confidence of the nation from its chief, no one marked more strongly the depravity of that principle which justifies the means by the end, than the republication of certain forged letters, purporting to have been written by general washington in the year . these letters had been originally published in the year , and in them were interspersed, with domestic occurrences which might give them the semblance of verity, certain political sentiments favourable to britain in the then existing contest. but the original fabricator of these papers missed his aim. it was necessary to assign the manner in which the possession of them was acquired; and in executing this part of his task, circumstances were stated so notoriously untrue, that, at the time, the meditated imposition deceived no person. in the indefatigable research for testimony which might countenance the charge that the executive was unfriendly to france, and under the influence of britain, these letters were drawn from the oblivion into which they had sunk, it had been supposed forever, and were republished as genuine. the silence with which the president treated this as well as every other calumny, was construed into an acknowledgment of its truth; and the malignant commentators on this spurious text, would not admit the possibility of its being apocryphal. those who laboured incessantly to establish the favourite position that the executive was under other than french influence, reviewed every act of the administration connected with its foreign relations, and continued to censure every part of the system with extreme bitterness. not only the treaty with great britain, but all those measures which had been enjoined by the duties of neutrality, were reprobated as justly offensive to france; and no opinion which had been advanced by mr. genet, in his construction of the treaties between the two nations, was too extravagant to be approved. the ardent patriot can not maintain the choicest rights of his country with more zeal than was manifested in supporting all the claims of the french republic upon the united states. these discussions were not confined to the public prints. in almost every assemblage of individuals, whether for social or other purposes, this favourite theme excluded all others; and the pretensions of france were supported and controverted with equal earnestness. the opposing parties, mutually exasperated by unceasing altercations, cherished reciprocal suspicions of each other, and each charged its adversary with being under a foreign influence.[ ] those who favoured the measures adopted by america were accused as the enemies of liberty, the enemies of france, and the tools of britain. in turn, they charged their opponents with disseminating principles subversive of all order in society; and with supporting a foreign government against their own. [footnote : see note no. xiv. at the end of the volume.] whatever might be the real opinion of the french government on the validity of its charges against the united states, those charges were too vehemently urged, and too powerfully espoused in america, to be abandoned at paris. if at any time they were in part relinquished, they were soon resumed. for a time, mr. fauchet forbore to press the points on which his predecessor had insisted; but his complaints of particular cases which grew out of the war, and out of the rules which had been established by the executive were unremitting. the respectful language in which these complaints were at first urged, soon yielded to the style of reproach; and in his correspondence with the secretary of state, towards its close, he adopted the sentiments, without absolutely discarding the manner of mr. genet. mr. adet, the successor of mr. fauchet, arrived at philadelphia, while the senate was deliberating on the treaty of amity with great britain. in the observations he made on that instrument, when submitted to his consideration by order of the president, he complained particularly of the abandonment of the principle that free ships should make free goods; and urged the injustice, while french cruisers were restrained by treaty from taking english goods out of american bottoms, that english cruisers should be liberated from the same restraint. no demonstration could be more complete than was the fallacy of this complaint. but the american government discovered a willingness voluntarily to release france from the pressure of a situation in which she had elected to place herself. [sidenote: hostile measures of france against the united states.] in the anxiety which was felt by the president to come to full and immediate explanations on this treaty, the american minister at paris had been furnished, even before its ratification, and still more fully afterwards, with ample materials for the justification of his government. but, misconceiving[ ] the views of the administration, he reserved these representations to answer complaints which were expected, and omitted to make them in the first instance, while the course to be pursued by the directory was under deliberation. meanwhile, his letters kept up the alarm which had been excited with regard to the dispositions of france; and intelligence from the west indies served to confirm it. through a private channel, the president received information that the special agents of the directory in the islands were about to issue orders for the capture of all american vessels, laden in the whole or in part with provisions, and bound for any port within the dominions of the british crown. [footnote : see monroe's view.] [sidenote: mr. monroe recalled and general pinckney appointed to succeed him.] knowing well that the intentions of the executive towards the french republic had been at all times friendly, and entertaining a strong conviction that its conduct was liable to no just objection, the president had relied with confidence on early and candid communications, for the removal of any prejudices or misconceptions, which the passions of the moment might have occasioned. that the french government would be disappointed at the adjustment of those differences which had threatened to embroil the united states with great britain, could not be doubted; but as neither this adjustment, nor the arrangements connected with it, had furnished any real cause of complaint, he cherished the hope that it would produce no serious consequences, if the proper means of prevention should be applied in time. he was therefore dissatisfied with delays which he had not expected; and seems to have believed that they originated in a want of zeal to justify a measure, which neither the minister himself nor his political friends had ever approved. to insure an earnest and active representation of the true sentiments and views of the administration, the president was inclined to depute an envoy extraordinary for the particular purpose, who should be united with the actual minister; but an objection drawn from the constitution was suggested to this measure. during the recess of the senate, the president can only fill up vacancies; and the appointment of a minister when no vacancy existed, might be supposed to transcend his powers. from respect to this construction of the constitution, the resolution was taken to appoint a successor to colonel monroe. the choice of a person in all respects qualified for this mission was not without its difficulty. while a disposition friendly to the administration was a requisite not to be dispensed with, it was also desirable that the person employed should have given no umbrage to the french government. no individual who had performed a conspicuous part on the political theatre of america, fitted both branches of this description. all who had openly sustained with zeal and with talents, the measures of the american government, had been marked as the enemies of france, and were on this account to be avoided. for this critical and important service, the president, after some deliberation, selected general charles cotesworth pinckney, of south carolina, an elder brother of mr. thomas pinckney, the late[ ] minister of the united states at london. no man in america was more perfectly free from exception than this gentleman. having engaged with ardour in that war which gave independence to his country, he had, in its progress, sustained from the british army indignities to his person, and injuries to his fortune, which are not easily forgotten. in the early part of the french revolution, he had felt and expressed all the enthusiasm of his countrymen for the establishment of the republic; but, after the commencement of its contests with the united states, he stood aloof from both those political parties which had divided america. restrained by the official situation of his brother during the negotiations which had been carried on with england, he had forborne to express any opinion respecting the treaty in which those negotiations terminated, and had consequently taken no part with those who approved, or with those who condemned that instrument. no man, therefore, who had not declared himself unfriendly to the principles he would be deputed to support, could be less objectionable to france. [footnote : at his own request, mr. pinckney had been recalled; and mr. king, a gentleman whose talents have been universally acknowledged, and whose services will be long recollected with approbation, had succeeded him.] to the president he was recommended by an intimate knowledge of his worth; by a confidence in the sincerity of his personal attachment to the chief magistrate; by a conviction that his exertions to effect the objects of his mission would be ardent and sincere; and that, whatever might be his partialities for france, he possessed a high and delicate sense of national as well as individual honour, was jealous for the reputation of his country, and tenacious of its rights. in july, immediately after the appointment of general pinckney, letters were received from colonel monroe communicating the official complaints against the american government which had been made to him in march by mr. de la croix, the minister of exterior relations, together with his answer to those complaints. in this answer the american minister had effectually refuted the criminations of mr. de la croix; and the executive was satisfied with it. but the directory had decided on their system, and it was not by reasoning, however conclusive, that this decision was to be changed. as the time for electing the chief magistrate approached, the anxiety of the public respecting the person in office, seemed to increase. in states where the electors are chosen by the people, names of great political influence were offered for their approbation. the strong hold which washington had taken of the affections of his countrymen was, on this occasion, fully evinced. in districts where the opposition to his administration was most powerful, where all his measures were most loudly condemned, where those who approved his system possessed least influence, the men who appeared to control public opinion on every other subject, found themselves unable to move it on this. even the most popular among the leaders of the opposition were reduced to the necessity of surrendering their pretensions to a place in the electoral body, or of pledging themselves to bestow their suffrage on the actual president. the determination of his fellow citizens had been unequivocally manifested, and it was believed to be apparent that the election would again be unanimous, when he announced his resolution to withdraw from the honours and the toils of office. having long contemplated this event, and having wished to terminate his political course with an act which might be at the same time suitable to his own character, and permanently useful to his country, he had prepared for the occasion a valedictory address, in which, with the solicitude of a person, who, in bidding a final adieu to his friends, leaves his affections and his anxieties for their welfare behind him, he made a last effort to impress upon his countrymen those great political truths which had been the guides of his own administration, and could alone, in his opinion, form a sure and solid basis for the happiness, the independence, and the liberty of the united states. this interesting paper was published in september, at a time when hopes were entertained that the discontents of france might be appeased by proper representations. it contains precepts to which the american statesman can not too frequently recur, and though long, is thought too valuable to be omitted or abridged. [sidenote: general washington's valedictory address to the people of the united states in which he declines being considered as a candidate for the presidency.] to the people of the united states. "friends and fellow citizens, "the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprize you of the resolution i have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. "i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. "the acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. "i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. "the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day, the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. "in looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging--in situations in which not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism--the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence--that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual--that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained--that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue--that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. "here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare, which can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. "interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. "the unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. "for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles.--you have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. "but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest.--here, every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. "the _north_ in an unrestrained intercourse with the _south_, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry.--the _south_, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the _north_, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the _north_, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. the _east_, in a like intercourse with the _west_, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. the _west_ derives from the _east_ supplies requisite to its growth and comfort--and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the _secure_ enjoyment of indispensable _outlets_ for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as _one nation_. any other tenure by which the _west_ can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. "while then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which, opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter.--hence likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. "these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. "in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by _geographical_ discriminations,--_northern_ and _southern_--_atlantic_ and _western_; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain and that with spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? "to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government.--but the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. "all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.--they serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. "however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. "towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. one method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system; and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions:--that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country:--that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. "i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular references to the founding them on geographical discriminations. let us now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. "this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.--it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. "the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.--but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. "without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. "it serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. "there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this, within certain limits, is probably true; and, in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. "it is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them in our country, and under our own eyes.--to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates.--but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. "of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.--a volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. "it is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? "promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened. "as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also, that timely disbursements, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue, there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. "observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it; can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? "in the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. the nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.--the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations has been the victim. "so likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favourite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favourite nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. "as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils!--such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. "against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (i conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. "the great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little _political_ connexion as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.--here, let us stop. "europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.--hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. "our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. if we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. "why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice? "it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. "taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. "in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions; or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if i may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. "how far, in the discharge of my official duties, i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that i have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them. "in relation to the still subsisting war in europe, my proclamation of the d of april, , is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress; the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. "after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral position.--having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. "the considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail.--i will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. "the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. "the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. "though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, i am unconscious of intentional error; i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. "relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government--the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers." the sentiments of veneration with which this address was generally received, were manifested in almost every part of the union. some of the state legislatures directed it to be inserted at large in their journals; and nearly all of them passed resolutions expressing their respect for the person of the president, their high sense of his exalted services, and the emotions with which they contemplated his retirement from office. although the leaders of party might rejoice at this event it produced solemn and anxious reflections in the great body even of those who belonged to the opposition. the person in whom alone the voice of the people could be united having declined a re-election, the two great parties in america brought forward their respective chiefs; and every possible effort was made by each, to obtain the victory. mr. john adams and mr. thomas pinckney, the late minister at london, were supported as president and vice president by the federalists: the whole force of the opposite party was exerted in favour of mr. jefferson. motives of vast influence were added, on this occasion, to those which usually impel men in a struggle to retain or acquire power. the continuance or the change not only of those principles on which the internal affairs of the united states had been administered, but of the conduct which had been observed towards foreign nations, was believed to depend on the choice of a chief magistrate. by one party, the system pursued by the existing administration with regard to the belligerent powers, had been uniformly approved; by the other, it had been as uniformly condemned. in the contests therefore which preceded the choice of electors, the justice of the complaints which were made on the part of the french republic were minutely discussed, and the consequences which were to be apprehended from her resentment, or from yielding to her pretensions, were reciprocally urged as considerations entitled to great weight in the ensuing election. [sidenote: the minister of france endeavors to influence the approaching election.] in such a struggle, it was not to be expected that foreign powers could feel absolutely unconcerned. in november, while the parties were so balanced that neither scale could be perceived to preponderate, mr. adet addressed a letter to the secretary of state, in which he recapitulated the numerous complaints which had been urged by himself and his predecessors, against the government of the united states; and reproached that government, in terms of great asperity, with violating those treaties which had secured its independence, with ingratitude to france, and with partiality to england. these wrongs, which commenced with the "_insidious_" proclamation of neutrality, were said to be so aggravated by the treaty concluded with great britain, that mr. adet announced the orders of the directory to suspend his ministerial functions with the federal government. "but the cause," he added, "which had so long restrained the just resentment of the executive directory from bursting forth, now tempered its effects. the name of america, notwithstanding the wrongs of its government, still excited sweet emotions in the hearts of frenchmen; and the executive directory wished not to break with a people whom they loved to salute with the appellation of a friend." this suspension of his functions therefore was not to be regarded "as a rupture between france and the united states, but as a mark of just discontent which was to last until the government of the united states returned to sentiments and to measure more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations." this letter was concluded in the following terms: "alas! time has not yet demolished the fortifications with which the english roughened this country--nor those the americans raised for their defence; their half rounded summits still appear in every quarter, amidst plains, on the tops of mountains. the traveller need not search for the ditch which served to encompass them; it is still open under his feet. scattered ruins of houses laid waste, which the fire had partly respected, in order to leave monuments of british fury, are still to be found.--men still exist, who can say, here a ferocious englishman slaughtered my father; there my wife tore her bleeding daughter from the hands of an unbridled englishman.--alas! the soldiers who fell under the sword of the britons are not yet reduced to dust: the labourer in turning up his field, still draws from the bosom of the earth their whitened bones; while the ploughman, with tears of tenderness and gratitude, still recollects that his fields, now covered with rich harvests, have been moistened with french blood. while every thing around the inhabitants of this country animates them to speak of the tyranny of great britain, and of the generosity of frenchmen; when england has declared a war of death to that nation, to avenge herself for its having cemented with its blood the independence of the united states:--it was at this moment their government made a treaty of amity with their ancient tyrant, the implacable enemy of their ancient ally. oh americans covered with noble scars! oh you who have so often flown to death and to victory with french soldiers! you who know those generous sentiments which distinguish the true warrior! whose hearts have always vibrated with those of your companions in arms! consult them to-day to know what they experience; recollect at the same time, that if magnanimous souls with liveliness resent an affront, they also know how to forget one. let your government return to itself, and you will still find in frenchmen faithful friends and generous allies." [illustration: martha washington's bedroom at mount vernon _returning to their beloved mount vernon with general washington after his retirement, in , as first president of the united states, martha washington seldom spent a night away from the historic mansion overlooking the potomac. there she continued to offer a gracious hospitality to the many visitors attracted by her distinguished husband. she never recovered from his death in , and dwelt in deep mourning until she followed him, may , . her remains rest with those of washington in the vault at mount vernon._] as if to remove all doubts respecting the purpose for which this extraordinary letter was written, a copy was, on the day of its date, transmitted to a printer for publication. whatever motives might have impelled mr. adet to make this open and direct appeal to the american people, in the critical moment of their election of a chief magistrate, it does not appear, in any material degree, to have influenced that election. many reflecting men, who had condemned the course of the administration, could not approve this interference in the internal affairs of the united states; and the opposite party, generally, resented it as an attempt to control the operations of the american people in the exercise of one of the highest acts of sovereignty, and to poison the fountain of their liberty and independence, by mingling foreign intrigue with their elections. viewing it as a fulfilment of their most gloomy prognostics respecting the designs of france to establish an influence in the councils of america, they believed the best interests of their country to require that it should be defeated; and their exertions against the candidate mr. adet was understood to favour, were the more determined and the more vigorous. [sidenote: the president's speech to congress.] on the th of december, while this dubious and ardently contested election was depending, the president, for the last time, met the national legislature in the senate chamber. his address on the occasion was comprehensive, temperate, and dignified. in presenting a full and clear view of the situation of the united states, and in recommending those great national measures, in the utility of which he felt a confidence, no personal considerations could induce the omission of those, to which open and extensive hostility had been avowed. after congratulating congress on the internal situation of the united states, and on the progress of that humane system which had been adopted for the preservation of peace with their indian neighbours; after stating the measures which had been taken in execution of the treaties with great britain, spain, and algiers, and the negotiations which were pending with tunis and tripoli; he proceeded to say: "to an active external commerce, the protection of a naval force is indispensable--this is manifest with regard to wars in which a state is itself a party--but besides this, it is in our own experience, that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. to secure respect to a neutral flag, requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression--this may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party, as may first or last, leave no other option. from the best information i have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the mediterranean, without a protecting force, will always be insecure; and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. "these considerations invite the united states to look to the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. the increasing progress of their navigation promises them, at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen; and their means, in other respects, favour the undertaking. it is an encouragement likewise, that their particular situation will give weight, and influence, to a moderate naval force in their hands. will it not then be adviseable, to begin without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and equipping of ships of war; and to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practicable, without inconvenience; so that a future war of europe may not find our commerce in the same unprotected state, in which it was found by the present?" the speech next proceeded earnestly to recommend the establishment of national works for manufacturing such articles as were necessary for the defence of the country; and also of an institution which should grow up under the patronage of the public, and be devoted to the improvement of agriculture. the advantages of a military academy,[ ] and of a national university, were also urged; and the necessity of augmenting the compensations to the officers of the united states, in various instances, was explicitly stated. [footnote : the constitutional power of congress to appropriate money to objects of the description here recommended was denied by the opposition.] adverting to the dissatisfaction which had been expressed by one of the great powers of europe, the president said, "while in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret i mention, that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. our trade has suffered, and is suffering extensive injuries in the west indies from the cruisers and agents of the french republic; and communications have been received from its minister here, which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority; and which are, in other respects, far from agreeable. "it has been my constant, sincere and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony, and a perfectly friendly understanding with that republic. this wish remains unabated; and i shall persevere in the endeavour to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honour of our country; nor will i easily cease to cherish the expectation, that a spirit of justice, candour and friendship, on the part of the republic, will eventually ensure success. "in pursuing this course, however, i can not forget what is due to the character of our government and nation; or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen. "i reserve for a special message, a more particular communication on this interesting subject." the flourishing state of the revenue, the expectation that the system for the gradual extinction of the national debt would be completed at this session, the anxiety which he felt respecting the militia, were successively mentioned, and the speech was concluded in the following terms: "the situation in which i now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the united states, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced; and i can not omit the occasion to congratulate you, and my country, on the success of the experiment; nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the supreme ruler of the universe, and sovereign arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the united states;--that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved; and that the government, which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties, may be perpetual." the answer of the senate embraced the various topics of the speech, and approved every sentiment it contained. to a review of the prosperous situation of the interior of the united states, the senate subjoined-- "whilst contemplating the causes that produce this auspicious result, we must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system, and the wisdom of the legislative provisions;--but we should be deficient in gratitude and justice, did we not attribute a great portion of these advantages, to the virtue, firmness, and talents of your administration; which have been conspicuously displayed, in the most trying times, and on the most critical occasions--it is therefore, with the sincerest regrets, that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your country. "when we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military; as well during the struggles of the american revolution, as the convulsive periods of a recent date, we can not look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections, and most anxious regards, accompanying you; and without mingling with our fellow citizens at large, in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness, that sensibility and attachment can express. "the most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain, arises from the animating reflection, that the influence of your example will extend to your successors, and the united states thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration." in the house of representatives, a committee of five had been appointed to prepare a respectful answer to the speech, three of whom were friends to the administration. knowing well that the several propositions it contained could not be noticed in detail, without occasioning a debate in which sentiments opposed to those of the address would be expressed, probably by a majority of the house; and hoping that the disposition would be general to avow in strong terms their attachment to the person and character of the president, the committee united in reporting an answer, which, in general terms, promised due attention to the various subjects recommended to their consideration, but was full and explicit in the expression of attachment to himself, and of approbation of his administration. but the unanimity which prevailed in the committee did not extend to the house. after amplifying and strengthening the expressions of the report which stated the regrets of the house that any interruption should have taken place in the harmony which had subsisted between the united states and france, and modifying those which declared their hopes in the restoration of that affection which had formerly subsisted between the two republics, so as to avoid any implication that the rupture of that affection was exclusively ascribable to france, a motion was made by mr. giles to expunge from the answer the following paragraphs. "when we advert to the internal situation of the united states, we deem it equally natural and becoming to compare the present period with that immediately antecedent to the operation of the government, and to contrast it with the calamities in which the state of war still involves several of the european nations, as the reflections deduced from both tend to justify, as well as to excite a warmer admiration of our free constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful sense of piety towards almighty god for the beneficence of his providence, by which its administration has been hitherto so remarkably distinguished. "and while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of the present form of government, we can not forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from office. "as no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it can not fail to awaken. "the gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so eminently instrumental to the achievement of the revolution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. your obedience to the voice of duty and your country, when you quitted reluctantly, a second time, the retreat you had chosen, and first accepted the presidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service, and an earnest of the patriotism and success which have characterized your administration. as the grateful confidence of the citizens in the virtues of their chief magistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent, participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present occasion. "yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a republic. "although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the lustre of a character already conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation; yet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation, (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves, at this moment, the faithful interpreters) to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated. "the spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offering by its representatives the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lustre (a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit, of which it is the voluntary testimony. "may you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear; may your own virtue and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, and the choicest of future blessings. for our country's sake; for the sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants." in support of this motion, after urging the indelicacy of exulting over the misfortunes of others by contrasting our happiness with their misery, mr. giles said, that with respect to the wisdom[ ] and firmness of the president, he differed in opinion from the answer; and though he might be singular, yet it being his opinion, he should not be afraid to avow it. he had not that grateful conviction there mentioned, and if he were to come there and express it, he should prove an inconsistent character. he should not go into a lengthy discussion on this point, but if they turned their eyes to our foreign relations, there would be found no reason to exult in the wisdom and firmness of the administration. he believed, on the contrary, that it was from a want of wisdom and firmness that we were brought into our present critical situation. if gentlemen had been satisfied with expressing their esteem of the patriotism and virtue of the president, they might have got a unanimous vote; but they could not suppose that gentlemen would so far forget self-respect as to join in the proposed adulation. [footnote : some objection has been made to the accuracy of this speech, as reported in the daily advertiser. the author has therefore deemed it proper to make some extracts from the aurora, the leading paper of that party, of which mr. giles was a conspicuous member. mr. giles, after stating that "the want of wisdom and firmness" in the administration, "had conducted the affairs of the nation to a crisis which threatens greater calamities than any that has before occurred,"--remarks as follows:--"another sentiment in the report he could not agree to. he did not regret the president's retiring from office. he hoped he would retire, and enjoy the happiness that awaited him in retirement. he believed it would more conduce to that happiness that he should retire than if he should remain in office. he believed the government of the united states, founded on the broad basis of the people, that they were competent to their own government, and the remaining of no man in office was necessary to the success of that government. the people would truly be in a calamitous situation, if one man were essential to the existence of the government. he was convinced that the united states produces a thousand citizens capable of filling the presidential chair, and he would trust to the discernment of the people for a proper choice. though the voice of all america should declare the president's retiring as a calamity, he could not join in the declaration, because he did not conceive it a misfortune. he hoped the president would be happy in his retirement, and he hoped he would retire." he reverted again to that part of the report which declared the administration to have been wise and firm in its measures. "he had always disapproved," he repeated, "of the measures of that administration with respect to foreign relations, and many members of the house had also; he was therefore surprised that gentlemen should now come forward and wish him, in one breath, to disavow all his former opinions, without being previously convinced of having been in an error. for his own part, he conceived there was more cause than ever for adhering to his old opinion. the course of events had pointed out their propriety; and, if he was not much mistaken, a crisis was at hand which would confirm them. he wished, that while gentlemen were willing to compliment the president, they would have some respect for the feelings of others."--_aurora, december th, ._] mr. giles said he was one of those citizens who did not regret the president's retiring from office. he hoped he would retire to his country seat and enjoy all the happiness he could wish; and he believed he would enjoy more there than in his present situation. he believed the government of the united states would go on without him. the people were competent to their own government. what calamities would attend the united states if one man alone was essential to their government! he believed there were a thousand men in the united states who were capable of filling the presidential chair as well as it had been filled heretofore. and although a clamour had been raised in all parts of the united states, more or less, from apprehensions on the departure of the president from office, yet, not feeling these apprehensions himself, he was perfectly easy on the occasion. he wished the president as much happiness as any man; and hoping he would retire, he could not express any regrets at the event. and it would be extraordinary, if gentlemen whose names in the yeas and nays are found in opposition to certain prominent measures of the administration, should now come forward and approve those measures. this could not be expected. he, for his part, retained the same opinions he had always done with respect to those measures, nor should any influence under heaven prevent him from expressing that opinion--an opinion in which he was confident, ere long, all america would concur.[ ] [footnote : dunlap and claypole's daily advertiser, december th, .] this motion was opposed with great earnestness by the party which had supported the administration. the advantages which had resulted from the constitution were said to be too obvious to be controverted; and it was maintained that a comparison of the present situation of the united states with its condition anterior to the adoption of that instrument, or with the condition of foreign powers, was natural and proper. this comparison was made not for the purposes of exultation, but of exciting just sentiments respecting their own conduct. in reply to the observations respecting the president, it was said, that the whole course of his administration had demonstrated the correctness with which the terms "wisdom and firmness" were applied to it. particular circumstances were stated in which these qualities had been pre-eminently displayed; but the general impression which facts had made on the public mind was considered as dispensing with the necessity of stating the particular facts themselves. it might be true, they said, that there were many others who could fill with propriety and advantage the presidential chair, but no man could fill it who possessed, in an equal degree, the confidence of the people. the possession of this confidence enabled the chief magistrate to perform the duties of his office in a manner greatly conducive to the interests of the nation, and the loss of so valuable a public servant was certainly just cause of regret. with this sentiment, the feelings of the community fully accorded. in every part of the united states, the declarations of their constituents attested the regrets with which this event was contemplated by them. those gentlemen who did not participate in these feelings would have an opportunity to record their names with their opinions. but those who did participate in them ought not to be restrained from expressing them. the motion to strike out was lost; after which the words "the spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in the world," were amended, so as to read, "the spectacle of a free and enlightened nation," and the answer was carried by a great majority. { } early in the session, the president communicated to congress in a special message, the complaints alleged by the representative of the french republic against the government of the united states. these complaints embracing most of the transactions of the legislative and executive departments, in relation to the belligerent powers, a particular and careful review of almost every act of the administration, which could affect those powers, became indispensable. the principal object for the mission of general pinckney to paris, having been to make full and fair explanations of the principles and conduct of the american government, this review was addressed to that minister. it presented a minute and comprehensive detail of all the points of controversy which had arisen between the two nations; and defended the measures which had been adopted in america, with a clearness, and a strength of argument, believed to be irresistible. to place the subject in a point of view, admitting of no possible misunderstanding, the secretary of state had annexed to his own full and demonstrative reasoning, documents, establishing the real fact in each particular case, and the correspondence relating to it. this letter, with its accompanying documents, was laid before congress. those who read these valuable papers will not be surprised, that the president should have relied upon their efficacy in removing from the government of france, all impressions unfavourable to the fairness of intention which had influenced the conduct of the united states; and in effacing from the bosoms of the great body of the american people, all those unjust and injurious suspicions which had been entertained against their own administration. should their immediate operation on the executive of france disappoint his hopes, he persuaded himself that he could not mistake their influence in america; and he felt the most entire conviction that the accusations against the united states would cease, with the evidence that those accusations were countenanced and supported by a great portion of the american people. these documents were communicated to the public; but, unfortunately, their effect at home was not such as had been expected, and they were consequently inoperative abroad. the fury of political controversy seemed to sustain no diminution; and the american character continued to be degraded by reciprocal criminations, which the two great parties made upon each other, of being under a british, and a french influence. the measures particularly recommended by the president in his speech, at the opening of the session, were not adopted; and neither the debates in congress, nor the party publications with which the nation continued to be agitated, furnished reasonable ground for the hope, that the political intemperance which had prevailed from the establishment of the republican form of government in france, was about to be succeeded by a more conciliatory spirit. the president contemplated with a degree of pleasure[ ] seldom felt at the resignation of power, his approaching retirement to the delightful scenes of domestic and rural life. [footnote : see note no. xv. at the end of the volume.] it was impossible to be absolutely insensible to the bitter invectives, and malignant calumnies of which he had long been the object. yet in one instance only, did he depart from the rule he had prescribed for his conduct regarding them. apprehending permanent injury from the republication of certain spurious letters which have been already noticed, he, on the day which terminated his official character, addressed to the secretary of state the following letter. [sidenote: he denies the authenticity of certain spurious letters published as his in .] "dear sir, "at the conclusion of my public employments, i have thought it expedient to notice the publication of certain forged letters which first appeared in the year , and were obtruded upon the public as mine. they are said by the editor to have been found in a small portmanteau that i had left in the care of my mulatto servant named billy, who, it is pretended, was taken prisoner at fort lee, in . the period when these letters were first printed will be recollected, and what were the impressions they were intended to produce on the public mind. it was then supposed to be of some consequence to strike at the integrity of the motives of the american commander-in-chief, and to paint his inclinations as at variance with his professions and his duty--another crisis in the affairs of america having occurred, the same weapon has been resorted to, to wound my character and deceive the people. "the letters in question have the dates, addresses, and signatures here following: new york, june th, . to mr. lund washington, at mount vernon, fairfax county, virginia. g.w. june th, . to john parke custis, esqr., at the hon benedict calvert's esqr., mount airy, maryland. g.w. new york, july th, . to mr. lund washington, mount vernon, fairfax county, virginia. g.w. new york, july th, . to mr. lund washington. g.w. new york, july th, . to mr. lund washington. g.w. new york, july d, . to mr. lund washington. g.w. june th, . to mrs. washington. g.w. "at the time when these letters first appeared, it was notorious to the army immediately under my command, and particularly to the gentlemen attached to my person, that my mulatto man billy had never been one moment in the power of the enemy. it is also a fact that no part of my baggage, or any of my attendants, were captured during the whole course of the war. these well known facts made it unnecessary, during the war, to call the public attention to the forgery by any express declaration of mine; and a firm reliance on my fellow citizens, and the abundant proofs they gave of their confidence in me, rendered it alike unnecessary to take any formal notice of the revival of the imposition, during my civil administration. but as i can not know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which will this day take place, i have thought it a duty that i owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above recited, and to add my solemn declaration that the letters herein described are a base forgery, and that i never saw or heard of them until they appeared in print. the present letter i commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity. accept, &c. &c." [sidenote: john adams elected president, and thomas jefferson vice president.] in february, the votes for the first and second magistrates of the union were opened and counted in presence of both houses; and the highest number appearing in favour of mr. adams, and the second in favour of mr. jefferson, the first was declared to be the president, and the second the vice president, of the united states, for four years to commence on the fourth day of the ensuing march. on that day, the members of the senate, conducted by the vice president, together with the officers of the general and state governments, and an immense concourse of citizens, convened in the hall of the house of representatives, in which the oaths were administered to the president. the sensibility which was manifested when general washington entered, did not surpass the cheerfulness which overspread his own countenance, nor the heartfelt pleasure with which he saw another invested with the powers that had so long been exercised by himself.[ ] [footnote : see note no. xvi. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: general washington retires to mount vernon.] after the solemnities of the occasion had been concluded, and he had paid to his successor those respectful compliments which he believed to be equally due to the man and to the office, he hastened[ ] to that real felicity which awaited him at mount vernon, the enjoyment of which he had long impatiently anticipated. [footnote : see note no. xvii. at the end of the volume.] the same marks of respect and affection for his person, which had on all great occasions been manifested by his fellow citizens, still attended him. his endeavours to render his journey private were unavailing; and the gentlemen of the country through which he passed, were still ambitious of testifying their sentiments for the man who had, from the birth of the republic, been deemed the first of american citizens. long after his retirement, he continued to receive addresses from legislative bodies, and various classes of citizens, expressive of the high sense entertained of his services. notwithstanding the extraordinary popularity of the first president of the united states, scarcely has any important act of his administration escaped the most bitter invective. [sidenote: political situation of the united states at this period.] on the real wisdom of the system which he pursued, every reader will decide for himself. time will, in some measure, dissipate the prejudices and passions of the moment, and enable us to view objects through a medium which represents them truly. without taking a full review of measures which were reprobated by one party and applauded by the other, the reader may be requested to glance his eye at the situation of the united states in , and to contrast it with their condition in . at home, a sound credit had been created; an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors: an ample revenue had been provided; those difficulties which a system of internal taxation, on its first introduction, is doomed to encounter, were completely removed; and the authority of the government was firmly established. funds for the gradual payment of the debt had been provided; a considerable part of it had been actually discharged; and that system which is now operating its entire extinction, had been matured and adopted. the agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example. the numerous tribes of warlike indians, inhabiting those immense tracts which lie between the then cultivated country and the mississippi, had been taught, by arms and by justice, to respect the united states, and to continue in peace. this desirable object having been accomplished, that humane system was established for civilizing, and furnishing them with the conveniences of life which improves their condition, while it secures their attachment. abroad, the differences with spain had been accommodated; and the free navigation of the mississippi had been acquired, with the use of new orleans as a place of deposit for three years, and afterwards, until some other equivalent place should be designated. those causes of mutual exasperation which had threatened to involve the united states in a war with the greatest maritime and commercial power in the world, had been removed; and the military posts which had been occupied within their territory, from their existence as a nation, had been evacuated. treaties had been formed with algiers and with tripoli, and no captures appear to have been made by tunis; so that the mediterranean was opened to american vessels. this bright prospect was indeed, in part, shaded by the discontents of france. those who have attended to the particular points of difference between the two nations, will assign the causes to which these discontents are to be ascribed, and will judge whether it was in the power of the president to have avoided them, without surrendering the real independence of the nation, and the most invaluable of all rights --the right of self-government. such was the situation of the united states at the close of washington's administration. their circumstances at its commencement will be recollected; and the contrast is too striking not to be observed. that this beneficial change in the affairs of america is to be ascribed exclusively to the wisdom which guided the national councils will not be pretended. that many of the causes which produced it originated with the government, and that their successful operation was facilitated, if not secured, by the system which was adopted, will scarcely be denied. to estimate that system correctly, their real influence must be allowed to those strong prejudices, and turbulent passions, with which it was assailed. accustomed in the early part of his life to agricultural pursuits, and possessing a real taste for them, general washington was particularly well qualified to enjoy, in retirement, that tranquil felicity which he had anticipated. resuming former habits, and returning to ancient and well known employments, he was familiar with his new situation, and therefore exempt from the danger of that disappointment which is the common lot of those who, in old age, retire from the toils of business, or the cares of office, to the untried pleasures of the country. a large estate, which exhibited many proofs of having been long deprived of the attentions of its proprietor, in the management and improvement of which he engaged with ardour, an extensive correspondence, and the society of men and books, gave employment to every hour which was equally innocent and interesting, and furnished ground for the hope that the evening of a life which had been devoted to the public service, would be as serene, as its mid-day had been brilliant. though devoted to these occupations, an absolute indifference to public affairs would have been incompatible with that love of country which had influenced all his conduct. feeling strong impressions in favour of that system, with regard to foreign powers, which had been adopted by himself, and which was faithfully pursued by his successor, he could not be inattentive to the immense, and continued exertions, made by a powerful party to overturn it. yet for a time, he sought to abstract himself from these political contests, and to diminish the interest which his feelings impelled him to take in them. his letters abound in paragraphs not unlike the following. "i have confidence however in that providence which has shielded the united states from the evils that have hitherto threatened them; and, as i believe the major part of the people of this country to be well affected to its constitution and government, i rest satisfied that, should a crisis ever arise to call forth the sense of the community, it will be strong in support of the honour and dignity of the nation. therefore, however much i regret the opposition which has for its object the embarrassment of the administration, i shall view things in the 'calm light of mild philosophy,' and endeavour to finish my course in retirement and ease." but the designs of france were soon manifested in a form which, to the veteran soldier and statesman of mount vernon, appeared to be too dangerous as well as unequivocal, to admit the preservation of this equanimity. [sidenote: the french government refuses to receive general pinckney as minister.] in the executive of that republic, general pinckney encountered dispositions of a very different character from that amicable and conciliatory temper which had dictated his mission. after inspecting his letter of credence, the directory announced to him their haughty determination "not to receive another minister plenipotentiary from the united states, until after the redress of grievances demanded of the american government, which the french republic had a right to expect from it." this message was succeeded, first by indecorous verbal communications, calculated to force the american minister out of france, and afterwards, by a written mandate to quit the territories of the republic. this act of hostility was accompanied with another which would explain the motives for this conduct, if previous measures had not rendered all further explanation unnecessary. on giving to the recalled minister his audience of leave, the president of the directory addressed a speech to him, in which terms of outrage to the government, were mingled with expressions of affection for the people of the united states; and the expectation of ruling the former, by their influence over the latter, was too clearly manifested not to be understood. to complete this system of hostility, american vessels were captured wherever found; and, under the pretext of their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prize. [sidenote: congress is convened.] [sidenote: president's speech.] this serious state of things demanded a solemn consideration. on receiving from general pinckney the despatches which communicated it, the president issued his proclamation requiring congress to meet on the th day of june. the firm and dignified speech delivered by the chief magistrate at the commencement of the session, exhibited that sensibility which a high minded and real american might be expected to feel, while representing to the national legislature the great and unprovoked outrages of a foreign government. adverting to the audience of leave given by the executive directory to colonel monroe, he said, "the speech of the president discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the united states. it evinces a disposition to separate the people from their government; to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince france, and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear, and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and interest." "retaining still the desire which had uniformly been manifested by the american government to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and believing that neither the honour nor the interest of the united states absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with france, he should," he said, "institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and should not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honour of the nation." but while he should be making these endeavours to adjust all differences with the french republic by amicable negotiation, he earnestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of defence. [sidenote: three envoys extraordinary deputed to negotiate with france.] to carry into effect the pacific dispositions avowed in the speech, three envoys extraordinary were appointed, at the head of whom general pinckney was placed. their instructions conformed to the public language of the president. peace and reconciliation were to be pursued by all means, compatible with the honour and the faith of the united states; but no national engagements were to be impaired; no innovation to be permitted upon those internal regulations for the preservation of peace which had been deliberately and uprightly established; nor were the rights of the government to be surrendered. the debates in the house of representatives, on the answer to the speech, were long and earnest. to expressions approving the conduct of the executive with regard to foreign nations, the opposition was ardent, but unsuccessful. on the third of june, an answer was agreed to which contained sentiments worthy of an american legislature, and for which several of the leaders of the opposition voted. the speech of the president was well adapted to the occasion, and to the times. it was calculated to rouse those indignant feelings which a high spirited people, insulted and injured by a foreign power, can never fail to display, if their judgment be not blinded, or their sensibility to external wrongs blunted, by invincible prejudices. he relied principally on the manifestation of these feelings for the success of the negotiation; and on their real existence, for the defence of the national rights, should negotiation fail. his endeavours were not absolutely unsuccessful. some impression was made on the mass of the people; but it was too slight to be productive of the advantages expected from it. the conduct of france was still openly defended; and the opinion, that the measures which had been adopted by the executive of the united states furnished that republic with just cause of war, was still publicly maintained, and indefatigably circulated. according to these opinions, america could entitle herself to peace, only by retracing the steps she had taken, and yielding to the demands of her justly offended but generous and magnanimous ally. still jealous for the honour, as well as confident of the importance, of his country, and retaining that full conviction respecting the propriety of its measures which had induced their adoption, general washington could not repress the solicitude with which he contemplated passing events. his confidential letters disclose the strong feelings of his own bosom, but betray no apprehensions that the french government would press its present system to extremities. he firmly believed that the hostile attitude it had assumed was to be, exclusively, ascribed to the conduct of those americans who had been the uniform advocates of all the pretensions of france, and who were said to be supported by a real majority of the people; and confidently expected that, under the old pretext of magnanimous forbearance, the executive directory would, slowly, and gradually, recede from its present system, so soon as the error in which it originated should become manifest. the opinion he had always entertained of the good sense and patriotism of his fellow citizens, silenced every doubt respecting the manner in which they would act, when their real situation should be perceived by themselves. { } for a considerable length of time, no certain intelligence reached the united states respecting the negotiation at paris. at length, in the winter of , letters were received from the american envoys, indicating an unfavourable state of things; and, in the spring, despatches arrived which announced the total failure of the mission. history will scarcely furnish the example of a nation, not absolutely degraded, which has received from a foreign power such open contumely, and undisguised insult, as were, on this occasion, suffered by the united states in the persons of their ministers. [sidenote: their treatment.] it was insinuated that their being taken from the party[ ] which had supported the measures of their own government furnished just cause of umbrage; and, under slight pretexts, the executive directory delayed to accredit them as the representatives of an independent nation. in this situation, they were assailed by persons, not indeed invested with formal authority, but exhibiting sufficient evidence of the source from which their powers were derived, who, in direct and explicit terms, demanded money from the united states as the condition which must precede, not only the reconciliation of america to france, but any negotiation on the differences between the two countries. [footnote : two of them were of the party denominated federal; the third was arranged with the opposition.] that an advance of money by a neutral to a belligerent power would be an obvious departure from neutrality, though an insuperable objection to this demand, did not constitute the most operative reason for repelling it. such were the circumstances under which it was made, that it could not be acceded to without a surrender of the real independence of the united states; nor without being, in fact, the commencement of a system, the end of which it was impossible to foresee. [illustration: mount vernon _this colonial mansion overlooking the potomac river fifteen miles south of washington, d.c., and famous as the home and burial-place of the "father of his country," was built in by washington's elder brother, lawrence, who called it mount vernon, after admiral vernon, under whom he had served in the british navy. mount vernon, which was much enlarged by president washington, was by him bequeathed to bushrod washington, upon whose death it came into the hands of john a. washington, his nephew, who sold it in to the ladies mount vernon association, which holds it in trust as a national shrine._] a decided negative was therefore given to the preliminary required by these unofficial agents; but they returned to the charge with wonderful perseverance, and used unwearied arts to work upon the fears of the american ministers for their country, and for themselves. the immense power of france was painted in glowing colours, the humiliation of the house of austria was stated, and the conquest of britain was confidently anticipated. in the friendship of france alone, it was said, could america look for safety; and the fate of venice was held up to warn her of the danger which awaited those who incurred the displeasure of the great republic. the ministers were assured that, if they believed their conduct would be approved in the united states, they were mistaken. the means which the directory possessed, in that country, to excite odium against them, were great, and would unquestionably be employed. this degrading intercourse was at length interrupted by the positive refusal of the envoys to hold any further communication with the persons employed in it. meanwhile, they urged the object of their mission with persevering but unavailing solicitude. the directory still refused to acknowledge them in their public character; and the secretary of exterior relations, at unofficial visits which they made him, renewed the demand which his agents had unsuccessfully pressed. finding the objections to their reception in their official character insurmountable, the american ministers made a last effort to execute the duties assigned to them. in a letter addressed to the secretary of exterior relations, they entered at large into the explanations committed to them by their government, and illustrated, by a variety of facts, the uniform friendliness of its conduct to france.[ ] notwithstanding the failure of this effort, and their perfect conviction that all further attempts would be equally unavailing, they continued, with a passiveness which must search for its apology in their solicitude to demonstrate to the american people the real views of the french republic, to employ the only means in their power to avert the rupture which was threatened, and which appeared to be inevitable. [footnote : it is a remarkable fact, that the answer of the french minister to this letter, an answer which criminated the american government in bitter terms, was in the possession of a printer in philadelphia who had uniformly supported the pretensions of that republic, before it reached the american government.] during these transactions, occasion was repeatedly taken to insult the american government; open war was continued to be waged by the cruisers of france on american commerce; and the flag of the united states was a sufficient justification for the capture and condemnation of any vessel over which it waved. at length, when the demonstration became complete, that the resolution of the american envoys was not less fixed, than their conduct had been guarded and temperate, various attempts were made to induce two of them, voluntarily, to relinquish their station; on the failure of which, they were ordered to quit the territories of the republic. as if to aggravate this national insult, the third, who had been selected from that party which was said to be friendly to france, was permitted to remain, and was invited to resume the discussions which had been interrupted. the despatches communicating these events were laid before congress, and were afterwards published. the indignation which they excited was warm and extensive. the attempt to degrade the united states into a tributary nation was too obvious to be concealed; and the resentment produced, as well by this attempt as by the threats which accompanied it, was not confined to the federalists. for the moment, a spirit was roused on which an american may reflect with pride, and which he may consider as a sure protection from external danger. in every part of the continent, the favourite sentiment was "millions for defence, not a cent for tribute." the disposition still existed to justify france, by criminating the american government, by contending that her intentions were not really hostile, that her conduct was misrepresented by men under british influence, who wished for war, or had been deceived by unauthorized intriguers; that, admitting it to be otherwise, she only demanded those marks of friendship which, at a critical moment, she had herself afforded; that the real interests of the united states required a compliance with this demand; that it would cost more money to resist than to yield to it; that the resistance would infallibly be ineffectual; and that national honour was never secured by national defeat. neither these sentiments, nor the arguments which were founded on them, accorded with the general feeling; and it required the co-operation of other causes to establish the influence of those who urged them. [sidenote: measures of hostility adopted by the american government against france.] in congress, vigorous measures were adopted for retaliating injuries which had been sustained, and for repelling those which were threatened. amongst these was a regular army. a regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the permanent establishment; and the president was authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry, and one regiment of cavalry, to serve during the continuance of the existing differences with the french republic if not sooner discharged. he was also authorized to appoint officers for a provisional army, and to receive and organize volunteer corps who would be exempt from ordinary militia duty; but neither the volunteers nor the officers of the provisional army were to receive pay unless called into actual service. addresses[ ] to the executive from every part of the united states attested the high spirit of the nation, and the answers of the president were well calculated to give it solidity and duration. [footnote : having heard that the president contemplated a tour as far south as the district of columbia, general washington invited him to mount vernon, and concluded his letter with saying: "i pray you to believe that no one has read the various approbatory addresses which have been presented to you with more heartfelt satisfaction than i have done, nor are there any who more sincerely wish that your administration of the government may be easy, happy and honourable to yourself, and prosperous to the country."] no sooner had a war become probable, to the perils of which no man could be insensible, than the eyes of all were directed to general washington, as the person who should command the american army. he alone could be seen at the head of a great military force without exciting jealousy; he alone could draw into public service, and arrange properly the best military talents of the nation; and he more than any other, could induce the utmost exertions of its physical strength. indignant at the unprovoked injuries which had been heaped upon his country, and convinced that the conflict, should a war be really prosecuted by france with a view to conquest, would be extremely severe, and could be supported, on the part of america, only by a persevering exertion of all her force, he could not determine, should such a crisis arrive, to withhold those aids which it might be in his power to afford, should public opinion really attach to his services that importance which would render them essential. his own reflections appear to have resulted in a determination not to refuse once more to take the field, provided he could be permitted to secure efficient aid by naming the chief officers of the army, and to remain at home until his service in the field should be required by actual invasion. a confidential and interesting letter from colonel hamilton of the th of may, on political subjects, concludes with saying, "you ought also to be aware, my dear sir, that in the event of an open rupture with france, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country; and though all who are attached to you will from attachment as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have so good a right; yet it is the opinion of all those with whom i converse that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. all your past labours may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." "you may be assured," said general washington in reply, "that my mind is deeply impressed with the present situation of public affairs, and not a little agitated by the outrageous conduct of france towards the united states, and at the inimitable conduct of those partisans who aid and abet her measures. you may believe further, from assurances equally sincere, that if there was any thing in my power to be done consistently, to avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should be rendered with hand and heart. "but, my dear sir, dark as matters appear at present, and expedient as it is to be prepared for the worst that can happen, (and no man is more disposed to this measure than i am) i can not make up my mind yet, for the expectation of open war; or, in other words, for a formidable invasion by france. i can not believe, although i think her capable of any thing, that she will attempt to do more than she has done. when she perceives the spirit and policy of this country rising into resistance, and that she has falsely calculated upon support from a large part of the people[ ] to promote her views and influence in it, she will desist even from those practices, unless unexpected events in europe, or the acquisition of louisiana and the floridas, should induce her to continue them. and i believe further, that although the leaders of their party in this country will not change their sentiments, they will be obliged to change their plan, or the mode of carrying it on. the effervescence which is appearing in all quarters, and the desertion of their followers, will frown them into silence--at least for a while. [footnote : see note no. xviii. at the end of the volume.] "if i did not view things in this light, my mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it is: for, if a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty, or a call from my country should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, i should prepare for relinquishment, and go with as much reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as i should go to the tombs of my ancestors." the opinion that prudence required preparations for open war, and that general washington must once more be placed at the head of the american armies, strengthened every day; and on the d of june, the president addressed him a letter in which that subject was thus alluded to. "in forming an army, whenever i must come to that extremity, i am at an immense loss whether to call out the old generals, or to appoint a young set. if the french come here, we must learn to march with a quick step, and to attack, for in that way only they are said to be vulnerable. i must tax you, sometimes, for advice. we must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. there will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." a letter from the secretary of war, written four days afterwards, concludes with asking, "may we flatter ourselves that, in a crisis so awful and important, you will accept the command of all our armies? i hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united." these letters reached general washington on the same day. the following extract from his reply to the president will exhibit the course of his reflections relative to his appearance once more at the head of the american armies. "at the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any european power, or even the probability of such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that i had no conception either that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period which could turn my eyes from the shades of mount vernon. but this seems to be the age of wonders. and it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless france (for purposes of providence far beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. from a view of the past,--from the prospect of the present,--and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. in case of actual invasion by a formidable force, i certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. and if there be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly must be better known to the government than to private citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. the uncertainty however of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrassment; for i can not bring it to believe, regardless as the french are of treaties, and of the laws of nations, and capable as i conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the determination of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. that they have been led to believe by their agents and partisans among us that we are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to their own government, and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, i have no doubt; and how far these men (grown desperate) will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. without that, the folly of the directory in such an attempt would, i conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness. "having with candour made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who knew me best, it is best known that, should imperious circumstances induce me to exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at a period too when repose is more congenial to nature, it would be productive of sensations which can be more easily conceived than expressed." his letter to the secretary of war was more detailed and more explicit. "it can not," he said, "be necessary for me to promise to you or to others who know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be productive of sensations which a better pen than i possess would find it difficult to describe. nevertheless, the principle by which my conduct has been actuated through life, would not surfer me, in any great emergency, to withhold any services i could render when required by my country;--especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power, in contempt of every principle of justice, and in violation of solemn compact, and of laws which govern all civilized nations:--and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion for the purpose of subjugating our government, and destroying our independence and happiness. "under circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me, at any time, to remain an idle spectator, under the plea of age or retirement. with sorrow, it is true, i should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness i now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which, possibly, my strength and powers might be found incompetent. these, however, should not be stumbling blocks in my own way. but there are other things highly important for me to ascertain and settle before i could give a definite answer to your question. st. the propriety in the opinion of the public, so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversation, of my appearing again on the public theatre, after declaring the sentiments i did in my valedictory address of september, . dly. a conviction in my own breast, from the best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country that its military force should be committed to my charge; and, dly. that the army now to be formed should be so appointed as to afford a well grounded hope of its doing honour to the country, and credit to him who commands it in the field. "on each of these heads you must allow me to make observations." general washington then proceeded to detail his sentiments on those points on which his consent to take command of the army must depend. [sidenote: general washington appointed commander-in-chief of the american army.] some casual circumstances delayed the reception of the letters of the president and secretary of war for several days, in consequence of which, before the answer of general washington reached the seat of government, the president had nominated him to the chief command of all the armies raised or to be raised in the united states, with the rank of lieutenant general; and the senate had unanimously advised and consented to his appointment. by the secretary of war, who was directed to wait upon him with his commission, the president addressed to him the following letter: "mr. m'henry, the secretary of war, will have the honour to wait on you in my behalf, to impart to you a step i have ventured to take, which i should have been happy to have communicated in person, had such a journey, at this time, been in my power. "my reasons for this measure will be too well known to need any explanation to the public. every friend and every enemy of america will comprehend them at first blush. to you, sir, i owe all the apology i can make. the urgent necessity i am in of your advice and assistance, indeed of your conduct and direction of the war, is all i can urge; and that is a sufficient justification to myself and to the world. i hope it will be so considered by yourself. mr. m'henry will have the honour to consult you upon the organization of the army, and upon every thing relating to it." open instructions, signed by the president, were on the same day delivered to the secretary of war, of which the following is a copy: "it is my desire that you embrace the first opportunity to set out on your journey to mount vernon, and wait on general washington with the commission of lieutenant general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, which, by the advice and consent of the senate, has been signed by me. "the reasons and motives which prevailed on me to venture on such a step as the nomination of this great and illustrious character, whose voluntary resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office i now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and important to escape the observation of any part of america or europe. but as it is a movement of great delicacy, it will require all your address to communicate the subject in a manner that shall be inoffensive to his feelings, and consistent with all the respect that is due from me to him. "if the general should decline the appointment, all the world will be silent, and respectfully acquiesce. if he should accept it, all the world, except the enemies of his country, will rejoice. if he should come to no decisive determination, but take the subject into consideration, i shall not appoint any other lieutenant general until his conclusion is known. "his advice in the formation of a list of officers would be extremely desirable to me. the names of lincoln, morgan, knox, hamilton, gates, pinckney, lee, carrington, hand, muhlenberg, dayton, burr, brooks, cobb, smith, as well as the present commander-in-chief, may be mentioned to him, and any others that occur to you. particularly, i wish to have his opinion on the men most suitable for inspector general, adjutant general, and quarter master general. "his opinion on all subjects would have great weight, and i wish you to obtain from him as much of his reflections upon the times and the service as you can." the communications between general washington and the secretary of war appear to have been full and unreserved. the impressions of the former respecting the critical and perilous situation of his country had previously determined him to yield to the general desire, and accept the commission offered him, provided he could be permitted to select for the high departments of the army, and especially for the military staff, those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. being assured that there was every reason to believe his wishes in this respect would not be thwarted, he gave to the secretary the arrangement[ ] which he would recommend for the principal stations in the army; and, on the th of july, addressed the following letter to the president. [footnote : _the following is the list of generals, and of the military staff._ alexander hamilton, _inspector_. charles c. pinckney, } henry knox, or, if either refuses } major generals. henry lee. } henry lee (if not major general) } john brooks, } william s. smith, or } brigadiers. john e. howard. } edward hand, or } jonathan dayton, or } adjutant general. william s. smith. } edward carrington, quarter master general. james craik, director of the hospital.] "i had the honour, on the evening of the th instant, to receive from the hands of the secretary at war, your favour of the seventh, announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the senate, appointed me lieutenant general and commander-in-chief of the armies raised or to be raised for the service of the united states. "i can not express how greatly affected i am at this new proof of public confidence, and at the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication. at the same time, i must not conceal from you my earnest wish that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war. "you know, sir, what calculations i had made relative to the probable course of events on my retiring from office, and the determination, with which i had consoled myself, of closing the remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode. you will therefore be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations i must have experienced, to bring my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period of life, to leave scenes i sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. "it was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to recent transactions. the conduct of the directory of france towards our country; their insidious hostility to its government; their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it; the evident tendency of their arts, and those of their agents, to countenance and invigorate opposition; their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations; their war upon our defenceless commerce; their treatment of our ministers of peace; and their demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me sentiments corresponding with those my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. "believe me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measures of your administration. they ought to inspire universal confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. "satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, with pure hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust the final result to that kind providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the people of the united states. "thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description to contribute, at all times, to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, i have finally determined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states, with the reserve only,--that i shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. "in making this reservation, i beg it to be understood that i do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army, which you may think i can afford. i take the liberty also to mention that i must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public, or that i can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment before i am in a situation to incur expense." from this period, general washington intermingled the cares and attentions of office with his agricultural pursuits. his solicitude respecting the organization of an army which he might possibly be required to lead against an enemy the most formidable in the world, was too strong to admit of his being inattentive to its arrangements. yet he never did believe that an invasion of the united states would actually take place. his conviction that it was not the interest of france to wage an unprovoked war with america, and that the hostile measures which the executive directory had adopted originated in the opinion that those measures would overthrow the administration, and place power in the hands of those who had uniformly supported all the pretensions of the french republic, remained unshaken. as a necessary consequence of this conviction, he was persuaded that the indignation which this system had excited, would effect its change. the only circumstance that weakened this hope, arose from the persevering opposition which was still maintained in congress, and from the evidence which was daily afforded that those party animosities, to which he ascribed the present dangerous crisis, were far from being healed. those who had embraced the cause of france in the controversy between that nation and the united states, had been overwhelmed by a flood of testimony which silenced them for a time, but which weakened them more in appearance than in reality. they were visibly recovering both strength and confidence. it is not therefore wonderful that general washington should have expressed himself more freely than had been his custom, respecting american parties, and that he should have exerted an influence which he had not been in the habit of employing, to induce men whose talents he respected, but who had declined political life, to enter into the national and state legislatures. events soon demonstrated that he had not calculated unreasonably on the effects of the spirit manifested by his country. although america, supplicating for peace, had been spurned with contempt; although the executive directory had rejected with insult her repeated and sincere prayers to be permitted to make explanations, and had haughtily demanded a concession of their arrogant and unfounded claims or the advance of pecuniary aids, as a preliminary to negotiation;--america, in arms, was treated with some respect. indirect pacific overtures were made, and a willingness on the part of france, to accommodate the existing differences on reasonable terms, was communicated. { } the president, truly solicitous to restore that harmony and good understanding which the united states had laboured so incessantly and so sincerely to preserve with their ancient ally, caught at the overtures which were indirectly made, and again appointed three envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the french republic. these gentlemen found the government in the hands of a person who had taken no part in those transactions which had embroiled the two countries, and who entered into negotiations with them which terminated in the amicable adjustment of differences. general washington did not live to witness the restoration of peace. [sidenote: his death.] on friday the th of december, while attending to some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, by which his neck and hair became wet. not apprehending danger from this circumstance, he passed the afternoon in his usual manner; but, in the night, was seized with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe. the disease commenced with a violent ague, accompanied with some pain in the upper and fore part of the throat, a sense of stricture in the same part, a cough, and a difficult rather than a painful deglutition, which were soon succeeded by fever, and a quick and laborious respiration. believing bloodletting to be necessary, he procured a bleeder who took from his arm twelve or fourteen ounces of blood, but he would not permit a messenger to be despatched for his family physician until the appearance of day. about eleven in the morning doctor craik arrived; and perceiving the extreme danger of the case, requested that two consulting physicians should be immediately sent for. the utmost exertions of medical skill were applied in vain. the powers of life were manifestly yielding to the force of the disorder; speaking, which was painful from the beginning, became almost impracticable: respiration became more and more contracted and imperfect, until half past eleven on saturday night; when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. believing at the commencement of his complaint, as well as through every succeeding stage of it, that its conclusion would be mortal, he submitted to the exertions made for his recovery, rather as a duty, than from any expectation of their efficacy. some hours before his death, after repeated efforts to be understood, he succeeded in expressing a desire that he might be permitted to die without interruption. after it became impossible to get any thing down his throat, he undressed himself and went to bed, there to die. to his friend and physician, doctor craik, who sat on his bed, and took his head in his lap, he said with difficulty, "doctor, i am dying, and have been dying for a long time, but i am not afraid to die." during the short period of his illness he economized his time, in arranging with the utmost serenity those few concerns which required his attention; and anticipated his approaching dissolution with every demonstration of that equanimity, for which his life was so uniformly, and singularly, conspicuous. the deep and wide spreading grief occasioned by this melancholy event, assembled a great concourse of people for the purpose of paying the last tribute of respect to the first of americans. his body, attended by military honours and the ceremonies of religion, was deposited in the family vault at mount vernon, on wednesday, the th of december. so short was his illness that, at the seat of government, the intelligence of his death preceded that of his indisposition. it was first communicated by a passenger in the stage to an acquaintance whom he met in the street, and the report quickly reached the house of representatives which was then in session. the utmost dismay and affliction was displayed for a few minutes; after which a member stated in his place, the melancholy information which had been received. this information he said was not certain, but there was too much reason to believe it true. "after receiving intelligence," he added, "of a national calamity so heavy and afflicting, the house of representatives can be but ill fitted for public business." he therefore moved an adjournment. both houses adjourned until the next day. on the succeeding day, as soon as the orders were read, the same member addressed the chair in the following terms: "the melancholy event which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. our washington is no more! the hero, the patriot, and the sage of america;--the man on whom, in times of danger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed,--lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. "if, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet, such has been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole american nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call, with one voice, for a public manifestation of that sorrow which is so deep and so universal. "more than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. "having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the citizen. "when the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution which, by preserving the union, will, i trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our revolution had promised to bestow. "in obedience to the general voice of his country calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination, pursue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy, which will, i trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour, and our independence. "having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by withdrawing from his high station to the peaceful walks of private life. "however the public confidence may change, and the public affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him, they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. "let us then, mr. speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. let the grand council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. for this purpose i hold in my hand some resolutions which i take the liberty of offering to the house." the resolutions,[ ] after a preamble stating the death of general washington, were in the following terms. [footnote : these resolutions were prepared by general lee, who happening not to be in his place when the melancholy intelligence was received and first mentioned in the house, placed them in the hands of the member who moved them.] "resolved, that this house will wait on the president in condolence of this mournful event. "resolved, that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house wear black during the session. "resolved, that a committee, in conjunction with one from the senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens." immediately after the passage of these resolutions, a written message was received from the president, accompanying a letter from mr. lear, which he said, "will inform you that it had pleased divine providence to remove from this life our excellent fellow citizen, george washington, by the purity of his life, and a long series of services to his country, rendered illustrious through the world. it remains for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts he can never die, to pay suitable honour to his memory." to the speaker and members of the house of representatives who waited on him in pursuance of the resolution which has been mentioned, he expressed the same deep-felt and affectionate respect "for the most illustrious and beloved personage america had ever produced." the senate, on this melancholy occasion, addressed to the president the following letter: "the senate of the united states respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of general george washington. "this event, so distressing to all our fellow citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you who have long been associated with him in _deeds of patriotism_. permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. on this occasion it is manly to weep. to lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. our country mourns a father. the almighty disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. it becomes us to submit with reverence, to him who 'maketh darkness his pavilion.' "with patriotic pride we review the life of our washington, and compare him with those of other countries who have been pre-eminent in fame. ancient and modern names are diminished before him. greatness and guilt have too often been allied; but _his_ fame is whiter than it is brilliant. the destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of _his_ virtues. it reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of victory. the scene is closed,--and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has traveled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honour: he has deposited it safely where misfortune can not tarnish it; where malice can not blast it. favoured of heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity; magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. "such was the man whom we deplore. thanks to god, his glory is consummated. washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example--his spirit is in heaven. "let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage: let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labours and his example _are their inheritance_." to this address the president returned the following answer: "i receive, with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. "in the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that i have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. i have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. "among all our original associates in that memorable _league of this continent_ in , which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in america, he was the only one remaining in the general government. although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, i feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother; yet i derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world. "the life of our washington can not suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. the attributes and decorations of _royalty_ could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest _citizen_, a more resplendent luminary. misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that characters and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. _malice_ could never blast his honour, and _envy_ made him a singular exception to her universal rule. for himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory:--for his fellow citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal: for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of providence over the passions of men, and the results of their councils and actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but _humble resignation_. "his example is now complete; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. if a trajan found a pliny, a marcus aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." the joint committee which had been appointed to devise the mode by which the nation should express its feelings on this melancholy occasion, reported the following resolutions: "that a marble monument be erected by the united states at the city of washington, and that the family of general washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. "that there be a funeral procession from congress hall to the german lutheran church, in memory of general washington, on thursday, the th instant, and that an oration be prepared at the request of congress, to be delivered before both houses on that day; and that the president of the senate, and speaker of the house of representatives, be desired to request one of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the same. "that it be recommended to the people of the united states to wear crape on the left arm as a mourning for thirty days. "that the president of the united states be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to mrs. washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress will ever bear to her person and character, of their condolence on the late affecting dispensation of providence, and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of general washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. "that the president be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the united states the recommendation contained in the third resolution." these resolutions passed both houses unanimously, and those which would admit of immediate execution were carried into effect. the whole nation appeared in mourning. the funeral procession was grand and solemn, and the eloquent oration, which was delivered on the occasion by general lee, was heard with profound attention and with deep interest. throughout the united states, similar marks of affliction were exhibited. in every part of the continent funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation's grief. to the letter of the president which transmitted to mrs. washington the resolutions of congress, and of which his secretary was the bearer, that lady answered, "taught by the great example which i have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, i must consent to the request made by congress which you have had the goodness to transmit to me;--and in doing this, i need not, i can not say what a sacrifice of individual feeling i make to a sense of public duty." the monument, however, has not been erected. that the great events of the political as well as military life of general washington should be commemorated, could not be pleasing to those who had condemned, and who continued to condemn, the whole course of his administration. this resolution, although it passed unanimously, had many enemies. that party which had long constituted the opposition, and which, though the minority for the moment, nearly divided the house of representatives, declared its preference for the equestrian statue which had been voted by congress at the close of the war. the division between a statue and a monument was so nearly equal, that the session passed away without an appropriation for either. the public feelings soon subsided, and those who possessed the ascendancy over the public sentiment employed their influence to draw odium on the men who favoured a monument; to represent that measure as a part of a general system to waste the public money; and to impress the idea that the only proper monument to the memory of a meritorious citizen, was that which the people would erect in their affections. [illustration: resting-place of george and martha washington at mount vernon _dying december , , the body of washington was placed, with simple but impressive ceremonies, in the old family vault, from which it was removed in to a tomb of plain brick construction, near a wooded ravine a short distance from the house. behind an iron grating may be seen the two sarcophagi which contain the mortal remains of george washington and his wife, martha._] general washington was rather above the common size, his frame was robust, and his constitution vigorous--capable of enduring great fatigue, and requiring a considerable degree of exercise for the preservation of his health. his exterior created in the beholder the idea of strength, united with manly gracefulness. [sidenote: and character.] his manners were rather reserved than free, though they partook nothing of that dryness, and sternness, which accompany reserve when carried to an extreme; and on all proper occasions, he could relax sufficiently to show how highly he was gratified by the charms of conversation, and the pleasures of society. his person and whole deportment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, unmingled with haughtiness, of which all who approached him were sensible; and the attachment of those who possessed his friendship, and enjoyed his intimacy, was ardent, but always respectful. his temper was humane, benevolent, and conciliatory; but there was a quickness in his sensibility to any thing apparently offensive, which experience had taught him to watch, and to correct. in the management of his private affairs he exhibited an exact yet liberal economy. his funds were not prodigally wasted on capricious and ill examined schemes, nor refused to beneficial though costly improvements. they remained therefore competent to that expensive establishment which his reputation, added to a hospitable temper, had in some measure imposed upon him; and to those donations which real distress has a right to claim from opulence. he made no pretensions to that vivacity which fascinates, or to that wit which dazzles, and frequently imposes on the understanding-more solid than brilliant, judgment, rather than genius, constituted the most prominent feature of his character. without making ostentatious professions of religion, he was a sincere believer in the christian faith, and a truly devout man. as a military man, he was brave, enterprising, and cautious. that malignity which was sought to strip him of all the higher qualities of a general, has conceded to him personal courage, and a firmness of resolution which neither dangers nor difficulties could shake. but candour will allow him other great and valuable endowments. if his military course does not abound with splendid achievements, it exhibits a series of judicious measures adapted to circumstances, which probably saved his country. placed, without having studied the theory, or been taught in the school of experience the practice of war, at the head of an undisciplined, ill organized multitude, which was impatient of the restraints, and unacquainted with the ordinary duties of a camp, without the aid of officers possessing those lights which the commander-in-chief was yet to acquire, it would have been a miracle indeed had his conduct been absolutely faultless. but, possessing an energetic and distinguishing mind, on which the lessons of experience were never lost, his errors, if he committed any, were quickly repaired; and those measures which the state of things rendered most adviseable, were seldom, if ever, neglected. inferior to his adversary in the numbers, in the equipment, and in the discipline of his troops, it is evidence of real merit that no great and decisive advantages were ever obtained over him, and that the opportunity to strike an important blow never passed away unused. he has been termed the american fabius; but those who compare his actions with his means, will perceive at least as much of marcellus as of fabius, in his character. he could not have been more enterprising, without endangering the cause he defended, nor have put more to hazard, without incurring justly the imputation of rashness. not relying upon those chances which sometimes give a favourable issue to attempts apparently desperate, his conduct was regulated by calculations made upon the capacities of his army, and the real situation of his country. when called a second time to command the armies of the united states, a change of circumstances had taken place, and he meditated a corresponding change of conduct. in modelling the army of , he sought for men distinguished for their boldness of execution, not less than for their prudence in counsel, and contemplated a system of continued attack. "the enemy," said the general in his private letters, "must never be permitted to gain foothold on our shores." in his civil administration, as in his military career, ample and repeated proofs were exhibited of that practical good sense, of that sound judgment, which is perhaps the most rare, and is certainly the most valuable quality of the human mind. devoting himself to the duties of his station, and pursuing no object distinct from the public good, he was accustomed to contemplate at a distance those critical situations in which the united states might probably be placed; and to digest, before the occasion required action, the line of conduct which it would be proper to observe. taught to distrust first impressions, he sought to acquire all the information which was attainable, and to hear, without prejudice, all the reasons which could be urged for or against a particular measure. his own judgment was suspended until it became necessary to determine; and his decisions, thus maturely made, were seldom if ever to be shaken. his conduct therefore was systematic, and the great objects of his administration were steadily pursued. respecting, as the first magistrate in a free government must ever do, the real and deliberate sentiments of the people, their gusts of passion passed over, without ruffling the smooth surface of his mind. trusting to the reflecting good sense of the nation for approbation and support, he had the magnanimity to pursue its real interests, in opposition to its temporary prejudices; and, though far from being regardless of popular favour, he could never stoop to retain, by deserving to lose it. in more instances than one, we find him committing his whole popularity to hazard, and pursuing steadily, in opposition to a torrent which would have overwhelmed a man of ordinary firmness, that course which had been dictated by a sense of duty. in speculation, he was a real republican, devoted to the constitution of his country, and to that system of equal political rights on which it is founded. but between a balanced republic and a democracy, the difference is like that between order and chaos. real liberty, he thought, was to be preserved, only by preserving the authority of the laws, and maintaining the energy of government. scarcely did society present two characters which, in his opinion, less resembled each other, than a patriot and a demagogue. no man has ever appeared upon the theatre of public action, whose integrity was more incorruptible, or whose principles were more perfectly free from the contamination of those selfish and unworthy passions, which find their nourishment in the conflicts of party. having no views which required concealment, his real and avowed motives were the same; and his whole correspondence does not furnish a single case, from which even an enemy would infer that he was capable, under any circumstances, of stooping to the employment of duplicity. no truth can be uttered with more confidence than that his ends were always upright, and his means always pure. he exhibits the rare example of a politician to whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions to foreign governments, and to his own countrymen, were always sincere. in him was fully exemplified the real distinction, which forever exists, between wisdom and cunning, and the importance as well as truth of the maxim that "honesty is the best policy." if washington possessed ambition, that passion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles, or controlled by circumstances, that it was neither vicious, nor turbulent. intrigue was never employed as the means of its gratification, nor was personal aggrandizement its object. the various high and important stations to which he was called by the public voice, were unsought by himself; and, in consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to a general conviction that the interests of his country would be thereby promoted, than to an avidity for power. neither the extraordinary partiality of the american people, the extravagant praises which were bestowed upon him, nor the inveterate opposition and malignant calumnies which he encountered, had any visible influence upon his conduct. the cause is to be looked for in the texture of his mind. in him, that innate and unassuming modesty which adulation would have offended, which the voluntary plaudits of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which never obtruded upon others his claims to superior consideration, was happily blended with a high and correct sense of personal dignity, and with a just consciousness of that respect which is due to station. without exertion, he could maintain the happy medium between that arrogance which wounds, and that facility which allows the office to be degraded in the person who fills it. it is impossible to contemplate the great events which have occurred in the united states under the auspices of washington, without ascribing them, in some measure, to him. if we ask the causes of the prosperous issue of a war, against the successful termination of which there were so many probabilities? of the good which was produced, and the ill which was avoided, during an administration fated to contend with the strongest prejudices, that a combination of circumstances, and of passions, could produce? of the constant favour of the great mass of his fellow citizens, and of the confidence which, to the last moment of his life, they reposed in him? the answer, so far as these causes may be found in his character, will furnish a lesson well meriting the attention of those who are candidates for political fame. endowed by nature with a sound judgment, and an accurate discriminating mind, he feared not that laborious attention which made him perfectly master of those subjects, in all their relations, on which he was to decide: and this essential quality was guided by an unvarying sense of moral right, which would tolerate the employment, only, of those means that would bear the most rigid examination; by a fairness of intention which neither sought nor required disguise: and by a purity of virtue which was not only untainted, but unsuspected. notes. note--no. i. _see page ._ _the following are copies of these interesting questions, and of the letter which enclosed them._ philadelphia, th april, . sir,--the posture of affairs in europe, particularly between france and great britain, place the united states in a delicate situation, and require much consideration of the measures which will be proper for them to observe in the war between those powers. with a view to forming a general plan of conduct for the executive, i have stated and enclosed sundry questions to be considered preparatory to a meeting at my house to-morrow, where i shall expect to see you at o'clock, and to receive the result of your reflections thereon. _ques._ i. shall a proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of the united states in the war between france and great britain, &c.? shall it contain a declaration of neutrality or not? what shall it contain? _ques._ ii. shall a minister from the republic of france be received? _ques._ iii. if received, shall it be absolutely or with qualifications; and if with qualifications, of what kind? _ques._ iv. are the united states obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with france as applying to the present situation of the parties? may they either renounce them or hold them suspended until the government of france shall be _established_? _ques._ v. if they have the right, is it expedient to do either? and which? _ques._ vi. if they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaties still in operation? _ques._ vii. if the treaties are to be considered as now in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of alliance applicable to a defensive war only, or to war, either offensive or defensive? _ques._ viii. does the war in which france is engaged appear to be offensive or defensive on her part? or of a mixed and equivocal character? _ques._ ix. if of a mixed and equivocal character, does the guarantee in any event apply to such a war? _ques._ x. what is the effect of a guarantee, such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the united states and france? _ques._ xi. does any article in either of the treaties prevent ships of war, other than privateers, of the powers opposed to france, from coming into the ports of the united states to act as convoys to their own merchantmen? or does it lay any other restraints upon them more than would apply to the ships of war of france? _ques._ xii. should the future regent of france send a minister to the united states, ought he to be received? _ques._ xiii. is it necessary or adviseable to call together the two houses of congress with a view to the present posture of european affairs? if it is, what should be the particular objects of such a call? * * * * * note--no. ii. _see page ._ the official letter announcing to the convention the appointment of mr. genet, contained a communication of a very delicate nature, which was immediately made public. that the french government had not mingled with its desire to separate america from britain, a willingness to see the united states acquire a degree of strength which might render them truly independent, and formidable to their neighbours, though well known to congress, had been concealed from the people at large. it seems, therefore, to have been apprehended by the leaders of the revolution in france, that some remnant of that affection which had been so lavishly expressed for their fallen monarch while exercising sovereign power, might still be cherished in the american bosom, and might obstruct the endeavours they were about to make to produce a more intimate connexion between the two nations. it might be supposed that such sentiments, if they existed, would be effectually destroyed by a disclosure of the motives which had influenced the conduct of those by whom the aids so highly valued had been granted. the letter alluded to contains this passage: "from the instructions that were given by the former ministry to the agents in that country (america) which the executive council caused to be laid before them, they have seen with indignation, that at the very time when the good people of america expressed to us their friendship and gratitude in the most affectionate manner, vergennes and montmorin thought, _that it was not suitable to france to give to america all the consistence of which it was capable, because it would acquire a strength which it might probably abuse_. they, therefore, enjoined on their agents a passive conduct in regard to that nation, and to speak of nothing but the personal views of the king for its prosperity. the operations of war were directed by the same machiavellian maxims. the same duplicity was employed in the negotiations of peace; in which, when signed, the people for whom we had taken up arms were altogether neglected." the official letter brought by mr. genet, to the executive of the united states, conveyed in less explicit terms the same idea; and to prove the correctness of these allegations, he communicated copies of official documents expressing in plain terms the solicitude of france and spain to exclude the united states from the mississippi; their jealousies of the growing power and ambition of this country; and the wish of france, expressed while the question was pending, that the constitution might not be adopted, as it "suits france that the united states should remain in their present state, because if they should acquire the consistence of which they are susceptible, they would soon acquire a force or a power which they would be very ready to abuse." the minister of the king, however, was directed not to avow the inclination of his sovereign on this point. * * * * * note--no. iii. _see page ._ of the excessive and passionate devotion which was felt for the french republic, and of the blind and almost equally extensive hostility to the measures of the administration, the gazettes of the day are replete with the most abundant proof. as an example of this spirit, the following toasts are selected, because they were given at a festival made by persons of some distinction, at which the governor of pennsylvania and the minister of france were present. to commemorate the th of july, the anniversary of the destruction of the bastille, the officers of the d regiment of philadelphia militia assembled at weed's ferry. eighty-five rounds were discharged from the artillery in honour of the eighty-five departments of france, and the following toasts were given: st. the _fourteenth_ day of july; may it be a sabbath in the calendar of freedom, and a jubilee to the european world. d. the _tenth_ of august; may the freemen who offered up their lives on the altar of liberty be ever remembered as martyrs, and canonized as saints. d. may the bastille of despotism throughout the earth be crumbled into dust, and the phoenix of freedom grow out of the ashes. th. nerve to the arm, fortitude to the heart, and triumph to the soul struggling for the rights of man. th. may no blind attachment to men lead france to the precipice of that tyranny from which they have escaped. th. may the sister republics of france and america be as incorporate as light and heat, and the man who endeavours to disunite them be viewed as the arnold of his country. th. may honour and probity be the principles by which the connexions of free nations shall be determined; and no machiavellian commentaries explain the text of treaties. th. _the treaty of alliance with france_: may those who attempt to evade or violate the political obligations and faith of our country be considered as traitors, and consigned to infamy. th. _the citizen soldiers_, before they act may they know and approve the cause, and may remorse attend the man that would think of opposing the french while they war for the rights of man. th. the _youth_ of the _paris legion_; may the rising generation of america imitate their heroism and love of country. th. the republics of france and america; may the cause of liberty ever be a bond of union between the two nations. th. a dagger to the bosom of that man who makes patriotism a cover to his ambition, and feels his country's happiness absorbed in his own. th. may _french_, superior to _roman or grecian_ virtue, be the electric fluid of freedom, that shall animate and quicken the earth. th. union and mutual confidence to the patriots of france; confusion and distress to the counsels of their enemies. th. may the succeeding generation wonder that such beings as _kings_ were ever permitted to exist. volunteer from the chair. the rule of proportion; as france acted with respect to america, so may america act with respect to france! * * * * * note--no. iv. _see page ._ of the sensibility of the president to the calumnies against his administration with which the press abounded, and of their new direction against him personally, his correspondence furnishes but few evidences. the first and almost only notice taken of them is in a private letter of the st of july, to his friend general lee, then governor of virginia, an extract from which follows: "that there are in this, as in all other countries, discontented characters i well know; as also that these characters are actuated by very different views:--some good, from an opinion that the measures of the general government are impure;--some bad, and (if i might be allowed to use so harsh an expression) diabolical, inasmuch as they are not only meant to impede the measures of that government generally, but more especially to destroy the confidence which it is necessary the people should place (until they have unequivocal proof of demerit) in their public servants:--for in this light i consider myself whilst i am an occupant of office; and if they were to go further and call me their slave, during this period, i would not dispute the point with them. but in what will this abuse terminate? "for the result, as it respects myself, i care not. i have a consolation within of which no earthly efforts can deprive me;--and that is, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. the arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most valuable part; though, whilst i am _up_ as a _mark_, they will be continually aimed at me. the publications in freneau's and bache's papers are outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and passed over in silence by those against whom they are directed. their tendency, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds;--and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them; because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to their effect." * * * * * note--no. v. _see page ._ they are as follows: st. the original arming and equipping of vessels in the ports of the united states by any of the belligerent parties, for military service, offensive or defensive, is deemed unlawful. d. equipments of merchant vessels, by either of the belligerent parties in the ports of the united states, purely for the accommodation of them as such, is deemed lawful. d. equipments in the ports of the united states of vessels of war in the immediate service of the government of any of the belligerent parties, which if done to other vessels would be of a doubtful nature as being applicable either to commerce or war, are deemed lawful, except those which shall have made prize of the subjects, people, or property of france, coming with their prizes into the ports of the united states pursuant to the seventeenth article of our treaty of amity and commerce with france. th. equipments in the ports of the united states by any of the parties at war with france of vessels fitted for merchandise and war, whether with or without commissions, which are doubtful in their nature as being applicable either to commerce or war, are deemed lawful, except those which shall have made prize, &c. th. equipments of any of the vessels of france, in the ports of the united states, which are doubtful in their nature as being applicable to commerce or war, are deemed lawful. th. equipments of every kind in the ports of the united states, of privateers of the powers at war with france, are deemed unlawful. th. equipments of vessels in the ports of the united states, which are of a nature solely adapted to war, are deemed unlawful; except those stranded or wrecked, as mentioned in the eighteenth article of our treaty with france, the sixteenth of our treaty with the united netherlands, the ninth of our treaty with prussia, and except those mentioned in the nineteenth article of our treaty with france, the seventeenth of our treaty with the united netherlands, the eighteenth of our treaty with prussia. th. vessels of either of the parties, not armed, or armed previous to their coming into the ports of the united states, which shall not have infringed any of the foregoing rules, may lawfully engage or enlist therein their own subjects or citizens, not being inhabitants of the united states, except privateers of the powers at war with france, and except those vessels which shall have made prize, &c. * * * * * note--no. vi. _see page ._ the earnestness as well as force with which the argument against this measure was pressed on the british cabinet, and the extreme irritation it produced on the public mind, contrasted with the silence of the executive respecting a much more exceptionable decree of the national convention, and the composure of the people of the united states under that decree, exhibits a striking proof of the difference with which not only the people, but an administration, which the phrensy of the day accused of partiality to england, contemplated at that time the measures of the two nations. on the th of may, , the national convention passed a decree relative to the commerce of neutrals; the first article of which is in these words: "the french ships of war and privateers may stop and bring into the ports of the republic, such neutral vessels as are loaded, in whole or in part either with provisions belonging to neutrals and destined for enemy ports, or with merchandise belonging to enemies." on the d of may, in consequence of the remonstrances of mr. morris, the convention declared, "that the vessels of the united states are not comprised in the regulations of the decree of the th of may." on the th of the same month the decree of the d was repealed, and on the first of july it was re-established. but on the th of july it was again repealed, and thus the decree of the th of may was left in full operation against the vessels of the united states. so far was this regulation from affecting the sentiments of america for france, that its existence was scarcely known. * * * * * note--no. vii. _see page ._ before these resolutions were offered, the strength of parties was in some measure tried in a fuller house than that which had elected the speaker. a rule had been entered into by a former congress providing, that on the discussion of confidential communications from the president, the house should be cleared of all persons except the members and clerk. on taking up a confidential message relative to the truce between portugal and algiers, the doors as usual were closed. the next day when the subject was resumed, mr. nicholas expressed his opinion that there was no necessity for shutting the galleries; upon which the rule was mentioned with a request that it should be read. mr. madison moved a reconsideration of this rule. in the course of the debate on the motion, it was said by its advocates that secrecy in a republican government wounds the majesty of the sovereign people--that this government is in the hands of the people--and that they have a right to know all the transactions relative to their own affairs. this right ought not to be infringed incautiously, for such secrecy tends to diminish the confidence of the people in their own government. in reply to these remarks it was said, that because this government is republican, it will not be pretended that it can have no secrets. the president of the united states is the depositary of secret transactions. his duty may lead him to communicate them to the members of the house, and the success, safety, and energy of the government may depend on keeping those secrets inviolable. the people have a right to be well governed. they have interests as well as rights, and it is the duty of the legislature to take every possible measure to promote those interests. to discuss the secret transactions of the government publicly, was the ready way to sacrifice the public interest, and to deprive the government of all foreign information. afterwards the rule was amended so far as to leave it in the discretion of the house, after receiving a confidential message, to debate upon it in private or in public. among the resolutions reported from the committee of the whole house on this occasion, was one for appointing a committee to report the naval force which would be necessary for the protection of the commerce of the united states against the algerine corsairs, together with an estimate of the expense. it was moved to amend this resolution by adding, "and the ways and means for defraying the same." this motion revived the old party question of calling on the secretary of the treasury to report ways and means. the amendment was carried, ayes . noes . * * * * * note--no. viii. _see page ._ the private correspondence of mr. morris with the president exhibits a faithful picture, drawn by the hand of a master, of the shifting revolutionary scenes which with unparalleled rapidity succeeded each other in paris. with the eye of an intelligent, and of an unimpassioned observer, he marked all passing events, and communicated them with fidelity. he did not mistake despotism for freedom, because it was sanguinary, because it was exercised by those who denominated themselves the people, or because it assumed the name of liberty. sincerely wishing happiness and a really free government to france, he could not be blind to the obvious truth that the road to those blessings had been mistaken. it was expected by his enemies that the correspondence which was asked for would disclose something which might be deemed offensive to the rulers of the republic, and consequently furnish additional matter for charging the administration with unfriendliness to france. the resolution requesting all the correspondence, not even excluding that which the president might think proper to withhold, involved considerations of some delicacy, respecting which it was proper that the rights of the executive should be precisely understood. it was, therefore, laid before the cabinet, and, in conformity with their advice, the president sent a message to the senate informing them that he had examined the correspondence they requested, and had caused it to be copied, except in those particulars which in his judgment, for public considerations, ought not to be communicated; which copies he transmitted to them. the nature of these papers, he added, manifested the propriety of their being received as confidential. * * * * * note--no. ix. _see page ._ this opinion derived fresh confirmation from a notification transmitted in august, , by the governor of upper canada to captain williamson, who was establishing a settlement on the great sodus, a bay of lake ontario, about twenty miles from oswego, and within the state of new york. captain williamson not being at the place, lieutenant sheaff, the bearer of the message, addressed a letter to him, in which he said, that he had come with instructions from the lieutenant governor of upper canada to demand by what authority an establishment had been ordered at that place, and to require that such a design be immediately relinquished for the reasons stated in the written declaration accompanying the letter. the written declaration was in these words: "i am commanded to declare that, during the inexecution of the treaty of peace between great britain and the united states, and until the existing differences respecting it shall be mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of the indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held to be a direct violation of his britannic majesty's rights, as they unquestionably existed before the treaty, and has an immediate tendency to interrupt, and in its progress to destroy that good understanding which has hitherto subsisted between his britannic majesty and the united states of america. i, therefore, require you to desist from any such aggression." in the same spirit, complaints had been made as early as , of encroachments made by the people of vermont on a country confessedly within the territorial line of the united states, but inhabited by persons said to live under the protection of the british garrisons. * * * * * note--no. x. _see page ._ _on receiving the resignation of the secretary, the president addressed a letter to him expressive of the sense he entertained of his services. this letter is not found in the letter book, but its purport may be collected from the following answer._ philadelphia, february d, . "sir,--my particular acknowledgments are due for your very kind letter of yesterday. as often as i may recall the vexations i have endured, your approbation will be a great and precious consolation. "it was not without a struggle that i yielded to the very urgent motives which impelled me to relinquish a station in which i could hope to be in any degree instrumental in promoting the success of an administration under your direction; a struggle which would have been far greater had i supposed that the prospect of future usefulness was proportioned to the sacrifices to be made. "whatever may be my destination hereafter, i entreat you to be persuaded (not the less for my having been sparing in professions) that i shall never cease to render a just tribute to those eminent and excelling qualities which have been already productive of so many blessings to your country--that you will always have my fervent wishes for your public and personal felicity, and that it will be my pride to cultivate a continuance of that esteem, regard and friendship, of which you do me the honour to assure me." * * * * * note--no. xi. _see page ._ the following toasts which were given at a civic feast in philadelphia on the first of may, attended by a great number of american citizens, to celebrate the victories of france, and which was honoured by the presence of the minister and consul of the french republic, and of the consul of holland, then subdued by the arms of france, will furnish some idea of the prevailing spirit of the times. st. the republic of france; whose triumphs have made this day a jubilee; may she destroy the race of kings, and may their broken sceptres and crowns, like the bones and teeth of the mammoth, be the only evidences that such monsters ever infested the earth. d. the republic of france; may the shores of great britain soon hail the tricoloured standard, and the people rend the air with shouts of long live the republic. d. the republic of france; may her navy clear the ocean of pirates, that the common highway of nations may no longer, like the highways of great britain, be a receptacle for robbers. th. the republic of france; may all free nations learn of her to transfer their attachment from men to principles, and from individuals to the people. th. the republic of france; may her example in the abolition of titles and splendour be a lesson to all republics to destroy those leavens of corruption. th. the republic of holland; may the flame of liberty which they have rekindled never be permitted to expire for want of vigilance and energy. th. the republic of holland; may her two sisters, the republics of france and america, form with her an invincible triumvirate in the cause of liberty. th. the republic of holland; may she again give birth to a van tromp and de ruyter, who shall make the satellites of george tremble at their approach, and seek their safety in flight. th. the republic of holland; may that fortitude which sustained her in the dire conflict with philip ii. and the success that crowned her struggles, be multiplied upon her, in the hour of her regeneration. th. the republic of holland; may that government which they are about establishing have neither the balances of aristocracy, nor the checks of monarchy. th. the republic of america; may the sentiment that impelled her to resist a british tyrant's will, and the energy which rendered it effectual, prompt her to repel usurpation in whatever shape it may assail her. th. the republic of america; may the aristocracy of wealth founded upon the virtues, the toils, and the blood of her revolutionary armies soon vanish, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a wreck behind. th. the republic of america; may her government have public good for its object, and be purged of the dregs of sophisticated republicanism. th. the republic of america; may the alliance formed between her and france acquire vigour with age, and that man be branded as the enemy of liberty who shall endeavour to weaken or unhinge it. th. the republic of america; may her administration have virtue enough to defy the ordeal of patriotic societies, and patriotism enough to cherish instead of denouncing them. it was not in philadelphia alone that this temper was manifested. in every part of the united states, the love of france appeared to be a passion much more active with immense numbers, than that of america. her victories were celebrated with enthusiasm, her heroes were toasted on public occasions, and moderation with regard to england was deemed a crime not readily to be pardoned. general washington received an invitation to attend this feast in the following terms. sir,--the subscribers, a committee in behalf of a number of american, french, and dutch citizens, request the honour of your company to a civic festival, to be given on friday, april th, appointed to celebrate the late victories of the french republic, and the emancipation of holland. * * * * * note--no. xii. _see page ._ a letter addressed to his government in october, , by the minister of the french republic was intercepted by the captain of a british frigate and forwarded to mr. hammond, by whom it was delivered about the last of july to the secretary of the treasury, who, on the arrival of the president in philadelphia, placed it in his hands. this letter alluded to communications from mr. randolph which, in the opinion of the president, were excessively improper. the ecclaircissements which the occasion required were followed by the resignation of the secretary. for the purpose, he alleged, of vindicating his conduct, he demanded a sight of a confidential letter which had been addressed to him by the president, and which was left in the office. his avowed design was to give this as well as some others of the same description to the public in order to support the allegation, that in consequence of his attachment to france and to liberty, he had fallen a victim to the intrigues of a british and an aristocratic party. the answer given to this demand was a license which few politicians in turbulent times could allow to a man who had possessed the unlimited confidence of the person giving it. "i have directed," said the president, "that you should have the inspection of my letter of the d of july, agreeable to your request: and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve _any_ and _every_ private and confidential letter i ever wrote _you_: nay more--every word i ever uttered to or in your presence, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." as the asperity with which mr. randolph spoke of the president on other occasions as well as in his vindication, was censured by many, it may rescue the reputation of that gentleman from imputations which might be injurious to it to say that, some time before his death, he had the magnanimity to acknowledge the injustice of those imputations. a letter to the honourable bushrod washington, of july d, , a copy of which was transmitted by mr. randolph to the author, contains the following declarations among others of similar import. "i do not retain the smallest degree of that feeling which roused me fifteen years ago against some individuals. for the world contains no treasure, deception, or charm which can seduce me from the consolation of being in a state of good will towards all mankind; and i should not be mortified to ask pardon of any man with whom i have been at variance for any injury which i may have done him. if i could now present myself before your venerated uncle, it would be my pride to confess my contrition that i suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it might, to use some of those expressions respecting him which, at this moment of my indifference to the ideas of the world, i wish to recall, as being inconsistent with my subsequent conviction. my life will i hope be sufficiently extended for the recording of my sincere opinion of his virtues and merit, in a style which is not the result of a mind merely debilitated by misfortune, but of that christian philosophy on which alone i depend for inward tranquillity." * * * * * note--no. xiii. _see page ._ this place was offered to mr. henry, a gentleman of eminent talents, great influence, and commanding eloquence. he had led the opposition to the constitution in virginia, but, after its adoption, his hostility had in some measure subsided. he was truly a personal friend of the president, and had lately manifested a temper not inimical to the administration. the chief magistrate was anxious to engage him in the public service, but was aware of the embarrassments which must result from placing in so confidential a station, a person whose opinions might lead him to thwart every measure of the executive. it was, therefore, necessary to come to some explanations with mr. henry on this subject, and the letter which invited him into the department of state opened the way for this explanation by stating truly the views and character of the administration. "i persuade myself, sir," said the president, "it has not escaped your observation, that a crisis is approaching which must, if it can not be arrested, soon decide whether order and good government shall be preserved, or anarchy and confusion ensue. i can most religiously aver that i have no wish incompatible with the dignity, happiness, and true interests of the people of this country. my ardent desire is, and my aim has been (as far as depended upon the executive department) to comply strictly with all our foreign and domestic engagements; but to keep the united states free from political connexions with _every_ other country;--to see them independent of _all_, and under the influence of _none_. in a word, i want an _american_ character; that the powers of europe may be convinced we act for _ourselves_ and not for _others_. this, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad, and happy at home; and not by becoming the partisans of great britain or france, create dissensions, disturb the public tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps forever, the cement that binds the union. "i am satisfied these sentiments can not be otherwise than congenial to your own. your aid, therefore, in carrying them into effect would be flattering and pleasing to me." this accurate chart of the road he was invited to travel, presented in itself no impediments which to mr. henry appeared insurmountable. by private considerations alone was he restrained from proceeding in it. * * * * * note--no. xiv. _see page ._ the course of the war in europe had brought the two parties into opposition on a point on which no difference had originally existed between them, which gave more countenance to the charge that the advocates of the american government were unfriendly to france than it could justly claim when first made. those who in had supported the proclamation of neutrality, and the whole system connected with it, were then, generally speaking, ardent and sincere in their wishes for the success of the french arms. but as the troops of the republic subdued belgium and holland; as they conquered italy, and established the complete influence of france over the monarchy of spain, this union of sentiment gradually disappeared. by one party it was contended that america could feel no interest in seeing europe subjected to any one power. that to such a power, the atlantic would afford no impassable barriers; and that no form of government was a security against national ambition. they, therefore, wished this series of victories to be interrupted; and that the balance of europe should not be absolutely overturned. additional strength was undoubtedly given to this course of reasoning by the aggressions of france on the united states. in the opinion of the opposite party, the triumphs of france were the triumphs of liberty. in their view every nation which was subdued, was a nation liberated from oppression. the fears of danger to the united states from the further aggrandizement of a single power were treated as chimerical, because that power being a republic must, consequently, be the friend of republics in every part of the globe, and a stranger to that lust of domination which was the characteristic passion of monarchies. shifting with address the sentiment really avowed by their opponents, they ridiculed a solicitude for the existence of a balance of power in europe, as an opinion that america ought to embark herself in the crusade of kings against france in order to preserve that balance. * * * * * note--no. xv. _see page ._ the following extract from a letter written to general knox the day before the termination of his office, exhibits the sentiments with which he contemplated this event, and with which he viewed the unceasing calumnies with which his whole administration continued to be aspersed. "to the wearied traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his body to lean thereon, i now compare myself; but to be suffered to do _this_ in peace, is too much to be endured by _some_. to misrepresent my motives; to reprobate my politics; and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration;--are objects which can not be relinquished by those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. the consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, and the approving voice of my country unequivocally expressed by its representatives--deprives their sting of its poison, and places in the same point of view both the weakness and the malignity of their efforts. "although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and i have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet i am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom i love. among these, be assured you are one." * * * * * note--no. xvi. _see page ._ in the speech delivered by the president on taking the oaths of office, after some judicious observations on the constitution of his country, and on the dangers to which it was exposed, that able statesman thus spoke of his predecessor. "such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of america have exhibited, to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations, for eight years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. "in that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of his country which is opening from year to year. his name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace." * * * * * note--no. xvii. _see page ._ to testify their love for the person who had for eight years administered the government of the united states, the merchants of philadelphia had prepared a splendid banquet for the day, to which the general, several officers of rank in the late army, the heads of departments, foreign ministers, and other persons of distinction were invited. in the rotundo in which it was given, an elegant compliment was prepared for the _principal guest_, which is thus described in the papers of the day. "upon entering the area the general was conducted to his seat. on a signal given, music played washington's march, and a scene which represented simple objects in the rear of the principal seat was drawn up, and discovered emblematical painting. "the principal was a female figure large as life, representing america, seated on an elevation composed of sixteen marble steps. at her left side, stood the federal shield and eagle, and at her feet, lay the cornucopia; in her right hand, she held the indian calumet of peace supporting the cap of liberty: in the perspective appeared the temple of fame; and on her left hand, an altar dedicated to public gratitude, upon which incense was burning. in her left hand she held a scroll inscribed valedictory; and at the foot of the altar lay a plumed helmet and sword, from which a figure of general washington, large as life, appeared, retiring down the steps, pointing with his right hand to the emblems of power which he had resigned, and with his left to a beautiful landscape representing mount vernon, in front of which oxen were seen harnessed to the plough. over the general appeared a _genius_ placing a wreath of laurels on his head." * * * * * note--no. xviii. _see page ._ _(all footnotes on pages covered by note no. xviii are references to the correspondence of thomas jefferson.)_ a letter from mr. jefferson to mr. mazzei, an italian who had passed some time in the united states, was published in florence, and republished in the moniteur, with some severe strictures on the conduct of the united states, and a remark "that the french government had testified its resentment by breaking off communication with an ungrateful and faithless ally until she shall return to a more just and benevolent conduct. no doubt," adds the editor, "it will give rise in the united states to discussions which may afford a triumph to the party of good republicans, the friends of france. "some writers, in disapprobation of this wise and necessary measure of the directory, maintain that, in the united states, the french have for partisans only certain demagogues who aim to overthrow the existing government. but their impudent falsehoods convince no one, and prove only, what is too evident, that they use the liberty of the press to serve the enemies of france." mr. jefferson, in his correspondence,[ ] has animadverted on the preceding note with such extreme bitterness, as to impose on its author the necessity of entering into some explanations. censure from a gentleman who has long maintained an unexampled ascendency over public opinion, can not be entirely disregarded. [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] the offence consists in the reference to the letter written by him to mr. mazzei, which was published in florence, and republished in paris by the editor of the moniteur, then the official paper of the directory. in this letter, mr. jefferson says, a paragraph was interpolated which makes him charge his own country with ingratitude and injustice to france. by the word "country," mr. jefferson is understood to allude to the government, not to the people of america. this letter, containing the sentence now alleged to be interpolated, was published throughout the united states in the summer of . it became immediately, as may well be supposed, the subject of universal conversation. the writer, and the individual to whom it particularly alludes, filled too large a space in the public mind for such a paper not to excite general attention and deep interest. it did excite both. had it been fabricated, mr. jefferson, it was supposed, could not have permitted it to remain uncontradicted. it came in a form too authentic, the matter it contained affected his own reputation and that of the illustrious individual who is its principal subject, too vitally to permit the imputation to remain unnoticed. it would not, it could not have remained unnoticed, if untrue. yet its genuineness was never questioned by mr. jefferson, or by any of his numerous friends. not even to general washington, as is now avowed, was it ever denied. had it been denied to him, his strong sense of justice and of right would have compelled him to relieve the reputation of the supposed writer from a charge of such serious import. it was, of course, universally received as a genuine letter. an open avowal of it could not have added to the general conviction. the letter having this irresistible claim on the general confidence, no one part of it was entitled to less credit than every other. the interpolation of a particular sentence was neither suggested nor suspected. the whole was published in europe and republished in america as the letter of mr. jefferson, with his name subscribed. the genuineness of no part of it was ever called into question. how then could the public or any individual have ventured to select a particular sentence, and to say--this is spurious? had it been suggested by mr. jefferson or his confidential friends that the letter was in general his, but that one sentence was fabricated, there is not perhaps an individual in the united states who would have pointed to that which censured the conduct of our government towards france, as the fabricated sentence. that which placed the then chief magistrate at the head of the "anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party which had sprung up," would have been much more probably selected. this conjecture is hazarded because, at the date of the letter,[ ] mr. jefferson shared the confidence of general washington, and was on terms of intimate professed friendship with him; while his censures of the conduct of the united states towards france were open and unreserved. the sentence there said to be interpolated would, if really written by him, have involved no imputation on his sincerity,--would have consisted perfectly with his general declarations. these declarations were so notorious, especially after the mission of mr. jay to great britain, and the reception of the treaty negotiated by him, that there was perhaps not an individual in the united states, at all conversant with public affairs, to whom they were unknown. without reference to other proofs, sufficient evidence of this fact is furnished by that portion of his correspondence which has been selected for publication. some examples will be quoted. [footnote : april, .] in a letter of the th of april, ,[ ] he says, "i sincerely congratulate you on the great prosperities of our two first allies, the french and the dutch.[ ] if i could but see them now at peace with the rest of their continent, i should have little doubt of dining with pichegru in london next autumn; for i believe i should be tempted to leave my clover for a while, to go and hail the dawn of republicanism in that island." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] [footnote : holland, it will be remembered, had been conquered by pichegru.] in a letter of september st, ,[ ] after speaking of the discussions in the papers concerning the treaty, and alluding to the efforts made to give it effect as the boldest act of hamilton and jay to undermine the government, he says, "a bolder party stroke was never struck. for it certainly is an attempt by a party who find they have lost their majority in one branch of the legislature, to make a law by the aid of the other branch and of the executive, under colour of a treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever restraining the commerce of their patron nation." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the th of november, ,[ ] he says, "i join with you in thinking the treaty an execrable thing." "i trust the popular branch of the legislature will disapprove of it, and thus rid us of this infamous act, which is really nothing more than an alliance between england and the anglo men of this country, against the legislature and people of the united states." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the st of december, ,[ ] speaking of a contemporary member of the cabinet, he says, "the fact is that he has generally given his principles to the one party and his practice to the other, the oyster to one, and the shell to the other. unfortunately, the shell was generally the lot of his friends, the french and republicans, and the oyster of their antagonists." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the st of march, ,[ ] he says, "the british treaty has been formally at length laid before congress. all america is a tiptoe to see what the house of representatives will decide on it." speaking of the right of the legislature to determine whether it shall go into effect or not, and of the vast importance of the determination, he adds, "it is fortunate that the first decision is to be made in a case so palpably atrocious as to have been predetermined by all america." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the th of the same month he says,[ ] "if you decide in favour of your right to refuse co-operation, i should wonder on what occasion it is to be used, if not in one, where the rights, the interest, the honour and faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed; where a faction has entered into a conspiracy with the enemies of their country to chain down the legislature at the feet of both; where the whole mass of your constituents have condemned the work in the most unequivocal manner, and are looking to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the avarice and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary machinations of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the only honest man who has assented to it. i wish that his honesty and his political errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, 'curse on his virtues, they have undone his country.'" [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the th of june, ,[ ] he says, "congress have risen. you will have seen by their proceedings what i always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in influence over the people, who have supported his judgment against their own, and that of their representatives. republicanism must lie on its oars, resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks best for them." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the d of january, ,[ ] he says, "i sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with france. war with them and consequent alliance with great britain will completely compass the object of the executive council from the commencement of the war between france and england; taken up by some of them from that moment; by others more latterly." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] on the th of june, ,[ ] he says, "i have always hoped that the popularity of the late president being once withdrawn from active effect, the natural feelings of the people towards liberty would restore the equilibrium between the executive and legislative departments which had been destroyed by the superior weight and effect of that popularity; and that their natural feelings of moral obligation would discountenance the unnatural predilection of the executive in favour of great britain. but, unfortunately, the preceding measures had already alienated the nation who were the object of them, and the reaction has on the minds of our citizens an effect which supplies that of the washington popularity. [footnote : vol. iii. p. ] "p.s. since writing the above we have received a report that the french directory has proposed a declaration of war against the united states to the council of ancients, who have rejected it. thus we see two nations who love one another affectionately, brought by the ill temper of their executive administrations to the very brink of a necessity to imbrue their hands in the blood of each other." on the th of february, ,[ ] he says, "the president has appointed, and the senate approved, rufus king, to enter into a treaty of commerce with the russians, at london, and william smith (phocion) envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to go to constantinople to make one with the turks. so that as soon as there is a coalition of turks, russians, and english against france, we seize that moment to countenance it as openly as we dare, by treaties which we never had with them before. all this helps to fill up the measure of provocation towards france, and to get from them a declaration of war which we are afraid to be the first in making." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] if these sentiments, in perfect coincidence with the pretensions of france, and censuring the neutral course of the american government, were openly avowed by mr. jefferson; if, when they appeared embodied in a letter addressed to a correspondent in europe, and republished throughout the united states, they remained, even after becoming the topic of universal interest and universal excitement, totally uncontradicted, who could suspect that any one sentence, particularly that avowing a sentiment so often expressed by the writer, had been interpolated? yet mr. jefferson, unmindful of these circumstances, after some acrimonious remarks on colonel pickering, has said,[ ] "and even judge marshall makes history descend from its dignity, and the ermine from its sanctity, to exaggerate, to record, and to sanction this forgery." [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] the note itself will best demonstrate the inaccuracy of this commentary. to this text an appeal is fearlessly made. this unmerited invective is followed by an accusation not less extraordinary. it is made a cause of crimination that the author has copied the remark of the parisian editor, instead of the letter itself. to remove this reproach, he will now insert the letter, not as published in europe, and transferred from the french to the american papers, but as preserved and avowed by mr. jefferson, and given to the world by his grandson. it is in these words. "monticello, april th, .[ ] "my dear friend, "the aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left us. in place of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly through the war, an anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the substance as it has already done the forms of the british government. the main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so is a great mass of talents. against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, british merchants and americans trading on british capitals, speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well as sound parts of the british model. it would give you a fever were i to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men who were samsons in the field and solomons in council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot england. in short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting labours and perils. but we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight and wealth on the good side is so great as to leave no danger that force will ever be attempted against us. we have only to awake and snap the lilliputian cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which succeeded our labours. "i will forward the testimonials, &c." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] the reader is requested to pause, to reflect on the state of things at the date of this letter, and to ask himself if its inevitable tendency be not to strengthen the impression in the directory of france which had influenced its conduct towards the united states?--if it be not in the same spirit with the interpolated sentence, carried to a greater extreme, and calculated to produce the same effect?--if the editor who made the interpolation might not reasonably suppose that he was only applying expressly to france a sentiment already indicated in terms too plain to be misunderstood? france and great britain were then waging deadly war against each other. in this mortal conflict, each sought to strengthen herself, or weaken her adversary by any influence to be acquired over foreign powers--by obtaining allies when allies were attainable, or securing neutrality where co-operation was not to be expected. the temper with which the american people contemplated this awful spectacle can not be forgotten. the war of our revolution, in which france fought by the side of america against great britain, was fresh in their recollection. her unexamined professions of republicanism enlisted all their affections in her favour, and all their antipathies against the monarchs with whom she was contending. feelings which were believed to be virtuous, and which certainly wore the imposing garb of patriotism, impelled them with almost irresistible force against that wise neutrality which the executive government had laboured to preserve, and had persisted in preserving with wonderful and unexampled firmness. france might, not unreasonably, indulge the hope that our government would be forced out of its neutral course, and be compelled to enter into the war as her ally. the letter to mazzei could scarcely fail to encourage this hope. the suggestion had been repeatedly made, and france not only countenanced but acted on it, that the american people were ready to take part with her, and were with difficulty restrained by their government. that the government had fallen into the hands of an english party who were the more closely attached to their favourite nation, because they were unfriendly to republicanism, and sought to assimilate the government of the united states to that of england. partiality to england was ingratitude to france. monarchical propensities were of course anti-republican, and led to a system of policy separating the united states from republican france, and connecting them with her monarchical enemies. these sentiments were expressed in the interpolated sentence; and are intimated in terms perhaps more offensive, certainly not to be mistaken, in the letter as avowed. review its language. "in place of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly through the war, an anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the substance as it has already done the forms of the british government." could this party have been friendly--must it not have been hostile to france? it was not only monarchical and aristocratical,--it was anglican also. consequently it was anti-gallican. but it did not comprehend the mass of the people. "the main body of our citizens, however," continues the letter, "remain true to their republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so is a great mass of talents." who then composed this odious anglican, monarchical, aristocratical party? the letter informs us: "against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of the government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, british merchants and americans trading on british capitals, speculators, and holders in the banks and public funds." the executive then and at least one other branch of the legislature were anglican. the judiciary, a department not absolutely insignificant in a maritime war, was also anglican. but the executive, being the organ of intercourse with foreign nations, is considered by them as essentially the government. this being thought anglican, its course being such as to induce the writer to brand it with this odious epithet, ought it to excite surprise that an editor, the organ of the french government, made the strictures upon it which are quoted in the note? are not those strictures as applicable to the letter now avowed as to the interpolated sentence? the remark that the "french government had testified its resentment by breaking off communication with an ungrateful and faithless ally until she shall return to a more just and benevolent conduct," was the assertion of a fact which had taken place, and the commentary discloses its object not less plainly than did the time at which this fact was announced to the american government and people.[ ] "it will give rise in the united states," says the editor, "to discussions which may afford a triumph to the party of good republicans, the friends of france." [footnote : it was announced by mr. adet in the crisis of the first contest for the presidency between mr. adams and mr. jefferson.] the letter, without the aid of the interpolated sentence, could not fail to cherish this sentiment. it states explicitly an unequivocal division and a decided hostility between those who administered the government, and the great body of land holders, who, in this country, are the people. the first were anglican and monarchical, the last were republican, and, in the language of the moniteur, "the friends of france." what so certain to produce or continue the rupture of communication mentioned by the editor as the opinion that this statement was true? if we could doubt, our doubts are removed by the declaration that it would produce "discussions in the united states which may afford a triumph to the party of good republicans, the friends of france;" and by the declaration of mr. adet. the interpolated sentence then does not vary the import of the letter, nor change the impression it made in france, and must make on the mind of the reader. were it otherwise, mr. jefferson should have directed his reproaches towards himself for the countenance his silent acquiescence gave to the opinion that the whole letter was genuine--not towards the great body of his countrymen who yielded implicit faith to this imposing testimony. could such a letter from such a personage be entirely overlooked by the biographer of washington? having assumed the task of delineating the character, and detailing the actions and opinions of the great soldier and statesman of america, an essential part of which was to be looked for in the difficulties and the opposition he encountered and overcame, could a transaction which contains such strong intrinsic evidence of those difficulties and that opposition be passed over in total silence? these questions were revolved in his mind while engaged in this part of the work; and the result to which his judgment conducted him was a conviction that, though he might forbear to make those strictures on the letter which the relative situation of the writer and the individual so seriously criminated seemed to invite, his duty required him to notice it so far as it indicated the violence of party spirit at the time, the extreme to which it was carried, the dangers to which it led, and the difficulties which the wise and firm mind of washington was doomed to encounter. the remarks of the french editor were quoted because they have a strong tendency, especially when connected with subsequent events, to explain the motives by which the directory was actuated in its aggressions on the united states, and to justify the policy of the washington administration. these remarks did not grow out of the interpolated sentence, nor were they confined to it. they apply to the whole letter. that sentence is not cited, nor is any particular allusion made to it, in the note which is charged with "exaggerating, recording, and sanctioning the forgery." how then could mr. jefferson deliberately make the charge? in the same letter he endeavours to convey the opinion that the harsh and injurious strictures made to mazzei were not intended for general washington, and that this distinguished individual never applied them to himself. the evidence in support of this proposition is not derived from the person whose opinion mr. jefferson undertakes to state. the writer says,[ ] "i do affirm that there never passed a word, written or verbal, directly or indirectly, between general washington and myself on the subject of that letter." if his observations on this point are to be considered as reasoning rather than assertion, they may be freely examined. [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] at the head of the list of those composing the "anglican, monarchical, aristocratical party," the letter places "the executive." "against us are the executive, the judiciary, two out of three branches of the legislature, all the officers of government, all who want to be officers," &c. the letter speaks in the present tense, and the term "executive" can describe only the then actual president. consequently, it designates general washington as expressly as if he had been named. if this positive evidence could be strengthened by auxiliary proof, it is furnished by the same sentence. "all officers of government, all who want to be officers," are included in the enumeration of those composing the party opposed to "the main body of citizens who remained true to republican principles." by whom were these anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical officers selected? by general washington. to him alone were they indebted for their appointments. to whom did those "who wanted to be officers" look for the gratification of their wishes? to the same person. would every individual in search of office enlist himself in a party so odious to "the main body of our citizens," and "the whole landed interest," if he did not think the road leading directly to that which he sought? as if willing to keep out of view what can not be explained away, mr. jefferson turns our attention to other passages supposed to be more equivocal. he insists[ ] that the letter saying "that two out of the three branches of the legislature were against us, was an obvious exception of him; it being well known that the majorities in the two branches of the senate and representatives were the very instruments which carried, in opposition to the old and real republicans, the measures which were the subjects of condemnation in this letter." [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] but did these measures obtain the force of laws by the mere act of the senate and house of representatives? did not the president assent to them? if he did, how could the expression "two out of three branches of the legislature" be an obvious exception of him? but the letter speaks of the then existing legislature. "against us _are_ two out of three branches of the legislature." the fact is notorious that the house of representatives was, at the date of the letter, opposed to the administration. mr. jefferson himself gives us this information. in september, ,[ ] he terms the effort to carry the treaty with great britain into effect, "an attempt of a party who find _they have lost their majority in one branch of the legislature_ to make a law by the aid of the other branch and the executive under colour of a treaty," &c. mr. jefferson then has deprived himself of this explanation. he could not have intended to exclude the president by the phrase "two out of three branches of the legislature." [footnote : vol. iii. p. .] the same letter contains also the following expression,[ ] "mr. pickering quotes the passage in the letter of the men who were samsons in the field and solomons in the council, but who had their heads shorn by the harlot england." "now this expression also was perfectly understood by general washington. he knew that i meant it for the cincinnati generally; and that from what had passed between us at the commencement of that institution, i could not mean to include him." [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] in the letter to mazzei these words obviously designate distinguished individuals, not whole classes of men, many of whom were unknown. "it would give you a fever were _i to name to you the apostates_ who have gone over to these heresies; men who were samsons in the field and solomons in the council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot england." in addition to this apparent allusion to individuals, it may be asked, could mr. jefferson mean to say that every officer engaged in the war of our revolution (for almost every one of them was a member of the cincinnati) was an apostate who had gone over to the heresies he was describing? could he mean to say that all those who had passed their prime of manhood in the field fighting the battles of american independence, and of republicanism against england, had become apostates from the cause to which their lives had been devoted, and the vile instruments of the power it was their pride and boast to have overthrown? that they were in a body following their ancient chief in a course directly opposite to that glorious career by which they had elevated their country to its high rank among the nations of the earth? there is other evidence that he could not have intended to fix this foul stigma on the officers of the revolution. they were far from being united in support of the administration. in virginia certainly, a large number, perhaps a majority of the cincinnati were opposed to it. two[ ] of them in congress at the time, and were among the most zealous supporters of mr. jefferson, and of that system of measures which he termed republican. the very letter under discussion contains an assertion incompatible with this construction of these terms. "the whole landed interest is republican." at the date of this letter there were few if any members of the cincinnati in the south who were not also land holders. in the southern region generally, the army of our revolution was officered by land holders and their sons. [footnote : colonels cabell and par.] but if the writer of the letter could have intended to designate the members of the cincinnati as "samsons in the field," could he also have alluded to them as "solomons in council?" were the brave and hardy men who passed their youth, not in college, not in study, but under arms, suddenly converted, all of them, into "solomons in council?" that some of them were entitled to this appellation is acknowledged with pride and pleasure, but as a class, it could not fit them. it is difficult to treat the proposition seriously. it is impossible for the intelligent reader to concur with mr. jefferson in the conclusion he draws from these premises, when he says,[ ] "general washington then understanding perfectly what and whom i meant to designate in both phrases, and that they could not have any application or view to himself, could find in neither any cause of offence to himself." [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] but were it otherwise, had mr. jefferson been as successful in the opinion of others as he would seem to be in his own, in proving that the phrases on which he reasons do not comprehend general washington, what would be gained? would it follow that the word "executive" did not mean the president, or that it excluded general washington who was president when the letter was written, and had been president during the whole time while the laws were enacted, and the measures carried into execution, which he so harshly criminates? if the word "executive" must mean him, does it palliate the injury to be assured that the writer did not class him among "samsons in the field" or "solomons in council?" it is matter of some surprise to find a letter written so late as june, , on the political paragraph contained in the letter to mazzei, the following averment.[ ] "in this information there was not one word which would not then have been or would not now be approved by every republican in the united states, looking back to those times." [footnote : vol. iv. p. .] in june, , then, twenty-eight years after this extraordinary letter was written, and twenty-three years after its principal object had ceased to thwart the policy, or be an obstacle to the ambition of any man, mr. jefferson could deliberately, and on full consideration permit himself to make this assertion, and thus in effect to repeat the charge that general washington belonged to an "anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party whose _avowed_ object was to draw over us the substance as they had already done the forms of the british government,"--and this too while the venerated object of the charge was the chief magistrate of this great republic, acting under the obligation of a solemn oath "faithfully to execute the office of president of the united states, and to the best of his ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution!" this unpleasant subject is dismissed. if the grave be a sanctuary entitled to respect, many of the intelligent and estimable friends of mr. jefferson may perhaps regret that he neither respected it himself, nor recollected that it is a sanctuary from which poisoned arrows ought never to be shot at the dead or the living. end of volume v. a soldier of virginia a tale of colonel washington and braddock's defeat by burton egbert stevenson to the memory of the gallant men who fell with dust of failure bitter on their lips that others might be taught the lesson of the wilderness contents i. lieutenant allen grows insulting ii. the story of fontenoy iii. in which i introduce myself iv. the ending of the honeymoon v. the secret of a heart vi. i am treated to a surprise vii. i decide to be a soldier viii. a ride to williamsburg ix. my first taste of warfare x. the french score first xi. dream days at riverview xii. dorothy makes her choice xiii. lieutenant allen shows his skill xiv. i chance upon a tragedy xv. we start on a weary journey xvi. the end in sight xvii. the lesson of the wilderness xviii. defeat becomes dishonor xix. allen and i shake hands xx. braddock pays the price xxi. virginia bids us welcome xxii. a new danger at riverview xxiii. the governor shows his gratitude xxiv. a warning from the forest xxv. i find myself in a delicate situation xxvi. a desperate defense xxvii. i come into my own xxviii. and so, good-by list of illustrations "i do not love him, tom" "for shame, gentlemen!" "stewart, listen!" the savages poured oveb the threshold a soldier of virginia chapter i lieutenant allen grows insulting it was not until he sneered at me openly across the board that i felt my self-control slipping from me. "lieutenant allen seems to have a poor opinion of the virginia troops," i said, as calmly as i could. "egad, you are right, lieutenant stewart," he retorted, his eyes full on mine. "these two weeks past have i been trying to beat some sense into the fools, and 'pon my word, 't is enough to drive a man crazy to see them." he paused to gulp down a glass of wine, of which i thought he had already drunk too much. "i saw them this forenoon," cried preston, who was sitting at allen's right, "and was like to die of laughing. poor allen, there, was doing his best to teach them the manual, and curse me if they didn't hold their guns as though they burnt their fingers. and when they were ordered to 'bout face, they looked like nothing so much as the crowd i saw six months since at newmarket, trying to get their money on jason." the others around the table laughed in concert, and i could not but admit there was a grain of truth in the comparison. "'tis granted," i said, after a moment, "that we virginians have not the training of you gentlemen of the line; but we can learn, and at least no one can doubt our courage." "think you so?" and allen laughed an insulting laugh. "there was that little brush at fort necessity last year, from which they brought away nothing but their skins, and damned glad they were to do that." "they brought away their arms," i cried hotly, "and would have brought away all their stores and munitions, had the french kept faith and held their indians off. that, too, in face of an enemy three times their number. the virginians have no cause to blush for their conduct at fort necessity. the coldstreams could have done no better." allen laughed again. "ah, pardon me, stewart," he said contemptuously, "i forgot that you were present on that glorious day." i felt my cheeks crimson, and i looked up and down the board, but saw only sneering faces. yes, there was one, away down at the farther end, which did not sneer, but looked at me i thought pityingly, which was infinitely worse. and then, of course, there was pennington, who sat next to me, and who looked immeasurably shamed at the turn the dispute had taken. he placed a restraining hand upon my sleeve, but i shook it off impatiently. "yes, i was present," i answered, my heart aflame within me, "and our provincial troops learned a lesson there which even the gentlemen of the forty-fourth may one day be glad to have us teach them." "teach us?" cried allen. "curse me, sir, but you grow insulting! as for your learning, permit me to doubt your ability to learn anything. i have been trying to teach you provincials the rudiments of drill for the past fortnight, without success. in faith, you seem to know less now than you did before i began." "yes?" i asked, my anger quite mastering me. "but may not that be the fault of the teacher, lieutenant allen?" he was out of his chair with an oath, and would have come across the table at me, but that those on either side held him back. "i suppose you considered your words before you spoke them, lieutenant stewart?" asked preston, looking at me coldly, and still keeping tight hold on the swearing man at his side. "fully," i answered, as i arose from my chair. "you know, of course, that there remains only one thing to be done?" he continued, with a glance i thought compassionate, and so resented. "certainly," i answered again. "i may be able to teach the gentleman a very pretty thrust in tierce." upon this allen fell to cursing again, but preston silenced him with a gesture of his hand. "i am very willing," i added, "to give him the lesson at once, if he so desires. there is a charming place just without. i marked it as i passed to enter here, though with no thought i should so soon have need of it." now all this was merely the empty braggartry of youth, which i blush to remember. nor was allen the blustering bully i then deemed him, as i was afterwards to find out for myself. but i know of nothing which will so gloss over and disguise a man's real nature as a glass of wine too much. "i shall be happy to give the lesson at once," i repeated. "yes, at once!" cried allen savagely. "i'll teach you, sir, to keep a civil tongue in your head when you address an officer of the line." "it seems that we are both to learn a lesson, then," i said lightly. "it remains only to be seen which is the better teacher. will one of the other gentlemen present act as my second?" "i shall be happy to do so, lieutenant stewart," cried my neighbor, stepping forward. "ah, lieutenant pennington, thank you," and i looked into his face with pleasure, for it was the one, of all those present, which i liked the best. "will you arrange the details for me?" "may i speak to you a moment first?" he asked, looking at me anxiously. "certainly," i answered, and together we walked over to one corner of the room. "believe me, lieutenant stewart," he said, in a low voice, "i deem you a brave man, and i honor you for defending the credit of your countrymen. i little thought, when i invited you to dine with us to-night, that there would be an issue such as this, for it can end in but one way. allen is the best swordsman in the regiment, and a very devil when he is flushed with wine, as he is now." "you would have me decline to meet him, then?" i asked, looking at him steadily. "a word of apology," he stammered, but he did not meet my eyes. his heart was not in his words. "impossible," i said. "you forget that it was he who insulted me, and that an apology, if there be one, must come from him. he has insulted not only myself, but the whole body of virginia volunteers. though i were certain he would kill me, i could not draw back in honor. but i am not so certain," and i smiled down into his face. "there be some good swordsmen even in virginia, sir." "in faith, i am wondrous glad to hear it!" he cried, his face brightening. "i could not do less than warn you." "and i thank you for your interest." he held out his hand, and i clasped it warmly. then we turned again to the group about the table. "well," cried allen harshly, "does our virginia friend desire to withdraw?" "on the contrary," answered pennington quietly, "he has positively refused to withdraw," and as he spoke, i saw that the others looked at me with attentive eyes. "there is a little green just back of the barracks. let us proceed to it," and he led the way toward the door. allen and i followed him, and the whole rabble of officers crowded after. in a moment we were at the place, and i walked to one side while the seconds conferred together. the full moon had risen above the treetops and flooded the clearing with still radiance. the tall, coarse grass waved slowly to and fro in the faint breeze, and away off in the forest i heard a wolf howling. the note, long and clear, rose and quivered in the air, faint and far away. and as it died to silence, for the first time the thought came to me that perchance my skill in fence might not avail. well, thank heaven, there was none to whom my death would cause much sorrow, except--yes, dorothy might care. at thought of her, the forest faded from before me, and i saw her again as i had seen her last, looking down upon me from the stair-head, and her kiss was warm upon my lips. "we are ready, lieutenant stewart," called pennington, and i shook my forebodings from me as i strode back toward him. "lieutenant allen instructs me to say," began preston, who was acting as his second, "that an apology on the part of lieutenant stewart will avert consequences which may, perhaps, be unpleasant." "lieutenant stewart has no apologies to offer," i said shortly. "we are wasting time, gentlemen." "as you will," and preston turned back to allen. my coat was off in an instant, and i rolled the sleeve of my shirt above my elbow, the better to have it out of the way. "may i have your sword, lieutenant?" asked pennington, and he walked with it over to where preston stood. he was back in a moment. "allen's sword is fully an inch the longer," he said. "i have insisted that he secure a shorter weapon." "nonsense!" i cried. "let him keep his sword. i am two or three inches the taller, and the advantage will still be on my side." pennington looked at me a moment in something like astonishment. "very well," he said at last, and stepped over and spoke another word to preston. then he came back and handed me my sword. "you are a gallant man, lieutenant stewart," he said as he did so. "no more than many others in virginia. 't is that i mean to prove to-night," i answered lightly, and i saluted my adversary and felt his blade against my own. the first pass showed me that he was master of the weapon, but i was far from dismayed. i saw his eyes widen with surprise as i parried his thrust and pressed him so closely that he gave back a step. i smiled dryly, for i knew my advantage. the earliest lesson i had learned at the foils was that victory comes only to the man who keeps his coolness. i had drunk little wine, while allen had drunk much, and his bloodshot eyes told of previous nights spent over the cups and dice. no, decidedly, i had little to fear. allen must have read something of my thought in my eyes, for his face flushed to a yet darker crimson, he pulled himself together with an effort, and by a trick which i had never seen, got inside my guard. his point was at my breast, but i leaped back and avoided it. "ah, you break!" he cried. "'tis not so easy as you fancied!" i did not answer, contenting myself with playing more cautiously than i had done in my self-satisfaction of a moment before. out of the corners of my eyes, i could see a portion of the circle of white faces about us, but they made no sound, and what their expression was i could not tell. the night air and the fast work were doing much to sober my opponent, and i felt his wrist grow stronger as he held down my point for an instant. it was his turn to smile, and i felt my cheeks redden at the expression of his face. again he got inside my guard, but again i was out of reach ere he could touch me. i saw that i was making but a sorry showing, and i tried the thrust of which i had had the bad taste to boast, but he turned it aside quite easily. and then, of a sudden, i heard the beat of a horse's hoofs behind me. "for shame, gentlemen!" cried a clear voice, which rang familiar in my ears. "can the king's soldiers find no enemies to his empire that they must fight among themselves?" our seconds struck up our swords, and allen looked over my shoulder with a curse. "another damned provincial, upon my life!" he cried. "was there ever such impudence!" [illustration: "for shame gentlemen!"] as he spoke, the horseman swung himself from the saddle with an easy grace which declared long training in it, and walked coolly toward us. "lieutenant stewart," he said to me sternly, "i did not think to find you thus engaged, else had i thought twice before placing a sword in your hand." "the insult was one which could not be passed over, colonel washington," i answered, as i saluted him. "it was not to myself only, but to all the virginia troops who serve his majesty." "so," sneered allen, "'t is the hero of fort necessity! i can well believe him averse to fighting." my cheeks were hot with anger and i saw washington flush darkly, but he gazed at allen coldly, and his voice was calm as ever when he spoke. "it shall be my privilege at some future time," he said, "to call the gentleman to account for his words. at present, my sword is pledged to the king and may be drawn in no other service, more especially not in my own. i trust, lieutenant stewart, you will have the courage to sheathe your blade." i hesitated. it was a hard thing to ask a man to do. "yes, put up your sword!" cried allen scornfully. "allow yourself to be reproved like a naughty boy by this hero who knows only how to retreat. on my soul, 't was well he arrived when he did. i should have finished with you long ere this." washington looked at me steadily, without showing by the movement of a muscle that he had heard. "and i promise you, lieutenant stewart," he continued, as though there had been no interruption, "that i shall be happy to act as your second, once this campaign is closed." my cheeks flushed again, this time with pleasure, and i picked up my scabbard and sent my blade home. "i must beg you to excuse me, lieutenant allen," i said. "colonel washington says right. my sword is not my own until we have met the french. then i shall be only too pleased to conclude the argument." allen's lips curved in a disdainful smile. "i thought you would be somewhat less eager to vindicate the courage of virginia once you had pause for reflection," he sneered. "provincials are all of a kind, and the breed is not a choice one." i bit my lips to keep back the angry retort which leaped to them, and i saw washington's hand trembling on his sword. it did me good to see that even he maintained his calmness only by an effort. "oh, come, allen," cried pennington, "you go too far. there can be no question of lieutenant stewart's courage. he was ready enough to meet you, god knows! colonel washington is right, our swords belong to the king while he has work for them," and the young fellow, with flushed face, held out his hand to washington, who grasped it warmly. "i thank you," he said simply. "i should be sorry to believe that all the king's officers could so far forget their duty. come, lieutenant," he added to me, and taking me by the arm, he walked me out of the group, which opened before us, and i ventured to think that not all of the faces were unfriendly. "i have a message for sir peter halket," he said, when we were out of earshot. "show me his quarters, tom, and so soon as i have finished my business, we will talk over this unhappy affair." i led the way toward the building where the commander of the forty-fourth was quartered, too angry with myself and with the world to trust myself to speak. why should i, who came of as good family as any in virginia, be compelled to swallow insults as i had to-night? i almost regretted for the moment that i was in the service. "but the time will come," i said, speaking aloud before i thought. "yes, the time will come, tom," and washington looked at me with a grim smile. "the time will come sooner than you think, perhaps, when these braggarts will be taught a lesson which they greatly need. pray heaven the lesson be not so severe that it shake the king's empire on this continent." "shake the king's empire?" i repeated, looking at him in amazement. "i do not understand." "no matter," he said shortly. "here we are at headquarters. do you wait for me. i will be but a moment;" and he ran up the steps, spoke a word to the sentry, and disappeared within. chapter ii the story of fontenoy my heart was thick with wrath as i walked up and down before sir peter halket's quarters and waited for colonel washington to reappear. i asked myself again why i should be compelled to take the insults of any man. i clenched my hands together behind me, and swore that allen should yet pay dearly. i recalled with bitterness the joy i had felt a week before, when i had received from colonel washington a letter in which he stated that he had procured my appointment as lieutenant in captain waggoner's virginia company. i had been ahungered to make the campaign, and had donned my uniform with a light heart,--the same i had worn the year before, now much faded but inexpressibly dear to me,--mounted my horse, and ridden hotfoot to join the force here at winchester. i had been received kindly enough by my companion officers of the provincial companies, many of whom were old friends. the contempt which the officers of the forty-fourth felt for the virginia troops, and which they were at no pains to conceal, had vexed me somewhat from the first, yet it was not until to-night at the officers' mess, to which i had foolishly accepted pennington's invitation, that this contempt had grown unbearable. i had chanced to pull pennington's horse out of a hole the day before, and so saved it a broken leg, but i saw now that i should have done better to refuse that invitation, courteously as it was given, and sincere as his gratitude had undoubtedly been. so i walked up and down with a sore heart, as a child will when it has been punished for no fault, and prayed that we provincials might yet teach the regulars a lesson. yet they were brave men, most of them, whom i could not but admire. a kindlier, gallanter roan than sir peter halket i had never seen, no, nor ever shall see. i noted the sentries pacing their beats before the colonel's quarters, erect, automatons, their guns a-glitter in the moonlight, their uniforms immaculate. i had seen them drill the day before, whole companies moving like one man, their ranks straight as a ramrod,--tramp, tramp,--turning as on a pivot moved by a single will. it was a wonderful sight to me who had never seen the like before, they were so strong, so confident, so seemingly invincible. i turned and glanced again at the sentries, almost envying them their perfect carriage. had they been men of iron, worked by a spring, they could not have moved with more clock-like regularity. and yet, no doubt, they had one time been country louts like any others. truly there was much virtue in discipline. yet still, and here i shook my head, the virginia troops were brave as any in the world, and would prove it. from the officers' quarters came the sound of singing and much laughter, and i flushed as i thought perchance it was at me they laughed. i have learned long since that no man's laughter need disturb rue, so my heart be clear, but this was wisdom far beyond my years and yet undreamed of, and i shook my fist at the row of lighted windows. "what, still fuming, tom?" cried a voice at my elbow, and i turned to find colonel washington there; "and staring over toward the barracks as though you would like to gobble up every one within! well, i admit you have cause," he added, and i saw that his face grew stern. "you may have to bear many such insults before the campaign is ended, but i hope and believe that the conduct of the virginia troops will yet win them the respect of the regulars. you seem to have lost no time in getting to camp," he added, in a lighter tone. "there was nothing to keep me at riverview," i answered bitterly. "my absence is much preferred to my presence there. had i not come to winchester, i must have gone somewhere else. your letter came most opportunely." "you are out of humor to-night, tom," said washington, but his tone was kindly, and he placed one hand upon my arm as we turned back toward the cabin where my quarters were. he was scarce three years my senior, yet to me he seemed immeasurably the elder. i had always thought of him as of a man, and i verily believe he was a man in mind and temper while yet a boy in body. i had ridden beside him many times over his mother's estate, and i had noticed--and chafed somewhat at the knowledge--that women much older than he always called him mr. washington, while even that little chit of a polly johnston called me tom to my face, and laughed at me when i assumed an air of injured dignity. i think it was the fact that my temper was so the opposite of his own which drew him to me, and as for myself, i was proud to have such a friend, and of the chance to march with him again over the mountains against the french. he knew well how to humor me, and walked beside me, saying nothing. i glanced at his face, half shamed of my petulance, and i saw that he was no longer smiling. his lips were closed in that firm straight line which i had already seen once or twice, and which during years of trial became habitual to him. my own petty anger vanished at the sight. "i have not yet thanked you, colonel washington," i said at last, "for securing me my appointment. i was eating my heart out to make the campaign, but saw no way of doing so until your message reached me." "why, tom," he laughed, "you were the first of whom i thought when general braddock gave me leave to fill some of the vacancies. did you think i had so soon forgot the one who saved my life at fort necessity?" i opened my mouth to protest, but he silenced me with a gesture. "i can see it as though it were here before us," he continued. "the french and indians on the knoll yonder, my own men kneeling in the trenches, almost waist-deep in water, trying in vain to keep their powder dry; here and there a wounded man lying in the mud and cursing, the rain and mist over it all, and the night coming on. and then, suddenly, the rush of indians at our back, and over the breastwork. i had my pistol in my hand, you remember, tom, but the powder flashed in the pan, and the foremost of the savages was upon me. i saw his tomahawk in the air, and i remember wondering who would best command when i was dead. but your aim was true and your powder dry, and when the tomahawk fell, it fell harmless, with its owner upon it." for a moment neither of us spoke. my eyes were wet at thought of the scene which i so well remembered, and when i turned to him, i saw that he was still brooding over this defeat, which had rankled as a poisoned arrow in his breast ever since that melancholy morning we had marched away from the great meadows with the french on either side and the indians looting the baggage in the rear. as we reached my quarters, we turned by a common impulse and continued onward through the darkness. "this expedition must be more fortunate," he said at last, as though in answer to his own thought. "a thousand regulars, as many more provincials, guns, and every equipage,--yes, it is large enough and strong enough, unless"-- "unless?" i questioned, as he paused. "unless we walk headlong to our own destruction," he said. "but no, i won't believe it. the general has been bred in the coldstreams and knows nothing of frontier fighting. but he is a brave man, an honest man, and he will learn. small wonder he believes in discipline after serving half a century in such a regiment. have you ever heard the story of their fight at fontenoy, ten years since, when they lost two hundred and forty men? i heard it three nights ago at the general's table, and 't was enough to make a man weep for very pity that such valor should count for naught." "tell it me," i cried, for if there is one thing i love above all others,--yea, even yet, when i must sit useless by,--it is the tale of brave deeds nobly done. "'t was on the eleventh day of may, seventeen forty-five," he said, "that the english and the dutch met the french, who were under marshal saxe. louis the fifteenth himself was on the field, with the grand dauphin by his side and a throng of courtiers about him, for he knew how much depended on the issue of this battle. a redoubt, held by the famous guards, bristling with cannon, covered the french position. the dutch, appalled at the task before them, refused to advance, but his grace of cumberland, who commanded the english, rose equal to the moment. he formed his troops in column, the coldstreams at its head, and gave the word for the assault. the batteries thundered, the redoubt was crowned with flame, but the coldstreams turned neither to the right nor left. straight on they marched,--to annihilation, as it seemed,--reforming as they went, over hill and gully, as steadily as on parade. at last they reached their goal, and an instant's silence fell upon the field as they faced the french. the english officers raised their hats to their adversaries, who returned the salute as though they were at versailles, not looking in the eyes of death. "'gentlemen of the french guard,' cried lord charles hay, 'fire, if you please.' "'impossible, monsieur,' cried the count of hauteroche; 'the french guards never fire first. pray, fire yourselves.' "the order was given, and the french ranks fell as grain before the sickle. they gave way, the coldstreams advancing in perfect order, firing volley after volley. the officers, with their rattans, turned the men's muskets to the right or left, as need demanded. nothing could stop that terrible approach, resistless as a whirlwind, and french and swiss broke themselves against it, only to be dashed back as spray from a rocky coast. regiment after regiment was repulsed, and the coldstreams still advanced. saxe thought the battle lost, and begged the king and the dauphin to flee while time permitted. at the last desperate moment, he rallied the artillery and all the forces of his army for a final effort. the artillery was massed before the english, and they had none to answer it. the king himself led the charge against their flanks, which the dutch should have protected. but the dutch preferred to remain safely in the rear. the coldstreams stood their ground, reforming their ranks with perfect coolness, until cumberland saw it were madness to remain, and ordered the retreat. and it was more glorious than the advance. with only half their number on their feet, they faced about, without disorder, their ranks steady and unwavering, and moved off sullenly and slowly, as though ready at any moment to turn again and rend the ranks of the victors. it was a deed to match thermopylae." i lifted my hat from my head, and my lips were trembling. "i salute them," i said. "'t was well done. and was general braddock present on that day?" "he commanded one battalion of the regiment. it was for his gallantry there that he was promoted to the senior majorship." "i shall not forget it." and then i added, "perhaps the story you have told me will give me greater patience with our drill-master." "i trust so, at least," said washington, with a smile; "else i fear there will be little peace for you in the army. i was affected by the story, tom, no less than you have been, but after i had left the hall, with its glamour of lights and gold lace and brilliant uniforms, i wondered if this discipline would count amid the forests of the ohio as it did on the plains of europe. i fancy, in the battle that is to come, there will be no question of who shall fire first, and a regiment which keeps its formation will be a fair mark for the enemy. do you know, tom, my great hope is that the french will send a scouting party of their indian allies to ambush us, and that in defeating them, our commander may learn something of the tactics which he must follow to defeat the french." as for myself, i confess i shared none of these forebodings, and welcomed the chance to turn our talk to a more cheerful subject. "but about yourself?" i questioned. "there is much i wish to know. until your note reached me, i had not heard a word from you since you rode away from mount vernon with dinwiddie's messenger." his face cleared, and he looked at me with a little smile. "we went direct to williamsburg," he said, "where i first met the general, and told him what i know about the country which he has to cross. he treated me most civilly, despite some whisperings which went on behind my back, and shortly after sent me a courteous invitation to serve on his staff. of course i accepted,--you know how it irked me to remain at home,--but i gave him at the same time a statement of my reason for quitting the virginia service,--that i could not consent to be outranked by every subaltern who held a commission from the king." i nodded, for the question was not new to me, and had already caused me much heart-burning. it was not until long afterwards that i saw the general's letter among mrs. washington's treasures at mount vernon, but it seems to me worthy of reproduction here. thus it ran:-- williamsburg, march, . sir,--the general having been informed that you expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that you declined it upon some disagreeableness that you thought might arise from the regulations of command, has ordered me to acquaint you that he will be very glad of your company in his family, by which all inconveniences of that kind will be obviated. i shall think myself very happy to form an acquaintance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use every opportunity of assuring you how much i am, sir, your most obedient servant, robert orme, aide-de-camp. had braddock heeded the advice of the man whom he asked to join his family, the event might have been different. but i must not anticipate, and i find my hardest task in writing what is before me is to escape the shadow of the disaster which was to come. at that time, and, indeed, until the storm burst, few of us had penetration to discern the cloud on the horizon,--colonel washington, mr. franklin, and a few others, perhaps, but certainly not i. it is easy to detect mistakes after the event, and to conduct a campaign on paper, yet few who saw that martial array of troops, with its flying banners and bright uniforms, would have ordered the advance differently. but to return. "it was not until three days ago," continued washington, "that i was able to rejoin the general, and he intrusted me with a message to colonel halket, which i delivered this evening. i must start back to mount vernon to-morrow and place my affairs in order, and will then join the army at cumberland, whence the start is to be made." "and what make of man is the general?" i asked. a cloud settled on washington's face. "why, tom," he said at last, "i have seen so little of him that i may misjudge him. he is at least brave and honest, two great things in a commander. as for the rest, it is yet too soon to judge. but you have told me nothing about your affairs. how did you leave them all at riverview?" "i left them well enough," i answered shortly. washington glanced keenly at my downcast face, for indeed the memory of what had occurred at riverview was not pleasant to me. "did you quarrel with your aunt before you came away?" he asked quietly. "yes," i said, and stopped. how could i say more? "i feared it might come to that," he said gravely. "your position there has been a false one from the start. and yet i see no way to amend it." we walked on in silence for some time, each busy with his own thoughts, and mine at least were not pleasant ones. "tom," said washington suddenly, "what was the quarrel about? was it about the estate?" "oh, no," i answered. "we shall never quarrel about the estate. we have already settled all that. it was something quite different." i could not tell him what it was; the secret was not my own. he looked at me again for a moment, and then, stopping suddenly, wheeled me around to face him, and caught my hand. "i think i can guess," he said warmly, "and i wish you every happiness, tom." my lips were trembling so i could not thank him, but i think he knew what was in my heart. chapter iii in which i introduce myself i doubt not that by this time the reader is beginning to wonder who this fellow is that has claimed his attention, and so, since there is no one else to introduce me, i must needs present myself. it so happened that when that stern old lion, oliver cromwell, crushed the butterfly named charles stuart at worcester in the dim dawn of the third day of september, , and utterly routed the army of that unhappy prince, one thomas stewart fell into the hands of the roundheads, as, indeed, did near seven thousand others of the royalist army. now this thomas stewart had very foolishly left a pretty estate in kincardine, together with a wife and two sturdy boys, to march under the banner of the princeling, as he conceived to be his duty, and after giving and taking many hard knocks, here he was in the enemy's hands, and charles stuart a fugitive. they had one and all been declared by parliament rebels and traitors to the commonwealth, so the most distinguished of the captives were chosen for examples to the rest, and three of them, the earl of derby among the number, were sent forthwith to the block, where they comported themselves as brave men should, and laid down their heads right cheerfully. the others were sent to prison, since it was manifestly impossible to execute them all,--nor was cromwell so bloodthirsty, now the rebellion was broken utterly,--and some sixteen hundred of them were sentenced to be transported to the colony of virginia, which had long been a dumping ground for convicts and felons and political scapegoats. hither, then, they came, in ships crowded to suffocation, and many dead upon the way and thrown to the sharks for burial, but for some reason only one of the ships stopped here, while the others went on to barbados to discharge their living freight. i more than suspect that cromwell's agents soon discovered the commonwealth had few friends in virginia, and feared the effect of letting loose here so many of the royalist soldiers. at any rate, this one ship dropped anchor at hampton, and its passengers, to the number of about three hundred, were sold very cheaply to the neighboring planters. i may as well say here that all of them were well treated by their cavalier masters, and many of them afterwards became the founders of what are now the most prominent families in the colony. now one of those who had been sold in virginia was the thomas stewart whom i have already mentioned, and whom neither stinking jail nor crowded transport had much affected. doubtless, no matter what the surroundings, he had only to close his eyes to see again before him the green hills and plashing brooks of kincardine, with his own home in the midst, and the bonny wife waiting at the door, a boy on either side. alas, it was only thus he was ever to see them this side heaven. he was bought by a man named nicholas spenser, who owned a plantation on the potomac in westmoreland county, and there he worked, first as laborer and then as overseer, for nigh upon ten years. his master treated him with great kindness, and at the restoration, having made tenfold his purchase money by him, gave him back his freedom. despite the years and the hard work in the tobacco-fields, stewart's thoughts had often been with the wife and children he had left behind in scotland, and he prevailed upon spenser to secure him passage in one of his ships for london, where he arrived early in . he made his way back to kincardine, where he found his estate sequestered, his wife and one child dead in poverty, the other disappeared. from a neighbor he learned that the boy had run away to sea after his mother's death, but what his fate had been he never knew. weary and disheartened, stewart retraced his steps to london, and after overcoming obstacles innumerable, occasioned mostly by his want of money, laid his case before the king. charles listened to him kindly enough, for his office had not yet grown a burden to him, and finally granted him a patent for two thousand acres of land along the upper potomac. it was a gift which cost the king nothing, and one of a hundred such he bestowed upon his favorites as another man would give a crust of bread for which he had no use. stewart returned to virginia with his patent in his pocket, and built himself a home in what was then a wilderness. in five or six years he had cleared near three hundred acres of land, had it planted in sweet-scented tobacco, for which the northern neck was always famous, bought two-score negroes to tend it, and began to see light ahead. it was at this time that he met marjorie usner, while on a visit to williamsburg, and he married her in , having in the mean time erected a more spacious residence than the rude log-hut which had previously been his home. he was at that time a man nigh fifty years of age, but handsome enough, i dare say, and well preserved by his life of outdoor toil. certainly mistress marjorie, who must have been much younger, made him a good wife, and when he died, in , he left a son and a daughter, besides an estate valued at several thousands of pounds, accumulated with true scottish thrift. it was this daughter who named the estate riverview, and though the house was afterwards remodeled, the name was never changed. the stewarts continued to live there, marrying and giving in marriage, and growing ever wealthier, for the next half century, at the end of which time occurred the events that brought me into being. in , thomas stewart, great-grandson of the scotsman, was master of riverview. his portrait, which hangs to-day to the left of the fireplace in the great hall, shows him a white-haired, red-faced, choleric gentleman, with gray eyes and proudly smiling mouth. he had been chosen a member of the house of burgesses, as had his father before him, and was one of the most considerable men in the county. his son, tom, was just twenty-one, and had inherited from his father the hasty temper and invincible stubbornness which belong to all the stewarts. it was in the fall of that they made the trip to williamsburg which was to have such momentous consequences. the house of burgesses was in session, and mr. stewart, as the custom was, took his whole family with him to the capital. i fancy i can see them as they looked that day. the great coach, brought from london at a cost of so many thousand pounds of tobacco, is polished until it shines again. the four horses are harnessed to it, and sambo, mouth stretched from ear to ear, drives it around to the front of the mansion, where a broad flight of stone steps leads downward from the wide veranda. the footmen and outriders spring to their places, their liveries agleam with buckles, the planter and his lady and their younger son enter the coach, while young tom mounts his horse and prepares to ride by the window. the odorous cedar chests containing my lady's wardrobe are strapped behind or piled on top, the negroes form a grinning avenue, the whip cracks, and they are off, half a dozen servants following in an open cart. it is a four days' journey to williamsburg, over roads whose roughness tests the coach's strength to the uttermost but it is the one event of all the year to this isolated family, and small wonder that they look forward to it with eager anticipation. once arrived at williamsburg, what craning of necks and waving of handkerchiefs and kissing of hands to acquaintances, as the coach rolls along the wide, white, sandy street, scorching in the sun, with the governor's house, called by courtesy a palace, at one end, and the college of william and mary at the other, and perhaps two hundred straggling wooden houses in between. the coaches and chariots which line the street give earnest of the families already assembled from princess ann to fairfax and the northern neck. my lady notes that the burkes have at last got them a new chariot from london, and her husband looks with appreciative eyes at the handsome team of matched grays which draw it. as for young tom, his eyes, i warrant, are on none of these, but on the bevy of blooming girls who promenade the side-path, arrayed in silks and satins and brocades, their eyes alight, their cheeks aglow with the joy of youth and health. small blame to him, say i, for that is just where my own eyes would have been. that very night governor gooch gave a ball at his palace, and be sure the stewart family was there, my lady in her new london gown of flowered damask in the very latest mode, and tom in his best suit of peach-blossom velvet, and in great hopes of attracting to himself some of the bright eyes he had seen that afternoon. nor was he wholly unsuccessful, for one pair of black eyes rested on his for a moment,--they were those of mistress patricia wyeth,--and he straightway fell a victim to their charms, as what young man with warm heart and proper spirit would not? young tom must himself have possessed unusual attractions, or a boldness in wooing which his son does not inherit, for at the end of a week he disturbed his father at his morning dram to inform him that he and mistress patricia had decided to get married. "married!" cried the elder stewart. "why, damme, sir, do you know who the wyeths are?" "i know who patricia is," answered young tom very proudly, his head well up at this first sign of opposition. "i care naught about the rest of them." "but i care, sir!" shouted his father. "why, the girl won't have a shilling to bless herself with. old wyeth has gambled away every penny he possesses, and a good many more than he possesses, too, so they tell me, at his infernal horse-racing and cock-fighting, and god knows what else. a gentleman may play, sir,--i throw the dice occasionally, myself, and love to see a well-matched, race as well as any man,--but he ceases to be a gentleman the moment he plays beyond his means,--a fact which you will do well to remember. a pretty match for a stewart 'pon my word!" during this harangue young tom would have interrupted more than once, but his father silenced him with a passionate waving of his arm. at last he was compelled to pause for want of breath to say more, and the boy got in a word. "all this is beside the point, father," he said hotly. "my word is given, and i intend to keep it. even if it were not given, i should still do my best to win patricia, because i love her." "love her, and welcome!" cried his father. "marry her, if you want to. but you'll never bring a pauper like that inside my house while i am alive." "nor after you are dead, if you do not wish it," answered tom, with his head higher in the air than ever. "no, nor after i am dead!" thundered the old man, his anger no doubt carrying him farther than he intended going. "you are acting like a scoundrel, sir. you know well enough i can't cut you out of the estate, since you are the eldest, so you think to take advantage of me." "never fear, sir," cried tom, his lips white with anger and his eyes ablaze. "you shall ask me back to riverview yourself ere i return there; yes, and beg my wife's pardon for insulting her." "then, by god, you'll never return!" snorted his father, and without waiting to hear more, tom stalked from the room and from the house. i think even then his father would have called him back, had the boy given him the chance, and his face was less red than usual when he heard the street door slam. of course there was a great to-do immediately. tom's mother interceded for him, and i doubt not a single word on his part would have won full pardon from his father, but one was no less stubborn than the other, and the word was never spoken. when mistress patricia heard of the quarrel, she straightway informed her lover that she would never marry him and ruin his inheritance, and returned to her home above charles city, taking her old reprobate of a father with her, where he died not long afterwards, perhaps finding life not worth living when there remained no one who would take his wagers. at the close of the session, the stewart coach rolled back to riverview, but young tom did not ride beside it. he remained at williamsburg, and managed to pick up a scanty practice as an attorney, for he had read a little law in want of something better to do, and to fit himself for his coming honors as a member of the house of burgesses. and at riverview his father moped in his office and about his fields, growing ever more crabbed and more obstinate, and falling into a rage whenever any one dared mention tom's name before him. it was in the spring of that tom stewart mounted his horse and rode out of williamsburg across the chickahominy, to try his fortune once more with patricia wyeth. the winter had been a hard one for a man brought up as tom had been, and that suit of peach-bloom velvet had long since been converted into bread. yet still he made a gallant figure when, on the evening of an april day, he cantered up the road to patricia's home, and i dare say the heart of the owner of those bright eyes which peeped out upon him from an upper window beat faster when they saw him coming. but it was a very demure little maiden who met him at the great door as he entered, and gave him her hand to kiss. she was all in white, with a sprig of blossoms in her hair, and she must have made a pretty picture standing there, and one to warm the heart of any man. of the week that followed, neither my father nor my mother ever told me much,--its memories were too sweet to trust to words, perhaps,--but the event was, that on the first day of may, , thomas stewart, attorney, and patricia wyeth, spinster, were made man and wife in westover church by the reverend peter fontaine, of sainted memory. how well i recall his benign face, and what tears of affectionate remembrance brimmed my eyes when i heard, not long ago, that he was dead! the closing sentences of his will show how he ever thought of others and not of himself, for he wrote: "my will and desire is, that i may have no public funeral, but that my corpse may be accompanied by a few of my nearest neighbors; that no liquors be given to make any of the company drunk,--many instances of which i have seen, to the great scandal of the christian religion and abuse of so solemn an ordinance. i desire none of my family to go in mourning for me." his sister sent me a copy of the will, and a very pretty letter, in which she told me how her brother often spoke of me, and wished me to have his bible. it is there on the shelf at my bedside, and while god gives me life i will read in no other. it was in the modest wyeth homestead, on the bank of the james, that my father and mother entered upon their honeymoon. of the depth of their love for each other i know best of all, and the summer slipped away on golden wings. my father thought no more of returning to williamsburg, nor did he greatly regret riverview. he wrote a formal letter to his mother announcing his marriage, but no answer came to it, and i doubt not that worthy woman sobbed herself to sleep more than once in grieving over the obstinacy of her husband and her son. dear lady, it was this trouble which did much to shorten her days, and the end came soon afterwards. 't is said that on her deathbed she tried to soften her husband's heart against their boy, but with such ill success that she fell sobbing into the sleep from which she was never to awaken. to such a degree can a fault persisted in change the natural humor of a man. my father, perhaps, hoped for a reply to his letter, but he showed no sign of disappointment when none came, and never spoke upon the subject to my mother. he soon found enough in his affairs at home to occupy his mind, for old samuel wyeth had left the estate sadly incumbered with his debts, and more than half of it was sacrificed to save the rest. with care and frugality, there yet remained enough to live on, and for the first year, at least, there came no cloud to dim their happiness. their cup of joy was full to overflowing, so my mother often told me, when, on the night of april , , a child was born to them. it was a boy, and a week later, before the altar of the little westover church, its worthy rector christened the child "thomas stewart," the fifth of his line in the new world. chapter iv the ending of the honeymoon besides my father and my mother, the figure which stands out most clearly in my memory of my childhood is that of the man who christened me. i cannot remember the time when i did not know and love him. he was a tall, well-built man, with kindly face and clear blue eyes which darkened when any emotion stirred him, and rode--how well i remember it!--a big, bony, gray horse. it was on this horse's back that i took my first ride, when i was scarce out of petticoats, and often after that, held carefully before him on the saddle, or, as i grew older, bumping joyously behind, my arms about his waist. my place was always on his knee when he was within our doors, and he held me there with unfailing good humor during his long talks with my mother, of which i, for the most part, comprehended nothing, except that oftentimes they spoke of me, and then he would smooth my hair with great tenderness. but i sat there quite content, and sometimes dozed off with my head against his flowered waistcoat,--it was his one vanity,--and wakened only when he set me gently down. it was not until i grew older that i learned something of his history. one day, he had seized time from his parish work to take me for a ramble along the river, and as we reached the limit of our walk and sat down for a moment's rest before starting homeward, and looked across the wide water, i asked him, with a childish disregard for his feelings, if it were true that his father was a frenchman, adding that i hoped it were not true, because i did not like the french. "yes, it is true," he answered, and looked down at me, smiling sadly. "shall i tell you the story, thomas?" i nodded eagerly, for i loved to listen to stories, especially true ones. "when louis fourteenth was king of france," he began, and i think he took a melancholy pleasure in telling it, "he issued a decree commanding all the protestants, who in france are called huguenots, to abjure their faith and become catholics, or leave the kingdom. he had oftentimes before promised them protection, but he was growing old and weak, and thought that this might help to save his soul, which was in great need of saving, for he had been a wicked king. my father and my mother were huguenots, and they chose to leave their home rather than give up their faith, as did many thousand others, and after suffering many hardships, escaped to england, with no worldly possession save the clothes upon their backs, but with a great treasure in heaven and an abiding trust in the lord. they had six children, and after giving us a good education, especially as to our religion, committed us to the providence of a covenant god to seek our fortunes in the wide world. all of us came to america, although moses and john have since returned to england. james is a farmer in king william county, francis is minister of york-hampton parish, and sister ruth lives with me, as you know." a great deal more he told me, which slipped from my memory, for i was thinking over what he had already said. "and your mother and father," i asked, as we started back together, "fled from france rather than give up their faith?" "yes," he answered, and smiled down into my eyes, raised anxiously to his. "and were persecuted just as the early martyrs were?" "yes, very much the same. all of their goods were taken from them, and they were long in prison." "but they were never sorry?" "no, they were never sorry. no one is ever sorry for doing a thing like that." i trotted on in silence for a moment, holding tight to his kindly hand, and revolving this new idea in my mind. at last i looked up at him, big with purpose. "i am going to do something like that some day," i said. he gazed down at me, his eyes shining queerly. "god grant that you may have the strength, my boy," he said. he bent and kissed me, and we returned to the house together without saying another word. it was the custom of the fontaine family to hold a meeting every year to give thanks for the deliverance from persecution of their parents in france, and i remember being present with my father and mother at one of these meetings when i was seven or eight years old. one passage of the sermon he preached on that occasion remained fixed indelibly in my mind. he took his text from romans, "that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorify god, even the father of our lord jesus christ." he applied the duty thus enjoined to the fontaine family, saying,-- "for many weary months was our father forced to shift among forests and deserts for his safety, because he had dared to preach the word of god to the innocent and sincere people among whom he lived, and who desired to be instructed in their duty and to be confirmed in their faith. the forest afforded him a shelter and the rocks a resting-place, but his enemies gave him no quiet, and pursued him even to these fastnesses, until finally, of his own accord, he delivered himself to them. they loaded his hands with chains, a dungeon was his abode, and his feet stuck fast in the mire. murderers and thieves were his companions, yet even among them did he pursue his labors, until god, by means of a pious gentlewoman, who had seen and pitied his sufferings, relieved him." to my childish imagination, the picture thus painted was a real and living one, and filled me with a singular exaltation. i think each of us at some time of his life has felt, as i did then, a desire to suffer for conscience' sake. the preachers of virginia were, as a whole, anything but admirable, a condition due no doubt to the worldly spirit which pervaded the church on both sides of the ocean. the average parson was then--and many of them still are--coarse and rough, as contact with the forests and waste places of the world will often make men, even godly ones. but many of them were worse than that, gamblers and drunkards. they hunted the fox across country with great halloo, mounted on fast horses of their own. they attended horse-races and cock-fights, almost always with some money on the outcome, and frequently with a horse or cock entered in the races or the pittings. and when the sport was over, they would accompany the planters home to dinner, which ended in a drinking-bout, and it was seldom the parson who went under the table first. one fought a duel in the graveyard behind his church,--our own little westover church, it was,--and succeeded in pinking his opponent through the breast, for which he had incontinently to return to england; another stopped the communion which he was celebrating, and bawled out to his warden, "here, george, this bread's not fit for a dog," nor would he go on with the service until bread more to his liking had been brought; another married a wealthy widow, though he had already a wife living in england. his bishop was compelled to recall him, but i never heard that he was discharged from holy orders. another on a certain saturday called a meeting of his vestry, and when they refused to take some action which he desired, thrashed them all soundly, and on the next day added insult to injury by preaching to them from the text, "and i contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their hair." i should like to have seen the faces of the vestrymen while the sermon was in progress! it was not an unusual sight to see the parson riding home from some great dinner tied fast in his chaise to keep him from falling out, as the result of over-indulgence in the planter's red wine. but our worthy pastor, during his forty years' ministry in charles city parish, was concerned in no such escapades, and i count it one of the great happinesses of my life that i had the good fortune to fall under the influence of such a man. a passage of a letter written by him to one of his brothers in england on the subject of preserving health gives an outline of the rules of his life. after commending active exercise in the open air on foot and on horseback, he says, "i drink no spirituous liquors at all; but when i am obliged to take more than ordinary fatigue, either in serving my churches or other branches of duty, i take one glass of good old madeira wine, which revives me, and contributes to my going through without much fatigue." one other figure do i recall distinctly. we had driven to church as usual one sunday morning in early fall, and when we came in sight of the little brick building, peeping through its veil of ivy, i was surprised to see the parishioners in line on either side the path which led to the broad, low doorway. mr. fontaine stood there as though awaiting some one, and when he saw us, came down the steps and spoke a word to father. in a moment, from down the road came the rumble of heavy wheels, and then a great, gorgeous, yellow chariot, with four outriders, swung into view and drew up with a flourish before the church. the footmen sprang to the door, opened it, and let down the steps. i, who was staring with all my eyes, as you may well believe, saw descend a little old man, very weak and very tremulous, yet holding his head proudly, and after him a younger. they came slowly up the walk, the old man leaning heavily upon the other's shoulder and nodding recognition to right and left. as they drew near, i caught the gleam of a great jewel on his sword-hilt, and then of others on finger, knee, and instep. the younger bore himself very erect and haughty, yet i saw the two were fashioned in one mould. on up the steps and into the church they went, mr. fontaine before and we after them. they took their seats in the great pew with the curious carving on the back, which i had never before seen occupied. "who are the gentlemen, mother?" i whispered, so soon as i could get her ear. "it is colonel byrd and his son come back from london," she answered. "now take your eyes off them and attend the service." take my eyes off them i did, by a great effort of will, but i fear i heard little of the service, for my mind was full of the great house on the river-bank, which it had once been my fortune to visit. mr. fontaine had taken me with him in his chaise for a pastoral call at quite the other end of his parish, and as we returned, we were caught in a sudden storm of rain. my companion had hesitated for a moment, and then turned his horse's head through a gateway with a curious monogram in iron at the top, along an avenue of stately tulip-trees, and so to the door of a massive square mansion of red brick, which stood on a little knoll overlooking the james. the door was closed and the windows shuttered, but half a dozen negroes came running from the back at the sound of our wheels and took us in out of the storm. a mighty fire was started in the deep fireplace, and as i stood steaming before it, i looked with dazzled eyes at the great carved staircase, at the paintings and at the books, of which there were many hundreds. presently the old overseer, whom mr. fontaine addressed as murray, and who had grown from youth to trembling age in the byrd service, came in to offer us refreshment, and over the table they fell to gossiping. "westover's not the place it was," said murray, sipping his flip disconsolately,--"not the place it was while miss evelyn was alive. there was no other like it in virginia then. why, it was always full of gay company, and the colonel kept a nigger down there at the gate to invite in every traveler who passed. but all that's changed, and has been these six year." mr. fontaine nodded over his tea. "yes," he said, "evelyn's death was a great blow to her father." "you may well say that, sir," assented murray, with a sigh. "he was never the same man after. he used to sit there at that window and watch her in the garden, after they came back from london, and every day he saw her whiter and thinner. at night, after she was safe abed, i have seen him walking up and down over there along the river, sobbing like a baby. and when she died, he was like a man dazed, thinking, perhaps, it was he who had killed her." "i know," nodded mr. fontaine. "i was here." there was a moment's silence. i was bursting with questions, but i did not dare to speak. "the young master took him back to london after that," went on murray, "hoping that a change would do him good and take his mind off miss evelyn, but i doubt he'll ever get over it. while they were in london, sir godfrey kneller painted him and miss evelyn. would you like to see the pictures, sir?" "yes, i should like to see them," said mr. fontaine softly. "evelyn was very dear to me." they were hanging side by side in the great hall, and even my childish eyes saw their strength and beauty. his was a narrow, patrician face, beautiful as a woman's, looking from a wealth of brown curls, soft and flowing. the little pucker at the corners of his mouth bespoke his relish of a jest, and the high nose and well-placed eyes his courage and spirit. but it was at the other i looked the longest. she was seated upon a grassy bank, with the shadows of the evening gathering about her. in the branches above her head gleamed a red-bird's brilliant plumage. on her lap lay a heap of roses, and in her hand she held a shepherd's crook. her gown, of pale blue satin, was open at the throat, and showed its fair sweet fullness and the bosom's promise. her face was pensive,--sad, almost,--the lips just touching, a soft light in the great dark eyes. i had never seen such a picture,--nor have i ever looked upon another such. i can close my eyes and see it even now. but the storm had passed, and it was time to go. "why did miss evelyn die?" i questioned, as soon as we were out of the avenue of tulips and in the highway. he looked down at me a moment, and seemed hesitating for an answer. "she loved a man in london," he said. "her father would not let her marry him, and brought her home. she was not strong, and gossips say her heart was broken." "but why would he not let her marry him?" i asked. "he was not of her religion. her father thought he was acting for her good." i pondered on this for a time in silence, and found here a question too great for my small brain. "but was he right?" i asked at last, falling back upon my companion's greater knowledge. "it is hard to say," he answered softly. "perhaps he was, and yet i have come to think there is little to choose between one sect and another, so christ be in them and the man honest." he looked out across the fields with tender eyes and i slipped my hand in his. a vision of her sad face danced before me and i fell asleep, my head within his arm, to waken only when he lifted me down at our journey's end. all this came back to me with the vividness which childish recollections sometimes have, as i sat there in the pew at my mother's side. only i could not quite believe that this little wrinkled old man was the same who looked so proudly from kneller's canvas. but when the service ended and he stopped to exchange a word with father, i saw the face was indeed the same, though now writ over sadly by the hand of time weighted down with sorrow. it was the only time i ever saw him in the flesh, for he was near the end and died soon after. he was buried beside his daughter in the little graveyard near his home. it was mr. fontaine who closed his eyes in hope of resurrection and spoke the last words above his grave,-- beloved in this great mansion as in the lowliest cabin at charles city. my pen would fain linger over the portrait of this sainted man, which is the fairest and most benign in the whole gallery of my youth, but i must turn to another subject,--to the cloud which began to shadow my life at my tenth year, and which still shadows it to-day. for the first six or seven years of their married life my father and mother were, i believe, wholly and unaffectedly happy. when i think of them now, i think of them only as they were during that time, and wonder how many of the married people about me could say as much. their means were small, and they lived a quiet life, which had few luxuries. but as time went on, my father began to chafe at the petty economies which the smallness of their income rendered necessary. he had been bred amid the luxuries of a great estate, where the house was open to every passer-by, and it vexed him that he could not now show the same wide hospitality. i think he yet had hopes of succeeding to his father's estate, out of which, indeed, there was no law in virginia to keep him should he choose to claim it. whatever his thoughts may have been, he grew gradually to live beyond his means, and as the years passed, he had recourse to the cards and dice in the hope, no doubt, of recouping his vanishing fortune. it was true then, as it is true now and always will be true, that the man who gambles because he needs the money is sure to lose, and affairs went from bad to worse until the final disaster came. it was just after my tenth birthday. my mother and i were sitting together on the broad porch which overlooked the river. she had been reading to me from the bible,--the parable of the talents,--in which and in the kind advice of parson fontaine she found her only comfort in the anxious days which had gone before, and which i knew nothing of. but the lengthening shadows finally fell across the page, and she closed the book and held it on her knee, while she talked to me about my lessons and a ramble we had planned for the morrow. the red of the sunset still lingered in the west, and a single crimson cloud hung poised high up against the sky. i remember watching it as it turned to purple and then to gray. a burst of singing came from the negro quarters behind the house, and in the strip of woodland by the river the noises of the night began to sound. as the twilight deepened to darkness, my mother's voice faltered and ceased, and when i glanced at her, i saw she had fallen into a reverie, and that there was a shadow on her face. i have only to shut my eyes, and the years roll back and she is sitting there again beside me, in her white gown, simply made, and gathered at the waist with a broad blue ribbon, her slim white hands playing with the book upon her knee, her eyes gazing afar off across the water, her mouth drooping in the curve which it had never known till recently, her wealth of blue-black hair forming a halo round her head. ah, that she were there when i open my eyes again, that i might speak to her! for the bitterest thought that ever came to me is one which troubles my rest from time to time even now: did i love her as she deserved; was i a staff for her to lean upon in her trouble; was i not, rather, a careless, unseeing boy, who recked nothing of the impending storm until it burst about him? i trust the tears which have wet my pillow since have gladdened her heart in heaven. i was awakened from the doze into which i had fallen by the sound of rapid hoof-beats down the road. we listened to them in silence, as they drew near and nearer. i did not doubt it was my father, for few others ever rode our way. he had been from home all day, as he frequently was of late, only he did not usually return so early in the evening. something in my mother's face as she strained her eyes into the shadows to catch a glimpse of the advancing horseman drew me from my chair and to her side. "it is your father," she said, in a voice almost inaudible, and as she spoke, the rider leaped from the shadow of the trees. he drew his horse up before the porch with a jerk and threw himself from the saddle. as he came up the steps, i saw that his face was strangely flushed and his eyes gleaming in a way that made me shiver. i felt my mother's arm about me trembling as she drew me closer to her. "well, it's over," he said, flinging himself down upon the upper step, "and damme if i'm sorry. anything's better than living here in the woods like a lump on a log." "what do you mean is over, tom?" asked my mother very quietly. "i mean our possession of this place is over. since an hour ago, it has belonged to squire blakesley, across the river." "you mean you have gambled it away?" "if you choose to call it that," said my father ungraciously, and he turned his back to us and gazed gloomily out over the water. for a moment there was silence. "since we no longer possess this place," said my mother at last, "i suppose you intend to forget your foolish anger against your father, and claim your patrimony?" "foolish or not," he cried, "i have sworn never to take it until it is offered to me, and i mean to keep my word!" "you would make your boy a beggar to gratify a foolish whim!" retorted my mother, her voice trembling with passion. i had never seen her so, and even my father glanced at her furtively in some astonishment. "very well. in that it is for you to do as you may choose, but his estate here, or what is left of it, shall be kept intact for him." "what do you mean?" cried my father, and he sprang to his feet and slashed his boot savagely with his riding-whip. "i mean," said my mother very quietly, "that since a gambling debt is not recoverable by law, we have only to live on quietly here and no one will dare disturb us." "and my honor?" cried my father with an oath, the first i had ever heard him use. "it seems to me that you forget my honor, madam." "you have been the first to forget your honor, sir," said my mother, rising to face him, but still keeping me within her arm, "in staking your son's inheritance upon a throw of the dice." my father started as though he had been struck across the face, but he was too far gone in anger to listen to the voice of reason. indeed, i have always found that the more a man deserves rebuke, the less likely is he to take it quietly. "come here, tom," he said to me, and when i hesitated, added in a sterner tone, "come here, sir, i say." i had no choice but to go to him, nor did my mother seek to hold me back. he caught me by the arms and bent until his face was close to mine. "you are to promise me two things, tom," he said, and i perceived that his breath was heavy with the fumes of wine. "one is that you are never to claim your inheritance of riverview until it is offered to you freely by them that now possess it. do you promise me that?" "yes," i faltered. "i promise you, sir." "good!" he said. "and the other is that you will pay my debts of honor after i am dead, if they be not paid before. promise me that also, tom." his eyes were on mine, and i could do nothing but obey, even had i thought of resisting. "i promise that also, sir," i said. "very well," and he retained his grasp on my arms yet a moment. "remember, tom, that a gentleman never breaks his word. it is his most priceless possession, the thing which above all others makes him a gentleman." he dropped his hands and turned away into the house. a moment later, from the refuge of my mother's arms, i heard him heavily mounting the stairs to his room on the floor above. my mother said never a word, but she covered my face with kisses, and i felt that she was crying. she held me for a time upon her lap, gazing out across the river as before, and when i raised my hand and caressed her cheek, smiled down upon me sadly. she kissed me again as she put me to bed, and the last thing i saw before drifting away into the land of dreams was her sweet face bending over me. had i known that it was the last time i was to see it so,--the last time those tender hands were to draw the covers close about me,--i should not have closed my eyes in such content. chapter v the secret of a heart late that night i was awakened by the slamming of doors and hurried footsteps in the hall and up and down the stairs. i sat up in bed, and as i listened intently, heard frightened whispering without my door. it rose and died away and rose again, broken by stifled sobbing, and i knew that some great disaster had befallen. it seemed, somehow, natural that this should happen, after my father's recent conduct. with a cold fear at my heart, i threw the covers back, slid from the bed, and groped my way across the room. as i fumbled at the latch, the whispering and sobbing came suddenly to an end, as though those without had stopped with bated breath. at last i got the door open, and looking out, saw half a dozen negro servants grouped upon the landing. one of them held a lantern, which threw slender rays of light across the floor and queer shadows up against their faces. they stared at me an instant, and then, finding their breath again, burst forth in lamentation. "what is it?" i cried. "what has happened?" my old mammy had her arms around me and caught me up to her face, down which the tears were streaming. "oh, lawd, keep dis chile!" she sobbed, looking down at me with infinite tenderness. "oh, lawd, bless an' keep dis chile!" "but, mammy," i repeated impatiently, "what has happened?" her trembling lips would not permit her answering, but she pointed to the door of my father's room and her tears broke forth afresh. "is my mother there?" i asked. she nodded. "then i will go to her," i said, and i had squirmed out of her arms and was running along the passage before she could detain me. in a moment i had reached the door, but all my courage seemed to fail me in face of the mystery within, and the knock i gave was a very feeble and timid one. i heard a quick step on the floor, and the door opened ever so little. "is it you, doctor?" asked my mother's voice. "no, mother, it is only i," i said. "you!" she cried, in a terrible voice, and i caught a glimpse of her face rigid with horror before she slammed the door. the sight seemed to freeze me there on the threshold, powerless to move. i have tried--ah, how often!--to put behind me the memory of her face as i saw it then, but it is before me now and again, even yet. and i began to cry, for it was the first time my mother had ever shut me from her presence. "are you there, tom?" i heard her voice ask in a moment. her voice, did i say? nay, not hers, but a voice i had never heard before,--the voice of a woman suffocating with anguish. "yes, mother," i answered, "i am here." "and you love me, do you not, tom?" "oh, yes, mother!" i cried; and i thank god to this day that there was so much of genuine feeling in my voice. "then if you love me, tom," she said, "you will go back to your room and not come near this door again. promise me, tom, that you will do as i ask you." "i promise, mother," i answered. "but what has happened? is father dead?" "mr. fontaine will be here soon," she said, "and will explain it all to you. now run back to your room, dearest, and go to bed." "yes, mother," i said again, but as i turned to go, i heard a sound which struck me motionless. no, my father was not dead, for that was his voice i heard, pitched far above its usual key. "i shall never go back," he cried. "i shall never go back till he asks me." i felt the perspiration start from my forehead. "have you gone, tom?" asked my mother's voice. "i am just going, mother," i sobbed, and tore myself away from the door. my mammy's arms were about me again as i turned, and carried me back to my room. this time i did not resist, but as she sat down, still holding me, i laid my head upon her breast and sobbed myself to sleep. when i awoke, i found that i was in bed with the covers tucked close around me, and through my window i could see the gray dawn breaking. i lay and watched the light grow along the horizon and up into the heavens. and while i lay thus, with heart aching dully, the door of my room opened softly, and with joy inexpressible i saw that it was my beloved friend who entered. "oh, mr. fontaine!" i cried, and stretched out my arms to him. he took me up as a mother might, and held me close against his heart. "do you remember, dear," he said, and his voice was trembling, "what you told me one day by the river--that you meant to be brave under trial?" i sobbed assent. "well, the trial has come, tom, and i want you to be brave and strong. you are not going to disappoint me, are you?" oh, it was hard, and i was only a child, but i sat upright on his knee and tried to dry my tears. "i will try," i said, but the sobs would come in spite of me. "that is right," and he was stroking my hair in that old familiar, tender way. "your father is very ill, tom." well, if that was all, i could bear it, certainly. "but he will get well," i said. he was looking far out at the purple sky, and his face seemed old and gray. "i hope and pray so," he said at last. "he has the smallpox, tom. there are some cases along the river near charles city, and he must have caught it there. doctor brayle has done everything for him that can be done." but i was not listening. there was room for only one thought in my brain. "and my mother is with him!" i cried, and my heart seemed bursting. he held me tight against him, and i felt a tear fall upon my head. this was the trial, then--for him no less than me. "yes, she is with him, tom. she believes it her duty, and will allow no one else to enter. ah, she has not been found wanting. dear heart, i knew she would never be." of what came after, i have no distinct remembrance. mr. fontaine told me that my mother wished me to go home with him, so that i might be quite beyond reach of the infection. he had agreed that this would be the wisest course, and so, too stricken at heart to resist, i was bundled into his chaise with a chest of my clothes, and driven away through the crowd of sobbing negroes to the little house at charles city where he and his sister lived. the week that followed dwells in my memory as some tremendous nightmare, lightened here and there by the unvarying kindness of my friend and of his sister. i wandered along the river and gazed out across the changing water for hours at a time, with eyes that saw nothing of what was before them. often i remained thus until some one came for me and led me gently back into the house. my brain seemed numbed, and no longer capable of thought. mr. fontaine took charge of our affairs, doing everything that could be done, keeping the frightened negroes to their work, and praying with my mother through the tight-closed door. he had no fear, and would have entered and prayed with her beside the bed, had she permitted. i was sitting by the river-bank one evening, watching the shadows lengthen across the water, when i heard a step behind me, and turned to see my friend approaching. a glance at his face brought me to my feet. "what is it?" i cried, and ran to him. he took my hands in his. "your father died an hour ago, tom," he said, and smoothed my hair in the familiar way which seemed to comfort him as well as me. "and my mother?" i asked, for it was of her i was thinking. "your mother is ill, too," he said, and placed his arms about me and held me close, "but with god's grace we will save her life." but i had started from him. "if she is ill," i cried, "i must go to her. she will want me." he shook his head, still holding to my hands. "no, she does not want you, tom," he said. "the one thing that will make her happy is the thought that you are quite removed from danger. i believed my place was at her bedside, but she would not permit it." and then he told me, with glistening eyes, that my old mammy, who had been my mother's thirty years before, was nursing her and would not be sent away. she had burst in the door of the plague chamber the moment she had heard that her mistress was ill, and dared any one disturb her. old doctor brayle had commanded that she be given her will, and declared that in this old negro woman's careful nursing lay my mother's great chance of life. the scalding tears poured down my cheeks as mr. fontaine told me this,--the first, i think, that i had shed that week, for after that dreadful night, my sorrow had been of a dry and bitter kind,--and a stinging remorse seized me as i thought of the times i had been cross and disobedient to mammy. ah, how i loved her now! it was the accustomed irony of my life that i was never to tell her so. ere daylight the next morning i was seated beside my friend as he drove me home. the river was cloaked in mist, and the dawn seemed inexpressibly dreary. as we approached the house, i wondered to see how forlorn and neglected it appeared. a crowd of wailing negroes surrounded the chaise when we stopped, and i would have got out, but mr. fontaine held me firmly in my seat. "we must remain here," he said, and i dropped back beside him, and waited in a kind of stupor. presently they brought the coffin down, the negroes who carried it wreathing themselves in tobacco smoke, and placed it in a cart. we followed at a distance as it rolled slowly toward the wyeth burying-ground in the grove of willows near the road. the thought came to me that my father should lie with the stewarts, not with the wyeths, and then suddenly a great sickness and faintness came upon me, and i remember nothing of what followed until i found miss fontaine lifting me from the chaise at the door. i was put to bed, and not until the next day was i able to crawl forth again. then came days of anguish and suspense, days spent by me roaming the woods, or lying face downward beneath the trees, and praying that god would spare my mother's life. bulletins were brought me from her bedside,--she was better, she was worse, she was better,--how shall i tell the rest?--until at last one day came my dear friend, his lips quivering, the tears streaming down his face unrestrained, and told me that she was dead. i think the sight of his great sorrow frightened me, and i bore the blow with greater composure than i had thought possible. had she sent me no message? yes, she had sent me a message,--her last thought had been of me. she asked me to be a good boy and an honest man, to follow the counsel of mr. fontaine in all things, and to keep my promise to my father. so, even in death her love for him and for the honor of his memory triumphed, as i would have had it do. again there was a dismal procession through the gray morning to the willow grove, where we stood beneath the dripping branches, while afar off the rude coffin was lowered to its last resting-place. the negroes grouped themselves about, and my friend stood at my side, his head bare, his face raised to heaven, as though he saw her there. "'i am the resurrection and the life, saith the lord: he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live: and whosoever liveth and believeth in me, shall never die.'" i felt the threads of my life slipping from me one by one, even as the trees faded from before my eyes. only that strong, exultant voice at my side went on and on. "'now is christ risen from the dead, and become the firstfruits of them that slept.'" on and on went the voice; there was nothing else in the whole wide world but that voice crying out over my mother's grave. "'i heard a voice from heaven, saying unto me. write. from henceforth blessed are the dead who die in the lord.'" and then the voice faltered and broke. "she was the light of my life and the joy of my heart," it was no longer the ritual of the church; "and yet had i to walk beside her and tell her naught. and now is she taken from me, for the lord hath received her to his bosom to live in the light of his love forevermore." i looked up into his face and saw the secret of his heart revealed,--the secret he had kept so well, but which his anguish had wrung from him. it was only for an instant, yet i think he knew i had read his heart--i, alone of all the world, understood. had my mother known, i wonder? yes, i think she had, and in the greatness of his love found help and comfort. good man and lovely woman, god rest and keep you both. i went home with him, remembering with a pang that the place i had called home was mine no longer. those among my friends who know the history of my boyhood understand to some extent my loathing for the cards and dice. it is perhaps unreasonable,--i might be the first to deem it so in any other man,--but when i count up the woe they brought my mother,--father and husband slaves to the same frenzy,--how they wrecked her life and embittered it, my passion rises in my throat to choke me. never did i hate them more than in the days which followed; for they had made me outcast, and what the future held for me, i could not guess. the question was answered of a sudden a week later, when there came from my grandfather a curt note bidding me be sent to riverview. it was decided at once that i must go. i myself looked forward to the change with a boy's blind longing for adventure, and said farewell to the man who had been so much to me with a willingness i wince to think upon. chapter vi i am treated to a surprise the rain was falling dismally as the coach in which i had made the journey rolled up the drive to riverview, and i caught but a glimpse of the house as i was rushed up the steps and into the wide hall. a lady dressed in a loose green gown was seated in an easy-chair before the open fire, and she did not rise as i entered, doubtless because her lap was full of knitting. "gracious, how wet the child is!" she cried, looking me over critically. "take him to his room, sally, and see that he has a bath and change of clothing. i'm sure he needs both." i turned away without a word and followed the negro maid. of course the lady thought me a surly boor, but my heart was burning, for i had hoped for a different welcome. as i passed along the hall and up the broad staircase, the thought came to me that all of this would one day be mine, should i choose to claim it, and then, with crimson cheeks, i put the thought from me, as unworthy of my mother's son. but my room looked very warm and cheerful even on this chilly day, and from the window i could see broad fields of new-planted tobacco, and beyond them the yellow road and then the river. i stood long looking out at it and wondering what my life here had in store. half an hour later, word came from my grandfather that he wished to see me, and the same maid led me down the stairs and to his study, i stumbling along beside her with a madly beating heart. as i crossed the lower hall, i heard a burst of childish laughter, and saw a boy and girl, both younger than myself, playing near the chair where the lady sat. i looked at them with interest, but the sight of me seemed to freeze the laughter on their faces, and they gazed with staring eyes until i turned the corner and was out of sight. but i had little time to wonder at this astonishing behavior, for in a moment i was in my grandfather's office. he was seated at a great table, and had apparently been going over some accounts, for the board in front of him was littered with books and papers. i saw, even beneath the disguise of his red face and white hair, his strong resemblance to my father, and my heart went out to him on the instant. for i had loved my father, despite the wild behavior which marred his later clays. indeed, i always think of him during that time as suffering with a grievous malady, of which he could not rid himself, and which ate his heart out all the faster because he saw how great was the anguish it caused the woman he loved. that it was some such disease i am quite certain, so different was his naturally strong and sunny disposition. my grandfather gazed at me some moments without speaking, as i stood there, longing to throw myself into his arms, and all the misery of the years that followed might never have been, had i buried my pride and followed the dictates of my heart. but i waited for him to speak, and the moment passed. "so this is tom's boy," he said at last. "my god, how like he is!" he fell silent for a moment,--silenced, no doubt, by bitter memories. "you wonder, perhaps," he said in a sterner tone, "why i have sent for you; but i could do no less. the letter from your pastor which announced the deaths of your father and your mother brought me the tidings also that your mother's fortune had been diced away down to the last penny, and that even the negroes must be sold to satisfy the claims against it. however undutiful your father may have been, i could not permit his son to become a charge upon the poor funds." i felt my cheeks flushing, but i judged it best to choke back the words which trembled on my lips. "i can read your thought," said my grandfather quickly. "you are thinking that the heir of riverview could hardly be called a pauper. do not forget that your father forfeited his claim to the estate by his ungentlemanly conduct." "i shall not forget it," i burst out. "my father made sure that i should never forget it. i shall never claim the estate. and my father's conduct was never ungentlemanly." "as you will," said my grandfather scornfully. "i am not apt at mincing words. i told him one thing many years ago which i should have thought he would remember, and which i now repeat to you. i told him that a gentleman ceased to be a gentleman when once he gambled beyond his means." i waited to hear no more, but with crimson cheeks and head in air, i turned on my heel and started for the door. "damn my stars, sir!" he roared. "wait to hear me out." but i would not wait. after a moment's struggle with the latch, i had the door open and marched straight to my room. once inside, i bolted the door, and throwing myself on the floor, sobbed myself to sleep. what need to detail further? there were a hundred such scenes between us in the four years that followed, and as i look back upon them now, i realize that through it all i, too, showed my full share of stewart obstinacy and temper. i more than suspect that my grandfather in his most violent outbursts was inwardly trembling with tenderness for me, as was i for him, and that a single gentle word, spoken at the right time, would have brought us into each other's arms. and i realize too late that it was for me, and not for him, to speak that word. it was only when i saw him lying in his bed, stricken with paralysis, bereft of the power of speech or movement, that i knew how great my love for him had been. his eyes, as they met mine on that last day, had in them infinite tenderness and pleading, and my heart melted as i bent and kissed his lips. he struggled to speak, and the sweat broke from his forehead at the effort, but what he would have said i can only guess, for he died that night, without the iron bands which held him fast loosening for an instant. yet i love to fancy that his last words, could he have spoken them, would have been words of love and forgiveness, for my father as well as for myself, and such, i am sure, they would have been. with him there passed away the only one at riverview whom i had grown to love. and now a word about the others among whom i passed the second period of my boyhood. my father's younger brother, james, had married seven or eight years before a lady whose estate adjoined riverview,--mrs. constance randolph, a widow some years older than himself. she had one child living, a daughter, dorothy, who, at the time i came to riverview, was a girl of nine, and a year after her second marriage she bore a son, who was named james, much against the wishes of his mother. she would have called him thomas, a name which had for five generations been that of the head of the house. but this my grandfather would by no means allow, and so the child was christened after his father. i think that ever since the day she had entered the stewart family, my aunt had thought me a spectre across her path, for she was an ambitious woman and wished the whole estate for her son,--in which i do not greatly blame her. but she had brooded over her fear until it had become a phantom which haunted her unceasingly, and she had come to deem me a kind of monster, who stood between her boy and his inheritance. her second husband died three years after their marriage,--he was drowned one day in january while crossing the river on the ice, which gave way under him,--and after that she became the mistress of riverview in earnest, ruling my grandfather with a rod of iron, for though bold enough with men, and especially with the men of his own family, he would succumb in a moment to a woman's shrewish temper. only twice had he revolted against her rule. the first time was when she had announced her intention of naming her boy thomas, as i have already mentioned. the second was when he decided to summon me to riverview. this she had opposed with all her might, but he had persisted, and finally ended the argument by putting her from the room,--doubtless with great inward trepidation. so i came to be a phantom in the flesh, and do not wonder that she hated me, so sour will the human heart become which broods forever on its selfishness. her children she kept from me as from the plague, and during the years preceding my grandfather's death, i had almost no communication with them. he required, however, that every respect be shown me, placed me on his right at table,--how often have i looked up from my plate to find his eyes upon me,--selected half a dozen negroes to be my especial servants, engaged the rev. james scott, pastor of the quantico church, as my tutor, and even ordered for me an elaborate wardrobe from his factor in london. mr. scott was a man of parts, and under him i gained some knowledge of latin, greek, and mathematics. certainly i made more progress than i should have done under different circumstances, for finding myself without companions or other occupation, i applied myself to my books for want of something better. my grandfather possessed above a hundred volumes, and when he saw how my bent lay, he ordered others for me, so that his library came to be one of the largest on the northern neck, though but indifferently selected. absorbed in these books, i managed to forget the disorder of my circumstances. the remainder of my time i spent in riding along the river road on the mare my grandfather had given me, or wandering over the estate and in and out among the negro cabins. to the negroes i was always "mas' tom," and i am proud to remember that i made many friends among them, treating them always with justice and sometimes with mercy, as, indeed, i try yet to do. once i came suddenly upon old gump, the major-domo of the house servants, preparing to give a little pickaninny a thrashing, and i stopped to ask what he had done. "he's done been stealing mas' tom," answered gump. "ain' goin' t' hab no t'iefs roun' dis yere house, not if i knows it." "what did he steal, uncle?" i asked. "dis yere whip," said gump, and he held up an old riding-whip of mine. i looked at it and hesitated for a moment. was it worth beating a child for? the little beady eyes were gazing at me in an agony of supplication. "gump," i said, "don't beat him. that's all right. i want him to have the whip." gump stared at me in astonishment. "what, mas' tom," he exclaimed, "you mean dat you gib him de whip?" "yes," i said, "i give him the whip, gump," and luckily the old man could not distinguish between the past and present tenses of the verb, so that i was spared a lie. the little thief ran away with the whip in his hand, and it was long before the incident was recalled to me. so i returned again to my books, and to the silent but no less active antagonism toward my aunt. yet, i would not paint her treatment of me in too gloomy colors. doubtless i gave her much just cause for offense, for i had grown into a surly and quick-tempered boy, with raw places ever open to her touch. that she loved her children i know well, and her love for them was at the bottom of her dislike for me. i have learned long since that there is no heart wholly bad and selfish. while my grandfather yet lived, i think she had some hope that something would happen to make me an outcast utterly, but after his death this hope vanished, and she sent for me one morning to come to her. i found her seated in the selfsame chair in which i had first seen him, and the table was still littered with papers and accounts. "good-morning, thomas," she said politely enough, as i entered, and, as i returned her greeting, motioned me to a chair. she seemed to hesitate at a beginning, and in the moment of silence that followed, i saw that her face was growing thinner, and that her hair was streaked with gray. "i have sent for you, thomas," she said at last, "to find out what your intention is with regard to this estate. you know, of course, that your father forfeited it voluntarily, and that you have no moral claim to it. still, the law might sustain your claim, should you choose to assert it." "i shall not choose to assert it," i answered coldly, and as i spoke, her face was suffused with sudden joy. "i promised my father never to claim it,--never to take it unless it were offered to me openly and freely,--and i intend to keep my promise." for a moment her emotion prevented her replying, and she pressed one hand against her breast as though to still the beating of her heart. "very well," she said at last. "your resolution does credit to your honor, and i will see that you do not regret it. i will undertake the management of both estates until my son becomes of age. you shall have an ample allowance. let me see; how old are you?" "i am fifteen years old," i answered. "and have about sounded the depths of master scott's learning, i suppose?" she asked, smiling, the first smile, i think, she had ever given me. "he was saying only yesterday that i should soon have to seek another tutor." "'t is as i thought. well, what say you to a course at william and mary?" she smiled again as she saw how my cheeks flushed. "i should like it above all things," i answered earnestly, and, indeed, i had often thought of it with longing, so lonely was my life at riverview. "it shall be done," she said. "the year opens in a fortnight's time, and you must be there at the beginning." i thanked her and left the room, and ran to my tutor, who had arrived some time before, to acquaint him with my good fortune. he was no less pleased than i, and forthwith wrote me a letter to dr. thomas dawson, president of the college, commending me to his good offices. so, in due course, i rode away from riverview, not regretting it, nor, i dare say, regretted. in truth, i had no reason to love the place, nor had any within it reason to love me. of my life at college, little need be said. indeed, i have small reason to be proud of it, for, reacting against earlier years, perhaps, i cultivated the apollo room at the raleigh rather than my books, and toasted the leaden bust of sir walter more times than i care to remember. yet i never forgot that i was a gentleman, thank god! and previous years of study brought me through with some little honor despite my present carelessness. i had a liberal allowance, and elected to spend my vacations at williamsburg or at norfolk, or coasting up the chesapeake as far as baltimore, and did not once return to riverview, where i knew i should get cold welcome. in fact, i was left to do pretty much as i pleased, my aunt being greatly occupied with the care of the estate, and doubtless happy to be rid of me so easily. so i entered my eighteenth year, and the time of my graduation was at hand. and it was then that the great event happened which changed my whole life by giving me something to live for. it was the custom for the first class, the year of its graduation, to attend the second of the grand assemblies given by the governor while the house of burgesses was in session, and we had been looking forward to the event with no small anticipation. many of us, myself among the number, had ordered suits from london for the occasion, and i thought that i looked uncommon well as i arrayed myself that night before the glass. such is the vanity of youth, for i have since been assured many times by one who saw me that i was a very ordinary looking fellow. half a dozen of us, the better to gather courage, went down duke of gloucester street arm in arm toward the governor's palace with its great lantern alight to honor the occasion, and mounted the steps together,--our trifling over our toilets had made us late,--and as we entered the high doorway, did our best to look as though a great assembly was an every-day event to us. a moment later, i saw a sight which took my breath away. it was only a girl of seventeen--but such a girl! can i describe her as i close my eyes and see her again before me? no, i cannot trust my pen, nor would any such description do her justice; for her charm lay not in beauty only, but in a certain rare, sweet girlishness, which seemed to form a nimbus round her. yet was her beauty worth remarking, too; and i have loved to think that, while others saw that only, i, looking with more perceptive eyes, saw more truly to her heart. i did not reason all this out at the first; i only stood and stared at her amazed, until some one knocking against me brought me to my senses. there were a dozen men about her, and one of these i saw with delight was dr. price, our registrar at the college, a benign old man, who could deny me nothing. i waited with scarce concealed impatience until he turned away from the group, and then i was at his side in an instant. "dr. price," i whispered eagerly, "will you do me the favor of presenting me to that young lady?" "why, bless my soul!" he exclaimed, looking at me over his glasses in astonishment, "you seem quite excited. which young lady?" "the one you have just left," i answered breathlessly. he looked at me quizzically for a moment, and laughed to himself as though i had uttered a joke. "why, certainly," he said. "come with me." i could have kissed his hand in my gratitude, as he turned back toward the group. i followed a pace behind, and felt that my hands were trembling. the group opened a little as we approached, and in a moment we were before her. "miss randolph," said dr. price, "here is a young gentleman who has just begged of me the favor of an introduction. permit me to present mr. thomas stewart." "why, 'pon my word," cried that young lady, "'t is cousin tom!" and as i stood gaping at her like a fool, in helpless bewilderment, she came to me and gave me her hand with the prettiest grace in the world. chapter vii i decide to be a soldier now who would have thought that in three short years the red-cheeked girl whom i had left at riverview, and of whom i had never thought twice, could have grown into this brown-eyed fairy? certainly not i, and my hopeless astonishment must have been quite apparent, for mistress dorothy laughed merrily as she looked at me. "come, cousin," she cried, "you look as though you saw a ghost. i assure you i am not a ghost, but very substantial flesh and blood." "'twas not of a ghost i was thinking," i said, recovering my wits a little under the magic of her voice, which i thought the sweetest i had ever heard, "but of the three graces, and methought i saw a fourth." she gazed at me a moment with bright, intent eyes, the faintest touch of color in her cheek. then she smiled--a smile that brought two tiny dimples into being--oh, such a smile! but there--why weary you with telling what i felt? you have all felt very like it when you gazed into a certain pair of eyes,--or if you have not, you will some day,--and if you never do, why, god pity you! she laid her hand on my arm and turned to the group about us. "gentlemen," she said, with a little curtsy, "i know you will excuse us. my cousin tom and i have not seen each other these three years, and have a hundred things to say;" and so i walked off with her, my head in the air, and my heart beating madly, the proudest man in the colony, i dare say, and with as good cause, too, as any. dorothy led the way, for i was too blinded with joy to see where i was going, and with a directness which showed acquaintance with the great house, proceeded to a corner under the stair which had a bit of tapestry before it that quite shut us out from interruption. she sat down opposite me, and i pinched my arm to make sure i was not dreaming. "why, tom," she cried, with a little laugh, as she saw me wince at the pain, "you surely do not think yourself asleep?" "i know not whether 't is dreaming or enchantment," said i; "but sleep or sorcery, 't is very pleasant and i trust will never end." "what is it that you think enchantment, tom?" she asked. "what could it be but you?" i retorted, and she smiled the slyest little smile in the world. "i swear that when i entered that door ten minutes since, i was wide awake as any man, but the moment i clapt eyes on you, i lost all sense of my surroundings, and have since trod on air." "oh, what do you think it can be?" she questioned, pretending to look mightily concerned, "do you think it is the fever, tom?" but i was far past teasing. "to think that you should be dorothy!" i said. "i may call you dorothy, may i not?" "why, of course you may!" she cried. "are we not cousins, tom?" what a thrill it gave me to hear her call me tom! of course we were not cousins, but i fancy all the tortures of the inquisition could not at that moment have made me deny the relationship. well, we talked and talked. of what i said, i have not the slightest remembrance,--it was all foolish enough, no doubt,--but dorothy told me how her mother had been managing the estate, greatly assisted by the advice of a major washington, living ten miles up the river at mount vernon; how her brother james had been tutored by my old preceptor, but showed far greater liking for his horse and cocks than for his books; and how mr. washington had come to riverview a month before to propose that mistress dorothy accompany him and his mother and sister to williamsburg, and how her mother had consented, and the flurry there was to get her ready, and how she finally was got ready, and started, and reached williamsburg, and had been with the washingtons for a week, and had attended the first assembly, which accounted for her knowing the house so well, and had had a splendid time. "and who was it you sat with here last time, dorothy?" i asked, for i could not bear that she should connect this place with any one but me. "let me see," and the sly minx seemed to hesitate in the effort at recollection. "was it mr. burke? no, i was with him on the veranda. was it mr. forsythe? no. ah, i have it!" and she paused a moment to prolong my agony. "it was with betty washington; she had something to tell me which must be told at once, and which was very private. but what a great goose you are, to be sure. do you know, tom, i had no idea that melancholy boy i saw sometimes at riverview would grow into such a--such a"-- "such a what, dorothy?" i asked, as she hesitated. "such a big, overgrown fellow, with all his heart in his face. what a monstrous fine suit that is you have on, tom!" the jade was laughing at me, and here was i, who was a year her senior and twice her size, sitting like an idiot, red to the ears. in faith, the larger a man is, the more the women seem tempted to torment him; but on me she presently took pity, and as the fiddles tuned up in the great ballroom, she led the way thither and permitted me to tread a minuet with her. of course there were a score of others eager to share her dances, but she was more kind to me than i deserved, and in particular, when the fiddles struck up "high betty martin," threw herself upon my arm and laughed up into my face in the sheer joy of living. but between the dances i had great opportunity of being jealous, and spent the time moping in a corner, where, as i reviewed her talk, the frequency of her mention of mr. washington occurred to me, and at the end of five minutes i had conceived a desperate jealousy of him. "how old is this mr. washington?" i asked, when i had managed to get by her side again. "not yet twenty-two," she answered, and then as she saw my gloomy face, she burst into a peal of laughter. "he is adorable," she continued, when she had regained her breath. "not handsome, perhaps, but so courtly, so dignified, so distinguished. i can't imagine why he is not here to-night, for he is very fond of dancing. do you know, i fancy governor dinwiddie has selected him for some signal service, for it was at his invitation that mr. washington came to williamsburg. he is just the kind of man one would fix upon instinctively to do anything that was very dangerous or very difficult." "i dare say," i muttered, biting my lips with vexation, and avoiding dorothy's laughing eyes. i was a mere puppy, or i should have known that a woman never praises openly the man she loves. "i am sure you will admire him when you meet him," she continued, "as i am determined you shall do this very night. he is a neighbor, you know, and i'll wager that when you come to live at riverview, you will be forever riding over to mount vernon." "oh, doubtless!" i said, between my teeth, and i longed to have mr. washington by the throat. "how comes it i heard nothing of him when i was at riverview?" "'tis only since last year he has been there," she answered. "the estate belonged to his elder brother, lawrence, who died july a year ago, and major washington has since then been with his mother, helping her in its management. before that time, he had been over the mountains surveying all that western country, and then to the west indies, where he had the smallpox, because he would not break a promise to dine with a family where it was. but what is the matter? you seem quite ill." "it is nothing," i said, after a moment. "it was the smallpox which killed my father and my mother." "pardon me," and her hand was on mine for an instant. indeed, the shudder which always shook me whenever i heard that dread infection mentioned had already passed. "he has the rank of major," she continued, hoping doubtless to distract my thoughts, "because he has been appointed adjutant-general of one of the districts, but somehow we rarely call him major, for he says he does not want the title until he has done something to deserve it." "he seems a very extraordinary man," i said gloomily, "to have done so much and to be yet scarce twenty-two." "he is an extraordinary man," cried dorothy, "as you will say when you meet him. a word of caution, tom," she added, seeing my desperate plight, and relenting a little. "say nothing to him of the tender passion, for he has lately been crossed in love, and is very sore about it. a certain mistress cary, to whom he was paying court, hath rejected him, and wounded him as much in his self-esteem as in his love, which, i fancy, was not great, but which, on that account, he is anxious to have appear even greater, as is the way with men." "trust me," said i, with a great lightening of the heart; "i shall be very careful not to wound him, dorothy." "pray, why dost thou smile so, tom?" she asked, her eyes agleam. "is it that there is a pair of bright eyes here in williamsburg which you are dying to talk about? well, i will be your confidante." "oh, dorothy!" i stammered, but my tongue refused to utter the thought which was in my heart,--that there was only one pair of eyes in the whole world i cared for, and that i was looking into them at this very moment. "ah, you blush, you stammer!" cried my tormentor. "come, i'll wager there's a pretty maid. tell me her name, tom." i looked at her and gripped my hands at my side. if only this crowd was not about us--if only we were alone together somewhere--i would be bold enough. "and why do you look so savage, tom?" she asked, and i could have sworn she had read my thought. "you are not angry with me already! why, you have known me scarce an hour!" i could endure no more, and i reached out after her, heedless of the time and of the place. doubtless there would have been great scandal among the stately dames who surrounded us, but that she sprang away from me with a little laugh and ran plump into a man who had been hastening toward her. the sight of her in the arms of a stranger brought me to my senses, and i stopped dead where i was. "'tis mr. washington!" she cried, looking up into his face, and as he set her gently on her feet, she held out her hand to him. he raised it to his lips with a courtly grace i greatly envied. "mr. washington, this is my cousin, thomas stewart." "i am very happy to meet mr. stewart," he said, and he grasped my hand with a heartiness which warmed my heart. i had to look up to meet his eyes, for he must have been an inch or two better than six feet in height, and of a most commanding presence. his eyes were blue-gray, penetrating, and overhung by a heavy brow, his face long rather than broad, with high, round cheekbones and a large mouth, which could smile most agreeably, or--as i was afterward to learn--close in a firm, straight line with dogged resolution. at this moment his face was luminous with joy, and he was plainly laboring under some intense emotion. "where is my mother, dolly?" he asked. "i have news for her." "she is in the reception hall with the governor's wife," she answered. "but may we not have your news, mr. washington?" he paused and looked back at her a moment. "'t is all settled," he said, "and i am to start at once." "i was right, then!" she cried, her eyes sparkling in sympathy with his. "i was just telling cousin tom i believed the governor had a mission for you." "well, so he has, and i got my papers not ten minutes since. you could never guess my destination." "boston? new york? london?" she questioned, but he shook his head at each, smiling evermore broadly. "no, 't is none of those. 't is venango." "venango?" cried dorothy. "where, in heaven's name, may that be?" nor was i any the less at a loss. "'t is a french outpost in the ohio country," answered washington, "and my mission, in brief, is to warn the french off english territory." dorothy gazed at him, eyes wide with amazement. there was something in the speaker's words and look which fired my blood. "you will need companions, will you not, major washington?" i asked. he smiled in comprehension, as he met my eyes. "only two or three, mr. stewart. two or three guides and a few indians will be all." my disappointment must have shown in my face, for he gave me his hand again. "i thank you for your offer, mr. stewart," he said earnestly. "believe me, if it were possible, i should ask no better companion. but do not despair. i have little hope the french will heed the warning, and 't will then be a question of arms. in such event, there will be great need of brave and loyal men, and you will have good opportunity to see the country beyond the mountains. but i must find my mother, and tell her of my great good fortune." i watched him as he strode away, and i fancy there was a new light in my eyes,--certainly there was a new purpose in my heart. for i had been often sadly puzzled as to what i should do when once i was out of college. i had no mind to become an idler at riverview, but was determined to win myself a place in the world. yet when i came to look about me, i saw small prospect of success. the professions--the law, medicine, and even the church--were overrun with vagabonds who had brought them so low that no gentleman could think of earning a livelihood--much less a place in the world--by them. trade was equally out of the question, for there was little trade in the colony, and that in the hands of sharpers. but mr. washington's words had opened a new vista. what possibilities lay in the profession of arms! and my resolution was taken in an instant,--i would be a soldier. i said nothing of my resolve to dorothy, fearing that she would laugh at me, as she doubtless would have done, and the remainder of the evening passed very quickly. dorothy presented me to mrs. washington, a stately and beautiful lady, who spoke of her son with evident love and pride. he had been called away, she said, for he had much to do, and thus reminded, i remembered that it was time for me also to depart. before i went, i obtained permission from mrs. washington to call and see her next day,--dorothy standing by with eyes demurely downcast, as though she did not know it was she and she only whom i hoped to see. "i am very sorry i teased you, cousin tom," she said very softly, as i turned to her to say goodnight. "your eagerness to go with mr. washington pleased me mightily. it is just what i should have done if i were a man. good-night," and before i could find my tongue, she was again at mrs. washington's side. i made my way back to my room at the college, and went to bed, but it seemed to me that the night, albeit already far spent, would never pass. sleep was out of the question, and i tossed from side to side, thinking now of dorothy, now of my new friend and his perilous expedition over the alleghenies, now of my late resolve. it was in no wise weakened in the morning, as so many resolves of youth are like to be, and so soon as i had dressed and breakfasted, i sought out the best master of fence in the place,--a man whose skill had won him much renown, and who for three or four years past, finding life on the continent grown very unhealthy, had been imparting such of it as he could to the virginia gentry,--and insisted that he give me a lesson straightway. he gave me a half hour's practice, for the most part in quatre and tierce,--my a b c's, as it were,--and the ease with which he held me off and bent his foil against my breast at pleasure chafed me greatly, and showed me how much i had yet to learn, besides making me somewhat less vain of my size and strength. for my antagonist was but a small man, and yet held me at a distance with consummate ease, and twisted my foil from my hand with a mere turn of his wrist. still, he had the grace to commend me when the bout was ended, and i at once arranged to take two lessons daily while i remained in williamsburg. it was ten o'clock when i turned my steps toward the house where the washingtons were stopping, and, with much inward trepidation, walked up to the door and knocked. in a moment i was in the presence of the ladies, mrs. washington receiving me very kindly, and dorothy looking doubly adorable in her simple morning frock. but i was ill at ease, and the sound of voices in an adjoining room increased my restlessness. "do you not see what it is, madam?" cried dorothy, at last. "he has no wish for the society of women this morning. he has gone mad like the rest of them. he is dying to talk of war and the french and expeditions over the mountains, as mr. washington and his friends are doing. is it not so, sir?" "indeed, i cannot deny it," i said, with a very red face. "i am immensely interested in major washington's expedition." mrs. washington smiled kindly and bade dorothy take me to the gentlemen, which she did with a wicked twinkle in her eye that warned me i should yet pay dear for my effrontery. mr. washington and half a dozen friends were seated about the room, talking through clouds of tobacco smoke of the coming expedition. there were george fairfax, and colonel nelson, and judge pegram, and three or four other gentlemen, to all of whom i was introduced. the host waved me to a pile of pipes and case of sweet-scented on the table, and i was soon adding my quota to the clouds which enveloped us, and listening with all my ears to what was said. it had been agreed that the start should be made at once, the party meeting at will's creek, where the ohio company had a station, and proceeding thence to logstown, and so on to venango, or, if necessary, to the fort on french creek. how my cheeks burned as i thought of that journey through the wilderness and over the mountains, and how i longed to be of the party! but i soon saw how impossible this was, for mr. washington's companions must needs be hardened men, accustomed to the perils of the forest and acquainted with the country. a bowl of punch was brought, and after discussing this, the company separated, though not till all of them had wrung mr. washington's hand and wished him a quick journey. i was going with the others, when he detained me. "i wish a word with you, mr. stewart," he said. "i shall have to leave for mount vernon at once, and make the trip as rapidly as possible, in order to prepare for this expedition. may i ask if it would be possible for you to accompany my mother and miss dolly home when their visit here is ended, which will be in about a week's time?" "certainly," i answered warmly, "i shall be only too glad to be of service to you and to them, mr. washington," and i thought with tingling nerves that dorothy and i could not fail to be thrown much together. so it was arranged, and that afternoon he set out for mount vernon, whence he would go direct to will's creek. his mother cried a little after he was gone, so dorothy told me, but she was proud of her boy, as she had good cause to be, and appeared before the world with smiling face. the week which followed flew by like a dream. i took my lesson with the foils morning and evening, and soon began to make some progress in the art. as much time as dorothy would permit, i spent with her, and in one of our talks she told me that she had drawn from her mother by much questioning the story of my father's marriage and of the quarrel which followed. "when i heard," she concluded, "how riverview might have been yours but for that unhappy dispute,"--so mrs. stewart had not told the whole truth, and i smiled grimly to myself,--"i saw how unjustly and harshly we had always used you, and i made up my mind to be very good to you when next we met, as some slight recompense." "and is it for that only you are kind to me, dorothy?" i asked. "is it not a little for my own sake?" "hoity-toity," she cried, "an you try me too far, i shall withdraw my favor altogether, sir. my cheeks burn still when i think what might have happened at the ball the other night, when you so far forgot yourself as to grab at me like a wild indian. 'twas well i had my wits about me." "but, indeed, dorothy," i protested, "'twas all your fault. you had plagued me beyond endurance." "i fear you are a very bold young man," she answered pensively, and when i would have proved the truth of her assertion, sent me packing. so the week passed, the day came when we were to leave williamsburg, and at six o'clock one cool october morning, the great coach of the washingtons rolled westward down the sandy street, the maples casting long shadows across the road. and on the side where mistress dorothy sat, i was riding at the window. chapter viii a ride to williamsburg i was received civilly enough at riverview, and soon determined to remain there until major washington returned from the west. my aunt treated me with great consideration, doubtless because she feared to anger me, and i soon fell into the routine of the estate. my cousin james, a roystering boy of fourteen, was not yet old enough to be covetous, and he and i were soon friends. dorothy treated me as she had always done, with a hearty sisterly affection, which gave me much uneasiness, 't was so unlike my own, and i was at some pains to point out to her that we were not cousins, nor, indeed, any relation whatsoever. in return for which she merely laughed at me. by great good fortune, i found among the overseers on my aunt's estate a man who had been a soldier of fortune in the old world until some escapade had driven him to seek safety in the colonies, and with my aunt's permission, i secured him to teach me what he knew of the practice of arms, a tutelage which he entered upon with fine enthusiasm. he was called captain paul on the plantation,--a little, wiry man, with fierce mustaches and flashing eyes, greatly feared by the negroes, though he always treated them kindly enough, so far as i could see. he claimed to be an englishman,--certainly he spoke the language as well as any i ever heard,--but his dark eyes and swarthy skin bespoke the spaniard or italian, and his quickness with the foils the french. a strain of all these bloods i think he must have had, but of his family he would tell me nothing, nor of the trouble which had brought him over-sea. but of his feats of arms he loved to speak,--and they were worth the telling. he had been with plelo's heroic little band of frenchmen before dantzic, where a hundred deeds of valor were performed every day, and with broglie before parma, where he had witnessed the rout of the austrians. for hours together i made him recount to me the story of his campaigns, and when he grew weary of talking and i of listening, we had a round with the rapier, or a bout with the sword on horseback, and as the weeks passed, i found i was gaining some small proficiency. he drilled me, too, in another exercise which he thought most important, that of shooting from horseback with the pistol. "'t is an accomplishment which has saved my life a score of times," he would say, "and of more value in a charge than any swordsmanship. a man must be a swordsman to defend his honor, and a good shot with the pistol to defend his life. accomplished in both, he is armed cap-a-pie against the world. the pistol has its rules as well as the sword. for instance,-- "'when you charge an adversary, always compel him to fire first, for the one who fires first rarely hits his mark. "'at the instant you see him about to fire, make your horse rear. this will throw your horse before you as a shield, and if the aim is true, 't will be your horse that is hit and not yourself. the life of a horse is valuable, but that of a man is more so. "if your horse has not been hit, or is not badly hurt, you have your adversary at your mercy, and can either kill him or take him prisoner, as you may choose. if he be well mounted, and well accoutred, it is usually wisest to take him prisoner. "'if your horse has been hit mortally, take care that in falling you get clear of him by holding your leg well out and so alighting on your feet. you can easily recover in time to pistol your adversary as he passes. "'above everything, learn to aim quickly, with both eyes open, the arm slightly bent, the pistol no higher than the breast. when the arm is fully extended, the tension causes it to tremble and so destroys the aim, and the man who cannot hit the mark without sighting along the barrel is usually dead before he can pull the trigger.'" these and many other things he told me, and that i threw myself with eagerness into the lessons i need hardly say, though i never acquired his proficiency with either pistol or rapier. for i have seen him bring down a hawk upon the wing, or throwing his finger-ring high into the air, pass his rapier neatly through it as it shot down past him. another trick of his do i remember,--une, deux, trois, and a turn of the wrist in flanconade,--which seldom failed to tear my sword from my hand, so quickly and irresistibly did he perform it. what his lot has been i do not know, for when the king's troops came to virginia, he was seized with a strange restlessness and resigned from my aunt's service, going i know not whither; but if he be alive, there is a place at my board and a corner of my chimney for him, where he would be more than welcome. in the mean time, not a word had been received from major washington--we called him major now, deeming that he had well earned the title--since he had plunged into the wilderness at will's creek in mid-november, accompanied only by christopher gist as guide, john davidson and jacob van braam as interpreters, and four woodsmen, barnaby currin, john m'quire, henry steward, and william jenkins, as servants. november and december passed, and christmas was at hand. there had been great preparation for it at riverview, for we of virginia loved the holiday the more because the puritans detested it, and all the smaller gentry of the county was gathered at the house, where there were feasting and dancing and much merry-making. one incident of it do i remember most distinctly,--that having, with consummate generalship, cornered mistress dorothy under a sprig of mistletoe, i suddenly found myself utterly bereft of the courage to carry the matter to a conclusion, and allowed her to escape unkissed, for which she laughed at me most unmercifully once the danger was passed, though she had feigned the utmost indignation while the assault threatened. so the holidays went and new year's came. it was the thirteenth of january, and in the dusk of the evening i was riding back to the house as usual after my bout with captain paul, when i heard far up the road behind me the beat of horse's hoofs. instinctively i knew it was major washington, and i drew rein and watched the rider swinging toward me. in a moment he was at my side, and we exchanged a warm handclasp from saddle to saddle. "i am on my way to riverview," he said, as we again urged our horses forward. "i hope to stay there the night and start at daybreak for williamsburg to make my report to the governor. do you care to accompany me, mr. stewart?" "do you need to ask?" i cried. "and what was the outcome of your mission, sir?" "there will be war," he said, and his face darkened. "it is as i foresaw. the french are impudent, and claim the land belongs to them and not to us." neither of us spoke again, but i confess i was far from sharing the gloom of my companion. had i not determined to be a soldier, and how was a soldier to find employment, but in war? i looked at him narrowly as we rode, and saw that he was thinner than when he had left us, and that his face was browned by much exposure. right heartily was he welcomed to riverview, and when dinner had been served and ended, nothing would do but that he should sit down among us and tell us the story of his mission. he could scarce have failed to draw inspiration from such an audience, for dorothy's eyes were sparkling, and i was fairly trembling with excitement. would that i could tell the story as he told it, but that were impossible. he and his little party had gone from will's creek to the forks of the ohio, through the untrodden wilderness and across swollen streams, struggling on over the threatening mountains and fighting their way through the gloomy and unbroken forest, and thence down the river to the indian village of logstown. there he had parleyed with the indians for near a week before he could persuade the half king and three of his tribesmen to accompany him as guides. buffeted by unceasing storms, they toiled on to venango, where there was an english trading-house, which the french had seized and converted into a military post. chabert de joncaire commanded, and received the party most civilly. major washington was banqueted that evening by the officers of the post, and as the wine flowed freely, the french forgot their prudence, and declared unreservedly that they intended keeping possession of the ohio, whether the english liked it or not. joncaire, however, asserted that he could not receive dinwiddie's letter, and referred major washington to his superior officer at fort le boeuf. so, leaving venango, for four days more the party struggled northward. the narrow traders' path had been quite blotted out, and the forest was piled waist-deep with snow. at last, when it seemed that human endurance could win no further, they sighted the squared chestnut walls of fort le boeuf. the commander here, legardeur de saint-pierre, also received them well, and to him major washington delivered his letter from governor dinwiddie, asking by what right the french had crossed the lakes and invaded british territory, and demanding their immediate withdrawal. saint-pierre was three days preparing his answer, which he intrusted to major washington, and at the end of that time the latter, with great difficulty persuading his indians to accompany him, started back to virginia. they reached venango on christmas day. here their horses gave out, and he and gist pushed forward alone on foot, leaving the others to follow as best they might. a french indian fired at them from ambush, but missed his mark, and to escape pursuit by his tribesmen, they walked steadily forward for a day and a night, until they reached the allegheny. they tried to make the crossing on a raft, but were caught in the drifting ice and nearly drowned before they gained an island in the middle of the river. here they remained all night, foodless and well-nigh frozen, and in the morning, finding the ice set, crossed in safety to the shore. once across, they reached the house of a man named fraser, on the monongahela,--a house they were to see again, but under far different circumstances,--and leaving there on the first day of january, they made their way back to the settlements without adventure. major washington had reached mount vernon that afternoon, and after stopping to see his mother, had ridden on to riverview. long before the recital ended, i was out of my chair and pacing up and down the room, and dorothy clapped her hands with joy when that perilous passage of the allegheny had been accomplished. "so you think there will be war?" i asked. "but you do not know what m. de saint-pierre has written to the governor." "i can guess," he answered, with a smile. "yes, there will be war." "and if there is?" i cried, all my eagerness in my face. "and if there is, mr. stewart," he said calmly, but with a deep light in his eyes, "depend upon it, you shall go with me." i wrung his hand madly. i could have embraced him. dorothy laughed at my enthusiasm, but with a trace of tears in her eyes, or so i fancied. well, we were finally abed, and up betimes in the morning. our horses were brought round from the stable, and our bags swung up behind the saddles. i had tried in vain, all the morning, to corner dorothy so that i might say good-by with no one looking on, but the minx had eluded me, and i had to be content with a mere handclasp on the steps before the others. but as we rode away and i looked back for a last sight of her, she waved her hands to me and blew me a kiss from her fingers. so my heart was warm within me as we pushed on through the dark aisles of the forest. the roads were heavy with mud and melting snow, for the weather had turned warm, and it was not until mid-afternoon that we reached fredericksburg. we stopped there an hour to feed and wind our horses, and then pressed on to the country seat of mr. philip clayton, below port royal, on the rappahannock. major washington had met mr. clayton at williamsburg, and he welcomed us most kindly. by the evening of the second day we had reached king william court house, where we found a very good inn, and the next day, just as evening came, we clattered into williamsburg, very tired and very dirty. but without drawing rein, major washington rode straight to the governor's house, threw his bridle to a negro, and ordered a footman to announce him at once to his master. "you are to come with me, mr. stewart," he said, seeing that i hesitated. "'t will be a good time to present you to his excellency," and we walked together up the wide steps which led to the veranda. even as we reached the top, the door at the end of the hall was thrown violently open, and governor dinwiddie stumbled toward us, his face red with excitement. he had evidently just risen from table, for he carried a napkin in his hand, and there were traces of food on his expansive waistcoat, for he was anything but a dainty feeder. his uncertain gait showed that he still suffered from the effects of a recent attack of paralysis. "by god, major washington," he cried, "but i'm glad to see you! i'd begun to think the french or the indians had gobbled you up. so you've got back, sir? and did you see the french?" "i saw the french, your excellency," answered washington, taking his outstretched hand. "i delivered your message, and brought one in reply. but first let me present my friend, mr. thomas stewart, who is a neighbor of mine at mount vernon and a man of spirit." "glad to meet you, mr. stewart," said dinwiddie, and he gave me his hand for an instant. "we may have need erelong of men of spirit." "i trust so, certainly, your excellency," i cried, and bowed before him. dinwiddie looked at me for an instant with a smile. "come, gentlemen," he said, "you have been riding all day, i dare say, and must have some refreshment," but washington placed a hand on his arm as he turned to give an order to one of the waiting negroes. "not until i have made my report, governor dinwiddie," he said. dinwiddie turned back to him. "you're a man after my own heart, major washington!" he cried. "come into my office, both of you, for, in truth, i am dying of impatience to hear of the journey," and he led the way into a spacious room, where there was a great table littered with papers, a dozen chairs, but little other furniture. the candles were brought, and dinwiddie dropped into a deep chair, motioning washington and myself to sit down opposite him. "now, major," he cried, "let us have your story." so washington told again of the trip over the mountains and through the forests, dinwiddie interrupting from time to time with an exclamation of wonder or approbation. "here is the message from m. de saint-pierre," concluded washington, drawing a sealed packet from an inner pocket. "'t is somewhat stained by water, but i trust still legible." dinwiddie took it with nervous fingers, glanced at the superscription, tore it open, and ran his eyes rapidly over the contents. my hands were trembling, for i realized that on this note hung the issue of war or peace for america. he read it through a second time more slowly, then folded it very calmly and laid it down before him on the table. my heart sank within me,--it was peace, then, and there would be no employment for my sword. i had been wasting my time with captain paul. but when dinwiddie raised his eyes, i saw they were agleam. "m. de saint-pierre writes," he said, "that he cannot discuss the question of territory, since that is quite without his province, but will send my message to the marquis duquesne, in command of the french armies in america, at quebec, and will await his orders. he adds that, in the mean time, he will remain at his post, as his general has commanded." we were all upon our feet. i drew a deep breath, and saw that washington's hand was trembling on his sword-hilt. "since he will not leave of his own accord," cried dinwiddie, his calmness slipping from him in an instant, "there remains only one thing to be done,--he must be made to leave, and not a french uniform must be left in the ohio valley! major washington, i offer you the senior majorship of the regiment which will march against him." "and i accept, sir!" cried washington, moved as i had seldom seen him. "may i ask your excellency's permission to appoint mr. stewart here one of my ensigns?" "certainly," said the governor heartily. "from what i have seen of mr. stewart, i should conclude that nothing could be better;" and when i tried to stammer my thanks, he waved his hand to me kindly and rang for wine. "let us drink," he said, as he filled the glasses, "to the success of our arms and the establishment of his majesty's dominion on the ohio." chapter ix my first taste of warfare whatever defects dinwiddie may have had, indecision was certainly not one of them, and the very next day the machinery was set in motion for the advance against the french. colonel joshua fry was selected to head the expedition, and colonel washington made second in command. colonel fry at one time taught mathematics at william and mary, but found the routine of the class-room too humdrum, and so sought a more exciting life. he had found it along the borders of the frontier, and in was made colonel of militia and member of the governor's council. two years later, he was sent to logstown to treat with the indians, and made a map of the colony. he knew the frontier as well as any white man, and because of this was chosen our commander. not a moment was to be lost, for colonel washington, while at fort le boeuf, had observed the great preparations made by the french to descend the allegheny in the spring and take possession of the ohio valley, but we hoped to forestall them. the triangle between the forks of the ohio was admirably adapted for fortification, and it was proposed to throw up a fort there so that the french would get a warm reception when their canoes came floating down the river, and be forced to retreat to the lakes. dinwiddie's energy was wide-felt, and the whole colony was soon astir. he convened the house of burgesses, laid colonel washington's report before it, and secured a grant of £ , for purposes of defense; he urged the governors of the other colonies, from the carolinas north to jersey, to send reinforcements at once to will's creek, whence the start was to be made; he sent messengers with presents to the ohio indians, pressing them to take up the hatchet against the french, and authorized the enlistment of three hundred men. william trent, an indian trader, and brother-in-law of colonel george croghan, was commissioned to raise a company of a hundred men from among the backwoodsmen along the frontier, and started at once for the ohio country to get his men together and begin work on the fort, the main body to follow so soon as it could be properly equipped. long before this i had secured my uniform and accoutrements,--which my three shillings a day were far from paying for,--and was kept busy superintending the storage of wagons or drilling under captain adam stephen, in whose company i was, at alexandria. the men were for the most part poor whites, who had enlisted because they could earn their bread no other way, and promised to make but indifferent soldiers. we were provided with ten cannon, all four-pounders, which had been presented by the king to virginia, and eighty barrels of powder, together with small-arms, thirty tents, and six months' provision of flour, pork, and beef. these were forwarded to will's creek as rapidly as possible, but at the best it was slow work, and april was in sight before the expedition was ready to move. during near all of this time, colonel washington was virtually in command, for colonel fry was taken with a fever, which kept him for the most part to his bed. there seemed no prospect of his improvement, so he ordered the expedition to advance without him, he to follow so soon as he could sit a horse. that time was never to come, for he died at will's creek on the last day of may. so at last the advance commenced, and from daylight to sunset we fought our way through the forest. it rained almost incessantly, and i admit the work was more severe than i had ever done, for the bridle-paths were too narrow to permit the passage of the guns and wagons, and a way had to be cut for them; yet all the men were in good spirits, animated by the example of colonel washington and the other officers. those i came to know best were of captain stephen's company, and a braver, merrier set of men it has never been my privilege to meet. we were drawn from all the quarters of the globe. there was lieutenant william poison, a scot, who had been concerned in the rebellion of ' , and so found it imperative to come to virginia to spend the remainder of his days, though at the first scent of battle he was in arms again. there was ensign william, chevalier de peyronie, a french protestant, driven from his home much as the fontaine family, and who had settled in virginia. there was lieutenant thomas waggoner, whom i was to know so well a year later. and above all, there was ensign carolus gustavus de spiltdorph, a quiet, unassuming fellow, but brave as a lion, who lies to-day in an unmarked grave on the bank of the monongahela. i can see him yet, with his blue eyes and blond beard, sitting behind a cloud of smoke in one corner of the tent, listening to our wild talk with a queer gleam in his eyes, and putting in a word of dry sarcasm now and then. for when the day's march was done, those of us who were not on duty gathered in our tent and talked of the time when we should meet the french. and peyronie, because, though a frenchman, he had suffered most at their hands, was the most bloodthirsty of us all. then the first blow fell. it was the night of the twentieth of april, and our force had halted near colonel cresap's house, sixteen miles from will's creek. i was in charge of the sentries to the west of the camp. the weather had been cold and threatening, with a dash of rain now and then, and we had made only five miles that day, the guns and wagons miring in the muddy road, which for the most part was through a marsh. as evening came, the rain had set in steadily, and the sentries protected themselves as best they could behind the trees or under hastily constructed shelters. i had just made my first round and found all well, when i heard a sentry near by challenge sharply. "what is it?" i cried, hastening to him, and then i saw that he had stopped a horseman. the horse was breathing in short, uncertain gasps, as though near winded. "a courier from the ohio, so he says, sir," answered the sentry. "with an urgent message for colonel washington," added the man on horseback. "very well," i said, "come with me," and catching the horse by the bridle, i started toward the commander's tent, in which a light was still burning. a word to the sentry before it brought colonel washington himself to the door, and he signed for us to enter. the courier slipped from his horse, and would have fallen, had i not caught him and placed him on his feet. "'t is the first time i have left the saddle for two days," he gasped, and i helped him into the tent, where he dropped upon a stool. washington poured out a glass of brandy and handed it to him. he swallowed it at a gulp, and it gave him back a little of his strength. "i bring bad news, colonel washington," he said. "lieutenant ward and his whole command were captured by the french on the seventeenth, and the fort at the forks of the ohio is in their hands." i turned cold under the blow, but washington did not move a muscle, only his mouth seemed to tighten at the corners. "how did it happen?" he asked. "captain trent and his men arrived at the ohio on the tenth of april," said the courier, "and we set to work at once to throw up the fort. we made good progress, but on the morning of the seventeenth, while captain trent and thirty of the men were absent, leaving lieutenant ward in command, the river was suddenly covered with canoes crowded with french and indians. there were at least eight hundred of them, and they had a dozen pieces of artillery. we had no choice but to surrender." "on what terms?" questioned washington quickly. "that we march out with the honors of war and return to virginia." "and this was done?" "yes, this was done. lieutenant ward and his men will join you in a day or two." "you have done well," said washington warmly. "i am sure lieutenant ward could have done naught else under the circumstances. forty men are not expected to resist eight hundred, and i shall see that the occurrence is properly represented to the governor. lieutenant stewart, will you see that a meal and a good bed be provided? good night, gentlemen." we saluted and left the tent, and i led him over to our company quarters, where the best we had was placed before him. other officers, who had got wind of his arrival, dropped in, and he told again the story of the meeting with the enemy. it was certain that there were from six to eight hundred french and a great number of indians before us, while we were barely three hundred, and as i returned to my post, i wondered if colonel washington would dare press on to face such odds. the answer came in the morning, when the order was given to march as usual. two days later, we had reached will's creek, where we found lieutenant ward and his men awaiting us. he stated that there were not less than a thousand french at the forks of the ohio. it was sheer folly to advance with our petty force in face of odds so overwhelming, and a council of the officers was called by colonel washington to determine what course to follow. it was decided that we advance as far as red stone creek, on the monongahela, thirty-seven miles this side the forks, and there erect a fortification and await fresh orders. stores had already been built at red stone for our munitions, and from there our great guns could be sent by water so soon as we were ready to attack the french. in conclusion, it was judged that it were better to occupy our men in cutting a road through the wilderness than that they should be allowed to waste their time in idleness and dissipation. captain trent and the thirty men who were with him, hearing from the indians of the disaster which had overtaken their companions, marched back to meet us, and joined us the next day. trent himself met cold welcome, for his absence from the fort at the time of the attack was held to be most culpable. dinwiddie was so enraged, when he learned of it, that he ordered trent court-martialed forthwith, but this was never done. his backwoodsmen were wild and reckless fellows, incapable of discipline, and soon took themselves off to the settlements, while we toiled on westward through the now unbroken forest. our advance to will's creek had been difficult enough, but it was nothing to the task which now confronted us, for the country grew more rough and broken, and there was not the semblance of a road. we were a week in making twenty miles, and accomplished that only by labor well-nigh superhuman. the story of one day was the story of all the others. obstacles confronted us at every step, but we struggled forward, dragging the wagons ourselves when the horses gave out, as they soon did, and finally, toward the end of may, we won through to a pleasant valley named great meadows, dominated by a mountain called laurel hill. here there was abundant forage, and as the horses could go no further, colonel washington ordered a halt, and determined to await the promised reinforcements. a few days later, a company of regulars under captain mackay joined us, together with near a hundred men of the regiment who had remained behind with colonel fry, raising our numbers to four hundred men, though many were wasted with fever and dysentery. those of us who were able set to work throwing up a breastwork of logs, under the direction of captain robert stobo, and at the end of three days had completed an inclosure a hundred feet square, with a rude cabin in the centre to hold our munitions and supplies. there had been many alarms that the french were marching against us, but all of them had proved untrue, so when, some days after, the report spread through the camp again that the enemy were near, i paid little heed to it, and went to sleep as usual. how long i slept, i do not know, but i was awakened by some one shaking me by the shoulder. "get up at once, lieutenant, and report at headquarters," said a voice i recognized as waggoner's, and as i sat upright with a jerk, he passed on to awake another sleeper. i was out of bed in an instant, and threw on my clothing with nervous haste. i could hear a storm raging, and when i stepped outside the tent, i was almost blinded by the rain, driven in great sheets before the wind. i fought my way against it to washington's tent, where i found captain stephen and some thirty men, and others coming up every moment. "what is it?" i asked of waggoner, who had got back to headquarters before me, but he shook his head to show that he knew no more than i. a moment later, the flap of the tent was raised, and colonel washington appeared, wrapped in his cloak as though for a journey, and followed by an indian, who, i learned afterwards, was none other than the half king. he spoke a few words to captain stephen, and the order was given to form in double rank and march, colonel washington himself leading the expedition, which numbered all told some forty men. i shall never forget that midnight march through the forest, with the rain falling in a deluge through the dripping trees, the lightning flashing and the thunder rolling. we stumbled along upon each other's heels, falling over logs or underbrush, the wet branches switching our faces raw and soaking us through and through. it seemed to me that we must have covered fifteen or twenty miles, at least, when the first gray of the morning brightened the horizon and a halt was called, but really we had come little more than five. here it was found that seven men had been lost upon the way, and that our powder was so wet that most of it was useless, to many of us the charge in our firelocks being all that remained serviceable. after an hour's halt, the order came again to march, with caution to move warily. scouts were thrown out ahead, and soon came back with tidings that the enemy was hard by. my hands were trembling with excitement as we crept forward to the edge of a rocky hollow, and as we looked down the slope, we could see the french below. there were thirty of them or more, and they were getting breakfast, their arms stacked beside them. almost at the same instant their sentries saw us and gave the alarm. "follow me, men!" cried washington, and he started down the slope, we after him. as we went, the french sprang to arms and gave us a volley, but it was badly aimed in their excitement and so did little damage. as we closed in on them we returned their fire, and some eight or nine fell, while the others, thinking doubtless that they had been surprised by a large force, threw down their guns and held up their hands in token of surrender. captain stephen had been slightly wounded, but charged on down the slope ahead of us, and took prisoner a young officer, who refused to surrender, but kept on fighting until his sword was knocked from his hand. then he began to tear his hair and curse in french, pointing now and again to another officer who lay among the dead. he grew so violent that he attracted colonel washington's attention. "come here a moment, lieutenant peyronie," he called. "you understand french. what is this fellow saying?" peyronie exchanged a few words with the prisoner, who stooped, drew a paper from the inner pocket of the dead officer's coat, and held it toward us. peyronie took it, glanced over it with grave countenance, and turned to colonel washington. "this man is ensign marie drouillon, sir," he said. "the party was in command of ensign coulon de jumonville, whom you see lying dead there. m. drouillon claims that the party did not come against us as spies, or for the purpose of fighting, but simply to bring a message to you from m. de contrecoeur, who is in command of the fort at the forks of the ohio, which, it seems, has been named fort duquesne. this is the message," and he held out the paper to washington. "'tis in french," said the latter, glancing over it. "what does it say?" "it warns you to return to the settlements," answered peyronie, "on the pretext that all the land this side the mountains belongs to france." here the prisoner, who was evidently laboring under great excitement, broke in, and said something rapidly in a loud voice, which made peyronie flush, and drew nods and cries of approbation from the other prisoners. "what does he say?" asked washington, seeing that peyronie hesitated. "he says, sir," answered peyronie, with evident reluctance, "that m. de jumonville came in the character of an ambassador and has been assassinated." washington flushed hotly and his eyes grew dark. "ask m. drouillon," he said, "why an ambassador thought it necessary to bring with him a guard of thirty men?" peyronie put the question, but drouillon did not reply. "ask him also," continued washington, "why he remained concealed near my troops for three days, instead of coming directly to me as an ambassador should have done?" again peyronie put the question, and again there was no answer. "tell him," said washington sternly, "that i see through his trick,--that i comprehend it thoroughly. m. jumonville counted on using his pretext of ambassador to spy upon my camp, and to avert an attack in case he was discovered. well, he produced his message too late. he has behaved as an enemy, and has been treated as such. that he is dead is wholly his own fault. had he chosen the part of an ambassador instead of that of a spy, this would not have happened." he turned away, and apparently dismissed the matter from his mind, but that it troubled him long afterward i am quite certain, though in the whole affair no particle of blame attached to him. the french made a great outcry about it, but i have never heard that any of them ever answered the questions which were put to m. drouillon. the truth of the matter is, that they were only too eager for some pretext upon which to base the assertion that it was the english who began hostilities, and this flimsy excuse was the best they could invent. but that little brush under the trees on that windy may morning was to have momentous consequences, for it was the beginning of the struggle which drenched the continent in blood. chapter x the french score first we marched back to the camp at great meadows with our prisoners,--some twenty in all,--much elated at our success, but near dead with fatigue. lieutenant spiltdorph was selected to escort them to virginia, and set off with them toward noon, together with twenty men, cursing the ill-luck which deprived him of the opportunity to make the remainder of the campaign with us. for that the french would march against us in force was well-nigh certain, once they learned of jumonville's defeat, of which the indians would soon inform them, and that we should be outnumbered three or four to one seemed inevitable. but no one thought of retreat, our commander, i am sure, least of all. he seemed everywhere at once, heartening the men, inspecting equipment, overseeing the preparations for defense. the only hostile element in the camp was the company of regulars under captain mackay, who refused to assist in any of the work, asserting that they were employed only to fight. captain mackay, too, holding his commission from the king, claimed to outrank colonel washington, and yielded him but a reluctant and sullen obedience. christopher gist, who had just come from will's creek with tidings of colonel fry's death, was of the opinion that a much more effective resistance might be made at his plantation, twelve miles further on, where there were some strong log buildings and a ground, so he claimed, admirably suited for intrenchment. accordingly, we set out for there, arriving after a fatiguing journey. the horses were in worse case than ever, and only two miserable teams and a few tottering pack-horses remained capable of working. finally, on the twenty-ninth of june, the half king, who had been our faithful friend throughout, brought us word that seven hundred french and three or four hundred indians had marched from fort duquesne against us. as the news spread through the camp, the officers left the intrenchments upon which they had been at work, and gathered to discuss the news. there a message from colonel washington summoned us to a conference at gist's cabin. "gentlemen," he said, when we had all assembled, "i need not tell you that the situation is most critical. we can scarce hope to successfully oppose an enemy who outnumbers us three to one, and yet 't is impossible to retreat without abandoning all our baggage and munitions, since we have no means of transport." he fell silent for a moment, and no one spoke. i saw that the worry of the last few weeks had left its mark upon him, for there was a line between his eyes which i had never seen before, but which never left him afterward. "what i propose," he said at last, "is to fall back to great meadows. i believe it to be better fitted for defense than this place, which is commanded by half a dozen hills, and where we could not hope to hold out against artillery fire. at great meadows we can strengthen our intrenchment in the middle of the plain, and the french will hardly dare attempt to carry it by assault, since they must advance without cover for two hundred yards or more. it is a charming field for an encounter. has any one a better plan?" mackay was the first to speak. "'tis better to lose our baggage than to lose both it and our lives," he said. "the french may not care to risk an assault, but they have only to sit down about the work for a day or two to starve us out." "that is true," answered washington, and his face was very grave; "yet reinforcements cannot be far distant. two independent companies from new york reached annapolis a fortnight since, and are doubtless being hurried forward. other companies have arrived in the colony, and must be near at hand. besides," he added, in a firmer tone, "i cannot consent to return to virginia without striking at least one blow at the french, else this expedition might just as well have never been begun." "that is the point!" cried stephen. "let us not run away until we see something to run from. your plan is the best possible under the circumstances, colonel washington." we all of us echoed this opinion, and after thanking us warmly, our commander bade us make ready at once for the return to great meadows. the baggage was done into packs as large as a man could carry; a force was told off to drag the swivels; the officers added their horses to the train, and prepared to carry packs just as the men did. colonel washington left half of his personal baggage behind, paying some soldiers four pistoles to carry the remainder. so at daybreak we set out, the sufferings of our men being greatly aggravated by the conduct of the regulars, who refused to carry a pound of baggage or place a hand upon the ropes by which we dragged our guns after us. the miseries of that day i hope never to see repeated. men dropped senseless on the road, or fell beneath the trees, unable to go further. the main body of the troops struggled on, leaving these stragglers to follow when they could, and on the morning of the next day we reached great meadows, weak, trembling, and exhausted. but even here there was no rest for us, for it was necessary to strengthen our defenses against the attack which could not be long deferred. the breastwork seemed all too weak now we knew the force which would be brought against it, and we started to dig a trench around it, but so feeble were the men that it was only half completed. even at the best, our condition was little short of desperate. much of our ammunition had been ruined, and our supply of provisions was near gone. we had been without bread for above a week, and while we had plenty of cattle for beef, we had no salt with which to cure the meat, and the hot summer sun soon made it unfit to eat. yet, with all this, there was little murmuring, the example of our commander encouraging us all. at our council in our tent that evening, peyronie, with invincible good humor, declared that no man could complain so long as the tobacco lasted, and in a cloud of blue-gray smoke, we gave our hastily constructed fort the suggestive name of "fort necessity." the morning of the third of july was spent by us in overhauling the firelocks and making the last dispositions of our men. colonel washington inspected personally the whole line, and saw that no detail was overlooked. he had not slept for two nights, but seemed indefatigable, and even the regulars cheered him as he passed along the breastwork. but at last the inspection was finished and we settled down to wait. peyronie and myself had been stationed at the northwest corner of the fort with thirty men, and just before noon, from far away in the forest, came the sound of a single musket shot. we waited in suspense for what might follow, and in a moment a sentry came running from the wood with one arm swinging useless by his side. "they have come!" he cried, as he tumbled over the breastwork. "they will be here in a moment," and even as he spoke, the edge of the forest was filled with french and indians, and a lively fire was opened against us, but the range was so great that the bullets did no damage. the drums beat the alarm, and expecting a general attack, we were formed in column before the intrenchment. but the enemy had no stomach for that kind of work, and veered off to the south, where they occupied two little hills, whence they could enfilade a portion of our position. we answered their fire as best we could, but it was cruel, disheartening work. "do you call this war?" asked peyronie impatiently, after an hour of this gunnery. "in faith, had i thought 'twould be like this, i had been less eager to enlist. why don't the cowards try an assault?" "yes, why don't they?" and i looked gloomily at the wall of trees from which jets of smoke and flame puffed incessantly. "'tis not the kind of fighting i've been used to," cried peyronie. "in europe we fight on open ground, where the best man wins; we do not skulk behind the trees and through the underbrush. i've a good notion to try a sally. what say you, stewart?" "here comes colonel washington," i answered. "let us ask him." but he shook his head when we proposed it to him. "'twould be madness," he said. "they are three times our number, and would pick us all off before we could reach the trees. no, the best we can do is to remain behind our breastwork. it seems a mean kind of warfare, i admit, but 'tis a kind we must get accustomed to, if we are to fight the french and indians;" and he walked on along his rounds, speaking a word of encouragement here and there, and seemingly quite unconscious of the bullets which whistled about him. yet the breastwork did not protect us wholly, for now and then a man would throw up his arms and fall with a single shrill cry, or roll over in the mud of the trench, cursing horribly, with a bullet in him somewhere. doctor craik, who had enlisted as lieutenant, was soon compelled to lay aside his gun and do what he could to relieve their suffering. not for a moment during the afternoon did the enemy's fire slacken, and the strain began to tell upon our men. the pieces grew foul, there were only two screw-rods in the camp with which to clean them, and as the hours passed, our fire grew less and less. the swivels had long since been abandoned, for the gunners were picked off so soon as they showed themselves above the breastwork. there had been mutterings of thunder and dashes of rain all the afternoon, and now the storm broke in earnest, the rain falling in such fury as i had never seen. the trenches filled with water, and we tried in vain to keep dry the powder in our cartouch boxes. not only was this wet, but the rain leaked through the magazine we had built in the middle of the camp, and ruined the ammunition we had stored there. so soon as the rain slackened, the enemy resumed their fire, but major washington forbade us to reply, since there was scarce a dozen rounds in the fort. i confess that this species of fighting took the heart out of me, and i could see no chance of a successful issue. i was sitting thus, looking gloomily out at the forest in front of me, and wondering why the fire from there had ceased, when i noticed that there seemed to be many more rocks and bushes scattered about the plain than i had ever before observed. the gloom of the evening had fallen, and i rubbed my eyes and looked again to make sure i was not mistaken. no, there was no mistake, and i suddenly understood what was about to happen. "peyronie," i whispered to my neighbor, who was sitting in the mud, swearing softly under his mustache, "we are going to have some excitement presently. the indians are creeping up to carry us by assault." "what?" he exclaimed, sitting suddenly upright. "oh, no such luck!" "yes, but they are," i insisted. "watch those bushes out there. see, they 're moving up toward us." he rose to his knees and peered keenly out through the gloom. "pardieu," he muttered after a moment, "so they are! well, we shall be ready for them." we passed the word around to our men, and startled them into new life. the muskets were primed sparingly with dry powder, and we waited with tense nerves for the assault. the fusillade from the hills had been redoubled, but a terrible and threatening silence hung over the intrenchment, and doubtless encouraged our assailants to believe that our ammunition was quite gone. near and nearer crept the indians, fifty or sixty of them at least, and perhaps many more, and we lay still with bursting pulses and waited. now the foremost of them was scarce forty yards away, and suddenly, with a yell, they were all upon their feet and charging us. "tirez, tirez!" shouted peyronie, forgetting his english in his excitement, and we sent a volley full into them. it was a warmer reception than they had counted on, and they wavered for a moment, but there must have been a frenchman leading them, for they rallied, and came on again with a rush. we met them with fixed bayonets, but they outnumbered us so greatly that we must have given way before them had not colonel washington, hearing the uproar and guessing its meaning, dashed over at the head of reinforcements and given them another volley. as i was reloading with feverish haste, i saw an indian rush at colonel washington with raised tomahawk. washington raised his pistol, coolly took aim, and pulled the trigger, but the powder flashed and did not explode. with the sweat starting from my forehead, i dashed some powder into the pan of my pistol, jerked it up, and fired. ah, captain paul, how i blessed your lessons in that moment! for the ball went true, and the indian rolled in the mud almost at washington's feet. they had had enough, and those who were still alive leaped the trench and disappeared into the outer darkness. "they won't try that again," i remarked to peyronie, who was sitting against the breastwork. "but what is it, man? are you wounded?" i cried, seeing that he was very pale and held both hands to his breast. "yes, i am hit here," he answered, and added, as i fell on my knees beside him and began to tear the clothing from the wound, "but do not distress yourself, stewart. i can be attended after the battle is won." "nonsense," i said. "you shall be attended at once." he smiled up at me, and then went suddenly white and fell against my shoulder. i tore away his shirt, and saw that blood was welling from a wound in the breast. i propped him against the wall, and ordering one of the men to go for doctor craik, stanched the blood as well as i could. the doctor hastened to us so soon as he could leave his other wounded, but he shook his head gravely when he saw peyronie's injury. "a bad case," he said. "clear into the lungs, i think. but i have seen men recover of worse hurts," he added, seeing how pale i was. i watched him as he bound up the wound with deft fingers, and then between us we carried him to the little cabin, which had been converted from magazine to hospital, and was already crowded from wall to wall. it was with a sore heart that i left him and returned to the breastwork, for i had come to love peyronie dearly. the event was not so serious as i then feared, for, after a gallant fight for life, he won the battle, recovered of his wound, and lived to do service in another war. the repulse of the indians seemed to have disheartened the enemy, for their fire slackened until only a shot now and then broke the stillness of the night. our condition was desperate as it could well be, yet i heard no word of surrender. i was sitting listlessly, thinking of peyronie's wound, when a whisper ran along the lines that the french were sending a flag of truce. sure enough, we could see a man in white uniform approaching the breastwork, waving a white flag above his head. he was halted by the sentries while yet some distance off, and colonel washington sent for. he appeared in a moment. "where is lieutenant peyronie?" he asked. "we will have need of him." "he is wounded, sir," i answered. "he was shot through the breast during the assault." washington glanced about at the circle of faces. "is there any other here who speaks french?" he asked. there was a moment's silence. "why, sir," said vanbraam at last, "i have managed to pick up the fag ends of a good many languages during my life, and i can jabber french a little." "very well," and washington motioned him forward. "mount the breastwork and ask this fellow what he wants." vanbraam did as he was bid, and there was a moment's high-toned conversation between him and the frenchman. "he says, sir," said vanbraam, "that he has been sent by his commander, m. coulon-villiers, to propose a parley." washington looked at him keenly. "and he wishes to enter the fort?" "he says he wishes to see you, sir." washington glanced about at the mud-filled trenches, the ragged, weary men, the haggard faces of the officers, the dead scattered here and there along the breastwork, and his face grew stern. "'tis a trick!" he cried. "he wishes to see how we are situated. tell him that we do not care to parley, but are well prepared to defend ourselves against any force the french can muster." i gasped at the audacity of the man, and the frenchman was doubtless no less astonished. he disappeared into the forest, but half an hour later again approached the fort. vanbraam's services as interpreter were called for a second time, and there was a longer parley between him and the messenger. "he proposes," said vanbraam, when the talk was finished, "that we send two officers to meet two french officers, for the purpose of agreeing upon articles of capitulation. m. coulon-villiers states that he is prepared to make many concessions, and he believes this course will be for the advantage of both parties." washington looked around at the officers grouped about him. "it is clear that we must endeavor to make terms, gentlemen," he said. "the morning will disclose our plight to the enemy, and it will then be no longer a question of terms, but of surrender. at present they believe us capable of defense, hence they talk of concessions. what say you, gentlemen?" there was nothing to be said except to agree, and vanbraam and captain stephen were sent out to confer with the french. they returned in the course of an hour, bringing with them the articles already signed by coulon-villiers, and awaiting only colonel washington's ratification. vanbraam read them aloud by the light of a flickering candle, and we listened in silence until he had finished. they were better than we could have hoped, providing that we should march out at daybreak with all the honors of war, drums beating, flags flying, and match lighted for our cannon; that we should take with us our baggage, be protected from the indians, and be permitted to retire unmolested to virginia, in return for which we were to release all the prisoners we had taken a few days before, and as they were already on their way to the colony, should leave two officers with the french as hostages until the prisoners had been delivered to them. there was a moment's silence when vanbraam had finished reading, and then, without raising his head, colonel washington signed, and threw the pen far from him. then he arose and walked slowly to his quarters, and i saw him no more that night. captain mackay insisted also that he must sign the paper, and, to my intense disgust, wrote his name in above that of our commander. there was little sleep for any of us that night, and i almost envied peyronie tossing on his blanket, oblivious to what was passing about him. vanbraam and robert stobo were appointed to accompany the french back to the ohio, to remain there as hostages, and we all shook hands with them before they went away through the darkness toward the french camp. but the night passed, and at daybreak we abandoned the fort and began the retreat, carrying our sick and wounded on our backs, since the indians had killed all our horses. most of our baggage was perforce left behind, and the indians lost no time in looting it. that done, they pressed threateningly upon our rear, so that an attack seemed imminent, nor did the french make any effort to restrain them; but we held firm, and the indians finally drew off and returned to the fort, leaving us to cover as best we might those weary miles over the mountains. by the promise of ten pistoles, i had secured two men to bear peyronie between them on a blanket, but 'twas impossible to treat all the wounded so, and the fainting men staggered along under their screaming burdens, falling sometimes, and lying where they fell from sheer exhaustion. what colonel washington's feelings were i could only guess. he strode at the head of the column, his head bowed on his breast, his heart doubtless torn by the suffering about him, and saying not a word for hours together, nor did any venture to approach him. i doubt if ever in his life he will be called upon to pass through a darker hour than he did on that morning of the fourth of july, . through no fault of his, the power of england on the ohio had been dealt a staggering blow, and his pride and ambition crushed into the dust. what need to tell of that weary march back to the settlements, the suffering by the way, the sorry reception accorded us, the consternation caused by the news of french success? at winchester we met two companies from north carolina which had been marching to join us, and these were ordered to will's creek, to establish a post to protect the frontier from the expected indian aggression. captain mackay and his men remained at winchester, while our regiment returned to alexandria to rest and recruit. as for me, i was glad enough to put off the harness of war and make the best of my way back to riverview, saddened and humbled by this first experience, which was so different from the warfare of which i had read and dreamed, with its bright pageantry, its charges and shock of arms, its feats of single combat. fate willed that i was yet to see another, trained on the battlefields of europe, humbled in the dust by these foes whom i found so despicable, and the soldiers of the king taught a lesson they were never to forget. one word more. perhaps i have been unjust to captain mackay and his men. time has done much to soften the bitterness with which their conduct filled me, and as i look back now across the score of years that lie between, i can appreciate to some degree their attitude toward our commander. certainly it might seem a dangerous thing to intrust an enterprise of such moment to a youth of twenty-two, with no knowledge of warfare but that he had gained from books. it is perhaps not wonderful that veterans should have looked at him askance, and i would not think of them too harshly. he doubtless made mistakes,--as what man would not have done?--yet i believe that not even the first captain of the empire could have snatched victory from odds so desperate. chapter xi dream days at riverview in the many summer evenings which followed, i played the part of that broken soldier, who, as mr. goldsmith tells us so delightfully, "talked the night away, wept o'er his wounds, or, tales of sorrow done, shouldered his crutch and showed how fields were won." alas, i could show not how they were won, but only how they were lost, and how was one to clothe in romance a battle which had been fought in the midst of mud and rain, from behind a breastwork, and with scarce a glimpse of the enemy? but i had a rapt audience of two in james and dorothy. they were not critical, and i told the story of great meadows over and over again, a score of times. a hundred yards from the house, overlooking on one side the willow-draped waters of occoquan inlet, and on the other the broad and placid river, a seat had been fashioned between two massive oaks, and here, of an evening, it was our wont to go. sometimes, by great good fortune, james did not accompany us, and dorothy and i would sit there alone together and watch the shadows deepen across the water. our talk would falter and die away before the beauty of the scene, and there would be long silences, broken only now and then by a half whispered sentence. i had never known a sweeter time, and even yet, when night is coming on, i love to steal forth to sit there again and gaze across the water and dream upon the past. during the day, i saw but little of the other members of the family, and was left greatly to my own resources. my aunt was ever busy with the management of the estate, to every detail of which she gave personal attention, and which she administered with a thrift and thoroughness i could not but admire. the worry of incessant business left its mark upon her. the lines in her face deepened, and the silver in her hair grew more pronounced, but though she doubtless felt her strength failing, she clung grimly to the work. i would have offered to assist her but that i knew she would resent the suggestion, and would believe i made it to gain some knowledge of the income from the estate, of which i had always been kept in densest ignorance, and with which, indeed, i troubled myself but little. i think her old fear of my claiming the place came on her again, and though she always tried to treat me civilly, the effort in the end proved too great for her overwrought nerves, as you shall presently hear. upon dorothy fell the duty of looking after the household, and she went about it cheerfully and willingly. her mornings were passed in instructing the servants in their duties and seeing that their work was properly done. there were visits to the pantry and kitchen, and a long conference with the cook, so that noon was soon at hand. the afternoon was spent in the great workroom on the upper floor, into which i ventured to peep once or twice, only to be bidden to go about my business. but it was a pleasant sight, and i sometimes gathered courage to steal down the corridor for a glimpse of it. there sat dorothy in a dainty gown of covent garden calico, directing half a dozen old negro women, who were cutting out and sewing together the winter clothing of fearnaught for the slaves. two or three girls had been brought in to be taught the mysteries of needle-craft, and dorothy turned to them from time to time to watch their work and direct their rebellious fingers. i would fain have taken a lesson, too, but when i proposed this one day, representing how great my need might be when i was over the mountains far away from any woman, dorothy informed me sternly, amid the titters of the others, that my fingers were too big and clumsy to be taught to manage so delicate an instrument as a needle, and sent me from the room. young james had also much to occupy his time. his mother was as yet in doubt whether he should complete his education at william and mary, as i had done, or should be sent to london to acquire the true polish. the boy greatly favored the latter course, as any boy of spirit would have done, and his mother would have yielded to him readily, but for the stories she had heard of the riotous living which prevailed among the young blades in london, and of which she had had ample confirmation from parson scott, who, i suspect, before coming to his estate at westwood, had ruffled it with the best of them. whether it should be williamsburg or london, the boy was required to be kept at his books every morning, and was off every afternoon to the dumfries tavern, where there was always a crowd of ne'er-do-wells, promoting a cock-fight, or a horse race, or eye-gouging contest. sometimes, he elected to spend the evening in this company, and it was then that dorothy and i were left alone together on the seat beside the river. but when sunday came, there was another story. the great coach was brought from the stable and polished till it shone again,--indeed, it had been polished so often and so vigorously that its gilding and paint began to show the marks of it. the four horses were led out, rubbed down from nose to heel, and harnessed in their brightest trappings. the driver, footman, and two outriders donned their liveries, in which they were the envy of all the other servants, and the coach was driven around to the front of the house, from which presently emerged madame stewart, in a stately gown of flowered calamanco, her fan and gold pomander in her hand. then came dorothy, her sweet face looking most coquettish under her ranelagh mob of gauze, the ribbons crossed beneath her chin and fluttering half a yard behind. as she tripped down the stops and lifted her tiffany petticoat ever so little, i could catch a glimpse of the prettiest pair of ankles in the world in silk-clocked hose, for the reader can guess without my telling that i was close behind, holding her kerchief or her fan or her silver étui until she should be safely seated in the coach. and that once done, the whip cracked, the wheels started, and i swung myself on horseback and trotted along beside the window, on dorothy's side, you may be sure. so, in great state, we proceeded to the new quantico church near dumfries, a prodigious fine structure of brick, built the year before at a cost of a hundred thousand weight of tobacco, of which my aunt had contributed a tenth. the other members of the congregation awaited our arrival, grouped before the door, and, entering after us, remained decently standing till we had mounted to the loft and taken our seats, a show of deference which greatly pleased my aunt. the church was built in a little recess from the road, in the midst of a grove of ancient trees, cruciform, as so many others were throughout the colony, and stands today just as it stood then,--as i have good cause to know, for 't was in that church, before that altar--but there, you shall learn it all in time. doctor scott was a goodly preacher, but the one portion of the service for me was the singing, when i might stand beside dorothy and listen to her voice. she sang with whole heart and undivided mind, recking nothing of me standing spellbound there. indeed, i think the pastor shrewdly saw that her singing was a means of grace no less than his expounding, and he never failed to journey to riverview on a friday to talk over with her what should be her part in the service on the coming sunday. nor did i ever know her to refuse this labor,--not because she was vain of her power, but because she saw the good it did. the service once over, there were greetings to exchange, the news of the neighborhood to talk over, crops to discuss, and what not. my heart would burn within me as i saw the men buzzing about dorothy like flies about a dish of honey, though my jealousy was lightened when i saw that while she had a gay word for each of them, she smiled on all alike. the minx could read my mind like an open book, whether i was moping in one corner of the churchyard or on the bench beside her, and she loved to tease me by pretending great admiration for this man or that, and consulting me about him as she would have done a brother. which, i need hardly say, annoyed me vastly. the gossip over, we drove home again to lunch, after which, on the wide veranda or the bench by the river's edge, i would read dorothy some bits of mr. addison or mr. pope, which latter she could not abide, though his pungent verses fell in exceeding well with my melancholy humor. evening past and bedtime come, i lighted dorothy's candle for her at the table in the lower hall, where the silver sticks were set out in their nightly array like french soldiers, gleaming all in white, and when i gave it to her and bade her good-night at the stair-foot, i got her hand to hold for an instant. then to my room, where over innumerable pipes of sweet-scented, i struggled with some halting verses of my own until my candle guttered in its stick. hours and hours did i pass thinking how i might tell her of my love, but at the last i concluded it were better to say nothing, until i had something more to offer her. what right had i, i questioned bitterly, to offer marriage to any maid, when i had no home to which to take a wife, and i had never felt the irksomeness of my circumstances as i did at that moment. something of my thought she must have understood, for she was very kind to me, and never by any word or act showed that she thought of the poverty of my condition. so august and september passed, and great events were stirring. the house of burgesses had met, and had been much impressed by the showing we had made against the french, so that they passed a vote of thanks to colonel washington for his distinguished services, and to the officers and men who had been with him. dinwiddie was most eager that another advance should be made at once against duquesne, but colonel washington pointed out how hopeless any such attempt must be against the overwhelming odds the enemy would bring against us. the news of french aggression on the ohio and of our defeat at fort necessity had opened the eyes of the court to the danger which threatened the colonies, and great preparations were set on foot for an expedition to be sent to virginia in the early spring. parliament voted £ , toward its expenses, and it was proposed to equip it on such a scale that the french could not hope to stand before it. so it was decided that nothing more should be attempted by the colony until the forces from england had arrived. and then, one day, came the astounding news that colonel washington had resigned from the service and returned to mount vernon. a negro whom dorothy had sent on some errand to betty washington had brought the news back with him. i could scarcely credit it, and was soon galloping toward mount vernon to confirm it for myself. i dare say the ten miles of river road were never more quickly covered. as i turned into the broad graveled way which led past the garden up to the house, i saw a tall and well-known figure standing before the door, and he came toward me with a smile as i threw myself from the saddle. "ah, tom," he cried, "i thought i should see you soon," and he took my hand warmly. "is it true," i asked, too anxious to delay an instant the solution of the mystery, "that you have left the service?" "yes, it is true." "and you will not make the campaign?" "i see no prospect now of doing so." "but why?" i asked. "pardon me, if i am indiscreet." "'tis a reason which all may know," and he smiled grimly, "which, indeed, i wish all to know, that my action may not be misjudged." we were walking up and down before the door, and he paused a moment as though to choose his words, lest he say more than he desired. "you know there has been great unpleasantness," he said at last, "between officers holding royal commissions and those holding provincial ones, concerning the matter of precedence. you may remember that captain mackay held himself my superior at fort necessity, because he had his commission from the crown." of course i remembered it, as well as the many disagreements which the contention had occasioned. "it was evident that the question must be settled one way or another," continued washington, "and to do this, an order has just been issued by the governor. the order provides that no officer who does not derive his commission immediately from the king can command one who does." it was some minutes before i understood the full effect which such an order would have. "do you mean," i asked at last, "that you would be outranked by every subaltern in the service who holds a royal commission?" "unquestionably," and washington looked away across the fields with a stern face. "but that is an outrage!" i cried. "what, every whippersnapper in the line be your superior? why, it's rank folly!" "so i thought," said washington, "and therefore i resigned, and refused to serve under such conditions." "and you did right," i said warmly. "you could have taken no other course." but much pressure was brought to bear upon him to get him back into the service. general sharpe was most anxious to secure the services of the best fighter and most experienced soldier in virginia, and urged him to accept a company of the virginia troops; but he replied shortly that, though strongly bent to arms, he had no inclination to hold a commission to which neither rank nor emolument attached. and that remained his answer to all like importunities. whereat the authorities were greatly wroth at him, from governor dinwiddie down, and seeking how they might wound him further, cut from the rolls the names of half a dozen officers whom they knew to be his friends. i was one of those who got a discharge, the reason alleged in my case being that the companies had been so reduced in number that there was not need of so many officers. it was a heavy blow to me, i admit, and i think for a time washington wavered in his purpose; but his friends, of whom many now came to mount vernon, persuaded him to remain firm in his resolution, confident that when the commander-in-chief arrived and learned how matters stood, he would make every reparation in his power. at the bottom of the entire trouble was, i think, dinwiddie's jealousy of washington's growing popularity and influence, a jealousy which had been roused by every man who had come into great favor with the people since dinwiddie had been lieutenant-governor of virginia. during the months that followed i was much at mount vernon. indeed, it was during that winter that we formed the warm attachment which still continues. the family life there attracted me greatly, and i cannot sufficiently express my admiration for mrs. washington. she was slight and delicate of figure, but not even her eldest son, who towered above her, possessed a greater dignity or grace. i loved to sit at one corner of the great fireplace and see her eyes kindle with pride and affection as she gazed at him, nor did her other children love him less than she. with the new year came renewed reports of activity in england. two regiments under command of major-general braddock were to be sent to virginia, whence, after being enforced by provincial levies, they were to march against the french. i need not say how both colonel washington and myself chafed at the thought that we were not to make the campaign; but when he suggested accepting a commission as captain of the provincial troops, his friends protested so against it that he finally abandoned the idea for good and all, and we settled down to bear the inactivity as best we could. but at last the summons came. it was colonel washington's twenty-third birthday, and there was quite a celebration at mount vernon. the members of the family were all there, as were dorothy, her brother, and myself, as well as many other friends from farther down the neck. dinner was served in the long, low-ceilinged dining-room, with the wide fireplace in one corner. what a meal it was, with mrs. washington at the table-head and her son at the foot, yes, and dorothy there beside me with the brightest of bright eyes! i was ever a good trencherman, and never did venison, wild turkey, and great yellow sweet potatoes taste more savorsome than they did that day, with a jar of mrs. washington's marmalade for relish. at the end came pompey with a great steaming bowl of flip, and as the mugs were filled and passed from hand to hand, dorothy and betty washington plunged in the red-hot irons with great hissing and sizzle and an aroma most delicious. we pledged our host, the ladies sipping from our cups--need i say who from mine?--with little startled cries of agitation when the liquor stung them. then they left us to our pipes; but before the smoke was fairly started, there came the gallop of a horse up the roadway past the kitchen garden, and a moment later the great brass knocker was plied by a vigorous hand. we sat in mute expectancy, and presently old pompey thrust in his head. "gen'leman t' see you, sah," he said to colonel washington. "show him in here, pomp," said the colonel; and a moment later one of the governor's messengers entered, booted and spurred, his clothing splashed with mud. "i have a message for you from the governor, colonel washington," he said, saluting, and holding out a letter bearing the governor's great seal. washington took it without a trace of emotion, though i doubt not his heart was beating as madly as my own. "sit down, sir," he said heartily to the messenger, "and taste our punch. i am sure you will find it excellent;" and when he had seen him seated and served, he turned away to the window and opened the letter. i watched him eagerly as he read it, and saw a slow flush steal into his cheeks. "there is nothing here i may not tell, gentlemen," he said after a moment, turning back to the group about the table. "governor dinwiddie writes me that general braddock and the first of the transports have arrived safely off hampton, and that he desires me to meet him in williamsburg as soon as possible, as he thinks my knowledge of the country may be of some value. i shall start in the morning," he added, turning to the messenger. "i trust you will remain and be our guest till then." "gladly," answered the man, "and ride back with you." so it was settled. we were not long away from the women after that, for they must hear the great news. colonel washington refused to speculate about it, but i was certain he was to be proffered some employment in the coming campaign commensurate with his merit. the afternoon passed all too quickly, and the moment came for us to start back to riverview. dorothy ran upstairs to don her safeguard, the horses were brought out, and james and i struggled into our coats. dorothy was back in a moment, kissed mrs. washington and betty, and i helped her adjust her mask and lifted her to the saddle. i felt my cheeks burning as i turned to bid good-by to colonel washington, who had followed us from the house. "if it should be an appointment," i began, as i grasped his hand. "you maybe sure i shall not forget you, tom," he said, smiling down into my eager face. "i think it very likely that we shall march together to fight the french." and those last words rang in my ears all the way back to riverview. chapter xii dorothy makes her choice i had been much from home during the winter, and, engrossed in my own thoughts, had taken small account of what was passing, but i soon found enough to occupy me. dorothy had spent a month at mount pleasant, the seat of the lees, some distance down the river, and when she returned, i soon began to suspect that she had left her heart there; for one day there came riding up to riverview mr. willoughby newton, whose estate was near mount pleasant, and the way that dorothy blushed when she welcomed him aroused my ire at once. now mr. willoughby newton was a very handsome and proper gentleman, and on his broad acres grew some of the sweetest tobacco that ever left virginia; but i could scarce treat him civilly, which only shows what an insufferable puppy i still was, and i made myself most miserable. his learning was more of the court and camp than of the bookshelf,--a defect which i soon discovered,--and i loved to set him tripping over some quibble of words, a proceeding which amused me vastly, though my mirth was shared by none of the others who witnessed it. in fact, madame stewart was partial to the man from the first, in which i do not blame her, for a better match could not have been desired for her daughter. she made him see his welcome, and he doubtless thought the road to dorothy's heart a fair and easy one. i certainly thought so, and i spent my days in moping about the place, cutting a most melancholy and unattractive figure. i can look back now with a smile upon those days, realizing what a ridiculous sight i must have been, but at the time, their tragedy was for me a very real and living one. newton had passed some years in london, and had picked up there the graces of the court, as well as much of its frippery gossip, which latter he was fond of retailing, to my great disgust, but to the vast entertainment of the ladies, who found no fault with it, though it was four or five years old. he could tell a story well and turn a joke to a nicety,--a fact which i was at that time far from admitting,--and under other circumstances i should have found him a witty and amusing friend. i think he soon saw what my feelings were,--indeed, even a more obtuse man would have had no difficulty in understanding them,--and he treated me with a good-humored condescension which irritated me beyond measure. and yet, unquestionably, it was the only treatment my behavior merited. the climax came one evening after dinner. we had both, perhaps, had a glass of wine too much before we joined the ladies. certainly, no words had passed between us when they had left the table, and there was nothing to do but drink, which we did with moody perseverance. but once before the fire in the great hall, with madame stewart knitting on one side and dorothy bending over her tambour on the other, his mood changed and he grew talkative enough, while i sat down near the candles and pretended to be absorbed in a book. "do you know, ladies," he said, "this reminds me of nothing so much as a night in london just five years ago, when the great earthquake was. we were sitting around the fire, just as we are siting now, tommy collier on my right, and harry sibley on my left, when the bottles on the table began to clink and the windows to rattle, and poor harry, who was leaning back in his chair, crashed over backwards to the floor. we picked him up and went out into the street, where there was confusion worse confounded. windows were thrown open, women were running up and down clad only in their smocks, and one fellow had mounted a barrel and was calling on the people to repent because the day of judgment was at hand. somebody predicted there would be another earthquake in a week, and so the next day the people began to pour out of town, not because they were frightened, but 'lord, the weather is so fine,' they said, 'one can't help going into the country.'" "you found the country very pleasant, mr. newton, i dare say," i remarked, looking up from my book. he did not at once understand the meaning of my question, but dorothy did, and flushed crimson with anger. the sight of her disapproval and madame stewart's frowning face maddened me. "no," he said slowly, after a moment, "i did not leave the city, but hundreds of people did. within three days, over seven hundred coaches were counted passing hyde park corner, with whole families going to the country. the clergy preached that it was judgment on london for its wickedness, and that the next earthquake would swallow up the whole town. the ridotto had to be put off because there was no one to attend it, and the women who remained in town spent their time between reading sherlock's sermons and making earthquake gowns, in which they proposed to sit out of doors all night." "pray, what was the color of your gown, mr. newton?" i inquired, with a polite show of interest. newton rose slowly from his chair and came toward me. "am i to understand that you mean to insult me, sir?" he asked, when he had got quite near. "you are to understand whatever you please," i answered hotly, throwing my book upon the table. "tom," cried dorothy, "for shame, sir! have you taken leave of your senses?" "do not be frightened, i beg of you, miss randolph," interrupted newton, restraining her with one hand. "i assure you that i have no intention of injuring the boy." "injuring me, indeed!" i cried, springing to my feet, furious with rage, for i could not bear to be patronized. "it is you who are insulting, and by god you shall answer for it!" "as you will," he said, with a light laugh, and turned back to the fire. i knew that i had got all the worst of the encounter, that i had behaved with a rudeness for which there was no excuse, and that i cut a sorry figure standing there, and my face burned at the knowledge. but preserving what semblance of dignity i could, i stalked from the hall and upstairs to my room. i sat a long time thinking over the occurrence, and the more i pondered it, the more clearly i saw that i had played the fool. i did not know then, but i learned long afterward, that my conduct that night came near losing me the great happiness of my life. my cheeks flush even now as i think of my behavior. how foolish do the tragedies of youth appear, once time has tamed the blood! i did not wonder in the morning to receive a summons from my aunt, and i found her in her accustomed chair before the table piled with papers. she glanced at me coldly as i entered, and finished looking over a paper she held in her hand before she spoke to me. "i need not tell you," she said at length, "how greatly your boorish conduct of last night surprised me. to insult a guest, and especially to do so without provocation, is not the part of a gentleman." i flushed angrily, for the justness of this statement only irritated me the more. i think it is always the man who is in the wrong that shows the greatest violence, and the man that most deserves rebuke who is most impatient of it. "there is no need for you to counsel me how a gentleman should behave," i answered hotly. "i did not summon you here to counsel you," she said still more coldly, "but to inform you that this disgraceful affair is to go no further, at least beneath this roof. mr. newton has promised me to overlook your behavior, which is most generous on his part, and i trust you will see the wisdom of making peace with him." "and why, may i ask, madame?" "because," she said, looking me in the eyes, "it is most likely that he will marry my daughter, and nothing is more vulgar than a family whose members are forever quarreling." i clenched my hands until the nails pierced the flesh. she had hit me a hard blow, and she knew it. "and what does dorothy think of this arrangement?" i asked, with as great composure as i could muster. she smiled with a calm assurance which made my heart sink. "dorothy would be a fool not to accept him, for he is one of the most eligible gentlemen in virginia. indeed, perhaps she has already done so, for i gave him leave to speak to her this morning," and she smiled again as she noted my trembling hands, which i tried in vain to steady. "you seem much interested in the matter." i turned from her without replying,--i could trust myself no further. not that i blamed her for hating me,--for she loved her son and i was the shadow across his path,--but she was pressing me further than i had counted on. i snatched up my hat as i ran along the hall and out the great door toward the river. spring was coming, the trees were shaking out their foliage, along the river the wild flowers were beginning to show their tiny faces, but i saw none of these as i broke my way through the brush along the water's edge,--for perhaps even now he was asking dorothy to be his wife, and she was yielding to him. the thought maddened me,--yet why should she do otherwise? what claim had i upon her? and yet i had builded such a different future for her and me. i had walked i know not how long when i came out suddenly upon the road which wound along the bank and finally dipped to the ferry, and here i sat down upon a log to think. if dorothy accepted him, i could no longer stay at riverview. i must go away to williamsburg and seek employment in the campaign, if only as a ranger. it must soon commence, and surely they would not refuse me in the ranks. as i sat absorbed in bitter thought, i heard the sound of hoof beats up the road and saw a horseman coming. i drew back behind a tree, for i was in no mood to talk to any one, and gloomily watched him as he drew nearer. there seemed something strangely familiar about the figure, and in an instant i recognized him. it was willoughby newton. in another moment he had passed, his face a picture of rage and shame. he was riding away from riverview in anger, and as i realized what that meant, i sprang forward with a great cry of joy. he must have heard me, for he turned in the saddle and shook his whip at me, and for an instant drew rein as though to stop. but he thought better of it, for he settled again in the saddle, and was soon out of sight down the road. i had not waited so long, for settling my hat on my head, i set off up the road as fast as my legs would carry me. it seemed to me i should never reach the house, and i cursed the folly which had taken me so far away, but at last i ran up the steps and into the hall. as i entered, i caught a glimpse of a well-known gown in the hall above, and in an instant i was up the stairs. "dorothy!" i gasped, seizing one of her hands, "dorothy, tell me, you have told him no?" i must have been a surprising object, covered with dust and breathless, but she leaned toward me and gave me her other hand. "yes, tom," she said very softly, "i told him no. i do not love him, tom, and i could not marry a man i do not love." "oh, dorothy," i cried, "if you knew how glad i am! if you knew how i was raging along the river at the very thought that he was asking you, and fearing for your reply; for he is a very fine fellow, dorothy," and i realized with amazement that all my resentment and anger against newton had vanished in an instant. "but when i saw him ride by like a madman, i knew you had said no, and i came back as fast as i could to make certain." somehow, as i was speaking, i had drawn her toward me, and my arm was around her. "can you not guess, dear dolly," i whispered "why i was so angry with him last night? it was because i knew he was going to ask you, and i feared that you might say yes." i could feel her trembling now, and would have bent and kissed her, but that she sprang from me with a little frightened cry, and i turned to see her mother standing in the hall below. "so," she said, mounting the steps with an ominous calmness, "my daughter sees fit to reject the addresses of mr. newton and yet receive those of mr. stewart. i perceive now why he was so deeply concerned in what i had to tell him this morning. may i ask, mr. stewart, if you consider yourself a good match for my daughter?" "good match or not, madame," i cried, "i love her, and if she will have me, she shall be my wife!" "fine talk!" she sneered. "to what estate will you take her, sir? on what income will you support her? my daughter has been accustomed to a gentle life." "and if i have no estate to which to take her," i cried, "if i have no income by which to support her, remember, madame, that it is from choice, not from necessity!" i could have bit my tongue the moment the words were out. her anger had carried her further than she intended going, but for my ungenerous retort there was no excuse. "am i to understand this is a threat?" she asked, very pale, but quite composed. "no, it is not a threat," i answered. "the words were spoken in anger, and i am sorry for them. i have already told you my intentions in that matter, and have no purpose to change my mind. i will win myself a name and an estate, and then i will come back and claim your daughter. we shall soon both be of age." she laughed bitterly. "until that day, then, mr. stewart," she said, "i must ask you to have no further intercourse with her. perhaps at williamsburg you will find a more congenial lodging while you are making your fortune." my blood rushed to my face at the insult, and i could not trust myself to answer. "come, dorothy," she continued, "you will go to your room," and she pushed her on before her. i watched them until they turned into the other corridor, and then went slowly down the stairs. as i emerged upon the walk before the house, i saw a negro riding up, whom i recognized as one of colonel washington's servants. some message for dorothy from betty washington, no doubt, and i turned moodily back toward the stables to get out my horse, for i was determined to leave the place without delay. but i was arrested by the negro calling to me. "what is it, sam?" i asked, as he cantered up beside me. "lettah f'um kuhnal washin'ton, sah," he said, and handed me the missive. i tore it open with a trembling hand. dear tom [it ran],--i have procured you an appointment as lieutenant in captain waggoner's company of virginia troops, which are to make the campaign with general braddock. they are now in barracks at winchester, where you will join them as soon as possible. your friend, g. washington. "sam," i said, "go back to the kitchen and tell sukey to fill you up on the best she's got," and i turned and ran into the house. i tapped at the door of my aunt's room, and her voice bade me enter. "i have just received a note from colonel washington," i said, "in which he tells me that he has secured me a commission as lieutenant for the campaign, so i will not need to trespass on your hospitality longer than to-morrow morning." there was a queer gleam in her eyes, which i thought i could read aright. "yes, there are many chances in war," i said bitterly, "and i am as like as another to fall." "i am not quite so bloodthirsty as you seem to think," she answered coldly, "and perhaps a moment ago i spoke more harshly than i intended. everything you need for the journey you will please ask for. i wish you every success." "thank you," i said, and left the room. my pack was soon made, for i had seen enough of frontier fighting to know no extra baggage would be permitted, and then i roamed up and down the house in hope of seeing dorothy. but she was nowhere visible, and at last i gave up the search and went to bed. i was up long before daylight, donned my old uniform, saw my horse fed and saddled, ate my breakfast, and was ready to go. i took a last look around my room, picked up my pack, and started down the stairs. "tom," whispered a voice above me, and i looked up and saw her. "quick, quick," she whispered, "say good-by." "oh, my love!" i cried, and i drew her lips down to mine. "and you will not forget me, tom?" she said. "i shall pray for you every night and morning till you come back to me. good-by." "forget you, dolly? nay, that will never be." and as i rode away through the bleak, gray morning, the mist rolling up from hill and river disclosed a world of wondrous fairness. which brings me back again to the camp at winchester,--but what a journey it has been! as i look back, nothing strikes me so greatly as the length of the way by which i have come. i had thought that some dozen pages at the most would suffice for my introduction, but memory has led my pen along many a by-path, and paused beside a score of half-forgotten landmarks. well, as it was written, so let it stand, for my heart is in it. chapter xiii lieutenant allen shows his skill the days dragged on at winchester, as days in camp will, and i accepted no more invitations to mess with the officers of the line. indeed, i received none, and we provincial officers kept to ourselves. major washington had returned to mount vernon, but i found many of my old friends with the troops, so had no lack of company. there was captain waggoner, who had got his promotion eight months before, and peyronie, recovered of his wound and eager for another bout with the french. he also had been promoted for his gallantry, and now had his own company of rangers. there was captain polson, for whom a tragic fate was waiting, and my old captain, adam stephen. and there was carolus spiltdorph, advanced to a lieutenancy like myself, and by great good fortune in my company. we began to chum together at once,--sharing our blankets and tobacco,--and continued so until the end. another friend i also found in young harry marsh, a son of colonel henry marsh, who owned a plantation some eight or ten miles above the frederick ferry, and a cousin of my aunt. colonel marsh had stopped one day at riverview, while on his way home from hampton, and had made us all promise to return his visit, but so many affairs had intervened that the promise had never been kept. the boy, who was scarce nineteen, had secured a berth as ensign in peyronie's company, and he came frequently with his captain to our quarters to listen with all his ears to our stories of the fort necessity affair. he was a fresh, wholehearted fellow, and though he persisted in considering us all as little less than heroes, was himself heroic as any, as i was in the end to learn. we were a hearty and good-tempered company, and spent our evenings together most agreeably, discussing the campaign and the various small happenings of the camp. but as spiltdorph shrewdly remarked, we were none of us so sanguinary as we had been a year before. i have since observed that the more a man sees of war, the less his eagerness for blood. from lieutenant allen i kept aloof as much as possible, and he on his part took no notice whatever of me. some rumor of my affair with him had got about the camp, but as neither of us would say a word concerning it, it was soon forgot in the press of greater matters. whatever allen's personal character may have been, it is not to be denied that he labored with us faithfully, though profanely, drilling us up and down the camp till we were near fainting in the broiling sun, or exercising us in arms for hours together, putting us through the same movement a hundred times, till we had done it to his satisfaction. we grumbled of course, among ourselves, but at the end of another fortnight the result of his work began to be apparent, and sir peter halket, when he inspected us just before starting for fort cumberland, as the fortification at will's creek was named, expressed himself well pleased with the progress we had made. for the order to advance came at last, and after a two weeks' weary journey along the road which had been widened for the passage of wagons and artillery, we reached our destination and went into quarters there. the barracks were much better appointed than were the ones at winchester, for this was to be the rendezvous of the entire force, and the independent companies which colonel washington had stationed here the previous summer had been at work all winter clearing the ground and building the fort. they had cleared a wide space in the forest, and on a little hill some two hundred yards from will's creek and four hundred from the potomac, had erected the stockade. it was near two hundred yards in length from east to west, and some fifty in width, but rude enough, consisting merely of a row of logs set upright in the ground and projecting some twelve feet above it, loopholed, and sharpened at the top. there were embrasures for twelve cannon, ten of which, all four-pounders, were already mounted. though frail as it could well be, it was deemed sufficient to withstand any attack likely to be brought against it. a great two-storied barrack for the officers of the line had been erected within the stockade, and two magazines of heavy timber. the men were camped about the fort, and half a mile away through the forest a hundred indians had pitched their wigwams. and here, on the tenth of may, came the forty-eighth under colonel dunbar, and general braddock himself in his great traveling chariot, his staff riding behind and a body of light horse on either side. we were paraded to welcome him, the drums rolled out the grenadiers, the seventeen guns prescribed by the regulations were fired, and the campaign was on in earnest. the morning of the next day, the general held his first levee in his tent, and all the officers called to pay their respects. he was a heavy-set, red-faced man of some sixty years, with long, straight nose, aggressive, pointed chin, and firm-set lips, and though he greeted us civilly enough, there was a touch of insolence in his manner which he made small effort to conceal, and which showed that it was not upon the virginia troops he placed reliance. still, there was that in his heavy-featured face and in his bearing which bespoke the soldier, and i remembered fontenoy and the record he had made there. in the afternoon, there was a general review, and he rode up and down with his staff in front of the whole force, most gorgeous in gold lace and brilliant accoutrement. of the twenty-two hundred men he looked at that day, the nine virginia companies found least favor in his eyes, for he deemed them listless and mean-spirited,--an opinion which he was at no pains to keep to himself, and which had the effect of making the bearing of his officers toward us even more insulting. as we were drawn up there in line, the orders for the camp were published, the articles of war were read to us, and in the days that followed there was great show of discipline. but it was only show, for there was little real order, and even here on the edge of the settlements, the food was so bad and so scarce that foraging parties were sent to the neighboring plantations to seize what they could find, and a general market established in the camp. to encourage the people to bring in provisions, the price was raised a penny a pound, and any person who ventured to interfere with one bringing provisions, or offered to buy of him before he reached the public market, was to suffer death. these regulations produced some supplies, though very little when compared to our great needs. a thing which encouraged me greatly to believe in the sagacity of our commander was the pains he took to engage the good offices of the indians,--such of them, that is, as had not already been hopelessly estranged by the outrages committed upon them by traders and frontiersmen. mr. croghan, one of the best known of the traders, had brought some fifty warriors to the camp, together with their women and children, and on the morning of the twelfth, a congress was held at the general's tent to receive them. all the officers were there, and when the indians were brought, the guard received them with firelocks rested. there was great powwowing and smoking the pipe, and the general gave them a belt of wampum and many presents, and urged them to take up the hatchet against the french. this they agreed to do, and doubtless would have done, but for the conduct of some of the officers of the line. the indian camp, with its bark wigwams and tall totem pole, had become a great place of resort with certain of the officers. they had been attracted first by the dancing and queer customs of the savages, and had they come away when once their curiosity was satisfied, little harm had been done. unfortunately, after looking at the men they looked at the women, and found some of them not unattractive. so, for want of something better to do, they set about debauching them, and succeeded so well that the warriors finally took their women away from the camp in disgust, and never again came near it. other indians appeared from time to time, but after begging all the rum and presents they could get, they left the camp and we never saw them again. many of them were delawares, doubtless sent as spies by the french. another visitor was captain jack, the black rifle, known and feared by the indians the whole length of the frontier. he had sworn undying vengeance against them, having come home to his cabin one night to find his wife and children butchered, and had roamed from the carolinas to the saint lawrence, leaving a trail of indian blood behind him. he would have made a most useful ally, but he took offense at some fancied slight, and one day abruptly disappeared in the forest. never during all these weeks did the regulars get over their astonishment at sight of the tall warriors stalking through the camp, painted in red, yellow, and black, and greased from head to foot, their ears slit, their heads shaved save for the scalp-lock with its tuft of feathers; nor did they cease to wonder at their skill in throwing the tomahawk and shooting with the rifle, a skill of which we were to have abundant proof erelong. it was not until four or five days after his arrival with general braddock that i had opportunity to see colonel washington. i met him one evening as i was returning from guard duty, and i found him looking so pale and dispirited that i was startled. "you are not ill?" i cried, as i grasped his hand. "ill rather in spirit than in body, tom," he answered, with a smile. "life in the general's tent is not a happy one. he has met with nothing but vexation, worry, and delay since he has been in the colony, and i believe he looks upon the country as void of honor and honesty. i try to show him that he has seen only the darker side, and we have frequent disputes, which sometimes wax very warm, for he is incapable of arguing without growing angry. not that i blame him greatly," he added, with a sigh, "for the way the colonies have acted in this matter is inexcusable. wagons, horses, and provisions which were promised us are not forthcoming, and without them we are stalled here beyond hope of advance." he passed his hand wearily before his eyes, and we walked some time in silence. "'tis this delay which is ruining our great chance of success," he continued at last. "could we have reached the fort before the french could reinforce it, the garrison must have deserted it or surrendered to us. but now they will have time to send whatever force they wish into the ohio valley, and rouse all the indian tribes for a hundred miles around. for with the indians, the french have played a wiser part than the english, tom, and have kept them ever their friends, while to-day we have not an indian in the camp." "they will return," i said. "they have all promised to return." washington shook his head. "they will not return. gist knows the indians as few other white men do, and he assures me that they will not return." "well," i retorted hotly, "indians or no indians, the french cannot hope to resist successfully an army such as ours." for a moment washington said nothing. "you must not think me a croaker, tom," and he smiled down at me again, "but indeed i see many chances of failure. even should we reach fort duquesne in safety, we will scarce be in condition to besiege it, unless the advance is conducted with rare skill and foresight." i had nothing to say in answer, for in truth i believed he was looking too much on the dark side, and yet did not like to tell him so. "how do you find the general?" i asked. "a proud, obstinate, brave man," he said, "who knows the science of war, perhaps, but who is ill fitted to cope with the difficulties he has met here and has still to meet. his great needs are patience and diplomacy and a knowledge of indian warfare. i would he had been with us last year behind the walls of fort necessity." "he has good advisers," i suggested. "surely you can tell him what occurred that day." but again washington shook his head. "my advice, such as i have ventured to give him, has been mostly thrown away. but his two other aides are good men,--captain orme and captain morris,--and may yet bring him to reason. the general's secretary, mr. shirley, is also an able man, but knows nothing of war. indeed, he accepted the position to learn something of the art, but i fancy is disgusted with what knowledge he has already gained. as to the other officers, there is little to say. some are capable, but most are merely insolent and ignorant, and all of them aim rather at displaying their own abilities than strengthening the hands of the general. in fact, tom, i have regretted a score of times that i ever consented to make the campaign." "but if you had not, where should i have been?" i protested. "at least, you had been in no danger from lieutenant allen's sword," he laughed. "i have heard many stories of his skill since i have been in camp, and perhaps it is as well he was in wine that night, and so not at his best. how has he used you since?" "why, in truth," i said, somewhat nettled at his reference to allen's skill, "he has not so much as shown that he remembers me. but i shall remind him of our engagement once the campaign is ended, and shall ask my second to call upon him." washington laughed again, and i was glad to see that i had taken his mind off his own affairs. "i shall be at your service then, tom," he said. "remember, he is one of the best swordsmen in the army, and you will do well to keep in practice. do not grow over-confident;" and he bade me good-by and turned back to the general's quarters. i thought his advice well given, and the very next day, to my great delight, found in captain polson's company john langlade, the man of whom i had taken a dozen lessons at williamsburg. he was very ready to accept the chance to add a few shillings to his pay, so for an hour every morning we exercised in a little open space behind the stockade. i soon found with great satisfaction that i could hold my own against him, though he was accounted a good swordsman, and he complimented me more than once on my strength of wrist and quickness of eye. we were hard at it one morning, when i heard some one approaching, and, glancing around, saw that it was lieutenant allen. i flushed crimson with chagrin, for that he guessed the reason of my diligence with the foils, i could not doubt. but i continued my play as though i had not seen him, and for some time he stood watching us with a dry smile. "very pretty," he said at last, as we stopped to breathe. "if all the virginia troops would spend their mornings to such advantage, i should soon make soldiers of them despite themselves. rapier play is most useful when one is going to fight the french, who are masters at it. i fear my own arm is growing rusty," he added carelessly. "lend me your foil a moment, lieutenant stewart." i handed it to him without a word, wondering what the man would be at. he took it nonchalantly, tested it, and turned to langlade. "will you cross with me?" he said, and as langlade nodded, he saluted and they engaged. almost before the ring of the first parade had died away, langlade's foil was flying through the air, and allen was smiling blandly into his astonished face. "an accident, i do not doubt," he said coolly. "such accidents will happen sometimes. will you try again?" langlade pressed his lips together, and without replying, picked up his foil. i saw him measure allen with his eye, and then they engaged a second time. for a few moments, allen contented himself with standing on the defensive, parrying langlade's savage thrusts with a coolness which nothing could shake and an art that was consummate. then he bent to the attack, and touched his adversary on breast and arm and thigh, his point reaching its mark with ease and seeming slowness. "really, i must go," he said at length. "the bout has done me a world of good. i trust you will profit by the lesson, lieutenant stewart," and he handed me back my foil, smiled full into my eyes, and walked away. we both stared after him, until he turned the corner and was out of sight. "he's the devil himself," gasped langlade, as our eyes met. "i have never felt such a wrist. did you see how he disarmed me? 'twas no accident. my fingers would have broken in an instant more, had i not let go the foil. who is he?" "lieutenant allen, of the forty-fourth," i answered as carelessly as i could. langlade fell silent a moment. "i have heard of him," he said at last. "i do not wonder he disarmed me. 'twas he who met the comte d'artois, the finest swordsman in the french guards, in a little wood on the border of holland, one morning, over some affair of honor. they had agreed that it should be to the death." "and what was the result?" i questioned, looking out over the camp as though little interested in the answer. "can you doubt?" asked langlade. "allen returned to england without a scratch, and his opponent was carried back to paris with a sword-thrust through his heart, and buried beside his royal relatives at saint denis. i pity any man who is called upon to face him. he has need to be a master." i nodded gloomily, put up the foils, and returned to my quarters, for i was in no mood for further exercise that morning. what allen had meant by his last remark i could not doubt. the lesson i was to profit by was that i should stand no chance against him. chapter xiv i chance upon a tragedy as the first weeks of may passed, we slowly got into shape for the advance, and i began to realize the magnitude of the task before us. our march to great meadows the year before, arduous as it had been, was mere child's play to this, and i did not wonder that on every hand the general found himself confronting obstacles well-nigh insurmountable. and each day, as though to cover other defects, the discipline grew more exacting. arms were constantly inspected and overhauled; roll was called morning, noon, and night; each regiment attended divine service around the colors every sabbath, though neither officers nor men got much good from it that i could see; guard mount occurred each morning at eight o'clock; every man was supplied with twenty-four rounds and extra flints, and also a new shirt, a new pair of stockings and of shoes, and osnabrig waistcoats and breeches, the heat making the others insupportable, and with bladders for their hats. on the sixteenth, colonel gage, with two companies of the forty-fourth and the last division of the train, toiled into camp, very weary and travel-stained, and on this day, too, was the first death among the officers, captain bromley, of sir peter halket's, succumbing to dysentery. two days later, we all attended his funeral, and a most impressive sight it was. a captain's guard marched before the coffin, their firelocks reversed, and the drums beating the dead march. at the grave the guard formed on either side, and the coffin, with sword and sash upon it, was carried in between and lowered into place. the service was read by chaplain hughes, of the forty-fourth, the guard fired three volleys over the grave, and we returned to quarters. there was a great demonstration next day to impress some indians that had come into camp. all the guns were fired, and drums and fifes were set to beating and playing the point-of-war, and then four or five companies of regulars were put through their manoeuvres. the indians were vastly astonished at seeing them move together as one man, and even to us provincials it was a thrilling and impressive sight. and on the twentieth happened one of the pleasantest incidents of the whole campaign. the great difficulty which confronted our commander from the first was the lack of means of transport. of the three thousand horses and three hundred wagons promised from the colonies, only two hundred horses and twenty wagons were forthcoming, so that for a time it seemed that the expedition must be abandoned. small wonder the general raved and swore at provincial perfidy and turpitude, the more so when it was discovered that a great part of the provision furnished for the army was utterly worthless, and the two hundred horses scarce able to stand upon their feet. let me say here that i believe this purblind policy of delaying the expedition instead of freely aiding it had much to do with the result. virginia did her part with some degree of willingness, but pennsylvania, whence the general expected to draw a great part of his transport and provision, would do nothing. the assembly spent its time bickering with the governor, and when asked to contribute toward its own defense, made the astounding statement that "they had rather the french should conquer them than give up their privileges." some of them even asserted that there were no french, but that the whole affair was a scheme of the politicians, and acted, to use dinwiddie's words, as though they had given their senses a long holiday. yet, strangely enough, it was from a pennsylvanian that aid came at last, for just when matters were at their worst and the general in despair, there came to his quarters at frederick a very famous gentleman,--more famous still in the troublous times which are upon us now,--mr. benjamin franklin, of philadelphia, director of posts in the colonies and sometime printer of "poor richard." the general received him as his merit warranted, and explained to him our difficulties. mr. franklin, as colonel washington told me afterward, listened to it all with close attention, putting in a keen question now and then, and at the end said he believed he could secure us horses and wagons from his friends among the pennsylvania dutch, who were ever ready to turn an honest penny. so he wrote them a diplomatic letter, and the result was that, beside near a hundred furnished earlier, there came to us at cumberland on the twentieth above eighty wagons, each with four horses, and the general declared mr. franklin the only honest man he had met in america. we, too, had cause to remember him, for all the officers were summoned to the general's tent, and there was distributed to each of us a package containing a generous supply of sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, cheese, butter, wine, spirits, hams, tongues, rice, and raisins, the gift of mr. franklin and the philadelphia assembly. there was high carnival in our tent that night, as you may well believe. we were all there, all who had been present at fort necessity, and not since the campaign opened had we sat down to such a feast. and when the plates were cleared away and only the pipes and wine remained, peyronie sang us a song in french, and spiltdorph one in german, and polson one in gaelic, and old christopher gist, who stuck in his head to see what was toward, was pressed to pay for his entertainment by giving us a cherokee war-song, which he did with much fire and spirit. we sat long into the night talking of the past and of the future, and of the great things we were going to accomplish. nor did we forget to draft a letter of most hearty thanks to mr. franklin, which was sent him, together with many others, among them one from sir peter halket himself. the arrival of the wagons had done much to solve the problem of transport, and on the next day preparations for the advance began in earnest. the whole force of carpenters was put to work building a bridge across the creek, the smiths sharpened the axes, and the bakers baked a prodigious number of little biscuits for us to carry on the march. two hundred pioneers were sent out to cut the road, and from one end of the camp to the other was the stir of preparation. so two days passed, and on the afternoon of the twenty-fourth, spiltdorph and myself crossed the creek on the bridge, which was well-nigh completed, and walked on into the forest to see what progress the pioneers were making. we each took a firelock with us in hope of knocking over some game for supper, to help out our dwindling larder. we found that the pioneers had cut a road twelve feet wide some two miles into the forest. it was a mere tunnel between the trees, whose branches overtopped it with a roof of green, but it had been leveled with great care,--more care than i thought necessary,--and would give smooth going to the wagons and artillery. we reached the end of the road, where the axemen were laboring faithfully, and after watching them for a time, were turning back to camp, when spiltdorph called my attention to the peculiar appearance of the ground about us. we were in the midst of a grove of chestnuts, and the leaves beneath them for rods around had been turned over and the earth freshly raked up. "what under heaven could have caused that?" asked spiltdorph. "wild turkeys," i answered quickly, for i had often seen the like under beeches and oaks as well as chestnuts. "come on," i added, "perhaps they are not far away." "all right," said spiltdorph, "a wild turkey would go exceeding well on our table;" and he followed me into the forest. the turkeys had evidently been frightened away by the approach of the pioneers, and had stopped here and there to hunt for food, so that their track was easily followed. i judged they could not be far away, and was looking every moment to see their blue heads bobbing about among the underbrush, when i heard a sharp fusilade of shots ahead. "somebody 's found 'em!" i cried. "come on. perhaps we can get some yet." we tore through a bit of marshy ground, up a slight hill, and came suddenly to the edge of a little clearing. one glance into it sent me headlong behind a bush, and i tripped up spiltdorph beside me. "good god, man!" he cried, but i had my hand over his mouth before he could say more. "be still," i whispered "an you value your life. look over there." he peered around the bush and saw what i had seen, a dozen indians in full war paint busily engaged in setting fire to a log cabin which stood in the middle of the clearing. they were going about the task in unwonted silence, doubtless because of the nearness of our troops, and a half dozen bodies, two of women and four of children, scattered on the ground before the door, showed how completely they had done their work. even as we looked, two of them picked up the body of one of the women and threw it into the burning house. "the devils!" groaned spiltdorph. "oh, the devils!" and i felt my own blood boiling in my veins. "come, we must do something!" i said. "we can kill two of them and reload and kill two more before they can reach us. they will not dare pursue us far toward the camp, and may even run at the first fire." "good!" said spiltdorph, between his teeth. "pick your man;" but before i could reply he had jerked his musket to his shoulder with a cry of rage and fired. an indian had picked up one of the children, which must have been only wounded, since it was crying lustily, and was just about to pitch it on the fire, when spiltdorph's bullet caught him full in the breast. he threw up his hands and fell like a log, the child under him. quick as a flash, i fired and brought down another. for an instant the indians stood dazed at the suddenness of the attack, and then with a yell they broke for the other side of the clearing. spiltdorph would have started down toward the house, but i held him back. "not yet," i said. "they will stop so soon as they get to cover. wait a bit." we waited for half an hour, watching the smoke curling over the house, and then, judging that the indians had made off for fear of being ambushed, we crossed the clearing. it took but a glance to read the story. the women had been washing by the little brook before the cabin, with the children playing about them, when the indians had come up and with a single volley killed them all except the child we had heard crying. they had swooped down upon their victims, torn the scalps from their heads, looted the house, and set fire to it. we dragged out the body of the woman which had been thrown within, in the hope that a spark of life might yet remain, but she was quite dead. beneath the warrior spiltdorph had shot we found the child. it was a boy of some six or seven years, and so covered with blood that it seemed it must be dead. but we stripped it and washed it in the brook, and found no wounds upon it except in the head, where it had been struck with a hatchet before its scalp had been stripped off. the cold water brought it back to life and it began to cry again, whereat spiltdorph took off his coat and wrapped it tenderly about it. we washed the blood from the faces of the women and stood for a long time looking down at them. they were both comely, the younger just at the dawn of womanhood. they must have been talking merrily together, for their faces were smiling as they had been in life. as i stood looking so, i was startled by a kind of dry sobbing at my elbow, and turned with a jerk to find a man standing there. he was leaning on his rifle, gazing down at the dead, with no sound but the choking in his throat. a brace of turkeys over his shoulder showed that he had been hunting. in an instant i understood. it was the husband and father come home. he did not move as i looked at him nor raise his eyes, but stood transfixed under his agony. i glanced across at spiltdorph, and saw that his eyes were wet and his lips quivering. i did not venture to speak, but my friend, who was ever more tactful than i, moved to the man's side and placed his hand gently on his shoulder. "they died an easy death," he said softly. "see, they are still smiling. they had no fear, no agony. they were dead before they knew that danger threatened. let us thank god that they suffered no worse." the man breathed a long sigh and his strength seemed to go suddenly from him, for he dropped his rifle and fell upon his knees. "this was my wife," he whispered. "this was my sister. these were my children. what is there left on earth for me?" i no longer sought to control the working of my face, and the tears were streaming down spiltdorph's cheeks. great, gentle, manly heart, how i loved you! "yes, there is something!" cried the man, and he sprang to his feet and seized his gun. "there is vengeance! friends, will you help me bury my dead?" "yes, we will help," i said. he brought a spade and hoe from a little hut near the stream, and we dug a broad and shallow trench and laid the bodies in it. "there is one missing," said the man, looking about him. "where is he?" "he is here," said spiltdorph, opening his coat. "he is not dead. he may yet live." the father looked at the boy a moment, then fell on his knees and kissed him. "thank god!" he cried, and the tears burst forth. we waited in silence until the storm of grief was past. at last he wrapped the coat about the child again, and came to us where we stood beside the grave. "friends," he said, "does either of you know the burial service? these were virtuous and christian women, and would wish a christian burial." spiltdorph sadly shook his head, and the man turned to me. could i do it? i trembled at the thought. yet how could i refuse? "i know the service," i said, and took my place at the head of the grave. the mists of evening were stealing up from the forest about us, and there was no sound save the plashing of the brook over the stones at our feet. then it all faded from before me and i was standing again in a willow grove with an open grave afar off. "'i am the resurrection and the life, saith the lord,'" it was not my voice, but another ringing up to heaven from beside me. and the voice kept on and on until the last amen. we filled in the shallow grave and covered it with logs and rocks. night was at hand before we finished. "you must come with us," said spiltdorph to the stranger. "the doctor at the fort will do what he can for the child. if you still think of vengeance, you can march with us against the indians and the french who set them on." he made a gesture of assent, and we set off through the forest. "stewart," asked spiltdorph, in a low voice, after we had walked some time in silence, "how does it happen you knew the burial service?" "i have read it many times in the prayer-book," i answered simply. "moreover, i heard it one morning beside my mother's grave, and again beside my grandfather's. i am not like to forget it." he walked on for a moment, and then came close to me and caught my hand in his. "forgive me," he said softly. "you have done a good and generous thing. i can judge how much it cost you," and we said no more until we reached the fort. the news that the indians had pushed hostilities so near the camp created no little uproar, and a party was sent out at daybreak to scour the woods and endeavor to teach the marauders a lesson, but they returned toward evening without discovering a trace of them, and it was believed they had made off to fort duquesne. the indians whom we had killed were recognized as two of a party of delawares who had been in camp a few days before, and who, it was now certain, had been sent as spies by the french and to do us what harm they could. wherefore it was ordered that no more delawares should be suffered to enter the camp. we turned the child over to doctor craik, and took the man, whose name, it seemed, was nicholas stith, to our tent with us, where we gave him meat and drink, and did what we could to take his mind from his misfortune. he remained with us some days, until his child died, as it did at last, and then, finding our advance too slow to keep pace with his passion for revenge, secured a store of ball and powder from the magazine, slung his rifle across his back, and disappeared into the forest. in the mean time our preparations had been hurried on apace. it was no light task to cut a road through near a hundred and fifty miles of virgin forest, over two great mountain ranges and across innumerable streams, nor was it lightly undertaken. captain waggoner brought with him to table one night a copy of the orders for the march and for encampment, which were adhered to with few changes during the whole advance, and we discussed them thoroughly when the meal was finished, nor could we discover in them much to criticise. it was ordered that, to protect the baggage from indian surprise and insult, scouting parties were to be thrown well out upon the flanks and in front and rear, and every commanding officer of a company was directed to detach always upon his flanks a third of his men under command of a sergeant, the sergeant in turn to detach upon his flanks a third of his men under command of a corporal, these outparties to be relieved every night at retreat beating, and to form the advanced pickets. the wagons, artillery, and pack-horses were formed into three divisions, and the provisions so distributed that each division was to be victualed from the part of the line it covered, and a commissary was appointed for each. the companies were to march two deep, that they might cover the line more effectively. sir peter halket was to lead the column and colonel dunbar bring up the rear. an advance party of three hundred men was to precede the column and clear the road. the form of encampment differed little from that of march. the wagons were to be drawn up in close order, the companies to face out, the flanking parties to clear away the underbrush and saplings, half the company remaining under arms the while, and finally a chain of sentries was to be posted round the camp. sir peter halket, with the forty-fourth, was to march with the first division; lieutenant-colonel burton with the independent companies, provincials, and artillery, was to form the second; and colonel dunbar, with the forty-eighth, the third. i confess that when i had become acquainted with these orders, they seemed to me most soldier-like. a copy of them lies before me now, and even at this day, when i scan again the plan of march, i do not see how it could be improved. i admit that there are others who know much more of the art of war than i, and to them defects in the system may be at once discernible. but at the time, these orders gave us all a most exalted opinion of our general's ability, and i remembered with a smile the gloomy prophecies of colonel washington. surely, against such a force, so ably handled, no army the french might muster could avail, and i awaited the event with a confidence and eager anticipation which were shared by all the others. chapter xv we start on a weary journey the twenty-ninth of may dawned clear and bright in pleasant contrast to the violent storm which had raged the day before. long ere daybreak, the camp was alive with hurrying men, for the first detachment was to march under command of major campbell, and the sun had scarce risen above the horizon when the gates were thrown open and the troops filed out. six hundred of them there were, with two fieldpieces and fifty wagons of provision, and very smart they looked as they fell into rank beyond the bridge and set off westward. the whole camp was there to see them go, and cheered them right heartily, for we were all of us glad that the long waiting and delay had come to an end at last. all day we could see them here and there in the intervales of the forest pushing their way up a steep hill not two miles from the camp, and darkness came before they passed the summit. three wagons were utterly destroyed in the passage, and new ones had to be sent from camp to replace them, while many more were all but ruined. spiltdorph and i walked out to the place the next day and found it an almost perpendicular rock, though two hundred men and a company of miners had been at work for near a week trying to make it passable. we could see the detachment slowly cutting its way through the valley below, and i reflected gloomily that, at so slow a rate, the summer would be well-nigh gone before the army could reach its destination. indeed, i believe it would have gone to pieces on this first spur of the alleghenies, had not lieutenant spendelow, of the seamen, discovered a valley round its foot. accordingly, a party of a hundred men was ordered out to clear a road there, and worked to such purpose that at the end of two days an extremely good one was completed, falling into the road made by major campbell about a mile beyond the mountain. on the seventh, sir peter halket and the forty-eighth marched, in the midst of a heavy storm, and at daybreak the next day it was our turn. under command of lieutenant-colonel burton, all of the independent companies and rangers left the camp, not, indeed, making so brilliant an appearance as the regulars,--who stood on either side and laughed at us,--but with a clearer comprehension of the work before us and a hearty readiness to do it. it was not until the tenth that the third division under colonel dunbar left the fort, and finally, on the eleventh, the general joined the army where it had assembled at spendelow camp, five miles from the start. our tent that night was a gloomy place, for i think most of us, for the first time since the campaign opened, began to doubt its ultimate success. we soon finished with the food, and were smoking in gloomy silence, when peyronie came in, and after a glance around at our faces, broke into a laugh. "ma foi!" he cried, "i thought i had chanced upon a meeting of our philadelphia friends,--they of the broad hats and sober coats,--and yet i had never before known them to go to war." "do you call this going to war?" cried waggoner. "i'm cursed if i do!" peyronie laughed louder than ever, and waggoner motioned him to the pipes and tobacco. "by god, peyronie!" he said. "i believe you would laugh in the face of the devil." peyronie filled his pipe, chuckling to himself the while, and when he had got it to drawing nicely, settled himself upon a stool. "why, to tell the truth," said he, "i was feeling sober enough myself till i came in here, but the sight of you fellows sitting around for all the world like death-heads at an egyptian feast was too much for me. and then," he added, "i have always found it better to laugh than to cry." waggoner looked at him with a grim smile, and there was a gleam in spiltdorph's eyes, though he tried to conceal himself behind a cloud of smoke. peyronie's good humor was infectious. "let me see," continued the frenchman, "when was it the first detachment left the fort?" "the twenty-ninth of may," answered waggoner shortly. "and what day is this?" "the eleventh of june." "and how far have we come?" "five miles!" cried waggoner. "damn it, man, you know all this well enough! don't make me say it! it's incredible! five miles in thirteen days! think of it!" i heard spiltdorph choking behind his cloud of smoke. "oh, come," said peyronie, "that's not the way to look at it. consider a moment. it is one hundred and fifty miles to fort duquesne, so i am told. at five-thirteenths of a mile a day, we shall arrive there nicely in--in--let me see." "in three hundred and ninety days!" cried spiltdorph. "thank you, lieutenant," and peyronie bowed toward spiltdorph's nimbus. "i was never good at figures. in three hundred and ninety days, then. you see, we shall get to fort duquesne very comfortably by the middle of july of next year. perhaps the french will have grown weary of waiting for us by that time, and we shall have only to march in and occupy the fort." waggoner snorted with anger. "come, talk sense, peyronie," he said. "what's to be done?" peyronie smiled more blandly than ever. "i fancy that is just what's troubling the general," he remarked. "i met colonel washington a moment ago looking like a thunder-cloud, and he said a council of war had been called at the general's tent." "there was need of it," and waggoner's brow cleared a little. "what think you they will do?" "well," said peyronie deliberately, "if it were left to me, the first thing i should do would be to cut down spiltdorph's supply of tobacco and take away from him that great porcelain pipe, which must weigh two or three pounds." "i should like to see you do it," grunted spiltdorph, and he took his pipe from his lips to look at it lovingly. "why, man, that pipe has been in the family for half a dozen generations. there's only one other like it in germany." "a most fortunate thing," remarked peyronie dryly; "else virginia could not raise enough tobacco to supply the market. but, seriously, i believe even the general will see the need of taking some radical action. he may even be induced to leave behind one or two of his women and a few cases of wine, if the matter be put before him plainly." "shut up, man!" cried waggoner. "do you want a court-martial?" and we fell silent, for indeed the excesses of the officers of the line was a sore subject with all of us. but peyronie had made a good guess, as we found out when the result of the council was made known next day. it was pointed out that we had less than half the horses we really needed, and those we had were so weak from the diet of leaves to which they had been reduced that they could do little work. so the general urged that all unnecessary baggage be sent back to the fort, and that as many horses as possible be given to the public cause. he and his staff set the example by contributing twenty horses, and this had so great effect among the officers that near a hundred were added to the train. they divested themselves, also, of all the baggage they did not need, most of them even sending back their tents, and sharing the soldiers' tents for the remainder of the campaign. enough powder and stores were left behind to clear twenty wagons, and all the king's wagons were returned to the fort as being too heavy. a deprivation which, i doubt not, cost some of the officers more than any other, was that of their women, who were ordered back to the fort, and only two women for each company were allowed to be victualed upon the march, but in this particular the example set by the general was not so commendable as in the matter of the horses. three hundred lashes were ordered to any soldier or non-commissioned officer who should be caught gaming or seen drunk in camp, but these rigors did not affect those higher up, and the officers still spent half the night over the cards or dice, and on such occasions there was much wine and spirits drunk. we of waggoner's and peyronie's companies fared very well, for though we gave up one of our tents, it was only to bunk together in the other. there was no room to spare, to be sure, and peyronie grumbled that every time a man turned over he disturbed the whole line of sleepers, but we put the best face possible on the situation, and had little cause for complaint, except at the food, which soon became most villainous. i think spiltdorph had some twinges concerning his pipe, for he was a conscientious fellow, but he could not decide to give it up, and finally kept it with him, arguing artfully that without it he must inevitably fall ill, and so be of no use whatever. dear fellow, i wonder what warrior, the envy of his tribe, smokes it now in his wigwam beside the miami? it took two days to repair our wagons and get our baggage readjusted, and finally, on the thirteenth, the army set in motion again, winding along the narrow road through the forest like some gigantic, parti-colored serpent, with strength barely sufficient to drag its great length along. it was noon of the next day before we reached martin's plantation, scarce five miles away. yet here we had to stay another day, so nearly were the horses spent, but at daybreak on the fifteenth the line moved again, and we toiled up an extremely steep ascent for more than two miles. the horses were quite unable to proceed, so half the troops were ordered to ground arms and assist the wagons. it was weary work, nor was the descent less perilous, and three of the wagons got beyond control and were dashed to pieces at the bottom. so we struggled on over hills and through valleys, until on the eighteenth we reached the little meadows. here the army was well-nigh stalled. the horses had grown every day weaker, and many of them were already dead. nor were the men in much better case, so excessive had been the fatigues of the journey, for on many days they had been under arms from sunrise till late into the night. it was here, for the first time since our departure from fort cumberland, that i chanced to see colonel washington, and i was shocked at the change in his appearance. he was wan and livid, and seemed to have fallen away greatly in flesh. to my startled inquiry, he replied that he had not been able to shake off the fever, which had grown worse instead of better. "but i will conquer it," he said, with a smile. "i cannot afford to miss the end. from here, i believe our advance will be more rapid, for the general has decided that he will leave his baggage and push on with a picked body of the troops to meet the enemy." i was rejoiced to hear it, though i did not learn until long afterwards that it was by colonel washington's advice that this plan was adopted. a detachment of four hundred men was sent out to cut a road to the little crossing of the yoxiogeny, and on the next day the general himself followed with about nine hundred men, the pick of the whole command. the virginia companies were yet in fair condition, but the regulars had been decimated by disease. yet though our baggage was now reduced to thirty wagons and our artillery to four howitzers and four twelve-pounders, we seemed to have lost the power of motion, for we were four days in getting twelve miles. still, we were nearing fort duquesne, and the indians, set on by the french, began to harass us, and killed and scalped a straggler now and then, always evading pursuit. on the evening of the nineteenth, the guides reported that a great body of the enemy was advancing to attack us, but they did not appear, though we remained for two hours under arms, anxiously awaiting the event. from that time on, the indians hung upon our flanks, but vanished as by magic the moment we advanced against them. in consequence of these alarms, more stringent orders were issued to the camp. on no account was a gun to be discharged unless at an enemy, the pickets were always to load afresh when going on duty, and at daybreak to examine their pans and put in fresh priming, and a reward of five pounds was offered for every indian scalp. day after day we plodded on, and it was not until the twenty-fifth of june that we reached the great meadows. i surveyed with a melancholy interest the trenches of fort necessity, which were yet clearly to be seen on the plain. our detachment halted here for a space, and it was while i was walking up and down along the remnants of the old breastwork that i saw an officer ride up, spring from his horse, and spend some minutes in a keen inspection of the fortification. as he looked about him, he perceived me similarly engaged, and, after a moment's hesitation, turned toward me. he made a brave figure in his three-cornered hat, scarlet coat, and ample waistcoat, all heavy with gold lace. his face was pale as from much loss of sleep, but very pleasing, and as he stopped before me, i saw that his eyes were of a clear and penetrating blue. "this is the place, is it not," he asked, "where colonel washington made his gallant stand against the french and indians last year?" "this is indeed the place, sir," i answered, my face flushing; "and it warms my heart to know that you deem the action a gallant one." "no man could do less," he said quickly. "he held off four times his number, and at the end marched out with colors flying. i know many a general who would have been glad to do so well. do i guess aright," he added, with a smile, "when i venture to say that you were present with him?" "it was my great good fortune," i answered simply, but with a pride i did not try to conceal. "let me introduce myself," he said, looking at me with greater interest. "i am captain robert orme, of general brad dock's staff, and i have come to admire colonel washington very greatly during the month that we have been associated." "and i," i said, "am lieutenant thomas stewart, of captain waggoner's virginia company." "lieutenant stewart!" he cried, and his hand was clasping mine warmly. "i am happy to meet you. colonel washington has told me of the part you played." "not more happy than am i, captain, i am sure," i answered heartily. "colonel washington has spoken to me of you and in terms of warmest praise." "now 'tis my turn to blush!" he cried, laughing, and looking at my cheeks which had turned red a moment before, "but my blood has been so spent in this horrible march that i haven't a blush remaining." "and how is colonel washington?" i questioned, glad to change the subject. "the last i saw him, he seemed most ill." captain orme looked at me quickly, "have you not heard?" he asked, and his face was very grave. "i have heard nothing, sir," i answered, with a sinking heart. "pray tell me." "colonel washington has been ill almost from the first. his indomitable will kept him on horseback when he should have been in bed. at last, when the fever had wasted him to a mere skeleton, and he spent his nights in sleepless delirium, he broke down utterly. his body was no longer able to obey his will. at the ford of the yoxiogeny he attempted to mount his horse and fell in a faint. he was carried to a tent and left with two or three guards. so soon as he recovered consciousness, he tried to get up to follow us, and was persuaded to lie still only when the general promised he would send for him in order that he might be present when we meet the french. he is a man who is an honor to virginia," concluded orme, and he turned away hastily to hide his emotion, nor were my own eyes wholly dry. "come," i said, "let me show you, sir, how the troops lay that day," and as he assented, i led the way along the lines and pointed out the position held by the enemy and how we had opposed them; but my thoughts were miles away with that wasted figure tossing wearily from side to side of a rude camp cot on the bank of the yoxiogeny, with no other nurses than two or three rough soldiers. "'twas well done," said orme, when i had finished. "i see not how it could have been better. and i trust the victory will be with us, not with the french, when we meet before duquesne." "of that there can be no question!" i cried. "once we reach the fort, it must fall before us." "faith, i believe so," laughed orme. "my only fear is that they will run away, and not stay to give us battle. our spies have told us that such was their intention," and he laughed again as he saw my fallen face. "why, i believe you are as great a fire-eater as the best of us, lieutenant." "in truth, sir," i answered, somewhat abashed at his merriment, "i decided long ago that since i held no station in the world, i needs must win one with my sword, but if i can find no employment for it, i see small hope of advancement." "well, do not repine," and he smiled as he shook my hand, "for if the french do not wait to meet us here, we shall yet find plenty of fighting before us. this is only the first stage in the journey, and duquesne once ours, we press forward to join forces with the expeditions which are moving against canada. if i hear more from colonel washington, i shall let you know." i thanked him for his kindness, and watched him as he rode away across the plain. when he was out of sight, i turned back to join my company, and i felt that i had made a new friend, and one whom i was proud to have. chapter xvi the end in sight the country beyond great meadows was exceeding mountainous, and we could proceed only a few miles each day, and that with the greatest difficulty. the horses were by this time well-nigh useless, and at every little hill half the men were compelled to ground arms and take a hand at the wagons. it was work fatiguing beyond description, and our sick list grew larger every day, while those who remained upon their feet were in scarce better plight. on the evening of the twenty-sixth, we reached the pass through which had come the party of french and indians to attack us at fort necessity. they must have thought for a time to oppose us here, for we came upon traces of a camp just broken up, with embers still glowing in the hollow, over which they had prepared their food. both french and indians had been present, for the former had written on the trees many insolent and scurrilous expressions,--which gave me a poorer opinion of them than i had yet entertained,--and the indians had marked up the number of scalps they had taken, some eight or ten in all. whatever their intention may have been, the sight of our strength had frightened them away, and we saw no sign of them as we descended into the valley on the other side. we toiled on all the next day over a road that was painfully familiar to most of us, and in the evening came to christopher gist's plantation. spiltdorph and i made a circuit of the place that night, and i pointed out to him the dispositions we had made for defense the year before. the french had burned down all the buildings, but the half-finished trenches could yet be seen, and the logs which were to have made the breastwork still littered the ground. beyond gist's, it was a new country to all of us, and grew more open, so that we could make longer marches. we descended a broad valley to the great crossing of the yoxiogeny, which we passed on the thirtieth. the general was under much apprehension lest the french ambush us here, and so advanced most cautiously, but we saw no sign of any enemy. beyond the river was a great swamp, where a road of logs had to be built to support the wagons and artillery, but we won through without accident, and two days later reached a place called jacob's cabin, not above thirty miles, as the bird flies, from fort duquesne. here the rumor ran through the camp that we were to be held till colonel dunbar's division could be brought up from the little meadows, and there was much savage comment at our mess that evening. "why," cried peyronie, who voiced the sentiment of all of us, "'twould take two weeks or more to bring dunbar up, and what are we to do meantime? sit here and eat this carrion?" and he looked disgustedly at the mess of unsavory beef on the table, which was, to tell the truth, most odoriferous. "'tis rank folly to even think of such a course." "so the general believes," said a pleasant voice, and i turned with a start to see a gallant figure standing by the raised flap of the tent. "captain orme!" i cried, springing to my feet, and i brought him in and presented him to all the others. we pressed him to sit down, and though he laughingly declined to partake of our rations, against which, he said, peyronie's remark had somehow prejudiced him, he consented to join us in a glass of wine,--where waggoner found the bottle i could never guess,--in which we pledged the success of the campaign. "so we are not to stop here?" asked peyronie, when the toast was drunk. "no," and orme set down the glass. "the suggestion was made by sir john st. clair, and a council was held half an hour since to consider it. it was agreed without debate that we could not afford the delay, as the provision is running low, and so we shall press on at once." "'tis the wiser course," said waggoner. "we have men in plenty." "so the general thinks," said orme. "he has learned that there is only a small garrison at the fort, which can scarce hope to resist us. but 'twas not to talk of the campaign i came here. i had a note this evening from colonel washington, which i knew lieutenant stewart would wish to see." "oh, yes!" i cried. "what says he, sir?" orme glanced about at the circle of attentive faces. "i see colonel washington has many friends here," he said, with a smile. "he writes that he is improving, and hopes soon to join us, and implores me not to neglect to warn him so that he can be present when we meet the french. i shall not neglect it," he added. "captain orme," said peyronie, after a moment, "i am sure i speak for all these gentlemen when i say we deeply appreciate your kindness in coming here to-night. there is not one of us who does not love colonel washington. we thank you, sir," and peyronie bowed with a grace worthy of versailles. "nay," protested orme, bowing in his turn, "it was a little thing. i, too, think much of colonel washington. good-evening, gentlemen," and we all arose and saluted him, remaining standing till he was out of sight. "a gentleman and a soldier, if ever i saw one!" cried peyronie. "a man whom it is a privilege to know." and we all of us echoed the sentiment. so, the next morning, the order was given to march as usual, and we made about five miles to a salt lick in the marsh, where we camped for the night. the next day we reached a little stream called thicketty run, and here there was a longer halt, until we could gain some further information of the enemy. christopher gist, by dint of many gifts and much persuasion, had secured the services of eight iroquois, lazy dogs, who up to the present time had done little but eat and sleep. but we were now so near the enemy that it was imperative to reconnoitre their position, so, after much trouble, two of the indians were induced to go forward, and gist himself was sent after them to see that they really did approach the fort and not try to deceive us. this was the fourth of july, just one year since we had marched away from fort necessity. all the next day we remained at thicketty run, waiting for the scouts to come in, but they did not appear until the sixth. the indians returned early in the morning, bringing with them the scalp of a french officer they had killed near the fort, and stated that they had seen none of the enemy except the one they had shot, and that the french possessed no pass between us and duquesne, and had seemingly made no preparation to resist us. gist got back later in the day, having narrowly escaped capture by two delawares, and confirmed this story. such carelessness on the part of the french seemed incredible, as the country was very favorable to an ambuscade, and the officers were almost unanimously of the opinion that it was their purpose to abandon the fort at our approach. these reports once received, we again broke camp and advanced toward the monongahela. an unhappy accident marked the day. three or four men who had loitered behind were surprised by some indians, and killed and scalped, before assistance could be sent them. this so excited our scouting parties that they fired upon a body of our own indians, notwithstanding the fact that they made the preconcerted signal by holding up a green bough and grounding arms. the son of chief monakatuca was killed by the discharge, and it was feared for a time that the indians would leave in a body. but the general sent for them, condoled with them and made them presents, ordered that monakatuca's son be given a military burial, and, in a word, handled them so adroitly that they became more attached to us than ever. additional scouting parties were thrown out to right and left, and every precaution taken to prevent further mishap. the next day we endeavored to pass a little stream called turtle creek, but found the road impracticable, so turned into the valley of another stream, known as long run, and on the night of the eighth encamped within a mile of the monongahela, and only about ten from the fort. here general st. clair, who seems from the first to have feared for the result, advised that a detachment be sent forward to invest the fort, but it was finally judged best to send the detachment from the next camp, from which it could be readily reinforced in case it were attacked. we were to ford the monongahela at crooked run, march along the west bank to the mouth of turtle creek, ford it a second time, and advance against the fort. both fords were described by the guides as very good ones and easy of passage, while if we attempted to advance straight ahead on the east bank of the river, we should encounter a very rough road, beside passing through a country admirably fitted by nature for an ambuscade. colonel gage was to march before daybreak to secure both fords, and the men turned in with full assurance that the battle so long deferred and so eagerly awaited was not far distant. that night it so happened that i was placed in charge of one of the rear pickets, and i sat with my back against a tree, smoking lazily and wondering what the morrow would bring forth, when i heard a horse galloping down the road, and a moment later the sharp challenge of a sentry. i was on my feet in an instant, and saw that the picket had evidently been satisfied that all was well, for he had permitted the rider to pass. as he reached the edge of the camp, he emerged from the shadow of the trees, and i started as i looked at him. "colonel washington!" i cried, and as he checked his horse sharply, i was at his side. "why, is it you, tom?" he asked, and as i took his hand, i noticed how thin it was. "well, it seems i am in time." "yes," i said. "the battle, if there be one, must take place to-morrow." "why should there not be one?" he questioned, leaning down from his saddle to see my face more clearly. "the french may run away." "true," he said, and sat for a moment thinking. "yet it is not like them to run without striking a blow. no, i believe we shall have a battle, tom, and i am glad that i am to be here to see it." "but are you strong enough?" i asked. "you have not yet the air of a well man." he laughed lightly as he gathered up his reins. "in truth, tom," he said, "i am as weak as a man could well be and still sit his horse, but the fever is broken and i shall be stronger to-morrow. but i must report to the general. he may have work for me," and he set spurs to his horse and was off. i turned back to my station, musing on the iron will of this man, who could drag his body from a bed of sickness when duty called and yet think nothing of it. all about me gleamed the white tents in which the grenadiers and provincials were sleeping, dreaming perchance of victory. alas, for how many of them was it their last sleep this side eternity! the hours passed slowly and quietly. presently the moon rose and illumined the camp from end to end. here and there i could see a picket pacing back and forth, or an officer making his rounds. at headquarters lights were still burning, and i did not doubt that an earnest consultation was in progress there concerning the orders for the morrow. at midnight came the relief, and i made the best of my way back to our quarters, crawled into the tent, whose flaps were raised to let in every breath of air stirring, and lay down beside spiltdorph. i tried to move softly, but he started awake and put out his hand and touched me. "is it you, stewart?" he asked. "yes," i said, "just in from picket. colonel washington reached camp an hour ago, to be here for to-morrow's battle." "to-morrow's battle," repeated spiltdorph softly. "ah, yes, i had forgot. do you know, stewart, if i were superstitious, i should fear the result of to-morrow's battle, for i had a dream about it." "what was the dream?" i asked. "no matter, we are not women," and he turned to go to sleep again. "good-night." "good-night," i said, and in a few moments his deep breathing told me he was again in the land of dreams. it was long before my own eyes closed, and my dreams were not of battle, but of a bench upon the river's bank, and a figure all in white sitting there beside me. chapter xvii the lesson of the wilderness "wake up, man, wake up!" cried a voice in my ear, and i opened my eyes to see spiltdorph's kindly face bending over me. "i let you sleep as long as i could," he added, as i sat up and rubbed my eyes, "for i knew you needed it, but the order has come for us to march." "all right," i said. "i'll be ready in a minute," and i ran down to the brook and dipped my hands and face in the cool, refreshing water. a biscuit and a piece of cold beef formed my breakfast. our company was striking tents and falling in for the march, and the camp was astir from end to end. the sun was just peeping over the tree-tops, for that fateful wednesday, the ninth of july, , had dawned clear and fair, and all the day rode through a sky whose perfect blue remained unbroken by a cloud. we were soon ready for the road, and while waiting the word, captain waggoner told me that the advance had begun some hours before. at three o'clock. colonel gage had marched with two companies of grenadiers and two hundred rank and file to secure both crossings of the river, for it was believed that at the second crossing the french would attack us, unless they intended giving up the fort without a struggle. an hour later, sir john st. clair had followed with a working party of two hundred and fifty men, to clear the road for the passage of the baggage and artillery. and at last came the word for us. the ground sloped gently down to the monongahela, nearly a mile away. the river here was over three hundred yards in width, and the regulars had been posted advantageously to guard against surprise. the baggage, horses, and cattle were all got over safely, for the water was scarce waist-deep at any point, and then the troops followed, so that the whole army was soon across. before us stretched a level bottom, and here we were formed in proper line of march, with colors flying, drums beating, and fifes playing shrilly. the sun's slant rays were caught and multiplied a thousand times on polished barrel and gold-laced helmet and glittering shoulder-knot. every man had been instructed to put off the torn and travel-stained garments of osnabrig he had worn upon the march, and to don his best uniform, and very fresh and beautiful they looked, the forty-fourth with its yellow facings, the forty-eighth with buff. nor was the showing made by the virginia companies less handsome, though perhaps a shade more sober. nowhere was there visible a trace of that terrible journey through the wilderness. it seemed that this splendent host must have been placed here by some magic hand, alert, vigorous, immaculate, eager for the battle. i have only to close my eyes to see again before me that brilliant and gallant array. the hope of a speedy ending to their struggle through the forest had brought new color to the faces of the men, and a light into their eyes, such as i had not seen there for many days. while we waited, the pieces were newly charged and primed, and the clatter of the cartouch boxes, as they were thrown back into place, ran up and down the lines. at last came word from gage that he had secured the second crossing, having encountered only a small party of indians, who had run away at the first alarm, and that the route was clear. the drums beat the advance, and the army swept forward as though on parade. it was a thrilling sight, and in all that multitude there was not one who doubted the event. i think even colonel washington's misgivings must have melted away before that martial scene. the broad river rolled at our right, and beyond it the hills, crowned with verdure, looked down upon us. i do not doubt that from those heights the eyes of the enemy's spies were peering, and the sight of our gallant and seemingly invincible army must have startled and disheartened them. and as i looked along the ordered ranks, the barrels gleaming at a single angle, four thousand feet moving to the drum tap, i realized more deeply than ever that without training and discipline an army could not exist. when we reached the second ford, about one in the afternoon, we found that the bank was not yet made passable for the wagons and artillery, so we drew up along the shingle until this could be done. pickets were posted on the heights, and half the force kept under arms, in case of a surprise. spiltdorph and i sauntered together to the water's edge, and watched the pioneers busy at their work. i saw that my companion was preoccupied, and after a time he ceased to regard the men, but sat looking afar off and pitching pebbles into the stream. "do you know, stewart," he said at last, "i am becoming timid as a girl. i told you i had a dream last night, and 't was so vivid i cannot shake it off." "tell me the dream," i said. "i dreamed that we met the french, and that i fell. i looked up, and you were kneeling over me. but when i would have told you what i had to tell, my voice was smothered in a rush of blood." "oh, come!" i cried, "this is mere foolishness. you do not believe in dreams, spiltdorph?" "no," he answered. "and yet i never had such a dream as this." "why, man," i said, "look around you. do you see any sign of the french? and yet their fort is just behind the trees yonder." he looked at me in silence for a moment, and made as if to speak, but the tap of the drum brought us to our feet. "come," he said, "the road is finished. we shall soon see what truth there is in dreams." we took our places and the advance began again. first the forty-fourth was passed over and the pickets of the right. the artillery, wagons, and carrying horses followed, and then the provincial troops, the forty-eighth, while the pickets of the left brought up the rear. at the end of an hour the entire force was safe across, and as yet no sign of the enemy. such good fortune seemed well-nigh unbelievable, for we had been assured there was no other place between us and the fort suited for an ambuscade. our company halted near a rude cabin which stood upon the bank. it was the house of fraser, the trader, where washington and gist had found shelter after their perilous passage of the allegheny near two years before. we had been there but a few minutes when colonel washington himself rode up. "captain waggoner," he said, "you will divide your company into four flank parties, and throw them well out to the left of the line, fifty yards at least. see that they get to their places at once, and that they keep in touch, lest they mistake each other for the enemy." he was off as waggoner saluted, and i heard him giving similar orders to peyronie's company behind us. it was certain that the general was taking no chance of ambuscade, however safe the road might seem. we were soon in place, captain waggoner himself in command of one party, spiltdorph of the second, i of the third, and lieutenant wright of the fourth. as we took our places, i could see something of the disposition of our force and the contour of the ground. the guides and a few light horse headed the column, followed by the vanguard, and the advance party under gage. then came st. clair's working party, two fieldpieces, tumbrels, light horse, the general's guard, the convoy, and finally the rear guard. before us stretched a fertile bottom, covered by a fair, open walnut wood, with very little underbrush, and rising gradually to a higher bottom, which reached to a range of hills two or three hundred feet in height. here the forest grew more closely, the underbrush became more dense, and a great thicket of pea-vines, wild grape, and trailers completely shut off the view. so soon as the line was formed, the drums beat the forward, and the head of the column was soon out of sight among the trees, st. clair's working party cutting the road as they advanced. we were nearing the tangle of underbrush, which i thought marked the course of a stream, when there came suddenly a tremendous burst of firing from the front, followed by a great uproar of yells. my heart leaped, for i knew the french were upon us. "close up, men!" shouted waggoner. "bring your party up here, stewart!" i obeyed the order, and the other two parties joined us in a moment. scarcely had they done so, when the thicket in front of us burst into flame, and three or four men fell. the others, well used, for the most part, to this kind of fighting, took at once to the trees, and we gradually worked our way forward, keeping up a spirited fire till we reached the shelter of a huge log, which lay at the edge of the ravine. as i looked over it, i saw that the gully swarmed with indians, firing at the main body of the troops, who seemed wedged in the narrow road. i could see no french, and so judged they were attacking on the other side. "we've got 'em now!" yelled waggoner. "give it to 'em, men!" and we poured a well-directed volley into the yelling mob. fifteen or twenty fell, and the others, affrighted at the unexpected slaughter, threw down their guns and started to run. we were reloading with feverish haste, when from the woods behind us came a tremendous volley. we faced about to receive this new attack, for we thought the french were upon us. but we saw with horror that we were being fired at by the regulars, who had taken us for the enemy in their madness, and were preparing to fire again. "you fools!" screamed waggoner. "oh, you fools!" and white with rage, he gave the order to retreat. a moment later, as i looked around, i saw that spiltdorph was not with us. "where is he?" i asked. "where is spiltdorph?" waggoner motioned behind us. "he was hit," he said. "he was killed by those cowardly assassins." "perhaps he is not dead!" i cried, and before he could prevent me, i ran back to the log. not less than twenty dead lay near it, and in an instant i saw my friend. i dropped beside him, and tore away his shirt. he had been hit in the side by two bullets, and as i saw the wounds, i cursed the insensate fools who had inflicted them. i tried to stanch the blood, and as i raised his head, saw his eyes staring up at me. "the dream!" he cried. "the dream! stewart, listen. there is a girl--at hampton"--a rush of blood choked him. he tried to speak, clutched at my sleeve, and then his head fell back, a great sigh shook him, and he was dead. the indians were pouring back into the ravine, and i knew i could stay no longer. so i laid him gently down, and with my heart aching as it had not ached since my mother died, made my way back to my company. "there is a girl," he had said, "at hampton." what was it he had tried to tell? well, if god gave me life, i would find out. but every other thought was driven from my mind in my astonishment and horror at the scene before me. gage's advance party had given way almost at the first fire, just as burton was forming to support them, and the two commands were mingled in hopeless confusion. the officers spurred their horses into the mob, and tried in vain to form the men in some sort of order. the colors were advanced in different directions, but there was none to rally to them, for the men remained huddled together like frightened sheep. and all around them swept that leaden storm, whose source they could not see, mowing them down like grain. they fired volley after volley into the forest, but the enemy remained concealed in the ravines on either side, and the bullets flew harmless above their heads. at the moment i joined my company, general braddock rode up, cursing like a madman, and spurred his horse among the men. i could see him giving an order, when his horse was hit and he barely saved himself from falling under it. another horse was brought, and in a moment he was again raving up and down the lines. "what means this?" he screamed, coming upon us suddenly, where we were sheltering ourselves behind the trees and replying to the enemy's fire as best we could. "are you all damned cowards?" "cowards, sir!" cried waggoner, his face aflame. "what mean you by that?" "mean?" yelled braddock. "damn you, sir, i'll show you what i mean! come out from behind those trees and fight like men!" "ay, and be killed for our pains!" cried waggoner. "what, sir!" and the general's face turned purple. "you dare dispute my order?" and he raised his sword to strike, but his arm was caught before it had descended. "these men know best, sir," cried washington, reining in his horse beside him. "this is the only way to fight the indians." the general wrenched his arm away and, fairly foaming at the mouth, spurred his horse forward and beat the men from behind the trees with the flat of his sword. "back into the road, poltroons!" he yelled. "back into the road! i'll have no cowards in my army!" washington and waggoner watched him with set faces, while the men, too astounded to speak, fell slowly back into the open. not until that moment did i comprehend the blind folly of this man, determined to sacrifice his army to his pride. we fell back with our men, and there in the road found peyronie, with the remnant of his company, his face purple and his mouth working with rage. all about us huddled the white-faced regulars,--the pride of the army, the heroes of a score of battles!--crazed by fright, firing into the air or at each other, seeing every moment their comrades falling about them, killed by an unseen foe. i turned sick at heart as i looked at them. hell could hold no worse. hotter and hotter grew the fire, and i realized that it was not the french attacking us at all, but only their indian allies. not half a dozen frenchmen had been seen. it was by the savages of the forest that the best troops in europe were being slaughtered. sir peter halket was dead, shot through the heart, and his son, stooping to pick him up, fell a corpse across his body. shirley was shot through the brain. poison was dead. totten, hamilton, wright, stone, were dead. spendelow had fallen, pierced by three bullets. the ground was strewn with dead and wounded. horses, maddened by wounds, dashed through the ranks and into the forest, often bearing their riders to an awful death. the indians, growing bolder, stole from the ravines, and scalped the dead and wounded almost before our eyes. i began to think it all a hideous nightmare. surely such a thing as this could not really be! colonel burton had succeeded in turning some of his men about to face a hill at our right, where the enemy seemed in great number, and we of waggoner's company joined him. a moment later, colonel washington, who alone of the general's aides was left unwounded, galloped up and ordered us to advance against the hill and carry it. with infinite difficulty, a hundred men were collected who would still obey the order. as we advanced, the enemy poured a galling fire upon us. a ball grazed my forehead and sent a rush of blood into my eyes. i staggered forward, and when i had wiped the blood away and looked about me, i saw with amazement that our men had faced about and were retreating. i rushed after them and joined two or three other officers who were trying to rally them. but they were deaf to our entreaties and would not turn. as i glanced back up the slope down which we had come, i saw a sight which palsied me. colonel burton had fallen, seemingly with a wound in the leg, and was slowly dragging himself back toward the lines. behind him, an indian was dodging from tree to tree, intent on getting his scalp. burton saw the savage, and his face grew livid as he realized how rapidly he was being overtaken. in an instant i was charging up the slope, and ran past burton with upraised sword. the indian saw me coming, and waited calmly, tomahawk in air. while i was yet ten or twelve paces from him, i saw his hand quiver, and sprang to one side as the blade flashed past my head. with a yell of disappointment, the indian turned and disappeared in the underbrush. i ran back to burton, and stooped to raise him. "allow me to aid you, lieutenant stewart," said a voice at my elbow, and there stood harry marsh, as cool as though there were not an indian within a hundred miles. "i saw you turn back," he added, "and thought you might need some help." i nodded curtly, for the bullets were whistling about us in a manner far from pleasing, and between us we lifted burton and started back toward the lines. "my left leg seems paralyzed," he said. "the bullet must have struck a nerve. if i could get on horseback, i should be all right again." and then he staggered and nearly fell, for marsh lay crumpled up in a heap on the ground. "he is dead," said burton, as i stared down in horror at what an instant before had been a brave, strong, hopeful human being. "a man never falls like that unless he is dead. he was doubtless shot through the heart. he was a brave boy. did you know him?" "his name was marsh," i answered hoarsely. "he was my cousin." "i shall not forget it," said burton, and we stood a moment longer looking down at the dead. but it was folly to linger there, and we continued on, i helping burton as well as i could. and a great loathing came over me for this game called war. we reached the lines in safety, where burton was taken to the rear and given surgical attention. his wound was not a bad one, and half an hour later, i saw that he had made good his assertion that he would be all right once he was on horseback. in the mean time, affairs had gone from bad to worse, and the men were wholly unnerved. those who were serving the artillery were picked off, and the pieces had been abandoned. a desperate effort was made to retake them, but to no avail. the indians had extended themselves along both sides of the line, and had sharply attacked the baggage in the rear. the men were crowded into a senseless, stupefied mob, their faces blanched with horror and dripping with sweat, too terrified, many of them, to reload their firelocks. the general rode up and down the line, exposing himself with the utmost recklessness, but the men were long past the reach of discipline. after all, human nature has its depths which no drill-master can touch. four horses were shot under him, and even while i cursed his folly, i could not but admire his courage. nor was the conduct of his officers less gallant. throwing themselves from the saddle, they formed into platoons and advanced against the enemy, but not even by this desperate means could the regulars be got to charge. so many officers fell that at last it was as difficult to find any to give orders as to obey them, and when, as a last desperate resort, the general, putting his pride in his pocket, yielded to washington's advice, and directed that the troops divide into small parties and advance behind the trees to surround the enemy, there was none to execute the manoeuvre, which, earlier in the action, would have saved the day. it was plain that all was lost, that there was nothing left but to retreat. we had no longer an army, but a mere mob of panic-stricken men. the hideous yelling of the savages, as they saw the slaughter they were doing and exulted in it, the rattle of the musketry, the groans and curses of the wounded who fell everywhere about us, the screams of the maddened horses, combined into a bedlam such as i hope never to hear again. toward the last, the virginia troops alone preserved any semblance of order. away off to the right, i caught a glimpse of peyronie rallying the remnant of his company, and i looked from them to the trembling regulars, and remembered with a rush of bitterness how they had laughed at us a month before. of a sudden there was a dash of hoofs beside me, and i saw the general rein up beneath a tree and look up and down the field. colonel washington was at his side, and seemed to be unwounded, though he had been ever where the fight was thickest. "this is mere slaughter!" the general cried at last. "we can do no more. colonel washington, order the retreat sounded." and as the drums rolled out the dismal strain which meant disgrace for him and the blighting of all his hopes, he sat his horse with rigid face and eyes from which all life had fled. he had been taught the lesson of the wilderness. chapter xviii defeat becomes dishonor but there was worse to follow, for scarce had the first tap of the drums echoed among the trees, when the mob of regulars became a mere frenzied rabble. the officers tried to withdraw them from the field in some semblance of order, but the men seemed seized with mad, blind, unreasoning terror, and were soon beyond all hope of control. they rushed from the field, sweeping their officers before them, and carrying with them the provincial troops, who would have stood firm and behaved as soldiers should. i was caught in one edge of the mob, as i tried to restrain the men about me, and flung aside against a tree with such force that i stood for a moment dazed by the blow, and then i saw i was beneath the tree where washington and braddock sat their horses, watching with grim faces the frenzied crowd sweep past. the soldiers flung away their guns and accoutrements, their helmets, even their coats, that they might flee the faster, and i saw one strike down a young subaltern who tried to stay them. they jostled and fell over one another as sheep pursued by dogs. i saw a horseman, his head bandaged in a bloody cloth, trying to make way toward us against this cursing torrent, and recognized captain orme. but he was dashed aside even as i had been, and for a moment i thought he had been torn from his horse and trodden underfoot. torn from his horse he was, indeed, but escaped the latter fate, for some moments later he came to us on foot through the trees. "come, sir," he cried to the general, as he gained his side, "you must leave the field. there is no hope of getting a guard from among these cowards or persuading them to make a stand." braddock turned to answer him, but as he did so, threw up his hands and fell forward into the arms of his aide. i sprang to orme's assistance, and between us we eased him down. his horse, doubtless also struck by a ball, dashed off screaming through the wood. "they have done for me!" he groaned, as we placed his back against a tree. "curse them, they have done for me." washington, who had left his horse the instant he saw the general fall, knelt and rested the wounded man's head upon his knee, and wiped the bloody foam from off his lips. "where are you hit?" he asked. "here," and the general raised his left hand and touched his side. "'tis a mortal hurt, and i rejoice in it. i have no wish to survive this day's disgrace." he cast his bloodshot eyes at the rabble of fleeing men. "and to think that they are soldiers of the line!" he moaned, and closed his eyes, as though to shut out the sight. "we must get him out of this," said orme quietly, and he turned away to call to some of the forty-eighth who were rushing past. but they did not even turn their heads. with an oath, orme seized one by the collar. "a purse of sixty guineas!" he cried, dangling it before his eyes, but the man threw him fiercely off, and continued on his way. orme turned back to us, his face grim with anger and despair. "'tis useless," he said. "we cannot stop them. the devil himself could not stop them now." the general had lain with his eyes closed and scarce breathing, so that i thought that he had fainted. but he opened his eyes, and seemed to read at a glance the meaning of orme's set face. "gentlemen," he said, more gently than i had ever heard him speak, "i pray you leave me here and provide for your own safety. i have but a little time to live at best, and the indians will be upon us in a moment. leave them to finish me. you could not do a kinder thing. i have no wish that you should sacrifice your lives so uselessly by remaining here with me. there has been enough of sacrifice this day." yes, he was a gallant man, and whatever of resentment had been in my heart against him vanished in that instant. we three looked into each other's eyes, and read the same determination there. we would save the general, or die defending him. but the situation was indeed a desperate one. at that moment, a tumbrel drawn by two maddened horses dashed by. one wheel caught against a tree, and before the horses could get it free or break from the harness, i had sprung to their heads. "quick!" i cried, "i cannot hold them long." they understood in a moment, and, not heeding the general's entreaties and commands that he be left, lifted him gently into the cart. washington sprang in beside him, orme to the front, and in an instant i was clinging to the seat and we were tearing along the road. it was time, for as i glanced back, i saw the indians rushing from the wood, cutting down and scalping the last of the fugitives. i saw that orme was suffering from his wound, which seemed a serious one, and so i took the lines, which he relinquished without protest, and held the horses to the road as well as i was able. the tumbrel thundered on, over rocks and stumps of trees, over dead men,--ay, and living ones, i fear,--to the river-bank, where a few of the virginia troops, held together by waggoner and peyronie, had drawn up. it did my heart good to see them standing there, so cool and self-possessed, while that mob of regulars poured past them, frenzied with fear. and the thought came to me that never hereafter would a blue coat need give precedence to a red one. we splashed down into the water and across the river without drawing rein, since it was evident that no chance of safety lay on that side. waggoner seemed to understand what was in the cart, for he formed his men behind us and followed us across the river. scarcely had we reached the other bank, when the indians burst from the trees across the water, but they stopped there and made no further effort at pursuit, returning to the battleground to reap their unparalleled harvest of scalps and booty. about half a mile from the river, we brought the horses to a stop to see what would best be done. "the general commands that a stand be made here," cried washington, leaping from the cart, and orme jumped down beside him, while i secured the horses. "he is brave and determined as ever," said washington in a low tone, "though suffering fearfully. the ball has penetrated his lung, i fear, for he can breathe only with great agony, and is spitting blood." colonel burton joined us at that moment, and between us we lifted the general from the cart and laid him on a bed of branches on the ground. "rally the men here," he said, setting his teeth to keep back the groan which would have burst from him. "we will make a stand, and so soon as we can get our force in shape, will march back against the enemy. we shall know better how to deal with them the second time." we turned away to the work of rallying the fugitives, but the task was not a light one, for the men seemed possessed with the fear that the savages were on their heels, and ran past us without heeding our commands to halt. at last we got together above a hundred men, posted sentries, and prepared to spend the night. darkness was already coming on, and finally captain orme and colonel washington, after having searched in vain for doctor craik, themselves washed the general's wound and dressed it as best they could. they found that the ball had shattered the right arm, and then passed into the side, though how deeply it had penetrated they had no means of telling. despite his suffering, he thought only of securing our position, and so soon as his wound was dressed, he ordered captain waggoner and ten men to march to our last camp and bring up some provisions which had been left there. he directed colonel washington to ride at once to colonel dunbar's camp, and order up the reinforcements for another advance against the french. he dictated a letter to dinwiddie calling for more troops, which washington was to take with him, and forward by messenger from dunbar's camp. though so shaken in body he could scarce sit upright in the saddle, washington set off cheerfully on that frightful journey. orme and i watched him until he disappeared in the gloom. "a gallant man," he said, as we turned back to the rude shelter which had been thrown up over the place where the general lay. "i do not think i have ever seen a braver. you could not see as i could the prodigies of valor he performed to-day. and he seems to bear a charmed life, for though his coat was pierced a dozen times and two horses were killed under him, he has escaped without a scratch." we walked on in silence until we reached headquarters, where colonel burton was also sitting, suffering greatly from his wound now he was no longer on horseback. "lieutenant stewart," he said to me, "i place you in charge of the sentries for the night. will you make the rounds and see that all is well? i know the men are weary, but i need hardly tell you that our safety will depend upon their vigilance. guard especially against a surprise from the direction of the river." i saluted, and started away to make the round. the sun had long since sunk behind the trees in a cloud of blood-red vapor, which seemed to me significant of the day. all about us through the forest arose the chorus of night sounds, and afar off through the trees i could catch the glinting of the river. what was happening beyond it, i dared not think. and then i came to a sudden stop, for i had reached the spot where the first sentry had been posted, but there was none in sight. i thought for a moment that in the darkness i must have missed the place, but as i looked about me more attentively, i saw that could not be. i walked up and down, but could find no trace of him. could it be that the indians had stolen upon him and killed him with a blow of knife or tomahawk before he could cry out? yet if that had happened, where was the body? i hurried on toward the spot where the next sentry had been posted, and as i neared it, strained my eyes through the gloom, but could see no trace of him. i told myself that i was yet too far away, and hurried forward, but in a moment i had reached the place. there was no sentry there. with the perspiration starting from my forehead, i peered among the trees and asked myself what mysterious and terrible disaster threatened us. the third sentry was missing like the others--the fourth had disappeared--i made the whole round of the camp. not a single sentry remained. and then, of a sudden, the meaning of their absence burst upon me. i hurried back to the camp, passing the spot where we had quartered the men whom we had rallied, but who were not placed on sentry duty. as i expected, not one was there. "all is well, i trust, lieutenant stewart?" asked colonel burton, as i approached. then something in my face must have startled him, for he asked me sharply what had happened. "i fear we cannot remain here, sir," i said, as calmly as i could. "all of our men have deserted us. there is not a single sentry at his post;" and i told him what i had found. he listened without a word till i had finished. "you will get the tumbrel ready for the general, lieutenant," he said quietly. "i will report this sad news to him. it seems that our defeat is to become dishonor." i put the horses into harness again, and led them to the place where the general lay. he seemed dazed by the tidings of his men's desertion, and made no protest nor uttered any sound as we lifted him again into the cart and set off through the night. we soon reached the second ford, and on the other side found colonel gage, who had contrived to rally about eighty men and hold them there with him. but there seemed no hope of keeping them through the night, so we set forward again, and plunged into the gloomy forest. an hour later, as i was plodding wearily along beside the cart, thinking over the events of this tragic day, i was startled by a white face peering from beneath the upraised curtain out into the darkness. it was the stricken man within, who was surveying the remnant of that gallant army which, a few short hours before, had passed along this road so gayly, thinking itself invincible. he held himself a moment so, then let the curtain drop and fell back upon his couch. chapter xix allen and i shake hands of the horrors of the night which followed, my pen can paint no adequate picture. fugitives panted past us in the darkness, pursued by phantoms of their own imagining, thinking only of one thing--to leave that scene of awful slaughter far behind. the wounded toiled on, groaning and cursing, for to drop to the rear or to wander from the way was to die, if not by knife or tomahawk, none the less surely by hunger. here and there some poor wretch who could win no farther sat groaning by the roadside or rolled in delirium upon the ground. the vast, impenetrable darkness of the forest overshadowed us, full of threatening suggestion and peopled with nameless terrors. colonel gage remained with us with such of his men as he could hold together, and among them i saw lieutenant allen. he had been wounded in the shoulder, and at the suggestion of captain orme mounted the tumbrel and drove the horses, while i walked beside it. what agonies the stricken man within endured, tossed from side to side as the cart bumped along the rough road, through ruts and over rocks and stumps of trees, must have been beyond description, but not once during all that long night did i hear a groan or complaint from him. once he asked for water, and as orme and i stooped over him i heard him murmur as though to himself, "who would have thought it?" and again, "who would have thought it?" then he drank the water mechanically and lay back, and said no more. the disaster had been too sudden, too unexpected, too complete, for any of us to fully realize. it seemed impossible that this handful of terror-stricken fugitives should be all that remained of the proud army to which we had belonged, and that this army had been defeated by a few hundred indians. few of us had seen above a dozen of the enemy,--we of waggoner's company were the only ones who had looked down upon that yelling mob in the ravine,--and scarce knew by whom we had been slaughtered. it was incredible that two regiments of the best troops in england should have been utterly routed by so contemptible a foe. the reason refused to acknowledge such a thing. i was plodding along, wearily enough, thinking of all this, when i heard my name called, and glancing up, saw allen looking round the corner of the wagon cover. "won't you come up here, lieutenant stewart?" he asked. "there is ample room for two, and 't is no use to tire yourself needlessly." i accepted gratefully, though somewhat astonished at his courtesy, and in a moment was on the seat beside him. he fell silent for a time, nor was i in any mood for talk, for spiltdorph's fate and young harry marsh's sudden end weighed upon me heavily. "lieutenant stewart," he said at last, "i feel that i did you and the virginia troops a grave injustice when i chose to question their courage. what i saw to-day has opened my eyes to many things. in all the army, the virginia troops were the only ones who kept their wits about them and proved themselves men. i wish to withdraw the expressions i used that night, and to apologize for them most sincerely." my hand was in his in an instant. "with all my heart," i said. "i have thought more than once since then that we were both too hasty." he laughed,--a short laugh, in which there was no mirth. "i think there are many of us who have been too hasty in this campaign," he said. "it is easy enough to see now that regulars are worth little in this frontier warfare, where their manoeuvres count for nothing, and that the provincials should have been left to fight in their own fashion. it is not a pleasant thought that all my work in drilling them was worse than wasted, and that every new manoeuvre i taught them impaired their efficiency by just so much." "'twas not quite so bad as that," i protested. "the virginia troops have much to thank you for, and we shall know better how to deal with the enemy next time." "next time?" he repeated despondently. "but when will next time be, think you?" "why, at once, to be sure!" i cried. "we have still, with colonel dunbar's companies, over a thousand men. so soon as we join with him, and get our accoutrement in order, we can march back against the enemy, and we shall not be caught twice in the same trap." he did not answer, and there was a moment's silence. i glanced at his face and saw that it was very grave. "you do not mean," i asked, with a great fear at my heart, "that you think it possible we shall retreat without striking another blow?" "i fear it is only too possible," he answered gloomily. "if the general lives, he may order another advance; indeed, i am sure he will, in the hope of saving some fragment of his reputation. but if he dies, as seems most likely, colonel dunbar, who succeeds to the command, is not the man to imperil his prestige by taking such a risk." "risk?" i cried. "how is this any greater than the risk we took at the outset?" "you forget, lieutenant," said allen, "that all of our equipment was left on the field. the men flung away their arms, many of them even the clothes upon their backs. everything was abandoned,--the general's private papers, and even the military chest, with £ , in it. these losses will not be easily repaired." i could not but admit the truth of this, and said as much. "and then," continued allen, still more gloomily, "we have suffered another loss which can never be made good. the morale of the men is gone. they have no longer the confidence in themselves which a winning army must have. i doubt if many of them could be got to cross the monongahela a second time." yes, that was also true, and we fell silent, each busy with his own thoughts. it seemed too horrible, too utterly fantastic. at last came the dawn, and the light of the morning disclosed us to each other. as i looked about me, i wondered if these scarecrows, these phantoms of men, could be the same who had gone into battle in all the pride of manhood and pageantry of arms the day before. orme was ghastly, with his bandaged head and torn, mud-stained uniform, and as i looked at him, i recalled sadly the gallant figure i had met at fort necessity. nor were the others better. haggard faces, bloodshot eyes, lips drawn with suffering, hair matted with blood,--all the grim and revolting realities of defeat were there before us, and no longer to be denied. and i realized that i was ghastly as any. a bullet had cut open my forehead, leaving a livid gash, from which the blood had dried about my face. i had lost my hat, and my uniform was in tatters and stained with blood. we soon met the men who had gone forward with waggoner to secure us some supplies, and halted by a little brook to wash our injuries. captain orme and some others attended as well as they were able to the general, and gave him a little food, which was all too scarce, barely sufficient for a single meal. fortunately, doctor craik, who had learned that the general was wounded, came up soon after, and made a careful examination of the injury. he came away, when he had finished, with grave face, and told us there was little hope, as the wound was already much inflamed and fevered, and the general was able to breathe only with great agony. he said there could be no question that the ball had entered the lung. the general fancied that he would be easier on horseback, so when the march was begun again, he was mounted on the horse orme had been riding, but after half an hour his pain grew so intense that he had to be taken down. it was evident that he could not endure the jolting of the cart, and we finally rigged up a sort of litter out of a portion of the tumbrel top, and the men took turns in bearing him on this between them. daylight banished much of the terror of the night, and as we toiled onward, we began to talk a little, each to tell what part he had seen of the battle. it was here that i heard the story of harry gordon, the engineer who had been marking out the road in advance of the column, and who had first seen the enemy. they had appeared suddenly, coming through the wood at a run, as though hurrying from the fort, and led by a man whose silver gorget and gayly fringed hunting-shirt at once bespoke the chief. so soon as he saw gordon, he halted and waved his hat above his head, and the rabble of savages at his heels had dispersed to right and left and disappeared as if by magic. an instant later came a tremendous rifle fire from either flank, which cut gage's troops to pieces. they had rallied and returned the fire with spirit, so that for a time the issue hung in the balance; but the terrible fire to which they were subjected was too much for any discipline to withstand, and they had finally given way in confusion, just as burton was forming to support them. it was not until long afterward that i heard the french story of the fight, but i deem it best to set it down here. as our army had approached through the wilderness, the indians who lurked upon our flanks had carried greatly exaggerated stories of our strength to fort duquesne, and m. de contrecoeur prepared to surrender on terms of honorable capitulation, deeming it mere madness to oppose a force so overwhelming in strength and so well disciplined. to the french the reputation of general braddock and of the forty-fourth and forty-eighth regiments of the line was well known and commanded the greatest respect. on the eighth of july, it was reported that the english were only a few miles from the fort, which they would probably invest the next day, and m. de beaujeu, a captain of the regulars, asked the commandant for permission to prepare an ambuscade and contest the second passage of the monongahela. contrecoeur granted the request with great reluctance, and only on condition that beaujeu obtain the assistance of the indians, of whom there were near a thousand camped about the fort. accordingly. beaujeu at once called the warriors to a council, and urged that they accompany him against the english on the morrow. they received his proposition with marked coldness, and according to the indian custom, asked until morning to consider their reply. in the morning, the council was called together again, and the indians refused to take part in the expedition. at that moment a runner burst in upon them and announced that the enemy was at hand. beaujeu, who knew well the inflammable nature of his hearers, was on his feet in an instant. "i," he cried, "am determined to go out against the enemy. i am certain of victory. what! will you suffer your father to depart alone?" it was the one spark needed to set the indians on fire. they were frantic with excitement. barrels of bullets and casks of powder were rolled from the fort, and their heads knocked out, so that each indian could take what he needed. war paint was donned, and in an hour the band, nine hundred strong, of whom near seven hundred were indians and the remainder canadians and regulars, set off silently through the forest. beaujeu calculated, at the most, on giving us a severe check as we crossed the second ford, but long ere he reached the river, the beating of the drums and the tramp of the approaching army told him that he was too late, and that we had already crossed. quickening their pace to a run, in a moment they came upon our vanguard, and as beaujeu gave the signal, the indians threw themselves into two ravines on our flanks, while the canadians and french held the centre. the first volley of gage's troops killed beaujeu, and was so tremendous that it frightened the indians, who turned to flee. but they were rallied by a few subalterns, and finding that the volleys of the regulars did little damage except to the trees, returned to the attack, and during the whole engagement were perfectly sheltered in the ravines, rifle and artillery fire alike sweeping above them. they lost altogether but twenty-five or thirty men, and most of these fell before the volley which we of waggoner's company had fired into the ravine. after our retreat, no pursuit was attempted, the indians busying themselves killing and scalping the wounded and gathering up the rich booty which the army had left behind. they decked themselves in british uniforms, stuck the tall caps of the grenadiers above their painted faces, wound neck, wrist, and ankle with gold lace, made the wood to echo with the dreadful scalp-halloo. such an orgy of blood they never had before; not another such will they ever have. one other horror must i record, which chokes me even yet to think of. a score of regulars, surrounded by savages and cut off in their retreat from the remainder of the army, yielded themselves captive to the victors, thinking to be treated as prisoners of war have ever been in christian nations. but the indians knew only their own bloodthirsty customs. half of the captives were tomahawked on the spot. the others were stripped of clothing, their faces blackened, their hands bound behind them, and were driven forward to the allegheny, where, just across from fort duquesne, a stake had been set in the river's bank. arrived there, the prisoners began to understand the fate prepared for them, yet they could not believe. a hundred yards away across the river stood the walls of the fort, crowded with soldiers, the fair lilies of france waving lazily above their heads. calmly they watched the terrible preparations,--contrecoeur, dumas, and all the others,--and not one raised a hand to rescue those unhappy men, or uttered a word to mitigate their torture. from dark to dawn the flames shimmered across the water,--for the english went to their fate singly,--and things were done to turn one sick with horror; yet did the french look tranquilly from their bastions and joke one to another. our flag, thank god, has never been sullied by a deed like that! early the next morning, the indians started westward to their homes, laden with booty, sated with slaughter, leaving the french to take care of themselves as best they might. the latter remained for a week in great fear of another attack, which they would have been quite unable to withstand, little thinking that our army was fleeing back to the settlements with feet winged by an unreasoning terror. we reached gist's plantation at ten o'clock on the night of the tenth, and here we were compelled to stop because of our own exhaustion and the great suffering of the general. and here, early the next morning, came colonel washington, sitting his cushioned saddle like some gaunt spectre, and bringing with him wagons loaded with provision. the general still persisted in the exercise of his duties, despite his suffering, and he at once detailed a party to proceed toward the monongahela with a supply of food, for the succor of the stragglers and the wounded who had been left behind,--a duty which was ill fulfilled because of the cowardice of those to whom it was intrusted. meanwhile we pushed on, and reached dunbar's camp that night. we found it in the utmost confusion. at five o'clock on the morning after the battle, a teamster, who had cut loose his horse and fled at the first onset, had ridden madly into the camp crying that the whole army was destroyed and he alone survived. at his heels came other teamsters, for with an appalling cowardice, which makes me blush for my countrymen, they had one and all cut loose their teams at the first fire, and selecting the best horse, had fled precipitately from the field. toward noon, colonel washington had arrived, bringing the first accurate news of the disaster, and at once setting on foot the relief expedition. after him came troops of haggard, toil-worn, famished men, without arms, bewildered with terror, fearing a second ambuscade at every step, and with the yells of the indians still ringing in their ears. the news of the disaster and the incoherent stories of these half-crazed fugitives spread consternation through the camp. men deserted by scores and started hot-foot for the settlements, and all pretense of discipline vanished. nor did the arrival of the general greatly better matters. he was fast sinking, and long periods of delirium sapped his strength. it was evident that the end was near. on the morning of the twelfth, i was engaged in collecting such of the virginia troops as i could find about the camp, when i saw colonel washington approaching with a face so gloomy that i foresaw some new disaster. "what is it?" i asked, almost before he had reached me. "have you not heard?" and he looked meaningly back toward a spring near which a number of men were unheading some casks. "we are to destroy all our powder and stores, burn our wagons, and flee back to the settlements, like so many children." "why, 'tis folly!" i cried. "'tis monstrous! who gave such an order?" "i know not," and washington smiled bitterly. "it is certain that the general did not, since he has been raving with fever all the night. besides, his one thought has been to march back against the french the instant he could get his troops together. come, walk over with me and let us watch this unhappy work." i followed him, and witnessed a sight which filled me with speechless anger and indignation. powder casks were being knocked open and their contents cast into the spring, cohorns broken, shells burst, provisions destroyed, and upwards of a hundred and fifty wagons burned. i remembered bitterly what work we had had to obtain those wagons. such a scene of senseless and wanton destruction i had never seen before, and hope never to see again. a frenzy of terror seemed to possess officers and men alike, and i turned away, raging at heart, to think that to such men as these had been intrusted the defense of our country. at last the work of destruction was complete. with barely enough provision to carry us to fort cumberland, and with no ammunition save that in our cartouch boxes, the retreat commenced, if the flight of a disordered and frenzied rabble can be dignified by such a name. chapter xx braddock pays the price it was the morning of sunday, july , that this shameful flight began. its arrant cowardice weighed on many of the officers who were left alive, and even on some of the men, especially, i am glad to say, on many of the virginians. whose fault was it? well, colonel dunbar was in command, since the general was no longer conscious, and must take the blame. colonel washington had asked me to remain near him, if possible. he had secured me a horse, and together with captain orme, who was no less depressed, we formed the escort to the litter whereon lay the dying man. doctor craik came to us from time to time, but the general was far beyond human aid. i had never respected him so much as in this hour, for of his downright valor i had had every proof. if only his pride had been a little less, that his valor might have counted! it was while i was riding thus, absorbed in melancholy thought, that a horse cantered up beside me, and looking up, i saw lieutenant allen. "confess i was a true prophet, lieutenant stewart," he remarked, with a sorry attempt at a smile, "though damme if i could have foretold that act of folly back yonder! you see, i know our new commander better than do you." "so it seems," i answered, and at that moment caught colonel washington's astonished eyes fixed upon us. allen followed my glance, and smiled as he saw the expression of washington's face. "he cannot understand our friendliness," he laughed. "he is doubtless wondering if we are arranging the preliminaries for the desperate encounter for which we were booked. let me explain the situation to him," and he spurred to washington's side. "i had occasion to say to lieutenant stewart a few evenings ago," he said, "that i had been grievously mistaken in my estimate of his courage, and that of the virginia companies, and that i was truly sorry that i had ever questioned them. in the light of to-day's event, i am still more sorry, and i wish to add to you, colonel washington, that i regret the words i used to you, and that i sincerely ask your pardon." "'tis granted with all my heart!" cried washington, his face illumined with that fine smile which always lighted it before any deed of courage or gentleness, and the two shook hands warmly. "'twas granted before you asked it. i am not such a fire-eater as tom, back there. i have regretted that foolish quarrel many times, and had determined that it should not lead to another meeting between you, which would have been mere folly. come here, sir," he called to me. "i wish to tell you how pleased i am that this quarrel has been adjusted." "no more pleased than i, i assure you, colonel," i laughed. "lieutenant allen gave me a sample of his swordsmanship i shall not soon forget. i should have been as helpless before him as a lamb in the jaws of a tiger." "now you are mocking me!" cried allen, and as i related to colonel washington the story of his little bout with langlade, we rode on laughing, the best of friends. "but, believe me, lieutenant stewart," he said, when i had finished, "it was not self-complacency which urged me to take up the foils that day. i merely wished to show you that you had need to keep in practice, and so prevent you from becoming over-sure." "'t was well done," said washington heartily. "i appreciate your conduct, lieutenant allen." "and i certainly took the lesson to heart," i laughed. "just before you came, i had conceived a most exalted opinion of my own abilities. i shall not make the mistake a second time." presently allen fell back to rejoin the rear-guard, with which he had been stationed, and we rode on beside the general's litter. he was delirious most of the time, and was fighting the battle of the monongahela over and over again, giving orders and threshing from side to side of his couch in his agony. in one of his intervals of consciousness, he called my companion to him. "colonel washington," he said in a low tone, "i feel that i have done you great injustice. had i followed your advice, this catastrophe might not have happened. but my eyes were not opened until too late. had i lived, i should not have forgot you. i am sure you cannot withhold your pardon from a dying man." washington's lips were trembling as he bent over the litter. "if there is anything to pardon, general," he said softly, "be sure i pardon you with all my heart. you have the love of all your officers, sir, who revere you as a brave and gallant man." "ay, but a proud and stubborn one," and he smiled sadly. "would god i had had the grace to see it while it was yet time. colonel washington," he added, "i wish you to have my charger, bruce, and my body servant, bishop. these two gentlemen are witnesses that i give them to you." orme and i bowed our assent, and washington thanked him with a trembling voice. he was soon wandering again, this time, apparently, among the scenes of his earlier manhood. "messieurs de la garde française," he cried, "tirez, s'il vous plait!" "ah," murmured orme, "he is at fontenoy." and again,-- "poor fanny, i always thought she would play till she would be forced to tuck herself up." "she was his sister," said orme, answering our questioning glances. "she ruined herself at cards and then hanged herself. it was a sad story." and yet again,-- "no, i'll not take your purse!" he cried; and then after a moment, "nor ask my life at your hands. do what you will." i could bear no more, and rode forward out of earshot. to see this gallant man lying there, slowly dying, bereft at one stroke of life and that far dearer to him than life, his military reputation, moved me as few things had ever done. he had another lucid interval toward the middle of the afternoon, and warmly praised the conduct of his officers. "they were gallant boys, every one," he said. "they did their duty as brave men should. how many of them fell?" he asked suddenly, turning to orme. "sixteen," answered orme sadly. "and how many were wounded?" "forty-seven." "sixty-three,--and there were only eighty-nine," and braddock sighed heavily. "and how went it with the men?" orme hesitated, fearing to disclose the extent of the disaster, but the general's eyes were on his and would take no denial. "they suffered very heavily," said orme at last. "less than five hundred escaped unharmed. all of the wounded who remained on the field were killed by the indians." "and we went into battle with near fifteen hundred men," said braddock. "why, it was mere slaughter. there has never an army gone into battle which lost such proportion of its numbers. ah, well, i shall soon join them. and they are happier than i, for they went to their end honored and applauded, whilst i am a broken and ruined man, who will be remembered only to be cursed." he turned his head away from us, and a great tear rolled down his cheek. orme was crying like a child, and made no effort to conceal it, nor were washington and i less moved. "at least," he said at last, turning back to us with a smile, "it were better to have died than to have lived. i am glad i do not have to live." he soon lapsed again into delirium, and seemed to be living over a second time a meeting with some woman. "dear pop," he said, "we are sent like sacrifices to the altar. they have given me a handful of men and expect me to conquer whole nations. i know that i shall never see you more. good-by, pop, and god bless you." orme turned away for a moment to master his emotion. "'t was his last night in london," he said when he could speak. "he was to set out on the morrow, and he asked colonel burton and myself to go with him to visit a very dear protegee of his, george anne bellamy, the actress, to whom, i think, he has left all his property. he used to her almost the same words he has just repeated." "so he had doubts of his success," said washington musingly. "well, he was a brave man, for he never permitted them to be seen." he was fast growing weaker. his voice faltered and failed, and he lay without movement in his litter, continuing so until eight o'clock in the evening. we had halted for the night, and had gathered about his couch, watching him as his breathing grew slowly fainter. at last, when we thought him all but gone, he opened his eyes, and seeing the ring of anxious faces about him, smiled up at them. "it is the end," he said quietly. "you will better know how to deal with them next time;" and turning his head to one side, he closed his eyes. we buried him at daybreak. the grave was dug in the middle of the road, so that the wagons passing over it might efface all trace of its existence and preserve it inviolate from the hands of the indians. our chaplain, mr. hughes, had been severely wounded, so it was colonel washington who read the burial service. i shall not soon forget that scene,--the open grave in the narrow roadway, the rude coffin draped with a flag, the martial figure within in full uniform, his hands crossed over the sword on his breast, the riderless charger neighing for its master, and the gray light of the morning over it all. the burial service has never sounded more impressively in my ears than it did as read that morning, in colonel washington's strong, melodious voice, to that little group of listening men, in the midst of the wide, unbroken, whispering forest. how often have i heard those words of hope and trust in god's promise to his children, and under what varying circumstances! we lowered him into the grave, and lingered near until the earth was heaped about it. then the drums beat the march, the wagons rolled over it, and in half an hour no trace of it remained. so to this day, he lies there undisturbed in the heart of the wilderness, in a grave which no man knows. others have railed at him,--have decried him and slandered him,--but i remember him as he appeared on that last day of all, a brave and loyal gentleman, not afraid of death, but rather welcoming it, and the memory is a sweet and dear one. if he made mistakes, he paid for them the uttermost penalty which any man could pay,--and may he rest in peace. of the remainder of that melancholy flight little need be said. we struggled on through the wilderness, bearing our three hundred wounded with us as best we could, and marking our path with their shallow graves, as they succumbed one after another to the hardships of the journey. on the twenty-second day of july we reached fort cumberland, and i learned with amazement that dunbar did not propose to stop here, although he had placed near a hundred and fifty miles between him and the enemy, but to carry his whole army to philadelphia, leaving virginia open to indian and french invasion by the very road which we had made. he alleged that he must go into winter quarters, and that, too, though it was just the height of summer. colonel washington ventured to protest against this folly, but was threatened with court-martial, and came out of dunbar's quarters red with anger and chagrin. and sure enough, on the second of august, dunbar marched away with all his effective men, twelve hundred strong, leaving at the fort all his sick and wounded and the virginia and maryland troops, over whom he attempted to exercise no control. i bade good-by to orme and allen and such other of the officers as i had met. colonel burton took occasion to come to me the night before he marched, and presented me with a very handsome sword in token of his gratitude, as he said, for saving his life,--an exploit, as i pointed out to him, small enough beside a hundred others that were done that day. the sword he gave me hangs above my desk as i write. i am free to confess that i have performed no great exploits with it, and when i took it down from its hook the other day to look at it, i found that it had rusted in its scabbard. chapter xxi virginia bids us welcome "to my mind, there is only one thing to be done. that is to retire." the speaker was colonel henry innes, commandant of the fort, but as he looked up and down the row of faces opposite him, he saw few which showed assent. scarcely had the rear-guard of dunbar's troops disappeared among the trees which lined the narrow military road, when colonel innes had called this meeting of the officers left at the fort, "to decide," as the summons put it, "on our future course of action." as if, i thought indignantly to myself, there could be any question as to what our future course of action should be. "we are left here," continued the speaker, in a louder voice and growing somewhat red in the face, "with scarce five hundred men, all provincials, and most of them unfit for service. a great part of the army's equipment has been abandoned or destroyed back there in the woods. in short, we are so weak that we can hope neither to advance against the enemy nor to repel an assault, should they march against us in force, as they are most like to do." for a moment there was an ominous silence. "may i ask what it is you propose, colonel innes?" asked captain waggoner at last. "i propose to abandon the place," replied innes, "and to fall back to winchester or some other point where our wounded may lie in safety and our men have opportunity to recover from the fatigues of the campaign." again there was a moment's silence, and all of us, as by a common impulse, glanced at colonel washington, who sat at one end of the table, his head bowed in gloomy thought. the fever, which he had shaken off for a time, had been brought back by the arduous work he had insisted on performing, and he was but the shadow of his former self. he felt our eyes upon him and suddenly raised his head. "do you really anticipate that the french will march against us, colonel innes?" he asked quietly. "there were scarce three hundred of them at the fort three weeks ago, hardly enough for an expedition of such moment, and it is not likely that they can be reinforced to undertake any campaign this summer." "there would be little danger from the french themselves," retorted innes, with an angry flush, "but they will undoubtedly rally the indians, and lead them against us along the very road which braddock cut over the mountains. fort cumberland stands at one end of that road." washington smiled disdainfully. "i have heard of few instances," he said, "where indians have dared attack a well-manned fortification, and of none where they have captured one. to retreat from here would be to leave our whole frontier open to their ravages, and would be an act of cowardice more contemptible than that which colonel dunbar performed this morning, when he marched his troops away." i had never seen him so moved, and i caught the infection of his anger. "colonel washington is right!" i cried hotly. "our place is here." innes did not so much as look at me. his eyes were on washington, and his face was very red. "colonel washington," he sneered, his lips curling away from his teeth with rage, "was, i believe, an aide on the general's staff. since the general is dead, that position no longer exists. consequently, colonel washington is no longer an officer of the army, and i fail to see what right he has to take part in this discussion." half a dozen of us were on our feet in an instant, but washington was before us and waved us back with a motion of his hand. "colonel innes is right," he said, his deep-set eyes gleaming like two coals of fire. "i am no longer an officer of the army, and i thank god this is so, since it is about to further disgrace itself." "take care, sir," cried innes, springing to his feet. "you forget there is such a thing as court-martial." "and you forget that i am no longer of the army, and so can defy its discipline." he stood for a moment longer looking innes in the eyes, and then, without saluting, turned on his heel and left the place. a moment later the council broke up in confusion, for innes saw plainly that the sentiment of nearly all the other officers present was against him, and he did not choose to give it opportunity of expression. i had scarcely reached my quarters when i received a note from his secretary stating that as the mortality among the virginia companies had been so heavy, it had been decided to unite the three into one, and my lieutenancy was therefore abolished. trembling with anger, i hurried to washington's quarters and laid the note before him. "why, tom," he said, with a short laugh, after he had read it, "we seem to have fallen into disgrace together. but come," he added more cheerfully, seeing my downcast face, "do not despair. we may yet win out. the governor and the house of burgesses will not receive so quietly this project to retire from the frontier. i had a letter from dinwiddie but the other day, in which he said as much. in the mean time, i am going home to mount vernon to rest, and you must come with me." i accepted readily enough, for i knew not what else to do, and on the morrow we set out. colonel washington was so ill that we could proceed but slowly. we finally reached winchester, and from there, because of the better road, crossed the river to frederick, where a great surprise awaited us. for scarcely were we off our horses at the little tavern, than the host, learning our names, rushed away down the wide, rambling street, crying the news aloud, to our great wonderment, who saw not why it should interest any one. in an incredibly short time, above a hundred people had gathered before the inn, cheering and hallooing with all their might, while we looked at them in dumb amazement. we sent for the host to learn what this might mean, thinking doubtless there was some mistake, and even as he entered, a dozen men burst into the room, and insisted that we should not be permitted for a moment to think of putting up at an inn, but should accompany them home. "but, gentlemen," protested washington, "you have mistaken us for some one else. we have done nothing to deserve your hospitality." "have you not?" they cried, and they hustled us out into the yard. there was no denying them, so off we rode again, greatly bewildered, and in the course of half an hour were being introduced by our self-appointed entertainer to his wife and three pretty daughters. "'t is colonel washington, you understand, wife," he cried. "colonel washington, whose advice, had it been followed, would have saved the expedition." a great light broke upon me. so my friend's merits were to be recognized at last,--were to win him something more than contumely and insult,--and as he would have made denial, i cut him short. "do not listen to him!" i cried. "'t is true, every word of it, and much more besides." whereat the girls smiled at me very sweetly, our host wrung my hand again, and i swear there were tears in washington's eyes as he looked at me in feigned anger. such a night's entertainment as was given us i shall not soon forget, nor colonel washington either, i dare say. word of our presence had got about the neighborhood with singular speed, and the people flocked in by dozens, until the great hallway, which ran through the house from front to rear, was crowded from end to end. then, nothing would do but that colonel washington must tell the story of the advance, the ambuscade, and the retreat, which he did with such consummate slighting of his own part in the campaign that i interrupted him in great indignation, and, unheeding his protests, related some of the things concerning him which i have already written, and which, i swear, were very well received. "but lieutenant stewart says nothing of what he himself did," cried washington, when i had finished. "because i did nothing worth relating," i retorted, my cheeks hot with embarrassment at the way they looked at me. "ask him how he won that sword he wears at his side," he continued, not heeding my interruption, his eyes twinkling at my discomfiture. "believe me, 'tis not many virginia officers can boast such a fine one." and then, of course, they all demanded that he tell the story, which he did with an exaggeration that i considered little less than shameful. in some mysterious manner, tankards of cold, bitter dutch beer, the kind that is so refreshing after a journey or at the close of a hot day's work, had found their way into the right hand of every man present, and as washington ended the story and i was yet denying, our host sprang to his feet. "we'll drink to the troops of maryland and virginia," he cried, "who behaved like soldiers and died like men, teaching england's redcoats a lesson they will not soon forget, and to two of the bravest among them, colonel washington and lieutenant stewart!" it was done with a cheer that made the old hall ring, and when, half an hour later, i found myself beside the prettiest of the three daughters of the house, i was not yet quite recovered. only this i can say,--it is a pleasant thing to be a hero, though trying to the nerves. i had only the one experience, and did not merit that, as the reader has doubtless decided for himself. of course there was a dance,--what merrymaking would be complete without one?--and colonel washington walked a minuet with a certain mistress patience burd, with a grace which excited the admiration of every swain in the room, and the envy of not a few,--myself among the number, for i was ever but a clumsy dancer, and on this occasion no doubt greatly vexed my pretty partner. but every night must end, as this one did at last. colonel washington was much better next morning, for his illness had been more of the mind than of the body, and our kind reception had done wonders to banish his vexation. our friends bade us godspeed, and we rode on our way southward. i never saw the house again, and it is one of my great regrets and reasons for self-reproach that i have forgot the name of the honest man who was our host that night, and remember only that the name of his prettiest daughter was betty. as we reached a part of the country which was more closely settled, i soon perceived that however great dishonor had accrued to british arms and british reputations as the result of that battle by the monongahela, colonel washington had won only respect and admiration by his consistent and courageous conduct. we were stopped a hundred times by people who asked first for news, and when they heard my companion's name, vied with one another to do him honor. it did me good to see how he brightened under these kind words and friendly acts, and how the color came again into his face and the light into his eyes. and i hold that this was as it should be, for i know of nothing of which a man may be more justly proud than of the well-earned praises of his fellows. at last, toward the evening of a sultry august day, we turned our horses' heads into the wide road which led up to mount vernon, and drew near to that hospitable and familiar mansion. news of our approach must have preceded us, for there, drawn up in line, were the bowing and grinning negroes, while at the entrance gate were mrs. washington and her children, as well as a dozen families assembled from as many miles around to do honor to the returning warrior. my heart beat more quickly as i ran my eyes over this gathering, but fell again when i saw that the family from riverview was not there. and such a greeting as it was! we all remained a space apart until mrs. washington had kissed her son, as something too sacred for our intrusion. but when he turned to greet his neighbors, i have rarely seen such genuine emotion shown even in our whole-hearted virginia. at the great dinner which followed, with mrs. washington at the head of the table and her son at the foot, we told again the story of the campaign, and the men forgot to sip their wine until the tale was ended. yet with all this largess of goodwill, i was not wholly happy. for i had no home to go to, nor was there any waiting to welcome me, and the woman i loved seemed farther away than ever, though now she was so near. chapter xxii a new danger at riverview but dorothy was not so near as i had thought, for next morning came a message from my aunt. it was delivered almost as soon as i was out of bed by a negro boy who had ridden over at daybreak. it was dated but two days before, and began very formally. "sir," it ran, "since you no doubt will wish to recuperate from the fatigues of the campaign so unfortunately ended, and as there is no place where you can do this so well as at riverview, i hasten to assure you that the place is entirely at your service." i paused a moment to get my breath. her reference to the campaign was intended as a stab, of course, yet could it be she was relenting? but hope fell as i read on. "in order that you may feel at liberty to avail yourself of this invitation," the note continued, "my daughter and i have accepted one of long standing to spend a month, or perhaps two months, at the home of a relative. james is at williamsburg, so that you may be entirely free to occupy your leisure at riverview as best pleases you. do not think that you have driven us from the place, for that is not at all the case. i have long felt the need of rest, and take advantage of this opportunity, while there is little doing on the plantation, to secure it. i trust to your sense of honor to make no inquiries as to where we are stopping, nor to attempt to see my daughter, who, i believe, has already discovered that any fancy she may ever have seemed to entertain for you was more imaginary than real." here was a blow, straight from the shoulder, and i winced under it. "i could never consent," the note concluded, "to any attachment of a serious nature between you, having quite other views for my daughter, which, i am sure, will be for her happiness and well-being." i read the note through a second time before i realized what a blow it gave to all my hopes. i had had little cause to anticipate any other treatment, it is true, and yet i have often observed that men hope most who have least reason for it, and this was so in my case. as i read the note again, i could not but admire the adroitness of its author. she had placed me upon honor--without my consent, 't is true--to make no effort to see dorothy. i stood biting my lips with anger and vexation, and then, with sudden resolve, turned back to the messenger. "go around to the kitchen and get something to eat, if you are hungry," i said to him. "i shall be ready to ride back with you in half an hour;" and as he disappeared around a corner of the house, agrin from ear to ear at the prospect of refreshment, i sought mrs. washington and told her that i had just received a note from my aunt and would ride to riverview at once. how much she suspected of my difference with my aunt, i do not know, but if she experienced any surprise at my sudden departure, she certainly did not show it, saying only that she regretted that i must go so soon, and that i must always consider mount vernon no less my home than riverview,--an assurance which colonel washington repeated when the moment came to say good-by, and i rode away at last with a very tender feeling in my heart for those two figures which stood there on the steps until i turned into the road and passed from sight. "and how is everything at riverview, sam?" i asked of the boy, as we struck into the road and settled our horses into an easy canter. he did not answer for a moment, and when i glanced at him to see the cause of his silence, i was astonished to find him rolling his eyes about as though he saw a ghost. "what's the matter, boy?" i asked sharply. "come, speak out. what is it?" he looked behind him and all around into the woods, and then urged his horse close to mine. "mas' tom," he said, almost in a whisper, "dere's gwine t' be hell at d' plantation foh long. youse stay 'way fum it." i looked at him, still more astonished by his singular behavior. a full-blooded negro does not turn pale, but under the influence of great terror his skin grows spotted and livid. sam's was livid at that moment. "see here, sam," i said sharply, "if you have anything to tell, i want you to tell me right away. what are you afraid of?" "d' witch man," he whispered, his eyes almost starting from his head, and his forehead suddenly beading with perspiration. "the witch man? has a witch man come to riverview?" he nodded. "and what is he doing there, sam?" "he says d' french dun whopped d' english, an' a-comin' t' set all d' niggahs free. he says we mus' holp, an' dere won't be no mo' slaves. all ub us be free, jus' like white folks." it took me a minute or two to grasp the full meaning of this extraordinary revelation. "he says the french are coming to set all the niggers free?" i repeated. sam nodded. "and that the niggers must help them?" again sam nodded. "help them how, sam?" he hesitated. "by killing the english, sam?" "i reckon dat 's it," he said reluctantly. "and burning down their houses, perhaps?" "i 'se hearn dat talked erboat, too." i drew my horse in with a jerk, and catching sam's by the bridle, pulled it to me. "now, boy," i said, "you must tell me all about this. i promise you that no one shall harm you." he began to whimper. "i'll tell yo', mas' tom," he stuttered, "but yo' mus' n' hurt d' witch man." "who is this witch man?" i demanded. "ole uncle polete." "polete's no witch man. why, sam, you 've known him all your life. he's nothing but an ordinary old nigger. he's been on the plantation twenty or thirty years. all that he needs is a good whipping." but the boy only shook his head and sobbed the more. "ef he's a-killed," he cried, "his ha'nt 'll come back fo' me." i saw in a moment what the boy was afraid of. it was not of old polete in the flesh, but in the spirit. i thought for a moment. well, i had no reason to wish polete any harm, yet if it were discovered that he had been inciting the slaves to insurrection, there was no power in the colony could save his life. if his owner did not execute him, the governor would take the matter out of his hands, and order it done himself. "i tell you what i'll do, sam," i said at last. "you tell me everything you know, and i'll do all i can to save polete. i believe i can stop this thing without calling in any outside help." he agreed to this, and as we jogged along i gradually drew the details of the plot from him. the news of our defeat had, it seemed, stirred up the negroes at the plantation, and in some way the wild rumor had been started that a great force of french was marching over the mountains to conquer virginia and all the other english colonies; that emissaries had come to the negroes and promised them that if they would assist the invading army, they would be given their freedom and half of the colony to live in. it was at this time that old polete, crazed, perhaps, by working in the tobacco fields under the blazing sun, had suddenly developed into a witch man, and proclaimed that he could see the french army marching, and urged the negroes to strike a blow at once in order to merit their freedom when the french should come. meetings were held almost nightly in the woods some miles from their cabins, whence they stole away after dark by twos and threes. just what their plans were sam did not know, as he did not belong to the inner council, but he believed that something would happen soon because of the increasing excitement of the older negroes who were acquainted with the plans. i rode on for some time in silence, thinking over this story and trying to decide what i would better do. i did not know until months later that signs of unrest had been observed among the slaves all over the colony, and that the governor had considered the situation so serious that he had sent out many warnings concerning the danger. it was as well, perhaps, that i did not know this then, for i might not have thought my own portion of the problem so easy of solution. at the time, i had no thought but that the outbreak was the result of old polete's prophecies, and was confined alone to riverview. sam was cantering along behind me, his face still livid with terror, and as i caught sight of it again, i wondered what impulse it was had moved him to confide in me, with such fancied peril to himself. "i would n' tole nobody else," he said, in answer to my question, "but you tole a lie fo' me oncet, an' saved me a lickin'." "told a lie for you, sam?" i questioned in astonishment. "when was that?" "don' yo' 'membah boat d' whip, mas' tom, what i stole?" he asked. i looked at him for a moment before that incident of my boyhood came back to me. "why, yes, i remember it now," i said. "but that was years ago, sam, and i had forgotten it. besides, i didn't tell a lie for you. i only told old gump that i wished to give you the whip." "well," said sam, looking at me doubtfully, "yo' saved me a lickin' anyhow, an' i did n' f 'git it," and he dropped back again. well, to be sure, an act of thoughtfulness or mercy never hurts a man, a fact which i have since learned for myself a hundred times, and wish all men realized. we were soon at riverview, and i ordered sam to ride out to the field where the men were working, and tell the overseer, long, that i wished to see him. sam departed on the errand, visibly uneasy, and i wandered from my room, where i had taken my pack, along the hall and into my aunt's business room while i waited his return. i stood again for a moment at the spot on the staircase where i had kissed dorothy that morning,--it seemed ages ago,--and as i looked up, i fancied i could still see her sweet face gazing down at me. but it was only fancy, and, with a sigh, i turned away and went down through the hall. there were reminders of her at every turn,--there was the place where she had sat sewing in the evenings; over the fireplace hung a little picture she had painted, rude enough, no doubt, but beautiful to my eyes. with a sudden impulse, i ran down the steps and to the old seat under the oaks by the river. nothing had changed,--even the shadows across the water seemed to be the same. but as i ran my hand mechanically along the arm of the seat on the side where dorothy always sat my fingers felt a roughness which had not been there before, and as i looked to see what this might be, i saw that some one had cut in the wood a t and a d, intertwined, and circled by a tiny heart. who could have done it? i had no need to ask myself the question. my heart told me that no one but dorothy could have done it, and that she knew that i should come and sit here and live over again the long evenings when she had sat beside me. it was a message from my love, and with trembling lips i bent and kissed the letters which she had carved. as i sat erect again, i heard footsteps behind me, and turned to see long approaching. "you sent for me, mr. stewart?" he asked. "i saw you sitting here, and decided you were waiting for me." "yes," i said, and i shook hands with him, for he was an honest man and a good workman. "i am glad to see you back again, sir, though looking so ill," he added. "i trust the air of riverview will soon bring you around all right," and from his eyes i knew he meant it. i thanked him, and bade him sit beside me. then, in a few words, i told him what i had learned of the negro meetings, and saw his face grow grave. "'tis what i have always feared," he said, when i had finished. "there are too many of them in the colony, and they feel their strength. if they had a leader and a chance to combine, they might do a great deal of harm. however, we shall soon knock this in the head." "how?" i asked. "make an example of polete," he answered decidedly. "that's the best way, sir. put him out of the way, let the other niggers see us do it, and they'll quiet down fast enough." "undoubtedly that is the easiest way," i said, smiling, "but, unfortunately, i had to promise the person who gave me the information that polete should not be harmed." long stared at me for a moment in amazement. "it would be unfortunate if any of the other planters should hear of that promise, mr. stewart," he said at last. "they would probably take polete's case into their own hands." i laughed at his evident concern. "no doubt," i said, "but they are not going to hear of it. i intend telling no one but yourself, for we two are quite sufficient to stop this thing right here, and it need go no further." "perhaps we are," he answered doubtfully. "what is your plan, sir?" "polete will hold a meeting to-night over there in the woods. well, we will be present at the meeting." he looked at me without saying a word. "our visit will probably not be very welcome," i continued, "but i believe it will produce the desired effect. will you go with me?" "certainly," he answered readily, "but i still think my plan the best, sir." "perhaps it is," i laughed, "but we will try mine first," and he went back to the field, agreeing to be at the house at eight o'clock. i covered with my hand the tiny letters on the arm of the bench, and, looking out across the broad river, drifted into the land of dreams, where dorothy and i wandered together along a primrose path, with none to interfere. chapter xxiii the governor shows his gratitude i ate my supper in solitary splendor in the old dining-room, with my grandfather's portrait looking down upon me, and long found me an hour later sitting in the midst of a wreath of smoke just within the hallway out of the river mist. "'t was as you said, mr. stewart," he remarked, as he joined me. "fully a hundred of the niggers stole off to the woods to-night so soon as it was dark. they went down toward the old black snake swamp." "very well," i said, rising. "wait till i get my hat, and i am with you." "but you will go armed?" he asked anxiously. i paused to think for a moment. "no, i will not," i said finally. "a brace of pistols would avail nothing against that mob, should they choose to resist us, and our going unarmed will have a great moral effect upon them as showing them that we are not afraid." "you have weighed fully the extent of the risk you are about to run, i hope, sir," protested long. "fully," i answered. "'t is not yet too late for you to turn back, you know. i have no right to ask you to endanger your life to carry out this plan of mine. perhaps it would be wiser for you not to go." "and if i stay, you"-- "will go alone," i said. he caught my hand and wrung it heartily. "you are a brave man, mr. stewart," he exclaimed. "if i have shown any hesitation, 't was on your account, not on my own. i am ready to go with you," and as he spoke, he drew a brace of pistols from beneath his coat and laid them on the table by the fireplace. "wait one moment," i said, and hurrying to my aunt's room, i wrote a short note telling her of the trouble i had discovered and where long and i were going, so that, if we did not return, she would know what had happened. folding and sealing it, i wrote on the outside, "to be delivered at once to mrs. stewart," left it on the table, knowing that no one would enter the room till morning, and hurried back to rejoin long. we were off without further words, and were soon well on our way. it was a clear, cool, summer night, with the breeze just stirring in the trees and keeping up a faint, unceasing whispering among the leaves. the moon had risen some hours before, and sailed upward through a cloudless sky. even under the trees it was not wholly dark, for the moon's light filtered through here and there, making a quaint patchwork on the ground, and filling the air with a peculiar iridescence which transformed the ragged trunks of the sycamores into fantastic hobgoblins. all about us rose the croaking of the frogs, dominating all the other noises of the night, and uniting in one mighty chorus in the marshes along the river. an owl was hooting from a distant tree, and the hum of innumerable insects sounded on every side. here and there a glittering, dew-spangled cobweb stretched across our path, a barrier of silver, and required more than ordinary resolution to be brushed aside. as we turned nearer to the river, the ground grew softer and the underbrush more thick, and i knew that we had reached the swamp. then, in a moment, it seemed to me that i could hear some faint, monotonous singsong rising above all the rest. at first i thought it was the croaking of a monster frog, but as we plodded on and the sound grew more distinct, i knew it could not be that. at last, in sheer perplexity, i stopped and motioned long to listen. "do you hear it?" i asked. "do you know what it is?" "yes, i have heard it for the last ten minutes, mr. stewart," he answered quietly. "it is old polete preaching to the niggers. i have often heard their so-called witch men preach. it is always in a singsong just like that." as we drew nearer, i perceived that this was true, for i could catch the tones of the speaker's voice, and in a few minutes could distinguish his words. some years before, when the river had been in flood, its current had been thrown against this bank by a landslide on the other side, and had washed away trees and underbrush for some distance. the underbrush had soon sprung up again, but the clearing still remained, and as we stopped in the shadow of the trees and looked across it, we saw a singular sight. negroes to the number of at least a hundred and fifty were gathered about a pile of logs on which polete was mounted. he was shouting in a monotone, his voice rising and falling in regular cadence, his eyes closed, his head tilted back, his face turned toward the moon, whose light silvered his hair and beard and gave a certain majesty to his appearance. his hearers were seemingly much affected, and interrupted him from time to time with shouts and groans and loud amens. "dis is d' promise' lan'!" cried old polete, waving his arms above his head in a wild ecstasy. "all we hab t' do is t' raise up an' take it from ouh 'pressahs. ef we stays hyah slaves, it's ouh own fault. now's d' 'pinted time. d' french is ma'chin' obah d' mountings t' holp us. dee'll drib d' english into d' sea, and wese t' hab ouh freedom,--ouh freedom an' plenty lan' t' lib on." "dat's it," shouted some one, "an' we gwine t' holp, suah!" the negroes were so intent upon their speaker that they did not perceive us until we were right among them, and even then for a few minutes, as we forced our way through the mob, no one knew us. "it's mas' tom!" yelled one big fellow, as my hat was knocked from my head. and, as if by instinct, they crowded back on either side, and a path was opened before us to the pile of logs where polete stood. he gaped at us amazedly as we clambered up toward him, and i saw that he was licking his lips convulsively. a yell from the crowd greeted us as we appeared beside him,--a menacing yell, which died away into a low growling, and foretold an approaching storm. "now, boys," i cried, "i want you to listen to me for a minute. that is a lie about the french coming over the mountains,--every word of it. if polete here, who, you know, is only a laborer like most of you, says he has seen them coming in a vision, why he's simply lying to you, or he doesn't know what he's talking about. there are not three hundred frenchmen the other side of the mountains, in the first place, and it will be winter before they can get any more there. so if you fight, you will have to fight alone, and you can guess how much chance of success you have. you know the penalty for insurrection. it's death, and not an easy death, either,--death by fire! if you go ahead with this thing, no power on earth can save every one of you from the stake." "it's a lie!" yelled polete. "i did hab d' vision. i did see d' french a-comin'--millions o' dem--all a-ma'chin' t'rough d' forest. dee's almost hyah. dee want us t' holp." a hoarse yell interrupted him, and i saw that something must be done. "wait a minute, boys," i cried. "let me ask polete a question. you say you have seen the french marching, polete?" he nodded sullenly. "what was the color of their uniforms?" he hesitated a moment, but saw he must answer. "dee was all colors," he said. "red, blue, green,--all colors." i saw that my moment of triumph was at hand. "now, boys," i cried, holding up my hand so that all might be quiet and hear my words. "you may guess how much value there is in polete's visions. he says he has seen the french army marching, and he has just told me that their uniforms are all colors,--red, blue, green, and so on. now, if he has seen the army, he ought to know the color of the uniforms, ought he not?" "yes, yes," yelled the mob. "well, boys," i continued, "the french wear only one color uniform, and that color is just the one which polete has not mentioned--white. no frenchman goes to war except in a white uniform." they were all silent for a moment, and i saw them eyeing polete distrustfully. but he was foaming at the mouth with fury. "a lie!" he screamed. "a lie, same's de uddah. don' yo' see what we mus' do? kill 'em! kill 'em, an' nobody else'll evah know!" that low growling which i had heard before again ran through the crowd. i must play my last card. "you fools!" i cried, "do you suppose we are the only ones who know? if so much as a hair of our heads is touched, if we are not back among our friends safe and sound when morning comes, every dog among you will yelp his life out with a circle of fire about him!" they were whining now, and i knew i had them conquered. "i came here to-night to save you," i went on, after a moment. "return now quietly to your quarters, and nothing more will be said about this gathering. put out of your minds once for all the hope that the french will help you, for it is a lie. and let this be the last time you hold a meeting here, or i will not answer for the consequences." i waved them away with my hand, and they slunk off by twos and threes until all of them had disappeared in the shadow of the wood. "and now, what shall we do with this cur?" asked long, in a low voice, at my elbow. i turned and saw that he had old polete gripped by the collar. "he tried to run away," he added, "but i thought you might have something to say to him." polete was as near collapse as a man could be and yet be conscious. he was trembling like a leaf, his eyes were bloodshot, and his lower jaw was working convulsively. he turned an imploring gaze on me, and tried to speak, but could not. "polete," i said sternly, "i suppose you know that if this night's work gets out, as it is certain to do sooner or later, no power on earth can save your life?" "yes, massa," he muttered, and looked about him wildly, as though he already saw the flames at his feet. "well, polete," i went on, "after the way you have acted to-night, i see no reason why i should try to save you. you certainly did all you could to get me killed." "yes, massa," he said again, and would have fallen had not long held him upright by the collar. i waited a moment, for i thought he was going to faint, but he opened his eyes again and fixed them on me. "now listen," i went on, when he appeared able to understand me. "i'm not going to kill you. i'm going to give you a chance for your life,--not a very big chance, perhaps, but a great deal better one than you would have here." "yes, massa," he said a third time, and there was a gleam of hope in his face. "i'm going to let you go," i concluded. "i'd advise you to follow the river till you get beyond the settlements, and then try for pennsylvania. i promise you there'll be no pursuit, but if you ever show your face around here again, you're as good as dead." before i had finished, he had fallen to his knees and bowed his head upon my feet, with a peculiar reverence,--a relic, i suppose, of his life in africa. he was blubbering like a baby when he looked up at me. "i'll nevah f'git yeh, mas' tom," he said. "i'll nevah f'git yeh." "that'll do, uncle," and i caught him by the collar and pulled him to his feet. "i don't want to see you killed, but you'd better get away from here as fast as you can, and drop this witch man business for good and all. here's two shillings. they'll get you something to eat when you get to pennsylvania, but you'd better skirmish along in the woods the best you can till then, or you'll be jerked up for a runaway." he murmured some inarticulate words,--of gratitude, perhaps,--and slid down from the pile of logs. we watched him until he plunged into the woods to the south of the clearing, and then started back toward the house. i was busy with my own thoughts as we went, and long was also silent, so that scarcely a word passed between us until we reached the steps. "sit down a minute, long," i said, as he started back to his quarters. "i don't believe we'll have any more trouble with those fellows, but perhaps it would be well to watch them." "trust me for that, sir," he answered. "i'll see to it that there are no more meetings of that kind. with polete away, there is little danger. the only question is whether he will stay away." "i think he will," and i looked out over the river thoughtfully. "he seemed to understand the danger he was in. if he returns, you will have to deliver him up to the authorities at once, of course." "well," said long, "i'm not a bloodthirsty man, sir, as perhaps you know, but i think we'd be safer if he were dead. still, we'll be safe enough anyway, now the niggers know their plot is discovered. but we were in a ticklish place there for a while this evening." "yes," i answered, with a smile. "it was not so easy as i had expected. i want to thank you, long, for going with me. it was a service on your part which showed you have the interest of the place at heart, and are not afraid of danger." "that's all right, sir," he said awkwardly. "good-night." "wait till i get your pistols," i said. "you left them in the hall, you know." the moonlight was streaming through the open window, and as i stepped into the hall, i rubbed my eyes, for i thought i must be dreaming. there in a great chair before the fireplace sat colonel washington. his head had fallen back, his eyes were closed, and from his deep and regular breathing i knew that he was sleeping. marveling greatly at his presence here at this hour, i tiptoed around him, got long's pistols, and took them out to him. then i lighted my pipe and sat down in a chair opposite the sleeper, and waited for him to awake. i had not long to wait. whether from my eyes on his face, or some other cause, he stirred uneasily, opened his eyes, and sat suddenly bolt upright. "why, tom," he cried, as he saw me, "i must have been asleep." "so you have," i said, shaking hands with him, and pressing him back into the chair, from which he would have risen. "but what fortunate chance has brought you here?" "the most fortunate in the world!" he cried, his eyes agleam. "you know i told you that the governor and house of burgesses would not bear quietly the project to leave our frontier open to the enemy. well, read this," and he drew from his pocket a most formidable looking paper. i took it with a trembling hand and carried it to the window, but the moon was almost set, and i could not decipher it. "what is it?" i asked, quivering with impatience. "here, give it to me," he said, with a light laugh, which reminded me of the night i had seen him first in the governor's palace at williamsburg. "the house of burgesses has just met. they ordered that a regiment of a thousand men be raised to protect the frontier in addition to those already in the field, and voted £ , for the defense of the colony." "and that is your commission!" i cried. "is it not so?" "yes," he said, scarce less excited than myself. "'tis my commission as commander-in-chief of all the virginia forces." i wrung his hand with joy unutterable. at last this man, who had done so much, was to know something beside disappointment and discouragement. "but you do not ask how you are concerned in all this," he continued, smiling into my face, "or why i rode over myself to bring the news to you. 'tis because i set out to-morrow at daybreak for winchester to take command, and i wish you to go with me, tom, as aide-de-camp, with the rank of captain." chapter xxiv a warning from the forest it was at winchester that colonel washington established his headquarters, maintaining a detachment at fort cumberland sufficient to repel any attack the indians were like to make against it, and to cut off such of their war parties as ventured east of it. from winchester he was able more easily to keep in touch with all parts of the frontier, and with the string of blockhouses which had been built years before as a gathering-place for the settlers in the event of indian incursions. by the first of september his arrangements had been completed, but long before that time it was evident the task was to be no easy one. already, from the high passes of the alleghenies, war parties of delawares and shawanoes had descended, sweeping down upon the frontier families like a devastating whirlwind, and butchering men, women, and children with impartial fury. the unbounded forest, which covered hill and valley with a curtain of unbroken foliage, afforded a thousand lurking-places, and it was well-nigh impossible for an armed force to get within striking distance of the marauders. so, almost daily, stories of horrible cruelty came to the fort, plunging the commander into an agony of rage and dejection at his very impotence. the fort was soon crowded with refugees,--wives bewailing their husbands, husbands swearing to avenge their wives, parents lamenting their children, children of a sudden made orphans,--and from north and south, scores of hard-featured, steel-eyed men came to us, their rifles in their hands, to offer their services, and after a time these came to be one of the most valuable portions of our force. ah, the stories they told us! tragedies such as that which spiltdorph and i had come upon had been repeated scores of times. the settler who had left his cabin at daybreak in search of game, or to carry his furs to the nearest post, returned at sundown to find only a smoking heap of ashes where his home had been, and among them the charred and mutilated bodies of his wife and children. horror succeeded horror, and the climax came one day when we were passing a little schoolhouse some miles below the fort, in the midst of a district well populated. wondering at the unwonted silence, we dismounted, opened the door, and looked within. the master lay upon the platform with his pupils around him, all dead and newly scalped. the savages had passed that way not half an hour before. and to add to the trials of the commander, his troops, hastily got together, were most of them impatient of restraint or discipline, and with no knowledge of warfare, while the governor and the house of burgesses demanded that he undertake impossibilities. it was a dreary, trying, thankless task. "they expect me to perform miracles," he said to me bitterly one day. "how am i to protect a frontier four hundred miles in length with five or six hundred effective men, against an enemy who knows every foot of the ground, and who can find a hiding-place at every step?" only by the sternest measures could many of the levies be brought to the fort, and one man--a captain, god save the mark!--sent word that he and his company could not come because their corn had not yet been got in. yet, in spite of all these drawbacks, we did accomplish something. there were a few of the iroquois who yet remained our friends, and the general spared no effort to retain their goodwill, for their services were invaluable. with a lofty contempt for the delawares and shawanoes, whom they had one time subjugated and compelled to assume the name of women, they roamed the forest for miles around, and more than once enabled us to ambush one of the war parties and send it howling back to the muskingum, where there was great weeping and wailing in the lodges upon its return. but it was fruitless work, for the indians, driven back for the moment, returned with augmented fury, and again drenched the frontier in the blood of the colonists. we realized one and all that nothing we could do would turn the tide of war permanently from our borders and render the frontier safe until the french had been driven from fort duquesne. for it was they who urged the indians on, supplying them with guns and ammunition, and rewarding them with rum when they returned to the fort laden with english scalps. an expedition against the french stronghold was for the present out of the question, and we could only bite our nails and curse, waiting for another night when we might sally forth and fall upon one of the war parties. but the few indians we killed seemed a pitiful atonement for the mangled bodies scattered along the frontier and the hundreds of homes of which there remained nothing but blackened ruins. as the weeks passed and the indians saw our impotence, they grew bolder, slipped through the chain of blockhouses, and ravaged the country east of us, disappearing into the woods as if by magic at the first alarm. the month of august and the first portion of september wore away in this dreary manner, and it was perhaps a week later that colonel washington sent me to frederick to make arrangements for some supplies. the distance, which was a scant fifty miles, was over a well-traveled road, and through a district so well protected that the indians had not dared to visit it; so i rode out of the fort one morning, taking with me only my negro boy sam, whom i had selected for my servant since the day he had warned me against polete. i remember that the day was very warm, and that there was no air stirring, so that we pushed forward with indifferent speed. at noon we reached a farmhouse owned by john evans, where we remained until the heat had somewhat moderated, and set forward again about four o'clock in the afternoon. we had ridden for near an hour, and i was deep in my own thoughts, when i heard something breaking its way through the underbrush, and the next moment my horse shied violently as a negro stumbled blindly into the road and collapsed into a heap before he had taken half a dozen steps along it. i reined up sharply, and as i did so, heard sam give a shrill cry of alarm. "shut up, boy," i cried, "and get off and see what ails the man. he can't hurt you." but sam sat in his saddle clutching at his horse's neck, his face spotted with terror as i had seen it once before. "what is it, sam?" i asked impatiently. "good gawd, mas' tom," he cried, his teeth chattering together and cutting off his words queerly, "don' yo' see who 'tis? don' yo' know him?" "know him? no, of course not," i answered sharply. "who is he?" "polete," gasped sam. "polete, come back aftah me," and seemed incapable of another word. in an instant i was off my horse and kneeling in the road beside the fallen man. not till then did i believe it was polete. from a great gash in the side of his head the blood had soaked into his hair and dried over his face. his shirt was stained, apparently from a wound in his breast, but most horrible of all was a circular, reeking spot on the crown of his head from which the scalp had been stripped. it needed no second glance to tell me that polete had been in the hands of the indians. by this time sam had partially recovered his wits, and being convinced that it was polete in the flesh, not in the spirit, brought some water from a spring at the roadside. i bathed polete's head as well as i could, and washed the blood from his face. tearing open his shirt, i saw that blood was slowly welling from an ugly wound in his breast. he opened his eyes after a moment, and stared vacantly up into my face. "debbils," he moaned, "debbils, t' kill a po' ole man. ain't i said i done gwine t' lib wid yo'? kain't trabble fas' 'nough fo' yo'? don' shoot, oh, don' shoot! ah!" he dropped back again into the road with a groan, and tossed from side to side. i thought he was dying, but when i dashed more water in his face, he opened his eyes again. this time he seemed to know me. "is it mas' tom?" he gasped. "mas' tom what let me go?" "yes, polete," i answered gently, "it's master tom." "whar am i?" he asked faintly. "have dee got me 'gin? dee gwine to buhn me?" "no, no," i said. "nobody 's going to harm you, polete. where have you been all this time?" "in d' woods," he whispered, "hidin' in d' swamps, an' skulkin' long aftah night. could n' nevah sleep, mas' tom. when i went t' sleep, seemed laike d' dogs was right aftah me." his head fell back again, and a rush of blood in his throat almost choked him. "wish i'd stayed at d' plantation, mas' tom," he whispered. "nothin' could n' been no wo'se 'n what i went frough. kep' 'long d' ribbah, laike yo' said, but could n' git nothin' t' eat only berries growin' in d' woods. got mighty weak, 'n' den las' night met d' injuns." "last night!" i cried. "where, polete?" "obah dah 'long d' ribbah," he answered faintly. "dee gib me some'n' t' eat, an' i frought maybe dee'd take me 'long, but dis mornin' dee had a big powwow, an' dee shot me an' knock me in d' haid. seems laike dee 's gwine t' buhn a big plantation t'-night." "a big plantation, polete?" i asked. "where? tell me--oh, you must tell me!" but his head had fallen back, and his eyes were closed. there was another burst of blood from his nose and mouth. i threw water over his face, slapped his hands, and shouted into his ears, but to no avail. sam brought me another hatful of water, but his hands trembled so that when he set it down, he spilled half of it. i dashed what was left over the dying man, but his breathing grew slow and slower, and still his eyes were closed. i trembled to think what would happen should i never learn where the indians were going, if polete should never open his eyes again to tell me. but he did, at last,--oh, how long it seemed!--he did, and gazed up at me with a little smile. "reckon it's all obah wid ole polete, mas' tom," he whispered. "where is this plantation, polete?" i asked. "the plantation the indians are going to attack. quick, tell me." he looked at me a moment longer before answering. "d' plantation? obah dah, eight, ten mile, neah d' ribbah," and he made a faint little motion northward with his hand. the motion, slight as it was, brought on another hemorrhage. his eyes looked up into mine for a moment longer, and then, even as i gazed at them, grew fixed and glazed. old polete was dead. we laid him by the side of the road and rolled two or three logs over him. more we could not do, for every moment was precious. "sam," i said quickly, as we finished our task, "you must ride to the fort as fast as your horse will carry you. tell colonel washington that i sent you, and that the indians are going to attack some big plantation on the river eight or ten miles north of here. tell him that i have gone on to warn them. do you understand?" "yes, sah," he gasped. "well, don't you forget a word of it," i said sternly. "you can reach the fort easily by nine o'clock to-night. now, be off." he hesitated a moment. "what is it?" i cried. "you are not afraid, boy?" he rubbed his eyes and began to whimper. "not fo' myself, mas' tom," he said. "but yo' gwine t' ride right into d' injuns. dee'll git yo' suah." "nonsense!" i retorted sharply. "i'll get through all right, and we can easily hold out till reinforcements come. now get on your horse. remember, the faster you go, the surer you'll be to save us all." he swung himself into the saddle, and turned for a moment to look at me, the tears streaming down his face. he seemed to think me as good as dead already. "good-by, sam," i said. "good-by, mas' tom," and he put spurs to his horse and set off down the road. i watched him until the trees hid him from sight, and then sprang upon my horse and started forward. eight or ten miles, polete had said, northward near the river. the road served me for some miles, and then i came to a cross road, which seemed well traveled. not doubting that this led to the plantation of which i was in search, i turned into it, and proceeded onward as rapidly as the darkness of the woods permitted. evening was at hand, and under the overlapping branches of the trees, the gloom grew deep and deeper. at last, away to the right, i caught the gleam of water, and with a sigh of relief knew i was near the river and so on the right road. the house could not be much farther on. with renewed vigor i urged my horse forward, and in a few minutes came to the edge of a clearing, and there before me was the house. but it was not this which drew my eyes. far away on the other side, concealed from the house by a grove of trees, a shadowy line of tiny figures was emerging from the forest. even as i looked, they vanished, and i rubbed my eyes in bewilderment. yet i knew they had not deceived me. it was the war party preparing for the attack. i set spurs to my horse and galloped the jaded beast toward the house as fast as his weary legs would carry him. as i drew near, i saw it was a large and well-built mansion. lights gleamed through the open doors and windows. evidently none there dreamed of danger, and i thanked god that i should be in time. in a moment i was at the door, and as i threw myself from the saddle, i heard from the open window a ringing laugh which thrilled me through and through, for i knew that the voice was dorothy's. chapter xxv i find myself in a delicate situation i staggered up the steps, reeling as from a blow on the head, and a negro met me at the top. "where is your master?" i asked. "kun'l ma'sh 's obah at frederick, sah," he answered, looking at me with astonished eyes. "your mistress, then, quick, boy!" and as he turned toward the open door with a gesture of his hand, i hurried after him. there was a buzz of conversation in the room as we approached, but it ceased abruptly as we entered. i felt rather than saw that dorothy was there, but i looked only at the plump little woman who half rose from her chair and stared at me in astonishment. i suppose my appearance was sufficiently surprising, but there was no time to think of that. "a gen'leman t' see yo', mis' ma'sh," said my guide. i had not caught the name before, but now i understood, and as i looked at the woman before me, i saw her likeness to her son. "i am captain stewart, mrs. marsh," i said, controlling my voice as well as i could. "you may, perhaps, have heard of me. if not, there are others present who can vouch for me," but i did not move my eyes from her face. "that is quite unnecessary, captain stewart," she cried, coming to me and giving me her hand very prettily. "i knew your grandfather, and you resemble him greatly." and then she stopped suddenly and grew very pale. "i remember now," she said. "you were in dear harry's company." "i was not in his company, but i knew and loved him well," i answered gently, taking both her hands and holding them tight in mine. "he was a brave and gallant boy, and lost his life while trying to save another's. i was with him when he fell." she came close to me, and i could feel that she was trembling. "and did he suffer?" she asked. "oh, i cannot bear to think that he should suffer!" "he did not suffer," i said. "he was shot through the heart. he did not have an instant's pain." she was crying softly against my shoulder, but i held her from me. "mrs. marsh," i said, "it is not of harry we must think now, but of ourselves. this afternoon i learned that the indians had planned an attack upon this place to-night. i sent my servant back to the fort for reinforcements and rode on to give the alarm. as i neared the house, i saw their war party skulking in the woods, so that the attack may not be long delayed." her face had turned ashen, and i was glad that i had kept her hands in mine, else she would have fallen. "there is no danger," i added cheerily. "we must close the doors and windows, and we can easily keep them off till morning. the troops will be here by that time." "oh, do you think so?" she gasped. "i am sure of it. now, will you give the orders to the servants?" but that was not necessary. the man who had shown me in had heard my words, and already had the other servants at work, closing and barring doors and windows. i saw that my assistance was not needed. then for the first time i looked at dorothy. she was standing, leaning lightly with one hand upon a table, her eyes large and dark with terror, and her lips quivering, perhaps at the scene which had gone before. her mother was seated by her, and it was to her i turned. "i beg you to believe, mrs. stewart," i said, "that i did not know you and your daughter were here. indeed, i thought you both were back at riverview ere this." "i believe you, mr. stewart," she answered softly. "i believe you to be a man of honor. i am sure i can trust you." there was a tone in her voice which i had never heard before. "thank you," i said. "i shall try to deserve your trust," and then i turned away to look to our defenses. i confess that, after the first five minutes, our situation appeared more perilous than i had at first believed it. there was no white man in the house except myself, only a dozen negro servants, five of whom were men. a boy, whom i sent to the negro quarters to bring reinforcements, returned with the news that they were deserted, but he brought back with him the overseer, a man named brightson, who was to prove his mettle before the night was out. "i suspected this afternoon that there was something in the wind," he said to me, when i had explained our situation, "though i could not guess what it was. the niggers were so damned quiet, not singing in the field as they always do. they've been mighty uneasy for a month back." "yes, i know," i interrupted. "it's the same all over the colony. they think the french are going to help them kill the english. i'm rather glad they ran away. how about these house niggers?" "oh, they're all right, especially pomp there. they'll help us all they can." "that makes seven of us, then. can you shoot?" "try me," he answered simply. "all right," i said. "we'll pull through, i think. indians are no good at anything but a surprise. i dare say some of the niggers have told them that there would be no men here to-night, so they think they'll have an easy victory." i had ordered pomp to bring to the hall all the arms and ammunition in the house, and at this moment he touched me on the elbow and told me this was done. brightson and i looked over the collection, and found it as complete as could be desired. there were a dozen muskets, half a dozen pairs of pistols, a pile of swords and hangers, and ammunition in plenty. evidently, colonel marsh had foreseen the possibility of an indian attack, and was prepared to receive it. a tour of the house showed me, moreover, that it had been built with the same possibility in view. the doors and shutters were all strong and double-barred, and moreover were loopholed in a way that enabled us to command both approaches. i divided the arms, and posted brightson with three men at the rear door, while i, with pomp and another negro, took a place at the front. the women i sent to the top of the staircase, where they would be out of reach of any flying bullets, and could at the same time see what was going on. it was my aunt who protested against this arrangement. "can we not be of use, captain stewart?" she asked. "we could at least load the muskets for you." "and i am sure that i could fire one," cried dorothy. "no, no," i laughed. "time enough for that when there is need. they will not fancy the reception they will get, and may not return for a second dose." and with a sudden tenderness at my heart, right under the eyes of mrs. stewart, i reached up, caught dorothy's hand, and kissed it. when i glanced up again, i saw that she was smiling down at me, but i dared not look at her mother's face. i had wondered at first why the attack was not made at once, but as i stood looking out at my loophole, i perceived the reason. the first shade of evening had found the moon high in the heavens, and it was now rapidly sinking toward the line of trees which marked the horizon. once plunged behind them, the darkness would enable the indians to creep up to the house unseen. i watched the moon as it dropped slowly down the sky. the lower rim just touched the treetops--then it was half behind them--then it had disappeared, and the world was plunged in darkness. i peered into the gloom with starting eyes, but could see nothing. i strained my ears, but could catch no sound; three or four tense minutes passed, i could have sworn it was half an hour. one of the negro women on the stair screamed slightly, and, as though it were a signal, there came a great blow upon the door and pandemonium arose without. i fired blindly through my loophole, seized the musket at my side, and fired a second time, then emptied both my pistols out into the night. it seemed to me a hundred rifles were being fired at once. the hall was full of smoke and the pungent smell of powder, and then, in a second, all was still. but only for a second. for there came another chorus of yells from a distance, and i could hear the negro women on the steps behind me wailing softly. "load!" i shouted. "load, pomp! they will be back in a minute," and then i ran to the other door to see how brightson fared. "all right," he said cheerfully, in answer to my question. "we couldn't see 'em, but we emptied a good deal of lead out there, and i think from the way they yelled we must have hit two or three." "keep it up!" i cried. "we'll drive them off easily," and with a word of encouragement to the negroes, i returned to my post. as i neared the door, i saw two figures in white working over the guns. it was dorothy and her mother, helping the negroes reload. i sent them back to the stair with affected sternness, but i got a second hand-clasp from dorothy as she passed me. then came another long period of waiting, which racked the nerves until the silence grew well-nigh insupportable. the darkness without was absolute, and there was not a sound to disturb the stillness. the minutes passed, and i was just beginning to hope that the indians had already got enough, when i caught the faint shuffle of moccasined feet on the porch, and again the door was struck a terrific blow, which made it groan on its hinges. i fired out into the darkness as fast as i could lay down one gun and pick up another, and again the uproar ceased as suddenly as it had begun. as i turned away a moment from the loophole, i saw that pomp had sunk down to the floor, his hands to his head. "what is it, pomp?" i cried, as i bent over him, but there was no need for him to answer, even had he been able. a bullet, entering the loop-hole through which he was firing, had struck his left eye and entered the head. the other negro and myself laid him to one side against the wall, and when i went to him ten minutes later to see if there was anything i could do, he was dead. i turned away to the women to say some words of cheer and comfort to them, when a call from brightson startled me. "what has happened?" i asked, as i reached his side, and for answer he pointed out through the loophole. "they have fired the nigger quarters and outbuildings," he said grimly. "they'll probably try to fire the house next." even as we looked, the flames rose high above the roofs of the cabins and bathed the clearing in red radiance. in and out among the buildings we could see the indians scampering, a hundred of them at least. suddenly there was a chorus of yells, and two indians appeared, rolling a cask before them into the belt of light. "they've found a keg of rum which was in my quarters," remarked brightson; "now they'll get crazy drunk. our task has just begun, captain stewart." i realized that he spoke the truth. sober, an indian will not stand up long in open fight, but drunk, he is a devil incarnate,--a fiend who will dare anything. i watched them as they knocked in the head of the cask and scooped up the raw spirits within. then one of them began a melancholy melody, which rose and fell in measured cadence, the other warriors gradually joining in and stamping the ground with their feet. every minute one would run to the cask for another draught of the rum, and gradually their yells grew louder, their excitement more intense, as they rushed back and forth brandishing their weapons. "they will soon be on us again," said brightson in a low tone, but round and round they kept dancing, their leader in front in all his war trappings, the others almost naked, and for the most part painted black. no wonder i had been unable to see them in the darkness. "they are going to attack us again, tom, are they not?" asked a low voice at my elbow. "dorothy," i cried, "what are you doing here? come, you must get back to the stair at once. the attack may come at any moment." "you are treating me like a child," she protested, and her eyes flashed passionately. "do you think we are cowards, we women? we will not be treated so! we have come to help you." i looked at her in amazement. this was not the dorothy i knew, but a braver, sweeter one. her mother and mrs. marsh were behind her, both looking equally determined. "very well," i said, yielding with an ill grace. "you may sit on the floor here and load the guns as we fire them. that will be of greater service than if you fired them yourselves, and you will be quite out of reach of the bullets." dorothy sniffed contemptuously at my last words, but deigned to sit down beside the other women. i placed the powder and ball where they could reach them easily, shaded a candle so that it threw its light only on the floor beside them, gave them a few directions about loading, and rejoined brightson at his loophole. the indians had stopped dancing, and were engaged in heaping up a great pile of burning logs. "what are they about?" i asked. brightson looked at me with a grim light in his eyes. "they're going to try to burn us out," he said, and almost before he had spoken, the indians seized a hundred burning brands from the fire, and waving them about their heads to fan them to a brighter flame, started toward us. chapter xxvi a desperate defense i had barely time to get back to my post at the front door when they were upon us. i fired out into the rabble, and as i turned to get another gun, dorothy was at my side and thrust it into my hands. there was no time to protest, even had i not realized, as i glanced into her eyes, that protestation would be useless. i fired a second time, when a tremendous explosion in the hall at my side startled me. i saw in a moment what had happened. the negro who was at the other loophole, dazed with fear, had discharged his gun straight into the ceiling overhead, and then, flinging it down, turned and ran. i could not pursue him, and grabbing a third gun from dorothy, i fired again at the indians, some of whom were swarming up the steps. as i did so, i stared an instant in amazement, for at the shot two men had fallen. as i turned back for another musket, i saw mrs. stewart at the other loophole, a smoking rifle in her hands, into which she was feverishly ramming another charge. it was a sight that made my heart leap, and i found myself suddenly admiring her. but before either of us could fire again, the indians were gone, and a chorus of yells and sharp firing told me they were attacking brightson's side of the house. the noise died away after a moment, and they appeared again borne distance off, looking back eagerly as though expecting something. i saw with a start that their firebrands were no longer in their hands, and a moment later a puff of smoke from the corner of the house and the exultant yells of the savages warned me of our new danger. as i turned from the door, i met brightson coming to seek me with an anxious face. "they have fired the house, captain stewart," he said. "i fear so. we must find the place and put out the flames." without a word he turned and followed me, and we opened the shutters a little here and there and looked out. we soon found what we were seeking. as the indians had dashed around the house from front to rear, they had approached the side and piled their burning brands against the boards. we looked down from the window and saw that the house had already caught fire. in a few moments the flames would be beyond control. i was back to the hall in an instant. "is there any water in the house?" i asked of mrs. marsh, who was seated on the floor reloading our guns with a coolness which told me where her son had got his gallantry. she looked at me an instant with face whitened by a new fear. "do you mean that the house is on fire?" she asked. i nodded. "there is no water," she said very quietly. "the well is a hundred yards from the house." i beckoned to the negroes, who were listening in an anxious group, and hastened back to brightson. "there is no water," i said to him briefly. "i am going to open the shutter, drop down, and knock the fire away from the house. do you be ready to pull me back in again, when i have finished." "but it is death to do that," he exclaimed. "no, no," i said. "you and the boys can keep them off. there is no other way." he turned from me and looked about the room. "this will save you," he cried, and ran to a heavy oak table which stood in one corner. i looked at him for a moment without understanding. "we will throw it through the window," he explained. "you can drop behind it, and the indians' bullets cannot reach you." i saw his plan before he had finished, and we had the table at the window in an instant. "now, boys, all together," i cried, and as i threw the shutter back, they lifted the table to the sill and pushed it through. before the indians understood what was happening, i had dropped beside it, pulled it around to screen me, and was kicking the brands away from the building. then they understood, and made a rush for the house, but met so sharp a reception from brightson and his men that they fell back, and contented themselves with keeping up a sharp fusilade upon my place of concealment. it was the work of only a few moments to kick away the brands and beat out the flames which were running along the side of the house. i signaled to brightson that i was ready to return, and he opened a heavy fire upon the savages, which drove them for a moment out of musket range. then throwing the shutter back, he leaned out, grasped my hands, and pulled me into the house without a scratch. "that's what i call genius," he observed, as he clapped the shutter tight and shot the bar into place. "i fancy they're getting about enough." "i trust so," i answered. "but in any event, our troops will be here in two or three hours more." we stood for some time in silence and watched the indians. they drew together near one of the burning buildings, apparently for a consultation, and then running to a cabin which had not yet been consumed, they tore off the heavy door and shutters. "they haven't given it up yet," remarked brightson grimly, "but they're going to advance under cover this time." evidently some further preparation was necessary, for half a dozen of them worked away busily for some time, though we could not see what they were doing. "what new deviltry are they up to now?" i heard brightson mutter to himself, but i could find no answer to his question, for i knew little of this kind of warfare. it was soon answered by the indians themselves. a dozen of them ran around the house in different directions, each carrying a board, while the others, after paying a last visit to the cask of rum, grouped themselves opposite the rear door, but well out of range. we watched them in breathless silence. those who were armed with shields approached nearer and nearer, until within perhaps fifty yards. we fired at them, but seemingly without effect. then there was a moment of anxious waiting, and almost together a dozen streamers of fire rose high into the air and descended toward the house. some fell harmlessly on the ground without, and we saw that they were arrows tipped with burning tow, but the most must have fallen upon the roof. a second and third shower of fire followed, and then the indians withdrew behind their shields and quietly awaited the result. "they have set fire to the roof," i gasped. "we must put it out at once, or we are lost." "leave that to me, captain stewart," said brightson quietly, and i never admired the courage of a man more than i did his at that moment. "i will get out on the roof, and throw the arrows down. i don't believe they can hit me." it was the only thing to do, and he was gone even as i nodded my assent. five minutes passed, and then the indians began to yell again, and i knew that brightson had reached the roof. almost at the same instant, the main body of the savages advanced at a run, some of them carrying a heavy log, the others holding boards in front of them. we sent a dozen bullets among them before they reached the door, but they came on without faltering. one man, very tall and clad in a suit of fringed buckskin, ran in front and urged them on. i fired at him twice, but he came on as before, and i knew that i had wasted the bullets. up the steps they came, yelling like devils fresh from hell, and brought the log crashing against the door, while others thrust their muskets through the loopholes and fired into the hallway. one of the negroes sank down without a groan, the blood spurting from his neck, and another dropped his gun with a yell, and, clapping his hands to his face, ran shrieking down the hall. again the log thundered against the door, one of the bars sprung loose, and half a dozen shots were fired into the hallway. i saw that the door could hold but a moment longer, and shouting to the negroes to fall back, i retreated to the stair, grabbing up a hanger as i passed the place where we had piled the arms. running back again, i caught up a bag of powder and another of ball, so that we might not be utterly without ammunition, and with these sped up the stair, pushing the women before me. we were not an instant too soon, for the door crashed down at the next blow, and the savages poured over the threshold. they paused a moment to see what had become of us, and this gave us opportunity to pour a volley into them. then on they came, the man in buckskin still leading them. as they reached the foot of the stair, i took steady aim at him with my pistol and pulled the trigger. but he seemed to have some intuition of his danger, for he stooped suddenly, and it was the man behind him who threw up his hands, sprang into the air, and fell backward. they faltered only for an instant, and then swarmed up the steps, their greased faces gleaming in the powder flashes. i thought it as good as ended, and throwing down my musket, caught up my hanger for a final stand, when something was thrown past me and bounded down the stair. it swept half the indians off their feet and carried them down before it, and the others, not knowing what had happened, turned and ran down after them. nor, indeed, did i know until afterward, when i learned that brightson, coming down from the roof and taking in our peril at a glance, had caught up a great log from the fireplace in the upper hall, where it was awaiting the winter lighting, and, with a strength little short of superhuman, had hurled it down upon the savages. it gave us respite for a moment, but it was certain they would charge again, and i knew too well what the result would be, for the last of the negroes had flung down his gun and run away, leaving only brightson and me to guard the women. it was mrs. marsh who spoke the saving word. "why not retreat to the roof?" she said. "they could not get at us there." it was the only chance of safety, so to the roof we went, the women first, and we two bringing up the rear. once there, we closed the trap and waited. in a moment we heard the yell which told us that our retreat had been discovered, and then again came silence. "this is no ordinary indian attack," said brightson, who was wiping the sweat and powder stains from his face. "there's a frenchman leading them, and maybe two or three. did you see that fellow in buckskin who ran in front?" "yes," i answered gloomily. "i have fired at him three times, but always missed him." "well, he is no indian," said brightson, "in spite of his painted face. if they hadn't had that cask of rum and him to lead them, they would have cleared out of this long ago. they have no stomach for this kind of work, unless they are full of liquor." the sky in the east was turning from black to gray, and the dawn was not far distant. "our troops will soon be here," i said, and went to the women where they were crouching behind a protecting gable. dorothy, her mother, and mrs. marsh were sitting side by side, and they all smiled at me as i approached. "i think we are safe here," i said as cheerily as i could, "and the reinforcements cannot be far away. i know colonel washington too well to think he would delay a moment longer than necessary to start to our relief." "you have made a brave defense, captain stewart," said mrs. marsh earnestly. "i realize what would have been our fate long ere this, had you not been here." "nay, madame," i interrupted, "i could have done little by myself. i have learned to-night that the women of virginia are no less gallant than the men." "come, come," laughed dorothy, "this is not a drawing-room that you need think you must flatter us, tom." i glanced at mrs. stewart, and saw with some surprise that she too was smiling. "'twas not flattery," i protested, "but a simple statement of fact. and there is another here," i added, turning to mrs. marsh, "whose conduct should be remembered. i have never seen a braver man," and i glanced at brightson where he sat, his musket across his knees. "i shall remember it," she said, as she followed my eyes. a burst of yells and a piercing cry from below interrupted us. "what was that?" asked dorothy, white to the lips. "they have found one of the negroes," i answered, as calmly as i could. "they ran away, and must have hidden somewhere in the house." we sat listening, the women pale and horror-stricken, and even brightson and i no little moved. the yells and the single shrill cry were repeated a second time and then a third, and finally all was still again save for the negro women wailing softly, as they rocked themselves to and fro behind the gable, their arms about their knees. i crept back to my station by the trap and waited feverishly for what should happen next. we could hear steps in the hall below, a short consultation and a clanking of arms, and then all was still. "here they come," said brightson, between his teeth, and even as he spoke, the trap was thrown outward by a great force from below, and the savage swarm poured forth upon the roof. i struck madly at the first man, and saw another fall, pierced by a bullet from brightson's gun, and then he was down and i heard the sough of a knife thrust into him. "they are coming! they are coming!" screamed a shrill voice behind me, and i turned to see dorothy upright on the roof, pointing away to the southward. and there, sure enough, at the edge of the clearing, was a troop of virginians, galloping like mad. ah, how welcome were those blue uniforms! we could hear them cheering, and, with a leaping heart, i saw it was colonel washington himself who led them. for an instant the indians stood transfixed, and then, with a yell, turned back toward the trap. all save one. i saw him raise his musket to his shoulder and take deliberate aim at dorothy as she stood there outlined in white against the purple sky. i sprang at him with a cry of rage, and dragged his gun toward me as he pulled the trigger. there was a burst of flame in my face, a ringing in my ears, i felt the earth slipping from me, and knew no more. chapter xxvii i come into my own it was long before i realized that that white, bandaged thing lying on the bed before me was my hand. i gazed at it curiously for a while and stirred it slightly to make sure,--what a mighty effort that little motion cost me!--and then i became aware that a breeze was passing across my face, and a peculiar thing about it was that it came and went regularly like the swinging of a pendulum. and when i raised my eyes to see what this might mean, i found myself looking straight into the astonished face of sam, my boy. he stared at me for a moment, his eyes starting from his head, and then with a loud cry he dropped the fan he had been wielding and ran from the room, clapping his hands together as he went, as i had heard negroes do under stress of great excitement. what could it mean? again my eyes fell upon the queer, bandaged thing which must be my hand. had there been an accident? i could not remember, and while my mind was still wrestling with the question in a helpless, flabby way, i heard the swish of skirts at the door, and there entered who but dorothy! "why, dorothy!" i cried, and then stopped, astonished at the sound of my own voice. it was not my voice at all,--i had never heard it before,--and it seemed to come from a great way off. and what astonished me more than anything else was that dorothy did not seem in the least surprised by it. "yes, tom," she said, and she came to the bedside and laid her hand upon my head. such a cool, soft little hand it was. "why, the fever is quite gone! you will soon be well again." i tried to raise my hand to take hers, but it lay there like a great dead weight, and i could scarcely move it. i know not what it was, but at the sight of her standing there so strong and brave and sweet, and the thought of myself so weak and helpless, the tears started from my eyes and rolled down my cheeks in two tiny rivulets. she seemed to understand my thought, for she placed one of her hands in mine, and with the other wiped my tears away. i love to think of her always as i saw her then, bending over me with infinite pity in her face and wiping my tears away. the moment of weakness passed, and my brain seemed clearer than it had been. "have i been ill?" i asked. "very ill, tom," she said. "but now you will get well very quickly." "what was the matter with me, dorothy?" she looked at me a moment and seemed hesitating for an answer. "i think you would better go to sleep now, tom," she said at last, "and when you wake again, i will tell you all about it." "very well," i answered submissively, and indeed, at the time, my brain seemed so weary that i had no wish to know more. she gently took her hand from mine and went to a table, where she poured something from a bottle into a glass. i followed her with my eyes, noting how strong and confident and beautiful she was. "drink this, tom," she said, bringing the glass back to the bed and holding it to my lips. i gulped it down obediently, and then watched her again as she went to the window and drew the blind. she came back in a moment and sat down in the chair from which i had startled sam. she picked up the fan which he had dropped, and waved it softly to and fro above me, smiling gently down into my face. and as i lay there watching her, the present seemed to slip away and leave me floating in a land of clouds. but when i opened my eyes again, it all came back to me in an instant, and i called aloud for dorothy. she was bending over me almost before the sound of my voice had died away. "oh, thank god!" i cried. "it was only a dream, then! you are safe, dorothy,--there were no indians,--tell me it was only a dream." "yes, i am quite safe, tom," she answered, and took my hand in both of hers. "and the indians?" i asked. "were frightened away by colonel washington and his men, who killed many of them." i closed my eyes for a moment, and tried to reconstruct the drama of that dreadful night. "dorothy," i asked suddenly, "was brightson killed?" "yes, tom," she answered softly. i sighed. "he was a brave man," i said. "no man could have been braver." "only one, i think," and she smiled down at me tremulously, her eyes full of tears. "yes, colonel washington," i said, after a moment's thought. "perhaps he is braver." "i was not thinking of colonel washington, tom," and her lips began to tremble. i gazed at her a moment in amazement. "you do not mean me, dorothy?" i cried. "oh, no; i am not brave. you do not know how frightened i grow when the bullets whistle around me." she laid her fingers on my lips with the prettiest motion in the world. "hush," she said. "i will not listen to such blasphemy." "at least," i protested, "i am not so brave as you,--no, nor as your mother, dorothy. i had no thought that she was such a gallant woman." "ah, you do not know my mother!" she cried. "but you shall know her some day, tom. nor has she known you, though i think she is beginning to know you better, now." there were many things i wished to hear,--many questions that i asked,--and i learned how sam had galloped on until he reached the fort, how he had given the alarm, how colonel washington himself had ridden forth twenty minutes later at the head of fifty men,--all who could be spared,--and had spurred on through the night, losing the road more than once and searching for it with hearts trembling with fear lest they should be too late, and how they had not been too late, but had saved us,--saved dorothy. "and i think you are dearer to the commander's heart than any other man," she added. "indeed, he told me so. for he stayed here with you for three days, watching at your bedside, until he found that he could stay no longer, and then he tore himself away as a father leaves his child. i had never seen him moved so deeply, for you know he rarely shows emotion." ah, dorothy, you did not know him as did i! you had not been with him at great meadows, nor beside the monongahela, nor when we buried braddock there in the road in the early morning. you had not been with him at winchester when wives cried to him for their husbands, and children for their parents, nor beside the desolated hearths of a hundred frontier families. and of a sudden it came over me as a wave rolls up the beach, how much of sorrow and how little of joy had been this man's portion. small wonder that his face seemed always sad and that he rarely smiled. dorothy had left me alone a moment with my thoughts, and when she came back, she brought her mother with her. i had never seen her look at me as she looked now, and for the first time perceived that it was from her dorothy got her eyes. she stood in the doorway for a moment, gazing down at me, and then, before i knew what she was doing, had fallen on her knees beside my bed and was kissing my bandaged hand. "why, aunt!" i cried, and would have drawn it from her. "oh, tom," she sobbed, and clung to it, "can you forgive me?" "forgive you, aunt?" i cried again, yet more amazed. "what have you done that you should stand in need of my forgiveness?" "what have i done?" she asked, and raised her face to mine. "what have i not done, rather? i have been a cold, hard woman, tom. i have forgot what right and justice and honor were. but i shall forget no longer. do you know what i have here in my breast?" she cried, and she snatched forth a paper and held it before my eyes. "you could never guess. it is a letter you wrote to me." "a letter i wrote to you?" i repeated, and then as i saw the superscription, i felt my cheeks grow hot. for it read, "to be delivered at once to mrs. stewart." "ay," she said, "a letter you wrote to me, and which i should never have received had you not forgot it and left it lying on my table in my study at riverview. can you guess what i felt, tom, when they brought it to me here, and i opened it and read that you had gone to the swamp alone amongst those devils? i thought that you were dead, since the letter had been delivered, and the whole extent of the wrong i had done you sprang up before me. but they told me you were not dead,--that colonel washington had come for you, and that you had ridden hastily away with him. i could guess the story, and i should never have known that you had saved the place but for the chance which made you forget this letter." i had tried to stop her more than once. she had gone on without heeding me, but now she paused. "it was nothing," i said. "nothing. there was no real danger. thank long. he was with me. he is a better man than i." "oh, yes," she cried, "they are all better men than you, i dare say! do not provoke me, sir, or you will have me quarreling with you before i have said what i came here to say. can you guess what that is?" and she paused again, to look at me with a great light in her eyes. but i was far past replying. i gazed up at her, bewildered, dazzled. i had never known this woman. "i see you cannot guess," she said. "of course you cannot guess! how could you, knowing me as you have known me? 'tis this. riverview is yours, tom, and shall be always yours from this day forth, as of right it has ever been." riverview mine? no, no, i did not want riverview. it was something else i wanted. "i shall not take it, aunt," i said quite firmly. "i am going to make a name for myself,--with my sword, you know," i added with a smile, "and when i have once done that, there is something else which i shall ask you for, which will be dearer to me--oh, far dearer--than a hundred riverviews." what ailed the women? here was dorothy too on her knees and kissing my bandaged hand. "oh, tom, tom," she cried, "do you not understand?" "understand?" i repeated blankly. "understand what, dorothy?" "don't you remember, dear, what happened just before the troops came?" "oh, very clearly," i answered. "the indians got brightson down and stabbed him, and just then you sprang up and cried the troops were coming, and sure enough, there they were just entering the clearing, and the indians paused only for one look and then fled down the stairs as fast as they could go. 't was you who saved us all, dorothy." "oh, but there was something more!" she cried. "there was one indian who did not run, tom, but who stopped to aim at me. i saw him do it, and i closed my eyes, for i knew that he would kill me, and i heard his gun's report, but no bullet struck me. for it was you whom it struck, dear, through your hand and into your side, and for long we thought you dying." "yes," i said, "but you see i am not dying, nor like to die, dear dorothy, so that i may still rejoin the troops erelong." she was looking at me with streaming eyes. "do you mean that i am not going to get well, dorothy?" i asked, for i confess her tears frightened me. "oh, not so bad as that, dear!" she cried. "thank god, not so bad as that! but your hand, tom, your right hand is gone. you can never wield a sword again, dear, never go to war. you will have to stay at home with me." i know not how it was, but she was in my arms, and her lips were on mine, and i knew that was no more parting for us. chapter xviii and so, good-by well, a right hand is a little price to pay for the love of a wife like mine, and if i have made no name in the world, i at least live happy in it, which is perhaps a greater thing. and i have grown to use my left hand very handily. i have learnt to write with it, as the reader knows,--and when i hold my wife to me, i have her ever next my heart. it is the fashion, i know well, to stop the story on the altar's steps, and leave the reader to guess at all that may come after, but as i turn over the pages i have writ, they seem too much a tale of failure and defeat, and i would not have it so. for the lessons learned at fort necessity and winchester and at duquesne have given us strength to drive the french from the continent and the indian from the frontier. so that now we dwell in peace, and live our lives in quiet and content, save for some disagreements with the king about our taxes, which lord grenville has made most irksome. and even to my dearest friend, whose life, as i have traced it here, has been so full of sorrow and reverse, has come great happiness. he is honored of all men, and has found love as well, for he has brought a wife home to mount vernon. dorothy declares that mistress washington is the very image of that mary cary who used him so ill years ago,--but this may be only a woman's leaning toward romance. indeed, we have a romance in our own home,--a bright-eyed girl of twenty, who, i fear, is soon to leave us, if a certain pert young blade who lives across the river has his way. it will be i who give her away at the altar, for her father lies dead beside the monongahela,--brave, gentle-hearted spiltdorph. my eyes grow dim even now when i think of you, yet i trust that i have done as you would have had me do. for i found the girl at hampton, after a weary search,--perhaps some day i shall tell the story. it is in the old seat by the river's edge i write these words, and as i lay down the pen, my hand falls on those carved letters, t and d, with a little heart around them,--very faint, now, and worn with frequent kisses,--and as i lift my head, i see coming to me across the grass the woman who carved them there and whom i love. the life of george washington, commander in chief of the american forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the united states. compiled under the inspection of the honourable bushrod washington, from _original papers_ bequeathed to him by his deceased relative, and now in possession of the author. to which is prefixed, an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the english on the continent of north america, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. by john marshall. vol. iv. the citizens' guild of washington's boyhood home fredericksburg, va. printed in the u.s.a. [illustration: george washington _from the painting by james sharples_ _sharples is distinguished for having painted what the washington family regarded as the most faithful likenesses of the father of his country. this portrait in particular is the best resemblance we have of washington during the period between his resignation as commander-in-chief of the continental army and his inauguration as first president of the united states. the sharples portraits of washington were commissioned by robert cary, a london merchant and admirer of our first president, who sent the artist on a special trip to america to do the work. this and other portraits by sharples of washington and his compeers long remained in england, but are now in the collection of herbert l. pratt, new york._] contents chapter i. greene invests camden.... battle of hobkirk's hill.... progress of marion and lee.... lord rawdon retires into the lower country.... greene invests ninety six.... is repulsed.... retires from that place.... active movements of the two armies.... after a short repose they resume active operations.... battle of eutaw.... the british army retires towards charleston. chapter ii. preparations for another campaign.... proceedings in the parliament of great britain. conciliatory conduct of general carleton.... transactions in the south.... negotiations for peace.... preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the united states and great britain.... discontents of the american army.... peace.... mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line.... evacuation of new york.... general washington resigns his commission and retires to mount vernon. chapter iii. general washington devotes his time to rural pursuits.... to the duties of friendship.... and to institutions of public utility.... resolves of congress and of the legislature of virginia for erecting statues to his honour.... recommends improvement in inland navigation.... declines accepting a donation made to him by his native state.... the society of the cincinnati.... he is elected president.... the causes which led to a change of the government of the united states.... circular letter of general washington to the governors of the several states. chapter iv. differences between great britain and the united states.... mr. adams appointed minister to great britain.... discontents excited by the commercial regulations of britain.... parties in the united states.... the convention at annapolis.... virginia appoints deputies to a convention at philadelphia.... general washington chosen one of them.... insurrection at massachusetts.... convention at philadelphia.... a form of government submitted to the respective states, as ratified by eleven of them.... correspondence of general washington respecting the chief magistracy.... he is elected president.... meeting of the first congress. chapter v. the election of general washington officially announced to him.... his departure for the seat of government.... marks of affection shown him on his journey.... his inauguration and speech to congress.... his system of intercourse with the world.... letters on this and other subjects.... answers of both houses of congress to the speech.... domestic and foreign relations of the united states.... debates on the impost and tonnage bills.... on the power of removal from office.... on the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans of revenue.... on the style of the president.... amendments to the constitution.... appointment of executive officers, and of the judges.... adjournment of the first session of congress.... the president visits new england.... his reception.... north carolina accedes to the union. chapter vi. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... report of the secretary of the treasury on public credit.... debate thereon.... bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.... adjournment of congress.... treaty with the creek indians.... relations of the united states with great britain and spain.... the president visits mount vernon.... session of congress.... the president's speech.... debates on the excise.... on a national bank.... the opinions of the cabinet on the law.... progress of parties.... war with the indians.... defeat of harmar.... adjournment of congress. chapter vii. general st. clair appointed commander-in-chief.... the president makes a tour through the southern states.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... debate on the bill for apportioning representatives.... military law.... defeat of st. clair.... opposition to the increase of the army.... report of the secretary of the treasury for raising additional supplies.... congress adjourns.... strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of parties.... disagreement between the secretaries of state and treasury.... letters from general washington.... opposition to the excise law.... president's proclamation.... insurrection and massacre in the island of st. domingo.... general wayne appointed to the command of the army.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasury, rejected.... congress adjourns.... progress of the french revolution, and its effects on parties in the united states. the life of george washington chapter i. greene invests camden.... battle of hobkirk's hill.... progress of marion and lee.... lord rawdon retires into the lower country.... greene invests ninety six.... is repulsed.... retires from that place.... active movements of the two armies.... after a short repose they resume active operations.... battle of eutaw.... the british army retires towards charleston. { } in south carolina and georgia, the campaign of was uncommonly active. the importance of the object, the perseverance with which it was pursued, the talents of the generals, the courage, activity, and sufferings of the armies, and the accumulated miseries of the inhabitants, gave to the contest for these states, a degree of interest seldom bestowed on military transactions, in which greater numbers have not been employed. when lord cornwallis entered north carolina, the military operations in the more southern states were committed to lord rawdon. for the preservation of his power, a line of posts slightly fortified had been continued from charleston, by the way of camden and ninety six, to augusta, in georgia. the spirit of resistance was still kept up in the north-western and north-eastern parts of the state, by generals sumpter and marion, who respectively commanded a corps of militia. their exertions, though great, seem not to have been successful; and they excited no alarm, because no addition to their strength was apprehended. such was the situation of the country when general greene formed the bold resolution of endeavouring to reannex it to the american union. his army consisted of about eighteen hundred men. the prospect of procuring subsistence was unpromising, and the chance of reinforcements precarious. he was apprized of the dangers to be encountered, but believed it to be for the public interest to meet them. "i shall take every measure," said this gallant officer, in a letter communicating his plan of operations to general washington, "to avoid a misfortune. but necessity obliges me to commit myself to chance, and if any accident should attend me, i trust my friends will do justice to my reputation." the extensive line of posts maintained by lord rawdon, presented to greene many objects, at which, it was probable he might strike with advantage. the day preceding his march from the camp on deep river, he detached lee to join general marion, and communicated his intention of entering south carolina to general pickens with a request that he would assemble the western militia, and lay siege to ninety six, and augusta. {april.} [sidenote: green invests camden.] having made these arrangements, he moved from deep river on the seventh of april, and encamped before camden on the nineteenth of the same month, within half a mile of the british works. lord rawdon had received early notice of his approach, and was prepared for his reception. {april .} camden stands on a gentle elevation, and is covered on the south and south-west by the wateree,[ ] and on the east by pine-tree creek. a strong chain of redoubts, extending from the river to the creek, protected the north and west sides of the town. being unable to storm the works or to invest them on all sides, greene contented himself with lying before the place in the hope of being reinforced by militia, or of some event which might bring on an action in the open field. with this view he retired a small distance, and encamped on hobkirk's hill, about a mile and a half from the town. while in this situation, he received information that colonel watson was marching up the santee with about four hundred men. a junction between these two divisions of the british army, could be prevented only by intercepting watson while at a distance from camden. for this purpose, he crossed sand-hill creek and encamped east of camden, on the road leading to charleston. it being impracticable to transport the artillery and baggage over the deep marshes adjoining the creek, colonel carrington with the north carolina militia was directed to convey them to a place of safety, and to guard them till farther orders. the army continued a few days in its new encampment, during which the troops subsisted on the scanty supplies furnished by the neighbourhood. greene was compelled at length, by the want of provisions, to relinquish this position. about the same time he received intelligence which induced him to doubt the approach of watson. on which he ordered lieutenant colonel carrington to rejoin him; and on the th, returned to the north side of the town, and again encamped on hobkirk's hill, a ridge covered with uninterrupted wood through which the great waxhaw road passes. the army was encamped in order of battle, its left covered by the swamp of pine-tree creek. [footnote : higher up, this river is called the catawba.] {april .} a drummer, who deserted on the morning after greene's return, and before he was rejoined by lieutenant colonel carrington, gave information to lord rawdon that the artillery and militia had been detached. his lordship determined to seize this favourable occasion for fighting his enemy to advantage, and, at the head of nine hundred men, marched out of town on the morning of the twenty-fifth to attack the american army. lieutenant colonel carrington had arrived in camp that morning, and brought with him a supply of provisions which had been issued to the troops, some of whom were employed in cooking and others in washing their clothes. notwithstanding those occupations, they were in reach of their arms, and were in readiness to take their ground and engage at a moment's warning. [sidenote: battle of hobkirk's hill.] by keeping close to the swamp, and making a circuit of some distance, lord rawdon gained the american left without being perceived; and about eleven, his approach was announced by the fire of the advanced piquets, who were half a mile in front of greene's encampment. orders were instantly given to form the american line of battle. the virginia brigade commanded by general huger, consisting of two regiments under campbell and hawes, was drawn up on the right of the great road. the maryland brigade commanded by colonel williams, consisting also of two regiments, under gunby and ford, was on the left, and the artillery was placed in the centre. the north carolina militia under colonel read formed a second line; and captain kirkwood with the light infantry was placed in front for the purpose of supporting the piquets, and retarding the advance of the enemy. general greene remained on the right, with campbell's regiment. captain morgan of virginia, and captain benson of maryland, who commanded the piquets, gave the enemy a warm reception; but were soon compelled to retire. captain kirkwood also was driven in, and the british troops appeared in view. rawdon continued his march through the wood along the low ground in front of the maryland brigade which was in the act of forming, until he reached the road, where he displayed his column. perceiving that the british advanced with a narrow front, greene ordered colonel ford, whose regiment was on the extreme left, and lieutenant colonel campbell, whose regiment was on the extreme right, severally to attack their flanks, while gunby and hawes should advance upon their front with charged bayonets. to complete their destruction by cutting off their retreat to the town, lieutenant colonel washington was ordered to pass their left flank and charge them in the rear. the regiments commanded by ford and campbell, being composed chiefly of new levies, did not change their ground, and perform the evolutions necessary for the duty assigned to them, with the requisite rapidity and precision; in consequence of which rawdon, who instantly perceived the danger that threatened his flanks, had time to extend his front by bringing the volunteers of ireland into his line. this judicious movement disconcerted the design on his flanks, and brought the two armies into action fronting each other. but the regiments of ford and campbell were thrown into some confusion by the abortive attempt to gain the flanks of the british. colonel washington too was compelled by the thick underwood and felled trees which obstructed his direct course, to make so extensive a circuit, that he came into the rear of the british at a greater distance from the scene of action than was intended, in consequence of which he fell in with their medical and other staff, and with a number of the followers of the army and idle spectators, who took no part in the action. too humane to cut his way through this crowd, he employed so much time in taking their verbal parole, that he could not reach the rear of the british line until the battle was ended. these casualties disappointed this very interesting part of greene's intended operations.[ ] [footnote : this account of the battle of hobkirk's hill varies in several particulars from that contained in the first edition. in making the alteration the author has followed the letter of general davie, published in mr. johnson's biography of general greene. general davie was known to the author to be a gentleman in whose representations great confidence is to be placed on every account, and his situation in the army enabled him to obtain the best information.] the artillery, however, played on the enemy with considerable effect; and the regiments of gunby and hawes advanced on the british front with resolution. some companies on the right of the maryland regiment returned the fire of the enemy, and their example was followed by the others. notwithstanding this departure from orders, they continued to advance with intrepidity, and greene entertained sanguine hopes of victory. his prospects were blasted by one of those incidents against which military prudence can make no provision. captain beaty, who commanded on the right of gunby's regiment, was killed, upon which his company with that adjoining it got into confusion and dropped out of the line. gunby ordered the other companies, which were still advancing, to fall back, and form, with the two companies, behind the hill which the british were ascending. this retrograde movement was mistaken for a retreat, and the regiment gave way. encouraged by this circumstance, the british pressed forward with increased ardour, and all the efforts of colonel williams, and of gunby and howard, to rally the regiment were, for a time, ineffectual. this veteran regiment, distinguished alike for its discipline and courage, which with the cavalry of washington, had won the battle of the cowpens, and nearly won that at guilford court house, was seized with an unaccountable panic which, for a time, resisted all the efforts of their officers. the flight of the first maryland regiment increased the confusion which the change of ground had produced in the second; and, in attempting to restore order, colonel ford was mortally wounded. lord rawdon improved these advantages to the utmost. his right gained the summit of the hill, forced the artillery to retire, and turned the flank of the second virginia regiment, commanded by lieutenant colonel hawes, which had advanced some distance down the hill. by this time the first virginia regiment, which greene had endeavoured to lead in person against the left flank of the british, being also in some disorder, began to give ground. perceiving this reverse in his affairs, and knowing that he could not rely on his second line, greene thought it most adviseable to secure himself from the hazard of a total defeat by withdrawing the second virginia regiment from the action. the maryland brigade was in part rallied; but lord rawdon had gained the hill, and it was thought too late to retrieve the fortune of the day. greene determined to reserve his troops for a more auspicious moment, and ordered a retreat. finding that the infantry had retreated, colonel washington also retired with the loss of only three men, bringing with him about fifty prisoners, among whom were all the surgeons belonging to the british army. the americans retreated in good order about four miles from the field of battle, and proceeded, next day, to rugeley's mills. the pursuit was continued about three miles. in the course of it, some sharp skirmishing took place, which was terminated by a vigorous charge made by colonel washington on a corps of british horse who led their van. this corps being broken and closely pursued, the infantry in its rear retreated precipitately into camden. {april .} the number of continental troops engaged in this action amounted to about twelve hundred[ ] men, and the loss in killed, wounded, and missing, to two hundred and sixty-six. among the killed was captain beaty, of maryland, who was mentioned by general greene as an ornament to his profession; and among the wounded was colonel ford, of maryland, a gallant officer, whose wounds proved mortal. the militia attached to the army amounted to two hundred and sixty-six, of whom two were missing. the total loss sustained by the british army has been stated at two hundred and fifty-eight, of whom thirty-eight were killed in the field. [footnote : there is some variance between this statement and that which has been made by mr. ramsay and mr. gordon, although their estimates are supposed to have been formed on the same document--the field return made by the adjutant general of the southern army, dated the th of april. this return contains a column of the present fit for duty, and also exhibits the killed, wounded, and missing, but contains no column of total numbers. mr. ramsay and mr. gordon are supposed to have taken the column of present fit for duty as exhibiting the strength of the army on the day of the battle; but as this return was made the day after the action, the author has supposed that the killed, wounded, and missing, must be added to the numbers fit for duty on the day of the return, to give the actual strength of the army at the time of the engagement.] the plan which the strength of camden and his own weakness had induced general greene originally to adopt, was still substantially pursued. he remained in the vicinity of that place, and by the activity of his cavalry, straightened the communication of the garrison with the neighbouring country. their distress for provisions had been considerably increased by the progress of marion and lee. [sidenote: several british posts taken.] lieutenant colonel lee joined marion a few days after he was detached from the camp on deep river; and these two officers commenced their operations against the line of communication between camden and charleston, by laying siege to fort watson, which capitulated in a few days. the acquisition of this fort afforded the means of interrupting the intercourse between camden and charleston, and opposed an obstacle to the retreat of lord rawdon which he would have found it difficult to surmount. from the increasing perils of his situation, his lordship was relieved by the arrival of colonel watson. in attempting to obey the orders, which were given by lord rawdon on the approach of greene, to join him at camden, that officer found himself opposed by marion and lee, who had seized the passes over the creeks in his route; and had thus completely arrested his march. to elude these vigilant adversaries, watson returned down the santee, and crossing that river near its mouth, marched up its southern side, and recrossing it above the american detachment, and, eluding all the measures taken to intercept him, accomplished his object with much toil and hazard. this reinforcement gave the british general a decided superiority; and greene entertained no doubt of its being immediately employed. on the day of its arrival, therefore, he withdrew from the neighbourhood of camden, and took a strong position behind sawney's creek. {may .} on the night of the seventh, as had been conjectured, rawdon passed the wateree at camden ferry, intending to turn the flank of his enemy, and to attack his rear, where the ground was less difficult than in front. on being informed that the american army had changed its position, he followed it to its new encampment. this was so judiciously chosen that he despaired of being able to force it; and, after some ineffectual manoeuvres to draw greene from it, returned to camden. {eighth.} lord rawdon had been induced to relinquish, thus hastily, his designs upon greene, by the insecurity of his situation. the state of the british power in south carolina was such as to require a temporary surrender of the upper country. marion and lee, after completely destroying his line of communication on the north side of the santee, had crossed that river, and permitted no convoy from charleston to escape their vigilance. on the eighth of may, after watson had passed them, they laid siege to a post at motte's house, on the south side of the congaree, near its junction with the wateree, which had been made the depot of all the supplies designed for camden. from the energy of this party as well as from the defection of the inhabitants, lord rawdon had reason to apprehend the loss of all his lower posts, unless he should take a position which would support them. he had therefore determined to evacuate camden, unless the issue of a battle with greene should be such as to remove all fears of future danger from that officer. [sidenote: lord rawdon retires into the lower country.] {may .} having failed in his hope of bringing on a general engagement, he evacuated camden, and marched down the river on its north side to neilson's ferry. among the objects to be obtained by this movement was the security of the garrison at motte's house. but the siege of that place had been so vigorously prosecuted that, on crossing the river, his lordship received the unwelcome intelligence that it had surrendered on the twelfth, and that its garrison, consisting of one hundred and sixty-five men, had become prisoners. on the preceding day, the post at orangeburg had surrendered to sumpter. on the evening of the fourteenth, lord rawdon moved from neilson's ferry, and marched to monk's corner, a position which enabled him to cover those districts from which charleston drew its supplies. {may.} while the british army was thus under the necessity of retiring, the american force was exerted with a degree of activity which could not be surpassed. after the post at motte's house had fallen, marion proceeded against georgetown, on the black river, which place he reduced; and lee marched against fort granby, a post on the south of the congaree, which was garrisoned by three hundred and fifty-two men, principally militia. the place was invested on the evening of the fourteenth, and the garrison capitulated the next morning. the late movement of the british army had left the garrison of ninety six and of augusta exposed to the whole force of greene, and he determined to direct his operations against them. lee was ordered to proceed against the latter, while the general should march in person to the former. the post at ninety six was fortified. the principal work, which, from its form, was called the star, and which was on the right of the village, consisted of sixteen salient and reentering angles, and was surrounded by a dry ditch, fraize, and abattis. on the left was a valley, through which ran a rivulet that supplied the place with water. this valley was commanded on one side by the town prison, which had been converted into a block-house, and on the other by a stockade fort, in which a block-house had been erected. the garrison, commanded by lieutenant colonel cruger, was ample for the extent of the place, but was furnished with only three pieces of artillery. on evacuating camden, lord rawdon had given directions that the garrison of ninety six should retire to augusta; but his messengers were intercepted; and cruger, remaining without orders, determined to put his post in the best possible state of defence. [sidenote: greene invests ninety six.] on the nd of may the american army, consisting of about one thousand continental troops, appeared before the town, and encamped in a wood, within cannon shot of the place. on the following night they broke ground, within seventy yards of the british works; but the besieged having mounted several guns in the star, made a vigorous sally under their protection, and drove the advanced party of the besiegers from their trenches, put several of them to the bayonet, and brought off their intrenching tools. this sortie was made with such rapidity, that, though general greene put his whole army in motion, the party making it had accomplished the object and retired into the fort, before he could support his troops in the trenches. after this check, the siege was conducted with more caution, but with indefatigable industry. on the th of june, lee rejoined the army with the troops under his command. the day after the fall of fort granby, that active officer proceeded with great celerity to join general pickens, and lay siege to augusta. on the march, he took possession of fort golphin, on the northern bank of the savannah, which surrendered on the st of may; immediately after which the operations against augusta were commenced. the place was bravely defended by lieutenant colonel brown; but the approaches of the besiegers were so well conducted, that on the th of june he was reduced to the necessity of capitulating; and the prisoners, amounting to about three hundred, were conducted by lee to the main army. this reinforcement enabled general greene, who had till then made his approaches solely against the star, to commence operations against the works on the left also. the direction of the advances to be made in that quarter was entrusted to lieutenant colonel lee. while the besiegers urged their approaches in the confidence that the place must soon capitulate, lord rawdon received a reinforcement which enabled him once more to overrun the state of south carolina. {june .} on the third of june three regiments arrived from ireland; and, on the seventh of that month, lord rawdon marched at the head of two thousand men to the relief of ninety six. greene received intelligence of his approach on the eleventh, and ordered sumpter, to whose aid the cavalry was detached, to continue in his front, and to impede his march by turning to the best account every advantage afforded by the face of the country. but lord rawdon passed sumpter below the junction of the saluda and broad rivers, after which that officer was probably unable to regain his front. greene had also intended to meet the british and fight them at some distance from ninety six, but found it impossible to draw together such aids of militia as would enable him to execute that intention with any prospect of success. the only remaining hope was to press the siege so vigorously as to compel a surrender before lord rawdon could arrive. {june .} in the execution of this plan, the garrison was reduced to extremities, when the near approach of his lordship was communicated to cruger, by a loyalist who passed through the american lines, and extinguished every hope of carrying the place otherwise than by storm. unwilling to relinquish a prize he was on the point of obtaining, greene resolved to essay every thing which could promise success; but the works were so strong that it would be madness to assault them, unless a partial attempt to make a lodgement on one of the curtains of the star redoubt, and at the same time to carry the fort on the left, should the first succeed. {june .} [sidenote: is repulsed and retires from before that place.] the proper dispositions for this partial assault being made, lieutenant colonel lee, at the head of the legion infantry and kirkwood's company, was ordered to assault the works on the left of the town; while lieutenant colonel campbell was to lead the first regiment of maryland, and the first of virginia, against the star redoubt. the lines of the third parallel were manned, and all the artillery opened on the besieged. about noon the detachments on this service marched cheerfully to the assault. lee's attack on the left was successful. he forced the works in that quarter and took possession of them. but the resistance on the right was more determined, and campbell, though equally brave, was less fortunate. lieutenants duval of maryland, and selden of virginia, led the forlorn hope, and entered the ditch with great intrepidity; but its depth, and the height of the parapet opposed obstructions which could not be surmounted. after a severe conflict of more than half an hour, during which lieutenants duval and selden were both badly wounded, and nearly all the forlorn hope were either killed or wounded, the assault was relinquished, and the few who remained alive were recalled from the ditch. the next day, greene raised the siege, and, crossing the saluda, encamped on little river. the loss of the besieging army, in killed and wounded, amounted to one hundred and fifty-five men, among the former of whom was captain armstrong of maryland. that of the garrison has been stated at eighty-five. on the morning of the st of june, lord rawdon arrived at ninety six; and, on the evening of the same day, marched in quest of the american army. in the preceding operations of the campaign, he had felt the want of cavalry so severely that, while at monk's corner, and in charleston, he had formed a corps of one hundred and fifty horse. [sidenote: active movements of the two armies.] greene, foreseeing that his active adversary would avail himself to the utmost of his superiority, had sent his sick and wounded northward; and, as soon as rawdon had crossed the saluda, he retreated towards virginia. lord rawdon pursued him to the eunora, whence he returned to ninety six. the retreat ceased with the pursuit. general greene halted near the cross roads, on the north of broad river. as rawdon retired, he was followed close by the legion as far as ninety six, at which place he remained but two days. still retaining the opinion that circumstances required him to contract his posts, he left the principal part of his army, under the command of lieutenant colonel cruger, to protect the loyalists while removing within those limits which were to be maintained by the british forces; and, at the head of less than one thousand men, marched in person towards the congaree. supposing that his adversary intended to preserve the post at ninety six, where the royalists were numerous, and to establish one or two on the congaree, where provisions were more plentiful than in any other part of the state, greene determined to interrupt the execution of the plan which he believed to have been formed. leaving his sick and baggage at wynnsborough, to be conducted to camden, he marched with the utmost expedition for friday's ferry on the congaree, at which place lord rawdon had arrived two days before him. as greene drew near to his enemy, a detachment from the legion under the command of captain eggleston, announced his approach by attacking a foraging party within a mile of the british camp, and bringing off a troop consisting of forty-five men, with their officers and horses. rawdon retreated the next day to orangeburg, where he formed a junction with a detachment from charleston, commanded by lieutenant colonel stuart. {july .} on the congaree, greene was reinforced by sumpter and marion with about one thousand men; and, on the th of july, marched towards orangeburg with the intention of attacking the british army at that place. he arrived there the next day, but found it so strongly posted as to be unassailable. he offered battle, but prudence restrained him from attacking the enemy in his camp. {july .} at this place, intelligence was received of the evacuation of ninety six, and that lieutenant colonel cruger was marching down to orangeburg. the north branch of the edisto, which, for thirty miles, was passable only at the place occupied by rawdon, interposed an insuperable obstacle to any attempt on cruger; and greene thought it most adviseable to force the british out of the upper country by threatening their lower posts at monk's corner and at dorchester. sumpter, marion, and lee, were detached on this service; and, on the same day, greene moved towards the high hills of santee, a healthy situation, where he purposed to give some refreshment and repose to his harassed army, and where he hoped to be joined by a few continental troops and militia from north carolina. the detachments ordered against the posts in the north-eastern parts of the state, under the command of sumpter, were not so completely successful as their numbers, courage, and enterprise deserved. the several corps took distinct routes, intending to fall on the different posts between ashley and cooper rivers, at the same time. that at dorchester was broken up, on the approach of lee, who captured horses, military stores, and baggage to a considerable amount, and obtained some trivial successes over the flying enemy. lieutenant colonel wade hampton, of the state cavalry, fell in with a body of mounted refugees, dispersed the whole, and made forty or fifty prisoners. sumpter advanced against monk's corner. this post was defended by lieutenant colonel coates with the th british regiment, and a troop of horse. he had taken possession of a brick church at a bridge over biggin creek, the most northern of the water courses which form the west branch of cooper river. after passing biggin, the road to charleston crosses first wattoo, and then quinby creek; neither of which is passable except at the bridges over which the road leads, and at a ferry over quinby. on the sixteenth, sumpter approached monk's corner, but, not supposing himself strong enough to hazard an attack until all his detachments should be collected, sent a party to seize the bridge over wattoo, and either to hold or to destroy it. this party being attacked by a superior force, retired from the bridge without completing its destruction, and without informing sumpter that his orders had not been fully executed. marion had joined sumpter. lee arrived late in the evening, and the resolution was taken to attack coates early next morning. in the course of the night he set fire to the church, in order to destroy the stores which were collected in it, and commenced his march to charleston, by the road east of cooper. having repaired the bridge over wattoo, he met with no obstruction; and proceeded with his infantry on the road leading to quinby bridge, directed his cavalry to take a road turning to the right, and crossing the creek at the ferry. about three next morning, the flames bursting through the roof of the church announced the retreat of the british; and the pursuit was immediately commenced. sumpter was preceded by the legion, supported by the state cavalry. a detachment from this regiment followed the british horse, in the vain hope of overtaking the troop at the ferry, while lee pursued the infantry. within a short distance of the bridge, which is eighteen miles from monk's corner, he perceived the rear guard of the british, consisting of about one hundred men, commanded by captain campbell, which the cavalry charged, sword in hand. they threw down their arms, and begged for quarter; upon which they were placed under the care of a few militia horsemen, and the american cavalry resumed the pursuit. they had not proceeded far, when lee was called to the rear, by information that the prisoners had been ordered to resume their arms. at this critical moment, armstrong, at the head of the leading section, came in sight of coates, who having passed the bridge, and loosened the planks, lay, unapprehensive of danger, intending to destroy it as soon as his rear guard should cross the creek. armstrong, in obedience to orders, given in the expectation that he would overtake coates before passing the creek, dashed over the bridge on the guard stationed at the opposite end with a howitzer, which he seized. in this operation, his horses threw off some of the loosened planks, and made a chasm, over which the following section, led by lieutenant carrington, leaped with difficulty. in doing this some other planks were thrown off, and the horses of the third section refused to take the leap. at this time lee came up, and every effort was made to replace the planks, but without success. the creek was too deep and miry to afford foot hold to those who attempted to raise them from the water. this halt revived the courage of the british soldiers, who returned to the support of their commander, then engaged in an equal conflict with the cavalry who had passed the bridge. these gallant men[ ] finding themselves overpowered by numbers, and that their comrades could not support them, pressed over the causeway, and wheeling into the woods, made their escape. [footnote : mr. johnson states that captain m'cauley, of south carolina, had joined armstrong and carrington. some of the troopers were killed on the bridge.] after finding the impracticability of replacing the planks on the bridge, in attempting which, doctor irvin, surgeon of the legion cavalry, and several of the troopers were wounded, lee withdrew from the contest, and moved some distance up the creek, to a ford where he was soon joined by the infantry of the legion. coates then completed the demolition of the bridge, and retired to an adjoining plantation, where he took possession of the dwelling house and out buildings that surrounded it. as the americans were obliged to make a considerable circuit, sumpter, who unfortunately left his artillery behind, did not arrive on the ground till three in the afternoon, and at four the house was attacked. the fire was kept up chiefly by marion's division, from a fence near the house, till evening, when the ammunition was exhausted, and the troops were called off. in the course of the night, it was perceived that the loss had fallen almost entirely on marion. great discontent prevailed, and many of the men left him. the infection was communicated to sumpter's troops, and there being reason to fear the approach of lord rawdon, the enterprise was abandoned. sumpter crossed the santee; and the legion rejoined the army, then encamped at the high hills of that river. the intense heat of this sultry season demanded some relaxation from the unremitting toils which the southern army had encountered. from the month of january, it had been engaged in one course of incessant fatigue, and of hardy enterprise. all its powers had been strained, nor had any interval been allowed to refresh and recruit the almost exhausted strength and spirits of the troops. the continued labours and exertions of all were highly meritorious; but the successful activity of one corps will attract particular attention. the legion, from its structure, was peculiarly adapted to the partisan war of the southern states; and, by being detached against the weaker posts of the enemy, had opportunities for displaying with advantage all the energies it possessed. in that extensive sweep which it made from the santee to augusta, which employed from the th of april to the th of june, this corps, acting in conjunction, first with marion, afterwards with pickens, and sometimes alone, had constituted an essential part of the force which carried five british posts, and made upwards of eleven hundred prisoners. its leader, in the performance of these services, displayed a mind of so much fertility of invention and military resource, as to add greatly to his previous reputation as a partisan. the whole army had exhibited a degree of activity, courage, and patient suffering, surpassing any expectation that could have been formed of troops composed chiefly of new levies; and its general had manifested great firmness, enterprise, prudence, and skill. the suffering sustained in this ardent struggle for the southern states was not confined to the armies. the inhabitants of the country felt all the miseries which are inflicted by war in its most savage form. being almost equally divided between the two contending parties, reciprocal injuries had gradually sharpened their resentments against each other, and had armed neighbour against neighbour, until it became a war of extermination. as the parties alternately triumphed, opportunities were alternately given for the exercise of their vindictive passions. they derived additional virulence from the examples occasionally afforded by the commanders of the british forces. after overrunning georgia and south carolina, they seem to have considered those states as completely reannexed to the british empire; and they manifested a disposition to treat those as rebels, who had once submitted and again taken up arms, although the temporary ascendency of the continental troops should have induced the measure. one of these executions, that of colonel hayne, took place on the third of august, while lord rawdon[ ] was in charleston, preparing to sail for europe. the american army being at this time in possession of great part of the country, the punishment inflicted on this gentleman was taken up very seriously by general greene, and was near producing a system of retaliation. the british officers, pursuing this policy, are stated to have executed several of the zealous partisans of the revolution who fell into their hands. these examples had unquestionably some influence in unbridling the revengeful passions of the royalists, and letting loose the spirit of slaughter which was brooding in their bosoms. the disposition to retaliate to the full extent of their power, if not to commit original injury, was equally strong in the opposite party. when fort granby surrendered, the militia attached to the legion manifested so strong a disposition to break the capitulation, and to murder the most obnoxious among the prisoners who were inhabitants of the country, as to produce a solemn declaration from general greene, that any man guilty of so atrocious an act should be executed. when fort cornwallis surrendered, no exertions could have saved colonel brown, had he not been sent to savannah protected by a guard of continental troops. lieutenant colonel grierson, of the royal militia, was shot by unknown marksmen; and, although a reward of one hundred guineas was offered to any person who would inform against the perpetrator of the crime, he could never be discovered. "the whole country," said general greene in one of his letters, "is one continued scene of blood and slaughter." [footnote : the execution of colonel hayne has been generally ascribed to lord rawdon, and that gallant nobleman has been censured throughout america for an act which has been universally execrated. a letter addressed by him to the late general lee, on receiving the memoirs of the southern war, written by that gentleman, which has been published in the "view of the campaign of , in the carolinas, by h. lee," gives the british view of that transaction, and exonerates lord rawdon from all blame. lieutenant colonel balfour commanded, and lord rawdon sought to save colonel hayne.] greene was too humane, as well as too judicious, not to discourage this exterminating spirit. perceiving in it the total destruction of the country, he sought to appease it by restraining the excesses of those who were attached to the american cause. at the high hills of santee the reinforcements expected from north carolina were received. the american army, counting every person belonging to it, was augmented to two thousand six hundred men; but its effective force did not exceed sixteen hundred. [sidenote: active movements of the two armies.] after the retreat of general greene from orangeburg, lord rawdon was induced by ill health to avail himself of a permit to return to great britain, and the command of the british forces in south carolina devolved on lieutenant colonel stuart. he again advanced to the congaree; and encamping near its junction with the wateree, manifested a determination to establish a permanent post at that place. though the two armies were within sixteen miles of each other on a right line, two rivers ran between them which could not be crossed without making a circuit of seventy miles; in consequence of which lieutenant colonel stuart felt himself so secure, that his foraging parties were spread over the country. to restrain them, and to protect the inhabitants, general greene detached marion towards combahee ferry, and washington over the wateree. frequent skirmishes ensued, which, from the superior courage and activity of the american cavalry, uniformly terminated in their favour. finding that lieutenant colonel stuart designed to maintain his important position on the congaree, greene prepared to recommence active operations. breaking up his camp at the high hills of santee, he crossed the wateree near camden, and marched towards friday's ferry. [sidenote: after a short repose, they resume active operations.] on being informed of his approach, the british army retired to eutaw, where it was reinforced by a detachment from charleston. greene followed by slow and easy marches, for the double purpose of preserving his soldiers from the effects of fatigue under a hot sun, and of giving marion, who was returning from a critical expedition to the edisto, time to rejoin him. in the afternoon of the seventh that officer arrived; and it was determined to attack the british camp next day. {september .} [sidenote: battle of eutaw.] at four in the morning of the eighth, the american army moved from its ground, which was seven miles from eutaw, in the following order: the legion of lee and the state troops of south carolina formed the advance. the militia moved next, and were followed by the regulars. the cavalry of washington and the infantry of kirkwood brought up the rear. the artillery moved between the columns. at eight in the morning, about four miles from the british camp, the van fell in with a body of horse and foot, who were escorting an unarmed foraging party, and a brisk action ensued. the british were instantly routed. the cavalry made their escape at the sight of the legion dragoons, and the infantry were killed or taken. about forty, including their captain, were made prisoners. the foraging party which followed in the rear saved themselves by flight, on hearing the first musket. supposing this party to be the van of the english, greene arranged his army in order of battle. the militia, commanded by generals marion and pickens, composed the first line. the second was formed of the continental infantry. the north carolina brigade, commanded by general sumner, was placed on the right; the virginians, commanded by lieutenant colonel campbell, formed the centre; and the marylanders, commanded by colonel williams, the left. the legion of lee was to cover the right flank; the state troops of south carolina, commanded by colonel henderson, the left; and the cavalry of washington, with the infantry of kirkwood, formed the reserve. captain lieutenant gaines, with two three-pounders, was attached to the first line; and captain brown, with two sixes, to the second. the british line also was immediately formed. it was drawn up across the road, in an oblique direction, in a wood, on the heights near the eutaw springs, having its right flank on eutaw creek. this flank was also covered by a battalion commanded by major majoribanks, which was posted in a thicket, in a line forming an obtuse angle with the main body. the left flank was protected by the cavalry commanded by major coffin, and by a body of infantry held in reserve. a detachment of infantry was pushed forward about a mile, with a field piece to employ the americans until his arrangements should be completed. the american van continuing to move forward, encountered the british advanced party; upon which captain lieutenant gaines came up with his field pieces, which opened on the enemy with considerable effect. general greene also ordered up his first line with directions to move on briskly, and to advance as they fired. as this line came into action, the legion formed on its right flank, and the state troops of south carolina on its left. the british advanced party was soon driven in; and the americans, continuing to press forward, were engaged with the main body. lieutenant colonel stuart, perceiving the materials of which this line was composed, and probably anticipating its speedy discomfiture, to avoid exposing his flanks to the american cavalry, had directed his troops not to change their position. his design was to meet the american regulars without any alteration of the arrangement originally made. but the militia, many of whom had frequently faced an enemy, being commanded by generals of experience and courage, exhibited a degree of firmness not common to that species of force, and maintained their ground with unexpected obstinacy. in the ardour of action, the order not to advance was disregarded, and the british pressed forward as the militia retired. the artillery which was placed in the road was well served on both sides, and did great execution till both the three-pounders commanded by captain lieutenant gaines were dismounted. about the same time, one of the british shared the same fate. when the militia gave way, lee and henderson still maintained the engagement on the flanks, general sumner was ordered up to fill the place from which marion and pickens were receding; and his brigade, ranging itself with the legion infantry, and the state regiment of south carolina, came into action with great intrepidity. the british, who had advanced upon the militia, fell back to their first ground, upon which stuart ordered the corps of infantry posted in the rear of his left wing into the line, and directed major coffin with his cavalry to guard that flank. about this time henderson received a wound which disabled him from keeping the field, and the command of his corps devolved on lieutenant colonel hampton. after sustaining the fire of the enemy with considerable resolution, sumner's brigade began to give way, and the british rushed forward in some disorder. greene then directed williams and campbell to charge with the bayonet, and at the same time ordered washington to bring up the reserve, and to act on his left. williams charged without firing a musket; but the soldiers of campbell's regiment, being chiefly new levies, returned the fire of the enemy as they advanced. in this critical moment, lee, perceiving that the american right extended beyond the british left, ordered captain rudolph, of the legion infantry, to turn their flank and give them a raking fire. this order was instantly executed with precision and effect. charged thus both in front and flank, 'the british broke successively on the left, till the example was followed by all that part of the line. the marylanders under williams, had already used the bayonet, and before the troops opposed to them gave way, several had fallen on both sides, transfixed with that weapon. the british left, when driven off the field, retreated through their encampment towards eutaw creek, near which stood a three story brick house, surrounded with offices, and connected with a strongly enclosed garden, into which major sheridan, in pursuance of orders previously given by lieutenant colonel stuart, threw himself with the new york volunteers. the americans pursued them closely, and took three hundred prisoners and two pieces of cannon. unfortunately for their hopes of victory, the refreshments found in camp furnished a temptation too strong to be resisted; and many of the soldiers left their ranks, and, under cover of the tents, seized the spirits and food within their view. the legion infantry, however, pressed the rear so closely as to make a serious struggle to enter the house with the british. the door was forcibly shut in their faces, and several british officers and men were excluded. these were made prisoners, and mixed with the americans, so as to save them from the fire of the house while retiring from it. as the british left gave way, washington was directed to charge their right. he advanced with his accustomed impetuosity, but found it impossible, with cavalry, to penetrate the thicket occupied by majoribanks. perceiving an interval between the british right and the creek, he determined to pass through it round their flank and to charge them in the rear. in making the attempt, he received a fire which did immense execution. the british occupied a thicket almost impervious to horse. in attempting to force it, lieutenant stuart who commanded the leading section was badly wounded, his horse killed under him, and every man in his section killed or wounded. captain watts, the second in command, fell pierced with two balls. colonel washington was wounded, and his horse was killed. they fell together; and, before he could extricate himself, he was made a prisoner. after nearly all the officers, and a large portion of the men were killed or wounded, the residue of the corps was drawn off by captain parsons, assisted by lieutenant gordon. soon after the repulse of washington, lieutenant colonel hampton and captain kirkwood with his infantry, came up and renewed the attack on majoribanks. great efforts were made to dislodge him, but they were ineffectual. finding it impracticable to employ horse to advantage on that ground, hampton drew off his troops and retired to the road. the corps commanded by sheridan kept up a continual and destructive fire from the house in which they had taken shelter; and greene ordered up the artillery to batter it. the guns were too light to make a breach in the walls, and, having been brought within the range of the fire from the house, almost every artillerist was killed, and the pieces were abandoned. the firm stand made by majoribanks, and the disorder which had taken place among a part of the americans, gave stuart an opportunity of rallying his broken regiments, and bringing them again into action. they were formed between the thicket occupied by majoribanks, and the house in possession of sheridan. major coffin, who had repulsed the legion cavalry about the time the british infantry was driven off the field, still maintained a formidable position on their left; and no exertions could dislodge majoribanks or sheridan from the cover under which they fought. perceiving that the contest was maintained on ground, and under circumstances extremely disadvantageous to the americans, greene withdrew them a small distance, and formed them again in the wood in which the battle had been fought. thinking it unadviseable to renew the desperate attempt which had just failed, he collected his wounded, and retired with his prisoners to the ground from which he had marched in the morning, determined again to fight the british army when it should retreat from the eutaws. every corps engaged in this hard fought battle received the applause of the general. almost every officer whose situation enabled him to attract notice was named with distinction. "never," he said, "was artillery better served;" but, "he thought himself principally indebted for the victory he had gained, to the free use made of the bayonet by the virginians and marylanders, and by the infantry of the legion and of kirkwood." to colonel williams he acknowledged himself to be particularly indebted. he gave that praise too to the valour of his enemy which it merited. "they really fought," he said, "with courage worthy a better cause." the loss on both sides bore a great proportion to the numbers engaged. that of the americans was five hundred and fifty-five, including sixty officers. one hundred and thirty were killed on the spot. seventeen commissioned officers were killed, and four mortally wounded. "this loss of officers," said their general, "is still more heavy on account of their value than their numbers." among the slain was lieutenant colonel campbell, who received a mortal wound while leading the virginia brigade to that bold and decisive charge which broke the adverse line. the loss of the british army was stated by themselves at six hundred and ninety-three men, of whom only eighty-five were killed in the field. if this statement be correct,[ ] the american dead greatly exceeded that of the adversary, which was probably the fact, as the carnage of the former, during their unavailing efforts to dislodge the latter from the house and strong adjoining ground, was immense. [footnote : the british accounts acknowledge only two hundred and fifty-seven missing; but general greene, in his letter of the ninth of september, says, that including seventy wounded who were left at eutaw, he made five hundred prisoners.] each party had pretensions to the victory, and each claimed the merit of having gained it with inferior numbers. the truth probably is that their numbers were nearly equal. nor can the claim of either to the victory be pronounced unequivocal. unconnected with its consequences, the fortune of the day was nearly balanced. but if the consequences be taken into the account, the victory unquestionably belonged to greene. the result of this, as of the two preceding battles fought by him in the carolinas, was the expulsion of the hostile army from the territory which was the immediate object of contest. four six-pounders, two of which had been taken in the early part of the day, were brought to play upon the house, and, being pushed so near as to be within the command of its fire, were unavoidably abandoned; but a three-pounder which had been also taken, was brought off by captain lieutenant gaines, whose conduct was mentioned with distinction by general greene. thus the trophies of victory were divided. the thanks of congress were voted to every corps in the army; and a resolution was passed for "presenting to major general greene, as an honourable testimony of his merit, a british standard, and a golden medal, emblematic of the battle and of his victory." {september .} on the day succeeding the action, lieutenant colonel stuart marched from eutaw to meet major m'arthur, who was conducting a body of troops from charleston. the junction was effected about fourteen miles from eutaw; and this movement saved m'arthur from marion and lee, who had been detached on the morning of the same day to intercept any reinforcement which might be coming from below. stuart continued his retreat to monk's corner, to which place he was followed by greene, who, on finding that the numbers and position of the british army were such as to render an attack unadviseable, returned to the high hills of santee. the ravages of disease were added to the loss sustained in battle, and the army remained for some time in too feeble a condition for active enterprise. {nov. .} {nov. .} the capitulation at yorktown was soon followed by the evacuation of wilmington, in north carolina, and the british seemed to limit their views in the south to the country adjacent to the sea coast. as the cool season approached, the diseases of the american army abated; and greene, desirous of partaking in the abundance of the lower country, marched from the high hills of santee towards the four holes, a branch of the edisto. leaving the army to be conducted by colonel williams, he proceeded in person at the head of his cavalry, supported by about two hundred infantry, towards the british posts at dorchester, where six hundred and fifty regular troops and two hundred royal militia were understood to be stationed. [sidenote: the british army retires towards charleston.] though his march was conducted with the utmost secrecy, the country through which he passed contained so many disaffected, that it was impossible to conceal this movement; and intelligence of his approach was communicated to the officer commanding in dorchester, the night before he reached that place. the advance, commanded by lieutenant colonel hampton, met a small party, which he instantly charged, and, after killing and taking several, drove the residue over the bridge under cover of their works. in the course of the following night, the stores at dorchester were burnt, and the garrison retired to the quarter house, where their principal force was encamped. greene returned to the army at the round o, at which place he purposed to await the arrival of the reinforcements marching from the north under the command of general st. clair. in the mean time, general marion and lieutenant colonel lee were stationed on each side of ashley, so as to cover the country between the cooper and the edisto; thus confining the influence of the british arms to charleston neck, and the adjacent islands.[ ] [footnote : during this campaign a very effective expedition against the cherokees was conducted by general pickens. when the struggle for south carolina recommenced, those savages were stimulated to renew their incursions into the settlements of the whites. at the head of about four hundred mounted militia, pickens penetrated into their country, burned thirteen of their villages, killed upwards of forty indians, and took a number of prisoners, without the loss of a single man. on this occasion a new and formidable mode of attack was introduced. the militia horse rushed upon the indians, and charged them sword in hand. terrified at the rapidity of the pursuit, the cherokees humbly sued for peace, which was granted on terms calculated to restrain depredations in future.] while in his camp at the round o, general greene was informed that large reinforcements from ireland and from new york were expected by the army in charleston. this intelligence excited the more alarm, because the term of service for which the levies from virginia were engaged was about expiring, and no adequate measures had been taken for supplying their places. it proved untrue; but such was its impression, that the general addressed a letter to the governors of south carolina, in which, after taking a serious view of the state of his army, he recommended that it should be recruited from the slaves. the governor thought the proposition of sufficient importance to be laid before the legislature, which was soon afterwards convened; but the measure was not adopted. on the fourth of january, general st. clair, who conducted the reinforcement from the north, arrived in camp, and, five days afterward, general wayne,[ ] with his brigade, and the remnant of the third regiment of dragoons, commanded by colonel white, was detached over the savannah for the recovery of georgia. [footnote : in the judicious orders given to wayne, greene endeavoured to impress on that officer the importance of a course of conduct, always observed by himself, which might tend to conciliate parties. "try," says he, "by every means in your power, to soften the malignity and dreadful resentments subsisting between the whig and tory; and put a stop as much as possible to that cruel custom of putting men to death after they surrender themselves prisoners. the practice of plundering you will endeavour to check as much as possible; and point out to the militia the ruinous consequences of the policy. let your discipline be as regular and as rigid as the nature and constitution of your troops will admit."-- _johnson_, .] general greene crossed the edisto and took post six miles in advance of jacksonborough, on the road leading to charleston, for the purpose of covering the state legislature, which assembled at that place on the eighteenth. thus was civil government re-established in south carolina, and that state restored to the union. it is impossible to review this active and interesting campaign without feeling that much is due to general greene; and that he amply justified the favourable opinion of the commander-in-chief. he found the country completely conquered, and defended by a regular army estimated at four thousand men. the inhabitants were so divided, as to leave it doubtful to which side the majority was attached. at no time did the effective continental force which he could bring into the field, amount to two thousand men; and of these a considerable part were raw troops. yet he could keep the field without being forced into action; and by a course of judicious movement, and of hardy enterprise, in which invincible constancy was displayed, and in which courage was happily tempered with prudence, he recovered the southern states. it is a singular fact, well worthy of notice, which marks impressively the soundness of his judgment, that although he never gained a decisive victory, he obtained, to a considerable extent, even when defeated, the object for which he fought. a just portion of the praise deserved by these achievements, is unquestionably due to the troops he commanded. these real patriots bore every hardship and privation[ ] with a degree of patience and constancy which can not be sufficiently admired. and never was a general better supported by his inferior officers. not shackled by men who, without merit, held stations of high rank obtained by political influence, he commanded young men of equal spirit and intelligence, formed under the eye of washington, and trained in the school furnished in the severe service of the north, to all the hardships and dangers of war. [footnote : the distresses of the southern army were such that, if plainly described, truth would wear the appearance of fiction. they were almost naked and barefooted, frequently without food, and always without pay. that he might relieve them when in the last extremity, without diminishing the exertions of their general to derive support from other sources, by creating an opinion that supplies could be drawn from him, mr. morris, as was stated by himself in conversation with the author, employed an agent to attend the southern army as a volunteer, whose powers were unknown to general greene. this agent was instructed to watch its situation; and, whenever it appeared impossible for the general to extricate himself from his embarrassments, to furnish him, on his pledging the public faith for repayment, with a draught on the financier for such a sum as would relieve the urgency of the moment. thus was greene occasionally rescued from impending ruin by aids which appeared providential, and for which he could not account.] a peculiar importance was given to these successes in the south by the opinion that a pacific temper was finding its way into the cabinets of the belligerent powers of europe. the communications from the court of versailles rendered it probable that negotiations for peace would take place in the course of the ensuing winter; and dark hints had been given on the part of great britain to the minister of his most christian majesty, that all the american states could not reasonably expect to become independent, as several of them were subdued. referring to the precedent of the low countries, it was observed that of the seventeen provinces originally united against the spanish crown, only seven obtained their independence. additional motives for exertion were furnished by other communications from the french monarch. these were that, after the present campaign, no farther pecuniary or military aids were to be expected from france. the situation of affairs in europe would, it was said, demand all the exertions which that nation was capable of making; and the forces of his most christian majesty might render as much real service to the common cause elsewhere as in america.[ ] [footnote : secret journals of congress, vol. , pp. , , , .] chapter ii. preparations for another campaign.... proceedings in the parliament of great britain.... conciliatory conduct of general carleton.... transactions in the south.... negotiations for peace.... preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the united states and great britain.... discontents of the american army.... peace.... mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line.... evacuation of new york.... general washington resigns his commission and retires to mount vernon. { } [sidenote: preparations for another campaign.] the splendid success of the allied arms in virginia, and the great advantages obtained still farther south, produced no disposition in general washington to relax those exertions which might be necessary to secure the great object of the contest. "i shall attempt to stimulate congress," said he, in a letter to general greene written at mount vernon, "to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. my greatest fear is, that viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance, they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. to prevent this error, i shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." on the th of november he reached philadelphia, and congress passed a resolution granting him an audience on the succeeding day. on his appearance the president addressed him in a short speech, informing him that a committee was appointed to state the requisitions to be made for the proper establishment of the army, and expressing the expectation that he would remain in philadelphia, in order to aid the consultations on that important subject. the secretary of war, the financier, and the secretary of foreign affairs, assisted at these deliberations; and the business was concluded with unusual celerity. a revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army; and it was obvious that the means for carrying on the war must be obtained, either by impressment, or by a vigorous course of taxation. but both these alternatives depended on the states; and the government of the union resorted to the influence of the commander-in-chief in aid of its requisitions. but no exertions on the part of america alone could expel the invading army. a superiority at sea was indispensable to the success of offensive operations against the posts which the british still held within the united states. to obtain this superiority, general washington pressed its importance on the minister of france and commanding officers of the french troops, as well as on the marquis de lafayette, who was about to return to his native country. [sidenote: proceedings in the british parliament.] the first intelligence from europe was far from being calculated to diminish the anxieties still felt in america by the enlightened friends of the revolution. the parliament of great britain reassembled in november. the speech from the throne breathed a settled purpose to continue the war; and the addresses from both houses, which were carried by large majorities, echoed the sentiment. in the course of the animated debates which these addresses occasioned, an intention was indeed avowed by some members of the administration to change their system. the plan indicated for the future was to direct the whole force of the nation against france and spain; and to suspend offensive operations in the interior of the united states, until the strength of those powers should be broken. in the mean time, the posts then occupied by their troops were to be maintained. this development of the views of administration furnished additional motives to the american government for exerting all the faculties of the nation, to expel the british garrisons from new york and charleston. the efforts of the commander-in-chief to produce these exertions were earnest and unremitting, but not successful. the state legislatures declared the inability of their constituents to pay taxes. instead of filling the continental treasury, some were devising means to draw money from it; and some of those who passed bills imposing heavy taxes, directed that the demands of the state should be first satisfied, and that the residue only should be paid to the continental receiver. by the unwearied attention and judicious arrangements of the minister of finance, the expenses of the nation had been greatly reduced. the bank established in philadelphia, and his own high character, had enabled him to support in some degree a system of credit, the advantages of which were incalculably great. he had through the chevalier de la luzerne obtained permission from his most christian majesty to draw for half a million of livres monthly, until six millions should be received. to prevent the diversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, he had concealed the negotiation even from congress, and had communicated it only to the commander-in-chief; yet, after receiving the first instalment, it was discovered that doctor franklin had anticipated the residue of the loan, and had appropriated it to the purposes of the united states. at the commencement of the year , not a dollar remained in the treasury; and, although congress had required the payment of two millions on the st of april, not a cent had been received on the twenty-third of that month; and, so late as the st of june, not more than twenty thousand dollars had reached the treasury. yet to the financier every eye was turned; to him the empty hand of every public creditor was stretched forth; and against him, instead of the state governments, the complaints and imprecations of every unsatisfied claimant were directed. in july, when the second quarter annual payment of taxes ought to have been received, the minister of finance was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of the revenue had been postponed in some of the states, in consequence of which the month of december would arrive before any money could come into the hands of the continental receivers. in a letter communicating this unpleasant intelligence to the commander-in-chief, he added, "with such gloomy prospects as this letter affords, i am tied here to be baited by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture of all that is valuable in life, and which i hoped at this moment to enjoy, i am to be paid by invective. scarce a day passes in which i am not tempted to give back into the hands of congress the power they have delegated, and to lay down a burden which presses me to the earth. nothing prevents me but a knowledge of the difficulties i am obliged to struggle under. what may be the success of my efforts god only knows; but to leave my post at present, would, i know, be ruinous. this candid state of my situation and feelings i give to your bosom, because you who have already felt and suffered so much, will be able to sympathize with me." [illustration: livingston manor, dobbs ferry, new york _a monument erected by the sons of the revolution on the lawn of this historic mansion, overlooking the hudson river, states that here, on july , , the french allies under rochambeau joined the american army. here also, on august , , washington planned the yorktown campaign which brought to a triumphant end the war for american independence; and here, on may , , washington and sir guy carleton arranged for the evacuation of american soil by the british. a concluding paragraph reads: "and opposite this point, may , , a british sloop of war fired guns in honor of the american commander-in-chief, the first salute by great britain to the united states of america."_] fortunately for the united states, the temper of the british nation on the subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of its sovereign. that war, into which the people had entered with at least as much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universally unpopular. {february .} {march .} motions against the measures of administration respecting america were repeated by the opposition; and, on every experiment, the strength of the minority increased. at length, on the th of february, general conway moved in the house of commons, "that it is the opinion of this house that a farther prosecution of offensive war against america would, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening the efforts of this country against her european enemies, and tend to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of great britain and america." the whole force of administration was exerted to get rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain; and it was carried. an address to the king, in the words of the resolution, was immediately voted, and was presented by the whole house. the answer of the crown being deemed inexplicit, it was on the th of march resolved, "that the house will consider as enemies to his majesty and the country, all those who should advise, or attempt a farther prosecution of offensive war on the continent of north america." these votes were soon followed by a change of ministers, and by instructions to the officers commanding the forces in america, which conformed to them. while general washington was employed in addressing circular letters to the state governments, suggesting all those motives which might stimulate them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency, english papers containing the debates in parliament on the various propositions respecting america, reached the united states. alarmed at the impression these debates might make, he introduced the opinions it was deemed prudent to inculcate respecting them, into the letters he was then about to transmit to the governors of the several states. "i have perused these debates," he said, "with great attention and care, with a view, if possible, to penetrate their real design; and upon the most mature deliberation i can bestow, i am obliged to declare it as my candid opinion, that the measure, in all its views, so far as it respects america, is merely delusory, having no serious intention to admit our independence upon its true principles, but is calculated to produce a change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people, and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant to amuse this country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our connexion with france, and to lull us into a state of security and inactivity, which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute the war in other parts of the world with greater vigour and effect. your excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe, that, even if the nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace with america, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigour, that we may take the advantage of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes are fully obtained. no nation yet suffered in treaty by preparing (even in the moment of negotiation) most vigorously for the field. "the industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacific reports, appears to me a circumstance very suspicious; and the eagerness with which the people, as i am informed, are catching at them, is, in my opinion, equally dangerous." {may.} [sidenote: conciliatory conduct of general carleton.] early in may, sir guy carleton, who had succeeded sir henry clinton in the command of all the british forces in the united states, arrived at new york. having been also appointed in conjunction with admiral digby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time in conveying to general washington copies of the votes of the british parliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part of administration, authorizing his majesty to conclude a peace or truce with those who were still denominated "the revolted colonies of north america." these papers, he said, would manifest the dispositions prevailing with the government and people of england towards those of america; and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in this country, both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the most zealous concurrence. he had addressed to congress, he said, a letter containing the same communications, and he solicited a passport for the person who should convey it. at this time, the bill enabling the british monarch to conclude a peace or truce with america had not become a law; nor was any assurance given that the present commissioners were empowered to offer other terms than those which had been formerly rejected. general carleton therefore could not hope that negotiations would commence on such a basis; nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports he requested by congress, to whom the application was, of course, referred. the letter may have been written for the general purpose of conciliation, and of producing a disposition in the united states on the subject of hostilities, corresponding with that which had been expressed in the house of commons. but the situation of the united states justified a suspicion of different motives; and prudence required that their conduct should be influenced by that suspicion. the repugnance of the king to a dismemberment of the empire was understood; and it was thought probable that the sentiments expressed in the house of commons might be attributable rather to a desire of changing ministers, than to any fixed determination to relinquish the design of reannexing america to the crown. under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered as opiates, administered to lull the spirit of vigilance which the guardians of the public safety laboured to keep up, into a state of fatal repose; and to prevent those measures of security which it might yet be necessary to adopt. this jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received from europe. the utmost address of the british cabinet had been employed to detach the belligerents from each other. the mediation of russia had been accepted to procure a separate peace with holland; propositions had been submitted both to france and spain, tending to an accommodation of differences with each of those powers singly; and inquiries had been made of mr. adams, the american minister at the hague, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to the united states. these political manoeuvres furnished additional motives for doubting the sincerity of the english cabinet. whatever views might actuate the court of st. james on this subject, the resolution of the american government to make no separate treaty was unalterable.[ ] [footnote : secret journals of congress, v. , pp. , , .] but the public votes which have been stated, and probably his private instructions, restrained sir guy carleton from offensive war; and the state of the american army disabled general washington from making any attempt on the posts in possession of the british. the campaign of consequently passed away without furnishing any military operations of moment between the armies under the immediate direction of the respective commanders-in-chief. {august.} [sidenote: negotiations for peace.] early in august a letter was received by general washington from sir guy carleton and admiral digby, which, among other communications manifesting a pacific disposition on the part of england, contained the information that mr. grenville was at paris, invested with full powers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for a general peace were already commenced, and that his majesty had commanded his minister to direct mr. grenville, that the independence of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him in the first instance, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. but that this proposition would be made in the confidence that the loyalists would be restored to their possessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever confiscations might have taken place. this letter was, not long afterwards, followed by one from sir guy carleton, declaring that he could discern no further object of contest, and that he disapproved of all farther hostilities by sea or land, which could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without a possible advantage to either nation. in pursuance of this opinion, he had, soon after his arrival in new york, restrained the practice of detaching parties of indians against the frontiers of the united states, and had recalled those which were previously engaged in those bloody incursions. these communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of the minister of france. to quiet his fears, congress renewed the resolution "to enter into no discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most christian majesty;"[ ] and again recommend to the several states to adopt such measures as would most effectually guard against all intercourse with any subjects of the british crown during the war. [footnote : secret journals of congress, v. , p. .] the same causes which produced this inactivity in the north, operated to a considerable extent with the armies of the south. when general wayne entered georgia, the british troops in that state retired to the town of savannah; and the americans advanced to ebenezer. though inferior to their enemy in numbers, they interrupted his communications with the country, and even burned some magazines which had been collected and deposited under the protection of his guns. not receiving the aids from the militia which he had expected, wayne pressed greene for reinforcements, which that officer was unable to furnish, until lieutenant colonel posey arrived from virginia with about two hundred men. he proceeded immediately to georgia, and reached the camp at ebenezer on the st of april. these troops, though new levies, were veteran soldiers, who, having served the times for which they enlisted, had become the substitutes of men who were designated, by lot, for tours of duty they were unwilling to perform. being commanded by old officers of approved courage and experience, the utmost confidence was to be placed in them; and wayne, though still inferior to his enemy in numbers, sought for opportunities to employ them. the indians, who occupied the southern and western parts of georgia, were in the habit of assembling annually at augusta, for the purpose of receiving those presents which were indispensable to the preservation of british influence over them. the usual time for holding these meetings was arrived; but the americans being in possession of augusta, it was necessary to transfer them to a british post, and the indians were invited to keep down the south side of the altamaha to its mouth, whence they were to be conveyed through the inland passage to savannah. arrangements had been made for bringing a strong party of creeks and choctaws, assembled on the south side of altamaha, to harris's bridge, on the ogechee, about seven miles from that town, and colonel brown marched at the head of a strong detachment to convoy them into it. the indians having quarrelled, instead of proceeding to ogechee, returned home, and brown marched back his detachment. wayne received intelligence of this movement; and, determining to avail himself of the opportunity given by this division of his enemy to fight him in detail, immediately put his army in motion. he was soon informed that brown was on his return, and would reach savannah that night. disregarding the danger of throwing himself with inferior numbers between the two divisions of the british army, he determined on hazarding an action, and his advance, consisting of a troop of virginia cavalry, commanded by captain hughes and lieutenant boyer, and a light company of virginia infantry, commanded by captain parker, entered the road along which brown was marching about twelve at night, just as his front appeared in view. a vigorous charge was instantly made, which, being entirely unexpected, was completely successful. the british, struck with a panic, dispersed among the thickets and fled in all directions. colonel douglass and about forty men were killed, wounded, or taken. the american loss was five men killed and two wounded. the next day, after parading in view of savannah, wayne resumed his position at ebenezer. the resolution of parliament against the farther prosecution of active war in america was followed by instructions to the officers commanding the armies of britain, in consequence of which propositions for the suspension of hostilities were made in the southern department, about the time that they were rejected in the north. the same motives continuing to influence congress, they were rejected in the south also, and the armies still continued to watch each other with vigilance. to avoid surprise, wayne frequently changed his ground, and was continually on the alert. while his whole attention was directed towards savannah, an enemy entirely unlooked for came upon his rear, entered his camp in the night, and, had not his army been composed of the best materials, must have dispersed it. a strong party of creeks, led by a gallant warrior, emistasigo, or guristersego, instead of moving down on the south side of the altamaha, passed through the centre of georgia with the determination of engaging the american posts. marching entirely in the night, through unfrequented ways, subsisting on meal made of parched corn, and guided by white men, they reached the neighbourhood of the american army then encamped at gibbon's plantation, near savannah, without being perceived, and made arrangements to attack it. in the night they emerged from the deep swamp in which they had been concealed, and, approaching the rear of the american camp with the utmost secrecy, reached it about three in the morning. the sentinel was killed before he could sound the alarm, and the first notice was given by the fire and the yell of the enemy. the indians rushed into the camp, and, killing the few men they fell in with, seized the artillery. fortunately some time was wasted in the attempt to turn the pieces on the americans. captain parker, who commanded the light company, had been employed on a very fatiguing tour of duty near savannah, and had returned that evening to camp. to allow his harassed soldiers some repose, he was placed in the rear near the artillery, and was asleep when the indians entered the camp. roused by the fire, and perceiving that the enemy was amidst them, he judiciously drew off his men in silence, and formed them with the quarter guard behind the house in which the general was quartered. wayne was instantly on horseback, and, believing the whole garrison from savannah to be upon him, determined to repulse the enemy or die in the attempt. parker was directed to charge immediately with the bayonet, and orders were despatched to posey, the commanding officer in camp, to bring up the troops without delay. the orders to parker were so promptly executed, that posey, although he moved with the utmost celerity, could not reach the scene of action in time to join in it. the light troops and quarter guard under parker drove every thing before them at the point of the bayonet. the indians, unable to resist the bayonet, soon fled, leaving their chief, his white guides, and seventeen of his warriors dead upon the spot. wayne, who accompanied his light troops, now first discovered the character of his enemy, and adapted his pursuit to it. yet only twelve prisoners were made. the general's horse was shot under him, and twelve privates were killed and wounded.[ ] [footnote : in addition to the public documents and accounts, the author received a statement of this action in a letter from his friend captain parker.] this sharp conflict terminated the war in georgia. information was soon given of the determination to withdraw the british troops from savannah; and arrangements being made, with the sanction of the civil government, for the security of such individuals as might remain in town, the place was evacuated. the regular troops retired to charleston, and colonel brown conducted his loyalists through the islands into florida. wayne was directed to rejoin general greene. in south carolina the american army maintained its position in front of jacksonborough, and that of the british was confined to charleston and its immediate vicinity. the situation of the ground as well as the condition of his army, was unfavourable to offensive operations on the part of general greene; and general leslie, who commanded in charleston, was not strong enough to attempt the recovery of the lower country. while the two armies continued to watch each other, occasional enterprises were undertaken by detachments, in some of which a considerable degree of merit was displayed. in one of them, the corps of marion, its general being attending in the legislature, was surprised and dispersed by the british colonel thompson; and in another, an english guard galley, mounting twelve guns, and manned with forty-three seamen, was captured by captain rudolph, of the legion. from the possession of the lower country of south carolina, which was known to contain considerable quantities of rice and beef cattle, the army had anticipated more regular and more abundant supplies of food than it had been accustomed to receive. this hope was disappointed by the measures of the government. the generals, and other agents acting under the authority of congress, had been accustomed in extreme cases, which too frequently occurred, to seize provisions for the use of the armies. this questionable power had been exercised with forbearance, most commonly in concert with the government of the state, and under the pressure of such obvious necessity as carried its justification with it. the war being transferred to the south at a time when the depreciation of paper money had deprived congress of its only fund, it became indispensably necessary to resort more generally to coercive means in order to procure subsistence for the troops. popular discontent was the natural consequence of this odious measure, and the feelings of the people were communicated to their representatives. after the termination of the very active campaign of in virginia, the legislature of that state passed a law prohibiting all impressment, "unless it be by warrant from the executive in time of actual invasion;" and the assembly of south carolina, during the session at jacksonborough, also passed a law forbidding impressment, and enacting, "that no other persons than those who shall be appointed by the governor for that purpose, shall be allowed or permitted to procure supplies for the army." the effect of this measure was soon felt. the exertions of the agent appointed by the governor failed to procure subsistence for the troops, and general greene, after a long course of suffering, was compelled to relieve his urgent wants by an occasional recurrence to means forbidden by the law. privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitement of active military operations, produced great irritation during the leisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field; and, in the pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of foreigners, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to produce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot is understood to have been laid for seizing general greene and delivering him to a detachment of british troops, which would move out of charleston for the purpose of favouring the execution of the design. it was discovered when it is supposed to have been on the point of execution; and a sergeant gornell, believed to be the chief of the conspiracy, was condemned to death by a court martial, and executed on the nd of april. some others, among whom were two domestics in the general's family, were brought before the court on suspicion of being concerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient to convict them; and twelve deserted the night after it was discovered. there is no reason to believe that the actual guilt of this transaction extended farther. {july .} charleston was held until the th of december. previous to its evacuation, general leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities, and that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, in exchange for articles of the last necessity in the american camp. the policy of government being adverse to this proposition, general greene was under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the british general continued to supply his wants by force. this produced several skirmishes with foraging parties, to one of which importance was given by the death of lieutenant colonel laurens, whose loss was universally lamented. this gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into the family of the commander-in-chief at an early period of the war, and had always shared a large portion of his esteem. brave to excess, he sought every occasion to render service to his country, and to acquire that military fame which he pursued with the ardour of a young soldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of that romantic spirit which youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. no small addition to the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from the reflection that he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in the last moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger which proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his country. from the arrival of sir guy carleton at new york, the conduct of the british armies on the american continent was regulated by the spirit then recently displayed in the house of commons; and all the sentiments expressed by their general were pacific and conciliatory. but to these nattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicit confidence. with a change of men, a change of measures might also take place; and, in addition to the ordinary suggestions of prudence, the military events in the west indies were calculated to keep alive the attention, and to continue the anxieties of the united states. after the surrender of lord cornwallis, the arms of france and spain in the american seas had been attended with such signal success, that the hope of annihilating the power of great britain in the west indies was not too extravagant to be indulged. immense preparations had been made for the invasion of jamaica; and, early in april, admiral count de grasse sailed from martinique with a powerful fleet, having on board the land forces and artillery which were to be employed in the operations against that island. his intention was to form a junction with the spanish admiral don solano, who lay at hispaniola; after which the combined fleet, whose superiority promised to render it irresistible, was to proceed on the important enterprise which had been concerted. on his way to hispaniola, de grasse was overtaken by rodney, and brought to an engagement, in which he was totally defeated, and made a prisoner. this decisive victory disconcerted the plans of the combined powers, and gave security to the british islands. in the united states, it was feared that this alteration in the aspect of affairs might influence the councils of the english cabinet on the question of peace; and these apprehensions increased the uneasiness with which all intelligent men contemplated the state of the american finances. it was then in contemplation to reduce the army, by which many of the officers would be discharged. while the general declared, in a confidential letter to the secretary of war, his conviction of the alacrity with which they would retire into private life, could they be placed in a situation as eligible as they had left to enter into the service, he added--"yet i cannot help fearing the result of the measure, when i see such a number of men goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned on the world, soured by penury, and what they call the ingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days, and, many of them, their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country; and having suffered every thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. i repeat it, when i reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended by one thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, i cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very serious and distressing nature. "i wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far as the real life would justify me in doing, or i would give anecdotes of patriotism and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the history of mankind. but you may rely upon it, the patience and long sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. while in the field, i think it may be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage; but when we retire into winter quarters (unless the storm be previously dissipated) i can not be at ease respecting the consequences. it is high time for a peace." to judge rightly of the motives which produced this uneasy temper in the army, it will be necessary to recollect that the resolution of october, , granting half pay for life to the officers, stood on the mere faith of a government possessing no funds enabling it to perform its engagements. from requisitions alone, to be made on sovereign states, the supplies were to be drawn which should satisfy these meritorious public creditors; and the ill success attending these requisitions while the dangers of war were still impending, furnished melancholy presages of their unproductiveness in time of peace. in addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturb the tranquillity which the passage of the resolution had produced, were other considerations of decisive influence. the dispositions manifested by congress itself were so unfriendly to the half pay establishment as to extinguish the hope that any funds the government might acquire, would be applied to that object. since the passage of the resolution, the articles of confederation, which required the concurrence of nine states to any act appropriating public money, had been adopted; and nine states had never been in favour of the measure. should the requisitions of congress therefore be respected, or should permanent funds be granted by the states, the prevailing sentiment of the nation was too hostile to the compensation which had been stipulated, to leave a probability that it would be substantially made. this was not merely the sentiment of the individuals then administering the government, which might change with a change of men. it was known to be the sense of the states they represented; and consequently the hope could not be indulged that, on this subject, a future congress would be more just, or would think more liberally. as therefore the establishment of that independence for which they had fought and suffered appeared to become more certain,--as the end of their toils approached--the officers became more attentive to their own situation; and the inquietude of the army increased with the progress of the negotiation. in october, the french troops marched to boston, in order to embark for the west indies; and the americans retired into winter quarters. the apparent indisposition of the british general to act offensively, the pacific temper avowed by the cabinet of london, and the strength of the country in which the american troops were cantoned, gave ample assurance that no military operations would be undertaken during the winter, which could require the continuance of general washington in camp. but the irritable temper of the army furnished cause for serious apprehension; and he determined to forego every gratification to be derived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watch its discontents. while the situation of the united states thus loudly called for peace, the negotiations in europe were protracted by causes which, in america, were almost unknown, and which it would have been dangerous to declare. although, so far as respected the dismemberment of the british empire, the war had been carried on with one common design, the ulterior views of the belligerent powers were not only different, but, in some respects, incompatible with each other. to depress a proud and hated rival was so eagerly desired by the house of bourbon, that france and spain might be disposed to continue hostilities for the attainment of objects in which america could feel no common interest. this circumstance, of itself, furnished motives for prolonging the war, after the causes in which it originated were removed; and additional delays were produced by the discordant views which were entertained in regard to those claims which were the subject of negotiation. these were, the boundaries which should be assigned to the united states, and the participation which should be allowed them in the fisheries. on both these points, the wishes of france and spain were opposed to those of america; and the cabinets both of versailles and madrid, seemed disposed to intrigue with that of london, to prevent such ample concessions respecting them, as the british minister might be inclined to make. [sidenote: preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the united states and great britain.] {nov. .} after an intricate negotiation, in which the penetration, judgment, and firmness, of the american commissioners were eminently displayed, eventual and preliminary articles were signed on the th of november. by this treaty every reasonable wish of america, especially on the questions of boundary and of the fisheries, was gratified. the liberality of the articles on these points attests the success which attended the endeavours of the plenipotentiaries of the united states, to prove that the real interests of england required that america should become independent in fact, as well as name; and that every cause of future discord between the two nations should be removed. { } the effect of this treaty was suspended until peace should be concluded between france and great britain. the connexions between their most christian and catholic majesties not admitting of a separate peace on the part of either, the negotiations between the belligerent powers of europe had been protracted by the persevering endeavours of spain to obtain the cession of gibraltar. at length, the formidable armament which had invested that fortress was repulsed with immense slaughter; after which the place was relieved by lord howe, and the besiegers abandoned the enterprise in despair. negotiations were then taken up with sincerity; and preliminary articles of peace between great britain, france, and spain, were signed on the th of january, . [sidenote: discontents of the american army.] in america, the approach of peace, combined with other causes, produced a state of things alike interesting and critical. the officers who had wasted their fortunes and their prime of life in unrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that congress possessed neither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engagements to the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect which was opening to them. in december, soon after going into winter quarters, they presented a petition to congress, respecting the money actually due to them, and proposing a commutation of the half pay stipulated by the resolutions of october, , for a sum in gross, which, they nattered themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the half pay establishment. some security that the engagements of the government would be complied with was also requested. a committee of officers was deputed to solicit the attention of congress to this memorial, and to attend its progress through the house. among the most distinguished members of the federal government, were persons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the public creditors generally, and to that class of them particularly whose claims were founded in military service. but many viewed the army with jealous eyes, acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and betrayed, involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful observance of the public engagements. with this question, another of equal importance was connected, on which congress was divided almost in the same manner. one party was attached to a state, the other to a continental system. the latter laboured to fund the public debts on solid continental security, while the former opposed their whole weight to measures calculated to effect that object. in consequence of these divisions on points of the deepest interest, the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important question respecting the commutation of their half pay remained undecided, when intelligence was received of the signature of the preliminary and eventual articles of peace between the united states and great britain. [sidenote: anonymous letters and the proceedings in consequence thereof.] the officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants, and their gloomy prospects--exasperated by the neglect which they experienced, and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested an irritable and uneasy temper, which required only a slight impulse to give it activity. to render this temper the more dangerous, an opinion had been insinuated that the commander-in-chief was restrained, by extreme delicacy, from supporting their interests with that zeal which his feelings and knowledge of their situation had inspired. early in march, a letter was received from their committee in philadelphia, showing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained. on the th of that month, an anonymous paper was circulated, requiring a meeting of the general and field officers at the public building on the succeeding day at eleven in the morning; and announcing the expectation that an officer from each company, and a delegate from the medical staff would attend. the object of the meeting was avowed to be, "to consider the late letter from their representatives in philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain." on the same day an address to the army was privately circulated, which was admirably well calculated to work on the passions of the moment, and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. full justice can not be done to this eloquent paper without inserting it entire. "to the officers of the army. "gentlemen, "a fellow soldier, whose interests and affections bend him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fortune may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you. "age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions, to advise; but though unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard nor unregarded. "like many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. he left it, determined to retire from the field with the necessity that called him to it, and not until then--not until the enemies of his country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge america as terrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. with this object in view, he has long shared in your toils, and mingled in your dangers. he has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. but too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has until lately--very lately--believed in the justice of his country. he hoped that, as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and that more than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those hands which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage from impending servitude to acknowledged independence. but faith has its limits, as well as temper, and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into cowardice, or plunging into credulity. this, my friends, i conceive to be your situation. hurried to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever. to be tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage without one manly effort of your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you deserve those chains you broke. to guard against this evil, let us take a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment into the unexplored field of expedient. "after a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach.--yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once.--it has conducted the united states of america through a doubtful and a bloody war.--it has placed her in the chair of independency; and peace returns again to bless--whom?--a country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? a country courting your return to private life with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration--longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? is this the case? or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? have you not more than once suggested your wishes and made known your wants to congress? wants and wishes which gratitude and policy would have anticipated rather than evaded; and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect from their favour? how have you been answered? let the letter which you are called to consider to-morrow reply. "if this then be your treatment while the swords you wear are necessary for the defence of america, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division? when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honour? if you can--go--and carry with you the jest of tories, and the scorn of whigs;--the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world. go,--starve and be forgotten. but if your spirit should revolt at this; if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose, tyranny under whatever garb it may assume; whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and principles,--awake; attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. if the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain; and your threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now. "i would advise you therefore to come to some final opinion upon what you can bear, and what you will suffer. if your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of the government. change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial. assume a bolder tone,--decent, but lively, spirited, and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. let two or three men who can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up your _last remonstrance_; for i would no longer give it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. let it be represented in language that will neither dishonour you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by congress, and what has been performed;--how long and how patiently you have suffered;--how little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. tell them that, though you were the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter danger; though despair itself can never drive you into dishonour, it may drive you from the field;--that the wound often irritated and never healed, may at length become incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignity from congress now must operate like the grave, and part you forever; that in any political event, the army has its alternative. if peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, that courting the auspices, and inviting the directions of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh on.' but let it represent also that, should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more respectable. that while war should continue you would follow their standard into the field; and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder and applause;--an army victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself." persuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition of government to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impassioned address, dictated by genius and by feeling, found in almost every bosom a kindred though latent sentiment prepared to receive its impression. quick as the train to which a torch is applied, the passions caught its flame, and nothing seemed to be required but the assemblage proposed for the succeeding day, to communicate the conflagration to the combustible mass, and to produce an explosion ruinous to the army and to the nation. fortunately, the commander-in-chief was in camp. his characteristic firmness and decision did not forsake him in this crisis. the occasion required that his measures should be firm, but prudent and conciliatory,--evincive of his fixed determination to oppose any rash proceedings, but calculated to assuage the irritation which was excited, and to restore confidence in government. knowing well that it was much easier to avoid intemperate measures than to correct them, he thought it of essential importance to prevent the immediate meeting of the officers; but, knowing also that a sense of injury and a fear of injustice had made a deep impression on them, and that their sensibilities were all alive to the proceedings of congress on their memorial, he thought it more adviseable to guide their deliberations on that interesting subject, than to discountenance them. with these views, he noticed in his orders, the anonymous paper proposing a meeting of the officers, and expressed his conviction that their good sense would secure them from paying any "attention to such an irregular invitation; but his own duty, he conceived, as well as the reputation and true interest of the army, required his disapprobation of such disorderly proceedings. at the same time, he requested the general and field officers, with one officer from each company, and a proper representation from the staff of the army, to assemble at twelve on saturday, the th, at the new building, to hear the report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. after mature deliberation they will devise what farther measures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated to obtain the just and important object in view." the senior officer in rank present was directed to preside, and report the result of the deliberations to the commander-in-chief. the day succeeding that on which these orders were published, a second anonymous address appeared, from the same pen which had written the first. its author, acquainted with the discontents of the army, did not seem to despair of impelling the officers to the desired point. he affected to consider the orders in a light favourable to his views:--"as giving system to their proceedings, and stability to their resolves." but washington would not permit himself to be misunderstood. the interval between his orders and the general meeting they invited, was employed in impressing on those officers individually who possessed the greatest share of the general confidence, a just sense of the true interests of the army; and the whole weight of his influence was exerted to calm the agitations of the moment, and conduct them to a happy termination. this was a work of no inconsiderable difficulty. so convinced were many that government designed to deal unfairly by them, that only the reliance they placed on their general, and their attachment to his person and character, could have moderated their resentments so far as to induce them to adopt the measures he recommended. on the th, the convention of officers assembled, and general gates[ ] took the chair. the commander-in-chief then addressed them in the following terms. [footnote : by a resolution of the preceding year, the inquiry into his conduct had been dispensed with, and he had been restored to his command in the army.] "gentlemen,-- "by an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together. how inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide. "in the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to the judgment of the army. the author of the piece is entitled to much credit for the goodness of his pen; and i could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for as men see through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the address should have had more charity, than to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. but he had another plan in view, in which candour and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country, have no part; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design. that the address was drawn with great art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice, in the sovereign power of the united states, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious by the mode of conducting the business to need other proof than a reference to the proceedings. "thus much, gentlemen, i have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to show upon what principles i opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on tuesday last, and not because i wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity consistent with your own honour, and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. if my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you, that i have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. but as i was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as i have never left your side one moment but when called from you on public duty; as i have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as i have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy when i have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; it can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, that i am indifferent to its interests. but how are they to be promoted? the way is plain, says the anonymous addresser.--if war continues, remove into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself! but who are they to defend? our wives, our children, our farms and other property which we leave behind us? or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness? "'if peace takes place, never sheath your swords,' says he, 'until you have obtained full and ample justice.' this dreadful alternative of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. my god! what can this writer have in view by recommending such measures. can he be a friend to the army? can he be a friend to this country? rather is he not an insidious foe: some emissary, perhaps, from new york, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military powers of the continent? and what a compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature? but here, gentlemen, i will drop the curtain, because it would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. a moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. there might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production,--but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that writing. "with respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, i spurn it, as every man who regards that liberty, and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. the freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent, we may be led like sheep to the slaughter. i can not in justice to my own belief, and what i have great reason to conceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided opinion, that that honourable body entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice. that their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease until they have succeeded, i have not a doubt. "but, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. why then should we distrust them? and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all europe for its fortitude and patriotism? and for what is this done? to bring the object we seek nearer? no: most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. for myself, (and i take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice, and a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me,) a recollection of the cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience i have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection i feel for an army i have so long had the honour to command, will oblige me to declare in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty i owe my country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities. "while i give these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities i am possessed of in your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress;--that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. and let me conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own honour, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of america, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. "by thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining." these sentiments from a person whom the army had been accustomed to love, to revere, and to obey; the solidity of whose judgment, and the sincerity of whose zeal for their interests, were alike unquestioned, could not fail to be irresistible. no person was hardy enough to oppose the advice he had given; and the general impression was apparent. a resolution moved by general knox, and seconded by brigadier general putnam, "assuring him that the officers reciprocated his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable," was unanimously voted. on the motion of general putnam, a committee consisting of general knox, colonel brooks, and captain howard was then appointed, to prepare resolutions on the business before them, and to report in half an hour. the report of the committee being brought in and considered, the following resolutions were passed. "resolved unanimously, that at the commencement of the present war, the officers of the american army engaged in the service of their country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and privileges of human nature; which motives still exist in the highest degree; and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall induce a conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and glory which they have acquired at the price of their blood, and eight years faithful services. "resolved unanimously, that the army continue to have an unshaken confidence in the justice of congress and their country, and are fully convinced that the representatives of america will not disband or disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the balances accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment; and in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half pay, or a commutation for it, shall be efficaciously comprehended. "resolved unanimously, that his excellency the commander-in-chief, be requested to write to his excellency the president of congress, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of that honourable body upon the subject of our late address, which was forwarded by a committee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon congress for the result. in the alternative of peace or war, this event would be highly satisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity in the minds of the army, and prevent any farther machinations of designing men, to sow discord between the civil and military powers of the united states. "on motion, resolved unanimously, that the officers of the american army view with abhorrence and reject with disdain, the infamous propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army, and resent with indignation the secret attempts of some unknown person to collect the officers together in a manner totally subversive of all discipline and good order. "resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the officers of the army be given to the committee who presented to congress the late address of the army; for the wisdom and prudence with which they have conducted that business; and that a copy of the proceedings of this day be transmitted by the president to major general m'dougal; and that he be requested to continue his solicitations at congress until the objects of his mission are accomplished." the storm which had been raised so suddenly and unexpectedly being thus happily dissipated, the commander-in-chief exerted all his influence in support of the application the officers had made to congress. the following letter, written by him on the occasion, will show that he was not impelled to this measure by the engagements he had entered into more strongly than by his feelings. "the result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers, which i have the honour of enclosing to your excellency for the inspection of congress, will, i flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude of their country. "having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes, being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully, suffered and fought under my direction; having from motives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honourable body; it now only remains for me to perform the task i have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as i now do, that the sovereign power will be pleased to verify the predictions i have pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country. "and here i humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while i am pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious services, because they are perfectly known to the whole world, and because (although the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. to prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, i appeal to the archives of congress, and call on those sacred deposites to witness for me. and in order that my observations and arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for the officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, and considered in a single point of view, without giving congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, i will beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to a committee of congress, so long ago as the th of january, , and also the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, dated near passaic falls, october the th, . "that in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place unless measures similar to those recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. that the adoption of the resolution granting half pay for life has been attended with all the happy consequences i foretold, so far as respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army at this instant and at the former period, determine. and that the establishment of funds, and security of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the most certain means of preserving the national faith, and future tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion. "by the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined that, instead of retracting and reprehending (from farther experience and reflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, i am more and more confirmed in the sentiment; and if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself in the grateful delusion. for if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have i been mistaken indeed. if the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have i been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. if this country should not in the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited void of foundation. 'and if (as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honour,' then shall i have learned what ingratitude is; then shall i have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my future life. "but i am under no such apprehensions. a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude. "should any intemperate and improper warmth have mingled itself among the foregoing observations, i must entreat your excellency and congress that it may be attributed to the effusions of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my apology; and i hope i need not, on this momentous occasion, make any new protestations of disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. the consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my country, will be a sufficient recompense for my services." {march .} [sidenote: peace concluded.] {april .} these proceedings of the army produced a concurrence of nine states in favour of a resolution commuting the half pay into a sum in gross equal to five years full pay; immediately after the passage of which, the fears still entertained in america that the war might continue, were dissipated by a letter from the marquis de lafayette, announcing a general peace. this intelligence, though not official, was certain; and orders were immediately issued, recalling all armed vessels cruising under the authority of the united states. early in april, the copy of a declaration published in paris, and signed by the american commissioners, announcing the exchange of ratifications of the preliminary articles between great britain and france, was received; and on the th of that month, the cessation[ ] of hostilities was proclaimed. [footnote : see note, no. i. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: measures for disbanding the army.] the attention of congress might now be safely turned to the reduction of the army. this, in the empty state of the treasury, was a critical operation. in addition to the anxieties which the officers would naturally feel respecting their provision for the future, which of necessity remained unsecured, large arrears of pay were due to them, the immediate receipt of part of which was required by the most urgent wants. to disband an army to which the government was greatly indebted, without furnishing the individuals who composed it with the means of conveyance to their respective homes, was a perilous measure; and congress was unable to advance the pay of a single month. although eight millions had been required for the year , the payments into the public treasury had amounted to only four hundred and twenty thousand and thirty-one dollars, and twenty-nine ninetieths; and the foreign loans had not been sufficient to defray expenses it was impossible to avoid, at the close of that year, the expenditures of the superintendent of the finances had exceeded his receipts four hundred and four thousand seven hundred and thirteen dollars and nine ninetieths; and the excess continued to increase rapidly. congress urged the states to comply so far with the requisitions as to enable the superintendent of the finances to advance a part of the arrears due to the soldiers; but, as the foreign danger diminished, they became still less attentive to these demands; and the financier was under the necessity of making farther anticipations of the revenue. measures were taken to advance three months pay in his notes; but, before they could be prepared, orders were issued for complying with a resolution of congress for granting unlimited furloughs to the non-commissioned officers and privates who were engaged to serve during the war. these orders produced a serious alarm. the generals, and officers commanding regiments and corps cantoned on the hudson, assembled, and presented an address to the commander-in-chief, in which the most ardent affection to his person, and confidence in his attachment to the interests of the army, were mingled with expressions of profound duty and respect for the government. but they declared that, after the late explanation on their claims, they had confidently expected that their accounts would be liquidated, the balances ascertained, and adequate funds for the payment of those balances provided, before they should be dispersed or disbanded. bound to the army by the strongest ties of affection and gratitude, intimately convinced of the justice of their claims, and of the patriotic principles by which they were influenced, the general was induced by sentiment not less than by prudence, to regard this application. he returned an answer, on the succeeding day, in which, after declaring "that as no man could possibly be better acquainted than himself with the past merits and services of the army, so no one could possibly be more strongly impressed with their present ineligible situation; feel a keener sensibility at their distresses; or more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them." he added, "although the officers of the army very well know my official situation, that i am only a servant of the public, and that it is not for me to dispense with orders which it is my duty to carry into execution, yet as furloughs in all services are considered as a matter of indulgence, and not of compulsion; as congress, i am persuaded, entertain the best disposition towards the army; and as i apprehend in a very short time, the two principal articles of complaint will be removed; until the farther pleasure of congress can be known, i shall not hesitate to comply with the wishes of the army, under these reservations only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men who choose to receive furloughs, will attend them, either on furlough or by detachment." this answer satisfied the officers. the utmost good temper was manifested; and the arrangements for retiring on furlough were made without a murmur. in the course of the summer, a considerable proportion of the troops enlisted for three years were also permitted to return to their homes; and, in october, a proclamation was issued by congress, declaring all those who had engaged for the war to be discharged on the third of december. [illustration: the long room in fraunces' tavern, new york city _it was here that washington took formal leave of his officers, preparatory to resigning his commission as commander-in-chief of the continental army. controlling his emotion with difficulty, the general arose, at the conclusion of a light repast, and proposed the following health: "with a heart full of love and gratitude i must now take my leave of you. i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." the toast was drunk in silence, and washington added: "i cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you if each will come and take me by the hand."_] [sidenote: mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line.] while these excellent dispositions were manifested by the veterans serving under the immediate eye of their patriot chief, the government was exposed to insult and outrage from the mutinous spirit of a small party of new levies. about eighty men of this description belonging to pennsylvania, were stationed at lancaster. revolting against the authority of their officers, they marched in a body to philadelphia, with the avowed purpose of obtaining redress of their grievances from the executive council of the state. the march of these insolent mutineers was not obstructed; and, after arriving in philadelphia, their numbers were augmented by the junction of some troops quartered in the barracks. they then marched in military parade, with fixed bayonets, to the state-house, in which congress and the executive council of the state were sitting; and, after placing sentinels at the doors, sent in a written message, threatening the executive of the state with the vengeance of an enraged soldiery, if their demands were not gratified in twenty minutes. although these threats were not directed particularly against congress, the government of the union was grossly insulted, and those who administered it were blockaded for several hours by licentious soldiers. after remaining in this situation about three hours, the members separated, having agreed to reassemble at princeton. on receiving information of this outrage, the commander-in-chief detached fifteen hundred men under the command of major general howe, to suppress the mutiny. his indignation at this insult to the civil authority, and his mortification at this misconduct of any portion of the american troops, were strongly marked in his letter to the president of congress. "while," said he, "i suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of service, (if the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their example,) and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country as the pennsylvania mutineers have done by insulting the sovereign authority of the united states, and that of their own, i feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behaviour can not stain the name of the american soldiery. it can not be imputed to, or reflect dishonour on, the army at large; but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point of light. upon taking all the circumstances into consideration, i can not sufficiently express my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers; nor can i sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism, which must forever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. for when we consider that these pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at the same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes, without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in their pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck with horror and detestation at the proceedings of the former, and every candid mind, without indulging ill-grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the proper discrimination." before the detachment from the army could reach philadelphia, the disturbances were, in a great degree, quieted without bloodshed; but general howe was ordered by congress to continue his march into pennsylvania, "in order that immediate measures might be taken to confine and bring to trial all such persons belonging to the army as have been principally active in the late mutiny; to disarm the remainder; and to examine fully into all the circumstances relating thereto." the interval between the treaty with great britain and his retiring into private life, was devoted by the commander-in-chief to objects of permanent utility. the independence of his country being established, he looked forward with anxiety to its future destinies. these might greatly depend on the systems to be adopted on the return of peace, and to those systems much of his attention was directed. the future peace establishment of the united states was one of the many interesting subjects which claimed the consideration of congress. as the experience of general washington would certainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas on this important point, his opinions respecting it were requested by the committee to whom it was referred. his letter on this occasion, which was deposited, it is presumed, in the archives of state, will long deserve the attention of those to whom the interests of the united states may be confided. his strongest hopes of securing the future tranquillity, dignity and respectability of his country were placed on a well regulated and well disciplined militia, and his sentiments on this subject are entitled to the more regard, as a long course of severe experience had enabled him to mark the total incompetency of the existing system to the great purposes of national defence. [sidenote: evacuation of new york.] at length the british troops evacuated new york, and a detachment from the american army took possession of that town. guards being posted for the security of the citizens, general washington, accompanied by governor clinton, and attended by many civil and military officers, and a large number of respectable inhabitants on horseback, made his public entry into the city; where he was received with every mark of respect and attention. his military course was now on the point of terminating; and he was about to bid adieu to his comrades in arms. this affecting interview took place on the th of december. at noon, the principal officers of the army assembled at frances' tavern, soon after which, their beloved commander entered the room. his emotions were too strong to be concealed. filling a glass, he turned to them and said, "with a heart full of love and gratitude, i now take leave of you; i most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honourable." having drunk, he added, "i can not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." general knox, being nearest, turned to him. washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. in the same affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. the tear of manly sensibility was in every eye; and not a word was articulated to interrupt the dignified silence, and the tenderness of the scene. leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to white hall, where a barge waited to convey him to powles hook. the whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. they paid him the same affectionate compliment; and, after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled.[ ] [footnote : gordon.] congress was then in session at annapolis, in maryland, to which place general washington repaired, for the purpose of resigning into their hands the authority with which they had invested him.[ ] he arrived on the th of december. the next day he informed that body of his intention to ask leave to resign the commission he had the honour of holding in their service; and requested to know whether it would be their pleasure that he should offer his resignation in writing, or at an audience. [footnote : see note, no. ii. at the end of the volume.] to give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be offered at a public audience on the following tuesday, at twelve. [sidenote: general washington resigns his commission and retires to mount vernon.] when the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to recall the various interesting scenes which had passed since the commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators, and several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor of congress. the members remained seated and covered. the spectators were standing, and uncovered. the general was introduced by the secretary, and conducted to a chair. after a short pause, the president[ ] informed him that "the united states in congress assembled were prepared to receive his communications." with native dignity improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general rose and delivered the following address. [footnote : general mifflin.] "mr. president, "the great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, i have now the honour of offering my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the united states of becoming a respectable nation, i resign with satisfaction the appointment i accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. "the successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of providence, and the assistance i have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest. "while i repeat my obligations to the army in general, i should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. it was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of congress. "i consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "having now finished the work assigned me, i retire from the great theatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders i have so long acted, i here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." after advancing to the chair and delivering his commission to the president, he returned to his place, and received standing the following answer of congress, which was delivered by the president. "sir, "the united states in congress assembled, receive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. you have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through all disasters and changes. you have by the love and confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. you have persevered until these united states, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled under a just providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence; on which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations. "having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow citizens. but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages. "we feel with you our obligations to the army in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers who have attended your person to this affecting moment. "we join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of almighty god, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. and for you, we address to him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved, may be fostered with all his care; that your days may be as happy as they have been illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world can not give." this scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly interesting by the personages who appeared in it, by the great events it recalled to the memory, and by the singularity of the circumstances under which it was displayed, the american chief withdrew from the hall of congress, leaving the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed with those sentiments which its solemnity and dignity were calculated to inspire. divested of his military character, general washington retired to mount vernon, followed by the enthusiastic love, esteem, and admiration of his countrymen. relieved from the agitations of a doubtful contest, and from the toils of an exalted station, he returned with increased delight to the duties and the enjoyments of a private citizen. he indulged the hope that, in the shade of retirement, under the protection of a free government, and the benignant influence of mild and equal laws, he might taste that felicity which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself, and conscious of its own purity. chapter iii. general washington devotes his time to rural pursuits.... to the duties of friendship.... and to institutions of public utility.... resolves of congress and of the legislature of virginia for erecting statues to his honour.... recommends improvement in inland navigation.... declines accepting a donation made to him by his native state.... the society of the cincinnati.... he is elected president.... the causes which led to a change of the government of the united states.... circular letter of general washington to the governors of the several states. { to } [sidenote: after retiring to private life, general washington devotes his time to rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and to institutions of public utility.] when an individual, long in possession of great power, and almost unlimited influence, retires from office with alacrity, and resumes the character of a private citizen with pleasure, the mind is gratified in contemplating the example of virtuous moderation, and dwells upon it with approving satisfaction. we look at man in his most estimable character; and this view of him exalts our opinion of human nature. such was the example exhibited by general washington to his country and to the world. his deportment, and his language, equally attest that he returned with these feelings to the employments of private life. in a letter to governor clinton, written only three days after his arrival at mount vernon, he says, "the scene is at length closed. i feel myself eased of a load of public care, and hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues." "at length, my dear marquis," said he to his noble and highly valued friend, lafayette, "i have become a private citizen on the banks of the potomac; and under the shadow of my own vine, and my own fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, i am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame--the statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own--perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all--and the courtier who is always watching the countenance of his prince in the hope of catching a gracious smile--can have very little conception. i have not only retired from all public employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartfelt satisfaction. envious of none, i am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, i will move gently down the stream of life, until i sleep with my fathers." but a mind accustomed to labour for a nation's welfare, does not immediately divest itself of ancient habits. that custom of thinking on public affairs, and that solicitude respecting them, which belong to the patriot in office, follow him into his retreat. in a letter to general knox, written soon after his resignation, general washington thus expressed the feelings attendant upon this sudden transition from public to private pursuits. "i am just beginning to experience the ease and freedom from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to realize; for strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was not until lately, i could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as i awoke in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that i was no longer a public man, or had any thing to do with public transactions. i feel now, however, as i conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed; and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an eager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quick-sands and mires which lay in his way, and into which none but the all powerful guide and dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling." for several months after arriving at mount vernon, almost every day brought him the addresses of an affectionate and grateful people. the glow of expression in which the high sense universally entertained of his services was conveyed, manifested the warmth of feeling which animated the american bosom. this unexampled tribute of voluntary applause, paid by a whole people, to an individual no longer in power, made no impression on the unassuming modesty of his character and deportment. the same firmness of mind, the same steady and well tempered judgment, which had guided him through the most perilous seasons of the war, still regulated his conduct; and the enthusiastic applauses of an admiring nation served only to cherish sentiments of gratitude, and to give greater activity to the desire still further to contribute to the general prosperity. [sidenote: resolves of congress and of the legislature of virginia for erecting statues in honour of him.] it was not by addresses alone that his country manifested its attachment to him. soon after peace was proclaimed, congress unanimously passed a resolution for the erection of an equestrian statue of their general,[ ] at the place which should be established for the residence of the government. [footnote : "resolved that the statue be of bronze: the general to be represented in a roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath. the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal on which are to be represented, in basso relievo, the following principal events of the war, in which general washington commanded in person: the evacuation of boston:--the capture of the hessians at trenton:--the battle of princeton:--the action of monmouth:--and the surrender of york.--on the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows: the united states in congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our lord , in honour of george washington, the illustrious commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states of america, during the war which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty and independence."] the legislature of virginia too, at its first session after his resignation, passed the following resolution.[ ] [footnote : this resolution has been carried into execution. the statue it ordained now stands in the capitol of virginia, in a spacious area in the centre of the building. a bust of the marquis de lafayette, which was also directed by the legislature, is placed in a niche of the wall in the same part of the building.] "resolved, that the executive be requested to take measures for procuring a statue of general washington, to be of the finest marble and best workmanship, with the following inscription on its pedestal: "the general assembly of the commonwealth of virginia have caused this statue to be erected as a monument of affection and gratitude to george washington, who, uniting to the endowments of the hero, the virtues of the patriot, and exerting both in establishing the liberties of his country, has rendered his name dear to his fellow citizens, and given the world an immortal example of true glory." although the toils of general washington were no longer exhibited to the public eye, his time continued to be usefully employed. the judicious cultivation of the earth is justly placed among the most valuable sources of national prosperity, and nothing could be more wretched than the general state of agriculture in america. to its melioration by examples which might be followed, and by the introduction of systems adapted to the soil, the climate, and to the situation of the people, the energies of his active and intelligent mind were now in a great degree directed. no improvement of the implements to be used on a farm, no valuable experiments in husbandry, escaped his attention. his inquiries, which were equally minute and comprehensive, extended beyond the limits of his own country; and he entered into a correspondence on this interesting subject with those foreigners who had been most distinguished for their additions to the stock of agricultural science. [illustration: the old senate chamber at annapolis, maryland, where washington resigned his commission _the fate of the republic was in the hands of washington when he resigned his commission to congress, then sitting at annapolis, december , , and retired to private life. had he so desired, it is probable that he could have founded a monarchy, sustained by his army. instead, as he wrote to lafayette, shortly after his return to mount vernon: "i have not only retired from all public employments but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartfelt satisfaction. envious of none, i am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, i will move gently down the stream of life, until i sleep with my fathers."_] mingled with this favourite pursuit, were the multiplied avocations resulting from the high office he had lately filled. he was engaged in an extensive correspondence with the friends most dear to his heart--the foreign and american officers who had served under him during the late war--and with almost every conspicuous political personage of his own, and with many of other countries. literary men also were desirous of obtaining his approbation of their works, and his attention was solicited to every production of american genius. his countrymen who were about to travel, were anxious to receive from the first citizen of this rising republic, some testimonial of their worth; and all those strangers of distinction who visited this newly created empire, were ambitious of being presented to its founder. among those who were drawn across the atlantic by curiosity, and perhaps by a desire to observe the progress of the popular governments which were instituted in this new world, was mrs. macauley graham. by the principles contained in her history of the stuarts, this lady had acquired much reputation in republican america, and by all was received with marked attention. for the sole purpose of paying her respects to a person whose fame had spread over europe, she paid a visit to mount vernon; and, if her letters may be credited, the exalted opinion she had formed of its proprietor, was "not diminished by a personal acquaintance with him." to these occupations, which were calculated to gratify an intelligent mind, or which derived a value from the indulgence they afforded to the feelings of the heart, others were unavoidably added, in the composition of which, no palatable ingredient was intermixed. of these unwelcome intrusions upon his time, general washington thus complained to an intimate military friend. "it is not, my dear sir, the letters of my friends which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. i receive them with pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as my avocations will permit. it is references to old matters with which i have nothing to do--applications which oftentimes can not be complied with--inquiries, to satisfy which would employ the pen of a historian--letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the common-place business--which employ my pen and my time often disagreeably. indeed, these, with company, deprive me of exercise; and, unless i can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences. already i begin to feel their effects. heavy and painful oppressions of the head, and other disagreeable sensations often trouble me. i am determined therefore to employ some person who shall ease me of the _drudgery_ of this business. at any rate, if the whole of it is thereby suspended, i am determined to use exercise. my private affairs also require infinitely more attention than i have given, or can give them, under present circumstances. they can no longer be neglected without involving my ruin." it was some time after the date of this letter before he could introduce into his family a young gentleman, whose education and manners enabled him to fill the station of a private secretary and of a friend. this multiplicity of private avocations could not entirely withdraw the mind of washington from objects tending to promote and secure the public happiness. his resolution never again to appear in the busy scenes of political life, though believed by himself, and by his bosom friends, to be unalterable, could not render him indifferent to those measures on which the prosperity of his country essentially depended. to a person looking beyond the present moment, it was only necessary to glance over the map of the united states, to be impressed with the importance of connecting the western with the eastern territory, by facilitating the means of intercourse between them. to this subject, the attention of general washington had been directed in the early part of his life. while the american states were yet british colonies, he had obtained the passage of a bill for opening the potomac so as to render it navigable from tide water to wills creek.[ ] the river james had also been comprehended in this plan; and he had triumphed so far over the opposition produced by local interests and prejudices, that the business was in a train which promised success, when the revolutionary war diverted the attention of its patrons, and of all america, from internal improvements to the still greater objects of liberty and independence. as that war approached its termination, subjects which for a time had yielded their pretensions to consideration, reclaimed that place to which their real magnitude entitled them; and internal navigation again attracted the attention of the wise and thinking part of society. accustomed to contemplate america as his country, and to consider with solicitude the interests of the whole, washington now took a more enlarged view of the advantages to be derived from opening both the eastern and the western waters; and for this, as well as for other purposes, after peace had been proclaimed, he traversed the western parts of new england and new york. "i have lately," said he in a letter to the marquis of chastellux, a nobleman in pursuit of literary as well as of military fame, "made a tour through the lakes george and champlain as far as crown point;--then returning to schenectady, i proceeded up the mohawk river to fort schuyler, crossed over to wood creek which empties into the oneida lake, and affords the water communication with ontario. i then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the susquehanna, and viewed the lake otswego, and the portage between that lake and the mohawk river at cotnajohario. prompted by these actual observations, i could not help taking a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these united states, and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and importance of it; and with the goodness of that providence which has dealt his favours to us with so profuse a hand. would to god we may have wisdom enough to improve them. i shall not rest contented until i have explored the western country, and traversed those lines (or great part of them) which have given bounds to a new empire." [footnote : about one hundred and fifty miles.] scarcely had he answered those spontaneous offerings of the heart, which flowed in upon him from every part of a grateful nation, when his views were once more seriously turned to this truly interesting subject. its magnitude was also impressed on others; and the value of obtaining the aid which his influence and active interference would afford to any exertions for giving this direction to the public mind, and for securing the happy execution of the plan which might be devised, was perceived by all those who attached to the great work its real importance. a gentleman[ ] who had taken an expanded view of it, concluded a letter to general washington, containing a detailed statement of his ideas on the subject in these terms: [footnote : mr. jefferson.] "but a most powerful objection always arises to propositions of this kind. it is, that public undertakings are carelessly managed, and much money spent to little purpose. to obviate this objection is the purpose of my giving you the trouble of this discussion. you have retired from public life. you have weighed this determination, and it would be impertinence in me to touch it. but would the superintendence of this work break in too much on the sweets of retirement and repose? if they would, i stop here. your future time and wishes are sacred in my eye. if it would be only a dignified amusement to you, what a monument of your retirement would it be! it is one which would follow that of your public life, and bespeak it the work of the same great hand. i am confident, that would you either alone, or jointly with any persons you think proper, be willing to direct this business, it would remove the only objection, the weight of which i apprehend." [sidenote: recommends the opening and improving the inland navigation of the great rivers in virginia.] in the autumn of , general washington made a tour as far west as pittsburgh; after returning from which, his first moments of leisure were devoted to the task of engaging his countrymen in a work which appeared to him to merit still more attention from its political, than from its commercial influence on the union. in a long and interesting letter to mr. harrison, then governor of virginia, he detailed the advantages which might be derived from opening the great rivers, the potomac and the james, as high as should be practicable. after stating with his accustomed exactness the distances, and the difficulties to be surmounted in bringing the trade of the west to different points on the atlantic, he expressed unequivocally the opinion, that the rivers of virginia afforded a more convenient, and a more direct course than could be found elsewhere, for that rich and increasing commerce. this was strongly urged as a motive for immediately commencing the work. but the rivers of the atlantic constituted only a part of the great plan he contemplated. he suggested the appointment of commissioners of integrity and abilities, exempt from the suspicion of prejudice, whose duty it should be, after an accurate examination of the james and the potomac, to search out the nearest and best portages between those waters and the streams capable of improvement, which run into the ohio. those streams were to be accurately surveyed, the impediments to their navigation ascertained, and their relative advantages examined. the navigable waters west of the ohio, towards the great lakes, were also to be traced to their sources, and those which empty into the lakes to be followed to their mouths. "these things being done, and an accurate map of the whole presented to the public, he was persuaded that reason would dictate what was right and proper." for the execution of this latter part of his plan he had also much reliance on congress; and in addition to the general advantages to be drawn from the measure, he laboured, in his letters to the members of that body, to establish the opinion, that the surveys he recommended would add to the revenue, by enhancing the value of the lands offered for sale. "nature," he said, "had made such an ample display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country was explored, the more it would rise in estimation." the assent and co-operation of maryland being indispensable to the improvement of the potomac, he was equally earnest in his endeavours to impress a conviction of its superior advantages on those individuals who possessed most influence in that state. in doing so, he detailed the measures which would unquestionably be adopted by new york and pennsylvania, for acquiring the monopoly of the western commerce, and the difficulty which would be found in diverting it from the channel it had once taken. "i am not," he added, "for discouraging the exertions of any state to draw the commerce of the western country to its sea-ports. the more communications we open to it, the closer we bind that rising world (for indeed it may be so called) to our interests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. those to whom nature affords the best communication, will, if they are wise, enjoy the greatest share of the trade. all i would be understood to mean, therefore, is, that the gifts of providence may not be neglected." but the light in which this subject would be viewed with most interest, and which gave to it most importance, was its political influence on the union. "i need not remark to you, sir," said he in his letter to the governor of virginia, "that the flanks and rear of the united states are possessed by other powers,--and formidable ones too: need i press the necessity of applying the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble bonds,--especially of binding that part of it which lies immediately west of us, to the middle states. for what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people, how entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the spaniards on their right, and great britain on their left, instead of throwing impediments in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive, what will be the consequence of their having formed close commercial connexions with both, or either of those powers? it needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell." this idea was enlarged and pressed with much earnestness, in his letters to several members of congress. the letter to the governor was communicated to the assembly of virginia, and the internal improvements it recommended were zealously supported by the wisest members of that body. while the subject remained undecided, general washington, accompanied by the marquis de lafayette, who had crossed the atlantic, and had devoted a part of his time to the delights of an enthusiastic friendship, paid a visit to the capital of the state. never was reception more cordial, or more demonstrative of respect and affection, than was given to these beloved personages. but amidst the display of addresses and of entertainments which were produced by the occasion, the great business of internal improvements was not forgotten; and the ardour of the moment was seized to conquer those objections to the plan, which yet lingered in the bosoms of members who could perceive in it no future advantages to compensate for the present expense. an exact conformity between the acts of virginia and of maryland, being indispensable to the improvement of the potomac, the friends of the measure deemed it adviseable to avail themselves of the same influence with the latter state, which had been successfully employed with the former; and a resolution was passed, soon after the return of general washington to mount vernon, requesting him[ ] to attend the legislature of maryland, in order to agree on a bill which might receive the sanction of both states. this agreement being happily completed, the bills were enacted which form the first essay towards connecting the navigation of the eastern with the western waters of the united states. [footnote : general gates was associated with him in the mission.] these acts were succeeded by one, which conveys the liberal wishes of the legislature, with a delicacy scarcely less honourable to its framers, than to him who was its object. the treasurer had been instructed to subscribe, in behalf of the state, for a specified number of shares in each company. just at the close of the session, when no refusal of their offer could be communicated to them, a bill was suddenly brought in, which received the unanimous assent of both houses, authorizing the treasurer to subscribe for the benefit of general washington, the same number of shares in each company as were to be taken for the state. a preamble was prefixed to the enacting clause of this bill[ ] in which its greatest value consisted. with simple elegance, it conveyed the sentiment, that in seizing this occasion, to make a donation which would in some degree testify their sense of the merits of their most favoured and most illustrious citizen, the donors would themselves be the obliged. [footnote : it is in these words; "whereas it is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of george washington, esquire, towards his country, and it is their wish in particular that those great works for its improvement, which both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country. be it enacted, &c." this bill is understood to have been drawn by mr. madison.] however delightful might be the sensations produced by this delicate and flattering testimony of the affection of his fellow citizens, it was not without its embarrassments. from his early resolution to receive no pecuniary compensation for his services, he could not permit himself to depart; and yet this mark of the gratitude and attachment of his country, could not easily be rejected without furnishing occasion for sentiments he was unwilling to excite. to the friend[ ] who conveyed to him the first intelligence of this bill, his difficulties were thus expressed. [footnote : mr. madison.] [sidenote: he declines accepting a donation made to him by his native state.] "it is not easy for me to decide by which my mind was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the sixth instant--surprise or gratitude. both were greater than i had words to express. the attention and good wishes which the assembly has evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers potomac and james, is more than mere compliment,--there is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. but, believe me, sir, no circumstance has happened since i left the walks of public life which has so much embarrassed me. on the one hand, i consider this act, as i have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country to serve me; and i should be hurt, if by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect, or the smallest slight upon the generous intention of the legislature; or that an ostentatious display of disinterestedness, or public virtue, was the source of refusal. "on the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air, that i may be more at liberty (in things which my opportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sentiments, and if necessary, to suggest what may occur to me, under the fullest conviction that, although my judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the suggestion. not content then with the bare consciousness of my having in all this navigation business, acted upon the clearest conviction of the political importance of the measure, i would wish that every individual who may hear that it was a favourite plan of mine, may know also, that i had no other motive for promoting it, than the advantage of which i conceived it would be productive to the union at large, and to this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigour and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citizens." at length he determined, in the same letter which should convey his resolution not to retain the shares for his private emolument, to signify his willingness to hold them in trust for such public institution as the legislature should approve. the following letter conveyed this resolution to the general assembly, through the governor of the state. (october, .) "sir, "your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a copy of the act appropriating to my benefit certain shares in the companies for opening the navigation of james and potomac rivers, i take the liberty of returning to the general assembly through your hands, the profound and grateful acknowledgments inspired by so signal a mark of their beneficent intentions towards me. i beg you, sir, to assure them, that i am filled on this occasion with every sentiment which can flow from a heart warm with love for my country, sensible to every token of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to testify in every instance a respectful submission to its wishes. "with these sentiments in my bosom, i need not dwell on the anxiety i feel in being obliged, in this instance, to decline a favour which is rendered no less flattering by the manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself. in explaining this, i pass over a comparison of my endeavours in the public service, with the many honourable testimonies of approbation which have already so far overrated, and overpaid them--reciting one consideration only which supersedes the necessity of recurring to every other. "when i was first called to the station with which i was honoured during the late conflict for our liberties, to the diffidence which i had so many reasons to feel in accepting it, i thought it my duty to join a firm resolution to shut my hand against every pecuniary recompense. to this resolution i have invariably adhered, and from it (if i had the inclination) i do not consider myself at liberty now to depart. "whilst i repeat therefore my fervent acknowledgments to the legislature, for their very kind sentiments and intentions in my favour, and at the same time beg them to be persuaded that a remembrance of this singular proof of their goodness towards me, will never cease to cherish returns of the warmest affection and gratitude, i must pray that their act, so far as it has for its object my personal emolument, may not have its effect; but if it should please the general assembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fund vested in me, from my private emolument, to objects of a public nature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude for the honour conferred upon me, by preferring such as may appear most subservient to the enlightened and patriotic views of the legislature." the wish suggested in this letter, immediately received the sanction of the legislature; and at a subsequent time, the trust was executed by conveying the shares respectively to the use of a seminary of learning established in the vicinity of each river. general washington felt too strong an interest in the success of these works, to refuse the presidency of the companies instituted for their completion. in conducting the affairs of the potomac company, he took an active part: to that formed for opening the navigation of the james, he could only give his counsel. these were not the only institutions which occasionally drew the farmer of mount vernon from his retreat, and continued him in the public view. the sentiments with which the officers of the american army contemplated a final separation from each other, will be comprehended by all who are conversant with the finest feelings of the human heart. companions in virtuous suffering, in danger, and in glory--attached to each other by common exertions made in a severe struggle for the attainment of a common object--they felt that to part for ever was a calamity too afflicting to be supported. the means of perpetuating those friendships which had been formed, and of renewing that endearing social intercourse which had taken place in camp, were universally desired. perhaps, too, that _esprit de corps_ which, identifying the individual with the community, transfers to the aggregate of the society a portion of that self-love which is felt by every private person, and which inspires in the members with a repugnance to the dissolution of the political, not unlike in effect to that which is excited at the dissolution of the natural body, was not without its influence in suggesting some expedient which might preserve the memory of the army, while it cheered the officers who were on the point of separating, with the hope that the separation would not be eternal: that at distant intervals, they might still communicate with each other: that the bonds by which they were connected would not be totally dissolved: and that, for many beneficial purposes, the patriots of the american army would still form one great society. [sidenote: establishment of the society of the cincinnati of which he is elected president.] this idea was suggested by general knox, and was matured in a meeting composed of the generals, and of deputies from the regiments, at which major general the baron steuben presided. an agreement was then entered into, by which the officers were to constitute themselves into one society of friends, to endure as long as they should endure, or any of their eldest male posterity; and, in failure thereof, any collateral branches who might be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and members, were to be admitted into it. to mark their veneration for that celebrated roman between whose situation and their own they found some similitude, they were to be denominated, "the society of the cincinnati." individuals of the respective states, distinguished for their patriotism and abilities, might be admitted as honorary members for life, provided their numbers should at no time exceed a ratio of one to four. the society was to be designated by a medal of gold representing the american eagle bearing on its breast the devices of the order, which was to be suspended by a ribbon of deep blue edged with white, descriptive of the union of america and france. to the ministers who had represented his most christian majesty at philadelphia, to the admirals who had commanded in the american seas, to the count de rochambeau, and the generals and colonels of the french troops who had served in the united states, the insignia of the order were to be presented, and they were to be invited to consider themselves as members of the society; at the head of which the commander-in-chief was respectfully solicited to place his name. an incessant attention, on the part of the members, to the preservation of the exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which they had fought and bled, and an unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective states, union and national honour, were declared to be the immutable principles of the society. its objects were, to perpetuate the remembrance of the american revolution, as well as cordial affection and the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers; and to extend acts of beneficence to those officers and their families, whose situation might require assistance. to give effect to the charitable object of the institution, a common fund was to be created by the deposite of one month's pay on the part of every officer becoming a member; the product of which fund, after defraying certain necessary charges, was to be sacredly appropriated to this humane purpose. the military gentlemen of each state were to constitute a distinct society, deputies from which were to assemble triennially, in order to form a general meeting for the regulation of general concerns. without encountering any open opposition, this institution was carried into complete effect; and its honours were sought, especially by the foreign officers, with great avidity. but soon after it was organized, those jealousies which in its first moments had been concealed, burst forth into open view. in october, , a pamphlet was published by mr. burk of south carolina, for the purpose of rousing the apprehensions of the public, and of directing its resentments against the society. perceiving or believing that he perceived, in the cincinnati, the foundation of an hereditary order, whose base, from associating with the military the chiefs of the powerful families in each state, would acquire a degree of solidity and strength admitting of any superstructure, he portrayed, in the fervid and infectious language of passion, the dangers to result from the fabric which would be erected on it. the ministers of the united states too in europe, and the political theorists who cast their eyes towards the west for support to favourite systems, having the privileged orders constantly in view, were loud in their condemnations of an institution from which a race of nobles was expected to spring. the alarm was spread throughout every state, and a high degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the people. in massachusetts, the subject was even taken up by the legislature; and it was well understood that, in congress, the society was viewed with secret disapprobation. "it was impossible for general washington to view with indifference this state of the public feeling. bound to the officers of his army by the strictest ties of esteem and affection, conscious of their merits, and assured of their attachment to his person, he was alive to every thing which might affect their reputation, or their interests. however innocent the institution might be in itself, or however laudable its real objects, if the impression it made on the public mind was such as to draw a line of distinction between the military men of america and their fellow citizens, he was earnest in his wishes to adopt such measures as would efface that impression. however ill founded the public prejudices might be, he thought this a case in which they ought to be respected; and, if it should be found impracticable to convince the people that their fears were misplaced, he was disposed to yield to them in a degree, and not to suffer that which was intended for the best of purposes, to produce a bad one." a general meeting was to be held in philadelphia in may, ; and, in the mean time, he had been appointed the temporary president. to prepare the officers for those fundamental changes in the principles of the society, which he contemplated as a necessary sacrifice to the public apprehensions, his ideas were suggested to his military correspondents; and to give weight to the measures which might be recommended, his utmost influence was exerted to obtain a full assemblage of deputies, which should be respectable for its numbers, and for its wisdom. officers of high respectability entertained different opinions on surrendering those parts of the institution which were deemed objectionable. by some, the public clamour was attributed to a spirit of persecution, which only attached them more closely to the order. many, it was said, were in quest of a cause of quarrel with their late protectors; and the removal of one ground of accusation against them, would only induce the substitution of some other. the source of the uneasiness which had been manifested was to be found in the temper of the people, not in the matters of which they complained; and if the present cause of irritation was removed, their ill humour would be openly and avowedly directed against the commutation. general washington was too much in the habit of considering subjects of difficulty in various points of view, and of deciding on them with coolness and deliberation, to permit his affections to influence his judgment. the most exact inquiries, assiduously made into the true state of the public mind, resulted in a conviction that opinions unfriendly to the institution, in its actual form, were extensively entertained; and that those opinions were founded, not in hostility to the late army, but in real apprehensions for equal liberty. a wise and necessary policy required, he thought, the removal of these apprehensions; and, at the general meeting in may, the hereditary principle, and the power of adopting honorary members, were relinquished. the result demonstrated the propriety of this alteration. although a few who always perceive most danger where none exists, and the visionaries then abounding in europe, continued their prophetic denunciations against the order, america dismissed her fears; and, notwithstanding the refusal of one or two of the state societies to adopt the measures recommended by the general meeting, the members of the cincinnati were received as brethren into the bosom of their country. [sidenote: the causes which led to a change of the government of the united states.] while general washington thus devoted a great part of his time to rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and to institutions of public utility, the political state of his country, becoming daily more embarrassed, attracted more and more deeply the anxious solicitude of every enlightened and virtuous patriot. from peace, from independence, and from governments of their own choice, the united states had confidently anticipated every blessing. the glorious termination of their contest with one of the most powerful nations of the earth; the steady and persevering courage with which that contest had been maintained; and the unyielding firmness with which the privations attending it had been supported, had surrounded the infant republics with a great degree of splendour, and had bestowed upon them a character which could be preserved only by a national and dignified system of conduct. a very short time was sufficient to demonstrate, that something not yet possessed was requisite, to insure the public and private prosperity expected to flow from self government. after a short struggle so to administer the existing system, as to make it competent to the great objects for which it was instituted, the effort became apparently desperate; and american affairs were impelled rapidly to a crisis, on which the continuance of the united states, as a nation, appeared to depend. in tracing the causes which led to this interesting state of things, it will be necessary to carry back our attention to the conclusion of the war. a government authorized to declare war, but relying on independent states for the means of prosecuting it; capable of contracting debts, and of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending on thirteen distinct sovereignties for the preservation of that faith, could not be rescued from ignominy and contempt, but by finding those sovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident to human nature. the debts of the union were computed, on the first of january, , at somewhat more than forty millions of dollars. "if," say congress, in an address to the states, urging that the means of payment should be placed in their hands, "other motives than that of justice could be requisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger; for to whom are the debts to be paid? "_to an ally_, in the first place, who to the exertion of his arms in support of our cause has added the succours of his treasure; who to his important loans has added liberal donations, and whose loans themselves carry the impression of his magnanimity and friendship. "_to individuals in a foreign country_, in the next place, who were the first to give so precious a token of their confidence in our justice, and of their friendship for our cause, and who are members of a republic which was second in espousing our rank among nations. "another class of creditors is, that _illustrious and patriotic band of fellow citizens_, whose blood and whose bravery have defended the liberties of their country, who have patiently borne, among other distresses, the privation of their stipends, whilst the distresses of their country disabled it from bestowing them: and who, even now, ask for no more than such a portion of their dues, as will enable them to retire from the field of victory and glory, into the bosom of peace and private citizenship, and for such effectual security for the residue of their claims, as their country is now unquestionably able to provide. "the remaining class of creditors is composed partly of such of our fellow citizens as originally lent to the public the use of their funds, or have since manifested most confidence in their country, by receiving transfers from the lenders; and partly of those whose property has been either advanced or assumed for the public service. to discriminate the merits of these several descriptions of creditors, would be a task equally unnecessary and invidious. if the voice of humanity plead more loudly in favour of some than of others, the voice of policy, no less than of justice, pleads in favour of all. a wise nation will never permit those who relieve the wants of their country, or who rely most on its faith, its firmness, and its resources, when either of them is distrusted, to suffer by the event." in a government constituted like that of the united states, it would readily be expected that great contrariety of sentiment would prevail, respecting the principles on which its affairs should be conducted. it has been already stated that the continent was divided into two great political parties, the one of which contemplated america as a nation, and laboured incessantly to invest the federal head with powers competent to the preservation of the union. the other attached itself to the state government, viewed all the powers of congress with jealousy, and assented reluctantly to measures which would enable the head to act, in any respect, independently of the members. men of enlarged and liberal minds who, in the imbecility of a general government, by which alone the capacities of the nation could be efficaciously exerted, could discern the imbecility of the nation itself; who, viewing the situation of the world, could perceive the dangers to which these young republics were exposed, if not held together by a cement capable of preserving a beneficial connexion; who felt the full value of national honour, and the full obligation of national faith; and who were persuaded of the insecurity of both, if resting for their preservation on the concurrence of thirteen distinct sovereigns; arranged themselves generally in the first party. the officers of the army, whose local prejudices had been weakened by associating with each other, and whose experience had furnished lessons on the inefficacy of requisitions which were not soon to be forgotten, threw their weight almost universally into the same scale. the other party, if not more intelligent, was more numerous, and more powerful. it was sustained by prejudices and feelings which grew without effort, and gained strength from the intimate connexions subsisting between a state and its citizens. it required a concurrence of extrinsic circumstances to force on minds unwilling to receive the demonstration, a conviction of the necessity of an effective national government, and to give even a temporary ascendency to that party which had long foreseen and deplored the crisis to which the affairs of the united states were hastening. sensible that the character of the government would be decided, in a considerable degree, by the measures which should immediately follow the treaty of peace, gentlemen of the first political abilities and integrity sought a place in the congress of . combining their efforts for the establishment of principles on which the honour and the interest of the nation were believed to depend, they exerted all their talents to impress on the several states, the necessity of conferring on the government of the union, powers which might be competent to its preservation, and which would enable it to comply with the engagements it had formed. with unwearied perseverance they digested and obtained the assent of congress to a system, which, though unequal to what their wishes would have prepared, or their judgments have approved, was believed to be the best that was attainable. the great object in view was, "to restore and support public credit," to effect which it was necessary, "to obtain from the states substantial funds for funding the whole debt of the united states." the committee[ ] to whom this interesting subject was referred, reported sundry resolutions, recommending it to the several states, to vest in congress permanent and productive funds adequate to the immediate payment of the interest on the national debt, and to the gradual extinction of the principal. a change in the rule by which the proportions of the different states were to be ascertained, was also recommended. in lieu of that article of the confederation which apportions on them the sums required for the public treasury, according to the value of their located lands with the improvements thereon, it was proposed to substitute another more capable of execution, which should make the population of each state the measure of its contribution.[ ] [footnote : mr. fitzsimmons, and mr. rutledge.] [footnote : on a subsequent occasion, an attempt was made to obtain a resolution of congress, recommending as an additional amendment to the eighth article of the confederation, that the taxes for the use of the continent should be laid and levied separate from any other tax, and should be paid directly into the national treasury; and that the collectors respectively should be liable to an execution to be issued by the treasurer, or his deputy, under the direction of congress, for any arrears of taxes by him to be collected, which should not be paid into the treasury in conformity with the requisitions of congress. such was the prevalence of state policy, even in the government of the union, or such the conviction of the inutility of recommending such an amendment, that a vote of congress could not be obtained for asking this salutary regulation as a security for the revenue only for eight years.] to the application which congress had made during the war for power to levy an impost of five per cent on imported and prize goods, one state had never assented, and another had withdrawn the assent it had previously given. it was impossible to yield to some of the objections which had been made to this measure, because they went to the certain destruction of the system itself; but in points where the alterations demanded, though mischievous, were not fatal to the plan, it was thought adviseable to accommodate the recommendations of the government to the prejudices which had been disclosed. it had been insisted that the power of appointing persons to collect the duties, would enable congress to introduce into a state, officers unknown and unaccountable to the government thereof; and that a power to collect an indefinite sum for an indefinite time, for the expenditure of which that body could not be accountable to the states, would render it independent of its constituents, and would be dangerous to liberty. to obviate these objections, the proposition now made was so modified, that the grant was to be limited to twenty-five years; was to be strictly appropriated to the debt contracted on account of the war; and was to be collected by persons to be appointed by the respective states. after a debate, which the tedious mode of conducting business protracted for several weeks, the report was adopted; and a committee, consisting of mr. madison, mr. hamilton, and mr. ellsworth, was appointed to prepare an address, which should accompany the recommendation to the several states. after a full explanation of the principles on which the system had been framed, this address proceeds:--"the plan thus communicated and explained by congress, must now receive its fate from their constituents. all the objects comprised in it are conceived to be of great importance to the happiness of this confederated republic, are necessary to render the fruits of the revolution a full reward for the blood, the toils, the cares and the calamities which have purchased it. but the object of which the necessity will be peculiarly felt, and which it is peculiarly the duty of congress to inculcate, is the provision recommended for the national debt. although this debt is greater than could have been wished, it is still less on the whole than could have been expected; and when referred to the cause in which it has been incurred, and compared with the burthens which wars of ambition and of vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to be borne not only with cheerfulness but with pride. but the magnitude of the debt makes no part of the question. it is sufficient that the debt has been fairly contracted, and that justice and good faith demand that it should be fully discharged. congress had no option but between different modes of discharging it. the same option is the only one that can exist with the states. the mode which has, after long and elaborate discussion, been preferred, is, we are persuaded, the least objectionable of any that would have been equal to the purpose. under this persuasion, we call upon the justice and plighted faith of the several states to give it its proper effect, to reflect on the consequences of rejecting it, and to remember that congress will not be answerable for them." after expatiating on the merits of the several creditors, the report concludes, "let it be remembered finally, that it ever has been the pride and boast of america, that the rights for which she contended, were the rights of human nature. by the blessing of the author of these rights, on the means exerted for their defence, they have prevailed against all opposition, and formed the basis of thirteen independent states. no instance has heretofore occurred, nor can any instance be expected hereafter to occur, in which the unadulterated forms of republican government can pretend to so fair an opportunity of justifying themselves by their fruits. in this view, the citizens of the united states are responsible for the greatest trust ever confided to a political society. if justice, good faith, honour, gratitude, and all the other good qualities which ennoble the character of a nation, and fulfil the ends of government, be the fruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire a dignity and lustre which it has never yet enjoyed; and an example will be set, which can not but have the most favourable influence on the rights of mankind. if, on the other side, our governments should be unfortunately blotted with the reverse of these cardinal and essential virtues, the great cause which we have engaged to vindicate will be dishonoured and betrayed; the last and fairest experiment in favour of the rights of human nature will be turned against them, and their patrons and friends exposed to be insulted and silenced by the votaries of tyranny and usurpation." for the complete success of the plan recommended by congress, no person felt more anxious solicitude than general washington. of the vital importance of union, no man could be more entirely persuaded; and of the obligations of the government to its creditors, no man could feel a stronger conviction. his conspicuous station had rendered him peculiarly sensible to their claims; and he had unavoidably been personally instrumental in the creation of a part of them. all the feelings of his heart were deeply engaged in the payment of some of the creditors, and that high sense of national honour, of national justice, and of national faith, of which elevated minds endowed with integrity can never be divested, impelled him to take a strong interest in the security of all. availing himself of the usage of communicating on national subjects with the state governments, and of the opportunity, which his approaching resignation of the command of the army gave, impressively to convey his sentiments to them, he had determined to employ all the influence which the circumstances of his life had created, in a solemn recommendation of measures, on which he believed the happiness and prosperity of his country to depend. on the eighth of june, , he addressed to the governors of the several states respectively, the paternal and affectionate letter which follows. [sidenote: letters of general washington to the governors of the several states.] "sir, "the great object for which i had the honour to hold an appointment in the service of my country being accomplished, i am now preparing to resign it into the hands of congress, and to return to that domestic retirement which, it is well known, i left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which i have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, and in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) i meditate to pass the remainder of life in a state of undisturbed repose. but before i carry this resolution into effect, i think it a duty incumbent upon me, to make this my last official communication; to congratulate you on the glorious events which heaven has been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer my sentiments respecting some important subjects which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquillity of the united states: to take my leave of your excellency as a public character: and to give my final blessing to that country in whose service i have spent the prime of my life, for whose sake i have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. "impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, i will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subjects of our mutual felicitation. when we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. this is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as the source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness: and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light. "the citizens of america, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniencies of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency. they are from this period, to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. here they are not only surrounded with every thing which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment; but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favoured with. nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among the nations. the foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood, and more clearly defined, than at any former period. the researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use; and their collected wisdom may be happily employed in the establishment of our forms of government. the free cultivation of letters; the unbounded extension of commerce; the progressive refinement of manners; the growing liberality of sentiment; and above all, the pure and benign light of revelation; have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. at this auspicious period, the united states came into existence as a nation; and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. "such is our situation, and such are our prospects. but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own; yet, it appears to me, there is an option still left to the united states of america; that it is in their choice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character forever; this is the favourable moment to give such a tone to our federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of european politics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. for according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered a blessing or a curse:--a blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "with this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. i will therefore speak to your excellency the language of freedom and of sincerity, without disguise. i am aware, however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment, may perhaps remark that i am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what i know is alone the result of the purest intentions. but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part i have hitherto acted in life; the determination i have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire i feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government: will, i flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that i could have no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions contained in this address. "there are four things which i humbly conceive are essential to the well being, i may even venture to say, to the existence of the united states as an independent power. st. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. d. a sacred regard to public justice. d. the adoption of a proper peace establishment, and, th. the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition, among the people of the united states, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. "these are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be supported. liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country. "on the three first articles, i will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. "under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has frequently been agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the states to delegate a larger proportion of power to congress or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions: that unless the states will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: that it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual states, that there should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the union can not be of long duration: that there must be a faithful and pointed compliance, on the part of every state, with the late proposals and demands of congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue: that whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independence of america, and the authors of them treated accordingly: and lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the states, to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation; and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we can not exist as an independent power. it will be sufficient for my purpose to mention one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. it is only in our united character that we are known as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. the treaties of the european powers with the united states of america, will have no validity on a dissolution of the union. we shall be left nearly in a state of nature, or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. "as to the second article, which respects the performance of public justice, congress have in their late address to the united states, almost exhausted the subject. they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under, to render complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that in my opinion, no real friend to the honour and independency of america, can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honourable measures proposed. if their arguments do not produce conviction, i know of nothing that will have greater influence; especially when we recollect that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and that if it should not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted. so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the states. "the ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence is not to be doubted; an inclination i flatter myself will not be wanting. the path of our duty is plain before us--honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. let us then as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. in the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of america. then will they strengthen the hands of government, and be happy under its protection. every one will reap the fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation, and without danger. "in this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interest of society, and insure the protection of government? who does not remember the frequent declarations, at the commencement of the war, that we should be completely satisfied, if at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? where is the man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honour and of gratitude? in what part of the continent shall we find any man or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? and were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures, the aggravated vengeance of heaven? if, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness, should manifest itself in any of the states; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a refusal to comply with the requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed; congress, who have in all their transactions, shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of god and man; and the state alone which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious counsels, will be responsible for all the consequences. "for my own part, conscious of having acted while a servant of the public, in the manner i conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world; i have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half pay and commutation granted by congress to the officers of the army. from these communications, my decided sentiments will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of the measure, in the most earnest and serious manner. as the proceedings of congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices, and errors, which may have been entertained by any, i think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to observe, that the resolutions of congress now alluded to, are undoubtedly as absolutely binding upon the united states, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. as to the idea which i am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever. that provision should be viewed as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to the officers of the army, for services then to be performed. it was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service.--it was a part of their hire.--i may be allowed to say it was the price of their blood, and of your independence. it is therefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honour. it can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity; nor be cancelled until it is fairly discharged. "with regard to a distinction between officers and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world, combined with your own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. rewards in proportion to the aids the public derives from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. in some lines, the soldiers have perhaps generally had as ample a compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid to them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if besides the donation of lands, the payment of arrearages, of clothing and wages, (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same footing,) we take into the estimate the bounties many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the officers. should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, i will venture to assert, no one will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation, granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. but neither the adoption nor rejection of this proposition will in any manner affect, much less militate against, the act of congress, by which they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army. "before i conclude the subject of public justice, i can not omit to mention the obligations this country is under to that meritorious class of veteran non-commissioned officers and privates who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of congress of the d april, , on an annual pension for life. their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits, and claims to that provision, need only be known, to interest all the feelings of humanity in their behalf. nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them from the most complicated misery, and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed their blood or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the necessaries or comforts of life; compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door. surfer me to recommend those of this description, belonging to your state, to the warmest patronage of your excellency and your legislature. "it is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the republic, as there can be little doubt but congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for the united states, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the union upon a regular and respectable footing. if this should be the case, i would beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms. the militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. it is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform, and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus should be introduced in every part of the united states. no one who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. "if in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of this address, the importance of the crisis, and magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. it is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immediate rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business. here i might speak with the more confidence, from my actual observations; and, if it would not swell this letter (already too prolix) beyond the bounds i had prescribed myself, i could demonstrate to every mind open to conviction, that in less time, and with much less expense than has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent could have been properly drawn forth; that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occurred, have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the continental government, than a deficiency of means in the particular states: that the inefficacy of measures, arising from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of congress in some of the states, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while it tended to damp the zeal of those which were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than that which i have had the honour to command. but while i mention these things which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, i beg it may be understood, that as i have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support i have derived from every class of citizens, so shall i always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual states, on many interesting occasions. "i have thus freely disclosed what i wished to make known before i surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. the task is now accomplished. i now bid adieu to your excellency as the chief magistrate of your state; at the same time i bid a last farewell to the cares of office and all the employments of public life. "it remains then to be my final and only request, that your excellency will communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their next meeting; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country; and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine benediction upon it. "i now make it my earnest prayer that god would have you, and the state over which you preside, in his holy protection, that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow citizens of the united states at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field, and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the divine author of our blessed religion; without an humble imitation of whose example in these things we can never hope to be a happy nation." the impression made by this solemn and affecting admonition could not be surpassed. the circumstances under which it was given, added to the veneration with which it was received; and, like the counsel of a parent on whom the grave is about to close forever, it sunk deep into the hearts of all. but, like the counsels of a parent withdrawn from view, the advice was too soon forgotten, and the impression it had made was too soon effaced. the recommendations of congress did not receive that prompt consideration which the public exigence demanded, nor did they meet that universal assent which was necessary to give them effect. not immediately perceiving that the error lay in a system which was unfit for use, the distinguished patriots of the revolution contemplated with increasing anxiety, the anti-american temper which displayed itself in almost every part of the union. the letters addressed to the late commander-in-chief, by many of those who had borne a conspicuous part in the arduous struggle for independence, manifest the disappointment and chagrin occasioned by this temper. the venerable trumbull, who had rendered great service to the cause of united america; who, like washington, had supported the burden of office throughout a hazardous contest, and like washington, had determined to withdraw from the cares of a public station when that contest should be terminated, in a letter communicating to his friend and compatriot the resolution he had taken, thus disclosed the fears which the dispositions manifested by many of his countrymen inspired. "the fruits of our peace and independence do not at present wear so promising an appearance as i had fondly painted to my mind. the prejudices, the jealousies, and turbulence of the people, at times, almost stagger my confidence in our political establishments; and almost occasion me to think that they will show themselves unworthy of the noble prize for which we have contended, and which, i had pleased myself with the hope, we were so near enjoying. but again, i check this rising impatience, and console myself under the present prospect with the consideration, that the same beneficent and wise providence which has done so much for this country, will not eventually leave us to ruin our own happiness, to become the sport of chance, or the scoff of a once admiring world; but that great things are yet in store for this people, which time, and the wisdom of the great director will produce in its best season." "it is indeed a pleasure," said general washington in reply, "from the walks of private life to view in retrospect the difficulties through which we have waded, and the happy haven into which our ship has been brought. is it possible after this that it should founder? will not the all wise and all powerful director of human events preserve it? i think he will. he may, however, for some wise purpose of his own, suffer our indiscretions and folly to place our national character low in the political scale;--and this, unless more wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in our government, will most certainly happen." that the imbecility of the federal government, the impotence of its requisitions, and the inattention of some of the states to its recommendations, would, in the estimation of the world, abase the american character, could scarcely be termed a prediction. that course of national degradation had already commenced. as the system recommended to the states on the th of april, , had been matured by the best wisdom in the federal councils, a compliance with it was the last hope of the government; and congress continued to urge its adoption on the several states. while its fate remain undecided, requisitions for the intermediate supply of the national demands were annually repeated, and were annually neglected. happily, a loan had been negotiated in holland by mr. adams, after the termination of the war, out of which the interest of the foreign debt had been partly paid; but that fund was exhausted, and the united states possessed no means of replacing it. unable to pay the interest, they would, in the course of the succeeding year, be liable for the first instalment of the principal; and the humiliating circumstance was to be encountered of a total failure to comply with the most solemn engagements, unaccompanied with the prospect of being enabled to give assurances, that, at any future time, their situation would be more eligible. if the condition of the domestic creditors was not absolutely desperate, the prospect of obtaining satisfaction for their claims was so distant and uncertain, that their evidences of debt were transferred at an eighth, and even at a tenth of their nominal value. the distress consequent on this depreciation was great and afflicting. "the requisitions of congress for eight years past," say the committee in february, , to whom the subject of the revenue had been referred, "have been so irregular in their operation, so uncertain in their collection, and so evidently unproductive, that a reliance on them in future as a source from whence moneys are to be drawn to discharge the engagements of the confederacy, definite as they are in time and amount, would be not less dishonourable to the understandings of those who entertain such confidence, than it would be dangerous to the welfare and peace of the union." under public embarrassments which were daily increasing, it had become, it was said, "the duty of congress to declare most explicitly that the crisis _had_ arrived, when the people of the united states, by whose will, and for whose benefit, the federal government was instituted, must decide whether they will support their rank as a nation, by maintaining the public faith at home and abroad, or whether, for want of a timely exertion in establishing a general revenue, and thereby giving strength to the confederacy, they will hazard not only the existence of the union, but of those great and invaluable privileges for which they have so arduously and so honourably contended." the revenue system of the th of april, , was again solemnly recommended to the consideration of the several states, and their unanimous and early accession to it was declared to be the only measure which could enable congress to preserve the public faith, and to avoid the fatal evils which will inevitably flow from "a violation of those principles of justice which are the only solid basis of the honour and prosperity of nations." in framing this system, a revenue adequate to the funding of the whole national debt had been contemplated, and no part of it was to go into operation until the whole should be adopted. by suspending partial relief to the pressing necessities of the government, it was believed that complete relief would be the more certainly secured. the enlightened and virtuous statesmen with whom that measure originated, thought it impossible that their countrymen would be so unmindful of the obligations of honour and of justice, or could so mistake their real interests, as to withhold their assent from the entire plan, if convinced that no partial compliance with it would be received. in the progress of the business, however, there was reason to believe that the impost might be conceded, but that the application for internal taxes would encounter difficulties not to be surmounted. in the impoverished state of the federal treasury, an incompetent revenue was preferred to no revenue; and it was deemed more adviseable to accept a partial compliance with the recommendations of congress, than, by inflexibly adhering to the integrity of the system, to lose the whole. the states therefore, were requested to enable congress, "to carry into effect that part which related to impost so soon as it should be acceded to." in the course of the year , every state in the union had acted upon the recommendation, and, with the exception of new york, had granted the impost duty which had been required. new york had passed an act upon the subject; but, influenced by its jealousy of the federal government, had not vested in congress the power of collection, but had reserved to itself the sole right of levying the duties according to its own laws. neither did the act permit the collectors to be made accountable to congress. to the state only were they amenable. in addition to these deviations from the plan recommended, new york had emitted bills of credit, which were liable to depreciation, and in them the duties were payable. as the failure on the part of this single state, suspended the operation of the grants made by all the others, the executive thereof was requested again to convene the legislature, in order to lay the subject once more before them. to a similar resolution governor clinton had already replied, that "he had not power to convene the legislature before the time fixed by law for their stated meeting, except on extraordinary occasions, and as the present business proposed for their consideration had already been repeatedly laid before them, and so recently as at their last session had received their determination, it could not come within that description." this second resolution was not more successful than that which preceded it, and thus was finally defeated the laborious and persevering effort made by the federal government to obtain from the states the means of preserving, in whole or in part, the faith of the nation. general washington's letters of that period abound with passages showing the solicitude with which he watched the progress of this recommendation, and the chagrin with which he viewed the obstacles to its adoption. in a letter of october, , he said, "the war, as you have very justly observed, has terminated most advantageously for america, and a fair field is presented to our view; but i confess to you freely, my dear sir, that i do not think we possess wisdom or justice enough to cultivate it properly. illiberality, jealousy, and local policy, mix too much in our public councils, for the good government of the union. in a word, the confederation appears to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance; and congress a nugatory body, their ordinances being little attended to. to _me_, it is a solecism in politics:--indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation, who are the creatures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short duration, and who are amenable for every action, recallable at any moment, and subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental in producing,--sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of the same. by such policy as this, the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness. "that we have it in our power to become one of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards one another, and would keep good faith with the rest of the world:--that our resources are ample and increasing, none can deny; but while they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith, and will sink in the eyes of europe, into contempt." chapter iv. differences between great britain and the united states.... mr. adams appointed minister to great britain.... discontents excited by the commercial regulations of britain.... parties in the united states.... the convention at annapolis.... virginia appoints deputies to a convention at philadelphia.... general washington chosen one of them.... insurrection at massachusetts.... convention at philadelphia.... a form of government submitted to the respective states, as ratified by eleven of them.... correspondence of general washington respecting the chief magistracy.... he is elected president.... meeting of the first congress. { to } while the friends of the national government were making these unavailing efforts to invest it with a revenue which might enable it to preserve the national faith, many causes concurred to prepare the public mind for some great and radical change in the political system of america. [sidenote: misunderstandings between great britain and the united states.] scarcely had the war of the revolution terminated, when the united states and great britain reciprocally charged each other with violations of the treaty of peace. on the construction of that part of the seventh article which stipulates against the "destruction or carrying away of any negroes, or other property of the american inhabitants," a serious difference of opinion prevailed which could not be easily accommodated. as men seldom allow much weight to the reasoning of an adversary, the construction put upon that article by the cabinet of london was generally treated in america as a mere evasion; and the removal of the negroes who had joined the british army on the faith of a proclamation offering them freedom, was considered as a flagrant breach of faith. in addition to this circumstance, the troops of his britannic majesty still retained possession of the posts on the american side of the great lakes. as those posts gave their possessors a decided influence over the warlike tribes of indians in their neighbourhood, this was a subject to which the united states were peculiarly sensible. on the other hand, the united states were charged with infringing the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles, which contain agreements respecting the payment of debts, the confiscation of property, and prosecution of individuals for the part taken by them during the war. on the th of january, , the day on which the definitive articles were ratified, congress passed a resolution containing a recommendation in the words of the treaty, respecting confiscated property, which was transmitted without delay to the several states. they considered this resolution as merely formal; and contended that neither the american nor the british government expected from it any beneficial results. but other stipulations which are explicit, the performance of which was not to rest on the recommendation of the government, especially that respecting the payment of debts, were also neglected. these causes of mutual complaint being permitted to rankle for some time in the bosoms of both nations, produced a considerable degree of irritation. the british merchants had large credits in america. those engaged in the colonial trade had been nearly ruined by the rupture between the two countries; and, without taking into the account the embarrassments in which the war had involved their debtors, they calculated, after the restoration of peace, on the prompt collection of the vast sums which were due to them. but the impediments to the recovery of debts were, in many instances, permitted to remain; and the dispositions manifested by those states in which they were chiefly due, did not authorize a belief that any favourable change of measures was about to take place. the complaints of the creditors were loud and incessant. they openly charged the american government with violating the most solemn obligations which public and private contract could create; and this charge affected the national character the more seriously, because the terms of the treaty were universally deemed highly advantageous to the united states. the recriminations on the part of individuals in america, were also uttered with the angry vehemence of men who believe themselves to be suffering unprovoked injuries. the negroes in possession of the british armies at the restoration of peace, belonged, in many cases, to actual debtors; and in all, to persons who required the labour of which they were thus deprived, to repair the multiplied losses produced by the war. to the detention of the posts on the lakes was ascribed the hostile temper manifested by the indians; and thus, to the indignity of permitting a foreign power to maintain garrisons within the limits of the nation, were superadded the murders perpetrated by the savages, and the consequent difficulty of settling the fertile and vacant lands of the west.[ ] on the north-eastern frontier too, the british were charged with making encroachments on the territory of the united states. on that side, the river st. croix, from its source to its mouth in the bay of passamaquoddy, is the boundary between the two nations. three rivers of that name empty into the bay. the americans claimed the most eastern, as the real st. croix, while settlements were actually made under the authority of the government of nova scotia to the middle river, and the town of st. andrews was established on its banks. [footnote : see note, no. iii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: mr. adams appointed to negotiate with the british cabinet.] but the cause of most extensive disquiet was the rigorous commercial system pursued by great britain. while colonists, the americans had carried on a free and gainful trade with the british west indies. those ports were closed against them as citizens of an independent state; and their accustomed intercourse with other parts of the empire also was interrupted by the navigation act. to explore new channels for the commerce of the nation was, in the actual state of things, opposed by obstacles which almost discouraged the attempt. on every side they met with rigorous and unlooked for restrictions. their trade with the colonies of other powers, as well as with those of england, was prohibited; and in all the ports of europe they encountered regulations which were extremely embarrassing. from the mediterranean, they were excluded by the barbary powers, whose hostility they had no force to subdue, and whose friendship they had no money to purchase. thus, the characteristic enterprise of their merchants, which, in better times, has displayed their flag in every ocean, was then in a great measure restrained from exerting itself by the scantiness of their means. these commercial difficulties suggested the idea of compelling great britain to relax the rigour of her system, by opposing it with regulations equally restrictive; but to render success in such a conflict possible, it was necessary that the whole power of regulating commerce should reside in a single legislature. few were so sanguine as to hope that thirteen independent governments, jealous of each other, could be induced to concur for a length of time, in measures capable of producing the desired effect. with many, therefore, the desire of counteracting a system which appeared to them so injurious, triumphed over their attachment to state sovereignty; and the converts to the opinion that congress ought to be empowered to regulate trade, were daily multiplied. meanwhile, the united states were unremitting in their endeavours to form commercial treaties in europe. three commissioners had been appointed for that purpose; and at length, as the trade with england was peculiarly important, and the growing misunderstandings between the two countries threatened serious consequences should their adjustment be much longer delayed, mr. john adams was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of st. james. his endeavours to form a commercial treaty were not successful. his overtures were declined by the cabinet of london, because the government of the united states was unable to secure the observance of any general commercial regulations; and it was deemed unwise to enter into stipulations which could not be of reciprocal obligation. in fact, it is not probable that, had even this difficulty been surmounted, britain could have been induced to grant advantages that would have been satisfactory to america. the latter expected great relaxations of the navigation act, and a free admission into the colonies of the former; and believed its commerce of sufficient importance to obtain these objects, if it could be regulated by a single legislature. the reflecting part of america did not require this additional evidence of the sacrifice which had been made of national interest on the altars of state jealousy, to demonstrate the defectiveness of the existing system. on the mind of no person had this impression been more strongly made, than on that of general washington. his extensive correspondence bears ample testimony to the solicitude with which he contemplated the proceedings of the states on this interesting subject. the opinion he sought to inculcate was, that the trade between the united states and great britain was equally important to each; and therefore, that a commercial intercourse between the two nations might be established on equal terms, if the political arrangements in america would enable its government to guard its interests; but without such arrangements, those interests could not be protected, and america must appear in a very contemptible point of view to those with whom she was endeavouring to form commercial treaties, without possessing the means of carrying them into effect:--who "must see and feel that the union, or the states individually are sovereign as best suits their purposes:--in a word, that we are one nation to day, and thirteen to-morrow. who," he added, "will treat with us on such terms?" about this time, general washington received a long and affectionate letter from the marquis de lafayette, who had just returned from a tour through the north of europe. in communicating the occurrences at the courts he had visited, and especially at that of prussia, whose aged and distinguished monarch, uniting the acquirements of the scholar and the statesman with the most profound skill in the art of war, could confer either literary or military fame, he dwelt with enthusiasm on the plaudits which were universally bestowed on his military patron and paternal friend. "i wish," he added, "the other sentiments i have had occasion to discover with respect to america, were equally satisfactory with those that are personal to yourself. i need not say that the spirit, the firmness, with which the revolution was conducted, has excited universal admiration:--that every friend to the rights of mankind is an enthusiast for the principles on which those constitutions are built:--but i have often had the mortification to hear, that the want of powers in congress, of union between the states, of energy in their government, would make the confederation very insignificant. by their conduct in the revolution," he added, "the citizens of america have commanded the respect of the world; but it grieves me to think they will in a measure lose it, unless they strengthen the confederation, give congress power to regulate their trade, pay off their debt, or at least the interest of it, establish a well regulated militia, and, in a word, complete all those measures which you have recommended to them." "unhappily for us," said the general in reply, "though the reports you mention are greatly exaggerated, our conduct has laid the foundation for them. it is one of the evils of democratic governments, that the people, not always seeing, and frequently misled, must often feel before they act right. but evils of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. it is to be lamented, nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are not attended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and in reputation. i am not without hopes that matters will soon take a favourable turn in the federal constitution. the discerning part of the community have long since seen the necessity of giving adequate powers to congress for national purposes, and those of a different description must yield to it ere long." [sidenote: discontents of the americans against the commercial regulations of britain.] while the recommendation of the th of april, , was before the states, many causes contributed to diffuse through the community such a general dissatisfaction with the existing state of things, as to prepare the way for some essential change in the american system. in the course of the long war which had been carried on in the bosom of their country, the people of the united states had been greatly impoverished. their property had been seized for the support of both armies; and much of their labour had been drawn from agriculture for the performance of military service. the naval power of their enemy had almost annihilated their commerce; from which resulted the two-fold calamity, that imported commodities were enhanced to an enormous price, while those for exportation were reduced much below their ordinary value. the inevitable consequence was, that those consumable articles which habit had rendered necessary, were exhausted; and peace found the american people, not only destitute of the elegancies, and even of the conveniences of life, but also without the means of procuring them, otherwise than by anticipating the proceeds of future industry. on opening their ports, an immense quantity of foreign merchandise was introduced into the country, and they were tempted by the sudden cheapness of imported goods, and by their own wants, to purchase beyond their capacities for payment. into this indiscretion, they were in some measure beguiled by their own sanguine calculations on the value which a free trade would bestow on the produce of their soil, and by a reliance on those evidences of the public debt which were in the hands of most of them. so extravagantly too did many estimate the temptation which equal liberty and vacant lands would hold out to emigrants from the old world, as to entertain the opinion that europe was about to empty itself into america, and that the united states would derive from that source such an increase of population, as would enhance their lands to a price heretofore not even conjectured. co-operating with the cause last mentioned, was the impression which had been made by paper money on public morals, and on public opinion. it had not escaped observation that every purchaser on credit, however excessive the price might apparently be, had not only been relieved by the depreciation, but had derived great gains from his contract. speculating on a similar course of things, many individuals had made extensive purchases at high prices; and had thus contributed to continue for a time, the deception imposed on themselves by those who supposed that the revolution was a talisman, whose magic powers were capable of changing the nature of things. the delusive hopes created by these visionary calculations were soon dissipated, and a great proportion of the inhabitants found themselves involved in debts they were unable to discharge. one of the consequences resulting from this unprosperous state of things was a general discontent with the course of trade. it had commenced with the native merchants of the north, who found themselves incapable of contending in their own ports with foreigners; and was soon communicated to others. the gazettes of boston contained some very animated and angry addresses, which produced resolutions for the government of the citizens of that town, applications to their state legislature, a petition to congress, and a circular letter to the merchants of the several sea-ports throughout the united states. after detailing the disadvantages under which the trade and navigation of america laboured, and expressing their confidence that the necessary powers to the federal government would be soon, if not already, delegated, the petition to congress thus concludes: "impressed with these ideas, your petitioners beg leave to request of the very august body which they have now the honour to address, that the numerous impositions of the british, on the trade and exports of these states, may be forthwith contravened by similar expedients on our part: else may it please your excellency and honours, the commerce of this country, and of consequence its wealth, and perhaps the union itself, may become victims to the artifice of a nation whose arms have been in vain exerted to accomplish the ruin of america." the merchants of the city of philadelphia presented a memorial to the legislature of that state, in which, after lamenting it as a fundamental defect in the constitution that full and entire power over the commerce of the united states had not been originally vested in congress, "as no concern common to many could be conducted to a good end, but by a unity of councils;" they say, "hence it is that the intercourses of the states are liable to be perplexed and injured by various and discordant regulations, instead of that harmony of measures on which the particular, as well as general interests depend; productive of mutual disgusts, and alienation among the several members of the empire. "but the more certain inconveniences foreseen and now experimentally felt, flow from the unequal footing this circumstance puts us on with other nations, and by which we stand in a very singular and disadvantageous situation; for while the whole of our trade is laid open to these nations, they are at liberty to limit us to such branches of theirs as interest or policy may dictate:--unrestrained by any apprehensions, as long as the power remains severally with the states, of being met and opposed by any consistent and effectual restrictions on our part." this memorial prayed that the legislature would endeavour to procure from congress, a recommendation to the several states, to vest in that body the necessary powers over the commerce of the united states. it was immediately taken into consideration, and resolutions were passed conforming to its prayer. similar applications were made by other commercial towns. from these proceedings, and from the general representations made by the american merchants, general washington had augured the most happy effects. in a letter to the marquis de lafayette, he thus expressed his hope of the consequences which would attend the efforts then making to enlarge the powers of congress. "however unimportant america may be considered at present, and however britain may affect to despise her trade, there will assuredly come a day when this country will have some weight in the scale of empires." but a concurrence of the states in granting to the general government the beneficial powers in question, was not so near being effected as was hoped by its friends. a resolution was moved in congress, recommending it to the several states to vest in that body full authority to regulate their commerce, both external and internal, and to impose such duties as might be necessary for that purpose. this power was to be fettered with several extraordinary limitations, which might render it more acceptable to the governments who were asked to bestow it, among which was a provision that the duties should be "collectible under the authority, and accrue to the use of the state in which the same should be made payable." notwithstanding these restrictions, marking the keen sighted jealousy with which any diminution of state sovereignty was watched, this resolution encountered much opposition even in congress. during these transactions, the public attention was called to another subject which served to impress still more powerfully on every reflecting mind, the necessity of enlarging the powers of the general government, were it only to give efficacy to those which in theory it already possessed. the uneasiness occasioned by the infractions of the treaty of peace on the part of great britain, has been already noticed. to obtain its complete execution, constituted one of the objects for which mr. adams had been deputed to the court of st. james. a memorial presented by that minister in december, , urging the complaints of america, and pressing for a full compliance with the treaty, was answered by an enumeration of the violations of that compact on the part of the united states. the marquis of carmarthen acknowledged explicitly the obligation created by the seventh article to withdraw the british garrisons from every post within the united states; but insisted that the obligation created by the fourth article, to remove every lawful impediment to the recovery of _bona fide_ debts, was equally clear and explicit. "the engagements entered into by a treaty ought," he said, "to be mutual, and equally binding on the respective contracting parties. it would, therefore, be the height of folly as well as injustice, to suppose one party alone obliged to a strict observance of the public faith, while the other might remain free to deviate from its own engagements as often as convenience might render such deviation necessary, though at the expense of its own credit and importance." he concluded with the assurance, "that whenever america should manifest a real determination to fulfil her part of the treaty, great britain would not hesitate to prove her sincerity to co-operate in whatever points depended upon her, for carrying every article of it into real and complete effect." this letter was accompanied by a statement of the infractions of the fourth article. copies of both documents were immediately transmitted by mr. adams to congress, by whom they were referred to mr. jay, the secretary for foreign affairs. the report of that upright minister did not, by contravening facts, affect to exculpate his country. "some of the facts," said he in a letter to general washington, written after permission to communicate the papers had been given, "are inaccurately stated and improperly coloured; but it is too true that the treaty has been violated. on such occasions, i think it better fairly to confess and correct errors, than attempt to deceive ourselves and others, by fallacious though plausible palliations and excuses. "to oppose popular prejudices, to censure the proceedings and expose the impropriety of states, is an unpleasant task, but it must be done."[ ] [footnote : the facts relative to this negotiation were stated in the correspondence of general washington. the statement is supported by the secret journals of congress, vol. , p. , and those which follow.] that the united states might with reason be required to fulfil the treaty before they could entitle themselves to demand a strict performance of it on the part of great britain, was a position the propriety of which they were prevented from contesting by the miserably defective organization of the government. if their treaties were obligatory in theory, the inability of congress to enforce their execution had been demonstrated in practice. restrained by this defect in the constitution from insisting that the evacuation of the western posts should precede the removal of the impediments to the _bona fide_ execution of the treaty on the part of america, government exerted its earnest endeavours to prevail on the several states to repeal all existing laws which might be repugnant to that compact. the resolutions which were passed on that subject, and the circular letters which accompanied them to the several governors, contain arguments which ought to have demonstrated to all, the constitutional obligation of a treaty negotiated under the authority of congress, and the real policy, as well as the moral duty of faithfully executing that which had been formed with great britain. to the deep mortification of those who respected the character of the nation, these earnest representations did not produce the effect which was expected from them. "it was impolitic and unfortunate, if not unjust in these states," said general washington to a member of congress by whom the objectionable conduct of america was first intimated to him, "to pass laws which by fair construction might be considered as infractions of the treaty of peace. it is good policy at all times to place one's adversary in the wrong. had we observed good faith, and the western posts had been withheld from us by great britain, we might have appealed to god and man for justice." "what a misfortune it is," said he in reply to the secretary for foreign affairs, "that the british should have so well grounded a pretext for their palpable infractions, and what a disgraceful part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act!" [sidenote: rise of parties in the united states.] the discontents arising from the embarrassments in which individuals were involved, continued to increase. at length, two great parties were formed in every state, which were distinctly marked, and which pursued distinct objects, with systematic arrangement. the one struggled with unabated zeal for the exact observance of public and private engagements. by those belonging to it, the faith of a nation, or of a private man was deemed a sacred pledge, the violation of which was equally forbidden by the principles of moral justice, and of sound policy. the distresses of individuals were, they thought, to be alleviated only by industry and frugality, not by a relaxation of the laws, or by a sacrifice of the rights of others. they were consequently the uniform friends of a regular administration of justice, and of a vigorous course of taxation which would enable the state to comply with its engagements. by a natural association of ideas, they were also, with very few exceptions, in favour of enlarging the powers of the federal government, and of enabling it to protect the dignity and character of the nation abroad, and its interests at home. the other party marked out for themselves a more indulgent course. viewing with extreme tenderness the case of the debtor, their efforts were unceasingly directed to his relief. to exact a faithful compliance with contracts was, in their opinion, a harsh measure which the people would not bear. they were uniformly in favour of relaxing the administration of justice, of affording facilities for the payment of debts, or of suspending their collection, and of remitting taxes. the same course of opinion led them to resist every attempt to transfer from their own hands into those of congress, powers, which by others were deemed essential to the preservation of the union. in many of these states, the party last mentioned, constituted a decided majority of the people; and in all of them, it was very powerful. the emission of paper money, the delay of legal proceedings, and the suspension of the collection of taxes, were the fruits of their rule wherever they were completely predominant. even where they failed to carry their measures, their strength was such as to encourage the hope of succeeding in a future attempt; and annual elections held forth to them the prospect of speedily repairing the loss of a favourite question. throughout the union, the contest between these parties was periodically revived; and the public mind was perpetually agitated with hopes and fears on subjects which essentially affected the fortunes of a considerable proportion of the society. these contests were the more animated, because, in the state governments generally, no principle had been introduced which could resist the wild projects of the moment, give the people an opportunity to reflect, and allow the good sense of the nation time for exertion. this uncertainty with respect to measures of great importance to every member of the community, this instability in principles which ought, if possible, to be rendered immutable, produced a long train of ills; and is seriously believed to have been among the operating causes of those pecuniary embarrassments, which, at that time, were so general as to influence the legislation of almost every state in the union. its direct consequence was the loss of confidence in the government, and in individuals. this, so far as respected the government, was peculiarly discernible in the value of state debts. the war having been conducted by nations in many respects independent of each other, the debts contracted in its prosecution were due, in part from the united states, and in part from the individual states who became immediately responsible to the creditors, retaining their claim against the government of the union for any balances which might appear to be due on a general settlement of accounts. that the debt of the united states should have greatly depreciated will excite no surprise, when it is recollected that the government of the union possessed no funds, and, without the assent of jealous and independent sovereigns, could acquire none, to pay the accruing interest: but the depreciation of the debt due from those states which made an annual and adequate provision for the interest, can be ascribed only to a want of confidence in governments which were controlled by no fixed principles; and it is therefore not entirely unworthy of attention. in many of those states which had repelled every attempt to introduce into circulation a depreciated medium of commerce, or to defeat the annual provision of funds for the payment of the interest, the debt sunk in value to ten, five, and even less than four shillings in the pound. however unexceptionable might be the conduct of the existing legislature, the hazard from those which were to follow was too great to be encountered without an immense premium. in private transactions, an astonishing degree of distrust also prevailed. the bonds of men whose ability to pay their debts was unquestionable, could not be negotiated but at a discount of thirty, forty, and fifty _per centum_: real property was scarcely vendible; and sales of any article for ready money could be made only at a ruinous loss. the prospect of extricating the country from these embarrassments was by no means flattering. whilst every thing else fluctuated, some of the causes which produced this calamitous state of things were permanent. the hope and fear still remained, that the debtor party would obtain the victory at the elections; and instead of making the painful effort to obtain relief by industry and economy, many rested all their hopes on legislative interference. the mass of national labour, and of national wealth, was consequently diminished. in every quarter were found those who asserted it to be impossible for the people to pay their public or private debts; and in some instances, threats were uttered of suspending the administration of justice by violence. by the enlightened friends of republican government, this gloomy state of things was viewed with deep chagrin. many became apprehensive that those plans from which so much happiness to the human race had been anticipated, would produce only real misery; and would maintain but a short and a turbulent existence. meanwhile, the wise and thinking part of the community, who could trace evils to their source, laboured unceasingly to inculcate opinions favourable to the incorporation of some principles into the political system, which might correct the obvious vices, without endangering the free spirit of the existing institutions. while the advocates for union were exerting themselves to impress its necessity on the public mind, measures were taken in virginia, which, though originating in different views, terminated in a proposition for a general convention to revise the state of the union. to form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers potomac and pocomoke, and of part of the bay of chesapeake, commissioners were appointed by the legislatures of virginia and maryland, who assembled in alexandria, in march, . while at mount vernon on a visit, they agreed to propose to their respective governments, the appointment of other commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval force in the chesapeake; and to establish a tariff of duties on imports, to which the laws of both states should conform. when these propositions received the assent of the legislature of virginia, an additional resolution was passed, directing that which respected the duties on imports to be communicated to all the states in the union, who were invited to send deputies to the meeting. on the st of january, , a few days after the passage of these resolutions, another was adopted appointing certain commissioners,[ ] "who were to meet such as might be appointed by the other states in the union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to take into consideration the trade of the united states; to examine the relative situation and trade of the said states; to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial relations may be necessary to their common interest, and their permanent harmony; and to report to the several states such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the united states in congress assembled effectually to provide for the same." [footnote : edmund randolph, james madison, walter jones, st. george tucker, and meriwether smith.] in the circular letter transmitting these resolutions to the respective states, annapolis in maryland was proposed as the place, and the ensuing september as the time of meeting. before the arrival of the period at which these commissioners were to assemble, the idea was carried by those who saw and deplored the complicated calamities which flowed from the intricacy of the general government, much further than was avowed by the resolution of virginia. "although," said one of the most conspicuous patriots[ ] of the revolution, in a letter to general washington, dated the th of march, , "you have wisely retired from public employments, and calmly view from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that sovereignty and independence which providence has enabled you to be so greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country, yet i am persuaded you can not view them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator. [footnote : mr. jay.] "experience has pointed out errors in our national government which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from our tree of liberty. the convention proposed by virginia may do some good, and would perhaps do more, if it comprehended more objects. an opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revising the articles of confederation would be expedient. whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be attained by it is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain. "i think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness. it is in contemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. the plan is not matured. if it should be well connected and take effect, i am fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life you have marked out for yourself, to favour your country with your counsels on such an important and _single_ occasion. i suggest this merely as a hint for consideration." in the moment of tranquillity, and of real or imaginary security, the mind delights to retrace the intricate path by which this point of repose has been attained. the patriots who accomplished that great revolution which has given to the american people a national government capable of maintaining the union of the states, and of preserving republican liberty, must be gratified with the review of that arduous and doubtful struggle, which terminated in the triumph of human reason, and the establishment of that government. even to him who was not an actor in the busy scene, who enjoys the fruits of the labour without participating in the toils or the fears of the patriots who have preceded him, the sentiments entertained by the most enlightened and virtuous of america at the eventful period between the restoration of peace and the adoption of our present free and effective constitution, can not be uninteresting. "our affairs," said the same gentleman in a letter of the th of june, "seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution--something that i can not foresee or conjecture. i am uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during the war. _then_, we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet i did firmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because i did firmly believe that justice was with us. the case is now altered; we are going, and doing wrong, and therefore i look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. "that we shall again recover, and things again go well, i have no doubt. such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation, for transient and unimportant purposes. i therefore believe we are yet to become a great and respectable people--but when or how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern. "there doubtless is much reason to think and to say that we are wofully, and, in many instances, wickedly misled. private rage for property suppresses public considerations, and personal rather than national interests have become the great objects of attention. representative bodies will ever be faithful copies of their originals, and generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of virtue and vice, of abilities and weakness. the mass of men are neither wise nor good, and the virtue, like the other resources of a country, can only be drawn to a point by strong circumstances, ably managed, or strong governments, ably administered. new governments have not the aid of habit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result of preceding tumult and confusion, do not immediately acquire stability or strength. besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain confidence and importance who merit neither; and who, like political mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulous crowd, than about making the most of their nostrums and prescriptions. "what i most fear is, that the better kind of people (by which i mean the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. a state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security." to this interesting letter, general washington made the following reply: "your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. what the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. we have errors to correct; we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. i do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states. to be fearful of investing congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. could congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? by the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election? we must take human nature as we find it: perfection falls not to the share of mortals. many are of opinion that congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition in applications to the states, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedience. be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-word throughout the land. if you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. what then is to be done? things can not go on in the same train for ever. it is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. we are apt to run from one extreme into another. to anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. "what astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. from thinking, proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions!--what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! would to god that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. "retired as i am from the world, i frankly acknowledge i can not feel myself an unconcerned spectator. yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. "nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen.--they have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner.--i had then perhaps some claims to public attention.--i consider myself as having none at present." [sidenote: the convention at annapolis.] the convention at annapolis was attended by commissioners from only six states.[ ] these, after appointing mr. dickinson their chairman, proceeded to discuss the objects for which they had convened. perceiving that more ample powers would be required to effect the beneficial purposes which they contemplated, and hoping to procure a representation from a greater number of states, the convention determined to rise without coming to any specific resolutions on the particular subject which had been referred to them. previous to their adjournment, however, they agreed on a report to be made to their respective states, in which they represented the necessity of extending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, and recommended that deputies for that purpose be appointed by the several legislatures, to meet in convention in the city of philadelphia, on the second day of the ensuing may. [footnote : new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, and virginia.] the reasons for preferring a convention to a discussion of this subject in congress were stated to be, "that in the latter body, it might be too much interrupted by the ordinary business before them, and would, besides, be deprived of the valuable counsels of sundry individuals who were disqualified by the constitution or laws of particular states, or by peculiar circumstances, from a seat in that assembly." a copy of this report was transmitted to congress in a letter from the chairman, stating the inefficacy of the federal government, and the necessity of devising such further provisions as would render it adequate to the exigencies of the union. [sidenote: virginia appoints deputies to meet those of other states at philadelphia for the purpose of revising the federal system.] on receiving this report, the legislature of virginia passed an act for the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed by other states; to assemble in convention at philadelphia, at the time, and for the purposes, specified in the recommendation from the convention which had met at annapolis. in communicating this act to general washington, its principal advocate[ ] thus intimated the intention of aiding it by the influence and character of the chief of the revolution. "it has been thought adviseable to give the subject a very solemn dress, and all the weight which could be derived from a single state. this idea will also be pursued in the selection of characters to represent virginia in the federal convention. you will infer our earnestness on this point, from the liberty which will be used of placing your name at the head of them. how far this liberty may correspond with the ideas by which you ought to be governed, will be best decided where it must ultimately be decided. in every event it will assist powerfully in marking the zeal of our legislature, and its opinion of the magnitude of the occasion." [footnote : mr. madison.] "although," said the general in reply, "i have bid a public adieu to the public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread that theatre; yet, if upon an occasion so interesting to the well being of the confederacy, it had been the wish of the assembly that i should be an associate in the business of revising the federal system, i should from a sense of the obligation i am under for repeated proofs of confidence in me, more than from any opinion i could entertain of my usefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to do this with any degree of consistency--the cause i will mention. "i presume you heard, sir, that i was first appointed, and have since been rechosen president of the society of the cincinnati; and you may have understood also, that the triennial general meeting of this body is to be held in philadelphia the first monday in may next. some particular reasons combining with the peculiar situation of my private concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for retirement and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains which i begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the st ultimo, to address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of my intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be rechosen president. the vice-president is also informed of this, that the business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. under these circumstances, it will readily be perceived that i could not appear at the same time and place on any other occasion, without giving offence to a very respectable and deserving part of the community--the late officers of the american army." [sidenote: washington chosen one of them.] notwithstanding this letter, the name of general washington was not withdrawn, and he was unanimously chosen a member of the convention. on receiving private information of this appointment, he addressed a second letter to his confidential friend, in which he detailed more at large, the motives which induced him to decline a service, the importance of which he felt sensibly, and which he would willingly have undertaken but for the peculiar circumstances which were stated. his name, however, was continued in the appointment. the gloomy aspect of affairs in the north rendered this the more necessary, and it was thus explained by his correspondent. "i have considered well the circumstances which it (your letter) confidentially discloses, as well as those contained in your preceding favour. the difficulties which they oppose to an acceptance of the appointment in which you are included, can as little be denied, as they can fail to be regretted. but i still am inclined to think, that the posture of our affairs, if it should continue, would prevent any criticism on the situation which the contemporary meetings would place you in; and wish that at least a door could be kept open for your acceptance hereafter, in case the gathering clouds should become so dark and menacing as to supersede every consideration but that of our national existence or safety. a suspense of your ultimate determination would be nowise inconvenient in a public view, as the executive are authorized to fill vacancies, and can fill them at any time; and in any event, three out of seven deputies are authorized to represent the state. how far it may be admissible in another view, will depend perhaps in some measure on the chance of your finally undertaking the service, but principally on the correspondence which is now passing on the subject, between yourself and the governor." the governor of virginia,[ ] who was himself also elected to the convention, transmitted to general washington the act, and the vote of the assembly in the following letter. "by the enclosed act you will readily discover that the assembly are alarmed at the storms which threaten the united states. what our enemies have foretold seems to be hastening to its accomplishment, and can not be frustrated but by an instantaneous, zealous, and steady union among the friends of the federal government. to you i need not press our present dangers. the inefficiency of congress you have often felt in your official character; the increasing languor of our associated republics you hourly see; and a dissolution would be, i know, to you, a source of the deepest mortification. [footnote : mr. randolph.] "i freely then entreat you to accept the unanimous appointment of the general assembly to the convention at philadelphia. for the gloomy prospect still admits one ray of hope, that those who began, carried on, and consummated the revolution, can yet rescue america from the impending ruin." "sensible as i am," said the general in reply, "of the honour conferred on me by the general assembly of this commonwealth, in appointing me one of the deputies to a convention proposed to be held in the city of philadelphia in may next, for the purpose of revising the federal constitution; and desirous as i am on all occasions of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country--yet, sir, there exist at this moment, circumstances which i am persuaded will render this fresh instance of confidence incompatible with other measures which i had previously adopted, and from which seeing little prospect of disengaging myself, it would be disingenuous not to express a wish that some other character, on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place, the probability of my non-attendance being too great to continue my appointment. "as no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the critical situation of our affairs, resulting in a great measure from the want of efficient powers in the federal head, and due respect to its ordinances, so consequently those who do engage in the important business of removing these defects, will carry with them every good wish of mine, which the best dispositions towards their attainment can bestow." the executive, unwilling to relinquish the advantages which the legislature had expected to derive from exhibiting the name of washington at the head of the virginia delegation, refused to consider him as having declined the appointment. that his judgment had not completely decided on the course which duty and patriotism required him to pursue; that in a crisis on which probably depended the union of the states, and the happiness of america, he refused himself reluctantly to the anxious wishes of his countrymen; were too apparent not to leave a hope that events might yet determine him to yield to their desires. he was therefore emphatically requested not to decide absolutely, and was informed that as no inconvenience would result from not appointing a successor, the option of complying with the earnest solicitations of those who considered the effort about to be made as the last hope of the union, would, as long as possible, be permitted to remain with him. in the mean time, those who persuaded themselves that much good might result from the proposed convention, continued to urge him with delicacy but with earnestness, not to withhold on this great and particular occasion, those inestimable services which the confidence so justly reposed by the public in his talents and character, enabled him alone to render. placed in these circumstances, general washington weighed deliberately in his own mind the arguments for and against accepting the appointment which was so seriously pressed upon him. that the proposed convention was, in any point of view in which it could be contemplated, an object of the first magnitude, appeared to him to be undeniable. it was apparent that the actual government could not exist much longer without additional means. it was therefore necessary to meet the solemn question whether it ought to be supported or annihilated. those who embraced the former part of the alternative must consider the convention as the only remaining experiment from which the federal government could derive powers sufficiently ample for its preservation. those who embraced the latter, who thought that on a full and dispassionate revision of the system, its continuance would be adjudged impracticable or unwise, could not hesitate to admit that their opinion would derive great additional weight from the sanction of so respectable a body as that which was about to assemble: and that in such an event, it was greatly desirable, and would afford some security against civil discord, to put the public in possession of a plan prepared and digested by such high authority. "i must candidly confess," he added in a letter to colonel humphries, "as we could not remain quiet more than three or four years in time of peace, under the constitutions of our own choosing, which were believed in many states to have been formed with deliberation and wisdom, i see little prospect either of our agreeing on any other, or that we should remain long satisfied under it, if we could. yet i would wish any thing and every thing essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and to avert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind!" earnestly as general washington wished success to the experiment about to be made, he could not surrender his objections to the step its friends urged him to take, without the most serious consideration. in addition to that which grew out of his connexion with the cincinnati, and to the reluctance with which he could permit himself to be drawn, on any occasion, into a political station, there were others which could not be disregarded. a convention, not originating in a recommendation of congress, was deemed by many an illegitimate meeting; and as the new england states had neglected the invitation to appear by their representatives at annapolis, there was reason to apprehend they might be equally inattentive to the request now made them to assemble at philadelphia. to appear in a public character, for a purpose not generally deemed of the utmost importance, would not only be unpleasant to himself, but might diminish his capacity to be useful on occasions which subsequent events might produce. "if," said he in a private letter to a military friend, "this second attempt to convene the states for the purposes proposed by the report of the partial representation at annapolis in september, should also prove abortive, it may be considered as unequivocal evidence that the states are not likely to agree on any general measure which is to pervade the union, and of course, that there is an end of the federal government. the states which make this last dying essay to avoid this misfortune would be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would return home chagrined at their ill success and disappointment. this would be a disagreeable circumstance to any one of them, but more particularly to a person in my situation." his letters of consultation therefore, with a few confidential friends, also requested information respecting those points on which his own judgment might ultimately be formed. he was particularly desirous of knowing how the proposition made by virginia was received in the other states, and what measures were taken to contravene, or to give it effect. he inquired too with the utmost solicitude how the members of the cincinnati would receive his appearance in convention, after declining to be rechosen the president of that society. the enlightened friends of the union and of republican government, generally regarded the convention as a measure which afforded the best chance for preserving liberty and internal peace. and those whose hopes predominated over their fears, were anxious to increase the probability of deriving from it every practicable good, by retaining on the list of its members, the most conspicuous name of which america could boast. but this opinion was not universal. among those who felt the importance of the crisis, and who earnestly wished that a free government, competent to the preservation of the union, might be established, there were some who despaired of a favourable issue to the attempt, and who were therefore anxious to rescue their general from the increased mortification which would attend its failure, should he be personally engaged in it. they believed that all the states would not be represented in the convention. in a letter of the th of january, , colonel humphries, who was himself under this impression, thus accounts for the omission of the federal men in the assembly of connecticut, to press the appointment of deputies. "the reason," he said, "was a conviction that the persons who could be elected were some of the best anti-federal men in the state, who believed, or acted as if they believed, that the powers of congress were already too unlimited, and who would wish, apparently, to see the union dissolved. these demagogues," continued the letter, "really affect to persuade the people (to use their own phraseology) that they are only in danger of having their liberties stolen away by an artful designing aristocracy. but should the convention be formed under the most favourable auspices, and should the members be unanimous in recommending, in the most forcible, the most glowing, and the most pathetic terms which language can afford, that it is indispensable to the salvation of the country, congress should be clothed with more ample powers, the states," he thought, "would not all comply with the recommendation. they have a mortal reluctance to divest themselves of the smallest attribute of independent separate sovereignties." after assigning many reasons against accepting the appointment, this gentleman added: "the result of the convention may not perhaps be so important as is expected, in which case your character would be materially affected. other people can work up the present scene. i know your personal influence and character is justly considered the last stake which america has to play. should you not reserve yourself for the united call of a continent entire? "if you should attend on this convention, and concur in recommending measures which should be generally adopted, but opposed in some parts of the union, it would doubtless be understood that you had in a degree pledged yourself for their execution. this would at once sweep you back inevitably into the tide of public affairs." the same opinion was also intimated by another military friend[ ] who had always possessed a large portion of the esteem and affection of his general. after stating the various and contradictory plans of government which were suggested by the schemers of the day, he added: "you will see by this sketch, my dear sir, how various are the opinions of men, and how difficult it will be to bring them to concur in any effective government. i am persuaded, if you were determined to attend the convention, and it should be generally known, it would induce the eastern states to send delegates to it. i should therefore be much obliged for information of your decision on this subject. at the same time, the principles of the purest and most respectful friendship induce me to say, that however strongly i wish for measures which would lead to national happiness and glory, yet i do not wish you to be concerned in any political operations, of which there are such various opinions. there may indeed arise some solemn occasion, in which you may conceive it to be your duty again to exert your utmost talents to promote the happiness of your country. but this occasion must be of an unequivocal nature, in which the enlightened and virtuous citizens should generally concur." [footnote : general knox.] while the confidential friends of general washington were thus divided on the part which it behoved him to act, there was much reason to fear that a full representation of the states would not be obtained. among those who were disinclined to a convention, were persons who were actuated by different, and even by opposite motives. there were probably some who believed that a higher toned[ ] government than was compatible with the opinions generally prevailing among the friends of order, of real liberty, and of national character, was essential to the public safety. they believed that men would be conducted to that point only through the road of misery into which their follies would lead them, and that "times must be worse before they could be better." many had sketched in their own minds a plan of government strongly resembling that which had been actually adopted, but despaired of seeing so rational a system accepted, or even recommended; "some gentlemen," said the correspondent last mentioned, "are apprehensive that a convention of the nature proposed to meet in may next, might devise some expedient to brace up the present defective confederation, so as just to serve to keep us together, while it would prevent those exertions for a national character which are essential to our happiness: that in this point of view it might be attended with the bad effect of assisting us to creep on in our present miserable condition, without a hope of a generous constitution, that should, at the same time, shield us from the effects of faction, and of despotism."[ ] many discountenanced the convention, because the mode of calling it was deemed irregular, and some objected to it, because it was not so constituted as to give authority to the plan which should be devised. but the great mass of opposition originated in a devotion to state sovereignty, and in hostility to any considerable augmentation of federal power. [footnote : this sentiment was far from being avowed by any correspondent of general washington, but is stated in the private letters to him, to have been taken up by some.] [footnote : in a subsequent part of the same letter, this gentleman draws the outlines of a constitution such as he would wish. it is essentially the same with that which was recommended by the convention.] the ultimate decision of the states on this interesting proposition seems to have been in no inconsiderable degree influenced by the commotions which about that time agitated all new england, and particularly massachusetts. [sidenote: insurrection in massachusetts.] those causes of discontent which existed, after the restoration of peace, in every part of the union, were particularly operative in new england. the great exertions which had been made by those states in the course of the war, had accumulated a mass of debt, the taxes for the payment of which were the more burdensome, because their fisheries had become unproductive. the restlessness produced by the uneasy situation of individuals, connected with lax notions concerning public and private faith, and erroneous opinions which confound liberty with an exemption from legal control, produced a state of things which alarmed all reflecting men, and demonstrated to many the indispensable necessity of clothing government with powers sufficiently ample for the protection of the rights of the peaceable and quiet, from the invasions of the licentious and turbulent part of the community. this disorderly spirit was cherished by unlicensed conventions, which, after voting their own constitutionality, and assuming the name of the people, arrayed themselves against the legislature, and detailed at great length the grievances by which they alleged themselves to be oppressed. its hostility was principally directed against the compensation promised to the officers of the army, against taxes, and against the administration of justice: and the circulation of a depreciated currency was required, as a relief from the pressure of public and private burdens which had become, it was alleged, too heavy to be borne. against lawyers and courts, the strongest resentments were manifested; and to such a dangerous extent were these dispositions indulged, that, in many instances, tumultuous assemblages of people arrested the course of law, and restrained the judges from proceeding in the execution of their duty. the ordinary recourse to the power of the country was found an insufficient protection, and the appeals made to reason were attended with no beneficial effect. the forbearance of the government was attributed to timidity rather than to moderation, and the spirit of insurrection appeared to be organized into a regular system for the suppression of courts. in the bosom of washington, these tumults excited attention and alarm. "for god's sake tell me," said he in a letter to colonel humphries, "what is the cause of all these commotions? do they proceed from licentiousness, british influence disseminated by the tories, or real grievances which admit of redress? if the latter, why was redress delayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? if the former, why are not the powers of government tried at once? it is as well to be without, as not to exercise them. commotions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is no opposition in the way to divide and crumble them." "as to your question, my dear general," said colonel humphries in reply, "respecting the cause and origin of these commotions, i hardly find myself in condition to give a certain answer. if from all the information i have been able to obtain, i might be authorized to hazard an opinion, i should attribute them to all the three causes which you have suggested. in massachusetts particularly, i believe there are a few real grievances; and also some wicked agents or emissaries who have been busy in magnifying the positive evils, and fomenting causeless jealousies and disturbances. but it rather appears to me, that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among many of the people; a levelling principle; a desire of change; and a wish to annihilate all debts, public and private." "it is indeed a fact," said general knox, after returning from a visit to the eastern country, "that high taxes are the ostensible cause of the commotion, but that they are the real cause, is as far remote from truth, as light is from darkness. the people who are the insurgents have never paid any, or but very little taxes. but they see the weakness of government. they feel at once their own poverty compared with the opulent, and their own force; and they are determined to make use of the latter, in order to remedy the former. their creed is, that the property of the united states has been protected from confiscation by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be common to all. and he that attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face of the earth." the force of this party throughout new england was computed by general knox at twelve or fifteen thousand men. "they were chiefly," he said, "of the young and active part of the community, who were more easily collected than kept together. desperate and unprincipled, they would probably commit overt acts of treason which would compel them, for their own safety, to embody and submit to discipline. thus would there be a formidable rebellion against reason, the principle of all government, and the very name of liberty. this dreadful situation," he added, "has alarmed every man of principle and property in new england. they start as from a dream, and ask--what has been the cause of our delusion? what is to afford us security against the violence of lawless men? our government must be braced, changed, or altered, to secure our lives and our property. we imagined that the mildness of the government, and the virtue of the people were so correspondent, that we were not as other nations, requiring brutal force to support the laws. but we find that we are men, actual men, possessing all the turbulent passions belonging to that animal; and that we must have a government proper and adequate for him. men of reflection and principle are determined to endeavour to establish a government which shall have the power to protect them in their lawful pursuits, and which will be efficient in cases of internal commotions, or foreign invasions. they mean that liberty shall be the basis, a liberty resulting from the equal and firm administration of the laws." deeply affected by these commotions, general washington continued his anxious inquiries respecting the course they threatened to take. "i feel, my dear general knox," said he, in answer to the letter from which the foregoing extracts are taken, "infinitely more than i can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these states. good god! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a briton have predicted them? i do assure you that even at this moment, when i reflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me like the visions of a dream. my mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in actual existence:--so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me. in this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. when this spirit first dawned, it might probably have been easily checked; but it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will terminate. there are combustibles in every state, to which a spark might set fire. "in bewailing, which i have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend general greene,[ ] i have accompanied my regrets of late with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to the scenes which it is more than probable, many of his compatriots may live to bemoan." [footnote : this valuable officer died in georgia in the year .] ostensibly, on account of the danger which threatened the frontiers, but, really, with a view to the situation of massachusetts, congress had agreed to augment the military establishment to a legionary corps of two thousand and forty men, and had detached the secretary of war, general knox, to that state, with directions to concert measures with its government for the safety of the arsenal at springfield. so inauspicious was the aspect of affairs, as to inspire serious fears that the torch of civil discord, about to be lighted up in massachusetts, would communicate its flame to all new england, and perhaps to the union. colonel lee, a member of congress, drew the following picture of the condition of the eastern country at that time. "general knox has just returned, and his report, grounded on his own knowledge, is replete with melancholy information. a majority of the people of massachusetts are in opposition to the government. some of the leaders avow the subversion of it to be their object, together with the abolition of debts, the division of property, and a reunion with great britain. in all the eastern states, same temper prevails more or less, and will certainly break forth whenever the opportune moment may arrive. the malcontents are in close connexion with vermont, and that district, it is believed, is in negotiation with the government of canada. in one word, my dear general, we are all in dire apprehension that a beginning of anarchy with all its calamities is made, and we have no means to stop the dreadful work. knowing your unbounded influence, and believing that your appearance among the seditious might bring them back to peace and reconciliation, individuals suggest the propriety of an invitation to you from congress to pay us a visit. this is only a surmise, and i take the liberty to mention it to you, that, should the conjuncture of affairs induce congress to make this request, you may have some previous time for reflection on it." "the picture which you have exhibited," replied the general, "and the accounts which are published of the commotions and temper of numerous bodies in the eastern country, present a state of things equally to be lamented and deprecated. they exhibit a melancholy verification of what our transatlantic foes have predicted; and of another thing perhaps which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable--that mankind when left to themselves are unfit for their own government. i am mortified beyond expression when i view the clouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any country. in a word, i am lost in amazement when i behold what intrigue, the interested views of desperate characters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting as a scourge on the major part of our fellow citizens of the union; for it is hardly to be supposed that the great body of the people, though they will not act, can be so short sighted or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly. "you talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in massachusetts. i know not where that influence is to be found; nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these disorders. _influence_ is not _government_. let us have a _government_, by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. under these impressions, my humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. know precisely what the insurgents aim at. if they have _real_ grievances, redress them if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it in the present moment. if they have not, employ the force of the government against them at once. if this is inadequate, _all_ will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. to be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. to delay one or the other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers; for like snow-balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weight is too great and irresistible. "these are my sentiments. precedents are dangerous things. let the reins of government then be braced, and held with a steady hand; and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. if defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence." in a letter written about the same period, colonel humphries, after stating his apprehensions that the insurgents would seize the continental magazine at springfield, proceeded to add: "a general failure to comply with the requisitions of congress for money, seems to prognosticate that we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. the wheels of the great political machine can scarcely continue to move much longer, under their present embarrassment. congress, i am told, are seriously alarmed, and hardly know which way to turn, or what to expect. indeed, my dear general, nothing but a good providence can extricate us from our present difficulties, and prevent some terrible conclusion. "in case of civil discord i have already told you it was seriously my opinion that you could not remain neuter; and that you would be obliged in self defence, to take part on one side or the other, or withdraw from the continent. your friends are of the same opinion; and i believe you are convinced that it is impossible to have more disinterested or zealous friends, than those who have been about your person." "it is," said the general in reply, "with the deepest and most heartfelt concern, i perceive by some late paragraphs extracted from the boston papers, that the insurgents of massachusetts, far from being satisfied with the redress offered by their general court, are still acting in open violation of law and government, and have obliged the chief magistrate, in a decided tone, to call upon the militia of the state to support the constitution. what, gracious god, is man! that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. it is but the other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live--constitutions of our own choice and making--and now, we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. the thing is so unaccountable, that i hardly know how to realize it; or to persuade myself that i am not under the illusion of a dream. "my mind, previous to the receipt of your letter of the first ultimo, had often been agitated by a thought similar to the one you expressed respecting an old friend of yours: but heaven forbid that a crisis should come when he shall be driven to the necessity of making a choice of either of the alternatives there mentioned." finding that the lenient measures which had been taken by the legislature to reclaim the insurgents, only enlarged their demands; and that they were proceeding systematically to organize a military force for the subversion of the constitution; governor bowdoin determined, with the advice of council, on a vigorous exertion of all the powers he possessed, for the protection and defence of the commonwealth. upwards of four thousand militia were ordered into service, and were placed under the command of the veteran general lincoln. "his military reputation," says mr. minot, "and mildness of temper, rendered him doubly capacitated for so delicate and important a trust." but the public treasury did not afford the means of keeping this force in the field a single week; and, the legislature not being in session, the government was incapable of putting the troops in motion. this difficulty was removed by individual patriotism. from the commencement of the commotions, the citizens of boston had manifested, unequivocally, their fidelity to the constitution. on this occasion, a number of gentlemen, preceded by the governor, subscribed, in a few hours, a sufficient sum to carry on the proposed expedition. in the depth of winter, the troops from the eastern part of the state assembled near boston, and marched towards the scene of action. those from the western counties met in arms under general shepard, and took possession of the arsenal at springfield. before the arrival of lincoln, a party of the insurgents attempted to dislodge shepard, but were repulsed with some loss. not being pursued by that officer, who could not venture to weaken his post by detachments, they continued embodied, but did not venture again to undertake offensive operations. urging his march with the utmost celerity, lincoln soon came up; and, pressing the insurgent army, endeavoured, by a succession of rapid movements, in which the ardour of his troops triumphed over the severity of the season, to disperse, or to bring it to action. their generals retreated from post to post with a rapidity which for some time eluded his designs; and, rejecting every proposition to lay down their arms, used all their address to produce a suspension of hostilities until an accommodation might be negotiated with the legislature. "applications were also made," says general lincoln, "by committees and select men of the several towns in the counties of worcester and hampshire, praying that the effusion of blood might be avoided, while the real design of these applications was supposed to be, to stay our operations until a new court should be elected. they had no doubt, if they could keep up their influence until another choice of the legislature and of the executive, that matters might be moulded in general court to their wishes. to avoid this, was the duty of government." in answer to these applications, lincoln exhorted those towns who sincerely wished to put an end to the rebellion without the effusion of blood, "to recall their men now in arms, and to aid in apprehending all abettors of those who should persist in their treason, and all who should yield them any comfort or supplies." the army of government continued to brave the rigours of the climate, and to press the insurgents without intermission. at length, with the loss of a few killed, and several prisoners, the rebels were dispersed, their leaders driven out of the state, and this formidable and wicked rebellion was quelled. the same love of country which had supported the officers and soldiers of the late army through a perilous war, still glowed in their bosoms; and the patriot veterans of the revolution, uninfected by the wide spreading contagion of the times, arranged themselves almost universally under the banners of the constitution and of the laws. this circumstance lessened the prejudices which had been excited against them as creditors of the public, and diminished the odium which, in the eastern states, especially, had been directed against the order of the cincinnati. but the most important effect of this unprovoked rebellion was, a deep conviction of the necessity of enlarging the powers of the general government; and the consequent direction of the public mind towards the convention which was to assemble at philadelphia. in producing this effect, a resolution of congress had also considerable influence. new york had given her final _veto_ to the impost system, and in doing so, had virtually decreed the dissolution of the existing government. the confederation was apparently expiring from mere debility. the last hope of its friends having been destroyed, the vital necessity of some measure which might prevent the separation of the integral parts of which the american empire was composed, became apparent even to those who had been unwilling to perceive it; and congress was restrained from giving its sanction to the proposed convention, only by an apprehension that their taking an interest in the measure would impede rather than promote it. from this embarrassment, the members of that body were relieved by the legislature of new york. a vote of that state, which passed in the senate by a majority of only one voice, instructed its delegation to move in congress, a resolution, recommending to the several states, to appoint deputies to meet in convention, for the purpose of revising and proposing amendments to the federal constitution. on the st of february, , the day succeeding the instructions given by new york, the subject, which had been for some time under consideration, was finally acted upon: and it was declared, "in the opinion of congress, to be expedient that, on the second monday in may next, a convention of delegates, who shall have been appointed by the several states, be held at philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and reporting to congress and the several legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein, as shall, when agreed to in congress, and confirmed by the states, render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the union." this recommendation removed all objections to the regularity of the convention; and co-operated with the impressions made by the licentious and turbulent spirit which had lately endangered the peace and liberty of new england, to incline those states to favour the measure. by giving the proposed meeting a constitutional sanction, and by postponing it to a day subsequent to that on which the cincinnati were to assemble, it also removed one impediment, and diminished another, to the attendance of general washington as a member. he persuaded himself that by repairing to philadelphia previous to the second monday in may, in order to attend the general meeting of the cincinnati, he should efface any impressions unfavourable to the attachment he felt to his military friends, which might otherwise be excited in their bosoms by his appearing in a public character, after declining the presidency of their society. the increasing probability that the convention would be attended by a full representation of the states, and would propose a scheme of government which, if accepted, might conduce to the public happiness, and would not be unworthy of his character, had also its influence on his mind. an opinion too began to prevail, that the government must be invigorated by agreement or by force, and that a part of the opposition to the convention originated in a desire to establish a system of greater energy than could spring from consent. the idea that his refusing his aid in the present crisis might be attributed to a dereliction of republican principles, furnished additional motives for yielding to the wishes of his fellow citizens. on the th of march, he addressed a letter to the governor of virginia, in which, after stating the reasons which had induced him to decline attending the convention, the influence of which he still felt, he added--"however, as my friends, with a degree of solicitude which is unusual, seem to wish for my attendance on this occasion, i have come to a resolution to go if my health will permit, provided from the lapse of time between your excellency's letter and this reply, the executive may not (the reverse of which would be highly pleasing to me) have turned their thoughts to some other character." after communicating this determination to the executive of virginia, he received a letter from the secretary of war, one of the small number of his friends who had endeavoured to dissuade him from the resolution he had ultimately taken, in which that officer avowed an entire change of opinion on this subject. "it is," said he, "the general wish that you should attend. it is conceived to be highly important to the success of the propositions which may be made by the convention. "the mass of the people feel the inconvenience of the present government, and ardently wish for such alterations as would remedy them. these must be effected by reason and by agreement, or by force. the convention appears to be the only mean by which to effect them peaceably. if it should not be attended by a proper weight of wisdom and character to carry into execution its propositions, we are to look to events, and to force, for a remedy. were you not then to attend the convention, slander and malice might suggest that force would be the most agreeable mode of reform to you. when civil commotion rages, no purity of character, no services, however exalted, can afford a secure shield from the shafts of calumny. "on the other hand, the unbounded confidence the people have in your tried patriotism and wisdom, would exceedingly facilitate the adoption of any important alterations that might be proposed by a convention of which you were a member; and (as i before hinted) the president." [sidenote: convention at philadelphia.] at the time and place appointed, the representatives of twelve states convened. in rhode island alone a spirit sufficiently hostile to every species of reform was found, to prevent the election of deputies on an occasion so generally deemed momentous. having unanimously chosen general washington for their president, the convention proceeded, with closed doors, to discuss the interesting and extensive subject submitted to their consideration. on the great principles which should constitute the basis of their system, not much contrariety of opinion is understood to have prevailed. but on the various and intricate modifications of those principles, an equal degree of harmony was not to be expected. more than once, there was reason to fear that the rich harvest of national felicity, which had been anticipated from the ample stock of worth collected in convention, would all be blasted by the rising of that body without effecting the object for which it was formed. at length the high importance attached to union triumphed over local interests; and, on the th of september, that constitution which has been alike the theme of panegyric and invective, was presented to the american public. the instrument with its accompanying resolutions was by the unanimous order of the convention, transmitted to congress in a letter subscribed by the president, in which it was said to be, "the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispensable. [sidenote: a form of government for the united states is submitted to the respective states, which is ratified by eleven of them.] "that it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state," continued the letter, "is not, perhaps, to be expected; but each will doubtless consider, that had her interests been alone consulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others. that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish." congress resolved unanimously, that the report with the letter accompanying it be transmitted to the several legislatures, in order to be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof. neither the intrinsic merits of the constitution nor the imposing weight of character by which it was supported, gave assurance to its friends that it would be ultimately adopted. a comparison of the views and interests by which a powerful party was actuated, with particular provisions in the constitution which were especially designed to counteract those views and interests, prepared them to expect a mass of zealous and active opposition, against which the powers of reason would be in vain directed, because the real motives in which it originated would not be avowed. there were also many individuals, possessing great influence and respectable talents, who, from judgment, or from particular causes, seemed desirous of retaining the sovereignty of the states unimpaired, and of reducing the union to an alliance between independent nations. to these descriptions of persons, joined by those who supposed that an opposition of interests existed between different parts of the continent, was added a numerous class of honest men, many of whom possessed no inconsiderable share of intelligence, who could identify themselves perfectly with the state government, but who considered the government of the united states as in some respects foreign. the representation of their particular state not composing a majority of the national legislature, they could not consider that body as safely representing the people, and were disposed to measure out power to it with the same sparing hand with which they would confer it on persons not chosen by themselves, not accountable to them for its exercise, nor having any common interest with them. that power might be abused, was, to persons of this opinion, a conclusive argument against its being bestowed; and they seemed firmly persuaded that the cradle of the constitution would be the grave of republican liberty. the friends and the enemies of that instrument were stimulated to exertion by motives equally powerful; and, during the interval between its publication and adoption, every faculty of the mind was strained to secure its reception or rejection. the press teemed with the productions of temperate reason, of genius, and of passion; and it was apparent that each party believed power, sovereignty, liberty, peace, and security;--things most dear to the human heart;--to be staked on the question depending before the public. from that oblivion which is the common destiny of fugitive pieces, treating on subjects which agitate only for the moment, was rescued, by its peculiar merit, a series of essays which first appeared in the papers of new york. to expose the real circumstances of america, and the dangers which hung over the republic; to detect the numerous misrepresentations of the constitution; to refute the arguments of its opponents; and to confirm, and increase, its friends, by a full and able development of its principles; three gentlemen,[ ] distinguished for their political experience, their talents, and their love of union, gave to the public a series of numbers which, collected in two volumes under the title of the federalist, will be read and admired when the controversy in which that valuable treatise on government originated, shall be no longer remembered. [footnote : colonel hamilton, mr. madison, and mr. jay.] to decide the interesting question which agitated a continent, the best talents of the several states were assembled in their respective conventions. so balanced were parties in some of them, that, even after the subject had been discussed for a considerable time, the fate of the constitution could scarcely be conjectured; and so small, in many instances, was the majority in its favour, as to afford strong ground for the opinion that, had the influence of character been removed, the intrinsic merits of the instrument would not have secured its adoption. indeed, it is scarcely to be doubted that, in some of the adopting states, a majority of the people were in the opposition. in all of them, the numerous amendments which were proposed, demonstrate the reluctance with which the new government was accepted; and that a dread of dismemberment, not an approbation of the particular system under consideration, had induced an acquiescence in it. the interesting nature of the question, the equality of the parties, the animation produced inevitably by ardent debate, had a necessary tendency to embitter the dispositions of the vanquished, and to fix more deeply, in many bosoms, their prejudices against a plan of government, in opposition to which all their passions were enlisted. { } at length, the conventions of eleven states[ ] assented to and ratified the constitution; and the preparatory measures were taken for bringing it into operation. [footnote : north carolina and rhode island did not at first accept the constitution, and new york was apparently dragged into it by a repugnance to being excluded from the confederacy. by the convention of that state a circular letter was addressed to the several states in the union inviting them to unite in calling a general convention to revise the constitution. its friends seem to have been persuaded that this measure, if successful, would effectually destroy the edifice they had erected with so much labour, before an experience of its advantages could dissipate the prejudices which had been excited against it. "you will have seen," said one of its most effective advocates, "the circular letter from the convention of this state. it has a most pernicious tendency. if an early general convention can not be parried, it is seriously to be feared that the system which has resisted so many direct attacks, may be at length successfully undermined by its enemies. it is now perhaps to be wished that rhode island may not accede until this new crisis of danger be over; some think it would be better if even new york had held out until the operation of the government could have dissipated the fears which artifice had created, and the attempts resulting from those fears and artifices."] from the moment the public was possessed of this new arrangement of their political system, the attention of all was directed to general washington as the first president of the united states. he alone was believed to fill so pre-eminent a station in the public opinion, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy; and he alone possessed the confidence of the people in so unlimited a degree that under his auspices, the friends of the government might hope to see it introduced with a degree of firmness which would enable it to resist the open assaults, and secret plots of its numerous adversaries. by all who knew him, fears were entertained that his preference for private life would prevail over the wishes of the public; and, soon after the adoption of the constitution was ascertained, his correspondents began to press him on a point which was believed essential to the completion of the great work on which the grandeur and happiness of america was supposed to depend. "we can not," said mr. johnson, a gentleman of great political eminence in maryland, "do without you, and i, and thousands more can explain to any body but yourself, why we can not do without you." "i have ever thought," said mr. gouverneur morris, a gentleman who had been among the most valuable members of congress through great part of the war, and who had performed a most splendid part in the general convention, "and have ever said that you must be president; no other man can fill that office. no other man can draw forth the abilities of our country into the various departments of civil life. you alone can awe the insolence of opposing factions, and the greater insolence of assuming adherents. i say nothing of foreign powers, nor of their ministers. with these last you will have some plague. as to your feelings on this occasion, they are, i know, both deep and affecting; you embark property most precious on a most tempestuous ocean: for, as you possess the highest reputation, so you expose it to the perilous chance of popular opinion. on the other hand, you will, i firmly expect, enjoy the inexpressible felicity of contributing to the happiness of all your countrymen. you will become the father of more than three millions of children; and while your bosom glows with parental tenderness, in theirs, or at least in a majority of them, you will excite the duteous sentiments of filial affection. this, i repeat it, is what i firmly expect; and my views are not directed by that enthusiasm which your public character has impressed on the public mind. enthusiasm is generally short sighted and too often blind. i form my conclusions from those talents and virtues which the world _believes_, and which your friends _know_ you possess." to those who attribute human action in every case to the motives which most usually guide the human mind, it will appear scarcely possible that the supreme magistracy could possess no charms for a man long accustomed to command others; and that ambition had no share in tempting the hero of the american revolution to tread once more the paths of public life. yet, if his communications to friends to whom he unbosomed the inmost sentiments of his soul be inspected, it will be difficult to resist the conviction that the struggle produced by the occasion was unaffected, and that, in accepting the presidency of the united states, no private passion was gratified; but a decided preference for private life yielded to a sense of duty, and a deep conviction of his obligations to his country. as this is an important æra in the life of washington, and the motives by which he was actuated will assist in developing his real character, the american reader, at least, will be gratified at seeing copious extracts from his correspondence on this interesting occasion. in a letter detailing those arrangements which were making for the introduction of the new government, colonel lee proceeded thus to speak of the presidency of the united states. "the solemnity of the moment, and its application to yourself, have fixed my mind in contemplations of a public and a personal nature, and i feel an involuntary impulse which i can not resist, to communicate without reserve to you some of the reflections which the hour has produced. solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convinced as i continue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper improvement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the new government may have an auspicious beginning. to effect this, and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain that again you will be called forth. "the same principles of devotion to the good of mankind, which have invariably governed your conduct, will no doubt continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose and happiness. it may be wrong, but i can not suppress, in my wishes for national felicity, a due regard for your personal fame and content. "if the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which providence rarely if ever before gave to the lot of one man. it is my anxious hope, it is my belief, that this will be the case; but all things are uncertain, and perhaps nothing more so than political events." he then proceeded to state his apprehensions, that the government might sink under the active hostility of its foes, and in particular, the fears which he entertained from the circular letter of new york, around which the minorities in the several states might be expected to rally. to counteract its baneful influence with the legislature of virginia, he expressed his earnest wish, that mr. madison might be prevailed on to take a seat in that assembly, and then added, "it would certainly be unpleasant to you, and obnoxious to all who feel for your just fame, to see you at the head of a trembling system. it is a sacrifice on your part unjustifiable in any point of view. but on the other hand no alternative seems to be presented. "without you, the government can have but little chance of success; and the people, of that happiness which its prosperity must yield." { } [sidenote: letters from gen. washington respecting the chief magistracy of the new government.] in reply to this letter general washington said, "your observations on the solemnity of the crisis, and its application to myself, bring before me subjects of the most momentous and interesting nature. in our endeavours to establish a new general government, the contest, nationally considered, seems not to have been so much for glory, as existence. it was for a long time doubtful whether we were to survive as an independent republic, or decline from our federal dignity into insignificant and wretched fragments of empire. the adoption of the constitution so extensively, and with so liberal an acquiescence on the part of the minorities in general, promised the former; but lately, the circular letter of new york has manifested, in my apprehension, an unfavourable, if not an insidious tendency to a contrary policy. i still hope for the best; but before you mentioned it, i could not help fearing it would serve as a standard to which the disaffected might resort. it is now evidently the part of all honest men, who are friends to the new constitution, to endeavour to give it a chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carrying it fairly into effect, in the first instance. "the principal topic of your letter, is to me a point of great delicacy indeed;--insomuch that i can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch upon it. in the first place, the event to which you allude may never happen, among other reasons, because, if the partiality of my fellow citizens conceive it to be a mean by which the sinews of the new government would be strengthened, it will of consequence be obnoxious to those who are in opposition to it, many of whom, unquestionably, will be placed among the electors. "this consideration alone would supersede the expediency of announcing any definitive and irrevocable resolution. you are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely, until my final hour. but the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me to be uninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct i had prescribed for myself indispensable. should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument sake alone, let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends; might i not, after the declarations i have made, (and heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart,) in the judgment of the impartial world, and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition? nay, farther, would there not even be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? now, justice to myself, and tranquillity of conscience require that i should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. though i prize as i ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if i know myself, i would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty, or moral virtue. while doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my god, my country, and myself, i could despise all the party clamour and unjust censure which must be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. i am conscious, that i fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that i do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. and certain i am, whensoever i shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risque, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. "if i declined the task, it would be upon quite another principle. notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, or the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance;--but a belief that some other person, who had less pretence and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. to say more would be indiscreet; as a disclosure of a refusal before hand might incur the application of the fable, in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. you will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed (and which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confidential communication), that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as i am, unless a clear and insurmountable conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable consequences must in all human probability result from the indulgence of my wishes." about the same time, colonel hamilton concluded a letter on miscellaneous subjects with the following observations. "i take it for granted, sir, you have concluded to comply with what will, no doubt, be the general call of your country in relation to the new government. you will permit me to say that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its first operations. it is to little purpose to have introduced a system, if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm establishment in the outset." "on the delicate subject," said general washington in reply, "with which you conclude your letter, i can say nothing; because the event alluded to may never happen; and because in case it should occur, it would be a point of prudence to defer forming one's ultimate and irrevocable decision, so long as new data might be afforded for one to act with the greater wisdom and propriety. i would not wish to conceal my prevailing sentiment from you. for you know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that i am not guilty of affectation, when i tell you it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm. were it even indispensable a different line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some others who are acquainted with my heart would _acquit_, the world and posterity might probably _accuse_ me of _inconsistency_ and _ambition_. still i hope, i shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what i consider the most enviable of all titles) the character of _an honest man_." this answer drew from colonel hamilton the following reply: "i should be deeply pained, my dear sir, if your scruples in regard to a certain station should be matured into a resolution to decline it; though i am neither surprised at their existence, nor can i but agree in opinion that the caution you observe in deferring the ultimate determination is prudent. i have, however, reflected maturely on the subject, and have come to a conclusion (in which i feel no hesitation) that every public and personal consideration will demand from you an acquiescence in what will _certainly_ be the unanimous wish of your country. "the absolute retreat which you meditated at the close of the late war was natural and proper. had the government produced by the revolution gone on in a _tolerable_ train, it would have been most adviseable to have persisted in that retreat. but i am clearly of opinion that the crisis which brought you again into public view left you no alternative but to comply; and i am equally clear in the opinion that you are by that act _pledged_ to take a part in the execution of the government. i am not less convinced that the impression of the necessity of your filling the station in question is so universal, that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting to it. but even if this were not the case, a regard to your own reputation, as well as to the public good, calls upon you in the strongest manner to run that risk. "it can not be considered as a compliment to say, that on your acceptance of the office of president, the success of the new government in its commencement may materially depend. your agency and influence will be not less important in preserving it from the future attacks of its enemies, than they have been in recommending it in the first instance to the adoption of the people. independent of all considerations drawn from this source, the point of light in which you stand at home and abroad, will make an infinite difference in the respectability with which the government will begin its operations, in the alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. i forbear to mention considerations which might have a more personal application. what i have said will suffice for the inferences i mean to draw. "first. in a matter so essential to the well being of society as the prosperity of a newly instituted government, a citizen of so much consequence as yourself to its success, has no option but to lend his services if called for. permit me to say, it would be inglorious, in such a situation, not to hazard the glory, however great, which he might have previously acquired. "secondly. your signature to the proposed system, pledges your judgment for its being such an one as upon the whole was worthy of the public approbation. if it should miscarry, (as men commonly decide from success or the want of it) the blame will in all probability be laid on the system itself. and the framers of it will have to encounter the disrepute of having brought about a revolution in government, without substituting any thing that was worthy of the effort; they pulled down one utopia, it will be said, to build up another. this view of the subject, if i mistake not, my dear sir, will suggest to your mind greater hazard to that fame, which must be, and ought to be dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system, than in affording it. i will only add, that in my estimate of the matter, that aid is indispensable. "i have taken the liberty to express these sentiments, and to lay before you my view of the subject. i doubt not the considerations mentioned have fully occurred to you, and i trust, they will finally produce in your mind the same result which exists in mine. i flatter myself the frankness with which i have delivered myself, will not be displeasing to you. it has been prompted by motives which you would not disapprove." in answer to this letter general washington opened himself without reserve. "in acknowledging," said he, "the receipt of your candid and kind letter by the last post, little more is incumbent on me than to thank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated your sentiments, and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercourse will always be more than barely welcome,--indeed it will be highly acceptable to me. "i am particularly glad, in the present instance, that you have dealt thus freely and like a friend. although i could not help observing from several publications and letters that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the _contingency_ which is the subject of your letter might happen, yet i thought it best to maintain a guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends (which i certainly hold in the highest estimation) rather than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. for, situated as i am, i could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even in the most confidential manner, without betraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety, might be construed into a vain glorious desire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. now; if i am not grossly deceived in myself, i should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes in favour of some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. if that may not be, i am in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid, as with it. i am _truly_ solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the circumstances will afford, and to determine (when the determination can with propriety be no longer postponed) according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience; without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. until that period, i may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though i allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and i shall not pass by your arguments without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as i can possibly bestow upon them. "in taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light i have been able to place it, i will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that i have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as i have been taught to expect i might, and perhaps must ere long be called to make a decision. you will, i am well assured, believe the assertion (though i have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me) that if i should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept it; the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance, than ever i experienced before in my life. it would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and an early period, my services might be dispensed with; and that i might be permitted once more to retire--to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity." this correspondence was thus closed by colonel hamilton. "i feel a conviction that you will finally see your acceptance to be indispensable. it is no compliment to say that no other man can sufficiently unite the public opinion, or can give the requisite weight to the office, in the commencement of the government. these considerations appear to me of themselves decisive. i am not sure that your refusal would not throw every thing into confusion. i am sure that it would have the worst effect imaginable. "indeed, as i hinted in a former letter, i think circumstances leave no option." although this correspondence does not appear to have absolutely decided general washington on the part he should embrace, it could not have been without its influence on his judgment, nor have failed to dispose him to yield to the wish of his country. "i would willingly," said he to his estimable friend general lincoln, who had also pressed the subject on him, "pass over in silence that part of your letter, in which you mention the persons who are candidates for the two first offices in the executive, if i did not fear the omission might seem to betray a want of confidence. motives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto from conversing or writing on this subject, whenever i could avoid it with decency. i may, however, with great sincerity, and i believe without offending against modesty or propriety, _say_ to _you_, that i most heartily wish the choice to which you allude might not fall upon me: and that if it should, i must reserve to myself the right of making up my final decision, at the last moment, when it can be brought into one view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined than at present. but be assured, my dear sir, if from any inducement i shall be persuaded ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as i know my own heart) from any of a private or personal nature. every personal consideration conspires, to rivet me (if i may use the expression) to retirement. at my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a _conviction_ that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a _fear_ that my refusal might induce a belief that i preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of my country. after all, if i should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, i call heaven to witness, that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes, that ever i have been called upon to make. it would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy: for i should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness. "from this embarrassing situation i had naturally supposed that my declarations at the close of the war would have saved me; and that my sincere intentions, then publicly made known, would have effectually precluded me forever afterwards from being looked upon as a candidate for any office. this hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, i had still carefully preserved; until the public papers and private letters from my correspondents in almost every quarter, taught me to apprehend that i might soon be obliged to answer the question, whether i would go again into public life or not?" "i can say little or nothing new," said he in a letter to the marquis de lafayette, "in consequence of the repetition of your opinion on the expediency there will be, for my accepting the office to which you refer. your sentiments indeed coincide much more nearly with those of my ether friends, than with my own feelings. in truth, my difficulties increase and magnify as i draw towards the period, when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer in one way or other. should circumstances render it, in a manner, inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, i shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which i shall probably receive no credit from the world. if i know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. and in that case, if i can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavours shall be unremittingly exerted (even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity) to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit; and to establish a general system of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. i think i see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and happy people. happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity." [illustration: the room in which the first constitutional convention met in philadelphia _delegates from twelve of the thirteen states (rhode island alone being unrepresented) assembled at philadelphia, where the opening sessions of the first constitutional convention were held in this room in independence hall, may , . george washington presided during the four months taken to draft the constitution of the united states. when it was completed on september th, it is said that many of the delegates seemed awe-struck and that washington himself sat with his head bowed in deep meditation. as the convention adjourned, franklin, who was then over eighty-one years of age, arose and pointing to the president's quaint armchair on the back of which was emblazoned a half sun, brilliant with gilded rays, observed: "as i have been sitting here all these weeks, i have often wondered whether yonder sun is rising or setting, but now i know that it is a rising sun."_] [sidenote: he is unanimously elected president.] after the elections had taken place, a general persuasion prevailed that the public will, respecting the chief magistrate of the union, had been too unequivocally manifested not to be certainly obeyed; and several applications were made to general washington for those offices in the respective states, which would be in the gift of the president of the united states. as marking the frame of mind with which he came into the government, the following extract is given from one of the many letters written to persons whose pretensions he was disposed to favour. "should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in which your letter presupposes me, i have determined to go into it, perfectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever.--a conduct in conformity to this resolution, would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with a sole reference to justice and the public good. this is, in substance, the answer that i have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have already been made. among the places sought after in these applications, i must not conceal that the office to which you particularly allude is comprehended. this fact i tell you merely as matter of information. my general manner of thinking, as to the propriety of holding myself totally disengaged, will apologize for my not enlarging farther on the subject. "though i am sensible that the public suffrage which places a man in office, should prevent him from being swayed, in the execution of it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assuredly, without violating his duty, be indulged in the continuance of his former attachments." [sidenote: meeting of the first congress.] the impotence of the late government, added to the dilatoriness inseparable from its perplexed mode of proceeding on the public business, and to its continued session, had produced among the members of congress such an habitual disregard of punctuality in their attendance on that body, that, although the new government was to commence its operations on the th of march, , a house of representatives was not formed until the first, nor a senate until the th day of april. at length, the votes for the president and vice president of the united states were opened and counted in the senate. neither the animosity of parties, nor the preponderance of the enemies of the new government in some of the states, could deprive general washington of a single vote. by the unanimous voice of an immense continent, he was called to the chief magistracy of the nation. the second number of votes was given to mr. john adams. george washington and john adams were therefore declared to be duly elected president and vice president of the united states, to serve for four years from the th of march, .[ ] [footnote : the reluctance with which general washington assumed his new dignity, and that genuine modesty which was a distinguished feature of his character, are further illustrated by the following extract from a letter to general knox. "i feel for those members of the new congress, who, hitherto, have given an unavailing attendance at the theatre of action. for myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence, i tell _you_ (with the _world_ it would obtain _little credit_,) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am i in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to manage the helm. i am sensible that i am embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my own on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them heaven alone can foretell.--integrity and firmness are all i can promise; these, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although i may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the world can not deprive me."] chapter v. the election of general washington officially announced to him.... his departure for the seat of government.... marks of affection shown him on his journey.... his inauguration and speech to congress.... his system of intercourse with the world.... letters on this and other subjects.... answer of both houses of congress to the speech.... domestic and foreign relations of the united states.... debates on the impost and tonnage bills.... on the power of removal from office.... on the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans of revenue.... on the style of the president.... amendments to the constitution.... appointment of executive officers, and of the judges.... adjournment of the first session of congress.... the president visits new england.... his reception.... north carolina accedes to the union. { } [sidenote: the election of general washington officially announced to him.] the election of general washington to the office of chief magistrate of the united states, was announced to him at mount vernon on the th of april, . accustomed to respect the wishes of his fellow citizens, he did not think himself at liberty to decline an appointment conferred upon him by the suffrage of an entire people. his acceptance of it, and his expressions of gratitude for this fresh proof of the esteem and confidence of his country, were connected with declarations of diffidence in himself. "i wish," he said, "that there may not be reason for regretting the choice,--for indeed, all i can promise, is to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal." [sidenote: his departure for the seat of government.] as the public business required the immediate attendance of the president at the seat of government, he hastened his departure; and, on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, took leave of mount vernon. in an entry made by himself in his diary, the feelings inspired by an occasion so affecting to his mind are thus described, "about ten o'clock i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york in company with mr. thompson, and colonel humphries, with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." [sidenote: marks of respect and affection shown him on his journey.] he was met by a number of gentlemen residing in alexandria, and escorted to their city, where a public dinner had been prepared to which he was invited. the sentiments of veneration and affection which were felt by all classes of his fellow citizens for their patriot chief, were manifested by the most flattering marks of heartfelt respect; and by addresses which evinced the unlimited confidence reposed in his virtues and his talents. a place can not be given to these addresses: but that from the citizens of alexandria derives such pretensions to particular notice from the recollection that it is to be considered as an effusion from the hearts of his neighbours and private friends, that its insertion may be pardoned. it is in the following words: "again your country commands your care. obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you again relinquishing the bliss of retirement; and this too at a period of life, when nature itself seems to authorize a preference of repose! "not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our gratitude for past services; not to acknowledge the justice of the unexampled honour which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrages of three millions of freemen, in your election to the supreme magistracy; nor to admire the patriotism which directs your conduct, do your neighbours and friends now address you. themes less splendid but more endearing, impress our minds. the first and best of citizens must leave us: our aged must lose their ornament; our youth their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce its friend; our infant academy its protector; our poor their benefactor; and the interior navigation of the potomac (an event replete with the most extensive utility, already, by your unremitted exertions, brought into partial use) its institutor and promoter. "farewell!--go! and make a grateful people happy, a people, who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their interest. "to that being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you; and after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which you are called, may he restore to us again, the best of men, and the most beloved fellow citizen!" to this affectionate address general washington returned the following answer: "gentlemen, "although i ought not to conceal, yet i can not describe the painful emotions which i felt in being called upon to determine whether i would accept or refuse the presidency of the united states. the unanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends communicated from different parts of europe, as well as from america, the apparent wish of those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in its present form; and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental in connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other, have induced an acceptance. those who know me best (and you my fellow citizens are, from your situation, in that number) know better than any others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart from my resolution, 'never more to take any share in transactions of a public nature.' for, at my age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or advantages could i propose to myself, from embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life? "i do not feel myself under the necessity of making public declarations, in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests. the whole tenor of my life has been open to your inspection; and my past actions, rather than my present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct. "in the mean time, i thank you most sincerely for the expressions of kindness contained in your valedictory address. it is true, just after having bade adieu to my domestic connexions, this tender proof of your friendships is but too well calculated still further to awaken my sensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments of private life. "all that now remains for me is to commit myself and you to the protection of that beneficent being who, on a former occasion, hath happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation. perhaps, the same gracious providence will again indulge me. unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence; while from an aching heart, i bid you all, my affectionate friends, and kind neighbours, farewell!" in the afternoon of the same day, he left alexandria, and was attended by his neighbours to georgetown, where a number of citizens from the state of maryland had assembled to receive him. throughout his journey the people continued to manifest the same feeling. crowds flocked around him wherever he stopped; and corps of militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him through their respective streets. at philadelphia, he was received with peculiar splendour. gray's bridge, over the schuylkill, was highly decorated. in imitation of the triumphal exhibitions of ancient rome, an arch, composed of laurel, in which was displayed the simple elegance of true taste, was erected at each end of it, and on each side was a laurel shrubbery. as the object of universal admiration passed under the arch, a civic crown was, unperceived by him, let down upon his head by a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, who was assisted by machinery. the fields and avenues leading from the schuylkill to philadelphia, were crowded with people, through whom general washington was conducted into the city by a numerous and respectable body of citizens; and at night the town was illuminated. the next day, at trenton, he was welcomed in a manner as new as it was pleasing. in addition to the usual demonstrations of respect and attachment which were given by the discharge of cannon, by military corps, and by private persons of distinction, the gentler sex prepared in their own taste, a tribute of applause indicative of the grateful recollection in which they held their deliverance twelve years before from a formidable enemy. on the bridge over the creek which passes through the town, was erected a triumphal arch highly ornamented with laurels and flowers: and supported by thirteen pillars, each entwined with wreaths of evergreen. on the front arch was inscribed in large gilt letters, the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters. on the centre of the arch above the inscription, was a dome or cupola of flowers and evergreens, encircling the dates of two memorable events which were peculiarly interesting to new jersey. the first was the battle of trenton, and the second the bold and judicious stand made by the american troops at the same creek, by which the progress of the british army was arrested on the evening preceding the battle of princeton. at this place, he was met by a party of matrons leading their daughters dressed in white, who carried baskets of flowers in their hands, and sang, with exquisite sweetness, an ode of two stanzas composed for the occasion. at brunswick, he was joined by the governor of new jersey, who accompanied him to elizabethtown point. a committee of congress received him on the road, and conducted him with military parade to the point, where he took leave of the governor and other gentlemen of jersey, and embarked for new york in an elegant barge of thirteen oars, manned by thirteen branch pilots prepared for the purpose by the citizens of new york. "the display of boats," says the general, in his private journal, "which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal, and others with instrumental music on board, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the sky as i passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labours to do good) as they were pleasing." at the stairs on murray's wharf, which had been prepared and ornamented for the purpose, he was received by the governor of new york, and conducted with military honours, through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. these were attended by all who were in office, and by many private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express the joy which glowed in their bosoms at seeing the man in whom all confided, at the head of the american empire. this day of extravagant joy was succeeded by a splendid illumination. it is no equivocal mark of the worth of washington, and of the soundness of his judgment, that it could neither be corrupted nor misguided by these flattering testimonials of attachment. two days before the arrival of the president, the vice president took his seat in the senate, and addressed that body in a dignified speech adapted to the occasion, in which, after manifesting the high opinion that statesman always entertained of his countrymen, he thus expressed his sentiments of the executive magistrate. "it is with satisfaction that i congratulate the people of america on the formation of a national constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent administration of a government of laws: on the acquisition of a house of representatives, chosen by themselves; of a senate thus composed by their own state legislatures; and on the prospect of an executive authority, in the hands of one whose portrait i shall not presume to draw.--were i blessed with powers to do justice to his character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence or affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. this can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues which have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. may i nevertheless be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated presidents or consuls, kings, or princes, where shall we find one, whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favour? who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations, and fellow citizens, with equal unanimity? qualities so uncommon, are no common blessings to the country that possesses them. by these great qualities, and their benign effects, has providence marked out the head of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none." [illustration: washington taking the oath of office _from the painting by alonzo chappell_ _on the balcony of the old city hall, broad and wall streets, new york, washington was sworn in as first president of the united states, april , . the artist here accurately depicts him wearing a suit of dark brown, at his side a dress sword, and his hair powdered in the fashion of the period. white silk stockings and shoes with simple silver buckles completed his attire. on one side of him stood chancellor livingstone, who administered the oath. on the other side was vice-president john adams. washington solemnly repeated the words of the oath, clearly enunciating, "i swear": adding in a whisper, with closed eyes, "so help me, god"._] [sidenote: he forms a system of conduct to be observed in his intercourse with the world.] a president of the united states being a new political personage, to a great portion of whose time the public was entitled, it became proper to digest a system of conduct to be observed in his intercourse with the world, which would keep in view the duties of his station, without entirely disregarding his personal accommodation, or the course of public opinion. in the interval between his arrival in new york, and entering on the duties of his office, those most capable of advising on the subject were consulted; and some rules were framed by general washington for his government in these respects. as one of them, the allotment of a particular hour for receiving visits not on business, became the subject of much animadversion; and, being considered merely as an imitation of the levee days established by crowned heads, has constituted not the least important of the charges which have been made against this gentleman. the motives assigned by himself for the rule may not be unworthy of attention. [sidenote: letters from him on this and other subjects.] not long after the government came into operation, doctor stuart, a gentleman nearly connected with the president in friendship and by marriage, addressed to him a letter stating the accusations which were commonly circulating in virginia on various subjects, and especially against the regal manners of those who administered the affairs of the nation. in answer to this letter the president observed, "while the eyes of america, perhaps of the world, are turned to this government, and many are watching the movements of all those who are concerned in its administration, i should like to be informed, through so good a medium, of the public opinion of both men and measures, and of none more than myself;--not so much of what may be thought commendable parts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be of a different complexion. the man who means to commit no wrong will never be guilty of enormities, consequently can never be unwilling to learn what are ascribed to him as foibles.--if they are really such, the knowledge of them in a well disposed mind will go half way towards a reform.--if they are not errors, he can explain and justify the motives of his actions. "at a distance from the theatre of action, truth is not always related without embellishment, and sometimes is entirely perverted from a misconception of the causes which produced the effects that are the subject of censure. "this leads me to think that a system which i found it indispensably necessary to adopt upon my first coming to this city, might have undergone severe strictures, and have had motives very foreign from those that governed me, assigned as causes thereof.--i mean first, returning _no_ visits: second, appointing certain days to receive them generally (not to the exclusion however of visits on any other days under particular circumstances;) and third, at first entertaining no company, and afterwards (until i was unable to entertain any at all) confining it to official characters. a few days evinced the necessity of the two first in so clear a point of view, that had i not adopted it, i should have been unable to have attended to any sort of business, unless i had applied the hours allotted to rest and refreshment to this purpose; for by the time i had done breakfast, and thence until dinner--and afterwards until bed-time, i could not get relieved from the ceremony of one visit before i had to attend to another. in a word, i had no leisure to read or to answer the despatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters." in a subsequent letter written to the same gentleman, after his levees had been openly-censured by the enemies of his administration, he thus expressed himself: "before the custom was established, which now accommodates foreign characters, strangers, and others who from motives of curiosity, respect to the chief magistrate, or any other cause, are induced to call upon me, i was unable to attend to any business whatsoever. for gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time i rose from breakfast--often before--until i sat down to dinner. this, as i resolved not to neglect my public duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives; either to refuse them _altogether_, or to appropriate a time for the reception of them. the first would, i well knew, be disgusting to many;--the latter i expected, would undergo animadversion from those who would find fault with or without cause. to please every body was impossible. i therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined public advantage with private convenience, and which, in my judgment, was unexceptionable in itself. "these visits are optional. they are made without invitation. between the hours of three and four every tuesday, i am prepared to receive them. gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go;--chat with each other;--and act as they please. a porter shows them into the room; and they retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. at their first entrance, they salute me, and i them, and as many as i can talk to, i do. what pomp there is in all this i am unable to discover. perhaps it consists in not sitting. to this two reasons are opposed: first, it is unusual; secondly, (which is a more substantial one) because i have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would be sufficient to admit it. if it is supposed that ostentation, or the fashions of courts (which by the by i believe originate oftener in convenience, not to say necessity, than is generally imagined) gave rise to this custom, i will boldly affirm that _no_ supposition was ever more erroneous; for were i to indulge my inclinations, every moment that i could withdraw from the fatigues of my station should be spent in retirement. that they are not, proceeds from the sense i entertain of the propriety of giving to every one as free access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of government;--and that respect, i conceive, is neither to be acquired nor preserved, but by maintaining a just medium between too much state, and too great familiarity. "similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, are the visits every friday afternoon to mrs. washington, where i always am. these public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table will hold, with the references to and from the different departments of state, and other communications with all parts of the union, is as much if not more than i am able to undergo; for i have already had within less than a year, two severe attacks;--the last worse than the first,--a third, it is more than probable will put me to sleep with my fathers--at what distance this may be, i know not." [sidenote: his inauguration and speech to congress.] the ceremonies of the inauguration having been adjusted by congress, the president attended in the senate chamber, on the th of april, in order to take, in the presence of both houses, the oath prescribed by the constitution. to gratify the public curiosity, an open gallery adjoining the senate chamber had been selected by congress, as the place in which the oath should be administered. having taken it in the view of an immense concourse of people, whose loud and repeated acclamations attested the joy with which his being proclaimed president of the united states inspired them, he returned to the senate chamber, where he delivered the following address: "_fellow citizens of the senate and of the house of representatives:_ "among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the th day of the present month. on the one hand, i was summoned by my country, whose voice i can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which i had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. in this conflict of emotions, all i dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be effected. all i dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task, i have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens: and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me; my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated. "such being the impressions under which i have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it will be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that almighty being who rules over the universe--who presides in the councils of nations--and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the united states, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. in tendering this homage to the great author of every public and private good, i assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow citizens at large, less than either. no people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the united states. every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. these reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. you will join with me, i trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. "by the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the president 'to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' the circumstances under which i now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. it will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. in these honourable qualifications, i behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. i dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists, in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness--between duty and advantage--between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained: and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the american people. "besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which i could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, i shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good: for i assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. "to the preceding observations i have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the house of representatives. it concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. when i was first honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which i contemplated my duty required that i should renounce every pecuniary compensation. from this resolution i have in no instance departed. and being still under the impressions which produced it, i must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which i am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. "having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, i shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the american people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government, for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may be equally _conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend." [sidenote: answer of both houses of congress to the speech.] in their answer to this speech, the senate say: "the unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens of america, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit, and their esteem. we are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow citizens could have called you from a retreat, chosen with the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years. we rejoice, and with us all america, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you have returned once more to public life. in you all parties confide; in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exertions; and that your prudence and sagacity, as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government, and dignity and splendour to that country, which your skill and valour as a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence and to empire." the affection for the person and character of the president with which the answer of the house of representatives glowed, promised that between this branch of the legislature also and the executive, the most harmonious co-operation in the public service might be expected. "the representatives of the people of the united states," says this address, "present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. you have long held the first place in their esteem. you have often received tokens of their affection. you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. you enjoy the highest, because the truest honour, of being the first magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth." after noticing the several communications made in the speech, intense of deep felt respect and affection, the answer concludes thus: "such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit to address you. they flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that among the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them. "all that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplications for the blessing of heaven on our country; and that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens." [sidenote: situation of the united states at this period in their domestic and foreign relations.] a perfect knowledge of the antecedent state of things being essential to a due administration of the executive department, its attainment engaged the immediate attention of the president; and he required the temporary heads of departments to prepare and lay before him such statements and documents as would give this information. but in the full view which it was useful to take of the interior, many objects were to be contemplated, the documents respecting which were not to be found in official records. the progress which had been made in assuaging the bitter animosities engendered in the sharp contest respecting the adoption of the constitution, and the means which might be used for conciliating the affections of all good men to the new government, without enfeebling its essential principles, were subjects of the most interesting inquiry. the agitation had been too great to be suddenly calmed; and for the active opponents of the system to become suddenly its friends, or even indifferent to its fate, would have been a victory of reason over passion, or a surrender of individual judgment to the decision of a majority, examples of which are rarely given in the progress of human affairs. in some of the states, a disposition to acquiesce in the decision which had been made, and to await the issue of a fair experiment of the constitution, was avowed by the minority. in others, the chagrin of defeat seemed to increase the original hostility to the instrument; and serious fears were entertained by its friends, that a second general convention might pluck from it the most essential of its powers, before their value, and the safety with which they might be confided where they were placed, could be ascertained by experience. from the same cause, exerting itself in a different direction, the friends of the new system had been still more alarmed. in all those states where the opposition was sufficiently formidable to inspire a hope of success, the effort was made to fill the legislature with the declared enemies of the government, and thus to commit it, in its infancy, to the custody of its foes. their fears were quieted for the present. in both branches of the legislature, the federalists, an appellation at that time distinguishing those who had supported the constitution, formed the majority; and it soon appeared that a new convention was too bold an experiment to be applied for by the requisite number of states. the condition of individuals too, was visibly becoming more generally eligible. industry, notwithstanding the causes which had diminished its profits, was gradually improving their affairs; and the new course of thinking, inspired by the adoption of a constitution prohibiting all laws impairing the obligation of contracts, had, in a great measure, restored that confidence which is essential to the internal prosperity of nations. from these, or from other causes, the crisis of the pressure on individuals seemed to be passing away, and brighter prospects to be opening on them. but, two states still remained out of the pale of the union; and a mass of ill humour existed among those who were included within it, which increased the necessity of circumspection in those who administered the government. to the western parts of the continent, the attention of the executive was attracted by discontents which were displayed with some violence, and which originated in circumstances, and in interests, peculiar to that country. spain, in possession of the mouth of the mississippi, had refused to permit the citizens of the united states to follow its waters into the ocean; and had occasionally tolerated or interdicted their commerce to new orleans, as had been suggested by the supposed interest or caprice of the spanish government, or of its representatives in america. the eyes of the inhabitants adjacent to the waters which emptied into that river, were turned down it, as the only channel through which the surplus produce of their luxuriant soil could be conveyed to the markets of the world. believing that the future wealth and prosperity of their country depended on the use of that river, they gave some evidence of a disposition to drop from the confederacy, if this valuable acquisition could not otherwise be made. this temper could not fail to be viewed with interest by the neighbouring powers, who had been encouraged by it, and by the imbecility of the government, to enter into intrigues of an alarming nature. previous to his departure from mount vernon, the president had received intelligence, too authentic to be disregarded, of private machinations by real or pretended agents both of spain and great britain, which were extremely hostile to the peace, and to the integrity of the union. spain had intimated that the navigation of the mississippi could never be conceded, while the inhabitants of the western country remained connected with the atlantic states, but might be freely granted to them, if they should form an independent empire. on the other hand, a gentleman from canada, whose ostensible business was to repossess himself of some lands on the ohio which had been formerly granted to him, frequently discussed the vital importance of the navigation of the mississippi, and privately assured several individuals of great influence, that if they were disposed to assert their rights, he was authorized by lord dorchester, the governor of canada, to say, that they might rely confidently on his assistance. with the aid it was in his power to give, they might seize new orleans, fortify the balise at the mouth of the mississippi, and maintain themselves in that place against the utmost efforts of spain. the probability of failing in any attempt to hold the mouth of the mississippi by force, and the resentments against great britain which prevailed generally throughout the western country, diminished the danger to be apprehended from any machinations of that power; but against those of spain, the same security did not exist. in contemplating the situation of the united states in their relations not purely domestic, the object demanding most immediate consideration was the hostility of several tribes of indians. the military strength of the nations who inhabited the country between the lakes, the mississippi, and the ohio, was computed at five thousand men, of whom about fifteen hundred were at open war with the united states. treaties had been concluded with the residue; but the attachment of young savages to war, and the provocation given by the undistinguishing vengeance which had been taken by the whites in their expeditions into the indian country, furnished reasons for apprehending that these treaties would soon be broken. in the south, the creeks, who could bring into the field six thousand fighting men, were at war with georgia. in the mind of their leader, the son of a white man, some irritation had been produced by the confiscation of the lands of his father, who had resided in that state; and several other refugees whose property had also been confiscated, contributed still further to exasperate the nation. but the immediate point in contest between them was a tract of land on the oconee, which the state of georgia claimed under a purchase, the validity of which was denied by the indians. the regular force of the united states was less than six hundred men. not only the policy of accommodating differences by negotiation which the government was in no condition to terminate by the sword; but a real respect for the rights of the natives, and a regard for the claims of justice and humanity, disposed the president to endeavour, in the first instance, to remove every cause of quarrel by a treaty; and his message to congress on this subject evidenced his preference of pacific measures. possessing many valuable articles of commerce for which the best market was often found on the coast of the mediterranean, struggling to export them in their own bottoms, and unable to afford a single gun for their protection, the americans could not view with unconcern the dispositions which were manifested towards them by the barbary powers. a treaty had been formed with the emperor of morocco; but from algiers, tunis, and tripoli, peace had not been purchased; and those regencies consider all as enemies to whom they have not sold their friendship. the unprotected vessels of america presented a tempting object to their rapacity; and their hostility was the more terrible, because by their public law, prisoners became slaves. the united states were at peace with all the powers of europe; but controversies of a delicate nature existed with some of them, the adjustment of which required a degree of moderation and firmness, which there was reason to fear, might not, in every instance, be exhibited. the early apprehensions with which spain had contemplated the future strength of the united states, and the consequent disposition of the house of bourbon to restrict them to narrow limits, have been already noticed. after the conclusion of the war, the attempt to form a treaty with that power had been repeated; but no advance towards an agreement on the points of difference between the two governments had been made. a long and intricate negotiation between the secretary of foreign affairs, and don guardoqui, the minister of his catholic majesty, had terminated with the old government; and the result was an inflexible adherence on the part of mr. guardoqui to the exclusion of the citizens of the united states from navigating the mississippi below their southern boundary. on this point there was much reason to fear that the cabinet of madrid would remain immoveable. the violence with which the discontents of the western people were expressed, furnished spain with additional motives for perpetuating the evil of which they complained. aware of the embarrassments which this display of restlessness must occasion, and sensible of the increased difficulty and delay with which a removal of its primary cause must be attended, the executive perceived in this critical state of things, abundant cause for the exercise of its watchfulness, and of its prudence. with spain, there was also a contest respecting boundaries. the treaty of peace had extended the limits of the united states to the thirty-first degree of north latitude, but the pretensions of the catholic king were carried north of that line, to an undefined extent. he claimed as far as he had conquered from britain, but the precise limits of his conquest were not ascertained. the circumstances attending the points of difference with great britain, were still more serious; because, in their progress, a temper unfavourable to accommodation had been uniformly displayed. the resentments produced by the various calamities war had occasioned, were not terminated with their cause. the idea that great britain was the natural enemy of america had become habitual. believing it impossible for that nation to have relinquished its views of conquest, many found it difficult to bury their animosities, and to act upon the sentiment contained in the declaration of independence, "to hold them as the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends." in addition to the complaints respecting the violation of the treaty of peace, events were continually supplying this temper with fresh aliment. the disinclination which the cabinet of london had discovered to a commercial treaty with the united states was not attributed exclusively to the cause which had been assigned for it. it was in part ascribed to that jealousy with which britain was supposed to view the growing trade of america. the general restrictions on commerce by which every maritime power sought to promote its own navigation, and that part of the european system in particular, by which each aimed at a monopoly of the trade of its colonies, were felt with peculiar keenness when enforced by england. the people of america were perhaps the more sensible to the british resolutions on this subject, because, having composed a part of that empire, they had grown up in the habit of a free intercourse with all its ports; and, without accurately appreciating the cause to which a change of this usage was to be ascribed, they attributed it to a jealousy of their prosperity, and to an inclination to diminish the value of their independence. in this suspicious temper, almost every unfavourable event which occurred was traced up to british hostility. that an attempt to form a commercial treaty with portugal had failed, was attributed to the influence of the cabinet of london; and to the machinations of the same power were also ascribed the danger from the corsairs of barbary, and the bloody incursions of the indians. the resentment excited by these causes was felt by a large proportion of the american people; and the expression of it was common and public. that correspondent dispositions existed in england is by no means improbable, and the necessary effect of this temper was to increase the difficulty of adjusting the differences between the two nations. with france, the most perfect harmony subsisted. those attachments which originated in the signal services received from his most christian majesty during the war of the revolution, had sustained no diminution. yet, from causes which it was found difficult to counteract, the commercial intercourse between the two nations was not so extensive as had been expected. it was the interest, and of consequence the policy of france, to avail herself of the misunderstandings between the united states and great britain, in order to obtain such regulations as might gradually divert the increasing trade of the american continent from those channels in which it had been accustomed to flow; and a disposition was felt throughout the united states to co-operate with her, in enabling her merchants, by legislative encouragements, to rival those of britain in the american market. a great revolution had commenced in that country, the first stage of which was completed by limiting the powers of the monarch, and by the establishment of a popular assembly. in no part of the globe was this revolution hailed with more joy than in america. the influence it would have on the affairs of the world was not then distinctly foreseen: and the philanthropist, without becoming a political partisan, rejoiced in the event. on this subject, therefore, but one sentiment existed. the relations of the united states with the other powers of europe, did not require particular attention. their dispositions were rather friendly than otherwise; and an inclination was generally manifested to participate in the advantages, which the erection of an independent empire on the western shores of the atlantic, held forth to the commercial world. by the ministers of foreign powers in america, it would readily be supposed, that the first steps taken by the new government would, not only be indicative of its present system, but would probably affect its foreign relations permanently, and that the influence of the president would be felt in the legislature. scarcely was the exercise of his executive functions commenced, when the president received an application from the count de moustiers, the minister of france, requesting a private conference. on being told that the department of foreign affairs was the channel through which all official business should pass, the count replied that the interview he requested was, not for the purpose of actual business, but rather as preparatory to its future transaction. the next day, at one in the afternoon, was named for the interview. the count commenced the conversation with declarations of his personal regard for america, the manifestations of which, he said, had been early and uniform. his nation too was well disposed to be upon terms of amity with the united states: but at his public reception, there were occurrences which he thought indicative of coolness in the secretary of foreign affairs, who had, he feared, while in europe, imbibed prejudices not only against spain, but against france also. if this conjecture should be right, the present head of that department could not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the president. he then took a view of the modern usages of european courts, which, he said, favoured the practice he recommended of permitting foreign ministers to make their communications directly to the chief of the executive. "he then presented a letter," says the president in his private journal, "which he termed confidential, and to be considered as addressed to me in my private character, which was too strongly marked with an intention, as well as a wish, to have no person between the minister and president, in the transaction of business between the two nations." in reply to these observations, the president gave the most explicit assurances that, judging from his own feelings, and from the public sentiment, there existed in america a reciprocal disposition to be on the best terms with france. that whatever former difficulties might have occurred, he was persuaded the secretary of foreign affairs had offered no intentional disrespect, either to the minister, or to his nation. without undertaking to know the private opinions of mr. jay, he would declare that he had never heard that officer express, directly or indirectly, any sentiment unfavourable to either. reason and usage, he added, must direct the mode of treating national and official business. if rules had been established, they must be conformed to. if they were yet to be framed, it was hoped that they would be convenient and proper. so far as ease could be made to comport with regularity, and with necessary forms, it ought to be consulted; but custom, and the dignity of office, were not to be disregarded. the conversation continued upwards of an hour, but no change was made in the resolution of the president. the subjects which pressed for immediate attention on the first legislature assembled under the new government, were numerous and important. much was to be created, and much to be reformed. the subject of revenue, as constituting the vital spring without which the action of government could not long be continued, was taken up in the house of representatives, as soon as it could be introduced. the qualification of the members was succeeded by a motion for the house to resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union; and in that committee, a resolution was moved by mr. madison, declaring the opinion that certain duties ought to be levied on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the united states; and on the tonnage of vessels. as it was deemed important to complete a temporary system in time to embrace the spring importations, mr. madison presented the scheme of impost which had been recommended by the former congress, and had already received the approbation of a majority of the states; to which he added a general proposition for a duty on tonnage. by this scheme specific duties were imposed on certain enumerated articles; and an ad-valorem duty on those not enumerated. mr. fitzsimmons, of pennsylvania, moved an amendment, enlarging the catalogue of enumerated articles. [sidenote: debates on the impost and tonnage bills.] mr. madison having consented to subjoin the amendment proposed by mr. fitzsimmons to the original resolution, it was received by the committee; but in proceeding to fill up the blanks with the sum taxable on each article, it was soon perceived that gentlemen had viewed the subject in very different lights. the tax on many articles was believed to press more heavily on some states than on others; and apprehensions were expressed that, in the form of protecting duties, the industry of one part of the union would be encouraged by premiums charged on the labour of another part. on the discrimination between the duty on the tonnage of foreign and american bottoms, a great degree of sensibility was discovered. the citizens of the united states not owning a sufficient number of vessels to export all the produce of the country, it was said that the increased tonnage on foreign bottoms operated as a tax on agriculture, and a premium to navigation. this discrimination, it was therefore contended, ought to be very small. in answer to these arguments, mr. madison said, "if it is expedient for america to have vessels employed in commerce at all, it will be proper that she have enough to answer all the purposes intended; to form a school for seamen; to lay the foundation of a navy: and to be able to support itself against the interference of foreigners. i do not think there is much weight in the observations that the duty we are about to lay in favour of american vessels is a burden on the community, and particularly oppressive to some parts. but if there were, it may be a burden of that kind which will ultimately save us from one that is greater. "i consider an acquisition of maritime strength essential to this country; should we ever be so unfortunate as to be engaged in war, what but this can defend our towns and cities upon the sea coast? or what but this can enable us to repel an invading enemy? those parts which are said to bear an undue proportion of the burden of the additional duty on foreign shipping, are those which will be most exposed to the operations of a predatory war, and will require the greatest exertions of the union in their defence. if therefore some little sacrifice be made by them to obtain this important object, they will be peculiarly rewarded for it in the hour of danger. granting a preference to our own navigation will insensibly bring it forward to that perfection so essential to american safety; and though it may produce some little inequality at first, it will soon ascertain its level, and become uniform throughout the union." but no part of the system was discussed with more animation than that which proposed to make discriminations in favour of those nations with whom the united states had formed commercial treaties. in the debate on this subject, opinions and feelings with respect to foreign powers were disclosed, which, strengthening with circumstances, afterwards agitated the whole american continent. while the resolutions on which the bills were to be framed were under debate, mr. benson rose to inquire on what principle the proposed discriminations between foreign nations was founded? "it was certainly proper," he said, "to comply with existing treaties. but those treaties stipulated no such preference. congress then was at liberty to consult the interests of the united states. if those interests would be promoted by the measure, he should be willing to adopt it, but he wished its policy to be shown." the resolutions, as reported, were supported by mr. madison, mr. baldwin, mr. fitzsimmons, mr. clymer, mr. page, and mr. jackson. they relied much upon the public sentiment which had, they said, been unequivocally expressed through the several state legislatures and otherwise, against placing foreign nations generally, on a footing with the allies of the united states. so strong was this sentiment, that to its operation the existing constitution was principally to be ascribed. they thought it important to prove to those nations who had declined forming commercial treaties with them, that the united states possessed and would exercise the power of retaliating any regulations unfavourable to their trade, and they insisted strongly on the advantages of america in a war of commercial regulation, should this measure produce one. the disposition france had lately shown to relax with regard to the united states, the rigid policy by which her counsels had generally been guided, ought to be cultivated. the evidence of this disposition was an edict by which american built ships purchased by french subjects became naturalized. there was reason to believe that the person charged with the affairs of the united states at that court, had made some favourable impressions, which the conduct of the american government ought not to efface. with great earnestness it was urged, that from artificial or adventitious causes, the commerce between the united states and great britain had exceeded its natural boundary. it was wise to give such political advantages to other nations as would enable them to acquire their due share of the direct trade. it was also wise to impart some benefits to nations that had formed commercial treaties with the united states, and thereby to impress on those powers which had hitherto neglected to form such treaties, the idea that some advantages were to be gained by a reciprocity of friendship. that france had claims on the gratitude of the american people which ought not to be overlooked, was an additional argument in favour of the principle for which they contended. the discrimination was opposed by mr. benson, mr. lawrence, mr. wadsworth, and mr. sherman. they did not admit that the public sentiment had been unequivocally expressed; nor did they admit that such benefits had flowed from commercial treaties as to justify a sacrifice of interest to obtain them. there was a commercial treaty with france; but neither that treaty, nor the favours shown to that nation, had produced any correspondent advantages. the license to sell ships could not be of this description, since it was well known that the merchants of the united states did not own vessels enough for the transportation of the produce of the country, and only two, as was believed, had been sold since the license had been granted. the trade with great britain, viewed in all its parts, was upon a footing as beneficial to the united states as that with france. that the latter power had claims upon the gratitude of america was admitted, but that these claims would justify premiums for the encouragement of french commerce and navigation, to be drawn from the pockets of the american people, was not conceded. the state of the revenue, it was said, would not admit of these experiments. the observation founded on the extensiveness of the trade between the united states and great britain was answered by saying, that this was not a subject proper for legislative interposition. it was one of which the merchants were the best judges. they would consult their interest as individuals; and this was a case in which the interest of the nation and of individuals was the same. at length, the bills passed the house of representatives, and were carried to the senate, where they were amended by expunging the discrimination made in favour of the tonnage and distilled spirits of those nations which had formed commercial treaties with the united states. these amendments were disagreed to; and each house insisting on its opinion, a conference took place, after which the point was reluctantly yielded by the house of representatives. the proceedings of the senate being at that time conducted with closed doors, the course of reasoning on which this important principle was rejected can not be stated. this debate on the impost and tonnage bills was succeeded by one on a subject which was believed to involve principles of still greater interest. [sidenote: on the president's power of removal from office.] in organizing the departments of the executive, the question in what manner the high officers who filled them should be removeable, came on to be discussed. believing that the decision of this question would materially influence the character of the new government, the members supported their respective opinions with a degree of earnestness proportioned to the importance they attributed to the measure. in a committee of the whole house on the bill "to establish an executive department to be denominated the[ ] department of foreign affairs," mr. white moved to strike out the clause which declared the secretary to be removeable by the president. the power of removal, where no express provision existed, was, he said, in the nature of things, incidental to that of appointment. and as the senate was, by the constitution, associated with the president in making appointments, that body must, in the same degree, participate in the power of removing from office. [footnote : this has since been denominated the department of state.] mr. white was supported by mr. smith of south carolina, mr. page, mr. stone, and mr. jackson. those gentlemen contended that the clause was either unnecessary or improper. if the constitution gave the power to the president, a repetition of the grant in an act of congress was nugatory: if the constitution did not give it, the attempt to confer it by law was improper. if it belonged conjointly to the president and senate, the house of representatives should not attempt to abridge the constitutional prerogative of the other branch of the legislature. however this might be, they were clearly of opinion that it was not placed in the president alone. in the power over all the executive officers which the bill proposed to confer upon the president, the most alarming dangers to liberty were perceived. it was in the nature of monarchical prerogative, and would convert them into the mere tools and creatures of his will. a dependence so servile on one individual, would deter men of high and honourable minds from engaging in the public service; and if, contrary to expectation, such men should be brought into office, they would be reduced to the necessity of sacrificing every principle of independence to the will of the chief magistrate, or of exposing themselves to the disgrace of being removed from office, and that too at a time when it might be no longer in their power to engage in other pursuits. gentlemen they feared were too much dazzled with the splendour of the virtues which adorned the actual president, to be able to look into futurity. but the framers of the constitution had not confined their views to the person who would most probably first fill the presidential chair. the house of representatives ought to follow their example, and to contemplate this power in the hands of an ambitious man, who might apply it to dangerous purposes; who might from caprice remove the most worthy men from office. [illustration: view of the old city or federal hall, new york, in _on the balcony of this building, the site of which is now occupied by the united states sub-treasury, at the corner of broad and wall streets, george washington took the oath of office as first president of the united states, april , . in the near distance, at the intersection of wall and broadway, may be seen the original trinity church structure which was completed in . it was replaced by the present edifice in . president washington, who was an episcopalian, did not attend trinity, but maintained a pew in st. paul's chapel, broadway and vesey street, which remains as it was when he worshipped there._] by the friends of the original bill, the amendment was opposed with arguments of great force drawn from the constitution and from general convenience. on several parts of the constitution, and especially on that which vests the executive power in the president, they relied confidently to support the position, that, in conformity with that instrument, the power in question could reside only with the chief magistrate: no power, it was said, could be more completely executive in its nature than that of removal from office. but if it was a case on which the constitution was silent, the clearest principles of political expediency required that neither branch of the legislature should participate in it. the danger that a president could ever be found who would remove good men from office, was treated as imaginary. it was not by the splendour attached to the character of the present chief magistrate alone that this opinion was to be defended. it was founded on the structure of the office. the man in whose favour a majority of the people of this continent would unite, had probability at least in favour of his principles; in addition to which, the public odium that would inevitably attach to such conduct, would be an effectual security against it. after an ardent discussion which consumed several days, the committee divided: and the amendment was negatived by a majority of thirty-four to twenty. the opinion thus expressed by the house of representatives did not explicitly convey their sense of the constitution. indeed the express grant of the power to the president, rather implied a right in the legislature to give or withhold it at their discretion. to obviate any misunderstanding of the principle on which the question had been 'decided, mr. benson moved in the house, when the report of the committee of the whole was taken up, to amend the second clause in the bill so as clearly to imply the power of removal to be solely in the president. he gave notice that if he should succeed in this, he would move to strike out the words which had been the subject of debate. if those words continued, he said the power of removal by the president might hereafter appear to be exercised by virtue of a legislative grant only, and consequently be subjected to legislative instability; when he was well satisfied in his own mind, that it was by fair construction, fixed in the constitution. the motion was seconded by mr. madison, and both amendments were adopted. as the bill passed into a law, it has ever been considered as a full expression of the sense of the legislature on this important part of the american constitution. [sidenote: on the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans for the management of the revenue.] the bill to establish the treasury department, contained a clause making it the duty of the secretary "to digest and report plans for the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit." mr. page moved to strike out these words, observing, that to permit the secretary to go further than to prepare estimates would be a dangerous innovation on the constitutional privilege of that house. it would create an undue influence within those walls, because members might be led by the deference commonly paid to men of abilities, who gave an opinion in a case they have thoroughly considered, to support the plan of the minister even against their own judgment. nor would the mischief stop there. a precedent would be established which might be extended until ministers of the government should be admitted on that floor, to explain and support the plans they had digested and reported, thereby laying a foundation for an aristocracy, or a detestable monarchy. mr. tucker seconded the motion of mr. page, and observed, that the authority contained in the bill to prepare and report plans would create an interference of the executive with the legislative powers, and would abridge the particular privilege of that house to originate all bills for raising a revenue. how could the business originate in that house, if it was reported to them by the minister of finance? all the information that could be required might be called for without adopting a clause that might undermine the authority of the house, and the security of the people. the constitution has pointed out the proper method of communication between the executive and legislative departments. it is made the duty of the president to give from time to time information to congress of the state of the union, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. if revenue plans are to be prepared and reported to congress, he is the proper person to perform this service. he is responsible to the people for what he recommends, and will be more cautious than any other person to whom a less degree of responsibility was attached. he hoped the house was not already weary of executing and sustaining the powers vested in them by the constitution; and yet the adoption of this clause would argue that they thought themselves less adequate than an individual, to determine what burdens their constituents were able to bear. this was not answering the high expectation that had been formed of their exertions for the general good, or of their vigilance in guarding their own and the people's rights. the arguments of mr. page and mr. tucker were enforced and enlarged by mr. livermore and mr. gerry. the latter gentleman said, "that he had no objection to obtaining information, but he could not help observing the great degree of importance gentlemen were giving to this and the other executive officers. if the doctrine of having prime and great ministers of state was once well established, he did not doubt but he should soon see them distinguished by a green or red ribbon, insignia of court favour and patronage." it was contended that the plans of the secretary, being digested, would be received entire. members would be informed that each part was necessary to the whole, and that nothing could be touched without injuring the system. establish this doctrine, and congress would become a useless burden. the amendment was opposed by mr. benson, mr. goodhue, mr. ames, mr. sedgewick, mr. boudinot, mr. lawrence, mr. madison, mr. stone, mr. sherman, and mr. baldwin. it was insisted that to prepare and report plans for the improvement of the revenue, and support of public credit, constituted the most important service which could be rendered by the officer who should be placed at the head of the department of finance. when the circumstances under which the members of that house were assembled, and the various objects for which they were convened were considered, it was no imputation upon them to suppose that they might receive useful information from a person whose peculiar duty it was to direct his attention to systems of finance, and who would be in some measure selected on account of his fitness for that object. it was denied that the privileges of the house would be infringed by the measure. the plans of the secretary could not be termed bills, nor would they even be reported in that form. they would only constitute information which would be valuable, and which could not be received in a more eligible mode. "certainly," said mr. goodhue, "we carry our dignity to the extreme, when we refuse to receive information from any but ourselves." "if we consider the present situation of our finances," said mr. ames, "owing to a variety of causes, we shall no doubt perceive a great though unavoidable confusion throughout the whole scene. it presents to the imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to be reduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be clear and capacious, and his power commensurate to the object. he must not be the flitting creature of the day; he must have time given him competent to the successful exercise of his authority. it is with the intention of letting a little sunshine into the business, that the present arrangement is proposed." it was not admitted that the plans of the secretary would possess an influence to which their intrinsic value would not give them a just claim. there would always be sufficient intelligence in that house to detect, and independence to expose any oppressive or injurious scheme which might be prepared for them. nor would a plan openly and officially reported possess more influence on the mind of any member, than if given privately at the secretary's office. mr. madison said, the words of the bill were precisely those used by the former congress on two occasions. the same power had been annexed to the office of superintendent of the finances; and he had never heard that any inconvenience had been experienced from the regulation. perhaps if the power had been more fully and more frequently exercised, it might have contributed more to the public good. "there is," continued this gentleman, "a small probability, though it is but small, that an officer may derive weight from this circumstance, and have some degree of influence upon the deliberations of the legislature. but compare the danger likely to result from this cause, with the danger and inconvenience of not having well formed and digested plans, and we shall find infinitely more to apprehend from the latter. inconsistent, unproductive, and expensive schemes, will produce greater injury to our constituents, than is to be apprehended from any undue influence which the well digested plans of a well informed officer can have. from a bad administration of the government, more detriment will arise than from any other source. want of information has occasioned much inconvenience, and many unnecessary burdens in some of the state governments. let it be our care to avoid those rocks and shoals in our political voyage which have injured, and nearly proved fatal to many of our contemporary navigators." the amendment was rejected. [sidenote: on the style by which the president should be addressed.] among the interesting points which were settled in the first congress, was the question by what style the president and vice president should be addressed. mr. benson, from the committee appointed to confer with a committee of the senate on this subject reported, "that it is not proper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles of office expressed in the constitution;" and this report was, without opposition, agreed to in the house of representatives. in the senate, the report was disapproved, and a resolution passed requesting the house of representatives to appoint another committee, again to confer with one from the senate, on the same subject. this message being taken up in the house of representatives, a resolution was moved by mr. parker, seconded by mr. page, declaring that it would be improper to accede to the request of the senate. several members were in favour of this motion; but others who were opposed to receding from the ground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint a committee as a measure properly respectful to the other branch of the legislature. after a warm debate, the resolution proposed by mr. parker was set aside by the previous question, and a committee of conference was appointed. they could not agree upon a report, in consequence of which the subject was permitted to rest; and the senate, conforming to the precedent given by the house of representatives, addressed the president in their answer to his speech by the terms used in the constitution. while the representatives were preparing bills for organizing the great executive departments, the senate was occupied with digesting the system of a national judiciary. this complex and extensive subject was taken up in the commencement of the session, and was completed towards its close. [sidenote: amendment to the constitution proposed by congress and ratified by the states.] in the course of this session mr. madison brought forward a proposition for recommending to the consideration and adoption of the states, several new articles to be added to the constitution. many of those objections to it which had been urged with all the vehemence of conviction, and which, in the opinion of some of its advocates, were entitled to serious consideration, were believed by the most intelligent to derive their sole support from erroneous construction of the instrument. others were upon points on which the objectors might be gratified without injury to the system. to conciliate the affections of their brethren to the government, was an object greatly desired by its friends. disposed to respect, what they deemed, the errors of their opponents, where that respect could be manifested without a sacrifice of essential principles, they were anxious to annex to the constitution those explanations and barriers against the possible encroachments of rulers on the liberties of the people, which had been loudly demanded, however unfounded, in their judgments, might be the fears by which those demands were suggested. these dispositions were perhaps, in some measure, stimulated to exertion by motives of the soundest policy. the formidable minorities in several of the conventions, which in the legislatures of some powerful states had become majorities, and the refusal of two states to complete the union, were admonitions not to be disregarded, of the necessity of removing jealousies, however misplaced, which operated on so large a portion of society. among the most zealous friends of the constitution therefore, were found some of the first and warmest advocates for amendments. to meet the various ideas expressed by the several conventions; to select from the mass of alterations which they had proposed those which might be adopted without stripping the government of its necessary powers; to condense them into a form and compass which would be acceptable to persons disposed to indulge the caprice, and to adopt the language of their particular states; were labours not easily to be accomplished. but the greatest difficulty to be surmounted was, the disposition to make those alterations which would enfeeble, and materially injure, the future operations of the government. at length, ten articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution, were assented to by two-thirds of both houses of congress, and proposed to the legislatures of the several states. although the necessity of these amendments had been urged by the enemies of the constitution, and denied by its friends, they encountered scarcely any other opposition in the state legislatures, than was given by the leaders of the anti-federal party. admitting the articles to be good and necessary, it was contended that they were not sufficient for the security of liberty; and the apprehension was avowed that their adoption would quiet the fears of the people, and check the pursuit of those radical alterations which would afford a safe and adequate protection to their rights. they were at length ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the states, and probably contributed, in some degree, to diminish the jealousies which had been imbibed against the constitution. [sidenote: appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council and of the judges.] the government being completely organized, and a system of revenue established, the important duty of filling the offices which had been created, remained to be performed. in the execution of this delicate trust, the purest virtue and the most impartial judgment were exercised in selecting the best talents, and the greatest weight of character, which the united states could furnish. the unmingled patriotism of the motives by which the president was actuated, would receive its clearest demonstration from a view of all his private letters on this subject: and the success of his endeavours is attested by the abilities and reputation which he drew into the public service. at the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominated the department of state, he placed mr. jefferson. this gentleman had been bred to the bar, and at an early period of life, had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainments in the science of politics. he had been a distinguished member of the second congress, and had been offered a diplomatic appointment, which he had declined. withdrawing from the administration of continental affairs, he had been elected governor of virginia, which office he filled for two years. he afterwards again represented his native state in the councils of the union, and in the year , was appointed to succeed dr. franklin at the court of versailles. in that station, he had acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction. his notes on virginia, which were read with applause, were believed to evince the soundness of his political opinions; and the declaration of independence was universally ascribed to his pen. he had long been placed by america amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had long been classed by the president with those who were most capable of serving the nation. having lately obtained permission to return for a short time to the united states, he was, while on his passage, nominated to this important office; and, on his arrival in virginia, found a letter from the president, giving him the option of becoming the secretary of foreign affairs, or of retaining his station at the court of versailles. he appears rather to have inclined to continue in his foreign appointment; and, in changing his situation, to have consulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preference of his own mind. the task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangement from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of america were involved, and of devising means which should render the revenue productive, and commensurate with the demand, in a manner least burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of the duties which devolved on the new government. in discharging it, much aid was expected from the head of the treasury. this important, and, at that time, intricate department, was assigned to colonel hamilton. this gentleman was a native of the island of st. croix, and, at a very early period of life, had been placed by his friends, in new york. possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of the moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his pen, and afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between the american colonies and their parent state. among the first troops raised by new york was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed a captain. soon after the war was transferred to the hudson, his superior endowments recommended him to the attention of the commander-in-chief, into whose family, before completing his twenty-first year, he was invited to enter. equally brave and intelligent, he continued, in this situation, to display a degree of firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of his general, and of the principal officers in the army. after the capitulation at yorktown, the war languished throughout the american continent, and the probability that its termination was approaching daily increased. the critical circumstances of the existing government rendered the events of the civil, more interesting than those of the military department; and colonel hamilton accepted a seat in the congress of the united states. in all the important acts of the day, he performed a conspicuous part; and was greatly distinguished among those distinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of their country. he had afterwards been active in promoting those measures which led to the convention at philadelphia, of which he was a member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of the constitution by the state of new york. in the pre-eminent part he had performed, both in the military and civil transactions of his country, he had acquired a great degree of well merited fame; and the frankness of his manners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of his feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him many valuable friends. to talents equally splendid and useful, he united a patient industry, not always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiar manner, for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man who should be placed at the head of the american finances. the department of war was already filled by general knox, and he was again nominated to it. throughout the contest of the revolution, this officer had continued at the head of the american artillery, and from being the colonel of a regiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major general. in this important station, he had preserved a high military character; and, on the resignation of general lincoln, had been appointed secretary of war. to his past services, and to unquestionable integrity, he was admitted to unite a sound understanding; and the public judgment, as well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects competent to the station he filled. the office of attorney general was filled by mr. edmund randolph. to a distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman added a considerable degree of political eminence. after having been for several years the attorney general of virginia, he had been elected its governor. while in this office, he was chosen a member of the convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected to that which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection. after having served at the head of the executive the term permitted by the constitution of the state, he entered into its legislature, where he preserved a great share of influence. such was the first cabinet council of the president. in its composition, public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had been consulted, and a high degree of character had been combined with real talent. in the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the president was guided by the same principles. at the head of this department he placed mr. john jay. from the commencement of the revolution, this gentleman had filled a large space in the public mind. remaining, without intermission, in the service of his country, he had passed through a succession of high offices, and, in all of them, had merited the approbation of his fellow citizens. to his pen, while in congress, america was indebted for some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honour upon the government; and to his firmness and penetration, was to be ascribed, in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of those intricate negotiations, which were conducted, towards the close of the war, at madrid, and at paris. on returning to the united states, he had been appointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which station he had conducted himself with his accustomed ability. a sound judgment improved by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs, unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of which mr. jay had given frequent and signal proofs. although for some years withdrawn from that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitions of his early life had not been lost; and the subjects on which his mind had been exercised, were not entirely foreign from those which would, in the first instance, employ the courts in which he was to preside. john rutledge of south carolina, james wilson of pennsylvania, william cushing of massachusetts, robert harrison of maryland, and john blair of virginia were nominated as associate justices. some of these gentlemen had filled the highest law offices in their respective states; and all of them had received distinguished marks of the public confidence. in the systems which had been adopted by the several states, offices corresponding to those created by the revenue laws of congress, had been already established. uninfluenced by considerations of personal regard, the president could not be induced to change men whom he found in place, if worthy of being employed; and where the man who had filled such office in the former state of things was unexceptionable in his conduct and character, he was uniformly re-appointed. in deciding between competitors for vacant offices, the law he prescribed for his government was to regard the fitness of candidates for the duties they would be required to discharge; and, where an equality in this respect existed, former merits and sufferings in the public service, gave claims to preference which could not be overlooked. in the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicial departments, great respectability of character was also associated with an eminent degree of talents. the constitutional prohibition to appoint any member of the legislature to an office created during the time for which he had been elected, did not exclude men of the most distinguished abilities from the first congress. impelled by an anxious solicitude respecting the first measures of the government, its zealous friends had pressed into its service: and, in both branches of the legislature, men were found who possessed the fairest claims to the public confidence. from the duties attached to his office, the vice president of the united states, and president of the senate, though not a member of the legislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department not less than with the executive. elected by the whole people of america in common with the president, he could not fail to be taken from the most distinguished citizens, and to add to the dignity of the body over which he presided. mr. john adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of the revolution. bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied the constitution of his country, and was among the most determined asserters of its rights. active in guiding that high spirit which animated all new england, he became a member of the congress of , and was among the first who dared to avow sentiments in favour of independence. in that body he soon attained considerable eminence; and, at an early stage of the war, was chosen one of the commissioners to whom the interests of the united states in europe were confided. in his diplomatic character, he had contributed greatly to those measures which drew holland into the war; had negotiated the treaty between the united states and the dutch republic: and had, at critical points of time, obtained loans of money which were of great advantage to his country. in the negotiations which terminated the war, he had also rendered important services; and, after the ratification of the definitive articles of peace, had been deputed to great britain for the purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation. the political situation of america having rendered this object unattainable, he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the united states soon after the adoption of the constitution. as a statesman, this gentleman had, at all times, ranked high in the estimation of his countrymen. he had improved a sound understanding by extensive political and historical reading; and perhaps no american had reflected more profoundly on the subject of government. the exalted opinion he entertained of his own country was flattering to his fellow citizens; and the purity of his mind, the unblemished integrity of a life spent in the public service, had gained him their confidence. a government, supported in all its departments by so much character and talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity was undoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson of disinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed with an attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapid progress in conciliating the affection of the people. that all hostility to the constitution should subside, that public measures should receive universal approbation; that no particular disgusts and individual irritations should be excited; were expectations which could not reasonably be indulged. exaggerated accounts were indeed occasionally circulated of the pomp and splendour which were affected by certain high officers, of the monarchical tendencies of particular institutions, and of the dispositions which prevailed to increase the powers of the executive. that the doors of the senate were closed, and that a disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish the president of the united states by a title,[ ] gave considerable umbrage, and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branch of the legislature, unfriendly to republicanism. the exorbitance of salaries was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality of commercial privileges with which foreign bottoms entered american ports, was not free from objection. but the apprehensions of danger to liberty from the new system, which had been impressed on the minds of well meaning men, were visibly wearing off; the popularity of the administration was communicating itself to the government; and the materials with which the discontented were furnished, could not yet be efficaciously employed. [footnote : the following extract from a letter written july , to doctor stuart, who had communicated to him this among other private insinuations, shows the ideas entertained by the president on this subject. "it is to be lamented that a question has been stirred which has given rise to so much animadversion, and which i confess has given me much uneasiness, lest it should be supposed by some unacquainted with facts that the object in view was not displeasing to me. the truth is, the question was moved before i arrived, without any privity or knowledge of it on my part, and urged after i was apprised of it contrary to my opinion;--for i foresaw and predicted the reception it has met with, and the use that would be made of it by the enemies of the government. happily the matter is now done with, i hope never to be revived."] towards the close of the session, a report on a petition which had been presented at an early period by the creditors of the public residing in the state of pennsylvania, was taken up in the house of representatives. though many considerations rendered a postponement of this interesting subject necessary, two resolutions were passed; the one, "declaring that the house considered an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to the national honour and prosperity;" and the other directing, "the secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for that purpose, and to report the same to the house at its next meeting." [sidenote: adjournment of the first session of congress.] on the th of september, congress adjourned to the first monday in the succeeding january. throughout the whole of this laborious and important session, perfect harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature; and no circumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. the modes of communication between the departments of government were adjusted in a satisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of those delicate points in which the senate participate of executive power. [sidenote: the president visits the new england states.] anxious to visit new england, to observe in person the condition of the country and the dispositions of the people towards the government and its measures, the president was disposed to avail himself of the short respite from official cares afforded by the recess of congress, to make a tour through the eastern states. his resolution being taken, and the executive business which required his immediate personal attendance being despatched,[ ] he commenced his tour on the th of october; and, passing through connecticut and massachusetts, as far as portsmouth in new hampshire, returned by a different route to new york, where he arrived on the th of november. [footnote : just before his departure from new york the president received from the count de moustiers, the minister of france, official notice that he was permitted by his court to return to europe. by the orders of his sovereign he added, "that his majesty was pleased at the alteration which had taken place in the government, and congratulated america on the choice they had made of a president." as from himself, he observed that the government of this country had been hitherto of so fluctuating a nature, that no dependence could be placed on its proceedings; in consequence of which foreign nations had been cautious of entering into treaties, or engagements of any kind with the united states: but that in the present government there was a head to look up to, and power being placed in the hands of its officers, stability in its measures might be expected. the disposition of his christian majesty to cultivate the good will of the new government was also manifested by his conduct in the choice of a minister to replace the count de moustiers. colonel ternan was named as a person who would be particularly acceptable to america, and his appointment was preceded by the compliment of ascertaining the sense of the president respecting him.] with this visit, the president had much reason to be satisfied. to contemplate the theatre on which many interesting military scenes had been exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaign as commander-in-chief of the american army had been made, were sources of rational delight. to observe the progress of society, the improvements in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and the temper, circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not fail to be grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in all respects, worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. the reappearance of their general, in the high station he now filled, brought back to recollection the perilous transactions of the war; and the reception universally given to him, attested the unabated love which was felt for his person and character, and indicated unequivocally the growing popularity, at least in that part of the union, of the government he administered. [sidenote: his reception.] the sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affection expressed for his person in the addresses presented to him, was well calculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused. "i rejoice with you my fellow citizens," said he in answer to an address from the inhabitants of boston, "in every circumstance that declares your prosperity;--and i do so most cordially because you have well deserved to be happy. "your love of liberty--your respect for the laws--your habits of industry--and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness. and they will, i trust, be firmly and lastingly established." but the interchange of sentiments with the companions of his military toils and glory, will excite most interest, because on both sides, the expressions were dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings of the human heart. from the cincinnati of massachusetts he received the following address: "amidst the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolis has occasioned, permit us, the members of the society of the cincinnati in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of the ardour of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious example in peace. "after the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the hudson, which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpected meeting. on this occasion we can not avoid the recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which you conducted us; and while we contemplate various trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon other trials, and other services alike important, and, in some points of view, equally hazardous. for the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long, very long, may your invaluable life be preserved. and as the admiring world, while considering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your virtue and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel. "it is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. we can only say that when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude of obedience to your orders; as citizens, our supreme ambition is to maintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric of federal government over which you preside. "as members of the society of the cincinnati, it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachment which our institution inculcates. and while our conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and the best of men." to this address the following answer was returned: "in reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fellow citizens of this commonwealth, they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. dear, indeed, is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace, participated with those whose virtue and valour so largely contributed to procure them. to that virtue and valour your country has confessed her obligations. be mine the grateful task to add the testimony of a connexion which it was my pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom. "regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an example that must command their admiration and grateful praise. long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternal attachments, and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you have faithfully done your duty. "while i am permitted to possess the consciousness of this worth, which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, i will continue to be your sincere and faithful friend." soon after his return to new york, the president was informed of the ill success which had attended his first attempt to negotiate a peace with the creek indians. general lincoln, mr. griffin, and colonel humphries, had been deputed on this mission, and had met m'gillivray with several other chiefs, and about two thousand men, at rock landing, on the oconee, on the frontiers of georgia. the treaty commenced with favourable appearances, but was soon abruptly broken off by m'gillivray. some difficulties arose on the subject of a boundary, but the principal obstacles to a peace were supposed to grow out of his personal interests, and his connexions with spain. [sidenote: north carolina accedes to the union.] this intelligence was more than counterbalanced by the accession of north carolina to the union. in the month of november, a second convention had met under the authority of the legislature of that state, and the constitution was adopted by a great majority. chapter vi. meeting of congress.... president's speech.... report of the secretary of the treasury on public credit.... debate thereon.... bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.... adjournment of congress.... treaty with the creek indians.... relations of the united states with great britain and spain.... the president visits mount vernon.... session of congress.... the president's speech.... debates on the excise.... on a national bank.... the opinions of the cabinet on the law.... progress of parties.... war with the indians.... defeat of harmar.... adjournment of congress. { } on the eighth of january, , the president met both houses of congress in the senate chamber. [sidenote: meeting of the second session of the first congress.] in his speech, which was delivered from the chair of the vice president, after congratulating congress on the accession of the important state of north carolina to the union, and on the prosperous aspect of american affairs, he proceeded to recommend certain great objects of legislation to their more especial consideration. "among the many interesting objects," continued the speech, "which will engage your attention, that of providing for the common defence will merit your particular regard. to be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. "a free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined; to which end, a uniform and well digested plan is requisite; and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent on others for essential, particularly for military supplies." as connected with this subject, a proper establishment for the troops which they might deem indispensable, was suggested for their mature deliberation; and the indications of a hostile temper given by several tribes of indians, were considered as admonishing them of the necessity of being prepared to afford protection to the frontiers, and to punish aggression. the interests of the united states were declared to require that the means of keeping up their intercourse with foreign nations should be provided; and the expediency of establishing a uniform rule of naturalization was suggested. after expressing his confidence in their attention to many improvements essential to the prosperity of the interior, the president added, "nor am i less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. in one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential. to the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways: by convincing those who are intrusted with the public administration, that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people; and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. "whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature." addressing himself then particularly to the representatives he said: "i saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion, that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honour and prosperity. in this sentiment i entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavours to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end, i add an equal reliance on the cheerful co-operation of the other branch of the legislature. it would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the united states are so obviously and so deeply concerned; and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration." addressing himself again to both houses, he observed, that the estimates and papers respecting the objects particularly recommended to their attention would be laid before them; and concluded with saying, "the welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed: and i shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government." the answers of both houses were indicative of the harmony which subsisted between the executive and legislative departments. congress had been so occupied during its first session with those bills which were necessary to bring the new system into full operation, and to create an immediate revenue, that some measures which possessed great and pressing claims to immediate attention had been unavoidably deferred. that neglect under which the creditors of the public had been permitted to languish could not fail to cast an imputation on the american republics, which had been sincerely lamented by the wisest among those who administered the former government. the power to comply substantially with the engagements of the united states being at length conferred on those who were bound by them, it was confidently expected by the friends of the constitution that their country would retrieve its reputation, and that its fame would no longer be tarnished with the blots which stain a faithless people. [sidenote: report of the secretary of the treasury of a plan for the support of public credit.] on the th of january, a letter from the secretary of the treasury to the speaker of the house of representatives was read, stating that in obedience to the resolution of the st of september, he had prepared a plan for the support of public credit, which he was ready to report when the house should be pleased to receive it; and, after a short debate in which the personal attendance of the secretary for the purpose of making explanations was urged by some, and opposed by others, it was resolved that the report should be received in writing on the succeeding thursday. availing himself of the latitude afforded by the terms of the resolution under which he acted, the secretary had introduced into his report an able and comprehensive argument elucidating and supporting the principles it contained. after displaying, with strength and perspicuity, the justice and the policy of an adequate provision for the public debt, he proceeded to discuss the principles on which it should be made. "it was agreed," he said, "by all, that the foreign debt should be provided for according to the precise terms of the contract. it was to be regretted that, with respect to the domestic debt, the same unanimity of sentiment did not prevail." the first point on which the public appeared to be divided, involved the question, "whether a discrimination ought not to be made between original holders of the public securities, and present possessors by purchase." after reviewing the arguments generally urged in its support, the secretary declared himself against this discrimination. he deemed it "equally unjust and impolitic; highly injurious even to the original holders of public securities, and ruinous to public credit." to the arguments with which he enforced these opinions, he added the authority of the government of the union. from the circular address of congress to the states, of the th of april, , accompanying their revenue system of the th of the same month, passages were selected indicating unequivocally, that in the view of that body the original creditors, and those who had become so by assignment, had equal claims upon the nation. after reasoning at great length against a discrimination between the different creditors of the union, the secretary proceeded to examine whether a difference ought to be permitted to remain between them and the creditors of individual states. both descriptions of debt were contracted for the same objects, and were in the main the same. indeed, a great part of the particular debts of the states had arisen from assumptions by them on account of the union; and it was most equitable that there should be the same measure of retribution for all. there were many reasons, some of which were stated, for believing this would not be the case, unless the state debts should be assumed by the nation. in addition to the injustice of favouring one class of creditors more than another which was equally meritorious, many arguments were urged in support of the policy of distributing to all with an equal hand from the same source. after an elaborate discussion of these and some other points connected with the subject, the secretary proposed that a loan should be opened to the full amount of the debt, as well of the particular states, as of the union. the terms to be offered were,-- first. that for every one hundred dollars subscribed payable in the debt, as well interest as principal, the subscriber should be entitled to have two-thirds funded on a yearly interest of six per cent, (the capital redeemable at the pleasure of government by the payment of the principal) and to receive the other third in lands of the western territory at their then actual value. or, secondly. to have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of four per cent., irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum both on account of principal and interest, and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands as in the preceding case. or, thirdly. to have sixty-six and two-thirds of a dollar funded at a yearly interest of six per cent., irredeemable also by any payment exceeding four dollars and two-thirds of a dollar per annum on account both of principal and interest, and to have at the end of ten years twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and rate of redemption. in addition to these propositions the creditors were to have an option of vesting their money in annuities on different plans; and it was also recommended to open a loan at five per cent, for ten millions of dollars, payable one half in specie, and the other half in the debt, irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum both of principal and interest. by way of experiment, a tontine on principles stated in the report was also suggested. the secretary was restrained from proposing to fund the whole debt immediately at the current rate of interest, by the opinion, "that although such a provision might not exceed the abilities of the country, it would require the extension of taxation to a degree, and to objects which the true interest of the creditors themselves would forbid. it was therefore to be hoped and expected, that they would cheerfully concur in such modifications of their claims, on fair and equitable principles, as would facilitate to the government an arrangement substantial, durable, and satisfactory to the community. exigencies might ere long arise which would call for resources greatly beyond what was now deemed sufficient for the current service; and should the faculties of the country be exhausted, or even strained to provide for the public debt, there could be less reliance on the sacredness of the provision. "but while he yielded to the force of these considerations, he did not lose sight of those fundamental principles of good faith which dictate that every practicable exertion ought to be made, scrupulously to fulfil the engagements of government; that no change in the rights of its creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent; and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact, as well as in name. consequently, that every proposal of a change ought to be in the shape of an appeal to their reason and to their interest, not to their necessities. to this end it was requisite that a fair equivalent should be offered, for what might be asked to be given up, and unquestionable security for the remainder." this fair equivalent for the proposed reduction of interest was, he thought, offered in the relinquishment of the power to redeem the whole debt at pleasure. that a free judgment might be exercised by the holders of public securities in accepting or rejecting the terms offered by the government, provision was made in the report for paying to non-subscribing creditors, a dividend of the surplus which should remain in the treasury after paying the interest of the proposed loans: but as the funds immediately to be provided, were calculated to produce only four per cent, on the entire debt, the dividend, for the present, was not to exceed that rate of interest. to enable the treasury to support this increased demand upon it, an augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, was proposed, and a duty on home made spirits was also recommended. this celebrated report, which has been alike the fruitful theme of extravagant praise and bitter censure, merits the more attention, because the first regular and systematic opposition to the principles on which the affairs of the union were administered, originated in the measures which were founded on it. on the th of january, this subject was taken up; and, after some animadversions on the speculations in the public debt to which the report, it was said, had already given birth, the business was postponed until the eighth of february, when it was again brought forward. [sidenote: debate thereon.] several resolutions affirmative of the principles contained in the report, were moved by mr. fitzsimmons. to the first, which respected a provision for the foreign debt, the house agreed without a dissenting voice. the second, in favour of appropriating permanent funds for payment of the interest on the domestic debt, and for the gradual redemption of the principal, gave rise to a very animated debate. mr. jackson declared his hostility to funding systems generally. to prove their pernicious influence, he appealed to the histories of florence, genoa, and great britain; and, contending that the subject ought to be deferred until north carolina should be represented, moved, that the committee should rise. this question being decided in the negative, mr. scott declared the opinion that the united states were not bound to pay the domestic creditors the sums specified in the certificates of debts in their possession. he supported this opinion by urging, not that the public had received less value than was expressed on the face of the paper which had been issued, but that those to whom it had been delivered, by parting with it at two shillings and sixpence in the pound, had themselves fixed the value of their claims, and had manifested their willingness to add to their other sacrifices this deduction from their demand upon the nation. he therefore moved to amend the resolution before the committee so as to require a resettlement of the debt. the amendment was opposed by mr. boudinot, mr. lawrence, mr. ames, mr. sherman, mr. hartley, and mr. goodhue. they stated at large the terms on which the debt had been contracted, and urged the confidence which the creditors had a right to place in the government for its discharge according to settlements already made, and acknowledgments already given. the idea that the legislative body could diminish an ascertained debt was reprobated with great force, as being at the same time unjust, impolitic, and subversive of every principle on which public contracts are founded. the evidences of debt possessed by the creditors of the united states were considered as public bonds, for the redemption of which the property and the labour of the people were pledged. after the debate had been protracted to some length, the question was taken on mr. scott's amendment, and it passed in the negative. mr. madison then rose, and, in an eloquent speech, replete with argument, proposed an amendment to the resolution, the effect of which was to discriminate between the public creditors, so as to pay the present holder of assignable paper the highest price it had borne in the market, and give the residue to the person with whom the debt was originally contracted. where the original creditor had never parted with his claim, he was to receive the whole sum acknowledged to be due on the face of the certificate. this motion was supported by mr. jackson, mr. white, mr. moore, mr. page, mr. stone, mr. scott, and mr. seney. it was opposed with great earnestness and strength of argument, by mr. sedgewick, mr. lawrence, mr. smith, of south carolina, mr. ames, mr. gerry, mr. boudinot, mr. wadsworth, mr. goodhue, mr. hartley, mr. bland, mr. benson, mr. burke, and mr. livermore. the argument was ably supported on both sides, was long, animated, and interesting. at length the question was put, and the amendment was rejected by a great majority. this discussion deeply engaged the public attention. the proposition was new and interesting. that the debt ought to be diminished for the public advantage, was an opinion which had frequently been advanced, and was maintained by many. but a reduction from the claims of its present holders for the benefit of those who had sold their rights, was a measure which saved nothing to the public purse, and was therefore recommended only by considerations, the operation of which can never be very extensive. against it were arranged all who had made purchases, and a great majority of those who conceived that sound policy and honest dealing require a literal observance of public contracts. although the decision of congress against a discrimination in favour of the original creditor produced no considerable sensation, the determination on that part of the secretary's report which was the succeeding subject of deliberation, affecting political interests and powers which are never to be approached without danger, seemed to unchain all those fierce passions which a high respect for the government and for those who administered it, had in a great measure restrained. the manner in which the several states entered into and conducted the war of the revolution, will be recollected. acting in some respects separately, and in others conjointly, for the attainment of a common object, their resources were exerted, sometimes under the authority of congress, sometimes under the authority of the local government, to repel the enemy wherever he appeared. the debt incurred in support of the war was therefore, in the first instance, contracted partly by the continent, and partly by the states. when the system of requisitions was adopted, the transactions of the union were carried on, almost entirely, through the agency of the states; and when the measure of compensating the army for the depreciation of their pay became necessary, this burden, under the recommendation of congress, was assumed by the respective states. some had funded this debt, and paid the interest upon it. others had made no provision for the interest; but all, by taxes, paper money, or purchase, had, in some measure, reduced the principal. in their exertions some degree of inequality had obtained; and they looked anxiously to a settlement of accounts, for the ascertainment of claims which each supposed itself to have upon the union. measures to effect this object had been taken by the former government; but they were slow in their progress, and intrinsic difficulties were found in the thing itself, not easily to be overcome. the secretary of the treasury proposed to assume these debts, and to fund them in common with that which continued to be the proper debt of the union. the resolution which comprehended this principle of the report, was vigorously opposed. it was contended that the general government would acquire an undue influence, and that the state governments would be annihilated by the measure. not only would all the influence of the public creditors be thrown into the scale of the former, but it would absorb all the powers of taxation, and leave to the latter only the shadow of a government. this would probably terminate in rendering the state governments useless, and would destroy the system so recently established. the union, it was said, had been compared to a rope of sand; but gentlemen were cautioned not to push things to the opposite extreme. the attempt to strengthen it might be unsuccessful, and the cord might be strained until it should break. the constitutional authority of the federal government to assume the debts of the states was questioned. its powers, it was said, were specified, and this was not among them. the policy of the measure, as it affected merely the government of the union, was controverted, and its justice was arraigned. on the ground of policy it was objected, that the assumption would impose on the united states a burden, the weight of which was unascertained, and which would require an extension of taxation beyond the limits which prudence would prescribe. an attempt to raise the impost would be dangerous; and the excise added to it would not produce funds adequate to the object. a tax on real estate must be resorted to, objections to which had been made in every part of the union. it would be more adviseable to leave this source of revenue untouched in the hands of the state governments, who could apply to it with more facility, with a better understanding of the subject, and with less dissatisfaction to individuals, than could possibly be done by the government of the united states. there existed no necessity for taking up this burden. the state creditors had not required it. there was no petition from them upon the subject. there was not only no application from the states, but there was reason to believe that they were seriously opposed to the measure. many of them would certainly view it with a jealous,--a jaundiced eye. the convention of north carolina, which adopted the constitution, had proposed, as an amendment to it, to deprive congress of the power of interfering between the respective states and their creditors: and there could be no obligation to assume more than the balances which on a final settlement would be found due to creditor states. that the debt by being thus accumulated would be perpetuated was also an evil of real magnitude. many of the states had already made considerable progress in extinguishing their debts, and the process might certainly be carried on more rapidly by them than by the union. a public debt seemed to be considered by some as a public blessing; but to this doctrine they were not converts. if, as they believed, a public debt was a public evil, it would be enormously increased by adding those of the states to that of the union. the measure was unwise too as it would affect public credit. such an augmentation of the debt must inevitably depreciate its value; since it was the character of paper, whatever denomination it might assume, to diminish in value in proportion to the quantity in circulation. it would also increase an evil which was already sensibly felt. the state debts when assumed by the continent, would, as that of the union had already done, accumulate in large cities; and the dissatisfaction excited by the payment of taxes, would be increased by perceiving that the money raised from the people flowed into the hands of a few individuals. still greater mischief was to be apprehended. a great part of this additional debt would go into the hands of foreigners; and the united states would be heavily burdened to pay an interest which could not be expected to remain in the country. the measure was unjust, because it was burdening those states which had taxed themselves highly to discharge the claims of their creditors, with the debts of those which had not made the same exertions. it would delay the settlement of accounts between the individual states and the united states; and the supporters of the measure were openly charged with intending to defeat that settlement. it was also said that, in its execution, the scheme would be found extremely embarrassing, perhaps impracticable. the case of a partial accession to the measure by the creditors, a case which would probably occur, presented a difficulty for which no provision was made, and of which no solution had been given. should the creditors in some states come into the system, and those in others refuse to change their security, the government would be involved in perplexities from which no means of extricating itself had been shown. nor would it be practicable to discriminate between the debts contracted for general and for local objects. in the course of the debate, severe allusions were made to the conduct of particular states; and the opinions advanced in favour of the measure, were ascribed to local interests. in support of the assumption, the debts of the states were traced to their origin. america, it was said, had engaged in a war, the object of which was equally interesting to every part of the union. it was not the war of a particular state, but of the united states. it was not the liberty and independence of a part, but of the whole, for which they had contended, and which they had acquired. the cause was a common cause. as brethren, the american people had consented to hazard property and life in its defence. all the sums expended in the attainment of this great object, whatever might be the authority under which they were raised or appropriated, conduced to the same end. troops were raised, and military stores purchased, before congress assumed the command of the army, or the control of the war. the ammunition which repulsed the enemy at bunker's hill, was purchased by massachusetts; and formed a part of the debt of that state. nothing could be more erroneous than the principle which had been assumed in argument, that the holders of securities issued by individual states were to be considered merely as state creditors;--as if the debt had been contracted on account of the particular state. it was contracted on account of the union, in that common cause in which all were equally interested. from the complex nature of the political system which had been adopted in america, the war was, in a great measure, carried on through the agency of the state governments; and the debts were, in truth, the debts of the union, for which the states had made themselves responsible. except the civil list, the whole state expenditure was in the prosecution of the war; and the state taxes had undeniably exceeded the provision for their civil list. the foundation for the several classes of the debt was reviewed in detail; and it was affirmed to be proved from the review, and from the books in the public offices, that, in its origin, a great part of it, even in form, and the whole, in fact, was equitably due from the continent. the states individually possessing all the resources of the nation, became responsible to certain descriptions of the public creditors. but they were the agents of the continent in contracting the debt; and its distribution among them for payment, arose from the division of political power which existed under the old confederation. a new arrangement of the system had taken place, and a power over the resources of the nation was conferred on the general government. with the funds, the debt also ought to be assumed. this investigation of its origin demonstrated that the assumption was not the creation of a new debt, but the reacknowledgment of liability for an old one, the payment of which had devolved on those members of the system, who, at the time, were alone capable of paying it. and thence was inferred, not only the justice of the measure, but a complete refutation of the arguments drawn from the constitution. if, in point of fact, the debt was in its origin continental, and had been transferred to the states for greater facility of payment, there could be no constitutional objection to restoring its original and real character. the great powers of war, of taxation, and of borrowing money, which were vested in congress to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the united states, comprised that in question. there could be no more doubt of their right to charge themselves with the payment of a debt contracted in the past war, than to borrow money for the prosecution of a future war. the impolicy of leaving the public creditors to receive payment from different sources was also strongly pressed; and the jealousy which would exist between the creditors of the union and of the states, was considered as a powerful argument in favour of giving them one common interest. this jealousy, it was feared, might be carried so far, as even to create an opposition to the laws of the union. if the states should provide for their creditors, the same sum of money must be collected from the people, as would be required if the debt should be assumed; and it would probably be collected in a manner more burdensome, than if one uniform system should be established. if all should not make such provision, it would be unjust to leave the soldier of one state unpaid, while the services of the man who fought by his side were amply compensated; and, after having assumed the funds, it would dishonour the general government to permit a creditor for services rendered, or property advanced for the continent, to remain unsatisfied, because his claim had been transferred to the state, at a time when the state alone possessed the means of payment. by the injured and neglected creditor, such an arrangement might justly be considered as a disreputable artifice. instead of delaying, it was believed to be a measure which would facilitate the settlement of accounts between the states. its advocates declared that they did not entertain, and never had entertained any wish to procrastinate a settlement. on the contrary, it was greatly desired by them. they had themselves brought forward propositions for that purpose; and they invited their adversaries to assist in improving the plan which had been introduced. the settlement between the states, it was said, either would or would not be made. should it ever take place, it would remedy any inequalities which might grow out of the assumption. should it never take place, the justice of the measure became the more apparent. that the burdens in support of a common war, which from various causes had devolved unequally on the states, ought to be apportioned among them, was a truth too clear to be controverted; and this, if the settlement should never be accomplished, could be effected only by the measure now proposed. indeed, in any event, it would be the only certain, as well as only eligible plan. for how were the debtor states to be compelled to pay the balances which should be found against them? if the measure was recommended by considerations which rendered its ultimate adoption inevitable, the present was clearly preferable to any future time. it was desirable immediately to quiet the minds of the public creditors by assuring them that justice would be done; to simplify the forms of public debt; and to put an end to that speculation which had been so much reprobated, and which could be terminated only by giving the debt a real and permanent value. that the assumption would impair the just influence of the states was controverted with great strength of argument. the diffusive representation in the state legislatures, the intimate connexion between the representative and his constituents, the influence of the state legislatures over the members of one branch of the national legislature, the nature of the powers exercised by the state governments which perpetually presented them to the people in a point of view calculated to lay hold of the public affections, were guarantees that the states would retain their due weight in the political system, and that a debt was not necessary to the solidity or duration of their power. but the argument it was said proved too much. if a debt was now essential to the preservation of state authority, it would always be so. it must therefore never be extinguished, but must be perpetuated, in order to secure the existence of the state governments. if, for this purpose, it was indispensable that the expenses of the revolutionary war should be borne by the states, it would not be less indispensable that the expenses of future wars should be borne in the same manner. either the argument was unfounded, or the constitution was wrong; and the powers of the sword and the purse ought not to have been conferred on the government of the union. whatever speculative opinions might be entertained on this point, they were to administer the government according to the principles of the constitution as it was framed. but, it was added, if so much power follows the assumption as the objection implies, is it not time to ask--is it safe to forbear assuming? if the power is so dangerous, it will be so when exercised by the states. if assuming tends to consolidation, is the reverse, tending to disunion, a less weighty objection? if it is answered that the non-assumption will not necessarily tend to disunion; neither, it may be replied, does the assumption necessarily tend to consolidation. it was not admitted that the assumption would tend to perpetuate the debt. it could not be presumed that the general government would be less willing than the local governments to discharge it; nor could it be presumed that the means were less attainable by the former than the latter. it was not contended that a public debt was a public blessing. whether a debt was to be preferred to no debt was not the question. the debt was already contracted: and the question, so far as policy might be consulted, was, whether it was more for the public advantage to give it such a form as would render it applicable to the purposes of a circulating medium, or to leave it a mere subject of speculation, incapable of being employed to any useful purpose. the debt was admitted to be an evil; but it was an evil from which, if wisely modified, some benefit might be extracted; and which, in its present state, could have only a mischievous operation. if the debt should be placed on adequate funds, its operation on public credit could not be pernicious: in its present precarious condition, there was much more to be apprehended in that respect. to the objection that it would accumulate in large cities, it was answered it would be a monied capital, and would be held by those who chose to place money at interest; but by funding the debt, the present possessors would be enabled to part with it at its nominal value, instead of selling it at its present current rate. if it should centre in the hands of foreigners, the sooner it was appreciated to its proper standard, the greater quantity of specie would its transfer bring into the united states. to the injustice of charging those states which had made great exertions for the payment of their debts with the burden properly belonging to those which had not made such exertions, it was answered, that every state must be considered as having exerted itself to the utmost of its resources; and that if it could not, or would not make provision for creditors to whom the union was equitably bound, the argument in favour of an assumption was the stronger. the arguments drawn from local interests were repelled, and retorted, and a great degree of irritation was excited on both sides. after a very animated discussion of several days, the question was taken, and the resolution was carried by a small majority. soon after this decision, while the subject was pending before the house, the delegates from north carolina took their seats, and changed the strength of parties. by a majority of two voices, the resolution was recommitted; and, after a long and ardent debate, was negatived by the same majority. this proposition continued to be supported with a degree of earnestness which its opponents termed pertinacious, but not a single opinion was changed. it was brought forward in the new and less exceptionable form of assuming specific sums from each state. under this modification of the principle, the extraordinary contributions of particular states during the war, and their exertions since the peace, might be regarded; and the objections to the measure, drawn from the uncertainty of the sum to be assumed, would be removed. but these alterations produced no change of sentiment; and the bill was sent up to the senate with a provision for those creditors only whose certificates of debt purported to be payable by the union. in this state of things, the measure is understood to have derived aid from another, which was of a nature strongly to interest particular parts of the union. from the month of june, , when congress was driven from philadelphia by the mutiny of a part of the pennsylvania line, the necessity of selecting some place for a permanent residence, in which the government of the union might exercise sufficient authority to protect itself from violence and insult, had been generally acknowledged. scarcely any subject had occupied more time, or had more agitated the members of the former congress than this. [sidenote: bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.] in december, , an ordinance was passed for appointing commissioners to purchase land on the delaware, in the neighbourhood of its falls, and to erect thereon the necessary public buildings for the reception of congress, and the officers of government; but the southern interest had been sufficiently strong to arrest the execution of this ordinance by preventing an appropriation of funds, which required the assent of nine states. under the existing government, this subject had received the early attention of congress; and many different situations from the delaware to the potomac inclusive, had been earnestly supported; but a majority of both houses had not concurred in favour of any one place. with as little success, attempts had been made to change the temporary residence of congress. although new york was obviously too far to the east, so many conflicting interests were brought into operation whenever the subject was touched, that no motion designating a more central place, could succeed. at length, a compact respecting the temporary and permanent seat of government was entered into between the friends of philadelphia, and the potomac, stipulating that congress should adjourn to and hold its sessions in philadelphia, for ten years, during which time, buildings for the accommodation of the government should be erected at some place on the potomac, to which the government should remove at the expiration of the term. this compact having united the representatives of pennsylvania and delaware with the friends of the potomac, in favour both of the temporary and permanent residence which had been agreed on between them, a majority was produced in favour of the two situations, and a bill which was brought into the senate in conformity with this previous arrangement, passed both houses by small majorities. this act was immediately followed by an amendment to the bill then pending before the senate for funding the debt of the union. the amendment was similar in principle to that which had been unsuccessfully proposed in the house of representatives. by its provisions, twenty-one millions five hundred thousand dollars of the state debts were assumed in specified proportions; and it was particularly enacted that no certificate should be received from a state creditor which could be "ascertained to have been issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the united states, or of some part thereof, during the same." when the question was taken in the house of representatives on this amendment, two members representing districts on the potomac, who, in all the previous stages of the business, had voted against the assumption, declared themselves in its favour; and thus the majority was changed.[ ] [footnote : it has ever been understood that these members were, on principle, in favour of the assumption as modified in the amendment made by the senate; but they withheld their assent from it when originally proposed in the house of representatives, in the opinion that the increase of the national debt, added to the necessity of giving to the departments of the national government a more central residence. it is understood that a greater number would have changed had it been necessary.] thus was a measure carried, which was supported and opposed with a degree of zeal and earnestness not often manifested; and which furnished presages, not to be mistaken, that the spirit with which the opposite opinions had been maintained, would not yield, contentedly, to the decision of a bare majority. this measure has constituted one of the great grounds of accusation against the first administration of the general government; and it is fair to acknowledge, that though, in its progress, it derived no aid from the president, whose opinion remained in his own bosom, it received the full approbation of his judgment. a bill, at length, passed both houses, funding the debt upon principles which lessened considerably the weight of the public burdens, and was entirely satisfactory to the public creditors. the proceeds of the sales of the lands lying in the western territory, and, by a subsequent act of the same session, the surplus product of the revenue after satisfying the appropriations which were charged upon it, with the addition of two millions, which the president was authorized to borrow at five per centum, constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the reduction of the debt. the effect of this measure was great and rapid. the public paper suddenly rose, and was for a short time above par. the immense wealth which individuals acquired by this unexpected appreciation, could not be viewed with indifference. those who participated in its advantages, regarded the author of a system to which they were so greatly indebted, with an enthusiasm of attachment to which scarcely any limits were assigned. to many others, this adventitious collection of wealth in particular hands, was a subject rather of chagrin than of pleasure; and the reputation which the success of his plans gave to the secretary of the treasury, was not contemplated with unconcern. as if the debt had been created by the existing government, not by a war which gave liberty and independence to the united states, its being funded was ascribed by many, not to a sense of justice, and to a liberal and enlightened policy, but to the desire of bestowing on the government an artificial strength, by the creation of a monied interest which would be subservient to its will. the effects produced by giving the debt a permanent value, justified the predictions of those whose anticipations had been most favourable. the sudden increase of monied capital derived from it, invigorated commerce, and gave a new stimulus to agriculture. about this time, there was a great and visible improvement in the circumstances of the people. although the funding system was certainly not inoperative in producing this improvement, it can not be justly ascribed to any single cause. progressive industry had gradually repaired the losses sustained by the war; and the influence of the constitution on habits of thinking and acting, though silent, was considerable. in depriving the states of the power to impair the obligation of contracts, or to make any thing but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts, the conviction was impressed on that portion of society which had looked to the government for relief from embarrassment, that personal exertions alone could free them from difficulties; and an increased degree of industry and economy was the natural consequence of this opinion. [sidenote: adjournment of congress.] on the th of august, after an arduous session, congress adjourned, to meet in philadelphia the first monday in the following december. while the discussions in the national legislature related to subjects, and were conducted in a temper, well calculated to rouse the active spirit of party, the external relations of the united states wore an aspect not perfectly serene. to the hostile temper manifested by the indians on the western and southern frontiers, an increased degree of importance was given by the apprehension that their discontents were fomented by the intrigues of britain and of spain. from canada, the indians of the north-west were understood to be furnished with the means of prosecuting a war which they were stimulated to continue; and, to the influence of the governor of the floridas had been partly attributed the failure of the negotiation with the creeks. that this influence would still be exerted to prevent a friendly intercourse with that nation was firmly believed; and it was feared that spain might take a part in the open hostilities threatened by the irritable dispositions of individuals in both countries. from the intimate connexion subsisting between the members of the house of bourbon, this event was peculiarly deprecated; and the means of avoiding it were sought with solicitude. these considerations determined the president to make another effort at negotiation; but, to preserve the respect of these savages for the united states, it was at the same time resolved that the agent to be employed should visit the country on other pretexts, and should carry a letter of introduction to m'gillivray, blending with other subjects a strong representation of the miseries which a war with the united states would bring upon his people; and an earnest exhortation to repair with the chiefs of his nation to the seat of the federal government, in order to effect a solid and satisfactory peace. colonel willett was selected for this service; and he acquitted himself so well of the duty assigned to him, as to induce the chiefs of the nation, with m'gillivray at their head, to repair to new york, where negotiations were opened which terminated in a treaty of peace,[ ] signed on the th day of august.[ ] [footnote : on the first information at st. augustine that m'gillivray was about to repair to new york, the intelligence was communicated to the governor at the havanna, and the secretary of east florida came to new york, with a large sum of money to purchase flour, as it was said; but to embarrass the negotiations with the creeks was believed to be his real design. he was closely watched, and measures were taken to render any attempts he might make abortive.] [footnote : see note, no. iv. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: treaty with the creek indians.] the pacific overtures made to the indians of the wabash and the miamis not having been equally successful, the western frontiers were still exposed to their destructive incursions. a long course of experience had convinced the president that, on the failure of negotiation, sound policy and true economy, not less than humanity, required the immediate employment of a force which should carry death and destruction into the heart of the hostile settlements. either not feeling the same impressions, or disposed to indulge the wishes of the western people, who declared openly their preference for desultory military expeditions, congress did not adopt measures corresponding with the wishes of the executive, and the military establishment[ ] was not equal to the exigency. the distresses of the frontier establishment, therefore, still continued; and the hostility they had originally manifested to the constitution, sustained no diminution. [footnote : on giving his assent to the bill "regulating the military establishment of the united states," the president subjoined to the entry in his diary the remark, that although he gave it his sanction, "he did not conceive that the military establishment was adequate to the exigencies of the government, and to the protection it was intended to afford." it consisted of one regiment of infantry, and one battalion of artillery, amounting in the total, exclusive of commissioned officers, to twelve hundred and sixteen men.] [sidenote: united states in relations with great britain and spain.] no progress had been made in adjusting the points of controversy with spain and britain. with the former power, the question of boundary remained unsettled; and the cabinet of madrid discovered no disposition to relax the rigour of its pretensions respecting the navigation of the mississippi. its general conduct furnished no foundation for a hope that its dispositions towards the united states were friendly, or that it could view their growing power without jealousy. the non-execution of the th, th, th, and th articles of the treaty of peace, still furnished the united states and great britain with matter for reciprocal crimination, which there was the more difficulty in removing, because no diplomatic intercourse was maintained between them. the cabinet of st. james having never appointed a minister to the united states, and mr. adams having returned from london without effecting the object of his mission, the american government felt some difficulty in repeating advances which had been treated with neglect. yet there was much reason to desire full explanations with the english government, and to understand perfectly its views and intentions. the subjects for discussion were delicate in their nature, and could not be permitted to remain in their present state, without hazarding the most serious consequences. the detention of a part of the territory of the united states, was a circumstance of much importance to the honour, as well as to the interests of the nation, and the commercial intercourse between the two countries was so extensive, as to require amicable and permanent regulations. the early attention of the president had been directed to these subjects; and, in october, , he had resolved on taking informal measures to sound the british cabinet, and to ascertain its views respecting them. this negotiation was entrusted to mr. gouverneur morris, who had been carried by private business to europe; and he conducted it with ability and address, but was unable to bring it to a happy conclusion. the result of his conferences with the duke of leeds, and with mr. pitt, was a conviction that the british government, considering the posts they occupied on the southern side of the great lakes as essential to their monopoly of the fur trade, would surrender them reluctantly, and was not desirous of entering into a commercial treaty. those ministers expressed a wish to be on the best terms with america; but repeated the complaints which had been previously made by lord carmarthen, of the non-execution of the treaty of peace on the part of the united states. to the observations made by mr. morris, that the constitution lately adopted, and the courts established under it, amounted to a full compliance with that treaty on the part of the american government, it was answered, that losses had already been sustained in consequence of the obstructions given by the states to the fair operation of that instrument, which rendered a faithful observance of it, at present, impossible; and, in a note, the duke of leeds avowed the intention, if the delay on the part of the american government to fulfil its engagements made in the treaty should have rendered their final completion impracticable, to retard the fulfilment of those which depended entirely on great britain, until redress should be granted to the subjects of his majesty on the specific points of the treaty itself, or a fair and just compensation obtained for the non-performance of those stipulations which the united states had failed to observe. though urged by mr. morris to state explicitly in what respects, and to what degree, he considered the final completion of those engagements to which the united states were bound, as having been rendered impracticable, no such statement was given; and the british government seemed inclined to avoid, for the present, those full and satisfactory explanations, which were sought on the part of the united states. after detailing the motives which in his opinion influenced the english cabinet in wishing to suspend for a time all discussions with america, mr. morris observed, "perhaps there never was a moment in which this country felt herself greater; and consequently, it is the most unfavourable moment to obtain advantageous terms from her in any bargain." whilst these negotiations were pending, intelligence was received at london of the attack made on the british settlement at nootka sound; and preparations were instantly made to resent the insult alleged to have been offered to the nation. the high ground taken on this occasion by the government, and the vigour with which it armed in support of its pretensions, furnished strong reasons for the opinion that a war with spain, and probably with france, would soon be commenced. in america, this was considered as a favourable juncture for urging the claims of the united states to the free navigation of the mississippi. mr. carmichael, their charge d'affaires at the court of madrid, was instructed not only to press this point with earnestness, but to use his utmost endeavours to secure the unmolested use of that river in future, by obtaining a cession of the island of new orleans, and of the floridas. a full equivalent for this cession would be found, it was said, in the sincere friendship of the united states, and in the security it would give to the territories of spain, west of the mississippi. mr. carmichael was also instructed to point the attention of the spanish government to the peculiar situation of the united states. to one half of their territory, the use of the mississippi was indispensable. no efforts could prevent their acquiring it. that they would acquire it, either by acting separately, or in conjunction with great britain, was one of those inevitable events against which human wisdom could make no provision. to the serious consideration of the spanish government, therefore, were submitted the consequences which must result to their whole empire in america, either from hostilities with the united states, or from a seizure of louisiana by great britain. the opinion, that in the event of war between great britain and spain, louisiana would be invaded from canada, was not a mere suggestion for the purpose of aiding the negotiations at madrid. it was seriously adopted by the american government; and the attention of the executive was turned to the measures which it would be proper to take, should application be made for permission to march a body of troops, through the unsettled territories of the united states, into the dominions of spain; or should the attempt be made to march them, without permission. among the circumstances which contributed to the opinion that, in the event of war, the arms of great britain would be directed against the settlements of spain in america, was the continuance of lord dorchester in the government of canada. this nobleman had intimated a wish to visit new york on his return to england; but the prospect of a rupture with spain had determined him to remain in canada. under the pretext of making his acknowledgments for the readiness with which his desire to pass through new york had been acceded to, his lordship despatched major beck with, a member of his family, to sound the american government, and if possible, to ascertain its dispositions towards the two nations. alluding to the negotiations which had been commenced in london, this gentleman endeavoured to assign a satisfactory cause for the delays which had intervened. it was not improbable, he said, that these delays, and some other circumstances, might have impressed mr. morris with an idea of backwardness on the part of the british ministry. his lordship, however, had directed him to say, that an inference of this sort would not, in his opinion, be well founded, as he had reason to believe that the british cabinet was inclined not only towards a friendly intercourse, but towards an alliance with the united states. major beckwith represented the particular ground of quarrel as one which ought to interest all commercial nations in favour of the views of great britain; and, from that circumstance, he presumed that, should a war ensue, the united states would find their interest in taking part with britain, rather than with spain. after expressing the concern with which lord dorchester had heard of the depredations of the savages on the western frontier of the united states, he declared that his lordship, so far from countenancing these depredations, had taken every proper opportunity to impress upon the indians a pacific disposition; and that, on his first hearing of the outrages lately committed, he had sent a messenger to endeavour to prevent them. major beckwith further intimated, that the perpetrators of the late murders were banditti, composed chiefly of creeks and cherokees, in the spanish interest, over whom the governor of canada possessed no influence. these communications were laid before the president, and appeared to him to afford an explanation of the delays experienced by mr. morris. he was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of london to retain things in their actual situation, until the intentions of the american government should be ascertained with respect to the war supposed to be approaching. if the united states would enter into an alliance with great britain, and would make a common cause with her against spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment of all their objects: but if america should be disinclined to such a connexion, and especially, if she should manifest any partiality towards spain, no progress would be made in the attempt to adjust the point of difference between the two nations. taking this view of the subject, he directed that the further communications of mr. beckwith should be heard civilly, and that their want of official authenticity should be hinted delicately, without using any expressions which might, in the most remote degree, impair the freedom of the united states, to pursue, without reproach, in the expected war, such a line of conduct as their interests or honour might dictate. in the opinion that it would not only be useless but dishonourable further to press a commercial treaty, or the exchange of ministers, and that the subject of the western posts ought not again to be moved on the part of the united states, until they should be in a condition to speak a decisive language, the powers given to mr. morris were withdrawn. should the interest of britain produce a disposition favourable to an amicable arrangement of differences, and to a liberal commercial intercourse secured by compact, it was believed that she would make the requisite advances; until then, or until some other change of circumstances should require a change of conduct, things were to remain in their actual situation. about the time of adopting this resolution, the dispute between britain and spain was adjusted. finding france unwilling to engage in his quarrel, his catholic majesty, too weak to encounter alone the force of the british empire, yielded every point in controversy; and thus were terminated for the present, both the fear of inconveniences, and the hope of advantages which might result to america from hostilities between the two powers, whose dominions were in her neighbourhood, and with each of whom she was already engaged in controversies not easily to be accommodated. [sidenote: the president visits mount vernon.] incessant application to public business, and the consequent change of active for sedentary habits, had greatly impaired the constitution of the president; and, during the last session of congress, he had, for the second time since entering on the duties of his present station, been attacked by a severe disease which reduced him to the brink of the grave. exercise and a temporary relief from the cares of office being essential to the restoration of his health, he determined, for the short interval afforded by the recess of the legislature, to retire to the tranquil shades of mount vernon. after returning from a visit to rhode island,[ ] which state not having then adopted the american constitution, had not been included in his late tour through new england, he took leave of new york; and hastened to that peaceful retreat, and those rural employments, his taste for which neither military glory, nor political power, could ever diminish. [footnote : rhode island had adopted the constitution in the preceding may, and had thus completed the union.] after a short indulgence in these favourite scenes, it became necessary to repair to philadelphia, in order to meet the national legislature. [sidenote: the president's speech.] in the speech delivered to congress at the commencement of their third session, the president expressed much satisfaction at the favourable prospect of public affairs; and particularly noticed the progress of public credit, and the productiveness of the revenue. adverting to foreign nations,[ ] he said, "the disturbed situation of europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the united states, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. it requires also, that we should not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for war among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means, and thereby at least to enhance the price, of transporting its valuable productions to their proper market." to the serious reflection of congress was recommended the prevention of embarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragement to american navigation as would render the commerce and agriculture of the united states less dependent on foreign bottoms. [footnote : in a more confidential message to the senate, all the objects of the negotiation in which mr. morris had been employed were detailed, and the letters of that gentleman, with the full opinion of the president were communicated.] after expressing to the house of representatives his confidence arising from the sufficiency of the revenues already established, for the objects to which they were appropriated, he added, "allow me moreover to hope that it will be a favourite policy with you not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but as far, and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself." many subjects relative to the interior government were succinctly and briefly mentioned; and the speech concluded with the following impressive and admonitory sentiment. "in pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session, i indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be marked with wisdom, and animated by the love of country. in whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all the co-operation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. it will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence." the addresses of the two houses, in answer to the speech, proved that the harmony between the executive and legislative departments, with which the government had gone into operation, had sustained no essential interruption. but in the short debate which took place on the occasion, in the house of representatives, a direct disapprobation of one of the measures of the executive government was, for the first time, openly expressed. in the treaty lately concluded with the creeks, an extensive territory claimed by georgia, under treaties, the validity of which was contested by the indian chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part, relinquished. this relinquishment excited serious discontents in that state; and was censured by general jackson with considerable warmth, as an unjustifiable abandonment of the rights and interests of georgia. no specific motion, however, was made, and the subject was permitted to pass away for the present. scarcely were the debates on the address concluded, when several interesting reports were received from the secretary of the treasury, suggesting such further measures as were deemed necessary for the establishment of public credit. it will be recollected that in his original report on this subject, the secretary had recommended the assumption of the state debts; and had proposed to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand upon it, which this measure would occasion, by an augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, and by imposing duties on spirits distilled within the country. the assumption not having been adopted until late in the session, the discussion on the revenue which would be required for this portion of the public debt did not commence, until the house had become impatient for an adjournment. as much contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and the subject did not press,[ ] it was deferred to the ensuing session; and an order was made, requiring the secretary of the treasury to prepare and report such further provision as might, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the public credit. in obedience to this order, several reports had been prepared, the first of which repeated the recommendation of an additional impost on foreign distilled spirits, and of a duty on spirits distilled within the united states. the estimated revenue from these sources was eight hundred and seventy-seven thousand five hundred dollars, affording a small excess over the sum which would be required to pay the interest on the assumed debt. the policy of the measure was discussed in a well digested and able argument, detailing many motives, in addition to those assigned in his original report, for preferring the system now recommended, to accumulated burdens on commerce, or to a direct tax on lands. [footnote : the interest on the assumed debt was to commence with the year .] a new tax is the certain rallying point for all those who are unfriendly to the administration, or to the minister by whom it is proposed. but that recommended by the secretary, contained intrinsic causes of objection which would necessarily add to the number of its enemies. all that powerful party in the united states, which attached itself to the local, rather than to the general government, would inevitably contemplate any system of internal revenue with jealous disapprobation. they considered the imposition of a tax by congress on any domestic manufacture, as the intrusion of a foreign power into their particular concerns, which excited serious apprehensions for state importance, and for liberty. in the real or supposed interests of many individuals was also found a distinct motive for hostility to the measure. a large portion of the american population, especially that which had spread itself over the extensive regions of the west, consuming imported articles to a very inconsiderable amount, was not much affected by the impost on foreign merchandize. but the duty on spirits distilled within the united states reached them, and consequently rendered them hostile to the tax. { } [sidenote: debate on the excise law.] a bill, which was introduced in pursuance of the report, was opposed with great vehemence by a majority of the southern and western members. by some of them it was insisted that no sufficient testimony had yet been exhibited, that the taxes already imposed would not be equal to the exigencies of the public. but, admitting the propriety of additional burdens on the people, it was contended that other sources of revenue, less exceptionable and less odious than this, might be explored. the duty was branded with the hateful epithet of an excise, a species of taxation, it was said, so peculiarly oppressive as to be abhorred even in england; and which was totally incompatible with the spirit of liberty. the facility with which it might be extended to other objects, was urged against its admission into the american system; and declarations made against it by the congress of , were quoted in confirmation of the justice with which inherent vices were ascribed to this mode of collecting taxes. so great was the hostility manifested against it in some of the states, that the revenue officers might be endangered from the fury of the people; and, in all, it would increase a ferment which had been already extensively manifested. resolutions of maryland, virginia, and north carolina, reprobating the assumption, were referred to as unequivocal evidences of growing dissatisfaction; and the last mentioned state had even expressed its decided hostility to any law of excise. the legislature of north carolina had rejected with scorn, a proposal for taking an oath to support the constitution of the united states; had refused to admit persons sentenced to imprisonment under the laws of the united states into their jails; and another circumstance was alluded to, but not explained, which was said to exhibit a temper still more hostile to the general government than either of those which had been stated. when required to produce a system in lieu of that which they so much execrated, the opponents of the bill alternately mentioned an increased duty on imported articles generally, a particular duty on molasses, a direct tax, a tax on salaries, pensions, and lawyers; a duty on newspapers, and a stamp act. the friends of the bill contended, that the reasons for believing the existing revenue would be insufficient to meet the engagements of the united states, were as satisfactory as the nature of the case would admit, or as ought to be required. the estimates were founded on the best data which were attainable, and the funds already provided, had been calculated by the proper officer to pay the interest on that part of the debt only for which they were pledged. those estimates were referred to as documents, from which it would be unsafe to depart. they were also in possession of official statements, showing the productiveness of the taxes from the time the revenue bill had been in operation; and arguments were drawn from these, demonstrating the danger to which the infant credit of the united states would be exposed, by relying on the existing funds for the interest on the assumed debt. it was not probable that the proposed duties would yield a sum much exceeding that which would be necessary; but should they fortunately do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageously employed in extinguishing a part of the principal. they were not, they said, of opinion, that a public debt was a public blessing, or that it ought to be perpetuated. an augmentation of the revenue being indispensable to the solidity of the public credit, a more eligible system than that proposed in the bill, could not, it was believed, be devised. still further to burden commerce, would be a hazardous experiment which might afford no real supplies to the treasury. until some lights should be derived from experience, it behoved the legislature to be cautious not to lay such impositions upon trade as might probably introduce a spirit of smuggling, which, with a nominal increase, would occasion a real diminution of revenue. in the opinion of the best judges, the impost on the mass of foreign merchandise could not safely be carried further for the present. the extent of the mercantile capital of the united states would not justify the attempt. forcible arguments were also drawn from the policy and the justice of multiplying the subjects of taxation, and diversifying them by a union of internal with external objects. neither would a direct tax be adviseable. the experience of the world had proved, that a tax on consumption was less oppressive, and more productive, than a tax on either property or income. without discussing the principles on which the fact was founded, the fact itself was incontestable, that, by insensible means, much larger sums might be drawn from any class of men, than could be extracted from them by open and direct taxes. to the latter system there were still other objections. the difficulty of carrying it into operation, no census having yet been taken, would not be inconsiderable; and the expense of collection through a country thinly settled, would be enormous. add to this, that public opinion was believed to be more decidedly and unequivocally opposed to it, than to a duty on ardent spirits. north carolina had expressed her hostility to the one as well as to the other, and several other states were known to disapprove of direct taxes. from the real objections which existed against them, and for other reasons suggested in the report of the secretary, they ought, it was said, to remain untouched, as a resource when some great emergency should require an exertion of all the faculties of the united states. against the substitution of a duty on internal negotiations, it was said, that revenue to any considerable extent could be collected from them only by means of a stamp act, which was not less obnoxious to popular resentment than an excise, would be less certainly productive than the proposed duties, and was, in every respect, less eligible. the honour, the justice, and the faith of the united states were pledged, it was said, to that class of creditors for whose claims the bill under consideration was intended to provide. no means of making the provision had been suggested, which, on examination, would be found equally eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. much of the public prejudice which appeared in certain parts of the united states against the measure, was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term "excise," a term which had been inaccurately applied to the duty in question. when the law should be carried into operation, it would be found not to possess those odious qualities which had excited resentment against a system of excise. in those states where the collection of a duty on spirits distilled within the country had become familiar to the people, the same prejudices did not exist. on the good sense and virtue of the nation they could confidently rely for acquiescence in a measure which the public exigencies rendered necessary, which tended to equalize the public burdens, and which in its execution would not be oppressive. a motion made by mr. jackson, to strike out that section which imposed a duty on domestic distilled spirits, was negatived by thirty-six to sixteen; and the bill was carried by thirty-five to twenty-one. some days after the passage of this bill, another question was brought forward, which was understood to involve principles of deep interest to the government. [sidenote: on a national bank.] the secretary of the treasury had been the uniform advocate of a national bank. believing that such an institution would be "of primary importance to the prosperous administration of the finances; and of the greatest utility in the operations connected with the support of public credit," he had earnestly recommended its adoption in the first general system which he presented to the view of congress; and, at the present session, had repeated that recommendation in a special report, containing a copious and perspicuous argument on the policy of the measure. a bill conforming to the plan he suggested was sent down from the senate, and was permitted to proceed, unmolested, in the house of representatives, to the third reading. on the final question, a great, and, it would seem, an unexpected opposition was made to its passage. mr. madison, mr. giles, mr. jackson, and mr. stone spoke against it. the general utility of banking systems was not admitted, and the particular bill before the house was censured on its merits; but the great strength of the argument was directed against the constitutional authority of congress to pass an act for incorporating a national bank. the government of the united states, it was said, was limited; and the powers which it might legitimately exercise were enumerated in the constitution itself. in this enumeration, the power now contended for was not to be found. not being expressly given, it must be implied from those which were given, or it could not be vested in the government. the clauses under which it could be claimed were then reviewed and critically examined; and it was contended that, on fair construction, no one of these could be understood to imply so important a power as that of creating a corporation. the clause which enables congress to pass all laws necessary and proper to execute the specified powers, must, according to the natural and obvious force of the terms and the context, be limited to means _necessary_ to the _end_ and _incident_ to the _nature_ of the specified powers. the clause, it was said, was in fact merely declaratory of what would have resulted by unavoidable implication, as the appropriate, and as it were technical means of executing those powers. some gentlemen observed, that "the true exposition of a necessary mean to produce a given end was that mean without which the end could not be produced." the bill was supported by mr. ames, mr. sedgwick, mr. smith, of south carolina, mr. lawrence, mr. boudinot, mr. gerry, and mr. vining. the utility of banking institutions was said to be demonstrated by their effects. in all commercial countries they had been resorted to as an instrument of great efficacy in mercantile transactions; and even in the united states, their public and private advantages had been felt and acknowledged. respecting the policy of the measure, no well founded doubt could be entertained; but the objections to the constitutional authority of congress deserved to be seriously considered. that the government was limited by the terms of its creation was not controverted; and that it could exercise only those powers which were conferred on it by the constitution, was admitted. if, on examination, that instrument should be found to forbid the passage of the bill, it must be rejected, though it would be with deep regret that its friends would suffer such an opportunity of serving their country to escape for the want of a constitutional power to improve it. in asserting the authority of the legislature to pass the bill, gentlemen contended, that incidental as well as express powers must necessarily belong to every government: and that, when a power is delegated to effect particular objects, all the known and usual means of effecting them, must pass as incidental to it. to remove all doubt on this subject, the constitution of the united states had recognized the principle, by enabling congress to make all laws which may be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in the government. they maintained the sound construction of this grant to be a recognition of an authority in the national legislature, to employ all the known and usual means for executing the powers vested in the government. they then took a comprehensive view of those powers, and contended that a bank was a known and usual instrument by which several of them were exercised. after a debate of great length, which was supported on both sides with ability, and with that ardour which was naturally excited by the importance attached by each party to the principle in contest, the question was put, and the bill was carried in the affirmative by a majority of nineteen voices. [sidenote: the opinions of the cabinet on the constitutionality of this last law.] the point which had been agitated with so much zeal in the house of representatives, was examined with equal deliberation by the executive. the cabinet was divided upon it. the secretary of state, and the attorney general, conceived that congress had clearly transcended their constitutional powers; while the secretary of the treasury, with equal clearness, maintained the opposite opinion. the advice of each minister, with his reasoning in support of it, was required in writing, and their arguments were considered by the president with all that attention which the magnitude of the question, and the interest taken in it by the opposing parties, so eminently required. this deliberate investigation of the subject terminated in a conviction, that the constitution of the united states authorized the measure;[ ] and the sanction of the executive was given to the act. [footnote : see note, no. v. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: progress of parties.] the judgment is so much influenced by the wishes, the affections, and the general theories of those by whom any political proposition is decided, that a contrariety of opinion on this great constitutional question ought to excite no surprise. it must be recollected that the conflict between the powers of the general and state governments was coeval with those governments. even during the war, the preponderance of the states was obvious; and, in a very few years after peace, the struggle ended in the utter abasement of the general government. many causes concurred to produce a constitution which was deemed more competent to the preservation of the union, but its adoption was opposed by great numbers; and in some of the large states especially, its enemies soon felt and manifested their superiority. the old line of division was still as strongly marked as ever. many retained the opinion that liberty could be endangered only by encroachments upon the states; and that it was the great duty of patriotism to restrain the powers of the general government within the narrowest possible limits. in the other party, which was also respectable for its numbers, many were found who had watched the progress of american affairs, and who sincerely believed that the real danger which threatened the republic was to be looked for in the undue ascendency of the states. to them it appeared, that the substantial powers, and the extensive means of influence, which were retained by the local sovereignties, furnished them with weapons for aggression which were not easily to be resisted, and that it behoved all those who were anxious for the happiness of their country, to guard the equilibrium established in the constitution, by preserving unimpaired, all the legitimate powers of the union. these were more confirmed in their sentiments, by observing the temper already discovered in the legislatures of several states, respecting the proceedings of congress. to this great and radical division of opinion, which would necessarily affect every question on the authority of the national legislature, other motives were added, which were believed to possess considerable influence on all measures connected with the finances. as an inevitable effect of the state of society, the public debt had greatly accumulated in the middle and northern states, whose inhabitants had derived, from its rapid appreciation, a proportional augmentation of their wealth. this circumstance could not fail to contribute to the complacency with which the plans of the secretary were viewed by those who had felt their benefit, nor to the irritation with which they were contemplated by others who had parted with their claims on the nation. it is not impossible, that personal considerations also mingled themselves with those which were merely political. with so many causes to bias the judgment, it would not have been wonderful if arguments less plausible than those advanced by either party had been deemed conclusive on its adversary; nor was it a matter of surprise that each should have denied to those which were urged in opposition, the weight to which they were certainly entitled. the liberal mind which can review them without prejudice, will charge neither the supporters nor the opponents of the bill with insincerity, nor with being knowingly actuated by motives which might not have been avowed. this measure made a deep impression on many members of the legislature; and contributed, not inconsiderably, to the complete organization of those distinct and visible parties, which, in their long and dubious conflict for power, have since shaken the united states to their centre. among the last acts of the present congress, was an act to augment the military establishment of the united states. [sidenote: war with the indians.] the earnest endeavours of the president to give security to the north-western frontiers, by pacific arrangements, having been entirely unavailing, it became his duty to employ such other means as were placed in his hands, for the protection of the country. confirmed by all his experience in the opinion that vigorous offensive operations alone could bring an indian war to a happy conclusion, he had planned an expedition against the hostile tribes north-west of the ohio, as soon as the impracticability of effecting a treaty with them had been ascertained. general harmar, a veteran of the revolution, who had received his appointment under the former government, was placed at the head of the federal troops. on the th of september, he marched from fort washington with three hundred and twenty regulars. the whole army when joined by the militia of pennsylvania and kentucky amounted to fourteen hundred and fifty-three men. about the middle of october, colonel harden, who commanded the kentucky militia, and who had been also a continental officer of considerable merit, was detached at the head of six hundred men, chiefly militia, to reconnoitre the ground, and to ascertain the intentions of the enemy. on his approach, the indians set fire to their principal village, and fled with precipitation to the woods. as the object of the expedition would be only half accomplished, unless the savages could be brought to action and defeated, colonel harden was again detached at the head of two hundred and ten men, thirty of whom were regulars. about ten miles west of chilicothe, where the main body of the army lay, he was attacked by a party of indians. the pennsylvanians, who composed his left column, had previously fallen in the rear; and the kentuckians, disregarding the exertions of their colonel, and of a few other officers, fled on the first appearance of an enemy. the small corps of regulars commanded by lieutenant armstrong made a brave resistance. after twenty-three of them had fallen in the field, the surviving seven made their escape and rejoined the army. [sidenote: defeat of harmar.] notwithstanding this check, the remaining towns on the scioto were reduced to ashes, and the provisions laid up for the winter were entirely destroyed. this service being accomplished, the army commenced its march towards fort washington. being desirous of wiping off the disgrace which his arms had sustained, general harmar halted about eight miles from chilicothe, and once more detached colonel harden with orders to find the enemy and bring on an engagement. his command consisted of three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars commanded by major wyllys. early the next morning, this detachment reached the confluence of the st. joseph and st. mary, where it was divided into three columns. the left division, commanded by colonel harden in person, crossed the st. joseph, and proceeded up its western bank. the centre, consisting of the federal troops, was led by major wyllys up the eastern side of that river; and the right, under the command of major m'millan, marched along a range of heights which commanded the right flank of the centre division. the columns had proceeded but a short distance, when each was met by a considerable body of indians, and a severe engagement ensued. the militia retrieved their reputation, and several of their bravest officers fell. the heights on the right having been, from some cause not mentioned, unoccupied by the american troops, the savages seized them early in the action, and attacked the right flank of the centre with great fury. although major wyllys was among the first who fell, the battle was maintained by the regulars with spirit, and considerable execution was done on both sides. at length, the scanty remnant of this small band, quite overpowered by numbers, was driven off the ground, leaving fifty of their comrades, exclusive of major wyllys and lieutenant farthingham, dead upon the field. the loss sustained by the militia was also considerable. it amounted to upwards of one hundred men, among whom were nine officers. after an engagement of extreme severity, the detachment joined the main army, which continued its march to fort washington. general harmar, with what propriety it is not easy to discern, claimed the victory. he conceived, not entirely without reason, that the loss of a considerable number of men, would be fatal to the indians, although a still greater loss should be sustained by the americans, because the savages did not possess a population from which they could replace the warriors who had fallen. the event, however, did not justify this opinion. the information respecting this expedition was quickly followed by intelligence stating the deplorable condition of the frontiers. an address from the representatives of all the counties of kentucky, and those of virginia bordering on the ohio, was presented to the president, praying that the defence of the country might be committed to militia unmixed with regulars, and that they might immediately be drawn out to oppose "the exulting foe." to this address, the president gave a conciliatory answer, but he understood too well the nature of the service, to yield to the request it contained. such were his communications to the legislature, that a regiment was added to the permanent military establishment, and he was authorized to raise a body of two thousand men, for six months, and to appoint a major general, and a brigadier general, to continue in command so long as he should think their services necessary. [sidenote: adjournment of congress.] with the d of march, , terminated the first congress elected under the constitution of the united states. the party denominated federal having prevailed at the elections, a majority of the members were steadfast friends of the constitution, and were sincerely desirous of supporting a system they had themselves introduced, and on the preservation of which, in full health and vigour, they firmly believed the happiness of their fellow citizens, and the respectability of the nation, greatly to depend. to organize a government, to retrieve the national character, to establish a system of revenue, and to create public credit, were among the arduous duties which were imposed upon them by the political situation of their country. with persevering labour, guided by no inconsiderable portion of virtue and intelligence, these objects were, in a great degree, accomplished. out of the measures proposed for their attainment, questions alike intricate and interesting unavoidably arose. it is not in the nature of man to discuss such questions without strongly agitating the passions, and exciting irritations which do not readily subside. had it even been the happy and singular lot of america to see its national legislature assemble uninfluenced by those prejudices which grew out of the previous divisions of the country, the many delicate points which they were under the necessity of deciding, could not have failed to disturb this enviable state of harmony, and to mingle some share of party spirit with their deliberations. but when the actual state of the public mind was contemplated, and due weight was given to the important consideration that, at no very distant day, a successor to the present chief magistrate must be elected, it was still less to be hoped that the first congress could pass away, without producing strong and permanent dispositions in parties, to impute to each other designs unfriendly to the public happiness. as yet, however, these imputations did not extend to the president. his character was held sacred, and the purity of his motives was admitted by all. some divisions were understood to have found their way into the cabinet. it was insinuated that between the secretaries of state and of the treasury, very serious differences had arisen; but these high personages were believed, to be equally attached to the president, who was not suspected of undue partiality to either. if his assent to the bill for incorporating the national bank produced discontent, the opponents of that measure seemed disposed to ascribe his conduct, in that instance, to his judgment, rather than to any prepossession in favour of the party by whom it was carried. the opposition, therefore, in congress, to the measures of the government, seemed to be levelled at the secretary of the treasury, and at the northern members by whom those measures were generally supported, not at the president by whom they were approved. by taking this direction, it made its way into the public mind, without being encountered by that devoted affection which a great majority of the people felt for the chief magistrate of the union. in the mean time, the national prosperity was in a state of rapid progress; and the government was gaining, though slowly, in the public opinion. but in several of the state assemblies, especially in the southern division of the continent, serious evidences of dissatisfaction were exhibited, which demonstrated the jealousy with which the local sovereignties contemplated the powers exercised by the federal legislature. chapter vii. general st. clair appointed commander-in-chief.... the president makes a tour through the southern states.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... debate on the bill for apportioning representatives.... militia law.... defeat of st. clair.... opposition to the increase of the army.... report of the secretary of the treasury for raising additional supplies.... congress adjourns.... strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of parties.... disagreement between the secretaries of state and treasury.... letters from general washington.... opposition to the excise law.... president's proclamation.... insurrection and massacre in the island of st. domingo.... general wayne appointed to the command of the army.... meeting of congress.... president's speech.... resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasury rejected.... congress adjourns.... progress of the french revolution, and its effects on parties in the united states. { } more ample means for the protection of the frontiers having been placed in the hands of the executive, the immediate attention of the president was directed to this interesting object. [sidenote: general st. clair appointed commander-in-chief of the army.] major general arthur st. clair, governor of the territory north-west of the ohio, was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed in the meditated expedition. this gentleman had served through the war of the revolution with reputation, though it had never been his fortune to distinguish himself. the evacuation of ticonderoga had indeed, at one time, subjected him to much public censure; but it was found, upon inquiry, to be unmerited. other motives, in addition to the persuasion of his fitness for the service, conduced to his appointment. with the sword, the olive branch was still to be tendered; and it was thought adviseable to place them in the same hands. the governor, having been made officially the negotiator with the tribes inhabiting the territories over which he presided, being a military man, acquainted with the country into which the war was to be carried, possessing considerable influence with the inhabitants of the frontiers, and being so placed as to superintend the preparations for the expedition advantageously, seemed to have claims to the station which were not to be overlooked. it was also a consideration of some importance, that the high rank he had held in the american army, would obviate those difficulties in filling the inferior grades with men of experience, which might certainly be expected, should a person who had acted in a less elevated station, be selected for the chief command. [illustration: tomb of mary, mother of washington _this is the original monument as it appeared before the present granite obelisk was erected over the grave of george washington's mother in fredericksburg, virginia. it was in fredericksburg that she made her home during her declining years, and it was on the kenmore estate of her daughter, elizabeth, and son-in-law, fielding lewis, that she was buried, september, , having survived her husband, augustine washington, forty-six years._] [sidenote: the president makes a tour through the southern states.] after making the necessary arrangements for recruiting the army, the president prepared to make his long contemplated tour through the southern states.[ ] in passing through them, he was received universally with the same marks of affectionate attachment, which he had experienced in the northern and central parts of the union. to the sensibilities which these demonstrations of the regard and esteem of good men could not fail to inspire, was added the high gratification produced by observing the rapid improvements of the country, and the advances made by the government, in acquiring the confidence of the people. the numerous letters written by him after his return to philadelphia, attest the agreeable impressions made by these causes. "in my late tour through the southern states," said he, in a letter of the th of july, to mr. gouverneur morris, "i experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good effects of the general government in that part of the union. the people at large have felt the security which it gives, and the equal justice which it administers to them. the farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic, have seen their several interests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their representatives, as well as in those in whose hands the execution of the laws is placed. industry has there taken place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. two or three years of good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have put every one in good humour; and, in some instances, they even impute to the government what is due only to the goodness of providence. [footnote : he stopped several days on the potomac, where he executed finally the powers vested in him by the legislature for fixing on a place which should become the residence of congress, and the metropolis of the united states.] "the establishment of public credit is an immense point gained in our national concerns. this, i believe, exceeds the expectation of the most sanguine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank of the united states were filled. in two hours after the books were opened by the commissioners, the whole number of shares was taken up, and four thousand more applied for than were allowed by the institution. this circumstance was not only pleasing as it related to the confidence in government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our citizens." this visit had undoubtedly some tendency to produce the good disposition which the president observed with so much pleasure. the affections are perhaps more intimately connected with the judgment than we are disposed to admit; and the appearance of the chief magistrate of the union, who was the object of general love and reverence, could not be without its influence in conciliating the minds of many to the government he administered, and to its measures. but this progress towards conciliation was, perhaps, less considerable than was indicated by appearances. the hostility to the government, which was coeval with its existence, though diminished, was far from being subdued; and under this smooth exterior was concealed a mass of discontent, which, though it did not obtrude itself on the view of the man who united almost all hearts, was active in its exertions to effect its objects. the difficulties which must impede the recruiting service in a country where coercion is not employed, and where the common wages of labour greatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the completion of the regiments to a late season of the year; but the summer was not permitted to waste in total inaction. the act passed at the last session for the defence of the frontiers, in addition to its other provisions, had given to the president an unlimited power to call mounted militia into the field. under this authority, two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on the wabash, in which a few of the indian warriors were killed, some of their old men, women, and children, were made prisoners, and several of their towns and fields of corn were destroyed. the first was led by general scott, in may, and the second by general wilkinson, in september. these desultory incursions had not much influence on the war. it was believed in the united states, that the hostility of the indians was kept up by the traders living in their villages. these persons had, generally, resided in the united states; and, having been compelled to leave the country in consequence of the part they had taken during the war of the revolution, felt the resentments which banishment and confiscation seldom fail to inspire. their enmities were ascribed by many, perhaps unjustly, to the temper of the government in canada; but some countenance seemed to be given to this opinion by intelligence that, about the commencement of the preceding campaign, large supplies of ammunition had been delivered from the british posts on the lakes, to the indians at war with the united states. while the president was on his southern tour, he addressed a letter to the secretary of state, to be communicated to colonel beckwith, who still remained in philadelphia as the informal representative of his nation, in which he expressed his surprise and disappointment at this interference, by the servants or subjects of a foreign state, in a war prosecuted by the united states for the sole purpose of procuring peace and safety for the inhabitants of their frontiers. on receiving this communication, colonel beckwith expressed his disbelief that the supplies mentioned had been delivered; but on being assured of the fact, he avowed the opinion that the transaction was without the knowledge of lord dorchester, to whom he said he should communicate, without delay, the ideas of the american government on the subject. [sidenote: meeting of congress.] [sidenote: president's speech.] on the th of october the second congress assembled in philadelphia. in his speech at the opening of the session, the president expressed his great satisfaction at the prosperous situation of the country, and particularly mentioned the rapidity with which the shares in the bank of the united states were subscribed, as "among the striking and pleasing evidences which presented themselves, not only of confidence in the government, but of resources in the community." adverting to the measures which had been taken in execution of the laws and resolutions of the last session, "the most important of which," he observed, "respected the defence and security of the western frontiers," he had, he said, "negotiated provisional treaties, and used other proper means to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship the well disposed tribes of indians. the means which he had adopted for a pacification with those of a hostile description having proved unsuccessful, offensive operations had been directed, some of which had proved completely successful, and others were still pending. overtures of peace were still continued to the deluded tribes; and it was sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion might cease, and that an intimate intercourse might succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the indians, and to attach them firmly to the united states." in marking the line of conduct which ought to be maintained for the promotion of this object, he strongly recommended "justice to the savages, and such rational experiments for imparting to them the blessings of civilization, as might from time to time suit their condition;" and then concluded this subject with saying--"a system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy towards an unenlightened race of men whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the united states, would be as honourable to the national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy." after stating that measures had been taken for carrying into execution the act laying duties on distilled spirits, he added--"the impressions with which this law has been received by the community have been, upon the whole, such as were to have been expected among enlightened and well disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of the measure. the novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of the united states, and a misconception of some of its provisions, have given occasion, in particular places, to some degree of discontent. but it is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper explanations, and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law. and i entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give way to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a virtuous regard to the public welfare. "if there are any circumstances in the law, which, consistently with its main design may be so varied as to remove any well intentioned objections that may happen to exist, it will comport with a wise moderation to make the proper variations. it is desirable on all occasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional and necessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a disposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the public administration in the affections of the people." the answers of the two houses noticed, briefly and generally, the various topics of the speech; and, though perhaps less warm than those of the preceding congress, manifested great respect for the executive magistrate, and an undiminished confidence in his patriotic exertions to promote the public interests. [sidenote: debate on the bill "for apportioning representatives among the people of the states according to the first enumeration."] among the first subjects of importance which engaged the attention of the legislature, was a bill "for apportioning representatives among the people of the several states according to the first enumeration." the constitution, in its original form, had affixed no other limits to the power of congress over the numbers of which the house of representatives might consist, than that there should not be more than one member for every thirty thousand persons; but that each state should be entitled to at least one. independent of the general considerations in favour of a more or less numerous representation in the popular branch of the legislature, there was one of a local nature, whose operation, though secret, was extensive, which gave to this question a peculiar interest. to whatever number of persons a representative might be allotted, there would still remain a fraction, which would be greater or less in each state, according to the ratio which congress should adopt between representation and population. the relative power of states, in one branch of the legislature, would consequently be affected by this ratio; and to questions of that description, few members can permit themselves to be inattentive. this bill, as originally introduced into the house of representatives, gave to each state one member for every thirty thousand persons. on a motion to strike out the number thirty thousand, the debate turned chiefly on the policy and advantage of a more or less numerous house of representatives; but with the general arguments suggested by the subject, strong and pointed allusions to the measures of the preceding congress were interspersed, which indicated much more serious hostility to the administration than had hitherto been expressed. speaking of the corruption which he supposed to exist in the british house of commons, mr. giles said that causes essentially different from their numbers, had produced this effect. "among these, were the frequent mortgages of the funds, and the immense appropriations at the disposal of the executive." "an inequality of circumstances," he observed, "produces revolutions in governments, from democracy, to aristocracy, and monarchy. great wealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank, and titles. the revolutions of property, in this country, have created a prodigious inequality of circumstances. government has contributed to this inequality. the bank of the united states is a most important machine in promoting the objects of this monied interest. this bank will be the most powerful engine to corrupt this house. some of the members are directors of this institution; and it will only be by increasing the representation, that an adequate barrier can be opposed to this monied interest." he next adverted to certain ideas, which, he said, had been disseminated through the united states. "the legislature," he took occasion to observe, "ought to express some disapprobation of these opinions. the strong executive of this government," he added, "ought to be balanced by a full representation in this house." similar sentiments were advanced by mr. findley. after a long and animated discussion, the amendment was lost, and the bill passed in its original form. in the senate, it was amended by changing the ratio, so as to give one representative for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state; but this amendment was disagreed to by the house of representatives; and each house adhering to its opinion, the bill fell; but was again introduced into the house of representatives, under a different title, and in a new form, though without any change in its substantial provisions. after a debate in which the injustice of the fractions produced by the ratio it adopted was strongly pressed, it passed that house. in the senate, it was again amended, not by reducing, but by enlarging the number of representatives. the constitution of the united states declares that "representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union according to their respective numbers;" and that "the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative." construing the constitution to authorize a process by which the whole number of representatives should be ascertained on the whole population of the united states, and afterwards "apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers," the senate applied the number thirty thousand as a _divisor_ to the total population, and taking the _quotient_, which was one hundred and twenty, as the number of representatives given by the ratio which had been adopted in the house where the bill had originated, they apportioned that number among the several states by that ratio, until as many representatives as it would give were allotted to each. the residuary members were then distributed among the states having the highest fractions. without professing the principle on which this apportionment was made, the amendment of the senate merely allotted to the states respectively, the number of members which the process just mentioned would give. the result was a more equitable apportionment of representatives to population, and had the rule of construing that instrument been correct, the amendment removed objections which were certainly well founded. but the rule was novel, and overturned opinions which had been generally assumed, and were supposed to be settled. in one branch of the legislature it had already been rejected; and in the other, the majority in its favour was only one. in the house of representatives, the amendment was supported with considerable ingenuity. after an earnest debate, however, it was disagreed to, and a conference took place without producing an accommodation among the members composing the committee. but finally, the house of representatives receded from their disagreement; and, by a majority of two voices, the bill passed as amended in the senate. on the president, the solemn duty of deciding, whether an act of the legislature consisted with the constitution; for the bill, if constitutional, was unexceptionable. in his cabinet, also, a difference of opinion is understood to have existed; the secretary of state and the attorney general were of opinion that the act was at variance with the constitution; the secretary of war was rather undecided; and the secretary of the treasury, thinking that, from the vagueness of expression in the clause relating to the subject, neither construction could be absolutely rejected, was in favour of acceding to the interpretation given by the legislature. after weighing the arguments which were urged on each side of the question, the president was confirmed in the opinion that the population of each state, and not the total population of the united states, must give the numbers to which alone the process by which the number of representatives was to be ascertained could be applied. having formed this opinion, to a correct and independent mind the course to be pursued was a plain one. duty required the exercise of a power which a president of the united states will always find much difficulty in employing; and he returned the bill to the house in which it originated, accompanied with his objections[ ] to it. in observance of the forms prescribed in the constitution, the question was then taken on its passage by ayes and noes, and it was rejected. a third bill was soon afterwards introduced, apportioning the representatives on the several states at a ratio of one for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state, which passed into a law. thus was this interesting part of the american constitution finally settled. [footnote : the following is the message which he delivered on this occasion. _gentlemen of the house of representatives--_ i have maturely considered the act passed by the two houses, entitled "an act for the apportionment of representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration," and i return it to your house, wherein it originated, with the following objections. first. the constitution has prescribed that representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or divisor which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill. secondly. the constitution has also provided, that the number of representatives shall not exceed one for thirty thousand, which restriction is by the context, and by fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and respective numbers of the states, and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand.] [sidenote: militia law.] during this session of congress, an act passed for establishing a uniform militia. the president had manifested, from the commencement of his administration, a peculiar degree of solicitude on this subject, and had repeatedly urged it on congress. in his speech at the opening of the present session, he again called the attention of the legislature to it; and, at length, a law was enacted which, though less efficacious than the plan reported by the secretary of war, will probably, not soon, be carried into complete execution. [sidenote: defeat of st. clair.] in december, intelligence was received by the president, and immediately communicated to congress, that the american army had been totally defeated on the fourth of the preceding month. although the most prompt and judicious measures had been taken to raise the troops, and to march them to the frontiers, they could not be assembled in the neighbourhood of fort washington until the month of september, nor was the establishment even then completed. the immediate objects of the expedition were, to destroy the indian villages on the miamis, to expel the savages from that country, and to connect it with the ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their return during the war. on the seventh of september, the regulars moved from their camp in the vicinity of fort washington, and marching directly north, towards the object of their destination, established two intermediate posts[ ] at the distance of rather more than forty miles from each other, as places of deposite, and of security either for convoys of provision which might follow the army, or for the army itself should any disaster befall it. the last of these works, fort jefferson, was not completed until the th of october, before which time reinforcements were received of about three hundred and sixty militia. after placing garrisons in the forts, the effective number of the army, including militia, amounted to rather less than two thousand men. with this force, the general continued his march, which was rendered both slow and laborious by the necessity of opening a road. small parties of indians were frequently seen hovering about them, and some unimportant skirmishes took place. as the army approached the country in which they might expect to meet an enemy, about sixty of the militia deserted in a body. this diminution of force was not, in itself, an object of much concern. but there was reason to fear that the example, should those who set it be permitted to escape with impunity, would be extensively followed; and it was reported to be the intention of the deserters, to plunder convoys of provisions which were advancing at some distance in the rear. to prevent mischiefs of so serious a nature, the general detached major hamtranck with the first regiment in pursuit of the deserters, and directed him to secure the provisions under a strong guard. [footnote : forts hamilton and jefferson.] the army, consisting of about fourteen hundred effective rank and file, continued its march; and, on the third of november, encamped about fifteen miles south of the miamis villages. the right wing under the command of general butler formed the first line, and lay with a creek, about twelve yards wide, immediately in its front. the left wing commanded by lieutenant colonel darke, formed the second; and between the two lines, was an interval of about seventy yards.[ ] the right flank was supposed to be secured by the creek, by a steep bank, and by a small body of troops; the left was covered by a party of cavalry, and by piquets. the militia crossed the creek, and advanced about a quarter of a mile in front, where they also encamped in two lines. on their approach, a few indians who had shown themselves on the opposite side of the creek, fled with precipitation. [footnote : in his official letter, general st. clair says that the ground would not admit a larger interval.] at this place, the general intended to throw up a slight work for the security of the baggage; and, after being joined by major hamtranck, to march as unincumbered, and as expeditiously as possible, to the villages he purposed to destroy. in both these designs he was anticipated. about half an hour before sun rise the next morning, just after the troops had been dismissed from the parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the militia, who fled in the utmost confusion, and rushing into camp through the first line of continental troops, which had been formed the instant the first gun was discharged, threw them too into disorder. the exertions of the officers to restore order were not entirely successful. the indians pressed close upon the heels of the flying militia, and engaged general butler with great intrepidity. the action instantly became extremely warm; and the fire of the assailants, passing round both flanks of the first line, was, in a few minutes, poured with equal fury on the rear division. its greatest weight was directed against the centre of each wing, where the artillery was posted; and the artillerists were mowed down in great numbers. firing from the ground, and from the shelter which the woods afforded, the assailants were scarcely seen but when springing from one cover to another, in which manner they advanced close up to the american lines, and to the very mouths of the field pieces. they fought with the daring courage of men whose trade is war, and who are stimulated by all those passions which can impel the savage mind to vigorous exertions. under circumstances thus arduous, raw troops may be expected to exhibit that inequality which is found in human nature. while some of the american soldiers performed their duty with the utmost resolution, others seemed dismayed and terrified. of this conduct the officers were, as usual, the victims. with a fearlessness which the occasion required, they exposed themselves to the most imminent dangers; and, in their efforts to change the face of affairs, fell in great numbers. for several days, the commander-in-chief had been afflicted with a severe disease, under which he still laboured, and which must have greatly affected him; but, though unable to display that activity which would have been useful in this severe conflict, neither the feebleness of his body, nor the peril of his situation, could prevent his delivering his orders with judgment and with self possession.[ ] [footnote : the following extract from the official letter of the commander-in-chief is inserted, as showing both his own situation and his opinion of the behaviour of his troops. "i have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops but their want of discipline, which, from the short time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have acquired; and which rendered it very difficult when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order; and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavily upon the officers who did every thing in their power to effect it. neither were my own exertions wanting; but worn down with illness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to mount, or dismount a horse without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, or perhaps ought to have been."] it was soon perceived that the american fire could produce, on a concealed enemy, no considerable effect; and that the only hope of victory was placed in the bayonet. at the head of the second regiment, which formed the left of the left wing, lieutenant colonel darke made an impetuous charge upon the enemy, forced them from their ground with some loss, and drove them about four hundred yards. he was followed by that whole wing; but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen to press this advantage, deprived him of the benefit which ought to have been derived from this effort; and, as soon as he gave over the pursuit, the indians renewed their attack. in the mean time general butler was mortally wounded, the left of the right wing was broken, the artillerists almost to a man killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated by the enemy. with his own regiment, and with the battalions commanded by majors butler[ ] and clarke, darke was ordered again to charge with the bayonet. these orders were executed with intrepidity and momentary success. the indians were driven out of the camp, and the artillery recovered. but while they were pressed in one point by the bravest of the american troops, their fire was kept up from every other with fatal effect. several times particular corps charged them, always with partial success, but no universal effort could be made, and in every charge a great loss of officers was sustained, the consequences of which were severely felt. instead of keeping their ranks, and executing the orders which were given, a great proportion of the soldiers flocked together in crowds, and were shot down without resistance. to save the remnant of his army was all that remained to be done; and, about half past nine in the morning, general st. clair ordered lieutenant colonel darke with the second regiment, to charge a body of indians who had intercepted their retreat, and to gain the road. major clarke with his battalion was directed to cover the rear. these orders were executed, and a disorderly flight commenced. the pursuit was kept up about four miles, when, fortunately for the surviving americans, that avidity for plunder which is a ruling passion among savages, called back the victorious indians to the ramp, where the spoils of their vanquished foes were to be divided. the routed troops continued their flight to fort jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their arms on the road. at this place they met major hamtranck with the first regiment; and a council of war was called to deliberate on the course to be pursued. as this regiment was far from restoring the strength of the morning, it was determined not to attempt to retrieve the fortune of the day: and, leaving the wounded at fort jefferson, the army continued its retreat to fort washington. [footnote : although his leg had been broken by a ball, major butler, mounted on horseback, led his battalion to the charge.] in this disastrous battle, the loss on the part of the americans was very great when compared with the numbers engaged. thirty-eight commissioned officers were killed upon the field, and five hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates were slain and missing. twenty-one commissioned officers, several of whom afterwards died of their wounds, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned officers and privates were wounded. among the dead was the brave and much lamented general butler. this gallant officer had served through the war of the revolution; and had, on more than one occasion, distinguished himself in a remarkable manner. in the list of those who shared his fate, were the names of many other excellent officers who had participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory, of that long conflict which terminated in the independence of their country. at the head of the list of wounded were lieutenant colonels gibson and darke, major butler, and adjutant general sargent, all of whom were veteran officers of great merit, who displayed their accustomed bravery on this unfortunate day. general st. clair, in his official letter, observed: "the loss the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers, particularly of general butler and major ferguson, can not be too much regretted; but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty." from the weight of the fire, and the circumstance of his being attacked nearly at the same time in front and rear, general st. clair was of opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. the intelligence afterwards collected would make the indian force to consist of from one thousand to fifteen hundred warriors. of their loss, no estimate could be made; the probability is, that it bore no proportion to that sustained by the american army. nothing could be more unexpected than this severe disaster. the public had confidently anticipated a successful campaign, and could not believe, that the general who had been unfortunate, had not been culpable. { } the commander-in-chief requested with earnestness that a court martial should sit on his conduct; but this request could not be granted, because the army did not furnish a sufficient number of officers of a grade to form a court for his trial on military principles. late in the session, a committee of the house of representatives was appointed to inquire into the cause of the failure of the expedition, whose report, in explicit terms, exculpated the commander-in-chief. this inquiry, however, was instituted rather for the purpose of investigating the conduct of civil than of military officers; and was not conducted by military men. more satisfactory testimony in favour of st. clair is furnished by the circumstance, that he still retained the undiminished esteem and good opinion of the president. the indian war now assumed a still more serious aspect. there was reason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive a great accession of strength from the impression which their success would make upon their neighbours; and the reputation of the government was deeply concerned in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and affording protection to its citizens. the president, therefore, lost no time in causing the estimates for a competent force to be prepared and laid before congress. in conformity with a report made by the secretary of war, a bill was brought into the house of representatives, directing three additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry to be raised, to serve for three years, if not sooner discharged. the whole military establishment, if completed, would amount to about five thousand men. the additional regiments, however, were to be disbanded as soon as peace should be concluded with the indians; and the president was authorized to discharge, or to forbear to raise, any part of them, "in case events should, in his judgment, render his so doing consistent with the public safety." [sidenote: opposition to the increase of the army.] this bill met with great opposition. a motion was made to strike out the section which authorized an augmentation of force. by those who argued in favour of the motion, the justice of the war was arraigned, and the practicability of obtaining peace at a much less expense than would be incurred in its further prosecution, was urged with vehemence. an extension of the present frontier was said not to be desirable, and if the citizens of the united states were recalled within their proper boundaries, hostilities would cease. at any rate, it was an idle waste of blood and treasure, to carry the war beyond the line of forts already established. it was only exposing their arms to disgrace, betraying their own weakness, and lessening the public confidence in the government, to send forth armies to be butchered in the forests, while the british were suffered to keep possession of posts within the territory of the united states. to this cause was to be ascribed any disposition which might exist on the part of the indians to continue hostilities, and to its removal the efforts of the government ought to be directed. but, admitting the war to have been just in its commencement, and its continuance to be required by the honour and interest of the nation, yet as an invasion of the indian country ought not to be attempted, this augmentation of the military establishment could not be necessary. regular troops could only be useful as garrisons for posts to which the militia might resort for protection or supplies. experience had proved that the sudden desultory attacks of the frontier militia and rangers were productive of more valuable consequences, than the methodical operations of a regular force. but, should it even be conceded that invasion and conquest were to be contemplated, the existing establishment, if completed, would be sufficiently great; and it was still insisted that, even for the purposes of conquest, the frontier militia were superior to any regulars whatever. the expense of such an army as the bill contemplated was said to be an object worthy of serious attention; and members were requested to observe the progress of this business, and to say where it would stop. at first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expense was about one hundred thousand dollars; a second was afterwards added, which swelled the expense to three hundred thousand; and now a standing force of five thousand one hundred and sixty-eight men is contemplated, at an annual expense of above a million and a quarter. they were preparing to squander away money by millions; and no one, except those who were in the secrets of the cabinet, knew why the war had been thus carried on for three years. against the motion for striking out, it was urged that the justice of the war could not be questioned by any man who would allow that self preservation, and indispensable necessity, could furnish sufficient motives for taking up arms. it was proved by unquestionable documents, that from the year to , there had been not less than fifteen hundred persons, either the inhabitants of kentucky, or emigrants on their way to that country, who had been massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity; and there was reason to believe that on the frontiers of virginia, and of pennsylvania, the murdered and the prisoners would furnish a list almost equally numerous. the conciliatory disposition of the government was stated, and its repeated efforts to obtain a peace were enumerated. it was particularly observed that in , when a treaty was proposed at the miamis villages, the indians at first refused to treat;--they next required thirty days to deliberate;--this request was acceded to; and, in the interim, offensive operations were expressly prohibited by the president. yet, notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the whites, not less than one hundred and twenty persons were killed and captured by the savages, and several prisoners were roasted alive, during that short period; at the expiration of which, the indians refused to give any answer to the proposition which had been made to them. but it was now too late to inquire into the justice of the principles on which the war was originally undertaken. the nation was involved in it, and could not recede without exposing many innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy. should the government determine to discontinue the war, would the indians also consent to a cessation of hostilities? the government could not, without impeachment, both of its justice and humanity, abandon the inhabitants of the frontiers to the rage of their savage enemies; and although the excise might be unpopular, although money might still be wanted, what was the excise, what was money, when put in competition with the lives of their friends and brethren? a sufficient force must be raised for their defence, and the only question was what that force should be. the calculations of the best informed men were in favour of employing an army not inferior to that proposed in the bill. when the known attachment of indians to war and plunder was adverted to, and the excitements to that attachment which were furnished by the trophies acquired in the last two campaigns were considered, no man would venture to pronounce with confidence how extensive the combination against the united states might become, or what numbers they would have to encounter. it certainly behoved them to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort than had hitherto been made. the objections drawn from the increased expense which such an effort would require, must entirely vanish before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to the consequences of another unsuccessful campaign. such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense than that which is now made the ground of opposition. better therefore is it, to make at once a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the contest to a close, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostility from year to year. the supporters of the bill also appealed to experience for the superiority of regular troops over militia, in accomplishing all the purposes, even of indian war; and those arguments were urged in favour of this theory, which the subject readily suggests. the motion for striking out the section was lost; and the bill was carried for the augmentation of force required by the executive. the treasury was not in a condition to meet the demands upon it, which the increased expenses of the war would unavoidably occasion; and sources of additional revenue were to be explored. a select committee to whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directing the secretary of the treasury to report his opinion to the house on the best mode of raising those additional supplies which the public service might require for the current year. this proposition gave rise to a very animated debate. it will be recollected that when the act for establishing the treasury department was under consideration, the clause which rendered it the duty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit, was earnestly opposed. a large majority, however, was in favour of the principle; and, after being so modified, as only to admit a report if required by the house, it was retained in the bill. in complying with the various resolutions of congress, calling for reports on subjects connected with his department, the secretary had submitted plans which, having been profoundly considered, were well digested, and accompanied by arguments, the force of which it was difficult to resist. his measures were generally supported by a majority of congress; and, while the high credit of the united states was believed to attest their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his reports were drawn contributed to raise still higher, that reputation for great talents which he had long possessed. to the further admission of these reports, it was determined, on this occasion, to make a vigorous resistance. but the opposition was not successful. on taking the question, the resolution was carried; thirty-one members voting in its favour, and twenty-seven against it. [sidenote: report of the secretary of the treasury for raising additional supplies.] the report[ ] made by the secretary in pursuance of this resolution, recommended certain augmentations of the duties on imports; and was immediately referred to the consideration of a committee of the whole house. resolutions were then passed which were to form the basis of a bill; and which adopted, not only the principles, but, with the exception of a few unimportant alterations, the minute details of the report. [footnote : see note, no. vi. at the end of the volume.] before the question was taken on the bill, a motion was made to limit its duration, the vote upon which strongly marked the progress of opinion in the house respecting those systems of finance which were believed to have established the credit of the united states. the secretary of the treasury had deemed it indispensable to the creation of public credit, that the appropriations of funds for the payment of the interest, and the gradual redemption of the principal of the national debt, should be not only sufficient, but permanent also. a party was found in the first congress who opposed this principle; and were in favour of retaining a full power over the subject in each branch of the legislature, by making annual appropriations. the arguments which had failed in congress appear to have been more successfully employed with the people. among the multiplied vices which were ascribed to the funding system, it was charged with introducing a permanent and extensive mortgage of funds, which was alleged to strengthen unduly the hands of the executive magistrate, and to be one of the many evidences which existed, of monarchical propensities in those who administered the government. the report lately made by the secretary of the treasury, and the bill founded on that report, contemplated a permanent increase of the duties on certain specified articles; and a permanent appropriation of the revenue arising from them, to the purposes of the national debt. thirty-one members were in favour of the motion for limiting the duration of the bill, and only thirty against it. by the rules of the house, the speaker has a right first to vote as a member; and, if the numbers should then be equally divided, to decide as speaker. being opposed to the limitation, the motion was lost by his voice. on the eighth of may, after an active and interesting session, congress adjourned to the first monday in november. the asperity which, on more than one occasion, discovered itself in debate, was a certain index of the growing exasperation of parties; and the strength of the opposition on those questions which brought into review the points on which the administration was to be attacked, denoted the impression which the specific charges brought against those who conducted public affairs, had made on the minds of the people, in an extensive division of the continent. it may conduce to a more perfect understanding of subsequent transactions, to present, in this place, a sketch of those charges. [sidenote: strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of parties.] it was alleged that the public debt was too great to be paid before other causes of adding to it would occur. this accumulation of debt had been artificially produced by the assumption of what was due from the states. its immediate effect was to deprive the government of its power over those easy sources of revenue, which, applied to its ordinary necessities and exigencies, would have answered them habitually, and thereby have avoided those burdens on the people which occasioned such murmurs against taxes, and tax gatherers. as a consequence of it, although the calls for money had not been greater than must be expected for the same or equivalent exigencies, yet congress had been already obliged, not only to strain the impost until it produced clamour, and would produce evasion, and war on their own citizens to collect it, but even to resort to an _excise_ law, of odious character with the people, partial in its operation, unproductive unless enforced by arbitrary and vexatious means, and committing the authority of the government in parts where resistance was most probable, and coercion least practicable. that the united states, if left free to act at their discretion, might borrow at two-thirds of the interest contracted to be paid to the public creditors, and thus discharge themselves from the principal in two-thirds of the time: but from this they were precluded by the irredeemable quality of the debt; a quality given for the avowed purpose of inviting its transfer to foreign countries. this transfer of the principal when completed would occasion an exportation of three millions of dollars annually for the interest, a drain of coin without example, and of the consequences of which no calculation could be made. the banishment of coin would be completed by ten millions of paper money in the form of bank bills, which were then issuing into circulation. nor would this be the only mischief resulting from the institution of the bank. the ten or twelve per cent, annual profit paid to the lenders of this paper medium would take out of the pockets of the people, who would have had, without interest, the coin it was banishing. that all the capital employed in paper speculation is barren and useless, producing like that on a gaming table no accession to itself, and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, where it would have produced addition to the common mass. the wealth therefore heaped upon individuals by the funding and banking systems, would be productive of general poverty and distress. that in addition to the encouragement these measures gave to vice and idleness, they had furnished effectual means of corrupting such a portion of the legislature as turned the balance between the honest voters. this corrupt squad, deciding the voice of the legislature, had manifested their dispositions to get rid of the limitations imposed by the constitution; limitations on the faith of which the states acceded to that instrument. they were proceeding rapidly in their plan of absorbing all power, invading the rights of the states, and converting the federal into a consolidated government. that the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the way for a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy, of which the english constitution was to be the model. so many of the friends of monarchy were in the legislature, that aided by the corrupt squad of paper dealers who were at their devotion, they made a majority in both houses. the republican party, even when united with the anti-federalists, continued a minority. that of all the mischiefs resulting from the system of measures which was so much reprobated, none was so afflicting, so fatal to every honest hope, as the corruption of the legislature. as it was the earliest of these measures, it became the instrument for producing the rest, and would be the instrument for producing in future, a king, lords, and commons; or whatever else those who directed it might choose. withdrawn such a distance from the eye of their constituents, they would form the most corrupt government on earth, if the means of their corruption were not prevented. these strictures on the conduct of administration were principally directed against measures which had originated with the secretary of the treasury, and had afterwards received the sanction of the legislature. in the southern division of the continent, that officer was unknown, except to a few military friends, and to those who had engaged in the legislative or executive departments of the former or present government. his systems of revenue having been generally opposed by the southern members, and the original opposition to the constitution having been particularly great in virginia and north carolina, the aspersions on his views, and on the views of the eastern members by whom his plans had been generally supported, were seldom controverted. the remote tendency of particular systems, and the motives for their adoption, are so often subjects of conjecture, that the judgment, when exercised upon them, is peculiarly exposed to the influence of the passions; and where measures are in themselves burdensome, and the necessity for their adoption has not been appreciated, suspicions of their unknown advocates, can seldom be unsuccessfully urged by persons, in whom the people have placed their confidence. it is not therefore cause of astonishment, that the dark motives ascribed to the authors of tax laws, should be extensively believed. throughout the united states, the party opposed to the constitution had charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy on the ruins of republican government; and the constitution itself was alleged to contain principles which would prove the truth of this charge. the leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready from the instant the government came into operation, to discover, in all its measures, those monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in the instrument they opposed. the salaries allowed to public officers, though so low[ ] as not to afford a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of government, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy which were the characteristics of republics. [footnote : the salary of the secretary of state, which was the highest, was three thousand five hundred dollars.] the levees of the president, and the evening parties of mrs. washington, were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designed to accustom the american people to the pomp and manners of european courts. the vice president too was said to keep up the state and dignity of a monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, the principles which were inculcated in his political works. the indian war they alleged was misconducted, and unnecessarily prolonged for the purposes of expending the public money, and of affording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, and increasing the revenue. all this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed to keep up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government, which, united with standing armies, and immense revenues, would enable their rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging. every prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-republican principles of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, and that which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. if a remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representation of the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, they would become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollected that the division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, there was reason to fear that the union would be broken into one or more confederacies. these irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increased malignity during the session of congress which had just terminated; and, to the president, who firmly believed that the union and the liberty of the states depended on the preservation of the government, they were the more unpleasant and the more alarming, because they were displayed in full force in his cabinet. [sidenote: disagreement between the secretaries of state and treasury.] between the secretaries of the state and treasury departments, a disagreement existed, which seems to have originated in an early stage of the administration, and to have acquired a regular accession of strength from circumstances which were perpetually occurring, until it grew into open and irreconcileable hostility. without tracing this disagreement to those motives, which, in elective governments especially, often produce enmities between distinguished personages, neither of whom acknowledges the superiority of the other, such radical differences of opinion, on points which would essentially influence the course of the government, were supposed to exist between the secretaries, as, in a great measure, to account for this unextinguishable enmity. these differences of opinion were, perhaps, to be ascribed, in some measure, to a difference in the original structure of their minds, and, in some measure, to the difference of the situations in which they had been placed. until near the close of the war, mr. hamilton had served his country in the field; and, just before its termination, had passed from the camp into congress, where he remained for some time after peace had been established. in the former station, the danger to which the independence of his country was exposed from the imbecility of the government was perpetually before his eyes; and, in the latter, his attention was forcibly directed towards the loss of its reputation, and the sacrifice of its best interests, which were to be ascribed to the same cause. mr. hamilton, therefore, was the friend of a government which should possess, in itself, sufficient powers and resources to maintain the character, and defend the integrity of the nation. having long felt and witnessed the mischiefs produced by the absolute sovereignty of the states, and by the control which they were enabled and disposed separately to exercise over every measure of general concern, he was particularly apprehensive of danger from that quarter; which he, probably, believed was to be the more dreaded, because the habits and feelings of the american people were calculated to inspire state, rather than national prepossessions. under the influence of these impressions, he is understood to have avowed opinions in the convention favourable to a system in which the executive and senate, though elective, were to be rather more permanent, than they were rendered in that which was actually proposed. he afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, with great ability, and contributed essentially to its adoption. but he still retained, and openly avowed, the opinion, that the greatest hazards to which it was exposed arose from its weakness, and that american liberty and happiness had much more to fear from the encroachments of the great states, than from those of the general government. mr. jefferson had retired from congress before the depreciation of the currency had produced an entire dependence of the general on the local governments; after which he filled the highest offices in the state of which he was a citizen. about the close of the war he was re-elected to congress; but, being soon afterwards employed on a mission to the court of versailles, where he remained, while the people of france were taking the first steps of that immense revolution which has astonished and agitated two quarters of the world. in common with all his countrymen, he felt a strong interest in favour of the reformers; and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that while residing at that court, and associating with those who meditated some of the great events which have since taken place, his mind might be warmed with the abuses of the monarchy which were perpetually in his view, and he might be led to the opinion that liberty could sustain no danger but from the executive power. mr. jefferson, therefore, seems to have entertained no apprehensions from the debility of the government; no jealousy of the state sovereignties; and no suspicion of their encroachments. his fears took a different direction, and all his precautions were used to check and limit the exercise of the powers vested in the government of the united states. neither could he perceive danger to liberty except from that government, and especially from the executive department. he did not feel so sensibly, as those who had continued in the united states, the necessity of adopting the constitution; and had, at one time, avowed a wish that it might be rejected by such a number of states as would secure certain alterations which he thought essential. his principal objections seem to have been, the want of a bill of rights, and the re-eligibility of the president. from this opinion, however, in favour of a partial rejection, he is understood to have receded, after seeing the plan pursued by the convention of massachusetts, and followed by other states; which was to adopt unconditionally, and to annex a recommendation of the amendments which were desired.[ ] [footnote : see mr. jefferson's correspondence.] to these causes of division, another was superadded, the influence of which was soon felt in all the political transactions of the government. the war which was terminated in , had left in the bosoms of the american people, a strong attachment to france, and enmity to great britain. these feelings, in a greater or less degree, were perhaps universal; and had been prevented from subsiding by circumstances to which allusions have already been made. they had evinced themselves, in the state legislatures, by commercial regulations; and were demonstrated by all those means by which the public sentiment is usually displayed. they found their way also into the national councils, where they manifested themselves in the motions respecting the favours which ought to be shown to nations having commercial treaties with the united states. although affection for france, and jealousy of britain, were sentiments common to the people of america, the same unanimity did not exist respecting the influence which ought to be allowed to those sentiments, over the political conduct of the nation. while many favoured such discriminations as might eventually turn the commerce of the united states into new channels, others maintained that, on this subject, equality ought to be observed; that trade ought to be guided by the judgment of individuals, and that no sufficient motives existed for that sacrifice of general and particular interests, which was involved in the discriminations proposed;--discriminations which, in their view, amounted to a tax on american agriculture, and a bounty on the navigation and manufactures of a favoured foreign nation. the former opinion was taken up with warmth by the secretary of state; and the latter was adopted with equal sincerity by the secretary of the treasury. this contrariety of sentiment respecting commercial regulations was only a part of a general system. it extended itself to all the relations which might subsist between america and those two great powers. in all popular governments, the press is the most ready channel by which the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to the many; and of the press, the two great parties forming in the united states, sought to avail themselves. the gazette of the united states supported the systems of the treasury department, while other papers enlisted themselves under the banners of the opposition. conspicuous among these, was the national gazette, a paper edited by a clerk in the department of state. the avowed purpose for which the secretary patronized this paper, was to present to the eye of the american people, european intelligence derived from the leyden gazette, instead of english papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny against the funding and banking systems, against the duty on home-made spirits, which was denominated an excise, and against the men who had proposed and supported those measures. with perhaps equal asperity, the papers attached to the party which had defended these systems, assailed the motives of the leaders of the opposition. [sidenote: letters from washington on this subject.] this schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification to the president. entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a real esteem for the characters, of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to part with either; and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect a reconciliation between them. in a letter of the d of august, addressed to the secretary of state, after reviewing the critical situation of the united states with respect to its external relations, he thus expressed himself on this delicate subject. "how unfortunate and how much is it to be regretted then, that, while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harassing and tearing our vitals. the last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, i believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together: for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be lost, perhaps, for ever. "my earnest wish and my fondest hope therefore is, that instead of wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on all sides. under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and if possible, more prosperously. without them, every thing must rub; the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph; and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting." "i do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any particular person or character. i have given them in the same general terms to other officers[ ] of the government, because the disagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and can not fail, i think, of producing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad." [footnote : see note, no. vii. at the end of the volume.] in a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, in answer to one which enclosed some documents designed to prove that, though desirous of amending the constitution, he had favoured its adoption, the president said--"i did not require the evidence of the extracts which you enclosed me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of the united states, or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country; but i regret, deeply regret, the difference of opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another principal officer of the government--and wish devoutly there could be an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings. "a measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils; and the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind can not think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end. for i will frankly and solemnly declare that i believe the views of both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salubrity of the measures which are the subjects of this dispute. "why then, when some of the best citizens of the united states--men of discernment--uniform and tried patriots--who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found some on one side, and some on the other of the questions which have caused these agitations--why should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the other? "i could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when i am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. i have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both; and ardently wish that some line could be marked out by which both of you could walk." these earnest endeavours to sooth the angry passions, and to conciliate the jarring discords of the cabinet, were unsuccessful. the hostility which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained no diminution, and its consequences became every day more diffusive. among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions, was the encouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance which was made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits distilled within the united states. to the inhabitants of that part of pennsylvania which lies west of the alleghany mountains, this duty was, from local considerations, peculiarly odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminished by any affection for the source in which it originated. the constitution itself had encountered the most decided opposition from that part of the state; and that early enmity to the government which exerted every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained no abatement. its measures generally, and the whole system of finance particularly, had been reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of the most popular men of that district. with these dispositions, a tax law, the operation of which was extended to them, could not be favourably received, however generally it might be supported in other parts of the union. but when, to this pre-existing temper, were superadded the motives which arose from perceiving that the measure was censured on the floor of congress as unnecessary and tyrannical; that resistance to its execution was treated as probable; that a powerful and active party, pervading the union, arraigned with extreme acrimony the whole system of finance as being hostile to liberty; and, with all the passionate vehemence of conviction, charged its advocates with designing to subvert the republican institutions of america; we ought not to be surprised that the awful impressions, which usually restrain combinations to resist the laws, were lessened; and that the malcontents were emboldened to hope that those combinations might be successful. [sidenote: opposition to the excise law.] some discontents had been manifested in several parts of the union on the first introduction of the act; but the prudence and firmness of the government and its officers had dissipated them; and the law had been carried into general operation. but in the western district of pennsylvania, the resistance wore the appearance of system, and was regularly progressive. in its commencement, it manifested itself by the circulation of opinions calculated to increase the odium in which the duty was held, and by endeavours to defeat its collection by directing the public resentments against those who were inclined either to comply with the law, or to accept the offices through which it was to be executed. these indications of ill temper were succeeded by neighbourhood meetings, in which resolutions of extreme violence were adopted, and by acts of outrage against the persons of revenue officers. at length, in september, , a meeting of delegates from the malcontent counties was held at pittsburg, in which resolutions were adopted breathing the same spirit with those which had previously been agreed to in county assemblies. unfortunately, the deputy marshal, who was entrusted with the process against those who had committed acts of violence on the persons of revenue officers, was so intimidated by the turbulent spirit which was generally displayed, that he returned without performing his duty; and thus added to the confidence felt by the disaffected in their strength. appearances were such as to justify apprehensions, that the judiciary would be found unable to punish the violators of the laws; and the means of obtaining aid from the executive had not been furnished by the legislature. this state of things was the more embarrassing, because the prejudices which had been widely disseminated, and the misconceptions of the act which had been extensively diffused, authorized some fears respecting the support which the law, while yet in the infancy of its operation, would receive from the people. these considerations, added to that repugnance which was felt by the government to the employment of harsh means, induced a forbearance to notice further these riotous proceedings, until the measure, by being carried into full effect in other parts of the union, should be better understood; and until congress should assemble, and modify the system in such a manner as to remove any real objections to it, the existence of which might be suggested by experience. accordingly, in the legislature which convened in october, , this subject was taken up in pursuance of the recommendation of the president, and an amendatory act was passed in may, , in which the whole system was revised, and great pains were taken to alter such parts of it as could be deemed exceptionable. this conciliatory measure did not produce the desired effect. no abatement took place in the violence and outrage with which the resistance to the law was conducted. to carry it into execution, officers of inspection were necessary in every county. the malcontents, for a considerable time, deterred every person from consenting to permit an office to be held at his house; and when at length this difficulty was supposed to be overcome, those who had been prevailed on to accede to the propositions of the supervisor in this respect, were compelled, by personal violence, and by threats of the destruction of property, and even of death, to retract the consent they had given. a meeting was again convened at pittsburg, in which, among other very exceptionable resolutions, committees were established to correspond with any committees of a similar nature that might be appointed in other parts of the united states. by this meeting it was declared, that they would persist in every legal measure to obstruct the execution of the law, and would consider those who held offices for the collection of the duty as unworthy of their friendship; that they would have no intercourse or dealings with them; would withdraw from them every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life which depend upon those duties which, as men and fellow citizens, they owed to each other; and would, upon all occasions, treat them with contempt. it was at the same time earnestly recommended to the people at large to adopt the same line of conduct. [sidenote: president's proclamation.] no man could be more sensible than the president of the dangerous tendency of these measures, nor more indignant at the outrage thus offered to the government of the united states. but his prudence, and his high respect for the laws restrained him within the narrow limits which the legislature had prescribed. a proclamation[ ] was issued exhorting and admonishing all persons to desist from any combinations or proceedings whatsoever, tending to obstruct the execution of the laws, and requiring the interference of the civil magistrate; and prosecutions against the offenders were directed to be instituted in every case in which they could be supported. [footnote : in his letter enclosing the proclamation to the secretary of the treasury, the president observed, "i have no doubt but that the proclamation will undergo many strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be answered by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to ulterior arrangements. and here, not only the constitution and laws must strictly govern, but the employment of the regular troops avoided, if it be possible to effect order without their aid; yet if no other means will effectually answer, and the constitution and laws will authorize these, they must be used as the dernier ressort."] this proclamation produced no salutary effect. many of the civil magistrates were themselves concerned in stimulating the excesses they were required to suppress; and those who had not embarked in the criminal enterprise, found themselves totally unable to maintain the sovereignty of the laws. with a laudable solicitude to avoid extremities, the government still sought for means to recall these misguided people to a sense of duty, without the employment of a military force. to obtain this desirable object, the following system was digested and pursued: prosecutions were instituted against delinquents in those cases in which it was believed that they could be maintained. the spirits distilled in the non-complying counties were intercepted on their way to market, and seized by the officers of the revenue; and the agents for the army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which the duty had been paid. by thus acting on the interests of the distillers, the hope was indulged that they might be induced to comply with the law. could they have obeyed their wishes, these measures would have produced the desired effect; but they were no longer masters of their own conduct. impelled by a furious multitude, they found it much more dangerous to obey the laws than to resist them. the efficacy of this system too was diminished by a circumstance, which induced the necessity of a second application to the legislature. the act had not been extended to the territory north-west of the ohio, in which great part of the army lay; and the distillers eluded the vigilance of the government by introducing their spirits into that territory. while from causes which were incessant and active in their operation, some of which seem too strongly fixed in the human mind ever to be removed, a broad foundation was thus laid for those party struggles whose fury is generally proportioned to the magnitude of the objects to be attained, and to the means which may be employed in attaining them, the external affairs of the united states sustained no material change. of the good understanding which was preserved with france, a fresh proof had been recently given by the employment of mr. ternan, a person peculiarly acceptable to the american government, to succeed the count de moustiers, as minister plenipotentiary of his most christian majesty; and in turn, mr. gouverneur morris, who was understood to have rendered himself agreeable to the french government, was appointed to represent the united states at the court of versailles. in addition to these interchanges of civility, a melancholy occasion had presented itself for giving much more substantial evidence of the alacrity with which the american administration would embrace any proper opportunity of manifesting its disposition to promote the interests of france. [sidenote: insurrection and massacre in the island of st. domingo.] early and bitter fruits of that malignant philosophy, which, disregarding the actual state of the world, and estimating at nothing the miseries of a vast portion of the human race, can coolly and deliberately pursue, through oceans of blood, abstract systems for the attainment of some fancied untried good, were gathered in the french west indies. instead of proceeding in the correction of any abuses which might exist, by those slow and cautious steps which gradually introduce reform without ruin, which may prepare and fit society for that better state of things designed for it; and which, by not attempting impossibilities, may enlarge the circle of happiness, the revolutionists of france formed the mad and wicked project of spreading their doctrines of equality among persons, between whom distinctions and prejudices exist to be subdued only by the grave. the rage excited by the pursuit of this visionary and baneful theory, after many threatening symptoms, burst forth on the d day of august , with a fury alike destructive and general. in one night, a preconcerted insurrection of the blacks took place throughout the colony of st. domingo; and the white inhabitants of the country, while sleeping in their beds, were involved in one indiscriminate massacre, from which neither age nor sex could afford an exemption. only a few females, reserved for a fate more cruel than death, were intentionally spared; and not many were fortunate enough to escape into the fortified cities. the insurgents then assembled in vast numbers, and a bloody war commenced between them and the whites inhabiting the towns. the whole french part of the island was in imminent danger of being totally lost to the mother country. the minister of his most christian majesty applied to the executive of the united states for a sum of money which would enable him to preserve this valuable colony, to be deducted out of the debt to his sovereign; and the request was granted in a manner evincing the interest taken by the administration in whatever might concern france. on the part of spain, a desire had been expressed to adjust the subjects in controversy between the two nations by negotiations to be carried on at madrid; and mr. carmichael, and mr. short, had been appointed commissioners, with powers equal to the object. in the mean time, the officers of that nation persisted in measures which were calculated to embroil the united states with the southern indians. by their intrigues with the creeks, the treaty formed in with m'gillivray, was prevented from being ratified, and the boundary line then agreed upon was not permitted to be run. the indefinite claim of territory set up by spain was alleged to constitute a sufficient objection to any new line of demarcation, until that claim should be settled; and her previous treaties and relations with the creeks were declared to be infringed by their stipulation, acknowledging themselves to be under the protection of the united states. an official diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened with great britain also. mr. hammond, the minister plenipotentiary of that nation to the united states, arrived at philadelphia in the autumn of ; upon which, mr. thomas pinckney, a gentleman of south carolina, who was highly and justly respected, had been charged with the interests of his country at the court of london.[ ] soon after the arrival of mr. hammond, the non-execution of the treaty of peace became the subject of a correspondence between him and the secretary of state, in which the complaints of their respective nations were urged in terms manifesting clearly the sense entertained by each of the justice of those complaints, without furnishing solid ground for the hope that they would be immediately removed on either side. [footnote : in consequence of these nominations of foreign ministers, a motion was made in the senate on a point which is of some importance in settling the principles of the american government. it was contended that the power of that body over the appointment of a foreign minister gave the right to inquire into the policy of making any appointment whatever; and that in exercising this power, they were not to confine themselves to a consideration of the fitness of the person nominated, but were to judge of the propriety of the mission; and were consequently to be informed of the motives which had decided the president to adopt the measure. this opinion was overruled by a small majority.] mr. hammond's powers on the subject of a commercial treaty were far from being satisfactory. to the inquiries of mr. jefferson on this point, he replied, that he was authorized to enter into a negotiation respecting the commercial intercourse between the two countries, and to discuss those principles which might serve as a basis for a treaty, but not to _conclude_ any definitive arrangements. in fact, there was much reason to believe that the obstacles to a commercial treaty between the two countries would not be soon or easily surmounted. in america, such an alteration in the law of nations as would permit the goods of an enemy to pass freely in the bottom of a neutral, was a favourite project; and a full participation of the colonial trade was also most earnestly desired. that the latter of these objects would not be readily conceded by great britain did not admit of a doubt; but many intelligent men, possessing great political influence, had embraced the opinion that she could be forced out of that colonial system which every european power having settlements in america had adopted, by regulations restricting her navigation and commerce with the united states. to those who entertained this opinion, no commercial treaty could be acceptable, which did not contain the concessions they required. in addition to a general knowledge of the sentiments of the british cabinet on these points, particular evidence had lately been received of its positive decision respecting them. a comprehensive report on american affairs had been made to the privy council by a committee of that body, which was laid before the king. a few copies of it had been printed for the members of the cabinet, which were soon called in by a sudden order of council; but one of these copies was obtained, and transmitted to the secretary of state of the united states. this report manifested a willingness to form a commercial treaty with the american government on principles of perfect equality, both with respect to navigation and commerce, so far as regarded the dominions of his britannic majesty in europe; but it also discovered a determination, to adhere inflexibly to the existing regulations for the colonies; and to reject the principle that free bottoms make free goods. in this state paper the opinion was advanced, that several important articles of exportation from the united states, especially tobacco, had been peculiarly favoured in great britain; but that these friendly regulations were not reciprocated by america. the means of retaliating injuries which might be inflicted on british commerce were stated, but those means, it was said, ought not hastily to be adopted, the more especially, as the existing government of the united states had discovered dispositions more favourable to a liberal and fair intercourse between the two countries, than had been manifested by the respective states. for several reasons it was deemed adviseable not suddenly to disturb the existing state of things, but to regulate the trade of the two nations by a treaty, the stipulations of which should be equal, and mutually beneficial, provided such a treaty could be formed without a departure from those principles which were considered as fundamental. [sidenote: general wayne appointed to the command of the army.] no abatement of hostility having taken place among the north-western indians, the preparations for terminating the war by the sword were earnestly pressed. major general wayne was appointed to succeed general st. clair, who resigned the command of the army; and the utmost exertions were made to complete it to the establishment; but the laws furnished such small inducements to engage in the service, that the highest military grades, next to that of commander-in-chief, were declined by many to whom they were offered; and the recruiting business advanced too slowly to authorize a hope that the decisive expedition which was meditated, could be prudently undertaken in the course of the present year. meanwhile, the public clamour against the war continued to be loud and violent. it was vehemently asserted, that if the intentions of the government respecting the savages were just and humane, those intentions were unknown to them, and that their resentments were kept up by the aggressions of whites, and by the opinion that their expulsion from the country they occupied was the object of the hostilities carried on against them. however satisfied the president might be of the fallacy of these opinions, they were too extensively maintained not to be respected, as far as was compatible with a due regard to the real interests of the nation. while, therefore, the preparations for offensive operations were hastened by a vigorous exertion of the means at the disposal of the executive, it was thought adviseable to make another effort to terminate the war by a direct communication of the pacific views of the united states.--the failure of these attempts was still less to be lamented than the fate of those who were employed in them. colonel harden and major trueman, two brave officers and valuable men, were severally despatched with propositions of peace, and each was murdered by the savages. [sidenote: meeting of congress.] [sidenote: president's speech.] on the th of november congress again convened. in the speech delivered at the commencement of the session, indian affairs were treated at considerable length, and the continuance of the war was mentioned as a subject of much regret. "the reiterated endeavours," it was said, "which had been made to effect a pacification, had hitherto issued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom the united states were in contest. "a detail of the measures that had been pursued, and of their consequences, which would be laid before congress, while it would confirm the want of success thus far, would evince that means as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, had been employed. the issue of some of them was still pending; but a favourable one, though not to be despaired of, was not promised by any thing that had yet happened." that a sanction, commonly respected even among savages, had been found insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace, was particularly noticed; and the families of those valuable citizens who had thus fallen victims to their zeal for the public service, were recommended to the attention of the legislature. that unprovoked aggression had been made by the southern indians, and that there was just cause for apprehension that the war would extend to them also, was mentioned as a subject of additional concern. "every practicable exertion had been made to be prepared for the alternative of prosecuting the war, in the event of a failure of pacific overtures. a large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised, had been recruited, though the numbers were yet incomplete; and pains had been taken to discipline them, and put them in a condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. but a delay of operations, besides being dictated by the measures that were pursuing towards a pacific termination of the war, had been in itself deemed preferable to immature efforts." the humane system which has since been successfully pursued, of gradually civilizing the savages by improving their condition, of diverting them in some degree from hunting to domestic and agricultural occupations by imparting to them some of the most simple and useful acquisitions of society, and of conciliating them to the united states by a beneficial and well regulated commerce, had ever been a favourite object with the president, and the detailed view which was now taken of indian affairs, was concluded with a repetition of his recommendations of these measures. the subject next adverted to in the speech, was the impediments which in some places continued to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the united states. after observing that these impediments were lessening in local extent, but that symptoms of such increased opposition had lately manifested themselves in certain places as, in his judgment, to render his special interposition adviseable, the president added,--"congress may be assured that nothing within constitutional and legal limits which may depend on me, shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. in fulfilling this trust, i shall count entirely on the full co-operation of the other departments of government, and upon the zealous support of all good citizens." after noticing various objects which would require the attention of the legislature, the president addressed himself particularly to the house of representatives, and said, "i entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the government. no measure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiments and wish of the nation." the addresses of the two houses in answer to the speech, were, as usual, respectful and affectionate. the several subjects recommended to the attention of congress were noticed either in general terms, or in a manner to indicate a coincidence of sentiment between the legislative and executive departments. the turbulent spirit which had manifested itself in certain parts of the union was mentioned by both houses with a just degree of censure, and the measures adopted by the president, as well as the resolution he expressed to compel obedience to the laws, were approved; and the house of representatives, in the most unqualified terms, declared opinions in favour of systematic and effectual arrangements for discharging the public debt. but the subsequent proceedings of the legislature did not fulfil the expectations excited by this auspicious commencement of the session. at an early day, in a committee of the whole house on the president's speech, mr. fitzsimmons moved "that measures for the reduction of so much of the public debt as the united states have a right to redeem, ought to be adopted: and that the secretary of the treasury be directed to report a plan for that purpose." this motion was objected to by mr. madison as being premature. the state of the finances, he thought, was not sufficiently understood to authorize the adoption of the measure it contemplated. the debate however soon took a different direction. that part of the resolution which proposed a reference to the secretary of the treasury was particularly opposed; and an ardent discussion ensued, in which, without much essential variation, the arguments which had before been urged on the same subject were again employed. after a vehement contest, the motion to amend the resolution by striking out the proposed reference was overruled, and it was carried in its original form. { } in obedience to this order, the secretary made a report, in which he proposed a plan for the annual redemption of that portion of the debt, the payment of which was warranted by the contract between the united states and their creditors. but the expenses of the indian war rendering it, in his opinion, unsafe to rest absolutely on the existing revenue, he proposed to extend the internal taxes to pleasure horses, or pleasure carriages, as the legislature might deem most eligible. the consideration of this report was deferred on various pretexts; and a motion was made to reduce the military establishment. the debate on this subject was peculiarly earnest; and, in its progress, the mode of conducting the indian war, the relative merits and expensiveness of militia and of regular troops, and the danger to liberty from standing armies, were elaborately discussed. it was not until the fourth of january that the motion was rejected. while that question remained undecided, the report of the secretary was unavoidably postponed, because, on its determination would depend, in the opinion of many, the necessity of additional taxes. it would seem not improbable that the opponents of the american system of finances, who constituted rather a minority of the present congress, but who indulged sanguine hopes of becoming the majority in the next, were desirous of referring every question relating to the treasury department to the succeeding legislature, in which there would be a more full representation of the people. whatever might be the operating motives for delay, neither the extension of the law imposing a duty on spirits distilled within the united states to the territory north-west of the river ohio, nor the plan for redeeming the public debt, which was earnestly pressed by the administration, could be carried through the present congress. those who claimed the favour and confidence of the people as a just reward for their general attachment to liberty, and especially for their watchfulness to prevent every augmentation of debt, were found in opposition to a system for its diminution, which was urged by men who were incessantly charged with entertaining designs for its excessive accumulation, in order to render it the corrupt instrument of executive influence. it might be expected that the public attention would be attracted to such a circumstance. but when party passions are highly inflamed, reason itself submits to their control, and becomes the instrument of their will. the assertion that the existing revenues, if not prodigally or corruptly wasted, were sufficient for the objects contemplated by the president in his speech, would constitute an ample apology for the impediments thrown in the way of a system which could not be directly disapproved, and would justify a continuance of the charge that the supporters of the fiscal system were friends to the augmentation of the public debt. soon after the motion for the reduction of the military establishment was disposed of, another subject was introduced, which effectually postponed, for the present session, every measure connected with the finances of the nation. an act of congress, which passed on the fourth of august, , authorized the president to cause to be borrowed any sum not exceeding twelve millions of dollars, to be applied in payment of the foreign debt of the united states. a subsequent act, which passed on the th of the same month, authorized another loan not exceeding two millions, to be applied, in aid of the sinking fund, towards the extinguishment of the domestic debt. a power to make these loans was delegated by the president to the secretary of the treasury by a general commission referring to the acts. this commission was accompanied by written instructions, directing the payment of such parts of the foreign debt as should become due at the end of the year ; but leaving the secretary, with respect to the residue, to be regulated by the interests of the united states. under this commission two loans were negotiated in , and others at subsequent periods. as many considerations of convenience opposed such an arrangement as would appropriate all the monies arising from either of these loans to one object, to the total exclusion of the other; and no motive was perceived for thus unnecessarily fettering the operations of the treasury; each loan was negotiated under both laws; and consequently the monies produced by each were applicable to both objects, in such proportions as the president might direct. it has been already observed that his written instructions had ordered the payment of those instalments of the foreign debt which should become due before the first of january, ; but no further sums on that account were to be borrowed until supplemental orders to that effect should be given, unless a loan could be made on such terms as would render it advantageous to the united states to anticipate the payments to their foreign creditors. it being the opinion of both the president and secretary that the official powers of the latter authorized him to draw the monies borrowed for domestic purposes into the treasury, where they would form a part of the sinking fund, and be applicable to the objects of that fund in conformity with the laws of appropriation, no written instructions were given respecting that part of the subject; but in the progress of the business, every material step which was taken was communicated to the president, and his directions obtained upon it. while the chief magistrate remained at the seat of government, these communications were verbal; when absent, they were made by letter. at this period, the domestic debt bore a low price in the market, and foreign capital was pouring into the united states for its purchase. the immediate application of the sinking fund to this object would consequently acquire a large portion of the debt, and would also accelerate its appreciation. the best interests of the united states, and his own fame, thus impelling the secretary to give the operations of the sinking fund the utmost activity of which it was susceptible, he had, with the approbation of the president, directed a part of the first loan to be paid in discharge of the instalments of the foreign debt which were actually due, and had drawn a part of it into the public treasury in aid of the sinking fund. in may, , instructions were given to the agent of the united states in europe, to apply the proceeds of future loans, as they should accrue, in payments to france, except such sums as should be previously and specially reserved. in the execution of these instructions, some delay intervened, which was to be ascribed, among other causes, to representations made by the french minister of marine that a plan would be adopted, to which a decree of the national assembly was requisite, for converting a large sum into supplies for st. domingo: and to a desire on the part of the agent to settle, previously to further payments, a definitive rule by which the monies paid should be liquidated, and credited to the united states. the disordered state of french affairs protracted both the one and the other of these causes of delay, to a later period than had been expected; and, in the mean time, the secretary continued to draw into the united states such portions of these loans, as were destined to be brought in aid of the sinking fund. such was the state of this transaction, when the commencement of those calamities, which have finally overwhelmed st. domingo, induced the american government, on the urgent application of the french minister, to furnish supplies to that ill fated colony, in payment of the debt to france. this being a mode of payment which, to a certain extent, was desired by the creditor, and was advantageous to the debtor, a consequent disposition prevailed to use it so far as might comport with the wish of the french government; and a part of the money designed for foreign purposes, was drawn into the united states. in the course of these operations, a portion of the instalments actually due to france, had been permitted to remain unsatisfied. a part of the money borrowed in europe being thus applicable to the extinguishment of the domestic debt, and a part of the domestic revenue being applicable to the payment of interest due on the loans made in europe, the secretary of the treasury had appropriated a part of the money arising from foreign loans to the payment of interest due abroad, which had been replaced by the application of money in the treasury arising from domestic resources, to the purchase of the domestic debt. the secretary had not deemed it necessary to communicate these operations in detail to the legislature: but some hints respecting them having been derived either from certain papers which accompanied a report made to the house of representatives early in the session, or from some other source, mr. giles, on the d of january, moved several resolutions, requiring information, among other things, on the various points growing out of these loans, and the application of the monies arising from them, and respecting the unapplied revenues of the united states, and the places in which the sums so unapplied were deposited. in the speech introducing these resolutions, observations were made which very intelligibly implied charges of a much more serious nature than inattention to the exact letter of an appropriation law. estimates were made to support the position that a large balance of public money was unaccounted for. the resolutions were agreed to without debate; and, in a few days, the secretary transmitted a report containing the information that was required. this report comprehended a full exposition of the views and motives which had regulated the conduct of the department, and a very able justification of the measures which had been adopted; but omitted to state explicitly that part of the money borrowed in europe had been drawn into the united states with the sanction of the president.--it is also chargeable with some expressions which can not be pronounced unexceptionable, but which may find their apology in the feelings of a mind conscious of its own uprightness, and wounded by the belief that the proceedings against him had originated in a spirit hostile to fair inquiry. these resolutions, the observations which accompanied them, and the first number of the report, were the signals for a combined attack on the secretary of the treasury, through the medium of the press. many anonymous writers appeared, who assailed the head of that department with a degree of bitterness indicative of the spirit in which the inquiry was to be conducted. [sidenote: resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasury rejected.] on the th of february, not many days after the last number of the report was received, mr. giles moved sundry resolutions which were founded on the information before the house. the idea of a balance unaccounted for was necessarily relinquished; but the secretary of the treasury was charged with neglect of duty in failing to give congress official information of the monies drawn by him from europe into the united states; with violating the law of the th of august, , by applying a portion of the principal borrowed under it to the payment of interest, and by drawing a part of the same monies into the united states, without instructions from the president; with deviating from the instructions of the president in other respects; with negotiating a loan at the bank, contrary to the public interest, while public monies to a greater amount than were required, lay unemployed in the bank; and with an indecorum to the house, in undertaking to judge of its motives in calling for information which was demandable of him from the constitution of his office; and in failing to give all the necessary information within his knowledge relative to subjects on which certain specified references had been previously made to him. these resolutions were followed by one, directing that a copy of them should be transmitted to the president of the united states. the debate on this subject, which commenced on the th of february, was continued to the st of march, and was conducted with a spirit of acrimony towards the secretary, demonstrating the soreness of the wounds that had been given and received in the political and party wars which had been previously waged.[ ] it terminated in a rejection of all the resolutions. the highest number voting in favour of any one of them was sixteen. [footnote : see note, no. viii. at the end of the volume.] [sidenote: congress adjourns.] on the d of march, a constitutional period was put to the existence of the present congress. the members separated with obvious symptoms of extreme irritation. various causes, the most prominent of which have already been noticed, had combined to organize two distinct parties in the united states, which were rapidly taking the form of a ministerial and an opposition party. by that in opposition, the president was not yet openly renounced. his personal influence was too great to be encountered by a direct avowal that he was at the head of their adversaries; and his public conduct did not admit of a suspicion that he could allow himself to rank as the chief of a party. nor could public opinion be seduced to implicate him in the ambitious plans and dark schemes for the subversion of liberty, which were ascribed to a part of the administration, and to the leading members who had supported the measures of finance adopted by the legislature. yet it was becoming apparent that things were taking a course which must inevitably involve him in the political conflicts which were about to take place. it was apparent that the charges against the secretary of the treasury would not be relinquished, and that they were of a nature to affect the chief magistrate materially, should his countenance not be withdrawn from that officer. it was equally apparent that the fervour of democracy, which was perpetually manifesting itself in the papers, in invectives against levees, against the trappings of royalty, and against the marks of peculiar respect[ ] which were paid to the president, must soon include him more pointedly in its strictures. [footnote : on the d of february, the birthday of the president, a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour. it was perfectly understood that this motion was made to give the members an opportunity of waiting on the chief magistrate to make the compliments adapted to the occasion. this was seriously opposed, and the ayes and noes called upon the question. the adjournment was carried by forty-one to eighteen. the day was celebrated by several companies, and some toasts were published manifesting the deep sense which was entertained of the exalted services of this illustrious citizen. these circumstances gave great umbrage to some of those who could perceive monarchical tendencies in every act of respect, and the offenders were rebuked in the national gazette for setting up an idol who might become dangerous to liberty, and for the injustice of neglecting all his compatriots of the revolution, and ascribing to him the praise which was due to others.] these divisions, which are inherent in the nature of popular governments, by which the chief magistrate, however unexceptionable his conduct, and however exalted his character, must, sooner or later, be more or less affected, were beginning to be essentially influenced by the great events of europe. [sidenote: progress of the french revolution and its effects on parties in the united states.] that revolution which has been the admiration, the wonder, and the terror of the civilized world, had, from its commencement, been viewed in america with the deepest interest. in its first stage, but one sentiment respecting it prevailed; and that was a belief, accompanied with an ardent wish, that it would improve the condition of france, extend the blessings of liberty, and promote the happiness of the human race. when the labours of the convention had terminated in a written constitution, this unanimity of opinion was in some degree impaired. by a few who had thought deeply on the science of government, and who, if not more intelligent, certainly judged more dispassionately than their fellow citizens, that instrument was believed to contain the principles of self destruction. it was feared that a system so ill balanced could not be permanent. a deep impression was made on the same persons by the influence of the galleries over the legislature, and of mobs over the executive; by the tumultuous assemblages of the people, and their licentious excesses during the short and sickly existence of the regal authority. these did not appear to be the symptoms of a healthy constitution, or of genuine freedom. persuaded that the present state of things could not last, they doubted, and they feared for the future. in total opposition to this sentiment was that of the public. there seems to be something infectious in the example of a powerful and enlightened nation verging towards democracy, which imposes on the human mind, and leads human reason in fetters. novelties, introduced by such a nation, are stripped of the objections which had been preconceived against them; and long settled opinions yield to the overwhelming weight of such dazzling authority. it wears the semblance of being the sense of mankind, breaking loose from the shackles which had been imposed by artifice, and asserting the freedom, and the dignity, of his nature. the constitution of france, therefore, was generally received with unqualified plaudits. the establishment of a legislature consisting of a single body, was defended not only as being adapted to the particular situation of that country, but as being right in itself. certain anonymous writers, who supported the theory of a balanced government, were branded as the advocates of royalty, and of aristocracy. to question the duration of the present order of things was thought to evidence an attachment to unlimited monarchy, or a blind prejudice in favour of british institutions; and the partiality of america in favour of a senate was visibly declining. in this stage of the revolution, however, the division of sentiment was not marked with sufficient distinctness, nor the passions of the people agitated with sufficient violence, for any powerful effect to be produced on the two parties in america. but when the monarchy was completely overthrown, and a republic decreed,[ ] the people of the united states seemed electrified by the measure, and its influence was felt by the whole society. the war in which the several potentates of europe were engaged against france, although in almost every instance declared by that power, was pronounced to be a war for the extirpation of human liberty, and for the banishment of free government from the face of the earth. the preservation of the constitution of the united states was supposed to depend on its issue; and the coalition against france was treated as a coalition against america also. [footnote : this event was announced to the president by the minister plenipotentiary of france at philadelphia, in february, . through the secretary of state, an answer was returned, of which the following is an extract, "the president receives with great satisfaction this attention of the executive council, and the desire they have manifested of making known to us the resolution entered into by the national convention even before a definitive regulation of their new establishment could take place. be assured, sir, that the government and the citizens of the united states, view with the most sincere pleasure, every advance of your nation towards its happiness, an object essentially connected with its liberty, and they consider the union of principles and pursuits between our two countries as a link which binds still closer their interests and affections. "we earnestly wish, on our part, that these our mutual dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establishing our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to natural right and freedom as are those of our governments."] a cordial wish for the success of the french arms, or rather that the war might terminate without any diminution of french power, and in such a manner as to leave the people of that country free to choose their own form of government, was, perhaps, universal; but, respecting the probable issue of their internal conflicts, perfect unanimity of opinion did not prevail. by some few individuals, the practicability of governing by a system formed on the republican model, an immense, populous, and military nation, whose institutions, habits, and morals, were adapted to monarchy, and which was surrounded by armed neighbours, was deemed a problem which time alone could solve. the circumstances under which the abolition of royalty was declared, the massacres which preceded it, the scenes of turbulence and violence which were acted in every part of the nation, appeared to them, to present an awful and doubtful state of things, respecting which no certain calculations could be made; and the idea that a republic was to be introduced and supported by force, was, to them, a paradox in politics. under the influence of these appearances, the apprehension was entertained that, if the ancient monarchy should not be restored, a military despotism would be established. by the many, these unpopular doubts were deemed unpardonable heresies; and the few to whom they were imputed, were pronounced hostile to liberty. a suspicion that the unsettled state of things in france had contributed to suspend the payment of the debt to that nation, had added to the asperity with which the resolutions on that subject were supported; and the french revolution will be found to have had great influence on the strength of parties, and on the subsequent political transactions of the united states. notes. note--no. i. _see page ._ the following is an extract from the orders of the preceding day. "the commander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities between the united states of america and the king of great britain to be publicly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve at the new building; and that the proclamation which will be communicated herewith, be read to-morrow evening at the head of every regiment, and corps of the army; after which the chaplains with the several brigades will render thanks to almighty god for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations. "although the proclamation before alluded to, extends only to the prohibition of hostilities and not to the annunciation of a general peace, yet it must afford the most rational and sincere satisfaction to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to a long and doubtful contest, stops the effusion of human blood, opens the prospect to a more splendid scene, and like another morning star, promises the approach of a brighter day than hath hitherto illuminated the western hemisphere. on such a happy day, which is the harbinger of peace, a day which completes the eighth year of the war, it would be ingratitude not to rejoice; it would be insensibility not to participate in the general felicity. "the commander-in-chief, far from endeavouring to stifle the feelings of joy in his own bosom, offers his most cordial congratulations on the occasion to all the officers of every denomination, to all the troops of the united states in general, and in particular to those gallant and persevering men, who had resolved to defend the rights of their invaded country, so long as the war should continue. for these are the men who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of the american army; and who, crowned with well-earned laurels, may soon withdraw from the field of glory, to the more tranquil walks of civil life. "while the general recollects the almost infinite variety of scenes through which we have passed with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment and gratitude; while he contemplates the prospect before us with rapture, he can not help wishing that all the brave men (of whatever condition they may be,) who have shared in the toils and dangers of effecting this glorious revolution, of rescuing millions from the hand of oppression, and of laying the foundation of a great empire, might be impressed with a proper idea of the dignified part they have been called to act (under the smiles of providence) on the stage of human affairs. for happy, thrice happy shall they be pronounced hereafter, who have contributed any thing; who have performed the meanest office in erecting this stupendous _fabric of freedom_ and empire on the broad basis of independency; who have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and establishing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions. the glorious task for which we first flew to arms being thus accomplished, the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of heaven, on the purity of our cause, and on the honest exertions of a feeble people determined to be free, against a powerful nation disposed to oppress them, and the character of those who have persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the _patriot army_, nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect unvarying consistency of character through the very last act; to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the military theatre with the same approbation of angels and men which has crowned all their former virtuous actions. for this purpose, no disorder or licentiousness must be tolerated: every considerate and well disposed soldier must remember, it will be absolutely necessary to wait with patience until peace shall be declared, or congress shall be enabled to take proper measures for the security of the public stores, &c. as soon as these arrangements shall be made, the general is confident there will be no delay in discharging with every mark of distinction and honour all the men enlisted for the war who will then have faithfully performed their engagements with the public. the general has already interested himself in their behalf, and he thinks he need not repeat the assurances of his disposition to be useful to them on the present and every other proper occasion. in the mean time, he is determined that no military neglects or excesses shall go unpunished while he retains the command of the army." * * * * * note--no. ii. _see page ._ on his way, he stopped a few days at philadelphia, for the purpose of settling his accounts with the comptroller. the following account of this part of his duty is extracted from mr. gordon; "while in the city he delivered in his accounts to the comptroller, down to december the th, all in his own hand writing, and every entry made in the most particular manner, stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trouble in examining and comparing them with the vouchers with which they were attended. "the heads as follows, copied from the folio manuscript paper book in the file of the treasury office, number , being a black box of tin containing, under lock and key, both that and the vouchers." total of expenditures from to , exclusive of provisions from commissaries and contractors, and of liquors, &c. from them and others, , secret intelligence and service, , spent in reconnoitring and travelling, , miscellaneous charges, , expended besides, dollars according to the scale of depreciation, , ------------------- _l._ , ------------------- "two hundred guineas advanced to general m'dougal are not included in the _l._ not being yet settled, but included in some of the other charges, and so reckoned in the general sum. "note; , , of the dollars were received after march, , and although credited at forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate of a hundred for one; while , of them are returned without deducting any thing from the above account (and, therefore, actually made a present of to the public)." general washington's account from june, to the end of june, , , expenditure from july , , to december , , added afterward from thence to december , mrs. washington's travelling expenses in coming to the general and returning, , -------------- _l._ , -------------- lawful money of virginia, the same as massachusetts, or sterling, _l._ , - the general entered in his book--"i find upon the final adjustment of these accounts, that i am a considerable loser, my disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, and the money i had upon hand of my own: for besides the sums i carried with me to cambridge in , i received monies afterwards on private account in , and since, which (except small sums, that i had occasion now and then to apply to private uses) were all expended in the public service: through hurry, i suppose, and the perplexity of business, (for i know not how else to account for the deficiency) i have omitted to charge the same, whilst every debit against me is here credited." july st, . * * * * * note--no. iii. _see page ._ the year had nearly passed away before the determination of the british cabinet not to evacuate the western posts was known to the government of the united states. in the spring of that year, general knox, who commanded the troops still retained in the service of the united states, was directed to "open a correspondence with the commander-in-chief of his britannic majesty's forces in canada, in order to ascertain the precise time when each of the posts within the territories of the united states then occupied by the british troops should be delivered up." the measures produced by this resolution exhibit a curious specimen of the political opinions on the subject of federal powers, which then prevailed in congress. it being at that time believed that the british garrisons would certainly be withdrawn, it became necessary to provide for occupying the posts when surrendered, with troops belonging to the united states. a number deemed sufficient for the purpose not having been retained in service, a motion was made for raising seven hundred men, by requisitions on the states for that and other objects specified in the resolution. the power of congress to make these requisitions was seriously contested, and it was gravely urged that such a power, connected with the rights to borrow money, and to emit bills of credit, would be dangerous to liberty, and alarming to the states. the motion for raising this small number of regulars did not prevail; and an order was made that except twenty-five privates to guard the stores at fort pitt, and fifty-five to guard those at west point and other magazines, with a proportionable number of officers, no one to exceed the rank of captain, the troops already in service should be discharged, unless congress, before its recess, should dispose of them in some other manner. for the purpose of garrisoning the posts, seven hundred militia were required from connecticut, new york, new jersey and pennsylvania, who should serve twelve months. while the discussions on this subject were pending, instructions from the legislature of new york to their delegates were laid before congress, requesting that body in terms of great strength, in pursuance of the confederation, to declare the number of troops of which the garrisons of those posts which were within the limits of that state should consist. the resolutions asserted a constitutional right to demand from congress a declaration upon this point, and avowed a determination to raise the troops should such declaration be withheld. after the determination of the british government not to surrender the posts was known, the militia ordered to be raised to garrison them, who were not in actual service, were discharged. * * * * * note--no. iv. _see page ._ in the formation of this treaty, a question came on to be considered and decided which involved a principle that on an after occasion, and in a different case, excited a ferment never to be forgotten by those who took an active part in the politics of the day. the whole commerce of the creek nation was in the hands of m'gillivray, who received his supplies from a company of british merchants, free from duty, through the territories belonging to spain. this circumstance constituted no inconsiderable impediment to the progress of the negotiation. m'gillivray derived emoluments from the arrangement which he would not consent to relinquish; and was not without apprehensions, that spain, disgusted by his new connexions with the united states, might throw embarrassments in the way of this profitable traffic. in addition to this consideration, it was, on the part of the united states, desirable to alter the channel through which the indians should receive their supplies, and thereby to render them more dependent on the american government. but it would be necessary to exempt the goods designed for the indian nation from the duties imposed by law on imported articles, and the propriety of such an exemption might well be questioned. with that cautious circumspection which marked his political course, the president took this point into early consideration, and required the opinion of his constitutional advisers respecting it. the secretary of state was of opinion that the stipulation for importing his goods through the united states, duty free, might safely be made. "a treaty made by the president with the concurrence of two-thirds of the senate, was," he said, "a law of the land," and a law of superior order, because it not only repeals past laws, but can not itself be repealed by future ones. the treaty then will legally control the duty act, and the act for licensing traders in this particular instance. from this opinion there is no reason to suppose that any member of the cabinet dissented. a secret article providing for the case was submitted to the senate, and it has never been understood that in advising and consenting to it, that body was divided. * * * * * note--no. v. _see page ._ this question was investigated with great labour, and being one involving principles of the utmost importance to the united states, on which the parties were divided, the subject was presented in all the views of which it was susceptible. a perusal of the arguments used on the occasion would certainly afford much gratification to the curious, and their insertion at full length would perhaps be excused by those who recollect the interest which at the time was taken in the measure to which they related, and the use which was made of it by the opponents of the then administration; but the limits prescribed for this work will not permit the introduction of such voluminous papers. it may, however, be expected that the outline of that train of reasoning with which each opinion was supported, and on which the judgment of the president was most probably formed, should be briefly stated. to prove that the measure was not sanctioned by the constitution, the general principle was asserted, that the foundation of that instrument was laid on this ground, "that all powers not delegated to the united states by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states or to the people." to take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers of congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of definition. the power in question was said not to be among those which were specially enumerated, nor to be included within either of the general phrases which are to be found in the constitution. the article which contains this enumeration was reviewed; each specified power was analyzed; and the creation of a corporate body was declared to be distinct from either of them. the general phrases are, st. to lay taxes to provide for the general welfare of the united states. the power here conveyed, it was observed, was "to lay taxes," the purpose was "the general welfare." congress could not lay taxes _ad libitum_, but could only lay them for the general welfare; nor did this clause authorize that body to provide for the general welfare otherwise than by laying taxes for that purpose. dly. to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the enumerated powers. but they can all be carried into execution without a bank. a bank, therefore, is not necessary, and consequently not authorized by this phrase. it had been much urged that a bank would give great facility or convenience in the collection of taxes. suppose this were true; yet the constitution allows only the means which are necessary, not those which are convenient. if such a latitude of construction be allowed this phrase, as to give any non-enumerated power, it will go to every one; for there is no one which ingenuity may not torture into a _convenience, in some way or other, to some one_ of so long a list of enumerated powers. it would swallow up all the list of enumerated powers, and reduce the whole to one phrase. therefore it was that the constitution restrained them to _necessary_ means, that is to say, to those means without which the grant of the power must be nugatory. the convenience was then examined. this had been stated in the report of the secretary of the treasury to congress, to consist in the augmentation of the circulation medium, and in preventing the transportation and retransportation of money between the states and the treasury. the first was considered as a demerit. the second, it was said, might be effected by other means. bills of exchange and treasury drafts would supply the place of bank notes. perhaps indeed bank bills would be a more convenient vehicle than treasury orders; but a little difference in the degree of convenience can not constitute the _necessity_ which the constitution makes the ground for assuming any non-enumerated power. besides, the existing state banks would, without doubt, enter into arrangements for lending their agency. this expedient alone suffices to prevent the existence of that _necessity_ which may justify the assumption of a non-enumerated power as a means for carrying into effect an enumerated one. it may be said that a bank whose bills would have a currency all over the states, would be more convenient than one whose currency is limited to a single state. so it would be still more convenient that there should be a bank whose bills should have a currency all over the world; but it does not follow from this superior conveniency, that there exists any where a power to establish such a bank, or that the world may not go on very well without it. for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, it can not be imagined that the constitution intended to invest congress with a power so important as that of erecting a corporation. in supporting the constitutionality of the act, it was laid down as a general proposition, "that every power vested in a government is in its nature _sovereign_," and includes by _force_ of the _term_, a right to employ all the _means_ requisite and _fairly applicable to_ the attainment of the _ends_ of such power; and which are not precluded by restrictions and exceptions specified in the constitution, are not immoral, are not contrary to the essential ends of political society. this principle, in its application to government in general, would be admitted as an axiom; and it would be incumbent on those who might refuse to acknowledge its influence in american affairs to _prove_ a distinction; and to show that a rule which, in the general system of things, is essential to the preservation of the social order, is inapplicable to the united states. the circumstance that the powers of sovereignty are divided between the national and state governments, does not afford the distinction required. it does not follow from this, that each of the portions of power delegated to the one or to the other, is not sovereign with regard to its _proper objects_. it will only follow from it, that each has sovereign power as to certain things, and not as to other things. if the government of the united states does not possess sovereign power as to its declared purposes and trusts, because its power does not extend to all cases, neither would the several states possess sovereign power in any case; for their powers do not extend to every case. according to the opinion intended to be combated, the united states would furnish the singular spectacle of _a political society_ without _sovereignty_, or a people _governed_ without a _government_. if it could be necessary to bring proof of a proposition so clear as that which affirms that the powers of the federal government, _as to its objects_, were sovereign, there is a clause in the constitution which is decisive. it is that which declares the constitution of the united states, the laws made in pursuance of it, and the treaties made under its authority to be the supreme law of the land. the power which can create the supreme law in any case, is doubtless sovereign as to such case. this general and indisputable principle puts an end to the abstract question, whether the united states have power to erect a corporation: for it is unquestionably incident to sovereign power to erect corporations, and consequently to that of the united states, in relation to the objects intrusted to the management of the government. the difference is this: where the authority of the government is general, it can create corporations _in all cases_; where it is confined to certain branches of legislation, it can create corporations only _in those cases_. that the government of the united states can exercise only those powers which are delegated by the constitution, is a proposition not to be controverted; neither is it to be denied on the other hand, that there are implied as well as express powers, and that the former are as effectually delegated as the latter. for the sake of accuracy it may be observed, that there are also _resulting_ powers. it will not be doubted that if the united states should make a conquest of any of the territories of its neighbours, they would possess sovereign jurisdiction over the conquered territory. this would rather be a result of the whole mass of the powers of the government, and from the nature of political society, than a consequence of either of the powers specially enumerated. this is an extensive case in which the power of erecting corporations is either implied in, or would result from some or all of the powers vested in the national government. since it must be conceded that implied powers are as completely delegated as those which are expressed, it follows that, as a power of erecting a corporation may as well be implied as any other thing, it may as well be employed as an _instrument_ or _mean_ of carrying into execution any of the specified powers as any other _instrument_ or _mean_ whatever. the question in this as in every other case must be, whether the mean to be employed has a natural relation to any of the acknowledged objects or lawful ends of the government. thus a corporation may not be created by congress for superintending the police of the city of philadelphia, because they are not authorized to regulate the police of that city; but one may be created in relation to the collection of the taxes, or to the trade with foreign countries, or between the states, or with the indian tribes, because it is in the province of the federal government to regulate those objects; and because it is incident to a general sovereign or legislative power to regulate a thing, to employ all the means which relate to its regulation, to the best and greatest advantage. a strange fallacy seems to have crept into the manner of thinking and reasoning upon this subject. the imagination has presented an incorporation as some great, _independent, substantive_ thing--as a political end of peculiar magnitude and moment; whereas it is truly to be considered as a quality, capacity, or mean to an end. thus a mercantile company is formed with a certain capital for the purpose of carrying on a particular branch of business. the business to be prosecuted is the _end_. the association in order to form the requisite capital is the primary _mean_. let an incorporation be added, and you only add a new quality to that association which enables it to prosecute the business with more safety and convenience. the association when incorporated still remains the _mean_, and can not become the _end_. to this reasoning respecting the inherent right of government to employ all the means requisite to the execution of its specified powers, it is objected, that none but _necessary_ and _proper_ means can be employed; and none can be _necessary_, but those without which the grant of the power would be nugatory. so far has this restrictive interpretation been pressed as to make the case of _necessity_ which shall warrant the constitutional exercise of a power, to depend on casual and temporary circumstances; an idea, which alone confutes the construction. the expedience of exercising a particular power, at a particular time, must indeed depend on circumstances, but the constitutional right of exercising it must be uniform and invariable. all the arguments, therefore, drawn from the accidental existence of certain state banks which happen to exist to-day, and for aught that concerns the government of the united states may disappear to-morrow, must not only be rejected as fallacious, but must be viewed as demonstrative that there is a radical source of error in the reasoning. but it is essential to the being of the government that so erroneous a conception of the meaning of the word _necessary_ should be exploded. it is certain that neither the grammatical nor popular sense of the term requires that construction. according to both, _necessary_ often means no more than _needful, requisite, incidental, useful_, or _conducive to_. it is a common mode of expression to say that it is necessary for a government or a person to do this or that thing, where nothing more is intended or understood than that the interests of the government or person require, or will be promoted by doing this or that thing. this is the true sense in which the word is used in the constitution. the whole turn of the clause containing it indicates an intent to give by it a liberal latitude to the exercise of the specified powers. the expressions have peculiar comprehensiveness. they are "to make _all laws_ necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and _all other_ powers vested by the constitution in the government of the united states, or in any _department_ or _office_ thereof." to give the word "necessary" the restrictive operation contended for, would not only depart from its obvious and popular sense, but would give it the same force as if the word _absolutely_ or _indispensably_ had been prefixed to it. such a construction would beget endless uncertainty and embarrassment. the cases must be palpable and extreme in which it could be pronounced with certainty that a measure was absolutely necessary, or one without which a given power would be nugatory. there are few measures of any government which would stand so severe a test. to insist upon it would be to make the criterion of the exercise of an implied power _a case of extreme necessity_; which is rather a rule to justify the overleaping the bounds of constitutional authority than to govern the ordinary exercise of it. the degree in which a measure is necessary can never be a test of the legal right to adopt it. the relation between the _measure_ and the _end_; between the nature of the _mean_ employed towards the execution of a power, and the object of that power must be the criterion of constitutionality, not the more or less _necessity_ or _utility_. the means by which national exigencies are to be provided for, national inconveniences obviated, and national prosperity promoted, are of such infinite variety, extent, and complexity, that here must of necessity be great latitude of discretion in the selection and application of those means. hence the necessity and propriety of exercising the authority intrusted to a government on principles of liberal construction. while on the one hand, the restrictive interpretation of the word _necessary_ is deemed inadmissible, it will not be contended on the other, that the clause in question gives any new and independent power. but it gives an explicit sanction to the doctrine of implied powers, and is equivalent to an admission of the proposition that the government, _as to its specified powers and objects_, has plenary and sovereign authority. it is true that the power to create corporations is not granted in terms. neither is the power to pass any particular law, nor to employ any of the means by which the ends of the government are to be attained. it is not expressly given in cases in which its existence is not controverted. for by the grant of a power to exercise exclusive legislation in the territory which may be ceded by the states to the united states, it is admitted to pass; and in the power "to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property of the united states," it is acknowledged to be implied. in virtue of this clause, has been implied the right to create a government; that is, to create a body politic or corporation of the highest nature; one that, in its maturity, will be able itself to create other corporations. thus has the constitution itself refuted the argument which contends that, had it been designed to grant so important a power as that of erecting corporations, it would have been mentioned. but this argument is founded on an exaggerated and erroneous conception of the nature of the power. it is not of so transcendent a kind as the reasoning supposes. viewed in a just light, it is a _mean_ which ought to have been left to implication, rather than an _end_ which ought to have been expressly granted. the power of the government then to create corporations in certain cases being shown, it remained to inquire into the right to incorporate a banking company, in order to enable it the more effectually to accomplish _ends_ which were in themselves lawful. to establish such a right it would be necessary to show the relation of such an institution to one or more of the specified powers of government. it was then affirmed to have a relation more or less direct to the power of collecting taxes, to that of borrowing money, to that of regulating trade between the states, to those of raising, supporting, and maintaining fleets and armies; and in the last place to that which authorizes the making of all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of the united states, as the same had been practised upon by the government. the secretary of the treasury next proceeded, by a great variety of arguments and illustrations, to prove the position that the measure in question was a proper mean for the execution of the several powers which were enumerated, and also contended that the right to employ it resulted from the whole of them taken together. to detail those arguments would occupy too much space, and is the less necessary, because their correctness obviously depends on the correctness of the principles which have been already stated. * * * * * note--no. vi. _see page ._ the officer to whom the management of the finances was confided was so repeatedly charged with a desire to increase the public debt and to render it perpetual, and this charge had such important influence in the formation of parties, that an extract from this report can not be improperly introduced. after stating the sum to be raised, the secretary says, "three expedients occur to the option of the government for providing this: "one, to dispose of the interest to which the united states are entitled in the bank of the united states. this at the present market price of bank stock would yield a clear gain to the government much more than adequate to the sum required. "another, to borrow the money upon an establishment of funds either merely commensurate with the interest to be paid, or affording a surplus which will discharge the principal by instalments within a short term. "the third is to raise the amount by taxes." after stating his objections to the first and second expedients, the report proceeds thus, "but the result of mature reflection is, in the mind of the secretary, a strong conviction that the last of the three expedients which have been mentioned, is to be preferred to either of the other two. "nothing can more interest the national credit and prosperity than a constant and systematic attention to husband all the means previously possessed for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid, as much as possible, the incurring of any new debt. "necessity alone, therefore, can justify the application of any of the public property, other than the annual revenues, to the current service, or the temporary and casual exigencies; or the contracting of an additional debt by loans, to provide for those exigencies. "great emergencies indeed might exist, in which loans would be indispensable. but the occasions which will justify them must be truly of that description. "the present is not of such a nature. the sum to be provided is not of magnitude enough to furnish the plea of necessity. "taxes are never welcome to a community. they seldom fail to excite uneasy sensations more or less extensive. hence a too strong propensity in the governments of nations, to anticipate and mortgage the resources of posterity, rather than to encounter the inconveniencies of a present increase of taxes. "but this policy, when not dictated by very peculiar circumstances, is of the worst kind. its obvious tendency is, by enhancing the permanent burdens of the people, to produce lasting distress, and its natural issue is in national bankruptcy." it will be happy if the councils of this country, sanctioned by the voice of an enlightened community, shall be able to pursue a different course. * * * * * note--no. vii. _see page ._ _about the same time a letter was addressed to the attorney general on the same subject. the following extract is taken from one of the twenty-sixth of august to the secretary of the treasury._ "differences in political opinions are as unavoidable as, to a certain point, they may be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regretted that subjects can not be discussed with temper, on the one hand, or decisions submitted to on the other, without improperly implicating the motives which led to them; and this regret borders on chagrin when we find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same _general_ objects in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not exercise more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of each other. when matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is that both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, that a middle course would be found the best until experience shall have decided on the right way; or, which is not to be expected, because it is denied to mortals, until there shall be some infallible rule by which to forejudge events. "having premised these things, i would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each other; and instead of those wounding suspicions, and irritating charges with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which can not fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there might be mutual forbearance and temporising yieldings on _all sides_. without these, i do not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or how the union of the states can be much longer preserved. "how unfortunate would it be if a fabric so goodly, erected under so many providential circumstances, after acquiring in its first stages, so much respectability, should, from diversity of sentiment, or internal obstructions to some of the acts of government (for i can not prevail on myself to believe that these measures are as yet the acts of a determined party) be brought to the verge of dissolution. melancholy thought! but while it shows the consequences of diversified opinions, where pushed with too much tenacity, it exhibits evidence also of the necessity of accommodation, and of the propriety of adopting such healing measures as may restore harmony to the discordant members of the union, and the governing powers of it. "i do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed, or to any particular character. i have given it, in the same _general_ terms, to other officers of the government. my earnest wish is that balm may be poured into _all_ the wounds which have been given, to prevent them from gangrening, and to avoid those fatal consequences which the community may sustain if it is withheld. the friends of the union must wish this: those who are not, but who wish to see it rended, will be disappointed; and all things i hope will go well." * * * * * note--no. viii. _see page ._ the gazettes of the day contain ample proofs on this subject. all the bitterness of party spirit had poured itself out in the most severe invectives against the heads of the state and treasury departments. the secretary of the treasury was represented as the advocate of "aristocracy, monarchy, hereditary succession, a titled order of nobility, and all the other mock pageantry of kingly government." he was arraigned at the bar of the public for holding principles unfavourable to the sovereignty of the people, and with inculcating doctrines insinuating their inability to rule themselves. the theory of the british monarchy was said to have furnished his model for a perfect constitution; and all his systems of finance, which were represented as servile imitations of those previously adopted by england, were held up to public execration as being intended to promote the favourite project of assimilating the government of the united states to that of great britain. with this view, he had entailed upon the nation a heavy debt, and perpetual taxes; had created an artificial monied interest which had corrupted, and would continue to corrupt the legislature; and was endeavouring to prostrate the local authorities as a necessary step towards erecting that great consolidated monarchy which he contemplated. to support some of these charges, sentences and parts of sentences were selected from his reports, which expressed the valuable purposes to which a funded debt might be applied, and were alleged to affirm, as an abstract principle, "that a public debt was a public blessing." he was, it was added, the inveterate enemy of mr. jefferson, because, in the republican principles of that gentleman, he perceived an invincible obstacle to his views. if the counter charges exhibited against the secretary of state were less capable of alarming the fears of the public for liberty, and of directing the resentments of the people against that officer as the enemy of their rights, they were not less calculated to irritate his personal friends, and to wound his own feelings. the adversaries of this gentleman said, that he had been originally hostile to the constitution of the united states, and adverse to its adoption; and "that his avowed opinions tended to national disunion, national insignificance, public disorder, and discredit." under the garb of democratic simplicity, and modest retiring philosophy, he covered an inordinate ambition which grasped unceasingly at power, and sought to gratify itself, by professions of excessive attachment to liberty, and by traducing and lessening in the public esteem, every man in whom he could discern a rival. to this aspiring temper they ascribed, not only "those pestilent whispers which, clandestinely circulating through the country, had, as far as was practicable, contaminated some of its fairest and worthiest characters," but also certain publications affecting the reputation of prominent individuals whom he might consider as competitors with himself for the highest office in the state. a letter written by mr. jefferson to a printer, transmitting for publication the first part of "the rights of man," which letter was prefixed to the american edition of that pamphlet, contained allusions to certain "political heresies" of the day, which were understood to imply a serious censure on the opinions of the vice president: and the great object of the national gazette, a paper known to be edited by a clerk in the department of state, was "to calumniate and blacken public characters, and, particularly, to destroy the public confidence in the secretary of the treasury, who was to be hunted down for the unpardonable sin of having been the steady and invariable friend of broad principles of national government." it was also said that his connexions with this paper, and the patronage he afforded it, authorized the opinion that it might fairly be considered "the mirror of his views," and thence was adduced an accusation not less serious in its nature than that which has been already stated. the national gazette was replete with continual and malignant strictures on the leading measures of the administration, especially those which were connected with the finances. "if mr. jefferson's opposition to these measures had ceased when they had received the sanction of law, nothing more could have been said than that he had transgressed the rules of official decorum in entering the lists with the head of another department, and had been culpable in pursuing a line of conduct which was calculated to sow the seeds of discord in the executive branch of the government in the infancy of its existence. but when his opposition extended beyond that point, when it was apparent that he wished to _render odious_, and of course to _subvert_ (for in a popular government these are convertible terms) all those deliberate and solemn acts of the legislature which had become the pillars of the public credit, his conduct deserved to be regarded with a still severer eye." it was also said to be peculiarly unfit for a person remaining at the head of one of the great executive departments, openly to employ all his influence in exciting the public rage against the laws and the legislature of the union, and in giving circulation to calumnies against his colleagues in office, from the contamination of which the chief magistrate himself could not hope entirely to escape. end of volume iv. the life of george washington, commander in chief of the american forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the united states. compiled under the inspection of the honourable bushrod washington, from _original papers_ bequeathed to him by his deceased relative, and now in possession of the author. to which is prefixed, an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the english on the continent of north america, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. by john marshall. vol. i. the citizens' guild of washington's boyhood home fredericksburg, va. [illustration: general washington _from the full length portrait by john trumbull at yale university_ _this portrait is one of canvasses the artist presented to yale university in return for an annuity of $ , . washington was in his forty-third year and it is considered the best likeness of him at the outbreak of the revolution. the canvas depicts him, "six feet two inches in height, with brown hair, blue eyes, large head and hands, and strong arms."_] publisher's preface in his will george washington bequeathed to his favorite nephew, bushrod washington, his personal letters, private papers and secret documents accumulated during a lifetime of service to his country. when the bequest became known, many of the literary men of the country were proposed for the commission to write the authorized life of our first president. bushrod washington's choice fell upon john marshall, chief justice of the supreme court. to him he handed over all the precious papers left him by his distinguished relative. george washington and marshall's father, thomas marshall, were boyhood companions, so john marshall knew "the father of his country" as a neighbor and friend from his earliest youth, and served under him in the revolution. if it be true that it takes a great man to interpret the life of a great man then bushrod washington made no mistake in the selection of a biographer. for marshall, under the influence of washington, came to be nearly as great a man as the character whose life and achievements held his deepest thought for nearly a quarter of a century. certainly his services to his country rank close to washington's. marshall's sympathetic understanding of his subject, his first-hand knowledge of events with his remarkable powers of expression qualified him to produce the masterpiece that has come down to us. seven years were spent in preparing the first edition, published in - . the work was based chiefly on washington's own diaries and letters and secret archives and it told not simply the epic story of this great life but the truth about the birth of our nation. marshall later spent fifteen years revising the first edition, verifying to the last detail every chapter, page and paragraph of his monumental work. the first edition, published by c.p. wayne of philadelphia, was an achievement in beautiful printing and bookmaking and still stands out today as such. the present publishers have followed the format of the original edition but have used the revised text which marshall spent so many years in perfecting. washington's personality lives on in john marshall's great biography. he still has the power to raise up men to greatness as he did during his lifetime. the precepts, the principles and the shining example of this foremost of self-educated, self-made americans have the power to uplift and start toward new heights of achievement, all who come in contact with him. the work is now reissued in the hope that it may give his countrymen of the present day the benefit of the counsel, the guidance and the inspiration that has proven so valuable in the past. february nd, . preface by the author a desire to know intimately those illustrious personages, who have performed a conspicuous part on the great theatre of the world, is, perhaps, implanted in every human bosom. we delight to follow them through the various critical and perilous situations in which they have been placed, to view them in the extremes of adverse and prosperous fortune, to trace their progress through all the difficulties they have surmounted, and to contemplate their whole conduct, at a time when, the power and the pomp of office having disappeared, it may be presented to us in the simple garb of truth. if among those exalted characters which are produced in every age, none can have a fairer claim to the attention and recollection of mankind than those under whose auspices great empires have been founded, or political institutions deserving to be permanent, established; a faithful representation of the various important events connected with the life of the favourite son of america, cannot be unworthy of the general regard. among his own countrymen it will unquestionably excite the deepest interest. as if the chosen instrument of heaven, selected for the purpose of effecting the great designs of providence respecting this our western hemisphere, it was the peculiar lot of this distinguished man, at every epoch when the destinies of his country seemed dependent on the measures adopted, to be called by the united voice of his fellow citizens to those high stations on which the success of those measures principally depended. it was his peculiar lot to be equally useful in obtaining the independence, and consolidating the civil institutions, of his country. we perceive him at the head of her armies, during a most arduous and perilous war on the events of which her national existence was staked, supporting with invincible fortitude the unequal conflict. that war being happily terminated, and the political revolutions of america requiring that he should once more relinquish his beloved retirement, we find him guiding her councils with the same firmness, wisdom, and virtue, which had, long and successfully, been displayed in the field. we behold him her chief magistrate at a time when her happiness, her liberty, perhaps her preservation depended on so administering the affairs of the union, that a government standing entirely on the public favour, which had with infinite difficulty been adopted, and against which the most inveterate prejudices had been excited, should conciliate public opinion, and acquire a firmness and stability that would enable it to resist the rude shocks it was destined to sustain. it was too his peculiar fortune to afford the brightest examples of moderation and patriotism, by voluntarily divesting himself of the highest military and civil honours when the public interests no longer demanded that he should retain them. we find him retiring from the head of a victorious and discontented army which adored him, so soon as the object for which arms had been taken up was accomplished; and withdrawing from the highest office an american citizen can hold, as soon as his influence, his character, and his talents ceased to be necessary to the maintenance of that government which had been established under his auspices. he was indeed, "first in war,[ ] first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens." [footnote : the expressions of a resolution prepared by general lee, and passed in the house of representatives of the united states, on their being informed of the death of general washington.] a faithful detail of the transactions of a person so pre-eminently distinguished will be looked for with avidity, and the author laments his inability to present to the public a work which may gratify the expectations that have been raised. in addition to that just diffidence of himself which he very sincerely feels, two causes beyond his control combine to excite this apprehension. accustomed to look in the page of history for incidents in themselves of great magnitude, to find immense exertions attended with inconsiderable effects, and vast means employed in producing unimportant ends, we are in the habit of bestowing on the recital of military actions, a degree of consideration proportioned to the numbers engaged in them. when the struggle has terminated, and the agitations felt during its suspense have subsided, it is difficult to attach to enterprises, in which small numbers have been concerned, that admiration which is often merited by the talents displayed in their execution, or that interest which belongs to the consequences that have arisen from them. the long and distressing contest between great britain and these states did not abound in those great battles which are so frequent in the wars of europe. those who expect a continued succession of victories and defeats; who can only feel engaged in the movements of vast armies, and who believe that a hero must be perpetually in action, will be disappointed in almost every page of the following history. seldom was the american chief in a condition to indulge his native courage in those brilliant achievements to which he was stimulated by his own feelings, and a detail of which interests, enraptures, and astonishes the reader. had he not often checked his natural disposition, had he not tempered his ardour with caution, the war he conducted would probably have been of short duration, and the united states would still have been colonies. at the head of troops most of whom were perpetually raw because they were perpetually changing; who were neither well fed, paid, clothed, nor armed; and who were generally inferior, even in numbers, to the enemy; he derives no small title to glory from the consideration, that he never despaired of the public safety; that he was able at all times to preserve the appearance of an army, and that, in the most desperate situation of american affairs, he did not, for an instant, cease to be formidable. to estimate rightly his worth we must contemplate his difficulties. we must examine the means placed in his hands, and the use he made of those means. to preserve an army when conquest was impossible, to avoid defeat and ruin when victory was unattainable, to keep his forces embodied and suppress the discontents of his soldiers, exasperated by a long course of the most cruel privations, to seize with unerring discrimination the critical moment when vigorous offensive operations might be advantageously carried on, are actions not less valuable in themselves, nor do they require less capacity in the chief who performs them, than a continued succession of battles. but they spread less splendour over the page which recounts them, and excite weaker emotions in the bosom of the reader. there is also another source from which some degree of disappointment has been anticipated. it is the impossibility of giving to the public in the first part of this work many facts not already in their possession. the american war was a subject of too much importance to have remained thus long unnoticed by the literary world. almost every event worthy of attention, which occurred during its progress, has been gleaned up and detailed. not only the public, but much of the private correspondence of the commander in chief has been inspected, and permission given to extract from it whatever might properly be communicated. in the military part of this history, therefore, the author can promise not much that is new. he can only engage for the correctness with which facts are stated, and for the diligence with which his researches have been made. the letters to and from the commander in chief during the war, were very numerous and have been carefully preserved. the whole of this immensely voluminous correspondence has, with infinite labour, been examined; and the work now offered to the public is, principally, compiled from it. the facts which occurred on the continent are, generally, supported by these letters, and it has therefore been deemed unnecessary to multiply references to them. but there are many facts so connected with those events, in which the general performed a principal part, that they ought not to be omitted, and respecting which his correspondence cannot be expected to furnish satisfactory information. such facts have been taken from the histories of the day, and the authority relied on for the establishment of their verity has been cited. doddesly's annual register, belsham, gordon, ramsay, and stedman have, for this purpose, been occasionally resorted to, and are quoted for all those facts which are detailed in part on their authority. their very language has sometimes been employed without distinguishing the passages, especially when intermingled with others, by marks of quotation, and the author persuades himself that this public declaration will rescue him from the imputation of receiving aids he is unwilling to acknowledge, or of wishing, by a concealed plagiarism, to usher to the world, as his own, the labours of others. in selecting the materials for the succeeding volumes, it was deemed proper to present to the public as much as possible of general washington himself. prominent as he must be in any history of the american war, there appeared to be a peculiar fitness in rendering him still more so in one which professes to give a particular account of his own life. his private opinions therefore; his various plans, even those which were never carried into execution; his individual exertions to prevent and correct the multiplied errors committed by inexperience, are given in more minute detail; and more copious extracts from his letters are taken, than would comport with the plan of a more general work. many events too are unnoticed, which in such a composition would be worthy of being introduced, and much useful information has not been sought for, which a professed history of america ought to comprise. yet the history of general washington, during his military command and civil administration, is so much that of his country, that the work appeared to the author to be most sensibly incomplete and unsatisfactory, while unaccompanied by such a narrative of the principal events preceding our revolutionary war, as would make the reader acquainted with the genius, character, and resources of the people about to engage in that memorable contest. this appeared the more necessary as that period of our history is but little known to ourselves. several writers have detailed very minutely the affairs of a particular colony, but the _desideratum_ is a composition which shall present in one connected view, the transactions of all those colonies which now form the united states. contents chapter i. commission of cabot.... his voyage to america.... views of discovery relinquished by henry vii.... resumed by elizabeth.... letters patent to sir humphry gilbert.... his voyages and death.... patent to sir walter raleigh.... voyage of sir richard grenville.... colonists carried back to england by drake.... grenville arrives with other colonists.... they are left on roanoke island.... are destroyed by the indians.... arrival of john white.... he returns to england for succour.... raleigh assigns his patent.... patent to sir thomas gates and others.... code of laws for the proposed colony drawn up by the king. chapter ii. voyage of newport.... settlement at jamestown.... distress of colonists.... smith.... he is captured by the indians.... condemned to death, saved by pocahontas.... returns to jamestown.... newport arrives with fresh settlers.... smith explores the chesapeake.... is chosen president.... new charter.... third voyage of newport.... smith sails for europe.... condition of the colony.... colonists determine to abandon the country.... are stopped by lord delaware.... sir thomas dale.... new charter.... capt. argal seizes pocahontas.... she marries mr. rolf.... separate property in lands and labour.... expedition against port royal.... against manhadoes.... fifty acres of land for each settler.... tobacco.... sir thomas dale.... mr. yeardley.... first assembly.... first arrival of females.... of convicts.... of african slaves.... two councils established.... prosperity of the colony.... indians attempt to massacre the whites.... general war.... dissolution of the company.... arbitrary measures of the crown.... sir john harvey.... sir william berkeley.... provincial assembly restored.... virginia declares in favour of charles ii.... grant to lord baltimore.... arrival of a colony in maryland.... assembly composed of freemen.... william claybourne.... assembly composed of representatives.... divided into two branches.... tyrannical proceedings. chapter iii. first ineffectual attempts of the plymouth company to settle the country.... settlement at new plymouth.... sir henry rosewell and company.... new charter.... settlements prosecuted vigorously.... government transferred to the colonists.... boston founded.... religious intolerance.... general court established.... royal commission for the government of the plantations.... contest with the french colony of acadié.... hugh peters.... henry vane.... mrs. hutchison.... maine granted to gorges.... quo warranto against the patent of the colony.... religious dissensions.... providence settled.... rhode island settled.... connecticut settled.... war with the pequods.... new haven settled. chapter iv. massachusetts claims new hampshire and part of maine.... dissensions among the inhabitants.... confederation of the new england colonies.... rhode island excluded from it.... separate chambers provided for the two branches of the legislature.... new england takes part with parliament.... treaty with acadié.... petition of the non-conformists.... disputes between massachusetts and connecticut.... war between england and holland.... machinations of the dutch at manhadoes among the indians.... massachusetts refuses to join the united colonies in the war.... application of new haven to cromwell for assistance.... peace with the dutch.... expedition of sedgewic against acadié.... religious intolerance. chapter v. transactions succeeding the restoration of charles ii.... contests between connecticut and new haven.... discontents in virginia.... grant to the duke of york.... commissioners appointed by the crown.... conquest of the dutch settlements.... conduct of massachusetts to the royal commissioners.... their recall.... massachusetts evades a summons to appear before the king and council.... settlement of carolina.... form of government.... constitution of mr. locke.... discontents in the county of albemarle.... invasion from florida.... abolition of the constitution of mr. locke.... bacon's rebellion.... his death.... assembly deprived of judicial power.... discontents in virginia.... population of the colony. chapter vi. prosperity of new england.... war with philip.... edward randolph arrives in boston.... maine adjudged to gorges.... purchased by massachusetts.... royal government erected in new hampshire.... complaints against massachusetts.... their letters patent cancelled.... death of charles ii.... james ii. proclaimed.... new commission for the government of new england.... sir edmond andros.... the charter of rhode island abrogated.... odious measures of the new government.... andros deposed.... william and mary proclaimed.... review of proceedings in new york and the jerseys.... pennsylvania granted to william penn.... frame of government.... foundation of philadelphia laid.... assembly convened.... first acts of the legislature.... boundary line with lord baltimore settled. chapter vii. new charter of massachusetts.... affairs of new york.... war with france.... schenectady destroyed.... expedition against port royal.... against quebec.... acadié recovered by france.... pemaquid taken.... attempt on st. johns.... peace.... affairs of new york.... of virginia.... disputes between england and france respecting boundary in america.... recommencement of hostilities.... quotas of the respective colonies.... treaty of neutrality between france and the five nations.... expedition against port royal.... incursion into massachusetts.... plan for the invasion of canada.... port royal taken.... expedition against quebec.... treaty of utrecht.... affairs of new york.... of carolina.... expedition against st. augustine.... attempt to establish the episcopal church.... invasion of the colony.... bills of credit issued.... legislature continues itself.... massacre in north carolina by the indians.... tuscaroras defeated.... scheme of a bank. chapter viii. proceedings of the legislature of massachusetts.... intrigues of the french among the indians.... war with the savages.... peace.... controversy with the governor.... decided in england.... contests concerning the governor's salary.... the assembly adjourned to salem.... contest concerning the salary terminated.... great depreciation of the paper currency.... scheme of a land bank.... company dissolved by act of parliament.... governor shirley arrives.... review of transactions in new york. chapter ix. war with the southern indians.... dissatisfaction of carolina with the proprietors.... rupture with spain.... combination to subvert the proprietary government.... revolution completed.... expedition from the havanna against charleston.... peace with spain.... the proprietors surrender their interest to the crown.... the province divided.... georgia settled.... impolicy of the first regulations.... intrigues of the spaniards with the slaves of south carolina.... insurrection of the slaves. chapter x. war declared against spain.... expedition against st. augustine.... georgia invaded.... spaniards land on an island in the alatamaha.... appearance of a fleet from charleston.... spanish army re-embarks.... hostilities with france.... expedition against louisbourg.... louisbourg surrenders.... great plans of the belligerent powers.... misfortunes of the armament under the duke d'anville.... the french fleet dispersed by a storm.... expedition against nova scotia.... treaty of aix la chapelle.... paper money of massachusetts redeemed.... contests between the french and english respecting boundaries.... statement respecting the discovery of the mississippi.... scheme for connecting louisiana with canada.... relative strength of the french and english colonies.... defeat at the little meadows.... convention at albany.... plan of union.... objected to both in america and great britain. chapter xi. general braddock arrives.... convention of governors and plan of the campaign.... french expelled from nova scotia, and inhabitants transplanted.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... battle of monongahela.... defeat and death of general braddock.... expedition against crown point.... dieskau defeated.... expedition against niagara.... frontiers distressed by the indians.... meeting of the governors at new york.... plan for the campaign of .... lord loudoun arrives.... montcalm takes oswego.... lord loudoun abandons offensive operations.... small-pox breaks out in albany.... campaign of opened.... admiral holbourne arrives at halifax.... is joined by the earl of loudoun.... expedition against louisbourg relinquished.... lord loudoun returns to new york.... fort william henry taken.... controversy between lord loudoun and the assembly of massachusetts. chapter xii. preparations for the campaign of .... admiral boscawen and general amherst arrive at halifax.... plan of the campaign.... expedition against louisbourg, ticonderoga, and crown point.... general abercrombie repulsed under the walls of ticonderoga.... fort frontignac taken.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... preparations for the campaign of .... general amherst succeeds general abercrombie.... plan of the campaign.... ticonderoga and crown point taken.... army goes into winter quarters.... french repulsed at oswego.... defeated at niagara.... niagara taken.... expedition against quebec.... check to the english army.... battle on the plains of abraham.... death of wolfe and montcalm.... quebec capitulates.... garrisoned by the english under the command of general murray.... attempt to recover quebec.... battle near sillery.... quebec besieged by monsieur levi.... siege raised.... montreal capitulates.... war with the southern indians.... battle near the town of etchoe.... grant defeats them and burns their towns.... treaty with the cherokees.... war with spain.... success of the english.... peace. chapter xiii. opinions on the supremacy of parliament, and its right to tax the colonies.... the stamp act.... congress at new york.... violence in the towns.... change of administration.... stamp act repealed.... opposition to the mutiny act.... act imposing duties on tea, &c., resisted in america.... letters from the assembly of massachusetts to members of the administration.... petition to the king.... circular letter to the colonial assemblies.... letter from the earl of hillsborough.... assembly of massachusetts dissolved.... seizure of the sloop liberty.... convention at fanueil hall.... moderation of its proceedings.... two british regiments arrive at boston.... resolutions of the house of burgesses of virginia.... assembly dissolved.... the members form an association.... general measures against importation.... general court convened in massachusetts.... its proceedings.... is prorogued.... duties, except that on tea, repealed.... circular letter of the earl of hillsborough.... new york recedes from the non-importation agreement in part.... her example followed.... riot in boston.... trial and acquittal of captain preston. chapter xiv. insurrection in north carolina.... dissatisfaction of massachusetts.... corresponding-committees.... governor hutchinson's correspondence communicated by dr. franklin.... the assembly petition for his removal.... he is succeeded by general gage.... measures to enforce the act concerning duties.... ferment in america.... the tea thrown into the sea at boston.... measures of parliament.... general enthusiasm in america.... a general congress proposed.... general gage arrives.... troops stationed on boston neck.... new counsellors and judges.... obliged to resign.... boston neck fortified.... military stores seized by general gage.... preparations for defence.... king's speech.... proceedings of parliament.... battle of lexington.... massachusetts raises men.... meeting of congress.... proceedings of that body.... transactions in virginia.... provincial congress of south carolina.... battle of breed's hill. introduction chapter i. commission of cabot.... his voyage to america.... views of discovery relinquished by henry vii.... resumed by elizabeth.... letters patent to sir humphry gilbert.... his voyages and death.... patent to sir walter raleigh.... voyage of sir richard grenville.... colonists carried back to england by drake.... grenville arrives with other colonists.... they are left on roanoke island.... are destroyed by the indians.... arrival of john white.... he returns to england for succour.... raleigh assigns his patent.... patent to sir thomas gates and others.... code of laws for the proposed colony drawn up by the king. the united states of america extend, on the atlantic, from the bay of passamaquoddi in the th, to cape florida in the th, degree of north latitude; and thence, on the gulf of mexico, including the small adjacent islands to the mouth of the sabine, in the th degree of west longitude from washington. from the mouth of the sabine to the rocky mountains, they are separated from spanish america by a line which pursues an irregular north-western direction to the d degree of north latitude, whence it proceeds west, to the pacific. on the north they are bounded by the british provinces; from which, between the lake of the woods and the rocky, or stony mountains, they are separated by the th parallel of north latitude. their northern boundary, west of these mountains, has not yet been adjusted. the extent of this vast republic, in consequence of its recent acquisition of almost unexplored territory, has not yet been accurately ascertained; but may be stated at two millions of square miles. its population, which began on the atlantic, and is travelling rapidly westward, amounted in , according to the census of that year, to nine millions six hundred and fifty-four thousand four hundred and fifteen persons. the enumerations which have been made under the authority of government, show an augmentation of numbers at the rate of about thirty-four _per centum_[ ] in ten years; and it is probable, that for many years to come, this ratio will not be materially changed. [footnote : the general estimate in the united states is, that their population doubles in twenty-five years.] public sentiment, to which the policy of the government conforms, is opposed to a large military establishment; and the distance of the united states from the great powers of the world, protects them from the danger to which this policy might otherwise expose them. the navy has become an object of great interest to the nation, and may be expected to grow with its resources. in april , congress passed an act appropriating one million of dollars annually, to its gradual increase; and authorising the construction of nine ships, to rate not less than seventy-four guns each, and of twelve, to rate not less than forty-four guns each. the execution of this act is in rapid progress. inconsiderable as the navy now is, with respect to the number and force of its ships, it is deemed inferior to none in existence for the bravery and skill of its officers and men. when we take into view the extensive sea coast of the united states, the magnificent lakes, or inland seas, which form a considerable part of their northern frontier, the abundance of their materials for ship building, and the genius of their population for maritime enterprise, it is not easy to resist the conviction that this bulwark of defence will, at no very distant period, attain a size and strength sufficient to ensure the safety of the nation and the respect of the world. the net revenue of the united states amounted, in the year , to considerably more than twenty millions of dollars; and, unless a course of legislation unfavourable to its augmentation be adopted, must grow with their population. in arts, in arms, and in power, they have advanced, and are advancing, with unexampled rapidity. the history of their progress, from the first feeble settlements made by europeans on a savage coast, to their present state of greatness; while it has just claims to the attention of the curious of all nations, may be expected deeply to interest every american. [sidenote: commission of cabot.] soon after the return of columbus from that memorable voyage which opened the vast regions of the west to civilized man, the maritime states of europe manifested a desire to share with spain, the glory, the wealth, and the dominion to be acquired in the new world. by no one of these states, was this desire carried into action more promptly than by england, henry vii. had received communications from columbus, during the tedious and uncertain negotiations of that great man, at the dilatory court of ferdinand, which prepared him for the important discoveries afterwards made, and inclined him to countenance the propositions of his own subjects for engaging in similar adventures. on the th of march , he granted a commission to john cabot, an enterprising venetian who had settled in bristol, and to his three sons, lewis, sebastian, and sanctius, empowering them, or either of them, to sail under the banner of england, towards the east, north, or west, in order to discover countries unoccupied by any christian state, and to take possession of them in his name. [sidenote: his voyage to america.] it does not appear that the expedition contemplated at the date of this commission was prosecuted immediately; but in may , cabot, with his second son, sebastian, sailed from bristol in a small squadron, consisting of one ship furnished by the king, and four barks fitted out by merchants of that city; and, steering almost due west, discovered the islands of newfoundland and st. johns, and, soon afterward, reached the continent of north america, along which he sailed from the fifty-sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, in the vain hope of discovering a passage into the pacific. thus, according to the english historians, was first discovered that immense continent which stretches from the gulf of mexico as far north as has yet been explored; and to this voyage, the english trace their title to the country they afterwards acquired by settlement, and by arms. france, which has since contested with britain the possession of a considerable portion of this important territory, has also advanced claims to its discovery; but they seem not to be well founded. [sidenote: the scheme of making settlements relinquished.] the ardour which had been excited in the bosom of henry for making acquisitions in the new world, expired with this first effort. cabot, on his return, found that monarch entirely disinclined to the farther prosecution of a scheme in which he had engaged with some zeal, the commencement of which had been attended with encouraging appearances. several causes are supposed to have contributed to suspend the pursuits of the english in america. previous to its discovery, the portuguese had explored the azores, or western islands; in consequence of which they claimed this continent, and contended for the exclusion of the spaniards from the western ocean. the controversy was decided by the pope, who, on the th of may , of his own "mere liberality and certain knowledge, and the plenitude of apostolic authority," granted to spain, the countries discovered or to be discovered by her, to the westward of a line to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of the azores; (excepting such countries as might be in the possession of any other christian prince antecedent to the year ;) and to portugal, her discoveries eastward of that line. the validity of this grant was probably strengthened, in the opinion of henry, by other circumstances. he set a high value on the friendship of the king of spain, with whom he was then negotiating the marriage which afterwards took place between his eldest son and catharine, the daughter of that monarch. ferdinand was jealous to excess of all his rights; and henry was not inclined to interrupt the harmony subsisting between the two crowns, by asserting claims to the country discovered by cabot, which was obviously within the limits to which the pretensions of spain extended. [sidenote: renewed by elizabeth.] the fisheries of newfoundland were carried on by individuals, to a considerable extent, and a paltry traffic was continued with the natives; but no serious design of acquiring territory, and planting colonies in america was formed until the reign of elizabeth, when a plan for making permanent settlements was proposed and patronized by several persons of rank and influence. to select a man qualified for this arduous task, and disposed to engage in it, was among the first objects to which their attention was directed. sir humphry gilbert had rendered himself conspicuous by his military services, and by a treatise concerning the north-west passage, in which great ingenuity and learning, are stated by dr. robertson, to be mingled with the enthusiasm, the credulity, and sanguine expectation which incite men to new and hazardous undertakings. on this gentleman the adventurers turned their eyes, and he was placed at the head of the enterprise. on the th of june , he obtained letters patent from the queen, vesting in him the powers that were required; on receiving which, he, with the associates of his voyage, embarked for america. but his success did not equal his expectations. the various difficulties inseparable from the settlement of a distant, unexplored country, inhabited only by savages; the inadequacy of the supplies which could be furnished for a colony by the funds of a few private individuals; the misfortune of having approached the continent too far towards the north, where the cold barren coast of cape breton was rather calculated to repel than invite a settlement; have been assigned as the probable causes of his failure.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer.] two expeditions conducted by this gentleman ended disastrously. in the last, he himself perished; having done nothing farther in the execution of his patent, than taking possession of the island of newfoundland, in the name of elizabeth. sir walter raleigh, alike distinguished by his genius, his courage, and the severity of his fate, had been deeply interested in the adventures in which his half brother, sir humphry gilbert, had wasted his fortune, and was not deterred by their failure, or by the difficulties attending such an enterprise, from prosecuting with vigour, a plan so well calculated to captivate his bold and romantic temper. { } [sidenote: patent to sir walter raleigh.] on the th of march, he obtained a patent from the queen; and, on the th of april, dispatched two small vessels under the command of captains amidas and barlow for the purpose of visiting the country, and of acquiring some previous knowledge of those circumstances which might be essential to the welfare of the colony he was about to plant. to avoid the error of gilbert in holding too far north, amidas and barlow took the route by the canaries, and the west india islands, and approached the north american continent towards the gulf of florida. on the d of july, they touched at a small island situate on the inlet into pamplico sound, whence they proceeded to roanoke, near the mouth of albemarle sound. { } [sidenote: voyage of sir richard grenville.] after employing a few weeks in traffic with the indians, from whom they collected some confused accounts respecting the neighbouring continent, they took with them two of the natives, who willingly accompanied them, and embarked for england, where they arrived on the th of september. the splendid description which they gave of the soil, the climate, and the productions of the country they had visited, so pleased elizabeth, that she bestowed on it the name of virginia, as a memorial that it had been discovered during the reign of a virgin queen.[ ] raleigh, encouraged by their report to hasten his preparations for taking possession of the property, fitted out a squadron consisting of seven small ships, laden with arms, ammunition, provisions, and passengers, which sailed from plymouth on the th of april, under the command of sir richard grenville, who was his relation, and interested with him in the patent. having taken the southern route, and wasted some time in cruising against the spaniards, sir richard did not reach the coast of north america, until the close of the month of june. he touched at both the islands on which amidas and barlow had landed, and made some excursions into different parts of the continent around pamplico, and albemarle sounds. [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] [sidenote: first colony.] having established a colony, consisting of one hundred and eight persons, in the island of roanoke, an incommodious station, without any safe harbour, he committed the government of it to mr. ralph lane; and, on the th of august, sailed for england.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] { } [sidenote: colonists carried back to england by drake.] an insatiate passion for gold, attended by an eager desire to find it in the bowels of the earth, for a long time the disease of europeans in america, became the scourge of this feeble settlement. the english flattered themselves that the country they had discovered could not be destitute of those mines of the precious metals with which spanish america abounded. the most diligent researches were made in quest of them; and the infatuating hope of finding them stimulated the colonists to the utmost exertions of which they were capable. the indians soon discerned the object for which they searched with so much avidity, and amused them with tales of rich mines in countries they had not yet explored. seduced by this information, they encountered incredible hardships, and, in this vain search wasted that time which ought to have been employed in providing the means of future subsistence. mutual suspicion and disgust between them and the natives ripened into open hostility; and, the provisions brought from england being exhausted, they were under the necessity of resorting for food to the precarious supplies which could be drawn from the rivers and woods. in this state of distress, they were found, in june, by sir francis drake, who was then returning from a successful expedition against the spaniards in the west indies. he agreed to supply them with about one hundred men, four months' provisions, and a small vessel; but, before she could be brought into a place of security, and the men and stores disembarked, she was driven out to sea by a sudden and violent storm. discouraged by this misfortune, and worn out with fatigue and famine, the colonists unanimously determined to abandon the colony, and were, at their own request, taken on board the fleet which sailed for england.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. smith.] thus terminated the first english colony planted in america. the only acquisition made by this expensive experiment, was a better knowledge of the country and its inhabitants. [sidenote: grenville plants a second colony.] [sidenote: destroyed by the indians.] a few days after the departure of drake with lane and his associates, a small vessel which had been dispatched by raleigh with a supply of provisions, reached its place of destination. not finding the colonists, this vessel returned to england. soon after its departure, sir richard grenville arrived with three ships and ample supplies. having searched in vain for the colonists he had left, and being unable to conjecture their fate, he placed fifteen men in the island with provisions for two years, for the purpose of retaining possession of the country, and returned to england. this small party was soon destroyed by the indians. { } not discouraged by the ill success which had thus far attended his efforts to make a settlement in america, raleigh, in the following year, fitted out three ships under the command of captain john white, and, it is said, directed the colony to be removed to the waters of the chesapeake, which bay had been discovered by lane in the preceding year. instructed by calamity, he adopted more efficacious means for preserving and continuing the colony than had before been used. the number of men was greater; they were accompanied by some women, and their supply of provisions was more abundant. mr. white was appointed their governor, twelve assistants were assigned him as a council, and a charter incorporating them by the name of the governor and assistants of the city of raleigh in virginia, was granted them. [sidenote: third colony arrives.] thus prepared for a permanent settlement, they arrived in july at roanoke, where they received the melancholy intelligence of the loss of their countrymen who had been left there by sir richard grenville. they determined, however, to remain at the same place, and began to make the necessary preparations for their accommodation. aware of the danger to be apprehended from the hostile disposition of their neighbours, they endeavoured to effect a reconciliation with the natives, one of whom, who had accompanied amidas and barlow to england, and who was distinguished by his unshaken attachment to the english, was christened, and styled lord of _dassa monpeake_, an indian nation in the neighbourhood.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. smith.] about the same time the first child of english parentage was born in america. she was the daughter of ananias dare, and, after the place of her birth, was named _virginia_. { } soon perceiving their want of many things essential to the preservation, and comfortable subsistence of a new settlement, the colonists, with one voice, deputed their governor, to solicit those specific aids which their situation particularly and essentially required. on his arrival in england, he found the whole nation alarmed at the formidable preparations for their invasion, made by philip ii. of spain; and raleigh, grenville, and the other patrons of the colony, ardently engaged in those measures of defence which the public danger demanded. mingling, however, with his exertions to defend his native country, some attention to the colony he had planted, raleigh found leisure to fit out a small fleet for its relief, the command of which was given to sir richard grenville; but, the apprehensions from the spanish armament still increasing, the ships of force prepared by raleigh were detained in port by order of the queen, and sir richard grenville was commanded not to leave cornwall, where his services were deemed necessary. on the d of april, white put to sea with two small barks, but, instead of hastening to the relief of his distressed countrymen, wasted his time in cruising; and, being beaten by a superior force, was totally disabled from prosecuting his voyage.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. smith.] { } [sidenote: raleigh assigns his patent.] the attention of raleigh being directed to other more splendid objects, he assigned his patent to sir thomas smith and a company of merchants in london. { } [sidenote: third colony lost.] after this transfer, a year was permitted to elapse before any effort was made for the relief of the colony. in march, three ships fitted out by the company, in one of which mr. white embarked, sailed from plymouth; but, having cruelly and criminally wasted their time in plundering the spaniards in the west indies, they did not reach hatteras until the month of august. they fired a gun to give notice of their arrival, and sent a party to the place where the colony had been left; but no vestige of their countrymen could be found. in attempting the next day to go to roanoke, one of the boats, in passing a bar, was half filled with water, another was overset, and six men were drowned. two other boats were fitted out with nineteen men to search the island thoroughly on which the colony had been left. at the departure of mr. white, it was in contemplation to remove about fifty miles into the country; and it had been agreed that, should the colonists leave the island, they would carve the name of the place to which they should remove, on some tree, door, or post; with the addition of a cross over it, as a signal of distress, if they should be really distressed at the time of changing their situation. after considerable search, the word croatan was found carved in fair capital letters on one of the chief posts, but unaccompanied by the sign of distress which had been agreed on. croatan was the name of an indian town on the north side of cape lookout, and for that place, the fleet weighed anchor the next day. meeting with a storm, and several accidents, they were discouraged from proceeding on their voyage, and, determining to suspend their search, returned to the west indies. the company made no farther attempt to find these lost colonists; nor has the time or the manner of their perishing ever been discovered.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] { } [sidenote: voyage of gosnald.] the subsequent voyages made by the english to north america were for the sole purpose of traffic, and were unimportant in their consequences, until the year , when one was undertaken by bartholomew gosnald, which contributed greatly to the revival of the then dormant spirit of colonising in the new world. he sailed from falmouth in a small bark with thirty-two men; and steering nearly west, reached the american continent, on the th of may, in about forty-three degrees of north latitude. finding no good harbour at this place, gosnald put to sea again and stood southward. the next morning, he descried a promontory which he called cape cod, and, holding his course along the coast as it stretched to the south-west, touched at two islands, the first of which he named martha's vineyard, and the second, elizabeth's island. having passed some time at these places, examining the country, and trading with the natives, he returned to england.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] this voyage was completed in less than four months, and was attended with important consequences. gosnald had found a healthy climate, a rich soil, good harbours, and a route which shortened considerably the distance to the continent of north america. he had seen many of the fruits known and prized in europe, blooming in the woods; and had planted european grain which grew rapidly. encouraged by this experiment, and delighted with the country, he formed the resolution of transporting thither a colony, and of procuring the co-operation of others by whom his plan might be supported. so unfortunate however had been former attempts of this sort, that men of wealth and rank, though strongly impressed by his report of the country, were slow in giving full faith to his representations, and in entering completely into his views. one vessel was fitted out by the merchants of bristol, and another by the earl of southampton, and lord arundel of wardour, in order to learn whether gosnald's account of the country was to be considered as a just representation of its state, or as the exaggerated description of a person fond of magnifying his own discoveries. both returned with a full confirmation of his veracity, and with the addition of so many new circumstances in favour of the country, as greatly increased the desire of settling it. richard hackluyt, prebendary of westminster, a man of distinguished learning and intelligence, contributed more than any other by his judicious exertions, to form an association sufficiently extensive, powerful, and wealthy, to execute the often renewed, and often disappointed project of establishing colonies in america. at length, such an association was formed; and a petition was presented to james i., who had succeeded to the crown of england, praying the royal sanction to the plan which was proposed. that pacific monarch was delighted with it, and immediately acceded to the wishes of its projectors. [sidenote: patent to sir thomas gates and others.] on the th of april, letters patent were issued under the great seal of england, to the petitioners, sir thomas gates and his associates, granting to them those territories in america, lying on the sea coast, between the th and th degrees of north latitude, and which either belonged to that monarch, or were not then possessed by any other christian prince or people; and also the islands adjacent thereto, or within one hundred miles thereof. they were divided, at their own desire, into two companies. one, consisting of certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and other adventurers of the city of london, and elsewhere, was called the first colony, and was required to settle between the th and st degrees of north latitude; the other, consisting of certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and other adventurers of bristol, exeter, plymouth, and elsewhere, was named the second colony, and was ordered to settle between the th and th degrees of north latitude; yet so that the colony last formed should not be planted within one hundred miles of the prior establishment. the adventurers were empowered to transport so many english subjects as should be willing to accompany them, who, with their descendants, were, at all times, to enjoy the same liberties, within any other dominions of the crown of england, as if they had remained, or were born, within the realm. a council consisting of thirteen, to be appointed and removed at the pleasure of the crown, was established for each colony, to govern it according to such laws as should be given under the sign manual and privy seal of england. two other boards to consist also of thirteen persons each, and to be appointed by the king, were invested with the superior direction of the affairs of the colonies. the adventurers were allowed to search for, and open mines of gold, silver, and copper, yielding one-fifth of the two former metals, and one-fifteenth of the last, to the king; and to make a coin which should be current both among the colonists and natives. the president and council were authorised to repel those who should, without their authority, attempt to settle, or trade, within their jurisdiction, and to seize, and detain the persons, and effects, of such intruders, until they should pay a duty of two and one-half _per centum ad valorem_, if subjects, but of five _per centum_ if aliens. these taxes were to be applied, for twenty-one years, to the use of the adventurers, and were afterwards to be paid into the royal exchequer. [sidenote: code of laws for the colony drawn up by the king.] while the council for the patentees were employed in making preparations to secure the benefits of their grant, james was assiduously engaged in the new, and, to his vanity, the flattering task of framing a code of laws for the government of the colonies about to be planted. having at length prepared this code, he issued it under the sign manual, and privy seal of england. by these regulations, he vested the general superintendence of the colonies, in a council in england, "composed of a few persons of consideration and talents." the church of england was established. the legislative and executive powers within the colonies, were vested in the president and councils; but their ordinances were not to touch life or member, were to continue in force only until made void by the king, or his council in england for virginia, and were to be in substance, consonant to the laws of england. they were enjoined to permit none to withdraw the people from their allegiance to himself, and his successors; and to cause all persons so offending to be apprehended, and imprisoned until reformation; or, in cases highly offensive, to be sent to england to receive punishment. no person was to be permitted to remain in the colony without taking the oath of obedience. tumults, mutiny, and rebellion, murder, and incest, were to be punished with death; and for these offences, the criminal was to be tried by a jury. inferior crimes were to be punished in a summary way, at the discretion of the president and council. lands were to be holden within the colony as the same estates were enjoyed in england. kindness towards the heathen was enjoined; and a power reserved to the king, and his successors to ordain farther laws, so that they were consonant to the jurisprudence of england.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] under this charter, and these laws, which manifest, at the same time, a total disregard of all political liberty, and a total ignorance of the real advantages which a parent state may derive from its colonies; which vest the higher powers of legislation in persons residing out of the country, not chosen by the people, nor affected by the laws they make, and yet leave commerce unrestrained; the patentees proceeded to execute the arduous and almost untried task of peopling a strange, distant, and uncultivated land, covered with woods and marshes, and inhabited only by savages easily irritated, and when irritated, more fierce than the beasts they hunted. chapter ii. voyage of newport.... settlement at jamestown.... distress of colonists.... smith.... he is captured by the indians.... condemned to death, saved by pocahontas.... returns to jamestown.... newport arrives with fresh settlers.... smith explores the chesapeake.... is chosen president.... new charter.... third voyage of newport.... smith sails for europe.... condition of the colony.... colonists determine to abandon the country.... are stopped by lord delaware.... sir thomas dale.... new charter.... capt. argal seizes pocahontas.... she marries mr. rolf.... separate property in lands and labour.... expedition against port royal.... against manhadoes.... fifty acres of land for each settler.... tobacco.... sir thomas dale.... mr. yeardley.... first assembly.... first arrival of females.... of convicts.... of african slaves.... two councils established.... prosperity of the colony.... indians attempt to massacre the whites.... general war.... dissolution of the company.... arbitrary measures of the crown.... sir john harvey.... sir william berkeley.... provincial assembly restored.... virginia declares in favour of charles ii.... grant to lord baltimore.... arrival of a colony in maryland.... assembly composed of freemen.... william clayborne.... assembly composed of representatives.... divided into two branches.... tyrannical proceedings. the funds immediately appropriated to the planting of colonies in america, were inconsiderable, and the early efforts to accomplish the object, were feeble. the first expedition for the southern colony consisted of one vessel of a hundred tons, and two barks, carrying one hundred and five men, destined to remain in the country. { } [sidenote: voyage of newport.] the command of this small squadron was given to captain newport, who, on the th of december, sailed from the thames. three sealed packets were delivered to him, one addressed to himself, a second to captain bartholomew gosnald, and the third to captain john radcliffe, containing the names of the council for this colony. these packets were accompanied with instructions directing that they should be opened, and the names of his majesty's council proclaimed, within twenty-four hours after their arrival on the coast of virginia, and not before. the council were then to proceed to the choice of a president, who was to have two votes. to this unaccountable concealment have those dissensions been attributed, which distracted the colonists on their passage, and which afterwards impeded the progress of their settlement.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] { } [sidenote: is driven into the chesapeake.] newport, whose place of destination was roanoke, took the circuitous route by the west india islands, and had a long passage of four months. the reckoning had been out for three days, and serious propositions had been made for returning to england, when a fortunate storm drove him to the mouth of the chesapeake. on the th of april, he descried cape henry, and soon afterward cape charles. a party of about thirty men, which went on shore at cape henry, was immediately attacked by the natives, and, in the skirmish which ensued, several were wounded on both sides. {may th.} the first act of the colonists was the selection of a spot for their settlement. they proceeded up a large river, called by the natives powhatan, and agreed to make their first establishment upon a peninsula, on its northern side. in compliment to their sovereign, this place was named jamestown, and the river was called james. having disembarked, and opened the sealed packets brought from england, the members of the council proceeded to the election of a president, and mr. wingfield was chosen. but, under frivolous pretexts, they excluded from his seat among them, john smith, one of the most extraordinary men of his age, whose courage and talents had excited their envy. during the passage, he had been imprisoned on the extravagant charge of intending to murder the council, usurp the government, and make himself king of virginia.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] the first indications of a permanent settlement in their country, seem to have excited the jealousy of the natives. displeased with the intrusion, or dissatisfied with the conduct of the intruders, they soon formed the design of expelling, or destroying, these unwelcome and formidable visitors. in execution of this intention, they attacked the colonists suddenly, while at work, and unsuspicious of their hostility; but were driven, terrified, into the woods by the fire from the ship. on the failure of this attempt, a temporary accommodation was effected. newport, though named of the council, had been ordered to return to england. as the time of his departure approached, the accusers of smith, attempting to conceal their jealousy by the affectation of humanity, proposed that he also should return, instead of being prosecuted in virginia; but, with the pride of conscious innocence, he demanded a trial; and, being honourably acquitted, took his seat in the council. about the th of june, newport sailed for england, leaving behind him one of the barks, and about one hundred colonists. while he remained, they had partaken of the food allowed the sailors; but after his departure, they were reduced to the necessity of subsisting on the distributions from the public stores, which had sustained great damage during their long passage. these were both scanty, and unwholesome; the allowance to each man, for a day, being only a pint of worm-eaten wheat and barley. this wretched food increased the malignity of the diseases generated by the climate, among men exposed to all its rigours. before the month of september, fifty of the company were buried; among whom was bartholomew gosnald, who had planned the expedition, and had contributed greatly towards its prosecution. their distress was increased by internal dissension. the president was charged with embezzling the best stores of the colony, and with feasting at his private table, on beef, bread, and _aqua vitæ_, while famine and death devoured his fellow adventurers. the odium against him was completed by the detection of an attempt to escape from them and their calamities, in the bark which had been left by newport. in the burst of general indignation which followed the discovery of this meditated desertion, he was deposed, and radcliffe chosen to succeed him.[ ] [footnote : stith. smith.] as misfortune is not unfrequently the parent of moderation and reflection, this state of misery produced a system of conduct towards the neighbouring indians, which, for the moment, disarmed their resentments, and induced them to bring in such supplies as the country afforded at that season. it produced another effect of equal importance. a sense of imminent and common danger called forth those talents which were fitted to the exigency, and compelled submission to them. on captain smith, who had preserved his health unimpaired, his spirits unbroken, and his judgment unclouded, amidst this general misery and dejection, all eyes were turned, and in him, all actual authority was placed by common consent. his example soon gave energy to others. he erected such rude fortifications as would resist the sudden attacks of the savages, and constructed such habitations as, by sheltering the survivors from the weather, contributed to restore and preserve their health, while his own accommodation gave place to that of all others. in the season of gathering corn, he penetrated into the country at the head of small parties, and by presents and caresses to those who were well disposed, and by attacking with open force, and defeating those who were hostile, he obtained abundant supplies. while thus actively and usefully employed abroad, he was not permitted to withdraw his attention from the domestic concerns of the colony. incapacity for command is seldom accompanied by a willingness to relinquish power; and it will excite no surprise that the late president saw, with regret, another placed above him. as unworthy minds most readily devise unworthy means, he sought, by intriguing with the factious, and fomenting their discontents, to regain his lost authority; and when these attempts were disconcerted, he formed a conspiracy with some of the principal persons in the colony, to escape in the bark, and thus to desert the country. the vigilance of smith detected these machinations, and his vigour defeated them.[ ] [footnote : stith.] [sidenote: smith is captured by the indians,] [sidenote: is condemned to death,] [sidenote: saved by pocahontas.] the prospect which now presented itself of preserving the colony in quiet and plenty, until supplies could be received from england, was obscured by an event which threatened, at first, the most disastrous consequences. in attempting to explore chiccahomini river to its source, smith was discovered and attacked by a numerous body of indians; and in endeavouring, after a gallant defence, to make his escape, he sank up to his neck in a swamp, and was obliged to surrender. the wonder and veneration which he excited by the exhibition of a mariner's compass, saved him from immediate death. he was conducted in triumph, through several towns, to the palace of powhatan, the most potent king in that part of the country, who doomed him to be put to death by placing his head upon a stone, and beating out his brains with a club. at the place of execution, with his head bowed down to receive the blow, he was rescued from a fate which appeared to be inevitable, by that enthusiastic and impassioned humanity which, in every climate, and in every state of society, finds its home in the female bosom. pocahontas, the king's favourite daughter, then about thirteen years of age, whose entreaties for his life had been ineffectual, rushed between him and the executioner, and folding his head in her arms, and laying hers upon it, arrested the fatal blow. her father was then prevailed upon to spare his life, and he was sent back to jamestown.[ ] [footnote : stith.] [sidenote: returns to jamestown.] on arriving at that place, after an absence of seven weeks, he found the colony reduced to thirty-eight persons, who seemed determined to abandon a country which appeared to them so unfavourable to human life. he came just in time to prevent the execution of this design. alternately employing persuasion, threats, and even violence, he induced the majority to relinquish their intention; then turning the guns of the fort on the bark, on board which were the most determined, he compelled her to remain, or sink in the river.[ ] [footnote : stith.] by a judicious regulation of intercourse with the indians, over whom he had gained considerable influence, he restored plenty to the colony, and preserved it until the arrival of two vessels which had been dispatched from england under the command of captain newport, with a supply of provisions and instruments of husbandry, and with a reinforcement of one hundred and twenty persons, composed of many gentlemen, several refiners, gold smiths, and jewellers, and a few labourers. the influence of smith disappeared with the danger which had produced it, and was succeeded by an improvident relaxation of discipline, productive of the most pernicious consequences.[ ] [footnote : ibid.] [sidenote: a glittering earth mistaken for gold dust.] about this time, a shining earth, mistaken by the colonists for gold dust, was found in a small stream of water near jamestown. their raging thirst for gold was re-excited by this incident. smith, in his history of virginia, describing the frenzy of the moment, says, "there was no thought, no discourse, no hope, and no work, but to dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, and load gold. and, notwithstanding captain smith's warm and judicious representations how absurd it was to neglect other things of immediate use and necessity, to load such a drunken ship with gilded dust, yet was he overruled, and her returns were made in a parcel of glittering dirt, which is to be found in various parts of the country, and which they, very sanguinely, concluded to be gold dust." { } the two vessels returned laden, one with this dirt, and the other with cedar. this is the first remittance ever made from america by an english colony. the effects of this fatal delusion were soon felt, and the colony again began to suffer that distress, from scarcity of food, which had before brought it, more than once, to the brink of ruin. [sidenote: smith explores the chesapeake.] the researches of the english settlers had not yet extended beyond the country adjacent to james river. smith had formed the bold design of exploring the great bay of chesapeake, examining the mighty rivers which empty into it, opening an intercourse with the nations inhabiting their borders, and acquiring a knowledge of the state of their cultivation and population. accompanied by doctor russel, he engaged in this hardy enterprise in an open boat of about three tons burthen, and with a crew of thirteen men. on the d of june, he descended the river in company with the last of newport's two vessels, and, parting with her at the capes, began his survey at cape charles. with great fatigue and danger, he examined every river, inlet, and bay, on both sides of the chesapeake, as far as the mouth of the rappahannock. his provisions being exhausted, he returned, and arrived at jamestown on the st of july. he found the colony in the utmost confusion and disorder. all those who came last with newport were sick; the danger of famine was imminent; and the clamour against the president was loud, and universal. the seasonable arrival of smith restrained their fury. the accounts he gave of his discoveries, and the hope he entertained that the waters of the chesapeake communicated with the south sea,[ ] extended their views and revived their spirits. they contented themselves with deposing their president, and, having in vain urged smith to accept that office, elected his friend mr. scrivener as vice president. [footnote : this error might very possibly be produced by the indians representing the great western lakes as seas.] after employing three days in making arrangements for obtaining regular supplies, and for the government of the colony, smith again sailed with twelve men, to complete his researches into the countries on the chesapeake. from this voyage he returned on the seventh of september; having advanced as far as the river susquehannah, and visited all the countries on both shores of the bay. he entered most of the large creeks, sailed up many of the great rivers to their falls, and made accurate observations on the extensive territories through which he passed, and on the various tribes inhabiting them, with whom he, alternately, fought, negotiated, and traded. in every situation, he displayed judgment, courage, and that presence of mind which is essential to the character of a commander; and never failed, finally, to inspire the savages he encountered, with the most exalted opinion of himself and of his nation. when we consider that he sailed above three thousand miles in an open boat; when we contemplate the dangers and the hardships he encountered; when we reflect on the valuable additions he made to the stock of knowledge respecting america; we shall not hesitate to say that few voyages of discovery, undertaken at any time, reflect more honour on those engaged in them. "so full and exact," says dr. robertson, "are his accounts of that large portion of the american continent comprehended in the two provinces of virginia and maryland, that after the progress of information and research for a century and a half, his map exhibits no inaccurate view of both countries, and is the original, on which all subsequent delineations and descriptions have been formed."[ ] [footnote : dr. robertson must allude to the country below the falls of the great rivers.] [illustration: ruins of the old brick church built at jamestown in _settled by the english in , on the banks of the james river about miles from its mouth, it was at jamestown that the first legislative assembly in america was held in , and here in the same year slavery was first introduced into the original thirteen colonies. the site of the settlement, which was originally a peninsula, but is now an island, is owned by the association for the preservation of virginia antiquities. besides the ruins of the church shown here those of the fort and of two or three houses built more than a hundred years before the declaration of independence was signed are still standing._] [sidenote: is chosen president.] on his return from this expedition, smith was chosen president of the council; and, yielding to the general wish, accepted the office. soon after, newport arrived with an additional supply of settlers, among whom were the two first females who adventured to the present colony; but he came without provisions. the judicious administration of the president, however, supplied the wants of the colonists, and restrained the turbulent. encouraged by his example, and coerced by his authority, a spirit of industry and subordination was created among them, which was the parent of plenty and of peace.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer.] { } [sidenote: new charter.] the company in england, though disappointed in the hope of discovering a passage to the pacific, and of finding mines of the precious metals, still indulged in golden dreams of future wealth. to increase their funds, as well as their influence and reputation, by the acquisition of additional numbers, to explain and enlarge their powers and privileges, and to ensure a colonial government conforming to their own views and wishes, the company petitioned for a new charter, which was granted on the d of may. some of the first nobility and gentry of the country, and most of the companies of london, with a numerous body of merchants and tradesmen, were added to the former adventurers, and they were all incorporated, by the name of "the treasurer and company of adventurers of the city of london, for the first colony in virginia." to them were granted, in absolute property, the lands extending from cape or point comfort, along the sea coast, two hundred miles to the northward, and from the same point, along the sea coast, two hundred miles to the southward, and up into the land, throughout, from sea to sea, west and north-west; and also all the islands lying within one hundred miles of the coast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid: to be holden as of the manor of east greenwich, in free and common soccage, and paying, in lieu of all services, one-fifth of the gold and silver that should be found. the corporation was authorised to convey, under its common seal, particular portions of these lands to subjects or denizens, on such conditions as might promote the intentions of the grant. the powers of the president and council in virginia were abrogated, and a new council in england was established, with power to the company to fill all vacancies therein by election. this council was empowered to appoint and remove all officers for the colony, and to make all ordinances for its government, not contrary to the laws of england; and to rule the colonists according to such ordinances. license was given to transport to virginia, all persons willing to go thither, and to export merchandise free from customs for seven years. there was also granted, for twenty-one years, freedom from all subsidies in virginia, and from all impositions on importations and exportations from or to any of the king's dominions, "except only the five pounds in the hundred due for customs." the colonists were declared to be entitled to the rights of natural subjects. the governor was empowered to establish martial law in case of rebellion or mutiny; and, to prevent the superstitions of the church of rome from taking root in the plantation, it was declared that none should pass into virginia, but such as shall have first taken the oath of supremacy.[ ] [footnote : charter.] [sidenote: third voyage of newport.] the company, being thus enlarged, and enabled to take more effective measures for the settlement of the country, soon fitted out nine ships, with five hundred emigrants. lord delawar was constituted governor and captain-general for life; and several other offices were created. the direction of the expedition was again given to newport; to whom, and sir thomas gates, and sir george somers, powers were severally granted to supersede the existing administration, and to govern the colony until the arrival of lord delawar. with singular indiscretion, the council omitted to establish precedence among these gentlemen; who, being totally unable to settle this important point among themselves, agreed to embark on board the same vessel, and to be companions during the voyage. they were parted from the rest of the fleet in a storm, and driven on bermudas; having on board one hundred and fifty men, a great portion of the provisions destined for the colony, and the new commission and instructions of the council. the residue of the squadron arrived safely in virginia. "a great part of the new company," says mr. stith, "consisted of unruly sparks, packed off by their friends to escape worse destinies at home. and the rest were chiefly made up of poor gentlemen, broken tradesmen, rakes and libertines, footmen, and such others as were much fitter to spoil and ruin a commonwealth, than to help to raise or maintain one. this lewd company, therefore, were led by their seditious captains into many mischiefs and extravagancies. they assumed to themselves the power of disposing of the government, and conferred it sometimes on one, and sometimes on another. to-day the old commission must rule, to-morrow the new, and next day neither. so that all was anarchy and distraction." the judgment of smith was not long suspended. with the promptness and decision which belong to vigorous minds, he determined that his own authority was not legally revoked until the arrival of the new commission, and therefore resolved to continue its exercise. incapable of holding the reins of government with a feeble hand, he exhibited, on this emergency, that energy and good sense which never deserted him when the occasion required them. after imprisoning the chief promoters of sedition, and thereby restoring regularity and obedience, he, for the double purpose of extending the colony, and of preventing the mischiefs to be apprehended from so many turbulent spirits collected in jamestown, detached one hundred men to the falls of james river, under the command of west, and the same number to nansemond, under that of martin. these persons conducted their settlements with so little judgment, that they soon converted all the neighbouring indians into enemies. after losing several parties, they found themselves in absolute need of the support and direction of smith. these were readily afforded, until a melancholy accident deprived the colony of the aid of a man whose talents had, more than once, rescued it from that desperate condition into which folly and vice had plunged it. returning from a visit to the detachment stationed at the falls of james river, his powder bag took fire, while he was sleeping in the boat, and, in the explosion, he was so severely wounded as to be confined to his bed. being unable to obtain the aid of a surgeon in the colony, he embarked for england about the beginning of october. [sidenote: smith returns to england.] [sidenote: state of the colony.] at his departure, the colony consisted of about five hundred inhabitants. they were furnished with three ships, seven boats, commodities ready for trade, ten weeks' provision in the public stores, six mares and a horse, a large stock of hogs and poultry, some sheep and goats, utensils for agriculture, nets for fishing, one hundred trained and expert soldiers well acquainted with the indians, their language and habitations, twenty-four pieces of ordnance, and three hundred muskets, with a sufficient quantity of arms and ammunition.[ ] [footnote : stith.] the fair prospects of the colony were soon blasted by a course of folly and crime, of riot and insubordination. numerous pretenders advanced their claims to the supreme command. the choice at length fell upon captain percy, who derived much consideration from his virtues, as well as from his illustrious family; but his talents, at no time equal to this new and difficult station, were rendered still less competent to the task, by a long course of ill health. being generally confined by sickness to his bed, he was incapable of maintaining his authority; and total confusion ensued, with its accustomed baneful consequences. the indians, no longer awed by the genius and vigour of smith, attacked the colony on all sides. west and martin, after losing their boats and nearly half their men, were driven into jamestown. the stock of provisions was lavishly wasted; and famine added its desolating scourge to their other calamities. after devouring the skins of their horses, and the indians they had killed, the survivors fed on those of their companions who had sunk under such accumulated misery. the recollection of these tremendous sufferings was long retained, and, for many years, this period was distinguished by the name of the starving time.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. beverly.] { } in six months, the colony was reduced, by these distresses, to sixty persons, who could not have survived ten days longer, when they were relieved from this state of despair by the arrival of sir thomas gates, sir george somers, and captain newport, from bermuda. [sidenote: they abandon the country.] the determination to abandon the country was immediately taken, and the wretched remnant of the colony embarked on board the vessels, and sailed for england. "none dropped a tear," says mr. chalmer, "because none had enjoyed one day of happiness." [sidenote: stopped by lord delawar.] fortunately, they met lord delawar, who prevailed on them to return; and, on the th of june, resettled them at jamestown. { } by mildness of temper, attention to business, and judicious exercise of authority, this nobleman restored order and contentment to the colony, and again impressed the indians with respect for the english name. unfortunately, ill health obliged him to resign the government which he placed in the hands of mr. percy, and sailed for the west indies, leaving in the colony about two hundred persons in possession of the blessings of health, plenty, and peace. [sidenote: sir thomas dale.] on the th of may, sir thomas dale, who had been appointed to the government, arrived with a fresh supply of men and provisions, and found the colony relapsing into a state of anarchy, idleness, and want. it required all the authority of the new governor to maintain public order, and to compel the idle and the dissolute to labour. some conspiracies having been detected, he proclaimed martial law, which was immediately put in execution. this severity was then deemed necessary, and is supposed to have saved the settlement.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. beverly.] in the beginning of august, sir thomas gates, who had been appointed to succeed sir thomas dale, arrived with six ships, and a considerable supply of men and provisions. after receiving this addition to its numbers, the colony again extended itself up james river; and several new settlements were made. { } [sidenote: new charter.] extravagant accounts of the fertility of bermuda having reached england, the company became desirous of obtaining it as a place from which virginia might be supplied with provisions. application was therefore made to the crown for a new patent, to comprehend this island; and, in march, a charter was issued, granting to the treasurer and company all the islands situate in the ocean within three hundred leagues of the coast of virginia. by this charter, the corporation was essentially new modelled. it was ordained that four general courts of the adventurers should be holden annually, for the determination of affairs of importance, and weekly meetings were directed, for the transaction of common business. to promote the effectual settlement of the plantation, license was given to open lotteries in any part of england.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. beverly.] these lotteries, which were the first ever drawn in england, brought twenty-nine thousand pounds into the treasury of the company. when they were discontinued, in , on the complaint of the house of commons, they were declared to have "supplied the real food by which virginia had been nourished." [sidenote: captain argal seizes pocahontas.] about this time an event took place which was followed by important consequences to the colony. provisions in jamestown continuing to be scarce, and supplies from the neighbouring indians, with whom the english were often at war, being necessarily uncertain, captain argal, with two vessels, was sent round to the potowmac for a cargo of corn. while obtaining the cargo, he understood that pocahontas, who had remained steadfast in her attachment to the english, had absented herself from the home of her father, and lay concealed in the neighbourhood. by bribing some of those in whom she confided argal prevailed on her to come on board his vessel, where she was detained respectfully, and brought to jamestown. he was induced to take this step by the hope that the possession of pocahontas would give the english an ascendancy over her father, who was known to dote on her. in this, however, he was disappointed. powhatan offered corn and friendship, if they would first restore his daughter, but, with a loftiness of spirit which claims respect, rejected every proposition for conciliation which should not be preceded by that act of reparation. during her detention at jamestown, she made an impression on the heart of mr. rolf, a young gentleman of estimation in the colony, who succeeded in gaining her affections. they were married with the consent of powhatan, who was entirely reconciled to the english by that event, and continued, ever after, to be their sincere friend. this connexion led also to a treaty with the chiccahominies, a brave and daring tribe, who submitted themselves to the english, and became their tributaries.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. beverly.] { } about the same time, an important change took place in the internal arrangements of the colony. [sidenote: separate property in lands.] heretofore no separate property in lands had been acquired, and no individual had laboured for himself. the lands had been held, cleared, and cultivated in common, and their produce carried into a common granary, from which it was distributed to all. this system was to be ascribed, in some measure, to the unwise injunction contained in the royal instructions, directing the colonists to trade together for five years in one common stock. its effect was such as ought to have been foreseen. industry, deprived of its due reward, exclusive property in the produce of its toil, felt no sufficient stimulus to exertion, and the public supplies were generally inadequate to the public necessities. to remove this cause of perpetual scarcity, sir thomas dale divided a considerable portion of land into lots of three acres, and granted one of them, in full property, to each individual. although the colonists were still required to devote a large portion of labour to the public, a sudden change was made in their appearance and habits. industry, impelled by the certainty of recompense, advanced with rapid strides; and the inhabitants were no longer in fear of wanting bread, either for themselves, or for the emigrants from england.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith. beverly.] { } early in the following year, sir thomas gates returned to england, leaving the government again with sir thomas dale. this gentleman detached captain argal on an enterprise of which no immediate notice was taken, but which was afterwards recollected with indignation. the french, who had directed their course to the more northern parts of the continent, had been among the first adventurers to north america. their voyages of discovery are of a very early date, and their attempts to establish a colony were among the first which were made. after several abortive efforts, a permanent settlement was made in canada, in the year , and the foundation of quebec was laid in the year . in november , henry iv. appointed de mont lieutenant-general of that part of the territory which he claimed, lying in north america, between the th and th degrees of north latitude, then called acadié, with power to colonise and to rule it; and he soon afterwards granted to the same gentleman and his associates, an exclusive right to the commerce of peltry in acadié and the gulf of st. lawrence. in consequence of these grants, a settlement was formed in the subsequent year, on that coast, near the river st. croix; and in , port royal was built on a more northern part of the bay of fundy. the colony, receiving not much support from france, was feeble and unprosperous, but retained quiet possession of the country. in a time of profound peace, the expedition of argal was directed against it. he found it totally unprepared for defence. the inhabitants, who had assiduously and successfully cultivated the friendship of the indians, were scattered abroad in the woods, engaged in their several pursuits; and a ship and bark just arrived from france, laden with articles necessary for the use of the colony, were surprised in port, and their cargoes taken to jamestown. after the departure of argal, the french resumed their former station. the pretext for this predatory expedition was, that the french, by settling in acadié, had invaded the rights of the english, acquired by the first discovery of the continent. argal also paid a visit to new york, then in possession of the dutch; which country he claimed under the pretext that captain hudson was an englishman, and could not transfer the benefit of his discoveries from his sovereign. he demanded possession of the place; and the dutch governor, being unable to resist, "peaceably submitted both himself and his colony to the king of england, and the governor of virginia under him," and consented to pay a tribute. argal then continued his voyage to jamestown. but another governor soon afterwards arriving from amsterdam with better means of asserting the title of his nation, the payment of the tribute was refused, and the place put in a state of defence.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] [sidenote: fifty acres of land laid off for each settler.] the advantages resulting to the colony from allowing each individual to labour, in part for himself, having soon become apparent, the system of working in common to fill the public stores, seems to have been totally relinquished; and, not long afterwards, fifty acres of land, promised by the rules of the company to each emigrant, were surveyed and delivered to those having the title. { } [sidenote: tobacco.] about the same time, tobacco was first cultivated in virginia. this plant, although detested by the king, who even wrote a pamphlet against it, which he styled a _counter blast_; although discountenanced by the leading members of parliament, and even by the company, who issued edicts against its cultivation; although extremely unpleasant to persons not accustomed to it, and disagreeable in its effects, surmounted all opposition, and has, by an unaccountable caprice, been brought into general use, and become one of the most considerable staples of america.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] { } [sidenote: yeardly.] in the spring of the following year, sir thomas dale sailed for england, leaving the government in the hands of mr. george yeardly, who, after a lax administration of one year, was succeeded by captain argal. { } [sidenote: argal.] argal was a man of talents and energy, but selfish, haughty, and tyrannical. he continued martial law during a season of peace; and a mr. brewster, who was tried under this arbitrary system, for contemptuous words spoken of the governor, was sentenced to suffer death. he obtained with difficulty an appeal to the treasurer and company in england, by whom the sentence was reversed.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] [sidenote: mr. yeardly.] while martial law was, according to stith, the common law of the land, the governor seems to have been the sole legislator. his general edicts mark the severity of his rule. he ordered that merchandise should be sold at an advance of twenty-five _per centum_, and tobacco taken in payment at the rate of three shillings per pound, under the penalty of three years' servitude to the company; that no person should traffic privately with the indians, or teach them the use of fire arms, under pain of death; that no person should hunt deer or hogs without the governor's permission; that no man should shoot, unless in his own necessary defence, until a new supply of ammunition should arrive, on pain of a year's personal service; that none should go on board the ships at jamestown, without the governor's leave; that every person should go to church on sundays and holidays, under the penalty of slavery during the following week for the first offence, during a month for the second, and during a year and a day for the third. the rigour of this administration necessarily exciting much discontent, the complaints of the virginians at length made their way to the company. lord delawar being dead, mr. yeardly was appointed captain-general, with instructions to examine the wrongs of the colonists, and to redress them.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] { } the new governor arrived in april, and soon after, to the inexpressible joy of the inhabitants, declared his determination to convoke a colonial assembly. this is an important era in the history of virginia. heretofore, all legislative authority had been exercised, either by the corporation in england, or by their officers in the colony. the people had no voice, either personally, or by their representatives, in the government of themselves; and their most important concerns were managed by persons often unacquainted with their situation, and always possessing interests different from theirs. they now felicitated themselves on having really the privileges of englishmen. [sidenote: first colonial assembly.] this first assembly met at jamestown on the th of june. the colony being not then divided into counties, the members were elected by the different boroughs, amounting at that time to seven. from this circumstance the popular branch of the legislature received the appellation of the house of burgesses, which it retained until all connexion with england was dissolved. the assembly, composed of the governor, the council, and burgesses, met together in one apartment, and there discussed the various matters which came before them. the laws then enacted, which, it is believed, are no longer extant, were transmitted to england for the approbation of the treasurer and company.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] [sidenote: first arrival of females,] { } although the emigrations from england continued to be considerable, few females had crossed the atlantic. men without wives could not consider their residence in the country as permanent, and must intend after amassing some wealth, to return to their native land. to remove this impediment to the population of the colony, ninety girls, of humble fortune and spotless character, were transported by the company to virginia; and in the subsequent year, they were followed by sixty of the same description. they were received by the young planters as a blessing which substituted domestic happiness for the cheerless gloom of solitude; and the face of the country was essentially changed.[ ] the prospect of becoming parents was accompanied with the anxieties for the welfare of their children; and the education of youth soon became an object of attention. the necessity of seminaries of learning was felt, and several steps were taken towards founding the college, afterwards established by william and mary. [footnote : mr. stith says the price for a wife was at first, one hundred, and afterwards, one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco; and a debt so contracted was made of higher dignity than any other.] [sidenote: and of convicts.] about the same time the company received orders from the king to convey to virginia one hundred idle and dissolute persons, then in custody of the knight marshal. these were the first convicts transported to america. the policy which dictated this measure was soon perceived to be not less wise than it was humane. men who, in europe, were the pests of the body politic, made an acceptable addition to the stock of labour in the colony; and, in a new world, where the temptations to crime seldom presented themselves, many of them became useful members of society. { } [sidenote: african slaves.] heretofore the commerce of virginia had been engrossed by the corporation. in the year , this distressing and unprofitable monopoly was given up, and the trade was open to all. the free competition produced by this change of system was of essential advantage to the colony, but was the immediate cause of introducing a species of population which has had vast influence on the past, and may affect the future destinies of america, to an extent which human wisdom can neither foresee nor control. a dutch vessel, availing itself of this commercial liberty, brought into james river twenty africans, who were immediately purchased as slaves.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] [sidenote: two councils established.] in july, the company passed an ordinance establishing a frame of government for the colony. this instrument provided that there should be two supreme councils in virginia, the one to be called the council of state, to be appointed and displaced by the treasurer and company, and to assist the governor with advice on executive subjects; the other to be denominated the general assembly, and to consist of the governor, the council of state, and burgesses; to be chosen for the present, by the inhabitants of every town, hundred, or settlement, in the colony, two for each. the assembly was empowered to enact general laws for the government of the colony, reserving a negative to the governor. its acts were not to be in force until confirmed by the general court in england, and the ratification returned under its seal. on the other hand, no order of the general court was to bind the colony until assented to by the assembly. { } a controversy concerning the importation of tobacco into the european dominions of the crown, which had for some time existed between the king and the company, was, at length, adjusted. the king had demanded high duties on that article, while he permitted its importation from the dominions of spain, and also restrained its direct exportation from virginia, to the warehouses of the company in holland, to which expedient his exactions had driven them. it was at length agreed that they should enjoy the sole right of importing that commodity into the kingdom, for which they should pay a duty of nine pence per pound, in lieu of all charges, and that the whole production of the colony should be brought to england. [sidenote: county courts.] the industry, population, and produce of the colony, were now greatly increased. at peace with the indians, they had extended their settlements to the rappahannock and to the potowmac. this change of circumstances having rendered it inconvenient to bring all causes to jamestown before the governor and council, who had heretofore exercised all judicial power in the country, inferior courts were established, to sit in convenient places, in order to render justice more cheap and accessible to the people. thus originated the county courts of virginia. [sidenote: indian conspiracy to massacre all the whites.] in this year the cup of prosperity, which the colonists had begun to taste, was dashed from their lips by an event which shook the colony to its foundation. in , powhatan died, and was succeeded, in his dominions and in his influence over all the neighbouring tribes, by opechancanough, a bold and cunning chief, as remarkable for his jealousy and hatred of the new settlers, as for his qualifications to execute the designs suggested by his resentments. he renewed, however, the stipulations of powhatan; and, for a considerable time, the general peace remained undisturbed. the colonists, unsuspicious of danger, observed neither the indians nor their machinations. engaged entirely in the pursuits of agriculture, they neglected their military exercises, and every useful precaution. meanwhile, the indians, being often employed as hunters, were furnished with fire arms, and taught to use them. they were admitted, at all times, freely into the habitations of the english, as harmless visitants, were fed at their tables, and lodged in their chambers. during this state of friendly intercourse, the plan of a general massacre, which should involve man, woman, and child, in indiscriminate slaughter, was formed with cold and unrelenting deliberation. the tribes in the neighbourhood of the english, except those on the eastern shore of the chesapeak, who were not trusted with the plan, were successively gained over; and, notwithstanding the perpetual intercourse between them and the white people, the most impenetrable secrecy was observed. so deep and dark was their dissimulation, that they were accustomed to borrow boats from the english to cross the river, in order to concert and mature their execrable designs. the d of march was designated as the day on which all the english settlements were to be attacked. the better to disguise their intentions, and to ensure success, they brought, in the preceding evening, deer, turkies, and fish, as presents; and, even on the morning of the massacre, came freely among the whites, behaving in their usual friendly manner, until the very instant which had been appointed for the commencement of the scene of carnage. the fatal hour being arrived, they fell at once on every settlement, and murdered without distinction of age or sex. so sudden was the execution of their plan, that few perceived the weapons, or the approach of the blow, which terminated their existence. thus, in one hour, and almost in the same instant, fell three hundred and forty-seven men, women and children; most of them by their own plantation tools. the massacre would have been still more complete, had not information been given, the preceding night, to a mr. pace, by an indian domesticated in his house, and treated as a son, who, being pressed to murder his benefactor, disclosed the plot to him. he immediately carried the intelligence to jamestown, and the alarm was given to some of the nearest settlements, which were thereby saved. at some other places, too, where the circumstances of the attack enabled the english to seize their arms, the assailants were repulsed. [sidenote: general war.] this horrible massacre was succeeded by a vindictive and exterminating war, in which the wiles of the indians were successfully retaliated on themselves. during this disastrous period, many public works were abandoned; the college institution was deserted; the settlements were reduced from eighty to eight; and famine superadded its afflicting scourge to the accumulated distresses of the colony.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] as soon as intelligence of these calamitous events reached england, a contribution was made by the adventurers for the relief of the sufferers; arms from the tower were delivered to the treasurer and company; and several vessels were dispatched with those articles which might best alleviate such complicated distress. [sidenote: dissension and dissolution of the company.] but the dissolution of the company was rapidly approaching. that corporation contained many men of the first rank and talents in the nation, who in their assemblies, were in habits of discussing the measures of the crown with the accustomed freedom of a popular body. two violent factions, which assumed the regular appearance of court and country parties, divided the company, and struggled for the ascendancy. james endeavoured to give the preponderance to the court party, but his endeavours were unsuccessful; and his failure disposed him to listen to complaints against a corporation, whose deliberations he found himself unable to control. to their mismanagement he ascribed the slow progress made by the colony, and the heavy losses that had been sustained.[ ] [footnote : _ibid._] { } { } [sidenote: colony taken into the hands of the king.] after hearing both the corporation and their accusers, the privy council determined to issue a commission, appointing persons to be named by the crown, to inquire into the affairs of virginia from the earliest settlement of the province, and to report thereon to the government. this commission seized the charters, books, and papers of the company; and all letters and packets brought from the colony were ordered to be laid unopened before the privy council. their report attributed the misfortunes of the colony to the corporation in england; and james, at no time a friend to popular assemblies, communicated to them his resolution to revoke the old charter and grant a new one, which should respect private property, but place power in fewer hands. the requisition that they should assent to this proposition, and surrender their charter, was accompanied with the information that the king was determined, in default of submission, to take such proceedings for recalling their letters patent as might be just. the company, however, resolutely determined to defend its rights; whereupon a writ of _quo warranto_ was instituted in the court of king's bench, which was decided according to the wishes of the monarch. the company was dissolved, and all its powers were revested in the crown. above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling had been expended in planting the colony; and more than nine thousand persons had been sent from england to people it. yet, at the dissolution of the company, the annual imports from virginia did not exceed twenty thousand pounds in value, and the population of the country was reduced to about eighteen hundred persons. while these things were transacting in england, the war against the indians was prosecuted in the colony, with vigour and success. the neighbouring hostile tribes were nearly exterminated, and were driven entirely from the rivers, so that the settlements were extended in safety. in february, the general assembly was once more convened. the several orders which had been previously made by the governor and council, were enacted into laws; and form the oldest legislative rules of action now remaining on record. among them are various regulations respecting the church of england. but the act best representing the condition of the colonists, is a solemn declaration, "that the governor should not impose any taxes on the colony, otherwise than by the authority of the general assembly; and that he should not withdraw the inhabitants from their private labour to any service of his own." at this session, too, the privilege of exemption from arrest, while the assembly was sitting, was extended to the burgesses. several other measures were adopted for the correction of abuses; and the laws of that session, generally, are marked with that good sense and patriotism, which are to be expected from men perfectly understanding their own situation, and legislating for themselves. from this assembly, the royal commissioners endeavoured, in vain, to procure an address to the king, professing "their willingness to submit themselves to his princely pleasure, in revoking the ancient patents;" but a petition was agreed to and transmitted, acknowledging their satisfaction at his having taken the plantation into his more especial care, beseeching him to continue the then form of government, to confirm to virginia and the somers isles, the sole importation of tobacco, and soliciting that, if the promised aid of soldiers should be granted them, the governor and assembly might have a voice in directing their operations. virginia having thus become a royal government, the king issued a special commission, appointing a governor and twelve councillors, to whom the entire direction of the affairs of the province was committed. no assembly was mentioned, nor was it intended to permit the continuance of that body, for, to the popular shape of the late system, james attributed the disasters of the colony. but some attention to their interests, was mingled with this subversion of political liberty. yielding to the petitions of the english parliament and of the colonists, he issued a proclamation prohibiting the growth of tobacco in the kingdom, and the importation of it into england or ireland, except from virginia, or the somers isles, and in vessels belonging to his subjects. his death prevented the completion of a legislative code for the colony, which he had commenced, and which he flattered himself, would remedy all the ills that had been experienced. [sidenote: charles i.] [sidenote: arbitrary measures of the crown.] { } charles i. adopted, in its full extent, the colonial system of his father. he committed to sir george yeardly, whom he appointed governor of virginia, and to his council, the whole legislative and executive powers of the colony, with instructions to conform exactly to orders which should be received from him. they were empowered to make laws and to execute them; to impose taxes, and to enforce the payment of them; to seize the property of the late company; and to apply it to the public use; and to transport the colonists to england, to be punished there for crimes committed in virginia. to complete this hateful system, the crown exacted a monopoly of the tobacco trade, and appointed agents, to whose management that article was entirely committed.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] { } [sidenote: sir john harvey.] { } the full pressure of these arbitrary regulations was not felt till sir john harvey, on the sir john death of sir george yeardly, was appointed governor of virginia. the mind of this gentleman is represented by the historians of the day, as having been of a structure to make even tyranny more odious. rapacious, haughty, and unfeeling, he exercised his powers in the most offensive manner. respect for his commission, suppressed opposition to his authority for several years. roused, at length, almost to madness by oppression, the virginians, in a fit of popular rage, seized their governor, and sent him a prisoner to england, accompanied by two deputies charged with the duty of representing their grievances, and his misconduct. { } charles deemed it necessary to discountenance this summary and violent proceeding, so entirely incompatible with that implicit obedience which he had ever exacted from his subjects. the deputies of the colony were sternly received; no inquiry appears to have been made into the conduct of harvey; and, early in the succeeding year, he was sent back to virginia, invested with all his former powers.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. stith.] the time, however, approached, when a new system of administration was to be adopted. the discontents of the nation, and his own wants, obliged charles to determine on convening a parliament. he was probably unwilling to increase the ill temper resulting from his maladministration at home, by bringing before the representatives of the people, complaints of the despotism which had been exercised in america. [sidenote: sir william berkeley.] [sidenote: provincial assembly restored.] to this change of circumstances may be ascribed the appointment of sir william berkeley to succeed harvey as governor of virginia. in almost every respect, this gentleman was unlike his predecessor. highly respectable for his rank and abilities, he was still more distinguished by his integrity, by the mildness of his temper, and by the gentleness of his manners. to complete the satisfaction of the colonists, he was empowered and directed to summon the burgesses of all the plantations, to meet the governor and council in the general assembly, and thereby to restore to the people their share in the government. these changes had such an effect in virginia that, when afterward informed of a petition presented in the name of the assembly to parliament, "praying for the restoration of the ancient patents, and corporation government," the general assembly not only transmitted an explicit disavowal of it, but sent an address to the king, expressing their high sense of his favour towards them, and earnestly desiring to continue under his immediate protection. during the civil war, as well as after the establishment of the commonwealth, they continued firm in their attachment to the royal family. { } the house of commons, however, having succeeded in the establishment of its power over england, was not disposed to permit its authority to be questioned in virginia. an ordinance was passed, declaring that, as the colonies were settled at the cost and by the people of england, "they are and ought to be subordinate to, and dependent on, that nation; and subject to such law and regulations as are or shall be made by parliament. that in virginia and other places, the powers of government had been usurped by persons who had set themselves up in opposition to the commonwealth, who were therefore denounced as rebels and traitors; and all foreign vessels were forbidden to enter the ports of any of the english settlements in america." as the men who then governed were not in the habit of making empty declarations, the council of state was empowered to send a fleet to enforce obedience to parliament.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer.] { } sir george ayscue was accordingly detached with a powerful squadron, and was instructed to endeavour, by gentle means, to bring the colonists to obedience; but, if these failed, to use force, and to give freedom to such servants and slaves of those who should resist, as would serve in the troops under his command. after reducing barbadoes, and the other islands to submission, the squadron entered the chesapeak. berkeley, having hired a few dutch ships which were then trading to virginia, made a gallant resistance; but, unable long to maintain so unequal a contest, he yielded to superior force, having first stipulated for a general amnesty. he then withdrew to a retired situation where, beloved and respected by the people, he resided as a private man, until a counter revolution called him, once more, to preside over the colony.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer.] after the revocation of the charter, it became more easy to obtain large grants of land. this circumstance, notwithstanding the tyranny of the provincial government, promoted emigration, and considerably increased the population of the colony. at the commencement of the civil war, virginia was supposed to contain about twenty thousand souls.[ ] [footnote : idem.] [sidenote: charles ii. proclaimed in virginia.] while the ordinance of , forbidding all trade between the colonies and foreign nations, was dispensed with in favour of republican new england, it was rigorously enforced against the loyal colony of virginia. these restrictions were the more burdensome, because england did not then furnish a sufficient market for all the produce, nor a supply for all the wants of the colonies. this severity was not calculated to detach the affections of the people from the royal family. their discontents were cherished, too, by the great number of cavaliers who had fled to virginia after the total defeat of their party in england. taking advantage of an interregnum occasioned by the sudden death of governor matthews, the people resolved to throw off their forced allegiance to the commonwealth, and called on sir william berkeley to resume the government. he required only their solemn promise to venture their lives and fortunes with him in support of their king. this being readily given, charles ii. was proclaimed in virginia, before intelligence had been received of the death of cromwell. his restoration was soon afterwards effected in england; and this rash measure not only escaped chastisement, but became a meritorious service of which virginia long boasted, and which was not entirely forgotten by the prince.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer.] at the restoration, the colony contained about thirty thousand persons. one of the causes which, during the government of harvey, had disquieted virginia, was the diminution of territory occasioned by grants of great tracts of country lying within the limits of the colony. the most remarkable of these was the grant of maryland to lord baltimore. [sidenote: maryland.] in june , charles i. granted to that nobleman for ever, "that region bounded by a line drawn from watkin's point on chesapeak bay, to the ocean on the east; thence, to that part of the estuary of delaware on the north, which lieth under the th degree, where new england is terminated; thence, in a right line, by the degree aforesaid, to the meridian of the fountain of the potowmac; thence, following its course, by the farther bank to its confluence." the territory described in this grant was denominated maryland, and was separated entirely from virginia. the proprietor was empowered, with the assent of the freemen, or their delegates, whom he was required to assemble for that purpose, to make all laws for the government of the new colony, not inconsistent with the laws of england. privileges, in other respects analogous to those given to the other colonies, were comprised in this charter; and it is remarkable that it contains no clause obliging the proprietary to submit the laws which might be enacted to the king, for his approbation or dissent; nor any reservation of the right of the crown to interfere in the government of the province.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. robertson.] this is the first example of the dismemberment of a colony, and the creation of another within its original limits, by the mere act of the crown. { } the first migration into the new colony consisted of about two hundred gentlemen with their adherents, chiefly roman catholics, who sailed from england under calvert, the brother of the proprietor, in november, and, early in the following year, landed in maryland, near the mouth of the potowmac. their first effort was to conciliate the good will of the natives, whose town they purchased, and called st. mary's. this measure was as wise as it was just. by obtaining the peaceable possession of land already prepared for cultivation, the marylanders were enabled to raise their food immediately; and this circumstance, together with their neighbourhood to virginia, where the necessaries of life were then raised in abundance, secured them from famine and its concomitant diseases;--afflictions which had swept away such numbers of the first settlers of north america. the inhabitants of virginia presented a petition against the grant to lord baltimore, which was heard before the privy council in july, . the decision was in favour of the continuance of the patent; leaving to the petitioners their remedy at law. to prevent farther differences, free commerce was permitted between the colonies; and they were enjoined to receive no fugitives from each other; to do no act which might bring on a war with the natives; and on all occasions to assist each other as became fellow subjects of the same state. { } [sidenote: assembly of all the freemen.] { } [sidenote: william clayborne.] in february , the first assembly of maryland was convened. it appears to have been composed of the whole body of the freemen. their acts were, most probably, not approved by the proprietor, who transmitted, in turn, for their consideration, a code of laws prepared by himself. this code was laid before the assembly who rejected it without hesitation, and prepared a body of regulations adapted to their situation. among these was an act of attainder against william clayborne, who was charged with felony and sedition, with having exercised the powers of government within the province without authority, and with having excited the indians to make war on the colony.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] as early as the year , charles had granted a license to william clayborne, one of the council and secretary of state of virginia, "to traffic in those parts of america for which there is already no patent granted for sole trade." to enforce this license, harvey, then governor of virginia, had granted his commission also, containing the same powers. under this license and commission, clayborne made a small settlement in the isle of kent, near annapolis, which he continued to claim; and refused to submit to the jurisdiction of maryland. not content with infusing his own turbulent spirit into the inhabitants of kent island, he scattered jealousies among the natives, and persuaded them that "the new comers" were spaniards, and enemies of the virginians. having been indicted, and found guilty of murder, piracy, and sedition, he fled from justice; whereupon his estate was seized and confiscated. clayborne loudly denounced these proceedings as oppressive, and complained of them to his sovereign. at the same time, he prayed for a confirmation of his former license to trade, and for a grant of other lands adjoining the isle of kent, with power to govern them. the lords commissioners of the colonies, to whom this subject was referred, determined that the lands in question belonged to lord baltimore; and that no plantation, or trade with the indians, within the limits of his patent, ought to be allowed, without his permission. the other complaints made by clayborne were not deemed proper for the interference of government. { } hitherto, the legislature had been composed of the whole body of the freemen. but the increase of population, and the extension of settlements, having rendered the exercise of the sovereign power by the people themselves intolerably burdensome, an act was passed, in , "for establishing the house of assembly." this act declared that those elected should be called burgesses, and should supply the place of the freemen who chose them, as do the representatives in the parliament of england. these burgesses, with others called by special writ, together with the governor and secretary, were to constitute the general assembly; but the two branches of the legislature were to sit in the same chamber. in , this last regulation was changed; and an act was passed declaring that those called by special writ should form the upper house, while those chosen by the hundreds should compose the lower house; and that bills assented to by both branches of the legislature and by the governor, should be deemed the laws of the province. { } perfect harmony prevailed between the proprietor and the people; and maryland, attentive to its own affairs, remained in a state of increasing prosperity until the civil war broke out in england. this government, like that of virginia, was attached to the royal cause; but clayborne, who took part with the parliament, found means to intrigue among the people, and to raise an insurrection in the province. calvert, the governor, was obliged to fly to virginia for protection; and the insurgents seized the reins of government. after the suppression of this revolt, and the restoration of tranquillity, an act of general pardon and oblivion was passed, from the benefits of which only a few leading individuals were excepted; but this, like most other insurrections, produced additional burdens on the people which did not so soon pass away. a duty, for seven years, of ten shillings on every hundred weight of tobacco exported in dutch bottoms, was granted to the proprietor; the one-half of which was appropriated to satisfy claims produced by the recovery and defence of the province.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] { } this state of repose was disturbed by the superintending care of parliament. in september , commissioners were appointed "for reducing and governing the colonies within the bay of chesapeak." among them was clayborne, the evil genius of maryland. as the proprietor had acknowledged and submitted to the authority of parliament, he was permitted to govern the colony in the name of "the keepers of the liberties of england;" but could not long retain the possession of actual authority. the distractions of england, having found their way into maryland, divided the colonists; and the commissioners supported with their countenance, the faction opposed to the established government. the contentions generated by this state of things, at length broke out in a civil war, which terminated in the defeat of the governor and the roman catholics. a new assembly was convened, which, being entirely under the influence of the victorious party, passed an act declaring that none who professed the popish religion could be protected in the province by the laws; that such as profess faith in god by jesus christ, although dissenting from the doctrine and discipline publicly held forth, should not be restrained from the exercise of their religion, provided such liberty was not extended to popery, or prelacy, or to such as, under the profession of christ, practise licentiousness. other laws in the same spirit were enacted; and a persecution was commenced against the quakers, as well as against those guilty of popery, and prelacy. a scene of revolutionary turbulence ensued, in the course of which a resolution was passed declaring the upper house to be useless, which continued in force until the restoration. philip calvert was then appointed governor by lord baltimore, and the ancient order of things was restored. the colony, notwithstanding these commotions, continued to flourish; and, at the restoration, its population was estimated at twelve thousand souls. chapter iii. first ineffectual attempts of the plymouth company to settle the country.... settlement at new plymouth.... sir henry rosewell and company.... new charter.... settlements prosecuted vigorously.... government transferred to the colonists.... boston founded.... religious intolerance.... general court established.... royal commission for the government of the plantations.... contest with the french colony of acadié.... hugh peters.... henry vane.... mrs. hutchinson.... maine granted to gorges.... quo warranto against the patent of the colony.... religious dissensions.... providence settled.... rhode island settled.... connecticut settled.... war with the piquods.... new haven settled. { } the steps by which the first, or southern colony, advanced to a firm and permanent establishment, were slow and painful. the company for founding the second, or northern colony, was composed of gentlemen residing in plymouth, and other parts of the west of england; was less wealthy, and possessed fewer resources than the first company, which resided in the capital. their efforts were consequently more feeble, and less successful, than those which were made in the south.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] { } { } { } the first vessel fitted out by this company was captured and confiscated by the spaniards, who, at that time, asserted a right to exclude the ships of all other nations from navigating the american seas. not discouraged by this misfortune, the company in the following year dispatched two other vessels, having on board about two hundred persons designed to form the proposed settlement. the colonists arrived safely on the american coast in autumn, and took possession of a piece of ground near the river sagahadoc, where they built fort st. george. their sufferings during the ensuing winter were extreme. many of the company, among whom were gilbert their admiral, and george popham their president, sank under the diseases by which they were attacked; and the vessels which brought them supplies in the following spring, brought also the information that their principal patron, sir john popham, chief justice of england, was dead. discouraged by their losses and sufferings, and by the death of a person on whom they relied chiefly for assistance, the surviving colonists determined to abandon the country, and embark on board the vessels then returning to england. the frightful pictures they drew of the country, and of the climate, deterred the company, for some time, from farther attempts to make a settlement, and their enterprizes were limited to voyages for the purposes of taking fish, and of trading with the natives for furs. one of these was made by captain smith, so distinguished in the history of virginia. having explored, with great accuracy, that part of the coast which stretches from penobscot to cape cod, he delineated it on a map; which he presented to the young prince of wales, with descriptions dictated by a sanguine mind, in which enthusiasm was combined with genius. the imagination of the prince was so wrought upon by the glowing colours in which smith painted the country, that he declared it should be called new england, which name it has ever since retained.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] the languishing company of plymouth, however, could not be stimulated to engage in farther schemes of colonisation, the advantages of which were distant and uncertain, while the expense was immediate and inevitable. to a stronger motive than even interest, is new england indebted for its first settlement. an obscure sect, which had acquired the appellation of brownists from the name of its founder, and which had rendered itself peculiarly obnoxious by the democracy of its tenets respecting church government, had been driven by persecution to take refuge at leyden in holland, where its members formed a distinct society under the care of their pastor, mr. john robinson. there they resided several years in safe obscurity. this situation, at length, became irksome to them. their families intermingled with the dutch, and they saw before them, with extreme apprehension, the danger of losing their separate identity. under the influence of these and other causes, they came to the determination of removing in a body to america. { } they applied to the london company for a grant of lands; and, to promote the success of their application by the certainty of their emigrating, they said, "that they were well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land. that they were knit together in a strict and sacred bond, by virtue of which they held themselves bound to take care of the good of each other, and of the whole. that it was not with them, as with other men, whom small things could discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again." the only privilege on which they insisted, was a license under the great seal, to practise and profess religion in that mode, which, under the impulse of conscience, they had adopted. this reasonable and moderate request was refused. james had already established the church of england in virginia; and, although he promised to connive at their non-conformity, and not to molest them while they demeaned themselves peaceably, he positively refused to give that explicit and solemn pledge of security, which they required. this, for a short time, suspended their removal; but the causes of their discontent in holland continuing, they, at length, determined to trust to the verbal declarations of the king, and negotiated with the virginia company for a tract of land within the limits of their patent.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] { } [sidenote: settlement at new plymouth.] in september, they sailed from england, with only one hundred and twenty men, in a single ship. their destination was hudson's river; but the first land they made was cape cod. they soon perceived that they were not only beyond their own limits, but beyond those of the company from which they derived their title; but it was now the month of november, and consequently too late in the season again to put to sea in search of a new habitation. after exploring the coast, they chose a position for their station, to which they gave the name of new at new plymouth. on the th of november, before landing, a solemn covenant was signed by the heads of families, and freemen, in which, after reciting that they had undertaken to plant a colony for the glory of god, and for the honour of their king and country, and professing their loyalty to their sovereign lord king james, they combined themselves into a body politic, for the purpose of making equal laws for the general good.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] having thus formed a compact, the obligation of which all admitted, they proceeded to the choice of a governor for one year; and to enable him the better to discharge the trust confided to him, they gave him one assistant. in , three others were added; and the number was afterwards increased to seven. the supreme power resided in, and, during the infancy of the colony, was exercised by, the whole body of the male inhabitants. they assembled together, occasionally, to determine on all subjects of public concern; nor was a house of representatives established until the year . they adopted the laws of england as a common rule of action, adding occasionally municipal regulations. some of the changes in their penal code strongly marked their character and circumstances. while only a moderate fine was imposed on forgery, fornication was punished with whipping, and adultery with death.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] misguided by their religious theories, they fell into the same error which had been committed in virginia, and, in imitation of the primitive christians, threw all their property into a common stock, laboured jointly for the common benefit, and were fed from the common stores. this regulation produced, even in this small and enthusiastic society, its constant effect. they were often in danger of starving; and severe whipping, administered to promote labour, only increased discontent. the colonists landed at a season of the year which was unfavourable to the establishment of a new settlement. the winter, which was intensely cold, had already commenced; and they were not in a condition to soften its rigours. before the return of spring, fifty of them perished with maladies increased by the hardships to which they were exposed, by the scarcity of food, and by the almost total privation of those comforts to which they had been accustomed. the survivors, as the season moderated, encountered new difficulties. their attention to the means of providing for their future wants was interrupted by the necessity of taking up arms to defend themselves against the neighbouring savages. fortunately for the colonists, the natives had been so wasted by pestilence, the preceding year, that they were easily subdued, and compelled to accept a peace, on equitable terms. the colonists were supported, under these multiplied distresses, by the hope of better times, and by that high gratification which men exasperated by persecution and oppression, derived from the enjoyment of the rights of conscience, and the full exercise of the powers of self-government. from their friends in england, they received occasional but scanty supplies; and continued to struggle against surrounding difficulties, with patience and perseverance. they remained in peace, alike exempt from the notice and oppression of government. yet, in consequence of the unproductiveness of their soil, and their adherence to the pernicious policy of a community of goods and of labour, they increased more slowly than the other colonies; and, in the year , amounted to only three hundred souls. until the year , they possessed no other title to their lands than is derived from occupancy. in that year they obtained a grant from the new plymouth company, but were never incorporated as a body politic by royal charter. having received no powers from the parliament or king, and being totally disregarded by the plymouth company, they remained a mere voluntary association, yielding obedience to laws, and to magistrates, formed and chosen by themselves. in this situation they continued undisturbed, and almost unknown, more tolerant and more moderate than their neighbours, until their union with a younger, and more powerful sister, who advanced with a growth unusually rapid to a state of maturity.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] the original company of plymouth, having done nothing effectual towards settling the territory which had been granted to them, and being unable to preserve the monopoly of their trade and fisheries, applied to james for a new and more enlarged patent. on the d of november, he granted that territory which lies between the th and th degrees of north latitude to the duke of lenox, the marquis of buckingham, and several others, in absolute property; and incorporated them under the name of "the council established at plymouth, for planting and governing that country called new england;" with jurisdiction and powers similar to those which had before been conferred on the companies of south and north virginia, and especially that of excluding all other persons whatever from trading within their boundaries and fishing in the neighbouring seas. this improvident grant, which excited the indignation of the people of england, then deeply interested in the fur trade and fisheries, soon engaged the attention, and received the censure of parliament. the patentees were compelled to relinquish their odious monopoly; and, being thus deprived of the funds on which they had relied to furnish the expense of supporting new settlements, they abandoned the design of attempting them. new england might have remained long unoccupied by europeans, had not the same causes, which occasioned the emigration of the brownists, still continued to operate. the persecution to which the puritans were exposed, increased their zeal and their numbers. in despair of obtaining at home a relaxation of those rigorous penal statutes under which they had long smarted, they looked elsewhere for that toleration which was denied them in their native land. understanding that their brethren in new plymouth were permitted to worship their creator according to the dictates of conscience, their attention was directed towards the same coast; and several small emigrations were made, at different times, to massachusetts bay; so termed from the name of the sachem who was sovereign of the country. { } [sidenote: sir henry rosewell and others.] mr. white, a non-conforming minister at dorchester, formed an association of several gentlemen, who had imbibed puritanical opinions, for the purpose of conducting a colony to the bay of massachusetts, and rendering it an asylum for the persecuted of his own persuasion. in prosecution of these views, a treaty was concluded with the council of plymouth for the purchase of part of new england; and that corporation, in march , sold to sir henry rosewell and others, all that part of new england lying three miles to the south of charles river, and three miles north of merrimack river, and extending from the atlantic to the south sea. a small number of planters and servants were, soon afterwards, dispatched under endicot, who, in september, laid the foundation of salem, the first permanent town in massachusetts.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] { } the purchasers perceived their inability to accomplish the settlement of the extensive regions they had acquired, without the aid of more opulent partners. these were soon found in the capital; but they required that a new charter should be obtained from the crown, comprehending their names, which should confirm the grant to the council of plymouth, and confer on the grantees the powers of government. so seldom is man instructed by the experience of others, that, disregarding the lessons furnished by virginia, they likewise required that the supreme authority should be vested in persons residing in london. the proprietors having acceded to these requisitions, application was made to charles for a patent conforming to them, which issued on the th day of march, . this charter incorporated the grantees by the name of "the governor and company of massachusetts bay in new england." the whole executive power was vested in a governor, a deputy governor, and eighteen assistants; to be named, in the first instance, by the crown, and afterwards elected by the company. the governor, and seven, or more, of the assistants, were authorised to meet in monthly courts, for the dispatch of such business as concerned the company, or settlement. the legislative power was vested in the body of the proprietors, who were to assemble four times a year in person, under the denomination of the general court; and besides electing freemen, and the necessary officers of the company, were empowered to make ordinances for the good of the community, and the government of the plantation and its inhabitants; provided they should not be repugnant to the laws of england. their lands were to be holden in free and common soccage; and the same temporary exemption from taxes, and from duties on exports and imports, which had been granted to the colony of virginia, was accorded to them. as in the charter of virginia, so in this, the colonists and their descendants were declared to be entitled to all the rights and privileges of natural born subjects. the patent being obtained, the governor and council engaged with ardour in the duties assigned them. to support the expenses of a fresh embarkation, it was resolved that every person subscribing fifty pounds, should be entitled to two hundred acres of land as the first dividend. five vessels sailed in may, carrying about two hundred persons, who reached salem in june. at that place they found endicot, to whom they brought a confirmation of his commission as governor. the colony consisted of three hundred persons, one hundred of whom removed to charlestown. religion, which had stimulated them to remove from their native land, became the first object of their care in the country they had adopted. being zealous puritans, they concurred in the institution of a church, establishing that form of policy, which has since been denominated independent. a confession of faith was drawn up to which the majority assented; and an association was formed in which they covenanted with the lord, and with each other, to walk together in all his ways, as he should be pleased to reveal himself to them. pastors, and other ecclesiastical officers, were chosen, who were installed into their sacred offices, by the imposition of the hands of the brethren.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] a church being thus formed, several were received as members who gave an account of their faith and hope as christians; and those only were admitted into the communion, whose morals and religious tenets were approved by the elders.[ ] [footnote : robertson.] { } pleased with the work of their hands, and believing it to be perfect, they could tolerate no difference of opinion. just escaped from persecution, they became persecutors themselves. some few of their number, attached to the ritual of the church of england, were dissatisfied with its total abolition; and, withdrawing from communion with the church, met apart, to worship god in the manner they deemed most proper. at the head of this small number were two of the first patentees, who were also of the council. they were called before the governor, who, being of opinion that their non-conformity and conversation tended to sedition, sent them to england. the opposition ceased when deprived of its leaders.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: government transferred to massachusetts bay.] the following winter brought with it the calamities which must be uniformly sustained by the first emigrants into a wilderness, where the cold is severe, and the privations almost universal. in the course of it, nearly half their number perished, "lamenting that they did not live to see the rising glories of the faithful." the fortitude, however, of the survivors, was not shaken; nor were their brethren in england deterred from joining them. religion supported the colonists under all their difficulties; and the intolerant spirit of the english hierarchy diminished, in the view of the puritans in england, the dangers and the sufferings to be encountered in america; and disposed them to forego every other human enjoyment, for the consoling privilege of worshipping the supreme being according to their own opinions. many persons of fortune determined to seek in the new world that liberty of conscience which was denied them in the old; but, foreseeing the misrule inseparable from the residence of the legislative power in england, they demanded, as preliminary to their emigration, that the powers of government should be transferred to new england, and be exercised in the colony. the company had already incurred expenses for which they saw no prospect of a speedy reimbursement; and although they doubted the legality of the measure, were well disposed by adopting it, to obtain such important aid. a general court was therefore convened, by whom it was unanimously resolved "that the patent should be transferred, and the government of the colony removed from london to massachusetts bay." it was also agreed that the members of the corporation remaining in england, should retain a share in the trading stock and profits for the term of seven years.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] { } [sidenote: boston founded.] such was the effect of this revolution in the system of government, that, early in the following year, fifteen hundred persons, among whom were several of family and fortune, embarked, at an expense of upwards of twenty thousand pounds, and arrived at salem in july. dissatisfied with this situation, they explored the country in quest of better stations; and, settling in many places around the bay, they laid the foundation of several towns, and, among others, of boston. { } the difficulty of obtaining subsistence, the difference of their food from that to which they had been accustomed, the intense cold of the winter, against which sufficient provision was not yet made, were still severely felt by the colonists, and still carried many of them to the grave; but that enthusiasm which had impelled them to emigrate, preserved all its force; and they met, with a firm unshaken spirit, the calamities which assailed them. our admiration of their fortitude and of their principles, sustains, however, some diminution from observing the sternness with which they denied to others that civil and religious liberty which, through so many dangers and hardships, they sought for themselves. their general court decreed that none should be admitted as freemen, or permitted to vote at elections, or be capable of being chosen as magistrates, or of serving as jurymen, but such as had been received into the church as members. thus did men who had braved every hardship for freedom of conscience, deny the choicest rights of humanity, to all those who dissented from the opinion of the majority on any article of faith, or point of church discipline. { } the numerous complaints of the severities exercised by the government of massachusetts, added to the immense emigration of persons noted for their enthusiasm, seem, at length, to have made some impression on charles; and an order was made by the king in council, to stop the ships at that time ready to sail, freighted with passengers for new england. this order, however, seems never to have been strictly executed, as the emigrations continued without any sensible diminution. { } hitherto the legislature had been composed of the whole body of the freemen. under this system, so favourable to the views of the few who possess popular influence, the real power of the state had been chiefly engrossed by the governor and assistants, aided by the clergy. the emigration, however, having already been considerable, and the settlements having become extensive, it was found inconvenient, if not impracticable, longer to preserve a principle which their charter enjoined. in the year , by common consent, the people elected delegates who met the governor and council, and constituted the general court. this important improvement in their system, rendered familiar, and probably suggested, by the practice in the mother country, although not authorised by the charter, remained unaltered, so long as that charter was permitted to exist.[ ] [footnote : robertson. chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: commission for the government of the plantations.] { } the colony of massachusetts having been conducted, from its commencement, very much on the plan of an independent society, at length attracted the partial notice of the jealous administration in england; and a commission for "the regulation and government of the plantations" was issued to the great officers of state, and to some of the nobility, in which absolute power was granted to the archbishop of canterbury and to others, "to make laws and constitutions concerning either their state public, or the utility of individuals." the commissioners were authorised to support the clergy by assigning them "tithes, oblations, and other profits, according to their discretion; to inflict punishment on those who should violate their ordinances; to remove governors of plantations, and to appoint others; and to constitute tribunals and courts of justice, ecclesiastical and civil, with such authority and form as they should think proper;" but their laws were not to take effect until they had received the royal assent, and had been proclaimed in the colonies. the commissioners were also constituted a committee to hear complaints against a colony, its governor or other officers, with power to remove the offender to england for punishment. they were farther directed to cause the revocation of such letters patent, granted for the establishment of colonies, as should, upon inquiry, be found to have been unduly obtained, or to contain a grant of liberties hurtful to the royal prerogative.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] from the first settlement at salem, the colony of massachusetts had cultivated the friendship of their neighbours of new plymouth. the bonds of mutual amity were now rendered more strict, not only by some appearances of a hostile disposition among the natives, but by another circumstance which excited alarm in both colonies. the voyages for discovery and settlement, made by the english and french, to the coast of north america, having been nearly cotemporaneous, their conflicting claims soon brought them into collision with each other. the same lands were granted by the sovereigns of both nations; and, under these different grants, actual settlements had been made by the french as far south and west as st. croix, and, by the english, as far north and east as penobscot. during the war with france, which broke out early in the reign of charles i., that monarch granted a commission to captain kirk for the conquest of the countries in america occupied by the french; under which, in , canada and acadié were subdued; but, by the treaty of st. germains, those places were restored to france without any description of their limits; and fort royal, quebec, and cape breton, were severally surrendered by name. in , a party of french from acadié committed a robbery on a trading house established at penobscot by the people of new plymouth. with the intelligence of this fact, information was also brought that cardinal richelieu had ordered some companies to acadié, and that more were expected the next year, with priests, jesuits, and other formidable accompaniments, for a permanent settlement. the governor of acadié established a military post at penobscot, and, at the same time wrote to the governor of new plymouth stating, that he had orders to displace the english as far as pemaquid. not being disposed to submit quietly to this invasion of territory, the government of new plymouth undertook an expedition for the recovery of the fort at penobscot, consisting of an english ship of war under the command of captain girling, and a bark with twenty men belonging to the colony. the garrison received notice of this armament, and prepared for its reception by fortifying and strengthening the fort; in consequence of which girling, after expending his ammunition and finding himself too weak to attempt the works by assault, applied to massachusetts for aid. that colony agreed to furnish one hundred men, and to bear the expense of the expedition by private subscription; but a sufficient supply of provisions, even for this small corps, could not be immediately obtained, and the expedition was abandoned. girling returned, and the french retained possession of penobscot till . the apprehensions entertained of these formidable neighbours contributed, in no small degree, to cement the union between massachusetts and plymouth.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] { } two persons, afterwards distinguished in english annals, arrived this year in boston. one was hugh peters, the coadjutor and chaplain of oliver cromwell; the other was mr. henry vane, the son of sir henry vane, who was, at that time a privy councillor of great credit with the king. the mind of this young gentleman was so deeply imbued with the political and religious opinions of the puritans, that he appeared ready to sacrifice, for the enjoyment of them, all his bright prospects in his native land. his mortified exterior, his grave and solemn deportment, his reputation for piety and wisdom, his strong professions of attachment to liberty and to the public good, added to his attention to some of the leading members in the church, won rapidly the affections of the people, and he was chosen their governor. his administration commenced with more external pomp than had been usual, or would seem to be congenial either with his own professions, or with the plain and simple manners of the people whom he governed. when going to court or church, he was always preceded by two sergeants who walked with their halberts. yet his popularity sustained no diminution, until the part he took in the religious controversies of the country detached from him many of its most judicious inhabitants.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] independent of the meetings for public worship on every sunday, of the stated lecture in boston on every thursday, and of occasional lectures in other towns, there were frequent meetings of the brethren of the churches, for religious exercises. mrs. hutchinson, who had been much flattered by the attentions of the governor, and of mr. cotton, one of the most popular of the clergy; who added eloquence to her enthusiasm, and whose husband was among the most respected men of the country; dissatisfied with the exclusion of her sex from the private meetings of the brethren, instituted a meeting of the sisters also, in which she repeated the sermons of the preceding sunday, accompanied with remarks and expositions. these meetings were attended by a large number of the most respectable of her sex; and her lectures were, for a time, generally approved. at length she drew a distinction between the ministers through the country. she designated a small number as being under a covenant of grace; the others, as being under a covenant of works. contending for the necessity of the former, she maintained that sanctity of life is no evidence of justification, or of favour with god; and that the holy ghost dwells personally in such as are justified. the whole colony was divided into two parties, equally positive, on these abstruse points, whose resentments against each other threatened the most serious calamities. mr. vane espoused, with zeal, the wildest doctrines of mrs. hutchinson, and mr. cotton decidedly favoured them. the lieutenant governor mr. winthrop, and the majority of the churches, were of the opposite party. many conferences were held; days of fasting and humiliation were appointed; a general synod was called; and, after violent dissensions, mrs. hutchinson's opinions were condemned as erroneous, and she was banished. many of her disciples followed her. vane, in disgust, quitted america; unlamented even by those who had lately admired him. he was thought too visionary; and is said to have been too enthusiastic even for the enthusiasts of massachusetts. the patentees, having no common object to prosecute, resolved to divide their lands; and, in the expectation of receiving a deed of confirmation for the particular portion which fortune should allot to each, cast lots, in the presence of james, for the shares each should hold in severalty. they continued, however, to act some years longer as a body politic, during which time, they granted various portions of the country to different persons; and executed under the seal of the corporation, deeds of feoffment for the lots drawn by each member of the company; patents of confirmation for which were solicited, but appear to have been granted only to gorges, for maine. the charter was surrendered by the company and accepted by the crown.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] { } charles, in pursuance of his determination to take the government of new england into his own hands, issued a proclamation directing that none should be transported thither who had not the special license of the crown, which should be granted to those only who had taken the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and had conformed to the discipline of the church of england. this order, however, could not be completely executed; and the emigrations, which were entirely of non-conformists, still continued. those who were disgusted with the ceremonials rigidly exacted in england, estimated so highly the simple frame of church policy established in massachusetts, that numbers surmounted every difficulty, to seek an asylum in this new jerusalem. among them were men of the first political influence and mental attainments. pym, hampden, hazlerig, and cromwell, with many others who afterwards performed a conspicuous part in that revolution which brought the head of charles to the block, are said to have been actually on board a vessel prepared to sail for new england, and to have been stopped by the special orders of the privy council.[ ] [footnote : hume.] { } the commissioners for the regulation and government of the plantations having reported that massachusetts had violated its charter, a writ of _quo warranto_ was issued, on which judgment was given in favour of the crown. the process was never served on any member of the corporation; and it is therefore probable that the judgment was not final. the privy council however ordered the governor and company to send their patent to england to be surrendered. the general court answered this order by a petition to the commissioners in which they said, "we dare not question your lordship's proceedings in requiring our patent to be sent unto you; we only desire to open our griefs; and if in any thing we have offended his majesty or your lordships, we humbly prostrate ourselves at the foot stool of supreme authority; we are sincerely ready to yield all due obedience to both; we are not conscious that we have offended in any thing, as our government is according to law; we pray that we may be heard before condemnation, and that we may be suffered to live in the wilderness." fortunately for the colonists, charles and his commissioners found too much employment at home, to have leisure for carrying into complete execution, a system aimed at the subversions of what was most dear to the hearts of americans. to the religious dissensions which distracted massachusetts, and to the rigour with which conformity was exacted, is to be attributed the first settlement of the other colonies of new england. as early as the year , roger williams, a popular preacher at salem, who had refused to hold communion with the church at boston, because its members refused to make a public declaration of their repentance for having held communion with the church of england during their residence in that country, was charged with many exceptionable tenets. among several which mark his wild enthusiasm, one is found in total opposition, to the spirit of the times and to the severity of his other doctrines. he maintained, that to punish a man for any matter of conscience is persecution, and that even papists and arminians are entitled to freedom of conscience in worship, provided the peace of civil society be secured. the divines of massachusetts, in opposition to this doctrine, contended that they did not persecute men for conscience, but corrected them for sinning against conscience; and so they did not persecute, but punish heretics. this unintelligible sophism not convincing williams, he was, for this, and for his other heresies, banished by the magistrates, as a disturber of the peace of the church, and of the commonwealth. [illustration: plymouth, massachusetts, in _from the painting by w.l. williams_ _here, under governor bradford, who directed their destiny for a precarious quarter of a century, the pilgrim fathers strove desperately to maintain a foothold in america, and several times were on the point of abandoning the enterprise. to such straits were they reduced, in , a year after the death of governor carter, that half rations were doled out, and when, in may of that year, a ship arrived from england bearing encouraging letters to the pilgrims, but no substantial supplies, governor bradford remarked bitterly: "all this is but cold comfort to fill hungry bellies."_] [sidenote: providence settled.] many of his disciples followed him into exile, and, travelling south until they passed the line of massachusetts, purchased a tract of land of the narraghansetts, then a powerful tribe of indians, where, in , they made a settlement to which they gave the name of providence. after fixing the place of their future residence, they entered into a voluntary association, and framed a government composed of the whole body of freemen. after the manner of massachusetts, they created a church by collecting a religious society; but, as one of the causes of their migration had been the tenet that all were entitled to freedom of conscience in worship, entire toleration was established. the new settlers cultivated with assiduity the good will of the natives, with whom a long peace was preserved.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: rhode island settled.] the banishment of williams was soon followed by that of mrs. hutchinson. she was accompanied by many of her disciples, who, pursuing the steps of williams, and, arriving in his neighbourhood, purchased a tract of land from the same tribe, and founded rhode island. imitating the conduct of their neighbours, they formed a similar association for the establishment of civil government, and adopted the same principles of toleration. in consequence of this conduct the island soon became so populous as to furnish settlers for the adjacent shores.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] { } [sidenote: connecticut settled.] { } connecticut too is a colony of massachusetts. as early as the year , several persons, among whom was mr. hooker, a favourite minister of the church, applied to the general court of massachusetts for permission to pursue their fortunes in some new and better land. this permission was not granted at that time; and, it being then the received opinion that the oath of a freeman, as well as the original compact, bound every member of the society so as not to leave him the right to separate himself from it without the consent of the whole, this emigration was suspended. the general court, however, did not long withhold its assent. the country having been explored, and a place selected on the west side of the river connecticut, a commission was granted to the petitioners to remove, on the condition of their still continuing under the jurisdiction of massachusetts, some few huts had been erected the preceding year in which a small number of emigrants had wintered; and, the fall succeeding, about sixty persons traversed the wilderness in families. in , about one hundred persons, led by pynchon, hooker, and haynes, followed the first emigrants, and founded the towns of hartford, springfield, and weathersfield. there are some peculiarities attending this commission and this settlement, which deserve to be noticed. the country to be settled was, confessedly, without the limits of massachusetts; yet roger ludlow was authorised to promulgate the orders which might be necessary for the plantations; to inflict corporal punishment, imprisonment, and fines; to determine all differences in a judicial way; and to convene the inhabitants in a general court, if it should be necessary. this signal exercise of authority grew out of the principle, solemnly asserted by the general court of massachusetts, that the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth was binding, although the person should no longer reside within its limits. there were other difficulties attending the title of the settlers. the dutch at manhadoes, or new york, claimed a right to the river, as its first discoverers. in addition to this hostile title, lord say and seal, and lord brooke, with some others, contemplating a retreat in the new world from the despotism with which england was threatened, had made choice of connecticut river for that purpose, and had built a fort at its mouth, called saybrooke. the emigrants from massachusetts, however, kept possession; and proceeded to clear and cultivate the country. they purchased the rights of lord say and seal, and lord brooke, and their partners; and the dutch, being too feeble to maintain their title by the sword, gradually receded from the river. the emigrants, disclaiming the authority of massachusetts, entered into a voluntary association for the establishment of a government, which, in its form, was like those established in the other colonies of new england. the principal difference between their constitution and that of massachusetts was, that they imparted the right of freemen to those who were not members of the church.[ ] [footnote : all the powers of government for nearly three years, seem to have been in the magistrates. two were appointed in each town, who directed all the affairs of the plantation. the freemen appear to have had no voice in making the laws, or in any part of the government except in some instances of general and uncommon concern. in these instances committees were sent from the several towns to a general meeting. during this term, juries seem not to have been employed in any case.] these new establishments gave great and just alarm to the piquods, a powerful tribe of indians on the south of massachusetts. they foresaw their own ruin in this extension of the english settlements; and the disposition excited by this apprehension soon displayed itself in private murders, and other acts of hostility. with a policy suggested by a strong sense of danger, they sought a reconciliation with the narraghansetts, their ancient enemies and rivals; and requested them to forget their long cherished animosities, and to co-operate cordially against a common enemy whose continuing encroachments threatened to overwhelm both in one common destruction. noticing the rapid progress of the english settlements, they urged, with reason, that, although a present friendship subsisted between the narraghansetts and the new comers, yet all, in turn, must be dispossessed of their country, and this dangerous friendship could promise no other good than the wretched privilege of being last devoured. [sidenote: war with the piquods.] these representations could not efface from the bosoms of the narraghansetts, that deep rooted enmity which neighbours, not bound together by ligaments of sufficient strength to prevent reciprocal acts of hostility, too often feel for each other. dreading still less the power of a foreign nation, than that of men with whom they had been in the habit of contending, they not only refused to join the piquods, but communicated their proposition to the government of massachusetts, with whom they formed an alliance against that tribe. open war being resolved on by both parties, captain underhill was sent to the relief of fort saybrooke which had been besieged by the indians; and the three colonies, massachusetts, plymouth, and connecticut, agreed to march their united forces into the country of the piquods, to effect their entire destruction. the troops of connecticut were first in motion. those of massachusetts were detained by the controversy concerning the covenant of works, and of grace, which had insinuated itself into all the transactions of that colony. their little army, when collected, found itself divided by this metaphysical point; and the stronger party, believing that the blessing of god could not be expected to crown with success the arms of such unhallowed men as their opponents in faith on this question, refused to march until their small band was purified by expelling the unclean, and introducing others whose tenets were unexceptionable. while this operation was performing, the troops of connecticut, reinforced by a body of friendly indians and by a small detachment from saybrooke, determined to march against the enemy. the piquods had taken two positions which they had surrounded with palisadoes, and had resolved to defend. the nearest was on a small eminence surrounded by a swamp near the head of mystic river. against this fort the first attack was made. the indians, deceived by a movement of the vessels from saybrooke to narraghansett, believed the expedition to have been abandoned; and celebrated, in perfect security, the supposed evacuation of their country. about day-break, while they were asleep, the english approached, and the surprise would have been complete, had they not been alarmed by the barking of a dog. they immediately gave the war whoop, and flew undismayed to arms. the english rushed to the attack, forced their way through the works, and set fire to the indian wigwams. the confusion soon became general, and almost every man was killed or taken. soon after this action, the troops of massachusetts arrived, and it was resolved to pursue the victory. several skirmishes terminated unfavourably to the piquods; and, in a short time, they received another total defeat, which put an end to the war. a few only of this once powerful nation survived, who, abandoning their country, dispersed themselves among the neighbouring tribes, and were incorporated with them.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison. trumbull.] this vigorous essay in arms of the new england colonists impressed on the indians a high opinion of their courage and military superiority; but their victory was sullied with cruelties which cannot be recollected without mingled regret and censure. { } immediately after the termination of this war new haven was settled. [sidenote: new haven settled.] a small emigration from england conducted by eaton and davenport, arrived at boston in june. unwilling to remain where power and influence were already in the hands of others, they refused to continue within the jurisdiction of massachusetts; and, disregarding the threats at manhadoes, settled themselves west of connecticut river, on a place which they named new haven. their institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, were in the same spirit with those of their elder sister, massachusetts. the colony was now in a very flourishing condition. twenty-one thousand two hundred emigrants had arrived from england; and, although they devoted great part of their attention to the abstruse points of theology which employed the casuists of that day, they were not unmindful of those solid acquisitions which permanently improve the condition of man. sober, industrious, and economical, they laboured indefatigably in opening and improving the country, and were unremitting in their efforts to furnish themselves with those supplies which are to be drawn from the bosom of the earth. of these, they soon raised a surplus for which fresh emigrants offered a profitable market; and their foreign trade in lumber, added to their fish and furs, furnished them with the means of making remittances to england for those manufactures which they found it advantageous to import. their fisheries had become so important as to attract the attention of government. for their encouragement, a law was passed exempting property employed in catching, curing, or transporting fish, from all duties and taxes, and the fishermen, and ship builders, from militia duty. by the same law, all persons were restrained from using cod or bass fish for manure. chapter iv. massachusetts claims new hampshire and part of maine.... dissensions among the inhabitants.... confederation of the new england colonies.... rhode island excluded from it.... separate chambers provided for the two branches of the legislature.... new england takes part with parliament.... treaty with acadié.... petition of the non-conformists.... disputes between massachusetts and connecticut.... war between england and holland.... machinations of the dutch at manhadoes among the indians.... massachusetts refuses to join the united colonies in the war.... application of new haven to cromwell for assistance.... peace with the dutch.... expedition of sedgewic against acadié.... religious intolerance. { } [sidenote: massachusetts claims new hampshire and part of maine.] the government of massachusetts, induced by the rapidity with which the colony had attained its present strength to form sanguine hopes of future importance, instituted an inquiry into the extent of their patent, with a view to the enlargement of territory. to facilitate this object, commissioners were appointed to explore the merrimack, and to ascertain its northernmost point. the charter conveyed to the grantees all the lands within lines to be drawn three miles south of charles river, and the same distance north of the merrimack. the government construed this description as authorising a line to be drawn due east from a point three miles north of the head of merrimack, which soon leaves that river, and includes all new hampshire, and a considerable part of maine. in pursuance of this exposition of the charter, the general court asserted its jurisdiction over new hampshire, in which there were a few scattered habitations, and proceeded to authorise settlements in that country.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] the attempts which had been made to colonise the northern and eastern parts of new england had proved almost entirely unsuccessful. sir ferdinando gorges and john mason had built a small house at the mouth of piscataqua, about the year ; and, nearly at the same time, others erected a few huts along the coast from merrimack eastward to sagadahock for the purpose of fishing. in , gorges and mason sent over a small party of planters and fishermen under the conduct of a mr. williams, who laid the foundation of portsmouth. when the plymouth company divided new england among its members, that territory lying along the coast from merrimack river, and for sixty miles into the country to the river piscataqua, was granted to mason, and was called new hampshire; that territory northeastward of new hampshire, to the river kennebec, and sixty miles into the country, was granted to sir ferdinando gorges. in , gorges obtained a patent for this district under the name of maine, comprehending the lands for one hundred, instead of sixty miles, into the country, together with the powers of sovereignty. he framed a system of government which, being purely executive, could not even preserve itself. after struggling with a long course of confusion, and drawing out, for several years, a miserable political existence, maine submitted itself to the jurisdiction of massachusetts, and consented to become a part of that colony. in the course of the years and , this junction was effected, and maine was erected into a county, the towns of which sent deputies to the general court at boston. to this county was conceded the peculiar privilege that its inhabitants, although not members of the church, should be entitled to the rights of freemen on taking the oath.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] the settlements in new hampshire, too, were maintaining only a doubtful and feeble existence, when they drew a recruit of inhabitants from the same causes which had peopled rhode island and connecticut. { } in , when mrs. hutchinson and other antinomians were exiled, mr. wheelright, her brother in law, a popular preacher, was likewise banished. he carried with him a considerable number of his followers; and, just passing the north-eastern boundary of massachusetts, planted the town of exeter. these emigrants immediately formed themselves, according to the manner of new england, into a body politic for their own government. { } a few persons arrived soon afterwards from england, and laid the foundation of the town of dover. they also established a distinct government. their first act proved to be the source of future discord. the majority chose one underbill as governor; but a respectable minority was opposed to his election. to this cause of discontent was added another of irresistible influence. they were divided on the subject of the covenant of works, and of grace. these dissensions soon grew into a civil war, which was happily terminated by williams, who was, according to the practice of small societies torn by civil broils, invited by the weaker party to its aid. he marched from portsmouth at the head of a small military force; and, banishing the governor, and the leaders of the antinomian faction, restored peace to this distracted village. massachusetts had asserted a right over this territory. her claim derived aid, not only from the factions which agitated these feeble settlements, but also from the uncertainty of the tenure by which the inhabitants held their lands. only the settlers at portsmouth had acquired a title from mason; and the others were, consequently, unfriendly to his pretensions. these causes produced a voluntary offer of submission to the government of massachusetts, which was accepted; and the general court passed an order, declaring the inhabitants of piscataqua to be within their jurisdiction, with the privileges of participating in all their rights, and of being exempted from all "public charges, other than those which shall arise for, or among themselves, or from any action, or course that may be taken for their own good or benefit." under the protecting wing of this more powerful neighbour, new hampshire attained the growth which afterwards enabled her to stand alone; and long remembered with affection the benefits she had received.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] charles, environed with difficulties arising from his own misrule, was at length compelled to meet his parliament; and, in november, the great council of the nation was again assembled. the circumstances which had caused such considerable emigrations to new england, existed no longer. the puritans were not only exempt from persecution, but became the strongest party in the nation; and, from this time, new england is supposed to have derived no increase of population from the parent state.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] [sidenote: confederation of the new england colonies.] { } about the same period many evidences were given of a general combination of the neighbouring indians against the settlements of new england; and apprehensions were also entertained of hostility from the dutch at manhadoes. a sense of impending danger suggested the policy of forming a confederacy of the sister colonies for their mutual defence; and so confirmed had the habit of self-government become since the attention of england was absorbed in her domestic dissensions, that it was not thought necessary to consult the parent state on this important measure. after mature deliberation, articles of confederation were digested; and in may , they were conclusively adopted.[ ] [footnote : this was an union, says mr. trumbull, of the highest consequence to the new england colonies. it made them formidable to the dutch and indians, and respectable among their french neighbours. it was happily adapted to maintain harmony among themselves, and to secure the rights and peace of the country. it was one of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars, and unsettled state of affairs in england. it was the great source of mutual defence in philip's war; and of the most eminent service in civilising the indians, and propagating the gospel among them. the union subsisted more than forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the new england colonies by king james ii.] by them the united colonies of new england, viz. massachusetts, plymouth, connecticut, and new haven, entered into a firm and perpetual league, offensive and defensive. each colony retained a distinct and separate jurisdiction; no two colonies could join in one jurisdiction without the consent of the whole; and no other colony could be received into the confederacy without the like consent. the charge of all wars was to be borne by the colonies respectively, in proportion to the male inhabitants of each, between sixteen and sixty years of age. on notice of an invasion given by three magistrates of any colony, the confederates were immediately to furnish their respective quotas. these were fixed at one hundred from massachusetts, and forty-five from each of the other parties to the agreement. if a larger armament should be found necessary, commissioners were to meet, and ascertain the number of men to be required. two commissioners from each government, being church members, were to meet annually on the first monday in september. six possessed the power of binding the whole. any measure approved by a majority of less than six was to be referred to the general court of each colony, and the consent of all was necessary to its adoption. they were to choose annually a president from their own body, and had power to frame laws or rules of a civil nature, and of general concern. of this description were rules which respected their conduct towards the indians, and measures to be taken with fugitives from one colony to another. no colony was permitted, without the general consent, to engage in war, but in sudden and inevitable cases. if, on any extraordinary meeting of the commissioners, their whole number should not assemble, any four who should meet were empowered to determine on a war, and to call for the respective quotas of the several colonies; but not less than six could determine on the justice of the war, or settle the expenses, or levy the money for its support. if any colony should be charged with breaking an article of the agreement, or with doing an injury to another colony, the complaint was to be submitted to the consideration and determination of the commissioners of such colonies as should be disinterested.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison. trumbull.] [sidenote: rhode island excluded from it.] this union, the result of good sense, and of a judicious consideration of the real interests of the colonies, remained in force until their charters were dissolved. rhode island, at the instance of massachusetts, was excluded; and her commissioners were not admitted into the congress of deputies which formed the confederation. on her petitioning at a subsequent period to be received as a member, her request was refused, unless she would consent to be incorporated with plymouth. this condition being deemed inadmissible, she never was taken into the confederacy. from the formation of this league, its members were considered by their neighbours as one body with regard to external affairs, and such as were of general concern; though the internal and particular objects of each continued to be managed by its own magistrates and legislature. the vigorous and prudent measures pursued by the united colonies, disconcerted the plans of the indians, and preserved peace. rhode island and providence plantations, excluded from the general confederacy, were under the necessity of courting the friendship of the neighbouring indians. so successful were their endeavours that, in the year , they obtained from the chiefs of the narraghansetts a formal surrender of their country.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] the first general assembly, consisting of the collective freemen of the plantations, was convened in may, . in this body the supreme authority of the nation resided. the executive duties were performed by a governor and four assistants, chosen from among the freemen by their several towns; and the same persons constituted also the supreme court for the administration of justice. every township, forming within itself a corporation, elected a council of six, for the management of its peculiar affairs, and for the settlement of its disputes.[ ] [footnote : ibid.] { } hitherto the governor, assistants, and representatives, of massachusetts had assembled in the same chamber, and deliberated together. at first their relative powers do not seem to have been accurately understood; nor the mode of deciding controverted questions to have been well defined. the representatives being the most numerous body, contended that every question should be decided by a majority of the whole, while the assistants asserted their right to a negative. more than once, this contest suspended the proceedings of the general court. but the assistants having, with the aid of the clergy, succeeded on each occasion, the representatives yielded the point, and moved that separate chambers should be provided for the two branches of the legislature. this motion being carried in the affirmative, their deliberations were afterwards conducted apart from each other. this regulation was subsequently modified with respect to judicial proceedings; for the legislature was the court of the last resort. if, in these, the two houses differed, the vote was to be taken conjointly. [sidenote: new england takes part with parliament.] in england, the contests between the king and parliament, at length ripened into open war. the colonies of new england took an early and sincere part on the side of parliament. their interests were committed to such agents as might best conciliate the favour of the house of commons, who, in return, manifested the impression received from them, and from the general conduct of their northern colonies, by passing a resolutions exempting from the payment of "duties or other customs," until the house should order otherwise, all merchandises exported to or from new england.[ ] and, in , the general court passed an ordinance declaring "that what person soever shall by word, writing, or action, endeavour to disturb our peace directly or indirectly by drawing a party under pretence that he is for the king of england, and such as join with him against the parliament, shall be accounted as an offender of a high nature against this commonwealth, and to be proceeded with either capitally or otherwise, according to the quality and degree of his offence; provided always that this shall not be extended against any merchants, strangers and shipmen that come hither merely for trade or merchandise, albeit they should come from any of those parts that are in the hands of the king, and such as adhere to him against the parliament; carrying themselves here quietly, and free from railing, or nourishing any faction, mutiny, or sedition among us as aforesaid."[ ] [footnote : in the subsequent year parliament exempted new england from all taxes "until both houses should otherwise direct;" and, in , all the colonies were exempted from all talliages except the excise, "provided their productions should be exported only in english bottoms."] [footnote : hutchison.] these manifestations of mutual kindness were not interrupted by an ordinance of parliament, passed in , appointing the earl of warwick, governor in chief and lord high admiral of the colonies, with a council of five peers, and twelve commoners, to assist him; and empowering him, in conjunction with his associates, to examine the state of their affairs; to send for papers and persons; to remove governors and officers, appointing others in their places; and to assign over to them such part of the powers then granted as he should think proper. jealous as were the people of new england of measures endangering their liberty, they do not appear to have been alarmed at this extraordinary exercise of power. so true is it that men close their eyes on encroachments committed by that party to which they are attached, in the delusive hope that power, in such hands, will always be wielded against their adversaries, never against themselves. [sidenote: treaty with acadié.] this prosperous state of things was still farther improved by a transaction which is the more worthy of notice as being an additional evidence of the extent to which the colonies of new england then exercised the powers of self-government. a treaty of peace and commerce was entered into between the governor of massachusetts, styling himself governor of new england, and monsieur d'aulney, lieutenant general of the king of france in acadié. this treaty was laid before the commissioners for the colonies and received their sanction. { } [sidenote: petition of the non-conformists.] the rigid adherence of massachusetts to the principle of withholding the privilege of a freeman from all who dissented from the majority in any religious opinion, could not fail to generate perpetual discontents. a petition was presented to the general court, signed by several persons highly respectable for their situation and character, but, not being church members, excluded from the common rights of society, complaining that the fundamental laws of england were not acknowledged by the colony; and that they were denied those civil and religious privileges to which they were entitled, as freeborn englishmen, of good moral conduct. their prayer to be admitted to the rights, or to be relieved from the burdens, of society, was accompanied with observations conveying a very intelligible censure on the proceedings of the colony, and a threat of applying to parliament, should the prayer of their petition be rejected. the most popular governments not being always the most inclined to tolerate opinions differing from those of the majority, this petition gave great offence, and its signers were required to attend the court. their plea, that the right to petition government was sacred, was answered by saying that they were not accused for petitioning, but for using contemptuous and seditious expressions. they were required to find sureties for their good behaviour; and, on refusing to acknowledge their offence, were fined at the discretion of the court. an appeal from this decision having been refused, they sent deputies to lay their case before parliament; but the clergy exerted themselves on the occasion; and the celebrated cotton, in one of his sermons, asserted "that if any should carry writings or complaints against the people of god in that country to england, it would be as jonas in the ship." a storm having risen during the passage, the mariners, impressed with the prophecy of cotton, insisted that the obnoxious papers should be thrown overboard; and the deputies were constrained to consign their credentials to the waves. on their arrival in england, they found parliament but little disposed to listen to their complaints. the agents of massachusetts had received instructions to counteract their efforts; and the governments of new england were too high in favour, to admit of a rigid scrutiny into their conduct.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] in some of the internal dissensions which agitated massachusetts, winthrop, a man of great influence, always among their first magistrates, and often their governor, was charged while deputy governor with some arbitrary conduct. he defended himself at the bar, in the presence of a vast concourse of people; and, having been honourably acquitted, addressed them from the bench, in a speech which was highly approved. as this speech tends to illustrate the political opinions of the day, an extract from it may not be unworthy of regard. "the questions," he said, "which have troubled the country of late, and from which these disturbances in the state have arisen, have been about the authority of the magistrate and the liberty of the people. magistracy is certainly an appointment from god. we take an oath to govern you according to god's law, and our own; and if we commit errors, not willingly, but for want of skill, you ought to bear with us, because, being chosen from among yourselves, we are but men, and subject to the like passions as yourselves. nor would i have you mistake your own liberty. there is a freedom of doing what we list, without regard to law or justice; this liberty is indeed inconsistent with authority; but civil, moral, and federal liberty, consists in every man's enjoying his property, and having the benefit of the laws of his country; which is very consistent with a due subjection to the civil magistrate. and for this you ought to contend, with the hazard of your lives."[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] during the remnant of his life, he was annually chosen governor. { } about this time, a controversy which had long subsisted between massachusetts, and connecticut, was terminated. the latter, for the purpose of maintaining saybrooke, had laid a duty on all goods exported from connecticut river. the inhabitants of springfield, a town of massachusetts lying on the river, having refused to pay this duty, the cause was laid before the commissioners of the united colonies; and, after hearing the parties, those of plymouth and new haven adjourned the final decision of the case until the next meeting, in order to hear farther objections from massachusetts, but directed that, in the meantime, the duty should be paid. at the meeting in , massachusetts insisted on the production of the patent of connecticut. it was perfectly well known that the original patent could not be procured; and the agents for connecticut, after stating this fact, offered an authentic copy. the commissioners recommended that the boundary line should be run, to ascertain whether springfield was really in massachusetts, but still directed that the duty should continue to be paid. on this order being made, the commissioners of massachusetts produced a law of their general court, reciting the controversy, with the orders which had been made in it, and imposing a duty on all goods belonging to the inhabitants of plymouth, connecticut, or new haven, which should be imported within the castle, or exported from any part of the bay, and subjecting them to forfeiture for non-payment. the commissioners remonstrated strongly against this measure, and recommended it to the general court of massachusetts, seriously to consider whether such proceedings were reconcilable with "the law of love," and the tenor of the articles of confederation. in the meantime, they begged to be excused from "all farther agitations concerning springfield." in this state of the controversy fort saybrooke was consumed by fire, and connecticut forbore to re-build it, or to demand the duty. in the following year, massachusetts repealed the ordinance which had so successfully decided the contest.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] thus does a member of a confederacy, feeling its own strength, and the weakness of those with whom it is associated, deride the legitimate decisions of the federal body, when opposed to its own interest or passions, and obey the general will, only when that will is dictated by itself. { } although, while civil war raged in the mother country, new england had been permitted to govern itself as an independent nation, parliament seems to have entertained very decisive opinions respecting the subordination of the provinces, and its own controlling power. the measures taken for giving effect to these opinions, involved all the colonies equally. the council of state was authorised to displace governors and magistrates, and to appoint others. massachusetts was required to take a new patent, and to hold its courts, not in the name of the colony, but in the name of the parliament. the general court, unwilling to comply with these requisitions, transmitted a petition to parliament, styling that body "the supreme authority," and expressing for it the highest respect. they stated their uniform attachment to parliament during the civil war, the aid they had given, and the losses they had sustained. after speaking of the favours they had received, they expressed the hope "that it will not go worse with them than it did under the late king; and that the frame of this government will not be changed, and governors and magistrates imposed on them against their will." they declared, however, their entire submission to the will of parliament; and, avowing for that body the most zealous attachment, prayed a favourable answer to their humble petition. but the united colonies had lately given great umbrage by supplying virginia and barbadoes, then enemies of the commonwealth, with warlike stores and other commodities. it was also matter of real complaint that their exemption from the payment of duties enabled them to enrich themselves at the expense of others; and a revocation of their privileges in this respect was seriously contemplated. yet the requisitions concerning their charter were never complied with, and do not appear to have been repeated.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] { } [sidenote: machinations of the dutch with the indians.] in this year, war was declared by england against holland. the united colonies, accustomed to conduct their affairs in their own way, did not think themselves involved in this contest, unless engaged in it by some act of their own. the dutch at manhadoes, too weak to encounter their english neighbours, solicited the continuance of peace; and, as the trade carried on between them was mutually advantageous, this request was readily granted. intelligence however was soon brought by the indians, that the dutch were privately inciting them to a general confederacy for the purpose of extirpating the english. this intelligence gave the more alarm, because the massacre at amboyna was then fresh in the recollection of the colonists. an extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at boston, who were divided in opinion with regard to the propriety of declaring war. in consequence of this division, a conference was held before the general court and several elders of massachusetts. the elders, being requested to give their opinion in writing, stated "that the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot, tending to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of god, imputed to the dutch governor, and the fiscal, were of such weights as to induce them to believe the reality of it; yet they were not so fully conclusive as to clear up a present proceeding to war before the world, and to bear up their hearts with that fullness of persuasion which was mete, in commending the case to god in prayer, and to the people in exhortations; and that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword; but advised to be in a posture of defence until the mind of god should be more fully known either for a settled peace, or more manifest grounds of war."[ ] with this opinion of the elders, the vote of the general court concurred. [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] the intelligence of the practices of the dutch governor with the indians becoming more certain, all the commissioners except mr. bradstreet of massachusetts, declared in favour of war. their proceedings were immediately interrupted by a declaration of the general court of massachusetts, that no determination of the commissioners, although they should be unanimous, should bind the general court to join in an offensive war which should appear to be unjust. a serious altercation ensued, in the course of which the other colonies pressed the war as a measure essential to their safety; but massachusetts adhered inflexibly to its first resolution. this additional evidence of the incompetency of their union to bind one member, stronger than all the rest, threatened a dissolution of the confederacy; and that event seems to have been prevented only by the inability of the others to stand alone. alarmed at their situation, and irritated by the conduct of their elder sister, connecticut and new haven represented cromwell, then lord protector of england, the danger to which the colonies were exposed from the dutch and the indians; and the hazard the smaller provinces must continue to incur, unless the league between them could be maintained and executed according to its true intent, and the interpretation which its articles had uniformly received. { } with his usual promptness and decision, cromwell detached a small armament for the reduction of the dutch colony, and recommended to massachusetts to furnish aid to the expedition. although the legitimate requisitions of the government of the union had been ineffectual, the recommendation of the lord protector was not to be disregarded; and the general court passed a resolution conforming to it. a treaty of peace, which was signed in april, saved the dutch colony.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: expedition against acadié.] { } the progress of the french in their neighbourhood had been viewed with regret and apprehension by all new england. sedgewic, the commander of the forces which had been destined against manhadoes, animated with the vigour of his master, was easily prevailed on to turn his arms against a people, whose religious tenets he detested, and whose country he hated. he soon dislodged the french from penobscot, and subdued all acadié. the ministers of his most christian majesty, pending the negotiations for the treaty of westminster, demanded restitution of the forts pentagoet, st. johns, and port royal; but, each nation having claims on the country, their pretensions were referred to the arbitrators appointed to adjust the damages committed on either side since the year ; and the restitution of acadié was postponed for future discussion. { } cromwell seems not to have intended to restore the countries he had conquered. he granted to st. etienne, crown and temple, for ever, the territory denominated acadié, and part of the country commonly called nova scotia, extending along the coast to pentagoet, and to the river st. george. until the restoration, the colonies of new england continued in a state of unexampled prosperity. those regulations respecting navigation, which were rigorously enforced against others less in favour, were dispensed with for their benefit. they maintained external peace by the vigour and sagacity with which their government was administered; and, improved the advantages which the times afforded them by industry and attention to their interests. in this period of prosperity, they acquired a degree of strength and consistence which enabled them to struggle through the difficulties that afterwards assailed them. these sober industrious people were peculiarly attentive to the instruction of youth. education was among the first objects of their care. in addition to private institutions, they had brought the college at cambridge to a state of forwardness which reflects much credit on their character. as early as the year , the general court had bestowed four hundred pounds on a public school at newtown, the name by which cambridge was then known. two years afterwards, an additional donation was made by the reverend mr. john harvard, in consequence of which the institution received the name of harvard college. in , this college was placed under the government of the governor, and deputy governor, and of the magistrates, and ministers of the six next adjacent towns, who, with the president were incorporated for that purpose; and, in , its first charter was granted.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] it is to be lamented that the same people possessed a degree of bigotry in religion, and a spirit of intolerance, which their enlightened posterity will view with regret. during this period of prosperity, the government maintained the severity of its institutions against all those who dissented from the church; and exerted itself assiduously in what was thought the holy work of punishing heretics, and introducing conformity in matters of faith. in this time, the sect denominated quakers appeared. they were fined, imprisoned, whipped, and, at length put to death; but could not be totally suppressed. as enthusiastic as their persecutors, they gloried in their sufferings, and deemed themselves the martyrs of truth. chapter v. transactions succeeding the restoration of charles ii.... contests between connecticut and new haven.... discontents in virginia.... grant to the duke of york.... commissioners appointed by the crown.... conquest of the dutch settlements.... conduct of massachusetts to the royal commissioners.... their recall.... massachusetts evades a summons to appear before the king and council.... settlement of carolina.... form of government.... constitution of mr. locke.... discontents in the county of albemarle.... invasion from florida.... abolition of the constitution of mr. locke.... bacon's rebellion.... his death.... assembly deprived of judicial power.... discontents in virginia.... population of the colony. { } the restoration of charles ii. was soon known in america, and excited, in the different colonies very different emotions. in virginia, and in maryland, the intelligence was received with transport, and the king was proclaimed amidst acclamations of unfeigned joy. in massachusetts, the unwelcome information was heard with doubt, and in silence. republicans in religion and in politics, all their affections were engaged in favour of the revolutionary party in england, and they saw, in the restoration of monarchy, much more to fear than to hope for themselves. nor were they mistaken in their forebodings. no sooner was charles seated on the throne, than parliament voted a duty of five _per centum_ on all merchandises exported from, or imported into, any of the dominions belonging to the english crown; and, in the course of the same session the celebrated navigation act was re-enacted. the difficulty of carrying this system into execution among a distant people, accustomed to the advantages of a free trade, was foreseen; and the law directed that the governors of the several plantations should, before entering into office, take an oath faithfully to observe it.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] as some compensation to the colonists for these commercial restraints, it was also enacted that no tobacco should be planted or made in england or ireland, guernsey, or jersey. these regulations confined the trade of the colonies to england; and confined on them, exclusively, the production of tobacco. charles, on ascending the throne, transmitted to sir william berkeley a commission as governor of virginia, with instructions to summon an assembly, and to assure it of his intention to grant a general pardon to all persons, other than those who were attainted by act of parliament; provided all acts passed during the rebellion, derogating from the obedience due to the king and his government, should be repealed. { } the assembly, which had been summoned in march , in the name of the king, though he was not then acknowledged in england, and which had been prorogued by the governor to the following march, then convened, and engaged in the arduous task of revising the laws of the colony. one of the motives assigned for this revision strongly marks the temper of the day. it is that they may "repeal and expunge all unnecessary acts, and chiefly such as might keep in memory their forced deviation from his majesty's obedience."[ ] [footnote : virginia laws. chalmer.] this laborious work was accomplished; and, in its execution, the first object of attention was religion. the church of england was established by law, and provision was made for its ministers. to preserve the purity and unity of its doctrines and discipline, those only who had been ordained by some bishop in england, and who should subscribe an engagement to conform to the constitution of the church of england and the laws there established, could be inducted by the governor: and no others were permitted to preach. the day of the execution of charles i. was ordered to be kept as a fast; and the anniversaries of the birth, and of the restoration of charles ii. to be celebrated as holy days. the duties on exports and tonnage were rendered perpetual; the privilege of the burgesses from arrest was established, and their number fixed; the courts of justice were organised; and many useful laws were passed, regulating the interior affairs of the colony.[ ] [footnote : virginia laws. chalmer.] an effort was made to encourage manufactures, especially that of silk. for each pound of that article which should be raised, a premium of fifty pounds of tobacco was given; and every person was enjoined to plant a number of mulberry trees proportioned to his quantity of land, in order to furnish food for the silk worm. but the labour of the colony had been long directed to the culture of tobacco, and indian corn; and new systems of culture can seldom be introduced until their necessity becomes apparent. this attempt to multiply the objects of labour did not succeed, and the acts on the subject were soon repealed. in maryland, the legislature was also convened, and, as in virginia, their first employment was to manifest their satisfaction with the restoration; after which they entered upon subjects of general utility. { } [sidenote: rhode island incorporated.] rhode island, excluded from the confederacy of the other new england colonies, and dreading danger to her independence from massachusetts, was well pleased at the establishment of an authority which could overawe the strong, and protect the weak. charles ii. was immediately proclaimed; and an agent was deputed to the court of that monarch, for the purpose of soliciting a patent, confirming the right of the inhabitants to the soil, and jurisdiction of the country. the object of the mission was obtained, and the patentees were incorporated by the name of "the governor and company of the english colony of rhode island and providence." the legislative power was vested in an assembly to consist of the governor, deputy governor, the assistants, and such of the freemen as should be chosen by the towns. the presence of the governor or his deputy, and of six assistants, was required to constitute an assembly. they were empowered to pass laws adapted to the situation of the colony, and not repugnant to those of england. "that part of the dominions of the crown in new england containing the islands in narraghansetts bay, and the countries and parts adjacent," was granted to the governor and company and their successors, with the privilege to pass through, and trade with, any other english colonies.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] [sidenote: patent to connecticut.] in connecticut, the intelligence of the restoration was not attended by any manifestation of joy or sorrow. winthrop was deputed to attend to the interests of the colony; and, in april, , he obtained a charter incorporating them by the name of "the governor and company of the english colony of connecticut in new england." the executive, as in the other colonies of new england, consisted of a governor, deputy governor, and assistants. the legislature was composed of the members of the executive, and of two deputies from every town. it was authorised to appoint annually the governor, assistants, and other officers; to erect courts of justice, and to make such laws as might be necessary for the colony, with the usual proviso, that they should not be contrary to those of england. to this corporation, the king granted that part of his dominions in new england, bounded, on the east, by narraghansetts bay, on the north, by the southern line of massachusetts, on the south, by the sea, and extending in longitude from east to west, with the line of massachusetts, to the south sea. { } [sidenote: contest between connecticut and new haven.] by this charter, new haven was, without being consulted, included in connecticut. the freemen of that province, dissatisfied with this measure, determined in general meeting, "that it was not lawful to join;" and unanimously resolved to adhere to their former association. a committee was appointed to address the assembly of connecticut on this interesting subject. they insisted, not that the charter was void, but that it did not include them. a negotiation between the two provinces was commenced, in which the people of new haven maintained their right to a separate government with inflexible perseverance, and with a considerable degree of exasperation. they appealed to the crown from the explanation given by connecticut to the charter; and governor winthrop, the agent who had obtained that instrument, and who flattered himself with being able, on his return, to conciliate the contending parties, deemed it advisable to arrest all proceeding on their petition, by pledging himself that no injury should be done to new haven by connecticut; and that the incorporation of the two colonies should be effected only by the voluntary consent of both. the government of connecticut, however, still persisting to assert its jurisdiction, attempted to exercise it by claiming obedience from the people, appointing constables in their towns, disavowing the authority of the general court of new haven, and protecting those who denied it. complaints of these proceedings were laid before the commissioners of the united colonies, who declared that new haven was still an integral member of the union, and that its jurisdiction could not be infringed without a breach of the articles of confederation. disregarding this decision, connecticut pursued unremittingly, the object of incorporation. the inhabitants of new haven were encouraged to refuse the payment of taxes imposed by their legislature; and, when distress was made on the disobedient, assistance was obtained from hartford. these proceedings seemed only to increase the irritation on the part of new haven, where a deep sense of injury was entertained, and a solemn resolution taken to break off all farther treaty on the subject. this state of things was entirely changed by a piece of intelligence which gave the most serious alarm to all new england. information was received that the king had granted to his brother, the duke of york, all the lands claimed by the dutch, to which he had annexed a considerable part of the territory over which the northern colonies had exercised jurisdiction; and that an armament for the purpose of taking possession of the grant might soon be expected. to this it was added, that commissioners were to come at the same time, empowered to settle the disputes, and to new model the governments, of the colonies. the commissioners of the united colonies, perceiving the necessity of accommodating internal differences, now took a decided part in favour of the proposed incorporation. the most intelligent inhabitants of new haven became converts to the same opinion; but the prejudices imbibed by the mass of the people being still insurmountable, a vote in favour of the union could not be obtained. at length, after the arrival of the commissioners appointed by the crown, and a manifestation of their opinion in favour of the incorporation; after a long course of negotiation which terminated in a compact establishing certain principles of equality required by the jealousy of new haven; the union was completed, and the representatives of the two colonies met in the same assembly. during the frequent changes which took place in england after the death of cromwell, massachusetts preserved a cautious neutrality; and seemed disposed to avail herself of any favourable occurrences, without exposing herself to the resentments of that party which might ultimately obtain the ascendancy. although expressly ordered, she did not proclaim richard as lord-protector; nor did she take any step to recognise the authority of parliament. the first intelligence of the restoration of charles was received with the hesitation of men who are unwilling to believe a fact too well supported by evidence to be discredited; and when they were informed of it in a manner not to be questioned, they neither proclaimed the king, nor manifested, by any public act, their admission of his authority. this was not the only testimony of their dissatisfaction. whaley and goff, two of the judges of charles i., came passengers in the vessel which brought this intelligence, and were received with distinction by the government, and with affection by the people.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. trumbull.] in a session of the general court, held in october, , an address to the king was moved; but reports of the yet unsettled state of the kingdom being received, the motion did not prevail. they had seen so many changes in the course of a few months, as to think it not improbable that an address to the king might find the executive power in the hands of a committee of safety, or council of state. this uncertain state of things was not of long continuance. in november, a ship arrived from bristol, bringing positive advices of the joyful and universal submission of the nation to the king, with letters from their agent, and from others, informing them that petitions had been presented against the colony, by those who thought themselves aggrieved by its proceedings. the time for deliberation was passed. a general court was convened, and a loyal address to the king was voted, in which, with considerable ability, though in the peculiar language of the day, they justified their whole conduct; and, without abandoning any opinion concerning their own rights, professed unlimited attachment to their sovereign. a similar address was made to parliament; and letters were written to those noblemen who were the known friends of the colony, soliciting their interposition in its behalf. a gracious answer being returned by the king, a day of thanksgiving was appointed to acknowledge their gratitude to heaven for inclining the heart of his majesty favourably to receive and answer their address. their apprehensions, however, of danger from the revolution in england still continued. reports prevailed that their commercial intercourse with virginia and the islands was to be interdicted; and that a governor-general might be expected whose authority should extend over all the colonies. on this occasion, the general court came to several resolutions, respecting the rights of the people, and the obedience due from them, which are strongly expressive of their deliberate opinions on these interesting subjects. it was resolved, that the patent (under god) is the first and main foundation of the civil polity of the colony. that the governor and company are, by the patent, a body politic, invested with the power to make freemen. that the freemen have authority to choose annually a governor, deputy governor, assistants, representatives, and all other officers. that the government thus constituted hath full power, both legislative and executive, for the government of all the people, whether inhabitants or strangers, without appeals; save only in the case of laws repugnant to those of england. that the government is privileged by all means, even by force of arms, to defend itself both by land and sea, against all who should attempt injury to the plantation or its inhabitants, and that in their opinion, any imposition prejudicial to the country, contrary to any just law of theirs, (not repugnant to the laws of england) would be an infringement of their rights.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. chalmer.] these strong and characteristic resolutions were accompanied by a recognition of the duties to which they were bound by their allegiance. these were declared to consist, in upholding that colony as belonging of right to his majesty, and not to subject it to any foreign prince; in preserving his person and dominions; and in settling the peace and prosperity of the king and nation, by punishing crimes, and by propagating the gospel.[ ] [footnote : idem.] it was, at the same time, determined that the royal warrant, which had been received sometime before, for apprehending whaley and goff, ought to be faithfully executed. these persons however were permitted to escape to connecticut, where they were received with every demonstration of regard, and to remain during life in new england, only taking care not to appear in public. at length, in august , it was determined to proclaim the king; but, as if unable to conceal the reluctance with which this step was taken, an order was made, on the same day, prohibiting all disorderly behaviour on the occasion, and, in particular, directing that no man should presume to drink his majesty's health, "which," adds the order, "he hath in a special manner forbid." farther intelligence being received from england of the increasing complaints against the government of massachusetts, agents were deputed with instructions to represent the colonists as loyal and obedient subjects, to remove any ill impressions that had been made against them, and to learn the disposition of his majesty toward them; but to do nothing which might prejudice their charter. the agents, who engaged reluctantly in a service from which they rightly augured to themselves censure rather than approbation, were received more favourably than had been expected. they soon returned with a letter from the king, confirming their charter, and containing a pardon for all treasons committed during the late troubles, with the exception of those only who were attainted by act of parliament. but the royal missive also required that the general court should review its ordinances, and repeal such of them as were repugnant to the authority of the crown; that the oath of allegiance should be taken by every person; that justice should be administered in the king's name; that all who desired it, should be permitted to use the book of common prayer, and to perform their devotions according to the ceremonials of the church of england; and that freeholders of competent estates, not vicious, should be allowed to vote in the election of officers, though they were of different persuasions in church government.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. chalmer.] these requisitions gave much disquiet; and that alone seems ever to have been complied with which directed judicial proceedings to be carried on in the name of the king. the agents on their return were ill received by the people; and were considered as having sacrificed the interests of their country, because, with the agreeable, were mingled some bitter though unavoidable ingredients. during these transactions, the parliament of england proceeded to complete its system of confining the trade of the colonies to the mother country. it was enacted that no commodity of the growth or manufacture of europe, shall be imported into the settlements of england, in asia, africa, or america, but such as shall be shipped in england, and proceed directly in english bottoms, navigated by englishmen. salt for the fisheries, wine from madeira and the azores; and servants, horses, and victuals, from scotland and ireland, were excepted from this general rule. to counterbalance these restrictions, duties were imposed on salted and dried fish caught or imported by other vessels than those belonging to subjects of the crown; and additional regulations were made for enforcing the prohibition of the culture of tobacco in england. these commercial restrictions were the never failing source of discontent and controversy between the mother country and her colonies. even in those of the south, where similar restraints had been enforced by cromwell, they were executed imperfectly; but, in new england, where the governors were elected by the people, they appear to have been, for some time, entirely disregarded.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. chalmer.] [sidenote: discontents in virginia.] the good humour which prevailed in virginia on the restoration of charles to the throne, was not of long duration. the restraints on commerce, and the continually decreasing price of tobacco, soon excited considerable discontents. the legislature endeavoured, by prohibiting its culture for a limited time, to raise its value; but, maryland refusing to concur in the measure, the attempt was unsuccessful. other legislative remedies were applied with as little advantage. acts were passed suspending all proceedings in the courts of law, except for goods imported; giving to country creditors priority in payment of debts; and to contracts made within the colony, precedence in all courts of justice. such expedients as these have never removed the discontents which produced them. { } [sidenote: grant to the duke of york.] the english government seems, at all times, to have questioned the right of the dutch to their settlements in america; and never to have formally relinquished its claim to that territory. charles now determined to assert it; and granted to his brother the duke of york "all that part of the main land of new england, beginning at a certain place called and known by the name of st. croix, next adjoining to new england in america, and from thence extending along the sea coast unto a certain place called pemaquie, or pemaquid, and so up the river thereof to the farthest head of the same, as it tendeth northward; and extending from thence to the river kernbequin, and so upwards by the shortest course to the river canada northward; and also all that island or islands commonly called by the general name or names of meitowax, or long island, situate and being towards the west of cape cod, and the narrow highgansetts, abutting upon the main land between the two rivers there called and known by the several names of connecticut and hudson's river, and all the land from the west side of connecticut river to the east side of delaware bay, and also all those several islands called or known by the names of martha's vineyard or nantucks, otherwise nantucket." [sidenote: commissioners appointed by the crown.] to reduce this country, part of which was then in the peaceable possession of the dutch, colonel nichols was dispatched with four frigates, carrying three hundred soldiers. in the same ships, came four commissioners, of whom colonel nichols was one, "empowered to hear and determine complaints and appeals in causes, as well military as civil and criminal, within new england; and to proceed in all things for settling the peace and security of the country." intelligence of this deputation preceded its arrival, and the preparation made for its reception, evidences the disposition then prevailing in massachusetts. a committee was appointed to repair on board the ships as soon as they should appear, and to communicate to their commanders the desire of the local government that the inferior officers and soldiers should be ordered, when they came on shore to refresh themselves, "at no time to exceed a convenient number, to come unarmed, to observe an orderly conduct, and to give no offence to the people and laws of the country." as if to manifest in a still more solemn manner their hostility, to the objects of the commissioners, a day of fasting and prayer was appointed to implore the mercy of god under their many distractions and troubles.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] the commissioners arrived in july, and their commission was immediately laid before the council, with a letter from the king requiring prompt assistance for the expedition against new netherlands. [sidenote: conquest of the dutch colony.] the general court, which was immediately convened, after having first resolved "that they would bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty, and adhere to their patent, so dearly obtained, and so long enjoyed, by undoubted right in the sight of god and man," determined to raise two hundred men for the expedition. in the mean time colonel nichols proceeded to manhadoes. the auxiliary force raised by massachusetts was rendered unnecessary by the capitulation of new amsterdam, which was soon followed by the surrender of the whole province. the year after captain argal had subdued manhadoes, the garrison, having obtained a reinforcement from holland, returned to their ancient allegiance. in , the states general made a grant of the country to the west india company, who erected a fort called good hope on connecticut (which they denominated fresh) river, and another called nassau on the east side of delaware bay. the fort on connecticut river, however, did not protect that frontier against the people of new england, who continued to extend their settlements towards the south. the dutch remonstrated in vain against these encroachments, and were under the necessity of receding as their more powerful neighbours advanced, until the eastern part of long island, and the country within a few miles of the hudson were relinquished. farther south, the dutch had built fort casimir (now new castle) on the delaware. this fort was taken from them by the swedes, who claimed the western shore of that river, but was retaken by the dutch, who, at the same time, conquered christina, and received the submission of the few swedes who were scattered on the margin of the river. they also made a settlement at cape henlopen, which attracted the attention of lord baltimore, who sent a commission to new castle ordering the dutch governor to remove beyond the th degree of north latitude, to which his lordship's claim extended. this mandate however was not obeyed. on the appearance of colonel nichols before new amsterdam, stuyvesant, the governor, was disposed to defend the place; but the inhabitants, feeling no inclination for the contest, took part with their invaders; and stuyvesant was compelled to sign a capitulation, by which he surrendered the town to the english, stipulating for the inhabitants their property, and the rights of free denizens. new amsterdam took the name of new york, and the island of manhattans that of york island.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. smith.] hudson's, and the south, or delaware river, were still to be reduced. carteret commanded the expedition against fort orange, up hudson's river, which surrendered on the twenty-fourth of september, and received the name of albany. while at that place, he formed a league with the five nations, which proved eminently useful to the views of the english in america. the command of the expedition against the settlement on the delaware was given to sir robert carr, who completed the conquest of that country. thus did england acquire all that fine country lying between her southern and northern colonies; an acquisition deriving not less importance from its situation, than from its extent and fertility. nichols took possession of the conquered territory, but was compelled to surrender a part of it to carteret. soon after the patent to the duke of york, and before the conquest of new netherlands, that prince had granted to lord berkeley, and sir george carteret, all that tract of land adjacent to new england, to the westward of long island, bounded on the east, south, and west, by the river hudson, the sea, and the delaware; and, on the north, by forty-one degrees and forty minutes north latitude. this country was denominated new jersey.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. smith.] the conquest of new netherlands being achieved, the commissioners entered on the other duties assigned them. a great part of connecticut had been included in the patent to the duke of york; and a controversy concerning limits arose between that colony and new york. in december, their boundaries were adjusted by the commissioners in a manner which appears to have been satisfactory to all parties. in plymouth, and in rhode island, the commissioners found no difficulty in the full exercise of the powers committed to them. in massachusetts, they were considered as men clothed with an authority subversive of the liberties of the colony, which the sovereign could not rightly confer. the people of that province had been long in habits of self-government, and seem to have entertained opinions which justified their practice. they did not acknowledge that allegiance to the crown which is due from english subjects residing within the realm; but considered themselves as purchasers from independent sovereigns of the territory which they occupied, and as owing to england, only that voluntary subjection which was created and defined by their charter. they considered this instrument as a compact between the mother country and themselves, and as enumerating all the cases in which obedience was due from them. in this spirit, they agreed, soon after the arrival of the commissioners, on an address to the crown. this address, in which they express great apprehension of danger to their rights from the extraordinary powers granted to men not appointed in conformity with their charter, is drawn up in a style of much earnestness and sincerity, and concludes with these remarkable words, "let our government live, our patent live, our magistrates live, our religious enjoyments live; so shall we all yet have farther cause to say from our hearts, let the king live for ever." this address was accompanied with letters to many of the nobility supposed to possess influence at court, praying their intercession in behalf of the colony; but neither the address, nor the letters were favourably received.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] { } [sidenote: conduct of massachusetts to the royal commissioners.] in april the commissioners arrived at boston, and their communications with the general court commenced. the suspicions which these two bodies entertained of each other, opposed great obstacles to any cordial co-operation between them. the papers, on the part of the commissioners, display high ideas of their own authority, as the representatives of the crown, and a pre-conceived opinion that there was a disposition in the government to resist that authority. those on the part of the general court manifest a wish to avoid a contest with the crown, and a desire to gratify his majesty, so far as professions of loyalty and submission could gratify him; but they manifest also a conviction of having done nothing improper, and a steadfast determination to make no concession incompatible with their rights. with these impressions, the correspondence soon became an altercation. the commissioners, finding their object was to be obtained neither by reasoning, nor by threats, attempted a practical assertion of their powers by summoning the parties before them, in order to hear and decide a complaint against the governor and company. the general court, with a decision which marked alike their vigour, and the high value they placed on their privileges, announced by sound of trumpet, their disapprobation of this proceeding, which they termed inconsistent with the laws and established authority; and declared that, in observance of their duty to god and to his majesty, and of the trust reposed in them by his majesty's good subjects in the colony, they could not consent to such proceedings, nor countenance those who would so act, or such as would abet them. as a ground of compromise, the court stated their willingness to hear the case themselves in the presence of the commissioners, who would thereby be enabled to understand its merits; but this proposition was at once rejected, and every effort towards reconciliation proved unavailing.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] { } from massachusetts, the commissioners proceeded to new hampshire and maine. they decided in favour of the claims of mason and gorges, and erected a royal government in each province, appointed justices of the peace, and exercised other acts of sovereignty; after which they returned to boston. the general court, declaring that their proceedings to the eastward tended to the disturbance of the public peace, asked a conference on the subject, which was refused with a bitterness of expression that put an end to all farther communication between the parties. massachusetts, soon afterwards, re-established her authority both in new hampshire and maine. [sidenote: they are recalled.] charles, on being informed of these transactions, recalled his commissioners, and ordered the general court to send agents to england, to answer the complaints made against its proceedings. the court, having more than once experienced the benefits of procrastination, affected at first to disbelieve the authenticity of the letter; and afterwards excused themselves from sending agents by saying that the ablest among them could not support their cause better than had already been done. during these transactions in the north, new colonies were forming in the south. in the year , that tract of country extending from the th degree of north latitude to the river st. matheo, was made a province by the name of carolina, and granted to lord clarendon, the duke of albemarle, lord craven, lord berkeley, lord ashley, sir george carteret, sir john colleton, and sir william berkeley, in absolute property for ever. this charter bears a strong resemblance to that of maryland, and was probably copied from it. [sidenote: settlement of carolina.] the proprietors took immediate measures for settlement the settlement of their colony. its constitution consisted of a governor, to be chosen by themselves from thirteen persons nominated by the colonists; and an assembly to be composed of the governor, council, and representatives of the people, who should have power to make laws not contrary to those of england, which were to remain in force until the dissent of the proprietors should be published. perfect freedom in religion was promised; and, as an inducement to emigration, one hundred acres of land, at the price of a half penny for each acre, were allowed for every freeman, and fifty for every servant, who should, within the space of five years, be settled in the province. a small settlement had been made on albemarle sound by some emigrants from virginia, the superintendence of which had been conferred by the proprietors, on sir william berkeley, then governor of that colony; with instructions to visit it, to appoint a governor and council of six persons for the management of its affairs, and to grant lands to the inhabitants on the same terms that those in virginia might be obtained. the attention of the proprietors was next turned to the country south of cape fear, which, as far as the river st. matheo, was erected into a county by the name of clarendon. considerable numbers from barbadoes emigrated into it, one of whom, mr. john yeamans, was appointed commander in chief; and, in , a separate government was erected in it, similar to that in albemarle. the proprietors having discovered some valuable lands not comprehended in their original patent, obtained a new charter which bestowed on them a more extensive territory. this charter grants that province within the king's dominions in america, extending north eastward to carahtuke inlet, thence in a straight line to wyonok, which lies under degrees minutes north latitude; south westward to the th degree of north latitude; and from the atlantic ocean to the south sea. powers of government and privileges analogous to those comprised in other colonial charters, were also contained in this. { } the people of albemarle, employed like those of virginia, in the cultivation of corn and tobacco, received their scanty supplies principally from new england; and carried on their small commerce in the vessels of those colonies. their progress was slow, but they were contented. a new constitution was given them, by which the executive power was placed in a governor, to act by the advice of a council of twelve, six of whom were to be chosen by himself, and the others by the assembly, which was composed of the governor, the council, and twelve delegates, to be elected annually by the freeholders. perfect freedom in religion was established, and all were entitled to equal privileges, on taking the oaths of allegiance to the king, and of fidelity to the proprietors. the first acts of this legislature indicate the condition and opinions of the people. it was declared that none should be sued, during five years, for any cause of action arising out of the country; and that no person should accept a power of attorney to receive debts contracted abroad. { } [sidenote: constitution of mr. locke.] the proprietors, dissatisfied with their own systems, applied to mr. locke for the plan of a constitution. they supposed that this profound and acute reasoner must be deeply skilled in the science of government. in compliance with their request, he framed a body of fundamental laws which were approved and adopted. a palatine for life was to be chosen from among the proprietors, who was to act as president of the palatine court, which was to be composed of all those who were entrusted with the execution of the powers granted by the charter. a body of hereditary nobility was created, to be denominated landgraves, and caciques, the former to be invested with four baronies, consisting each of four thousand acres, and the latter to have two, containing each two thousand acres of land. these estates were to descend with the dignities for ever. the provincial legislature, denominated a parliament was to consist of the proprietors, in the absence of any one of whom, his place was to be supplied by a deputy appointed by himself; of the nobility; and of the representatives of the freeholders, who were elected by districts. these discordant materials were to compose a single body which could initiate nothing. the bills to be laid before it were to be prepared in a grand council composed of the governor, the nobility, and the deputies of the proprietors, who were invested also with the executive power. at the end of every century, the laws were to become void without the formality of a repeal. various judicatories were erected, and numerous minute perplexing regulations were made. this constitution, which was declared to be perpetual, soon furnished additional evidence, to the many afforded by history, of the great but neglected truth, that experience is the only safe school in which the science of government is to be acquired; and that the theories of the closet must have the stamp of practice, before they can be received with implicit confidence. { } the duke of albemarle was chosen the first palatine, but did not long survive his election; and lord berkeley was appointed his successor. the other proprietors were also named to high offices; and mr. locke was created a landgrave. after this change of constitution, the attention of the proprietors was first directed to the south. a settlement was made at port royal, under the conduct of william sayle, who had been appointed governor of that part of the coast which lies south-west of cape carteret. he was accompanied by joseph west, who was intrusted with the commercial affairs of the proprietors, and who, with the governor, conducted the whole mercantile business of the colony. william sayle, after leading the first colony to port royal, and convening a parliament in which there were neither landgraves nor caciques, became the victim of the climate; after which, the authority of sir john yeamans, who had hitherto governed the settlement at cape fear, was extended over the territory south-west of cape carteret. in the same year, the foundation of _old charlestown_ was laid, which continued, for some time, to be the capital of the southern settlements. while these exertions were making in the south, great dissatisfaction was excited in albemarle. in , stevens, the governor, had been ordered to introduce into that settlement, the constitution prepared by mr. locke. this innovation was strenuously opposed; and the discontent it produced was increased by a rumour, which was not the less mischievous for being untrue, that the proprietors designed to dismember the province. there was also another cause which increased the ill humour pervading that small society. the proprietors attempted to stop the trade carried on in the vessels of new england, and the attempt produced the constant effect of such measures--much ill temper both on the part of those who carried on the traffic, and of those for whom it was conducted. at length, these discontents broke out into open insurrection. the insurgents, led by culpeper, who had been appointed surveyor-general of carolina, obtained possession of the country, seized the revenues, and imprisoned the president, with seven deputies who had been named by the proprietors. having taken possession of the government, they established courts of justice, appointed officers, called a parliament, and, for several years, exercised the powers of an independent state; yet they never, formally, disclaimed the power of the proprietors. all this time, the titheables of albemarle, a term designating all the men, with the negroes and indian women, between sixteen and sixty years of age, amounted only to fourteen hundred; and the exports consisted of a few cattle, a small quantity of indian corn, and about eight hundred thousand weight of tobacco. { } about this time, an event occurred in the southern settlements, showing as well the poverty of the people, as the manner in which the affairs of the proprietors were conducted. joseph west, their agent, was appointed to succeed yeamans in the government; and, the colony being unable to pay his salary, the plantation, and mercantile stock of the proprietors, were assigned to him in satisfaction of his claims. in england, the opinion had been long entertained that the southern colonies were adapted to the production of those articles which succeed in the warmer climates of europe. in pursuance of this opinion, charles, in , employed two vessels to transport foreign protestants into the southern colony for the purpose of raising wine, oil, silk, and other productions of the south; and, to encourage the growth of these articles, exempted them, for a limited time, from taxation. the effort, however, did not succeed. old charlestown being found an inconvenient place for the seat of government, the present charleston became the metropolis of south carolina. this situation was deemed so unhealthy, that directions were given to search out some other position for a town. the seat of government, however, remained unaltered until the connexion with great britain was dissolved. carolina continued to increase slowly in wealth and population without any remarkable incident, except the invasion of its most southern settlement by the spaniards from st. augustine. this was occasioned, in part, by the jealousy with which the english colony inspired its neighbours, but was principally, and immediately attributable to the countenance given, in charleston, to the buccaneers who then infested those seas, and who were particularly hostile to the spaniards. it was with difficulty the colonists were prevented by the proprietors from taking ample vengeance for this injury. their resentments, though restrained, were not extinguished; and, until the annexation of the floridas to the british crown, these colonies continued to view each other with distrust and enmity. [sidenote: constitution of mr. locke abandoned.] the dissatisfaction of the colony with its constitution grew with its population. after some time a settled purpose was disclosed, to thwart and oppose the wishes of the proprietors in every thing. wearied with a continued struggle to support a system not adapted to the condition of the people, the proprietors at length abandoned the constitution of mr. locke, and restored the ancient form of government.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. history of south carolina and georgia.] [sidenote: discontents of virginia.] the discontents which arose in virginia soon after the restoration, continued to augment. to the regularly decreasing price of tobacco, and the restraints imposed on commerce by the acts of navigation, other causes of dissatisfaction were soon added. large grants of land were made to the favourites of the crown: and considerable burdens were produced, and injuries inflicted by the hostility of the indians. agents were deputed to remonstrate against these improvident grants, as well as to promote the views of the colony with regard to other objects of great moment; and a considerable tax was imposed to support the expense of the deputation. they are said to have been on the point of obtaining the objects of their mission, when all farther proceedings were suspended in consequence of a rebellion, which, for a time, wore a very serious aspect. [sidenote: bacon's rebellion.] { } at the head of the insurgents was colonel nathaniel bacon, a gentleman who had received his education, in england, at the inns of court; and had been appointed a member of the council soon after his arrival in virginia. young, bold, and ambitious; possessing an engaging person, and commanding elocution; he was well calculated to rouse and direct the passions of the people. treading the path by which ambition marches to power, he harangued the people on their grievances, increased their irritation against the causes of their disgust, and ascribed the evils with which they thought themselves oppressed to those who governed them, while he professed no other object than their good. he declaimed particularly against the languor with which the indian war had been prosecuted; and, striking the note to which their feelings were most responsive, declared that, by proper exertions, it might have been already terminated. the people, viewing him as their only friend, and believing the zeal he manifested to be produced solely by his devotion to their cause gave him their whole confidence and elected him their general. in return, he assured them that he would never lay down his arms until he had avenged their sufferings on the savages, and redressed their other grievances. { } he applied to the governor for a commission appointing him general to prosecute the war against the indians. a temporising policy being pursued, he entered jamestown at the head of six hundred armed men, and obtained all he demanded, from an intimidated government. no sooner had he withdrawn from the capital than the governor, at the request of the assembly which was then in session, issued a proclamation declaring him a rebel, and commanding his followers to deliver him up, and to retire to their respective homes. bacon and his army, equally incensed at this piece of impotent indiscretion, returned to jamestown, and the governor fled to accomack. the general of the insurgents called a convention of his friends, who inveighed against the governor, for having, without cause, endeavoured to foment a civil war in the country, and after failing in this attempt, for having abdicated the government, to the great astonishment of the people. they stated farther that, the governor having informed the king "that their commander and his followers were rebellious, and having advised his majesty to send forces to reduce them, it consisted with the welfare of the colony, and with their allegiance to his sacred majesty, to oppose and suppress all forces whatsoever until the king be fully informed of the state of the case by such persons as shall be sent by nathaniel bacon in behalf of the people." this extraordinary manifesto was concluded with the recommendation of an oath, first taken by the members of the convention, to join the general and his army against the common enemy in all points whatever; and to endeavour to discover and apprehend such evil disposed persons as design to create a civil war by raising forces against him, and the army under his command. [sidenote: his death.] in the mean time, the governor collected a considerable force which crossed the bay under the command of major robert beverly, and several sharp skirmishes were fought. a civil war was commenced; agriculture declined; jamestown was burnt by the insurgents; those parts of the country which remained in peace were pillaged; and the wives of those who supported the government were carried to camp, where they were very harshly treated. virginia was relieved from this threatening state of things, and from the increasing calamities it portended, by the sudden death of bacon. { } having lost their leader, the malcontents were incapable of farther agreement among themselves. they began, separately, to make terms with the government, and all opposition soon ended. sir william berkeley was re-instated in his authority, and an assembly was convened, which seems to have been actuated by the spirit of revenge common to those who suffer in civil contests.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. beverly.] the real motives and objects of this rebellion are not perfectly understood. many were disposed to think that bacon's original design extended no farther than to gratify the common resentments against the indians, and to acquire that reputation and influence which result from conducting a popular war successfully. others believe that he intended to seize the government. whatever may have been his object, the insurrection produced much misery, and no good, to virginia.[ ] [footnote : idem.] { } soon after the restoration of domestic quiet, sir william berkeley returned to england, and was succeeded by herbert jeffreys, who relieved the colony from one of its complaints by making peace with the indians. [sidenote: assembly deprived of judicial power.] about the year , an essential change was made in the jurisprudence of virginia. in early times, the assembly was the supreme appellate court of the province. during the administration of lord culpeper, a controversy arose between the burgesses, and counsellors, who composed also the general court, concerning the right of the latter to sit as a part of the assembly, on appeals from their own decisions. the burgesses claimed, exclusively, the privilege of judging in the last resort. this controversy was determined by taking all judicial power from the assembly, and allowing an appeal from judgments of the general court to the king in council, where the matter in contest exceeded the value of three hundred pounds sterling.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. beverly.] from the rebellion of bacon to the revolution in , the history of virginia affords no remarkable occurrence. the low price of tobacco, that perpetual source of dissatisfaction, still continued to disquiet the country. combinations were formed among the people to raise its value by preventing, for a time, the growth of the article; and disorderly parties assembled to destroy the tobacco plants in the beds when it was too late to sow the seed again. violent measures were adopted to prevent these practices, and several individuals were executed. these discontents did not arrest the growth of the colony. a letter from sir william berkeley, dated in june, , states its population at forty thousand, and its militia at eight thousand. a letter from lord culpeper in december, , supposes that there might then be in the colony fifteen thousand fighting men. this calculation however is probably exaggerated, as the report of general smith, prepared in from actual returns, represents the militia as then consisting of eight thousand five hundred and sixty-eight men, of whom thirteen hundred were cavalry.[ ] [footnote : chalmer.] chapter vi. prosperity of new england.... war with philip.... edward randolph arrives in boston.... maine adjudged to gorges.... purchased by massachusetts.... royal government erected in new hampshire.... complaints against massachusetts.... their letters patent cancelled.... death of charles ii.... james ii. proclaimed.... new commission for the government of new england.... sir edmond andros.... the charter of rhode island abrogated.... odious measures of the new government.... andros deposed.... william and mary proclaimed.... review of proceedings in new york and the jerseys.... pennsylvania granted to william penn.... frame of government.... foundation of philadelphia laid.... assembly convened.... first acts of the legislature.... boundary line with lord baltimore settled. { } [sidenote: prosperity of new england.] after the departure of the commissioners, new england was for some time quiet and prosperous. the plague, the fire of london, and the discontents of the people of england, engrossed the attention of the king, and suspended the execution of his plans respecting massachusetts. in the mean time, that colony disregarded the acts of navigation, traded as an independent state, and governed new hampshire and maine without opposition.[ ] [footnote : from a paper in possession of the british administration, it appears that in , new england was supposed to contain one hundred and twenty thousand souls, of whom sixteen thousand were able to bear arms. three-fourths of the wealth and population of the country, were in massachusetts and its dependencies. the town of boston alone contained fifteen hundred families.] [sidenote: war with philip.] { } { } this state of prosperous repose was interrupted by a combination of indians so formidable, and a war so bloody, as to threaten the war with very existence of all new england. this combination was formed by philip, the second son of massassoet. the father and eldest son had cultivated the friendship of the colonists; but philip, equally brave and intelligent, saw the continuing growth of the english with apprehension, and by his conduct soon excited their suspicion. he gave explicit assurances of his pacific disposition; but, from the year till , when hostilities commenced, he was secretly preparing for them. the war was carried on with great vigour and various success: the savages, led by an intrepid chief, who believed that the fate of his country depended on the entire destruction of the english, made exertions of which they had not been thought capable. several battles were fought; and all that barbarous fury which distinguishes indian warfare, was displayed in its full extent. wherever the indians marched, their route was marked with murder, fire, and desolation. massachusetts, new hampshire, and plymouth, were the greatest sufferers. in those provinces especially, the indians were so intermingled with the whites, that there was scarcely a part of the country in perfect security, or a family which had not to bewail the loss of a relation or friend. for a considerable time no decisive advantage was gained. at length, the steady efforts of the english prevailed; and in august , when the tide of success was running strong in favour of the colonists, philip, after losing his family and chief counsellors, was himself killed by one of his own nation, whom he had offended. after his death, the war was soon terminated by the submission of the indians. never had the people of new england been engaged in so fierce, so bloody, and so desolating a conflict. though the warriors of the nation of which philip was prince, were estimated at only five hundred men, he had, by alliances, increased his force to three thousand. in this estimate the eastern indians are not included. many houses, and flourishing villages were reduced to ashes, and six hundred persons were either killed in battle, or murdered privately.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: edward randolph.] while this war was raging with its utmost violence, the government of massachusetts was under the necessity of directing a part of its attention to the claims of mason and gorges. the efforts of charles to procure an appearance of the colony before the council having proved ineffectual, he determined to give judgment in its absence, unless an appearance should be entered within six months. edward randolph, who was dispatched to give notice of this determination, arrived in boston in the summer of ; and, as other letters brought by the same vessel gave assurance that this resolution would be adhered to, the general court hastened the departure of deputies to represent the colony, and support its interests. [sidenote: maine adjudged to gorges.] it was the opinion of the king in council that the line of massachusetts did not run more than three miles north of the merrimack; and maine was adjudged to gorges. the claim of mason to new hampshire being confined to the soil, all title to which, though so long exercised, was now waived by massachusetts; and the terre-tenants not being before the court, that part of the case was decided so far only as respected the boundary of massachusetts, which, being against the pretensions of that colony, its jurisdiction over new hampshire ceased. charles had been for some time treating for the purchase both of new hampshire and maine which he intended to bestow on his favourite son, the duke of monmouth, but his poverty had prevented the contract. massachusetts, though not ignorant of this fact, finding that the decision respecting maine would be in favour of gorges, purchased his title for twelve hundred pounds sterling. the offended monarch insisted on a relinquishment of the contract; but massachusetts, apologising for what had been done, retained the purchase, and governed the country as a subordinate province.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] { } [sidenote: royal government in new hampshire.] new hampshire having become a distinct colony, a royal government was erected in that province; the legislature of which voted an affectionate address to massachusetts, avowing a willingness to have retained their ancient connexion, had such been the pleasure of their common sovereign. { } the temper and conduct of massachusetts remaining unchanged, the charges against its government were renewed. the complaints of the quakers were perseveringly urged; and the neglect of the acts of navigation, constituted a serious accusation against the colony. the general court, in a letter to their agents, declared these acts "to be an invasion of the rights, liberty, and property of the subjects of his majesty in the colony, they not being represented in parliament." but as his majesty had signified his pleasure that they should be conformed to, "they had made provision by a law of the colony that they should be strictly attended to from time to time, although it greatly discouraged trade, and was a great damage to his majesty's plantation." their agents gave correct information of the state of things in england, and assured them that only a fair compliance with the regulations respecting trade could secure them from an open breach with the crown. these honest representations produced the usual effect of unwelcome truths. they diminished the popularity of the agents, and excited a suspicion in boston that they had not supported the interests of the colony with sufficient zeal. on their return, they brought with them a letter containing the requisitions of the king; and were soon followed by randolph, who had been appointed collector at boston. the general court began to manifest some disposition to appease their sovereign, and passed several laws for this purpose; but still declined complying with his directions to send agents with full powers to attend to the new ordering of the province; and the collector encountered insuperable obstacles in his attempts to execute the laws of trade. almost every suit he instituted for the recovery of penalties or forfeitures was decided against him, at the costs of the prosecutor. these difficulties induced him to return to england, to solicit additional powers, which were equally disregarded. the complaints of the king on these subjects were answered by professions of loyalty, and by partial compliances with the demands of the crown; but the main subject of contest remained unaltered. { } at length, being convinced that the king was determined to annul the charter, massachusetts so far yielded to his will, as to appoint agents to represent the colony. but persons empowered to submit to such regulations as might be made by government, were, in other words, persons appointed to surrender the charter. they were therefore instructed not to do, or consent to, any thing that might infringe the liberties granted by charter, or the government established thereby. these powers were declared to be insufficient; and the agents were informed that, unless others, in every respect satisfactory, should be immediately obtained, it was his majesty's pleasure that a _quo warranto_ should be issued without delay. this unpleasant intelligence was immediately communicated to the general court, accompanied with information of the proceedings which had lately taken place in england. in that country, many corporations had surrendered their charters; and, on the refusal of london, a _quo warranto_ had issued against the city, which had been decided in favour of the crown. the question whether it was advisable to submit to his majesty's pleasure, or to permit the _quo warranto_ to issue, was seriously referred to the general court, and was as seriously taken into consideration throughout the colony. in concurrence with the common sentiment, the general court determined that "it was better to die by other hands than their own." on receiving this final resolution, the fatal writ was issued, and was committed to the care of randolph, who brought also a declaration of the king, that if the colony, before the writ should be prosecuted, would submit to his pleasure, he would regulate their charter for his service, and their good; and would make no farther alterations in it than should be necessary for the support of his government in the province. the governor and assistants passed a vote of submission; but, the deputies refusing their assent thereto, the high court of chancery, in trinity term , decreed against the governor and company, "that their letters patent, and the enrolment thereof be cancelled." { } [sidenote: death of charles ii.] [sidenote: james ii. proclaimed.] charles did not survive this decree long enough to complete his system respecting the new england colonies, or to establish a new government for massachusetts. he died early in the following year; and his successor, from whose stern temper, and high toned opinions, the most gloomy presages had been drawn, was proclaimed, in boston, with melancholy pomp. { } their presages were soon verified. immediately after james had ascended the throne, a commission was issued for a president and council, as a temporary government for massachusetts, new hampshire, maine, and narraghansetts; whose powers were entirely executive and judicial. this commission reached boston in may, and was laid before the general court, not as a body invested with political authority, but as one composed of individuals of the first respectability and influence in the province. the general court agreed unanimously to an address, in answer to this communication, declaring "that the liberty of the subject is abridged, by the new system, both in matters of legislation and in laying taxes; and that it highly concerns them to whom it is directed to consider whether it be safe;" and added "that, if the newly appointed officers, mean to take upon themselves the government of the people, though they could not give their assent thereto, they should demean themselves as loyal subjects, and humbly make their addresses to god, and, in due time, to their gracious prince, for relief." mr. dudley, the president named in the commission, was a native of massachusetts, and seems to have mingled with his respect for the constitutional prerogative of the crown, a due regard for the rights of the people. any immediate alterations, therefore, in the interior arrangements of the country were avoided; and the commissioners transmitted a memorial to the lords of the council for the colonies, stating the necessity of a well regulated assembly to represent the people, and soliciting an abatement of the taxes. this moderate conduct did not accord with the wishes of that class of men who court power wherever it may be placed. these sought the favour of their sovereign by prostrating every obstacle to the execution of his will; and soon transmitted complaints to administration, charging the commissioners with conniving at violations of the laws respecting trade, and countenancing ancient principles in religion and government. [sidenote: sir edmond andros.] james was dissatisfied with the conduct of his commissioners; and was also of opinion that a wise policy required a consolidation of the colonies, and a permanent administration for new england. with a view to this object, he appointed sir edmond andros, who had governed new york, captain-general and vice-admiral of massachusetts, new hampshire, maine, new plymouth, pemaquid, and narraghansetts; and empowered him, with the consent of a council to be appointed by the crown, to make ordinances not inconsistent with the laws of the realm, which should be submitted to the king for his approbation or dissent; and to impose taxes for the support of government. in december , andros arrived at boston, where he was received with the respect which was due to the representative of the crown. in pursuance of his orders, he dissolved the government of rhode island, broke its seal, and assumed the administration of the colony. in the preceding year, articles of high misdemeanour had been exhibited against that colony and referred to sayer, the attorney general, with orders to issue a writ of _quo warranto_ to annul their patent. the assembly stopped farther proceedings, by passing an act formally surrendering their charter. their submission, however, availed them nothing. their fate was involved in that of massachusetts.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] [sidenote: odious measures of government.] { } in pursuance of the determination to break the charters and unite the colonies, articles of misdemeanour had been also exhibited against the governor and company of connecticut, on which a writ of _quo warranto_ had been issued. the government of that colony addressed a letter to the secretary of state, desiring, with many professions of loyalty, to remain in its present situation; but, if it should be the purpose of his majesty to dispose otherwise of them, submitting to his royal commands, and requesting to be annexed to massachusetts. no farther proceedings were had on the _quo warranto_, and andros was ordered to accept the submission of the colony, and annex it to massachusetts. this order was executed in october, when andros appeared in hartford at the head of a small corps of regular troops, demanded the charter, and declared the government to be dissolved. the colony submitted, but the charter was concealed in a tree, which was venerated long afterwards and is still in existence.[ ] [footnote : trumbull. hutchison. chalmer.] the grand legislative council, composed of individuals selected by the crown throughout the united colonies, readily assembled, and proceeded to execute the duties assigned to it. the measures of the new government were not calculated to diminish the odium excited by its objectionable form. the fees of office were enormous; and the regulations respecting divine worship, marriages, the acts of navigation, and taxes, were deemed highly oppressive. in addition to these causes of discontent, the governor general took occasion to cast a doubt on the validity of the titles by which lands were holden. { } to obtain relief from these oppressive grievances, mather, an eminent politician and divine, was deputed by the colonies of new england to lay their complaints before the king. he was graciously received, but could effect no substantial change in the colonial administration. james had determined to reduce all the governments, proprietary as well as royal, to an immediate dependence on the crown; and, to effect this purpose, had directed writs of _quo warranto_ to issue against those charters which still remained in force. this plan was adopted, not only for the purpose of establishing his favourite system of government, but also of forming a barrier to the encroachments of france, by combining the force of the colonies as far as the delaware. during this reign, canada was pushed south of lake champlain; and fortresses were erected within the immense forests which then separated that province from new york and new england. with a view to this union of force, a new commission was made out for andros, annexing new york and the jerseys to his government, and appointing francis nicholson his lieutenant. { } the dissatisfaction of the people continued to increase; and every act of the government, even those which were in themselves laudable, was viewed through the medium of prejudice. at length these latent ill humours burst forth into action. some vague intelligence was received concerning the proceedings of the prince of orange in england. the old magistrates and leading men silently wished, and secretly prayed, that success might attend him, but determined to commit nothing unnecessarily to hazard, and quietly to await an event, which no movement of theirs could accelerate or retard. [sidenote: andros deposed.] [sidenote: william and mary proclaimed.] the people were less prudent. stung with the recollection of past injuries, their impatience, on the first prospect of relief, could not be restrained. on the th of april, without any apparent pre-concerted plan, a sudden insurrection broke out in boston, and about fifty of the most unpopular individuals, including the governors, were seized and imprisoned; and the government was once more placed in the hands of the ancient magistrates. all apprehensions of danger from this precipitate measure were soon quieted by the information that william and mary had been crowned king and queen of england. they were immediately proclaimed in boston with unusual pomp, and with demonstrations of proclaimed unaffected joy.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. hutchison.] the example of massachusetts was quickly followed by connecticut and rhode island. andros was no sooner known to be in prison than he was deposed also in connecticut; and, in both colonies the ancient form of government was restored. in new hampshire a convention was called, which determined to re-annex that colony to massachusetts, and deputies were elected to represent them in the general court. this reunion continued to be their wish, but was opposed by the king, who, in , appointed for it a distinct governor. in order to bring the affairs of the middle colonies to this period, it will be necessary briefly to review the transactions of several years. [sidenote: review of proceedings in new york and new jersey.] the treaty of breda, which restored acadié to france, confirmed new netherlands to england. quiet possession of that valuable territory was retained until , when, england being engaged again in war with holland, a small dutch squadron appeared before the fort at new york, which surrendered without firing a shot. the example was followed by the city and country; and, in a few days, the submission of new netherlands was complete. after this acquisition the old claim to long island was renewed, and some attempts were made to wrest it from connecticut. that province however, after consulting its confederates, and finding that offensive operations would be agreeable to the union, declared war against the dutch; and not content with defending its own possessions, prepared an expedition against new york. the termination of the war between england and holland prevented its prosecution, and restored to the english the possessions they had lost.[ ] [footnote : trumbull. hutchison.] to remove all controversy concerning his title, which had been acquired while the granted lands were in possession of the dutch, the duke of york, after the peace of , obtained a renewal of his patent, and appointed sir edmond andros governor of his territories in america. this commission included new jersey, his former grant of which he supposed to be annulled by the conquest thereof in . andros, disregarding the decision of the commissioners, claimed for the duke that part of connecticut which lies west of the river of that name; and, during the war with philip, endeavoured to support his claim by force. the determined resistance of connecticut compelled him to relinquish an attempt on saybrooke; after which he returned to new york. the taxes which had been laid by the dutch were collected, and duties, for a limited time, were imposed, by authority of the duke. this proceeding excited great discontent. the public resentment was directed, first against the governor, whose conduct was inquired into and approved by his master, and afterwards against the collector, who was seized and sent to england; but never prosecuted. the representatives of the duke in new york, feeling the difficulty of governing a high spirited people on principles repugnant to all their settled opinions, repeatedly, but ineffectually, urged him to place the colony on the same footing with its neighbours, by creating a local legislature, one branch of which should be elected by the people. it was not until the year , when the revenue laws were about to expire, when the right of the duke to re-enact them was denied in america, and doubted in england, that he could be prevailed on to appoint a new governor with instructions to convene an assembly.[ ] [footnote : smith.] in , lord berkeley assigned his interest in the jerseys to william penn and his associates. they afterwards acquired the title of sir george carteret also, and immediately conveyed one-half of their interest to the earl of perth and others, who, in , obtained a conveyance from the duke of york directly to themselves. during these transactions, continual efforts were made to re-annex the jerseys to new york. carteret had endeavoured to participate in the advantages of commerce by establishing a port at amboy; but andros seized and condemned the vessels trading thither, and was supported by the duke in this exercise of power. the assembly of new york claimed the right of taxing the people of jersey; and the collector, continued to exercise his former authority within their territory. on his complaining, after the accession of the duke of york to the throne, that every vessel he prosecuted was discharged by the verdict of the jury, a writ of _quo warranto_ was directed. the english judges did not then hold their offices during good behaviour; and the proprietors of east jersey, confident that the cause would be decided against them, surrendered their patent to the crown, praying only a grant of the soil. the jerseys were, soon afterwards, annexed to new england.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. smith.] dongan, who, in , had succeeded andros in the government of new york, took a deep interest in the affairs of the five nations, who had been engaged in bloody wars with canada. the french, by establishing a settlement at detroit, and a fort at michilimackinack, had been enabled to extend their commerce among the numerous tribes of indians who hunted on the banks of the great lakes, and the upper branches of the mississippi. they excluded the people of new york from any share in this gainful commerce; in consequence of which dongan solicited and obtained permission to aid the five nations. this order, however, was soon countermanded; and a treaty was concluded, stipulating that no assistance should be given to the savages by the english colonists; soon after which dongan was recalled, and new york was annexed to new england. from the accession of james to the throne, he had discontinued the assemblies of new york, and empowered the governor, with the consent of his council, to make laws "as near as might be" to those of england. the reinstatement of this arbitrary system gave general disgust, and, together with the apprehension that the roman catholic religion would be established, prepared the people of new york, as well as those of the other colonies, for that revolution which wrested power from hands accustomed to abuse it. on receiving intelligence of the revolution at boston, the militia were raised by a captain jacob leisler, who took possession of the fort in the name of king william, and drove nicholson, the lieutenant governor, out of the country. this event gave rise to two parties, who long divided new york, and whose mutual animosities were the source of much uneasiness and mischief to the province.[ ] [footnote : chalmer. smith.] [sidenote: pennsylvania granted to william penn.] william penn having gained some knowledge of the country west of the delaware, formed the design of acquiring that territory as a separate estate. on his petition, a charter was issued in , granting to him, in absolute property, by the name of pennsylvania, that tract of country bounded on the east by the river delaware, extending westward five degrees of longitude, stretching to the north from twelve miles north of new castle to the forty-third degree of latitude, and limited on the south by a circle of twelve miles, drawn round new castle to the beginning of the fortieth degree of latitude. in this charter, the acts of navigation were recognised, a local legislature was created, and provision made that a duplicate of its laws should be transmitted, within five years, to the king in council; any of which that were repugnant to those of england, or inconsistent with the authority of the crown, might be declared void in six months. this charter conveyed nearly the same powers and privileges with that of maryland, but recognised the right of parliament to tax the colony. penn soon commenced the settlement of the province, and immediately asserted a claim to a part of the territory which had been supposed by lord baltimore to be within the bounds of maryland. in this claim originated a controversy between the two proprietors, productive of considerable inconvenience and irritation to both. he published a frame of government for pennsylvania, the chief intention of which was declared to be "for the support of power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power; that they may be free by their just obedience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administration; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery." this scheme of fundamental law contains many provisions indicating good sense and just notions of government, but was too complex for an infant settlement; and, after many fruitless attempts to amend it, was laid aside, and a more simple form was adopted, resembling in its principal features, those established in the other colonies, which remained until the proprietary government itself was dissolved. [sidenote: foundation of philadelphia.] in august , penn obtained from the duke of york a conveyance of the town of new castle, with the territory twelve miles around it, and that tract of land extending thence southward, on the delaware, to cape henlopen. soon after this grant was issued, he embarked for america, accompanied by about two thousand emigrants; and, in the october following, landed on the banks of the delaware. in addition to the colonists sent out by himself, he found, on his arrival several small settlements of swedes, dutch, finlanders, and english, amounting to about three thousand persons. penn cultivated the good will of the natives, from whom he purchased such lands as were necessary for the present use of the colonists. at this time the foundation of philadelphia was laid, which we are assured contained near one hundred houses within twelve months from its commencement. an assembly was convened which, instead of being composed of all the freemen, according to the frame of government, was, at the request of the people themselves, constituted of their representatives. among the laws which were enacted was one annexing the territories lately purchased from the duke of york to the province, and extending to them all its privileges. universal freedom in religion was established; and every foreigner who promised allegiance to the king, and obedience to the proprietor was declared a freeman.[ ] [footnote : history of pennsylvania. chalmer.] in the hope of extending his limits to the chesapeake, penn, soon after his arrival, met lord baltimore for the purpose of adjusting their boundaries. the patent of that nobleman calls for the fortieth degree of north latitude, and he proposed to determine the intersection of that degree with the delaware by actual observation. penn, on the contrary, insisted on finding the fortieth degree by mensuration from the capes of virginia, the true situation of which had been already ascertained. each adhering firmly to his own proposition, the controversy was referred to the committee of plantations, who, after the crown had descended on james, decided that the peninsula between the bays of chesapeake and delaware, should be divided into two equal parts by a line drawn from the latitude of cape henlopen to the fortieth degree, and adjudged that the land lying from that line towards the delaware should belong to his majesty, and the other moiety to lord baltimore. this adjudication was ordered to be immediately executed. pennsylvania was slow in acknowledging the prince and princess of orange. the government continued to be administered in the name of james for some time after his abdication was known. at length, however, william and mary were proclaimed; and penn had the address to efface the unfavourable impressions which this delay was calculated to make on them. chapter vii. new charter of massachusetts.... affairs of new york.... war with france.... schenectady destroyed.... expedition against port royal.... against quebec.... acadié recovered by france.... pemaquid taken.... attempt on st. johns.... peace.... affairs of new york.... of virginia.... disputes between england and france respecting boundary in america.... recommencement of hostilities.... quotas of the respective colonies.... treaty of neutrality between france and the five nations.... expedition against port royal.... incursion into massachusetts.... plan for the invasion of canada.... port royal taken.... expedition against quebec.... treaty of utrecht.... affairs of new york.... of carolina.... expedition against st. augustine.... attempt to establish the episcopal church.... invasion of the colony.... bills of credit issued.... legislature continues itself.... massacre in north carolina by the indians.... tuscaroras defeated.... scheme of a bank. { } the revolution which placed the prince and princess of orange on the throne, revived in massachusetts, the hope of recovering the ancient charter. elections were held by authority of the temporary government, and the representatives requested the council to exercise, until orders should be received from england, the powers and authorities vested in that body by the charter. the council acceded to this proposition; and the ancient system was re-established. it was soon perceived by the agents of massachusetts that the old charter would not be restored, and that the king was determined to retain the appointment of the governor in his own hands. the colony, however, was authorised to exercise the powers of government according to the ancient system, until a new arrangement should be made. the vessel by which these directions were transmitted, carried also orders that sir edmond andros, and those imprisoned with him should be sent to england. { } [sidenote: new charter.] the general court deputed additional agents, with instructions to solicit the confirmation of their beloved charter; but these solicitations were ineffectual. the king was inflexible; and, at length, a new charter was framed, introducing some changes which affected radically the independence that had been long practically possessed by the colony. the governor was to be appointed by the crown, was enabled to call, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve the assembly at pleasure; he had the appointment solely, of all military officers; and, with the consent of his council, of all officers belonging to the courts of justice. { } sir william phipps, the first governor, arrived in may, and immediately issued writs for a general assembly, which met in june, and accepted the charter; though a considerable party had been formed to oppose it. this instrument annexed plymouth and nova scotia to massachusetts; but, contrary to the wishes of both colonies, omitted new hampshire, which became permanently a separate government.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] [sidenote: affairs of new york.] in new york, leisler, who had obtained the entire control of the lower country, associated with himself in the government, a few trusty partisans, denominated a committee of safety, over whom he presided. some of the principal inhabitants of the city, dissatisfied at seeing a man of low birth, without education, in possession of supreme power, retired to albany, where a convention of the people was assembled, who determined to hold the fort and country for the king and queen, but not to submit to the authority of leisler. on receiving intelligence of these transactions, jacob milbourne was detached with a small force to reduce the place; but, finding that the people adhered to the convention, and that his harangues against james and popery made no impression on them, he returned to new york. the next spring he appeared again before the fort; and, being favoured by an irruption of the indians, obtained possession of it. the principal members of the convention absconded, upon which their effects were seized and confiscated. this harsh measure produced resentments which were transmitted from father to son. leisler retained the supreme power, without farther opposition, until the arrival of sir henry slaughter, who had been appointed governor of the province. though informed of the commission which slaughter bore, this infatuated man refused to yield the government to him; and showed a disposition, without the ability, to resist. this ill judged obstinacy threw the governor, who soon obtained possession of the fort, into the arms of the opposite party. leisler and milbourne were arrested, tried for high treason, condemned, and executed. their estates were confiscated, but were afterwards restored to their families.[ ] [footnote : smith.] [sidenote: war with france.] while these things were passing in the interior, the colonies of new england and new york were engaged in a bloody and desolating war with the french of canada, and with the indians. the english people had long viewed with apprehension, the advances of france towards universal dominion; and with infinite disgust, the influence of louis xiv. in their cabinet. on the elevation of the prince of orange to the throne, they entered with alacrity into all his views for opposing barriers to the power, and restraints on the ambition, of that haughty monarch. the war which was proclaimed between the two nations, extended itself to their possessions in america. de calliers, who sailed from canada to france in , had formed a plan for the conquest of new york, which was adopted by his government. caffiniere commanded the ships which sailed from rochefort on this expedition, subject however to the count de frontignac, who was general of the land forces destined to march from canada by the route of the river sorel and of lake champlain. the fleet and troops arrived at chebucta, whence the count proceeded to quebec leaving orders with caffiniere to sail to new york. on reaching quebec, the count found all canada in the utmost distress. in the preceding summer, twelve hundred warriors of the five nations had suddenly landed on the island of montreal, and put to death about one thousand of the inhabitants whom they found in perfect security. the place was again attacked in october, and the lower part of the island entirely destroyed. in consequence of these calamitous events, fort frontignac, on lake ontario, was evacuated, and two vessels which had been constructed there were burnt. [sidenote: schenectady destroyed.] count frontignac, who, in his sixty-eighth year, possessed the activity of youth, after remaining a few days on shore, re-embarked in a canoe for montreal. in the hope of conciliating the five nations, he held a great council with them at onondago, where the indians showed some disposition towards a peace without concluding one. to influence their deliberations, and raise the depressed spirits of the canadians, he sent out several parties against the english colonies. that against new york, consisting of about two hundred french, and some indians; after marching twenty-two days with their provisions on their backs, through a wilderness covered deep with snow, arrived, on th of february , about eleven at night, at schenectady, a village a few miles north-west of albany. finding the gates open and unguarded, they immediately entered the town, the inhabitants of which were asleep; and, dividing themselves into small parties, invested every house at the same time. no alarm was given until the doors were broken open; and then was commenced the perpetration of those barbarities which add so much to the ordinary horrors of war. the whole village was instantly in flames; pregnant women were ripped open and their infants cast into the flames, or dashed against the posts of the doors. sixty persons were massacred, twenty-seven carried into captivity, and those who escaped fled naked, through a deep snow and storm to albany. in the flight, twenty-five lost their limbs from the intensity of the cold. the town was pillaged until about noon the next day, when the enemy marched off with their plunder. being pursued by a party of young men from albany, about twenty-five of them were killed and captured.[ ] [footnote : smith.] [sidenote: expedition against port royal.] in the spring and summer of , several settlements and forts in new hampshire and maine, were successfully attacked by the indians; who, wherever they were victorious, perpetrated their usual cruelties. knowing that these depredations originated in canada and acadié, the general court of massachusetts planned an expedition against both port royal and quebec. early in the spring, eight small vessels, carrying seven or eight hundred men, sailed under the command of sir william phipps; and, almost without opposition, took possession of port royal, and of the whole coast between that place and new england. the fleet returned in may, having taken nearly plunder enough to discharge the expense of the equipment. but two detachments made about the same time by count frontignac, attacked the salmon falls, and fort casco, where they killed and took about one hundred and eighty persons. [illustration: penn seeking freedom for imprisoned friends _© by violet oakley; from a copley print copyright by curtis and cameron, boston_ _the reference made in the panel inscription at the top of this picture is to william penn's imprisonment in the tower of london for publishing "the sandy foundation shaken," in which he attacked the doctrines of the trinity. while in prison he wrote his most famous and popular book, "no cross, no crown" and "innocency with her open face", in vindication of his quaker faith. in penn obtained from the british crown, in lieu of a debt of £ , due him as heir to his father, admiral penn, a grant of territory now comprising the state of pennsylvania. there he founded philadelphia, as a quaker colony, in the following year._] [sidenote: against quebec.] a vessel had been dispatched to england in april with letters urging the importance of conquering canada, and soliciting the aid of the king to that enterprise. he was however too much occupied in europe to attend to america; and it was determined to prosecute the expedition without his assistance. new york and connecticut, engaged to furnish a body of men, to march, by the way of lake champlain, against montreal, while the troops of massachusetts should proceed by sea to quebec. the fleet, consisting of between thirty and forty vessels, the largest of which carried forty-four guns, sailed from nantucket the ninth of august, having on board two thousand men. this expedition also was commanded by sir william phipps, a brave man, but not qualified for so difficult an enterprise. he did not arrive before quebec until october, when it was too late for a regular siege. instead of availing himself of the first impression, sir william is charged with having wasted two or three days in sight of the place, after which he summoned it to surrender. having performed this ceremony, he landed between twelve and thirteen hundred men, and marched until night, under a scattering fire from an enemy concealed in the woods. at night, a deserter gave such an account of the french force as entirely discouraged him. connecticut and new york were disappointed in receiving the assistance expected from the five nations; who furnished neither the warriors they had promised, nor canoes to transport their troops over the lakes. the commissary too had neglected to lay up the necessary supplies of provisions. these disappointments obliged the party destined against montreal to retreat without making an attempt on that place; which enabled the french general to oppose the whole force of canada to phipps. the evening after the troops were landed, the ships were drawn up before the place, but received more damage from the batteries than they could do to the town. after wasting a few days in unavailing parade, the army re-embarked with precipitation, and returned to boston. the general court, so far from suspecting that the expedition might possibly miscarry, seem to have counted, not only on success, but on acquiring sufficient treasure from the enemy to pay their soldiers. the army, finding the government totally unprepared to satisfy its claims, was on the point of mutinying. in this state of difficulty, bills of credit were issued, and were received in lieu of money. a tax was imposed at the same time, payable in the paper notes of the colony at five per centum above par. notwithstanding the exertions to keep up its credit, the paper depreciated to fourteen shillings in the pound, which depreciation was, almost entirely, sustained by the army. as the time for collecting the tax approached, the paper rose above par, but this appreciation was gained by the holders.[ ] [footnote : see note no. i, at the end of the volume.] colonel phipps, soon after his return from canada, embarked for england, to renew the solicitations of the colony for aid in another attempt on quebec. though unsuccessful in this application, the government of the province was bestowed on him; and, in this character, he returned to boston. a desultory war continued to be carried on, which, without furnishing any events that would now be interesting, produced heavy expense, and much individual misery. { } canada being considered as the source of all these evils, its conquest continued to be the favourite object of massachusetts. at length, king william yielded to the solicitations of that colony and determined to employ a force for the reduction of quebec. unfortunately the first part of the plan was to be executed in the west indies, where the capture of martinique was contemplated. while on that service a contagious fever attacked both the land and sea forces; and, before they reached boston, thirteen hundred sailors, and eighteen hundred soldiers, were buried. the survivors not being in a condition to prosecute the enterprise, it was abandoned.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. belknap.] { } on the conquest of acadié by sir william phipps, the government of massachusetts had been extended over that province; but, as the prejudices and affections of the inhabitants were entirely on the side of france, it was soon perceived that a military force alone could preserve the acquisition; and massachusetts was unable, at her own expense, to support a sufficient body of troops for the defence of the country. port royal was recovered by villebonne, after which all acadié shook off the government of massachusetts, and resumed its allegiance to france. about the same time a fort at pemaquid was attacked and carried by iberville. [sidenote: peace.] in december, the treaty of peace which had been concluded at riswick was proclaimed at boston; and hostilities with the french in canada immediately ceased. the depredations of the indians continued only a short time after this event; and, in the course of the following year, general tranquillity was restored. { } the frontiers of new hampshire had been not less exposed during the war, than those of massachusetts. perpetual and distressing incursions had been made into the country, which were marked by the burning of undefended habitations, and the massacre of men, women, and children.[ ] [footnote : belknap.] [sidenote: affairs of new york.] the frontiers of new york were covered by the five nations. hostilities were carried on between them and the french, but they were not attended by any material circumstance. during the war the english government meditated a union of the colonies for the purpose of forming an army to defend new york; and the governors were instructed to propose to the several provinces to raise the quota of troops assigned to each[ ] by the crown. though this plan never took effect, the fact is of some interest. [footnote : the quotas assigned by the crown are as follows: to massachusetts bay rhode island and providence plantations connecticut new york pennsylvania maryland virginia ----- total, , ] [sidenote: of virginia.] the influence of the french not yet extending far enough south to involve the colonies beyond new york in the calamities of indian warfare, few occurrences took place among them which deserve attention. in virginia, the college of william and mary, to which a charter had been granted in , was liberally endowed, and was established at williamsburg by an act of assembly which passed in the year . in , the state-house at jamestown, with many valuable papers, was consumed by fire; and, in the following year, the legislature passed an act for removing the seat of government to williamsburg, then called the middle plantation, and for building a capitol at that place. by the treaty of riswick, it was agreed that france and england should mutually restore to each other all conquests made during the war; and it was farther stipulated that commissioners should be appointed to examine and determine the rights and pretensions of each monarch to the places situated in hudson's bay. the consequences of not ascertaining boundaries were soon perceived. the english claimed as far west as the st. croix, while france asserted her right to the whole country east of the kennebeck. [sidenote: war renewed.] these claims remained unsettled; and were mingled with other differences of more importance, which soon occasioned the re-commencement of hostilities. { } the whole weight of the war in america fell on new england. previous to its commencement, the earl of bellamont, who was at that time governor of new york as well as of massachusetts and of new hampshire, had required that the quotas of men, assigned by the crown to the different colonies for the defence of new york, should be furnished. this requisition however was not complied with; and, before hostilities began, a treaty of neutrality was negotiated between the five nations and the governor of canada, which was assented to by lord cornbury, then governor of new york. this treaty preserved the peace of that province, but left massachusetts and new hampshire to struggle with the combined force of the french and their indian allies;--a struggle which seems to have been viewed by new york with the utmost composure. hostilities between great britain and france were immediately followed by incursions of french and indians into the exposed parts of new england. a predatory and desolating war, attended with no striking circumstance, but with considerable expense and great individual distress, was carried on for some years. during its continuance, propositions were made for a cessation of hostilities; and the negotiations on this subject were protracted to a considerable length; but dudley, who had succeeded the earl of bellamont as governor of massachusetts and new hampshire, declined engaging for the neutrality of those provinces, in the hope that nova scotia and canada might be subdued in the course of the war. { } the battle of almanza, in spain, having induced the british cabinet to direct an armament intended for new england to european objects, dudley determined to make an attempt on acadié, though no aid should arrive from england. with this view, he applied, early in the spring, to the assemblies of both his provinces, and to the colonies of connecticut and rhode island; requesting them to raise one thousand men for the expedition. connecticut declined furnishing her quota; but the other three colonies raised the whole number, who were disposed into two regiments, one commanded by colonel wainright, and the other by colonel hilton. on the th of may, they embarked at nantucket on board a fleet of transports furnished with whale boats, under convoy of a man of war and a galley. the chief command was given to colonel march, who had behaved gallantly in several encounters with the indians, but had never been engaged in such service as this. they arrived before port royal in a few days, and landed without opposition. after making some ineffectual attempts to bombard the fort, a disagreement among the officers, and a misapprehension of the state of the fort and garrison, induced the troops to re-embark in a disorderly manner.[ ] dudley, who was unwilling to relinquish the enterprise, directed the army to remain in its position till farther orders. march was beloved by the soldiers, and was known to be brave, but his capacity was doubted. it was therefore thought unsafe either to recall him, to place an officer over him, or to continue him in the chief command. the expedient devised in this perplexity was, to send a commission to the army, composed of three members of the council, invested with all the powers which the governor himself, if present, would possess. these commissioners arrived at casco about the middle of july, where they found the army insubordinate, and indisposed to the service. the troops, however, were again embarked, and arrived at passamaquodi, on the seventh of august. the spirits of the general were broken, and his health was impaired. while dispositions for landing the army were making, he declared his inability to act, and the command devolved on colonel wainright. the landing was effected on the th of august; but the troops could not be inspired with that union and firmness which are essential to success. after devoting ten days to inefficient, unmeaning operations, they re-embarked, and returned, sickly, fatigued and dispirited. [footnote : belknap.] { } [sidenote: incursion into massachusetts.] during this unfortunate expedition, the frontiers were kept in perpetual alarm by small parties of indians; and, in the succeeding year, a formidable armament was destined by vaudreuil, the governor of canada, against new england. this enterprise was not fully prosecuted, in consequence of the failure of several indian tribes to furnish the number of warriors expected from them. a considerable force, however, penetrated into massachusetts, and burnt a part of the town of haverhill; where about one hundred persons were killed and many others carried off as prisoners. these invaders were pursued and overtaken by a body of troops collected in the neighbourhood, who killed a few of them, and recovered several of their own countrymen. { } the new england colonies, still attributing all these calamities to the french were earnest in their solicitations to the crown, for aids which might enable them to conquer canada. their application was supported by the representations of francis nicholson, who had been lieutenant governor, first of new york, and afterward of virginia; of samuel vietch, a trader to nova scotia, and of colonel schuyler, a gentleman of great influence in new york, who undertook a voyage to england for the purpose of communicating his sentiments more fully to administration, and carried with him resolutions of the assembly, expressing the high opinion that body entertained of his merit. influenced by these representations, the british cabinet determined to undertake an expedition against the french settlements on the continent of north america, and on new foundland, to consist of a squadron, having on board five regiments of regular troops, which were to be at boston by the middle of may, , where they were to be joined by twelve hundred men to be raised in massachusetts and rhode island. fifteen hundred men also were to be raised in the governments south of rhode island, who should proceed, by the way of lake champlain, against montreal. all the colonies, except pennsylvania, executed with punctuality the part assigned to them. nicholson, who was appointed to command the troops destined against montreal, marched to wood creek, where he was ordered to continue, until the arrival of the forces from europe; that the two armies might co-operate with each other. the new england troops, who had been assembled at boston remained at that place till september, expecting the arrival of the fleet and army from england. about that time, nicholson returned from wood creek, and it was obviously too late to proceed against quebec. a meeting of the commanding officers, and governors of provinces was requested, in order to deliberate on future operations. a few days before this meeting was to take place, a ship arrived from england, with the intelligence that the armament intended for america had been ordered to portugal, and with directions to hold a council of war, in order to determine on the propriety of employing the troops raised in america, against port royal; in which event the ships of war then at boston were to aid the expedition. the commanders of the ships, except captain, afterwards admiral, matthews, refused to engage in this service; and, it being unsafe to proceed without convoy, the men were disbanded.[ ] [footnote : belknap. hutchison.] { } a congress, composed of governors, and of delegates from several of the assemblies, met at rhode island, and recommended the appointment of agents to assist colonel nicholson in representing the state of the country to the queen, and soliciting troops for an expedition against canada, the next spring. government seems at first to have thought favourably of this proposal, but finally determined to proceed only against port royal. five frigates and a bomb ketch, which were assigned for this service, arrived with nicholson, in july. although the troops were then to be raised, the whole armament, consisting of one regiment of marines, and four regiments of infantry, sailed from boston the th of september; and on the th arrived before port royal. the place was immediately invested, and, after the exchange of a few shot and shells, was surrendered. vietch was appointed governor, and its name, in compliment to the queen, was changed to annapolis. { } after the reduction of port royal, nicholson returned to england to renew the often repeated solicitations for an expedition against canada. the ministry was now changed; and the colonists despaired of obtaining from those in power, any aids against the french. contrary to the general expectation, his application succeeded; and he arrived at boston, in june, with orders to the governors as far south as pennsylvania, to get their quotas of men and provisions in readiness to act with the fleet and army expected from europe. within sixteen days, while the several governors were yet deliberating on the subject of these orders, the fleet arrived. the service according perfectly with the wishes of the people as well as of the governors, every practicable exertion was made; and difficulties were overcome which, on other occasions, might have been deemed insurmountable. to supply the money which the english treasury could not then advance, the general court of massachusetts issued bills of credit to the amount of forty thousand pounds; and the example was followed by connecticut, new york, and new jersey. provisions were obtained by impressment. the army consisted of seven veteran regiments, who had served under the duke of marlborough; one regiment of marines; and two regiments of provincials; amounting, in the whole, to six thousand five hundred men; a force equal to that which afterwards reduced quebec, when in a much better state of defence. this armament sailed from boston on the th of july. their sanguine hopes were all blasted in one fatal night. on the d of august, in the river st. lawrence, the weather being thick and dark, eight transports were wrecked on egg island, near the north shore, and one thousand persons perished. the next day the fleet put back, and was eight days beating down the river against an easterly wind, which, in two, would have carried it to quebec. after holding a fruitless consultation respecting an attempt on placentia, the expedition was abandoned; and the squadron sailed for england. loud complaints were made, and heavy charges reciprocated, on this occasion. the ignorance of the pilots, the obstinacy of the admiral, the detention of the fleet at boston, its late arrival there, the want of seasonable orders, and the secret intentions of the ministry, were all subjects of bitter altercation; but no regular inquiry was ever made into the causes of the miscarriage. the plan of this campaign embraced also an attack on montreal. four thousand men raised in connecticut, new york, and new jersey, and commanded by colonel nicholson, marched against that place by the way of albany and lake champlain. the failure of the expedition against quebec enabling the governor of canada to turn his whole force towards the lakes, nicholson was under the necessity of making a precipitate retreat. [sidenote: peace.] no other event of importance took place during this war, which was terminated by the treaty of utrecht. by the th article of this treaty, france ceded to england "all nova scotia or acadié, with its ancient boundaries, as also the city of port royal, now called annapolis royal, and all other things in those parts which depend on the said lands." this territory, which had been comprehended in the grant made to the plymouth company, was, with the consent of that company, afterwards granted by james as king of scotland, under the name of nova scotia, to sir william alexander. [sidenote: affairs of new york.] in new york, the leislerian and anti-leislerian parties continued to persecute each other. to this calamity was added, in the year , the still heavier affliction of a malignant fever, imported in a vessel from the west indies, which, in almost every instance, proved mortal. a similar disease raged, about the same time, in several other sea port towns; and was probably the same which has since produced such fatal effects under the name of the yellow fever. in the same year, lord cornbury, a needy and profligate nobleman, was appointed governor of the province. he embraced the anti-leislerian party, that being then the strongest. on meeting the assembly, he urged the necessity of providing money for the public exigencies; and, as he had arranged himself with the ruling party, the vote of supply was liberal. it was soon perceived that the confidence in the governor was misplaced. considerable sums levied for objects of great interest, were applied to his private use. the system adopted in new york, for collecting and keeping public money, was calculated to favour this peculation. the colony having no treasurer, its revenue came into the hands of the receiver general for the crown, whence it was drawn by a warrant from the governor. contests soon arose, between his lordship and the legislature, on the subject of money; the house requiring a statement of disbursements, and the appointment of a treasurer, to be controlled by them. at length, in , an act was passed raising three thousand pounds for fortifications, and directing the money to be placed in the hands of a person named by the legislature. the assent of the governor to this act was not given till the succeeding year, and was then accompanied with a message stating, that he had it in command from the queen "to permit the general assembly to name their own treasurer when they raised extraordinary supplies for particular uses and which are no part of the standing and constant revenue." the continual demands of the governor for money, his misapplication of it, his extortion in the form of fees, and his haughty tyrannical conduct increased the irritation subsisting between him and the legislature. at length, the queen yielded to the complaints of both new york and new jersey, and consented to recall him. during these altercations, some spirited resolutions were entered into by the assembly; one of which claims particular notice. it is in these words: "resolved, that the imposing and levying of any monies upon her majesty's subjects in this colony, under any pretence or colour whatsoever, without their consent in general assembly, is a grievance, and violation of the people's property." this strong assertion of a principle, which afterwards dismembered the british empire, then passed away without notice. it was probably understood to be directed only against the assumption of that power by the governor.[ ] [footnote : so early as the year , the difference of opinion between the mother country and the colonies on the great point, which afterwards separated them, made its appearance. the legislature of massachusetts, employed in establishing a code of laws under their new charter, passed an act containing the general principles respecting the liberty of the subject, that are asserted in magna charta, in which was the memorable clause, "no aid, tax, talliage, assessment, custom, benevolence, or imposition whatsoever, shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied, on any of his majesty's subjects or their estates, on any pretence whatsoever, but by the act and consent of the governor, council, and representatives of the people, assembled in general court." it is scarcely necessary to add that the royal assent to this act was refused.] { } in carolina, the vexatious contests with the proprietors still continued. the public attention was for a time diverted from these, by hostilities with their neighbours of florida. before the declaration of war made against france and spain, had been officially communicated, it was reported in the colonies that this event had taken place, and mr. moore, the governor of the southern settlements, proposed to the assembly an expedition against st. augustine. temperate men were opposed to this enterprise; but the assurances of the governor, that florida would be an easy conquest, and that immense treasure would be the reward of their valour, were too seductive to be resisted. a great majority of the assembly declared in favour of the expedition, and voted the sum of two thousand pounds sterling for its prosecution. six hundred militia were embodied for the service, and an equal number of indians engaged as auxiliaries. [sidenote: expedition against st. augustine.] in the plan of operations which had been concerted, colonel daniel was to move by the inland passage, with a party of militia and indians, and attack the town by land; while the governor, with the main body should proceed by sea, and block up the harbour. colonel daniel executed his part of the plan with promptitude and vigour. he advanced against the town, which he entered and plundered before the governor reached the harbour. the spaniards, however, had been apprised of the preparations making at charleston, and had laid up provisions for four months, in the castle, into which they retired, as daniel entered the town. on the arrival of the governor, the place was completely invested; but, it being impossible to carry the castle without battering artillery, colonel daniel was dispatched to jamaica for cannon, bombs, and mortars. during his absence, two small spanish vessels of war were seen off the mouth of the harbour; upon which the governor raised the siege, abandoned his transports, and made a precipitate retreat to carolina. colonel daniel returned soon afterwards, and, having no suspicion that the siege was raised, stood in for the harbour. he fortunately discovered his situation in time to escape, though with much difficulty. this rash and ill conducted expedition entailed on the colony a debt of six thousand pounds sterling. the ignominy attached to it was soon wiped off by one that was attended with better success. the appalachian indians, who were attached to the spaniards, had become extremely troublesome to the inhabitants of the frontiers. the governor, at the head of a body of militia and friendly indians, marched into the heart of their settlements, laid their towns in ashes, made several prisoners, and compelled them to sue for peace, and submit to the british government.[ ] [footnote : history of south carolina.] [sidenote: governor johnson.] soon after this transaction, sir nathaniel governor johnson, who had been appointed to succeed mr. moor arrived in charleston. he endeavoured, but ineffectually to turn the attention of the colonists to the culture of silk. this article, as well as cotton was neglected, and rice became the great staple of the country. [sidenote: attempt to establish the episcopal church.] during his administration, the contests between the proprietors and the people increased. an attempt to establish the episcopal church was added to other pre-existing causes of discord. the colony having been settled by emigrants from different nations, of different religious persuasions, the indiscreet endeavour to produce uniformity, could not fail to increase their irritation. the influence of the governor in the legislature obtained the passage of such acts as were necessary for his purpose; but many petitions against them were laid before parliament; and the house of lords presented so decisive an address to her majesty on the subject, that a writ of _quo warranto_ against the charter was directed. this measure, however, was not put in execution; and the attention of the colonists was diverted, for a time, from these intestine broils, by the appearance of danger from abroad. { } spain claimed the whole country, as part of florida; and was preparing an expedition to enforce this claim. governor johnson, who had acquired some military skill in european service, having received intelligence of these preparations, made great exertions to fortify the entrance into the harbour of charleston, and to put the province in a state of defence. there was reason to rejoice that these precautions were used; for, although no armament arrived from europe, yet an expedition planned in the havanna, was carried into execution. [sidenote: colony invaded.] a french frigate and four armed spanish sloops, commanded by monsieur le febour, sailed for charleston, with orders to touch at st. augustine for men. his force is said to have amounted to about eight hundred. a government cruiser descried this squadron off the bar of st. augustine, and brought the intelligence to charleston. scarcely had the captain delivered his information, when signals from sullivan's island announced its appearance off the coast. the alarm was immediately given, and the militia of the town were under arms. in the evening the fleet reached charleston bar, but deferred attempting to pass it until the morning. after consuming a day in sounding the south bar, the spanish flotilla crossed it, and anchored above sullivan's island. the governor then directed some pieces of heavy artillery to be placed in the vessels in the harbour; and gave the command of them to william rhet. a summons to surrender being rejected, a party of the enemy landed on james' island, and burnt a few houses. another party, consisting of one hundred and sixty men, landed, about the same time, on the opposite side of the river. both these were attacked and defeated. encouraged by this success, johnson determined to attack the invaders by sea. in execution of this determination, rhet, with six small vessels, proceeded down the river to the place where the hostile flotilla rode at anchor which, at his approach, precipitately re-crossed the bar. for some days it was believed that the enterprise was abandoned; but while the inhabitants were rejoicing at their deliverance, advice was received that a ship of force had been seen in sewee bay, and had landed a number of men. on examining his prisoners, the governor was informed that the enemy had expected a ship of war with a reinforcement of two hundred men, under the command of monsieur arbuset. taking his measures with the promptness of an experienced officer, he ordered captain fenwick to pass the river, and march against the detachment which had landed; while rhet, with two small armed vessels, sailed round by sea, with orders to meet the ship in sewee bay. fenwick came up with the party on shore, charged them briskly, and drove them to their ship, which, on the appearance of rhet, surrendered without firing a shot. the prize with about ninety prisoners was brought up to charleston. thus was terminated with the loss of near three hundred men killed and prisoners, among the latter of whom were the general and some naval officers, the invasion of carolina by monsieur le febour. it seems to have been undertaken in the confidence that the colony was too weak for resistance; and was conducted without skill or courage. [sidenote: bills of credit.] to defray the expenses incurred in repelling this invasion, bills of credit to the amount of eight thousand pounds were issued. the effect of this emission was such a depreciation of the currency under the form of a rise in the price of commodities and of exchange, that one hundred and fifty pounds in paper, were given for one hundred pounds sterling. { } { } [sidenote: legislature continues itself.] lord granville, the palatine, a bigoted churchman, under whose influence violent measures had been taken for the establishment of religious conformity in carolina, died in the year . he was succeeded by lord craven, who, though of the same religious tenets, supported them with moderation. his disposition to indulge, and thereby mollify, the dissenters, was considered by the zealots of the established church, as endangering religion; and the legislature, which was elected under the influence of the late palatine, and of his governor, dreading a change in the administration, adopted the extraordinary measure of continuing itself "for two years, and for the time and term of eighteen months after the change of government, whether by the death of the present governor, or the succession of another in his time."[ ] thus adding one other humiliating proof to those which perpetually occur, that principles are deplorably weak, when opposed by the passions. [footnote : chalmer.] { } [sidenote: massacre in north carolina by the indians.] in the year , the indians in north carolina, alarmed, as their countrymen had been in the other colonies, by the increasing population and regular encroachments of the whites, formed with their accustomed secrecy, the plan of exterminating in one night these formidable neighbours. no indication of their design was given until they broke into the houses of the planters. the slaughter on roanoke was immense. in that settlement alone, one hundred and thirty-seven persons were murdered. a few escaped by concealing themselves in the woods, who, the next day, gave the alarm. the remaining whites were collected together in a place of safety, and guarded by the militia until assistance could be received from south carolina. [sidenote: indians defeated.] this was prompt and effectual. the assembly at charleston voted four thousand pounds for the service; and colonel barnwell was detached with six hundred militia, and three hundred and sixty indians, to the relief of the afflicted north carolinians. with the utmost celerity he passed through the difficult and dangerous wilderness which then separated the northern from the southern settlements; and, attacking the savages with unexpected fury, killed three hundred of them, and made one hundred prisoners. the survivors retreated to the tuscorora town, and took refuge within a wooden breast-work, in which they were surrounded by the whites. after sustaining considerable loss, they sued for peace and obtained it; but soon afterwards abandoned their country, and united themselves with the iroquois, or five nations. the expense of this expedition greatly transcended the scanty means of south carolina. to supply the exigencies of government, and to promote the convenience of commerce, the legislature determined to issue forty-eight thousand pounds in bills of credit, to be denominated bank bills. this money was to be lent out, at interest, on security, and to be redeemed gradually by the annual payment of one-twelfth part of the sum loaned. the bills were made a legal tender; and the creditor who should refuse them, lost his debt. after the emission of these bills, exchange rose, the first year, to one hundred and fifty, and in the second to two hundred per centum, above par. the effect of this depreciation, and of the tender laws which accompanied it, on creditors, and on morals, was obvious and certain. chapter viii. proceedings of the legislature of massachusetts.... intrigues of the french among the indians.... war with the savages.... peace.... controversy with the governor.... decided in england.... contests concerning the governor's salary.... the assembly adjourned to salem.... contest concerning the salary terminated.... great depreciation of the paper currency.... scheme of a land bank.... company dissolved by act of parliament.... governor shirley arrives.... review of transactions in new york. { } the heavy expenses of massachusetts during the late war had produced such large emissions of paper money, that a considerable depreciation took place, and specie disappeared. the consequent rise of exchange, instead of being attributed to its true cause, was ascribed to the decay of trade. the colony, having now leisure for its domestic concerns, turned its attention to this interesting subject. [sidenote: affairs of massachusetts.] three parties were formed. the first, a small one, actuated by the principle that "honesty is the best policy," was in favour of calling in the paper money, and relying on the industry of the people, to replace it with a circulating medium of greater stability. the second proposed a private bank, which was to issue bills of credit, to be received by all the members of the company, but at no certain value compared with gold and silver. it was not intended to deposit specie in the bank for the redemption of its notes as they might be offered; but to pledge real estates as security that the company would perform its engagements. the third party was in favour of a loan of bills from the government, to any of the inhabitants who would mortgage real estate to secure their re-payment in a specified term of years; the interest to be paid annually, and applied to the support of government. the first party, perceiving its numerical weakness, joined the third; and the whole province was divided between a public and private bank. at length, the party for the public bank prevailed in the general court, and fifty thousand pounds were issued and placed in the hands of trustees; to be lent for five years, at an interest of five _per centum per annum_, one-fifth part of the principal to be paid annually. { } this scheme failing to improve the commerce of the colony, governor shute, who had succeeded dudley, reminded the assembly of the bad state of trade, which he ascribed to the scarcity of money; and recommended the consideration of some effectual measures to supply this want. the result of this recommendation was a second loan of one hundred thousand pounds for ten years, to be placed in the hands of commissioners in each county, in proportion to its taxes. the whole currency soon depreciated to such a degree, that the entire sum in circulation did not represent more real value, than was represented by that which was circulating before the emission. the governor had now sufficient leisure, and the general court furnished him with sufficient motives, to reflect on the policy he had recommended. an attempt to raise his salary as money depreciated, did not succeed, and only the usual nominal sum was voted for his support. { } in massachusetts, peace abroad was the signal for dissension at home. independent in her opinions and habits, she had been accustomed to consider herself rather as a sister kingdom, acknowledging one common sovereign with england, than as a colony. the election of all the branches of the legislature, a principle common to new england, contributed, especially while the mother country was occupied with her own internal divisions, to nourish these opinions and habits. although the new charter of massachusetts modified the independence of that colony, by vesting the appointment of the governor in the crown, yet the course of thinking which had prevailed from the settlement of the country, had gained too much strength to be immediately changed; and massachusetts sought, by private influence over her chief magistrate, to compensate herself for the loss of his appointment. with this view, it had become usual for the general court to testify its satisfaction with his conduct by presents; and this measure was also adopted in other colonies. apprehending that this practice might dispose the governors to conciliate the legislatures at the expense of their duty to the crown, the queen had given peremptory orders to receive no more gifts; and to obtain acts fixing their salaries permanently at a sum named by herself. the mandate respecting presents was, of course, obeyed; and some of the colonies complied with the requisition respecting the salary; but in massachusetts and new york, it was steadily resisted. { } a controlling power over salaries was a source of influence which was pertinaciously maintained; and its efficacy was tried in all the conflicts between massachusetts and her governor. almost every important measure brought before the legislature, was productive of contests between these departments. they disagreed, not only on the policy of particular acts, but on the limits of their power. the governor claimed the right of negativing the speaker chosen by the representatives, which was denied by them; and, each party persisting in its pretensions, the assembly was dissolved, and new elections took place. the same members being generally re-chosen, the house of representatives assembled with increased irritation, and passed some angry resolutions respecting its dissolution. the governor, in turn, charged the house with encroachments on the power of the executive; among other instances of which, he mentioned certain resolutions passed on the commencement of hostilities by the indians, which were deemed equivalent to a declaration of war, and had therefore been rejected. { } disagreements were multiplied between them. paper money and trade were inexhaustible sources of discontent. new elections produced no change of temper. after war was formally declared against the indians, the house endeavoured to exercise executive powers in its prosecution; and, the council not concurring with them, the representatives attempted, in one instance, to act alone. the measures recommended by the governor to successive assemblies, were disregarded; irritating resolves were adopted and reiterated; and a course of angry crimination and recrimination took place between them in the progress of which the governor's salary was reduced in its nominal as well as real amount; and the sum granted, instead of being voted, as had been usual, at the commencement of the session, was reserved to its close. { } in the midst of these contests, governor shute, who had privately solicited and obtained leave to return to england, suddenly embarked on board the sea horse man of war, leaving the controversy concerning the extent of the executive power, to devolve on the lieutenant governor.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] the house of representatives persisted in asserting its control over objects which had been deemed within the province of the executive; but its resolutions were generally negatived by the council. this produced some altercation between the two branches of the legislature; but they at length united in the passage of a resolution desiring their agent in england to take the best measures for protecting the interests of the colony, which were believed to be in danger from the representations of governor shute. [sidenote: intrigues of the french with the indians.] during these contests in the interior, the frontiers had suffered severely from the depredations of the indians. the french had acquired great influence over all the eastern tribes. jesuit missionaries generally resided among them, who obtained a great ascendancy in their councils. after the cession of nova scotia to great britain, father rahlé, a missionary residing among the savages of that province exerted successfully all his address to excite their jealousies and resentments against the english. by his acts, and those of other missionaries, all the eastern indians, as well as those of canada, were combined against new england. they made incursions into massachusetts, in consequence of which, some troops were detached to the village in which rahlé resided, for the purpose of seizing his person. he received intimation of their approach in time to make his escape; but they secured his papers, among which were some showing that in exciting the savages to war against the english colonists, he had acted under the authority of the governor of canada, who had secretly promised to supply them with arms and ammunition. { } [sidenote: peace.] envoys were deputed with a remonstrance against conduct so incompatible with the state of peace then subsisting between france and england. the governor received this embassy politely, and, at first, denied any interference in the quarrel, alleging that the indians were independent nations who made war and peace without being controlled by him. on being shown his letters to rahlé, he changed his language, and gave assurances of his future good offices in effecting a peace. on the faith of these assurances, conferences were held with some indian chiefs then in canada; several captives were ransomed; and, soon after the return of the commissioners to new england, the war was terminated by a treaty of peace signed at boston.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. belknap.] [sidenote: decision against the house on the controversy with the governor.] [sidenote: new charter.] meanwhile the complaints of governor shute against the house of representatives were heard in england. every question was decided against the house. in most of them, the existing charter was deemed sufficiently explicit; but, on two points, it was thought advisable to have explanatory articles. these were, the right of the governor to negative the appointment of the speaker, and the right of the house on the subject of the adjournment. an explanatory charter therefore affirming the power claimed by the governor to negative a speaker, and denying to the house of representatives the right of adjourning itself for a longer time than two days. this charter was submitted to the general court, to be accepted or refused; but it was accompanied with the intimation that, in the event of its being refused, the whole controversy between the governor and house of representatives would be laid before parliament. the conduct of the representatives had been so generally condemned in england, as to excite fears that an act to vacate the charter would be the consequence of a parliamentary inquiry. the temper of the house too had undergone a change. the violence and irritation which marked its proceedings in the contest with governor shute had subsided; and a majority determined to accept the new charter. { } the trade of the province still languished, and complaints of the scarcity of money were as loud as when only specie was in circulation. to remedy these evils, a bill for emitting a farther sum in paper passed both houses, but was rejected by the lieutenant governor, as being inconsistent with his instructions. the house of representatives, thereupon, postponed the consideration of salaries till the next session. the assembly was then adjourned at its own request, and, after a recess of a fortnight, was again convened. as an expedient to elude the instructions to the governor which interdicted his assent to any act for issuing bills of credit, except for charges of government, a bill passed with the title of "an act for raising and settling a public revenue for and towards defraying the necessary charges of government, by an emission of sixty thousand pounds in bills of credit." this bill providing for the payment of the salaries to which several members of the council were entitled, passed that house also; and the lieutenant governor gave a reluctant assent to it. its passage into a law furnishes strong evidence of the influence which the control over salaries gave to the house of representatives. { } [sidenote: contest respecting salary.] mr. burnet, who had been appointed governor of massachusetts and new hampshire, was received with great pomp in boston. at the first meeting of the assembly, he stated the king's instructions to insist on an established salary, and his intention firmly to adhere to them. the assembly was not less firm in its determination to resist this demand; and, that no additional and unnecessary obloquy might be encountered, resolved, not to mingle any difference concerning the amount of the salary, with the great question of its depending on the will of the legislature. as soon therefore as the compliments usual on the arrival of a governor had passed, the house voted one thousand seven hundred pounds towards his support, and to defray the charges of his journey. this vote was understood to give him, as a present salary, a sum equal to one thousand pounds sterling per annum. the governor declared his inability to assent to this bill, it being inconsistent with his instructions. after a week's deliberation, the assembly granted three hundred pounds for the expenses of his journey, which he accepted; and, in a distinct vote, the farther sum of one thousand four hundred pounds was granted toward his support. the latter vote was accompanied with a joint message from both houses, wherein they asserted their undoubted right as englishmen, and their privilege by the charter, to raise and apply money for the support of government; and their willingness to give the governor an ample and honourable support; but they apprehended it would be most for his majesty's service to do so without establishing a fixed salary. the governor returned an answer on the same day, in which he said, that, if they really intended to give him an ample and honourable support, they could have no just objection to making their purpose effectual by fixing his salary; for he would never accept a grant of the kind then offered. the council was disposed to avoid the contest, and to grant a salary to the present governor for a certain time; but the house of representatives, remaining firm to its purpose, sent a message to the governor requesting that the court might rise. he answered, that a compliance with this request would put it out of the power of the legislature to pay immediate regard to the king's instructions; and he would not grant a recess, until the business of the session should be finished. the representatives then declared that, "in faithfulness to the people, they could not come into an act for establishing a salary on the governor or commander in chief for the time being," and, therefore, renewed their request that the court might rise. both the governor and the house of representatives seem, thus far, to have made their declarations with some reserve. a salary during his own administration might, perhaps, have satisfied him, though he demanded that one should be settled, generally, on the commander in chief for the time being; and the house had not yet declared against settling a salary on him for a limited time. each desired that the other should make some concession. both declined; both were irritated by long altercation; and, at length, instead of mutually advancing fixed at the opposite extremes. after several ineffectual efforts on each side, the representatives sent a message to the governor, stating at large the motives which induced the resolution they had formed. the governor returned a prompt answer, in which he also detailed the reasons in support of the demand he had made. these two papers, manifesting the principles and objects of both parties, deserve attention even at this period. the house, not long after receiving this message, far from making any advances towards a compliance with his request, came to two resolutions strongly expressive of its determination not to recede from the ground which had been taken. these resolutions gave the first indication, on the part of the representatives, of a fixed purpose to make no advance towards a compromise. they induced the governor to remind the court of the danger to which the proceedings of that body might expose the charter. this caution did not deter the house from preparing, and transmitting to the several towns of the province a statement of the controversy, which concludes with saying, "we dare neither come into a fixed salary on the governor for ever, nor for a limited time, for the following reasons: first, because it is an untrodden path which neither we, nor our predecessors have gone in, and we cannot certainly foresee the many dangers that may be in it, nor can we depart from that way which has been found safe and comfortable. secondly, because it is the undoubted right of all englishmen, by _magna charta_, to raise and dispose of money for the public service, of their own free accord, without compulsion. thirdly, because it must necessarily lessen the dignity and freedom of the house of representatives, in making acts, and raising and applying taxes, &c. and, consequently, cannot be thought a proper method to preserve that balance in the three branches of the legislature, which seems necessary to form, maintain, and uphold, the constitution. fourthly, because the charter fully empowers the general assembly to make such laws and orders as they shall judge for the good and welfare of the inhabitants; and if they, or any part of them, judge this not to be for their good, they neither ought nor could come into it, for, as to act beyond or without the powers granted in the charter might justly incur the king's displeasure, so not to act up and agreeable to those powers, might justly be deemed a betraying of the rights and privileges therein granted; and if they should give up this right, they would open a door to many other inconveniences." many messages passed in quick succession between the governor and the house, in the course of which the arguments stated in the papers which have been mentioned, were enlarged and diversified. at length, the house repeated its request for an adjournment; but the governor replied that "unless his majesty's pleasure had due weight with them, their desires would have very little with him." the council now interposed with a resolution declaring "that it is expedient for the court to ascertain a sum as a salary for his excellency's support, as also the term of time for its continuance." this resolution was transmitted to the house of representatives, and immediately rejected. after much controversy, a small seeming advance towards an accommodation was made. instead of voting a salary, as had been usual, for half a year, a grant was made to the governor of three thousand pounds, equal to one thousand pounds sterling, to enable him to manage the affairs of the province. this was generally understood to be a salary for a year. the governor having withheld his assent from this vote, the house entreated him to accept the grant; and added "we cannot doubt but that succeeding assemblies, according to the ability of the province, will be very ready to grant as ample a support; and if they should not, your excellency will then have an opportunity of showing your resentment." the governor however persisted to withhold his assent from the vote. [sidenote: adjournment of the assembly to salem.] the colony generally, and especially boston, was opposed to a compliance with the instructions of the crown. at a general meeting of the inhabitants, the town passed a vote, purporting to be unanimous against fixing a salary on the governor. in consequence of this vote, and of an opinion that the members of the house were influenced by the inhabitants of the town, the governor determined to change the place at which the court should hold its session; and on the th of october, adjourned it to the th then to meet at salem, in the country of essex. change of place did not change the temper of the house. this was not, as in the contests with governor shute, an angry altercation, into which the representatives were precipitated by a restless and encroaching temper, but a solemn and deliberate stand, made in defence of a right believed to be unquestionable, and of a principle deemed essential to the welfare of the colony. the ground taken was considered well, and maintained with firmness. votes and messages of the same tenor with those which had been often repeated, continued to pass between the representatives and the governor, until the subject was entirely exhausted. each party being determined to adhere to its principles, the house met and adjourned daily, without entering on business. in the mean time, the governor received no salary. to the members of boston, who had not been accustomed to the expense of attending the legislature at a distant place, a compensation, above their ordinary wages, was made by that town. the house, firmly persuaded of the propriety of its conduct, prepared a memorial to the king praying a change in the royal instructions to the governor. agents were appointed to represent the general court in england, and a vote was passed for defraying the expenses attendant on the business. the council refused to concur in this vote, because the agents had been appointed by the house of representatives singly; and the measure must have been abandoned for want of money, had not the inhabitants of boston raised the sum required, by subscription. { } letters were soon received from these agents, inclosing a report from the board of trade, before whom they had been heard by council, entirely disapproving the conduct of the house. the letters also indicated that, should the house persist in its refusal to comply with the king's instructions, the affair might be carried before parliament. but, should even this happen, the agents thought it more advisable that the salary should be fixed by the supreme legislature, than by that of the province. "it was better," they said, "that the liberties of the people should be taken from them, than given up by themselves." the governor, at length, refused to sign a warrant on the treasury for the wages of the members. "one branch of the legislature," he said, "might as well go without their pay as the other." the act, and the reason for it, were alike unsatisfactory to the house. [sidenote: death of governor burnet.] after a recess from the th of december to the d of april, the general court met again at salem. repeated meetings at that place having produced no accommodation, the governor adjourned the legislature to cambridge. a few days after the commencement of the session, he was seized with a fever, of which he died. mr. burnet is said to have possessed many valuable qualities; and, had he not been engaged, by a sense of duty, in this long contest, he would, in all probability, have been a favourite of the province.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] { } [sidenote: arrival of governor belcher.] mr. belcher, who succeeded burnet, arrived at boston early in august where he was cordially received. at the first meeting of the general court, he pressed the establishment of a permanent salary, and laid before them his instructions, in which it was declared that, in the event of the continued refusal of the assembly, "his majesty will find himself under the necessity of laying the undutiful behaviour of the province before the legislature of great britain, not only in this single instance, but in many others of the same nature and tendency, whereby it manifestly appears that this assembly, for some years last past, have attempted, by unwarrantable practices, to weaken, if not cast off, the obedience they owe to the crown, and the dependence which all colonies ought to have on the mother country." at the close of these instructions, his majesty added his expectation, "that they do forthwith comply with this proposal, as the last signification of our royal pleasure to them on this subject, and if the said assembly shall not think fit to comply therewith, it is our will and pleasure, and you are required, immediately, to come over to this kingdom of great britain, in order to give us an exact account of all that shall have passed on this subject, that we may lay the same before our parliament." the house proceeded, as in the case of governor burnet, to make a grant to mr. belcher of one thousand pounds currency for defraying the expense of his voyage, and as a gratuity for his services while the agent of the colony in england; and, some time after, voted a sum equal to one thousand pounds sterling to enable him to manage the public affairs, &c.; but fixed no time for which the allowance was made. the council concurred in this vote, adding an amendment "and that the same sum be annually allowed for the governor's support." the house not agreeing to this amendment, the council carried it so as to read "that the same sum should be annually paid during his excellency's continuance in the government, and residence here." this also was disagreed to and the resolution fell. the small-pox being in the town of cambridge, the assembly was adjourned to roxbury. { } two or three sessions passed with little more, on the part of the governor, than a repetition of his demand for a fixed salary, and an intimation that he should be obliged to return to england, and state the conduct of the house of representatives to the king. some unsuccessful attempts were made by his friends to pass a bill fixing the salary during his administration, with a protest against the principle, and against that bill's being drawn into precedent. failing in this expedient, and finding the house inflexible, he despaired of succeeding with that body, and turned his attention to the relaxation of his instructions. he advised an address from the house to his majesty, praying that he might be permitted to receive the sum which the legislature had offered to grant him. this was allowed by the crown; with the understanding that he was still to insist on a compliance with his instructions. leave to accept particular grants was obtained for two or three years successively; and, at length, a general permission was conceded to accept such sums as might be given by the assembly.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] [sidenote: contest concerning the salary terminated.] thus was terminated, the stubborn contest concerning a permanent salary for the governor. its circumstances have been given more in detail than consists with the general plan of this work, because it is considered as exhibiting, in genuine colours, the character of the people engaged in it. it is regarded as an early and an honourable display of the same persevering temper in defence of principle, of the same unconquerable spirit of liberty, which at a later day, and on a more important question, tore the british colonies from a country to which they had been strongly attached. { } the immense quantity of depreciated paper which was in circulation throughout new england, had no tendency to diminish the complaints of the scarcity of money. massachusetts and new hampshire were restrained from farther emissions by the instructions to their governors, who received their appointments from the crown. connecticut, engaged chiefly in agricultural pursuits, suffered less from this depreciated medium than her neighbours, and was less disposed to increase its evils. rhode island, equally commercial with massachusetts, and equally fond of paper, chose her own governor, and might therefore indulge, without restraint, her passion for a system alike unfavourable to morals and to industry. that colony now issued one hundred thousand pounds on loan, to its inhabitants, for twenty years. the merchants of boston, apprehensive that this capital would transfer the stock of massachusetts to rhode island, associated against receiving the new emission; and many of them formed a company which issued one hundred and ten thousand pounds, redeemable with specie, in ten years, a tenth part annually, at the then current value of paper. the association against receiving the new emission of rhode island was not long observed; and the bills of new hampshire and connecticut were also current. silver immediately rose to twenty-seven shillings the ounce, and the notes issued by the merchants soon disappeared, leaving in circulation only the government paper. { } great uneasiness prevailed through massachusetts on this subject. the last instalment of the bills would become due in , and no power existed to redeem them by new emissions. serious consequences were apprehended from calling in the circulating medium without substituting another in its place, and the alarm was increased by the circumstance that the taxes had been so lightly apportioned on the first years, as to require the imposition of heavy burdens for the redemption of what remained in circulation. the discontents excited by these causes were manifested in the elections, and were directed against the governor, who was openly hostile to the paper system. [sidenote: land bank.] the projector of the bank again came forward; and, placing himself at the head of seven or eight hundred persons, some of whom possessed property, proposed to form a company which should issue one hundred and fifty thousand pounds in bills. by this scheme, every borrower of a sum larger than one hundred pounds, was to mortgage real estate to secure its re-payment. the borrowers of smaller sums might secure their re-payment either by mortgage, or by bond with two securities. each subscriber, or partner was to pay, annually, three per centum interest on the sum he should take, and five per centum of the principal, either in the bills themselves, or in the produce and manufactures of the country, at such rates as the directors should, from time to time, establish. { } [sidenote: company dissolved.] although the favourers of this project were so successful at the elections as to obtain a great majority in the general court, men of fortune, and the principal merchants, refused to receive these bills. many small traders, however, and other persons interested in the circulation of a depreciated currency, gave them credit. the directors themselves, it was said, became traders; and issued bills without limitation, and without giving security for their redemption. the governor, anticipating the pernicious effects of the institution, exerted all his influence against it. he displaced such executive officers as were members of it, and negatived the speaker, and thirteen members elected to the council, who were also of the company. general confusion being apprehended, application was made to parliament for an act to suppress the company. this being readily obtained, the company was dissolved, and the holders of the bills were allowed their action against its members, individually.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] about this time governor belcher was recalled, and mr. shirley was appointed to succeed him. he found the land bank interest predominant in the house, and the treasury empty. { } in this state of things, he deemed it necessary to depart from the letter of his instructions, in order to preserve their spirit. a bill was passed declaring that all contracts should be understood to be payable in silver at six shillings and eight pence the ounce, or in gold at its comparative value. bills of a new form were issued, purporting to be for ounces of silver, which were to be received in payment of all debts, with this proviso, that if they should depreciate between the time of contract and of payment, a proportional addition should be made to the debt. [sidenote: affairs of new york.] while these transactions were passing in new england, symptoms of that jealousy which an unsettled boundary must produce between neighbours, began to show themselves in canada and new york. the geographical situation of these colonies had, at an early period, directed the attention of both towards the commerce of the lakes. mr. burnet, the governor both of new york and new jersey, impressed with the importance of acquiring the command of lake ontario, had, in the year , erected a trading house at oswego in the country of the senecas. this measure excited the jealousy of the french, who launched two vessels on the lake, and transported materials to niagara for building a large store house, and for repairing the fort at that place. these proceedings were strongly opposed by the senecas, and by the government of new york. mr. burnet remonstrated against them as encroachments on a british province, and also addressed administration on the subject. complaints were made to the cabinet of versailles; but the governor of canada proceeded to complete the fort. to countervail the effects of a measure which he could not prevent, governor burnet erected a fort at oswego; soon after the building of which, while mr. vandam was governor of new york, the french took possession of crown point, which they fortified; and thus acquired the command of lake champlain. obviously as this measure was calculated to favour both the offensive and defensive operations of france in america, the english minister, after an unavailing remonstrance, submitted to it. chapter ix. war with the southern indians.... dissatisfaction of carolina with the proprietors.... rupture with spain.... combination to subvert the proprietary government.... revolution completed.... expedition from the havanna against charleston.... peace with spain.... the proprietors surrender their interest to the crown.... the province divided.... georgia settled.... impolicy of the first regulations.... intrigues of the spaniards with the slaves of south carolina.... insurrection of the slaves. { } in carolina, the contests between the inhabitants and the proprietors, added to the favour with which the queen heard the complaints of the dissenters, had turned the attention of the people towards the crown, and produced a strong desire to substitute the regal, for the proprietary government. this desire was increased by an event which demonstrated the incompetency of their government. [sidenote: war with the indians.] the yamassees, a powerful tribe of indians on the north east of the savanna, instigated by the spaniards at st. augustine, secretly prepared a general combination of all the southern indians, against the province. having massacred the traders settled among them, they advanced in great force against the southern frontier, spreading desolation and slaughter on their route. the inhabitants were driven into charleston; and governor craven proclaimed martial law. he also obtained an act of assembly empowering him to impress men; to seize arms, ammunition, and stores; to arm such negroes as could be trusted; and, generally, to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. agents were sent to virginia and to england to solicit assistance, and bills were issued for the payment and subsistence of the army. at the same time, the indians entered the northern part of the province, and were within fifty miles of the capital. thus surrounded by enemies, the governor took the course which was suggested equally by courage and by prudence. leaving the less active part of the population to find security in the forts at charleston, he marched with the militia, towards the southern frontier, which was invaded by the strongest body of indians; and, at a place called salt catchers, attacked and totally defeated them. the victors pursued them into their own country, expelled them from it, and drove them over the savanna river. the fugitives found protection in florida, where they made a new settlement, from which they continued long afterwards, to make distressing incursions into carolina. the agent who had been sent by the legislature to england to implore the protection of the proprietors, had received ulterior instructions, should he not succeed with them, to apply directly to the king. being dissatisfied with his reception by the proprietors, he petitioned the house of commons, who addressed the king, praying his interposition, and immediate assistance to the colony. the king referred the matter to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations, whose report was unfavourable to the application, because the province of carolina was a proprietary government. they were of opinion that, if the colony was to be protected at the expense of the nation, its government ought to be vested in the crown. on receiving this opinion, the proprietors, in a general meeting, avowed their inability to protect the province, and declared that, unless his majesty would graciously please to interpose, they could foresee nothing but the utter destruction of his faithful subjects in those parts. a government unable to afford protection to the people, was ill adapted to the situation of carolina. the dissatisfaction growing out of this cause was still farther augmented by the unpopular, and, in some instances, unwise acts of the proprietors. to relieve the distress produced by war, considerable sums of paper money had been issued; and the proprietors, on the complaint of the merchants, of london engaged in the trade of the province, had given instructions to reduce the quantity in circulation. { to } the assembly had appropriated the country of the yamassees, to the use of such of his majesty's european subjects, as would settle it. extracts from the law on this subject being published in england, and in ireland, five hundred men from the latter kingdom emigrated to carolina. the proprietors repealed this law; and, to the utter ruin of the emigrants, as well as to the destruction of this barrier against the savages, ordered the lands to be surveyed, and erected into baronies, for themselves. while the population was confined to the neighbourhood of charleston, all the members of the assembly had been elected at that place. as the settlements extended, this practice became inconvenient; and an act was passed, declaring that every parish should choose a certain number of representatives, and that the elections should be held, in each, at the parish church. as if to destroy themselves in the province, the proprietors repealed this popular law also. heavy expenses being still incurred for defence against the inroads of the southern indians, the people complained loudly of the insufficiency of that government which, unable itself to protect them, prevented the interposition of the crown in their favour. in this temper, governor johnson, son of the former governor of that name, found the province. he met the assembly with a conciliatory speech, and received an answer expressing great satisfaction at his appointment. his original popularity was increased by the courage he displayed in two expeditions against a formidable band of pirates who had long infested the coast, which he entirely extirpated. { } these expeditions occasioned still farther emissions of paper money. the governor, being instructed to diminish its quantity, had influence enough with the assembly to obtain an act for redeeming the bills of credit, in three years, by a tax on lands and negroes. this tax falling heavily on the planters, they sought to elude it by obtaining an act for a farther emission of bills. the proprietors, being informed of this design, and also of an intention to make the produce of the country a tender in payment of all debts, at a fixed value, enjoined the governor not to give his assent to any bill, until it should be laid before them. about the same time, the king, by an order in council, signified his desire to the proprietors, that they would repeal an act passed in carolina, for imposing a duty of ten per centum on all goods of british manufacture imported into the province. the repeal of this act, and of one declaring the right of the assembly to name a receiver of the public money, and of the election law, were transmitted to the governor, in a letter directing him to dissolve the assembly, and to hold a new election at charleston, according to ancient usage. { } the assembly being employed in devising means for raising revenue, their dissolution was deferred; but the repeal of the law imposing duties, and the royal displeasure at the clause laying a duty on british manufactures, were immediately communicated, with a recommendation to pass another act, omitting that clause. meanwhile the governor's instructions were divulged. they excited great irritation; and produced a warm debate on the right of the proprietors to repeal a law enacted with the consent of their deputy in the province. { } about this time, chief justice trott, who had become extremely unpopular in the colony, was charged with many iniquitous proceedings; and the governor, the major part of the council, and the assembly, united in a memorial representing his malpractices to the proprietors. mr. young was deputed their agent to enforce these complaints. soon after his arrival in london, he presented a memorial to the proprietors, detailing the proceedings of carolina, and stating the objections of the assembly to the right of their lordships to repeal laws, which had been approved by their deputies. this memorial was very unfavourably received, and the members of the council who had subscribed it, were displaced. the proprietors asserted their right to repeal all laws passed in the province, approved the conduct of the chief justice, censured that of the governor in disobeying their instructions respecting the dissolution of the assembly, and repeated their orders on this subject. however the governor might disapprove the instructions given him, he did not hesitate to obey them. the new council was summoned, the assembly was dissolved, and writs were issued for electing another at charleston. [sidenote: war with spain.] the public mind had been gradually prepared for a revolution, and these irritating measures completed the disgust with which the people viewed the government of the proprietors. an opportunity to make the change so generally desired was soon afforded. a rupture having taken place between great britain and spain, advice was received from england of a plan formed in the havanna for the invasion of carolina. the governor convened the council, and such members of the assembly as were in town, and laid his intelligence before them. he, at the same time, stated the ruinous condition of the fortifications, and proposed that a sum for repairing them should be raised, by voluntary subscription, of which he set the example by a liberal donation. the assembly declared a subscription to be unnecessary, as the duties would afford an ample fund for the object. the repeal of the law imposing them was said to be utterly void, and would be disregarded. [sidenote: combination to subvert the government.] the members of the new assembly, though they had not been regularly convened at charleston, had held several private meetings in the country to concert measures of future resistance. they had drawn up an association for uniting the whole province in opposition to the proprietary government, which was proposed to the militia at their public meetings, and subscribed almost unanimously. this confederacy was formed with such secrecy and dispatch, that, before the governor was informed of it, almost every inhabitant of the province was engaged in it. the members of the assembly, thus supported by the people, resolved to subvert the power of the proprietors. the governor, who resided in the country, had no intimation of these secret meetings and transactions, until he received a letter from a committee of the representatives of the people, offering him the government of the province under the king; it having been determined to submit no longer to that of the proprietors. mr. johnson resolved to suppress this spirit of revolt, and hastened to town in order to lay the letter before his council. they advised him to take no notice of it, until the legislature should be regularly convened. on meeting, the assembly declared, "that the laws, pretended to be repealed, continued to be in force; and that no power, other than the general assembly, could repeal them: that the writs under which they were elected were void, inasmuch as they had been issued by advice of an unconstitutional council: that the representatives cannot, therefore, act as an assembly, but as a convention delegated by the people to prevent the utter ruin of the government: and, lastly, that the lords proprietors had unhinged the frame of the government, and forfeited their right thereto; and that an address be prepared to desire the honourable robert johnson, the present governor, to take on himself the government of the province in the name of the king." the address was signed by arthur middleton, as president of the convention, and by twenty-two members. after several unavailing efforts, on the part of the assembly, to induce mr. johnson to accept the government under the king; and, on his part, to reinstate the government of the proprietors; he issued a proclamation dissolving the assembly, and retired into the country. the proclamation was torn from the hands of the officer, and the assembly elected colonel james moore chief magistrate of the colony. [sidenote: revolution completed.] after proclaiming him in the name of the king, and electing a council, the legislature published a declaration stating the revolution that had taken place, with the causes which produced it; and then proceeded, deliberately to manage the affairs of the province. [sidenote: the proprietors surrender to the crown.] while carolina was effecting this revolution, the agent of the colony obtained a hearing before the lords of the regency and council in england, (the king being then in hanover) who were of opinion that the proprietors had forfeited their charter. they ordered the attorney general to take out a _scire facias_ against it, and appointed francis nicholson provisional governor of the province under the king. he was received with universal joy; and the people of carolina passed, with great satisfaction, from the proprietary government to the immediate dominion of the crown. this revolution was completed by an agreement between the crown and seven of the proprietors, whereby, for the sum of seventeen thousand five hundred pounds sterling, they surrendered their right and interest both in the government and soil. this agreement was confirmed by an act of parliament; soon after which john lord carteret, the remaining proprietor, also surrendered all his interest in the government, but retained his rights of property.[ ] [footnote : history of south carolina.] { } { } [sidenote: the province divided.] carolina received with joy the same form of government which had been bestowed on her sister colonies. the people pleased with their situation, and secure of protection, turned their attention to domestic and agricultural pursuits; and the face of the country soon evidenced the happy effects which result from contented industry, directed by those who are to receive its fruits. for the convenience of the inhabitants, the province was divided; and was, thenceforward, distinguished by the names of north and south carolina.[ ] [footnote : idem.] [sidenote: georgia settled.] about this period, the settlement of a new colony was planned in england. the tract of country lying between the rivers savanna and alatamaha being unoccupied by europeans, a company was formed for the humane purpose of transplanting into this wilderness, the suffering poor of the mother country. this territory, now denominated georgia, was granted to the company; and a corporation, consisting of twenty-one persons, was created under the name of "trustees for settling and establishing the colony of georgia." large sums of money were subscribed for transporting, and furnishing with necessaries, such poor people as should be willing to pass the atlantic, and to seek the means of subsistence in a new world. one hundred and sixteen persons embarked at gravesend, under the conduct of mr. james oglethorpe, one of the trustees, who, after landing at charleston, proceeded to the tract of country allotted for the new colony, and laid the foundation of the town of savanna, on the river which bears that name. a small fort was erected on its bank, in which some guns were mounted; and a treaty was held with the creek indians, from whom the cession of a considerable tract was obtained. the trustees continued to make great efforts for the accomplishment of their object, and settled several companies of emigrants in georgia. unfortunately, the wisdom of their regulations did not equal the humanity of their motives. totally unacquainted with the country they were to govern, they devised a system for it, rather calculated to impede than to promote its population. { } [sidenote: impolicy of the first regulation.] considering each male inhabitant both as a soldier and a planter, to be provided with arms and ammunition for defence as well as with utensils for cultivation, they adopted the pernicious resolution of introducing such tenures for holding lands as were most favourable to a military establishment. each tract granted, was considered as a military fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms, and take the field, when required for the public defence. the grants were in _tail male_; and, on the termination of the estate, the lands were to revert to the trust, to be re-granted to such persons as would most benefit the colony. any lands which should not be enclosed, cleared, and cultivated, within eighteen years, reverted to the trust. the importation of negroes, and of rum, was prohibited; and those only were allowed to trade with the indians, to whom a license should be given. however specious the arguments in support of these regulations might appear to the trustees, human ingenuity could scarcely have devised a system better calculated to defeat their hopes. the tenure of lands drove the settlers into carolina where that property might be acquired in fee simple. the prohibition of slavery rendered the task of opening the country, too heavy to be successfully undertaken in that burning climate; and the restriction on their trade to the west indies, deprived them of the only market for lumber, an article in which they abounded. { } mr. oglethorpe's first employment was the construction of fortifications for defence. he erected one fort on the savanna, at augusta, and another on an island of the alatamaha, called frederica, for defence against the indians and the inhabitants of florida. the spaniards remonstrated against them; and a commissioner from the havanna insisted on the evacuation of the country to the thirty-third degree of north latitude, which he claimed in the name of the king of spain; but this remonstrance and claim were equally disregarded. the restrictions imposed by the trustees, on the inhabitants of georgia, were too oppressive to be endured in silence. they remonstrated, particularly, against the tenure by which their lands were held, and against the prohibition of the introduction of slaves. these complaints, the result of experience, were addressed to persons ignorant of the condition of the petitioners, and were neglected. the colony languished; while south carolina, not unlike georgia both in soil and climate, advanced with considerable rapidity. although emigration was encouraged by paying the passage money of the emigrants, by furnishing them with clothes, arms, ammunition, and implements of husbandry, by maintaining their families for the first year, and, in some instances, by furnishing them with stock; yet the unwise policy, which has been mentioned, more than counterbalanced these advantages; and for ten years, during which time the exports from carolina more than doubled, the settlers in georgia could, with difficulty, obtain a scanty subsistence. { } the differences between great britain and spain not admitting of adjustment, both nations prepared for war. the spaniards strengthened east florida; and the british government ordered a regiment, consisting of six hundred effective men, into georgia. the command of the troops, both of georgia and carolina, was given to major general oglethorpe, who fixed his headquarters at frederica. [sidenote: insurrection of the slaves.] before hostilities had commenced, the spaniards at st. augustine engaged in criminal intrigues among the blacks of carolina. agents had been secretly employed in seducing the slaves of that province to escape to st. augustine, where liberty was promised them, and where they were formed into a regiment officered by themselves. hitherto these practices had been attended only with the loss of property; but, about this time, the evil assumed a much more alarming form. a large number of slaves assembled at stono, where they forced a warehouse containing arms and ammunition, murdered the whites in possession of it, and, after choosing a captain, directed their march south westward, with drums beating and colours flying. on their march, they massacred the whites, seized all the arms they could find, and forced such blacks as did not voluntarily join them, to follow their party. intoxicated with ardent spirits, and with their short lived success, they considered their work as already achieved, and halted in an open field, where the time which might have been employed in promoting their design, was devoted to dancing and exultation. fortunately, the people of the neighbourhood had assembled on the same day, to attend divine service; and, as was then directed by law, all the men came armed. they marched immediately against the blacks, whom they completely surprised. many were killed, and the residue dispersed or taken. thus the insurrection was suppressed on the day of its commencement; and such of its leaders as survived the battle were immediately executed. during the long repose, which the pacific temper of the duke of orleans, regent of france during the minority of louis xv. and the equally pacific temper of sir robert walpole, minister of england, gave to their respective countries, the british colonies in america had increased rapidly in population and in wealth. lands were cheap, and subsistence easily acquired. from new york to virginia inclusive, no enemy existed to restrain new settlements, and no fears of inability to maintain a family, checked the natural propensity to early marriages. the people were employed in cultivating the earth, and in spreading themselves over the vast regions which were open to them; and, during this period, their history furnishes none of those remarkable events which interest posterity. chapter x. war declared against spain.... expedition against st. augustine.... georgia invaded.... spaniards land on an island in the alatamaha.... appearance of a fleet from charleston.... spanish army re-embarks.... hostilities with france.... expedition against louisbourg.... louisbourg surrenders.... great plans of the belligerent powers.... misfortunes of the armament under the duke d'anville.... the french fleet dispersed by a storm.... expedition against nova scotia.... treaty of aix la chapelle.... paper money of massachusetts redeemed.... contests between the french and english respecting boundaries.... statement respecting the discovery of the mississippi.... scheme for connecting louisiana with canada.... relative strength of the french and english colonies.... defeat at the little meadows.... convention at albany.... plan of union.... objected to both in america and great britain. { } [sidenote: war with spain.] the increasing complaints of the merchants, and the loud clamours of the nation, at length forced the minister to abandon his pacific system; and war was declared against spain. a squadron commanded by admiral vernon was detached to the west indies, with instructions to act offensively; and general oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the settlements in florida. he planned an expedition against st. augustine, and requested the assistance of south carolina. that colony, ardently desiring the expulsion of neighbours alike feared and hated, entered zealously into the views of the general, and agreed to furnish the men and money he requested. a regiment, commanded by colonel vanderdussen, was immediately raised in virginia and the two carolinas. a body of indians was also engaged, and captain price, who commanded the small fleet on that station, promised his co-operation. these arrangements being made, and the mouth of st. john's river, on the coast of florida, being appointed as the place, of rendezvous general oglethorpe hastened to georgia, to prepare his regiment for the expedition. { } those unexpected impediments, which always embarrass military movements conducted by men without experience, having delayed the arrival of his northern troops, oglethorpe entered florida at the head of his own regiment, aided by a party of indians; and invested diego, a small fort about twenty-five miles from st. augustine, which capitulated after a short resistance. he then returned to the place of rendezvous, where he was joined by colonel vanderdussen, and by a company of highlanders under the command of captain m'intosh; a few days after which, he marched with his whole force, consisting of about two thousand men, to fort moosa, in the neighbourhood of st. augustine, which was evacuated on his approach. the general now perceived that the enterprise would be attended with more difficulty than had been anticipated. in the time which intervened between his entering florida and appearing before the town, supplies of provisions had been received from the country, and six spanish half gallies carrying long brass nine pounders, and two sloops laden with provisions, had entered the harbour. finding the place better fortified than had been expected, he determined to invest it completely, and to advance by regular approaches. in execution of this plan, colonel palmer, with ninety-five highlanders, and forty-two indians, remained at fort moosa, while the army took different positions near the town, and began an ineffectual bombardment from the island of anastasia. the general was deliberating on a plan for forcing the harbour and taking a nearer position, when colonel palmer was surprised, and his detachment cut to pieces. at the same time some small vessels from the havanna, with a reinforcement of men and supply of provisions, entered the harbour through the narrow channel of the matanzas. the army began to despair of success; and the provincials, enfeebled by the heat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away in large bodies. the navy being ill supplied with provisions, and the season for hurricanes approaching, captain price was unwilling to hazard his majesty's ships on that coast. the general, labouring under a fever, finding his regiment, as well as himself, worn out with fatigue, and rendered unfit for action by disease; reluctantly abandoned the enterprise, and returned to frederica. the colonists, disappointed and chagrined by the failure of the expedition, attributed this misfortune entirely to the incapacity of the general, who was not less dissatisfied with them. whatever may have been the true causes of the failure, it produced a mutual and injurious distrust between the general and the colonists.[ ] [footnote : in the same year charleston was reduced to ashes. a large portion of its inhabitants passed, in one day, from prosperity to indigence. under the pressure of this misfortune, the legislature applied to parliament for aid; and that body, with a liberality reflecting honour on its members, voted twenty thousand pounds, to be distributed among the sufferers.] { } the events of the war soon disclosed the dangers resulting from this want of confidence in general oglethorpe, and, still more, from the want of power to produce a co-operation of the common force for the common defence. spain had ever considered the settlement of georgia as an encroachment on her territory, and had cherished the intention to seize every proper occasion to dislodge the english by force. with this view, an armament consisting of two thousand men, commanded by don antonio di ridondo, embarked at the havanna, under convoy of a strong squadron, and arrived at st. augustine in may. the fleet having been seen on its passage, notice of its approach was given to general oglethorpe, who communicated the intelligence to governor glenn of south carolina, and urged the necessity of sending the troops of that province to his assistance. georgia being a barrier for south carolina, the policy of meeting an invading army on the frontiers of the former, especially one containing several companies composed of negroes who had fled from the latter, was too obvious not to be perceived: yet either from prejudice against oglethorpe, or the disposition inherent in separate governments to preserve their own force for their own defence, carolina refused to give that general any assistance. its attention was directed entirely to the defence of charleston; and the inhabitants of its southern frontier, instead of marching to the camp of oglethorpe, fled to that city for safety. in the mean time, the general collected a few highlanders, and rangers of georgia, together with as many indian warriors as would join him, and determined to defend frederica. [sidenote: georgia invaded.] late in june, the spanish fleet, consisting of thirty-two sail, carrying above three thousand men, crossed simon's bar into jekyl sound, and passing simon's fort, then occupied by general oglethorpe, proceeded up the alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns; after which, the troops landed on the island, and erected a battery of twenty eighteen pounders. fort simon's being indefensible, oglethorpe retreated to frederica. his whole force, exclusive of indians, amounted to little more than seven hundred men, a force which could only enable him to act on the defensive until the arrival of reinforcements which he still expected from south carolina. the face of the country was peculiarly favorable to this system of operations. its thick woods and deep morasses opposed great obstacles to the advance of an invading enemy, not well acquainted with the paths which passed through them. oglethorpe turned these advantages to the best account. in an attempt made by the spanish general to pierce these woods in order to reach frederica, several sharp rencounters took place; in one of which he lost a captain and two lieutenants killed, and above one hundred privates taken prisoners. he then changed his plan of operations; and, abandoning his intention of forcing his way to frederica by land, called in his parties, kept his men under cover of his cannon, and detached some vessels up the river, with a body of troops on board, to reconnoitre the fort, and draw the attention of the english to that quarter. about this time, an english prisoner escaped from the spaniards, and informed general oglethorpe that a difference existed between the troops from cuba, and those from st. augustine, which had been carried so far that they encamped in separate places. this intelligence suggested the idea of attacking them while divided; and his perfect knowledge of the woods favoured the hope of surprising one of their encampments. in execution of this design, he drew out the flower of his army, and marched in the night, unobserved, within two miles of the spanish camp. there, his troops halted, and he advanced, himself, at the head of a select corps, to reconnoitre the situation of the enemy. while he was using the utmost circumspection to obtain the necessary information without being discovered, a french soldier of his party discharged his musket, and ran into the spanish lines. discovery defeating every hope of success, the general retreated to frederica. oglethorpe, confident that the deserter would disclose his weakness, devised an expedient which turned the event to advantage. he wrote to the deserter as if in concert with him, directing him to give the spanish general such information as might induce him to attack frederica; hinting also at an attempt meditated by admiral vernon on st. augustine, and at late advices from carolina, giving assurances of a reinforcement of two thousand men. he then tampered with one of the spanish prisoners, who, for a small bribe, promised to deliver this letter to the deserter, after which, he was permitted to escape. the prisoner, as was foreseen delivered the letter to his general, who ordered the deserter to be put in irons; and, was, in no small degree, embarrassed to determine whether the letter ought to be considered as a stratagem to save frederica, and induce the abandonment of the enterprise; or as real instructions to direct the conduct of a spy. while hesitating on the course to be pursued, his doubts were removed by one of those incidents, which have so much influence on human affairs. [sidenote: spanish army re-embarks in confusion.] the assembly of south carolina had voted a supply of money to general oglethorpe; and the governor had ordered some ships of force to his aid. these appeared off the coast while the principal officers of the spanish army were yet deliberating on the letter. they deliberated no longer. the whole army was seized with a panic; and, after setting fire to the fort, embarked in great hurry and confusion, leaving behind several pieces of heavy artillery, and a large quantity of provisions and military stores. thus was georgia delivered from an invasion which threatened the total subjugation of the province. the ill success of these reciprocal attempts at conquest, seems to have discouraged both parties; and the spanish and english colonies, in the neighbourhood of each other, contented themselves, for the residue of the war, with guarding their own frontiers. the connexion between the branches of the house of bourbon was too intimate for the preservation of peace with france, during the prosecution of war against spain. both nations expected and prepared for hostilities. war had commenced in fact, though not in form, on the continent of europe; but as they carried on their military operations as auxiliaries, in support of the contending claims of the elector of bavaria, and the queen of hungary, to the imperial throne, they preserved in america a suspicious and jealous suspension of hostility, rather than a real peace. { } this state of things was interrupted by a sudden incursion of the french into nova scotia. [sidenote: hostilities with france.] the governor of cape breton having received information that france and great britain had become principals in the war, took possession of de canseau with a small military and naval force, and made the garrison, and inhabitants prisoners of war. this enterprise was followed by an attempt on annapolis, which was defeated by the timely arrival of a reinforcement from massachusetts. these offensive operations stimulated the english colonists to additional efforts to expel such dangerous neighbors, and to unite the whole northern continent bordering on the atlantic, under one common sovereign. the island of cape breton, so denominated from one of its capes, lies between the th and th degree of north latitude, at the distance of fifteen leagues from cape ray, the south western extremity of newfoundland. its position rendered the possession of it very material to the commerce of france; and the facility with which the fisheries might be annoyed from its ports, gave it an importance to which it could not otherwise have been entitled. thirty millions of livres,[ ] and the labour of twenty-five years, had been employed on its fortifications. from its strength, and still more from the numerous privateers that issued from its ports, it had been termed the dunkirk[ ] of america. on this place, governor shirley meditated an attack. [footnote : about five and a half millions of dollars.] [footnote : belknap.] the prisoners taken at canseau, and others who had been captured at sea and carried to louisbourg, were sent to boston. the information they gave, if it did not originally suggest this enterprise, contributed greatly to its adoption. they said that duvivier had gone to france to solicit assistance for the conquest of nova scotia, in the course of the ensuing campaign; and that the store ships from france for cape breton, not having arrived on the coast until it was blocked up with ice, had retired to the west indies. in several letters addressed to administration, governor shirley represented the danger to which nova scotia was exposed, and pressed for naval assistance. these letters were sent by captain ryal, an officer of the garrison which had been taken at canseau, whose knowledge of louisbourg, of cape breton, and of nova scotia, enabled him to make such representations to the lords of the admiralty, as were calculated to promote the views of the northern colonies. the governor was not disappointed. orders were dispatched to commodore warren, then in the west indies, to proceed towards the north, early in the spring; and to employ such a force as might be necessary to protect the northern colonies in their trade and fisheries, as well as to distress the enemy. on these subjects, he was instructed to consult with shirley, to whom orders of the same date were written, directing him to assist the king's ships with transports, men, and provisions. such deep impression had the design of taking louisbourg made on the mind of shirley, that he did not wait for intelligence of the reception given to his application for naval assistance. he was induced to decide on engaging in the enterprise, even without such assistance, by the representations of mr. vaughan, son of the lieutenant governor of new hampshire, a man of a sanguine and ardent temper, who could think nothing impracticable which he wished to achieve. mr. vaughan had never been at louisbourg, but had learned something of the strength of the place, from fishermen and others; and the bold turn of his mind suggested the idea of surprising it. there is something infectious in enthusiasm, whatever be its object; and vaughan soon communicated his own convictions to shirley.[ ] [footnote : belknap.] { } the governor informed the general court that he had a proposition of great importance to communicate, and requested that the members would take an oath of secrecy, previous to his laying it before them. this novel request being complied with, he submitted his plan for attacking louisbourg. it was referred to a committee of both houses; the arguments for and against the enterprise were temperately considered; and the part suggested by prudence prevailed. the expedition was thought too great, too hazardous, and too expensive. the report of the committee was approved by the house of representatives, and the expedition was supposed to be abandoned; but, notwithstanding the precaution taken to secure secrecy, the subject which had occupied the legislature was divulged,[ ] and the people took a deep interest in it. numerous petitions were presented, praying the general court to re-consider its vote, and to adopt the proposition of the governor. among the several arguments urged in its favour, that which the petitioners pressed most earnestly, was the necessity of acquiring louisbourg, to save the fisheries from ruin. [footnote : it is said the secret was kept until a member who performed family devotion at his lodgings, betrayed it by praying for the divine blessing on the attempt.] the subject being re-considered, a resolution in favour of the enterprise was carried by a single voice, in the absence of several members known to be against it. yet all parties manifested equal zeal for its success. a general embargo was laid, and messengers were despatched to the several governments as far south as pennsylvania, soliciting their aid. these solicitations succeeded only in the northern provinces. there being at that time no person in new england who had acquired any military reputation, the chief command was conferred on colonel pepperel, a merchant, who was also a large land holder, and was highly respected throughout massachusetts.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] all ranks of men combined to facilitate the enterprise, and those circumstances which are beyond human control, also concurred to favour the general wish. the governors of massachusetts and new hampshire, whose orders forbade their assent to a farther emission of bills of credit, departed from their instructions to promote this favourite project; the people submitted to impressments of their property; and a mild winter gave no interruption to their warlike preparations. the troops of massachusetts,[ ] new hampshire, and connecticut, amounting to rather more than four thousand men, assembled at canseau about the middle of april; soon after which, to the great joy of the colonial troops, admiral warren arrived, with a considerable part of his fleet. the army then embarked for chapeau-rouge bay, and the fleet cruised off louisbourg. [footnote : the day before the armament sailed from massachusetts, an express boat, which had been dispatched to admiral warren to solicit assistance, returned with the unwelcome intelligence that he declined furnishing the aid required. this information could not arrest the expedition. fortunately for its success, the orders from england soon afterwards reached the admiral, who immediately detached a part of his fleet; which he soon followed himself in the superb, of sixty guns.] after repulsing a small detachment of french troops, the landing was effected; and, in the course of the night, a body of about four hundred men led by vaughan, marched round to the north east part of the harbour, and set fire to a number of warehouses containing spirituous liquors and naval stores. the smoke being driven by the wind into the grand battery, caused such darkness that the men placed in it were unable to distinguish objects; and, being apprehensive of an attack from the whole english army, abandoned the fort and fled into the town. the next morning, as vaughan was returning to camp with only thirteen men, he ascended the hill which overlooked the battery, and observing that the chimneys in the barracks were without smoke, and the staff without its flag, he hired an indian, with a bottle of rum, to crawl through an embrasure, and open the gate. vaughan entered with his men and defended the battery against a party then landing to regain possession until the arrival of a reinforcement. for fourteen nights successively, the troops were employed in dragging cannon from the landing place to the encampment, a distance of near two miles, through a deep morass. the army, being totally unacquainted with the art of conducting sieges, made its approaches irregularly, and sustained some loss on this account. while these approaches were making by land, the ships of war which continued to cruise off the harbour, fell in with and captured the vigilant, a french man of war of sixty-four guns, having on board a reinforcement of five hundred and sixty men, and a large quantity of stores for the garrison. soon after this, an unsuccessful, and, perhaps, a rash attempt was made on the island battery by four hundred men; of whom sixty were killed, and one hundred and sixteen taken prisoners. all these prisoners, as if by previous concert, exaggerated the numbers of the besieging army, a deception which was favoured by the unevenness of the ground, and the dispersed state of the troops; and which probably contributed to the surrender of the place. the provincial army did indeed present a formidable front, but, in the rear, all was frolic and confusion. the vigilant had been anxiously expected by the garrison, and the information of her capture excited a considerable degree of perturbation. this event, with the erection of some works on the high cliff at the light house, by which the island battery was much annoyed, and the preparations evidently making for a general assault, determined duchambon, the governor of louisbourg, to surrender; and, in a few days, he capitulated. [sidenote: louisbourg surrenders.] upon entering the fortress, and viewing its strength, and its means of defence, all perceived how impracticable it would have been to carry it by assault.[ ] [footnote : belknap. hutchison.] the joy excited in the british colonies by the success of the expedition against louisbourg was unbounded. even those who had refused to participate in its hazards and expense, were sensible of its advantages, and of the lustre it shed on the american arms. although some disposition was manifested in england, to ascribe the whole merit of the conquest to the navy, colonel pepperel received, with the title of baronet, the more substantial reward of a regiment in the british service, to be raised in america; and the same mark of royal favour was bestowed on governor shirley. reimbursements too were made by parliament for the expenses of the expedition. it was the only decisive advantage obtained by the english during the war. the capture of louisbourg, most probably, preserved nova scotia. duvivier, who had embarked for france to solicit an armament for the conquest of that province, sailed, in july, , with seven ships of war, and a body of land forces. he was ordered to stop at louisbourg, and thence to proceed in the execution of his plan. hearing, at sea, of the fall of that place, and that a british squadron was stationed at it, he relinquished the expedition against nova scotia, and returned to europe. the british empire on the american continent consisted, originally, of two feeble settlements unconnected with, and almost unknown to each other. for a long time the southern colonies, separated from those of new england by an immense wilderness, and by the possessions of other european powers, had no intercourse with them, except what was produced by the small trading vessels of the north, which occasionally entered the rivers of the south. neither participated in the wars or pursuits of the other; nor were they, in any respect, actuated by common views, or united by common interest. the conquest of the country between connecticut and maryland, laid a foundation, which the settlement of the middle colonies completed, for connecting these disjoined members, and forming one consolidated whole, capable of moving, and acting in concert. this gradual change, unobserved in its commencement, had now become too perceptible to be longer overlooked; and, henceforward, the efforts of the colonies, were in a great measure combined, and directed to a common object. france, as well as england, had extended her views with her settlements; and, after the fall of louisbourg, the governments of both nations meditated important operations for the ensuing campaign in america. [sidenote: great plans of the belligerents.] france contemplated, not only the recovery of cape breton and nova scotia, but the total devastation of the sea coast, if not the entire conquest of new england. britain, on her part, calculated on the reduction of canada, and the entire expulsion of the french from the american continent. { } shirley repaired to louisbourg, after its surrender, where he held a consultation with warren and pepperel on the favourite subject of future and more extensive operations against the neighbouring possessions of france. from that place he wrote pressingly to administration, for reinforcements of men and ships to enable him to execute his plans. the capture of louisbourg gave such weight to his solicitations that, in the following spring, the duke of new castle, then secretary of state, addressed a circular letter to the governors of the provinces as far south as virginia, requiring them to raise as many men as they could spare, and hold them in readiness to act according to the orders that should be received. before this letter was written, an extensive plan of operations had been digested in the british cabinet. it was proposed to detach a military and naval armament which should, early in the season, join the troops to be raised in new england, at louisbourg; whence they were to proceed up the st. lawrence to quebec. the troops from new york, and from the more southern provinces, were to be collected at albany, and to march against crown point, and montreal. this plan, so far as it depended on the colonies, was executed with promptness and alacrity. the men were raised, and waited with impatience for employment; but neither troops, nor orders, arrived from england. the fleet destined for this service, sailed seven times from spithead; and was compelled as often, by contrary winds, to return. late in the season, the military commanders in america, despairing of the succours promised by england, determined to assemble a body of provincials at albany, and make an attempt on crown point. while preparing for the execution of this plan, they received accounts stating that annapolis was in danger from a body of french and indians assembled at minas; upon which, orders were issued for the troops of massachusetts, rhode island, and new hampshire, to embark for nova scotia. before these orders could be executed, intelligence was received which directed their attention to their own defence. it was reported that a large fleet and army, under the command of the duke d'anville, had arrived in nova scotia, and the views of conquest, which had been formed by the northern colonies, were converted into fears for their own safety. for six weeks, continual apprehensions of invasion were entertained; and the most vigorous measures were taken to repel it. from this state of anxious solicitude, they were at length relieved by the arrival of some prisoners set at liberty by the french, who communicated the extreme distress of the fleet. [sidenote: the french fleet dispersed by a storm.] this formidable armament consisted of near forty ships of war, seven of which were of the line; of two artillery ships; and of fifty-six transports laden with provisions and military stores, carrying three thousand five hundred land forces, and forty thousand stand of small arms, for the use of the canadians and indians. the fleet sailed in june, but was attacked by such furious and repeated storms, that many of the ships were wrecked, and others dispersed. in addition to this disaster, the troops were infected with a disease which carried them off in great numbers. while lying in chebucto, under these circumstances, a vessel which had been dispatched by governor shirley to admiral townshend at louisbourg, with a letter stating his expectation that a british fleet would follow that of france to america, was intercepted by a cruiser, and brought in to the admiral. these dispatches were opened in a council of war, which was considerably divided respecting their future conduct. this circumstance, added to the calamities already sustained, so affected the commander in chief, that he died suddenly. the vice-admiral fell by his own hand; and the command devolved on monsieur le jonguiere, governor of canada, who had been declared _chef d'escadre_ after the fleet sailed. the design of invading new england was relinquished, and it was resolved to make an attempt on annapolis. with this view the fleet sailed from chebucto, but was again overtaken by a violent tempest which scattered the vessels composing it. those which escaped shipwreck returned singly to france.[ ] [footnote : hutchison. belknap.] "never," says mr. belknap, "was the hand of divine providence more visible than on this occasion. never was a disappointment more severe on the part of the enemy, nor a deliverance more complete, without human help, in favour of this country." as soon as the fears excited by this armament were dissipated, the project of dislodging the french and indians, who had invaded nova scotia, was resumed. governor shirley detached a part of the troops of massachusetts on this service; and pressed the governors of rhode island and new hampshire, to co-operate with him. the quotas furnished by these colonies were prevented by several accidents from joining that of massachusetts, which was inferior to the enemy in numbers. the french and indians, under cover of a snow storm, surprised the english at minas; who, after an obstinate resistance, in which they lost upwards of one hundred men, were compelled to capitulate, and to engage not to bear arms against his most christian majesty, in nova scotia for one year. de ramsay, who commanded the french, returned soon afterwards to canada. no farther transactions of importance took place in america during the war, which was terminated by the treaty of aix la chapelle. by this treaty, it was stipulated that all conquests made during the war should be restored; and the colonists had the mortification to see the french re-possess themselves of cape breton. the heavy expenses which had been incurred by the new england colonies, and especially by massachusetts, had occasioned large emissions of paper money, and an unavoidable depreciation. instead of availing themselves of peace, to discharge the debts contracted during war, they eagerly desired to satisfy every demand on the public treasury, by farther emissions of bills of credit, redeemable at future and distant periods. every inconvenience under which commerce was supposed to labour, every difficulty encountered in the interior economy of the province, was attributed to a scarcity of money; and this scarcity was to be removed, not by increased industry, but by putting an additional sum in circulation. the rate of exchange, and the price of all commodities, soon disclosed the political truth that, however the quantity of the circulating medium may be augmented, its aggregate value cannot be arbitrarily increased; and that the effect of such a depreciating currency must necessarily be, to discourage the payment of debts, by holding out the hope of discharging contracts with less real value than that for which they were made; and to substitute cunning and speculation, for honest and regular industry. yet the majority had persevered in this demoralising system. the depreciation had reached eleven for one; and the evil was almost deemed incurable, when the fortunate circumstance of a reimbursement in specie, made by parliament for colonial expenditures on account of the expeditions against louisbourg and canada, suggested to mr. hutchinson, speaker of the house of representatives in massachusetts, the idea of redeeming the paper money in circulation, at its then real value. this scheme, at first deemed utopian, was opposed by many well meaning men who feared that its effect would be to give a shock to the trade and domestic industry of the province; and who thought that, as the depreciation had been gradual, justice required that the appreciation should be gradual also. [sidenote: paper money redeemed.] with great difficulty, the measure was carried; and the bills of credit in circulation, were redeemed at fifty shillings the ounce. the evils which had been apprehended were soon found to be imaginary. specie immediately took the place of paper. trade, so far from sustaining a shock, nourished more than before this change in the domestic economy of the colony; and the commerce of massachusetts immediately received an impulse, which enabled it to surpass that of her neighbours who retained their paper medium.[ ] [footnote : hutchison.] [sidenote: renewal of contests with the french colonies respecting boundary.] the treaty of aix la chapelle did not remove the previously existing controversies between the colonies of france and england respecting boundary. these controversies, originating in the manner in which their settlements had been made, and at first of small consequence, were now assuming a serious aspect. america was becoming an object of greater attention; and, as her importance increased, the question concerning limits became important also. { } in settling this continent, the powers of europe, estimating the right of the natives at nothing, adopted, for their own government, the principle, that those who first discovered and took possession of any particular territory, became its rightful proprietors. but as only a small portion of it could then be reduced to actual occupation, the extent of country thus acquired was not well ascertained. contests respecting prior discovery, and extent of possession, arose among all the first settlers. england terminated her controversy with sweden and with holland, by the early conquest of their territories; but her conflicting claims with france and with spain, remained unadjusted. on the south, spain had pretensions to the whole province of georgia, while england had granted the country as far as the river st. matheo, in florida. on the north, the right of france to canada was undisputed; but the country between the st. lawrence and new england had been claimed by both nations, and granted by both. the first settlement appears to have been made by the french; but its principal town, called port royal, or annapolis, had been repeatedly taken by the english; and, by the treaty of utrecht, the whole province, by the name of nova scotia, or acadié, according to its ancient limits had been ceded to them. but the boundaries of nova scotia, or acadié, had never been ascertained. though the treaty of utrecht had provided that commissioners should be appointed by the two crowns, to adjust the limits of their respective colonies, the adjustment had never been made. france claimed to the kennebec; and insisted "that only the peninsula which is formed by the bay of fundy, the atlantic ocean, and the gulf of st. lawrence," was included in the cession of "nova scotia, or acadié, according to its ancient limits." england, on the other hand, claimed all the country on the main land south of the river st. lawrence. under the treaty of aix la chapelle, commissioners were again appointed to settle these differences, who maintained the rights of their respective sovereigns with great ability, and laborious research; but their zeal produced a degree of asperity unfavourable to accommodation. while this contest for the cold and uninviting country of nova scotia was carried on with equal acrimony and talents, a controversy arose for richer and more extensive regions in the south and west. [sidenote: discovery of the mississippi.] so early as the year , information was received, in canada, from the indians, that, west of that colony, was a great river, flowing neither to the north, nor to the east. the government, conjecturing that it must empty itself either into the gulf of mexico or the south sea, committed the care of ascertaining the fact to joliet, an inhabitant of quebec, and to the jesuit marquette. these men proceeded from lake michigan up the river of the foxes, almost to its source, whence they travelled westward to the ouisconsing, which they pursued to its confluence with the mississippi. they sailed down this river to the d degree of north latitude, and returned by land, through the country of the illinois, to canada. the mouth of the mississippi was afterwards discovered by la salle, an enterprising norman, who, immediately after his return to quebec, embarked for france, in the hope of inducing the cabinet of versailles to patronise a scheme for proceeding by sea to the mouth of that river and settling a colony on its banks. having succeeded in this application, he sailed for the gulf of mexico, with a few colonists; but, steering too far westward, he arrived at the bay of st. bernard, about one hundred leagues from the mouth of the mississippi. in consequence of a quarrel between him and beaulieu, who commanded the fleet, the colonists were landed at this place. la salle was, soon afterwards, assassinated by his own men; and his followers were murdered or dispersed by the spaniards and the indians. several other attempts were made by the french to settle the country; but, by some unaccountable fatality, instead of seating themselves on the fertile borders of the mississippi, they continually landed about the barren sands of biloxi, and the bay of mobile. it was not until the year , that the miserable remnant of those who had been carried thither at various times, was transplanted to new orleans; nor until the year , that the colony began to flourish. [sidenote: scheme for connecting louisiana with canada.] it had received the name of louisiana, and soon extended itself by detached settlements, up the mississippi and its waters, towards the great lakes.[ ] as it advanced northward, the vast and interesting plan was formed of connecting it with canada by a chain of forts. [footnote : abbe raynal.] the fine climate and fertile soil of upper louisiana enabling it to produce and maintain an immense population, rendered it an object which promised complete gratification to the views of france; while the extent given to it by that nation, excited the most serious alarm among the colonies of britain. the charters granted by the crown of england to the first adventurers, having extended from the atlantic to the south sea, their settlements had regularly advanced westward, in the belief that their title to the country in that direction, could not be controverted. the settlements of the french, stretching from north to south, necessarily interfered with those of the english. their plan, if executed, would completely environ the english. canada and louisiana united, as has been aptly said, would form a bow, of which the english colonies would constitute the chord. while great britain claimed, indefinitely, to the west, as appertaining to her possession of the sea coast; france insisted on confining her to the eastern side of the apalachian, or alleghany, mountains; and claimed the whole country drained by the mississippi, in virtue of her right as the first discoverer of that river. the delightful region which forms the magnificent vale of the mississippi was the object for which these two powerful nations contended; and it soon became apparent that the sword must decide the contest. the white population of the english colonies was supposed to exceed one million of souls, while that of the french was estimated at only fifty-two thousand.[ ] [footnote : the following estimate is taken from "the history of the british empire in north america," and is there said to be an authentic account from the militia rolls, poll taxes, bills of mortality, returns from governors, and other authorities. the colonies of inhabitants. halifax and lunenberg in nova scotia , new hampshire , massachusetts bay , rhode island and providence , connecticut , new york , the jerseys , pennsylvania (then including delaware) , maryland , virginia , north carolina , south carolina , georgia , --------- total , , the white inhabitants of the french colonies were thus estimated: the colonies of inhabitants. canada , louisiana , ------ total , ] this disparity of numbers did not intimidate the governor of new france--a title comprehending both canada and louisiana; nor deter him from proceeding in the execution of his favourite plan. the french possessed advantages which, he persuaded himself, would counterbalance the superior numbers of the english. their whole power was united under one governor, who could give it such a direction as his judgment should dictate. the genius of the people and of the government was military; and the inhabitants could readily be called into the field, when their service should be required. great reliance too was placed on the indians. these savages, with the exception of the five nations, were generally attached to france, and were well trained to war. to these advantages was added a perfect knowledge of the country about to become the theatre of action. the british colonies, on the other hand, were divided into distinct governments, unaccustomed, except those of new england, to act in concert; were jealous of the power of the crown; and were spread over a large extent of territory, the soil of which, in all the middle colonies, was cultivated by men unused to arms. the governors of canada, who were generally military men, had, for several preceding years, judiciously selected and fortified such situations as would give them most influence over the indians, and facilitate incursions into the northern provinces. the command of lake champlain had been acquired by the erection of a strong fort at crown point; and a connected chain of posts was maintained from quebec, up the st. lawrence, and along the great lakes. it was intended to unite these posts with the mississippi by taking positions which would favour the design of circumscribing and annoying the frontier settlements of the english. [illustration: great meadows and the site of fort necessity _on this battleground in the western pennsylvania wilderness, which marked the beginning of the french and indian war, july , , a force of men under young major washington was defeated by french and indian allies, and for the first and last time in his military career washington surrendered. he stipulated, however, that he and his troops were to have safe conduct back to civilization, and agreed not to build a fort west of the allegheny mountains for a year. washington was then twenty-two years old._] { } the execution of this plan was, probably, accelerated by an act of the british government. the year after the conclusion of the war, several individuals both in england and virginia who were associated under the name of the ohio company, obtained from the crown a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land, lying in the country claimed by both nations. the objects of this company being commercial as well as territorial, measures were taken to derive all the advantages expected from their grant, in both these respects, by establishing trading houses, and by employing persons to survey the country. the governor of canada, who obtained early information of this intrusion, as he deemed it, into the dominions of his most christian majesty, wrote to the governors of new york and pennsylvania, informing them that the english traders had encroached on the french territory by trading with their indians; and giving notice that, if they did not desist, he should be under the necessity of seizing them wherever they should be found. at the same time the jealousy of the indians was excited by impressing them with fears that the english were about to deprive them of their country. his threat having been disregarded, the governor of canada put it in execution by seizing the british traders among the twightwees, and carrying them prisoners to presque-isle, on lake erie; where he was erecting a strong fort. about the same time, a communication was opened from presque-isle, down french creek, and the alleghany river, to the ohio. this communication was kept up by detachments of troops, posted at proper distances from each other, in works capable of covering them from an attack made only with small arms.[ ] [footnote : minot gazette.] { } this territory having been granted as part of virginia, to the ohio company, who complained loudly of these aggressions, dinwiddie, the lieutenant governor of that province, laid the subject before the assembly, and dispatched major washington, the gentleman who afterwards led his countrymen to independence, with a letter to the commandant of the french forces on the ohio; requiring him to withdraw from the dominions of his britannic majesty. this letter was delivered at a fort on the river le boeuf, the western branch of french creek, to monsieur le guarduer de st. pierre, the commanding officer on the ohio, who replied that he had taken possession of the country by the directions of his general, then in canada, to whom he would transmit the letter of the lieutenant governor, and whose orders he should implicitly obey. { } [sidenote: defeat at the little meadows.] preparations were immediately made, in virginia, to assert the rights of the british crown; and a regiment was raised for the protection of the frontiers. early in the spring, major washington had advanced with a small detachment from this regiment into the country to be contended for, where he fell in with and defeated a party of french and indians who were approaching him in a manner indicating hostile designs. on being joined by the residue of his regiment, the command of which had devolved on him, he made great exertions to pre-occupy the post at the confluence of the alleghany and monongahela rivers; but, on his march thither, was met by a much superior body of french and indians, who attacked him in a small stockade hastily erected at the little meadows, and compelled him, after a gallant defence to capitulate. the french had already taken possession of the ground to which washington was proceeding, and, having driven off some militia, and workmen sent thither by the ohio company, had erected thereon a strong fortification called fort du quêsne. the earl of holderness, secretary of state, perceiving war to be inevitable, and aware of the advantages of union, and of securing the friendship of the five nations, had written to the governors of the respective colonies recommending these essential objects; and, at the same time, ordering them to repel force by force; and to take effectual measures to dislodge the french from their posts on the ohio. [sidenote: convention at albany.] at the suggestion of the commissioners for the plantations, a convention of delegates from the several colonies met at albany, to hold a conference with the five nations on the subject of french encroachments, and to secure their friendship in the approaching war. availing himself of this circumstance governor shirley had recommended to the other governors to instruct their commissioners on the subject of union. ample powers for this object were given to the delegates of massachusetts; and those of maryland were instructed to observe what others should propose respecting it. but no direct authority for concerting any system to call out and employ the strength of the colonies, was given by any other of the governments. the congress, consisting of delegates from new hampshire, massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, pennsylvania, and maryland, with the lieutenant governor and council of new york, after endeavouring to secure the friendship of the five nations by large presents, directed a committee, consisting of one member for each colony, to draw and report a plan of union. [sidenote: plan of union.] a plan[ ] was reported which was approved on the th of july. its essential principles were, that application be made for an act of parliament authorising the formation of a grand council to consist of delegates from the several legislatures, and a president general, to be appointed by the crown, and to be invested with a negative power. this council was to enact laws of general import; to apportion their quotas of men and money on the several colonies; to determine on the building of forts; to regulate the operations of armies; and to concert all measures for the common protection and safety. [footnote : see note no. ii, at the end of the volume.] the delegates of connecticut alone dissented from this plan. that cautious people feared that the powers vested in the president general might prove dangerous to their welfare. in england, the objections were of a different character. the colonies had, in several instances, manifested a temper less submissive than was required; and it was apprehended that this union might be the foundation of a concert of measures opposing the pretensions of supremacy maintained by the mother country. this confederation, therefore, notwithstanding the pressure of external danger, did not prevail. it was not supported in america, because it was supposed to place too much power in the hands of the king; and it was rejected in england from the apprehension that the colonial assemblies would be rendered still more formidable by being accustomed to co-operate with each other. in its stead, the minister proposed that the governors, with one or two members of the councils of the respective provinces, should assemble to consult, and resolve on measures necessary for the common defence, and should draw on the british treasury for the sums to be expended, which sums should be afterwards raised by a general tax, to be imposed by parliament on the colonies. this proposition being entirely subversive of all the opinions which prevailed in america, was not pressed for the present; and no satisfactory plan for calling out the strength of the colonies being devised, it was determined to carry on the war with british troops, aided by such reinforcements as the several provincial assemblies would voluntarily afford.[ ] [footnote : minot.] chapter xi. general braddock arrives.... convention of governors and plan of the campaign.... french expelled from nova scotia, and inhabitants transplanted.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... battle of monongahela.... defeat and death of general braddock.... expedition against crown point.... dieskau defeated.... expedition against niagara.... frontiers distressed by the indians.... meeting of the governors at new york.... plan for the campaign of .... lord loudoun arrives.... montcalm takes oswego.... lord loudoun abandons offensive operations.... small-pox breaks out in albany.... campaign of opened.... admiral holbourne arrives at halifax.... is joined by the earl of loudoun.... expedition against louisbourg relinquished.... lord loudoun returns to new york.... fort william henry taken.... controversy between lord loudoun and the assembly of massachusetts. { } [sidenote: general braddock.] the establishment of the post on the ohio, and the action at the little meadows, being considered by the british government as the commencement of war in america, the resolution to send a few regiments to that country was immediately taken; and early in the year, general braddock embarked at cork, at the head of a respectable body of troops destined for the colonies. an active offensive campaign being meditated, general braddock convened the governors of the several provinces, on the th of april, in virginia, who resolved to carry on three expeditions. [sidenote: plan of the campaign.] the first, and most important, was against fort du quêsne. this was to be conducted by general braddock in person at the head of the british troops, with such aids as could be drawn from maryland and virginia. the second, against niagara and fort frontignac, was to be conducted by governor shirley. the american regulars, consisting of shirley and pepperel's regiments, constituted the principal force destined for the reduction of these places. the third was against crown point. this originated with massachusetts; and was to be prosecuted entirely with colonial troops, to be raised by the provinces of new england, and by new york. it was to be commanded by colonel william johnson of the latter province.[ ] [footnote : minot.] while preparations were making for these several enterprises, an expedition, which had been previously concerted by the government of massachusetts, was carried on against the french in nova scotia. it has been already stated that the limits of this province remained unsettled. while the commissioners of the two crowns were supporting the claims of their respective sovereigns in fruitless memorials, the french occupied the country in contest, and established military posts for its defence. against these posts this enterprise was to be conducted. [sidenote: french expelled from nova scotia.] on the th of may, the troops of massachusetts, together with shirley's and pepperel's regiments, amounting in the whole to about three thousand men, embarked, at boston, under the command of lieutenant colonel winslow. the fleet anchored about five miles from fort lawrence, where a reinforcement was received of three hundred british troops and a small train of artillery. the whole army, commanded by lieutenant colonel monckton, immediately after landing, marched against beau sejour, the principal post held by the french in that country. at the river mussaquack, which the french considered as the western boundary of nova scotia, some slight works had been thrown up with the intention of disputing its passage. after a short conflict, the river was passed with the loss of only one man; and, in five days, beau sejour capitulated. other small places fell in succession, and, in the course of the month of june, with the loss of only three men killed, the english acquired complete possession of the whole province of nova scotia. the recovery of this province was followed by one of those distressing measures which involve individuals in indiscriminate ruin, and aggravate the calamities of war. nova scotia having been originally settled by france, its inhabitants were, chiefly, of that nation. in the treaty of utrecht, it was stipulated for the colonists that they should be permitted to hold their lands on condition of taking the oaths of allegiance to their new sovereign. with this condition they refused to comply, unless permitted to qualify it with a proviso that they should not be required to bear arms in defence of the province. though this qualification, to which the commanding officer of the british forces acceded, was afterwards disallowed by the crown, yet the french inhabitants continued to consider themselves as neutrals. their devotion to france, however, would not permit them to conform their conduct to the character they had assumed. in all the contests for the possession of their country, they were influenced by their wishes rather than their duty; and three hundred of them were captured with the garrison of beau sejour. [sidenote: the inhabitants transported.] their continuance in the country, during the obstinate conflict which was commencing, would, it was feared, endanger the colony; and to expel them from it, leaving them at liberty to choose their place of residence, would be to reenforce the french in canada. a council was held by the executive of nova scotia aided by the admirals boscawen and morty, for the purpose of deciding on the destiny of these unfortunate people; and the severe policy was adopted of removing them from their homes, and dispersing them through the other british colonies. this harsh measure was immediately put in execution; and the miserable inhabitants of nova scotia were, in one instant, reduced from ease and contentment to a state of beggary. their lands, and moveables, with the exception of their money and household furniture, were declared to be forfeited to the crown; and, to prevent their return, the country was laid waste, and their houses reduced to ashes.[ ] [footnote : minot.] as soon as the convention of governors had separated, general braddock proceeded from alexandria to a fort at wills' creek, afterwards called fort cumberland, at that time the most western post in virginia or maryland; from which place the army destined against fort du quêsne was to commence its march. the difficulties of obtaining wagons, and other necessary supplies for the expedition, and delays occasioned by opening a road through an excessively rough country, excited apprehensions that time would be afforded the enemy to collect in such force at fort du quêsne, as to put the success of the enterprise into some hazard. under the influence of this consideration, it was determined to select twelve hundred men, who should be led by the general in person to the point of destination. the residue of the army, under the command of colonel dunbar, was to follow, with the baggage, by slow and easy marches. this disposition being made, braddock pressed forward to his object, in the confidence that he could find no enemy capable of opposing him; and reached the monongahela on the eighth of july. as the army approached fort du quêsne, the general was cautioned of the danger to which the character of his enemy, and the face of the country, exposed him; and was advised to advance the provincial companies in his front, for the purpose of scouring the woods, and discovering ambuscades. but he held both his enemy and the provincials in too much contempt, to follow this salutary counsel. three hundred british troops comprehending the grenadiers and light infantry, commanded by colonel gage, composed his van; and he followed, at some distance, with the artillery, and the main body of the army, divided into small columns. [sidenote: battle of monongahela.] within seven miles of fort du quêsne, immediately after crossing the monongahela the second time, in an open wood, thick set with high grass, as he was pressing forward without fear of danger, his front received an unexpected fire from an invisible enemy. the van was thrown into some confusion; but, the general having ordered up the main body, and the commanding officer of the enemy having fallen, the attack was suspended, and the assailants were supposed to be dispersed. this delusion was soon dissipated. the attack was renewed with increased fury; the van fell back on the main body; and the whole army was thrown into utter confusion. the general possessed personal courage in an eminent degree; but was without experience in that species of war, in which he was engaged; and seems not to have been endowed with that rare fertility of genius which adapts itself to the existing state of things, and invents expedients fitted to the emergency. in the impending crisis, he was peculiarly unfortunate in his choice of measures. neither advancing nor retreating, he exerted his utmost powers to form his broken troops, under an incessant and galling fire, on the very ground where they had been attacked. in his fruitless efforts to restore order, every officer on horseback except mr. washington, one of his aides-de-camp, was killed or wounded. at length, after losing three horses, the general himself received a mortal wound; upon which his regulars fled in terror and confusion. fortunately, the indian enemy was arrested by the plunder found on the field, and the pursuit was soon given over. the provincials exhibited an unexpected degree of courage, and were among the last to leave the field. [sidenote: death of braddock.] the defeated troops fled precipitately to the camp of dunbar, where braddock expired of his wounds. their panic was communicated to the residue of the army. as if affairs had become desperate, all the stores, except those necessary for immediate use, were destroyed; and the british troops were marched to philadelphia, where they went into quarters. the western parts of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, were left exposed to the incursions of the savages; the frontier settlements were generally broken up; and the inhabitants were driven into the interior. so excessive was the alarm, that even the people of the interior entertained apprehensions for their safety, and many supposed that the seaboard itself was insecure. the two northern expeditions, though not so disastrous as that against fort du quêsne, were neither of them successful. that against crown point was so retarded by those causes of delay to which military operations conducted by distinct governments are always exposed, that the army was not ready to move until the last of august. at length general johnson reached the south end of lake george, on his way to ticonderoga, of which he designed to take possession. an armament fitted out in the port of brest for canada, had eluded a british squadron which was stationed off the banks of newfoundland to intercept it; and, with the loss of two ships of war, had entered the st. lawrence. after arriving at quebec the baron dieskau, who commanded the french forces, resolved, without loss of time, to proceed against the english. at the head of about twelve hundred regulars, and about six hundred canadians and indians, he marched against oswego. on hearing of this movement, general johnson applied for reinforcements; and eight hundred men were ordered by massachusetts to his assistance. an additional body of two thousand men was directed to be raised for the same object, and the neighbouring colonies also determined to furnish reinforcements. dieskau did not wait for their arrival. perceiving that johnson was approaching lake george, and being informed that the provincials were without artillery, he determined to postpone his designs upon oswego, and to attack them in their camp. [sidenote: dieskau defeated.] on being informed that dieskau was approaching, johnson detached colonel williams, with about one thousand men, to reconnoitre and skirmish with him. this officer met the french about four miles from the american camp, and immediately engaged them. he fell early in the action; and his party was soon overpowered and put to flight. a second detachment, sent in aid of the first, experienced the same fate; and both were closely pursued to the main body, who were posted behind a breast-work of fallen trees. at this critical moment, within about one hundred and fifty yards of this work, the french halted for a short time. this interval having given the americans an opportunity to recover from the first alarm, they determined on a resolute defence. when the assailants advanced to the charge, they were received with firmness. the militia and savages fled; and dieskau was under the necessity of ordering his regulars to retreat. a close and ardent pursuit ensued; and the general himself, being mortally wounded and left alone, was taken prisoner. during the engagement, a scouting party from fort edward, under captains folsom and mcgennis, fell in with the baggage of the enemy and routed the guard which had been placed over it. soon afterwards, the retreating army of dieskau approached, and was gallantly attacked by the americans. this unexpected attack from an enemy whose numbers were unknown, completed the confusion of the defeated army, which, abandoning its baggage, fled towards the posts on the lake.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. entic.] the repulse of dieskau, magnified into a splendid victory, had some tendency to remove the depression of spirits occasioned by the defeat of braddock, and to inspire the provincials with more confidence in themselves. general johnson, who was wounded in the engagement, received very solid testimonials of the gratitude and liberality of his country. five thousand pounds sterling, and the title of baronet, were the rewards of his service. this success was not improved. the hopes and expectations of the public were not gratified; and the residue of the campaign was spent in fortifying the camp. massachusetts pressed a winter campaign; but when her commissioners met those of connecticut and the lieutenant governor and council of new york, it was unanimously agreed that the army under general johnson should be discharged, except six hundred men to garrison fort edward, on the great carrying place between the hudson and lake george, and fort william henry on that lake. the french took possession of ticonderoga, and fortified it. [sidenote: expedition against niagara.] the expedition against niagara and fort frontignac, was also defeated by delays in making the preparations necessary for its prosecution. shirley did not reach oswego till late in august. after ascertaining the state of the garrison, he determined to abandon that part of the enterprise which respected fort frontignac, and to proceed against niagara. while employed in the embarkation of his troops on the lake, the rains set in with such violence as to suspend his operations until the season was so far advanced that the attempt against niagara was also relinquished, and shirley returned to albany.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. entic.] thus terminated the campaign of . it opened with so decided a superiority of force on the part of the english, as to promise the most important advantages. but, if we except the expulsion of the french from nova scotia, no single enterprise was crowned with success. great exertions were made by the northern colonies, but their efforts were productive of no benefit. from the want of one general superintending authority in their councils, which could contemplate and control the different parts of the system, which could combine all their operations, and direct them with effect towards the attainment of the object pursued, every thing failed. such delays and deficiencies were experienced that, though a considerable force was in motion, it could not be brought to the point against which it was to act, until the season for action was over; nor execute the plans which were concerted until the opportunity had passed away. [illustration: general braddock's grave _showing the monument recently erected_ _it is not generally appreciated that this british commander was chosen to head the expedition to destroy the french power in america, in - , because of his distinguished army record. in the battle of fontency, for instance, he was colonel in command of the famous coldstream guards, who covered themselves with glory; and shortly before embarking for america he was made major-general of the line. braddock had won his promotion solely through gallantry and at a time when a lieutenant-colonelcy in this crack british regiment sold for £ sterling._ _despite his fatal mistake in not heeding the advice of his aide, washington, in conducting his expedition against fort duquesne (pittsburgh), braddock regarded washington and franklin as the greatest men in the colonies. meeting the french and indians on july , , the british were routed and braddock was fatally wounded, after having four horses shot under him. dying four days later at great meadows, where he is buried, he bequeathed his favorite surviving horse and body servant to washington, then a colonel._] the system adopted by the british cabinet, for conducting the war in america, left to the colonial governments to determine, what number of men each should bring into the field; but required them to support their own troops, and to contribute to the support of those sent from great britain to their assistance. but this system could not be enforced. the requisitions of the minister were adopted, rejected, or modified, at the discretion of the government on which they were made; and, as no rule of apportionment had been adopted, each colony was inclined to consider itself as having contributed more than its equal share towards the general object, and as having received, less than its just proportion, of the attention and protection of the mother country. this temper produced a slow and reluctant compliance on the part of some, which enfeebled and disconcerted enterprises, for the execution of which the resources of several were to be combined. [sidenote: distress of the frontiers.] in the mean time the whole frontier, as far as north carolina, was exposed to the depredations of the savages, who were, almost universally, under the influence of the french. their bloody incursions were made in all directions, and many settlements were entirely broken up. it is a curious and singular fact that, while hostilities were thus carried on by france and england against each other in america, the relations of peace and amity were preserved between them in europe. each nation had, in consequence of the military operations in , determined to fit out a considerable armament to aid the efforts made in its colonies; and, when it was understood that admiral boscawen was ordered to intercept that of france, the duc de mirepoix, the french ambassador at london, complained of the proposed measure, and gave formal notice that the king his master would consider the first gun fired at sea, as a declaration of war. on receiving intelligence of the capture of a part of the squadron by boscawen, the french minister at the court of st. james was recalled without asking an audience of leave; upon which, letters of marque and reprisal were issued by the british government. this prompt and vigorous measure had much influence on the war, which was declared, in form, the following spring. general shirley, on his return to albany after the close of the campaign in , received a commission appointing him commander in chief of the king's forces in north america. a meeting of all the governors was immediately called at new york, for the purpose of concerting a plan for the ensuing campaign. operations equally extensive with those proposed for the preceding campaign were again contemplated. to ensure their success, it was determined to raise ten thousand men, for the expedition against crown point; six thousand, for that against niagara; and three thousand, for that against fort du quêsne. to favour the operations of this formidable force, it was farther determined that two thousand men should advance up the kennebec, destroy the settlement on the chaudière, and, descending to the mouth of that river, keep all that part of canada in alarm. in the mean time, it was proposed to take advantage of the season when the lake should be frozen, to seize ticonderoga, in order to facilitate the enterprise against crown point. this project was defeated by the unusual mildness of the winter; and, about the middle of january, general shirley repaired to boston in order to make the necessary preparations for the ensuing campaign. such was the solicitude to accomplish the objects in contemplation, and so deep an interest did the colonists take in the war, that every nerve was strained, to raise and equip the number of men required. { } [sidenote: command bestowed on lord loudoun.] having made in massachusetts all the preparations for the next campaign, so far as depended on the government, shirley repaired to albany, where he was superseded[ ] by major general abercrombie; who, soon afterwards, yielded the command to the earl of loudoun. early in the year, that nobleman had been appointed to the command of all his majesty's forces in north america; and extensive powers, civil as well as military, had been conferred on him. but he did not arrive at albany until midsummer. [footnote : he was also recalled from his government.] in the spring, the provincial troops destined for the expedition against crown point, were assembled in the neighbourhood of lake george. they were found not much to exceed seven thousand men; and even this number was to be reduced in order to garrison posts in the rear. this army being too weak to accomplish its object, major general winslow, who commanded it, declared himself unable to proceed on the expedition without reinforcements. the arrival of a body of british troops, with general abercrombie, removed this difficulty; but another occurred which still farther suspended the enterprise. the regulations respecting rank had given great disgust in america; and had rendered it disagreeable and difficult to carry on any military operations which required a junction of british and provincial troops. when consulted on this delicate subject, winslow assured general abercrombie of his apprehensions that, if the result of the junction should be to place the provincial troops under british officers, it would produce general discontent, and perhaps desertion. his officers concurred in this opinion; and it was finally agreed that british troops should succeed the provincials in the posts then occupied by them, so as to enable the whole colonial force to proceed under winslow, against crown point. on the arrival of the earl of loudoun, this subject was revived. the question was seriously propounded, "whether the troops in the several colonies of new england, armed with his majesty's arms, would, in obedience to his commands signified to them, act in conjunction with his european troops; and under the command of his commander in chief?" the colonial officers answered this question in the affirmative; but entreated it as a favour of his lordship, as the new england troops had been raised on particular terms, that he would permit them, so far as might consist with his majesty's service, to act separately. this request was acceded to; but before the army could be put in motion, the attention both of the europeans and provincials, was directed to their own defence. [sidenote: montcalm takes oswego.] monsieur de montcalm, an able officer, who succeeded dieskau in the command of the french troops in canada, sought to compensate by superior activity, for the inferiority of his force. while the british and americans were adjusting their difficulties respecting rank, and deliberating whether to attack niagara or fort du quêsne, montcalm advanced at the head of about five thousand europeans, canadians, and indians, against oswego. in three days he brought up his artillery, and opened a battery which played on the fort with considerable effect. colonel mercer, the commanding officer, was killed; and, in a few hours, the place was declared by the engineers to be no longer tenable. the garrison, consisting of the regiments of shirley and pepperel, amounting to sixteen hundred men, supplied with provisions for five months, capitulated, and became prisoners of war. a respectable naval armament, then on the lake, was also captured. the fort at oswego had been erected in the country of the five nations, and had been viewed by them with some degree of jealousy. montcalm, actuated by a wise policy, destroyed it in their presence; declaring at the same time, that the french wished only to enable them to preserve their neutrality, and would, therefore, make no other use of the rights of conquest, than to demolish the fortresses which the english had erected in their country to overawe them. the british general, disconcerted at this untoward event, abandoned all his plans of offensive operations. general winslow was ordered to relinquish his intended expedition, and to fortify his camp, and endeavour to prevent the enemy from penetrating into the country by the way of south bay, or wood creek. major general webb, with fourteen hundred men, was posted at the great carrying place; and, to secure his rear, sir william johnson, with one thousand militia, was stationed at the german flats. these dispositions being made, the colonies were strenuously urged to reinforce the army. it was represented to them that, should any disaster befall winslow, the enemy might be enabled to overrun the country, unless opposed by a force much superior to that in the field.[ ] [footnote : the northern colonies had been enabled to attend to these representations, and, in some degree to comply with the requisitions made on them, by having received from the british government, in the course of the summer, a considerable sum of money as a reimbursement for the extraordinary expenses of the preceding year. one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds sterling had been apportioned among them, and this sum gave new vigour and energy to their councils.] [sidenote: small-pox in albany.] during this state of apprehensive inactivity, the small-pox broke out in albany. this enemy was more dreaded by the provincials than montcalm himself. so great was the alarm, that it was found necessary to garrison the posts in that quarter, entirely with british troops, and to discharge all the provincials except a regiment raised in new york. thus terminated for a second time, in defeat and utter disappointment, the sanguine hopes which the colonists had formed of a brilliant and successful campaign. after all their expensive and laborious preparations, not an effort had been made to drive the invaders of the country even from their out-post at ticonderoga. the expedition to lake ontario had not been commenced; and no preparations had been made for that against fort du quêsne. the colonies of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, far from contemplating offensive operations, had been unable to defend themselves; and their frontiers were exposed to all the horrors of indian warfare. the expedition up the kennebec was also abandoned. thus, no one enterprise contemplated at the opening of the campaign, was carried into execution.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. entic.] { } about the middle of january, the governors of the northern provinces were convened in a military council at boston. the earl of loudoun opened his propositions to them with a speech in which he attributed all the disasters that had been sustained, to the colonies; and in which he proposed that new england should raise four thousand men for the ensuing campaign. requisitions proportionably large were also made on new york and new jersey. [sidenote: campaign of .] the ill success which had, thus far, attended the combined arms of great britain and her colonies, did not discourage them. their exertions to bring a powerful force into the field were repeated; and the winter was employed in preparations for the ensuing campaign. the requisitions of lord loudoun were complied with; and he found himself, in the spring, at the head of a respectable army. some important enterprise against canada, when the armament expected from europe should arrive, was eagerly anticipated; and the most sanguine hopes of success were again entertained. [sidenote: admiral holbourne arrives.] [sidenote: is joined by lord loudoun.] in the beginning of july, admiral holbourne reached halifax with a powerful squadron, and reinforcement of five thousand british troops commanded by george viscount howe, and, on the th of the same month, the earl of loudoun sailed from new york with six thousand regulars. a junction of these formidable armaments was effected without opposition, and the loudoun colonists looked forward with confidence for a decisive blow which would shake the power of france in america. [sidenote: the expedition against louisbourg relinquished.] the plan of this campaign varied from that which had been adopted in the preceding years. the vast and complex movements heretofore proposed, were no longer contemplated, and offensive operations were to be confined to a single object. leaving the posts on the lakes strongly garrisoned, the british general determined to direct his whole disposable force against louisbourg; and fixed on halifax as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and army. after assembling the land and naval forces at this place, information was received that a fleet had lately arrived from france, and that louisbourg was so powerfully defended as to render any attempt upon it hopeless. in consequence of this intelligence the enterprise was deferred until the next year; the general and admiral returned to new york in august; and the provincials were dismissed. [sidenote: fort william henry taken.] the french general, feeling no apprehension for louisbourg, determined to avail himself of the absence of a large part of the british force, and to obtain complete possession of lake george. with an army collected chiefly from the garrisons of crown point, ticonderoga, and the adjacent forts; amounting, with the addition of indians, and canadians, to nine thousand men, the marquis de montcalm laid siege to fort william henry. that place was well fortified, and garrisoned by three thousand men; and derived additional security from an army of four thousand men at fort edwards, under the command of major general webb. notwithstanding the strength of the place and its means of defence, montcalm urged his approaches with so much vigour, that articles of capitulation, surrendering the fort, artillery, and stores, and stipulating that the garrison should not serve against his most christian majesty or his allies for the space of eighteen months, were signed within six days after its investment. when this important place was surrendered, the commander in chief had not returned from halifax. general webb, alarmed for fort edward, applied for reinforcements; and the utmost exertions were made to furnish the aids he required. the return of the army to new york on the last of august, dispelled all fear of an invasion, and enabled the general, who contemplated no farther active operations, to dismiss the provincials. unsuccessful in all his attempts to gather laurels from the common enemy, the earl of loudoun engaged in a controversy with massachusetts; in the commencement of which, he displayed a degree of vigour which had been kept in reserve for two campaigns. this controversy is thus stated by mr. minot. upon information from the governor that a regiment of highlanders was expected in boston, the general court provided barracks for the accommodation of one thousand men at castle island. soon afterwards, several officers arrived from nova scotia to recruit their regiments. finding it impracticable to perform this service while in the barracks at the castle, they applied to the justices of the peace to quarter and billet them, as provided by act of parliament. the justices refused to grant this request, on the principle that the act did not extend to the colonies. when informed of this refusal, lord loudoun addressed a letter to the justices, insisting peremptorily on the right, as the act did, in his opinion, extend to america, and to every part of the king's dominions, where the necessities of the people should oblige him to send his troops. he concluded a long dissertation on the question in the following decisive terms, "that having used gentleness and patience, and confuted their arguments, without effect, they having returned to their first mistaken plan, their not complying would lay him under the necessity of taking measures to prevent the whole continent from being thrown into a state of confusion. as nothing was wanting to set things right, but the justices doing their duty (for no act of the assembly was necessary or wanting for it) he had ordered the messenger to remain only forty-eight hours in boston; and if on his return he found things not settled, he would instantly order into boston the three battalions from new york, long island, and connecticut; and if more were wanting, he had two in the jerseys at hand, besides those in pennsylvania. as public business obliged him to take another route, he had no more time left to settle this material affair, and must take the necessary steps before his departure, in case they were not done by themselves." the general court passed a law for the purpose of removing the inconveniences of which the officers complained; but, this law not equalling the expectations of lord loudoun, he communicated his dissatisfaction in a letter to the governor, which was laid before the assembly, who answered by an address to his excellency in which the spirit of their forefathers seemed to revive. they again asserted that the act of parliament did not extend to the colonies; and that they had for this reason enlarged the barracks at the castle, and passed a law for the benefit of recruiting parties, as near the act of parliament as the circumstances of the country would admit; that such a law was necessary to give power to the magistrates, and they were willing to make it, whenever his majesty's troops were necessary for their defence. they asserted their natural rights as englishmen; that by the royal charter, the powers and privileges of civil government were granted to them; that their enjoyment of these was their support under all burdens, and would animate them to resist an invading enemy to the last. if their adherence to their rights and privileges should, in any measure, lessen the esteem which his lordship had conceived for them, it would be their great misfortune; but that they would have the satisfaction of reflecting that, both in their words and actions, they had been governed by a sense of duty to his majesty, and faithfulness to the trust committed to them. this address being forwarded to lord loudoun, he affected to rely on their removing all difficulties in future, and not only countermanded the march of the troops, but condescended to make some conciliatory observations respecting the zeal of the province in his majesty's service. for these the two houses made an ample return in a message to the governor, in which they disavowed any intention of lessening their dependence on parliament; and expressly acknowledged the authority of all acts which concerned, and extended to, the colonies. this explicit avowal of sentiments so different from those which massachusetts had long cherished respecting her connexion with the mother country, would induce a belief that she had recently become more colonial in her opinions. this was probably the fact; but mr. minot, who may be presumed to have been personally acquainted with the transaction, does not attribute to that cause entirely, the conciliating temper manifested at the close of a contest, which had commenced with such appearances of asperity. massachusetts had made large advances for the prosecution of the war, for which she expected reimbursements from parliament; and was not willing, at such a juncture, to make impressions unfavorable to the success of her claims. chapter xii. preparations for the campaign of .... admiral boscawen and general amherst arrive at halifax.... plan of the campaign.... expedition against louisbourg, ticonderoga, and crown point.... general abercrombie repulsed under the walls of ticonderoga.... fort frontignac taken.... expedition against fort du quêsne.... preparations for the campaign of .... general amherst succeeds general abercrombie.... plan of the campaign.... ticonderoga and crown point taken.... army goes into winter quarters.... french repulsed at oswego.... defeated at niagara.... niagara taken.... expedition against quebec.... check to the english army.... battle on the plains of abraham.... death of wolfe and montcalm.... quebec capitulates.... garrisoned by the english under the command of general murray.... attempt to recover quebec.... battle near sillery.... quebec besieged by monsieur levi.... siege raised.... montreal capitulates.... war with the southern indians.... battle near the town of etchoe.... grant defeats them and burns their towns.... treaty with the cherokees.... war with spain.... success of the english.... peace. { } the affairs of great britain in north america wore a more gloomy aspect, at the close of the campaign of , than at any former period. by the acquisition of fort william henry, the french had obtained complete possession of the lakes champlain and george. by the destruction of oswego, they had acquired the dominion of those lakes which connect the st. lawrence with the waters of the mississippi, and unite canada to louisiana. by means of fort du quêsne, they maintained their ascendency over the indians, and held undisturbed possession of the country west of the allegheny mountains; while the english settlers were driven to the blue ridge. the great object of the war in that quarter was gained, and france held the country for which hostilities had been commenced. with inferior numbers, the french had been victorious in every campaign, and had uniformly gained ground on the english colonies. nor were they less successful elsewhere. the flame of war which was kindled in america, had communicated itself to europe and asia. in every quarter of the world where hostilities had been carried on, the british arms were attended with defeat and disgrace. but this inglorious scene was about to be succeeded by one of unrivalled brilliancy. from the point of extreme depression to which their affairs had sunk, the brightest era of british history was to commence. far from being broken by misfortune, the spirit of the nation was high; and more of indignation than dismay was inspired by the ill success of their arms. the public voice had, at length, made its way to the throne, and had forced, on the unwilling monarch, a minister who has been justly deemed one of the greatest men of the age in which he lived. mr. pitt had been long distinguished in the house of commons, for the boldness and the splendour of his eloquence. his parliamentary talents, and the independent grandeur of his character, had given him a great ascendency in that body, and had made him the idol of the nation. in , he had been introduced into the cabinet, but could not long retain his place. the public affection followed him out of office; and, the national disasters continuing, it was found impracticable to conduct the complicated machine of government without his aid. in the summer of , an administration was formed, which conciliated the great contending interests in parliament; and mr. pitt was placed at its head. the controlling superiority of his character gave him the same ascendency in the cabinet which he had obtained in the house of commons; and he seemed to dictate the measures of the nation. only a short time was required to show that qualities, seldom united in the same person, were combined in him; and his talents for action seemed to eclipse even those he had displayed in debate. his plans partaking of the proud elevation of his own mind, and the exalted opinion he entertained of his countrymen, were always grand; and the means he employed for their execution, were always adequate to the object. possessing the public confidence without limitation, he commanded all the resources of the nation, and drew liberally from the public purse; but the money was always faithfully and judiciously applied to the public service. too great in his spirit, too lofty in his views, to become the instrument of faction; when placed at the head of the nation, he regarded only the interest of the nation; and, overlooking the country or the party, which had given birth to merit, he searched for merit only, and employed it wherever it was found. from the elevation of the house of brunswick to the british throne, a great portion of the people, under the denomination of tories, had been degraded, persecuted, and oppressed. superior to this narrow and short sighted policy, mr. pitt sought to level these enfeebling and irritating distinctions, and to engage every british subject in the cause of his country. thus commanding both the strength and the wealth of the kingdom, with perhaps greater talents, he possessed certainly greater means, than any of his predecessors.[ ] [footnote : fussel.] in no part of his majesty's dominions was the new administration more popular than in his american colonies. deeply and peculiarly interested in the events of the war, they looked for a change of fortune from this change of men, and cheerfully made every exertion, of which they were capable, for the ensuing campaign. the circular letter of mr. pitt assured the several governors that, to repair the losses and disappointments of the last inactive campaign, the cabinet was determined to send a formidable force, to operate by sea and land, against the french in america; and he called upon them to raise as large bodies of men, within their respective governments, as the number of inhabitants might allow. arms, ammunition, tents, provisions, and boats, would, he said, be furnished by the crown; and he required the colonies to clothe and pay their men; assuring them, at the same time, that it should be recommended to parliament to make them compensation. [sidenote: great preparations for the campaign.] the legislature of massachusetts agreed to furnish seven thousand men; connecticut five thousand; and new hampshire three thousand. these troops, great as were their numbers, when compared with the population of the country, were in the field early in may; and the transports for carrying those of massachusetts to halifax, were ready to sail in fifteen days after they were engaged. near one-third of the effective men of that province, are said to have been in military service; and the taxes were so heavy that, in the capital, they amounted to two-thirds of the income of real estate.[ ] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: admiral boscawen and general amherst arrive.] in the mother country too, the utmost activity was transfused into every department. her fleets blocked up in the french ports the men and stores designed for canada, and captured, on the seas, most of those which had been able to make their way into the ocean. at the same time, a powerful armament, equipped with unusual expedition, sailed from her ports. early in the spring, admiral boscawen arrived at halifax with a formidable fleet, and twelve thousand british troops, under the command of general amherst. the earl of loudoun had returned to england, and the command of the british and american forces in the colonies, had devolved on general abercrombie. that officer found himself at the head of the most powerful army ever seen in the new world. his whole numbers, comprehending troops of every description, have been computed by mr. belsham at fifty thousand men, of whom twenty thousand were provincials. the objects of the campaign were no longer defeated by delays. the preparations for action were made during the winter, and military operations commenced in the spring. [sidenote: plan of the campaign.] three expeditions were proposed. the first was against louisbourg; the second against ticonderoga and crown point; and the third against fort du quêsne.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap.] [sidenote: expedition against louisbourg.] the army destined against louisbourg, consisting of fourteen thousand men, was commanded by major general amherst; and the fleet, consisting of twenty ships of the line and eighteen frigates, by admiral boscawen. on the th of may, the troops embarked at halifax; and, on the d of june, arrived before louisbourg. the use made by great britain of her naval superiority was felt in no part of the possessions of his most christian majesty more sensibly than in louisbourg. the garrison of that important place was composed of only two thousand five hundred regulars, aided by six hundred militia. the harbour was defended by five ships of the line; one ship of fifty guns; and five frigates, three of which were sunk across the mouth of the basin. soon after investment of the place, one of the large ships was set on fire by a bomb from a battery on the light house point, and blown up. the flames were communicated to two others which shared the same fate. the english admiral then sent a detachment of six hundred seamen, in boats, into the harbour, under captains la forcey and balfour, to make an attempt on the two remaining ships of the line, which still kept possession of the basin. this service was executed with great gallantry. one, which was aground, was destroyed, and the other was towed off in triumph. the harbour being in possession of the english, and several practicable breaches made in the works, the place was no longer deemed defensible, and the governor was under the necessity of capitulating. the garrison became prisoners of war, and louisbourg, with its artillery, provisions and military stores; and also island royal, st. johns, and their dependencies, were surrendered to the english, who encountered no farther difficulty in taking possession of the whole island.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. belsham. russel.] this important acquisition was made with the loss of between five and six hundred men, killed and wounded. the joy it diffused throughout the colonies, long familiarised to disaster, was in proportion to their former disappointments. [sidenote: against ticonderoga.] the expedition against ticonderoga and crown point was conducted by general abercrombie in person. his army, consisting of near sixteen thousand effectives, of whom nine thousand were provincials, was attended by a formidable train of artillery, and possessed every requisite to ensure success. on the th of july, he embarked on lake george, and reached the landing place early the next morning. a disembarkation being effected without opposition, the troops were immediately formed into four columns, the british in the centre, and the provincials on the flanks; in which order they marched towards the advanced guard of the french, composed of one battalion posted in a log camp, which, on the approach of the english, made a precipitate retreat. abercrombie continued his march towards ticonderoga, with the intention of investing that place; but, the woods being thick, and the guides unskilful, his columns were thrown into confusion, and, in some measure, entangled with each other. in this situation lord howe, at the head of the right centre column, fell in with a part of the advance guard of the french, which, in retreating from lake george, was likewise lost in the wood. he immediately attacked and dispersed them; killing several, and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners, among whom were five officers. this small advantage was purchased at a dear rate. though only two officers, on the side of the british, were killed, one of these was lord howe himself, who fell on the first fire. this gallant young nobleman had endeared himself to the whole army. the british and provincials alike lamented his death; and the assembly of massachusetts passed a vote for the erection of a superb cenotaph to his memory, in the collegiate church of westminster, among the heroes and patriots of great britain. without farther opposition, the english army took possession of the post at the saw mills, within two miles of ticonderoga. this fortress, which commands the communication between the two lakes, is encompassed on three sides by water, and secured in front by a morass. the ordinary garrison amounting to four thousand men, was stationed under the cannon of the place, and covered by a breast-work, the approach to which had been rendered extremely difficult by trees felled in front, with their branches outward, many of which were sharpened so as to answer the purpose of chevaux-de-frize. this body of troops was rendered still more formidable by its general than by its position. it was commanded by the marquis de montcalm. having learned from his prisoners the strength of the army under the walls of ticonderoga, and that a reinforcement of three thousand men was daily expected, general abercrombie thought it advisable to storm the place before this reinforcement should arrive. being informed by an engineer directed to reconnoitre the works, that they were unfinished, and were practicable, he resolved, without waiting for his artillery, to storm the lines; and the dispositions for an assault were instantly made. the rangers, the light infantry, and the right wing of the provincials, were ordered to form a line out of cannon shot of the intrenchments, with their right extending to lake george, and their left to lake champlain. the regulars who were to storm the works, were formed in the rear of this line. the piquets were to begin the attack, and to be sustained by the grenadiers; and the grenadiers by the battalions. the whole were ordered to march up briskly, to rush upon the enemy's fire, and to reserve their own until they had passed the breast-work. the troops marched to the assault with great intrepidity; but their utmost efforts could make no impression on the works. the impediments in front of the intrenchments retarded their advance, and exposed them, while entangled among the boughs of the trees, to a very galling fire. the breast-work itself was eight or nine feet high, and much stronger than had been represented; so that the assailants, who do not appear to have been furnished with ladders, were unable to pass it. after a contest of near four hours, and several repeated attacks, general abercrombie ordered a retreat. [sidenote: general abercrombie repulsed under the walls of ticonderoga.] the army retired to the camp from which it had marched in the morning; and, the next day, resumed its former position on the south side of lake george.[ ] [footnote : letter of general abercrombie.] in this rash attempt, the killed and wounded of the english amounted to near two thousand men, of whom not quite four hundred were provincials. the french were covered during the whole action, and their loss was inconsiderable.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap.] entirely disconcerted by this unexpected and bloody repulse, general abercrombie relinquished his designs against ticonderoga and crown point. searching however for the means of repairing the misfortune, if not the disgrace, sustained by his arms, he readily acceded to a proposition made by colonel bradstreet, for an expedition against fort frontignac. this fortress stands on the north side of ontario, at the point where the st. lawrence issues from that lake; and though a post of real importance, had been left, in a great degree, undefended. the detachment designed for this service was commanded by colonel bradstreet. it consisted of three thousand men, of whom two hundred were british, and was furnished with eight pieces of cannon, and three mortars. [sidenote: fort frontignac taken.] colonel bradstreet embarked on the ontario at oswego, and on the th of august, landed within one mile of the fort. in two days, his batteries were opened at so short a distance that almost every shell took effect; and the governor, finding the place absolutely untenable, surrendered at discretion. the indians having deserted, the prisoners amounted only to one hundred and ten men. a great quantity of military stores, together with nine armed vessels, mounting from eight to eighteen guns, also fell into the hands of the english.[ ] [footnote : letter of colonel bradstreet.] after destroying the fort and vessels, and such stores as could not be brought off, colonel bradstreet returned to the army which undertook nothing farther during the campaign. [sidenote: expedition against fort du quêsne.] the demolition of fort frontignac and of the stores which had been collected there, contributed materially, to the success of the expedition against fort du quêsne. the conduct of this enterprise had been entrusted to general forbes, who marched from philadelphia, about the beginning of july, at the head of the main body of the army, destined for this service, in order to join colonel bouquet at raystown. so much time was employed in preparing to move from this place, that the virginia regulars, commanded by colonel washington, were not ordered to join the british troops until the month of september. it had been determined not to use the road made by braddock, but to cut a new one from raystown to fort du quêsne. about the time this resolution was formed, and before the army was put in motion, major grant was detached from the advanced post at loyal hannan with eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the fort and the adjacent country. this gentleman invited an attack from the garrison, the result of which was that upwards of three hundred of the detachment were killed and wounded, and major grant himself was made a prisoner.[ ] [footnote : mss.] [sidenote: fort du quêsne evacuated.] early in october general forbes moved from raystown; but the obstructions to his march were so great that he did not reach fort du quêsne until late in november. the garrison, being deserted by the indians, and too weak to maintain the place against the formidable army which was approaching, abandoned the fort the evening before the arrival of the british, and escaped down the ohio in boats. the english placed a garrison in it, and changed its name to pittsburg, in compliment to their popular minister. the acquisition of this post was of great importance to pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia. its possession had given the french an absolute control over the indians of the ohio, who were accustomed to assemble at that place, for the purpose of making their destructive incursions into those colonies. their route was marked by fire and the scalping knife; and neither age nor sex could afford exemption from their ferocity. the expulsion of the french gave the english entire possession of the country, and produced a complete revolution in the disposition of the indians inhabiting it. finding the current of success to be running against their ancient friends, they were willing to reconcile themselves to the most powerful; and all the indians between the lakes and the ohio concluded a peace with the english. although the events of did not equal the expectations which had been formed from the force brought into the field, the advantages were decisive. the whole country constituting the original cause of the war, had changed masters, and was in possession of the english. the acquisition of the island of cape breton opened the way to quebec; and their success in the west enabled them to direct all their force against canada. the colonists, encouraged by this revolution in their affairs, and emboldened, by the conquests already made, to hope for others still more extensive, prepared vigorously on the application of mr. pitt, for the farther prosecution of the war. [sidenote: general amherst succeeds general abercrombie.] late in the year , general abercrombie was succeeded in the command of the army by major general amherst, who formed the bold plan of conquering canada in the course of the ensuing campaign. { } [sidenote: plan of the campaign.] the decided superiority of great britain at sea, and the great exertions of france in other quarters of the world, still prevented the arrival of such reinforcements as were necessary for the preservation of his most christian majesty's possessions in north america. to take advantage of this weakness, the english proposed to enter canada by three different routes, with three powerful armies; and to attack all the strongholds by which that country was defended. it was determined that one division of the army, to be commanded by brigadier general wolfe, a young officer who had signalised himself in the siege of louisbourg, should ascend the st. lawrence, and lay siege to quebec. a strong fleet was to escort the troops destined for this enterprise, and to co-operate with them. major general amherst was to lead the central and main army against ticonderoga and crown point. after making himself master of these places, he was to proceed over lake champlain, and by the way of richelieu, to the st. lawrence, and down that river, so as to effect a junction with general wolfe before the walls of quebec. from their combined force, the conquest of the capital of canada was expected. the third army was to be commanded by general prideaux. its first destination was against niagara. after the reduction of this place, prideaux was to embark on lake ontario, and proceed down the st. lawrence against montreal. should montreal fall into his hands before the surrender of quebec, he was to join the grand army at that place.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. belsham. russel. entic.] it could not be expected that a plan so extensive and so complex, should succeed in all its parts; and it was greatly to be apprehended, that the failure of one part might defeat the whole. but it suited the daring spirit which eminently distinguished the officers then commanding the british forces, and was entered upon with zeal and activity. [sidenote: ticonderoga abandoned.] as the other two expeditions, especially that against quebec, were supposed to depend greatly on the celerity with which the movements of the main army should be made, general amherst began his preparations in the commencement of winter, for the enterprise he was to undertake. early in the spring, he transferred his head quarters from new york to albany, where his troops were assembled by the last of may. notwithstanding his continued exertions, the summer was far advanced before he could cross lake george; nor did he reach ticonderoga until the d of july. the lines drawn around that place were immediately abandoned, and the english took possession of them. the french troops in this quarter being unequal to the defence of the posts they held, their object seems to have been to embarrass and delay the invading army; but not to hazard any considerable diminution of strength, by persevering in the defence of places until the retreat of the garrison should become impracticable. the hope was entertained, that by retreating from post to post, and making a show of intending to defend each, the advance of the english might be retarded, until the season for action on the lakes should pass away; while the french would be gradually strengthened by concentration, and thus enabled to maintain some point, which would arrest the progress of amherst down the st. lawrence. in pursuance of this plan, as soon as the english had completed their arrangements for taking possession of lake champlain, the garrison of ticonderoga retreated to crown point. [sidenote: and crown point.] early in the month of august, amherst advanced to crown point, which was abandoned on his approach; and the garrison retired to isle aux noix, at the northern extremity of lake champlain. the french had collected between three and four thousand men at this place, in an entrenched camp, defended by artillery, and protected by several armed vessels on the lake. after making great exertions to obtain a naval superiority, general amherst embarked his army on lake champlain; but, a succession of storms compelling him to abandon the farther prosecution of the enterprise, he returned to crown point, where the troops were put into winter quarters.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. belsham. russel. new york gazette.] in the beginning of july, general prideaux, embarked on lake ontario with the army destined against niagara. immediately after his departure from oswego, that place, which was defended by twelve hundred men under the command of colonel haldiman, was vigorously attacked by a body of french and indians, who were repulsed with some loss. in the mean time, prideaux proceeded towards niagara, and landed without opposition, about three miles from the fort. the place was invested in form, and the siege was carried on by regular approaches. in its progress, general prideaux was killed by the bursting of a cohorn, and the command devolved on general johnson. great efforts were made to relieve this important place. a considerable body of troops drawn from the neighbouring garrisons, aided by some indian auxiliaries, advanced on the english army, with the determination to risk a battle, in order to raise the siege. early in the morning of the th, the approach of this party was announced, and a strong detachment marched out to meet it. the action, which immediately commenced, was not of long duration. the french were forsaken by their savage allies, and victory soon declared in favour of the english. [sidenote: niagara capitulates.] this battle decided the fate of niagara. the works of the besiegers had been pushed within one hundred yards of the walls, and a farther attempt to defend the place being hopeless, a capitulation was signed, by which the garrison, amounting to rather more than six hundred men, became prisoners of war. although important advantages were gained by the british arms in upper canada, yet, as neither division of the army, in that quarter, succeeded so completely as to co-operate with general wolfe, serious fears were entertained for the fate of that officer. the enterprise conducted by him being of the greatest hazard and of the deepest interest, its success was to decide, whether the whole campaign would terminate in a manner favourable to the future conquest of canada. [sidenote: expedition against quebec.] as soon as the waters were sufficiently freed from ice to be navigable, wolfe embarked eight thousand men with a formidable train of artillery, at louisbourg, under convoy of admirals saunders and holmes. late in june, he anchored about half way up the island of orleans, on which he landed, without opposition. from this position, he could take a near and accurate view of the obstacles to be surmounted, before he could hope for success in his enterprise. these were so great, that even his bold and sanguine temper perceived more to fear than to hope; and, in a celebrated letter written to mr. pitt, and afterwards published, he declared that he could not flatter himself with being able to reduce the place.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] quebec stands on the north side of the st. lawrence, and on the west of the st. charles, which rivers unite immediately below the town. it consists of an upper and a lower town; the latter is built upon the strand, which stretches along the base of the lofty rock, on which the former is situated. this rock continues, with a bold and steep front, far to the westward, parallel to, and near the river st. lawrence. on this side, therefore, the city might well be deemed inaccessible. on the other, it was protected by the river st. charles, in which were several armed vessels, and floating batteries, deriving additional security from a strong boom drawn across its mouth. the channel of this river is rough and broken, and its borders intersected with ravines. on its left, or eastern bank, was encamped a french army, strongly entrenched, and amounting, according to the english accounts, to ten thousand men.[ ] the encampment extended from st. charles, eastward, to the montmorency, and its rear was covered by an almost impenetrable wood. to render this army still more formidable, it was commanded by a general, who had given signal proofs of active courage, and consummate prudence. the marquis de montcalm, who, when strong enough to act offensively, had so rapidly carried oswego, and fort william henry, and who, when reduced to the defensive, had driven abercrombie with such slaughter from the walls of ticonderoga, was now at the head of the army which covered quebec, and was an antagonist, in all respects, worthy of wolfe. [footnote : these accounts must be exaggerated. according to the letter of general townshend, the force engaged on the plains of abraham amounted to three thousand five hundred men; and not more than fifteen hundred are stated to have been detached under bougainville.] the british general perceived these difficulties in their full extent, but, his ardent mind glowing with military enthusiasm, sought only how to subdue them. he took possession of point levi, on the southern side of the st. lawrence, where he erected several heavy batteries, which opened on the town, but were at too great a distance to make any considerable impression on the works. nor could his ships be employed in this service. the elevation of the principal fortifications placed them beyond the reach of the guns of the fleet; and the river was so commanded by the batteries on shore, as to render a station near the town ineligible. the english general, sensible of the impracticability of reducing quebec, unless he should be enabled to erect his batteries on the north side of the st. lawrence, determined to use his utmost endeavours to bring montcalm to an engagement. after several unavailing attempts to draw that able officer from his advantageous position, wolfe resolved to pass the montmorency, and to attack him in his entrenchments. in consequence of this resolution, thirteen companies of british grenadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal americans, were landed near the mouth of the montmorency, under cover of the cannon of the ships; while two divisions, under generals townshend and murray, prepared to cross that river higher up. the original plan was to make the first attack on a detached redoubt close to the water's edge, apparently unprotected by the fire from the entrenchments, in the hope that montcalm might be induced to support this work, and thereby enable wolfe to bring on a general engagement.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] on the approach of the british troops, this redoubt was evacuated. observing some confusion in the french camp, wolfe determined to avail himself of the supposed impression of the moment, and to storm the lines. with this view, he directed the grenadiers and royal americans to form on the beach, where they were to wait until the whole army could be arranged to sustain them. orders were at the same time dispatched to townshend and murray to be in readiness for fording the river. [sidenote: the english army repulsed.] the grenadiers and royal americans, disregarding their orders, rushed forward, with impetuous valour on the entrenchments of the enemy. they were received with so steady and well supported a fire, that they were thrown into confusion, and compelled to retreat. the general advancing in person with the remaining brigades, the fugitives formed again in the rear of the army; but the plan of the attack was effectually disconcerted, and the english commander gave orders for re-passing the river, and returning to the island of orleans. convinced by this disaster of the impracticability of approaching quebec on the side of the montmorency, wolfe again turned his whole attention to the st. lawrence. to destroy some ships of war lying in the river, and at the same time to distract the attention of montcalm by descents at different places, twelve hundred men were embarked in transports under the command of general murray, who made two vigorous, but unsuccessful attempts, to land on the northern shore. in the third he was more fortunate. in a sudden descent on chambaud, he burnt a valuable magazine filled with military stores, but was still unable to accomplish the main object of the expedition. the ships were secured in such a manner as not to be approached by the fleet or army. murray was recalled; and on his return brought with him the intelligence that niagara was taken, that ticonderoga and crown point had been abandoned, and that general amherst was making preparations to attack the isle aux noix.[ ] [footnote : belsham. russel.] this intelligence, though joyfully received, promised no immediate assistance; and the season for action was rapidly wasting away.[ ] nor was it easy for wolfe to avoid contrasting the success of the british arms under other auspices, with the ill fortune attending his own. [footnote : belsham.] a council of war having determined that all their future efforts should be directed towards effecting a landing above the town, the troops were withdrawn from the island of orleans, and embarked on board the fleet. some of them were landed at point levi, and the residue carried higher up the river.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] montcalm could not view this movement without alarm. that part of quebec, which faces the country, had not been well fortified; and he was apprehensive that a landing might be effected high up the river, and the town approached on its weak side. at the same time, he could not safely relinquish his position, because the facility of transportation which the command of the water gave the english, would enable them to seize the ground he then occupied, should his army be moved above the town. thus embarrassed, he detached monsieur de bougainville with fifteen hundred men, to watch the motions of the english, and to prevent their landing. in this state of things wolfe formed the bold and hazardous plan of landing in the night, a small distance above the city, on the northern bank of the river; and, by scaling a precipice, accessible only by a narrow path, and therefore but weakly guarded, to gain the heights in the rear of the town. this resolution being taken, the admiral moved up the river, several leagues above the place where the landing was to be attempted, and made demonstrations of an intention to disembark a body of troops at different places. during the night, a strong detachment, in flat bottomed boats, fell silently down with the tide to the place fixed on for the descent. this was made an hour before day-break, about a mile above cape diamond, wolfe being the first man who leaped on shore. the highlanders and light infantry, who composed the van, under the particular command of colonel howe, had been directed to secure a four gun battery defending an entrenched path by which the heights were to be ascended, and to cover the landing of the remaining troops. the violence of the current forced them rather below the point of disembarkation; a circumstance which increased their difficulties. however, scrambling up the precipice, they gained the heights, and quickly dispersed the guard. the whole army followed up this narrow pass; and, having encountered only a scattering fire from some canadians and indians, gained the summit by the break of day, when the several corps were formed under their respective leaders.[ ] [footnote : belsham. russel.] the intelligence that the english had gained the heights of abraham was soon conveyed to montcalm, who comprehended at once the full force of the advantage obtained by his adversary, and prepared for the engagement which could no longer be avoided. leaving his camp at montmorency, he crossed the st. charles, for the purpose of attacking the english army.[ ] [footnote : townshend's letter.] this movement was made in the view of wolfe, who immediately formed his order of battle. his right wing was commanded by general monckton, and his left by general murray. the right flank was covered by the louisbourg grenadiers, and the rear and left by the light infantry of howe. the reserve consisted of webb's regiment, drawn up in eight subdivisions, with large intervals between them. montcalm had formed his two wings of european and colonial troops in nearly equal numbers. a column of europeans composed his centre; and two small field pieces were brought up to play on the english line. in this order he marched to the attack, advancing in his front about fifteen hundred militia and indians, who kept up an irregular and galling fire under cover of the bushes. the movements of the french indicating an intention to flank his left, general wolfe ordered the battalion of amherst, and the two battalions of royal americans, to that part of his line; where they were formed _en potence_ under general townshend, presenting a double front. disregarding the fire of the militia and indians, he ordered his troops to reserve themselves for the column advancing in the rear of these irregulars. [sidenote: battle on the plains of abraham.] [sidenote: death of wolfe,] [sidenote: and of montcalm.] montcalm had taken post on the left of the french army, and wolfe on the right of the british; so that the two generals met each other, at the head of their respective troops; and there the battle was most severe. the french advanced briskly to the charge, and commenced the action with great animation. the english reserved their fire until the enemy were within forty yards of them, when they gave it with immense effect. the action was kept up for some time with great spirit. wolfe, advancing at the head of his grenadiers with charged bayonets, received a mortal wound and soon afterwards expired. undismayed by the loss of their general, the english continued their exertions under monckton, on whom the command devolved. he also received a ball through his body, and general townshend took command of the british army. about the same time montcalm received a mortal wound, and general senezergus, the second in command, also fell. the left wing and centre of the french began to give way; and, being pressed close by the british, were driven from the field. on the left and rear of the english, the action was less severe. the light infantry had been placed in houses; and colonel howe, the better to support them, had taken post still farther to the left, behind a copse. as the right of the french attacked the english left, he sallied from this position, upon their flanks, and threw them into disorder. in this critical moment, townshend advanced several platoons against their front, and completely frustrated the attempt to turn the left flank. [sidenote: victory of the english.] in this state of the action, townshend was informed that the command had devolved on him. proceeding instantly to the centre, he found that part of the army thrown into some disorder by the ardour of pursuit; and his immediate efforts were employed in restoring the line. scarcely was this effected, when monsieur de bougainville, who had been detached as high as cape rouge to prevent a landing above, and who, on hearing that the english had gained the plains of abraham, hastened to the assistance of montcalm, appeared in the rear at the head of fifteen hundred men. fortunately for the english, the right wing of the french, as well as their left and centre, had been entirely broken, and driven off the field. two battalions and two pieces of artillery being advanced towards bougainville, he retired; and townshend did not think it advisable to risk the important advantages already gained, by pursuing this fresh body of troops through a difficult country.[ ] [footnote : townshend's letter. belsham. russel. gazette.] in this decisive battle, nearly equal numbers appear to have been engaged. the english however possessed this immense advantage:--they were all veterans; while not more than half the french were of the same description. this circumstance would lead to an opinion that some motive, not well explained, must have induced montcalm to hazard an action before he was assured of being joined by bougainville. the french regulars were almost entirely cut to pieces. the loss of the english was not so considerable as the fierceness of the action would indicate. the killed and wounded were less than six hundred men; but among the former, was the commander in chief. this gallant officer, whose rare merit, and lamented fate, have presented a rich theme for panegyric to both the poet and historian, received a ball in his wrist in the commencement of the action; but, wrapping a handkerchief around his arm, he continued to encourage his troops. soon afterwards he received a shot in the groin, which he also concealed; and was advancing at the head of the grenadiers, when a third bullet pierced his breast. though expiring, it was with reluctance he permitted himself to be carried into the rear, where he displayed, in the agonies of death, the most anxious solicitude concerning the fate of the day. being told that the enemy was visibly broken, he reclined his head, from extreme faintness, on the arm of an officer standing near him; but was soon roused with the distant cry of "they fly, they fly." "who fly?" exclaimed the dying hero. on being answered "the french." "then," said he, "i depart content;" and, almost immediately expired. "a death more glorious," adds mr. belsham, "and attended with circumstances more picturesque and interesting, is no where to be found in the annals of history." the less fortunate, but not less gallant montcalm expired on the same day. the same love of glory, and the same fearlessness of death, which so remarkably distinguished the british hero, were equally conspicuous in his competitor for victory and for fame. he expressed the highest satisfaction on hearing that his wound was mortal; and when told that he could survive only a few hours, quickly replied, "so much the better, i shall not then live to see the surrender of quebec."[ ] [footnote : russel.] [sidenote: quebec capitulates.] the first days after the action were employed by general townshend in making preparations for the siege of quebec. but before his batteries were opened, the town capitulated; on condition that the inhabitants should, during the war, be protected in the free exercise of their religion, and the full enjoyment of their civil rights, leaving their future destinies to be decided by the treaty of peace. quebec was garrisoned by about five thousand english, under the command of general murray; and the fleet sailed from the st. lawrence. the english minister, aware of the importance of completing the work thus fortunately begun, was not of a temper to relax his exertions. his letters to the governors of the several colonies contained declarations of his intention to employ a strong military force for the ensuing year, and exhortations to them to continue their efforts for the annihilation of the french power in canada. these exhortations were accompanied with assurances that he would again apply to parliament to reimburse their future extraordinary expenses; and were productive of the desired effect. the several assemblies voted the same number of troops, and amount of supplies, as had been furnished the preceding year. in the mean time the governor of new france, and the general of the army, made great exertions to retrieve their affairs, and to avert the ruin which threatened them. the remaining european troops were collected about montreal; where they were reinforced with six thousand militia, and a body of indians. monsieur de levi, on whom the command had devolved, determined to attempt the recovery of quebec, before the opening of the st. lawrence should enable the english to reinforce the garrison, and to afford it the protection of their fleet. but the out-posts being found too strong to admit of his carrying the place by _a coup de main_, he was under the necessity of postponing the execution of this design, until the upper part of the st. lawrence should open, and afford a transportation by water, for his artillery and military stores. { } in the month of april these were embarked at montreal, under convoy of six frigates; which, sailing down the st. lawrence, while the army marched by land, reached point au tremble in ten days. [sidenote: battle near sillery.] to avoid the hardships and dangers of a siege in a town too extensive to be defended by his sickly garrison, and inhabited by persons known to be hostile, murray took the bold resolution of hazarding a battle. having formed this determination, he led out his garrison to the heights of abraham, and attacked the french near sillery. he was received with unexpected firmness; and, perceiving that his utmost efforts could make no impression, he called off his army, and retired into the city. in this fierce encounter, the english loss amounted to near one thousand men; and they represent that of the french to have been not less considerable. [sidenote: quebec besieged.] monsieur de levi improved his victory to the utmost. his trenches were opened before the town, on the same evening; but such was the difficulty of bringing up his heavy artillery, that near a fortnight elapsed before he could mount his batteries, and bring his guns to bear on the city. the batteries had been opened but a few days, when the garrison was relieved from its perilous situation, by the arrival of a british fleet. quebec being secure, monsieur de levi raised the siege, and retired to montreal. during these transactions, general amherst was taking measures for the annihilation of the remnant of french power in canada. he determined to employ the immense force under his command for the accomplishment of this object, and made arrangements, during the winter, to bring the armies from quebec, lake champlain, and lake ontario, to act against montreal. the preparations being completed, the commander in chief marched at the head of upwards of ten thousand british and provincials, from the frontiers of new york to oswego, where he was joined by sir william johnson, with one thousand indians. he embarked his army at that place, and proceeded down the st. lawrence to montreal. murray, who had been directed to advance up the river to the same point, with as many men as could be spared from quebec, appeared below the town on the very day that amherst approached it from above. the two generals found no difficulty in disembarking their troops, and the whole plan of co-operation had been so well concerted that, in a short time, they were joined by colonel haviland with the detachment from crown point. [sidenote: montreal capitulates.] the junction of these armies presenting before montreal a force not to be resisted, the governor offered to capitulate. in the month of september, montreal, and all other places within the government of canada, then remaining in the possession of france, were surrendered to his britannic majesty. the troops were to be transported to france, and the canadians to be protected in their property, and the full enjoyment of their religion.[ ] [footnote : minot. belknap. belsham. russel.] that colossal power, which france had been long erecting in america, with vast labour and expense; which had been the motive for one of the most extensive and desolating wars of modern times; was thus entirely overthrown. the causes of this interesting event are to be found in the superior wealth and population of the colonies of england, and in her immense naval strength; an advantage, in distant war, not to be counterbalanced by the numbers, the discipline, the courage, and the military talents, which may be combined in the armies of an inferior maritime power. [illustration: the death of wolfe on the plains of abraham _from the painting by benjamin west, in the capitol at ottawa, canada_ _surrounded by his devoted officers, general james wolfe died in the hour of victory over the french general montcalm, in which the english captured quebec, september , , and decided the destiny of north american civilization. general wolfe lived to hear the cry "they run!", and expired with the words "now god be praised, i will die in peace."_ _in this canvas, painted in , west departed from the venerated custom of clothing pictorial characters in greek or roman costume. sir joshua reynolds, who had endeavored to dissuade him, later said, "i retract my objections. i foresee that this picture will not only become one of the most popular, but will occasion a revolution in art."_] the joy diffused throughout the british dominions by this splendid conquest, was mingled with a proud sense of superiority which did not estimate with exact justice, the relative means employed by the belligerents. in no part of those dominions was this joy felt, in a higher degree, or with more reason, than in america. in that region, the wars between france and england had assumed a form, happily unknown to other parts of the civilised world. not confined, as in europe, to men in arms; women and children were its common victims. it had been carried by the savage to the fire side of the peaceful peasant, where the tomahawk and scalping knife were applied indiscriminately to every age, and to either sex. the hope was now fondly indulged that these scenes, at least in the northern and middle colonies, were closed for ever. the colonies of south carolina and georgia had been entirely exempted from the sharp conflicts of the north. france having been unable to draw spain into the war, their neighbours in florida remained quiet; and the indians on their immediate frontiers were in the english interest. as the prospect of establishing peace in the north seemed to brighten, this state of repose in the south sustained a short interruption. when the garrison of fort du quêsne retired down the ohio into louisiana, the french employed their address in the management of indians, to draw the cherokees from their alliance with great britain. their negotiations with these savages were favoured by the irritations given to their warriors in virginia, where they had been employed against the french, and the indians in the french interest. their ill humour began to show itself in . upon its first appearance, governor lyttleton prepared to march into their country at the head of a respectable military force. alarmed at these hostile appearances, they dispatched thirty-two of their chiefs to charleston, for the purpose of deprecating the vengeance with which their nation was threatened. their pacific representations did not arrest the expedition. the governor not only persisted in the enterprise, but, under the pretext of securing the safe return of the indian messengers, took them into the train of his army, where they were, in reality, confined as prisoners. to add to this indignity, they were, when arrived at the place of destination, shut up together in a single hut. notwithstanding the irritation excited by this conduct, a treaty was concluded, in which it was agreed that the chiefs detained by the governor should remain with him as hostages, until an equal number of those who had committed murder on the frontiers, should be delivered in exchange for them; and that, in the meantime, the indians should seize and deliver up every white or red man coming into their country, who should endeavour to excite them to war against the english. after making this accommodation, the governor returned to charleston, leaving his hostages prisoners in fort prince george. scarcely had the army retired, when the cherokees began to contrive plans for the relief of their chiefs. in an attempt to execute these plans, they killed the captain of the fort and wounded two officers. orders were immediately given to put the hostages in irons; an indignity so resented by these fierce savages, that the first persons who attempted to execute the orders were stabbed. the soldiers enraged at this resistance, fell on the hostages and massacred them. [sidenote: war with the southern indians.] inflamed to madness by this event, the whole nation flew to arms; and, according to their established mode of warfare, wreaked their fury on the inhabitants of the country in indiscriminate murder. mr. bull, on whom the government of the province had devolved, represented the distresses of south carolina in such strong terms to general amherst, that colonel montgomery was ordered into that colony with a detachment of regular troops. he arrived in april; but, as all the forces would be required in the north, in order to complete the conquest of canada, he was directed to strike a sudden blow, and to return to new york in time for the expedition against montreal. [sidenote: battle near etchoe.] the utmost exertions were made by the colony in aid of colonel montgomery, and he entered the cherokee country with all the forces that could be collected. their lower towns were destroyed; but, near the village of etchoe, the first of their middle settlements, in an almost impenetrable wood, he was met by a large body of savages, and a severe action ensued. the english claimed the victory, but without much reason. they were so roughly handled, that colonel montgomery withdrew his army, and retired to fort prince george, at which place he prepared to embark for new york. the consternation of the province was the greater, as serious fears were entertained that the creeks and choctaws, might be induced by the french to join the cherokees. colonel montgomery was pressed in the most earnest manner, not to leave the province; and was, with difficulty, prevailed on to permit four companies to remain, while, with the main body of his detachment, he returned to new york. { } mean while, the war continued to rage. the savages surrounded fort loudoun; and the garrison amounting to four hundred men, was compelled by famine to surrender, on condition of being permitted to march into the settlements. the indians, who regard conventions no longer than they are useful, attacked the garrison on its march, killed a number, and made the residue prisoners. carolina again applied to general amherst for assistance, who having completed the conquest of canada, had leisure to attend to the southern colonies. late in may, a strong detachment, commanded by colonel grant, arrived at fort prince george; and the colony raised a body of provincials, and of friendly indians, to join him. [sidenote: indians defeated.] early in june, he marched for the cherokee towns. near the place where the action had been fought the preceding year by montgomery, the indians again assembled in force, and gave battle in defence of their country. the action commenced about eight in the morning, and was maintained with spirit until eleven, when the cherokees began to give way. they were pursued for two or three hours, after which grant marched to the adjacent village of etchoe, which he reduced to ashes. all the towns of the middle settlement shared the same fate. their houses and corn fields were destroyed, and the whole country laid waste. reduced to extremity, they sued sincerely for peace; and, in the course of the summer, the war was terminated by a treaty.[ ] [footnote : history of south carolina and georgia.] it was not in america only that the vigour presiding in the councils of britain shed lustre on the british arms. splendid conquests were also made in asia and africa; and in europe, her aids of men and money enabled the greatest monarch of his age to surmount difficulties which only frederick and mr. pitt could have dared to encounter. { } at length, spain, alarmed at the increase of british power in america, and apprehensive for the safety of her own dominions, determined to take part against great britain; and, early in the year , the two crowns declared war against each other. it was prosecuted, on the part of great britain, with signal success; and, in the course of the year, martinique, granada, st. lucia, st. vincent, and all the caribbee islands were wrested from france; and the very important city of havanna, which in a great degree commands the gulf of mexico, was taken from spain. this course of conquest, which no force in possession of france and spain seemed capable of checking, while any of their distant possessions remained to be subdued, was arrested by preliminary articles of peace signed at paris. by this treaty, his christian majesty ceded to britain, all the conquests made by that power on the continent of north america, together with the river and port of mobile; and all the territory to which france was entitled on the left bank of the mississippi, reserving only the island of new orleans. and it was agreed that, for the future, the confines between the dominions of the two crowns, in that quarter of the world, should be irrevocably fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the mississippi, from its source as far as the river iberville, and thence, by a line drawn along the middle of that river, and of the lakes maurepas and pont chartrain. the havanna was exchanged with spain for the floridas. by establishing these great natural boundaries to the british empire in north america, all causes of future contest respecting that continent, with any potentate of europe, were supposed to be removed. chapter xiii. opinions on the supremacy of parliament, and its right to tax the colonies.... the stamp act.... congress at new york.... violence in the towns.... change of administration.... stamp act repealed.... opposition to the mutiny act.... act imposing duties on tea, &c. resisted in america.... letters from the assembly of massachusetts to members of the administration.... petition to the king.... circular letter to the colonial assemblies.... letter from the earl of hillsborough.... assembly of massachusetts dissolved.... seizure of the sloop liberty.... convention at fanueil hall.... moderation of its proceedings.... two british regiments arrive at boston.... resolutions of the house of burgesses of virginia.... assembly dissolved.... the members form an association.... general measures against importation.... general court convened in massachusetts.... its proceedings.... is prorogued.... duties, except that on tea, repealed.... circular letter of the earl of hillsborough.... new york recedes from the non-importation agreement in part.... her example followed.... riot in boston.... trial and acquittal of captain preston. { } the attachment of the colonies to the mother country was never stronger than at the signature of the treaty of paris.[ ] the union of that tract of country which extends from the atlantic to the mississippi, and from the gulf of mexico to the north pole, was deemed a certain guarantee of future peace, and an effectual security against the return of those bloody scenes from which no condition in life could afford an exemption. [footnote : after the expulsion of the french from canada, a considerable degree of ill humour was manifested in massachusetts with respect to the manner in which the laws of trade were executed. a question was agitated in court, in which the colony took a very deep interest. a custom house officer applied for what was termed "a writ of assistance," which was an authority to search any house for dutiable articles suspected to be concealed in it. the right to grant special warrants was not contested; but this grant of a general warrant was deemed contrary to the principles of liberty, and an engine of oppression equally useless and vexatious, which would enable every petty officer of the customs to gratify his resentments by harassing the most respectable men in the province. the ill temper excited on this occasion was shown by a reduction of the salaries of the judges; but no diminution of attachment to the mother country appears to have been produced by it.] this state of things, long and anxiously wished for by british america, had, at length, been effected by the union of british and american arms. the soldiers of the parent state and her colonies had co-operated in the same service, their blood had mingled in the same plains, and the object pursued was common to both people. while the british nation was endeared to the americans by this community of danger, and identity of interest, the brilliant achievements of the war had exalted to enthusiasm their admiration of british valour. they were proud of the land of their ancestors, and gloried in their descent from englishmen. but this sentiment was not confined to the military character of the nation. while the excellence of the english constitution was a rich theme of declamation, every colonist believed himself entitled to its advantages; nor could he admit that, by crossing the atlantic, his ancestors had relinquished the essential rights of british subjects. the degree of authority which might rightfully be exercised by the mother country over her colonies, had never been accurately defined. in britain, it had always been asserted that parliament possessed the power of binding them in all cases whatever. in america, at different times, and in different provinces, different opinions had been entertained on this subject. in new england, originally settled by republicans, habits of independence had nourished the theory that the colonial assemblies possessed every legislative power not surrendered by compact; that the americans were subjects of the british crown, but not of the nation; and were bound by no laws to which their representatives had not assented. from this high ground they had been compelled reluctantly to recede. the judges, being generally appointed by the governors with the advice of council, had determined that the colonies were bound by acts of parliament which concerned them, and which were expressly extended to them; and the general court of massachusetts had, on a late occasion, explicitly recognised the same principle. this had probably become the opinion of many of the best informed men of the province; but the doctrine seems still to have been extensively maintained, that acts of parliament possessed only an external obligation; that they might regulate commerce, but not the internal affairs of the colonies. in the year , the general court of massachusetts passed an act, denying the right of any other legislature to impose any tax whatever on the colony; and also asserting those principles of national liberty, which are found in magna charta. not long afterwards, the legislature of new york, probably with a view only to the authority claimed by the governor, passed an act in which its own supremacy, not only in matters of taxation, but of general legislation, is expressly affirmed. both these acts however were disapproved in england; and the parliament asserted its authority, in , by declaring "that all laws, bye laws, usages, and customs, which shall be in practice in any of the plantations, repugnant to any law made or to be made in this kingdom relative to the said plantations, shall be void and of none effect." and three years afterwards, an act was passed for the trial of pirates in america, in which is to be found the following extraordinary clause: "be it farther declared that, if any of the governors, or any person or persons in authority there, shall refuse to yield obedience to this act, such refusal is hereby declared to be a forfeiture of all and every [_sic_] the charters granted for the government and propriety of such plantations." the english statute book furnishes many instances in which the legislative power of parliament over the colonies was extended to regulations completely internal; and it is not recollected that their authority was in any case openly controverted. in the middle and southern provinces, no question respecting the supremacy of parliament, in matters of general legislation, ever existed. the authority of such acts of internal regulation as were made for america, as well as of those for the regulation of commerce, even by the imposition of duties, provided those duties were imposed for the purpose of regulation, had been at all times admitted. but these colonies, however they might acknowledge the supremacy of parliament in other respects, denied the right of that body to tax them internally. their submission to the act for establishing a general post office, which raised a revenue on the carriage of letters, was not thought a dereliction of this principle; because that regulation was not considered as a tax, but as a compensation for a service rendered, which every person might accept or decline. and all the duties on trade were understood to be imposed, rather with a view to prevent foreign commerce, than to raise a revenue. perhaps the legality of such acts was the less questioned, because they were not rigorously executed, and their violation was sometimes designedly overlooked. a scheme for taxing the colonies by authority of parliament had been formed so early as the year , and recommended to government by a club of american merchants, at whose head was sir william keith, governor of pennsylvania. in this scheme, it was proposed to raise a body of regulars, to be stationed along the western frontier of the british settlements, for the protection of the indian traders; the expense of which establishment was to be paid with monies arising from a duty on stamped paper and parchment in all the colonies. this plan, however, was not countenanced by those in power; and seems never to have been seriously taken up by the government until the year . the attention of the minister was then turned to a plan of taxation by authority of parliament; and it will be recollected that a system was devised and recommended by him, as a substitute for the articles of union proposed by the convention at albany. the temper and opinion of the colonists, and the impolicy of irritating them at a crisis which required all the exertions they were capable of making, suspended this delicate and dangerous measure; but it seems not to have been totally abandoned. of the right of parliament, as the supreme legislature, of the nation, to tax as well as govern the colonies, those who guided the councils of britain seem not to have entertained a doubt; and the language of men in power, on more than one occasion through the war, indicated a disposition to put this right in practice when the termination of hostilities should render the experiment less dangerous. the failure of some of the colonies, especially those in which a proprietary government was established, to furnish, in time, the aids required of them, contributed to foster this disposition. this opposition of opinion on a subject the most interesting to the human heart, was about to produce a system of measures which tore asunder all the bonds of relationship and affection that had subsisted for ages, and planted almost inextinguishable hatred in bosoms where the warmest friendship had long been cultivated. { } the unexampled expenses of the war required a great addition to the regular taxes of the nation. considerable difficulty was found in searching out new sources of revenue, and great opposition was made to every tax proposed. thus embarrassed, administration directed its attention to the continent of north america. the system which had been laid aside was renewed; and, on the motion of mr. grenville, first commissioner of the treasury, a resolution passed without much debate, declaring that it would be proper to impose certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations, for the purpose of raising a revenue in america, payable into the british exchequer. this resolution was not carried into immediate effect, and was only declaratory of an intention to be executed the ensuing year.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] other resolutions were passed at the same time, laying new duties on the trade of the colonies, which being in the form of commercial regulations, were not generally contested on the ground of right, though imposed expressly for the purpose of raising revenue. great disgust, however, was produced by the increase of the duties, by the new regulations which were made, and by the manner in which those regulations were to be executed. the gainful commerce long carried on clandestinely with the french and spanish colonies, in the progress of which an evasion of the duties imposed by law had been overlooked by the government, was to be rigorously suppressed by taxes amounting to a prohibition of fair trade; and their exact collection was to be enforced by measures not much less offensive in themselves, than on account of the object to be effected.[ ] [footnote : belsham. minot.] completely to prevent smuggling, all the officers in the sea service, who were on the american station, were converted into revenue officers; and directed to take the custom house oaths. many vexatious seizures were made, for which no redress could be obtained but in england. the penalties and forfeitures, too, accruing under the act, as if the usual tribunals could not be trusted, were made recoverable in any court of vice-admiralty in the colonies. it will be readily conceived how odious a law, made to effect an odious object, must have been rendered by such provisions as these. { } the resolution concerning the duties on stamps excited a great and general ferment in america. the right of parliament to impose taxes on the colonies for the purpose of raising a revenue, became the subject of universal conversation, and was almost universally denied. petitions to the king, and memorials to both houses of parliament against the measure, were transmitted by several of the provincial assemblies to the board of trade in england, to be presented to his majesty immediately; and to parliament, when that body should be convened. the house of representatives of massachusetts instructed their agent to use his utmost endeavours to prevent the passage of the stamp act, or any other act levying taxes or impositions of any kind on the american provinces. a committee was appointed to act in the recess of the general court, with instructions to correspond with the legislatures of the several colonies, to communicate to them the instructions given to the agent of massachusetts, and to solicit their concurrence in similar measures. these legislative proceedings were, in many places, seconded by associations entered into by individuals, for diminishing the use of british manufactures.[ ] [footnote : minot.] the administration, perceiving the opposition to be encountered by adhering to the vote of the preceding session, informed the agents of the colonies in london that, if they would propose any other mode of raising the sum required[ ], their proposition would be accepted, and the stamp duty laid aside. the agents replied that they were not authorised to propose any substitute, but were ordered to oppose the bill when it should be brought into the house, by petitions questioning the right of parliament to tax the colonies. this reply placed the controversy on ground which admitted of no compromise. determined to persevere in the system he had adopted, and believing successful resistance to be impossible, mr. grenville brought into parliament his celebrated act for imposing stamp duties in america; and it passed both houses by great majorities, but not without animated debate. so little weight does the human mind allow to the most conclusive arguments, when directed against the existence of power in ourselves, that general conway is said to have stood alone[ ] in denying the right claimed by parliament. [footnote : , _l_. sterling.] [footnote : mr. pitt was not in the house; and mr. ingersoll, in his letter, states that alderman beckford joined general conway. mr. belsham, therefore, who makes this statement, was probably mistaken.] this act excited serious alarm throughout the colonies. it was sincerely believed to wound vitally the constitution of the country, and to destroy the most sacred principles of liberty. combinations against its execution were formed; and the utmost exertions were used to diffuse among the people a knowledge of the pernicious consequences which must flow from admitting that the colonists could be taxed by a legislature in which they were not represented. the assembly of virginia was in session when the intelligence was received; and, by a small majority, passed several resolutions introduced by mr. henry, and seconded by mr. johnson,[ ] one of which asserts the exclusive right of that assembly to lay taxes and impositions on the inhabitants of that colony.[ ] [footnote : see note no. iii, at the end of the volume.] [footnote : prior documents. virginia gazette.] on the passage of these resolutions, the governor dissolved the assembly; and writs for new elections were issued. in almost every instance, the members who had voted in favour of the resolutions were re-elected, while those who had voted against them were generally excluded. the legislatures of several other colonies passed resolutions similar to those of virginia. the house of representatives of massachusetts, contemplating a still more solemn and effectual expression of the general sentiment, recommended a congress of deputies from all the colonial assemblies, to meet at new york the first monday in october. circular letters communicating this recommendation, were addressed to the respective assemblies wherever they were in session. new hampshire alone, although concurring in the general opposition, declined sending members to the congress; and the legislatures of virginia and north carolina were not in session.[ ] [footnote : minot.] in the meantime, the press teemed with the most animating exhortations to the people, to unite in defence of their liberty and property; and the stamp officers were, almost universally, compelled to resign. [sidenote: congress at new york.] at the time appointed, the commissioners from the assemblies of massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, the three lower counties on the delaware, maryland, and south carolina assembled at new york; and, having chosen timothy ruggles, of massachusetts, their chairman, proceeded on the important objects for which they had convened. the first measure of congress was a declaration[ ] of the rights and grievances of the colonists. this paper asserts their title to all the rights and liberties of natural born subjects within the kingdom of great britain; among the most essential of which are, the exclusive power to tax themselves, and the trial by jury. [footnote : see note no. iv, at the end of the volume.] the act granting certain stamp and other duties in the british colonies was placed first on the list of grievances. its direct tendency they said, was, by taxing the colonists without their consent, and by extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, to subvert their rights and liberties. they also addressed a petition to the king, and a memorial to each house of parliament. these papers were drawn with temperate firmness. they express, unequivocally, the attachment of the colonists to the mother country; and assert the rights they claim in the earnest language of conviction. having, in addition to these measures, recommended to the several colonies to appoint special agents, with instructions to unite their utmost endeavours in soliciting a redress of grievances; and directed their clerk to make out a copy of their proceedings for each colony, congress adjourned.[ ] [footnote : minot. prior documents.] to interest the people of england against the measures of administration, associations were formed for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and against the use of those imported from great britain. to increase their quantity of wool, the colonists determined to kill no lambs, and to use all the means in their power to multiply their flocks of sheep. to avoid the use of stamps, proceedings in the courts of justice were suspended; and a settlement of all controversies by arbitration was strongly recommended. [sidenote: violence in the large towns.] while this determined and systematic opposition was made by the thinking part of the community, some riotous and disorderly meetings took place, especially in the large towns, which threatened serious consequences. many houses were destroyed, much property injured, and several persons, highly respectable in character and station, were grossly abused. while these transactions were passing in america, causes entirely unconnected with the affairs of the colonies, produced a total revolution in the british cabinet. the grenville party was succeeded by an administration unfriendly to the plan for taxing the colonies without their consent. general conway, one of the principal secretaries of state, addressed a circular letter to the several governors, in which he censured, in mild terms, the violent measures that had been adopted, and recommended to them, while they maintained the dignity of the crown and of parliament, to observe a temperate and conciliatory conduct towards the colonists, and to endeavour, by persuasive means, to restore the public peace. { } parliament was opened by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty declared his firm confidence in their wisdom and zeal, which would, he doubted not, guide them to such sound and prudent resolutions, as might tend at once to preserve the constitutional rights of the british legislature over the colonies, and to restore to them that harmony and tranquillity which had lately been interrupted by disorders of the most dangerous nature. in the course of the debate in the house of commons, on the motion for the address, mr. pitt, in explicit terms, condemned the act for collecting stamp duties in america; and avowed the opinion that parliament had no right to tax the colonies. he asserted, at the same time, "the authority of that kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legislation whatever." he maintained the difficult proposition "that taxation is no part of the governing, or legislative power; but that taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone;" and concluded an eloquent speech, by recommending to the house, "that the stamp act be repealed, _absolutely_, _totally_, and _immediately_." the opinions expressed by mr. pitt were warmly opposed by the late ministers. mr. grenville said, "that the disturbances in america were grown to tumults and riots; he doubted, they bordered on open rebellion; and, if the doctrine he had heard that day should be confirmed, he feared they would lose that name to take that of revolution. the government ever them being dissolved, a revolution would take place in america." he contended that taxation was a part of the sovereign power;--one branch of legislation; and had been exercised over those who were not represented. he could not comprehend the distinction between external and internal taxation; and insisted that the colonies ought to bear a part of the burdens occasioned by a war for their defence. [sidenote: stamp act repealed.] the existing administration, however, concurred in sentiment with mr. pitt, and the act was repealed; but its repeal was accompanied with a declaratory act, asserting the right of great britain to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. the intelligence of this event was received in america with general manifestations of joy. the assertion of the abstract principle of right gave many but little concern, because they considered it merely as a salve for the wounded pride of the nation, and believed confidently that no future attempt would be made to reduce it to practice. the highest honours were conferred on those parliamentary leaders who had exerted themselves to obtain a repeal of the act; and, in virginia, the house of burgesses voted a statue to his majesty, as an acknowledgment of their high sense of his attention to the rights and petitions of his people. though all the colonies rejoiced at the repeal of the stamp act, the same temper did not prevail in all of them. in the commercial cities of the north, the regulations of trade were nearly as odious as the stamp act itself. political parties too had been formed, and had assumed a bitterness in some of the colonies, entirely unknown in others. these dispositions were not long concealed. the first measures of massachusetts and of new york demonstrated that, in them, the reconciliation with the mother country was not cordial. the letter of secretary conway, transmitting the repeal of the act imposing a duty on stamps, enclosed also a resolution of parliament declaring that those persons who had suffered injuries in consequence of their assisting to execute that act, ought to be compensated by the colony in which such injuries were sustained. this was chiefly in massachusetts. the resolution of parliament was laid before the general court of that province, by governor bernard, in a speech rather in the spirit of the late, than the present administration;--rather calculated to irritate than assuage the angry passions that had been excited. the house of representatives resented his manner of addressing them; and appeared more disposed to inquire into the riots, and to compel those concerned in them to make indemnities, than to compensate the sufferers out of the public purse. but, after a second session, and some intimation that parliament would enforce its requisition, an act of pardon to the offenders, and of indemnity to the sufferers, was passed; but was rejected by the king, because the colonial assembly had no power, by their charter, to pass an act of general pardon, but at the instance of the crown.[ ] [footnote : minot.] in new york, where general gage was expected with a considerable body of troops, a message was transmitted by the governor to the legislature, desiring their compliance with an act of parliament called "the mutiny act," which required that the colony in which any of his majesty's forces might be stationed, should provide barracks for them, and necessaries in their quarters. the legislature postponed the consideration of this message until the troops were actually arrived; and then, after a second message from the governor, reluctantly and partially complied with the requisitions of the act. at a subsequent session, the governor brought the subject again before the assembly, who determined that the act of parliament could be construed only to require that provision should be made for troops on a march, and not while permanently stationed in the country.[ ] the reason assigned for not furnishing the accommodations required by the governor, implies the opinion that the act of parliament was rightfully obligatory; and yet the requisitions of the mutiny act were unquestionably a tax; and no essential distinction is perceived between the power of parliament to levy a tax by its own authority, and to levy it through the medium of the colonial legislatures; they having no right to refuse obedience to the act. it is remarkable that such inaccurate ideas should still have prevailed, concerning the controlling power of parliament over the colonies. [footnote : minot. prior documents. belsham.] in england it was thought to manifest a very forbearing spirit, that this instance of disobedience was punished with no positive penalties; and that the ministers contented themselves with a law prohibiting the legislature of the province from passing any act, until it should comply, in every respect, with the requisitions of parliament. the persevering temper of massachusetts not having found its way to new york, this measure produced the desired effect. two companies of artillery, driven into the port of boston by stress of weather, applied to the governor for supplies. he laid the application before his council, who advised that, "in pursuance of the act of parliament" the supplies required should be furnished. they were furnished, and the money to procure them was drawn from the treasury by the authority of the executive. { } on the meeting of the legislature, the house of representatives expressed in pointed terms their disapprobation of the conduct of the governor. particular umbrage was given by the expression "_in pursuance of an act of parliament_." "after the repeal of the stamp act, they were surprised to find that this act, equally odious and unconstitutional, should remain in force. they lamented the entry of this reason for the advice of council the more, as it was an unwarrantable and unconstitutional step which totally disabled them from testifying the same cheerfulness they had always shown in granting to his majesty, of their free accord, such aids as his service has from time to time required."[ ] copies of these messages were transmitted by governor bernard to the minister, accompanied by letters not calculated to diminish the unpleasantness of the communication. [footnote : minot.] the idea of raising revenue in america, was so highly favoured in england, especially by the landed interest, that not even the influence of administration could have obtained a repeal of the stamp act, on the naked principle of right. few were hardy enough to question the supremacy of parliament; and the act receding from the practical assertion of the power to tax the colonists, deeply wounded the pride of the king, and of the nation. the temper discovered in some of the colonies was ill calculated to assuage the wound, which this measure had inflicted, on the haughty spirit of the country; and is supposed to have contributed to the revival of a system, which had been reluctantly abandoned. charles townshend, chancellor of the exchequer, said boastingly in the house of commons, "that he knew how to draw a revenue from the colonies without giving them offence."[ ] mr. grenville eagerly caught at the declaration, and urged this minister to pledge himself to bring forward the measure, at which he had hinted. during the sickness and absence of lord chatham, the cabinet had decided on introducing a bill for imposing certain duties on tea, glass, paper, and painter's colours, imported into the colonies from great britain; and appropriating the money in the first instance, to the salaries of the officers of government. this bill was brought into parliament, and passed almost without opposition. [footnote : belsham.] the friends of america, in england, had distinguished between internal and external taxation; and the same distinction had been made in the colonies. but the discussions originating in the stamp act, while they diffused among the colonists a knowledge of their political rights, had inspired also more accurate ideas respecting them. these duties were plainly intended, not to regulate commerce, but to raise revenue, which would be as certainly collected from the colonists, as the duties on stamps could have been. the principle of the two measures was the same. many of the americans were too intelligent to be misguided by the distinction between internal and external taxation, or by the precedents quoted in support of the right, for which parliament contended. this measure was considered as establishing a precedent of taxation for the mere purpose of revenue, which might afterwards be extended at the discretion of parliament; and was spoken of as the _entering wedge_, designed to make way for impositions too heavy to be borne. the appropriation of the money did not lessen the odium of the tax. the colonists considered the dependence of the officers of government, on the colonial legislature, for their salaries, as the best security for their attending to the interests, and cultivating the affections of the provinces.[ ] yet the opinion that this act was unconstitutional, was not adopted so immediately, or so generally, as in the case of the stamp act. many able political essays appeared in the papers, demonstrating that it violated the principles of the english constitution and of english liberty, before the conviction became general, that the same principle which had before been successfully opposed, was again approaching in a different form. [footnote : prior documents.] { } the general court of massachusetts, perceiving plainly that the claim to tax america was revived, and being determined to oppose it, addressed an elaborate letter to dennis de berdt, agent for the house of representatives, detailing at great length, and with much weight of argument, all the objections to the late acts of parliament. letters were also addressed to the earl of shelburne and general conway, secretaries of state, to the marquis of rockingham, lord camden, the earl of chatham, and the lords commissioners of the treasury. these letters, while they breathe a spirit of ardent attachment to the british constitution, and to the british nation, manifest a perfect conviction that their complaints were just. conclusive as the arguments they contained might have appeared to englishmen, if urged by themselves in support of their own rights, they had not much weight, when used to disprove the existence of their authority over others. the deep and solemn tone of conviction, however, conveyed in all these letters, ought to have produced a certainty that the principles assumed in them had made a strong impression, and would not be lightly abandoned. it ought to have been foreseen that with such a people, so determined, the conflict must be stern and hazardous; and, it was well worth the estimate, whether the object would compensate the means used to obtain it. [sidenote: petition to the king.] the assembly also voted a petition to the king, replete with professions of loyalty and attachment; but stating, in explicit terms, their sense of the acts against which they petitioned. a proposition was next made for an address to the other colonies on the power claimed by parliament, which, after considerable debate, was carried in the affirmative; and a circular letter to the assemblies of the several provinces, setting forth the proceedings of the house of representatives, was prepared and adopted.[ ] [footnote : see note v, at the end of the volume.] to rescue their measures from the imputation of systematic opposition to the british government, the house, without acknowledging the obligation of the mutiny act, complied with a requisition of the governor to make a farther provision for one of the king's garrisons within the province. the governor, soon afterwards, prorogued the general court with an angry speech, not calculated to diminish the resentments of the house directed against himself; resentments occasioned as much by the haughtiness of his manners, and a persuasion that he had misrepresented their conduct and opinions to ministers, as by the unpopular course his station required him to pursue.[ ] [footnote : minot.] the circular letter of the house of representatives of massachusetts was well received in the other colonies. they approved the measures which had been taken, and readily united in them. they, too, petitioned the king against the obnoxious acts of parliament, and instructed their several agents to use all proper means to obtain their repeal. virginia transmitted a statement of her proceedings[ ] to her sister colonies; and her house of burgesses, in a letter to massachusetts, communicating the representation made to parliament, say, "that they do not affect an independency of their parent kingdom, the prosperity of which they are bound, to the utmost of their abilities, to promote; but cheerfully acquiesce in the authority of parliament to make laws for the preserving a necessary dependence, and for regulating the trade of the colonies; yet they cannot conceive, and humbly insist, it is not essential to support a proper relation between the mother country, and colonies transplanted from her, that she should have a right to raise money from them without their consent, and presume they do not aspire to more than the right of british subjects, when they assert that no power on earth has a right to impose taxes on the people, or take the smallest portion of their property without their consent given by their representatives in parliament."[ ] [footnote : prior documents.] [footnote : in this letter the house of burgesses express their opinion of the mutiny act in the following terms: "the act suspending the legislative power of new york, they consider as still more alarming to the colonies, though it has that single province in view. if parliament can compel them to furnish a single article to the troops sent over, they may, by the same rule, oblige them to furnish clothes, arms, and every other necessary, even the pay of the officers and soldiers; a doctrine replete with every mischief, and utterly subversive of all that's dear and valuable; for what advantage can the people of the colonies derive from choosing their own representatives, if those representatives, when chosen, be not permitted to exercise their own judgments, be under a necessity (on pain of being deprived of their legislative authority) of enforcing the mandates of a british parliament."] on the first intimation of the measures taken by massachusetts, the earl of hillsborough, who had been appointed to the newly created office of secretary of state for the department of the colonies, addressed a circular to the several governors, to be laid before the respective assemblies, in which he treated the circular letter of massachusetts, as being of the most dangerous tendency, calculated to inflame the minds of his majesty's good subjects in the colonies, to promote an unwarrantable combination, to excite an open opposition to the authority of parliament, and to subvert the true principles of the constitution.[ ] [footnote : prior documents.] his first object was to prevail on the several assemblies openly to censure the conduct of massachusetts; his next, to prevent their approving the proceedings of that colony. the letter, far from producing the desired effect, rather served to strengthen the determination of the colonies to unite in their endeavours to obtain a repeal of laws universally detested. on manifesting this disposition, the assemblies were generally dissolved;--probably in pursuance of instructions from the crown. when the general court of massachusetts was again convened, governor bernard laid before the house of representatives, an extract of a letter from the earl of hillsborough, in which, after animadverting in harsh terms on the circular letter to the colonies, he declared it to be "the king's pleasure" that the governor "should require the house of representatives, in his majesty's name, to rescind the resolution on which the circular letter was founded, and to declare their disapprobation of, and dissent from, that rash and hasty proceeding." this message excited considerable agitation; but the house, without coming to any resolution on it, requested the governor to lay before them the whole letter of the earl of hillsborough, and also copies of such letters as had been written by his excellency to that nobleman, on the subject to which the message referred. the copies were haughtily refused; but the residue of the letter from the earl of hillsborough was laid before them. that minister said, "if, notwithstanding the apprehensions which may justly be entertained of the ill consequence of a continuance of this factious spirit, which seems to have influenced the resolutions of the assembly at the conclusion of the last session, the new assembly should refuse to comply with his majesty's reasonable expectation, it is the king's pleasure that you immediately dissolve them." this subject being taken into consideration, a letter to the earl was reported, and agreed to by a majority of ninety-three to thirteen, in which they defended their circular letter in strong and manly, but respectful terms; and concluded with saying, "the house humbly rely on the royal clemency, that to petition his majesty will not be deemed by him to be inconsistent with a respect to the british constitution as settled at the revolution by william iii., and that to acquaint their fellow subjects involved in the same distress, of their having so done, in full hopes of success, even if they had invited the union of all america in one joint supplication, would not be discountenanced by their gracious sovereign, as a measure of an inflammatory nature. that when your lordship shall in justice lay a true state of these matters before his majesty, he will no longer consider them as tending to create unwarrantable combinations, or excite an unjustifiable opposition to the constitutional authority of parliament; that he will then truly discern who are of that desperate faction which is continually disturbing the public tranquillity; and that, while his arm is extended for the protection of his distressed and injured subjects, he will frown upon all those who, to gratify their own passions, have dared to attempt to deceive him."[ ] [footnote : prior documents.] [sidenote: legislature of massachusetts dissolved.] a motion to rescind the resolution on which their circular letter was founded, passed in the negative, by a majority of ninety-two to seventeen; and a letter to the governor was prepared, stating their motives for refusing to comply with the requisition of the earl of hillsborough. immediately after receiving it, he prorogued the assembly, with an angry speech; and, the next day, dissolved it by proclamation.[ ] [footnote : minot.] while the opposition was thus conducted by the legislature with temperate firmness, and legitimate means, the general irritation occasionally displayed itself at boston, in acts of violence denoting evidently that the people of that place, were prepared for much stronger measures than their representatives had adopted. [sidenote: seizure of the sloop liberty.] the seizure of the sloop liberty belonging to mr. hancock, by the collector of the customs, occasioned the assemblage of a tumultuous mob, who beat the officers and their assistants, took possession of a boat belonging to the collector, burnt it in triumph, and patrolled the streets for a considerable time. the revenue officers fled for refuge, first to the romney man of war, and afterwards to castle william. after the lapse of some time, the governor moved the council to take into consideration some measure for restoring vigour and firmness to government. the council replied "that the disorders which happened were occasioned by the violent and unprecedented manner in which the sloop liberty had been seized by the officers of the customs." and the inhabitants of boston, in a justificatory memorial, supported by affidavits, insisted that the late tumults were occasioned, principally, by the haughty conduct of the commissioners and their subordinate officers, and by the illegal and offensive conduct of the romney man of war.[ ] [footnote : minot. prior documents.] the legislature however did not think proper to countenance this act of violence. a committee of both houses, appointed to inquire into the state of the province, made a report which, after reprobating the circumstances attending the seizure, to which the mob was ascribed, declared their abhorrence of a procedure which they pronounced criminal; desired the governor to direct a prosecution against all persons concerned in the riot; and to issue a proclamation offering a reward to any person who should make discoveries by which the rioters or their abettors should be brought to condign punishment. this report, however, seems to have been intended, rather to save appearances, than to produce any real effect. it was perfectly understood that no person would dare to inform; or even to appear, as a witness, in any prosecution which might be instituted. suits were afterwards brought against mr. hancock and others, owners of the vessel and cargo; but they were never prosecuted to a final decision.[ ] [footnote : minot.] this riot accelerated a measure, which tended, in no inconsiderable degree, to irritate still farther the angry dispositions already prevalent in boston. the governor had pressed on administration the necessity of stationing a military force in the province, for the protection of the officers employed in collecting the revenue, and of the magistrates, in preserving the public peace. in consequence of these representations, orders had already been given to general gage to detach, at least, one regiment on this service, and to select for the command of it, an officer on whose prudence, resolution, and integrity, he could rely. the transactions respecting the sloop liberty rendered any attempt to produce a countermand of these orders entirely abortive; and, probably occasioned two regiments, instead of one, to be detached by general gage.[ ] [footnote : minot.] it seems to have been supposed that a dissolution of the assembly of massachusetts would dissolve also the opposition to the measures of administration; and that the people, having no longer constitutional leaders, being no longer excited and conducted by their representatives, would gradually become quiet, and return to, what was termed, their duty to government. but the opinions expressed by the house of representatives were the opinions of the great body of the people, and had been adopted with too much ardour to be readily suppressed. the most active and energetic part of society had embraced them with enthusiasm; and the dissolution of the assembly, by creating a necessity for devising other expedients, hastened the mode of conducting opposition at least as efficacious, and afterwards universally adopted. at a town meeting of the inhabitants of boston, a committee was deputed for the purpose of praying the governor to convene another general assembly. he replied that no other could be convened until his majesty's commands to that effect should be received. this answer being reported, the meeting resolved "that to levy money within that province by any other authority than that of the general court, was a violation of the royal charter, and of the undoubted natural rights of british subjects. "that the freeholders, and other inhabitants of the town of boston would, at the peril of their lives and fortunes, take all legal and constitutional measures to defend all and singular the rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities, granted in their royal charter. "that as there was an apprehension in the minds of many of an approaching war with france, those inhabitants who were not provided with arms should be requested duly to observe the laws of the province, which required that every freeholder should furnish himself with a complete stand." but the important resolution was "that, as the governor did not think proper to call a general court for the redress of their grievances, the town would then make choice of a suitable number of persons to act for them as a committee in a convention, to be held at faneuil hall in boston, with such as might be sent to join them from the several towns in the province." these votes were communicated by the select men, in a circular letter to the other towns in the province, which were requested to concur, and to elect committee men, to meet those of boston in convention. [sidenote: convention assembles in boston.] the measure was generally adopted; and a convention met, which was regarded with all the respect that could have been paid to a legitimate assembly.[ ] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: its moderation.] the country in general, though united on the great constitutional question of taxation, was probably not so highly exasperated as the people of boston; and the convention acted with unexpected moderation. they disclaimed all pretensions to any other character than that of mere individuals, assembled by deputation from the towns, to consult and advise on such measures as might tend to promote the peace of his majesty's subjects in the province, but without power to pass any acts possessing a coercive quality. they petitioned the governor to assemble a general court, and addressed a letter to the agent of the province in england, stating the character in which they met, and the motives which brought them together. after expressing their opinions with temper and firmness on the subjects of general complaint, and recommending patience and order to the people, they dissolved themselves, and returned to their respective homes.[ ] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: two regiments arrive.] the day before the convention rose, the two regiments which had been detached by general gage arrived, under convoy, in nantasket road. the council had rejected an application of the governor to provide quarters for them, because the barracks in the castle were sufficient for their accommodation; and, by act of parliament, the british troops were not to be quartered elsewhere until those barracks were full. general gage had directed one regiment to be stationed in boston; but, on hearing a report that the people were in a state of open revolt, he gave additional orders, which left the whole subject to the discretion of the commanding officer; who was induced, by some rash threats of opposing the disembarkation of the troops to land both regiments in that place. the ships took a station which commanded the whole town, and lay with their broad sides towards it, ready to fire, should any resistance be attempted. the troops landed under cover of their cannon, and marched into the common with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets;[ ] a display of military pomp, which was believed by the inhabitants to have been intended for the purpose either of intimidation, or of irritation. [footnote : gazette.] the select men, as well as the council, having refused to provide quarters for the troops, the governor ordered the state house to be opened for their reception; and they took possession of all the apartments in it, except that which was reserved for the council. the people were filled with indignation at seeing the chamber of their representatives crowded with regular soldiers, their counsellors surrounded with foreign troops, and their whole city exhibiting the appearance of a garrisoned town. with the difference of manners between the soldiers and the inhabitants, and the strong prejudices reciprocally felt against each other, it is not wonderful that personal broils should frequently occur, and that mutual antipathies should be still farther increased.[ ] [footnote : minot.] while these measures were pursuing in america, every session of parliament was opened with a speech from the king, stating that a disposition to refuse obedience to the laws, and to resist the authority of the supreme legislature of the nation, still prevailed among his misguided subjects in some of the colonies. in the addresses to the throne, both houses uniformly expressed their abhorrence of the rebellious spirit manifested in the colonies, and their approbation of the measures taken by his majesty for the restoration of order and good government. to give a more solemn expression to the sense of parliament on this subject, the two houses entered into joint resolutions, condemning the measures pursued by the americans; and agreed to an address, approving the conduct of the crown, giving assurances of effectual support to such farther measures as might be found necessary to maintain the civil magistrates in a due execution of the laws within the province of massachusetts bay, and beseeching his majesty to direct the governor of that colony to obtain and transmit information of all treasons committed in massachusetts since the year , with the names of the persons who had been most active in promoting such offences, that prosecutions might be instituted against them within the realm, in pursuance of the statute of the th of henry viii.[ ] [footnote : belsham. prior documents.] { } the impression made by these threatening declarations, which seem to have been directed particularly against massachusetts, in the hope of deterring the other provinces from involving themselves in her dangers, was far from being favourable to the views of the mother country. the determination to resist the exercise of the authority claimed by great britain not only remained unshaken, but was manifested in a still more decided form. [sidenote: resolutions of the house of burgesses of virginia.] not long after these votes of parliament, the assembly of virginia was convened by lord botetourt, a nobleman of conciliating manners, who had lately been appointed governor of that province. the house took the state of the colony into their immediate consideration, and passed unanimously several resolutions asserting the exclusive right of that assembly to impose taxes on the inhabitants within his majesty's dominion of virginia, and their undoubted right to petition for a redress of grievances, and to obtain a concurrence of the other colonies in such petitions. "that all persons charged with the commission of any offence within that colony, were entitled to a trial before the tribunals of the country, according to the fixed and known course of proceeding therein, and that to seize such persons, and transport them beyond sea for trial, derogated in a high degree from the rights of british subjects, as thereby the inestimable privilege of being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as well as the liberty of summoning and producing witnesses on such trial, will be taken from the party accused." an address to his majesty was also agreed on, which states in the style of loyalty and real attachment to the crown, the deep conviction of the house of burgesses of virginia, that the complaints of the colonists were well founded.[ ] [footnote : gazette. prior documents.] [sidenote: assembly dissolved.] intelligence of these proceedings having reached the governor, he suddenly dissolved the assembly. this measure did not produce the desired effect. the members convened at a private house, and, having chosen their speaker, moderator, proceeded to form a non-importing association, which was signed by every person present, and afterwards, almost universally throughout the province.[ ] [footnote : gazette. prior documents.] from the commencement of the controversy, the opinion seems to have prevailed in all the colonies, that the most effectual means of succeeding in the struggle in which they were engaged, were those which would interest the merchants and manufacturers of great britain in their favour. under the influence of this opinion, associations had been proposed in massachusetts, as early as may , for the non-importation of goods from that country. the merchants of some of the trading towns in the other colonies, especially those of philadelphia, refused, at that time, to concur in a measure which they thought too strong for the existing state of things; and it was laid aside. but, in the beginning of august, it was resumed in boston; and the merchants of that place entered into an agreement not to import from great britain any articles whatever, except a few of the first necessity, between the first of january , and the first of january ; and not to import tea, glass, paper, or painter's colours, until the duties imposed on those articles should be taken off. this agreement was soon afterwards adopted in the town of salem, the city of new york, and the province of connecticut; but was not generally entered into through the colonies, until the resolutions and address of the two houses of parliament which have already been mentioned, seemed to cut off the hope that petitions and memorials alone, would effect the object for which they contended.[ ] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: measures against the importation of british goods.] the proceedings of the house of burgesses of virginia had been transmitted to the speakers of the several assemblies throughout the continent. in the opinion of the neighbouring colonies, the occasion required efficacious measures; and an association, similar to that which had been formed by their elder sister, was entered into by maryland, and the carolinas. the inhabitants of charleston went so far as to break off all connexion with rhode island and georgia, which had refused to adopt the non-importation agreement. this vigorous measure was not without its influence; and those provinces, soon afterwards, entered into the association.[ ] [footnote : gazette. prior documents.] in portsmouth in new hampshire, where governor wentworth possessed great influence, some repugnance to this measure was also discovered; but, being threatened with a suspension of their intercourse with the other colonies, the merchants of that place concurred in the general system. all united in giving effect to this agreement. the utmost exertions were used to improve the manufactures of the country; and the fair sex, laying aside the late fashionable ornaments of england, exulted, with patriotic pride, in appearing dressed in the produce of their own looms. committees chosen by the people superintended importations; and the force of public opinion went far to secure the agreement from violation. [sidenote: general court in massachusetts.] the necessities of government requiring a supply of money, the general court of massachusetts was again convened. the members of the former house of representatives were generally re-elected, and brought with them the temper which had occasioned their dissolution. instead of entering on the business for which they were called together, they engaged in a controversy with the governor concerning the removal of the ships of war from the harbour, and of the troops from the town of boston, to which they contended, his power, as the representative of the crown was adequate. the governor, ascribing this temper to the influence of the metropolis, adjourned the general court to cambridge; but this measure served to increase the existing irritation. the business recommended to them remained unnoticed; their altercations with the governor continued; and they entered into several warm resolutions enlarging the catalogue of their grievances, in terms of greater exasperation than had appeared in the official acts of any legislature on the continent.[ ] [footnote : prior documents. minot.] [sidenote: it is prorogued.] not long after the passage of these resolutions, the house explicitly refused to make the provision required by the mutiny act for the troops stationed in massachusetts; upon which, the legislature was prorogued until the first of january.[ ] [footnote : minot.] the committees, appointed to examine the cargoes of vessels arriving from great britain, continued to execute the trust reposed in them. votes of censure were passed on such as refused to concur in the association, or violated its principles; and the names of the offenders were published, as enemies to their country. in some cases, the goods imported in contravention of it, were locked up in warehouses; and, in some few instances, they were re-shipped to great britain. [sidenote: administration resolved on a partial repeal of duties.] not long after the strong resolutions already noticed had been agreed to by parliament, while their effect was unfolding itself in every part of the american continent, an important revolution took place in the british cabinet. the duke of grafton was placed at the head of a new administration. he supported, with great earnestness, a proposition to repeal the duties imposed for the purpose of raising revenue in the colonies; but his whole influence was insufficient to carry this measure completely. it was deemed indispensable to the maintenance of the legislative supremacy of great britain, to retain the duty on some one article; and that on tea was reserved while the others were relinquished. seldom has a wise nation adopted a more ill judged measure than this. the contest with america was plainly a contest of principle, and had been conducted entirely on principle by both parties. the amount of taxes proposed to be raised was too inconsiderable to interest the people of either country. but the principle was, in the opinion of both, of the utmost magnitude. the measure now proposed, while it encouraged the colonists to hope that their cause was gaining strength in britain, had no tendency to conciliate them. [sidenote: circular letter of the earl of hillsborough.] in pursuance of this resolution of the cabinet, a circular letter was written by the earl of hillsborough to the several governors, informing them "that it was the intention of his majesty's ministers to propose, in the next session of parliament, taking off the duties on glass, paper, and painter's colours, in consideration of such duties having been laid contrary to the true spirit of commerce; and assuring them that, at no time, had they entertained the design to propose to parliament to lay any further taxes on america for the purpose of raising a revenue."[ ] [footnote : prior documents.] this measure was soon communicated in letters from private individuals in england to their correspondents in massachusetts. the merchants of boston, apprehensive that an improper opinion concerning its operation might be formed, resolved that the partial repeal of the duties did not remove the difficulties under which their trade laboured, and was only calculated to relieve the manufacturers of great britain; and that they would still adhere to their non-importation agreement.[ ] [footnote : minot.] the communication of the earl of hillsborough to the several governors, was laid before the respective assemblies as they convened, in terms implying an intention to renounce the imposition, in future, of any taxes in america. but this communication seems not to have restored perfect content in any of the colonies. the virginia legislature was in session on its arrival, and governor botetourt laid it before them. their dissatisfaction with it was manifested by a petition to the king re-asserting the rights previously maintained; and by an association, signed by the members as individuals, renewing their non-importation agreement, until the duty on tea should be repealed.[ ] [footnote : gazette.] yet several causes combined to prevent a rigid observance of these associations. the sacrifice of interest made by the merchants could be continued only under the influence of powerful motives. suspicions were entertained of each other in the same towns; and committees to superintend the conduct of importers were charged with gross partiality. the different towns too watched each other with considerable jealousy; and accusations were reciprocally made of infractions of the association to a great extent. letters were published purporting to be from england, stating that large orders for goods had been received; and the inconvenience resulting from even a partial interruption of commerce, and from the want of those manufactures which the inhabitants had been accustomed to use, began to be severely and extensively felt. in rhode island and albany, it was determined to import as usual, with the exception of such articles as should be dutiable. on the remonstrances of other commercial places, especially of boston, these resolutions were changed; and the hope was entertained that the general system on which the colonies relied, would still be maintained. [sidenote: new york recedes in part from the non-importation agreement.] these hopes were blasted by new york. that city soon manifested a disposition to import as usual, with the exception of those articles only which were subject to a duty. at first, the resolution thus to limit the operation of the non-importation agreement, was made to depend on its being acceded to by boston and philadelphia. these towns refused to depart from the association as originally formed, and strenuously urged their brethren of new york to persevere with them in the glorious struggle. this answer was communicated to the people, and their opinion on the question of rescinding, or adhering to, was taken in from their respective wards. this determination excited the most lively chagrin in new england and philadelphia. their remonstrances against it were, however, ineffectual; and the example was soon followed throughout the colonies.[ ] [footnote : minot. prior documents. gazette.] the people of new york alleged, in justification of themselves, that the towns of new england had not observed their engagements fairly; and that the merchants of albany had been in the practice of receiving goods from quebec. but no sufficient evidence in support of these assertions was ever produced. { } [sidenote: march.] [sidenote: riot in boston.] about this time a circumstance occurred, which produced the most serious agitation. the two regiments stationed in boston, to support, as was said, the civil authority, and preserve the peace of the town, were viewed by the inhabitants with very prejudiced eyes. frequent quarrels arose between them; and at length, an affray took place in the night, near the gates of the barracks, which brought out captain preston, the officer of the day, with a part of the main guard, between whom and the townsmen blows ensued; on which some of the soldiers fired, and four of the people were killed. the alarm bells were immediately rung, the drums beat to arms, and an immense multitude assembled. inflamed to madness by the view of the dead bodies, they were with difficulty restrained from rushing on the th regiment, which was then drawn up under arms in king street. the exertions of the lieutenant governor, who promised that the laws should be enforced on the perpetrators of the act, and the efforts of several respectable and popular individuals, prevented their proceeding to extremities, and prevailed on them, after the regiment had been marched to the barracks, to disperse without farther mischief. captain preston, and the soldiers who had fired, were committed to prison for trial. on the next day, upwards of four thousand citizens of boston assembled at faneuil hall; and, in a message to the lieutenant governor, stated it to be "the unanimous opinion of the meeting, that the inhabitants and soldiers can no longer live together in safety; that nothing can rationally be expected to restore the peace of the town, and prevent farther blood and carnage, but the immediate removal of the troops; and they therefore most fervently prayed his honour that his power and influence might be exerted for their instant removal." the lieutenant governor expressed his extreme sorrow at the melancholy event which had occurred; and declared that he had taken measures to have the affair inquired into, and justice done. that the military were not under his command, but received their orders from the general at new york, which orders it was not in his power to countermand. that, on the application of the council for the removal of the troops, colonel dalrymple, their commanding officer, had engaged that the twenty-ninth regiment, which had been concerned in the affair, should be marched to the castle, and there placed in barracks until farther orders should be received from the general; and that the main guard should be removed, and the fourteenth regiment laid under such restraints, that all occasions of future disturbance should be prevented. this answer was voted to be unsatisfactory; and a committee was deputed to wait on the lieutenant governor, and inform him that nothing could content them but an immediate and total removal of the troops. this vote was laid before the council by mr. hutchinson, who had succeeded mr. bernard in the government of the province. the council declared themselves unanimously of opinion "that it was absolutely necessary for his majesty's service, the good order of the town, and the peace of the province, that the troops should be immediately removed out of the town of boston." this opinion and advice being communicated to colonel dalrymple, he gave his honour that measures should be immediately taken for the removal of both regiments. satisfied with this assurance, the meeting secured the tranquillity of the town by appointing a strong military watch, and immediately dissolved itself. [sidenote: trial of captain preston and the soldiers.] this transaction was very differently related by the different parties. mr. gordon, whose history was written when the resentments of the moment had subsided, and who has collected the facts of the case carefully, states it in such a manner as nearly, if not entirely, to exculpate the soldiers. it appears that an attack upon them had been pre-concerted; and that, after being long insulted with the grossest language, they were repeatedly assaulted by the mob with balls of ice and snow, and with sticks, before they were induced to fire. this representation is strongly supported by the circumstances, that captain preston, after a long and public trial, was acquitted by a boston jury; and that six of the eight soldiers who were prosecuted, were acquitted, and the remaining two found guilty of manslaughter only. mr. quincy, and mr. john adams, two eminent lawyers, and distinguished leaders of the patriotic party, defended the accused, without sustaining any diminution of popularity. yet this event was very differently understood through the colonies. it was generally believed to be a massacre, equally barbarous and unprovoked; and it increased the detestation in which the soldiers were universally held. chapter xiv. insurrection in north carolina.... dissatisfaction of massachusetts.... corresponding committees.... governor hutchinson's correspondence communicated by dr. franklin.... the assembly petition for his removal.... he is succeeded by general gage.... measures to enforce the act concerning duties.... ferment in america.... the tea thrown into the sea at boston.... measures of parliament.... general enthusiasm in america.... a general congress proposed.... general gage arrives.... troops stationed on boston neck.... new counsellors and judges.... obliged to resign.... boston neck fortified.... military stores seized by general gage.... preparations for defence.... king's speech.... proceedings of parliament.... battle of lexington.... massachusetts raises men.... meeting of congress.... proceedings of that body.... transactions in virginia.... provincial congress of south carolina.... battle of breed's hill. { } [sidenote: insurrection in north carolina.] in the middle and southern colonies, the irritation against the mother country appears to have gradually subsided and no disposition was manifested to extend opposition farther than to the importation of tea. their attention was a good deal directed to an insurrection in north carolina, where a number of ignorant people, supposing themselves to be aggrieved by the fee bill, rose in arms for the purpose of shutting up the courts of justice, destroying all officers of government, and all lawyers, and of prostrating government itself. governor tryon marched against them, defeated them in a decisive battle, quelled the insurrection, and restored order. [sidenote: dissatisfaction of massachusetts.] in massachusetts, where the doctrine that parliament could not rightfully legislate for the colonies was maintained as a corollary from the proposition that parliament could not tax them, a gloomy discontent was manifested. that the spirit of opposition seemed to be expiring, without securing the rights they claimed, excited apprehensions of a much more serious nature in the bosoms of that inflexible people, than the prospect of any conflict, however terrible. this temper displayed itself in all their proceedings. the legislature, which the governor continued to convene at cambridge, remonstrated against this removal as an intolerable grievance; and, for two sessions, refused to proceed on business. in one of their remonstrances, they asserted the right of the people to appeal to heaven in disputes between them and persons in power, when power shall be abused. [sidenote: corresponding committees.] from the commencement of the contest, massachusetts had been peculiarly solicitous to unite all the colonies in one system of measures. in pursuance of this favourite idea, a committee of correspondence was elected by the general court, to communicate with such committees as might be appointed by other legislatures.[ ] similar committees were soon afterwards chosen by the towns[ ] throughout the province, for the purpose of corresponding with each other; and the example was soon followed by other colonies. [footnote : almost at the same time, and without concert, the same measure was adopted in virginia.] [footnote : see note no. vi, at the end of the volume.] { } [sidenote: governor hutchinson's correspondence.] while this system of vigilance was in progress, a discovery was made which greatly increased the ill temper of new england. doctor franklin, the agent of massachusetts, by some unknown means, obtained possession of the letters which had been addressed by governor hutchinson, and by lieutenant governor oliver, to the department of state. he transmitted these letters to the general court. they were obviously designed to induce government to persevere in the system which was alienating the affections of the colonists. the opposition was represented as being confined to a few factious men, whose conduct was not generally approved, and who had been emboldened by the weakness of the means used to restrain them. more vigorous measures were recommended; and several specific propositions were made, which were peculiarly offensive. among these was a plan for altering the charters of the colonies, and rendering the high officers dependent solely on the crown for their salaries.[ ] [footnote : minot.] { } [sidenote: petition for the removal of the governor and lieutenant governor.] the assembly, inflamed by these letters, unanimously resolved, "that their tendency and design were to overthrow the constitution of the government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province." at the same time, a petition to the king was voted, praying him to remove governor hutchinson and lieutenant governor oliver, for ever, from the government of the colony. this petition was transmitted to doctor franklin, and laid before the king in council. after hearing it, the lords of the council reported "that the petition in question was founded upon false and erroneous allegations, and that the same is groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the provinces." this report, his majesty was pleased to approve. [sidenote: hutchinson succeeded by gage.] governor hutchinson however was soon afterwards removed, and general gage appointed to succeed him. [sidenote: measures to enforce the duties.] { } the fears of massachusetts, that the spirit which had been roused in the colonies might gradually subside, were not of long continuance. the determination not to import tea from england, had so lessened the demand for that article, that a considerable quantity had accumulated in the magazines of the east india company. they urged the minister to take off the import american duty of three pence per pound, and offered, in lieu of it, to pay double that sum on exportation. instead of acceding to this proposition, drawbacks were allowed on tea exported to the colonies; and the export duty on that article was taken off. these encouragements induced the company to make shipments on their own account; and large quantities were consigned to agents in boston, new york, philadelphia, charleston, and other principal places on the continent.[ ] [footnote : minot. belsham.] [sidenote: ferment in america.] the crisis was arrived; and the conduct of the colonies was now to determine whether they would submit to be taxed by parliament, or meet the consequences of a practical assertion of the opinions they had maintained. the tea, if landed, would be sold; the duties would, consequently, be paid; and the precedent for taxing them established. the same sentiment on this subject appears to have pervaded the whole continent at the same time. this ministerial plan of importation was considered by all, as a direct attack on the liberties of the people of america, which it was the duty of all to oppose. a violent ferment was excited in all the colonies; the corresponding committees were extremely active; and it was almost universally declared that whoever should, directly or indirectly, countenance this dangerous invasion of their rights, was an enemy to his country. the consignees were, generally, compelled to relinquish their consignments; and, in most instances, the ships bringing the tea were obliged to return with it. at boston, a town meeting appointed a committee to wait on the consignees to request their resignation. this request not being complied with, another large meeting[ ] assembled at faneuil hall, who voted, with acclamation, "that the tea shall not be landed, that no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent back in the same bottoms." with a foreboding of the probable consequences of the measure about to be adopted, and a wish that those consequences should be seriously contemplated, a leading member[ ] thus addressed the meeting: "it is not, mr. moderator, the spirit that vapours within these walls that must stand us in stead. the exertions of this day will call forth events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. whoever supposes that shouts and hosannahs will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. we must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosoms, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, sharpest conflicts;--to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapour, will vanquish our foes. let us consider the issue. let us look to the end. let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures, which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw."[ ] [footnote : the language said by mr. gordon to have been used at this meeting proves that many of the people of boston were already ripe for the revolution. to the more cautious among "_the sons of liberty_" who had expressed some apprehensions lest they should push the matter too far, and involve the colony in a quarrel with great britain, others answered "it must come to a quarrel between great britain and the colony sooner or later; and if so what can be a better time than the present? hundreds of years may pass away before parliament will make such a number of acts in violation as it has done of late years, and by which it has excited so formidable an opposition to the measures of administration. besides, the longer the contest is delayed, the more administration will be strengthened. do not you observe how the government at home are increasing their party here by sending over young fellows to enjoy appointments, who marry into our best families, and so weaken the opposition? by such means, and by multiplying posts and places, and giving them to their own friends, or applying them to the corruption of their antagonists, they will increase their own force faster in proportion, than the force of the country party will increase by population. if then we must quarrel ere we can have our rights secured, now is the most eligible period. our credit also is at stake; we must venture, and unless we do, we shall be discarded by the sons of liberty in the other colonies, whose assistance we may expect upon emergencies, in case they find us steady, resolute, and faithful."] [footnote : mr. quincy.] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: tea thrown into the sea.] the question was again put, and passed unanimously in the affirmative. the captain of the vessel, aware of the approaching danger, was desirous of returning, and applied to the governor for a clearance. affecting a rigid regard to the letter of his duty, he declined giving one, unless the vessel should be properly qualified at the custom house. this answer being reported, the meeting was declared to be dissolved; and an immense crowd repaired to the quay, where a number of the most resolute, disguised as mohawk indians, boarded the vessel, broke open three hundred and forty-two chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the ocean.[ ] [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: measures of parliament.] these proceedings were laid before parliament in a message from the crown, and excited a high and general indignation against the colonies. both houses expressed, almost unanimously, their approbation of the measures adopted by his majesty; and gave explicit assurances that they would exert every means in their power, to provide effectually for the due execution of the laws, and to secure the dependence of the colonies upon the crown and parliament of great britain. the temper both of the parliament and of the nation was entirely favourable to the high-handed system of coercion proposed by ministers; and that temper was not permitted to pass away unemployed. a bill was brought in "for discontinuing the lading and shipping of goods, wares, and merchandises, at boston or the harbour thereof, and for the removal of the custom-house with its dependencies to the town of salem." this bill was to continue in force, not only until compensation should be made to the east india company for the damage sustained, but until the king in council should declare himself satisfied as to the restoration of peace and good order in boston. it passed both houses without a division, and almost without opposition.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] [illustration: the boston tea party _from the painting by robert reid, in the massachusetts state house_ _in this picture, a leading modern american artist has succeeded admirably in depicting the band of boston citizens who, disguised as indians, boarded three british ships in boston harbor, december , , and threw their cargoes of tea overboard, in defying england to impose on the american colonies a tax on tea for the benefit of the straitened east india company; chests, valued at about £ , were destroyed in this manner, without a sound from a great mob of onlookers thronging the wharves. the mob dispersed quietly as soon as the last chest went overboard._] soon afterwards, a bill was brought in "for better regulating the government of the province of massachusetts bay." this act entirely subverted the charter, and vested in the crown the appointment of the counsellors, magistrates, and other officers of the colony, who were to hold their offices during the royal pleasure. this bill also was carried through both houses by great majorities; but not without a vigorous opposition, and an animated debate.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] the next measure proposed was a bill "for the impartial administration of justice in the province of massachusetts bay. it provided that in case any person should be indicted, in that province, for murder or any other capital offence, and it should appear by information given on oath to the governor, that the fact was committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy in suppressing riots, and that a fair trial could not be had in the province, he should send the person so indicted to any other colony, or to great britain to be tried." this act was to continue in force for four years.[ ] [footnote : idem.] a bill was also passed for quartering soldiers on the inhabitants; and the system was completed, by "an act making more effectual provision for the government of the province of quebec." this bill extended the boundaries of that province so as to comprehend the territory between the lakes, the ohio, and the mississippi; and established a legislative council to be appointed by the crown, for its government.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] amidst these hostile measures, one single conciliatory proposition was made. mr. rose fuller moved that the house resolve itself into a committee to take into consideration the duty on the importation of tea into america, with a view to its repeal. this motion was seconded by mr. burke, and supported with all the power of reasoning, and all the splendour of eloquence which distinguished that consummate statesman; but reason and eloquence were of no avail. it was lost by a great majority. the earl of chatham, who had long been too ill to attend parliament, again made his appearance in the house of lords. he could have been drawn out, only by a strong sense of the fatal importance of those measures into which the nation was hurrying. but his efforts were unavailing. neither his weight of character, his sound judgment, nor his manly eloquence, could arrest the hand of fate which seemed to propel this lofty nation, with irresistible force, to measures which terminated in its dismemberment.[ ] [footnote : idem.] [sidenote: general enthusiasm.] it was expected, and this expectation was encouraged by mr. hutchinson, that, by directing these measures particularly against boston, not only the union of the colonies would be broken, but massachusetts herself would be divided. never was expectation more completely disappointed. all perceived that boston was to be punished for having resisted, only with more violence, the principle which they had all resisted; and that the object of the punishment was to coerce obedience to a principle they were still determined to resist. they felt therefore that the cause of boston was the cause of all, that their destinies were indissolubly connected with those of that devoted town, and that they must submit to be taxed by a parliament, in which they were not and could not be represented, or support their brethren who were selected to sustain the first shock of a power which, if successful there, would overwhelm them all. the neighbouring towns, disdaining to avail themselves of the calamities inflicted on a sister for her exertions in the common cause, clung to her with increased affection; and that spirit of enthusiastic patriotism, which, for a time, elevates the mind above all considerations of individual acquisition, became the ruling passion in the american bosom. on receiving intelligence of the boston port bill, a meeting of the people of that town was called. they perceived that "the sharpest, sharpest conflict" was indeed approaching, but were not dismayed by its terrors. far from seeking to shelter themselves from the threatening storm by submission, they grew more determined as it increased. resolutions were passed, expressing their opinion of the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, from which they appealed to god, and to the world; and also inviting the other colonies to join with them in an agreement to stop all imports and exports to and from great britain, ireland, and the west indies, until the act should be repealed.[ ] [footnote : minot.] it was not in boston only that this spirit was roused. addresses were received from every part of the continent, expressing sentiments of sympathy in their afflictions, exhorting them to resolution and perseverance, and assuring them that they were considered as suffering in the common cause. the legislature of virginia was in session when intelligence of the boston port bill reached that province. the house of burgesses set apart the first of june, the day on which the bill was to go into operation, for fasting, prayer, and humiliation, to implore the divine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened the destruction of their civil rights, the evils of a civil war; and to give one heart and one mind to the people, firmly to oppose every invasion of their liberties. similar resolutions were adopted in almost every province; and the first of june became, throughout the colonies, a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, in the course of which sermons were preached to the people, well calculated to inspire them with horror, against the authors of the unjust sufferings of their fellow subjects in boston. [sidenote: a general congress proposed.] this measure occasioned the dissolution of the assembly. the members, before separation, entered into an association, in which they declared that an attack on one colony to compel submission to arbitrary taxes, is an attack on all british america, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied in prevention. they, therefore, recommended to the committee of correspondence, to communicate with the several committees of the other provinces, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the different colonies, to meet annually in congress, and to deliberate on the common interests of america. this measure had already been proposed in town meetings, both in new york and boston. [sidenote: general gage arrives in boston.] while the people of boston were engaged in the first consultations respecting the bill directed particularly against themselves, general gage arrived in town. he was received, notwithstanding the deep gloom of the moment, with those external marks of respect which had been usual, and which were supposed to belong to his station. the general court convened by the governor at salem, passed resolutions, declaring the expediency of a meeting of committees from the several colonies; and appointed five gentlemen as a committee on the part of massachusetts. the colonies from new hampshire to south carolina inclusive, adopted this measure; and, where the legislatures were not in session, elections were made by the people. the legislature of massachusetts also passed declaratory resolutions expressing their opinion on the state of public affairs, and recommending to the inhabitants of that province to renounce, totally, the consumption of east india teas, and to discontinue the use of all goods imported from the east indies and great britain, until the grievances of america should be completely redressed. the governor, having obtained intelligence of the manner in which the house was employed, sent his secretary with directions to dissolve the assembly. finding the doors shut, and being refused admittance, he read the order of dissolution aloud on the staircase. the next day, the governor received an address from the principal inhabitants of salem, at that time the metropolis of the province, which marks the deep impression made by a sense of common danger. no longer considering themselves as the inhabitants of salem, but as americans, and spurning advantages to be derived to themselves from the distress inflicted on a sister town, for its zeal in a cause common to all, they expressed their deep affliction for the calamities of boston. about this time rough drafts of the two remaining bills relative to the province of massachusetts, as well as of that for quartering troops in america, were received in boston, and circulated through the continent. they served to confirm the wavering, to render the moderate indignant, and to inflame the violent. an agreement was framed by the committee of correspondence in boston, entitled "a solemn league and covenant," whereby the subscribers bound themselves, "in the presence of god," to suspend all commercial intercourse with great britain, from the last day of the ensuing month of august, until the boston port bill, and the other late obnoxious laws should be repealed. they also bound themselves, in the same manner, not to consume, or purchase from any other, any goods whatever which should arrive after the specified time; and to break off all dealings with the purchasers as well as with the importers of such goods. they renounced, also, all intercourse and connexion with those who should refuse to subscribe to that covenant, or to bind themselves by some similar agreement; and annexed to the renunciation of intercourse, the dangerous penalty of publishing to the world, the names of all who refused to give this evidence of attachment to the rights of their country. general gage issued a proclamation in which he termed this covenant "an unlawful, hostile, and traitorous combination, contrary to the allegiance due to the king, destructive of the legal authority of parliament, and of the peace, good order, and safety of the community." all persons were warned against incurring the pains and penalties due to such dangerous offences; and all magistrates were charged to apprehend and secure for trial such as should be guilty of them. but the time when the proclamation of governors could command attention had passed away; and the penalties in the power of the committee of correspondence were much more dreaded than those which could be inflicted by the civil magistrate.[ ] [footnote : belsham. minot.] resolutions were passed in every colony in which legislatures were convened, or delegates assembled in convention, manifesting different degrees of resentment, but concurring in the same great principles. all declared that the cause of boston was the cause of british america; that the late acts respecting that devoted town were tyrannical and unconstitutional; that the opposition to this ministerial system of oppression ought to be universally and perseveringly maintained; that all intercourse with the parent state ought to be suspended, and domestic manufactures encouraged; and that a general congress should be formed for the purpose of uniting and guiding the councils, and directing the efforts, of north america. the committees of correspondence selected philadelphia for the place, and the beginning of september as the time, for the meeting of this important council. [sidenote: congress assembles.] on the fourth of september, the delegates from eleven[ ] provinces appeared at the place appointed; and, the next day, they assembled at carpenter's hall, when peyton randolph, late speaker of the house of burgesses of virginia, was unanimously chosen president. the respective credentials of the members were then read and approved; and this august assembly, having determined that each colony should have only one vote; that their deliberations should be conducted with closed doors; and that their proceedings, except such as they might determine to publish, should be kept inviolably secret; entered on the solemn and important duties assigned to them.[ ] [footnote : those of north carolina arrived on the fourteenth.] [footnote : see note no. vii, at the end of the volume.] committees were appointed to state the rights claimed by the colonies, which had been infringed by acts of parliament passed since the year ; to prepare a petition to the king, and addresses to the people of great britain, to the inhabitants of the province of quebec, and to the twelve colonies represented in congress. certain resolutions[ ] of the county of suffolk in massachusetts, having been taken into consideration, it was unanimously resolved "that this assembly deeply feels the suffering of their countrymen in massachusetts bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the british parliament; that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted; and they earnestly recommend to their brethren, a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct, as expressed in the resolutions determined upon, at a meeting of the delegates for the county of suffolk, on tuesday the sixth instant; trusting that the effect of the united efforts of north america in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the british nation of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men, and wiser measures." [footnote : see note no. viii, at the end of the volume.] it was resolved, unanimously, "that contributions from all the colonies, for supplying the necessities, and alleviating the distresses of our brethren in boston, ought to be continued, in such manner, and so long, as their occasions may require." the merchants of the several colonies were requested not to send to great britain any orders for goods, and to direct the execution of those already sent to be suspended, until the sense of congress on the means to be taken for preserving the liberties of america, be made public. in a few days, resolutions were passed, suspending the importation of goods from great britain, or ireland, or any of their dependencies, and of their manufactures from any place whatever, after the first day of the succeeding december; and against the purchase or use of such goods. it was also determined that all exports to great britain, ireland, and the west indies, should cease on the th of september, less american grievances should be redressed before that time. an association, corresponding with these resolutions, was then framed, and signed by every member present. never were laws more faithfully observed, than were these resolutions of congress; and their association was, of consequence, universally adopted. early in the session, a declaration[ ] of rights was made in the shape of resolutions. this paper merits particular attention, because it states precisely the ground then taken by america. it is observable that it asserted rights which were not generally maintained, at the commencement of the contest; but the exclusive right of legislation in the colonial assemblies, with the exception of acts of the british parliament _bona fide_ made to regulate external commerce, was not averred unanimously. [footnote : see note no. ix, at the end of the volume.] the addresses prepared, the various papers drawn up, and the measures recommended by this congress, form the best eulogy of the members who composed it. affection to the mother country, an exalted admiration of her national character, unwillingness to separate from her, a knowledge of the hazards and difficulties of the approaching contest, mingled with enthusiastic patriotism, and a conviction that all which can make life valuable was at stake, characterise their proceedings. [sidenote: address to the people of great britain.] "when," they say in the address to the people to the people of great britain, "a nation led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence, and humanity, can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and, instead of giving support to freedom turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers. "in almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men and the blessings of liberty to you their posterity. "be not surprised therefore that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors, that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution, you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government, and the most solemn compacts with british sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by having _our_ lives and property in their power, they may with the greater facility enslave _you_." after stating the serious condition of american affairs, and the oppressions, and misrepresentations of their conduct, which had induced the address; and their claim to be as free as their fellow subjects in britain; they say, "are not the proprietors of the soil of great britain lords of their own property? can it be taken from them without their consent? will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any men, or number of men whatever? you know they will not. "why then are the proprietors of the soil of america less lords of their property than you are of yours, or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election? can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity of rights, or can any reason be given why english subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal palace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it? "reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety." after expatiating on the resources which the conquest of america would place in the hands of the crown for the subjugation of britain, the address proceeds, "we believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public spirit in the english nation. to that justice we now appeal. you have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. be assured that these are not facts but calumnies. permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness;--we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire;--we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own. "but if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind:--if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world. "place us in the same situation that we were at the close of the late war, and our former harmony will be restored."[ ] [footnote : the committee which prepared this eloquent and manly address, were mr. lee, mr. livingston, and mr. jay. the composition has been generally attributed to mr. jay.] [sidenote: petition to the king.] the petition to the king states succinctly the grievances complained of, and then proceeds to say: "had our creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. but thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the british throne, to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant. your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and, therefore, we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing they received from divine providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact, which elevated the illustrious house of brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses. "the apprehensions of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank of english freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and for our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. by giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares--the tranquillity of your government, and the welfare of your people. "duty to your majesty and regard for the preservation of ourselves and our posterity,--the primary obligations of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal attention; and, as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen cannot be displeasing. your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your american subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our complaints. "these sentiments are extorted from hearts that much more willingly would bleed in your majesty's service. yet so greatly have we been misrepresented, that a necessity has been alleged of taking our property from us without our consent, to defray the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and the defence, protection, and security of the colonies." after assuring his majesty of the untruth of these allegations, they say, "yielding to no british subjects in affectionate attachment to your majesty's person, family, and government, we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing that attachment, by those proofs that are honourable to the prince that receives them, and to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any body of men upon earth. "we ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. we wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favour. your royal authority over us, and our connection with great britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeavour to support and maintain." after re-stating in a very affecting manner the most essential grievances of which they complain, and professing that their future conduct, if their apprehensions should be removed, would prove them worthy of the regard they had been accustomed, in their happier days to enjoy, they add: "permit us then most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in america, with the utmost humility to implore you, for the honour of almighty god, whose pure religion our enemies are undermining; for your glory which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them united; for the interest of your family, depending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it; for the safety and welfare of your kingdom and dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable dangers and distresses; that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties, to be farther violated, in uncertain expectation of effects that, if attained, never can compensate for the calamities, through which they must be gained."[ ] [footnote : the committee which brought in this admirably well drawn, and truly conciliatory address, were mr. lee, mr. john adams, mr. johnson, mr. henry, mr. rutledge, and mr. dickinson. the original composition has been generally attributed to mr. dickinson.] [sidenote: address to the american people.] the address to their constituents is replete with serious and temperate argument. in this paper, the several causes which had led to the existing state of things, were detailed more at large; and much labour was used to convince their judgments that their liberties must be destroyed, and the security of their property and persons annihilated, by submission to the pretensions of great britain. the first object of congress being to unite the people of america, by demonstrating the sincerity with which their leaders had sought for reconciliation on terms compatible with liberty, great earnestness was used in proving that the conduct of the colonists had been uniformly moderate and blameless. after declaring their confidence in the efficacy of the mode of commercial resistance which had been recommended, the address concludes with saying, "your own salvation, and that of your posterity, now depends upon yourselves. you have already shown that you entertain a proper sense of the blessings you are striving to retain. against the temporary inconveniences you may suffer from a stoppage of trade, you will weigh in the opposite balance, the endless miseries you and your descendants must endure, from an established arbitrary power. you will not forget the honour of your country, that must, from your behaviour, take its title in the estimation of the world to glory or to shame; and you will, with the deepest attention, reflect, that if the peaceable mode of opposition recommended by us, be broken and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel and haughty ministerial enemies, from a contemptuous opinion of your firmness, insolently predict will be the case, you must inevitably be reduced to choose, either a more dangerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and infamous submission. "motives thus cogent, arising from the emergency of your unhappy condition, must excite your utmost diligence and zeal, to give all possible strength and energy to the pacific measures calculated for your relief. but we think ourselves bound in duty to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against the colonies have been so conducted, as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to mournful events, and be in all respects prepared for every contingency. above all things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amendment of life, to humble yourselves, and implore the favour of almighty god; and we fervently beseech his divine goodness to take you into his gracious protection."[ ] [footnote : mr. lee, mr. livingston, and mr. jay, were also the committee who brought in this address.] the letter to the people of canada required no inconsiderable degree of address. the extent of that province was not so alarming to its inhabitants as to their neighbours; and it was not easy to persuade the french settlers, who were far the most numerous, that the establishment of their religion, and the partial toleration of their ancient jurisprudence, were acts of oppression which ought to be resisted. this delicate subject was managed with considerable dexterity, and the prejudices of the canadians were assailed with some success. letters were also addressed to the colonies of st. johns, nova scotia, georgia, and the floridas, inviting them to unite with their brethren in a cause common to all british america.[ ] [footnote : these letters, as well as that to the inhabitants of the province of quebec, were prepared by mr. cushing, mr. lee, and mr. dickinson.] after completing the business before them, and recommending that another congress should be held at the same place on the tenth of the succeeding may, the house dissolved itself. {october.} the proceedings of congress were read throughout america, with enthusiastic admiration. their recommendations were revered as revelations, and obeyed as laws of the strongest obligation. absolute unanimity could not be expected to exist; but seldom has a whole people been more united; and never did a more sincere and perfect conviction of the justice of a cause animate the human bosom, than was felt by the great body of the americans. the people, generally, made great exertions to arm and discipline themselves. independent companies of gentlemen were formed in all the colonies; and the whole face of the country exhibited the aspect of approaching war. yet the measures of congress demonstrate that, although resistance by force was contemplated as a possible event, the hope was fondly cherished that the non-importation of british goods would induce a repeal of the late odious acts. it is impossible to account for the non-importation agreement itself. had war been considered as inevitable, every principle of sound policy required that imports should be encouraged, and the largest possible stock of supplies for an army be obtained. [sidenote: new counsellors and judges.] with the laws relative to the province, governor gage received a list of thirty-two new counsellors, a sufficient number of whom, to carry on the business of the government, accepted the office, and entered on its duties. [sidenote: obliged to resign.] all those who accepted offices under the new system, were denounced as enemies to their country. the new judges were unable to proceed in the administration of justice. when the court houses were opened, the people crowded into them in such numbers that the judges could not obtain admittance; and, on being ordered by the officers to make way for the court, they answered that they knew no court, independent of the ancient laws and usages of their country, and to no other would they submit.[ ] the houses of the new counsellors were surrounded by great bodies of people, whose threats announced to them that they must resign their offices, or be exposed to the fury of an enraged populace. the first part of the alternative was generally embraced. [footnote : minot.] [sidenote: boston neck fortified.] in this irritable state of the public mind, and critical situation of public affairs, it was to be expected that every day would furnish new matter of discontent and jealousy. general gage deemed it a necessary measure of security, to fortify boston neck; and this circumstance induced the inhabitants to contemplate seriously an evacuation of the town, and removal into the country. congress was consulted on this proposition; but was deterred from recommending it, by the difficulties attending the measure. it was however referred to the provincial congress, with the declaration that, if the removal should be deemed necessary, the expense attending it ought to be borne by all the colonies. [sidenote: military stores seized by general gage.] the fortification of boston neck was followed by a measure which excited still greater alarm. the time for the general muster of the militia approached. under real or pretended apprehensions from their violence, the ammunition and stores which were lodged in the provincial arsenal at cambridge, and the powder in the magazines at charlestown, and some other places which was partly private and partly provincial property, were seized, by order of the governor, and conveyed to boston. under the ferment excited by this measure, the people assembled in great numbers, and were with difficulty dissuaded from marching to boston, and demanding a re-delivery of the stores. not long afterwards, the fort at portsmouth in new hampshire was stormed by an armed body of provincials; and the powder it contained was transported to a place of safety. a similar measure was adopted in rhode island. about the same time a report reached connecticut that the ships and troops had attacked boston, and were actually firing on the town. several thousand men immediately assembled in arms, and marched with great expedition a considerable distance, before they were undeceived. it was in the midst of these ferments, and while these indications of an opinion that hostilities might be expected daily were multiplying on every side, that the people of suffolk assembled in convention, and passed the resolutions already mentioned, which in boldness surpass any that had been adopted. [sidenote: provincial congress in massachusetts.] before the general agitation had risen to its present alarming height, governor gage had issued writs for the election of members to a general assembly. these writs were afterwards countermanded by proclamation; but the proclamation was disregarded; the elections were held; and the delegates, who assembled and voted themselves a provincial congress, conducted the affairs of the colony as if they had been regularly invested with all the powers of government; and their recommendations were respected as sacred laws. [sidenote: prepares for defence.] they drew up a plan for the defence of the province; provided magazines, ammunition and prepares stores for twelve thousand militia; and enrolled a number of minute men, a term designating a select part of the militia, who engaged to appear in arms at a minute's warning. on the approach of winter, the general had ordered temporary barracks to be erected for the troops, partly for their security, and partly to prevent the disorders which would unavoidably result from quartering them in the town. such however was the detestation in which they were held, that the select men and committees obliged the workmen to desist from the work, although they were paid for their labour by the crown, and although employment could, at that time, be seldom obtained. he was not much more successful in his endeavours to obtain carpenters in new york; and it was with considerable difficulty that these temporary lodgments could be erected. the agency for purchasing winter covering for the troops was offered to almost every merchant in new york; but such was the danger of engaging in this odious employment, that not only those who were attached to the party resisting the views of administration, but those also who were in secret friendly to those views, refused undertaking it, and declared "that they never would supply any article for the benefit of men who were sent as enemies to their country." [sidenote: king's speech to parliament.] in great britain, a new parliament was assembled; and the king, in his opening speech, informed them, "that a most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience still prevailed in massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh violences of a very criminal nature; that the most proper and effectual measures had been taken to prevent these mischiefs; and that they might depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this legislature over all the dominions of the crown." [sidenote: proceedings of that body.] { } the addresses re-echoed the sentiments of the speech; all amendments to which were rejected in both houses by considerable majorities.[ ] yet the business respecting america was not promptly introduced. administration seems to have hesitated on the course to be adopted; and the cabinet is said to have been divided respecting future measures. the few friends of conciliation availed themselves of this delay, to bring forward propositions which might restore harmony to the empire. lord chatham was not yet dead. "this splendid orb," to use the bold metaphor of mr. burke, "was not yet entirely set. the western horizon was still in a blaze with his descending glory;" and the evening of a life which had exhibited one bright unchequered course of elevated patriotism, was devoted to the service of that country whose aggrandisement seemed to have swallowed up every other passion of his soul. taking a prophetic view of the future, he demonstrated the impossibility of subjugating america, and urged, with all the powers of his vast mind, the immediate removal of the troops from boston, as a measure indispensably necessary, to open the way for an adjustment of the existing differences with the colonies. not discouraged by the great majority against this motion, he brought forward a bill for settling the troubles in america, which was rejected by sixty-one to thirty-two voices. [footnote : belsham.] the day after the rejection of this bill, lord north moved, in the house of commons, an address to his majesty, declaring that, from a serious consideration of the american papers, "they find a rebellion actually exists in the province of massachusetts bay." in the course of the debate on this address, several professional gentlemen spoke with the utmost contempt of the military character of the americans; and general grant, who ought to have known better, declared that "at the head of five regiments of infantry, he would undertake to traverse the whole country, and drive the inhabitants from one end of the continent to the other." the address was carried by to ; and on a conference, the house of lords agreed to join in it. lord north, soon after, moved a bill for restraining the trade and commerce of the new england provinces, and prohibiting them from carrying on the fisheries on the banks of newfoundland.[ ] [footnote : belsham.] while this bill was pending, and only vengeance was breathed by the majority, his lordship, to the astonishment of all, suddenly moved, what he termed his conciliatory proposition. its amount was, that parliament would forbear to tax any colony, which should tax itself in such a sum as would be perfectly satisfactory. apparent as it must have been that this proposition would not be accepted in america, it was received with indignation by the majority of the house; and ministers found some difficulty in showing that it was in maintenance of the right to tax the colonies. before it could be adopted lord north condescended to make the dangerous, and not very reputable acknowledgment, that it was a proposition designed to divide america, and to unite great britain. it was transmitted to the governors of the several colonies, in a circular letter from lord dartmouth, with directions to use their utmost influence to prevail on the legislatures to accede to the proposed compromise. these endeavours were not successful. the colonists were universally impressed with too strong a conviction of the importance of union, and understood too well the real principle of the contest, to suffer themselves to be divided or deceived by a proposition, conciliatory only in name. after the passage of the bill for restraining the trade of new england, information was received that the inhabitants of the middle and southern colonies, were supporting their northern brethren in every measure of opposition. in consequence of this intelligence, a second bill was passed for imposing similar restrictions on east and west jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, south carolina, and the counties on the delaware. the favourite colonies of new york and north carolina were omitted, as being less disaffected than the others. fortunately, some time afterwards, the house of commons refused to hear a petition from the legislature of new york, which alone had declined acceding to the resolutions of congress, on the suggestion of the minister that it contained claims incompatible with the supremacy of parliament. this haughty rejection had some tendency to convince the advocates of milder measures than had been adopted in their sister colonies, that there was no medium between resistance and absolute submission. the king's speech, and the proceedings of parliament, served only to convince the leaders of opposition in america, that they must indeed prepare to meet "mournful events." they had flattered themselves that the union of the colonies, the petition of congress to the king, and the address to the people of great britain, would produce happy effects. but these measures removed the delusion. the provincial congress of massachusetts published a resolution informing the people that there was real cause to fear that the reasonable and just applications of that continent to great britain for peace, liberty, and safety, would not meet with a favourable reception; that, on the contrary, the tenor of their intelligence, and general appearances, furnished just cause for the apprehension that the sudden destruction of that colony, at least, was intended. they therefore urged the militia in general, and the minute men in particular, to spare neither time, pains, nor expense, to perfect themselves in military discipline; and also passed resolutions for procuring and making fire arms and bayonets.[ ] [footnote : prior documents. minot.] in the mean time, delegates were elected for the ensuing congress. even in new york, where the influence of administration in the legislature had been sufficient to prevent an adoption of the recommendations of congress, a convention was chosen for the purpose of electing members to represent that province in the grand council of the colonies. in new england, although a determination not to commence hostility appears to have been maintained, an expectation of it, and a settled purpose to repel it, universally prevailed. it was not long before the firmness of this resolution was put to the test. [sidenote: battle of lexington.] on the night preceding the th of april, general gage detached lieutenant colonel smith, and major pitcairn, with the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, amounting to eight or nine hundred men, with orders to destroy some military stores which had been collected at concord, about eighteen miles from boston, notwithstanding the secrecy and dispatch which were used, the country was alarmed by messengers sent out by doctor warren; and, on the arrival of the british troops at lexington, about five in the morning, part of the company of militia belonging to the town, was found on the parade, under arms. major pitcairn, who led the van, galloped up, calling out, "disperse, rebels, disperse." he was followed close by his soldiers, who rushed upon the militia with loud huzzas. some scattering guns were fired, which were immediately followed by a general discharge, and the firing was continued as long as any of the militia appeared. eight men were killed, and several wounded. after dispatching six companies of light infantry to guard two bridges which lay at some distance beyond the town, lieutenant colonel smith proceeded to concord. while the main body of the detachment was employed in destroying the stores in the town, some minute men and militia, who were collected from that place and its neighbourhood, having orders not to give the first fire, approached one of the bridges, as if to pass it in the character of common travellers. they were fired on, and two of them were killed. the fire was instantly returned, and a skirmish ensued, in which the regulars were worsted, and compelled to retreat with some loss. the alarm now becoming general, the people rushed to the scene of action, and attacked the king's troops on all sides. skirmish succeeded skirmish, and they were driven, from post to post, into lexington. fortunately for the british, general gage did not entertain precisely the opinion of the military character of the americans, which had been expressed in the house of commons. apprehending the expedition to be not entirely without hazard, he had, in the morning, detached lord percy with sixteen companies of foot, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery, to support lieutenant colonel smith. this seasonable reinforcement, happening to reach lexington about the time of his arrival at that place, kept the provincials at a distance with their field pieces, and gave the grenadiers and light infantry time to breathe. but as soon as they resumed their march, the attack was re-commenced; and an irregular but galling fire was kept up on each flank, as well as in front and rear, until they arrived, on the common of charlestown. without delay, they passed over the neck to bunker's hill, where they remained secure for the night, under the protection of their ships of war; and, early next morning, crossed over to boston. in this action, the loss of the british in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-three; while that of the provincials did not exceed ninety. this affair, however trivial in itself, was of great importance in its consequences. it was the commencement of a long and obstinate war, and had no inconsiderable influence on that war, by increasing the confidence which the americans felt in themselves, and by encouraging opposition, with the hope of being successful. it supported the opinion which the colonists had taken up with some doubt, that courage and patriotism were ample substitutes for the knowledge of tactics; and that their skill in the use of fire arms, gave them a great superiority over their adversaries. although the previous state of things was such as to render the commencement of hostilities unavoidable, each party seemed anxious to throw the blame on its opponent. the british officers alleged that they were fired on from a stone wall, before they attacked the militia at lexington; while the americans proved, by numerous depositions, that at lexington, as well as at the bridge near concord, the first fire was received by them. the statement made by the americans is supported, not only by the testimony adduced, but by other circumstances. in numbers, the militia at lexington did not exceed one-ninth of the british; and it is not probable that their friends would have provoked their fate while in that perilous situation, by commencing a fire on an enraged soldiery. it is also worthy of attention, that the americans uniformly sought to cover their proceedings with the letter of the law; and, even after the affair at lexington, made a point of receiving the first fire at the bridge beyond concord. the provincial congress, desirous of manifesting the necessity under which the militia had acted, sent to their agents, the depositions which had been taken relative to the late action, with a letter to the inhabitants of great britain, stating that hostilities had been commenced against them, and detailing the circumstances attending that event. but they did not confine themselves to addresses. they immediately passed a resolution for raising thirteen thousand six hundred men in massachusetts, to be commanded by general ward; and called on new hampshire, rhode island, and connecticut, for their respective quotas, to complete an army of thirty thousand men for the common defence. they also authorised the receiver general to borrow one hundred thousand pounds on the credit of the colony, and to issue securities for the re-payment thereof, bearing an interest of six per centum per annum. the neighbouring colonies complied promptly with this requisition; and, in the mean time, such numbers assembled voluntarily, that many were dismissed in consequence of the defect of means to subsist them in the field; and the king's troops were themselves blocked up in the peninsula of boston. about the same time, that enterprising spirit, which pervaded new england, manifested itself in an expedition of considerable merit. the possession of ticonderoga and crown point, and the command of lakes george and champlain, were objects of importance in the approaching conflict. it was known that these posts were weakly defended; and it was believed that the feeble garrisons remaining in them were the less to be dreaded, because they thought themselves perfectly secure. under these impressions, some gentlemen of connecticut, at the head of whom were messrs. deane, wooster, and parsons, formed the design of seizing these fortresses by surprise; and borrowed a small sum of money from the legislature of the colony, to enable them to carry on the expedition. about forty volunteers marched from connecticut towards bennington, where they expected to meet with colonel ethan allen, and to engage him to conduct the enterprise, and to raise an additional number of men. [sidenote: ticonderoga surprised.] [sidenote: crown point surrenders.] colonel allen readily entered into their views, and engaged to meet them at castleton. two hundred and seventy men assembled at that place, where they were joined by colonel arnold, who was associated with colonel allen in the command. they reached lake champlain in the night of the ninth of may. both allen and arnold embarked with the first division consisting of eighty-three men, who effected a landing without being discovered, and immediately marched against the fort, which, being completely surprised, surrendered without firing a gun. the garrison consisted of only forty-four rank and file, commanded by a captain and one lieutenant. from ticonderoga, colonel seth warren was detached to take possession of crown point, which was garrisoned only by a sergeant and twelve men. this service was immediately executed, and the fort was taken without opposition. at both these places, military stores of considerable value fell into the hands of the americans. the pass at skeensborough was seized about the same time by a body of volunteers from connecticut. to complete the objects of the expedition, it was necessary to obtain the command of the lakes, which could be accomplished only by seizing a sloop of war lying at st. johns. this service was effected by arnold, who, having manned and armed a schooner found in south bay, surprised the sloop, and took possession of her without opposition. thus, by the enterprise of a few individuals, and without the loss of a single man, the important posts of ticonderoga and crown point were acquired, with the command of the lakes on which they stand. [sidenote: meeting of congress.] intelligence of the capture of ticonderoga was immediately transmitted to congress, then just assembled at philadelphia. the resolutions passed on the occasion, furnish strong evidence of the solicitude felt by that body, to exonerate the government, in the opinion of the people, from all suspicion of provoking a continuance of the war, by transcending the limits of self defence. indubitable evidence, it was asserted, had been received of a design for a cruel invasion of the colonies from canada, for the purpose of destroying their lives and liberties; and it was averred that some steps had actually been taken towards carrying this design into execution. to a justifiable desire of securing themselves from so heavy a calamity, was attributed the seizure of the posts on the lakes by the neighbouring inhabitants; and it was recommended to the committees of new york and albany to take immediate measures for the removal of the cannon and military stores to some place on the south end of lake george, there to be preserved in safety. an exact inventory of the stores was directed to be taken, "in order that they might be safely returned, when the restoration of the former harmony between great britain and the colonies, so ardently wished for by the latter, should render it prudent, and consistent with the overruling law of self preservation." measures, however, were adopted to maintain the posts; but, to quiet the apprehensions of their neighbours, congress resolved that, having nothing more in view than self defence, "no expedition or incursion ought to be undertaken or made by any colony, or body of colonists, against, or into, canada." this resolution was translated into the french language, and transmitted to the people of that province, in a letter in which all their feelings, and particularly their known attachment to france, were dexterously assailed; and the effort was earnestly made to kindle in their bosoms, that enthusiastic love of liberty which was felt too strongly by the authors of the letter, to permit the belief that it could be inoperative with others. during these transactions, generals howe, burgoyne, and clinton, arrived at boston, soon after which general gage issued a proclamation declaring martial law to be in force, and offering pardon to those who would lay down their arms and submit to the king, with the exception of samuel adams, and john hancock. on receiving intelligence of the battle of lexington, new york appeared to hesitate no longer. in that place also, the spirit which animated the colonies generally, obtained the ascendancy. yet the royal party remained formidable; and it was thought advisable to march a body of connecticut troops into the neighbourhood, professedly to protect the town against some british regiments expected from ireland, but really with the design of protecting the patriotic party. the middle and southern colonies, though not so forward as those of the north, laid aside the established government, and prepared for hostilities. [sidenote: transactions in virginia.] in virginia, the governor, lord dunmore, had just returned from a successful expedition against the indians, in which he had acquired considerable popularity. presuming too much on the favour of the moment, and dissatisfied with some recommendations concerning the militia and independent companies made by the colonial convention which had assembled in richmond, he employed the captain of an armed vessel then lying in james river, a few miles from williamsburg, to convey to his ship by night, a part of the powder in the magazine, belonging to the colony. this measure, though conducted with great secrecy, was discovered; and the people of the town assembled next morning in arms, for the purpose of demanding restitution of the property which had been taken. the magistrates, having prevailed on them to disperse, presented an address to the governor, remonstrating against the removal of the powder, which they alleged to be the more injurious, because it was necessary for their defence in the event of an insurrection among their slaves. the governor acknowledged that the powder had been removed by his order, but gave assurances that he would restore it, if an insurrection of the slaves should render the measure necessary. unsatisfactory as this answer was, no farther means were used in williamsburg for its recovery. this transaction excited a strong sensation in the interior of the country. meetings were held in several counties, and the conduct of the governor was greatly condemned. the independent companies of hanover and king william, at the instance of mr. patrick henry, a member of congress, assembled, and marched for williamsburg, with the avowed design of compelling restitution of the powder, or of obtaining its value. their march was stopped by the active interposition of mr. braxton, who obtained from the king's receiver general, a bill for the value of the property that had been removed, with which he returned to the companies, and prevailed on them to relinquish a farther prosecution of the enterprise.[ ] [footnote : the independent companies of the upper part of the northern neck, also assembled to the number of about six hundred men, and proceeded on horseback as far as fredericksburg, when a council was held in which richard henry lee, then on his way to congress, presided, which advised their return to their respective homes.] the alarm occasioned by this movement induced lady dunmore, to retire with her family on board the fowey man of war, lying in james river; whilst his lordship fortified his palace, which he garrisoned with a corps of marines; and published a proclamation in which he charged those who had procured the bill from the receiver general, with rebellious practices. during this state of irritation, lord north's conciliatory proposition was received; and an assembly was suddenly called, to whose consideration it was submitted. the governor used all his address to procure its acceptance; but, in virginia, as in the other colonies, it was rejected, because it obviously involved a surrender of the whole subject in contest. [sidenote: governor dunmore retires to the fowey ship of war.] one of the first measures of the assembly was to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state of the magazine. although this building belonged to the colony, it was in the custody of the governor; and, before admittance could be obtained; some persons of the neighbourhood broke into it, one of whom was wounded by a spring gun, and it was found that the powder which remained had been buried, and that the guns were deprived of their locks. these circumstances excited so great a ferment that the governor thought proper to withdraw to the fowey man of war. several letters passed between him and the legislature containing reciprocal complaints of each other, in the course of which they pressed his return to the seat of government, while he insisted on their coming on board the fowey. they were content that he should, even there, give his assent to some bills that were prepared, but he refused so to do, and the assembly dissolved itself; the members being generally elected to a convention then about to meet in richmond. thus terminated for ever, the regal government in virginia. [sidenote: provisional congress of south carolina.] in south carolina, so soon as intelligence of the battle of lexington was received, a provincial congress was called by the committee of correspondence. an association was formed, the members of which pledged themselves to each other to repel force by force, whenever the continental or provincial congress should determine it to be necessary; and declared that they would hold all those inimical to the colonies, who should refuse to subscribe it. the congress also determined to put the town and province in a posture of defence, and agreed to raise two regiments of infantry, and one of rangers. [sidenote: arrival of lord william campbell.] while the congress was in session, lord william campbell, who had been appointed governor, arrived in the province, and was received with those demonstrations of joy which had been usual on such occasions. the congress waited on him with an address expressing the causes of their proceedings; in which they declared that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least influence on their councils; but that they had been compelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence, of their lives, liberties, and property. they entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his majesty that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes to his real service. his lordship returned a mild and prudent answer.[ ] [footnote : gordon.] for some time lord william campbell conducted himself with such apparent moderation, as to remain on good terms with the leaders of the opposition; but he was secretly exerting all the influence of his station to defeat their views; and was, at length, detected in carrying on negotiations with the indians, and with the disaffected in the interior. these people had been induced to believe that the inhabitants of the sea coast, in order to exempt their tea from a trifling tax, were about to engage them in a contest, which would deprive them of their salt, osnaburgs, and other imported articles of absolute necessity. the detection of these intrigues excited such a ferment that the governor was compelled to fly from charleston, and take refuge on board a ship of war in the river. the government was then, as elsewhere, taken entirely into the hands of men chosen by the people; and a body of provincial troops was ordered into that part of the country which adhered to the royal cause, where many individuals, contrary to the advice of governor campbell, had risen in arms. the leaders were seized, and their followers dispersed. in north carolina also, governor martin was charged with fomenting a civil war, and exciting an insurrection among the negroes. relying on the aid he expected from the disaffected, especially from some highland emigrants, he made preparations for the defence of his palace; but the people taking the alarm before his troops were raised, he was compelled to seek safety on board a sloop of war in cape fear river; soon after which, the committee resolved "that no person or persons whatsoever should have any correspondence with him, on pain of being deemed enemies to the liberties of america, and dealt with accordingly." as soon as congress was organised, mr. hancock laid before that body the depositions showing that, in the battle of lexington, the king's troops were the aggressors; together with the proceedings of the provincial congress of massachusetts on that subject. the affairs of america were now arrived at a crisis to which they had been, for some time, rapidly tending; and it had become necessary for the delegates of the other provinces finally to determine, either to embark with new england in war, or, by separating from her, to surrender the object for which they had jointly contended, and submit to that unlimited supremacy which was claimed by parliament. even among the well informed, the opinion, that the contest would ultimately be determined by the sword, had not become general. the hope had been indulged by many of the popular leaders, that the union of the colonies, the extent and serious aspect of the opposition, and the distress which their non-importation agreements would produce among the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state, would induce administration to recede from its high pretensions, and restore harmony and free intercourse. this opinion had derived strength from the communications made them by their zealous friends in england. the divisions and discontents of that country had been represented as much greater than the fact would justify; and the exhortations transmitted to them to persevere in the honourable course which had been commenced with so much glory, had generally been accompanied with assurances that success would yet crown their patriotic labours. many had engaged with zeal in the resistance made by america, and had acted on a full conviction of the correctness of the principles for which they contended, who would have felt some reluctance in supporting the measures which had been adopted, had they believed that those measures would produce war. but each party counted too much on the divisions of the other; and each seems to have taken step after step, in the hope that its adversary would yield the point in contest, without resorting to open force. thus, on both sides, the public feeling had been gradually conducted to a point, which would, in the first instance, have been viewed with horror, and had been prepared for events, which, in the beginning of the controversy, would have alarmed the most intrepid. the prevailing sentiment in the middle and southern colonies still was, that a reconciliation, on the terms proposed by america, was not even yet impracticable, and was devoutly to be wished; but that war was to be preferred to a surrender of those rights, for which they had contended, and to which they believed every british subject, wherever placed, to be unquestionably entitled. they did not hesitate therefore which part of the alternative to embrace; and their delegates united cordially with those of the north, in such measures as the exigency required. the resolution was unanimous that, as hostilities had actually commenced, and as large reinforcements to the british army were expected, these colonies should be immediately put in a state of defence, and the militia of new york be armed and trained, and kept in readiness to act at a moment's warning. congress also determined to embody a number of men, without delay, for the protection of the inhabitants of that place, but did not authorise opposition to the landing of any troops which might be ordered to that station by the crown. the convention of new york had already consulted congress on this subject, and had been advised to permit the soldiers to take possession of the barracks, and to remain there so long as they conducted themselves peaceably; but, if they should commit hostilities, or invade private property, to repel force by force. thus anxious was congress even after a battle had been fought, not to widen the breach between the two countries. in addition to the real wish for reconciliation, sound policy directed that the people of america should engage in the arduous conflict which was approaching, with a perfect conviction that it was forced upon them, and not invited by the intemperate conduct of their leaders. the divisions existing in several of the states suggested the propriety of this conduct, even to those who despaired of deriving any other benefit from it, than a greater degree of union among their own countrymen. in this spirit, congress mingled with the resolutions for putting the country in a state of defence, others expressing the most earnest wish for reconciliation with the mother country, to effect which, that body determined to address, once more, an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and to adopt measures for opening a negotiation in order "to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between great britain and the colonies." as no great confidence could be placed in the success of pacific propositions, the resolution for putting the country in a state of defence was accompanied with others rendered necessary by that undetermined state between war and peace, in which america was placed. all exports to those colonies, which had not deputed members to congress, were stopped; and all supplies of provisions, and other necessaries, to the british fisheries, or to the army or navy in massachusetts bay, or to any vessels employed in transporting british troops to america, or from one colony to another, were prohibited. though this resolution was only an extension of the system of commercial resistance which had been adopted before the commencement of hostilities, and was evidently provoked by the late act of parliament, it seems to have been entirely unexpected, and certainly produced great distress. massachusetts having stated the embarrassments resulting from being without a regular government, "at a time when an army was to be raised to defend themselves against the butcheries and devastations of their implacable enemies," and having declared a readiness to conform to such general plan as congress might recommend to the colonies, it was resolved "that no obedience is due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of that colony, nor to officers who, instead of observing that charter, seek its subversion." the governor and lieutenant governor, therefore, were to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant. to avoid the intolerable inconveniences arising from a total suspension of government, "especially at a time when general gage had actually levied war, and was carrying on hostilities against his majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects in that colony," it was "recommended to the convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places which are entitled to representation in the assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government until a governor of his majesty's appointment will consent to govern the colony, according to its charter."[ ] [footnote : journals of congress.] these resolutions were quickly followed by others of greater vigour, denoting more decidedly, a determination to prepare for the last resort of nations. it was earnestly recommended to the conventions of all the colonies to provide the means of making gun powder, and to obtain the largest possible supplies of ammunition. even the non-importation agreement was relaxed in favour of vessels importing these precious materials. the conventions were also urged to arm and discipline the militia; and so to class them, that one-fourth should be minute men. they were also requested to raise several regular corps for the service of the continent; and a general resolution was entered into, authorising any province thinking itself in danger, to raise a body of regulars not exceeding one thousand men, to be, paid by the united colonies. congress also proceeded to organise the higher departments of the army, of which, colonel george washington of virginia was appointed commander in chief.[ ] [footnote : artemus ward of massachusetts, then commanding the troops before boston; colonel charles lee, lately an officer in the british service; and israel putnam of connecticut, were appointed major generals; horatio gates, who had held the rank of major in the british service, was appointed adjutant general.] [sidenote: manifesto of congress.] bills of credit to the amount of three millions of dollars were emitted for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war, and the faith of the twelve confederated colonies was pledged for their redemption. articles of war for the government of the continental army were formed; though the troops were raised under the authority of the respective colonies, without even a requisition from congress, except in a few instances. a solemn dignified declaration, in form of a manifesto, was prepared, to be published to the army in orders, and to the people from the pulpit. after detailing the causes of their opposition to the mother country, with all the energy of men feeling the injuries of which they complain, the manifesto exclaims, "but why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? by one statute, it is declared that parliament can, of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever! what is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence: but, on the contrary, they are, all of them, exempt from the operation of such laws; and an american revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours. we saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. we, for ten years, incessantly and ineffectually, besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language." the manifesto next enumerates the measures adopted by administration to enforce the claims of great britain, and then adds,--"we are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconstitutional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force.--the latter is our choice. we have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. we cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. "our cause is just. our union is perfect. our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. we gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favour towards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. with hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before god and the world, declare that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen, rather than to live slaves. "lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. necessity has not yet driven us to that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. we have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from great britain, and establishing independent states. we fight not for glory, or for conquest. we exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. _they_ boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death. "in our own native land in defence of the freedom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers, and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. we shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before." some intelligence respecting the movements of the british army having excited a suspicion that general gage intended to penetrate into the country, the provincial congress recommended it to the council of war to take measures for the defence of dorchester neck, and to occupy bunker's hill, a commanding piece of ground just within the peninsula on which charlestown stands. in observance of these instructions, a detachment of one thousand men, commanded by colonel prescott, was ordered to take possession of this ground; but, by some mistake, breed's hill, situate nearer to boston, was marked out, instead of bunker's hill, for the proposed intrenchments. the party sent on this service worked with so much diligence and secrecy that, by the dawn of day, they had thrown up a small square redoubt, without alarming some ships of war which lay in the river at no great distance. as soon as the returning light discovered this work to the ships, a heavy cannonade was commenced upon it, which the provincials sustained with firmness. they continued to labour until they had thrown up a small breast work stretching from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, so as to extend considerably their line of defence. as this eminence overlooked boston, general gage determined to drive the provincials from it; and for this purpose, detached major general howe, and brigadier general pigot, at the head of ten companies of grenadiers, and the same number of light infantry with a proper proportion of field artillery. these troops landed at moreton's point; but, perceiving that the americans waited for them with firmness, they remained on their ground until the arrival of a reinforcement from boston, for which general howe had applied. during this interval, the americans also were reinforced by a detachment under the command of generals warren and pommeroy; and they availed themselves of this delay to strengthen their defences with some adjoining posts and rails which they pulled up and arranged in two parallel lines at a small distance from each other; rilling the space between with hay, so as to form a complete cover from the musketry of the assailants. the british troops, on being joined by their second detachment, advanced slowly, in two lines, under cover of a heavy discharge of cannon and howitzers, frequently halting in order to allow their artillery time to demolish the works. while they were advancing, orders were given to set fire to charlestown, a handsome village, which flanked their line of march, and which was soon consumed. it is not easy to conceive a spectacle more grand and more awful than was now exhibited, nor a moment of more anxious expectation. the scene of action was in full view of the heights of boston and of its neighbourhood, which were covered with spectators taking deep and opposite interests in the events passing before them. the soldiers of the hostile armies not on duty, the citizens of boston, and the inhabitants of the adjacent country; all feeling emotions which set description at defiance, were witnesses of the majestic and tremendous scene. [sidenote: battle of breed's hill.] the provincials permitted the english to approach unmolested, within less than one hundred yards of the works, and then poured in upon them so deadly a fire that their line was broken, and they fell back with precipitation towards the landing place. by the great exertions of their officers, they were rallied and brought up to the charge; but were again driven back in confusion by the heavy and incessant fire from the works. general howe is said to have been left, at one time, almost alone; and it is certain that few officers about his person escaped unhurt. the impression to be made by victory or defeat in this early stage of the war, was deemed so important that extraordinary exertions were used once more to rally the english. with difficulty, they were led a third time to the works. the redoubt was attacked on three sides, while some pieces of artillery raked the breast work from end to end. at the same time, a cross fire from the ships, and floating batteries lying on both sides of the isthmus by which the peninsula is connected with the continent, not only annoyed the works on breed's hill, but deterred any considerable reinforcements from entering the peninsula. the ammunition of the americans being nearly exhausted, they were no longer able to keep up the same incessant stream of fire which had twice repulsed the assailants; and the redoubt, which the english mounted with ease, was carried at the point of the bayonet. yet the americans, many of whom were without bayonets, are said to have maintained the contest with clubbed muskets, until the redoubt was half filled with the king's troops. the redoubt being lost, the breast work was abandoned; and the hazardous movement was accomplished, of retreating in the face of a victorious enemy over charlestown neck; exposed to the same cross fire, which had deterred the reinforcements from coming to their assistance. the detachment employed on this enterprise consisted of about three thousand men, composing the flower of the british army; and high encomiums were bestowed on the resolution they displayed. according to the returns, their killed and wounded amounted to one thousand and fifty four,--an immense proportion of the number engaged in the action. notwithstanding the danger of the retreat over charlestown neck, the loss of the americans was stated at only four hundred and fifty men. among the killed was doctor warren, a gentleman greatly beloved and regretted, who fell just after the provincials began their retreat from the breast work. at the time, the colonial force on the peninsula was generally stated at fifteen hundred men. it has been since estimated at four thousand. although the americans lost the ground, they claimed the victory. many of the advantages of victory were certainly gained. their confidence in themselves was greatly increased; and it was asked, universally, how many more such triumphs the invaders of their country could afford? the british army had been treated too roughly, to attempt farther offensive operations. they contented themselves with seizing and fortifying bunker's hill, which secured the peninsula of charlestown; in which, however, they remained as closely blockaded as in that of boston. the americans were much elated by the intrepidity the raw troops had displayed, and the execution they had done, in this engagement. they fondly cherished the belief that courage, and dexterity in the use of fire arms, would bestow advantages amply compensating the want of discipline. unfortunately for the colonies, this course of thinking was not confined to the mass of the people. it seems to have extended to those who guided the public councils, and to have contributed to the adoption of a system, which, more than once, brought their cause to the brink of ruin. they did not distinguish sufficiently between the momentary efforts of a few brave men, brought together by a high sense of the injuries which threatened their country, and carried into action under the influence of keen resentments; and those steady persevering exertions under continued suffering, which must be necessary to bring an important war to a happy termination. nor did they examine with sufficient accuracy, several striking circumstances attending the battle which had been fought. it is not easy to read the accounts given of the action without being persuaded, that, had the americans on breed's hill been supplied with ammunition, and been properly supported; had the reinforcements ordered to their assistance entered the peninsula, as soldiers in habits of obedience would have done, and there displayed the heroic courage which was exhibited by their countrymen engaged in defence of the works; the assailants must have been defeated, and the flower of the british army cut to pieces. it ought also to have been remarked that, while the few who were endowed with more than a common portion of bravery, encountered the danger of executing the orders they had received, the many were deterred by the magnitude of that danger. but it is not by the few that great victories are to be gained, or a country to be saved. amidst these hostile operations, the voice of peace was yet heard. allegiance to the king was still acknowledged; and a lingering hope remained that an accommodation was not impossible. congress voted a petition to his majesty, replete with professions of duty and attachment; and addressed a letter to the people of england, conjuring them by the endearing appellations of "friends, countrymen, and brethren," to prevent the dissolution of "that connexion which the remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious achievements of common ancestors, and affection for the heirs of their virtues, had heretofore maintained." they uniformly disclaimed any idea of independence, and professed themselves to consider union with england on constitutional principles, as the greatest blessing which could be bestowed on them. but britain had determined to maintain, by force, the legislative supremacy of parliament; and america was equally determined, by force, to repel the claim. notes. note--no. i.--_see page ._ the annals of massachusetts, for this period, exhibit one of those wonderful cases of popular delusion, which infecting every class of society, and gaining strength from its very extravagance; triumphing over human reason, and cruelly sporting with human life; reveal to man his deplorable imbecility, and would teach him, if the experience of others could teach, never to countenance a departure from that moderation, and those safe and sure principles of moral rectitude which have stood the test of time, and have received the approbation of the wise and good in all ages. a very detailed and interesting account of the humiliating and affecting events here alluded to has been given by mr. hutchinson, but is too long to be inserted entire in this work; they were, however, of too much magnitude while passing, to be entirely unnoticed even at this day. in great britain, as well as in america, the opinion had long prevailed that, by the aid of malignant spirits, certain persons possessed supernatural powers, which were usually exercised in the mischievous employment of tormenting others; and the criminal code of both countries was disgraced with laws for the punishment of witchcraft. with considerable intervals between them, some few instances had occurred in new england of putting this sanguinary law in force; but in the year , this weakness was converted into frenzy; and after exercising successfully its destructive rage on those miserable objects whose wayward dispositions had excited the ill opinion, or whose age and wretchedness ought to have secured them the pity of their neighbours, its baneful activity was extended to persons in every situation of life, and many of the most reputable members of society became its victims. the first scene of this distressing tragedy was laid in salem. the public mind had been prepared for its exhibition by some publications, stating the evidence adduced in former trials for witchcraft both in old and new england, in which full proof was supposed to have been given of the guilt of the accused. soon after this, some young girls in boston had accustomed themselves to fall into fits, and had affected to be struck dead on the production of certain popular books, such as the _assembly's catechism_, and _cotton's milk for babes_, while they could read oxford's jests, or popish and quaker books, with many others, which were deemed profane, without being in any manner affected by them. these pretences, instead of exposing the fraud to instant detection, seem to have promoted the cheat; and they were supposed to be possessed by demons who were utterly confounded at the production of those holy books. "sometimes," says mr. hutchinson, "they were deaf, then dumb, then blind; and sometimes, all these disorders together would come upon them. their tongues would be drawn down their throats, then pulled out upon their chins. their jaws, necks, shoulders, elbows, and all their joints would appear to be dislocated, and they would make most piteous outcries of burnings, of being cut with knives, beat, &c. and the marks of wounds were afterwards to be seen." at length an old irish woman, not of good character, who had given one of those girls some harsh language, and to whom all this diabolical mischief was attributed, was apprehended by the magistracy; and neither confessing nor denying the fact, was, on the certificate of physicians that she was _compos mentis_, condemned and executed. sir william phipps, the governor, on his arrival from england, brought with him opinions which could not fail to strengthen the popular prejudice, and the lieutenant governor supported one which was well calculated to render it sanguinary. he maintained that though the devil might appear in the shape of a guilty person, he could never be permitted to assume that of an innocent one. consequently, when those who affected to perceive the form which tormented them designated any particular person as guilty, the guilt of that person was established, because he could not, if innocent, be personated by an evil spirit. the public mind being thus predisposed, four girls in salem complained of being afflicted in the same manner with those in boston. the physicians, unable to account for the disorder, attributed it to witchcraft, and an old indian woman in the neighbourhood was selected as the witch. the attention bestowed on these girls gave them great importance; and not only confirmed them in the imposture, but produced other competitors who were ambitious of the same distinction. several other persons were now bewitched; and not only the old indian, but two other old women, the one bedridden, and the other subject to melancholy and distraction, were accused as witches. it was necessary to keep up the agitation already excited, by furnishing fresh subjects for astonishment; and in a short time, the accusations extended to persons who were in respectable situations. the manner in which these accusations were received, evidenced such a degree of public credulity, that the impostors seem to have been convinced of their power to assail with impunity, all whom caprice or malignity might select for their victims. such was the prevailing infatuation, that in one instance, a child of five years old was charged as an accomplice in these pretended crimes; and if the nearest relatives of the accused manifested either tenderness for their situation, or resentment at the injury done their friends, they drew upon themselves the vengeance of these profligate impostors, and were involved in the dangers from which they were desirous of rescuing those with whom they were most intimately connected. for going out of church when allusions were made from the pulpit to a person of fair fame, a sister was charged as a witch; and for accompanying on her examination a wife who had been apprehended, the husband was involved in the same prosecution, and was condemned and executed. in the presence of the magistrates these flagitious accusers affected extreme agony, and attributed to those whom they accused, the power of torturing them by a look. the examinations were all taken in writing, and several of them are detailed at full length in mr. hutchinson's history of massachusetts. they exhibit a deplorable degree of blind infatuation on one side, and of atrocious profligacy on the other, which if not well attested, could scarcely be supposed to have existed. many persons of sober lives, and unblemished characters, were committed to prison; and the public prejudices had already pronounced their doom. against charges of this nature, thus conducted, no defence could possibly be made. to be accused was to be found guilty. the very grossness of the imposition seemed to secure its success, and the absurdity of the accusation to establish the verity of the charge. the consternation became almost universal. it was soon perceived that all attempts to establish innocence must be ineffectual; and the person accused could only hope to obtain safety, by confessing the truth of the charge, and criminating others. the extent of crime introduced by such a state of things almost surpasses belief. every feeling of humanity is shocked when we learn that to save themselves, children accused their parents; in some instances, parents their children; and in one case, sentence of death was pronounced against a husband on the testimony of his wife. there were examples of persons who under the terrors of examination confessed themselves guilty, and accused others; but unable afterwards to support the reproaches of conscience, retracted their confessions under the persuasion that death would be the consequence of doing so. during this reign of popular frenzy, the bounds of probability were so far transcended, that we scarcely know how to give credit to the well attested fact, that among those who were permitted to save themselves by confessing that they were witches, and joining in the accusation of their parents, were to be found children from seven to ten years of age! among the numbers who were accused, only one person was acquitted. for this he was indebted to one of the girls who would not join the others in criminating him. the examination had commenced in february, and the list of commitments had swelled to a lamentable bulk by june, when the new charter having arrived, commissioners of oyer and terminer were appointed for the trial of persons charged with witchcraft. by this court, a considerable number were condemned, of whom nineteen, protesting their innocence, were executed. it is observed by mr. hutchinson, that those who were condemned and not executed had most probably saved themselves by a confession of their guilt. fortunately for those who were still to be tried, the legislature, convened under the new charter, created a regular tribunal for the trial of criminal as well as civil cases, and the court of commissioners rose to sit no more. the first session of the regular court for the trial of criminal cases was to be held in january, and this delay was favourable to reflection and to the recovery of the public reason. other causes contributed to this event. there remained yet in the various prisons of the colony, a vast number of women, many of whom were of the most reputable families in the towns in which they had resided. allusion had been made to many others of the first rank, and some had been expressly named by the bewitched and confessing witches. a mr. bradstreet, who had been appointed one of the council, and was son to the old governor of that name; but who as a justice of the peace was suspected of not prosecuting with sufficient rigour, was named by the witnesses as a confederate, and found it necessary to abscond. the governor's lady it is said, and the wife of one of the ministers who had favoured this persecution, were among the accused; and a charge was also brought against the secretary of the colony of connecticut. although the violence of the torrent of prejudice was beginning to abate, yet the grand jury in january, found a true bill against fifty persons, but of those brought to trial, only three were condemned, and they were not executed. all those who were not tried in january, were discharged by order of the governor, "and never," says mr. hutchinson, "has such a jail delivery been known in new england. and never was there given a more melancholy proof of the degree of depravity of which man is capable when the public passions countenance crime." * * * * * note--no. ii.--_see page ._ the plan of the union was as follows, viz. "it is proposed that humble application be made for an act of parliament of great britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in america, including all the said colonies: [massachusetts bay, new hampshire, connecticut, rhode island, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, virginia, north carolina, and south carolina] within and under which government, each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter follows: president general and grand council. that the said general government be administered by a president general, to be appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their assemblies. election of members. that within -- months after passing such act, the houses of representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall be especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the grand council in the following proportion, that is to say: massachusetts bay new hampshire connecticut rhode island new york new jersey pennsylvania maryland virginia north carolina south carolina -- place of first meeting. who shall meet for the first time at the city of philadelphia, in pennsylvania, being called by the president general as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment. new election. that there shall be a new election of the members of the grand council every three years; and on the death or resignation of any member, his place shall be supplied by a new choice, at the next sitting of the assembly of the colony he represented. proportion of the members after the first three years. that after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known, the number of members to be chosen for each colony shall, from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven, nor less than two). meetings of the grand council and call. that the grand council shall meet once in every year, and oftener, if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the president general, on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the members to such call, and sent due and timely notice to the whole. continuance. that the grand council have power to choose their speaker: and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer than six weeks at one time; without their own consent, or the special command of the crown. members attendance. that the members of the grand council shall be allowed for their services, ten shillings sterling per diem, during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey. assent of president general and his duty. that the assent of the president general be requisite to all acts of the grand council; and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be carried into execution. power of president general and grand council, treaties of peace and war. that the president general, with the advice of the grand council, hold or direct all indian treaties in which the general interest of the colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with indian nations. indian trade. that they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all indian trade. indian purchases. that they make all purchases from the indians for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular colonies, or that shall not be within their bounds, when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions. new settlements. that they make new settlements on such purchases by granting lands in the king's name, reserving a quit rent to the crown, for the use of the general treasury. laws to govern them. that they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, until the crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments. raise soldiers and equip vessels, &c. that they raise and pay soldiers, build forts for the defence of any of the colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any colony, without the consent of the legislature. power to make laws, lay duties, &c. that for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them shall appear most equal and just, (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several colonies) and such may be collected with the least inconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens. general treasurer and particular treasurer. that they may appoint a general treasurer and particular treasurer in each government, when necessary; and from time to time may order the sums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury, or draw on them for special payments, as they find most convenient. money, how to issue. yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the president general and grand council, except where sums have been appropriated to particular purposes, and the president general has been previously empowered by an act to draw for such sums. accounts. that the general accounts shall be yearly settled, and reported to the several assemblies. quorum. that a quorum of the grand council, empowered to act with the president general, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom there shall be one or more from the majority of the colonies. laws to be transmitted. that the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid, shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of england, and shall be transmitted to the king in council, for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force. death of the president general. that in case of the death of the president general, the speaker of the grand council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested with the same powers and authorities, to continue until the king's pleasure be known. officers, how appointed. that all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated by the president general; but the approbation of the grand council is to be obtained, before they receive their commissions. and all civil officers are to be nominated by the grand council, and to receive the president general's approbation before they officiate. vacancies, how supplied. but in case of vacancy, by death, or removal of any officer, civil or military, under this constitution, the governor of the province in which such vacancy happens, may appoint until the pleasure of the president general and grand council can be known. each colony may defend itself on emergency, &c. that the particular military as well as civil establishments in each colony remain in their present state, the general constitution notwithstanding; and that on sudden emergencies any colony may defend itself, and lay the accounts of expense thence arising before the president general and grand council, who may allow and order payment of the same as far as they judge such accounts reasonable." _minot._ * * * * * note--no. iii.--_see page ._ these being the first resolutions of any assembly after the passage of the stamp act, they are inserted. _whereas_, the honourable house of commons in england have of late drawn into question how far the general assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying taxes and imposing duties payable by the people of this his majesty's most ancient colony, for settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house of burgesses of the present general assembly have come to the several following resolutions. _resolved_, that the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony and dominion of virginia, brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all others his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of great britain. _resolved_, that by two royal charters granted by king james i. the colonies aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges of denizens, and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of england. _resolved_, that the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves, to represent them, who can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is the distinguished characteristic of british freedom, and without which the ancient constitution cannot subsist. _resolved_, that his majesty's liege people of this most ancient colony have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own assembly in the article of their taxes and internal police, and that the same hath never been forfeited nor any other way yielded up, but hath been constantly recognised by the king and people of great britain. _resolved_, therefore, that the general assembly of this colony have the sole power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such a power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy british as well as american freedom. * * * * * note--no. iv.--_see page ._ "the members of this congress, sincerely devoted with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty, to his majesty's person and government, inviolably attached to the present happy establishment of the protestant succession, and with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the present and impending misfortunes of the british colonies on this continent; having considered, as maturely as time will permit, the circumstances of the said colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations of our humble opinion, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labour, by reason of several late acts of parliament. i. that his majesty's subjects in these colonies, owe the same allegiance to the crown of great britain that is owing from his subjects born within the realm, and all due subordination to that august body the parliament of great britain. ii. that his majesty's liege subjects in these colonies, are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects, within the kingdom of great britain. iii. that it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives. iv. that the people of these colonies are not, and, from their local circumstances, cannot be represented in the house of commons of great britain. v. that the only representatives of these colonies are persons chosen therein by themselves, and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed upon them, but by their respective legislatures. vi. that all supplies to the crown being free gifts from the people, it is unreasonable, and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the british constitution, for the people of great britain to grant to his majesty the property of the colonists. vii. that trial by jury is the inherent and invaluable right of every british subject in these colonies. viii. that the late act of parliament entitled, 'an act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the british colonies and plantations in america,' &c. by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these colonies; and the said act, and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists. ix. that the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these colonies, will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and from the scarcity of specie, the payment of them absolutely impracticable. x. that as the profits of the trade of these colonies ultimately centre in great britain, to pay for the manufactures which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute very largely to all supplies granted to the crown. xi. that the restrictions imposed by several late acts of parliament on the trade of these colonies, will render them unable to purchase the manufactures of great britain. xii. that the increase, prosperity, and happiness of these colonies depend on the full and free enjoyment of their rights and liberties, and an intercourse with great britain mutually affectionate and advantageous. xiii. that it is the right of the british subjects in these colonies to petition the king, or either house of parliament. xiv. that it is the indispensable duty of these colonies, to the best of sovereigns, to the mother country, and to themselves, to endeavour, by a loyal and dutiful address to his majesty, and humble applications to both houses of parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, of all clauses of any other acts of parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the admiralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other late acts for the restriction of american commerce." _prior documents._ * * * * * note--no. v.--_see page ._ _province of massachusetts bay, feb. , ._ sir, the house of representatives of this province have taken into their consideration the great difficulties that must accrue to themselves and their constituents, by the operation of the several acts of parliament imposing duties and taxes on the american colonies. as it is a subject in which every colony is deeply interested, they have no reason to doubt but your house is duly impressed with its importance: and that such constitutional measures will be come into as are proper. it seems to be necessary, that all possible care should be taken that the representations of the several assemblies, upon so delicate a point, should harmonise with each other: the house, therefore, hope that this letter will be candidly considered in no other light, than as expressing a disposition freely to communicate their mind to a sister colony, upon a common concern, in the same manner as they would be glad to receive the sentiments of your or any other house of assembly on the continent. the house have humbly represented to the ministry their own sentiments; that his majesty's high court of parliament is the supreme legislative power over the whole empire: that in all free states the constitution is fixed: and, as the supreme legislative derives its power and authority from the constitution, it cannot overleap the bounds of it, without destroying its foundation; that the constitution ascertains and limits both sovereignty and allegiance; and therefore, his majesty's american subjects who acknowledge themselves bound by the ties of allegiance, have an equitable claim to the full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the british constitution; that it is an essential unalterable right in nature, ingrafted into the british constitution as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man hath honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but cannot be taken from him without his consent; that the american subjects may therefore, exclusive of any consideration of charter rights, with a decent firmness adapted to the character of freemen and subjects, assert this natural and constitutional right. it is moreover their humble opinion, which they express with the greatest deference to the wisdom of the parliament, that the acts made there, imposing duties on the people of this province, with the sole and express purpose of raising a revenue, are infringements of their natural and constitutional rights; because as they are not represented in the british parliament, his majesty's commons in britain by those acts grant their property without their consent. this house further are of opinion, that their constituents, considering their local circumstances, cannot by any possibility be represented in the parliament; and that it will forever be impracticable that they should be equally represented there, and consequently not at all, being separated by an ocean of a thousand leagues: that his majesty's royal predecessors, for this reason, were graciously pleased to form a subordinate legislative here, that their subjects might enjoy the unalienable right of a representation. also, that, considering the utter impracticability of their ever being fully and equally represented in parliament, and the great expense that must unavoidably attend even a partial representation there, this house think, that a taxation of their constituents, even without their consent, grievous as it is, would be preferable to any representation that could be admitted for them there. upon these principles, and also considering that were the right in the parliament ever so clear, yet for obvious reasons it would be beyond the rule of equity, that their constituents should be taxed on the manufactures of great britain here, in addition to the duties they pay for them in england, and other advantages arising to great britain from the acts of trade; this house have preferred a humble, dutiful, and loyal petition to our most gracious sovereign, and made such representation to his majesty's ministers, as they apprehend would tend to obtain redress. they have also submitted to consideration, whether any people can be said to enjoy any degree of freedom, if the crown, in addition to its undoubted authority of constituting a governor, should appoint him such a stipend as it shall judge proper without the consent of the people, and at their expense; and whether, while the judges of the land, and other civil officers, hold not their commissions during good behaviour, their having salaries appointed for them by the crown, independent of the people, hath not a tendency to subvert the principles of equity, and endanger the happiness and security of the subject. in addition to these measures, the house have written a letter to their agent mr. de berdt, the sentiments of which he is directed to lay before the ministry; wherein they take notice of the hardship of the act for preventing mutiny and desertion, which requires the governor and council to provide enumerated articles for the king's marching troops and the people to pay the expense: and also the commission of the gentlemen appointed commissioners of the customs to reside in america, which authorises them to make as many appointments as they think fit, and to pay the appointees what sums they please, for whose malconduct they are not accountable: from whence it may happen, that officers of the crown may be multiplied to such a degree, as to become dangerous to the liberties of the people, by virtue of a commission which doth not appear to this house to derive any such advantages to trade as many have been led to expect. these are the sentiments and proceedings of the house, and as they have too much reason to believe that the enemies of the colonies have represented them to his majesty's ministers and the parliament as factious, disloyal, and having a disposition to make themselves independent of the mother country, they have taken occasion in the most humble terms, to assure his majesty and his ministers, that, with regard to the people of this province, and, as they doubt not, of all the colonies, the charge is unjust. the house is fully satisfied, that your assembly is too generous and enlarged in sentiment to believe, that this letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or dictating to the other assemblies; they freely submit their opinion to the judgment of others; and shall take it kind in your house to point out to them anything further that may be thought necessary. this house cannot conclude without expressing their firm confidence in the king, our common head and father, that the united and dutiful supplications of his distressed american subjects will meet with his royal and favourable acceptance. * * * * * note--no. vi.--_see page ._ _an account of the origin of these committees, and of their mode of proceeding, is thus given by mr. gordon, and is not unworthy of attention._ "governor hutchinson and his adherents having been used to represent the party in opposition, as only an uneasy factious few in boston, while the body of the people were quite contented; mr. samuel adams was thereby induced to visit mr. james warren, of plymouth. after conversing upon the subject, the latter proposed to originate and establish committees of correspondence in the several towns of the colony, in order to learn the strength of the friends to the rights of the continent, and to unite and increase their force. mr. samuel adams returned to boston, pleased with the proposal, and communicated the same to his confidents. some doubted whether the measure would prosper, and dreaded a disappointment which might injure the cause of liberty. but it was concluded to proceed. the prime managers were about six in number, each of whom, when separate, headed a division; the several individuals of which, collected and led distinct subdivisions. in this manner the political engine has been constructed. the different parts are not equally good and operative. like other bodies, its composition includes numbers who act mechanically, as they are pressed this way or that way by those who judge for them; and divers of the wicked, fitted for evil practices, when the adoption of them is thought necessary to particular purposes, and a part of whose creed it is, that in political matters the public good is above every other consideration, and that all rules of morality when in competition with it, may be safely dispensed with. when any important transaction is to be brought forward, it is thoroughly considered by the prime managers. if they approve, each communicates it to his own division; from thence, if adopted, it passes to the several subdivisions, which form a general meeting in order to canvass the business. the prime managers being known only by few to be the promoters of it, are desired to be present at the debate, that they may give their opinion when it closes. if they observe that the collected body is in general strongly against the measure they wish to have carried, they declare it to be improper: is it opposed by great numbers, but not warmly, they advise to a re-consideration at another meeting, and prepare for its being then adopted; if the opposition is not considerable, either in number or weight of persons, they give their reasons, and then recommend the adoption of the measure. the principal actors are determined on securing the liberties of their country, or perishing in the attempt. "the news of his majesty's granting salaries to the justices of the superior court, afforded them a fair opportunity for executing the plan of establishing committees of correspondence through the colony. the most spirited pieces were published, and an alarm spread, that the granting such salaries tended rapidly to complete the system of their slavery. "a town meeting was called, and a committee of correspondence appointed, to write circular letters to all the towns in the province, and to induce them to unite in measures. the committee made a report, containing several resolutions contradictory to the supremacy of the british legislature. after setting forth, that all men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please, they proceed to a report upon the natural rights of the colonists as men, christians, and subjects; and then form a list of infringements and violations of their rights. they enumerate and dwell upon the british parliament's having assumed the power of legislation for the colonies in all cases whatsoever--the appointment of a number of new officers to superintend the revenues--the granting of salaries out of the american revenue, to the governor, the judges of the superior court, the king's attorney and solicitor general. the report was accepted; copies printed; and six hundred circulated through the towns and districts of the province, with a pathetic letter addressed to the inhabitants, who were called upon not to doze any longer, or sit supinely in indifference, while the iron hand of oppression was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty. the circular letter requested of each town a free communication of sentiments on the subjects of the report, and was directed to the select men, who were desired to lay the same before a town meeting, which has been generally practised, and the proceedings of the town upon the business have been transmitted to the committee at boston. this committee have their particular correspondents in the several towns, who, upon receiving any special information, are ready to spread it with dispatch among the inhabitants. it consists of twenty-one persons of heterogeneous qualities and professions, &c." _gordon's hist. am. war_, vol. i. p. . * * * * * note--no. vii.--_see page ._ the following is a list of the members composing the first congress: _new hampshire._ john sullivan, nathaniel fulsom. _massachusetts bay._ james bowdoin, thomas cushing, samuel adams, john adams, robert treat paine. _rhode island and providence plantations._ stephen hopkins, samuel ward. _connecticut._ eliphalet dyer, roger sherman, silas deane. _from the city and county of new york, and other counties in province of new york._ james duane, henry wisner, john jay, philip livingston, isaac low, john alsop. _from the county of suffolk, in the province of new york._ william floyd. _new jersey._ james kinsey, william livingston, john dehart, stephen crane, richard smith. _pennsylvania._ joseph galloway, charles humphreys, samuel rhoads, george ross, john morton, thomas mifflin, edward biddle, john dickinson. _newcastle, kent, and sussex, on delaware._ cesar rodney, thomas m'kean, george read. _maryland._ robert goldsborough, thomas johnson, william paca, samuel chase, matthew tilghman. _virginia._ peyton randolph, richard henry lee, george washington, patrick henry, richard bland, benjamin harrison, edmund pendleton. _north carolina._ william hooper, joseph hughes, richard caswell. _south carolina._ henry middleton, john rutledge, thomas lynch, christopher gadsden, edward rutledge. * * * * * note--no. viii.--_see page ._ _these resolutions manifested a degree of irritation which had not before been displayed. they are introduced in the following manner:_ "whereas the power but not the justice, the vengeance but not the wisdom of great britain, which of old persecuted, scourged, and exiled our fugitive parents from their native shores, now pursues us their guiltless children, with unrelenting severity; and whereas this, then savage and uncultivated desert, was purchased by the toil and treasure, or acquired by the blood and valour of those our venerable progenitors; to us they bequeathed the dear bought inheritance; to our care and protection they consigned it; and the most sacred obligations are upon us to transmit the glorious purchase, unfettered by power, unclogged with shackles, to our innocent and beloved offspring. on the fortitude, on the wisdom, and on the exertions of this important day, is suspended the fate of this new world, and of unborn millions. if a boundless extent of continent, swarming with millions, will tamely submit to live, move, and have their being at the arbitrary will of a licentious minister, they basely yield to voluntary slavery, and future generations shall load their memories with incessant execrations. on the other hand, if we arrest the hand which would ransack our pockets, if we disarm the parricide which points the dagger to our bosoms, if we nobly defeat that fatal edict which proclaims a power to frame laws for us in all cases whatsoever, thereby entailing the endless and numberless curses of slavery upon us, our heirs, and their heirs for ever; if we successfully resist that unparalleled usurpation of unconstitutional power, whereby our capital is robbed of the means of life; whereby the streets of boston are thronged with military executioners; whereby our coasts are lined, and harbours crowded with ships of war; whereby the charter of the colony, that sacred barrier against the encroachments of tyranny, is mutilated, and in effect annihilated; whereby a murderous law is framed to shelter villains from the hands of justice; whereby the unalienable and inestimable inheritance, which we derived from nature, the constitution of britain, and the privileges warranted to us in the charter of the province, is totally wrecked, annulled, and vacated: posterity will acknowledge that virtue which preserved them free and happy; and while we enjoy the rewards and blessings of the faithful, the torrent of panegyrists will roll our reputations to that latest period, when the streams of time shall be absorbed in the abyss of eternity. "therefore resolved," &c. &c. &c. * * * * * note--no. ix.--_see page ._ "whereas, since the close of the last war, the british parliament, claiming a power, of right, to bind the people of america by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly imposed taxes on them; and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county. "and whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace: and whereas it has lately been resolved in parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of king henry viii. colonists may be transported to england and tried there upon accusations for treasons, and mis prisons and concealments of treasons committed in the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned. "and whereas, in the last session of parliament, three statutes were made; one entitled, 'an act to discontinue in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbour of boston, in the province of massachusetts bay in north america;' another entitled, 'an act for the better regulating the government of the province of massachusetts bay in new england;' and another act, entitled, 'an act for the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of the massachusetts bay in new england;' and another statute was then made, 'for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of quebec,' &c. all which statutes are impolitic, unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous and destructive of american rights. "and whereas, assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances; and their dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable petitions to the crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated with contempt by his majesty's ministers of state; the good people of the several colonies of new hampshire, massachusetts bay, rhode island and providence plantations, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, new castle, kent and sussex on delaware, maryland, virginia, north carolina, and south carolina, justly alarmed at the arbitrary proceedings of parliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted and appointed deputies to meet and sit in general congress, in the city of philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment, as that their religion, laws, and liberties, may not be subverted: whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration, the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place, as englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done, for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties, declare, that the inhabitants of the english colonies in north america, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the english constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following rights. "resolved, unanimously, st, that they are entitled to life, liberty, and property; and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent. "resolved, unanimously, d, that our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects, within the realm of england. "resolved, unanimously, d, that by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances enabled them to exercise and enjoy. "resolved, th, that the foundation of english liberty and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council: and as the english colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented in the british parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed: but from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the british parliament, as are, _bona fide_, restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purposes of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in america without their consent. "resolved, unanimously, th that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of england, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. "resolved, th, that they are entitled to the benefit of such of the english statutes, as existed at the time of their colonisation; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances. "resolved, unanimously, th, that these, his majesty's colonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. "resolved, unanimously, th, that they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal. "resolved, unanimously, th, that the keeping a standing army in these colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law. "resolved, unanimously, th, it is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the english constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in several colonies, by a council appointed, during pleasure, by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of american legislation. "all and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties; which cannot be legally taken from them, altered or abridged by any power whatever, without their own consent, by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures. "in the course of our inquiry, we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a system formed to enslave america. "resolved, unanimously, that the following acts of parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists; and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between great britain and the american colonies, viz. "the several acts of geo. iii. chap. , and .-- geo. iii. chap. .-- geo. iii. chap. .-- geo. iii. chap. , and chap. .-- geo. iii. chap. ; which imposed duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in america; extend the power of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits; deprive the american subject of trial by jury; authorise the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages, that he might otherwise be liable to; requiring oppressive security from a claimant of ships and goods seized, before he shall be allowed to defend his property, and are subversive of american rights. "also geo. iii. chap. , intitled, 'an act for the better securing his majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores,' which declares a new offence in america, and deprives the american subject of a constitutional trial by a jury of the vicinage, by authorising the trial of any person charged with the committing of any offence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm. "also the three acts passed in the last session of parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of boston, for altering the charter and government of massachusetts bay, and that which is intitled, 'an act for the better administration of justice,' &c. "also, the act passed in the same session for establishing the roman catholic religion in the province of quebec, abolishing the equitable system of english laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, (from so total a dissimilarity of religion, law, and government) of the neighbouring british colonies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from france. "also, the act passed in the same session for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty's service in north america. "also, that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law. "to these grievous acts and measures, americans cannot submit; but in hopes their fellow subjects in great britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state, in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: . to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement or association. . to prepare an address to the people of great britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of british america: and, . to prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreeable to resolutions already entered into." end of volume i proofreaders [illustration: martha washington] american statesmen standard library edition [illustration: mount vernon] * * * * * george washington by henry cabot lodge in two volumes vol. ii. * * * * * contents chapter. i. working for union ii. starting the government iii. domestic affairs iv. foreign relations v. washington as a party man vi. the last years vii. george washington index illustrations martha washington from the painting by gilbert stuart in the museum of fine arts, boston. this painting is owned by the boston athenæum and is known as the athenæum portrait. autograph from letter written from valley forge, march , , now in the possession of hon. winslow warren. the vignette of mount vernon is from a photograph. washington resigning his commission at annapolis from the original painting by trumbull in the art gallery of yale university. lafayette from a contemporary french folio engraving in the emmet collection, new york public library, lenox building. henry knox from the original portrait by gilbert stuart in the museum of fine arts, boston. autograph from winsor's "america." nathanael greene from the original painting by c.w. peale, by kind permission of its present owner, mrs. wm. brenton greene, jr., princeton, n.j. autograph from winsor's "america." * * * * * george washington chapter i working for union having resigned his commission, washington stood not upon the order of his going, but went at once to virginia, and reached mount vernon the next day, in season to enjoy the christmas-tide at home. it was with a deep sigh of relief that he sat himself down again by his own fireside, for all through the war the one longing that never left his mind was for the banks of the potomac. he loved home after the fashion of his race, but with more than common intensity, and the country life was dear to him in all its phases. he liked its quiet occupations and wholesome sports, and, like most strong and simple natures, he loved above all an open-air existence. he felt that he had earned his rest, with all the temperate pleasures and employments which came with it, and he fondly believed that he was about to renew the habits which he had abandoned for eight weary years. four days after his return he wrote to governor clinton: "the scene is at last closed. i feel myself eased of a load of public care. i hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men and in the practice of the domestic virtues." that the hope was sincere we may well suppose, but that it was more than a hope may be doubted. it was a wish, not a belief, for washington must have felt that there was still work which he would surely be called to do. still for the present the old life was there, and he threw himself into it with eager zest, though age and care put some of the former habits aside. he resumed his hunting, and lafayette sent him a pack of splendid french wolf-hounds. but they proved somewhat fierce and unmanageable, and were given up, and after that the following of the hounds was never resumed. in other respects there was little change. the work of the plantation and the affairs of the estate, much disordered by his absence, once more took shape and moved on successfully under the owner's eye. there were, as of old, the long days in the saddle, the open house and generous hospitality, the quiet evenings, and the thousand and one simple labors and enjoyments of rural life. but with all this were the newer and deeper cares, born of the change which had been wrought in the destiny of the country. the past broke in and could not be pushed aside, the future knocked at the door and demanded an answer to its questionings. he had left home a distinguished virginian; he returned one of the most famous men in the world, and such celebrity brought its usual penalties. every foreigner of any position who came to the country made a pilgrimage to mount vernon, and many americans did the same. their coming was not allowed to alter the mode of life, but they were all hospitably received, and they consumed many hours of their host's precious time. then there were the artists and sculptors, who came to paint his portrait or model his bust. "_in for a penny, in for a pound_ is an old adage," he wrote to hopkinson in . "i am so hackneyed to the touches of painters' pencils that i am now altogether at their beck, and sit 'like patience on a monument,' whilst they are delineating the lines of my face. it is a proof, among many others, of what habit and custom can accomplish." then there were the people who desired to write his memoirs, and the historians who wished to have his reminiscences, in their accounts of the revolution. some of these inquiring and admiring souls came in person, while others assailed him by letter and added to the vast flood of correspondence which poured in upon him by every post. his correspondence, in fact, in the needless part of it, was the most formidable waste of his time. he seems to have formed no correct idea of his own fame and what it meant, for he did not have a secretary until he found not only that he could not arrange his immense mass of papers, but that he could not even keep up with his daily letters. his correspondence came from all parts of his own country, and of europe as well. the french officers who had been his companions in arms wrote him with affectionate interest, and he was urged by them, one and all, and even by the king and queen, to visit france. these were letters which he was only too happy to answer, and he would fain have crossed the water in response to their kindly invitation; but he professed himself too old, which was a mere excuse, and objected his ignorance of the language, which to a man of his temperament was a real obstacle. besides these letters of friendship, there were the schemers everywhere who sought his counsel and assistance. the notorious lady huntington, for example, pursued him with her project of christianizing the indians by means of a missionary colony in our western region, and her persistent ladyship cost him a good deal of time and thought, and some long and careful letters. then there was the inventor kumsey, with his steamboat, to which he gave careful attention, as he did to everything that seemed to have merit. another class of correspondents were his officers, who wanted his aid with congress and in a thousand other ways, and to these old comrades he never turned a deaf ear. in this connection also came the affairs of the society of the cincinnati. he took an active part in the formation of the society, became its head, steered it through its early difficulties, and finally saved it from the wreck with which it was threatened by unreasoning popular prejudice. all these things were successfully managed, but at much expense of time and thought. [illustration: washington resigning his commission at annapolis] then again, apart from this mass of labor thrust upon him by outsiders, there were his own concerns. his personal affairs required looking after, and he regulated accounts, an elaborate business always with him, put his farms in order, corresponded with his merchants in england, and introduced agricultural improvements, which always interested him deeply. he had large investments in land, of which from boyhood he had been a bold and sagacious purchaser. these investments had been neglected and needed his personal inspection; so in september, , he mounted his horse, and with a companion and a servant rode away to the western country to look after his property. he camped out, as in the early days, and heartily enjoyed it, although reports that the indians were moving in a restless and menacing manner shortened his trip, and prevented his penetrating beyond his settled lands to the wild tracts which he owned to the westward. still he managed to ride some six hundred and eighty miles and get a good taste of that wild life which he never ceased to love, besides gathering a stock of information on many points of deeper and wider interest than his own property. in the midst of all these employments, too, he attended closely to his domestic duties. at frequent intervals he journeyed to fredericksburg to visit his mother, who still lived, and to whom he was always a dutiful and affectionate son. he watched over mrs. washington's grandchildren, and two or three nephews of his own, whose education he had undertaken, with all the solicitude of a father, and at the expense again of much thought and many wise letters of instruction and advice. even from this brief list it is possible to gain some idea of the occupations which filled washington's time, and the only wonder is that he dealt with them so easily and effectively. yet the greatest and most important work, that which most deeply absorbed his mind, and which affected the whole country, still remains to be described. with all his longing for repose and privacy, washington could not separate himself from the great problems which he had solved, or from the solution of the still greater problems which he had done more than any man to bring into existence. in reality, despite his reiterated wish for the quiet of home, he never ceased to labor at the new questions which confronted the country, and the old issues which were the legacy of the revolution. in the latter class was the peace establishment, on which he advised congress, much in vain; for their idea of a peace establishment was to get rid of the army as rapidly as possible, and retain only a corporal's guard in the service of the confederation. another question was that concerning the western posts. as has been already pointed out, washington's keen eye had at once detected that this was the perilous point in the treaty, and he made a prompt but unavailing effort to secure these posts in the first flush of good feeling when peace had just been made. after he had retired he observed with regret the feebleness of congress in this matter, and he continued to write about it. he wrote especially to knox, who was in charge of the war department, and advised him to establish posts on our side, since we could not obtain the withdrawal of the british. this deep anxiety as to the western posts was due not merely to his profound distrust of the intention of england, but to his extreme solicitude as to the unsettled regions of the west. he repeatedly referred to the united states, even before the close of the war, as an infant empire, and he saw before any one else the destined growth of the country. no man of that time, with the exception of hamilton, ever grasped and realized as he did the imperial future which stretched before the united states. it was a difficult thing for men who had been born colonists to rise to a sense of national opportunities, but washington passed at a single step from being a virginian to being an american, and in so doing he stood alone. he was really and thoroughly national from the beginning of the war, at a time when, except for a few oratorical phrases, no one had ever thought of such a thing as a practical and living question. in the same way he had passed rapidly to an accurate conception of the probable growth and greatness of the country, and again he stood alone. hamilton, born outside the colonies, unhampered by local prejudices and attachments, and living in washington's family, as soon as he turned his mind to the subject, became, like his chief, entirely national and imperial in his views; but the other american statesmen of that day, with the exception of franklin, only followed gradually and sometimes reluctantly in adopting their opinions. some of them never adopted them at all, but remained imbedded in local ideas, and very few got beyond the region of words and actually grasped the facts with the absolutely clear perception which washington had from the outset. thus it was that when the war closed, one of the two ruling ideas in washington's mind was to assure the future which he saw opening before the country. he perceived at a glance that the key and the guarantee of that future were in the wild regions of the west. hence his constant anxiety as to the western posts, as to our indian policy, and as to the maintenance of a sufficient armed force upon our borders to check the aggressions of englishmen or of savages, and to secure free scope for settlement. in advancing these ideas on a national scale, however, he was rendered helpless by the utter weakness of congress, which even his influence was powerless to overcome. he therefore began, immediately after his retreat to private life, to formulate and bring into existence such practical measures as were possible for the development of the west, believing that if congress could not act, the people would, if any opportunity were given to their natural enterprise. the scheme which he proposed was to open the western country by means of inland navigation. the thought had long been in his mind. it had come to him before the revolution, and can be traced back to the early days when he was making surveys, buying wild lands, and meditating very deeply, but very practically, on the possible commercial development of the colonies. now the idea assumed much larger proportions and a much graver aspect. he perceived in it the first step toward the empire which he foresaw, and when he had laid down his sword and awoke in the peaceful morning at mount vernon, "with a strange sense of freedom from official cares," he directed his attention at once to this plan, in which he really could do something, despite an inert congress and a dissolving confederation. his first letter on the subject was written in march, , and addressed to jefferson, who was then in congress, and who sympathized with washington's views without seeing how far they reached. he told jefferson how he despaired of government aid, and how he therefore intended to revive the scheme of a company, which he had started in , and which had been abandoned on account of the war. he showed the varying interests which it was necessary to conciliate, asked jefferson to see the governor of maryland, so that that state might be brought into the undertaking, and referred to the danger of being anticipated and beaten by new york, a chord of local pride which he continued to touch most adroitly as the business proceeded. very characteristically, too, he took pains to call attention to the fact that by his ownership of land he had a personal interest in the enterprise. he looked far beyond his own lands, but he was glad to have his property developed, and with his usual freedom from anything like pretense, he drew attention to the fact of his personal interests. on his return from his tour in the autumn, he proceeded to bring the matter to public attention and to the consideration of the legislature. with this end in view he addressed a long letter to governor harrison, in which he laid out his whole scheme. detroit was to be the objective point, and he indicated the different routes by which inland navigation could thence be obtained, thus opening the indian trade, and affording an outlet at the same time for the settlers who were sure to pour in when once the fear of british aggression was removed. he dwelt strongly upon the danger of virginia losing these advantages by the action of other states, and yet at the same time he suggested the methods by which maryland and pennsylvania could be brought into the plan. then he advanced a series of arguments which were purely national in their scope. he insisted on the necessity of binding to the old colonies by strong ties the western states, which might easily be decoyed away if spain or england had the sense to do it. this point he argued with great force, for it was now no longer a virginian argument, but an argument for all the states. the practical result was that the legislature took the question up, more in deference to the writer's wishes and in gratitude for his services, than from any comprehension of what the scheme meant. the companies were duly organized, and the promoter was given a hundred and fifty shares, on the ground that the legislature wished to take every opportunity of testifying their sense of "the unexampled merits of george washington towards his country." washington was much touched and not a little troubled by this action. he had been willing, as he said, to give up his cherished privacy and repose in order to forward the enterprise. he had gone to maryland even, and worked to engage that state in the scheme, but he could not bear the idea of taking money for what he regarded as part of a great public policy. "i would wish," he said, "that every individual who may hear that it was a favorite plan of mine may know also that i had no other motive for promoting it than the advantage of which i conceived it would be productive to the union, and to this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigor and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citizens." "how would this matter be viewed, then, by the eye of the world, and what would be the opinion of it, when it comes to be related that george washington has received twenty thousand dollars and five thousand pounds sterling of the public money as an interest therein?" he thought it would make him look like a "pensioner or dependent" to accept this gratuity, and he recoiled from the idea. there is something entirely frank and human in the way in which he says "george washington," instead of using the first pronoun singular. he always saw facts as they were; he understood the fact called "george washington" as perfectly as any other, and although he wanted retirement and privacy, he had no mock modesty in estimating his own place in the world. at the same time, while he wished to be rid of the kindly gift, he shrank from putting on what he called the appearance of "ostentatious disinterestedness" by refusing it. finally he took the stock and endowed two charity schools with the dividends. the scheme turned out successfully, and the work still endures, like the early surveys and various other things of a very different kind to which washington put his hand. in the greater forces which were presently set in motion for the preservation of the future empire, the inland navigation, started in virginia, dropped out of sight, and became merely one of the rills which fed the mighty river. but it was the only really practical movement possible at the precise moment when it was begun, and it was characteristic of its author, who always found, even in the most discouraging conditions, something that could be done. it might be only a very little something, but still that was better than nothing to the strong man ever dealing with facts as they actually were on this confused earth, and not turning aside because things were not as they ought to be. thus many a battle and campaign had been saved, and so inland navigation played its part now. it helped, among other things, to bring maryland and virginia together, and their combination was the first step toward the constitution of the united states. there is nothing fanciful in all this. no one would pretend that the constitution of the united states was descended from washington's james river and potomac river companies. but he worked at them with that end in view, and so did what was nearest to his hand and most practical toward union, empire, and the development of national sentiment. ah, says some critic in critic's fashion, you are carried away by your subject; you see in a simple business enterprise, intended merely to open western lands, the far-reaching ideas of a statesman. perhaps our critic is right, for as one goes on living with this virginian soldier, studying his letters and his thoughts, one comes to believe many things of him, and to detect much meaning in his sayings and doings. let us, however, show our evidence at least. here is what he wrote to his friend humphreys a year after his scheme was afoot: "my attention is more immediately engaged in a project which i think big with great political as well as commercial consequences to the states, especially the middle ones;" and then he went on to argue the necessity of fastening the western states to the atlantic seaboard and thus thwarting spain and england. this looks like more than a money-making scheme; in fact, it justifies all that has been said, especially if read in connection with certain other letters of this period. great political results, as well as lumber and peltry, were what washington intended to float along his rivers and canals. in this same letter to humphreys he touched also on another point in connection with the development of the west, which was of vast importance to the future of the country, and was even then agitating men's minds. he said: "i may be singular in my ideas, but they are these: that, to open a door to, and make easy the way for those settlers to the westward (who ought to advance regularly and compactly), before we make any stir about the navigation of the mississippi, and before our settlements are far advanced towards that river, would be our true line of policy." again he wrote: "however singular the opinion may be, i cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation of the mississippi, _at this time_ [ ], ought to be no object with us. on the contrary, until we have a little time allowed to open and make easy the ways between the atlantic states and the western territory, the obstructions had better remain." he was right in describing himself as "singular" in his views on this matter, which just then was exciting much attention. at that time indeed much feeling existed, and there were many sharp divisions about the mississippi question. one party, for the sake of a commercial treaty with spain, and to get a troublesome business out of the way, was ready to give up our claims to a free navigation of the great river; and this was probably the prevalent sentiment in congress, for to most of the members the mississippi seemed a very remote affair indeed. on the other side was a smaller and more violent party, which was for obtaining the free navigation immediately and at all hazards, and was furious at the proposition to make such a sacrifice as its opponents proposed. finally, there was spain herself intriguing to get possession of the west, holding out free navigation as a bait to the settlers of kentucky, and keeping paid agents in that region to foster her schemes. washington saw too far and too clearly to think for one moment of giving up the navigation of the mississippi, but he also perceived what no one else seems to have thought of, that free navigation at that moment would give the western settlements "the habit of trade" with new orleans before they had formed it with the atlantic seaboard, and would thus detach them from the united states. he wished, therefore, to have the mississippi question left open, and all our claims reserved, so that trade by the river should be obstructed until we had time to open our inland navigation and bind 'the western people to us by ties too strong to be broken. the fear that the river would be lost by waiting did not disturb him in the least, provided our claims were kept alive. he wrote to lee in june, : "whenever the new states become so populous, and so extended to the westward, as really to need it, there will be no power which can deprive them of the use of the mississippi." again, a year later, while the convention was sitting in philadelphia, he said: "my sentiments with respect to the navigation of the mississippi have been long fixed, and are not dissimilar to those which are expressed in your letter. i have ever been of opinion that the true policy of the atlantic states, instead of contending prematurely for the free navigation of that river (which eventually, and perhaps as soon as it will be our true interest to obtain it, must happen), would be to open and improve the natural communications with the western country." the event justified his sagacity in all respects, for the bickerings went on until the united states were able to compel spain to give what was wanted to the western communities, which by that time had been firmly bound to those of the atlantic coast. much as washington thought about holding fast the western country, there was yet one idea that overruled it as well as all others. there was one plan which he knew would be a quick solution of the dangers and difficulties for which inland navigation and trade connections were at best but palliatives. he had learned by bitter experience, as no other man had learned, the vital need and value of union. he felt it as soon as he took command of the army, and it rode like black care behind him from cambridge to yorktown. he had hoped something from the confederation, but he soon saw that it was as worthless as the utter lack of system which it replaced, and amounted merely to substituting one kind of impotence and confusion for another. others might be deceived by phrases as to nationality and a general government, but he had dwelt among hard facts, and he knew that these things did not exist. he knew that what passed for them, stood in their place and wore their semblance, were merely temporary creations born of the common danger, and doomed, when the pressure of war was gone, to fall to pieces in imbecility and inertness. to the lack of a proper union, which meant to his mind national and energetic government, he attributed the failures of the campaigns, the long-drawn miseries, and in a word the needless prolongation of the revolution. he saw, too, that what had been so nearly ruinous in war would be absolutely so in peace, and before the treaty was actually signed he had begun to call attention to the great question on the right settlement of which the future of the country depended. to hamilton he wrote on march , : "it is clearly my opinion, unless congress have powers competent to all general purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the expense we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt, will avail us nothing." again he wrote to hamilton, a few weeks later: "my wish to see the union of these states established upon liberal and permanent principles, and inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present constitution, are equally great. all my private letters have teemed with these sentiments, and whenever this topic has been the subject of conversation, i have endeavored to diffuse and enforce them." his circular letter to the governors of the states at the close of the war, which was as eloquent as it was forcible, was devoted to urging the necessity of a better central government. "with this conviction," he said, "of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. i will therefore speak to your excellency the language of freedom and of sincerity without disguise.... there are four things which i humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, i may even venture to say, to the existence, of the united states, as an independent power:-- "first. an indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. "second. a regard to public justice. "third. the adoption of a proper peace establishment; and, "fourth. the prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the united states, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity; and in some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community." the same appeal went forth again in his last address to the army, when he said: "although the general has so frequently given it as his opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that unless the principles of the federal government were properly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost forever; yet he cannot help repeating on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow-citizens towards effecting those great and valuable purposes on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends." these two papers were the first strong public appeals for union. the letter to the governors argued the question elaborately, and was intended for the general public. the address to the army was simply a watchword and last general order; for the army needed no arguments to prove the crying need of better government. before this, hamilton had written his famous letters to duane and morris, and madison was just beginning to turn his thoughts toward the problem of federal government; but with these exceptions washington stood alone. in sending out these two papers he began the real work that led to the constitution. what he said was read and heeded throughout the country, for at the close of the war his personal influence was enormous, and with the army his utterances were those of an oracle. by his appeal he made each officer and soldier a missionary in the cause of the union, and by his arguments to the governors he gave ground and motive for a party devoted to procuring better government. thus he started the great movement which, struggling through many obstacles, culminated in the constitution and the union of the states. no other man could have done it, for no one but washington had a tithe of the influence necessary to arrest public attention; and, save hamilton, no other man then had even begun to understand the situation which washington grasped so easily and firmly in all its completeness. he sent out these appeals as his last words to his countrymen at the close of their conflict; but he had no intention of stopping there. he had written and spoken, as he said, to every one on every occasion upon this topic, and he continued to do so until the work was done. he had no sooner laid aside the military harness than he began at once to push on the cause of union. in the bottom of his heart he must have known that his work was but half done, and with the same pen with which he reiterated his intention to live in repose and privacy, and spend his declining years beneath his own vine and fig-tree, he wrote urgent appeals and wove strong arguments addressed to leaders in every state. he had not been at home five days before he wrote to the younger trumbull, congratulating him on his father's vigorous message in behalf of better federal government, which had not been very well received by the connecticut legislature. he spoke of "the jealousies and contracted temper" of the states, but avowed his belief that public sentiment was improving. "everything," he concluded, "my dear trumbull, will come right at last, as we have often prophesied. my only fear is that we shall lose a little reputation first." a fortnight later he wrote to the governor of virginia: "that the prospect before us is, as you justly observe, fair, none can deny; but what use we shall make of it is exceedingly problematical; not but that i believe all things will come right at last, but like a young heir come a little prematurely to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run riot until we have brought our reputation to the brink of ruin, and then like him shall have to labor with the current of opinion, when compelled, perhaps, to do what prudence and common policy pointed out as plain as any problem in euclid in the first instance." the soundness of the view is only equaled by the accuracy of the prediction. he might five years later have repeated this sentence, word for word, only altering the tenses, and he would have rehearsed exactly the course of events. while he wrote thus he keenly watched congress, and marked its sure and not very gradual decline. he did what he could to bring about useful measures, and saw them one after the other come to naught. he urged the impost scheme, and felt that its failure was fatal to the financial welfare of the country, on which so much depended. he always was striving to do the best with existing conditions, but the hopelessness of every effort soon satisfied him that it was a waste of time and energy. so he turned again in the midst of his canal schemes to renew his exhortations to leading men in the various states on the need of union as the only true solution of existing troubles. to james mchenry, of maryland, he wrote in august, : "i confess to you candidly that i can foresee no evil greater than disunion; than those unreasonable jealousies which are continually poisoning our minds and filling them with imaginary evils for the prevention of real ones." to william grayson of virginia, then a member of congress, he wrote at the same time: "i have ever been a friend to adequate congressional powers; consequently i wish to see the ninth article of the confederation amended and extended. without these powers we cannot support a national character, and must appear contemptible in the eyes of europe. but to you, my dear sir, i will candidly confess that in my opinion it is of little avail to give them to congress." he was already clearly of opinion that the existing system was hopeless, and the following spring he wrote still more sharply as to the state of public affairs to henry lee, in congress. "my sentiments," he said, "with respect to the federal government are well known. publicly and privately have they been communicated without reserve; but my opinion is that there is more wickedness than ignorance in the conduct of the states, or, in other words, in the conduct of those who have too much influence in the government of them; and until the curtain is withdrawn, and the private views and selfish principles upon which these men act are exposed to public notice, i have little hope of amendment without another convulsion." he did not confine himself, however, to letters, important as the work done in this way was, but used all his influence toward practical measures outside of congress, of whose action he quite despaired. the plan for a commercial agreement between maryland and virginia was concerted at mount vernon, and led to a call to all the states to meet at annapolis for the same object. this, of course, received washington's hearty approval and encouragement, but he evidently regarded it, although important, as merely a preliminary step to something wider and better. he wrote to lafayette describing the proposed gathering at annapolis, and added: "a general convention is talked of by many for the purpose of revising and correcting the defects of the federal government; but whilst this is the wish of some, it is the dread of others, from an opinion that matters are not yet sufficiently ripe for such an event." this expressed his own feeling, for although he was entirely convinced that only a radical reform would do, he questioned whether the time had yet arrived, and whether things had become bad enough, to make such a reform either possible or lasting. he was chiefly disturbed because he felt that there was "more wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils," and he grew more and more anxious as public affairs declined without apparently producing a reaction. the growing contempt shown by foreign nations and the arrogant conduct of great britain especially alarmed him, while the rapid sinking of the national reputation stung him to the quick. "i do not conceive," he wrote to jay, in august, , "we can exist long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states." thus with unerring judgment he put his finger on the vital point in the whole question, which was the need of a national government that should deal with the individual citizens of the whole country and not with the states. "to be fearful," he continued, "of investing congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness.... requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a byword throughout the land. if you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face.... it is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever.... i am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical government without horror. from thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting is often but a single step. but how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions!... it is not my business to embark again upon a sea of troubles. nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. they have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. i had then perhaps some claims to public attention. i consider myself as having none at present." it is interesting to observe the ease and certainty with which, in dealing with the central question, he grasped all phases of the subject and judged of the effect of the existing weakness with regard to every relation of the country and to the politics of each state. he pointed out again and again the manner in which we were exposed to foreign hostility, and analyzed the designs of england, rightly detecting a settled policy on her part to injure and divide where she had failed to conquer. others were blind to the meaning of the english attitude as to the western posts, commerce, and international relations. washington brought it to the attention of our leading men, educating them on this as on other points, and showing, too, the stupidity of great britain in her attempt to belittle the trade of a country which, as he wrote lafayette in prophetic vein, would one day "have weight in the scale of empires." he followed with the same care the course of events in the several states. in them all he resisted the craze for issuing irredeemable paper money, writing to his various correspondents, and urging energetic opposition to this specious and pernicious form of public dishonesty. it was to massachusetts, however, that his attention was most strongly attracted by the social disorders which culminated in the shays rebellion. there the miserable condition of public affairs was bearing bitter fruit, and washington watched the progress of the troubles with profound anxiety. he wrote to lee: "you talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in massachusetts. i know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. _influence_ is not _government_. let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once." through "all this mist of intoxication and folly," however, washington saw that the shays insurrection would probably be the means of frightening the indifferent, and of driving those who seemed impervious to every appeal to reason into an active support of some better form of government. he rightly thought that riot and bloodshed would prove convincing arguments. in order to understand the utter demoralization of society, politics, and public opinion at that time, the offspring of a wasting civil war and of colonial habits of thought, it is interesting to contrast the attitude of washington with that of another distinguished american in regard to the shays rebellion. while washington was looking solemnly at this manifestation of weakness and disorder, and was urging strong measures with passionate vehemence, jefferson was writing from paris in the flippant vein of the fashionable french theorists, and uttering such ineffable nonsense as the famous sentence about "once in twenty years watering the tree of liberty with the blood of tyrants." there could be no better illustration of what washington was than this contrast between the man of words and the man of action, between the astute leader of a party, the shrewd manager of men, and the silent leader of armies, the master builder of states and governments. i have followed washington through the correspondence of this time with some minuteness, because it is the only way by which his work in overcoming the obstacles in the path to good government can be seen. he held no public office; he had no means of reaching the popular ear. he was neither a professional orator nor a writer of pamphlets, and the press of that day, if he had controlled it, had no power to mould or direct public thought. yet, despite these obstacles, he set himself to develop public opinion in favor of a better government, and he worked at this difficult and impalpable task without ceasing, from the day that he resigned from the army until he was called to the presidency of the united states. he did it by means of private letters, a feeble instrument to-day, but much more effective then. jefferson never made speeches nor published essays, but he built up a great party, and carried himself into power as its leader by means of letters. in the same fashion washington started the scheme for internal waterways, in order to bind the east and the west together, set on foot the policy of commercial agreements between the states, and argued on the "imperial theme" with leading men everywhere. a study of these letters reveals a strong, logical, and deliberate working towards the desired end. there was no scattering fire. whether he was writing of canals, or the mississippi, or the western posts, or paper money, or the impost, or the local disorders, he always was arguing and urging union and an energetic central government. these letters went to the leaders of thought and opinion, and were quoted and passed from hand to hand. they brought immediately to the cause all the soldiers and officers of the army, and they aroused and convinced the strongest and ablest men in every state. washington's personal influence was very great, something we of this generation, with a vast territory and seventy millions of people, cannot readily understand. to many persons his word was law; to all that was best in the community, everything he said had immense weight. this influence he used with care and without waste. every blow he struck went home. it is impossible to estimate just how much he effected, but it is safe to say that it is to washington, aided first by hamilton and then by madison, that we owe the development of public opinion and the formation of the party which devised and carried the constitution. events of course worked with them, but they used events, and did not suffer the golden opportunities, which without them would have been lost, to slip by. when washington wrote of the shays rebellion to lee, the movement toward a better union, which he had begun, was on the brink of success. that ill-starred insurrection became, as he foresaw, a powerful spur to the policy started at mount vernon, and adopted by virginia and maryland. from this had come the annapolis convention, and thence the call for another convention at philadelphia. as soon as the word went abroad that a general convention was to be held, the demand for washington as a delegate was heard on all sides. at first he shrank from it. despite the work which he had been doing, and which he must have known would bring him once more into public service, he still clung to the vision of home life which he had brought with him from the army. november , , he wrote to madison, that from a sense of obligation he should go to the convention, were it not that he had declined on account of his retirement, age, and rheumatism to be at a meeting of the cincinnati at the same time and place. but no one heeded him, and virginia elected him unanimously to head her delegation at philadelphia. he wrote to governor randolph, acknowledging the honor, but reiterating what he had said to madison, and urging the choice of some one else in his place. still virginia held the question open, and on february he wrote to knox that his private intention was not to attend. the pressure continued, and, as usual when the struggle drew near, the love of battle and the sense of duty began to reassert themselves. march he again wrote to knox that he had not meant to come, but that the question had occurred to him, "whether my non-attendance in the convention will not be considered as dereliction of republicanism; nay, more, whether other motives may not, however injuriously, be ascribed for my not exerting myself on this occasion in support of it;" and therefore he wished to be informed as to the public expectation on the matter. on march he wrote again to randolph that ill-health might prevent his going, and therefore it would be well to appoint some one in his place. april he said that if representation of the states was to be partial, or powers cramped, he did not want to be a sharer in the business. "if the delegates assemble," he wrote, "with such powers as will enable the convention to probe the defects of the constitution to the bottom and point out radical cures, it would be an honorable employment; otherwise not." this idea of inefficiency and failure in the convention had long been present to his mind, and he had already said that, if their powers were insufficient, the convention should go boldly over and beyond them and make a government with the means of coercion, and able to enforce obedience, without which it would be, in his opinion, quite worthless. thus he pondered on the difficulties, and held back his acceptance of the post; but when the hour of action drew near, the rheumatism and the misgivings alike disappeared before the inevitable, and washington arrived in philadelphia, punctual as usual, on may , the day before the opening of the convention. the other members were by no means equally prompt, and a week elapsed before a bare quorum was obtained and the convention enabled to organize. in this interval of waiting there appears to have been some informal discussion among the members present, between those who favored an entirely new constitution and those who timidly desired only half-way measures. on one of these occasions washington is reported by gouverneur morris, in a eulogy delivered twelve years later, to have said: "it is too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained. if, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair. the event is in the hand of god." the language is no doubt that of morris, speaking from memory and in a highly rhetorical vein, but we may readily believe that the quotation accurately embodied washington's opinion, and that he took this high ground at the outset, and strove from the beginning to inculcate upon his fellow-members the absolute need of bold and decisive action. the words savor of the orator who quoted them, but the noble and courageous sentiment which they express is thoroughly characteristic of the man to whom they were attributed.[ ] [footnote : it is necessary to say a few words in regard to this quotation of washington's words made by morris, because both mr. bancroft (_history of the constitution_, ii. ) and mr. john fiske (_the critical period of american history_, p. ) quote them as if they were absolutely and verbally authentic. it is perfectly certain that from may to september washington spoke but once; that is, he spoke but once in the convention after it became such by organization. this point is determined by madison's statement (notes, in. ), that when washington took the floor in behalf of gorham's amendment, "it was the only occasion on which the president entered _at all_ into the discussions of the convention." (the italics are mine.) i have examined the manuscript at the state department, and these words are written in madison's own hand in the body of the text and inclosed in brackets. madison was the most accurate of men. his notes are only abstracts of what was said, but he was never absent from the convention, and there can be no question that if washington had uttered the words attributed to him by morris, a speech so important would have been given as fully as possible, and madison would not have said distinctly that the gorham amendment was the only occasion when the president entered into the discussions of the convention. it is, therefore, certain that washington said nothing in the convention except on the occasion of the gorham amendment, and mr. bancroft rightly assigns the morris quotation to some time during the week which elapsed between the date fixed for the assembling of the convention and that on which a quorum of states was obtained. the words given by morris, if uttered at all, must have been spoken informally in the way of conversation before there was any convention, strictly speaking, and of course before washington was chosen president. mr. fiske, who devotes a page to these sentences from the eulogy, describes washington as rising from his president's chair and addressing the convention with great solemnity. there is no authority whatever to show that he rose from the chair to address the other delegates, and, if he used the words quoted by morris, he was certainly not president of the convention when he did so. the latter blunder, however, is morris's own, and in making it he contradicts himself. these are his words: "he is their president. it is a question previous to their first meeting what course shall be pursued." in other words, he was their president before they had met and chosen a president. this is a fair illustration of the loose and rhetorical character of the passage in which washington's admonition is quoted. the entire paragraph, with its mixture of tenses arising from the use of the historical present which morris's classical fancies led him to employ, is, in fact, purely rhetorical, and has only the authority due to performances of that character. it seems to me impossible, therefore, to fairly suppose that the words quoted by morris were anything more than his own presentation of a sentiment which he, no doubt, heard washington urge frequently and forcibly. even in this limited acceptation his account is both interesting and valuable, as indicating washington's opinion and the tone he took with his fellow-members; but this, i think, is the utmost weight that can be attached to it. i have discussed the point thus minutely because two authorities so distinguished as mr. bancroft and mr. fiske have laid so much stress on the words given by morris, and have seemed to me to accord to them a greater weight and a higher authenticity than the facts warrant. morris's eulogy on washington was delivered in new york, and may be found most readily in a little volume entitled _washingtoniana_ (p. ), published at lancaster in .] when a quorum was finally obtained, washington was unanimously chosen to preside over the convention; and there he sat during the sessions of four months, silent, patient, except on a single occasion,[ ] taking no part in debate, but guiding the business, and using all his powers with steady persistence to compass the great end. the debates of that remarkable body have been preserved in outline in the full and careful notes of madison. its history has been elaborately written, and the arguments and opinions of its members have been minutely examined and unsparingly criticised. we are still ignorant, and shall always remain ignorant, of just how much was due to washington for the final completion of the work. his general views and his line of action are clearly to be seen in his letters and in the words attributed to him by morris. that he labored day and night for success we know, and that his influence with his fellow-members was vast we also know, but the rest we can only conjecture. there came a time when everything was at a standstill, and when it looked as if no agreement could be reached by the men representing so many conflicting interests. hamilton had made his great speech, and, finding the vote of his state cast against him by his two colleagues on every question, had gone home in a frame of mind which we may easily believe was neither very contented nor very sanguine. even franklin, most hopeful and buoyant of men, was nearly ready to despair. washington himself wrote to hamilton, on july : "when i refer you to the state of the counsels which prevailed at the period you left this city, and add that they are now, if possible, in a worse train than ever, you will find but little ground on which the hope of a good establishment can be formed. in a word, i almost despair of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings of our convention, and do therefore repent having had any agency in the business." matters were certainly in a bad state when washington could write in this strain, and when his passion for success was so cooled that he repented of agency in the business. there was much virtue, however, in that little word "almost." he did not quite despair yet, and, after his fashion, he held on with grim tenacity. we know what the compromises finally were, and how they were brought about, but we can never do exact justice to the iron will which held men together when all compromises seemed impossible, and which even in the darkest hour would not wholly despair. all that can be said is, that without the influence and the labors of washington the convention of , in all probability, would have failed of success. [footnote : just at the close of the convention, when the constitution in its last draft was in the final stage and on the eve of adoption, mr. gorham of massachusetts moved to amend by reducing the limit of population in a congressional district from forty to thirty thousand. washington took the floor and argued briefly and modestly in favor of the change. his mere request was sufficient, and the amendment was unanimously adopted.] at all events it did not fail, and after much tribulation the work was done. on september , , a day ever to be memorable, washington affixed his bold and handsome signature to the constitution of the united states. tradition has it that as he stood by the table, pen in hand, he said: "should the states reject this excellent constitution, the probability is that opportunity will never be offered to cancel another in peace; the next will be drawn in blood." whether the tradition is well or ill founded, the sentence has the ring of truth. a great work had been accomplished. if it were cast aside, washington knew that the sword and not the pen would make the next constitution, and he regarded that awful alternative with dread. he signed first, and was followed by all the members present, with three notable exceptions. then the delegates dined together at the city tavern, and took a cordial leave of each other. "after which," the president of the convention wrote in his diary, "i returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers from, the secretary of the convention, and retired to meditate upon the momentous work which had been executed." it is a simple sentence, but how much it means! the world would be glad to-day to know what the thoughts were which filled washington's mind as he sat alone in the quiet of that summer afternoon, with the new constitution lying before him. but he was then as ever silent. he did not go alone to his room to exhibit himself on paper for the admiration of posterity. he went there to meditate for his own guidance on what had been done for the benefit of his country. the city bells had rung a joyful chime when he arrived four months before. ought they to ring again with a new gladness, or should they toll for the death of bright hopes, now the task was done? washington was intensely human. in that hour of silent thought his heart must have swelled with a consciousness that he had led his people through a successful revolution, and now again from the darkness of political confusion and dissolution to the threshold of a new existence. but at the same time he never deceived himself. the new constitution was but an experiment and an opportunity. would the states accept it? and if they accepted it, would they abide by it? was this instrument of government, wrought out so painfully, destined to go to pieces after a few years of trial, or was it to prove strong enough to become the charter of a nation and hold the states together indissolubly against all the shocks of politics and revolution? washington, with his foresight and strong national instinct, plainly saw these momentous questions, somewhat dim then, although clear to all the world to-day. we can guess how solemnly he thought about them as he meditated alone in his room on that september afternoon. whatever his reflections, his conclusions were simple. he made up his mind that the only chance for the country lay in the adoption of the new scheme, but he was sober enough in his opinions as to the constitution itself. he said of it to lafayette the day after the signing: "it is the result of four months' deliberation. it is now a child of fortune, to be fostered by some and buffeted by others. what will be the general opinion or the reception of it is not for me to decide; nor shall i say anything for or against it. if it be good, i suppose it will work its way; if bad, it will recoil on the framers." we catch sight here of the old theory that his public life was at an end, and now, when this exceptional duty had been performed, that he would retire once more to remote privacy. this fancy, as well as the extremely philosophical mood about the fate of the constitution, apparent in this letter, soon disappeared. within a week he wrote to henry, in whom he probably already suspected the most formidable opponent of the new plan in virginia: "i wish the constitution, which is offered, had been more perfect; but i sincerely believe it is the best that could be obtained at this time, and as a constitutional door is opened for amendments hereafter, the adoption of it under the present circumstances of the union is, in my opinion, desirable." copies of this letter were sent to harrison and nelson, and the correspondence thus started soon increased rapidly. he wrote to hamilton and madison to counsel with them as to the prospects of the constitution, and to knox to supply him with arguments and urge him to energetic work. by january of the new year the tone of indifference and doubt manifested in the letter to lafayette had quite gone, and we find him writing to governor randolph, in reply to that gentleman's objections: "there are some things in the new form, i will readily acknowledge, which never did, and i am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation, but i did then conceive and do now most firmly believe that in the aggregate it is the best constitution that can be obtained at this epoch, and that this or a dissolution of the union awaits our choice, and is the only alternative before us. thus believing, i had not, nor have i now, any hesitation in deciding on which to lean." thus the few letters to a few friends extended to many letters to many friends, and traveled into every state. they all urged the necessity of adopting the constitution as the best that could be obtained. what washington's precise objections to the constitution were is not clear. in a general way it was not energetic enough to come up to his ideal, but he never particularized in his criticisms. he may have admitted the existence of defects in order simply to disarm opposition, and doubtless he, like most of the framers, was by no means completely satisfied with his work. but he brushed all faults aside, and drove steadily forward to the great end in view. he was as far removed as possible from that highly virtuous and very ineffective class of persons who will not support anything that is not perfect, and who generally contrive to do more harm than all the avowed enemies of sound government. washington did not stop to worry over and argue about details, but sought steadily to bring to pass the main object at which he aimed. as he had labored for the convention, so he now labored for the constitution, and his letters to his friends not only had great weight in forming a federal party and directing its movements, but extracts from them were quoted and published, thus exerting a direct and powerful influence on public opinion. he made himself deeply felt in this way everywhere, but of course more in his own state than anywhere else. his confidence at first in regard to virginia changed gradually to an intense and well-grounded anxiety, and he not only used every means, as the conflict extended, to strengthen his friends and gain votes, but he received and circulated personally copies of "the federalist," in order to educate public opinion. the contest in the virginia convention was for a long time doubtful, but finally the end was reached, and the decision was favorable. without washington's influence, it is safe to say that the constitution would have been lost in virginia, and without virginia the great experiment would probably have failed. in the same spirit he worked on after the new scheme had secured enough states to insure a trial. the constitution had been ratified; it must now be made to work, and washington wrote earnestly to the leaders in the various states, urging them to see to it that "federalists," stanch friends of the constitution, were elected to congress. there was no vagueness about his notions on this point. a party had carried the constitution and secured its ratification, and to that party he wished the administration and establishment of the new system to be intrusted. he did not take the view that, because the fight was over, it was henceforth to be considered that there had been no fight, and that all men were politically alike. he was quite ready to do all in his power to conciliate the opponents of union and the constitution, but he did not believe that the momentous task of converting the paper system into a living organism should be confided to any hands other than those of its tried and trusty friends. but while he was looking so carefully after the choice of the right men to fill the legislature of the new government, the people of the country turned to him with the universal demand that he should stand at the head of it, and fill the great office of first president of the republic. in response to the first suggestion that came, he recognized the fact that he was likely to be again called upon for another great public service, and added simply that at his age it involved a sacrifice which admitted of no compensation. he maintained this tone whenever he alluded to the subject, in response to the numerous letters urging him to accept. but although he declined to announce any decision, he had made up his mind to the inevitable. he had put his hand to the plough, and he would not turn back. his only anxiety was that the people should know that he shrank from the office, and would only leave his farm to take it from a sense of overmastering duty. besides his reluctance to engage in a fresh struggle, and his fear that his motives might be misunderstood, he had the same diffidence in his own abilities which weighed upon him when he took command of the armies. his passion for success, which determined him to accept the presidency, if it was deemed indispensable that he should do so, made him dread failure with an almost morbid keenness, although his courage was too high and his will too strong ever to draw back. responsibility weighed upon his spirits, but it could not daunt him. he wrote to trumbull in december, , that he saw "nothing but clouds and darkness before him," but when the hour came he was ready. the elections were favorable to the federalists. the electoral colleges gave washington their unanimous vote, and on april , having been duly notified by congress of his election, he left mount vernon for new york, to assume the conduct of the government, and stand at the head of the new union in its first battle for life. from the early day when he went out to seek shirley and win redress against the assumptions of british officers, washington's journeys to the north had been memorable in their purposes. he had traveled northward to sit in the first continental congress, to take command of the army, and to preside over the constitutional convention. now he went, in the fullness of his fame, to enter upon a task less dangerous, perhaps, than leading armies, but more beset with difficulties, and more perilous to his reputation and peace of mind, than any he had yet undertaken. he felt all this keenly, and noted in his diary: "about ten o'clock i bade adieu to mount vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than i have words to express, set out for new york, with the best disposition to render service to my country, in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." the first stage of his journey took him only to alexandria, a few miles from his home, where a public dinner was given to him by his friends and neighbors. he was deeply moved when he rose to reply to the words of affection addressed to him by the mayor as spokesman of the people. "all that now remains for me," he said, "is to commit myself and you to the care of that beneficent being who, on a former occasion, happily brought us together after a long and distressing separation. perhaps the same gracious providence will again indulge me. but words fail me. unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence, while from an aching heart i bid all my affectionate friends and kind neighbors farewell." so he left his home, sad at the parting, looking steadily, but not joyfully, to the future, and silent as was his wont. the simple dinner with his friends and neighbors at alexandria was but the beginning of the chorus of praise and godspeed which rose higher and stronger as he advanced. the road, as he traveled, was lined with people, to see him and cheer him as he passed. in every village the people from the farm and workshop crowded the streets to watch for his carriage, and the ringing of bells and firing of guns marked his coming and his going. at baltimore a cavalcade of citizens escorted him, and cannon roared a welcome. at the pennsylvania line governor mifflin, with soldiers and citizens, gathered to greet him. at chester he mounted a horse, and in the midst of a troop of cavalry rode into philadelphia, beneath triumphal arches, for a day of public rejoicing and festivity. at trenton, instead of snow and darkness, and a sudden onslaught upon surprised hessians, there was mellow sunshine, an arch of triumph, and young girls walking before him, strewing flowers in his path, and singing songs of praise and gratitude. when he reached elizabethtown point, the committees of congress met him, and he there went on board a barge manned by thirteen pilots in white uniform, and was rowed to the city of new york. a long procession of barges swept after him with music and song, while the ships in the harbor, covered with flags, fired salutes in his honor. when he reached the landing he declined to enter a carriage, but walked to his house, accompanied by governor clinton. he was dressed in the familiar buff and blue, and, as the people caught sight of the stately figure and the beloved colors, hats went off and the crowd bowed as he went by, bending like the ripened grain when the summer wind passes over it, and breaking forth into loud and repeated cheers. from mount vernon to new york it had been one long triumphal march. there was no imperial government to lend its power and military pageantry. there were no armies, with trophies to dazzle the eyes of the beholders; nor were there wealth and luxury to give pomp and splendor to the occasion. it was the simple outpouring of popular feeling, untaught and true, but full of reverence and gratitude to a great man. it was the noble instinct of hero-worship, always keen in humanity when the real hero comes to awaken it to life. such an experience, rightly apprehended, would have impressed any man, and it affected washington profoundly. he was deeply moved and touched, but he was neither excited nor elated. he took it all with soberness, almost with sadness, and when he was alone wrote in his diary:-- "the display of boats which attended and joined us on this occasion, some with vocal and some with instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the skies as i passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (considering the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labors to do good) as they were pleasing." in the very moment of the highest personal glory, the only thought is of the work which he has to do. there is neither elation nor cynicism, neither indifference nor self-deception, but only deep feeling and a firm, clear look into the future of work and conflict which lay silent and unknown beyond the triumphal arches and the loud acclaim of the people. on april he was inaugurated. he went in procession to the hall, was received in the senate chamber, and thence proceeded to the balcony to take the oath. he was dressed in dark brown cloth of american manufacture, with a steel-hilted sword, and with his hair powdered and drawn back in the fashion of the time. when he appeared, a shout went up from the great crowd gathered beneath the balcony. much overcome, he bowed in silence to the people, and there was an instant hush over all. then chancellor livingston administered the oath. washington laid his hand upon the bible, bowed, and said solemnly when the oath was concluded, "i swear, so help me god," and, bending reverently, kissed the book. livingston stepped forward, and raising his hand cried, "long live george washington, president of the united states!" then the cheers broke forth again, the cannon roared, and the bells rang out. washington withdrew to the hall, where he read his inaugural address to congress, and the history of the united states of america under the constitution was begun. chapter ii starting the government washington was deeply gratified by his reception at the hands of the people from alexandria to new york. he was profoundly moved by the ceremonies of his inauguration, and when he turned from the balcony to the senate chamber he showed in his manner and voice how much he felt the meaning of all that had occurred. his speech to the assembled congress was solemn and impressive, and with simple reverence he acknowledged the guiding hand of providence in the fortunes of the states. he made no recommendations to congress, but expressed his confidence in their wisdom and patriotism, adjured them to remember that the success of republican government would probably be finally settled by the success of their experiment, reminded them that amendments to the constitution were to be considered, and informed them that he could not receive any pecuniary compensation for his services, and expected only that his expenses should be paid as in the revolution. this was all. the first inaugural of the first president expressed only one thought, but that thought was pressed home with force. washington wished the congress to understand as he understood the weight and meaning of the task which had been imposed upon them, for he felt that if he could do this all would be well. how far he succeeded it would be impossible to say, but there can be no doubt as to the wisdom of his position. to have attempted to direct the first movements of congress before he had really grasped the reins of the government would have given rise, very probably, to jealousy and opposition at the outset. when he had developed a policy, then it would be time to advise the senators and representatives how to carry it out. meanwhile it was better to arouse their patriotism, awaken their sense of responsibility, and leave them free to begin their work under the guidance of these impressions. as for himself, his feelings remained unchanged. he had accepted the great post with solemn anxiety, and when the prayers had all been said, and the last guns fired, when the music had ceased and the cheers had died away, and the illuminations had flickered and gone out, he wrote that in taking office he had given up all expectation of private happiness, but that he was encouraged by the popular affection, as well as by the belief that his motives were appreciated, and that, thus supported, he would do his best. in a few words, written some months later, he tersely stated what his office meant to him, and what grave difficulties surrounded his path. "the establishment of our new government," he said, "seemed to be the last great experiment for promoting human happiness by a reasonable compact in civil society. it was to be, in the first instance, in a considerable degree, a government of accommodation as well as a government of laws. much was to be done by prudence, much by conciliation, much by firmness. few who are not philosophical spectators can realize the difficult and delicate part which a man in my situation had to act. all see, and most admire, the glare which hovers round the external happiness of elevated office. to me there is nothing in it beyond the lustre which may be reflected from its connection with a power of promoting human felicity. in our progress towards political happiness my station is new, and, if i may use the expression, i walk on untrodden ground. there is scarcely an action the motive of which may not be subject to a double interpretation. there is scarcely any part of my conduct which may not hereafter be drawn into precedent. if, after all my humble but faithful endeavors to advance the felicity of my country and mankind, i may indulge a hope that my labors have not been altogether without success, it will be the only real compensation i can receive in the closing scenes of life." there is nothing very stimulating to the imagination in this soberness of mind and calmness of utterance. the military conquerors and the saviors of society, with epigrammatic sayings, dramatic effects and rhythmic proclamations, are much more exciting and dazzle the fancy much better. but it is this seriousness of mind, coupled with intensity of purpose and grim persistence, which has made the english-speaking race spread over the world and carry successful government in its train. the personal empire of napoleon had crumbled before he died an exile in st. helena, but the work of washington still endures. just what that work was, and how it was achieved, is all that still remains to be considered. the policies set on foot and carried through under the first federal administration were so brilliant and so successful that we are apt to forget that months elapsed before the first of them was even announced. when washington, on may , , began his duties, there was absolutely nothing of the government of the united states in existence but a president and a congress. the imperfect and broken machinery of the confederation still moved feebly, and performed some of the absolutely necessary functions of government. but the new organization had nothing to work with except these outworn remnants of a discarded system. there were no departments, and no arrangements for the collection of revenue or the management of the postal service. a few scattered soldiers formed the army, and no navy existed. there were no funds and no financial resources. there were not even traditions and forms of government, and, slight as these things may seem, settled methods of doing public business are essential to its prompt and proper transaction. these forms had to be devised and adopted first, and although they seem matters of course now, after a century of use, they were the subject of much thought and of some sharp controversy in . the manner in which the president was to be addressed caused some heated discussion even before the inauguration. america had but just emerged from the colonial condition, and the colonial habits were still unbroken. in private letters we find washington referred to as "his highness," and in some newspapers as "his highness the president-general," while the senate committee reported in favor of addressing him as "his highness the president of the united states and protector of their liberties." in the house, however, the democratic spirit was strong, there was a fierce attack upon the proposed titles, and that body ended by addressing washington simply as the "president of the united states," which, as it happened, settled the question finally. washington personally cared little for titles, although, as john adams wrote to mrs. warren, he thought them appropriate to high office. but in this case he saw that there was a real danger lurking in the empty name, and so he was pleased by the decision of the house. another matter was the relation between the president and the senate. should he communicate with them in writing or orally, being present during their deliberations as if they formed an executive council? it was promptly decided that nominations should be made in writing; but as to treaties, it was at first thought best that the president should deliver them to the senate in person, and it was arranged with minute care where he should sit, beside the vice-president, while the matter was under discussion. this arrangement, however, was abandoned after a single trial, and it was agreed that treaties, like nominations, should come with written messages. last and most important of all was the question of the mode of conduct and the etiquette to be established with regard to the president himself. in this, as in the matter of titles, washington saw a real importance in what many persons might esteem only empty forms, and he proceeded with his customary thoroughness in dealing with the subject. what he did would be a precedent for the future as well as a target for present criticism, and he determined to devise a scheme which would resist attack, and be worthy to stand as an example for his successors. he therefore wrote to madison: "the true medium, i conceive, must lie in pursuing such a course as will allow him (the president) time for all the official duties of his station. this should be the primary object. the next, to avoid as much as may be the charge of superciliousness, and seclusion from information, by too much reserve and too great a withdrawal of himself from company on the one hand, and the inconveniences, as well as a diminution of respectability, from too free an intercourse and too much familiarity on the other." this letter, with a set of queries, was also sent to the vice-president, to jay, and to hamilton. they all agreed in the general views outlined by washington. adams, fresh from europe, was inclined to surround the office, of which he justly had a lofty conception, with a good deal of ceremony, because he felt that these things were necessary in our relations with foreign nations. in the main, however, the advice of all who were consulted was in favor of keeping the nice line between too much reserve and too much familiarity, and this line, after all the advising, washington of course drew for himself. he did it in this way. he decided that he would return no calls, and that he would receive no general visits except on specified days, and official visitors at fixed hours. the third point was in regard to dinner parties. the presidents of congress hitherto had asked every one to dine, and had ended by keeping a sort of public table, to the waste of both time and dignity. many persons, disgusted with this system, thought that the president ought not to ask anybody to dinner. but washington, never given to extremes, decided that he would invite to dinner persons of official rank and strangers of distinction, but no one else, and that he would accept no invitations for himself. after a time he arranged to have a reception every tuesday, from three to four in the afternoon, and mrs. washington held a similar levee on fridays. these receptions, with a public dinner every week, were all the social entertainments for which the president had either time or health. by these sensible and apparently unimportant arrangements, washington managed to give free access to every one who was entitled to it, and yet preserved the dignity and reserve due to his office. it was one of the real although unmarked services which he rendered to the new government, and which contributed so much to its establishment, for it would have been very easy to have lowered the presidential office by a false idea of republican simplicity. it would have been equally easy to have made it odious by a cold seclusion on the one hand, or by pomp and ostentation on the other. with his usual good judgment and perfect taste, washington steered between the opposing dangers, and yet notwithstanding the wisdom of his arrangements, and in spite of their simplicity, he did not escape calumny on account of them. one criticism was that at his reception every one stood, which was thought to savor of incipient monarchy. to this washington replied, with the directness of which he was always capable, that it was not usual to sit on such occasions, and, if it were, he had no room large enough for the number of chairs that would be required, and that, as the whole thing was perfectly unceremonious, every one could come and go as he pleased. fault was also found with the manner in which he bowed, an accusation to which he answered with an irony not untinged with bitterness and contempt: "that i have not been able to make bows to the taste of poor colonel b. (who, by the by, i believe never saw one of them) is to be regretted, especially too, as, upon those occasions, they were indiscriminately bestowed, and the best i was master of. would it not have been better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the effects of age, or to the unskillfulness of my teacher, rather than to pride and dignity of office, which god knows has no charms for me?" as party hostility developed, these attacks passed from the region of private conversation to the columns of newspapers and the declamation of mob orators, and an especial snarl was raised over the circumstance that at some public ball the president and mrs. washington were escorted to a sofa on a raised platform, and that guests passed before them and bowed. much monarchy and aristocracy were perceived in this little matter, and jefferson carefully set it down in that collection of withered slanders which he gave to an admiring posterity, after the grave had safely covered both him and those whom he feared and hated in his lifetime. this incident, however, was but an example of the political capital which was sought for in the conduct of the presidential office. the celebration of the birthday, the proposition to put washington's head upon the coins, and many other similar trifles, were all twisted to the same purpose. the dynasty of cleon has been a long one, so long that even the succession of the popes seems temporary beside it, and it flourished in washington's time as rankly as it did in athens, or as it does to-day. the object of the assault varies, but the motives and the purpose are as old and as lasting as human nature. envy and malice will always find a convenient shelter in pretended devotion to the public weal, and will seek revenge for their own lack of success by putting on the cloak of the tribune of the people, and perverting the noblest of offices to the basest uses. but time sets all things even. the demagogues and the critics who assailed washington's demeanor and behavior are forgotten, while the wise and simple customs which he established and framed for the great office that he honored, still prevail by virtue of their good sense. we part gladly with all remembrance of those bold defenders of liberty who saw in these slight forms forerunners of monarchy. we would even consent to drop into oblivion the precious legacy of jefferson. but we will never part with the picture drawn by a loving hand of that stately figure, clad in black velvet, with the hand on the hilt of the sword, standing at one of mrs. washington's levees, and receiving with gentle and quiet dignity, full of kindliness but untinged by cheap familiarity, the crowd that came to pay their respects. it was well for the republic that at the threshold of its existence it had for president a man who, by the kindness of his heart, by his good sense, good manners, and fine breeding, gave to the office which he held and the government he founded the simple dignity which was part of himself and of his own high character. thus the forms and shows, important in their way, were dealt with, while behind them came the sterner realities of government, demanding regulation and settlement. at the outset washington knew about the affairs of the government, especially for the last six years, only in a general way. he felt it to be his first duty, therefore, to familiarize himself with all these matters, and, although he was in the midst of the stir and bustle of a new government, he nevertheless sent for all the papers of each department of the confederation since the signature of the treaty of peace, went through them systematically, and made notes and summaries of their contents. this habit he continued throughout his presidency in dealing with all official documents. the natural result followed. he knew more at the start about the facts in each and every department of the public business than any other one man, and he continued to know more throughout his administration. in this method and this capacity for taking infinite pains is to be found a partial explanation at least of the easy mastery of affairs which he always showed, whether on the plantation, in the camp, or in the cabinet. it was in truth a striking instance of that "long patience" which the great french naturalist said was genius. while he was thus regulating forms of business, and familiarizing himself with public questions, it became necessary to fix the manner of dealing with foreign powers. there were not many representatives of foreign nations present at the birth of the republic, but there was one who felt, and perhaps not without reason, that he was entitled to peculiar privileges. the count de moustier, minister of france, desired to have private access to the president, and even to discuss matters of business with him. washington's reply to this demand was, in its way, a model. after saying that the only matter which could come up would relate to commerce, with which he was unfamiliar, he continued: "every one, who has any knowledge of my manner of acting in public life, will be persuaded that i am not accustomed to impede the dispatch or frustrate the success of business by a ceremonious attention to idle forms. any person of that description will also be satisfied that i should not readily consent to lose one of the most important functions of my office for the sake of preserving an imaginary dignity. but perhaps, if there are rules of proceeding which have originated from the wisdom of statesmen, and are sanctioned by the common consent of nations, it would not be prudent for a young state to dispense with them altogether, at least without some substantial cause for so doing. i have myself been induced to think, possibly from habits of experience, that in general the best mode of conducting negotiations, the detail and progress of which might be liable to accidental mistakes or unintentional misrepresentations, is by writing. this mode, if i was obliged by myself to negotiate with any one, i should still pursue. i have, however, been taught to believe that there is in most polished nations a system established with regard to the foreign as well as the other great departments, which, from the utility, the necessity, and the reason of the thing, provides that business should be digested and prepared by the heads of those departments." the count de moustier hastened to excuse himself on the ground that he expressed himself badly in english, which was over-modest, for he expressed himself extremely well. he also explained and defended his original propositions by trying to show that they were reasonable and usual; but it was labor lost. washington's letter was final, and the french minister knew it. the count was aware that he was dealing with a good soldier, but in statecraft he probably felt he had to do with a novice. his intention was to take advantage of the position of france, secure for her peculiar privileges, and put her in the attitude of patronizing inoffensively but effectively the new government founded by the people she had helped to free. he found himself turned aside quietly, almost deferentially, and yet so firmly and decidedly that there was no appeal. no nation, he discovered, was to have especial privileges. france was the good friend and ally of the united states, but she was an equal, not a superior. it was also fixed by this correspondence that the president, representing the sovereignty of the people, was to have the respect to which that sovereignty was entitled. the pomp and pageant of diplomacy in the old world were neither desired nor sought in america; yet the president was not to be approached in person, but through the proper cabinet officer, and all diplomatic communications after the fashion of civilized governments were to be in writing. thus within a month france, and in consequence other nations, were quietly given to understand that the new republic was to be treated like other free and independent governments, and that there was to be nothing colonial or subservient in her attitude to foreign nations, whether those nations had been friends or foes in the past. it required tact, firmness, and a sure judgment to establish proper relations with foreign ministers. but once done, it was done for all time. this was not the case with another and far more important class of people, whose relation to the new administration had to be determined at the very first hour of its existence. indeed, before washington left mount vernon he had begun to receive letters from persons who considered themselves peculiarly well fitted to serve the government in return for a small but certain salary. in a letter to mrs. wooster, for whom as the widow of an old soldier he felt the tenderest sympathy, he wrote soon after his arrival in new york: "as a public man acting only with reference to the public good, i must be allowed to decide upon all points of my duty, without consulting my private inclinations and wishes. i must be permitted, with the best lights i can obtain, and upon a general view of characters and circumstances, to nominate such persons alone to offices as in my judgment shall be the best qualified to discharge the functions of the departments to which they shall be appointed." this sentiment in varying forms has been declared since by many presidents and many parties. washington, however, lived up exactly to his declarations. at the same time he did not by any means attempt to act merely as an examining board. great political organizations, as we have known them since, did not exist at the beginning of the government, but there were nevertheless two parties, divided by the issue which had been settled by the adoption of the constitution. washington took, and purposed to take, his appointees so far as he could from those who had favored the constitution and were friends of the new system. it is also clear that he made every effort to give the preference to the soldiers and officers of the army, toward whom his affectionate thought ever turned. beyond this it can only be said that he was almost nervously anxious to avoid any appearance of personal feeling in making appointments, as was shown in the letter refusing to make his nephew bushrod a district attorney, and that he resented personal pressure of any kind. he preferred always to reach his conclusions so far as possible from a careful study of written testimony. these principles, rigidly adhered to, his own keen perception of character, and his knowledge of men, resulted in a series of appointments running through eight years which were really marvelously successful. the only rejection, outside the special case of john rutledge, was that of benjamin fishbourn for naval officer of the port of savannah, which was due apparently to the personal hostility of the georgia senators. washington, conscious of his own painstaking, was not a little provoked by this setting aside of an old soldier. he sent in a sharp message on the subject, pointing out the trouble he took to make sure of the fitness of an appointment, and intimated that the same effort would not come amiss in the senate when they rejected one of his nominees. in view of the fact that it was a new government, the absence of mistakes in the appointments is quite extraordinary, and the value of such success can be realized by considering the disastrous consequences which would have come from inefficient officers or malfeasance in office when the great experiment was just put on trial, and was surrounded by doubters and critics ready and eager to pick flaws and find faults. the general tone of the government and its reputation at widely scattered points depended largely on the persons appointed to the smaller executive offices. important, however, as these were, the fate of the republic under the new constitution was infinitely more involved in the men whom washington called about him in his cabinet, to decide with him as to the policies which were to be begun, and on which the living vital government was to be founded. congress, troubled about many things, and struggling with questions of revenue and taxation, managed in the course of the summer to establish and provide for three executive departments and for an attorney-general. to the selection of the men to fill these high offices washington gave, of course, the most careful thought, and succeeded in forming a cabinet which, in its aggregate ability, never has been equaled in this country. edmund randolph was appointed attorney-general. losing his father at an early age, and entering the army, he had been watched over and protected by washington with an almost paternal care, and at the time of his appointment he was one of the most conspicuous men in public life, as well as a leading lawyer at the bar of virginia. he came from one of the oldest and strongest of the virginian families, and had been governor of his state, and a leader in the constitutional convention, where he had introduced what was known as the virginian plan. he had refused to sign the constitution, but had come round finally to its support, largely through washington's influence. there was then, and there can be now, no question as to randolph's really fine talents, or as to his fitness for his post. his defect was a lack of force of character and strength of will, which was manifested by a certain timidity of action, and by an infirmity of purpose, such as had appeared in his course about the constitution. he performed the duties of his office admirably, but in the decision of the momentous questions which came before the cabinet he showed an uncertainty of opinion which was felt by all his colleagues.[ ] [footnote : this passage was written before the recent appearance of mr. conway's _life of randolph_. that ample biography, in my opinion, confirms the view of randolph here given. if, in the light of this new material, i have erred at all, it is, i think, on the charitable side. mr. conway, in order to vindicate randolph, has sacrificed so far as he could nearly every conspicuous public man of that period. from washington, whom he charges with senility, down, there is hardly a man who ever crossed randolph's path whom he has not assailed. yet he presents no reason, so far as i can see, to alter the present opinion of randolph.] henry knox of massachusetts was head of the war department under the confederacy, and was continued in office by washington, who appointed him secretary of war under the new arrangement. it was a natural and excellent selection. knox was a distinguished soldier, he had served well through the revolution, and washington was warmly attached to him. he was not a statesman by training or habit of mind, nor was he possessed of commanding talents. but he was an able man, sound in his views and diligent in his office, devoted to his chief and unswerving in his loyalty to the administration and all its measures. there was never any doubt as to the attitude of henry knox, and washington found him as faithful and efficient in the cabinet as he had always been in the field. second in rank, but first in importance, was the secretaryship of the treasury. "finance! ah, my friend, all that remains of the american revolution grounds there." so gouverneur morris had written to jay. so might he have written again of the american union, for the fate of the experiment rested at the outset on the treasury department. yet there was probably less hesitation as to the proper man for this place than for any other. washington no doubt would have been glad to give it to robert morris, whose great services in the revolution he could never forget. but this could not be, and acting on his own judgment, fortified by that of morris himself, he made alexander hamilton secretary of the treasury. it is one of the familiar marks of greatness to know how to choose the right men to perform the tasks which no man, either in war or peace, can complete single-handed. napoleon's marshals were conspicuous proofs of his genius, and washington had a similar power of selection. the generals whom he trusted were the best generals, the statesmen whom he consulted stand highest in history. he was fallible, as other mortals are fallible. he, too, had his varus, and the time was coming when he could echo the bitter cry of the great emperor for his lost legions. but the mistakes were the exceptions. he chose with the sureness of a strong and penetrating mind, and the most signal example of this capacity was his secretary of the treasury. he knew hamilton well. he had known him as his staff officer, active, accomplished, and efficient. he had seen him leave his side in a tempest of boyish rage, and he had watched him charging with splendid gallantry the yorktown redoubts. he was familiar with hamilton's extraordinary mastery of financial and political problems, and he had found him a powerful leader in the work of forming the constitution. he understood hamilton's strength, and he knew where his dangers lay. now he called him to his cabinet, and gave into his hands the department on which the immediate success of the government hinged. it was a brilliant choice. the mark in his lifetime for all the assaults of his political opponents, the leader and the victim of the schism which rent his own party, hamilton, after his death, was made the target for attack and reprobation by his political foes, who for nearly sixty years, with few intermissions, controlled the government. his work, however, could not be undone, and as passions have subsided his fame has proved to be of that highest and rarest kind which broadens and rises with the lapse of years, until in the light of history it overtops that of any of our statesmen, except of his own great chief and abraham lincoln. the work to which he was called was that of organizing a national government, and in the performance of this work he showed that he belonged to the highest type of constructive statesmen, and was one of the rare men who build, and whose building stands the test of time. last to be mentioned, but first in rank, was the department of state. for this high place washington chose thomas jefferson, who was then our minister in paris, and who did not return to take up his official duties until the following march. of the four cabinet offices, this was the only one where washington proceeded entirely on public grounds. he took jefferson on account of his wide reputation, his unquestioned ability, his standing before the country, and his experience in our foreign relations. with the other three there was a strong element of personal friendship and familiarity. with the secretary of state his intercourse had been, so far as we can judge, almost wholly of a public character, and, so far as can be inferred from an expression of some years before, the selection was made by washington in deference simply to what he believed to be the public interest. the only allusion to jefferson in all the printed volumes of correspondence prior to occurs in a letter to robert livingston, of january , . he there said: "what office is mr. jefferson appointed to that he has, you say, lately accepted? if it is that of commissioner of peace, i hope he will arrive too late to have any hand in it." there is no indication that their personal relations were then or afterwards other than pleasant. yet this brief sentence is a strong expression of distrust, and especially so from the fact that washington was not at all given to criticising other people in his letters. what he distrusted was not jefferson's ability, for that no man could doubt, still less his patriotism. but washington read character well, and he felt that jefferson might be lacking in the qualities of boldness and determination, so needful in a negotiation like that which resulted in the acknowledgment of our independence. the truth was that the two men were radically different, and never could have been sympathetic. washington was strong, direct, masculine, and at times fierce in anger. jefferson was adroit, subtle, and feminine in his sensitiveness. washington was essentially a fighting man, tamed by a stern self-control from the recklessness of his early days, but always a fighter. jefferson was a lover of peace, given to quiet, hating quarrels and bloodshed, and at times timid in dealing with public questions. washington was deliberate and conservative, after the fashion of his race. jefferson was quick, impressionable, and always fascinated by new notions, even if they were somewhat fantastic. a thoroughly liberal and open-minded man, washington never turned a deaf ear to any new suggestion, whether it was a public policy or a mechanical invention, but to all alike he gave careful consideration before he adopted them. to jefferson, on the other hand, mere novelty had a peculiar charm, and he jumped at any device, either to govern a state or improve a plough, provided that it had the flavor of ingenuity. the two men might easily have thought the same concerning the republic, but they started from opposite poles, and no full communion of thought and feeling was possible between them. that washington chose fitly from purely public and outside considerations can not be questioned, but he made a mistake when he put next to himself a man for whom he did not have the personal regard and sympathy which he felt for his other advisers. the necessary result finally came, after many troubles in the cabinet, in dislike and distrust, if not positive alienation. looking at the cabinet, however, as it stood in the beginning, we can only admire the wisdom of the selection and the high abilities which were thus brought together for the administration and construction of a great national government. it has always been the fashion to speak of this first cabinet as made up without reference to party, but the idea is a mistaken one from any point of view. washington himself gave it color, for he felt very rightly that he was the choice of the whole people and not of a party. he wished to rise above party, and in fact to have no party, but a devotion of all to the good of the country. the time came when he sorrowed for and censured party bitterness and party strife, but it is to be observed that the party feeling which he most deplored was that which grew up against his own policies and his own administration. the fact was that washington, who rose above party more than any other statesman in our history, was nevertheless, like most men of strong will and robust mind, and like all great political leaders, a party man, as we shall have occasion to see further on. it is true that his cabinet contained the chiefs and founders of two great schools of political thought, which have ever since divided the country; but when these parties were once fairly developed, the cabinet became a scene of conflict and went to pieces, only to be reformed on party lines. when it was first made up, the two parties of our subsequent history, with which we are familiar, did not exist, and it was in the administration of washington that they were developed. yet the cabinet of was, so far as there were parties, a partisan body. the only political struggle that we had had was over the adoption of the constitution. the parties of the first congress were the federalists and the anti-federalists, the friends and the enemies of the constitution. among those who opposed the constitution were many able and distinguished men, but washington did not invite sam adams, or george mason, or patrick henry, or george clinton to enter his cabinet. on the contrary, he took only friends and supporters of the constitution. hamilton was its most illustrious advocate. randolph, after some vacillation, had done very much to turn the wavering scale in virginia in its favor. knox was its devoted friend; and jefferson, although he had carped at it and criticised it in his letters, was not known to have done so, and was considered, and rightly considered, to be friendly to the new system. in other words, the cabinet was made up exclusively of the party of the constitution, which was the victorious party of the moment. this was of course wholly right, and washington was too great and wise a leader to have done anything else. the cabinet was formed with regard to existing divisions, and, when those divisions changed, the cabinet which gave birth to them changed too. outside the cabinet, the most weighty appointments were those of the supreme court. no one then quite appreciated, probably, the vast importance which this branch of the government was destined to assume, or the great part it was to play in the history of the country and the development of our institutions. at the same time no one could fail to see that much depended on the composition of the body which was to be the ultimate interpreter of the constitution. the safety of the entire scheme might easily have been imperiled by the selection of men as judges who were lacking in ability or character. washington chose with his wonted sureness. at the head of the court he placed john jay, one of the most distinguished of the public men of the day, who gave to the office at once the impress of his own high character and spotless reputation. with him were associated wilson of pennsylvania, cushing of massachusetts, blair of virginia, iredell of north carolina, and rutledge of south carolina. they were all able and well-known men, sound lawyers, and also, be it noted, warm friends of the constitution. thus the business of organizing the government in the first great and essential points was completed. it was the work of the president, and, anxious and arduous as it was, it is worth remembering, too, that it was done, and thoroughly done, in the midst of severe physical suffering. just after the inauguration, washington was laid up with an anthrax or carbuncle in his thigh, which brought him at one time very near death. for six weeks he could lie only on one side, endured the most constant and acute pain, and was almost incapable of motion. he referred to his illness at the time in a casual and perfectly simple way, and mind and will so prevailed over the bodily suffering that the great task of organizing the government was never suspended nor interrupted. when the work was done and congress had adjourned, washington, feeling that he had earned a little rest and recreation, proceeded to carry out a purpose, which he had formed very early in his presidency, of visiting the eastern states. this was the first part of a general plan which he had conceived of visiting while in office all portions of the union. the personal appearance of the president, representing the whole people, would serve to bring home to the public mind the existence and reality of a central government, which to many if not to most persons in the outlying states seemed shadowy and distant. but general washington was neither shadowy nor distant to any one. every man, woman, and child had heard of and loved the leader of the revolution. to his countrymen everywhere, his name meant political freedom and victory in battle; and when he came among them as the head of a new government, that government took on in some measure the character of its chief. his journey was a well-calculated appeal, not for himself but for his cause, to the warm human interest which a man readily excites, but which only gathers slowly around constitutions and forms of government. the world owes a good deal to the right kind of hero-worship, and the united states have been no exception. the journey itself was uneventful, and was carried out with washington's usual precision. it served its purpose, too, and brought out a popular enthusiasm which spoke well for the prospects of the federal government, and which was the first promise of the loyal support which new england gave to the president, as she had already given it to the general. in the succession of crowds and processions and celebrations which marked the public rejoicing, one incident of this journey stands out as still memorable, and possessed of real meaning. mr. john hancock was governor of massachusetts. there is no need to dwell upon him. he was a man of slender abilities, large wealth, and ready patriotism, with a great sense of his own importance, and a fine taste for impressive display. every external thing about him, from his handsome house and his copley portrait to his imposing gout and his immortal signature, was showy and effective. he was governor of massachusetts, and very proud of that proud old commonwealth as well as of her governor. within her bounds he was the representative of her sovereignty, and he felt that deference was due to him from the president of the united states when they both stood on the soil of massachusetts. he did not meet washington on his arrival, and washington thereupon did not dine with the governor as he had agreed to do. it looked a little stormy. here was evidently a man with some new views as to the sovereignty of states and the standing of the union of states. it might have done for governor hancock to allow the president of congress to pass out of massachusetts without seeing its governor, and thereby learn a valuable lesson, but it would never do to have such a thing happen in the case of george washington, no matter what office he might hold. a little after noon on sunday, october , therefore, the governor wrote a note to the president, apologizing for not calling before, and asking if he might call in half an hour, even though it was at the hazard of his health. washington answered at once, expressing his pleasure at the prospect of seeing his excellency, but begging him, with a touch of irony, not to do anything to endanger his health. so in half an hour hancock appeared. picturesque, even if defeated, he was borne up-stairs on men's shoulders, swathed in flannels, and then and there made his call. the old house in boston where this happened has had since then a series of successors, but the ground on which it stood has been duly remembered and commemorated. it is a more important spot than we are wont to think; for there it was settled, on that autumn sunday, that the idea that the states were able to own and to bully the union they had formed was dead, and that the president of the new united states was henceforth to be regarded as the official superior of every governor in the land. it was a mere question of etiquette, nothing more. but how the general government would have sunk in popular estimation if the president had not asserted, with perfect dignity and yet entire firmness, its position! men are governed very largely by impressions, and washington knew it. hence his settling at once and forever the question of precedence between the union and the states. everywhere and at all times, according to his doctrine, the nation was to be first.[ ] [footnote : the most lately published contemporary account of this affair with hancock can be found in the _magazine of american history_, june, , p. , entitled "incidents in the life of john hancock, as related by dorothy quincy hancock scott (from the diary of gen. w.h. sumner)."] so the president traveled on to the north, and then back by another road to new york, and that excellent bit of work in familiarizing the people with their federal government was accomplished. meantime the wheels had started, the machine was in motion, and the chief officers were at their places. the preliminary work had been done, and the next step was to determine what policies should be adopted, and to find out if the new system could really perform the task for which it had been created. chapter iii domestic affairs to trace in detail the events of washington's administration would be to write the history of the country during that period. it is only possible here to show, without much regard to chronological sequence, the part of the president in developing the policy of the government at home, and his attitude toward each question as it arose. we are concerned here merely with the influence and effect of washington in our history, and not with the history itself. what did he do, and what light do we get on the man himself from his words and deeds? these are the only questions that a brief study of a career so far-reaching can attempt to answer. congress came together for the first time with the government actually organized on january , . on the day when the session opened, washington drove down to the hall where the congress met, alone in his own coach drawn by four horses. he was preceded by colonel humphreys and major jackson, mounted on his two white horses, while immediately behind came his chariot with his private secretaries, and mr. lewis on horseback. then followed in their own coaches the chief justice and the secretaries of war and of the treasury. when the president reached the hall he was met at the entrance by the doorkeeper of the congress, and was escorted to the senate chamber. there he passed between the members of each branch, drawn up on either hand, and took his seat by the vice-president. when order and silence were obtained, he rose and spoke to the assembled representatives of the people standing before him. having concluded his speech, he bowed and withdrew with his suite as he had come. jefferson killed this simple ceremonial, and substituted for it the written message, sent by a secretary and read by a clerk in the midst of talk and bustle, which is the form we have to-day. jefferson's change was made, of course, in the name of liberty, and also because he was averse to public speaking. from the latter point of view, it was reasonable enough, but the ostensible cause was as hollow and meaningless as any of the french notions to which it was close akin. it is well for the head of the state to meet face to face the representatives of the same people who elected him. for more than a century this has been the practice in massachusetts, to take a single instance, and liberty in that commonwealth has not been imperiled, nor has the state been obliged to ask federal aid to secure to her a republican form of government because of her adherence to this ancient custom. the forms adopted by washington had the grave and simple dignity which marked all he did, and it was senseless to abandon what his faultless taste and patriotic feeling approved. forms are in their way important things: they may conceal perils to liberty, or they may lend dignity and call forth respect to all that liberty holds most dear. the net result of all this business has been very curious. jefferson's written message prevails; and yet at the same time we inaugurate our presidents with a pomp and parade to which those of the dreaded federalists seem poor and quiet, and which would make the hero of the message-in-writing fancy that the air was darkened by the shadows of monarchy and despotism. the author of the declaration of independence was a patriotic man and lover of freedom, but he who fought out the revolution in the field was quite as safe a guardian of american liberty; and his clear mind was never confused by the fantasies of that parisian liberty which confused facts with names, and ended in the terror and the first empire. the people of the united states to-day surround the first office of the land with a respect and dignity which they deem equal to the mighty sovereignty that it represents, and in this is to be found the genuine american feeling expressed by washington in the plain and simple ceremonial which he adopted for his meetings with the congress. in this first speech, thus delivered, washington indicated the subjects to which he wished congress to direct their attention, and which in their development formed the policies of his administration. his first recommendation was to provide for the common defense by a proper military establishment. his last and most elaborate was in behalf of education, for which he invoked the aid of congress and urged the foundation of a national university, a scheme he had much at heart, and to which he constantly returned. the history of these two recommendations is soon told. provision was made for the army, inadequate enough, as washington thought, but still without dispute, and such additional provision was afterwards made from time to time as the passing exigency of the moment demanded. for education nothing was done, and the national university has never advanced beyond the recommendation of the first president. he also advised the adoption of a uniform standard of coinage, weights, and measures. in two years a mint was duly established after an able report from hamilton, and out of his efforts and those of jefferson came our decimal system. there was debate over the devices on the coins in which the ever-vigilant jeffersonians scented monarchical dangers, but with this exception the country got its uniform coinage peacefully enough. the weights and measures did not fare so well. they obtained a long report from jefferson, and a still longer and more learned disquisition from john quincy adams thirty years later. but that was all. we still use the rule of thumb systems inherited from our english ancestors, and washington's uniform standard, except for the two reports, has gone no further than the national university. another recommendation to the effect that invention ought to be encouraged and protected bore fruit in this same year in patent and copyright laws, which became the foundation of our present system. the same good fortune befell the recommendation for a uniform rule for naturalization, and the law of was quietly enacted, no one then imagining that its alteration less than ten years later was destined to form part of a policy which, after a fierce struggle, settled the fate of parties and decided the control of the government. the post-office was also commended to the care of congress, and for that, as for the army, provision was duly made, insufficient at the outset, but growing steadily from this small beginning, as it was called upon to meet the spread and increase of population. provision was also made gradually, and with much occasional conflict, for a diplomatic service such as the president advised. but this was merely the machinery to carry out our foreign policy on which, in a few years, our political history largely turned, and which will demand a chapter by itself. a paragraph devoted to indian affairs informed congress that measures were on foot to establish pacific relations with our savage neighbors, but that it would be well to be prepared to use force. this brief sentence was the beginning of an important policy, which, in its consequences and effects, played a large part in the history of the next eight years. these various matters thus disposed of, there remained only the request to the house to provide for the revenue and the public credit. from this came hamilton's financial policy which created parties, and with it was interwoven in the body of the speech the general recommendation to make all proper effort for the advancement of manufactures, commerce, and agriculture. the speech as a whole, short though it was, drew the outline of a vigorous system, which aimed at the establishment of a strong government with enlarged powers. it cut at a blow all ties between the new government and the feeble strivings of the dead confederation. it displayed a broad conception of the duties of the government under the constitution, and in every paragraph it breathed the spirit of a robust nationality, calculated to touch the people directly in every state of the union. before taking up the financial question, which became the great issue in our domestic affairs, it will be well to trace briefly the story of our relations with the indians. the policy of the new administration in this respect was peculiarly washington's own, and, although it affected more or less the general course of events at that period, it did not directly become the subject of party differences. the "indian problem" is still with us, but it is now a very mild problem indeed. within a few years, it is true, we have had indian wars, conducted by the forces of the united states, and ever-recurring outbreaks between savages and frontiersmen. but it has been a very distant business. to the great mass of the american people it has been little more than interesting news, to be leisurely scanned in the newspaper without any sense of immediate and personal concern. moreover, the popular conception of the indian has for a long time been wildly inaccurate. we have known him in various capacities, as the innocent victim of corrupt agents and traders, and as the brutal robber and murderer with the vices and force of the western frontiersman, but without any of the latter's redeeming virtues. last and most important of all, we have known him as the rare hero and the conventional villain of romance, ranging from the admirable stories of cooper to the last production of the "penny dreadful." the result has been to create in the public mind a being who probably never existed anywhere except in the popular imagination, and who certainly is not the north american indian. we are always loath to admit that our conceptions are formed by fiction, but in the case of people remote from our daily observation it plays in nine instances out of ten a leading part, and it has certainly done so here. in this way we have been provided with two types simple and well defined, which represent the abnormally good on the one hand and the inconceivably bad on the other. the indian hero is a person of phenomenal nobility of character, and of an ability which would do credit to the training of a highly refined civilization. he is the product of the orator, the novelist, or the philanthropist, and has but slight and distant relation to facts. the usual type, however, and the one which has entered most largely into the popular mind, is the indian villain. he is portrayed invariably as cunning, treacherous, cruel, and cowardly, without any relieving quality. in this there is of course much truth. as a matter of fact, indians are cunning, treacherous, and cruel, but they are also bold fighters. the leading idea of the indian that has come down from cooper's time, and which depicts him as a "cowardly redskin," unable to stand for a moment against a white man in fair fight, is a complete delusion designed to flatter the superior race. it has been in a large measure dissipated by parkman's masterly histories, but the ideas born of popular fiction die hard. they are due in part to the theory that cruelty implies cowardice, just as we say that a bully must be a coward, another mistaken bit of proverbial wisdom. as a matter of fact, the records show that the north american indian is one of the most remarkable savage warriors of whom we have any knowledge; and the number of white men killed for each indian slain in war exhibits an astonishing disproportion of loss. captain james smith, for many years a captive, and who figured in most of the campaigns of the last century, estimated that fifty of our people were killed to one of theirs. this of course includes women and children; and yet even in the battle of the big kanawha, the virginia riflemen, although they defeated the indians with an inferior force, lost two to one, and a similar disproportion seems to have continued to the present day. the indian, moreover, not only fought well and to the death, if surrounded, but he had a discipline and plan of battle which were most effective for the wilderness. it seems probable that, if the experiment had been properly tried, the indians might have been turned into better soldiers than the famous sikhs; and the french, who used the red men skillfully, if without much discipline, found them formidable and effective allies. they cut off more than one english and american army, and the fact that they resorted to ambush and surprise does not detract from their exploits. it was a legitimate mode of warfare, and was used by them with terrible effect. they have fought more than one pitched battle against superior numbers when the victory hung long in the balance, and they have carried on guerrilla wars for years against overwhelming forces with extraordinary persistence and success. there is no savage, except the zulu or maori, who has begun to exhibit the natural fighting quality of the american indian; and although the zulu appears to have displayed greater dash, the indian, by his mastery of the tactics of surprise, has shown a far better head. in a word, the indian has always been a formidable savage, treacherous, cruel, and cunning to an extreme degree, no doubt, but a desperate and dogged fighter, with a natural instinct for war. it must be remembered, too, that he was far more formidable in than he is to-day, with the ever-rising tide of civilized population flowing upon him and hemming him in. when the constitution came into being, the indians were pretty well out of the atlantic states, but beyond the alleghanies all was theirs, and they had the unbroken wilderness as their ally and their refuge. there they lay like a dark line on the near frontier, threatening war and pillage and severe check to the westward advance of our people. they were a serious matter to a new government, limited in resources and representing only three millions of people. fortunately the president was of all men best fitted to deal with this grave question, for he knew the indians thoroughly. his earliest public service had been to negotiate with them, and from that time on he had been familiar with them in peace and in diplomacy, while he had fought with them in war over and over again. he was not in the least confused in his notions about them, but saw them, as he did most facts, exactly as they were. he had none of the false sentimentality about the noble and injured red man, which in later days has been at times highly mischievous, nor on the other hand did he take the purely brutal view of the fighting scout or backwoodsman. he knew the indian as he was, and understood him as a dangerous, treacherous, fighting savage. better than any one else he appreciated the difficulties of indian warfare when an army had to be launched into the wilderness and cut off from a base of supplies. he was well aware, too, that the western tribes were a constant temptation to england and spain on either border, and might be used against us with terrible effect. in taking up the question for solution, he believed first, as was his nature, in justice, and he resolved to push every pacific measure, and strive unremittingly by fair dealing and binding treaties to keep a peace which was of great moment to the young republic. but he also felt that pacific measures were an uncertain reliance, and that sharp, decisive blows were often the only means of maintaining peace and quiet on the frontier, and of warding off english and spanish intrigue. this was the policy he indicated in the brief sentences of his first speech, and it only remains to see how he carried it out. the outlook in regard to the indians, when washington assumed the presidency, was threatening enough. the continental congress had shown in this respect most honorable intention and some vigor, but their honest purposes had been in large measure thwarted by the action of the various states, which they were unable to control. in new york peace reigned, despite some grumbling; for the six nations had made a general treaty, and also two special treaties, not long before, which were on the whole just and satisfactory. at the same time a general treaty had been made with the western indians, which modified some of the injustices of the treaties of , and which were also fair and reasonable. in this treaty, however, the tribes of the wabash were not included, and they therefore were engaged in war with the kentucky people. those hardy backwoodsmen were quick enough to retaliate, and they generally proceeded on the simple backwoods principle that tribal distinctions were futile, and that every indian was an enemy. this view, it must be admitted, saved a good deal of thought, but it led the kentuckians in their raids to kill many indians who did not belong to the wabash tribes, but to those protected by treaty. the result of this impartiality was, that, besides the chronic wabash troubles, there was every probability that a general war with all the western and northwestern tribes might break out at any moment. south of the ohio, matters were even worse. the choctaws, it is true, owing to their distance from our frontier settlements, were on excellent terms with our government. but the cherokees had just been beaten and driven back by sevier and his followers from the short-lived state of franklin, and had taken refuge with the creeks. these last were a formidable people. not only were they good fighters, but they were also well armed, thanks to their alliance with the spaniards, from whom they obtained not only countenance, but guns, ammunition, and supplies. they were led also by a chief of remarkable ability, a scotch half-breed, educated at charlestown, and named alexander mcgillivray. with a tribe so constituted and commanded, it was not difficult to bring on trouble, as soon proved to be the case. georgia had claimed and seized certain lands under treaties which she alleged had been made, whereupon the creeks denied the validity of these treaties and went to war, in which they were highly successful. the georgians had already asked assistance from their neighbors, and they now demanded it from the new general government. thereupon, under an act of congress, washington appointed as commissioners to arrange the difficulties general lincoln, colonel humphrey, and david griffin of virginia, all remote from the scene of conflict, and all judicious selections. the creeks readily met the new commissioners, but when they found that no lands were to be given up, they declined to treat further, and said they would await a new negotiation. washington attributed this failure, and no doubt correctly, to the intrigues and influence of spain. on the day the report of the commissioners went to congress, he wrote to governor pinckney of south carolina: "for my own part i am entirely persuaded that the present general government will endeavor to lay the foundations for its proceedings in national justice, faith, and honor. but should the government, after having attempted in vain every reasonable pacific measure, be obliged to have recourse to arms for the defense of its citizens, i am also of opinion that sound policy and good economy will point to a prompt and decisive effort, rather than to defensive and lingering operations." "lingering" had been the curse of our indian policy, and it was this above all things that washington was determined to be rid of. whether peace or war, there was to be quick and decisive action. he therefore, in this spirit, at once sent southward another commissioner, colonel willett, who very shrewdly succeeded in getting mcgillivray and his chiefs to agree to accompany him to new york. thither they accordingly came in due time, the scotch half-breed and twenty-eight of his chiefs. they were entertained and well treated at the seat of government, and there, with knox acting for the united states, they made a treaty which involved concessions on both sides. the creeks gave up all claims to lands north and east of the oconee, and the united states, under a recent general act regulating trade and intercourse with the indians, gave up all lands south and west of the same river, and agreed to make the tribes an annual present. then washington gave them wampum and tobacco, and shook hands with them, and the chiefs went home. there was grumbling on both sides, especially among the georgians, but nevertheless the treaty held for a time at least, and there was peace. washington's policy of justice had succeeded, and the indians got an idea of the power and fair dealing of the new government, which was of real value. more valuable still was the lesson to the people of the united states that this central government meant to deal justly with the indians, and would try to prevent any single state from frustrating by bad faith the policy designed to benefit the whole country. trouble soon began again in this direction, and in later days states inflated with state-right doctrines carried this resistance in indian affairs to a much greater extent, and flouted the acts of the federal government. this, however, does not detract from the wisdom of the president, who inaugurated the policy of acting justly toward the indians, and of overruling the selfish injustice of the state immediately affected. if the policy of justice and firmness adopted by washington had never been abandoned, it would have been better for the honor and the interest both of the nation and the separate states. the same pacific policy which had succeeded in the south was tried in the west and failed. the english, with their usual thoughtfulness, incited the indians to claim the ohio as their boundary, which meant war and murderous assaults on all our people traveling on the river. retaliation, of course, followed, and in april, , colonel harmer with a body of kentucky militia invaded the indian country, burned a deserted village, and returned without having accomplished anything substantial. the desultory warfare of murder and pillage went on for a time, and then washington felt that the moment had come for the other branch of his policy. at all events there should be no lingering, and there should be action. peaceful measures having failed, there should be war and a settlement in some fashion. accordingly, in the fall of , soon after his successful creek negotiation, he ordered out some three hundred regulars and eleven hundred militia from pennsylvania and kentucky, and sent them under harmer into the miami country. the expedition burned a village on the scioto; and then colonel hardin, detached with some hundred and fifty men in pursuit of the indians, was caught in an ambush and his regulars cut off, the militia running away apparently quite successfully. thereupon harmer retreated; but, changing his mind in a day or two, advanced again, and again sent out hardin with a larger force than before. then the advance was again surprised, and the regulars nearly all killed, while the militia, who stood their ground better this time, lost about a hundred men. the end was the repulse of the whites after a pretty savage fight. then harmer withdrew altogether, declaring, with a strange absence of humor, if of no more important quality, that he had won a victory. after reaching home, this mismanaged expedition caused much crimination and heart-burning, followed by courts-martial on hardin and harmer, who were both acquitted, and by the resignation of the latter. this defeat of course simply made worse the state of affairs in general, and the six nations, who had hitherto been quiet, became uneasy and were kept so by the ever-kind incitement of the english. various mediations with these powerful tribes failed; but colonel pickering, appointed a special commissioner, managed at last to appease their discontents. to the southward also the cherokees began to move and threaten, but were pacified by the exertions of governor blount of the southwest territory. meantime an act had been passed to increase the army, and arthur st. clair was appointed major-general. washington, who had been greatly disturbed by the failure of harmer, was both angered and disheartened by the conduct of the states and of the frontier settlers. "land-jobbing, the intermeddling of the states, and the disorderly conduct of the borderers, who were indifferent as to the killing of an indian," were in his opinion the great obstacles in the way of success. yet these very men who shot indians at sight and plundered them of their lands, as well as the states immediately concerned, were the first to cry out for aid from the general government when a war, brought about usually by their own violation of the treaties of the united states, was upon them. on the other hand, the indians themselves were warlike and quarrelsome, and they were spurred on by england and spain in a way difficult to understand at the present day. in all this perplexity, however, one thing was now clear to washington. there could not longer be any doubt that the western troubles must be put down vigorously and by the armed hand. even while he was negotiating in the north and south, therefore, he threw himself heart and soul into the preparation of st. clair's expedition, pushing forward all necessary arrangements, and planning the campaign with a care and foresight made possible by his military ability and by his experience as an indian fighter. while the main army was thus getting ready, two lesser expeditions, one under scott and one under wilkinson, were sent into the indian country; but beyond burning some deserted villages and killing a few stray savages both were fruitless. at last all was ready. st. clair had an interview with washington, in which the whole plan of campaign was gone over, and especial warning given against ambuscades. he then took his departure at once for the west, and late in september left cincinnati with some two thousand men. the plan of campaign was to build a line of forts, and accordingly one named fort hamilton was erected twenty-four miles north on the miami, and then fort jefferson was built forty-four miles north of that point. thence st. clair pushed slowly on for twenty-nine miles until he reached the head-waters of the wabash. he had been joined on the march by some kentucky militia, who were disorderly and undisciplined. sixty of them promptly deserted, and it became necessary to send a regiment after them to prevent their plundering the baggage trains. at the same time some chickasaw auxiliaries, with the true rat instinct, deserted and went home. nevertheless st. clair kept on, and finally reached what proved to be his last camp, with about fourteen hundred men. the militia were on one side of the stream, the regulars on the other. at sunrise the next day the indians surprised the militia, drove them back on the other camp, and shattered the first line of the regulars. the second line stood their ground, and a desperate fight ensued; but it was all in vain. the indians charged up to the guns, and, though they were repulsed by the bayonet, st. clair, who was ill in his tent, was at last forced to order a retreat. the retreat soon became a rout, and the broken army, leaving their artillery and throwing away their arms, fled back to fort jefferson, where they left their wounded, and hurried on to their starting-point at fort washington. it was braddock over again. general butler, the second in command, was killed on the field, while the total loss reached nine hundred men and fifty-nine officers, and of these six hundred were killed. the indians do not appear to have numbered much more than a thousand. no excuse for such a disaster and such murderous slaughter is possible, for nothing but the grossest carelessness could have permitted a surprise of that nature upon an established camp. the troops, too, were not only surprised, but apparently utterly unprepared to fight, and the battle was merely a wild struggle for life. washington was above all things a soldier, and his heart was always with his armies whenever he had one in the field. in this case particularly he hoped much, for he looked to this powerful expedition to settle the indian troubles for a time, and give room for that great western movement which always was in his thoughts. he therefore awaited reports from st. clair with keen anxiety, but in this case the ill tidings did not attain their proverbial speed. the battle was fought on november , and it was not until the close of a december day that the officer carrying dispatches from the frontier reached philadelphia. he rode at once to the president's house, and washington was called out from dinner, where he had company. he remained away some time, and on returning to the table said nothing as to what he had heard, talked with every one at mrs. washington's reception afterwards, and gave no sign. through all the weary evening he was as calm and courteous as ever. when the last guest had gone he walked up and down the room for a few minutes and then suddenly broke out: "it's all over--st. clair's defeated--routed; the officers nearly all killed, the men by wholesale; the rout complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise into the bargain." he paused and strode up and down the room; stopped again and burst forth in a torrent of indignant wrath: "here on this very spot i took leave of him; i wished him success and honor; 'you have your instructions,' i said, 'from the secretary of war; i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! i repeat it--_beware of a surprise_! you know how the indians fight us.' he went off with that as my last solemn warning thrown into his ears. and yet, to suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hacked, butchered, tomahawked, by a surprise, the very thing i guarded him against! o god, o god, he's worse than a murderer! how can he answer it to his country! the blood of the slain is upon him, the curse of widows and orphans, the curse of heaven!" his secretary was appalled and silent, while washington again strode fiercely up and down the room. then he sat down, collected himself, and said, "this must not go beyond this room." then a long silence. then, "general st. clair shall have justice. i looked hastily through the dispatches, saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars; i will receive him without displeasure; i will hear him without prejudice; he shall have full justice." the description of this scene by an eye-witness has been in print for many years, and yet we find people who say that washington was cold of heart and lacking in human sympathy. what could be more intensely human than this? what a warm heart is here, and what a lightning glimpse of a passionate nature bursting through silence into burning speech! then comes the iron will which has mastered all the problems of his life. "he shall have full justice;" and st. clair had justice. he had been an unfortunate choice, but as a revolutionary soldier and governor of the northwest territory his selection had been natural. he had never been a successful general, for it was not in him to be so. something he lacked, energy, decision, foresight, it matters not what. but at least he was brave. broken by sickness, he had displayed the utmost personal courage on that stricken field; and for this washington would always forgive much. he received the unfortunate general kindly. he could not order a court martial, for there were no officers of sufficient rank to form one; but he gave st. clair every opportunity for vindication, and a committee of congress investigated the campaign and exculpated the leader. his personal bravery saved him and his reputation, but nothing can alter the fact that the surprise was unpardonable and the disaster awful. immediate results of the st. clair defeat were not so bad as might have been expected. panic, of course, ran rampant along the frontier, reaching even to pittsburg; but the indians failed to follow up their advantage, and did not come. still the alarm was there, and pennsylvania and virginia ordered troops to be raised, while congress also took action. another increase of the army was ordered, with consequent increase of appropriation, so that this indian victory entered at this point into the great current of the financial policy, and thus played its part in the events on which parties were dividing, and history was being made. no matter what happened, however, there was to be neither lingering nor delay in this business. the president set to work at once to organize a fresh army, and fight out a settlement of the troubles. his first thought for a new commander was of henry lee of virginia, but considerations of rank deterred him. he then selected and appointed wayne, who recently had got into politics and been deprived, on a contested election, of his seat in the house. no little grumbling ensued over this appointment, especially in virginia, but it was unheeded by the president, and its causes now are not very clear. the event proved the wisdom of the choice, as so often happened with washington, and it is easy to see the reason for it. wayne was one of the shining figures of our revolution, appealing strongly to the imagination of posterity. he was not a great general in the highest sense, but he was a brilliant corps-commander, capable of daring feats of arms like the storming of stony point. he was capable also of dashing with heedless courage into desperate places, and incurring thereby defeat and consequent censure, but escaping entire ruin through the same quickness of action which had involved him in trouble. he was well fitted for the bold and rapid movement required in indian warfare, and with him washington put well-chosen subordinates, selected evidently for their fighting capacity, for he clearly was determined that this should be at all events a fighting campaign. wayne, after his appointment, betook himself to pittsburg, and proceeded with characteristic energy to raise and organize his army, a work of no little difficulty because he wished to have picked men. washington did all that could be done to help him, and at the same time pushed negotiations with admirable patience, but with very varying success. kirkland brought chiefs of the six nations to congress with good results, and the cherokees were pacified by additional presents. on the other hand, the creeks were restless, stirred up always by spain, and two brave officers, sent to try for peace with the western tribes, were murdered in cold blood. nevertheless, treaties were patched up with some of them, and a great council was held in the fall of , the six nations acting as mediators, which resulted in a badly kept armistice, but in nothing of lasting value. the next year congress passed a general act regulating trade and intercourse with the indians, and washington appointed yet another commission to visit the northwestern tribes, more to satisfy public opinion than with any hope of peace. indeed, these commissioners never succeeded in even meeting the indians, who rejected in advance all proposals which would not concede the ohio as the boundary. english influence, it was said, was at the bottom of this demand, and there seems to be little doubt that such was the case, for england and france were now at war, and england thereupon had redoubled her efforts to injure the united states by every sort of petty outrage both on sea and land. this masterly policy had perhaps reasons for its existence which pass beyond the average understanding, but, so far as any one can now discover, it seems to have had no possible motive except to feed an ancient grudge and drive the country into the arms of france. carried on for a long time in secret, this indian intrigue came to the surface in a speech made by lord dorchester to the western tribes, in which he prophesied a speedy rupture with the united states and urged his hearers to continue war. it is worth remembering that for five years, covertly or openly, england did her best to keep an indian war with all that it implied alive upon our borders,--the borders of a friendly nation with whom she was at peace. but while washington persistently negotiated, he as persistently prepared to fight, not trusting overmuch either the savages or the english. wayne, with similar views, moved his army forward in the autumn of to a point six miles beyond fort jefferson, and then went into winter quarters. early in the spring of he was in motion again and advanced to st. clair's battlefield, where he built fort recovery, and where he was attacked by the indians, whom he repulsed after two days' fighting. he then marched in an unexpected direction and struck the central villages at the junction of the au glaize and maumee. the surprised savages fled, and wayne burned their village, laid waste their extensive fields, and built fort defiance. to the indians, who had retreated thirty miles down the maumee to the shelter of a british post, he sent word that he was ready to treat. the reply came back asking for a delay of ten days; but wayne at once advanced, and found the indians prepared for battle near the english fort. the ground was unfavorable, especially for cavalry, but wayne made good arrangements and attacked. the indians gave way before the bayonet, and were completely routed, the american loss being only one hundred and seven men. the army was not averse to storming the english fort; but wayne, with unusual caution, contented himself with a sharp correspondence with the commandant, and then withdrew after a most successful campaign. the next year, strengthened by his victory and by the surrender of the british posts under the jay treaty, wayne made a treaty with the western tribes by which vast tracts of disputed territory were ceded to the united states, and peace was established in that long troubled region. on the southern frontier there were no such fortunate results. while washington was negotiating and fighting in the north and west, all his patient efforts were frustrated in the south by the conduct of georgia. the borderers kept assailing the indians, peaceful tribes being generally chosen for the purpose; and the state itself broke through and disregarded all treaties and all arrangements made by the united states. the result was constant disquiet and chronic war, with the usual accompaniments of fire, murder, and pillage. on the whole, however, when washington left the presidency, his indian policy had been a marked success. in place of uncertainty and weakness, a definite general system had been adopted. the northern and western tribes had been beaten and pacified, and the southern incursions and disorders had been much checked. the british posts, the most dangerous centres of indian intrigue, had been abandoned, and the great regions of the west and northwest had been opened to the tide of settlement. these results were due to a well-defined plan, and above all to the persistent vigor which pushed steadily forward to its object without swinging, as had been done before, between feverish and often misdirected activity on the one side and complete and feeble inaction on the other. they were achieved, too, amid many difficulties, for there was anything but a unanimous support of the government in its indian affairs. the opposition grumbled at the expense, and said that money needlessly raised by taxation was squandered in indian wars, while the great body of the people, living safely along the eastern coast, thought but little about the frontier. some persons took the sentimental view and considered the government barbarous to make causeless war. others believed that altogether too much of the public time and money were wasted in looking after outlying settlements. the borderers themselves, on the other hand, thought that the general government was in league with the savages, and broke through treaties, and destroyed so far as they could the national policy. st. clair was hissed and jeered as he traveled home, but a wakeful opposition turned from the unsuccessful general to a vain attempt to prove that ambushed savages and sleeping sentries were due to a weak war department and a corrupt and inefficient treasury. the mass of moderate people, no doubt, desired tranquillity on the frontier, and sustained the president's labors for that end, but for the most part they were silent. the voices that washington heard most loudly joined in a discordant chorus of disapproval around his indian policy. no one understood that here was an important part of a scheme to build up a nation, to make all the movements of the united states broad and national, and to open the vast west to the people who were to make it theirs. washington heard all the criticism and saw all the opposition, and still pressed forward to his goal, not attaining all he wished, but fighting in a very clear and manful spirit, and not laboring in vain. the indian question in its management touched, as has been seen, at various points our financial policy and our foreign relations, on which the history of the country really turned in those years. the latter had not risen to their later importance when the government began, but the former was knocking importunately at the door of congress when it first assembled. the condition of affairs is soon told. the revolution narrowly escaped shipwreck on the financial reefs, and the shaky government of the confederation had there gone to pieces. the country, as a political organism, was bankrupt. it owed sums of money, which were vast in amount for those days, both at home and abroad, and it could not pay these debts, nor was there any provision for them. all interest was in arrears, there were no means provided for meeting it, and the national credit everywhere was dishonored and gone. the continental currency had disappeared, and the circulating medium was represented by a confused jumble of foreign coins and worthless scrip. many of the states were up to their eyes in schemes of inflation, paper money, and repudiation. there was no money in the treasury to pay the ordinary charges of government; there was no revenue and no policy for raising one, or for funding the debt. this picture is darkly drawn, but it is not exaggerated. that high spirit of public honor, which seventy-five years later rose above the ravages of war and the temptings of dishonesty to pay the debt and the interest, dollar for dollar in gold, seemed in to be wellnigh extinct. but it was not dead. it was confused and overclouded in the minds of the people, but it was still there, and it was strong, clear, and determined in washington and those who followed him. congress grappled with the financial difficulties in the most courageous and honest way, but it struggled with them rather helplessly despite its good disposition. it could lay taxes in one way or another so as to get money, but this was plainly insufficient. it could not formulate a coherent policy, which was the one essential thing, nor could it settle the thousand and one perplexing questions which hedged the subject on every side. the members turned, therefore, with a sigh of relief to the new secretary of the treasury, asked him the questions which were troubling them, and having directed him to make various reports, adjourned. the result is well known. the great statesman to whom the task was confided assumed it with the boldness and ease of conscious power, and when congress reassembled it listened to the first report on the public credit. in that great state paper all the confusions disappeared, and in terse sentences an entire scheme for funding the debt, disposing of the worthless currency, and raising the necessary revenue came out clear and distinct, so that all men could comprehend it. the provision for the foreign debt passed without resistance. that for the domestic debt excited much debate, and also passed. last came the assumption of the state debts, and over that there sprang up a fierce struggle. it was carried by a narrow majority, and then defeated by the votes of the north carolina members, who had just taken their seats. washington strongly favored this hotly contested measure. he defended it in a letter to david stuart, and again to jefferson, at a later time, when that statesman was trying to undermine hamilton by wailing about a "corrupt squadron" in congress. to washington, assumption seemed as obviously just as it does to posterity. all the debts had been incurred in a common cause, he said, why should they not be cared for by the common government? he had no patience with the sectional argument that assumption was unfair, because some states got more out of it than others. some states had suffered more than others, but all shared in the freedom that had been won.[ ] he saw in it, moreover, as hamilton had seen, something far more important than a mere provision for the debts and for the payment of money to this community or to that. assumption was essentially a union measure. the other debts were incurred by the central government directly, but the state debts were incurred by the states for a common cause. if the united states assumed them, it showed to the people and to the world that there were no state lines when the interests of the whole country were involved. it was therefore a national measure, a breeder of national sentiment, a new bond to fasten the states to each other and to the union. this was enough to assure washington's hearty approval; but the measure was saved and carried finally by the famous arrangement between hamilton and jefferson, which took the capital to the potomac and made the war debts of the states a part of the national debt. washington was more than satisfied with this solution, for both sides of the agreement pleased him, and there was nothing in the compromise which meant sacrifice on his part. he rejoiced in the successful adoption of the great financial policy of his administration, and he was much pleased to have the capital, in which he was intensely interested, placed near to his own mount vernon, in the very region he would have selected if he had had the power of fixing it. [footnote : sparks, _writings of washington_, x. .] the next great step in the development of the financial policy was the establishment of the national bank, and on this there arose another bitter contest in congress and in the newspapers. a sharp opposition had developed by this time, and the supporters of the secretary of the treasury became on their side correspondingly ardent. in this debate much stress was laid on the constitutional point that congress had no power to charter a bank. nevertheless, the bill passed and went to the president, with the constitutional doubts following it and pressed home in this last resort. as has been seen from his letters written just after the philadelphia convention, washington was not a blind worshiper of the constitution which he had helped so largely to make; but he believed it would work, and every day confirmed his belief. he felt, moreover, that one great element of its lasting success lay in creating a genuine reverence for it among the people, and it was therefore of the utmost importance that this reverence should begin among those to whom the management of the government had been intrusted. for this reason he exercised a jealous care in everything touching the organic law of the union, and he was peculiarly sensitive to constitutional objections to any given measure. in the case of the national bank, the objections were strongly as well as vigorously urged, and washington paused, before signing, to the utmost limit of the time allowed. he turned to jefferson and randolph, both opposed to the bill, and asked them for their objections to its constitutionality. they gave him in response two able reports. these he sent to hamilton, who returned them with that most masterly argument, in which he not only defended the bank charter, but vindicated, in a manner never afterwards surpassed, the new doctrine of the implied powers of the constitution. with both sides thus before him, washington considered the question, and signed the bill. rives, in his "life of madison," intimates that washington had doubts even after signing, but of this there is no evidence of any weight. he was not a man who indulged in doubts after he had made up his mind and rendered a decision, and it was not in his nature to fret over what had been done and was past, whether in war or peace. the story that he was worried about his action in this instance arose from his delay in signing, and from the disappointment of those who had hoped much from his hesitation. this pause, however, was both natural and characteristic. washington had approved morris's bank policy in the revolution, and remembered the service it rendered. he was familiar with hamilton's views on the subject, and knew that they were the result of long study and careful thought. he must also have known that any financial policy devised by his secretary of the treasury would contain as an integral part a national bank. there can be no doubt that both the plan for the bank and the report which embodied it were submitted to him before they went in to congress, but the violence of the objections raised there on constitutional grounds awakened his attention in a new direction. he saw at once the gravity of a question, which involved not merely the incorporation of a bank, but which opened up a new field of constitutional powers and constitutional construction. when such far-reaching results were involved he paused and reflected, and, as was always the case with him under such circumstances, listened to and examined all the arguments on both sides. this done he decided, and with his national feeling he could not have decided otherwise than he did. the doctrine of the implied powers of the constitution was the greatest weapon possible for those whose leading thought was to develop the union of states into a great and imperial nation; and we may well believe that it was this feeling, and not merely faith in the bank as a financial engine, which led washington to sign the bill. when he did so he assented to the charter of a national bank, but he also assented to the doctrine of the implied powers and gave to that far-reaching construction of the constitution the great weight of his name and character. it was, perhaps, the most important single act of his presidency. it is impossible here, even were it necessary, to follow washington's action in regard to all the details which went to make up and to sustain hamilton's policy, to which, as a whole, washington gave his hearty approval and support. the revenue system, the public lands, the arrangement of loans, the mint, all alike met with his active concurrence. he was too great a man not to value rightly hamilton's work, and the way in which that work brought order, credit, honor, and prosperity out of a chaos of debt and bankruptcy appealed peculiarly to his own love for method, organization, and sound business principles. he met every criticism on hamilton's policy without concession, and defended it when it was attacked. to hamilton's genius that policy must be credited, but it gained its success and strength largely from the firm support of washington. there are two matters, however, connected with the treasury department, which cannot be passed over in this general way. one was a policy reasoned out and published by hamilton, but never during his lifetime put into the form of law in the broad and systematic manner which he desired. the other was a consequence of his financial policy as adopted, but which reached far beyond the bounds of financial arrangements. the first was the policy set forth in hamilton's report on manufactures. the second was the enforcement of the excise and its results. the defense of our commerce against foreign discriminations was a proximate cause of the movement which resulted in the constitution of the united states, and closely allied to it was the anxious wish to develop our internal resources and our domestic industry. this idea was not at all new. sporadic attempts to start and carry on various industries had been made during the colonial period. they had all failed, either because the watchful mother-country took pains to stifle them, or because lack of capital and experience, in addition to foreign competition, killed them almost at their birth. the idea of developing american industries was generally diffused for the first time when the colonists strove to bring england to terms by non-intercourse acts. the americans then thought that they could carry their points by making war upon the british pocket, and excluding english merchants from their markets. the next step, of course, was to supply their own markets themselves; and the non-intercourse agreements, which were economically prohibitory tariff acts, gave a fitful impulse to various simple industries. in the clash of arms this idea naturally dropped out of the popular mind, but it began to revive soon after the return of peace. the government of the confederation was too feeble to adopt any policy in this or any other matter, but in the first congress the desire to develop american industries found expression. the first tariff was laid primarily to raise the revenue so sorely needed at that moment. but the effort to do this gave rise to a debate in which the policy of protection, strongly advocated by the pennsylvanian members, was freely discussed. nobody, however, at that time, had any comprehensive plan or general system, so that the efforts for protection were incoherent, and resulted only in certain special protective features in the tariff bill, and not in a broad and well-rounded measure. still the protective idea was there; it was recognized in the preamble of the act, and the constitutionality of the policy was affirmed by the framers and contemporaries of the constitution. hamilton, of course, watched all these movements intently. his guiding thought in all things was the creation of a great nation. for this he strove for national unity and national sentiment, and he saw of course that one essential condition of national greatness was industrial independence, in addition to the political independence already won. one of the greatest thinkers of the time on all matters of public finance and political economy, he perceived at once that the irregular attempts of congress to encourage home industries could have at best but partial results. he saw that a system broad, just, and continental in its scope must take the place of the isolated industries which now and again obtained an uncertain protection under the haphazard measures of congress. with these views and purposes he wrote and sent to congress his report on manufactures. in that great state paper he made an argument in behalf of protection, as applied to the united states and to the development of home industries, which has never been overthrown. the system which he proposed was imperial in its range and national in its design, like everything that proceeded from hamilton's mind. he argued, of course, with reference to existing economic conditions, and in behalf only of what he then sought,--industrial independence and the establishment and diversification of industries. the social side of the question, which to-day overshadows all others, was not visible a hundred years ago. the report, however, bore no immediate fruit, and hamilton had been in his grave for years before the country turned from this practice of accidental protection, and tried to replace it by a broad, coherent system as set forth by the great secretary. but although it had no result at the moment, the report on manufactures, which laid the foundation of the american protective system, and which has so powerfully influenced american political thought, was one of the very greatest events of washington's administration. to trace its effects and history through the succeeding century would be wholly out of place here. all that concerns us is washington's relation to this far-reaching policy of his secretary. if we had not a word or a line on the subject from his pen, we should still know that the policy of hamilton was his policy too, for washington was the head of his own administration, and was responsible and meant to be responsible for all its acts and policies. with his keen foresight he saw the full import of the report on manufactures, and we may be sure that when it went forth it was with his full and cordial approval, and after that minute consideration which he gave to all public questions. but we are not left to inference. we have washington's views and feelings on this matter set forth again and again, and they show that the principle of the report on manufactures was as near and dear to him, and as full of meaning, as it was to hamilton. washington was brought up and had lived all his life under a system which came as near as possible to the ideal of the modern free-trader. the people of virginia were devoted almost entirely to a single interest, tobacco-growing, that being the occupation in which they could most profitably engage. no legislative artifices had been employed to enable them to diversify their industries or to establish manufactures. they bought in the cheapest market every luxury and most of the necessities of life. british merchants supplied all their wants, carried their tobacco, and advanced them money. cheap labor, a single staple with wide fluctuations of value, a credit system, entire dependence on foreigners, and absolute free trade according to the manchester theories, should have produced an earthly paradise. as a matter of fact, the virginia planters had little ready money and were deeply in debt. bankruptcy, as has been already said, seems to have come to them about once in a generation. the land, rapidly exhausted by tobacco, was prodigally wasted, and the general prosperity declined. washington, with his strong sense and perfect business methods, personally escaped most of these evils, but he saw the mischief of the system all the more clearly. it was bad enough in his time, but he did not live to see virginia with her wasted and exhausted lands stand still, while her sister states to the north passed her with giant strides in the race for wealth and population. he did not live to see her become, as a result of her colonial system, a mere breeder of slaves for the plantations of the gulf states. but he saw enough, and the lesson taught him by the results of industrial dependence was well learned. when the war came and he was carrying the terrible burden of the revolution, he learned the same lesson in a new and more bitter way. nothing went so near to wreck the american cause as lack of all the supplies by which war was carried on, for the united states produced little or nothing of what was then needed. the resources of the northern colonies were soon exhausted, and the south had none. powder, cannon, muskets, clothing, medical stores, all were lacking, and the fate of the nation hung trembling in the balance on account of the dependence in which the colonies had been kept by the skillful policy of england. these were teachings that a lesser man than washington would have taken to heart and pondered deeply. in the midst of the struggle he wrote to james warren (march , ): "let vigorous measures be adopted, ... to punish speculators, forestallers, and extortioners, and, above all, to sink the money by heavy taxes, to promote public and private economy, and _to encourage manufactures_.[ ] measures of this sort, gone heartily into by the several states, would strike at once at the root of all our evils, and give the _coup de grâce_ to the british hope of subjugating this continent either by their arms or their acts." [footnote : the italics are mine.] to lafayette he wrote in : "though i would not force the introduction of manufactures by extravagant encouragements and to the prejudice of agriculture, yet i conceive much might be done in that way by women, children, and others, without taking one really necessary hand from tilling the earth. certain it is, great savings are already made in many articles of apparel, furniture, and consumption. equally certain it is, that no diminution in agriculture has taken place at this time, when greater and more substantial improvements in manufactures are making than were ever before known in america." in the same year he wrote to governor randolph, favoring bounties, the strongest form of protection; and this encouragement he wished to have given to that industry which a hundred years later has been held up as one of the least deserving of all that have received the assistance of legislation. he said in this letter: "from the original letter, which i forward herewith, your excellency will comprehend the nature of a proposal for introducing and establishing the woolen manufacture in the state of virginia. in the present stage of population and agriculture, i do not pretend to determine how far that plan may be practicable and advisable; or, in case it should be deemed so, whether any or what public encouragement ought to be given to facilitate its execution. _i have, however, no doubt as to the good policy of increasing the number of sheep in every state_.[ ] by a little legislative encouragement the farmers of connecticut have, in two years past, added one hundred thousand to their former stock. if a greater quantity of wool could be produced, and if the hands which are often in a manner idle could be employed in manufacturing it, a spirit of industry might be promoted, a great diminution might be made in the annual expenses of individual families, and the public would eventually be exceedingly benefited." the only hesitation is as to the time of applying the policy. there is no doubt as to the wisdom of the policy itself, of giving protection and encouragement in every proper legislative form to domestic industry. [footnote : the italics are mine.] in his first speech to congress he recommended measures for the advancement of manufactures, having already affixed his signature to the bill which declared their encouragement to be one of its objects. at the same time he wrote, in reply to an address: "the promotion of domestic manufactures will, in my conception, be among the first consequences which may naturally be expected to flow from an energetic government." in he consulted hamilton as to the advisability of urging congress to offer bounties for the culture of cotton and hemp, his only doubts being as to the power of the general government in this respect, and as to the temper of the time in regard to such an expenditure of public money. the following year hamilton's report on manufactures was given to the country, finally establishing the position of the administration as to our economic policy. the general drift of legislation, although it was not systematized, followed the direction pointed out by the administration. but this did not satisfy washington. in his speech to congress, december , , he said: "congress has repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. _the object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear eligible._"[ ] he then goes on to argue at some length that, although manufacturing on the public account is usually inexpedient, it should be established and carried on to supply all that was needed for the public force in time of war. this was his last address to congress, and his last word on this matter was to approve the course of congress in following the recommendation of his first speech. all his utterances and all his opinions on the subject were uniform. washington had never been a student of public finance or political economy like hamilton, and he lived before the days of the manchester school and its new gospel of procuring heaven on earth by special methods of transacting the country's business. but washington was a great man, a state-builder who fought wars and founded governments. he knew that nations were raised up and made great and efficient, and that civilization was advanced, not by _laissez aller_ and _laissez faire_, but by much patient human striving. he had fought and conquered, and again he had fought and been defeated, and through all he had come to victory, and to certain conclusive results both in peace and war. he had not done this by sitting still and letting each man go his way, but by strong brain and strong will, and by much organization and compulsion. he had set his hand to the building of a nation. he had studied his country and understood it, and with calm, far-seeing eyes he had looked forward into the future of his people. neither the study nor the outlook were vain, and both told him that political independence was only part of the work, and that national sentiment, independent thinking, and industrial independence also must be reached. the first two, time alone could bring. the last, wise laws could help to produce; and so he favored protection by legislation to american industry and manufactures, threw all his potent influence into the scale, and gave his support to the protective policy set forth by his secretary. [footnote : the italics are mine.] two matters connected with the treasury, i have said, deserved fuller consideration than a general review could give. the one just described, the policy of the report on manufactures, came, as has been seen, to no clear and immediate result. the other reached a very sharp and definite conclusion, not without great effect on the new government of the united states, both at the moment and in the future. when hamilton "struck the rock of the national resources," the stream of revenue which he sought at the outset was that flowing from duties on imports, for this, in his theory, was not only the first source, but the best. he would fain have had it the only one; but the situation drove him forward. the assumption of the state debts, a part of the legacy of the revolution, and the continuing and at first increasing expenses of unavoidable indian wars, made additional revenue absolutely essential. he turned therefore to the excise on domestic spirits to furnish what was needed. washington approved assumption. it was a measure of honesty, it would raise the public credit, and above all, it was thoroughly national in its operation and results. the appropriations for indian wars he of course approved, for their energetic prosecution was part of the vigorous policy toward our wild neighbors upon which he was so determined. it followed, of course, that he did not shrink from imposing the taxes thus made necessary; and to raise the money from domestic spirits seemed to him, under the existing exigency, to be what it was,--thoroughly proper and reasonable both in form and subject. it would seem, however, that neither washington nor hamilton realized the unpopularity of this mode of getting revenue. the frontier settlers along the line of the alleghanies in pennsylvania, virginia, and north carolina, who distilled whiskey, were not very familiar, perhaps, with johnson's dictionary, but they would have cordially accepted his definition of an excise. to them it was indeed a "hateful tax," and nothing else. in fact, the word was one disliked throughout the states, for it brought up evil memories, and excited much jealous hostility and prejudice. the first excise law, therefore, when it went into force, was the signal for a general outburst of opposition; and in the alleghany region, as might have been expected, the resistance was immediate and most bitter. state legislatures passed resolutions, public meetings were held and more resolutions were passed, while in the wilder parts of the country threats of violence were freely uttered. all these murmurings and menaces came on the passage of the first bill in . the administration, however, had no desire to precipitate an uncalled-for strife, and so the law was softened and amended in the following year, the tax being lowered and the most obnoxious features removed. the result was general acquiescence throughout most of the states, and renewed opposition in the western counties of pennsylvania and north carolina. in the former a meeting was held denouncing the law, pledging the people to "boycott" the officers, and hinting at forcible resistance. if the people engaged in this business had stopped to consider the men with whom they had to deal, they would have been saved a great deal of suffering and humiliation. the president and his secretary of the treasury were not men who could be frightened by opposition or violent speeches. but angry frontiersmen, stirred up by demagogues, are not given to much reflection, and they meant to have their own way. washington was quite clear in his policy from the beginning. he was ready to make every proper concession, but when this was done he meant on his side to have his own way, which was the way of law and order and good government. he wrote to hamilton in august, : "if, after these regulations are in operation, opposition to the due exercise of the collection is still experienced, and peaceable procedure is no longer effectual, the public interests and my duty will make it necessary to enforce the laws respecting this matter; and however disagreeable this would be to me, it must nevertheless take place." meantime the disorders went on, and the officers were insulted and thwarted in the execution of their duty. washington's next letter (september ) has a touch of anger. he hated disorder and riot anywhere, but he was disgusted when they came from the very people for whose defense the indian war was pushed and the excise made necessary. he approved of hamilton's sending out an officer to examine into the survey, and said: "if, notwithstanding, opposition is still given to the due execution of the law, i have no hesitation in declaring, if the evidence of it is clear and unequivocal, that i shall, however reluctantly i exercise them, exert all the legal powers with which the executive is invested to check so daring and unwarrantable a spirit. it is my duty to see the laws executed. to permit them to be trampled upon with impunity would be repugnant to it; nor can the government longer remain a passive spectator of the contempt with which they are treated. forbearance, under a hope that the inhabitants of that survey would recover from the delirium and folly into which they were plunged, seems to have had no other effect than to increase the disorder." a few weeks later he issued a proclamation, declaring formally and publicly what he had already said in private. he warned the people engaged in resistance to the law that the law would be enforced, and exhorted them to desist. the proclamation was effective in the south, and the opposition died out in north carolina. not so in pennsylvania. there the scotch-irish borderers who lived in the western counties were bent on having their way. a brave, self-willed, hotheaded, turbulent people, they were going to have their fight out. they had ridden rough-shod over the quaker and german government in pennsylvania before this, and they no doubt thought they could do the same with this new government of the united states. they merely made a mistake about the man at the head of the government; nothing more than that. such mistakes have been made before. the paris mob, for example, made a similar blunder on the th vendémiaire, when bonaparte settled matters by the famous whiff of grape-shot. there is some excuse for the error of our scotch-irish borderers in their past experience, more excuse still in the drift of other events that touched all men just then with the madness of france, and gave birth to certain democratic societies which applauded any resistance to law, even if the cause was no nobler than a whiskey still. perhaps, too, the pennsylvanians were encouraged by the moderation and deliberate movement of the government. a lull came after the proclamation of . then every effort was made to settle the troubles by civil processes and by personal negotiation, but all proved vain. the disturbances went on increasing for two years, until law was at an end in the insurgent counties. the mails were stopped and robbed, there were violence, bloodshed, rioting, attacks on the officers of the united states, and meetings threatening still worse things. meanwhile washington had waited and watched, and bided his time. he felt now that the moment had come when, if ever, public opinion must be with him, and that the hour had arrived when he must put his fortune to the touch, and "try if it were current gold indeed." on august he issued a second proclamation, setting forth the outrages committed, and announcing his power to call out the militia, and his intention to do so if unconditional submission did not follow at once. as he wrote to a friend three days later: "actual rebellion exists against the laws of the united states." on the crucial point, however, he felt safe. he was confident that all the public opinion worth having was now on his side, and that the people were ready to stand by the government. the quick and unconditional submission did not come, and on september he issued a third proclamation, reciting the facts and calling out the militia of new jersey, pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia. washington had judged rightly. the states responded, and the troops came to the number of fifteen thousand, for he was in the habit of doing things thoroughly, and meant to have an overwhelming force. to governor lee of virginia the command of the combined forces was intrusted. "i am perfectly in sentiment with you, that the business we are drawn out upon should be effectually executed, and that the daring and factious spirit which threatens to overturn the laws and to subvert the constitution ought to be subdued." thus he wrote to morgan, while the commissioners from the insurgents were politely received, and told that the march of the troops could not be countermanded. washington would fain have gone himself, in command of the army, but he felt that he could not leave the seat of government for so long a time with propriety. he went as far as bedford with the troops, and then parted from them. when he took leave, he wrote a letter to lee, to be read to the army, in which he said: "no citizen of the united states can ever be engaged in a service more important to their country. it is nothing less than to consolidate and to preserve the blessings of that revolution which at much expense of blood and treasure constituted us a free and independent nation." thus admonished, the army marched, hamilton going with them in characteristic fashion to the end. they did their work thoroughly. the insurrection disappeared, and resistance dropped suddenly out of sight. the scotch-irish of the border, with all their love of fighting, found too late that they were dealing with a power very different from that of their own state. the ringleaders of the insurrection were arrested and tried by civil process, the disorders ceased, law reigned once more, and the "hateful tax" was duly paid and collected. the "whiskey rebellion" has never received due weight in the history of the united states. its story has been told in the utmost detail, but its details are unimportant. as a fact, however, it is full of meaning, and this meaning has been too much overlooked. that this should be so, is not to be wondered at, for everything has conspired to make it seem, after a century has gone by, both mean and trivial. its very name suggests ridicule and contempt, and it collapsed so utterly that people laughed at it and despised it. its leaders, with the exception of gallatin, were cheap and talkative persons of little worth, and the cause itself was neither noble, romantic, nor inspiriting. nevertheless, it was a dangerous and formidable business, for it was the first direct challenge to the new government. it was the first clear utterance of the stern question asked of every people striving to live as a nation, have you a right to live? have you a government able to fight and to endure? have you men ready to take up the challenge? these questions were put by rough frontier settlers, and put in the name and for the sake of distilling whiskey unvexed by law. but they were there, they had to be answered, and on the reply the existence of the government was at stake. if it failed, all was over. if the states did not respond to this first demand, that they should put down disorder and dissension within the borders of one of their number, the experiment had failed. it came, as it almost always does come, to one man to make the answer. that man took up the challenge. he did not move too soon. he waited with unerring judgment, as lincoln waited with the proclamation of emancipation, until he had gathered public opinion behind him by his firmness and moderation. then he struck, and struck so hard that the whole fabric of insurrection and riot fell helplessly to pieces, and wiseacres looked on and laughed, and thought it had been but a slight matter after all. the action of the government vindicated the right of the united states to live, because they had proved themselves able to keep order. it showed to the american people that their government was a reality of force and power. if it had gone wrong, the history of the united states would not have differed widely from that of the confederation. no mistake was made, and people regarded the whole thing as an insignificant incident, and historians treat it as an episode. there could be no greater tribute to the strong and silent man who did the work and bore the stress of waiting for nearly five years. he did his duty so well and so completely that it seems nothing now, and yet the crushing of that insurrection in the western counties of pennsylvania was one of the turning-points in a nation's life. chapter iv foreign relations our present relations with foreign nations fill as a rule but a slight place in american politics, and excite generally only a languid interest, not nearly so much as their importance deserves. we have separated ourselves so completely from the affairs of other people that it is difficult to realize how commanding and disproportionate a place they occupied when the government was founded. we were then a new nation, and our attitude toward the rest of the world was wholly undefined. there was, therefore, among the american people much anxiety to discover what that attitude would be, for the unknown is always full of interest. moreover, europe was still our neighbor, for england, france, and spain were all upon our borders, and had large territorial interests in the northern half of the new world. within fifteen years we had been colonies, and all our politics, except those which were purely local and provincial, had been the politics of europe; for during the eighteenth century we had been drawn into and had played a part in every european complication, and every european war in which england had the slightest share. thus the american people came to consider themselves a part of the european system, and looked to europe for their politics, which was a habit of thought both natural and congenial to colonists. we ceased to be colonists when the treaty of paris was signed; but treaties, although they settle boundaries and divide nations, do not change customs and habits of thought by a few strokes of the pen. the free and independent people of the united states, as there has already been occasion to point out, when they set out to govern themselves under their new constitution, were still dominated by colonial ideas and prejudices. they felt, no doubt, that the new system would put them in a more respectable attitude toward the other nations of the earth. but this was probably the only definite popular notion on the subject. what our actual relations with other nations should be, was something wholly vague, and very varying ideas were entertained about it by communities and by individuals, according to their various prejudices, opinions, and interests. the one idea, however, that the american people did not have on this subject was, that they should hold themselves entirely aloof from the politics of the old world, and have with other nations outside the americas no relations except those born of commerce. it had not occurred to them that they should march steadily forward on a course which would drive out european governments, and sever the connections of those governments with the north american continent. after a century's familiarity, this policy looks so simple and obvious that it is difficult to believe that our forefathers could even have considered any other seriously; but in it was so strange that no one dreamed of it, except perhaps a few thinkers speculating on the future of the infant nation. it was something so novel that when it was propounded it struck the people like a sudden shock of electricity. it was so broad, so national, so thoroughly american, that men still struggling in the fetters of colonial thought could not comprehend it. but there was one man to whom it was neither strange nor speculative. to washington it was not a vague idea, but a well-defined system, which he had been long maturing in his mind. before he had been chosen president, he wrote to sir edward newenham: "i hope the united states of america will be able to keep disengaged from the labyrinth of european politics and wars; and that before long they will, by the adoption of a good national government, have become respectable in the eyes of the world, so that none of the maritime powers, especially none of those who hold possessions in the new world or the west indies, shall presume to treat them with insult or contempt. it should be the policy of the united states to administer to their wants without being engaged in their quarrels. and it is not in the power of the proudest and most polite people on earth to prevent us from becoming a great, a respectable, and a commercial nation if we shall continue united and faithful to ourselves." this plain statement shows his fixed belief that in an absolute breaking with the political affairs of other peoples lay the most important part of the work which was to make us a nation in spirit and in truth. he carried this belief with him when he took up the presidency, and it was the chief burden of the last words of counsel which he gave to his countrymen when he retired to private life. to have begun and carried on to a firm establishment this policy of a separation from europe would have required time, skill, and patience even under the calmest and most favorable conditions. but it was the fate of the new government to be born just on the eve of the french revolution. the united states were at once caught up and tossed by the waves of that terrific storm, and it was in the midst of that awful hurly-burly, when the misdeeds of centuries of wrong-doing were brought to an account, that washington opened and developed his foreign policy. it was a great task, and the manner of its performance deserves much and serious consideration. his first act in foreign affairs, on entering the presidency, was to make the minister of france understand that the government of the united states was to be treated with due formality and respect. his second was to examine the whole mass of foreign correspondence collected in the state department of the confederation, and he did this, as has been said, pencil in hand, making notes and abstracts as he went. it was well worth doing, for he learned much, and from this laborious study and thorough knowledge certain facts became apparent, for the most part of a hard and unpleasant nature. first, he saw that england, taking advantage of our failure to fulfill completely our obligations under the treaty, had openly violated hers, and continued to hold the fortified posts along the northwestern and western borders. here was a dangerous thorn which pricked sharply, for the posts in british hands offered constant temptations to indian risings, and threatened war both with the savages and with great britain. further west still, spain held the mississippi, closed navigation, and intrigued to separate our western settlers from the union. no immediate danger lay here, but still peril and need of close watching, for the mississippi was never to slip out of our power. the mighty river and the great region through which it flows were important features in that empire which washington foresaw. his plan was that we should get them by binding the settlers beyond the alleghanies to the old states with roads, canals, and trade, and then trust to those hardy pioneers to keep the river and its valley for themselves and their country. all that was needed for this were time, and vigilant firmness with spain. beyond the sea were the west india islands, the home of a commerce long carried on by the colonies and of much profit to them, especially to those of new england. this trade was now hampered by england, and was soon to be still further blocked, and thereby become the cause of much bickering and ill-will. across the ocean we maintained with the barbary states the relations usual between brigands and victims, and we tried to make treaties with them, and really paid tribute to them, as was the fashion in dealing with those pirates at that period. with holland, sweden, and prussia we had commercial treaties, and the dutch sent a minister to the united states. with france alone were our relations close. she had been our ally, and we had formed with her a treaty of alliance and a treaty of commerce, as well as a consular convention, which we were at this time engaged in revising. to most of the nations of the world, however, we were simply an unknown quantity, an unconsidered trifle. the only people who really knew anything about us were the english, with whom we had fought, and from whom we had separated; the french, who had helped us to win our independence; and the dutch, from whom we had borrowed money. even these nations, with so many reasons for intelligent and profitable interest in the new republic, failed, not unnaturally, to see the possibilities shut up in the wild american continent. to the young nation just starting thus unnoticed and unheeded, washington believed that honorable peace was essential, if a firm establishment of the new government, and of a respectable and respected position in the eyes of the world, was ever to be attained; and it was toward england, therefore, as the source of most probable trouble, that washington turned to begin his foreign policy. the return of john adams had left us without a minister at london, and england had sent no representative to the united states. the president, therefore, authorized gouverneur morris, who was going abroad on private business, to sound the english government informally as to an exchange of ministers, the complete execution of the treaty of peace, and the negotiation of a commercial treaty. the mission was one of inquiry, and was born of good and generous feelings as well as of broad and wise views of public policy. "it is in my opinion very important," he wrote to morris, "that we avoid errors in our system of policy respecting great britain; and this can only be done by forming a right judgment of their disposition and views." what was the response to these fair and sensible suggestions? on the first point the assent was ready enough; but on the other two, which looked to the carrying out of the treaty and the making of a treaty of commerce, there was no satisfaction. morris, who was as high-spirited as he was able, was irritated by the indifference and hardly concealed insolence shown to him and his business. it was the fit beginning of the conduct by which england for nearly a century has succeeded in alienating the good-will of the people of the united states. such a policy was neither generous nor intelligent, and politically it was a gross blunder. washington, however, was too great a man to be disturbed by the bad temper and narrow ideas of english ministers. after his fashion he persevered in what he knew to be right and for his country's interest, and in due time a diplomatic representation was established, while later still, in the midst of difficulties of which he little dreamed at the outset, he carried through a treaty that removed the existing grievances. in a word, he kept the peace, and it lasted long enough to give the united states the breathing space they so much needed at the beginning of their history. the greatest perils in our foreign relations came, as it happened, from another quarter, where peace seemed most secure, and where no man looked for trouble. the government of the united states and the french revolution began almost together, and it is one of the strangest facts of history that the nation which helped so powerfully to give freedom to america brought the results of that freedom into the gravest peril by its own struggle for liberty. when the great movement in france began, it was hailed in this country with general applause, and with a sympathy as hearty as it was genuine, for every one felt that france was now to gain all the blessings of free government with which america was familiar. our glorious example, it was clear, was destined to change the world, and monarchies and despotisms were to disappear. there was to be a new political birth for all the nations, and the reign of peace and good-will was to come at once upon the earth at the hands of liberated peoples freely governing themselves. it was a natural delusion, and a kindly one. history, in the modern sense, was still unwritten, and men did not then understand that the force and character of a revolution are determined by the duration and intensity of the tyranny and misgovernment which have preceded and caused it. the vast benefit destined to flow from the french revolution was to come many years after all those who saw it begin were in their graves, but at the moment it was expected to arrive immediately, and in a form widely different from that which, in the slow process of time, it ultimately assumed. moreover, americans did not realize that the well-ordered liberty of the english-speaking race was something unknown and inconceivable to the french. there were a few americans who were never deceived for a moment, even by their hopes. hamilton, who "divined europe," as talleyrand said, and gouverneur morris, studying the situation on the spot with keen and practical observation, soon apprehended the truth, while others more or less quickly followed in their wake. but washington, whom no one ever credited with divination, and who never crossed the atlantic, saw the realities of the thing sooner, and looked more deeply into the future than anybody else. no man lived more loyal than he, or more true to the duties of gratitude; but he looked upon the world of facts with vision never dimmed nor dazzled, and watched in silence, while others slept and dreamed. let us follow his letters for a moment. in october, , in the first flush of hope and sympathy, he wrote to morris: "the revolution which has been effected in france is of so wonderful a nature that the mind can hardly realize the fact. if it ends as our last accounts to the first of august predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in europe; but i fear though it has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. in a word, the revolution is of too great magnitude to be effected in so short a space, and with the loss of so little blood.... to forbear running from one extreme to another is no easy matter; and should this be the case, rocks and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and give a higher-toned despotism than the one which existed before." seven years afterwards, reviewing his opinions in respect to france, he wrote to pickering: "my conduct in public and private life, as it relates to the important struggle in which the latter is engaged, has been uniform from the commencement of it, and may be summed up in a few words: that i have always wished well to the french revolution; that i have always given it as my decided opinion that no nation had a right to intermeddle in the internal concerns of another; that every one had a right to form and adopt whatever government they liked best to live under themselves; and that if this country could, consistently with its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality and thereby preserve peace, it was bound to do so by motives of policy, interest, and every other consideration that ought to actuate a people situated as we are, already deeply in debt, and in a convalescent state from the struggle we have been engaged in ourselves." thus prepared, washington waited and saw his cautious predictions verified, and the revolution rush headlong from one extreme to another. he also saw the flames spread beyond the borders of france, changing and dividing public opinion everywhere; and he knew it was only a question of time how soon the new nation, at whose head he stood, would be affected. histories and biographies which treat of that period, as a rule convey the idea that the foreign policy of our first administration dealt with the complications that arose as they came upon us. nothing could be further from the truth, for the general policy was matured at the outset, as has been seen in the letter to newenham, and the occasions for its application were sure to come sooner or later, in one form or another. washington was not surprised by the presence of the perils that he feared, and danger only made him more set on carrying out the policy upon which he had long since determined. in july, , he wrote to morris: "i trust we shall never so far lose sight of our own interest and happiness as to become unnecessarily a party to these political disputes. our local situation enables us to maintain that state with respect to them which otherwise could not, perhaps, be preserved by human wisdom." he followed this up with a strong and concise argument as to the advantage and necessity of this policy, showing a complete grasp of the subject, which came from long and patient thought. all his firmness and knowledge were needed, for the position was most trying. with every ship that brought news of the extraordinary doings in europe, the applause which greeted the early uprisings of paris grew less general. the wise, the prudent, the conservative, cooled gradually at first, and then more quickly in their admiration of the french; but in the beginning, this deepening and increasing hostility to the revolution kept silence. it was popular to be the friend of france, and highly unpopular to be anything else. but when excesses multiplied and blood flowed, when religion tottered and the foundations of society were shaken, this silence was broken. discussion took the place of harmonious congratulation, and it soon became apparent that there was to be a sharp and bitter division of public opinion, growing out of the affairs of france. it was necessary for the government to maintain a friendly yet cautious attitude toward our former ally, and not endanger the stability of the union and the dignity of the country by giving to the french sympathizers any good ground for accusing them of ingratitude, or of lukewarmness toward the cause of human rights. that a time would soon come when decisive action must be taken, washington saw plainly enough; and when that moment arrived, the risk of fierce party divisions on a question of foreign politics could not be avoided. meantime domestic bitterness on these matters was to be repressed and delayed, and yet in so doing no step was to be taken which would involve the country in any inconsistency, or compel a change of position when the crisis was actually reached. the policy of separating the united states from all foreign politics is usually dated from what is called the neutrality proclamation; but the theory, as has been pointed out, was clear and well defined in washington's mind when he entered upon the presidency. the outlines were marked out and pursued in practice long before the outbreak of war between france and england put his system to the touch. in everything he said or wrote, whether in public or private, his tone toward france was so friendly that her most zealous supporter could not take offense, and at the same time it was so absolutely guarded that the country was committed to nothing which could hamper it in the future. the course of the administration as a whole, and its substantive acts as well, were in harmony with the tone of expression used by the president; for washington, it may be repeated, was the head of his own administration, a fact which the biographers of the very able men who surrounded him are too prone to overlook. in this case he was not only the leader, but the work was peculiarly his own, and a few extracts from his letters will show the completeness of his policy and the firmness with which he followed it whenever occasion came. to lafayette he wrote in july, , a letter full of sympathy, but with an undertone of warning none the less significant because it was veiled. coming to a point where there was an intimation of trouble between the two countries, he said: "the decrees of the national assembly respecting our tobacco and oil do not appear to be very pleasing to the people of this country; but i do not presume that any hasty measures will be adopted in consequence thereof; for we have never entertained a doubt of the friendly disposition of the french nation toward us, and are therefore persuaded that, if they have done anything which seems to bear hard upon us at a time when the assembly must have been occupied in very important matters, and which, perhaps, would not allow time for a due consideration of the subject, they will in the moment of calm deliberation alter it and do what is right." [illustration: lafayette] the unfriendly act was noted, so that lafayette would understand that no tame submission was intended, and yet no resentment was expressed. the same tone can be noticed in a widely different direction. washington foresaw that the troubles in france, sooner or later, would involve her in war with england. the united states, as the former allies of the french, were certain to attract the attention of the mother country, and so he watched on that side also with equal caution. england, if possible, was to be made to understand that the american policy was not dictated by anything but the interests and the dignity of the united states, and their resolve to hold aloof from european complications. in june, , he wrote to morris: "one thing, however, i must not pass over in silence, lest you should infer from it that mr. d. had authority for reporting that the united states had asked the mediation of great britain to bring about a peace between them and the indians. you may be fully assured, sir, that such mediation never was asked, that the asking of it never was in contemplation, and i think i might go further and say that it not only never will be asked, but would be rejected if offered. the united states will never have occasion, i hope, to ask for the interposition of that power, or any other, to establish peace within their own territory." here is again the same note, always so true and clear, that the united states are not colonies but an independent nation. so far as it was in the power of the president, this was something which should be heard by all men, even at the risk of much reiteration. it was a fact not understood at home and not recognized abroad, but washington proposed to insist upon it so far as in him lay, until it was both understood and admitted. meantime the flames were ever spreading from paris, consuming and threatening to consume the heaped up rubbish of centuries, and also burning up many other more valuable things, as is the way with great fires when they get beyond control. many persons were interested in the things of worth now threatened with destruction, and many others in the rubbish and the tyrannous abuses. it was clear that war of a wide and far-reaching kind could not be long put off. in march, , washington wrote: "all our late accounts from europe hold up the expectation of a general war in that quarter. for the sake of humanity, i hope such an event will not take place. but if it should, i trust that we shall have too just a sense of our own interest to originate any cause that may involve us in it." even while he wrote, the general war that he anticipated, the war between france and england, had come. the news reached him at mount vernon, and in the letter to jefferson announcing his immediate departure for philadelphia he said: "war having actually commenced between france and great britain, it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. i therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay." these instructions were written on april , and on the th washington was in philadelphia, and had sent out a series of questions to be considered by his cabinet and answered on the following day. after much discussion, it was unanimously agreed to issue a proclamation of neutrality, to receive the new french minister, and not to convene congress in extra session. the remaining questions were put over for further consideration. hamilton framed the questions, say the historians; randolph drafted the proclamation, says his biographer, in a very instructive and fresh discussion of the relations between the secretary of state and the attorney-general. it is interesting to know what share the president's advisers took when he consulted them on this momentous question, but the leading idea was his own. when the moment came, the policy long meditated and matured was put in force. the world was told that a new power had come into being, which meant to hold aloof from europe, and which took no interest in the balance of power or the fate of dynasties, but looked only to the welfare of its own people and to the conquest and mastery of a continent as its allotted tasks. the policy declared by the proclamation was purely american in its conception, and severed the colonial tradition at a stroke. in the din then prevailing among civilized men, it was but little heeded, and even at home it was almost totally misunderstood; yet nevertheless it did its work. for twenty-five years afterward the american people slowly advanced toward the ground then taken, until the ideas of the neutrality proclamation received their final acceptance and extension at the hands of the younger adams, in the promulgation of the monroe doctrine. the shaping of this policy which was then launched was a great work of far-sighted and native statesmanship, and it was preëminently the work of the president himself. moreover, it did not stop here. a circular to the officers of the customs provided for securing notice of infractions of the law, and the task of enforcing the principles laid down in the proclamation began. as it happened, the theory of neutrality was destined at once to receive rude tests of its soundness in practice. the new french minister was landing on our shores, and beginning his brief career in this country, while the proclamation was going from town to town and telling the people, in sharp and unaccustomed tones, that they were americans and not colonists, and must govern themselves accordingly. everything, in fact, seemed to conspire to make the path of the new policy rough and thorny. in the excitement of the time a large portion of the population regarded it as a party measure aimed against our beloved allies, while, to make the situation worse, france on one side and england on the other proceeded, as if deliberately, to do everything in their power to render neutrality impossible, and to drive us into war with some one. the new minister, genet, could not have been better chosen, if the special errand for which he had been employed had been to make trouble. light-headed and vain, with but little ability and a vast store of unintelligent zeal, the whirl of the french revolution flung him on our shores, where he had a glorious chance for mischief. this opportunity he at once seized. as soon as he landed he proceeded to arm privateers at charleston. thence he took his way north, and the enthusiastic popular acclaim which everywhere greeted his arrival almost crazed him, and drew forth a series of high-flown and most injudicious speeches. by the time he reached philadelphia, and before he had presented his credentials, he had induced enough violations of neutrality, and sown the seeds of enough trouble, to embarrass our government for months to come. washington had written to governor lee on may : "i foresaw in the moment information of that event (the war) came to me, the necessity for announcing the disposition of this country towards the belligerent powers, and the propriety of restraining, as far as a proclamation would do it, our citizens from taking part in that contest.... the affairs of france would seem to me to be in the highest paroxysm of disorder; not so much from the presence of foreign enemies, for in the cause of liberty this ought to be fuel to the fire of a patriot soldier and to increase his ardor, but because those in whose hands the government is intrusted are ready to tear each other to pieces, and will more than probably prove the worst foes the country has." he easily foresaw the moment of trial, when he would be forced to the declaration of his policy, which was so momentous for the united states, and he also understood the condition of affairs at paris, and the probable tendencies and proximate results of the revolution. it was evident that the great social convulsion had brought forth men of genius and force, and had maddened them with the lust of blood and power. but it was less easy to foresee, what was equally natural, that the revolution would also throw to the surface men who had neither genius nor force, but who were as wild and dangerous as their betters. no one, surely, could have been prepared to meet in the person of the minister of a great nation such a feather-headed mischief-maker as genet. in everything relating to france washington had observed the utmost caution, and his friendliness had been all the more marked because he had felt obliged to be guarded. he had exercised this care even in personal matters, and had refrained, so far as possible, from seeing the _émigrés_ who had begun to come to this country. such men as the vicomte de noailles had been referred to the state department, and in many cases the maintenance of this attitude had tried his feelings severely, for the exiles were not infrequently men who had fought or sympathized with us in our day of conflict. now came the new minister of the republic, a being apparently devoid of training or manners. before he had been received, or had appeared at the seat of government, before he had even taken possession of his predecessor's papers, he had behaved in a way which would not have been inappropriate to a roman governor of a conquered province. he had ordered the french consuls to act as admiralty courts, he had armed cruisers, enlisted and commissioned american citizens, and had seen the vessels of a power with which the united states were at peace captured in american waters, and condemned in the states by french consular courts. three weeks before genet's audience jefferson had a memorial from the british minister, justly complaining of the injuries done his country under cover of our flag; and while the government was considering this pleasant incident, genet was faring gayly northward, fêted and caressed, cheered and applauded, the subject of ovations and receptions everywhere. at philadelphia he was received by a great concourse of citizens, called together by the guns of the very privateer that had violated our neutrality, and led by provincial persons, who thought it fine to name themselves "citizen" smith and "citizen" brown, because that particular folly was the fashion in france. a day was passed in receiving addresses, and then genet was presented to the president. a stranger contrast could not easily have been found even in that strange time, and two men more utterly unlike probably never faced each other as representatives of two great nations. in the difference between them the philosopher may find, perhaps, some explanation of the difference in the character and results of the revolutions which came so near together in the two countries. nothing, moreover, could well be conceived more distasteful to washington than the frenchman's conduct except the frenchman himself. there was about the man and his performances everything most calculated to bring one of those gusts of passionate contempt which now and again had made things unpleasant for some one who had failed in sense, decency, and duty. this was impossible to a president, but nevertheless his self-restraint from the beginning to the end of his intercourse with genet was very remarkable in a man of his temperament. at their first interview his demeanor may have been a little colder than usual, and the dignified reserve somewhat more marked, but there was no trace of any feeling. his manner, nevertheless, chilled genet and came upon him like a cold bath after the warm atmosphere of popular plaudits and turgid addresses. he went away grumbling, and complained that he had seen medallions of the capets on the walls of the president's room. but although washington was calm and polite, he was also watchful and prepared, as he had good reason to be, for genet immediately began, in addition to his wild public utterances, to pour in notes upon the state department. he demanded money; he announced in florid style the opening of the french ports; he wrote that he was ready to make a new treaty; and finally he filed an answer to the complaints of the british minister. his arguments were wretched, but they seemed to weigh with jefferson, although not with the president; and meantime the dragon's teeth which he had plentifully sown began to come up and bear an abundant harvest. more prizes were made by his cruisers, and after many remonstrances one was ordered away, and two americans whom genet had enlisted were indicted. genet declared that this was an act which his pen almost refused to state; but still it was done, and the administration pushed on and ordered the seizure of privateers fitting in american ports. governor clinton made a good beginning with one at new york, and in hot haste genet wrote another note more furious and impertinent than any he had yet sent. he was answered civilly, and the work of stopping the sale of prizes went on. meantime the opposition were not idle. the french sympathizers bestirred themselves, and attacks began to be made even on the president himself. the popular noise and clamor were all against the administration, but the support of it was really growing stronger, although the president and his secretaries could not see it. jefferson, on whom the conduct of foreign affairs rested, was uneasy and wavering. he wrote able letters, as he was directed, but held, it is to be feared, quite different language in his conversations with genet. randolph argued and hesitated, while hamilton, backed by knox, was filled with wrath and wished more decisive measures. still, as we look at it now across a century, we can observe that the policy went calmly forward, consistent and unchecked. the french minister was held back, privateers were stopped, the english minister's complaints were answered, every effort was made for exact justice, and neutrality was preserved. it was hard and trying work, especially to a man of strong temper and fighting propensities. still it was done, and toward the end of june washington went for a little rest to mount vernon. then came a sudden explosion. one july morning the rumor ran through philadelphia that the little sarah, a prize of the french man-of-war, was fitting out as a privateer. the reaction in favor of the administration was beginning, and men, indignant at the proceeding, carried the news to governor mifflin, and also to the secretary of state. great disturbance of mind thereupon ensued to these two gentlemen, who were both much interested in france and the rights of man. the brig would not sail before the arrival of the president, said the secretary of state. still the arming went on apace, and then came movements on the part of the governor. dallas, secretary of state for pennsylvania, went at midnight to expostulate with genet, who burst into a passion, and declared that the vessel should sail. this defiance roused the governor, and a company of militia marched to the vessel and took possession. greatly excited, jefferson went next morning to genet, who very honestly declined to promise to detain the vessel, but said that she would not be ready to sail until wednesday. this announcement, which was distinctly not a promise, the secretary of state chose to accept as such, and as he was very far from being a fool, he did so either from timidity, or from a very unworthy political preference for another nation's interests to the dignity of his own country. at all events, he had the troops withdrawn, and the little sarah, now rejoicing in the name of the petit democrat, dropped down to chester. hamilton and knox, being neither afraid nor un-american, were for putting a battery on mud island and sinking the privateer if she attempted to go by. great saving of trouble and bloodshed would have been accomplished by the setting up of this battery and the sinking of this vessel, for it would have informed the world that though the united states were weak and young, they were ready nevertheless to fight as a nation, a fact which we subsequently were obliged to prove by a three years' war. jefferson, however, opposed decisive measures, and while the cabinet wrangled, washington, hurrying back from mount vernon, reached philadelphia. he was full of just anger at what had been done and left undone. jefferson, feeling uneasy, had gone to the country, where he was fond of making a retreat at unpleasant moments, and washington at once wrote him a letter, which could not have been very agreeable to the discoverer of diplomatic promises in a refusal to give any. "what," said the president, "is to be done in the case of the little sarah, now at chester? is the minister of the french republic to set the acts of this government at defiance _with impunity_? and then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? what must the world think of such conduct, and of the government of the united states in submitting to it?" then came a demand for an immediate opinion. to the tender feelings of the secretary of state, who had not been considering the affair from an american standpoint, this must have seemed a violent and almost a coarse way of treating the "great republic," and he replied that the french minister had assured him that the vessel would not sail until the president reached a decision. having got the vessel to chester, however, by telling the truth, genet now changed his tack. he lied about detaining her, and she went to sea. this performance filled the cup of washington's disgust almost to overflowing, for he had what jefferson seems to have totally lost at this juncture--a keen national feeling, and it was touched to the quick. the truth was, that in all this business jefferson was thinking too much of france and of the cause of human liberty in paris, while washington thought of the united states alone. the result was the escape of the vessel, owing to washington's absence, and the consequent humiliation to the government. to refrain from ordering genet out of the country at once required a strong effort of self-control; but he wished to keep the peace as long as possible, and he proposed to get rid of him speedily but decorously. he resolved also that no more such outrages should be committed through his absence, and the consequent differences among his advisers. he continued, of course, to consult his cabinet, but he took the immediate control, more definitely even than before, into his own hands. on july he wrote to jefferson, whose vigor at this critical time he evidently doubted: "as the letter of the minister of the republic of france, dated the d of june, lies yet unanswered, and as the official conduct of that gentleman, relative to the affairs of this government, will have to undergo a very serious consideration, ... in order to decide upon measures proper to be taken thereupon, it is my desire that all the letters to and from that minister may be ready to be laid before me, the heads of departments, and the attorney-general, whom i shall advise with on the occasion." he also saw to it that better precautions should be taken by the officers of the customs to prevent similar attempts to break neutrality, and set the administration and the laws of the country at defiance. the cabinet consultations soon bore good fruit, and genet's recall was determined on during the first days of august. there was some discussion over the manner of requesting the recall, but the terms were made gentle by jefferson, to the disgust of the secretary of the treasury and the secretary of war, who desired direct methods and stronger language. as finally toned up and agreed upon by the president and cabinet, the document was sufficiently vigorous to annoy genet, and led to bitter reproaches addressed to his friend in the state department. then there was question about publishing the correspondence, and again jefferson intervened in behalf of mildness. the substantive fact, however, was settled, and the letter asking genet's recall, as desired by washington, went in due time, and in the following february came a successor. genet, however, did not go back to his native land, for he preferred to remain here and save his head, valueless as that article would seem to have been. he spent the rest of his days in america, married, harmless, and quite obscure. his noise and fireworks were soon over, and one wonders now how he could ever have made as much flare and explosion as he did. but even while his recall was being decided, before he knew of it himself, and long before his successor came, genet's folly produced more trouble than ever, and his insolence rose to a higher pitch. the arming of privateers had been checked, but the consuls continued to arrogate powers which no self-respecting nation could permit, and for some gross offense washington revoked the _exequatur_ of duplaine, consul at boston. an insolent note from genet thereupon declared that the president had overstepped his authority, and that he should appeal to the sovereign state of massachusetts. next there was riot and the attempted murder of a man from st. domingo who was accused by the refugees. then it began to get abroad that genet had threatened to appeal from the president to the people, and frantic denials ensued from all the opposition press; whereupon a card appeared from john jay and rufus king, which stated that they were authority for the story and believed it. apologies now took the place of denial, and were backed by ferocious attacks on the signers of the card. unluckily, intelligent people seemed to put faith in jay and king rather than in the opposition newspapers, and the tide, which had turned some time before, now ran faster every moment against the french. to make it flow with overwhelming force and rapidity was reserved for genet himself, who was furious at the jay card, and wrote to the president, demanding a denial of the statement which it contained. a cool note informed him that the president did not consider it proper or material to make denials, and pointed out to him that he must address his communications to the state department. this correspondence was published, and the mass of the people were at last aroused, and turned from genet in disgust. the leaders tried vainly to separate the minister from his country, and genet himself frothed and foamed, demanded that randolph should sue jay and king for libel, and declared that america was no longer free. this sad statement had little effect. washington had triumphed completely, and without haste but with perfect firmness had brought the people round to his side as that of the national dignity and honor. the victory had been won at no little cost to washington himself in the way of self-control. he had been irritated and angered at every step, so much so that he even referred in a letter to richard henry lee to the trial of temper to which he had been put, a bit of personal allusion in which he rarely indulged. "the specimens you have seen," he wrote, "of mr. genet's sentiments and conduct in the gazettes form a small part only of the aggregate. but you can judge from them to what test the temper of the executive has been put in its various transactions with this gentleman. it is probable that the whole will be exhibited to public view in the course of the next session of congress. delicacy towards his nation has restrained the doing of it hitherto. the best that can be said of this agent is, that he is entirely unfit for the mission on which he is employed; unless (which i hope is not the case), contrary to the express and unequivocal declaration of his country made through himself, it is meant to involve ours in all the horrors of a european war." but there was another side to the neutrality question even more full of difficulties and unpopularity, which began to open just as the worst of the contests with genet was being brought to a successful close. genet had not confined his efforts to the seaboard, nor been content with civic banquets, privateers, rioting, and insolent notes to the government. he had fitted out ships, and he intended also to levy armies. with this end in view he had sent his agents through the south and west to raise men in order to invade the floridas on the one hand and seize new orleans on the other. to conceive of such a performance by a foreign minister on the soil of the united states, requires an effort of the imagination to-day almost equal to that which would be necessary for an acceptance of the reality of the arabian nights. it brings home with startling clearness not merely the crazy insolence of genet, but a painful sense of the manner in which we were regarded by the nations of europe. still worse is the fact that they had good reason for their view. the imbecility of the confederation had bred contempt, and it was now seen that we were still so wholly provincial that a large part of the people was not only ready to condone but even to defend the conduct of the minister who engaged in such work. worst of all, the people among whom the french agents went received their propositions with much pleasure. in south carolina, where it was said five thousand men had been enlisted, there was sufficient self-respect to stop the precious scheme. the assembly arrested certain persons and ordered an inquiry, which came to nothing; but the effect of their action was sufficient. in kentucky, on the other hand, the authorities would not interfere. the people there were always quite ready for a march against new orleans, and that it did not proceed was due to genet's inability to get money; for the governor declined to meddle, and the democratic society of lexington demanded war. matters looked so serious that the cavalry was sent to kentucky, and the rest of the army wintered in ohio. it was actually necessary to teach the american people by the presence of the troops of the united states that they must not enroll themselves in the army of a foreign minister. nothing can show more strikingly than this the almost inconceivable difficulties with which the president was contending. to develop a policy of wise and dignified neutrality, and to impress it upon the world, was a great enough task in itself. but washington was obliged to impress it also upon his own people, and to teach them that they must have a policy of their own toward other nations. he had to carry this through in the teeth of an opposition so utterly colonial that it could not grasp the idea of having any policy but that which, from sympathy or hate, they took from foreigners. beyond the mountains, he had to bring this home to men to whom american nationality was such a dead letter that they were willing to defy their own government, throw off their allegiance, and enlist for an offensive war under the banners of a crazy french girondist. it is neither easy nor pleasant to carry out a new foreign policy in time of general war, with one's own people united in its support; but when the foreign divisions are repeated at home, the task is enhanced in difficulty a thousand-fold. nevertheless, there was the work to do, and the president faced it. he dealt with genet, he prevailed in public opinion on the seaboard, and in some fashion he maintained order west of the mountains. washington also saw, as we can see now very plainly, that, wrong and unpatriotic as the kentucky attitude was, there was still an excuse for it. those bold pioneers, to whom the country owes so much, had very substantial grievances. they knew nothing of the laws of nations, and did not yet realize that they had a country and a nationality; but they had the instincts of all great conquering races. they looked upon the mississippi and felt that it was of right theirs, and that it must belong to the vast empire which they were winning from the wilderness. they saw the mighty river held and controlled by spaniards, and they were harassed and interfered with by spanish officials, whom they both hated and despised. to men of their mould and training there was but one solution conceivable. they must fight the spaniard, and drive him from the land forever. their purposes were quite right, but their methods were faulty. washington, born to a life of adventure and backwoods conquest, had a good deal of real sympathy with these men, for he knew them to be in the main right, and his ultimate purposes were the same as theirs. but he had a nation in his charge to whom peace was precious. to have the backwoodsmen of kentucky go down the river and harry the spaniards out of the country, as their descendants afterwards harried the mexicans out of texas, would have been a refreshing sight, but it would have interfered sadly with the nation which was rising on the atlantic seaboard, and of which kentucky was a part. war was to be avoided, and above all a war into which we should have been dragged as the vassal of france; so washington intended to wait, and he managed to make the kentuckians wait too, a process by no means agreeable to that enterprising people. his own policy about the mississippi, which has already been described, never wavered. he meant to have the great river, for his ideas of the empire of the future were quite as extended as those of the pioneers, and much more definite, but his way of getting it was to build up the atlantic states and bind them, with their established resources, to the settlers over the mountains. this done, time would do the rest; and the sequel showed that he was right. a little more than a year after he came to the presidency he wrote to lafayette: "gradually recovering from the distresses in which the war left us, patiently advancing in our task of civil government, unentangled in the crooked politics of europe, _wanting scarcely anything but the free navigation of the mississippi, which we must have, and as certainly shall have, if we remain a nation_,"[ ] etc. [footnote : the italics are mine.] time and peace, sufficient for the up-building of the nation, that is the theme everywhere. yet he knew that a sacrifice of everything for peace was the surest road both to war and ruin. peace must be kept; yet war was still the last resort, and he was ready to go to war with the spaniards, as with the indians, if all else failed. but he did not mean to have all else fail, nor did he mean to submit to spanish insolence and exactions. the grievances of the pioneers of the west were to be removed, if possible, by treaty, and if that way was impossible, then by fighting. carmichael, who had been minister at madrid under the confederation, had been continued there by the new government. but while the intrigues of spain to detach kentucky, and the interference and exactions of spanish officials, went on, our negotiation for the settlement of our rights to the navigation of the mississippi halted. tired of this inaction, washington, late in , united william short, our minister to holland, in a commission with carmichael, to open a fresh and special negotiation as to the mississippi, and at the same time a confidential agent was sent to florida to seek some arrangements with the governor as to fugitive slaves, a matter of burning interest to the planters on the border. the joint commission bore no fruit, and the troubles in the west increased. fostered by genet, they came near bringing on war and detaching the western settlements from the union, so that it was clearly necessary to take more vigorous measures. accordingly, in , after genet had been dismissed, washington sent thomas pinckney, who for some years had been minister in london, on a special treaty-making mission to madrid. the first results were vexatious and unpromising enough, and pinckney wrote at the outset that he had had two interviews with the duke de alcudia, but to no purpose. it was the old game of delay, he said, with inquiries as to why we had not replied to propositions, which in fact never had been made. even what pinckney wrote, unsatisfactory as it was, could not be wholly made out, for some passages were in a cipher to which the state department had no key. washington wrote to pickering, then acting as secretary of state: "a kind of fatality seems to have pursued this negotiation, and, in short, all our concerns with spain, from the appointment of mr. carmichael, under the new government, as minister to that country, to the present day.... enough, however, appears already to show the temper and policy of the spanish court, and its undignified conduct as it respects themselves, and insulting as it relates to us; and i fear it will prove that the late treaty of peace with france portends nothing favorable to these united states." washington's patience had been sorely tried by the delays and shifty evasions of spain, but he was now on the brink of success, just as he concluded that negotiation was hopeless. he had made a good choice in thomas pinckney, better even than he knew. triumphing over all obstacles, with persistence, boldness, and good management, pinckney made a treaty and brought it home with him. still more remarkable was the fact that it was an extremely good treaty, and conceded all we asked. by it the florida boundary was settled, and the free navigation of the mississippi was obtained. we also gained the right to a place of deposit at new orleans, a pledge to leave the indians alone, a commercial agreement modeled on that with france, and a board of arbitration to settle american claims. all this pinckney obtained, not as the representative of a great and powerful state, but as the envoy of a new nation, distant, unknown, disliked, and embroiled in various complications with other powers. our history can show very few diplomatic achievements to be compared with this, for it was brilliant in execution, and complete and valuable in result. yet it has passed into history almost unnoticed, and both the treaty and its maker have been singularly and most unjustly neglected. even the accurate and painstaking hildreth omits the date and circumstances of pinckney's appointment, while the last elaborate history of the united states scarcely alludes to the matter, and finds no place in its index for the name of its author. it was in fact one of the best pieces of work done during washington's administration, and perfected its policy on a most difficult and essential point. it is high time that justice were done to the gallant soldier and accomplished diplomatist who conducted the negotiation and rendered such a solid service to his country. thomas pinckney, who really did something, who did work worth doing and without many words, has been forgotten, while many of his contemporaries, who simply made a noise, are freshly remembered in the pages of history. there was, however, another nation out on our western and northern border more difficult to deal with than spain; and in this quarter there was less evasion and delay, but more arrogance and bad temper. it was to england that washington turned first when he took up the presidency, and it was in her control of the western posts and her influence among the indian tribes that he saw the greatest dangers to the continental movement of our people. morris, as we have seen, sounded the british government with but little success. still they promised to send a minister, and in due time mr. george hammond arrived in that capacity, and opened a long and somewhat fruitless correspondence with the secretary of state on the various matters of difference existing between the two countries. this interchange of letters went on peaceably and somewhat monotonously for many months, and then suddenly became very vivid and animated. this was the effect of the arrival of genet; and at this point begins the long series of mistakes made by great britain in her dealings with the united states. the principle of the declaration of neutrality could be easily upheld on broad political grounds, but technically its defense was by no means so simple. by the treaty of commerce with france we were bound to admit her privateers and prizes to our ports; and here, as any one could see, and as the sequel amply proved, was a fertile source of dangerous complications. then by the treaty of alliance we guaranteed to france her west indian possessions, binding ourselves to aid her in their defense; and a proclamation of neutrality when france was actually at war with a great naval power was an immediate and obvious limitation upon this guarantee. hamilton argued that while france had an undoubted right to change her government, the treaty applied to a totally different state of affairs, and was therefore in suspense. he also argued that we were not bound in case of offensive war, and that this war was offensive. jefferson and randolph held that the treaties were as binding and as much in force now as they had ever been; but they both assented to the proclamation of neutrality. there can be little question that on the general legal principle jefferson and randolph were right. hamilton's argument was ingenious and very fine-spun. but when he made the point about the character of the war as relieving us from the guarantee, he was unanswerable; and this of itself was a sufficient ground. he went beyond it in order to make his reasoning fit existing conditions consistently and throughout, and then it was that his position became untenable. in reality the french revolution was showing itself so wholly abnormal and was so rapid in its changes, that as a matter of practical statesmanship it was worse than idle even to suppose that previous treaties, made with an established government, were in force with this ever-shifting thing which the revolution had brought forth. still the general doctrine as to the binding force of treaties remained unaltered, and this conflict between fact and principle was what constituted the great difficulty in the way of washington and hamilton. the latter met it with one clever and adroit argument which it was difficult to sustain, and avoided it with a second, which was narrower, but at the same time sound and all-sufficient, as to the character of the war. jefferson and randolph stood by the general principle, but abandoned it in practice under pressure of imperious facts, as men generally do, while france herself soon removed all technical difficulties by abrogating by her measures the treaty of commerce, an act which relieved us of any further obligations and justified hamilton's position. but in the beginning this was not known, and yet action was none the less necessary. the result was right, and washington had his way, which it must be confessed he had fully determined on before his cabinet supplied him with technical arguments. all these points must have been plain enough to hammond and the english ministry. they could not see the full scope of the neutrality policy in its national meaning, and they very naturally failed to perceive that it marked the rise of a new power wholly disconnected from europe, to which their own views were confined. but they were quite able to understand the immediate aspect of the case. they saw washington adopt and carry out a policy of dignified impartiality; they were well able to value rightly the technical objections which stood in his path, and they could see also that this policy was at the outset very unpopular in america. the remembrance of old injuries and of the war for independence was still fresh, and the hatred of england was well nigh universal in the united states. on the other hand, a lively sense of gratitude to france, and a sympathy with the objects of the revolution, made affection for that country uniform and general. the easy and popular course was for our government to range itself more or less directly with the french, and the refusal to do so was bold and in the highest degree creditable to the administration. it was, moreover, an important advantage to england that the united states should not ally themselves with her enemy, for next to herself, the americans were the great seafaring people of the world, and were in a position to ravage her commerce, and, aided by france, to break up her west indian possessions. if the united states had followed the natural prejudices of the time and had espoused the cause of france, it would have been wise and right for england to attack them and break them down if possible. but when, from a sense of national dignity and of fair dealing, the united states stood apart from the conflict and placed their former foe on the same footing as their friend and ancient ally, a very small allowance of good sense would have led the british ministry to encourage them in so doing. by favorable treatment, and by a friendly and conciliatory policy, they should have helped washington in his struggle against popular prejudices, and endeavored by so doing to keep the united states neutral, and lead them, if possible, to their side; but with a fatuity almost incomprehensible they pursued an almost exactly opposite course. by similar conduct england had brought on the war for independence, which ended in the division of her empire. in precisely the same way she now proceeded to make it as arduous as possible for washington to maintain neutrality, and thereby played directly into the hands of the party that supported france. the true policy demanded no sacrifices on the part of great britain. civility and consideration in her dealings, and a careful abstention from wanton aggression and insult, were all-sufficient. but england disliked us, as was quite natural; she did not wish us to thrive and prosper, and she knew that we were weak and not in a position to enter upon an offensive war. as soon as it became known that genet's privateers, manned by seamen enlisted in our ports, were preying on british commerce, and that the french man-of-war l'ambuscade had taken an english vessel, the grange, within the capes of the delaware, hammond filed a memorial in regard to these incidents. in so doing he was of course quite right, and the government responded immediately, and proceeded in good faith to make every effort to repair these breaches of neutrality, and to redress the wrongs suffered by great britain. hammond, however, instead of doing all in his power, not merely to gain his own ends, but to make it easy for our government to satisfy him, assumed at once a disagreeable tone with a strong flavor of bullying, which was not calculated to conciliate the statesmen with whom he was dealing. it was a small matter enough, but unfortunately it was an indication of what was to come. on november , , a british order in council was passed, but not immediately published, directing the seizure of all vessels carrying the produce of the french islands, or loaded with provisions for the use of the french colonies. the object of the order was to destroy all neutral trade, and it was aimed particularly at the commerce of the united states. the moment selected for its adoption was when the troubles with genet had culminated, when we were on the point of getting rid of that very objectionable person, and when we had proved that we meant to maintain an honest and a real neutrality. it was as well calculated as any move could have been to drive us back into the arms of france, yet the manner of executing the order was far worse than the order itself. our merchantmen and traders had been quick to take advantage of the opening of the french ports, and they had gone in swarms to the french islands. now, without a word of warning, their vessels were seized by the cruisers of a nation with which we were supposed to be at peace. every petty governor of an english island sat as a judge in admiralty. many of them were corrupt, all were unfit for the duty, and our vessels were condemned and pillaged. the crews were made prisoners, and in many cases thrown into loathsome and unhealthy places of confinement, while the ships were left to rot in the harbors. the tale of the outrages and miseries thus inflicted on citizens of the united states without any warning, and by a nation considered to be at peace with us, fills an american with shame and anger even to-day. if our people remonstrated, they were told that england meant to have no neutrals, and that six of their frigates could blockade our coast. a course of kind treatment would have made us the friends of great britain, but the experiment was not even tried. the truth was that we were weak, and this was not only a misfortune but apparently an unpardonable sin. england could not conquer us, but she could harry our coasts, and let loose her indians on our borders; and we had no navy with which to retaliate. she meant that there should be no neutrals, and so adopted a policy which would make us the active ally of france. it was no answer to say, what was perfectly true, that french privateers preyed upon our commerce with that fine indifference to rights and treaties which characterized the governments of the revolution. if both sides maltreated us, the natural course was to unite with the power to which we at least owed a debt of gratitude. about the same time a speech was reported from quebec, in which lord dorchester told the indians that they should soon take the war-path for england against the united states. lord grenville denied in parliament, and subsequently to jay, that the ministry had ever taken any step to incite the indians against the united states, and the authenticity of lord dorchester's utterances has been questioned in later days; but it was not disavowed at the time, even by hammond in a sharp correspondence which he held on that and other topics with randolph. the speech, as is now known and proved, was probably made, whether it was authorized or not, and it was universally accepted at the moment as both true and authoritative. this menace of desolating savage war in the west, in addition to the unquestioned outrages to our seamen, the loss of our ships, and the destruction of our commerce, with consequent ruin to all our seaboard towns, led to a general outburst of indignation from men of all parties, and congress began to prepare for war. many of the methods suggested were feeble and inadequate, but there could be no doubt of either the spirit or intentions which dictated them. news that an order of january , , modified that of november , and confined the seizure to vessels carrying french property, and reports that some of our vessels were being restored, moderated the movements of congress, but it was nevertheless evident that a resolution cutting off commercial intercourse with great britain would soon pass. in the existing state of things such a step in all probability meant war, and washington was thus brought face to face with the most serious problem of his administration. it did not take him unawares, nor find him unprepared, for he had anticipated the situation, and his mind was made up. he had no intention of letting the country drift into war without a great effort to prevent it, and the time for that effort had now come. as in the case of spain, he was resolved to send a special envoy to make a treaty. his first choice for this important mission was hamilton, which, like most of his selections, would have been the best choice that could have been made. hamilton, however, was so conspicuous as the great leader of the party which supported both the foreign and domestic policy of the administration, and he was so hated by the opposition, that a loud outcry was at once raised against his appointment. at that particular juncture it was very important that the envoy should depart with as much general good-will and public confidence as possible, so hamilton sacrificed himself to this necessity, and withdrew his name voluntarily. his withdrawal was a mistake, but it was a wholly natural one under the circumstances. washington then made the next best choice, and appointed john jay, who was a man of most spotless character, honorable, high-minded, and skilled in public affairs. he was chief justice of the united states, and that fact gave additional weight to the mission. the only point in which he fell behind hamilton was in aggressiveness of character, and this negotiation demanded, not merely firmness and tact, which jay had in abundance, but a boldness verging on audacity. the immediate purpose, however, was answered, and jay set forth on his journey with much good feeling toward himself, and with a very solemn sense among the people of the gravity of his undertaking. washington himself saw jay depart with many misgivings, and the act of sending such a mission at all was very trying to him, for the conduct of england galled him to the quick. he had long suspected great britain, as well as spain, of inciting the indians secretly to assail our settlements, and knowing as he did the character of savage warfare, and feeling deeply the bloodshed and expense of our indian wars, he cherished a profound dislike for those who could be capable of promoting such misery to the injury of a friendly and-civilized nation. as england became more and more hostile, he made up his mind that she was bent on attacking us, and in march, , he wrote to governor clinton that he had no doubts as to the authenticity of lord dorchester's speech, and that he believed england intended war. he therefore urged the governor to inquire carefully into the state of feeling in canada, and as to the military strength of the country, especially on the border. he put no trust in the disclaimers of the ministry when he saw the long familiar signs of hostile intrigue among the indians, and he was quite determined that, if war should come, all the suffering should not be on one side. this belief in the coming of war, however, only strengthened him in his well-matured plans to leave nothing undone to prevent it. it was in this spirit that he despatched the special mission, although his first letter to jay shows that he had no very strong hopes of peace, and that his uppermost thoughts were of the wrongs which had been perpetrated, and of the perils which hung over the border. he did not wish the commissioner to mince matters at all. "there does not remain a doubt," he wrote, "in the mind of any well-informed person in this country, not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with the indians, their hostilities, the murder of helpless women and innocent children along our frontiers, result from the conduct of the agents of great britain in this country.... can it be expected, i ask, so long as these things are known in the united states, or at least firmly believed, and suffered with impunity by great britain, that there ever will or can be any cordiality between the two countries? i answer, no. and i will undertake, without the gift of prophecy, to predict that it will be impossible to keep this country in a state of amity with great britain long, if the posts are not surrendered. a knowledge of these being my sentiments would have little weight, i am persuaded, with the british administration, and perhaps not with the nation, in effecting the measure; but both may rest satisfied that, if they want to be in peace with this country, and to enjoy the benefits of its trade, to give up the posts is the only road to it. withholding them, and the consequences we feel at present continuing, war will be inevitable." jay meantime had been well received in england. lord grenville expressed the most friendly feelings, and every desire that the negotiation might succeed. jay was also received at court, where he was said to have kissed the queen's hand, a crime, so the opposition declared, for which his lips ought to have been blistered to the bone, a difficult and by no means common form of punishment. receptions, dinner parties, and a ready welcome everywhere, did not, however, make a treaty. when it came to business, the english did not differ materially from their neighbors whom canning satirized. "the fault of the dutch is giving too little and asking too much." so the americans now found it with lord grenville. there were many subjects of dispute, some dangerous, and all requiring settlement for the benefit of both countries. boundaries, negro claims, and british debts were easily disposed of by reference to boards of arbitration. two others, awkward and threatening, but not immediately pressing, were the impressment of british seamen, real or pretended, from american ships, and the exclusion of american vessels from the trade of the british west indies. the latter circumstance was no doubt disagreeable to us, and deprived us of profit; but it is difficult to see what right we had to complain of it, for the ports of the british west indies belonged to great britain, and if she chose to close them to us, or anybody else, she was quite within her rights. at all events, lord grenville declined to let us in, except in a very limited way and under most onerous conditions. the right of search and the right of impressment were simply the rights of the powerful over the weak. england wanted to get seamen where she could for her navy; and so long as she could violate our flag and carry off as recruits any able-bodied seaman who spoke english, she meant to do it. it was worse than idle to negotiate about it. when we should be ready and willing to fight we could settle that question, but not before. in due time we were ready to fight. england defeated us in various battles, ravaged our coasts, and burned our capital; while we whipped her frigates and lake flotillas, and repulsed her peninsula veterans with heavy slaughter at new orleans. impressment was not mentioned in the treaty which concluded that war, but it ended at that time. the english are a brave and combative people, but rather than get into wars with nations that will fight, and fight hard, they will desist from wanton and illegal aggressions, in which they do not differ greatly from the rest of mankind; and so the practical abandonment of impressment came with the war of . the fact was officially stated by webster, not many years later, when he announced that the flag covered and protected all those who lived or traded under it. but in impressment was a negotiable question, because we were not ready to go to war about it then and there. so jay, wisely enough, allowed this especial from of bullying to drift aside, along with the exclusion from the west india trade, and addressed himself to the two points which it was essential to have settled at that particular moment. these questions were: the retention of the western posts, and neutral rights at sea. in return for the agreement on our part to pay the british debts, as determined by arbitration, england agreed to surrender the posts on june , . there was to be mutual reciprocity in inland trade on the north american continent; but coastwise, while we opened all our harbors and rivers to the british, they shut us out from theirs in the colonies and the territory of the hudson's bay company. in the eighteen articles, limited in duration to two years after the conclusion of the existing war, a treaty of commerce was practically formed and neutral rights dealt with. we were to be admitted to british ports in europe and the east indies on terms of equality with british vessels, but we were refused admission to the east indian coasting trade, and to that between east india and europe. we gained the right to trade to the west indies, but only on condition that we should give up the transportation from america to europe of any of the principal products of the colonies. these were enumerated, and besides sugar, molasses, coffee, and cocoa, included cotton, which had just become an export from the southern states, and which already promised to assume the importance that it afterwards reached. the vexed questions of privateers, prizes, and contraband of war were also settled and determined. the treaty as a whole was not a very brilliant one for the united states, but its treatment was far worse than its deserts, and it was received with such a universal outburst of indignation that even to this day it has never freed itself from the bad name it then acquired. nobody, not even its supporters, liked it, and yet it may be doubted whether anything materially better was possible at the time. the admirers of hamilton, from that day to this, have believed that if he had been sent, his boldness, ability, and force would have wrung better terms from england. this is not at all improbable; but that they would have been materially improved, even by hamilton, does not seem very likely. the treaty, in reality, was by no means bad; on the contrary, it had many good points. it disposed satisfactorily and fairly of all the minor questions which were vexatious and threatening to the peaceful relation of the two countries. it settled the british debts, gave us the western posts, which was a matter of the utmost importance, and arranged the disputed and thorny question of neutral rights, for the time being at least. it left impressment totally unsettled, simply because we were still too weak to be ready to fight england profitably on that theme. it opened to us the west indian ports, which was the matter most nearly affecting our interests and our pockets, but it did so under limitations and concessions which were excessive and even humiliating. we were obliged to pay a price far too high for this coveted privilege, and it was on this point that the controversy finally hinged. the treaty reached philadelphia on march . nothing was said of its arrival, which does not seem to have been known to any one but the president and randolph, who had meantime succeeded jefferson as secretary of state. three months later, on june , the senate was called together in special session, and the treaty was laid before them. washington did not like it and never changed his feeling in that respect, but he had made up his mind upon full reflection to accept it; and the senate, after most careful consideration, voted by exactly the necessary two thirds to ratify it, provided that the objectionable west indian article could be modified. on no terms could we consent to forego the exportation of cotton, and it is difficult to see how the senate could have taken any other ground upon this point. their action, however, opened some delicate questions. washington wrote to randolph: "first, is or is not that resolution intended to be the final act of the senate; or do they expect that the new article which is proposed shall be submitted to them before the treaty takes effect? secondly, does or does not the constitution permit the president to ratify the treaty, without submitting the new article, after it shall be agreed to by the british king, to the senate for their further advice and consent?" these questions were carefully considered, and washington had made up his mind to ratify conditionally on the modification of the west indian article, when news arrived which caused him to suspend action. england, having made the treaty, and before any news could have been received of our attitude in regard to it, took steps to render its ratification both difficult and offensive, if not impossible. the mode adopted was to renew the "provision order," as it was called, which directed the seizure of all vessels carrying food products to france, and thus give to the jay treaty the interpretation it was designed to avoid, that provisions could be declared contraband at the pleasure of one of the belligerents. it was a stupid thing to do, for if england desired to have peace with us, as her making the treaty indicated, she should not have renewed the most irritating of all her past performances before we had had opportunity even to sign and ratify. washington, on hearing of this move, withheld his signature, bade randolph prepare a strong memorial against the provision order, and then betook himself to mount vernon on some urgent private business. before he started, however, the storm of popular rage had begun to break. bache had the substance of the treaty in the "aurora" on june , and mr. stevens thomson mason, senator from virginia, was so pained by some slight inaccuracies in this version that he wrote mr. bache a note, and sent him a copy of the treaty despite the injunction of secrecy by which he as a senator was bound. mr. mason gained great present glory by this frank breach of promise, and curiously enough this single discreditable act is the only thing that keeps his name and memory alive in history. all that he achieved at the moment was to hurry the inevitable disclosure of the contents of a treaty which no one desired to conceal, except in deference to official form. mason's note and copy of the treaty, made up into a pamphlet, were issued from bache's press on july , and hundreds of copies were soon being carried by eager riders north and south throughout the union. everywhere, as the treaty traveled, the popular wrath was kindled. the first explosion came in boston, federalist boston, devoted beyond any other town in the country to washington and his administration. there was a town meeting in faneuil hall, violent speeches were made, and a committee was appointed to draw up a memorial to the president against ratification. this remonstrance was despatched at once by special messenger, who seemed to carry the torch of malise instead of a set of dry resolutions. everywhere the anger and indignation flamed forth. the ground had been carefully prepared, for, ever since jay sailed, the partisans of the french had been denouncing him and his mission, predicting failure, and, in one case at least, burning him in effigy before it was known whether he had done anything at all. as soon as the news spread that the treaty had actually arrived, the attacks were multiplied in number and grew ever more bitter as the senate consulted. the popular mind was so worked up that in boston a british vessel had been burned on suspicion that she was a privateer, while in new york there had been street fights and rioting because of an insult to a french flag. in such a state of feeling, artificially stimulated and ingeniously misled, the most brilliant diplomatic triumph would have had but slight chance of approval. jay's moderate achievement was better than his enemies expected, but it was sufficient for their purpose, and the popular fury blazed up and ran through the country, like a whirlwind of fire over the parched prairie. everywhere the example of boston was followed, meetings were held, committees appointed, and memorials against the treaty sent to the president. in new york hamilton was stoned when he attempted to speak in favor of ratification; and less illustrious persons, who ventured to differ from the crowd, were ducked and otherwise maltreated. jay was hanged and burned in effigy in every way that imagination could devise, and copies of his treaty suffered the same fate at the hands of the hangman. feeling ran highest in the larger towns where there was a mob, but even some of the smaller places and those most federal in their politics were carried away. the excitement seems also to have been confined for the most part to the seaboard, but after all that was where the bulk of the population lived. the crowd, moreover, was not led by obscure agitators or by violent and irresponsible partisans. the livingstons in new york, rodney in delaware, gadsden and the rutledges in south carolina, were some of the men who guided the meetings and denounced the treaty. on the other hand, the friends and supporters of the administration appeared stunned, and for weeks no opposition to the popular movement except that attempted by hamilton was apparent. even the administration was divided, for randolph was as hostile to the treaty as it was possible for a man of his temperament to be. the crisis was indeed a serious one. there have been worse in our history, but this was one of the gravest; and never did a president stand, so far as any one could see, so utterly alone. with his own party silenced and even divided, with the opposition rampant, and with popular excitement at fever heat, washington was left to take his course alone and unsupported. it was the severest trial of his political life, but he met it, as he met the reverses of , calmly and without flinching. he was always glad to have advice and suggestions. no man ever sought them or benefited from them more than he; yet no man ever lived so little dependent on others and so perfectly capable of standing alone as washington. after the senate had acted, he made up his mind to conditional ratification. he withheld his signature on hearing of the provision order, and was ready to sign as soon as that order was withdrawn. whether he would make its withdrawal another condition of his signature he had not determined when he left philadelphia for mount vernon, and on his arrival he wrote to randolph: "the conditional ratification (if the late order, which we have heard of, respecting provision vessels is not in operation) may, on all fit occasions, be spoken of as my determination. unless, from anything you have heard or met with since i left you, it should be thought more advisable to communicate further with me on the subject, my opinion respecting the treaty is the same now that it was, namely, not favorable to it; but that it is better to ratify it in the manner the senate have advised, and with the reservation already mentioned, than to suffer matters to remain as they are, unsettled." he had already received the boston resolutions, and had sent them to his cabinet for their consideration. he did not for a moment underrate their importance, and he saw that they were the harbingers of others of like character, although he could not yet estimate the full violence of the storm of popular disapprobation. on july he sent his answer to the selectmen of boston, and it is such an important paper that it must be given in full. it was as follows:-- united states, _ th of july_, . gentlemen: in every act of my administration i have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. my system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations; to contemplate the united states as one great whole; to confide that sudden impressions, and erroneous, would yield to candid reflections; and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country. nor have i departed from this line of conduct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of the th inst. without a predilection for my own judgment, i have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. but the constitution is the guide which i never can abandon. it has assigned to the president the power of making treaties with the advice and consent of the senate. it was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own convictions the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. under this persuasion, i have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. to the high responsibility attached to it, i fully submit; and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. while i feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, i can no otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience. with due respect, i am, etc. it will be noticed that this letter is dated "the united states, th of july," which is, i think, the only instance of the sort to be found in his letters. in all his vast correspondence there possibly may be other cases in which he used this method of dating, but one cannot help feeling that on this occasion at least it had a particular significance. it was not george washington writing from mount vernon, but the president, who represented the whole country, pointing out to the people of boston that the day of small things and of local considerations had gone by. this letter served also as a model for many others. the boston address had a multitude of successors, and they were all answered in the same strain. washington was not a man to underrate popular feeling, for he knew that the strongest bulwark of the government was in sound public opinion. on the other hand, he was one of the rare men who could distinguish between a temporary excitement, no matter how universal, and an abiding sentiment. in this case he quietly resisted the noisy popular demand, believing that the sober second thought of the people would surely be with him; but at the same time the outcry against the treaty, while it could not make him waver in his determination to do what he believed to be right, caused him deep anxiety. the day after he sent his answer to boston he wrote to randolph:-- "i view the opposition which the treaty is receiving from the meetings in different parts of the union in a very serious light; not because there is more weight in any of the objections which are made to it than was foreseen at first, for there is none in some of them, and gross misrepresentations in others; nor as it respects myself personally, for this shall have no influence on my conduct, plainly perceiving, and i am accordingly preparing my mind for it, the obloquy which disappointment and malice are collecting to heap upon me. but i am alarmed at the effect it may have on and the advantage the french government may be disposed to make of, the spirit which is at work to cherish a belief in them that the treaty is calculated to favor great britain at their expense.... to sum the whole up in a few words i have never, since i have been in the administration of the government, a crisis, which, in my judgment, has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one side or the other." he already felt that it might be necessary for him to return to philadelphia at any moment; and, writing to randolph to this effect two days later, he said:-- "to be wise and temperate, as well as firm, the present crisis most eminently calls for. there is too much reason to believe, from the pains which have been taken before, at, and since the advice of the senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally imagined. this i have lately understood to be the case in this quarter from men who are of no party, but well-disposed to the present administration. nor should it be otherwise, when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts; that their rights have not only been _neglected_, but absolutely _sold_; that there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the benefits are all on the side of great britain; and, what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and to have been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to oppress the french, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and sound policy. in time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly turn; but, in the mean while, this government, in relation to france and england, may be compared to a ship between the rocks of scylla and charybdis. if the treaty is ratified, partisans of the french, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences which may follow, as it respects great britain. "it is not to be inferred from hence that i am disposed to quit the ground i have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge should compel it; for there is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth, and pursue it steadily. but these things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary, and that there are strong evidences of the necessity of the most circumspect conduct in carrying the determination of government into effect, with prudence, as it respects our own people, and with every exertion to produce a change for the better from great britain. "the memorial seems well designed to answer the end proposed, and by the time it is revised and new-dressed, you will probably (either in the resolutions which are or will be handed to me, or in the newspaper publications, which you promise to be attentive to) have seen all the objections against the treaty which have any real force in them, and which may be fit subjects for representation in a memorial, or in the instructions, or both. but how much longer the presentation of the memorial can be delayed without exciting unpleasant sensations here, or involving serious evils elsewhere, you, who are at the scene of information and action, can decide better than i. in a matter, however, so interesting and pregnant with consequences as this treaty, there ought to be no precipitation; but on the contrary, every step should be explored before it is taken, and every word weighed before it is uttered or delivered in writing. "the form of the ratification requires more diplomatic experience and legal knowledge than i possess, or have the means of acquiring at this place, and therefore i shall say nothing about it." three days later, on august , he wrote again to randolph to say that the mails had been delayed, and that he had not received the baltimore resolutions. he then continued:-- "the like may be expected from richmond, a meeting having been had there also, at which mr. wythe, it is said, was seated as moderator; by chance more than design, it is added. a queer chance this for the chancellor of the state. "all these things do not shake my determination with respect to the proposed ratifications, nor will they, unless something more imperious and unknown to me should, in the judgment of yourself and the gentlemen with you, make it advisable for me to pause." a few days later washington was recalled by a letter from randolph, and also by a private note from pickering, which said, mysteriously, that there was a "special reason" for his immediate return. he had been expecting to be recalled at any moment, and he now hastened to philadelphia, reaching there on august . he little dreamed, however, of what had led his two secretaries, one ignorantly and the other wittingly, to hasten his return. on the very day when he dated his letter to the selectmen of boston as from the united states, the british minister placed in the hands of mr. wolcott, the secretary of the treasury, an intercepted letter from fauchet, the french minister, to his own government. this dispatch, bearing the number , had come into the possession of mr. hammond by a series of accidents; but the british government and its representatives were quick to perceive that the chances of the sea had thrown into their hands a prize of much more value than many french merchantmen. the dispatch thus rescued from the water, where its bearer had cast it, was filled with a long and somewhat imaginative dissertation on political parties in the united states, and with an account of the whiskey rebellion. it also gave the substance of some conversations held by the writer with the secretary of state. this is not the place, nor would space serve, to examine the details of this famous dispatch, with reference to the american statesman whom it incriminated. on its face it showed that randolph had held conversations with the french minister which no american secretary of state ought to have held with any representative of a foreign government, and it appeared further that the most obvious interpretation of certain sentences, in view of the readiness of man to think ill of his neighbor, was that randolph had suggested corrupt practices. such was the document, implicating in a most serious way the character of his chief cabinet officer, which pickering and wolcott placed in washington's hands on his arrival in philadelphia. mr. conway, in his biography of randolph, devotes many pages to explaining what now followed. his explanations show, certainly, a most refined ingenuity, and form the most elaborate discussion of this incident that has ever appeared. all this effort and ingenuity are needless, however, unless the object be to prove that randolph was wholly without fault, which is an impossible task. there was nothing complicated about the affair, and nothing strange about the president's course, if we confine ourselves to the plain facts and the order of their occurrence. before the treaty went to the senate, washington made up his mind to sign it, and when the senate ratified conditionally, he still adhered to his former opinion. then came the news of the provision order, and thereupon he paused and withheld his signature, at the same time ordering a memorial against the order to be prepared. but there is no evidence whatever that he changed his mind, or that he had determined to make his signature conditional upon the revocation of the order. to argue that he had is, in fact, misrepresentation. in the letter of july , on which so much stress was laid afterwards by randolph, washington said that his intention to ratify conditionally was to be announced, if the provision order was not in operation. put in the converse form, his intention was not to be announced if the order was in operation; but this is very different from saying that his intention had altered, and that he would not sign unless the order was revoked. this last idea was randolph's, but not washington's. indeed, in the very next lines of the same letter he said expressly that his opinion had not changed, that he did not like the treaty, but that it was best to ratify. it is a fair inference, no doubt, that he was considering whether he should change his intention and make his signature conditional; but if this was the case, it is sure beyond a peradventure that his original opinion was only confirmed as the days went by. he examined with the utmost care all the remonstrances and addresses that were poured in upon him, and found few solid objections, and none that he had not already weighed and disposed of. on july he wrote to randolph that it was not to be inferred that he was disposed to quit his ground unless more imperious circumstances than had yet come to his knowledge should compel him to do so. the provision order was of course within his knowledge, and therefore had not led him to change his mind. on august he wrote even more strongly that nothing had come to his knowledge to shake his determination. in his letter to randolph of october , giving him full liberty to have and publish everything he desired for his vindication, washington said: "you know that it was my determination to ratify before submission to the senate; that the doubts which arose proceeded from the provision order." doubts are mentioned here, and not changes of intention. if he had changed his mind at any time he would have said so, for he was neither timid nor dishonest, but as a matter of fact he never had changed his mind. he came to philadelphia with his mind made up to ratify, and that being the case, it was clear that further delay would be wrong and impolitic. the surest way to check the popular excitement and rally the friends of the administration was to act. suspense fostered opposition more than ratification, for most people accept the inevitable when the deed is done. the fauchet letter, therefore, although its revelations astounded and grieved him, had no effect upon his action, which would have been the same in any event; for he had said over and over again that he had not changed his first opinion. in the letter to randolph, just quoted, he also said: "and finally you know the grounds on which my ultimate decision was taken, as the same were expressed to you, the other secretaries of departments, and the late attorney-general, after a thorough investigation of the subject in all the aspects in which it could be placed." as the fauchet letter was not disclosed to randolph until after the treaty had been signed, it was impossible that it should have been one of the grounds of the president's decision, for washington said to him, "you knew the grounds." if we are to suppose that the fauchet letter had anything to do with the ratification so far as the president himself was concerned, we must, in the face of this letter, set washington down as a deliberate liar, which is so wholly impossible that it disposes at once of the theory that he was driven into signing by a clever british intrigue. here as elsewhere the simple and obvious explanation is the true one, although the whole matter is sufficiently plain on the mere narration of facts. the treaty was a great public question, to be decided on its merits, and the only new point raised by the fauchet dispatch was how to deal with randolph himself at this particular juncture. to have shown the letter to him at once would have been to break the cabinet, with the treaty unsigned. it would have resulted in much delay, extending to weeks, unless the president was ready to have an acting secretary sign both treaty and memorial; and it would have added during the continued suspense a fresh subject of excitement to the popular mind. washington's duty plainly was to carry out his policy and bring the matter to an immediate conclusion, and, as was his custom, he did his duty. if, as mr. conway thinks, the fauchet letter was what compelled the ratification, washington would have given it to the world at once, and then, having by this means discredited the opposition and roused a feeling against the french, would have signed the treaty. england, of course, had taken advantage of this letter, and equally of course her minister and his influence were against randolph, who was thought to be unfriendly. hammond intrigued with our public men just as all the french ministers did. it is humiliating that such should have been the case, but it was due to our recent escape from a colonial condition, and to the way in which we allowed our politics to turn on foreign affairs. having made up his mind to ratify and end the question, washington very properly kept silence as to the fauchet letter until the work was done. to do this, it was necessary of course that he should make no change in his personal attitude toward randolph, nor was he obliged to do so, for he was too just a man to assume randolph's guilt until his defense had been made. the ratification was brought before the cabinet at once. there was a sharp discussion, in which it appeared that randolph had advanced a good deal in his hostility to the treaty, a fact not tending to make the fauchet business look better; and then ratification was voted, and a memorial against the provision order was adopted. on august the treaty was signed, and on the th, washington, in the presence of his cabinet, placed the fauchet letter in randolph's hands. randolph read it, made some comments, and asked time to offer suitable explanations. he then withdrew, and in a few hours sent in his resignation. there would be no need, so far as washington is concerned, to say more on this unfortunate affair of the secretary of state, were it not for the recent statements made by randolph's biographer. in order to clear his hero, mr. conway represents that washington, knowing randolph to be innocent, sacrificed him in great anguish of heart to an imperious political necessity, while the fact was, that nobody sacrificed randolph except himself. he was represented in a dispatch written by the french minister in a light which, as washington said, gave rise to strong suspicions; a moderate statement in which every candid man who knew anything about the matter has agreed from that day to this. according to fauchet, randolph not only had held conversations wholly unbecoming his position, but on the same authority he was represented to have asked for money. that the secretary of state was corrupt, no one who knew him, as jefferson said, for one moment believed. whether he disposed of this charge or not, it was plain to his friends, as it is to posterity, that randolph was a perfectly honorable man. but neither his own vindication nor that of his biographer have in the least palliated or even touched the real error which he committed. as secretary of state, the head of the cabinet, and in charge of our foreign relations, he had, according to fauchet's dispatch and to his own admissions, entered into relations with a foreign minister which ought to have been as impossible as they were discreditable to an american statesman. that fauchet believed that randolph deceived him did not affect the merits of the case, nor, if true, did it excuse randolph, especially as everybody with whom he was brought into close contact seems at some time or other to have had doubts of his sincerity. as a matter of fact, randolph could find no defense except to attack washington and discuss our foreign relations, and his biographer has followed the same line. what was it then that washington had actually done which called for assault? he had been put in possession of an official document which on its face implicated his secretary of state in the intrigues of a foreign minister, and suggested that he was open to corruption. these were the views which the public, having no personal knowledge of randolph, would be sure to take, and as a matter of fact actually took, when the affair became known. there was a great international question to be settled, and settled without delay. this was done in a week, during which time washington kept silent, as his public duty required. the moment the treaty was signed he handed fauchet's dispatch to randolph and asked for an explanation. none knew of the dispatch except the cabinet officers, through whom it had necessarily come. washington did not prejudge the case; he did not dismiss randolph with any mark of his pleasure, as he would have been quite justified in doing. he simply asked for explanation, and threw open his own correspondence and the archives of the department, so that randolph might have every opportunity for defense. it is difficult to see how washington could have done less in dealing with randolph, or in what way he could have shown greater consideration. randolph resigned of his own motion, and then cried out against washington because he had been obliged to pay the penalty of his own errors. when it is considered that washington did absolutely nothing to randolph except to hand him fauchet's dispatch and accept his consequent resignation, the talk about randolph's forgiving him becomes simply ludicrous. randolph saw his own error, was angry with himself, and, like the rest of humanity, proceeded to vent his anger on somebody else, but unfortunately he had the bad taste to turn at the outset to the newspapers. like mr. snodgrass, he took off his coat in public and announced in a loud voice that he was going to begin. the president's only response was to open the archives and bid him publish everything he desired. randolph then wrote the president a private letter, which was angry and impertinent; "full of innuendoes," said the recipient. washington drafted a sharp reply, and then out of pure kindness withheld it, and let the private letter drop into silence, whither the bulky "vindication," which vindicated nobody, soon followed it. the fact was, that washington treated randolph with great kindness and forbearance. he had known him long; he was fond of him on his own account as well as his father's; he appreciated randolph's talents; but he knew on reading that dispatch, if he had never guessed it before, that randolph, although honest and clever, and certainly not bad, was a dangerously weak man. others among our public men had put themselves into relations with foreign representatives which it is now intolerable to contemplate, but randolph, besides being found out at the moment, had, after the fashion of weak natures, gone further and shown more feebleness than any one else had. washington's conduct was so perfectly simple, and the facts of the case were so plain, that it would seem impossible to complicate them. the contemporary verdict was harsh, crushing, and unjust in many respects to randolph. the verdict of posterity, which is both gentler and fairer to the secretary, will certainly at the same time sustain washington's course at every point as sensible, direct, and proper. only one question remains which demands a word before tracing briefly the subsequent fate of the jay treaty, and that is, to know exactly why the president signed it. the answer is fortunately not difficult. there was a choice of evils. when washington determined to send a special envoy, he said: "my objects are, to prevent a war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strong representations (to be made by a special envoy) of the injuries which this country has sustained from great britain in various ways; to put it into a complete state of military defense; and to provide eventually such measures for execution as seem to be now pending in congress, if negotiation in a reasonable time proves unsuccessful." from these views he never varied. the treaty was not a perfect one, but it had good features and was probably, as has been said, the best that could then be obtained. it settled some vexed questions, and it gave us time. if the united states could only have time without making undue sacrifice, they could pass beyond the stage when a foreign war with its consequent suffering and debt would endanger our national existence. if they could only have time to grow into a nation, there would be no difficulty in settling all their disputes with other people satisfactorily, either by war or negotiation. but if the national bonds were loosened, then all was lost. it was in this spirit that washington signed the jay treaty; and although there was much in it that he did not like, and although men were bitterly divided about the ratification, a dispassionate posterity has come to believe that he was right at the most difficult if not the most perilous crisis in his career. the signature of the treaty, however, did not put an end to the attacks upon it, or upon the action of the senate and the executive. nevertheless, it turned the tide, and, as washington foresaw, brought out a strong movement in its favor. hamilton began the work by the publication of the letters of "camillus." the opposition newspapers sneered, but after jefferson had read a few numbers he begged madison in alarm to answer them. his fears were well grounded, for the letters were reprinted in newspapers throughout the country, and their powerful and temperate arguments made converts and strengthened the friends of the administration everywhere. the approaching surrender of the posts gratified the western people when they at last stopped to think about it. the obnoxious provision order was revoked, and the traders and merchants found that security and commerce even under unpleasant restrictions were a great deal better than the uncertainty and the vexatious hostilities to which they had before been exposed. those who had been silent, although friendly to the policy of the government, now began to meet in their turn and send addresses to congress; for in the house of representatives the last battle was to be fought. that body came together under the impression of the agitation and excitement which had been going on all through the summer. there was a little wrangling at the opening over the terms to be employed in the answer to the president's message, and then the house relapsed into quiet, awaiting the formal announcement of the treaty. at last the treaty arrived with the addition of the suspending article, and the president proclaimed it to be the law of the land, and sent a copy to the house. livingston, of new york, at once moved a resolution, asking the president to send in all the papers relating to the negotiation, and boldly placed the motion on the ground that the house was vested with a discretionary power as to carrying the treaty into execution. on this principle the debate went on for three weeks, and then the resolution passed by to . a great constitutional question was thus raised, for there was no pretense that the papers were really needed, inasmuch as committees had seen them all, and they contained practically nothing which was not already known. washington took the request into consideration, and asked his cabinet whether the house had the right, as set forth in the resolutions, to call for the papers, and if not, whether it was expedient to furnish them. both questions were unanimously answered in the negative. the inquiry was largely formal, and washington had no real doubts on the point involved. he wrote to hamilton: "i had from the first moment, and from the fullest conviction in my own mind, resolved _to resist the principle_, which was evidently intended to be established by the call of the house of representatives; and only deliberated on the manner in which this could be done with the least bad consequences." his only question was as to the method of resistance, and he finally decided to refuse absolutely, and did so in a message setting forth his reasons. he said that the intention of the constitutional convention was known to him, and that they had intended to vest the treaty-making power exclusively in the executive and senate. on that principle he had acted, and in that belief foreign nations had negotiated, and the house had hitherto acquiesced. he declared further that the assent of the house was not necessary to the validity of treaties; that they had all necessary information; and "as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution should be preserved, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your request." the question was a difficult one, but there could be no doubt as to washington's opinion, and the weight of authority has sustained his view. from the practical and political side there can be little question that his position was extremely sound. in a letter to carrington he gave the reasons for his action, and no better statement of the argument in a general way has ever been made. he wrote:-- "no candid man in the least degree acquainted with the progress of this business will believe for a moment that the _ostensible_ dispute was about papers, or whether the british treaty was a good one or a bad one, but whether there should be a treaty at all without the concurrence of the house of representatives. this was striking at once, and that boldly, too, at the fundamental principles of the constitution; and, if it were established, would render the treaty-making power not only a nullity, but such an absolute absurdity as to reflect disgrace on the framers of it. for will any one suppose that they who framed, or those who adopted, that instrument ever intended to give the power to the president and senate to make treaties, and, declaring that when made and ratified they should be the supreme law of the land, would in the same breath place it in the power of the house of representatives to fix their vote on them, unless apparent marks of fraud or corruption (which in equity would set aside any contract) accompanied the measure, or such striking evidence of national injury attended their adoption as to make a war or any other evil preferable? every unbiased mind will answer in the negative. "what the source and what the object of all this struggle is, i submit to my fellow-citizens. charity would lead me to hope that the motives to it would be pure. suspicions, however, speak a different language, and my tongue for the present shall be silent." no man who has ever held high office in this country had a more real deference for the popular will than washington. but he also had always a keen sensitiveness to the dignity and the prerogatives of the office which he happened to hold, whether it was that of president or general of the armies. this arose from no personal feeling, for he was too great a man ever to worry about his own dignity; but he esteemed the great offices to which he was called to be trusts, which were to suffer no injury while in his hands. he regarded the attempt of the house of representatives to demand the papers as a matter of right as an encroachment on the rights of the executive department, and he therefore resisted it at once, and after his usual fashion left no one in any doubt as to his views. so far as the president was concerned, the struggle ended here; but it was continued for some time longer in the house, where the debate went on for a fortnight, with the hostile majority surely and steadily declining. the current out-doors ran more and more strongly every day in favor of the administration, until at last the contest ended with ames's great speech, and then the resolution to carry out the treaty prevailed. washington's policy had triumphed, and was accepted by the country. the jay treaty and its ratification had, however, other results than mere domestic conflicts. spain, acting under french influence, threatened to rescind the pinckney treaty which had just been made so advantageously to the united states; but, like most spanish performances at that time, these threats evaporated in words, and the mississippi remained open. with france, however, the case was very different. our demand for the recall of genet had been met by a counter-demand for the recall of morris, to which, of course, we were obliged to accede, and the question as to the latter's successor was a difficult and important one. washington himself had been perfectly satisfied with the conduct of morris, but he was also aware that the known dislike of that brilliant diplomatist to the revolutionary methods then dominant in paris had seriously complicated our relations with france. he wished by all fair means to keep france in good humor, and he therefore determined that morris's successor should be a man whose friendship toward the french republic was well known. his first choice was madison, which would have answered admirably, for madison was preëminently a safe man. very unluckily, however, madison either could not or would not go, and the president's final choice was by no means equally good. it was, of course, most desirable that the new minister should be _persona grata_ to the republic, but it was vastly more important that he should be in cordial sympathy with the administration at home, for no administration ought ever to select for a foreign mission, especially at a critical moment, any one outside the ranks of its own supporters. this was the mistake which washington, from the best of motives, now committed by appointing james monroe to be minister to france. it is one of the puzzles of our history to reconcile the respectable and common-place gentleman, who for two terms as president of the united states had less opposition than ever fell to the lot of any other man in that office, with the violent, unscrupulous, and extremely light-headed politician who figured as senator from virginia and minister to france at the close of the last century. monroe at the time of his appointment had distinguished himself chiefly by his extreme opposition to the administration, and by his intrigues against hamilton, which were so dishonestly conducted that they ultimately compelled the publication of the "reynolds pamphlet," a sore trial to its author, and a lasting blot on the fame of the enemy who made the publication necessary. from such a man loyalty to the president who appointed him was hardly to be expected. but there was no reason to suppose that he would lose his head, and forget that he was an american, and not a french citizen. monroe reached paris in the summer of . he was publicly received by the convention, made an undignified and florid speech, received the national embrace from the president of the convention, and then effected an exchange of flags with more embracings and addresses. but when he came to ask redress for the wrongs committed against our merchants, he got no satisfaction. so far as he was concerned, this appears to have been a matter of indifference, for he at once occupied himself with the french proposition that we should lend france five millions of dollars, and france in return was to see to it that we obtained control of the spanish possessions in north america. monroe fell in with this precious scheme to make the united states a dependency of france, and received as a reward vast promises as to what the great republic would do for us. meantime he regarded with suspicion jay's movements in england, and endeavored to obtain information, if not control, of that negotiation. in this he completely failed; but he led the french government to believe, first, that the english treaty would not be made, then that it would not be ratified, and finally that the house would not make the appropriations necessary to carry it into effect; and all the time he was compromising his own government by his absurd efforts to involve it in an offensive alliance with france. the upshot of it all was that he was disowned at home, discredited in france, and brought our relations with that nation into a state of dangerous complication, without obtaining any redress for our injuries. washington at first, little as he liked the theatrical performances with which monroe opened his mission, wrote about him with great moderation to jay, who was naturally much annoyed by the manner in which monroe had tried to interfere with his negotiations. six months later, however, washington saw only too plainly that he had been mistaken in his minister to france. he wrote to randolph on july , : "the conduct of mr. monroe is of a piece with that of the other; and one can scarcely forbear thinking that these acts are part of a premeditated system to embarrass the executive government." when it became clear that monroe had omitted to explain properly our reasons for treating with england, that he had held out hopes to the french government which were totally unauthorized, that he had brought on a renewal of the hostilities of that government, and that he had placed us in all ways in the most unenviable light, washington recalled him, and appointed charles cotesworth pinckney in his place. by this time too he was thoroughly disgusted with monroe's performances, and in his letter to pinckney, on july , , offering him the appointment to paris, he said: "it is a fact too notorious to be denied that the greatest embarrassments under which the administration of this government labors proceed from the counter-action of people among ourselves, who are more disposed to promote the views of another nation than to establish a national character of their own; and that, unless the virtuous and independent men of this country will come forward, it is not difficult to predict the consequences. such is my decided opinion." he felt, as he wrote to hamilton at the close of his administration, that "the conduct of france towards this country is, according to my ideas of it, outrageous beyond conception; not to be warranted by her treaty with us, by the law of nations, by any principle of justice, or even by a regard to decent appearances." this was after we had begun to reap the humiliations which monroe's folly had prepared for us, and it is easy to understand that washington regarded their author with anything but satisfaction or approval. the culprit himself took a very different view, came home presently in great wrath, and proceeded to pose as a martyr and compile a vindication, which he entitled "a view of the conduct of the executive," and which surpassed in bulk any of the vindications in which that period of our history was prolific. it was published after washington had retired to private life, and did not much disturb his serenity. in a letter to nicholas, on march , , he said: "if the executive is chargeable with 'premeditating the destruction of mr. monroe in his appointment, because he was the _centre_ around which the republican party rallied in the senate' (a circumstance quite new to me), it is to be hoped he will give it credit for its lenity toward that gentleman in having designated several others, not of the senate, as victims to this office _before_ the sacrifice of mr. monroe was even had in contemplation. as this must be some consolation to him and his friends, i hope they will embrace it." washington apparently did not think monroe was worthy of anything more serious than a little sarcasm, and he was quite content, as he said, to leave the book to the tribunal to which the author himself had appealed. he read the book, however, with care, and in his methodical way he appended a number of notes, which are worth consideration by all persons interested in the character of washington. they are especially to be commended to those who think that he was merely good and wise and solemn, for it would be difficult to find a better piece of destructive criticism, or a more ready and thorough knowledge of complicated foreign relations, than are contained in these brief notes. his own opinion of monroe is concisely stated in one of them. referring to one of that gentleman's statements he said: "for this there is no better proof than his own opinion; whilst there is abundant evidence of his being a mere tool in the hands of the french government, cajoled and led away always by unmeaning assurances of friendship." with this brief comment we may leave the monroe incident. his appointment was a mistake, and increased existing complications, which were not finally settled until the next administration. monroe's recall was the last act, however, in the long contest of the jay treaty, and it was also, as it happened, the last important act in washington's foreign policy. that policy has been traced here in its various branches, but it is worth while to look at it as a whole before leaving it, in order to see just what the president aimed at and just what he effected. the guiding principle, which had been with him from the day when he took command of the army at cambridge, was to make the united states independent. the war had achieved this so far as our connection with england was concerned, but it still remained to prove to the world that we were an independent nation in fact as well as in name. for this the neutrality policy was adopted and carried out. we were not only to cease from dependence on the nations of europe, but we were to go on our own way with a policy of our own wholly apart from them. it was also necessary to lift up our own politics, to detach our minds from those of other nations, and to make us truly americans. all this washington's policy did so far as it was possible to do it in the time given to him. a new generation had to come upon the stage before our politics were finally taken out of colonialism and made national and american, but the idea was that of the first president. it was the foresight and the courage of washington which at the outset placed the united states in their relations with foreign nations on the ground of a firm, independent, and american policy. his foreign policy had, however, some immediate practical results which were of vast importance. in december, , he wrote to morris: "it is well known that peace has been (to borrow a modern phrase) the order of the day with me since the disturbances in europe first commenced. my policy has been, and will continue to be while i have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but to be independent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfill our own engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all; being thoroughly convinced that it is our policy and interest to do so. nothing short of self-respect and that justice which is essential to a national character ought to involve us in war; for sure i am, if this country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance in a just cause to any power whatever; such in that time would be its population, wealth, and resources." he wanted time, but he wanted space also for his country; and if we look for a moment at the results of his foreign policy we see clearly how he got both. the time gained by peace without any humiliating concessions is plain enough. if we look a little further and a little deeper, we can see how he compassed his other object. the true and the first mission of the american people was, in washington's theory, the conquest of the continent which stretched away wild and silent behind them, for in that direction lay the sure road to national greatness. the first step was to bind by interest, trade, and habit of communication the atlantic states with the settlements beyond the mountains, and for this he had planned canals and highways in the days of the confederation. the next step was to remove every obstacle which fettered the march of american settlement; and for this he rolled back the indian tribes, patiently negotiated with spain until the mississippi was opened, and at great personal sacrifice and trial signed the jay treaty, and obtained the surrender of the british posts. when washington went out of office, the way was open to the western movement; the dangers of disintegration by reason of foreign intrigues on the frontier were removed; peace had been maintained; and the national sentiment had had opportunity for rapid growth. france had discovered that, although she had been our ally, we were not her dependants; other nations had been brought to perceive that the united states meant to have a foreign policy all its own; and the american people were taught that their first duty was to be americans and nothing else. there is no need to comment on or to praise the greatness of a policy with such objects and results as these. the mere summary is enough, and it speaks for itself and for its author in a way which makes words needless. chapter v washington as a party man washington was not chosen to office by a political party; he considered parties to be perilous things, and he entered the presidency determined to have nothing to do with them. yet, as has already been pointed out, he took the members of his cabinet entirely from one of the two parties which then existed, and which had been produced by the divisions over the constitution and its adoption. to this charge he would no doubt have replied that the parties caused by the constitutional differences had ceased to exist when that instrument went into operation, and that it was to be supposed that all men were then united in support of the government. accepting this view of it, it only remains to see how he fared when new and purely political parties, as was inevitable, sprang into active life. whatever his own opinions may have been as to parties and party-strife, washington was under no delusions in regard either to human nature or to himself, and he had no expectation that everything he said or did would meet with universal approbation. he well knew that there would be dissatisfaction, and no man ever took high office with a mind more ready to bear criticism and to profit by it. three months after his inauguration he wrote to his friend david stuart: "i should like to be informed of the public opinion of both men and measures, and of none more than myself; not so much of what may be thought commendable parts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be of a different complexion. the man who means to commit no wrong will never be guilty of enormities; consequently he can never be unwilling to learn what are ascribed to him as foibles. if they are really such, the knowledge of them in a well-disposed mind will go half-way towards a reform. if they are not errors, he can explain and justify the motives of his actions." this readiness to hear criticism and this watching of public opinion were characteristic, for his one desire was to know the truth and never deceive himself. his journey through new england in the autumn of that year, his visit to rhode island a year later, and his trip through the southern states in the spring of , had a double motive. he wished to bring home to the people the existence and the character of the new government by his appearance among them as its representative; and he desired also to learn from his own observation, and from inquiries made on the spot, what the people thought of the administration and its policies, and of the doings of congress. he was a keen observer and a good gatherer of information; for he was patient and persistent, and had that best of all gifts for getting at public opinion, an absolute and cheerful readiness to listen to advice from any one. his travels all had the same result. in the south as in new england he found that the people were pleased with the new government, and contented with the prosperity which began at once to flow from the adoption of a stable national system. more credit, if anything, was given to it than it really deserved; for, as he had written to lafayette before the constitution went into effect, "many blessings will be attributed to our new government which are now taking their rise from that industry and frugality into which the people have been forced from necessity." whether this were true or not, the new government was entitled to the benefit of all accidents, and washington's correct conclusion was that the great body of the people were heartily with him and his administration. but he was also quite aware that all the criticism was not friendly, and as the measures of the government one by one passed congress, he saw divisions of sentiment appear, slight at first, but deepening and hardening with each successive contest. indeed, he had not been in office a year when he wrote a long letter to stuart deploring the sectionalism which had begun to show itself. the south was complaining that everything was done in the interest of the northern and eastern states, and against this idea washington argued with great force. he was especially severe on the unreasonable and childish character of such grievances, and he attributed the feeling in certain states largely to the outcries of persons who had come home disappointed in some personal matter from the seat of government. "it is to be lamented," he said, "that the editors of the different gazettes in the union do not more generally and more correctly (instead of stuffing their papers with scurrility and nonsensical declamation, which few would read if they were apprised of the contents) publish the debates in congress on all great national questions. and this, with no uncommon pains, every one of them might do." washington evidently believed that there was no serious danger of the people going wrong if they were only fully informed. but the able editors of that day no doubt felt that they and their correspondents were better fitted to enlighten the public than any one else could be, and there is no evidence that any of them ever followed the president's suggestion. the jealousies and the divisions in congress, which washington watched with hearty dislike on account of their sectional character, began, as is well known, with the financial measures of the treasury. as time went on they became steadily more marked and better defined, and at last they spread to the cabinet. jefferson had returned to take his place as secretary of state after an absence of many years, and during that time he had necessarily dropped out of the course of home politics. he came back with a very moderate liking for the constitution, and an intention undoubtedly to do his best as a member of the cabinet. his first and most natural impulse, of course, was to fall in with the administration of which he was a part; and so completely did he do this that it was at his table that the famous bargain was made which assumed the state debts and took the capital to the banks of the potomac. exactly what led to the first breach between jefferson and hamilton, whose financial policy was then in the full tide of success, is not now very easy to determine. jefferson's action was probably due to a mixture of motives and a variety of causes, as is generally the case with men, even when they are founders of the democratic party. in the first place, jefferson very soon discovered that hamilton was looked upon as the leader in the cabinet and in the policies of the administration, and this fact excited a very natural jealousy on his part, because he was the official head of the president's advisers. in the second place, it was inevitable that jefferson should dislike hamilton, for there never were two men more unlike in character and in their ways of looking at things. hamilton was bold, direct, imperious, and masculine; he went straight to his mark, and if he encountered opposition he either rode over it or broke it down. when jefferson met with opposition he went round it or undermined it; he was adroit, flexible, and extremely averse to open fighting. there was also good ground for a genuine difference of opinion between the two secretaries in regard to the policy of the government. jefferson was a thorough representative of the great democratic movement of the time. at bottom his democracy was of the sensible, practical american type, but he had come home badly bitten by many of the wild notions which at that moment pervaded paris. a man of much less insight than jefferson would have had no difficulty in perceiving that hamilton and his friends were not in sympathy with these ideas. they hoped for the establishment of a republic, but they desired for it a highly energetic and centralized government not devoid of aristocratic tendencies. this fundamental difference of opinion, increased as it was by personal jealousies, soon put jefferson, therefore, into an attitude of hostility to the men who were then guiding the policy of the government. the new administration had been so successful that there was at first practically no party of opposition, and the task before jefferson involved the creation of a party, the formulation of principles, and the definition of issues, with appropriate shibboleths for popular consumption. jefferson knew that hamilton and all who fought with him were as sincerely in favor of a republic as he himself was; but his unerring genius in political management told him that he could never raise a party or make a party-cry out of the statement that, while he favored a democratic republic, the men to whom he was opposed preferred one of a more aristocratic caste. it was necessary to have something much more highly seasoned than this. so he took the ground that his opponents were monarchists, bent on establishing a monarchy in this country, and were backed by a "corrupt squadron" in congress in the pay of the treasury. this was of course utter nonsense, but it served its purpose admirably. jefferson, indeed, shouted these cries so much that he almost came to believe in them himself, and sympathetic writers to this day repeat them as if they had reality instead of having been mere noise to frighten the unwary. the prime object of it all was to make the great leaders odious by connecting them in the popular mind with the royal government that had been overthrown. jefferson's first move was a covert one. in the spring of he received thomas paine's "rights of man," and straightway sent the pamphlet to the printer with a note of approbation reflecting upon john adams. the pamphlet promptly appeared in a reprint with the note prefixed. it made much stir, and the published approval of the secretary of state excited a great deal of criticism, much of which was very hostile. jefferson thereupon expressed extreme surprise that his note had been printed, and on the plea of explaining the matter wrote to washington a letter, in which he declared that his friend mr. adams, for whom he had a most cordial esteem, was an apostate to hereditary monarchy and nobility. he further described his old friend as a political heretic and as the bellwether davila, upon whom and whose writings mr. adams had recently been publishing some discourses. it is but fair to say that no more ingenious attack on the vice-president could have been made, but the purpose of it was simply to arrest the public attention for the real struggle which was to follow. the true object of all these movements was to rally a party and break down jefferson's great colleague in the cabinet. the "rights of man" served to start the discussion; and the next step was to bring on from new york philip freneau, a verse-writer and journalist, and make him translating clerk in the state department, and editor of an opposition newspaper known as the "national gazette." the new journal proceeded to do its work after the fashion of the time. it teemed with abuse not only of hamilton and adams and all the supporters of the treasury measures, denouncing them as "monarchists," "aristocrats," and "a corrupt squadron," but it even began a series of coarse assaults upon the president himself. jefferson, of course, denied that he had anything to do with the writing in the newspaper, and freneau made oath at the time that the secretary wrote nothing; but in his old age he declared that jefferson wrote or dictated all the most abusive articles, and he showed a file of the "gazette" with these articles marked. strict veracity was not the strongest characteristic of either freneau or jefferson, and it is really of but little consequence whether freneau was lying in his old age or in the prime of life. the undoubted facts of the case are enough to fix the responsibility upon jefferson, where it belongs. the editor of a newspaper devoted to abusing the administration was brought to philadelphia by the secretary of state, was given a place in his department, and was his confidential friend. jefferson himself took advantage of his position to gather material for attacks upon his chief, and upon his colleagues, to whom he was bound to be loyal by every rule which dictates the conduct of honorable men. he did not, moreover, content himself with this outside work. it has been too much overlooked that jefferson, in addition to forming a party and organizing attacks upon the secretary of the treasury and his friends, sought in the first instance to break down hamilton in the cabinet, to deprive him of the confidence of washington, and by driving him from the administration to get control himself. at no time did jefferson ever understand washington, but he knew him well enough to be quite aware that he would never give up a friend like hamilton on account of any newspaper attacks. he therefore took a more insidious method. knowing that washington was in the habit of consulting with old friends at home of all shades of opinion in regard to public affairs, he contrived through their agency to have his own charges against hamilton laid before the president. he also, to make perfectly sure, wrote himself to washington, candidly setting forth outside criticism, and his letter took the form of a well-arranged indictment of the treasury measures. this method had the advantage of assailing hamilton without incurring any responsibility, and the charges were skilfully formulated and ingeniously constructed to raise in the mind of the reader every possible suspicion. at this point washington comes for the first time into the famous controversy from which our two great political parties were born. he did exactly what jefferson would not have done, sent the charges all duly formulated to hamilton, and asked him his opinion about them. as the accusations thus made against the policies of the government and the secretary of the treasury were all mere wind of the "monarchist" and "corrupt squadron" order, hamilton disposed of them with very little difficulty. the whole proceeding, if jefferson was aware of it at the time, must have been a great disappointment to him. but his mistake was the natural error of an ingenious man wasting his efforts on one of great directness and perfect simplicity of character. hamilton's answer was what washington undoubtedly expected. he knew the hollowness of the attack, but none the less he was made anxious by it as an indication of the serious party divisions rising about him. this, however, was but the beginning, and he was soon to have much more direct evidence of the grave nature of a political conflict, which he then could not bring himself to believe was irrepressible. hamilton, on his side, was not the most patient of men, and although he bore the attacks of frenean for some time in silence he finally retaliated. he did not get any one to do his fighting for him, but under a thin disguise proceeded to answer in fenno's newspaper the abuse of the "national gazette." he was the best political writer in the country, and when he struck, his blows told. jefferson winced and cried out under the punishment, but it would have been more dignified in hamilton to have kept out of the newspapers. still there was the fight. it had gone from the cabinet to the press, and the public knew that the two principal secretaries were at swords' points and were marshaling behind them strong political forces. the point had been reached where the president was compelled to interfere unless he wished his administration to be thoroughly discredited by the bitter and open conflicts of its members. he wrote to both secretaries in a grave and almost pathetic tone of remonstrance, urging them to abandon their quarrel, and, sinking minor differences, to work with him for the success of the constitution to which they were both devoted. each man replied after his fashion. hamilton's letter was short and straight-forward. he could not profess to have changed his opinion as to the conduct or purpose of his colleague, but he regretted the strife which had arisen, and promised to do all that was in his power to allay it by ceasing from further attacks. jefferson wrote at great length, controverting hamilton's published letters in a way which showed that he was still smarting from the well-aimed shafts. he also contrived to make his own defense the vehicle for a renewal of all his accusations against the treasury, and he wound up by saying that he looked forward to retirement with the longing of "a wave-worn mariner," and that he should reserve any further fighting that he had to do until he was out of office. soon after he followed this letter with another, containing a collection of extracts from his own correspondence while in paris, to show his devotion to the constitution. one is irresistibly reminded by all this of the player queen--"the lady protests too much, methinks." washington had not accused jefferson of lack of loyalty to the constitution, indeed he had made no accusations against him of any kind; but jefferson knew that his own position was a false one, and he could not refrain from taking a defensive tone. washington, in his reply, said that he needed no proofs of jefferson's fidelity to the constitution, and reiterated his earnest desire for an accommodation of all differences. "i will frankly and solemnly declare," he said, "that i believe the views of both of you to be pure and well-meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salutariness of the measures which are the subjects of dispute.... i could, and indeed was about to, add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when i am persuaded there is no discordance in your views." the difficulty was that there was not only discordance in the views of the two secretaries, but a fundamental political difference, extending throughout the people, which they typified. the accommodation of views and the support of the constitution could only mean a support of washington's administration and its measures. those measures not only had the president's approval, but they were in many respects peculiarly his own, and in them he rightly saw the success and maintenance of the constitution. but, unfortunately for the interests of harmony, these measures were either devised or ardently sustained by the secretary of the treasury. they were not the measures of the secretary of state, and received from him either lukewarm support or active, if furtive, hostility. the only peace possible was in jefferson's giving in his entire adherence to the policies of washington and hamilton, which were radically opposed to his own. in one word, a real, profound, and inevitable party division had come, and it had found the opposing chiefs side by side in the cabinet. against this conclusion washington struggled hard. he had come in as the representative and by the votes of the whole people, and he shrank from any step which would seem to make him lean on a party for support in his administration. he had made up his cabinet with what he very justly considered the strongest material. he believed that a breaking up of the cabinet or a change in its membership would be an injury to the cause of good government, and he was so entirely single-minded in his own views and wishes, that, with all his knowledge of human nature, he found it difficult to understand how any one could differ from him materially. moreover, having started with the firm intention of governing without party, he determined, with his usual persistence, to carry it through, if it were possible. when party feeling had once developed, and division had sprung up between the two principal officers of his cabinet, no greater risk could have been run than that which washington took in refusing to make the changes which were necessary to render the administration harmonious. with any lesser man, such a perilous experiment would have failed and brought with it disastrous consequences. there is no greater proof of the force of his will and the weight and strength of his character than the fact that he held in his cabinet jefferson and hamilton, despite their hatred for each other and each other's principles, and that he not only prevented any harm, but actually drew great results from the talents of each of them. yet, with all his strength of grasp, this ill-assorted combination could not last, although washington resisted the inevitable in a surprising way, and he even begged jefferson to remain when the impossibility of doing so had become quite clear to that gentleman. the remonstrance in regard to the freneau matter had but a temporary effect. hamilton stopped his attacks, it is true; but jefferson did not discontinue his, and he set on foot a movement which was designed to destroy his rival's public and private reputation. hamilton met this attack in congress, where he refuted it signally; and although the ostensible movers were members of the house, the defeat recoiled on the secretary of state. having failed in congress and before the public to ruin his opponent, and having failed equally to shake washington's confidence in hamilton or the latter's influence in the administration, jefferson made up his mind that the cabinet was no longer the place for him. he became more than ever satisfied that he was a "wave-worn mariner," and after some hesitation he finally resigned and transferred his political operations to another field. a year later hamilton, from very different reasons of a purely private character, followed him. meantime many events had occurred which all tended to show the growing intensity of party divisions, and which were not without their effect upon the mind of the president. in it became necessary to consider the question of the approaching election, and all elements united in urging upon washington the absolute necessity of accepting the presidency a second time. hamilton and the federalists, of course, desired washington's reëlection, because they regarded him as their leader, as the friend and supporter of their measures, and as the great bulwark of the government. jefferson, who was equally urgent, felt that in the unformed condition of his own party the withdrawal of washington, in addition to its injury to the general welfare, would leave his incoherent forces at the mercy of an avowed and thorough-going federalist administration. so it came about that washington received another unanimous election. he had no great longing for public office, but at this time he seems to have been not without a desire to continue president, in order that he might carry his measures to completion. in the unanimity of the choice he took a perfectly natural pleasure, for besides the personal satisfaction, he could not but feel that it greatly strengthened his hands in doing the work which he had at heart. on january , , he wrote to henry lee: "a mind must be insensible, indeed, not to be gratefully impressed by so distinguished and honorable a testimony of public approbation and confidence; and as i suffered my name to be contemplated on this occasion, it is more than probable that i should, for a moment, have experienced chagrin if my reëlection had not been by a pretty respectable vote. but to say i feel pleasure from the prospect of commencing another tour of duty would be a departure from the truth." some time was still to pass before washington, either by word or deed, would acknowledge himself to be the chief or even a member of a party; but before he entered the presidency a second time, he had no manner of doubt that a party existed which was opposed to him and to all his measures. the establishment of the government and the treasury measures had very quickly rallied a strong party, which kept the name that it had adopted while fighting the battles of the constitution. they were known in their own day, and have been known ever since to history, as the federalists. the opposition, composed chiefly of those who had resisted the adoption of the constitution, were discredited at the very start by the success of the union and the new government. when jefferson took hold of them they were disorganized and even nameless, having no better appellation than that of "anti-federalists." in the process of time their great chief gave them a name, a set of principles, a war-cry, an organization, and at last an overwhelming victory. they began to take on something like form and coherence in resisting hamilton's financial measures; but the success of his policy was so dazzling that they were rather cowed by it, and were left by their defeat little better off in the way of discipline than before. the french revolution and its consequences, including a war with england, gave them a much better opportunity. it is melancholy to think that american parties should have entered upon their first struggle purely on questions of foreign politics. the only explanation is to repeat that we were still colonists in all but name and allegiance, and it was washington's task not only to establish a dignified and independent policy of his own abroad, but to beat down colonial politics at home. in the first burst of rejoicing over the uprising of the french people, no divisions were apparent; but the arrival of genet was the signal for their beginning. the extraordinary spectacle was then presented of an american party arrayed against the administration under the lead of the french minister, and with the strong, although covert sympathy of the secretary of state. the popular feeling in fact was so strongly with france that the new party seemed on the surface to have almost universal support. the firm attitude of the administration and washington's unyielding adherence to his policy of neutrality gave them their first serious check, but also embittered their attacks. in the first three years of the government almost every one refrained from attacking washington personally. the unlimited love and respect in which he was held were the principal causes of this moderation, but even those opponents who were not influenced by feelings of respect were restrained by a wholesome prudence from bringing upon themselves the odium of being enemies of the president. the fiction that the king could do no wrong was carried to the last extreme by the long parliament when they made war on charles in order to remove him from evil counselors. it was, no doubt, the exercise of a wise conservatism in that instance; but in the united states, and in the ordinary condition of politics, such a position was of course untenable. the president was responsible for his cabinet and for the measures of his administration, and it was impossible to separate them long, even when the chief magistrate was so great and so well-beloved as washington. freneau, editing his newspaper from the office of the secretary of state, seems to have been the first to break the line. he passed speedily from attacks on measures to attacks on men, and among the latter he soon included the president. washington had had too much experience of slander and abuse during the revolutionary war to be worried by them. but freneau took pains to send him copies of his newspapers, a piece of impertinence which apparently led to a little vigorous denunciation, the account of which seems probable, although our only authority is in jefferson's "ana." as the attacks went on and were extended, and when bache joined in with the "aurora," washington was not long in coming to the unpleasant conclusion that all this opposition proceeded from a well-formed plan, and was the work of a party which designed to break down his measures and ruin his administration. all statesmen intrusted in a representative system with the work of government are naturally prone to think that their opponents are also the enemies of the public welfare, and washington was no exception to the rule. such an opinion is indeed unavoidable, for a public man must have faith that his own measures are the best for the country, and if he did not, he would be but a faint-hearted representative, unfit to govern and unable to lead. history has agreed with washington in his view of the work of his administration, and has set it down as essential to the right and successful foundation of the government. it is not to be wondered at that at the moment washington should regard a party swayed by the french minister and seeking to involve us in war as unpatriotic and dangerous. he even thought that one probable solution of genet's conduct was that he was the tool and not the leader of the party which sustained him. in fact, his general view of the opposition was marked by that perfect clearness which was characteristic of all his opinions when he had fully formed them. in july, , he wrote to henry lee:-- "that there are in this as well as in all other countries, discontented characters, i well know; as also that these characters are actuated by very different views: some good, from an opinion that the general measures of the government are impure; some bad, and, if i might be allowed to use so harsh an expression, diabolical, inasmuch as they are not only meant to impede the measures of that government generally, but more especially, as a great means toward the accomplishment of it, to destroy the confidence which it is necessary for the people to place, until they have unequivocal proof of demerit, in their public servants. in this light i consider myself whilst i am an occupant of office; and if they were to go further and call me their slave during this period, i would not dispute the point. "but in what will this abuse terminate? for the result, as it respects myself, i care not; for i have a consolation within that no earthly efforts can deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambition nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. the arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, whilst i am up as a _mark_, they will be continually aimed. the publications in freneau's and bache's papers are outrages on common decency, and they progress in that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and are passed by in silence by those at whom they are aimed. the tendency of them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them, because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to the effect." he was not much given, however, to talking about his assailants. if he said anything, it was usually only in the way of contemptuous sarcasm, as when he wrote to morris: "the affairs of this country _cannot go amiss_. there are _so many watchful guardians of them_, and such _infallible guides_, that one is at no loss for a director at every turn. but of these matters i shall say little." if these attacks had any effect on him, it was only to make him more determined in carrying out his purposes. in the first skirmish, which ended in the recall of genet, he not only prevailed, but the french minister's audacity especially in venturing to appeal to the people against their president, demoralized the opposition and brought public opinion round to the side of the administration with an overwhelming force. genet's mischief, however, did not end with him. he had sown the seeds of many troubles, and among others the idea of societies on the model of the famous jacobin club of paris. that american citizens should have so little self-respect as to borrow the political jargon and ape the political manners of paris was sad enough. to put on red caps, drink confusion to tyrants, sing _Ça ira_, and call each other "citizen," was foolish to the verge of idiocy, but it was at least harmless. when, however, they began to form "democratic societies" on the model of the jacobins, for the defense of liberty against a government which the people themselves had made, they ceased to be fatuous and became mischievous. these societies, senseless imitations of french examples, and having no real cause to defend liberty, became simply party organizations, with a strong tendency to foster license and disorder. washington regarded them with unmixed disgust, for he attributed to them the agitation and discontent of the settlers beyond the mountains, which threatened to embroil us with spain, and he believed also that the much more serious matter of the whiskey rebellion was their doing. after having exhausted every reasonable means of concession and compromise, and having concentrated the best public opinion of the country behind him, he resolved to put down this "rebellion" with a strong hand, and he wrote to henry lee, just as he was preparing to take the last step: "it is with equal pride and satisfaction i add that, as far as my information extends, this insurrection is viewed with universal indignation and abhorrence, except by those who have never missed an opportunity, by side-blows or otherwise, to attack the general government; and even among these there is not a spirit hardy enough yet openly to justify the daring infractions of law and order; but by palliatives they are attempting to suspend all proceedings against the insurgents, until congress shall have decided on the case, thereby intending to gain time, and, if possible, to make the evil more extensive, more formidable, and, of course, more difficult to counteract and subdue. "i consider this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the democratic societies, brought forth, i believe, too prematurely for their own views, which may contribute to the annihilation of them." the insurrection vanished on the advance of the forces of the united states. it had been formidable enough to alarm all conservative people, and its inglorious end left the opposition, which had given it a certain encouragement, much discredited. this matter being settled, washington determined to strike next at what he considered the chief sources of the evil, the clubs, which, to use his own words, "were instituted for the express purpose of poisoning the minds of the people of this country, and making them discontented with the government." accordingly, in his speech to the next congress he denounced the democratic societies. after tracing the course of the whiskey rebellion, he said:-- "and when in the calm moments of reflection they [the citizens of the united states] shall have traced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that those who rouse cannot always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." the opposition both in congress and in the newspapers shrieked loudly over this plain speaking; but when washington struck a blow, it was usually well timed, and the present instance was no exception. coming immediately after the failure of the insurrection, and the triumph of the government, this strong expression of the president's disapproval had a fatal effect upon the democratic societies. they withered away with the rapidity of weeds when their roots have been skillfully cut. after this, even if washington still refused to consider himself the head of a party, the opposition no longer had any doubts on that point. they not only regarded him as the chief of the federalists, but also, and with perfect justice, as their own most dangerous enemy, and the man who had dealt them and their cause the most deadly blows. whatever restraint they may have hitherto placed upon themselves in dealing with him personally, they now abandoned, and the opportunity for open war soon came to them in the vexed question of the british treaty, where they occupied much better ground than in the genet affair, and commanded much more popular sympathy. their orators did not hesitate to say that the conduct of the president in this affair had been improper and monarchical, and that he ought to be impeached. after the treaty was signed, the "aurora" declared that the president had violated the constitution, and made a treaty with a nation abhorred by our people; that he answered the respectful remonstrances of boston and new york as if he were the omnipotent director of a seraglio, and had thundered contempt upon the people with as much confidence as if he sat upon the throne of "industan." all these remarks and many more of like tenor have been gathered together and very picturesquely arranged by mr. mcmaster, in whose volumes they may be studied with advantage by any one who has doubts as to washington's political position. it is not probable that the writer of the brilliant diatribe just quoted had any very distinct idea about either seraglios or "industan," but he, and others of like mind, probably took pleasure in the words, as did the old woman who always loved to hear mesopotamia mentioned. other persons, however, were more definite in their statements. john beckley, who had once been clerk of the house, writing under the very opposite signature of "a calm observer," declared that washington had been overdrawing his salary in defiance of law, and had actually stolen in this way $ , . such being the case, the "calm observer" very naturally inquired: "what will posterity say of the man who has done this thing? will it not say that the mask of political hypocrisy has been worn by caesar, by cromwell, and by washington?" another patriot, also of the democratic party, declared that the president had been false to a republican government. he said that washington maintained the seclusion of a monk and the supercilious distance of a tyrant; and that the concealing carriage drawn by supernumerary horses expressed the will of the president, and defined the loyal duty of the people. the support of genet, the democratic societies, and now this concerted and bitter opposition to the jay treaty, convinced washington, if conviction were needed, that he could carry on his administration only by the help of those who were thoroughly in sympathy with his policy and purposes. when jefferson left the state department, the president promoted randolph, and put bradford, a federalist, in the place of attorney-general. when hamilton left the treasury, oliver wolcott, hamilton's right-hand man, and the staunchest of party men, was given the position thus left vacant. if randolph had remained in the cabinet, he would have become a federalist. like all men disposed to turn, when he was compelled to jump he sprang far, as was shown by his signing the treaty and memorial, both of which he strongly disapproved. he was quite ready to fall in with the rest of the cabinet, but on account of the fauchet dispatch he resigned. then washington, after offering the portfolio to several persons known to be in hearty sympathy with him, took the risk of giving it to timothy pickering, who was by no means a safe leader, rather than take any chance of getting another adviser who was not entirely of his own way of thinking. at the same time he gave the secretaryship of war to james mchenry, a most devoted personal friend and follower. he still held back from calling himself a party chief, but he had discovered, as william of orange discovered, that he could not, even with his iron will and lofty intent, overcome the impossible, alter human nature, or carry on a successful government under a representative system, without the assistance of a party. he stated his conclusion with his wonted plainness in a letter to pickering written in september, , in the midst of the struggle over the treaty. "i shall not," he said, "whilst i have the honor to administer the government, bring a man into any office of consequence knowingly, whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political suicide. that it would embarrass its movements is most certain." a terser statement of the doctrine of party government it would be difficult to find, and in the conduct of monroe and the course of the opposition journals washington had ample proofs of the soundness of his theory. if he had needed to be strengthened in his determination, his opponents furnished the requisite aid. in february, , the house refused to adjourn on his birthday for half an hour, in order to go and pay him their respects, as had been the pleasant custom up to that time. the democrats of that day were in no confusion of mind as to the party to which washington belonged, and they did not hesitate to put this deliberate slight upon him in order to mark their dislike. this was not the utterance of a newspaper editor, but the well-considered act of the representatives of a party in congress. party feeling, indeed, could hardly have gone further; and this single incident is sufficient to dispel the pleasing delusion that party strife and bitterness are the product of modern days, and of more advanced forms of political organization. yet despite all these attacks there can be no doubt that washington's hold upon the masses of the people was substantially unshaken. they would have gladly seen him assume the presidency for the third time, and if the test had been made, thousands of men who gave their votes to the opposition would have still supported him for the greatest office in their gift. but this time washington would not yield to the wishes of his friends or of the country. he felt that he had done his work and earned the rest and the privacy for which he longed above all earthly things. in september, , he published his farewell address, and no man ever left a nobler political testament. through much tribulation he had done his great part in establishing the government of the union, which might easily have come to naught without his commanding influence. he had imparted to it the dignity of his own great character. he had sustained the splendid financial policy of hamilton. he had struck a fatal blow at the colonial spirit in our politics, and had lifted up our foreign policy to a plane worthy of an independent nation. he had stricken off the fetters which impeded the march of western settlement, and without loss of honor had gained time to enable our institutions to harden and become strong. he had made peace with our most dangerous enemies, and, except in the case of france, where there were perilous complications to be solved by his successor, he left the united states in far better and more honorable relations with the rest of the world than even the most sanguine would have dared to hope when the constitution was formed. now from the heights of great achievement he turned to say farewell to the people whom he so much loved, and whom he had so greatly served. every word was instinct with the purest and wisest patriotism. "be united," he said; "be americans. the name which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. let there be no sectionalism, no north, south, east or west; you are all dependent one on another, and should be one in union. beware of attacks, open or covert, upon the constitution. beware of the baneful effects of party spirit and of the ruin to which its extremes must lead. do not encourage party spirit, but use every effort to mitigate and assuage it. keep the departments of government separate, promote education, cherish the public credit, avoid debt. observe justice and good faith toward all nations; have neither passionate hatreds nor passionate attachments to any; and be independent politically of all. in one word, be a nation, be americans, and be true to yourselves." his admonitions were received by the people at large with profound respect, and sank deep into the public mind. as the generations have come and gone, the farewell address has grown dearer to the hearts of the people, and the children and the children's children of those to whom it was addressed have turned to it in all times and known that there was no room for error in following its counsel. yet at the moment, notwithstanding the general sadness at washington's retirement and the deep regard for his last words of advice, the opposition was so thoroughly hostile that they seized on the address itself as a theme for renewed attack upon its author. "his character," said one democrat, "can only be respectable while it is not known; he is arbitrary, avaricious, ostentatious; without skill as a soldier, he has crept into fame by the places he has held. his financial measures burdened the many to enrich the few. history will tear the pages devoted to his praise. france and his country gave him fame, and they will take that fame away." "his glory has dissolved in mist," said another writer, "and he has sunk from the high level of solon or lycurgus to the mean rank of a dutch stadtholder or a venetian doge. posterity will look in vain for any marks of wisdom in his administration." to thoughtful persons these observations are not without a curious interest, as showing that even the wisest of men may be in error. the distinguished democrat who uttered these remarks has been forgotten, and the page of history on which washington's name was inscribed is still untorn. the passage of the address, however, which gave the most offense, as mr. mcmaster points out, was, as might have been expected from the colonial condition of our politics, that which declared it to be our true policy "to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." this, it was held, simply meant that, having made a treaty with england, we were to be stopped from making one with france. another distinguished editor declared that the farewell address came from the meanest of motives; that the president knew he could not be reelected because the republicans would have united to supersede him with adams, who had the simplicity of a republican, while washington had the ostentation of an eastern pasha, and it was in order to save himself from this humiliation that he had cunningly resigned. when washington met his last congress, william giles of virginia took the opportunity afforded by the usual answer to the president's speech to assail him personally. it would be of course a gross injustice to suppose that a coarse political ruffian like giles really represented the democratic party. but he represented the extreme wing, and after he had declared in his place that washington was neither wise nor patriotic, and that his retirement was anything but a calamity, he got twelve of his party friends to sustain his sentiments by voting with him. the press was even more unbridled, and it was said in the "aurora" at this time that washington had debauched and deceived the nation, and that his administration had shown that the mask of patriotism may be worn to conceal the foulest dangers to the liberties of the people. over and over again it was said by these writers that he had betrayed france and was the slave of england. this charge of being a british sympathizer was the only one of all the abuse heaped upon him by the opposition that washington seems really to have resented. in august, , when this slander first started from the prolific source of all attacks against the government, he wrote to henry lee: "with respect to the words said to have been uttered by mr. jefferson, they would be enigmatical to those who are acquainted with the characters about me, unless supposed to be spoken ironically; and in that case they are too injurious to me, and have too little foundation in truth, to be ascribed to him. there could not be the trace of doubt in his mind of predilection in mine toward great britain or her politics, unless, which i do not believe, he has set me down as one of the most deceitful and uncandid men living; because, not only in private conversations between ourselves on this subject, but in my meetings with the confidential servants of the public, he has heard me often, when occasions presented themselves, express very different sentiments, with an energy that could not be mistaken by any one present. "having determined, as far as lay within the power of the executive, to keep this country in a state of neutrality, i have made my public conduct accord with the system; and whilst so acting as a public character, consistency and propriety as a private man forbid those intemperate expressions in favor of one nation, or to the prejudice of another, which may have wedged themselves in, and, i will venture to add, to the embarrassment of government, without producing any good to the country." he had shown by his acts as well as by his words his real friendship for france, such as a proper sense of gratitude required. as has been already pointed out, rather than run the risk of seeming to reflect in the slightest degree upon the government of the french republic, he had refused even to receive distinguished _émigrés_ like noailles, liancourt, and talleyrand.[ ] he was so scrupulous in this respect that he actually did violence to his own strong desires in not taking into his house at once the son of lafayette; and when it became necessary to choose a successor to morris, his anxiety was so great to select some one agreeable to france that he took such an avowed opponent of his administration as monroe. [footnote : see the letter to the due de liancourt explaining the reasons for his not being received by the president. (sparks, xi. .)] on the other hand, he had never lost the strong feeling of hostility toward england which he, above all men, had felt during the revolution. the conduct of england, when he was seeking an honorable peace with her, tried his patience severely. he wrote to morris in : "i give you these details (and if you should again converse with lord grenville on the subject, you are at liberty, unofficially, to mention them, or any of them, according to circumstances), as evidences of the unpolitic conduct (for so it strikes me) of the british government towards these united states; that it may be seen how difficult it has been for the executive, under such an accumulation of irritating circumstances, to maintain the ground of neutrality which had been taken; and at a time when the remembrance of the aid we had received from france in the revolution was fresh in every mind, and while the partisans of that country were continually contrasting the affections of _that_ people with the unfriendly disposition of the _british government_. and that, too, as i have observed before, while _their own_ sufferings during the war with the latter had not been forgotten." the one man in the country who above all others had the highest conception of american nationality, who was the first to seek to lift up our politics from the low level of colonialism, who was the author of the neutrality policy, had reason to resent the bitter irony of an attack which represented him as a british sympathizer. the truth is, that the only foreign party at that time was that which identified itself with france, and which was the party of jefferson and the opposition. the federalists and the administration under the lead of washington and hamilton were determined that the government should be american and not french, and this in the eyes of their opponents was equivalent to being in the control of england. in after years, when the federalists fell from power and declined into the position of a factious minority, they became british sympathizers, and as thoroughly colonial in their politics as the party of jefferson had been. if they had had the wisdom of their better days they would then have made themselves the champions of the american idea, and would have led the country in the determined effort to free itself once for all from colonial politics, even if they were obliged to fight somebody to accomplish it. they proved unequal to the task, and it fell to a younger generation led by henry clay and his contemporaries to sweep federalist and jeffersonian republican alike, with their french and british politics, out of existence. in so doing the younger generation did but complete the work of washington, for he it was who first trod the path and marked the way for a true american policy in the midst of men who could not understand his purposes. bitter and violent as had been the attacks upon washington while he held office, they were as nothing compared to the shout of fierce exultation which went up from the opposition journals when he finally retired from the presidency. one extract will serve as an example of the general tone of the opposition journals throughout the country. it is to be found in the "aurora" of march , :-- "'lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace,' was the pious ejaculation of a pious man who beheld a flood of happiness rushing in upon mankind. if ever there was a time that would license the reiteration of the ejaculation, that time has now arrived, for the man who is the source of all the misfortunes of our country is this day reduced to a level with his fellow-citizens, and is no longer possessed of power to multiply evils upon the united states. if ever there was a period for rejoicing, this is the moment. every heart in unison with the freedom and happiness of the people ought to beat high with exultation that the name of washington ceases from this day to give currency to political insults, and to legalize corruption. a new era is now opening upon us, an era which promises much to the people, for public measures must now stand upon their own merits, and nefarious projects can no longer be supported by a name. when a retrospect has been taken of the washingtonian administration for eight years, it is a subject of the greatest astonishment that a single individual should have cankered the principles of republicanism in an enlightened people just emerged from the gulf of despotism, and should have carried his designs against the public liberty so far as to have put in jeopardy its very existence. such, however, are the facts, and with these staring us in the face, the day ought to be a jubilee in the united states." this was not the outburst of a single malevolent spirit. the article was copied and imitated in new york and boston, and wherever the party that called jefferson leader had a representative among the newspapers. it is not probable that stuff of this sort gave washington himself a moment's anxiety, for he knew too well what he had done, and he was too sure of his own hold upon the hearts of the people, to be in the least disturbed by the attacks of hostile editors. but the extracts are of interest as showing that the opposition party of that time, the party organized and led by jefferson, regarded washington as their worst enemy, and assailed him and slandered him to the utmost. they even went so far as to borrow materials from the enemies of the country with whom we had lately been at war, by publishing the forged letters attributed to washington, and circulated by the british in , in order to discredit the american general. one of washington's last acts, on march , , was to file in the state department a solemn declaration that these letters, then republished by an american political party, were base forgeries, of english origin in a time of war. his own view of this performance is given in a letter to benjamin walker, in which he said: "amongst other attempts, ... spurious letters, known at the time of their first publication (i believe in the year ) to be forgeries, are (or extracts from them) brought forward with the highest emblazoning of which they are susceptible, with a view to attach principles to me which every action of my life has given the lie to. but that is no stumbling-block with the editors of these papers and their supporters." two or three extracts from private letters will show how washington regarded the course of the opposition, and the interpretation he put upon their attacks. after sketching in a letter to david stuart the general course of the hostilities toward his administration, he said: "this not working so well as was expected, from a supposition that there was too much confidence in, and perhaps personal regard for, the present chief magistrate and his politics, the batteries have lately been leveled against him particularly and personally. although he is soon to become a private citizen, his opinions are knocked down, and his character reduced as low as they are capable of sinking it, even by resorting to absolute falsehoods." again he said, just before leaving office: "to misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration, are objects which cannot be relinquished by those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system." he at least labored under no misapprehension after eight years of trial as to the position or purposes of the party which had fought him and his administration, and which had savagely denounced his measures at every step, and with ever-increasing violence. having defined the attitude of the opposition, we can now consider that of washington himself after he had retired from office, and no longer felt restrained by the circumstances of his election to the presidency from openly declaring his views, or publicly identifying himself with a political party. he rightly regarded the administration of mr. adams as a continuation of his own, and he gave to it a cordial support. he was equally clear and determined in his distrust and dislike of the opposition. not long before leaving office he had written a letter to jefferson, which, while it exonerated that gentleman from being the author of certain peculiarly malicious attacks, showed very plainly that the writer completely understood the position occupied by his former secretary. it was a letter which must have been most unpleasant reading for the person to whom it was addressed. a year later he wrote to john nicholas in regard to jefferson: "nothing short of the evidence you have adduced, corroborative of intimations which i had received long before through another channel, could have shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friendship which i had conceived was possessed for me by the person to whom you allude." there was no doubt in his mind now as to jefferson's conduct, and he knew at last that he had been his foe even when a member of his political household. when the time came to fill the offices in the provisional army made necessary by the menace of war with france, washington wrote to the president that he ought to have generals who were men of activity, energy, health, and "sound politics," carrying apparently his suspicion of the opposition even to disbelieving in them as soldiers. he repeated the same idea in a letter to mchenry, in which he said: "i do not conceive that a desirable set could be formed from the old generals, some having never displayed any talent for enterprise, and others having shown a general opposition to the government, or predilection to french measures, be their present conduct what it may." when the question arose in regard to the relative rank of the major-generals, washington said to knox: "no doubt remained in my mind that colonel hamilton was designated second in command (and first, if i should decline an acceptance) by the federal characters of congress; whence alone anything like a public sentiment relative thereto could be deduced." he was quite clear that there was no use in looking beyond the confines of the federal party for any public sentiment worth considering. he had serious doubts also as to the advisability of having the opponents of the government in the army, and wrote to mchenry on september , , that brawlers against the government in certain parts of virginia had suddenly become silent and were seeking commissions in the army. "the motives ascribed to them are that in such a situation they would endeavor to divide and contaminate the army by artful and seditious discourses, and perhaps at a critical moment bring on confusion. what weight to give to these conjectures you can judge as well as i. but as there will be characters enough of an opposite description who are ready to receive appointments, circumspection is necessary. finding the resentment of the people at the conduct of france too strong to be resisted, they have in appearance adopted their sentiments, and pretend that, notwithstanding the misconduct of the government has brought it upon us, yet if an invasion should take place, it will be found that _they_ will be among the first to defend it. this is their story at all elections and election meetings, and told in many instances with effect." he wrote again in the same strain to mchenry, on october : "possibly no injustice would be done, if i were to proceed a step further, and give it as an opinion that most of the candidates [for the army] brought forward by the opposition members possess sentiments similar to their own, and might poison the army by disseminating them, if they were appointed." in this period of danger, when the country was on the verge of war, the attitude of the opposition gave washington much food for thought because it appeared to him so false and unpatriotic. in a letter to lafayette, written on christmas day, , he gave the following brief sketch of the opposition: "a party exists in the united states, formed by a combination of causes, which opposed the government in all its measures, and are determined, as all their conduct evinces, by clogging its wheels indirectly to change the nature of it, and to subvert the constitution. the friends of government, who are anxious to maintain its neutrality and to preserve the country in peace, and adopt measures to secure these objects, are charged by them as being monarchists, aristocrats, and infractors of the constitution, which according to their interpretation of it would be a mere cipher. they arrogated to themselves ... the sole merit of being the friends of france, when in fact they had no more regard for that nation than for the grand turk, further than their own views were promoted by it; denouncing those who differed in opinion (those principles are purely american and whose sole view was to observe a strict neutrality) as acting under british influence, and being directed by her counsels, or as being her pensioners." shortly before this sharp definition was written, an incident had occurred which had given washington an opportunity of impressing his views directly and personally upon a distinguished leader of the opposite party. dr. logan of philadelphia, under the promptings of jefferson, as was commonly supposed, had gone on a volunteer mission to paris for the purpose of bringing about peace between the two republics. he had apparently a fixed idea that there was something very monstrous in our having any differences with france, and being somewhat of a busybody, although a most worthy man, he felt called upon to settle the international complications which were then puzzling the brains and trying the patience of the ablest men in america. it is needless to say that his mission was not a success, and he was eventually so unmercifully ridiculed by the federalist editors that he published a long pamphlet in his own defense. upon his return, however, he seems to have been not a little pleased with himself, and he took occasion to call upon washington, who was then in philadelphia on business. it would be difficult to conceive anything more distasteful to washington than such a mission as logan's, or that he could have a more hearty contempt for any one than for a meddler of this description, who by his interference might help to bring his country into contempt. he was sufficiently impressed, however, by dr. logan's call to draw up a memorandum, which gave a very realistic and amusing account of it. it may be surmised that when washington wished to be cold in his manner, he was capable of being very freezing, and he was not very apt at concealing his emotions when he found himself in the presence of any one whom he disliked and disapproved. the memorandum is as follows:-- "_tuesday, november_ , .--mr. lear, my secretary, being from our lodgings on business, one of my servants came into the room where i was writing and informed me that a gentleman in the parlor below desired to see me; no name was sent up. in a few minutes i went down, and found the rev. dr. blackwell and dr. logan there. i advanced towards and gave my hand to the former; the latter did the same towards me. i was backward in giving mine. he, possibly supposing from hence that i did not recollect him, said his name was logan. finally, in a very cold manner, and with an air of marked indifference, i gave him my hand and asked _dr. blackwell to be seated_; the other _took_ a seat at the same time. i addressed _all_ my conversation to dr. blackwell; the other all his to me, to which i only gave negative or affirmative answers as laconically as i could, except asking him how mrs. logan did. he seemed disposed to be very polite, and while dr. blackwell and myself were conversing on the late calamitous fever, offered me an asylum at his house, if it should return or i thought myself in any danger in the city, and two or three rooms, by way of accommodation. i thanked him slightly, observing there would be no call for it." "about this time dr. blackwell took his leave. we all rose from our seats, and i moved a few paces toward the door of the room, expecting the other would follow and take his leave also." the worthy quaker, however, was not to be got rid of so easily. he literally stood his ground, and went on talking of a number of things, chiefly about lafayette and his family, and an interview with mr. murray, our minister in holland. washington, meanwhile, stood facing him, and to use his own words, "showed the utmost inattention," while his visitor described his journey to paris. finally logan said that his purpose in going to france was to ameliorate the condition of our relations with that country. "this," said washington, "drew my attention more pointedly to what he was saying and induced me to remark that there was something very singular in this; that _he_, who could only be viewed as a private character, unarmed with proper powers, and presumptively unknown in france, should suppose he could effect what three gentlemen of the first respectability in our country, especially charged under the authority of the government, were unable to do." one is not surprised to be then told that dr. logan seemed a little confounded at this observation; but he recovered himself, and went on to say that only five persons knew of his going, and that his letters from mr. jefferson and mr. mckean obtained for him an interview with m. merlin, president of the directory, who had been most friendly in his expressions. to this washington replied with some very severe strictures on the conduct of france; and the conversation, which must by this time have become a little strained, soon after came to an end. one cannot help feeling a good deal of sympathy for the excellent doctor, although he was certainly a busybody and, one would naturally infer, a bore as well. it would have been, however, a pity to have lost this memorandum, and there is every reason to regret that washington did not oftener exercise his evident powers for realistic reporting. nothing, moreover, could bring out better his thorough contempt for the opposition and their attitude toward france than this interview with the volunteer commissioner. there were, however, much more serious movements made by the democratic party than well-meant and meddling attempts to make peace with france. this was the year of the kentucky and virginia resolutions, the first note of that disunion sentiment which was destined one day to involve the country in civil war and be fought out on a hundred battlefields. washington, with his love for the union and for nationality ever uppermost in his heart, was quick to take alarm, and it cut him especially to think that a movement which he esteemed at once desperate and wicked should emanate from his own state, and as we now know, and as he perhaps suspected, from a great virginian whom he had once trusted. he straightway set himself to oppose this movement with all his might, and he summoned to his aid that other great virginian who in his early days had been the first to rouse the people against oppression, and who now in his old age, in response to washington's appeal, came again into the forefront in behalf of the constitution and the union of the states. the letter which washington wrote to patrick henry on this occasion is one of the most important that he ever penned, but there is room to quote only a single passage here. "at such a crisis as this," he said, "when everything dear and valuable to us is assailed, when this party hangs upon the wheels of government as a dead weight, opposing every measure that is calculated for defense and self-preservation, abetting the nefarious views of another nation upon our rights, preferring, as long as they dare contend openly against the spirit and resentment of the people, the interest of france to the welfare of their own country, justifying the former at the expense of the latter; when every act of their own government is tortured, by constructions they will not bear, into attempts to infringe and trample upon the constitution with a view to introduce monarchy; when the most unceasing and the purest exertions which were making to maintain a neutrality ... are charged with being measures calculated to favor great britain at the expense of france, and all those who had any agency in it are accused of being under the influence of the former and her pensioners; when measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued, which must eventually dissolve the union or produce coercion; i say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters who are best able to rescue their country from the pending evil to remain at home?... "vain will it be to look for peace and happiness, or for the security of liberty or property, if civil discord should ensue. and what else can result from the policy of those among us, who, by all the measures in their power, are driving matters to extremity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually? the views of men can only be known, or guessed at, by their words or actions. can those of the _leaders_ of opposition be mistaken, then, if judged by this rule? that they are followed by numbers, who are unacquainted with their designs and suspect as little the tendency of their principles, i am fully persuaded. but if their conduct is viewed with indifference, if there are activity and misrepresentations on one side and supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by intriguing and discontented foreigners under proscription, who were at war with their own government, and the greater part of them with _all_ governments, they will increase, and nothing short of omniscience can foretell the consequences." it would have been difficult to draw a severer indictment of the opposition party than that given in this letter, but there is one other letter even more striking in its contents, without which no account of the relation of washington to the two great parties which sprang up under his administration would be complete. it was addressed to governor trumbull of connecticut, was written on july , , less than six months before his death, and although printed, has been hidden away in the appendix to the "life of benjamin silliman." governor trumbull, who bore the name and filled the office of washington's old revolutionary friend, had written to the general, as many other federalists were writing at that time, urging him to come forward and stand once more for the presidency, that he might heal the dissensions in his own party and save the country from the impending disaster of jefferson's election. that washington refused all these requests is of course well known, but his reasons as stated to trumbull are of great interest. "i come now," he said, "my dear sir, to pay particular attention to that part of your letter which respects myself. "i remember well the conversation which you allude to. i have not forgot the answer i gave you. in my judgment it applies with as much force _now_ as _then_; nay, more, because at that time the line between the parties was not so clearly drawn, and the views of the opposition so clearly developed as they are at present. of course allowing your observation (as it respects myself) to be well founded, personal influence would be of no avail. "let that party set up a broomstick, and call it a true son of liberty,--a democrat,--or give it any other epithet that will suit their purpose, and it will command their votes _in toto_![ ] will not the federalists meet, or rather defend, their cause on the opposite ground? surely they must, or they will discover a want of policy, indicative of weakness and pregnant of mischief, which cannot be admitted. wherein, then, would lie the difference between the present gentleman in office and myself? [footnote : "as an analysis of this position, look to the pending election of governor in pennsylvania."] "it would be matter of grave regret to me if i could believe that a serious thought was turned toward me as his successor, not only as it respects my ardent wishes to pass through the vale of life in retirement, undisturbed in the remnant of the days i have to sojourn here, unless called upon to defend my country (which every citizen is bound to do); but on public grounds also; for although i have abundant cause to be thankful for the good health with which i am blessed, yet i am not insensible to my declination in other respects. it would be criminal, therefore, in me, although it should be the wish of my countrymen and i could be elected, to accept an office under this conviction which another would discharge with more ability; and this, too, at a time when i am thoroughly convinced i should not draw a _single_ vote from the anti-federal side, and of course should stand upon no other ground _than any other federal character_[ ] well supported; and when i should become a mark for the shafts of envenomed malice and the basest calumny to fire at,--when i should be charged not only with irresolution but with concealed ambition, which waits only an occasion to blaze out, and, in short, with dotage and imbecility. [footnote : these italics are mine.] "all this, i grant, ought to be like dust in the balance, when put in competition with a _great_ public good, when the accomplishment of it is apparent. but, as no problem is better defined in my mind than that principle, not men, is now, and will be, the object of contention; and that i could not obtain a _solitary_ vote from that party; _that any other respectable federal character could receive the same suffrages that i should_;[ ] that at my time of life (verging towards threescore and ten) i should expose myself without rendering any essential service to my country, or answering the end contemplated; prudence on my part must avert any attempt of the well-meant but mistaken views of my friends to introduce me again into the chair of government." [footnote : these italics are mine.] it does not fall within the scope of this biography to attempt to portray the history or weigh the merits of the two parties which came into existence at the close of the last century, and which, under varying names, have divided the people of the united states ever since. but it is essential here to define the relation of washington toward them because one hears it constantly said and sees it as constantly written down, that washington belonged to no party, which is perhaps a natural, but is certainly a complete misconception. washington came to the presidency by a unanimous vote. he had in his mind very strongly the idea of the framers of the constitution that the president, by the method of his election and by his independence of the other departments of government, was to be above and beyond party, and the representative of the whole people. in addition to this he was so absorbed by the great conception which he had of the future of the country, and was so confident of the purity and rectitude of his own purposes, that he was loath to think that party divisions could arise while he held the chief magistracy. it was not long before he was undeceived on this point, and he soon found that party divisions sprang up from the measures of his own administration. nevertheless, he clung to his determination to govern without the assistance of a party as such. when this, too, became impossible, he still felt that the unanimity of his election required that he should not declare himself to be the head of a party; but he had become thoroughly convinced that under the representative system of the constitution party government could not be avoided. in his farewell address he warned the people against the excesses of that party spirit which he deplored; but he did not suggest that it could be extinguished. being a wise and far-seeing man, he saw that if party government was an evil, it also was under a free representative system, and in the present condition of human nature a necessary evil, furnishing the only machinery by which public affairs could be carried on. in a time of deep political excitement and strong party feeling, washington was the last man in the world not to be decidedly on one side or the other. he was possessed of too much sense, force, and virility to be content to hold himself aloof and croak over the wickedness of people, who were trying to do something, even if they did not always try in the most perfect way. he was himself preëminently a doer of deeds, and not a critic or a phrase-maker, and we can read very distinctly in the extracts which have been brought together in this chapter what he thought on party and public questions. he was opposed to the party which had resisted all the great measures of his administration from the foundation of the government of the united states. they had assailed and maligned him and his ministers, and he regarded them as political enemies. he believed in the principles of that party which had supported the financial policy of hamilton and his own policy of neutrality toward foreign nations. he was opposed to the party which introduced the interests of france as the leading issue of american politics, and which embodied the doctrines of nullification and separatism in the resolutions of kentucky and virginia. in one word, washington, in policies and politics, was an american and a nationalist; and the national and american party, from to , was the federalist party. it may be added that it was the only party which, at that precise time, could claim those qualities. while he remained in the presidency he would not declare himself to be of any party; but as soon as this fetter was removed, he declared himself freely after his fashion, expressing in words what he had formerly only expressed in action. his feelings warmed and strengthened as the controversy with france deepened, and as the attitude of the opposition became more un-american and leaned more and more to separatism. they culminated at last in the eloquent letter to patrick henry, and in the carefully weighed words with which he tells trumbull that he can hope for no more votes than "any other federal character." chapter vi the last years washington had entered upon the presidency with the utmost reluctance, and at the sacrifice of all he considered pleasantest and best in life. he took it and held it for eight years from a sense of duty, and with no desire to retain it beyond that which every man feels who wishes to finish a great work that he has undertaken. he looked forward to the approaching end of his second term with a feeling of intense relief, and compared himself to the wearied traveler who sees the resting-place where he is at length to have repose. on march he gave a farewell dinner to the president and vice-president elect, the foreign ministers and their wives, and other distinguished persons, from one of whom we learn that it was a very pleasant and lively gathering. when the cloth was removed washington filled his glass and said: "ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time i shall drink your health as a public man. i do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness." the company did not take the same cheerful view as their host of this leave-taking. there was a pause in the gayety, some of the ladies shed tears, and the little incident only served to show the warm affection felt for washington by every one who came in close contact with him. the next day the last official ceremonies were performed. after jefferson had taken the oath as vice-president and had proceeded with the senate to the house of representatives, which was densely crowded, washington entered and was received with cheers and shouts, the waving of handkerchiefs, and an enthusiasm which seemed to know no bounds. mr. adams followed him almost immediately and delivered his inaugural address, in which he paid a stately compliment to the great virtues of his predecessor. it was the setting and not the rising sun, however, that drew the attention of the multitude, and as washington left the hall there was a wild rush from the galleries to the corridors and then into the streets to see him pass. he took off his hat and bowed to the people, but they followed him even to his own door, where he turned once more and, unable to speak, waved to them a silent farewell. in the evening of the same day a great banquet was given to him by the merchants of philadelphia, and when he entered the band played "washington's march," and a series of emblematic paintings were disclosed, the chief of which represented the ex-president at mount vernon surrounded by the allegorical figures then so fashionable. after the festivities washington lingered for a few days in philadelphia to settle various private matters and then started for home. whether he was going or coming, whether he was about to take the great office of president or retire to the privacy of mount vernon, the same popular enthusiasm greeted him. when he was really brought in contact with the people, the clamors of the opposition press and the attacks of the jeffersonian editors all faded away and were forgotten. on march he reached baltimore, and the local newspaper of the next day said:-- "last evening arrived in this city, on his way to mount vernon, the illustrious object of veneration and gratitude, george washington. his excellency was accompanied by his lady and miss custis, and by the son of the unfortunate lafayette and his preceptor. at a distance from the city, he was met by a crowd of citizens, on horse and foot, who thronged the road to greet him, and by a detachment from captain hollingsworth's troop, who escorted him in through as great a concourse of people as baltimore ever witnessed. on alighting at the fountain inn, the general was saluted with reiterated and thundering huzzas from the spectators. his excellency, with the companions of his journey, leaves town, we understand, this morning." thus with the cheers and the acclamations still ringing in his ears he came home again to mount vernon, where he found at once plenty of occupation, which in some form was always a necessity to him. an absence of eight years had not improved the property. on april he wrote to mchenry: "i find myself in the situation nearly of a new beginner; for, although i have not houses to build (except one, which i must erect for the accommodation and security of my military, civil, and private papers, which are voluminous and may be interesting), yet i have scarcely anything else about me that does not require considerable repairs. in a word, i am already surrounded by joiners, masons, and painters; and such is my anxiety to get out of their hands, that i have scarcely a room to put a friend into or to sit in myself without the music of hammers or the odoriferous scent of paint." he easily dropped back into the round of country duties and pleasures, and the care of farms and plantations, which had always had for him so much attraction. "to make and sell a little flour annually," he wrote to wolcott, "to repair houses going fast to ruin, to build one for the security of my papers of a public nature, will constitute employment for the few years i have to remain on this terrestrial globe." again he said to mchenry: "you are at the source of information, and can find many things to relate, while i have nothing to say that would either inform or amuse a secretary of war at philadelphia. i might tell him that i begin my diurnal course with the sun; that if my hirelings are not in their places by that time i send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition; that having put these wheels in motion i examine the state of things further; that the more they are probed the deeper i find the wounds which my buildings have sustained by an absence and neglect of eight years; that by the time i have accomplished these matters breakfast (a little after seven o'clock, about the time i presume that you are taking leave of mrs. mchenry) is ready; that this being over i mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which i rarely miss seeing strange faces, come, as they say, out of respect for me. pray, would not the word curiosity answer as well? and how different this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board. the usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea bring me within the dawn of candle-light; previous to which, if not prevented by company, i resolve that as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary i will retire to my writing-table and acknowledge the letters i have received; that when the lights are brought i feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. the next night comes and with it the same causes for postponement, and so on. having given you the history of a day, it will serve for a year, and i am persuaded you will not require a second edition of it. but it may strike you that in this detail no mention is made of any portion of time allotted for reading. the remark would be just, for i have not looked into a book since i came home; nor shall i be able to do it until i have discharged my workmen; probably not before the nights grow longer, when possibly i may be looking in doomsday book." there is not much that can be added to his own concise description of the simple life he led at home. the rest and quiet were very pleasant, but still there was a touch of sadness in his words. the long interval of absence made the changes which time had wrought stand out more vividly than if they had come one by one in the course of daily life at home. washington looked on the ruins of belvoir, and sighed to think of the many happy hours he had passed with the fairfaxes, now gone from the land forever. other old friends had been taken away by death, and the gaps were not filled by the new faces of which he speaks to mchenry. indeed, the crowd of visitors coming to mount vernon from all parts of his own country and of the world, whether they came from respect or curiosity, brought a good deal of weariness to a man tired with the cares of state and longing for absolute repose. yet he would not close his doors to any one, for the virginian sense of hospitality, always peculiarly strong in him, forbade such action. to relieve himself, therefore, in this respect, he sent for his nephew lawrence lewis, who took the social burden from his shoulders. but although the visitors tired him when he felt responsible for their pleasure, he did not shut himself up now any more than at any other time in self-contemplation. he was constantly thinking of others; and the education of his nephews, the care of young lafayette until he should return to france, as well as the happy love-match of nellie custis and his nephew, supplied the human interest without which he was never happy. before we trace his connection with public affairs in these closing years, let us take one look at him, through the eyes of a disinterested but keen observer. john bernard, an english actor, who had come to this country in the year when washington left the presidency, was playing an engagement with his company at annapolis, in . one day he mounted his horse and rode down below alexandria, to pay a visit to an acquaintance who lived on the banks of the potomac. when he was returning, a chaise in front of him, containing a man and a young woman, was overturned, and the occupants were thrown out. as bernard rode to the scene of the accident, another horseman galloped up from the opposite direction. the two riders dismounted, found that the driver was not hurt, and succeeded in restoring the young woman to consciousness; an event which was marked, bernard tells us, by a volley of invectives addressed to her unfortunate husband. "the horse," continues bernard, "was now on his legs, but the vehicle still prostrate, heavy in its frame, and laden with at least half a ton of luggage. my fellow-helper set me an example of activity in relieving it of the internal weight; and when all was clear, we grasped the wheel between us, and to the peril of our spinal columns righted the conveyance. the horse was then put in, and we lent a hand to help up the luggage. all this helping, hauling, and lifting occupied at least half an hour, under a meridian sun, in the middle of july, which fairly boiled the perspiration out of our foreheads." the possessor of the chaise beguiled the labor by a full personal history of himself and his wife, and when the work was done invited the two samaritans to go with him to alexandria, and take a drop of "something sociable." this being declined, the couple mounted into the chaise and drove on. "then," says bernard, "my companion, after an exclamation at the heat, offered very courteously to dust my coat, a favor the return of which enabled me to take deliberate survey of his person. he was a tall, erect, well-made man, evidently advanced in years, but who appeared to have retained all the vigor and elasticity resulting from a life of temperance and exercise. his dress was a blue coat buttoned to his chin, and buckskin breeches. though the instant he took off his hat i could not avoid the recognition of familiar lineaments, which indeed i was in the habit of seeing on every sign-post and over every fireplace, still i failed to identify him, and to my surprise i found that i was an object of equal speculation in his eyes." the actor evidently did not have the royal gift of remembering faces, but the stranger possessed that quality, for after a moment's pause he said, "mr. bernard, i believe," and mentioned the occasion on which he had seen him play in philadelphia. he then asked bernard to go home with him for a couple of hours' rest, and pointed out the house in the distance. at last bernard knew to whom he was speaking. "'mount vernon!' i exclaimed; and then drawing back with a stare of wonder, 'have i the honor of addressing general washington?' with a smile whose expression of benevolence i have rarely seen equaled, he offered his hand and replied: 'an odd sort of introduction, mr. bernard; but i am pleased to find you can play so active a part in private, and without a prompter.'" so they rode on together to the house and had a chat, to which we must recur further on. there is no contemporary narrative of which i am aware that shows washington to us more clearly than this little adventure with bernard, for it is in the common affairs of daily life that men come nearest to each other, and the same rule holds good in history. we know washington much better from these few lines of description left by a chance acquaintance on the road than we do from volumes of state papers. it is such a pleasant story, too. there is the great man, retired from the world, still handsome and imposing in his old age, with the strong and ready hand to succor those who had fallen by the wayside; there are the genuine hospitality, the perfect manners, and the well-turned little sentence with which he complimented the actor, put him at his ease, and asked him to his house. nothing can well be added to the picture of washington as we see him here, not long before the end of all things came. we must break off, however, from the quiet charm of home life, and turn again briefly to the affairs of state. let us, therefore, leave these two riding along the road together in the warm virginia sunshine to the house which has since become one of the meccas of humanity, in memory of the man who once dwelt in it. the highly prized retirement to mount vernon did not now, more than at any previous time, separate washington from the affairs of the country. he continued to take a keen interest in all that went on, to correspond with his friends, and to use his influence for what he thought wisest and best for the general welfare. these were stirring times, too, and the progress of events brought him to take a more active part than he had ever expected to play again; for france, having failed, thanks to his policy, to draw us either by fair words or trickery from our independent and neutral position, determined, apparently, to try the effect of force and ill usage. pinckney, sent out as minister, had been rebuffed; and then adams, with the cordial support of the country, had made another effort for peace by sending pinckney, marshall, and gerry as a special commission. the history of that commission is one of the best known episodes in our history. our envoys were insulted, asked for bribes, and browbeaten, until the two who retained a proper sense of their own and their country's dignity took their passports and departed. the publication of the famous x, y, z letters, which displayed the conduct of france, roused a storm of righteous indignation from one end of the united states to the other. the party of france and of the opposition bent before the storm, and the federalists were at last all-powerful. a cry for war went up from every corner, and congress provided rapidly for the formation of an army and the beginning of a navy. then the whole country turned, as a matter of course, to one man to stand at the head of the national forces of the united states, and adams wrote to washington, urging him to take command of the provisional army. to any other appeal to come forward washington would have been deaf, but he could never refuse a call to arms. he wrote to adams on july , : "in case of _actual invasion_ by a formidable force, i certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age or retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it." he agreed, therefore, to take command of the army, provided that he should not be called into active service except in the case of actual hostilities, and that he should have the appointment of the general's staff. to these terms adams of course acceded. but out of the apparently simple condition relating to the appointment of officers there grew a very serious trouble. there were to be three major-generals, the first of them to have also the rank of inspector-general, and to be the virtual commander-in-chief until the army was actually called into the field. for these places, washington after much reflection selected hamilton, pinckney, and knox, in the order named, and in doing so he very wisely went on the general principle that the army was to be organized _de novo_, without reference to prior service. apart from personal and political jealousies, nothing could have been more proper and more sound than this arrangement; but at this point the president's dislike of hamilton got beyond control, and he made up his mind to reverse the order, and send in knox's name first. the federalist leaders were of course utterly disgusted by this attempt to set hamilton aside, which was certainly ill-judged, and which proved to be the beginning of the dissensions that ended in the ruin of the federalist party. after every effort, therefore, to move adams had failed, pickering and others, including hamilton himself, appealed to washington. at a distance from the scene of action, and unfamiliar with the growth of differences within the party, washington was not only surprised, but annoyed by the president's conduct. in addition to the evils which he believed would result in a military way from this change, he felt that the conditions which he had made had been violated, and that he had not been treated fairly. he therefore wrote to the president with his wonted plainness, on september , and pointed out that his stipulations had not been complied with, that the change of order among the major-generals was thoroughly wrong, and that the president's meddling with the inferior appointments had been hurtful and injudicious. his views were expressed in the most courteous way, although with an undertone of severe disapproval. there was no mistaking the meaning of the letter, however, and adams, bold man and president as he was, gave way at once. mr. adams thought at the time that there had been about this matter of the major-generals too much intrigue, by which washington had been deceived and he himself made a victim; but there seems no good reason to take this view of it, for there is no indication whatever that washington did not know and understand the facts; and it was on the facts that he made his decision, and not on the methods by which they were conveyed to him. the propriety of the decision will hardly now be questioned, although it did not tend to make the relations between the ex-president and his successor very cordial. they had always a great respect for each other, but not much sympathy, for they differed too widely in temperament. even if washington would have permitted it, it would have been impossible for the president to have quarreled with him, but at the same time he felt not a little awkwardness in dealing with his successor, and was inclined to think that that gentleman did not show him all the respect that was due. he wrote to mchenry on october : "as no mode is yet adopted by the president by which the battalion officers are to be appointed, and as i think i stand on very precarious ground in my relation to him, i am not over-zealous in taking _unauthorized_ steps when those that i thought _were authorized_ are not likely to meet with much respect." [illustration: henry knox] there was, however, another consequence of this affair which gave washington much more pain than any differences with the president. his old friend and companion in arms, general knox, was profoundly hurt at the decision which placed hamilton at the head of the army. one cannot be surprised at knox's feelings, for he had been a distinguished officer, and had outranked both hamilton and pinckney. he felt that he ought to command the army, and that he was quite capable of doing so; and he did not relish being told in this official manner that he had grown old, and that the time had come for younger and abler men to pass beyond him. the archbishop in "gil blas" is one of the most universal types of human nature that we have. nobody feels kindly to the monitor who points out the failings which time has brought, and we are all inclined to dismiss him with every wish that he may fare well and have a little more taste. poor knox could not dismiss his gil blas, and he felt the unpleasant admonition all the more bitterly from the fact that the blow was dealt by the two men whom he most loved and admired. hamilton wrote him the best and most graceful of letters, but failed to soothe him; and washington was no more fortunate. he tried with the utmost kindliness, and in his most courteous manner, to soften the disappointment, and to show knox how convincing were the reasons for his action. but the case was not one where argument could be of avail, and when knox persisted in his refusal to take the place assigned him, washington, with all his sympathy, was perfectly frank in expressing his views. in a second letter, complaining of the injustice with which he had been treated, knox intimated that he would be willing to serve on the personal staff of the commander-in-chief. this was all very well; but much as washington grieved for his old friend's disappointment, there was to be no misunderstanding in the matter. he wrote knox on october : "after having expressed these sentiments with the frankness of undisguised friendship, it is hardly necessary to add that, if you should finally decline the appointment of major-general, there is none to whom i would give a more decided preference as an aide-de-camp, the offer of which is highly flattering, honorable, and grateful to my feelings, and for which i entertain a high sense. but, my dear general knox, and here again i speak to you in a language of candor and friendship, examine well your mind upon this subject. do not unite yourself to the suite of a man whom you may consider as the primary cause of what you call a degradation, with unpleasant sensations. this, while it was gnawing upon you, would, if i should come to the knowledge of it, make me unhappy; as my first wish would be that my military family and the whole army should consider themselves a band of brothers, willing and ready to die for each other." knox would not serve; and his ill temper, irritated still further by the apparent preference of the president and by the talk of his immediate circle, prevailed. on the other hand, pinckney, one of the most generous and patriotic of men, accepted service at once without a syllable of complaint on the score that he had ranked hamilton in the former war. it was with these two, therefore, that washington carried on the work of organizing the provisional army. despite his determination to remain in retirement until called to the field, his desire for perfection in any work that he undertook brought him out, and he gave much time and attention not only to the general questions which were raised, but to the details of the business, and on november he addressed a series of inquiries, both general and particular, to hamilton and pinckney. these inquiries covered the whole scope of possible events, probable military operations, and the formation of the army. they were written in philadelphia, whither he had gone, and where he passed a month with the two major-generals in the discussion of plans and measures. the result of their conferences was an elaborate and masterly report on army organization drawn up by hamilton, upon whom, throughout this period of impending war, the brunt of the work fell. careful and painstaking, however, as washington was in the matter of appointments and organization, dealing with them as if he was about to take the field at the head of the army, there was never a moment when he felt that there was danger of actual war. he had studied foreign affairs and the conditions of europe too well to be much deceived about them, and least of all in regard to france. he felt from the beginning that the moment we displayed a proper spirit, began to arm, and fought one or two french ships successfully, that france would leave off bullying and abusing us, and make a satisfactory peace. the declared adherent of the maxim that to prepare for war was the most effectual means of preserving peace, he felt that never was it more important to carry out this doctrine than now; and it was for this reason that he labored so hard and gave so much thought to army organization at a time when he felt more than ever the need of repose, and shrank from the least semblance of a return to public life. in all his long career there was never a better instance of his devoted patriotism than his coming forward in this way at the sacrifice of every personal wish after his retirement from the presidency. yet, although he closely watched the course of politics, and gave, as has been said, a cordial support to the administration, his sympathies were rather with the opponents of the president within the ranks of their common party. the conduct of gerry, who had been adams's personal selection for a commissioner, was very distasteful to washington, and was very far from exciting in his mind the approval which it drew from mr. adams. he wrote to pickering on october : "with respect to mr. gerry, his own character and public satisfaction require better evidence than his letter to the minister of foreign relations to prove the propriety of his conduct during his envoyship." he did not believe that we were to have war with france, but he was very confident that a bold and somewhat uncompromising attitude was the best one for the country, and that above all we should not palter with france after the affronts to which we had been subjected. when president adams, therefore, made his sudden change of policy by nominating murray as a special envoy, washington, despite his desire for peace, was by no means enthusiastic in his approval of the methods by which it was sought. the president wrote him announcing the appointment of murray, and washington acknowledged the letter and the information without any comment. he saw, of course, that as the president had seen fit to take the step he must be sustained, and he wrote to murray to impress upon him the gravity of the mission with which he was intrusted; but he had serious doubts as to the success of such a mission under such conditions, and when delays occurred he was not without hopes of a final abandonment. the day after his letter to murray he wrote to hamilton: "i was surprised at the _measure_, how much more so at the manner of it! this business seems to have commenced in an evil hour, and under unfavorable auspices. i wish mischief may not tread in all its steps, and be the final result of the measure. a wide door was open, through which a retreat might have been made from the first _faux pas_, the shutting of which, to those who are not behind the curtain and are as little acquainted with the secrets of the cabinet as i am, is, from the present aspect of european affairs, quite incomprehensible." he hoped but little good from the mission, although it had his fervent wishes for its success, expressed repeatedly in letters to members of the cabinet; and while he was full of apprehension, he had a firm faith that all would end well. for this anxiety, indeed, there was abundant reason. a violent change of policy toward france, the disorders occasioned by political dissensions at home, and the sudden appearance of the deadly doctrine of nullification, all combined to excite alarm in the mind of a man who looked as far into the future and as deep beneath the surface of things as did washington. it was then that he urged patrick henry to reenter public life, and exerted his own influence wherever he could to check the separatist movement set on foot by jefferson. he was deeply disturbed, too, by the tendencies of the times in other directions. the delirium of the french revolution was not confined to france. her soldiers bore with them the new doctrines, while far beyond the utmost reach of her armies flew the ideas engendered in the fevered air of paris. wherever they alighted they touched men and stung them to madness, and the madness that they bred was not confined to those who believed the new gospel, but was shared equally by those who resisted and loathed it. burke, in his way, was as much crazed as camille desmoulins, and it seemed impossible for people living in the midst of that terrific convulsion of society to retain their judgment. nowhere ought men to have been better able to withstand the contagion of the revolution than in america, and yet even here it produced the same results as in countries nearly affected by it. the party of opposition to the government became first ludicrous and then dangerous, in their wild admiration and senseless imitation of ideas and practices as utterly alien to the people of the united states as cannibalism or fire-worship. then the federalists, on their side, fell beneath the spell. the overthrow of religion, society, property, and morals, which they beheld in paris, seemed to them to be threatening their own country, and they became as extreme as their opponents in the exactly opposite direction. federalist divines came to look upon jefferson, the most timid and prudent of men, as a marat or robespierre, ready to reproduce the excesses of his prototypes; while pickering, wolcott, and all their friends in public life regarded themselves as engaged in a struggle for the preservation of order and society and of all that they held most dear. they were in the habit of comparing french principles to a pestilence, and the french republic to a raging tiger. even hamilton was so moved as to believe that the united states were on the verge of anarchy, and he laid down his life at last in a senseless duel because he thought that his refusal to fight would disable him for leading the forces of order when the final crash came. washington, with his strong, calm judgment and his penetrating vision, was less affected than any of those who had followed and sustained him; but he was by no means untouched, and if we try to put ourselves in his place, his views seem far from unreasonable. he had at the outset wished well to the great movement in france, although even then he doubted its final success. very soon, however, doubts changed to suspicions, and suspicions to conviction. as he saw the french revolution move on in its inevitable path, he came to hate and dread its deeds, its policies, and its doctrines. to a man of his temper it could not have been otherwise, for license and disorder were above all things detestable to him. they were the immediate fruits of the french revolution, and when he saw a party devoted to france preaching the same ideas in the united states, he could not but feel that there was a real and practical danger confronting the country. this was why he felt that we needed an energetic policy, and it was on this account that he distrusted the president's renewed effort for peace. the course of the opposition, as he saw it, threatened not merely the existence of the union, but wittingly or unwittingly struck at the very foundations of society. his anxiety did not make him violent, as was the case with lesser men, but it convinced him of the necessity of strong measures, and he was not a man to shrink from vigorous action. he was quite prepared to do all that could be done to maintain the authority of the government, which he considered equivalent to the protection of society, and for this reason he approved of the alien and sedition acts. in the process of time these two famous laws have come to be universally condemned, and those who have not questioned their constitutionality have declared them wrong, inexpedient and impolitic, and the immediate cause of the overthrow of the party responsible for them. everybody has made haste to disown them, and there has been a general effort on the part of federalist sympathizers to throw the blame for them on persons unknown. biographers, especially, have tried zealously to clear the skirts of their heroes from any connection with these obnoxious acts; but the truth is, that, whether right or wrong, wise or unwise, these laws had the entire support of the ruling party from the president down. hamilton, who objected to the first draft because it was needlessly violent, approved the purpose and principle of the legislation; and washington was no exception to the general rule. he was calm about it, but his approbation was none the less distinct, and he took pains to circulate a sound argument, when he met with one, in justification of the alien and sedition acts.[ ] in november, , alexander spotswood wrote to him, asking his judgment on those laws. as the writer announced himself to be thoroughly convinced of their unconstitutionally, washington, with a little sarcasm, declined to enter into argument with him. "but," he continued, "i will take the liberty of advising such as are not 'thoroughly convinced,' and whose minds are yet open to conviction, to read the pieces and hear the arguments which have been adduced in favor of, as well as those against, the constitutionality and expediency of those laws, before they decide and consider to what lengths a certain description of men in our country have already driven, and seem resolved further to drive matters, and then ask themselves if it is not time and expedient to resort to protecting laws against aliens (for citizens, you certainly know, are not affected by that law), who acknowledge no allegiance to this country, and in many instances are sent among us, as there is the best circumstantial evidence to prove, for the express purpose of poisoning the minds of our people and sowing dissensions among them, in order to alienate their affections from the government of their choice, thereby endeavoring to dissolve the union, and of course the fair and happy prospects which are unfolding to our view from the revolution." [footnote : see letter to bushrod washington, sparks, vi. p. .] with these strong and decided feelings as to the proper policy to be adopted, and with such grave apprehensions as to the outcome of existing difficulties, washington was deeply distressed by the divisions which he saw springing up among the federalists. from his point of view it was bad enough to have the people of the country divided into two great parties; but that one of those parties, that which was devoted to the maintenance of order and the preservation of the union, should be torn by internal dissensions, seemed to him almost inconceivable. he regarded the conduct of the party and of its leaders with quite as much indignation as sorrow, for it seemed to him that they were unpatriotic and false to their trust in permitting for a moment these personal factions which could have but one result. he wrote to trumbull on august , :-- "it is too interesting not to be again repeated, that if principles instead of men are not the steady pursuit of the federalists, their cause will soon be at an end; if these are pursued they will not _divide_ at the next election of president; if they do divide on so _important_ a point, it would be dangerous to trust them on any other,--and none except those who might be solicitous to fill the chair of government would do it."[ ] [footnote : _life of silliman_, vol. ii. p. .] he was a true prophet, but he did not live to see the verification of his predictions, which would have been to him a source of so much grief. in the midst of his anxieties about public affairs, and of the quiet, homely interests which made the days at mount vernon so pleasant, the end suddenly came. there was no more forewarning than if he had been struck down by accident or violence. he had always been a man of great physical vigor, and although he had had one or two acute and dangerous illnesses arising from mental strain and much overwork, there is no indication that he had any organic disease, and since his retirement from the presidency he had been better than for many years. there was not only no sign of breaking up, but he appeared full of health and activity, and led his usual wholesome outdoor life with keen enjoyment. the morning of december was overcast. he wrote to hamilton warmly approving the scheme for a military academy; and having finished this, which was probably the last letter he ever wrote, he mounted his horse and rode off for his usual round of duties. he noted in his diary, where he always described the weather with methodical exactness, that it began to snow about one o'clock, soon after to hail, and then turned to a settled cold rain. he stayed out notwithstanding for about two hours, and then came back to the house and franked his letters. mr. lear noticed that his hair was damp with snow, and expressed a fear that he had got wet; but the general said no, that his coat had kept him dry, and sat down to dinner without changing his clothes. the next morning snow was still falling so that he did not ride, and he complained of a slight sore throat, but nevertheless went out in the afternoon to mark some trees that were to be cut down. his hoarseness increased toward night, yet still he made light of it, and read the newspapers and chatted with mrs. washington during the evening. when he went to bed mr. lear urged him to take something for his cold. "no," he replied, "you know i never take anything for a cold. let it go as it came." in the night he had a severe chill, followed by difficulty in breathing; and between two and three in the morning he awoke mrs. washington, but would not allow her to get up and call a servant lest she should take cold. at daybreak mr. lear was summoned, and found washington breathing with difficulty and hardly able to speak. dr. craik, the friend and companion of many years, was sent for at once, and meantime the general was bled slightly by one of the overseers. a futile effort was also made to gargle his throat, and external applications were tried without affording relief. dr. craik arrived between eight and nine o'clock with two other physicians, when other remedies were tried and the patient was bled again, all without avail. about half-past four he called mrs. washington to his bedside and asked her to get two wills from his desk. she did so, and after looking them over he ordered one to be destroyed and gave her the other to keep. he then said to lear, speaking with the utmost difficulty, but saying what he had to say with characteristic determination and clearness: "i find i am going; my breath cannot last long. i believed from the first that the disorder would prove fatal. do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers. arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else; and let mr. rawlins finish recording my other letters, which he has begun." he then asked if lear recollected anything which it was essential for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with them. lear replied that he could recollect nothing, but that he hoped the end was not so near. washington smiled, and said that he certainly was dying, and that as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. the disease which was killing him was acute oedematous laryngitis,[ ] which is as simple as it is rare and fatal,[ ] and he was being slowly strangled to death by the closing of the throat. he bore the suffering, which must have been intense, with his usual calm self-control, but as the afternoon wore on the keen distress and the difficulty of breathing made him restless. from time to time mr. lear tried to raise him and make his position easier. the general said, "i fear i fatigue you too much;" and again, on being assured to the contrary, "well, it is a debt we must pay to each other, and i hope when you want aid of this kind you will find it." he was courteous and thoughtful of others to the last, and told his servant, who had been standing all day in attendance upon him, to sit down. to dr. craik he said: "i die hard, but i am not afraid to go. i believed from my first attack that i should not survive it. my breath cannot last long." when a little later the other physicians came in and assisted him to sit up, he said: "i feel i am going. i thank you for your attentions, but i pray you will take no more trouble about me. let me go off quietly. i cannot last long." he lay there for some hours longer, restless and suffering, but utterly uncomplaining, taking such remedies as the physicians ordered in silence. about ten o'clock he spoke again to lear, although it required a most desperate effort to do so. "i am just going," he said. "have me decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after i am dead." lear bowed, and washington said, "do you understand me?" lear answered, "yes." "'tis well," he said, and with these last words again fell silent. a little later he felt his own pulse, and, as he was counting the strokes, lear saw his countenance change. his hand dropped back from the wrist he had been holding, and all was over. the end had come. washington was dead. he died as he had lived, simply and bravely, without parade and without affectation. the last duties were done, the last words said, the last trials borne with the quiet fitness, the gracious dignity, that even the gathering mists of the supreme hour could neither dim nor tarnish. he had faced life with a calm, high, victorious spirit. so did he face death and the unknown when fate knocked at the door. [footnote : it was called at the time a quinsy.] [footnote : see memoir on _the last sickness of washington_, by james jackson, m.d. in response to an inquiry as to the modern treatment of this disease, the late dr. f.h. hooper of boston, well known as an authority on diseases of the throat, wrote me: "washington's physicians are not to be criticised for their treatment, for they acted according to their best light and knowledge. to treat such a case in such a manner in the year would be little short of criminal. at the present time the physicians would use the laryngoscope and _look_ and _see_ what the trouble was. (the laryngoscope has only been used since .) in this disease the function most interfered with is breathing. the one thing which saves a patient in this disease is a _timely tracheotomy_. (i doubt if tracheotomy had ever been performed in virginia in washington's time.) washington ought to have been tracheotomized, or rather that is the way cases are saved to-day. no one would think of antimony, calomel, or bleeding now. the point is to let in the air, and not to let out the blood. after tracheotomy has been performed, the oedema and swelling of the larynx subside in three to six days. the tracheotomy tube is then removed, and respiration goes on again through the natural channels."] chapter vii george washington this last chapter cannot begin more fitly than by quoting again the words of mr. mcmaster: "george washington is an unknown man." mr. mcmaster might have added that to no man in our history has greater injustice of a certain kind been done, or more misunderstanding been meted out, than to washington, and although this sounds like the merest paradox, it is nevertheless true. from the hour when the door of the tomb at mount vernon closed behind his coffin to the present instant, the chorus of praise and eulogy has never ceased, but has swelled deeper and louder with each succeeding year. he has been set apart high above all other men, and reverenced with the unquestioning veneration accorded only to the leaders of mankind and the founders of nations; and in this very devotion lies one secret at least of the fact that, while all men have praised washington, comparatively few have understood him. he has been lifted high up into a lonely greatness, and unconsciously put outside the range of human sympathy. he has been accepted as a being as nearly perfect as it is given to man to be, but our warm personal interest has been reserved for other and lesser men who seemed to be nearer to us in their virtues and their errors alike. such isolation, lofty though it be, is perilous and leads to grievous misunderstandings. from it has come the widespread idea that washington was cold, and as devoid of human sympathies as he was free from the common failings of humanity. of this there will be something to say presently, but meantime there is another more prolific source of error in regard to washington to be considered. men who are loudly proclaimed to be faultless always excite a certain kind of resentment. it is a dangerous eminence for any one to occupy. the temples of greece are in ruins, and her marvelous literature is little more than a collection of fragments, but the feelings of the citizens who exiled aristides because they were weary of hearing him called "just," exist still, unchanged and unchangeable. washington has not only been called "just," but he has had every other good quality attributed to him by countless biographers and eulogists with an almost painful iteration, and the natural result has followed. many persons have felt the sense of fatigue which the athenians expressed practically by their oyster shells, and have been led to cast doubts on washington's perfection as the only consolation for their own sense of injury. then, again, washington's fame has been so overshadowing, and his greatness so immutable, that he has been very inconvenient to the admirers and the biographers of other distinguished men. from these two sources, from the general jealousy of the classic greek variety, and the particular jealousy born of the necessities of some other hero, much adverse and misleading criticism has come. it has never been a safe or popular amusement to assail washington directly, and this course usually has been shunned; but although the attacks have been veiled they have none the less existed, and they have been all the more dangerous because they were insidious. in his lifetime washington had his enemies and detractors in abundance. during the revolution he was abused and intrigued against, thwarted and belittled, to a point which posterity in general scarcely realizes. final and conclusive victory brought an end to this, and he passed to the presidency amid a general acclaim. then the attacks began again. their character has been shown in a previous chapter, but they were of no real moment except as illustrations of the existence and meaning of party divisions. the ravings of bache and freneau, and the coarse insults of giles, were all totally unimportant in themselves. they merely define the purposes and character of the party which opposed washington, and but for him would be forgotten. among his eminent contemporaries, jefferson and pickering, bitterly opposed in all things else, have left memoranda and letters reflecting upon the abilities of their former chief. jefferson disliked him because he blocked his path, but with habitual caution he never proceeded beyond a covert sneer implying that washington's mental powers, at no time very great, were impaired by age during his presidency, and that he was easily deceived by practised intriguers. pickering, with more boldness, set washington down as commonplace, not original in his thought, and vastly inferior to hamilton, apparently because he was not violent, and did not make up his mind before he knew the facts. adverse contemporary criticism, however, is slight in amount and vague in character; it can be readily dismissed, and it has in no case weight enough to demand much consideration. modern criticism of the same kind has been even less direct, but is much more serious and cannot be lightly passed over. it invariably proceeds by negations setting out with an apparently complete acceptance of washington's greatness, and then assailing him by telling us what he was not. few persons who have not given this matter a careful study realize how far criticism of this sort has gone, and there is indeed no better way of learning what washington really was than by examining the various negations which tell us what he was not. let us take the gravest first. it has been confidently asserted that washington was not an american in anything but the technical sense. this idea is more diffused than, perhaps, would be generally supposed, and it has also been formally set down in print, in which we are more fortunate than in many other instances where the accusation has not got beyond the elusive condition of loose talk. in that most noble poem, the "commemoration ode," mr. lowell speaks of lincoln as "the first american." the poet's winged words fly far, and find a resting-place in many minds. this idea has become widespread, and has recently found fuller expression in mr. clarence king's prefatory note to the great life of lincoln by hay and nicolay.[ ] mr. king says: "abraham lincoln was the first american to reach the lonely height of immortal fame. before him, within the narrow compass of our history, were but two preëminent names,--columbus the discoverer, and washington the founder; the one an italian seer, the other an english country gentleman. in a narrow sense, of course, washington was an american.... for all that he was english in his nature, habits, moral standards, and social theories; in short, in all points which, aside from mere geographical position, make up a man, he was as thorough-going a british colonial gentleman as one could find anywhere beneath the union jack. the genuine american of lincoln's type came later.... george washington, an english commoner, vanquished george, an english king." [footnote : mr. matthew arnold, and more recently professor goldwin smith, have both spoken of washington as an englishman. i do not mention this to discredit the statements of mr. lowell or mr. king, but merely to indicate how far this mistaken idea has traveled.] in order to point his sentence and prove his first postulate, mr. king is obliged not only to dispose of washington, but to introduce columbus, who never was imagined in the wildest fantasy to be an american, and to omit franklin. the omission of itself is fatal to mr. king's case. franklin has certainly a "preëminent name." he has, too, "immortal fame," although of course of a widely different character from that of either washington or lincoln, but he was a great man in the broad sense of a world-wide reputation. yet no one has ever ventured to call benjamin franklin an englishman. he was a colonial american, of course, but he was as intensely an american as any man who has lived on this continent before or since. a man of the people, he was american by the character of his genius, by his versatility, the vivacity of his intellect, and his mental dexterity. in his abilities, his virtues, and his defects he was an american, and so plainly one as to be beyond the reach of doubt or question. there were others of that period, too, who were as genuine americans as franklin or lincoln. such were jonathan edwards, the peculiar product of new england calvinism; patrick henry, who first broke down colonial lines to declare himself an american; samuel adams, the great forerunner of the race of american politicians; thomas jefferson, the idol of american democracy. these and many others mr. king might exclude on the ground that they did not reach the lonely height of immortal fame. but franklin is enough. unless one is prepared to set franklin down as an englishman, which would be as reasonable as to say that daniel webster was a fine example of the slavic race, it must be admitted that it was possible for the thirteen colonies to produce in the eighteenth century a genuine american who won immortal fame. if they could produce one of one type, they could produce a second of another type, and there was, therefore, nothing inherently impossible in existing conditions to prevent washington from being an american. lincoln was undoubtedly the first great american of his type, but that is not the only type of american. it is one which, as bodied forth in abraham lincoln, commands the love and veneration of the people of the united states, and the admiration of the world wherever his name is known. to the noble and towering greatness of his mind and character it does not add one hair's breadth to say that he was the first american, or that he was of a common or uncommon type. greatness like lincoln's is far beyond such qualifications, and least of all is it necessary to his fame to push washington from his birthright. to say that george washington, an english commoner, vanquished george, an english king, is clever and picturesque, but like many other pleasing antitheses it is painfully inaccurate. allegiance does not make race or nationality. the hindoos are subjects of victoria, but they are not englishmen. franklin shows that it was possible to produce a most genuine american of unquestioned greatness in the eighteenth century, and with all possible deference to mr. lowell and mr. king, i venture the assertion that george washington was as genuine an american as lincoln or franklin. he was an american of the eighteenth and not of the nineteenth century, but he was none the less an american. i will go further. washington was not only an american of a pure and noble type, but he was the first thorough american in the broad, national sense, as distinct from the colonial american of his time. after all, what is it to be an american? surely it does not consist in the number of generations merely which separate the individual from his forefathers who first settled here. washington was fourth in descent from the first american of his name, while lincoln was in the sixth generation. this difference certainly constitutes no real distinction. there are people to-day, not many luckily, whose families have been here for two hundred and fifty years, and who are as utterly un-american as it is possible to be, while there are others, whose fathers were immigrants, who are as intensely american as any one can desire or imagine. in a new country, peopled in two hundred and fifty years by immigrants from the old world and their descendants, the process of americanization is not limited by any hard and fast rules as to time and generations, but is altogether a matter of individual and race temperament. the production of the well-defined american types and of the fixed national characteristics which now exist has been going on during all that period, but in any special instance the type to which a given man belongs must be settled by special study and examination. washington belonged to the english-speaking race. so did lincoln. both sprang from the splendid stock which was formed during centuries from a mixture of the celtic, teutonic, scandinavian, and norman peoples, and which is known to the world as english. both, so far as we can tell, had nothing but english blood, as it would be commonly called, in their veins, and both were of that part of the english race which emigrated to america, where it has been the principal factor in the development of the new people called americans. they were men of english race, modified and changed in the fourth and sixth generations by the new country, the new conditions, and the new life, and by the contact and admixture of other races. lincoln, a very great man, one who has reached "immortal fame," was clearly an american of a type that the old world cannot show, or at least has not produced. the idea of many persons in regard to washington seems to be, that he was a great man of a type which the old world, or, to be more exact, which england, had produced. one hears it often said that washington was simply an american hampden. such a comparison is an easy method of description, nothing more. hampden is memorable among men, not for his abilities, which there is no reason to suppose were very extraordinary, but for his devoted and unselfish patriotism, his courage, his honor, and his pure and lofty spirit. he embodied what his countrymen believe to be the moral qualities of their race in their finest flower, and no nation, be it said, could have a nobler ideal. washington was conspicuous for the same qualities, exhibited in like fashion. is there a single one of the essential attributes of hampden that lincoln also did not possess? was he not an unselfish and devoted patriot, pure in heart, gentle of spirit, high of honor, brave, merciful, and temperate? did he not lay down his life for his country in the box at ford's theatre as ungrudgingly as hampden offered his in the smoke of battle upon chalgrove field? surely we must answer yes. in other words, these three men all had the great moral attributes which are the characteristics of the english race in its highest and purest development on either side of the atlantic. yet no one has ever called lincoln an american hampden simply because hampden and washington were men of ancient family, members of an aristocracy by birth, and lincoln was not. this is the distinction between them; and how vain it is, in the light of their lives and deeds, which make all pedigrees and social ranks look so poor and worthless! the differences among them are trivial, the resemblances deep and lasting. i have followed out this comparison because it illustrates perfectly the entirely superficial character of the reasons which have led men to speak of washington as an english country gentleman. it has been said that he was english in his habits, moral standards, and social theories, which has an important sound, but which for the most part comes down to a question of dress and manners. he wore black velvet and powdered hair, knee-breeches and diamond buckles, which are certainly not american fashions to-day. but they were american fashions in the last century, and every man wore them who could afford to, no matter what his origin. let it be remembered, however, that washington also wore the hunting-shirt and fringed leggins of the backwoodsman, and that it was he who introduced this purely american dress into the army as a uniform. his manners likewise were those of the century in which he lived, formal and stately, and of course colored by his own temperament. his moral standards were those of a high-minded, honorable man. are we ready to say that they were not american? did they differ in any vital point from those of lincoln? his social theories were simple in the extreme. he neither overvalued nor underrated social conventions, for he knew that they were a part of the fabric of civilized society, not vitally important and yet not wholly trivial. he was a member of an aristocracy, it is true, both by birth and situation. there was a recognized social aristocracy in every colony before the revolution, for the drum-beat of the great democratic march had not then sounded. in the northern colonies it was never strong, and in new england it was especially weak, for the governments and people there were essentially democratic, although they hardly recognized it themselves. in virginia and the southern colonies, on the other hand, there was a vigorous aristocracy resting on the permanent foundation of slavery. where slaves are there must be masters, and where there are masters there are aristocrats; but it was an american and not an english aristocracy. lineage and family had weight in the south as in the north, but that which put a man undeniably in the ruling class was the ownership of black slaves and the possession of a white skin. this aristocracy lasted with its faults and its virtues until it perished in the shock of civil war, when its foundation of human slavery was torn from under it. from the slave-holding aristocracy of virginia came, with the exception of patrick henry, all the great men of that state who did so much for american freedom, and who rendered such imperishable service to the republic in law, in politics, and in war. from this aristocracy came marshall, and mason, and madison, the lees, the randolphs, the harrisons, and the rest. from it came also thomas jefferson, the hero of american democracy; and to it was added patrick henry, not by lineage or slave-holding, but by virtue of his brilliant abilities, and because he, too, was an aristocrat by the immutable division of race. it was this aristocracy into which washington was born, and amid which he was brought up. to say that it colored his feelings and habits is simply to say that he was human; but to urge that it made him un-american is to exclude at once from the ranks of americans all the great men given to the country by the south. washington, in fact, was less affected by his surroundings, and rose above them more quickly, than any other man of his day, because he was the greatest man of his time, with a splendid breadth of vision. when he first went among the new england troops at the siege of boston, the rough, democratic ways of the people jarred upon him, and offended especially his military instincts, for he was not only a virginian but he was a great soldier, and military discipline is essentially aristocratic. these volunteer soldiers, called together from the plough and the fishing-smack, were free and independent men, unaccustomed to any rule but their own, and they had still to learn the first rudiments of military service. to washington, soldiers who elected and deposed their officers, and who went home when they felt that they had a right to do so, seemed well-nigh useless and quite incomprehensible. they angered him and tried his patience almost beyond endurance, and he spoke of them at the outset in harsh terms by no means wholly unwarranted. but they were part of his problem, and he studied them. he was a soldier, but not an aristocrat wrapped up in immutable prejudices, and he learned to know these men, and they came to love, obey, and follow him with an intelligent devotion far better than anything born of mere discipline. before the year was out, he wrote to lund washington praising the new england troops in the highest terms, and at the close of the war he said that practically the whole army then was composed of new england soldiers. they stayed by him to the end, and as they were steadfast in war so they remained in peace. he trusted and confided in new england, and her sturdy democracy gave him a loyal and unflinching support to the day of his death. this openness of mind and superiority to prejudice were american in the truest and best sense; but washington showed the same qualities in private life and toward individuals which he displayed in regard to communities. he was free, of course, from the cheap claptrap which abuses the name of democracy by saying that birth, breeding, and education are undemocratic, and therefore to be reckoned against a man. he valued these qualities rightly, but he looked to see what a man was and not who he was, which is true democracy. the two men who were perhaps nearest to his affections were knox and hamilton. one was a boston bookseller, who rose to distinction by bravery and good service, and the other was a young adventurer from the west indies, without either family or money at his back. it was the same with much humbler persons. he never failed, on his way to philadelphia, to stop at wilmington and have a chat with one captain o'flinn, who kept a tavern and had been a revolutionary soldier; and this was but a single instance among many of like character. any soldier of the revolution was always sure of a welcome at the hands of his old commander. eminent statesmen, especially of the opposition, often found his manner cold, but no old soldier ever complained of it, no servant ever left him, and the country people about mount vernon loved him as a neighbor and friend, and not as the distant great man of the army and the presidency. he believed thoroughly in popular government. one does not find in his letters the bitter references to democracy and to the populace which can be discovered in the writings of so many of his party friends, legacies of pre-revolutionary ideas inflamed by hatred of parisian mobs. he always spoke of the people at large with a simple respect, because he knew that the future of the united states was in their hands and not in that of any class, and because he believed that they would fulfill their mission. the french revolution never carried him away, and when it bred anarchy and bloodshed he became hostile to french influence, because license and disorder were above all things hateful to him. yet he did not lose his balance in the other direction, as was the case with so many of his friends. he resisted and opposed french ideas and french democracy, so admired and so loudly preached by jefferson and his followers, because he esteemed them perilous to the country. but there is not a word to indicate that he did not think that such dangers would be finally overcome, even if at the cost of much suffering, by the sane sense and ingrained conservatism of the american people. other men talked more noisily about the people, but no one trusted them in the best sense more than washington, and his only fear was that evils might come from their being misled by false lights. once more, what is it to be an american? putting aside all the outer shows of dress and manners, social customs and physical peculiarities, is it not to believe in america and in the american people? is it not to have an abiding and moving faith in the future and in the destiny of america?--something above and beyond the patriotism and love which every man whose soul is not dead within him feels for the land of his birth? is it not to be national and not sectional, independent and not colonial? is it not to have a high conception of what this great new country should be, and to follow out that ideal with loyalty and truth? has any man in our history fulfilled these conditions more perfectly and completely than george washington? has any man ever lived who served the american people more faithfully, or with a higher and truer conception of the destiny and possibilities of the country? born of an old and distinguished family, he found himself, when a boy just out of school, dependent on his mother, and with an inheritance that promised him more acres than shillings. he did not seek to live along upon what he could get from the estate, and still less did he feel that it was only possible for him to enter one of the learned professions. had he been an englishman in fact or in feeling, he would have felt very naturally the force of the limitations imposed by his social position. but being an american, his one idea was to earn his living honestly, because it was the creed of his country that earning an honest living is the most creditable thing a man can do. boy as he was, he went out manfully into the world to win with his own hands the money which would make him self-supporting and independent. his business as a surveyor took him into the wilderness, and there he learned that the first great work before the american people was to be the conquest of the continent. he dropped the surveyor's rod and chain to negotiate with the savages, and then took up the sword to fight them and the french, so that the new world might be secured to the english-speaking race. a more purely american training cannot be imagined. it was not the education of universities or of courts, but that of hard-earned personal independence, won in the backwoods and by frontier fighting. thus trained, he gave the prime of his manhood to leading the revolution which made his country free, and his riper years to building up that independent nationality without which freedom would have been utterly vain. he was the first to rise above all colonial or state lines, and grasp firmly the conception of a nation to be formed from the thirteen jarring colonies. the necessity of national action in the army was of course at once apparent to him, although not to others; but he carried the same broad views into widely different fields, where at the time they wholly escaped notice. it was washington, oppressed by a thousand cares, who in the early days of the revolution saw the need of federal courts for admiralty cases and for other purposes. it was he who suggested this scheme, years before any one even dreamed of the constitution; and from the special committees of congress, formed for this object in accordance with this advice, came, in the process of time, the federal judiciary of the united states.[ ] even in that early dawn of the revolution, washington had clear in his own mind the need of a continental system for war, diplomacy, finance, and law, and he worked steadily to bring this policy to fulfilment. [footnote : see the very interesting memoir on this subject by the hon. j.c. bancroft davis.] when the war was over, the thought that engaged his mind most was of the best means to give room for expansion, and to open up the unconquered continent to the forerunners of a mighty army of settlers. for this purpose all his projects for roads, canals, and surveys were formed and forced into public notice. he looked beyond the limits of the atlantic colonies. his vision went far over the barriers of the alleghanies; and where others saw thirteen infant states backed by the wilderness, he beheld the germs of a great empire. while striving thus to lay the west open to the march of the settler, he threw himself into the great struggle, where hamilton and madison, and all who "thought continentally," were laboring for that union without which all else was worse than futile. from the presidency of the convention that formed the constitution, he went to the presidency of the government which that convention brought into being; and in all that followed, the one guiding thought was to clear the way for the advance of the people, and to make that people and their government independent in thought, in policy, and in character, as the revolution had made them independent politically. the same spirit which led him to write during the war that our battles must be fought and our victories won by americans, if victory and independence were to be won at all, or to have any real and solid worth, pervaded his whole administration. we see it in his indian policy, which was directed not only to pacifying the tribes, but to putting it out of their power to arrest or even delay western settlement. we see it in his attitude toward foreign ministers, and in his watchful persistence in regard to the mississippi, which ended in our securing the navigation of the great river. we see it again in his anxious desire to keep peace until we had passed the point where war might bring a dissolution; and how real that danger was, and how clear and just his perception of it, is shown by the kentucky and virginia resolutions and by the separatist movement in new england during the later war of . even in the national existence was menaced, but the danger would have proved fatal if it had come twenty years earlier, with parties divided by their sympathies with contending foreign nations. it was for the sake of the union that washington was so patient with france, and faced so quietly the storm of indignation aroused by the jay treaty. in his whole foreign policy, which was so peculiarly his own, the american spirit was his pole star; and of all the attacks made upon him, the only one which really tried his soul was the accusation that he was influenced by foreign predilections. the blind injustice, which would not comprehend that his one purpose was to be american and to make the people and the government american, touched him more deeply than anything else. as party strife grew keener over the issues raised by the war between france and england, and as french politics and french ideas became more popular, his feelings found more frequent utterance, and it is interesting to see how this man, who, we are now told, was an english country gentleman, wrote and felt on this matter in very trying times. let us remember, as we listen to him now in his own defense, that he was an extremely honest man, silent for the most part in doing his work, but when he spoke meaning every word he said, and saying exactly what he meant. this was the way in which he wrote to patrick henry in october, , when he offered him the secretaryship of state:-- "my ardent desire is, and my aim has been as far as depended upon the executive department, to comply strictly with all our engagements, foreign and domestic; but to keep the united states free from political connection with every other country, to see them independent of all and under the influence of none. in a word, i want an _american_ character, that the powers of europe may be convinced that we act for _ourselves_, and not for others. this, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad and happy at home; and not, by becoming partisans of great britain or france, create dissensions, disturb the public tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps forever, the cement which binds the union." not quite a year later, when the jay treaty was still agitating the public mind in regard to our relations with france, he wrote to pickering:-- "the executive has a plain road to pursue, namely, to fulfill all the engagements which duty requires; be influenced beyond this by none of the contending parties; maintain a strict neutrality unless obliged by imperious circumstances to depart from it; do justice to all, and never forget that we are americans, the remembrance of which will convince us that we ought not to be french or english." after leaving the presidency, when our difficulties with france seemed to be thickening, and the sky looked very dark, he wrote to a friend saying that he firmly believed that all would come out well, and then added: "to me this is so demonstrable, that not a particle of doubt could dwell on my mind relative thereto, if our citizens would advocate their own cause, instead of that of any other nation under the sun; that is, if, instead of being frenchmen or englishmen in politics they would be americans, indignant at every attempt of either or any other powers to establish an influence in our councils or presume to sow the seeds of discord or disunion among us." a few days later he wrote to thomas pinckney: "it remains to be seen whether our country will stand upon independent ground, or be directed in its political concerns by any other nation. a little time will show who are its true friends, or, what is synonymous, who are true americans." but this eager desire for a true americanism did not stop at our foreign policy, or our domestic politics. he wished it to enter into every part of the life and thought of the people, and when it was proposed to bring over the entire staff of a genevan university to take charge of a national university here, he threw his influence against it, expressing grave doubts as to the advantage of importing an entire "seminary of foreigners," for the purpose of american education. the letter on this subject, which was addressed to john adams, then continued:-- "my opinion with respect to emigration is that except of useful mechanics, and some particular descriptions of men or professions, there is no need of encouragement; while the policy or advantage of its taking place in a body (i mean the settling of them in a body) may be much questioned; for by so doing they retain the language, habits, and principles, good or bad, which they bring with them. whereas by an intermixture with our people, they or their descendants get assimilated to our customs, measures, and laws; in a word, soon become one people." he had this thought so constantly in his mind that it found expression in his will, in the clause bequeathing certain property for the foundation of a university in the district of columbia. "i proceed," he said, "after this recital for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare that it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these united states sent to foreign countries for the purposes of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting too frequently not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but _principles unfriendly to republican government and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind_, which thereafter are rarely overcome; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away with local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of things would or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils." were these the words of an english country gentleman, who chanced to be born in one of england's colonies? persons of the english country gentleman pattern at that time were for the most part loyalists; excellent people, very likely, but not of the washington type. their hopes and ideals, their policies and their beliefs were in the mother country, not here. the faith, the hope, the thought, of washington were all in the united states. his one purpose was to make america independent in thought and action, and he strove day and night to build up a nation. he labored unceasingly to lay the foundations of the great empire which, with almost prophetic vision, he saw beyond the mountains, by opening the way for the western movement. his foreign policy was a declaration to the world of a new national existence, and he strained every nerve to lift our politics from the colonial condition of foreign issues. he wished all immigration to be absorbed and moulded here, so that we might be one people, one in speech and in political faith. his last words, given to the world after the grave had closed over him, were a solemn plea for a home training for the youth of the republic, so that all men might think as americans, untainted by foreign ideas, and rise above all local prejudices. he did not believe that mere material development was the only or the highest goal; for he knew that the true greatness of a nation was moral and intellectual, and his last thoughts were for the up-building of character and intelligence. he was never a braggart, and mere boasting about his country as about himself was utterly repugnant to him. he never hesitated to censure what he believed to be wrong, but he addressed his criticisms to his countrymen in order to lead them to better things, and did not indulge in them in order to express his own discontent, or to amuse or curry favor with foreigners. in a word, he loved his country, and had an abiding faith in its future and in its people, upon whom his most earnest thoughts and loftiest aspirations were centred. no higher, purer, or more thorough americanism than his could be imagined. it was a conception far in advance of the time, possible only to a powerful mind, capable of lifting itself out of existing conditions and alien influences, so that it might look with undazzled gaze upon the distant future. the first american in the broad national sense, there has never been a man more thoroughly and truly american than washington. it will be a sorry day when we consent to take that noble figure from "the forefront of the nation's life," and rank george washington as anything but an american of americans, instinct with the ideas, as he was devoted to the fortunes of the new world which gave him birth. there is another class of critics who have attacked washington from another side. these are the gentlemen who find him in the way of their own heroes. washington was a man of decided opinions about men as well as measures, and he was extremely positive. he had his enemies as well as his friends, his likes and his dislikes, strong and clear, according to his nature. the respect which he commanded in his life has lasted unimpaired since his death, and it is an awkward thing for the biographers of some of his contemporaries to know that washington opposed, distrusted, or disliked their heroes. therefore, in one way or another they have gone round a stumbling-block which they could not remove. the commonest method is to eliminate washington by representing him vaguely as the great man with whom every one agreed, who belonged to no party, and favored all; then he is pushed quietly aside. evils and wrong-doing existed under his administration from the opposition point of view, but they were the work of his ministers and of wicked advisers. the king could do no wrong, and this pleasant theory, which is untrue in fact, amounts to saying that washington had no opinions, but was simply a grand and imposing figure-head. the only ground for it which is even suggested is that he sought advice, that he used other men's ideas, and that he made up his mind slowly. all this is true, and these very qualities help to show his greatness, for only small minds mistake their relations with the universe, and confuse their finite powers with omniscience. the great man, who sees facts and reads the future, uses other men, knows the bounds of possibility in action, can decide instantly if need be, but leaves rash conclusions to those who are incapable of reaching any others. in reality there never was a man who had more definite and vigorous opinions than washington, and the responsibility which he bore he never shifted to other shoulders. the work of the revolution and the presidency, whether good or bad, was his own, and he was ready to stand or fall by it. there is a still further extension of the idea that washington represented all parties and all views, and had neither party nor opinions of his own. this theory is to the effect that he was great by character alone, but that in other respects he did not rise above the level of dignified common-place. such, for instance, is apparently the view of mr. parton, who in a clever essay discusses in philosophical fashion the possible advantages arising from the success attained by mere character, as in the case of washington. mr. parton points his theory by that last incident of counting the pulse as death drew nigh. how characteristic, he exclaims, of the methodical, common-place man, is such an act. it was not common, be it said, even were it common-place. it was certainly a very simple action, but rare enough so far as we know on the every-day deathbed, or in the supreme hour of dying greatness, and it was wholly free from that affectation which dr. johnson thought almost inseparable from the last solemn moment. irregularity is not proof of genius any more than method, and of the two, the latter is the surer companion of greatness. the last hour of washington showed that calm, collected courage which had never failed in war or peace; and so far it was proof of character. but was it not something more? the common-place action of counting the pulse was in reality profoundly characteristic, for it was the last exhibition of the determined purpose to know the truth, and grasp the fact. death was upon him; he would know the fact. he had looked facts in the face all his life, and when the mists gathered, he would face them still. high and splendid character, great moral qualities for after-ages to admire, he had beyond any man of modern times. but to suppose that in other respects he belonged to the ranks of mediocrity is not only a contradiction in terms, but utterly false. it was not character that fought the trenton campaign and carried the revolution to victory. it was military genius. it was not character that read the future of america and created our foreign policy. it was statesmanship of the highest order. without the great moral qualities which he possessed, his career would not have been possible; but it would have been quite as impossible if the intellect had not equaled the character. there is no need to argue the truism that washington was a great man, for that is universally admitted. but it is very needful that his greatness should be rightly understood, and the right understanding of it is by no means universal. his character has been exalted at the expense of his intellect, and his goodness has been so much insisted upon both by admirers and critics that we are in danger of forgetting that he had a great mind as well as high moral worth. this false attitude both of praise and criticism has been so persisted in that if we accept the premises we are forced to the conclusion that washington was actually dull, while with much more openness it is asserted that he was cold and at times even harsh. "in the mean time," says mr. mcmaster, "washington was deprived of the services of the only two men his cold heart ever really loved." "a cromwell with the juice squeezed out," says carlyle somewhere, in his rough and summary fashion. are these judgments correct? was washington really, with all his greatness, dull and cold? he was a great general and a great president, first in war and first in peace and all that, says our caviler, but his relaxation was in farm accounts, and his business war and politics. he could plan a campaign, preserve a dignified manner, and conduct an administration, but he could write nothing more entertaining than a state paper or a military report. he gave himself up to great affairs, he was hardly human, and he shunned the graces, the wit, and all the salt of life, and passed them by on the other side. that washington was serious and earnest cannot be doubted, for no man could have done what he did and been otherwise. he had little time for the lighter sides of life, and he never exerted himself to say brilliant and striking things. he was not a maker of phrases and proclamations, and the quality of the charlatan, so often found in men of the highest genius, was utterly lacking in him. he never talked or acted with an eye to dramatic effect, and this is one reason for the notion that he was dull and dry; for the world dearly loves a little charlatanism, and is never happier than in being brilliantly duped. but was he therefore really dull and juiceless, unlovable and unloving? responsibility came upon him when a boy, and he was hardly of age when he was carrying in his hands the defense of his colony and the heavy burden of other human lives. experience like this makes a man who is good for anything sober; but sobriety is not dullness, and if we look a little below the surface we find the ready refutation of such an idea. in his letters and even in the silent diaries we detect the keenest observation. he looked at the country, as he traveled, with the eye of the soldier and the farmer, and mastered its features and read its meaning with rapid and certain glance. it was not to him a mere panorama of fields and woods, of rivers and mountains. he saw the beauties of nature and the opportunities of the farmer, the trader, or the manufacturer wherever his gaze rested. he gathered in the same way the statistics of the people and of their various industries. in the west indies, on the virginian frontier, in his journeys when he was president, he read the story of all he saw as he would have read a book, and brought it home with him for use. [illustration: nathanael greene] in the same way he read and understood men, and had that power of choosing among them which is essential in its highest form to the great soldier or statesman. his selection never erred unless in a rare instance like that of monroe, forced on him by political exigencies, or when the man of his choice would not serve. congress chose gates for the southern campaign, but washington selected greene, in whom he saw great military ability before any one else realized it. he took hamilton, young and unknown, from the captaincy of an artillery company, and placed him on his personal staff. he bore with hamilton's outbreak of temper, kept him ever in his confidence, and finally gave him the opportunity to prove himself the most brilliant of american statesmen. in the crowd of foreign volunteers, the men whom he especially selected and trusted were lafayette and steuben, each in his way of real value to the service. even more remarkable than the ability to recognize great talent was his capacity to weigh and value with a nice exactness the worth of men who did not rise to the level of greatness. there is a recently published letter, too long for quotation here, in which he gives his opinions of all the leading officers of the revolution,[ ] and each one shows the most remarkable insight, as well as a sharp definiteness of outline that indicates complete mastery. these compact judgments were so sound that even the lapse of a century and all the study of historians and biographers find nothing in their keen analysis to alter and little to add. he did not expect to discover genius everywhere, or to find a marshal's baton in every knapsack, but he used men according to their value and possibilities, which is quite as essential as the preliminary work of selection. his military staff illustrated this faculty admirably. every man, after a few trials and changes, fitted his place and did his particular task better than any one else could have done it. colonel meade, loyal and gallant, a good soldier and planter, said that hamilton did the headwork of washington's staff and he the riding. when the war was drawing to a close, washington said one day to hamilton, "you must go to the bar, which you can reach in six months." then turning to meade, "friend dick, you must go to your plantation; you will make a good farmer, and an honest foreman of the grand jury."[ ] the prediction was exactly fulfilled, with all that it implied, in both cases. but let it not be supposed that there was any touch of contempt in the advice to meade. on the contrary, there was a little warmer affection, if anything, for he honored success in any honest pursuit, especially in farming, which he himself loved. but he distinguished the two men perfectly, and he knew what each was and what each meant. it seems little to say, but if we stop to think of it, this power to read men aright and see the truth in them and about them is a power more precious than any other bestowed by the kindest of fairy godmothers. the lame devil of le sage looked into the secrets of life through the roofs of houses, and much did he find of the secret story of humanity. but the great man looking with truth and kindliness into men's natures, and reading their characters and abilities in their words and acts, has a higher and better power than that attributed to the wandering sprite, for such a man holds in his hand the surest key to success. washington, quiet and always on the watch, after the fashion of silent greatness, studied untiringly the ever recurring human problems, and his just conclusions were powerful factors in the great result. he was slow, when he had plenty of time, in adopting a policy or plan, or in settling a public question, but he read men very quickly. he was never under any delusion as to lee, gates, conway, or any of the rest who engaged against him because they were restless from the first under the suspicion that he knew them thoroughly. arnold deceived him because his treason was utterly inconceivable to washington, and because his remarkable gallantry excused his many faults. but with this exception it may be safely said that washington was never misled as to men, either as general or president. his instruments were not invariably the best and sometimes failed him, but they were always the best he could get, and he knew their defects and ran the inevitable risks with his eyes open. such sure and rapid judgments of men and their capabilities were possible only to a man of keen perception and accurate observation, neither of which is characteristic of a slow or common-place mind. [footnote : _magazine of american history_, vol. iii., , p. .] [footnote : _memoir of rt. rev. william meade_, by philip slaughter, d.d., p. .] these qualities were, of course, gifts of nature, improved and developed by the training of a life of action on a great scale. he had received, indeed, little teaching except that of experience, and the world of war and politics had been to him both school and college. his education had been limited in the extreme, scarcely going beyond the most rudimentary branches except in mathematics, and this is very apparent in his early letters. he seems always to have written a handsome hand and to have been good at figures, but his spelling at the outset was far from perfect, and his style, although vigorous, was abrupt and rough. he felt this himself, took great pains to correct his faults in this respect, and succeeded, as he did in most things. mr. sparks has produced a false impression in this matter by smoothing and amending in very extensive fashion all the earlier letters, so as to give an appearance of uniformity throughout the correspondence; a process which not only destroyed much of the vigor and force of the early writings, but made them somewhat unnatural. the surveyor and frontier soldier wrote very differently from the general of the army and the president of the united states, and the improvements of mr. sparks only served to hide the real man.[ ] [footnote : these facts in regard to washington's early letters, and to his correspondence generally, were first brought to public attention by the reed letters, and by the controversy between mr. sparks and lord mahon. they have, of course, been long familiar to students of the original manuscripts. the full extent, however, of the changes made by mr. sparks, and of the mischief he wrought, and of the injustice thus done both to his hero and to posterity, has but lately been made known generally by the new edition of washington's papers which have been published, under the supervision of mr. w.c. ford. washington himself, when he undertook to arrange his military and state papers after his retirement from the presidency, began to correct the style of some of his earlier letters. this was natural enough, and he had a right to do what he pleased with his own, even if he thereby injured the material of the future historian and biographer. but he did not proceed far in his work, and the fact that he corrected a few of his own letters gave mr. sparks no right whatever to enter upon a wholesale revision.] if washington had been of coarse fibre and heavy mind, this lack of education would have troubled him but little. his great success in that case would have served only to convince him of the uselessness of education except for inferior persons, who could not get along in the world without artificial aids. as it was, he never ceased to regret his deficiency in this respect, and when humphreys urged him to prepare a history or memoirs of the war, he replied: "in a former letter i informed you, my dear humphreys, that if i had talent for it, i have not leisure to turn my thoughts to commentaries. a consciousness of a defective education and a certainty of a want of time unfit me for such an undertaking." he was misled by his own modesty as to his capacity, but his strong feeling as to his lack of schooling haunted and troubled him always, although it did not make him either indifferent or bitter. he only admired more that which he himself had missed. he regarded education, and especially the higher forms, with an almost pathetic reverence, and its advancement was never absent from his thoughts. when he was made chancellor of the college of william and mary, he was more deeply pleased than by any honor ever conferred upon him, and he accepted the position with a diffidence and a seriousness which were touching in such a man. in the same spirit he gave money to the alexandria academy, and every scheme to promote public education in virginia had his eager support. his interest was not confined by state lines, for there was nothing so near his heart as the foundation of a national university. he urged its establishment upon congress over and over again, and, as has been seen, left money in his will for its endowment. all his sympathies and tastes were those of a man of refined mind, and of a lover of scholarship and sound learning. naturally a very modest man, and utterly devoid of any pretense, he underrated, as a matter of fact, his own accomplishments. he distrusted himself so much that he always turned to hamilton, both during the revolution and afterwards, as well as in the preparation of the farewell address, to aid him in clothing his thoughts in a proper dress, which he felt himself unable to give them. his tendency was to be too diffuse and too involved, but as a rule his style was sufficiently clear, and he could express himself with nervous force when the occasion demanded, and with a genuine and stately eloquence when he was deeply moved, as in the farewell to congress at the close of the war. it is not a little remarkable that in his letters after the first years there is nothing to betray any lack of early training. they are the letters, not of a scholar or a literary man, but of an educated gentleman; and although he seldom indulged in similes or allusions, when he did so they were apt and correct. this was due to his perfect sanity of mind, and to his aversion to all display or to any attempt to shine in borrowed plumage. he never undertook to speak or write on any subject, or to make any reference, which he did not understand. he was a lover of books, collected a library, and read always as much as his crowded life would permit. when he was at newburgh, at the close of the war, he wrote to colonel smith in new york to send him the following books:-- "charles the xiith of sweden. lewis the xvth, vols. history of the life and reign of the czar peter the great. campaigns of marshal turenne. locke on the human understanding. robertson's history of america, vols. robertson's history of charles v. voltaire's letters. life of gustavus adolphus. sully's memoirs. goldsmith's natural history. mildman on trees. vertot's revolution of rome, vols. vertot's revolution of portugal, vols. {the vertot's if they are in estimation.} if there is a good bookseller's shop in the city, i would thank you for sending me a catalogue of the books and their prices that i may choose such as i want." his tastes ran to history and to works treating of war or agriculture, as is indicated both by this list and some earlier ones. it is not probable that he gave so much attention to lighter literature, although he wrote verses in his youth, and by an occasional allusion in his letters he seems to have been familiar with some of the great works of the imagination, like "don quixote."[ ] [footnote : at his death the appraisers of the estate found volumes in his library, besides a great number of pamphlets, magazines, and maps. this was a large collection of books for those days, and showed that the possessor, although purely a man of affairs, loved reading and had literary tastes.] he never freed himself from the self-distrust caused by his profound sense of his own deficiencies in education, on the one hand, and his deep reverence for learning, on the other. he had fought the revolution, which opened the way for a new nation, and was at the height of his fame when he wrote to the french officers, who begged him to visit france, that he was "too old to learn french or to talk with ladies;" and it was this feeling in a large measure which kept him from ever being a maker of phrases or a sayer of brilliant things. in other words, the fact that he was modest and sensitive has been the chief cause of his being thought dull and cold. this idea, moreover, is wholly that of posterity, for there is not the slightest indication on the part of any contemporary that washington could not talk well and did not appear to great advantage in society. it is posterity, looking with natural weariness at endless volumes of official letters with all the angles smoothed off by the editorial plane, that has come to suspect him of being dull in mind and heavy in wit. his contemporaries knew him to be dignified and often found him stern, but they never for a moment considered him stupid, or thought him a man at whom the shafts of wit could be shot with impunity. they were fully conscious that he was as able to hold his own in conversation as he was in the cabinet or in the field; and we can easily see the justice of contemporary opinion if we take the trouble to break through the official bark and get at the real man who wrote the letters. in many cases we find that he could employ irony and sarcasm with real force, and his powers of description, even if stilted at times, were vigorous and effective. all these qualities come out strongly in his letters, if carefully read, and his private correspondence in particular shows a keenness and point which the formalities of public intercourse veiled generally from view. we are fortunate in having the account of a disinterested and acute observer of the manner in which washington impressed a casual acquaintance in conversation. the actor bernard, whom we have already quoted, and whom we left with washington at the gates of mount vernon, gives us the following vivid picture of what ensued:-- "in conversation his face had not much variety of expression. a look of thoughtfulness was given by the compression of the mouth and the indentations of the brow (suggesting an habitual conflict with, and mastery over, passion), which did not seem so much to disdain a sympathy with trivialities as to be incapable of denoting them. nor had his voice, so far as i could discover in our quiet talk, much change or richness of intonation, but he always spoke with earnestness, and his eyes (glorious conductors of the light within) burned with a steady fire which no one could mistake for mere affability; they were one grand expression of the well-known line: 'i am a man, and interested in all that concerns humanity.' in one hour and a half's conversation he touched on every topic that i brought before him with an even current of good sense, if he embellished it with little wit or verbal elegance. he spoke like a man who had felt as much as he had reflected, and reflected more than he had spoken; like one who had looked upon society rather in the mass than in detail, and who regarded the happiness of america but as the first link in a series of universal victories; for his full faith in the power of those results of civil liberty which he saw all around him led him to foresee that it would, erelong, prevail in other countries, and that the social millennium of europe would usher in the political. when i mentioned to him the difference i perceived between the inhabitants of new england and of the southern states, he remarked: 'i esteem those people greatly; they are the stamina of the union and its greatest benefactors. they are continually spreading themselves too, to settle and enlighten less favored quarters. dr. franklin is a new englander.' when i remarked that his observations were flattering to my country, he replied, with great good-humor, 'yes, yes, mr. bernard, but i consider your country the cradle of free principles, not their armchair. liberty in england is a sort of idol; people are bred up in the belief and love of it, but see little of its doings. they walk about freely, but then it is between high walls; and the error of its government was in supposing that after a portion of their subjects had crossed the sea to live upon a common, they would permit their friends at home to build up those walls about them.' a black coming in at this moment with a jug of spring water, i could not repress a smile, which the general at once interpreted. 'this may seem a contradiction,' he continued, 'but i think you must perceive that it is neither a crime nor an absurdity. when we profess, as our fundamental principle, that liberty is the inalienable right of every man, we do not include madmen or idiots; liberty in their hands would become a scourge. till the mind of the slave has been educated to perceive what are the obligations of a state of freedom, and not confound a man's with a brute's, the gift would insure its abuse. we might as well be asked to pull down our old warehouses before trade has increased to demand enlarged new ones. both houses and slaves were bequeathed to us by europeans, and time alone can change them; an event, sir, which, you may believe me, no man desires more heartily than i do. not only do i pray for it, on the score of human dignity, but i can already foresee that nothing but the rooting out of slavery can perpetuate the existence of our union, by consolidating it in a common bond of principle.' "i now referred to the pleasant hours i had passed in philadelphia, and my agreeable surprise at finding there so many men of talent, at which his face lit up vividly. 'i am glad to hear you, sir, who are an englishman, say so, because you must now perceive how ungenerous are the assertions people are always making on your side of the water. one gentleman, of high literary standing,--i allude to the abbé raynal,--has demanded whether america has yet produced one great poet, statesman, or philosopher. the question shows anything but observation, because it is easy to perceive the causes which have combined to render the genius of this country scientific rather than imaginative. and, in this respect, america has surely furnished her quota. franklin, rittenhouse, and rush are no mean names, to which, without shame, i may append those of jefferson and adams, as politicians; while i am told that the works of president edwards of rhode island are a text-book in polemics in many european colleges.' "of the replies which i made to his inquiries respecting england, he listened to none with so much interest as to those which described the character of my royal patron, the prince of wales. 'he holds out every promise,' remarked the general, 'of a brilliant career. he has been well educated by _events_, and i doubt not that, in his time, england will receive the benefit of her child's emancipation. she is at present bent double, and has to walk with crutches; but her offspring may teach her the secret of regaining strength, erectness, and independence.' in reference to my own pursuits he repeated the sentiments of franklin. he feared the country was too poor to be a patron of the drama, and that only arts of a practical nature would for some time be esteemed. the stage he considered to be an indispensable resource for settled society, and a chief refiner; not merely interesting as a comment on the history of social happiness by its exhibition of manners, but an agent of good as a school for poetry, in holding up to honor the noblest principles. 'i am too old and too far removed,' he added, 'to seek for or require this pleasure myself, but the cause is not to droop on my account. there's my friend mr. jefferson has time and taste; he goes always to the play, and i'll introduce you to him,' a promise which he kept, and which proved to me the source of the greatest benefit and pleasure." this is by far the best account of washington in the ordinary converse of daily life that has come down to us. the narrator belonged to the race who live by amusing their fellow-beings, and are in consequence quick to notice peculiarities and highly susceptible to being bored. bernard, after the first interest of seeing a very eminent man had worn off, would never have lingered for an hour and a half of chat and then gone away reluctantly if his host had been either dull of speech or cold and forbidding of manner. it is evident that washington talked well, easily, and simply, ranging widely over varied topics with a sure touch, and that he drew from the ample resources of a well-stored and reflective mind. the scraps of conversation which bernard preserves are interesting and above the average of ordinary talk, without manifesting any attempt to be either brilliant or striking, and it is also apparent that washington had the art of putting his guest entirely at his ease by his own pleasant and friendly manner. he had picked up the english actor on the road, liked his readiness to be helpful (always an attraction to him in any one), found him well-mannered and intelligent, and brought him home to rest and chat in the pleasant summer afternoon. to bernard he was simply the plain virginia gentleman, with a liberal and cultivated interest in men and things, and not a trace of oppressive and conscious greatness about him. it is to be suspected that he was by no means equally genial to the herd of sight-seers who pursued him in his retirement, but in this meeting he appeared as he must always have appeared to his family and friends. we get the same idea from the scattered allusions that we have to washington in private life. although silent and reserved as to himself, he was by no means averse to society, and in his own house all his guests, both great and small, felt at their ease with him, although with no temptation to be familiar. we know from more than one account that the dinners at the presidential house, as well as at mount vernon, were always agreeable. it was his wont to sit at table after the cloth was removed sipping a glass of wine and eating nuts, of which he was very fond, while he listened to the conversation and caused it to flow easily, not so much by what he said as by the kindly smile and ready sympathy which made all feel at home. we can gather an idea also of the charm which he had in the informal intercourse of daily life from some of his letters on trifling matters. here is a little note written to mrs. stockton in acknowledgment of a pastoral poem which she had sent him:-- "mount vernon, february , . "dear madam: the intemperate weather and very great care which the post riders take of themselves prevented your letter of the th of last month from reaching my hands till the th of this. i was then in the very act of setting off on a visit to my aged mother, from whence i am just returned. these reasons i beg leave to offer as an apology for my silence until now. "it would be a pity indeed, my dear madam, if the muses should be restrained in you; it is only to be regretted that the hero of your poetical talents is not more deserving their lays. i cannot, however, from motives of pure delicacy (because i happen to be the principal character in your pastoral) withhold my encomiums on the performance; for i think the easy, simple, and beautiful strain with which the dialogue is supported does great justice to your genius; and will not only secure lucinda and amista from wits and critics, but draw from them, however unwillingly, their highest plaudits; if they can relish the praises that are given, as they must admire the manner of bestowing them. "mrs. washington, equally sensible with myself of the honor you have done her, joins me in most affectionate compliments to yourself, and the young ladies and gentlemen of your family. "with sentiments of esteem, regard and respect, i have the honor to be ---- ----" this is not a matter of "great pith or moment," but it shows how pleasantly he could acknowledge a civility. the turn of the sentences smacks of the formality of the time. they sound a little labored, perhaps, to modern ears, but they were graceful according to the standard of his day, and they have a gentle courtesy which can never be out of fashion. he had the power also of paying a compliment in an impressive and really splendid manner whenever he felt it to be deserved. when charles thomson, who for fifteen years had been the honored secretary of the continental congress, wrote to announce his retirement, washington replied: "the present age does so much justice to the unsullied reputation with which you have always conducted yourself in the execution of the duties of your office, and posterity will find your name so honorably connected with the verification of such a multitude of astonishing facts, that my single suffrage would add little to the illustration of your merits. yet i cannot withhold any just testimonial in favor of so old, so faithful, and so able a public officer, which might tend to soothe his mind in the shades of retirement. accept, then, this serious declaration, that your services have been important, as your patriotism was distinguished; and enjoy that best of all rewards, the consciousness of having done your duty well." dull men do not write in this fashion. it is one thing to pay a handsome compliment, although even that is not by itself easy, but to give it in addition the note of sincerity which alone makes it of real value demands both art and good feeling. let us take one more example of this sort before we drop the subject. when the french officers were leaving america washington wrote to de chastellux to bid him farewell. "our good friend, the marquis of lafayette," he said, "prepared me, long before i had the honor to see you, for those impressions of esteem which opportunities and your own benevolent mind have since improved into a deep and lasting friendship; a friendship which neither time nor distance can eradicate. i can truly say that never in my life have i parted with a man to whom my soul clave more sincerely than it did to you. my warmest wishes will attend you in your voyage across the atlantic to the rewards of a generous prince, the arms of affectionate friends; and be assured that it will be one of my highest gratifications to keep up a regular intercourse with you by letter." these letters exhibit not only the grace and point born of intelligence, but also the best of manners; by which i mean private manners, not those of the public man, of which there will be something to say hereafter. the attraction of washington's society as a private gentleman lay in his good sense, breadth of knowledge, and good manners. now the essence of good manners of the highest and most genuine kind is good feeling, which is thoughtful of others, and which is impossible to a cold, hard, or insensible nature. such manners as we see in washington's private letters and private life would have been strange offspring from the cold heart attributed to him by mr. mcmaster. in justice to mr. mcmaster, however, be it said, the charge is not a new one. it has been hinted at and spoken of elsewhere, and many persons have suspected that such was the case from the well-meant efforts of what may be called the cherry-tree school to elevate washington's character by depicting him as a soulless, bloodless prig. the blundering efforts of the latter need not be noticed, but the reflections of serious critics cannot be passed by. the theory of the cold heart and the unfeeling nature seems to proceed in this wise. washington was silent and reserved, he did not wear his heart upon his sleeve for daws to peck at, therefore he was cold; just as if mere noise and chatter had any relation to warm affections. he would take no salary from congress, says mr. mcmaster, in fine antithesis, but he exacted his due from the family of the poor mason. this has an unpleasant sound, and suggests the man who is generous in public, and hard and grasping in private. mr. mcmaster in this sentence, however, whether intentionally or not, is not quite accurate in his facts, and conveys by his mode of statement an entirely false impression. the story to which he refers is given by parkinson, who wrote a book about his experiences in america in - . parkinson had the story from one general stone, and it was to this effect:[ ] a room was plastered at mount vernon on one occasion, and was paid for during the owner's absence. when washington returned he examined the work and had it measured, as was his habit. it then appeared that an error had been made, and that fifteen shillings too much had been paid. meantime the plasterer had died. his widow married again, and her second husband advertised in the newspapers that he was prepared to pay the debts of his predecessor and collect all moneys due him. thereupon washington put in his claim, which was paid as a matter of course. he did not extort the debt from the family of the poor mason, but collected it from the second husband of the widow, in response to a voluntary advertisement. it was very careful and even close dealing, but it was neither harsh nor unjust, and the writer who has preserved the story would be not a little surprised at the interpretation that has been put upon it, for he cited it, as he expressly says, merely to illustrate the extraordinary regularity and method to which he attributed much of washington's success. [footnote : parkinson's _tour in america_, - , and ff.] parkinson, in this same connection, tells several other stories, vague in origin, and sounding like mere gossip, but still worthy of consideration. according to one of them, washington maintained a public ferry, which was customary among the planters, and the public paid regular tolls for its use. on one occasion general stone, the authority for the previous anecdote, crossed the ferry and offered a moidore in payment. the ferryman objected to receiving it, on the ground that it was short weight, but stone insisted, and it was finally accepted. on being given to washington it was weighed, and being found three half-pence short, the ferryman was ordered to collect the balance due. on another occasion a tenant could not make the exact change in paying his rent, and washington would not accept the money until the tenant went to alexandria and brought back the precise sum. there is, however, still another anecdote, which completes this series, and which shows a different application of the same rule. washington, in traveling, was in the habit of paying at inns the same for his servants as for himself. an innkeeper once charged him three shillings and ninepence for himself, and three shillings for his servant. thereupon washington sent for his host, said that his servant ate as much as he, and insisted on paying the additional ninepence. this extreme exactness in money matters, down even to the most trifling sums, was no doubt a foible, but it is well to observe that it was not a foible which sought only a selfish advantage, for the rule which he applied to others he applied also to himself. he meant to have his due, no matter how trivial, and he meant also that others should have theirs. in trifles, as in greater things, he was scrupulously just, and although he was always generous and ready to give, he insisted rigidly on what was justly his. a gift was one thing, a business transaction was another. the man himself who told these very stories was a good example of the kindliness which went hand in hand with this exactness in business affairs. parkinson was an englishman, of great narrowness of mind, who came out here to be a farmer, failed, and went home to write a book in denunciation of the country. america never had a more hostile critic. according to this profound observer, there was no good land in america, and no possibility of successful agriculture. the horses were bad, the cattle were bad, and sheep-raising was impossible. there was no game, the fish and oysters were poor and watery, and no one could ever hope in this wretchedly barren land for either wealth or comfort. it was a country fit only for the reception of convicts, and the cast-off mistress of an englishman made a good wife for an american. a person who held such views as these was not likely to be biased in favor of anything american, and his evidence as to washington may be safely trusted as not likely to be unduly favorable. he tells us that on his arrival at mount vernon, with letters of introduction, he was kindly received; that this hospitality was never relaxed; and that the general lent him money. he was at least grateful, and these are his last words as to washington:-- "to me he appeared a mild, friendly man, in company rather reserved, in private speaking with candor. his behavior to me was such that i shall ever revere his name. "general washington lived a great man, and died the same. "i am of opinion that the general never knowingly did anything wrong, but did to all men as he would they should do to him." evidently he appeared to mr. parkinson kindly and generous, as well as exactly just. it is well to have the truth about washington, and nothing but the truth. yet in escaping from the falsehoods of the eulogist and the myth-maker, let us beware of those which spring from the reaction against the current and accepted views. i have quoted the parkinson stories at length, because they enforce this point admirably. no _a priori_ theory is safe, and to assume that washington must have committed grave errors and been guilty of mean actions because they are common to humanity, and have not been admitted in his case, is just as misleading as to assume, as is usually done, that he was absolutely perfect and without fault. let it be admitted that washington, ever ready to pay his own dues, was strict, and sometimes severe, in demanding them of others; but let it be also remembered, this is the worst that can be said. he was always ready to overlook faults of omission or commission; he would pardon easily mismanagement or extravagance on his estate or in his household; but he had no mercy for anything that savored of ingratitude, treachery, or dishonesty, and he carried this same feeling into public as well as private affairs. no officer who had bravely done his best had anything to fear in defeat from washington's anger. he was never unjust, and he was always kind to misfortune or mistake, but to the coward or the traitor he was entirely unforgiving. this it was which made arnold's treason so bitter to him. not only had he been deceived, but the country as well as himself had been most basely betrayed; and for this reason he was relentless to andré, whom it is said he never saw, living or dead. the young englishman had taken part in a wretched piece of treachery, and for the sake of the country, and as a warning to traitors, washington would not spare him. he would never have ordered a political prisoner to be taken out and shot in a ditch, after the fashion of napoleon; nor would he have dealt with any people as the duke of cumberland dealt with the clansmen after culloden. such performances would have seemed to him wanton as well as cruel, and he was too wise and too humane a man to be either. indian atrocities, for instance, with which he was familiar, never led him to retaliate in kind. but he was perfectly prepared to exact the extremest penalty by just and recognized methods; and had it not been for the urgent entreaties of his friends, he would have sent asgill to the scaffold, repugnant as it was to his feelings, because he felt that the murder of huddy was a crime for which the english army was responsible, and which demanded a just and striking vengeance. he was, it may be freely confessed, of anything but a tame nature. there was a good deal of berserker in his make-up, and he was fierce in his anger when he believed that a great wrong had been done. but because he was stern and unrelenting when he felt that justice and his duty required him to be so, no more proves that he had a cold heart than does the fact that he was silent, dignified, and reserved. cold-blooded men are not fierce in seeking to redress the wrongs of others, nor are the fluent of speech the only kind and generous members of the human family. washington's whole life, indeed, contradicts the charge that he was cold of heart and sluggish of feeling. the man who wrote as he did in his extreme youth, when indians were harrying the frontier where he commanded, was not lacking in humanity or sympathy; and such as he then was he remained to the end of his life. a soldier by instinct and experience, he never grew indifferent to the miseries of war. human suffering always appealed to him and moved him deeply, and when it was wantonly inflicted stirred him to anger and to the desire for the wild justice of revenge. the goodness and kindness of man's heart, however, are much more truly shown in the little details of life than in the great matters which affect classes or communities. washington was considerate and helpful to all men, and if he was ever cold and distant in his manner, it was to the great, and not to the poor or humble. as has been indicated by his recognition of the actor bernard, he had in high degree the royal gift of remembering names and faces. when he was at senator dalton's house in newburyport, on his new england tour of , he met an old servant whom he had not seen since the french war, thirty years before. he knew the man at once, spoke to him, and welcomed him. so it was with the old soldiers of the revolution, who were always sure of a welcome, and, if he had ever seen them, of a recognition. no man ever turned from his presence wounded by a cold forgetfulness. when he was at ipswich, on this same journey, mr. cleaveland, the minister of the town, was presented to him. as he approached, hat in hand, washington said, "put on your hat, parson, and i will shake hands with you." "i cannot wear my hat in your presence, general," was the reply, "when i think of what you have done for this country." "you did as much as i." "no, no," protested the parson. "yes," said washington, "you did what you could, and i've done no more." what a gracious, kindly courtesy is this, and not without the salt of wit! does it not show the perfection of good manners which deals with all men for what they are, and is full of a warm sympathy born of a good heart? he was criticised for coldness and accused of monarchical leanings, because, at mrs. washington's receptions and his own public levees, he stood, dressed in black velvet, with one hand on the hilt of his sword and the other behind his back, and shook hands with no one, although he talked with all. he did this because he thought it became the president of the united states upon state occasions, and his sense of the dignity of his office was always paramount. but away from forms and ceremonies, with the old servant or the old soldier, or the country parson, his hand was never behind his back, and his manners were those of a great but simple gentleman, and came straight from a kind heart, full of sympathy and good feeling. he was, too, the most hospitable of men in the best sense, and his house was always open to all who came. when he was away during the war or the presidency, his instructions to his agents were to keep up the hospitality of mount vernon, just as if he had been there himself; and he was especially careful in directing that, if there were general distress, poor persons of the neighborhood should have help from his kitchen or his granaries. his own more immediate hospitality was of the same kind. he always entertained in the most liberal manner, both as general and president, and in a style which he thought befitted the station he occupied. but apart from all this, his table, whether at home or abroad, was never without its guest. "dine with us," he wrote to lear on july , , "or we shall do what we have not done for twenty years, dine alone." the real hospitality which opens the door and spreads the board for the friend or stranger, admitting them to the family without form or ceremony, was his also. "my manner of living is plain," he wrote to a friend after the revolution; "i do not mean to be put out of it. a glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready; and such as will be content to partake of them are always welcome. those who expect more will be disappointed, but no change will be effected by it." genuine hospitality as unstinted as it was sincere was not characteristic of a cold man, or of one who sought to avoid his fellows. it is one of the lighter graces of life, perhaps, but when it comes freely and simply, and not as a vehicle for the display or the aggrandizement of its dispenser, it is not without a meaning to the student of character. washington was not much given to professions of friendship, nor was he one of the great men who keep a circle of intimates and sometimes of flatterers about them. he was extremely independent of the world and perfectly self-sufficing, but it is a mistake to suppose that because he unbosomed himself to scarcely any one, and had the loneliness of greatness and of high responsibilities, he was therefore without friends. he had as many friends as usually fall to the lot of any man; and although he laid bare his inmost heart to none, some were very close and all were very dear to him. in war and politics, as has already been said, the two men who came nearest to him were hamilton and knox, and his diary shows that when he was president he consulted with them nearly every day wholly apart from the regular cabinet meetings. they were the two advisers who were friends as well as secretaries, and who followed and sustained him as a matter of affection as much as politics. at home his neighbor, george mason, although they came to differ, was a strong friend whom he liked and respected, and whose opinion, whether favorable or adverse, he always sought. his feeling to patrick henry was much deeper than mere political or official acquaintance, and the lovable qualities of the brilliant orator, clear even now across the gulf of a century, were evidently strongly felt by washington. they differed about the constitution, but washington was eager at a later day to have henry by his side in the cabinet, and in the last years they stood shoulder to shoulder in defense of the union with a personal sympathy deeper than any born of a mere similarity of opinion. henry lee, the son of his old sweetheart, he loved with a tender and peculiar affection. he watched over him and helped him, rejoiced in the dashing gallantry which made him famous as light-horse harry, and, when he had won civil as well as military distinction, trusted him and counseled with him. dr. craik, the companion of his youth and his life-long physician, was always a dear and close friend, and the regard between the two is very pleasant to look at, as we see it glancing out here and there in the midst of state papers and official cases. for the officers of the army he had a peculiarly warm feeling, and he had among them many close friends, like carrington of virginia, and charles cotesworth pinckney of south carolina. his immediate staff he regarded with especial affection, and it is worthy of notice that they all not only admired their great chief, but followed him with a personal devotion which is not a little curious if washington was cold of heart and distant of manner in the intimate association of a military family. this feeling for his soldiers and his officers extended also to those civilians who had stood by him and the army, and who had labored for victory in all those trying years. such a one was old governor trumbull, "brother jonathan," who never failed to respond when a call was made for men and money, and upon whose friendship and advice washington always leaned. such, too, were robert and gouverneur morris. the sacrifices and energy of the one and the zeal and brilliant abilities of the other endeared both to him, and his friendship for them never wavered when misfortune overtook the elder, and when the younger was driven by malice, both foreign and domestic, from the place he had filled so well. another, again, of this kind was franklin. in the dark days of the old french war, washington had seen displayed for the first time the force and tact of franklin, which alone obtained the necessary wagons and enabled braddock's army to move. the early impression thus obtained was never lost, and franklin's patriotism, his sympathy for the general and the army in the revolution, as well as the stanch support he gave them, aroused in washington a sense of obligation and friendship of the sincerest kind. in proportion as he loathed ingratitude was he grateful himself. he loved franklin for his friendship and support, he admired him for his successful diplomacy, and he reverenced him for his scientific attainments. the only american whose fame could for a moment come in competition with his own, he regarded the old philosopher with affectionate veneration, and when, after his own fashion, and not at all after the fashion of the time, he arrived in philadelphia on the exact day set for the constitutional convention, his first act was to call upon dr. franklin and pay his respects to him. the courtesy and kindliness of this little act on the part of a man who had come to the town in the midst of shouting crowds, with joy bells ringing above his head, speak well for the simple, honest heart that dictated it. after all, it may be said that a passing civility of this sort involved but little trouble, and was more a matter of good-breeding than anything else. let us look, then, at another and widely different case. of all the men whom the fortunes of war brought across washington's path there was none who became dearer to him than lafayette, for the generous, high-spirited young frenchman, full of fresh enthusiasm and brave as a lion, appealed at once to washington's heart. he quickly admitted him to his confidence, and the excellent service of lafayette in the field, together with his invaluable help in securing the french alliance, deepened and strengthened the sympathy and affection which were entirely reciprocal. after lafayette departed, a constant correspondence was maintained; and when the bastille fell, it was to washington that lafayette sent its key, which still hangs on the wall of mt. vernon. as lafayette rose rapidly to the dangerous heights of revolutionary leadership, he had at every step washington's advice and sympathy. then the tide turned; he fell headlong from power, and brought up in an austrian prison. from that moment washington spared no pains to help his unhappy friend, although his own position was one of extreme difficulty. lafayette was not only the proscribed exile of one country, but also the political prisoner of another, and the president could not compromise the united states at that critical moment by showing too much interest in the fate of his unhappy friend. he nevertheless went to the very edge of prudence in trying to save him, and the ministers of the united states were instructed to use every private effort to secure lafayette's release, or at least the mitigation of his confinement. all these attempts failed, but washington was more successful in other directions. he sent money to madame de lafayette, who was absolutely beggared at the moment, and represented to her that it was in settlement of an account which he owed the marquis. when lafayette's son and his own namesake came to this country for an asylum, he had him cared for in boston and new york by his personal friends; george cabot in the one case, and hamilton in the other. as soon as public affairs made it proper for him to do it, he took the lad into his own household, treated him like a son, and kept him near him until events permitted the boy to return to europe and rejoin his father. the sufferings and dangers of lafayette and his family were indeed a source of great unhappiness to washington, and we have the authority of bradford, his attorney-general, that when the president attempted to talk about lafayette he was so much affected that he shed tears,--a very rare exhibition of emotion in a man so intensely reserved. absence had as little effect upon his memory of old friends as misfortune. the latter stimulated recollection, and the former could not dim it. he found time, in the very heat and fire of war and revolution, to write to bryan fairfax lamenting the death of "the good old lord" whose house had been open to him, and whose hand had ever helped him when he was a young and unknown man just beginning his career. when he returned to mount vernon after the presidency, full of years and honors, one of his first acts was to write to mrs. fairfax in england to assure her of his lasting remembrance, and to breathe a sigh over the changes time had brought, and over the by-gone years when they had been young together. the loyalty of nature which made his remembrance of old friends so real and lasting found expression also in the thoughtfulness which he showed toward casual acquaintances, and this was especially the case when he had received attention or service at any one's hands, or when he felt that he was able to give pleasure by a slight effort on his own part. a little incident which occurred during the first year of his presidency illustrates this trait in his character very well. uxbridge was one among the many places where he stopped on his new england tour, and when he got to hartford he wrote to mr. taft, who had been his host in the former town, and who evidently cherished for him a very keen admiration, the following note:-- "november , . "sir: being informed that you have given my name to one of your sons, and called another after mrs. washington's family, and being moreover very much pleased with the modest and innocent looks of your two daughters, patty and polly, i do for these reasons send each of these girls a piece of chintz; and to patty, who bears the name of mrs. washington, and who waited more upon us than polly did, i send five guineas, with which she may buy herself any little ornament she may want, or she may dispose of them in any other manner more agreeable to herself. as i do not give these things with a view to having it talked of, or even to its being known, the less there is said about the matter the better you will please me; but, that i may be sure the chintz and money have got safe to hand, let patty, who i dare say is equal to it, write me a line informing me thereof, directed to 'the president of the united states at new york.' i wish you and your family well, and am," etc. let us turn now from friendship to nearer and closer relations. washington was not only too reserved, but he had too much true sentiment, to leave his correspondence with mrs. washington behind him; for he knew that his vast collection of papers would become the material of history, and he had no mind that strangers should look into the sacred recesses of his private life. only one letter to mrs. washington apparently has survived. it is simple and full of affection, as one would expect, and tells, as well as many volumes could, of the happy relations between husband and wife. washington had many love affairs in his youth, but he proved in the end a constant lover. his wife was a high-bred, intelligent woman, simple and dignified in her manners, efficient in all ways to be the helpmate of her husband in the high places to which he was called. no shadow ever rested on their married life, and when the end came mrs. washington only said, "all is over now. i shall soon follow him." she could not conceive of life without the presence of the unchanging love and noble character which had been by her side so long. children were denied to washington, but although this was a disappointment it did not chill him nor narrow his sympathies, as is so often the case. he took to his heart his wife's children as if they were his own. he watched over them and cared for them, and their deaths caused him the deepest sorrow. he afterwards adopted his wife's two grandchildren, and watched over them, too, in the same way. in the midst of all the cares of the presidency, washington found time always to write to george custis, a boy at school or at college; while nellie custis was as dear to him as his own daughter, and her marriage a source of the most affectionate interest. indeed, it is evident from various little anecdotes that he was much less strict with these children than was mrs. washington, and much more disposed to condone faults. certain it is that they loved him tenderly, and in a way that only long years of loving-kindness could have made possible. he showed the same feeling to all his own kindred. his mother was ever the object of the most loyal affection, and even at the head of the armies he would turn aside to visit her with the same respect and devotion as when he was a mere boy. he was ever mindful of his brothers and sisters, and their fortunes. none of them were ever forgotten, and he was especially kind to the children of those who had been least fortunate and most needed his help. he educated and counseled his favorite nephew bushrod, and did the same for the sons of george steptoe washington. nothing is pleasanter than to read in the midst of official papers the long letters in which he gave these boys great store of wise and kindly advice, guided their education, strove to form their characters, and traced for them the honorable careers which he wished them to pursue. very few men who had risen to the heights reached by washington would have found time, in the midst of engrossing cares, to write such letters as he wrote to friends and kinsmen. a kind heart prompted them, but they were much more than merely kind, for when washington undertook to do anything he did it thoroughly. whether it was a treaty with england, the education of a boy, or the service of a friend, he gave it his best thought and his utmost care. where those he loved were concerned, he was never too busy to think of them, and he spared no pains to help them; censuring faults where they existed, and giving praise in generous manner where praise was due. to any one who carefully studies his life, it is evident that washington was as warm-hearted and affectionate as he was great in character and ability, and that he was so without noise or pretense. this really only amounts to saying that he was a well-balanced man, and yet even this cannot be said without admitting still another quality. the sanest of all senses is the sense of humor, and the nature in which it is wholly lacking cannot be thoroughly rounded and complete. humor is not the most lofty of qualities, but it is one of the most essential, and it is generally assumed that washington was very deficient in humor. this idea has arisen from a hasty consideration of the subject, and from a superficial conception of humor itself. to utter jests, or to say or write witty, brilliant, or amusing things, no doubt implies the possession of humor, but they are not the whole of it, for a man may have a fine sense of humor, and yet never make a joke nor utter a sarcasm. the distinction between humor and the want of it lies much deeper than word of mouth. the man without a sense of humor is sure to make a certain number of solemn blunders. they may be in matters of importance or in the merest trifles, but they are blunders none the less, and come from insensibility to the incongruous, the ludicrous, or the impossible. it may be said that common sense suffices to avoid these pitfalls, but this is really begging the question, inasmuch as common sense of a high order amounting almost to genius cannot exist without humor, for humor is the root and foundation of common sense. let us apply this test to washington and we shall find that there never was a man who made fewer mistakes than he, down even to matters of the smallest detail. search his career from beginning to end, and there is not a solemn blunder to be found in it. he was attacked and assailed both as general and president, but he was never laughed at. in other words, he had a sense of humor which made it impossible for him to blunder solemnly, or to do or say anything which ridicule could touch. it is not, however, necessary to leave his possession of a sense of humor to inference from his career and his freedom from blunders. that he had humor strong, sane, and abundant is susceptible of much more direct proof; and the idea that he was lacking in this respect arose undoubtedly from the gravity of demeanor which was characteristic of the man. he had assumed the heavy responsibilities of an important military command in the french war at an age when most men are just leaving college and beginning to study a profession. this of itself sobered him, and added to his natural quiet and reserve, so that in estimating him in after-life this early and severe discipline at a most impressionable age ought never to be overlooked, for it had a very marked effect upon his character. he was not perhaps exactly joyous or gay of nature, but he had a contented and happy disposition, and, like all robust, well-balanced men, he possessed strong animal spirits and a keen sense of enjoyment. he loved a wild, open-air life, and was devoted to rough out-door sports. he liked to wrestle and run, to shoot, ride or dance, and to engage in all trials of skill and strength, for which his great muscular development suited him admirably. with such tastes, it followed almost as a matter of course that he loved laughter and fun. good, hearty, country fun, a ludicrous mishap, a practical joke, all merriment of a simple, honest kind, were highly congenial to him, especially in his youth and early manhood. here is the way, for example, in which he described in his diary a ball he attended in : "in a convenient room, detached for the purpose, abounded great plenty of bread and butter, some biscuits, with tea and coffee which the drinkers of could not distinguish from hot water sweetened. be it remembered that pocket handkerchiefs served the purposes of tablecloths, and that no apologies were made for them. i shall therefore distinguish this ball by the style and title of the bread-and-butter ball." the wit is not brilliant, but there was a good hearty laugh in the young man who jots down this little memorandum in his diary. the years after the french war were happy years, free from care and full of simple pleasures. then came the revolution, bringing with it a burden such as has seldom been laid upon any man, and the seriousness bred by earlier experiences, came back with tenfold force. the popular saying was that washington never smiled during the war, and, roughly speaking, this was quite true. in all those years of danger and trial, inasmuch as he was a man big of heart and brain, he had the gravity and the sadness born of responsibility, and the suffering sure to come to an unselfish mind. it was at this time that he began to be most closely observed of men, and hence came the idea that he never laughed, and therefore was a being devoid of humor, the most sympathetic of gifts. but as a matter of fact, the old sense of fun never left him. it would come to his aid at the most serious moments, just as an endless flow of stories brought relief to lincoln and carried him round many jagged corners. with washington it was hearty, laughing mirth at some ludicrous incident. putnam riding into cambridge with an old woman clinging behind him; greene searching for his wig while it was on his head; a young braggart flung over the head of an unbroken colt; or a good, rollicking story from colonel seammel or major fairlie,--all these would delight washington, and send him off into peals of inextinguishable laughter. it was ever the old, hearty love of fun born of animal spirits, which never left him, and which would always break out on sufficient provocation. mr. parton would have us believe that this was all, and that the common-place hero whom he describes never rose above the level of the humor conveyed by grinning through a horse-collar. even admitting the truth of this, a real love of honest fun and of a hearty laugh is a kindly quality that all men like. but was this all? is it quite true that washington had only a love of boisterous fun, and nothing else? it is worth looking a little deeper than the current stories of the camp to find out, and yet one of these very camp-stories raises at once a strong suspicion that mr. parton's conclusion in this regard, like so many conclusions about washington, is unfounded. when general lee took the oath of allegiance to the united states, he remarked, in making abjuration of his former allegiance, that he was perfectly ready to abjure the king, but could not bring himself to abjure the prince of wales, at which bit of irony washington was greatly amused. the wit of the remark is a little cold to-day, but at the moment, accompanying as it did a solemn act of abjuration, it was keen enough. washington himself, moreover, was perfectly capable of good-natured banter. colonel humphreys challenged him one day to jump over a hedge. washington, always ready to accept a challenge where riding was concerned, told the colonel to go on. humphreys put his horse at the hedge, cleared it, and landed in a quagmire on the other side up to his horse's girths; whereupon washington rode up, stopped, and looking blandly at his struggling friend, remarked, "ah, colonel, you are too deep for me." "take care," he wrote to young custis, when he sent him money for his college gown, "not to buy without advice; otherwise you may be more distinguished by your folly than your dress." we find in his letters here and there a good-natured raillery, and jesting, which show a sense of humor that goes beyond the limits of mere fun and horse-play. here is a letter he wrote toward the close of the war, asking some ladies to dine with him in his quarters at west point:-- "west point, august , . "dear doctor: i have asked mrs. cochran and mrs. livingston to dine with me to-morrow; but ought i not to apprise you of their fare? as i hate deception, even where imagination is concerned, i will. "it is needless to premise that my table is large enough to hold the ladies: of this they had ocular demonstration yesterday. to say how it is usually covered is rather more essential, and this shall be the purport of my letter. "since my arrival at this happy spot, we have had a ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the head of the table. a piece of roast beef adorns the foot, and a small dish of green beans--almost imperceptible--decorates the centre. when the cook has a mind to cut a figure,--and this i presume he will attempt to-morrow,--we have two beefsteak pies, or dishes of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the centre dish, dividing the space, and reducing the distance between dish and dish to about six feet, which without them would be nearly twelve feet apart. of late he has had the surprising luck to discover that apples will make pies; and it is a question if, amidst the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of apples instead of having both of beef. "if the ladies can put up with such entertainment, and submit to partake of it on plates once tin, but now iron, not become so by the labor of hard scouring, i shall be happy to see them." we may be sure that the ladies found their dinner a pleasant one, and that the writer of the note was neither a stiff nor unsocial host. a much more charming letter is one to nellie custis, on the occasion of her first ball. it is too long for quotation, but it is a model of affectionate wisdom tinged with a gentle humor, and designed to guide a young girl just beginning the world of society. here, however, is another extract from a letter to madame de lafayette, of rather more serious purport, but in the same strain, and full of a simple and, as we should call it, an old-fashioned grace. he was replying to an invitation to visit france, which he felt obliged to decline. after giving his reasons, he said: "this, my dear marchioness (indulge the freedom), is not the case with you. you have youth (and, if you should incline to leave your children, you can leave them with all the advantages of education), and must have a curiosity to see the country, young, rude, and uncultivated as it is, for the liberties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory, where everybody admires, everybody loves him. come, then, let me entreat you, and call my cottage your home; for your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would. you will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet with rustic civility; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life. it will diversify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the court when you return to versailles." there is also apparent in many of his letters a vein of worldly wisdom, shrewd but kindly, too gentle to be called cynical, and yet touched with the humor which reads and appreciates the foibles of humanity. of an officer who grumbled at disappointments during the war he wrote: "general mcintosh is only experiencing upon a small scale what i have had an ample share of upon a large one; and must, as i have been obliged to do in a variety of instances, yield to necessity; that is, to use a vulgar phrase, 'shape his coat according to his cloth,' or in other words, if he cannot do as he wishes, he must do what he can." the philosophy is homely and common enough, but the manner in which the reproof was administered shows kindly tact, one of the most difficult of arts. here is another passage, touching on something outside the range of war and politics. he was writing to lund washington in regard to mrs. washington's daughter-in-law, mrs. custis, who was contemplating a second marriage. "for my own part," he said, "i never did, nor do i believe i ever shall, give advice to a woman who is setting out on a matrimonial voyage: first, because i never could advise one to marry without her own consent; and secondly, because i know it is to no purpose to advise her to refrain when she has obtained it. a woman very rarely asks an opinion or requires advice on such an occasion till her resolution is formed; and then it is with the hope and expectation of obtaining a sanction, not that she means to be governed by your disapprobation, that she applies. in a word, the plain english of the application may be summed up in these words: 'i wish you to think as i do; but if unhappily you differ from me in opinion, my heart, i must confess, is fixed, and i have gone too far _now_ to retract.'" in the same spirit, but this time with a lurking smile at himself, did he write to the secretary of congress for his commission: "if my commission is not necessary for the files of congress, i should be glad to have it deposited among my own papers. it may serve _my grandchildren_, some fifty or a hundred years hence, for a theme to ruminate upon, if _they_ should be contemplatively disposed." he knew human nature well, and had a smile for its little weaknesses when they came to his mind. it was this same human sympathy which made him also love amusements of all sorts; but he was as little their slave as their enemy. no man ever carried great burdens with a higher or more serious spirit, but his cares never made him forbidding, nor rendered him impatient of the pleasure of others. he liked to amuse himself, and knew the value of a change of thought and scene, and he was always ready, when duty permitted, for a chat. he liked to take a comfortable seat and have his talk out, and he had the talent so rare in great men of being a good and appreciative listener. we hear of him playing cards at tappan during the war, and he was always fond of a game in the evening, realizing the force of talleyrand's remark to the despiser of cards: "quelle triste vieillesse vous vous préparez." in it is recorded that at a party he danced for three hours with mrs. greene without sitting down or resting, which speaks well for the health and spirits both of the lady and the gentleman. even after yorktown, he was ready to walk a minuet at a ball, and to the end he liked to see young people dance, as he had danced himself in his youth. as has been seen from his treatment of bernard, he liked the theatre and the actors, and when he was in philadelphia he was a constant attendant at the play, as he had been ever since he went to see "george barnwell" in the barbadoes. his love of horses stayed with him to the last. he not only rode and drove and trained horses,[ ] but he enjoyed the sport of the race-course. he was probably aware, like the shah of persia who declined to go to the derby, that one horse could run faster than another, but nevertheless he liked to see them run, and we hear of him, after he had reached the presidency, acting as judge at a race, and seeing his own colt magnolia beaten, which he no doubt considered the next best thing to winning. [footnote : the marquis de chastelleux speaks of the perfect training of washington's saddle horses, and says the general broke them himself. he adds "he (the general) is an excellent and bold horseman, leaping the highest fences and going extremely quick, without standing upon his stirrups, bearing on the bridle or letting his horse run wild; circumstances which our young men look upon as so essential a part of english horsemanship, that they would rather break a leg or an arm than renounce them."] he had, indeed, in all ways a thoroughly well-balanced mind and temper. in great affairs he knew how to spare himself the details to which others could attend as well as he, and yet he was in no wise a despiser of small things. before the revolution, there was a warm discussion in the truro parish as to the proper site for the pohick church. washington and george mason led respectively the opposing forces, and each confidently asserted that the site he preferred was the most convenient for the largest number of parishioners. finally, after much debate and no conclusion, washington appeared at a vestry meeting with a collection of statistics. he had measured the distance from each proposed site to the house of each parishioner, and found, as he declared, that his site was nearer to more people than the other. it is needless to add that he carried his point, and that the spot he desired for the church was the one chosen. the fact was that, if he confided a task of any sort to another, he let it go on without meddling; but if he undertook anything himself, he did it with the utmost thoroughness, and there is much success in this capacity to take pains even in small things. he managed his plantations entirely himself when he was at home, and did it well. he knew the qualities of each field, and the rotation of its crops. no improvement in agriculture and no ingenious invention escaped his attention, although he was not to be carried away by mere novelty, which had such a fascination for his ex-secretary at monticello. every resource of his estate was turned to good use, and his flour and tobacco commanded absolute confidence with his brand upon them. he followed in the same painstaking way all his business affairs, and his accounts, all in his own hand, are wonderfully minute and accurate. he was very exact in all business as well as very shrewd at a bargain, and the tradition is that his neighbors considered the general a formidable man in a horse-trade, that most difficult of transactions. parkinson mentions that everything purchased or brought to the house was weighed, measured, or counted, generally in the presence of the master himself. some of his letters to lear, his private secretary, show that he looked after his china and servants, the packing and removal of his furniture with great minuteness. to some persons this appears evidence of a petty mind in a great man, but to those who reflect a little more deeply it will occur that this accuracy and care in trifles were the same qualities which kept the american army together, and enabled their owner to arrive on time and in full preparation at yorktown and trenton. the worst that can be said is that from his love of perfection and completeness he may in this respect have wasted time and strength, but his untiring industry and his capacity for work were so great that he accomplished so far as we can see all this drudgery without ever neglecting in the least more important duties. it was a satisfaction to him to do it; for he was methodical and exact to the last degree, and he was never happy unless he held everything in which he was concerned easily within his grasp. he had the same attention to details in external things, and he wished everything about him to be of the best, if not "express'd in fancy." he had the handsomest carriages and the finest horses always in his stables. it was necessary that the furniture of his house should be as good as could be procured, and he was most particular in regard to it. when he was preparing as president to move to philadelphia, he made the most searching inquiries as to horses, stables, servants, schools for young custis, and everything affecting the household. he sent at the same time most minute directions to his agents as to the furniture of his house, touching upon everything, down to the color of the curtains and the form of his wine-coolers. he had a like feeling in regard to dress. his fancy for handsome and appropriate dress in his youth has already been alluded to, but he never ceased to take an interest in it; and in a letter to mchenry, written in the last year of his life, he discusses with great care the details of the uniform to be prescribed for himself as commander-in-chief of the new army. it would be a mistake, of course, to infer that he was a dandy, or that he gave to dress and furniture the importance set upon them by shallow minds. he simply valued them rightly, and enjoyed the good things of this world. he had the best possible taste and the keenest sense of what was appropriate, and it was this good taste and sense of fitness which saved him from blundering in trifles, as much as his ability and his sense of humor preserved him from error in the conduct of great affairs. the value of all this to the country he served cannot be too often reiterated, for ridicule was a real danger to the revolutionary cause when it started. the raw levies, headed by volunteer officers from the shop, the plough, the work-bench, or the trading vessel, despite their patriotism and the nobility of their cause, could easily have been made subjects of derision, a perilous enemy to all new undertakings. men prefer to be shot at, if they are taken seriously, rather than to be laughed at and made objects of contempt. the same principle holds true of a revolution seeking the sympathy of a hostile world. when washington drew his sword beneath the cambridge elm and put himself at the head of the american army, effective ridicule became impossible, for the dignity of the cause was seen in that of its leader. the british generals soon found that they not only had a dangerous enemy to encounter, but that they were dealing with a man whose pride in his country and whose own sense of self-respect reduced any assumption of personal superiority on their part to speedy contempt. in the same way he brought dignity to the new government of the constitution when he was placed at its head. the confederation had excited the just contempt of the world, and washington as president, by the force of his own character and reputation, gave the united states at once the respect not only of the american people, but of those of europe as well. men felt instinctively that no government over which he presided could ever fall into feebleness or disrepute. in addition to the effect on the popular mind of his character and services was that of his personal presence. if contemporary testimony can be believed, few men have ever lived who had the power to impress those who looked upon them so profoundly as washington. he was richly endowed by nature in all physical attributes. well over six feet high,[ ] large, powerfully built, and of uncommon muscular strength, he had the force that always comes from great physical power. he had a fine head, a strong face, with blue eyes set wide apart in deep orbits, and beneath, a square jaw and firm-set mouth which told of a relentless will. houdon the sculptor, no bad judge, said he had no conception of the majesty and grandeur of washington's form and features until he studied him as a subject for a statue. pages might be filled with extracts from the descriptions of washington given by french officers, by all sorts of strangers, and by his own countrymen, but they all repeat the same story. every one who met him told of the commanding presence, and noble person, the ineffable dignity, and the calm, simple, and stately manners. no man ever left washington's presence without a feeling of reverence and respect amounting almost to awe. [footnote : lear in his memoranda published recently in full in mcclure's magazine for february, , states that washington measured after death six feet three and one half inches in height, a foot and nine inches across the shoulders, two feet across the elbows; evidently a spare man with muscular arms, which we know to have been also of unusual length.] i will quote only a single one of the numerous descriptions of washington, and i select it because, although it is the least favorable of the many i have seen, and is written in homely phrase, it displays the most evident and entire sincerity. the extract is from a letter written by david ackerson of alexandria, va., in , in answer to an inquiry by his son. mr. ackerson commanded a company in the revolutionary war. "washington was not," he wrote, "what ladies would call a pretty man, but in military costume a heroic figure, such as would impress the memory ever afterward." the writer had a good view of washington three days before the crossing of the delaware. "washington," he says, "had a large thick nose, and it was very red that day, giving me the impression that he was not so moderate in the use of liquors as he was supposed to be. i found afterward that this was a peculiarity. his nose was apt to turn scarlet in a cold wind. he was standing near a small camp-fire, evidently lost in thought and making no effort to keep warm. he seemed six feet and a half in height, was as erect as an indian, and did not for a moment relax from a military attitude. washington's exact height was six feet two inches in his boots. he was then a little lame from striking his knee against a tree. his eye was so gray that it looked almost white, and he had a troubled look on his colorless face. he had a piece of woolen tied around his throat and was quite hoarse. perhaps the throat trouble from which he finally died had its origin about then. washington's boots were enormous. they were number . his ordinary walking-shoes were number . his hands were large in proportion, and he could not buy a glove to fit him and had to have his gloves made to order. his mouth was his strong feature, the lips being always tightly compressed. that day they were compressed so tightly as to be painful to look at. at that time he weighed two hundred pounds, and there was no surplus flesh about him. he was tremendously muscled, and the fame of his great strength was everywhere. his large tent when wrapped up with the poles was so heavy that it required two men to place it in the camp-wagon. washington would lift it with one hand and throw it in the wagon as easily as if it were a pair of saddle-bags. he could hold a musket with one hand and shoot with precision as easily as other men did with a horse-pistol. his lungs were his weak point, and his voice was never strong. he was at that time in the prime of life. his hair was a chestnut brown, his cheeks were prominent, and his head was not large in contrast to every other part of his body, which seemed large and bony at all points. his finger-joints and wrists were so large as to be genuine curiosities. as to his habits at that period i found out much that might be interesting. he was an enormous eater, but was content with bread and meat, if he had plenty of it. but hunger seemed to put him in a rage. it was his custom to take a drink of rum or whiskey on awakening in the morning. of course all this was changed when he grew old. i saw him at alexandria a year before he died. his hair was very gray, and his form was slightly bent. his chest was very thin. he had false teeth, which did not fit and pushed his under lip outward."[ ] [footnote : this letter, recently printed, is in the collection of dr. toner, at washington. it contains some obvious errors, as in regard to the color of the eyes, but it is nevertheless very interesting and valuable.] this description is certainly not a flattering one, and all other accounts as well as the best portraits prove that washington was a much handsomer man than this letter would indicate. yet the writer, despite his freedom from all illusions and his readiness to state frankly all defects, was profoundly impressed by washington's appearance as he watched him meditating by the camp-fire at the crisis of the country's fate, and herein lies the principal interest of his description. this personal impressiveness, however, affected every one upon all occasions. mr. rush, for instance, saw washington go on one occasion to open congress. he drove to the hall in a handsome carriage of his own, with his servants dressed in white liveries. when he had alighted he stopped on the step, and pausing faced round to wait for his secretary. the vast crowd looked at him in dead silence, and then, when he turned away, broke into wild cheering. at his second inauguration he was dressed in deep mourning for the death of his nephew. he took the oath of office in the senate chamber, and major forman, who was present, wrote in his diary: "every eye was on him. when he said, 'i, george washington,' my blood seemed to run cold and every one seemed to start." at the inauguration of adams, another eye-witness wrote that washington, dressed in black velvet, with a military hat and black cockade, was the central figure in the scene, and when he left the chamber the crowds followed him, cheering and shouting to the door of his own house. there must have been something very impressive about a man who, with no pretensions to the art of the orator and with no touch of the charlatan, could so move and affect vast bodies of men by his presence alone. but the people, with the keen eye of affection, looked beyond the mere outward nobility of form. they saw the soldier who had given them victory, the great statesman who had led them out of confusion and faction to order and good government. party newspapers might rave, but the instinct of the people was never at fault. they loved, trusted and well-nigh worshiped washington living, and they have honored and reverenced him with an unchanging fidelity since his death, nearly a century ago. but little more remains to be said. washington had his faults, for he was human; but they are not easy to point out, so perfect was his mastery of himself. he was intensely reserved and very silent, and these are the qualities which gave him the reputation in history of being distant and unsympathetic. in truth, he had not only warm affections and a generous heart, but there was a strong vein of sentiment in his composition. at the same time he was in no wise romantic, and the ruling element in his make-up was prose, good solid prose, and not poetry. he did not have the poetical and imaginative quality so strongly developed in lincoln. yet he was not devoid of imagination, although it was here that he was lacking, if anywhere. he saw facts, knew them, mastered and used them, and never gave much play to fancy; but as his business in life was with men and facts, this deficiency, if it was one, was of little moment. he was also a man of the strongest passions in every way, but he dominated them; they never ruled him. vigorous animal passions were inevitable, of course, in a man of such a physical make-up as his. how far he gave way to them in his youth no one knows, but the scandals which many persons now desire to have printed, ostensibly for the sake of truth, are, so far as i have been able to learn, with one or two dubious exceptions, of entirely modern parentage. i have run many of them to earth; nearly all are destitute of contemporary authority, and they may be relegated to the dust-heaps.[ ] if he gave way to these propensities in his youth, the only conclusion that i have been able to come to is that he mastered them when he reached man's estate. [footnote : the charge in the pamphlet purporting to give an account of the trial of the new york conspirators in is of such doubtful origin and character that it hardly merits consideration, and the only other allusion is in the well-known intercepted letter of harrison, which is of doubtful authenticity in certain passages, open to suspicion from having been intercepted and published by the enemy and quite likely to have been at best merely a coarse jest of a character very common at that period and entirely in keeping with the notorious habits of life and speech peculiar to the writer. (see life of john adams, iii. .)] he had, too, a fierce temper, and although he gradually subdued it, he would sometimes lose control of himself and burst out into a tempest of rage. when he did so he would use strong and even violent language, as he did at kip's landing and at monmouth. well-intentioned persons in their desire to make him a faultless being have argued at great length that washington never swore, and but for their argument the matter would never have attracted much attention. he was anything but a profane man, but the evidence is beyond question that if deeply angered he would use a hearty english oath; and not seldom the action accompanied the word, as when he rode among the fleeing soldiers at kip's landing, striking them with his sword, and almost beside himself at their cowardice. judge marshall used to tell also of an occasion when washington sent out an officer to cross a river and bring back some information about the enemy, on which the action of the morrow would depend. the officer was gone some time, came back, and found the general impatiently pacing his tent. on being asked what he had learned, he replied that the night was dark and stormy, the river full of ice, and that he had not been able to cross. washington glared at him a moment, seized a large leaden inkstand from the table, hurled it at the offender's head, and said with a fierce oath, "be off, and send me a _man_!" the officer went, crossed the river, and brought back the information. but although he would now and then give way to these tremendous bursts of anger, washington was never unjust. as he said to one officer, "i never judge the propriety of actions by after events;" and in that sound philosophy is found the secret not only of much of his own success, but of the devotion of his officers and men. he might be angry with them, but he was never unfair. in truth, he was too generous to be unjust or even over-severe to any one, and there is not a line in all his writings which even suggests that he ever envied any man. so long as the work in hand was done, he cared not who had the glory, and he was perfectly magnanimous and perfectly at ease about his own reputation. he never showed the slightest anxiety to write his own memoirs, and he was not in the least alarmed when it was proposed to publish the memoirs of other people, like general charles lee, which would probably reflect upon him. he had the same confidence in the judgment of posterity that he had in the future beyond the grave. he regarded death with entire calmness and even indifference not only when it came to him, but when in previous years it had threatened him. he loved life and tasted of it deeply, but the courage which never forsook him made him ready to face the inevitable at any moment with an unruffled spirit. in this he was helped by his religious faith, which was as simple as it was profound. he had been brought up in the protestant episcopal church, and to that church he always adhered; for its splendid liturgy and stately forms appealed to him and satisfied him. he loved it too as the church of his home and his childhood. yet he was as far as possible from being sectarian, and there is not a word of his which shows anything but the most entire liberality and toleration. he made no parade of his religion, for in this as in other things he was perfectly simple and sincere. he was tortured by no doubts or questionings, but believed always in an overruling providence and in a merciful god, to whom he knelt and prayed in the day of darkness or in the hour of triumph with a supreme and childlike confidence. * * * * * as i bring these volumes to a close i am conscious that they speak, so far as they speak at all, in a tone of almost unbroken praise of the great man they attempt to portray. if this be so, it is because i could come to no other conclusions. for many years i have studied minutely the career of washington, and with every step the greatness of the man has grown upon me, for analysis has failed to discover the act of his life which, under the conditions of the time, i could unhesitatingly pronounce to have been an error. such has been my experience, and although my deductions may be wrong, they at least have been carefully and slowly made. i see in washington a great soldier who fought a trying war to a successful end impossible without him; a great statesman who did more than all other men to lay the foundations of a republic which has endured in prosperity for more than a century. i find in him a marvelous judgment which was never at fault, a penetrating vision which beheld the future of america when it was dim to other eyes, a great intellectual force, a will of iron, an unyielding grasp of facts, and an unequaled strength of patriotic purpose. i see in him too a pure and high-minded gentleman of dauntless courage and stainless honor, simple and stately of manner, kind and generous of heart. such he was in truth. the historian and the biographer may fail to do him justice, but the instinct of mankind will not fail. the real hero needs not books to give him worshipers. george washington will always hold the love and reverence of men because they see embodied in him the noblest possibilities of humanity. index for volumes i & ii ackerson, david, describes washington's personal appearance, ii. - . adams, abigail, on washington's appearance in , i. . adams, john, moves appointment of washington as commander-in-chief, i. ; on political necessity for his appointment, ; and objections to it, ; statement as to washington's difficulties, ; over-sanguine as to american prospects, ; finds fault with washington, , ; one of few national statesmen, ; on washington's opinion of titles, ii. ; advocates ceremony, ; returns to united states, ; attacked by jefferson as a monarchist, ; praised by democrats as superior to washington, ; his administration upheld by washington, ; advised by washington, ; his inauguration, ; sends special mission to france, ; urges washington to take command of provisional army, ; wishes to make knox senior to hamilton, ; censured by washington, gives way, ; lack of sympathy with washington, ; his nomination of murray disapproved by washington, , ; letter of washington to, on immigration, . adams, j.q., on weights and measures, ii. . adams, samuel, not sympathized with by washington in working for independence, i. ; his inability to sympathize with washington, ; an enemy of constitution, ii. ; a genuine american, . alcudia, duke de, interviews with pinckney, ii. . alexander, philip, hunts with washington, i. . alien and sedition laws, approved by washington and federalists, ii. , . ames, fisher, speech on behalf of administration in jay treaty affair, ii. . andré, major, meets arnold, i. ; announces capture to arnold, ; confesses, ; condemned and executed, ; justice of the sentence, , ; washington's opinion of, , ii. . armstrong, john, major, writes newburg address, i. . army of the revolution, at boston, adopted by congress, i. ; its organization and character, - ; sectional jealousies in, at new york, ; goes to pieces after defeat, , , ; condition in winter of , ; difficulties between officers, ; with foreign officers, - ; improvement as shown by condition after brandywine and germantown, , ; hard winter at valley forge, ; maintained alive only by washington, , , ; improved morale at monmouth, ; mutinies for lack of pay, ; suffers during , ; bad condition in , ; again mutinies for pay, , , ; conduct of troops, , ; jealousy of people towards, ; badly treated by states and by congress, ; grows mutinous, ; adopts newburg addresses, , ; ready for a military dictatorship, , ; farewell of washington to, . arnold, benedict, sent by washington to attack quebec, i. ; sent against burgoyne, ; plans treason, ; shows loyalist letter to washington, ; meets andré, ; receives news of andré's capture, ; escapes, , ; previous benefits from washington, ; washington's opinion of, ; ravages virginia, ; sent back to new york, ; one of the few men who deceived washington, ii. . arnold, mrs., entertains washington at time of her husband's treachery, i. , . articles of confederation, their inadequacy early seen by washington, i. , ; ii. . asgill, capt., selected for retaliation for murder of huddy, i. ; efforts for his release, ; release ordered by congress, . bache, b.f., publishes jay treaty in "aurora," ii. ; joins in attack on washington, , ; rejoices over his retirement, . baker,----, works out a pedigree for washington, i. . ball, joseph, advises against sending washington to sea, i. , . barbadoes, washington's description of, i. . beckley, john, accuses washington of embezzling, ii. . bernard, john, his conversation with washington referred to, i. , ; describes encounter with washington, ii. - ; his description of washington's conversation, - . blackwell, rev. dr., calls on washington with dr. logan, ii. . blair, john, appointed to supreme court, ii. . bland, mary, "lowland beauty," admired by washington, i. , . blount, governor, pacifies cherokees, ii. . boston, visit of washington to, i. , ; political troubles in, ; british measures against condemned by virginia, , ; appeals to colonies, ; protests against jay treaty, ii. ; answered by washington, . botetourt, lord, governor of virginia, quarrels with assembly, i. ; manages to calm dissension, ; on friendly terms with washington, . braddock, general edward, arrives in virginia, i. ; invites washington to serve on his staff, ; respects him, ; his character and unfitness for his position, ; despises provincials, ; accepts washington's advice as to dividing force, ; rebukes washington for warning against ambush, ; insists on fighting by rule, ; defeated and mortally wounded, ; death and burial, . bradford, william, succeeds randolph, ii. . brandywine, battle of, i. - . bunker hill, question of washington regarding battle of, i. . burgoyne, general john, junction of howe with, feared by washington, i. , , , ; significance of his defeat, ; danger of his invasion foreseen by washington, - ; captures ticonderoga, ; outnumbered and defeated, ; surrenders, . burke, edmund, understands significance of washington's leadership, i. ; unsettled by french revolution, ii. . cabot, george, entertains lafayette's son, ii. . cadwalader, general, fails to cross delaware to help washington, i. ; duel with conway, . calvert, eleanor, misgivings of washington over her marriage to john custis, i. . camden, battle of, i. . canada, captured by wolfe, i. ; expedition of montgomery against, , ; project of conway cabal against, ; ; project of lafayette to attack, ; plan considered dangerous by washington, , ; not undertaken by france, . carleton, sir guy, informs washington of address of commons for peace, i. ; suspected by washington, ; remonstrates against retaliation by washington for murder of huddy, ; disavows lippencott, ; fears plunder of new york city, ; urges indians to attack the united states, ii. , . carlisle, earl of, peace commissioner, i. . carlyle, thomas, sneers at washington, i. , ; calls him "a bloodless cromwell," i. , ii. ; fails to understand his reticence, i. ; despises him for not seizing power, . carmichael, william, minister at madrid, ii. ; on commission regarding the mississippi, . carrington, paul, letter of washington to, ii. ; washington's friendship for, . cary, mary, early love affair of washington with, i. . chamberlayne, major, entertains washington at williams' ferry, i. . charleston, siege and capture of, i. , , . chastellux, marquis de, washington's friendship for and letter to, ii. ; on washington's training of horses, . cherokees, beaten by sevier, ii. ; pacified by blount, , . chester, colonel, researches on washington pedigree, i. . chickasaws, desert from st. clair, ii. . china, honors washington, i. . choctaws, peaceable in , ii. . cincinnati, society of the, washington's connection with, ii. . clarke, governor, thinks washington is invading popular rights, i. . cleaveland, rev.----, complimented by washington, ii. . clinton, george, appealed to by washington to attack burgoyne, i. ; journey with washington to ticonderoga, ; enters new york city, ; letter of washington to, ii. ; meets washington on journey to inauguration, ; opponent of the constitution, ; orders seizure of french privateers, . clinton, sir henry, fails to help burgoyne, i. ; replaces howe at philadelphia, his character, ; tries to cut off lafayette, ; leaves philadelphia, ; defeats lee at monmouth, ; retreats to new york, ; withdraws from newport, ; makes a raid, ; fortifies stony point, ; his aimless warfare, , ; after capturing charleston returns to new york, ; tries to save andré, ; alarmed at attacks on new york, ; jealous of cornwallis, refuses to send reinforcements, ; deceived by washington, ; sends graves to relieve cornwallis, . congress, continental, washington's journey to, i. ; its character and ability, ; its state papers, ; adjourns, ; in second session, resolves to petition the king, ; adopts massachusetts army and makes washington commander, ; reasons for his choice, ; adheres to short-term enlistments, ; influenced to declare independence by washington, ; hampers washington in campaign of new york, ; letters of washington to, , , , , , , , , , , ; takes steps to make army permanent, ; its over-confidence, ; insists on holding forts washington and lee, ; dissatisfied with washington's inactivity, ; criticises his proclamation requiring oath of allegiance, ; makes unwise appointments of officers, ; especially of foreigners, - ; , ; applauds washington's efforts at germantown, ; deposes schuyler and st. clair, ; appoints gates, ; irritation against washington, - ; falls under guidance of conway cabal, , ; discovers incompetence of cabal, ; meddles with prisoners and officers, ; rejects english peace offers, ; makes alliance with france, ; suppresses protests of officers against d'estaing, ; decline in its character, ; becomes feeble, ; improvement urged by washington, , ; appoints gates to command in south, ; loses interest in war, ; asks washington to name general for the south, ; considers reduction of army, ; elated by yorktown, ; its unfair treatment of army, , ; driven from philadelphia by pennsylvania troops, ; passes half-pay act, ; receives commission of washington, - ; disbands army, ii. ; indifferent to western expansion, ; continues to decline, ; merit of its indian policy, . congress, federal, establishes departments, ii. ; opened by washington, , ; ceremonial abolished by jefferson, ; recommendations made to by washington, - ; acts upon them, - ; creates commission to treat with creeks, ; increases army, , ; fails to solve financial problems, ; debates hamilton's report on credit, , ; establishes national bank, ; establishes protective revenue duties, ; imposes an excise tax, ; prepares for retaliation on great britain, ; senate ratifies jay treaty conditionally, ; house demands papers, ; debates over its right to concur in treaty, - ; refuses to adjourn on washington's birthday, ; prepares for war with france, ; passes alien and sedition laws, . constitution, federal, necessity of, foreseen by washington, ii. - , , ; the annapolis convention, - ; the federal convention, - ; washington's attitude in, , ; his influence, ; campaign for ratification, - . contrecoeur, captain, leader of french and indians in virginia, i. . "conway cabal," elements of in congress, i. , ; in the army, ; organized by conway, ; discovered by washington, ; gets control of board of war, ; tries to make washington resign, , ; fails to invade canada or provide supplies, , ; harassed by washington's letters, , ; breaks down, . conway, moncure d., his life of randolph, ii. , note, ; his defense of randolph in fauchet letter affair, ; on washington's motives, ; on his unfair treatment of randolph, , . conway, thomas, demand for higher rank refused by washington, i. ; plots against him, ; his letter discovered by washington, ; made inspector-general, , ; complains to congress of his reception at camp, ; resigns, has duel with cadwalader, ; apologizes to washington and leaves country, . cooke, governor, remonstrated with by washington for raising state troops, i. . cornwallis, lord, pursues washington in new jersey, i. ; repulsed at assunpink, ; outgeneraled by washington, ; surprises sullivan at brandywine, ; defeats lee at monmouth, ; pursues greene in vain, ; wins battle of guilford court house, ; retreats into virginia, ; joins british troops in virginia, ; his dangerous position, ; urged by clinton to return troops to new york, ; plunders virginia, ; defeats lafayette and wayne, ; wishes to retreat south, ; ordered by ministry to stay on the chesapeake, ; abandoned by clinton, ; establishes himself at yorktown, ; withdraws into town, ; besieged, , ; surrenders, ; outgeneraled by washington, , . cowpens, battle of, i. . craik, dr., attends washington in last illness, ii. - ; washington's friendship with, . creeks, their relations with spaniards, ii. , ; quarrel with georgia, ; agree to treaty with united states, ; stirred up by spain, . curwen, samuel, on washington's appearance, i. . cushing, caleb, appointed to supreme court, ii. . custis, daniel parke, first husband of martha washington, i. . custis, g.w.p., tells mythical story of washington and the colt, i. ; washington's care for, ii. . custis, john, washington's tenderness toward, i. ; care for his education and marriage, ; hunts with washington, ; death of, . custis, nellie, marriage with washington's nephew, ii. , ; letter of washington to, . dagworthy, captain, claims to outrank washington in virginia army, i. , . dallas, alexander, protests to genet against sailing of little sarah, ii. . dalton, senator, entertains washington at newburyport, ii. . deane, silas, promises commissions to foreign military adventurers, i. . de barras, jealous of de grasse, decides not to aid him, i. ; persuaded to do so by washington and rochambeau, ; reaches chesapeake, . de grasse, comte, announces intention of coming to washington, i. ; warned by washington not to come to new york, ; sails to chesapeake, ; asked to meet washington there, ; reaches chesapeake, ; repulses british fleet, ; wishes to return to west indies, ; persuaded to remain by washington, ; refuses to join washington in attack on charleston, ; returns to west indies, . de guichen,----, commander of french fleet in west indies, i. ; appealed to for aid by washington, ; returns home, . delancey, oliver, escapes american attack, i. . democratic party, its formation as a french party, ii. ; furnished with catch-words by jefferson, ; with a newspaper organ, ; not ready to oppose washington for president in , ; organized against treasury measure, ; stimulated by french revolution, ; supports genet, ; begins to attack washington, ; his opinion of it, , , , , , ; forms clubs on french model, ; washington's opinion of, , ; continues to abuse him, , , , ; exults at his retirement, ; prints slanders, . demont, william, betrays plans of fort washington to howe, i. . d'estaing, admiral, reaches america, i. ; welcomed by washington, ; fails to cut off howe and goes to newport, ; after battle with howe goes to boston, ; letter of washington to, ; sails to west indies, ; second letter of washington to, ; attacks savannah, ; withdraws, . de rochambeau, comte, arrives at newport, i. ; ordered to await second division of army, ; refuses to attack new york, ; wishes a conference with washington, ; meets him at hartford, ; disapproves attacking florida, ; joins washington before new york, ; persuades de barras to join de grasse, ; accompanies washington to yorktown, . dickinson, john, commands scouts at monmouth, i. . digby, admiral, bitter comments of washington on, i. . dinwiddie, governor, remonstrates against french encroachments, i. ; sends washington on mission to french, ; quarrels with the virginia assembly, ; letter of washington to, ; wishes washington to attack french, ; tries to quiet discussions between regular and provincial troops, ; military schemes condemned by washington, ; prevents his getting a royal commission, . diplomatic history: refusal by washington of special privileges to french minister, ii. - ; slow growth of idea of non-intervention, , ; difficulties owing to french revolution, ; to english retention of frontier posts, ; attitude of spain, ; relations with barbary states, ; mission of gouverneur morris to sound english feeling, ; assertion by washington of non-intervention policy toward europe, , ; issue of neutrality proclamation, , ; its importance, ; mission of genet, - ; guarded attitude of washington toward émigrés, ; excesses of genet, ; neutrality enforced, , ; the little sarah episode, - ; recall of genet demanded, ; futile missions of carmichael and short to spain, , ; successful treaty of thomas pinckney, - ; question as to binding nature of french treaty of commerce, - ; irritating relations with england, - ; jay's mission, - ; the questions at issue, , ; terms of the treaty agreed upon, ; good and bad points, ; ratified by senate, ; signing delayed by renewal of provision order, ; war with england prevented by signing, ; difficulties with france over morris and monroe, - ; doings of monroe, , ; united states compromised by him, , ; monroe replaced by pinckney, ; review of washington's foreign policy, - ; mission of pinckney, marshall, and gerry to france, ; the x.y.z. affair, . donop, count, drives griffin out of new jersey, i. ; killed at fort mercer, . dorchester, lord. see carleton. duane, james, letters of washington to, i. , . dumas, comte, describes enthusiasm of people for washington, i. . dunbar, colonel, connection with braddock's expedition, i. , . dunmore, lord, arrives in virginia as governor, i. ; on friendly terms with washington, , ; dissolves assembly, . duplaine, french consul, exequatur of revoked, ii. . eden, william, peace commissioner, i. . edwards, jonathan, a typical new england american, ii. . emerson, rev. dr., describes washington's reforms in army before boston, i. . emigrés, washington's treatment of, ii. , . england, honors washington, i. ; arrogant behavior toward colonists, , , , ; its policy towards boston condemned by virginia, , , , ; by washington, , , ; sends incompetent officers to america, , , , ; stupidity of its operations, , , , ; sincerity of its desire for peace doubted by washington, , ; arrogant conduct of toward the united states after peace, ii. , ; stirs up the six nations and northwestern indians, , , ; folly of her policy, ; sends hammond as minister, ; its opportunity to win united states as ally against france, , ; adopts contrary policy of opposition, , ; adopts "provision order," ; incites indians against united states, ; indignation of america against, ; receives jay well, but refuses to yield points at issue, ; insists on monopoly of west india trade, ; and on impressment, ; later history of, ; renews provision order, ; danger of war with, ; avoided by jay treaty, ; washington said to sympathize with england, ; his real hostility toward, ; washington's opinion of liberty in, . ewing, general james, fails to help washington at trenton, i. . fairfax, bryan, hunts with washington, i. ; remonstrates with washington against violence of patriots, ; washington's replies to, , , ; letter of washington to in revolution, ii. . fairfax, george, married to miss cary, i. ; accompanies washington on surveying expedition, ; letter of washington to, . fairfax, mrs.----, letter of washington to, ii. . fairfax, thomas, lord, his career in england, i. ; comes to his virginia estates, ; his character, ; his friendship for washington, ; sends him to survey estates, ; plans a manor across the blue ridge, ; secures for washington position as public surveyor, ; probably influential in securing his appointment as envoy to french, ; hunts with washington, ; his death remembered by washington, ii. . fairlie, major, amuses washington, ii. . farewell address, ii. , . fauchet, m.,----, letter of, incriminating randolph, ii. , , . fauntleroy, betsy, love affair of washington with, i. . fauquier, francis, governor, at washington's wedding, i. . federal courts, suggested by washington, i. . "federalist," circulated by washington, ii. . federalist party, begun by hamilton's controversy with jefferson, ii. ; supports washington for reëlection, ; organized in support of financial measures, ; washington looked upon by democrats as its head, , ; only its members trusted by washington, , , , , ; becomes a british party, ; washington considers himself a member of, - ; the only american party until , ; strengthened by x, y, z affair, ; dissensions in, over army appointments, - ; its horror at french revolution, , ; attempts of washington to heal divisions in, . fenno's newspaper, used by hamilton against the "national gazette," ii. . finances of the revolution, effect of paper money on war, i. , ; difficulties in paying troops, ; labors of robert morris, , , ; connection of washington with, ; continued collapse, , , . financial history, bad condition in , ii. ; decay of credit, paper, and revenue, ; futile propositions, ; hamilton's report on credit, ; debate over assumption of state debt, ; bargain between hamilton and jefferson, ; establishment of bank, ; other measures adopted, ; protection in the first congress, - ; the excise tax imposed, ; opposition to, - ; "whiskey rebellion," - . fishbourn, benjamin, nomination rejected by senate, ii. . fontanes, m. de, delivers funeral oration on washington, i. . forbes, general, renews attack on french in ohio, i. . forman, major, describes impressiveness of washington, ii. . fox, charles james, understands significance of washington's leadership, i. . france, pays honors to washington, i. i, ; war with england, see french and indian war; takes possession of ohio, ; considers jumonville assassinated by washington, ; importance of alliance with foreseen by washington, ; impressed by battle of germantown, ; makes treaty of alliance with united states, ; sends d'estaing, ; declines to attack canada, ; sends army and fleet, , ; relations of french to washington, , ; absolute necessity of their naval aid, , ; revolution in, applauded by america, ii. , , ; real character understood by washington and others, - , ; debate over in america, ; question of relations with united states, , ; warned by washington, , ; neutrality toward declared, ; tries to drive united states into alliance, ; terms of the treaty with, ; latter held to be no longer binding, - ; abrogates it, ; demands recall of morris, ; mission of monroe to, - ; makes vague promises, , ; washington's fairness toward, ; tries to bully or corrupt american ministers, ; the x, y, z affair, ; war with not expected by washington, ; danger of concession to, , ; progress of revolution in, . franklin, benjamin, gets wagons for braddock's expedition, i. ; remark on howe in philadelphia, ; national, like washington, , ii. ; despairs of success of constitutional convention, ; his unquestioned americanism, ; respect of washington for, , , . frederick ii., the great, his opinion of trenton campaign, i. ; of monmouth campaign, . french and indian war, i. - ; inevitable conflict, ; efforts to negotiate, , ; hostilities begun, ; the jumonville affair, ; defeat of washington, ; braddock's campaign, - ; ravages in virginia, ; carried to a favorable conclusion by pitt, , . freneau, philip, brought to philadelphia and given clerkship by jefferson, ii. ; attacks adams, hamilton, and washington in "national gazette," ; makes conflicting statements as to jefferson's share in the paper, , ; the first to attack washington, . fry, colonel, commands a virginia regiment against french and indians, i. ; dies, leaving washington in command, . gage, general thomas, conduct at boston condemned by washington, i. ; his treatment of prisoners protested against by washington, ; sends an arrogant reply, ; second letter of washington to, , . gallatin, albert, connection with whiskey rebellion, ii. . gates, horatio, visits mt. vernon, his character, i. ; refuses to cooperate with washington at trenton, ; his appointment as commander against burgoyne urged, ; chosen by congress, ; his part in defeating burgoyne, ; neglects to inform washington, ; loses his head and wishes to supplant washington, ; forced to send troops south, , ; his attitude discovered by washington, ; makes feeble efforts at opposition, , ; correspondence with washington, , , ; becomes head of board of war, ; quarrels with wilkinson, ; sent to his command, ; fears attack of british on boston, ; sent by congress to command in south, ; defeated at camden, , ; loses support of congress, . genet, edmond charles, arrives as french minister, ii. ; his character, ; violates neutrality, ; his journey to philadelphia, ; reception by washington, ; complains of it, ; makes demands upon state department, ; protests at seizure of privateers, ; insists on sailing of little sarah, ; succeeds in getting vessel away, ; his recall demanded, ; reproaches jefferson, ; remains in america, ; threatens to appeal from washington to massachusetts, ; demands denial from washington of jay's statements, ; loses popular support, ; tries to raise a force to invade southwest, ; prevented by state and federal authorities, ; his arrival the signal for divisions of parties, ; hurts democratic party by his excesses, ; suggests clubs, . george iv., washington's opinion of, ii. . georgia, quarrels with creeks, asks aid of united states, ii. ; becomes dissatisfied with treaty, ; disregards treaties of the united states, . gerard, m., notifies washington of return of d'estaing, i. . germantown, battle of, i. . gerry, elbridge, on special mission to france, ii. ; disliked by washington, . giles, w.b., attacks washington in congress, ii. , . gist, christopher, accompanies washington on his mission to french, i. ; wishes to shoot french indians, . gordon,----, letter of washington to, i. . graves, admiral, sent to relieve cornwallis, i. ; defeated by de grasse, . grayson, william, hunts with washington, i. ; letter to, ii. . green springs, battle of, i. . greene, general nathanael, commands at long island, ill with fever, i. ; wishes forts on hudson held, ; late in attacking at germantown, ; conducts retreat, ; succeeds mifflin as quartermaster-general, ; selected by washington to command in south, ; commands army at new york in absence of washington, ; appointed to command southern army, ; retreats from cornwallis, ; fights battle of guilford court house, ; clears southern states of enemy, ; strong position, ; reinforced by washington, ; letter to, ; his military capacity early recognized by washington, ii. ; amuses washington, . greene, mrs.----, dances three hours with washington, ii. . grenville, lord, denies that ministry has incited indians against united states, ii. ; receives jay, ; declines to grant united states trade with west indies, . griffin, david, commissioner to treat with creeks, ii. . griffin,----, fails to help washington at trenton, i. . grymes, lucy, the "lowland beauty," love affair of washington with, i. ; marries henry lee, . haldimand, sir frederick, leads indians against colonists, i. . hale, nathan, compared with andré, i. . half-king, kept to english alliance by washington, i. ; his criticism of washington's first campaign, . hamilton, alexander, forces gates to send back troops to washington, i. , ; remark on councils of war before monmouth, ; informs washington of arnold's treason, ; sent to intercept arnold, ; writes letters on government and finance, ; leads attack at yorktown, i. ; requests release of asgill, ; aids washington in congress, ; only man beside washington and franklin to realize american future, ii. ; letters of washington to on necessity of a strong government, , ; writes letters to duane and morris, ; speech in federal convention and departure, ; counseled by washington, ; consulted by washington as to etiquette, ; made secretary of treasury, ; his character, ; his report on the mint, ; on the public credit, ; upheld by washington, , ; his arrangement with jefferson, ; argument on the bank, ; his success largely due to washington, ; his report on manufactures, , , ; advocates an excise, ; fails to realize its unpopularity, ; accompanies expedition to suppress whiskey rebellion, ; comprehends french revolution, ; frames questions to cabinet on neutrality, ; urges decisive measures against genet, ; argues against united states being bound by french treaty, ; selected for english mission, but withdraws, ; not likely to have done better than jay, ; mobbed in defending jay treaty, ; writes camillus letters in favor of jay treaty, ; intrigued against by monroe, ; causes for his breach with jefferson, ; his aristocratic tendencies, ; attacked by jefferson and his friends, , ; disposes of the charges, ; retorts in newspapers with effect, ; ceases at washington's request, , ; resigns from the cabinet, ; desires washington's reëlection, ; selected by washing, ton as senior general, ; appeals to washington against adams's reversal of rank, ; fails to soothe knox's anger, ; report on army organization, ; letter of washington to, condemning adams's french mission, ; fears anarchy from democratic success, ; approves alien and sedition acts, ; his scheme of a military academy approved by washington, ; washington's affection for, , ; his ability early recognized by washington, , ; aids washington in literary points, ; takes care of lafayette's son, . hammond, george, protests against violations of neutrality, ii. ; his arrival as british minister, ; his offensive tone, ; does not disavow lord dorchester's speech to indians, ; gives fauchet letters to wolcott, ; intrigues with american public men, . hampden, john, compared with washington, ii. , . hancock, john, disappointed at washington's receiving command of army, i. ; his character, ii. ; refuses to call first on washington as president, ; apologizes and calls, , . hardin, colonel, twice surprised and defeated by indians, ii. . harmar, colonel, invades indian country, ii. ; attacks the miamis, ; sends out unsuccessful expeditions and retreats, ; court-martialed and resigns, . harrison, benjamin, letters of washington to, i. , ; ii. . hartley, mrs.----, admired by washington, i. . heard, sir isaac, garter king at arms, makes out a pedigree for washington, i. , . heath, general, checks howe at frog's point, i. ; left in command at new york, . henry, patrick, his resolutions supported by washington, i. ; accompanies him to philadelphia, ; his tribute to washington's influence, ; ready for war, ; letters of conway cabal to against washington, ; letter of washington to, ; appealed to by washington on behalf of constitution, ii. ; an opponent of the constitution, ; urged by washington to oppose virginia resolutions, - , ; a genuine american, ; offered secretaryship of state, ; friendship of washington for, . hertburn, sir william de, ancestor of washington family, i. , . hessians, in revolution, i. . hickey, thomas, hanged for plotting to murder washington, i. . hobby,----, a sexton, washington's earliest teacher, i. . hopkinson, francis, letter of washington to, ii. . houdon, j.a., sculptor, on washington's appearance, ii. . howe, lord, arrives at new york with power to negotiate and pardon, i. ; refuses to give washington his title, ; tries to negotiate with congress, ; escapes d'estaing at delaware, ; attacks d'estaing off newport, . howe, sir william, has controversy with washington over treatment of prisoners, i. ; checked at frog's point, ; attacks cautiously at chatterton hill, ; retreats and attacks forts on hudson, ; takes fort washington, ; goes into winter quarters in new york, , ; suspected of purpose to meet burgoyne, , ; baffled in advance across new jersey by washington, ; goes by sea, ; arrives at head of elk, ; defeats washington at brandywine, ; camps at germantown, ; withdraws after germantown into philadelphia, ; folly of his failure to meet burgoyne, , ; offers battle in vain to washington, ; replaced by clinton, ; tries to cut off lafayette, . huddy, captain, captured by english, hanged by tories, i. . humphreys, colonel, letters of washington to, ii. , ; at opening of congress, ; commissioner to treat with creeks, ; anecdote of, . huntington, lady, asks washington's aid in christianizing indians, ii. . impressment, right of, maintained by england, ii. . independence, not wished, but foreseen, by washington, i. , ; declared by congress, possibly through washington's influence, . indians, wars with in virginia, i. , ; in french and indian war, , ; desert english, ; in braddock's defeat, , , ; restless before revolution, ; in war of revolution, , ; punished by sullivan, ; policy toward, early suggested by washington, ; recommendations relative to in washington's address to congress, ii. ; the "indian problem" under washington's administration, - ; erroneous popular ideas of, , ; real character and military ability, - ; understood by washington, , ; a real danger in , ; situation in the northwest, ; difficulties with cherokees and creeks, , ; influence of spanish intrigue, ; successful treaty with creeks, , ; wisdom of this policy, ; warfare in the northwest, ; defeats of harmar and hardin, ; causes for the failure, , ; intrigues of england, , , , ; expedition and defeat of st. clair, - ; results, ; expedition of wayne, , ; his victory, ; success of washington's policy toward, , . iredell, james, appointed to supreme court, ii. . jackson, major, accompanies washington to opening of congress, ii. . jameson, colonel, forwards andrews letter to arnold, i. ; receives orders from washington, . jay, john, on opposition in congress, to washington, i. ; consulted by washington as to etiquette, ii. ; appointed chief justice, ; publishes card against genet, ; appointed on special mission to england, ; his character, ; instructions from washington, ; his reception in england, ; difficulties in negotiating, ; concludes treaty, ; burnt in effigy while absent, ; execrated after news of treaty, ; hampered by monroe in france, . jay treaty, ii. - ; opposition to and debate over signing, - ; reasons of washington for signing, . jefferson, thomas, his flight from cornwallis, i. ; discusses with washington needs of government, ii. ; adopts french democratic phraseology, ; contrast with washington, , , ; criticises washington's manners, ; made secretary of state, ; his previous relations with washington, ; his character, ; supposed to be a friend of the constitution, ; his objections to president's opening congress, ; on weights and measures, ; letter of washington to on assumption of state debts, ; makes bargain with hamilton, ; opposes a bank, ; asked to prepare neutrality instructions, ; upholds genet, ; argues against him publicly, supports him privately, ; notified of french privateer little sarah, ; allows it to sail, ; retires to country and is censured by washington, ; assures washington that vessel will wait his decision, ; his un-american attitude, ; wishes to make terms of note demanding genet's recall mild, ; argues that united states is bound by french treaty, , ; begs madison to answer hamilton's "camillus" letters, ; his attitude upon first entering cabinet, ; causes for his breach with hamilton, ; jealousy, incompatibility of temper, ; his democratic opinions, ; skill in creating party catch-words, ; prints "rights of man" with note against adams, ; attacks him further in letter to washington, ; brings freneau to philadelphia and gives him an office, ; denies any connection with freneau's newspaper, ; his real responsibility, ; his purpose to undermine hamilton, ; causes his friends to attack him, ; writes a letter to washington attacking hamilton's treasury measures, ; fails to produce any effect, ; winces under hamilton's counter attacks, ; reiterates charges and asserts devotion to constitution, ; continues attacks and resigns, ; wishes reëlection of washington, ; his charge of british sympathies resented by washington, ; plain letter of washington to, ; washington's opinion of, ; suggests logan's mission to france, , ; takes oath as vice-president, ; regarded as a jacobin by federalists, ; jealous of washington, ; accuses him of senility, ; a genuine american, . johnson, william, tory leader in new york, i. . johnstone, governor, peace commissioner, i. . jumonville, de, french leader, declared to have been assassinated by washington, i. , ; really a scout and spy, . kentucky resolutions, condemned by washington, ii. - . king, clarence, his opinion that washington was not american, ii. . king, rufus, publishes card exposing genet, ii. . king's bridge, fight at, i. . kip's landing, fight at, i. . kirkland, rev. samuel, negotiates with six nations, ii. . knox, henry, brings artillery to boston from ticonderoga, i. ; accompanies washington to meet de rochambeau, ; at west point, ; sent by washington to confer with governors of states, ; urged by washington to establish western posts, ii. ; letters of washington to, , ; made secretary of war, ; his character, ; a federalist, ; deals with creeks, ; urges decisive measure against genet, , ; letters of washington to, ; selected by washington as third major-general, ; given first place by adams, ; angry at hamilton's higher rank, ; refuses the office, ; his offer to serve on washington's staff refused, ; washington's affection for, , . lafayette, madame de, aided by washington, ii. ; letter of washington to, . lafayette, marquis de, washington's regard for, i. ; his opinion of continental troops, ; sent on fruitless journey to the lakes by cabal, , ; encouraged by washington, ; narrowly escapes being cut off by clinton, ; appointed to attack british rear, ; superseded by lee, ; urges washington to come, ; letter of washington to, regarding quarrel between d'estaing and sullivan, ; regard of washington for, ; desires to conquer canada, ; his plan not supported in france, ; works to get a french army sent, ; brings news of french army and fleet, ; tries to get de rochambeau to attack new york, ; accompanies washington to meet de rochambeau, ; told by washington of arnold's treachery, ; on court to try andré, ; opinion of continental soldiers, ; harasses cornwallis, ; defeated at green springs, ; watches cornwallis at yorktown, ; reinforced by de grasse, ; persuades him to remain, ; sends washington french wolf-hounds, ii. ; letters of washington to, , , , , , , ; his son not received by washington, ; later taken care of, , , ; his worth, early seen by washington, ; washington's affection for, ; sends key of bastile to mt. vernon, ; helped by washington, , . laurens, henry, letter of conway cabal to, making attack on washington, i. ; letters of washington to, , ; sent to paris to get loans, . lauzun, duc de, repulses tarleton at yorktown, i. . lear, tobias, washington's secretary, ii. ; his account of washington's last illness, - , ; letters to, , . lee, arthur, example of virginia gentleman educated abroad, i. . lee, charles, visits mt. vernon, his character, i. ; accompanies washington to boston, ; aids washington in organizing army, ; disobeys orders and is captured, ; objects to attacking clinton, ; first refuses, then claims command of van, ; disobeys orders and retreats, ; rebuked by washington, , ; court martial of and dismissal from army, ; his witty remark on taking oath of allegiance, ii. . lee, henry, marries lucy grymes, washington's "lowland beauty," i. . lee, henry, son of lucy grymes, washington's "lowland beauty," i. ; ii. ; captures paulus hook, i. ; letters of washington to, ii. , , , , , , ; considered for command against indians, ; commands troops to suppress whiskey rebellion, ; washington's affection for, . lee, richard henry, unfriendly to washington, i. ; letter of washington to, ii. . lewis, lawrence, at opening of congress, ii. ; takes social duties at mt. vernon, . liancourt, duc de, refused reception by washington, ii. . lincoln, abraham, compared with washington, i. ; ii. - . lincoln, benjamin, sent by washington against burgoyne, i. ; fails to understand washington's policy and tries to hold charleston, , ; captured, ; commissioner to treat with creeks, ii. . lippencott, captain, orders hanging of huddy, i. ; acquitted by english court martial, . little sarah, the affair of, - . livingston, chancellor, administers oath at washington's inauguration, ii. . livingston, edward, moves call for papers relating to jay treaty, ii. . logan, dr. george, goes on volunteer mission to france, ii. ; ridiculed by federalists, publishes defense, ; calls upon washington, ; mercilessly snubbed, - . long island, battle of, i. , . london, lord, disappoints washington by his inefficiency, i. . lovell, james, follows the adamses in opposing washington, i. ; wishes to supplant him by gates, ; writes hostile letters, . mackenzie, captain, letter of washington to, i. . madison, james, begins to desire a stronger government, ii. , ; letters of washington to, , , ; chosen for french mission, but does not go, . magaw, colonel, betrayed at fort washington, i. . "magnolia," washington's pet colt, beaten in a race, i. , ; ii. . marshall, john, chief justice, on special commission to france, ii. ; tells anecdote of washington's anger at cowardice, . maryland, the washington family in, i. . mason, george, discusses political outlook with washington, i. ; letter of washington to, ; an opponent of the constitution, ii. ; friendship of washington for, ; debates with washington the site of pohick church, . mason, s.t., communicates jay treaty to bache, ii. . massey, rev. lee, rector of pohick church, i. . mathews, george, letter of washington to, i. . matthews, edward, makes raids in virginia, i. . mawhood, general, defeated at princeton, i. . mcgillivray, alexander, chief of the creeks, ii. ; his journey to new york and interview with washington, . mchenry, james, at west point, i. ; letters to, , ii. , , , ; becomes secretary of war, ; advised by washington not to appoint democrats, , . mckean, thomas, given letters to dr. logan, ii. . mcmaster, john b., calls washington "an unknown man," i. , ii. ; calls him cold, , ; and avaricious in small ways, . meade, colonel richard, washington's opinion of, ii. . mercer, hugh, killed at princeton, i. . merlin,----, president of directory, interview with dr. logan, ii. . mifflin, thomas, wishes to supplant washington by gates, i. ; member of board of war, ; put under washington's orders, ; replies to washington's surrender of commission, ; meets washington on journey to inauguration, ii. ; notified of the little sarah, french privateer, ; orders its seizure, . militia, abandon continental army, i. ; cowardice of, ; despised by washington, ; leave army again, ; assist in defeat of burgoyne, . mischianza, i. . monmouth, battle of, i. - . monroe, james, appointed minister to france, ii. ; his character, ; intrigues against hamilton, ; effusively received in paris, ; acts foolishly, ; tries to interfere with jay, ; upheld, then condemned and recalled by washington, , ; writes a vindication, ; washington's opinion of him, , ; his selection one of washington's few mistakes, . montgomery, general richard, sent by washington to invade canada, i. . morgan, daniel, sent against burgoyne by washington, i. ; at saratoga, ; wins battle of cowpens, joins greene, . morris, gouverneur, letters of washington to, i. , ; efforts towards financial reform, ; quotes speech of washington at federal convention in his eulogy, ii. ; discussion as to his value as an authority, , note; goes to england on unofficial mission, ; balked by english insolence, ; comprehends french revolution, ; letters of washington to, on the revolution, , , ; recall demanded by france, ; letter of washington to, , , ; washington's friendship for, . morris, robert, letter of washington to, i. ; helps washington to pay troops, ; efforts towards financial reform, ; difficulty in helping washington in , , ; considered for secretary of treasury, ii. ; his bank policy approved by washington, ; washington's friendship for, . moustier, demands private access to washington, ii. ; refused, , . murray, vans, minister in holland, interview with dr. logan, ii. ; nominated for french mission by adams, ; written to by washington, . muse, adjutant, trains washington in tactics and art of war, i. . napoleon, orders public mourning for washington's death, i. . nelson, general, letter of washington to, i. . newburgh, addresses, ii. . new england, character of people, i. ; attitude toward washington, , ; troops disliked by washington, ; later praised by him, , , ; threatened by burgoyne's invasion, ; its delegates in congress demand appointment of gates, ; and oppose washington, ; welcomes washington on tour as president, ii. ; more democratic than other colonies before revolution, ; disliked by washington for this reason, . newenham, sir edward, letter of washington to on american foreign policy, ii. . new york, washington's first visit to, i. , ; defense of, in revolution, - ; abandoned by washington, ; howe establishes himself in, ; reoccupied by clinton, ; washington's journey to, ii. ; inauguration in, ; rioting in, against jay treaty, . nicholas, john, letter of washington to, ii. . nicola, col., urges washington to establish a despotism, i. . noailles, vicomte de, french émigré, referred to state department, ii. , . o'flinn, captain, washington's friendship with, ii. . organization of the national government, absence of materials to work with, ii. ; debate over title of president, ; over his communications with senate, ; over presidential etiquette, - ; appointment of officials to cabinet offices established by congress, - ; appointment of supreme court judges, . orme,----, letter of washington to, i. . paine, thomas, his "rights of man" reprinted by jefferson, ii. . parkinson, richard, says washington was harsh to slaves, i. ; contradicts statement elsewhere, ; tells stories of washington's pecuniary exactness, ii. , , ; his character, ; his high opinion of washington, . parton, james, considers washington as good but commonplace, ii. , . peachey, captain, letter of washington to, i. . pendleton, edmund, virginia delegate to continental congress, i. . pennsylvania, refuses to fight the french, i. , ; fails to help washington, ; remonstrates against his going into winter quarters, ; condemned by washington, ; compromises with mutineers, . philipse, mary, brief love-affair of washington with, i. , . phillips, general, commands british troops in virginia, i. ; death of, . pickering, colonel, quiets six nations, ii. . pickering, timothy, letter of washington to, on french revolution, ii. ; on failure of spanish negotiations, ; recalls washington to philadelphia to receive fauchet letter, ; succeeds randolph, ; letters of washington to, on party government, ; appeals to washington against adams's reversal of hamilton's rank, ; letters of washington to, , ; criticises washington as a commonplace person, . pinckney, charles c., letter of washington to, ii. ; appointed to succeed monroe as minister to france, ; refused reception, ; sent on special commission, ; named by washington as general, ; accepts without complaint of hamilton's higher rank, ; washington's friendship with, . pinckney, thomas, sent on special mission to spain, ii. ; unsuccessful at first, ; succeeds in making a good treaty, ; credit of his exploit, ; letter of washington to, . pitt, william, his conduct of french war, i. , . princeton, battle of, i. - . privateers, sent out by washington, i. . "protection" favored in the first congress, ii. - ; arguments of hamilton for, , ; of washington, - . provincialism, of americans, i. ; with regard to foreign officers, , , - ; with regard to foreign politics, ii. , , , , . putnam, israel, escapes with difficulty from new york, i. ; fails to help washington at trenton, ; warned to defend the hudson, ; tells washington of burgoyne's surrender, ; rebuked by washington, ; amuses washington, ii. . rahl, colonel, defeated and killed at trenton, i. . randolph, edmund, letter of washington to, ii. , ; relations with washington, ; appointed attorney-general, ; his character, , ; a friend of the constitution, ; opposes a bank, ; letter of washington to, on protective bounties, ; drafts neutrality proclamation, ; vacillates with regard to genet, ; argues that united states is bound by french alliance, ; succeeds jefferson as secretary of state, ; directed to prepare a remonstrance against english "provision order," ; opposed to jay treaty, ; letter of washington to, on conditional ratification, , , , ; guilty, apparently, from fauchet letter, of corrupt practices, ; his position not a cause for washington's signing treaty, - ; receives fauchet letter, resigns, ; his personal honesty, ; his discreditable carelessness, ; fairly treated by washington, , ; his complaints against washington, ; letter of washington to, concerning monroe, ; at first a federalist, . randolph, john, on early disappearance of virginia colonial society, i. . rawdon, lord, commands british forces in south, too distant to help cornwallis, i. . reed, joseph, letters of washington to, i. , . revolution, war of, foreseen by washington, i. , ; lexington and concord, ; bunker hill, ; siege of boston, - ; organization of army, - ; operations in new york, ; invasion of canada, , ; question as to treatment of prisoners, - ; causes of british defeat, , ; campaign near new york, - ; causes for attempted defense of brooklyn, , ; battle of long island, - ; escape of americans, ; affair at kip's bay, ; at king's bridge, ; at frog's point, ; battle of white plains, ; at chatterton hill, ; capture of forts washington and lee, , ; pursuit of washington into new jersey, - ; retirement of howe to new york, ; battle of trenton, , ; campaign of princeton, - ; its brilliancy, ; philadelphia campaign, - ; british march across new jersey prevented by washington, ; sea voyage to delaware, ; battle of the brandywine, - ; causes for defeat, ; defeat of wayne, ; philadelphia taken by howe, ; battle of germantown, ; its significance, , ; burgoyne's invasion, - ; washington's preparations for, - ; howe's error in neglecting to cooperate, ; capture of ticonderoga, ; battles of bennington, oriskany, fort schuyler, ; battle of saratoga, ; british repulse at fort mercer, ; destruction of the forts, ; fruitless skirmishing before philadelphia, ; valley forge, - ; evacuation of philadelphia, ; battle of monmouth, - ; its effect, ; cruise and failure of d'estaing at newport, , ; failure of d'estaing at savannah, , ; storming of stony point, , ; tory raids near new york, ; standstill in , ; siege and capture of charleston, , , ; operations of french and americans near newport, , ; battle of camden, ; treason of arnold, - ; battle of cowpens, ; retreat of greene before cornwallis, ; battle of guilford court house, ; successful operations of greene, , ; southern campaign planned by washington, - ; feints against clinton, ; operations of cornwallis and lafayette in virginia, ; naval supremacy secured by washington, , ; battle of de grasse and graves off chesapeake, ; transport of american army to virginia, - ; siege and capture of yorktown, - ; masterly character of campaign, - ; petty operations before new york, ; treaty of peace, . rives, on washington's doubts of constitutionality of bank, ii. . robinson, beverly, speaker of virginia house of burgesses, his compliment to washington, i. . robinson, colonel, loyalist, i. . rumsey, james, the inventor, asks washington's consideration of his steamboat, ii. . rush, benjamin, describes washington's impressiveness, ii. . rutledge, john, letter of washington to, i. ; nomination rejected by senate, ii. ; nominated to supreme court, . st. clair, arthur, removed after loss of ticonderoga, i. ; appointed to command against indians, ii. ; receives instructions and begins expedition, ; defeated, ; his character, ; fair treatment by washington, ; popular execration of, . st. pierre, m. de, french governor in ohio, i. . st. simon, count, reinforces lafayette, i. . sandwich, lord, calls all yankees cowards, i. . saratoga, anecdote concerning, i. . savage, edward, characteristics of his portrait of washington, i. . savannah, siege of, i. . scammel, colonel, amuses washington, ii. . schuyler, philip, accompanies washington to boston, i. ; appointed military head in new york, ; directed by washington how to meet burgoyne, ; fails to carry out directions, ; removed, ; value of his preparations, . scott, charles, commands expedition against indians, ii. . sea-power, its necessity seen by washington, i. , , , , , , . sectional feeling, deplored by washington, ii. . sharpe, governor, offers washington a company, i. ; washington's reply to, . shays's rebellion, comments of washington and jefferson upon, ii. , . sherman, roger, makes sarcastic remark about wilkinson, i. . shirley, governor william, adjusts matter of washington's rank, i. , . short, william, minister to holland, on commission regarding opening of mississippi, ii. . six nations, make satisfactory treaties, ii. ; stirred up by english, ; but pacified, , . slavery, in virginia, i. ; its evil effects, ; washington's attitude toward slaves, ; his condemnation of the system, , ; gradual emancipation favored, , . smith, colonel, letter of washington to, ii. . spain, instigates indians to hostilities, ii. , , ; blocks mississippi, ; makes treaty with pinckney opening mississippi, , ; angered at jay treaty, . sparks, jared, his alterations of washington's letters, ii. , . spotswood, alexander, asks washington's opinion of alien and sedition acts, ii. . stamp act, washington's opinion of, i. , . stark, general, leads attack at trenton, i. . states, in the revolutionary war, appeals of washington to, i. , , , , , , , , , , ; issue paper money, ; grow tired of the war, ; alarmed by mutinies, ; try to appease soldiers, , ; their selfishness condemned by washington, ; ii. , ; thwart indian policy of congress, . stephen, adam, late in attacking at germantown, i. . steuben, baron, washington's appreciation of, i. , ; drills the army at valley forge, ; annoys washington by wishing higher command, ; sent on mission to demand surrender of western posts, ; his worth recognized by washington, ii. . stirling, lord, defeated and captured at long island, i. . stockton, mrs., letter of washington to, ii. . stone, general, tells stories of washington's closeness, ii. , . stuart, david, letters of washington to, ii. , , , . stuart, gilbert, his portrait of washington contrasted with savage's, i. . sullivan, john, general, surprised at long island, i. ; attacks at trenton, ; surprised and crushed at brandywine, , ; unites with d'estaing to attack newport, ; angry at d'estaing's desertion, ; soothed by washington, ; sent against indians, , . supreme court, appointed by washington, ii. . taft,----, kindness of washington toward, ii. . talleyrand, eulogistic report to napoleon on death of washington, i. , note; remark on hamilton, ii. ; refused reception by washington, . tarleton, sir banastre, tries to escape at yorktown, i. . thatcher, dr., on washington's appearance when taking command of army, i. . thomson, charles, complimented by washington on retiring from secretary-ship of continental congress, ii. . tories, hated by washington, i. ; his reasons, ; active in new york, ; suppressed by washington, ; in philadelphia, impressed by continental army, ; make raids on frontier, ; strong in southern states, ; raids under tryon, . trent, captain, his incompetence in dealing with indians and french, i. . trenton, campaign of, i. - . trumbull, governor, letter of washington to, refusing to stand for a third term, ii. - ; other letters, . trumbull, john, on new england army before boston, i. . trumbull, jonathan, his message on better government praised by washington, ii. ; letters to, ; washington's friendship for, . tryon, governor, tory leader in new york, i. ; his intrigues stopped by washington, , ; conspires to murder washington, ; makes raids in connecticut, . valley forge, continental army at, i. - . van braam, jacob, friend of lawrence washington, trains george in fencing, i. ; accompanies him on mission to french, . vergennes, requests release of asgill, i. , ; letter of washington to, ; proposes to submit disposition of a subsidy to washington, . virginia, society in, before the revolution, i. - ; its entire change since then, , ; population, distribution, and numbers, , ; absence of towns, ; and town life, ; trade and travel in, ; social classes, - ; slaves and poor whites, ; clergy, ; planters and their estates, ; their life, ; education, ; habits of governing, ; luxury and extravagance, ; apparent wealth, ; agreeableness of life, ; aristocratic ideals, ; vigor of stock, ; unwilling to fight french, ; quarrels with dinwiddie, ; thanks washington after his french campaign, ; terrified at braddock's defeat, ; gives washington command, ; fails to support him, , , ; bad economic conditions in, , ; local government in, ; condemns stamp act, ; adopts non-importation, ; condemns boston port bill, ; asks opinion of counties, ; chooses delegates to a congress, ; prepares for war, ; british campaign in, , - ; ratifies constitution, ii. ; evil effect of free trade upon, , ; nullification resolutions, ; strength of its aristocracy, . wade, colonel, in command at west point after arnold's flight, i. . walker, benjamin, letter of washington to, ii. . warren, james, letters of washington to, i. , ii. . washington, ancestry, i. - ; early genealogical researches concerning, - ; pedigree finally established, ; origin of family, ; various members during middle ages, ; on royalist side in english civil war, , ; character of family, ; emigration to virginia, , ; career of washingtons in maryland, ; in virginia history, ; their estates, . washington, augustine, father of george washington, birth, i. ; death, ; character, ; his estate, ; ridiculous part played by in weems's anecdotes, , . washington, augustine, half brother of george washington, keeps him after his father's death, i. . washington, bushrod, refused appointment as attorney by washington, ii. ; educated by him, . washington, george, honors to his memory in france, i. ; in england, ; grief in america, , ; general admission of his greatness, ; its significance, , ; tributes from england, ; from other countries, , ; yet an "unknown" man, ; minuteness of knowledge concerning, ; has become subject of myths, ; development of the weems myth about, , ; necessity of a new treatment of, ; significant difference of real and ideal portraits of, ; his silence regarding himself, ; underlying traits, . _early life_. ancestry, - ; birth, ; origin of weems's anecdotes about, - ; their absurdity and evil results, - ; early schooling, ; plan to send him to sea, , ; studies to be a surveyor, ; his rules of behavior, ; his family connections with fairfaxes, , ; his friendship with lord fairfax, ; surveys fairfax's estate, , , ; made public surveyor, ; his life at the time, , ; influenced by fairfax's cultivation, ; goes to west indies with his brother, ; has the small-pox, ; observations on the voyage, , ; returns to virginia, ; becomes guardian of his brother's daughter, . _service against the french and indians_. receives military training, ; a military appointment, ; goes on expedition to treat with french, ; meets indians, ; deals with french, ; dangers of journey, ; his impersonal account, , ; appointed to command force against french, , ; his anger at neglect of virginia assembly, ; attacks and defeats force of jumonville, ; called murderer by the french, ; surrounded by french at great meadows, ; surrenders, ; recklessness of his expedition, , ; effect of experience upon, ; gains a european notoriety, ; thanked by virginia, ; protests against dinwiddie's organization of soldiers, ; refuses to serve when ranked by british officers, ; accepts position on braddock's staff, ; his treatment there, ; advises braddock, ; rebuked for warning against surprise, ; his bravery in the battle, ; conducts retreat, , ; effect of experience on him, ; declines to solicit command of virginia troops, ; accepts it when offered, ; his difficulties with assembly, ; and with troops, ; settles question of rank, ; writes freely in criticism of government, , ; retires for rest to mt. vernon, ; offers services to general forbes, ; irritated at slowness of english, , ; his love affairs, , ; journey to boston, - ; at festivities in new york and philadelphia, ; meets martha custis, ; his wedding, , ; elected to house of burgesses, ; confused at being thanked by assembly, ; his local position, ; tries to farm his estate, ; his management of slaves, , , , ; cares for interests of old soldiers, ; rebukes a coward, ; cares for education of stepson, ; his furnishing of house, ; hunting habits, - ; punishes a poacher, ; participates in colonial and local government, ; enters into society, , . _congressional delegate from virginia_. his influence in assembly, ; discusses stamp act with mason, ; foresees result to be independence, ; rejoices at its repeal, but notes declaratory act, ; ready to use force to defend colonial rights, ; presents non-importation resolutions to burgesses, ; abstains from english products, ; notes ominous movements among indians, ; on good terms with royal governors, , ; observes fast on account of boston port bill, ; has controversy with bryan fairfax over parliamentary policy, , , ; presides at fairfax county meeting, ; declares himself ready for action, ; at convention of counties, offers to march to relief of boston, ; elected to continental congress, ; his journey, ; silent in congress, ; writes to a british officer that independence is not desired, but war is certain, , ; returns to virginia, ; aids in military preparations, ; his opinion after concord, ; at second continental congress, wears uniform, ; made commander-in-chief, ; his modesty and courage in accepting position, , ; political motives for his choice, ; his popularity, ; his journey to boston, , ; receives news of bunker hill, ; is received by massachusetts provincial assembly, . _commander of the army_. takes command at cambridge, ; his impression upon people, , , ; begins reorganization of army, ; secures number of troops, ; enforces discipline, his difficulties, , ; forced to lead congress, ; to arrange rank of officers, ; organizes privateers, ; discovers lack of powder, ; plans campaigns in canada and elsewhere, , ; his plans of attack on boston overruled by council of war, ; writes to gage urging that captives be treated as prisoners of war, ; skill of his letter, ; retorts to gage's reply, ; continues dispute with howe, ; annoyed by insufficiency of provisions, ; and by desertions, ; stops quarrel between virginia and marblehead soldiers, ; suggests admiralty committees, ; annoyed by army contractors, ; and criticism, ; letter to joseph reed, ; occupies dorchester heights, ; begins to like new england men better, ; rejoices at prospect of a fight, ; departure of british due to his leadership, ; sends troops immediately to new york, ; enters boston, ; expects a hard war, ; urges upon congress the necessity of preparing for a long struggle, ; his growing hatred of tories, , ; goes to new york, , ; difficulties of the situation, ; suppresses tories, ; urges congress to declare independence, , ; discovers and punishes a conspiracy to assassinate, ; insists on his title in correspondence with howe, ; justice of his position, ; quiets sectional jealousies in army, ; his military inferiority to british, ; obliged by political considerations to attempt defense of new york, , ; assumes command on long island, ; sees defeat of his troops, ; sees plan of british fleet to cut off retreat, ; secures retreat of army, ; explains his policy of avoiding a pitched battle, ; anger at flight of militia at kip's bay, ; again secures safe retreat, ; secures slight advantage in a skirmish, ; continues to urge congress to action, , ; success of his letters in securing a permanent army, ; surprised by advance of british fleet, ; moves to white plains, ; blocks british advance, ; advises abandonment of american forts, ; blames himself for their capture, ; leads diminishing army through new jersey, ; makes vain appeals for aid, ; resolves to take the offensive, ; desperateness of his situation, ; pledges his estate and private fortune to raise men, ; orders disregarded by officers, ; crosses delaware and captures hessians, , ; has difficulty in retaining soldiers, ; repulses cornwallis at assunpink, ; outwits cornwallis and wins battle at princeton, ; excellence of his strategy, ; effect of this campaign in saving revolution, , ; withdraws to morristown, ; fluctuations in size of army, ; his determination to keep the field, , ; criticised by congress for not fighting, ; hampered by congressional interference, ; issues proclamation requiring oath of allegiance, ; attacked in congress for so doing, ; annoyed by congressional alterations of rank, ; and by foreign military adventurers, ; value of his services in suppressing them, ; his american feelings, , ; warns congress in vain that howe means to attack philadelphia, ; baffles howe's advance across new jersey, ; learning of his sailing, marches to defend philadelphia, ; offers battle at brandywine, , ; out-generaled and beaten, ; rallies army and prepares to fight again, ; prevented by storm, ; attacks british at germantown, ; defeated, ; exposes himself in battle, ; real success of his action, ; despised by english, ; foresees danger of burgoyne's invasion, ; sends instructions to schuyler, ; urges use of new england and new york militia, ; dreads northern advance of howe, ; determines to hold him at all hazards, , ; not cast down by loss of ticonderoga, ; urges new england to rise, ; sends all possible troops, ; refuses to appoint a commander for northern army, ; his probable reasons, ; continues to send suggestions, ; slighted by gates after burgoyne's surrender, ; rise of opposition in congress, ; arouses ill-feeling by his frankness, , ; distrusted by samuel and john adams, ; by others, , ; formation of a plan to supplant him by gates, ; opposed by gates, mifflin, and conway, , ; angers conway by preventing his increase in rank, ; is refused troops by gates, ; defends and loses delaware forts, ; refuses to attack howe, ; propriety of his action, ; becomes aware of cabal, ; alarms them by showing extent of his knowledge, ; attacked bitterly in congress, ; insulted by gates, ; refuses to resign, ; refuses to notice cabal publicly, ; complains privately of slight support from pennsylvania, ; continues to push gates for explanations, ; regains complete control after collapse of cabal, , ; withdraws to valley forge, ; desperation of his situation, ; criticised by pennsylvania legislature for going into winter quarters, ; his bitter reply, ; his unbending resolution, ; continues to urge improvements in army organization, ; manages to hold army together, ; sends lafayette to watch philadelphia, ; determines to fight, ; checked by lee, ; pursues clinton, ; orders lee to attack british rearguard, ; discovers his force retreating, ; rebukes lee and punishes him, , ; takes command and stops retreat, ; repulses british and assumes offensive, ; success due to his work at valley forge, ; celebrates french alliance, ; has to confront difficulty of managing allies, , ; welcomes d'estaing, ; obliged to quiet recrimination after newport failure, ; his letter to sullivan, ; to lafayette, ; to d'estaing, ; tact and good effect of his letters, ; offers to cooperate in an attack on new york, ; furnishes admirable suggestions to d'estaing, ; not dazzled by french, ; objects to giving rank to foreign officers, , ; opposes transfer of steuben from inspectorship to the line, ; his thoroughly american position, ; absence of provinciality, , ; a national leader, ; opposes invasion of canada, ; foresees danger of its recapture by france, , ; his clear understanding of french motives, , ; rejoices in condition of patriot cause, ; foresees ruin to army in financial troubles, ; has to appease mutinies among unpaid troops, ; appeals to congress, ; urges election of better delegates to congress, ; angry with speculators, , ; futility of his efforts, , ; his increasing alarm at social demoralization, ; effect of his exertions, ; conceals his doubts of the french, ; watches new york, ; keeps dreading an english campaign, ; labors with congress to form a navy, ; plans expedition to chastise indians, ; realizes that things are at a standstill in the north, ; sees danger to lie in the south, but determines to remain himself near new york, ; not consulted by congress in naming general for southern army, ; plans attack on stony point, ; hatred of ravaging methods of british warfare, ; again has great difficulties in winter quarters, ; unable to act on offensive in the spring, , ; unable to help south, ; advises abandonment of charleston, ; learns of arrival of french army, ; plans a number of enterprises with it, , ; refuses, even after loss of charleston, to abandon hudson, ; welcomes rochambeau, ; writes to congress against too optimistic feelings, , ; has extreme difficulty in holding army together, ; urges french to attack new york, ; sends maryland troops south after camden, ; arranges meeting with rochambeau at hartford, ; popular enthusiasm over him, ; goes to west point, ; surprised at arnold's absence, ; learns of his treachery, , ; his cool behavior, ; his real feelings, ; his conduct toward andré, ; its justice, , ; his opinion of arnold, , ; his responsibility in the general breakdown of the congress and army, ; obliged to quell food mutinies in army, , ; difficulty of situation, ; his influence the salvation of army, ; his greatness best shown in this way, ; rebukes congress, ; appoints greene to command southern army, ; sends knox to confer with state governors, ; secures temporary relief for army, ; sees the real defect is in weak government, ; urges adoption of articles of confederation, ; works for improvements in executive, , ; still keeps a southern movement in mind, ; unable to do anything through lack of naval power, ; rebukes lund washington for entertaining british at mt. vernon, ; still unable to fight, ; tries to frighten clinton into remaining in new york, ; succeeds with aid of rochambeau, ; explains his plan to french and to congress, ; learns of de grasse's approach, prepares to move south, ; writes to de grasse to meet him in chesapeake, ; fears a premature peace, ; pecuniary difficulties, ; absolute need of command of sea, ; persuades de barras to join de grasse, ; starts on march for chesapeake, ; hampered by lack of supplies, ; and by threat of congress to reduce army, ; passes through mt. vernon, ; succeeds in persuading de grasse not to abandon him, ; besieges cornwallis, ; sees capture of redoubts, ; receives surrender of cornwallis, ; admirable strategy and management of campaign, ; his personal influence the cause of success, ; especially his use of the fleet, ; his management of cornwallis through lafayette, ; his boldness in transferring army away from new york, ; does not lose his head over victory, ; urges de grasse to repeat success against charleston, ; returns north, ; saddened by death of custis, ; continues to urge congress to action, ; writes letters to the states, ; does not expect english surrender, ; urges renewed vigor, ; points out that war actually continues, ; urges not to give up army until peace is actually secured, ; failure of his appeals, ; reduced to inactivity, ; angered at murder of huddy, ; threatens carleton with retaliation, ; releases asgill at request of vergennes and order of congress, , ; disclaims credit, ; justification of his behavior, ; his tenderness toward the soldiers, ; jealousy of congress toward him, ; warns congress of danger of further neglect of army, , ; takes control of mutinous movement, ; his address to the soldiers, ; its effect, ; movement among soldiers to make him dictator, ; replies to revolutionary proposals, ; reality of the danger, ; causes for his behaviour, , ; a friend of strong government, but devoid of personal ambition, ; chafes under delay to disband army, ; tries to secure western posts, ; makes a journey through new york, ; gives congress excellent but futile advice, ; issues circular letter to governors, ; and farewell address to army, ; enters new york after departure of british, ; his farewell to his officers, ; adjusts his accounts, ; appears before congress, ; french account of his action, ; makes speech resigning commission, , . _in retirement_. returns to mt. vernon, ii. i; tries to resume old life, ; gives up hunting, ; pursued by lion-hunters and artists, ; overwhelmed with correspondence, ; receives letters from europe, ; from cranks, ; from officers, ; his share in society of cincinnati, ; manages his estate, ; visits western lands, ; family cares, , ; continues to have interest in public affairs, ; advises congress regarding peace establishment, ; urges acquisition of western posts, ; his broad national views, ; alone in realizing future greatness of country, , ; appreciates importance of the west, ; urges development of inland navigation, ; asks jefferson's aid, , ; lays canal scheme before virginia legislature, ; his arguments, ; troubled by offer of stock, ; uses it to endow two schools, ; significance of his scheme, , ; his political purposes in binding west to east, ; willing to leave mississippi closed for this purpose, , , ; feels need of firmer union during revolution, ; his arguments, , ; his influence starts movement for reform, ; continues to urge it during retirement, ; foresees disasters of confederation, ; urges impost scheme, ; condemns action of states, , , ; favours commercial agreement between maryland and virginia, ; stung by contempt of foreign powers, ; his arguments for a national government, ; points out designs of england, ; works against paper money craze in states, ; his opinion of shays's rebellion, ; his position contrasted with jefferson's, ; influence of his letters, , ; shrinks from participating in federal convention, ; elected unanimously, ; refuses to go to a feeble convention, , ; finally makes up his mind, . _in the federal convention_. speech attributed to washington by morris on duties of delegates, , ; chosen to preside, ; takes no part in debate, ; his influence in convention, , ; despairs of success, ; signs the constitution, ; words attributed to him, ; silent as to his thoughts, , ; sees clearly danger of failure to ratify, ; tries at first to act indifferently, ; begins to work for ratification, ; writes letters to various people, , ; circulates copies of "federalist," ; saves ratification in virginia, ; urges election of federalists to congress, ; receives general request to accept presidency, ; his objections, , ; dreads failure and responsibility, ; elected, ; his journey to new york, - ; speech at alexandria, ; popular reception at all points, , ; his feelings, ; his inauguration, . _president_. his speech to congress, ; urges no specific policy, , ; his solemn feelings, ; his sober view of necessities of situation, ; question of his title, ; arranges to communicate with senate by writing, , ; discusses social etiquette, ; takes middle ground, ; wisdom of his action, ; criticisms by democrats, , ; accused of monarchical leanings, , ; familiarizes himself with work already accomplished under confederation, ; his business habits, ; refuses special privileges to french minister, , ; skill of his reply, , ; solicited for office, ; his views on appointment, ; favors friends of constitution and old soldiers, ; success of his appointments, ; selects a cabinet, ; his regard for knox ; for morris, ; his skill in choosing, ; his appreciation of hamilton, ; his grounds for choosing jefferson, ; his contrast with jefferson, ; his choice a mistake in policy, ; his partisan characteristics, , ; excludes anti-federalists, ; nominates justices of supreme court, ; their party character, ; illness, ; visits the eastern states, ; his reasons, ; stirs popular enthusiasm, ; snubbed by hancock in massachusetts, ; accepts hancock's apology, ; importance of his action, ; success of journey, ; opens congress, , ; his speech and its recommendations, ; how far carried out, - ; national character of the speech, ; his fitness to deal with indians, ; his policy, ; appoints commission to treat with creeks, ; ascribes its failure to spanish intrigue, ; succeeds by a personal interview in making treaty, ; wisdom of his policy, ; orders an expedition against western indians, ; angered at its failure, ; and at conduct of frontiersmen, ; prepares st. clair's expedition, ; warns against ambush, ; hopes for decisive results, ; learns of st. clair's defeat, ; his self-control, ; his outburst of anger against st. clair, , ; masters his feelings, ; treats st. clair kindly, ; determines on a second campaign, ; selects wayne and other officers, ; tries to secure peace with tribes, ; efforts prevented by english influence, , ; and in south by conduct of georgia, ; general results of his indian policy, ; popular misunderstandings and criticism, , ; favors assumption of state debts by the government, , ; satisfied with bargain between hamilton and jefferson, ; his respectful attitude toward constitution, ; asks opinions of cabinet on constitutionality of bank, ; signs bill creating it, ; reasons for his decision, ; supports hamilton's financial policy, ; supports hamilton's views on protection, , ; appreciates evil economic condition of virginia, , ; sees necessity for self-sufficient industries in war time, ; urges protection, , , ; his purpose to build up national feeling, ; approves national excise tax, , ; does not realize unpopularity of method, ; ready to modify but insists on obedience, , ; issues proclamation against rioters, ; since pennsylvania frontier continues rebellious, issues second proclamation threatening to use force, ; calls out the militia, ; his advice to leaders and troops, ; importance of washington's firmness, ; his good judgment and patience, ; decides success of the central authority, ; early advocacy of separation of united states from european politics, ; studies situation, , ; sees importance of binding west with eastern states, ; sees necessity of good relations with england, ; authorizes morris to sound england as to exchange of ministers and a commercial treaty, ; not disturbed by british bad manners, ; succeeds in establishing diplomatic relations, ; early foresees danger of excess in french revolution, , ; states a policy of strict neutrality, , , ; difficulties of his situation, ; objects to action of national assembly on tobacco and oil, ; denies reported request by united states that england mediate with indians, ; announces neutrality in case of a european war, ; instructs cabinet to prepare a neutrality proclamation, ; importance of this step not understood at time, , ; foresees coming difficulties, , ; acts cautiously toward _émigrés_, ; contrast with genet, ; greets him coldly, ; orders steps taken to prevent violations of neutrality, , ; retires to mt. vernon for rest, ; on returning finds jefferson has allowed little sarah to escape, ; writes a sharp note to jefferson, ; anger at escape, ; takes matters out of jefferson's hands, ; determines on asking recall of genet, ; revokes exequatur of duplaine, french consul, ; insulted by genet, , ; refuses to deny jay's card, ; upheld by popular feeling, ; his annoyance at the episode, ; obliged to teach american people self-respect, , ; deals with troubles incited by genet in the west, , ; sympathizes with frontiersmen, ; comprehends value of mississippi, , ; sends a commission to madrid to negotiate about free navigation, ; later sends thomas pinckney, ; despairs of success, ; apparent conflict between french treaties and neutrality, , ; value of washington's policy to england, ; in spite of england's attitude, intends to keep peace, ; wishes to send hamilton as envoy, ; after his refusal appoints jay, ; fears that england intends war, ; determines to be prepared, ; urges upon jay the absolute necessity of england's giving up western posts, ; dissatisfied with jay treaty but willing to sign it, ; in doubt as to meaning of conditional ratification, ; protests against english "provision order" and refuses signature, ; meets uproar against treaty alone, ; determines to sign, ; answers resolutions of boston town meeting, ; refuses to abandon his judgment to popular outcry, ; distinguishes temporary from permanent feeling, ; fears effect of excitement upon french government, ; his view of dangers of situation, , ; recalled to philadelphia by cabinet, ; receives intercepted correspondence of fauchet, , ; his course of action already determined, , ; not influenced by the fauchet letter, ; evidence of this, , ; reasons for ratifying before showing letter to randolph, , ; signs treaty, ; evidence that he did not sacrifice randolph, , ; fairness of his action, ; refuses to reply to randolph's attack, ; reasons for signing treaty, ; justified in course of time, ; refuses on constitutional grounds the call of representatives for documents, ; insists on independence of treaty-making by executive and senate, ; overcomes hostile majority in house, ; wishes madison to succeed morris at paris, ; appoints monroe, ; his mistake in not appointing a political supporter, ; disgusted at monroe's behavior, , ; recalls monroe and appoints c.c. pinckney, ; angered at french policy, ; his contempt for monroe's self-justification, , ; review of foreign policy, - ; his guiding principle national independence, ; and abstention from european politics, ; desires peace and time for growth, , ; wishes development of the west, , ; wisdom of his policy, ; considers parties dangerous, ; but chooses cabinet from federalists, ; prepared to undergo criticism, ; willingness to bear it, ; desires to learn public feeling, by travels, , ; feels that body of people will support national government, ; sees and deplores sectional feelings in the south, , ; objects to utterances of newspapers, ; attacked by "national gazette," ; receives attacks on hamilton from jefferson and his friends, , ; sends charges to hamilton, ; made anxious by signs of party division, ; urges both hamilton and jefferson to cease quarrel, , ; dreads an open division in cabinet, ; desirous to rule without party, ; accomplishes feat of keeping both secretaries in cabinet, ; keeps confidence in hamilton, ; urged by all parties to accept presidency again, ; willing to be reelected, ; pleased at unanimous vote, ; his early immunity from attacks, ; later attacked by freneau and bache, ; regards opposition as dangerous to country, ; asserts his intention to disregard them, ; his success in genet affair, ; disgusted at "democratic" societies, ; thinks they fomented whiskey rebellion, ; denounces them to congress, ; effect of his remarks, ; accused of tyranny after jay treaty, ; of embezzlement, ; of aristocracy, ; realizes that he must compose cabinet of sympathizers, ; reconstructs it, ; states determination to govern by party, ; slighted by house, ; refuses a third term, ; publishes farewell address, ; his justification for so doing, ; his wise advice, ; address attacked by democrats, , ; assailed in congress by giles, ; resents charge of being a british sympathizer, ; his scrupulously fair conduct toward france, ; his resentment at english policy, ; his retirement celebrated by the opposition, ; remarks of the "aurora," ; forged letters of british circulated, ; he repudiates them, ; his view of opposition, . _in retirement_. regards adams's administration as continuation of his own, ; understands jefferson's attitude, ; wishes generals of provisional army to be federalist, ; doubts fidelity of opposition as soldiers, ; dreads their poisoning mind of army, ; his condemnation of democrats, , ; snubs dr. logan for assuming an unofficial mission to france, - ; alarmed at virginia and kentucky resolutions, ; urges henry to oppose virginia resolutions, ; condemns the french party as unpatriotic, ; refuses request to stand again for presidency, ; comments on partisanship of democrats, ; believes that he would be no better candidate than any other federalist, , ; error of statement that washington was not a party man, , ; slow to relinquish non-partisan position, ; not the man to shrink from declaring his position, ; becomes a member of federalist party, , ; eager for end of term of office, ; his farewell dinner, ; at adams's inauguration, ; popular enthusiasm at philadelphia, ; at baltimore, ; returns to mt. vernon, ; describes his farm life, , ; burdened by necessities of hospitality, ; account of his meeting with bernard, - ; continued interest in politics, ; accepts command of provisional army, ; selects hamilton, pinckney, and knox as major-generals, ; surprised at adams's objection to hamilton, ; rebukes adams for altering order of rank of generals, , ; not influenced by intrigue, ; annoyed by adams's conduct, ; tries to soothe knox's irritation, ; fails to pacify him, ; carries out organization of army, ; does not expect actual war, ; disapproves of gerry's conduct, ; disapproves of adams's nomination of vans murray, ; his dread of french revolution, ; distrusts adams's attempts at peace, ; approves alien and sedition laws, ; his defense of them, ; distressed by dissensions among federalists, ; predicts their defeat, ; his sudden illness, - ; death, . _character_, misunderstood, ; extravagantly praised, ; disliked on account of being called faultless, ; bitterly attacked in lifetime, ; sneered at by jefferson, ; by pickering, ; called an englishman, not an american, , ; difference of his type from that of lincoln, ; none the less american, , ; compared with hampden, ; his manners those of the times elsewhere in america, ; aristocratic, but of a non-english type, - ; less affected by southern limitations than his neighbors, ; early dislike of new england changed to respect, , ; friendly with people of humble origin, , ; never an enemy of democracy, ; but opposes french excesses, ; his self-directed and american training, , ; early conception of a nation, ; works toward national government during revolution, ; his interest in western expansion, , ; national character of his indian policy, ; of his desire to secure free mississippi navigation, ; of his opposition to war as a danger to union, ; his anger at accusation of foreign subservience, ; continually asserts necessity for independent american policy, , ; opposes foreign educational influences, , ; favors foundation of a national university, ; breadth and strength of his national feeling, ; absence of boastfulness about country, ; faith in it, ; charge that he was merely a figure-head, ; its injustice, ; charged with commonplaceness of intellect, ; incident of the deathbed explained, , ; falsity of the charge, ; inability of mere moral qualities to achieve what he did, ; charged with dullness and coldness, ; his seriousness, ; responsibility from early youth, ; his habits of keen observation, ; power of judging men, ; ability to use them for what they were worth, ; anecdote of advice to hamilton and meade, ; deceived only by arnold, ; imperfect education, ; continual efforts to improve it, , ; modest regarding his literary ability, , ; interested in education, ; character of his writing, ; tastes in reading, ; modest but effective in conversation, ; his manner and interest described by bernard, - ; attractiveness of the picture, , ; his pleasure in society, ; power of paying compliments, letter to mrs. stockton, ; to charles thompson, ; to de chastellux, ; his warmth of heart, ; extreme exactness in pecuniary matters, ; illustrative anecdotes, , ; favorable opinion of teller of anecdotes, ; stern towards dishonesty or cowardice, ; treatment of andré and asgill, , ; sensitive to human suffering, , ; kind and courteous to poor, ; conversation with cleaveland, ; sense of dignity in public office, ; hospitality at mt. vernon, , ; his intimate friendships, , ; relations with hamilton, knox, mason, henry lee, craik, , ; the officers of the army, ; trumbull, robert and gouverneur morris, ; regard for and courtesy toward franklin, ; love for lafayette, ; care for his family, ; lasting regard for fairfaxes, , ; kindness to taft family, , ; destroys correspondence with his wife, ; their devoted relationship, ; care for his step-children and relatives, , ; charged with lack of humor, ; but never made himself ridiculous, ; not joyous in temperament, ; but had keen pleasure in sport, ; enjoyed a joke, even during revolution, ; appreciates wit, ; writes a humorous letter, - ; not devoid of worldly wisdom, , ; enjoys cards, dancing, the theatre, ; loves horses, ; thorough in small affairs as well as great, ; controversy over site of church, ; his careful domestic economy, ; love of method, ; of excellence in dress and furniture, , ; gives dignity to american cause, ; his personal appearance, ; statements of houdon, ; of ackerson, , ; his tremendous muscular strength, ; great personal impressiveness, , ; lacking in imagination, ; strong passions, ; fierce temper, ; anecdotes of outbreaks, ; his absence of self-love, ; confident in judgment of posterity, ; religious faith, ; summary and conclusion, , . _characteristics of_. general view, ii. - ; general admiration for, i. - ; myths about, i. - , ii. ff.; comparisons with jefferson, ii. ; with lincoln, ii. - ; with hampden, ii. , ; absence of self-seeking, i. ; affectionateness, i. , , , , ii. , - ; agreeableness, ii. - , ; americanism, ii. - ; aristocratic habits, ii. , ; business ability, i. , , ii. , , ; coldness on occasion, i. , , , ii. ; courage, i. , , , , , ; dignity, i. , , ii. - , ; hospitality, ii. ; impressiveness, i. , , , , , ii. ; indomitableness, i. , , ; judgments of men, i. , ii. , , , ; justice and sternness, i. , , ii. , - , ; kindliness, ii. - , ; lack of education, i. , ii. ; love of reading, i. , ii. , ; love of sport, i. , , - , , ii. ; manners, ii. - , ; military ability, i. , , , , , , , , , , , - , ii. ; modesty, i. , ; not a figure-head, ii. , ; not a prig, i. - , - ; not cold and inhuman, ii. , ; not dull or commonplace, ii. , ; not superhuman and distant, i. , , , ii. , ; open-mindedness, ii. ; passionateness, i. , , ; personal appearance, i. , , , ii. , , - ; religious views, i. , ii. ; romantic traits, i. - ; sense of humor, ii. - ; silence regarding self, i. , , , , , ; ii. , ; simplicity, i. , , ; ii. , ; sobriety, i. , , ; ii. , , , ; tact, i. , , - ; temper, i. , , , , , , ; ii. , ; thoroughness, i. , , , ii. . _political opinions_. on alien and sedition acts, ii. ; american nationality, i. , , , , , , ii. , , , , , , , ; articles of confederation, i. , ii. , ; bank, ii. , ; colonial rights, i. , - , ; constitution, i. - ; democracy, ii. - ; democratic party, ii. , , , , , , ; disunion, ii. ; duties of the executive, ii. ; education, ii. , , ; federalist party, ii. , , , , , , - , ; finance, ii. , , , ; foreign relations, ii. , , , , , , - , ; french revolution, ii. , , , ; independence of colonies, i. , , ; indian policy, ii. , , , , , , ; jay treaty, ii. - ; judiciary, i. ; nominations to office, ii. ; party, ii. , , , ; protection, ii. - ; slavery, i. - ; stamp act, i. ; strong government, i. , ii. , , , ; treaty power, ii. , - ; virginia and kentucky resolutions, ii. , ; western expansion, ii. , - , , - , , . washington, george steptoe, his sons educated by washington, ii. . washington, john, brother of george, letter of washington, to, i. . washington, lawrence, brother of george washington, educated in england, i. ; has military career, ; returns to virginia and builds mt. vernon, ; marries into fairfax family, , ; goes to west indies for his health, ; dies, leaving george guardian of his daughter, ; chief manager of ohio company, ; gives george military education, . washington, lund, letter of washington to, i. ; rebuked by washington for entertaining british, ii. . washington, martha, widow of daniel p. custis, meets washington, i. ; courtship of, and marriage, , ; hunts with her husband, ; joins him at boston, ; holds levees as wife of president, ii. ; during his last illness, ; her correspondence destroyed, ; her relations with her husband, , . washington, mary, married to augustine washington, i. ; mother of george washington, ; limited education but strong character, , ; wishes george to earn a living, ; opposes his going to sea, ; letters to, ; visited by her son, ii. . waters, henry e., establishes washington pedigree, i. . wayne, anthony, defeated after brandywine, i. ; his opinion of germantown, ; at monmouth urges washington to come, ; ready to attack stony point, ; his successful exploit, ; joins lafayette in virginia, ; appointed to command against indians, ii. ; his character, ; organizes his force, ; his march, ; defeats the indians, . weems, mason l., influence of his life of washington on popular opinion, i. ; originates idea of his priggishness, ; his character, , ; character of his book, ; his mythical "rectorate" of mt. vernon, , ; invents anecdotes of washington's childhood, ; folly of cherry-tree and other stories, ; their evil influence, . west, the, its importance realized by washington, ii. - ; his influence counteracted by inertia of congress, ; forwards inland navigation, ; desires to bind east to west, - , ; formation of companies, - ; on mississippi navigation, - , ; projects of genet in, ; its attitude understood by washington, , ; washington wishes peace in order to develop it, , , . "whiskey rebellion," passage of excise law, ii. ; outbreaks of violence in pennsylvania and north carolina, ; proclamation issued warning rioters to desist, ; renewed outbreaks in pennsylvania, , ; the militia called out, ; suppression of the insurrection, ; real danger of movement, ; its suppression emphasizes national authority, , ; supposed by washington to have been stirred up by democratic clubs, . white plains, battle at, i. . wilkinson, james, brings gates's message to washington at trenton, i. ; brings news of saratoga to congress, ; nettled at sherman's sarcasm, discloses conway cabal, ; quarrels with gates, ; resigns from board of war, , ; leads expedition against indians, ii. . willett, colonel, commissioner to creeks, his success, ii. . william and mary college, washington chancellor of, ii. . williams, washington's teacher, i. , . willis, lewis, story of washington's school days, i. . wilson, james, appointed to supreme court, ii. . wilson, james, "of england," hunts with washington, i. . wolcott, oliver, receives fauchet letter, ii. ; succeeds hamilton as secretary of treasury, . wooster, mrs., letter of washington to, ii. . yorktown, siege of, i. - . "young man's companion," used by george washington, origin of his rules of conduct, i. . file was produced from images generously made available by the kentuckiana digital library.) [illustration] [illustration] [illustration: the farmer boy boston walker wise & co.] the farmer boy, and how he became commander-in-chief. by uncle juvinell. edited by william m. thayer, author of "the pioneer boy," etc. seventh thousand. boston: walker, wise, and company, , washington street. . entered according to act of congress, in the year , by walker, wise, and company, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts boston: stereotyped and printed by john wilson and son. no. , water street. introduction. by rev. william m. thayer. the reader will remember, that, in the preface of "the printer boy," i promised the next volume should be "the farmer boy; or, how george washington became president." that pledge has never been redeemed, though some labor has been performed with reference to it. and now providence seems to direct the fulfilment of the promise by the pen of another, soon to be well known, i doubt not, to thousands of young readers;--"uncle juvinell." the advance sheets of a volume from his pen, upon the early life of washington, have been placed in my hands for examination. i have carefully perused the work, and find it to be of so high a character, and so well adapted to the exigencies of the times, that i voluntarily abandon the idea of preparing the proposed volume myself, and most cordially recommend this work to the youth of our beloved land. i take this step with all the more readiness, when i learn that the author has persevered in his labors, though totally blind and almost deaf; and i gladly transfer the title which i proposed to give my own book to his excellent work, well satisfied that the act will prove a public benefit. the reader will find that mr. heady (uncle juvinell) has produced a very entertaining and instructive volume. it is written in a racy, sprightly style, that cannot fail to captivate the mind. partaking himself of the buoyancy and good humor of boyhood, the author is able to write for the boys in a manner that is at once attractive and profitable. he has written a live book of one, who, "though dead, yet speaketh." it is replete with facts, and lessons of wisdom. the virtues are taught both by precept and example, and the vices are held up in all their deformity to warn and save. religion, too, receives its just tribute, and wears the crown of glory. the appearance of this volume is timely. adapted as it is to magnify the patriotic virtues, and the priceless worth of the government under which we live, it will prove a valuable contribution to the juvenile literature of the land. in this period of mighty struggles and issues, when our nation is groaning and travailing in pain to bring forth a future of surpassing renown and grandeur, it is important to inspire the hearts of american youth by the noblest examples of patriotism and virtue. and such is washington, the "father of his country." it is best that the young of this battling age should study his character and emulate his deeds. his life was the richest legacy that he could leave to unborn generations, save the glorious republic that he founded; and well will it be for the youth of our country when that life becomes to them the stimulus to exalted aims. then loyalty will be free as air, and rebellions be unknown; then treason will hide its hydra-head, and our insulted flag wave in triumph where the last chain of slavery is broken. this volume will do its part to hasten this consummation of our patriot-hopes. over its pleasant pages, then, we extend the right hand of fellowship to its author, though a stranger to us. long may his able pen hold out! widely may this his last work circulate! blessed may be the fruits! w. m. t. franklin, mass., october, . preface. our beloved country, my dear young readers, has passed through one great revolution; and it is now in the midst of another, which promises to prove even more momentous in its consequences. knowing, therefore, the deep and lasting impression the great events of the day must needs produce upon your opening minds, the author of this book has been casting about him how he might contribute to your and the nation's good. as he is altogether bereft of sight, and nearly so of hearing, he is, of course, unable to lift a hand in his country's defence, or raise his voice in her justification. but she has a future; and for that he entertains an earnest hope, that through you, the rising generation, he may do something. to this end, therefore, he has written this volume, wherein he has endeavored to set forth, in a manner more calculated to attract and impress the youthful mind than has perhaps been heretofore attempted, the life and character of our good and great george washington. by so doing, he hopes to awaken in your minds a desire to imitate the example and emulate the virtues of this greatest and wisest of americans. for should he succeed in this, and thereby influence a thousand of you, when arrived at man's estate, to remain loyal to your country in her hour of peril (who might else have been tempted to turn their hand against her), then shall his humble pen have done more for her future welfare than he could have done for her present deliverance, had he the wielding of a thousand swords. and, should he ever have reason to suppose that such were really the case, far happier would he be, even in the dark and silent depths of his solitude, than the renowned victor of a hundred battle-fields, in all the blaze and noise of popular applause. hoping that this little book may, for your sakes, fulfil the object for which it was written, and prove but the beginning of a long and pleasant acquaintance, he will conclude by begging to subscribe himself your true friend and well-wisher, morrison heady. elk creek, spencer county, ky., . contents. _introduction_ wherein it will appear who uncle juvinell is, and how he came to write the life of "the farmer boy" for the little folks. i. _george at school_ in which the young reader will find some account of the birth, childhood, and early education of george washington, and the story of his little hatchet; from which he may draw a wholesome moral, if he be desirous of growing in virtue; together with other matters of interest and importance hardly to be found elsewhere. ii. _the first sorrow_ showing how george met with the first great sorrow of his life in the death of his father; and how his mother was left a young widow, with the care of a large family; with some remarks on the prudence and wisdom sue displayed in the rearing of her children; together with the story of the sorrel colt, which uncle juvinell introduces by way of illustrating the characters of both mother and son. iii. _playing soldier_ wherein the young reader will find how george figured as a little soldier at school; with some remarks touching his wonderful strength and activity of body, and courage of spirit; and how he would have figured as a little sailor, had he not been prevented by a mother's anxious love; which influenced not only the whole course of his future life, but also the destiny of his native country, and, it may be, that of the whole world; as the little reader will find out for himself. if he but have the patience to bear uncle juvinell company to the end of this interesting history. iv. "_rules of behavior_" affording to the reader another and his last glimpse of washington as a school-boy. here he will learn of washington's many ingenious modes of gaining and retaining knowledge, and his habits of putting it to practical uses; and will find his rules of behavior in company and in conversation, written at the age of thirteen, which uncle juvinell would earnestly recommend him, and, in fact, all his readers, be they boys or girls, men or women, to store away in their memories, if they be desirous of growing in virtue. and of deporting themselves in such a manner as to gain the good-will and esteem, and contribute to the happiness, of all around them. v. _in the wilderness_ in which will be seen how george became acquainted with old lord fairfax, and was employed by this great nobleman to act as surveyor of all his wild lands; with some account of the life he led in the wilderness, and a somewhat highly colored picture of a war-dance performed by a party of indians for the entertainment of him and his friends. vi. _the young surveyor_ revealing still further glimpses of washington as a young surveyor,--in which the reader will see how that great man brought his labors in the wilderness to an end; with some remarks respecting the lowland beauty, and how little is known of her. vii. _first military appointment_ in which the young reader will learn how washington, at the early age of nineteen, became one of the adjutant-generals of the province of virginia; and how he went on a voyage to the west indies in company with his brother lawrence, who, being in quest of health, and failing to find it there, returned home to die. viii. _important explanations_ wherein uncle juvinell and the little folks talk together, in a pleasing and familiar style of certain matters contained in the foregoing pages; which, being somewhat difficult of comprehension, need to be more fully and clearly explained, that they may the better understand what is to come hereafter in this interesting history. ix. _indian troubles_ wherein uncle juvinell goes on with his story, and tells the little folks all that is needful for them to know concerning the causes that brought about the old french war; to which the young reader will do well to pay very particular attention. x. "_big talk" with "white thunder_" explaining how major washington came to be sent by governor dinwiddie on a mission to the french, near lake erie.--how he set out.--what befell him by the way.--how he stopped at logstown to have a big talk with the half-king, white thunder, and other indian worthies.--how he at last reached the french fort, and what he did after he got there. xi. _christmas in the wilderness_ enabling the young reader to follow major washington to his journey's end, and see how he and his party spent their christmas in the wilderness.--how he twice came near losing his life, first by the treachery of an indian guide, and then by drowning; with some account of his interview with the indian princess, aliquippa. xii. _washington's first battle_ in which the young reader, after getting a hint of the tremendous consequences that ensued from the french general's letter, will find so much to entertain him, that he will readily excuse uncle juvinell from giving the remaining heads of this chapter; further than to say, that it winds up with quite a lively and spirited account of washington's first battle. xiii. _fort necessity_ what befell colonel washington in and around fort necessity, and how he sustained his first siege; which will be found even more entertaining than the account of his first battle, narrated in the last chapter. xiv. _general braddock_ in which the young reader and colonel washington form the acquaintance of general braddock, and come to the same conclusions regarding his character; and in which the reader is honored with a slight introduction to the great dr. franklin, who gives some good advice, which braddock, to his final cost, fails to follow; and is entertained with a few glimpses of life in camp. xv. _rough work_ the reader will see how general braddock at last set out on his march to fort duquesne.--how he got entangled in the wilderness, and was forced to call upon the young provincial colonel for advice. which, though wisely given, was not wisely followed.--how captain jack made an offer, for which he got but sorry thanks; and will find a sprinkling of wayside items here and there; which saves this chapter from being considered a dull one. xvi. _braddock's defeat_ in which is recorded the bloodiest page in the annals of america; or, to express it otherwise, an account of the famous battle of the monongahela, commonly called braddock's defeat; which, it will be seen at a glance, might have turned out a victory as well, had washington's advice been followed. xvii. _explanations_ wherein uncle juvinell and the little folks discourse together, in a lively and entertaining style, of divers matters to be found, and not to be found, in book thursday; which may seem of little consequence to those elderly people who are too wise to be amused, and who would, any time, rather see a fact brought out stark naked than dressed handsomely. such owls are requested to pass over this chapter, and perch upon book friday, portions of which will, be found quite as dry as they could possibly desire. xviii. _work in earnest_ showing how braddock's army continued its flight to philadelphia.--how washington returned to mount vernon, and was shortly afterwards made commander of all the forces of virginia; and how he went to boston, and why; with other items of interest. xix. _dark days_ still farther account of washington's troubles with the indians and with his own men, and notice of his misunderstanding with governor dinwiddie; all of which, combined, render this the saddest and the gloomiest period of his life. xx. _a new enterprise_ containing glimpses outside of the direct line of our story, with a more minute and circumstantial account of how washington wooed and won a fair lady than is to be met with elsewhere; with some particulars touching an intended expedition against fort duquesne. xxi. _more blundering_ showing how braddock's folly was repeated by major grant, as foreboded by washington; and also what came of the expedition against fort duquesne. xxii. _washington at home_ giving an account of washington's marriage with mrs. custis.--his reception by the virginia house of burgesses.--his habits as a man of business.--his rural pursuits and amusements.--his love of social pleasures.--his adventure with a poacher; and many other items; all of which, combined, make this chapter one of the most pleasing and entertaining of the whole book. xxiii. _a family quarrel_ wherein the young reader will find what will be explained more to his satisfaction in chapter xxiv. xxiv. _the cause of the quarrel_ affording a more clear, and satisfactory account of the causes that brought about our revolutionary war than was given in chapter xxiii; but chapter xxv. must needs be read, before a full and complete understanding of these matters can be arrived at. xxv. _resistance to tyranny_ illustrating what part washington took in these measures of resistance to british tyranny.--how he became a representative of virginia in the great colonial assembly, otherwise called the old continental congress; and how, upon the breaking-out of hostilities between the colonies and the mother-country, he was made commander-in-chief of all the forces of the united colonies; with other items touching the proceedings of the continental congress, and patrick henry, the great virginia orator. xxvi. _conclusion_ wherein the young reader will be entertained with the pleasing and edifying conversation which took place between uncle juvinell and the little folks, touching divers matters in book friday; which demand further consideration for a more complete understanding of our history, past and to come. the farmer boy. introduction. somewhere in green kentucky, not a great many years ago, the ruddy light of a christmas sunset, streaming in at the windows of an old-fashioned brick house, that stood on a gentle hillside, half hidden by evergreens, shone full and broad on a group of merry little youngsters there met together to spend the holiday with their uncle juvinell, a charming old bachelor of threescore and ten. what with "blind man's buff," "leap-frog," "hide-and-seek," "poor pussy wants a corner," mother goose, dominos, sky-rockets and squibs, and what with the roasting of big red apples and the munching of gingerbread elephants, the reading of beautiful story-books,--received that morning as christmas presents from their uncle juvinell and other loving relatives,--these little folks had found this day the most delightful of their lives. tired at last of play, and stuffed with christmas knick-knacks till their jackets and breeches could hold no more, they had now betaken themselves to the library to await the return of their uncle juvinell, who had gone out to take his usual evening walk; and were now quietly seated round a blazing winter fire, that winked and blinked at them with its great bright eye, and went roaring right merrily up the wide chimney. just as the last beam of the setting sun went out at the window, uncle juvinell, as if to fill its place, came in at the door, all brisk and ruddy from his tramp over the snow in the sharp bracing air, and was hailed with a joyous shout by the little folks, who, hastening to wheel his great arm-chair for him round to the fire, pushed and pulled him into it, and called upon him to tell one of his most charming stories, even before the tingling frost was out of his nose. as this worthy old gentleman has done much for the entertainment and instruction of the rising generations of the land, it is but due him that some mention, touching his many amiable traits of character and his accomplishments of mind and person, should be made in this place for the more complete satisfaction of those who may hereafter feel themselves indebted to him for some of the most pleasant moments of their lives. in person, uncle juvinell is stout and well-rounded. his legs are fat, and rather short; his body is fat, and rather long; his belly is snug and plump; his hands are plump and white; his hair is white and soft; his eyes are soft and blue; his coat is blue and sleek; and over his sleek and dimpled face, from his dimpled chin to the very crown of his head,--which, being bald, shines like sweet oil in a warm fire-light,--there beams one unbroken smile of fun, good-humor, and love, that fills one's heart with sunshine to behold. indeed, to look at him, and be with him a while, you could hardly help half believing that he must be a twin-brother of santa claus, so closely does he resemble that far-famed personage, not only in appearance, but in character also; and more than once, having been met in his little sleigh by some belated school-boy, whistling homeward through the twilight of a christmas or new year's eve, he has been mistaken for the jolly old saint himself. in short, his whole appearance is in the highest degree respectable; and there is even about him an air of old-fashioned elegance, which of course is owing chiefly to the natural sweetness and politeness of his manners, and yet perhaps a little heightened withal by the gold-bowed spectacles that he wears on his nose, the heavy gold bar that pins his snowy linen, the gold buttons that shine on his coat, his massive gold watch-chain (at the end of which hangs a great red seal as big as a baby's fist), and by his gold-headed ebony cane, that he always carries on his shoulder like a musket when he walks, as much as to say, "threescore and ten, and no need of a staff yet, my christian friend." no man is more beloved and esteemed by all who know him, old and young, than he; for like father grimes, whose nephew he is by the mother's side.-- "he modest merit seeks to find, and give it its desert; he has no malice in his mind, no ruffles on his shirt. his neighbors he does not abuse; is sociable and gay: he wears large buckles in his shoes, and changes them, each day." if there is one thing about uncle juvinell that we might venture to pronounce more charming than another, it is the smile of mingled fun, good-humor, and love, with which his countenance never ceases to shine, save when he hears the voice of pain and his breast with pity burns. touching this same trait of his, a lady once said in our hearing, that she verily believed a cherub, fresh from the rosy chambers of the morning, came at the opening of each day to uncle juvinell's chamber, just on purpose to dash a handful of sunbeams on his head; and, as there were always more than enough to keep his face bathed with smiles for the next twenty-four hours, they were not wasted, but, falling and lodging on his gold spectacles, his gold breast-pin, his gold buttons, his gold watch-chain, and the gold head of his ebony cane, washed them with lustre ever new, as if his face, bright and broad as it was, were not enough to reflect the love and sunshine ever dwelling in his heart. we will not undertake to vouch for the truth of this, however. as the young lady was a marriageable young lady, and had been for a number of years, it would not be gallant or generous for us to mention it; but of this we are certain, that, when this good old gentleman enters a room, there is a warmth and brightness in his very presence, that causes you to look round, half expecting to see the tables and chairs throwing their shadows along the floor, as if, by the power of magic, a window had suddenly been opened in the wall to let in the morning sunshine. if the affections of uncle juvinell's heart are childlike in their freshness, the powers of his intellect are gigantic in their dimensions. he is a man of prodigious learning: for proof of which, you have but to enter his library, and take note of the books upon books that crowd the shelves from the floor to the ceiling; the maps that line the walls; the two great globes, one of the earth and the other of the heavens, that stand on either side of his reading-desk; and the reading-desk itself, whereon there always lies some book of monstrous size, wide open, which no one has ever had the courage to read from beginning to end, or could comprehend if he did. in the languages he is very expert; speaking french with such clearness and distinctness, that any native-born frenchman, with a fair knowledge of the english, can with but little difficulty understand more than half he says; and in german he is scarcely less fluent and ready; while his latin is the envy of all who know only their mother-tongue. in mathematics, his skill is such, that you might give him a sum, the working-out of which would cover three or four large slates; and he would never fail to arrive at the answer, let him but take his time. in astronomy, he is perfectly at home among the fixed stars; can distinguish them at a single glance, and that, too, without the help of his spectacles, from the wandering planets; and is as familiar with the motion and changes of the moon, as if he had been in the habit for the last forty years of spending the hot summer months at some of the fashionable watering-places of that amiable and interesting orb. but it is in the history of the nations and great men of the earth that uncle juvinell most excels, as shall be proved to your entire satisfaction before reaching the end of this volume. and yet, notwithstanding the vastness of his learning and the gigantic powers of his mind, he can, when it so pleases him, disburden himself of these great matters, and descend from his lofty height to the comprehension of the little folks, with as much ease as a huge balloon, soaring amidst the clouds, can let off its gas, and sink down to the level of the kites, air-balls, and sky-rockets wherewith they are wont to amuse themselves. being an old bachelor, as before noticed, he, of course, has no children of his own; but, like the philosopher that he is, he always consoles himself for this misfortune with the reflection, that, had he been so favored, much of his love and affection must needs have been wasted on his own six, eight, or ten, as the case might have been, instead of being divided without measure among the hundreds and thousands of little ones that gladden the wedded life, and fill with their music the homes of others more blessed. living, as all his brothers do, in easy circumstances, he has abundant time and leisure to devote himself to the particular interest and enjoyment of these little ones; and is always casting in his mind what he may be doing to amuse them, or make them wiser, better, and happier. such is the ease, heartiness, and familiarity with which he demeans himself when among them, and enters into all their little pastimes and concerns, that they stand no more in awe of him than if he were one of their own number; and make him the butt of a thousand impish pranks, at which he laughs as heartily as the merriest rogue among them. and yet it is for that very reason, perhaps, that they love him so devotedly, and would give up their dog-knives or wax dolls any day, sooner than show themselves unmindful of his slightest wishes, or do aught that could bring upon them even his softest rebuke. they make nothing of taking off his gold spectacles, and putting them on their own little pugs to look wise; or running their chubby fists into the tight, warm pockets of his breeches, in quest of his gold pencil or pearl-handled knife; or dashing like mad over the yard, with his gold-headed cane for a steed; or stealing up behind him, as he stands with his back to the fire, and slyly pulling out his big red bandanna handkerchief, wherewith to yoke the dog and cat together as they lie sociably side by side on the hearth-rug. in short, he will suffer them to tease him and tousle him and tumble him to their hearts' content, and set no limits to their liberties, so long as they are careful not to touch his snowy linen with their smutched fingers; for, if uncle juvinell has one fault in the world, it is his unreasonable partiality for snowy linen. but, were we to go on with our praises and commendations of this best of men, we should fill a large volume full to overflowing, and still leave the better half unsaid: so we must exercise a little self-denial, and forego such pleasing thoughts for the present, as it now behooves us to bring our minds to bear upon matters we have more nearly in view. seeing how earnestly the little folks were bent upon drawing out of him one of his longest stories, uncle juvinell now bade them sit down and be quiet till he should have time to conjure up something more charming than any arabian tale they had ever heard; and throwing himself back in his great arm-chair, and fixing his eyes on the glowing coals, that seemed to present to his fancy an ever-shifting panorama, was soon lost in profound meditation. and the longer he thought, the harder he looked at the fire, which knowingly answered his look with a winking and blinking of its great bright eye, that seemed to say, "well, uncle juvinell, what shall we do for the entertainment or instruction of these little people to-night? shall we tell them of that crew of antic goblins we wot of, who are wont to meet by moonlight, to play at football with the hanged man's head, among the tombstones of an old graveyard? or may be that dreadful ogre, with the one fiery eye in the middle of his forehead, who was in the habit of roasting fat men on a spit for his christmas dinners, would be more to their taste. or, if you prefer it, let it be that beautiful fairy, who, mounted on a milk-white pony, and dressed in green and gold, made her home in an echoing wood, for no other purpose than to lead little children therefrom, who might by some ill chance be separated from their friends, and lose their way in its tangled wilds. or perhaps you are thinking it would be more instructive to them were we to conjure up some story of early times in green kentucky, when our great-grandfathers were wont to take their rifles to bed with them, and sleep with them in their arms, ready to spring up at the slightest rustling of the dry leaves in the woods, and defend themselves against the dreaded indian, as with panther-like tread he skulked around their lonely dwellings." to each and all of these, uncle juvinell shook his head; none of them being just exactly the thing he wanted. at length, finding that the fire hindered rather than helped him to make a choice, he rose from his seat, turned his back upon it, and looked from one bright face to another of the circle before him, till his eye rested on daniel, who was among the oldest of the children, and was, by the way, the young historian of the family, and, in his own opinion, a youth of rather uncommon parts. he had that morning received from his uncle, as a christmas present, that most delightful of story-books, "robinson crusoe;" but having seen the unlucky sailor high, but not dry, on his desert island, and having run his eye over all the pictures, he had laid it aside, and was now standing at the reading-desk, looking as wise as a young owl in a fog over a very large book indeed, in which he pretended to be too deeply interested to finish a slab of gingerbread that lay half munched at his side. seeing his little nephew thus engaged, uncle juvinell smiled a quiet smile all to himself, and, after watching him a few moments, said, "dannie, my boy, what book is that you are reading with so much interest that you have forgotten your gingerbread?" "irving's life of washington, sir," replied daniel with an air. "a good book, a very good indeed; but too hard for you, i fear," said uncle juvinell, shaking his head. "tell me, though, how far you have read." "to braddock's defeat, sir," replied daniel. "you have been getting over the ground rather fast, i am thinking; but tell me how you like it," said uncle juvinell, by way of drawing his little nephew out. "here and there, i come to a chapter that i like very much," replied daniel: "but there are parts that i don't understand very well; and i was just thinking that i would point them out to you some time, and get you to explain them to me; as you will, i am certain; for you know every thing, and are so obliging to us little folks!" at this, uncle juvinell's face lighted up as with a brilliant thought; but, without seeming to notice his little nephew's request just then, he reseated himself, and again began looking hard at the fire. the fire opened its great bright eye more widely than before, and looked as if it were putting the question, "well, sir, and what is it now? out with it, and i will throw what light i can on the matter." after a few moments, there appeared to be a perfect understanding between them; for the fire with a sly wink seemed to say, "a happy thought, uncle juvinell,--a very happy thought indeed: i was just on the point of proposing the very same thing myself. come, let us go about it at once, and make these holidays the brightest and happiest these little folks have ever known, or ever could or would or should know, in all their lives." and the fire fell to winking and blinking at such an extravagant rate, that the shadows of those who were seated round it began bobbing up and down the wall, looking like misshapen goblins amusing themselves by jumping imaginary ropes, the gigantic one of uncle juvinell leaping so high as to butt the ceiling. after several minutes of deep thought, the old gentleman rose, and stood on his short fat legs with the air of a man who had made up his mind, and with a smile on his face, as if sure he was just on the point of giving them all a pleasant surprise. "laura, my dear," said he, "take down that picture from the wall you see hanging to the right of the bookcase; and you, ella, my darling, take that bunch of feathers, and brush off the dust from it. now hand it to me. this, my cherubs," he went on, "is the portrait of the good and great george washington, who is called the father of our country. it is to him, more than to any other man, that we owe the blessings of freedom, peace, and prosperity, we now enjoy in larger measure than any other people of the wide earth; and it was for these same blessings that he fought and struggled through all the weary years of our revolutionary war, amidst difficulties, dangers, and discouragements such as never before tried the strength of man. and when, in the happy end, he, by his courage, skill, and fortitude, and abiding trust in the protection of an all-wise providence, had come out victorious over all, and driven our cruel enemies from the land, so that our homes were once more gladdened with the smiles of peace and plenty,--then it was that a grateful people with one voice hailed him chosen of the lord for the salvation of our beloved country. blessed be the name of george washington,--blessed for evermore!" and a big tear of love and thankfulness started from each of uncle juvinell's mild blue eyes, trickled slowly over his ruddy cheek, and, dropping thence, went hopping and sparkling down his large blue waistcoat. at this the little folks looked very grave, and thought to themselves, "what a good man washington must have been, and how much he must have done and suffered for the welfare of his fellow-beings, thus to have brought the tears to our dear old uncle's eyes!" after looking at the picture for some moments in silence, they began talking about it, each in his or her own fashion; while uncle juvinell listened with much interest, curious to see what different impressions it would produce on their minds. "that scroll he holds in his left hand must be his farewell address to his army," said daniel, the young historian, looking very wise. "what a fine long sword he carries at his side!" said bryce, a war-like youngster who had just climbed to the summit of his ninth year, and had, as you must know, a wooden sword of his own, with which he went about dealing death and destruction to whole regiments of cornstalks and squadrons of horse-weeds, calling them british and tories. "how tall and grand and handsome he looks!" said laura, a prim and demure little miss of thirteen: "in his presence, i am sure i could never speak above a whisper." "that, yonder, among the trees and evergreens on the hill, must be the house where he lived," said ella, a modest, sweet-mannered little lady of twelve. "what a beautiful place it is! and what a happy home it must have been when he lived in it!" "and see how the hill slopes down to the river, so grassy and smooth! and such a nice place for little boys to roll over and over down to the bottom!" said ned, a rough-and-tumble youngster of ten, who spent one-half of the sunshine with his back to the ground and his heels in the air. "and see the beautiful river so broad and so smooth, and the great ships afar off going down to the sea!" said johnnie, a little poet of eight, who passed much of his time dreaming with his eyes open. "and such a pretty play-house as i see there among the bushes on the hillside!" said fannie, a stout little matron of five, the mother of a large and still increasing family of dolls. "that is not a play-house, fannie, but the tomb where washington lies buried," said dannie with an air of superior wisdom. "what a splendid white horse that black man is holding for him! how he bows his neck, and champs his bit, and paws the ground!" said willie, a harum-scarum, neck-or-nothing young blade of fourteen, who would have given his best leg to have been the owner of a galloping, high-headed, short-tailed pony. "what is he doing so far away from home without his hat, i wonder?" said master charlie, a knowing young gentleman of eight, who was much in the habit of doubting everybody's eyes and ears but his own. "how kind and good he looks out of his eyes, just like father!" said mary, an affectionate and timid little creature of seven. just then, addison, a plump little fellow of four, in all the glory of his first new jacket and his first new breeches, who was standing on the top round of uncle juvinell's chair, suddenly cried out in a very strong voice for his age, "oh! he looks just like uncle juvinell: now don't he, cousin mary?" for a man of his appearance to be thus compared with so stately and dignified a man as washington was a thing so ludicrous, that uncle juvinell was surprised into the heartiest fit of laughter that he had enjoyed that day. when it was over, he bade laura hang up the picture again in its accustomed place, and began where he had left off some time before: "now, my dear children, it came into my mind, while i was talking with your cousin dannie a little bit ago, that i could not tell you any thing more entertaining and instructive than the story of washington's life. it will, i am quite sure, interest you much: for although he was such a great man,--the greatest, no doubt, that ever lived,--and so awful to look upon, yet, for all that, his heart was full to overflowing with the most tender and kindly affections, and, if you can believe it, quite as fond of little children as your uncle juvinell; often joining in their innocent sports for a whole hour at a time. let me see. this is wednesday; and we have seven, eight, long holidays before us to be as happy as skylarks in. now, i am thinking, that, if we would have next new year's day find us better and wiser, we could not hit upon a more proper plan for beginning so desirable an end than by spending a part of each day in making ourselves acquainted with the life and character of this good and great man, and, at the close of each evening's lesson, talking over what we have learned, to our more complete understanding of the same. and now, my merry ones, speak out, and tell me what you think of it." "it will be just exactly the very thing," said wise daniel. "glorious!" said rollicking willie. "charming!" said prim and demure miss laura. "'twill be delightful, i am sure," said modest ella. "nothing could please me better, if we have a good big battle now and then," said war-like bryce. "i wonder if it will be as interesting as 'robinson crusoe'?" put in doubting charlie. "or 'aladdin and his wonderful lamp'?" chimed in dreaming johnnie. "and we'll all listen, and be so good!" said timid, loving little mary. "wait a moment for me, uncle, till i run down to the cabin, just to see how black daddy's getting along making my sled," said hair-brained ned. "and wait a little bit for me too, uncle, till i go and put my dolly babe to bed; for she might take the measles if i keep her up too long," said motherly fannie. "and let me sit on your knee, uncle; cousin mary wants my chair," said addison, the youngest one of them all, at the same time climbing up, and getting astride of uncle juvinell's left fat leg. "then settle yourselves at once, you noisy chatterboxes," said uncle juvinell with a shining face; "and mind you be as quiet and mute as mice at a cat's wedding while i am telling my story, or i'll"--his threat was drowned in the joyous shouts of the children as they scrambled into their chairs. when they had all put on a listening look, he poured out a little yellow, squat, dutch mug brimful of rich brown cider from a big blue pitcher that black daddy had just placed on a table close at hand, and, having wet his whistle therewith, began his story. and now and then, as the story went on, the fire, keeping its bright, watchful eye upon the old gentleman, would wink at him in a sly manner, that seemed to say, "well done, uncle juvinell,--very well done indeed. you see, sir, i was quite right in what i told you. we have hit upon the very thing. the little folks are enchanted: they are drawing in wisdom with every breath. a merry christmas to us all!" pop, pop! hurrah! pop! i. george at school. a hundred years ago or more, there stood on the green slopes of the potomac, in the county of westmoreland, va., an old red farmhouse, with a huge stone chimney at each end, and high gray roof, the eaves of which projected in such a manner as to cover a porch in front and two or three small shed-rooms in the rear. now, although this house was built of wooden beams and painted boards, and was far from being what could be called, even for those times, a fine one,--looking as it did more like a barn than a dwelling for man,--yet, for all that, it had the honor of being the birthplace of the good and great george washington, who is said, by many very wise persons who ought to know, to have been the greatest man that ever came into this pleasant and glorious world of ours. his father, augustine washington, was married early in life to jane butler, who died after having borne him two sons, lawrence and augustine. in a year or two after this loss, feeling the want of some one to gladden his lonely heart and home, he married mary ball, the belle of horseneck, and said to have been the most beautiful young lady in all that part of the country. by this union he was blessed with six children, of whom our george, the eldest, was born on the twenty-second day of february, in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and thirty-two. it has often appeared strange to me that nothing should be known of this great man's life up to the completion of his fifth year: and i am sorry for your sakes, my little ones, that such is the case; for it would be such a nice beginning to our story, could we say with certainty that he distinguished himself by walking alone at the age of five months; that he could pronounce "mother" and "good" with perfect distinctness when but one year old; that his mother taught him at the age of two to kneel by her side, and lisp, before going to his evening rest, that beautiful prayer, beginning with, "now i lay me down to sleep;" that he rode like mad, at the age of three, round and round the yard, on his father's buckhorn-headed cane; and that he rode on a real horse at the age of four, and went galloping like a young tartar round and round the meadow in front of the house, to the delight of his young mother, who watched him from the window. of all this, and a great deal more of the same sort, you would, i doubt not, like much to hear, and i would like much to tell you; but we must keep within the bounds of true history, and content ourselves with the knowledge of that which really did happen. with this safe rule for our guidance, we will therefore proceed at once to take up the thread of our story at that period of george's boyhood, concerning which some certain record has come down to our time. at the age of five, when he was old enough to walk all alone for a mile or two through the woods and fields, his parents started him to school one bright spring morning, with his little basket on his arm, containing his dinner and a bran-new spelling-book, to take his first tiny steps in the flowery path of knowledge. his first teacher was a mr. hobby, an old man, who lived on a distant part of his father's plantation, and is said to have been besides the sexton or grave-digger of the neighborhood; and was, i have my private reasons for thinking, a broken-down old soldier, with a big cocked hat that shaded a kindly and weather-beaten face, and a wooden leg,--an ornament for which he was indebted to a cannon-ball, and took more pride in than if it had been a sound one of flesh and bone. as it is rarely ever the case that men with wooden legs are called upon to fight the battles of their country, this worthy old man, who well knew how to read and write, and cipher too, must needs earn his livelihood by teaching school, and sowing his knowledge broadcast among the little children of the neighborhood. accordingly, it was to old mr. hobby, as everybody called him, that george was indebted for his first insight into the mysteries of book-learning; and although he was in due time to become the greatest man of this or any other age or country, yet he began his education by first learning his a b c, just as did other boys of that day, just as they are now doing, and just as they will continue to do for all time to come. after he had taken his a b c into his memory, and set them there in a straight row each in its proper place, he was not long, depend upon it, in reaching the middle of his spelling-book; and as soon as he could, without anybody's help, climb over tall and difficult words of five or six syllables, such as "immortality" or "responsibility," his master put him in the english reader, where he soon overtook and went clean ahead of boys a great deal older than himself. from reading, he in a short time rose to writing; and it was said by those who knew him best, that he learned to write a neat round hand without ever once blotting his copy-book; and furthermore, that such a thing as a dirty, thumb-worn, dog-eared book was never seen in his hand. his next step in the path of knowledge was arithmetic; and, in less time than you can well believe, he had got the multiplication-table so thoroughly by heart, that he could run over it as fast backwards, from twelve times twelve to twice one, as common boys straightforward, even with the open book before their eyes. so well did he study, that, in less than four years' time after his first starting to school, the single rule of three was no more to him than long division to most boys; and he could repeat the tables of weights and measures as glibly as you, master johnnie, can rattle off the charming story of "old mother hubbard and her wonderful dog." now, the rapid progress george made in his studies was owing not so much to his uncommon aptitude at learning as to the diligence and industry with which he applied himself to them. for example: when other boys would be staring out at the window, watching the birds and squirrels sporting among the tree-tops; or sitting idly with their hands in their pockets, opening and shutting their jack-knives, or counting their marbles, or munching apples and corn-dodgers in a sneaking and unbecoming manner behind their books; or, more naughty still, shooting paper bullets at old hobby's wooden leg as he eat dozing behind his high desk of a drowsy summer afternoon,--our george, with his hands to his ears to keep out the schoolroom buzz, would be studying with all his might; nor would he once raise his eyes from his book till every word of his lesson was ready to drop from his tongue's end of its own accord. so well did he apply himself, and so attentive was he to every thing taught him, that, by the time he was ten years old, he had learned all that the poor old grave-digger knew himself; and it was this worthy man's boast in after-years, that he had laid the foundation of washington's future greatness. but what old wooden leg--for so they always called him when his back was turned--could not teach him at school, little george learned at home of his father and mother, who were well educated for those days; and many a long winter evening did these good parents spend in telling their children interesting and instructive stories of olden times, far-off countries, and strange people, which george would write down in his copy-book in his neatest, roundest hand, and remember ever afterward. a more prudent and careful father, and a more discreet and affectionate mother, than mr. washington and his wife mary, perhaps never lived. so earnest and watchful were they to bring up their children in the fear of the lord, and in the practice of every noble virtue, that their dutiful behavior and sweet manners were the talk and praise of the good people for miles and miles around. they taught them to be neat and orderly in their dress, as well as civil and polite in their manners; to be respectful to their elders; to be kind to one another, and to every thing god hath made, both great and small, whether man or bird or beast: but chiefly were they concerned to teach them the love of truth, and to tell it at all times when it should be their duty to speak out, let the consequences be what they might. to show you that such wise and careful training was not lost on the tender mind of george, i will tell you the story of his little hatchet, as it may serve you good stead in the day when you may be tempted to wander astray from the path of truth and virtue. one christmas eve, when the sharp, frosty air made the blood brisk and lively in the veins, little george, who was then about six years old, hung up his stocking on the mantel of the huge chimney, saying to himself as he did so, "good santa claus, be kind to me while i am sleeping peacefully." next morning, bright and early, just as a great christmas log had begun to blaze and crackle on the hearth, he jumped spryly from his bed, and, without stopping to put on his clothes, ran to his stockings to see what good old santa claus had brought him while he slept. i leave you to picture to your minds his delight upon finding therein a little indian tomahawk, with a bright keen edge and long red handle. it would have done all your hearts good to have seen how he skipped and danced around the room, and flourished his hatchet high over his head; how he went showing it to every one about the house, white and black; praising good old santa claus to the very skies, and never once feeling the want of his breeches. but, between you and me, i am rather inclined to suspect, that, if we had any means of arriving at the facts of the case, it would be found that santa claus had no more concern in this matter than your uncle juvinell himself. to my mind, there is more reason in the supposition, that his father, seeing the jolly old saint pass by at a late hour of the night in an empty sleigh, and that the children were not likely to have their stockings filled for that once, got up early in the morning, and put the hatchet in there himself, rather than that his little son should be disappointed. be this as it may, it was all the same to george; and he was as happy as happy could be. at the breakfast-table, he could hardly eat his bread and milk for looking at his shining axe, which he had laid beside him on the table; and, before it was fairly broad daylight, he was out at the wood-yard, ankle-deep in snow, cutting and chopping away at the hard-seasoned beech and maple logs, as if it lay with him, for that day at least, to keep the whole family, white and black, from freezing. by and by, however, he found this more work than play, and began to cast his earnest young eyes about him for something green and soft whereon to try the edge and temper of his hatchet. presently, as ill-luck would have it, a fine young english cherry-tree, just over the fence hard by, caught his attention, which, without further ado, he fell to hacking might and main; and the way he made the little chips fly was a thing surprising to see. next morning, his father, passing by that way, saw the mischief that had been done, and was sorely displeased: for he had planted and reared this selfsame tree with the tenderest care; and, of all the trees in his orchard, there was not one other he prized so highly. being quite sure that it was the work of some of the black children, he went straightway down to the negro quarter, bent on finding out, and bringing the unlucky culprit to a severe account. "dick," said he to the first one he met, "did you cut that cherry-tree?" "no, mauster; don't know nothin' 'bout it," said dick, showing the whites of _his_ eyes. "did you, sam?" said mr. washington, putting the same question to another little woolly-head. "no, mauster; don't know nothin' 'bout it," said sam, likewise showing the whites of his eyes. the same question was put to harry, who gave dick and sam's answer word for word, and, to add force to his denial, showed the whites of his eyes in like manner; and so on, till more than a dozen had been questioned with the same result; when it came to jerry's turn to make denial, and show the whites of his eyes. now, you must know there was not a more audacious, mischief-making, neck-or-nothing black brat than this same jerry to be found on the banks of the rappahannock, which is a very long river indeed. as a fish lives in water, or a salamander in fire, so did jerry live and breathe, and have his being, in mischief; or, in other words, mischief was the element in which jerry found his chief delight. if any mishap befell anybody or any thing, at any hour of the day or night, on any part of the plantation, on foot or on horseback, at rest or in motion, it was sure to be brought and laid at jerry's door. being aware of all this, mr. washington was now quite sure, that, as none of the rest had cut the cherry-tree, jerry himself must be the offender; and so he put the question to him; to which jerry, showing the whites of his eyes, made answer, "no, mauster; i didn't cut the cherry-tree: indeed, indeed, and double deed, i didn't cut the cherry-tree." "ah! jerry," said his master, "if you always told the truth, i should know when to believe you; but, as you do not, you must take the consequences of your evil ways, and blame nobody but yourself." upon hearing this, jerry began dancing and hopping around the room in a very brisk and lively manner, even before his master was within ten feet of him, as if he already felt the switch about his legs. just then, in the very nick of time, george came walking leisurely by, hatchet in hand; who, upon seeing how matters stood, without a moment's hesitation, ran up to his father, and, dropping his hatchet, caught him round the leg, just as the first stroke of the switch was about to descend on the calves of the unlucky jerry. "o papa, papa!" cried he, "don't whip poor jerry: if somebody must be whipped, let it be me; for it was i, and not jerry, that cut the cherry-tree. i didn't know how much harm i was doing; i didn't indeed." and the child began crying piteously. with a look of glad surprise, his father, dropping the switch, caught his brave little boy in his arms, and folded him tenderly, lovingly, to his bosom. "now, thanks be to god," cried he, "thanks be to god, that i have a son whose love of truth is greater than his fear of punishment! look on him, my black children, look on him, and be as near like him as you can, if you would have the love of your master and the good-will of all around you." seeing the unlooked-for turn the affair had taken, and not having the words to express the feelings of joy and thankfulness that swelled almost to bursting in his little black breast, jerry darted through the door, out into the yard, kicked up his heels, yelped like a young dog, threw a somerset in the snow, and went rolling over and over down to the bottom of the hill, and ever after loved his noble little master to distraction. ii. the first sorrow. when george had learned all that poor old hobby could teach him, his father, to reward him for his diligence and good behavior at school, indulged him in two or three weeks' holidays, which he went to spend at a distance from home, among some friends and relatives. here, as usual, he was made much of; for, being a great favorite with all who knew him, he met with a cordial reception wherever he went; and what with hunting and fishing, riding and visiting, the time spent here was the most delightful he had ever known. but hardly had half the happy days flown by, when word came that his father was sick, even unto death; and that, of all things, he most desired to look upon his noble boy once more before he died. with a sadness and heaviness of heart he had never before experienced, george set out on his return home, where he arrived just in time to receive his dying father's blessing. long and deeply did he mourn his loss; for his father was most tenderly beloved by his children, and greatly esteemed by his friends and neighbors as a useful member of society, and a man of many sterling traits of character. mrs. washington was thus left a young widow with a large family of young children, whom it now became her duty to provide for and educate in a manner becoming a christian mother; and how well and faithfully and lovingly she discharged this sacred trust, is most beautifully set forth in the life and character of her great son. she was a woman of uncommon strength and clearness of understanding, and her heart was the home of every pure and noble virtue. she was mild, but firm; generous, but just; candid whenever she deemed it her duty to speak her mind, but never losing sight of the respect and consideration due to the feelings and opinions of others. she was gentle and loving with her children, yet exacting from them in return the strictest obedience to her will and wishes. but of all virtues most sacred in her eyes was that of the love of truth, which she ever sought to implant in their minds; assuring them, that, without it, all other virtues were but as unprofitable weeds, barren of fruits and flowers. she was simple and dignified in her manners, and had a hearty dislike for every thing savoring of parade and idle show. she always received her friends and visitors with a cordial smile of welcome, spreading before them with an unsparing hand the best her house afforded: but, when they rose to depart, she would invite them once, and once only, to stay longer; and, if after this they still seemed bent on going, she would do all in her power to speed them on their journey. with so many traits betokening strength of mind and character, she had but one weakness; and this was her excessive dread of thunder, caused in early maidenhood by seeing a young lady struck dead at her side by lightning. and such was mary, the mother of washington; and seldom indeed has her like been seen. as her husband, by industry and prudent management, had gathered together enough of the riches of this world to leave each of his children a fine plantation, she was not hindered by straitened circumstances, or anxiety as to their means of future support, from giving her chief attention to such bodily and mental training as should have a lasting tendency to make them, in more mature years, healthy, virtuous, and wise. it has been often remarked, that those men who have most distinguished themselves in the world's history for noble thoughts and heroic deeds, have, as a general thing, inherited those qualities of mind and heart which made them great, from their mothers, rather than from their fathers; and also that their efforts to improve and elevate the condition of their fellow-beings have been owing in a larger measure to the lessons of truth, piety, and industry, taught them by their mothers in childhood and early youth. if this be the case, then how much are we indebted for the freedom, prosperity, and happiness we now enjoy above other nations of the earth, to mary, the mother of washington! perhaps, to give you a still more forcible idea of the characters of both mother and son, and of the wholesome effects on him of her judicious training, i ought to relate in this place the story of his attempt at taming the sorrel horse. a fine horse was an object that afforded mrs. washington, as it did the other substantial virginia ladies of that day, quite as much, if not more, real pleasure than their more delicate grand-daughters of the present now find in their handsome carriages, lap-dogs, and canary-birds. so great was her fondness for this noble animal, that she usually suffered two or three of her finest to run in a meadow in front of the house, where she might look at them from time to time as she sat sewing at her dining-room window. one of these was a young sorrel horse, of great beauty of form, and fleetness of foot, but of so wild and vicious a nature, that, for fear of accident, she had forbidden any one to mount him, although he had already reached his full height and size. now, you must know that a bolder and more skilful rider than george was not to be found in all the old dominion, as virginia is sometimes called; and it was this early practice that afterwards won for him the name of being the finest horseman of his day. often, as we may very naturally suppose to have been the case, would he reason thus with himself, as, sitting on the topmost rail of a worm fence, he watched the spirited young animal frisking and bounding about the field in all the freedom of his untamed nature: "if i were but once upon his back, with a strong bit in his mouth, believe me, i would soon make him a thing of use as well as ornament; and it would, i am sure, be such a pleasant surprise to mother to look from her window some fine morning, and see me mounted on his back, and managing him with ease, and to know that it was i who had subdued his proud spirit." accordingly, full of these thoughts, he arose early one bright summer morning, and invited two or three friends of his own age, then on a visit at his mother's house, to go with him to the fields, to share with him the sport, or lend their aid in carrying out his design, should it be found too difficult and hazardous for himself alone. they needed no second bidding, these young madcaps, to whom nothing could be more to their liking than such wild sport. so at it they went; and after a deal of chasing and racing, heading and doubling, falling down and picking themselves up again, and more shouting and laughing than they had breath to spare for, they at last succeeded in driving the panting and affrighted young animal into a corner. here, by some means or other (it was difficult to tell precisely how), they managed to bridle him, although at no small risk of a broken head or two from his heels, that he seemed to fling about him in a dozen different directions at once. having thus made him their captive, they led him out to the more open parts of the field, where george requested his friends to hold him till he could get on his back. but the wild and unruly spirit the young beast had shown that morning had so dismayed them, that they flatly refused to comply; begging him not to think of attempting it, as it would be at the risk of life or limb. but george was not to be daunted by such trifles; and seeing that his blood was up, and knowing that, when this was the case with him, he was not to be turned aside from his purpose, they at length yielded unwilling consent to his entreaties; and, giving him the required aid, he was soon mounted. this was an insult the proud-spirited animal could not brook; and he began plunging and rearing in a manner so frightful to behold, that they who watched the struggle for mastery expected every moment to see the daring young rider hurled headlong to the ground. but he kept his seat unmoved and firm as an iron statue on an iron horse. at length, however, the horse, clinching the bit between his teeth, became for a time unmanageable, and sped away over the field on the wings of the wind; till, making a false step, he staggered and plunged, rallied again, staggered, and, with the red life-stream gushing from his nostrils, dropped down dead. george sprang from the ground unharmed: but, when he saw the noble young animal stretched out smoking and bloody and lifeless before him, tears of pity filled his eyes; and still faster did they flow when he thought of the grief it would occasion his mother, when she should hear how her beautiful favorite had come to his end. his companions now rejoining him, they all, with sad misgiving in their hearts, returned to the house, where mrs. washington met them with a cheerful good-morning, and, when they had taken their seats at the breakfast-table, began talking with them in her usual lively and entertaining manner, until the dreaded question came: "well, young gentlemen," said she, "have you seen any thing of my sorrel horse in your walks this morning?" the boys looked at one another for some moments in silence, scarce knowing what answer to make. at last, george, to put an end to the painful suspense, said in a subdued voice, "mother, the sorrel horse is dead." he then, in a few brief words, told her how it had all happened, and ended by entreating her forgiveness if he had offended; at the same time assuring her, that, in so doing, he had only thought of giving her a pleasant surprise. when he first began his account of the mishap, a flush of anger rose to his mother's cheek; of which, however, there was not a trace to be seen by the time he had finished; and she answered, with something like an approving smile, "my son, as you have had the courage to come and tell me the truth at once, i freely forgive you: had you skulked away, i would have despised you, and been ashamed to own you as my son." iii. playing soldier. after the death of her husband, mrs. washington left the care and education of her son george, in no small measure, to the judgment and discretion of her step-son lawrence, a young man of twenty-five, and lately married to miss fairfax. the love that had always existed between these two brothers was something beautiful indeed to behold,--the more so when we take into consideration the difference of fourteen years in their ages; and, now that their dear father was no more, this love grew all the more tender and strong, and george soon learned to look up to his eldest brother as to a second father. mr. lawrence washington, besides being a fine scholar and one of the most polished gentlemen of his day, was also a brave and able soldier; having served during the late spanish war as a lieutenant under the great admiral vernon, in honor of whom he had named his fine estate on the potomac, mount vernon. at mount vernon, then, we find george spending by far the greater portion of his holidays; and here he often fell in with young officers, fellow-soldiers of his brother, to whom with eager ears he was wont to listen as they recounted their adventures, and told of hard-fought battles by land and sea with the roving pirates, or sea-robbers, and proud and vengeful spaniards. these stories so fired his ardent young spirit, that he longed of all things to become a great soldier, that he might go forth to fight the enemies of his country, wherever they were to be found, and drive them from the face of the wide earth. to give these feelings some relief, he would muster his little school-fellows at play-time, and take them through the lessons of a military drill; showing them how to fire and fall back, how to advance and retreat, how to form in line of march, how to pitch their tents for a night's encampment, how to lay an indian ambuscade, how to scale a wall, how to storm a battery; and, in short, forty other evolutions not to be found in any work on military tactics ever written, and at which old wooden leg, had he been there, would have shaken his cocked hat with a dubious look. then dividing them into two opposing armies, with himself at the head of one, and the tallest boy of the school leading on the other, he would incite them to fight sham battles with wooden swords, wooden guns, snow-balls, and such other munitions of war as came most readily to hand; in which george, no matter what might be the odds against him, or what superior advantages the enemy might have in weapons or ground, was always sure to come off victorious. he was a handsome boy, uncommonly tall, strong, and active for his age; could out-run, out-jump, out-ride any boy three years older than himself; and, in wrestling, there was not one in a hundred who could bring his back to the ground. many stories are told of his wonderful strength; and the spot is still shown, where, when a boy, he stood on the banks of the rappahannock river, and, at its widest part, threw a stone to the opposite side,--a feat that no one has been found able to perform since that day. it was said, that, a few years later, he stood under the natural bridge, and threw a silver dollar upon the top of it,--a height of two hundred and twenty feet; not less than that of bunker-hill monument, and more than double that of the tallest hickory that ever hailed down its ripened nuts upon your heads. although there were none more studious than he in the schoolroom, yet he always took the keenest delight in every kind of active and manly sport, and was the acknowledged leader of the playground. but he had qualities of mind and heart far more desirable and meritorious than those of mere bodily activity and strength. such was his love of truth, his strong sense of justice, and his clearness of judgment, that, when any dispute arose between his playmates, they always appealed to him to decide the difference between them, as willing to abide by his decision, and make it their law. although he had the courage of a young lion, and was even more than a match in strength for many an older boy, he was never known to have a fight at school, nor elsewhere indeed, that i have ever heard; for such was the respect he ever showed to the feelings and wishes of others, that he never gave an insult, and, depend upon it, never received one. the high ground of mount vernon commands a splendid view of the potomac up and down for miles, where it makes a noble bend, and winds its shining course amidst verdant meadow-slopes and richly wooded hills. now and then, in the course of the year, some noble ship, with all its sails outspread and gay banners fluttering to the breeze, might be seen moving down the majestic stream, hastening in its pride and strength to stem the billows of the mighty ocean. with the keenest of delight none but the young and daring mind can ever know, george, as he stood on the piazza in front of his brother's mansion, would watch them with wishful eyes, until a bend of the river hid their lofty masts behind the green tops of the yet more lofty hills between. then would there awaken in his heart an earnest longing to become a sailor; to go forth in some gallant ship upon the face of the great deep; to visit those far-off countries, where he might behold with his own eyes those wonders he had read so much of in books. at such times, it may be, there would arise in his mind enchanting visions of some desert island, upon whose lonely rocky shores he might some day have the rare good fortune of being thrown by the angry billows, there to dwell, like another robinson crusoe, many, many years, with no other company than talking birds, skipping goats, and dancing cats, and, if so lucky, a good man friday, to be rescued by his daring from the bloody clutches of the terrible cannibals. lawrence washington was not long in discovering the thoughts that were uppermost in the mind of the adventurous boy; and, like the generous brother that he was, resolved that, should an opportunity offer, a wish so natural should be gratified. in a short time after, george being then about fourteen years of age, a british man-of-war moved up the potomac, and cast anchor in full view of mount vernon. on board of this vessel his brother lawrence procured him a midshipman's warrant, after having by much persuasion gained the consent of his mother; which, however, she yielded with much reluctance, and many misgivings with respect to the profession her son was about to choose. not knowing how much pain all this was giving his mother, george was as near wild with delight as could well be with a boy of a nature so even and steady. now, what had all along been but a waking dream was about to become a wide-awake reality. his preparations were soon made: already was his trunk packed, and carried on board the ship that was to bear him so far away from his native land; and nothing now remained but to bid farewell to the loved ones at home. but when he came and stood before his mother, dressed in his gay midshipman's uniform, so tall and robust in figure, so handsome in face, and so noble in look and gesture, the thought took possession of her mind, that, if she suffered him to leave her then, she might never see him more; and, losing her usual firmness and self-control, she burst into tears. "deeply do i regret, my dear son," said she, "to disappoint you in a wish you have so near at heart: but i find i cannot bring myself to give you up yet; for, young as you are, your aid and counsel have already become to me of the greatest service and comfort; and these little fatherless ones, now weeping around you, have learned to look up to you as their protector and guide. you know too little of the ways of the world, and are too young and inexperienced, to go forth to endure its hardships, and battle with its temptations, that lie in wait on every side to entrap the unwary, and lead them down to destruction. without you, our home would be lonely indeed: then, for your mother's sake, and for the sake of these little ones, give up your darling scheme, for the present at least, that we may all be happy at home once more together." thus entreated, what could he do but yield consent to the wishes of a loving and prudent mother, and remain at home? where, in a few days, his noble self-denial was rewarded with a sweet contentment of mind that he could never have known had he left the dear ones in sorrow behind him, and gone forth to spend months and years upon the billows of the lonely seas. surely a kind heaven so ordered that the welfare and happiness of us americans, and, it may be, that of the whole world, should be made to depend upon the promptings of a mother's love; for had the boy washington realized this early dream, and gone forth in that gallant ship, he might have perished in the stormy deep, and we had never known the name we now love so much to praise and venerate. or, by his distinguished abilities, he might have risen to become in time the lord high admiral of the british navy; and, instead of being set apart to the salvation of his native land, might have been made an instrument to its destruction, impossible as such an event may now appear to us, with our knowledge of the glorious work he did perform when in the fulness of his strength and years, and accustomed as we are to behold in him our model of all that is great and virtuous in mankind. iv. "rules of behavior." for the five years following his father's death, george made his home at the house of his half-brother, augustine washington, at a considerable distance from his mother's, where he might have the benefit of a better school which that neighborhood afforded. his new schoolmaster was a mr. williams, a very worthy man; who, however, although he knew a vast deal more than mr. hobby, the poor old grave-digger, was far from being what we might call a first-rate scholar. but what his teacher lacked in learning, george made up in diligence, and the most judicious use of every means of self-improvement within his reach. and here, my dear children, let me remind you of a thing worthy of your remembrance through life, that success in the pursuit of knowledge depends far less upon the ability and skill of the teacher, than upon the industry, perseverance, and willing application of the learner. under the instruction of this, his second and last teacher, george got a little insight into english grammar, read some history, became well acquainted with geography, completely mastered arithmetic, and made handsome progress in geometry and trigonometry; which, as you must know, are higher branches of mathematics than arithmetic, and far more difficult to comprehend. in connection with the two latter, he studied surveying; by which is taught, as you must continue to bear in mind hereafter, the measurement of land. when he had advanced so far in this study as to give him some idea of the proper use and handling of the chain and compass, the two principal instruments employed in this art, he began to put his knowledge into practice by taking surveys of the farms lying in the immediate neighborhood of his schoolhouse, and also of the lands belonging to the estate of mount vernon. assisted by his schoolmates, he would follow up, and measure off with the help of his long steel chain, the boundary lines between the farms, such as fences, roads, and watercourses; then those dividing the different parts of the same farm; determining at the same time, with the help of his compass, their various courses, their crooks and windings, and the angles formed at their points of meeting or intersection. this would enable him to get at the shape and size not only of each farm, but of every meadow, field, and wood composing it. this done, he would make a map or drawing on paper of the land surveyed, whereon would be clearly traced the lines dividing the different parts, with the name and number of acres of each attached; while, on the opposite page, he would write down the long and difficult tables of figures by which these results had been reached. all this he would execute with as much neatness and accuracy as if it had been left with him to decide thereby some gravely disputed land-claim. to qualify himself for the management of business affairs upon reaching the age of manhood, he would copy off into a blank-book every form or instrument of writing he would meet with; such as deeds, wills, notes of hand, bills of exchange, receipts, bonds, land-warrants, &c., &c. and, what was still more remarkable in a boy of thirteen, he wrote down, under the head of what he called "rules of behavior in company and conversation," such wise maxims, and lines of wholesome advice, as he would pick up from time to time in the course of his reading or observation, to aid him in forming habits of industry, politeness, and morality. some of these rules, your uncle juvinell, with an eye mainly to your well-being, will repeat to you; for, when but a boy, he got them by heart, well knowing, that, without some such aid, he would find it hard, if not impossible, to so order his walks through life as to win and deserve the esteem and confidence of his fellow-men, as well as the blessing and approbation of his maker. and now that he has reached the evening of his days, and is well assured that the daily observance of these rules has made him a wiser, a better, and a happier man, he would most earnestly advise all his friends, great or small, but especially small, be they boys or girls, to pursue the like course, if they would be favored of heaven in the like manner. here they are:-- " . every action in company ought to be with some sign of respect to those present. " . in the presence of others, sing not to yourself with a humming noise, nor drum with your fingers or feet. " . speak not when others speak, sit not when others stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, walk not when others stop. " . turn not your back to others, especially in speaking; jog not the table or desk on which another reads or writes; lean not on any one. " . be not a flatterer; neither play with any one that delights not to be played with. " . show not yourself glad at the misfortune of another, though he were your enemy. " . it is good manners to prefer them to whom we speak before ourselves, especially if they be above us; with whom in no sort ought we to begin. " . strive not with your superiors in an argument, but always submit your judgment to others with modesty. " . undertake not to teach your equal in the art himself professes; for it is immodest and presumptuous. " . when a man does all he can, though it succeeds not well, blame not him that did it. " . before you advise or find fault with any one, consider whether it ought to be in public or in private, presently or at some other time, in what terms to do it; and, in reproving, show no signs of anger, but do it with sweetness and mildness. " . take all advice thankfully, in what time or place soever given; but afterwards, not being blamable, take a time or place convenient to let him know it that gave it. " . mock not in jest at any thing of importance: if you deliver any thing witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing thereat yourself. " . wherein you reprove another, be unblamable yourself; for example is better than precept. " . use no reproachful language against any one; neither curse nor revile. " . be not hasty to believe flying reports to the injury of any. " . in your apparel, be modest, and endeavor to accommodate yourself to nature, rather than to procure admiration; keep to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil and orderly, with respect to time and places. " . play not the peacock, looking everywhere about you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, if your pantaloons sit neatly, and clothes handsomely. " . associate yourself with men of good quality, if you esteem your reputation; for it is better to be alone than in bad company. " . let your conversation be without malice or envy, for it is a sign of a kindly and commendable nature; and, in all causes of passion, admit reason to govern. " . be not immodest in urging a friend to make known a secret. " . utter not base and frivolous things amongst grave and learned men, nor very difficult questions or subjects among the ignorant, nor things hard to believe. " . speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, nor at the table; speak not of melancholy things, as death and wounds; and, if others mention them, change, if you can, the discourse. tell not your dreams but to your intimate friend. " . break not a jest, when none take pleasure in mirth; laugh not loud, nor at all, without occasion; deride no man's misfortune, though there seem to be some cause. " . speak not injurious words, neither in jest nor earnest; scoff at none, although they give occasion. " . seek not to lessen the merits of others; neither give more than due praise. " . go not thither where you know not whether you shall be welcome. give not advice without being asked; and, when desired, do it briefly. " . reprove not the imperfections of others; for that belongs to parents, masters, and superiors. " . gaze not on the marks or blemishes of others, and ask not how they came. what you may speak in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. " . think before you speak; pronounce not imperfectly, nor bring out your words too hastily, but orderly and distinctly. " . when another speaks, be attentive yourself, and disturb not the audience. if any hesitate in his words, help him not nor prompt him without being desired; interrupt him not nor answer him until his speech be ended. " . treat with men at right times about business, and whimper not in the company of others. " . be not in haste to relate news, if you know not the truth thereof. " . be not curious to know the affairs of others; neither approach those that speak in private. " . undertake not what you cannot perform, but be careful to keep your promise. " . when your masters or superiors talk to anybody, hearken not, nor speak or laugh. " . speak not evil of the absent; for it is unjust. " . make no show of taking delight in your victuals; feed not with greediness; cut your food with a knife, and lean not on the table; neither find fault with what you eat. " . be not angry at the table, whatever happens; and, if you have reason to be so, show it not, but put on a cheerful face, especially if there be strangers; for good humor makes of one dish a feast. " . if you speak of god or his attributes, let it be seriously, in reverence; and honor and obey your parents. " . let your recreations be manful, not sinful. " . labor to keep in your breast that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." now, does it not strike you, my dear children, as being most truly wonderful that it should have ever entered the mind of a boy of thirteen to lay down for his own guidance and self-improvement such rules and principles as these i have just repeated? it certainly must. and yet when i tell you that he strictly adhered to them through life, and squared his conduct by them daily, you will, no doubt, think it quite unreasonable that he could have been other than the good and great man he was. these writings i have mentioned filled several quires of paper; and together with his business papers, letters, journals, and account-books, written later in life, and with the same neatness and precision, are still preserved at mount vernon with pious care; and are even now to be seen by those who go on pilgrimages to that sacred spot, although, since many of them were penned, more than a hundred years have come and gone. and thus, my children, you have seen young washington, at an age when most boys are wasting their precious hours in idle sports, seeking to acquire those habits of industry, punctuality, and method, which afterwards enabled him so to economize time and labor as to do with ease and expedition what others did with difficulty and tardiness. you have seen him making the best use of the slender means within his reach for storing his mind with those treasures of knowledge, and schooling his heart in the daily practice of those exalted virtues, which, after a life well spent and work well done, make good his title to the name he bears,--the greatest and the wisest of human kind. at last, the day came when george was to leave school for ever; and a day of sorrow it was to his school-fellows, who parted from him with many an affectionate wish, and, as we are told, even with tears; so greatly had he endeared himself to them by his noble disposition, gentle manners, and earnest desire to do as he would be done by, which appeared in all his words and actions. in these regrets, mr. williams, his worthy schoolmaster, also shared; and it gave him in after-life, when his little george had become the great washington, the most heartfelt pleasure to say, that it had never been his privilege to teach another pupil who could at all compare with him for diligence in application, aptitude in learning, docility of disposition, manly generosity, courage, and truth. v. in the wilderness. extending from the rappahannock to the potomac, and stretching away beyond the blue ridge far into the alleghany mountains, there lay at this time an immense tract of forest land, broken only here and there by a little clearing, in the midst of which stood the rude log-cabin of some hardy backwoodsman. this large body of land--the largest, indeed, ever owned by any one man in virginia--was the property of a great english nobleman named lord fairfax, an old bachelor of eccentric habits and strange opinions, but of a highly cultivated understanding, and, when it so pleased him, of polite and elegant address. his stature was lofty,--far above that of the common run of men. he was a keen sportsman, had a fund of whimsical humor, and, in his odd way, showed himself possessed of a kindly and generous heart; sometimes making a tenant or poor friend the present of a large farm, without requiring any thing in return but a haunch of venison or a fat wild turkey for his next christmas dinner. having heard that settlements were being made in the most fertile valleys of his wild domain, he had lately come over from the mother-country to inquire into the matter, and make suitable provision against any future encroachments of the kind upon his rights. he now beheld his forest possessions for the first time; and so charmed was he with the wild beauty of the scenery, and so won over by enticing visions of fishing and hunting, conjured up by the sight of the waving woods and running streams, that he resolved to leave his native land for ever, and take up his abiding-place for the rest of his days amid those leafy solitudes. accordingly, he betook himself, with all his negro servants (numbering one hundred and fifty), and a few white dependants, to the beautiful valley of the shenandoah, lying between the blue ridge and the alleghany mountains; where he soon cleared a large plantation, and built thereon a house, to which he gave the name of greenway court. from that time forward, this became his fixed abode; but, as he had more land than a thousand men could put to any good use, he was quite willing to dispose of all, except what lay for a few miles immediately around greenway court, at reasonable rates, to such honest persons as were willing to buy it and make it their future home. but, in order that no misunderstanding might arise hereafter between the parties concerned with respect to the boundary-line and number of acres bought and sold, it was necessary, in the first place, to have the land surveyed, and divided into lots of convenient sizes for farms. now, you must know that, old lord fairfax was a distant relative of mrs. lawrence washington, and had, as a natural consequence, often met our george at mount vernon; and so struck was he with the manly bearing, high character, good sense, and mathematical skill, of the fair-haired, blue-eyed youth, that he offered him, young as he was, the place of surveyor of all his vast lands. being the son of a widowed mother, and earnestly desirous of aiding her all in his power, and earning for himself an honest independence, george was but too happy to accept of the offer; and the necessary arrangements were soon made. having provided himself with all things needful for the new enterprise,--such as a horse, a rifle, a blanket, and a steel chain and compass,--he set out, at the head of a small party of hunters and backwoodsmen, upon this his first considerable field of labor, early in the spring of , just one month from the completion of his sixteenth year. they were soon, in the depths of the wilderness, miles beyond the most distant frontier settlements. the snows of winter that still lingered on the mountains, warmed by the softer airs of early spring, had melted so rapidly of late as to swell the forest streams to a degree that rendered their fording often difficult, and even sometimes dangerous. now and then, coming to a stream which had overflowed its banks, the little party would be obliged to construct a raft of logs, roughly lashed together with grape-vines, upon which they could push to the opposite side, without getting their baggage wet, and, at the same time, compel their horses to swim along behind. their way was often obstructed by the trunks and branches of fallen trees, thickets tangled and dense and thorny, huge and rugged rocks, and treacherous swamps, covered with long, green grass, into which the horses, stepping unawares, would suddenly plunge up to the saddle-girths in water and mire. for some time, they lodged in wigwams or huts, rudely framed of poles, and covered with the bark of trees; which served the purpose well enough when the weather was dry and still, but were often beaten down and overturned by the winds and rains when their shelter was most needed. after two or three of these rickety shanties had been tumbled about their heads, to the no small risk of life or limb, they wisely concluded to abandon them, and sleep in the open air, with the twinkling stars above them, the gray old trees around them, and the damp, cold ground beneath them, with nothing between but their good blankets, and the dead, dry leaves of autumn heaped together; and lucky was he who got the place nearest the fire, or could put the mossy trunk of a fallen tree between him and the biting blast, or, better still, could boast a bearskin for his bed. a little before sunset, they would halt for the night in some sheltered spot, convenient to a running stream; where, turning their horses loose to graze till morning, they would build a cheerful fire of the dry brushwood close at hand, and prepare their evening meal, which they would eat with a keenness of appetite known only to the tired and hungry hunter. each man was his own cook; their food consisting chiefly of venison and wild turkey their rifles procured them, and fish drawn from the neighboring brook, which they would broil on the glowing coals, fastened to a forked stick instead of a spit, and then eat it from a maple chip, instead of a dish. if the season permitted them to add to this a hatful of berries that grew on the sunny side of the hill, or acorns from the mountain-oak, or nuts from the hickory-tree, or, more delicious still, plums, persimmons, and pawpaws, that grew in the more open parts of the woods, they made of it a dainty feast indeed. now and then, in the course of this rambling life in the wilderness, they met with roving bands of skin-clad indians, either as warriors out upon the war-path against some distant tribe, or as hunters roaming the forest in quest of game. one evening, late, as our little party of surveyors were about to encamp for the night, they spied through the trees the glimmering light of a large fire on the top of a far-off hill. curious to know who, besides themselves, could be in that lonely place, they determined to go thither before stopping; and, guided by the light, reached ere long the spot, where they found a small squad of indian hunters, resting themselves after the fatigues of the day's chase. they seemed to be in high good humor, as if the hunt had gone well with them that day; and, being in this mood, extended a true indian welcome to the new-comers; setting before them, with open-handed hospitality, heaps of parched corn, and their choicest bits of venison, wild turkey, bear's meat, and fish. supper ended, the pipe of peace and good-will passed from mouth to mouth, as a pledge that all should go on well between them; after which the indians, for the further entertainment of their white guests, and as a more marked manner of showing their respect, set about preparing themselves for a war-dance. in the first place, they cleared the ground around the fire of chunks and brushwood, and other obstructions that might hinder the free play of their feet and legs in the performance. then the two musicians began to put in order and tune their instruments: that is to say, one of them filled a camp-kettle half full of water, over which he tightly stretched a raw-hide, and, tapping it twice or thrice with a stick, drew forth a hollow, smothered sound therefrom, by way of giving to those not in the secret a hint that this was to be their drum; while the other made a rattle by putting a few bullets or pebbles into a hard, dry gourd of monstrous size, to the handle of which he fastened a horse's tail, not so much to improve its tone perhaps, as to give it a more finished appearance. these simple preparations soon completed, a tall warrior, grimly painted as if for battle, advanced a few paces into the circle, and, squatting upon his haunches, fixed his eyes for several moments with a hard, stony look upon nothing whatever, till the first tap of the drum and the first jerk of the rattle, when he suddenly leaped up, with a deafening yell that made the old woods ring again, and began capering about in the most astonishing manner, causing such a commotion among the dry leaves and dead twigs as made it appear that a little whirlwind had all at once been let loose among them. another soon followed, and got up a similar sensation among the dry leaves and dead twigs on his own private account; while a third, springing into the circle, did the same; and so on, until at last the whole party were hot in the dance. some brandished their scalping-knives, some flourished their tomahawks, some waved aloft the scalps of their enemies taken in battle; all yelling the while, and all making horrible faces. and warmer and warmer they waxed in the dance, and round and round they went; now up in the air, now down on the ground; jumping and kicking, yelping and barking, spinning and whirling, yelling and howling, like a pack of hobgoblins and imps on a spree. the hollow woods gave back the barbarous din in a thousand obstreperous echoes; and afar off, from the depths of the lonely forest glens, might have been heard, had not the attention of the spectators been otherwise engaged, the answering howl of the hungry wolves. after some time spent in this outlandish amusement, without any previous notice whatever, plump down they sat, and, in a minute, were smoking their pipes with as much gravity and composure as if they had just come in from a gentle promenade with their wives and children along the banks of a smooth and tranquil river. it was a sight, once seen, never to be forgotten. at first, george and his friends had looked on with open-eyed amazement; but, before the dance was ended, the whole scene appeared to them so comical, that they had need of all their self-control to keep a sober countenance, so as not to give offence to their savage entertainers. vi. the young surveyor. it was a glorious region of stately woods, fertile valleys, clear running streams, and lofty mountains, where our young surveyor, with the exception of the winter months, spent the next three years of his life. at first, not being accustomed to such severe privations and exposure, it had gone rather hard with him: but he soon became inured to them; and it was, no doubt, to this rough experience in the wilderness, that he owed, in large measure, his uncommon vigor and activity of body, and that firm reliance on the resources of his own mind, which enabled him to endure and overcome those hardships, trials, and difficulties which beset him throughout the greater portion of his after-life. this severe training was also of another advantage to him, in making him perfectly familiar with all that region, in whose dark retreats and rugged wilds he learned, a few years later, his first hard lessons in the art of war. with all its privations, it was a life he loved to lead; for it afforded him the means of an independent support: and a happy boy was he, when first he wrote his mother that he was earning from fifteen to twenty dollars for every day he worked. besides this, the beauty and grandeur of nature's works, everywhere visible around him, awakened in him feelings of the truest delight; and he would sometimes spend the better part of a summer's day in admiring the tall and stately trees, whose spreading branches were his only shelter from the dews of heaven, and heat of noonday. at night, after supper, when his companions would be talking over the adventures of the day just past, or laughing boisterously at some broad joke repeated for the hundredth time, or would be joining their voices in the chorus of some rude woodland song, our young surveyor would be sitting a little apart on the trunk of a fallen tree, pencil and paper before him, calculating with a grave countenance, and by the ruddy light of a blazing pine-knot, the results of the day's labor. with no other companionship than that of the wild indians he fell in with from time to time, and the rude, unlettered hunters around him, he must needs turn for society to the thoughts that stirred within his own mind. often would he withdraw himself from the noisy mirth of his companions, and, climbing to some lofty mountain-top, spend hours and hours rapt in the contemplation of the wild and varied region, smiling in life and beauty far, far beneath him. at such times, we can imagine his countenance lit up with a sacred joy, and his soul rising in praise and thanksgiving to the great father, who, in love and wisdom, made this glorious world for the good and happiness of all that dwell therein. now and then, for the sake of a refreshing change, he would leave the wilderness behind him, with all its toils and dangers, and betake him to greenway court, the woodland home of old lord fairfax, with whom he had become a great favorite, and was ever a welcome guest. here he would spend a few weeks in the most agreeable manner you can well imagine; for the old lord, being a man of some learning and extensive reading, had collected, in the course of a long life, a large library of the best and rarest books, from which, during these three years, george derived great pleasure and much valuable information. besides this, a keener fox-hunter than this odd old bachelor was not to be found in all the old dominion; and, for the full enjoyment of this sport, he always kept a pack of hounds of the purest english blood. at the first peep of dawn, the cheerful notes of the hunter's horn, and the deep-mouthed baying of the fox-hounds, filling the neighboring woods with their lively din, would call our young surveyor from his slumbers to come and join in the sports of the morning. waiting for no second summons, he would be up and out in a trice, and mounted by the side of the merry old lord; when, at a signal wound on the bugle, the whole party would dash away, pell-mell, helter-skelter, over the hills and through the woods, up the hills and down them again, across the brooks and along the winding river; hunters and horses hard on the heels of the hounds, hounds hard on the heels of poor renard, and poor renard cutting, cutting away for dear life. during the three years thus employed, george made his home at mount vernon, it being nearer and more convenient to his field of labor; but, as often as his business would permit, he would go on a visit to his mother at the old homestead on the rappahannock, whither, as i should have told you before now, his father had removed when he was but three or four years old. these were precious opportunities, ever improved by him, of extending to her that aid in the management of her family affairs, which to receive from him was her greatest pleasure, as well as his truest delight to give. about this time, he formed a habit of writing down in a diary or day-book such facts and observations as seemed to him worthy of note, by which means he would be enabled to fix firmly in his mind whatever might prove of use to him at a future day. this is a most excellent habit; and i would earnestly advise all young persons, desirous of increasing their stock of knowledge, to form it as soon as they begin the study of grammar and can write a good round hand. the following is a specimen of this diary, written by him at the age of sixteen, as you will see by the date therein given:-- "march th, .--rode to his lordship's (lord fairfax's) quarter. about four miles higher up the shenandoah, we went through most beautiful groves of sugar-trees, and spent the better part of the day in admiring the trees and richness of the land. " th.--we sent our baggage to capt. hite's, near fredericktown; and went ourselves down the river about sixteen miles (the land exceedingly rich all the way, producing abundance of grain, hemp, and tobacco), in order to lay off some land on cole's marsh and long marsh. " th.--worked hard till night, and then returned. after supper, we were lighted into a room; and i, not being so good a woodsman as the rest, stripped myself very orderly, and went into the bed, as they called it; when, to my surprise, i found it to be nothing but a little straw matted together, without sheet or any thing else, but only one threadbare blanket, with double its weight of vermin, i was glad to get up and put on my clothes, and lie as my companions did. had we not been very tired, i am sure we should not have slept much that night. i made a promise to sleep so no more; choosing rather to sleep in the open air, before a fire. " th.--we travelled to thomas berwick's on the potomac, where we found the river exceedingly high, by reason of the great rains that had fallen among the alleghanies. they told us it would not be fordable for several days; it being now six feet higher than usual, and rising. we agreed to stay till monday. we this day called to see the famed warm springs. we camped out in the field this night. " th.--finding the river not much abated, we in the evening swam our horses over to the maryland side. " st.--we went over in a canoe, and travelled up the maryland side all day, in a continued rain, to col. cresap's, over against the mouth of the south branch, about forty miles from the place of starting in the morning, and over the worst road, i believe, that ever was trod by man or beast." in this diary, he also entered such items as these,--the number of acres of each lot of land surveyed, the quality of the soil, the growth of plants and trees, the height of the hills, the extent of the valleys, and the length, breadth, and course of the streams. from the items thus collected, he would draw the materials for the reports it was his duty to submit, from time to time, for examination, to his patron or employer; and such was the clearness, brevity, and exactness displayed therein, and such the industry, skill, and fidelity with which he performed his toilsome and difficult task, that the generous old lord not only rewarded him handsomely for his services, but continued to cherish for him through life a truly fatherly affection. in after-years, washington was wont to turn with peculiar fondness to this period of his life, as perhaps affording the only leisure he had ever known for sentimental musings, and the indulgence of what fancy he may have had in those bright visions of future happiness, fame, or enterprise; to which all men are more or less given during the immature years of youth. this, to my mind, is to be easily enough accounted for, if we but ascribe it to a certain little circumstance; concerning which, as it exercised no small influence on his mind at the time, i will now tell you all that is known, and, it may be, more than ever can be known with possible certainty. from a letter written by him at the age of fifteen, and also from some sad and plaintive verses of his own composition found in his copy-book, we learn that the boy, who should grow to become the greatest man that ever made this glorious world of ours more glorious with his wise precepts and virtuous example, was at this time a victim of the tender passion called _love_, of which most of you little folks as yet know nothing but the four letters that spell the word. the object of this early attachment was a damsel, of whom nothing certain is known, as her name, from the fact of its never being repeated above a whisper, has not come down to our day, but who was called by him in his confidential correspondence the lowland beauty. as he had none of that self-assurance which lads of his age are apt to mistake for pluck or spirit, he never ventured to make known the secret of this passion to the object thereof; and it is probable, that we, even at the big end of a hundred years, are wiser as to this tender passage of his life than was ever the young lady herself. not having the courage to declare the sentiments that warmed his breast, he wisely resolved to banish them from his mind altogether; and this, i will venture to say, was one reason why he so readily accepted of old lord fairfax's offer, and was willing for so long a time to make his abiding-place in the wilderness. but it was months, and even years, before he could get the better of his weakness, if such it could be justly called; for a wilderness, let me tell you (and i hope the hint will not be lost on my little friends), is the last place in the world, that a man, or a boy either, should take to, as the readiest means of ridding himself of such troublesome feelings. no wonder, then, that our young surveyor was grave and thoughtful beyond his years; and that the lonely forest, with its ever-changing beauties and wild seclusion, viewed through the bewitched eyes of love, should have had greater charms for him than the noisy, bustling haunts of men. that you may have a more distinct idea of the appearance of washington at the time of which we are speaking, your uncle juvinell will conjure up, from the lingering lights and shadows of his dull old fancy, a little picture, to be gilded anew by your bright young fancies, and hung up in that loftiest chamber of your memory which you are wont to adorn with your portraits of the good and great men and women who have blessed the earth, and of whom we love so much to read and hear. it is a summer morning, and the eastern mountains fling their shadows long and huge across the lonesome valleys. our little party of surveyors, having spent the night on the summits of one of the less lofty peaks of the blue ridge, are slowly descending its shrubby skies to the more densely wooded parts of the wilderness below, of whose waste fertility many a broad tract have they yet to explore, and many a mile of boundary-line have chain and compass yet to measure and determine. still lingering on the summit far above, as loath to quit the contemplation of the splendid prospect seen from thence, stands a tall youth of eighteen, with his right arm thrown across his horse's neck, and his left hand grasping his compass-staff. he is clad in a buckskin hunting-shirt, with leggins and moccasons of the same material,--the simple garb of a backwoodsman, and one that well becomes him now, as in perfect keeping with the wildness of the surrounding scenery; while in his broad leathern belt are stuck his long hunting-knife and indian tomahawk. in stature he is much above most youths of the same age: he is of a handsome and robust form, with high and strong but smooth features, light-brown hair, large blue eyes,--not brilliant, but beaming with a clear and steady light, as if a soul looked through them that knew no taint of vice or meanness,--and a countenance all glorious with a truth and courage, modest gentleness, and manly self-reliance; and as he thus lingers on that lonely mountain-height, glorified as it were with the fresh pure light of the newly risen sun, with head uncovered and looks reverent, he seems in holy communion with his maker, to whom, in the tender, guileless years of childhood, a pious mother taught him to kneel, morning and evening, in prayer, thanksgiving, and adoration. anon, his morning devotions ended, he turns to take, ere following his companions down the mountain, another view of the varied panorama spread out far beneath him, the chief feature of which is a valley, surpassing in beauty and fertility any that that summer's sun will shine on ere reaching his golden gateway in the west. through this valley, glimmering, half seen, half hid among the waving woods, runs a river, with many a graceful bend, so beautiful, that, in the far-away years of the past, some long-forgotten tribe of indians called it shenandoah, or shining daughter of the stars; a name that still lingers like a sweet echo among the mountains. and as the eyes of the young surveyor slowly range the wide prospect from point to point, and take in miles and miles of beauty at a single stretch of view, there is a look in them as if he would recall some pleasing dream of the night, which he would now fain bring forth, though but a dream, to refine and elevate the thoughts wherewith his mind must needs be occupied throughout the day. he is familiar with every feature of the landscape before him: he knows each shady dell and sunny hill, and every grassy slope and winding stream; for there he has made his home this many a day. he has seen it all a thousand times, and each time with renewed delight. but now it has a glory not all its own, nor borrowed from the morning sun, but from the first warm light of youthful love that burns in his heart for his lowland beauty. vii. first military appointment. about this time, the indians inhabiting that vast region extending from the ohio river to the great lakes of the north, secretly encouraged and aided by the french, began to show signs of hostility, and threatened the western borders of virginia, pennsylvania, and new york, with all the dismal horrors of their bloody and wasting warfare. the alarm spread rapidly from the frontier even to the atlantic coast, till the whole country was awakened to the sense of the impending danger. to put the province of virginia in a better posture of defence, the governor thereof, robert dinwiddie, besides other measures, divided it into four grand military districts. over each of these he placed what is called an adjutant-general, whose duty it was to organize and train the militia, instruct the officers in matters touching the art and science of war, to review the different companies when on parade, and to inspect their arms and accoutrements, and see that they were kept ready for use at a moment's warning. the energy, fidelity, and soundness of judgment, that young washington had lately shown while acting as surveyor, had won for him a name in the colony; and, becoming known to governor dinwiddie, he was appointed by that gentleman adjutant-general of the northern district; receiving along with his commission the rank of major, which entitled him to the salary of seven hundred and fifty dollars a year. you have already seen what great delight he took in martial exercises when a school-boy; and, now that he was to become a soldier in the true sense of the term, you will not be surprised to learn that this appointment was altogether agreeable to his present taste and inclinations. to show his deep sense of the honor done him, and the trust and confidence reposed in him, he determined to perform his work well and faithfully as far as in him lay. the better to qualify himself for the duties of his office, he placed himself under the instruction of his brother lawrence, and other officers living in that part of the province, who had served under admiral vernon during the late spanish war. these gentlemen, besides giving him the benefit of their experience and observation, placed in his hands the best works on military science then in use; from which he learned the various modes of training militia, the different manoeuvres of an army on the field of battle, and their management while on the line of march, together with the most approved plans of building forts, throwing up intrenchments and redoubts, and the construction of other works of defence, whether of wood or earth or stone. at the same time, he also made himself acquainted with the handling and design of many weapons and engines of war; and under the instruction of capt. van braam, a dutch fencing-master, he became very skilful in the use of the sword. thus mount vernon, from being the quiet mansion of a country gentleman, was now, in a manner, converted into a military school; and the youth, who but a few years before, as he strolled among its verdant retreats, had, in honor of his lowland beauty, made his first and only attempt of putting his thoughts and feelings in verse, was, at the early age of nineteen, called upon to discharge those stern duties which men of age and experience alone are generally thought able to perform. the district allotted to major washington (for so we must now call him) consisted of several large counties, each of which the duties of his office obliged him to visit from time to time; and such was the energy and spirit he carried into his work, and such ability did he display, and such was the manliness and dignified courtesy with which he deported himself on all occasions, that he soon completely won the confidence and affections of both officers and men, who were inspired by his example to still greater zeal and patriotism in the service of their country. but these labors, so agreeable to one of his age and ardent spirit, were now interrupted for several months. his brother lawrence, who had always been of a delicate constitution, was now thought to be in the last stages of consumption, and was advised by his physicians to betake himself to the west indies, where he might yet, perhaps, find some relief in the warmer suns and milder airs of those beautiful islands. as he would have need of cheerful company and gentle and careful nursing, he took with him his favorite brother george; and, embarking from alexandria, was soon out upon the shining billows of the deep-blue sea, in quest of that health he was never again to find. their place of destination was the charming little island of barbadoes, where, after a somewhat stormy voyage, they arrived in safety. while here, major washington had an attack of small-pox, which handled him rather severely; and for some time he was thought to be in a dangerous condition. but in a few weeks, by dint of careful nursing, joined to the natural vigor of his constitution, he got the better of this frightful malady; and, when he was completely restored, not a disfiguring trace of it remained. during his sojourn here, he still continued his habit of writing down in a journal whatever of importance or interest came under his observation; in which, among other items, we find such as the following,--the speed of the ship in which they sailed; the direction of the winds; some account of a storm that overtook them on their voyage; the cities, ships, forts, and military strength of the island of barbadoes; its products; manners and customs of the people, and the laws and government under which they lived. by this means, contributing as it did to habits of close and accurate observation, he impressed the more strongly upon his memory such facts as might prove of use to him at a future day. our two virginians, during the three or four months of their stay on the island, were treated with much courtesy and hospitality by the inhabitants. but neither the genial climate of the region, nor the kindly hospitality of the people, was enough to restore that health and strength to the invalid for which he had come so far and hoped so long. feeling that his end was drawing nigh, lawrence washington resolved to hasten home, that he might have the melancholy satisfaction of spending his last moments in the midst of his family and friends. he had scarcely returned to mount vernon, and bid a fond farewell to the loved ones there, when the angel of death summoned him to take another and a longer voyage, in quest of immortality, to be found in the islands of the blest, that smile in never-fading beauty on the bosom of the eternal sea. thus, at the early age of thirty-four, died lawrence washington, one of the most amiable and accomplished gentlemen of his day. he left behind him an affectionate wife, a sweet little daughter, a devoted brother, and many a loving friend, to mourn his loss. in his will, he bequeathed his fine estate of mount vernon and all else that he possessed to his brother george; on condition, however, that his wife should have the use of it during her lifetime, and that his daughter should die without children to inherit it. the daughter did not reach the years of maidenhood; and, the mother surviving but a few years, george was left in the undivided possession of a large and handsome property; and, in a worldly point of view, his fortune was really already made. but, for all that, he long and deeply mourned the death of this much loved and valued brother, who had been to him father and friend ever since that first great sorrow of his childhood, when he became a widow's son and a widow's blessing. and thus, my little children, i have told you the story of this great and good man's life from his years of infancy up to those of early manhood. i have dwelt at greater length upon this period of his life than perhaps any other historian, and have told you some things that you might look for elsewhere in vain. in my treatment of this part of the subject, it has been my chief aim and earnest desire to impress upon your opening minds this one great truth,--that, if you would be good and wise in your manhood, you must begin, now in early youth, to put forth all your powers, and use all the means within your reach, to store your mind with useful knowledge, and direct your thoughts and actions in the ways of truth and virtue, industry and sobriety. the boy washington did all this; and, ere we have done, you shall see the glorious results of such a good beginning. be like him in your youth,--patient and diligent, loving and dutiful, truthful and prayerful; that you may be like him in the fulness of years,--esteemed and beloved, happy and good, useful and wise. viii. important explanations. when uncle juvinell had finished this part of his story, he paused, and with a beaming face looked round upon his little circle of listeners. two or three of the youngest had long since fallen asleep; and master ned, having heard the story of the little hatchet, had stolen quietly away to the cabin, just to see how "black daddy" was getting along with his sled. having waited till it was finished, he had, for his own private amusement, taken it to a nice hillside, and was now coasting on it all alone by the light of a good-humored, dish-faced moon. the other children had listened with great interest and attention to the story, and were still sitting with their eyes bent earnestly on the fire, whose great bright eye had by this time grown a little red, and was winking in a slow and sleepy way, as if it were saying, "well done, uncle juvinell,--very well done indeed. i have been listening very attentively, and quite approve of all you have said, especially all that about the wooden-legged schoolmaster, the little hatchet, the sorrel horse, the indian war-dance, and the lowland beauty, not to mention those wise maxims and wholesome moral precepts you brought in so aptly. all of it is very fine and very good, and just to my liking. but i am thinking it is high bed-time for these little folks." uncle juvinell was much gratified to see how deeply interested the children were in what he had been telling them; and in a little while he called upon them to let him know how they all liked it. laura said that it was very nice; ella, that it was charming; daniel, that it was quite as interesting as plutarch's lives; willie, that it was even more so than "robinson crusoe;" and bryce, that it was very good, but he would have liked it better had uncle juvinell told them more about the indians. just then, master charlie awoke from a comfortable nap of an hour or two, having dropped asleep shortly after the sorrel horse dropped dead; and, to make believe that he had been as wide awake as a weasel from the very start, began asking such a string of questions as seemed likely to have no end. after a droll jumbling of washington with jack the giant-killer, old lord fairfax with bluebeard, poor old hobby, the wooden-legged schoolmaster, with the roving red robber, he at last so far got the better of his sleepy senses as to know what he would be driving at; when he said, "uncle juvinell, did his father let him keep his little hatchet after he had cut the cherry-tree?" "history, my little nephew," replied his uncle with a sober countenance, "does not inform us whether he did or not; but you may be quite sure that he did, well knowing that a little boy who would choose rather to take a whipping than tell a lie, or suffer another to be punished for an offence he had himself committed, would never be guilty the second time of doing that wherein he had once been forbidden." "what became of black jerry after he turned a somerset in the snow, and went rolling over and over down the hill?" charlie went on. "jerry, i am happy to say," replied his uncle, "was so won over by the kindness and noble self-devotion of his brave little master, that he made up his mind to mend his ways from that very moment; and in a short time, from having been the worst, became the best behaved negroling to be found on either side of the rappahannock, for more than a hundred miles up and down." "what is a negroling?" inquired master charlie, as if bent on sifting this matter to the very bottom. "a negroling," replied uncle juvinell with a smile, "is to a full-grown negro what a gosling is to a full-grown goose. now, can you tell me what it is?" "a gosling negro, i suppose," was charlie's answer; and then he asked, "did old hobby go on teaching school after little george left him?" "of course he did," answered his uncle; "but, you may depend upon it, he never took another scholar as far as the single rule of three." then, winking slyly at two or three of the older children, he continued: "this worthy schoolmaster lived to the good old age of ninety-nine; when, feeling that his earthly pilgrimage was drawing to a close, he for the last time hung up his big cocked hat on the accustomed peg, and for the last time unscrewed his wooden, leg, and set it in its accustomed corner; then, like a good christian, laid him down to die in peace, giving thanks to heaven with his last breath that it had fallen to his lot to teach the great george washington his a b c's and the multiplication-table." this made master charlie look very grave and thoughtful, so that he asked no more questions for the rest of the night. then daniel, the young historian, who, having his mind occupied with more weighty matters, had been listening with some impatience while the above confab was going on, begged that his uncle would tell him what was meant by a midshipman's warrant. "in the first place, dannie," said uncle juvinell, "for the benefit of the rest of the children, who are not so well informed upon such matters as yourself, we must see what a midshipman is. the lowest officer in the navy, but still several degrees removed from a common sailor, is a midshipman, who enters a man-of-war as a kind of pupil to study the art of navigation, and to acquaint himself with other matters connected with the seafaring life. a man-of-war, you must know, is the largest vessel, or ship of war, belonging to a nation; while all the ships fitted out at the public expense, together with the officers and seamen concerned in their keeping and management, make up what is called a navy. by navigation, we are to understand the art by which sailors are taught to conduct ships from one point to another. now, a warrant is a writing that gives some one the right to do a thing or to enjoy it. thus you see a midshipman's warrant would have given young washington the right to go on board a man-of-war, where, as a kind of pupil, he would have learned the art of navigation, the management of ships, and many other things necessary to make a good sailor. the knowledge thus acquired, and the training to which he must needs have been subjected, would have fitted him in time to become an officer of the navy, such as a lieutenant or a captain, and, it may be, even an admiral." "and what is an admiral?" inquired willie. "an admiral," replied uncle juvinell, "is the highest officer of the navy; he is to the armies of the sea what a general is to the armies of the land, and commands a squadron, or fleet, which, you must know, is a large number of armed ships, moving and acting in concert together." "does he fight with a sword?" inquired bryce, who, it must be borne in mind, was the military young gentleman, who carried a wooden sword of his own. "it is unusual," replied his uncle, "for either an admiral or a general to fight in person; it being their duty to put their armies in order of battle, and afterwards, during the fight, to control the movements of the different regiments or divisions by orders carried by aides to the officers under their command." "you told us, uncle," said willie, "that washington received, along with the commission of adjutant-general, the rank of major. now, what are we to understand by this?" "a commission," replied his uncle, "is a writing, giving some one the right or authority to perform the duties of some office, and receive the pay and honors arising from the same. the duties of an adjutant-general you have already seen; and the commission received by young washington to perform those duties made him equal in rank, not to a general, but to a major." "i know you told us, uncle," said ella, "what is meant by surveying; but i don't think that i clearly understand it yet." "i will refer you to your brother dannie," said uncle juvinell; "for he is looking very wise, as if somebody knew a thing or two, and could, were he but called upon, greatly enlighten somebody else. out with it, dannie, and let us have it." "surveying teaches the measurement of land," dannie made haste to answer; "and a surveyor is one who measures land with the help of a long chain and compass and other instruments. now, george washington, for example"-- "that will do, daniel," said his uncle, interrupting him: "you have made it as clear as daylight already; and i dare say your sister understands you perfectly, without the help of any example." "oh, i like to have forgotten one thing!" cried willie. "tell us what is meant by line of march, manoeuvres on the battle-field, throwing up intrenchments, and the like." to these points, uncle juvinell made answer: "an army, my nephew, is said to be on the line of march when it is moving from one place to another. a manoeuvre is an evolution or a movement of an army, designed to mislead or deceive an enemy, or in some way to gain the advantage of him. an intrenchment is a breastwork or wall, with a trench or ditch running along the outside. the breastwork, being formed of the earth thrown up from the trench, serves as a protection against the shots of an enemy. the trench being quite as deep as the breastwork is high, renders it very difficult and dangerous for the works to be taken by storm; for the enemy must first descend into the ditch before he can reach and scale the wall,--an attempt always attended with the greatest peril to those who make it; for they who defend the works, fighting on top of the walls, have greatly the advantage of those beneath. sometimes intrenchments run in straight or crooked lines, and sometimes enclose an irregular square or circle; and any piece of ground, or body of men, thus enclosed or fortified, is said to be intrenched." "what a pity it is we can never know the name of the lowland beauty!" remarked miss laura regretfully; for she was getting to be quite old enough to be somewhat interested in matters of this kind. "the name the young surveyor gave her," said uncle juvinell, "lends an interest to this part of his life, which a knowledge of her true name might never have awakened. besides this, my dear niece, if you but be attentive to what i shall relate hereafter, you will learn many things touching the life and character of his mother mary and his wife martha far more worthy of your remembrance." the clock struck ten; the fire burned low, and a heavy lid of ashes hid its great red eye. and now uncle juvinell bethought him that it must indeed be high bed-time for the little folks; and in conclusion he said, "now, my dear children, i want you to bear well in mind what i have told you to-night, that you may be the better prepared for what i shall tell you to-morrow evening. and hereafter i would have you write down on your slates, while i go on with my story, whatever you may find difficult and shall wish to have more fully explained at the end of each evening's lesson. and now let us sing our evening hymn, and part for the night." with that they joined their voices, as was their wont, in a sweet hymn of praise and thanks to the great father of us all,--the little folks carrying the treble, while uncle juvinell managed the bass. this duly done, they came one by one, and kissed their dear old uncle a loving good-night; then crept to their happy beds to dream till morning of wooden-legged schoolmasters, little hatchets, wild rides on fiery untamed horses that were always sorrel, of life in the lonely wilderness, rambles without end up and down the mountains, and of skin-clad indiana leaping and whirling in the war-dance. ix. indian troubles. and now, said uncle juvinell, i see you are all agog, slate and pencil in hand, ready to jot down any question that may chance to pop into your busy young brains, to be asked and answered, for our further enlightenment, at the end of our evening lesson. so, without more ado, we will begin. but, before trudging on further in our delightful journey, we must pause a moment, and turning square round, with our faces towards the long-ago years of the past, take a bird's-eye view of the early history of our country, that we may know exactly where we are when we come to find ourselves in the outskirts of that long and bloody struggle between the two great nations of england and france, commonly called the seven years' war, and sometimes the old french war. now, although this would not be as entertaining to your lively fancies as an arabian tale or an indian legend, yet you will by and by see very plainly that we could not have skipped it, without losing the sense of a great deal that follows; for it was during this war that our washington first experienced the trials and hardships of a soldier's life, and displayed that courage, prudence, and ability, which in the end proved the salvation and glory of his native country. in the first place, you must know, my dear children, that this beautiful land of ours, where now dwell the freest and happiest people the blessed sun ever shone upon, was, only a few hundred years ago, all a vast unbroken wilderness; a place where no one but savage indians found a home, whose chief amusement was to fight and kill and scalp each other; and whose chief occupation was to hunt wild beasts and birds, upon whose flesh they fed, and with whose hairy skins and horns and claws and feathers they clothed and decked themselves. where in the leafy summer-time may now be heard the merry plough-boy whistling "yankee doodle" over the waving corn, the wild indian once wrestled with the surly bear, or met his ancient enemy in deadly fight. nibbling sheep and grazing cattle now range the grassy hills and valleys where he was wont to give chase to the timid deer, or lie in wait for the monstrous buffalo. huge steamers ply up and down our mighty rivers where he once paddled his little canoe. splendid cities have risen, as if at the rubbing of aladdin's enchanted lamp, where in the depths of the forest he once kindled the great council-fire, and met the neighboring tribes in the big talk. the very schoolhouse, where you little folks are now tripping so lightly along the flowery path of knowledge, may perhaps stand on the selfsame shady slope, where, of a long summer evening, he would sit at the door of his bark-built wigwam, smoking his long pipe, and watching his naked red children with a more fatherly smile than you can well imagine in one so fierce, as with many a hoop and yelp they played at "hide-and-seek" among the gray old trees and pawpaw thickets. on yonder hill-top, where we at this moment can see the windows of the house of god shining and glancing in the moonlight, he may have stood, with his face to the rising or setting sun, in mute worship before the great spirit. but the stronger and wiser white man came; and, at his terrible approach, the red man, with all his wild remembrances, passed away, like an echo in the woods, or the shadow of an april cloud over the hills and valleys; and the place that once knew him shall know him no more for ever. and yet it might have been far otherwise with him and with us, had not a certain christopher columbus chanced to light upon this western world of ours, as he came hap-hazard across the wide atlantic, where ship had never sailed before, in quest of a shorter passage to asia. by this great discovery, it was proved to the entire satisfaction of all who are in the least interested in the matter, that this earth upon which we live, instead of being long and flat, with sides and ends and corners like a great rough slab, was round, and hollow inside, like an india-rubber ball, and went rolling through empty space, round and round the sun, year after year, continually. of this bold and skilful sailor, the most renowned that ever lived, i should like to tell you many things; but, as we set out to give our chief attention to the story of washington, we must deny ourselves this pleasure until the holidays of some merry christmas yet to come, when your uncle juvinell, if he still keeps his memory fresh and green, will relate to you many wonderful things in the life of this great voyager, columbus. up to this time, all the nations of christendom had for ages upon ages been sunk in a lazy doze of ignorance and superstition. but, when tidings of the great discovery reached their drowsy ears, they were roused in a marvellous manner; and many of the richest and most powerful forthwith determined to secure, each to itself, a portion of the new-found region, by planting colonies; or, in other words, by making settlements therein. for this purpose, they sent out fleets of ships across the atlantic to these distant shores, laden with multitudes of men, who brought with them all manner of tools and implements wherewith to clear away the forests, till the soil, and build forts and cities, and arms to defend themselves against the attacks of the war-like savages. thus, for example, spain colonized mexico; france, canada; and england, that strip of the north-american continent, lying between the alleghany mountains and the atlantic ocean, now known as the eastern coast of the united states. at first, the new-comers were received and treated with much kindness and hospitality by the natives: but it was not long before they discovered that they were likely to be robbed of their homes and hunting-grounds; when rage and jealousy took possession of their hearts, and from that time forward they never let slip an opportunity of doing all the mischief in their power to the hated intruders. then began that long train of bloody wars between the two races, which have never ceased except with defeat or ruin of the weaker red man, and bringing him nearer and nearer to the day when he must either forsake his savage life, or cease to have an existence altogether. now, this may appear very unjust and wrong to my little friends; and, to some extent, it really was: but, in those days, might made right; or, in other words, the strong ruled the weak. and yet we are bound to believe that all this, in the long-run, has worked, and is still working, to the greatest good of the greatest number: for, had it been otherwise, all this beautiful land, now the home of a christian and happy people, would have remained the dismal wilderness we have described it; answering no good end, as far as concerns the spread of truth and knowledge, and the cultivation of those useful arts which make a nation prosperous in peace, and strong in war. notwithstanding their troubles with the indians, the hardships and privations to which the first settlers of a wild country are always exposed, and the shameful neglect with which they were treated by the mother-countries, the french and english colonies went on growing and thriving in a way that was wonderful to behold. at the end of a hundred and fifty years, or thereabouts, they had so grown in strength and increased in numbers, and had so widened their boundaries, that at last the continent, vast as it is, seemed too narrow to hold them both; and they began throwing up their elbows for more room, in a manner that would have been thought quite uncivil in a private individual at a dinner table or in a stage-coach. whereupon there arose a hot dispute between the kings of france and england as to whom belonged all that immense region stretching from the alleghanies to the mississippi, in the one direction; and, in the other, from the ohio to the great lakes of the north. the french claimed it by the right of discovery: by which they meant, that a certain father marquette had, nearly a hundred years before, discovered the mississippi during his wanderings as a missionary among the indians of the far west. they pretended, that, as this pious man had paddled a little canoe up and down this splendid river a few hundred miles, his royal master, the king of france, was thereby entitled to all the lands watered by it, and the ten thousand streams that empty into it. the english, on the other hand, claimed it by the right of purchase; having, as they said, bought it at a fair price of the six nations, a powerful league or union of several indian tribes inhabiting the region round about the great lake's erie and ontario. what right the six nations had to it, is impossible to say. they claimed it, however, by the doubtful right of conquest; there being a tradition among them, that their ancestors, many generations before, had overrun the country, and subdued its inhabitants. now, the poor indians who occupied the land in question were very indignant indeed when they heard that they and theirs had been sold to the white strangers by their red enemies, the six nations, whom they regarded as a flock of meddlesome crows, that were always dipping their ravenous bills into matters that did not in the least concern them; and their simple heads were sorely perplexed and puzzled, that two great kings, dwelling in far-distant countries, thousands of miles away beyond the mighty ocean, should, in the midst of uncounted riches, fall to wrangling with each other over a bit of wilderness land that neither of them had ever set eyes or foot on, and to which they had no more right than the grand caliph of bagdad, or that terrible tartar, kublah khan. "of all this land," said they, "there is not the black of a man's thumb-nail that the six nations can call their own. it is ours. more than a thousand moons before the pale-face came over the big water in his white-winged canoes, the great spirit gave it to our forefathers; and they handed it down, to be our inheritance as long as the old hills tell of their green graves. in its streams have we fished, in its woods have we hunted, in its sunny places have we built our wigwams, and in its dark and secret places have we fought and scalped and burnt our sworn enemies, without let or hinderance, time out of mind. now, if the english claim all on this side of the ohio, and the french claim all on this side of the big lakes, then what they claim is one and the same country,--the country whereon we dwell. surely our white brothers must be dreaming. it is our hearts' desire, that our brothers, the english, keep on their side of the ohio, and till the ground, and grow rich in corn; also that our brothers, the french, keep on their side of the lakes, and hunt in the woods, and grow rich in skins and furs. but you must both quit pressing upon us, lest our ribs be squeezed in and our breath be squeezed out, and we cease to have a place among men. we hold you both at arm's-length; and whoever pays good heed to the words we have spoken, by him will we stand, and with him make common cause against the other." but to these just complaints of the poor indian the french and english gave no more heed than if they who uttered them were so many whip-poor-wills crying in the woods. so they fell to wrangling in a more unreasonable manner than ever. finally, to mend the matter (that is to say, make things worse), the french, coming up the mississippi from the south, and down from the great lakes of the north, began erecting a chain of forts upon the disputed territory, to overawe the inhabitants thereof, and force the english to keep within the alleghanies and the atlantic. as a matter of course, the english regarded this as an insult to their dignity, and resolved to chastise the french for their impudence. and this it was that brought about that long and bloody struggle, the old french war. thus, my dear children, do great and wise nations, professing to follow the humane teachings of the man-loving, god-fearing jesus, often show no more truth and justice and honesty in their dealings with one another than if they were as ignorant of the ten commandments as the most benighted heathens, to whom even the name of moses was never spoken. yet, from your looks, i see that you are wondering within yourselves what all this rigmarole about england, france, the six nations, and disputed territories, can have to do with george washington. had you held a tight rein on your impatience a little while longer, you would have found out all about it, without the inconvenience of wondering; and hereafter, my little folks, rest assured that your uncle juvinell never ventures upon any thing without having all his eyes and wits about him, and that what he may tell you shall always prove instructive, although it may now and then--with no fault of his, however--seem to you somewhat dry and tedious. [illustration] x. "big talk" with "white thunder." but we are a little fast. in order to bring ourselves square again with our story, we must take one step backward, and begin afresh. when tidings of these trespasses of the french reached the ears of robert dinwiddie, then governor of virginia, all his scotch blood boiled within him, and he began forthwith casting in his mind what might be done to check or chastise such audacious proceedings. cooling down a little, however, he thought it would be better, before throwing his stones, to try what virtue might be found in grass. by which you are to understand, that he determined to write a letter to the french general, then stationed in a little fort near lake erie, inquiring by what authority these encroachments were made on the dominions of his royal master, the king of england; and demanding that they, the french, should abandon their forts, and withdraw their troops from the disputed territory, without delay, or else abide the consequences. he was well aware, that, to insure any thing like success in a mission so difficult and perilous, the person intrusted with it must needs be robust of body, stout of heart, clear of head; one inured to the hardships of a backwoods life, well acquainted with the habits and customs of the indians, and withal a man of intelligence, polite address, and the strictest integrity of character. but one such man was to be found among ten thousand; and this was george washington, who answered to the description in every particular, and was therefore chosen to perform this perilous undertaking, although he had not yet completed his twenty-second year. accordingly, having received from governor dinwiddie written instructions how to act when come into the enemy's country, major washington set out the next morning from williamsburg, then the capital of virginia, and made his way at once to winchester, at that time a frontier settlement of the province, lying on the very edge of the wilderness. here he spent several days in procuring supplies for the expedition, and raising a small party of hunters and pioneers to guard and bear him company. after some delay, he succeeded in procuring the services of seven men. four of these were hardy backwoodsmen of experience, whose business it was to take care of the baggage and keep the party supplied with game. mr. davidson was to go along as indian interpreter, and mr. gist as guide. a bolder and more enterprising pioneer than this gist, by the by, was not to be found in all the western wilds; and he is supposed by some historians to have been the first white man that ever brought down an elk or a buffalo in that paradise of hunters, green kentucky. in addition to these, washington took with him as french interpreter his old dutch fencing-master, capt. van braam. the worthy captain, however, seems to have been a far more expert master of sword-play than of the languages; for the jargon he was pleased to call an interpretation was often such a medley of half-learned english, half-remembered french, and half-forgotten dutch, that they who listened would be nearly as much perplexed to see what he would be driving at, as if he were sputtering cherokee into their ears. all things being at last in readiness, the gallant little party, headed by our young virginian, turned their faces towards the great north-west; and, plunging into the wilderness, were soon beyond all traces of civilized man. the autumn was far advanced. the travelling was rendered toilsome, and even dangerous, by the heavy rains of this season, and early snows that had already fallen on the mountains, which had changed the little rills into rushing torrents, and the low bottom-lands into deep and miry swamps. much delayed by these and the like hinderances, washington, upon reaching the banks of the monongahela, deemed it best to send two of the backwoodsmen with the baggage in canoes down this river to its mouth, where, uniting its waters with those of the allegheny, it helped to form the great ohio. promising to meet them at this point, he and the rest of the party pushed thitherward by land on horseback. reaching the forks of the ohio two days before the canoe-men, he spent the time in exploring the woods and hills and streams around, and was much struck with the advantages the place held out as a site for a military post. this, together with other items meriting attention that happened to him or occurred to his mind during the expedition, he carefully noted down in a journal which he kept, to be laid, in the form of a report, before gov. dinwiddie, upon his return. the following year, as a convincing proof to his countrymen how entirely they might rely on his foresight and judgment in such matters, french officers of skill and experience chose this very spot to be the site of fort duquesne, afterwards so famous in the border history of our country. near the close of the war, this post fell into the hands of the english, who changed its name to that of fort pitt; which in time gave rise to the busy, thriving, noisy, dingy, fine young town of pittsburg, a smoky-looking picture of which you may see any time you choose to consult your geography. instead of pushing on directly to the lakes, major washington turned a little aside from his course, and went down the ohio about twenty miles, to an indian village called logstown. here, as had been previously arranged, he met a few sachems or chiefs of some of the western tribes, to kindle a council-fire and have a big talk. he was received with much hospitality and courtesy by a stately old chief, whose indian name you would not care to hear, as it would give master charlie's nut-crackers the jaw-ache to pronounce it. among the english, however, as he was the head of a league or union of several tribes, he usually went by the name of the half king. after the pipe had passed with all due gravity from mouth to mouth, and every warrior, chief, and white man present had taken a whiff or two, in sign that all was good-will and peace between them, washington arose, and addressed the half king in a short speech, somewhat after the following manner:-- "your brother, the governor of virginia, has sent me with a letter to the big french captain, near lake erie. what is written therein deeply concerns you and your people as well as us. it was his desire, therefore, that you share with us the toils and dangers of this expedition, by sending some of your young men along with us, to guide us through the wilderness where there is no path, and be our safeguard against the wiles of cunning and evil-minded men we may chance to meet by the way. this he will look upon as a still further proof of the love and friendship you bear your brothers, the english. as a pledge of his faith in all this, and as a token of his love for his red brother, he sends this belt of wampum." mr. davidson having interpreted this speech, the half king for some moments after sat smoking in profound silence, as if turning over in his mind what he had just heard, or as if waiting, according to indian notions of etiquette on such occasions, to assure himself that the speaker had made an end of his say. he then arose, and spoke to the following effect:-- "i have heard the words of my young white brother, and they are true. i have heard the request of my brother the governor of virginia, and it is reasonable. at present, however, my young men are abroad in the forest, hunting game to provide against the wants of the coming winter, that our wives and children starve not when we are out upon the war-path. at the third setting of the sun from this time, they will be coming in; when i will not only send some of them with my young white brother, but will myself bear him company. for he must know that we have ceased to look upon the french as our friends. they have trespassed upon our soil; they have spoken words of insult and mockery to our oldest sachems. for this cause have my people resolved to return them the speech-belt they gave us at the big talk we had last winter at montreal. it is that i may defy the big french captain to his teeth, and fling his speech-belt in his face, that i now go with my young brother, the long knife." on the third day, as had been promised, the young men came in from hunting; from among whom the half king chose eight or ten to serve as an additional escort to major washington during the expedition. among these was a warrior of great distinction, who went by the tremendous name of white thunder, and was keeper of the speech-belt. now, you must know, that in indian politics, when two tribes exchange speech-belts, it is understood to be an expression of peace and good-will between them; while to return or throw them away is the same as a declaration of war, or at least to be taken as a hint that all friendly intercourse between them is at an end. the "keeper of the speech-belt" was, therefore, a kind of "secretary of state" among these simple people. thus re-enforced by his red allies, washington, who had grown somewhat impatient under this delay, gladly turned his face once more towards the great lakes. all this time, the rain had continued to fall with scarcely an hour's intermission. the streams and low meadow-lands were so flooded in consequence, that they were often obliged to wander many a weary mile over rugged highlands and through tangled forests, without finding themselves any nearer their journey's end. now and then, coming to some muddy, swollen stream, in order to gain the opposite side without getting their baggage wet, they must needs cross over on rafts rudely constructed of logs and grape-vines, and make their horses swim along behind them. it was near the middle of december, before the little party, jaded and travel-stained, reached their destination. major washington was received with true soldierly courtesy by the french general, to whom he at once delivered gov. dinwiddie's letter. a few days being requested for a due consideration of its contents, as well as the answer to be returned, he spent the time, as he had been instructed, in gaining all the information he could, without exciting suspicion, touching the designs of the french in the north-west,--to what extent they had won over the several indian tribes to their interest; the number of troops they had brought into the territory; and the number, strength, and situation of the forts they had built. the fort where the french general then had his headquarters stood on the banks of a little river called french creek, in which washington observed lying, and bade his men count, a large number of canoes, to be used early in the following spring for transporting men and military stores down the ohio. all the hints and items thus gathered he carefully noted down in his journal, to be laid, as i have told you already, in the form of a report, before gov. dinwiddie, upon his return. being wary and watchful, he was not long in discovering that the french were tampering with his indian allies; tempting them, by the gayest of presents, the fairest of promises, and the hottest of firewater, to break faith with the english, and join their cause. these underhand dealings gave washington much uneasiness of mind; and he complained to the french general, yet in a firm and dignified manner, of the unfair advantage thus taken of the besetting weakness of these poor people. of course, the wily old frenchman denied all knowledge of the matter; although we are bound to believe, that, as these tricks and intrigues were going on under his very nose, he must certainly have winked at, if he did not openly encourage them. it is true that the indians were by no means too nice to enrich themselves with french presents, and get drunk on french whiskey; yet, for all that, they turned a deaf ear to french promises, and, keeping their faith unbroken, remained as true as hickory to their friends the english. even the half king, stately and commanding as he was in council, yielded to the pleasing temptation along with the rest; and, for the greater part of the time, lay beastly drunk about the fort. when at last he came to his sober senses, he was not a little chopfallen upon being somewhat sternly reminded by major washington of the business that had brought him thither, the recollection of which he had seemingly drowned in his enemy's whiskey. whereupon, as if to show that all his threats and promises had been made in good faith, he went forthwith to the french general, and delivered the grave oration he had composed for the occasion; at the same time returning the speech-belt white thunder had brought, as a sign that all friendly relations between the french and his people were at an end. at last, having received the answer to gov. dinwiddie's letter, and looked into matters and things about him as far as he could with prudence, major washington was now anxious to be away from the place where he had already been detained too long. during his stay, however, he had been treated with the greatest respect and courtesy by the accomplished frenchman, who presented him, upon his departure, with a large canoe laden with a liberal supply of liquors and provisions, that lasted him and his men until they reached the ohio. to spare the horses as much as possible, washington had sent them, with two or three of the men, by land to venango, a fort about fifteen miles below; whither he now set out to follow them by water. the navigation of this little river, owing to its shallows and the masses of floating ice that here and there blocked up its channel, was difficult and toilsome in the extreme. oftentimes, to prevent their frail canoes from being dashed to pieces against the rocks, would they be compelled to get out into the cold water for half an hour at a time, and guide them with their hands down the whirling and rapid current, and now and then even to carry them and their loads by land around some foaming cataract to the smoother water below. after an irksome little voyage, they reached venango, fully satisfied that to go further by water was quite out of the question. xi. christmas in the wilderness. here, at venango, major washington, much to his regret, was compelled to part company with the half king and his other red allies. white thunder, keeper of the speech-belt, had been so seriously injured in their passage down, as to be, for the present, quite unable to travel; and the rest would not think of leaving him, but needs must tarry there until their friend should be well enough to be brought in a canoe down the alleghany. remounting their horses, our little party once more took their weary way through the wilderness. it was now the d of december. the weather was bitter cold; the snow fell thick and fast, and froze as it fell; and the bleak winds moaned drearily among the naked trees. the forest streams were frozen from bank to bank, yet often too thin to bear the weight of the horses; which rendered their crossing painful and hazardous indeed. to add to the discomfort of our travellers, the horses, from poor and scanty fare, had become too weak to be able longer to carry their allotted burdens. moved with compassion at their pitiable plight, washington dismounted from his fine saddle-horse, and loaded his with a part of the baggage; choosing rather to toil along on foot, than to take his ease at the expense of pain even to these poor brutes. his humane example was promptly followed by the rest of the party; and only the two men kept the saddle to whom was intrusted the care of the baggage. you can well imagine, that a christmas spent in this wild waste of leafless woods and snowy hills was any thing but a merry one to these poor fellows, so far away from their homes, which, at that moment, they knew to be so bright and cheerful with the mirth and laughter of "old men and babes, and loving friends, and youths, and maidens gay." and yet i dare say, that, even there, they greeted each other on that blessed morning with a brighter smile than usual, and called to their remembrance, that on that morn a babe was born, who, in the fulness of years, has grown to be the light and love and glory of the earth. seeing that the half-famished beasts were growing weaker and weaker day by day, and that he would be too long in reaching his journey's end if he governed his speed by theirs, washington left capt. van braam in command of the party, and pushed forward with no other company than mr. gist. armed with their trusty rifles, and clad in the light dress of the indians, with no extra covering for the night but their watch-coats, and with no other baggage but a small portmanteau containing their food and major washington's important papers, they now made rapid headway, and soon left their friends far behind. the next day, they came upon an indian village called murdering town; a name of evil omen, given it, perhaps, from its having been the scene of some bloody indian massacre. what befell them here, i will tell you, as nearly as i can remember, in mr. gist's own words:-- "we rose early in the morning, and set out at seven o'clock, and got to murdering town, on the south-east fork of beaver creek. here we met with an indian whom i thought i had seen at joncaire's, at venango, when on our journey up to the french fort. this fellow called me by my indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. he asked us several questions; as, how we came to travel on foot, when we left venango, where we parted with our horses, and when they would be there. major washington insisted on travelling by the nearest way to the forks of the alleghany. we asked the indian if he could go with us, and show us the nearest way. the indian seemed very glad and ready to go with us; upon which we set out, and the indian took the major's pack. we travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles; when the major's feet grew sore, and he very weary, and the indian steered too much north-eastwardly. the major desired to encamp; upon which the indian asked to carry his gun, but he refused; and then the indian grew churlish, and pressed us to keep on, telling us there were ottawa indians in those woods, and they would scalp us if we lay out; but go to his cabin, and we would be safe. "i thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the major know i mistrusted him. but he soon mistrusted him as much as i did. the indian said he could hear a gun from his cabin, and steered us northwardly. we grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops might be heard from his cabin. we went two miles further. then the major said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the indian to stop at the next water; but, before we came to the water, we came to a clear meadow. it was very light, and snow was on the ground. the indian made a stop, and turned about. the major saw him point his gun towards us, and he fired. said the major,-- "'are you shot?' "'no,' said i. "upon which the indian ran forward to a big standing white oak, and began loading his gun; but we were soon with him. i would have killed him; but the major would not suffer me. we let him charge his gun. we found he put in a ball: then we took care of him. either the major or i always stood by the guns. we made him make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. i said to the major,-- "'as you will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we must travel all night.' "upon which i said to the indian,-- "'i suppose you were lost, and fired your gun?' "he said he knew the way to his cabin: it was but a little distance. "'well,' said i, 'do you go home, and, as we are tired, we will follow your track in the morning; and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning.' "he was glad to get away. i followed him, and listened until he was fairly out of the way; and then we went about half a mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, fixed our course, and travelled all night. in the morning, we were on the head of piny creek." thus you see, my dear children, from this adventure, upon what slight accidents sometimes hang the destinies, not only of individuals, but even of great nations; for had not this treacherous indian missed his aim, and that too, in all likelihood, for the first time in a twelvemonth, it had never been our blessed privilege to know and love and reverence such a man as washington; and that, instead of being the free-born, independent people that he made us, we might have been at this very moment throwing up our hats and wasting our precious breath in shouts of "long life to queen victoria!" all that day they walked on, weary and foot-sore, through the deep snow, without a trace of living man to enliven their solitary way. the cold gray of a winter's evening was deepening the shadows of the forest when they came to the banks of the alleghany; and here a new disappointment awaited them. they had all along cheered themselves with the prospect of crossing this river on the ice: but they found it frozen for about fifty yards only from either bank; while the rest of the ice, broken into huge cakes, went floating swiftly down the main channel, crushing and grinding together, and filling the hollow woods around with doleful noises. with heavy hearts they kindled their camp-fire, and cooked and ate their frugal supper; then, making themselves as comfortable as the piercing winds would allow, they lay down on their snowy beds to sleep, hopeful that the morrow would bring them better luck. morning dawned, and yet brought with it no brighter prospect. would you know what they did in this grievous state? listen while i read major washington's own account of it, as we find it written in his journal:-- "there was no way for getting over but on a raft; which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun-setting. this was a whole day's work. we next got it launched; then went on board of it, and set off. but, before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner that we expected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. i put out my setting-pole to try and stop the raft, that the ice might pass by; when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet of water: but i fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft-logs. notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft, and make to it. the cold was so extremely severe, that mr. gist had all his fingers, and some of his toes, frozen; and the water was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting off the island, on the ice, in the morning, and went to mr. frazier's." here, for a space, they stopped to rest and refresh themselves after the fatigue and exposure they had just undergone; and here, among other items of interest, they heard that queen aliquippa, an indian princess, had been deeply offended that the young long knife had passed by her royal shanty, the month before, without calling to pay his compliments. major washington, well knowing that to humor their peculiar whims and fancies was the best mode of securing the good-will and friendship of these people, hastened at once to present himself before her copper majesty, and make what amends he could for his breach of etiquette. the present of a bottle of rum (over which, queen that she was, she smacked her lips), and of his old watch-coat, that would so handsomely set off her buckskin leggins, softened her ire completely, and made her, from that time forward, the stanch friend and ally of the english. travelling on a few miles further, they came to mr. gist's house, on the banks of the monongahela, where washington bought a horse to bear him to his journey's end, and parted with his trusty guide. he was now entirely alone; and a wide stretch of woods and mountains, swamps and frozen streams, still lay between him and the cheerful homes to whose comforts he had been so long a stranger. now and then, the loneliness of the way would be for a moment enlivened by the sight of some sturdy backwoodsman, axe or rifle on shoulder, pushing westward, with his wife and children and dogs and household trumpery, to find a home in some still more distant part of the wilderness. it was midwinter, when, after having been absent eleven weeks on his perilous mission, our young virginian, looking more like a wild indian than the civil and christian gentleman that he really was, rode into the town of williamsburg, nor halted until he had alighted and hitched his horse in front of the governor's house. xii. washington's first battle. upon his arrival, major washington hastened at once to lay before gov. dinwiddie, and the virginia legislature then in session, the french general's letter, and the journal he had kept during the expedition. in his letter, the french general spoke in high and flattering terms of the character and talents of young washington; but, in language most decided and unmistakable, refused to withdraw his troops from the disputed territory, or cease building forts therein, as had been demanded of him, unless so ordered by his royal master, the king of france, to whose wishes only he owed respect and obedience. from the tenor of this letter, it was plainly enough to be seen (what might, in fact, have been seen before), that the french were not in the least inclined to give up, at the mere asking, all that they had been at so much pains and expense at gaining. it therefore followed, that as the title to this bit of forest land could not be written with the pen, on fair paper, in letters of christian ink, it must needs be written with the sword, on the fair earth, in letters of christian blood. by this, the little folks are to understand their uncle juvinell to mean that war alone could settle the question between them. and this unreasonable behavior, on the part of two great nations, has already, i doubt not, brought to your minds the story of two huge giants, who, chancing to meet one night, fell into a long and stormy dispute with each other about the possession of a fair bit of meadow-land they had happened to spy out at the same moment, where it lay in the lower horn of the moon; and who finally, like the silly monsters that they were, began belaboring each other with their heavy malls, as if the last hope of beating a little reason in were to beat a few brains out. to drive and keep back the french and their indian allies, gov. dinwiddie made a call on the virginia militia, and wrote to the governors of some of the neighboring provinces, urging them, for their common defence, to do the same. to strengthen their borders, and give security to their frontier settlers, a small party of pioneers and carpenters were sent to build a fort at the forks of the ohio, as washington had recommended in his journal. this journal, by the way, throwing, as it did, so much new light on the designs of the french in america, was thought worthy of publication, not only throughout the colonies, but also in the mother-country. the good sense, skill, address, and courage shown by the young virginian throughout the late expedition, had drawn upon him the eyes of his countrymen; and, from that time forward, he became the hope and promise of his native land. as a proof of this high regard, he was offered the command of the regiment to be raised: which, however, he refused to accept; for his modesty told him that he was too young and inexperienced to be intrusted with a matter of such moment to his country. to col. fry, an officer of some note in the province, the command of the regiment was therefore given; under whom he was quite willing to accept the post of lieutenant-colonel. notwithstanding the pressing danger that threatened all alike, the people were shamefully slow in answering the summons to arms. washington had felt confident, that, at the very first tap of the drum, squads upon squads of active, sturdy, well-fed, well-clothed young farmers, moved by the same spirit with himself, would come flocking to his standard with their trusty rifles, powder-horns, and hunting-pouches, ready and eager to do their country service. instead of this, however, there gathered, about him a rabble of ragamuffins and worthless fellows, who had spent their lives in tramping up and down the country, without settled homes or occupations. some were without hats and shoes; some had coats, and no shirts; some had shirts, and no coats; and all were without arms, or any keen desire to use them if they had them. all this disgusted and disheartened our youthful colonel not a little; for he was young, and had yet to learn that it is of just such stuff that the beginnings of armies are always made. the slender pay of a soldier was not enough to tempt the thriving yeomanry to leave their rich acres and snug firesides to undergo the hardships and dangers of a camp life; as if, by failing to answer their country's call, and fighting in its defence, they were not running a still greater risk of losing all they had. to encourage the young men of the province to come forward, gov. dinwiddie caused it to be proclaimed, that two hundred thousand acres of the very best land on the head-waters of the ohio should be divided between those that should enlist and serve during the war. this splendid offer had, in some small measure, the effect desired; so that, in a short time, something like an army was cobbled together, with which, poor and scantily provided as it was, they at last resolved to take the field. col. washington, in command of the main body, was ordered to go on in advance, and cut a military road through the wilderness, in the direction of the new fort at the forks of the ohio, by way of the monongahela; while col. fry was to remain behind with the rest of the troops, to bring up the cannon and heavy stores when the road should be opened. when the pioneers had cut their way about twenty miles beyond the frontier town of winchester, there came a rumor, that the men who had been sent to build the fort at the forks of the ohio had all been surprised and captured by the french. in a few days, all doubts as to the truth of this report were set at rest by the men themselves, who came walking leisurely into camp, with their spades and axes on their shoulders, to every appearance quite well and comfortable. for several days, they said, they had been working away on the fort quite merrily; when, early one morning, they were much surprised to see one thousand frenchmen, in sixty bateaux, or boats, and three hundred canoes, with six pieces of cannon, dropping quietly down the alleghany. the leader of this gallant little force summoned the fort to surrender in the short space of an hour, or else they would find their unfinished timber-work tumbling about their heads in a way that would not be altogether agreeable. no one with even half his wits about him would have for a moment thought of defending an unfinished fort with axes, spades, and augers, against a force of twenty times their number, backed by cannon and grape-shot. these men had all their wits about them, and, to prove it, gave up the fort without further parley; when the french captain marched in, and took formal possession of the wooden pen in the name of his most christian majesty, the king of france; after which, with that gayety and good-humor so often to be observed among the french people, he invited the young ensign--who, in the absence of the captain, had been left in the command of the fort for that day--to dine and drink a glass of wine with him. he then suffered them all to depart in peace with his good wishes, and with their spades, carpenter's tools, and axes on their shoulders. col. washington was deeply mortified at this intelligence; but, like the manly man that he was, he put a bright face on the matter, and, to keep up the spirits of his men, resolved to push on with the road with more vigor than ever. and a tremendous undertaking this was, i assure you. the tallest of trees were to be felled, the hugest of rocks to be split and removed, the deepest of swamps to be filled, and the swiftest of mountain torrents bridged over. with such hinderances, you will not wonder that they made but four miles a day. now and then, the soldiers would be obliged to put their shoulders to the wheel, and help the poor half-famished horses with their heavy wagons up some rough and rocky steep. thus over the gloomy mountains, and down the rugged defiles, and through a dark and lonely valley since called the shades of death, they forced their toilsome way. at last, after many weary days, they reached the banks of the youghiogeny,--a romantic little river that went tumbling down the green hills in many a foaming waterfall; then, like a frolicsome school-boy nearing school, put on a demure and sober face, and quietly emptied itself into the more tranquil monongahela. here, to give his worn-out men and horses some repose after their severe and unceasing labors, washington ordered a halt. being told by some friendly indians that the baggage could be carried down this stream by water, he set out early one morning in a canoe, with four or five white men, and an indian for a guide, to see for himself what truth there might be in this report. when they had rowed about ten miles, their indian guide, after sulking for a little while, laid his oar across the canoe, and refused to go further. at first, this behavior appeared to them a little queer; but they were not long in discovering that it was only a way the cunning red rascal had of higgling to get more pay for his services. after some pretty sharp bargaining, col. washington promised to give him his old watch-coat and a ruffled shirt if he would go on; upon which, without more ado, he picked up his oar, and for the rest of the trip steered away blithely enough. you can well imagine what an uncommon swell this savage dandy, with his bare red legs, must have cut, a few days after, in his civilized finery, among the copper-cheeked belles of the woods. by the time they had rowed twenty miles further, washington was satisfied, that, owing to the rocks and rapids, a passage down this river in the shallow canoes of the indians was next to impossible. returning to camp, he soon afterwards received word from his old friend and ally, the half king, that a party of french had been seen coming from the direction of fort duquesne, who were in all likelihood, by that time, somewhere in his close neighborhood. upon hearing this, washington deemed it prudent to fall back a few miles to the great meadows, a beautiful little plain, situated in the midst of woods and hills, and divided by a rivulet. here he threw up strong intrenchments, cleared away the undergrowth, and prepared what he called "a charming field for an encounter." shortly after, mr. gist, whom you well remember, came into camp, from his home on the monongahela, with the tidings, that a party of french had been at his house on the day before, whom, from their appearance, he believed to be spies. washington sent out some of his men on wagon-horses to beat the woods; who came in about dusk, without having, however, discovered any traces of the enemy. about nine o'clock that same night, an indian runner came from the half king with word, that some of his hunters had late that evening seen the tracks of two frenchmen not five miles distant; and that, if col. washington would join him with some of his men, they would set out early in the morning in quest of the lurking foe. taking with him about forty men, and leaving the rest to guard the intrenchments, washington set out forthwith for the indian camp. their way led them through tall and thick woods, that were then in the full leaf of early summer. as if to deepen their gloom, the sky was overcast with the blackest of clouds, from which the rain poured down in torrents; and the night, of course, was as dark as dark could be. no wonder, then, that they were continually losing their path, which was but a deer-track, and none of the plainest, even in broad daylight. when any one discovered that he had lost himself, he would shout, and set himself right again by the answering shouts of his comrades who might be so lucky as to be in the path at that moment. after blundering about all night through marshy thickets, slipping upon slimy rocks, and scrambling over the oozy trunks of fallen trees, they reached the indian camp at daybreak in a somewhat moist and bedabbled plight, as you may well imagine. the half king seemed overjoyed at seeing his young white brother once more; and, with true indian hospitality, set before him and his men the best his camp afforded. after breakfasting heartily on bear's meat, venison, and parched corn, they all set out together, much refreshed, to seek what game might be in the wind. the half king led the way to the spot where the two tracks had been seen the evening before; and, having found them, told two of his sharp-eyed hunters to follow the trail until they could bring some tidings of the feet that had made them. like hounds on the scent of a fox, they started off at a long trot; only pausing now and then to look more closely at the leaves, to make sure they were right, and not on a cold scent. in a short time, they came back with word that they had spied twenty-five or thirty french and canadians encamped in a low, narrow bottom, between high and steep hills, who looked as if they were desirous of concealment. whereupon washington proposed that the two parties should divide, and, stealing upon the enemy from opposite directions, surprise and capture him, if possible, without the shedding of blood. to this the half king agreed; and, parting, they moved off in profound silence, each on their separate way. a sudden turn of the hollow, down which they had been making their way for several minutes, brought washington and his party, ere they were well aware, in full view of the enemy. some were cooking their morning's meal, some were preparing their arms for the day's excursion, some were lounging, and all were merry. but, seeing as soon as seen, they ran with all speed to their guns, that were leaned against the trees hard by, and, without more ado, began firing in so brisk and earnest a manner, that left the virginians no choice but to return it, which they did with spirit. about the same time, the half king and his warriors came down to the bottom of the hill on the opposite side of the hollow, and, screening themselves behind a bit of rising ground, joined the music of their rifles with the rest. for about fifteen minutes, the skirmish was kept up with great spirit on both sides; when the french, having lost ten of their number (among whom was their leader, capt. de jumonville), surrendered, and yielded up their arms. washington had one man shot dead at his side, and three men wounded; but his indian allies, protected as they were by the rising ground, came off without the loss of a single feather or porcupine-quill. unluckily, in the heat of the encounter, a swift-footed canadian, better, no doubt, at dodging than shooting, managed to make his escape, and carried the news to fort duquesne. the half king and his warriors, i am sorry to tell you, would have butchered the prisoners in cold blood, had not washington sternly forbidden them. they therefore consoled themselves as best they might for this disappointment by scalping the dead; which, however, yielded them but sorry comfort, as there were but ten scalps to be divided among forty warriors. the half king was much offended by this humane interference, on the part of his young white brother, in behalf of the prisoners; for he seemed to think, that as they were spies, and french spies at that, they richly deserved to be scalped alive. such milk-and-water, half-way measures might do for pale-faces, but were not the sort of entertainment to be relished by a genuine indian brave of the first water, or, to speak more to the point, of the first blood. without, however, in the least heeding these muttered grumblings of the worthy old chief, who had his failings along with the rest of mankind, col. washington took the prisoners to his camp, where he treated them with even more kindness and courtesy than they as spies deserved. from thence he sent them under a strong guard to williamsburg, and wrote to gov. dinwiddie, begging him to treat them with all the humanity due to prisoners of war, but to keep a strict watch over them, as there were among them two or three very cunning and dangerous men. this encounter, commonly called the jumonville affair, caused a great sensation, not only throughout the colonies, but also in france and england; for it was there, as you must know, in that remote and obscure little valley, that flowed the first blood of this long and eventful war. it was washington's first battle; and, being a successful one, much inspirited him. in a letter written at this time to his brother augustine, after touching upon the particulars of this skirmish, he says, "i heard the bullets whistle; and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." xiii. fort necessity. about this time, col. fry died at wills's creek, where he had lain ill of a fever for several weeks; and washington, as the next in rank, was obliged to take command of the regiment. although this change brought with it an increase of pay and honors, yet it caused him the sincerest regret; for even then, young as he was, he had the good of his country more earnestly at heart than his own private advantage. he said, and with unfeigned modesty, that he feared he was scarcely equal to the discharge of such high and responsible duties, without the aid and counsel of some older and more experienced officer. capt. de villiers was now commander of the french at fort duquesne. when tidings of the late encounter reached this officer through the swift-footed canadian, he swore a deep oath that he would chastise the audacious young virginian for what he chose to call this barbarous outrage, and avenge the death of de jumonville, whose brother-in-law, as ill luck would have it, he chanced to be. foreseeing his danger, and to defend himself against the superior force he knew would be brought against him, col. washington set about forthwith to strengthen his works. he dug the ditches deeper, raised the breastworks higher, and surrounded the whole with a row of palisades, firmly planted in the ground, and set so close together as scarcely to allow of a gun-barrel passing between them. owing to the shameful neglect of those whose duty it was to send up supplies, he and his men suffered much from the want of food,--many days at a stretch sometimes passing by without their tasting bread. to aggravate this new distress, the half king and many of his warriors, with their wives and children, now sought refuge in the fort from the vengeance of the french and their savage allies; which added nothing to their strength, and only increased the number of hungry mouths to be fed. to this place, then, where gaunt famine pinched them from within and watchful enemies beset them from without, washington gave the fitting name of fort necessity. luckily for them, while in this pitiable plight, days and days passed by, and still no avenging de villiers showed himself, though alarms were frequent. col. washington now ordered major muse to bring up the rest of the troops that had been waiting all this while at wills's creek, with the heavy stores and cannon. to reward the friendly indians for their services and fidelity, major muse brought with him presents of hatchets and knives, guns, powder and lead, tin cups, needles and pins, beads, and dry-goods of every gaudy hue, and it may be, although we can only guess it, a ruffled shirt or two. in addition to these, there came a number of silver medals for the chief sachems, sent by gov. dinwiddie at the suggestion of col. washington, who well knew how much these simple people prize little compliments of this kind. major muse handed out the presents, while washington hung the medals about the necks of the sachems, which yielded them far more delight, you will be sorry to hear, than their good old missionary's catechism. this was done with all that show and parade so dear to an indian's heart; and, to give a still finer edge to the present occasion, they christened each other all over again: that is to say, the red men gave the white men indian names, and the white men gave the red men english names. thus, for example, washington gave the half king the name of dinwiddie, which pleased him greatly; while he, in his turn, bestowed on his young white brother a long, high-sounding indian name, that you could pronounce as readily spelt backwards as forwards. fairfax was the name given a young sachem, the son of queen aliquippa, whose eternal friendship to the english, it must be borne in mind, had been secured by washington, the previous winter, by the present of an old coat and a bottle of rum. by the advice of his old and much-esteemed friend, col. william fairfax, washington had divine worship in the fort daily, in which he led; and, thanks to the early teachings of his pious mother, he could do this, and sin not. solemn indeed, my dear children, and beautiful to behold, must have been that picture,--that little fort, so far away in the heart of the lonely wilderness, with its motley throng of painted indians and leather-clad backwoodsmen gathered round their young commander, as, morning and evening, he kneeled in prayer before the giver of all good, beseeching aid and protection, and giving thanks. as if to put his manhood and patience to a still severer test, there came to the fort about this time an independent company of one hundred north carolinians, headed by one capt. mackay, who refused to serve under him as his superior officer. as his reason for this conduct, mackay argued that he held a royal commission (that is to say, had been made a captain by the king of england), which made him equal in rank, if not superior, to washington, who held only a provincial commission, or had been made a colonel by the governor of virginia. this, in part, was but too true; and it had been a source of dissatisfaction to washington, that the rank and services of colonial officers should be held at a cheaper rate than the same were valued at in the royal army. it wounded his honest, manly pride, and offended his high sense of justice; and he had already resolved in his own mind to quit such inglorious service, as soon as he could do so without injury to the present campaign, or loss of honor to himself. to most men, the lofty airs and pretensions of capt. mackay and his independents would have been unbearable; but he kept his temper unruffled, and, with a prudence beyond his years, forbore to do or say any thing that would lead to an angry outbreak between them; and as they chose to encamp outside the fort, and have separate guards, he deemed it wisest not to trouble himself about them, only so far as might concern their common safety. days, and even weeks, had now passed away, and still no enemy had come to offer him battle. his men were becoming restless from inaction; and the example of the troublesome independents had already begun to stir up discontent among them, which threatened, if not checked in season, to end in downright insubordination. as the surest remedy for these evils, washington resolved to push forward with the road in the direction of fort duquesne, and carry the war into the enemy's own country. requesting capt. mackay to guard the fort during his absence, he set out with his entire force of three hundred men, and again began the toilsome work of cutting a road through the wilderness. the difficulties they had now to overcome were even greater than those which beset them at the outset of their pioneering. the mountains were higher, the swamps deeper, the rocks more massive, the trees taller and more numerous, the torrents more rapid, the days more hot and sultry, and the men and horses more enfeebled by poor and scanty food. you will not wonder, then, that they were nearly two weeks in reaching mr. gist's plantation on the monongahela, a distance of but fifteen miles. but hardly had they pitched their tents, and thrown themselves on the grass to snatch a little rest, when there came the disheartening intelligence, brought in by their indian spies, that capt. de villiers had been seen to sally from fort duquesne but a few hours before, at the head of a force of five hundred french and four hundred indians, and must by that time be within a few miles of the virginia camp. for three hundred weary and hungry men to wait and give battle to a force three times their number, fresh and well fed, was a thing too absurd to be thought of for a single moment. washington, therefore, as their only chance of safety, ordered a hasty retreat, hoping that they might be able to reach the settlements on wills's creek before the enemy could overtake him. the retreat, however, was any thing but a hasty one; for the poor half-famished horses were at last no longer able to drag the heavy cannon and carry the heavy baggage. moved with pity for the lean and tottering beasts, washington dismounted from his fine charger, and gave him for a pack-horse; which humane example was promptly followed by his officers. yet even this was not enough: so, while some of the jaded men loaded their backs with the baggage, the rest, as jaded, dragged the artillery along the stony roads with ropes, rather than that it should be left behind to fall into the hands of the enemy. for this good service, rendered so willingly in that hour of sore distress, they went not unrewarded by their generous young commander. capt. mackay and his company of independents had, at washington's request, come up a little while before, and now joined in the retreat. but they joined in nothing else; for, pluming themselves upon their greater respectability as soldiers of his britannic majesty, they lent not a helping hand in this hour of pressing need, although the danger that lurked behind threatened all alike. they marched along, these coxcombs, daintily picking their way over the smoothest roads, and too genteel to be burdened with any thing but their clean muskets and tidy knapsacks. this ill-timed and insolent behavior served only to aggravate the trials of the other poor fellows all the more; and when, at last, they had managed to drag the cannon and the wagons and themselves to fort necessity, they were so overcome with fatigue and hunger, and so moved with indignation at the conduct of the independents, that they threw down their ropes and packs, and flatly refused to be marched further. seeing their pitiful plight, and that it would be impossible to reach the settlements, col. washington, as their last chance of safety, turned aside, and once more took shelter in his little fort. as capt. mackay and his company of gentlemen fighters had done nothing towards strengthening the works during his absence, washington ordered a few trees to be felled in the woods hard by, as a still further barrier to the approach of the enemy. just as the last tree went crashing down, the french and their indian allies, nine hundred strong, came in sight, and opened a scattering fire upon the fort, but from so great a distance as made it little more than an idle waste of powder and lead. suspecting this to be but a feint of the crafty foe to decoy them into an ambuscade, washington ordered his men to keep within the shelter of the fort, there to lie close, and only to shoot when they could plainly see where their bullets were to be sent. a light skirmishing was kept up all day, and until a late hour in the night; the indians keeping the while within the shelter of the woods, which at no point came within sixty yards of the palisades. whenever an indian scalp-lock or a french cap showed itself from among the trees or bushes, it that instant became the mark of a dozen sharpshooters watching at the rifle-holes of the fort. all that day, and all the night too, the rain poured down from one black cloud, as only a summer ruin can pour, till the ditches were filled with water, and the breastworks nothing but a bank of miry clay; till the men were drenched to the skin, and the guns of many so dampened as to be unfit for use. about nine o'clock that night, the firing ceased; and shortly after a voice was heard, a little distance beyond the palisades, calling upon the garrison, in the name of capt. de villiers, to surrender. suspecting this to be but a pretext for getting a spy into the fort, col. washington refused to admit the bearer of the summons. capt. de villiers then requested that an officer be sent to his quarters to parley; giving his word of honor that no mischief should befall him, or unfair advantage be taken of it. whereupon, capt. van braam, the old dutch fencing-master, being the only french interpreter conveniently at hand, was employed to go and bring in the terms of surrender. he soon came back; but the terms were too dishonorable for any true soldier to think of accepting. he was sent again, but with no better result. the third time, capt. de villiers sent written articles of capitulation; which, being in his own language, must needs be first translated before an answer could be returned. by the flickering light of one poor candle, which could hardly be kept burning for the pouring rain, the dutch captain read the terms he had brought, while the rest stood round him, gathering what sense they could from the confused jumbling of bad french, and worse english he was pleased to call a translation. after this, there followed a little more parleying between the hostile leaders; when it was at last settled that the prisoners taken in the jumonville affair should be set at liberty; that the english should build no forts upon the disputed territories within a twelvemonth to come; and that the garrison, after destroying the artillery and military stores, should be allowed to march out with all the honors of war, and pursue their way to the settlements, unmolested either by the french or their indian allies. when we take into account the more than double strength of the enemy, the starving condition of the garrison (still further weakened as it was by the loss of twelve men killed and forty-three wounded), and the slender hope of speedy succor from the settlements, these terms must be regarded as highly honorable to col. washington; and still more so when we add to this the fact, that the half king and his other indian allies had deserted him at the first approach of danger, under the pretext of finding some safer retreat for their wives and children. whether they failed from choice, or hinderance to return, and take part in the action, can never now be known with certainty. thus the dreary night wore away; and, when the dreary morning dawned, they destroyed the artillery and the military stores, preparatory to their setting forth on their retreat. as all the horses had been killed or lost the day before, they had no means of removing their heavy baggage: they therefore secured it as best they might, hoping to be able to send back for it from the settlements. still in possession of their small-arms, they then marched out of the fort with all the honors of war,--fifes playing, drums beating, and colors flying. they had gone but a few yards from the fort, when a large body of indians pounced with plundering hands upon the baggage. seeing that the french could not or would not keep them back, washington, to disappoint them of their booty, ordered his men to set fire to it, and destroy all they could not bring away upon their backs. this done, they once more took up their line of march; and a melancholy march it was. between them and the nearest settlements, there lay seventy miles of steep and rugged mountain-roads, over which they must drag their weary and aching limbs before they could hope to find a little rest. washington did all that a kind and thoughtful commander could to keep up the flagging spirits of his men; sharing with them their every toil and privation, and all the while maintaining a firm and cheerful demeanor. reaching wills's creek, he there left them to enjoy the full abundance which they found awaiting them at that place; and, in company with capt. mackay, repaired at once to williamsburg to report the result of the campaign to gov. dinwiddie. a short time after, the terms of surrender were laid before the virginia house of burgesses, and received the entire approval of that wise body; who, although the expedition had ended in defeat and failure, most cheerfully gave col. washington and his men a vote of thanks, in testimony of their having done their whole duty as good and brave and faithful soldiers. xiv. general braddock. having brought the campaign to an honorable if not successful end, col. washington threw up his commission, and left the service. this had been his determination for some time past; and he felt that he could do so now without laying his conduct open to censure or suspicion, having within his own breast the happy assurance, that, in the discharge of his late trust, he had acted the part of a faithful soldier and true patriot, seeking only his country's good. the reasons that led him to take this step need not be repeated, as you will readily understand them, if you still bear in mind what i told you a short time since touching those questions of rank which caused the difficulty between him and capt. mackay. a visit to his much-beloved mother was the first use he made of his leisure. the profound love and reverence that never failed to mark his conduct towards his mother were among the most beautiful traits of his character. the management of the family estate, and the education of the younger children, were concerns in which he ever took the liveliest interest; and to make these labors light and easy to her by his aid or counsel was a pleasure to him indeed. this grateful duty duly done, he once more sought the shelter of mount vernon, to whose comforts he had been for so many months a stranger. the toils of a soldier's life were now exchanged for the peaceful labors of a husbandman. nor did this change, to his well-ordered mind, bring with it any idle regrets; for the quiet pursuits of a farmer's life yielded him, young, ardent, and adventurous as he was, scarcely less delight than the profession of arms, and even more as he grew in years. the affair of the great meadows roused the mother-country at last to a full sense of the danger that threatened her possessions in america. accordingly, to regain what had been lost, money, and munitions of war, and a gallant little army fitted out in the completest style of that day, were sent over with all possible expedition, under the command of major-gen. braddock. from the shrubby heights of mount vernon, washington could look down, and behold the british ships-of-war as they moved slowly up the majestic potomac, their decks thronged with officers and soldiers dressed in showy uniform, their polished arms and accoutrements flashing back the cold, clear light of the february sun. from their encampment at alexandria, a few miles distant, he could hear the booming of their morning and evening guns, as it came roiling over the hills and through the woods, and shook his quiet home like a sullen summons to arms. often, no longer able to keep down his youthful ardor, he would mount his horse, and, galloping up to the town, spend hours there in watching the different companies, as with the precision of clockwork they went through their varied and difficult evolutions. at these sights and sounds, all the martial spirit within him took fire again. to gen. braddock, who commanded all the forces in america, provincial as well as royal, gov. dinwiddie and other virginia notables spoke in the highest terms of the character of young washington; giving him at the same time still further particulars of the brave and soldierly conduct he had so signally shown during the campaign of the previous year. they took pleasure, they said, in recommending him as one whose skill and experience in indian warfare, and thorough acquaintance with the wild country beyond the borders, were such as could be turned to the greatest advantage in the course of the following campaign. desirous of securing services of such peculiar value, braddock sent our young virginian a courteous invitation to join his staff; offering him the post of volunteer aide-de-camp, with the rank of colonel. here was an opportunity of gratifying his taste for arms under one of the first generals of the day. could he do it without the sacrifice of honor or self-respect? although he had left the service for the best of reasons, as you must bear in mind, yet there was nothing in these reasons to hinder him from serving his country, not for pay, but as a generous volunteer, bearing his own expenses. besides, such a post as this would place him altogether above the authority of any equal or inferior officer who might chance to hold a king's commission. debating thus with himself, and urged on by his friends, he accepted braddock's invitation, and joined his staff as volunteer aide-de-camp. now, would you know what an aide-de-camp is? wait, and you will find out for yourselves when we come to the battle of the monongahela, where braddock suffered his gallant little army to be cut to pieces by the french and indians. when mrs. washington heard that her son was on the eve of joining the new army, full of a mother's fears, she hastened to entreat him not again to expose himself to the dangers and trials of a soldier's life. although the army was the only opening to distinction at that time in the colonies, yet, to have him ever near her, she would rather have seen him quietly settled at his beautiful homestead, as an unpretending farmer, than on the high road to every worldly honor at the risk of life or virtue. ever mindful of her slightest wishes, her son listened respectfully to all her objections, and said all he could to quiet her motherly fears: but, feeling that he owed his highest duty to his country, he was not to be turned from his steadfast purpose; and, taking an affectionate leave of her, he set out to join his general at fort cumberland. fort cumberland was situated on wills's creek, and had just been built by braddock as a gathering point for the border; and thither he had removed his whole army, with all his stores, and munitions of war. upon further acquaintance, washington found this old veteran a man of courteous though somewhat haughty manners, of a hasty and uneven temper, strict and rigid in the discipline of his soldiers, much given to martial pomp and parade, and self-conceited and wilful to a degree that was sometimes scarcely bearable. he was, however, of a sociable and hospitable turn; often inviting his officers to dine with him, and entertaining them like princes. so keen a relish had he for the good things of the table, that he never travelled without his two cooks, who were said to have been so uncommonly skilful in their line of business, that they could take a pair of boots, and boil them down into a very respectable dish of soup, give them only the seasoning to finish it off with. the little folks, however, must be very cautious how they receive this story, as their uncle juvinell will not undertake to vouch for the truth of it. the contractors--that is to say, the men who had been engaged to furnish the army with a certain number of horses, pack-saddles, and wagons, by a certain time, and for a certain consideration--had failed to be as good as their word, and had thereby seriously hindered the progress of the campaign. as might have been expected, this was enough to throw such a man as braddock into a towering passion; and, to mend his humor, the governors of the different provinces were not as ready and brisk to answer his call for men and supplies as he thought he had a right to expect. so he poured forth his vials of wrath upon whomsoever or whatsoever chanced to come uppermost. he stormed at the contractors; he railed at the governors, and sneered at the troops they sent him; he abused the country in general, and scolded about the bad roads in particular. washington, with his usual clearness of insight into character, soon saw, to his deep disappointment, that this was hardly the man to conduct a wilderness campaign to any thing like a successful end, however brave the testy old veteran might be, and expert in the management of well-drilled regulars in the open and cultivated regions of the old world. of the same opinion was dr. franklin, who, being at that time postmaster-general of all the colonies, came to braddock's quarters at fort cumberland to make some arrangements for transporting the mail to and from the army during the progress of the expedition. i will read you his own lively account of this interview, as it will enable you to see more clearly those faults of braddock's character that so soon after brought ruin on his own head, and disgrace upon english arms in america. "in conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. 'after taking fort duquesne,' said he, 'i am to proceed to niagara; and, having taken that, to frontenac, if the season will allow; and i suppose it will, for duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days: and then i can see nothing that can obstruct my march to niagara.' "having before revolved in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road to be cut for them through the woods and bushes, and also what i had heard of a former defeat of fifteen hundred french who invaded the illinois country, i had conceived some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign; but i ventured only to say, 'to be sure, sir, if you arrive well before duquesne with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified and assisted with a very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. the only danger i apprehend of obstruction to your march is from the ambuscades of the indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, nearly four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise on its flanks, and to be cut like thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support one another.' he smiled at my ignorance, and replied,"'these savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to raw american militia; but upon the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make an impression.' "i was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more." in the course of this interview, franklin chanced to express a regret that the army had not been landed in pennsylvania, where, as every farmer kept his own wagon and horses, better means would have been more readily found for transporting the troops, with their heavy guns and munitions of war, across the country and over the mountains. quick to take a hint, braddock made haste to request him, as a man of standing in his colony, to furnish him, in the king's name, one hundred and fifty wagons, and four horses to each wagon, besides a large number of pack-horses and pack-saddles. this, franklin readily undertook to do; and went about it with such diligence, that by the latter part of spring, even before the time set, he had fulfilled his promise to the last letter; and braddock had now the satisfaction of seeing his army, after all these vexatious delays, in a condition to move forward. meanwhile, washington was all attention to affairs in camp, and was daily gaining fresh insight into the art of war, as understood and practised in the most civilized countries of the old world. every day the men were drilled, and passed under review; their arms and accoutrements carefully inspected by their officers, to make sure that they were in perfect order, and ready for use at a moment's notice. sentinels and guards were stationed in and about the camp, day and night. so strict was the watch kept by this lynx-eyed old general over the morals of his men, that drunkenness was punished with severe confinement; and any one found guilty of theft was drummed out of his regiment, after receiving five hundred stripes on his bare back. every sunday, the soldiers were called together, under the colors of their separate regiments, to hear divine service performed by their chaplains. to lend variety to the scene, the indians of the neighboring wilderness came flocking in to join their fortunes with the english, or bring information of the movements or designs of the french. among these came his old friend and ally, white thunder, keeper of the speech-belt; and silver heels, a renowned warrior, so called, no doubt, from his being uncommonly nimble of foot. also, as we shall meet him again hereafter, should be mentioned another sachem, whose indian name the little folks must excuse their uncle juvinell from giving them in full. by your leave, then, for the sake of brevity and convenience, we will call him by the last two syllables of his name, yadi. from them washington learned, much to his regret, that his red brother, the half king, had died a few months before; having, as the conjurors or medicine-men of his tribe pretended, been bewitched by the french for the terrible blow he had dealt them at the battle of jumonville, which had filled them with such terror, that they dared not hope for safety in the wide earth till certain that he walked and ate and slept no more among living men. although braddock held these savage allies in high contempt, yet when washington pointed out to him how much was to be gained by their friendship, and how much to be lost by their enmity, he was persuaded, for that one time at least, to treat them with marked respect and distinction. to give them an overwhelming idea of the power and splendor of english arms, he received them with all the honors of war,--fifes playing, drums beating, and the regulars lowering their muskets as they passed on to the general's tent. here braddock received them in the midst of his officers, and made them a speech of welcome, in the course of which he told them of the deep sorrow felt by their great father, the king of england, for the death of his red brother, the half king; and that, to console his red children in america for so grievous a loss, as well as to reward them for their friendship and services to the english, he had sent them many rich and handsome presents, which they should receive before leaving the fort. this speech was answered by a dozen warriors in as many orations, which being very long and very flowery, and very little to the point, bored their english listeners dreadfully. the peace-pipe smoked and the big talk ended, braddock, by way of putting a cap on the grand occasion, ordered all the fifes to play, and drums to beat, and, in the midst of the music, all the guns in the fort to be fired at once. he then caused a bullock to be killed, and roasted whole, for the refreshment of his indian guests. the indians, in their turn, to show how sensible they were of the honor done them by this distinguished reception, entertained the english by dancing their war-dances and singing their war-songs: by which you are to understand that they jumped and whirled and capered about in a thousand outlandish antics till they grew limber and weak in the knees, and yelped and bellowed and howled till their bodies were almost empty of breath; when, from very exhaustion, they hushed their barbarous din, and night and slumber fell on the camp. in the daytime, these lords of the forest, tricked out in all their savage finery, their faces streaked with war-paint and their scalp-locks brave with gay bunches of feathers, would stalk about the fort, big with wonder over every thing they saw. now and then, they would follow with admiring eyes the rapid and skilful movement of the red-coated regulars, as one or other of the regiments, like some huge machine, went through their martial exercises; or, standing on the ramparts, they would watch with still keener zest and interest the young officers as they amused themselves by racing their horses outside the fort. as ill luck would have it, these warriors had brought with them their wives and children, among whom were many very pretty indian girls, with plump, round forms, little hands and feet, and beady, roguish eyes. as female society was not by any means one of the charms of life at fort cumberland, the coming of these wild beauties was hailed with the liveliest delight by the young english officers, who, the moment they laid eyes on them, fell to loving them to desperation. first among these forest belles was one who went by the expressive name of bright lightning; so called, no doubt, from being the favorite daughter of white thunder. it being noised abroad that she was a savage princess of the very first blood, she, of course, at once became the centre of fashionable attraction, and the leading toast of all the young blades in camp. no sooner, however, did the warriors get wind of these gallantries, than they were quite beside themselves with rage and jealousy, and straightway put an end to them; making the erring fair ones pack off home, bag and baggage, sorely to their disappointment, as well as to that of the young british lions, who were quite inconsolable for their loss. this scandalous behavior on the part of the english--of which, however, your uncle juvinell may have spoken more lightly than he ought--was, as you may well believe, very disgusting to washington, who was a young man of the purest thoughts and habits. as may be naturally supposed, it gave deep and lasting offence to the sachems; and when to this is coupled the fact, that their wishes and opinions touching war-matters were never heeded or consulted, we cannot wonder that they one by one forsook the english, with all their warriors, and came no more. foreseeing this, and well knowing what valuable service these people could render as scouts and spies, washington had gone to braddock, time and again, warning him to treat them with more regard to their peculiar whims and customs, if he did not wish to lose the advantages to be expected from their friendship, or bring upon him the terrible consequences of their enmity. as this wise and timely advice came from a young provincial colonel, the wrong-headed old general treated it, of course, with high disdain, and to the last remained obstinate in the belief that he could march to the very heart of the continent without meeting an enemy who could withstand his well-drilled regulars and fine artillery. and thus, my dear children, did this rash and wilful man cast lightly away the golden opportunity, wherein, by a few kind words, or tokens of respect, he could have gained the lasting friendship of this much-despised race, and thereby made them, in all human likelihood, the humble means of saving from early destruction the finest army, which, up to that time, had carried its banners to the western world. xv. rough work. at last, all things were got in readiness; and the gallant little army began its toilsome march through the forest, and over the mountains, and up and down the valleys. beside the regulars, fourteen hundred strong, it consisted of two companies of hatchet-men, or carpenters, whose business it was to go on before, and open the road; a small company of seamen, who had the care and management of the artillery; six companies of rangers, some of whom were pennsylvanians; and two companies of light horse, which, being composed of young men taken from the very first families of virginia, braddock had chosen to be his body-guard: the whole numbering two thousand, or thereabouts. owing to the difficulty of dragging the loaded wagons and heavy guns over the steep and rocky roads, the march was slow and tedious in the extreme; and what made it still more trying to washington's patience was to see so many wagons and pack-horses loaded down with the private baggage of the english officers,--such as fine clothing, table dainties, and a hundred little troublesome conveniences, which they must needs lug about with them wherever they went. weeks before they left fort cumberland, washington had pointed out to braddock the folly of attempting to cross that monstrous mountain barrier with a cumbrous train of wheel-carriages; and expressed the opinion, that, for the present, they had better leave the bulk of their baggage and their heaviest artillery, and, trusting entirely to pack-horses for transporting what should be needed most, make their way at once to fort duquesne while the garrison was yet too weak to offer any resistance. this prudent counsel, however, as usual, had failed to produce the least effect on the narrow and stubborn mind of braddock; but by the time he had dragged his unwieldy length over two or three mountains, and had made but a few miles in many days, it began to dawn on his mind by slow degrees, that a campaign in an american wilderness was a very different thing from what it was in the cultivated regions of europe, where nearly every meadow, field, or wood, could tell of a christian and civilized battle there fought, and where the fine roads and bridges made the march of an army a mere holiday jaunt as compared to this rough service. the difficulties that beset him seeming to thicken around him at every step, he was at last so sorely put to it and perplexed as to be obliged to turn to the young provincial colonel for that advice which he, in his blind self-confidence, had but a short while before disdained. too well bred to seem surprised at this unbending of the haughty old general, although he really was not a little, washington readily, yet with all becoming modesty, did as he was desired, in a clear, brief, and soldierly manner. he gave it as his opinion, that their best plan would be to divide the army into two parts,--the smaller division, under command of col. dunbar, to form the rear, and bring up the heavy guns and baggage-wagons; the larger division, under the command of braddock, to form the advance, and taking with it but two pieces of light artillery, and no more baggage than could be conveniently carried on pack-horses, push rapidly on to fort duquesne, and surprise the garrison before they could receive timely warning of their danger, or be re-enforced by the troops from canada, which would have arrived ere then, had not the summer drought prevented. to some extent, this prudent advice was followed; and, to give it the force of example, washington reduced his baggage to a few little necessaries that he could easily carry in a small portmanteau strapped to his back, and gave his fine charger to be used as a pack-horse. his brother provincial officers, accustomed as they were to dealing with the difficulties and inconveniences of a backwoods life, in a ready, off-hand fashion, followed his example with the greatest willingness and good-humor. notwithstanding this, however, there were still two hundred pack-horses loaded with the private baggage of the english officers, who were unwilling, even in that hour of pressing need, to make this little sacrifice of their present comfort to the common good. so tender did they seem of their bodily ease, and so given up to the pleasures of appetite, that washington began to have serious doubts of their fitness to endure the hardships of a rough campaign, and of their courage and firmness to face the dangers of the battle-field. one evening late, about this time, as the army lay encamped at the little meadows, there suddenly appeared among them, from the neighboring woods, a large party of hunters, all pennsylvanians, dressed in the wild garb of indians, and armed with hatchets, knives, and rifles. their leader was a certain capt. jack, one of the greatest hunters of his day, and nearly as famous in the border tales of pennsylvania as daniel boone in those of green kentucky. when your uncle juvinell was quite a lad, he read the story of this strange man, in an old book, which pleased and interested him so much at the time, that he has never since forgotten it, and will now repeat it to you in the very words of the old chronicler:-- "the 'black hunter,' the 'black rifle,' the 'wild hunter of juniata,' is a white man. his history is this: he entered the woods with a few enterprising companions, built his cabin, cleared a little land, and amused himself with the pleasure of fishing and hunting. he felt happy; for then he had not a care. but on an evening, when he returned from a day of sport, he found his cabin burnt, his wife and children murdered. from that moment he forsakes civilized man, hunts out caves in which he lives, protects the frontier inhabitants from the indians, and seizes every opportunity of revenge that offers. he lives the terror of the indians, and the consolation of the whites. on one occasion, near juniata, in the middle of a dark night, a family were suddenly awaked from sleep by the report of a gun. they jumped from their huts; and, by the glimmering light from the chimney, saw an indian fall to rise no more. the open door exposed to view the wild hunter. 'i have saved your lives!' he cried; then turned, and was buried in the gloom of night." bidding his leather-stockings to wait where they were till he came back, the black hunter strode on to the general's tent, and, without more ado than to enter, made known the object of his coming there, in a speech that smacked somewhat of the indian style of oratory; which i will give you, as nearly as i can, in his own words:-- "englishmen, the foe is on the watch. he lurks in the strongholds of the mountains. he hides in the shadows of the forest. he hovers over you like a hungry vulture ready to pounce upon its prey. he has made a boast that he will keep his eye upon you, from his look-outs on the hills, day and night, till you have walked into his snare, when he will shoot down your gay red-birds like pigeons. englishmen, dangers thicken round you at every step; but in the pride of your strength you have blinded your eyes, so that you see them not. i have brought my hunters, who are brave and trusty men, to serve you as scouts and spies. in your front and in your rear, and on either hand, we will scour the woods, and beat the bushes, to stir up the lurking foe, that your gallant men fall not into his murderous ambuscade. to us the secret places of the wilderness are as an open book; in its depths we have made our homes this many a year: there we can find both food and shelter. we ask no pay, and our rifles are all our own." to this noble and disinterested offer, braddock returned a cold and haughty answer. "there is time enough," said he, "for making such arrangements; and i have experienced troops on whom i can rely." stung to the quick by this uncivil and ungenerous treatment, the black hunter, without another word, turned, and, with a kindling eye and proud step, left the tent. when he told his followers of the scornful manner in which the english general had treated their leader, and rejected their offer of service, they staid not, but, with angry and indignant mien, filed out of the camp, and, plunging once more into the wilderness, left the devoted little army to march on to that destruction to which its ill-starred commander seemed so fatally bent on leading it. the contemptuous indifference which always marked the demeanor of braddock towards these rude but brave and trusty warriors of the woods was very offensive to washington; the more, as he knew, that, when it came to be put to the test, these men, unskilled though they were in the modes of civilized warfare, would be found far better fitted to cope with the cunning and stealthy enemy they had then to deal with, than those well-dressed, well-armed, well-drilled, but unwieldy regulars. after having rested a few days at the little meadows, the advanced division of the army once more took up the line of march; but, to washington's disappointment, made scarcely better speed than before, although lightened of nearly all of the heavy baggage. "i found," wrote he a short time after, "that, instead of pushing on with vigor, we were halting to level every mole-hill, and erect bridges over every brook; by which means we were sometimes four days in getting twelve miles." slowly the long and straggling lines held on their weary way, now scrambling over some rugged steep, now winding along some narrow defile, till at length the silence of that gloomy vale--the shades of death--was again broken by the shouts and uproar of a marching army. for several days, washington had been suffering much from fever, attended with a racking headache, which had obliged him to travel in a covered wagon. by the time they reached the great crossings of the youghiogeny, his illness had so increased, that dr. craik, his good friend and physician, declared it would be almost certain death for him to travel further; at the same time advising him to stay where he was until his fever should somewhat abate its violence, when he could come up with dunbar's rear division. his brother officers also, and even his old general, kindly urged him to give up all thought of going on for the present; while, to render his disappointment more bearable, some of them promised to keep him informed, by writing, of every thing noteworthy which should happen in the course of their march. seeing then; was no help for it, he suffered himself to be left behind: but it was with a sad and heavy heart that, he saw them pass on without him; and when they had vanished, one by one, in the shadows of the neighboring wilds, and the gleaming of their arms could no longer be seen through the openings of the trees and bushes, he turned with a sigh, and said to the men whom braddock had left to nurse and guard him, "i would not for five hundred pounds miss being at the taking of fort duquesne." here he lay for ten days; his fever, no doubt, much aggravated by his impatience to rejoin his comrades, and the fear lest he should not be well in time to share with them the dangers and honors of the coming contest. meanwhile, braddock pursued his slow and tedious march, and in a few days had passed the great meadows, where young washington, the year before, as you must well remember, had learned his first lessons in the rude art of war. a few miles beyond this, he came to a deserted indian camp, on the top of a rocky hill, where, to judge from the number of wigwams, at least one hundred and seventy warriors must have lodged. the fires were still burning; which showed but too plainly that the stealthy foe was on the watch, and not far distant. some of the trees hard by had been stripped of their bark; and on their white, sappy trunks were to be seen, in the rude picture-writing of the indians, savage taunts and threats of vengeance meant for the english; while intermixed with these were bullying boasts and blackguard slang, written in the french language, as if to force on the notice of those who were to read them the fact, that there were white as well as red men lurking near. it had almost slipped my mind to tell you, that braddock, moved perhaps by the advice of washington, had, before setting out from fort cumberland, employed a small party of indians, with their sachem yadi at their head, to serve as guides and spies during the campaign. a few days after passing the deserted camp on the rock, four or five soldiers, straggling too far in the rear, were suddenly waylaid by the prowling foe, and all murdered and scalped on the spot. to avenge the death of their comrades, a squad of regulars went out in quest of the enemy, and soon came in sight of a small party of indians, who held up the boughs of trees before them, and stood their rifles on the ground, as a sign that they were friends. not understanding this, however, and the distance being too great for them to make out who they were, the blundering regulars fired, and one of the party fell dead on the spot,--a youthful warrior, who proved to be the son of the sachem yadi. when braddock heard of this melancholy accident, he was deeply grieved. he forthwith sent for the bereaved father, and, to his praise be it ever recorded, endeavored, by kind words and liberal presents, to console him, and make some little amends for his heavy loss; and, as a still further token of his regard, he ordered the hapless youth to be buried with all the honors of war. the body, borne on a bier, was followed by the officers, two and two; while the soldiers, drawn up in two lines, with the grave between them, stood facing each other, with the points of their muskets turned downward, and their chins resting in the hollow of the breeches. when the body was lowered, they fired three volleys over the grave, and left the young warrior to his long sleep on the hillside, with his bright hatchet and trusty rifle beside him. all this was very soothing to the sorrow and gratifying to the fatherly pride of the old sachem, and made him ever after a loving friend and faithful ally of the english. i have told you this little story to show you, that this testy and obstinate old general, with all his faults, was far from being the hard, unfeeling man that he sometimes seemed; and also as a tribute that every historian should pay to the memory of one whose misfortune it has been to be blamed so much, and pitied so little. by this time, washington had so far regained his strength as to admit of his being borne along in a covered wagon; and, setting out accordingly, in five days came up with the advance division, where it lay encamped in a beautiful spot about two miles from the monongahela, and fifteen miles from fort duquesne. here he was joyfully welcomed by both officers and men, with whom his generosity, and frank, manly bearing, had made him a great favorite. shortly after his arrival, mr. gist and two indian scouts, who had been sent out to reconnoitre or spy out the enemy, came back with the cheering tidings, that the re-enforcements had not yet come down from canada, and that the garrison in the fort was at present too weak to stand a single hour's siege. but what gave him a little uneasiness was a lofty column of smoke, rising from a deep and densely wooded hollow, where they were quite sure the watchful enemy was lurking, and hatching some mischief for the english. now, the fort and the camp lay on the same side of the river; and the most direct route between them was by a narrow mountain pass, rising abruptly from the water's edge on the left, and, on the right, shut in by a steep and lofty hill, whose stony sides were overgrown with laurel and stunted cedars and pines. as it was altogether out of the question to drag their wagons and artillery along this pass, it was resolved to cross the river, first at a point just over against the camp, and then, moving down along the opposite bank, recross it at another point five miles below; at both of which places the fords were shallow, and the banks not high. at last, the th of july, ,--a day ever to be remembered in american annals,--began to dawn. long before its first red light had streaked the east, a hum in the camp told that the little army was, even at that hour, all astir, and big with the bustle of preparation. officers and men were in the highest hopes, and looked forward with confidence to the coming evening, when they were to plant their victorious banners on the ramparts of fort duquesne. although they had marched thus far without serious molestation, yet col. washington's fears of an ambuscade were not a whit diminished; for he felt quite certain that they should never reach the french fort without an attempt being made to surprise, or drive them back. full of these apprehensions, he went to gen. braddock, and, pointing out to him the danger hanging over them, urged him by all means to send out the virginia rangers to scour the woods and thickets, front and flank, and beat up the enemy, should any chance to be lurking near with the design of drawing them into an ambuscade. no advice, as it afterwards turned out, could have been more timely: but, coming from a raw provincial colonel, braddock cast it aside with angry impatience; and when the line of march was formed, as if to show in what light esteem he held it, he ordered the rangers to the rear, to guard the baggage. before daybreak, a large party of pioneers, or road-cutters, with a small guard of regulars, numbering in all about three hundred, had gone on before to open a passage for the army through the woods, and make the fords more passable by levelling the banks. the midsummer sun was shooting its first beams, level and red, among the alleghany hills, when the little army, having crossed the monongahela at the upper ford, stood on its southern bank, forming in line of march. by order of their general, officers and men had scoured and polished their arms and accoutrements the night before; and now appeared in full uniform, as if some grand military parade were to be the programme of the day. the whole line was soon moving slowly forward, with fifes playing, drums beating, and colors flying; the regulars keeping step the while to the "grenadier's march." in the clear and tranquil depths of the river, as they moved along its shady banks, could be seen, as in a mirror, the long array of leather-shirted rangers and red-coated regulars, with their sun-lit arms and prancing steeds, and bright banners that floated in the morning breeze. this brilliant spectacle, so well set off by the smiling river in front and the frowning woods beyond, formed a picture that ever lived in the memory of washington; and in after-years he used often to say, that, as it then appeared to him, he thought he had never seen any thing so beautiful. in the enthusiasm of the moment, he forgot his late illness, the still enfeebled condition of his body,--all, save the glory of serving his country; and, mounting his horse, he joined his brother-aides in their attendance on their general, else far more fatal must have been the end of that bloody day. xvi. braddock's defeat. in my account of this battle, as well as all the others that will come thundering in upon us from time to time in the course of our story, i have thought it would suit our purpose best to touch upon those facts only that are likeliest to leave the most lasting pictures of such events on your minds; using the while no more words than may actually be needed to give clearness and completeness to the same. and now, daniel, my young herodotus, and ned, my young hannibal, bring in another christmas log, that we may have a more cheerful blaze; for our story will be doleful enough for the next half-hour, without these goblin shadows dodging and flitting about the room to make it more so. at mid-day, braddock's army came to the lower ford, where a halt was called to allow of a few minutes' rest. far in front, across the river, the ringing of a hundred axes, followed at short intervals by the crash of falling trees, could be distinctly heard; telling that the pioneers were there, working might and main to clear a passage for those behind. the road just opened, after leaving the ford, ran across a heavily wooded bottom that skirted the river; and thence, for a few hundred yards, up a rocky slope to the foot of a high range of hills, about a mile distant, where it entered a narrow, bushy defile, and went no further. the country, for miles and miles around, as far as the eye could reach, was thickly wooded, save the rocky slope just mentioned, and the neighboring ravines, which were overgrown with long, coarse grass and whortleberry-bushes, so high as to sweep the horses' bellies; with here and there a few scattering trees of some size. it was the very place, of all others, that the wily indian would be most likely to choose for his ambuscade. by two o'clock, the whole army had regained the northern bank of the river. they were now within ten miles of fort duquesne, and a lucky end to their present campaign seemed near at hand. in a few minutes, artillery and baggage, foot and horse, regulars and rangers, formed into separate and distinct columns, stood ready to move as soon as the word should be given. just at the moment, however, when they were listening to hear the order, "forward, march!" drop from their general's lips, they were startled by a sudden and heavy firing among the hills, which put a sudden stop to the hundred axes, and told but too plainly that the road-cutters and their guard of regulars had been drawn into an ambuscade. washington knew at once, and too well, that the evil he dreaded from the beginning, had, on the very eve of success, come upon them; and with it also came the painful reflection, that it would never have so befallen them, had the rangers been suffered to scour the woods, and beat up the enemy, as had been recommended by him but a few hours before. braddock forthwith ordered two companies to hurry on to the relief of the pioneers; and, at his bidding, one of his aides spurred forward to learn further of the matter, and bring him word. the firing grew heavier and heavier, and seemed to be coming nearer and nearer. the lonely hills and woods around rang with the whoops and yells of the unseen savages. not able to restrain his impatience till his aide came back, braddock ordered his main division to come up at double-quick; and, taking with him his two remaining aides and a small guard of light-horse, galloped up to the scene of action. here what was his rage and mortification to find his doughty regulars, of whom he had boasted so much, changed, as it were in the whistling of a bullet, into a mere disorderly rabble of red-coats,--confused, bewildered, to a degree that he could never have dreamed possible! crowded and huddled together in the narrow road, he saw them dropping down under the indian bullets, helpless as a herd of frightened deer beset by a band of unseen hunters. by this time, the indians, still hid from view by the grass and bushes, had stretched their lines along either side of the road, from the hollows among the hills to some distance down the rocky slope, and were pouring in a murderous fire upon the affrighted english; yelling and whooping the while like a legion of devils at some infernal frolic. two bayonet charges had been made to drive them from their hiding-places, but in vain. the regulars, notwithstanding their officers' orders to the contrary, kept up a hurried but random firing, which had little or no effect upon the enemy, as nothing could be seen of him but the puffs of rifle-smoke that rose and hovered in little blue clouds over his place of ambush. the english, it is said, were less appalled by the whistling bullet; of the unseen savages than by their unearthly yells,--a sound that none of them had ever heard before, and many a poor fellow of them never heard again. the indian war-whoop has been described as a sound so wild and terrible, that, when once heard in battle, it rings in the listener's ears for weeks thereafter, and is never forgotten even to his dying day. but the english officers, on the contrary, behaved themselves with a gallantry that filled washington with astonishment and admiration. heretofore he had seen them only in camp or on the line of march, where their habits of ease and self-indulgence had led him to doubt their having the courage and firmness to face, without shrinking, danger in such appalling forms. unmindful of the bullets that whistled continually about their heads, they galloped up and down the broken and bleeding lines, in the vain endeavor to rally their men, and bring them again to something like order. mounted on fine horses, and dressed in rich uniforms, they offered a tempting mark to the unseen rifles that were levelled at them from behind every tree and bush, and tuft of grass; and, ere the work of death was finished, many a gallant steed, with dangling reins and bloody saddle, dashed riderless about the field. and, as if this were not enough, many of them must needs fall victims to the unsoldierly conduct of their own men, who, forgetful of all discipline, and quite beside themselves with terror and bewilderment, loaded their pieces hurriedly, and fired them off at random, killing friends as well as foes. nor did this most shameful part of the bloody scene end here: many of the virginia rangers, who had already taken to the trees and bushes, and were doing good service by fighting the indians in their own fashion, were shot down by the blundering regulars, who fired into the woods wherever they saw a puff of smoke, unable to distinguish whether it rose from a red or a white man's rifle. upon these brave rangers the brunt of the battle fell; and indeed, had it not been for their firmness and presence of mind, their skill and address in the arts and strategems of indian warfare, which enabled them for a time to hold the enemy in check, hardly a remnant of braddock's fine army would have survived to behold the going-down of that summer's sun. at the very commencement of the battle, a small party of warriors, cheered on by a french officer in a fancifully trimmed hunting-shirt, had leaped out from their covert into the road, with the view, it seemed, of cutting off those in front from the assistance of their comrades in the rear; but the regulars, who guarded the road-cutters, having discharged a well-aimed volley of musketry into their very faces, they had turned, and fled with even more haste than they had come, leaving behind them several of their number dead on the spot, and among these their dashing french leader. after that, they had taken care to keep close under cover of the grass and bushes. now and then, however, a tall brave, grim and hideous with war-paint, with a yell of defiance would leap from his ambush, and, darting into the road, tomahawk and scalp a wounded officer just fallen; then vanish again as suddenly as if the earth had opened to swallow him up. all this while, col. washington had borne himself with a firmness, courage, and presence of mind, that would have done honor to a forty-years' veteran. his two brother aides-de-camp having been wounded early in the engagement, the whole duty of carrying the general's orders had fallen on him; and nobly did he that day discharge it. although brave men were falling thick and fast on every side, yet he shrank from no exposure, however perilous, did his duty but lead him there. mounted on horseback, his tall and stately form was to be seen in every part of the field, the mark of a hundred rifles, whose deadly muzzles were pointed at him whithersoever he went. two horses were shot dead under him, and his coat was pierced with bullets; but he seemed to bear about him a charmed life, and went unharmed. his danger was so great, that his friend dr. craik, who watched his movements with anxious interest, looked every moment to see him fall headlong to the ground; and that he came off alive seemed to him a miracle. washington himself, with that piety which ever marked his character, laid his deliverance from the perils of that fatal day to the overruling care of a kind and watchful providence. although brought thus suddenly face to face with new and untried dangers, braddock bore himself throughout the day like the valiant man that he really was. the bullets and yells of the invisible foe he scarcely noticed, as he galloped hither and thither about the field, giving his orders through a speaking-trumpet, whose brazen voice rose loud and hoarse above the din of battle. under the mistaken notion that a savage enemy, hid in a thicket, was to be dealt with as a civilized one in an open plain, he sought to recover his lost ground by forming his men into companies and battalions; which, however, he had no sooner done, than they were mowed down by the murderous fire from the ambush, that had never ceased. "my soldiers," said he, "would fight, could they but see their enemy; but it is vain to shoot at trees and bushes." whereupon washington urgently besought him to let his regulars fight the indians in their own fashion, which would the better enable them to pick off the lurking foe with less danger to their own safety. but braddock's only answer to this was a sneer; and some of his regulars, who were already acting upon the suggestion, he angrily ordered back into the ranks, calling them cowards, and even striking them with the flat of his sword. he then caused the colors of the two regiments to be advanced in different parts of the field, that the soldiers might rally around their separate standards. it was all in vain. in his excitement, he cheered, he entreated, he swore, he stormed: it was only a waste of breath; for the poor fellows were too disheartened and broken, too overcome by mortal fear, to rally again. col. washington, seeing that the day was on the point of being lost, galloped down to the rear to see if nothing could be done with the artillery; but he found the gunners in a most disorderly plight, benumbed with terror, and utterly unable to manage their guns. what washington did on this occasion, i had better tell you in the words of an old pennsylvania soldier, who was there at the time, and survived the battle for half a hundred years or more; and used often, for the entertainment of your uncle juvinell and other little boys, to fight his battles over again as he sat smoking in his chimney corner. "i saw col. washington," he would say, "spring from his panting horse, and seize a brass field-piece as if it had been a stick. his look was terrible. he put his right hand on the muzzle, his left hand on the breech; he pulled with this, he pushed with that, and wheeled it round, as if it had been a plaything: it furrowed the ground like a ploughshare. he tore the sheet-lead from the touch-hole; then the powder-monkey rushed up with the fire, when the cannon went off, making the bark fly from the trees, and many an indian send up his last yell and bite the dust." this, however, gave the savages but a momentary check, as he could not follow it up; there being no one by ready and willing to lend him a helping hand. the virginia rangers and other provincial troops, who had done the only good fighting of the day, were thinned out to one-fourth their number; and the few that remained were too weary and faint to hold out longer against such fearful odds. between the well-aimed firing of the enemy and the random shooting of the regulars, the slaughter of the english officers had been frightful: out of the eighty-six who went into the battle, only twenty-four came off unhurt. gen. braddock had five horses killed under him. by this time, he had given up all hope of regaining the day; and, galling as it must have been to his proud spirit, was at last forced to think of retreating as their only chance of safety. just as he was on the point, however, of giving orders to this effect, a bullet--said by some to have been a random shot from one of his own soldiers--passed through his arm, and, lodging itself in his lungs, brought him to the ground, mortally wounded. his officers placed him in a tumbrel, or pioneer's cart, and bore him from the field, where, in his despair, he prayed them to leave him to die. seeing their leader fall, a fresh panic seized the army. and now followed a wild and disorderly rout, the like of which was never known before, and has never since been known, in our border-wars. the soldiers in front fell back on those in the centre; those in the centre fell back on those in the rear: till foot and horse, artillery and baggage, were jammed and jumbled together, making a scene of dismay and confusion it would be vain for me to attempt to describe. to add wings to their speed, the indians, with a long, loud yell of fiendish triumph, now rushed from their ambush, and, brandishing aloft their murderous tomahawks, began to press hard on the heels of the terrified fugitives. the better to elude their savage pursuers, the regulars threw away their arms, the gunners abandoned their guns, and the teamsters cut their horses from the traces, and, mounting them, fled, never halting until they reached col. dunbar's camp,--a gallop of forty miles. a few fell under the tomahawk before the farther bank of the river could be gained. here, luckily for the survivors, the indians gave over the pursuit, in their eagerness to plunder the slain, and gather what else of booty might be found on the field. thus ended this bloody battle, or rather slaughter; for in truth it could be called nothing else. of the sixteen hundred valiant men who had that morning, in all the bright array of gleaming arms and waving banners, marched along the banks of that beautiful river, nearly one-half, ere the sun went down, had fallen on braddock's hill. what made this disaster more shameful still was the weakness of the enemy's force, which did not exceed eight hundred, of whom only a fourth were french; and, of all this number, scarcely forty fell in the fight. col. washington was now ordered to ride back with all speed to dunbar's camp, to fetch horses, wagons, and hospital-stores for the relief of the wounded. although still quite weak from his ten days' fever, which indeed had left him with no more strength than should have sufficed for the fatigues of that trying day, yet he set out on the instant, and, taking with him a guard of grenadiers, travelled the livelong night. what with those terrible sights and sounds still ringing in his ears, and flashing before his eyes; what with the thought of the many dead and dying that lay on the lonely hillside far behind, with their ghastly upturned faces, more ghastly still in the light of the moon; and what with the bitter, bitter reflection, that all this would never have been but for the pride and folly of a single man,--that ride through the dark and silent woods must have been a melancholy one indeed. he pushed on, without leaving the saddle, till late in the afternoon of the following day, when he reached dunbar's camp; and gathering together, without loss of time, the necessaries for which he had been sent, started on his return that same night, scarcely allowing himself and men an hour for food and rest. early next morning, he met the main division at mr. gist's plantation, whither they had dragged their shattered lines the evening before. from thence they all went on together to the great meadows, where they arrived that same day, and halted. for the four and twenty hours following the battle, braddock had remained sad and silent; never speaking except to say, "who would have thought it?" the second day, he seemed more cheerful; for he said, "we shall better know how to deal with them another time." he spoke in high praise of the skill and courage shown by the virginia rangers and other provincial troops during the whole engagement. he now saw, but too late, and to his deep regret, that he had not given these rough and hardy men half the credit due them as good soldiers; and also that he had made a fatal mistake in underrating the strength, skill, and address of the enemy he had been sent there to subdue. to washington he made a frank and manly apology for the contempt and impatience with which he had so often treated his prudent and well-timed counsel. as if wishing to make still further amends for this, he bequeathed to him his faithful negro servant, bishop, and his fine white charger, both of whom had helped to carry their wounded master from the field. on the fourth day after the battle, he died; having been kindly and tenderly cared for by washington and his other surviving officers. they dug him a grave by the roadside, not a stone's-throw from fort necessity, in the depths of that lonely wilderness; and there, before the summer morn had dawned, they buried him. in the absence of the chaplain, the funeral service was read by washington, in a low and solemn voice, by the dim and flickering light of a torch. fearing lest the enemy might be lurking near, and, spying out the spot, commit some outrage on his remains, they fired not a farewell shot over the grave of their unfortunate general,--that last tribute of respect to a departed soldier, and one he had himself paid, but a short time before, to a nameless indian warrior. so there they laid him; and, to this day, the great highway leading from cumberland to pittsburg goes by the name of braddock's road. i would, my dear children, have you dwell on these glimpses of a more manly and generous nature that brightened the closing hours of braddock's life; because it is but christian and just that we should be willing to honor virtue in whomsoever it may be found. with all his self-conceit and obstinacy, he had a kindly heart, and was a brave man; and had it been his lot to deal with a civilized enemy, instead of a savage one, he would, no doubt, have proved himself a skilful general. and we should not deal too harshly with the memory of a man, whose faults, however great they may have been, were more than atoned for by the inglorious death he died, and by "a name ever coupled with defeat." xvii. explanations. here, again, uncle juvinell paused in his story, and looked beamingly around on his little auditors. they were all sitting with their eyes bent earnestly on the burning logs, thinking deeply, no doubt, and looking as sober as tombstones in the light of a spring morning. all on a sudden, willie leaped from his chair, and gave a shrill indian war-whoop, that threw the whole bevy into a terrible panic; making some of the smaller fry scream outright, and even uncle juvinell to blink a little. "there," said the youngster, "is something to ring in your ears for weeks hereafter, and never to be forgotten even to your dying day. i heard it the other night at the indian circus, and have been practising it myself ever since. i fancy it must be a pretty fair sample of the genuine thing, or it wouldn't have scared you all up as it did." whereupon uncle juvinell, frowning over his spectacles with his brows, and laughing behind them with his eyes, bade the young blood to pack himself into his chair again, and be civil; at the same time threatening to put him on a water-gruel diet, to bring his surplus spirits within reasonable bounds. then all the little folks laughed, not so much at what their uncle had said, as to make believe they had not been frightened in the least; in which willie, the cunning rogue, joined, that, under cover of the general merriment, he might snicker a little to himself at his own smartness. "and now, my dear children," continued the good man, "hand me the notes you have written down, that i may see what it is you would have me explain." "in five minutes' time after you began," said rattle-brained willie, "i became so much interested in the story, that i quite forgot all about the notes, till it was too late to begin; but i was thinking all along, that i should like to understand more clearly the difference between a province and a colony, and"-- "indeed, uncle," broke in dannie, "you made every thing so clear and plain as you went along, that i, for one, didn't feel the need of writing down a single note." "then, dannie," said his uncle, "that being the case, you can perhaps enlighten your cousin willie as to the difference between a colony and a province." had his uncle called upon him to give the difference between gog and magog, daniel would have made the venture. so he promptly answered,-- "a province is a country, and a colony is the people of it." uncle juvinell would have laughed outright at this answer; but he knew it would mortify the young historian: so he only smiled, and said,-- "that will do pretty well, dannie, as far as it goes; but it does not cover more than an acre of the ground. now, a colony, you must know, willie, is a settlement made by a country--called, in such cases, the mother-country--in some foreign region at a distance from it, but belonging to it; as, for example, the english colonies in america, which are separated from the mother-country, england, by the great atlantic ocean. a province, on the other hand, is a similar extent of foreign territory, belonging to a nation or a kingdom, either by conquest or purchase or settlement; and it may also be a division or district of the kingdom or nation itself. thus, you see, a foreign region, settled and owned by the mother-country, may, with nearly equal propriety, be called either a colony or a province; while one that belongs to a nation or a kingdom by conquest or purchase is a province, and nothing else. thus, for example, canada is a province of great britain, won from the french by conquest, as you will learn to-morrow evening. from this you may see, that although a province may, yet a colony can no more exist within the boundaries of a mother-country, than can a man live at home and abroad at one and the same time." the other children were then called on to produce their notes. laura said, that, after she had written two or three, she found she was losing more than she was gaining; for, when she stopped to take down any item she wished to remember, she did not hear what came right after. ellen chimed in with the same; and ned said he was not yet out of his pot-hooks, and couldn't write; but that he was thinking all the time of getting willie or dannie to tell him all about it after they went to bed. so, what with this excuse, and that, and the other, not a single note was forthcoming, except a few that master charlie, the knowing young gentleman, had written on a very large slate, in letters quite of his own inventing, which he now laid before his uncle. to set off his penmanship to the best advantage, and couple the ornamental with the useful, he had drawn just above it a picture of gen. braddock, mounted on his dashing white charger, and waving aloft a sword of monstrous length. one unacquainted with the subject, however, would sooner have taken it for a big baboon, geared up in a cocked hat and high military boots, with a mowing-scythe in his hand, and astraddle of a rearing donkey heavily coated with feathers instead of hair. the old gentleman's spectacles seemed to twinkle as he ran his eye over the slate; and after making out two or three rather savage-looking _s_'s, as many long-legged _p_'s, a squat _h_ or two, a big bottle-bellied _b_, three or four gigantic _l_'s, a broken-backed _k_ or two, a high-shouldered _w_, a heavy-bottomed _d_, and a long slim-tailed _y_, it struck him, at length, that speech-belt, long knife, knapsack, silver heels, wigwam, and powder-monkey, were the items concerning which master charlie desired further enlightenment. "for information touching these matters, my dear charles," then said uncle juvinell, "i will pass you over to willie and dannie, who, i dare say, are quite as well posted up in matters of this kind, as your old uncle; for, if i mistake not, they have just been reading catlin's book on the indians, and gulliver's travels in brobdignag." "how is it," inquired ellen, "that washington, being the good man that he was, could have taken part in that wicked war between the french and english about a country that didn't belong to either of them, but to the poor indians?" now, although uncle juvinell was satisfied in his own mind that washington's conduct in this matter was just what it should have been, yet, for all that, he was a little puzzled how to answer this question in a way that the little folks would rightly understand. "this very thing, my dear niece," replied he after a moment's pause, "grieved and troubled his mind a great deal, as you may well believe: but he knew, that, if the english did not get possession of this land, the french would; and this, by increasing the strength of the enemy, would by and by endanger the safety of his own native land, and even the lives and liberties of his countrymen. and he also knew that it would be far better for the spread of useful knowledge and the true religion, that all this rich country should be in the hands of some christian people, who would make it a place fit to live in, and to be peaceful and prosperous and happy in, than that it should be left entirely to those barbarous savages, who only made of it a place to hunt and to fish in, to fight and scalp, and to burn and torture each other like devils in. besides this, it is the duty of every true patriot (and no one knew this better than he) to serve and defend the country, under the protection of whose laws he has lived in peace and plenty, against all her enemies, whether at home or abroad, even should she now and then be a little in the wrong; for, by so doing, he defends his own home and family, rights and liberty,--objects that should be as dear to him as life itself." "o uncle!" exclaimed ned with a start, as if he had just caught a passing recollection by the tail as it was about skedaddling round the corner, "tell me, will you? what kind of a life a charmed life is." "really ned," cried uncle juvinell, "i am very glad that you mentioned it; for it puts me in mind of something i should have told you before, and which i might else have forgotten. this, however, is as good a time as any; and, when you hear what i am now going to tell you, you will readily understand, without further explanation, what is meant when it is said of a man that he bears a charmed life about him. to do this, i must anticipate a little, or, to speak more clearly, take time by the forelock, and, going forward a little in our story, tell you of a circumstance which your uncle juvinell, when a boy, often heard related by dr. craik, who was then an aged and venerable man. "fifteen years after poor braddock had been laid in his unhonored grave, col. washington, taking with him his friend dr. craik, went on an exploring expedition to the ohio, in behalf of the brave soldiers who had served under him at the great meadows, and to whom, it must be remembered, gov. dinwiddie had promised two hundred thousand acres of the best land to be found on this great river or its branches. there was peace then along the border, and little or no danger was to be apprehended from the indians. they travelled in a large canoe, rowed by two or three hunters; and what with fishing in the streams (for they took with them their fishing tackle), what with hunting in the woods (for they took with them their hunting rifles), what with camping on the green shore at night (for they took with them their camp utensils), and what with the comfortable thought that there was not an indian warrior within a hundred miles whose fingers were itching for their scalps (for they took with them this and many other pleasant thoughts besides), they had, you may depend upon it, a glorious time. "one day, there came to their camp, at the mouth of the great kanawha, a party of indians, headed by an old chief of grave and venerable aspect, who approached washington with deep reverence, as if entering the presence of some superior being. after several pipes of tobacco had been smoked, and several haunches of venison had been eaten,--the first to show that they had come friendly, the last to show that they came hungry,--the old chief addressed washington in a speech, which your uncle juvinell cannot repeat to you word for word as he heard it from the lips of the worthy old doctor; but he well remembers the substance thereof, and will give it you as nearly as he can in the indian style of oratory. "'they came and told me,' began the old chief, 'that the great long knife was in our country; and i was very glad. i said to them, though i be old and feeble, though the way be long, and the hills many and high, and the rivers many and wide, yet must i go and see him once more before i die; for it is the young warrior, whom, years ago, i saw shielded from our bullets by the hand of the great spirit. let the pale-faces hear my words. fifteen summers ago, when the woods and thickets were dense and green, the french and indians went out to lay in ambuscade for the big english general, among the monongahela hills. i took my warriors, and went along, and we lay in wait together. the english were many and strong; we were few and weak: thus we had no thought of victory in our minds, but only to give our enemies a little trouble, and keep them back a while till the big french army came down from the great lakes. we saw the english army cross the river and come up the hill; yet they suspected not. we saw them walk into our snare, up to the very muzzles of our guns; nor did they dream of danger, till our war-whoop went up, and our bullets began to fly as fast as winter hail. i saw the red-coats fall, and strew the ground like the red leaves of the woods nipped by an untimely frost, and smitten by the unseen hands of a mighty wind. the snows of eighty winters have fallen upon my head. i have been in many a bloody battle; yet never saw i the red life-stream run as it that day ran down braddock's hill from english hearts. listen! i saw that day, among the english, a young warrior who was not an englishman. i singled him out as a mark for my rifle; for he was tall and strong, and rode grandly, and his presence there was a danger to us. seventeen times did i take slow and steady aim, and fire; but my bullets went astray, and found him not. then i pointed him out to my young men, whose eyes were sharper and whose hands were steadier than mine, and bade them bring him down. it was all in vain: their bullets glanced from him as if he had been a rock. i saw two horses fall under him, shot dead; yet he rose unhurt. then did i lay my hand on my mouth in wonder, and bade my young men turn their rifles another way; for the great spirit, i knew, held that young warrior in his keeping, and that his anger would be kindled against us if we desisted not. that young warrior, the favorite of heaven, the man who is destined never to fall in battle, now stands before me. once more mine eyes have seen him, and i shall now go away content.' "and now, ned, my boy," said uncle juvinell, after he had ended this oration, "can you tell me what a charmed life is?" "one that is bullet-proof, i suppose," replied ned. "you don't mean to say that washington was bullet-proof, do you, uncle juve?" put in doubting charlie. "no, not exactly that, my little nephew," replied his uncle juvinell; "and yet a great deal more: for, beyond all doubt, an all-wise providence raised up george washington to do the good and great work that he did, and to this end shielded him when encompassed by the perils of battle, strengthened him when beset by the wiles of temptation, and cheered him when visited by the trials of adversity. dr. davis, a famous preacher of that day, seemed to have looked upon him, as did the old indian, as one favored of heaven; for, in a sermon preached by him a few weeks after braddock's defeat, he spoke of col. washington as 'that heroic youth, whom, he could not but hope, providence had preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.' and now, my little folks, the clock strikes nine, and our christmas logs burn low: so join your old uncle in an evening hymn; then haste you to your happy beds to sleep and dream the peaceful night away." xviii. work in earnest. hardly had the last clod been thrown on poor braddock's grave, when his army was seized with a second and most unaccountable panic; for no one could tell from whence or how it came. with those horrid yells still sounding in their ears, and those ghastly sights of blood and carnage still fresh in their memories, they fancied they heard, in every passing gust that stirred the dead leaves, warning whispers of the stealthy approach of the dreaded enemy, and that in every waving thicket he might be lurking for them in ambush. col. dunbar, as next in rank, had, for the time being, taken command of the troops; but, cowardly as the old general was rash, he shared in the general panic, and could do nothing to re-assure his men or give them a little confidence. so, without waiting to know by whose orders, or if by any at all, they fell to, and destroyed all the heavy baggage, baggage-wagons, and artillery; every thing, in fact, that could hinder them in their retreat. thus disencumbered, they set out in hot haste; and after a hurried and disorderly march, or rather flight, they reached fort cumberland. here col. washington, who had taken no part whatever in the unsoldierly proceedings just mentioned, stopped a few days to recruit a little after the severe fatigues he had, for a week past, been called upon to undergo, while still too much enfeebled from his ten-days' fever. the first use he made of this breathing spell was to write an affectionate letter to his much-honored mother to ease her mind of the anxiety he knew she would be feeling on his account, when rumors of the late disaster should reach her ears. he told her of his almost miraculous deliverance from a cruel and bloody death, in language full of gratitude to the god of battles, who had shielded him in so signal a manner, when his brave comrades were falling by hundreds around him. writing to his brother augustine at the same time, he wittily says, "since my arrival at this place, i have heard a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech; and i take this early opportunity of contradicting the former, and assuring you that i have not yet composed the latter." when he had so far regained his strength as to enable him to travel, he betook himself once more to the peaceful shades of mount vernon. he re-entered at once upon his duties as adjutant-general of the northern district,--a post he still continued to hold, although his connection with the regular army had ceased with the death of braddock. but we must return for a few moments to fort cumberland, where we left the valorous col. dunbar quite out of breath from the uncommonly brisk speed, which seems to have been his habit now and then, of getting over very rough and hilly roads. any soldier, with a spark of manly spirit under his sword-belt, would have made a resolute stand at a place of so much importance, and held it to the death, rather than left the defenceless inhabitants exposed to the horrors of a border war. col. dunbar was not, by any means, the true soldier just hinted at; and consequently did no such thing. seeing that the sick and wounded were but so many clogs to rapid and easy motion, he resolved to leave them behind under the care of the slender garrison he had placed in the fort, who were expected to defend it against an enemy that he, with a force of fifteen hundred strong, had not the courage to face. thus rid of his hinderances to the last degree of lightsomeness, he pushed on by forced marches, as if a legion of painted savages were yelling at his heels; and never slackened speed until he found himself safe within the friendly walls of philadelphia, where he went into comfortable winter-quarters while yet the dog-days were at their hottest. thus basely deserted by these doughty regulars, who had been sent over so many thousand miles of salt water for their protection, the colonists saw with dismay the whole line of their vast frontier, from lake ontario to the carolinas, open to the inroads of the french and their indian allies. in the long-run, however (as you shall see hereafter), two luckier mishaps than braddock's defeat and dunbar's retreat, that seemed at the time so fraught with evil, could not have befallen them. they were thereby taught two wholesome lessons, which they might otherwise have been a long time in learning, and without which they never could have gained their independence and made themselves a nation. the first, by proving that british regulars were not, by any means, the never-to-be-beaten, and the never-to-be-made-to-skedaddle warriors that they boasted themselves to be, and that one-half of the americans were foolish enough to believe them to be. thus, when the war of independence broke out, our revolutionary fathers remembered this, and were not afraid to meet the english even on such unequal terms. the second, by opening their eyes to the fact, that, as they (the colonists) could no longer look to the mother-country for protection, they must henceforward rely upon their own strength and resources for their defence and safety. the people of virginia, seeing the forlorn condition of things, were at last awakened to a full sense of the danger that threatened, not only their back settlements, but even the heart of the old dominion itself. they therefore began to bestir themselves in right good earnest to put the province in a better posture of defence; and, to this end, resolved to send more troops into the field, raise more money, procure new arms and fresh supplies of military stores, and erect a chain of twenty block-houses, or small forts, stretching along the whole line of their frontier, from pennsylvania to north carolina,--a distance of three hundred and sixty miles. washington's career as a soldier had not, up to this time, been marked by any of those daring and brilliant exploits that charm and dazzle vulgar minds; but had, on the contrary, been one unbroken train of misfortunes and disasters. notwithstanding this, however, the confidence his countrymen had placed in his prudence, courage, ability, and patriotism, so far from having been diminished thereby, had gone on steadily gaining strength from the very beginning. they well knew, that, had the headstrong and unlucky braddock given heed to his prudent and timely counsel, the late campaign could never have ended in the disgraceful and disastrous manner that it had. as the most flattering proof of their esteem and confidence, they now turned to him in their hour of peril, and, although he was not yet twenty-four years of age, called upon him, as with one voice, to take the chief command of all the forces of the province. after some deliberation, being persuaded that it was really their earnest desire, he modestly accepted the appointment, on condition that certain changes should be made in the military, and that he should be allowed to choose his field-officers. this was readily agreed to by the virginia house of burgesses; who, in addition, voted him fifteen hundred dollars by way of compensating him for the many losses he had suffered, in horses, baggage, and money since the beginning of the war. accordingly, early in the autumn, he took up his headquarters at the frontier town of winchester, beyond the blue ridge, in the beautiful valley of the shenandoah. as four great highways met here from as many different quarters of the country, it was a post of much importance; and he resolved, by strongly fortifying it, to make it the rallying-point of all the border. his men were all raw recruits, just taken from the plough or forge or carpenter's bench, as the case might be; and, to render them fit for the peculiar service in which they were to be employed, it became his duty, besides training them in the regular military exercises, to instruct them in the arts and stratagems of indian warfare, or bush-fighting, as it is more aptly called. long, however, before he was ready to take the field, the french and indians, made daring and audacious by their great victory on the monongahela, had crossed the mountains at several different points in great numbers, and had already begun their bloody work. the terrified and defenceless inhabitants dwelling in the distant parts of the wilderness now came flocking to the shenandoah valley for protection from the merciless enemy, some of them never stopping till they had passed on over to the eastern slopes of the blue ridge. one morning, a rumor found its way to winchester, that a large party of indians were within twelve miles of that place, pillaging, burning, and murdering at a frightful rate. straightway a great fear fell upon the inhabitants. little children ran, and hid their faces in their mothers' aprons, crying piteously; women ran hither and thither, screaming, and wringing their hands; and broad-shouldered, double-fisted men stood stock-still, and shook in their moccasins. washington tried to prevail upon some of his soldiers to sally out with him, and drive the enemy back from the valley; but, being strangers to military obedience, not a leather-shirt of all the rabble could he get to venture beyond the ditches. when he put them in mind of what was expected of them as men and soldiers, they only answered, that, if they must die, they would rather stay there, and die with their wives and families. having a lurking suspicion, that, after all, there might be more smoke than fire in these flying rumors, he sent out a scout to bring him some more certain tidings of the matter. in a wonderfully short time, the scout came back, pale and affrighted, with the dismal intelligence that he had, with his own ears, heard the guns and yells of the indians not four miles distant, and that winchester would be beset by the savages in less than an hour. whereupon washington made another appeal to the courage and manhood of his men; which proved so far successful, that a forlorn hope of forty finally screwed up pluck enough to follow him to the scene of danger. moving with great caution and circumspection, and keeping all their ears and eyes about them, the party came at length to the spot mentioned by the scout; where, sure enough, they heard a somewhat scattering discharge of fire-arms, and divers outlandish noises, that bore, however, but a very slight resemblance to the terrific yells and whoops of indian warriors. advancing a few paces farther, a sudden turn of the road brought them in sight of two drunken soldiers, who were cursing and swearing and hallooing in a manner quite outrageous and immoral; and now and then, by way of adding a little spice to this part of their entertainment, firing off their pistols into the tree-tops. and this it was that had given rise to those wild rumors that had thrown the whole country into such a terrible panic. to this imprudent waste of breath and ammunition, the latter of which they had but little enough to spare, washington put a rather sudden stop by ordering the lively young blades to be seized, and carried as prisoners to winchester, where he kept them in severe confinement for more than a week after they had regained their sober senses. all this was ludicrous enough; and you may be sure that washington, although grave and dignified beyond his years, had a hearty laugh over it the first time he found himself alone with one or two of his brother-officers. in addition to his other cares, the duties of his office required him to visit, from time to time, the several forts along the frontier, to see that those already finished were kept in fighting order, and give directions for the proper construction of those still under way. now, the little garrison of forty men, that col. dunbar had left to hold and defend fort cumberland against the combined armies of the french and indians, was commanded by a certain dagworthy, who, pluming himself upon the king's commission as captain, refused to own the authority and render obedience to the orders of washington, who held only a governor's commission as colonel. it will be remembered, that washington had a similar misunderstanding with capt. mackay, eighteen months before, at the great meadows, touching this same question of rank between royal and provincial officers, which had caused him great trouble and annoyance. matters had now come to such a pass, that a little upstart captain of forty men could set at naught the authority of the commander-in-chief of the forces of a whole province, merely because he could boast a bit of paper embellished with the king's name. this was a degradation too grievous to be longer borne by a manly, independent spirit. though sorely vexed and annoyed, washington had too much self-respect and prudence to make a noise about the matter; but he inwardly resolved, that, as soon as the coming-on of winter would oblige the indians to recross the mountains to the shelter of their homes beyond, he would take advantage of the breathing spell thus allowed him to make a journey to boston, there to submit the question for final settlement to gen. shirley, who had succeeded braddock to the chief command of all the british forces in america. accordingly, when the departure of the indians brought the distressed inhabitants of the border the prospect of a few months' peace and quiet, he departed for boston, in company with two of his brother-officers, capts. stewart and mercer. now, in those days, a journey from the old dominion to the bay city, a distance of but five hundred miles, in the depth of winter, when the roads were either deep and stiff with mire, or rough and knobby with frost, was really a greater undertaking than a voyage in a steamship from boston to constantinople would now be considered. our young men travelled on horseback, as was the fashion of the day; and took with them their negro servants, who, riding behind with their masters' saddle-bags and portmanteaus, and dressed in fine livery, with gold lace on their fur hats, and blue cloaks, gave quite an air of style and consequence to the little cavalcade. washington's fame had long since gone before him, as was proved by the marked distinction and respect with which he was treated at philadelphia, new york, and other places along the route. all were eager to behold with their own eyes the youthful hero, whose gallant conduct and wonderful escape at the defeat of braddock had been so noised throughout the colonies; and when we add to this his tall and commanding form, the manly beauty of his face, his dignified bearing, his rich and handsome dress, and the unequalled skill with which he managed his large and noble horse, we cannot wonder at the interest and admiration his appearance awakened in the minds of all who saw him. when he got to boston, where he likewise met with a flattering reception, he lost no time in making known to gen. shirley the business that had taken him thither. the justness and reasonableness of his complaints were promptly acknowledged by this officer, who, to place the vexed question beyond dispute, declared, that henceforward capt. dagworthy and all inferior officers, holding king's commissions, should own the authority and render obedience to the orders of all provincial officers of superior rank. this, the main object of his journey, thus happily disposed of, col. washington set out on his return to virginia: but, knowing that the indian war-whoop was not likely soon to be heard in the shenandoah valley, he indulged himself so far as to tarry two whole weeks at new-york city; and for the best of reasons, as i will tell you. on his way to boston, he had met here with the beautiful and accomplished miss phillipps, with whom he was vastly pleased; and it was for the nearer study of this young lady's charms, and further cultivation of her acquaintance, that our young virginia colonel was now tempted for once in his life thus to linger on his way. nothing came of it, however, that anybody now can tell; although the lady, you may stake your heads upon it, must and ought to have been highly flattered at being thus singled out by the young hero whose name and praise were in everybody's mouth. perhaps his admiration never ripened into love; and, if it did, his modesty, as in the case of the lowland beauty, must have hindered him from making known his partiality. whatever it may have been, it is, at this late day, of little consequence; for long before that year had passed away, with all its anxious cares, its perils and privations, and with all its train of ghastly indian horrors, these tender sentiments had become to him nothing more than pleasant memories. xix. dark days. it were long to tell you, my dear children, all that happened to washington, and all that he did for the next two or three years of his life. i shall, therefore, in as brief and clear a manner as may be, present to your minds a picture simply of those scenes in which he figured as the chief actor; although there were, it must be remembered, others who played a far more important part in this old french war than our young virginia colonel. the french and indians, early in the spring of these years, were wont to cross the mountains at different points, and for months together follow their usual programme of fire, plunder, and massacre, till the approach of winter, when, loaded with booty and scalps, they would go as they had come, only to return on the opening of the following spring. with these cruel savages, and their scarcely less cruel white allies, neither age nor sex found mercy; old men, tender women, and helpless children, alike falling victims to their murderous tomahawks and scalping-knives. farms were laid waste, crops destroyed, cattle butchered; and often, for days and nights together, the smoke could be seen in many directions at once, as it rose from burning barns and dwellings, and hung like a pall over the ill-fated land. at last, so great became the audacity of these pestilent savages, that they carried their depredations within cannon range of the very walls of winchester; and, under their destroying hand, the rich and beautiful valley of the shenandoah seemed likely soon again to become a waste and desert place. it was a boast of theirs, that they could take any fort that could be fired; and round these places of refuge they would skulk and lurk with the greatest patience for a week at a time, quite content could they but get a single shot at such of the garrison as dared to show themselves beyond shelter of the walls. sometimes, suddenly darting from their hiding-place, they would pounce upon little children playing in the woods, and, in full view of the fort, bear them away captives, never more to be seen by their bereaved parents, who could only listen in helpless anguish to the piteous cries of their little innocents, that grew fainter and fainter as their savage captors hurried them farther and farther into the gloomy depths of the wilderness. often, in their excursions along the frontier, washington and his men would come upon the still smoking ruins of a happy home, or the hacked and mangled body of an unfortunate traveller who had been waylaid and murdered by the indians in some lonely mountain glen. in after-life, the recollection of these harrowing scenes was to washington so painful, that he could but seldom be brought to speak of them. now and then, however, he would relate to a few friends some of these dark experiences; among which is the following, given in his own words, as a fair example of all the rest:-- "one day," said he, "as we were traversing a part of the frontier, we came upon a small log-house, standing in the centre of a little clearing, surrounded by woods on all sides. as we approached, we heard the report of a gun,--the usual signal of coming horror. our party crept cautiously through the underwood, until we had approached near enough to see what we had already foreboded. a smoke was slowly making its way through the roof of the house; when, at the same time, a party of indians came forth, laden with plunder,--consisting of clothes, household furniture, domestic utensils, and dripping scalps. we fired, and killed all but one, who tried to get away, but was soon overtaken and shot down. upon entering the hut, there met us a sight, which, though we were familiar with scenes of blood and massacre, struck us--at least myself--with feelings more mournful than i had ever experienced before. on a bed, in one corner of the room, lay the body of a young woman, swimming in blood, with a gash in the forehead that almost separated the head into two parts. on her breast lay two little babes, less than a twelvemonth old, also with their heads cut open; their innocent blood, that had once flowed in one common vein, now mingling in the same current again. i was inured to scenes of bloodshed and misery; but this cut me to the heart; and never in my after-life did i raise my arm against a savage, without calling to mind the mother and her little twins with their heads cleft asunder. on examining the tracks of the indians to see what other murders they might have committed, we found a little boy, and, a few steps forward, his father, both scalped, and both stone-dead. from the prints of the boy's feet, it seemed that he had been following the plough with his father, whom he had probably seen shot down; and, in attempting to escape, had been pursued, overtaken, and murdered. the ruin was complete: not one of the family had been spared. such was the character of this miserable warfare. the wretched people of the frontier never went to rest without bidding each other farewell; for the chances were they might never wake again, or wake only to find their last sleep. when leaving one spot for the purpose of giving protection to another point of exposure, the scene was often such as i shall never forget. the women and children would cling around our knees, and mothers would hold up their little babes before our eyes, begging us to stay and protect them, and, for god's sake, not leave them to be butchered by the savages. a hundred times, i declare to heaven, i would have laid down my life with pleasure under the tomahawk and scalping-knife, could i, by the sacrifice, have insured the safety of these suffering people." the little folks can well imagine how scenes like these must have pained and wrung a heart like washington's. but what could he do? his whole force did not exceed one thousand fighting men; with which he had to man more than twenty forts, and guard a frontier of nearly four hundred miles' extent. in addition to this, his men had been so scattered all the while at these different points, as to have placed it altogether beyond his power to give that attention to their military training which he had had so near at heart when he first entered upon his command. it naturally followed, then, that there was among the greater number an almost total want of order and discipline. they came and went when and where it suited their humor best; were impatient of control; wasted their ammunition, of which there was a great scarcity, in target-shooting; were far more ready to trouble their officers with good advice than aid them by prompt obedience to orders; and, if their sagacious counsels went unheeded, they would, without more ado, shoulder their rifles in high dudgeon, and tramp home. and, withal, so tender were they of what they were pleased to call their _honor_, that they would take it as quite an insult to be put on soldiers' rations; and were too proud or lazy--which with them was the same thing--to carry their own provisions while on the march; choosing, rather, to risk what chance might bring them, in the shape of bullocks, sheep, or pigs, which they would knock down, without a "by your leave" to the owner, and, after eating as much as satisfied their present hunger, would throw the rest away. thus, between their wasteful defenders and their wasting invaders, the poor distressed inhabitants were brought to the verge of starvation. the forts were too far apart to prevent the indians from passing between; and the garrisons were too weak to lend each other aid when any of them chanced to be in hard, besetting need. this plan of giving defence to the border had been strongly opposed by washington, who foresaw the disadvantages just hinted at, and had urged the exact contrary. this was, instead of having so many small forts, with but a handful of men in each, to fortify winchester in the completest manner possible, with a view of making it the only stronghold and rallying-point of all the border, and to be manned by the main body of the troops, who were to give support to the smaller parties in their excursions against the enemy. long before the war was ended, it was clearly to be seen, that, had this plan been adopted, much useless expenditure of money and shedding of blood would have been avoided. as it was, the cunning and watchful foe, whose motions were swift as the birds, and secret as death, could pass between these forts, not only unopposed, but even unobserved, and, without let or hinderance, lay waste the country for the protection of which they had been built. under this most melancholy state of things, all the region west of the blue ridge was fast becoming the dreary and silent wilderness it had been in days gone by. scarcely a shadow of its former population was left: some had fled to the forts for refuge; some had resettled in the eastern parts of the province; some had been carried away into cruel captivity; and many, very many, had met with a horrible death at the hands of the merciless invaders. as if all this we have just related were not enough to try the patience and fortitude of young washington, evil reports, injurious to his character, and charging him with being the author of all these failures and calamities, were set agoing by secret enemies at home. foremost among these, you will be surprised and sorry to learn, was gov. dinwiddie, who had for some time past regarded with a jealous and envious eye this rising hope of the land, and was now seeking, by a variety of underhand means, to have him disgraced from the service, that col. innez, a particular chum of his, might be advanced to the chief command of the virginia troops instead. the lower offices of the army he was zealous to bestow upon a knot of needy adventurers, who, being scotchmen like himself, were in high favor with him, and scrupled not to make his likes and dislikes their own, if, by so doing, they could further their own private advantage. perhaps gov. dinwiddie himself may not have been the direct author of these reports; but it is quite certain that his hungry hangers-on would never have dared whisper them had they not been fully aware of the ill-will he bore the person by whose injury they hoped to profit, and that they had but to do the thing, when their patron would not only wink at it, but even give it his secret approval. when these malicious whisperings came to the ears of washington, he was stung to the quick by such unfair and unmerited treatment. feeling assured in his own conscience that he had done his whole duty as far as in him lay, all his strong and manly nature was roused to indignant anger, that his fair name should thus become the target of these arrows flying in the dark, without an opportunity being allowed him of a fair and open hearing in his own defence. he would have left the service at once,--the very end his enemies had been plotting so hard to bring about,--had not the frontier settlements, just at that moment, been threatened with more than usual peril; and to have deserted his post at such a time would have given his accusers real grounds for the charges, which heretofore had been but a mere pretence. before the immediate danger was past that kept him at his post, many of his warmest and most influential friends, residing in different parts of the province, had written to him, earnestly entreating him not to think of resigning his command; assuring him, at the same time, that the base slanders of those evil-minded men had found no place whatever in the minds of his fellow-countrymen. on the contrary, beholding the courage, patience, and humanity with which he was discharging the high and sacred duties they had intrusted to him, they felt their love for him, and confidence in him, increasing every day. with this gratifying assurance that his conduct and motives were rightly understood by those whose approbation he was most desirous of winning, washington now held on his course with renewed hope and spirit. thenceforward, gov. dinwiddie, as if to revenge himself for this failure of his base and selfish design, never let an opportunity slip of thwarting or annoying the man whose high public character his petty malice could not reach, and whose private worth his mean envy could not tarnish. his letters to washington, the tone of which heretofore had been uncivil enough, now became harsh and insolent, full of fault-finding, and bristling all over with biting reproofs and unmanly insinuations. although wretchedly ignorant of military matters, and at a distance from the seat of active operations, yet he must needs take upon himself the full control of all the troops of the province, without seeming to trouble his mind as to what might be the wishes and opinions of him who was in fact their true leader. whether from a spiteful desire to perplex the object of his dislike, or natural fickleness of character, every letter from him brought with it some new plan. to-day, he ordered this; to-morrow, he ordered that; and, the next day, upset the other two by something quite different from either: so that washington was often left completely in the dark as to what the uncertain meddler's wishes or plans really were. at last, from being thus harassed in mind by these petty annoyances, and worn in body by the hardships of such rough service, his health failed him; and he was advised to repair to mount vernon, and there remain until his disease should take a more favorable turn. here he lay for four long, weary months, before he could rejoin big regiment; during much of which time, his friends, who nursed and watched him, really regarded his recovery as doubtful. this is another instance of what so often seems to us a matter of wonder,--the power of a narrow-minded, mean-spirited, ill-tempered, false-hearted man to inflict pain on a noble and lofty nature. a short time before the close of the war, it becoming quite certain that he had been putting public money, intrusted to his keeping, to private or dishonorable uses, gov. dinwiddie was recalled, and another sent over to fill his place. being the man here described, and a petty tyrant withal, nobody was sorry to see him go, except the needy toadies who had hung about him, and who, seeing that nothing was likely to turn up for them in the new world, packed off to scotland with their patron, as hungry and empty-handed as they came. by the by, i must not forget to tell you of the heroic conduct of old lord fairfax. greenway court, as you no doubt remember, was in the shenandoah valley, not many miles from winchester; and, situated on the very edge of a vast forest, was quite open to the inroads of the indians, any one of whom, would have risked limb or life to get his bloody clutches on the gray scalp of so renowned a long knife. to meet this danger, as well as do his part towards the general defence, he mustered his hunters and negro servants, to the number of a hundred or thereabouts, and formed them at his own expense into a company of horse, with which the keen old fox-hunter, now as daring a trooper, scoured the country from time to time, and did good service. xx. a new enterprise. and thus these melancholy years came and went, with all their dark and painful experiences. a firm and self-reliant spirit like washington's, however, could not be long cast down by even severer trials than those by which we have just seen his strength and manhood tested: so, from that time forward, come what might, he resolved to hold right on, nor bate a jot of heart or hope or zeal or patience, till the coming-on of better days, when, god willing, he might render a good and faithful account of this, his country's trust. but the little folks must not suppose that col. washington and gov. dinwiddie were by any means the only persons of consequence who figured in this old french war. on the contrary, there were others of far more importance at the time than they, not so much from any peculiar merit of their own, as from the part they played in those events; and upon whom, as such, i must needs bestow some passing notice, were it but to give to our story greater clearness and completeness. what concerns you to know of them at present i will briefly sum up in a few words, and make it as plain to you as a table of simple addition. as commander-in-chief of all the british forces in america, braddock, as i have told you elsewhere, was succeeded by gen. shirley; who, proving himself unfit for the place, was soon recalled, and lord loudoun sent over from england instead; who, proving himself equally unfit, was dealt with in the same manner, and gen. abercrombie sent over instead; who also, proving himself incompetent, was also recalled, and gen. amherst sent over; who, proving a wiser choice, there followed happier results; and it fell to him, and to the brave young general, wolfe, his next in rank, to bring this long and irksome war, in due course of time, to a glorious end. after the failure of braddock's designs against fort duquesne, the conquest of canada was made the chief object of the british government; and the regions of the north thenceforth became the seat of war. while our young virginia colonel, making the best use of the slender means allowed him, was struggling to keep back the pestilent savages and their pestilent white allies from his long line of frontier in the south and west, some of these leaders with their red allies, and some of the french leaders with their red allies, were, with various fortunes and misfortunes on either side, carrying on the war along the borders of the great lake ontario, the little lakes champlain and george, and up and down the mighty st. lawrence. of these english leaders, i will mention lord loudoun merely, as being the only one with whom washington had any special dealings. had this nobleman come up to the hopes and expectations which many of the colonists were at first wild enough to entertain respecting him, he would have regained what braddock had lost, overrun and conquered canada, and made a clean finish of the whole french empire in america, in less than six months' time. they soon discovered, however, that he was one of those unlucky persons, who, knowing much, seldom know what use to make of their knowledge; who, having no will that they can call their own, can never turn the will of others to any good or seasonable purpose; and who, making a great show of doing, have never any thing to show in the end what they have done. in this last particular, dr. franklin, with that peculiar humor all his own, likened him to the picture of st. george on the sign, that was always on horseback, but never riding on. now, the recapture of fort duquesne, ever since the disgraceful failure of that first attempt, had been the one object nearest to washington's heart. foreseeing that there could never be peace or safety for the back settlements of the middle provinces so long as this stronghold of the enemy sent out its savage swarms to scourge and waste the border, he had repeatedly called lord loudoun's attention to the fact, and most earnestly urged its seizure as the only remedy. it was not, however, until early in the autumn of , that an expedition, having for its object his long-cherished scheme, was set on foot. it was undertaken with a force of three thousand pennsylvanians, twelve hundred north carolinians, washington's detachment of nineteen hundred virginians, seven hundred indians, and a few hundred regulars,--numbering in all seven thousand men, or thereabouts,--with gen. forbes for their chief commander. as an easy and rapid communication between the back settlements of virginia and pennsylvania would greatly lessen the difficulties of the coming campaign, this officer caused a road to be opened between fort cumberland and raystown, a frontier post of the last-named province, where he had fixed his headquarters. before the expedition could be put in motion, it was necessary that col. washington should go to williamsburg to make known to the virginia legislature the needy condition of his soldiers, and make a call upon them for fresh supplies of tents, blankets, clothing, wagons, arms, &c. accordingly, attended by his trusty negro servant bishop, and mounted on his splendid white charger,--both of which had been bequeathed to him by poor braddock,--he set out on his journey, which proved an eventful one indeed to him, as you shall directly see. at the ferry of the pamunkey, a branch of york river, he fell in with mr. chamberlin, an acquaintance of his, who, according to the hospitable customs of those good old times, invited him to call at his house, not far distant, and be his honored guest till morning. the young colonel would be only too happy to do so: but the nature of his business was such as would not admit of an hour's delay; indeed, it was quite out of the question, and he must hasten on. but, his friend repeating the invitation in a manner too earnest to be mistaken, he felt it would be uncourteous to refuse; and consented to stop and dine with him; on condition, however, that he should be allowed to proceed on his journey that same evening. at his friend's hospitable mansion he met with a gay and brilliant throng of ladies and gentlemen, who, though strangers to him, knew him well by reputation, and were but too proud to be thus unexpectedly thrown in his company. among them was mrs. martha custis, a young and beautiful widow of good family and large fortune. her husband had died three years before; leaving her with two small children, a girl and a boy. she is said to have been a lady of most winning and engaging manners, and of an excellent and cultivated understanding. in stature she was a little below middle size, and of a round and extremely well-proportioned form; which, on this occasion, was set off to the best advantage by a dress of rich blue silk. her hair was dark; her features were pleasing and regular; and there was a look of earnest, womanly softness in her hazel eyes, that found its way at once to the heart and confidence of all on whom it chanced to rest. the little folks will not, i hope, suffer their admiration and respect for our young hero to be lessened in the least, if i tell them, that, like the rest of mankind who came within the magic circle of those bewitching charms, he was first surprised into admiration, and then led, whether or no, at a single step, into the enchanted realms of love. you have seen, how that, in his boyhood, he wrote broken-hearted verses to his lowland beauty; and how that, two or three years before, he had nearly yielded himself captive to the beautiful miss phillipps: which ought to prove to the satisfaction of all reasonable minds, that washington, like other men, had a heart of real human flesh, that now and then gave him not a little trouble, despite that grave and dignified reserve which hung about him like a spell, and, even at that early age, was something to many quite overawing. the dinner, that had at first, in his hurry, seemed so long in coming on, seemed now quite as fast in going off. not that i would have you suppose by this, that he thought the guests were showing any indecent haste to make way with the dishes that were set before them without number, and heaped up without measure, on mr. chamberlin's ample board. on the contrary, they partook of the good things of the table with a well-bred slowness, that would have been beyond his endurance to bear, had mars been thundering with his iron fist at the gates of his fortress. but as it was cupid, only tapping with his rosy knuckles at the casement of his heart, that dinner seemed no longer to him than, no, not half so long indeed as, the shortest snack he had ever eaten on horseback in the hurry of a forced march. the dinner over, washington seemed in no haste to depart. the trusty bishop, knowing well what a punctual man his master always was, had appeared, according to orders, with the horses; and was plainly enough to be seen from the parlor window, had any one cared to look that way, patiently waiting with them in the pleasant shade of an apple-tree. the fiery white charger soon began to paw the ground, impatient at his master's unwonted tardiness; but no rider came. bishop braddock shifted his place once, twice, thrice, to keep himself and horses in the shade of the apple-tree; but still his master lingered: and the ivory grin that settled by degrees on his ebony mug showed that he had a sly suspicion of what was going on in the house. the afternoon sped away as if old time, all of a sudden forgetting his rheumatism, had reached sunset at a single stride. of course, they would not suffer him to depart at this late hour: so bishop was ordered to restable the horses, and make himself easy and snug for the night with the colored folks down at their quarters. the next morning, the sun was hours on his journey to the west, before our love-smitten hero was on his way to williamsburg. once in the saddle, however, all his yesterday's impatience returned upon him with redoubled force; and, giving his fiery white charger the spur, he dashed away at a break-neck speed on the road to the virginia capital. it is said, so fast did he travel on that day, that, to keep up with him, bishop braddock ran serious risk of having his woolly nob shaken from his shoulders by the high, hard trotter he rode; and so sore was he made by the jolting he got, that, for a week thereafter, it was quite as much as he could do to bring his legs together. this last, by the way, is merely traditional, and must be received by the little folks with some caution. luckily, the white house, the residence of mrs. custis, was situated within a very few miles of williamsburg; which gave young washington many opportunities, during his two-weeks' stay at that place, of seeing her, and still further cultivating her acquaintance. experience, that sage teacher who never spoke to him in vain, had taught him, that although there are many blessings of this world which seem to come of their own accord, yet there are a few that never come except at the asking for; and the chiefest of these is woman's love. so, resolving to profit by this knowledge, he did precisely what any wise and reasonable man would have done in his place,--overcame his troublesome bashfulness, and made the lady an offer of marriage; which she, precisely as any wise and reasonable woman would have done in her place, modestly accepted. the business that had called him to williamsburg being at last disposed of, washington took leave of his intended, after it had been agreed between them to keep up an interchange of letters until the close of the present campaign, when they were to be united in the holy bonds of wedlock. upon his return to winchester, he was dismayed to find that the english generals had taken it into their inexperienced heads to cut a new road from raystown to fort duquesne by the way of laurel hill, instead of marching there at once by the old braddock road, as he naturally supposed had been their intention from the beginning. foreseeing the consequences, he, in an earnest and forcible manner, hastened to represent to them the difficulties and disadvantages of such an undertaking. cold weather would be setting in, he urged, long before they could cut their way through so many miles of that mountain wilderness to the point in question; and they would be obliged either to winter at laurel hill, or fall back upon the settlements until spring. this would give the enemy time to get full intelligence of their threatened danger, and send to canada for re-enforcements. their indian allies too, as was their wont, would grow impatient at the long delay that must needs attend this plan if carried out; and, returning to their homes in disgust, would fail to render to the expedition their valuable services as scouts and spies, as had been expected of them. on the other hand, by taking the old road, they could march directly to the fort; which, being at that time but feebly garrisoned, must fall almost without a blow, and this, too, in less than half the time, and with less than half the trouble and expense. this prudent counsel, coming from one, who, from his knowledge of the country, had so good a right to give it, was nevertheless overruled. the english generals had gathered a most appalling idea of the difficulties and dangers of this route from the account braddock had given of it in his letters. he had therein described it as lying through a region where the mountains were of the highest and steepest, the forests of the thickest and tallest, the rocks of the most huge and rugged, the swamps of the deepest, and the torrents of the swiftest. the route for the new road, on the contrary, according to the pennsylvanians, who saw in it a great advantage to themselves, lay through a region where the mountains were not by far so lofty, the woods so thick, the rocks so huge, the swamps so deep, nor the streams so swift, or half so given to running rampant over their banks. all these advantages this route had, besides being fifty miles shorter. so, under the mistaken notion that more was to be gained by following a short road that would take them a long time in getting over, than by following a long one that would take them but a short time in getting over, they resolved to cut the new road. this was a sore disappointment to col. washington; for he saw in it a likelihood of braddock's folly being played all over again, and that, too, on a still larger scale. the tidings of glorious victories won by british arms in the north had filled the whole country with triumph and rejoicing, that rendered him all the more impatient at the tardiness with which their own expedition was moving forward. "he wished to rival the successes of the north by some brilliant blow in the south. perhaps a desire for personal distinction in the eyes of the lady of his choice may have been at the bottom of his impatience." this last, it is but fair to say, is an assertion of our great countryman, washington irving; who, being a wise and learned historian, would not have made it, you may be sure, had not his deep insight into the workings of the human heart given him a perfect right so to do. if this be not enough to convince you that such was really the case, know that your uncle juvinell is entirely of the same opinion. xxi. more blundering. at last, about the middle of september, the expedition was set in motion. gen. forbes sent col. boquet in advance, with nearly two thousand men, to open and level the road. in order to get more certain information touching the condition of the enemy,--his number, strength, and probable designs,--it was thought advisable by some of the officers to send out a large party of observation in the direction of fort duquesne. it was to be made up of british regulars, scotch highlanders, and pennsylvania and virginia rangers,--eight hundred picked men in all. washington strongly disapproved the plan, on the ground that the regulars, being wholly unacquainted with the indian mode of fighting, and unable to operate at so great a distance without taking with them a cumbrous train of baggage, would prove a hinderance, instead of a furtherance, to an enterprise which must needs owe its success to the caution, silence, secrecy, and swiftness on the part of those engaged. he therefore advised the sending-out of small companies of rangers and indian hunters, who, knowing the country well, could spy out the enemy with less risk of detection to themselves, and, moving without baggage, could make far better speed with the tidings they may have gathered. the like advice, you may remember, he gave to braddock. it met with a like reception, and the like disaster was the consequence. the party set out from laurel hill, and began its tedious tramp across the fifty miles of wilderness that lay between that point and fort duquesne. it was headed by major grant, a noisy, blustering braggart, who, hankering after notoriety rather than seeking praise for duty well and faithfully done, went beyond the limits of his instructions; which were simply to find out all he could about the enemy, without suffering the enemy to find out more than he could help about himself, and, by all possible means, to avoid a battle. but, instead of conducting the expedition with silence and circumspection, he marched along in so open and boisterous a manner, as made it appear he meant to give the enemy timely notice of his coming, and bully him into an attack even while yet on the way. the french, keeping themselves well informed, by their spies, of his every movement, suffered him to approach almost to their very gates without molestation. when he got in the neighborhood of the fort, he posted himself on a hill overlooking it, and began throwing up intrenchments in full view of the garrison. as if all this were not imprudence enough, and as if bent on provoking the enemy to come out and give him battle on the instant, whether or no, he sent down a party of observation to spy out yet more narrowly the inside plan and defences of the fort; who were suffered not only to do this, but even to burn a house just outside the walls, and then return to their intrenchments, without a hostile sign betokening the unseen foe so silent yet watchful within. early the next morning, as if to give the enemy warning of the threatened danger, the drums of the regulars beat the _réveille_, and the bagpipes of the highlanders woke the forest-echoes far and wide with their wild and shrilly din. all this time, not a gun had been fired from the fort. the deathly silence that reigned within was mistaken for fear, and made the fool-hardy grant so audacious as to fancy that he had but to raise his finger, and the fort must fall. as braddock's day had begun with martial parade and music, so likewise did this. as on that day the regulars were sent in advance, while the virginians were left in the rear to guard the baggage, so was likewise done on this. on this day, as on that, not an enemy was to be seen, till, all of a sudden, a quick and heavy firing was opened upon them by indians lurking in ambush on either side; while, at the same moment, the french flung open their gates, and, rushing out, mingled their loud shouts with the horrid yells of their savage allies. on this day, as had been done on that, the regulars, surprised, bewildered, panic-stricken, were thrown at once into disorder, and began firing their pieces at random, killing friend as well as foe. unlike them, however, the highlanders stood their ground like men, and, fighting bravely, cheered each other with their slogan, or wild battle-cry. on this day, as on that, the virginians came up in the very nick of time to rescue the helpless regulars from utter destruction. on this, as on braddock's day, the indians, seeing the hopeless confusion into which the english had fallen, rushed out from their ambush with yells of triumph, and fell upon them, tomahawk and scalping-knife in hand. major lewis, the brave leader of the virginians, fought hand to hand with a tall warrior, whom he laid dead at his feet; but, soon overpowered by numbers, he was forced to surrender himself to a french officer, who received his sword. the blustering grant, more lucky than the headstrong braddock, saved his life by yielding himself up in like manner. and now the rout became general, and the slaughter dreadful. seeing the unlooked-for turn affairs had taken, capt. bullitt, whom major lewis had left to guard the baggage, gathered a few of his brave virginians about him, and prepared to make a desperate stand. sending back the strongest horses with the baggage, he blocked up the road with the wagons, and, behind the barricade thus formed, posted his men, to whom he gave a few brief orders how to act. these scanty preparations were hardly made, when the indians, having finished the work of plunder, had sprung into swift pursuit, and were now close upon them, the wild woods ringing with their terrible whoops and yells. when they had come within short rifle-range, capt. bullitt and his men met them with a well-aimed volley of musketry from behind the shelter of their wagons; which, however, checked the savages but for a moment. rallying on the instant, they were pressing forward in still greater numbers; when capt. bullitt held out a signal of surrender, and came out from behind the barricade at the head of his men, as if to lay down their arms: but no sooner were they within eight yards of the enemy, and near enough to see the fierce light that shone in their eyes, than they suddenly levelled their pieces, and poured a murderous fire into the thickest of them; then, charging bayonets, scattered them in every direction, and sent them yelling with astonishment and dismay. before they could rally again, and renew the pursuit, capt. bullitt, having picked up many more of the fugitives, began a rapid but orderly retreat. for several days thereafter, the fugitives, singly or in squads, came straggling into camp at loyal hannon. of the eight hundred picked men who had been sent out with such good promise of success, twenty officers and two hundred and seventy-three privates had been left behind, either killed or taken prisoners. the whole force of the enemy, french and indians, did not exceed that of the english: their loss in the battle is not known; but, as the highlanders fought well and the virginians fought well, it must have been heavy. the disaster foreboded by washington had thus in reality fallen upon them. he was at raystown when the dismal tidings came; and, although complimented by gen. forbes upon the bravery his rangers had displayed, was deeply grieved and mortified. in secret, many a man would have been gratified at beholding a prophecy he had uttered thus fulfilled; but washington, incapable of such selfish and unnatural vanity, could but sorrow thereat, although it must needs increase his reputation for foresight and sagacity. as the only good thing that came from this defeat, i must tell you (and you will be glad to hear it) that capt. bullitt was rewarded with a major's commission for the gallant and soldierly conduct he had shown on that disastrous day in the midst of such fearful perils. it was not until the middle of november that the whole army came up to loyal hannon, a little distance beyond laurel hill. winter was coming on apace. what with rain and snow and frost, the roads would soon be rendered impassable, not only to wheeled carriages, but to pack-horses also. fifty miles of unbroken wilderness lay between them and fort duquesne,--so long the goal of their hopes and toils, that seemed to recede as they advanced, like some enchanted castle we have read of before now in books of fairy tales, that poor benighted travellers never reach, although, in fancy, every step they take brings them nearer. the leaders began to talk seriously of going into winter-quarters at that place until the return of spring; and it seemed as if another of washington's prophecies were likely to be fulfilled. but, about this time, two prisoners from fort duquesne were brought into camp; from whom they drew such an account of the weakness of the french, and the discontent and daily desertions of their indian allies, as determined them to push forward without further delay, in spite of the wintry weather, and, at one fell blow, make a finish of the campaign. so, leaving behind them their tents and baggage, and taking with them but a few pieces of light artillery, they once more resumed their toilsome march. col. washington was ordered to go on in advance with a part of his detachment, to throw out scouts and scouting parties, who were to scour the woods in every direction, and thereby prevent the possibility of an ambuscade. this new arrangement, which showed that gen. forbes had the wisdom to profit by the folly of those who had gone before him, was a signal proof of the high esteem in which provincial troops were at last beginning to be held; and to which, by their courage, skill, and hardihood, they had, even years before, won so just a title. when within a few miles of the french fort, the road began to show signs of the late disaster. here and there were to be seen the blackened and mangled bodies of men, who, while fleeing for their lives, had been overtaken, and cut down by the murderous tomahawk; or, exhausted from the loss of blood, had there, by the lonely wayside, laid them down to die of their wounds. as they advanced, these ghastly tokens of defeat and massacre were to be met with at shorter and shorter intervals, till at length they lay thickly scattered about the ground. being now in close neighborhood with the enemy, the english moved with even greater caution and wariness than before; for they had every reason to suspect, that, as he had suffered them to come thus far without molestation, he meant to meet them here, under shelter of his stronghold, with a resistance all the move determined. when come in sight, however, what was their surprise, instead of beholding the high ramparts and strong walls, grim and frowning with cannon, which they had pictured to their minds, to find a heap of blackened and smoking ruins! deserted by his indian allies, threatened with famine, cut off from all hope of aid from the north (where the english were everywhere gaining ground), and with a force of but five hundred men wherewith to defend the post against ten times that number, the french general had seen that the attempt to hold it would be but folly; and, like a prudent officer, had resolved to abandon it as his only chance of safety. waiting, therefore, until the english were within a day's march of the place, he blew up the magazine, set fire to the works, and, embarking in his bateaux by the light of the flames, retreated down the ohio. col. washington, still leading the advance, was the first to enter; and, with his own hand planting the british banner on the still smouldering heaps, took formal possession thereof in the name of his britannic majesty, king george the second. and thus this stronghold of french power in the ohio valley, so long the pest and terror of the border, fell without a blow. under the name of fort pitt, it was soon rebuilt, and garrisoned with two hundred of washington's men; and, from that time to the war of the revolution, it was held by the english, chiefly as a trading-post; and hence the dingy, smoky, noisy, thriving, fast young city of pittsburg. they now had leisure to pay the last sad duty to the dead who had fallen in the two defeats of braddock and grant. for three long years, the bodies of braddock's slaughtered men had lain without christian burial, bleaching in the sun of as many summers, and shrouded in the snows of as many winters. mingled with the bones of oxen and horses, or half hidden in heaps of autumn leaves, they lay scattered about the stony hillsides,--a spectacle ghastly indeed, and most melancholy to behold. with many a sigh of pity for the hapless dead, and many a shudder of dark remembrance on the part of those who had been present at the scenes of rout and massacre, they gathered together the blackened corpses of grant's men and the whitened bones of braddock's men, and, digging a huge pit, buried them in one common grave. in this pious duty all took part alike, from the general down to the common soldier. with the fall of fort duquesne, ended, as washington had years ago foreseen, the troubles of the western and southern frontiers, and with it the power so long held by the french in the ohio valley. the indians, with that fickleness of mind peculiar to savage races, now hastened to offer terms of amity and peace to the party whom the fortunes of war had left uppermost. having done his part, and so large a part, towards the restoration of quiet and security to his native province, the cherished object of his heart, for which he had so faithfully and manfully struggled, washington resolved to bring his career as a soldier to a close. in his very soul, he was sick and weary of strife, and longed for peace. the scenes of violence and bloodshed had become loathing and painful to him beyond the power of words to tell; and, now that his country had no longer need of his services, he felt that he could, without reproach, retire to the tranquil shades of private life he loved so much, and had looked forward to with such earnest longings. he therefore, at the end of the year, gave up his commission, and left the service, followed by the admiration and affection of his soldiers, and the applause and gratitude of his fellow-countrymen. with the fall of quebec in the course of the following year ( ), this long and eventful old french war was brought to a close, and french empire in america was at an end. xxii. washington at home. having done all that a brave and prudent man could for his country's welfare, col. washington now lost no time, you may depend upon it, in doing what every wise and prudent man should for his own: by which you are to understand, that on the sixth day of january, , when he wanted but a few weeks of completing his twenty-seventh year, he was joined in the holy bonds of marriage with mrs. martha custis, the blooming and lovely young widow, and mother of the two interesting little children,--to all of whom you had a slight introduction a short time ago. the nuptials were celebrated at the white house, the home of the bride, in the presence of a goodly company of stately dames and fine old gentlemen, fair maidens and handsome youth,--the kith and kin and loving friends of the wedded pair. had some belated traveller been overtaken by the little hours of that night, as he chanced to pass that way, he might have guessed, from the soft, warm light that shone from all of the many windows, and sounds of sweet music that came through the open doors, mingled with peals of joyous laughter, and the light tripping of numerous feet in the merry dance, that it must be a much-beloved and fortunate couple indeed that could draw together so happy and brilliant a throng under that hospitable roof. had this same belated traveller wanted further proof of this, he had but to turn a little aside, and take a peep into the negro quarters, where he would have seen the colored folks in a jubilee over the grand occasion, and, to all appearances, quite as jolly as if the wedding had been an affair of their own getting-up, and in which each son and daughter of ebony had a personal interest. he would have seen them feasting on the abundant leavings that came down from the great house, till their faces shone again; and dancing to the music of bishop braddock's fiddle in a fashion all their own, and nobody's else. first and foremost among these, with his wool combed the highest, his breeches the reddest, and manners the genteelest, might have been spied black jerry (who, when a negroling, had been saved from a thrashing by little george, as you well remember), showing off his heels to the envy of all male and the admiration of all female beholders. this last, it is but fair to say, is merely a fancy sketch of your uncle juvinell's, conjured up by recollections of certain long talks he often had, when a boy, with black jerry himself, at that time a very old negro of most excellent morals, who never failed, when his honored master's name was mentioned, to show his yellow ivory, and, for very respect, uncover his head, the wool of which was then as white as a merino ram's. this joyous event having passed thus happily off, col. washington, a short time after, repaired to williamsburg to take his seat in the virginia legislature, or house of burgesses as it was then called, to which he had been elected while absent on the last campaign; without, however, any particular desire or effort on his part, but by that of his numerous friends. hardly had his name been enrolled as a member of that honorable body, when mr. robinson, speaker of the house, by previous agreement arose and addressed him in a short but eloquent speech; thanking him, in the name of the rest, for the many and valuable services he had rendered his country during the past five years, and setting forth the gratitude and esteem with which he was regarded by his fellow-countrymen. surprised out of his usual composure and self-possession by the honor thus unexpectedly done him, washington, upon rising to thank the house, could only blush, stammer, and stand trembling, without the power to utter a single word. seeing his painful embarrassment, mr. robinson hastened to his relief by saying with a courteous smile, "sit down, mr. washington: your modesty equals your valor; and that surpasses the power of any language i possess." from that time till near the breaking-cut of the revolution,--a period of fifteen years, he remained an active and influential member of this body; being returned from year to year by the united voice of the good people whose district he represented. always thorough in whatever he undertook, he rested not until he had made himself muster of every point and question touching the duties of his new office; and, for method, promptness, prudence, and sagacity, soon proved himself quite as good a civilian as he had been a soldier. early in the following spring, his first session ended, he betook himself to the sweet retirement of mount vernon; where, cheered by the company of his beautiful young wife and her interesting little children, he once more resumed those peaceful pursuits and innocent amusements to which he had looked forward with such bright anticipations amidst the perils and hardships of a soldier's life. war, as war, had already, young and ardent as he was, lost for him its charms; and he had learned to look upon it as a hard and terrible necessity, ever to be avoided, except in cases where the safety of his country should demand it as a last desperate remedy. unlike most men of a bold and adventurous disposition, he all his life long took the greatest pleasure in the pursuits of a husbandman; and, to his manner of thinking, there was no lot or calling in life so happy, and none more honorable. having now ample time for the indulgence of his tastes, he set about improving and beautifying his plantations, of which he had several, in the most approved style of that day. he planted orchards of various fruits; set his hillsides in grass; drained his marshes, and turned them into rich meadow-lands; built mills and blacksmith-shops; enlarged his family mansion to a size better befitting his elegant and hospitable style of living; adorned the grounds about it with shrubbery, trees, and gardens; and converted the wild woods hard by into open and verdant parks. to his negro slaves he was the kindest of masters; ever mindful of their comfort, and extremely careful of them in sickness. being of industrious habits himself, he would not make the least grain of allowance for sloth or idleness in them, or indeed in any one about him, but was strict in exacting of them the speedy and full performance of their allotted tasks; which, however, he always took care should come under rather than up to the measure of their strength. in his business habits, he was methodical to a nicety; kept his own books, and was his own overseer: for, having a strong aversion to being waited on, he never suffered others to do for him what he could do for himself. he kept a close and clear account, in writing, of the profits arising from the grain, tobacco, and other produce of his lands; and also the amount of his personal, household, and plantation expenses: by which means he could tell at a glance whether he were on the making or losing order, and readily detect whether any of whom he had dealings were given to careless or dishonest practices. so superior was the quality of every thing produced on his estate, and so widely known did he become for his honesty and uprightness in all business transactions, that, in time, a box of tobacco or a barrel of flour marked "george washington, mount vernon, va.," would be received into many foreign ports without the custom-house authorities opening or inspecting it. he was an early riser. in winter, getting up before day, and lighting his own fire, he wrote or read two or three hours by candle-light. after a frugal breakfast of two small cups of tea and four small cakes of indian meal, he mounted his horse, and rode about his plantations; seeing to every thing with his own eye, and often lending a helping hand. this duty done, he returned to the house at noon, and dined heartily, as well beseemed the active, robust man that he was, yet never exceeding the bounds of temperance and moderation both as to eating and drinking. his afternoons he usually devoted to the entertainment of his numerous guests, who thronged his hospitable mansion almost daily, and, if from a distance, abiding there for weeks together. after a supper frugal as his breakfast, if there was no company in the house, he would read aloud to his family from some instructive and entertaining book, or from the newspapers of the day; and then, at an early hour, retire to his room for the night. fish and game abounded in the woods and streams of his domain, as well as in those of the adjoining plantations; and he was thus enabled to indulge his fondness for angling and hunting to the utmost, whenever he felt so inclined. two or three times a week, the shrill winding of the hunter's horn and the deep-mouthed baying of the fox-hounds would ring out on the clear morning air; when he might be seen at the head of a brilliant company of mounted hunters, dashing over the fields, across the streams, and through the woods, hot on the heels of some unlucky reynard. i should not say unlucky, however; for although washington was as bold and skilful a rider as could be found in thirteen provinces, and kept the finest of horses and finest of dogs, yet, for all that, he could seldom boast of any great success as a fox-hunter. but having the happy knack of making the best and most of every thing, be it toward or untoward, he always consoled himself with the reflection, that, if they had failed to catch their fox, they at least had their sport and a deal of healthful exercise; which, after all, should be the only object of fox-hunting. on such occasions, he was either joined by the neighboring gentry, or by such guests as chanced at the time to be enjoying the hospitalities of mount vernon. among these, it was not unusual to find old lord fairfax, the friend and companion of his stripling days, who would come down from greenway court several times a year, with a long train of hunters and hounds, and by his presence double the mirth and cheer of all the country-side for miles and miles around. the fate of poor reynard being duly settled, they would repair either to mount vernon, or to the residence of any one else of the party that chanced to be nearest, and wind up the sports of the day by a hunting-dinner, at which they were usually favored with the company of the ladies. at such times, washington is said to have entered so keenly into the general hilarity, as to quite lay aside his accustomed gravity and reserve, and show himself almost as jovial as the merry old lord himself. speaking of these amusements, brings to mind an anecdote of him, which i must tell you, as it will give you a still more lively idea of the promptness and decision with which he was wont to act whenever occasion demanded. in those old-fashioned times, among many other laws that would seem odd enough to us at the present day, there were many very strict and severe ones for the protection of game, which made poaching (that is to say, hunting on private grounds without leave or license from the owner) no less a crime than theft, and punished the poacher as a thief accordingly. now, there was a certain idle, worthless fellow, notorious for his desperate character, as being the most daring poacher in seven counties, who was known to be much in the habit of trespassing on the grounds belonging to mount vernon. this had been forbidden him by washington, who had warned him of the consequences if he did not cease his depredations, and keep at a safe distance; but to this the sturdy vagrant gave little heed. he would cross over the river in a canoe, which he would hide, in some secret nook best known to himself, among the reeds and rushes that fringed the banks, and with his fowling-piece make ruinous havoc among the canvas-back ducks that flocked in great multitudes to the low marsh-lands of that region. [illustration] one day, as washington was going his accustomed rounds about the plantations, he heard the report of a gun in the neighborhood of the river; and, guessing what was in the wind, he forthwith spurred his horse in that direction, and, dashing through the bushes, came upon the culprit, just as he, paddle in hand, was pushing from the shore. the fellow, seeing his danger, cocked his gun, and, with a threatening look, levelled it directly at washington, who, without heeding this in the least, rode into the water, and, seizing the canoe by the painter, dragged it ashore. leaping then from his horse, he wrenched the fowling-piece from the astonished poacher, and fell to belaboring him in so clean and handsome a manner, as to make the unlucky wight heartily wish he had the wide potomac between him and the terrible man whose iron grasp was then on his collar. my word for it, he never trespassed again on those forbidden grounds; and i dare be sworn, he never saw or ate or smelt a canvas-back thereafter, without feeling a lively smarting up and down under his jacket, and, it may be, his buckskin breeches too. it was not that a few dozen or even a hundred ducks had been shot on his premises, that washington was thus moved to chastise this fellow; but that, in spite of wholesome warnings, he should go on breaking the laws of the land with such impunity; and also, that, instead of seeking to earn an honest livelihood by the labor of his hands, he should prefer rather to live in idleness, and gain a bare subsistence by such paltry and unlawful means. although verging on to middle age, washington was still very fond of active and manly sports, such as tossing the bar and throwing the sledge, wrestling, running, and jumping; in all of which he had but few equals, and no superiors. among other stories of his strength and agility, there is one which you may come across some day in the course of your reading, relating how that, at a leaping-match, he cleared twenty-two feet seven inches of dead level turf at a single bound. notwithstanding his modesty and reserve, he took much pleasure in society, and ever sought to keep up a free and social interchange of visits between his family and those of his neighbors. besides their fine horses and elegant carriages, he, and others of the old virginia gentry of that day whose plantations lay along the potomac, kept their own barges or pleasure-boats, which were finished and fitted up in a sumptuous style, and were sometimes rowed by as many as six negro men, all in neat uniforms. in these, they, with their wives and children, would visit each other up and down the river; and often, after lengthening out their calls far into the night, would row home by the light of the moon, which, lending charms that the sun had not to the tranquil flow of the winding stream, and to the waving woods that crowned the banks on either hand, caused them often to linger, as loath to quit the enchanting scene. a few weeks of the winter months were usually spent by mr. and mrs. washington either at williamsburg or at annapolis, then, as now, the capital of maryland, where was to be found the best society of the provinces, and of which they were the pride and ornament. here they entered into the gayeties of the season, such as dinners and balls, with much real relish; and, if the theatre added its attractions to the rest, washington always made it a point to attend, as the entertainments there offered were of the sort that afforded him much delight. nor was he loath to join in the dance; and your uncle juvinell, when a boy, had the rare fortune of meeting, now and then, with stately old dames, who had been belles in their days, and could boast of having had him for a partner; but, at the same time, they were wont to confess, that they were generally too much overawed by the gravity and dignity of his demeanor to feel entirely at their ease in his company, however flattered they may have been at the honor, which he, in his modesty, so little dreamed he was doing them. washington's marriage was never blessed with children; but he was all that a father could be to those of mrs. washington, whom he loved and cherished as tenderly as if they had been his own. as their guardian, he had the care of their education, and also the entire control of the immense fortune, amounting, in negroes, land, and money, to nearly two hundred thousand dollars, left them by their father, mr. george custis; and lovingly and faithfully did he discharge this sacred and delicate trust. of these two children, the daughter (who was the younger of the two) died, in early maidenhood, of consumption. she had been of a slender constitution from her childhood; but, for all that, her death was an unexpected stroke, and was long and deeply mourned by mrs. washington and her husband. he is said to have been absent during her illness; but, returning a short time before she breathed her last, was so overcome with pity and tenderness upon seeing the sad change wrought in so brief a space by this dreadful disease in her fair young face and delicate form, that he threw himself upon his knees by her bedside, and, in a passionate burst of grief, poured out a fervent prayer for her recovery. the son now became the sole object of parental love and solicitude; and being, like his sister, of frail and uncertain health, was a source of much affectionate anxiety to his step-father as well as to his mother. both mr. and mrs. washington were members of the episcopal church, and persons of the truest christian piety. every sabbath, when the roads and weather permitted, they attended divine worship either at alexandria or at a church in their own neighborhood, and always took part in the religious exercises of the day with earnest and solemn devotion. in addition to the many charms of mind and person already mentioned, mrs. washington was a woman of great benevolence, and spent much of her time in acts of kindness and charity, which won her the love and gratitude of every poor family in the country around. thus passed away fifteen tranquil years,--the white days of washington's life. when we behold him as he was then, in the full strength and beauty of his ripened manhood, possessed of one of the handsomest fortunes in america, living in the bountiful and elegant style of those hospitable times, the pride and honor of his native province, the object of applause and gratitude to his fellow-countrymen, and of esteem and love to all whose privilege it was to call him friend; and, above all, blessed, in the partner of his choice, with a woman gifted with every grace and virtue that can adorn her sex,--when we behold him thus, well may we exclaim, "verily, here was a man favored of heaven in a special manner, and blessed beyond the lot of common mortals here below." but the clouds were gathering, and had long been gathering, that were soon to burst in storm and tempest over that happy and rising young land, and force him for many, many weary years from those, his loved retreats and peaceful pursuits, upon a wider, nobler field of action, wherein he was to play a part that should, in fine, win for him the name so dear to every american heart,--father of his country. xxiii. a family quarrel. "and now, dannie, mend the fire with another christmas log. you, willie, open the windows at top and bottom, to let out the smoke the young historian will be sure to raise. laura, my dear, trim the lamp; and you, ella,--will you have the kindness to put a little sugar in your uncle's cider?--there's a darling! ned, my boy, just tumble sleepy-headed charlie there out of his comfortable nap, and touse him into his waking senses again. all right? now i would have every one of you put your thinking-caps square and tight upon your heads, and keep all your ears about you; for, depend upon it, what i am now going to tell you is so full of hard points and tough knots, that, should you but lose the crossing of a 't,' or even the dotting of an 'i,' thereof, all the rest will be to you as so much hifalutin transcendentalism." (here uncle juvinell took a gigantic swallow of cider, and pronounced the sugar a decided improvement; while the little folks wrote something on their slates, very long, and which no two of them spelt alike. uncle juvinell smacked his lips, and then resumed.) now, you must know, my dear children, that great britain, at the time of which we are speaking, was, and for many years had been, and, in fact, still is, and, in all human likelihood, will ever continue to be, burdened with a mountain-load of debt, which has already given her a frightful stoop in the shoulders, and may, in time, grow to such an enormous bulk as to break her sturdy old back outright. she had, as you have seen, added all french america to her dominions; but with this increase of power and glory, that made her king and nobles smile and sing with joy, came also an increase of debt and trouble, that made her common people scowl and growl with want and discontent. the expenses of the late war with france had added the weight of another �tna or sinai to the already staggering load that chafed her back; and, sorely grieved thereat, she began casting in her mind what might be done to lighten it a little. "my young colonies," said our mother to herself, "which were planted by my love so many years ago, have grown to a goodly size, and prospered in a wonderful manner, under my fostering care, for which they owe me many thanks; and, being quite old and strong enough, must now repay it by taking their due share of my heavy burden." now, in all this, our mother did but deceive herself: for these colonies had been planted by her oppression, not by her love; they had grown by her neglect, not by her fostering care. therefore, they did not, as she pretended, owe her either love or thanks, although they gave her both; and she had no right to make them carry her burden without their consent. strange as it may appear, these infant colonies loved their mother to distraction, in spite of her unmotherly treatment of them; and would have gone any length to serve her,--even to the extent of bearing double the burden she would have laid on them,--had she been wise enough to consult their wishes about the matter, and suffer them to lay it on their own shoulders, in their own fashion, and of their own free will. to this the perverse old mother would not listen for a moment; and, without pausing to reflect what might be the consequences, took an �tna or a sinai from the load on her own shoulders, and clapped it on those of her children, who sat down under it plump, and sturdily refused to budge until they should be allowed to put it there themselves. whereupon, this stiff-necked, wrong-headed old britannia (for such was her christian name) was exceeding wroth, made an outlandish noise among the nations, and even went so far (you will be shocked to hear) as to swear a little. seeing there was no help for it but to remove this �tna, she did so with as good a grace as could be expected in a family-quarrel; but was so indiscreet and short-sighted as still to leave a very small burden,--a mere hillock indeed,--just by way, as she said, of showing that she had the right to load and unload them when and how it suited her sovereign pleasure best. now, be it known, it was not the burden they had to carry of which these generous and high-spirited colonies complained so bitterly; but that they should be denied the right of freely judging when and how and wherefore they were to be taxed,--a right that had been the pride and boast of englishmen time out of mind. as for the matter of the burden, had that been all, they could have danced, ay, and blithely too, under �tna and sinai both, had the load but been of their own choosing, of their own putting-on, and of their own adjusting. to add to their distress and humiliation, this hardest and unnaturalest of mothers now set over them judges, who were strangers to them, and loved them not; who were to hold their places, not, as theretofore, during good behavior, but at her will and pleasure. another right, as dear to englishmen as life itself, was taken from them,--to wit, the right of trial by jury; which gave every person, great or small, suspected or known to be guilty of any crime against the laws of the land, the privilege of a speedy trial, in open court, in the place where the crime may have been committed, and by a jury of honest and impartial men. instead of this, the person accused was to be taken aboard some ship-of-war, likely as not a thousand miles from christian land, and there tried by some authorities of the navy, who would know but little, and must needs care still less, concerning the person under trial, or his offence. under these and many other oppressions and injuries, the young colonies groaned grievously. but, for all that, they were not to be subdued or broken. time and again, they sent petitions to this unkindest and wilfulest of mothers, beseeching her, in humble and loving and dutiful terms, to remove this degrading burden from their shoulders, and once more receive them as children into her maternal bosom; warning her, at the same time, of what must be the melancholy consequences, if she hearkened not to their prayers. then was the time, if ever, when, by a few kind words betokening a desire for reconciliation, she might have secured and made fast the love of these devoted and affectionate children for ever; and, had she been as wise as she was powerful, even so would she have done. but, like the egypt of olden times, she did but harden her heart against them all the more, even to the hardness of the nether mill-stone; and only sought how she could the more easily grind them into obedience and submission. she had grown to be mighty among the nations, this britannia. her armed legions told of her power by land; her ships of war and her ships of commerce whitened a hundred seas. the great sun, that set on every kingdom of the known earth, she boasted never went down on her dominion. wherefore was she swollen and big with pride, and from a high place looked haughtily down upon the little nations at her feet. what height of presumption was it, then, in these insignificant young colonies, struggling for bare existence off there on the uttermost edges of the civilized earth, thus to lift themselves against her sovereign will, and dare dispute her high decrees! it was not to be borne: she would humble them for this presumption, chastise them for their disobedience, and show them what a terrible thing it was to provoke her wrath. her heart thus steeled to mercy, she stayed not her hand, but sent her hosts of armed men in her fleets of armed ships, to lay her heavy yoke, and fit it firm and fast on the necks of her rebellious children. beholding this, and that it were vain to hope for reconciliation, the colonies, with one voice, with one indignant voice, exclaimed, "now, since our mother seems bent on treating us as slaves and strangers, and not as children, then are we compelled, in our own defence, to treat her, not as our mother, but as a stranger and our enemy. and bear us witness, o ye nations! how long and humbly and earnestly we have prayed that there should be love and peace between us and this our mother; and bear us witness also, that, although we now lift our rebellious hand against her, there is no hatred in our hearts, even now, but rather sorrow unspeakable, that she should at last have driven us to this saddest, this direfulest of alternatives." then, moved with one spirit (that of the love of freedom), and bent on one purpose (that of the defence of their sacred rights), they rose in their young strength, and, commending their just cause to the god of hosts, made that last appeal,--which, to a brave and virtuous people, has ever been the last,--the appeal to arms. and so they did, while the nations looked on in wonder and applause. xxiv. the cause of the quarrel. but, my children, i must tell you, in other and perhaps plainer words, what these measures were that led to such momentous results, why resorted to, how carried out, and by whom. from what you have just been told, you can have no difficulty in guessing that great britain was desperately in debt, and in the very mood to resort to desperate measures of delivering herself therefrom. her being in this particular mood at that particular time (for it is only now and then that she has shown herself so unamiable) was owing chiefly to the fact, that she was just then under the rule, or rather misrule, of that narrow-minded, short-sighted, hard-fisted, wrong-headed man, who commonly goes in history by the name of king george the third. had he been the superintendent of a town workhouse, he might perhaps have acquitted himself respectably enough; or, if i may be so bold, he might have served a life-term as governor of london tower, and gone to his grave without any great discredit or reproach: but, in all human reason and justice, he certainly had no more business on the throne of england than your uncle juvinell himself. his ministers, who were of his own choosing, were vultures, of the same harsh, unsightly plumage, and, at his beck or nod, stood ready to do whatever knave's work he might have on hand,--even to the grinding of his people's bones to make his bread, should his royal appetite turn that way. with such men at the helm of state, it is no wonder, then, that unwise and oppressive measures should be resorted to for raising money, or, as it is more properly called in such cases, a revenue, for paying the debts and keeping up the expenses of the government. the first pounce they made was on their young colonies in america, whom they sought to burden with heavy taxes laid on exports, or articles of commerce sent out of the country, and on imports, or articles of commerce brought into the country. the principal articles thus taxed were paper, painters' colors, glass, sugar and molasses, and tea. the tax-money or revenue scraped together from the sale of these articles--and which made them dearer to him who bought and him who sold, according to the amount of duty laid on--was to be gathered into the public treasury for the purposes aforesaid. another plan for raising revenue, hit upon by these ingenious kites, was that famous one called the "stamp act," the design of which was to compel the people of the colonies, in order to make their business transactions good and valid, to use a certain kind of paper, having on it a certain stamp. each kind of paper had its own particular stamp, and could only be applied to a certain purpose specified thereon. thus there was a deed stamp-paper, the will stamp-paper, the note-of-hand and bill-of-exchange stamp-paper, the marriage stamp-paper; and, in short, stamp-paper for every concern in life requiring an instrument of writing. the paper itself was altogether a commodity of the government, by whom it was manufactured, and sold at prices varying from a few pence up to many pounds sterling of good, hard english money, just according to the magnitude or nature of the business in hand. had it gone into effect, it must needs have borne on the dead as well as on the living: for, if the last will and testament of a deceased and lamented relative were not written on paper with the proper stamp, it could not have been good and valid in the king's eyes; and this would have led to grievous misunderstandings between the bereaved and affectionate heirs, and perhaps the deceased himself, in consequence, would have slept uneasily in his grave. another oppressive measure--the design whereof, however, was for saving money, rather than for raising revenue--was that of quartering troops upon the country in time of peace; by which means they must needs be supported to a great extent by the people so sponged upon. but the most brilliant stroke of all was an act forbidding the colonies from trading with any foreign ports, and from manufacturing certain articles, lest the value and sale of the same articles manufactured in england, and to be sold in america, might be lowered or hindered thereby. i have already mentioned, how that the right of choosing their judges and other civil officers, and the right of trial by jury, had been taken from them,--measures that had a meanness and odium quite their own; as serving no end of profit, but merely as safety-valves, through which the royal bile might find vent now and then. now, the good people of the colonies, as i have hinted elsewhere, would not have raised the hue and outcry that they did against these measures, had it not been for one thing, which to them, as englishmen, was all in all; to wit, the right of taxing themselves, and legislating or making laws for themselves through persons of their own choosing, called representatives. and this is, my little folks, what is meant by taxation, and legislation by representation, in a nation. you will do well to bear this in mind continually; for it is the very keystone to the arch of all true government. this right of representation, however, was denied them; for what earthly reason, no one, not in the secret, could imagine. as the king himself was never able to render a reason for any thing he did, his ministers would not for any thing they did, and the parliament dared not for any thing they did. what could they do, then, but send petitions to the king, and remonstrances to the parliament, complaining of, and crying out against, their many grievances, and deploring and demanding that they be removed and redressed. although they did this with more dignity and respectfulness, with more clearness and ability, than the like thing had ever been done before, or has been since, by any people, yet their petitions were spurned by the king, because they were just and manly, and he was not; and their remonstrances went unheeded by the parliament, because they were wise and reasonable, and it was not. failing to get redress for their grievances, the colonists resolved that the source of these same grievances should not be a source of profit to those who imposed them. to bring about this result, they, as one man, entered into what was called the "non-importation agreement,"--or, in other words, an agreement by which they solemnly pledged themselves to abstain from the use of all articles burdened with a tax, until such tax should be removed; and, furthermore, that they would not buy or use any thing that they were forbidden to manufacture themselves; and, still furthermore, that not a ship of theirs should trade with british ports, until the act forbidding them to trade with foreign ports should be repealed. some of them, i dare say, would have gone so far, had that been possible, as to pledge themselves not to die, until the stamp act, compelling them to write their wills on stamp-paper, was also repealed. this agreement was so rigidly observed, that the men took to wearing jeans, and the women linsey-woolseys, which they wove in their own looms; the old ladies drank sassafras-tea, sweetened with maple-sugar; and old gentlemen wrote no wills, but declared them on their death-bed to their weeping families by word of mouth. whether the people stopped marrying or not, it is not known with certainty; but from my knowledge of human nature, which is extensive, i do not think i should greatly hazard my reputation as a historian, were i to state flatly, roundly, and emphatically, that it had not the least effect in that way. the days on which these measures were to go into effect were observed by the colonists as days of fasting, prayer, and humiliation. all business was laid aside, the shops were closed, the churches opened, and the church-bells tolled as on some funeral occasion; and between praying at church, and fasting at home, and brooding over their grievances, the good people were very miserable indeed. although they suffered great inconvenience from their observance of the non-importation agreement, yet they bore it patiently and cheerfully, like men who felt that their cause was just and right. but the sudden stoppage of the immense trade that flowed from the colonial ports into those of the mother-country told dreadfully on the commerce of great britain; and british merchants and british manufacturers, and british people in general, soon began to suffer even more than the colonists themselves. whereupon, a counter stream of petitions and remonstrances set in upon the king and parliament from the people at home, who declared that the country would be ruined, if these odious measures, crippling american commerce, were not speedily withdrawn. said they, "if we cannot sell the americans our broadcloths, our flannels, and our silks, the obstinate men of that country will stick to their jeans, and the perverse women to their linsey-woolseys, till we are undone for ever. in that one pestilent little town of boston, our trade in silks alone is not so good by fifty thousand dollars a year as it has been heretofore: and we humbly entreat that our american brothers be allowed to trade with us and foreign nations as in days gone by; for you must see by this time with your own eyes, that we, as a nation, are growing poorer every day under this state of things, instead of richer every year as had been expected." the commissioners--that is to say, the persons who had been appointed by the british government to bring or receive the stamp-paper, and give it circulation throughout the colonies--were mobbed and pelted by the indignant people, whenever and wherever they made the least attempt to do their odious work. in consequence of this determined opposition, the paper never went into circulation: so it was stocked away in outhouses, and there left to mould and to be eaten by rats and mice, if their stomachs were not too dainty for such vile provender. thus this famous piece of ingenuity, the stamp act, had no other effect than that of giving the civilized world a hearty laugh, and increasing the british debt just so much as the paper cost, instead of lessening it, as its inventors, in their blind confidence, had hoped. beholding how utterly had failed all their pet schemes for raising revenue, the narrow-minded king, and the king-minded ministry, and the many-minded parliament, were, so to speak, thrown on their haunches, and forced to eat their own folly; which, i dare say, they found less palatable than their roast beef and plum-pudding. in other words, they repealed the stamp act; with one stroke of the royal pen, struck off the taxes laid on the above-mentioned articles; and once more gave the colonies full liberty to manufacture whatsoever, and re-open commercial intercourse with whomsoever, they chose. and thus this non-importation agreement worked like a charm: it brought about in a trice what petitions and remonstrances had failed to accomplish in years. when tidings came of what had been done at home, there was great rejoicing throughout the provinces: the church-bells were tolled to another tune than that with which they had been tolled a short time before; the good people met at church, but this time to give thanks; and went home, not to fast, but to feast; and were now quite as comfortable as they had before been miserable. but i have gone a little too far, however. there was one circumstance that greatly dampened the general feeling of joy, and made a mere thanksgiving of what might else have been a high-sounding jubilee. this was the tax on tea, which had not been struck off along with the rest, but had been suffered to remain; not that any great revenue was expected to arise therefrom, but simply to show that they--the king and parliament--had not disclaimed or yielded up the right to tax and burden the colonies when and how they thought fit and proper. this vexed the american people sorely; for though the bulk of the nuisance had been taken away, yet all the odor still remained: or, speaking more plainly, the right of laying such burdens on themselves, of their own free will, was still denied them; and this, in fact, was the very thing that made it so intolerable for them to bear. "is it," said washington in a letter to a friend, "the duty of threepence per pound upon tea that we object to as burdensome? no; but it is the right to lay this duty upon ourselves for which we contend." therefore, as far as the commodity tea was concerned, the people of the colonies still observed the non-importation agreement. from some of the ports, the ships that had come over from england laden with this delightful plant were sent back, without being suffered to discharge their cargoes; in others, where it had been landed, it was not allowed to be sold, but was stowed away in cellars and the like out-of-the-way places, where it moulded, or became the food of rats and mice, whose bowels, if we may trust the testimony of some of our great-grandmothers, were so bound up thereby, that a terrible mortality set in among them, that swept them away by cart-loads. now, the east-india company, to whom had been granted the sole privilege of trading in tea for the space of a hundred years, if i remember rightly, were greatly alarmed at the consequences of the tea-tax. enormous quantities of the article had begun to accumulate in their london warehouses, now that there was no market for it in america, which hitherto had fed the purse in their left-hand pocket, as did that in great britain the larger one in their right-hand pocket. "something must be done," said they to themselves (they certainly said it to nobody else),--"something must be done, or these high-spirited women of america will drink their wishy-washy sassafras till their blood be no thicker than whey, and the purse in our left-hand pocket become as light and lean and lank as when we sent our first ship-load thither years ago." this "something to be done" was a loud petition to parliament, praying for speedy relief from the ruin, which has an uncomfortable fashion of staring at great mercantile companies, and was now staring them full in the face. so, putting their heads together, the king and parliament hit upon an ingenious plan, by which they, the east-india company, could sell their tea, and the government collect the duty thereon. it was this: the price of the article should be so far reduced, that it would be lower, even with the duty on it, than, at the usual rate of sale, without any duty at all. this was a brilliant scheme indeed, and would have succeeded to admiration, had the good people of america been a nation of bats and geese; but, as they were not, the scheme failed disgracefully, as you shall presently see. by way of giving this plan a trial, a few ships loaded with tea were sent over to boston, where they lay for some time in the harbor, without being permitted by the people to land their cargoes. one day, as if to show the king and ministers and parliament, the east-india company, and the whole british nation, that they, the americans, were, and had been from the very beginning, desperately in earnest in all that they had said and done for years past, a party, composed of about fifty of the most sober and respectable citizens of boston and the country around, disguised themselves as indians, and went aboard these ships. not a word was to be heard among them; but, keeping a grim and ominous silence, they ranged the vessel from stem to stern, ransacked their cargoes, broke open the tea-chests, and, pouring their contents into the sea, made the fishes a dish of tea, which is said to have had the same effect on them as on the rats and mice. this done with perfect coolness and sobriety, the party returned to their homes as orderly and silent as they had come; not the first movement towards a mob or tumult having been made by the people during the whole proceeding. this affair, commonly known in history as the boston tea-party, and which took place in , overwhelmed his majesty with stupid astonishment, threw his ministers into fits of foaming rage, fell like a thunder-clap upon the house of parliament, and effectually demolished the last forlorn hope of the east-india company. the spirit of resistance on the part of the colonies had now been carried to such a length, that the home-government determined to send over the military to awe them by the terror of its presence into obedience to their unreasonable and oppressive demands; and, should not this be found sufficient, to compel them into submission by the force of its arms. oh, woful, woful, that ever a tyrant should live to keep his dragon-watch on the birth of the free-born thought, the independent wish, and ere the full, clear light of heaven descend upon it, warming it into strength and beauty, to seize and crush it into slavish fear, and love and justice without power to stay his impious hand! xxv. resistance to tyranny. with what deep and earnest interest washington watched the course of these momentous events may be readily imagined, if we reflect how much of his life had been already spent in the service of the public, and how near he had ever kept the good and welfare of his native land at heart. he was not a mere looker-on, but one of those who had in the very beginning shown themselves ready to enter, heart and hand and fortune, into all just and lawful measures of resistance to oppression in every shape and form; but, with his usual modesty, forbearing to push himself forward, which served, no doubt, to add to his example still greater weight and influence, and make it all the more illustrious. he rigidly observed the non-importation agreement, and was, in fact, one of the first to propose its adoption; and none of the articles therein named were to be seen in his house until the odious burdens laid thereon had been removed. little or no lasting good, however, could be expected from these, or indeed any measures, unless the colonies should come to a clearer and fuller understanding, one with another, touching the troubles that concerned all equally and alike. to bring this much-to-be-wished-for end about, it was resolved that a general assembly of all the colonies should be called, wherein each province, through its representatives chosen by the people thereof, should have a voice. as the first step towards this object, conventions were summoned in the various provinces, the members whereof had the authority to choose from among their number those who were to be their representatives or mouth-pieces in this great colonial assembly, since known in history as the old continental congress. patrick henry (the great american orator), mr. pendleton, and washington were those appointed to represent virginia. accordingly, about the middle of september, , these three congress-men set out together on horseback for philadelphia, the place of meeting. arrived here, washington found assembled the first talent, wisdom, and virtue of the land. it was to him a sublime spectacle indeed,--that of the people of many widely separated provinces thus met together to give voice and expression to what they felt to be their sacred rights as freemen and free englishmen. to add still greater solemnity to their proceedings, and give their cause the stamp of the just and righteous cause they felt it to be, it was resolved to open the business of each day with prayer. next morning, there came a report that boston had been cannonaded by the king's troops, who had been stationed there for many weeks past. although this afterwards turned out to be false, yet, at the time, it had a most beneficial effect, in drawing still nearer together those who but the day before had met as strangers, by impressing their minds with a still deeper sense of the sacredness of the trust imposed on them by their country, and by bringing more directly home to them their common danger, and dependence one upon another. the minister, before offering up his prayer, took up the bible to read a passage therefrom, and, as if providentially, opened at the thirty-fifth psalm, which seemed to have been written expressly for this great occasion, and began thus: "plead my cause, o lord, with them that strive with me; fight against them that fight against me." what wonder, then, that, under circumstances like these, they should feel their hearts joined together in stronger, holier bonds of union, as they knelt side by side on that memorable morning, commending their just cause to the ruler of nations? for several minutes after they had resumed their seats, a profound and solemn silence reigned throughout the house; each looking the other in the face, as if uncertain how to set about the great work that had brought them together, and no one willing to open the assembly. the silence was becoming painful and embarrassing; when patrick henry at length arose, and began addressing the house, at first in a faltering voice and hesitating manner, which soon, however, as he warmed with his subject, gave place to a bolder, higher strain, till, long before he had ended, the hearts of his hearers were thrilled with a flow of eloquence, the like of which none present had ever heard before; and, when it ceased, each felt that he had just been listening to the greatest orator, not of virginia only, but of all america. the burden of his declamation was the oppressive and unlawful system of taxation devised by great britain against her american colonies; the severe restriction laid on their commerce; the abolition of the right of trial by jury, and of choosing their own judges; the danger that must ever threaten their liberties, if they suffered troops of war to be quartered upon them in times of peace; and, above all, that they should be denied the right of taxing themselves, of making their own laws, and of regulating their internal concerns, as seemed to their judgment wise and proper, through representatives of their own choosing. to get redress for these and similar grievances, was the chief, and, i may say, the only object for which this first congress had been called; for at that time, and for a long time after, no one harbored such a thought as that of breaking with the mother-country, with a view of achieving their independence. to this end, they now applied themselves with deep and sober earnestness, and brought to their work all the resources that their wisdom and experience could command. the first session of the old continental congress lasted fifty-one days. such was the decorum with which they conducted their proceedings, such the eloquence, force, and precision with which they set forth their grievances, such the temperate and dignified tone that marked their petitions to the king, and such the manliness, firmness, and unwavering constancy with which they persisted in battling for their right as freemen to be represented in the councils of the nation, that thousands of their brothers across the atlantic were filled with wonder and admiration. and here, for once and for all, be it known to you, my dear children, and, in justice to the british nation as a people, never fail hereafter to bear it in mind, that there were many, very many, perhaps a large majority, of our english uncles, who deeply sympathized with our fathers in their troubles, and heartily condemned the oppressive burdens heaped upon them by the king and his ministers. even in the house of parliament itself were there many of the greatest spirits of that age, who had all along opposed these harsh and unjust measures of the government towards the colonies, and were now so impressed with all that marked the proceedings of this first colonial congress, that they exerted themselves in behalf of their oppressed brothers in america with more zeal than ever before, and pleaded their cause in strains of eloquence that shall ring in our ears, and dwell in our hearts, till history shall tell us we have ceased to be a nation. and well indeed they might admire and praise; for what with the eloquence of such men as henry and rutledge, the learning of such men as hancock and adams, the wisdom of such men as washington, and the pure and exalted character of them all, it was a body of men, the like of which had never before assembled together in any age or country. patrick henry, upon being asked who was the greatest man in the congress, replied, "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge, of south carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but, if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, col. washington is, beyond all question, the greatest man on that floor." had mr. rutledge been asked the same question, he would as readily have pronounced patrick henry the greatest orator, as indeed he was. bent on one common object, encompassed by dangers that threatened all alike, and glowing with the same ardent and heroic spirit, they seemed for the time to have quite forgotten that they were the natives and representatives of many different and widely separated provinces, and to think that they were, as patrick henry happily expressed it, not carolinians, not pennsylvanians, not virginians, so much as that they were americans; and had been sent there, not so much to represent the will and wishes of the people of their respective provinces, as of those of the whole american people. thus union became the watchword throughout the colonies. and by union alone were they able to make a stand against tyranny; by it alone came off victorious in the end; by it alone won for themselves a place among the nations; and by it alone can their posterity hope to hold that place as a powerful, free, and happy people. having done all that could be done for the present, the congress was adjourned, and the members returned to their homes to await the result of the petitions and remonstrances they had sent on to the king and parliament. although these were couched in moderate and respectful terms, expressing their unaltered attachment to the king and his family, deploring that there should be aught but peace and good-will between them, and entreating him not to drive his children to the dreadful alternative of taking up arms in their defence, yet, like those that had gone before them, they were received with contempt or indifference, and failed to awaken in the king's mind any sentiment of mercy, or desire on the part of the parliament for reconciliation with their younger brothers in america. here was the last, the golden opportunity, wherein, by an act of simple justice, by an expression of christian kindness, they might have won back to obedience and love this much-injured people; but under the mistaken and fatal belief that they were all-powerful, and that, if they yielded up these pretended rights, the colonists would never rest until they had thrown off and trampled under foot all authority, they suffered it to pass unheeded, lost for ever. a short time after the adjournment of congress, at a second virginia convention, held at richmond, patrick henry, in closing one of the grandest efforts he ever made, thus boldly declared his mind: "the time of reconciliation is past; the time for action is at hand. it is useless to send further petitions to the government, or to await the result of those already addressed to the throne. we must fight, mr. speaker: i repeat it, sir, we must fight! an appeal to arms and to the god of hosts is all that is left us!" the great orator did but give voice to the feelings and sentiments of thousands of pure patriots, among whom was washington, who represented his district in this convention also. no one regretted more sincerely than he that they were thus compelled to take up the sword as the only remedy of their wrongs and grievances. in his own mind, he had fully resolved, if needful, to devote his life and fortune to the cause; and was willing, he told his brother, to arm and equip a thousand men at his own expense, and lead them to the succor of boston, at that time blockaded by the british fleet. grave and thoughtful, and pondering deeply all these things, he went to his home; and, in this frame of mind, the winter months passed slowly by. it was now apparent to all, that open hostilities between the colonies and the mother-country were no longer avoidable; and on the nineteenth of april, , the battle of lexington announced to the world that the first blood of a desperate struggle had been shed, and that civil war, with all its train of horrors, had begun. when the tidings reached mount vernon, the impressions made on washington's mind were solemn and profound, if we may judge from a letter written at the time, in which he says, "unhappy it is to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast, and that the once-peaceful plains of america are to be drenched with blood, or inhabited by slaves. sad alternative! but can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?" early in may, as he was just on the eve of setting out for philadelphia to take his seat in the second session of the congress, news reached him of the capture of ticonderoga by col. ethan allen. it was a brilliant little exploit enough, and the very kind to raise undue expectations in the many, who looked no further into the future than to-night, when it is yet evening; but it could have no other effect than to deepen the thoughtfulness of a mind like washington's, that could look through the glare of these accidental hits of war, and behold the untried perils still further beyond. as the war had now begun in earnest, so dreaded and deeply deplored by all the good men, as the only remedy left to their distress, the deliberations of the second congress turned chiefly on the devising of means for their defence and safety. towards this object, nothing effectual could be done till some person was fixed upon to be the leader of the army, which they had yet, in large measure, to raise, arm, and equip. there were not a few, who, for age, talent, experience, fortune, and social position, as well as for the sacrifices they had already made to the cause, were, in the opinion of their friends, and perhaps in that of their own, justly entitled to this high distinction. after some time spent in viewing the matter in all its bearings, and carefully weighing the claims of each, without being able to fix upon a choice, john adams decided the question by addressing the house to the following effect: that the person intrusted with a place of such importance to americans must be a native-born american; a man of large fortune, in order to give him a strong personal interest in the issue of the contest, and the means of carrying it on; he should be a man of military experience, and accustomed to the government of large bodies of men; he should be of tried integrity and patriotism, of great courage and bodily endurance, and known ability; and a resident of some central province, that in him might be blended the extreme interests of north and south, which would tend to lessen the jealousies of the two sections, and harmonize them, as it were, into one. such a province was virginia, and such a man was col. washington; whom, therefore, he commended to the favor and consideration of the honorable house. before this address was ended, washington, perceiving that he was the person on the point of being singled out, rose from his seat, much agitated and embarrassed, and hastily quitted the house. next morning, mr. adams's recommendation was acted upon; and the house, without a single dissenting voice, chose george washington to be _commander-in-chief_ of all the army of the united colonies, with the salary of six thousand dollars a year. in his reply, washington expressed his grateful sense of so signal a proof of the confidence reposed in him by his countrymen, and added,-- "but lest some unfortunate event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, i beg that it may be remembered by every gentleman in this room, that i this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, that i do not think myself equal to the command i am honored with. as to pay, i beg leave to assure the congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept of this employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, i do not wish to make any profit of it. i will keep an exact account of my expenses: these, i doubt not, they will discharge; and that is all i desire." in a letter to mrs. washington, informing her of the great change thus made in his destiny, he deplores the hard necessity that makes it his duty to give up the sweet pleasures of home and her society; and exhorts her, in affectionate language, to bear up under their separation with cheerfulness and fortitude; at the same time giving her the gratifying assurance, that with her he could have more happiness at mount vernon in one month, than he could hope to find without her, were he to remain abroad seven times seven years. from the tone of this letter, she must readily have guessed that the place was not one of his own seeking. accordingly, on the st of june, general washington,--for so we must now call him,--having received his commission, set out to take command of the american army, then lying before boston, which, being occupied by the king's troops, was in a state of siege. a company of pennsylvania light-horse escorted him from philadelphia to new york, where he was received with all the honor due, not only to the high station he had been called to fill, but also to his exalted character and distinguished abilities. here he heard further particulars of the battle of bunker's hill, fought near boston a few days before. from new york, the general-in-chief proceeded to boston, and was greeted everywhere on the way with the greatest enthusiasm by the people, who came streaming in from all quarters to behold the man into whose keeping had been intrusted the destinies of america. thus, my dear children, i have brought you, step by step, up to that great event in washington's life when his character and actions were to be subjected to the gaze and scrutiny, not only of his own age and country, but of all ages to come, and of all the nations of christendom. xxvi. conclusion. here uncle juvinell paused, and, with a countenance of undisturbed sobriety, emptied his ninth mug. in justice, however, to the good man, this pattern of old-fashioned gentility, it must be borne in mind, that the mug was a dutch mug, and consequently a small one (as indeed are all things dutch, from clocks to cheeses); and also that, small as it was, he never more than half filled it, except once or twice in the course of an evening, when he would gird up his loins, as it were, with a brimmer to help him over some passage in his story of unusual knottiness and difficulty. willie (whose surname should have been fox or weasel or lynx), having heretofore divided his attention between what his uncle imparted and what he imbibed, had, by careful counting, discovered that the ninth mug invariably closed their evening lessons: so, without waiting for any further signal that such was now the case, he alertly bounced from his chair, and, snatching up a basket of big red apples that black daddy had just brought in and set on the hearth, began handing them round to the rest of the company with a great show of playing the polite and obliging, but taking care, when unobserved, to pick out the largest and mellowest one of them all for himself, and smuggle it under his coat-tail. when all were helped, he reset the basket on the hearth, and with a grand flourish, unmasking his royal red, opened wide his mouth, as if he would have bolted it whole: but, seeming to think better of it, he carefully laid it in uncle juvinell's mug, which it exactly filled, saying as he did so, "it goes to my heart to part with you; but only the king of historians is worthy to enjoy the queen of apples." then, plunging his hand into the basket, he snatched up another, hap-hazard, and began eating it with savage voracity, as if made reckless by this act of self-denial. re-seating himself as he had chosen his apple, hap-hazard, he missed his chair, and keeled over, bringing his heels in the air where his head should have been, and his head on the rug where the dog and cat were, and the half-munched plug in his mouth, plump into his windpipe, so as to almost strangle him out of his breeches, and cause his buttons to fly like grains from a corn-cob when thrown into a corn-sheller. of course, all the little folks fairly screamed with laughter, in which even uncle juvinell could not help joining right heartily: nor would he venture upon the broad wedge which he had cut out of his apple, till his chuckle was well ended; when he remarked, that "willie was one of the boys we read about." to which willie, picking himself up again, replied, that "he rather thought he was not, just then, but perhaps would be as soon as he could get back some of the breath he had lost, and gather up the buttons he had shed." then, drawing down his waistcoat from under his arm-pits to hide a breadth of white muslin not usually intended for the eyes of a mixed company, he reseated himself with such care and circumspection, that the middle seam of his breeches tallied exactly with the middle round of the chair-back, and began mincing and nibbling his apple delicately like a sheep, as if to show that he meant to profit by the lesson his fit of strangling had taught him. after a little while, when he saw that the children had had their fill of laughter and red apples, uncle juvinell wiped the blade of his knife with his bandanna, and said, "and now, my darlings, don't you think we are getting along swimmingly?" "swimmingly!" they all chimed in with one voice. "gloriously?" again inquired uncle juvinell. "gloriously!" cried all the children at once, as pat to their uncle's words as an echo to the sound. whereupon the old gentleman's spectacles shone with a lustre that was charming to see. in a moment after, however, bryce, the pugnacious urchin of ten, expressed himself a little disappointed that they had had so much building of forts, and digging and cutting of roads, and so much scouting and marching, and so much getting ready to fight, and yet withal so little downright fighting. "you quite forget, bryce, that affair of grant's defeat there at fort duquesne," said willie. "in my opinion, that was a very decent, respectable piece of bloodshed; and quite as good as braddock's disaster, as far as it goes." "how heartless you must be, willie, to speak so lightly of such horrible things!" exclaimed miss laura with a look of refined disgust. "to my mind, washington's courtship and wedding, and the pleasant life he led at mount vernon, are more entertaining than all your dismal battles." "and those charming barge-rides by moonlight," chimed in ella, "that the old virginia planters used to take when they visited each other up and down the potomac." "you are welcome to your courtships and your weddings and your boat-rides by moonlight," cried willie, turning up his nose; "but i would not have given a good fox-hunt with old lord fairfax for any of them: and what a glorious fellow washington must have been, with his fine horses and his fine dogs, and his jumping twenty-one feet seven inches at a bound!" "oh, willie! how can you be so wanting in respect as to call such a man as washington '_fellow_'?" exclaimed laura, with a look of pious horror. "i am astonished at you!" "but i said he was glorious; didn't i now, miss over-nice?" retorted willie. "your cousin laura, william, is quite right in what she says," observed uncle juvinell, with something like severity in his look and tone. "we should never speak of the good and great in other terms than those of esteem and reverence; for the effect of such a habit is to cultivate in ourselves those very qualities of mind and heart which make them worthy of our love and admiration." willie was somewhat abashed by this mild rebuke, and apologized in a dumb way by coughing a time or two behind his slate. "uncle," inquired ella, "is transcendentalism an art or a science?" "i think i can tell you what that is, ella," daniel made haste to put in; for he never let an opportunity slip of showing off what he knew to the best advantage. "i did not call upon you for information, mr. wiseacre," said ella, a little nettled at her brother's air of superior wisdom. "nevertheless," cried uncle juvinell, "let us listen, and be wise. come, give us the benefit of your knowledge, daniel, touching this important matter." "i overheard father say to you the other day," replied daniel, without hesitation, "that your transcendentalism, uncle, was an equal mixture of opium, moonshine, fog, and sick-man's dreams." "good! you have hit it exactly!" cried uncle juvinell; "and, to reward you for your diligence in picking up and storing away such precious bits of knowledge, i promise you for your next christmas present a gilt-edged copy of bunyan's 'pilgrim's progress.'" "i thank you very much, dear uncle," replied dannie; "but, if it makes no difference with you, i would prefer 'josephus' to 'bunyan.'" "certainly, certainly, my dear nephew; it shall be as you wish," replied uncle juvinell, a little provoked with himself for having been so thoughtless as to overlook the fact, that daniel, being a curly-headed, jewish boy, was not likely to be much interested in the ups and downs of good old christian's doleful pilgrimage. "tell me, uncle," cried john, who had an ear for rhyme, "what is meant by taxation, and legislation by representation, in a nation. is it sense, or only poetry?" "bad poetry, but mighty good sense, my little boy," replied uncle juvinell; "and, if you will be right attentive, i will endeavor to make clear to you what is meant thereby. in a popular form of government,--such as the one we live under,--the people tax themselves, and make laws for themselves, through persons chosen by themselves, and from among themselves, to serve for a certain term of months or years in our state legislatures or in our national congress, as the case may be. the persons whom the people thus authorize to tax them and make laws, or, as it is otherwise termed, to legislate for them, representing, as they do, the will, desires, and wants of the communities by whom they are chosen, are called representatives; and hence the phrase, 'taxation, and representation by legislation.'" "in a nation," added johnnie, by way of giving it a finish, and to show that it was all as clear as day to him. "yes, in a nation and a state too," rejoined uncle juvinell, with a merry twinkle in his eye. "will you have the kindness, uncle," said dannie, "to tell us the difference between a legislature and a congress and a parliament?" "in our own country," replied uncle juvinell, "a legislature is the law-making assembly of a state, and congress is the law-making assembly of the whole nation; while parliament is the great law-making or legislative assembly of great britain and ireland. the rules and regulations in all these bodies are quite similar; and, besides being vested with the power of laying taxes and making laws, they perform other services necessary to the safety and welfare of the state or nation. thus the old continental congress was composed of representatives from all the thirteen states, which entitled each, through its representation, to one vote, and to equal weight and influence with the rest, in the acts and deliberations of this assembly, no matter what may have been its size and population, whether large or small; nor what the number of its representatives, whether one or several." "and will you also tell me, uncle, wherein a convention differs from all these legislative assemblies?" said daniel, grappling manfully with the tall words, but staggering under them nevertheless. "simply not being legislative at all, as the term is now generally used in our country," replied uncle juvinell. "a convention is a body of men assembled together as representatives of a party or state or nation, for some special purpose, such as the formation of a new state constitution, or for making changes in an old one, or to give expression to the views and designs of a party, and to nominate candidates to the various offices of the government; which purpose being effected, they are dissolved, and cease to exist or to have any legal force." "and why, uncle, was the name 'continental' given to our first congress?" inquired willie. "to distinguish it from the congress of the several states, and as the one in which the common interest and welfare of all the states of the continent were represented," was uncle juvinell's reply; and then he added, "and hence the same term was applied to whatever belonged to the states conjointly, and grew out of their union or confederation. thus, for example, besides the continental congress, there was a continental army, raised, equipped, and supported at the joint expense of all the states, and subject in a great measure to the control of the continental congress. and there was the continental uniform, which was the uniform worn by an officer or a soldier of the continental army. and there was the continental currency, which was the paper-money issued and put into circulation by the continental congress, all the states unitedly holding themselves accountable for its redemption in specie; or, in other words, binding themselves, after having gained their independence as a nation, to take it back at the value specified thereon, and giving to those who held it gold and silver in exchange. but more of this in another place." "and what is a minister, uncle?" inquired laura. "and what is a commissioner, uncle?" chimed in ella. "and what is a revenue, uncle?" put in charlie. "and what is a remonstrance, uncle?" inquired bryce, following up the attack. "hold, you rogues! and one at a time!" cried uncle juvinell. "a minister, laura, in the sense in which we have been using the term, is a high officer of state, intrusted with the control and management of some office or department of the national government, such as that of the navy or war or treasury or commerce or foreign affairs. all the ministers, taken collectively, make up what is called the ministry; who, besides discharging the duties of their respective offices, are also expected to serve as counsellors to the king, and aid him in carrying out the measures of the government. a commissioner, ella, is an agent appointed and authorized by another, or a number of others, or a state, to transact some business of a private or public character, as the case may be. a revenue, charlie, is the income or yearly sum of money of a state, raised from taxes on the people or their property, from duties on foreign merchandise imported into the country, and from the sale of public lands and other sources, to meet the expenses of the government. a remonstrance, bryce, is a setting-forth in strong terms, either by writing or by word of mouth, the facts and reasons against something complained of or opposed, as unjust, unwise, or unadvisable." "i can't imagine," said daniel, with the air of one who had weighed well in his own mind a matter of importance, "what advantage to themselves or to the nation george the third and his ministers could have expected, when they laid those heavy taxes on their american colonies, then took from them the power to pay them by crippling their commerce and putting a stop to their manufactures; and it seems strange to me that englishmen could ever have denied to englishmen the rights and liberties of englishmen, without having something more to gain." here daniel broke down, and scratched his head; and uncle juvinell, with an approving, good-humored smile, replied, "those very questions, daniel, have puzzled many an older head than yours, and many a wiser head than mine; and, indeed, some of the most learned historians, who have written about these matters, have expressed themselves perplexed at this strange conduct of the king and his ministers, and have been able to account for it only on the supposition, that they were all, for the time being, bereft of their wits, and therefore rendered incapable of foreseeing the tremendous consequences of their unjust and ill-judged measures." much gratified at the interest the little folks had taken in such dry matters, and seeing that they had no more questions to put to him, and that some of the smaller ones were already nodding in their chairs, uncle juvinell, by way of winding up the evening's entertainment, concluded thus:-- "some of you, my dear children, have read how good christian, in his pilgrimage to the celestial city, went on sometimes sighingly, sometimes comfortably, until he came to the foot of a hill called difficulty, where he found three roads to choose between. the one to the right went around the bottom of the hill, and led into a wilderness of dark woods, out of which no one ever found his way again after venturing therein. the one to the left went likewise around the bottom of the hill, and led into a wilderness of dark mountains, which was even more difficult to escape from than the one to the right. but the middle road, which was narrow and straight, went right up the steep and flinty sides of the hill, and was the route that led direct to mount zion. not being the man to flinch from any difficulty, however great, good christian hesitated not a moment to choose the middle road; and accordingly he fell from running to walking, and from walking to going, and from going to clambering upon his hands and knees, till he had made his way to the top. here, as you must well remember, there met his view a stately palace called beautiful, kept by a company of prim, precise, proper, prudent, and pious maiden ladies, who gave our weary pilgrim a cordial but well-considered reception, and, besides admitting him to the hospitalities of the house gratis, entertained him with a variety of pleasing and edifying discourse. and you have not forgotten, either, how, when they had a clear morning, these discreet and well-ordered damsels, to reward him for the zeal and diligence with which he had heretofore pursued his journey, as well as to encourage him to still further effort, led him up to the top of their house, whence he might have a delightful view of the delectable mountains, far, far away. and you also still hear in mind, how poor christian must needs pass through the dismal vale of humiliation, and there meet in deadly fight the terrible monster apollyon; then through the valley and shadow of death, with all its doleful sights and sounds; then through the wicked city of vanity fair; then through the gloomy domains of doubting castle and giant despair,--all before he could hope to set foot on these delectable mountains of emanuel's land. "now, do you not see, my dear children, that not altogether unlike good christian's case, at this stage of his journey, is that of our own at this point of our story? but a little while ago we were trudging along, sometimes heavily, sometimes swimmingly, till by and by we reached the bottom of our hill difficulty; by which, of course, you understand me to mean the causes that brought about our revolutionary war. and here, had we gone to the right or the left, we should most assuredly have wandered into a wilderness of romance and brobdignagian wonders, among whose mazes we would have become entangled beyond all reasonable hope of escape. but our eyes were opened to our danger; and like good christian, by whose example we might profit oftener than we do, we knew in what direction lay our best interest, and were not to be enticed astray by the prospect of ease or novelty, nor turned back by flinty facts and rough realities. so straightway up the difficult hill we marched, lofty and steep as it was; and hardly left a stone unturned till we had scrambled to the top. this gained, we have felt it our privilege to halt and rest a while, and refresh ourselves with a little pleasing and edifying discourse, one with another, touching what we have seen or heard in the course of our journey. "we have thus surmounted the most tedious and difficult part of our story. but still there lies before us many a hard-fought battle, many an irksome siege, many a forlorn retreat, many a gloomy winter-camp, and many a season of doubt and discouragement, privation and dire calamity, through which we must pass before we can hope to set our weary feet on the delectable mountains of freemen's land, smiling invitingly beyond. but to reward you for the diligent attention with which you have followed me thus far, as well as to entice you to trudge on to the end, i will, from this elevated point, unfold to your view a glimpse of this glorious region, ere 'the war-clouds rolling dun' from the plains of lexington and the heights of bunker's hill have too much obscured our morning sky. "see yon land of shining mountains, stately forests, verdant dells, sun-bright rivers, sparkling fountains, healthful breezes, balmy smells, golden grain-fields, pleasant meadows, fruitful orchards, gardens fair, lasting sunshine, fleeting shadows! freedom dwells for ever there! hark! what song is that high swelling, like an anthem dropped from heaven, of some joyful tidings telling, some rich boon to mankind given? 'tis a happy people, singing thanks for freedom's victory won; valley, forest, mountain, ringing with one name,--great washington. through distress, through tribulation, through the lowering clouds of war, they have risen to be a nation: freedom shines, their morning-star. would we reach those realms of glory, would we join that righteous band, we must speed us in our story: come, let's on to freemen's land!" the next evening, the little folks, upon repairing to the library, found their uncle juvinell seated, as was his wont, cross-legged in his great arm-chair, looking with a fixed and absent gaze into 'the glowing embers of the fire,' as if his thoughts were far away. in his hand he held an open letter which he had just brought from the post-office, in the contents whereof, it was evident, he had found somewhat of a painful character; for a slight shadow had dimmed the brightness of his otherwise placid countenance. so rare a thing as that of a cloud on their good old uncle's sunny face caught their notice at once; and instead of gathering round him in their usual coaxing, teasing, bantering, frolicsome way, they seated themselves quietly on either hand, and awaited in respectful silence until he should rise to the surface of the deep brown-study into which he seemed to be plunged. but the longer he sat, the harder he looked at the fire, and the deeper he sank into his revery, till the little folks began to fear that it would be a full hour before he would reach the bottom and come up again. daniel, the young historian, sat watching his uncle's countenance with his sharp black eyes, expecting each moment to hear him break the silence with, "after the battle of bunker's hill;" or, "washington, upon his arrival at boston;" or something to that effect. but, last in his own thoughts, uncle juvinell still sat cross-legged in his arm-chair, and spoke not a word. at last, just by way of reminding him that a select and highly enlightened audience were in waiting to hear him, willie softly arose from his chair, and, filling the little dutch mug to the brim with rich brown cider, offered it to his uncle, with a forward duck of the head and a backward jerk of the heel, which he, no doubt, intended for a genteel bow. uncle juvinell took it; but set it again, with an absent air, untasted on the table. then, drawing his spectacles down from his forehead, he again perused the letter he held in his hand, with earnest attention, the shadow on his brow deepening as he read. when he had finished, he laid it on the table, and finally broke the long silence; his first words falling like ice-water on the ears of the little folks. "sad news for you, my dear children; sad news for us all! i have just received a letter from my old friend and kinsman, peter parley, of whom you have all heard so much, and to whom, for the many delightful books he has written, the younger generations of america are more indebted than perhaps to any man now living. in his letter he tells me, that, owing to his declining health, and increasing years, he has ceased his literary labors altogether, and betaken himself to new orleans, in whose milder climate he hopes he may, in some measure, recruit his failing powers. what he says in addition to this i will give you in his own words:-- "the effects of that unlucky fall on the ice, while crossing boston common, so many years ago, i have felt in my right hip, to a greater or less degree, ever since; and within the past year my lameness has so much increased as to have become a matter of much anxiety to my friends, and some uneasiness to myself. taking this in connection with the growing infirmities of age, i sometimes have a foreboding that i shall never return to boston alive. "under this impression, i now write you, my cousin juvinell, entreating you, as my nearest living kinsman and much-beloved friend, to come and see me at this place, and sojourn here with me, until, in the wisdom of a kind providence, it be determined whether my span of life is to be shortened or lengthened yet a little more. it will be a comfort to me to have you by my side at the closing scene; and it may be that your cheerful presence and sunny humor will do more to revive me than i can hope for even from this mild, pleasant louisiana air. "i know that your compliance with my request will for a season prove a serious interruption to the enjoyment of the little folks in your vicinity, whom you have taken under your wing, and to whose entertainment and instruction so much of your useful life is devoted. but they will, i am sure, without hesitation, make this sacrifice in behalf of one who has for many long years labored so hard and faithfully for their happiness and improvement. commend me kindly to them. hoping to see you at an early day, i remain, as ever, your affectionate friend and kinsman, "peter parley." uncle juvinell went on: "i am gratified, my dear children, to see in your grateful and sympathetic looks, saddened and disappointed though i know you really to be, that you are ready and willing to sacrifice what pleasure and entertainment my company and conversation may afford you, to the comfort and wishes of this venerated and excellent man. my going-away at this moment will, it is true, cause a sad interruption to our story of the life of washington; but next christmas, if we all be spared, and your uncle juvinell keep his memory fresh and green, we will gather together again in this very room, and take it up where we now drop it, and follow it through all its eventful changes to the glorious and happy end. meanwhile, ponder well in your minds what i have already told you of the childhood, youth, and early prime of this illustrious man. and after all, now that i give the matter a second thought, we could not have been interrupted at a more suitable place; for the account i have given up to this point needs scarcely a single important particular to make it a complete and separate story. we have followed him step by step, and seen how he rose, first from the boy-farmer to the youthful surveyor, from that to the young colonel, from that to the legislator of more mature years, and lastly from that to commander-in-chief of the armies of a young and rising nation. "the history of his career after this period is, in fact, so closely connected with that of his country, as to be altogether inseparable from it. "and again i repeat, ponder well in your minds what i have already told you, as being, after all, the part most necessary for you at present to know. ever strive to keep his example before your eyes, ever to cherish his virtues in your hearts. like him, be industrious in your habits, diligent in your studies, polite in your manners, orderly in your dress, peaceable in your disposition, upright in your dealings, faithful in your friendships, patient under trials, persevering under difficulties, strangers to covetousness, content with little, moderate with much, generous, self-denying, courageous in well-doing, pure in heart, devout in spirit, modest before men, reverent to your parents, respectful to your superiors, humble before god; and, like him, let the clear light of truth shine forth in all your words, in all your actions, in all your looks and gestures, in all your secret thoughts, and in your very souls. be all this, that men may reverence you, that angels may honor you, that god may bless and reward you." here uncle juvinell paused; and, as he looked round on the saddened faces of his little auditors, a moisture crept out softly upon his eyelashes, and dimmed the brightness of his spectacles. "it grieves me much, my dearest children," said he, after a moment or two,--and there was a tremor of deep fatherly feeling in his voice,--"it grieves me much, that our happy little circle must be broken up. it will be but for a season, however; and, when we meet again, we shall be happier than had we not parted at all. on monday, i take the stage-coach for louisville; and there i take the steamer 'eclipse' for new orleans. as it is a long journey i have before me, i must needs write many letters, and do a deal of packing, before setting out: so we will sing our evening hymn now, and separate for the night." then, joining their voices together, they sang that beautiful hymn, "though far away from friends and home." at the second line, however,--"a lonely wanderer i may roam,"--the little folks fairly broke down; their hearts rising into their throats from very grief, and choking their voices: but, with all the ease of a professed singing-master, uncle juvinell, though his heart was full too, glided at once from the lowest bass to the highest treble, which he carried alone, until some of the children, getting the better of their feelings, chimed in with him, when he softly dropped to the very bottom of his bass again. the hymn ended, the little folks came one by one, and, without speaking a word, embraced and kissed their dear old uncle, this best of men; he laying his gentle hand upon their bowed heads, and blessing them with more than his usual fervor. the end. =the masonic portrait of brother general george washington. original pastel portrait from life by william williams, philadelphia, september , painted at the request of alexandria lodge, no. , a. y. m., warranted by the grand lodge of pennsylvania, february , , now the alexandria-washington lodge, no. , a. f. & a. m. of virginia. reproduction from the unique copy in the museum of the r. w. grand lodge, f. & a. m. of pennsylvania. copyrighted by alexandria-washington lodge, no. , virginia, and printed by its permission.= washington's masonic correspondence as found among the washington papers in the library of congress compiled from the original records, under the direction of the committee on library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, with annotations. by julius f. sachse librarian, masonic temple philadelphia philadelphia entered according to act of congress in the year , in the office of the librarian of congress at washington, d. c., by j. henry williams, r.w.g.m. committee on library john wanamaker, _chairman_, samuel w. latta, norris s. barratt, harman yerkes, henry darrach, walter t. taggart. julius f. sachse, _librarian_. _an edition of one thousand copies has been printed, of which this is no._ press of the new era printing company lancaster, pa. =j. henry williams grand master - .= j. henry williams, r. w. grand master office of the r. w. grand master f. & a. masons in pennsylvania, masonic temple philadelphia, the position of eminence, the great respect and the profound reverence in which the name of washington is enshrined in the hearts of the american people, and particularly so, with the members of this fraternity, and of all true lovers of liberty and freedom wheresoever dispersed, is the reason, if any be needed, why everything relating to this great man and worthy brother should be preserved for the future generations, to be used by them as a guide, in the cultivation of those cardinal virtues of honor and integrity, that should ever characterize the conduct of a good man and a good mason. the collection and reproduction of the letters of brother washington, together with the text of this book, have been prepared under my supervision, and its publication is heartily approved. j. henry williams _grand master._ february , a.d. --a.l. . contents. page foreword the masonic correspondence of washington i correspondence with watson and cassoul ii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , iii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , iv correspondence with king david's lodge, no. , newport, r. i., v correspondence with st. john's lodge, no. , newbern, n. c., vi correspondence with prince george's lodge, no. , georgetown, s. c., vii correspondence with grand lodge of south carolina, viii correspondence with grand lodge of georgia, ix correspondence with grand lodge of pennsylvania, x correspondence with grand lodge of massachusetts, xi correspondence with grand lodge of pennsylvania, xii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, xiii correspondence with grand lodge of massachusetts, xiv correspondence with grand lodge of maryland, xv correspondence with g. w. snyder, xvi index illustrations page masonic portrait of washington _frontispiece_. j. henry williams, r. w. grand master iii washington's headquarters at newburgh on the hudson _facing page_ wise's tavern, alexandria, virginia " " moses michael hays (portrait) " " washington, (houdon portrait), " " mordecai gist, (portrait) " " residence of president washington in philadelphia " " fac-simile of address " " jonathan bayard smith, (portrait) " " rev. william smith, d.d., (portrait) " " mount vernon, - " " paul revere, (portrait) " " washington, (st. memin portrait), " " draft of letter to grand lodge of maryland _between pages_ - press copy of washington's letter to g. w. snyder, september , " " - press copy of letter, october , " " - foreword washington's masonic correspondence as found among the washington papers in the manuscript department of the library of congress, affords an insight of the great esteem in which washington held the masonic fraternity, of which since his early days he had been an honored member. this is further shown by his great courtesy to the brethren, in his replies to their addresses, no matter whether they were from a grand or subordinate lodge. in this collection, were also found some of the original drafts of washington's replies, together with copies of the various masonic addresses and letters to him, and in the case of dominie snyder, press copies of his answers. in the present work an attempt has been made to group this matter together in chronological order, also to show some of the surroundings and conditions under which this correspondence was made, and of the brethren who were prominent in the presentation of these eleven addresses, which came to him from seven of the thirteen colonies. a complete set of photostatic fac-similes of these documents in the library of congress, has been secured for the museum of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. efforts were also made to obtain photographic copies of such of the washington masonic letters as were still in existence, which were successful except in two instances as noted in the text. it will be noted that on april , , washington, while master of his lodge, was inaugurated president of the united states; this is the only instance where one of the fourteen presidents, who were members of our fraternity was a master of a lodge during their term as president. the esteem in which washington held the masonic fraternity, is shown by the fact, that in almost every case he had both the address and his reply, copied upon opposite pages of one of his folio letter-books, now in the library of congress. these copies are respectively in the handwriting of washington's private secretaries, viz:--major william jackson: tobias lear: bartholomew dandridge and g. w. craik. in addition to the above copies we have washington's original drafts of his letters to watson and cassoul, to the grand lodges of massachusetts, south carolina, and maryland, to paul revere, and as before stated press copies of his answers to mr. snyder. a perusal of these original documents, as here presented, affords an excellent illustration of the _entente cordiale_, which existed between washington and his masonic brethren. upon the other hand, how the masonic fraternity, during washington's lifetime, venerated their august brother, is shown by the addresses of this correspondence as retained by washington. also by the various masonic memorial services held, after washington's death, the chief of which was in philadelphia, under the auspices of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. the masonic services held in every state of the union, the many eulogies and sermons delivered and printed are matters of history. how this veneration of the great washington continued during the past years, is shown by the fact that there are no less than masonic lodges in the united states, named after the illustrious brother. this is independent of the numerous royal arch chapters, commanderies, and other masonic bodies, that bear the name "washington." washington lodges are found in thirty-eight of the forty-eight states of the american union. the other ten states, which thus far have no "washington lodge" within their jurisdiction, are mississippi and texas, together with the newer western states lately admitted into the american union, viz:--nevada, north dakota, montana, idaho, wyoming, utah, new mexico and arizona. in addition to the fifty-three washington lodges, there is also one each in canada, the island of cuba and the district of columbia. in the masonic fraternity throughout the world, the name of washington is ever kept in remembrance, as one of the brightest luminaries in the masonic constellation, one of the most prominent examples, being his full length oil portrait in masonic clothing in the hall of the grand lodge of england at london. acknowledgments are due to the hon. herbert putnam, librarian of congress, for placing these documents at the disposal of the writer, and giving permission to have photostat copies made of same; also to j. henry williams, esq., r. w. grand master of masons in pennsylvania and masonic jurisdiction thereunto belonging, for suggestions and encouragement in the preparation of this work. julius f. sachse. philadelphia, february , a.d. --a.l. . the masonic correspondence of washington much has been written pro and con about washington and his connection with the masonic fraternity. thus far no complete set of his masonic writings have been compiled or published. such portions as have been printed were fragmentary, and issued for what may be called local purposes. how careful washington was of his masonic correspondence is shown by the fact that he had copies made, in his private letter books, of most all letters sent him by the various masonic grand and subordinate bodies, and his answers thereto, usually upon opposite pages. he thus had both the addresses and his reply at hand for easy reference. this fact shows the esteem in which washington held his brethren of the masonic fraternity, as well as his own opinion of freemasonry. these letter-books are now in the library of congress, and photostat copies of such as relate to freemasonry have been made for the library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. as to the authenticity of the washington letter books, and how they came into the possession of the united states government is explained by the following statement by mr. galliard hunt, chief manuscript division, library of congress:[ ] "they are a part of the washington papers in "the government's possession, purchased from the "washington family, one lot in and the re- "mainder in , and deposited in the department "of state until , when, by the president's order, "they were sent to this library. they range in date "from to . some of them are partly "or wholly in washington's hand-writing, and others "in the writing of his secretaries and their clerks. "there are no volumes of press copies, but there are "some press copies among the papers." washington in writing his answer to the various greetings, in most cases would first make a rough copy of his reply, then digest, alter, correct or change such parts or sentences as he thought proper. then after deliberate consideration, a fair copy would be made either by washington or one of his secretaries and signed by him, and sent to the masonic bodies for which they were intended. fortunately some of the original drafts of these masonic letters have come down to us; thus far five autographic copies have been found among the washington papers in the library of congress at washington. . draft of letter written at newburg, new york, august , , to watson and cassoul of nantes, france, thanking them for the masonic apron, embroidered by the nuns at nantes, and which is now in possession of alexandria-washington lodge, no. , at alexandria, virginia. . to the grand lodge of massachusetts. . to the grand lodge of pennsylvania. . to the grand lodge of south carolina. . to the grand lodge of maryland; this draft is a two-page letter written upon a letter sheet and shows many changes and corrections; it is dated . in addition to the above original drafts there were found several addresses and the accompanying answers, which thus far have never been published, in fact no mention of them has ever appeared in print, viz:-- . an address from the grand lodge of georgia, together with washington's reply. . a letter to paul revere, grand master of massachusetts and his grand officers. . an address from the brethren of prince george's lodge, no. , georgetown, south carolina, presented to president washington during his visit to south carolina, april , , also his reply to same. . an address from the brethren of st. john's lodge, no. , of newbern, north carolina, and the reply to same. photostat copies of the above have also been obtained which make the most complete collection of the masonic correspondence of washington which has thus far been compiled. a careful study of this correspondence so carefully cherished by washington puts an entirely new phase upon washington's connection with the masonic fraternity, and his esteem of freemasonry. these papers absolutely thrust aside all of the statements, arguments and libels, brought forth by our misguided enemies at the time of the anti-masonic craze during the last century, and in a small way kept alive even down to the present day by some people who are blinded by their ignorance or malice. referring to some of their published statements that washington never belonged to the masonic fraternity, and that there were no authentic masonic letters nor copies thereof among his records so frequently made during the political anti-masonic craze, which swept over new england and the middle states about eighty-five years ago, the following quotations from the masonic literature of the period will prove interesting examples. one of the chief statements made by these people, and brought before all their conventions and heralded in the public prints was: "that though general washington caused to be carefully copied in books kept for that purpose, all his letters on every subject, no trace whatever of any of the five letters under consideration,[ ] nor any letters to any other lodge or masonic body whatever, are to be found among the records of his correspondence."[ ] the chief authority upon whom the leaders of the anti-masonic movement at that time depended in their defamation of washington, was jared sparks of boston, who at the time was engaged writing a life of washington, and then had access to all the washington letter-books and papers, and from his connection with the washington correspondence, was supposed to be the best qualified to pass upon their authenticity. another of the charges made by the anti-masonic bigots whose chief object was to controvert facts was: "that although washington was _extremely scrupulous_ in preserving his correspondence with all public or private bodies, there is not a line of his _relating to freemasonry_, to be found among all his papers, except the correspondence with mr. snyder![ ] it is also a fact, that washington was equally scrupulous in dating his letters, and it is believed that not one can be found, which is without a date."[ ] it appears that the chairman of a committee of citizens of boston called upon the officers of the grand lodge of massachusetts to submit their two washington letters to jared sparks for his inspection. this the grand officers refused to do. in return sparks sent the following letter to the chairman: "boston, february , . "_sir_,--i received this morning your letter of the th instant, in which you inquire: "whether i have yet seen or had in my possession any original letter or letters, in the hand writing of general washington, addressed to any body of men denominating themselves freemasons. "in reply, i can only state that i have seen no letters from general washington of the kind described in yours, nor received any communication on the subject, either verbal or written.[ ] "i am, sir, "very respectfully, "your ob't servant, "jared sparks." how sparks could have overlooked the numerous entries in the letter books whose numbers and folios are here quoted, also the drafts of replies in washington's hand-writing and signed by him (copies of which are here given in this work), can only be accounted for by the fact that he must have been carried away by the political excitement of the day. washington's connection with the masonic fraternity has been exhaustively traced by brother james m. lamberton, past master of perseverance lodge, no. , in his address "washington as a freemason," from the day of his entrance into fredericksburg lodge, no. , of virginia, september , , until the day of his death, december , , before the grand lodge of pennsylvania, at its celebration of the sesqui-centennial anniversary of the initiation of brother george washington into the fraternity of freemasons,[ ] held in the masonic temple, in the city of philadelphia on wednesday, november , . it must also be remembered that washington made a public profession of his membership in philadelphia, monday, december , , when he walked in procession with his brethren of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, from the college at fourth and arch streets to christ church on second street above market street, philadelphia, where, after a prayer by rev. william white, a sermon was preached for the "[benefit of the poor] by appointment of and before | the general communication | of | free and accepted | masons | of the | state of pennsylvania, | on monday, december , , | celebrated, agreeable to their constitution, | as the anniversary of | st. john the evangelist, | by william smith, d.d., | provost of the college and academy of philadelphia." | this sermon was printed and dedicated to brother washington and a copy sent to him, which was bound with other pamphlets in a volume lettered "masonic sermons," and is so mentioned in the inventory of his estate and now in the boston athenæum.[ ] at this service over four hundred pounds were collected for the relief of the poor. rev. brother william smith, d.d., preached a number of masonic sermons in pennsylvania, delaware and maryland; three of which delivered at the request of the grand lodge of pennsylvania were printed, viz.: _sermon ._--on brotherly love, &c. preached on the anniversary of st. john the baptist, june , , _sermon ._--preached on monday, december , , celebrated as the anniversary of st. john the evangelist. with an appendix on the character of lucius quintius cincinnatus, _sermon ._--preached before the grand lodge of communication, on st. john the baptist's day, june , . original copies of the above are in the library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. rev. brother smith reprinted the above in a volume of sermons with the following note:[ ] "n. b. the above three sermons were preached at the request of the grand lodge of communication, for pennsylvania, and contains in substance all that the author thinks it necessary to bequeath to the brotherhood, by way of sermons, preached at different times and in sundry of the neighboring states, during years past." by referring to the following letters and documents it is shown that washington's interest in freemasonry and the fraternity continued until the time of his death. these documents cover the period from to . as these copies in our possession are photostat fac-similes of the original documents in the library of congress, there can never be any question of correctness or of their authenticity. the finding and collating of this material will settle for all time to come the question of washington's connection with the ancient fraternity, and his opinion and esteem of freemasonry. the earliest record we have of any masonic body proposing a masonic address to general washington, was the resolution offered in king david's lodge, no. , at newport, rhode island, during washington's visit to newport in march, , while the french army under rochambeau was quartered there. washington arrived in newport on the sixth of march and remained there until the thirteenth, when he left for providence by way of bristol. it was in anticipation of this visit that the brethren of king david's lodge, of which brother moses michael hays[ ] was worshipful master, that a masonic greeting to general washington was proposed. the following entry from the old minute book of the lodge will explain why the project failed to materialize. =moses m. hays w. m. king david's lodge, no. , newport, r. i., - . grand master of masons in massachusetts, - .= extract from the records of king david's lodge. "regular lodge night, held at the house of mr. james tew, wednesday evening, the th february, . . "a motion being made that as our worthy brother, his excellency general washington, was daily expected amongst us, a committee should be appointed to prepare an address in behalf of the lodge, to present him. voted, that the right worshipful master (moses michael hays) together with brothers seixas, peleg clark, john handy, and robert elliot, be a committee for that purpose, and that they present the same to this lodge at their next meeting for their approbation." "at a lodge held by request of the right worshipful master, feb. th, . , "the committee appointed to draught an address to our worthy brother, his excellency general washington, report, that on inquiry they find general washington not to be a grand master of north america; as was supposed, nor even master of any particular lodge. they are, therefore, of opinion that this lodge would not choose to address him as a private brother at the same time, think it would not be agreeable to our worthy brother to be addressed as such. "voted, that the report of the committee be received, and that the address be entirely laid aside for the present."[ ] now as to the cause for this uncertainty how to address brother washington, it will be recalled that just at that time, the proposition sent out by the grand lodge of pennsylvania nominating general washington as grand master of all the colonies, was then before the various grand bodies, but did not find favor in new england, in fact the grand lodge of massachusetts was the chief objector, and finally defeated the scheme to elect washington the grand master general.[ ] the means of intercourse between the different masonic bodies at that early day were so limited and uncertain that it offers a clear explanation for the uncertainty under which the brethren of king david's lodge, no. , at newport labored at that time. during the anti-masonic craze in the last century, the above minute was extensively used by the political leaders of the anti-masonic party to strengthen their claim that washington had never presided over any masonic lodge. following is a complete list of the washington masonic correspondence, thus far found among the washington papers in the library of congress. draft of letter to watson and cassoul, nantes, france, august , . letter to alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, december , . address from king david's lodge, no. , rhode island, august , , and washington's reply. address from st. john's lodge, no. , newbern, north carolina, april , , and his reply. address from prince george's lodge (moderns) georgetown, south carolina, april , , and his reply. draft of reply to grand lodge of south carolina, may , . address from grand lodge of georgia, may , , and his reply. address from grand lodge of pennsylvania, march, , and his reply. address of the grand lodge of massachusetts, december , , and his reply. address from grand lodge of pennsylvania, december , , and his reply. address from alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, april , , and his reply. letter to paul revere and grand officers, april , . draft of letter to grand lodge of massachusetts in reply to an address, april . draft of a reply to an address from the grand lodge of maryland, november , . letter from g. w. snyder to washington, august , . washington's reply to snyder, september , . washington's reply to snyder's letter of october , . =elkanah watson b. plymouth, mass., january , , d. at port kent, n. y., december , , who, together with his partner cassoul, presented to washington a masonic apron made by the nuns at nantes, france. now in the possession of alexandria-washington lodge, no. , virginia.= footnotes: [ ] letter to julius f. sachse from manuscript division, december , --in library of grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] the letters referred to by the anti-masons were the one to king david's lodge at newport, two to the grand lodge of massachusetts, and one to charleston, s. c., and to the grand lodge of pennsylvania. the above five masonic letters were all that were known to the anti-masons at that time. [ ] "vindication | of | general washington | from the stigma | of adherence to | secret societies | by | joseph ritner | governor of the commonwealth of pennsylvania, | communicated | by | request of the house of representatives, to that body,| on the th of march, ." this address during the anti-masonic period was regarded as an important state paper. [ ] letter press copies of the snyder letters were retained by washington. photostat copies of same are in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] "proceedings of the third state anti-masonic convention, of massachusetts, worcester, ," p. . [ ] vindication of washington before quoted, p. . [ ] the ancient minute book and ledger of fredericksburg lodge, no. , in virginia, of which we have a photostat, is still in possession of the lodge, showing that "george washington was entered november , , and on november , paid for his entrance £ . . , march , , george washington was passed to fellow-craft; august , , george washington was raised master mason." [ ] catalogue of washington collection in boston athenæum, boston, , p. . [ ] cf. "works of william smith, d.d.," philadelphia, , vol. ii, pp. - , also "life and correspondence of rev. william smith, d.d.," philadelphia, , vol. ii, p. . _et seq._ [ ] for an exhaustive sketch of brother moses michael hays, see _the american freemason_, vol. v, p. . [ ] "newport, ss. newport, august th, a.d. . i certify that the extracts taken from the records of king david's lodge, newport, contained in the above and three foregoing pages, have been by me compared with the minutes contained in two books purporting and appearing to be the original records of said lodge, and found to be true and accurate copies of the same. "quid attestor, "geo. c. mason. _"jus. peace and pub. not'y."_ cf. "anti-masonic republican convention of massachusetts held at worcester, september - , ," p. . [ ] for a full account of this episode, see "freemasonry in pennsylvania," barratt and sachse, philadelphia, , vol. , chapter xii; "washington as general grand master," p. _et seq._ i correspondence with watson & cassoul, nantes, france, august, . the earliest letter of general george washington of masonic import known is the one written while in camp at newburgh in new york, dated state of new york, august , , to the firm of watson and cassoul in nantes, france, in which his friend, brother elkanah watson was the chief partner, thanking the firm for the masonic apron and ornaments sent him from nantes, france. this apron is now in the possession of the alexandria-washington lodge, no. , at alexandria, virginia. elkanah watson in his memoirs states:[ ] "wishing to pay some mark of respect to our beloved washington, i employed, in conjunction with my friend m. cossoul, nuns in one of the convents at nantes to prepare some elegant masonic ornaments, and gave them a plan for combining the american and french flags on the apron designed for this use. they were executed in a superior and expensive style. we transmitted them to america, accompanied by an appropriate address." by the above extract is shown beyond all doubt the error in the statement so repeatedly made, that the apron at alexandria is the one made by the marquise de lafayette, and presented to washington by general lafayette, during his visit to mount vernon in , and the one in the museum of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, that of watson and cassoul.[ ] following letter was sent to washington, together with the masonic apron and "ornaments," by messrs. watson and cassoul, from france under date "east of nantes," d st month, .[ ] "to his excellency, general washington, america. "_most illustrious and respected brother:_ "in the moment when all europe admire and feel the effects of your glorious efforts in support of american liberty, we hasten to offer for your acceptance a small pledge of our homage. zealous lovers of liberty and its institutions, we have experienced the most refined joy in seeing our chief and brother stand forth in its defence, and in defence of a newborn nation of republicans. "your glorious career will not be confined to the protection of american liberty, but its ultimate effect will extend to the whole human family, since providence has evidently selected you as an instrument in his hands, to fulfill his eternal decrees. "it is to you, therefore, the glorious orb of america, we presume to offer masonic ornaments, as an emblem of your virtues. may the grand architect of the universe be the guardian of your precious days, for the glory of the western hemisphere and the entire universe. such are the vows of those who have the favor to be by all the known numbers." "your affectionate brothers, "watson & cassoul." "east of nantes, d st month, ." =washington's headquarters newburgh-on-the-hudson where the watson and cassoul letter was written, august, .= owing to the uncertain intercourse between the two countries, it was almost seven months before brother washington received the masonic apron, ornaments and letter from france. he at that time was in camp with the army at newburg on the hudson.[ ] in reply washington sent the following autograph letter to the donors in nantes, viz.: "state of new york "augt th . "gentn. "the masonick ornamts "which accompanied your bro- "therly address of the d of "jany last, tho' elegant in "themselves, were rendered "more valuable by the flattering "sentiments, and affectionate "manner, in which they were "presented.-- "if my endeavours to "avert the evil, with which this "country was threatned by a "deliberate plan of tyranny, "should be crowned with the suc "cess that is wished--the praise "is due to the _grand architect_ "of the universe; who did not see "fit to suffer his superstructures "and justice, to be subjected to the "ambition of the princes of this "world, or to the rod of oppression, "in the hands of any power upon "earth.-- "for your affectionate "vows, permit me to be grateful; "--and offer mine for true brothers "in all parts of the world; and "to assure you of the sincerity "with which i am "yrs "go. washington" "messrs "watson & cosson[ ] "east of nantes" this autograph letter from washington to messrs. watson and cassoul is now in the possession of the grand lodge of new york, who purchased it from a member of the watson family in the year or at a cost of approximately $ , , and is now framed and secured between two sheets of glass in the collection of the committee of antiquities of the grand lodge f. & a. m. of new york.[ ] it is written upon two pages of an ordinary letter sheet, and was a copy of one written by washington, with which he was not entirely satisfied, as shown by the changes made in the text before it was sent to france. the first copy washington retained, and is now in the library of congress, and is here given for comparison, viz: "state of new york, "augt th . "_gentn._, "the masonick orna- "ments which accompanied your "brotherly address of the d. "of the first month, tho' elegant "in themselves, were rendered "more valuable by the flattering "sentiments, and affectionate "manner, in which they were "offered.-- "if my endeavours to "avert the evil, with which "this country was threatned, by "a deliberate plan of tyranny, "should be crowned with the "success that is wished--the "praise is due to the _grand "architect_ of the universe; who see fit to "who did not ^ suffer his superstruc "tures & justice, to be subjected ambition of the princes of this world--or "to the ^ rod of oppression, in the "hands of any power upon earth. "for your affectionate "vows, permit me to be grateful; "and offer mine for true brothers "in all parts of the world; and "to assure you of the sincerity "with which i am, "yrs. "go. washington" endorsed to "messrs. watson & "cosson--nantes " th augt ." =fac-simile of the original draft of washington's letter to watson and cassoul, new york, august , .= a photographic fac-simile of the letter now in new york, and a photostat of the original copy retained by washington are in the collection of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. the firm of watson and cassoul of nantes, france, acted as confidential agents of the american government during the revolutionary period, as is shown by their correspondence with benjamin franklin in the franklin mss. collection of the american philosophical society.[ ] elkanah watson was also a bearer of despatches to dr. franklin. footnotes: [ ] "men and times of the revolution, or memoirs of elkanah watson," new york, , pp. , . [ ] cf. "proceedings grand lodge of new york," , p. . [ ] "memoirs of elkanah watson," p. . [ ] cf. "itinerary of general washington from june , , to december , ," by william s. baker, philadelphia, , p. . [ ] it will be noted that on both the draft and letter, washington spells the name cassoul--"cosson." [ ] catalogue of antiquities and curios, grand lodge f. & a. m., new york, class j, no. , new york, . [ ] cf. "calendar of the papers of benjamin franklin in the library of the american philosophical society," edited by i. minis hays, volume v, p. . ii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, december, . the next masonic letter of brother washington of which we have any knowledge is the one written in answer to a letter sent him, upon his return to civil life by the brethren of lodge no. , on the register of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, which met at alexandria, virginia. december , , general washington presented himself to "the united states in congress assembled," at annapolis, maryland, and resigned his commission that he had received on june , , as commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states. upon christmas eve he returned to mount vernon, whereupon the brethren at alexandria, who, it must be remembered, were working under a pennsylvania warrant, at once sent the following address signed by the officers of lodge no. , to brother washington at mount vernon,[ ] viz.: "_sir_: whilst all denominations of people bless the happy occasion of your excellency's return to enjoy private and domestic felicity, permit us, sir, the members of lodge no. , lately established in alexandria, to assure your excellency, that we, as a mystical body, rejoice in having a brother so near us, whose preeminent benevolence has secured the happiness of millions; and that we shall esteem ourselves highly honored at all times your excellency shall be pleased to join us in the needful business." "we have the honor to be, in the name and behalf of no. , your excellency's "devoted friends and brothers, "robert adam, m. "e. c. dick, s. w. "j. allison, j. w. "wm. ramsay, _treas._" "his excellency general washington." two days later brother washington sent following reply,[ ] viz.: "mount vernon th decr. . "_gentlemen_: "with pleasing sensibility "i received your favor of the th, and "beg leave to offer you my sincere thanks "for the favorable sentiments with "which it abounds.-- "i shall always feel pleasure "when it may be in my power to ren- "der service to lodge nº , and in "every act of brotherly kindness to the "members of it; being with great truth. "your affecte brother "and obedt servant "go. washington" "robt adam esqr master, "& the wardens & treasr "of lodge nº ." no copy of either address nor reply of this correspondence has thus far been found among the washington papers in the library of congress, by the present writer. brother robert adam, the master of alexandria lodge, no. , was a son of the rev. john adam, d.d., and janet campbell, of kelbride, scotland, was born may , ; he emigrated to america in , and, after a short residence at annapolis, md., established himself at a pleasant country residence in fairfax county, virginia, about four miles from alexandria. he was a gentleman of refined taste, cultivation and wealth, and interested himself in everything that could promote the prosperity of his adopted home. =washington's reply to alexandria lodge, no. . original in alexandria-washington lodge, no. , alexandria, virginia.= it appears that during his residence at annapolis, he was made a mason in a clandestine or irregular lodge, and in the year applied for a dispensation from the grand master of pennsylvania, to apply to lodge no. , for initiation and membership. brother dr. elisha cullen dick, senior warden of lodge no. , was a native of pennsylvania, born near marcus hook, in delaware county, about , and died at alexandria, va., september , . he was a son of archibald dick, a member of lodge no. at philadelphia, and joined the same lodge, september , .[ ] brother elisha c. dick was a graduate of the old pequea academy, and of the college of pennsylvania. he began the study of medicine under drs. william shippen and benjamin rush. after graduating he settled in alexandria, va., and at once became active in masonic circles in that city, and was instrumental in having the petition presented to the grand lodge of pennsylvania for a warrant, which was granted under the name and number "alexandria lodge no. ." upon the records of the lodge, brother dick appears as both predecessor and successor of brother washington as master. brother dick was the first consulting physician in washington's last illness, and also conducted the masonic services at washington's funeral on december , . a biography of dr. dick is in the library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. brother john allison, the junior warden of lodge no. , had served as major in the st virginia state regiment, and later as lieutenant colonel. brother william ramsay, treasurer of lodge no. , was an old personal friend of washington. for a history of alexandria lodge, no. , warranted by the grand lodge of pennsylvania, february , , which was constituted on the second floor of a large three-story frame building, known as the "lamb tavern," on the twenty-fifth of february, , the masonic student is referred to "old masonic lodges of pennsylvania," philadelphia, , chapter xlvi, pp. - . this tavern was situated on the west side of union street, between prince and duke streets, alexandria, the site of which is now known as no. south union street.[ ] footnotes: [ ] cf. "old masonic lodges of pennsylvania--moderns and ancients," julius f. sachse, philadelphia, , vol. ii, p. . also _vide_ "washington the man and the mason," by charles h. callahan, published under the auspices of the "memorial temple committee of the george washington masonic national memorial association," washington, d. c., . [ ] original among washington relics in alexandria-washington lodge, no. , alexandria, virginia. fac-simile in washington collection of grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] elisha c. dick's petition was presented in lodge no. , september , , approved and entered by virtue of a dispensation from the grand master, september ; passed and raised, september . "freemasonry in pennsylvania," vol. i, pp. , . [ ] cf. "the lodge of washington," by f. l. brocket, alexandria, va., . iii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, june, . the next washington letter of masonic import in chronological order is his reply to an invitation to join the brethren of alexandria lodge, no. , in the celebration of st. john the baptist's day, june , , to which washington sent the following reply, accepting the fraternal invitation. "mount vernon, june , .[ ] "_dear sir_: with pleasure, i received the invita- tion of the master and members of lodge no. , to dine with them on the approaching anniversary of st. john the baptist. if nothing unforeseen at present interferes, i will have the honor of doing it. for the polite and flattering terms in which you have expressed their wishes, you will please accept my thanks." "with esteem and respect, "i am, dear sir, "your most ob't serv't "go. washington" "wm. herbert, esquire." =place of meeting of alexandria lodge, no. , on pennsylvania register, alexandria virginia, where general washington accepted honorary membership, june , .= no copy of this invitation nor acceptance, has thus far been found among the washington papers. the original of this letter is also said to be among the relics of alexandria-washington lodge, no. . as no fac-simile copy was obtainable, an engrossed copy for same was substituted in the collection of grand lodge of pennsylvania. this banquet was held at wise's tavern[ ] and was participated in by washington, who upon this festive occasion was elected an honorary member of lodge no. , upon the pennsylvania register, and thus became a pennsylvania freemason, and his name is duly recorded as such upon the minutes of lodge no. . this fact further contradicts the anti-masonic arguments based upon the snyder letter so extensively used during the years - , that washington never belonged to any masonic lodge, after his initiation in the fredericksburg lodge in . the above note as recorded upon the minutes of alexandria lodge, no. , shows that washington was in complete harmony with the masonic fraternity; further, that by his acceptance of membership, washington became a pennsylvania mason. among the cherished relics in the alexandria lodge, there is none more valuable than the masonic portrait of brother washington, which forms the frontispiece of this volume. this was painted from life in pastel, by william williams, at philadelphia in . in the year a fac-simile of this portrait was made in oil by miss fanny m. burke, an artist of repute, and a great-granddaughter of thomas jefferson. this replica made for the grand lodge of pennsylvania is the only one ever made of this portrait and shows brother washington as a man and mason, neither heroized nor idealized.[ ] =george washington by jean antoine houdon, .= footnotes: [ ] "washington and his masonic compeers," by sidney hayden, new york, , p. . [ ] john wise's tavern, in which the above masonic banquet was held, is a large three-story brick building still standing on high ground at the northeast corner of cameron and fairfax streets, alexandria. at that time it had an unobstructed view of the potomac. [ ] _vide_ "abstract of proceedings of the proceedings grand lodge of pennsylvania, during the year ," pp. - . iv correspondence with king david's lodge, no. , rhode island, august, . the next correspondence in chronological order is the letter, sent in reply to the address delivered by the brethren of king david's lodge, no. , at newport, rhode island, to president washington, august , , during his visit to new england. by referring to the minutes of this old lodge following entry is found: "at a lodge, called by request of several breth- "ren on tuesday evening, august , , an "entered apprentice lodge being opened in due "form proceeded to business, when it was proposed "to address the president of the united states. "the r. w. master (moses seixas) henry sher- "burne, and the secretary, [william littlefield] "were appointed a committee for that purpose, "after which the lodge closed."[ ] following address was prepared and according to local tradition was publicly presented, by the committee to president washington, in the venerable sanctuary of the jewish congregation at newport; the brethren of king david's lodge being present: "to george washington, _president of the united states of america._ "we the master, wardens, and brethren of "king david's lodge in new port rhode island "with joyful hearts embrace this opportunity to "greet you as a brother, and to hail you welcome "to rhode island. we exult in the thought that "as masonry has always been patronised by the "wise, the good, and the great, so that it stood "and ever will stand, as its fixtures are on the "immutable pillars of faith, hope, and charity. "with unspeakable pleasure we gratulate "you as filling the presidential chair with the "applause of a numerous and enlightened people "whilst at the same time we felicitate ourselves "in the honor done the brotherhood by your many "exemplary virtues and emanations of goodness "proceeding from a heart worthy of possessing "the ancient mysteries of our craft; being persuaded "that the wisdom and grace with which heaven "has endowed you, will square all your thoughts, "words, and actions by the eternal laws of honor, "equity, and truth, so as to promote the advancement "of all good works, your own happiness, and that "of mankind. "permit us then, illustrious brother, "cordially to salute you with three times three "and to add our fervent supplications that the "sovereign architect of the universe may always "encompass you with his holy protection. "moses seixas[ ] _master_ "new port augt , . _committee_. "hy sherburne "by order "wm littlefield, _secy._" brother moses seixas was born in new york, march , ; died in new york city, november , . he was a merchant in newport, rhode island, and one of the founders of the newport bank of rhode island, of which he was cashier until his death. he succeeded brother moses m. hays as worshipful master of king david's lodge at newport. he was also the first grand master of the grand lodge of rhode island. it was moses seixas who addressed a letter of welcome in the name of the jewish congregation to george washington when the latter visited newport, and it was to him that washington's answer was addressed. the town hall at newport being out of repair at that time the ancient jewish synagogue on the main street was used, upon that and several other public occasions. it is an interesting fact that this sacred edifice is still preserved in the same condition as it was during the colonial period. so far as known this address was the first of masonic import made to washington as president. unfortunately, the exact date of presentation and receipt of his answer is not known to a certainty, as there does not appear to be any date upon either the original documents or the copies in washington's letter book. the original address and washington's reply to the master, wardens and brethren of king david's lodge in newport, the latter signed in autograph by washington, are in the athenæum collection at boston, massachusetts.[ ] following copy of the president's answer is taken from his letter book.[ ] both address and answer in the letter book are in the handwriting of major william jackson, secretary to the president. a photostat of the original entry is in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. it will be noted that there is neither place nor date given. =fac-simile of reply to king david's lodge, no. , newport, r. i. letter book ii, folio .= president washington arrived at newport, r.i., at eight o'clock on tuesday morning, august , . on the next day, wednesday, the president and his suite left on the packet "hancock" at nine o'clock in the morning for providence. his company consisted of governor clinton of new york, thomas jefferson, secretary of state, senator theodore foster, judge blair, mr. smith of south carolina and mr. gorman of new hampshire; members of congress.[ ] washington left providence, saturday, august , and arrived in new york upon the following day, sunday, august , ,[ ] and sent the following reply to the newport brethren: "to the master, wardens, and brethren of "king davids lodge in newport rhode island." "_gentlemen_, "i receive the welcome which you "give me to rhode island with pleasure, and i "acknowledge my obligations for the flattering "expressions of regard, contained in your address, "with grateful sincerity. "being persuaded that a just "application of the principles, on which the masonic "fraternity is founded, must be promotive of "private virtue and public prosperity, i shall "always be happy to advance the interests of "the society, and to be considered by them as "a deserving brother. "my best wishes, gentlemen, "are offered for your individual happiness."[ ] "go. washington" =fac-simile of notice sent to brother washington at mount vernon to attend his lodge. treasured by the wife of president madison until her death. original in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. mss. vol. a, folio .= footnotes: [ ] a copy of the extracts from the records of king david's lodge, no. , as made by ara hildreth, esq., is in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, mss. volume q, r.i. . cf. also a verified copy of the minute in "proceedings of the anti-masonic republican convention of massachusetts, boston, ," p. . [ ] _vide_ "the jews and masonry in the united states," by samuel oppenheim, new york, , p. _et seq._ [ ] cf. "catalogue of the washington collection in the boston athenæum," boston, , p. . [ ] letterbook ii, p. . [ ] cf. "washington after the revolution," w. s. baker, philadelphia, , p. . [ ] cf. _pennsylvania packet_, august - . [ ] copy of address in letter book ii, pp. - , photostat of same in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. v correspondence with st. john's lodge, no. at newbern, n. c., april, . the next masonic letter of president washington was written, in answer to an address by the brethren of st. john's lodge, no. , at newbern, north carolina, during his southern tour in . april , , washington started on a tour through the southern states, by way of fredericksburg, richmond, and petersburg, virginia; halifax, tarborough, newbern, and wilmington, north carolina; georgetown, and charleston, south carolina; and savannah, georgia. when advice of this proposed presidential visit reached newbern, the brethren of st. john's lodge, no. ,[ ] at the stated meeting held on april , , passed the following resolution. "_resolved_, that an address shall be presented to brother george washington, in behalf of this lodge, on his arriving in this town."[ ] upon his arrival at newbern, n. c., april , following address was presented to the president,[ ] which, together with the reply, has thus far never been in print or noted: "to the president of the united states of america. "the address of st johns lodge no. of newbern. "_right worshipful sir_, "we the master, officers, and members of st. "johns lodge no , of newbern, beg leave to hail "you welcome with three times three. "we approach you not with the language of "adulation, but sincere fraternal affection--your "works having proved you to be the true and faith- "ful brother, the skilful and expert craftsman, the "just and upright man, but the powers of elo- "quence are too feeble to express with sufficient "energy the cordial warmth with which our bosoms "glow toward you. "we therefore most ardently wish, most fervently "and devoutly pray, that the providence of the "most high may strengthen, establish, and protect "you, in your walk through this life; and when you "shall be called off from your terrestrial labours by "command of our divine grand master, and your "operations sealed with the mark of his approbation, "may your soul be eternally refreshed with the "streams of living water which flow at the right "hand of god, and when the supreme architect of "all worlds shall collect his most precious jewels as "ornaments of the celestial jerusalem, may you "everlastingly shine among those of the brightest "lustre. "we are in our own behalf, and that of the "members of this lodge, "right worshipful sir; "st johns lodge no. . "your true and faithful brethren "april th . "isaac guion _master_. "samuel chapman _senior warden_. "william johnston, _junior warden_. "solomon halling, edw. pasteur, jas carney, "f. lowthrop. "_members of the committee_." =fac-simile of address from st. john's lodge, no. , newbern, n. c. letter book ii, folio - .= brothers: isaac guion, worshipful master, samuel chapman, senior warden, william johnston, junior warden, and solomon halling, signers to above petition had all seen service in the continental army during the revolutionary war. brother guion served as surgeon and paymaster; brother chapman, captain in th north carolina, serving until the close of the war; brother johnston, captain in north carolina militia and present at kings mountain. brother hailing was surgeon of the th carolina regiment and served until the close of the war. washington's reply[ ] to the brethren of st. john's lodge. "to the master, wardens, and members of st "john's lodge no. of newbern. "_gentlemen_, "i receive the cordial welcome which you "are pleased to give me with sincere gratitude. "my best ambition having ever aimed at "the unbiassed approbation of my fellow-citizens, "it is peculiarly pleasing to find my conduct "so affectionately approved by a fraternity whose as- "sociation is founded in justice and benevolence. "in reciprocating the wishes contained "in your address, be persuaded that i offer a sincere "prayer for your present and future happiness. "go. washington" "at the following meeting of st. john's lodge, no. , april , , the master laid before the lodge the answer of brother george washington ordered that it be read, which being done, resolved that it be entered on minutes of this lodge."[ ] "the address to brother washington and his answer are both on the minutes of the lodge. the original letter may have been lost during the late unpleasantness, as the lodge lost nearly everything it possessed."[ ] footnotes: [ ] in the latter part of the eighteenth century, st. john's lodge, no. , at newbern, was very active, at which time it built a two-story theatre and masonic hall, and took part in a number of local matters. [ ] extract from minutes by brother j. f. rhem, m.d., newbern, n. c. [ ] letter book , pp. - in library of congress, washington, d. c.; photostat in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] _ibid._, p. ; photostat in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] extract from minutes by brother j. f. rhem, m.d., newbern, n. c. [ ] brother j. f. rhem, newbern, n. c., in letter to brother a. b. andrews, jr., december , . vi correspondence with prince george's lodge, no. , georgetown, s. c., april, . washington left newbern, north carolina, under an escort of horse, april , , and arrived at georgetown, south carolina, by way of wilmington, n. c., saturday, april , where he was received with a salute of cannon, and by a company of infantry, and during the afternoon was presented with the following address, by a committee of prince george's lodge, no. (moderns), of georgetown, south carolina. this lodge was one of the original six lodges, which had been warranted prior to in south carolina, under the jurisdiction of the provincial grand lodge, and through it, the grand lodge of england. it is the only instance where a lodge of the "moderns" addressed brother washington: "to our illustrious brother george washington. "_president of the united states._ "at a time when all men are emulous to approach "you to express the lively sensations you inspire as "the father of our country. permit us the brethren "of prince george's lodge no. to have our share "in the general happiness in welcoming you to "georgetown, and the pleasure of reflecting that we "behold in you the liberator of our country. the "distributor of its equal laws, and a brother of our "most ancient and most honorable order. "at the same time indulge us in congratulating "you on the truly honorable and happy situation in "which you now stand, as the grand conductor of "the political interests of these united states. "having by your manly efforts caused the beau- "teous light of liberty to beam on this western hemi- "sphere, and by the wisdom heaven has graciously "endowed you with established the liberties of "america on the justest and firmest basis that was "ever yet recorded in the annuals of history, you "now enjoy the supremest of all earthly happiness "that of diffusing peace, liberty, and safety to mil- "lions of your fellow-citizens. "as a true reward for your patriotic, noble and "exalted services we fervently pray the grand archi- "tect of the universe long to bless you with health, "stability, and power to continue you the grand "pillar of the arch of liberty in this vast empire, "which you have been so eminently distinguished in "raising to this pitch of perfection at which we now "behold it. "may the residue of your life be spent in ease "content and happiness, and as the great parent of "these united states may you long live to see your "children flourish under your happy auspices and "may you be finally rewarded with eternal happiness. "we conclude our present address with a fervent "wish that you will continue as you have hitherto "been, the friend of our ancient and honorable "order, and of all worthy masons. "i. white "r. grant _committee from_ "ab. cohen _prince george's lodge._ "jos. blyth. "j. carson. "george town th april ." of the above signers, three of the brethren had served in the war for independence, viz.: brother isaac white, lieutenant in north carolina militia at kings mountain; brother reuben grant, ensign in the th north carolina infantry, and brother joseph blythe, surgeon in st north carolina regiment, taken prisoner at charleston, may th, ; exchanged june , ; in th north carolina in february, , and served to close of war. =fac-simile of address from the brethren of prince george's lodge, folio no. , georgetown, south carolina, april, . letter book ii, - .= the following reply unfortunately bears no date. both address and reply were entered in washington letter book, no. ii, folio - . it is not known what has became of the originals. no notice or copies of either of the above documents have thus far been published. washington's reply. "to the brethren of prince george's lodge, no. . "_gentlemen_: "the cordial welcome which you give me "to george town, and the congratulations, you are "pleased to offer on my election to the chief "magistracy receive my grateful thanks. "i am much obliged by your good wishes "and reciprocate them with sincerity, assuring the "fraternity of my esteem, i request them to believe "that i shall always be ambitious of being considered "a deserving brother. go. washington =general mordecai gist. b. baltimore, md., . d. charleston, s. c., . who, as grand master of south carolina, signed the address to brother washington.= vii correspondence with grand lodge of south carolina, may, . president washington left georgetown at six o'clock in the evening, may , , reaching charleston, south carolina, monday, may , in a twelve-oared barge rowed by twelve american captains of ships accompanied by a great number of boats with gentlemen and ladies in them, and two boats with music.[ ] brother washington remained in charleston until may . wednesday, may , , general mordecai gist, an old companion in arms of washington, and formerly master of the military lodge in the maryland line (no. upon the register of pennsylvania),[ ] but now grand master of the grand lodge of ancient york masons of south carolina, attended by the other present and past grand officers,[ ] waited on their beloved brother, the president of the united states, and presented the following address:[ ] "_sir_--induced by a respect for your public and private character, as well as the relation in which you stand with the brethren of this society, we the grand lodge of the state of south carolina, ancient york masons, beg leave to offer our sincere congratulations on your arrival in this state. "we felicitate you on the establishment and exercise of a permanent government, whose foundation was laid under your auspices by military achievements, upon which have been progressively reared the pillars of the free republic over which you preside, supported by wisdom, strength, and beauty unrivalled among the nations of the world. "the fabric thus raised and committed to your superintendence, we earnestly wish may continue to produce order and harmony to succeeding ages, and be the asylum of virtue to the oppressed of all parts of the universe. "when we contemplate the distresses of war, the instances of humanity displayed by the craft afford some relief to the feeling mind; and it gives us the most pleasing sensation to recollect, that amidst the difficulties attendant on your late military stations, you still associated with, and patronized the ancient fraternity. "distinguished always by your virtues, more than the exalted stations in which you have moved, we exult in the opportunity you now give us of hailing you brother of our order, and trust from your knowledge of our institution, to merit your countenance and support. "with fervent zeal for your happiness, we pray that a life so dear to the bosom of this society, and to society in general, may be long, very long preserved; and when you leave the temporal symbolic lodges of this world, may you be received into the celestial lodge of light and perfection, where the grand master architect of the universe presides. "done in behalf of the grand lodge. "m. gist, g. m."[ ] "charleston, d may, ." to this address washington returned the following reply.[ ] "_gentlemen_:--i am much obliged by the respect which you are so good as to declare for my public and private character. i recognize with pleasure my relation to the brethren of your society, and i accept with gratitude your congratulations on my arrival in south carolina. "your sentiments, on the establishment and exercise of our equal government, are worthy of an association, whose principles lead to purity of morals, and are beneficial of action. "the fabric of our freedom is placed on the enduring basis of public virtue, and will, i fondly hope, long continue to protect the prosperity of the architects who raised it. i shall be happy, on every occasion, to evince my regard for the fraternity. for your prosperity individually, i offer my best wishes." "go. washington" this letter was probably destroyed with other grand lodge property when columbia, south carolina, was burned by sherman's army during the war between the states.[ ] fortunately, the original draft of washington's reply, was found among the washington papers now in the library of congress. this is written upon two pages of a letter sheet: the first page shows a paragraph which was suppressed and did not appear upon the clear copy sent to the grand lodge of ancient york masons of south carolina. a photostat of this draft is in the collection of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, viz.: "to the grand lodge of the state of south "carolina ancient york masons. "_gentlemen_, "i am much obliged by the respect "which you are so good as to declare for my "public and private character. i recognise "with pleasure my relation to the brethren "of your society--and i accept with gratitude "your congratulations on my arrival in "south carolina. "_your felicitations it is peculiarly general "pleasing to observe the ^ satisfaction expressed "on the establishment and exercise of the "federal government_-- "your sentiments on the establishment "and exercise of our equal government are "worthy of an association, whose principles "lead to purity of morals, and beneficence "of action--the fabric of our freedom "is placed on the enduring basis of "public virtue, and will long continue "to protect the posterity of the architects "who raised it. "i shall be happy on every regard "occasion to evince my respect for the "fraternity, for whose happiness individually "i offer my best wishes. "go. washington" =fac-simile of draft of washington's reply to address from grand lodge of south carolina, may, . handwriting of mayor william jackson.= upon the first page the four lines commencing with "your felicitations" and ending with "federal government" were crossed out, and as above stated, were not in the reply sent to r. w. grand master gist and his officers. in the third line from the bottom the word "regard" is substituted for "respect." brother gist was the original warrant master of the regimental lodge in the maryland line, no. , on the roster of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. after the war, brother gist settled in charleston, south carolina, retaining his old military warrant, and, in , applied to the grand lodge of pennsylvania, to renew this warrant, for a lodge to be located at charleston under the same number. this request was granted, and brother gist was again named as warrant master. at the formation of the grand lodge of south carolina ancient york masons in , brother gist was elected deputy grand master and served as such during the years - - , and as grand master, - . footnotes: [ ] washington's diary. [ ] cf. "old masonic lodges in pennsylvania," philadelphia, , vol. , p. _et seq._ [ ] brother william drayton, past grand master; brother mordecai gist, grand master; brother thomas b. bowen, deputy grand master; brother george miller, senior grand warden; brother john mitchell, junior grand warden; brother thomas gates, grand chaplain; brother robert knox, grand treasurer; brother alexandrer alexander, grand secretary; brother israel meyers, grand tiler. [ ] _city gazette_, friday, may , , p. , column . [ ] for full account of lodge and brother gist, _vide_ "old masonic lodges of pennsylvania," before quoted, vol. ii, pp. - . [ ] cf. hayden, "washington and his masonic compeers," p. . [ ] william c. mazyck, right worshipful grand secretary, g. l. of south carolina. viii correspondence with grand lodge of georgia, may, . on the way from charleston, south carolina, to savannah, georgia, washington called on mrs. greene, the widow of late brother general nathaniel greene, at her plantation called mulberry grove, reaching savannah, georgia, on the evening of thursday, may , . saturday, may , washington was waited on by brethren of the grand lodge of georgia and presented with the following address:[ ] "to the president of the united states. "_sir, and brother_, "the grand master, officers and members of the "grand lodge of georgia, beg leave to congratulate "you on your arrival in this city. whilst your ex- "alted character claims the respect and deference of "all men, they from the benevolence of masonic prin- "ciples approach you with the familiar declaration "of fraternal affection. "happy indeed that society, renowned for its "antiquity, and pervading influence over the en- "lightened world, which having ranked a frederick "at its head, can now boast of a washington as a "brother. a brother who it justly hailed the re- "deemer of his country, raised it to glory, and by his "conduct in public and private life has evinced to "monarchs that true majesty consists not in splendid "royalty, but in intrinsic worth. "with these sentiments they rejoice at your pres- "ence in this state, and in common with their fellow- "citizens, greet you, thrice welcome, flattering them- "selves that your stay will be made agreeable. "may the great architect of the universe pre- "serve you whilst engaged in the work allotted you "on earth, and long continue you the brightest pil- "lar of our temple, and when the supreme fiat shall "summon you hence, they pray the might i am "may take you into his holy keeping, "grand lodge in savannah "may th . "geo: houston, "_grand master_." =bro. washington's reply to address from the grand lodge of georgia, may, . letter book ii, folio .= upon the next day, sunday, may , after attending the morning church service, washington left savannah and set out for augusta, georgia, halting for dinner at mulberry grove, the seat of mrs. nathaniel greene. the following reply to the masonic address was sent to the grand lodge of georgia,[ ] both address and reply now first published: "to the grand master, officers and members "of the grand lodge of georgia. "_gentlemen_, "i am much obliged by your congratulations "on my arrival in this city, and i am highly indebted "to your favorable opinions. "every circumstance contributes to "render my stay in savannah agreeable, and it "is cause of regret to me that it must be so "short. "my best wishes are offered for the welfare "of the fraternity, and for your particular happiness. "go. washington" =president washington's residence in philadelphia, a. d. a. d. . where the masonic addresses of the grand lodge of pennsylvania were delivered. from a contemporary water color painting belonging to the library company of philadelphia. the figures are those of washington and robert morris.= footnotes: [ ] washington letter book, ii, folio . photostat in archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] address and reply, letter book ii, folio - . ix correspondence with grand lodge of pennsylvania, january , . during the presidential term of brother washington, the president, when in philadelphia, lived in a large double three-story brick mansion, on the south side of market street, sixty feet east of sixth street, the site of which is now occupied by three stores, viz.: nos. , , . the grand lodge of pennsylvania then held its meetings in the upper floor of the meeting house of the free quakers, still standing, at the southwest corner of arch and fifth streets; this was but a short distance from the presidential mansion. brother washington was undoubtedly personally acquainted with many of its members, especially such as had been officers during the revolution, and were fellow members of the cincinnati. on st. john's day, december , , a grand lodge was opened in ample form,[ ] and the minutes of the last grand communication were read, as far as concerns the election of grand officers. the grand officers upon this occasion were: brother jonathan bayard smith, _r. w. grand master_. brother joseph few, _deputy grand master_. brother thomas procter, _senior grand warden_. brother gavin hamilton, _junior grand warden_. brother peter le barbier duplessis, _grand secretary_. brother benjamin mason, _grand treasurer_. the rev. brother dr. william smith then addressed the brethren in an oration suitable to the grand day, and the thanks of the lodge were given to said brother william smith for the same. after which, on motion and seconded, the rev. brother dr. smith and the right worshipful grand officers were appointed a committee to prepare an address to our illustrious brother george washington, president of the united states; and this lodge was adjourned to the second day of january next to receive the report of said committee. "philadelphia, january d, . "_grand lodge, by adjournment_,[ ] "a grand lodge was opened in ample form, and the minutes of st. john's day being read as far as relates to the appointment of a committee to prepare an address to our illustrious brother george washington, the revd. bro. dr. wm. smith, one of the said committee, presented the draft of one which was read, whereupon, on motion and seconded, the same was unanimously approved of, and resolved, that the rt. wt. grand master, depy. g. master, and grand officers, with the revd bro. smith, be a committee to present the said address in behalf of this rt. wt. grand lodge, signed by the right worshipful grand master, and countersigned by the grand secretary. "lodge closed at half past o'clock in harmony." following is the address presented to brother washington. both the original draft in the handwriting of brother william smith, showing minor alterations, as well as a fair copy, are in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania.[ ] "to his excellency george washington, president of the united states. "_sir and brother_: "the ancient _york masons_ of the jurisdiction of pennsylvania, for the first time assembled in general _communication_ to celebrate the feast of st. john the evangelist, since your election to the _chair_ of government in the united states, beg leave to approach you with congratulations from the east, and in the pride of fraternal affection to hail you as the _great master builder_ (under the supreme architect) by whose labours the _temple of liberty_ hath been reared in the west, exhibiting to the nations of the earth a _model_ of _beauty_, _order_ and _harmony_ worthy of their imitation and praise. "your knowledge of the origin and objects of our institution; its tendency to promote the social affections and harmonize the heart, give us a sure pledge that this tribute of our veneration, this effusion of our love will not be ungrateful to you; nor will heaven reject our _prayer_ that you may be long continued to adorn the bright list of master workmen which our fraternity in the _terrestrial lodge_; and that you may be late removed to that _celestial lodge_ where love and harmony reign transcendent and divine; where the great architect more immediately presides, and where _cherubim_ and _seraphim_, wafting our congratulations from _earth to heaven_, shall hail you _brother_. (seal) "by order and in behalf of the grand "lodge of pennsylvania in general com- "munication assembled in ample form. "j b smith (signed) g.m. [illegible signature] "attest: gd. secry." =fac-simile of the original address read before president washington by rev. bro. william smith, d.d., january , . original in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. mss.--volume a.--folio.-- .= on january , , jonathan bayard smith, the right worshipful grand master, together with the grand officers and rev. brother william smith called on the president and delivered the above address. the deputation was received in the dining room of the presidential mansion. this was a room about thirty feet long, and where washington was accustomed to receive delegations. at the quarterly communication held march , , the right worshipful grand master jonathan b. smith informed the brethren that, in conformity to the resolve of this grand lodge, he had, in company with the grand officers and the rev. brother dr. smith, presented the address to our illustrious brother george washington and had received an answer, which was read. "to the ancient york masons of the "jurisdiction of pennsylvania. "_gentlemen and brothers_, "i receive your kind congratulations "with the purest sensations of fraternal affection:--and "from a heart deeply impressed with your generous "wishes for my present and future happiness, i beg "you to accept my thanks. "at the same time i request you will "be assured of my best wishes and earnest prayers "for your happiness while you remain in this terres- "tial mansion, and that we may thereafter meet "as brethren in the eternal temple of the "supreme architect. "go. washington" =fac-simile of washington's reply to grand lodge of pennsylvania, january, . original in archives of the grand lodge.= =washington's masonic apron. embroidered by madam lafayette; presented august, , by bro. gen. lafayette to bro. gen. washington; presented october , , by the legatees of bro. washington to the washington benevolent society of pennsylvania; presented july , , by the washington benevolent society to the r. w. grand lodge, f. &. a. m. of pennsylvania. original apron in museum of the grand lodge.= whereupon, on motion and seconded, resolved, unanimously, that the said address and the answer thereto, shall be entered on the minutes. this answer, in possession of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, is in the handwriting of tobias lear, who was the private secretary of the president, and for years attended to the details of washington's domestic affairs, and was liberally remembered by him in his will. the letter was signed by washington, who had both the address and answer copied verbatim in one of his letter books[ ] by bartholomew dandridge, secretary to the president. a photostat copy of above, together with the original answer by washington is in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. this address was read by rev. brother william smith, one of the most noted episcopal preachers in philadelphia, and the first provost of the college of philadelphia, now the university of pennsylvania. brother william smith, d.d., had been an active member of the masonic fraternity in pennsylvania for forty years; he was the chaplain of the grand lodge of moderns for almost a quarter of a century. in winter of he joined the grand lodge of ancient york masons, and for some time served as grand secretary.[ ] jonathan bayard smith, the grand master of pennsylvania, was one of philadelphia's prominent citizens. during the revolutionary period he was an ardent patriot; he was among the earliest of those who espoused the cause of independence. in he was chosen secretary of the committee of safety, and in february, , he was elected by the assembly a delegate to the continental congress. he was a second time chosen to this post, serving in the congresses of - . from april , , till nov. , , he was prothonotary of the court of common pleas. on december , , he presided at the public meeting, in philadelphia, of "real whigs," by whom it was resolved "that it be recommended to the council of safety that in this great emergency ... every person between the age of sixteen and fifty years be ordered out under arms." during this year he was commissioned lieutenant-colonel of a battalion of "associators." =j b smith b. feb. , ; d. june , . grand master of masons in pennsylvania, - .= in he was appointed a justice of the court of common pleas, quarter sessions, and orphans' court, which post he held for many years. he was appointed in , one of the auditors of the accounts of pennsylvania troops in the service of the united states. in , and subsequently, he was chosen an alderman of the city, which was an office of great dignity in his day, and in he was elected auditor-general of pennsylvania. brother jonathan b. smith was an active member of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. he was the senior grand warden in , at the time when the provincial grand lodge of pennsylvania: "_resolved_, that the grand lodge is, and ought to be perfectly independent and free of any such foreign jurisdiction."[ ] in the two following years he was appointed deputy grand master by right worshipful grand master william adcock; he was elected right worshipful grand master in and served in that capacity for six years ( - ). in the year he was again elected to that honorable office, serving five more consecutive years ( to ), when he declined reëlection. the following action was taken by the grand lodge:[ ] "on motion made and seconded the grand lodge of pennsylvania impressed with a grateful sense of the long assiduous and highly useful labours of their late r. w. grand master, bror jonathan bayard smith, esqr, previous to and during his service in the high station which he has left, resolved unanimously, that the most respectful thanks of the said g. lodge be presented to their said brother jonathan bayard smith for the eminent services he has rendered to the craft generally and more especially for the able, diligent and impartial manner in which he has discharged the duties of the chair and while they deplore the necessity of his now retiring from the official station amongst them which he has so honourably filled, they hope for a continuance of his brotherly love, aid and information and finally that he be requested to receive the best wishes of the grand lodge for a prolongation of his useful life, a commensurate enjoyment of his health and his final happiness in the mansion of everlasting rest." brother joseph few, deputy grand master, was also a revolutionary soldier, having served as regimental quarter master with the th continental artillery. brother thomas procter, senior grand warden, formerly colonel of the pennsylvania artillery, and warrant master of the military lodge, no. , upon the roster of pennsylvania was prominent in both civil and political affairs during washington's administration. a full account of brother thomas procter and this military lodge will be found in the history of the old masonic lodges of pennsylvania, published by the grand lodge in .[ ] for a sketch of brother peter le barbier duplessis, the reader is referred to the same volume.[ ] =washington's past master's jewel. replica in the museum of the grand lodge of pennsylvania.= footnotes: [ ] reprint of minutes of grand lodge of pennsylvania, vol. i, p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] mss. volume a, folio , , . [ ] letter book ii, pp. - . [ ] cf. "old masonic lodges of pennsylvania," vol. i, p. . [ ] cf. reprint of minutes of grand lodge, vol. i, p. _et seq._ [ ] _ibid._, vol. ii, p. . [ ] volume ii, chapter xxvi, pp. - . cf. also "freemasonry in pennsylvania," vol. i and ii, for various references to col. procter. [ ] cf. "old lodges," vol. ii, pp. _et seq._ x correspondence with grand lodge of massachusetts, december, . "at grand lodge held at concert hall, boston, th of december, , being a quarterly communication it was "_resolved_, that the grand master, with the grand wardens, present to our most beloved brother george washington, the new book of constitutions, with a suitable address." at the next quarterly communication we find that, "agreeably to a resolve at the last quarterly communication, the grand master, with his wardens, reported: "that they had written to our beloved president and brother, george washington, and presented him with a book of constitutions, to which letter he had been pleased to make answer. the letter and answer were read, and voted to be inserted in the records of the grand lodge." this address was evidently sent to president washington at philadelphia, and was answered from the presidential office in that city. no date nor place appears upon either the original so far as known, nor the copy in the letter book, both address and reply therein being in the handwriting of bartholomew dandridge, secretary to the president. the following copy of both address and reply are taken from letter book ii, folio - . "an address of the grand lodge of free & "accepted masons for the commonwealth "of massachusetts, to their honored and "illustrious brother. george washington. "whilst the historian is describing the "career of your glory, and the inhabitants "of an extensive empire are made happy "in your unexampled exertions:--whilst some "celebrate the hero so distinguished in li- "berating united america; and others the patriot "who presides over her councils, a band of bro- "thers, having always joined the acclamations "of their countrymen, now testify their res- "pect for those milder virtues which have "ever graced the man. "taught by the precepts of our society; "that all its members _stand upon a level_, we "venture to assume this station & to approach "you with that freedom which diminishes "our diffidence without lessening our respect. "desirous to enlarge the boundaries of "social happiness, and to vindicate the cere- "monies of their institution, this grand lodge "have published a "book of constitutions," (and "a copy for your acceptance accompanies "this) which by discovering the principles that "actuate will speak the eulogy of the society; "though they fervently wish the conduct of its; "members may prove its higher commendation. "convinced of his attachment to its "cause, and readiness to encourage its bene- "volent designs; they have taken the liberty to "dedicate this work to one, the qualities of "whose heart and the actions of whose life "have contributed to improve personal virtue, "and extend throughout the world, the most endear- "ing cordialities; and they humbly hope he will "pardon this freedom, and accept the tribute of "their esteem & homage. "may the supreme architect of the uni- "verse protect & bless you, give you length of "days & increase of felicity in this world, and then "receive you to the harmonious & exalted so- "ciety in heaven.-- "john cutler, _grand master_ "josiah bartlett } "mungo machey } _grd wardens_. "boston "decem. , a.d. ." the following reply was sent by president washington from philadelphia to the brethren of the grand lodge of massachusetts. it will be noticed that there was no date or place mentioned upon the copy in the letter book, nor on the original letter, which at present is believed to be in the library of the grand lodge of massachusetts. washington's reply "to the grand lodge of free & accepted ma- "sons, for the commonwealth of massachu- "setts. "flattering as it may be to the human "mind, & truly honorable as it is to receive "from our fellow citizens testimonies of appro- "bation for exertions to promote the public wel- "fare, it is not less pleasing to know, that the "milder virtues of the heart are highly respected "by a society whose liberal principles must be "founded in the immutable laws of truth and "justice.-- "to enlarge the sphere of social happi- "ness is worthy the benevolent design of a ma- "sonic institution; and it is most fervently to "be wished, that the conduct of every member "of the fraternity, as well as those publications "that discover the principles which actuate them; "may tend to convince mankind that the grand "object of masonry is to promote the happiness "of the human race. "while i beg your acceptance of "my thanks for the "book of constitutions" which "you have sent me, & the honor you have done "me in the dedication, permit me to assure you "that i feel all those emotions of gratitude "which your affectionate address & cordial "wishes are calculated to inspire; and i "sincerely pray that the great architect "of the universe may bless you here, and "receive you hereafter into his immortal temple. "go. washington" no fac-simile copy of the original letter was obtainable for the collection of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. =washington's reply to the grand lodge of massachusetts. letter book ii, folio .= xi correspondence with grand lodge of pennsylvania, december, . september , , president washington issued his farewell address. his second term was drawing to a close; the term had been a more or less exciting one: the passing of the neutrality act; genet's appeal from the executive to the people; the fugitive slave act; the whiskey insurrection in western pennsylvania; the adoption of the eleventh amendment; the purchase of peace from algiers, tripoli and tunis; the troubles with great britain about the non-delivery of the military posts and later the jay treaty, all came within president washington's second and last term.[ ] during these troublous times washington had no stauncher supporters than his masonic brethren of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. further, that washington kept more or less in touch with his masonic brethren of the grand lodge of pennsylvania is shown by the fact that he attended the services at st. paul's episcopal church, on third street below walnut, on st. john's day, december , , where a charity sermon was preached by rev. brother samuel magaw, d.d., vice-provost of the university of pennsylvania, before the grand and subordinate lodges for the purpose of increasing the relief fund, for the widows and orphans of the yellow fever epidemic which ravaged the capital city during the past summer.[ ] when the brethren found that washington positively declined reëlection in , and that john adams was elected to succeed him on the fourth of march following, the brethren of the grand lodge at their quarterly communication, december , , determined that it would be right and proper to present him with an address before his retirement from office, whereupon, it was resolved: "on motion and seconded, that a committee be appointed to frame an address to be presented on the ensuing feast of st john, decemr th, to the great master workman, our illustrious br. washington, on the occasion of his intended retirement from public labor, to be also laid before the said grand lodge on st john's day, and the rt w. grand master, deputy g. m. brs sadler, milnor and williams, were accordingly appointed." at a grand lodge held on st. john's day, philadelphia, december , , "the committee appointed to prepare an address to our brother george washington, president of the united states, presented an address by them drawn up, which was ordered to be read, and was in the words following, to wit: "to george washington president of the united states. "the address of the grand lodge of pennsyl- "vania. "_most respected sir and brother_, "having announced your intention to retire from "_public labour_ to that _refreshment_ to which your "preëminent services for near half a century have "so justly entitled you. permit the grand lodge "of pennsylvania at this last feast of our evangelic "master st. john, on which we can hope for an im- "mediate communication with you to join the grate- "ful voice of our country in acknowledging that "you have carried forth the principles of the lodge "into every walk of your life, by your constant "labours for the prosperity of that country, by "your unremitting endeavours to promote order, "union and brotherly affection amongst us, and "lastly by the vows of your farewell address to "your brethren and fellow citizens. an address "which we trust our children and our childrens "children will ever look upon as a most invaluable "legacy from a _friend_ a _benefactor_ and a _father_. "to these our grateful acknowledgments (leav- "ing to the impartial pen of history to record the "important events in which you have borne so illus- "trious a part) permit us to add our most fervent "prayers, that after enjoying to the utmost of "human life, every felicity which the terrestial "lodge can afford, you may be received by the "great master builder of this world and of worlds "unnumbered, into the ample felicity of that _celes- "tial lodge_ in which alone distinguished virtues and "distinguished labours can be eternally rewarded. "by unanimous order of the grand lodge of "pennsylvania at their communication held the th "day of december anno domini . "wm moore smith" =rev. bro. william smith, d. d. b. aberdeen, scotland, . d. philadelphia, may , . grand chaplain "moderns," . grand secretary "ancients," - . who presented the pennsylvania addresses to bro. washington, - .= it was then moved and seconded that the same be adopted. upon the question being taken it appeared that it was approved of. on motion and seconded, it was agreed that a committee be appointed to wait on brother washington to acquaint him that it is the intention of this grand lodge to present an address to him, and to know what time he shall be pleased to appoint to receive it. the committee appointed to perform this duty were brothers william smith, peter le barbier duplessis and thomas procter, who, after having waited on him, reported that he had appointed to-morrow, december , , at twelve o'clock to receive it. said committee, to wit, brothers w. smith, duplessis and procter, together with right worshipful grand master, deputy grand master, and junior wardens, grand secretary and the masters of the different lodges in the city, were then appointed a deputation to present the said address. this deputation consisted of right worshipful grand master william moore smith, gavin hamilton, deputy grand master, thomas town, senior grand warden, thomas armstrong, esqr., junior grand warden, george a. baker, grand secretary, john mcelwee, grand treasurer, and the following masters of the philadelphia lodges, viz.: david irwin, no. , israel israel, no. , andrew nilson no. , eleaser oswald, no. , cadawalder griffith, no. , richard e. cusack, no. , thomas bradley, no. , william nelson, no. ; together with the appointed committee, brothers william smith d.d., le barbier duplessis and thomas procter. president washington received the august deputation of the brethren at the appointed time; the address was read before him by the rev. brother william smith, d.d., whereupon he returned them a reply. this document, still in the library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, is entirely in the handwriting of washington and signed by him, viz.: "fellow-citizens and brothers, "of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. "i have received your address "with all the feelings of brotherly affection, "mingled with those sentiments, for the "society, which it was calculated to excite. "to have been, in any degree, an "instrument in the hands of providence, "to promote order and union, and erect upon "a solid foundation the true principles of "government, is only to have shared with "many others in a labour, the result of "which let us hope, will prove through "all ages, a sanctuary for brothers and "a lodge for the virtues,-- "permit me to reciprocate your "prayers for my temporal happiness, "and to supplicate that we may all "meet thereafter in that eternal temple, "whose builder is the great architect "of the universe. "go. washington" =fac-simile of washington's reply to grand lodge of pennsylvania, december, . original in archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania.= brother william moore smith, right worshipful grand master of pennsylvania, whose first official act as grand master was to head the committee to call on the president, was a son of the rev. william smith, d.d., born in philadelphia, june , . he was a lawyer by profession and served as deputy grand master for the year under the venerable william ball, and as right worshipful grand master for the years - . he was appointed by the president as agent for the settlement of claims that were provided for in the sixth article of john jay's treaty, and visited england in to close the commission. he died at the smith homestead at falls of schuylkill, march , . both the address and reply were copied in washington's letter book iii, pp. - , in the handwriting of one of his secretaries, g. w. craik, a son of dr. james craik, washington's "compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend," who attended him during his last illness. photostat copies of above are in the library of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, also the original draft of the address, presented to the president (mss. volume a, folio ). this autograph masonic letter from washington to the grand lodge of pennsylvania has been reproduced in fac-simile, published and circulated (in most cases without the knowledge or consent of the grand lodge of pennsylvania) more widely than any other known letter of washington. some of these copies are treasured by their owners under the impression that they have the original letter. several cases of this kind have of late come under the notice of the writer. in one case where one of these reproductions was offered for sale, hundreds of dollars were asked for the reproduction, and it was with great difficulty that the owner could be convinced of its character. another use made of this letter by unprincipled persons was to make a photo-lithographic copy of the letter, and substitute the name of another state for that of pennsylvania, and then palm it off upon the authorities of that state as an original letter to their grand lodge. the latest case of this kind known to the writer is that of the grand lodge of georgia, who were thus imposed upon. then again the letter has been extensively used for advertising purposes by publishing houses of masonic literature. the letter has also been printed in most all books bearing upon masonic history during the revolutionary period. it was also frequently quoted and criticised during the anti-masonic craze which swept over the country some eighty-odd years ago, it being the chief masonic letter of the five known to the leaders of those misguided persons. the main point of their argument was that it bore no date and therefore was not authentic. =mount vernon during washington's occupancy, - .= footnotes: [ ] cf. the religious and social conditions of philadelphia, under the federal constitution, - . julius f. sachse, philadelphia, . [ ] cf. "freemasonry in pennsylvania," before quoted, vol. ii, pp. - ; original copy in archives of grand lodge of pennsylvania. xii correspondence with alexandria lodge, no. , virginia. upon pages and of washington's folio letter book no. iii in the library of congress are recorded a letter and address to washington from the master of alexandria lodge, no. , of virginia, together with washington's reply. washington and his family had left philadelphia, thursday, march , , for mount vernon, and arrived at baltimore, sunday, march , and at mount vernon, march , where he again settled down to the life of a private gentleman, free from the cares and concerns of public life. march , , he was waited on at mount vernon by brothers dennis ramsay and phillip g. marsteller, and presented with the following letter and address from james gillies, the master of alexandria lodge, no. , of virginia, viz.: "alexa march th, . "_most respected brother_, "brother ramsay & marsteller wait upon you "with a copy of an address which has been prepared "by the unanimous desire of the ancient york ma- "sons of lodge no. . it is their earnest request "that you will partake of a dinner with them and "that you will please appoint the time most conve- "nient for you to attend.-- "i am most beloved brother, "your mo. obt hble servt "james gillies, _m._ "genl geo washington." the letter was an invitation to dine with the lodge. this washington accepted. "_most respected brother_, "the ancient york masons of lodge no. offer you "their warmest congratulations on your retire- "ment from your useful labors. under the su- "preme architect of the universe you have been the "master workman in erecting the temple of lib- "erty in the west, on the broad basis of equal rights. "in your wise administration of the government of "the united states for the space of eight years, you "have kept within the compass of our happy consti- "tution and acted on the square with foreign na- "tions and thereby preserved your country in peace "and promoted the prosperity and happiness of your "fellow citizens, and now that you have retired from "the labours of public life to the refreshment of "domestic tranquility, they ardently pray that you "may long enjoy all the happiness which the terres- "tial lodge can afford and finally be removed to that "celestial lodge where love, peace and harmony "for ever reign and where cherubims and seraphims "shall hail you brother.-- "by the unanimous desire of lodge "no. "james gillies, _master_." "gen geo washington. washington attended the meeting of his lodge at alexandria, on saturday, april , , when his reply to brother gillies' address was read in open lodge, viz.: "brothers of the ancient york masons of "lodge no. . "while my heart acknowledges with brotherly "love, your affectionate congratulations on my re- "tirement from the arduous toils of past years, my "gratitude is no less excited by your kind wishes for "my future happiness.-- "if it has pleased the supreme architect of the "universe to make me an humble instrument to pro- "mote the welfare and happiness of my fellow men, "my exertions have been abundantly recompensed "by the kind partiality with which they have been "received; and the assurance you give me of your "belief that i have acted upon the square in my "public capacity, will be among my principles en- "joyments in this terrestial lodge. "go. washington" =fac-simile of letter from w. m. of alexandria lodge to bro. washington, march, . letter book ii, folio .= =fac-simile of address from alexandria lodge, no. , to washington, march, . letter book ii, folio - .= =fac-simile of washington's reply to alexandria lodge, no. , virginia, march, .= after which the brethren went in procession from their room to abert's tavern,[ ] where they partook of an "elegant" dinner, following which a number of toasts were offered. the tenth toast was by brother washington, "the lodge at alexandria, and all masons throughout the world," after which he returned to mount vernon under an escort of mounted troops of the town.[ ] the copies of the letter, address and reply in washington's letter book are in the handwriting of his secretary, tobias lear. photostats of all are in the collection of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. no direct photograph of the original in possession of alexandria-washington lodge, no. , was obtainable. footnotes: [ ] abert's tavern, formerly "john wise's." _vide_ p. _supra_. [ ] cf. "washington after the revolution," w. s. baker, p. . xiii correspondence with grand lodge of massachusetts, march, . at a grand lodge in quarterly communication, held at concert hall, boston, on the evening of march , a.l. . "on motion it was voted, that a committee be appointed to draft an address, to be presented to our illustrious brother, george washington, esq'r, when the m.w. paul revere, grand master, r.w. john warren, rev. bro. thaddeus m. harris, r.w. josiah bartlett, bro. thomas edwards, were appointed a committee for that purpose." in response to above resolution the following address was sent to brother washington at mount vernon dated boston, march , , viz.: "_the east, the west and the south, of the grand lodge of free and accepted masons of the commonwealth of massachusetts._ _to their most worthy george washington._" "wishing ever to be foremost in testimonials of respect and admiration for those virtues and services with which you have so long adorned and benefited our common country; and not the last nor least, to regret the cessation of them, in the public councils of the union; your brethren of the grand lodge embrace the earliest opportunity of greeting you in the calm retirement you have contemplated to yourself. though as citizens they lose you in the active labors of political life, they hope, as masons, to find you in the pleasing sphere of fraternal engagement. "from the cares of state and the fatigues of public business our institution opens a recess affording all the relief of tranquility, the harmony of peace and the refreshment of pleasure. of these may you partake in all their purity and satisfaction; and we will assure ourselves that your attachment to this social plan will increase; and that under the auspices of your encouragement, assistance and patronage, the craft will attain its highest ornament, perfection and praise. and it is our ardent prayer, that when your light shall be no more visible in this earthly temple, you may be raised to the all perfect lodge above; be seated on the right of the supreme architect of the universe, and there receive the refreshment your labors merited. "in behalf of the grand lodge, we subscribe ourselves with the highest esteem, "your affectionate brethren, "paul revere, _grand master_. "isaiah thomas, _s. grand warden._ "joseph laughton, _j. grand warden_. "daniel oliver, grand secretary, "boston, st march, ." for some unaccountable reason the delivery of the address was delayed and not received at mount vernon until late in april. the original draft of washington's reply to the grand lodge of massachusetts in his own handwriting and signature as well as an autograph note of apology for the seeming delay to grand master paul revere and his officers dated mount vernon, april , , are in the manuscript department in the library of congress, viz.: "to paul revere grand master, isaiah "thomas senior grand warden and "joseph laughton junr grand warden. "_brothers_, "i am sorry that the en- "closed answer to the affectionate address "of the grand lodge of ancient, free and "accepted masons, of the commonwealth "of massachusetts transmitted under your "signatures, should appear so much out from "of season; but ^ the lapse of time between "the date & reception of the address (from "what cause i know not) it was not to be "avoided, and is offered as an apology, for "the delay. with brotherly affection "i am always yours, "go. washington" "mount vernon, " th april ." =paul revere - . grand master of masons in massachusetts, .= =fac-simile of autograph letter from washington to paul revere and the officers of the grand lodge of massachusetts, april , .= =fac-simile of original draft of washington's reply to the address from the grand lodge of massachusetts in library of congress.= following is a copy of washington's original draft of his reply to the grand lodge of massachusetts. it is written upon two pages of a letter sheet entirely in his handwriting and signed by him. "to the grand lodge of ancient, free & "accepted masons, of the commonwealth "of massachusetts. "_brothers_, "it was not until within "these few days that i have been favoured by "the receipt of your affectionate address "dated in boston the st of march "for the favourable sentiments "you have been pleased to express on the "occasion of my past services, and for the "regrets with which they are accompani- "ed for the cessation of my public functions, "i pray you to accept my best acknowledg- "ments and gratitude.-- "no pleasure, except that wch "results from a consciousness of having, to "the utmost of my abilities, discharged, "the trusts which have been reposed in "me by my country, can equal the satis "faction i feel from the unequivocal proofs "i continually receive of its approbation "of my public conduct, and i beg you to be "assured that the evidence thereof which "is exhibited by the grand lodge of massachusetts "is not among the least pleasing, or grate "ful to my feelings.-- "in that retirement which decli- "ning years induced me to seek, and which "repose, to a mind long employed in pub- "lic concerns, rendered necessary, my wish "es that bounteous providence will conti- "nue to bless & preserve our country in "peace & in the prosperity it has enjoyed, will "be warm & sincere; and my attachment "to the society of which we are members "will dispose me always, to contribute my best "endeavours to promote the honor & "interest of the _craft_.-- "for the prayer you offer in "my behalf i entreat you to accept the "thanks of a grateful heart; with the as- "surance of fraternal regard and best "wishes for the honor, happiness & prospe- "rity of all the members of the grand lodge "of massachusetts. "go. washington" the original letter is said to be in possession of the grand lodge of massachusetts. no photographic fac-simile of the document, however, could be obtained. =ancient jewel of the grand lodge of maryland.= xiv correspondence with grand lodge of maryland, november, . in the year , the danger of a war with france had become so imminent, on account of the aggressions of that government towards the united states, that congress ordered a provisional army to be raised, the command of which was tendered to washington, with the rank of lieutenant-general, an honor which was reluctantly accepted by washington. during the summer a scourge of yellow fever had again visited philadelphia, which caused congress to adjourn, july , and the public offices to be removed for the time being to trenton, n. j. all danger of the fever being over, washington, on november , started for trenton. he arrived at baltimore, november , and was waited on at his quarters by william belton, grand master of the grand lodge of maryland, his deputy and other brethren and presented with a copy of the new ahiman rezon and the following address,[ ] viz.: "to george washington, esq., lieutenant general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states. "_sir and brother:_ "the right worshipful grand lodge of free masons for the state of maryland, wishing to testify the respect in which the whole fraternity in this state hold the man who is at once the ornament of the society and of his country, vote a copy of the constitution of masonry, lately printed under its authority, to be presented to you. "accept, sir and brother, from our hands this small token of the veneration of men who consider it as the greatest boast of their society, that a washington openly avows himself a member of it, and thinks it worthy of his approbation. with it accept also our warmest congratulations in the name of the body which we represent, on your reappointment to that elevated station in which you formerly wrought the salvation of your country; and on your restoration to the inestimable blessing of health which, that the almighty disposer of events may continue to accord to you uninterruptedly, is the most earnest prayer of your most respectfully affectionate brethren and most humble servants. "signed, wm. belton, r.. w..g..m.. "peter little, grand secretary, "baltimore, november th, ." =fac-simile (reduced) of the original draft of washington's letter to the grand lodge of maryland.--elkton, md., nov. , .= to this address washington sent a reply, the original draft of which is in the library of congress, written upon two pages of a letter sheet, and differs somewhat from the final copy sent to the grand lodge from elkton, where washington spent the next day. it will be recalled that but two weeks had elapsed since he wrote his last letter to dominie snyder of fredericktown, and this fact was evidently in his mind when he wrote this letter to the maryland brethren. upon second thought he eliminated the lines bearing upon the insinuations in snyder's letter. following is a copy of the letter as originally written, viz.: "to the right worshipful grand lodge of free "masons for the state of maryland. "_gentlemen & brothers_, "your obliging & affectionate "letter, together with a copy of the constitutions of "masonry has been put into my hands by "your grand master; for which i pray you to "accept my best thanks.-- "so far as i am "acquainted with the principles & doctrines of "free masonry, i conceive it to be founded "in benevolence and to be exercised only "for the good of mankind. _if it has been a "cloak to promote improper or nefarious "objects, it is a melancholly proof that "in unworthy hands, the best institutions "may be made use of to promote the worst "designs._-- "while i offer my grateful "acknowledgements for your congratulations on my "late appointments, and for the favorable sentiments "you are pleased to express of my conduct, permit "me to observe, that at this important & "critical moment, when repeated and "high indignities have been offered to this "government your country and the rights & property "of our citizens plundered without a prospect of "redress, i conceive it to be the _indispensable_ "duty of every american, let his situation & cir "cumstances in life be what they may, to come "forward in support of the government of his country "and to give all the aid in his power toward "maintaining that independence which we have "so dearly purchased; and under this impression, "i did not hesitate to lay aside all personal "considerations and accept my appointment. "i pray you to be assured that i ap- "preciate, with sincerity your kind wishes for "my health & happiness. "i am gentln & brothers "very respectfully "yr most obt servt. "go. washington" before this letter was sent, the five words on the tenth line and the whole of next five lines were eliminated; there was also a slight change made in the last paragraph on the second page. following is a copy of the letter as received by the grand lodge of maryland. the original letter was in the possession of the grand lodge of maryland, as late as , but it has since disappeared.[ ] "to the right worshipful grand lodge of free masons for the state of maryland. "_gentlemen and brothers:_ "your obliging and affectionate letter, together with a copy of the constitution of masonry, has been put into my hands by your grand master, for which i pray you to accept my best thanks. so far as i am acquainted with the principles and doctrines of freemasonry, i conceive them to be founded on benevolence, and to be exercised for the good of mankind; i cannot, therefore, upon this ground withdraw my approbation from it. "while i offer my grateful acknowledgements for your congratulations on my late appointment, and for the favorable sentiments you are pleased to express of my conduct, permit me to observe, that, at this important and critical moment, when high and repeated indignities have been offered to the government of our country, and when the property of our citizens is plundered without a prospect of redress, i conceive it to be the indispensable duty of every american, let his station and circumstances in life be what they may, to come forward in support of the government of his choice and to give all the aid in his power towards maintaining that independence which we have so dearly purchased; and under this impression, i did not hesitate to lay aside all personal considerations and accept my appointment. i pray you to be assured that i receive with gratitude your kind wishes for my health and happiness and reciprocate them with sincerity. "i am, gentlemen and brothers, "very respectfully, "your most ob't servant, "go. washington" "elkton, november th, ." =george washington by charles balthazar feveret de saint memin. the last portrait of washington from life, taken in philadelphia, november, .= footnotes: [ ] cf. "freemasonry in maryland," by edw. j. schultz, baltimore, , vol. i, pp. - . [ ] _ibid._, p. . xv correspondence with g. w. snyder, . as to the correspondence with one g. w. snyder (schneider), who represented himself as a preacher of the reformed church of fredericktown, maryland, our late brother james m. lamberton, in his address before the right worshipful grand lodge of pennsylvania, at the celebration of the "sesqui-centennial aniversary of the initiation of brother george washington into the fraternity of freemasons," held in the masonic temple, in the city of philadelphia on wednesday, november the fifth, a. d. , states:[ ] "it is well known that during the french revolution religion was dethroned, and reason installed in the place of deity. the spreading of such doctrines was by many ascribed to the 'illuminati,' who were supposed to be masons. during this period clubs like the jacobin clubs in france were formed in this country, and the spread of these doctrines was greatly feared, especially by the clergy, and in one of them, one g. w. snyder, of fredericktown, maryland, wrote to washington sending at the same time a book entitled 'proofs of a conspiracy,' etc., by john robison,[ ] the conspiracy being 'to overturn all government and all religion'."[ ] this letter, sent to washington at mount vernon covered no less than six pages; following is a verbatim copy of the original now in the library of congress. "to his excellency george washington. "_sir_,--you will, i hope, not think it a pre | sumption in a stranger, whose name, | perhaps never reached your ears, to ad | dress himself to you, the commanding | general of a great nation. i am a | german, born and liberally educated | in the city of heydelberg, in the pa | latinate of the rhine. i came to this | country in , and felt soon after my | arrival, a close attachment to the | liberty for which these confederated | states then struggled. the same attachment | still remains not glowing, but burning in | my breast. at the same time that i am | exulting in the measures adopted by our | government, i feel myself elevated in | the idea of my adopted country, i am | attached, both from the bent of educa | tion and mature enquiry and search | to the simple doctrines of christianity, | which i have the honor to teach in | public; and i do heartily despise all the | cavils of infidelity. our present time | pregnant with the most shocking events | and calamities, threatens ruin to | our liberty and government. | the most secret plans are in agitation; | plans calculated to ensnare the unwary, | to attract the gay irreligious, and to | entice even the well-disposed to combine in | the general machine for overturning all | government and all religion. "it was some time since that a book | fell into my hands, entitled 'proofs | of a conspiracy, &c. by john robison,' which | gives a full account of a society of free | masons, that distinguishes itself by the | name of 'illuminati,' whose plan is to over | throw all government and all religion, even | natural; and who endeavor to eradicate | every idea of a supreme being, and distin | guish man from beast by his shape only. | a thought suggested itself to me, that some | of the lodges in the united states might | have caught the infection, and might co-oper | ate with the illuminati or the jacobin club | in france. fauchet is mentioned by robinson | as a zealous member; and who can doubt | genet and adet? have not these their con | fidants in this country? they use the same | expressions, and are generally men of no | religion. upon serious reflection i was led | to think that it might be within your | power to prevent the horrid plan from | corrupting the brethren of the english lodges | over which you preside. "i send you the 'proof of a conspiracy,' &c. | which i doubt not, will give you satis | faction, and afford you matter for a | train of ideas, that may operate to our | national felicity. if, however, you have | already perused the book, it will not, | i trust, be disagreeable to you that i | have presumed to address you with this | letter and the book accompanying it. | it proceeded from the sincerity of my | heart, and my ardent wishes for the | common good. "may the supreme ruler of all | things continue you long with us in | these perilous times: may he endow you | with strength and wisdom to save our | country in the threating storms and | gathering clouds of factions and com | motions! and after you have completed his | work, on this terrene spot, may he | bring you to the full possession of the | glorious liberty of the children of god, | is the hearty and most sincere wish of "your excellency's | very humble and | "devoted servant, "g. w. snyder. "fredericktown, (maryland) aug. , . "his excellency general george washington." =fac-simile of first page of letter from g. w. snyder to washington, august , .= =fac-simile of fourth page of letter from g. w. snyder to washington, august , .= =fac-simile of press copy of washington's answer to rev. g. w. snyder.--september , .= this man snyder (schneider) was an agitator and thoroughly irresponsible person, having no ecclesiastical connection with any organized church body. in the year , schneider came from albany, new york, to frederick, ostensibly to collect money to build a church. he was kindly received and permitted to preach in the reformed congregation, where he soon fomented discord and trouble. schneider was soon driven out of frederick town, but returned again in , when he renewed the trouble in the church, which ended in a schism. the matter finally got into the civil court, and on february , the case was decided against him, which ended his activity in frederick town; soon after which he left for parts unknown.[ ] snyder, who was not a native of this country, evidently labored under the impression that washington was a grand master general, who presided over all of the english (or symbolic) masonic lodges in the united states. snyder evidently used the term "english" lodges, to distinguish them from the masonic bodies working in the so-called higher (scotch) degrees, as are now known as the ancient and accepted scottish rite. how important washington considered this correspondence is shown by his precaution in taking a press copy of both of his letters to snyder, who he was led to believe was the regular pastor of the german reformed congregation at fredericktown. these are now in the library of congress. it will be noted that in all of his other masonic correspondence, copies were made in his regular letter books by his clerks, of both address and reply. brother washington evidently surmised that this letter from snyder was nothing more or less than a scheme to entrap him. it was not until a month had elapsed, and then only after due consideration, that the following reply was sent to fredericktown, viz.: "mount vernon, th sept. . "_sir_, "many apologies are "due to you, for my not acknowledging "the receipt of your obliging favour of for "the d ult, and ^ not thanking you, at "an earlier period for the book you "had the goodness to send me. "i have heard much of the ne- "farious & dangerous plan, & doctrines "of the illuminati, but never saw the "book until you were pleased to send "it to me. the same causes which "have prevented my acknowledging the "receipt of your letter, have prevented "my reading the book, hitherto, name- "ly, the multiplicity of matters which me "pressed upon before, & the debilitated "state in which i was left after a se "vere fever had been removed, and "which allows me to add little more now, "than thanks for your kind wishes and "favourable sentiments, except to cor- "rect an error you have run into, of my "presiding over the english lodges in "this country. the fact is, i preside over "none, nor have i been in one, more than thirty "once or twice, within the last years. "i believe notwithstanding, that "none of the lodges in this country are "contaminated with the principles as- "cribed to the society of the illuminati." "with respect "i am, sir, "your obedt hble servt "go. washington" "the revd mr snyder. endorsed to "the revd mr. snyder. " th sep. ." =fac-simile of press copy of washington's second letter to rev. g. w. snyder.--october , .= in this letter washington was correct in stating that he had not presided over the "english lodges in this country," undoubtedly meaning as grand master general. where washington says "_the fact is i preside over none_," he meant that he did not then preside over any individual lodge, as he at that time was a past master of alexandria lodge, no. , of virginia.[ ] where he says "_nor have i been in one_, [meaning an individual lodge] _more than once or twice within the last thirty years_," he obviously had in view his occasional visits to the various lodges during that period, and that he could not, on account of his official duties and other conditions, attend any lodge regularly. as a matter of record, washington was a member of alexandria lodge, no. , of pennsylvania,[ ] and attended some of its meetings at alexandria in and , as is shown by the minutes of the lodge, and the records here presented.[ ] further, that when the brethren of alexandria lodge, no. , changed their allegiance from pennsylvania to virginia, general washington was especially named in the warrant, after his consent having been first obtained,[ ] and thereby became the warrant master of lodge no. , under the virginia jurisdiction, april , , serving as such until december following, when, as the minutes of that date show,[ ] he was unanimously elected to succeed himself for the full term, serving in all about twenty months. the records further show that, in , washington occupied the chief position in the procession at the celebration of st. john the evangelist by the grand lodge of pennsylvania at philadelphia in , in which more than three hundred brethren joined.[ ] he also occupied the same position when he laid the corner stone of the present capitol at washington, september , , clothed with the masonic apron presented by lafayette, which is now in the museum of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. upon both of these occasions, washington made a public profession of his membership in the masonic fraternity. records show that washington was present at the meeting of american union lodge (a military lodge), at morristown, n. j., december , ;[ ] at american union lodge at nelson's point on the hudson june , ;[ ] at king solomon's lodge of poughkeepsie, december , , and occasionally at alexandria lodge, no. , in - , and the virginia lodge, no. , between the years and .[ ] washington in the next paragraph of his letter to snyder makes his meaning absolutely clear, that while he had not attended any lodge regularly during the past thirty years he plainly states: "i believe notwithstanding, that none of the lodges in this country are contaminated with the principles ascribed to the society of the illuminati." this belief is further accentuated by the letter to the grand lodge of maryland a few weeks after the above letter was written to snyder. in addition to above records, there are numerous traditions of washington's occasional visits to masonic lodges and functions:[ ] all of which fall within the thirty years mentioned in the snyder letter.[ ] further, washington's great interest in freemasonry is shown by the many addresses received from different grand and subordinate lodges throughout the union, all of which he acknowledged in fraternal terms, also by the various masonic constitutions and sermons dedicated to him, which he received with thanks and were preserved in his library. it will be noted that in the fifth line from the bottom, "_within the last thirty years_," which in all anti-masonic publications is printed in italics, the word "_thirty_" was not in the body of the letter as originally written, but was an afterthought and interlined before the press copy was taken. in the press copy of this letter, it will be noted that the word written over the words "_last years_," is almost indecipherable; in the photostat it is completely so. this has led some investigators to question whether the interlined word is really "_thirty_." the surmise that the blur in the press copy of washington's letter to snyder, was "thirty" was first promulgated by jared sparks, when he furnished the text of the letter to the anti-masonic agitators, during the political excitement which swept over the new england states in the second decade of the nineteenth century. snyder, upon receipt of this letter, undoubtedly after consultation with persons who were politically opposed to washington or antagonistic to the masonic fraternity, wrote a second letter and sent it to mount vernon under date of october , ; no copy of this letter has thus far been found among the washington papers in the library of congress. washington immediately sent the following sharp reply to snyder, in which he plainly sets forth his belief that the masonic lodges in the united states were not interested in the propagation of the tenets of what was then known as jacobism or the illuminati. the words as underscored in the original letter by washington were to emphasize his meaning upon this subject. photostats of both of the above letter press copies are in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. "mount vernon th oct. . "_rev. sir_, "i have you favor of the tive " th instant before me and my only mo: "to trouble you with the receipt of this let "ter, is to explain, and correct a mistake "which i perceive the hurry in which i "am obliged, often to write letters, have "led you into.-- "it was not my intention to doubt "that, the doctrines of the illuminati, and "principles of jacobism had not spread "in the united states. on the contrary, no "one is more, fully satisfied of this fact "that i am. "the idea i meant to convey, was, "that i did not believe that the _lodges_ "of free masons in _this_ country had, as "_societies_, endeavoured to propagate the "diabolical tenets of the first, or the per- "nicious principles of the latter, (if they "are susceptible of separation) that "individuals of them may have done it, or "that the _founder_, or _instrument_ employ "ed to found the democratic societies "in the united states, may have had these "objects, and actually had a separation "of the _people_ from their _government_ "in view, is too evident to be questioned. "my occupations are such, that "but little leisure is allowed me to read news "papers, or books of any kind. the reading "of letters and preparing answers, absorb "much of my time.-- "with respect,--i remain, "revd sir, "your most obedt hble servt "go. washington" "the revd. "mr snyder." endorsed to "the revd mr snyder, " th oct. ." it is a historical fact that washington had always retained the highest respect for the people of maryland, and especially the citizens of frederick county. no man ever stood higher in the estimation of the people of maryland than washington, and his death awakened genuine sorrow. on february d, , memorial services were observed in the reformed church at fredericktown.[ ] it was a solemn day and the whole county was in mourning; at which time ex-governor thomas johnson pronounced the funeral oration. snyder took no part in these services. the two letters to snyder were chiefly relied upon by the anti-masons to support their political claims. "that washington was never in a lodge but twice, in his life; that he paid no attention to masonry during the war; that in he declined being addressed by masons as a brother mason, and in was very particular to insist upon the fact that he had not been in a lodge, but once or twice in years, and knew nothing of their principles and practices."[ ] how false these statements so frequently made, is shown by the many proofs here presented in fac-simile of the originals, which also absolutely controvert the statement in governor ritner's vindication? viz:-- "that all the letters said to be written by washington to lodges are spurious. this is rendered nearly certain: first, by the non-production of the originals: second, by the absence of copies among the records of his letters: third, by their want of dates: fourth, by the fact that his intimate friend and biographer, chief justice marshall,[ ] (himself a mason in his youth,) says that he never heard washington utter a syllable on the subject, a matter nearly impossible, if washington had for years been engaged in writing laudatory letters to the grand lodges of south carolina, pennsylvania, and massachusetts."[ ] the movement to elect general washington a grand master over all the brethren in the united states originated at a meeting of american union lodge, held at the encampment of the american army at morristown, new jersey, december , . this lodge was a regimental lodge of the connecticut line, originally warranted by the provincial grand master of massachusetts. this movement continued to find favor amongst the craft, especially in pennsylvania, and culminated in a motion to that effect at a general grand communication of the grand lodge, december , . this resulted in a grand lodge of emergency being convened january , , when the following action was taken:[ ] "this lodge being called by order of the grand master, upon the request of sundry brethren, and also in pursuance of a motion made at the last general communication, to consider the propriety as well as the necessity of appointing a grand master over all the grand lodges formed or to be formed in these united states, as the correspondence which the rules of masonry require cannot now be carried on with the grand lodge of london, under whose jurisdiction the grand lodges in these states were originally constituted; the ballot was put upon the question: whether it be for the benefit of masonry that 'a grand master of masons thro'out the united states' shall be now nominated on the part of this grand lodge; and it was unanimously determined in the affirmative. "sundry respectable brethren being then put in nomination, it was moved that the ballot be put for them separately, and his excellency george washington, esquire, general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the united states being first in nomination, he was ballotted for accordingly as grand master, and elected by the unanimous vote of the whole lodge. "ordered, that the minutes of this election and appointment be transmitted to the different grand lodges in the united states, and their concurrence therein be requested, in order that application be made to his excellency in due form, praying that he will do the brethren and craft the honor of accepting their appointment. a committee was appointed to expedite the business." the movement was further advanced at a convention of representatives of the army lodges, held at morristown, n. j., on february , , when, fortified by the pronounced action of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, a committee was chosen of which brother mordecai gist of maryland was chairman and brother otho williams of delaware, secretary.[ ] =fac-simile of final letter from boston, ending the attempt to make gen. washington general grand master.= this committee issued the celebrated address: "to the right worshipful, the grand masters of the several lodges in the respective united states of america. "union----force----love." this address was signed by representatives of no less than seven states, viz.: maryland, connecticut, new jersey, pennsylvania, massachusetts bay, new york and delaware; in addition to those of the american union lodge, artillery, st. john's regimental lodge and the staff of the american army. it was further ordered that the foregoing address with an exact copy of these proceedings signed by the president and secretary, be sent to the respective provincial grand masters in the united states.[ ] it was not until the middle of october that a reply was received from the grand lodge of massachusetts to the circular letter sent out by the grand lodge of pennsylvania, and then only in response to a letter written by our grand secretary, rev. brother dr. william smith. this matter led to more or less correspondence between the grand lodges of pennsylvania and massachusetts and was in abeyance, until january, , when the following letter was received from joseph webb, grand master of massachusetts.[ ] "boston, jany , . "_revd sir and "respected brother_ "last friday evening the grand lodge met, agreeable to adjournment and after a long debate on the subject, whether it was expedient at present to elect a grand master general for the united states, it passed in the negative. "inclosed i transmit you the vote from the g. sec'y. "yr affecte brother "& hble servt "jos: webb. "rev dr smith "philadelphia." the belief that washington was the grand master of the united states was widespread, and, as our late bro. james m. lamberton said in his address before mentioned,[ ] notwithstanding the fact that the project to elevate general washington fell through, "that the action of the army lodges and of our grand lodge got abroad, is shown by translations of two letters from a lodge at cape francois,[ ] on the island of san domingo, directed to general washington as grand master of all america, soliciting a charter, which were presented to our grand lodge, february , . the same thing is shown by a medal struck in , the obverse showing the bust of washington, with the legend, "g. washington president. ," the reverse showing many masonic emblems,[ ] with the legend "amor. honor. et justica g.w.g.g.m." (_i. e.,_ george washington, general grand master). the writer of the letters to washington, snyder, quoted at the beginning of this chapter, being of foreign birth, and not a member of the masonic fraternity, nor even living where a masonic lodge existed, evidently labored under the same delusion as the brethren at cape francois. the masonic correspondence of washington as represented upon these pages, should settle for all time to come the question, as to the esteem in which washington held the masonic fraternity, of which he was an honored member. it is stated that there are still a large number of washington papers in the library of congress, that are not accessible, as they have thus far not been classified or indexed. thus it is in the possibilities that there may be still further documentary evidence found of masonic import, in addition to such as are set forth upon these pages. =_the arms of ye most ancient & honorable fraternity of free and accepted masons._= footnotes: [ ] "memorial volume, washington sesqui-centennial anniversary," philadelphia, , p. . [ ] "proofs | of a| conspiracy | against all the | religions and governments | of | europe | carried on | in the secret meetings | of | free masons, illuminati, | and | reading societies, | " collected from good authorities | by | john robison, a. m. |--edinburgh, | . | [ ] the original letter of august , , is among the washington papers in the library of congress; a photostat of same is in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania. [ ] cf. historical sketch of the evangelical reformed church of frederick, maryland, , pp. - . [ ] cf. "washington, the man and mason," p. . [ ] _vide_ "sesqui-centennial anniversary of the initiation of brother george washington before quoted," p. . [ ] cf. chapters ii and iii _supra_. [ ] cf. "washington, the man and mason," p. . [ ] _ibid_., december , . his excellency, general washington, unanimously elected master; robert mccrea, senior warden; william hunter, jr., junior warden; william hodgson, treasurer; joseph greenway, secretary; dr. frederick spambergen, senior deacon; george richards, junior deacon. extract from minutes, p. . [ ] _vide_ "freemasonry in pennsylvania, - ," vol. i, chapter x, pp. _et seq_. [ ] _ibid._, vol. i, chapter xii, pp. _et seq_. _vide_ "washington and his masonic compeers," chapter viii, pp. _et seq_. [ ] _ibid._, pp. - . also records of king solomon's lodge, no. , poughkeepsie, new york. [ ] _ibid._, pp. _et seq_. [ ] _ibid._, pp. _et seq_. [ ] washington, so far as known, attended the following public masonic functions: . procession in philadelphia, festival of st. john the evangelist, december , . . festival of st. john the baptist, june , , with the american union lodge, at the robinson house on the hudson, new york. . festival of st. john the evangelist, december , , with american union lodge, at the morris hotel, morristown, new jersey. . festival of st. john the evangelist, december , , with king solomon's lodge, at poughkeepsie, new york. . festival of st. john the baptist, june , , with lodge no. , at alexandria, virginia. . the masonic funeral of brother william ramsay, february , , at alexandria. . laying of the cornerstone of the capitol at the federal city (washington, d. c.), september , , upon which occasion washington walked in the procession. [ ] cf. historical sketch before quoted, p. . [ ] anti-masonic republican convention before quoted, p. . [ ] grand master of virginia, - . [ ] vindication of general washington before quoted, p. . [ ] cf. "reprint of minutes of grand lodge," vol. i, p. . [ ] "freemasonry in pennsylvania, - ," vol. i, p. . [ ] address in full, _ibid._, pp. - . [ ] all of the original correspondence is in the archives of the grand lodge of pennsylvania, mss., vol. a. [ ] "washington sesqui-centennial celebration, nov. , , memorial volume," pp. - . [ ] cf. "old masonic lodges of pennsylvania," vol. ii, chapter liii, pp. - . [ ] specimen in museum of grand lodge of pennsylvania. index. aberts tavern, adam, rev. john, adam, robert, , adcock, william, alexander, alexander, alexandria lodge, no. , address and reply, ; letter and address to washington, ; washington's reply, alexandria lodge, no. , ; correspondence with, ; address to washington, ; meets at lamb tavern, ; invites washington to dine with them, allison, john, , anti-masonic craze, mention of, ; attack washington's memory, ; certify to records, armstrong, thomas, baker, george a., ball, william, bartlett, josiah, , belton, william, , blair, judge, blyth, joseph, bowen, thomas b., bradley, thomas, burk, miss fanny m., copies, portrait for grand lodge of pennsylvania, carson, j., chapman, samuel, , clark, peleg, clinton, governor, cohen, abraham, corney, james, craik, george w., , craik, dr. james, cutler, john, cusack, richard e., dandridge, bartholomew, , , dick, archibald, dick, elisha c., , ; conducts masonic services at washington's funeral, drayton, william, duplessis, peter le barbier, ; autograph, , , edwards, thomas, elliot, robert, few, joseph, ; mention of, foster, theo., franklin, benjamin, mention of, fredericktown, maryland, freemasonry in pennsylvania (barratt and sachse), referred to, free quaker meeting house, gates, thomas, georgia grand lodge, address and reply, , ; fraudulent letter to, gillies, james, , , gist, mordecai, , , ; sketch of, , gorman, mr., of new hampshire, grant, reuben, greene, mrs. nathaniel, griffith, cadawalder, guion, isaac, , halling, solomon, , hamilton, gavin, , handy, john, harris, thaddeus m., hayes, moses michael, mention of, hildreth, ara, houston, george, hunt, galliard, mention of, illuminati, irwin, david, israel, israel, jackson, major william, ; copies address and answer, jefferson, thomas, , johnson, william, , king david's lodge, no. , newport, r. i., proposed masonic address to general washington, ; extracts from records, , ; correspondence with, ; sends address to washington, ; fac-simile of washington's reply, knox, robert, lamb tavern, alexandria meeting place of lodge, no. , lamberton, j. m., address washington as a freemason, ; quoted, laughton, joseph, lear, tobias, , , letter books in library of congress, littlefield, william, lodge no. , on pennsylvania roster, , lowthorp, f., machey, mungo, marshall, john, chief justice, marsteller, phillip g., , maryland grand lodge, draft of letter to , ; address to washington, ; washington reply, ; original draft of reply, _ib._ mason, benjamin, masonic aprons, masonic portrait of washington in alexandria lodge, massachusetts grand lodge, draft of letter to, ; letter to, ; objects to washington as grand master general, ; address and reply, ; address to washington, ; reply, ; letter to paul revere, ; reply to grand lodge, ; refuses to nominate washington as grand master general, mazyck, william c., mcelwee, john, meyers, israel, miller, george, mitchell, john, nelson, william, newburgh, washington in camp at, nilson, andrew, oliver, daniel, oswald, eleaser, pasteur, edward, pennsylvania grand lodge, draft of letter to, ; address and reply, ; resolutions, ; address to washington, ; washington's reply, ; address to washington, , ; address, , ; nominated washington as grand master general, prince george's lodge, no. , georgetown, s. c., address and reply, , ; correspondence with, ; sketch of, _ib._; address to washington, ; fac-simile, , ; washington's reply, procter, thomas, ; sketch of, , providence, r. i., washington arrives at, putnam, herbert, mention of, ramsay, dennis, , ramsay, william, , rehm, dr. j. f., revere, paul, ; letter from washington, ; letter to, , , ritner, governor, vindication, robison, john, "proofs of conspiracy," rush, dr. benjamin, seixas, moses, , ; sketch of, sherburne, henry, shippen, dr. william, smith, jonathan bayard, ; autograph, , ; sketch of, smith, mr. of south carolina, smith, rev. william, d.d., sermon by, ; masonic sermons by, ; addresses the brethren, ; drafts address, , ; masonic record, , ; writes to grand lodge, massachusetts, smith, william moore, autograph, , ; sketch of, ; snyder (schneider), g. w., ; letter to washington, , ; fac-simile of letter, , ; sketch of, south carolina grand lodge, draft of letter to, , ; correspondence with, ; address to washington, ; washington's reply, ; original draft of reply, ; fac-simile, , sparks, jared, ; letter from, , st. john's lodge, no. , newbern, n. c., address and reply, , ; correspondence with, ; resolution, ; address to washington, ; fac-simile, , thomas, isaiah, town, thomas, warren, john, washington, george, master of lodge while president, ; masonic bodies named after, ; full length portrait in london, ; copies of all masonic letters, ; letter to paul revere, ; memory attacked by anti-masons, ; at newport, r. i., , ; at providence, r. i., _ib._; report on, ; as grand master, ; replies to snyder, ; receives masonic ornaments from watson & cassoul, ; masonic apron from lafayette, ; reply to watson & cassoul, ; in camp at newburg, ; resigns his commission at annapolis, ; returns to mount vernon, _ib._; address from lodge no. , ; reply to lodge no. , ; fac-simile, ; invites washington to dine with the lodge, ; acceptance, ; accepts honorary membership, _ib._; portrait of in alexandria lodge, ; address from king david's lodge, ; arrives at newport, r. i., ; providence, _ib._; reply to king david's lodge, ib; starts on southern tour, ; reply to st. john's lodge, ; arrives at georgetown, s. c., ; washington's reply to prince george's lodge, ; arrives at charleston, s. c., ; receives address from grand lodge of south carolina, ; washington's reply, ; calls on mrs. nathaniel greene, ; receives address from grand lodge, georgia, ; leaves savannah, ; replies to grand lodge of georgia, _ib._; residence in philadelphia, ; received address from grand lodge, pennsylvania, ; reply ; master's jewel, ; address from grand lodge, massachusetts, ; washington's reply, ; farewell address, ; at philadelphia, ; address from grand lodge, pennsylvania, ; washington receives deputation, ; reply, ; letters counterfeited, ; arrives at mount vernon, ; letter & address from alexandria lodge, no. , ; reply, ; dines with lodge no. , ; letter to paul revere, ; draft of reply to grand lodge of massachusetts, ; lieutenant general, ; at baltimore, _ib._; draft of reply to grand lodge of maryland, ; reply, ; sesqui-centennial anniversary, ; letter and book from g. w. snyder, ; reply to snyder's letter of september , , ; explanation of, ; member of alexandria lodge, ; lays corner-stone of capitol, ; masonic record of, _ib._; traditions of, ; second letter from snyder, ; washington's reply, ; refutation of the anti-masonic slanders, ; grand master general, ; address by army lodges, ; massachusetts refuses to concur, ; universal belief that washington was grand master general, ; medal struck as such, washington, lodges in united states, watson and cassoul, draft and letter to, , ; send masonic apron to washington, ; reply to, ; fac-simile of original draft to, , ; mention of, watson, elkanah, ; letter to washington, , webb, joseph, white, isaac, white, rev. william, prayer by, williams, j. henry, authorization, iii; mention of, williams, otho, williams, william, paints washington's masonic portrait, wise's tavern, alexandria, transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _underscore_. image captions are indicated by =caption=. illustrations without captions are not identified in this text version. superscripted letters are not identified in this text version. additional spacing after some of the quotes is intentional to indicate both the end of a quotation and the beginning of a new paragraph as presented in the original text. the following misprints have been corrected: "contiuue" corrected to "continue" (page ) "illumaniti" corrected to "illuminati" (page ) "fredricksburg" corrected to "fredericksburg" (footnote ) "dick, elisah" corrected to "dick, elisha" (index) all other spelling and punctuation is presented as in the original. the index has been correctly alphabetized. life of george washington by washington irving in five vols. vol. i. chapter i. genealogy of the washington family. the washington family is of an ancient english stock, the genealogy of which has been traced up to the century immediately succeeding the conquest. at that time it was in possession of landed estates and manorial privileges in the county of durham, such as were enjoyed only by those, or their descendants, who had come over from normandy with the conqueror, or fought under his standard. when william the conqueror laid waste the whole country north of the humber, in punishment of the insurrection of the northumbrians, he apportioned the estates among his followers, and advanced normans and other foreigners to the principal ecclesiastical dignities. one of the most wealthy and important sees was that of durham. hither had been transported the bones of st. cuthbert from their original shrine at lindisfarne, when it was ravaged by the danes. that saint, says camden, was esteemed by princes and gentry a titular saint against the scots. [footnote: camden, brit. iv., .] his shrine, therefore, had been held in peculiar reverence by the saxons, and the see of durham endowed with extraordinary privileges. william continued and increased those privileges. he needed a powerful adherent on this frontier to keep the restless northumbrians in order, and check scottish invasion; and no doubt considered an enlightened ecclesiastic, appointed by the crown, a safer depositary of such power than an hereditary noble. having placed a noble and learned native of loraine in the diocese, therefore, he erected it into a palatinate, over which the bishop, as count palatine, had temporal, as well as spiritual jurisdiction. he built a strong castle for his protection, and to serve as a barrier against the northern foe. he made him lord high-admiral of the sea and waters adjoining his palatinate,--lord warden of the marches, and conservator of the league between england and scotland. thenceforth, we are told, the prelates of durham owned no earthly superior within their diocese, but continued for centuries to exercise every right attached to an independent sovereign. [footnote: annals of roger de hovedon. hutchinson's durham, vol. ii. collectanea curiosa, vol. ii., p. .] the bishop, as count palatine, lived in almost royal state and splendor. he had his lay chancellor, chamberlains, secretaries, steward, treasurer, master of the horse, and a host of minor officers. still he was under feudal obligations. all landed property in those warlike times, implied military service. bishops and abbots, equally with great barons who held estates immediately of the crown, were obliged, when required, to furnish the king with armed men in proportion to their domains; but they had their feudatories under them to aid them in this service. the princely prelate of durham had his barons and knights, who held estates of him on feudal tenure, and were bound to serve him in peace and war. they sat occasionally in his councils, gave martial splendor to his court, and were obliged to have horse and weapon ready for service, for they lived in a belligerent neighborhood, disturbed occasionally by civil war, and often by scottish foray. when the banner of st. cuthbert, the royal standard of the province, was displayed, no armed feudatory of the bishop could refuse to take the field. [footnote: robert de graystanes, ang. sac., p. .] some of these prelates, in token of the warlike duties of their diocese, engraved on their seals a knight on horseback armed at all points, brandishing in one hand a sword, and holding forth in the other the arms of the see. [footnote: camden, brit. iv., .] among the knights who held estates in the palatinate on these warlike conditions, was william de hertburn, the progenitor of the washingtons. his norman name of william would seem to point out his national descent; and the family long continued to have norman names of baptism. the surname of de hertburn was taken from a village on the palatinate which he held of the bishop in knight's fee; probably the same now called hartburn on the banks of the tees. it had become a custom among the norman families of rank about the time of the conquest, to take surnames from their castles or estates; it was not until some time afterwards that surnames became generally assumed by the people. [footnote: lower on surnames, vol. i., p. . fuller says, that the custom of surnames was brought from france in edward the confessor's time, about fifty years before the conquest; but did not become universally settled until some hundred years afterwards. at first they did not descend hereditarily on the family.--_fuller, church history. roll battle abbey._] how or when the de hertburns first acquired possession of their village is not known. they may have been companions in arms with robert de brus (or bruce) a noble knight of normandy, rewarded by william the conqueror with great possessions in the north, and among others, with the lordships of hert and hertness in the county of durham. the first actual mention we find of the family is in the bolden book, a record of all the lands appertaining to the diocese in . in this it is stated that william de hertburn had exchanged his village of hertburn for the manor and village of wessyngton, likewise in the diocese; paying the bishop a quitrent of four pounds, and engaging to attend him with two greyhounds in grand hunts, and to furnish a man at arms whenever military aid should be required of the palatinate. [footnote: the bolden book. as this ancient document gives the first trace of the washington family, it merits especial mention. in , a survey was made by order of bishop de pusaz of all the lands of the see held in demesne, or by tenants in villanage. the record was entered in a book called the bolden buke; the parish of bolden occurring first in alphabetical arrangement. the document commences in the following manner: incipit liber qui vocatur bolden book. anno dominice incarnationis, , &c. the following is the memorandum in question:-- willus de herteburn habet wessyngton (excepta ecclesia et terra ecclesie partinen) ad excamb. pro villa de herteburn quam pro hac quietam clamavit: et reddit l. et vadit in _magna caza_ cum leporar. et quando commune auxilium venerit debet dare militem ad plus de auxilio, &c.--_collectanea curiosa_, vol. ii., p. . the bolden buke is a small folio, deposited in the office of the bishop's auditor, at durham.] the family changed its surname with its estate, and thenceforward assumed that of de wessyngton. [footnote: the name is probably of saxon origin. it existed in england prior to the conquest. the village of wassengtone is mentioned in a saxon charter as granted by king edgar in to thorney abbey.--_collectanea topographica_, iv., .] the condition of military service attached to its manor will be found to have been often exacted, nor was the service in the grand hunt an idle form. hunting came next to war in those days, as the occupation of the nobility and gentry. the clergy engaged in it equally with the laity. the hunting establishment of the bishop of durham was on a princely scale. he had his forests, chases and parks, with their train of foresters, rangers, and park keepers. a grand hunt was a splendid pageant in which all his barons and knights attended him with horse and hound. the stipulations with the seignior of wessyngton show how strictly the rights of the chase were defined. all the game taken by him in going to the forest belonged to the bishop; all taken on returning belonged to himself. [footnote: hutchinson's durham vol. ii., p. .] hugh de pusaz (or de pudsay) during whose episcopate we meet with this first trace of the de wessyngtons, was a nephew of king stephen, and a prelate of great pretensions; fond of appearing with a train of ecclesiastics and an armed retinue. when richard coeur de lion put every thing at pawn and sale to raise funds for a crusade to the holy land, the bishop resolved to accompany him. more wealthy than his sovereign, he made magnificent preparations. besides ships to convey his troops and retinue, he had a sumptuous galley for himself, fitted up with a throne or episcopal chair of silver, and all the household, and even culinary, utensils, were of the same costly material. in a word, had not the prelate been induced to stay at home, and aid the king with his treasures, by being made one of the regents of the kingdom, and earl of northumberland for life, the de wessyngtons might have followed the banner of st. cuthbert to the holy wars. nearly seventy years afterwards we find the family still retaining its manorial estate in the palatinate. the names of bondo de wessyngton and william his son appear on charters of land, granted in to religious houses. soon after occurred the wars of the barons, in which the throne of henry iii was shaken by the de mountforts. the chivalry of the palatinate rallied under the royal standard. on the list of loyal knights who fought for their sovereign in the disastrous battle of lewes ( ), in which the king was taken prisoner, we find the name of william weshington, of weshington. [footnote: this list of knights was inserted in the bolden book as an additional entry. it is cited at full length by hutchinson.--_hist. durham_, vol. i., p. .] during the splendid pontificate of anthony beke (or beak), the knights of the palatinate had continually to be in the saddle, or buckled in armor. the prelate was so impatient of rest that he never took more than one sleep, saying it was unbecoming a man to turn from one side to another in bed. he was perpetually, when within his diocese, either riding from one manor to another, or hunting and hawking. twice he assisted edward i. with all his force in invading scotland. in the progress northward with the king, the bishop led the van, marching a day in advance of the main body, with a mercenary force, paid by himself, of one thousand foot and five hundred horse. besides these he had his feudatories of the palatinate; six bannerets and one hundred and sixty knights, not one of whom, says an old poem, but surpassed arthur himself, though endowed with the charmed gifts of merlin. [footnote: onques artous pour touz ces charmes, si beau prisent ne ot de merlyn. siege of karlaverock; _an old poem in norman french._] we presume the de wessyngtons were among those preux chevaliers, as the banner of st. cuthbert had been taken from its shrine on the occasion, and of course all the armed force of the diocese was bound to follow. it was borne in front of the army by a monk of durham. there were many rich caparisons, says the old poem, many beautiful pennons, fluttering from lances, and much neighing of steeds. the hills and valleys were covered with sumpter horses and waggons laden with tents and provisions. the bishop of durham in his warlike state appeared, we are told, more like a powerful prince, than a priest or prelate. [footnote: robert de graystanes, ang. sac., p. , cited by hutchinson, vol. i. p. .] at the surrender of the crown of scotland by john baliol, which ended this invasion, the bishop negotiated on the part of england. as a trophy of the event, the chair of schone used on the inauguration of the scottish monarchs, and containing the stone on which jacob dreamed, the palladium of scotland, was transferred to england and deposited in westminster abbey. [footnote: an extract from an inedited poem, cited by nicolas in his translation of the siege of carlavarock, gives a striking picture of the palatinate in these days of its pride and splendor:-- there valour bowed before the rood and book, and kneeling knighthood served a prelate lord, yet little deigned he on such train to look, or glance of ruth or pity to afford. there time has heard the peal rung out at night, has seen from every tower the cressets stream, when the red bale fire on yon western height had roused the warder from his fitful dream. has seen old durham's lion banner float o'er the proud bulwark, that, with giant pride and feet deep plunged amidst the circling moat, the efforts of the roving scot defied.] in the reign of edward iii. we find the de wessyngtons still mingling in chivalrous scenes. the name of sir stephen de wessyngton appears on a list of knights (nobles chevaliers) who were to tilt at a tournament at dunstable in . he bore for his device a golden rose on an azure field. [footnote: collect. topog. et genealog. t. iv., p. .] he was soon called to exercise his arms on a sterner field. in , edward and his son, the black prince, being absent with the armies in france, king david of scotland invaded northumberland with a powerful army. queen philippa, who had remained in england as regent, immediately took the field, calling the northern prelates and nobles to join her standard. they all hastened to obey. among the prelates was hatfield, the bishop of durham. the sacred banner of st. cuthbert was again displayed, and the chivalry of the palatinate assisted at the famous battle of nevil's cross, near durham, in which the scottish army was defeated and king david taken prisoner. queen philippa hastened with a victorious train to cross the sea at dover, and join king edward in his camp before calais. the prelate of durham accompanied her. his military train consisted of three bannerets, forty-eight knights, one hundred and sixty-four esquires, and eighty archers, on horseback. [footnote: collier's eccles. hist., book vi., cent. xiv.] they all arrived to witness the surrender of calais, ( ) on which occasion queen philippa distinguished herself by her noble interference in saving the lives of its patriot citizens. such were the warlike and stately scenes in which the de wessyngtons were called to mingle by their feudal duties as knights of the palatinate. a few years after the last event ( ), william, at that time lord of the manor of wessyngton, had license to settle it and the village upon himself, his wife, and "his own right heirs." he died in , and his son and heir, william, succeeded to the estate. the latter is mentioned under the name of sir william de weschington, as one of the knights who sat in the privy council of the county during the episcopate of john fordham. [footnote: hutchinson, vol. ii.] during this time the whole force of the palatinate was roused to pursue a foray of scots, under sir william douglas, who, having ravaged the country, were returning laden with spoil. it was a fruit of the feud between the douglases and the percys. the marauders were overtaken by hotspur percy, and then took place the battle of otterbourne, in which percy was taken prisoner and douglas slain. [footnote: theare the dowglas lost his life, and the percye was led away. fordun. _quoted by surtee's hist. durham_, vol i.] for upwards of two hundred years the de wessyngtons had now sat in the councils of the palatinate; had mingled with horse and hound in the stately hunts of its prelates, and followed the banner of st. cuthbert to the field; but sir william, just mentioned, was the last of the family that rendered this feudal service. he was the last male of the line to which the inheritance of the manor, by the license granted to his father, was confined. it passed away from the de wessyngtons, after his death, by the marriage of his only daughter and heir, dionisia, with sir william temple of studley. by the year it had become the property of the blaykestons. [footnote: hutchinson's durham, vol. ii., p. .] but though the name of de wessyngton no longer figured on the chivalrous roll of the palatinate, it continued for a time to flourish in the cloisters. in the year , john de wessyngton was elected prior of the benedictine convent, attached to the cathedral. the monks of this convent had been licensed by pope gregory vii. to perform the solemn duties of the cathedral in place of secular clergy, and william the conqueror had ordained that the priors of durham should enjoy all the liberties, dignities and honors of abbots; should hold their lands and churches in their own hands and free disposition, and have the abbot's seat on the left side of the choir--thus taking rank of every one but the bishop. [footnote: dugdale monasticon anglicanum. t. i., p. . london ed. .] in the course of three centuries and upwards, which had since elapsed, these honors and privileges had been subject to repeated dispute and encroachment, and the prior had nearly been elbowed out of the abbot's chair by the archdeacon. john de wessyngton was not a man to submit tamely to such infringements of his rights. he forthwith set himself up as the champion of his priory, and in a learned tract, _de juribus et possessionibus ecclesiae dunelm_, established the validity of the long controverted claims, and fixed himself firmly in the abbot's chair. his success in this controversy gained him much renown among his brethren of the cowl, and in he presided at the general chapter of the order of st. benedict, held at northampton. the stout prior of durham had other disputes with the bishop and the secular clergy touching his ecclesiastical functions, in which he was equally victorious, and several tracts remain in manuscript in the dean and chapter's library; weapons hung up in the church armory as memorials of his polemical battles. finally, after fighting divers good fights for the honor of his priory, and filling the abbot's chair for thirty years, he died, to use an ancient phrase, "in all the odor of sanctity," in , and was buried like a soldier on his battle-field, at the door of the north aisle of his church, near to the altar of st. benedict. on his tombstone was an inscription in brass, now unfortunately obliterated, which may have set forth the valiant deeds of this washington of the cloisters. [footnote: hutchinson's durham, vol. ii., passim.] by this time the primitive stock of the de wessyngtons had separated into divers branches, holding estates in various parts of england; some distinguishing themselves in the learned professions, others receiving knighthood for public services. their names are to be found honorably recorded in county histories, or engraved on monuments in time-worn churches and cathedrals, those garnering places of english worthies. by degrees the seignorial sign of _de_ disappeared from before the family surname, which also varied from wessyngton to wassington, wasshington, and finally, to washington. [footnote: "the de came to be omitted," says an old treatise, "when englishmen and english manners began to prevail upon the recovery of lost credit."--_restitution of decayed intelligence in antiquities._ lond. . about the time of henry vi., says another treatise, the de or d' was generally dropped from surnames, when the title of _armiger_, _esquier_, amongst the heads of families, and _generosus_, or _gentylman_, among younger sons was substituted.--_lower on surnames_, vol i.] a parish in the county of durham bears the name as last written, and in this probably the ancient manor of wessyngton was situated. there is another parish of the name in the county of sussex. the branch of the family to which our washington immediately belongs sprang from laurence washington, esquire, of gray's inn, son of john washington, of warton in lancashire. this laurence washington was for some time mayor of northampton, and on the dissolution of the priories by henry viii. he received, in , a grant of the manor of sulgrave, in northamptonshire, with other lands in the vicinity, all confiscated property formerly belonging to the monastery of st. andrew's. sulgrave remained in the family until , and was commonly called "washington's manor." [footnote: the manor of garsdon in wiltshire has been mentioned as the homestead of the ancestors of our washington. this is a mistake. it was the residence of sir laurence washington, second son of the above-mentioned grantee of sulgrave. elizabeth, granddaughter of this sir laurence, married robert shirley, earl ferrers and viscount of tamworth. washington became a baptismal name among the shirleys--several of the earls ferrers have borne it. the writer of these pages visited sulgrave a few years since. it was in a quiet rural neighborhood, where the farm-houses were quaint and antiquated. a part only of the manor house remained, and was inhabited by a farmer. the washington crest, in colored glass, was to be seen in a window of what was now the buttery. a window on which the whole family arms was emblazoned had been removed to the residence of the actual proprietor of the manor. another relic of the ancient manor of the washingtons was a rookery in a venerable grove hard by. the rooks, those stanch adherents to old family abodes, still hovered and cawed about their hereditary nests. in the pavement of the parish church we were shown a stone slab bearing effigies on plates of brass of laurence wasshington, gent., and anne his wife, and their four sons and eleven daughters. the inscription in black letter was dated .] one of the direct descendants of the grantee of sulgrave was sir william washington, of packington, in the county of kent. he married a sister of george villiers, duke of buckingham, the unfortunate favorite of charles i. this may have attached the sulgrave washingtons to the stuart dynasty, to which they adhered loyally and generously throughout all its vicissitudes. one of the family, lieutenant colonel james washington, took up arms in the cause of king charles, and lost his life at the siege of pontefract castle. another of the sulgrave line, sir henry washington, son and heir of sir william, before mentioned, exhibited in the civil wars the old chivalrous spirit of the knights of the palatinate. he served under prince rupert at the storming of bristol, in , and when the assailants were beaten off at every point, he broke in with a handful of infantry at a weak part of the wall, made room for the horse to follow, and opened a path to victory. [footnote: clarendon, book vii.] he distinguished himself still more in , when elevated to the command of worcester, the governor having been captured by the enemy. it was a time of confusion and dismay. the king had fled from oxford in disguise and gone to the parliamentary camp at newark. the royal cause was desperate. in this crisis sir henry received a letter from fairfax, who, with his victorious army, was at haddington, demanding the surrender of worcester. the following was colonel washington's reply: sir, it is acknowledged by your books and by report of your own quarter, that the king is in some of your armies. that granted, it may be easy for you to procure his majesty's commands for the disposal of this garrison. till then i shall make good the trust reposed in me. as for conditions, if i shall be necessitated, i shall make the best i can. the worst i know and fear not; if i had, the profession of a soldier had not been begun, nor so long continued by your excellency's humble servant, henry washington. [footnote: greene's antiquities of worcester, p. .] in a few days colonel whalley invested the city with five thousand troops. sir henry dispatched messenger after messenger in quest of the king to know his pleasure. none of them returned. a female emissary was equally unavailing. week after week elapsed, until nearly three months had expired. provisions began to fail. the city was in confusion. the troops grew insubordinate. yet sir henry persisted in the defence. general fairfax, with , horse and foot, was daily expected. there was not powder enough for an hour's contest should the city be stormed. still sir henry "awaited his majesty's commands." at length news arrived that the king had issued an order for the surrender of all towns, castles, and forts. a printed copy of the order was shown to sir henry, and on the faith of that document he capitulated ( th july, ) on honorable terms, won by his fortitude and perseverance. those who believe in hereditary virtues may see foreshadowed in the conduct of this washington of worcester, the magnanimous constancy of purpose, the disposition to "hope against hope," which bore our washington triumphantly through the darkest days of our revolution. we have little note of the sulgrave branch of the family after the death of charles i. and the exile of his successor. england, during the protectorate, became an uncomfortable residence to such as had signalized themselves as adherents to the house of stuart. in , an attempt at a general insurrection drew on them the vengeance of cromwell. many of their party who had no share in the conspiracy, yet sought refuge in other lands, where they might live free from molestation. this may have been the case with two brothers, john and andrew washington, great-grandsons of the grantee of sulgrave, and uncles of sir henry, the gallant defender of worcester. john had for some time resided at south cave, in the east riding of yorkshire; [footnote: south cave is near the humber. "in the vicinity is cave castle, an embattled edifice. it has a noble collection of paintings, including a portrait of general washington, whose ancestors possessed a portion of the estate."--_lewes, topog. dict._ vol. i., p. .] but now emigrated with his brother to virginia; which colony, from its allegiance to the exiled monarch and the anglican church had become a favorite resort of the cavaliers. the brothers arrived in virginia in , and purchased lands in westmoreland county, on the northern neck, between the potomac and rappahannock rivers. john married a miss anne pope, of the same county, and took up his residence on bridges creek, near where it falls into the potomac. he became an extensive planter, and, in process of time, a magistrate and member of the house of burgesses. having a spark of the old military fire of the family, we find him, as colonel washington, leading the virginia forces, in co-operation with those of maryland, against a band of seneca indians, who were ravaging the settlements along the potomac. in honor of his public services and private virtues the parish in which he resided was called after him, and still bears the name of washington. he lies buried in a vault on bridges creek, which, for generations, was the family place of sepulture. the estate continued in the family. his grandson augustine, the father of our washington, was born there in . he was twice married; first (april th, ), to jane, daughter of caleb butler, esq., of westmoreland county, by whom he had four children, of whom only two, lawrence and augustine, survived the years of childhood; their mother died november th, , and was buried in the family vault. on the th of march, , he married in second nuptials, mary, the daughter of colonel ball, a young and beautiful girl, said to be the belle of the northern neck. by her he had four sons, george, samuel, john augustine, and charles; and two daughters, elizabeth, or betty, as she was commonly called, and mildred, who died in infancy. george, the eldest, the subject of this biography, was born on the d of february ( th, o. s.), , in the homestead on bridges creek. this house commanded a view over many miles of the potomac, and the opposite shore of maryland. it had probably been purchased with the property, and was one of the primitive farm-houses of virginia. the roof was steep, and sloped down into low projecting eaves. it had four rooms on the ground floor, and others in the attic, and an immense chimney at each end. not a vestige of it remains. two or three decayed fig trees, with shrubs and vines, linger about the place, and here and there a flower grown wild serves "to mark where a garden has been." such at least, was the case a few years since; but these may have likewise passed away. a stone [footnote: placed there by george w. p. custis, esq.] marks the site of the house, and an inscription denotes its being the birthplace of washington. we have entered with some minuteness into this genealogical detail; tracing the family step by step through the pages of historical documents for upwards of six centuries; and we have been tempted to do so by the documentary proofs it gives of the lineal and enduring worth of the race. we have shown that, for many generations, and through a variety of eventful scenes, it has maintained an equality of fortune and respectability, and whenever brought to the test has acquitted itself with honor and loyalty. hereditary rank may be an illusion; but hereditary virtue gives a patent of innate nobleness beyond all the blazonry of the herald's college. chapter ii. the home of washington's boyhood--his early education--lawrence washington and his campaign in the west indies--death of washington's father--the widowed mother and her children--school exercises. not long after the birth of george, his father removed to an estate in stafford county, opposite fredericksburg. the house was similar in style to the one at bridges creek, and stood on a rising ground overlooking a meadow which bordered the rappahannock. this was the home of george's boyhood; the meadow was his play-ground, and the scene of his early athletic sports; but this home, like that in which he was born, has disappeared; the site is only to be traced by fragments of bricks, china, and earthenware. in those days the means of instruction in virginia were limited, and it was the custom among the wealthy planters to send their sons to england to complete their education. this was done by augustine washington with his eldest son lawrence, then about fifteen years of age, and whom he no doubt considered the future head of the family. george was yet in early childhood: as his intellect dawned he received the rudiments of education in the best establishment for the purpose that the neighborhood afforded. it was what was called, in popular parlance, an "old field school-house;" humble enough in its pretensions, and kept by one of his father's tenants named hobby, who moreover was sexton of the parish. the instruction doled out by him must have been of the simplest kind, reading, writing, and ciphering, perhaps; but george had the benefit of mental and moral culture at home, from an excellent father. several traditional anecdotes have been given to the world, somewhat prolix and trite, but illustrative of the familiar and practical manner in which augustine washington, in the daily intercourse of domestic life, impressed the ductile mind of his child with high maxims of religion and virtue, and imbued him with a spirit of justice and generosity, and above all a scrupulous love of truth. when george was about seven or eight years old his brother lawrence returned from england, a well-educated and accomplished youth. there was a difference of fourteen years in their ages, which may have been one cause of the strong attachment which took place between them. lawrence looked down with a protecting eye upon the boy whose dawning intelligence and perfect rectitude won his regard; while george looked up to his manly and cultivated brother as a model in mind and manners. we call particular attention to this brotherly interchange of affection, from the influence it had on all the future career of the subject of this memoir. lawrence washington had something of the old military spirit of the family, and circumstances soon called it into action. spanish depredations on british commerce had recently provoked reprisals. admiral vernon, commander-in-chief in the west indies, had accordingly captured porto bello, on the isthmus of darien. the spaniards were preparing to revenge the blow; the french were fitting out ships to aid them. troops were embarked in england for another campaign in the west indies; a regiment of four battalions was to be raised in the colonies and sent to join them at jamaica. there was a sudden outbreak of military ardor in the province; the sound of drum and fife was heard in the villages with the parade of recruiting parties. lawrence washington, now twenty-two years of age, caught the infection. he obtained a captain's commission in the newly raised regiment, and embarked with it for the west indies in . he served in the joint expeditions of admiral vernon and general wentworth, in the land forces commanded by the latter, and acquired the friendship and confidence of both of those officers. he was present at the siege of carthagena, when it was bombarded by the fleet, and when the troops attempted to escalade the citadel. it was an ineffectual attack; the ships could not get near enough to throw their shells into the town, and the scaling ladders proved too short. that part of the attack, however, with which lawrence was concerned, distinguished itself by its bravery. the troops sustained unflinching a destructive fire for several hours, and at length retired with honor, their small force having sustained a loss of about six hundred in killed and wounded. we have here the secret of that martial spirit so often cited of george in his boyish days. he had seen his brother fitted out for the wars. he had heard by letter and otherwise of the warlike scenes in which he was mingling. all his amusements took a military turn. he made soldiers of his schoolmates; they had their mimic parades, reviews, and sham fights; a boy named william bustle was sometimes his competitor, but george was commander-in-chief of hobby's school. lawrence washington returned home in the autumn of , the campaigns in the west indies being ended, and admiral vernon and general wentworth being recalled to england. it was the intention of lawrence to rejoin his regiment in that country, and seek promotion in the army, but circumstances completely altered his plans. he formed an attachment to anne, the eldest daughter of the honorable william fairfax, of fairfax county; his addresses were well received, and they became engaged. their nuptials were delayed by the sudden and untimely death of his father, which took place on the th of april, , after a short but severe attack of gout in the stomach, and when but forty-nine years of age. george had been absent from home on a visit during his father's illness, and just returned in time to receive a parting look of affection. augustine washington left large possessions, distributed by will among his children. to lawrence, the estate on the banks of the potomac, with other real property, and several shares in iron works. to augustine, the second son by the first marriage, the old homestead and estate in westmoreland. the children by the second marriage were severally well provided for, and george, when he became of age, was to have the house and lands on the rappahannock. in the month of july the marriage of lawrence with miss fairfax took place. he now gave up all thoughts of foreign service, and settled himself on his estate on the banks of the potomac, to which he gave the name of mount vernon, in honor of the admiral. augustine took up his abode at the homestead on bridges creek, and married anne, daughter and co-heiress of william aylett, esquire, of westmoreland county. george, now eleven years of age, and the other children of the second marriage, had been left under the guardianship of their mother, to whom was intrusted the proceeds of all their property until they should severally come of age. she proved herself worthy of the trust. endowed with plain, direct good sense, thorough conscientiousness, and prompt decision, she governed her family strictly, but kindly, exacting deference while she inspired affection. george, being her eldest son, was thought to be her favorite, yet she never gave him undue preference, and the implicit deference exacted from him in childhood continued to be habitually observed by him to the day of her death. he inherited from her a high temper and a spirit of command, but her early precepts and example taught him to restrain and govern that temper, and to square his conduct on the exact principles of equity and justice. tradition gives an interesting picture of the widow, with her little flock gathered round her, as was her daily wont, reading to them lessons of religion and morality out of some standard work. her favorite volume was sir matthew hale's contemplations, moral and divine. the admirable maxims therein contained, for outward action as well as self-government, sank deep into the mind of george, and, doubtless, had a great influence in forming his character. they certainly were exemplified in his conduct throughout life. this mother's manual, bearing his mother's name, mary washington, written with her own hand, was ever preserved by him with filial care, and may still be seen in the archives of mount vernon. a precious document! let those who wish to know the moral foundation of his character consult its pages. having no longer the benefit of a father's instructions at home, and the scope of tuition of hobby, the sexton, being too limited for the growing wants of his pupil, george was now sent to reside with augustine washington, at bridges creek, and enjoy the benefit of a superior school in that neighborhood, kept by a mr. williams. his education, however, was plain and practical. he never attempted the learned languages, nor manifested any inclination for rhetoric or belles-lettres. his object, or the object of his friends, seems to have been confined to fitting him for ordinary business. his manuscript school books still exist, and are models of neatness and accuracy. one of them, it is true, a ciphering book, preserved in the library at mount vernon, has some school-boy attempts at calligraphy; nondescript birds, executed with a flourish of the pen, or profiles of faces, probably intended for those of his schoolmates; the rest are all grave and business-like. before he was thirteen years of age he had copied into a volume forms for all kinds of mercantile and legal papers; bills of exchange, notes of hand, deeds, bonds, and the like. this early self-tuition gave him throughout life a lawyer's skill in drafting documents, and a merchant's exactness in keeping accounts; so that all the concerns of his various estates; his dealings with his domestic stewards and foreign agents; his accounts with government, and all his financial transactions are to this day to be seen posted up in books, in his own handwriting, monuments of his method and unwearied accuracy. he was a self-disciplinarian in physical as well as mental matters, and practised himself in all kinds of athletic exercises, such as running, leaping, wrestling, pitching quoits and tossing bars. his frame even in infancy had been large and powerful, and he now excelled most of his playmates in contests of agility and strength. as a proof of his muscular power, a place is still pointed out at fredericksburg, near the lower ferry, where, when a boy, he flung a stone across the rappahannock. in horsemanship too he already excelled, and was ready to back, and able to manage the most fiery steed. traditional anecdotes remain of his achievements in this respect. above all, his inherent probity and the principles of justice on which he regulated all his conduct, even at this early period of life, were soon appreciated by his schoolmates; he was referred to as an umpire in their disputes, and his decisions were never reversed. as he had formerly been military chieftain, he was now legislator of the school; thus displaying in boyhood a type of the future man. chapter iii. paternal conduct of an elder brother--the fairfax family--washington's code of morals and manners--soldiers' tales--their influence--washington prepares for the navy--a mother's objections--return to school--studies and exercises--a school-boy passion--the lowland beauty--love ditties at mount vernon--visit to belvoir--lord fairfax--his character--fox-hunting a remedy for love--proposition for a surveying expedition. the attachment of lawrence washington to his brother george seems to have acquired additional strength and tenderness on their father's death; he now took a truly paternal interest in his concerns, and had him as frequently as possible a guest at mount vernon. lawrence had deservedly become a popular and leading personage in the country. he was a member of the house of burgesses, and adjutant general of the district, with the rank of major, and a regular salary. a frequent sojourn with him brought george into familiar intercourse with the family of his father-in-law, the hon. william fairfax, who resided at a beautiful seat called belvoir, a few miles below mount vernon, and on the same woody ridge bordering the potomac. william fairfax was a man of liberal education and intrinsic worth; he had seen much of the world, and his mind had been enriched and ripened by varied and adventurous experience. of an ancient english family in yorkshire, he had entered the army at the age of twenty-one; had served with honor both in the east and west indies, and officiated as governor of new providence, after having aided in rescuing it from pirates. for some years past he had resided in virginia, to manage the immense landed estates of his cousin, lord fairfax, and lived at belvoir in the style of an english country gentleman, surrounded by an intelligent and cultivated family of sons and daughters. an intimacy with a family like this, in which the frankness and simplicity of rural and colonial life were united with european refinement, could not but have a beneficial effect in moulding the character and manners of a somewhat homebred schoolboy. it was probably his intercourse with them, and his ambition to acquit himself well in their society, that set him upon compiling a code of morals and manners which still exists in a manuscript in his own handwriting, entitled "rules for behavior in company and conversation." it is extremely minute and circumstantial. some of the rules for personal deportment extend to such trivial matters, and are so quaint and formal, as almost to provoke a smile; but in the main, a better manual of conduct could not be put into the hands of a youth. the whole code evinces that rigid propriety and self control to which he subjected himself, and by which he brought all the impulses of a somewhat ardent temper under conscientious government. other influences were brought to bear on george during his visit at mount vernon. his brother lawrence still retained some of his military inclinations, fostered no doubt by his post of adjutant general. william fairfax, as we have shown, had been a soldier, and in many trying scenes. some of lawrence's comrades of the provincial regiment, who had served with him in the west indies, were occasional visitors at mount vernon; or a ship of war, possibly one of vernon's old fleet, would anchor in the potomac, and its officers be welcome guests at the tables of lawrence and his father-in-law. thus military scenes on sea and shore would become the topics of conversation. the capture of porto bello; the bombardment of carthagena; old stories of cruisings in the east and west indies, and campaigns against the pirates. we can picture to ourselves george, a grave and earnest boy, with an expanding intellect, and a deep-seated passion for enterprise, listening to such conversations with a kindling spirit and a growing desire for military life. in this way most probably was produced that desire to enter the navy which he evinced when about fourteen years of age. the opportunity for gratifying it appeared at hand. ships of war frequented the colonies, and at times, as we have hinted, were anchored in the potomac. the inclination was encouraged by lawrence washington and mr. fairfax. lawrence retained pleasant recollections of his cruisings in the fleet of admiral vernon, and considered the naval service a popular path to fame and fortune. george was at a suitable age to enter the navy. the great difficulty was to procure the assent of his mother. she was brought, however, to acquiesce; a midshipman's warrant was obtained, and it is even said that the luggage of the youth was actually on board of a man of war, anchored in the river just below mount vernon. at the eleventh hour the mother's heart faltered. this was her eldest born. a son, whose strong and steadfast character promised to be a support to herself and a protection to her other children. the thought of his being completely severed from her and exposed to the hardships and perils of a boisterous profession, overcame even her resolute mind, and at her urgent remonstrances the nautical scheme was given up. to school, therefore, george returned, and continued his studies for nearly two years longer, devoting himself especially to mathematics, and accomplishing himself in those branches calculated to fit him either for civil or military service. among these, one of the most important in the actual state of the country was land surveying. in this he schooled himself thoroughly, using the highest processes of the art; making surveys about the neighborhood, and keeping regular field books, some of which we have examined, in which the boundaries and measurements of the fields surveyed were carefully entered, and diagrams made, with a neatness and exactness as if the whole related to important land transactions instead of being mere school exercises. thus, in his earliest days, there was perseverance and completeness in all his undertakings. nothing was left half done, or done in a hurried and slovenly manner. the habit of mind thus cultivated continued throughout life; so that however complicated his tasks and overwhelming his cares, in the arduous and hazardous situations in which he was often placed, he found time to do every thing, and to do it well. he had acquired the magic of method, which of itself works wonders. in one of these manuscript memorials of his practical studies and exercises, we have come upon some documents singularly in contrast with all that we have just cited, and, with his apparently unromantic character. in a word, there are evidences in his own handwriting, that, before he was fifteen years of age, he had conceived a passion for some unknown beauty, so serious as to disturb his otherwise well-regulated mind, and to make him really unhappy. why this juvenile attachment was a source of unhappiness we have no positive means of ascertaining. perhaps the object of it may have considered him a mere school-boy, and treated him as such; or his own shyness may have been in his way, and his "rules for behavior and conversation" may as yet have sat awkwardly on him, and rendered him formal and ungainly when he most sought to please. even in later years he was apt to be silent and embarrassed in female society. "he was a very bashful young man," said an old lady, whom he used to visit when they were both in their nonage. "i used often to wish that he would talk more." whatever may have been the reason, this early attachment seems to have been a source of poignant discomfort to him. it clung to him after he took a final leave of school in the autumn of , and went to reside with his brother lawrence at mount vernon. here he continued his mathematical studies and his practice in surveying, disturbed at times by recurrences of his unlucky passion. though by no means of a poetical temperament, the waste pages of his journal betray several attempts to pour forth his amorous sorrows in verse. they are mere common-place rhymes, such as lovers at his age are apt to write, in which he bewails his "poor restless heart, wounded by cupid's dart," and "bleeding for one who remains pitiless of his griefs and woes." the tenor of some of his verses induce us to believe that he never told his love; but, as we have already surmised, was prevented by his bashfulness. "ah, woe is me, that i should love and conceal; long have i wished and never dare reveal." it is difficult to reconcile one's self to the idea of the cool and sedate washington, the great champion of american liberty, a woe-worn lover in his youthful days, "sighing like furnace," and inditing plaintive verses about the groves of mount vernon. we are glad of an opportunity, however, of penetrating to his native feelings, and finding that under his studied decorum and reserve he had a heart of flesh throbbing with the warm impulses of human nature. being a favorite of sir william fairfax, he was now an occasional inmate of belvoir. among the persons at present residing there was thomas, lord fairfax, cousin of william fairfax, and of whose immense landed property the latter was the agent. as this nobleman was one of washington's earliest friends, and, in some degree the founder of his fortunes, his character and history are worthy of especial note. lord fairfax was now nearly sixty years of age, upwards of six feet high, gaunt and raw-boned, near-sighted, with light gray eyes, sharp features and an aquiline nose. however ungainly his present appearance, he had figured to advantage in london life in his younger days. he had received his education at the university of oxford, where he acquitted himself with credit. he afterwards held a commission, and remained for some time in a regiment of horse called the blues. his title and connections, of course, gave him access to the best society, in which he acquired additional currency by contributing a paper or two to addison's spectator, then in great vogue. in the height of his fashionable career, he became strongly attached to a young lady of rank; paid his addresses, and was accepted. the wedding day was fixed; the wedding dresses were provided; together with servants and equipages for the matrimonial establishment. suddenly the lady broke her engagement. she had been dazzled by the superior brilliancy of a ducal coronet. it was a cruel blow, alike to the affection and pride of lord fairfax, and wrought a change in both character and conduct. from that time he almost avoided the sex, and became shy and embarrassed in their society, excepting among those with whom he was connected or particularly intimate. this may have been among the reasons which ultimately induced him to abandon the gay world and bury himself in the wilds of america. he made a voyage to virginia about the year , to visit his vast estates there. these he inherited from his mother, catharine, daughter of thomas, lord culpepper, to whom they had been granted by charles ii. the original grant was for all the lands lying between the rappahannock and potomac rivers; meaning thereby, it is said, merely the territory on the northern neck, east of the blue ridge. his lordship, however, discovering that the potomac headed in the allegany mountains, returned to england and claimed a correspondent definition of his grant. it was arranged by compromise; extending his domain into the allegany mountains, and comprising, among other lands, a great portion of the shenandoah valley. lord fairfax had been delighted with his visit to virginia. the amenity of the climate, the magnificence of the forest scenery, the abundance of game,--all pointed it out as a favored land. he was pleased, too, with the frank, cordial character of the virginians, and their independent mode of life; and returned to it with the resolution of taking up his abode there for the remainder of his days. his early disappointment in love was the cause of some eccentricities in his conduct; yet he was amiable and courteous in his manners, and of a liberal and generous spirit. another inmate of belvoir at this time was george william fairfax, about twenty-two years of age, the eldest son of the proprietor. he had been educated in england, and since his return had married a daughter of colonel carey, of hampton, on james river. he had recently brought home his bride and her sister to his father's house. the merits of washington were known and appreciated by the fairfax family. though not quite sixteen years of age, he no longer seemed a boy, nor was he treated as such. tall, athletic, and manly for his years, his early self-training, and the code of conduct he had devised, gave a gravity and decision to his conduct; his frankness and modesty inspired cordial regard, and the melancholy, of which he speaks, may have produced a softness in his manner calculated to win favor in ladies' eyes. according to his own account, the female society by which he was surrounded had a soothing effect on that melancholy. the charms of miss carey, the sister of the bride, seem even to have caused a slight fluttering in his bosom; which, however, was constantly rebuked by the remembrance of his former passion--so at least we judge from letters to his youthful confidants, rough drafts of which are still to be seen in his tell-tale journal. to one whom he addresses as his dear friend robin, he writes: "my residence is at present at his lordship's, where i might, was my heart disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there's a very agreeable young lady lives in the same house (col. george fairfax's wife's sister); but as that's only adding fuel to fire, it makes me the more uneasy, for by often and unavoidably being in company with her, revives my former passion for your lowland beauty; whereas was i to live more retired from young women, i might in some measure alleviate my sorrows, by burying that chaste and troublesome passion in the grave of oblivion," &c. similar avowals he makes to another of his young correspondents, whom he styles, "dear friend john;" as also to a female confidant, styled "dear sally," to whom he acknowledges that the company of the "very agreeable young lady, sister-in-law of col. george fairfax," in a great measure cheers his sorrow and dejectedness. the object of this early passion is not positively known. tradition states that the "lowland beauty" was a miss grimes, of westmoreland, afterwards mrs. lee, and mother of general henry lee, who figured in revolutionary history as light horse harry, and was always a favorite with washington, probably from the recollections of his early tenderness for the mother. whatever may have been the soothing effect of the female society by which he was surrounded at belvoir, the youth found a more effectual remedy for his love melancholy in the company of lord fairfax. his lordship was a staunch fox-hunter, and kept horses and hounds in the english style. the hunting season had arrived. the neighborhood abounded with sport; but fox-hunting in virginia required bold and skilful horsemanship. he found washington as bold as himself in the saddle, and as eager to follow the hounds. he forthwith took him into peculiar favor; made him his hunting companion; and it was probably under the tuition of this hard-riding old nobleman that the youth imbibed that fondness for the chase for which he was afterwards remarked. their fox-hunting intercourse was attended with more important results. his lordship's possessions beyond the blue ridge had never been regularly settled nor surveyed. lawless intruders--squatters, as they were called--were planting themselves along the finest streams and in the richest valleys, and virtually taking possession of the country. it was the anxious desire of lord fairfax to have these lands examined, surveyed, and portioned out into lots, preparatory to ejecting these interlopers or bringing them to reasonable terms. in washington, notwithstanding his youth, he beheld one fit for the task--having noticed the exercises in surveying which he kept up while at mount vernon, and the aptness and exactness with which every process was executed. he was well calculated, too, by his vigor and activity, his courage and hardihood, to cope with the wild country to be surveyed, and with its still wilder inhabitants. the proposition had only to be offered to washington to be eagerly accepted. it was the very kind of occupation for which he had been diligently training himself. all the preparations required by one of his simple habits were soon made, and in a very few days he was ready for his first expedition into the wilderness. chapter iv. expedition beyond the blue ridge--the valley of the shenandoah--lord halifax--lodge in the wilderness--surveying--life in the backwoods-- indians--war dance--german settlers--return home--washington as public surveyor--sojourn at greenway court--horses, hounds, and books--rugged experience among the mountains. it was in the month of march ( ), and just after he had completed his sixteenth year, that washington set out on horseback on this surveying expedition, in company with george william fairfax. their route lay by ashley's gap, a pass through the blue ridge, that beautiful line of mountains which, as yet, almost formed the western frontier of inhabited virginia. winter still lingered on the tops of the mountains, whence melting snows sent down torrents, which swelled the rivers and occasionally rendered them almost impassable. spring, however, was softening the lower parts of the landscape and smiling in the valleys. they entered the great valley of virginia, where it is about twenty-five miles wide; a lovely and temperate region, diversified by gentle swells and slopes, admirably adapted to cultivation. the blue ridge bounds it on one side, the north mountain, a ridge of the alleganies, on the other; while through it flows that bright and abounding river, which, on account of its surpassing beauty, was named by the indians the shenandoah--that is to say, "the daughter of the stars." the first station of the travellers was at a kind of lodge in the wilderness, where the steward or land-bailiff of lord halifax resided, with such negroes as were required for farming purposes, and which washington terms "his lordship's quarter." it was situated not far from the shenandoah, and about twelve miles from the site of the present town of winchester. in a diary kept with his usual minuteness, washington speaks with delight of the beauty of the trees and the richness of the land in the neighborhood, and of his riding through a noble grove of sugar maples on the banks of the shenandoah; and at the present day, the magnificence of the forests which still exist in this favored region justifies his eulogium. he looked around, however, with an eye to the profitable rather than the poetical. the gleam of poetry and romance, inspired by his "lowland beauty," occurs no more. the real business of life has commenced with him. his diary affords no food for fancy. every thing is practical. the qualities of the soil, the relative value of sites and localities, are faithfully recorded. in these his early habits of observation and his exercises in surveying had already made him a proficient. his surveys commenced in the lower part of the valley, some distance above the junction of the shenandoah with the potomac, and extended for many miles along the former river. here and there partial "clearings" had been made by squatters and hardy pioneers, and their rude husbandry had produced abundant crops of grain, hemp, and tobacco; civilization, however, had hardly yet entered the valley, if we may judge from the note of a night's lodging at the house of one of the settlers--captain hite, near the site of the present town of winchester. here, after supper, most of the company stretched themselves in backwood style, before the fire; but washington was shown into a bed-room. fatigued with a hard day's work at surveying, he soon undressed; but instead of being nestled between sheets in a comfortable bed, as at the maternal home, or at mount vernon, he found himself on a couch of matted straw, under a threadbare blanket, swarming with unwelcome bedfellows. after tossing about for a few moments, he was glad to put on his clothes again, and rejoin his companions before the fire. such was his first experience of life in the wilderness; he soon, however, accustomed himself to "rough it," and adapt himself to fare of all kinds, though he generally preferred a bivouac before a fire, in the open air, to the accommodations of a woodman's cabin. proceeding down the valley to the banks of the potomac, they found that river so much swollen by the rain which had fallen among the alleganies, as to be unfordable. to while away the time until it should subside, they made an excursion to examine certain warm springs in a valley among the mountains, since called the berkeley springs. there they camped out at night, under the stars; the diary makes no complaint of their accommodations; and their camping-ground is now known as bath, one of the favorite watering-places of virginia. one of the warm springs was subsequently appropriated by lord fairfax to his own use, and still bears his name. after watching in vain for the river to subside, they procured a canoe, on which they crossed to the maryland side; swimming their horses. a weary day's ride of forty miles up the left side of the river, in a continual rain, and over what washington pronounces the worst road ever trod by man or beast, brought them to the house of a colonel cresap, opposite the south branch of the potomac, where they put up for the night. here they were detained three or four days by inclement weather. on the second day they were surprised by the appearance of a war party of thirty indians, bearing a scalp as a trophy. a little liquor procured the spectacle of a war-dance. a large space was cleared, and a fire made in the centre, round which the warriors took their seats. the principal orator made a speech, reciting their recent exploits, and rousing them to triumph. one of the warriors started up as if from sleep, and began a series of movements, half-grotesque, half-tragical; the rest followed. for music, one savage drummed on a deerskin, stretched over a pot half filled with water; another rattled a gourd, containing a few shot, and decorated with a horse's tail. their strange outcries, and uncouth forms and garbs, seen by the glare of the fire, and their whoops and yells, made them appear more like demons than human beings. all this savage gambol was no novelty to washington's companions, experienced in frontier life; but to the youth, fresh from school, it was a strange spectacle, which he sat contemplating with deep interest, and carefully noted down in his journal. it will be found that he soon made himself acquainted with the savage character, and became expert at dealing with these inhabitants of the wilderness. from this encampment the party proceeded to the mouth of patterson's creek, where they recrossed the river in a canoe, swimming their horses as before. more than two weeks were now passed by them in the wild mountainous regions of frederick county, and about the south branch of the potomac, surveying lands and laying out lots, camped out the greater part of the time, and subsisting on wild turkeys and other game. each one was his own cook; forked sticks served for spits, and chips of wood for dishes. the weather was unsettled. at one time their tent was blown down; at another they were driven out of it by smoke; now they were drenched with rain, and now the straw on which washington was sleeping caught fire, and he was awakened by a companion just in time to escape a scorching. the only variety to this camp life was a supper at the house of one solomon hedge, esquire, his majesty's justice of the peace, where there were no forks at table, nor any knives, but such as the guests brought in their pockets. during their surveys they were followed by numbers of people, some of them squatters, anxious, doubtless, to procure a cheap title to the land they had appropriated; others, german emigrants, with their wives and children, seeking a new home in the wilderness. most of the latter could not speak english; but when spoken to, answered in their native tongue. they appeared to washington ignorant as indians, and uncouth, but "merry, and full of antic tricks." such were the progenitors of the sturdy yeomanry now inhabiting those parts, many of whom still preserve their strong german characteristics. "i have not slept above three or four nights in a bed," writes washington to one of his young friends at home, "but after walking a good deal all the day i have lain down before the fire upon a little straw or fodder, or a bear skin, whichever was to be had, with man, wife, and children, like dogs and cats; and happy is he who gets the berth nearest the fire." having completed his surveys, he set forth from the south branch of the potomac on his return homeward; crossed the mountains to the great cacapehon; traversed the shenandoah valley; passed through the blue ridge, and on the th of april found himself once more at mount vernon. for his services he received, according to his note-book, a doubloon per day when actively employed, and sometimes six pistoles. [footnote: a pistole is $ . .] the manner in which he had acquitted himself in this arduous expedition, and his accounts of the country surveyed, gave great satisfaction to lord fairfax, who shortly afterwards moved across the blue ridge, and took up his residence at the place heretofore noted as his "quarters." here he laid out a manor, containing ten thousand acres of arable grazing lands, vast meadows, and noble forests, and projected a spacious manor house, giving to the place the name of greenway court. it was probably through the influence of lord fairfax that washington received the appointment of public surveyor. this conferred authority on his surveys, and entitled them to be recorded in the county offices, and so invariably correct have these surveys been found that, to this day, wherever any of them stand on record, they receive implicit credit. for three years he continued in this occupation, which proved extremely profitable, from the vast extent of country to be surveyed and the very limited number of public surveyors. it made him acquainted, also, with the country, the nature of the soil in various parts, and the value of localities; all which proved advantageous to him in his purchases in after years. many of the finest parts of the shenandoah valley are yet owned by members of the washington family. while thus employed for months at a time surveying the lands beyond the blue ridge, he was often an inmate of greenway court. the projected manor house was never even commenced. on a green knoll overshadowed by trees was a long stone building one story in height, with dormer windows, two wooden belfries, chimneys studded with swallow and martin coops, and a roof sloping down in the old virginia fashion, into low projecting eaves that formed a verandah the whole length of the house. it was probably the house originally occupied by his steward or land agent, but was now devoted to hospitable purposes, and the reception of guests. as to his lordship, it was one of his many eccentricities, that he never slept in the main edifice, but lodged apart in a wooden house not much above twelve feet square. in a small building was his office, where quitrents were given, deeds drawn, and business transacted with his tenants. about the knoll were out-houses for his numerous servants, black and white, with stables for saddle-horses and hunters, and kennels for his hounds, for his lordship retained his keen hunting propensities, and the neighborhood abounded in game. indians, half-breeds, and leathern-clad woodsmen loitered about the place, and partook of the abundance of the kitchen. his lordship's table was plentiful but plain, and served in the english fashion. here washington had full opportunity, in the proper seasons, of indulging his fondness for field sports, and once more accompanying his lordship in the chase. the conversation of lord fairfax, too, was full of interest and instruction to an inexperienced youth, from his cultivated talents, his literary taste, and his past intercourse with the best society of europe, and its most distinguished authors. he had brought books, too, with him into the wilderness, and from washington's diary we find that during his sojourn here he was diligently reading the history of england, and the essays of the spectator. such was greenway court in these its palmy days. we visited it recently and found it tottering to its fall, mouldering in the midst of a magnificent country, where nature still flourishes in full luxuriance and beauty. three or four years were thus passed by washington, the greater part of the time beyond the blue ridge, but occasionally with his brother lawrence at mount vernon. his rugged and toilsome expeditions in the mountains, among rude scenes and rough people, inured him to hardships, and made him apt at expedients; while his intercourse with his cultivated brother, and with the various members of the fairfax family, had a happy effect in toning up his mind and manners, and counteracting the careless and self-indulgent habitudes of the wilderness. chapter v. english and french claims to the ohio valley--wild state of the country-- projects of settlements--the ohio company--enlightened views of lawrence washington--french rivalry--celeron de bienville--his signs of occupation-- hugh crawford--george croghan, a veteran trader, and montour, his interpreter--their mission from pennsylvania to the ohio tribes-- christopher gist, the pioneer of the yadkin--agent of the ohio company-- his expedition to the frontier--reprobate traders at logstown--negotiations with the indians--scenes in the ohio country--diplomacy at piqua--kegs of brandy and rolls of tobacco--gist's return across kentucky--a deserted home--french schemes--captain joncaire, a diplomat of the wilderness--his speech at logstown--the indians' land--"where?" during the time of washington's surveying campaigns among the mountains, a grand colonizing scheme had been set on foot, destined to enlist him in hardy enterprises, and in some degree to shape the course of his future fortunes. the treaty of peace concluded at aix-la-chapelle, which had put an end to the general war of europe, had left undefined the boundaries between the british and french possessions in america; a singular remissness, considering that they had long been a subject in dispute, and a cause of frequent conflicts in the colonies. immense regions were still claimed by both nations, and each was now eager to forestall the other by getting possession of them, and strengthening its claim by occupancy. the most desirable of these regions lay west of the allegany mountains, extending from the lakes to the ohio, and embracing the valley of that river and its tributary streams. an immense territory, possessing a salubrious climate, fertile soil, fine hunting and fishing grounds, and facilities by lakes and rivers for a vast internal commerce. the french claimed all this country quite to the allegany mountains by the right of discovery. in , padre marquette, with his companion, joliet, of quebec, both subjects of the crown of france, had passed down the mississippi in a canoe quite to the arkansas, thereby, according to an alleged maxim in the law of nations, establishing the right of their sovereign, not merely to the river so discovered and its adjacent lands, but to all the country drained by its tributary streams, of which the ohio was one; a claim, the ramifications of which might be spread, like the meshes of a web, over half the continent. to this illimitable claim the english opposed a right derived, at second hand, from a traditionary indian conquest. a treaty, they said, had been made at lancaster, in , between commissioners from pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, and the iroquois, or six nations, whereby the latter, for four hundred pounds, gave up all right and title to the land west of the allegany mountains, even to the mississippi, which land, _according to their traditions_, had been conquered by their forefathers. it is undoubtedly true that such a treaty was made, and such a pretended transfer of title did take place, under the influence of spirituous liquors; but it is equally true that the indians in question did not, at the time, possess an acre of the land conveyed; and that the tribes actually in possession scoffed at their pretensions, and claimed the country as their own from time immemorial. such were the shadowy foundations of claims which the two nations were determined to maintain to the uttermost, and which ripened into a series of wars, ending in a loss to england of a great part of her american possessions, and to france of the whole. as yet in the region in question there was not a single white settlement. mixed iroquois tribes of delawares, shawnees, and mingoes, had migrated into it early in the century from the french settlements in canada, and taken up their abodes about the ohio and its branches. the french pretended to hold them under their protection; but their allegiance, if ever acknowledged, had been sapped of late years by the influx of fur traders from pennsylvania. these were often rough, lawless men; half indians in dress and habits, prone to brawls, and sometimes deadly in their feuds. they were generally in the employ of some trader, who, at the head of his retainers and a string of pack-horses, would make his way over mountains and through forests to the banks of the ohio, establish his head-quarters in some indian town, and disperse his followers to traffic among the hamlets, hunting-camps and wigwams, exchanging blankets, gaudy colored cloth, trinketry, powder, shot, and rum, for valuable furs and peltry. in this way a lucrative trade with these western tribes was springing up and becoming monopolized by the pennsylvanians. to secure a participation in this trade, and to gain a foothold in this desirable region, became now the wish of some of the most intelligent and enterprising men of virginia and maryland, among whom were lawrence and augustine washington. with these views they projected a scheme, in connection with john hanbury, a wealthy london merchant, to obtain a grant of land from the british government, for the purpose of forming settlements or colonies beyond the alleganies. government readily countenanced a scheme by which french encroachments might be forestalled, and prompt and quiet possession secured of the great ohio valley. an association was accordingly chartered in , by the name of "the ohio company," and five hundred thousand acres of land was granted to it west of the alleganies; between the monongahela and kanawha rivers; though part of the land might be taken up north of the ohio, should it be deemed expedient. the company were to pay no quitrent for ten years; but they were to select two fifths of their lands immediately; to settle one hundred families upon them within seven years; to build a fort at their own expense, and maintain a sufficient garrison in it for defence against the indians. mr. thomas lee, president of the council of virginia, took the lead in the concerns of the company at the outset, and by many has been considered its founder. on his death, which soon took place, lawrence washington had the chief management. his enlightened mind and liberal spirit shone forth in his earliest arrangements. he wished to form the settlements with germans from pennsylvania. being dissenters, however, they would be obliged, on becoming residents within the jurisdiction of virginia, to pay parish rates, and maintain a clergyman of the church of england, though they might not understand his language nor relish his doctrines. lawrence sought to have them exempted from this double tax on purse and conscience. "it has ever been my opinion," said he, "and i hope it ever will be, that restraints on conscience are cruel in regard to those on whom they are imposed, and injurious to the country imposing them. england, holland, and prussia i may quote as examples, and much more pennsylvania, which has nourished under that delightful liberty, so as to become the admiration of every man who considers the short time it has been settled. ... this colony (virginia) was greatly settled in the latter part of charles the first's time, and during the usurpation by the zealous churchmen; and that spirit, which was then brought in, has ever since continued; so that, except a few quakers, we have no dissenters. but what has been the consequence? we have increased by slow degrees, whilst our neighboring colonies, whose natural advantages are greatly inferior to ours, have become populous." such were the enlightened views of this brother of our washington, to whom the latter owed much of his moral and mental training. the company proceeded to make preparations for their colonizing scheme. goods were imported from england suited to the indian trade, or for presents to the chiefs. rewards were promised to veteran warriors and hunters among the natives acquainted with the woods and mountains, for the best route to the ohio. before the company had received its charter, however, the french were in the field. early in , the marquis de la galisonniere, governor of canada, despatched celeron de bienville, an intelligent officer, at the head of three hundred men, to the banks of the ohio, to make peace, as he said, between the tribes that had become embroiled with each other during the late war, and to renew the french possession of the country. celeron de bienville distributed presents among the indians, made speeches reminding them of former friendship, and warned them not to trade with the english. he furthermore nailed leaden plates to trees, and buried others in the earth, at the confluence of the ohio and its tributaries, bearing inscriptions purporting that all the lands on both sides of the rivers to their sources appertained, as in foregone times, to the crown of france. [footnote: one of these plates, bearing date august , , was found in recent years at the confluence of the muskingum with the ohio.] the indians gazed at these mysterious plates with wondering eyes, but surmised their purport. "they mean to steal our country from us," murmured they; and they determined to seek protection from the english. celeron finding some traders from pennsylvania trafficking among the indians, he summoned them to depart, and wrote by them to james hamilton, governor of pennsylvania, telling him the object of his errand to those parts, and his surprise at meeting with english traders in a country to which england had no pretensions; intimating that, in future, any intruders of the kind would be rigorously dealt with. his letter, and a report of his proceedings on the ohio, roused the solicitude of the governor and council of pennsylvania, for the protection of their indian trade. shortly afterwards, one hugh crawford, who had been trading with the miami tribes on the wabash, brought a message from them, speaking of the promises and threats with which the french were endeavoring to shake their faith, but assuring the governor that their friendship for the english "would last while the sun and moon ran round the world." this message was accompanied by three strings of wampum. governor hamilton knew the value of indian friendship, and suggested to the assembly that it would be better to clinch it with presents, and that as soon as possible. an envoy accordingly was sent off early in october, who was supposed to have great influence among the western tribes. this was one george croghan, a veteran trader, shrewd and sagacious, who had been frequently to the ohio country with pack-horses and followers, and made himself popular among the indians by dispensing presents with a lavish hand. he was accompanied by andrew montour, a canadian of half indian descent, who was to act as interpreter. they were provided with a small present for the emergency; but were to convoke a meeting of all the tribes at logstown, on the ohio, early in the ensuing spring, to receive an ample present which would be provided by the assembly. it was some time later in the same autumn that the ohio company brought their plans into operation, and despatched an agent to explore the lands upon the ohio and its branches as low as the great falls, take note of their fitness for cultivation, of the passes of the mountains, the courses and bearings of the rivers, and the strength and disposition of the native tribes. the man chosen for the purpose was christopher gist, a hardy pioneer, experienced in woodcraft and indian life, who had his home on the banks of the yadkin, near the boundary line of virginia and north carolina. he was allowed a woodsman or two for the service of the expedition. he set out on the st of october, from the banks of the potomac, by an indian path which the hunters had pointed out, leading from wills' creek, since called fort cumberland, to the ohio. indian paths and buffalo tracks are the primitive highways of the wilderness. passing the juniata, he crossed the ridges of the allegany, arrived at shannopin, a delaware village on the south-east side of the ohio, or rather of that upper branch of it, now called the allegany, swam his horses across that river, and descending along its valley arrived at logstown, an important indian village a little below the site of the present city of pittsburg. here usually resided tanacharisson, a seneca chief of great note, being head sachem of the mixed tribes who had migrated to the ohio and its branches. he was generally surnamed the half-king, being subordinate to the iroquois confederacy. the chief was absent at this time, as were most of his people, it being the hunting season. george croghan, the envoy from pennsylvania, with montour his interpreter, had passed through logstown a week previously, on his way to the twightwees and other tribes, on the miami branch of the ohio. scarce any one was to be seen about the village but some of croghan's rough people, whom he had left behind--"reprobate indian traders," as gist terms them. they regarded the latter with a jealous eye, suspecting him of some rivalship in trade, or designs on the indian lands; and intimated significantly that "he would never go home safe." gist knew the meaning of such hints from men of this stamp in the lawless depths of the wilderness; but quieted their suspicions by letting them know that he was on public business, and on good terms with their great man, george croghan, to whom he despatched a letter. he took his departure from logstown, however, as soon as possible, preferring, as he said, the solitude of the wilderness to such company. at beaver creek, a few miles below the village, he left the river and struck into the interior of the present state of ohio. here he overtook george croghan at muskingum, a town of wyandots and mingoes. he had ordered all the traders in his employ who were scattered among the indian villages, to rally at this town, where he had hoisted the english flag over his residence, and over that of the sachem. this was in consequence of the hostility of the french who had recently captured, in the neighborhood, three white men in the employ of frazier, an indian trader, and had carried them away prisoners to canada. gist was well received by the people of muskingum. they were indignant at the french violation of their territories, and the capture of their "english brothers." they had not forgotten the conduct of celeron de bienville in the previous year, and the mysterious plates which he had nailed against trees and sunk in the ground. "if the french claim the rivers which run into the lakes," said they, "those which run into the ohio belong to us and to our brothers the english." and they were anxious that gist should settle among them, and build a fort for their mutual defence. a council of the nation was now held, in which gist invited them, in the name of the governor of virginia, to visit that province, where a large present of goods awaited them, sent by their father, the great king, over the water to his ohio children. the invitation was graciously received, but no answer could be given until a grand council of the western tribes had been held, which was to take place at logstown in the ensuing spring. similar results attended visits made by gist and croghan to the delawares and the shawnees at their villages about the scioto river; all promised to be at the gathering at logstown. from the shawnee village, near the mouth of the scioto, the two emissaries shaped their course north two hundred miles, crossed the great moneami, or miami river, on a raft, swimming their horses; and on the th of february arrived at the indian town of piqua. these journeyings had carried gist about a wide extent of country beyond the ohio. it was rich and level, watered with streams and rivulets, and clad with noble forests of hickory, walnut, ash, poplar, sugar-maple, and wild cherry trees. occasionally there were spacious plains covered with wild rye; natural meadows, with blue grass and clover; and buffaloes, thirty and forty at a time, grazing on them, as in a cultivated pasture. deer, elk, and wild turkeys abounded. "nothing is wanted but cultivation," said gist, "to make this a most delightful country." cultivation has since proved the truth of his words. the country thus described is the present state of ohio. piqua, where gist and croghan had arrived, was the principal town of the twightwees or miamis; the most powerful confederacy of the west, combining four tribes, and extending its influence even beyond the mississippi. a king or sachem of one or other of the different tribes presided over the whole. the head chief at present was the king of the piankeshas. at this town croghan formed a treaty of alliance in the name of the governor of pennsylvania with two of the miami tribes. and gist was promised by the king of the piankeshas that the chiefs of the various tribes would attend the meeting at logstown to make a treaty with virginia. in the height of these demonstrations of friendship, two ottawas entered the council-house, announcing themselves as envoys from the french governor of canada to seek a renewal of ancient alliance. they were received with all due ceremonial; for none are more ceremonious than the indians. the french colors were set up beside the english, and the ambassadors opened their mission. "your father, the french king," said they, "remembering his children on the ohio, has sent them these two kegs of milk," here, with great solemnity, they deposited two kegs of brandy,--"and this tobacco;":--here they deposited a roll ten pounds in weight. "he has made a clean road for you to come and see him and his officers; and urges you to come, assuring you that all past differences will be forgotten." the piankesha chief replied in the same figurative style. "it is true our father has sent for us several times, and has said the road was clear; but i understand it is not clear--it is foul and bloody, and the french have made it so. we have cleared a road for our brothers, the english; the french have made it bad, and have taken some of our brothers prisoners. this we consider as done to ourselves." so saying, he turned his back upon the ambassadors, and stalked out of the council-house. in the end the ambassadors were assured that the tribes of the ohio and the six nations were hand in hand with their brothers, the english; and should war ensue with the french, they were ready to meet it. so the french colors were taken down; the "kegs of milk" and roll of tobacco were rejected; the grand council broke up with a war-dance, and the ambassadors departed, weeping and howling, and predicting ruin to the miamis. when gist returned to the shawnee town, near the mouth of the scioto, and reported to his indian friends there the alliance he had formed with the miami confederacy, there was great feasting and speech-making, and firing of guns. he had now happily accomplished the chief object of his mission--nothing remained but to descend the ohio to the great falls. this, however, he was cautioned not to do. a large party of indians, allies of the french, were hunting in that neighborhood, who might kill or capture him. he crossed the river, attended only by a lad as a travelling companion and aid, and proceeded cautiously down the east side until within fifteen miles of the falls. here he came upon traps newly set, and indian footprints not a day old; and heard the distant report of guns. the story of indian hunters then was true. he was in a dangerous neighborhood. the savages might come upon the tracks of his horses, or hear the bells put about their necks, when turned loose in the wilderness to graze. abandoning all idea, therefore, of visiting the falls, and contenting himself with the information concerning them which he had received from others, he shaped his course on the th of march for the cuttawa, or kentucky river. from the top of a mountain in the vicinity he had a view to the southwest as far as the eye could reach, over a vast woodland country in the fresh garniture of spring, and watered by abundant streams; but as yet only the hunting-ground of savage tribes, and the scene of their sanguinary combats. in a word, kentucky lay spread out before him in all its wild magnificence; long before it was beheld by daniel boone. for six weeks was this hardy pioneer making his toilful way up the valley of the cuttawa, or kentucky river, to the banks of the blue stone; often checked by precipices, and obliged to seek fords at the heads of tributary streams; and happy when he could find a buffalo path broken through the tangled forests, or worn into the everlasting rocks. on the st of may he climbed a rock sixty feet high, crowning a lofty mountain, and had a distant view of the great kanawha, breaking its way through a vast sierra; crossing that river on a raft of his own construction, he had many more weary days before him, before he reached his frontier abode on the banks of the yadkin. he arrived there in the latter part of may, but there was no one to welcome the wanderer home. there had been an indian massacre in the neighborhood, and he found his house silent and deserted. his heart sank within him, until an old man whom he met near the place assured him his family were safe, having fled for refuge to a settlement thirty-five miles off, on the banks of the roanoke. there he rejoined them on the following day. while gist had been making his painful way homeward, the two ottawa ambassadors had returned to fort sandusky, bringing word to the french that their flag had been struck in the council-house at piqua, and their friendship rejected and their hostility defied by the miamis. they informed them also of the gathering of the western tribes that was to take place at logstown, to conclude a treaty with the virginians. it was a great object with the french to prevent this treaty, and to spirit up the ohio indians against the english. this they hoped to effect through the agency of one captain joncaire, a veteran diplomatist of the wilderness, whose character and story deserve a passing notice. he had been taken prisoner when quite young by the iroquois, and adopted into one of their tribes. this was the making of his fortune. he had grown up among them, acquired their language, adapted himself to their habits, and was considered by them as one of themselves. on returning to civilized life he became a prime instrument in the hands of the canadian government, for managing and cajoling the indians. sometimes he was an ambassador to the iroquois; sometimes a mediator between the jarring tribes; sometimes a leader of their warriors when employed by the french. when in the delawares and shawnees migrated to the banks of the ohio, joncaire was the agent who followed them, and prevailed on them to consider themselves under french protection. when the french wanted to get a commanding site for a post on the iroquois lands, near niagara, joncaire was the man to manage it. he craved a situation where he might put up a wigwam, and dwell among his iroquois brethren. it was granted of course, "for was he not a son of the tribe--was he not one of themselves?" by degrees his wigwam grew into an important trading post; ultimately it became fort niagara. years and years had elapsed; he had grown gray in indian diplomacy, and was now sent once more to maintain french sovereignty over the valley of the ohio. he appeared at logstown accompanied by another frenchman, and forty iroquois warriors. he found an assemblage of the western tribes, feasting and rejoicing, and firing of guns, for george croghan and montour the interpreter were there, and had been distributing presents on behalf of the governor of pennsylvania. joncaire was said to have the wit of a frenchman, and the eloquence of an iroquois. he made an animated speech to the chiefs in their own tongue, the gist of which was that their father onontio (that is to say, the governor of canada) desired his children of the ohio to turn away the indian traders, and never to deal with them again on pain of his displeasure; so saying, he laid down a wampum belt of uncommon size, by way of emphasis to his message. for once his eloquence was of no avail; a chief rose indignantly, shook his finger in his face, and stamping on the ground, "this is our land," said he. "what right has onontio here? the english are our brothers. they shall live among us as long as one of us is alive. we will trade with them, and not with you;" and so saying he rejected the belt of wampum. joncaire returned to an advanced post recently established on the upper part of the river, whence he wrote to the governor of pennsylvania: "the marquis de la jonquiere, governor of new france, having ordered me to watch that the english make no treaty in the ohio country, i have signified to the traders of your government to retire. you are not ignorant that all these lands belong to the king of france, and that the english have no right to trade in them." he concluded by reiterating the threat made two years previously by celeron de bienville against all intruding fur traders. in the mean time, in the face of all these protests and menaces, mr. gist, under sanction of the virginia legislature, proceeded in the same year to survey the lands within the grant of the ohio company, lying on the south side of the ohio river, as far down as the great kanawha. an old delaware sachem, meeting him while thus employed, propounded a somewhat puzzling question. "the french," said he, "claim all the land on one side of the ohio, the english claim all the land on the other side--now where does the indians' land lie?" poor savages! between their "fathers," the french, and their "brothers," the english, they were in a fair way of being most lovingly shared out of the whole country. chapter vi. preparations for hostilities--washington appointed district adjutant general--mount vernon a school of arms--adjutant muse a veteran campaigner--jacob van braam the master of fence--ill health of washington's brother lawrence--voyage with him to the west indies--scenes at barbadoes-- tropical fruits--beefsteak and tripe club--return home of washington-- death of lawrence. the french now prepared for hostile contingencies. they launched an armed vessel of unusual size on lake ontario; fortified their trading house at niagara; strengthened their outposts, and advanced others on the upper waters of the ohio. a stir of warlike preparation was likewise to be observed among the british colonies. it was evident that the adverse claims to the disputed territories, if pushed home, could only be settled by the stern arbitrament of the sword. in virginia, especially, the war spirit was manifest. the province was divided into military districts, each having an adjutant-general, with the rank of major, and the pay of one hundred and fifty pounds a year, whose duty was to attend to the organization and equipment of the militia. such an appointment was sought by lawrence washington for his brother george. it shows what must have been the maturity of mind of the latter, and the confidence inspired by his judicious conduct and aptness for business, that the post should not only be sought for him, but readily obtained; though he was yet but nineteen years of age. he proved himself worthy of the appointment. he now set about preparing himself, with his usual method and assiduity, for his new duties. virginia had among its floating population some military relics of the late spanish war. among these was a certain adjutant muse, a westmoreland volunteer, who had served with lawrence washington in the campaigns in the west indies, and had been with him in the attack on carthagena. he now undertook to instruct his brother george in the art of war; lent him treatises on military tactics; put him through the manual exercise, and gave him some idea of evolutions in the field. another of lawrence's campaigning comrades was jacob van braam, a dutchman by birth; a soldier of fortune of the dalgetty order; who had been in the british army, but was now out of service, and, professing to be a complete master of fence, recruited his slender purse in this time of military excitement, by giving the virginian youth lessons in the sword exercise. under the instructions of these veterans mount vernon, from being a quiet rural retreat, where washington, three years previously, had indited love ditties to his "lowland beauty," was suddenly transformed into a school of arms, as he practised the manual exercise with adjutant muse, or took lessons on the broadsword from van braam. his martial studies, however, were interrupted for a time by the critical state of his brother's health. the constitution of lawrence had always been delicate, and he had been obliged repeatedly to travel for a change of air. there were now pulmonary symptoms of a threatening nature, and by advice of his physicians he determined to pass a winter in the west indies, taking with him his favorite brother george as a companion. they accordingly sailed for barbadoes on the th of september, . george kept a journal of the voyage with logbook brevity; recording the wind and weather, but no events worth citation. they landed at barbadoes on the d of november. the resident physician of the place gave a favorable report of lawrence's case, and held out hopes of a cure. the brothers were delighted with the aspect of the country, as they drove out in the cool of the evening, and beheld on all sides fields of sugar cane, and indian corn, and groves of tropical trees, in full fruit and foliage. they took up their abode at a house pleasantly situated about a mile from town, commanding an extensive prospect of sea and land, including carlyle bay and its shipping, and belonging to captain crofton, commander of james fort. barbadoes had its theatre, at which washington witnessed for the first time a dramatic representation, a species of amusement of which he afterwards became fond. it was in the present instance the doleful tragedy of george barnwell. "the character of barnwell, and several others," notes he in his journal, "were said to be well performed. there was music adapted and regularly conducted." a safe but abstemious criticism. among the hospitalities of the place the brothers were invited to the house of a judge maynards, to dine with an association of the first people of the place, who met at each other's house alternately every saturday, under the incontestably english title of "the beefsteak and tripe club." washington notes with admiration the profusion of tropical fruits with which the table was loaded, "the granadilla, sapadella, pomegranate, sweet orange, water-lemon, forbidden fruit, and guava." the homely prosaic beefsteak and tripe must have contrasted strangely, though sturdily, with these magnificent poetical fruits of the tropics. but john bull is faithful to his native habits and native dishes, whatever may be the country or clime, and would set up a chop-house at the very gates of paradise. the brothers had scarcely been a fortnight at the island when george was taken down by a severe attack of small-pox. skilful medical treatment, with the kind attentions of friends, and especially of his brother, restored him to health in about three weeks; but his face always remained slightly marked. after his recovery he made excursions about the island, noticing its soil, productions, fortifications, public works, and the manners of its inhabitants. while admiring the productiveness of the sugar plantations, he was shocked at the spendthrift habits of the planters, and their utter want of management. "how wonderful," writes he, "that such people should be in debt, and not be able to indulge themselves in all the luxuries, as well as the necessaries of life. yet so it happens. estates are often alienated for debts. how persons coming to estates of two, three, and four hundred acres can want, is to me most wonderful." how much does this wonder speak for his own scrupulous principle of always living within compass. the residence at barbadoes failed to have the anticipated effect on the health of lawrence, and he determined to seek the sweet climate of bermuda in the spring. he felt the absence from his wife, and it was arranged that george should return to virginia, and bring her out to meet him at that island. accordingly, on the d of december, george set sail in the industry, bound to virginia, where he arrived on the st february, , after five weeks of stormy winter seafaring. lawrence remained through the winter at barbadoes; but the very mildness of the climate relaxed and enervated him. he felt the want of the bracing winter weather to which he had been accustomed. even the invariable beauty of the climate; the perpetual summer, wearied the restless invalid. "this is the finest island of the west indies," said he; "but i own no place can please me without a change of seasons. we soon tire of the same prospect." a consolatory truth for the inhabitants of more capricious climes. still some of the worst symptoms of his disorder had disappeared, and he seemed to be slowly recovering; but the nervous restlessness and desire of change, often incidental to his malady, had taken hold of him, and early in march he hastened to bermuda. he had come too soon. the keen air of early spring brought on an aggravated return of his worst symptoms. "i have now got to my last refuge," writes he to a friend, "where i must receive my final sentence, which at present dr. forbes will not pronounce. he leaves me, however, i think, like a criminal condemned, though not without hopes of reprieve. but this i am to obtain by meritoriously abstaining from flesh of every sort, all strong liquors, and by riding as much as i can bear. these are the only terms on which i am to hope for life." he was now afflicted with painful indecision, and his letters perplexed his family, leaving them uncertain as to his movements, and at a loss how to act. at one time he talked of remaining a year at bermuda, and wrote to his wife to come out with george and rejoin him there; but the very same letter shows his irresolution and uncertainty, for he leaves her coming to the decision of herself and friends. as to his own movements, he says, "six weeks will determine me what to resolve on. forbes advises the south of france, or else barbadoes." the very next letter, written shortly afterwards in a moment of despondency, talks of the possibility of "hurrying home to his grave!" the last was no empty foreboding. he did indeed hasten back, and just reached mount vernon in time to die under his own roof, surrounded by his family and friends, and attended in his last moments by that brother on whose manly affection his heart seemed to repose. his death took place on the th july, , when but thirty-four years of age. he was a noble-spirited, pure-minded, accomplished gentleman; honored by the public, and beloved by his friends. the paternal care ever manifested by him for his youthful brother, george, and the influence his own character and conduct must have had upon him in his ductile years, should link their memories together in history, and endear the name of lawrence washington to every american. lawrence left a wife and an infant daughter to inherit his ample estates. in case his daughter should die without issue, the estate of mount vernon, and other lands specified in his will, were to be enjoyed by her mother during her lifetime, and at her death to be inherited by his brother george. the latter was appointed one of the executors of the will; but such was the implicit confidence reposed in his judgment and integrity, that, although he was but twenty years of age, the management of the affairs of the deceased were soon devolved upon him almost entirely. it is needless to say that they were managed with consummate skill and scrupulous fidelity. chapter vii. council of the ohio tribes at logstown--treaty with the english--gist's settlement--speeches of the half-king and the french commandant--french aggressions--the ruins of piqua--washington sent on a mission to the french commander--jacob van braam, his interpreter--christopher gist, his guide-- halt at the confluence of the monongahela and allegany--projected fort-- shingiss, a delaware sachem--logstown--the half king--indian councils-- indian diplomacy--rumors concerning joncaire--indian escorts--the half-king, jeskakake and white thunder. the meeting of the ohio tribes, delawares, shawnees, and mingoes, to form a treaty of alliance with virginia, took place at logstown, at the appointed time. the chiefs of the six nations declined to attend. "it is not our custom," said they proudly, "to meet to treat of affairs in the woods and weeds. if the governor of virginia wants to speak with us, and deliver us a present from our father (the king), we will meet him at albany, where we expect the governor of new york will be present." [footnote: letter of col. johnson to gov. clinton.--doc. hist. n. y. ii., .] at logstown, colonel fry and two other commissioners from virginia, concluded a treaty with the tribes above named; by which the latter engaged not to molest any english settlers south of the ohio. tanacharisson, the half-king, now advised that his brothers of virginia should build a strong house at the fork of the monongahela, to resist the designs of the french. mr. gist was accordingly instructed to lay out a town and build a fort at chartier's creek, on the east side of the ohio, a little below the site of the present city of pittsburg. he commenced a settlement, also, in a valley just beyond laurel hill, not far from the youghiogeny, and prevailed on eleven families to join him. the ohio company, about the same time, established a trading post, well stocked with english goods, at wills' creek (now the town of cumberland). the ohio tribes were greatly incensed at the aggressions of the french, who were erecting posts within their territories, and sent deputations to remonstrate, but without effect. the half-king, as chief of the western tribes, repaired to the french post on lake erie, where he made his complaint in person. "fathers," said he, "you are the disturbers of this land by building towns, and taking the country from us by fraud and force. we kindled a fire a long time since at montreal, where we desired you to stay and not to come and intrude upon our land. i now advise you to return to that place, for this land is ours. "if you had come in a peaceable manner, like our brothers the english, we should have traded with you as we do with them; but that you should come and build houses on our land, and take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. both you and the english are white. we live in a country between you both; the land belongs to neither of you. the great being allotted it to us as a residence. so, fathers, i desire you, as i have desired our brothers the english, to withdraw, for i will keep you both at arm's length. whichever most regards this request, that side will we stand by and consider friends. our brothers the english have heard this, and i now come to tell it to you, for i am not afraid to order you off this land." "child," replied the french commandant, "you talk foolishly. you say this land belongs to you; there is not the black of my nail yours. it is my land, and i will have it, let who will stand up against me. i am not afraid of flies and mosquitoes, for as such i consider the indians. i tell you that down the river i will go, and build upon it. if it were blocked up i have forces sufficient to burst it open and trample down all who oppose me. my force is as the sand upon the sea-shore. therefore here is your wampum; i fling it at you." tanacharisson returned, wounded at heart, both by the language and the haughty manner of the french commandant. he saw the ruin impending over his race, but looked with hope and trust to the english as the power least disposed to wrong the red man. french influence was successful in other quarters. some of the indians who had been friendly to the english showed signs of alienation. others menaced hostilities. there were reports that the french were ascending the mississippi from louisiana. france, it was said, intended to connect louisiana and canada by a chain of military posts, and hem the english within the allegany mountains. the ohio company complained loudly to the lieutenant-governor of virginia, the hon. robert dinwiddie, of the hostile conduct of the french and their indian allies. they found in dinwiddie a ready listener; he was a stockholder in the company. a commissioner, captain william trent, was sent to expostulate with the french commander on the ohio for his aggressions on the territory of his britannic majesty; he bore presents also of guns, powder, shot, and clothing for the friendly indians. trent was not a man of the true spirit for a mission to the frontier. he stopped a short time at logstown, though the french were one hundred and fifty miles further up the river, and directed his course to piqua, the great town of the twightwees, where gist and croghan had been so well received by the miamis, and the french flag struck in the council house. all now was reversed. the place had been attacked by the french and indians; the miamis defeated with great loss; the english traders taken prisoners; the piankesha chief, who had so proudly turned his back upon the ottawa ambassadors, had been sacrificed by the hostile savages, and the french flag hoisted in triumph on the ruins of the town. the whole aspect of affairs was so threatening on the frontier, that trent lost heart, and returned home without accomplishing his errand. governor dinwiddie now looked round for a person more fitted to fulfil a mission which required physical strength and moral energy; a courage to cope with savages, and a sagacity to negotiate with white men. washington was pointed out as possessed of those requisites. it is true he was not yet twenty-two years of age, but public confidence in his judgment and abilities had been manifested a second time, by renewing his appointment of adjutant-general, and assigning him the northern division. he was acquainted too with the matters in litigation, having been in the bosom councils of his deceased brother. his woodland experience fitted him for an expedition through the wilderness; and his great discretion and self-command for a negotiation with wily commanders and fickle savages. he was accordingly chosen for the expedition. by his letter of instructions he was directed to repair to logstown, and hold a communication with tanacharisson, monacatoocha, alias scarooyadi, the next in command, and the other sachems of the mixed tribes friendly to the english; inform them of the purport of his errand, and request an escort to the head-quarters of the french commander. to that commander he was to deliver his credentials, and the letter of governor dinwiddie, and demand an answer in the name of his britannic majesty; but not to wait for it beyond a week. on receiving it, he was to request a sufficient escort to protect him on his return. he was, moreover, to acquaint himself with the numbers and force of the french stationed on the ohio and in its vicinity; their capability of being reinforced from canada; the forts they had erected; where situated, how garrisoned; the object of their advancing into those parts, and how they were likely to be supported. washington set off from williamsburg on the th of october ( ), the very day on which he received his credentials. at fredericksburg he engaged his old "master of fence," jacob van braam, to accompany him as interpreter; though it would appear from subsequent circumstances, that the veteran swordsman was but indifferently versed either in french or english. having provided himself at alexandria with necessaries for the journey, he proceeded to winchester, then on the frontier, where he procured horses, tents, and other travelling equipments, and then pushed on by a road newly opened to wills' creek (town of cumberland), where he arrived on the th of november. here he met with mr. gist, the intrepid pioneer, who had explored the ohio in the employ of the company, and whom he engaged to accompany and pilot him in the present expedition. he secured the services also of one john davidson as indian interpreter, and of four frontiersmen, two of whom were indian traders. with this little band, and his swordsman and interpreter, jacob van braam, he set forth on the th of november, through a wild country, rendered almost impassable by recent storms of rain and snow. at the mouth of turtle creek, on the monongahela, he found john frazier the indian trader, some of whose people, as heretofore stated, had been sent off prisoners to canada. frazier himself had recently been ejected by the french from the indian village of venango, where he had a gunsmith's establishment. according to his account the french general who had commanded on this frontier was dead, and the greater part of the forces were retired into winter quarters. as the rivers were all swollen so that the horses had to swim them, washington sent all the baggage down the monongahela in a canoe under care of two of the men, who had orders to meet him at the confluence of that river with the allegany, where their united waters form the ohio. "as i got down before the canoe," writes he in his journal, "i spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land at the fork, which i think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. the land at the point is twenty or twenty-five feet above the common surface of the water, and a considerable bottom of flat, well timbered land all around it, very convenient for building. the rivers are each a quarter of a mile or more across, and run here very nearly at right angles; allegany bearing north-east, and monongahela south-east. the former of these two is a very rapid and swift-running water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall." the ohio company had intended to build a fort about two miles from this place, on the south-east side of the river; but washington gave the fork the decided preference. french engineers of experience proved the accuracy of his military eye, by subsequently choosing it for the site of fort duquesne, noted in frontier history. in this neighborhood lived shingiss, the king or chief sachem of the delawares. washington visited him at his village, to invite him to the council at logstown. he was one of the greatest warriors of his tribe, and subsequently took up the hatchet at various times against the english, though now he seemed favorably disposed, and readily accepted the invitation. they arrived at logstown after sunset on the th of november. the half-king was absent at his hunting lodge on beaver creek, about fifteen miles distant; but washington had runners sent out to invite him and all the other chiefs to a grand talk on the following day. in the morning four french deserters came into the village. they had deserted from a company of one hundred men, sent up from new orleans with eight canoes laden with provisions. washington drew from them an account of the french force at new orleans, and of the forts along the mississippi, and at the mouth of the wabash, by which they kept up a communication with the lakes; all which he carefully noted down. the deserters were on their way to philadelphia, conducted by a pennsylvania trader. about three o'clock the half-king arrived. washington had a private conversation with him in his tent, through davidson, the interpreter. he found him intelligent, patriotic, and proudly tenacious of his territorial rights. we have already cited from washington's papers, the account given by this chief in this conversation, of his interview with the late french commander. he stated, moreover, that the french had built two forts, differing in size, but on the same model, a plan of which he gave, of his own drawing. the largest was on lake erie, the other on french creek, fifteen miles apart, with a waggon road between them. the nearest and levellest way to them was now impassable, lying through large and miry savannas; they would have, therefore, to go by venango, and it would take five or six sleeps (or days) of good travelling to reach the nearest fort. on the following morning at nine o'clock, the chiefs assembled at the council house; where washington, according to his instructions, informed them that he was sent by their brother, the governor of virginia, to deliver to the french commandant a letter of great importance, both to their brothers the english and to themselves; and that he was to ask their advice and assistance, and some of their young men to accompany and provide for him on the way, and be his safeguard against the "french indians" who had taken up the hatchet. he concluded by presenting the indispensable document in indian diplomacy a string of wampum. the chiefs, according to etiquette, sat for some moments silent after he had concluded, as if ruminating on what had been said, or to give him time for further remark. the half-king then rose and spoke in behalf of the tribes, assuring him that they considered the english and themselves brothers, and one people; and that they intended to return the french the "speech-belts," or wampums, which the latter had sent them. this, in indian diplomacy, is a renunciation of all friendly relations. an escort would be furnished to washington composed of mingoes, shannoahs, and delawares, in token of the love and loyalty of those several tribes; but three days would be required to prepare for the journey. washington remonstrated against such delay; but was informed, that an affair of such moment, where three speech-belts were to be given up, was not to be entered into without due consideration. besides, the young men who were to form the escort were absent hunting, and the half-king could not suffer the party to go without sufficient protection. his own french speech-belt, also, was at his hunting lodge, where he must go in quest of it. moreover, the shannoah chiefs were yet absent and must be waited for. in short, washington had his first lesson in indian diplomacy, which for punctilio, ceremonial, and secret manoeuvring, is equal at least to that of civilized life. he soon found that to urge a more speedy departure would be offensive to indian dignity and decorum, so he was fain to await the gathering together of the different chiefs with their speech-belts. in fact there was some reason for all this caution. tidings had reached the sachems that captain joncaire had called a meeting at venango, of the mingoes, delawares, and other tribes, and made them a speech, informing them that the french, for the present, had gone into winter quarters, but intended to descend the river in great force, and fight the english in the spring. he had advised them, therefore, to stand aloof, for should they interfere, the french and english would join, cut them all off, and divide their land between them. with these rumors preying on their minds, the half-king and three other chiefs waited on washington in his tent in the evening, and after representing that they had complied with all the requisitions of the governor of virginia, endeavored to draw from the youthful ambassador the true purport of his mission to the french commandant. washington had anticipated an inquiry of the kind, knowing how natural it was that these poor people should regard, with anxiety and distrust, every movement of two formidable powers thus pressing upon them from opposite sides, he managed, however, to answer them in such a manner as to allay their solicitude without transcending the bounds of diplomatic secrecy. after a day or two more of delay and further consultations in the council house, the chiefs determined that but three of their number should accompany the mission, as a greater number might awaken the suspicions of the french. accordingly, on the th of november, washington set out for the french post, having his usual party augmented by an indian hunter, and being accompanied by the half-king, an old shannoah sachem named jeskakake, and another chief, sometimes called belt of wampum, from being the keeper of the speech-belts, but generally bearing the sounding appellation of white thunder. chapter viii. arrival at venango--captain joncaire--frontier revelry--discussions over the bottle--the old diplomatist and the young--the half-king, jeskakake, and white thunder staggered--the speech-belt--departure--la force, the wily commissary--fort at french creek--the chevalier legardeur de st. pierre, knight of st. louis--captain reparti--transactions at the fort--attempts to seduce the sachems--mischief brewing on the frontier--difficulties and delays in parting--descent of french creek--arrival at venango. although the distance to venango, by the route taken, was not above seventy miles, yet such was the inclemency of the weather and the difficulty of travelling, that washington and his party did not arrive there until the th of december. the french colors were flying at a house whence john frazier, the english trader, had been driven. washington repaired thither, and inquired of three french officers whom he saw there where the commandant resided. one of them promptly replied that he "had the command of the ohio." it was, in fact, the redoubtable captain joncaire, the veteran intriguer of the frontier. on being apprised, however, of the nature of washington's errand, he informed him that there was a general officer at the next fort, where he advised him to apply for an answer to the letter of which he was the bearer. in the mean time, he invited washington and his party to a supper at head quarters. it proved a jovial one, for joncaire appears to have been somewhat of a boon companion, and there is always ready though rough hospitality in the wilderness. it is true, washington, for so young a man, may not have had the most convivial air, but there may have been a moist look of promise in the old soldier van braam. joncaire and his brother officers pushed the bottle briskly. "the wine," says washington, "as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. they told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the ohio, and by g-- they would do it; for that although they were sensible the english could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking. they pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one la salle sixty years ago, and the rise of this expedition is to prevent our settling on the river or the waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto." washington retained his sobriety and his composure throughout all the rodomontade and bacchanalian outbreak of the mercurial frenchmen; leaving the task of pledging them to his master of fence, van braam, who was not a man to flinch from potations. he took careful note, however, of all their revelations, and collected a variety of information concerning the french forces; how and where they were distributed; the situations and distances of their forts, and their means and mode of obtaining supplies. if the veteran diplomatist of the wilderness had intended this revel for a snare, he was completely foiled by his youthful competitor. on the following day there was no travelling on account of excessive rain. joncaire, in the mean time, having discovered that the half-king was with the mission, expressed his surprise that he had not accompanied it to his quarters on the preceding day. washington, in truth, had feared to trust the sachem within the reach of the politic frenchman. nothing would do now but joncaire must have the sachems at head-quarters. here his diplomacy was triumphant. he received them with open arms. he was enraptured to see them. his indian brothers! how could they be so near without coming to visit him? he made them presents; but, above all, plied them so potently with liquor, that the poor half-king, jeskakake, and white thunder forgot all about their wrongs, their speeches, their speech-belts, and all the business they had come upon; paid no heed to the repeated cautions of their english friends, and were soon in a complete state of frantic extravagance or drunken oblivion. the next day the half-king made his appearance at washington's tent, perfectly sober and very much crestfallen. he declared, however, that he still intended to make his speech to the french, and offered to rehearse it on the spot; but washington advised him not to waste his ammunition on inferior game like joncaire and his comrades, but to reserve it for the commandant. the sachem was not to be persuaded. here, he said, was the place of the council fire, where they were accustomed to transact their business with the french; and as to joncaire, he had all the management of french affairs with the indians. washington was fain to attend the council fire and listen to the speech. it was much the same in purport as that which he had made to the french general, and he ended by offering to return the french speech-belt; but this joncaire refused to receive, telling him to carry it to the commander at the fort. all that day and the next was the party kept at venango by the stratagems of joncaire and his emissaries to detain and seduce the sachems. it was not until o'clock on the th of december, that washington was able to extricate them out of their clutches and commence his journey. a french commissary by the name of la force, and three soldiers, set off in company with him. la force went as if on ordinary business, but he proved one of the most active, daring, and mischief-making of those anomalous agents employed by the french among the indian tribes. it is probable that he was at the bottom of many of the perplexities experienced by washington at venango, and now travelled with him for the prosecution of his wiles. he will be found, hereafter, acting a more prominent part, and ultimately reaping the fruit of his evil doings. after four days of weary travel through snow and rain, and mire and swamp, the party reached the fort. it was situated on a kind of island on the west fork of french creek, about fifteen miles south of lake erie, and consisted of four houses, forming a hollow square, defended by bastions made of pallisades twelve feet high, picketed, and pierced for cannon and small arms. within the bastions were a guard-house, chapel, and other buildings, and outside were stables, a smith's forge, and log-houses covered with bark, for the soldiers. on the death of the late general, the fort had remained in charge of one captain reparti until within a week past, when the chevalier legardeur de st. pierre had arrived, and taken command. the reception of washington at the fort was very different from the unceremonious one experienced at the outpost of joncaire and his convivial messmates. when he presented himself at the gate, accompanied by his interpreter, van braam, he was met by the officer second in command and conducted in due military form to his superior; an ancient and silver-haired chevalier of the military order of st. louis, courteous but ceremonious, mingling the polish of the french gentleman of the old school with the precision of the soldier. having announced his errand through his interpreter, van braam, washington offered his credentials and the letter of governor dinwiddie, and was disposed to proceed at once to business with the prompt frankness of a young man unhackneyed in diplomacy. the chevalier, however, politely requested him to retain the documents in his possession until his predecessor, captain reparti, should arrive, who was hourly expected from the next post. at two o'clock the captain arrived. the letter and its accompanying documents were then offered again, and received in due form, and the chevalier and his officers retired with them into a private apartment, where the captain, who understood a little english, officiated as translator. the translation being finished, washington was requested to walk in and bring his translator van braam, with him, to peruse and correct it, which he did. in this letter, dinwiddie complained of the intrusion of french forces into the ohio country, erecting forts and making settlements in the western parts of the colony of virginia, so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of great britain. he inquired by whose authority and instructions the french commander-general had marched this force from canada, and made this invasion; intimating that his own action would be regulated by the answer he should receive, and the tenor of the commission with which he was honored. at the same time he required of the commandant his peaceable departure, and that he would forbear to prosecute a purpose "so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding which his majesty was desirous to continue and cultivate with the most catholic king." the latter part of the letter related to the youthful envoy. "i persuade myself you will receive and entertain major washington with the candor and politeness natural to your nation, and it will give me the greatest satisfaction if you can return him with an answer suitable to my wishes for a long and lasting peace between us." the two following days were consumed in councils of the chevalier and his officers over the letter and the necessary reply. washington occupied himself in the mean time in observing and taking notes of the plan, dimensions, and strength of the fort, and of every thing about it. he gave orders to his people, also, to take an exact account of the canoes in readiness, and others in the process of construction, for the conveyance of troops down the river in the ensuing spring. as the weather continued stormy, with much snow, and the horses were daily losing strength, he sent them down, unladen, to venango, to await his return by water. in the mean time, he discovered that busy intrigues were going on to induce the half-king and the other sachems to abandon him, and renounce all friendship with the english. upon learning this, he urged the chiefs to deliver up their "speech-belts" immediately, as they had promised, thereby shaking off all dependence upon the french. they accordingly pressed for an audience that very evening. a private one was at length granted them by the commander, in presence of one or two of his officers. the half-king reported the result of it to washington. the venerable but astute chevalier cautiously evaded the acceptance of the proffered wampum; made many professions of love and friendship, and said he wished to live in peace and trade amicably with the tribes of the ohio, in proof of which he would send down some goods immediately for them to logstown. as washington understood, privately, that an officer was to accompany the man employed to convey these goods, he suspected that the real design was to arrest and bring off all straggling english traders they might meet with. what strengthened this opinion was a frank avowal which had been made to him by the chevalier, that he had orders to capture every british subject who should attempt to trade upon the ohio or its waters. captain reparti, also, in reply to his inquiry as to what had been done with two pennsylvania traders, who had been taken with all their goods, informed him that they had been sent to canada, but had since returned home. he had stated, furthermore, that during the time he held command, a white boy had been carried captive past the fort by a party of indians, who had with them, also, two or three white men's scalps. all these circumstances showed him the mischief that was brewing in these parts, and the treachery and violence that pervaded the frontier, and made him the more solicitous to accomplish his mission successfully, and conduct his little band in safety out of a wily neighborhood. on the evening of the th, the chevalier de st. pierre delivered to washington his sealed reply to the letter of governor dinwiddie. the purport of previous conversations with the chevalier, and the whole complexion of affairs on the frontier, left no doubt of the nature of that reply. the business of his mission being accomplished, washington prepared on the th to return by water to venango; but a secret influence was at work which retarded every movement. "the commandant," writes he, "ordered a plentiful store of liquor and provisions to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our indians at variance with us, to prevent their going until after our departure; presents, rewards, and every thing which could be suggested by him or his officers. i cannot say that ever in my life i suffered so much anxiety as i did in this affair. i saw that every stratagem which the most fruitful brain could invent was practised to win the half-king to their interests, and that leaving him there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. i went to the half-king, and pressed him in the strongest terms to go; he told me that the commandant would not discharge him until the morning. i then went to the commandant and desired him to do their business, and complained to him of ill treatment; for, keeping them, as they were a part of my company, was detaining me. this he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could. he protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though i soon found it out. he had promised them a present of guns if they would wait until the morning. as i was very much pressed by the indians to wait this day for them, i consented, on the promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning." the next morning ( th) the french, in fulfilment of their promise, had to give the present of guns. they then endeavored to detain the sachems with liquor, which at any other time might have prevailed, but washington reminded the half-king that his royal word was pledged to depart, and urged it upon him so closely that exerting unwonted resolution and self-denial, he turned his back upon the liquor and embarked. it was rough and laborious navigation. french creek was swollen and turbulent, and full of floating ice. the frail canoes were several times in danger of being staved to pieces against rocks. often the voyagers had to leap out and remain in the water half an hour at a time, drawing the canoes over shoals, and at one place to carry them a quarter of a mile across a neck of land, the river being completely dammed by ice. it was not until the d that they reached venango. here washington was obliged, most unwillingly, to part company with the sachems. white thunder had hurt himself and was ill and unable to walk, and the others determined to remain at venango for a day or two and convey him down the river in a canoe. there was danger that the smooth-tongued and convivial joncaire would avail himself of the interval to ply the poor monarchs of the woods with flattery and liquor. washington endeavored to put the worthy half-king on his guard, knowing that he had once before shown himself but little proof against the seductions of the bottle. the sachem, however, desired him not to be concerned; he knew the french too well for any thing to engage him in their favor; nothing should shake his faith to his english brothers; and it will be found that in these assurances he was sincere. chapter ix. return from venango--a tramp on foot--murdering town--the indian guide-- treachery--an anxious night--perils on the allegany river--queen aliquippa--the old watch-coat--return across the blue ridge. on the th of december, washington and his little party set out by land from venango on their route homeward. they had a long winter's journey before them, through a wilderness beset with dangers and difficulties. the packhorses, laden with tents, baggage, and provisions, were completely jaded; it was feared they would give out. washington dismounted, gave up his saddle-horse to aid in transporting the baggage, and requested his companions to do the same. none but the drivers remained in the saddle. he now equipped himself in an indian hunting-dress, and with van braam, gist, and john davidson, the indian interpreter, proceeded on foot. the cold increased. there was deep snow that froze as it fell. the horses grew less and less capable of travelling. for three days they toiled on slowly and wearily. washington was impatient to accomplish his journey, and make his report to the governor; he determined, therefore, to hasten some distance in advance of the party, and then strike for the fork of the ohio by the nearest course directly through the woods. he accordingly put the cavalcade under the command of van braam, and furnished him with money for expenses; then disencumbering himself of all superfluous clothing, buckling himself up in a watch-coat, strapping his pack on his shoulders, containing his papers and provisions, and taking gun in hand, he left the horses to flounder on, and struck manfully ahead, accompanied only by mr. gist, who had equipped himself in like manner. at night they lit a fire, and "camped" by it in the woods. at two o'clock in the morning they were again on foot, and pressed forward until they struck the south-east fork of beaver creek, at a place bearing the sinister name of murdering town; probably the scene of some indian massacre. here washington, in planning his route, had intended to leave the regular path, and strike through the woods for shannopins town, two or three miles above the fork of the ohio, where he hoped to be able to cross the allegany river on the ice. at murdering town he found a party of indians, who appeared to have known of his coming, and to have been waiting for him. one of them accosted mr. gist, and expressed great joy at seeing him. the wary woodsman regarded him narrowly, and thought he had seen him at joncaire's. if so, he and his comrades were in the french interest, and their lying in wait boded no good. the indian was very curious in his inquiries as to when they had left venango; how they came to be travelling on foot; where they had left their horses, and when it was probable the latter would reach this place. all these questions increased the distrust of gist, and rendered him extremely cautious in reply. the route hence to shannopins town lay through a trackless wild, of which the travellers knew nothing; after some consultation, therefore, it was deemed expedient to engage one of the indians as a guide. he entered upon his duties with alacrity, took washington's pack upon his back, and led the way by what he said was the most direct course. after travelling briskly for eight or ten miles washington became fatigued, and his feet were chafed; he thought, too, they were taking a direction too much to the north-east; he came to a halt, therefore, and determined to light a fire, make a shelter of the bark and branches of trees, and encamp there for the night. the indian demurred; he offered, as washington was fatigued, to carry his gun, but the latter was too wary to part with his weapon. the indian now grew churlish. there were ottawa indians in the woods, he said, who might be attracted by their fire, and surprise and scalp them; he urged, therefore, that they should continue on: he would take them to his cabin, where they would be safe. mr. gist's suspicions increased, but he said nothing. washington's also were awakened. they proceeded some distance further: the guide paused and listened. he had heard, he said, the report of a gun toward the north; it must be from his cabin; he accordingly turned his steps in that direction. washington began to apprehend an ambuscade of savages. he knew the hostility of many of them to the english, and what a desirable trophy was the scalp of a white man. the indian still kept on toward the north; he pretended to hear two whoops--they were from his cabin--it could not be far off. they went on two miles further, when washington signified his determination to encamp at the first water they should find. the guide said nothing, but kept doggedly on. after a little while they arrived at an opening in the woods, and emerging from the deep shadows in which they had been travelling, found themselves in a clear meadow, rendered still more light by the glare of the snow upon the ground. scarcely had they emerged when the indian, who was about fifteen paces ahead, suddenly turned, levelled his gun, and fired. washington was startled for an instant, but, feeling that he was not wounded, demanded quickly of mr. gist if he was shot. the latter answered in the negative. the indian in the mean time had run forward, and screened himself behind a large white oak, where he was reloading his gun. they overtook, and seized him. gist would have put him to death on the spot, but washington humanely prevented him. they permitted him to finish the loading of his gun; but, after he had put in the ball, took the weapon from him, and let him see that he was under guard. arriving at a small stream they ordered the indian to make a fire, and took turns to watch over the guns. while he was thus occupied, gist, a veteran woodsman, and accustomed to hold the life of an indian rather cheap, was somewhat incommoded by the scruples of his youthful commander, which might enable the savage to carry out some scheme of treachery. he observed to washington that, since he would not suffer the indian to be killed, they must manage to get him out of the way, and then decamp with all speed, and travel all night to leave this perfidious neighborhood behind them; but first it was necessary to blind the guide as to their intentions. he accordingly addressed him in a friendly tone, and adverting to the late circumstance, pretended to suppose that he had lost his way, and fired his gun merely as a signal. the indian, whether deceived or not, readily chimed in with the explanation. he said he now knew the way to his cabin, which was at no great distance. "well then," replied gist, "you can go home, and as we are tired we will remain here for the night, and follow your track at daylight. in the mean time here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us some meat in the morning." whatever might have been the original designs of the savage, he was evidently glad to get off. gist followed him cautiously for a distance, and listened until the sound of his footsteps died away; returning then to washington, they proceeded about half a mile, made another fire, set their compass and fixed their course by the light of it, then leaving it burning, pushed forward, and travelled as fast as possible all night, so as to gain a fair start should any one pursue them at daylight. continuing on the next day they never relaxed their speed until nightfall, when they arrived on the banks of the allegany river, about two miles above shannopins town. washington had expected to find the river frozen completely over; it was so only for about fifty yards from either shore, while great quantities of broken ice were driving down the main channel. trusting that he had out-travelled pursuit, he encamped on the border of the river; still it was an anxious night, and he was up at daybreak to devise some means of reaching the opposite bank. no other mode presented itself than by a raft, and to construct this they had but one poor hatchet. with this they set resolutely to work and labored all day, but the sun went down before their raft was finished. they launched it, however, and getting on board, endeavored to propel it across with setting poles. before they were half way over the raft became jammed between cakes of ice, and they were in imminent peril. washington planted his pole on the bottom of the stream, and leaned against it with all his might, to stay the raft until the ice should pass by. the rapid current forced the ice against the pole with such violence that he was jerked into the water, where it was at least ten feet deep, and only saved himself from being swept away and drowned by catching hold of one of the raft logs. it was now impossible with all their exertions to get to either shore; abandoning the raft therefore, they got upon an island, near which they were drifting. here they passed the night exposed to intense cold by which the hands and feet of mr. gist were frozen. in the morning they found the drift ice wedged so closely together, that they succeeded in getting from the island to the opposite side of the river; and before night were in comfortable quarters at the house of frazier, the indian trader, at the mouth of turtle creek on the monongahela. here they learned from a war party of indians that a band of ottawas, a tribe in the interest of the french, had massacred a whole family of whites on the banks of the great kanawha river. at frazier's they were detained two or three days endeavoring to procure horses. in this interval washington had again occasion to exercise indian diplomacy. about three miles distant, at the mouth of the youghiogeny river, dwelt a female sachem, queen aliquippa, as the english called her, whose sovereign dignity had been aggrieved, that the party on their way to the ohio, had passed near her royal wigwam without paying their respects to her. aware of the importance, at this critical juncture, of securing the friendship of the indians, washington availed himself of the interruption of his journey, to pay a visit of ceremony to this native princess. whatever anger she may have felt at past neglect, it was readily appeased by a present of his old watch-coat; and her good graces were completely secured by a bottle of rum, which, he intimates, appeared to be peculiarly acceptable to her majesty. leaving frazier's on the st of january, they arrived on the d at the residence of mr. gist, on the monongahela. here they separated, and washington having purchased a horse, continued his homeward course, passing horses laden with materials and stores for the fort at the fork of the ohio, and families going out to settle there. having crossed the blue ridge and stopped one day at belvoir to rest, he reached williamsburg on the th of january, where he delivered to governor dinwiddie the letter of the french commandant, and made him a full report of the events of his mission. we have been minute in our account of this expedition as it was an early test and development of the various talents and characteristics of washington. the prudence, sagacity, resolution, firmness, and self-devotion manifested by him throughout; his admirable tact and self-possession in treating with fickle savages and crafty white men; the soldier's eye with which he had noticed the commanding and defensible points of the country, and every thing that would bear upon military operations; and the hardihood with which he had acquitted himself during a wintry tramp through the wilderness, through constant storms of rain and snow; often sleeping on the ground without a tent in the open air, and in danger from treacherous foes,--all pointed him out, not merely to the governor, but to the public at large, as one eminently fitted, notwithstanding his youth, for important trusts involving civil as well as military duties. it is an expedition that may be considered the foundation of his fortunes. from that moment he was the rising hope of virginia. chapter x. reply of the chevalier de st. pierre--trent's mission to the frontier-- washington recruits troops--dinwiddie and the house of burgesses-- independent conduct of the virginians--expedients to gain recruits-- jacob van braam in service--toilful march to wills' creek--contrecoeur at the fork of the ohio--trent's refractory troops. the reply of the chevalier de st. pierre was such as might have been expected from that courteous, but wary commander. he should transmit, he said, the letter of governor dinwiddie to his general, the marquis du quesne, "to whom," observed he, "it better belongs than to me to set forth the evidence and reality of the rights of the king, my master, upon the lands situated along the river ohio, and to contest the pretensions of the king of great britain thereto. his answer shall be a law to me. ... as to the summons you send me to retire, i do not think myself obliged to obey it. whatever may be your instructions, i am here by virtue of the orders of my general; and i entreat you, sir, not to doubt one moment but that i am determined to conform myself to them with all the exactness and resolution which can be expected from the best officer." ... "i made it my particular care," adds he, "to receive mr. washington with, a distinction suitable to your dignity, as well as his own quality and great merit. i flatter myself that he will do me this justice before you, sir, and that he will signify to you, in the manner i do myself, the profound respect with which i am, sir," &c. [footnote: london mag., june, .] this soldier-like and punctilious letter of the chevalier was considered evasive, and only intended to gain time. the information given by washington of what he had observed on the frontier convinced governor dinwiddie and his council that the french were preparing to descend the ohio in the spring, and take military possession of the country. washington's journal was printed, and widely promulgated throughout the colonies and england, and awakened the nation to a sense of the impending danger, and the necessity of prompt measures to anticipate the french movements. captain trent was despatched to the frontier, commissioned to raise a company of one hundred men, march with all speed to the fork of the ohio, and finish as soon as possible the fort commenced there by the ohio company. he was enjoined to act only on the defensive, but to capture or destroy whoever should oppose the construction of the works, or disturb the settlements. the choice of captain trent for this service, notwithstanding his late inefficient expedition, was probably owing to his being brother-in-law to george croghan, who had grown to be quite a personage of consequence on the frontier, where he had an establishment or trading-house, and was supposed to have great influence among the western tribes, so as to be able at any time to persuade many of them to take up the hatchet. washington was empowered to raise a company of like force at alexandria; to procure and forward munitions and supplies for the projected fort at the fork, and ultimately to have command of both companies. when on the frontier he was to take council of george croghan and andrew montour the interpreter, in all matters relating to the indians, they being esteemed perfect oracles in that department. governor dinwiddie in the mean time called upon the governors of the other provinces to make common cause against the foe; he endeavored, also, to effect alliances with the indian tribes of the south, the catawbas and cherokees, by way of counterbalancing the chippewas and ottawas, who were devoted to the french. the colonies, however, felt as yet too much like isolated territories; the spirit of union was wanting. some pleaded a want of military funds; some questioned the justice of the cause; some declined taking any hostile step that might involve them in a war, unless they should have direct orders from the crown. dinwiddie convened the house of burgesses to devise measures for the public security. here his high idea of prerogative and of gubernatorial dignity met with a grievous countercheck from the dawning spirit of independence. high as were the powers vested in the colonial government of virginia, of which, though but lieutenant-governor, he had the actual control; they were counterbalanced by the power inherent in the people, growing out of their situation and circumstances, and acting through their representatives. there was no turbulent factious opposition to government in virginia; no "fierce democracy," the rank growth of crowded cities, and a fermenting populace; but there was the independence of men, living apart in patriarchal style on their own rural domains; surrounded by their families, dependants and slaves, among whom their will was law,--and there was the individuality in character and action of men prone to nurture peculiar notions and habits of thinking, in the thoughtful solitariness of country life. when dinwiddie propounded his scheme of operations on the ohio, some of the burgesses had the hardihood to doubt the claims of the king to the disputed territory; a doubt which the governor reprobated as savoring strongly of a most disloyal french spirit; he fired, as he says, at the thought "that an english legislature should presume to doubt the right of his majesty to the interior parts of this continent, the back part of his dominions!" others demurred to any grant of means for military purposes which might be construed into an act of hostility. to meet this scruple it was suggested that the grant might be made for the purpose of encouraging and protecting all settlers on the waters of the mississippi. and under this specious plea ten thousand pounds were grudgingly voted; but even this moderate sum was not put at the absolute disposition of the governor. a committee was appointed with whom he was to confer as to its appropriation. this precaution dinwiddie considered an insulting invasion of the right he possessed as governor to control the purse as well as the sword; and he complained bitterly of the assembly, as deeply tinctured with a republican way of thinking, and disposed to encroach on the prerogative of the crown, "which he feared would render them more and more difficult to be _brought to order_." ways and means being provided, governor dinwiddie augmented the number of troops to be enlisted to three hundred, divided into six companies. the command of the whole, as before, was offered to washington, but he shrank from it, as a charge too great for his youth and inexperience. it was given, therefore, to colonel joshua fry, an english gentleman of worth and education, and washington was made second in command, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. the recruiting, at first, went on slowly. those who offered to enlist, says washington, were for the most part loose idle persons without house or home, some without shoes or stockings, some shirtless, and many without coat or waistcoat. he was young in the recruiting service, or he would have known that such is generally the stuff of which armies are made. in this country especially it has always been difficult to enlist the active yeomanry by holding out merely the pay of a soldier. the means of subsistence are too easily obtained by the industrious, for them to give up home and personal independence for a mere daily support. some may be tempted by a love of adventure; but in general, they require some prospect of ultimate advantage that may "better their condition." governor dinwiddie became sensible of this, and resorted to an expedient rising out of the natural resources of the country, which has since been frequently adopted, and always with efficacy. he proclaimed a bounty of two hundred thousand acres of land on the ohio river, to be divided among the officers and soldiers who should engage in this expedition; one thousand to be laid off contiguous to the fort at the fork, for the use of the garrison. this was a tempting bait to the sons of farmers, who readily enlisted in the hope of having, at the end of a short campaign, a snug farm of their own in this land of promise. it was a more difficult matter to get officers than soldiers. very few of those appointed made their appearance; one of the captains had been promoted; two declined; washington found himself left, almost alone, to manage a number of self-willed, undisciplined recruits. happily he had with him, in the rank of lieutenant, that soldier of fortune, jacob van braam, his old "master of fence," and travelling interpreter. in his emergency he forthwith nominated him captain, and wrote to the governor to confirm the appointment, representing him as the oldest lieutenant, and an experienced officer. on the d of april washington set off from alexandria for the new fort, at the fork of the ohio. he had but two companies with him, amounting to about one hundred and fifty men; the remainder of the regiment was to follow under colonel fry with the artillery, which was to be conveyed up the potomac. while on the march he was joined by a detachment under captain adam stephen, an officer destined to serve with him at distant periods of his military career. at winchester he found it impossible to obtain conveyances by gentle means, and was obliged reluctantly to avail himself of the militia law of virginia, and impress horses and waggons for service; giving the owners orders on government for their appraised value. even then, out of a great number impressed, he obtained but ten, after waiting a week; these, too, were grudgingly furnished by farmers with their worst horses, so that in steep and difficult passes they were incompetent to the draught, and the soldiers had continually to put their shoulders to the wheels. thus slenderly fitted out, washington and his little force made their way toilfully across the mountains, having to prepare the roads as they went for the transportation of the cannon, which were to follow on with the other division under colonel fry. they cheered themselves with the thoughts that this hard work would cease when they should arrive at the company's trading-post and store-house at wills' creek, where captain trent was to have packhorses in readiness, with which they might make the rest of the way by light stages. before arriving there they were startled by a rumor that trent and all his men had been captured by the french. with regard to trent, the news soon proved to be false, for they found him at wills' creek on the th of april. with regard to his men there was still an uncertainty. he had recently left them at the fork of the ohio, busily at work on the fort, under the command of his lieutenant, frazier, late indian trader and gunsmith, but now a provincial officer. if the men had been captured, it must have been since the captain's departure. washington was eager to press forward and ascertain the truth, but it was impossible. trent, inefficient as usual, had failed to provide packhorses. it was necessary to send to winchester, forty miles distant, for baggage waggons, and await their arrival. all uncertainty as to the fate of the men, however, was brought to a close by their arrival, on the th, conducted by an ensign, and bringing with them their working implements. the french might well boast that they had again been too quick for the english. captain contrecoeur, an alert officer, had embarked about a thousand men with field-pieces, in a fleet of sixty bateaux and three hundred canoes, dropped down the river from venango, and suddenly made his appearance before the fort, on which the men were working, and which was not half completed. landing, drawing up his men, and planting his artillery, he summoned the fort to surrender, allowing one hour for a written reply. what was to be done! the whole garrison did not exceed fifty men. captain trent was absent at wills' creek; frazier, his lieutenant, was at his own residence at turtle creek, ten miles distant. there was no officer to reply but a young ensign of the name of ward. in his perplexity he turned for counsel to tanacharisson, the half-king, who was present in the fort. the chief advised the ensign to plead insufficiency of rank and powers, and crave delay until the arrival of his superior officer. the ensign repaired to the french camp to offer this excuse in person, and was accompanied by the half-king. they were courteously received, but contrecoeur was inflexible. there must be instant surrender, or he would take forcible possession. all that the ensign could obtain was permission to depart with his men, taking with them their working tools. the capitulation ended. contrecoeur, with true french gayety, invited the ensign to sup with him; treated him with the utmost politeness, and wished him a pleasant journey, as he set off the next morning with his men laden with their working tools. such was the ensign's story. he was accompanied by two indian warriors, sent by the half-king to ascertain where the detachment was, what was its strength, and when it might be expected at the ohio. they bore a speech from that sachem to washington, and another, with a belt of wampum for the governor of virginia. in these he plighted his steadfast faith to the english, and claimed assistance from his brothers of virginia and pennsylvania. one of these warriors washington forwarded on with the speech and wampum to governor dinwiddie. the other he prevailed on to return to the half-king, bearing a speech from him, addressed to the "sachems, warriors of the six united nations, shannoahs and delawares, our friends and brethren." in this he informed them that he was on the advance with a part of the army, to clear the road for a greater force coming with guns, ammunition, and provisions; and he invited the half-king and another sachem, to meet him on the road as soon as possible to hold a council. in fact, his situation was arduous in the extreme. regarding the conduct of the french in the recent occurrence an overt act of war, he found himself thrown with a handful of raw recruits far on a hostile frontier, in the midst of a wilderness, with an enemy at hand greatly superior in number and discipline; provided with artillery, and all the munitions of war, and within reach of constant supplies and reinforcements. beside the french that had come from venango, he had received credible accounts of another party ascending the ohio; and of six hundred chippewas and ottawas marching down scioto creek to join the hostile camp. still, notwithstanding the accumulating danger, it would not do to fall back, nor show signs of apprehension. his indian allies in such case might desert him. the soldiery, too, might grow restless and dissatisfied. he was already annoyed by captain trent's men, who, having enlisted as volunteers, considered themselves exempt from the rigor of martial law; and by their example of loose and refractory conduct, threatened to destroy the subordination of his own troops. in this dilemma he called a council of war, in which it was determined to proceed to the ohio company store-houses, at the mouth of redstone creek; fortify themselves there, and wait for reinforcements. here they might keep up a vigilant watch upon the enemy, and get notice of any hostile movement in time for defence, or retreat; and should they be reinforced sufficiently to enable them to attack the fort, they could easily drop down the river with their artillery. with these alternatives in view, washington detached sixty men in advance to make a road; and at the same time wrote to governor dinwiddie for mortars and grenadoes, and cannon of heavy metal. aware that the assembly of pennsylvania was in session, and that the maryland assembly would also meet in the course of a few days, he wrote directly to the governors of those provinces, acquainting them with the hostile acts of the french, and with his perilous situation; and endeavoring to rouse them to cooperation in the common cause. we will here note in advance that his letter was laid before the legislature of pennsylvania, and a bill was about to be passed making appropriations for the service of the king; but it fell through, in consequence of a disagreement between the assembly and the governor as to the mode in which the money should be raised; and so no assistance was furnished to washington from that quarter. the youthful commander had here a foretaste, in these his incipient campaigns, of the perils and perplexities which awaited him from enemies in the field, and lax friends in legislative councils in the grander operations of his future years. before setting off for redstone creek, he discharged trent's refractory men from his detachment, ordering them to await colonel fry's commands; they however, in the true spirit of volunteers from the backwoods, dispersed to their several homes. it may be as well to observe, in this place, that both captain trent and lieutenant frazier were severely censured for being absent from their post at the time of the french summons. "trent's behavior," said washington, in a letter to governor dinwiddie, "has been very tardy, and has convinced the world of what they before suspected--his great timidity. lieutenant frazier, though not altogether blameless, is much more excusable, for he would not accept of the commission until he had a promise from his captain that he should not reside at the fort, nor visit it above once a week, or as he saw necessity." in fact, washington, subsequently recommended frazier for the office of adjutant. chapter xi. march to the little meadows--rumors from the ohio--correspondence from the banks of the youghiogeny--attempt to descend that river--alarming reports--scouting parties--perilous situation of the camp--gist and la force--message from the half-king--french tracks--the jumonville skirmish--treatment of la force--position at the great meadows--belligerent feelings of a young soldier. on the th of april washington set out from wills' creek at the head of one hundred and sixty men. he soon overtook those sent in advance to work the road; they had made but little progress. it was a difficult task to break a road through the wilderness sufficient for the artillery coming on with colonel fry's division. all hands were now set to work, but with all their labor they could not accomplish more than four miles a day. they were toiling through savage mountain and that dreary forest region beyond it, since bearing the sinister name of "the shades of death." on the th of may they were not further than twenty miles from wills' creek, at a place called the little meadows. every day came gloomy accounts from the ohio; brought chiefly by traders, who, with packhorses bearing their effects, were retreating to the more settled parts of the country. some exaggerated the number of the french, as if strongly reinforced. all represented them as diligently at work constructing a fort. by their account washington perceived the french had chosen the very place which he had noted in his journal as best fitted for the purpose. one of the traders gave information concerning la force the french emissary, who had beset washington when on his mission to the frontier, and acted, as he thought, the part of a spy. he had been at gist's new settlement beyond laurel hill, and was prowling about the country with four soldiers at his heels on a pretended hunt after deserters. washington suspected him to be on a reconnoitering expedition. it was reported, moreover, that the french were lavishing presents on the indians about the lower part of the river, to draw them to their standard. among all these flying reports and alarms washington was gratified to learn that the half-king was on his way to meet him at the head of fifty warriors. after infinite toil through swamps and forests, and over rugged mountains, the detachment arrived at the youghiogeny river, where they were detained some days constructing a bridge to cross it. this gave washington leisure to correspond with governor dinwiddie, concerning matters which had deeply annoyed him. by an ill-judged economy of the virginia government at this critical juncture, its provincial officers received less pay than that allowed in the regular army. it is true the regular officers were obliged to furnish their own table, but their superior pay enabled them to do it luxuriously; whereas the provincials were obliged to do hard duty on salt provisions and water. the provincial officers resented this inferiority of pay as an indignity, and declared that nothing prevented them from throwing up their commissions but unwillingness to recede before approaching danger. washington shared deeply this feeling. "let him serve voluntarily, and he would with the greatest pleasure in life devote his services to the expedition--but to be slaving through woods, rocks, and mountains, for the shadow of pay--" writes he, "i would rather toil like a day laborer for a maintenance, if reduced to the necessity, than serve on such ignoble terms." parity of pay was indispensable to the dignity of the service. other instances of false economy were pointed out by him, forming so many drags upon the expedition, that he quite despaired of success. "be the consequence what it will, however," adds he, "i am determined not to leave the regiment, but to be among the last men that leave the ohio; even if i serve as a private volunteer, which i greatly prefer to the establishment we are upon. ... i have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials, and i flatter myself resolution to face what any man dares, as shall be proved when it comes to the test." and in a letter to his friend colonel fairfax--"for my own part," writes he, "it is a matter almost indifferent whether i serve for full pay or as a generous volunteer; indeed, did my circumstances correspond with my inclinations, i should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter; _for the motives that have led me here are pure and noble. i had no view of acquisition but that of honor, by serving faithfully my king and country_." such were the noble impulses of washington at the age of twenty-two, and such continued to actuate him throughout life. we have put the latter part of the quotation in italics, as applicable to the motives which in after life carried him into the revolution. while the bridge over the youghiogeny was in the course of construction, the indians assured washington he would never be able to open a waggon-road across the mountains to redstone creek; he embarked therefore in a canoe with a lieutenant, three soldiers, and an indian guide, to try whether it was possible to descend the river. they had not descended above ten miles before the indian refused to go further. washington soon ascertained the reason. "indians," said he, "expect presents--nothing can be done without them. the french take this method. if you want one or more to conduct a party, to discover the country, to hunt, or for any particular purpose, they must be bought; their friendship is not so warm as to prompt them to these services gratis." the indian guide in the present instance, was propitiated by the promise of one of washington's ruffled shirts, and a watch-coat. the river was bordered by mountains and obstructed by rocks and rapids. indians might thread such a labyrinth in their light canoes, but it would never admit the transportation of troops and military stores. washington kept on for thirty miles, until he came to a place where the river fell nearly forty feet in the space of fifty yards. there he ceased to explore, and returned to camp, resolving to continue forward by land. on the d indian scouts brought word that the french were not above eight hundred strong, and that about half their number had been detached at night on a secret expedition. close upon this report came a message from the half-king, addressed "to the first of his majesty's officers whom it may concern." "it is reported," said he, "that the french army is coming to meet major washington. be on your guard against them, my brethren, for they intend to strike the first english they shall see. they have been on their march two days. i know not their number. the half-king and the rest of the chiefs will be with you in five days to hold a council." in the evening washington was told that the french were crossing the ford of the youghiogeny about eighteen miles distant. he now hastened to take a position in a place called the great meadows, where he caused the bushes to be cleared away, made an intrenchment and prepared what he termed "a charming field for an encounter." a party of scouts were mounted on waggon horses, and sent out to reconnoitre. they returned without having seen an enemy. a sensitiveness prevailed in the camp. they were surrounded by forests, threatened by unseen foes, and hourly in danger of surprise. there was an alarm about two o'clock in the night. the sentries fired upon what they took to be prowling foes. the troops sprang to arms, and remained on the alert until daybreak. not an enemy was to be seen. the roll was called. six men were missing, who had deserted. on the th. mr. gist arrived from his place, about fifteen miles distant. la force had been there at noon on the previous day, with a detachment of fifty men, and gist had since come upon their track within five miles of the camp. washington considered la force a bold, enterprising man, subtle and dangerous; one to be particularly guarded against. he detached seventy-five men in pursuit of him and his prowling band. about nine o'clock at night came an indian messenger from the half-king, who was encamped with several of his people about six miles off. the chief had seen tracks of two frenchmen, and was convinced their whole body must be in ambush near by. washington considered this the force which had been hovering about him for several days, and determined to forestall their hostile designs. leaving a guard with the baggage and ammunition, he set out before ten o'clock, with forty men, to join his indian ally. they groped their way in single file, by footpaths through the woods, in a heavy rain and murky darkness, tripping occasionally and stumbling over each other, sometimes losing the track for fifteen or twenty minutes, so that it was near sunrise when they reached the camp of the half-king. that chieftain received the youthful commander with, great demonstrations of friendship, and engaged to go hand in hand with him against the lurking enemy. he set out accordingly, accompanied by a few of his warriors and his associate sachem scarooyadi or monacatoocha, and conducted washington to the tracks which he had discovered. upon these he put two of his indians. they followed them up like hounds, and brought back word that they had traced them to a low bottom surrounded by rocks and trees, where the french were encamped, having built a few cabins for shelter from the rain. a plan was now concerted to come upon them by surprise; washington with, his men on the right; the half-king with his warriors on the left; all as silently as possible. washington was the first upon the ground. as he advanced from among the rocks and trees at the head of his men, the french caught sight of him and ran to their arms. a sharp firing instantly took place, and was kept up on both sides for about fifteen minutes. washington and his party were most exposed and received all the enemy's fire. the balls whistled around him; one man was killed close by him, and three others wounded. the french at length, having lost several of their number, gave way and ran. they were soon overtaken; twenty-one were captured, and but one escaped, a canadian, who carried the tidings of the affair to the fort on the ohio. the indians would have massacred the prisoners had not washington prevented them. ten of the french had fallen in the skirmish, and one been wounded. washington's loss was the one killed and three wounded which we have mentioned. he had been in the hottest fire, and having for the first time heard balls whistle about him, considered his escape miraculous. jumonville, the french leader, had been shot through the head at the first fire. he was a young officer of merit, and his fate was made the subject of lamentation in prose and verse--chiefly through political motives. of the twenty-one prisoners the two most important were an officer of some consequence named drouillon, and the subtle and redoubtable la force. as washington considered the latter an arch mischief-maker, he was rejoiced to have him in his power. la force and his companion would fain have assumed the sacred character of ambassadors, pretending they were coming with a summons to him to depart from the territories belonging to the crown of france. unluckily for their pretensions, a letter of instructions, found on jumonville, betrayed their real errand, which was to inform themselves of the roads, rivers, and other features of the country as far as the potomac; to send back from time to time, by fleet messengers, all the information they could collect, and to give word of the day on which they intended to serve the summons. their conduct had been conformable. instead of coming in a direct and open manner to his encampment, when they had ascertained where it was, and delivering their summons, as they would have done had their designs been frank and loyal, they had moved back two miles, to one of the most secret retirements, better for a deserter than an ambassador to encamp in, and staid there, within five miles of his camp, sending spies to reconnoitre it, and despatching messengers to contrecoeur to inform him of its position and numerical strength, to the end, no doubt, that he might send a sufficient detachment to enforce the summons as soon as it should be given. in fact, the footprints which had first led to the discovery of the french lurking-place, were those of two "runners" or swift messengers, sent by jumonville to the fort on the ohio. it would seem that la force, after all, was but an instrument in the hands of his commanding officers, and not in their full confidence; for when the commission and instructions found on jumonville were read before him, he professed not to have seen them before, and acknowledged, with somewhat of an air of ingenuousness, that he believed they had a hostile tendency. [footnote: washington's letter to dinwiddie, th may, .] upon the whole, it was the opinion of washington and his officers that the summons, on which so much stress was laid, was a mere specious pretext to mask their real designs and be used as occasion might require. "that they were spies rather than any thing else," and were to be treated as prisoners of war. the half-king joined heartily in this opinion; indeed, had the fate of the prisoners been in his hands, neither diplomacy nor any thing else would have been of avail. "they came with hostile intentions," he said; "they had bad hearts, and if his english brothers were so foolish as to let them go, he would never aid in taking another frenchman." the prisoners were accordingly conducted to the camp at the great meadows, and sent on the following day ( th), under a strong escort to governor dinwiddie, then at winchester. washington had treated them with great courtesy; had furnished drouillon and la force with clothing from his own scanty stock, and, at their request, given them letters to the governor, bespeaking for them "the respect and favor due to their character and personal merit." a sense of duty, however, obliged him, in his general despatch, to put the governor on his guard against la force. "i really think, if released, he would do more to our disservice than fifty other men, as he is a person whose active spirit leads him into all parties, and has brought him acquainted with all parts of the country. add to this a perfect knowledge of the indian tongue, and great influence with the indians." after the departure of the prisoners, he wrote again respecting them: "i have still stronger presumption, indeed almost confirmation, that they were sent as spies, and were ordered to wait near us till they were fully informed of our intentions, situation, and strength, and were to have acquainted their commander therewith, and to have been lurking here for reinforcements before they served the summons, if served at all. "i doubt not but they will endeavor to amuse you with many smooth stories, as they did me; but they were confuted in them all, and, by circumstances too plain to be denied, almost made ashamed of their assertions. "i have heard since they went away, they should say they called on us not to fire; but that i know to be false, for i was the first man that approached them, and the first whom they saw, and immediately they ran to their arms, and fired briskly till they were defeated." ... "i fancy they will have the assurance of asking the privileges due to an embassy, when in strict justice they ought to be hanged as spies of the worst sort." the situation of washington was now extremely perilous. contrecoeur, it was said, had nearly a thousand men with him at the fort, beside indian allies; and reinforcements were on the way to join him. the messengers sent by jumonville, previous to the late affair, must have apprised him of the weakness of the encampment on the great meadows, washington hastened to strengthen it. he wrote by express also to colonel fry, who lay ill at wills' creek, urging instant reinforcements; but declaring his resolution to "fight with very unequal numbers rather than give up one inch of what he had gained." the half-king was full of fight. he sent the scalps of the frenchmen slain in the late skirmish, accompanied by black wampum and hatchets, to all his allies, summoning them to take up arms and join him at redstone creek, "for their brothers, the english, had now begun in earnest." it is said he would even have sent the scalps of the prisoners had not washington interfered. [footnote: letter from virginia.--london mag., .] he went off for his home, promising to send down the river for all the mingoes and shawnees, and to be back at the camp on the th, with thirty or forty warriors, accompanied by their wives and children. to assist him in the transportation of his people and their effects thirty men were detached, and twenty horses. "i shall expect every hour to be attacked," writes washington to governor dinwiddie, on the th, "and by unequal numbers, which i must withstand, if there are five to one, for i fear the consequence will be that we shall lose the indians if we suffer ourselves to be driven back. your honor may depend i will not be surprised, let them come at what hour they will, and this is as much as i can promise; but my best endeavors shall not be wanting to effect more. i doubt not, if you hear i am beaten, but you will hear at the same time that we have done our duty in fighting as long as there is a shadow of hope." the fact is, that washington was in a high state of military excitement. he was a young soldier; had been for the first time in action, and been successful. the letters we have already quoted show, in some degree, the fervor of his mind, and his readiness to brave the worst; but a short letter, written to one of his brothers, on the st, lays open the recesses of his heart. "we expect every hour to be attacked by superior force; but if they forbear but one day longer we shall be prepared for them. ... we have already got intrenchments, and are about a palisade, which, i hope, will be finished to-day. the mingoes have struck the french, and, i hope, will give a good blow before they have done. i expect forty odd of them here to-night, which, with our fort, and some reinforcements from colonel fry, will enable us to exert our noble courage with spirit." alluding in a postscript to the late affair, he adds: "i fortunately escaped without any wound; for the right wing, where i stood, was exposed to, and received, all the enemy's fire; and it was the part where the man was killed and the rest wounded. _i heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound._" this rodomontade, as horace walpole terms it, reached the ears of george ii. "he would not say so," observed the king, dryly, "if he had been used to hear many." [footnote: this anecdote has hitherto rested on the authority of horace walpole, who gives it in his memoirs of george ii., and in his correspondence. he cites the rodomontade as contained in the express despatched by washington, whom he pronounces a "brave braggart." as no despatch of washington contains any rodomontade of the kind; as it is quite at variance with the general tenor of his character; and as horace walpole is well known to have been a "great gossip dealer," apt to catch up any idle rumor that would give piquancy to a paragraph, the story has been held in great distrust. we met with the letter recently, however, in a column of the london magazine for , page , into which it must have found its way not long after it was written.] washington himself thought so when more experienced in warfare. being asked, many years afterwards, whether he really had made such a speech about the whistling of bullets, "if i said so," replied he quietly, "it was when i was young." [footnote: gordon, hist. am. war, vol. ii., p. .] he was, indeed, but twenty-two years old when he said it; it was just after his first battle; he was flushed with success, and was writing to a brother. chapter xii. scarcity in the camp--death of colonel fry--promotions--mackay and his independent company--major muse--indian ceremonials--public prayers in camp--alarms--independence of an independent company--affairs at the great meadows--desertion of the indian allies--capitulation of fort necessity-- van braam as an interpreter--indian plunderers--return to williamsburg-- vote of thanks of the house of burgesses--subsequent fortunes of the half-king--comments on the affair of jumonville and the conduct of van braam. scarcity began to prevail in the camp. contracts had been made with george croghan for flour, of which he had large quantities at his frontier establishment; for he was now trading with the army as well as with the indians. none, however, made its appearance. there was mismanagement in the commissariat. at one time the troops were six days without flour; and even then had only a casual supply from an ohio trader. in this time of scarcity the half-king, his fellow sachem, scarooyadi, and thirty or forty warriors, arrived, bringing with them their wives and children--so many more hungry mouths to be supplied. washington wrote urgently to croghan to send forward all the flour he could furnish. news came of the death of colonel fry at wills' creek, and that he was to be succeeded in the command of the expedition by colonel innes of north carolina, who was actually at winchester with three hundred and fifty north carolina troops. washington, who felt the increasing responsibilities and difficulties of his situation, rejoiced at the prospect of being under the command of an experienced officer, who had served in company with his brother lawrence at the siege of carthagena. the colonel, however, never came to the camp, nor did the north carolina troops render any service in the campaign--the fortunes of which might otherwise have been very different. by the death of fry, the command of the regiment devolved on washington. finding a blank major's commission among fry's papers, he gave it to captain adam stephen, who had conducted himself with spirit. as there would necessarily be other changes, he wrote to governor dinwiddie in behalf of jacob van braam. "he has acted as captain ever since we left alexandria. he is an experienced officer, and worthy of the command he has enjoyed." the palisaded fort was now completed, and was named fort necessity, from the pinching famine that had prevailed during its construction. the scanty force in camp was augmented to three hundred, by the arrival from wills' creek of the men who had been under colonel fry. with them came the surgeon of the regiment, dr. james craik, a scotchman by birth, and one destined to become a faithful and confidential friend of washington for the remainder of his life. a letter from governor dinwiddie announced, however, that captain mackay would soon arrive with an independent company of one hundred men, from south carolina. the title of independent company had a sound ominous of trouble. troops of the kind, raised in the colonies, under direction of the governors, were paid by the crown, and the officers had king's commissions; such, doubtless, had captain mackay. "i should have been particularly obliged," writes washington to governor dinwiddie, "if you had declared whether he was under my command, or independent of it. i hope he will have more sense than to insist upon any unreasonable distinction, because he and his officers have commissions from his majesty. let him consider, though we are greatly inferior in respect to advantages of profit, yet we have the same spirit to serve our gracious king as they have, and are as ready and willing to sacrifice our lives for our country's good. and here, once more, and for the last time, i must say, that it will be a circumstance which will act upon some officers of this regiment, above all measure, to be obliged to serve upon such different terms, when their lives, their fortunes, and their operations are equally, and, i dare say, as effectually exposed as those of others, who are happy enough to have the king's commission." on the th arrived washington's early instructor in military tactics, adjutant muse, recently appointed a major in the regiment. he was accompanied by montour, the indian interpreter, now a provincial captain, and brought with him nine swivels, and a small supply of powder and ball. fifty or sixty horses were forthwith sent to wills' creek, to bring on further supplies, and mr. gist was urged to hasten forward the artillery. major muse was likewise the bearer of a belt of wampum and a speech, from governor dinwiddie to the half-king; with medals for the chiefs, and goods for presents among the friendly indians, a measure which had been suggested by washington. they were distributed with that grand ceremonial so dear to the red man. the chiefs assembled, painted and decorated in all their savage finery; washington wore a medal sent to him by the governor for such occasions. the wampum and speech having been delivered, he advanced, and with all due solemnity, decorated the chiefs and warriors with the medals, which they were to wear in remembrance of their father the king of england. among the warriors thus decorated was a son of queen aliquippa, the savage princess whose good graces washington had secured in the preceding year, by the present of an old watchcoat, and whose friendship was important, her town being at no great distance from the french fort. she had requested that her son might be admitted into the war councils of the camp, and receive an english name. the name of fairfax was accordingly given to him, in the customary indian form; the half-king being desirous of like distinction, received the name of dinwiddie. the sachems returned the compliment in kind, by giving washington the name of connotaucarius; the meaning of which is not explained. william fairfax, washington's paternal adviser, had recently counselled him by letter, to have public prayers in his camp; especially when there were indian families there; this was accordingly done at the encampment in the great meadows, and it certainly was not one of the least striking pictures presented in this wild campaign--the youthful commander, presiding with calm seriousness over a motley assemblage of half-equipped soldiery, leathern-clad hunters and woodsmen, and painted savages with their wives and children, and uniting them all in solemn devotion by his own example and demeanor. on the th there was agitation in the camp. scouts hurried in with word, as washington understood them, that a party of ninety frenchmen were approaching. he instantly ordered out a hundred and fifty of his best men; put himself at their head, and leaving major muse with the rest, to man the fort and mount the swivels, sallied forth "in the full hope" as he afterwards wrote to governor dinwiddie, "of procuring him another present of french prisoners." it was another effervescence of his youthful military ardor, and doomed to disappointment. the report of the scouts had been either exaggerated or misunderstood. the ninety frenchmen in military array dwindled down into nine french deserters. according to their account, the fort at the fork was completed, and named duquesne, in honor of the governor of canada, it was proof against all attack, excepting with bombs, on the land side. the garrison did not exceed five hundred, but two hundred more were hourly expected, and nine hundred in the course of a fortnight. washington's suspicions with respect to la force's party were justified by the report of these deserters; they had been sent out as spies, and were to show the summons if discovered or overpowered. the french commander, they added, had been blamed for sending out so small a party. on the same day captain mackay arrived, with his independent company of south carolinians. the cross-purposes which washington had apprehended, soon manifested themselves. the captain was civil and well disposed, but full of formalities and points of etiquette. holding a commission direct from the king, he could not bring himself to acknowledge a provincial officer as his superior. he encamped separately, kept separate guards, would not agree that washington should assign any rallying place for his men in case of alarm, and objected to receive from him the parole and countersign, though necessary for their common safety. washington conducted himself with circumspection, avoiding every thing that might call up a question of command, and reasoning calmly whenever such question occurred; but he urged the governor by letter, to prescribe their relative rank and authority. "he thinks you have not a power to give commissions that will command him. if so, i can very confidently say that his absence would tend to the public advantage." on the th of june, washington resumed the laborious march for redstone creek. as captain mackay could not oblige his men to work on the road unless they were allowed a shilling sterling a day; and as washington did not choose to pay this, nor to suffer them to march at their ease while his own faithful soldiers were laboriously employed; he left the captain and his independent company as a guard at fort necessity, and undertook to complete the military road with his own men. accordingly, he and his virginia troops toiled forward through the narrow defiles of the mountains, working on the road as they went. scouts were sent out in all directions, to prevent surprise. while on the march he was continually beset by sachems, with their tedious ceremonials and speeches, all to very little purpose. some of these chiefs were secretly in the french interest; few rendered any real assistance, and all expected presents. at gist's establishment, about thirteen miles from fort necessity, washington received certain intelligence that ample reinforcements had arrived at fort duquesne, and a large force would instantly be detached against him. coming to a halt, he began to throw up intrenchments, calling in two foraging parties, and sending word to captain mackay to join him with all speed. the captain and his company arrived in the evening; the foraging parties the next morning. a council of war was held, in which the idea of awaiting the enemy at this place was unanimously abandoned. a rapid and toilsome retreat ensued. there was a deficiency of horses. washington gave up his own to aid in transporting the military munitions, leaving his baggage to be brought on by soldiers, whom he paid liberally. the other officers followed his example. the weather was sultry; the roads were rough; provisions were scanty, and the men dispirited by hunger. the virginian soldiers took turns to drag the swivels, but felt almost insulted by the conduct of the south carolinians, who, piquing themselves upon their assumed privileges as "king's soldiers," sauntered along at their ease; refusing to act as pioneers, or participate in the extra labors incident to a hurried retreat. on the st of july they reached the great meadows. here the virginians, exhausted by fatigue, hunger, and vexation, declared they would carry the baggage and drag the swivels no further. contrary to his original intentions, therefore, washington determined to halt here for the present, and fortify, sending off expresses to hasten supplies and reinforcements from wills' creek, where he had reason to believe that two independent companies from new york, were by this time arrived. the retreat to the great meadows had not been in the least too precipitate. captain de villiers, a brother-in-law of jumonville, had actually sallied forth from fort duquesne at the head of upwards of five hundred french, and several hundred indians, eager to avenge the death of his relative. arriving about dawn of day at gist's plantation, he surrounded the works which washington had hastily thrown up there, and fired into them. finding them deserted, he concluded that those of whom he came in search had made good their retreat to the settlements, and it was too late to pursue them. he was on the point of returning to fort duquesne, when a deserter arrived, who gave word that washington had come to a halt in the great meadows, where his troops were in a starving condition; for his own part, he added, hearing that the french were coming, he had deserted to them to escape starvation. de villiers ordered the fellow into confinement; to be rewarded if his words proved true, otherwise to be hanged. he then pushed forward for the great meadows. [footnote: hazard's register of pennsylvania, vol. iv., p. .] in the mean time washington had exerted himself to enlarge and strengthen fort necessity, nothing of which had been done by captain mackay and his men, while encamped there. the fort was about a hundred feet square, protected by trenches and palisades. it stood on the margin of a small stream, nearly in the centre of the great meadows, which is a grassy plain, perfectly level, surrounded by wooded hills of a moderate height, and at that place about two hundred and fifty yards wide. washington asked no assistance from the south carolina troops, but set to work with his virginians, animating them by word and example; sharing in the labor of felling trees, hewing off the branches, and rolling up the trunks to form a breastwork. at this critical juncture he was deserted by his indian allies. they were disheartened at the scanty preparations for defence against a superior force, and offended at being subjected to military command. the half-king thought he had not been sufficiently consulted, and that his advice had not been sufficiently followed; such, at least, were some of the reasons which he subsequently gave for abandoning the youthful commander on the approach of danger. the true reason was a desire to put his wife and children in a place of safety. most of his warriors followed his example; very few, and those probably who had no families at risk, remained in the camp. early in the morning of the d, while washington and his men were working on the fort, a sentinel came in wounded and bleeding, having been fired upon. scouts brought word shortly afterwards that the french were in force, about four miles off. washington drew up his men on level ground outside of the works, to await their attack. about o'clock there was a firing of musketry from among trees on rising ground, but so distant as to do no harm; suspecting this to be a stratagem designed to draw his men into the woods, he ordered them to keep quiet, and refrain from firing until the foe should show themselves, and draw near. the firing was kept up, but still under cover. he now fell back with his men into the trenches, ordering them to fire whenever they could get sight of an enemy. in this way there was skirmishing throughout the day; the french and indians advancing as near as the covert of the woods would permit, which in the nearest place was sixty yards, but never into open sight. in the meanwhile the rain fell in torrents; the harassed and jaded troops were half drowned in their trenches, and many of their muskets were rendered unfit for use. about eight at night the french requested a parley. washington hesitated. it might be a stratagem to gain admittance for a spy into the fort. the request was repeated, with the addition that an officer might be sent to treat with them, under their parole for his safety. unfortunately the chevalier de peyrouney, engineer of the regiment, and the only one who could speak french correctly, was wounded and disabled. washington had to send, therefore, his ancient swordsman and interpreter, jacob van braam. the captain returned twice with separate terms, in which the garrison was required to surrender; both were rejected. he returned a third time, with written articles of capitulation. they were in french. as no implements for writing were at hand, van braam undertook to translate them by word of mouth. a candle was brought, and held close to the paper while he read. the rain fell in torrents; it was difficult to keep the light from being extinguished. the captain rendered the capitulation, article by article, in mongrel english, while washington and his officers stood listening, endeavoring to disentangle the meaning. one article stipulated that on surrendering the fort they should leave all their military stores, munitions, and artillery in possession of the french. this was objected to, and was readily modified. the main articles, as washington and his officers understood them, were, that they should be allowed to return to the settlements without molestation from french or indians. that they should march out of the fort with the honors of war, drums beating and colors flying, and with all their effects and military stores excepting the artillery, which should be destroyed. that they should be allowed to deposit their effects in some secret place, and leave a guard to protect them until they could send horses to bring them away; their horses having been nearly all killed or lost during the action. that they should give their word of honor not to attempt any buildings or improvements on the lands of his most christian majesty, for the space of a year. that the prisoners taken in the skirmish of jumonville should be restored, and until their delivery captain van braam and captain stobo should remain with the french as hostages. [footnote: horace walpole, in a flippant notice of this capitulation, says: "the french have tied up the hands of an excellent _fanfaron_, a major washington, whom they took and engaged not to serve for one year." (correspondence, vol. iii., p. .) walpole, at this early date, seems to have considered washington a perfect fire-eater.] the next morning accordingly, washington and his men marched out of their forlorn fortress with the honors of war, bearing with them their regimental colors, but leaving behind a large flag, too cumbrous to be transported. scarcely had they begun their march, however, when, in defiance of the terms of capitulation, they were beset by a large body of indians, allies of the french, who began plundering the baggage, and committing other irregularities. seeing that the french did not, or could not, prevent them, and that all the baggage which could not be transported on the shoulders of his troops would fall into the hands of these savages, washington ordered it to be destroyed, as well as the artillery, gunpowder, and other military stores. all this detained him until ten o'clock, when he set out on his melancholy march. he had not proceeded above a mile when two or three of the wounded men were reported to be missing. he immediately detached a few men back in quest of them, and continued on until three miles from fort necessity, where he encamped for the night, and was rejoined by the stragglers. in this affair, out of the virginia regiment, consisting of three hundred and five men, officers included, twelve had been killed, and forty-three wounded. the number killed and wounded in captain mackay's company is not known. the loss of the french and indians is supposed to have been much greater. in the following days' march the troops seemed jaded and disheartened; they were encumbered and delayed by the wounded; provisions were scanty, and they had seventy weary miles to accomplish before they could meet with supplies. washington, however, encouraged them by his own steadfast and cheerful demeanor, and by sharing all their toils and privations; and at length conducted them in safety to wills' creek, where they found ample provisions in the military magazines. leaving them here to recover their strength, he proceeded with captain mackay to williamsburg, to make his military report to the governor. a copy of the capitulation was subsequently laid before the virginia house of burgesses, with explanations. notwithstanding the unfortunate result of the campaign, the conduct of washington and his officers was properly appreciated, and they received a vote of thanks for their bravery, and gallant defence of their country. three hundred pistoles (nearly eleven hundred dollars) also were voted to be distributed among the privates who had been in action. from the vote of thanks, two officers were excepted; major stobo, who was charged with cowardice, and washington's unfortunate master of fence and blundering interpreter, jacob van braam, who was accused of treachery, in purposely misinterpreting the articles of capitulation. in concluding this chapter, we will anticipate dates to record the fortunes of the half-king after his withdrawal from the camp. he and several of his warriors, with their wives and children, retreated to aughquick, in the back part of pennsylvania, where george croghan had an agency, and was allowed money from time to time for the maintenance of indian allies. by the by, washington, in his letter to william fairfax, expressed himself much disappointed in croghan and montour, who proved, he said, to be great pretenders, and by vainly boasting of their interest with the indians, involved the country in great calamity, causing dependence to be placed where there was none. [footnote: letter to w. fairfax, aug. th, .] for, with all their boast, they never could induce above thirty fighting men to join the camp, and not more than half of those rendered any service. as to the half-king, he expressed himself perfectly disgusted with the white man's mode of warfare. the french, he said, were cowards; the english, fools. washington was a good man, but wanted experience: he would not take advice of the indians and was always driving them to fight according to his own notions. for this reason he (the half-king) had carried off his wife and children to a place of safety. after a time the chieftain fell dangerously ill, and a conjurer or "medicine man" was summoned to inquire into the cause or nature of his malady. he gave it as his opinion that the french had bewitched him, in revenge for the great blow he had struck them in the affair of jumonville; for the indians gave him the whole credit of that success, he having sent round the french scalps as trophies. in the opinion of the conjurer all the friends of the chieftain concurred, and on his death, which took place shortly afterwards, there was great lamentation, mingled with threats of immediate vengeance. the foregoing particulars are gathered from a letter written by john harris, an indian trader, to the governor of pennsylvania, at the request of the half-king's friend and fellow sachem, monacatoocha, otherwise called scarooyadi. "i humbly presume," concludes john harris, "that his death is a very great loss, especially at this critical time." [footnote: pennsylvania archives, vol. ii., p. .] note. we have been thus particular in tracing the affair of the great meadows, step by step, guided by the statements of washington himself and of one of his officers, present in the engagement, because it is another of the events in the early stage of his military career, before the justice and magnanimity of his character were sufficiently established which have been subject to misrepresentation. when the articles of capitulation came to be correctly translated and published, there were passages in them derogatory to the honor of washington and his troops, and, which, it would seem, had purposely been inserted for their humiliation by the french commander; but which, they protested, had never been rightly translated by van braam. for instance, in the written articles, they were made to stipulate that for the space of a year, they would not work on any establishment beyond the mountains; whereas it had been translated by van braam "on any establishment _on the lands of the king of france_" which was quite another thing, as most of the land beyond the mountains was considered by them as belonging to the british crown. there were other points, of minor importance, relative to the disposition of the artillery; but the most startling and objectionable one was that concerning the previous skirmish in the great meadows. this was mentioned in the written articles as _l'assassinat du sieur de jumonville_, that is to say, the _murder_ of de jumonville; an expression from which washington and his officers would have revolted with scorn and indignation; and which, if truly translated, would in all probability have caused the capitulation to be sent back instantly to the french commander. on the contrary, they declared it had been translated to them by van braam the _death_ of de jumonville. m. de villiers, in his account of this transaction to the french government, avails himself of these passages in the capitulation to cast a slur on the conduct of washington. he says, "we made the english consent to sign that they had assassinated my brother in his camp."--"we caused them to abandon the lands belonging to the king.--we obliged them to leave their cannon, which consisted of nine pieces, &c." he further adds: "the english, struck with panic, took to flight, and left their flag and one of their colors." we have shown that the flag left was the unwieldy one belonging to the fort; too cumbrous to be transported by troops who could not carry their own necessary baggage. the regimental colors, as honorable symbols, were scrupulously carried off by washington, and retained by him in after years. m. de villiers adds another incident intended to degrade his enemy. he says, "one of my indians took ten englishmen, whom he brought to me, and whom i sent back by another." these, doubtless, were the men detached by washington in quest of the wounded loiterers; and who, understanding neither french nor indian, found a difficulty in explaining their peaceful errand. that they were captured by the indian seems too much of a gasconade. the public opinion at the time was that van braam had been suborned by de villiers to soften the offensive articles of the capitulation in translating them, so that they should not wound the pride nor awaken the scruples of washington and his officers, yet should stand on record against them. it is not probable that a french officer of de villiers' rank would practise such a base perfidy, nor does the subsequent treatment experienced by van braam from the french corroborate the charge. it is more than probable the inaccuracy of translation originated in his ignorance of the precise weight and value of words in the two languages, neither of which was native to him, and between which he was the blundering agent of exchange. chapter xiii. founding of port cumberland--secret letter of stobo--the indian messenger-- project of dinwiddie--his perplexities--a taint of republicanism in the colonial assemblies--dinwiddie's military measures--washington quits the service--overtures of governor sharpe, of maryland--washington's dignified reply--questions of rank between royal and provincial troops--treatment of the french prisoners--fate of la force--anecdotes of stobo and van braam. early in august washington rejoined his regiment, which had arrived at alexandria by the way of winchester. letters from governor dinwiddie urged him to recruit it to the former number of three hundred men, and join colonel innes at wills' creek, where that officer was stationed with mackay's independent company of south carolinians, and two independent companies from new york; and had been employed in erecting a work to serve as a frontier post and rallying point; which work received the name of fort cumberland, in honor of the duke of cumberland, captain-general of the british army. in the mean time the french, elated by their recent triumph, and thinking no danger at hand, relaxed their vigilance at fort duquesne. stobo, who was a kind of prisoner at large there, found means to send a letter secretly by an indian, dated july , and directed to the commander of the english troops. it was accompanied by a plan of the fort. "there are two hundred men here," writes he, "and two hundred expected; the rest have gone off in detachments to the amount of one thousand, besides indians. none lodge in the fort but contrecoeur and the guard, consisting of forty men and five officers; the rest lodge in bark cabins around the fort. the indians have access day and night, and come and go when they please. if one hundred trusty shawnees, mingoes, and delawares were picked out, they might surprise the fort, lodging themselves under the palisades by day, and at night secure the guard with their tomahawks, shut the sally-gate, and the fort is ours." one part of stobo's letter breathes a loyal and generous spirit of self-devotion. alluding to the danger in which he and van braam, his fellow-hostage, might be involved, he says, "consider the good of the expedition without regard to us. when we engaged to serve the country it was expected we were to do it with our lives. for my part, i would die a hundred deaths to have the pleasure of possessing this fort but one day. they are so vain of their success at the meadows it is worse than death to hear them. haste to strike." [footnote: hazard's register of penn., iv., .] the indian messenger carried the letter to aughquick and delivered it into the hands of george croghan. the indian chiefs who were with him insisted upon his opening it. he did so, but on finding the tenor of it, transmitted it to the governor of pennsylvania. the secret information communicated by stobo, may have been the cause of a project suddenly conceived by governor dinwiddie, of a detachment which, by a forced march across the mountains, might descend upon the french and take fort duquesne at a single blow; or, failing that, might build a rival fort in its vicinity. he accordingly wrote to washington to march forthwith for wills' creek, with such companies as were complete, leaving orders with the officers to follow as soon as they should have enlisted men sufficient to make up their companies. "the season of the year," added he, "calls for despatch. i depend upon your usual diligence and spirit to encourage your people to be active on this occasion." the ignorance of dinwiddie in military affairs, and his want of forecast, led him perpetually into blunders. washington saw the rashness of an attempt to dispossess the french with a force so inferior that it could be harassed and driven from place to place at their pleasure. before the troops could be collected, and munitions of war provided, the season would be too far advanced. there would be no forage for the horses; the streams would be swollen and unfordable; the mountains rendered impassable by snow, and frost, and slippery roads. the men, too, unused to campaigning on the frontier, would not be able to endure a winter in the wilderness, with no better shelter than a tent; especially in their present condition, destitute of almost every thing. such are a few of the cogent reasons urged by washington in a letter to his friend william fairfax, then in the house of burgesses, which no doubt was shown to governor dinwiddie, and probably had an effect in causing the rash project to be abandoned. the governor, in truth, was sorely perplexed about this time by contradictions and cross-purposes, both in military and civil affairs. a body of three hundred and fifty north carolinian troops had been enlisted at high pay, and were to form the chief reinforcement of colonel innes at wills' creek. by the time they reached winchester, however, the provincial military chest was exhausted, and future pay seemed uncertain; whereupon they refused to serve any longer, disbanded themselves tumultuously, and set off for their homes without taking leave. the governor found the house of burgesses equally unmanageable. his demands for supplies were resisted on what he considered presumptuous pretexts; or granted sparingly, under mortifying restrictions. his high tory notions were outraged by such republican conduct. "there appears to me," said he, "an infatuation in all the assemblies in this part of the world." in a letter to the board of trade he declared that the only way effectually to check the progress of the french, would be an act of parliament requiring the colonies to contribute to the common cause, _independently of assemblies_; and in another, to the secretary of state, he urged the policy of compelling the colonies to their duty to the king by a general poll-tax of two and sixpence a head. the worthy governor would have made a fitting counsellor for the stuart dynasty. subsequent events have shown how little his policy was suited to compete with the dawning republicanism of america. in the month of october the house of burgesses made a grant of twenty thousand pounds for the public service; and ten thousand more were sent out from england, beside a supply of firearms. the governor now applied himself to military matters with renewed spirit; increased the actual force to ten companies; and, as there had been difficulties among the different kinds of troops with regard to precedence, he reduced them all to independent companies; so that there would be no officer in a virginia regiment above the rank of captain. this shrewd measure, upon which dinwiddie secretly prided himself as calculated to put an end to the difficulties in question, immediately drove washington out of the service; considering it derogatory to his character to accept a lower commission than that under which his conduct had gained him a vote of thanks from the legislature. governor sharpe, of maryland, appointed by the king commander-in-chief of all the forces engaged against the french, sought to secure his valuable services, and authorized colonel fitzhugh, whom he had placed in temporary command of the army, to write to him to that effect. the reply of washington ( th nov.) is full of dignity and spirit, and shows how deeply he felt his military degradation. "you make mention," says he, "of my continuing in the service and retaining my colonel's commission. this idea has filled me with surprise; for if you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me more empty than the commission itself." after intimating a suspicion that the project of reducing the regiment into independent companies, and thereby throwing out the higher officers, was "generated and hatched at wills' creek,"--in other words, was an expedient of governor dinwiddie, instead of being a peremptory order from england, he adds, "ingenuous treatment and plain dealing i at least expected. it is to be hoped the project will answer; it shall meet with my acquiescence in every thing except personal services. i herewith inclose governor sharpe's letter, which i beg you will return to him with my acknowledgments for the favor he intended me. assure him, sir, as you truly may, of my reluctance to quit the service, and the pleasure i should have received in attending his fortunes. inform him, also, that it was to obey the call of honor and the advice of my friends that i declined it, and not to gratify any desire i had to leave the military line. my feelings are strongly bent to arms." even had washington hesitated to take this step, it would have been forced upon him by a further regulation of government, in the course of the ensuing winter, settling the rank of officers of his majesty's forces when joined or serving with the provincial forces in north america, "which directed that all such as were commissioned by the king, or by his general commander-in-chief in north america, should take rank of all officers commissioned by the governors of the respective provinces. and further, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops should have no rank when serving with the general and field officers commissioned by the crown; but that all captains and other inferior officers of the royal troops should take rank over provincial officers of the same grade, having older commissions." these regulations, originating in that supercilious assumption of superiority which sometimes overruns and degrades true british pride, would have been spurned by washington, as insulting to the character and conduct of his high-minded brethren of the colonies. how much did this open disparagement of colonial honor and understanding, contribute to wean from england the affection of her american subjects, and prepare the way for their ultimate assertion of independence. another cause of vexation to washington was the refusal of governor dinwiddie to give up the french prisoners, taken in the affair of de jumonville, in fulfilment of the articles of capitulation. his plea was, that since the capitulation, the french had taken several british subjects, and sent them prisoners to canada he considered himself justifiable in detaining those frenchmen which he had in his custody. he sent a flag of truce, however, offering to return the officer drouillon, and the two cadets, in exchange for captains stobo and van braam, whom the french held as hostages; but his offer was treated with merited disregard. washington felt deeply mortified by this obtuseness of the governor on a point of military punctilio and honorable faith, but his remonstrances were unavailing. the french prisoners were clothed and maintained at the public expense, and drouillon and the cadets were allowed to go at large; the private soldiers were kept in confinement. la force, also, not having acted in a military capacity, and having offended against the peace and security of the frontier, by his intrigues among the indians, was kept in close durance. washington, who knew nothing of this, was shocked on visiting williamsburg, to learn that la force was in prison. he expostulated with the governor on the subject, but without effect; dinwiddie was at all times pertinacious, but particularly so when he felt himself to be a little in the wrong. as we shall have no further occasion to mention la force, in connection with the subject of this work, we will anticipate a page of his fortunes. after remaining two years in confinement he succeeded in breaking out of prison, and escaping into the country. an alarm was given, and circulated far and wide, for such was the opinion of his personal strength, desperate courage, wily cunning, and great influence over the indians, that the most mischievous results were apprehended should he regain the frontier. in the mean time he was wandering about the country ignorant of the roads, and fearing to make inquiries, lest his foreign tongue should betray him. he reached king and queen court house, about thirty miles from williamsburg, when a countryman was struck with his foreign air and aspect. la force ventured to put a question as to the distance and direction of fort duquesne, and his broken english convinced the countryman of his being the french prisoner, whose escape had been noised about the country. watching an opportunity he seized him, and regardless of offers of great bribes, conducted him back to the prison of williamsburg, where he was secured with double irons, and chained to the floor of his dungeon. the refusal of governor dinwiddie to fulfil the article of the capitulation respecting the prisoners, and the rigorous treatment of la force, operated hardly upon the hostages, stobo and van braam, who, in retaliation, were confined in prison in quebec, though otherwise treated with kindness. they, also, by extraordinary efforts, succeeded in breaking prison, but found it more difficult to evade the sentries of a fortified place. stobo managed to escape into the country; but the luckless van braam sought concealment under an arch of a causeway leading from the fortress. here he remained until nearly exhausted by hunger. seeing the governor of canada passing by, and despairing of being able to effect his escape, he came forth from his hiding place, and surrendered himself, invoking his clemency. he was remanded to prison, but experienced no additional severity. he was subsequently shipped by the governor from quebec to england, and never returned to virginia. it is this treatment of van braam, more than any thing else, which convinces us that the suspicion of his being in collusion with the french in regard to the misinterpretation of the articles of capitulation, was groundless. he was simply a blunderer. chapter xiv. return to quiet life--french and english prepare for hostilities--plan of a campaign--general braddock--his character--sir john st. clair, quartermaster-general--his tour of inspection--projected roads--arrival of braddock--military consultations and plans--commodore keppel and his seamen--ships and troops at alexandria--excitement of washington--invited to join the staff of braddock--a mother's objections--washington at alexandria--grand council of governors--military arrangements--colonel william johnson--sir john st. clair at fort cumberland--his explosions of wrath--their effects--indians to be enlisted--captain jack and his band of bush-beaters. having resigned his commission, and disengaged himself from public affairs, washington's first care was to visit his mother, inquire into the state of domestic concerns, and attend to the welfare of his brothers and sisters. in these matters he was ever his mother's adjunct and counsellor, discharging faithfully the duties of an eldest son, who should consider himself a second father to the family. he now took up his abode at mount vernon, and prepared to engage in those agricultural pursuits, for which, even in his youthful days, he had as keen a relish as for the profession of arms. scarcely had he entered upon his rural occupations, however, when the service of his country once more called him to the field. the disastrous affair at the great meadows, and the other acts of french hostility on the ohio, had roused the attention of the british ministry. their ambassador at paris was instructed to complain of those violations of the peace. the court of versailles amused him with general assurances of amity, and a strict adherence to treaties. their ambassador at the court of st. james, the marquis de mirepoix, on the faith of his instructions, gave the same assurances. in the mean time, however, french ships were fitted out, and troops embarked, to carry out the schemes of the government in america. so profound was the dissimulation of the court of versailles, that even their own ambassador is said to have been kept in ignorance of their real designs, and of the hostile game they were playing, while he was exerting himself in good faith, to lull the suspicions of england, and maintain the international peace. when his eyes, however, were opened, he returned indignantly to france, and upbraided the cabinet with the duplicity of which he had been made the unconscious instrument. the british government now prepared for military operations in america; none of them professedly aggressive, but rather to resist and counteract aggressions. a plan of campaign was devised for , having four objects. to eject the french from lands which they held unjustly, in the province of nova scotia. to dislodge them from a fortress which they had erected at crown point, on lake champlain, within what was claimed as british territory. to dispossess them of the fort which they had constructed at niagara, between lake ontario and lake erie. to drive them from the frontiers of pennsylvania and virginia, and recover the valley of the ohio. the duke of cumberland, captain-general of the british army, had the organization of this campaign; and through his patronage, major-general edward braddock was intrusted with the execution of it, being appointed generalissimo of all the forces in the colonies. braddock was a veteran in service, and had been upwards of forty years in the guards, that school of exact discipline and technical punctilio. cumberland, who held a commission in the guards, and was bigoted to its routine, may have considered braddock fitted, by his skill and preciseness as a tactician, for a command in a new country, inexperienced in military science, to bring its raw levies into order, and to settle those questions of rank and etiquette apt to arise where regular and provincial troops are to act together. the result proved the error of such an opinion. braddock was a brave and experienced officer but his experience was that of routine, and rendered him pragmatical and obstinate, impatient of novel expedients "not laid down in the books," but dictated by emergencies in a "new country," and his military precision, which would have been brilliant on parade, was a constant obstacle to alert action in the wilderness. [footnote: horace walpole, in his letters, relates some anecdotes of braddock, which give a familiar picture of him in the fashionable life in which he had mingled in london, and are of value, as letting us into the private character of a man whose name has become proverbial in american history. "braddock," says walpole, "is a very iroquois in disposition. he had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at bath, hanged herself with a truly english deliberation, leaving a note on the table with these lines: 'to die is landing on some silent shore,' &c. when braddock was told of it, he only said: 'poor fanny! i always thought she would play till she would be forced to tuck herself up.'" braddock himself had been somewhat of a spendthrift. he was touchy also, and punctilious. "he once had a duel," says walpole, "with colonel glumley, lady bath's brother, who had been his great friend. as they were going to engage, glumley, who had good humor and wit (braddock had the latter) said: 'braddock, you are a poor dog! here, take my purse, if you kill me you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a shilling to support you.' braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask for his life."] braddock was to lead in person the grand enterprise of the campaign, that destined for the frontiers of virginia and pennsylvania; it was the enterprise in which washington became enlisted, and, therefore, claims our especial attention. prior to the arrival of braddock, came out from england lieutenant-colonel sir john st. clair, deputy quartermaster-general, eager to make himself acquainted with the field of operations. he made a tour of inspection, in company with governor sharpe, of maryland, and appears to have been dismayed at sight of the impracticable wilderness, the region of washington's campaign. from fort cumberland, he wrote in february to governor morris, of pennsylvania, to have the road cut, or repaired, toward the head of the river youghiogeny, and another opened from philadelphia for the transportation of supplies. "no general," writes he, "will advance with an army without having a communication open to the provinces in his rear, both for the security of retreat, and to facilitate the transport of provisions, the supplying of which must greatly depend on your province." [footnote: colonial records, vi., .] unfortunately the governor of pennsylvania had no money at his command, and was obliged, for expenses, to apply to his assembly, "a set of men," writes he, "quite unacquainted with every kind of military service, and exceedingly unwilling to part with money on any terms." however, by dint of exertions, he procured the appointment of commissioners to explore the country, and survey and lay out the roads required. at the head of the commission was george croghan, the indian trader, whose mission to the twightwees we have already spoken of. times had gone hard with croghan. the french had seized great quantities of his goods. the indians, with whom he traded, had failed to pay their debts, and he had become a bankrupt. being an efficient agent on the frontier, and among the indians, he still enjoyed the patronage of the pennsylvania government. when sir john st. clair had finished his tour of inspection, he descended wills' creek and the potomac for two hundred miles in a canoe to alexandria, and repaired to virginia to meet general braddock. the latter had landed on the th of february at hampton, in virginia, and proceeded to williamsburg to consult with governor dinwiddie. shortly afterwards he was joined there by commodore keppel, whose squadron of two ships-of-war, and several transports, had anchored in the chesapeake. on board of these ships were two prime regiments of about five hundred men each; one commanded by sir peter halket, the other by colonel dunbar; together with a train of artillery, and the necessary munitions of war. the regiments were to be augmented to seven hundred men, each by men selected by sir john st. clair from virginia companies recently raised. alexandria was fixed upon as the place where the troops should disembark, and encamp. the ships were accordingly ordered up to that place, and the levies directed to repair thither. the plan of the campaign included the use of indian allies. governor dinwiddie had already sent christopher gist, the pioneer, washington's guide in , to engage the cherokees and catawbas, the bravest of the southern tribes, who he had no doubt would take up the hatchet for the english, peace being first concluded, through the mediation of his government, between them and the six nations; and he gave braddock reason to expect at least four hundred indians to join him at port cumberland. he laid before him also contracts that he had made for cattle, and promises that the assembly of pennsylvania had made of flour; these, with other supplies, and a thousand barrels of beef on board of the transports, would furnish six months' provisions for four thousand men. general braddock apprehended difficulty in procuring wagons and horses sufficient to attend him in his march. sir john st. clair, in the course of his tour of inspection, had met with two dutch settlers, at the foot of the blue ridge, who engaged to furnish two hundred waggons, and fifteen hundred carrying-horses, to be at fort cumberland early in may. governor sharpe was to furnish above a hundred waggons for the transportation of stores, on the maryland side of the potomac. keppel furnished four cannons from his ships, for the attack on fort duquesne, and thirty picked seamen to assist in dragging them over the mountains; for "soldiers," said he, "cannot be as well acquainted with the nature of purchases, and making use of tackles, as seamen," they were to aid also in passing the troops and artillery on floats or in boats, across the rivers, and were under the command of a midshipman and lieutenant. [footnote: keppel's life of keppel, p. .] "every thing," writes captain robert orme, one of the general's aides-de-camp, "seemed to promise so far the greatest success. the transports were all arrived safe, and the men in health. provisions, indians, carriages, and horses, were already provided; at least were to be esteemed so, considering the authorities on which they were promised to the general." trusting to these arrangements, braddock proceeded to alexandria. the troops had all been disembarked before his arrival, and the virginia levies selected by sir john st. clair, to join the regiments of regulars, were arrived. there were beside two companies of hatchet men, or carpenters; six of rangers; and one troop of light horse. the levies, having been clothed, were ordered to march immediately for winchester, to be armed, and the general gave them in charge of an ensign of the th, "to make them as like soldiers as possible." [footnote: orme's journal.] the light horse were retained by the general as his escort and body guard. the din and stir of warlike preparation disturbed the quiet of mount vernon. washington looked down from his rural retreat upon the ships of war and transports, as they passed up the potomac, with the array of arms gleaming along their decks. the booming of cannon echoed among his groves. alexandria was but a few miles distant. occasionally he mounted his horse, and rode to that place; it was like a garrisoned town, teeming with troops, and resounding with the drum and fife. a brilliant campaign was about to open under the auspices of an experienced general, and with all the means and appurtenances of european warfare. how different from the starveling expeditions he had hitherto been doomed to conduct! what an opportunity to efface the memory of his recent disaster! all his thoughts of rural life were put to flight. the military part of his character was again in the ascendant; his great desire was to join the expedition as a volunteer. it was reported to general braddock. the latter was apprised by governor dinwiddie and others, of washington's personal merits, his knowledge of the country, and his experience in frontier service. the consequence was, a letter from captain robert orme, one of braddock's aides-de-camp, written by the general's order, inviting washington to join his staff; the letter concluded with frank and cordial expressions of esteem on the part of orme, which were warmly reciprocated, and laid the foundation of a soldierlike friendship between them. a volunteer situation on the staff of general braddock offered no emolument nor command, and would be attended with considerable expense, beside a sacrifice of his private interests, having no person in whom he had confidence, to take charge of his affairs in his absence; still he did not hesitate a moment to accept the invitation. in the position offered to him, all the questions of military rank which had hitherto annoyed him, would be obviated. he could indulge his passion for arms without any sacrifice of dignity, and he looked forward with high anticipation to an opportunity of acquiring military experience in a corps well organized, and thoroughly disciplined, and in the family of a commander of acknowledged skill as a tactician. his mother heard with concern of another projected expedition into the wilderness. hurrying to mount vernon, she entreated him not again to expose himself to the hardships and perils of these frontier campaigns. she doubtless felt the value of his presence at home, to manage and protect the complicated interests of the domestic connection, and had watched with solicitude over his adventurous campaigning, where so much family welfare was at hazard. however much a mother's pride may have been gratified by his early advancement and renown, she had rejoiced on his return to the safer walks of peaceful life. she was thoroughly practical and prosaic in her notions; and not to be dazzled by military glory. the passion for arms which mingled with the more sober elements of washington's character, would seem to have been inherited from his father's side of the house; it was, in fact, the old chivalrous spirit of the de wessyngtons. his mother had once prevented him from entering the navy, when a gallant frigate was at hand, anchored in the waters of the potomac; with all his deference for her, which he retained through life, he could not resist the appeal to his martial sympathies, which called him to the head-quarters of general braddock at alexandria. his arrival was hailed by his young associates, captains orme and morris, the general's aides-de-camp, who at once received him into frank companionship, and a cordial intimacy commenced between them, that continued throughout the campaign. he experienced a courteous reception from the general, who expressed in flattering terms the impression he had received of his merits. washington soon appreciated the character of the general. he found him stately and somewhat haughty, exact in matters of military etiquette and discipline, positive in giving an opinion, and obstinate in maintaining it; but of an honorable and generous, though somewhat irritable nature. there were at that time four governors, beside dinwiddie, assembled at alexandria, at braddock's request, to concert a plan of military operations; governor shirley, of massachusetts; lieutenant-governor delancey, of new york; lieutenant-governor sharpe, of maryland; lieutenant-governor morris, of pennsylvania. washington was presented to them in a manner that showed how well his merits were already appreciated. shirley seems particularly to have struck him as the model of a gentleman and statesman. he was originally a lawyer, and had risen not more by his talents, than by his implicit devotion to the crown. his son william was military secretary to braddock. a grand council was held on the th of april, composed of general braddock, commodore keppel, and the governors, at which the general's commission was read, as were his instructions from the king, relating to a common fund, to be established by the several colonies, toward defraying the expenses of the campaign. the governors were prepared to answer on this head, letters to the same purport having been addressed to them by sir thomas robinson, one of the king's secretaries of state, in the preceding month of october. they informed braddock that they had applied to their respective assemblies for the establishment of such a fund, but in vain, and gave it as their unanimous opinion, that such a fund could never be established in the colonies without the aid of parliament. they had found it impracticable, also, to obtain from their respective governments the proportions expected from them by the crown, toward military expenses in america; and suggested that ministers should find out some mode of compelling them to do it; and that, in the mean time, the general should make use of his credit upon government, for current expenses, lest the expedition should come to a stand. [footnote: colonial records, vol vi., p. .] in discussing the campaign, the governors were of opinion that new york should be made the centre of operations, as it afforded easy access by water to the heart of the french possessions in canada. braddock, however, did not feel at liberty to depart from his instructions, which specified the recent establishments of the french on the ohio as the objects of his expedition. niagara and crown point were to be attacked about the same time with fort duquesne, the former by governor shirley, with his own and sir william pepperell's regiments, and some new york companies; the latter by colonel william johnson, sole manager and director of indian affairs; a personage worthy of especial note. he was a native of ireland, and had come out to this country in , to manage the landed estates owned by his uncle, commodore sir peter warren, in the mohawk country. he had resided ever since in the vicinity of the mohawk river, in the province of new york. by his agency, and his dealings with the native tribes, he had acquired great wealth, and become a kind of potentate in the indian country. his influence over the six nations was said to be unbounded; and it was principally with the aid of a large force of their warriors that it was expected he would accomplish his part of the campaign. the end of june, "nearly in july," was fixed upon as the time when the several attacks upon forts duquesne, niagara, and crown point, should be carried into execution, and braddock anticipated an easy accomplishment of his plans. the expulsion of the french from the lands wrongfully held by them in nova scotia, was to be assigned to colonel lawrence, lieutenant-governor of that province; we will briefly add, in anticipation, that it was effected by him, with the aid of troops from massachusetts and elsewhere, led by lieutenant-colonel monckton. the business of the congress being finished, general braddock would have set out for fredericktown, in maryland, but few waggons or teams had yet come to remove the artillery. washington had looked with wonder and dismay at the huge paraphernalia of war, and the world of superfluities to be transported across the mountains, recollecting the difficulties he had experienced in getting over them with his nine swivels and scanty supplies. "if our march is to be regulated by the slow movements of the train," said he, "it will be tedious, very tedious, indeed." his predictions excited a sarcastic smile in braddock, as betraying the limited notions of a young provincial officer, little acquainted with the march of armies. in the mean while, sir john st. clair, who had returned to the frontier, was storming at the camp at fort cumberland. the road required of the pennsylvania government had not been commenced. george croghan and the other commissioners were but just arrived in camp. sir john, according to croghan, received them in a very disagreeable manner; would not look at their draughts, nor suffer any representations to be made to him in regard to the province, "but stormed like a lion rampant;" declaring that the want of the road and of the provisions promised by pennsylvania had retarded the expedition, and might cost them, their lives from the fresh numbers of french that might be poured into the country.--"that instead of marching to the ohio, he would in nine days march his army into cumberland county to cut the roads, press horses, waggons, &c.--that he would not suffer a soldier to handle an axe, but by fire and sword oblige the inhabitants to do it. ... that he would kill all kinds of cattle, and carry away the horses, burn the houses, &c.; and that if the french defeated them, by the delays of pennsylvania, he would, with his sword drawn, pass through the province and treat the inhabitants as a parcel of traitors to his master. that he would write to england by a man-of-war; shake mr. penn's proprietaryship, and represent pennsylvania as a disaffected province. ... he told us to go to the general, if we pleased, who would give us _ten bad words for one that he had given_." the explosive wrath of sir john, which was not to be appeased, shook the souls of the commissioners, and they wrote to governor morris, urging that people might be set at work upon the road, if the assembly had made provision for opening it; and that flour might be sent without delay to the mouth of canococheague river, "as being the only remedy left to prevent these threatened mischiefs." [footnote: colonial records, vol. vi., p. .] in reply, mr. richard peters, governor morris's secretary, wrote in his name: "get a number of hands immediately, and further the work by all possible methods. your expenses will be paid at the next sitting of assembly. do your duty, and oblige the general and quartermaster if possible. finish the road that will be wanted first, and then proceed to any other that may be thought necessary." an additional commission, of a different kind, was intrusted to george croghan. governor morris by letter requested him to convene at aughquick, in pennsylvania, as many warriors as possible of the mixed tribes of the ohio, distribute among them wampum belts sent for the purpose, and engage them to meet general braddock when on the march, and render him all the assistance in their power. in reply, croghan engaged to enlist a strong body of indians, being sure of the influence of scarooyadi, successor to the half-king, and of his adjunct, white thunder, keeper of the speech-belts. [footnote: colonial records, vol. vi., p, .] at the instance of governor morris, croghan secured the services of another kind of force. this was a band of hunters, resolute men, well acquainted with the country, and inured to hardships. they were under the command of captain jack, one of the most remarkable characters of pennsylvania; a complete hero of the wilderness. he had been for many years a captive among the indians; and, having learnt their ways, had formed this association for the protection of the settlements, receiving a commission of captain from the governor of pennsylvania. the band had become famous for its exploits, and was a terror to the indians. captain jack was at present protecting the settlements on the canococheague; but promised to march by a circuitous route and join braddock with his hunters. "they require no shelter for the night," writes croghan; "they ask no pay. if the whole army was composed of such men there would be no cause of apprehension. i shall be with them in time for duty." [footnote: hazard's register of penn., vol. iv., p. .] note. the following extract of a letter, dated august, , gives one of the stories relative to this individual: "the 'black hunter,' the 'black rifle,' the 'wild hunter of juniata,' is a white man; his history is this: he entered the woods with a few enterprising companions; built his cabin; cleared a little land, and amused himself with the pleasures of fishing and hunting. he felt happy, for then he had not a care. but on an evening, when he returned from a day of sport, he found his cabin burnt, his wife and children murdered. from that moment he forsakes civilized man; hunts out caves, in which he lives; protects the frontier inhabitants from the indians; and seizes every opportunity of revenge that offers. he lives the terror of the indians and the consolation of the whites. on one occasion, near juniata, in the middle of a dark night, a family were suddenly awaked from sleep by the report of a gun; they jump from their huts, and by the glimmering light from the chimney saw an indian fall to rise no more. the open door exposed to view the wild hunter. 'i have saved your lives,' he cried, then turned and was buried in the gloom of night."--_hazard's register of penn_., vol. iv., . chapter xv. washington proclaimed aide-de-camp--disappointments at fredericktown-- benjamin franklin and braddock--contracts--departure for wills' creek-- rough roads--the general in his chariot--camp at fort cumberland--hugh mercer--dr. craik--military tactics--camp rules--secretary peters--indians in camp--indian beauties--the princess bright lightning--errand to williamsburg--braddock's opinion of contractors and indians--arrival of conveyances. general braddock set out from alexandria on the th of april. washington remained behind a few days to arrange his affairs, and then rejoined him at fredericktown, in maryland, where, on the th of may, he was proclaimed one of the general's aides-de-camp. the troubles of braddock had already commenced. the virginian contractors failed to fulfil their engagements; of all the immense means of transportation so confidently promised, but fifteen waggons and a hundred draft-horses had arrived, and there was no prospect of more. there was equal disappointment in provisions, both as to quantity and quality; and he had to send round the country to buy cattle for the subsistence of the troops. fortunately, while the general was venting his spleen in anathemas against army contractors, benjamin franklin arrived at fredericktown. that eminent man, then about forty-nine years of age, had been for many years member of the pennsylvania assembly, and was now postmaster-general for america. the assembly understood that braddock was incensed against them, supposing them adverse to the service of the war. they had procured franklin to wait upon him, not as if sent by them, but as if he came in his capacity of postmaster-general, to arrange for the sure and speedy transmission of despatches between the commander-in-chief and the governors of the provinces. he was well received, and became a daily guest at the general's table. in his autobiography, he gives us an instance of the blind confidence and fatal prejudices by which braddock was deluded throughout this expedition. "in conversation with him one day," writes franklin, "he was giving me some account of his intended progress. 'after taking fort duquesne,' said he, 'i am to proceed to niagara; and, having taken that, to frontenac, if the season will allow time; and i suppose it will, for duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days: and then i can see nothing that can obstruct my march to niagara.' "having before revolved in my mind," continues franklin, "the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them through the woods and bushes, and also what i had heard of a former defeat of fifteen hundred french, who invaded the illinois country, i had conceived some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign; but i ventured only to say, 'to be sure, sir, if you arrive well before duquesne with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified, and assisted with a very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. the only danger i apprehend of obstruction to your march, is from the ambuscades of the indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, nearly four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise on its flanks, and to be cut like thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support one another.' "he smiled at my ignorance, and replied: 'these savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to raw american militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make an impression.' i was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more." [footnote: autobiography of franklin. sparks' edition, p. .] as the whole delay of the army was caused by the want of conveyances, franklin observed one day to the general that it was a pity the troops had not been landed in pennsylvania, where almost every farmer had his waggon. "then, sir," replied braddock, "you who are a man of interest there can probably procure them for me, and i beg you will." franklin consented. an instrument in writing was drawn up, empowering him to contract for one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or packhorses for the service of his majesty's forces, to be at wills' creek on or before the th of may, and he promptly departed for lancaster to execute the commission. after his departure, braddock, attended by his staff, and his guard of light horse, set off for wills' creek by the way of winchester, the road along the north side of the potomac not being yet made. "this gave him," writes washington, "a good opportunity to see the absurdity of the route, and of damning it very heartily." [footnote: draft of a letter, among washington's papers, addressed to major john carlyle.] three of washington's horses were knocked up before they reached winchester, and he had to purchase others. this was a severe drain of his campaigning purse; fortunately he was in the neighborhood of greenway court, and was enabled to replenish it by a loan from his old friend lord fairfax. the discomforts of the rough road were increased with the general, by his travelling with some degree of state in a chariot which he had purchased of governor sharpe. in this he dashed by dunbar's division of the troops, which he overtook near wills' creek; his body guard of light horse galloping on each side of his chariot, and his staff accompanying him; the drums beating the grenadier's march as he passed. in this style, too, he arrived at fort cumberland, amid a thundering salute of seventeen guns. [footnote: journal of the seamen's detachment.] by this time the general discovered that he was not in a region fitted for such display, and his travelling chariot was abandoned at fort cumberland; otherwise it would soon have become a wreck among the mountains beyond. by the th of may, the forces were assembled at fort cumberland. the two royal regiments, originally one thousand strong, now increased to fourteen hundred, by men chosen from the maryland and virginia levies. two provincial companies of carpenters, or pioneers, thirty men each, with subalterns and captains. a company of guides, composed of a captain, two aids, and ten men. the troop of virginia light horse, commanded by captain stewart; the detachment of thirty sailors with their officers, and the remnants of two independent companies from new york, one of which was commanded by captain horatio gates, of whom, we shall have to speak much hereafter, in the course of this biography. another person in camp, of subsequent notoriety, and who became a warm friend of washington, was dr. hugh mercer, a scotchman, about thirty-three years of age. about ten years previously he had served as assistant surgeon in the forces of charles edward, and followed his standard to the disastrous field of culloden. after the defeat of the "chevalier," mercer had escaped by the way of inverness to america, and taken up his residence in virginia. he was now with the virginia troops, rallying under the standard of the house of hanover, in an expedition led by a general who had aided to drive the chevalier from scotland. [footnote: braddock had been an officer under the duke of cumberland, in his campaign against charles edward.] another young scotchman in the camp was dr. james craik, who had become strongly attached to washington, being about the same age, and having been with him in the affair of the great meadows, serving as surgeon in the virginia regiment, to which he still belonged. at fort cumberland, washington had an opportunity of seeing a force encamped according to the plan approved of by the council of war; and military tactics, enforced with all the precision of a martinet. the roll of each company was called over morning, noon, and night. there was strict examination of arms and accoutrements; the commanding officer of each company being answerable for their being kept in good order. the general was very particular in regard to the appearance and drill of the virginia recruits and companies, whom he had put under the rigorous discipline of ensign allen. "they performed their evolutions and firings, as well as could be expected," writes captain orme, "but their languid, spiritless, and unsoldier-like appearance, considered with the lowness and ignorance of most of their officers, gave little hopes of their future good behavior." [footnote: orme's journal.] he doubtless echoed the opinion of the general; how completely were both to be undeceived as to their estimate of these troops! the general held a levee in his tent every morning, from ten to eleven. he was strict as to the morals of the camp. drunkenness was severely punished. a soldier convicted of theft was sentenced to receive one thousand lashes, and to be drummed out of his regiment. part of the first part of the sentence was remitted. divine service was performed every sunday, at the head of the colors of each regiment, by the chaplain. there was the funeral of a captain who died at this encampment. a captain's guard marched before the corpse, the captain of it in the rear, the firelocks reversed, the drums beating the dead march. when near the grave, the guard formed two lines, facing each other; rested on their arms, muzzles downwards, and leaned their faces on the butts. the corpse was carried between them, the sword and sash on the coffin, and the officers following two and two. after the chaplain of the regiment had read the service, the guard fired three volleys over the grave, and returned. [footnote: orme's journal. journal of the seamen's detachment.] braddock's camp, in a word, was a complete study for washington, during the halt at fort cumberland, where he had an opportunity of seeing military routine in its strictest forms. he had a specimen, too, of convivial life in the camp, which the general endeavored to maintain, even in the wilderness, keeping a hospitable table; for he is said to have been somewhat of a _bon vivant_, and to have had with him "two good cooks, who could make an excellent ragout out of a pair of boots, had they but materials to toss them up with." [footnote: preface to winthrop sargent's introductory memoir.] there was great detention at the fort, caused by the want of forage and supplies, the road not having been finished from philadelphia. mr. richard peters, the secretary of governor morris, was in camp, to attend to the matter. he had to bear the brunt of braddock's complaints. the general declared he would not stir from wills' creek until he had the governor's assurance that the road would be opened in time. mr. peters requested guards to protect the men while at work, from attacks by the indians. braddock swore he would not furnish guards for the woodcutters,--"let pennsylvania do it!" he scoffed at the talk about danger from indians. peters endeavored to make him sensible of the peril which threatened him in this respect. should an army of them, led by french officers, beset him in his march, he would not be able, with all his strength and military skill, to reach fort duquesne without a body of rangers, as well on foot as horseback. the general, however, "despised his observations." [footnote: colonial records, vi. .] still, guards had ultimately to be provided, or the work on the road would have been abandoned. braddock, in fact, was completely chagrined and disappointed about the indians. the cherokees and catawbas, whom dinwiddie had given him reason to expect in such numbers, never arrived. george croghan reached the camp with but about fifty warriors, whom he had brought from aughquick. at the general's request he sent a messenger to invite the delawares and shawnees from the ohio, who returned with two chiefs of the former tribe. among the sachems thus assembled were some of washington's former allies; scarooyadi, alias, monacatoocha, successor to the half-king; white thunder, the keeper of the speech-belts, and silver heels, so called, probably, from being swift of foot. notwithstanding his secret contempt for the indians, braddock, agreeably to his instructions, treated them with great ceremony. a grand council was held in his tent, where all his officers attended. the chiefs, and all the warriors, came painted and decorated for war. they were received with military honors, the guards resting on their fire-arms. the general made them a speech through his interpreter, expressing the grief of their father, the great king of england, at the death of the half-king, and made them presents to console them. they in return promised their aid as guides and scouts, and declared eternal enmity to the french, following the declaration with the war song, "making a terrible noise." the general, to regale and astonish them, ordered all the artillery to be fired, "the drums and fifes playing and beating the point of war;" the fête ended by their feasting, in their own camp, on a bullock which the general had given them, following up their repast by dancing the war dance round a fire, to the sound of their uncouth drums and rattles, "making night hideous," by howls and yellings. "i have engaged between forty and fifty indians from the frontiers of your province to go over the mountains with me," writes braddock to governor morris, "and shall take croghan and montour into service." croghan was, in effect, put in command of the indians, and a warrant given to him of captain. for a time all went well. the indians had their separate camp, where they passed half the night singing, dancing, and howling. the british were amused by their strange ceremonies, their savage antics, and savage decorations. the indians, on the other hand, loitered by day about the english camp, fiercely painted and arrayed, gazing with silent admiration at the parade of the troops, their marchings and evolutions; and delighted with the horse-races, with which the young officers recreated themselves. unluckily the warriors had brought their families with them to wills' creek, and the women were even fonder than the men of loitering about the british camp. they were not destitute of attractions; for the young squaws resemble the gypsies, having seductive forms, small hands and feet, and soft voices. among those who visited the camp was one who no doubt passed for an indian princess. she was the daughter of the sachem, white thunder, and bore the dazzling name of bright lightning. [footnote: seamen's journal.] the charms of these wild-wood beauties were soon acknowledged. "the squaws," writes secretary peters, "bring in money plenty; the officers are scandalously fond of them." [footnote: letter of peters to governor morris.] the jealousy of the warriors was aroused some of them became furious. to prevent discord, the squaws were forbidden to come into the british, camp. this did not prevent their being sought elsewhere. it was ultimately found necessary, for the sake of quiet, to send bright lightning, with all the other women and children, back to aughquick. white thunder, and several of the warriors, accompanied them for their protection. as to, the three delaware chiefs, they returned to the ohio, promising the general they would collect their warriors together, and meet him on his march. they never kept their word. "these people are villains, and always side with the strongest," says a shrewd journalist of the expedition. during the halt of the troops at wills' creek, washington had been sent to williamsburg to bring on four thousand pounds for the military chest. he returned, after a fortnight's absence, escorted from winchester by eight men, "which eight men," writes he, "were two days assembling, but i believe would not have been more than as many seconds dispersing if i had been attacked." he found the general out of all patience and temper at the delays and disappointments in regard to horses, waggons, and forage, making no allowances for the difficulties incident to a new country, and to the novel and great demands upon its scanty and scattered resources. he accused the army contractors of want of faith, honor, and honesty; and in his moments of passion, which were many, extended the stigma to the whole country. this stung the patriotic sensibility of washington, and overcame his usual self-command, and the proud and passionate commander was occasionally surprised by a well-merited rebuke from his aide-de-camp. "we have frequent disputes on this head," writes washington, "which are maintained with warmth on both sides, especially on his, as he is incapable of arguing without it, or of giving up any point he asserts, be it ever so incompatible with reason or common sense." the same pertinacity was maintained with respect to the indians. george croghan informed washington that the sachems considered themselves treated with slight, in never being consulted in war matters. that he himself had repeatedly offered the services of the warriors under his command as scouts and outguards, but his offers had been rejected. washington ventured to interfere, and to urge their importance for such purposes, especially now when they were approaching the stronghold of the enemy. as usual, the general remained bigoted in his belief of the all-sufficiency of well-disciplined troops. either from disgust thus caused, or from being actually dismissed, the warriors began to disappear from the camp. it is said that colonel innes, who was to remain in command at fort cumberland, advised the dismissal of all but a few to serve as guides; certain it is, before braddock recommenced his march, none remained to accompany him but scarooyadi, and eight of his warriors. [footnote: braddock's own secretary, william shirley, was disaffected to him. writing about him to governor morris, he satirically observes: "we have a general most judiciously chosen for being disqualified for the service he is employed in, in almost every respect." and of the secondary officers: "as to them, i don't think we have much to boast. some are insolent and ignorant; others capable, but rather aiming at showing their own abilities than making a proper use of them."--_colonial records_, vi., .] seeing the general's impatience at the non-arrival of conveyances, washington again represented to him the difficulties he would encounter in attempting to traverse the mountains with such a train of wheel-carriages, assuring him it would be the most arduous part of the campaign; and recommended, from his own experience, the substitution, as much as possible, of packhorses. braddock, however, had not been sufficiently harassed by frontier campaigning to depart from his european modes, or to be swayed in his military operations by so green a counsellor. at length the general was relieved from present perplexities by the arrival of the horses and waggons which franklin had undertaken to procure. that eminent man, with his characteristic promptness and unwearied exertions, and by his great personal popularity, had obtained them from the reluctant pennsylvania farmers, being obliged to pledge his own responsibility for their being fully remunerated. he performed this laborious task out of pure zeal for the public service, neither expecting nor receiving emolument; and, in fact, experiencing subsequently great delay and embarrassment before he was relieved from the pecuniary responsibilities thus patriotically incurred. the arrival of the conveyances put braddock in good humor with pennsylvania. in a letter to governor morris, he alludes to the threat of sir john st. clair to go through that province with a drawn sword in his hand. "he is ashamed of his having talked to you in the manner he did." still the general made franklin's contract for waggons the sole instance in which he had not experienced deceit and villany. "i hope, however, in spite of all this," adds he, "that we shall pass a merry christmas together." chapter xvi. march from fort cumberland--the great savage mountain--camp at the little meadows--division of the forces--captain jack and his band--scarooyadi in danger--illness of washington--his halt at the youghiogeny--march of braddock--the great meadows--lurking enemies--their tracks--precautions-- thicketty run--scouts--indian murders--funeral of an indian warrior--camp on the monongahela--washington's arrival there--march for fort duquesne-- the fording of the monongahela--the battle--the retreat--death of braddock. on the th of june, braddock set off from fort cumberland with his aides-de-camp, and others of his staff, and his body guard of light horse. sir peter halket, with his brigade, had marched three days previously; and a detachment of six hundred men, under the command of colonel chapman, and the supervision of sir john st. clair, had been employed upwards of ten days in cutting down trees, removing rocks, and opening a road. the march over the mountains proved, as washington had foretold, a "tremendous undertaking." it was with difficulty the heavily laden waggons could be dragged up the steep and rugged roads, newly made, or imperfectly repaired. often they extended for three or four miles in a straggling and broken line, with the soldiers so dispersed, in guarding them, that an attack on any side would have thrown the whole in confusion. it was the dreary region of the great savage mountain, and the "shades of death" that was again made to echo with the din of arms. what outraged washington's notions of the abstemious frugality suitable to campaigning in the "backwoods," was the great number of horses and waggons required by the officers for the transportation of their baggage, camp equipage, and a thousand articles of artificial necessity. simple himself in his tastes and habits, and manfully indifferent to personal indulgences, he almost doubted whether such sybarites in the camp could be efficient in the field. by the time the advanced corps had struggled over two mountains, and through the intervening forest, and reached ( th june) the little meadows, where sir john st. clair had made a temporary camp, general braddock had become aware of the difference between campaigning in a new country, or on the old well beaten battle-grounds of europe. he now, of his own accord, turned to washington for advice, though it must have been a sore trial to his pride to seek it of so young a man; but he had by this time sufficient proof of his sagacity, and his knowledge of the frontier. thus unexpectedly called on, washington gave his counsel with becoming modesty, but with his accustomed clearness. there was just now an opportunity to strike an effective blow at fort duquesne, but it might be lost by delay. the garrison, according to credible reports, was weak; large reinforcements and supplies, which were on their way, would be detained by the drought, which rendered the river by which they must come low and unnavigable. the blow must be struck before they could arrive. he advised the general, therefore, to divide his forces; leave one part to come on with the stores and baggage, and all the cumbrous appurtenances of an army, and to throw himself in the advance with the other part, composed of his choicest troops, lightened of every thing superfluous that might impede a rapid march. his advice was adopted. twelve hundred men, selected out of all the companies, and furnished with ten field-pieces, were to form the first division, their provisions, and other necessaries, to be carried on packhorses. the second division, with all the stores, munitions, and heavy baggage, was to be brought on by colonel dunbar. the least practicable part of the arrangement was with regard to the officers of the advance. washington had urged a retrenchment of their baggage and camp equipage, that as many of their horses as possible might be used as packhorses. here was the difficulty. brought up, many of them, in fashionable and luxurious life, or the loitering indulgence of country quarters, they were so encumbered with what they considered indispensable necessaries, that out of two hundred and twelve horses generally appropriated to their use, not more than a dozen could be spared by them for the public service. washington, in his own case, acted up to the advice he had given. he retained no more clothing and effects with him than would about half fill a portmanteau, and gave up his best steed as a packhorse,--which he never heard of afterwards. [footnote: letter to j. augustine washington. sparks, ii., .] during the halt at the little meadows, captain jack and his band of forest rangers, whom croghan had engaged at governor morris's suggestion, made their appearance in the camp; armed and equipped with rifle, knife, hunting-shirts, leggings and moccasins, and looking almost like a band of indians as they issued from the woods. the captain asked an interview with the general, by whom, it would seem, he was not expected. braddock received him in his tent, in his usual stiff and stately manner. the "black rifle" spoke of himself and his followers as men inured to hardships, and accustomed to deal with indians, who preferred stealth and stratagem to open warfare. he requested his company should be employed as a reconnoitering party, to beat up the indians in their lurking-places and ambuscades. braddock, who had a sovereign contempt for the chivalry of the woods, and despised their boasted strategy, replied to the hero of the pennsylvania settlements in a manner to which he had not been accustomed. "there was time enough," he said, "for making arrangements; and he had experienced troops, on whom he could completely rely for all purposes." captain jack withdrew, indignant at so haughty a reception, and informed his leathern-clad followers of his rebuff. they forthwith shouldered their rifles, turned their backs upon the camp, and, headed by the captain, departed in indian file through the woods, for the usual scenes of their exploits, where men knew their value, the banks of the juniata or the conococheague. [footnote: on the conococheague and juniata is left the history of their exploits. at one time you may hear of the band near fort augusta, next at fort franklin, then at loudon, then at juniata,--rapid were the movements of this hardy band.--_hazard's reg. penn._, iv., ; also, v., .] on the th of june braddock's first division set out, with less than thirty carriages, including those that transported ammunition for the artillery, all strongly horsed. the indians marched with the advanced party. in the course of the day, scarooyadi and his son being at a small distance from the line of march, was surrounded and taken by some french and indians. his son escaped, and brought intelligence to his warriors; they hastened to rescue or revenge him, but found him tied to a tree. the french had been disposed to shoot him, but their savage allies declared they would abandon them should they do so; having some tie of friendship or kindred with the chieftain, who thus rejoined the troops unharmed. washington was disappointed in his anticipations of a rapid march. the general, though he had adopted his advice in the main, could not carry it out in detail. his military education was in the way; bigoted to the regular and elaborate tactics of europe, he could not stoop to the make-shift expedients of a new country, where every difficulty is encountered and mastered in a rough-and-ready style. "i found," said washington, "that instead of pushing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook, by which means we were four days in getting twelve miles." for several days washington had suffered from fever, accompanied by intense headache, and his illness increased in violence to such a degree that he was unable to ride, and had to be conveyed for a part of the time in a covered waggon. his illness continued without intermission until the d, "when i was relieved," says he, "by the general's absolutely ordering the physician, to give me dr. james's powders; one of the most excellent medicines in the world. it gave me immediate relief, and removed my fever and other complaints in four days' time." he was still unable to bear the jolting of the waggon, but it needed another interposition of the kindly-intended authority of general braddock, to bring him to a halt at the great crossings of the youghiogeny. there the general assigned him a guard, provided him with necessaries, and requested him to remain, under care of his physician, dr. craik, until the arrival of colonel dunbar's detachment, which was two days' march in the rear; giving him his word of honor that he should, at all events, be enabled to rejoin the main division before it reached the french fort. [footnote: letter to john augustine washington. sparks, ii., .] this kind solicitude on the part of braddock, shows the real estimation in which he was held by that officer. doctor craik backed the general's orders, by declaring that should washington persevere in his attempts to go on in the condition he then was, his life would be in danger. orme also joined his entreaties, and promised, if he would remain, he would keep him informed by letter of every occurrence of moment. notwithstanding all the kind assurances of braddock and his aide-de-camp orme, it was with gloomy feelings that washington saw the troops depart; fearful he might not be able to rejoin them in time for the attack upon the fort, which, he assured his brother aide-de-camp, he would not miss for five hundred pounds. leaving washington at the youghiogeny, we will follow the march of braddock. in the course of the first day (june th), he came to a deserted indian camp; judging from the number of wigwams, there must have been about one hundred and seventy warriors. some of the trees about it had been stripped, and painted with threats, and bravadoes, and scurrilous taunts written on them in the french language, showing that there were white men with the savages. the next morning at daybreak, three men venturing beyond the sentinels were shot and scalped; parties were immediately sent out to scour the woods, and drive in the stray horses. the day's march, passed by the great meadows and fort necessity, the scene of washington's capitulation. several indians were seen hovering in the woods, and the light horse and indian allies were sent out to surround them, but did not succeed. in crossing a mountain beyond the great meadows, the carriages had to be lowered with the assistance of the sailors, by means of tackle. the camp for the night was about two miles beyond fort necessity. several french and indians endeavored to reconnoitre it, but were fired upon by the advanced sentinels. the following day ( th) there was a laborious march of but four miles, owing to the difficulties of the road. the evening halt was at another deserted indian camp, strongly posted on a high rock, with a steep and narrow ascent; it had a spring in the middle, and stood at the termination of the indian path to the monongahela. by this pass the party had come which attacked washington the year before, in the great meadows. the indians and french too, who were hovering about the army, had just left this camp. the fires they had left were yet burning. the french had inscribed their names on some of the trees with insulting bravadoes, and the indians had designated in triumph the scalps they had taken two days previously. a party was sent out with guides, to follow their tracks and fall on them in the night, but again without success. in fact, it was the indian boast, that throughout this march of braddock, they saw him every day from the mountains, and expected to be able to shoot down his soldiers "like pigeons." the march continued to be toilful and difficult; on one day it did not exceed two miles, having to cut a passage over a mountain. in cleaning their guns the men were ordered to draw the charge, instead of firing it off. no fire was to be lighted in front of the pickets. at night the men were to take their arms into the tents with them. further on the precautions became still greater. on the advanced pickets the men were in two divisions, relieving each other every two hours. half remained on guard with fixed bayonets, the other half lay down by their arms. the picket sentinels were doubled. on the th of july they encamped at thicketty run. the country was less mountainous and rocky, and the woods, consisting chiefly of white pine, were more open. the general now supposed himself to be within thirty miles of fort duquesne. ever since his halt at the deserted camp on the rock beyond the great meadows, he had endeavored to prevail upon the croghan indians to scout in the direction of the fort, and bring him intelligence, but never could succeed. they had probably been deterred by the number of french and indian tracks, and by the recent capture of scarooyadi. this day, however, two consented to reconnoitre; and shortly after their departure, christopher gist, the resolute pioneer, who acted as guide to the general, likewise set off as a scout. the indians returned on the th. they had been close to fort duquesne. there were no additional works there; they saw a few boats under the fort, and one with a white flag coming down the ohio; but there were few men to be seen, and few tracks of any. they came upon an unfortunate officer, shooting within half a mile of the fort, and brought a scalp as a trophy of his fate. none of the passes between the camp and fort were occupied; they believed there were few men abroad reconnoitering. gist returned soon after them. his account corroborated theirs; but he had seen a smoke in a valley between the camp and the fort, made probably by some scouting party. he had intended to prowl about the fort at night, but had been discovered and pursued by two indians and narrowly escaped with his life. on the same day, during the march, three or four men loitering in the rear of the grenadiers were killed and scalped. several of the grenadiers set off to take revenge. they came upon a party of indians, who held up boughs and grounded their arms, the concerted sign of amity. not perceiving or understanding it, the grenadiers fired upon them, and one fell. it proved to be the son of scarooyadi. aware too late of their error, the grenadiers brought the body to the camp. the conduct of braddock was admirable on the occasion. he sent for the father and the other indians, and condoled with them on the lamentable occurrence; making them the customary presents of expiation. but what was more to the point, he caused the youth to be buried with the honors of war; at his request the officers attended the funeral, and a volley was fired over the grave. these soldierlike tributes of respect to the deceased, and sympathy with the survivors, soothed the feelings and gratified the pride of the father, and attached him more firmly to the service. we are glad to record an anecdote so contrary to the general contempt for the indians with which braddock stands charged. it speaks well for the real kindness of his heart. we will return now to washington in his sick encampment on the banks of the youghiogeny where he was left repining at the departure of the troops without him. to add to his annoyances, his servant, john alton, a faithful welshman, was taken ill with the same malady, and unable to render him any services. letters from his fellow aides-de-camp showed him the kind solicitude that was felt concerning him. at the general's desire, captain morris wrote to him, informing him of their intended halts. "it is the desire of every individual in the family," adds he, "and the general's positive commands to you, not to stir, but by the advice of the person [dr. craik] under whose care you are, till you are better, which we all hope will be very soon." orme, too, according to promise, kept him informed of the incidents of the march; the frequent night alarms, and occasional scalping parties. the night alarms washington considered mere feints, designed to harass the men and retard the march; the enemy, he was sure, had not sufficient force for a serious attack; and he was glad to learn from orme that the men were in high spirits and confident of success. he now considered himself sufficiently recovered to rejoin the troops, and his only anxiety was that he should not be able to do it in time for the great blow. he was rejoiced, therefore, on the d of july, by the arrival of an advanced party of one hundred men convoying provisions. being still too weak to mount his horse, he set off with the escort in a covered waggon; and after a most fatiguing journey, over mountain and through forest, reached braddock's camp on the th of july. it was on the east side of the monongahela, about two miles from the river in the neighborhood of the town of queen aliquippa, and about fifteen miles from fort duquesne. in consequence of adhering to technical rules and military forms, general braddock had consumed a month in marching little more than a hundred miles. the tardiness of his progress was regarded with surprise and impatience even in europe; where his patron, the duke of brunswick, was watching the events of the campaign he had planned. "the duke," writes horace walpole, "is much dissatisfied at the slowness of general braddock, _who does not march as if he was at all impatient to be scalped._" the insinuation of the satirical wit was unmerited. braddock was a stranger to fear; but in his movements he was fettered by system. washington was warmly received on his arrival, especially by his fellow aides-de-camp, morris and orme. he was just in time, for the attack upon fort duquesne was to be made on the following day. the neighboring country had been reconnoitered to determine upon a plan of attack. the fort stood on the same side of the monongahela with the camp; but there was a narrow pass between them of about two miles, with the river on the left and a very high mountain on the right, and in its present state quite impassable for carriages. the route determined on was to cross the monongahela by a ford immediately opposite to the camp; proceed along the west bank of the river, for about five miles, then recross by another ford to the eastern side, and push on to the fort. the river at these fords was shallow, and the banks were not steep. according to the plan of arrangement, lieutenant-colonel gage, with the advance, was to cross the river before daybreak, march to the second ford, and recrossing there, take post to secure the passage of the main force. the advance was to be composed of two companies of grenadiers, one hundred and sixty infantry, the independent company of captain horatio gates, and two six pounders. washington, who had already seen enough of regular troops to doubt their infallibility in wild bush-fighting, and who knew the dangerous nature of the ground they were to traverse, ventured to suggest, that on the following day the virginia rangers, being accustomed to the country and to indian warfare, might be thrown in the advance. the proposition drew an angry reply from the general, indignant, very probably, that a young provincial officer should presume to school a veteran like himself. early next morning (july th), before daylight, colonel gage crossed with the advance. he was followed, at some distance, by sir john st. clair, quartermaster-general, with a working party of two hundred and fifty men, to make roads for the artillery and baggage. they had with them their waggons of tools, and two six pounders. a party of about thirty savages rushed out of the woods as colonel gage advanced, but were put to flight before they had done any harm. by sunrise the main body turned out in full uniform. at the beating of the general, their arms, which had been cleaned the night before, were charged with fresh cartridges. the officers were perfectly equipped. all looked as if arrayed for a fête, rather than a battle. washington, who was still weak and unwell, mounted his horse, and joined the staff of the general, who was scrutinizing every thing with the eye of a martinet. as it was supposed the enemy would be on the watch for the crossing of the troops, it had been agreed that they should do it in the greatest order, with bayonets fixed, colors flying, and drums and fifes beating and playing. [footnote: orme's journal.] they accordingly made a gallant appearance as they forded the monongahela, and wound along its banks, and through the open forests, gleaming and glittering in morning sunshine, and stepping buoyantly to the grenadier's march. washington, with his keen and youthful relish for military affairs, was delighted with their perfect order and equipment, so different from the rough bush-fighters, to which he had been accustomed. roused to new life, he forgot his recent ailments, and broke forth in expressions of enjoyment and admiration, as he rode in company with his fellow aides-de-camp, orme and morris. often, in after life, he used to speak of the effect upon him of the first sight of a well-disciplined european army, marching in high confidence and bright array, on the eve of a battle. about noon they reached the second ford. gage, with the advance, was on the opposite side of the monongahela, posted according to orders; but the river bank had not been sufficiently sloped. the artillery and baggage drew up along the beach and halted until one, when the second crossing took place, drums beating, fifes playing, and colors flying, as before. when all had passed, there was again a halt close by a small stream called frazier's run, until the general arranged the order of march. first went the advance, under gage, preceded by the engineers and guides, and six light horsemen. then, sir john st. clair and the working party, with their waggons and the two six pounders. on each side were thrown out four flanking parties. then, at some distance, the general was to follow with the main body, the artillery and baggage preceded and flanked by light horse and squads of infantry; while the virginian, and other provincial troops, were to form the rear guard. the ground before them was level until about half a mile from the river, where a rising ground, covered with long grass, low bushes, and scattered trees, sloped gently up to a range of hills. the whole country, generally speaking, was a forest, with no clear opening but the road, which was about twelve feet wide, and flanked by two ravines, concealed by trees and thickets. had braddock been schooled in the warfare of the woods, or had he adopted the suggestions of washington, which he rejected so impatiently, he would have thrown out indian scouts or virginia rangers in the advance, and on the flanks, to beat up the woods and ravines; but, as has been sarcastically observed, he suffered his troops to march forward through the centre of the plain, with merely their usual guides and flanking parties, "as if in a review in st. james' park." it was now near two o'clock. the advanced party and the working party had crossed the plain and were ascending the rising ground. braddock was about to follow with the main body and had given the word to march, when he heard an excessively quick and heavy firing in front. washington, who was with the general, surmised that the evil he had apprehended had come to pass. for want of scouting parties ahead the advance parties were suddenly and warmly attacked. braddock ordered lieutenant-colonel burton to hasten to their assistance with the vanguard of the main body, eight hundred strong. the residue, four hundred, were halted, and posted to protect the artillery and baggage. the firing continued, with fearful yelling. there was a terrible uproar. by the general's orders an aide-de-camp spurred forward to bring him an account of the nature of the attack. without waiting for his return the general himself, finding the turmoil increase, moved forward, leaving sir peter halket with the command of the baggage. [footnote: orme's journal.] the van of the advance had indeed been taken by surprise. it was composed of two companies of carpenters or pioneers to cut the road, and two flank companies of grenadiers to protect them. suddenly the engineer who preceded them to mark out the road gave the alarm, "french and indians!" a body of them was approaching rapidly, cheered on by a frenchman in gaily fringed hunting-shirt, whose gorget showed him to be an officer. there was sharp firing on both sides at first. several of the enemy fell; among them their leader; but a murderous fire broke out from among trees and a ravine on the right, and the woods resounded with unearthly whoops and yellings. the indian rifle was at work, levelled by unseen hands. most of the grenadiers and many of the pioneers were shot down. the survivors were driven in on the advance. gage ordered his men to fix bayonets and form in order of battle. they did so in hurry and trepidation. he would have scaled a hill on the right whence there was the severest firing. not a platoon would quit the line of march. they were more dismayed by the yells than by the rifles of the unseen savages. the latter extended themselves along the hill and in the ravines; but their whereabouts was only known by their demoniac cries and the puffs of smoke from their rifles. the soldiers fired wherever they saw the smoke. their officers tried in vain to restrain them until they should see their foe. all orders were unheeded; in their fright they shot at random, killing some of their own flanking parties, and of the vanguard, as they came running in. the covert fire grew more intense. in a short time most of the officers and many of the men of the advance were killed or wounded. colonel gage himself received a wound. the advance fell back in dismay upon sir john st. clair's corps, which was equally dismayed. the cannon belonging to it were deserted. colonel burton had come up with the reinforcement, and was forming his men to face the rising ground on the right, when both of the advanced detachments fell back upon him, and all now was confusion. by this time the general was upon the ground. he tried to rally the men. "they would fight," they said, "if they could see their enemy; but it was useless to fire at trees and bushes, and they could not stand to be shot down by an invisible foe." the colors were advanced in different places to separate the men of the two regiments. the general ordered the officers to form the men, tell them off into small divisions, and advance with them; but the soldiers could not be prevailed upon either by threats or entreaties. the virginia troops, accustomed to the indian mode of fighting, scattered themselves, and took post behind trees, where they could pick off the lurking foe. in this way they, in some degree, protected the regulars. washington advised general braddock to adopt the same plan with the regulars; but he persisted in forming them into platoons; consequently they were cut down from behind logs and trees as fast as they could advance. several attempted to take to the trees, without orders, but the general stormed at them, called them cowards, and even struck them with the flat of his sword. several of the virginians, who had taken post and were doing good service in this manner, were slain by the fire of the regulars, directed wherever a smoke appeared among the trees. the officers behaved with consummate bravery; and washington beheld with admiration those who, in camp or on the march, had appeared to him to have an almost effeminate regard for personal ease and convenience, now exposing themselves to imminent death, with a courage that kindled with the thickening horrors. in the vain hope of inspiriting the men to drive off the enemy from the flanks and regain the cannon, they would dash forward singly or in groups. they were invariably shot down; for the indians aimed from their coverts at every one on horseback, or who appeared to have command. some were killed by random shot of their own men, who, crowded in masses, fired with affrighted rapidity, but without aim. soldiers in the front ranks were killed by those in the rear. between friend and foe, the slaughter of the officers was terrible. all this while the woods resounded with the unearthly yellings of the savages, and now and then one of them, hideously painted, and ruffling with feathered crest, would rush forth to scalp an officer who had fallen, or seize a horse galloping wildly without a rider. throughout this disastrous day, washington distinguished himself by his courage and presence of mind. his brother aids, orme and morris, were wounded and disabled early in the action, and the whole duty of carrying the orders of the general devolved on him. his danger was imminent and incessant. he was in every part of the field, a conspicuous mark for the murderous rifle. two horses were shot under him. four bullets passed through his coat. his escape without a wound was almost miraculous. dr. craik, who was on the field attending to the wounded, watched him with anxiety as he rode about in the most exposed manner, and used to say that he expected every moment to see him fall. at one time he was sent to the main body to bring the artillery into action. all there was likewise in confusion; for the indians had extended themselves along the ravine so as to flank the reserve and carry slaughter into the ranks. sir peter halket had been shot down at the head of his regiment. the men who should have served the guns were paralyzed. had they raked the ravines with grapeshot the day might have been saved. in his ardor washington sprang from his horse; wheeled and pointed a brass field-piece with his own hand, and directed an effective discharge into the woods; but neither his efforts nor example were of avail. the men could not be kept to the guns. braddock still remained in the centre of the field, in the desperate hope of retrieving the fortunes of the day. the virginia rangers, who had been most efficient in covering his position, were nearly all killed or wounded. his secretary, shirley, had fallen by his side. many of his officers had been slain within his sight, and many of his guard of virginia light horse. five horses had been killed under him; still he kept his ground, vainly endeavoring to check the flight of his men, or at least to effect their retreat in good order. at length a bullet passed through his right arm, and lodged itself in his lungs. he fell from his horse, but was caught by captain stewart of the virginia guards, who, with the assistance of another american, and a servant, placed him in a tumbril. it was with much difficulty they got him out of the field--in his despair he desired to be left there. [footnote: journal of the seamen's detachment.] the rout now became complete. baggage, stores, artillery, every thing was abandoned. the waggoners took each a horse out of his team, and fled. the officers were swept off with the men in this headlong flight. it was rendered more precipitate by the shouts and yells of the savages, numbers of whom rushed forth from their coverts, and pursued the fugitives to the river side, killing several as they dashed across in tumultuous confusion. fortunately for the latter, the victors gave up the pursuit in their eagerness to collect the spoil. the shattered army continued its flight after it had crossed the monongahela, a wretched wreck of the brilliant little force that had recently gleamed along its banks, confident of victory. out of eighty-six officers, twenty-six had been killed, and thirty-six wounded. the number of rank and file killed and wounded was upwards of seven hundred. the virginia corps had suffered the most; one company had been almost annihilated, another, beside those killed and wounded in the ranks, had lost all its officers, even to the corporal. about a hundred men were brought to a halt about a quarter of a mile from the ford of the river. here was braddock, with his wounded aides-de-camp and some of his officers; dr. craik dressing his wounds, and washington attending him with faithful assiduity. braddock was still able to give orders, and had a faint hope of being able to keep possession of the ground until reinforced. most of the men were stationed in a very advantageous spot about two hundred yards from the road; and lieutenant-colonel burton posted out small parties and sentinels. before an hour had elapsed most of the men had stolen off. being thus deserted, braddock and his officers continued their retreat; he would have mounted his horse but was unable, and had to be carried by soldiers. orme and morris were placed on litters borne by horses. they were subsequently joined by colonel gage with eighty men whom he had rallied. washington, in the mean time, notwithstanding his weak state, being found most efficient in frontier service, was sent to colonel dunbar's camp, forty miles distant, with orders for him to hurry forward provisions, hospital stores, and waggons for the wounded, under the escort of two grenadier companies. it was a hard and a melancholy ride throughout the night and the following day. the tidings of the defeat preceded him, borne by the waggoners, who had mounted their horses, on braddock's fall, and fled from the field of battle. they had arrived, haggard, at dunbar's camp at mid-day; the indian yells still ringing in their ears. "all was lost!" they cried. "braddock was killed! they had seen wounded officers borne off from the field in bloody sheets! the troops were all cut to pieces!" a panic fell upon the camp. the drums beat to arms. many of the soldiers, waggoners and attendants, took to flight; but most of them were forced back by the sentinels. washington arrived at the camp in the evening, and found the agitation still prevailing. the orders which he brought were executed during the night, and he was in the saddle early in the morning accompanying the convoy of supplies. at gist's plantation, about thirteen miles off, he met gage and his scanty force escorting braddock and his wounded officers. captain stewart and a sad remnant of the virginia light horse still accompanied the general as his guard. the captain had been unremitting in his attentions to him during the retreat. there was a halt of one day at dunbar's camp for the repose and relief of the wounded. on the th they resumed their melancholy march, and that night reached the great meadows. the proud spirit of braddock was broken by his defeat. he remained silent the first evening after the battle, only ejaculating at night, "who would have thought it!" he was equally silent the following day; yet hope still seemed to linger in his breast, from another ejaculation: "we shall better know how to deal with them another time!" [footnote: captain orme, who gave these particulars to dr. franklin, says that braddock "died a few minutes after." this, according to his account, was on the second day; whereas the general survived upwards of four days. orme, being conveyed on a litter at some distance from the general, could only speak of his moods from hearsay.] he was grateful for the attentions paid to him by captain stewart and washington, and more than once, it is said, expressed his admiration of the gallantry displayed by the virginians in the action. it is said, moreover, that in his last moments, he apologized to washington for the petulance with which he had rejected his advice, and bequeathed to him his favorite charger and his faithful servant, bishop, who had helped to convey him from the field. some of these facts, it is true, rest on tradition, yet we are willing to believe them, as they impart a gleam of just and generous feeling to his closing scene. he died on the night of the th, at the great meadows, the place of washington's discomfiture in the previous year. his obsequies were performed before break of day. the chaplain having been wounded, washington read the funeral service. all was done in sadness, and without parade, so as not to attract the attention of lurking savages, who might discover, and outrage his grave. it is doubtful even whether a volley was fired over it, that last military honor which he had recently paid to the remains of an indian warrior. the place of his sepulture, however, is still known, and pointed out. reproach spared him not, even when in his grave. the failure of the expedition was attributed both in england and america to his obstinacy, his technical pedantry, and his military conceit. he had been continually warned to be on his guard against ambush and surprise, but without avail. had he taken the advice urged on him by washington and others to employ scouting parties of indians and rangers, he would never have been so signally surprised and defeated. still his dauntless conduct on the field of battle shows him to have been a man of fearless spirit; and he was universally allowed to be an accomplished disciplinarian. his melancholy end, too, disarms censure of its asperity. whatever may have been his faults and errors, he, in a manner, expiated them by the hardest lot that can befall a brave soldier, ambitious of renown--an unhonored grave in a strange land; a memory clouded by misfortune, and a name for ever coupled with defeat. note. in narrating the expedition of braddock, we have frequently cited the journals of captain orme and of the "seamen's detachment;" they were procured in england by the hon. joseph r. ingersoll, while minister at the court of st. james, and recently published by the historical society of pennsylvania: ably edited, and illustrated with an admirable introductory memoir by winthrop sargent, esq., member of that society. chapter xvii. arrival at fort cumberland--letters of washington to his family--panic of dunbar--fortunes of dr. hugh mercer--triumph of the french. the obsequies of the unfortunate braddock being finished, the escort continued its retreat with the sick and wounded. washington, assisted by dr. craik, watched with assiduity over his comrades, orme and morris. as the horses which bore their litters were nearly knocked up, he despatched messengers to the commander of fort cumberland requesting that others might be sent on, and that comfortable quarters might be prepared for the reception of those officers. on the th, the sad cavalcade reached the fort, and were relieved from the incessant apprehension of pursuit. here, too, flying reports had preceded them, brought by fugitives from the battle; who, with the disposition usual in such cases to exaggerate, had represented the whole army as massacred. fearing these reports might reach home, and affect his family, washington wrote to his mother, and his brother, john augustine, apprising them of his safety. "the virginia troops," says he, in a letter to his mother, "showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed. ... the dastardly behavior of those they called regulars exposed all others, that were ordered to do their duty, to almost certain death; and, at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them." to his brother, he writes: "as i have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, i take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you that i have not composed the latter. but, by the all-powerful dispensations of providence, i have been protected beyond all human probability, or expectation; for i had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, though death was levelling my companions on every side of me! "we have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men, but fatigue and want of time prevent me from giving you any of the details, until i have the happiness of seeing you at mount vernon, which i now most earnestly wish for, since we are driven in thus far. a feeble state of health obliges me to halt here for two or three days to recover a little strength, that i may thereby be enabled to proceed homeward with more ease." dunbar arrived shortly afterward with the remainder of the army. no one seems to have shared more largely in the panic of the vulgar than that officer. from the moment he received tidings of the defeat, his camp became a scene of confusion. all the ammunition, stores, and artillery were destroyed, to prevent, it was said, their falling into the hands of the enemy; but, as it was afterwards alleged, to relieve the terror-stricken commander from all incumbrances, and furnish him with more horses in his flight toward the settlements. [footnote: franklin's autobiography.] at cumberland his forces amounted to fifteen hundred effective men; enough for a brave stand to protect the frontier, and recover some of the lost honor; but he merely paused to leave the sick and wounded under care of two virginia and maryland companies, and some of the train, and then continued his hasty march, or rather flight, through the country, not thinking himself safe, as was sneeringly intimated, until he arrived in philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. the true reason why the enemy did not pursue the retreating army was not known until some time afterwards, and added to the disgrace of the defeat. they were not the main force of the french, but a mere detachment of regulars, canadians, and indians, in all, led by captain de beaujeu. de contrecoeur, the commander of fort duquesne, had received information, through his scouts, that the english, three thousand strong, were within six leagues of his fort. despairing of making an effectual defence against such a superior force, he was balancing in his mind whether to abandon his fort without awaiting their arrival, or to capitulate on honorable terms. in this dilemma beaujeu prevailed on him to let him sally forth with a detachment to form an ambush, and give check to the enemy. de beaujeu was to have taken post at the river, and disputed the passage at the ford. for that purpose he was hurrying forward when discovered by the pioneers of gage's advance party. he was a gallant officer, and fell at the beginning of the fight. the whole number of killed and wounded of french and indians, did not exceed seventy. such was the scanty force which the imagination of the panic-stricken army had magnified into a great host, and from which they had fled in breathless terror, abandoning the whole frontier. no one could be more surprised than the french commander himself, when the ambuscading party returned in triumph with a long train of packhorses laden with booty, the savages uncouthly clad in the garments of the slain, grenadier caps, officers' gold-laced coats, and glittering epaulettes; flourishing swords and sabres, or firing off muskets, and uttering fiendlike yells of victory. but when de contrecoeur was informed of the utter rout and destruction of the much dreaded british army, his joy was complete. he ordered the guns of the fort to be fired in triumph, and sent out troops in pursuit of the fugitives. the affair of braddock remains a memorable event in american history, and has been characterized as "the most extraordinary victory ever obtained, and the farthest flight ever made." it struck a fatal blow to the deference for british prowess, which once amounted almost to bigotry, throughout the provinces. "this whole transaction," observes franklin, in his autobiography, "gave us the first suspicion, that our exalted ideas of the prowess of british regular troops had not been well founded." chapter xviii. costs of campaigning--measures for public safety--washington in command-- head-quarters at winchester--lord fairfax and his troop of horse--indian ravages--panic at winchester--cause of the alarm--operations elsewhere-- shirley against niagara--johnson against crown point--affair at lake george--death of dieskau. washington arrived at mount vernon on the th of july, still in feeble condition from his long illness. his campaigning, thus far, had trenched upon his private fortune, and impaired one of the best of constitutions. in a letter to his brother augustine, then a member of assembly at williamsburg, he casts up the result of his frontier experience. "i was employed," writes he, "to go a journey in the winter, when i believe few or none would have undertaken it, and what did i get by it?--my expenses borne! i was then appointed, with trifling pay, to conduct a handful of men to the ohio. what did i get by that? why, after putting myself to a considerable expense in equipping and providing necessaries for the campaign, i went out, was soundly beaten, and lost all! came in, and had my commission taken from me; or, in other words, my command reduced, under pretence of an order from home (england). i then went out a volunteer with general braddock, and lost all my horses, and many other things. but this being a voluntary act, i ought not to have mentioned it; nor should i have done it, were it not to show that i have been on the losing order ever since i entered the service, which is now nearly two years." what a striking lesson is furnished by this brief summary! how little was he aware of the vast advantages he was acquiring in this school of bitter experience! "in the hand of heaven he stood," to be shaped and trained for its great purpose; and every trial and vicissitude of his early life, but fitted him to cope with one or other of the varied and multifarious duties of his future destiny. but though, under the saddening influence of debility and defeat, he might count the cost of his campaigning, the martial spirit still burned within him. his connection with the army, it is true, had ceased at the death of braddock, but his military duties continued as adjutant-general of the northern division of the province, and he immediately issued orders for the county lieutenants to hold the militia in readiness for parade and exercise, foreseeing that, in the present defenceless state of the frontier, there would be need of their services. tidings of the rout and retreat of the army had circulated far and near, and spread consternation throughout the country. immediate incursions both of french and indians were apprehended; and volunteer companies began to form, for the purpose of marching across the mountains to the scene of danger. it was intimated to washington that his services would again be wanted on the frontier. he declared instantly that he was ready to serve his country to the extent of his powers; but never on the same terms as heretofore. on the th of august, governor dinwiddie convened the assembly to devise measures for the public safety. the sense of danger had quickened the slow patriotism of the burgesses; they no longer held back supplies; forty thousand pounds were promptly voted, and orders issued for the raising of a regiment of one thousand men. washington's friends urged him to present himself at williamsburg as a candidate for the command; they were confident of his success, notwithstanding that strong interest was making for the governor's favorite, colonel innes. with mingled modesty and pride, washington declined to be a solicitor. the only terms, he said, on which he would accept a command, were a certainty as to rank and emoluments, a right to appoint his field officers, and the supply of a sufficient military chest; but to solicit the command, and, at the same time, to make stipulations, would be a little incongruous, and carry with it the face of self-sufficiency. "if," added he, "the command should be offered to me, the case will then be altered, as i should be at liberty to make such objections as reason, and my small experience, have pointed out." while this was in agitation, he received letters from his mother, again imploring him not to risk himself in these frontier wars. his answer was characteristic, blending the filial deference with which he was accustomed from childhood to treat her, with a calm patriotism of the roman stamp. "honored madam: if it is in my power to avoid going to the ohio again, i shall; but if the command is pressed upon me by the general voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as cannot be objected against, it would reflect dishonor on me to refuse it; and that, i am sure, must, and ought, to give you greater uneasiness, than my going in an honorable command. upon no other terms will i accept it. at present i have no proposals made to me, nor have i any advice of such an intention, except from private hands." on the very day that this letter was despatched (aug. ), he received intelligence of his appointment to the command on the terms specified in his letters to his friends. his commission nominated him commander-in-chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised in the colony. the assembly also voted three hundred pounds to him, and proportionate sums to the other officers, and to the privates of the virginia companies, in consideration of their gallant conduct, and their losses in the late battle. the officers next in command under him were lieutenant-colonel adam stephens, and major andrew lewis. the former, it will be recollected, had been with him in the unfortunate affair at the great meadows; his advance in rank shows that his conduct had been meritorious. the appointment of washington to his present station was the more gratifying and honorable from being a popular one, made in deference to public sentiment; to which governor dinwiddie was obliged to sacrifice his strong inclination in favor of colonel innes. it is thought that the governor never afterwards regarded washington with a friendly eye. his conduct towards him subsequently was on various occasions cold and ungracious. [footnote: sparks' writings of washington, vol. ii., p. , note.] it is worthy of note that the early popularity of washington was not the result of brilliant achievements nor signal success; on the contrary, it rose among trials and reverses, and may almost be said to have been the fruit of defeats. it remains an honorable testimony of virginian intelligence, that the sterling, enduring, but undazzling qualities of washington were thus early discerned and appreciated, though only heralded by misfortunes. the admirable manner in which he had conducted himself under these misfortunes, and the sagacity and practical wisdom he had displayed on all occasions, were universally acknowledged; and it was observed that, had his modest counsels been adopted by the unfortunate braddock, a totally different result might have attended the late campaign. an instance of this high appreciation of his merits occurs in a sermon preached on the th of august by the rev. samuel davis, wherein he cites him as "that heroic youth, colonel washington, _whom i cannot but hope providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country._" the expressions of the worthy clergyman may have been deemed enthusiastic at the time; viewed in connection with subsequent events they appear almost prophetic. having held a conference with governor dinwiddie at williamsburg, and received his instructions, washington repaired, on the th of september, to winchester, where he fixed his headquarters. it was a place as yet of trifling magnitude, but important from its position; being a central point where the main roads met, leading from north to south, and east to west, and commanding the channels of traffic and communication between some of the most important colonies and a great extent of frontier. here he was brought into frequent and cordial communication with his old friend lord fairfax. the stir of war had revived a spark of that military fire which animated the veteran nobleman in the days of his youth, when an officer in the cavalry regiment of the blues. he was lord-lieutenant of the county. greenway court was his headquarters. he had organized a troop of horse, which occasionally was exercised about the lawn of his domain, and he was now as prompt to mount his steed for a cavalry parade as he ever was for a fox chase. the arrival of washington frequently brought the old nobleman to winchester to aid the young commander with his counsels or his sword. his services were soon put in requisition. washington, having visited the frontier posts, established recruiting places, and taken other measures of security, had set off for williamsburg on military business, when an express arrived at winchester from colonel stephens, who commanded at fort cumberland, giving the alarm that a body of indians were ravaging the country, burning the houses, and slaughtering the inhabitants. the express was instantly forwarded after washington; in the mean time, lord fairfax sent out orders for the militia of fairfax and prince william counties to arm and hasten to the defence of winchester, where all was confusion and affright. one fearful account followed another. the whole country beyond it was said to be at the mercy of the savages. they had blockaded the rangers in the little fortresses or outposts provided for the protection of neighborhoods. they were advancing upon winchester with fire, tomahawk, and scalping-knife. the country people were flocking into the town for safety--the townspeople were moving off to the settlements beyond the blue ridge. the beautiful valley of the shenandoah was likely to become a scene of savage desolation. in the height of the confusion washington rode into the town. he had been overtaken by colonel stephens' express. his presence inspired some degree of confidence, and he succeeded in stopping most of the fugitives. he would have taken the field at once against the savages, believing their numbers to be few; but not more than twenty-five of the militia could be mustered for the service. the rest refused to stir--they would rather die with their wives and children. expresses were sent off to hurry up the militia ordered out by lord fairfax. scouts were ordered out to discover the number of the foe, and convey assurances of succor to the rangers said to be blocked up in the fortresses, though washington suspected the latter to be "more encompassed by fear than by the enemy." smiths were set to work to furbish up and repair such firearms as were in the place, and waggons were sent off for musket balls, flints, and provisions. instead, however, of animated co-operation, washington was encountered by difficulties at every step. the waggons in question had to be impressed, and the waggoners compelled by force to assist. "no orders," writes he, "are obeyed, but such as a party of soldiers or my own drawn sword enforces. without this, not a single horse, for the most earnest occasion, can be had,--to such a pitch has the insolence of these people arrived, by having every point hitherto submitted to them. however, i have given up none, where his majesty's service requires the contrary, and where my proceedings are justified by my instructions; nor will i, unless they execute what they threaten--that is, blow out our brains." one is tempted to smile at this tirade about the "insolence of the people," and this zeal for "his majesty's service," on the part of washington; but he was as yet a young man and a young officer; loyal to his sovereign, and with high notions of military authority, which he had acquired in the camp of braddock. what he thus terms insolence was the dawning spirit of independence, which he was afterwards the foremost to cherish and promote; and which, in the present instance, had been provoked by the rough treatment from the military, which the waggoners and others of the yeomanry had experienced when employed in braddock's campaign, and by the neglect to pay them for their services. much of washington's difficulties also arose, doubtlessly, from the inefficiency of the military laws, for an amendment of which he had in vain made repeated applications to governor dinwiddie. in the mean time the panic and confusion increased. on sunday an express hurried into town, breathless with haste and terror. the indians, he said, were but twelve miles off; they had attacked the house of isaac julian; the inhabitants were flying for their lives. washington immediately ordered the town guards to be strengthened; armed some recruits who had just arrived, and sent out two scouts to reconnoitre the enemy. it was a sleepless night in winchester. horror increased with the dawn; before the men could be paraded a second express arrived, ten times more terrified than the former. the indians were within four miles of the town, killing and destroying all before them. he had heard the constant firing of the savages and the shrieks of their victims. the terror of winchester now passed all bounds. washington put himself at the head of about forty men, militia and recruits, and pushed for the scene of carnage. the result is almost too ludicrous for record. the whole cause of the alarm proved to be three drunken troopers, carousing, hallooing, uttering the most unheard of imprecations, and ever and anon firing off their pistols. washington interrupted them in the midst of their revel and blasphemy, and conducted them prisoners to town. the reported attack on the house of isaac julian proved equally an absurd exaggeration. the ferocious party of indians turned out to be a mulatto and a negro in quest of cattle. they had been seen by a child of julian, who alarmed his father, who alarmed the neighborhood. "these circumstances," says washington, "show what a panic prevails among the people; how much they are all alarmed at the most usual and customary cries; and yet how impossible it is to get them to act in any respect for their common safety." they certainly present a lively picture of the feverish state of a frontier community, hourly in danger of indian ravage and butchery; than which no kind of warfare is more fraught with real and imaginary horrors. the alarm thus originating had spread throughout the country. a captain, who arrived with recruits from alexandria, reported that he had found the road across the blue ridge obstructed by crowds of people flying for their lives, whom he endeavored in vain to stop. they declared that winchester was in flames! at length the band of indians, whose ravages had produced this consternation throughout the land, and whose numbers did not exceed one hundred and fifty, being satiated with carnage, conflagration, and plunder, retreated, bearing off spoils and captives. intelligent scouts sent out by washington, followed their traces, and brought back certain intelligence that they had recrossed the allegany mountains and returned to their homes on the ohio. this report allayed the public panic and restored temporary quiet to the harassed frontier. most of the indians engaged in these ravages were delawares and shawnees, who, since braddock's defeat, had been gained over by the french. a principal instigator was said to be washington's old acquaintance, shengis, and a reward was offered for his head. scarooyadi, successor to the half-king, remained true to the english, and vindicated his people to the governor and council of pennsylvania from the charge of having had any share in the late massacres. as to the defeat at the monongahela, "it was owing," he said, "to the pride and ignorance of that great general (braddock) that came from england. he is now dead; but he was a bad man when he was alive. he looked upon us as dogs, and would never hear any thing that was said to him. we often endeavored to advise him, and tell him of the danger he was in with his soldiers; but he never appeared pleased with us, and that was the reason that a great many of our warriors left him." [footnote: hazard's register of penn., v., p. , .] scarooyadi was ready with his warriors to take up the hatchet again with their english brothers against the french. "let us unite our strength," said he; "you are numerous, and all the english governors along your sea-shore can raise men enough; but don't let those that come from over the great seas be concerned any more. _they art unfit to fight in the woods. let us go ourselves--we that came out of this ground._" no one felt more strongly than washington the importance, at this trying juncture, of securing the assistance of these forest warriors. "it is in their power," said he, "to be of infinite use to us; and without indians, we shall never be able to cope with these cruel foes to our country." [footnote: letter to dinwiddie.] washington had now time to inform himself of the fate of the other enterprises included in this year's plan of military operations. we shall briefly dispose of them, for the sake of carrying on the general course of events. the history of washington is linked with the history of the colonies. the defeat of braddock paralyzed the expedition against niagara. many of general shirley's troops, which were assembled at albany, struck with the consternation which it caused throughout the country, deserted. most of the batteau men, who were to transport stores by various streams, returned home. it was near the end of august before shirley was in force at oswego. time was lost in building boats for the lake. storms and head winds ensued; then sickness: military incapacity in the general completed the list of impediments. deferring the completion of the enterprise until the following year, shirley returned to albany with the main part of his forces in october, leaving about seven hundred men to garrison the fortifications he had commenced at oswego. to general william johnson, it will be recollected, had been confided the expedition against crown point, on lake champlain. preparations were made for it in albany, whence the troops were to march, and the artillery, ammunition, and stores to be conveyed up the hudson to the carrying-place between that river and lake st. sacrament, as it was termed by the french, but lake george, as johnson named it, in honor of his sovereign. at the carrying-place a fort was commenced, subsequently called fort edward. part of the troops remained under general lyman, to complete and garrison it; the main force proceeded under general johnson to lake george, the plan being to descend that lake to its outlet at ticonderoga, in lake champlain. having to attend the arrival of batteaux forwarded for the purpose from albany by the carrying-place, johnson encamped at the south end of the lake. he had with him between five and six thousand troops of new york and new england, and a host of mohawk warriors, loyally devoted to him. it so happened that a french force of upwards of three thousand men, under the baron de dieskau, an old general of high reputation, had recently arrived at quebec, destined against oswego. the baron had proceeded to montreal, and sent forward thence seven hundred of his troops, when news arrived of the army gathering on lake george for the attack on crown point, perhaps for an inroad into canada. the public were in consternation; yielding to their importunities, the baron took post at crown point for its defence. beside his regular troops, he had with him eight hundred canadians, and seven hundred indians of different tribes. the latter were under the general command of the chevalier legardeur de st. pierre, the veteran officer to whom washington had delivered the despatches of governor dinwiddie on his diplomatic mission to the frontier. the chevalier was a man of great influence among the indians. in the mean time johnson remained encamped at the south end of lake george, awaiting the arrival of his batteaux. the camp was protected in the rear by the lake, in front by a bulwark of felled trees; and was flanked by thickly wooded swamps. on the th of september, the indian scouts brought word that they had discovered three large roads made through the forests toward fort edward. an attack on that post was apprehended. adams, a hardy waggoner, rode express with orders to the commander to draw all the troops within the works. about midnight came other scouts. they had seen the french within four miles of the carrying-place. they had heard the report of a musket, and the voice of a man crying for mercy, supposed to be the unfortunate adams. in the morning colonel williams was detached with one thousand men, and two hundred indians, to intercept the enemy in their retreat. within two hours after their departure a heavy fire of musketry, in the midst of the forest, about three or four miles off, told of a warm encounter. the drums beat to arms; all were at their posts. the firing grew sharper and sharper, and nearer and nearer. the detachment under williams was evidently retreating. colonel cole was sent with three hundred men to cover their retreat. the breastwork of trees was manned. some heavy cannon were dragged up to strengthen the front. a number of men were stationed with a field-piece on an eminence on the left flank. in a short time fugitives made their appearance; first singly, then in masses, flying in confusion, with a rattling fire behind them, and the horrible indian war-whoop. consternation seized upon the camp, especially when the french emerged from the forest in battle array, led by the baron dieskau, the gallant commander of crown point. had all his troops been as daring as himself, the camp might have been carried by assault; but the canadians and indians held back, posted themselves behind trees, and took to bush-fighting. the baron was left with his regulars (two hundred grenadiers) in front of the camp. he kept up a fire by platoons, but at too great a distance to do much mischief; the canadians and indians fired from their coverts. the artillery played on them in return. the camp, having recovered from its panic, opened a fire of musketry. the engagement became general. the french grenadiers stood their ground bravely for a long time, but were dreadfully cut up by the artillery and small arms. the action slackened on the part of the french, until, after a long contest, they gave way. johnson's men and the indians then leaped over the breastwork, and a chance medley fight ensued, that ended in the slaughter, rout, or capture of the enemy. the baron de dieskau had been disabled by a wound in the leg. one of his men, who endeavored to assist him, was shot down by his side. the baron, left alone in the retreat, was found by the pursuers leaning against the stump of a tree. as they approached, he felt for his watch to insure kind treatment by delivering it up. a soldier, thinking he was drawing forth a pistol to defend himself, shot him through the hips. he was conveyed a prisoner to the camp, but ultimately died of his wounds. the baron had really set off from crown point to surprise fort edward, and, if successful, to push on to albany and schenectady; lay them in ashes, and cut off all communication with oswego. the canadians and indians, however, refused to attack the fort, fearful of its cannon; he had changed his plan, therefore, and determined to surprise the camp. in the encounter with the detachment under williams, the brave chevalier legardeur de st. pierre lost his life. on the part of the americans, hendrick, a famous old mohawk sachem, grand ally of general johnson, was slain. johnson himself received a slight wound early in the action, and retired to his tent. he did not follow up the victory as he should have done, alleging that it was first necessary to build a strong fort at his encampment, by way of keeping up a communication with albany, and by the time this was completed, it would be too late to advance against crown point. he accordingly erected a stockaded fort, which received the name of william henry; and having garrisoned it, returned to albany. his services, although they gained him no laurel-wreath, were rewarded by government with five thousand pounds, and a baronetcy; and he was made superintendent of indian affairs. [footnote: johnson's letter to the colonial governors, sept. th, . london mag., ., p. . holmes' am. annals, vol. ii., p. . th edit., .] chapter xix. reform in the militia laws--discipline of the troops--dagworthy and the question of precedence--washington's journey to boston--style of travelling--conference with shirley--the earl of loudoun--military rule for the colonies--washington at new york--miss mary philipse. mortifying experience had convinced washington of the inefficiency of the militia laws, and he now set about effecting a reformation. through his great and persevering efforts, an act was passed in the virginia legislature giving prompt operation to courts-martial; punishing insubordination, mutiny and desertion with adequate severity; strengthening the authority of a commander, so as to enable him to enforce order and discipline among officers as well as privates; and to avail himself, in time of emergency, and for the common safety, of the means and services of individuals. this being effected, he proceeded to fill up his companies, and to enforce this newly defined authority within his camp. all gaming, drinking, quarrelling, swearing, and similar excesses, were prohibited under severe penalties. in disciplining his men, they were instructed not merely in ordinary and regular tactics, but in all the strategy of indian warfare, and what is called "bush-fighting,"--a knowledge indispensable in the wild wars of the wilderness. stockaded forts, too, were constructed at various points, as places of refuge and defence, in exposed neighborhoods. under shelter of these, the inhabitants began to return to their deserted homes. a shorter and better road, also, was opened by him between winchester and cumberland, for the transmission of reinforcements and supplies. his exertions, however, were impeded by one of those questions of precedence, which had so often annoyed him, arising from the difference between crown and provincial commissions. maryland having by a scanty appropriation raised a small militia force, stationed captain dagworthy, with a company of thirty men, at fort cumberland, which stood within the boundaries of that province. dagworthy had served in canada in the preceding war, and had received a king's commission. this he had since commuted for half-pay, and, of course, had virtually parted with its privileges. he was nothing more, therefore, than a maryland provincial captain, at the head of thirty men. he now, however, assumed to act under his royal commission, and refused to obey the orders of any officer, however high his rank, who merely held his commission from a governor. nay, when governor, or rather colonel innes, who commanded at the fort, was called away to north carolina by his private affairs, the captain took upon himself the command, and insisted upon it as his right. parties instantly arose, and quarrels ensued among the inferior officers; grave questions were agitated between the governors of maryland and virginia, as to the fort itself; the former claiming it as within his province, the latter insisting that, as it had been built according to orders sent by the king, it was the king's fort, and could not be subject to the authority of maryland. washington refrained from mingling in this dispute; but intimated that if the commander-in-chief of the forces of virginia must yield precedence to a maryland captain of thirty men, he should have to resign his commission, as he had been compelled to do before, by a question of military rank. so difficult was it, however, to settle these disputes of precedence, especially where the claims of two governors came in collision, that it was determined to refer the matter to major-general shirley, who had succeeded braddock in the general command of the colonies. for this purpose washington was to go to boston, obtain a decision from shirley of the point in dispute, and a general regulation, by which these difficulties could be prevented in future. it was thought, also, that in a conference with the commander-in-chief he might inform himself of the military measures in contemplation. accordingly, on the th of february ( ), leaving colonel adam stephen in command of the troops, washington set out on his mission, accompanied by his aide-de-camp, captain george mercer of virginia, and captain stewart of the virginia light horse; the officer who had taken care of general braddock in his last moments. in those days the conveniences of travelling, even between our main cities, were few, and the roads execrable. the party, therefore, travelled in virginia style, on horseback, attended by their black servants in livery. [footnote: we have hitherto treated of washington in his campaigns in the wilderness, frugal and scanty in his equipments, often, very probably, in little better than hunter's garb. his present excursion through some of the atlantic cities presents him in a different aspect. his recent intercourse with young british officers, had probably elevated his notions as to style in dress and appearance; at least we are inclined to suspect so from the following aristocratical order for clothes, sent shortly before the time in question, to his correspondent in london. " complete livery suits for servants; with a spare cloak, and all other necessary trimmings for two suits more. i would have you choose the livery by our arms, only as the field of the arms is white, i think the clothes had better not be quite so, but nearly like the inclosed. the trimmings and facings of scarlet, and a scarlet waistcoat. if livery lace is not quite disused, i should be glad to have the cloaks laced. i like that fashion best, and two silver-laced hats for the above servants. " set of horse furniture, with livery lace, with the washington crest on the housings, &c. the cloak to be of the same piece and color of the clothes. " gold and scarlet sword-knots. silver and blue do. fashionable gold-laced hat."] in this way they accomplished a journey of five hundred miles in the depth of winter; stopping for some days at philadelphia and new york. those cities were then comparatively small, and the arrival of a party of young southern officers attracted attention. the late disastrous battle was still the theme of every tongue, and the honorable way in which these young officers had acquitted themselves in it, made them objects of universal interest. washington's fame, especially, had gone before him; having been spread by the officers who had served with him, and by the public honors decreed him by the virginia legislature. "your name," wrote his former fellow-campaigner, gist, in a letter dated in the preceding autumn, "is more talked of in philadelphia than that of any other person in the army, and every body seems willing to venture under your command." [illustration] with these prepossessions in his favor, when we consider washington's noble person and demeanor, his consummate horsemanship, the admirable horses he was accustomed to ride, and the aristocratical style of his equipments, we may imagine the effect produced by himself and his little cavalcade, as they clattered through the streets of philadelphia, and new york, and boston. it is needless to say, their sojourn in each city was a continual fête. the mission to general shirley was entirely successful as to the question of rank. a written order from the commander-in-chief determined that dagworthy was entitled to the rank of a provincial captain, only, and, of course, must on all occasions give precedence to colonel washington, as a provincial field officer. the latter was disappointed, however, in the hope of getting himself and his officers put upon the regular establishment, with commissions from the king, and had to remain subjected to mortifying questions of rank and etiquette, when serving in company with regular troops. from general shirley he learnt that the main objects of the ensuing campaign would be the reduction of fort niagara, so as to cut off the communication between canada and louisiana, the capture of ticonderoga and crown point, as a measure of safety for new york, the besieging of fort duquesne, and the menacing of quebec by a body of troops which were to advance by the kennebec river. the official career of general shirley was drawing to a close. though a man of good parts, he had always, until recently, acted in a civil capacity, and proved incompetent to conduct military operations. he was recalled to england, and was to be superseded by general abercrombie, who was coming out with two regiments. the general command in america, however, was to be held by the earl of loudoun, who was invested with powers almost equal to those of a viceroy, being placed above all the colonial governors. these might claim to be civil and military representatives of their sovereign, within their respective colonies; but, even there, were bound to defer and yield precedence to this their official superior. this was part of a plan devised long since, but now first brought into operation, by which the ministry hoped to unite the colonies under military rule, and oblige the assemblies, magistrates, and people to furnish quarters and provide a general fund subject to the control of this military dictator. beside his general command, the earl of loudoun was to be governor of virginia and colonel of a royal american regiment of four battalions, to be raised in the colonies, but furnished with officers who, like himself, had seen foreign service. the campaign would open on his arrival, which, it was expected, would be early in the spring; and brilliant results were anticipated. washington remained ten days in boston, attending, with great interest, the meetings of the massachusetts legislature, in which the plan of military operations was ably discussed; and receiving the most hospitable attentions from the polite and intelligent society of the place, after which he returned to new york. tradition gives very different motives from those of business for his two sojourns in the latter city. he found there an early friend and school-mate, beverly robinson, son of john robinson, speaker of the virginia house of burgesses. he was living happily and prosperously with a young and wealthy bride, having married one of the nieces and heiresses of mr. adolphus philipse, a rich landholder, whose manor-house is still to be seen on the banks of the hudson. at the house of mr. beverly robinson, where washington was an honored guest, he met miss mary philipse, sister of and co-heiress with mrs. robinson, a young lady whose personal attractions are said to have rivalled her reputed wealth. we have already given an instance of washington's early sensibility to female charms. a life, however, of constant activity and care, passed for the most part in the wilderness and on the frontier, far from female society, had left little mood or leisure for the indulgence of the tender sentiment; but made him more sensible, in the present brief interval of gay and social life, to the attractions of an elegant woman, brought up in the polite circle of new york. that he was an open admirer of miss philipse is an historical fact; that he sought her hand, but was refused, is traditional, and not very probable. his military rank, his early laurels and distinguished presence, were all calculated to win favor in female eyes; but his sojourn in new york was brief; he may have been diffident in urging his suit with a lady accustomed to the homage of society and surrounded by admirers. the most probable version of the story is, that he was called away by his public duties before he had made sufficient approaches in his siege of the lady's heart to warrant a summons to surrender. in the latter part of march we find him at williamsburg attending the opening of the legislature of virginia, eager to promote measures for the protection of the frontier and the capture of fort duquesne, the leading object of his ambition. maryland and pennsylvania were erecting forts for the defence of their own borders, but showed no disposition to co-operate with virginia in the field; and artillery, artillerymen, and engineers were wanting for an attack on fortified places. washington urged, therefore, an augmentation of the provincial forces, and various improvements in the militia laws. while thus engaged, he received a letter from a friend and confidant in new york, warning him to hasten back to that city before it was too late, as captain morris, who had been his fellow aide-de-camp under braddock, was laying close siege to miss philipse. sterner alarms, however, summoned him in another direction. expresses from winchester brought word that the french had made another sortie from fort duquesne, accompanied by a band of savages, and were spreading terror and desolation through the country. in this moment of exigency all softer claims were forgotten; washington repaired in all haste to his post at winchester, and captain morris was left to urge his suit unrivalled and carry off the prize. chapter xx. troubles in the shenandoah valley--greenway court and lord fairfax in danger--alarms at winchester--washington appealed to for protection-- attacked by the virginia press--honored by the public--projects for defence--suggestions of washington--the gentlemen associators--retreat of the savages--expedition against kittanning--captain hugh mercer--second struggle through the wilderness. report had not exaggerated the troubles of the frontier. it was marauded by merciless bands of savages, led, in some instances, by frenchmen. travellers were murdered, farm-houses burnt down, families butchered, and even stockaded forts, or houses of refuge, attacked in open day. the marauders had crossed the mountains and penetrated the valley of the shenandoah; and several persons had fallen beneath the tomahawk in the neighborhood of winchester. washington's old friend, lord fairfax, found himself no longer safe in his rural abode. greenway court was in the midst of a woodland region, affording a covert approach for the stealthy savage. his lordship was considered a great chief, whose scalp would be an inestimable trophy for an indian warrior. fears were entertained, therefore, by his friends, that an attempt would be made to surprise him in his green-wood castle. his nephew, colonel martin, of the militia, who resided with him, suggested the expediency of a removal to the lower settlements, beyond the blue ridge. the high-spirited old nobleman demurred; his heart cleaved to the home which he had formed for himself in the wilderness. "i am an old man," said he, "and it is of little importance whether i fall by the tomahawk or die of disease and old age; but you are young, and, it is to be hoped, have many years before you, therefore decide for us both; my only fear is, that if we retire, the whole district will break up and take to flight; and this fine country, which i have been at such cost and trouble to improve, will again become a wilderness." colonel martin took but a short time to deliberate. he knew the fearless character of his uncle, and perceived what was his inclination. he considered that his lordship had numerous retainers, white and black, with hardy huntsmen and foresters to rally round him, and that greenway court was at no great distance from winchester; he decided, therefore, that they should remain and abide the course of events. washington, on his arrival at winchester, found the inhabitants in great dismay. he resolved immediately to organize a force, composed partly of troops from fort cumberland, partly of militia from winchester and its vicinity, to put himself at its head, and "scour the woods and suspected places in all the mountains and valleys of this part of the frontier, in quest of the indians and their more cruel associates." he accordingly despatched an express to fort cumberland with orders for a detachment from the garrison; "but how," said he, "are men to be raised at winchester, since orders are no longer regarded in the county?" lord fairfax, and other militia officers with whom he consulted, advised that each captain should call a private muster of his men, and read before them an address, or "exhortation" as it was called, being an appeal to their patriotism and fears, and a summons to assemble on the th of april to enroll themselves for the projected mountain foray. this measure was adopted; the private musterings occurred; the exhortation was read; the time and place of assemblage appointed; but, when the day of enrolment arrived, not more than fifteen men appeared upon the ground. in the mean time the express returned with sad accounts from fort cumberland. no troops could be furnished from that quarter. the garrison was scarcely strong enough for self-defence, having sent out detachments in different directions. the express had narrowly escaped with his life, having been fired upon repeatedly, his horse shot under him, and his clothes riddled with bullets. the roads, he said, were infested by savages; none but hunters, who knew how to thread the forests at night, could travel with safety. horrors accumulated at winchester. every hour brought its tale of terror, true or false, of houses burnt, families massacred, or beleaguered and famishing in stockaded forts. the danger approached. a scouting party had been attacked in the warm spring mountain, about twenty miles distant, by a large body of french and indians, mostly on horseback. the captain of the scouting party and several of his men had been slain, and the rest put to flight. an attack on winchester was apprehended, and the terrors of the people rose to agony. they now turned to washington as their main hope. the women surrounded him, holding up their children, and imploring him with tears and cries to save them from the savages. the youthful commander looked round on the suppliant crowd with a countenance beaming with pity, and a heart wrung with anguish. a letter to governor dinwiddie shows the conflict of his feelings. "i am too little acquainted with pathetic language to attempt a description of these people's distresses. but what can i do? i see their situation; i know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them further relief than uncertain promises."--"the supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that i solemnly declare, if i know my own mind, i could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." the unstudied eloquence of this letter drew from the governor an instant order for a militia force from the upper counties to his assistance; but the virginia newspapers, in descanting on the frontier troubles, threw discredit on the army and its officers, and attached blame to its commander. stung to the quick by this injustice, washington publicly declared that nothing but the imminent danger of the times prevented him from instantly resigning a command from which he could never reap either honor or benefit. his sensitiveness called forth strong letters from his friends, assuring him of the high sense entertained at the seat of government, and elsewhere, of his merits and services. "your good health and fortune are the toast of every table," wrote his early friend, colonel fairfax, at that time a member of the governor's council. "your endeavors in the service and defence of your country must redound to your honor." "our hopes, dear george," wrote mr. robinson, the speaker of the house of burgesses, "are all fixed on you for bringing our affairs to a happy issue. consider what fatal consequences to your country your resigning the command at this time may be, especially as there is no doubt most of the officers will follow your example." in fact, the situation and services of the youthful commander, shut up in a frontier town, destitute of forces, surrounded by savage foes, gallantly, though despairingly, devoting himself to the safety of a suffering people, were properly understood throughout the country, and excited a glow of enthusiasm in his favor. the legislature, too, began at length to act, but timidly and inefficiently. "the country knows her danger," writes one of the members, "but such is her parsimony that she is willing to wait for the rains to wet the powder, and the rats to eat the bowstrings of the enemy, rather than attempt to drive them from her frontiers." the measure of relief voted by the assembly was an additional appropriation of twenty thousand pounds, and an increase of the provincial force to fifteen hundred men. with this, it was proposed to erect and garrison a chain of frontier forts, extending through the ranges of the allegany mountains, from the potomac to the borders of north carolina; a distance of between three and four hundred miles. this was one of the inconsiderate projects devised by governor dinwiddie. washington, in letters to the governor and to the speaker of the house of burgesses, urged the impolicy of such a plan, with their actual force and means. the forts, he observed, ought to be within fifteen or eighteen miles of each other, that their spies might be able to keep watch over the intervening country, otherwise the indians would pass between them unperceived, effect their ravages, and escape to the mountains, swamps, and ravines, before the troops from the forts could be assembled to pursue them. they ought each to be garrisoned with eighty or a hundred men, so as to afford detachments of sufficient strength, without leaving the garrison too weak; for the indians are the most stealthy and patient of spies and lurkers; will lie in wait for days together about small forts of the kind, and, if they find, by some chance prisoner, that the garrison is actually weak, will first surprise and cut off its scouting parties, and then attack the fort itself. it was evident, therefore, observed he, that to garrison properly such a line of forts, would require, at least, two thousand men. and even then, a line of such extent might be broken through at one end before the other end could yield assistance. feint attacks, also, might be made at one point, while the real attack was made at another, quite distant; and the country be overrun before its widely-posted defenders could be alarmed and concentrated. then must be taken into consideration the immense cost of building so many forts, and the constant and consuming expense of supplies and transportation. his idea of a defensive plan was to build a strong fort at winchester, the central point, where all the main roads met of a wide range of scattered settlements, where tidings could soonest be collected from every quarter, and whence reinforcements and supplies could most readily be forwarded. it was to be a grand deposit of military stores, a residence for commanding officers, a place of refuge for the women and children in time of alarm, when the men had suddenly to take the field; in a word, it was to be the citadel of the frontier. beside this, he would have three or four large fortresses erected at convenient distances upon the frontiers, with powerful garrisons, so as to be able to throw out, in constant succession, strong scouting parties, to range the country. fort cumberland he condemned as being out of the province, and out of the track of indian incursions, insomuch that it seldom received an alarm until all the mischief had been effected. his representations with respect to military laws and regulations were equally cogent. in the late act of the assembly for raising a regiment, it was provided that, in cases of emergency, if recruits should not offer in sufficient number, the militia might be drafted to supply the deficiencies, but only to serve until december, and not to be marched out of the province. in this case, said he, before they have entered upon service, or got the least smattering of duty, they will claim a discharge; if they are pursuing an enemy who has committed the most unheard-of cruelties, he has only to step across the potomac, and he is safe. then as to the limits of service, they might just as easily have been enlisted for seventeen months, as seven. they would then have been seasoned as well as disciplined; "for we find by experience," says he, "that our poor ragged soldiers would kill the most active militia in five days' marching." then, as to punishments: death, it was true, had been decreed for mutiny and desertion; but there was no punishment for cowardice; for holding correspondence with the enemy; for quitting, or sleeping on one's post; all capital offences, according to the military codes of europe. neither were there provisions for quartering or billeting soldiers, or impressing waggons and other conveyances, in times of exigency. to crown all, no court-martial could sit out of virginia; a most embarrassing regulation, when troops were fifty or a hundred miles beyond the frontier. he earnestly suggested amendments on all these points, as well as with regard to the soldiers' pay; which was less than that of the regular troops, or the troops of most of the other provinces. all these suggestions, showing at this youthful age that forethought and circumspection which distinguished him throughout life, were repeatedly and eloquently urged upon governor dinwiddie, with very little effect. the plan of a frontier line of twenty-three forts was persisted in. fort cumberland was pertinaciously kept up at a great and useless expense of men and money, and the militia laws remained lax and inefficient. it was decreed, however, that the great central fort at winchester recommended by washington, should be erected. in the height of the alarm, a company of one hundred gentlemen, mounted and equipped, volunteered their services to repair to the frontier. they were headed by peyton randolph, attorney-general, a man deservedly popular throughout the province. their offer was gladly accepted. they were denominated the "gentlemen associators," and great expectations, of course, were entertained from their gallantry and devotion. they were empowered, also, to aid with their judgment in the selection of places for frontier forts. the "gentlemen associators," like all gentlemen associators in similar emergencies, turned out with great zeal and spirit, and immense popular effect, but wasted their fire in preparation, and on the march. washington, who well understood the value of such aid, observed dryly in a letter to governor dinwiddie, "i am heartily glad that you have fixed upon these gentlemen to point out the places for erecting forts, but regret to find, their motions so slow." there is no doubt that they would have conducted themselves gallantly, had they been put to the test; but before they arrived near the scene of danger the alarm was over. about the beginning of may, scouts brought in word that the tracks of the marauding savages tended toward fort duquesne, as if on the return. in a little while it was ascertained that they had recrossed the allegany mountain to the ohio in such numbers as to leave a beaten track, equal to that made in the preceding year by the army of braddock. the repeated inroads of the savages called for an effectual and permanent check. the idea of being constantly subject to the irruptions of a deadly foe, that moved with stealth and mystery, and was only to be traced by its ravages, and counted by its footprints, discouraged all settlement of the country. the beautiful valley of the shenandoah was fast becoming a deserted and a silent place. her people, for the most part, had fled to the older settlements south of the mountains, and the blue ridge was likely soon to become virtually the frontier line of the province. we have to record one signal act of retaliation on the perfidious tribes of the ohio, in which a person whose name subsequently became dear to americans, was concerned. prisoners who had escaped from the savages reported that shingis, washington's faithless ally, and another sachem, called captain jacobs, were the two heads of the hostile bands that had desolated the frontier. that they lived at kittanning, an indian town, about forty miles above fort duquesne; at which their warriors were fitted out for incursions, and whither they returned with their prisoners and plunder. captain jacobs was a daring fellow, and scoffed at palisaded forts. "he could take any fort," he said, "that would catch fire." a party of two hundred and eighty provincials, resolute men, undertook to surprise, and destroy this savage nest. it was commanded by colonel john armstrong; and with him went dr. hugh mercer, of subsequent renown, who had received a captain's commission from pennsylvania, on the th of march, . armstrong led his men rapidly, but secretly, over mountain, and through forest, until, after a long and perilous march, they reached the allegany. it was a moonlight night when they arrived in the neighborhood of kittanning. they were guided to the village by whoops and yells, and the sound of the indian drum. the warriors were celebrating their exploits by the triumphant scalp-dance. after a while the revel ceased, and a number of fires appeared here and there in a corn-field. they were made by such of the indians as slept in the open air, and were intended to drive off the gnats. armstrong and his men lay down "quiet and hush," observing every thing narrowly, and waiting until the moon should set, and the warriors be asleep. at length the moon went down, the fires burned low; all was quiet. armstrong now roused his men, some of whom, wearied by their long march, had fallen asleep. he divided his forces; part were to attack the warriors in the corn-field, part were despatched to the houses, which were dimly seen by the first streak of day. there was sharp firing in both quarters, for the indians, though taken by surprise, fought bravely, inspired by the war-whoop of their chief, captain jacobs. the women and children fled to the woods. several of the provincials were killed and wounded. captain hugh mercer received a wound in the arm, and was taken to the top of a hill. the fierce chieftain, captain jacobs, was besieged in his house, which had port-holes; whence he and his warriors made havoc among the assailants. the adjoining houses were set on fire. the chief was summoned to surrender himself. he replied he was a man, and would not be a prisoner. he was told he would be burnt. his reply was, "he would kill four or five before he died." the flames and smoke approached. "one of the besieged warriors, to show his manhood, began to sing. a squaw at the same time was heard to cry, but was severely rebuked by the men." [footnote: letter from col. armstrong.] in the end, the warriors were driven out by the flames; some escaped, and some were shot. among the latter was captain jacobs, and his gigantic son, said to be seven feet high. fire was now set to all the houses, thirty in number. "during the burning of the houses," says colonel armstrong, "we were agreeably entertained with a quick succession of charged guns, gradually firing off as reached by the fire, but much more so with the vast explosion of sundry bags, and large kegs of powder, wherewith almost every house abounded." the colonel was in a strange condition to enjoy such an entertainment, having received a wound from a large musket-ball in the shoulder. the object of the expedition was accomplished. thirty or forty of the warriors were slain; their stronghold was a smoking ruin. there was danger of the victors being cut off by a detachment from fort duquesne. they made the best of their way, therefore, to their horses, which had been left at a distance, and set off rapidly on their march to fort lyttleton, about sixty miles north of fort cumberland. colonel armstrong had reached fort lyttleton on the th of september, six days after the battle, and fears were entertained that he had been intercepted by the indians and was lost. he, with his ensign and eleven men, had separated from the main body when they began their march, and had taken another and what was supposed a safer road. he had with him a woman, a boy, and two little girls, recaptured from the indians. the whole party ultimately arrived safe at fort lyttleton, but it would seem that mercer, weak and faint from his fractured arm, must have fallen behind, or in some way become separated from them, and had a long, solitary, and painful struggle through the wilderness, reaching the fort sick, weary, and half famished. [footnote: "we hear that captain mercer was fourteen days in getting to fort lyttleton. he had a miraculous escape, living ten days on two dried clams and a rattlesnake, with the assistance of a few berries."--_new york mercury for october_ , .] we shall have to speak hereafter of his services when under the standard of washington, whose friend and neighbor he subsequently became. [footnote: mercer was a scotchman, about thirty-four years of age. about ten years previously he had served as assistant surgeon in the forces of charles edward, and followed his standard to the disastrous field of culloden. after the defeat of the "chevalier," he had escaped by the way of inverness to america, and taken up his residence on the frontier of pennsylvania.] chapter xxi. founding of fort loudoun--washington's tour of inspection--inefficiency of the militia system--gentlemen soldiers--cross-purposes with dinwiddie-- military affairs in the north--delays of lord loudoun--activity of montcalm--loudoun in winter quarters. throughout the summer of , washington exerted himself diligently in carrying out measures determined upon for frontier security. the great fortress at winchester was commenced, and the work urged forward as expeditiously as the delays and perplexities incident to a badly organized service would permit. it received the name of fort loudoun, in honor of the commander-in-chief, whose arrival in virginia was hopefully anticipated. as to the sites of the frontier posts, they were decided upon by washington and his officers, after frequent and long consultations; parties were sent out to work on them, and men recruited, and militia drafted, to garrison them. washington visited occasionally such as were in progress, and near at hand. it was a service of some peril, for the mountains and forests were still infested by prowling savages, especially in the neighborhood of these new forts. at one time when he was reconnoitering a wild part of the country, attended merely by a servant and a guide, two men were murdered by the indians in a solitary defile shortly after he had passed through it. in the autumn, he made a tour of inspection along the whole line, accompanied by his friend, captain hugh mercer, who had recovered from his recent wounds. this tour furnished repeated proofs of the inefficiency of the militia system. in one place he attempted to raise a force with which to scour a region infested by roving bands of savages. after waiting several days, but five men answered to his summons. in another place, where three companies had been ordered to the relief of a fort, attacked by the indians, all that could be mustered were a captain, a lieutenant, and seven or eight men. when the militia were drafted, and appeared under arms, the case was not much better. it was now late in the autumn; their term of service, by the act of the legislature, expired in december,--half of the time, therefore, was lost in marching out and home. their waste of provisions was enormous. to be put on allowance, like other soldiers, they considered an indignity. they would sooner starve than carry a few days' provisions on their backs. on the march, when breakfast was wanted, they would knock down the first beeves they met with, and, after regaling themselves, march on till dinner, when they would take the same method; and so for supper, to the great oppression of the people. for the want of proper military laws, they were obstinate, self-willed, and perverse. every individual had his own crude notion of things, and would undertake to direct. if his advice were neglected, he would think himself slighted, abused, and injured, and, to redress himself, would depart for his home. the garrisons were weak for want of men, but more so from indolence and irregularity. none were in a posture of defence; few but might be surprised with the greatest ease. at one fort, the indians rushed from their lurking-place, pounced upon several children playing under the walls, and bore them off before they were discovered. another fort was surprised, and many of the people massacred in the same manner. in the course of his tour, as he and his party approached a fort, he heard a quick firing for several minutes; concluding that it was attacked, they hastened to its relief, but found the garrison were merely amusing themselves firing at a mark, or for wagers. in this way they would waste their ammunition as freely as they did their provisions. in the mean time, the inhabitants of the country were in a wretched situation, feeling the little dependence to be put on militia, who were slow in coming to their assistance, indifferent about their preservation, unwilling to continue, and regardless of every thing but of their own ease. in short, they were so apprehensive of approaching ruin, that the whole back country was in a general motion towards the southern colonies. from the catawba, he was escorted along a range of forts by a colonel, and about thirty men, chiefly officers. "with this small company of irregulars," says he, "with whom order, regularity, circumspection, and vigilance were matters of derision and contempt, we set out, and, by the protection of providence, reached augusta court-house in seven days, without meeting the enemy; otherwise, we must have fallen a sacrifice, through the indiscretion of these whooping, hallooing, _gentlemen_ soldiers!" how lively a picture does this give of the militia system at all times, when not subjected to strict military law. what rendered this year's service peculiarly irksome and embarrassing to washington, was the nature of his correspondence with governor dinwiddie. that gentleman, either from the natural hurry and confusion of his mind, or from a real disposition to perplex, was extremely ambiguous and unsatisfactory in most of his orders and replies. "so much am i kept in the dark," says washington, in one of his letters, "that i do not know whether to prepare for the offensive or defensive. what would be absolutely necessary for the one, would be quite useless for the other." and again: "the orders i receive are full of ambiguity. i am left like a wanderer in the wilderness, to proceed at hazard. i am answerable for consequences, and blamed, without the privilege of defence." in nothing was this disposition to perplex more apparent than in the governor's replies respecting fort cumberland. washington had repeatedly urged the abandonment of this fort as a place of frontier deposit, being within the bounds of another province, and out of the track of indian incursion; so that often the alarm would not reach there until after the mischief had been effected. he applied, at length, for particular and positive directions from the governor on this head. "the following," says he, "is an exact copy of his answer:--'fort cumberland is a _king_'s fort, and built chiefly at the charge of the colony, therefore properly under our direction until a new governor is appointed.' now, whether i am to understand this aye or no to the plain simple question asked, is the fort to be continued or removed? i know not. but in all important matters i am directed in this ambiguous and uncertain way." governor dinwiddie subsequently made himself explicit on this point. taking offence at some of washington's comments on the military affairs of the frontier, he made the stand of a self-willed and obstinate man, in the case of fort cumberland; and represented it in such light to lord loudoun, as to draw from his lordship an order that it should be kept up: and an implied censure of the conduct of washington in slighting a post of such paramount importance. "i cannot agree with colonel washington," writes his lordship, "in not drawing in the posts from the stockade forts, in order to defend that advanced one; and i should imagine much more of the frontier will be exposed by retiring your advanced posts near winchester, where i understand he is retired; for, from your letter, i take it for granted he has before this executed his plan, without waiting for any advice. if he leaves any of the great quantity of stores behind, it will be very unfortunate, and he ought to consider that it must lie at his own door." thus powerfully supported, dinwiddie went so far as to order that the garrisons should be withdrawn from the stockades and small frontier forts, and most of the troops from winchester, to strengthen fort cumberland, which was now to become headquarters; thus weakening the most important points and places, to concentrate a force where it was not wanted, and would be out of the way in most cases of alarm. by these meddlesome moves, made by governor dinwiddie from a distance, without knowing any thing of the game, all previous arrangements were reversed, every thing was thrown into confusion, and enormous losses and expenses were incurred. "whence it arises, or why, i am truly ignorant," writes washington to mr. speaker robinson, "but my strongest representations of matters relative to the frontiers are disregarded as idle and frivolous; my propositions and measures as partial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavors for the service of my country are perverted to the worst purposes. my orders are dark and uncertain; to-day approved, to-morrow disapproved." whence all this contradiction and embarrassment arose has since been explained, and with apparent reason. governor dinwiddie had never recovered from the pique caused by the popular elevation of washington to the command in preference to his favorite, colonel innes. his irritation was kept alive by a little scottish faction, who were desirous of disgusting washington with the service, so as to induce him to resign, and make way for his rival. they might have carried their point during the panic at winchester, had not his patriotism and his sympathy with the public distress been more powerful than his self-love. he determined, he said, to bear up under these embarrassments in the hope of better regulations when lord loudoun should arrive; to whom he looked for the future fate of virginia. while these events were occurring on the virginia frontier, military affairs went on tardily and heavily at the north. the campaign against canada, which was to have opened early in the year, hung fire. the armament coming out for the purpose, under lord loudoun, was delayed through the want of energy and union in the british cabinet. general abercrombie, who was to be next in command to his lordship, and to succeed to general shirley, set sail in advance for new york with two regiments, but did not reach albany, the head-quarters of military operation, until the th of june. he billeted his soldiers upon the town, much to the disgust of the inhabitants, and talked of ditching and stockading it, but postponed all exterior enterprises until the arrival of lord loudoun; then the campaign was to open in earnest. on the th of july, came word that the forts ontario and oswego, on each side of the mouth of the oswego river, were menaced by the drench. they had been imperfectly constructed by shirley, and were insufficiently garrisoned, yet contained a great amount of military and naval stores, and protected the vessels which cruised on lake ontario. major-general webb was ordered by abercrombie to hold himself in readiness to march with one regiment to the relief of these forts, but received no further orders. every thing awaited the arrival at albany of lord loudoun, which at length took place, on the th of july. there were now at least ten thousand troops, regulars and provincials, loitering in an idle camp at albany, yet relief to oswego was still delayed. lord loudoun was in favor of it, but the governments of new york and new england urged the immediate reduction of crown point, as necessary for the security of their frontier. after much debate, it was agreed that general webb should march to the relief of oswego. he left albany on the th of august, but had scarce reached the carrying-place, between the mohawk river and wood creek, when he received news that oswego was reduced, and its garrison captured. while the british commanders had debated, field-marshal the marquis de montcalm, newly arrived from france, had acted. he was a different kind of soldier from abercrombie or loudoun. a capacious mind and enterprising spirit animated a small, but active and untiring frame. quick in thought, quick in speech, quicker still in action, he comprehended every thing at a glance, and moved from point to point of the province with a celerity and secrecy that completely baffled his slow and pondering antagonists. crown point and ticonderoga were visited, and steps taken to strengthen their works, and provide for their security; then hastening to montreal, he put himself at the head of a force of regulars, canadians, and indians; ascended the st. lawrence to lake ontario; blocked up the mouth of the oswego by his vessels, landed his guns, and besieged the two forts; drove the garrison out of one into the other; killed the commander, colonel mercer, and compelled the garrisons to surrender prisoners of war. with the forts was taken an immense amount of military stores, ammunition, and provisions; one hundred and twenty-one cannon, fourteen mortars, six vessels of war, a vast number of batteaux, and three chests of money. his blow achieved, montcalm returned in triumph to montreal, and sent the colors of the captured forts to be hung up as trophies in the canadian churches. the season was now too far advanced for lord loudoun to enter upon any great military enterprise; he postponed, therefore, the great northern campaign, so much talked of and debated, until the following year; and having taken measures for the protection of his frontiers, and for more active operations in the spring, returned to new york, hung up his sword, and went into comfortable winter-quarters. chapter xxii. washington vindicates his conduct to lord loudoun--his reception by his lordship--military plans--lord loudoun at halifax--montcalm on lake george--his triumphs--lord loudoun's failures--washington at winchester-- continued misunderstandings with dinwiddie--return to mount vernon. circumstances had led washington to think that lord loudoun "had received impressions to his prejudice by false representations of facts," and that a wrong idea prevailed at head-quarters respecting the state of military affairs in virginia. he was anxious, therefore, for an opportunity of placing all these matters in a proper light; and, understanding that there was to be a meeting in philadelphia in the month of march, between lord loudoun and the southern governors, to consult about measures of defence for their respective provinces, he wrote to governor dinwiddie for permission to attend it. "i cannot conceive," writes dinwiddie in reply, "what service you can be of in going there, as the plan concerted will, in course, be communicated to you and the other officers. however, as you seem so earnest to go, i now give you leave." this ungracious reply seemed to warrant the suspicions entertained by some of washington's friends, that it was the busy pen of governor dinwiddie which had given the "false representation of facts," to lord loudoun. about a month, therefore, before the time of the meeting, washington addressed a long letter to his lordship, explanatory of military affairs in the quarter where he had commanded. in this he set forth the various defects in the militia laws of virginia; the errors in its system of defence, and the inevitable confusion which had thence resulted. adverting to his own conduct: "the orders i receive," said he, "are full of ambiguity. i am left like a wanderer in the wilderness to proceed at hazard. i am answerable for consequences, and blamed, without the privilege of defence. ... it is not to be wondered at, if, under such peculiar circumstances, i should be sick of a service which promises so little of a soldier's reward. "i have long been satisfied of the impossibility of continuing in this service, without loss of honor. indeed, i was fully convinced of it before i accepted the command the second time, seeing the cloudy prospect before me; and i did, for this reason, reject the offer, until i was ashamed any longer to refuse, not caring to expose my character to public censure. the solicitations of the country overcame my objections, and induced me to accept it. another reason has of late operated to continue me in the service until now, and that is, the dawn of hope that arose, when i heard your lordship was destined, by his majesty, for the important command of his armies in america, and appointed to the government of his dominion of virginia. hence it was, that i drew my hopes, and fondly pronounced your lordship our patron. although i have not the honor to be known to your lordship, yet your name was familiar to my ear, on account of the important services rendered to his majesty in other parts of the world." the manner in which washington was received by lord loudoun on arriving in philadelphia, showed him at once, that his long, explanatory letter had produced the desired effect, and that his character and conduct were justly appreciated. during his sojourn in philadelphia he was frequently consulted on points of frontier service, and his advice was generally adopted. on one point it failed. he advised that an attack should be made on fort duquesne, simultaneous with the attempts on canada. at such time a great part of the garrison would be drawn away to aid in the defence of that province, and a blow might be struck more likely to insure the peace and safety of the southern frontier, than all its forts and defences. lord loudoun, however, was not to be convinced, or at least persuaded. according to his plan, the middle and southern provinces were to maintain a merely defensive warfare; and as virginia would be required to send four hundred of her troops to the aid of south carolina, she would, in fact, be left weaker than before. washington was also disappointed a second time, in the hope of having his regiment placed on the same footing as the regular army, and of obtaining a king's commission; the latter he was destined never to hold. his representations with respect to fort cumberland had the desired effect in counteracting the mischievous intermeddling of dinwiddie. the virginia troops and stores were ordered to be again removed to fort loudoun, at winchester, which once more became head-quarters, while fort cumberland was left to be occupied by a maryland garrison. washington was instructed, likewise, to correspond and co-operate, in military affairs, with colonel stanwix, who was stationed on the pennsylvania frontier, with five hundred men from the royal american regiment, and to whom he would be, in some measure, subordinate. this proved a correspondence of friendship, as well as duty; colonel stanwix being a gentleman of high moral worth, as well as great ability in military affairs. the great plan of operations at the north was again doomed to failure. the reduction of crown point, on lake champlain, which had long been meditated, was laid aside, and the capture of louisburg substituted, as an acquisition of far greater importance. this was a place of great consequence, situated on the isle of cape breton, and strongly fortified. it commanded the fisheries of newfoundland, overawed new england, and was a main bulwark to acadia. in the course of july, lord loudoun set sail for halifax with all the troops he could collect, amounting to about six thousand men, to join with admiral holbourne, who had just arrived at that port with eleven ships of the line, a fire-ship, bomb-ketch, and fleet of transports, having on board six thousand men. with this united force lord loudoun anticipated the certain capture of louisburg. scarce had the tidings of his lordship's departure reached canada, when the active montcalm again took the field, to follow up the successes of the preceding year. fort william henry, which sir wm. johnson had erected on the southern shore of lake george, was now his object; it commanded the lake, and was an important protection to the british frontier. a brave old officer, colonel monro, with about five hundred men, formed the garrison; more than three times that number of militia were intrenched near by. montcalm had, early in the season, made three ineffectual attempts upon the fort; he now trusted to be more successful. collecting his forces from crown point, ticonderoga, and the adjacent posts, with a considerable number of canadians and indians, altogether nearly eight thousand men, he advanced up the lake, on the st of august, in a fleet of boats, with swarms of indian canoes in the advance. the fort came near being surprised; but the troops encamped without it, abandoned their tents and hurried within the works. a summons to surrender was answered by a brave defiance. montcalm invested the fort, made his approaches, and battered it with his artillery. for five days its veteran commander kept up a vigorous defence, trusting to receive assistance from general webb, who had failed to relieve fort oswego in the preceding year, and who was now at fort edward, about fifteen miles distant, with upwards of five thousand men. instead of this, webb, who overrated the french forces, sent him a letter, advising him to capitulate. the letter was intercepted by montcalm, but still forwarded to monro. the obstinate old soldier, however, persisted in his defence, until most of his cannon were burst, and his ammunition expended. at length, in the month of august, he hung out a flag of truce, and obtained honorable terms from an enemy who knew how to appreciate his valor. montcalm demolished the fort, carried off all the artillery and munitions of war, with vessels employed in the navigation of the lake; and having thus completed his destruction of the british defences on this frontier, returned once more in triumph with the spoils of victory, to hang up fresh trophies in the churches of canada. lord loudoun, in the mean time, formed his junction with admiral holbourne at halifax, and the troops were embarked with all diligence on board of the transports. unfortunately, the french were again too quick for them. admiral de bois de la mothe had arrived at louisburg, with a large naval and land force; it was ascertained that he had seventeen ships of the line, and three frigates, quietly moored in the harbor; that the place was well fortified and supplied with provisions and ammunition, and garrisoned with six thousand regular troops; three thousand natives, and thirteen hundred indians. some hot-heads would have urged an attempt against all such array of force, but lord loudoun was aware of the probability of defeat, and the disgrace and ruin that it would bring upon british arms in america. he wisely, though ingloriously, returned to new york. admiral holbourne made a silly demonstration of his fleet off the harbor of louisburg, approaching within two miles of the batteries, but retired on seeing the french admiral preparing to unmoor. he afterwards returned with a reinforcement of four ships of the line; cruised before louisburg, endeavoring to draw the enemy to an engagement, which de la mothe had the wisdom to decline; was overtaken by a hurricane, in which one of his ships was lost, eleven were dismasted, others had to throw their guns overboard, and all returned in a shattered condition to england. thus ended the northern campaign by land and sea, a subject of great mortification to the nation, and ridicule and triumph to the enemy. during these unfortunate operations to the north, washington was stationed at winchester, shorn of part of his force by the detachment to south carolina, and left with seven hundred men to defend a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles in extent. the capture and demolition of oswego by montcalm had produced a disastrous effect. the whole country of the five nations was abandoned to the french. the frontiers of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia were harassed by repeated inroads of french and indians, and washington had the mortification to see the noble valley of the shenandoah almost deserted by its inhabitants, and fast relapsing into a wilderness. the year wore away on his part in the harassing service of defending a wide frontier with an insufficient and badly organized force, and the vexations he experienced were heightened by continual misunderstandings with governor dinwiddie. from the ungracious tenor of several of that gentleman's letters, and from private information, he was led to believe that some secret enemy had been making false representations of his motives and conduct, and prejudicing the governor against him. he vindicated himself warmly from the alleged aspersions, proudly appealing to the whole course of his public career in proof of their falsity. "it is uncertain," said he, "in what light my services may have appeared to your honor; but this i know, and it is the highest consolation i am capable of feeling, that no man that ever was employed in a public capacity has endeavored to discharge the trust reposed in him with greater honesty and more zeal for the country's interest than i have done; and if there is any person living who can say, with justice, that i have offered any intentional wrong to the public, i will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious punishment that an injured people ought to inflict. on the other hand, it is hard to have my character arraigned, and my actions condemned, without a hearing." his magnanimous appeal had but little effect. dinwiddie was evidently actuated by the petty pique of a narrow and illiberal mind, impatient of contradiction, even when in error. he took advantage of his official station to vent his spleen and gratify his petulance in a variety of ways incompatible with the courtesy of a gentleman. it may excite a grave smile at the present day to find washington charged by this very small-minded man with looseness in his way of writing to him; with remissness in his duty towards him; and even with impertinence in the able and eloquent representations which he felt compelled to make of disastrous mismanagement in military affairs; and still more, to find his reasonable request, after a long course of severe duty, for a temporary leave of absence to attend to his private concerns peremptorily refused, and that with as little courtesy as though he were a mere subaltern seeking to absent himself on a party of pleasure. the multiplied vexations which washington had latterly experienced from this man, had preyed upon his spirits, and contributed, with his incessant toils and anxieties, to undermine his health. for some time he struggled with repeated attacks of dysentery and fever, and continued in the exercise of his duties; but the increased violence of his malady, and the urgent advice of his friend dr. craik, the army surgeon, induced him to relinquish his post towards the end of the year and retire to mount vernon. the administration of dinwiddie, however, was now at an end. he set sail for england in january, , very little regretted, excepting by his immediate hangers-on, and leaving a character overshadowed by the imputation of avarice and extortion in the exaction of illegal fees, and of downright delinquency in regard to large sums transmitted to him by government to be paid over to the province in indemnification of its extra expenses; for the disposition of which sums he failed to render an account. he was evidently a sordid, narrow-minded, and somewhat arrogant man; bustling rather than active; prone to meddle with matters of which he was profoundly ignorant, and absurdly unwilling to have his ignorance enlightened. chapter xxiii. washington recovers his health--again in command at fort loudoun-- administration of pitt--loudoun succeeded by general abercrombie-- military arrangements--washington commander-in-chief of the virginia forces--amherst against louisburg--general wolfe--montgomery--capture of louisburg--abercrombie on lake george--death of lord howe--repulse of abercrombie--success of bradstreet at oswego. for several months washington was afflicted by returns of his malady, accompanied by symptoms indicative, as he thought, of a decline. "my constitution," writes he to his friend colonel stanwix, "is much impaired, and nothing can retrieve it but the greatest care and the most circumspect course of life. this being the case, as i have now no prospect left of preferment in the military way, and despair of rendering that immediate service which my country may require from the person commanding its troops, i have thoughts of quitting my command and retiring from all public business, leaving my post to be filled by some other person more capable of the task, and who may, perhaps, have his endeavors crowned with better success than mine have been." a gradual improvement in his health, and a change in his prospects, encouraged him to continue in what really was his favorite career, and at the beginning of april he was again in command at fort loudoun. mr. francis fauquier had been appointed successor to dinwiddie, and, until he should arrive, mr. john blair, president of the council, had, from his office, charge of the government. in the latter washington had a friend who appreciated his character and services, and was disposed to carry out his plans. the general aspect of affairs, also, was more animating. under the able and intrepid administration of william pitt, who had control of the british cabinet, an effort was made to retrieve the disgraces of the late american campaign, and to carry on the war with greater vigor. the instructions for a common fund were discontinued; there was no more talk of taxation by parliament. lord loudoun, from whom so much had been anticipated, had disappointed by his inactivity, and been relieved from a command in which he had attempted much and done so little. his friends alleged that his inactivity was owing to a want of unanimity and co-operation in the colonial governments, which paralyzed all his well meant efforts. franklin, it is probable, probed the matter with his usual sagacity when he characterized him as a man "entirely made up of indecision."--"like st. george on the signs, he was always on horseback, but never rode on." on the return of his lordship to england, the general command in america devolved on major-general abercrombie, and the forces were divided into three detached bodies; one, under major-general amherst, was to operate in the north with the fleet under boscawen, for the reduction of louisburg and the island of cape breton; another, under abercrombie himself, was to proceed against ticonderoga and crown point on lake champlain; and the third, under brigadier-general forbes, who had the charge of the middle and southern colonies, was to undertake the reduction of fort duquesne. the colonial troops were to be supplied, like the regulars, with arms, ammunition, tents, and provisions, at the expense of government, but clothed and paid by the colonies; for which the king would recommend to parliament a proper compensation. the provincial officers appointed by the governors, and of no higher rank than colonel, were to be equal in command, when united in service with those who held direct from the king, according to the date of their commissions. by these wise provisions of mr. pitt a fertile cause of heartburnings and dissensions was removed. it was with the greatest satisfaction washington saw his favorite measure at last adopted, the reduction of fort duquesne; and he resolved to continue in the service until that object was accomplished. in a letter to stanwix, who was now a brigadier-general, he modestly requested to be mentioned in favorable terms to general forbes, "not," said he, "as a person who would depend upon him for further recommendation to military preferment (for i have long conquered all such inclinations, and shall serve this campaign merely for the purpose of affording my best endeavors to bring matters to a conclusion), but as a person who would gladly be distinguished in some measure from the _common run_ of provincial officers, as i understand there will be a motley herd of us." he had the satisfaction subsequently of enjoying the fullest confidence of general forbes, who knew too well the sound judgment and practical ability evinced by him in the unfortunate campaign of braddock not to be desirous of availing himself of his counsels. washington still was commander-in-chief of the virginia troops, now augmented, by an act of the assembly, to two regiments of one thousand men each; one led by himself, the other by colonel byrd; the whole destined to make a part of the army of general forbes in the expedition against fort duquesne. of the animation which he felt at the prospect of serving in this long-desired campaign, and revisiting with an effective force the scene of past disasters, we have a proof in a short letter, written during the excitement of the moment, to major francis halket, his former companion in arms. "my dear halket:--are we to have you once more among us? and shall we revisit together a hapless spot, that proved so fatal to many of our former brave companions? yes; and i rejoice at it, hoping it will now be in our power to testify a just abhorrence of the cruel butcheries exercised on our friends in the unfortunate day of general braddock's defeat; and, moreover, to show our enemies, that we can practise all that lenity of which they only boast, without affording any adequate proof." before we proceed to narrate the expedition against fort duquesne, however, we will briefly notice the conduct of the two other expeditions, which formed important parts in the plan of military operations for the year. and first, of that against louisburg and the island of cape breton. major-general amherst, who conducted this expedition, embarked with between ten and twelve thousand men, in the fleet of admiral boscawen, and set sail about the end of may, from halifax, in nova scotia. along with him went brigadier-general james wolfe, an officer young in years, but a veteran, in military experience, and destined to gain, an almost romantic celebrity. he may almost be said to have been born in the camp, for he was the son of major-general wolfe, a veteran officer of merit, and when a lad had witnessed the battles of dettingen and fontenoy. while a mere youth he had distinguished himself at the battle of laffeldt, in the netherlands; and now, after having been eighteen years in the service, he was but thirty-one years of age. in america, however, he was to win his lasting laurels. on the d of june, the fleet arrived at the bay of gabarus, about seven miles to the west of louisburg. the latter place was garrisoned by two thousand five hundred regulars, and three hundred militia, and subsequently reinforced by upwards of four hundred canadians and indians. in the harbor were six ships-of-the-line, and five frigates; three of which were sunk across the mouth. for several days the troops were prevented from landing by boisterous weather, and a heavy surf. the french improved that time to strengthen a chain of forts along the shore, deepening trenches, and constructing batteries. on the th of june, preparations for landing were made before daybreak. the troops were embarked in boats in three divisions, under brigadiers wolfe, whetmore, and laurens. the landing was to be attempted west of the harbor, at a place feebly secured. several frigates and sloops previously scoured the beach with their shot, after which wolfe pulled for shore with his divisions; the other two divisions distracting the attention of the enemy, by making a show of landing in other parts. the surf still ran high, the enemy opened a fire of cannon and musketry from their batteries, many boats were upset, many men slain, but wolfe pushed forward, sprang into the water when the boats grounded, dashed through the surf with his men, stormed the enemy's breastworks and batteries, and drove them from the shore. among the subalterns who stood by wolfe on this occasion, was an irish youth, twenty-one years of age, named richard montgomery, whom, for his gallantry, wolfe promoted to a lieutenancy, and who was destined, in after years, to gain an imperishable renown. the other divisions effected a landing after a severe conflict; artillery and stores were brought on shore, and louisburg was formally invested. the weather continued boisterous; the heavy cannon, and the various munitions necessary for a siege, were landed with difficulty. amherst, moreover, was a cautious man, and made his approaches slowly, securing his camp by redoubts and epaulements. the chevalier drucour, who commanded at louisburg, called in his outposts, and prepared for a desperate defence; keeping up a heavy fire from his batteries, and from the ships in the harbor. wolfe, with a strong detachment, surprised at night, and took possession of light house point, on the north-east side of the entrance to the harbor. here he threw up batteries in addition to those already there, from which he was enabled greatly to annoy both town and shipping, as well as to aid amherst in his slow, but regular and sure approaches. on the st of july, the three largest of the enemy's ships were set on fire by a bombshell. on the night of the th two other of the ships were boarded, sword in hand, from boats of the squadron; one being aground, was burnt, the other was towed out of the harbor in triumph. the brave drucour kept up the defence until all the ships were either taken or destroyed; forty, out of fifty-two pieces of cannon dismounted, and his works mere heaps of ruins. when driven to capitulate, he refused the terms proposed, as being too severe, and, when threatened with a general assault, by sea and land, determined to abide it, rather than submit to what he considered a humiliation. the prayers and petitions of the inhabitants, however, overcame his obstinacy. the place was surrendered, and he and his garrison became prisoners of war. captain amherst, brother to the general, carried home the news to england, with eleven pair of colors, taken at louisburg. there were rejoicings throughout the kingdom. the colors were borne in triumph through the streets of london, with a parade of horse and foot, kettle drums and trumpets, and the thunder of artillery, and were put up as trophies in st. paul's cathedral. boscawen, who was a member of parliament, received a unanimous vote of praise from the house of commons, and the youthful wolfe, who returned shortly after the victory to england, was hailed as the hero of the enterprise. we have disposed of one of the three great expeditions contemplated in the plan of the year's campaign. the second was that against the french forts on lakes george and champlain. at the beginning of july, abercrombie was encamped on the borders of lake george, with between six and seven thousand regulars, and upwards of nine thousand provincials, from new england, new york, and new jersey. major israel putnam, of connecticut, who had served on this lake, under sir william johnson, in the campaign in which dieskau was defeated and slain, had been detached with a scouting party to reconnoitre the neighborhood. after his return and report, abercrombie prepared to proceed against ticonderoga, situated on a tongue of land in lake champlain, at the mouth of the strait communicating with lake george. on the th of july, the forces were embarked in one hundred and twenty-five whale-boats, and nine hundred batteaux, with the artillery on rafts. the vast flotilla proceeded slowly down the lake, with banners and pennons fluttering in the summer breeze; arms glittering in the sunshine, and martial music echoing along the wood-clad mountains. with abercrombie went lord howe, a young nobleman brave and enterprising, full of martial enthusiasm, and endeared to the soldiery by the generosity of his disposition, and the sweetness of his manners. on the first night they bivouacked for some hours at sabbath-day point, but re-embarked before midnight. the next day they landed on a point on the western shore, just at the entrance of the strait leading to lake champlain. here they were formed into three columns, and pushed forward. they soon came upon the enemy's advanced guard, a battalion encamped behind a log breastwork. the french set fire to their camp, and retreated. the columns kept their form, and pressed forward, but, through ignorance of their guides, became bewildered in a dense forest, fell into confusion, and blundered upon each other. lord howe urged on with the van of the right centre column. putnam, who was with him, and more experienced in forest warfare, endeavored in vain to inspire him with caution. after a time they came upon a detachment of the retreating foe, who, like themselves, had lost their way. a severe conflict ensued. lord howe, who gallantly led the van, was killed at the onset. his fall gave new ardor to his troops. the enemy were routed, some slain, some drowned, about one hundred and fifty taken prisoners, including five officers. nothing further was done that day. the death of lord howe more than counterbalanced the defeat of the enemy. his loss was bewailed not merely by the army, but by the american people; for it is singular how much this young nobleman, in a short time, had made himself beloved. the point near which the troops had landed still bears his name; the place where he fell is still pointed out; and massachusetts voted him a monument in westminster abbey. with lord howe expired the master spirit of the enterprise. abercrombie fell back to the landing-place. the next day he sent out a strong detachment of regulars, royal provincials, and batteaux men, under lieutenant-colonel bradstreet, of new york, to secure a saw-mill, which the enemy had abandoned. this done, he followed on the same evening with the main forces, and took post at the mill, within two miles of the fort. here he was joined by sir william johnson, with between four and five hundred savage warriors from the mohawk river. montcalm had called in all his forces, between three and four thousand men, and was strongly posted behind deep intrenchments and breastworks eight feet high; with an abatis, or felled trees, in front of his lines, presenting a horrid barrier, with their jagged boughs pointing outward. abercrombie was deceived as to the strength of the french works; his engineers persuaded him they were formidable only in appearance, but really weak and flimsy. without waiting for the arrival of his cannon, and against the opinion of his most judicious officers, he gave orders to storm the works. never were rash orders more gallantly obeyed. the men rushed forward with fixed bayonets, and attempted to force their way through, or scramble over the abatis, under a sheeted fire of swivels and musketry. in the desperation of the moment, the officers even tried to cut their way through with their swords. some even reached the parapet, where they were shot down. the breastwork was too high to be surmounted, and gave a secure covert to the enemy. repeated assaults were made, and as often repelled, with dreadful havoc. the iroquois warriors, who had arrived with sir william johnson, took no part, it is said, in this fierce conflict, but stood aloof as unconcerned spectators of the bloody strife of white men. after four hours of desperate and fruitless fighting, abercrombie, who had all the time remained aloof at the saw-mills gave up the ill-judged attempt, and withdrew once more to the landing-place, with the loss of nearly two thousand in killed and wounded. had not the vastly inferior force of montcalm prevented him from sallying beyond his trenches, the retreat of the british might have been pushed to a headlong and disastrous flight. abercrombie had still nearly four times the number of the enemy, with cannon, and all the means of carrying on a siege, with every prospect of success; but the failure of this rash assault seems completely to have dismayed him. the next day he re-embarked all his troops, and returned across that lake where his disgraced banners had recently waved so proudly. while the general was planning fortifications on lake george, colonel bradstreet obtained permission to carry into effect an expedition which he had for some time meditated, and which had been a favored project with the lamented howe. this was to reduce fort frontenac, the stronghold of the french on the north side of the entrance of lake ontario, commanding the mouth of the st. lawrence. this post was a central point of indian trade, where the tribes resorted from all parts of a vast interior; sometimes a distance of a thousand miles, to traffic away their peltries with the fur-traders. it was, moreover, a magazine for the more southern posts, among which was fort duquesne on the ohio. bradstreet was an officer of spirit. pushing his way along the valley of the mohawk and by the oneida, where he was joined by several warriors of the six nations, he arrived at oswego in august, with nearly three thousand men; the greater part of them provincial troops of new york and massachusetts. embarking at oswego in open boats, he crossed lake ontario, and landed within a mile of frontenac. the fort mounted sixty guns, and several mortars, yet though a place of such importance, the garrison consisted of merely one hundred and ten men, and a few indians. these either fled, or surrendered at discretion. in the fort was an immense amount of merchandise and military stores; part of the latter intended for the supply of fort duquesne. in the harbor were nine armed vessels, some of them carrying eighteen guns; the whole of the enemy's shipping on the lake. two of these colonel bradstreet freighted with part of the spoils of the fort, the others he destroyed; then having dismantled the fortifications, and laid waste every thing which he could not carry away, he recrossed the lake to oswego, and returned with his troops to the army on lake george. chapter xxiv. slow operations--washington orders out the militia--mission to williamsburg--halt at mr. chamberlayne's--mrs. martha custis--a brief courtship--an engagement--return to winchester--the rifle dress--indian scouts--washington elected to the house of burgesses--tidings of amherst's success--the new road to fort duquesne--march for the fort--indiscreet conduct of major grant--disastrous consequences--washington advances against fort duquesne--end of the expedition--washington returns home-- his marriage. operations went on slowly in that part of the year's campaign in which washington was immediately engaged--the expedition against fort duquesne. brigadier-general forbes, who was commander-in-chief, was detained at philadelphia by those delays and cross-purposes incident to military affairs in a new country. colonel bouquet, who was to command the advanced division, took his station, with a corps of regulars, at raystown, in the centre of pennsylvania. there slowly assembled troops from various parts. three thousand pennsylvanians, twelve hundred and fifty south carolinians, and a few hundred men from elsewhere. washington, in the mean time, gathered together his scattered regiment at winchester, some from a distance of two hundred miles, and diligently disciplined his recruits. he had two virginia regiments under him, amounting, when complete, to about nineteen hundred men. seven hundred indian warriors, also, came lagging into his camp, lured by the prospect of a successful campaign. the president of the council had given washington a discretionary power in the present juncture to order out militia for the purpose of garrisoning the fort in the absence of the regular troops. washington exercised the power with extreme reluctance. he considered it, he said, an affair of too important and delicate a nature for him to manage, and apprehended the discontent it might occasion. in fact, his sympathies were always with the husbandmen and the laborers of the soil, and he deplored the evils imposed upon them by arbitrary drafts for military service; a scruple not often indulged by youthful commanders. the force thus assembling was in want of arms, tents, field-equipage, and almost every requisite. washington had made repeated representations, by letter, of the destitute state of the virginia troops, but without avail; he was now ordered by sir john st. clair, the quartermaster-general of the forces, under general forbes, to repair to williamsburg, and lay the state of the case before the council. he set off promptly on horseback, attended by bishop, the well-trained military servant, who had served the late general braddock. it proved an eventful journey, though not in a military point of view. in crossing a ferry of the pamunkey, a branch of york river, he fell in company with a mr. chamberlayne, who lived in the neighborhood, and who, in the spirit of virginian hospitality, claimed him as a guest. it was with difficulty washington could be prevailed on to halt for dinner, so impatient was he to arrive at williamsburg, and accomplish his mission. among the guests at mr. chamberlayne's was a young and blooming widow, mrs. martha custis, daughter of mr. john dandridge, both patrician names in the province. her husband, john parke custis, had been dead about three years, leaving her with two young children, and a large fortune. she is represented as being rather below the middle size, but extremely well shaped, with an agreeable countenance, dark hazel eyes and hair, and those frank, engaging manners, so captivating in southern women. we are not informed whether washington had met with her before; probably not during her widowhood, as during that time he had been almost continually on the frontier. we have shown that, with all his gravity and reserve, he was quickly susceptible to female charms; and they may have had a greater effect upon him when thus casually encountered in fleeting moments snatched from the cares and perplexities and rude scenes of frontier warfare. at any rate, his heart appears to have been taken by surprise. the dinner, which in those days was an earlier meal than at present, seemed all too short. the afternoon passed away like a dream. bishop was punctual to the orders he had received on halting; the horses pawed at the door; but for once washington loitered in the path of duty. the horses were countermanded, and it was not until the next morning that he was again in the saddle, spurring for williamsburg. happily the white house, the residence of mrs. custis, was in new kent county, at no great distance from that city, so that he had opportunities of visiting her in the intervals of business. his time for courtship, however, was brief. military duties called him back almost immediately to winchester; but he feared, should he leave the matter in suspense, some more enterprising rival might supplant him during his absence, as in the case of miss philipse, at new york. he improved, therefore, his brief opportunity to the utmost. the blooming widow had many suitors, but washington was graced with that renown so ennobling in the eyes of woman. in a word, before they separated, they had mutually plighted their faith, and the marriage was to take place as soon as the campaign against fort duquesne was at an end. before returning to winchester, washington was obliged to hold conferences with sir john st. clair and colonel bouquet, at an intermediate rendezvous, to give them information respecting the frontiers, and arrange about the marching of his troops. his constant word to them was forward! forward! for the precious time for action was slipping away, and he feared their indian allies, so important to their security while on the march, might, with their usual fickleness, lose patience, and return home. on arriving at winchester, he found his troops restless and discontented from prolonged inaction. the inhabitants impatient of the burdens imposed on them, and of the disturbances of an idle camp; while the indians, as he apprehended, had deserted outright. it was a great relief, therefore, when he received orders from the commander-in-chief to repair to fort cumberland. he arrived there on the d of july, and proceeded to open a road between that post and head-quarters, at raystown, thirty miles distant, where colonel bouquet was stationed. his troops were scantily supplied with regimental clothing. the weather was oppressively warm. he now conceived the idea of equipping them in the light indian hunting garb, and even of adopting it himself. two companies were accordingly equipped in this style, and sent under the command of major lewis to head-quarters. "it is an unbecoming dress, i own, for an officer," writes washington, "but convenience rather than show, i think, should be consulted. the reduction of bat-horses alone would be sufficient to recommend it; for nothing is more certain than that less baggage would be required." the experiment was successful. "the dress takes very well here," writes colonel bouquet; "and, thank god, we see nothing but shirts and blankets. ... their dress should be one pattern for this expedition." such was probably the origin of the american rifle dress, afterwards so much worn in warfare, and modelled on the indian costume. the army was now annoyed by scouting parties of indians hovering about the neighborhood. expresses passing between the posts were fired upon; a waggoner was shot down. washington sent out counter-parties of cherokees. colonel bouquet required that each party should be accompanied by an officer and a number of white men. washington complied with the order, though he considered them an encumbrance rather than an advantage, "small parties of indians," said he, "will more effectually harass the enemy by keeping them under continual alarms, than any parties of white men can do. for small parties of the latter are not equal to the task, not being so dexterous at skulking as indians; and large parties will be discovered by their spies early enough to have a superior force opposed to them." with all his efforts, however, he was never able fully to make the officers of the regular army appreciate the importance of indian allies in these campaigns in the wilderness. on the other hand, he earnestly discountenanced a proposition of colonel bouquet, to make an irruption into the enemy's country with a strong party of regulars. such a detachment, he observed, could not be sent without a cumbersome train of supplies, which would discover it to the enemy, who must at that time be collecting his whole force at fort duquesne; the enterprise, therefore, would be likely to terminate in a miscarriage, if not in the destruction of the party. we shall see that his opinion was oracular. as washington intended to retire from military life at the close of this campaign, he had proposed himself to the electors of frederick county as their representative in the house of burgesses. the election was coming on at winchester; his friends pressed him to attend it, and colonel bouquet gave him leave of absence; but he declined to absent himself from his post for the promotion of his political interests. there were three competitors in the field, yet so high was the public opinion of his merit, that, though winchester had been his head-quarters for two or three years past, and he had occasionally enforced martial law with a rigorous hand, he was elected by a large majority. the election was carried on somewhat in the english style. there was much eating and drinking at the expense of the candidate. washington appeared on the hustings by proxy, and his representative was chaired about the town with enthusiastic applause and huzzaing for colonel washington. on the st of july arrived tidings of the brilliant success of that part of the scheme of the year's campaign conducted by general amherst and admiral boscawen, who had reduced the strong town of louisburg and gained possession of the island of cape breton. this intelligence increased washington's impatience at the delays of the expedition with which he was connected. he wished to rival these successes by a brilliant blow in the south. perhaps a desire for personal distinction in the eyes of the lady of his choice may have been at the bottom of this impatience; for we are told that he kept up a constant correspondence with her throughout the campaign. understanding that the commander-in-chief had some thoughts of throwing a body of light troops in the advance, he wrote to colonel bouquet, earnestly soliciting his influence to have himself and his virginia regiment included in the detachment. "if any argument is needed to obtain this favor," said he, "i hope, without vanity, i may be allowed to say, that from long intimacy with these woods, and frequent scouting in them, my men are at least as well acquainted with all the passes and difficulties as any troops that will be employed." he soon learnt to his surprise, however, that the road to which his men were accustomed, and which had been worked by braddock's troops in his campaign, was not to be taken in the present expedition, but a new one opened through the heart of pennsylvania, from raystown to fort duquesne, on the track generally taken by the northern traders. he instantly commenced long and repeated remonstrances on the subject; representing that braddock's road, from recent examination, only needed partial repairs, and showing by clear calculation that an army could reach fort duquesne by that route in thirty-four days, so that the whole campaign might be effected by the middle of october; whereas the extreme labor of opening a new road across mountains, swamps, and through a densely wooded country, would detain them so late, that the season would be over before they could reach the scene of action. his representations were of no avail. the officers of the regular service had received a fearful idea of braddock's road from his own despatches, wherein he had described it as lying "across mountains and rocks of an excessive height, vastly steep, and divided by torrents and rivers," whereas the pennsylvania traders, who were anxious for the opening of the new road through their province, described the country through which it would pass as less difficult, and its streams less subject to inundation; above all, it was a direct line, and fifty miles nearer. this route, therefore, to the great regret of washington and the indignation of the virginia assembly, was definitively adopted, and sixteen hundred men were immediately thrown in the advance from raystown to work upon it. the first of september found washington still encamped at fort cumberland, his troops sickly and dispirited, and the brilliant expedition which he had anticipated, dwindling down into a tedious operation of road-making. in the mean time, his scouts brought him word that the whole force at fort duquesne on the th of august, indians included, did not exceed eight hundred men: had an early campaign been pressed forward, as he recommended, the place by this time would have been captured. at length, in the month of september, he received orders from general forbes to join him with his troops at raystown, where he had just arrived, having been detained by severe illness. he was received by the general with the highest marks of respect. on all occasions, both in private and at councils of war, that commander treated his opinions with the greatest deference. he, moreover, adopted a plan drawn out by washington for the march of the army; and an order of battle which still exists, furnishing a proof of his skill in frontier warfare. it was now the middle of september; yet the great body of men engaged in opening the new military road, after incredible toil, had not advanced above forty-five miles, to a place called loyal hannan, a little beyond laurel hill. colonel bouquet, who commanded the division of nearly two thousand men sent forward to open this road, had halted at loyal hannan to establish a military post and deposit. he was upwards of fifty miles from fort duquesne, and was tempted to adopt the measure, so strongly discountenanced by washington, of sending a party on a foray into the enemy's country. he accordingly detached major grant with eight hundred picked men, some of them highlanders, others, in indian garb, the part of washington's virginian regiment sent forward by him from cumberland under command of major lewis. the instructions given to major grant were merely to reconnoitre the country in the neighborhood of fort duquesne, and ascertain the strength and position of the enemy. he conducted the enterprise with the foolhardiness of a man eager for personal notoriety. his whole object seems to have been by open bravado to provoke an action. the enemy were apprised, through their scouts, of his approach, but suffered him to advance unmolested. arriving at night in the neighborhood of the fort, he posted his men on a hill, and sent out a party of observation, who set fire to a log house near the walls and returned to the encampment. as if this were not sufficient to put the enemy on the alert, he ordered the reveille to be beaten in the morning in several places; then, posting major lewis with his provincial troops at a distance in the rear to protect the baggage, he marshalled his regulars in battle array, and sent an engineer, with a covering party, to take a plan of the works in full view of the garrison. not a gun was fired by the fort; the silence which was maintained was mistaken for fear, and increased the arrogance and blind security of the british commander. at length, when he was thrown off his guard, there was a sudden sally of the garrison, and an attack on the flanks by indians hid in ambush. a scene now occurred similar to that at the defeat of braddock. the british officers marshalled their men according to european tactics, and the highlanders for some time stood their ground bravely; but the destructive fire and horrid yells of the indians soon produced panic and confusion. major lewis, at the first noise of the attack, left captain bullitt, with fifty virginians, to guard the baggage, and hastened with the main part of his men to the scene of action. the contest was kept up for some time, but the confusion was irretrievable. the indians sallied from their concealment, and attacked with the tomahawk and scalping-knife. lewis fought hand to hand with an indian brave, whom, he laid dead at his feet, but was surrounded by others, and only saved his life by surrendering himself to a french officer. major grant surrendered himself in like manner. the whole detachment was put to the rout with dreadful carnage. captain bullitt rallied several of the fugitives, and prepared to make a forlorn stand, as the only chance where the enemy was overwhelming and merciless. despatching the most valuable baggage with the strongest horses, he made a barricade with the baggage waggons, behind which he posted his men, giving them orders how they were to act. all this was the thought and the work almost of a moment, for the savages, having finished the havoc and plunder of the field of battle, were hastening in pursuit of the fugitives. bullitt suffered them to come near, when, on a concerted signal, a destructive fire was opened from behind the baggage waggons. they were checked for a time; but were again pressing forward in greater numbers, when bullitt and his men held out the signal of capitulation, and advanced as if to surrender. when within eight yards of the enemy, they suddenly levelled their arms, poured a most effective volley, and then charged with the bayonet. the indians fled in dismay, and bullitt took advantage of this check to retreat with all speed, collecting the wounded and the scattered fugitives as he advanced. the routed detachment came back in fragments to colonel bouquet's camp at loyal hannan, with the loss of twenty-one officers and two hundred and seventy-three privates killed and taken. the highlanders and the virginians were those that fought the best and suffered the most in this bloody battle. washington's regiment lost six officers and sixty-two privates. if washington could have taken any pride in seeing his presages of misfortune verified, he might have been gratified by the result of this rash "irruption into the enemy's country," which was exactly what he had predicted. in his letters to governor fauquier, however, he bears lightly on the error of col bouquet. "from all accounts i can collect," says he, "it appears very clear that this was a very ill-concerted, or a very ill-executed plan, perhaps both; but it seems to be generally acknowledged that major grant exceeded his orders, and that no disposition was made for engaging." washington, who was at raystown when the disastrous news arrived, was publicly complimented by general forbes, on the gallant conduct of his virginian troops, and bullitt's behavior was "a matter of great admiration." the latter was soon after rewarded with a major's commission. as a further mark of the high opinion now entertained of provincial troops for frontier service, washington was given the command of a division, partly composed of his own men, to keep in the advance of the main body, clear the roads, throw out scouting parties, and repel indian attacks. it was the th of november before the whole army assembled at loyal hannan. winter was now at hand, and upwards of fifty miles of wilderness were yet to be traversed, by a road not yet formed, before they could reach fort duquesne. again, washington's predictions seemed likely to be verified, and the expedition to be defeated by delay; for in a council of war it was determined to be impracticable to advance further with the army that season. three prisoners, however, who were brought in, gave such an account of the weak state of the garrison at fort duquesne, its want of provisions, and the defection of the indians, that it was determined to push forward. the march was accordingly resumed, but without tents or baggage, and with only a light train of artillery. washington still kept the advance. after leaving loyal hannan, the road presented traces of the late defeat of grant; being strewed with human bones, the sad relics of fugitives cut down by the indians, or of wounded soldiers who had died on the retreat; they lay mouldering in various stages of decay, mingled with the bones of horses and of oxen. as they approached fort duquesne these mementoes of former disasters became more frequent; and the bones of those massacred in the defeat of braddock, still lay scattered about the battle field, whitening in the sun. at length the army arrived in sight of fort duquesne, advancing with great precaution, and expecting a vigorous defence; but that formidable fortress, the terror and scourge of the frontier, and the object of such warlike enterprise, fell without a blow. the recent successes of the english forces in canada, particularly the capture and destruction of fort frontenac, had left the garrison without hope of reinforcements and supplies. the whole force, at the time, did not exceed five hundred men, and the provisions were nearly exhausted. the commander, therefore, waited only until the english army was within one day's march, when he embarked his troops at night in batteaux, blew up his magazines, set fire to the fort, and retreated down the ohio, by the light of the flames. on the th of november, washington, with the advanced guard, marched in, and planted the british flag on the yet smoking ruins. one of the first offices of the army was to collect and bury, in one common tomb, the bones of their fellow-soldiers who had fallen in the battles of braddock and grant. in this pious duty it is said every one joined, from the general down to the private soldier; and some veterans assisted, with heavy hearts and frequent ejaculations of poignant feeling, who had been present in the scenes of defeat and carnage. the ruins of the fortress were now put in a defensible state, and garrisoned by two hundred men from washington's regiment; the name was changed to that of fort pitt, in honor of the illustrious british minister, whose measures had given vigor and effect to this year's campaign; it has since been modified into pittsburg, and designates one of the most busy and populous cities of the interior. the reduction of fort duquesne terminated, as washington had foreseen, the troubles and dangers of the southern frontier. the french domination of the ohio was at an end; the indians, as usual, paid homage to the conquering power, and a treaty of peace was concluded with all the tribes between the ohio and the lakes. with this campaign ended, for the present, the military career of washington. his great object was attained, the restoration of quiet and security to his native province; and, having abandoned all hope of attaining rank in the regular army, and his health being much impaired, he gave up his commission at the close of the year, and retired from the service, followed by the applause of his fellow-soldiers, and the gratitude and admiration of all his countrymen. his marriage with mrs. custis took place shortly after his return. it was celebrated on the th of january, , at the white house, the residence of the bride, in the good old hospitable style of virginia, amid a joyous assemblage of relatives and friends. chapter xxv. plan of operations for --investment of fort niagara--death of prideaux--success of sir william johnson--amherst at ticonderoga--wolfe at quebec--his triumph and death--fate of montcalm--capitulation of quebec-- attempt of de levi to retake it--arrival of a british fleet--last stand of the french at montreal--surrender of canada. before following washington into the retirement of domestic life, we think it proper to notice the events which closed the great struggle between england and france for empire in america. in that struggle he had first become practised in arms, and schooled in the ways of the world; and its results will be found connected with the history of his later years. general abercrombie had been superseded as commander-in-chief of the forces in america by major-general amherst, who had gained great favor by the reduction of louisburg. according to the plan of operations for , general wolfe, who had risen to fame by his gallant conduct in the same affair, was to ascend the st. lawrence in a fleet of ships of war, with eight thousand men, as soon as the river should be free of ice, and lay siege to quebec, the capital of canada. general amherst, in the mean time, was to advance, as abercrombie had done, by lake george, against ticonderoga and crown point; reduce those forts, cross lake champlain, push on to the st. lawrence, and co-operate with wolfe. a third expedition, under brigadier-general prideaux, aided by sir william johnson and his indian warriors, was to attack fort niagara, which controlled the whole country of the six nations, and commanded the navigation of the great lakes, and the intercourse between canada and louisiana. having reduced this fort, he was to traverse lake ontario, descend the st. lawrence, capture montreal, and join his forces with those of amherst. the last mentioned expedition was the first executed. general prideaux embarked at oswego on the first of july, with a large body of troops, regulars and provincials,--the latter partly from new york. he was accompanied by sir william johnson, and his indian braves of the mohawk. landing at an inlet of lake ontario, within a few miles of fort niagara, he advanced, without being opposed, and proceeded to invest it. the garrison, six hundred strong, made a resolute defence. the siege was carried on by regular approaches, but pressed with vigor. on the th of july, prideaux, in visiting his trenches, was killed by the bursting of a cohorn. informed by express of this misfortune, general amherst detached from the main army brigadier-general gage, the officer who had led braddock's advance, to take the command. in the mean time, the siege had been conducted by sir william johnson with courage and sagacity. he was destitute of military science, but had a natural aptness for warfare, especially for the rough kind carried on in the wilderness. being informed by his scouts that twelve hundred regular troops, drawn from detroit, venango, and presque isle, and led by d'aubry, with a number of indian auxiliaries, were hastening to the rescue, he detached a force of grenadiers and light infantry, with some of his mohawk warriors, to intercept them. they came in sight of each other on the road, between niagara falls and the fort, within the thundering sound of the one, and the distant view of the other. johnson's "braves" advanced to have a parley with the hostile redskins. the latter received them with a war-whoop, and frenchman and savage made an impetuous onset. johnson's regulars and provincials stood their ground firmly, while his red warriors fell on the flanks of the enemy. after a sharp conflict, the french were broken, routed, and pursued through the woods, with great carnage. among the prisoners taken were seventeen officers. the next day sir william johnson sent a trumpet, summoning the garrison to surrender, to spare the effusion of blood, and prevent outrages by the indians. they had no alternative; were permitted to march out with the honors of war, and were protected by sir william from his indian allies. thus was secured the key to the communication between lakes ontario and erie, and to the vast interior region connected with them. the blow alarmed the french for the safety of montreal, and de levi, the second in command of their canadian forces, hastened up from before quebec, and took post at the fort of oswegatchie (now ogdensburg), to defend the passes of the st. lawrence. we now proceed to notice the expedition against ticonderoga and crown point. in the month of july, general amherst embarked with nearly twelve thousand men, at the upper part of lake george, and proceeded down it, as abercrombie had done in the preceding year, in a vast fleet of whale-boats, batteaux, and rafts, and all the glitter and parade of war. on the d, the army debarked at the lower part of the lake, and advanced toward ticonderoga. after a slight skirmish with the advanced guard, they secured the old post at the saw-mill. montcalm was no longer in the fort; he was absent for the protection of quebec. the garrison did not exceed four hundred men. bourlamarque, a brave officer, who commanded, at first seemed disposed to make defence; but, against such overwhelming force, it would have been madness. dismantling the fortifications, therefore, he abandoned them, as he did likewise those at crown point, and retreated down the lake, to assemble forces, and make a stand at the isle aux noix, for the protection of montreal and the province. instead of following him up, and hastening to co-operate with wolfe, general amherst proceeded to repair the works at ticonderoga, and erect a new fort at crown point, though neither were in present danger of being attacked, nor would be of use if canada were conquered. amherst, however, was one of those cautious men, who, in seeking to be sure, are apt to be fatally slow. his delay enabled the enemy to rally their forces at isle aux noix, and call in canadian reinforcements, while it deprived wolfe of that co-operation which, it will be shown, was most essential to the general success of the campaign. wolfe, with his eight thousand men, ascended the st. lawrence in the fleet, in the month of june. with him came brigadiers, monckton, townshend and murray, youthful and brave like himself, and like himself, already schooled in arms. monckton, it will be recollected, had signalized himself, when a colonel, in the expedition in , in which the french were driven from nova scotia. the grenadiers of the army were commanded by colonel guy carleton, and part of the light infantry by lieutenant-colonel william howe, both destined to celebrity in after years, in the annals of the american revolution. colonel howe was brother of the gallant lord howe, whose fall in the preceding year was so generally lamented. among the officers of the fleet, was jervis, the future admiral, and ultimately earl st. vincent; and the master of one of the ships, was james cook, afterwards renowned as a discoverer. about the end of june, the troops debarked on the large, populous, and well-cultivated isle of orleans, a little below quebec, and encamped in its fertile fields. quebec, the citadel of canada, was strong by nature. it was built round the point of a rocky promontory, and flanked by precipices. the crystal current of the st. lawrence swept by it on the right, and the river st. charles flowed along on the left, before mingling with that mighty stream. the place was tolerably fortified, but art had not yet rendered it, as at the present day, impregnable. montcalm commanded the post. his troops were more numerous than the assailants but the greater part were canadians, many of them inhabitants of quebec; and he had a host of savages. his forces were drawn out along the northern shore below the city, from the river st. charles to the falls of montmorency, and their position was secured by deep intrenchments. the night after the debarkation of wolfe's troops a furious storm caused great damage to the transports, and sank some of the small craft. while it was still raging, a number of fire-ships, sent to destroy the fleet, came driving down. they were boarded intrepidly by the british seamen, and towed out of the way of doing harm. after much resistance, wolfe established batteries at the west point of the isle of orleans, and at point levi, on the right (or south) bank of the st. lawrence, within cannon range of the city. colonel guy carleton, commanded at the former battery; brigadier monckton at the latter. from point levi bombshells and red-hot shot were discharged; many houses were set on fire in the upper town, the lower town was reduced to rubbish; the main fort, however, remained unharmed. anxious for a decisive action, wolfe, on the th of july, crossed over in boats from the isle of orleans, to the north bank of the st. lawrence, and encamped below the montmorency. it was an ill-judged position, for there was still that tumultuous stream, with its rocky banks, between him and the camp of montcalm; but the ground he had chosen was higher than that occupied by the latter, and the montmorency had a ford below the falls, passable at low tide. another ford was discovered, three miles within land, but the banks were steep, and shagged with forest. at both fords the vigilant montcalm had thrown up breastworks, and posted troops. on the th of july, wolfe made a reconnoitring expedition up the river, with two armed sloops, and two transports with troops. he passed quebec unharmed, and carefully noted the shores above it. rugged cliffs rose almost from the water's edge. above them, he was told, was an extent of level ground, called the plains of abraham, by which the upper town might be approached on its weakest side; but how was that plain to be attained, when the cliffs, for the most part, were inaccessible, and every practicable place fortified? he returned to montmorency disappointed, and resolved to attack montcalm in his camp, however difficult to be approached, and however strongly posted. townshend and murray, with their brigades, were to cross the montmorency at low tide, below the falls, and storm the redoubt thrown up in front of the ford. monckton, at the same time, was to cross, with part of his brigade, in boats from point levi. the ship centurion, stationed in the channel, was to check the fire of a battery which commanded the ford; a train of artillery, planted on an eminence, was to enfilade the enemy's intrenchments; and two armed, flat-bottomed boats, were to be run on shore, near the redoubt, and favor the crossing of the troops. as usual, in complicated orders, part were misunderstood, or neglected, and confusion was the consequence. many of the boats from point levi ran aground on a shallow in the river, where they were exposed to a severe fire of shot and shells. wolfe, who was on the shore, directing every thing, endeavored to stop his impatient troops until the boats could be got afloat, and the men landed. thirteen companies of grenadiers, and two hundred provincials were the first to land. without waiting for brigadier monckton and his regiments; without waiting for the co-operation of the troops under townshend; without waiting even to be drawn up in form, the grenadiers rushed impetuously towards the enemy's intrenchments. a sheeted fire mowed them down, and drove them to take shelter behind the redoubt, near the ford, which the enemy had abandoned. here they remained, unable to form under the galling fire to which they were exposed, whenever they ventured from their covert. monckton's brigade at length was landed, drawn up in order, and advanced to their relief, driving back the enemy. thus protected, the grenadiers retreated as precipitately as they had advanced, leaving many of their comrades wounded on the field, who were massacred and scalped in their sight, by the savages. the delay thus caused was fatal to the enterprise. the day was advanced; the weather became stormy; the tide began to make; at a later hour, retreat, in case of a second repulse, would be impossible, wolfe, therefore, gave up the attack, and withdrew across the river, having lost upwards of four hundred men, through this headlong impetuosity of the grenadiers. the two vessels which had been run aground, were set on fire, lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy. [footnote: wolfe's letter to pitt, sept. d, .] brigadier murray was now detached with twelve hundred men, in transports, to ascend above the town, and co-operate with rear-admiral holmes, in destroying the enemy's shipping, and making descents upon the north shore. the shipping were safe from attack; some stores and ammunition were destroyed; some prisoners taken, and murray returned with the news of the capture of fort niagara, ticonderoga, and crown point, and that amherst was preparing to attack the isle aux noix. wolfe, of a delicate constitution and sensitive nature, had been deeply mortified by the severe check sustained at the falls of montmorency, fancying himself disgraced; and these successes of his fellow-commanders in other parts increased his self-upbraiding. the difficulties multiplying around him, and the delay of general amherst in hastening to his aid, preyed incessantly on his spirits; he was dejected even to despondency, and declared he would never return without success, to be exposed, like other unfortunate commanders, to the sneers and reproaches of the populace. the agitation of his mind, and his acute sensibility, brought on a fever, which for some time incapacitated him from taking the field. in the midst of his illness he called a council of war, in which the whole plan of operations was altered. it was determined to convey troops above the town, and endeavor to make a diversion in that direction, or draw montcalm into the open field. before carrying this plan into effect, wolfe again reconnoitred the town in company with admiral saunders, but nothing better suggested itself. the brief canadian summer was over; they were in the month of september. the camp at montmorency was broken up. the troops were transported to point levi, leaving a sufficient number to man the batteries on the isle of orleans. on the fifth and sixth of september the embarkation took place above point levi, in transports which had been sent up for the purpose. montcalm detached de bougainville with fifteen hundred men to keep along the north shore above the town, watch the movements of the squadron, and prevent a landing. to deceive him, admiral holmes moved with the ships of war three leagues beyond the place where the landing was to be attempted. he was to drop down, however, in the night, and protect the landing. cook, the future discoverer, also, was employed with others to sound the river and place buoys opposite the camp of montcalm, as if an attack were meditated in that quarter. wolfe was still suffering under the effects of his late fever. "my constitution," writes he to a friend, "is entirely ruined, without the consolation of having done any considerable service to the state, and without any prospect of it." still he was unremitting in his exertions, seeking to wipe out the fancied disgrace incurred at the falls of montmorency. it was in this mood he is said to have composed and sung at his evening mess that little campaigning song still linked with his name: why, soldiers, why should we be melancholy, boys? why, soldiers, why? whose business 'tis to die! even when embarked in his midnight enterprise, the presentiment of death seems to have cast its shadow over him. a midshipman who was present, [footnote: afterwards professor john robison, of edinburgh.] used to relate, that as wolfe sat among his officers, and the boats floated down silently with the current, he recited, in low and touching tones, gray's elegy in a country churchyard, then just published. one stanza may especially have accorded with his melancholy mood. "the boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, and all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave, await alike the inevitable hour. the paths of glory lead but to the grave." "now, gentlemen," said he, when he had finished, "i would rather be the author of that poem than take quebec." the descent was made in flat-bottomed boats, past midnight, on the th of september. they dropped down silently with the swift current. "_qui va la?_" (who goes there?) cried a sentinel from the shore. "_la france_," replied a captain in the first boat, who understood the french language. "_a quel regiment?_" was the demand. "_de la reine_" (the queen's), replied the captain, knowing that regiment was in de bougainville's detachment. fortunately, a convoy of provisions was expected down from de bougainville's, which the sentinel supposed this to be. "_passe_," cried he, and the boats glided on without further challenge. the landing took place in a cove near cape diamond, which still bears wolfe's name. he had marked it in reconnoitering, and saw that a cragged path straggled up from it to the heights of abraham, which might be climbed, though with difficulty, and that it appeared to be slightly guarded at top. wolfe was among the first that landed and ascended up the steep and narrow path, where not more than two could go abreast, and which had been broken up by cross ditches. colonel howe, at the same time, with the light infantry and highlanders, scrambled up the woody precipices, helping themselves by the roots and branches, and putting to flight a sergeant's guard posted at the summit. wolfe drew up the men in order as they mounted; and by the break of day found himself in possession of the fateful plains of abraham. montcalm was thunderstruck when word was brought to him in his camp that the english were on the heights threatening the weakest part of the town. abandoning his intrenchments, he hastened across the river st. charles and ascended the heights, which slope up gradually from its banks. his force was equal in number to that of the english, but a great part was made up of colony troops and savages. when he saw the formidable host of regulars he had to contend with, he sent off swift messengers to summon de bougainville with his detachment to his aid; and de vaudreuil to reinforce him, with fifteen hundred men from the camp. in the mean time he prepared to flank the left of the english line and force them to the opposite precipices. wolfe saw his aim, and sent brigadier townshend to counteract him with a regiment which was formed _en potence_, and supported by two battalions, presenting on the left a double front. the french, in their haste, thinking they were to repel a mere scouting party, had brought but three light field-pieces with them; the english had but a single gun, which the sailors had dragged up the heights. with these they cannonaded each other for a time, montcalm still waiting for the aid he had summoned. at length, about nine o'clock, losing all patience, he led on his disciplined troops to a close conflict with small arms, the indians to support them by a galling fire from thickets and corn-fields. the french advanced gallantly, but irregularly; firing rapidly, but with little effect. the english reserved their fire until their assailants were within forty yards, and then delivered it in deadly volleys. they suffered, however, from the lurking savages, who singled out the officers. wolfe, who was in front of the line, a conspicuous mark, was wounded by a ball in the wrist. he bound his handkerchief round the wound and led on the grenadiers, with fixed bayonets, to charge the foe, who began to waver. another ball struck him in the breast. he felt the wound to be mortal, and feared his fall might dishearten the troops. leaning on a lieutenant for support; "let not my brave fellows see me drop," said he faintly. he was borne off to the rear; water was brought to quench his thirst, and he was asked if he would have a surgeon. "it is needless," he replied; "it is all over with me." he desired those about him to lay him down. the lieutenant seated himself on the ground, and supported him in his arms. "they run! they run! see how they run!" cried one of the attendants. "who run?" demanded wolfe, earnestly, like one aroused from sleep. "the enemy, sir; they give way every where." the spirit of the expiring hero flashed up. "go, one of you, my lads, to colonel burton; tell him to march webb's regiment with all speed down to charles' river, to cut off the retreat by the bridge." then turning on his side; "now, god be praised, i will die in peace!" said he, and expired, [footnote: hist. jour. of capt. john knox, vol. i., p. .]--soothed in his last moments by the idea that victory would obliterate the imagined disgrace at montmorency. brigadier murray had indeed broken the centre of the enemy, and the highlanders were making deadly havoc with their claymores, driving the french into the town or down to their works on the river st. charles. monckton, the first brigadier, was disabled by a wound in the lungs, and the command devolved on townshend, who hastened to re-form the troops of the centre, disordered in pursuing the enemy. by this time de bougainville appeared at a distance in the rear, advancing with two thousand fresh troops, but he arrived too late to retrieve the day. the gallant montcalm had received his death-wound near st. john's gate, while endeavoring to rally his flying troops, and had been borne into the town. townshend advanced with a force to receive de bougainville; but the latter avoided a combat, and retired into woods and swamps, where it was not thought prudent to follow him. the english had obtained a complete victory; slain about five hundred of the enemy; taken above a thousand prisoners, and among them several officers; and had a strong position on the plains of abraham, which they hastened to fortify with redoubts and artillery, drawn up the heights. the brave montcalm wrote a letter to general townshend, recommending the prisoners to british humanity. when told by his surgeon that he could not survive above a few hours; "so much the better," replied he; "i shall not live to see the surrender of quebec." to de ramsey, the french king's lieutenant, who commanded the garrison, he consigned the defence of the city. "to your keeping," said he, "i commend the honor of france. i'll neither give orders, nor interfere any further. i have business to attend to of greater moment than your ruined garrison, and this wretched country. my time is short,--i shall pass this night with god, and prepare myself for death. i wish you all comfort; and to be happily extricated from your present perplexities." he then called for his chaplain, who, with the bishop of the colony, remained with him through the night. he expired early in the morning, dying like a brave soldier and a devout catholic. never did two worthier foes mingle their life blood on the battle-field than wolfe and montcalm. [footnote: knox; hist. jour., vol. i., p. .] preparations were now made by the army and the fleet to make an attack on both upper and lower town; but the spirit of the garrison was broken, and the inhabitants were clamorous for the safety of their wives and children. on the th of september, quebec capitulated, and was taken possession of by the british, who hastened to put it in a complete posture of defence. a garrison of six thousand effective men was placed in it, under the command of brigadier-general murray, and victualled from the fleet. general townshend embarked with admiral saunders, and returned to england; and the wounded general monckton was conveyed to new york, of which he afterwards became governor. had amherst followed up his success at ticonderoga the preceding summer, the year's campaign would have ended, as had been projected, in the subjugation of canada. his cautious delay gave de levi, the successor of montcalm, time to rally, concentrate the scattered french forces, and struggle for the salvation of the province. in the following spring, as soon as the river st. lawrence opened, he approached quebec, and landed at point an tremble, about twelve miles off. the garrison had suffered dreadfully during the winter from excessive cold; want of vegetables and of fresh provisions. many had died of scurvy, and many more were ill. murray, sanguine and injudicious, on hearing that de levi was advancing with ten thousand men, and five hundred indians, sallied out with his diminished forces of not more than three thousand. english soldiers, he boasted, were habituated to victory; he had a fine train of artillery, and stood a better chance in the field than cooped up in a wretched fortification. if defeated, he would defend the place to the last extremity, and then retreat to the isle of orleans, and wait for reinforcements. more brave than discreet, he attacked the vanguard of the enemy; the battle which took place was fierce and sanguinary. murray's troops had caught his own headlong valor, and fought until near a third of their number were slain. they were at length driven back into the town, leaving their boasted train of artillery on the field. de levi opened trenches before the town the very evening of the battle. three french ships, which had descended the river, furnished him with cannon, mortars, and ammunition. by the th of may, he had one bomb battery, and three batteries of cannon. murray, equally alert within the walls, strengthened his defences, and kept up a vigorous fire. his garrison was now reduced to two hundred and twenty effective men, and he himself, with all his vaunting spirit, was driven almost to despair, when a british fleet arrived in the river. the whole scene was now reversed. one of the french frigates was driven on the rocks above cape diamond; another ran on shore, and was burnt; the rest of their vessels were either taken, or destroyed. the besieging army retreated in the night, leaving provisions, implements, and artillery behind them; and so rapid was their flight, that murray, who sallied forth on the following day, could not overtake them. a last stand for the preservation of the colony was now made by the french at montreal, where de vaudreuil fixed his headquarters, fortified himself, and called in all possible aid, canadian and indian. the cautious, but tardy amherst was now in the field to carry out the plan in which he had fallen short in the previous year. he sent orders to general murray to advance by water against montreal, with all the force that could be spared from quebec; he detached a body of troops under colonel haviland from crown point, to cross lake champlain, take possession of the isle aux noix, and push on to the st. lawrence, while he took the roundabout way with his main army by the mohawk and oneida rivers to lake ontario; thence to descend the st. lawrence to montreal. murray, according to orders, embarked his troops in a great number of small vessels, and ascended the river in characteristic style, publishing manifestoes in the canadian villages, disarming the inhabitants, and exacting the oath of neutrality. he looked forward to new laurels at montreal, but the slow and sure amherst had anticipated him. that worthy general, after delaying on lake ontario to send out cruisers, and stopping to repair petty forts on the upper part of the st. lawrence, which had been deserted by their garrisons, or surrendered without firing a gun, arrived on the th of september at the island of montreal, routed some light skirmishing parties, and presented himself before the town. vaudreuil found himself threatened by an army of nearly ten thousand men, and a host of indians; for amherst had called in the aid of sir william johnson, and his mohawk braves. to withstand a siege in an almost open town against such superior force, was out of the question; especially as murray from quebec, and haviland from crown point, were at hand with additional troops. a capitulation accordingly took place on the th of september, including the surrender not merely of montreal, but of all canada. thus ended the contest between france and england for dominion in america, in which, as has been said, the first gun was fired in washington's encounter with de jumonville. a french statesman and diplomatist consoled himself by the persuasion that it would be a fatal triumph to england. it would remove the only check by which her colonies were kept in awe. "they will no longer need her protection," said he; "she will call on them to contribute toward supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her, and _they will answer by striking off_ all _dependence_." [footnote: count de vergennes, french ambassador at constantinople.] chapter xxvi. washington's installation in the house of burgesses--his rural life--mount vernon and its vicinity--aristocratical days of virginia--washington's management of his estate--domestic habits--fox-hunting--lord fairfax-- fishing and duck-shooting--the poacher--lynch law--aquatic state--life at annapolis--washington in the dismal swamp. for three months after his marriage, washington resided with his bride at the "white house." during his sojourn there, he repaired to williamsburg, to take his seat in the house of burgesses. by a vote of the house, it had been determined to greet his instalment by a signal testimonial of respect. accordingly, as soon as he took his seat, mr. robinson, the speaker, in eloquent language, dictated by the warmth of private friendship, returned thanks, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services he had rendered to his country. washington rose to reply; blushed-stammered-trembled, and could not utter a word. "sit down, mr. washington," said the speaker, with a smile; "your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language i possess." such was washington's first launch into civil life, in which he was to be distinguished by the same judgment, devotion, courage, and magnanimity exhibited in his military career. he attended the house frequently during the remainder of the session, after which he conducted his bride to his favorite abode of mount vernon. mr. custis, the first husband of mrs. washington, had left large landed property, and forty-five thousand pounds sterling in money. one third fell to his widow in her own right; two thirds were inherited equally by her two children,--a boy of six, and a girl of four years of age. by a decree of the general court, washington was intrusted with the care of the property inherited by the children; a sacred and delicate trust, which he discharged in the most faithful and judicious manner; becoming more like a parent, than a mere guardian to them. from a letter to his correspondent in england, it would appear that he had long entertained a desire to visit that country. had he done so, his acknowledged merit and military services would have insured him a distinguished reception; and it has been intimated, that the signal favor of government might have changed the current of his career. we believe him, however, to have been too pure a patriot, and too clearly possessed of the true interests of his country, to be diverted from the course which he ultimately adopted. his marriage, at any rate, had put an end to all travelling inclinations. in his letter from mount vernon, he writes: "i am now, i believe, fixed in this seat, with an agreeable partner for life, and i hope to find more happiness in retirement than i ever experienced in the wide and bustling world." this was no utopian dream transiently indulged, amid the charms of novelty. it was a deliberate purpose with him, the result of innate and enduring inclinations. throughout the whole course of his career, agricultural life appears to have been his _beau ideal_ of existence, which haunted his thoughts even amid the stern duties of the field, and to which he recurred with unflagging interest whenever enabled to indulge his natural bias. mount vernon was his harbor of repose, where he repeatedly furled his sail, and fancied himself anchored for life. no impulse of ambition tempted him thence; nothing but the call of his country, and his devotion to the public good. the place was endeared to him by the remembrance of his brother lawrence, and of the happy days he had passed here with that brother in the days of boyhood; but it was a delightful place in itself, and well calculated to inspire the rural feeling. the mansion was beautifully situated on a swelling height, crowned with wood, and commanding a magnificent view up and down the potomac. the grounds immediately about it were laid out somewhat in the english taste. the estate was apportioned into separate farms, devoted to different kinds of culture, each having its allotted laborers. much, however, was still covered with wild woods, seamed with deep dells and runs of water, and indented with inlets; haunts of deer, and lurking-places of foxes. the whole woody region along the potomac from mount vernon to belvoir, and far beyond, with its range of forests and hills, and picturesque promontories, afforded sport of various kinds, and was a noble hunting-ground. washington had hunted through it with old lord fairfax in his stripling days; we do not wonder that his feelings throughout life incessantly reverted to it. "no estate in united america," observes he, in one of his letters, "is more pleasantly situated. in a high and healthy country; in a latitude between the extremes of heat and cold; on one of the finest rivers in the world; a river well stocked with various kinds of fish at all seasons of the year, and in the spring with shad, herrings, bass, carp, sturgeon, &c., in great abundance. the borders of the estate are washed by more than ten miles of tide water; several valuable fisheries appertain to it: the whole shore, in fact, is one entire fishery." these were, as yet, the aristocratical days of virginia. the estates were large, and continued in the same families by entails. many of the wealthy planters were connected with old families in england. the young men, especially the elder sons, were often sent to finish their education there, and on their return brought out the tastes and habits of the mother country. the governors of virginia were from the higher ranks of society, and maintained a corresponding state. the "established," or episcopal church, predominated throughout the "ancient dominion," as it was termed; each county was divided into parishes, as in england,--each with its parochial church, its parsonage, and glebe. washington was vestryman of two parishes, fairfax and truro; the parochial church of the former was at alexandria, ten miles from mount vernon; of the latter, at pohick, about seven miles. the church at pohick was rebuilt on a plan of his own, and in a great measure at his expense. at one or other of these churches he attended every sunday, when the weather and the roads permitted. his demeanor was reverential and devout. mrs. washington knelt during the prayers; he always stood, as was the custom at that time. both were communicants. among his occasional visitors and associates were captain hugh mercer and dr. craik; the former, after his narrow escapes from the tomahawk and scalping-knife, was quietly settled at fredericksburg; the latter, after the campaigns on the frontier were over, had taken up his residence at alexandria, and was now washington's family physician. both were drawn to him by campaigning ties and recollections, and were ever welcome at mount vernon. a style of living prevailed among the opulent virginian families in those days that has long since faded away. the houses were spacious, commodious, liberal in all their appointments, and fitted to cope with the free-handed, open-hearted hospitality of the owners. nothing was more common than to see handsome services of plate, elegant equipages, and superb carriage horses--all imported from england. the virginians have always been noted for their love of horses; a manly passion which, in those days of opulence, they indulged without regard to expense. the rich planters vied with each other in their studs, importing the best english stocks. mention is made of one of the randolphs of tuckahoe, who built a stable for his favorite dapple-gray horse, shakespeare, with a recess for the bed of the negro groom, who always slept beside him at night. washington, by his marriage, had added above one hundred thousand dollars to his already considerable fortune, and was enabled to live in ample and dignified style. his intimacy with the fairfaxes, and his intercourse with british officers of rank, had perhaps had their influence on his mode of living. he had his chariot and four, with black postilions in livery, for the use of mrs. washington and her lady visitors. as for himself, he always appeared on horseback. his stable was well filled and admirably regulated. his stud was thoroughbred and in excellent order. his household books contain registers of the names, ages, and marks of his various horses; such as ajax, blueskin, valiant, magnolia (an arab), &c. also his dogs, chiefly fox-hounds, vulcan, singer, ringwood, sweetlips, forrester, music, rockwood, truelove, &c. [footnote: in one of his letter-books we find orders on his london agent for riding equipments. for example: man's riding-saddle, hogskin seat, large plated stirrups and every thing complete. double reined bridle and pelham bit, plated. a very neat and fashionable newmarket saddle-cloth. a large and best portmanteau, saddle, bridle, and pillion. cloak-bag surcingle; checked saddle-cloth, holsters, &c. a riding-frock of a handsome drab-colored broadcloth, with plain double gilt buttons. a riding waistcoat of superfine scarlet cloth and gold lace, with buttons like those of the coat. a blue surtout coat. a neat switch whip, silver cap. black velvet cap for servant.] a large virginia estate, in those days, was a little empire. the mansion-house was the seat of government, with its numerous dependencies, such as kitchens, smoke-house, workshops and stables. in this mansion the planter ruled supreme; his steward or overseer was his prime minister and executive officer; he had his legion of house negroes for domestic service, and his host of field negroes for the culture of tobacco, indian corn, and other crops, and for other out of door labor. their quarter formed a kind of hamlet apart, composed of various huts, with little gardens and poultry yards, all well stocked, and swarms of little negroes gambolling in the sunshine. then there were large wooden edifices for curing tobacco, the staple and most profitable production, and mills for grinding wheat and indian corn, of which large fields were cultivated for the supply of the family and the maintenance of the negroes. among the slaves were artificers of all kinds, tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, smiths, wheelwrights, and so forth; so that a plantation produced every thing within itself for ordinary use: as to articles of fashion and elegance, luxuries, and expensive clothing, they were imported from london; for the planters on the main rivers, especially the potomac, carried on an immediate trade with england. their tobacco was put up by their own negroes, bore their own marks, was shipped on board of vessels which came up the rivers for the purpose, and consigned to some agent in liverpool or bristol, with whom the planter kept an account. the virginia planters were prone to leave the care of their estates too much to their overseers, and to think personal labor a degradation. washington carried into his rural affairs the same method, activity, and circumspection that had distinguished him in military life. he kept his own accounts, posted up his books and balanced them with mercantile exactness. we have examined them as well as his diaries recording his daily occupations, and his letter-books, containing entries of shipments of tobacco, and correspondence with his london agents. they are monuments of his business habits. [footnote: the following letter of washington to his london correspondents will give an idea of the early intercourse of the virginia planters with the mother country. "our goods by the liberty, capt. walker, came to hand in good order and soon after his arrival, as they generally do when shipped in a vessel to this river [the potomac], and scarce ever when they go to any others; for it don't often happen that a vessel bound to one river has goods of any consequence to another; and the masters, in these cases, keep the packages till an accidental conveyance offers, and for want of better opportunities frequently commit them to boatmen who care very little for the goods so they get their freight, and often land them wherever it suits their convenience, not where they have engaged to do so. ... a ship from london to virginia may be in rappahannock or any of the other rivers three months before i know any thing of their arrival, and may make twenty voyages without my seeing or even hearing of the captain."] the products of his estate also became so noted for the faithfulness, as to quality and quantity, with which they were put up, that it is said any barrel of flour that bore the brand of george washington, mount vernon, was exempted from the customary inspection in the west india ports. [footnote: speech of the hon. robert c. winthrop on laying the corner-stone of washington's monument.] he was an early riser, often before daybreak in the winter when the nights were long. on such occasions he lit his own fire and wrote or read by candle-light. he breakfasted at seven in summer, at eight in winter. two small cups of tea and three or four cakes of indian meal (called hoe cakes), formed his frugal repast. immediately after breakfast he mounted his horse and visited those parts of the estate where any work was going on, seeing to every thing with his own eyes, and often aiding with his own hand. dinner was served at two o'clock. he ate heartily, but was no epicure, nor critical about his food. his beverage was small beer or cider, and two glasses of old madeira. he took tea, of which he was very fond, early in the evening, and retired for the night about nine o'clock. if confined to the house by bad weather, he took that occasion to arrange his papers, post up his accounts, or write letters; passing part of the time in reading, and occasionally reading aloud to the family. he treated his negroes with kindness; attended to their comforts; was particularly careful of them in sickness; but never tolerated idleness, and exacted a faithful performance of all their allotted tasks. he had a quick eye at calculating each man's capabilities. an entry in his diary gives a curious instance of this. four of his negroes, employed as carpenters, were hewing and shaping timber. it appeared to him, in noticing the amount of work accomplished between two succeeding mornings, that they loitered at their labor. sitting down quietly he timed their operations; how long it took them to get their cross-cut saw and other implements ready; how long to clear away the branches from the trunk of a fallen tree; how long to hew and saw it; what time was expended in considering and consulting, and after all, how much work was effected during the time he looked on. from this he made his computation how much they could execute in the course of a day, working entirely at their ease. at another time we find him working for a part of two days with peter, his smith, to make a plough on a new invention of his own. this, after two or three failures, he accomplished. then, with less than his usual judgment, he put his two chariot horses to the plough, and ran a great risk of spoiling them, in giving his new invention a trial over ground thickly swarded. anon, during a thunderstorm, a frightened negro alarms the house with word that the mill is giving way, upon which there is a general turn out of all the forces, with washington at their head, wheeling and shovelling gravel, during a pelting rain, to check the rushing water. washington delighted in the chase. in the hunting season, when he rode out early in the morning to visit distant parts of the estate, where work was going on, he often took some of the dogs with him for the chance of starting a fox, which he occasionally did, though he was not always successful in killing him. he was a bold rider and an admirable horseman, though he never claimed the merit of being an accomplished fox-hunter. in the height of the season, however, he would be out with the foxhounds two or three times a week, accompanied by his guests at mount vernon and the gentlemen of the neighborhood, especially the fairfaxes of belvoir, of which estate his friend george william fairfax was now the proprietor. on such occasions there would be a hunting dinner at one or other of those establishments, at which convivial repasts washington is said to have enjoyed himself with unwonted hilarity. now and then his old friend and instructor in the noble art of venery, lord fairfax, would be on a visit to his relatives at belvoir, and then the hunting was kept up with unusual spirit. [footnote: hunting memoranda from washington's journal, mount vernon. nov. .--hunting with lord fairfax and his brother, and colonel fairfax. nov. .--mr. bryan fairfax, mr. grayson, and phil. alexander came here by sunrise. hunted and catched a fox with these, lord fairfax, his brother, and col. fairfax,--all of whom, with mr. fairfax and mr. wilson of england, dined here. th and th.--hunted again with the same company. dec. .--fox-hunting with lord fairfax and his brother, and colonel fairfax. started a fox and lost it. dined at belvoir, and returned in the evening.] his lordship, however, since the alarms of indian war had ceased, lived almost entirely at greenway court, where washington was occasionally a guest, when called by public business to winchester. lord fairfax had made himself a favorite throughout the neighborhood. as lord-lieutenant and custos rotulorum of frederick county, he presided at county courts held at winchester, where, during the sessions, he kept open table. he acted also as surveyor and overseer of the public roads and highways, and was unremitted in his exertions and plans for the improvement of the country. hunting, however, was his passion. when the sport was poor near home, he would take his hounds to a distant part of the country, establish himself at an inn, and keep open house and open table to every person of good character and respectable appearance who chose to join him in following the hounds. it was probably in quest of sport of the kind that he now and then, in the hunting season, revisited his old haunts and former companions on the banks of the potomac, and then the beautiful woodland region about belvoir and mount vernon was sure to ring at early morn with the inspiring music of the hound. the waters of the potomac also afforded occasional amusement in fishing and shooting. the fishing was sometimes on a grand scale, when the herrings came up the river in shoals, and the negroes of mount vernon were marshalled forth to draw the seine, which was generally done with great success. canvas-back ducks abounded at the proper season, and the shooting of them was one of washington's favorite recreations. the river border of his domain, however, was somewhat subject to invasion. an oysterman once anchored his craft at the landing-place, and disturbed the quiet of the neighborhood by the insolent and disorderly conduct of himself and crew. it took a campaign of three days to expel these invaders from the premises. a more summary course was pursued with another interloper. this was a vagabond who infested the creeks and inlets which bordered the estate, lurking in a canoe among the reeds and bushes, and making great havoc among the canvas-back ducks. he had been warned off repeatedly, but without effect. as washington was one day riding about the estate he heard the report of a gun from the margin of the river. spurring in that direction he dashed through the bushes and came upon the culprit just as he was pushing his canoe from shore. the latter raised his gun with a menacing look; but washington rode into the stream, seized the painter of the canoe, drew it to shore, sprang from his horse, wrested the gun from the hands of the astonished delinquent, and inflicted on him a lesson in "lynch law" that effectually cured him of all inclination to trespass again on these forbidden shores. the potomac, in the palmy days of virginia, was occasionally the scene of a little aquatic state and ostentation among the rich planters who resided on its banks. they had beautiful barges, which, like their land equipages, were imported from england; and mention is made of a mr. digges who always received washington in his barge, rowed by six negroes, arrayed in a kind of uniform of check shirts and black velvet caps. at one time, according to notes in washington's diary, the whole neighborhood is thrown into a paroxysm of festivity, by the anchoring of a british frigate (the boston) in the river, just in front of the hospitable mansion of the fairfaxes. a succession of dinners and breakfasts takes place at mount vernon and belvoir, with occasional tea parties on board of the frigate. the commander, sir thomas adams, his officers, and his midshipmen, are cherished guests, and have the freedom of both establishments. occasionally he and mrs. washington would pay a visit to annapolis, at that time the seat of government of maryland, and partake of the gayeties which prevailed during the session of the legislature. the society of these seats of provincial governments was always polite and fashionable, and more exclusive than in these republican days, being, in a manner, the outposts of the english aristocracy, where all places of dignity or profit were secured for younger sons, and poor, but proud relatives. during the session of the legislature, dinners and balls abounded, and there were occasional attempts at theatricals. the latter was an amusement for which washington always had a relish, though he never had an opportunity of gratifying it effectually. neither was he disinclined to mingle in the dance, and we remember to have heard venerable ladies, who had been belles in his day, pride themselves on having had him for a partner, though, they added, he was apt to be a ceremonious and grave one. [footnote: we have had an amusing picture of annapolis, as it was at this period, furnished to us, some years since by an octogenarian who had resided there in his boyhood. "in those parts of the country," said he, "where the roads were too rough for carriages, the ladies used to ride on ponies, followed by black servants on horseback; in this way his mother, then advanced in life, used to travel, in a scarlet cloth riding habit, which she had procured from england. nay, in this way, on emergencies," he added, "the young ladies from the country used to come to the balls at annapolis, riding with their hoops arranged 'fore and aft' like lateen sails; and after dancing all night, would ride home again in the morning."] in this round of rural occupation, rural amusements, and social intercourse, washington passed several tranquil years, the halcyon season of his life. his already established reputation drew many visitors to mount vernon; some of his early companions in arms were his occasional guests, and his friendships and connections linked him with some of the most prominent and worthy people of the country, who were sure to be received with cordial, but simple and unpretending hospitality. his marriage was unblessed with children; but those of mrs. washington experienced from him parental care and affection, and the formation of their minds and manners was one of the dearest objects of his attention. his domestic concerns and social enjoyments, however, were not permitted to interfere with his public duties. he was active by nature, and eminently a man of business by habit. as judge of the county court, and member of the house of burgesses, he had numerous calls upon his time and thoughts, and was often drawn from home; for whatever trust he undertook, he was sure to fulfil with scrupulous exactness. about this time we find him engaged, with other men of enterprise, in a project to drain the great dismal swamp, and render it capable of cultivation. this vast morass was about thirty miles long, and ten miles wide, and its interior but little known. with his usual zeal and hardihood he explored it on horseback and on foot. in many parts it was covered with dark and gloomy woods of cedar, cypress, and hemlock, or deciduous trees, the branches of which were hung with long drooping moss. other parts were almost inaccessible, from the density of brakes and thickets, entangled with vines, briers, and creeping plants, and intersected by creeks and standing pools. occasionally the soil, composed of dead vegetable fibre, was over his horse's fetlocks, and sometimes he had to dismount and make his way on foot over a quaking bog that shook beneath his tread. in the centre of the morass he came to a great piece of water, six miles long, and three broad, called drummond's pond, but more poetically celebrated as the lake of the dismal swamp. it was more elevated than any other part of the swamp, and capable of feeding canals, by which the whole might be traversed. having made the circuit of it, and noted all its characteristics, he encamped for the night upon the firm land which bordered it, and finished his explorations on the following day. in the ensuing session of the virginia legislature, the association in behalf of which he had acted, was chartered under the name of the dismal swamp company; and to his observations and forecast may be traced the subsequent improvement and prosperity of that once desolate region. chapter xxvii. treaty of peace--pontiac's war--course of public events--board of trade against paper currency--restrictive policy of england--navigation laws-- discontents in new england--of the other colonies--projects to raise revenue by taxation--blow at the independence of the judiciary--naval commanders employed as custom-house officers--retaliation of the colonists--taxation resisted in boston--passing of the stamp act--burst of opposition in virginia--speech of patrick henry. tidings of peace gladdened the colonies in the spring of . the definitive treaty between england and france had been signed at fontainbleau. now, it was trusted, there would be an end to those horrid ravages that had desolated the interior of the country. "the desert and the silent place would rejoice, and the wilderness would blossom like the rose." the month of may proved the fallacy of such hopes. in that month the famous insurrection of the indian tribes broke out, which, from the name of the chief who was its prime mover and master spirit, is commonly called pontiac's war. the delawares and shawnees, and other of those emigrant tribes of the ohio, among whom washington had mingled, were foremost in this conspiracy. some of the chiefs who had been his allies, had now taken up the hatchet against the english. the plot was deep laid, and conducted with. indian craft and secrecy. at a concerted time an attack was made upon all the posts from detroit to fort pitt (late fort duquesne). several of the small stockaded forts, the places of refuge of woodland neighborhoods, were surprised and sacked with remorseless butchery. the frontiers of pennsylvania, maryland, and virginia, were laid waste; traders in the wilderness were plundered and slain; hamlets and farmhouses were wrapped in flames, and their inhabitants massacred. shingis, with his delaware warriors, blockaded fort pitt, which, for some time, was in imminent danger. detroit, also, came near falling into the hands of the savages. it needed all the influence of sir william johnson, that potentate in savage life, to keep the six nations from joining this formidable conspiracy; had they done so, the triumph of the tomahawk and scalping knife would have been complete; as it was, a considerable time elapsed before the frontier was restored to tolerable tranquillity. fortunately, washington's retirement from the army prevented his being entangled in this savage war, which raged throughout the regions he had repeatedly visited, or rather his active spirit had been diverted into a more peaceful channel, for he was at this time occupied in the enterprise just noticed, for draining the great dismal swamp. public events were now taking a tendency which, without any political aspiration or forethought of his own, was destined gradually to bear him away from his quiet home and individual pursuits, and launch him upon a grander and wider sphere of action than any in which he had hitherto been engaged. the prediction of the count de vergennes was in the process of fulfilment. the recent war of great britain for dominion in america, though crowned with success, had engendered a progeny of discontents in her colonies. washington was among the first to perceive its bitter fruits. british merchants had complained loudly of losses sustained by the depreciation of the colonial paper, issued during the late war, in times of emergency, and had addressed a memorial on the subject to the board of trade. scarce was peace concluded, when an order from the board declared that no paper, issued by colonial assemblies, should thenceforward be a legal tender in the payment of debts. washington deprecated this "stir of the merchants" as peculiarly ill-timed; and expressed an apprehension that the orders in question "would get the whole country in flames." we do not profess, in this personal memoir, to enter into a wide scope of general history, but shall content ourselves with a glance at the circumstances and events which gradually kindled the conflagration thus apprehended by the anxious mind of washington. whatever might be the natural affection of the colonies for the mother country,--and there are abundant evidences to prove that it was deep-rooted and strong,--it had never been properly reciprocated. they yearned to be considered as children; they were treated by her as changelings. burke testifies that her policy toward them from the beginning had been purely commercial, and her commercial policy wholly restrictive. "it was the system of a monopoly." her navigation laws had shut their ports against foreign vessels; obliged them to export their productions only to countries belonging to the british crown; to import european goods solely from england, and in english ships; and had subjected the trade between the colonies to duties. all manufactures, too, in the colonies that might interfere with those of the mother country had been either totally prohibited, or subjected to intolerable restraints. the acts of parliament, imposing these prohibitions and restrictions, had at various times produced sore discontent and opposition on the part of the colonies, especially among those of new england. the interests of these last were chiefly commercial, and among them the republican spirit predominated. they had sprung into existence during that part of the reign of james i. when disputes ran high about kingly prerogative and popular privilege. the pilgrims, as they styled themselves, who founded plymouth colony in , had been incensed while in england by what they stigmatized as the oppressions of the monarchy, and the established church. they had sought the wilds of america for the indulgence of freedom of opinion, and had brought with them the spirit of independence and self-government. those who followed them in the reign of charles i. were imbued with the same spirit, and gave a lasting character to the people of new england. other colonies, having been formed under other circumstances, might be inclined toward a monarchical government, and disposed to acquiesce in its exactions; but the republican spirit was ever alive in new england, watching over "natural and chartered rights," and prompt to defend them against any infringement. its example and instigation had gradually an effect on the other colonies; a general impatience was evinced from time to time of parliamentary interference in colonial affairs, and a disposition in the various provincial legislatures to think and act for themselves in matters of civil and religious, as well as commercial polity. there was nothing, however, to which the jealous sensibilities of the colonies were more alive than to any attempt of the mother country to draw a revenue from them by taxation. from the earliest period of their existence, they had maintained the principle that they could only be taxed by a legislature in which they were represented. sir robert walpole, when at the head of the british government, was aware of their jealous sensibility on this point, and cautious of provoking it. when american taxation was suggested, "it must be a bolder man than himself," he replied, "and one less friendly to commerce, who should venture on such an expedient. for his part, he would encourage the trade of the colonies to the utmost; one half of the profits would be sure to come into the royal exchequer through the increased demand for british manufactures. _this_" said he, sagaciously, "_is taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and laws_." subsequent ministers adopted a widely different policy. during the progress of the french war, various projects were discussed in england with regard to the colonies, which were to be carried into effect on the return of peace. the open avowal of some of these plans, and vague rumors of others, more than ever irritated the jealous feelings of the colonists, and put the dragon spirit of new england on the alert. in , there was an attempt in boston to collect duties on foreign sugar and molasses imported into the colonies. writs of assistance were applied for by the custom-house officers, authorizing them to break open ships, stores, and private dwellings, in quest of articles that had paid no duty; and to call the assistance of others in the discharge of their odious task. the merchants opposed the execution of the writ on constitutional grounds. the question was argued in court, where james otis spoke so eloquently in vindication of american rights, that all his hearers went away ready to take arms against writs of assistance. "then and there," says john adams, who was present, "was the first scene of opposition to the arbitrary claims of great britain. then and there american independence was born." another ministerial measure was to instruct the provincial governors to commission judges. not as theretofore "during good behavior," but "during the king's pleasure." new york was the first to resent this blow at the independence of the judiciary. the lawyers appealed to the public through the press against an act which subjected the halls of justice to the prerogative. their appeals were felt beyond the bounds of the province, and awakened a general spirit of resistance. thus matters stood at the conclusion of the war. one of the first measures of ministers, on the return of peace, was to enjoin on all naval officers stationed on the coasts of the american colonies the performance, under oath, of the duties of custom-house officers, for the suppression of smuggling. this fell ruinously upon a clandestine trade which had long been connived at between the english and spanish colonies, profitable to both, but especially to the former, and beneficial to the mother country, opening a market to her manufactures. "men-of-war," says burke, "were for the first time armed with the regular commissions of custom-house officers, invested the coasts, and gave the collection of revenue the air of hostile contribution. ... they fell so indiscriminately on all sorts of contraband, or supposed contraband, that some of the most valuable branches of trade were driven violently from our ports, which caused an universal consternation throughout the colonies." [footnote: burke on the state of the nation.] as a measure of retaliation, the colonists resolved not to purchase british fabrics, but to clothe themselves as much as possible in home manufactures. the demand for british goods in boston alone was diminished upwards of £ , sterling in the course of a year. in , george grenville, now at the head of government, ventured upon the policy from which walpole had so wisely abstained. early in march the eventful question was debated, "whether they had a right to tax america." it was decided in the affirmative. next followed a resolution, declaring it proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colonies and plantations, but no immediate step was taken to carry it into effect. mr. grenville, however, gave notice to the american agents in london, that he should introduce such a measure on the ensuing session of parliament. in the mean time parliament perpetuated certain duties on sugar and molasses--heretofore subjects of complaint and opposition--now reduced and modified so as to discourage smuggling, and thereby to render them more productive. duties, also, were imposed on other articles of foreign produce or manufacture imported into the colonies. to reconcile the latter to these impositions, it was stated that the revenue thus raised was to be appropriated to their protection and security; in other words, to the support of a standing army, intended to be quartered upon them. we have here briefly stated but a part of what burke terms an "infinite variety of paper chains," extending through no less than twenty-nine acts of parliament, from to , by which the colonies had been held in thraldom. the new englanders were the first to take the field against the project of taxation. they denounced it as a violation of their rights as freemen; of their chartered rights, by which they were to tax themselves for their support and defence; of their rights as british subjects, who ought not to be taxed but by themselves or their representatives. they sent petitions and remonstrances on the subject to the king, the lords and the commons, in which they were seconded by new york and virginia. franklin appeared in london at the head of agents from pennsylvania, connecticut and south carolina, to deprecate, in person, measures so fraught with mischief. the most eloquent arguments were used by british orators and statesmen to dissuade grenville from enforcing them. he was warned of the sturdy independence of the colonists, and the spirit of resistance he might provoke. all was in vain. grenville, "great in daring and little in views," says horace walpole, "was charmed to have an untrodden field before him of calculation and experiment." in march, , the act was passed, according to which all instruments in writing were to be executed on stamped paper, to be purchased from the agents of the british government. what was more: all offences against the act could be tried in any royal, marine or admiralty court throughout the colonies, however distant from the place where the offence had been committed; thus interfering with that most inestimable right, a trial by jury. it was an ominous sign that the first burst of opposition to this act should take place in virginia. that colony had hitherto been slow to accord with the republican spirit of new england. founded at an earlier period of the reign of james i., before kingly prerogative and ecclesiastical supremacy had been made matters of doubt and fierce dispute, it had grown up in loyal attachment to king, church, and constitution; was aristocratical in its tastes and habits, and had been remarked above all the other colonies for its sympathies with the mother country. moreover, it had not so many pecuniary interests involved in these questions as had the people of new england, being an agricultural rather than a commercial province; but the virginians are of a quick and generous spirit, readily aroused on all points of honorable pride, and they resented the stamp act as an outrage on their rights. washington occupied his seat in the house of burgesses, when, on the th of may, the stamp act became a subject of discussion. we have seen no previous opinions of his on the subject. his correspondence hitherto had not turned on political or speculative themes; being engrossed by either military or agricultural matters, and evincing little anticipation of the vortex of public duties into which he was about to be drawn. all his previous conduct and writings show a loyal devotion to the crown, with a patriotic attachment to his country. it is probable that on the present occasion that latent patriotism received its first electric shock. among the burgesses sat patrick henry, a young lawyer who had recently distinguished himself by pleading against the exercise of the royal prerogative in church matters, and who was now for the first time a member of the house. rising in his place, he introduced his celebrated resolutions, declaring that the general assembly of virginia had the exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants, and that whoever maintained the contrary should be deemed an enemy to the colony. the speaker, mr. robinson, objected to the resolutions, as inflammatory. henry vindicated them, as justified by the nature of the case; went into an able and constitutional discussion of colonial rights, and an eloquent exposition of the manner in which they had been assailed; wound up by one of those daring flights of declamation for which he was remarkable, and startled the house by a warning flash from history: "caesar had his brutus; charles his cromwell, and george the third--('treason! treason!' resounded from the neighborhood of the chair)--may profit by their examples," added henry. "sir, if this be treason (bowing to the speaker), make the most of it!" the resolutions were modified, to accommodate them to the scruples of the speaker and some of the members, but their spirit was retained. the lieutenant-governor (fauquier), startled by this patriotic outbreak, dissolved the assembly, and issued writs for a new election; but the clarion had sounded. "the resolves of the assembly of virginia," says a correspondent of the ministry, "gave the signal for a general outcry over the continent. the movers and supporters of them were applauded as the protectors and assertors of american liberty." [footnote: letter to secretary conway, new york, sept. .--_parliamentary register_.] chapter xxviii. washington's ideas concerning the stamp act--opposition to it in the colonies--portentous ceremonies at boston and new york--non-importation agreement among the merchants--washington and george mason--dismissal of grenville from the british cabinet--franklin before the house of commons-- repeal of the stamp act--joy of washington--fresh causes of colonial dissensions--circular of the general court of massachusetts--embarkation of troops for boston--measures of the bostonians. washington returned to mount vernon full of anxious thoughts inspired by the political events of the day, and the legislative scene which he witnessed. his recent letters had spoken of the state of peaceful tranquillity in which he was living; those now written from his rural home show that he fully participated in the popular feeling, and that while he had a presentiment of an arduous struggle, his patriotic mind was revolving means of coping with it. such is the tenor of a letter written to his wife's uncle, francis dandridge, then in london. "the stamp act," said he, "engrosses the conversation of the speculative part of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation as a direful attack upon their liberties, and loudly exclaim against the violation. what may be the result of this, and of some other (i think i may add ill-judged) measures, i will not undertake to determine; but this i may venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to the mother country will fall greatly short of the expectation of the ministry; for certain it is, that our whole substance already in a manner flows to great britain, and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our importations must be hurtful to her manufactures. the eyes of our people already begin to be opened; and they will perceive, that many luxuries, for which we lavish our substance in great britain, can well be dispensed with. this, consequently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary incitement to industry. ... as to the stamp act, regarded in a single view, one of the first bad consequences attending it, is, that our courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible, or next to impossible, under our present circumstances, that the act of parliament can be complied with, were we ever so willing to enforce its execution. and not to say (which alone would be sufficient) that we have not money enough to pay for the stamps, there are many other cogent reasons which prove that it would be ineffectual." a letter of the same date to his agents in london, of ample length and minute in all its details, shows that, while deeply interested in the course of public affairs, his practical mind was enabled thoroughly and ably to manage the financial concerns of his estate and of the estate of mrs. washington's son, john parke custis, towards whom, he acted the part of a faithful and affectionate guardian. in those days, virginia planters were still in direct and frequent correspondence with their london factors; and washington's letters respecting his shipments of tobacco, and the returns required in various articles for household and personal use, are perfect models for a man of business. and this may be remarked throughout his whole career, that no pressure of events nor multiplicity of cares prevented a clear, steadfast, undercurrent of attention to domestic affairs, and the interest and well-being of all dependent upon him. in the mean time, from his quiet abode at mount vernon, he seemed to hear the patriotic voice of patrick henry, which had startled the house of burgesses, echoing throughout the land, and rousing one legislative body after another to follow the example of that of virginia. at the instigation of the general court or assembly of massachusetts, a congress was held in new york in october, composed of delegates from massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsylvania, delaware, maryland, and south carolina. in this they denounced the acts of parliament imposing taxes on them without their consent, and extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, as violations of their rights and liberties as natural born subjects of great britain, and prepared an address to the king, and a petition to both houses of parliament, praying for redress. similar petitions were forwarded to england by the colonies not represented in the congress. the very preparations for enforcing the stamp act called forth popular tumults in various places. in boston the stamp distributor was hanged in effigy; his windows were broken; a house intended for a stamp office was pulled down, and the effigy burnt in a bonfire made of the fragments. the lieutenant-governor, chief justice, and sheriff, attempting to allay the tumult, were pelted. the stamp officer thought himself happy to be hanged merely in effigy, and next day publicly renounced the perilous office. various were the proceedings in other places, all manifesting public scorn and defiance of the act. in virginia, mr. george mercer had been appointed distributor of stamps, but on his arrival at williamsburg publicly declined officiating. it was a fresh triumph to the popular cause. the bells were rung for joy; the town was illuminated, and mercer was hailed with acclamations of the people. [footnote: holmes's annals, vol. ii., p. .] the st of november, the day when the act was to go into operation, was ushered in with portentous solemnities. there was great tolling of bells and burning of effigies in the new england colonies. at boston the ships displayed their colors but half-mast high. many shops were shut; funeral knells resounded from the steeples, and there was a grand auto-da-fe, in which the promoters of the act were paraded, and suffered martyrdom in effigy. at new york the printed act was carried about the streets on a pole, surmounted by a death's head, with a scroll bearing the inscription, "the folly of england and ruin of america." colden, the lieutenant-governor, who acquired considerable odium by recommending to government the taxation of the colonies, the institution of hereditary assemblies, and other tory measures, seeing that a popular storm was rising, retired into the fort, taking with him the stamp papers, and garrisoned it with marines from a ship of war. the mob broke into his stable; drew out his chariot; put his effigy into it; paraded it through the streets to the common (now the park), where they hung it on a gallows. in the evening it was taken down, put again into the chariot, with the devil for a companion, and escorted back by torchlight to the bowling green; where the whole pageant, chariot and all, was burnt under the very guns of the fort. these are specimens of the marks of popular reprobation with which the stamp act was universally nullified. no one would venture to carry it into execution. in fact no stamped paper was to be seen; all had been either destroyed or concealed. all transactions which required stamps to give them validity were suspended, or were executed by private compact. the courts of justice were closed, until at length some conducted their business without stamps. union was becoming the watch-word. the merchants of new york, philadelphia, boston, and such other colonies as had ventured publicly to oppose the stamp act, agreed to import no more british manufactures after the st of january unless it should be repealed. so passed away the year . as yet washington took no prominent part in the public agitation. indeed he was never disposed to put himself forward on popular occasions, his innate modesty forbade it; it was others who knew his worth that called him forth; but when once he engaged in any public measure, he devoted himself to it with conscientiousness and persevering zeal. at present he remained a quiet but vigilant observer of events from his eagle nest at mount vernon. he had some few intimates in his neighborhood who accorded with him in sentiment. one of the ablest and most efficient of these was mr. george mason, with whom he had occasional conversations on the state of affairs. his friends the fairfaxes, though liberal in feelings and opinions, were too strong in their devotion to the crown not to regard with an uneasy eye the tendency of the popular bias. from one motive or other, the earnest attention of all the inmates and visitors at mount vernon, was turned to england, watching the movements of the ministry. the dismissal of mr. grenville from the cabinet gave a temporary change to public affairs. perhaps nothing had a greater effect in favor of the colonies than an examination of dr. franklin before the house of commons, on the subject of the stamp act. "what," he was asked, "was the temper of america towards great britain, before the year ?" "the best in the world. they submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedience to the acts of parliament. numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. they were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper. they were led by a thread. they had not only a respect, but an affection for great britain, for its laws, its customs, and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. natives of great britain were always treated with particular regard; to be an old-england man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us." "and what is their temper now?" "oh! very much altered." "if the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the consequences?" "a total loss of the respect and affection the people of america bear to this country, and of all the commerce that depends on that respect and affection." "do you think the people of america would submit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated?" "no, never, unless compelled by force of arms." [footnote: parliamentary register, .] the act was repealed on the th of march, , to the great joy of the sincere friends of both countries, and to no one more than to washington. in one of his letters he observes: "had the parliament of great britain resolved upon enforcing it, the consequences, i conceive, would have been more direful than is generally apprehended, both to the mother country and her colonies. all, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every british subject, and have mine cordially." [footnote: sparks. writings of washington, ii., , note.] still, there was a fatal clause in the repeal, which declared that the king, with the consent of parliament, had power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to "bind the colonies, and people of america, in all cases whatsoever." as the people of america were contending for principles, not mere pecuniary interests, this reserved power of the crown and parliament left the dispute still open, and chilled the feeling of gratitude which the repeal might otherwise have inspired. further aliment for public discontent was furnished by other acts of parliament. one imposed duties on glass, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colors, and tea; the duties to be collected on the arrival of the articles in the colonies; another empowered naval officers to enforce the acts of trade and navigation. another wounded to the quick the pride and sensibilities of new york. the mutiny act had recently been extended to america, with an additional clause, requiring the provincial assemblies to provide the troops sent out with quarters, and to furnish them with fire, beds, candles, and other necessaries, at the expense of the colonies. the governor and assembly of new york refused to comply with, this requisition as to stationary forces, insisting that it applied only to troops on a march. an act of parliament now suspended the powers of the governor and assembly until they should comply. chatham attributed this opposition of the colonists to the mutiny act to "their jealousy of being somehow or other taxed internally by the parliament; the act," said he, "asserting the right of parliament, has certainly spread a most unfortunate jealousy and diffidence of government here throughout america, and makes them jealous of the least distinction between this country and that, lest the same principle may be extended to taxing them." [footnote: chatham's correspondence, vol. iii., p. - .] boston continued to be the focus of what the ministerialists termed sedition. the general court of massachusetts, not content with petitioning the king for relief against the recent measures of parliament, especially those imposing taxes as a means of revenue, drew up a circular, calling on the other colonial legislatures to join with them in suitable efforts to obtain redress. in the ensuing session, governor sir francis bernard called upon them to rescind the resolution on which the circular was founded,--they refused to comply, and the general court was consequently dissolved. the governors of colonies required of their legislatures an assurance that they would not reply to the massachusetts circular,--these legislatures likewise refused compliance and were dissolved. all this added to the growing excitement. memorials were addressed to the lords, spiritual and temporal, and remonstrances to the house of commons, against taxation for revenue, as destructive to the liberties of the colonists; and against the act suspending the legislative power of the province of new york, as menacing the welfare of the colonies in general. nothing, however, produced a more powerful effect upon the public sensibilities throughout the country, than certain military demonstrations at boston. in consequence of repeated collisions between the people of that place and the commissioners of customs, two regiments were held in readiness at halifax to embark for boston in the ships of commodore hood whenever governor bernard, or the general, should give the word, "had this force been landed in boston six months ago," writes the commodore, "i am perfectly persuaded no address or remonstrances would have been sent from the other colonies, and that all would have been tolerably quiet and orderly at this time throughout america." [footnote: grenville papers, vol. iv., p. .] tidings reached boston that these troops were embarked and that they were coming to overawe the people. what was to be done? the general court had been dissolved, and the governor refused to convene it without the royal command. a convention, therefore, from various towns met at boston, on the d of september, to devise measures for the public safety; but disclaiming all pretensions to legislative powers. while the convention was yet in session (september th), the two regiments arrived, with seven armed vessels. "i am very confident," writes commodore hood from halifax, "the spirited measures now pursuing will soon effect order in america." on the contrary, these "spirited measures" added, fuel to the fire they were intended to quench. it was resolved in a town meeting that the king had no right to send troops thither without the consent of the assembly; that great britain had broken the original compact, and that, therefore, the king's officers had no longer any business there. [footnote: whately to grenville. gren. papers, vol. iv., p. .] the "selectmen" accordingly refused to find quarters for the soldiers in the town; the council refused to find barracks for them, lest it should be construed into a compliance with the disputed clause of the mutiny act. some of the troops, therefore, which had tents, were encamped on the common; others, by the governor's orders, were quartered in the state-house, and others in faneuil hall, to the great indignation of the public, who were grievously scandalized at seeing field-pieces planted in front of the state-house; sentinels stationed at the doors, challenging every one who passed; and, above all, at having the sacred quiet of the sabbath disturbed by drum and fife, and other military music. chapter xxix. cheerful life at mount vernon--washington and george mason--correspondence concerning the non-importation agreement--feeling toward england--opening of the legislative session--semi-regal state of lord botetourt--high-toned proceedings of the house--sympathy with new england--dissolved by lord botetourt--washington and the articles of association. throughout these public agitations, washington endeavored to preserve his equanimity. removed from the heated throngs of cities, his diary denotes a cheerful and healthful life at mount vernon, devoted to those rural occupations in which he delighted, and varied occasionally by his favorite field sports. sometimes he is duck-shooting on the potomac. repeatedly we find note of his being out at sunrise with the hounds, in company with old lord fairfax, bryan fairfax, and others; and ending the day's sport by a dinner at mount vernon, or belvoir. still he was too true a patriot not to sympathize in the struggle for colonial rights which now agitated the whole country, and we find him gradually carried more and more into the current of political affairs. a letter written on the th of april, , to his friend, george mason, shows the important stand he was disposed to take. in the previous year, the merchants and traders of boston, salem, connecticut, and new york, had agreed to suspend for a time the importation of all articles subject to taxation. similar resolutions had recently been adopted by the merchants of philadelphia. washington's letter is emphatic in support of the measure. "at a time," writes he, "when our lordly masters in great britain will be satisfied with nothing less, than the deprivation of american freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. but the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. that no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment in defence of so valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion; yet arms should be the last resource--the _dernier ressort_. we have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to parliament. how far their attention to our rights and interests is to be awakened, or alarmed, by starving their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried. "the northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to adopt this scheme. in my opinion, it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution. ... that there will be a difficulty attending it every where from clashing interests, and selfish, designing men, ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, cannot be denied, and in the tobacco colonies, where the trade is so diffused, and in a manner wholly conducted by factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but i think not insurmountably increased, if the gentlemen in their several counties will be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to cordial agreements to purchase none but certain enumerated articles out of any of the stores, after a definite period, and neither import, nor purchase any themselves. ... i can see but one class of people, the merchants excepted, who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the scheme,--namely, they who live genteelly and hospitably on clear estates. such as these, were they not to consider the valuable object in view, and the good of others, might think it hard to be curtailed in their living and enjoyments." this was precisely the class to which washington belonged; but he was ready and willing to make the sacrifices required. "i think the scheme a good one," added he, "and that it ought to be tried here, with such alterations as our circumstances render absolutely necessary." mason, in his reply, concurred with him in opinion. "our all is at stake," said he, "and the little conveniences and comforts of life, when set in competition with our liberty, ought to be rejected, not with reluctance, but with pleasure. yet it is plain that, in the tobacco colonies, we cannot at present confine our importations within such narrow bounds as the northern colonies. a plan of this kind, to be practicable, must be adapted to our circumstances; for, if not steadily executed, it had better have remained unattempted. we may retrench all manner of superfluities, finery of all descriptions, and confine ourselves to linens, woollens, &c., not exceeding a certain price. it is amazing how much this practice, if adopted in all the colonies, would lessen the american imports, and distress the various trades and manufactures of great britain. this would awaken their attention. they would see, they would feel, the oppressions we groan under, and exert themselves to procure us redress. this, once obtained, we should no longer discontinue our importations, confining ourselves still not to import any article that should hereafter be taxed by act of parliament for raising a revenue in america; for, however singular i may be in the opinion, _i am thoroughly convinced, that, justice and harmony happily restored, it is not the interest of these colonies to refuse british manufactures. our supplying our mother country with gross materials, and taking her manufactures in return, is the true chain of connection between us. these are the bands which, if not broken by oppression, must long hold us together, by maintaining a constant reciprocation of interests_." the latter part of the above quotation shows the spirit which actuated washington and the friends of his confidence; as yet there was no thought nor desire of alienation from the mother country, but only a fixed determination to be placed on an equality of rights and privileges with her other children. a single word in the passage cited from washington's letter, evinces the chord which still vibrated in the american bosom: he incidentally speaks of england as _home_. it was the familiar term with which she was usually indicated by those of english descent; and the writer of these pages remembers when the endearing phrase still lingered on anglo-american lips even after the revolution. how easy would it have been before that era for the mother country to have rallied back the affections of her colonial children, by a proper attention to their complaints! they asked for nothing but what they were entitled to, and what she had taught them to prize as their dearest inheritance. the spirit of liberty which they manifested had been derived from her own precept and example. the result of the correspondence between washington and mason was the draft by the latter of a plan of association, the members of which were to pledge themselves not to import or use any articles of british merchandise or manufacture subject to duty. this paper washington was to submit to the consideration of the house of burgesses, at the approaching session in the month of may. the legislature of virginia opened on this occasion with a brilliant pageant. while military force was arrayed to overawe the republican puritans of the east, it was thought to dazzle the aristocratical descendants of the cavaliers by the reflex of regal splendor. lord botetourt, one of the king's lords of the bedchamber, had recently come out as governor of the province. junius described him as "a cringing, bowing, fawning, sword-bearing courtier." horace walpole predicted that he would turn the heads of the virginians in one way or other. "if his graces do not captivate them he will enrage them to fury; for i take all his _douceur_ to be enamelled on iron." [footnote: grenville papers, iv., note to p. .] the words of political satirists and court wits, however, are always to be taken with great distrust. however his lordship may have bowed in presence of royalty, he elsewhere conducted himself with dignity, and won general favor by his endearing manners. he certainly showed promptness of spirit in his reply to the king on being informed of his appointment. "when will you be ready to go?" asked george iii. "to-night, sir." he had come out, however, with a wrong idea of the americans. they had been represented to him as factious, immoral, and prone to sedition; but vain and luxurious, and easily captivated by parade and splendor. the latter foibles were aimed at in his appointment and fitting out. it was supposed that his titled rank would have its effect. then to prepare him for occasions of ceremony, a coach of state was presented to him by the king. he was allowed, moreover, the quantity of plate usually given to ambassadors, whereupon the joke was circulated that he was going "plenipo to the cherokees." [footnote: whately to geo. grenville. grenville papers.] his opening of the session was in the style of the royal opening of parliament. he proceeded in due parade from his dwelling to the capitol, in his state coach, drawn by six milk-white horses. having delivered his speech according to royal form, he returned home with the same pomp and circumstance. the time had gone by, however, for such display to have the anticipated effect. the virginian legislators penetrated the intention of this pompous ceremonial, and regarded it with a depreciating smile. sterner matters occupied their thoughts; they had come prepared to battle for their rights, and their proceedings soon showed lord botetourt how much he had mistaken them. spirited resolutions were passed, denouncing the recent act of parliament imposing taxes; the power to do which, on the inhabitants of this colony, "was legally and constitutionally vested in the house of burgesses, with consent of the council and of the king, or of his governor, for the time being." copies of these resolutions were ordered to be forwarded by the speaker to the legislatures of the other colonies, with a request for their concurrence. other proceedings of the burgesses showed their sympathy with their fellow-patriots of new england. a joint address of both houses of parliament had recently been made to the king, assuring him of their support in any further measures for the due execution of the laws in massachusetts, and beseeching him that all persons charged with treason, or misprision of treason, committed within that colony since the th of december, , might be sent to great britain for trial. as massachusetts had no general assembly at this time, having been dissolved by government, the legislature of virginia generously took up the cause. an address to the king was resolved on, stating, that all trials for treason, or misprision of treason, or for any crime whatever committed by any person residing in a colony, ought to be in and before his majesty's courts within said colony; and beseeching the king to avert from his loyal subjects those dangers and miseries which would ensue from seizing and carrying beyond sea any person residing in america suspected of any crime whatever, thereby depriving them of the inestimable privilege of being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as well as the liberty of producing witnesses on such trial. disdaining any further application to parliament, the house ordered the speaker to transmit this address to the colonies' agent in england, with directions to cause it to be presented to the king, and afterwards to be printed and published in the english papers. lord botetourt was astonished and dismayed when he heard of these high-toned proceedings. repairing to the capitol on the following day at noon, he summoned the speaker and members to the council chamber, and addressed them in the following words: "mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses, i have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." the spirit conjured up by the late decrees of parliament was not so easily allayed. the burgesses adjourned to a private house. peyton randolph, their late speaker, was elected moderator. washington now brought forward a draft of the articles of association, concerted between him and george mason. they formed the groundwork of an instrument signed by all present, pledging themselves neither to import, nor use any goods, merchandise, or manufactures taxed by parliament to raise a revenue in america. this instrument was sent throughout the country for signature, and the scheme of non-importation, hitherto confined to a few northern colonies, was soon universally adopted. for his own part, washington adhered to it rigorously throughout the year. the articles proscribed by it were never to be seen in his house, and his agent in london was enjoined to ship nothing for him while subject to taxation. the popular ferment in virginia was gradually allayed by the amiable and conciliatory conduct of lord botetourt. his lordship soon became aware of the erroneous notions with which he had entered upon office. his semi-royal equipage and state were laid aside. he examined into public grievances; became a strenuous advocate for the repeal of taxes; and, authorized by his despatches from the ministry, assured the public that such repeal would speedily take place. his assurance was received with implicit faith, and for a while virginia was quieted. chapter xxx. hood at boston--the general court refuses to do business under military sway--resists the billeting act--effect of the non-importation association--lord north premier--duties revoked except on tea--the boston massacre--disuse of tea--conciliatory conduct of lord botetourt--his death. "the worst is past, and the spirit of sedition broken," writes hood to grenville, early in the spring of . [footnote: grenville papers, vol. iii.] when the commodore wrote this, his ships were in the harbor, and troops occupied the town, and he flattered himself that at length turbulent boston was quelled. but it only awaited its time to be seditious according to rule; there was always an irresistible "method in its madness." in the month of may, the general court, hitherto prorogued, met according to charter. a committee immediately waited on the governor, stating it was impossible to do business with dignity and freedom while the town was invested by sea and land, and a military guard was stationed at the state-house, with cannon pointed at the door; and they requested the governor, as his majesty's representative, to have such forces removed out of the port and gates of the city during the session of the assembly. the governor replied that he had no authority over either the ships or troops. the court persisted in refusing to transact business while so circumstanced, and the governor was obliged to transfer the session to cambridge. there he addressed a message to that body in july, requiring funds for the payment of the troops, and quarters for their accommodation. the assembly, after ample discussion of past grievances, resolved, that the establishment of a standing army in the colony in a time of peace was an invasion of natural rights; that a standing army was not known as a part of the british constitution, and that the sending an armed force to aid the civil authority was unprecedented, and highly dangerous to the people. after waiting some days without receiving an answer to his message, the governor sent to know whether the assembly would, or would not, make provision for the troops. in their reply, they followed the example of the legislature of new york, in commenting on the mutiny, or billeting act, and ended by declining to furnish funds for the purposes specified, "being incompatible with their own honor and interest, and their duty to their constituents." they were in consequence again prorogued, to meet in boston on the th of january. so stood affairs in massachusetts. in the mean time, the non-importation associations, being generally observed throughout the colonies, produced the effect on british commerce which washington had anticipated, and parliament was incessantly importuned by petitions from british merchants, imploring its intervention to save them from ruin. early in , an important change took place in the british cabinet. the duke of grafton suddenly resigned, and the reins of government passed into the hands of lord north. he was a man of limited capacity, but a favorite of the king, and subservient to his narrow colonial policy. his administration, so eventful to america, commenced with an error. in the month of march, an act was passed, revoking all the duties laid in , _excepting that on tea_. this single tax was continued, as he observed, "to maintain the parliamentary right of taxation,"--the very right which was the grand object of contest. in this, however, he was in fact yielding, against his better judgment, to the stubborn tenacity of the king. he endeavored to reconcile the opposition, and perhaps himself, to the measure, by plausible reasoning. an impost of threepence on the pound could never, he alleged, be opposed by the colonists, unless they were determined to rebel against great britain. besides, a duty on that article, payable in england, and amounting to nearly one shilling on the pound, was taken off on its exportation to america, so that the inhabitants of the colonies saved ninepence on the pound. here was the stumbling-block at the threshold of lord north's administration. in vain the members of the opposition urged that this single exception, while it would produce no revenue, would keep alive the whole cause of contention; that so long as a single external duty was enforced, the colonies would consider their rights invaded, and would remain unappeased. lord north was not to be convinced; or rather, he knew the royal will was inflexible, and he complied with its behests. "the properest time to exert our right of taxation," said he, "is when the right is refused. to temporize is to yield; and the authority of the mother country, if it is now unsupported, will be relinquished for ever: _a total repeal cannot be thought of, till america is prostrate at our feet_." [footnote: holmes's amer. annals, vol. ii., p. .] on the very day in which this ominous bill was passed in parliament, a sinister occurrence took place in boston. some of the young men of the place insulted the military while under arms; the latter resented it; the young men, after a scuffle, were put to flight, and pursued. the alarm bells rang,--a mob assembled; the custom-house was threatened; the troops, in protecting it, were assailed with clubs and stones, and obliged to use their fire-arms, before the tumult could be quelled. four of the populace were killed, and several wounded. the troops were now removed from the town, which remained in the highest state of exasperation; and this untoward occurrence received the opprobrious, and somewhat extravagant name of "the boston massacre." the colonists, as a matter of convenience, resumed the consumption of those articles on which the duties had been repealed; but continued, on principle, the rigorous disuse of tea, excepting such as had been smuggled in. new england was particularly earnest in the matter; many of the inhabitants, in the spirit of their puritan progenitors, made a covenant to drink no more of the forbidden beverage, until the duty on tea should be repealed. in virginia the public discontents, which had been allayed by the conciliatory conduct of lord botetourt, and by his assurances, made on the strength of letters received from the ministry, that the grievances complained of would be speedily redressed, now broke out with more violence than ever. the virginians spurned the mock-remedy which left the real cause of complaint untouched. his lordship also felt deeply wounded by the disingenuousness of ministers which had led him into such a predicament, and wrote home demanding his discharge. before it arrived, an attack of bilious fever, acting upon a delicate and sensitive frame, enfeebled by anxiety and chagrin, laid him in his grave. he left behind him a name endeared to the virginians by his amiable manners, his liberal patronage of the arts, and, above all, by his zealous intercession for their rights. washington himself testifies that he was inclined "to render every just and reasonable service to the people whom he governed." a statue to his memory was decreed by the house of burgesses, to be erected in the area of the capitol. it is still to be seen, though in a mutilated condition, in williamsburg, the old seat of government, and a county in virginia continues to bear his honored name. chapter xxxi. expedition of washington to the ohio, in behalf of soldiers' claims-- uneasy state of the frontier--visit to fort pitt--george croghan--his mishaps during pontiac's war--washington descends the ohio--scenes and adventures along the river--indian hunting camp--interview with an old sachem at the mouth of the kanawha--return--claims of stobo and van braam--letter to colonel george muse. in the midst of these popular turmoils, washington was induced, by public as well as private considerations, to make another expedition to the ohio. he was one of the virginia board of commissioners, appointed, at the close of the late war, to settle the military accounts of the colony. among the claims which came before the board, were those of the officers and soldiers who had engaged to serve until peace, under the proclamation of governor dinwiddie, holding forth a bounty of two hundred thousand acres of land, to be apportioned among them according to rank. those claims were yet unsatisfied, for governments, like individuals, are slow to pay off in peaceful times the debts incurred while in the fighting mood. washington became the champion of those claims, and an opportunity now presented itself for their liquidation. the six nations, by a treaty in , had ceded to the british crown, in consideration of a sum of money, all the lands possessed by them south of the ohio. land offices would soon be opened for the sale of them. squatters and speculators were already preparing to swarm in, set up their marks on the choicest spots, and establish what were called pre-emption rights. washington determined at once to visit the lands thus ceded; affix his mark on such tracts as he should select, and apply for a grant from government in behalf of the "soldier's claim." the expedition would be attended with some degree of danger. the frontier was yet in an uneasy state. it is true some time had elapsed since the war of pontiac, but some of the indian tribes were almost ready to resume the hatchet. the delawares, shawnees, and mingoes, complained that the six nations had not given them their full share of the consideration money of the late sale, and they talked of exacting the deficiency from the white men who came to settle in what had been their hunting-grounds. traders, squatters, and other adventurers into the wilderness, were occasionally murdered, and further troubles were apprehended. washington had for a companion in this expedition his friend and neighbor, dr. craik, and it was with strong community of feeling they looked forward peaceably to revisit the scenes of their military experience. they set out on the th of october with three negro attendants, two belonging to washington, and one to the doctor. the whole party was mounted, and there was a led horse for the baggage. after twelve days' travelling they arrived at fort pitt (late fort duquesne). it was garrisoned by two companies of royal irish, commanded by a captain edmonson. a hamlet of about twenty log-houses, inhabited by indian traders, had sprung up within three hundred yards of the fort, and was called "the town." it was the embryo city of pittsburg, now so populous. at one of the houses, a tolerable frontier inn, they took up their quarters; but during their brief sojourn, they were entertained with great hospitality at the fort. here at dinner washington met his old acquaintance, george croghan, who had figured in so many capacities and experienced so many vicissitudes on the frontier. he was now colonel croghan, deputy-agent to sir william johnson, and had his residence--or seat, as washington terms it--on the banks of the allegany river, about four miles from the fort. croghan had experienced troubles and dangers during the pontiac war, both from white man and savage. at one time, while he was convoying presents from sir william to the delawares and shawnees, his caravan was set upon and plundered by a band of backwoodsmen of pennsylvania--men resembling indians in garb and habits, and fully as lawless. at another time, when encamped at the mouth of the wabash with some of his indian allies, a band of kickapoos, supposing the latter to be cherokees, their deadly enemies, rushed forth from the woods with horrid yells, shot down several of his companions, and wounded himself. it must be added, that no white men could have made more ample apologies than did the kickapoos, when they discovered that they had fired upon friends. another of croghan's perils was from the redoubtable pontiac himself. that chieftain had heard of his being on a mission to win off, by dint of presents, the other sachems of the conspiracy, and declared, significantly, that he had a large kettle boiling in which he intended to seethe the ambassador. it was fortunate for croghan that he did not meet with the formidable chieftain while in this exasperated mood. he subsequently encountered him when pontiac's spirits were broken by reverses. they smoked the pipe of peace together, and the colonel claimed the credit of having, by his diplomacy, persuaded the sachem to bury the hatchet. on the day following the repast at the fort, washington visited croghan at his abode on the allegany river, where he found several of the chiefs of the six nations assembled. one of them, the white mingo by name, made him a speech, accompanied, as usual, by a belt of wampum. some of his companions, he said, remembered to have seen him in , when he came on his embassy to the french commander; most of them had heard of him. they had now come to welcome him to their country. they wished the people of virginia to consider them as friends and brothers, linked together in one chain, and requested him to inform the governor of their desire to live in peace and harmony with the white men. as to certain unhappy differences which had taken place between them on the frontiers, they were all made up, and, they hoped, forgotten. washington accepted the "speech-belt," and made a suitable reply, assuring the chiefs that nothing was more desired by the people of virginia than to live with them on terms of the strictest friendship. at pittsburg the travellers left their horses, and embarked in a large canoe, to make a voyage down the ohio as far as the great kanawha. colonel croghan engaged two indians for their service, and an interpreter named john nicholson. the colonel and some of the officers of the garrison accompanied them as far as logstown, the scene of washington's early diplomacy, and his first interview with the half-king. here they breakfasted together; after which they separated, the colonel and his companions cheering the voyagers from the shore, as the canoe was borne off by the current of the beautiful ohio. it was now the hunting season, when the indians leave their towns, set off with their families, and lead a roving life in cabins and hunting-camps along the river; shifting from place to place, as game abounds or decreases, and often extending their migrations two or three hundred miles down the stream. the women were as dexterous as the men in the management of the canoe, but were generally engaged in the domestic labors of the lodge while their husbands were abroad hunting. washington's propensities as a sportsman had here full play. deer were continually to be seen coming down to the water's edge to drink, or browsing along the shore; there were innumerable flocks of wild turkeys, and streaming flights of ducks and geese; so that as the voyagers floated along, they were enabled to load their canoe with game. at night they encamped on the river bank, lit their fire and made a sumptuous hunter's repast. washington always relished this wild-wood life; and the present had that spice of danger in it, which has a peculiar charm for adventurous minds. the great object of his expedition, however, is evinced in his constant notes on the features and character of the country; the quality of the soil as indicated by the nature of the trees, and the level tracts fitted for settlements. about seventy-five miles below pittsburg the voyagers landed at a mingo town, which they found in a stir of warlike preparation--sixty of the warriors being about to set off on a foray into the cherokee country against the catawbas. here the voyagers were brought to a pause by a report that two white men, traders, had been murdered about thirty-eight miles further down the river. reports of the kind were not to be treated lightly. indian faith was uncertain along the frontier, and white men were often shot down in the wilderness for plunder or revenge. on the following day the report moderated. only one man was said to have been killed, and that not by indians; so washington determined to continue forward until he could obtain correct information in the matter. on the th, about o'clock in the afternoon, the voyagers arrived at captema creek, at the mouth of which the trader was said to have been killed. as all was quiet and no one to be seen, they agreed to encamp, while nicholson the interpreter, and one of the indians, repaired to a village a few miles up the creek to inquire about the murder. they found but two old women at the village. the men were all absent, hunting. the interpreter returned to camp in the evening, bringing the truth of the murderous tale. a trader had fallen a victim to his temerity, having been drowned in attempting, in company with another, to swim his horse across the ohio. two days more of voyaging brought them to an indian hunting camp, near the mouth of the muskingum. here it was necessary to land and make a ceremonious visit, for the chief of the hunting party was kiashuta, a seneca sachem, the head of the river tribes. he was noted to have been among the first to raise the hatchet in pontiac's conspiracy, and almost equally vindictive with that potent warrior. as washington approached the chieftain, he recognized him for one of the indians who had accompanied him on his mission to the french in . kiashuta retained a perfect recollection of the youthful ambassador, though seventeen years had matured him into thoughtful manhood. with hunter's hospitality he gave him a quarter of a fine buffalo just slain, but insisted that they should encamp together for the night; and in order not to retard him, moved with his own party to a good camping place some distance down the river. here they had long talks and council-fires over night and in the morning, with all the "tedious ceremony," says washington, "which the indians observe in their counsellings and speeches." kiashuta had heard of what had passed between washington and the "white mingo," and other sachems, at colonel croghan's, and was eager to express his own desire for peace and friendship with virginia, and fair dealings with her traders; all which washington promised to report faithfully to the governor. it was not until a late hour in the morning that he was enabled to bring these conferences to a close, and pursue his voyage. at the mouth of the great kanawha the voyagers encamped for a day or two to examine the lands in the neighborhood, and washington set up his mark upon such as he intended to claim on behalf of the soldiers' grant. it was a fine sporting country, having small lakes or grassy ponds abounding with water-fowl, such as ducks, geese, and swans. flocks of turkeys, as usual; and, for larger game, deer and buffalo; so that their camp abounded with provisions. here washington was visited by an old sachem, who approached him with great reverence, at the head of several of his tribe, and addressed him through nicholson, the interpreter. he had heard, he said, of his being in that part of the country, and had come from a great distance to see him. on further discourse, the sachem made known that he was one of the warriors in the service of the french, who lay in ambush on the banks of the monongahela and wrought such havoc in braddock's army. he declared that he and his young men had singled out washington, as he made himself conspicuous riding about the field of battle with the general's orders, and had fired at him repeatedly, but without success; whence they had concluded that he was under the protection of the great spirit, had a charmed life, and could not be slain in battle. at the great kanawha washington's expedition down the ohio terminated; having visited all the points he wished to examine. his return to fort pitt, and thence homeward, affords no incident worthy of note. the whole expedition, however, was one of that hardy and adventurous kind, mingled with practical purposes, in which he delighted. this winter voyage down the ohio in a canoe, with the doctor for a companion and two indians for crew, through regions yet insecure from the capricious hostility of prowling savages, is not one of the least striking of his frontier "experiences." the hazardous nature of it was made apparent shortly afterwards by another outbreak of the ohio tribes; one of its bloodiest actions took place on the very banks of the great kanawha, in which colonel lewis and a number of brave virginians lost their lives. note. in the final adjustment of claims under governor dinwiddie's proclamation, washington, acting on behalf of the officers and soldiers, obtained grants for the lands he had marked out in the course of his visit to the ohio. fifteen thousand acres were awarded to a field-officer, nine thousand to a captain, six thousand to a subaltern, and so on. among the claims which he entered were those of stobo and van braam, the hostages in the capitulation at the great meadows. after many vicissitudes they were now in london, and nine thousand acres were awarded to each of them. their domains were ultimately purchased by washington through his london agent. another claimant was colonel george muse, washington's early instructor in military science. his claim was admitted with difficulty, for he stood accused of having acted the part of a poltroon in the campaign, and washington seems to have considered the charge well founded. still he appears to have been dissatisfied with the share of land assigned him, and to have written to washington somewhat rudely on the subject. his letter is not extant, but we subjoin washington's reply almost entire, as a specimen of the caustic pen he could wield under a mingled emotion of scorn and indignation. "sir,--your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. as i am not accustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language from you personally, without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, i advise you to be cautious in writing me a second of the same tenor; for though i understand you were drunk when you did it, yet give me leave to tell you that drunkenness is no excuse for rudeness. but for your stupidity and sottishness you might have known, by attending to the public gazette, that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land allowed you; that is, nine thousand and seventy-three acres in the great tract, and the remainder in the small tract. "but suppose you had really fallen short, do you think your superlative merit entitles you to greater indulgence than others? or, if it did, that i was to make it good to you, when it was at the option of the governor and council to allow but five hundred acres in the whole, if they had been so inclined? if either of these should happen to be your opinion, i am very well convinced that you will be singular in it; and all my concern is that i ever engaged myself in behalf of so ungrateful and dirty a fellow as you are." n.b.--the above is from the letter as it exists in the archives of the department of state at washington. it differs in two or three particulars from that published among washington's writings. chapter xxxii. lord dunmore governor of virginia--piques the pride of the virginians-- opposition of the assembly--corresponding committees--death of miss custis--washington's guardianship of john parke custis--his opinions as to premature travel and premature marriage. the discontents of virginia, which had been partially soothed by the amiable administration of lord botetourt, were irritated anew under his successor, the earl of dunmore. this nobleman had for a short time held the government of new york. when appointed to that of virginia, he lingered for several months at his former post. in the mean time, he sent his military secretary, captain foy, to attend to the despatch of business until his arrival; awarding to him a salary and fees to be paid by the colony. the pride of the virginians was piqued at his lingering at new york, as if he preferred its gayety and luxury to the comparative quiet and simplicity of williamsburg. their pride was still more piqued on his arrival, by what they considered haughtiness on his part. the spirit of the "ancient dominion" was roused, and his lordship experienced opposition at his very outset. the first measure of the assembly, at its opening, was to demand by what right he had awarded a salary and fees to his secretary without consulting it; and to question whether it was authorized by the crown. his lordship had the good policy to rescind the unauthorized act, and in so doing mitigated the ire of the assembly; but he lost no time in proroguing a body, which, from various symptoms, appeared to be too independent, and disposed to be untractable. he continued to prorogue it from time to time, seeking in the interim to conciliate the virginians, and soothe their irritated pride. at length, after repeated prorogations, he was compelled by circumstances to convene it on the st of march, . washington was prompt in his attendance on the occasion; and foremost among the patriotic members, who eagerly availed themselves of this long wished for opportunity to legislate upon the general affairs of the colonies. one of their most important measures was the appointment of a committee of eleven persons, "whose business it should be to obtain the most clear and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the british parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to or affect the british colonies, and to maintain with their sister colonies a correspondence and communication." the plan thus proposed by their "noble, patriotic sister colony of virginia," [footnote: boston town records.] was promptly adopted by the people of massachusetts, and soon met with general concurrence. these corresponding committees, in effect, became the executive power of the patriot party, producing the happiest concert of design and action throughout the colonies. notwithstanding the decided part taken by washington in the popular movement, very friendly relations existed between him and lord dunmore. the latter appreciated his character, and sought to avail himself of his experience in the affairs of the province. it was even concerted that washington should accompany his lordship on an extensive tour, which the latter intended to make in the course of the summer along the western frontier. a melancholy circumstance occurred to defeat this arrangement. we have spoken of washington's paternal conduct towards the two children of mrs. washington. the daughter, miss custis, had long been an object of extreme solicitude. she was of a fragile constitution, and for some time past had been in very declining health. early in the present summer, symptoms indicated a rapid change for the worse. washington was absent from home at the time. on his return to mount vernon, he found her in the last stage of consumption. though not a man given to bursts of sensibility, he is said on the present occasion to have evinced the deepest affliction; kneeling by her bedside, and pouring out earnest prayers for her recovery. she expired on the th of june, in the seventeenth year of her age. this, of course, put an end to washington's intention of accompanying lord dunmore to the frontier; he remained at home to console mrs. washington in her affliction,--furnishing his lordship, however, with travelling hints and directions, and recommending proper guides. and here we will take occasion to give a few brief particulars of domestic affairs at mount vernon. for a long time previous to the death of miss custis, her mother, despairing of her recovery, had centred her hopes in her son, john parke custis. this rendered washington's guardianship of him a delicate and difficult task. he was lively, susceptible, and impulsive; had an independent fortune in his own right, and an indulgent mother, ever ready to plead in his behalf against wholesome discipline. he had been placed under the care and instruction of an episcopal clergyman at annapolis, but was occasionally at home, mounting his horse, and taking a part, while yet a boy, in the fox-hunts at mount vernon. his education had consequently been irregular and imperfect, and not such as washington would have enforced had he possessed over him the absolute authority of a father. shortly after the return of the latter from his tour to the ohio, he was concerned to find that there was an idea entertained of sending the lad abroad, though but little more than sixteen years of age, to travel under the care of his clerical tutor. through his judicious interference, the travelling scheme was postponed, and it was resolved to give the young gentleman's mind the benefit of a little preparatory home culture. little more than a year elapsed before the sallying impulses of the youth had taken a new direction. he was in love; what was more, he was engaged to the object of his passion, and on the high road to matrimony. washington now opposed himself to premature marriage as he had done to premature travel. a correspondence ensued between him and the young lady's father, benedict calvert, esq. the match was a satisfactory one to all parties, but it was agreed, that it was expedient for the youth to pass a year or two previously at college. washington accordingly accompanied him to new york, and placed him under the care of the rev. dr. cooper, president of king's (now columbia) college, to pursue his studies in that institution. all this occurred before the death of his sister. within a year after that melancholy event, he became impatient for a union with the object of his choice. his mother, now more indulgent than ever to this, her only child, yielded her consent, and washington no longer made opposition. "it has been against my wishes," writes the latter to president cooper, "that he should quit college in order that he may soon enter into a new scene of life, which i think he would be much fitter for some years hence than now. but having his own inclination, the desires of his mother, and the acquiescence of almost all his relatives to encounter, i did not care, as he is the last of the family, to push my opposition too far; i have, therefore, submitted to a kind of necessity." the marriage was celebrated on the d of february, , before the bridegroom was twenty-one years of age. note. we are induced to subjoin extracts of two letters from washington relative to young custis. the first gives his objections to premature travel; the second to premature matrimony. both are worthy of consideration in this country, where our young people have such a general disposition to "go ahead." _to the reverend jonathan boucher (the tutor of young custis)._ ... "i cannot help giving it as my opinion, that his education, however advanced it may be for a youth of his age, is by no means ripe enough for a travelling tour; not that i think his becoming a mere scholar is a desirable education for a gentleman, but i conceive a knowledge of books is the basis upon which all other knowledge is to be built, and in travelling he is to become acquainted with men and things, rather than books. at present, however well versed he may be in the principles of the latin language (which is not to be wondered at, as he began the study of it as soon as he could speak), he is unacquainted with several of the classic authors that might be useful to him. he is ignorant of greek, the advantages of learning which i do not pretend to judge of; and he knows nothing of french, which is absolutely necessary to him as a traveller. he has little or no acquaintance with arithmetic, and is totally ignorant of the mathematics--than which, at least, so much of them as relates to surveying, nothing can be more essentially necessary to any man possessed of a large landed estate, the bounds of some part or other of which are always in controversy. now whether he has time between this and next spring to acquire a sufficient knowledge of these studies, i leave you to judge; as, also, whether a boy of seventeen years old (which will be his age next november), can have any just notions of the end and design of travelling. i have already given it as my opinion that it would be precipitating this event, unless he were to go immediately to the university for a couple of years; in which case he could see nothing of america; which might be a disadvantage to him, as it is to be expected that every man, who travels with a view of observing the laws and customs of other countries, should be able to give some description of the situation and government of his own." the following are extracts from the letter to benedict calvert, esq., the young lady's father: "i write to you on a subject of importance, and of no small embarrassment to me; my son-in-law and ward, mr. custis, has, as i have been informed, paid his addresses to your second daughter; and having made some progress in her affections, has solicited her in marriage. how far a union of this sort may be agreeable to you, you best can tell; but i should think myself wanting in candor, were i not to confess that miss nelly's amiable qualities are acknowledged on all hands, and that an alliance with your family will be pleasing to his. "this acknowledgment being made, you must permit me to add, sir, that at this, or in any short time, his youth, inexperience, and unripened education are, and will be, insuperable obstacles, in my opinion, to the completion of the marriage. as his guardian, i conceive it my indispensable duty to endeavor to carry him through a regular course of education (many branches of which, i am sorry to say, he is totally deficient in), and to guide his youth to a more advanced age, before an event, on which his own peace and the happiness of another are to depend, takes place. ... if the affection which they have avowed for each other is fixed upon a solid basis, it will receive no diminution in the course of two or three years; in which time he may prosecute his studies, and thereby render himself more deserving of the lady, and useful to society. if, unfortunately, as they are both young, there should be an abatement of affection on either side, or both, it had better precede than follow marriage. "delivering my sentiments thus freely, will not, i hope, lead you into a belief that i am desirous of breaking off the match. to postpone it is all i have in view; for i shall recommend to the young gentleman, with the warmth that becomes a man of honor, to consider himself as much engaged to your daughter, as if the indissoluble knot were tied; and as the surest means of effecting this, to apply himself closely to his studies, by which he will, in a great measure, avoid those little flirtations with other young ladies, that may, by dividing the attention, contribute not a little to divide the affection." chapter xxxiii. lord north's bill favoring the exportation of teas--ships freighted with tea to the colonies--sent back from some of the ports--tea destroyed at boston--passage of the boston port bill--session of the house of burgesses--splendid opening--burst of indignation at the port bill--house dissolved--resolutions at the raleigh tavern--project of a general congress--washington and lord dunmore--the port bill goes into effect--general gage at boston--league and covenant. the general covenant throughout the colonies against the use of taxed tea, had operated disastrously against the interests of the east india company, and produced an immense accumulation of the proscribed article in their warehouses. to remedy this, lord north brought in a bill ( ), by which the company were allowed to export their teas from england to any part whatever, without paying export duty. this, by enabling them to offer their teas at a low price in the colonies would, he supposed, tempt the americans to purchase large quantities, thus relieving the company, and at the same time benefiting the revenue by the impost duty. confiding in the wisdom of this policy, the company disgorged their warehouses, freighted several ships with tea, and sent them to various parts of the colonies. this brought matters to a crisis. one sentiment, one determination, pervaded the whole continent. taxation was to receive its definitive blow. whoever submitted to it was an enemy to his country. from new york and philadelphia the ships were sent back, unladen, to london. in charleston the tea was unloaded, and stored away in cellars and other places, where it perished. at boston the action was still more decisive. the ships anchored in the harbor. some small parcels of tea were brought on shore, but the sale of them was prohibited. the captains of the ships, seeing the desperate state of the case, would have made sail back for england, but they could not obtain the consent of the consignees, a clearance at the custom-house, or a passport from the governor to clear the fort. it was evident, the tea was to be forced upon the people of boston, and the principle of taxation established. to settle the matter completely, and prove that, on a point of principle, they were not to be trifled with, a number of the inhabitants, disguised as indians, boarded the ships in the night ( th december), broke open all the chests of tea, and emptied the contents into the sea. this was no rash and intemperate proceeding of a mob, but the well-considered, though resolute act of sober, respectable citizens, men of reflection, but determination. the whole was done calmly, and in perfect order; after which the actors in the scene dispersed without tumult, and returned quietly to their homes. the general opposition of the colonies to the principle of taxation had given great annoyance to government, but this individual act concentrated all its wrath upon boston. a bill was forthwith passed in parliament (commonly called the boston port bill), by which all lading and unlading of goods, wares, and merchandise, were to cease in that town and harbor, on and after the th of june, and the officers of the customs to be transferred to salem. another law, passed soon after, altered the charter of the province, decreeing that all counsellors, judges, and magistrates, should be appointed by the crown, and hold office during the royal pleasure. this was followed by a third, intended for the suppression of riots; and providing that any person indicted for murder, or other capital offence, committed in aiding the magistracy, might be sent by the governor to some other colony, or to great britain, for trial. such was the bolt of parliamentary wrath fulminated against the devoted town of boston. before it fell there was a session in may, of the virginia house of burgesses. the social position of lord dunmore had been strengthened in the province by the arrival of his lady, and a numerous family of sons and daughters. the old virginia aristocracy had vied with each other in hospitable attentions to the family. a court circle had sprung up. regulations had been drawn up by a herald, and published officially, determining the rank and precedence of civil and military officers, and their wives. the aristocracy of the ancient dominion was furbishing up its former splendor. carriages and four rolled into the streets of williamsburg, with horses handsomely caparisoned, bringing the wealthy planters and their families to the seat of government. washington arrived in williamsburg on the th, and dined with the governor on the day of his arrival, having a distinguished position in the court circle, and being still on terms of intimacy with his lordship. the house of burgesses was opened in form, and one of its first measures was an address of congratulation to the governor, on the arrival of his lady. it was followed up by an agreement among the members to give her ladyship a splendid ball, on the th of the month. all things were going on smoothly and smilingly, when a letter, received through the corresponding committee, brought intelligence of the vindictive measure of parliament, by which the port of boston was to be closed on the approaching st of june. the letter was read in the house of burgesses, and produced a general burst of indignation. all other business was thrown aside, and this became the sole subject of discussion. a protest against this and other recent acts of parliament was entered upon the journal of the house, and a resolution was adopted, on the th of may, setting apart the st of june as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation; in which the divine interposition was to be implored, to avert the heavy calamity threatening destruction to their rights, and all the evils of civil war; and to give the people one heart and one mind in firmly opposing every injury to american liberties. on the following morning, while the burgesses were engaged in animated debate, they were summoned to attend lord dunmore in the council chamber, where he made them the following laconic speech: "mr. speaker, and gentlemen of the house of burgesses: i have in my hand a paper, published by order of your house, conceived in such terms, as reflect highly upon his majesty, and the parliament of great britain, which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." as on a former occasion, the assembly, though dissolved, was not dispersed. the members adjourned to the long room of the old raleigh tavern, and passed resolutions, denouncing the boston port bill as a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all north america; recommending their countrymen to desist from the use, not merely of tea, but of all kinds of east indian commodities: pronouncing an attack on one of the colonies, to enforce arbitrary taxes, an attack on all; and ordering the committee of correspondence to communicate with the other corresponding committees, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the several colonies of british america, to meet annually in general congress, at such place as might be deemed expedient, to deliberate on such measures as the united interests of the colonies might require. this was the first recommendation of a general congress by any public assembly, though it had been previously proposed in town meetings at new york and boston. a resolution to the same effect was passed in the assembly of massachusetts before it was aware of the proceedings of the virginia legislature. the measure recommended met with prompt and general concurrence throughout the colonies, and the fifth day of september next ensuing was fixed upon for the meeting of the first congress, which was to be held at philadelphia. notwithstanding lord dunmore's abrupt dissolution of the house of burgesses, the members still continued on courteous terms with him, and the ball which they had decreed early in the session in honor of lady dunmore, was celebrated on the th with unwavering gallantry. as to washington, widely as he differed from lord dunmore on important points of policy, his intimacy with him remained uninterrupted. by memorandums in his diary it appears that he dined and passed the evening at his lordship's on the th, the very day of the meeting at the raleigh tavern. that he rode out with him to his farm, and breakfasted there with him on the th, and on the evening of the th attended the ball given to her ladyship. such was the well-bred decorum that seemed to quiet the turbulence of popular excitement, without checking the full and firm expression of popular opinion. on the th, two days after the ball, letters arrived from boston giving the proceedings of a town meeting, recommending that a general league should be formed throughout the colonies suspending all trade with great britain. but twenty-five members of the late house of burgesses, including washington, were at that time remaining in williamsburg. they held a meeting on the following day, at which peyton randolph presided as moderator. after some discussion it was determined to issue a printed circular, bearing their signatures, and calling a meeting of all the members of the late house of burgesses, on the st of august, to take into consideration this measure of a general league. the circular recommended them, also, to collect, in the mean time, the sense of their respective counties. washington was still at williamsburg on the st of june, the day when the port bill was to be enforced at boston. it was ushered in by the tolling of bells, and observed by all true patriots as a day of fasting and humiliation. washington notes in his diary that he fasted rigidly, and attended the services appointed in the church. still his friendly intercourse with the dunmore family was continued during the remainder of his sojourn in williamsburg, where he was detained by business until the th, when he set out on his return to mount vernon. in the mean time the boston port bill had been carried into effect. on the st of june the harbor of boston was closed at noon, and all business ceased. the two other parliamentary acts altering the charter of massachusetts were to be enforced. no public meetings, excepting the annual town meetings in march and may, were to be held without permission of the governor. general thomas gage had recently been appointed to the military command of massachusetts, and the carrying out of these offensive acts. he was the same officer who, as lieutenant-colonel, had led the advance guard on the field of braddock's defeat. fortune had since gone well with him. rising in the service, he had been governor of montreal, and had succeeded amherst in the command of the british forces on this continent. he was linked to the country also by domestic ties, having married into one of the most respectable families of new jersey. in the various situations in which he had hitherto been placed he had won esteem, and rendered himself popular. not much was expected from him in his present post by those who knew him well. william smith, the historian, speaking of him to adams, "gage," said he, "was a good-natured, peaceable, sociable man while here (in new york), but altogether unfit for a governor of massachusetts. he will lose all the character he has acquired as a man, a gentleman, and a general, and dwindle down into a mere scribbling governor--a mere bernard or hutchinson." with all gage's experience in america, he had formed a most erroneous opinion of the character of the people. "the americans," said he to the king, "will be lions only as long as the english are lambs;" and he engaged, with five regiments, to keep boston quiet! the manner in which his attempts to enforce the recent acts of parliament were resented, showed how egregiously he was in error. at the suggestion of the assembly, a paper was circulated through the province by the committee of correspondence, entitled "a solemn league and covenant," the subscribers to which bound themselves to break off all intercourse with great britain from the st of august, until the colony should be restored to the enjoyment of its chartered rights; and to renounce all dealings with those who should refuse to enter into this compact. the very title of league and covenant had an ominous sound, and startled general gage. he issued a proclamation, denouncing it as illegal and traitorous. furthermore, he encamped a force of infantry and artillery on boston common, as if prepared to enact the lion. an alarm spread through the adjacent country. "boston is to be blockaded! boston is to be reduced to obedience by force or famine!" the spirit of the yeomanry was aroused. they sent in word to the inhabitants promising to come to their aid if necessary; and urging them to stand fast to the faith. affairs were coming to a crisis. it was predicted that the new acts of parliament would bring on "a most important and decisive trial." [illustration] chapter xxxiv. washington chairman of a political meeting--correspondence with bryan fairfax--patriotic resolutions--washington's opinions on public affairs--non-importation scheme--convention at williamsburg--washington appointed a delegate to the general congress--letter from bryan fairfax--perplexities of general gage at boston. shortly after washington's return to mount vernon, in the latter part of june, he presided as moderator at a meeting of the inhabitants of fairfax county, wherein, after the recent acts of parliament had been discussed, a committee was appointed, with himself as chairman, to draw up resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the present meeting, and to report the same at a general meeting of the county, to be held in the court-house on the th of july. the course that public measures were taking shocked the loyal feelings of washington's valued friend, bryan fairfax, of tarlston hall, a younger brother of george william, who was absent in england. he was a man of liberal sentiments, but attached to the ancient rule; and, in a letter to washington, advised a petition to the throne, which would give parliament an opportunity to repeal the offensive acts. "i would heartily join you in your political sentiments," writes washington in reply, "as far as relates to a humble and dutiful petition to the throne, provided there was the most distant hope of success. but have we not tried this already? have we not addressed the lords, and remonstrated to the commons? and to what end? does it not appear as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness that there is a regular, systematic plan to fix the right and practice of taxation upon us? ... is not the attack upon the liberty and property of the people of boston, before restitution of the loss to the india company was demanded, a plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at? do not the subsequent bills for depriving the massachusetts bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders to other colonies or to great britain for trial, where it is impossible, from the nature of things, that justice can be obtained, convince us that the administration is determined to stick at nothing to carry its point? ought we not, then, to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest tests?" the committee met according to appointment, with washington as chairman. the resolutions framed at the meeting insisted, as usual, on the right of self-government, and the principle that taxation and representation were in their nature inseparable. that the various acts of parliament for raising revenue; taking away trials by jury; ordering that persons might be tried in a different country from that in which the cause of accusation originated; closing the port of boston; abrogating the charter of massachusetts bay, &c., &c.,--were all part of a premeditated design and system to introduce arbitrary government into the colonies. that the sudden and repeated dissolutions of assemblies whenever they presumed to examine the illegality of ministerial mandates, or deliberated on the violated rights of their constituents, were part of the same system, and calculated and intended to drive the people of the colonies to a state of desperation, and to dissolve the compact by which their ancestors bound themselves and their posterity to remain dependent on the british crown. the resolutions, furthermore, recommended the most perfect union and co-operation among the colonies; solemn covenants with respect to non-importation and non-intercourse, and a renunciation of all dealings with any colony, town, or province, that should refuse to agree to the plan adopted by the general congress. they also recommended a dutiful petition and remonstrance from the congress to the king, asserting their constitutional rights and privileges; lamenting the necessity of entering into measures that might be displeasing; declaring their attachment to his person, family, and government, and their desire to continue in dependence upon great britain; beseeching him not to reduce his faithful subjects of america to desperation, and to reflect, that _from our sovereign there can be but one appeal._ these resolutions are the more worthy of note, as expressive of the opinions and feelings of washington at this eventful time, if not being entirely dictated by him. the last sentence is of awful import, suggesting the possibility of being driven to an appeal to arms. bryan fairfax, who was aware of their purport, addressed a long letter to washington, on the th of july, the day preceding that in which they were to be reported by the committee, stating his objections to several of them, and requesting that his letter might be publicly read. the letter was not received until after the committee had gone to the court-house on the th, with the resolutions revised, corrected, and ready to be reported. washington glanced over the letter hastily, and handed it round to several of the gentlemen present. they, with one exception, advised that it should not be publicly read, as it was not likely to make any converts, and was repugnant, as some thought, to every principle they were contending for. washington forbore, therefore, to give it any further publicity. the resolutions reported by the committee were adopted, and washington was chosen a delegate to represent the county at the general convention of the province, to be held at williamsburg on the st of august. after the meeting had adjourned, he felt doubtful whether fairfax might not be dissatisfied that his letter had not been read, as he requested, to the county at large; he wrote to him, therefore, explaining the circumstances which prevented it; at the same time replying to some of the objections which fairfax had made to certain of the resolutions. he reiterated his belief that an appeal would be ineffectual. "what is it we are contending against?" asked he; "is it against paying the duty of threepence per pound on tea because burdensome? no, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed; and to this end, we have already petitioned his majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjects could do. nay, more, we applied to the house of lords and house of commons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth that, as englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution. ... "the conduct of the boston people could not justify the rigor of their measures, unless there had been a requisition of payment, and refusal of it; nor did that conduct require an act to deprive the government of massachusetts bay of their charter, or to exempt offenders from trial in the places where offences were committed, as there was not, nor could there be, a single instance produced to manifest the necessity of it. are not all these things evident proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us? if we want further proofs, do not all the debates in the house of commons serve to confirm this? and has not general gage's conduct since his arrival, in stopping the address of his council, and publishing a proclamation, more becoming a turkish bashaw than an english governor, declaring it treason to associate in any manner by which the commerce of great britain is to be affected,--has not this exhibited an unexampled testimony of the most despotic system of tyranny that ever was practised in a free government?" the popular measure on which washington laid the greatest stress as a means of obtaining redress from government, was the non-importation scheme; "for i am convinced," said he, "as much as of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their distress; and i think--at least i hope--that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of life to accomplish this end." at the same time, he forcibly condemned a suggestion that remittances to england should be withheld. "while we are accusing others of injustice," said he, "we should be just ourselves; and how this can be whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse payment of it to great britain is to me inconceivable: nothing but the last extremity can justify it." on the st of august, the convention of representatives from all parts of virginia assembled at williamsburg. washington appeared on behalf of fairfax county, and presented the resolutions, already cited, as the sense of his constituents. he is said, by one who was present, to have spoken in support of them in a strain of uncommon eloquence, which shows how his latent ardor had been excited on the occasion, as eloquence was not in general among his attributes. it is evident, however, that he was roused to an unusual pitch of enthusiasm, for he is said to have declared that he was ready to raise one thousand men, subsist them at his own expense, and march at their head to the relief of boston. [footnote: see information given to the elder adams, by mr. lynch of south carolina.--_adams's diary_.] the convention was six days in session. resolutions, in the same spirit with those passed in fairfax county, were adopted, and peyton randolph, richard henry lee, george washington, patrick henry, richard bland, benjamin harrison, and edmund pendleton, were appointed delegates, to represent the people of virginia in the general congress. shortly after washington's return from williamsburg, he received a reply from bryan fairfax, to his last letter. fairfax, who was really a man of liberal views, seemed anxious to vindicate himself from any suspicions of the contrary. in adverting to the partial suppression of his letter by some of the gentlemen of the committee: "i am uneasy to find," writes he, "that any one should look upon the letter sent down as repugnant to the principles we are contending for; and, therefore, when you have leisure, i shall take it as a favor if you will let me know wherein it was thought so. i beg leave to look upon you as a friend, and it is a great relief to unbosom one's thoughts to a friend. besides, the information, and the correction of my errors, which i may obtain from a correspondence, are great inducements to it. for i am convinced that no man in the colony wishes its prosperity more, would go greater lengths to serve it, or is, at the same time, a better subject to the crown. pray excuse these compliments, they may be tolerable from a friend." [footnote: sparks. washington's writings, vol. ii., p. .] the hurry of various occupations prevented washington, in his reply, from entering into any further discussion of the popular theme. "i can only in general add," said he, "that an innate spirit of freedom first told me that the measures which the administration have for some time been, and now are violently pursuing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice; whilst much abler heads than my own have fully convinced me, that they are not only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the laws and constitution of great britain itself. ... i shall conclude with remarking that, if you disavow the right of parliament to tax us, unrepresented as we are, we only differ in the mode of opposition, and this difference principally arises from your belief that they (the parliament i mean), want a decent opportunity to repeal the acts; whilst i am fully convinced that there has been a regular systematic plan to enforce them, and that nothing but unanimity and firmness in the colonies, which they did not expect, can prevent it. by the best advices from boston, it seems that general gage is exceedingly disconcerted at the quiet and steady conduct of the people of the massachusetts bay, and at the measures pursuing by the other governments. i dare say he expected to force those oppressed people into compliance, or irritate them to acts of violence before this, for a more colorable pretence of ruling that, and the other colonies, with a high hand." washington had formed a correct opinion of the position of general gage. from the time of taking command at boston, he had been perplexed how to manage its inhabitants. had they been hot-headed, impulsive, and prone to paroxysm, his task would have been comparatively easy; but it was the cool, shrewd common sense, by which all their movements were regulated, that confounded him. high-handed measures had failed of the anticipated effect. their harbor had been thronged with ships; their town with troops. the port bill had put an end to commerce; wharves were deserted, warehouses closed; streets grass-grown and silent. the rich were growing poor, and the poor were without employ; yet the spirit of the people was unbroken. there was no uproar, however; no riots; every thing was awfully systematic and according to rule. town meetings were held, in which public rights and public measures were eloquently discussed by john adams, josiah quincy, and other eminent men. over these meetings samuel adams presided as moderator; a man clear in judgment, calm in conduct, inflexible in resolution; deeply grounded in civil and political history, and infallible on all points of constitutional law. alarmed at the powerful influence of these assemblages, government issued an act prohibiting them after the st of august. the act was evaded by convoking the meetings before that day, and _keeping them alive_ indefinitely. gage was at a loss how to act. it would not do to disperse these assemblages by force of arms; for, the people who composed them mingled the soldier with the polemic; and, like their prototypes, the covenanters of yore, if prone to argue, were as ready to fight. so the meetings continued to be held portinaciously. faneuil hall was at times unable to hold them, and they swarmed from that revolutionary hive into old south church. the liberty tree became a rallying place for any popular movement, and a flag hoisted on it was saluted by all processions as the emblem of the popular cause. opposition to the new plan of government assumed a more violent aspect at the extremity of the province, and was abetted by connecticut. "it is very high," writes gage, (august th,) "in berkshire county, and makes way rapidly to the rest. at worcester they threaten resistance, purchase arms, provide powder, cast balls, and threaten to attack any troops who may oppose them. i apprehend i shall soon have to march a body of troops into that township." the time appointed for the meeting of the general congress at philadelphia was now at hand. delegates had already gone on from massachusetts. "it is not possible to guess," writes gage, "what a body composed of such heterogeneous matter will determine; but the members from hence, i am assured, will promote the most haughty and insolent resolves; for their plan has ever been, by threats and high-sounding sedition, to terrify and intimidate." chapter xxxv. meeting of the first congress--opening ceremonies--eloquence of patrick henry and henry lee--declaratory resolution--bill of rights--state papers--chatham's opinions of congress--washington's correspondence with capt. mackenzie--views with respect to independence--departure of fairfax for england. when the time approached for the meeting of the general congress at philadelphia, washington was joined at mount vernon by patrick henry and edmund pendleton, and they performed the journey together on horseback. it was a noble companionship. henry was then in the youthful vigor and elasticity of his bounding genius; ardent, acute, fanciful, eloquent. pendleton, schooled in public life, a veteran in council, with native force of intellect, and habits of deep reflection. washington, in the meridian of his days, mature in wisdom, comprehensive in mind, sagacious in foresight. such were the apostles of liberty, repairing on their august pilgrimage to philadelphia from all parts of the land, to lay the foundations of a mighty empire. well may we say of that eventful period, "there were giants in those days." congress assembled on monday, the th of september, in a large room in carpenter's hall. there were fifty-one delegates, representing all the colonies excepting georgia. the meeting has been described as "awfully solemn." the most eminent men of the various colonies, were now for the first time brought together; they were known to each other by fame, but were, personally, strangers. the object which had called them together, was of incalculable magnitude. the liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils. [footnote: wirt's life of patrick henry, p. .] "it is such an assembly," writes john adams, who was present, "as never before came together on a sudden, in any part of the world. here are fortunes, abilities, learning, eloquence, acuteness, equal to any i ever met with in my life. here is a diversity of religions, educations, manners, interests, such as it would seem impossible to unite in one plan of conduct." there being an inequality in the number of delegates from the different colonies, a question arose as to the mode of voting; whether by colonies, by the poll, or by interests. patrick henry scouted the idea of sectional distinctions or individual interests. "all america," said he, "is thrown into one mass. where are your landmarks--your boundaries of colonies? they are all thrown down. the distinctions between virginians, pennsylvanians, new yorkers and new englanders, are no more. _i am not a virginian, but an american._" [footnote: j. adams' diary.] after some debate, it was determined that each colony should have but one vote, whatever might be the number of its delegates. the deliberations of the house were to be with closed doors, and nothing but the resolves promulgated, unless by order of the majority. to give proper dignity and solemnity to the proceedings of the house, it was moved on the following day, that each morning the session should be opened by prayer. to this it was demurred, that as the delegates were of different religious sects, they might not consent to join in the same form of worship. upon this, mr. samuel adams arose and said: "he would willingly join in prayer with any gentleman of piety and virtue, whatever might be his cloth, provided he was a friend of his country;" and he moved that the reverend mr. duché, of philadelphia, who answered to that description, might be invited to officiate as chaplain. this was one step towards unanimity of feeling, mr. adams being a strong congregationalist, and mr. duché an eminent episcopalian clergyman. the motion was carried into effect; the invitation was given and accepted. in the course of the day, a rumor reached philadelphia that boston had been cannonaded by the british. it produced a strong sensation; and when congress met on the following morning ( th), the effect was visible in every countenance. the delegates from the east were greeted with a warmer grasp of the hand by their associates from the south. the reverend mr. duché, according to invitation, appeared in his canonicals, attended by his clerk. the morning service of the episcopal church was read with great solemnity, the clerk making the responses. the psalter for the th day of the month includes the th psalm, wherein david prays for protection against his enemies. "plead my cause, o lord, with them that strive with me: fight against them that fight against me. "take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for my help. "draw out, also, the spear, and stop the way of them that persecute me. say unto my soul, i am thy salvation," &c., &c. the imploring words of this psalm, spoke the feelings of all hearts present; but especially of those from new england. john adams writes in a letter to his wife: "you must remember this was the morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of boston. i never saw a greater effect upon an audience. it seemed as if heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning. after this, mr. duché unexpectedly struck out into an extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. episcopalian as he is, dr. cooper himself never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so eloquent and sublime, for america, for the congress, for the province of massachusetts bay, and especially the town of boston. it has had an excellent effect upon every body here." [footnote: john adams' correspondence and diary.] it has been remarked that washington was especially devout on this occasion--kneeling, while others stood up. in this, however, each, no doubt, observed the attitude in prayer to which he was accustomed. washington knelt, being an episcopalian. the rumored attack upon boston, rendered the service of the day deeply affecting to all present. they were one political family, actuated by one feeling, and sympathizing with the weal and woe of each individual member. the rumor proved to be erroneous; but it had produced a most beneficial effect in calling forth and quickening the spirit of union, so vitally important in that assemblage. owing to closed doors, and the want of reporters, no record exists of the discussions and speeches made in the first congress. mr. wirt, speaking from tradition, informs us that a long and deep silence followed the organization of that august body; the members looking round upon each other, individually reluctant to open a business so fearfully momentous. this "deep and deathlike silence" was beginning to become painfully embarrassing, when patrick henry arose. he faltered at first, as was his habit; but his exordium was impressive; and as he launched forth into a recital of colonial wrongs he kindled with his subject, until he poured forth one of those eloquent appeals which had so often shaken the house of burgesses and gained him the fame of being the greatest orator of virginia. he sat down, according to mr. wirt, amidst murmurs of astonishment and applause, and was now admitted, on every hand, to be the first orator of america. he was followed by richard henry lee, who, according to the same writer, charmed the house with a different kind of eloquence, chaste and classical; contrasting, in its cultivated graces, with the wild and grand effusions of henry. "the superior powers of these great men, however," adds he, "were manifested only in debate, and while general grievances were the topic; when called down from the heights of declamation to that severer test of intellectual excellence, the details of business, they found themselves in a body of cool-headed, reflecting, and most able men, by whom they were, in their turn, completely thrown into the shade." [footnote: wirt's life of patrick henry.] the first public measure of congress was a resolution declaratory of their feelings with regard to the recent acts of parliament, violating the rights of the people of massachusetts, and of their determination to combine in resisting any force that might attempt to carry those acts into execution. a committee of two from each province reported a series of resolutions, which were adopted and promulgated by congress, as a "declaration of colonial rights." in this were enumerated their natural rights to the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property; and their rights as british subjects. among the latter was participation in legislative councils. this they could not exercise through representatives in parliament; they claimed, therefore, the power of legislating in their provincial assemblies; consenting, however, to such acts of parliament as might be essential to the regulation of trade; but excluding all taxation, internal or external, for raising revenue in america. the common law of england was claimed as a birthright, including the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage; of holding public meetings to consider grievances; and of petitioning the king. the benefits of all such statutes as existed at the time of the colonization were likewise claimed; together with the immunities and privileges granted by royal charters, or secured by provincial laws. the maintenance of a standing army in any colony in time of peace, without the consent of its legislature, was pronounced contrary to law. the exercise of the legislative power in the colonies by a council appointed during pleasure by the crown, was declared to be unconstitutional, and destructive to the freedom of american legislation. then followed a specification of the acts of parliament, passed during the reign of george iii., infringing and violating these rights. these were: the sugar act; the stamp act; the two acts for quartering troops; the tea act; the act suspending the new york legislature; the two acts for the trial in great britain of offences committed in america; the boston port bill; the act for regulating the government of massachusetts, and the quebec act. "to these grievous acts and measures," it was added, "americans cannot submit; but in hopes their fellow subjects in great britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: " st. to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, or association. " d. to prepare an address to the people of great britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of british america. " d. to prepare a loyal address to his majesty." the above-mentioned association was accordingly formed, and committees were to be appointed in every county, city, and town, to maintain it vigilantly and strictly. masterly state papers were issued by congress in conformity to the resolutions: viz., a petition to the king, drafted by mr. dickinson, of philadelphia; an address to the people of canada by the same hand, inviting them to join the league of the colonies; another to the people of great britain, drafted by john jay, of new york; and a memorial to the inhabitants of the british colonies by richard henry lee, of virginia. [footnote: see correspondence and diary of j. adams, vols. ii. and ix.] the congress remained in session fifty-one days. every subject, according to adams, was discussed "with a moderation, an acuteness, and a minuteness equal to that of queen elizabeth's privy council." [footnote: letter to william tudor, th sept., .] the papers issued by it have deservedly been pronounced masterpieces of practical talent and political wisdom. chatham, when speaking on the subject in the house of lords, could not restrain his enthusiasm. "when your lordships," said he, "look at the papers transmitted to us from america; when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. for myself, i must declare and avow that, in the master states of the world, i know not the people, or senate, who, in such a complication of difficult circumstances, can stand in preference to the delegates of america assembled in general congress at philadelphia." from the secrecy that enveloped its discussions, we are ignorant of the part taken by washington in the debates; the similarity of the resolutions, however, in spirit and substance to those of the fairfax county meeting, in which he presided, and the coincidence of the measures adopted with those therein recommended, show that he had a powerful agency in the whole proceedings of this eventful assembly. patrick henry, being asked, on his return home, whom he considered the greatest man in congress, replied: "if you speak of eloquence, mr. rutledge, of south carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." how thoroughly and zealously he participated in the feelings which actuated congress in this memorable session, may be gathered from his correspondence with a friend enlisted in the royal cause. this was captain robert mackenzie, who had formerly served under him in his virginia regiment during the french war, but now held a commission in the regular army, and was stationed among the british troops at boston. mackenzie, in a letter, had spoken with loyal abhorrence of the state of affairs in the "unhappy province" of massachusetts, and the fixed aim of its inhabitants at "total independence." "the rebellious and numerous meetings of men in arms," said he, "their scandalous and ungenerous attacks upon the best characters in the province, obliging them to save themselves by flight, and their repeated, but feeble threats, to dispossess the troops, have furnished sufficient reasons to general gage to put the town in a formidable state of defence, about which we are now fully employed, and which will be shortly accomplished to their great mortification." "permit me," writes washington in reply, "with the freedom of a friend (for you know i always esteemed you), to express my sorrow that fortune should place you in a service that must fix curses, to the latest posterity, upon the contrivers, and, if success (which, by the by, is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those who have been instrumental in the execution. ... when you condemn the conduct of the massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes, otherwise you would not wonder at a people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated, and with difficulty restrained, from acts of the greatest violence and intemperance. "for my own part, i view things in a very different point of light from the one in which you seem to consider them; and though you are led to believe, by venal men, that the people of massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you that you are abused, grossly abused. ... i think i can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of their valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property, are rendered totally insecure. "these, sir, being certain consequences, which must naturally result from the late acts of parliament relative to america in general, and the government of massachusetts in particular, is it to be wondered at that men who wish to avert the impending blow, should attempt to oppose its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted? surely i may be allowed to answer in the negative; and give me leave to add, as my opinion, that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of north america; and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the remembrance of." in concluding, he repeats his views with respect to independence: "i am well satisfied that no such thing is desired by any thinking man in all north america; on the contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the warmest advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquillity, upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors of civil discord prevented." [footnote: sparks. washington's writings, vol. ii., p. .] this letter we have considered especially worthy of citation, from its being so full and explicit a declaration of washington's sentiments and opinions at this critical juncture. his views on the question of independence are particularly noteworthy, from his being at this time in daily and confidential communication with the leaders of the popular movement, and among them with the delegates from boston. it is evident that the filial feeling still throbbed toward the mother country, and a complete separation from her had not yet entered into the alternatives of her colonial children. on the breaking up of congress, washington hastened back to mount vernon, where his presence was more than usually important to the happiness of mrs. washington, from the loneliness caused by the recent death of her daughter, and the absence of her son. the cheerfulness of the neighborhood had been diminished of late by the departure of george william fairfax for england, to take possession of estates which had devolved to him in that kingdom. his estate of belvoir, so closely allied with that of mount vernon by family ties and reciprocal hospitality, was left in charge of a steward, or overseer. through some accident the house took fire, and was burnt to the ground. it was never rebuilt. the course of political events which swept washington from his quiet home into the current of public and military life, prevented william fairfax, who was a royalist, though a liberal one, from returning to his once happy abode, and the hospitable intercommunion of mount vernon and belvoir was at an end for ever. chapter xxxvi. gage's military measures--removal of gunpowder from the arsenal--public agitation--alarms in the country--civil government obstructed--belligerent symptoms--israel putnam and general charles lee, their characters and stories--general election--self-constituted congress--hancock president-- adjourns to concord--remonstrance to gage--his perplexities--generals artemas ward and seth pomeroy--committee of safety--committee of supplies--restlessness throughout the land--independent companies in virginia--military tone at mount vernon--washington's military guests--major horatio gates--anecdotes concerning him--general charles lee--his peculiarities and dogs--washington at the richmond convention-- war speech of patrick henry--washington's military intentions. the rumor of the cannonading of boston, which had thrown such a gloom over the religious ceremonial at the opening of congress, had been caused by measures of governor gage. the public mind, in boston and its vicinity, had been rendered excessively jealous and sensitive by the landing and encamping of artillery upon the common, and welsh fusiliers on fort hill, and by the planting of four large field-pieces on boston neck, the only entrance to the town by land. the country people were arming and disciplining themselves in every direction, and collecting and depositing arms and ammunition in places where they would be at hand in case of emergency. gage, on the other hand, issued orders that the munitions of war in all the public magazines should be brought to boston. one of these magazines was the arsenal in the north-west part of charlestown, between medford and cambridge. two companies of the king's troops passed silently in boats up mystic river in the night; took possession of a large quantity of gunpowder deposited there, and conveyed it to castle williams. intelligence of this sacking of the arsenal flew with lightning speed through the neighborhood. in the morning several thousands of patriots were assembled at cambridge, weapon in hand, and were with difficulty prevented from marching upon boston to compel a restitution of the powder. in the confusion and agitation, a rumor stole out into the country that boston was to be attacked; followed by another that the ships were cannonading the town, and the soldiers shooting down the inhabitants. the whole country was forthwith in arms. numerous bodies of the connecticut people had made some marches before the report was contradicted. [footnote: holmes's annals, ii., .--letter of gage to lord dartmouth.] to guard against any irruption from the country, gage encamped the th regiment on boston neck, and employed the soldiers in intrenching and fortifying it. in the mean time the belligerent feelings of the inhabitants were encouraged, by learning how the rumor of their being cannonaded had been received in the general congress, and by assurances from all parts that the cause of boston would be made the common cause of america. "it is surprising," writes general gage, "that so many of the other provinces interest themselves so much in this. they have some warm friends in new york, and i learn that the people of charleston, south carolina, are as mad as they are here." [footnote: gage to dartmouth, sept. .] the commissions were arrived for those civil officers appointed by the crown under the new modifications of the charter: many, however, were afraid to accept of them. those who did soon resigned, finding it impossible to withstand the odium of the people. the civil government throughout the province became obstructed in all its operations. it was enough for a man to be supposed of the governmental party to incur popular ill-will. among other portentous signs, war-hawks began to appear above the horizon. mrs. cushing, wife to a member of congress, writes to her husband, "two of the greatest military characters of the day are visiting this distressed town. general charles lee, who has served in poland, and colonel israel putnam, whose bravery and character need no description." as these two men will take a prominent part in coming events, we pause to give a word or two concerning them. israel putnam was a soldier of native growth. one of the military productions of the french war; seasoned and proved in frontier campaigning. he had served at louisburg, fort duquesne, and crown point; had signalized himself in indian warfare; been captured by the savages, tied to a stake to be tortured and burnt, and had only been rescued by the interference, at the eleventh hour, of a french partisan of the indians. since the peace, he had returned to agricultural life, and was now a farmer at pomfret, in connecticut, where the scars of his wounds and the tales of his exploits rendered him a hero in popular estimation. the war spirit yet burned within him. he was now chairman of a committee of vigilance, and had come to boston in discharge of his political and semi-belligerent functions. general charles lee was a military man of a different stamp; an englishman by birth, and a highly cultivated production of european warfare. he was the son of a british officer, lieutenant-colonel john lee, of the dragoons, who married the daughter of sir henry bunbury, bart., and afterwards rose to be a general. lee was born in , and may almost be said to have been cradled in the army, for he received a commission by the time he was eleven years of age. he had an irregular education; part of the time in england, part on the continent, and must have scrambled his way into knowledge; yet by aptness, diligence and ambition, he had acquired a considerable portion, being a greek and latin scholar, and acquainted with modern languages. the art of war was his especial study from his boyhood, and he had early opportunities of practical experience. at the age of twenty-four, he commanded a company of grenadiers in the th regiment, and served in the french war in america, where he was brought into military companionship with sir william johnson's mohawk warriors, whom he used to extol for their manly beauty, their dress, their graceful carriage and good breeding. in fact, he rendered himself so much of a favorite among them, that they admitted him to smoke in their councils, and adopted him into the tribe of the bear, giving him an indian name, signifying "boiling water." at the battle of ticonderoga, where abercrombie was defeated, he was shot through the body, while leading his men against the french breastworks. in the next campaign, he was present at the siege of fort niagara, where general prideaux fell, and where sir william johnson, with his british troops and mohawk warriors, eventually won the fortress. lee had, probably, an opportunity on this occasion of fighting side by side with some of his adopted brethren of the bear tribe, as we are told he was much exposed during the engagement with the french and indians, and that two balls grazed his hair. a military errand, afterwards, took him across lake erie, and down the northern branch of the ohio to fort duquesne, and thence by a long march of seven hundred miles to crown point, where he joined general amherst. in , he was among the forces which followed that general from lake ontario down the st. lawrence; and was present at the surrender of montreal, which completed the conquest of canada. in , he bore a colonel's commission, and served under brigadier-general burgoyne in portugal, where he was intrusted with an enterprise against a spanish post at the old moorish castle of villa velha, on the banks of the tagus. he forded the river in the night, pushed his way through mountain passes, and at o'clock in the morning, rushed with his grenadiers into the enemy's camp before daylight, where every thing was carried at the point of the bayonet, assisted by a charge of dragoons. the war over, he returned to england, bearing testimonials of bravery and good conduct from his commander-in-chief, the count de la lippe, and from the king of portugal. [footnote: life of charles lee, by jared sparks. also, memoirs of charles lee; published in london, .] wielding the pen as well as the sword, lee undertook to write on questions of colonial policy, relative to pontiac's war, in which he took the opposition side. this lost him the favor of the ministry, and with it all hope of further promotion. he now determined to offer his services to poland, supposed to be on the verge of a war. recommendations from his old commander, the count de la lippe, procured him access to some of the continental courts. he was well received by frederick the great, and had several conversations with him, chiefly on american affairs. at warsaw, his military reputation secured him the favor of poniatowsky, recently elected king of poland, with the name of stanislaus augustus, who admitted him to his table, and made him one of his aides-de-camp. lee was disappointed in his hope of active service. there was agitation in the country, but the power of the king was not adequate to raise forces sufficient for its suppression. he had few troops, and those not trustworthy; and the town was full of the disaffected. "we have frequent alarms," said lee, "and the pleasure of sleeping every night with our pistols on our pillows." by way of relieving his restlessness, lee, at the suggestion of the king, set off to accompany the polish ambassador to constantinople. the latter travelled too slow for him; so he dashed ahead when on the frontiers of turkey, with an escort of the grand seignior's treasure; came near perishing with cold and hunger among the bulgarian mountains, and after his arrival at the turkish capital, ran a risk of being buried under the ruins of his house in an earthquake. late in the same year ( ), he was again in england, an applicant for military appointment, bearing a letter from king stanislaus to king george. his meddling pen is supposed again to have marred his fortunes, having indulged in sarcastic comments on the military character of general townshend and lord george sackville. "i am not at all surprised," said a friend to him, "that you find the door shut against you by a person who has such unbounded credit, as you have ever too freely indulged in a liberty of declaiming, which many invidious persons have not failed to inform him of. the principle on which you thus freely speak your mind, is honest and patriotic, but not politic." the disappointments which lee met with during a residence of two years in england, and a protracted attendance on people in power, rankled in his bosom, and embittered his subsequent resentment against the king and his ministers. in , he was again on his way to poland, with the design of performing a campaign in the russian service. "i flatter myself," said he, "that a little more practice will make me a good soldier. if not, it will serve to talk over my kitchen fire in my old age, which will soon come upon us all." he now looked forward to spirited service. "i am to have a command of cossacks and wallacks," writes he, "a kind of people i have a good opinion of. i am determined not to serve in the line. one might as well be a churchwarden." the friendship of king stanislaus continued. "he treats me more like a brother than a patron," said lee. in , the latter was raised to the rank of major-general in the polish army, and left warsaw to join the russian force, which was crossing the dniester and advancing into moldavia. he arrived in time to take part in a severe action between the russians and turks, in which the cossacks and hussars were terribly cut up by the turkish cavalry, in a ravine near the city of chotzim. it was a long and doubtful conflict, with various changes; but the rumored approach of the grand vizier, with a hundred and seventy thousand men, compelled the russians to abandon the enterprise and recross the dniester. lee never returned to poland, though he ever retained a devoted attachment to stanislaus. he for some time led a restless life about europe--visiting italy, sicily, malta, and the south of spain; troubled with attacks of rheumatism, gout, and the effects of a "hungarian fever." he had become more and more cynical and irascible, and had more than one "affair of honor," in one of which he killed his antagonist. his splenetic feelings, as well as his political sentiments, were occasionally vented in severe attacks upon the ministry, full of irony and sarcasm. they appeared in the public journals, and gained him such reputation, that even the papers of junius were by some attributed to him. in the questions which had risen between england and her colonies, he had strongly advocated the cause of the latter; and it was the feelings thus excited, and the recollections, perhaps, of his early campaigns, that had recently brought him to america. here he had arrived in the latter part of , had visited various parts of pennsylvania, maryland and virginia, taking an active part in the political agitations of the country. his caustic attacks upon the ministry; his conversational powers and his poignant sallies, had gained him great reputation; but his military renown rendered him especially interesting at the present juncture. a general, who had served in the famous campaigns of europe, commanded cossacks, fought with turks, talked with frederick the great, and been aide-de-camp to the king of poland, was a prodigious acquisition to the patriot cause! on the other hand, his visit to boston was looked upon with uneasiness by the british officers, who knew his adventurous character. it was surmised that he was exciting a spirit of revolt, with a view to putting himself at its head. these suspicions found their way into the london papers, and alarmed the british cabinet. "have an attention to his conduct," writes lord dartmouth to gage, "and take every legal method to prevent his effecting any of those dangerous purposes he is said to have in view." lee, when subsequently informed of these suspicions, scoffed at them in a letter to his friend, edmund burke, and declared that he had not the "temerity and vanity" to aspire to the aims imputed to him. "to think myself qualified for the most important charge that ever was committed to mortal man," writes he, "is the last stage of presumption; nor do i think the americans would, or ought to confide in a man, let his qualifications be ever so great, who has no property among them. it is true, i most devoutly wish them success in the glorious struggle; that i have expressed my wishes both in writing and _viva voce_, but my errand to boston was mere curiosity to see a people in so singular circumstances; and i had likewise an ambition to be acquainted with some of their leading men; with them only i associated during my stay in boston. our ingenious gentlemen in the camp, therefore, very naturally concluded my design was to put myself at their head." to resume the course of events at boston. gage on the st of september, before this popular agitation, had issued writs for an election of an assembly to meet at salem in october; seeing, however, the irritated state of the public mind, he now countermanded the same by proclamation. the people, disregarding the countermand, carried the election, and ninety of the new members thus elected met at the appointed time. they waited a whole day for the governor to attend, administer the oaths, and open the session; but as he did not make his appearance, they voted themselves a provincial congress, and chose for president of it john hancock,--a man of great wealth, popular, and somewhat showy talents, and ardent patriotism; and eminent from his social position. this self-constituted body adjourned to concord, about twenty miles from boston; quietly assumed supreme authority, and issued a remonstrance to the governor, virtually calling him to account for his military operations in fortifying boston neck, and collecting warlike stores about him, thereby alarming the fears of the whole province, and menacing the lives and property of the bostonians. general gage, overlooking the irregularity of its organization, entered into explanations with the assembly, but failed to give satisfaction. as winter approached, he found his situation more and more critical. boston was the only place in massachusetts that now contained british forces, and it had become the refuge of all the "_tories_" of the province; that is to say, of all those devoted to the british government. there was animosity between them and the principal inhabitants, among whom revolutionary principles prevailed. the town itself, almost insulated by nature, and surrounded by a hostile country, was like a place besieged. the provincial congress conducted its affairs with the order and system so formidable to general gage. having adopted a plan for organizing the militia, it had nominated general officers, two of whom, artemas ward and seth pomeroy, had accepted. the executive powers were vested in a committee of safety. this was to determine when the services of the militia were necessary; was to call them forth,--to nominate their officers to the congress,--to commission them, and direct the operations of the army. another committee was appointed to furnish supplies to the forces when called out; hence, named the committee of supplies. under such auspices, the militia went on arming and disciplining itself in every direction. they associated themselves in large bodies, and engaged, verbally or by writing, to assemble in arms at the shortest notice for the common defence, subject to the orders of the committee of safety. arrangements had been made for keeping up an active correspondence between different parts of the country, and spreading an alarm in case of any threatening danger. under the direction of the committees just mentioned, large quantities of military stores had been collected and deposited at concord and worcester. this semi-belligerent state of affairs in massachusetts produced a general restlessness throughout the land. the weakhearted apprehended coming troubles; the resolute prepared to brave them. military measures, hitherto confined to new england, extended to the middle and southern provinces, and the roll of the drum resounded through the villages. virginia was among the first to buckle on its armor. it had long been a custom among its inhabitants to form themselves into independent companies, equipped at their own expense, having their own peculiar uniform, and electing their own officers, though holding themselves subject to militia law. they had hitherto been self-disciplined; but now they continually resorted to washington for instruction and advice; considering him the highest authority on military affairs. he was frequently called from home, therefore, in the course of the winter and spring, to different parts of the country to review independent companies; all of which were anxious to put themselves under his command as field-officer. mount vernon, therefore, again assumed a military tone as in former days, when he took his first lessons there in the art of war. he had his old campaigning associates with him occasionally, dr. craik and captain hugh mercer, to talk of past scenes and discuss the possibility of future service. mercer was already bestirring himself in disciplining the militia about fredericksburg, where he resided. two occasional and important guests at mount vernon, in this momentous crisis, were general charles lee, of whom we have just spoken, and major horatio gates. as the latter is destined to occupy an important page in this memoir, we will give a few particulars concerning him. he was an englishman by birth, the son of a captain in the british army. horace walpole, whose christian name he bore, speaks of him in one of his letters as his godson, though some have insinuated that he stood in filial relationship of a less sanctified character. he had received a liberal education, and, when but twenty-one years of age, had served as a volunteer under general edward cornwallis, governor of halifax. he was afterwards captain of a new york independent company, with which, it may be remembered, he marched in the campaign of braddock, in which he was severely wounded. for two or three subsequent years he was with his company in the western part of the province of new york, receiving the appointment of brigade major. he accompanied general monckton as aide-de-camp to the west indies, and gained credit at the capture of martinico. being despatched to london with tidings of the victory, he was rewarded by the appointment of major to a regiment of foot; and afterwards, as a special mark of royal favor, a majority in the royal americans. his promotion did not equal his expectations and fancied deserts. he was married, and wanted something more lucrative; so he sold out on half-pay and became an applicant for some profitable post under government, which he hoped to obtain through the influence of general monckton and some friends in the aristocracy. thus several years were passed, partly with his family in retirement, partly in london, paying court to patrons and men in power, until, finding there was no likelihood of success, and having sold his commission and half-pay, he emigrated to virginia in , a disappointed man; purchased an estate in berkeley county, beyond the blue ridge; espoused the popular cause, and renewed his old campaigning acquaintance with washington. he was now about forty-six years of age, of a florid complexion and goodly presence, though a little inclined to corpulency; social, insinuating, and somewhat specious in his manners, with a strong degree of self-approbation. a long course of solicitation; haunting public offices and antechambers, and "knocking about town," had taught him, it was said, how to wheedle and flatter, and accommodate himself to the humors of others, so as to be the boon companion of gentlemen, and "hail fellow well met" with the vulgar. lee, who was an old friend and former associate in arms, had recently been induced by him to purchase an estate in his neighborhood in berkeley county, with a view to making it his abode, having a moderate competency, a claim to land on the ohio, and the half-pay of a british colonel. both of these officers, disappointed in the british service, looked forward probably to greater success in the patriot cause. lee had been at philadelphia since his visit to boston, and had made himself acquainted with the leading members of congress during the session. he was evidently cultivating an intimacy with every one likely to have influence in the approaching struggle. to washington, the visits of these gentlemen were extremely welcome at this juncture, from their military knowledge and experience, especially as much of it had been acquired in america, in the same kind of warfare, if not the very same campaigns in which he himself had mingled. both were interested in the popular cause. lee was full of plans for the organization and disciplining of the militia, and occasionally accompanied washington in his attendance on provincial reviews. he was subsequently very efficient at annapolis in promoting and superintending the organization of the maryland militia. it is doubtful whether the visits of lee were as interesting to mrs. washington as to the general. he was whimsical, eccentric, and at times almost rude; negligent also, and slovenly in person and attire; for though he had occasionally associated with kings and princes, he had also campaigned with mohawks and cossacks, and seems to have relished their "good breeding." what was still more annoying in a well regulated mansion, he was always followed by a legion of dogs, which shared his affections with his horses, and took their seats by him when at table. "i must have some object to embrace," said he misanthropically. "when i can be convinced that men are as worthy objects as dogs, i shall transfer my benevolence, and become as staunch a philanthropist as the canting addison affected to be." [footnote: lee to adams. life and works of adams, ii., .] in his passion for horses and dogs, washington, to a certain degree, could sympathize with him, and had noble specimens of both in his stable and kennel, which lee doubtless inspected with a learned eye. during the season in question, washington, according to his diary, was occasionally in the saddle at an early hour following the fox-hounds. it was the last time for many a year that he was to gallop about his beloved hunting-grounds of mount vernon and belvoir. in the month of march the second virginia convention was held at richmond. washington attended as delegate from fairfax county. in this assembly, patrick henry, with his usual ardor and eloquence, advocated measures for embodying, arming and disciplining a militia force, and providing for the defence of the colony. "it is useless," said he, "to address further petitions to government, or to await the effect of those already addressed to the throne. the time for supplication is past; the time for action is at hand. we must fight, mr. speaker," exclaimed he emphatically; "i repeat it, sir, we must fight! an appeal to arms, and to the god of hosts, is all that is left us!" washington joined him in the conviction, and was one of a committee that reported a plan for carrying those measures into effect. he was not an impulsive man to raise the battle cry, but the executive man to marshal the troops into the field, and carry on the war. his brother, john augustine, was raising and disciplining an independent company; washington offered to accept the command of it, _should occasion require it to be drawn out_. he did the same with respect to an independent company at richmond. "it is my full intention, if needful," writes he to his brother, "_to devote my life and fortune to the cause_." [footnote: letter to john augustine. sparks, ii., .] chapter xxxvii. infatuation in british councils--colonel grant, the braggart--coercive measures--expedition against the military magazine at concord--battle of lexington--the cry of blood through the land--old soldiers of the french war--john stark--israel putnam--rising of the yeomanry--measures of lord dunmore in virginia--indignation of the virginians--hugh mercer and the friends of liberty--arrival of the news of lexington at mount vernon-- effect on bryan fairfax, gates, and washington. while the spirit of revolt was daily gaining strength and determination in america, a strange infatuation reigned in the british councils. while the wisdom and eloquence of chatham were exerted in vain in behalf of american rights, an empty braggadocio, elevated to a seat in parliament, was able to captivate the attention of the members, and influence their votes by gross misrepresentations of the americans and their cause. this was no other than colonel grant, the same shallow soldier who, exceeding his instructions, had been guilty of a foolhardy bravado before the walls of fort duquesne, which brought slaughter and defeat upon his troops. from misleading the army, he was now promoted to a station where he might mislead the councils of his country. we are told that he entertained parliament, especially the ministerial side of the house, with ludicrous stories of the cowardice of americans. he had served with them, he said, and knew them well, and would venture to say they would never dare to face an english army; that they were destitute of every requisite to make good soldiers, and that a very slight force would be sufficient for their complete reduction. with five regiments, he could march through all america! how often has england been misled to her cost by such slanderous misrepresentations of the american character! grant talked of having served with the americans; had he already forgotten that in the field of braddock's defeat, when the british regulars fled, it was alone the desperate stand of a handful of virginians, which covered their disgraceful flight, and saved them from being overtaken and massacred by the savages? this taunting and braggart speech of grant was made in the face of the conciliatory bill of the venerable chatham, devised with a view to redress the wrongs of america. the councils of the arrogant and scornful prevailed; and instead of the proposed bill, further measures of a stringent nature were adopted, coercive of some of the middle and southern colonies, but ruinous to the trade and fisheries of new england. at length the bolt, so long suspended, fell! the troops at boston had been augmented to about four thousand men. goaded on by the instigations of the tories, and alarmed by the energetic measures of the whigs, general gage now resolved to deal the latter a crippling blow. this was to surprise and destroy their magazine of military stores at concord, about twenty miles from boston. it was to be effected on the night of the th of april, by a force detached for the purpose. preparations were made with great secrecy. boats for the transportation of the troops were launched, and moored under the sterns of the men-of-war. grenadiers and light infantry were relieved from duty, and held in readiness. on the th, officers were stationed on the roads leading from boston, to prevent any intelligence of the expedition getting into the country. at night orders were issued by general gage that no person should leave the town. about ten o'clock, from eight to nine hundred men, grenadiers, light infantry, and marines, commanded by lieutenant-colonel smith, embarked in the boats at the foot of boston common, and crossed to lechmere point, in cambridge, whence they were to march silently, and without beat of drum, to the place of destination. the measures of general gage had not been shrouded in all the secrecy he imagined. mystery often defeats itself by the suspicions it awakens. dr. joseph warren, one of the committee of safety, had observed the preparatory disposition of the boats and troops, and surmised some sinister intention. he sent notice of these movements to john hancock and samuel adams, both members of the provincial congress, but at that time privately sojourning with a friend at lexington. a design on the magazine at concord was suspected, and the committee of safety ordered that the cannon collected there should be secreted, and part of the stores removed. on the night of the th, dr. warren sent off two messengers by different routes to give the alarm that the king's troops were actually sallying forth. the messengers got out of boston just before the order of general gage went into effect, to prevent any one from leaving the town. about the same time a lantern was hung out of an upper window of the north church, in the direction of charlestown. this was a preconcerted signal to the patriots of that place, who instantly despatched swift messengers to rouse the country. in the mean time, colonel smith set out on his nocturnal march from lechmere point by an unfrequented path across marshes, where at times the troops had to wade through water. he had proceeded but a few miles when alarm guns, booming through the night air, and the clang of village bells, showed that the news of his approach was travelling before him, and the people were rising. he now sent back to general gage for a reinforcement, while major pitcairne was detached with six companies to press forward, and secure the bridges at concord. pitcairn advanced rapidly, capturing every one that he met, or overtook. within a mile and half of lexington, however, a horseman was too quick on the spur for him, and galloping to the village, gave the alarm that the redcoats were coming. drums were beaten; guns fired. by the time that pitcairn entered the village, about seventy or eighty of the yeomanry, in military array, were mustered on the green near the church. it was a part of the "constitutional army," pledged to resist by force any open hostility of british troops. besides these, there were a number of lookers on, armed and unarmed. the sound of drum, and the array of men in arms, indicated a hostile determination. pitcairn halted his men within a short distance of the church, and ordered them to prime and load. they then advanced at double quick time. the major, riding forward, waved his sword, and ordered the rebels, as he termed them, to disperse. other of the officers echoed his words as they advanced: "disperse, ye villains! lay down your arms, ye rebels, and disperse!" the orders were disregarded. a scene of confusion ensued, with firing on both sides; which party commenced it, has been a matter of dispute. pitcairn always maintained that, finding the militia would not disperse, he turned to order his men to draw out, and surround them, when he saw a flash in the pan from the gun of a countryman posted behind a wall, and almost instantly the report of two or three muskets. these he supposed to be from the americans, as his horse was wounded, as was also a soldier close by him. his troops rushed on, and a promiscuous fire took place, though, as he declared, he made repeated signals with his sword for his men to forbear. the firing of the americans was irregular, and without much effect; that of the british was more fatal. eight of the patriots were killed, and ten wounded, and the whole put to flight. the victors formed on the common, fired a volley, and gave three cheers for one of the most inglorious and disastrous triumphs ever achieved by british arms. colonel smith soon arrived with the residue of the detachment, and they all marched on towards concord, about six miles distant. the alarm had reached that place in the dead hour of the preceding night. the church bell roused the inhabitants. they gathered together in anxious consultation. the militia and minute men seized their arms, and repaired to the parade ground, near the church. here they were subsequently joined by armed yeomanry from lincoln, and elsewhere. exertions were now made to remove and conceal the military stores. a scout, who had been sent out for intelligence, brought word that the british had fired upon the people at lexington, and were advancing upon concord. there was great excitement and indignation. part of the militia marched down the lexington road to meet them, but returned, reporting their force to be three times that of the americans. the whole of the militia now retired to an eminence about a mile from the centre of the town, and formed themselves into two battalions. about seven o'clock, the british came in sight, advancing with quick step, their arms glittering in the morning sun. they entered in two divisions by different roads. concord is traversed by a river of the same name, having two bridges, the north and the south. the grenadiers and light infantry took post in the centre of the town, while strong parties of light troops were detached to secure the bridges, and destroy the military stores. two hours were expended in the work of destruction without much success, so much of the stores having been removed, or concealed. during all this time the yeomanry from the neighboring towns were hurrying in with such weapons as were at hand, and joining the militia on the height, until the little cloud of war gathering there numbered about four hundred and fifty. about ten o'clock, a body of three hundred undertook to dislodge the british from the north bridge. as they approached, the latter fired upon them, killing two, and wounding a third. the patriots returned the fire with spirit and effect. the british retreated to the main body, the americans pursuing them across the bridge. by this time all the military stores which could be found had been destroyed; colonel smith, therefore, made preparations for a retreat. the scattered troops were collected, the dead were buried, and conveyances procured for the wounded. about noon he commenced his retrograde march for boston. it was high time. his troops were jaded by the night march, and the morning's toils and skirmishings. the country was thoroughly alarmed. the yeomanry were hurrying from every quarter to the scene of action. as the british began their retreat, the americans began the work of sore and galling retaliation. along the open road, the former were harassed incessantly by rustic marksmen, who took deliberate aim from behind trees, or over stone fences. where the road passed through woods, the british found themselves between two fires, dealt by unseen foes, the minute men having posted themselves on each side among the bushes. it was in vain they threw out flankers, and endeavored to dislodge their assailants; each pause gave time for other pursuers to come within reach, and open attacks from different quarters. for several miles they urged their way along woody defiles, or roads skirted with fences and stone walls, the retreat growing more and more disastrous; some were shot down, some gave out through mere exhaustion; the rest hurried on, without stopping to aid the fatigued, or wounded. before reaching lexington, colonel smith received a severe wound in the leg, and the situation of the retreating troops was becoming extremely critical, when, about two o'clock, they were met by lord percy, with a brigade of one thousand men, and two field-pieces. his lordship had been detached from boston about nine o'clock by general gage, in compliance with colonel smith's urgent call for a reinforcement, and had marched gaily through roxbury to the tune of "yankee doodle," in derision of the "rebels." he now found the latter a more formidable foe than he had anticipated. opening his brigade to the right and left, he received the retreating troops into a hollow square; where, fainting and exhausted, they threw themselves on the ground to rest. his lordship showed no disposition to advance upon their assailants, but contented himself with keeping them at bay with his field-pieces, which opened a vigorous fire from an eminence. hitherto the provincials, being hasty levies, without a leader, had acted from individual impulse, without much concert; but now general heath was upon the ground. he was one of those authorized to take command when the minute men should be called out. that class of combatants promptly obeyed his orders, and he was efficacious in rallying them, and bringing them into military order, when checked and scattered by the fire of the field-pieces. dr. warren, also, arrived on horseback, having spurred from boston on receiving news of the skirmishing. in the subsequent part of the day, he was one of the most active and efficient men in the field. his presence, like that of general heath, regulated the infuriated ardor of the militia, and brought it into system. lord percy, having allowed the troops a short interval for repose and refreshment, continued the retreat toward boston. as soon as he got under march, the galling assault by the pursuing yeomanry was recommenced in flank and rear. the british soldiery, irritated in turn, acted as if in an enemy's country. houses and shops were burnt down in lexington; private dwellings along the road were plundered, and their inhabitants maltreated. in one instance, an unoffending invalid was wantonly slain in his own house. all this increased the exasperation of the yeomanry. there was occasional sharp skirmishing, with bloodshed on both sides, but in general a dogged pursuit, where the retreating troops were galled at every step. their march became more and more impeded by the number of their wounded. lord percy narrowly escaped death from a musket-ball, which struck off a button of his waistcoat. one of his officers remained behind wounded in west cambridge. his ammunition was failing as he approached charlestown. the provincials pressed upon him in rear, others were advancing from roxbury, dorchester, and milton; colonel pickering, with the essex militia, seven hundred strong, was at hand; there was danger of being intercepted in the retreat to charlestown. the field-pieces were again brought into play, to check the ardor of the pursuit; but they were no longer objects of terror. the sharpest firing of the provincials was near prospect hill, as the harassed enemy hurried along the charlestown road, eager to reach the neck, and get under cover of their ships. the pursuit terminated a little after sunset, at charlestown common, where general heath brought the minute men to a halt. within half an hour more, a powerful body of men, from marblehead and salem, came up to join in the chase. "if the retreat," writes washington, "had not been as precipitate as it was,--and god knows it could not well have been more so,--the ministerial troops must have surrendered, or been totally cut off." the distant firing from the mainland had reached the british at boston. the troops which, in the morning, had marched through roxbury, to the tune of yankee doodle, might have been seen at sunset, hounded along the old cambridge road to charlestown neck, by mere armed yeomanry. gage was astounded at the catastrophe. it was but a short time previous that one of his officers, in writing to friends in england, scoffed at the idea of the americans taking up arms. "whenever it comes to blows," said he, "he that can run the fastest, will think himself well off, believe me. any two regiments here ought to be decimated, if they did not beat in the field the whole force of the massachusetts province." how frequently, throughout this revolution, had the english to pay the penalty of thus undervaluing the spirit they were provoking! in this memorable affair, the british loss was seventy-three killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and twenty-six missing. among the slain were eighteen officers. the loss of the americans was forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing. this was the first blood shed in the revolutionary struggle; a mere drop in amount, but a deluge in its effects,--rending the colonies for ever from the mother country. the cry of blood from the field of lexington, went through the land. none felt the appeal more than the old soldiers of the french war. it roused john stark, of new hampshire--a trapper and hunter in his youth, a veteran in indian warfare, a campaigner under abercrombie and amherst, now the military oracle of a rustic neighborhood. within ten minutes after receiving the alarm, he was spurring towards the sea-coast, and on the way stirring up the volunteers of the massachusetts borders, to assemble forthwith at bedford, in the vicinity of boston. equally alert was his old comrade in frontier exploits, colonel israel putnam. a man on horseback, with a drum, passed through his neighborhood in connecticut, proclaiming british violence at lexington. putnam was in the field ploughing, assisted by his son. in an instant the team was unyoked; the plough left in the furrow; the lad sent home to give word of his father's departure; and putnam, on horseback, in his working garb, urging with all speed to the camp. such was the spirit aroused throughout the country. the sturdy yeomanry, from all parts, were hastening toward boston with such weapons as were at hand; and happy was he who could command a rusty fowling-piece and a powder-horn. the news reached virginia at a critical moment. lord dunmore, obeying a general order issued by the ministry to all the provincial governors, had seized upon the military munitions of the province. here was a similar measure to that of gage. the cry went forth that the subjugation of the colonies was to be attempted. all virginia was in combustion. the standard of liberty was reared in every county; there was a general cry to arms. washington was looked to, from various quarters, to take command. his old comrade in arms, hugh mercer, was about marching down to williamsburg at the head of a body of resolute men, seven hundred strong, entitled "the friends of constitutional liberty and america," whom he had organized and drilled in fredericksburg, and nothing but a timely concession of lord dunmore, with respect to some powder which he had seized, prevented his being beset in his palace. before hugh mercer and the friends of liberty disbanded themselves, they exchanged a mutual pledge to reassemble at a moment's warning, whenever called on to defend the liberty and rights of this or any other sister colony. washington was at mount vernon, preparing to set out for philadelphia as a delegate to the second congress, when he received tidings of the affair at lexington. bryan fairfax and major horatio gates were his guests at the time. they all regarded the event as decisive in its consequences; but they regarded it with different feelings. the worthy and gentle-spirited fairfax deplored it deeply. he foresaw that it must break up all his pleasant relations in life; arraying his dearest friends against the government to which, notwithstanding the errors of its policy, he was loyally attached and resolved to adhere. gates, on the contrary, viewed it with the eye of a soldier and a place-hunter--hitherto disappointed in both capacities. this event promised to open a new avenue to importance and command, and he determined to enter upon it. washington's feelings were of a mingled nature. they may be gathered from a letter to his friend and neighbor, george william fairfax, then in england, in which he lays the blame of this "deplorable affair" on the ministry and their military agents; and concludes with the following words, in which the yearnings of the patriot give affecting solemnity to the implied resolve of the soldier: "unhappy it is to reflect that a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast; and that the once happy and peaceful plains of america, are to be either drenched with blood or inhabited by slaves. sad alternative! _but can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?_" chapter xxxviii. enlisting of troops in the east--camp at boston--general artemas ward-- scheme to surprise ticonderoga--new hampshire grants--ethan allen and the green mountain boys--benedict arnold--affair of ticonderoga and crown point--a dash at st. john's. at the eastward, the march of the revolution went on with accelerated speed. thirty thousand men had been deemed necessary for the defence of the country. the provincial congress of massachusetts resolved to raise thirteen thousand six hundred, as its quota. circular letters, also, were issued by the committee of safety, urging the towns to enlist troops with all speed, and calling for military aid from the other new england provinces. their appeals were promptly answered. bodies of militia, and parties of volunteers from new hampshire, rhode island and connecticut, hastened to join the minute men of massachusetts in forming a camp in the neighborhood of boston. with the troops of connecticut, came israel putnam; having recently raised a regiment in that province, and received from its assembly the commission of brigadier-general. some of his old comrades in french and indian warfare, had hastened to join his standard. such were two of his captains, durkee and knowlton. the latter, who was his especial favorite, had fought by his side when a mere boy. the command of the camp was given to general artemas ward, already mentioned. he was a native of shrewsbury, in massachusetts, and a veteran of the seven years' war--having served as lieutenant-colonel under abercrombie. he had, likewise, been a member of the legislative bodies, and had recently been made, by the provincial congress of massachusetts, commander-in-chief of its forces. as affairs were now drawing to a crisis, and war was considered inevitable, some bold spirits in connecticut conceived a project for the outset. this was the surprisal of the old forts of ticonderoga and crown point, already famous in the french war. their situation on lake champlain gave them the command of the main route to canada; so that the possession of them would be all-important in case of hostilities. they were feebly garrisoned and negligently guarded, and abundantly furnished with artillery and military stores, so much needed by the patriot army. this scheme was set on foot in the purlieus, as it were, of the provincial legislature of connecticut, then in session. it was not openly sanctioned by that body, but secretly favored, and money lent from the treasury to those engaged in it. a committee was appointed, also, to accompany them to the frontier, aid them in raising troops, and exercise over them, a degree of superintendence and control. sixteen men were thus enlisted in connecticut, a greater number in massachusetts, but the greatest accession of force, was from what was called the "new hampshire grants." this was a region having the connecticut river on one side, and lake champlain and the hudson river on the other--being, in fact, the country forming the present state of vermont. it had long been a disputed territory, claimed by new york and new hampshire. george ii. had decided in favor of new york; but the governor of new hampshire had made grants of between one and two hundred townships in it, whence it had acquired the name of the new hampshire grants. the settlers on those grants resisted the attempts of new york to eject them, and formed themselves into an association, called "the green mountain boys." resolute, strong-handed fellows they were, with ethan allen at their head, a native of connecticut, but brought up among the green mountains. he and his lieutenants, seth warner and remember baker, were outlawed by the legislature of new york, and rewards offered for their apprehension. they and their associates armed themselves, set new york at defiance, and swore they would be the death of any one who should attempt their arrest. thus ethan allen was becoming a kind of robin hood among the mountains, when the present crisis changed the relative position of things as if by magic. boundary feuds were forgotten amid the great questions of colonial rights. ethan allen at once stepped forward, a patriot, and volunteered with his green mountain boys to serve in the popular cause. he was well fitted for the enterprise in question, by his experience as a frontier champion, his robustness of mind and body, and his fearless spirit. he had a kind of rough eloquence, also, that was very effective with his followers. "his style," says one, who knew him personally, "was a singular compound of local barbarisms, scriptural phrases, and oriental wildness; and though unclassic, and sometimes ungrammatical, was highly animated and forcible." washington, in one of his letters, says there was "an original something in him which commanded admiration." thus reinforced, the party, now two hundred and seventy strong, pushed forward to castleton, a place within a few miles of the head of lake champlain. here a council of war was held on the d of may. ethan allen was placed at the head of the expedition, with james easton and seth warner as second and third in command. detachments were sent off to skenesborough (now whitehall), and another place on the lake, with orders to seize all the boats they could find and bring them to shoreham, opposite ticonderoga, whither allen prepared to proceed with the main body. at this juncture, another adventurous spirit arrived at castleton. this was benedict arnold, since so sadly renowned. he, too, had conceived the project of surprising ticonderoga and crown point; or, perhaps, had caught the idea from its first agitators in connecticut,--in the militia of which province he held a captain's commission. he had proposed the scheme to the massachusetts committee of safety. it had met with their approbation. they had given him a colonel's commission, authorized him to raise a force in western massachusetts, not exceeding four hundred men, and furnished him with money and means. arnold had enlisted but a few officers and men when he heard of the expedition from connecticut being on the march. he instantly hurried on with one attendant to overtake it, leaving his few recruits to follow, as best they could: in this way he reached castleton just after the council of war. producing the colonel's commission received from the massachusetts committee of safety, he now aspired to the supreme command. his claims were disregarded by the green mountain boys; they would follow no leader but ethan allen. as they formed the majority of the party, arnold was fain to acquiesce, and serve as a volunteer, with the rank, but not the command of colonel. the party arrived at shoreham, opposite ticonderoga, on the night of the th of may. the detachment sent in quest of boats had failed to arrive. there were a few boats at hand, with which the transportation was commenced. it was slow work; the night wore away; day was about to break, and but eighty-three men, with allen and arnold, had crossed. should they wait for the residue, day would dawn, the garrison wake, and their enterprise might fail. allen drew up his men, addressed them in his own emphatic style, and announced his intention to make a dash at the fort without waiting for more force. "it is a desperate attempt," said he, "and i ask no man to go against his will. i will take the lead, and be the first to advance. you that are willing to follow, poise your firelocks." not a firelock but was poised. they mounted the hill briskly, but in silence, guided by a boy from the neighborhood. the day dawned as allen arrived at a sally port. a sentry pulled trigger on him, but his piece missed fire. he retreated through a covered way. allen and his men followed. another sentry thrust at easton with his bayonet, but was struck down by allen, and begged for quarter. it was granted on condition of his leading the way instantly to the quarters of the commandant, captain delaplace, who was yet in bed. being arrived there, allen thundered at the door, and demanded a surrender of the fort. by this time his followers had formed into two lines on the parade-ground, and given three hearty cheers. the commandant appeared at his door half-dressed, "the frightened face of his pretty wife peering over his shoulder." he gazed at allen in bewildered astonishment. "by whose authority do you act?" exclaimed he. "in the name of the great jehovah, and the continental congress!" replied allen, with a flourish of his sword, and an oath which we do not care to subjoin. there was no disputing the point. the garrison, like the commander, had been startled from sleep, and made prisoners as they rushed forth in their confusion. a surrender accordingly took place. the captain, and forty-eight men, which composed his garrison, were sent prisoners to hartford, in connecticut. a great supply of military and naval stores, so important in the present crisis, was found in the fortress. colonel seth warner, who had brought over the residue of the party from shoreham, was now sent with a detachment against crown point, which surrendered on the th of may, without firing a gun; the whole garrison being a sergeant and twelve men. here were taken upward of a hundred cannon. arnold now insisted vehemently on his right to command ticonderoga; being, as he said, the only officer invested with legal authority. his claims had again to yield to the superior popularity of ethan allen, to whom the connecticut committee, which had accompanied the enterprise, gave an instrument in writing, investing him with the command of the fortress, and its dependencies, until he should receive the orders of the connecticut assembly, or the continental congress. arnold, while forced to acquiesce, sent a protest, and a statement of his grievances to the massachusetts legislature. in the mean time, his chagrin was appeased by a new project. the detachment originally sent to seize upon boats at skenesborough, arrived with a schooner, and several bateaux. it was immediately concerted between allen and arnold to cruise in them down the lake, and surprise st. john's, on the sorel river, the frontier post of canada. the schooner was accordingly armed with cannon from the fort. arnold, who had been a seaman in his youth, took the command of her, while allen and his green mountain boys embarked in the bateaux. arnold outsailed the other craft, and arriving at st. john's, surprised and made prisoners of a sergeant and twelve men; captured a king's sloop of seventy tons, with two brass six-pounders and seven men; took four bateaux, destroyed several others, and then, learning that troops were on the way from montreal and chamblee, spread all his sails to a favoring breeze, and swept up the lake with his prizes and prisoners, and some valuable stores, which he had secured. he had not sailed far when he met ethan allen and the bateaux. salutes were exchanged; cannon on one side, musketry on the other. allen boarded the sloop; learnt from arnold the particulars of his success, and determined to push on, take possession of st. john's, and garrison it with one hundred of his green mountain boys. he was foiled in the attempt by the superior force which had arrived; so he returned to his station at ticonderoga. thus a partisan band, unpractised in the art of war, had, by a series of daring exploits, and almost without the loss of a man, won for the patriots the command of lakes george and champlain, and thrown open the great highway to canada. chapter xxxix. second session of congress--john hancock--petition to the king--federal union--military measures--debates about the army--question as to commander-in-chief--appointment of washington--other appointments--letters of washington to his wife and brother--preparations for departure. the second general congress assembled at philadelphia on the th of may. peyton randolph was again elected as president; but being obliged to return, and occupy his place as speaker of the virginia assembly, john hancock, of massachusetts, was elevated to the chair. a lingering feeling of attachment to the mother country, struggling with the growing spirit of self-government, was manifested in the proceedings of this remarkable body. many of those most active in vindicating colonial rights, and washington among the number, still indulged the hope of an eventual reconciliation, while few entertained, or, at least, avowed the idea of complete independence. a second "humble and dutiful" petition to the king was moved, but met with strong opposition. john adams condemned it as an imbecile measure, calculated to embarrass the proceedings of congress. he was for prompt and vigorous action. other members concurred with him. indeed, the measure itself seemed but a mere form, intended to reconcile the half-scrupulous; for subsequently, when it was carried, congress, in face of it, went on to assume and exercise the powers of a sovereign authority. a federal union was formed, leaving to each colony the right of regulating its internal affairs according to its own individual constitution, but vesting in congress the power of making peace or war; of entering into treaties and alliances; of regulating general commerce; in a word, of legislating on all such matters as regarded the security and welfare of the whole community. the executive power was to be vested in a council of twelve, chosen by congress from among its own members, and to hold office for a limited time. such colonies as had not sent delegates to congress, might yet become members of the confederacy by agreeing to its conditions. georgia, which had hitherto hesitated, soon joined the league, which thus extended from nova scotia to florida. congress lost no time in exercising their federated powers. in virtue of them, they ordered the enlistment of troops, the construction of forts in various parts of the colonies, the provision of arms, ammunition, and military stores; while to defray the expense of these, and other measures, avowedly of self-defence, they authorized the emission of notes to the amount of three millions of dollars, bearing the inscription of "the united colonies;" the faith of the confederacy being pledged for their redemption. a retaliating decree was passed, prohibiting all supplies of provisions to the british fisheries; and another, declaring the province of massachusetts bay absolved from its compact with the crown, by the violation of its charter; and recommending it to form an internal government for itself. the public sense of washington's military talents and experience, was evinced in his being chairman of all the committees appointed for military affairs. most of the rules and regulations for the army, and the measures for defence, were devised by him. the situation of the new england army, actually besieging boston, became an early and absorbing consideration. it was without munitions of war, without arms, clothing, or pay; in fact, without legislative countenance or encouragement. unless sanctioned and assisted by congress, there was danger of its dissolution. if dissolved, how could another be collected? if dissolved, what would there be to prevent the british from sallying out of boston, and spreading desolation throughout the country? all this was the subject of much discussion out of doors. the disposition to uphold the army was general; but the difficult question was, who should be commander-in-chief? adams, in his diary, gives us glimpses of the conflict of opinions and interests within doors. there was a southern party, he said, which could not brook the idea of a new england army, commanded by a new england general. "whether this jealousy was sincere," writes he, "or whether it was mere pride, and a haughty ambition of furnishing a southern general to command the northern army, i cannot say; but the intention was very visible to me, that colonel washington was their object; and so many of our stanchest men were in the plan, that we could carry nothing without conceding to it. there was another embarrassment, which was never publicly known, and which was carefully concealed by those who knew it: the massachusetts and other new england delegates were divided. mr. hancock and mr. cushing hung back; mr. paine did not come forward, and even mr. samuel adams was irresolute. mr. hancock himself had an ambition to be appointed commander-in-chief. whether he thought an election a compliment due to him, and intended to have the honor of declining it, or whether he would have accepted it, i know not. to the compliment, he had some pretensions; for, at that time, his exertions, sacrifices, and general merits in the cause of his country, had been incomparably greater than those of colonel washington. but the delicacy of his health, and his entire want of experience in actual service, though an excellent militia officer, were decisive objections to him in my mind." general charles lee was at that time in philadelphia. his former visit had made him well acquainted with the leading members of congress. the active interest he had manifested in the cause was well known, and the public had an almost extravagant idea of his military qualifications. he was of foreign birth, however, and it was deemed improper to confide the supreme command to any but a native-born american. in fact, if he was sincere in what we have quoted from his letter to burke, he did not aspire to such a signal mark of confidence. the opinion evidently inclined in favor of washington; yet it was promoted by no clique of partisans or admirers. more than one of the virginia delegates, says adams, were cool on the subject of this appointment; and particularly mr. pendleton, was clear and full against it. it is scarcely necessary to add, that washington in this, as in every other situation in life, made no step in advance to clutch the impending honor. adams, in his diary, claims the credit of bringing the members of congress to a decision. rising in his place, one day, and stating briefly, but earnestly, the exigencies of the case, he moved that congress should adopt the army at cambridge, and appoint a general. though this was not the time to nominate the person, "yet," adds he, "as i had reason to believe this was a point of some difficulty, i had no hesitation to declare, that i had but one gentleman in my mind for that important command, and that was a gentleman from virginia, who was among us and very well known to all of us; a gentleman, whose skill and experience as an officer, whose independent fortune, great talents, and excellent universal character would command the approbation of all america, and unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies better than any other person in the union. mr. washington, who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted into the library-room. mr. hancock, who was our president, which gave me an opportunity to observe his countenance, while i was speaking on the state of the colonies, the army at cambridge, and the enemy, heard me with visible pleasure; but when i came to describe washington for the commander, i never remarked a more sudden and striking change of countenance. mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them." "when the subject came under debate, several delegates opposed the appointment of washington; not from personal objections, but because the army were all from new england, and had a general of their own, general artemas ward, with whom they appeared well satisfied; and under whose command they had proved themselves able to imprison the british army in boston; which was all that was to be expected or desired." the subject was postponed to a future day. in the interim, pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity, and the voices were in general so clearly in favor of washington, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition. on the th of june, the army was regularly adopted by congress, and the pay of the commander-in-chief fixed at five hundred dollars a month. many still clung to the idea, that in all these proceedings they were merely opposing the measures of the ministry, and not the authority of the crown, and thus the army before boston was designated as the continental army, in contradistinction to that under general gage, which was called the ministerial army. in this stage of the business mr. johnson, of maryland, rose, and nominated washington for the station of commander-in-chief. the election was by ballot, and was unanimous. it was formally announced to him by the president, on the following day, when he had taken his seat in congress. rising in his place, he briefly expressed his high and grateful sense of the honor conferred on him, and his sincere devotion to the cause. "but," added he, "lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, i beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that i this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, i do not think myself equal to the command i am honored with. as to pay, i beg leave to assure the congress that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, i do not wish to make any profit of it. i will keep an exact account of my expenses. those, i doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all i desire." "there is something charming to me in the conduct of washington," writes adams to a friend; "a gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the continent, leaving his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease, and hazarding all, in the cause of his country. his views are noble and disinterested. he declared, when he accepted the mighty trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not accept a shilling of pay." four major-generals were to be appointed. among those specified were general charles lee and general ward. mr. mifflin, of philadelphia, who was lee's especial friend and admirer, urged that he should be second in command. "general lee," said he, "would serve cheerfully under washington; but considering his rank, character, and experience, could not be expected to serve under any other. he must be _aut secundus, aut nullus_." adams, on the other hand, as strenuously objected that it would be a great deal to expect that general ward, who was actually in command of the army in boston, should serve under any man; but under a stranger he ought not to serve. general ward, accordingly, was elected the second in command, and lee the third. the other two major-generals were, philip schuyler, of new york, and israel putnam, of connecticut. eight brigadier-generals were likewise appointed; seth pomeroy, richard montgomery, david wooster, william heath, joseph spencer, john thomas, john sullivan, and nathaniel greene. notwithstanding mr. mifflin's objection to having lee ranked under ward, as being beneath his dignity and merits, he himself made no scruple to acquiesce; though, judging from his supercilious character, and from circumstances in his subsequent conduct, he no doubt considered himself vastly superior to the provincial officers placed over him. at washington's express request, his old friend, major horatio gates, then absent at his estate in virginia, was appointed adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier. adams, according to his own account, was extremely loth to admit either lee or gates into the american service, although he considered them officers of great experience and confessed abilities. he apprehended difficulties, he said, from the "natural prejudices and virtuous attachment of our countrymen to their own officers." "but," adds he, "considering the earnest desire of general washington to have the assistance of those officers, the extreme attachment of many of our best friends in the southern colonies to them, the reputation they would give to our arms in europe, and especially with the ministerial generals and army in boston, as well as the real american merit of both, i could not withhold my vote from either." the reader will possibly call these circumstances to mind when, on a future page, he finds how lee and grates requited the friendship to which chiefly they owed their appointments. in this momentous change in his condition, which suddenly altered all his course of life, and called him immediately to the camp, washington's thoughts recurred to mount vernon, and its rural delights, so dear to his heart, whence he was to be again exiled. his chief concern, however, was on account of the distress it might cause to his wife. his letter to her on the subject is written in a tone of manly tenderness. "you may believe me," writes he, "when i assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, i have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity; and i should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home than i have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. but as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, i shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose. ... "i shall rely confidently on that providence which has heretofore preserved, and been bountiful to me, not doubting but that i shall return safe to you in the fall. i shall feel no pain from the toil or danger of the campaign; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness i know you will feel from being left alone. i therefore beg that you will summon your whole fortitude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible. nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen." and to his favorite brother, john augustine, he writes: "i am now to bid adieu to you, and to every kind of domestic ease, for a while. i am embarked on a wide ocean, boundless in its prospect, and in which, perhaps, no safe harbor is to be found. i have been called upon by the unanimous voice of the colonies to take the command of the continental army; an honor i neither sought after, nor desired, as i am thoroughly convinced that it requires great abilities, and much more experience, than i am master of." and subsequently, referring to his wife: "i shall hope that my friends will visit, and endeavor to keep up the spirits of my wife as much as they can, for my departure will, i know, be a cutting stroke upon her; and on this account alone i have many disagreeable sensations." on the th of june, he received his commission from the president of congress. the following day was fixed upon for his departure for the army. he reviewed previously, at the request of their officers, several militia companies of horse and foot. every one was anxious to see the new commander, and rarely has the public _beau ideal_ of a commander been so fully answered. he was now in the vigor of his days, forty-three years of age, stately in person, noble in his demeanor, calm and dignified in his deportment; as he sat his horse, with manly grace, his military presence delighted every eye, and wherever he went the air rang with acclamations. [illustration] chapter xl. more troops arrive at boston--generals howe, burgoyne, and clinton-- proclamation of gage--nature of the american army--scornful conduct of the british officers--project of the americans to seize upon breed's hill-- putnam's opinion of it--sanctioned by prescott--nocturnal march of the detachment--fortifying of bunker's hill--break of day, and astonishment of the enemy. while congress had been deliberating on the adoption of the army, and the nomination of a commander-in-chief, events had been thickening and drawing to a crisis in the excited region about boston. the provincial troops which blockaded the town prevented supplies by land, the neighboring country refused to furnish them by water; fresh provisions and vegetables were no longer to be procured, and boston began to experience the privations of a besieged city. on the th of may, arrived ships of war and transports from england, bringing large reinforcements, under generals howe, burgoyne, and henry clinton, commanders of high reputation. as the ships entered the harbor, and the "rebel camp" was pointed out, ten thousand yeomanry beleaguering a town garrisoned by five thousand regulars, burgoyne could not restrain a burst of surprise and scorn. "what!" cried he, "ten thousand peasants keep five thousand king's troops shut up! well, let us get in, and we'll soon find elbow-room." inspirited by these reinforcements, general gage determined to take the field. previously, however, in conformity to instructions from lord dartmouth, the head of the war department, he issued a proclamation ( th june), putting the province under martial law, threatening to treat as rebels and traitors all malcontents who should continue under arms, together with their aiders and abettors; but offering pardon to all who should lay down their arms, and return to their allegiance. from this proffered amnesty, however, john hancock and samuel adams were especially excepted; their offences being pronounced "too flagitious not to meet with condign punishment." this proclamation only served to put the patriots on the alert against such measures as might be expected to follow, and of which their friends in boston stood ready to apprise them. the besieging force, in the mean time, was daily augmented by recruits and volunteers, and now amounted to about fifteen thousand men distributed at various points. its character and organization were peculiar. as has well been observed, it could not be called a national army, for, as yet, there was no nation to own it; it was not under the authority of the continental congress, the act of that body recognizing it not having as yet been passed, and the authority of that body itself not having been acknowledged. it was, in fact, a fortuitous assemblage of four distinct bodies of troops, belonging to different provinces, and each having a leader of its own election. about ten thousand belonged to massachusetts, and were under the command of general artemas ward, whose head-quarters were at cambridge. another body of troops, under colonel john stark, already mentioned, came from new hampshire. rhode island furnished a third, under the command of general nathaniel greene. a fourth was from connecticut, under the veteran putnam. these bodies of troops, being from different colonies, were independent of each other, and had their several commanders. those from new hampshire were instructed to obey general ward as commander-in-chief; with the rest, it was a voluntary act, rendered in consideration of his being military chief of massachusetts, the province which, as allies, they came to defend. there was, in fact, but little organization in the army. nothing kept it together, and gave it unity of action, but a common feeling of exasperated patriotism. the troops knew but little of military discipline. almost all were familiar with the use of fire-arms in hunting and fowling; many had served in frontier campaigns against the french, and in "bush-fighting" with the indians; but none were acquainted with regular service or the discipline of european armies. there was a regiment of artillery, partly organized by colonel gridley, a skilful engineer, and furnished with nine field-pieces; but the greater part of the troops were without military dress or accoutrements; most of them were hasty levies of yeomanry, some of whom had seized their rifles and fowling-pieces, and turned out in their working clothes and homespun country garbs. it was an army of volunteers, subordinate through inclination and respect to officers of their own choice, and depending for sustenance on supplies sent from, their several towns. such was the army spread over an extent of ten or twelve miles, and keeping watch upon the town of boston, containing at that time a population of seventeen thousand souls, and garrisoned with more than ten thousand british troops, disciplined and experienced in the wars of europe. in the disposition of these forces, general ward had stationed himself at cambridge, with the main body of about nine thousand men and four companies of artillery. lieutenant-general thomas, second in command, was posted, with five thousand massachusetts, connecticut and rhode island troops, and three or four companies of artillery, at roxbury and dorchester, forming the right wing of the army; while the left, composed in a great measure of new hampshire troops, stretched through medford to the hills of chelsea. it was a great annoyance to the british officers and soldiers, to be thus hemmed in by what they termed a rustic rout with calico frocks and fowling-pieces. the same scornful and taunting spirit prevailed among them, that the cavaliers of yore indulged toward the covenanters. considering episcopacy as the only loyal and royal faith, they insulted and desecrated the "sectarian" places of worship. one was turned into a riding school for the cavalry, and the fire in the stove was kindled with books from the library of its pastor. the provincials retaliated by turning the episcopal church at cambridge into a barrack, and melting down its organ-pipes into bullets. both parties panted for action; the british through impatience of their humiliating position, and an eagerness to chastise what they considered the presumption of their besiegers; the provincials through enthusiasm in their cause, a thirst for enterprise and exploit, and, it must be added, an unconsciousness of their own military deficiencies. we have already mentioned the peninsula of charlestown (called from a village of the same name), which lies opposite to the north side of boston. the heights, which swell up in rear of the village, overlook the town and shipping. the project was conceived in the besieging camp to seize and occupy those heights. a council of war was held upon the subject. the arguments in favor of the attempt were, that the army was anxious to be employed; that the country was dissatisfied with its inactivity, and that the enemy might thus be drawn out to ground where they might be fought to advantage. general putnam was one of the most strenuous in favor of the measure. some of the more wary and judicious, among whom were general ward and dr. warren, doubted the expediency of intrenching themselves on those heights, and the possibility of maintaining so exposed a post, scantily furnished, as they were, with ordnance and ammunition. besides, it might bring on a general engagement, which it was not safe to risk. putnam made light of the danger. he was confident of the bravery of the militia if intrenched, having seen it tried in the old french war. "the americans," said he, "are never afraid of their heads; they only think of their legs; shelter them, and they'll fight for ever." he was seconded by general pomeroy, a leader of like stamp, and another veteran of the french war. he had been a hunter in his time; a dead shot with a rifle, and was ready to lead troops against the enemy, "with five cartridges to a man." the daring councils of such men are always captivating to the inexperienced; but in the present instance, they were sanctioned by one whose opinion in such matters, and in this vicinity, possessed peculiar weight. this was colonel william prescott, of pepperell, who commanded a regiment of minute men. he, too, had seen service in the french war, and acquired reputation as a lieutenant of infantry at the capture of cape breton. this was sufficient to constitute him an oracle in the present instance. he was now about fifty years of age, tall and commanding in his appearance, and retaining the port of a soldier. what was more, he had a military garb; being equipped with a three-cornered hat, a top wig, and a single-breasted blue coat, with facings and lapped up at the skirts. all this served to give him consequence among the rustic militia officers with whom he was in council. his opinion, probably, settled the question; and it was determined to seize on and fortify bunker's hill and dorchester heights. in deference, however, to the suggestions of the more cautious, it was agreed to postpone the measure until they were sufficiently supplied with the munitions of war to be able to maintain the heights when seized. secret intelligence hurried forward the project. general gage, it was said, intended to take possession of dorchester heights on the night of the th of june. these heights lay on the opposite side of boston, and the committee were ignorant of their localities. those on charlestown neck, being near at hand, had some time before been reconnoitered by colonel richard gridley, and other of the engineers. it was determined to seize and fortify these heights on the night of friday, the th of june, in anticipation of the movement of general gage. troops were draughted for the purpose from the massachusetts regiments of colonels prescott, frye and bridges. there was also a fatigue party of about two hundred men from putnam's connecticut troops, led by his favorite officer, captain knowlton; together with a company of forty-nine artillery men, with two field-pieces, commanded by captain samuel gridley. a little before sunset the troops, about twelve hundred in all, assembled on the common, in front of general ward's quarters. they came provided with packs, blankets and provisions for four-and-twenty hours, but ignorant of the object of the expedition. being all paraded, prayers were offered up by the reverend president langdon, of harvard college; after which they all set forward on their silent march. colonel prescott, from his experience in military matters, and his being an officer in the massachusetts line, had been chosen by general ward to conduct the enterprise. his written orders were to fortify bunker's hill, and defend the works until he should be relieved. colonel richard gridley, the chief engineer, who had likewise served in the french war, was to accompany him and plan the fortifications. it was understood that reinforcements and refreshments would be sent to the fatigue party in the morning. the detachment left cambridge about o'clock, colonel prescott taking the lead, preceded by two sergeants with dark lanterns. at charlestown neck they were joined by major brooks, of bridges' regiment, and general putnam; and here were the waggons laden with intrenching tools, which first gave the men an indication of the nature of the enterprise. charlestown neck is a narrow isthmus, connecting the peninsula with the main land; having the mystic river, about half a mile wide, on the north, and a large embayment of charles river on the south or right side. it was now necessary to proceed with the utmost caution, for they were coming on ground over which the british kept jealous watch. they had erected a battery at boston on copp's hill, immediately opposite to charlestown. five of their vessels of war were stationed so as to bear upon the peninsula from different directions, and the guns of one of them swept the isthmus, or narrow neck just mentioned. across this isthmus, colonel prescott conducted the detachment undiscovered, and up the ascent of bunker's hill. this commences at the neck, and slopes up for about three hundred yards to its summit, which is about one hundred and twelve feet high. it then declines toward the south, and is connected by a ridge with breed's hill, about sixty or seventy feet high. the crests of the two hills are about seven hundred yards apart. on attaining the heights, a question rose which of the two they should proceed to fortify. bunker's hill was specified in the written orders given to colonel prescott by general ward, but breed's hill was much nearer to boston, and had a better command of the town and shipping. bunker's hill, also, being on the upper and narrower part of the peninsula, was itself commanded by the same ship which raked the neck. putnam was clear for commencing at breed's hill, and making the principal work there, while a minor work might be thrown up at bunker's hill, as a protection in the rear, and a rallying point, in case of being driven out of the main work. others concurred with this opinion, yet there was a hesitation in deviating from the letter of their orders. at length colonel gridley became impatient; the night was waning; delay might prostrate the whole enterprise. breed's hill was then determined on. gridley marked out the lines for the fortifications; the men stacked their guns; threw off their packs; seized their trenching tools, and set to work with great spirit; but so much time had been wasted in discussion, that it was midnight before they struck the first spade into the ground. prescott, who felt the responsibility of his charge, almost despaired of carrying on these operations undiscovered. a party was sent out by him silently to patrol the shore at the foot of the heights, and watch for any movement of the enemy. not willing to trust entirely to the vigilance of others, he twice went down during the night to the water's edge; reconnoitering every thing scrupulously, and noting every sight and sound. it was a warm, still, summer's night; the stars shone brightly, but every thing was quiet. boston was buried in sleep. the sentry's cry of "all's well" could be heard distinctly from its shores, together with the drowsy calling of the watch on board of the ships of war, and then all would relapse into silence. satisfied that the enemy were perfectly unconscious of what was going on upon the hill, he returned to the works, and a little before daybreak called in the patrolling party. so spiritedly, though silently, had the labor been carried on, that by morning a strong redoubt was thrown up as a main work, flanked on the left by a breastwork, partly cannon-proof, extending down the crest of breed's hill to a piece of marshy ground called the slough. to support the right of the redoubt, some troops were thrown into the village of charlestown, at the southern foot of the hill. the great object of prescott's solicitude was now attained, a sufficient bulwark to screen his men before they should be discovered; for he doubted the possibility of keeping raw recruits to their post, if openly exposed to the fire of artillery, and the attack of disciplined troops. [illustration: fortifying breed's hill in the night. june , .] at dawn of day, the americans at work were espied by the sailors on board of the ships of war, and the alarm was given. the captain of the lively, the nearest ship, without waiting for orders, put a spring upon her cable, and bringing her guns to bear, opened a fire upon the hill. the other ships and a floating battery followed his example. their shot did no mischief to the works, but one man, among a number who had incautiously ventured outside, was killed. a subaltern reported his death to colonel prescott, and asked what was to be done. "bury him," was the reply. the chaplain gathered some of his military flock around him, and was proceeding to perform suitable obsequies over the "first martyr," but prescott ordered that the men should disperse to their work, and the deceased be buried immediately. it seemed shocking to men accustomed to the funeral solemnities of peaceful life to bury a man without prayers, but prescott saw that the sight of this man suddenly shot down had agitated the nerves of his comrades, unaccustomed to scenes of war. some of them, in fact, quietly left the hill, and did not return to it. to inspire confidence by example, prescott now mounted the parapet, and walked leisurely about, inspecting the works, giving directions, and talking cheerfully with the men. in a little while they got over their dread of cannon-balls, and some even made them a subject of joke, or rather bravado; a species of sham courage occasionally manifested by young soldiers, but never by veterans. the cannonading roused the town of boston. general gage could scarcely believe his eyes when he beheld on the opposite hill a fortification full of men, which had sprung up in the course of the night. as he reconnoitered it through a glass from copp's hill, the tall figure of prescott, in military garb, walking the parapet, caught his eye. "who is that officer who appears in command?" asked he. the question was answered by counsellor willard, prescott's brother-in-law, who was at hand, and recognized his relative. "will he fight?" demanded gage, quickly. "yes, sir! he is an old soldier, and will fight to the last drop of blood; but i cannot answer for his men." "the works must be carried!" exclaimed gage. he called a council of war. the americans might intend to cannonade boston from this new fortification; it was unanimously resolved to dislodge them. how was this to be done? a majority of the council, including clinton and grant, advised that a force should be landed on charlestown neck, under the protection of their batteries, so as to attack the americans in rear, and cut off their retreat. general gage objected that it would place his troops between two armies; one at cambridge, superior in numbers, the other on the heights, strongly fortified. he was for landing in front of the works, and pushing directly up the hill; a plan adopted through a confidence that raw militia would never stand their ground against the assault of veteran troops; another instance of undervaluing the american spirit, which was to cost the enemy a lamentable loss of life. [illustration] chapter xli. battle of bunker's hill. the sound of drum and trumpet, the clatter of hoofs, the rattling of gun-carriages, and all the other military din and bustle in the streets of boston, soon apprised the americans on their rudely fortified height of an impending attack. they were ill fitted to withstand it, being jaded by the night's labor, and want of sleep; hungry and thirsty, having brought but scanty supplies, and oppressed by the heat of the weather. prescott sent repeated messages to general ward, asking reinforcements and provisions. putnam seconded the request in person, urging the exigencies of the case. ward hesitated. he feared to weaken his main body at cambridge, as his military stores were deposited there, and it might have to sustain the principal attack. at length, having taken advice of the council of safety, he issued orders for colonels stark and read, then at medford, to march to the relief of prescott with their new hampshire regiments. the orders reached medford about o'clock. ammunition was distributed in all haste; two flints, a gill of powder, and fifteen balls to each man. the balls had to be suited to the different calibres of the guns; the powder to be carried in powder-horns, or loose in the pocket, for there were no cartridges prepared. it was the rude turn out of yeoman soldiery destitute of regular accoutrements. in the mean while, the americans on breed's hill were sustaining the fire from the ships, and from the battery on copp's hill, which opened upon them about ten o'clock. they returned an occasional shot from one corner of the redoubt, without much harm to the enemy, and continued strengthening their position until about o'clock, when they ceased to work, piled their intrenching tools in the rear, and looked out anxiously and impatiently for the anticipated reinforcements and supplies. about this time general putnam, who had been to headquarters, arrived at the redoubt on horseback. some words passed between him and prescott with regard to the intrenching tools, which have been variously reported. the most probable version is, that he urged to have them taken from their present place, where they might fall into the hands of the enemy, and carried to bunker's hill, to be employed in throwing up a redoubt, which was part of the original plan, and which would be very important should the troops be obliged to retreat from breed's hill. to this prescott demurred that those employed to convey them, and who were already jaded with toil, might not return to his redoubt. a large part of the tools were ultimately carried to bunker's hill, and a breastwork commenced by order of general putnam. the importance of such a work was afterwards made apparent. about noon the americans descried twenty-eight barges crossing from boston in parallel lines. they contained a large detachment of grenadiers, rangers, and light infantry, admirably equipped, and commanded by major-general howe. they made a splendid and formidable appearance with their scarlet uniforms, and the sun flashing upon muskets and bayonets, and brass fieldpieces. a heavy fire from the ships and batteries covered their advance, but no attempt was made to oppose them, and they landed about o'clock at moulton's point, a little to the north of breed's hill. here general howe made a pause. on reconnoitering the works from this point, the americans appeared to be much more strongly posted than he had imagined. he descried troops also hastening to their assistance. these were the new hampshire troops, led on by stark. howe immediately sent over to general gage for more forces, and a supply of cannon-balls; those brought by him being found, through some egregious oversight, too large for the ordnance. while awaiting their arrival, refreshments were served out to the troops, with "grog," by the bucketful; and tantalizing it was, to the hungry and thirsty provincials, to look down from their ramparts of earth, and see their invaders seated in groups upon the grass eating and drinking, and preparing themselves by a hearty meal for the coming encounter. their only consolation was to take advantage of the delay, while the enemy were carousing, to strengthen their position. the breast-work on the left of the redoubt extended to what was called the slough, but beyond this, the ridge of the hill, and the slope toward mystic river, were undefended, leaving a pass by which the enemy might turn the left flank of the position, and seize upon bunker's hill. putnam ordered his chosen officer, captain knowlton, to cover this pass with the connecticut troops under his command. a novel kind of rampart, savoring of rural device, was suggested by the rustic general. about six hundred feet in the rear of the redoubt, and about one hundred feet to the left of the breastwork, was a post and rail-fence, set in a low foot-wall of stone, and extending down to mystic river. the posts and rails of another fence were hastily pulled up, and set a few feet in behind this, and the intermediate space was filled up with new mown hay from the adjacent meadows. this double fence, it will be found, proved an important protection to the redoubt, although there still remained an unprotected interval of about seven hundred feet. while knowlton and his men were putting up this fence, putnam proceeded with other of his troops to throw up the work on bunker's hill, despatching his son, captain putnam, on horseback, to hurry up the remainder of his men from cambridge. by this time his compeer in french and indian warfare, the veteran stark, made his appearance with the new hampshire troops, five hundred strong. he had grown cool and wary with age, and his march from medford, a distance of five or six miles, had been in character. he led his men at a moderate pace to bring them into action fresh and vigorous. in crossing the neck, which was enfiladed by the enemy's ships and batteries, captain dearborn, who was by his side, suggested a quick step. the veteran shook his head: "one fresh man in action is worth ten tired ones," replied he, and marched steadily on. putnam detained some of stark's men to aid in throwing up the works on bunker's hill, and directed him to reinforce knowlton with the rest. stark made a short speech to his men now that they were likely to have warm work. he then pushed on, and did good service that day at the rustic bulwark. about o'clock, warren arrived on the heights, ready to engage in their perilous defence, although he had opposed the scheme of their occupation. he had recently been elected a major-general, but had not received his commission; like pomeroy, he came to serve in the ranks with a musket on his shoulder. putnam offered him the command at the fence; he declined it, and merely asked where he could be of most service as a volunteer. putnam pointed to the redoubt, observing that there he would be under cover. "don't think i seek a place of safety," replied warren, quickly; "where will the attack be hottest?" putnam still pointed to the redoubt. "that is the enemy's object; if that can be maintained, the day is ours." warren was cheered by the troops as he entered the redoubt. colonel prescott tendered him the command. he again declined. "i have come to serve only as a volunteer, and shall be happy to learn from a soldier of your experience." such were the noble spirits assembled on these perilous heights. the british now prepared for a general assault. an easy victory was anticipated; the main thought was, how to make it most effectual. the left wing, commanded by general pigot, was to mount the hill and force the redoubt, while general howe, with the right wing, was to push on between the fort and mystic river, turn the left flank of the americans, and cut off their retreat. general pigot, accordingly, advanced up the hill under cover of a fire from field-pieces and howitzers planted on a small height near the landing-place on moulton's point. his troops commenced a discharge of musketry while yet at a long distance from the redoubts. the americans within the works, obedient to strict command, retained their fire until the enemy were within thirty or forty paces, when they opened upon them with a tremendous volley. being all marksmen, accustomed to take deliberate aim, the slaughter was immense, and especially fatal to officers. the assailants fell back in some confusion; but, rallied on by their officers, advanced within pistol shot. another volley, more effective than the first, made them again recoil. to add to their confusion, they were galled by a flanking fire from the handful of provincials posted in charlestown. shocked at the carnage, and seeing the confusion of his troops, general pigot was urged to give the word for a retreat. in the mean while, general howe, with the right wing, advanced along mystic river toward the fence where stark, read and knowlton were stationed, thinking to carry this slight breastwork with ease, and so get in the rear of the fortress. his artillery proved of little avail, being stopped by a swampy piece of ground, while his columns suffered from two or three fieldpieces with which putnam had fortified the fence. howe's men kept up a fire of musketry as they advanced; but, not taking aim, their shot passed over the heads of the americans. the latter had received the same orders with those in the redoubt, not to fire until the enemy should be within thirty paces. some few transgressed the command. putnam rode up and swore he would cut down the next man that fired contrary to orders. when the british arrived within the stated distance a sheeted fire opened upon them from rifles, muskets, and fowling-pieces, all levelled with deadly aim. the carnage, as in the other instance, was horrible. the british were thrown into confusion and fell back; some even retreated to the boats. there was a general pause on the part of the british. the american officers availed themselves of it to prepare for another attack, which must soon be made. prescott mingled among his men in the redoubt, who were all in high spirits at the severe check they had given "the regulars." he praised them for their steadfastness in maintaining their post, and their good conduct in reserving their fire until the word of command, and exhorted them to do the same in the next attack. putnam rode about bunker's hill and its skirts, to rally and bring on reinforcements which had been checked or scattered in crossing charlestown neck by the raking fire from the ships and batteries. before many could be brought to the scene of action the british had commenced their second attack. they again ascended the hill to storm the redoubt; their advance was covered as before by discharges of artillery. charlestown, which had annoyed them on their first attack by a flanking fire, was in flames, by shells thrown from copp's hill, and by marines from the ships. being built of wood, the place was soon wrapped in a general conflagration. the thunder of artillery from batteries and ships, the bursting of bomb-shells; the sharp discharges of musketry; the shouts and yells of the combatants; the crash of burning buildings, and the dense volumes of smoke, which obscured the summer sun, all formed a tremendous spectacle. "sure i am," said burgoyne in one of his letters,--"sure i am nothing ever has or ever can be more dreadfully terrible than what was to be seen or heard at this time. the most incessant discharge of guns that ever was heard by mortal ears." the american troops, although unused to war, stood undismayed amidst a scene where it was bursting upon them with all its horrors. reserving their fire, as before, until the enemy was close at hand, they again poured forth repeated volleys with the fatal aim of sharpshooters. the british stood the first shock, and continued to advance; but the incessant stream of fire staggered them. their officers remonstrated, threatened, and even attempted to goad them on with their swords, but the havoc was too deadly; whole ranks were mowed down; many of the officers were either slain or wounded, and among them several of the staff of general howe. the troops again gave way and retreated down the hill. all this passed under the eye of thousands of spectators of both sexes and all ages, watching from afar every turn of a battle in which the lives of those most dear to them were at hazard. the british soldiery in boston gazed with astonishment and almost incredulity at the resolute and protracted stand of raw militia whom they had been taught to despise, and at the havoc made among their own veteran troops. every convoy of wounded brought over to the town increased their consternation, and general clinton, who had watched the action from copp's hill, embarking in a boat, hurried over as a volunteer, taking with him reinforcements. a third attack was now determined on, though some of howe's officers remonstrated, declaring it would be downright butchery. a different plan was adopted. instead of advancing in front of the redoubt, it was to be taken in flank on the left, where the open space between the breastwork and the fortified fence presented a weak point. it having been accidentally discovered that the ammunition of the americans was nearly expended, preparations were made to carry the works at the point of the bayonet; and the soldiery threw off their knapsacks, and some even their coats, to be more light for action. general howe, with the main body, now made a feint of attacking the fortified fence; but, while a part of his force was thus engaged, the rest brought some of the field-pieces to enfilade the breastwork on the left of the redoubt. a raking fire soon drove the americans out of this exposed place into the enclosure. much damage, too, was done in the latter by balls which entered the sallyport. the troops were now led on to assail the works; those who flinched were, as before, goaded on by the swords of the officers. the americans again reserved their fire until their assailants were close at hand, and then made a murderous volley, by which several officers were laid low, and general howe himself was wounded in the foot. the british soldiery this time likewise reserved their fire and rushed on with fixed bayonet. clinton and pigot had reached the southern and eastern sides of the redoubt, and it was now assailed on three sides at once. prescott ordered those who had no bayonets to retire to the back part of the redoubt and fire on the enemy as they showed themselves on the parapet. the first who mounted exclaimed in triumph, "the day is ours!" he was instantly shot down, and so were several others who mounted about the same time. the americans, however, had fired their last round, their ammunition was exhausted; and now succeeded a desperate and deadly struggle, hand to hand, with bayonets, stones, and the stocks of their muskets. at length, as the british continued to pour in, prescott gave the order to retreat. his men had to cut their way through two divisions of the enemy who were getting in rear of the redoubt, and they received a destructive volley from those who had formed on the captured works. by that volley fell the patriot warren, who had distinguished himself throughout the action. he was among the last to leave the redoubt, and had scarce done so when he was shot through the head with a musket-ball, and fell dead on the spot. while the americans were thus slowly dislodged from the redoubt, stark, read and knowlton maintained their ground at the fortified fence; which, indeed, had been nobly defended throughout the action. pomeroy distinguished himself here by his sharpshooting until his musket was shattered by a ball. the resistance at this hastily constructed work was kept up after the troops in the redoubt had given way, and until colonel prescott had left the hill; thus defeating general howe's design of cutting off the retreat of the main body; which would have produced a scene of direful confusion and slaughter. having effected their purpose, the brave associates at the fence abandoned their weak outpost, retiring slowly, and disputing the ground inch by inch, with a regularity remarkable in troops many of whom had never before been in action. the main retreat was across bunker's hill, where putnam had endeavored to throw up a breastwork. the veteran, sword in hand, rode to the rear of the retreating troops, regardless of the balls whistling about him. his only thought was to rally them at the unfinished works. "halt! make a stand here!" cried he, "we can check them yet. in god's name, form and give them one shot more." pomeroy, wielding his shattered musket as a truncheon, seconded him in his efforts to stay the torrent. it was impossible, however, to bring the troops to a stand. they continued on down the hill to the neck and across it to cambridge, exposed to a raking fire from the ships and batteries, and only protected by a single piece of ordnance. the british were too exhausted to pursue them; they contented themselves with taking possession of bunker's hill, were reinforced from boston, and threw up additional works during the night. we have collected the preceding facts from various sources, examining them carefully, and endeavoring to arrange them with scrupulous fidelity. we may appear to have been more minute in the account of the battle than the number of troops engaged would warrant; but it was one of the most momentous conflicts in our revolutionary history. it was the first regular battle between the british and the americans, and most eventful in its consequences. the former had gained the ground for which they contended; but, if a victory, it was more disastrous and humiliating to them than an ordinary defeat. they had ridiculed and despised their enemy, representing them as dastardly and inefficient; yet here their best troops, led on by experienced officers, had repeatedly been repulsed by an inferior force of that enemy,--mere yeomanry,--from works thrown up in a single night, and had suffered a loss rarely paralleled in battle with the most veteran soldiery; for, according to their own returns, their killed and wounded, out of a detachment of two thousand men, amounted to one thousand and fifty four, and a large proportion of them officers. the loss of the americans did not exceed four hundred and fifty. to the latter this defeat, if defeat it might be called, had the effect of a triumph. it gave them confidence in themselves and consequence in the eyes of their enemies. they had proved to themselves and to others that they could measure weapons with the disciplined soldiers of europe, and inflict the most harm in the conflict. among the british officer's slain was major pitcairn, who, at lexington, had shed the first blood in the revolutionary war. in the death of warren the americans had to lament the loss of a distinguished patriot and a most estimable man. it was deplored as a public calamity. his friend elbridge gerry had endeavored to dissuade him from risking his life in this perilous conflict, "dulce et decorum est pro patria mori," replied warren, as if he had foreseen his fate--a fate to be envied by those ambitious of an honorable fame. he was one of the first who fell in the glorious cause of his country, and his name has become consecrated in its history. there has been much discussion of the relative merits of the american officers engaged in this affair--a difficult question where no one appears to have had the general command. prescott conducted the troops in the night enterprise; he superintended the building of the redoubt, and defended it throughout the battle; his name, therefore, will ever shine most conspicuous, and deservedly so, on this bright page of our revolutionary history. putnam also was a leading spirit throughout the affair; one of the first to prompt and of the last to maintain it. he appears to have been active and efficient at every point; sometimes fortifying; sometimes hurrying up reinforcements; inspiriting the men by his presence while they were able to maintain their ground, and fighting gallantly at the outpost to cover their retreat. the brave old man, riding about in the heat of the action, on this sultry day, "with a hanger belted across his brawny shoulders, over a waistcoat without sleeves," has been sneered at by a contemporary, as "much fitter to head a band of sickle men or ditchers than musketeers." but this very description illustrates his character, and identifies him with the times and the service. a yeoman warrior fresh from the plough, in the garb of rural labor; a patriot brave and generous, but rough and ready, who thought not of himself in time of danger, but was ready to serve in any way, and to sacrifice official rank and self-glorification to the good of the cause. he was eminently a soldier for the occasion. his name has long been a favorite one with young and old; one of the talismanic names of the revolution, the very mention of which is like the sound of a trumpet. such names are the precious jewels of our history, to be garnered up among the treasures of the nation, and kept immaculate from the tarnishing breath of the cynic and the doubter. note.--in treating of the battle of bunker's hill, and of other occurrences about boston at this period of the revolution, we have had repeated occasion to consult the history of the siege of boston, by richard frothingham, jr.; a work abounding with facts as to persons and events, and full of interest for the american reader. chapter xlii. departure from philadelphia--anecdotes of general schuyler--of lee-- tidings of bunker hill--military councils--population of new york--the johnson family--governor tryon--arrival at new york--military instructions to schuyler--arrival at the camp. in a preceding chapter we left washington preparing to depart from philadelphia for the army before boston. he set out on horseback on the st of june, having for military companions of his journey major-generals lee and schuyler, and being accompanied for a distance by several private friends. as an escort he had a "gentleman troop" of philadelphia, commanded by captain markoe; the whole formed a brilliant cavalcade. general schuyler was a man eminently calculated to sympathize with washington in all his patriotic views and feelings, and became one of his most faithful coadjutors. sprung from one of the earliest and most respectable dutch families which colonized new york, all his interests and affections were identified with the country. he had received a good education; applied himself at an early age to the exact sciences, and became versed in finance, military engineering, and political economy. he was one of those native born soldiers who had acquired experience in that american school of arms, the old french war. when but twenty-two years of age he commanded a company of new york levies under sir william johnson, of mohawk renown, which gave him an early opportunity of becoming acquainted with the indian tribes, their country and their policy. in he was in abercrombie's expedition against ticonderoga, accompanying lord viscount howe as chief of the commissariat department; a post well qualified to give him experience in the business part of war. when that gallant young nobleman fell on the banks of lake george, schuyler conveyed his corpse back to albany and attended to his honorable obsequies. since the close of the french war he had served his country in various civil stations, and been one of the most zealous and eloquent vindicators of colonial rights. he was one of the "glorious minority" of the new york general assembly; george clinton, colonel woodhull, colonel philip livingston and others; who, when that body was timid and wavering, battled nobly against british influence and oppression. his last stand had been recently as a delegate to congress, where he had served with washington on the committee to prepare rules and regulations for the army, and where the latter had witnessed his judgment, activity, practical science, and sincere devotion to the cause. many things concurred to produce perfect harmony of operation between these distinguished men. they were nearly of the same age, schuyler being one year the youngest. both were men of agricultural, as well as military tastes. both were men of property, living at their ease in little rural paradises; washington on the grove-clad heights of mount vernon, schuyler on the pastoral banks of the upper hudson, where he had a noble estate at saratoga, inherited from an uncle; and the old family mansion, near the city of albany, half hid among ancestral trees. yet both were exiling themselves from these happy abodes, and putting life and fortune at hazard in the service of their country. schuyler and lee had early military recollections to draw them together. both had served under abercrombie in the expedition against ticonderoga. there was some part of lee's conduct in that expedition which both he and schuyler might deem it expedient at this moment to forget. lee was at that time a young captain, naturally presumptuous, and flushed with the arrogance of military power. on his march along the banks of the hudson, he acted as if in a conquered country, impressing horses and oxen, and seizing upon supplies, without exhibiting any proper warrant. it was enough for him, "they were necessary for the service of his troops." should any one question his right, the reply was a volley of execrations. among those who experienced this unsoldierly treatment was mrs. schuyler, the aunt of the general; a lady of aristocratical station, revered throughout her neighborhood. her cattle were impressed, herself insulted. she had her revenge. after the unfortunate affair at ticonderoga, a number of the wounded were brought down along the hudson to the schuyler mansion. lee was among the number. the high-minded mistress of the house never alluded to his past conduct. he was received like his brother officers with the kindest sympathy. sheets and tablecloths were torn up to serve as bandages. every thing was done to alleviate their sufferings. lee's cynic heart was conquered. "he swore in his vehement manner that he was sure there would be a place reserved for mrs. schuyler in heaven, though no other woman should be there, and that he should wish for nothing better than to share her final destiny!" [footnote: memoirs of an american lady (mrs. grant, of laggan), vol. ii., chap. ix.] seventeen years had since elapsed, and lee and the nephew of mrs. schuyler were again allied in military service, but under a different banner; and recollections of past times must have given peculiar interest to their present intercourse. in fact, the journey of washington with his associate generals, experienced like him in the wild expeditions of the old french war, was a revival of early campaigning feelings. they had scarcely proceeded twenty miles from philadelphia when they were met by a courier, spurring with all speed, bearing despatches from the army to congress, communicating tidings of the battle of bunker's hill. washington eagerly inquired particulars; above all, how acted the militia? when told that they stood their ground bravely; sustained the enemy's fire--reserved their own until at close quarters, and then delivered it with deadly effect; it seemed as if a weight of doubt and solicitude were lifted from his heart. "the liberties of the country are safe!" exclaimed he. the news of the battle of bunker's hill had startled the whole country; and this clattering cavalcade, escorting the commander-in-chief to the army, was the gaze and wonder of every town and village. the journey may be said to have been a continual council of war between washington and the two generals. even the contrast in character of the two latter made them regard questions from different points of view. schuyler, a warm-hearted patriot, with every thing staked on the cause; lee, a soldier of fortune, indifferent to the ties of home and country, drawing his sword without enthusiasm; more through resentment against a government which had disappointed him, than zeal for liberty or for colonial rights. one of the most frequent subjects of conversation was the province of new york. its power and position rendered it the great link of the confederacy; what measures were necessary for its defence, and most calculated to secure its adherence to the cause? a lingering attachment to the crown, kept up by the influence of british merchants, and military and civil functionaries in royal pay, had rendered it slow in coming into the colonial compact; and it was only on the contemptuous dismissal of their statement of grievances, unheard, that its people had thrown off their allegiance, as much in sorrow as in anger. no person was better fitted to give an account of the interior of new york than general schuyler; and the hawk-eyed lee during a recent sojourn had made its capital somewhat of a study; but there was much yet for both of them to learn. the population of new york was more varied in its elements than that of almost any other of the provinces, and had to be cautiously studied. the new yorkers were of a mixed origin, and stamped with the peculiarities of their respective ancestors. the descendants of the old dutch and huguenot families, the earliest settlers, were still among the soundest and best of the population. they inherited the love of liberty, civil and religious, of their forefathers, and were those who stood foremost in the present struggle for popular rights. such were the jays, the bensons, the beekmans, the hoffmans, the van hornes, the roosevelts, the duyckinks, the pintards, the yateses, and others whose names figure in the patriotic documents of the day. some of them, doubtless, cherished a remembrance of the time when their forefathers were lords of the land, and felt an innate propensity to join in resistance to the government by which their supremacy had been overturned. a great proportion of the more modern families, dating from the downfall of the dutch government in , were english and scotch, and among these were many loyal adherents to the crown. then there was a mixture of the whole, produced by the intermarriages of upwards of a century, which partook of every shade of character and sentiment. the operations of foreign commerce, and the regular communications with the mother country through packets and ships of war, kept these elements in constant action, and contributed to produce that mercurial temperament, that fondness for excitement, and proneness to pleasure, which distinguished them from their neighbors on either side--the austere puritans of new england, and the quiet "friends" of pennsylvania. there was a power, too, of a formidable kind within the interior of the province, which was an object of much solicitude. this was the "johnson family." we have repeatedly had occasion to speak of sir william johnson, his majesty's general agent for indian affairs, of his great wealth, and his almost sovereign sway over the six nations. he had originally received that appointment through the influence of the schuyler family. both generals schuyler and lee, when young men, had campaigned with him; and it was among the mohawk warriors, who rallied under his standard, that lee had beheld his vaunted models of good-breeding. in the recent difficulties between the crown and colonies, sir william had naturally been in favor of the government which had enriched and honored him, but he had viewed with deep concern the acts of parliament which were goading the colonists to armed resistance. in the height of his solicitude, he received despatches ordering him, in case of hostilities, to enlist the indians in the cause of government. to the agitation of feelings produced by these orders many have attributed a stroke of apoplexy, of which he died, on the th of july, , about a year before the time of which we are treating. his son and heir, sir john johnson, and his sons-in-law, colonel guy johnson and colonel claus, felt none of the reluctance of sir william to use harsh measures in support of royalty. they lived in a degree of rude feudal style in stone mansions capable of defence, situated on the mohawk river and in its vicinity; they had many scottish highlanders for tenants; and among their adherents were violent men, such as the butlers of tryon county, and brant, the mohawk sachem, since famous in indian warfare. they had recently gone about with armed retainers, overawing and breaking up patriotic assemblages, and it was known they could at any time bring a force of warriors in the field. recent accounts stated that sir john was fortifying the old family hall at johnstown with swivels, and had a hundred and fifty roman catholic highlanders quartered in and about it, all armed and ready to obey his orders. colonel guy johnson, however, was the most active and zealous of the family. pretending to apprehend a design on the part of the new england people to surprise and carry him off, he fortified his stone mansion on the mohawk, called guy's park, and assembled there a part of his militia regiment, and other of his adherents, to the number of five hundred. he held a great indian council there, likewise, in which the chiefs of the six nations recalled the friendship and good deeds of the late sir william johnson, and avowed their determination to stand by and defend every branch of his family. as yet it was uncertain whether colonel guy really intended to take an open part in the appeal to arms. should he do so, he would carry with him a great force of the native tribes, and might almost domineer over the frontier. tryon, the governor of new york, was at present absent in england, having been called home by the ministry to give an account of the affairs of the province, and to receive instructions for its management. he was a tory in heart, and had been a zealous opponent of all colonial movements, and his talents and address gave him great influence over an important part of the community. should he return with hostile instructions, and should he and the johnsons co-operate, the one controlling the bay and harbor of new york and the waters of the hudson by means of ships and land forces; the others overrunning the valley of the mohawk and the regions beyond albany with savage hordes, this great central province might be wrested from the confederacy, and all intercourse broken off between the eastern and southern colonies. all these circumstances and considerations, many of which came under discussion in the course of this military journey, rendered the command of new york a post of especial trust and importance, and determined washington to confide it to general schuyler. he was peculiarly fitted for it by his military talents, his intimate knowledge of the province and its concerns, especially what related to the upper parts of it, and his experience in indian affairs. at newark, in the jerseys, washington was met on the th by a committee of the provincial congress, sent to conduct him to the city. the congress was in a perplexity. it had in a manner usurped and exercised the powers of governor tryon during his absence, while at the same time it professed allegiance to the crown which had appointed him. he was now in the harbor, just arrived from england, and hourly expected to land. washington, too, was approaching. how were these double claims to ceremonious respect happening at the same time to be managed? in this dilemma a regiment of militia was turned out, and the colonel instructed to pay military honors to whichever of the distinguished functionaries should first arrive. washington was earlier than the governor by several hours, and received those honors. peter van burgh livingston, president of the new york congress, next delivered a congratulatory address, the latter part of which evinces the cautious reserve with which, in these revolutionary times, military power was intrusted to an individual:-- "confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy generals immediately under your command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious struggle for american liberty, and the fullest assurances that _whenever this important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each american soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest citizen_." the following was washington's reply, in behalf of himself and his generals, to this part of the address. "as to the fatal, but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen; and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour, when the establishment of american liberty on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy country." the landing of governor tryon took place about eight o'clock in the evening. the military honors were repeated; he was received with great respect by the mayor and common council, and transports of loyalty by those devoted to the crown. it was unknown what instructions he had received from the ministry, but it was rumored that a large force would soon arrive from england, subject to his directions. at this very moment a ship of war, the asia, lay anchored opposite the city; its grim batteries bearing upon it, greatly to the disquiet of the faint-hearted among its inhabitants. in this situation of affairs washington was happy to leave such an efficient person as general schuyler in command of the place. according to his instructions, the latter was to make returns once a month, and oftener, should circumstances require it, to washington, as commander-in-chief, and to the continental congress, of the forces under him, and the state of his supplies; and to send the earliest advices of all events of importance. he was to keep a wary eye on colonel guy johnson, and to counteract any prejudicial influence he might exercise over the indians. with respect to governor tryon, washington hinted at a bold and decided line of conduct. "if forcible measures are judged necessary respecting the person of the governor, i should have no difficulty in ordering them, if the continental congress were not sitting; but as that is the case, _and the seizing of a governor quite a new thing_, i must refer you to that body for direction." had congress thought proper to direct such a measure, schuyler certainly would have been the man to execute it. at new york, washington had learned all the details of the battle of bunker's hill; they quickened his impatience to arrive at the camp. he departed, therefore, on the th, accompanied by general lee, and escorted as far as kingsbridge, the termination of new york island, by markoe's philadelphia light horse, and several companies of militia. in the mean time the provincial congress of massachusetts, then in session at watertown, had made arrangements for the expected arrival of washington. according to a resolve of that body, the president's house in cambridge, excepting one room reserved by the president for his own use, was to be taken, cleared, prepared, and furnished for the reception of the commander-in-chief and general lee. the congress had likewise sent on a deputation which met washington at springfield, on the frontiers of the province, and provided escorts and accommodations for him along the road. thus honorably attended from town to town, and escorted by volunteer companies and cavalcades of gentlemen, he arrived at watertown on the d of july, where he was greeted by congress with a congratulatory address, in which, however, was frankly stated the undisciplined state of the army he was summoned to command. an address of cordial welcome was likewise made to general lee. the ceremony over, washington was again in the saddle; and, escorted by a troop of light horse and a cavalcade of citizens, proceeded to the head-quarters provided for him at cambridge, three miles distant. as he entered the confines of the camp the shouts of the multitude and the thundering of artillery gave note to the enemy beleaguered in boston of his arrival. his military reputation had preceded him and excited great expectations. they were not disappointed. his personal appearance, notwithstanding the dust of travel, was calculated to captivate the public eye. as he rode through the camp, amidst a throng of officers, he was the admiration of the soldiery and of a curious throng collected from the surrounding country. happy was the countryman who could get a full view of him to carry home an account of it to his neighbors. "i have been much gratified this day with a view of general washington," writes a contemporary chronicler, "his excellency was on horseback, in company with several military gentlemen. it was not difficult to distinguish him from all others. he is tall and well-proportioned, and his personal appearance truly noble and majestic." [footnote: thacher.--military journal.] the fair sex were still more enthusiastic in their admiration, if we may judge from the following passage of a letter written by the intelligent and accomplished wife of john adams to her husband: "dignity, ease, and complacency, the gentleman and the soldier, look agreeably blended in him. modesty marks every line and feature of his face. those lines of dryden instantly occurred to me: 'mark his majestic fabric! he's a temple sacred by birth, and built by hands divine; his soul's the deity that lodges there; nor is the pile unworthy of the god.'" with washington, modest at all times, there was no false excitement on the present occasion; nothing to call forth emotions of self-glorification. the honors and congratulations with which he was received, the acclamations of the public, the cheerings of the army, only told him how much was expected from him; and when he looked round upon the raw and rustic levies he was to command, "a mixed multitude of people, under very little discipline, order, or government," scattered in rough encampments about hill and dale, beleaguering a city garrisoned by veteran troops, with ships of war anchored about its harbor, and strong outposts guarding it, he felt the awful responsibility of his situation, and the complicated and stupendous task before him. he spoke of it, however, not despondingly nor boastfully and with defiance; but with that solemn and sedate resolution, and that hopeful reliance on supreme goodness, which belonged to his magnanimous nature. the cause of his country, he observed, had called him to an active and dangerous duty, but _he trusted that divine providence, which wisely orders the affairs of men, would enable him to discharge it with fidelity and success_. [footnote: letter to governor trumbull.--sparks, iii., .] end of vol. i. [illustration: early love of truth.--p. .] the life of george washington. _in words of one syllable._ by josephine pollard, author of "our hero, general grant," "our naval heroes," "the history of the united states," "the life of christopher columbus," etc., etc. new york: mcloughlin brothers. preface. the life story of a public man cannot help being to some extent the same thing as a history of the times in which he lived, and to the case of none does this remark apply with more force than to that of the "father of his country;" which very title shows the degree to which the personality of its bearer became identified with the public life of the nation. while a great deal of the space in this book, consequently, has had to be devoted to american revolutionary history, it is hoped that excess in this direction has been avoided, and that the main purpose of the work will be attained, i.e. to give its young readers a distinct and vivid idea of the exalted character and priceless services of washington, so far as these can be brought within the understanding of a child. contents. page. chapter i. boyhood chapter ii. youth chapter iii. the first step to fame chapter iv. to the front chapter v. as aide-de-camp chapter vi. colonel of virginia troops chapter vii. the home of washington chapter viii. the battle of bunker hill chapter ix. commander-in-chief chapter x. in and near new york chapter xi. a sad year chapter xii. foes in the camp chapter xiii. the hardships of war chapter xiv. the close of the war chapter xv. first in peace the life of george washington. chapter i. boy-hood. george wash-ing-ton was born in the state of vir-gin-i-a, at a place known as bridg-es creek, on feb-ru-a-ry , . his great grand-sire, john wash-ing-ton, came from eng-land in the year , and took up lands in that state and was a rich man. george was the son of his grand-son au-gus-tine. au-gus-tine's first wife was jane but-ler who died and left him with two boys. his next wife was ma-ry ball, and george was her first child. the old home-stead in which george was born stood near the banks of the po-to-mac riv-er, and was built with a steep roof that sloped down to low eaves that hung out far from the main wall. there were four rooms on the ground floor, and some near the roof, and at each end of the house was a great fire-place built of brick, with broad hearth-stones, such as were in style in those days. a stone is all that marks the birth-place of george wash-ing-ton. he was not more than eight years of age when his fa-ther went to live on a farm near the rap-pa-han-nock riv-er. the house was built much in the same style as the one at bridg-es creek, but it stood on high ground, and here all his boy-hood days were spent. as there were no good schools in a-mer-i-ca at that time, those who had the means sent their sons to eng-land to be taught and trained. law-rence wash-ing-ton was sent when he was years of age, and as he was the first-born it was thought that he would in time take his fa-ther's place, as head of the house. the school to which george was sent stood in a field on his fa-ther's land, and was taught by a man named hob-by. this gave it the name of the "hob-by school." there were but three things taught there: how to read--how to write--and how to do sums--and some folks thought that these were all their boys and girls had need to learn. books were scarce and dear, and as most of the men raised fine crops, and kept up a brisk trade, they were well pleased to have their boys learn how to buy and sell, and to make out bills. george had been trained by his fa-ther, who was a strict and yet a just man, to love the truth and to do right at all times. he was made to feel that it was a sin to tell a lie, and much worse to hide a fault than to own it. george had a small axe of which he was quite proud, and boy-like, he cut right and left with it, and thought not of the harm he might do. on the lawn stood a small tree which his fa-ther hoped to see grow up to a good height and to bear fine fruit. george made a great gash in this tree with his sharp axe, and when his fa-ther saw it he was quite sad. he called the boy to his side, and in a stern voice said: "who did this? who cut this tree?" george hung his head with shame. he knew he had done wrong; and he stood in fear of his fa-ther, who he knew would use the rod where there was need of it. it was a chance for the boy to show what kind of stuff he was made of. george raised his face, still red with the blush of shame, and said in his frank way, and with-out a sign of fear: "i did it, fa-ther, i can-not tell a lie." there was no need to use the rod on such a boy as that, and the fa-ther must have felt a thrill of joy when he found that the great truths he had taught his son had such a hold on his mind and had struck their roots deep in-to his heart. it is told that he clasped george to his breast, and said with tears in his eyes; that it would grieve him less to lose scores and scores of trees, than to have his boy tell one lie. but you must not think that george wash-ing-ton was such a good-good boy that he could guide him-self, and did not need to be kept in check. he was high strung, as quick as a flash, and felt that he was born to rule, and these traits his mo-ther had to keep down and train so that they would not wreck the young boy, for when george was not yet twelve years of age his fa-ther died, and his mo-ther was left with the care of five young folks. the task was one for which she was well fit, as she had rare good sense, a fine mind, a strong will, and a kind heart. she used to read to her boys and girls each day out of some good book, talk with them, and tell them how they could best serve god and man, and george laid up each word in his heart, and sought to pay her back as well as he could for all her kind love and care. she said of george that he was "a good boy;" and it has been said in her praise that "a no-ble mo-ther must have borne so brave a son." when george was and his half-bro-ther law-rence , eng-land and spain went to war, and law-rence went with the troops that were sent to the west in-dies. the sight of law-rence in war-like trim, the sound of drum and fife, and the march of troops through the streets, fired the heart of the young lad, and from that time his plays and games, in school and out, took on a war-like turn. there was a boy at school, named wil-li-am bus-tle, who took up arms and marched with as much zeal as george wash-ing-ton. but george was at all times com-mand-er-in-chief! he was fond of all the sports that boys love, and could run, and jump, and climb, and toss bars, and took part in all those feats that kept him in health and strength. he could pitch quoits with great skill, and the place is shown at fred-er-icks-burg where, when a boy, he flung a stone a-cross the rap-pa-han-nock. he was fond of a horse, and there was no steed so wild that george could not mount on his back and tame him. mrs. wash-ing-ton had a colt which she thought so much of that she let it run loose in the field. he was so fierce that no one had dared to get on his back. one day george went out to view the colt with some of his boy friends, and he told them that if they would help him put the bit in the colt's mouth he would mount. the boys drove the colt in-to a small lot, put the bit in his mouth, and wash-ing-ton was soon on his back. the beast rushed in-to the field, but was soon curbed by the strong arms of the boy on his back. then the colt reared and plunged and tried in all sorts of ways to get rid of the lad, who clung to the colt's bare back as if he had been glued there. mad with rage the colt tried once more to throw him, but strained too hard, and fell to the ground and died in a short time. the group of boys were well scared at this sad end of their fun, and scarce knew what to do. when they went back to the house mrs. wash-ing-ton asked the boys if they had seen her fine breed of colts. "the one i am most proud of," said she, "i am told is as large as his sire." some of the lads hung their heads and knew not what to say; but george spoke up in his frank way and said that the colt was dead. "dead!" cried she; "and from what cause?" then george told her just what had been done, and how hard the beast had fought to get free, and how at the last, with one wild fierce plunge, he fell down and died. a flush rose to the mo-ther's cheek, and then she said to her boy: "it is well; but while i grieve at the loss of my fine colt, i feel a pride and joy in my son, who speaks the truth at all times." george was fond of his books too, and was so wise a lad, and so full of thought, and had so keen a sense of what was just, that his school-mates came to him when they got in-to a war of words, or of blows, that he might say which side was right and which was wrong, and thus put an end to the fight. this use of his mind made george look at things in a clear light, and gave him that look of true pride which all men of high mind, the real kings of earth, are wont to wear. in due time george out-grew the hob-by school, and was sent to live with his half-bro-ther au-gus-tine, at bridg-es creek, where there was a school of a high grade. but george had no taste for lat-in or greek, and liked best to do sums, and to draw maps. he wrote with great care, page after page of what he called "forms of wri-ting." these were notes of hand, bills of sale, deeds, bonds, and the like, such as one would think a boy of would not care much a-bout. in this same book (it is kept to this day) george wrote out one hun-dred and ten "rules," which were to guide him in act and speech at home and a-broad. some few of these i will give you, that you may see at how young an age this boy set out to train him-self, and fit him-self for the high place he was to fill. it al-most seems as if he must have known the high rank he was to take; but this could not be. his soul was fixed on high things; he had; no low tastes; and he was led by the hand of god. here are some of the rules that george wash-ing-ton took as the guide of his youth. "in the pres-ence of o-thers sing not to your-self with a hum-ming noise, nor drum with your fin-gers or feet. "sleep not when o-thers speak, sit not when o-thers stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, walk not when o-thers stop. "turn not your back to o-thers when speak-ing; jog not the ta-ble or desk on which an-o-ther reads or writes; lean not on a-ny one. "read no let-ters, books, or pa-pers in com-pa-ny; but when there is a need for do-ing it, you must ask leave. come not near the books or wri-tings of a-ny one so as to read them, un-less asked to do so, nor give your o-pin-ion of them un-asked; al-so look not nigh when an-o-ther is wri-ting a let-ter. "in wri-ting or speak-ing give to each per-son his due ti-tle ac-cord-ing to his rank and the cus-tom of the place. "when a man does all he can, though it suc-ceeds not well, blame not him that did it. "be slow to be-lieve e-vil re-ports of a-ny one. "be mod-est in your dress and seek to suit na-ture rather than to win ad-mi-ra-tion. keep to the fash-ion of your e-quals, such as are civ-il and or-der-ly with re-spect to times and pla-ces. "play not the pea-cock, look-ing all a-bout you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, your stock-ings sit neat-ly, and your clothes hand-some-ly. "make friends with those of good char-ac-ter, if you care for your own rep-u-ta-tion, for it is bet-ter to be a-lone than in bad com-pa-ny. "speak not of dole-ful things in time of mirth, nor at the ta-ble; speak not of mourn-ful things, as death, and wounds, and if o-thers men-tion them, change, if you can, the dis-course. "ut-ter not base and fool-ish things 'mongst grave and learn-ed men; nor hard ques-tions or sub-jects a-mong the ig-no-rant; nor things hard to be believed. "be not for-ward, but friendly and court-e-ous; the first to sa-lute, hear, and an-swer; and be not pen-sive when it is time to con-verse. "gaze not on the marks or blem-ish-es of o-thers, and ask not how they came. "think be-fore you speak, pro-nounce not im-per-fect-ly, nor bring out your words too hast-i-ly, but or-der-ly and dis-tinct-ly. "treat with men at fit times a-bout bus-i-ness; and whis-per not in the com-pa-ny of o-thers. "be not cu-ri-ous to know the af-fairs of o-thers, nor go near to those that speak in pri-vate. "un-der-take not to do what you can-not per-form, but be care-ful to keep your prom-ise. "speak not e-vil of the ab-sent, for it is un-just. "make no show of ta-king great delight in your food; feed not with greed-i-ness; cut your bread with a knife; lean not on the ta-ble; nei-ther find fault with what you eat. "when you speak of god, let it be grave-ly and in re-ver-ence. hon-or and o-bey your pa-rents, al-though they be poor. "let your a-muse-ments be man-ful, not sin-ful. "la-bor to keep a live in your breast that lit-tle spark of ce-les-ti-al fire, called con-sci-ence." it is not known where george found these rules he took so much pains to write out, but it is plain that he set great store by them, and made use of them through out his whole life. chapter ii. youth. george was a great pet with his bro-ther, law-rence wash-ing-ton, who thought it would be a nice thing for him to serve on board one of the king's ships-of-war. while law-rence was in the west in-dies he was on good terms with gen-er-al went-worth and ad-mi-ral ver-non, and he had no doubt they would do their best to get his bro-ther a good place. he spoke to george a-bout it, and the boy was wild with joy. his mo-ther's pride was roused, and at first she did not put a straw in his way, but gave him all the help she could. but as the time drew near, her heart, which had been so strong and brave and full of pride, gave way and she felt that she could not part with her dear boy. one of her friends wrote to law-rence that mrs. wash-ing-ton had made up her mind not to let george go to sea. she said that some of her friends had told her it was a bad plan, and "i find," said he "that one word a-gainst his go-ing has more weight than ten for it." so they gave up the scheme, and george was sent back to school. he would, on fine days, go out in the fields and tracts of land a-round the school-house, and with line and rod take the size and shape, the length and width, and mark it all down in one of his books, and so much pains did he take that from the first to the last page not a blot or blur is to be seen. these neat ways, formed in his youth, were kept up through all his life, and what seems strange is that day-books, and such books as you will find in great use now-a-days were not known at that time. the plan had been thought out by george wash-ing-ton when a boy of , and shows the cast of his mind. near this time george was sent to live with his bro-ther law-rence, at his fine place on the po-to-mac, which he had called mount ver-non, to show how much he thought of the ad-mi-ral of that name. here george had a chance to make friends with those of high rank, and he spent much of his time with george fair-fax who made his home at _bel-voir_, near mount ver-non. lord fair-fax, a man of wealth and worth was much at bel-voir at that time. he had bought large tracts of land in vir-gin-i-a, which had not been staked out, or set off in-to lots. in fact he did not know their size or shape, but he had heard that men had sought out some of the best spots, and had built homes there, and laid out farms for which they paid no rent, and he thought it quite time to put a stop to such things. in march, , george wash-ing-ton, who had been picked out by lord fair-fax for this task, went on his first trip with george fair-fax to stake off these wild lands. he wrote down what was done from day to day, and by these notes we learn that he had quite a rough time of it, and yet found much that was to his taste. he and the men with him rode for miles and miles through lands rich in grain, hemp, and to-bac-co, and through fine groves of trees on the bank of a broad stream. [illustration: washington's first speech to the indians.--p. .] one night, writes george, when they had been hard at work all day, they came to the house where they were to be fed and lodged. the wood-men went to bed with their clothes on, but george took his off, and as he turned in he found his bed was of loose straw with not a thing on it but the thread-bare blank-et he was to wrap him-self in. the fleas and bugs soon forced george to get up and put on his clothes and lie as the rest of the men did, and "had we not been so tired," he says "i am sure we should not have slept much that night." he made a vow then that he would sleep out of doors near a fire when on such tramps, and run no more such risks. on march , they reached a point on the po-to-mac, which they were told they could not ford. there had been a great rain-fall and the stream had not been so high, by six feet, as it was at that time. they made up their minds to stay there for a day or two; went to see the warm springs, and at night camped out in the field. at the end of two days, as the stream was still high, they swam their steeds to the mar-y-land side. the men crossed in birch-bark boats, and rode all the next day in a rain storm to a place two-score miles from where they had set out that morn. wash-ing-ton writes that the road was "the worst that had ever been trod by man or beast." on march , they fell in with a score or two of red-men who had been off to war and brought home but one scalp, and they had a chance to see a war-dance. the red-men cleared a large space, and built a fire in the midst of it, round which they all sat. one of the men then made a grand speech in which he told them how they were to dance. when he had done, the one who could dance the best sprang up as if he had just been roused from sleep, and ran and jumped round the ring in a queer kind of way. the rest soon joined him, and did just as he did. by this time the band made it-self heard, and i shall have to tell you what a fine band it was. there was a pot half full of water with a piece of deer-skin stretched tight on the top, and a gourd with some shot in it, and a piece of horse's tail tied to it to make it look fine. one man shook the gourd, and one drummed all the while the rest danced, and i doubt if you would care to hear the noise that was made. late in the day of march , they came to a place where dwelt a man named hedge, who was in the pay of king george as justice of the peace. here they camped, and at the meal that was spread there was not a knife nor a fork to eat with but such as the guests had brought with them. on the night of the first of a-pril the wind blew and the rain fell. the straw on which they lay took fire, and george was saved by one of the men, who woke him when it was in a blaze. "i have not slept for four nights in a bed," wrote wash-ing-ton at this time to one of his young friends at home, "but when i have walked a good deal in the day, i lie down on a heap of straw, or a bear-skin by the fire, with man, wife, young ones, dogs, and cats; and he is in luck who gets the place next the fire." for three years he kept up this mode of life, but as it was a hard life to lead he could be out but a few weeks at a time. his pay was a doub-loon a day, and some-times six pis-toles. a doub-loon is a gold coin of spain, worth not quite dol-lars. a pis-tole is a small gold coin of spain, worth not quite four dol-lars. this rough kind of life, though he did not know it, was to fit him for the toils and ills of war, of which he may have dreamt in those days, as he still kept up his love for war-like things. while at work on the land round the blue ridge, he now and then made his way to _green-way court_ where lord fair-fax dwelt at this time. here he had a chance to read choice books, for lord fair-fax had a fine mind though his tastes were queer. he lived on a knoll, in a small house not more than twelve feet square. all round him were the huts for his "help," black and white. red-men, half breeds, and wood-men thronged the place, where they were sure they would get a good meal. he had steeds of fine breed, and hounds of keen scent, for he was fond of the chase, and the woods and hills were full of game. here was a grand chance for george, who had a great taste for field-sports, and his rides, and walks, and talks with lord fair-fax were a rich treat to the home-bred youth. this wise friend lent george good books which he took with him to the woods and read with great care, and in this way stored his mind with rich thoughts. in vir-gin-i-a there were some few men who had served in the late war 'twixt eng-land and spain, and they put george through such a drill with sword and with gun that he learned to use them both with great skill. a dutch-man, named van-bra-am, was one of these men, and he claimed to know a great deal of the art of war. he it was that took george in hand to teach him the use of the sword, and how to fence. when he was years of age the red-men and the french had made such in-roads on the front, that it was thought best to place men on guard to keep back these foes, and to up-hold the laws of the state of vir-gin-i-a. there was need of some one to take charge of a school-of-arms at one of the chief out-posts where the french sought to get a foot-hold, and the choice fell on george wash-ing-ton, who set to work at once to fit him-self for the place. his broth-er's ill health caused this scheme to be dropped for a time, as law-rence was forced to go to the west in-dies for change of air, and begged george to go with him. george gave up all thought of self, and the two set sail for bar-ba-does, sep-tem-ber , . at sea he kept a log-book, took notes of the course of the winds, and if the days were fair or foul, and learned all he could of the ways of a ship and how to sail one. they reached bar-ba-does on no-vem-ber , and were pleased with the place, and all the strange sights that met their gaze. on all sides were fields of corn and sweet cane, and groves of trees rich in leaves and fruit, and all things held out a hope of cure for the sick man, whose lungs were in a weak state. they had been but two weeks in bar-ba-does when george fell ill with small-pox, and this for a time put an end to all their sports. but he had the best of care, and at the end of three weeks was so well that he could go out of doors. law-rence soon tired of this place, and longed for a change of scene. they had to ride out by the first dawn of day, for by the time the sun was half an hour high it was as hot as at mid-day. there was no change in the sick man's health, and he made up his mind to go to ber-mu-da in the spring. he was lone-some with-out his wife, so it was planned that george should go back home and bring her out to ber-mu-da. george set sail, de-cem-ber , and reached vir-gin-i-a at the end of five weeks. he must have been glad to step on shore once more, for the cold winds and fierce storms to be met with at sea, at that time of the year, made life on ship-board some-thing of a hard-ship. law-rence did not gain in health, and ere his wife could join him he wrote her that he would start for home--"to his grave." he reached mount ver-non in time to die 'neath his own roof, and with kind friends at his bed-side. his death took place on the th of ju-ly, , when he was but years of age. he had been like a fa-ther to george, and their hearts were bound by ties so strong and sweet that it was a great grief for them to part. but george had no time to sit down and mourn his loss. there was work for him to do. new cares were thrust on him by his bro-ther's death, that took up all his time and thoughts for some months; and he had to keep up his drills with the men at the school-of-arms, for which he was paid by the state. chapter iii. the first step to fame. the time had now come when wash-ing-ton was to take a fresh start in life, and win for him-self high rank. the french, who thought they had just as good a right as the eng-lish to take up land in a-mer-i-ca, pressed their claims, and built forts on the great lakes and on the banks of the o-hi-o riv-er. they made friends of the red-men at or near these posts, and made it known that they would fight the eng-lish at all points. the red-men on the north shore of lake on-ta-ri-o were good friends with the french; but those on the south shore were not. they had been well dealt with by the eng-lish, and their chief, half-king did not like the war-like move that was made by the french. he went to the french post on lake e-rie, and spoke thus to the troops there: "you have no right to come here and build towns, and take our land from us by fraud and force. we raised a flame in mon-tre-al some time a-go, where we asked you to stay and not to come here on our land. i now ask you to go back to that place, for this land is ours. "had you come in a peace-ful way, like the eng-lish, we should have let you trade with us as they do, but we will not let you come and build on our land and take it by force. "you and the eng-lish are white. we live in a land be-tween you, to which you and they have no right. the great be-ing gave it to us. we have told the eng-lish to move off, and they have heard us, and now we tell it to you. we do not fear you, and we mean to keep you both at arm's length." the french-man said to half-king: "you talk like a fool. this land is mine, and i will have it, let who will stand up a-gainst me. i have no fear of such as you. i tell you that down the o-hi-o i will go, and build forts on it. if it were blocked up i have troops e-nough to break through it and to tread down all who would try to stop me. my force is as the sand of the sea!" this proud speech made half-king feel as if he had been stabbed to the heart. it was the death-blow to his race. but he turned with hope and trust to the eng-lish, who thus far had not shown a wish to do what was not just to his tribe. on oc-to-ber , , wash-ing-ton set out from will-iams-burg in vir-gin-i-a with a small band of men. he was just of age, and ranked as ma-jor wash-ing-ton. he was to go to the french out-post near lake e-rie, with a note from gov-er-nor din-wid-die to the head man there, and to ask for a re-ply in the name of king george. he was to find out where forts had been built, and how large a force of troops had crossed the lakes, and to learn all that he could of those who had dared to set up the flag of france on soil which the eng-lish claimed as their own. wash-ing-ton's route lay through thick woods and swamps where the foot of man had not trod; he had to climb steep and rough hills where wild beasts had their lairs; and to cross streams on frail rafts, if they could not swim or ford them. there were but eight men in the whole band, and the post they were to reach lay miles off, and the whole of the way had to be made on horse-back or on foot. they met some of the in-di-an chiefs at a place called logs-town and wash-ing-ton made his first speech to the red-men. he told them what he had come for, and asked that some of their braves might go with him as guides and safe-guards for the rest of the way. he then gave them what was called a "speech-belt," wrought with beads, as a sign that they were friends and full of peace and good-will. the chiefs were mild and full of peace. they said that wash-ing-ton might have some of their men as guides, but he would have to wait for two or three days as the young braves had gone out in search of game. this wash-ing-ton could not do. there was no time to lose, and so he set out with but four red-men as guides, and half-king was one of them. through rain and snow, through a long stretch of dark woods that seemed to have no end, through deep streams and swamps where there was no sure foot-hold for man or beast, the brave band kept on their way. at the end of days from the time they left will-iams-burg they reached a place called ven-an-go, where they saw a house from the top of which a french flag flew, and wash-ing-ton called a halt. the head man in charge asked him and his friends to sup with him. the wine was passed with a free hand, but wash-ing-ton did not drink like his french host. he knew he would need to keep a cool head for his work. when the french-man had his tongue loosed by the wine, he told a good deal. "we have got the land," he said, "and we mean to keep it. you eng-lish may have two men to our one, but you are slow. it takes you a long time to move." the man's tongue wagged on in a free way, and wash-ing-ton, who had kept his wits, wrote down all he said that could be of use to him. the next day it rained hard and they could not go on. then for the first time the french-man found that there were red-men with the eng-lish. wash-ing-ton had kept them back, for he feared to trust them to the wiles of the french. but now the shrewd man made a great time, and hailed them as dear friends. he was so glad to see them! how could they be so near and not come to see him? he gave them gifts and plied them with strong drink, till half-king and his braves thought no more of what they had pledged to the eng-lish. they were soon in such a state that they did not care to move. it took some time for wash-ing-ton to get them free from the wiles of the french, and it took four days more of snow and rain, through mire and swamp, to reach the fort for which they had set out. here wash-ing-ton met the chief of the fort and made known the cause that had brought him. he gave him the note from gov-er-nor din-wid-die, in which it was asked why the french had come in-to a state that was owned by great brit-ain, and they were bid to go in peace. the french took two days in which to think of the course they should take, and in this time wash-ing-ton set down in his note book the size and strength of the fort and all that he could find out. he told his men to use their eyes, and to count the boats in the stream, and the guns in the fort. the first chance he had, wash-ing-ton drew a plan of this fort, and it was sent to eng-land for king george to see. wash-ing-ton saw that the half-king and the braves with him had much to say to the french, and he did not trust them. he heard that the eng-lish who sought to trade on the o-hi-o were seized by the french, and that some red-men had passed the fort with two or three white scalps. all this made him wish to get off safe with his small band, and when the french chief gave him a sealed note, he had a shrewd guess as to what was in it. at last, when the start was to be made, the french chief had large stores of food and wine put on their boats, and made a great show of good will, but at the same time he tried to keep the red-men with him, and told them he would give them guns for gifts the next day. wash-ing-ton was pressed by the red-men to wait that long for them, and the next morn the french had to give the guns. then they tried to get the red-men to drink once more, but wash-ing-ton plead with them, and at last got them to start. it was hard to steer the boats, as the stream was full of ice, and at times they had to leap out and stand in the wet for half an hour at a time, to drag the boats by main force off the shoals. on the part of the trip that had to be made by land, they had a hard time too. it was cold, the roads were deep in mire, and the steeds were so worn out, that it was feared they would fall by the way. wash-ing-ton gave up his horse to help bear the food and things for use, and he asked his friends to do so too. they all went on foot, and the cold grew worse. there was deep snow that froze as it fell. for three days they toiled on in a slow way. at last wash-ing-ton made up his mind to leave the men and steeds in charge of one of his band, and to strike off with his pack on his back and his gun in his hand by a way which, it seemed to him, would take him home by a short cut. he had the sealed note that he wished to give up as soon as he could. he took but one man with him. at night they lit a fire, and camped by it in the woods. at two in the morn, they were once more on foot. they fell in with a red-man who claimed to know mr. gist, the man who was with wash-ing-ton, and called him by his name in his own tongue and seemed glad to see him. they asked the red-man if he would go with them and show them a short-cut to the forks of the al-le-gha-ny riv-er. the red-man seemed glad to serve them, and took wash-ing-ton's pack on his own back. then the three set out, and walked at a brisk pace for eight or ten miles. by this time wash-ing-ton's feet were so sore that he could not take a step with-out pain, and he was well tired out. he thought it best to camp where they were, and the red-man begged wash-ing-ton to let him bear his gun. but the ma-jor would not let it go out of his own hands. this made the red-man cross, and he urged them to keep on and said there were red-skins in the woods who would scalp them if they lay out all night. he would take them to his own hut where they would be safe. the white men lost faith in their guide, and were soon quite ill at ease. when the red-man found that he could not make them go his way, or do as he said, he ceased to wear the face of a friend. at heart he was the foe of all white men. all at once he made a stop, and then turned and fired on them. wash-ing-ton found that he was not hit, so he turned to mr. gist, and said, "are you shot?" "no," said gist. then the red-man ran to a big white oak tree to load his gun. gist would have killed him, but wash-ing-ton would not let him. gist says, "we let him charge his gun. we found he put in a ball; then we took care of him. the ma-jor or i stood by the guns. we made him make a fire for us by a small run as if we meant to sleep there. i said to the ma-jor; 'as you will not have him killed, we must get rid of him in some way, and then we must march on all night;' on which i said to the red-man, 'i suppose you were lost and fired your gun.' "he said he knew the way to his log-hut and it was not far off. 'well,' said i, 'do you go home; and as we are tired we will fol-low your track in the morn-ing, and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morn-ing.' he was glad to get off," wash-ing-ton says, "we walked all the rest of the night, and made no stop, that we might get the start so far as to be out of their reach the next day, since we were quite sure they would get on our track as soon as it was light." but no more was seen or heard of them, and the next night, at dusk, the two white men came to the al-le-gha-ny, which they thought to cross on the ice. this they could not do, so they had to go to work with but one small axe, and a poor one at that, and make a raft. it was a whole day's work. they next got it launched, and went on board of it; then set off. but when they were in mid-stream the raft was jammed in the ice in such a way that death seemed to stare them in the face. wash-ing-ton put out his pole to stay the raft so that the ice might pass by; but the tide was so swift that it drove the ice with great force. it bore down on the pole so hard that wash-ing-ton was thrown in-to the stream where it was at least ten feet deep. he would have been swept out of sight if he had not caught hold of one of the raft logs. as they found they could not cross the stream, or get back to the shore they had left, they quit the raft, and got on a small isle near which they were borne by the tide. but this was not the end of their ill luck. it was so cold that mr. gist's hands and feet froze, and both he and wash-ing-ton were in great pain through-out the long dark night. a gleam of hope came with the dawn of day, for they found the ice 'twixt them and the east bank of the stream was so hard as to bear their weight, and they made their way on it, and the same day came to a place where they could rest. here they spent two or three days. they set out on the first of jan-u-a-ry, and the next day came to mon-on-ga-he-la, where wash-ing-ton bought a horse. on the th he got to bel-voir, where he stopped one day to take the rest he was in need of, and then set out and reached will-iams-burg on the th of jan-u-a-ry. he gave to gov-er-nor din-wid-die the note he had brought from the french chief, showed him the plans of the fort, and told him all that he had seen and done. the fame of his deeds, of the ills he had borne, and the nerve and pluck he had shown, was soon noised a-broad, and george wash-ing-ton, though a mere youth, was looked up to by young and old. chapter iv. to the front! the french chief in his note to gov-er-nor din-wid-die had said, in words that were smooth but clear, that he would not leave the banks of the o-hi-o; so the eng-lish felt as if it were time for them to make a move, though they did not wish to bring on a war. land was set off on the o-hi-o where a fort was built, and the rest of it left for the use of the troops. wash-ing-ton was asked to lead the troops, but he shrank from it as a charge too great for one so young. so josh-u-a fry was made col-o-nel, and wash-ing-ton lieu-ten-ant col-o-nel of a force of men. it was hard work to get men to join the ranks. the pay was small, and those who had good farms and good homes did not care to leave them. those who had a mind to go were for the most part men who did not like to work, and had no house or home they could call their own. some were bare-foot, some had no shirts to their backs, and not a few were with-out coat or waist-coat, as the vest was called in those days. if it was hard work to get this kind of men, it was still more of a task to find those who would serve as chiefs, and wash-ing-ton found him-self left in charge of a lot of raw troops who knew no will but their own. but van-bra-am, who had taught wash-ing-ton how to use the sword, was with him, and gave him just the aid he had need of at this time. on a-pril , , wash-ing-ton, at the head of men, set off for the new fort at the fork of the o-hi-o. the roads were rough, and the march was slow, and it was not till a-pril that they reached will's creek. here they were met by a small force, in charge of cap-tain ad-am ste-phen. the rest of the force, with the field-guns, were to come by way of the po-to-mac. these last were in charge of col-o-nel fry. when wash-ing-ton reached will's creek word was brought him that a large force of french troops had borne down on the new fort. cap-tain trent, who was in charge of the few troops in the fort, was a-way at the time, and the young en-sign ward did not know what to do. he sought the aid of half-king, who told him to plead with the french, and to beg them to wait till the cap-tain came back, and the two went at once to the french camp. but the french would not wait, or make terms of peace. they had come as foes, and told en-sign ward that if he did not leave the fort at once, with all his men, they would put him out by force. all the french would grant was that our men might take their tools with them; so the next morn they filed out of the fort, gave up their arms, and took the path to the woods. the french took the fort and built it up, and called it fort du-quesne (_kane_), which was the name of the gov-er-nor of can-a-da. when the sad news was brought to wash-ing-ton he was at a loss to know what to do, or which way to turn. here he was with a small band of raw troops right in the midst of foes, red and white, who would soon hem them in and use them ill if they found out where they were. yet it would not do to turn back, or show signs of fear. col-o-nel fry had not yet come up and the weight of care was thrown on wash-ing-ton. he let the gov-er-nors of penn-syl-va-ni-a and ma-ry-land know of his plight, and urged them to send on troops. but none came to his aid. he had a talk with his chief men, and they all thought it would be best to push on through the wild lands, make the road as they went on, and try to reach the mouth of red-stone creek, where they would build a fort. by this means the men would be kept at work, their fears would be quelled, and a way made for the smooth and swift march of the troops in the rear. there was so much to be done that the men, work as hard as they might, could not clear the way with much speed. there were great trees to be cut down, rocks to be moved, swamps to be filled up, and streams to be bridged. while in the midst of these toils, the bread gave out, and the lack of food made the men too weak to work. in spite of all these ills they made out to move at the rate of four miles a day, up steep hills, and through dense woods that have since borne the name of "the shades of death." while at a large stream where they had to stop to build a bridge, wash-ing-ton was told that it was not worth while for him to try to go by land to red-stone creek, when he could go by boat in much less time. this would be a good plan, if it would work; and to make sure, wash-ing-ton took five men with him in a bark boat down the stream. one of these men was a red-skin guide. when they had gone ten miles, the guide said that that was as far as he would go. wash-ing-ton said, "why do you want to leave us now? we need you, and you know that we can not get on with-out you. tell us why you wish to leave." the red-man said, "me want gifts. the red-men will not work with-out them. the french know this, and are wise. if you want the red-men to be your guides, you must buy them. they do not love you so well that they will serve you with-out pay." wash-ing-ton told the guide that when they got back he would give him a fine white shirt with a frill on it, and a good great-coat, and this put an end to the "strike" for that time. they kept on in the small boat for a score of miles, till they came to a place where there was a falls in the stream at least feet. this put a stop to their course, and wash-ing-ton went back to camp with his mind made up to go on by land. he was on his way to join his troops when word was brought him from half-king to be on his guard, as the french were close at hand. they had been on the march for two days, and meant to strike the first foe they should see. half-king said that he and the rest of his chiefs would be with wash-ing-ton in five days to have a talk. wash-ing-ton set to work at once to get his troops in shape to meet the foe. scouts were sent out. there was a scare in the night. the troops sprang to arms, and kept on the march till day-break. in the mean-time, at nine o'clock at night, word came from half-king, who was then six miles from the camp, that he had seen the tracks of two french-men, and the whole force was near that place. wash-ing-ton put him-self at the head of two score men, left the rest to guard the camp, and set off to join half-king. the men had to grope their way by foot-paths through the woods. the night was dark and there had been quite a fall of rain, so that they slipped and fell, and lost their way, and had to climb the great rocks, and the trees that had been blown down and blocked their way. it was near sun-rise when they came to the camp of half-king, who at once set out with a few of his braves to show wash-ing-ton the tracks he had seen. then half-king called up two of his braves, showed them the tracks, and told them what to do. they took the scent, and went off like hounds, and brought back word that they had traced the foot-prints to a place shut in by rocks and trees where the french were in camp. it was planned to take them off their guard. wash-ing-ton was to move on the right, half-king and his men on the left. they made not a sound. wash-ing-ton was the first on the ground, and as he came out from the rocks and trees at the head of his men, the french caught sight of him and ran to their arms. a sharp fire was kept up on both sides. de ju-mon-ville, who led the french troops, was killed, with ten of his men. one of wash-ing-ton's men was killed, and two or three met with wounds. none of the red-men were hurt, as the french did not aim their guns at them at all. in less than half an hour the french gave way, and ran, but wash-ing-ton's men soon came up with them, took them, and they were sent, in charge of a strong guard, to gov-er-nor din-wid-die. this was the first act of war, in which blood had been shed, and wash-ing-ton had to bear a great deal of blame from both france and eng-land till the truth was made known. he was thought to have been too rash, and too bold, and in more haste to make war than to seek for peace. these sins were charged to his youth, for it was not known then how much more calm, and wise, and shrewd he was than most men who were twice his age. the french claimed that this band had been sent out to ask wash-ing-ton, in a kind way, to leave the lands that were held by the crown of france. but wash-ing-ton was sure they were spies; and half-king said they had bad hearts, and if our men were such fools as to let them go, he would give them no more aid. half-king was full of fight, and wash-ing-ton was flushed with pride, and in haste to move on and brave the worst. he wrote home: "the min-goes have struck the french, and i hope will give a good blow be-fore they have done." then he told of the fight he had been in, and how he had won it, and was not hurt though he stood in the midst of the fierce fire. the balls whizzed by him, "and," said wash-ing-ton "i was charmed with the sound." this boast came to the ears of george ii. who said, in a dry sort of a way, "he would not say so if he had heard ma-ny." when long years had passed, some one asked wash-ing-ton if he had made such a speech. "if i did," said he, "it was when i was young." and he was but years of age. he knew that as soon as the french heard of the fight and their bad luck, they would send a strong force out to meet him, so he set all his men to work to add to the size of the earth-work, and to fence it in so that it might be more of a strong-hold. then he gave to it the name of _fort ne-ces-si-ty_, for it had been thrown up in great haste in time of great need, when food was so scant it was feared the troops would starve to death. at one time, for six days they had no flour, and, of course, no bread. news came of the death of col-o-nel fry, at will's creek, and wash-ing-ton was forced to take charge of the whole force. fry's troops-- in all--came up from will's creek, and half-king brought red-men with their wives and young ones and these all had to be fed and cared for. young as he was wash-ing-ton was like a fa-ther to this strange group of men. on sundays, when in camp, he read to them from the word of god, and by all his acts made them feel that he was a good and true man, and fit to be their chief. the red-men did quite well as spies and scouts, but were not of much use in the field, and they, and some men from south car-o-li-na, did much to vex young wash-ing-ton. half-king did not like the way that white men fought, so he took him-self and his band off to a safe place. the white men from south car-o-li-na, who had come out to serve their king, were too proud to soil their hands or to do hard work, nor would they be led by a man of the rank of col-o-nel. in the midst of all these straits wash-ing-ton stood calm and firm. the south car-o-li-na troops were left to guard the fort, while the rest of the men set out to clear the road to red-stone creek. their march was slow, and full of toil, and at the end of two weeks they had gone but miles. here at gist's home, where they stopped to rest, word came to wash-ing-ton that a large force of the french were to be sent out to fight him. word was sent to the fort to have the men that were there join them with all speed. they reached gist's at dusk, and by dawn of the next day all our troops were in that place, where it was at first thought they would wait for the foe. but this plan they gave up, for it was deemed best to make haste back to the fort, where they might at least screen them-selves from the fire of the foe. the roads were rough; the heat was great; the food was scant, and the men weak and worn out. there were but few steeds, and these had to bear such great loads that they could not move with speed. wash-ing-ton gave up his own horse and went on foot, and the rest of the head men did the same. the troops from vir-gin-i-a worked with a will and would take turns and haul the big field guns, while the king's troops, from south car-o-li-na, walked at their ease, and would not lend a hand, or do a stroke of work. on the morn of ju-ly , scouts brought word to the fort that the french were but four miles off, and in great force. wash-ing-ton at once drew up his men on the ground out-side of the fort, to wait for the foe. ere noon the french were quite near the fort and the sound of their guns was heard. wash-ing-ton thought this was a trick to draw his men out in-to the woods, so he told them to hold their fire till the foe came in sight. but as the french did not show them-selves, though they still kept up their fire, he drew his troops back to the fort and bade them fire at will, and do their best to hit their mark. the rain fell all day long, so that the men in the fort were half drowned, and some of the guns scarce fit for use. the fire was kept up till eight o'clock at night, when the french sent word they would like to make terms with our men. wash-ing-ton thought it was a trick to find out the state of things in the fort, and for a time gave no heed to the call. the french sent two or three times, and at last brought the terms for wash-ing-ton to read. they were in french. there was no-thing at hand to write with, so van bra-am, who could speak french, was called on to give the key. it was a queer scene. a light was brought, and held close to his face so that he could see to read. the rain fell in such sheets that it was hard work to keep up the flame. van bra-am mixed up dutch, french, and eng-lish in a sad way, while wash-ing-ton and his chief aids stood near with heads bent, and tried their best to guess what was meant. they made out at last that the main terms were that the troops might march out of the fort, and fear no harm from french or red-skins as they made their way back to their homes. the drums might beat and the flags fly, and they could take with them all the goods and stores, and all that was in the fort--but the large guns. these the french would break up. and our men should pledge them-selves not to build on the lands which were claimed by the king of france for the space of one year. the weak had to yield to the strong, and wash-ing-ton and his men laid down their arms and marched out of the fort. a note of thanks was sent to wash-ing-ton, and all his head men but van bra-am, who was thought to have read the terms in such a way as to harm our side and serve the french. but there were those who felt that van bra-am was as true as he was brave, and that it was the fault of his head and not his heart, for it was a hard task for a dutch-man to turn french in-to eng-lish, and make sense of it. chapter v. as aide-de-camp. in spite of the way in which the fight at great mead-ows came to an end gov-er-nor din-wid-die made up his mind that the troops, led by wash-ing-ton, should cross the hills and drive the french from fort du-quesne. wash-ing-ton thought it a wild scheme; for the snow lay deep on the hills, his men were worn out, and had no arms, nor tents, nor clothes, nor food, such as would fit them to take the field. it would need gold to buy these things, as well as to pay for fresh troops. gold was placed in the gov-er-nor's hands to use as he pleased. our force was spread out in-to ten bands, of men each. the king's troops were put in high rank, and col-o-nel wash-ing-ton was made cap-tain. this, of course, was more than he could bear, so he left the ar-my at once, and with a sad heart. in a short time gov-er-nor sharpe of ma-ry-land was placed by king george at the head of all the force that was to fight the french. he knew that he would need the aid of wash-ing-ton, and he begged him to come back and serve with him in the field. but wash-ing-ton did not like the terms, and paid no heed to the call. the next spring, gen-er-al brad-dock came from eng-land with two large bands of well-trained troops, which it was thought would drive the french back in-to can-a-da. our men were full of joy, and thought the war would soon be at an end. brad-dock urged wash-ing-ton to join him in the field. wash-ing-ton felt that he could be of great use, as he knew the land and the ways of red-men, so he took up the sword once more, as brad-dock's aide-de-camp. ben-ja-min frank-lin, who had charge of the mails, lent his aid to the cause, and did all that he could to serve brad-dock and his men. brad-dock, with his staff and a guard of horse-men, set out for will's creek, by the way of win-ches-ter, in a-pril, . he rode in a fine turn-out that he had bought of gov-er-nor sharpe, which he soon found out was not meant for use on rough roads. but he had fought with dukes, and men of high rank, and was fond of show, and liked to put on a great deal of style. he thought that this would make the troops look up to him, and would add much to his fame. in may the troops went in-to camp, and wash-ing-ton had a chance to learn much of the art of war that was new and strange to him, and to see some things that made him smile. all the rules and forms of camp-life were kept up. one of the head men who died while in camp, was borne to the grave in this style: a guard marched in front of the corpse, the cap-tain of it in the rear. each man held his gun up-side down, as a sign that the dead would war no more, and the drums beat the dead march. when near the grave the guard formed two lines that stood face to face, let their guns rest on the ground, and leaned their heads on the butts. the corpse was borne twixt these two rows of men with the sword and sash on the top of the box in which he lay, and in the rear of it the men of rank marched two and two. when the corpse was put in the ground, the guard fired their guns three times, and then all the troops marched back to camp. the red-men--the del-a-wares and shaw-nees came to aid gen-er-al brad-dock. with them were white thun-der, who had charge of the "speech-belts," and sil-ver heels, who was swift of foot. half-king was dead, and white thun-der reigned in his stead. the red-men had a camp to them-selves, where they would sing, and dance, and howl and yell for half the night. it was fun for the king's troops to watch them at their sports and games, and they soon found a great charm in this wild sort of life. in the day time the red-men and their squaws, rigged up in their plumes and war paint, hung round brad-dock's camp, and gazed spell-bound at the troops as they went through their drills. but this state of things did not last long, and strife rose twixt the red and white men, and some of the red-skins left the camp. they told brad-dock they would meet him on his march, but they did not keep their word. wash-ing-ton was sent to will-iams-burg to bring the gold of which there was need, and when he came back he found that brad-dock had left a small guard at fort cum-ber-land, on will's creek, and was then on his way to fort du-quesne. he would give no heed to those who knew more of the back-woods than he did, nor call on the red-men to serve as scouts and guides. he was not used to that kind of war-fare, and scorned to be taught by such a youth as george wash-ing-ton. the march was a hard one for man and beast. up steep hills and through rough roads they had to drag the guns, and brad-dock soon found out that these new fields were not like the old ones on which he had been wont to fight. hard as it was for his pride to seek the aid of so young a man, he was at last forced to ask wash-ing-ton to help him out of these straits. they had then made a halt at lit-tle mead-ows. wash-ing-ton said there was no time to lose. they must push on at once. while at this place cap-tain jack, and his brave band of hunts-men came in-to camp. they were fond of the chase, and were well-armed with knives and guns, and looked quite like a tribe of red-skins as they came out of the wood. brad-dock met them in a stiff sort of way. cap-tain jack stepped in front of his band and said that he and his men were used to rough work, and knew how to deal with the red-men, and would be glad to join the force. brad-dock looked on him with a gaze of scorn, and spoke to him in a way that roused the ire of cap-tain jack. he told his men what had been said, and the whole band turned their backs on the camp, and went through the woods to their old haunts where they were known and prized at their true worth. in the mean-time wash-ing-ton, who had had a head-ache for some days, grew so ill that he could not ride on his horse, and had to be borne part of the time in a cart. brad-dock--who well knew what a loss his death would be--said that he should not go on. wash-ing-ton plead with him, but brad-dock was firm, and made him halt on the road. here he was left with a guard, and in care of doc-tor craik, and here he had to stay for two long weeks. by that time he could move, but not with-out much pain, for he was still quite weak. it was his wish to join the troops in time for the great blow, and while yet too weak to mount his horse, he set off with his guards in a close cart, and reached brad-dock's camp on the eighth of ju-ly. he was just in time, for the troops were to move on fort du-quesne the next day. the fort was on the same side of the mon-on-ga-he-la as the camp, but twixt them lay a pass two miles in length, with the stream on the left and a high range of hills on the right. the plan was to ford the stream near the camp, march on the west bank of the stream for five miles or so, and then cross to the east side and push on to the fort. by sun-rise the next day the troops turned out in fine style, and marched off to the noise of drum and fife. to wash-ing-ton this was a grand sight. though still weak and ill, he rode his horse, and took his place on the staff as aide-de-camp. at one o'clock the whole force had crossed the ford north of the fort, and were on their way up the bank, when they were met by a fierce and sharp fire from foes they could not see. wild war-whoops and fierce yells rent the air. what wash-ing-ton feared, had come to pass. brad-dock did his best to keep the troops in line; but as fast as they moved up, they were cut down by foes screened by rocks and trees. now and then one of the red-men would dart out of the woods with a wild yell to scalp a red-coat who had been shot down. wild fear seized brad-dock's men, who fired and took no aim. those in the front rank were killed by those in the rear. some of the vir-gin-i-a troops took post back of trees, and fought as the red-men did. wash-ing-ton thought it would be a good plan for brad-dock's men to do the same. but he thought there was but one way for troops to fight, and that brave men ought not to skulk in that way. when some of them took to the trees, brad-dock stormed at them, and called them hard names, and struck them with the flat of his sword. all day long wash-ing-ton rode here and there in the midst of the fight. he was in all parts of the field, a fine mark for the guns of the foe, and yet not a shot struck him to do him harm. four small shots went through his coat. two of his steeds were shot down; and though those who stood near him fell dead at his side, wash-ing-ton had not one wound. the fight raged on. death swept through the ranks of the red-coats. the men at the guns were seized with fright. wash-ing-ton sprang from his horse, wheeled a brass field-piece with his own hand, and sent a good shot through the woods. but this act did not bring the men back to their guns. brad-dock was on the field the whole day, and did his best to turn the tide. but most of his head-men had been slain in his sight; five times had he been forced to mount a fresh horse, as one by one was struck down by the foe-man's shot, and still he kept his ground and tried to check the flight of his men. at last a shot struck him in the right arm and went in-to his lungs. he fell from his horse, and was borne from the field. the troops took fright at once, and most of them fled. the yells of the red-men still rang in their ears. "all is lost!" they cried. "brad-dock is killed!" wash-ing-ton had been sent to a camp miles off, and was on his way back when he heard the sad news. but brad-dock did not die at once. he was brought back to camp, and for two days lay in a calm state but full of pain. now and then his lips would move and he was heard to say, "who would have thought it! we shall know how to deal with them the next time!" he died at fort ne-ces-si-ty on the night of ju-ly . had he done as wash-ing-ton told him he might have saved his own life, and won the day. but he was a proud man, and when he made up his mind to do a thing he would do it at all risks. through this fault he missed the fame he hoped to win, lost his life, and found a grave in a strange land. his loss was a great gain to wash-ing-ton, for all felt that he, so calm, so grave, so free from fear, was the right sort of man to lead troops to war. those who had seen him in the field thought that he bore a charmed life, for though he stood where the shot fell thick and fast he was not hurt, and showed no signs of fear. but wash-ing-ton was weak, and in need of rest, and as the death of brad-dock left him with no place in the force, he went back to mount ver-non where he thought to spend the rest of his days. the fight which he took part in as aide-de-camp, and which had so sad an end, goes by the name of _brad-dock's de-feat_. chapter vi. col-o-nel of vir-gin-i-a troops. the troops in vir-gin-i-a were left with-out a head. there was no one to lead them out to war, and if this fact came to the ears of the french, they would be more bold. wash-ing-ton's friends urged him to ask for the place. but this he would not do. his brother wrote him thus: "our hopes rest on you, dear george. you are the man for the place: all are loud in your praise." but wash-ing-ton was firm. he wrote back and told in plain words all that he had borne, and how he had been served for the past two years. "i love my land," he said, "and shall be glad to serve it, but not on the same terms that i have done so." his mo-ther begged him not to risk his life in these wars. he wrote her that he should do all that he could to keep out of harm's way, but if he should have a call to drive the foes from the land of his birth, he would have to go! and this he was sure would give her much more pride than if he were to stay at home. on the same day, au-gust , that this note was sent, word came to wash-ing-ton that he had been made chief of all the troops in vir-gin-i-a, and the next month he went to win-ches-ter to stay. here he found much to do. there was need of more troops, and it was hard work to get them. forts had to be built, and he drew up a plan of his own and set men to work it out, and went out from time to time to see how they got on with it. he rode off thus at the risk of his life, for red-men lay in wait for scalps, and were fierce to do deeds of blood. the stir of war put new life in-to the veins of old lord fair-fax. he got up a troop of horse, and put them through a drill on the lawn at green-way court. he was fond of the chase, and knew how to run the sly fox to the ground. the red-man was a sort of fox, and fair-fax was keen for the chase, and now and then would mount his steed and call on george wash-ing-ton, who was glad to have his kind friend so near. in a short time he had need of his aid, for word came from the fort at will's creek that a band of red-men were on the war-path with fire-brands, and knives, and were then on their way to win-ches-ter. a man on a fleet horse was sent post-haste to wash-ing-ton, who had been called to will-iams-burg, the chief town. in the mean-time lord fair-fax sent word to all the troops near his home to arm and haste to the aid of win-ches-ter. those on farms flocked to the towns, where they thought they would be safe; and the towns-folks fled to the west side of the blue ridge. in the height of this stir wash-ing-ton rode in-to town, and the sight of him did much to quell their fears. he thought that there were but a few red-skins who had caused this great scare, and it was his wish to take the field at once and go out and put them to flight. but he could get but a few men to go with him. the rest of the town troops would not stir. all the old fire-arms that were in the place were brought out, and smiths set to work to scour off the rust and make them fit to use. caps, such as are now used on guns, were not known in those days. flint stones took their place. one of these was put in the lock, so that when it struck a piece of steel it would flash fire, and the spark would set off the gun. these were called flint-lock guns. such a thing as a match had not been thought of, and flint stones were made use of to light all fires. carts were sent off for balls, and flints, and for food with which to feed all those who had flocked to win-ches-ter. the tribes of red-men that had once served with wash-ing-ton, were now on good terms with the french. one of their chiefs, named ja-cob, laughed at forts that were built of wood, and made his boast that no fort was safe from him if it would catch fire. the town where these red-men dwelt was two score miles from fort du-quesne, and a band of brave white men, with john arm-strong and hugh mer-cer at their head, set out from win-ches-ter to put them to rout. at the end of a long march they came at night on the red-men's strong-hold, and took them off their guard. the red-men, led by the fierce chief ja-cob, who chose to die ere he would yield, made a strong fight, but in the end most of them were killed, their huts were set on fire, and the brave strong-hold was a strong-hold no more. in the mean-time wash-ing-ton had left win-ches-ter and gone to fort cum-ber-land, on will's creek. here he kept his men at work on new roads and old ones. some were sent out as scouts. brig-a-dier gen-er-al forbes, who was in charge of the whole force, was on his way from phil-a-del-phi-a, but his march was a slow one as he was not in good health. the plan was when he came to move on the french fort. the work that was to have been done north of the fort, by lord lou-doun, hung fire. it was felt that he was not the right man for the place, and so his lord-ship was sent back to eng-land. ma-jor gen-er-al ab-er-crom-bie then took charge of the king's troops at the north. these were to charge on crown point. ma-jor gen-er-al am-herst with a large force of men was with the fleet of ad-mi-ral bos-caw-en, that set sail from hal-i-fax the last of may. these were to lay siege to lou-is-berg and the isle of cape bre-ton, which is at the mouth of the gulf of st. law-rence. forbes was to move on fort du-quesne, and was much too slow to suit wash-ing-ton who was in haste to start. his men had worn out their old clothes and were in great need of new ones, which they could not get for some time. he liked the dress the red-men wore. it was light and cool, and, what had to be thought of most, it was cheap. wash-ing-ton had some of his men put on this dress, and it took well, and has since been worn by those who roam the woods and plains of our great land. i will not tell you of all that took place near the great lakes at this time, as i wish to keep your mind on george wash-ing-ton. the schemes laid out by gen-er-al forbes did not please wash-ing-ton, who urged a prompt march on the fort, while the roads were good. he wrote to ma-jor hal-ket, who had been with brad-dock, and was now on forbes' staff: "i find him fixed to lead you a new way to the o-hi-o, through a road each inch of which must be cut when we have scarce time left to tread the old track, which is known by all to be the best path through the hills." he made it plain that if they went that new way all would be lost, and they would be way-laid by the red-skins and meet with all sorts of ills. but no heed was paid to his words, and the warm days came to an end. six weeks were spent in hard work on the new road with a gain of less than three-score miles, when the whole force might have been in front of the french fort had they marched by the old road as wash-ing-ton had urged. at a place known as loy-al han-nan, the troops were brought to a halt, as forbes thought this was a good place to build a fort. some men in charge of ma-jor grant went forth as scouts. at dusk they drew near a fort, and set fire to a log house near its walls. this was a rash thing to do, as it let the french know just where they were. but not a gun was fired from the fort. this the king's troops took for a sign of fear, and were bold and proud, and quite sure that they would win the day. so brad-dock had thought, and we know his fate. at length--when forbes and his men were off their guard--the french made a dash from the fort, and poured their fire on the king's troops. on their right and left flanks fell a storm of shot from the red-skins who had hid back of trees, rocks, and shrubs. the king's troops were then brought up in line, and for a while stood firm and fought for their lives. but they were no match for the red-skins, whose fierce yells made the blood run chill. ma-jor lew-is fought hand to hand with a "brave" whom he laid dead at his feet. red-skins came up at once to take the white-man's scalp, and there was but one way in which he could save his life. this was to give him-self up to the french, which both he and ma-jor grant were forced to do, as their troops had been put to rout with great loss. wash-ing-ton won much praise for the way in which the vir-gin-i-a troops had fought, and he was at once put in charge of a large force, who were to lead the van, serve as scouts, and do their best to drive back the red-skins--work that called for the best skill and nerve. it was late in the fall of the year when the king's troops all met at loy-al han-nan, and so much had to be done to clear the roads, that snow would be on the ground ere they could reach the fort. but from those of the french that they had seized in the late fight, they found out that there were but few troops in the fort, that food was scarce, and the red-skins false to their trust. this lent hope to the king's troops, who made up their minds to push on. they took up their march at once, with no tents or stores, and but few large guns. wash-ing-ton rode at the head. it was a sad march, for the ground was strewn with the bones of those who had fought with grant and with brad-dock, and been slain by the foe, or died of their wounds. at length the troops drew near the fort, and made their way up to it with great care, for they thought the french would be in wait for them, and that there would be a fierce fight. but the french had had such bad luck in can-a-da, that they had lost heart, and those in the fort were left to take care of them-selves. so when the eng-lish were one day's march from the fort, the french stole out at night, got in-to boats, set the fort on fire, and went down the o-hi-o by the light of the flames. so the fort which had been the cause of so much blood-shed, fell at last with-out a blow, and on no-vem-ber , , wash-ing-ton, with his van-guard, marched in and placed the brit-ish flag on the wreck of the once proud strong-hold, the name of which was changed to fort pitt. the french gave up all claim to the o-hi-o from that time. the red-skins were quick to make friends with those who held sway, and there was peace with all the tribes twixt the o-hi-o and the lakes. wash-ing-ton had made up his mind to leave the field when this war came to an end, and in de-cem-ber of the same year he bade his troops good-bye. he had been with them for five years in a hard school, and the strain on his mind had been so great that he lost his health, and felt that he could war no more. chapter vii. the home of wash-ing-ton. in the year , while wash-ing-ton was with his troops at win-ches-ter, he met and fell in love with mrs. mar-tha cus-tis. her home was known as the white house, and here she dwelt in fine style, for she had great wealth. she had a boy six years of age, and a girl of four. such were her charms that men of wealth and rank sought for her hand, but wash-ing-ton, so calm and grave, and with his way yet to make in the world, won her heart, and they were to be wed at the close of the war. she had heard of the brave deeds he had done, and was proud to be the wife of such a man, so on jan-u-a-ry , , the two were made one. in the course of a few months wash-ing-ton went to live at _mount ver-non_, where he spent much of his time in the care of his own lands, and those of his wife. he had a seat with those who made laws for the state, and no man was thought more of than george wash-ing-ton. wash-ing-ton loved to be at _mount ver-non_, where he had spent a great part of his boy-hood, with his bro-ther, law-rence, of whom he was so fond. the house stood on a knoll, and near it were wild woods and deep dells, haunts of the fox and the deer, and bright streams where fish could be found at all times. his chief sport was the chase, and, at the right time of the year, he would go out two or three times a week, with dogs and horns and trained steeds, in search of the sly fox who would lead him and his friends a fine run. some times he would go out with his gun and shoot wild-ducks, great flocks of which might be found on the streams close at hand. or he would scour the woods for the game with which they were filled, and which none but those who owned the place had a right to kill. a man who had a bad name and paid no heed to the laws that were made, was wont to make his way to the grounds near mount ver-non and shoot just what game he chose. more than once he had been told to leave and not come back, but he paid no more heed than if he had been deaf, and was sure to take his pick from the best kind of ducks. one day when wash-ing-ton was out on horse-back he heard the sound of a gun down near the edge of the stream. he put spurs to his horse, dashed through bush and brake, and soon came up to the rogue who had just time to jump in his boat and push from shore. then the bad man raised his gun, cocked it, and took aim at wash-ing-ton, whom he would no doubt have shot down in cold-blood. but wash-ing-ton rode at once in-to the stream, and seized the prow of the boat, and drew it to shore. then he sprang from his horse, wrenched the gun from the thief's hand, and laid on the lash in such a way that the rogue took to his heels when let loose, and came no more near mount ver-non. as i have told you, men of great wealth dwelt on the shores of the po-to-mac, and kept house in fine style. they had a large force of slaves, and made great feasts for their friends. one of them used to come out in a rich barge to meet wash-ing-ton. this barge was rowed by six black men in check shirts and black vel-vet caps. wash-ing-ton had a coach and four, with black foot-men, for mrs. wash-ing-ton to use when she drove out; but he chose to go on horse-back. some-times he and his wife went to an-na-po-lis, to a ball or feast of some sort, where wash-ing-ton took part in the dance, and all the belles of the day were proud to dance with him, for he had a grand style that made him seem like no one else in the room. when storms kept him in the house, he would read, or spend the time at his desk with pen in hand. he was kind to his slaves, and took the best of care of them when they were sick, but was quick to see that they did not shirk their work. he knew, too, just the kind of work each one was fit for, and which he could do the best. four of his slaves set out to hew and shape a large log. wash-ing-ton kept his eye on them and thought they loafed too much. so he sat down, took out his watch, and timed them: how long it took them to get their cross-cut saw and the rest of their tools; how long to cut off the limbs from the tree they had laid low; how long to hew and saw it; what time they spent in talk; and how much work they did while he sat there and took notes. in this way he found out just how much work four men could do in the course of a day--and take their ease. wash-ing-ton was quick to lend a hand in time of need, and once when word was brought him that the dam had broke loose, and the mill would soon be swept off, he ran at the head of all his slaves and work-men, and toiled as hard as they in a fierce rain-storm, to check the force of the flood. the cares of home and state made such calls on his time and thoughts, that he could not be said to live quite at his ease, and he left his mark--a high one--on all that he did. his crops were of the best, and he sought to cheat no one. the flour he sold from year to year was put up with so much care, and was of such a good kind and so true in weight that all that bore the brand of _george wash-ing-ton_, _mount ver-non_, was held at a high rate in the west in-di-a ports. quite a trade was kept up with eu-rope, where all the goods had to be bought that were used in the house or on the farm. twice a year wash-ing-ton sent on a long list of such things as he had need of: ploughs, hoes, scythes, horse-goods, and clothes for all the house-hold. for these last he had to give size and height, name, and age, of those who were to wear them. in one of these lists wash-ing-ton, who had need of a new suit of clothes, said he was six feet in height, quite thin, and had long limbs. he was then years old. you will see by what i have told you just how wash-ing-ton spent much of his time for at least five years. they were five sweet years to him; full of peace, and rest, and joy. he was fond of his home, and felt as much pride in nel-lie and john parke cus-tis as if they had been his own boy and girl. nel-lie was a frail child, and did not gain in strength, though she had the best of care. her death took place june , , when she was but years of age. this was a sad blow to wash-ing-ton, as well as to his wife, and then all their hopes were placed on the son, who bade fair to be a fine strong man. but he died in the year , at the age of . while wash-ing-ton dwelt in peace at mount ver-non, war was rife in the land, but as he had with-drawn from those who bore arms he took no part in it it was called pon-ti-ac's war, as it was led by a chief of that name, but the o-hi-o tribes were with him, and the plot was deep laid. large tracts of wood-land were laid waste; homes were burnt, and those who dwelt in them robbed and slain; and so sly and shrewd were the red-skins that it was some time ere the white men could put a stop to their deeds of blood. it was in that king george the third made up his mind to tax the folks in a-mer-i-ca for all the goods they bought in eng-land. the trade was large, and in this way the king could add much to his wealth. but the scheme did not work well. it was first tried in bos-ton, and set all the folks there by the ears. they claimed that they had rights as well as the king. they had come to this land to be free, and free they would be. they would do with-out tea and such things, and dress as well as they could in clothes made out of home-made goods. the king next said that goods bought from eng-land must bear the king's stamp, for which a sum was to be paid more than the cost of the goods. this was known as the stamp act. the folks in a-mer-i-ca were poor. they had not the means to pay this tax. the thought of it filled them with rage; and for five years there was much talk of the wrong the king had done to those who dwelt in a-mer-i-ca. on the first day of no-vem-ber, , the stamp act was to go in-to force, and all new eng-land was in arms. at bos-ton bells were tolled; flags were hung at half-mast; shops were shut, and bon-fires built. in new york, the act--in clear print--was borne through the streets on a pole, on top of which was a death's head. a man named col-den whose place it was to serve out the stamps had to flee to the fort, round which was placed a strong guard from a ship-of-war. the mob broke in-to his coach-house, drew out his coach, put in it a form--stuffed and dressed to look some-what like col-den--and marched up to the park where they hung it on a tree. at night they took the form down, put it in a coach, and bore it back to bow-ling green, where the whole thing--coach and all--was burnt right in range of the guns of the fort where the king's troops were. in march , the king drew back the stamp act, which gave great joy to those who had the good of a-mer-i-ca at heart, and to none more than to george wash-ing-ton. but he made it known that he felt it to be his right as their king to tax them as he chose, and this hurt the pride of those who wished to make their own laws, and be in bonds to no one. wash-ing-ton--as did most of those who had eng-lish blood in their veins--looked up-on that land as his home, and was loath to break the chain that bound him to it. but he did not think well of the stamp act, and saw what was sure to come to pass if the king pressed too hard on the a-mer-i-cans. on sep-tem-ber , , a band of true men from all the states met for the first time in phil-a-del-phi-a, and wash-ing-ton set out from mount ver-non on horse-back to take his seat with them. with him were pat-rick hen-ry and ed-mund pen-dle-ton; and as they rode side by side they talked of the land they loved, and of the hopes they had that all would be well. the band met with closed doors. each man wore a grave face. pat-rick hen-ry made a strong speech at the close of which he said, "all a-mer-i-ca is thrown in-to one mass. where are your land-marks? * * * they are all thrown down." he said he did not call him-self by the name of the _state_ in which he was born, but by the name of the _land_ which gave him birth--then known as "the land of the free." wash-ing-ton was not a man of words, but of deeds. but what he said was of great weight as it came from a wise brain and a true heart. pat-rick hen-ry said there was no man in the whole band so great as george wash-ing-ton. the band broke up in no-vem-ber, and wash-ing-ton went back to mount ver-non. but not to the gay times and good cheer he once had known. george fair-fax--who had been his friend from boy-hood--had gone to eng-land to live, and bel-voir took fire one night and was burnt to the ground. the stir in bos-ton, and in the west where the red-skins were on the war-path, made the whole land ill at ease. troops were kept on drill, and the roll of the drum was heard in all the small towns. men came to talk with wash-ing-ton and to find out what he thought was the best thing to do, and the best way to drill or to arm troops. it was of no use to plead with the king. he had made up his mind and would not yield an inch. a large force of the best men in vir-gin-i-a met at rich-mond, march , , and wash-ing-ton was called on for some plan as to what their course should be. he told them that he thought there was but one thing to do. pat-rick hen-ry put it in-to words that rang through the land: "we must fight! i repeat it, sir, we must fight! an ap-peal to arms, and the god of hosts, is all that is left us!" all hearts were full of zeal; and wash-ing-ton wrote to his bro-ther, au-gus-tine, that if there was need of it he would lead troops to war, and risk his life and all his wealth in the cause, which seemed to him a most just one. chapter viii. the battle of bunker hill. in the year war was rife in new eng-land. the king's laws were felt to be more for slaves than for free-men, and all made up their minds to throw off the yoke. they could not bear the sight of the red-coats; and the king's troops were just as fierce in their hate of our men. ships-of-war brought a large force of troops to new eng-land, led by men of rank and fame. they filled the streets of bos-ton, and it was thought they might bring the a-mer-i-cans to terms, and not a drop of blood be shed. but this was not to be. a large force of our men were in camp on the hills and fields near bos-ton, the sight of whom might well cause the well-clad brit-ish to smile. they had left their farms in great haste at the cry of "to arms!" had seized their guns, and come in the home-spun clothes it was their pride to wear. those from mas-sa-chu-setts were led by gen-er-al ar-te-mas ward; those from new hamp-shire by col-o-nel john stark; those from rhode isl-and by gen-er-al na-than-i-el greene; and those from con-nect-i-cut by gen-er-al is-ra-el put-nam; all brave and true men, and full of fight. but the troops had need to be well armed; and all the guns and such things as there was need of in war times were in bos-ton, where the red-coats were on guard. but though sharp eyes were on the watch, sly deeds were done by those who knew the ways in and out of each store-house. carts went out of town heaped high with dirt in which guns and balls were hid; and all sorts of tricks were used to get such things past the red-coats. at length it came to the ears of gen-er-al gage, that some field guns were at sa-lem, and he sent troops there to seize them. but when they reached sa-lem they found no guns there. then word came to gen-er-al gage that there was a large stock of arms and war-stores at con-cord, which was less than a score of miles from bos-ton. in the night of a-pril , the red-coats set out for con-cord. gen-er-al gage had said that no one but the troops should leave the town, but the news was borne to lex-ing-ton--a town on the road to con-cord--by those who were as swift as the hare, and as sly as the fox. the folks there met in groups, with hearts on fire. bells were rung and guns were fired. men who heard these sounds ran as fast as they could to lex-ing-ton, to hold the bridge, and keep back the foe. at five o'clock, on the morn of a-pril , the red-coats came in sight, and at once three-score and ten men stood out on the green near the wall to meet them. ma-jor pit-cairn who was at the head of the king's troops called out to these brave men to lay down their arms and leave the place. but they paid no heed to his words. then he sprang from the ranks, shot off a small gun, swung his sword in air, and told his men to fire. the troops ran up, with loud cheers, and poured a storm of shot on our men, some of whom were killed. then they pushed on to con-cord, and did all the harm they could at that place: spiked guns, threw pounds and pounds of shot down the wells, and spoiled a large lot of flour and food that had been stored there for use in time of need. when the king's troops turned back to lex-ing-ton, they were quite worn out with what they had done, and would have been cut down by our men if gage had not sent a force to their aid. for the blue-coats had flown to arms, and poured in-to lex-ing-ton by all the roads that led led there-to. the red-coats might laugh at their clothes, and the way in which they tried to keep step, but they found out that they knew how to use guns, and that each man was a dead-shot. the fresh troops gage sent up from bos-ton had to form a square, so that the worn out men who had had a long march and hard work might have a chance to rest. then they all set out to march back to bos-ton, with two field guns in the rear to keep off the "flock of yan-kees," who dogged their steps, and kept up a fire in front and rear, and from each stone-wall and hedge that lined the road. there was loss on both sides, but what hurt the king's troops the most was to be put to flight by such a lot of scare crows, as they thought our troops were. a close watch was kept on bos-ton by our men, who were soon in such force that it would not have been safe for the red-coats to try to leave the town. the kings troops did not like to be shut in, in this way, and lost no chance to mock at and taunt those who kept them at bay. on the north side of bos-ton lay a long strip of land, from the heights of which one could see the town and all the ships at or near the wharves. put-nam thought it would be a good plan to seize these heights and place troops there; but ward and war-ner thought it was not safe to risk it. it might bring on a fierce fight and cause much blood to be shed. put-nam had no fear of his own men. he knew how brave they were, and how well they could fight back of a screen. "they have no fear of their heads," he said, "their chief thought is their legs. shield them, and they'll fight on till doom's-day." two or three of those who had led troops in the french war, were of the same mind as put-nam, and their words had weight. the chief man was col-o-nel pres-cott, who was just the style of man, in port and in dress, that a lot of raw troops would look up to. he wore a fine hat, a top-wig, and a blue coat faced and lapped up at the skirts. he it was whom gen-er-al ward chose to lead the troops which were to seize the heights, build the earth-works there, and guard them from the foe. there were in all, and they set out on the night of june , . not a light was shown. not a sound was heard, but the tramp--tramp--tramp of these men on their way to face death. a small neck of land joined charles-town to the main-land, and as they drew near this the troops hushed their steps, and moved with great care. for on this the red-coats kept a close watch. five of their ships-of-war stood so that their guns would sweep this neck of land, and earth-works were on copp's hill, which faced charles-town. on the blue-coats went, past the guards, past the guns, past the neck, and up to the heights of bunk-er's hill. here they were to make their stand, but it was found that breed's hill, which was half a mile off, was not quite so steep, and would give them more of a chance at the red-coats, while bunk-er's hill would shield them in the rear. put-nam thought breed's hill was the right place and was in haste for the work to go on. there was no time to lose. so pick and spade were brought out, and the earth dug out so as to serve as a wall to screen them from the fire of the foe. the night was warm and still. now and then pres-cott would steal down to the edge of the stream, to see and hear if the red-coats had made a stir. there was not a sound save the cry of "all's well! all's well!" from the watch-man on guard in the town, and on the ships-of-war. all night the work on the heights went on. at dawn of day the men there were seen by the sea-men on the ships-of-war, and at once their guns were brought up and turned on the hill. their shot did not harm the works, but one man who went out-side was killed, and this threw the rest in-to a great fright. they were not used to scenes of war, and the sight of a man shot down in their midst was more than their nerves could stand. some took to their heels at once, and did not come back, and had pres-cott not been a brave man him-self he could not have held his troops as he did. he stood up on top of the earth-works in full view of the red-coats, and talked with his men, and his words of cheer put new strength in their hearts, so that they were in less dread of the balls that whizzed near them. the noise of the guns roused the red-coats in bos-ton, and gen-er-al gage gazed at breed's hill like one in a dream. a fort full of men had sprung up in the night! how had it been done? what kind of men were these he had to meet? as he stood on copp's hill and looked through his field glass, he spied the tall form of pres-cott, in his blue coat, on the wall of the fort. "will he fight?" asked gage, "yes, _sir_," said one who stood near, and who knew pres-cott. "he will fight to the last drop of blood; but i can't say as much for his men." "we must seize the works!" cried gage, and at once called up his chiefs for a talk, and to plan the best way to do this deed. the noise in the streets of bos-ton, the roll of the drum, the sound of the trump that calls to war, the sharp click of hoofs, and the deep roll of wheels that bore the field guns, were heard on the heights, and let the troops there know that war was at hand. the men were worn out with their hard task, and their loss of sleep. they had not brought much food with them, and their thirst was great. the heat made them feel weak and dull. there was need of more men, and a lot of raw new hamp-shire troops, led by col-o-nel stark came to their aid. in the mean time those on the height had to bear the fire of the guns from the ships and from copp's hill, which broke on them at ten o'clock. at noon the blue-coats saw more than a score of boats full of troops cross from bos-ton in straight lines. the sun shone on their red-coats, and flashed from the tips of the guns they bore, and from the brass field guns that stood on the deck. it was a gay scene. they made their way to a point north of breed's hill, where gen-er-al howe, who led them, could see the full strength of the blue-coats. they had more troops than he thought, and he caught sight of fresh ones on their way to breed's hill. howe at once sent to gage for more troops, and more balls for the field guns, and as it would take some time for them to be sent round, the red-coats in the mean-time were served with food and drink. the "grog" was passed round in pails, and the men sat round on the grass, and ate and drank their fill, while the poor men on the heights looked down and longed to share their feast. but while the red-coats took their ease, the blue-coats had a chance to add to the strength of their fort, and to push out the breast-works to a point known as the slough. near this was a pass where the foe might turn the left-flank of the troops or seize bunk-er's hill. put-nam chose one of his men, a cap-tain knowl-ton, to hold this pass with his con-nect-i-cut troops. he at once set to work to build a sort of fort, back of which his men could fight with more ease than if they stood out in the field. not a long way off was a post-and-rail fence set in a low foot-wall of stone, and this fence ran down to the mys-tic riv-er. the posts and rails of a fence, near this, were torn up in haste, and set a few feet at the rear of it, and the space 'twixt the two was filled with new-mown hay brought from the fields near at hand. while knowl-ton and his men were at work on this fence, put-nam and his troops threw up the work on bunk-er's hill. in the mean time stark had set out from med-ford on a six mile march. he was a cool, calm man, and had been through the french war, of which i have told you. he led his men at a slow pace, so that they would be fresh and strong to take part in the fight. as they came up to the neck, which they had to cross, and which was lined with guns on both sides, one of the aides urged him to let the men take a quick step. the old man shook his head, and said, "one fresh man in a fight is worth ten tired ones," and kept on at the same pace; and did good work that day back of the post-and-rail screen. war-ren, who had been made a ma-jor gen-er-al, came to serve in the ranks. put-nam said he might lead the troops at the fence. he said he did not care to lead; he was there to fight. "where will the fire be the hot-test?" he asked. he was told that the fort on breed's hill was the point the foe sought to gain. "if we can hold that," said put-nam, "the day is ours." war-ren at once made his way there, and the troops gave a round of cheers when he stepped in-to the fort. pres-cott, who was not so high in rank, sought to have war-ren take charge of the troops. but he would not. "i have come to serve in the ranks," he said, "and shall be glad to learn from one so well-skilled as your-self." the red-coats thought to take the works with ease, and win the day. gen-er-al pig-ot, with the left wing, was to mount the hill and seize the earth-works, while gen-er-al howe came up with the right wing to turn the left-flank of our men and stop all flight at the rear. pig-ot and his men came up the height, and not a gun was fired by our troops till the red-coats were in range. then, as they were all good marks-men each shot told, and some of the best men fell at the first fire. the foe fell back in haste, but were brought up once more by those who stood at their head with drawn swords. they were met by a fire more fierce than the first, and vexed by the guns that bore on their flank from the band of men in charles-town. so much blood had been shed, and the men were in such a state of fright, that pig-ot was forced to give the word to fall back. we will now see what sort of luck gen-er-al howe had. he led his troops up the bank of the stream, and thought to take the slight breast-work with ease, and so get in the rear of the fort. but he did not know the ground, and could not bring his large guns through the swamp he met with. in the pause some of his men were hurt and some killed by the guns that were set by the post-and-rail fence. howe's men kept up a fire as they came on, but as they did not take good aim the balls flew o'er the heads of our troops, who had been told to hold their fire till the red-coats were quite near. some few did not do as they were told, and put-nam rode up and swore he would cut down the next man that fired ere he had the word to do so. when the red-coats were in the right range, such a storm of lead poured on them from guns in the hands of men who did not miss a mark that the place was like a field of blood. such a host were slain that the red-coats lost heart, and fell back in great haste. some of them ran back as far as the boats, and got on board of them that they might be safe from the fire of the marks-men. once more the red-coats charged the fort, which it was their aim to get in-to their own hands. in the mean time the shells from copp's hill and the ships-of-war had set charles-town on fire. the town was built of wood, and was soon a mass of flames. the dense smoke put out the light of the sun on all sides was heard the din of war. the big guns kept up their great roar. bomb-shells burst in the air. the sharp hiss of the small balls, and the shouts and yells of the men made a scene to strike the heart with awe. our men stood firm, and with eyes fixed on the foe, who, as soon as they were close at hand, were shot down by the guns whose aim was so sure. the red-coats stood the first shock, and then kept on, but were met by such a stream of fire that they were soon brought to a halt. in vain did the men who led them urge them on with drawn swords. whole ranks were mowed down. some of gen-er-al howe's staff were slain, and the troops, wild with fear, broke ranks and fled down the hill. for a third time gen-er-al howe brought up his men, some of whom threw off their knap-sacks and some their coats that they might not be weighed down by them. the red-coats made a feint as if they would take the fort at the fence, and did much harm there to our men. while some of his troops were at work at that point, howe brought the rest of his force to the front and rear of the main fort, which was then stormed on three sides at once. pres-cott told some of his men to stand at the back part of the fort and fire at the red-coats that showed them-selves on the wall. soon one leaped up and cried out "the day is ours!" and was shot down at once, as were all those who had joined him. [illustration: washington chosen for commander-in-chief--p. .] but our men had fired their last round, and there was nought for them to do but to meet the foe in a hand-to-hand fight. with stones and the butt-ends of their guns they sought to drive back the red-coats, but the tide was too strong for them, and they had to give way. war-ren, who had done brave work that day, was the last to leave the fort. he scarce had done so ere he was struck by a ball and fell dead on the spot. as our troops fled by way of bunk-er hill, put-nam ran to the rear and cried, "halt! make a stand here! we can check them yet! in god's name form, and give them one shot more!" but the troops could not be brought to a stand, and the red-coats won the day, but with the loss of more than half of their men. and it hurt their pride to think that it had cost them so dear to take these earth-works that had been thrown up in one night by a mere hand-ful of raw troops. their loss was , . our loss was . chapter ix. commander-in-chief. the deeds done ere this by the king's troops had made a great stir through-out the land. the chief men of each state met in phil-a-del-phi-a, and sought out ways and means to help those who were in arms, as foes of king george, and a large force of men, from ma-ry-land, penn-syl-va-ni-a, and vir-gin-i-a, were soon on hand to march and join the troops near bos-ton. but who was to lead them? the choice at once fell on george wash-ing-ton, but he held back. he thought that mas-sa-chu-setts' troops might not care to be led by a man from the south; and, too, gen-er-al ward, who was then at their head had the first right, for wash-ing-ton's rank was not so high as his. there was much talk on this score, and in the midst of it a mas-sa-chu-setts man, john ad-ams, rose and said that the man he thought fit to lead our troops was in that room, and he came from vir-gin-i-a. all knew whom he meant, and as wash-ing-ton heard his own name he rose from his seat and left the room. then votes were cast, and all were for wash-ing-ton, and he felt that he could not say no to such a call. he spoke his thanks in a few words, and said that he would do the best that he could, and serve with-out pay. he set out from phil-a-del-phi-a june , . with him were gen-er-al lee and gen-er-al schuy-ler, and a troop of light-horse, which went all the way to new york. as soon as it was known that wash-ing-ton was on the road, crowds ran out to meet him, and to show their pride in him. when he reached new york he heard of the fight at bunk-er hill, and made haste to join the troops in their camp at cam-bridge. he reached there ju-ly . the next day all the troops were drawn out in line, and wash-ing-ton rode out at the head of his staff till he came to a large elm tree. here he wheeled his horse, and drew his sword and took charge of all our troops as their com-mand-er-in-chief. he found much to do, and much to bear from his own men as well as from the red-coats. it came to his ears that our men who fell in-to the hands of the red-coats at bunk-er's hill, were not well used, and he wrote at once to gage and asked him to be less harsh. gage, who had fought by his side in , when both were young men, wrote back that he thought he should have praise and not blame, since he had saved the lives of those who were doomed to be hung. wash-ing-ton at first thought he would do as he was done by, but his heart failed him, and those of the red-coats that were in the hands of our troops were set free, if they gave their word they would not fight for king george. by such acts wash-ing-ton sought to show that "a-mer-i-cans are as mer-ci-ful as they are brave." the camps in which wash-ing-ton found his troops were as odd as the men them-selves. some of the tents were made of boards, some of sail-cloth, or bits of both, while here and there were those made of stone and turf, brick and brush-wood. some were thrown up in haste and bore no marks of care, while a few were wrought with wreaths and twigs, and spoke well for the taste of those who made them. the best camp of all was that of the rhode is-land men in charge of gen-er-al na-than-i-el greene. here were found as good tents as the red-coats had, and the men were well-drilled and well-dressed. greene was brought up on a farm. his fa-ther was a black-smith, and at times his son worked with the plough, or took his place at the forge. at the first note of war, greene left the farm and in the month of may, , was in charge of all the troops of his own small state. he went to bos-ton, and took notes while there of all that the red-coats did, and in this way learned much that he could put to good use. his troops had fought at bunk-er hill, and there were none in the whole force that bore them-selves so well, or made so fine a show. greene was six feet tall, and not quite two score years of age. he was strong and well built, and his frank way won the heart of wash-ing-ton, and the two were warm friends from that time. wash-ing-ton now set to work to add strength to the weak parts of his line, and to throw up fresh works round the main forts. all the live stock had to be kept off the coast so that they would not fall in-to the hands of the foe. he sought to draw the red-coats out of bos-ton, but they would not stir. when wash-ing-ton took charge of the troops, he thought that he could go back to his home when the cold days came on, and spend some time there with his wife. but there was no chance for him to leave, so he wrote to mrs. wash-ing-ton to join him in the camp. she came and staid with him till the next spring; and this was her course all through the war. she came in her own coach and four, with her son and his wife. the black foot-men were drest in red and white, and the whole turn-out was in the style in use in vir-gin-i-a at that day. wash-ing-ton had his rooms in the crai-gie house, in cam-bridge, and here mrs. wash-ing-ton took charge and gave the place more of a home-like air. at that time the camp of cam-bridge was filled with all sorts of troops. some had spent the most of their lives in boats, some were brought up on farms, some came from the woods, and each group wore the dress that pleased them best, and laughed at those who were not drest the same. this made sport for some time and jokes flew thick and fast. one day some men came in-to camp drest in an odd garb, such as was worn to hunt in. the suit was made of deer-skin, and the long shirt had a deep fringe all round. this dress was the cause of much mirth to men who came from the sea-shore, and were used to short coats, and rough plain clothes. there was snow on the ground, and when the jokes gave out, snow-balls took their place, for a war of words is quite sure to end in blows. men came up to the aid of both sides. fists were used, and all took part in the hand-to-hand fight, and there was a great stir in the camp. while the fight was at its height wash-ing-ton rode up. none of his aides were with him. he threw the reins of his own horse in-to the hands of the black-man who rode near, sprang from his seat, and rushed in-to the thick of the fray. then he seized two of the tall stout hunts-men by the throat, and talked to them and shook them while he held them at arm's length. this put an end to the brawl at once, and the rest of the crowd slunk off in haste, and left but three men on the ground: wash-ing-ton, and the two he held in his grasp. as the cold days and nights came on the men grew home-sick, and longed to be by their own fire-sides. it was right that some of them should go, for they had served out their time, and this made the rest lone-some and sad. songs would not cheer them, and they paid no heed to the words of those who sought to rouse them from these depths of woe. wash-ing-ton was full of fears, which were shared by all those who were near him in rank, yet he did not lose hope. gen-er-al greene wrote, "they seem to be so sick of this way of life, and so home-sick, that i fear a large part of our best troops will soon go home." still his heart did not lose hope. all would come right in time; and his words of cheer were a great help to wash-ing-ton at this time. the year had been a dark one for our land, and there was no ray of hope to light the dawn of . there were but , troops to take the field. there was a lack of arms, a lack of clothes, and a lack of food, and these things made camp-life hard to bear, and were a great grief to the heart of the chief. he could not sleep. had the foe known of their plight, they would have borne down on them and swept them out of sight. but god took care of them. in the first month of the year there was a stir on the bos-ton wharves. a large fleet of boats lay in the stream, on board of which the red-coats swarmed, and there were two sloops-of-war filled with guns and war-like stores. all were in charge of gen-er-al howe, and wash-ing-ton guessed what his plans were! and felt that the time had come for him to strive to wrest bos-ton from the king's troops. the out-look was bright. more troops had come to his aid, and he made up his mind to place part of his force on dor-ches-ter heights, and, if he could, draw out the foe to fight at that place. at a sign, the troops on the heights and at nook's hill were to fire at the same time, and rake the town with balls and bomb-shells. at the same time boats full of troops were to start from the mouth of charles riv-er, and act in the rear of the red-coats. it was thought that these moves on the part of our troops would bring on such a fight as they had had on breed's hill. on the night of march , our men made their way to the heights, and at dawn of the next day strong forts loomed up, and seemed as if they must have been brought there at the touch of a wand. howe gazed on them and said, "the reb-els have done more work in one night than my whole ar-my would have done in a month." he must drive them from the heights, or leave bos-ton. while pride urged him on, fear held him back, for he knew that his loss would be great. but he must make a move of some sort, so he made up his mind to send boats out that night with a force of troops in charge of lord per-cy. but a storm came up from the east; the surf beat high on the shore where the boats would have to land; and the scheme was put off till the next day. but it stormed just as hard the next day; the rain came down in sheets; and the boats staid where they were. in the mean time our men kept at work on the hills on the north side and south side, and when the storm ceased gen-er-al howe saw that the forts were now so strong there would be no chance to take them. nor was it safe for him to stay in bos-ton. yet the ad-mi-ral said that if howe's troops did not seize the heights, the ships-of-war should not stay near bos-ton; so his lord-ship would have to leave with what grace he could, much as it might wound his pride. when the word went forth that the troops were to leave, strange sights were seen in bos-ton town and bay. for some days the red-coats went this way and that in great haste. more than three-score-and-ten boats were cast loose for sea, with at least , men on board of them. while this stir took place not a shot was sent from the heights, and it was well that this was so, as the red-coats had laid plans to set the town in a blaze if our troops fired one gun. the red-coats left bos-ton march , and our troops, in charge of "old put"--as the brave put-nam was called--marched in-to town in fine style. for some days the fleet lay off the coast of rhode isl-and, and it was feared for a-while that they meant to strike a blow and win back what they had lost. but no such thing took place, and ere long the fleet sailed out of sight. "where they are bound," wrote wash-ing-ton, "and where they next will pitch their tents, i know not." he thought they were on their way to new york, but such was not the case. they had steered for hal-i-fax, to wait there for more troops, and for the large fleet that was to come from eng-land. a vote of thanks and a large gold coin with his face on one side of it, were sent to wash-ing-ton by the chief men of the land, as part of his due for what he had so far done to save a-mer-i-ca from king george's rule. wash-ing-ton, who thought the next move of the red-coats would be on new york, set out for that place, and reached there a-pril . he went to work at once to build forts, and to send out troops, and to make the place as strong as it ought to be. he did not know the plans of the foe, nor from what point they would hurl the bolts of war. all was guess-work, but still in the midst of doubt it would not do to be slack. the town was put in charge of the troops, and the rules were quite strict. those who went in or out had to give the pass-word. "we all live here, shut up like nuns," wrote one who was fond of a gay life, "there's no one in town that we can go to see, and none to come and see us." good times in new york were at an end. our troops had been forced to leave can-a-da, and it was known that the red-coats would push their way to new york. forts were built on high banks up the hud-son, and on the isles at its mouth, and all done that could be done to check them in their march. in the mean time it had been thought a good plan to set a day in which it might be shown through-out the land that a-mer-i-ca was, and, of a right, ought to be, a free land. so in ju-ly an act was drawn up and signed by the wise men who met in phil-a-del-phi-a to frame the laws for the new states, and there was great joy, for it was a great day. bells were rung. shouts and cheers rent the air. fires blazed, and hearts burned, and men knelt to pray, and give thanks to god. john ad-ams said the fourth of ju-ly ought to be kept up with great pomp through-out a-mer-i-ca,--"with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, and bon-fires"--till the end of time. the news did not reach new york till ju-ly , and at six o'clock that night wash-ing-ton read the act to his troops. new york was wild with joy, and felt that more must be done than just to ring bells and light fires. in bow-ling green, in front of the fort, there stood a cast of george third, made of lead. this a mob of men pulled down and broke up, that the lead might be run in-to small shot and be used in the cause for which they fought. this did not please wash-ing-ton, and he told his troops that they must not take part in such deeds. the joy did not last long, for on ju-ly , the ships-of-war in the bay sent out a broad-side, and it was thought they would at once fire the town. crowds were on the streets. the troops flocked to their posts. fear was in each heart, and new york was in a great stir. but two ships--the _phoe-nix_ and the _rose_--left the fleet and shaped their course up the hud-son. then the guns were still, and fear died out for a-while. that night there was a fresh scare. guns boomed and clouds of smoke were seen near the ships-of-war down the bay. men on the look-out told that a ship-of-the-line had come in from sea, and each man-of-war gave her a round of guns as she passed by. at her fore-top mast-head she bore the flag of st. george. no need to tell more. "lord howe is come! lord howe is come!" was the cry that went from mouth to mouth, and the word soon flew through the town, and all felt that the hour of doom was close at hand. lord howe sought peace, and not blood-shed, and hoped, by the terms he would make, to bring not a few hearts back to their king. but he came too late. the kings troops did not think much of the rank that was borne by our men, who, they felt, had no right to put on the airs they did, and call them-selves grand names. in a few days lord howe sent one of his men on shore with a flag of truce, to seek speech with wash-ing-ton. the man's name was brown. his boat was met half-way by a barge which had on board one of our troops, named reed, to whom brown said he had a note for _mis-ter_ wash-ing-ton. reed said that he knew no man of that name. brown held out to him the note he had in his hand, which bore on its face: _george wash-ing-ton, esq._ reed said that he could not take the note. he knew what was due to his chief. so there was naught for brown to do but to take to his oars. he had not gone far when he came back to ask "what style should be used to please gen--(here he caught him-self and said) _mis-ter_ wash-ing-ton." reed told him that wash-ing-ton's rank was well known, and lord howe could be at no loss as to the right style. in a day or two an aide-de-camp came with a flag from lord howe, and asked if col-o-nel pat-ter-son might have speech with _gen-er-al_ wash-ing-ton. reed, who met the aide was prompt to grant this and pledged him-self that no harm should come to him who came in the king's name. so the next day pat-ter-son came, and when he stood face to face with wash-ing-ton, bowed and said "_your ex-cel-len-cy_." wash-ing-ton met him with much form and state. he was not a vain man, but was proud of the rank he held, and thought that no man--were he a king--had a right to look down on a-mer-i-ca, or show the least slight to her com-mand-er-in-chief. when he came to hear the terms on which lord howe sought to make peace, he found they were not such as he could take, so the war went on. chapter x. in and near new york. the red-coats had a camp on stat-en isl-and, and for the next month or so ships-of-war came that far up the bay, and brought with them a large force of troops. north-east of them was the long stretch of land known as long isl-and, where they could land their troops with ease, and make their way to new york. wash-ing-ton knew that he could not keep them back, but he meant to vex them all he could. gen-er-al greene was placed with a large force on brook-lyn heights, to guard the shore, and troops were sent a mile back to throw up earth-works to check the march of the foe if they should try to come up on the land side. at mid-night of au-gust , a spy brought word that the king's troops were on the move, and would soon show their strength, and "put all to the sword." the next day the sound of great guns was heard, and a cloud of smoke was seen to rise from the groves on the south side of long isl-and. word soon came to new york that the king's troops were at graves-end, and that our troops had fled and set fire to the stacks of wheat to keep them out of the hands of the foe. wash-ing-ton at once sent off a large force to check the foe at brook-lyn, and to lend aid to those in the fort on the heights. he told them to be cool, but firm; not to fire when the foe were a long way off, but to wait till they were so near that each shot would tell. and if one of them should skulk, or lie down, or leave his place in the ranks, he was to be shot down at once. sir hen-ry clin-ton led the king's troops, and lord corn-wal-lis had charge of the field-guns. corn-wal-lis made haste to seize a pass that ran through the hills, but found col-o-nel hand there with a fine lot of marks-men, and so made a halt at flat-bush. this was so near new york that great fright spread through the town. those who had the means left the place. there was good cause for fear, as it had been told that if our troops had to leave new york it would at once be set on fire. this was false, but they did not know it. their hearts were full of dread. gen-er-al put-nam was sent to take the place of gen-er-al greene who was sick in bed. the brave man was glad when he had leave to go, for he did not want to be kept in new york when there was a chance to fight for the land he loved. it was nine o'clock on the night of oc-to-ber , that sir hen-ry clin-ton set out with his van-guard, on his march from flat-bush. lord corn-wal-lis brought up the rear-guard with all the large guns, and the large force of troops led by gen-er-al howe. not a drum was heard, nor the sound of a trump as they took their course through by-roads and on cause-ways till they came near the pass through the bed-ford hills where they made a halt. no guard had been put on the road or the pass by gen-er-al greene, who must have thought it too far out of the way to need such care. clin-ton was quick to see this, and at the first break of day his troops were on the heights, and with-in three miles of bed-ford. in the mean-time scouts had brought word to our lines that the foe were in force on the right, and put-nam at once sent out troops to hold them in check. at day-light small fights took place here and there. a brisk fire was kept up at flat-bush. now was heard the big boom of a large field-piece. then a ship-of-war would send forth a broad-side on the fort at red hook. wash-ing-ton was still in doubt if this was part of the main fight in which new york was to share. five ships of the line tried to beat up the bay, but were kept back by a strong head wind. as the day wore on, and there were no signs that the red-coats meant to strike new york, wash-ing-ton went to brook-lyn in his barge, and rode with all speed to the heights. he was just in time to see the fight in the woods, which he could do naught to stay. he stood on a hill, and through his large spy-glass had a view of the whole field. he saw his men cut their way through a host of foes. he saw them caught in traps, and hemmed in so that they were 'twixt two fires. the whole pass was a scene of blood, and through it rang the clash of arms, the tramp of steeds, the storm of shot, and the cries of men who fought for their lives. on this side and that, our troops were swept down or put to rout by a force they had not strength to meet. wash-ing-ton wrung his hands at the sight. "good god!" he cried, "what brave men i must this day lose!" the red-coats went in-to camp that night in front of our lines, but out of reach of the guns of the fort. our loss was , . theirs less than . the next day new york bay and the small isles were wrapped in a dense fog, from which new york was quite free. here was a chance for the troops to leave the works on the heights, and make their way to new york. fresh troops were sent down from fort wash-ing-ton and king's bridge, and wash-ing-ton felt that no time should be lost. his fear was that the king's ships would come up the bay at the turn of the tide, sail up the east riv-er and catch in a trap all our troops that were on long isl-and. it was late at night when the troops stole out from the breast works. in the dead of night a big gun went off with a great roar, that gave a shock to the nerves of those who were in dread that the least sound might warn the foe of their flight to the new york side. but no harm came of it, the fog shut out the view, and by day-break our troops had all left the fort and were safe on the new york side. wash-ing-ton, who had not slept for two days and nights, and had spent the most of the time on horse-back, would not step in-to the boat till he saw that all his troops were on board. the fog rose as the rear boats were in mid-stream, and when the red-coats climbed the crest of the earth-works they found not a sign of life there, and not a thing they could use. our men had made a clean sweep, and were proud of the way in which they stole a march on the red-coats. still, new york was not safe; and wash-ing-ton sought in all ways to find out the plans of the foe. ships-of-war went up the sound, and up the hud-son, and guns were fired on the forts that lay on each side of the town. but he knew that if the red-coats took new york they would soon be made to give it up, and so he made up his mind that his best course was to with-draw his troops, to har-lem heights. this was done, with the loss of a few men who had a fight with some red-coats on the way, and there he staid a few days, and spent much time on horse-back. he took note of the land, and chose sites for forts, and breast works, and on oc-to-ber , took his stand at white plains, where a strong fort was built. soon the din of war was heard. the guns from fort wash-ing-ton and fort lee poured their fire on the men-of-war, but could not keep them back, and the red-coats still gave chase to our troops. fort wash-ing-ton fell in-to the hands of the foe in spite of a strong fight made to hold it. one day wash-ing-ton went out with some of his staff to look at a height at the north where it was thought he might make a stand, and leave the camp where he then was. one of them said, "there is the ground where we ought to be." "let us go then and view it," said wash-ing-ton. they were on their way to the place, when a horse-man rode up in haste and cried out, "the red-coats are in camp, sir!" "then," said wash-ing-ton, "we have some-thing else to do than this," and at once put spurs to his horse and set off for the camp at full speed. when he reached there he found all his troops drawn up to meet the foe that was close at hand. in his calm way he turned to those who had been out with him on the hills, and said "go back to your posts, and do the best you can." a short, sharp fight took place, in which our troops made a brave stand, but the red-coats were too strong for them, and drove them back to the camp, and seized the hill on which they had stood. that night the troops of wash-ing-ton and howe lay not far a-part. wash-ing-ton kept his men at work, and forts were built, and earth-works thrown up. these works were made of the stalks of corn, or maize, which the men took from a field near at hand. the roots of the stalks, with the earth on them, were placed on the face of the works, in the same way that sods of grass, and logs of wood were used. the tops were turned in, and loose earth thrown on them so that they were held in place, and made a good shield from the fire of small-arms. the next day, when howe saw how much had been done by our troops to add to their strength, he made a change in his plans. his own men were in a sad plight, and not fit to cope with the well-fed troops that kept them at bay. the nights were cold, the fall rains set in, and not a few of the red-coats were ill. their chiefs knew how to fight in straight lines, but were not so shrewd and so quick to make use of what lay at hand as our chiefs were. so he broke up his camp, and in a few days the whole force of red-coats fell back from white plains. but the strife was kept up at the north, and the foes were at work on sea and on land from new york to al-ba-ny. our troops met with ill-luck, and wash-ing-ton was filled with grief. fort wash-ing-ton was in the hands of the foe; fort lee was of no use; and the next move of the red-coats was to cross the hud-son, north of fort lee, and make their way through new jer-sey. by that means they could shut in all our troops 'twixt the hud-son and the hack-en-sack. wash-ing-ton at once sent off his men to save the bridge at hack-en-sack. no time was to be lost. they left the camp with all haste, but ere they could reach the hack-en-sack the van-guard of the foe was close at their heels. it was thought that a fight would take place, but corn-wal-lis turned back and some of his troops slept that night in the tents that our men had left. these were dark days. wash-ing-ton led his troops through new jer-sey, hard pressed by corn-wal-lis, whose van-guard came in-to new-ark just as wash-ing-ton's rear-guard had left it. his whole camp were in flight. he staid a few days at new bruns-wick, in hopes that fresh troops would be sent to his aid, but none came, though his needs were so great. the men who, as he thought, would seize their guns and join his ranks, fled from their homes and sought a safe place as soon as they heard that the red-coats were near. [illustration: crossing the delaware.--p. .] on de-cem-ber , wash-ing-ton was at tren-ton, where he made but a brief halt. then he crossed the del-a-ware, and left new jer-sey in the hands of the foe. if he and his men once got to phil-a-del-phi-a, they would find troops there with whose aid they might hope to turn back the red-coats so close on their track. gen-er-al lee, who was at the heels of the foe, was at mor-ris-town, de-cem-ber , where his troops had been forced to halt for two days for want of shoes. he was a man who loved his ease, and to lie late in bed. one day as he sat at a desk with pen in hand, one of his aides named wil-kin-son, who was with him, looked down the lane that led from the house to the main road and saw a band of red-coats on horse-back. he cried out to lee "here are the red-coats!" "where?" said lee. "round the house!" "where is the guard?" said lee with an oath. "where is the guard? why don't they fire?" the guards had not thought it worth while to keep watch, when their chief was so much at his ease, so they had stacked their arms and sat down on the south side of a house to sun them-selves. as the horse-men came up they gave chase to the guards who fled for their lives, and left lee and his aide to do the best that they could. the red-coats drew near the house where lee was, and swore that they would set fire to it if the gen-er-al showed fight. so he was forced to yield, and was brought out in great haste--for they wished to make sure of their prize--and placed on wil-kin-son's horse which stood at the door. he was but half-drest, had no hat on his head, and wore low shoes, and a loose rough coat. in this style he had to ride to new bruns-wick, where the king's troops at sight of him set off their big guns, for their joy was great. the loss of lee was thought at the time to be a great blow to our cause, as it was hoped that he would do much to bring the war to an end, and to lead the troops out of their sore straits. in the mean-time wash-ing-ton was on his way to cross the del-a-ware. there was snow on the ground, and the march of the troops could be traced by the blood-spots from the feet of those whose shoes were worn out. the red-coats were in force at tren-ton, in charge of a man, named rahl, who had done brave work for king george at white plains and fort wash-ing-ton. wash-ing-ton's plan was to add to his force, and, as soon as he could, cross the del-a-ware and strive to wrest tren-ton from the hands of the foe. he and his force were to cross the stream nine miles north of the town; gen-er-al ew-ing was to cross with his troops a mile south of the town; and gen-er-al put-nam to leave at a point south of bur-ling-ton. it was a bold scheme, full of risk to all who took part in it, yet there was naught to be done but to push on, and hope for the best. chapter xi. a sad year. christ-mas night was the time set to cross the del-a-ware, and at sun-set the troops were on the move. it was a dark, cold night. the wind was high, the tide strong, and the stream full of cakes of ice which drove the boats out of their course. it seemed at times as if the boats would be crushed to bits, men who were used to boats, and had been brought up on the sea, and had fought with fierce storms and wild gales, found it hard work, with all their skill, to make their way from shore to shore. wash-ing-ton, who crossed with the troops, stood on the east bank till all the field-guns were brought to land, and it was four o'clock ere the men took up their line of march. tren-ton was nine miles off, and they could not reach there till day-light, too late to take the king's troops off their guard. most of the troops at tren-ton were hes-sians, from hesse, a small ger-man state whose prince had lent his troops to king george for hire. as i have told you they were in charge of rahl. rahl thought more of his brass band than he did of his men, was full of good cheer and liked to have a good time. he would sit up till a late hour in the night, and then lie in bed till nine o'clock the next day. the one who leads troops to war should be like a watch-dog, quick to see and to hear all that goes on, and to be on guard at all times. each day he had the guns drawn out and dragged through the town, just to make a stir and have the band out. but when the ma-jor told him that he should have earth-works thrown up on which to place the guns he said, "pooh! pooh! let the foe come on! we'll charge on them with the bay-o-net!" "but herr col-o-nel," said the old ma-jor, "it costs not much, and if it does not help it will not harm." but rahl laughed as if he thought it a good joke, turned on his heel and went off, and the works were not thrown up. on this night, too, there was a great stir in the camp at tren-ton, for the men did their best to keep christ-mas, and their thoughts were of home and the dear ones there. they made what cheer they could, and did not dream that the foe was so near. a storm of hail and snow set in as soon as our troops took up their march. they could scarce see their way through the sleet they had to face. the night was so cold that two of the men froze to death. at dawn of day some of the men came to a halt at a cross-road, where they did their best to dry their guns. but some were past use, and word was sent to wash-ing-ton of the state of their arms. they were in doubt what to do. wash-ing-ton in a burst of rage bade the man go back to his chief at once, and tell him to push on and charge if he could not fire. at eight o'clock wash-ing-ton drew near the town at the head of his troops. he went up to a man who had come out to chop wood by the road-side and asked him where the guard was who stood at the out-post of rahl's camp. the man said in a harsh voice, "i don't know." "you may tell him," said one of our men who stood near, "for that is gen-er-al wash-ing-ton." at once a great change came o'er the man to whom wash-ing-ton spoke. he raised his hands, and cried, "god bless you! god bless you!" and then showed where the guards could be found. soon was heard the cry from rahl's men, "the foe! the foe! turn out! turn out!" drums beat to arms. the whole place was in a stir. wash-ing-ton came in on the north, sul-li-van on the west, and stark at the south end of the town. rahl scarce knew how to act. he rode to the front of his troops and got them out of the town. then he seemed to feel that it was a shame to fly in that way, for he was a brave man, so he led his men back in a wild dash out of the woods and in-to the town to meet the foe. in the midst of the fight, a shot struck him and he fell from his horse. the troops would heed no voice but that of their chief, and fled up the banks of a creek on the way to prince-ton. wash-ing-ton saw the stir and thought they had wheeled to form a new line. he was told that they had laid down their arms, and his joy was great. the day was ours! but for the wild flight of rahl's men, it would have gone hard with our troops. wash-ing-ton did not know it at the time, but he found out that ew-ing and put-nam had tried to cross the stream but were kept back by the ice, and he with his raw troops would, he was sure, have been put to rout had rahl and his men been on their guard. the poor ma-jor, who had in vain urged rahl to throw up breast-works, had a bad wound of which he died in tren-ton; and rahl him-self, to whom the red-coats owed their ill-luck, was laid to rest in a grave-yard in that town. and where was gen-er-al howe all this time? in new york, where he thought to take his ease till the del-a-ware froze so that his troops could cross. he was much shocked at the news that the hes-sians who had been brought up to war should have laid down their arms for a troop of raw men in rags. he sent lord corn-wal-lis back to take jer-sey, and, as he said, "to bag the fox." by the third of jan-u-a-ry red-coats, with corn-wal-lis at their head, were near at hand. wash-ing-ton was in a tight place, with a small creek 'twixt his few raw troops and the large force of the foe. back of him lay the del-a-ware which it was now not safe to cross. in this dark hour a gleam of hope came to his mind. he saw a way out of the trap, and that was by a quick night-march to get at the rear of the king's troops, dash on the camp at prince-ton, seize the stores that were left there, and push on to new bruns-wick. a thaw had set in which made the roads deep with mire, but in the course of the night the wind veered to the north, and in two hours the roads were once more hard and frost-bound. that the foe might not guess his plan, wash-ing-ton bade some of his men keep at work with their spades on the pits near the bridge, go the rounds, change guards at each bridge and ford, and keep up the camp-fires till day-break, when they were to join those on the way to prince-ton. in the dead of the night wash-ing-ton drew his troops out of camp and the march took place. the road which they had to take was cut through woods, and the stumps of the trees made the march a slow one, so that it was near sun-rise when wash-ing-ton came to the bridge at the brook three miles from prince-ton. as our troops left the woods they came face to face with a force of red-coats, and a sharp fight took place, which did not last long. wash-ing-ton was in the midst of it. in the heat of the fight, his aide-de-camp lost sight of him in the dusk and smoke. the young man dropped the reins on the neck of his horse, drew down his cap to hide the tears in his eyes, and gave him up for lost. when he saw wash-ing-ton come out from the cloud with his hat raised and the foe in flight, he spurred up to his side. "thank god you are safe!" cried he. "a-way, and bring up the troops," said wash-ing-ton, "the day is our own!" at day-break, when gen-er-al howe thought to bag his fox, he found the prize had slipped from his grasp, and soon learned that the king's troops had lost their hold on new jer-sey. the fame of wash-ing-ton, and of the brave deeds of those who fought to be free, went a-cross the sea, and made friends for him and the cause. not a few came to their aid. one of these brave souls was a pole, whose name was kos-ci-us-ko. the com-mand-er-in-chief said to him "what do you seek here?" "to fight for the cause you have at heart." "what can you do?" "try me." this style of speech, and the air of the man, pleased wash-ing-ton so well that he at once made him an aide-de-camp. this was in . he served the cause well, and went back to his own land in with the rank of brig-a-dier gen-er-al. in la-fay-ette came from france to join the troops led by wash-ing-ton. he had wealth and high rank in his own land, and had lived but a score of years. he left his young wife, and the gay court of france, and made his way to a-mer-i-ca to do what he could to aid the foes of king george. he came, he said, to learn and not to teach, and would serve with-out pay, and as one who came of his own free-will. he soon won his way to the heart of wash-ing-ton, and a strong bond of love grew up 'twixt the two which naught but death could break. in the mean-time the whole of our land south of the great lakes was a scene of strife and blood-shed, and it was hard work for our troops to keep the red-skins and red-coats at bay. i have not space to tell you of all the fights that took place, nor the ways in which wash-ing-ton sought to vex the king's troops. on the third of oc-to-ber of this year-- --we find him at ger-man-town, where the main force of the red-coats were in camp. his plan was to drive them out, but though his troops fought with much skill and in the midst of a dense fog, they were forced back, and the day was lost. the ships-of-war in the del-a-ware led wash-ing-ton to think that lord howe meant to turn his guns on phil-a-del-phi-a, and his mind was filled with doubts and fears. in the same month word came to him that bur-goyne--who was at the head of the king's troops in the north--had been forced to yield to gen-er-al gates at fish-kill. this was such a blow to the king's cause that the troops at west point and else where on the hud-son, who were to have gone to the aid of bur-goyne, left the forts and made their way to new york. chapter xii. foes in the camp. it is much worse to have one foe in the camp than to have a host of foes out-side, for who can tell what harm he may do who comes in the guise of a friend? in the year a young man, named john an-dré, came with the king's troops, and fought in their ranks at st. john's and crown point. he had a brave heart, and a fine mind, and did much to keep up the hearts of the men when in the camp. he was fond of the fair sex and had praised in rhyme the charms of a miss ship-pen who wed ben-e-dict ar-nold in the year . ar-nold had fought well on our side at the north, and won much praise. he had been a sea-man in his youth, and was both strong and brave. but he grew proud and vain, and sought to rank as high as the com-mand-er-in-chief, with whom he found much fault. wash-ing-ton had great faith in him, and did not dream he was false at heart. for some ill-deeds while at phil-a-del-phi-a ar-nold had been brought to court and tried and his guilt proved, and this had made him wroth with wash-ing-ton, and the cause he had sworn to aid. he sought for a way to pay back the slight and raise him-self to fame. with this end in view he wrote to sir hen-ry clin-ton--but did not use his own name--that he would like to join the cause of king george on the terms that he set forth. he was in need of funds for he was deep in debt, but clin-ton did not see fit to make use of him. two or three more of his schemes failed, and at last he asked that he might have charge of the post at west point. this wash-ing-ton gave him, and in au-gust ar-nold fixed him-self in a fine house that stood on the east side of the stream, half a mile or so south of west point. from this place he sent notes to an-dré, the aide-de-camp of clin-ton, who wrote back and signed his name _john an-der-son_. ar-nold's plan was to throw west point and the high-lands in-to the hands of sir hen-ry clin-ton at the time that wash-ing-ton was at king's bridge, and the eng-lish troops in new york. a fleet, with a large land force on board, was to come up to the high-lands, and ar-nold would at once yield up the post in-to their hands. this act he thought would bring the war to an end, with the flag of king george at high mast, and then great would be the name and fame of ben-e-dict ar-nold. that the scheme might not fail, ar-nold wrote to an-dré to meet him at dobb's fer-ry, sep-tem-ber , at noon. but ar-nold had spent the night of the th at hav-er-straw, on the west shore, and on his way back in his barge, as he had no flag, he was fired on by the guard boats of the king's troops. so he had to put off his plans for a day or two. in the mean-time the sloop-of-war _vul-ture_--a good name for such a bird of prey--was brought up the hud-son so as to be near at hand to aid in the vile scheme. on sep-tem-ber , wash-ing-ton with his suite crossed the hud-son at ver-planck's point, in ar-nold's barge, on his way to hart-ford. ar-nold went with him as far as peeks-kill, and talked with him in a frank way, and as if he were most true to the cause. an-dré went up the hud-son on the th and went on board the vul-ture where he thought to meet ar-nold. but ar-nold knew it would not be safe for him to be there; so he kept in the back-ground. the next night a boat crept up to the side of the _vul-ture_ in which were two men. their oars scarce made a sound. an-dré, who wore a blue great coat, went on board this boat and was rowed to the west side of the stream. six miles south of sto-ny point they came to shore at the foot of a high mount known as the long clove. it was mid-night. dark was the hour, and dark the place, and dark the deed. ar-nold was there hid in the shade of the woods. a man was near who came to wait on him and take care of his horse. he and an-dré had a long talk. one, two, three hours passed, and still there was more to say. one of the men who had brought an-dré, and whose name was smith, warned them that it was near day-break, and the boat would be seen by our guards if they did not go back soon. ar-nold feared that the sight of a boat on its way to the _vul-ture_ might bring harm to him and his scheme, so he urged an-dré to stay on shore till the next night. the boat was sent to a creek up the hud-son, and an-dré on the horse that ar-nold's man had rode, set off with ar-nold for smith's house. the road took them through the small town of hav-er-straw. as they rode on in the dark the voice of one of the guards at an out-post made an-dré start, for he knew he must be with-in our lines. but it was too late to turn back, and at day-break they reached smith's house. scarce was the door closed on them when the boom of great guns was heard from down the stream. an-dré felt ill at ease, and had good cause for fear. the fact was that as soon as liv-ing-ston, who had charge of our troops at ver-planck's point, heard that the _vul-ture_ was with-in shot of tel-ler's point, which juts out 'twixt hav-er-straw bay and tap-pan sea, he sent some men and some big guns to that point in the night to fire on the sloop-of-war. an-dré kept a close watch on the scene from a top room in smith's house. at one time he thought the _vul-ture_ was on fire; but his heart gave a throb of joy when he saw the sloop-of-war drop down the stream out of reach of gun shot. ar-nold gave an-dré the plans of the works at west point, and told him what and how he was to do. as the _vul-ture_ had changed her place, he told an-dré it would be far more safe for him to go back to new york by land. and he would reach there in less time. but an-dré said that he must be put on board the sloop-of-war the next night; and in case he should change his mind ar-nold gave him a pass that he might go by sea or by land. at ten o'clock that morn ar-nold left him to his fate. time moved at a slow pace with poor an-dré. once on board the _vul-ture_ he would be safe; his task would be done, and west point would soon be in the hands of the red-coats. as night set in he grew still more ill at ease, and asked smith how he had planned to get him on board the _vul-ture_. it gave him a shock to learn that smith had not done the least thing. the boat-men had gone home, and he would not take him on board the _vul-ture_. but he said he would cross the hud-son with him and start him on the road to new york by land, and go some of the way with him on horse-back. they set off at sun-set, and went for eight miles on the road to white plains when they were brought to a halt by a band of our troops who were out as watch-men. an-dré showed his pass signed with ar-nold's name, and so they took him for a friend and not a foe. he wore a coat of smith's that made him look like a plain man. the two were warned that it was not safe for them to be on the road at night, as they might meet the cow-boys from the king's troops, who but a short time since had swept through that part of the land. smith was full of fears, and an-dré had to yield to his wish to take a bed in a farm-house near at hand. this they did, but an-dré could not sleep. he knew that he was not safe. at day-break he woke smith, and made him haste to leave the place. two and a half miles from pine's bridge, on the cro-ton riv-er, an-dré and smith took a scant meal at a farm-house which had been stripped by the cow-boys. here smith took leave of an-dré, who was to go the rest of the way to new york a-lone. he felt no fear now, as he had passed our lines, and was clear of those who kept watch on the out-posts. six miles from pine's bridge he came to a fork in the road. the left branch led to white plains. the right branch led to the hud-son. he had thought at first that he would take the left hand road, as the right one was said to be filled with cow-boys. but he had naught to fear from them, as he was on their side; and as it was a more straight road to new york, he turned down it and took his course on the banks of the hud-son. he had not gone far when he came to a place where a small stream crossed the road and ran down a dell that was thick with trees. a man stepped out with a gun and brought an-dré to a stand. two more armed men came up to aid the first one, whose name was paul-ding. paul-ding's coat was in rags, and was of the kind that was worn by the king's troops. when an-dré caught sight of it his heart leapt for joy, for he was sure he was safe. so sure that he did not guard his tongue. he asked the men if they were on his side, and they said they were. he then told who he was, and that he had been sent to a post up the hud-son and was in haste to get back. as he spoke he drew out a gold watch, such as few owned in those days, and none but men of wealth. think what a shock it must have been to an-dré when paul-ding said they were not his friends but his foes, and he was in their hands. then an-dré tried to make out that what he first told was a lie, but that he would now tell the truth; and he drew forth his pass to prove that he was all right. had he done this in the first place he might have gone on his way. "a still tongue shows a wise head." the men seized his horse by the rein and told an-dré to get off. he warned them that he had been sent out by gen-er-al ar-nold and that they would be ill dealt with if they held him back. "we care not for that," they said, as they led him through the shrubs on the edge of the brook. they then went to work to search him, and took note of the way in which he was drest. they were poor men, and had not had a chance to see such fine clothes. an-dré wore a round hat, a blue great-coat, 'neath which was a red coat decked off with gold-lace, a nan-keen vest, small-clothes and boots. they made him take off his coat and vest, and found naught to prove that he had sought to harm their cause, and they had a mind to let him go. paul-ding, who had been twice in the hands of the red-coats and ill-used by them, was still not quite free from doubt. a thought came to his mind. "boys," said he, "his boots must come off." at this an-dré's face flushed, and he said that his boots were hard to get off, and he begged that he might not lose time in this way. but the men were firm. they made him sit down, his boots were drawn off, and the plans that ar-nold gave him were brought to light. paul-ding looked at them and cried out, "he is a spy!" he then asked an-dré where he had got these plans. "from a man at pine bridge" he said; "a man whom i did not know." as he put on his clothes an-dré begged the men to let him go. he would pay them a large sum, and stay with two of the men while one went to new york to get it. here paul-ding broke in, "keep your gold! we want none of it. were it ten times as much, you should not stir one step!" an-dré had to yield to his fate, and was led by the men to our post which was ten or twelve miles off. an-dré rode on horse-back with one man in front, and one at each side. at noon they came to a farm-house, and those who dwelt there sat at the mid-day meal. the house-wife, whose heart was touched by a sight of an-dré's youth and look of grief, asked him to draw near and take some of the food. then as she caught sight of his gold-laced coat, the good dame said that she knew it was poor fare for such as he, but it was the best she had. poor an-dré shook his head, and said, "oh, it is all good, but in-deed i can-not eat!" when the four reached the out-post and jame-son, who was in charge, saw the plans that had been found on an-dré, he at once saw that they had been drawn up by the hand of ben-e-dict ar-nold. he at once did the thing he ought not to have done, which was to write to ar-nold, and tell him that a man who said his name was _john an-derson_ had been caught, and held, though he bore a pass signed by him. the plans found on him had been sent to the com-mand-er-in-chief, and an-dré, with a strong guard was sent with the note to ar-nold. in a short time, ma-jor tall-madge, who was next in rank to jame-son, came back from a trip to white plains. he had a clear head, and as soon as he heard the case he at once urged jame-son to send a man in haste to bring an-dré back. this was done, but jame-son had not thought to have the note to ar-nold brought back, so it sped on to let the knave know that his plot had failed. as soon as ar-nold read the note he sprang on the horse of the man who brought it, and rode with all speed to the dock where his six-oared barge lay moored. he threw him-self in-to it and bade his men pull out in mid-stream and row as fast as they could to tel-ler's point, as he must be back in time to meet wash-ing-ton, who was then on his way to west point. the guards knew his barge, so they did not fire on it, and a bit of white cloth waved in the air served as a flag of truce. he soon was on board the _vul-ture_, where he gave him-self up, and the cox-swain and six barge-men with him. this was a mean act, and showed just what kind of a man ar-nold was, but as soon as the men made it known that they had been led to think that all was right, and that a flag of truce gave them a safe pass, they were at once set free. ar-nold gave the red-coats much aid, and they were glad to make use of him. but they did not care to make friends with so base a man. at the close of the war, he went to eng-land, and made his home there. he was shunned by all, and died in the year , at the age of three-score. as wash-ing-ton drew near the fort at west point, he thought it strange that no guns were fired. "is not gen-er-al ar-nold here?" he asked of the man who came down to the shore to meet him. "no, sir. he has not been here for two days past; nor have i heard from him in that time." this was strange; but soon the note from jame-son was placed in his hands, and when he had read of the deep-laid scheme, he said with a deep sigh, "whom can we trust now?" word was at once sent out to the guards to check ar-nold's flight, but it was too late. he had slipped from their grasp. let us now see how an-dré bore his hard fate. he had the best of care, and made hosts of friends, who grieved that one so young, so well-bred, and of such high rank, should have done a crime for which he must be hung. it was a great grief to wash-ing-ton, who would have felt no pang had ar-nold been in an-dré's place. but death to the spy! was one of the rules of war, and oc-to-ber was the day set for an-dré to be hung. he had asked that since it was his lot to die he might choose the mode of death; and begged that he might be shot. this wash-ing-ton could not grant, though in his heart he longed to do so; but thought it best that an-dré should not know. on the morn of the d, an-dré drest him-self with great care, in the full suit worn by those who bore his rank in the king's troops. he was calm, while all those near him were in tears. he walked with a firm step to the place where he was to end his life, arm in arm with two of our troops. when he caught sight of the rope he gave a start, and asked if he was not to be shot. when told that no change could be made, he said "how hard is my fate!--but it will be but a brief pang!" [illustration: winter at valley forge--p. .] then he stepped in-to the cart, took off his hat and stock, loosed his shirt at the throat, put the noose round his neck and bound his own eyes. when told that there was a chance for him to speak if he chose, he said "i pray you to note that i meet my fate like a brave man." then the cart was moved off and he was left in mid-air, and death took place in a short time. an-dré was laid in a grave near the place where he was hung, but in was borne to the land of his birth, and placed near the tombs of kings and queens. he that breaks laws must pay the price. if you want to make friends, and to have them love and trust you--_be true_. let no one coax you to sin. the eye of god is on you, and he sees all your deeds. you may hide your crime for a while, but you may "be sure your sin will find you out." be not an ar-nold nor an an-dré. chapter xiii. the hardships of war. we will now go back to the place we left, and see where wash-ing-ton was at the close of the year . he had been forced to leave new jer-sey in the hands of the king's troops. his own troops were worn down by long and hard toil, and had need of rest. they were in want of clothes too, and could not keep warm in the tents, so he sought out a place where they could build huts and screen them-selves from the cold winds and storms. he chose val-ley forge, which was on the west bank of the schuyl (_school_)-kill riv-er, and a score of miles from phil-a-del-phi-a. sad was the march of the troops to val-ley forge. food was scant, their clothes were worn out, and a track of blood marked the way they trod. they had fought hard, but not to win, and this made their hearts low. on de-cem-ber , they reached val-ley forge, and had to freeze in their tents till they could cut down the trees and build the huts they were to live in. the walls were six feet and a half high, and were made of logs filled in with clay. the roofs were made of logs split in half. no pen can paint the hard lot of those poor men shut in at val-ley forge. for some days they had no meat. for three days they had no bread. some of the men had to sit up all night by the fires, as there were no clothes for their beds, and they could not sleep for the cold. some of the men were so scant of clothes that they could not leave their huts. wash-ing-ton was kept short of funds and of troops, though he plead hard for both, and was sore pressed on all sides. he scarce knew what to do. there was but one thing he could do, and that was to wait. while his troops were in this sad plight--some of them sick un-to death--the red-coats, who held phil-a-del-phi-a in siege, led a gay sort of life, and were much at their ease. near the first of march a ger-man came to wash-ing-ton's camp to lend him his aid. his name was bar-on steu-ben. he had fought for long years in the wars that had been waged in eu-rope, had been aide-de-camp to fred-er-ick the great, and had won much fame by his brave deeds. the french, who were friends to our cause, knew that we had need of such a man as bar-on steu-ben, and urged him to come to a-mer-i-ca, and he was at once sent to join the troops at val-ley forge. our troops had had no chance to drill, there was no one to teach them, and they had fought with a rush and a dash, and in a pell-mell sort of way. steu-ben went to work to drill these men, the best of whom had much to learn, and he found it a hard task at first as he could not speak our tongue. at last a man was found who spoke french, and him steu-ben made his aide-de-camp and kept him close at hand. the men were slow to learn, for the drills were new to them, and steu-ben would get wroth with them and call them "block-heads," and all sorts of hard names. but though he had a sharp tongue, and was quick to get in a rage, he had a kind, true heart, and soon won the love of the men. for eight months the red-coats had held phil-a-del-phi-a. in the spring gen-er-al howe went home, and left his troops in charge of sir hen-ry clin-ton, who made up his mind to lead the troops back to new york. but he did not wish his plans to be known. in the mean-time, wash-ing-ton knew that a scheme of some sort was on foot--so he sent troops out to check the king's troops should they move by land. the red-coats left phil-a-del-phi-a on june , and as there was but one road for them to take, their train stretched out for twelve miles. they made a halt at al-len-town, and clin-ton had not quite made up his mind which way to go from that place. he at first thought he would go as far as the rar-i-tan riv-er, and then ship his troops to new york; but when he found that our troops were not far off, he turned to the right and took the road to mon-mouth. his march was a slow one; the heat was great; the rains made the roads bad, and they had to stop to bridge the streams, and to build cause-ways so that they could cross the swamps. wash-ing-ton in the mean-time had gone on to kings-ton; but as soon as he learned clin-ton's course, he moved his troops so as to get in the rear of the red-coats. on the night of june , the foe went in camp on the high ground near mon-mouth court house. the van-guard of our troops was five miles off, and in charge of gen-er-al lee. at day-break the van-guard of the red-coats set forth down the hill, while clin-ton with his choice troops staid in camp on the heights of free-hold, to give the long train of carts and pack mules a chance to get well on the way. at eight o'clock all were in line of march to mid-dle-town. as soon as lee heard that the foe were on the move, he set out to meet them, and was joined by the troops in charge of la-fay-ette. as lee stood on one of the hills he caught sight of a band of red-coats hid some-what by the woods, which he thought was a part of the main force. so he sent some of his troops to draw their fire and check them in the rear, while he with the rest of his force would take a short cut, through the woods, get in front of the corps, and cut it off from the main force. wash-ing-ton was on his way with his main force, when the boom of big guns rang out on the air. the sound caused him to change his pace to a quick step, and when he drew near free-hold church, where the road forked, he sent greene with part of his force to the right, while he with the rest of the troops took the left hand road. wash-ing-ton stood on the ground with his arm thrown up on the neck of his horse, when a man rode up and said the blue-coats were in flight. wash-ing-ton was vexed, for he was quite sure it was not true. then up came one with fife in hand, quite out of breath, and in great fright. he was seized at once so that he would not scare the troops then on their way, and told that he would be flogged if he dared to spread the tale he had brought. wash-ing-ton sprang on his horse, and sent men out to learn the truth, while he spurred past the free-hold church. the news seemed too strange to be true. he had heard but a few guns, and did not think there had been much of a fight. was lee to blame for this wrong move? he feared so. as he reached the high ground he saw lee and his men in full flight, and by this time he was in a fine rage. "what do you mean by this?" he asked in a fierce stern tone as lee rode up to him. at sight of wash-ing-ton's face lee was struck dumb for a-while, but when he could speak he tried to tell why he had thought it best to fall back. there was not much time for a talk, as the foe were not far off. the sight of their com-mand-er-in-chief put a stop to the flight, and plans were at once made to turn the luck. the place where they were was good for a stand, as it was on high ground which the foe could not reach but by a cause-way. lee knew that wash-ing-ton had lost faith in him, so he held back, and would give no aid to his chief. wash-ing-ton rode back to lee in a calm mood, and said to him; "will you keep the com-mand on this height, or not? if you will, i will go back to the main force and have it formed on the next height." lee said it was all the same to him where he was placed, that he would do just as wash-ing-ton said, and "not be the first to leave the ground." soon guns were heard on both sides. lee and his men, who were in the fore-ground made a brave stand, but were at length forced to fall back. lee brought off his troops in good style by the cause-way that crossed the swamps, in front of our troops in charge of lord stir-ling, and was the last to leave the ground. when he had formed his men in line back of the swamp, he rode up to wash-ing-ton, and said, "here, sir, are my troops, what do you wish me to do with them?" wash-ing-ton saw that the men were worn out with long tramps, hard fights, and the great heat, so he told lee to take them to the rear, and call in all those he might meet with who had fled from his ranks. the foe sought to turn both our flanks, but were checked by a sharp fire, and at length they gave way and fell back to the ground where lee had been that morn. here the woods and swamps were on their flanks, and their front could not be reached but by the cause-way. great as was the risk, wash-ing-ton made up his mind to charge on the foe, and this was his plan: gen-er-al poor was to move round on their right, gen-er-al wood-ford on the left, while the big field guns should gall them in front. but night set in ere they could act on this plan. some of the troops had sunk on the ground, and all were in need of rest. wash-ing-ton told them to lie on their arms just where they chanced to be when it grew dark, as he meant to go on with the fight at dawn of the next day. he lay on his cloak at the foot of a tree, and la-fay-ette lay near him. at day-break the beat of drums roused them from their sleep, but the foe had fled, and had been so long on the way that wash-ing-ton could not hope to check them. our loss in the fight at mon-mouth was , while of the king's troops were left dead on the field. some of the troops on both sides had died in the swamp, and some were found on the edge of a stream that ran through it, where, worn out with their toils, and weak from heat and thirst they had crawled to drink and die. lee's pride had been so hurt that he wrote to wash-ing-ton in a way that he should not have done to his com-mand-er-in-chief, and he was brought to court by the board of war and tried for his wrong deeds. his guilt was proved, and he was told that he could not serve for the next twelve months. he went to his home in vir-gin-i-a where he led a queer kind of a life. his house was a mere shell, and had but one room, but lines were chalked on the floor and each space was used as if it was a room by it-self. here was his bed, there were his books; in this space he kept all his horse gear, and in that one he cooked and ate his meals. with pen and with tongue he strove to harm wash-ing-ton, whom his shafts failed to hurt, and who spoke not an ill word of lee. he liked him as a friend but did not think he was fit to lead troops to war. lee died in the course of four years, and on his death-bed he thought he was on the field of war, and his last words were a call to his men to stand by him. for a year or two more the strife was kept up on the coast from maine to flor-i-da, and both red-coats and red-skins took part in scenes that chill the blood to read of. houses were burnt and land laid waste, forts were stormed and seized from our troops whose force was too small to hold them. now and then there was a gain for our side, but in spite of his ill luck wash-ing-ton held on with a brave heart, and would die at his post but would not yield. in the first part of the year we find wash-ing-ton in camp at mor-ris-town, with a lot of half-fed and half-clad troops. no such cold had been known in this zone. the bay of new york froze so hard that the ships-of-war that lay in it were ice-bound. food was scant, and there was a lack of fire-wood. wash-ing-ton saw what a chance there was for a bold stroke, but he had no funds with which to fit out his troops, or to move them to the coast. the cost of war was great, and gold was scarce. he could not strike a big blow for new york to wrest it from the hands of the foe, as he might have done at this time had his troops been well-fed and well-clad but he would do what he could in a small way. a bridge of ice had formed 'twixt new jer-sey and stat-en isl-and, so wash-ing-ton sent lord stir-ling with , men to start up and seize a force of , red-coats. his lord-ship crossed in the night, but was seen and had to fall back to e-liz-a-beth-town. some of his men fell in-to the hands of the king's troops, and some in-to the hands of jack frost. this raid gave a start to the foe and they set out to tease and vex our out-posts, which they thought could be done at small risk, as there was snow on the ground, and the troops could be borne on sleighs. not far from white plains--and a score of miles from the out-posts of the red-coats-- of our men had a post in a stone house known as young's house, as that was the name of the man who owned it. it faced a road which ran north and south down through a rich plain, and so on to new york. our men kept a close watch on this road, to stop the red-coats who might seek to pass with food or live-stock. the red-coats made up their mind to break up this nest of blue-birds, and the night of feb-ru-a-ry , was set for the task. the king's troops set out from king's bridge, some in sleighs and some on horse-back. the snow was deep, and it was hard for the sleighs to break their way through. the troops at length left them, and marched on foot. they could not bring their field guns with them. now and then they would come to a place where the snow was more than two feet deep, and they had to take by-ways and cross roads so as not to get near our out-guards. the sun rose while they were yet six miles or more from young's house. this spoiled their plan, but still they kept on. ere they could reach the house, the news flew like wild-fire that the red-coats were near, and men left their farms and homes to aid those in young's house. but though they fought well, they had not strength to hold the fort. not a few were killed. the house was sacked and set on fire, and the red-coats made haste to get back to their lines with those of our men whom they had seized, and who were sent to new york and put in the vile jails there. in the year , france sent ships-of-war and troops to aid our cause, and to drive the red-coats from new york. the french troops were in charge of count de ro-cham-beau, who was told to do just as wash-ing-ton said; for he was com-mand-er-in-chief. wash-ing-ton's heart gave a throb of joy at this proof of good-will, and his grief was that he had not more troops of his own to join with these that he might push for new york at once. he must wait till the rest of the french troops, then on their way, came to port. in the mean-time his thoughts were turned to the south, where the red-coats, led by corn-wal-lis, waged a fierce war. our troops there were in charge of gen-er-al greene, who was full of cheer, and did his best to keep the foe at bay, but with poor luck as his force was small. but wash-ing-ton had faith in him; yet such a large force of the king's troops had been sent by sea to aid corn-wal-lis that wash-ing-ton feared that greene would not be safe. so he wrote to la-fay-ette, who was on his way to meet the french fleet that had been sent to ches-a-peake bay, to push on and join the troops at the south. at this time wash-ing-ton was at a place near west point, and his whole force on the hud-son, in may , was not more than , ; half of whom were not fit to take the field. here word came to him of feuds at the north, and that the foe were in force on the north side of cro-ton riv-er. col-o-nel de-lan-cey, who led this raid, held the place that an-dré had filled, and bore the same rank, and de-lan-cey's horse-men were the dread of all those who dwelt in that part of the land. our troops had an out-post not far from pine's bridge, in charge of col-o-nel greene of rhode isl-and, who had served all through the war. de-lan-cey set out at night at the head of men on horse-back and on foot. they crossed the cro-ton at day-break, just as the night-guard had been called off, and bore down on the out-post. they first went to the farm-house where col-o-nel greene and ma-jor flagg slept, and put a strong guard round it. ma-jor flagg sprang from his bed, threw up the sash, and fired at the foe, but was shot through the head and then hacked with sword cuts and thrusts. they then burst through the door of greene's room. he was a man of great strength, and for some time kept the foes at bay with his sword, but at last he fell, for what could one man do in such a fight? by the time the troops sent out by wash-ing-ton reached the post, de-lan-cey's men had flown. they tried to take greene with them, but he died on the way, and they left him at the edge of the woods. wash-ing-ton felt sad at heart when he heard of the death of his brave and true friend, col-o-nel greene, and the next day he had his corpse brought to the west bank of the hud-son. guns were fired to tell that one who had fought well had gone to his rest, and strong men shed tears as he was laid in his grave, for his loss was a source of great grief to all. chapter xiv. the close of the war. in the month of may, corn-wal-lis had planned to bring his troops to pe-ters-burg and strike a blow at la-fay-ette, who was near rich-mond. la-fay-ette fled as soon as he heard that corn-wal-lis had crossed the james riv-er, for he had but few troops and did not care to bring on a big fight till the men came up who were then on the way to aid him. corn-wal-lis thought he could soon catch "the boy"--as he called him--but his youth made him spry, and the red-coats did not get up to him. on june , gen-er-al wayne came up with men, to add to la-fay-ette's strength, and this made him change his whole plan. with , men and ba-ron steu-ben he might hope to win in a fight with the red-coats, and he turned his face to the foe. corn-wal-lis was at that time 'twixt la-fay-ette and al-be-marle court house, where stores were kept. the mar-quis, by a night march through a road that had long been out of use, got in front of the king's troops, and held them in check. corn-wal-lis turned back, and marched first to rich-mond, and then to will-iams-burg, while la-fay-ette kept close in his rear. here they had a fierce fight, in which the loss was great on both sides, and the gain but small. at this time word came to corn-wal-lis that wash-ing-ton had borne down on new york and that he must send some of his troops to that town. this would leave him too weak to stay where he was, so on ju-ly he set out for ports-mouth. la-fay-ette gave chase the next day and took post nine miles from his camp. his plan was to fall on the rear-guard, when the main force should have crossed the ford at james-town. but corn-wal-lis guessed what he meant to do and laid a trap for him. a sharp fight took place, in-to which wayne threw him-self like a mad-man, but the foe were as ten to one and our troops were forced back to green springs. in ju-ly la-fay-ette wrote to wash-ing-ton that corn-wal-lis had left ports-mouth by sea, and he thought he was on his way to new york. it was true the troops had gone on board the boats, but though wind and tide were fair they did not sail. with the french fleet to help him, wash-ing-ton saw a chance to fight the foe by land and sea, so he turned from new york and marched to vir-gin-i-a to aid la-fay-ette, who longed to have his chief at the head of his troops but did not know he was so near. as our war-worn troops went through phil-a-del-phi-a they were hailed with shouts and cheers from the throngs that filled the streets. they kept step to the sound of the drum and fife, and raised a great cloud of dust, for there had been quite a drought. the french troops passed through the next day, but not in the same style. they made a halt a mile from the town, where they brushed off the dust from their guns, and their gay white and green clothes, and then marched with a light step to the sound of a fine band. crowds were on the streets, and bright smiles and loud shouts met these who had come from france to lay down their lives if need be for the cause we had at heart. when wash-ing-ton turned his back on new york, sir hen-ry clin-ton sent word to corn-wal-lis that he would not need the troops he had asked for; so corn-wal-lis went from ports-mouth to york-town, where he took his stand. york-town was a small place on the south side of york riv-er. the stream at this point was not more than a mile wide, but it was so deep that ships of large size and weight could go through. here he threw up works on both sides of the stream, which gave him a fine strong-hold, as the banks were high and set out from the main-land. he thought there was no foe near but la-fay-ette, and he had no great fear of one so young. he felt so safe that he wrote to clin-ton that he could let him have a large force of men to add strength to new york, where it was thought our troops would strike the next blow. in the mean-time la-fay-ette threw out troops to the rear, to work with the french fleets that would soon be in ches-a-peake bay, and so a net was drawn round corn-wal-lis at a time when he thought he was most safe. wash-ing-ton was at phil-a-del-phi-a on sep-tem-ber , and at bal-ti-more three days from that time. he left bal-ti-more on the ninth, at day-break, with but one of his suite, as he was in haste to reach mount ver-non. the rest of his suite rode at their ease, and joined him the next day at noon. it was six years since wash-ing-ton had seen his old home, and how full of toil and care those years had been! in three days he had to leave the dear old place, and with his guests push on to join la-fay-ette, who was at will-iams-burg. by sep-tem-ber , the french and our troops were in camp near that town, and at once set to work to get things in train for the next fight. corn-wal-lis had built forts on the north and south banks of the stream, and had done all he could to add strength to york-town. ships-of-war were in front, and boats had been sunk at the mouth of the stream. field-works were at the rear with big guns on top, and there were long rows of trees that had been cut down and left so that their limbs stuck out and made a fence it would not be safe to climb. at the right and left of york-town were deep dells and creeks, and it was not strange that corn-wal-lis felt that he was in a sure strong-hold. our troops were twelve miles off when they took up their march on sep-tem-ber , and that night they went in camp two miles from york-town. wash-ing-ton and his staff slept on the ground, his head on the root of a tree. the next morn our troops drew out on each side of bea-ver dam creek, the a-mer-i-cans on the east side and the french on the west. the count de grasse, with the main fleet, staid in lynn haven bay so as to keep off the ships that might come from sea to aid the red-coats. on the night of the first of oc-to-ber our troops threw up two earth-works, on which the red-coats turned their guns at day-light and killed three of the men. while wash-ing-ton stood near the works a shot struck the ground close by him and threw up a great cloud of dust. one of his staff who stood near was in a great fright, but wash-ing-ton was calm and showed no signs of fear. on oc-to-ber , our troops set out to dig the trench that the first line would use in the siege of york-town. so dark was the night, and so still were the men, that the foe did not know of it till day-light. then they fired on them from the forts, but the men were screened and kept at their work. by the ninth the trench was dug and the guns fixed to fire at the town. wash-ing-ton put the match to the first gun, and a storm of balls and bomb-shells dared corn-wal-lis to come out and fight. for three or four days the fire was kept up on both sides, and bomb-shells crossed in mid-air, and at night flashed forth like great stars with tails a blaze of light. our shells did much harm in the town, and to the earth-works of the foe. the red-hot shot from the french forts north-west of the town reached the king's ships-of-war. the char-on a gun ship, and three large boats for troops, were set on fire by them. the flames ran up to the tops of the masts, and as the night was dark the scene was a grand one to the eye, but a sad one to the heart. on the night of the th, a new ditch was dug by the troops led by bar-on steu-ben, and for two or three days the foe kept up a fire on the men at work. at eight o'clock on the night of oc-to-ber , they set out to storm both york-town and the point on the north bank at the same time. the van-guard of our troops was led by al-ex-an-der ham-il-ton. when at school he wrote to one of his boy friends, "i wish there was a war;" and in when he was but years of age, he was placed at the head of the men who fired the guns and bomb-shells. the next year he was aide-de-camp to wash-ing-ton, in whom he found a true and wise friend. with great joy and pride ham-il-ton led the van in a head-long dash past the trees, which they pushed or pulled down with their own hands, where they could not climb them, and was the first to mount the wall. one of his men knelt so that ham-il-ton could use him for steps, and the rest of the men got up the best way they could. not a gun was fired, and the fort fell in-to the hands of our troops with a small loss on both sides. the french stormed the fort at the point in as brave a way, but with less speed, and lost more men. wash-ing-ton stood on the ground in the grand fort where he could see all that took place. an aide-de-camp near him spoke up and said that he ran a great risk from a chance shot through one of the port-holes. "if you think so," said wash-ing-ton, "you can step back." soon a ball struck the gun in the port-hole, rolled on, and fell at his feet. gen-er-al knox seized him by the arm. "my dear gen-er-al," said he, "we can't spare you yet." "it is a spent ball," said wash-ing-ton in a calm voice; "no harm is done." when each charge was made and both forts were in our hands, he drew a long breath, turned to knox and said, "the work is done _and well done_!" then he said to his black man, "bring me my horse," and rode off to see where next his lines should move, and how the trap could be closed on corn-wal-lis. corn-wal-lis found that he could not hold his forts; no troops had come to his aid, and he would soon have to yield to the foe. this was too much for his pride, so he made up his mind to leave those who were sick or had wounds, and fly from york-town. his scheme was to cross the stream at night, fall on the french camp ere day-break, push on with all speed, and force his way to the north and join sir hen-ry clin-ton in new york. a large part of his troops had crossed the stream on the night of oc-to-ber , and the rest were on their way when a fierce storm of wind and rain drove the boats down the stream. they could not be brought back till day-light and it was then too late for them to move on or to turn back. the hopes of lord corn-wal-lis were at an end, and on the th he sent a flag of truce and a note to wash-ing-ton and asked that his guns might cease their fire for one day so that terms of peace could be drawn up. wash-ing-ton feared that in the mean-time troops from new york would reach corn-wal-lis, so he sent word back that his guns should cease their fire for but two hours. wash-ing-ton did not like the terms drawn up by corn-wal-lis, so he made a rough draft of such terms as he would grant. these were sent to corn-wal-lis on the th, and he was forced to sign them, and in two hours his troops were to march out of the forts. [illustration: the surrender at yorktown.--p. .] at noon our troops were drawn up in two lines more than a mile in length; the a-mer-i-cans on the right side of the road, the french on the left. at two o'clock the red-coats passed out with slow steps, and were led to a field where they were to ground their arms. some of them, in their rage, threw down their guns with such force as to well nigh break them. on the day that corn-wal-lis had been forced to lay down his arms at york-town, the large force that was to aid him set sail from new york. they did not reach ches-a-peake bay till oc-to-ber , and when they found they were too late they turned their prows and went back to new york. the down-fall of corn-wal-lis was felt to be a death-blow to the war, and great joy was felt through-out the land. votes of thanks were sent to wash-ing-ton, to de ro-cham-beau and de grasse, and wash-ing-ton gave high praise to all the troops for the way in which they had fought at the siege of york-town. from that time the red-coats lost heart, and on no-vem-ber , , they marched out of new york, and wash-ing-ton marched in at the head of his brave men, who had fought and bled and borne all the ills that flesh could bear that the land they loved might be free. in a few days wash-ing-ton was called to an-na-po-lis to meet with those who made the laws, and his chief men who had been with him through all the sad scenes of the war, came to bid him good-bye. with a heart full of love he said to them, "i can-not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be glad if each of you will come and take me by the hand." this they did. no one spoke a word. tears were in all their eyes. wash-ing-ton left the room, and went on foot to the boat which lay at the end of what was then and is now white-hall street. his friends kept close in the rear. when wash-ing-ton was in his barge he turned, took off his hat, and waved good-bye, and those on shore did the same, and watched the barge till it passed out of their sight. chapter xv. first in peace. at the close of the war, and of the year , wash-ing-ton went back to mount ver-non. he reached his home to his great joy on the eve of christ-mas day, and he was in a good state of mind to keep the feast. "the scene is at last closed," he wrote, "and i am eased of a load of care. i hope to spend the rest of my days in peace." mount ver-non was locked in ice and snow for some time. wash-ing-ton wrote that he was so used to camp life that he could not help feel when he woke each day that he must hear the drums beat, and must go out to plan or to lead his troops. he was now at his ease, and longed for the spring so that his friends could come to him. "my way of life is plain," he said; "i do not mean to be put out of it. but a glass of wine and a bit of meat can be had at all times." he would not give notes of his life to those who wished to write it up at this time lest it should look vain. "i will leave it to those who are to come to think and say what they please of me," he wrote. "i will not by an act of mine seem to boast of what i have done." as spring came on, friends flocked to mount ver-non, and wash-ing-ton met them in a frank way. his wife, too, was full of good sense and good cheer. she loved to knit, and had been used all through the war to knit socks for the poor men who were in the ranks. but as wash-ing-ton took his rides through his place, he felt the changes there since he had left. old friends were gone, and the scenes of his youth were no more. la-fay-ette spent a few days with him, and the love he felt for the brave young man was as strong as at first. he wrote a sad note to him when he was gone which showed what a warm place the young french-man had in his heart. he said, "as you left me, i asked if this were the last sight i should have of you. and though i wished to say 'no,' my fears said 'yes.' i called to mind the days of my youth and found they had long since fled to come back no more. i must now go down the hill i have climbed all these years. i am blessed with strength, but i some of a short-lived race, and may soon go to the tomb. all these thoughts gave a gloom to the hour in which i parted with you." wash-ing-ton made a trip through some of the states of the west, and saw there was a chance for great trade there, and he wrote much of what he had seen. but his chief joy was in his home and land, where he planted trees and loved to watch them grow. he writes down each month of what he sets out; now it is a choice slip of grape vine from france; or it may be a tree that stays green all the year round. some of the bushes he set out still stand strong in their growth on the place. he notes the trees best for shade and which will not hurt the grass. he writes of rides to the mill swamp in quest of young elms, ash trees, and white thorn, and of the walks he lays out and the trees and shrubs he plants by them. a plan of the way in which he laid out his grounds is still kept at mount ver-non, and the pla-ces are marked on it for the trees and shrubs. he owned five farms, and he kept maps of each. he read much of soils, the way to raise good crops, and the best style of ploughs and farm tools to use. he rode the first half of the day to see that all went well. when he had dined, he would write till dark if he had no guests. if friends came he did all he could to make them feel at ease and at home. he was kind, and loved by all. he would not talk much of the war nor of what he had done in it. he took great care not to talk of his own acts, so that if there had been a guest who did not know the facts, he would not have found out by a word from wash-ing-ton that he was one who had won a great name in the eyes of the world. though grave in his looks and ways, he loved to see youth glad and gay. he was fond of the dance, and it was long the boast of more than one fair dame that she had danced with the chief. there had been balls in camp in the dark days of the war. wash-ing-ton, as we have seen, had been fond of the hunt in his youth, and la-fay-ette sent him some hounds from france, so he took up his old sport. but the french hounds did not do well, and he found they could not be trusted. ere the war had been long past, it was found that there was need of new laws by which the states should be ruled. the chief men of the land were called to phil-a-del-phi-a to form them, and wash-ing-ton went from mount ver-non to take part in the work. it was then that the code of laws was drawn up which bears the name of "con-sti-tu-tion of the u-ni-ted states." these laws said that the states should be ruled by a pres-i-dent. the choice for this post fell on wash-ing-ton, and in the spring of he bade good-bye to mount ver-non and made his way to new york, where he was to take the oath that he would serve the land and be true to her in peace and in war. as he passed through the towns, crowds came out to cheer him, flags were raised, guns roared, and at night there was a great show of fire-works. when he came to tren-ton, the place where in the past he had crossed the stream in the storm, through clouds of snow and drifts of ice, he found a scene of peace and love. crowds were on the bank, the stream gleamed in the sun, the sky was blue, and all hailed him with joy. on the bridge that crossed the del-a-ware an arch was raised and twined with wreaths of green and gay blooms. as wash-ing-ton passed 'neath it a band of young girls, drest in white and with wreaths on their heads, threw bright blooms at his feet, and sang an ode that spoke the love and praise that were in all hearts. at e-liz-a-beth-town point he was met by men who had been sent from new york, and led to a barge which had been made for his use. it was filled with sea-men of high rank, who made a fine show in their white suits. boats of all sorts, gay with flags, and some with bands on board, fell in the wake of wash-ing-ton's barge, and as they swept up the bay of new york the sight was a grand one. the ships at the wharves or in mid-stream, dipped their flags, and fired their guns, bells were rung, and on all the piers were great crowds that made the air ring with their shouts. on the last day of a-pril, , wash-ing-ton took the oath in front of the hall where the wise men of the land had been wont to meet in new york. he stood in full view of a great crowd to whom this was a new and strange sight. the states were to be as one, and this man, whose name and fame were dear to them, was to pledge him-self to keep them so. on a ledge that bulged out from the main part of the house, was a stand spread with a rich red cloth on which lay the word of god, the book of books. wash-ing-ton was clad in a full suit of dark-brown home-made cloth, white silk hose, and dress sword with steel hilt, and his hair was drest in the style of the day. as he came in sight he was hailed with the shouts of the crowds in the streets and on the roofs. he came to the front of the ledge close to the rail, so that he could be seen by all, laid his hand on his heart, bowed three or four times, and then went back and took his seat in an arm-chair near the stand. in a short time he rose and went once more to the front with john ad-ams, who was to be next him in rank, and the friends who were to stand by him in this new field. while the oath was read wash-ing-ton stood with his hand on the word of god, and at the close he said, "i swear--so help me god!" one of the men would have raised the book to wash-ing-ton's lips, but he bent his head and kissed it. then there was a cry of "long live george wash-ing-ton!" and all the bells in the town rang out a peal of joy, and the crowd rent the air with their shouts and cheers. wash-ing-ton bowed and made a speech that was full of good sense. then all went on foot to st. paul's church to pray that god would bless the land. wash-ing-ton felt most of all as he wrote to his friends, a fear lest he should come short of what the land hoped to find in him. the eyes of the world were on him. he had won fame in the field, but how would he rule the state? there was still much to be done. great brit-ain held some of the posts at the west, on the plea that debts due to some of her men had not been paid; the red-men were still a source of fear to the homes in the wild west; and there was no hard cash with which the states could pay their debts. he found that his time was no more his own. from dawn till dark men came to him, and he saw that he must be saved from this or he could do no work. mrs. wash-ing-ton joined him and soon days were fixed for the calls of friends. the house was kept well, but there was no waste. one who dined there wrote that there was no show. the pres-i-dent said a short grace as he sat down. one glass of wine was passed to each, and no toasts were drank. he was kind to his guests and strove to put them at their ease. he was strict in the way he kept the lord's day. he went to church and would have no calls on that day. as to mrs. wash-ing-ton, those who knew her at the time speak of her as free from all art. she met her guests in a well-bred way as one who had ruled in a great house. she, too, was more fond of their home at mount ver-non than of the new rank and place. to stay at home was the first and most dear wish of her heart. wash-ing-ton was touched to the quick when he heard that i some one had said that there was more pomp at his house than at st. james, where king george held his court, and that his bows were much too stiff and cold. wash-ing-ton wrote, "i grieve that my bows were not to his taste, for they were the best i can make. i can say with truth that i feel no pride of place, and would be more glad to be at mount ver-non with a few friends at my side, than here with men from all the courts of the world." he then goes on to tell how they treat their guests. "at two or three o'clock each tues-day they come and go. they go in and out of the rooms and chat as they please. when they first come in they speak to me, and i talk with all i can. what pomp there is in all this i do not see!" the red-men, who could not be kept in peace, roused the land once more to arms. wash-ing-ton did not wish for war, but he had to call out troops. they went forth and laid waste in-di-an towns. wash-ing-ton thought it would be a good plan to meet the in-di-an chiefs and talk with them. three chiefs came to him, and said they would go to the rest and try to make peace. wash-ing-ton made a set speech and told them it would be a good work to do, or else those tribes, "if they thieved and killed as they had done, would be swept from the face of the earth." he had thought much of the state of the red-men in the land. he had but small faith in schools for the youth, save as far as to teach them to read and write. the true means to do them good, he thought, was to teach them to till the ground and raise crops in the same way as the white folks, and he said if the tribes were pleased to learn such arts, he would find a way to have them taught. in the end, gen-er-al st. clair had to be sent out with troops to put the red-men down. wash-ing-ton's last words to him were to be on the watch, for the red-skins were sly and would wait for a chance to find him off his guard. but st. clair did not pay heed to these wise words, and the red-skins got in-to his camp, some of his best men were slain, and the whole force was put to rout. when the news was brought to wash-ing-ton he said in a quick way, "i knew it would be so! here on this spot i took leave of him and told him to be on his guard! i said to him 'you know how the red-skins fight us!' i warned him--and yet he could let them steal in-to his camp and hack and slay that ar-my!" he threw up his hands, and his frame shook, as he cried out "o what a crime! what a crime!" then he grew calm, and said that st. clair should have a chance to speak, and he would be just to him. st. clair was tried, and was found free from guilt. wash-ing-ton's mo-ther died at fred-er-icks-burg, vir-gin-i-a, au-gust , , aged . when her son first went to war, she would shake her head and say, "ah, george should stay at home and take care of his farm." as he rose step by step, and the news of his fame was brought to her, she would say "george was a good boy," and she had no fear but that he would be a good man, and do what was right. in the year , a great war broke out in france, in which lou-is xvi lost his crown and his head, and deeds were done that you could scarce read of with-out tears. men seemed like fiends in their mad rage, and like wild beasts in their thirst for blood. in france made war on eng-land; and in sought to break up the peace of the u-ni-ted states, but of this i will tell you by and by. in the mean-time the four years--which was the full term wash-ing-ton was to rule--came to an end. he had no wish to serve for two terms, but the choice fell on him, and he once more took the oath, on march , . in , as france was still at war, it was thought best that wash-ing-ton should hold his place for a third term. but this he would not do. he had made up his mind to leave these scenes and to give up that sort of life, and those who plead with him could not move him. he took leave of his friends in a way that moved them to tears; and his fare-well speech, though in plain style, touched all hearts and made them feel what a loss it was to part with so great and good a man. on march , , john ad-ams took the oath, and bound him-self to serve as pres-i-dent for a term of four years. wash-ing-ton was there, and as he rose to leave the house there was a great rush to the door, as all wished to catch the last look of one who had had for so long a time the first place in their hearts. so great was the crush that it was feared there would be loss of limbs if not of life. as wash-ing-ton stood in the street he waved his hat as cheer on cheer rose from the crowd, and his gray hairs streamed forth in the wind. when he came to his own door he turned to the throng with a grave face and tried to say a word or two. but tears rose to his eyes, his heart was full, and he could not speak but by signs. he soon set off for mount ver-non, the dear home of his heart. he had been there but a few months when the french, by their acts, seemed to want to bring on a war with the u-ni-ted states. they took our ships at sea, and there was no way left but to stand up for our rights. pres-i-dent ad-ams wrote to wash-ing-ton, "we must have your name, if you will let us have it. there will be more in it than in a host of men! if the french come here we shall have to march with a quick step." wash-ing-ton wrote to pres-i-dent ad-ams, "i had no thought that in so short a time i should be called from the shade of mount ver-non. but if a foe should come in our land, i would not plead my age or wish to stay at home." he saw the dark clouds that showed a storm, and he feared his days of peace would be few. it was with a sad heart that he felt his rest was at an end, but he had so strong a sense of what was right that he did not hold back. he said he would do all he could for the troops, but he would not take the field till the foe was at hand. for months wash-ing-ton led a life full of hard work. he had much to do for the troops, and at the same time work at home. he would write for hours, and took long rides each day. to his great joy, there was, in the end, no war with france. he seemed in first-rate health up to de-cem-ber , . on that day a storm set in, first of snow, then of hail, and then of rain, and wash-ing-ton was out in it for at least two hours. when he reached the house his clerk, mr. lear, saw that the snow hung from his hair, and asked him if he was not wet through. "no," said wash-ing-ton, "my great coat kept me dry." but the next day his throat was sore and he was quite hoarse; and though much worse at night he made light of it and thought it would soon pass off. when he went to bed mr. lear asked him if he did not think it best to take some-thing. "oh, no," said wash-ing-ton. "let it go as it came." but he grew worse in the night, and it was hard for him to breathe, and though his wife wished to call up one of the maids he would not let her rise lest she should take cold. at day-break, when the maid came in to light the fire, she was sent to call mr. lear. all was done that could be done to ease him of his pain, but he felt him-self that he had but a short time to live. mr. lear was like a son to him, and was with him night and day. when mr. lear would try to raise and turn him so that he could breathe with more ease, wash-ing-ton would say, "i fear i tire you too much." when lear told him that he did not, he said, "well, it is a debt we must all pay, and when you want aid of this kind i hope you'll find it." his black man had been in the room the whole day and most of the time on his feet, and when wash-ing-ton took note of it he told him in a kind voice to sit down. i tell you these things that you may see what a kind heart he had, and how at his last hour he thought not of him-self. his old friend, dr. craik, who stood by his side when he first went forth to war, in the year , was with him in these last hours, when death was the foe that wash-ing-ton had to meet. he said to dr. craik, "i die hard, but i am not a-fraid to go, my breath can-not last long." he felt his own pulse, and breathed his last on the night of de-cem-ber , . his wife, who sat at the foot of the bed, asked with a firm voice, "is he gone?" lear, who could not speak, made a sign that he was no more. "'tis well," said she in the same voice. "all is now at an end, and i shall soon join him." thus lived and died this great and good man, "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of" those who love "the land of the free." praise did not spoil him or make him vain; but from first to last he was the same wise, calm, true friend, full of love to god and of good-will to man. great and good men have been born in-to the world, but none whose name and fame rank as high as that of george wash-ing-ton. four american leaders by charles w. eliot boston american unitarian association copyright, american unitarian association _note_ the four essays in this volume were written for celebrations or commemorations in which several persons took part. each of them is, therefore, only a partial presentation of the life and character of its subject. the delineation in every case is not comprehensive and proportionate, but rather portrays the man in some of his aspects and qualities. _contents_ i. franklin an address delivered before the meeting of the american philosophical society to commemorate the two hundredth anniversary of the birth of benjamin franklin, philadelphia, april , . ii. washington an address given before the union league club of chicago at the exercises in commemoration of the birth of washington, february , . iii. channing an address made at the unveiling of the channing statue on the occasion of the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of william ellery channing, boston, june , . iv. emerson an address delivered on the commemoration of the centenary of the birth of ralph waldo emerson, boston, may , . _four american leaders_ franklin the facts about franklin as a printer are simple and plain, but impressive. his father, respecting the boy's strong disinclination to become a tallow-chandler, selected the printer's trade for him, after giving him opportunities to see members of several different trades at their work, and considering the boy's own tastes and aptitudes. it was at twelve years of age that franklin signed indentures as an apprentice to his older brother james, who was already an established printer. by the time he was seventeen years old he had mastered the trade in all its branches so completely that he could venture, with hardly any money in his pocket, first into new york and then into philadelphia without a friend or acquaintance in either place, and yet succeed promptly in earning his living. he knew all departments of the business. he was a pressman as well as a compositor. he understood both newspaper and book work. there were at that time no such sharp subdivisions of labor and no such elaborate machinery as exist in the trade to-day; and franklin could do with his own eyes and hands, long before he was of age, everything which the printer's art was then equal to. when the faithless governor keith caused franklin to land in london without any resources whatever except his skill at his trade, the youth was fully capable of supporting himself in the great city as a printer. franklin had been induced by the governor to go to england, where he was to buy a complete outfit for a good printing office to be set up in philadelphia. he had already presented the governor with an inventory of the materials needed in a small printing office, and was competent to make a critical selection of all these materials; yet when he arrived in london on this errand he was only eighteen years old. thrown completely on his own resources in the great city, he immediately got work at a famous printing house in bartholomew close, but soon moved to a still larger printing house, in which he remained during the rest of his stay in london. here he worked as a pressman at first, but was soon transferred to the composing room, evidently excelling his comrades in both branches of the art. the customary drink money was demanded of him, first by the pressmen with whom he was associated, and afterwards by the compositors. franklin undertook to resist the second demand; and it is interesting to learn that after a resistance of three weeks he was forced to yield to the demands of the men by just such measures as are now used against any scab in a unionized printing office. he says in his autobiography: "i had so many little pieces of private mischief done me by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, and so forth, if i were ever so little out of the room ... that, notwithstanding the master's protection, i found myself obliged to comply and pay the money, convinced of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live with continually." he was stronger than any of his mates, kept his head clearer because he did not fuddle it with beer, and availed himself of the liberty which then existed of working as fast and as much as he chose. on this point he says: "my constant attendance (i never making a st. monday) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better paid. so i went on now very agreeably." on his return to philadelphia franklin obtained for a few months another occupation than that of printer; but this employment failing through the death of his employer, franklin returned to printing, becoming the manager of a small printing office, in which he was the only skilled workman and was expected to teach several green hands. at that time he was only twenty-one years of age. this printing office often wanted sorts, and there was no type-foundry in america. franklin succeeded in contriving a mould, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supplied the deficiencies of the office. the autobiography says: "i also engraved several things on occasion; i made the ink; i was warehouse man and everything, and in short quite a factotum." nevertheless, he was dismissed before long by his incompetent employer, who, however, was glad to re-engage him a few days later on obtaining a job to print some paper money for new jersey. thereupon franklin contrived a copperplate press for this job--the first that had been seen in the country--and cut the ornaments for the bills. meantime franklin, with one of the apprentices, had ordered a press and types from london, that they two might set up an independent office. shortly after the new jersey job was finished, these materials arrived in philadelphia, and franklin immediately opened his own printing office. his partner "was, however, no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober." the office prospered, and in july, , when franklin was twenty-four years old, the partnership was dissolved, and franklin was at the head of a well-established and profitable printing business. this business was the foundation of franklin's fortune; and better foundation no man could desire. his industry was extraordinary. contrary to the current opinion, dr. baird of st. andrews testified that the new printing office would succeed, "for the industry of that franklin," he said, "is superior to anything i ever saw of the kind; i see him still at work when i go home from the club, and he is at work again before the neighbors are out of bed." no trade rules or customs limited or levied toll on his productiveness. he speedily became by far the most successful printer in all the colonies, and in twenty years was able to retire from active business with a competency. one would, however, get a wrong impression of franklin's career as a printer, if he failed to observe that from his boyhood franklin constantly used his connection with a printing office to facilitate his remarkable work as an author, editor, and publisher. even while he was an apprentice to his brother james he succeeded in getting issued from his brother's press ballads and newspaper articles of which he was the anonymous author. when he had a press of his own he used it for publishing a newspaper, an almanac, and numerous essays composed or compiled by himself. his genius as a writer supported his skill and industry as a printer. the second part of the double subject assigned to me is franklin as philosopher. the philosophy he taught and illustrated related to four perennial subjects of human interest--education, natural science, politics, and morals. i propose to deal in that order with these four topics. franklin's philosophy of education was elaborated as he grew up, and was applied to himself throughout his life. in the first place, he had no regular education of the usual sort. he studied and read with an extraordinary diligence from his earliest years; but he studied only the subjects which attracted him, or which he himself believed would be good for him, and throughout life he pursued only those inquiries for pursuing which he found within himself an adequate motive. the most important element in his training was reading, for which he had a precocious desire which was imperative, and proved to be lasting. his opportunities to get books were scanty; but he seized on all such opportunities, and fortunately he early came upon the "pilgrim's progress," the spectator, plutarch, xenophon's "memorabilia," and locke "on the human understanding." practice of english composition was the next agency in franklin's education; and his method--quite of his own invention--was certainly an admirable one. he would make brief notes of the thoughts contained in a good piece of writing, and lay these notes aside for several days; then, without looking at the book, he would endeavor to express these thoughts in his own words as fully as they had been expressed in the original paper. lastly, he would compare his product with the original, thus discovering his shortcomings and errors. to improve his vocabulary he turned specimens of prose into verse, and later, when he had forgotten the original, turned the verse back again into prose. this exercise enlarged his vocabulary and his acquaintance with synonyms and their different shades of meaning, and showed him how he could twist phrases and sentences about. his times for such exercises and for reading were at night after work, before work in the morning, and on sundays. this severe training he imposed on himself; and he was well advanced in it before he was sixteen years of age. his memory and his imagination must both have served him well; for he not only acquired a style fit for narrative, exposition, or argument, but also learned to use the fable, parable, paraphrase, proverb, and dialogue. the third element in his education was writing for publication; he began very early, while he was still a young boy, to put all he had learned to use in writing for the press. when he was but nineteen years old he wrote and published in london "a dissertation on liberty and necessity, pleasure and pain." in after years he was not proud of this pamphlet; but it was, nevertheless, a remarkable production for a youth of nineteen. so soon as he was able to establish a newspaper in philadelphia he wrote for it with great spirit, and in a style at once accurate, concise, and attractive, making immediate application of his reading and of the conversation of intelligent acquaintances on both sides of the ocean. his fourth principle of education was that it should continue through life, and should make use of the social instincts. to that end he thought that friends and acquaintances might fitly band together in a systematic endeavor after mutual improvement. the junto was created as a school of philosophy, morality, and politics; and this purpose it actually served for many years. some of the questions read at every meeting of the junto, with a pause after each one, would be curiously opportune in such a society at the present day. for example, no. , "have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate?" and no. , "do you know of a fellow-citizen ... who has lately committed an error proper for us to be warned against and avoid?" when a new member was initiated he was asked, among other questions, the following: "do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions or his external way of worship?" and again, "do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavor impartially to find it, receive it yourself, and communicate it to others?" the junto helped to educate franklin, and he helped greatly to train all its members. the nature of franklin's own education accounts for many of his opinions on the general subject. thus, he believed, contrary to the judgment of his time, that latin and greek were not essential subjects in a liberal education, and that mathematics, in which he never excelled, did not deserve the place it held. he believed that any one who had acquired a command of good english could learn any other modern language that he really needed when he needed it; and this faith he illustrated in his own person, for he learned french, when he needed it, sufficiently well to enable him to exercise great influence for many years at the french court. as the fruit of his education he exhibited a clear, pungent, persuasive english style, both in writing and in conversation--a style which gave him great and lasting influence among men. it is easy to say that such a training as franklin's is suitable only for genius. be that as it may, franklin's philosophy of education certainly tells in favor of liberty for the individual in his choice of studies, and teaches that a desire for good reading and a capacity to write well are two very important fruits of any liberal culture. it was all at the service of his successor jefferson, the founder of the university of virginia. franklin's studies in natural philosophy are characterized by remarkable directness, patience, and inventiveness, absolute candor in seeking the truth, and a powerful scientific imagination. what has been usually considered his first discovery was the now familiar fact that northeast storms on the atlantic coast begin to leeward. the pennsylvania fireplace he invented was an ingenious application to the warming and ventilating of an apartment of the laws that regulate the movement of hot air. at the age of forty-one he became interested in the subject of electricity, and with the aid of many friends and acquaintances pursued the subject for four years, with no thought about personal credit for inventing either theories or processes, but simply with delight in experimentation and in efforts to explain the phenomena he observed. his kite experiment to prove lightning to be an electrical phenomenon very possibly did not really draw lightning from the cloud; but it supplied evidence of electrical energy in the atmosphere which went far to prove that lightning was an electrical discharge. the sagacity of franklin's scientific inquiries is well illustrated by his notes on colds and their causes. he maintains that influenzas usually classed as colds do not arise, as a rule, from either cold or dampness. he points out that savages and sailors, who are often wet, do not catch cold, and that the disease called a cold is not taken by swimming. he maintains that people who live in the forest, in open barns, or with open windows, do not catch cold, and that the disease called a cold is generally caused by impure air, lack of exercise, or overeating. he comes to the conclusion that influenzas and colds are contagious--a doctrine which, a century and a half later, was proved, through the advance of bacteriological science, to be sound. the following sentence exhibits remarkable insight, considering the state of medical art at that time: "i have long been satisfied from observation, that besides the general colds now termed influenzas (which may possibly spread by contagion, as well as by a particular quality of the air), people often catch cold from one another when shut up together in close rooms and coaches, and when sitting near and conversing so as to breathe in each other's transpiration; the disorder being in a certain state." in the light of present knowledge what a cautious and exact statement is that! there being no learned society in all america at the time, franklin's scientific experiments were almost all recorded in letters written to interested friends; and he was never in any haste to write these letters. he never took a patent on any of his inventions, and made no effort either to get a profit from them, or to establish any sort of intellectual proprietorship in his experiments and speculations. one of his english correspondents, mr. collinson, published in a number of franklin's letters to him in a pamphlet called "new experiments and observations in electricity made at philadelphia in america." this pamphlet was translated into several european languages, and established over the continent--particularly in france--franklin's reputation as a natural philosopher. a great variety of phenomena engaged his attention, such as phosphorescence in sea water, the cause of the saltness of the sea, the form and the temperatures of the gulf stream, the effect of oil in stilling waves, and the cause of smoky chimneys. franklin also reflected and wrote on many topics which are now classified under the head of political economy,--such as paper currency, national wealth, free trade, the slave trade, the effects of luxury and idleness, and the misery and destruction caused by war. not even his caustic wit could adequately convey in words his contempt and abhorrence for war as a mode of settling questions arising between nations. he condensed his opinions on that subject into the epigram: "there never was a good war or a bad peace." franklin's political philosophy may all be summed up in seven words--"first freedom, then public happiness and comfort." the spirit of liberty was born in him. he resented his brother's blows when he was an apprentice, and escaped from them. as a mere boy he refused to attend church on sundays in accordance with the custom of his family and his town, and devoted his sundays to reading and study. in practising his trade he claimed and diligently sought complete freedom. in public and private business alike he tried to induce people to take any action desired of them by presenting to them a motive they could understand and feel--a motive which acted on their own wills and excited their hopes. this is the only method possible under a régime of liberty. a perfect illustration of his practice in this respect is found in his successful provision of one hundred and fifty four-horse wagons for braddock's force, when it was detained on its march from annapolis to western pennsylvania by the lack of wagons. the military method would have been to seize horses, wagons, and drivers wherever found. franklin persuaded braddock, instead of using force, to allow him (franklin) to offer a good hire for horses, wagons, and drivers, and proper compensation for the equipment in case of loss. by this appeal to the frontier farmers of pennsylvania he secured in two weeks all the transportation required. to defend public order franklin was perfectly ready to use public force, as, for instance, when he raised and commanded a regiment of militia to defend the northwestern frontier from the indians after braddock's defeat, and again, when it became necessary to defend philadelphia from a large body of frontiersmen who had lynched a considerable number of friendly indians, and were bent on revolutionizing the quaker government. but his abhorrence of all war was based on the facts, first, that during war the law must be silent, and, secondly, that military discipline, which is essential for effective fighting, annihilates individual liberty. "those," he said, "who would give up essential liberty for the sake of a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety." the foundation of his firm resistance on behalf of the colonies to the english parliament was his impregnable conviction that the love of liberty was the ruling passion of the people of the colonies. in he said of the american people: "every act of oppression will sour their tempers, lessen greatly, if not annihilate, the profits of your commerce with them, and hasten their final revolt; for the seeds of liberty are universally found there, and nothing can eradicate them." because they loved liberty, they would not be taxed without representation; they would not have soldiers quartered on them, or their governors made independent of the people in regard to their salaries; or their ports closed, or their commerce regulated by parliament. it is interesting to observe how franklin's experiments and speculations in natural science often had a favorable influence on freedom of thought. his studies in economics had a strong tendency in that direction. his views about religious toleration were founded on his intense faith in civil liberty; and even his demonstration that lightning was an electrical phenomenon brought deliverance for mankind from an ancient terror. it removed from the domain of the supernatural a manifestation of formidable power that had been supposed to be a weapon of the arbitrary gods; and since it increased man's power over nature, it increased his freedom. this faith in freedom was fully developed in franklin long before the american revolution and the french revolution made the fundamental principles of liberty familiar to civilized mankind. his views concerning civil liberty were even more remarkable for his time than his views concerning religious liberty; but they were not developed in a passionate nature inspired by an enthusiastic idealism. he was the very embodiment of common sense, moderation, and sober honesty. his standard of human society is perfectly expressed in the description of new england which he wrote in : "i thought often of the happiness in new england, where every man is a freeholder, has a vote in public affairs, lives in a tidy, warm house, has plenty of good food and fuel, with whole clothes from head to foot, the manufacture perhaps of his own family. long may they continue in this situation!" such was franklin's conception of a free and happy people. such was his political philosophy. the moral philosophy of franklin consisted almost exclusively in the inculcation of certain very practical and unimaginative virtues, such as temperance, frugality, industry, moderation, cleanliness, and tranquillity. sincerity and justice, and resolution--that indispensable fly-wheel of virtuous habit--are found in his table of virtues; but all his moral precepts seem to be based on observation and experience of life, and to express his convictions concerning what is profitable, prudent, and on the whole satisfactory in the life that now is. his philosophy is a guide of life, because it searches out virtues, and so provides the means of expelling vices. it may reasonably determine conduct. it did determine franklin's conduct to a remarkable degree, and has had a prodigious influence for good on his countrymen and on civilized mankind. nevertheless, it omits all consideration of the prime motive power, which must impel to right conduct, as fire supplies the power which actuates the engine. that motive power is pure, unselfish love--love to god and love to man. "thou shalt love the lord thy god with all thy heart ... and thy neighbor as thyself." franklin never seems to have perceived that the supreme tests of civilization are the tender and honorable treatment of women as equals, and the sanctity of home life. there was one primary virtue on his list which he did not always practise. his failures in this respect diminished his influence for good among his contemporaries, and must always qualify the admiration with which mankind will regard him as a moral philosopher and an exhorter to a good life. his sagacity, intellectual force, versatility, originality, firmness, fortunate period of service, and longevity combined to make him a great leader of his people. in american public affairs the generation of wise leaders next to his own felt for him high admiration and respect; and the strong republic, whose birth and youthful growth he witnessed, will carry down his fame as political philosopher, patriot, and apostle of liberty through long generations. washington the virtues of washington were of two kinds, the splendid and the homely; i adopt, for my part in this celebration, some consideration of washington as a man of homely virtues, giving our far-removed generation a homely example. the first contrast to which i invite your attention is the contrast between the early age at which washington began to profit by the discipline of real life and the late age at which our educated young men exchange study under masters, and seclusion in institutions of learning, for personal adventure and responsibility out in the world. washington was a public surveyor at sixteen years of age. he could not spell well; but he could make a correct survey, keep a good journal, and endure the hardships to which a surveyor in the virginia wilderness was inevitably exposed. our expectation of good service and hard work from boys of sixteen, not to speak of young men of twenty-six, is very low. i have heard it maintained in a learned college faculty that young men who were on the average nineteen years of age, were not fit to begin the study of economics or philosophy, even under the guidance of skilful teachers, and that no young man could nowadays begin the practice of a profession to advantage before he was twenty-six or twenty-seven years old. now, washington was at twenty-one the governor of virginia's messenger to the french forts beyond the alleghanies. he was already an accomplished woodman, an astute negotiator with savages and the french, and the cautious yet daring leader of a company of raw, insubordinate frontiersmen, who were to advance miles into a wilderness with nothing but an indian trail to follow. in , at twenty-three years of age, twenty years before the revolutionary war broke out, he was a skilful and experienced fighter, and a colonel in the virginia service. what a contrast to our college under-graduates of to-day, who at twenty-two years of age are still getting their bodily vigor through sports and not through real work, and who seldom seem to realize that, just as soon as they have acquired the use of the intellectual tools and stock with which a livelihood is to be earned in business or in the professions, the training of active life is immeasurably better than the training of the schools! yet washington never showed at any age the least spark of genius; he was only "sober, sensible, honest, and brave," as he said of major-general lincoln in . by inheritance and by marriage washington became, while he was still young, one of the richest men in the country; but what a contrast between his sort of riches and our sorts! he was a planter and sportsman--a country gentleman. all his home days were spent in looking after his farms; in breeding various kinds of domestic animals; in fishing for profit; in attending to the diseases and accidents which befall livestock, including slaves; in erecting buildings, and repairing them; in caring for or improving his mills, barns, farm implements, and tools. he always lived very close to nature, and from his boyhood studied the weather, the markets, his crops and woods, and the various qualities of his lands. he was an economical husbandman, attending to all the details of the management of his large estates. he was constantly on horseback, often riding fifteen miles on his daily rounds. at sixty-seven years of age he caught the cold which killed him by getting wet on horseback, riding as usual about his farms. compare this sort of life, physical and mental, with the life of the ordinary rich american of to-day, who has made his money in stocks and bonds, or as a banker, broker, or trader, or in the management of great transportation or industrial concerns. this modern rich man, in all probability, has nothing whatever to do with nature or with country life. he is soft and tender in body; lives in the city; takes no vigorous exercise, and has very little personal contact with the elemental forces of either nature or mankind. he is not like washington an out-of-door man. washington was a combination of land-owner, magistrate, and soldier,--the best combination for a leader of men which the feudal system produced. our modern rich man is apt to possess no one of these functions, any one of which, well discharged, has in times past commanded the habitual respect of mankind. it is a grave misfortune for our country, and especially for our rich men, that the modern forms of property,--namely, stocks and bonds, mortgages, and city buildings--do not carry with them any inevitable responsibilities to the state, or involve their owner in personal risks and charges as a leader or commander of the people. the most enviable rich man to-day is the intelligent industrial or commercial adventurer or promoter, in the good sense of those terms. he takes risks and assumes burdens on a large scale, and has a chance to develop will, mind, and character, just as queen elizabeth's adventurers did all over the then known world. again, washington, as i have already indicated, was an economical person, careful about little expenditures as well as great, averse to borrowing money, and utterly impatient of waste. if a slave were hopelessly ill, he did not call a doctor, because it would be a useless expenditure. he insisted that the sewing woman, carolina, who had only made five shirts in a week, not being sick, should make nine. he entered in his account "thread and needle, one penny," and used said thread and needle himself. all this closeness and contempt for shiftlessness and prodigality were perfectly consistent with a large and hospitable way of living; for during many years of his life he kept open house at mt. vernon. this frugal and prudent man knew exactly what it meant to devote his "life and fortune to the cause we are engaged in, if needful," as he wrote in . this was not an exaggerated or emotional phrase. it was moderate, but it meant business. he risked his whole fortune. what he lost through his service in the revolutionary war is clearly stated in a letter written from mt. vernon in : "i made no money from my estate during the nine years i was absent from it, and brought none home with me. those who owed me, for the most part, took advantage of the depreciation, and paid me off with sixpence in the pound. those to whom i was indebted, i have yet to pay, without other means, if they will wait, than selling part of my estate, or distressing those who were too honest to take advantage of the tender laws to quit scores with me." should we not all be glad if to-day a hundred or two multi-millionaires could give such an account as that of their losses incurred in the public service, even if they had not, like washington, risked their lives as well? in our times we have come to think that a rich man should not be frugal or economical, but rather wasteful or extravagant. we have even been asked to believe that a cheap coat makes a cheap man. if there were a fixed relation between a man's character and the price of his clothes, what improvement we should have seen in the national character since ! at harvard university, twelve hundred students take three meals a day in the great dining-room of memorial hall, and manage the business themselves through an elected president and board of directors. these officers proscribe stews, apparently because it is a form in which cheap meat may be offered them, neglecting the more important fact that the stew is the most nutritious and digestible form in which meats can be eaten. mr. edward atkinson, the economist, invented an oven in which various kinds of foods may be cheaply and well prepared with a minimum of attention to the process. the workingmen, among whom he attempted to introduce it, took no interest in it whatever, because it was recommended to them as a cheap way of preparing inexpensive though excellent foods. this modern temper affords a most striking contrast to the practices and sentiments of washington, sentiments and practices which underlay his whole public life as well as his private life. if he were alive to-day, would he not be bewildered by much of our talk about the rights of men and animals? washington's mind dwelt very little on rights and very much on duties. for him, patriotism was a duty; good citizenship was a duty; and for the masses of mankind it was a duty to clear away the forest, till the ground, and plant fruit trees, just as he prescribed to the hoped-for tenants on his ohio and kanawha lands. for men and women in general he thought it a duty to increase and multiply, and to make the wilderness glad with rustling crops, lowing herds, and children's voices. when he retired from the presidency, he expressed the hope that he might "make and sell a little flour annually." for the first soldier and first statesman of his country, surely this was a modest anticipation of continued usefulness. we think more about our rights than our duties. he thought more about his duties than his rights. posterity has given him first place because of the way in which he conceived and performed his duties; it will judge the leaders of the present generation by the same standard, whatever their theories about human rights. having said thus much about contrasts, let me now turn to some interesting resemblances between washington's times and our own. we may notice in the first place the permanency of the fighting quality in the english-american stock. washington was all his life a fighter. the entire american people is to-day a fighting people, prone to resort to force and prompt to take arms, the different sections of the population differing chiefly in regard to the nature and amount of the provocation which will move them to violence and combat. to this day nothing moves the admiration of the people so quickly as composure, ingenuity, and success in fighting; so that even in political contests all the terms and similes are drawn from war, and among american sports the most popular have in them a large element of combat. washington was roused and stimulated by the dangers of the battlefield, and utterly despised cowards, or even men who ran away in battle from a momentary terror which they did not habitually manifest. his early experience taught him, however, that the indian way of fighting in woods or on broken ground was the most effective way; and he did not hesitate to adopt and advocate that despised mode of fighting, which has now, one hundred and fifty years later, become the only possible mode. the indian in battle took instantly to cover, if he could find it. in our civil war both sides learned to throw up breastworks wherever they expected an engagement to take place; and the english in south africa have demonstrated that the only possible way to fight with the present long range quick-firing guns, is the way in which the "treacherous devils," as washington called the indians, fought general braddock, that is, with stratagem, surprise, and ambuscade; with hiding and crawling behind screens and obstacles; with the least possible appearance in open view, with nothing that can glitter on either arms or clothes, and with no visible distinction between officers and men. war is now a genuinely indian performance, just as washington saw one hundred and fifty years ago that it ought to be. the silent washington's antipathy to the press finds an exact parallel in our own day. he called the writers of the press "infamous scribblers." president cleveland called them "ghouls." but it must be confessed that the newspapers of washington's time surpassed those of the present day in violence of language, and in lack of prophetic insight and just appreciation of men and events. when washington retired from the presidency the _aurora_ said, "if ever a nation was debauched by a man, the american nation has been debauched by washington." some of the weaknesses or errors of the congresses of washington's time have been repeated in our own day, and seem as natural to us as they doubtless seemed to the men of and . thus, the continental congress incurred all the evils of a depreciated currency with the same blindness which afflicted the congress of the southern confederacy and the union congress during the civil war, or the democrat-populist party of still more recent times. the refusal of the congress of to carry out the agreement made with the hessian prisoners at saratoga reminds one of the refusal of congress, in spite of the public exhortations of our present executive, and his cabinet, to carry out the understanding with cuba in regard to the commercial relations of the island with the united states. in both cases the honor of the country was tarnished. the intensity of party spirit in washington's time closely resembles that of our own day, but was certainly fiercer than it is now, the reason being that the questions at issue were absolutely fundamental. when the question was whether the constitution of the united states was a sure defence for freedom or a trap to ensnare an unsuspecting people, intensity of feeling on both sides was well-nigh inevitable. during washington's two administrations a considerable number of the most eminent american publicists feared that dangerous autocratic powers had been conferred on the president by the constitution. washington held that there was no ground for these fears, and acted as if the supposition was absurd. when the question was whether we should love and adhere to revolutionary france, or rather become partisans of great britain--the power from which we had just won independence--it is no wonder that political passions burnt fiercely. on this question washington stood between the opposing parties, and often commended himself to neither. in spite of the tremendous partisan heat of the times, washington, through both his administrations, made appointments to public office from both parties indifferently. he appointed some well-known tories and many democrats. he insisted only on fitness as regards character, ability, and experience, and preferred persons, of whatever party, who had already proved their capacity in business or the professions, or in legislative or administrative offices. it is a striking fact that washington is the only one of the presidents of the united states who has, as a rule, acted on these principles. his example was not followed by his early successors, or by any of the more recent occupants of the presidency. his successors, elected by a party, have not seen their way to make appointments without regard to party connections. the civil service reform agitation of the last twenty-five years is nothing but an effort to return, in regard to the humbler national offices, to the practice of president washington. in spite of these resemblances between washington's time and our own, the profound contrasts make the resemblances seem unimportant. in the first years of the government of the united states there was widespread and genuine apprehension lest the executive should develop too much power, and lest the centralization of the government should become overwhelming. nothing can be farther from our political thoughts to-day than this dread of the power of the national executive. on the contrary, we are constantly finding that it is feeble where we wish it were strong, impotent where we wish it omnipotent. the senate of the united states has deprived the president of much of the power intended for his office, and has then found it, on the whole, convenient and desirable to allow itself to be held up by any one of its members who possesses the bodily strength and the assurance to talk or read aloud by the week. other forces have developed within the republic quite outside of the government, which seem to us to override and almost defy the closely limited governmental forces. quite lately we have seen two of these new forces--one a combination of capitalists, the other a combination of laborers--put the president of the united states into a position of a mediator between two parties whom he could not control, and with whom he must intercede. this is part of the tremendous nineteenth century democratic revolution, and of the newly acquired facilities for combination and association for the promotion of common interests. we no longer dread abuse of the power of state or church; we do dread abuse of the powers of compact bodies of men, highly organized and consenting to be despotically ruled, for the advancement of their selfish interests. washington was a stern disciplinarian in war; if he could not shoot deserters he wanted them "stoutly whipped." he thought that army officers should be of a different class from their men, and should never put themselves on an equality with their men; he went himself to suppress the whiskey rebellion in , and always believed that firm government was essential to freedom. he never could have imagined for a moment the toleration of disorder and violence which is now exhibited everywhere in our country when a serious strike occurs. he was the chief actor through the long struggles, military and civil, which attended the birth of this nation, and took the gravest responsibilities which could then fall to the lot of soldiers or statesmen; but he never encountered, and indeed never imagined, the anxieties and dangers which now beset the republic of which he was the founder. we face new difficulties. shall we face them with washington's courage, wisdom, and success? finally, i ask your attention to the striking contrast between the wealth of washington and the poverty of abraham lincoln, the only one of the succeeding presidents who won anything like the place in the popular heart that washington has always occupied. washington, while still young, was one of the richest men in the country; lincoln, while young, was one of the poorest; both rendered supreme service to their country and to freedom; between these two extremes men of many degrees as regards property holding have occupied the presidency, the majority of them being men of moderate means. the lesson to be drawn from these facts seems to be that the republic can be greatly served by rich and poor alike, but has oftenest been served creditably by men who were neither rich nor poor. in the midst of the present conflicts between employers and employed, between the classes that are already well to do and the classes who believe it to be the fault of the existing order that they too are not well to do, and in plain sight of the fact that democratic freedom permits the creation and perpetuation of greater differences as regards possessions than the world has ever known before, it is comforting to remember that true patriots and wise men are bred in all the social levels of a free commonwealth, and that the republic may find in any condition of life safe leaders and just rulers. channing we commemorate to-day a great preacher. it is the fashion to say that preaching is a thing of the past, other influences having taken its place. but boston knows better; for she had two great preachers in the nineteenth century, and is sure that an immense and enduring force was theirs, and through them, hers. channing and brooks! men very unlike in body and mind, but preachers of like tendency and influence from their common love of freedom and faith in mankind. this city has learned by rich experience that preaching becomes the most productive of all human works the moment the adequate preacher appears--a noble man with a noble message. such was channing. his public work was preceded and accompanied by a great personal achievement. all his life he grew in spirit, becoming always freer, broader, and more sympathetic. in forty years he worked his way out of moderate calvinism without the trinity into such doctrines as these:--"the idea of god ... is the idea of our own spiritual natures purified and enlarged to infinity." "the sense of duty is the greatest gift of god. the idea of right is the primary and highest revelation of god to the human mind; and all outward revelations are founded on and addressed to it." there is "but one object of cherished and enduring love in heaven or on earth, and that is moral goodness." "i do and i must reverence human nature.... i honor it for its struggles against oppression, for its growth and progress under the weight of so many chains and prejudices, for its achievements in science and art, and still more for its examples of heroic and saintly virtue. these are marks of a divine origin and pledges of a celestial inheritance." "perfection is man's proper and natural goal." what an immense distance between these doctrines of channing's maturity and the calvinism of his youth! he was a meditative, reflecting man, who read much, but took selected thoughts of others into the very substance and fibre of his being, and made them his own. the foundation of his professional power and public influence was this great personal achievement, this attuning of his own soul to noblest harmonies. thousands of ministers and spiritually-minded laymen of many denominations have travelled since channing's death the road he laid out, and so have been delivered from the inhuman doctrines of the fall of man, the wrath of god, vicarious atonement, everlasting hell for the majority, and the rescue of a predestined few. they should all join in giving heartfelt praise and thanks to channing, who thought out clearly, and preached with fervid reiteration, the doctrines which have delivered them from a painful bondage. another remarkable quality of channing's teachings is their universality. men of learning and spirituality in all the civilized nations have welcomed his words, and found in them teachings of enduring and expansive influence. many biblical scholars, in the technical sense, have arrived eighty years later at channing's conclusions about the essential features of christianity, although channing was no scholar in the modern sense; while they go far beyond him in treating the bible as a collection of purely human writings and in rejecting the so-called supernatural quality of the jewish and christian scriptures. indeed, many biblical scholars belonging to-day to evangelical sects have arrived not only at channing's position, but also at emerson's. just how much channing's published works have had to do with this quiet but fateful revolution no man can tell. the most eminent to-day of american presbyterian divines preached an excellent sermon in the harvard college chapel one sunday evening not many years ago, and asked me, as we walked away together, how i liked it. i replied: "very much; it was all straight out of channing." "that is strange," he said, "for i have never read channing." it is great testimony to the pervasive quality of a prophet's teachings when they become within fifty years a component of the intellectual atmosphere of the new times. at a dinner of harvard graduates i once complained that, although i heard in the college chapel a great variety of preachers connected with many different denominations, the preaching was, after all, rather monotonous, because they all preached channing. phillips brooks spoke after me and said: "the president is right in thinking our present preaching monotonous, and the reason he gives for this monotony is correct; we all do preach channing." the direct influence of channing's writings has been vast, for they are read in english in all parts of the world, and have been translated into many languages. thirty years ago i spent a long day in showing don pedro, the emperor of brazil, some of the interesting things in the laboratories and collections of harvard university. he was the most assiduous visitor that i ever conducted through the university buildings, intelligently interested in a great variety of objects and ideas. late in the afternoon he suddenly said, with a fresh eagerness: "now i will visit the tomb of channing." we drove to mount auburn, and found the monument erected by the federal street church. the emperor copied with his own hand george ticknor's inscriptions on the stone, and made me verify his copies. then, with his great weight and height, he leaped into the air, and snatched a leaf from the maple which overhung the tomb. "i am going to put that leaf," he said, "into my best edition of channing. i have read all his published works,--some of them many times over. he was a very great man." the emperor of brazil was a roman catholic. channing's philanthropy was a legitimate outcome of his view of religion. for him practical religion was character-building by the individual human being. but character-building in any large group or mass of human beings means social reform; therefore channing was a preacher and active promoter of social regeneration in this world. he depicted the hideous evils and wrongs of intemperance, slavery, and war. he advocated and supported every well-directed effort to improve public education, the administration of charity, and the treatment of criminals, and to lift up the laboring classes. he denounced the bitter sectarian and partisan spirit of his day. he refused entire sympathy to the abolitionists, because of the ferocity and violence of their habitual language and the injustice of their indiscriminate attacks. he distrusted money worship, wealth, and luxury. these sentiments and actions grew straight out of his religious conceptions, and were their legitimate fruit. all his social aspirations and hopes were rooted in his fundamental conception of the fatherhood of god, and its corollary the brotherhood of men. it was his lofty idea of the infinite worth of human nature and of the inherent greatness of the human soul, in contrast with the then prevailing doctrines of human vileness and impotency, which made him resent with such indignation the wrongs of slavery, intemperance, and war, and urge with such ardor every effort to deliver men from poverty and ignorance, and to make them gentler and juster to one another. in no subject which he discussed does the close connection between channing's theology and his philanthropy appear more distinctly than in education. he says in his remarks on education: ... "there is nothing on earth so precious as the mind, soul, character of the child.... there should be no economy in education. money should never be weighed against the soul of a child. it should be poured out like water for the child's intellectual and moral life." it is more than two generations since those sentences were written, and still the average public expenditure on the education of a child in the united states is less than fifteen dollars a year. eastern massachusetts is the community in the whole world which gives most thought, time, and money to education, public and endowed. whence came this social wisdom? from protestantism, from congregationalism, from the religious teachings of channing and his disciples. listen to this sentence: "benevolence is short-sighted indeed, and must blame itself for failure, if it do not see in education the chief interest of the human race." it is impossible to join in this centennial celebration of the advent to boston of this religious pioneer and philanthropic leader without perceiving that in certain respects the country has recently fallen away from the moral standards he set up. channing taught that no real good can come through violence, injustice, greed, and the inculcation of hatred and enmities, or of suspicions and contempts. he believed that public well-being can be promoted only through public justice, freedom, peace, and good will among men. he never could have imagined that there would be an outburst in his dear country, grown rich and strong, of such doctrines as that the might of arms, possessions, or majorities makes right; that a superior civilization may rightly force itself on an inferior by wholesale killing, hurting, and impoverishing; that an extension of commerce, or of missionary activities, justifies war; that the example of imperial rome is an instructive one for republican america; and that the right to liberty and the brotherhood of man are obsolete sentimentalities. nevertheless, in spite of these temporary aberrations of the public mind and heart, it is plain that many of channing's anticipations and hopes have already been realized, that his influence on three generations of men has been profound and wholly beneficent, and that the world is going his way, though with slow and halting steps. his life brightened to its close. in its last summer but one he wrote: "this morning i plucked a globe of the dandelion--the seed-vessel--and was struck as never before with the silent, gentle manner in which nature sows her seed.... i saw, too, how nature sows her seed broadcast.... so we must send truth abroad, not forcing it on here and there a mind, and watching its progress anxiously, but trusting that it will light on a kindly soil, and yield its fruit. so nature teaches." may those who stand here one hundred years hence say,--the twentieth century supplied more of kindly soil for channing seed than the nineteenth. emerson emerson was not a logician or reasoner, and not a rhetorician, in the common sense. he was a poet, who wrote chiefly in prose, but also in verse. his verse was usually rough, but sometimes finished and melodious; it was always extraordinarily concise and expressive. during his engagement to the lady who became his second wife, he wrote thus to her: "i am born a poet,--of a low class without doubt, yet a poet; that is my nature and vocation. my singing, be sure, is very husky, and is, for the most part, in prose. still, i am a poet in the sense of a perceiver and dear lover of the harmonies that are in the soul and in matter, and specially of the correspondences between these and those." this husky poet had his living to get. his occupations in life were those of the teacher, minister, lecturer, and author. he was a teacher at various times between and ; but he never liked teaching. he was a preacher at intervals from to , but a settled minister only from to . his career as a lecturer began in the autumn of ; and his first book, "nature," was published in , when he was thirty-three years old. his lectures for money were given as a rule during the winter and early spring; and for thirty years the travelling he was obliged to do in search of audiences was often extremely fatiguing, and not without serious hardships and exposures. these occupations usually gave him an income sufficient for his simple wants; but there were times when outgo exceeded income. the little property his first wife left him ($ a year) relieved him from serious pecuniary anxiety by ; although it did not relieve him from earning by his own labor the livelihood of his family. in he went to live in concord, where his grandfather had been the minister at the time of the revolution, and in he bought the house and grounds there which were his home for the rest of his days. before settling in concord, he had spent one winter and spring ( - ) in the southern states, and seven months of in europe. both of these absences were necessitated by the state of his health, which was precarious during his young manhood. with these exceptions, he had lived in boston or its immediate neighborhood, until he settled in concord. his progenitors on both sides were chiefly new england ministers. his formal education was received in the boston latin school and harvard college, and was therefore purely local. how narrow and provincial seems his experience of life! a little city, an isolated society, a country village! yet through books, and through intercourse with intelligent persons, he was really "set in a large place." the proof of this largeness, and of the keenness of his mental and moral vision, is that, in regard to some of the chief concerns of mankind, he was a seer and a fore-seer. this prophetic quality of his i hope to demonstrate to-night in three great fields of thought--education, social organization, and religion. although a prophet and inspirer of reform, emerson was not a reformer. he was but a halting supporter of the reforms of his day; and the eager experimenters and combatants in actual reforms found him a disappointing sort of sympathizer. his visions were far-reaching, his doctrines often radical, and his exhortations fervid; but when it came to action, particularly to habitual action, he was surprisingly conservative. with an exquisite candor, and a gentle resolution of rarest quality he broke his strong ties to the second church of boston before he was thirty years old, abandoning the profession for which he had been trained, and which, in many of its aspects, he honored and enjoyed; yet he attended church on sundays all his life with uncommon regularity. he refused to conduct public prayer, and had many things to say against it; but when he was an overseer of harvard college, he twice voted to maintain the traditional policy of compelling all the students to attend morning prayers, in spite of the fact that a large majority of the faculty urgently advocated abandoning that policy. he manifested a good deal of theoretical sympathy with the community experiments at brook farm and fruitlands; but he declined to take part in them himself. he was intimate with many of the leading abolitionists; but no one has described more vividly their grave intellectual and social defects. he laid down principles which, when applied, would inevitably lead to progress and reform; but he took little part in the imperfect step-by-step process of actual reforming. he probably would have been an ineffective worker in any field of reform; and, at any rate, strenuous labor on applications of his philosophy would have prevented him from maintaining the flow of his philosophic and prophetic visions. the work of giving practical effect to his thought was left for other men to do,--indeed for generations of other serviceable men, who, filled with his ideals, will slowly work them out into institutions, customs, and other practical values. when we think of emerson as a prophet, we at once become interested in the dates at which he uttered certain doctrines, or wrote certain pregnant sentences; but just here the inquirer meets a serious difficulty. he can sometimes ascertain that a given doctrine or sentence was published at a given date; but he may be quite unable to ascertain how much earlier the doctrine was really formulated, or the sentence written. emerson has been dead twenty-one years, and it is thirty years since he wrote anything new; but his whole philosophy of life was developed by the time he was forty years old, and it may be doubted if he wrote anything after , the germinal expression of which may not be found in his journals, sermons, or lectures written before that date. if, therefore, we find in the accepted thought, or established institutions, of to-day recent developments of principles and maxims laid down by emerson, we may fairly say that his thought outran his times certainly by one, and probably by two generations of men. * * * * * i take up now the prophetic teachings of emerson with regard to education. in the first place, he saw, with a clearness to which very few people have yet attained, the fundamental necessity of the school as the best civilizing agency, next to steady labor, and the only sure means of permanent and progressive reform. he says outright: "we shall one day learn to supersede politics by education. what we call our root-and-branch reforms, of slavery, war, gambling, intemperance, is only medicating the symptoms. we must begin higher up--namely, in education." he taught that if we hope to reform mankind, we must begin not with adults, but with children: we must begin in the school. there are some signs that this doctrine has now at last entered the minds of the so-called practical men. the cubans are to be raised in the scale of civilization and public happiness; so both they and we think they must have more and better schools. the filipinos, too, are to be developed after the american fashion; so we send them a thousand teachers of english. the southern states are to be rescued from the persistent poison of slavery; and, after forty years of failure with political methods, we at last accept emerson's doctrine, and say: we must begin earlier,--at school. the city slums are to be redeemed; and the scientific charity workers find the best way is to get the children into kindergartens and manual training schools. since the civil war, a whole generation of educational administrators has been steadily at work developing what is called the elective system in the institutions of education which deal with the ages above twelve. it has been a slow, step-by-step process, carried on against much active opposition and more sluggish obstruction. the system is a method of educational organization which recognizes the immense expansion of knowledge during the nineteenth century, and takes account of the needs and capacities of the individual child and youth. now, emerson laid down in plain terms the fundamental doctrines on which this elective system rests. he taught that the one prudence in life is concentration; the one evil, dissipation. he said: "you must elect your work: you shall take what your brain can, and drop all the rest." to this exhortation he added the educational reason for it,--only by concentration can the youth arrive at the stage of doing something with his knowledge, or get beyond the stage of absorbing, and arrive at the capacity for producing. as emerson puts it, "only so can that amount of vital force accumulate which can make the step from knowing to doing." the educational institutions of to-day have not yet fully appreciated this all-important step from knowing to doing. they are only beginning to perceive that, all along the course of education, the child and the youth should be doing something as well as learning something; should be stimulated and trained by achievement; should be constantly encouraged to take the step beyond seeing and memorizing to doing,--the step, as emerson says, "out of a chalk circle of imbecility into fruitfulness." emerson carried this doctrine right on into mature life. he taught that nature arms each man with some faculty, large or small, which enables him to do easily some feat impossible to any other, and thus makes him necessary to society; and that this faculty should determine the man's career. the advocates of the elective system have insisted that its results were advantageous for society as a whole, as well as for the individual. emerson put this argument in a nutshell at least fifty years ago: "society can never prosper, but must always be bankrupt, until every man does that which he was created to do." education used to be given almost exclusively through books. in recent years there has come in another sort of education through tools, machines, gardens, drawings, casts, and pictures. manual training, shop-work, sloyd, and gardening have come into use for the school ages; the teaching of trades has been admitted to some public school systems; and, in general, the use of the hands and eyes in productive labor has been recognized as having good educational effects. the education of men by manual labor was a favorite doctrine with emerson. he had fully developed it as early as , and he frequently recurred to it afterwards. in december of that year, in a course of lectures on human culture, he devoted one lecture to the hands. he saw clearly that manual labor might be made to develop not only good mental qualities, but good moral qualities. to-day, it is frequently necessary for practical teachers, who are urging measures of improvement, to point this out, and to say, just as emerson said two generations ago, that any falseness in mechanical work immediately appears; that a teacher can judge of the moral quality of each boy in the class before him better and sooner from manual work than from book-work. emerson taught that manual labor is the study of the external world; that the use of manual labor never grows obsolete, and is inapplicable to no person. he said explicitly that "a man should have a farm or a mechanical craft for his culture"; that there is not only health, but education in garden work; that when a man gets sugar, hominy, cotton, buckets, crockery ware, and letter paper by simply signing his name to a cheque, it is the producers and carriers of these articles that have got the education they yield, he only the commodity; and that labor is god's education. this was emerson's doctrine more than sixty years ago. it is only ten years since the mechanic arts high school was opened in boston. we are all of us aware that within the last twenty years there has been a determined movement of the american people toward the cultivation of art, and toward the public provision of objects which open the sense of beauty and increase public enjoyment. it is curious to see how literally emerson prophesied the actual direction of these efforts:-- "on the city's paved street plant gardens lined with lilac sweet; let spouting fountains cool the air, singing in the sun-baked square; let statue, picture, park, and hall, ballad, flag, and festival the past restore, the day adorn, and make to-morrow a new morn!" we have introduced into our schools, of late years, lessons in drawing, modelling, and designing,--not sufficiently, but in a promising and hopeful way. emerson taught that it is the office of art to educate the perception of beauty; and he precisely describes one of the most recent of the new tendencies in american education and social life, when he says: "beauty must come back to the useful arts, and the distinction between the fine and the useful arts be forgotten." that sentence is the inspiration of one of the most recent of the efforts to improve the arts and crafts, and to restore to society the artistic craftsman. but how slow is the institutional realization of this ideal of art education! we are still struggling in our elementary and secondary schools to get a reasonable amount of instruction in drawing and music, and to transfer from other subjects a fair allotment of time to these invaluable elements of true culture, which speak a universal language. yet the ultimate object of art in education is to teach men to see nature to be beautiful and at the same time useful, beautiful because alive and reproductive, useful while symmetrical and fair. take up to-day the last essays on education, the last book on landscape architecture, or the freshest teachings of the principles of design, and you will find them penetrated with emerson's doctrine of art as teacher of mankind. emerson insists again and again that true culture must open the sense of beauty; that "a man is a beggar who only lives to the useful." it will probably require several generations yet to induce the american people to accept his doctrine that all moments and objects can be embellished, and that cheerfulness, serenity, and repose in energy are the "end of culture and success enough." it has been clearly perceived of late that a leading object in education is the cultivation of fine manners. on this point the teachings of emerson are fundamental; but the american institutions of education are only beginning to appreciate their significance. he teaches that genius or love invents fine manners, "which the baron and the baroness copy very fast, and by the advantage of a palace better the instruction. they stereotype the lesson they have learned into a mode." there is much in that phrase, "by the advantage of a palace." for generations, american institutions of education were content with the humblest sort of shelters, with plain wooden huts and brick barracks, and unkempt grounds about the buildings. they are only lately beginning to acquire fine buildings with pleasing surroundings; that is, they are just beginning to carry into practice emerson's wisdom of sixty years ago. the american cities are beginning to build handsome houses for their high schools. columbia university builds a noble temple for its library. the graduates and friends of harvard like to provide her with a handsome fence round the yard, with a fair array of shrubs within the fence, with a handsome stadium instead of shabby, wooden seats round the football gridiron, and to take steps for securing in the future broad connections between the grounds of the university and the cambridge parks by the river. they are just now carrying into practice emerson's teaching; by the advantage of a palace they mean to better harvard's instruction in manners. they are accepting his doctrine that "manners make the fortune of the ambitious youth; that for the most part his manners marry him, and, for the most part, he marries manners. when we think what keys they are, and to what secrets; what high lessons, and inspiring tokens of character they convey, and what divination is required in us for the reading of this fine telegraph,--we see what range the subject has, and what relations to convenience, power, and beauty." in emerson's early days there was nothing in our schools and colleges which at all corresponded to what we now know too much about under the name of athletic sports. the elaborate organization of these sports is a development of the last thirty years in our schools and colleges; but i find in emerson the true reason for the athletic cult, given a generation before it existed among us. your boy "hates the grammar and gradus, and loves guns, fishing-rods, horses, and boats. well, the boy is right, and you are not fit to direct his bringing-up, if your theory leaves out his gymnastic training.... football, cricket, archery, swimming, skating, climbing, fencing, riding are lessons in the art of power, which it is his main business to learn.... besides, the gun, fishing-rod, boat, and horse constitute, among all who use them, secret free-masonries." we shall never find a completer justification of athletic sports than that. in his memorable address on the american scholar, which was given at cambridge in , emerson pointed out that the function of the scholar should include creative action, or, as we call it in these days, research, or the search for new truth. he says: "the soul active ... utters truth, or creates.... in its essence it is progressive. the book, the college, the school of art, the institution of any kind, stop with some past utterance of genius.... they look backward and not forward. but genius looks forward. man hopes: genius creates. whatever talents may be, if the man create not, the pure efflux of the deity is not his;--cinders and smoke there may be, but not yet flame." and more explicitly still, he says: "colleges have their indispensable office,--to teach elements. but they can only highly serve us when they aim not to drill, but to create." when emerson wrote this passage, the spirit of research, or discovery, or creation had not yet breathed life into the higher institutions of learning in our country; and to-day they have much to do and to acquire before they will conform to emerson's ideal. there are innumerable details in which emerson anticipated the educational experiences of later generations. i can cite but two of them. he taught that each age must write its own books; "or rather, each generation for the next succeeding. the books of an older period will not fit this." how true that is in our own day when eighty thousand new books come from the press of the civilized world in a single year! witness the incessant remaking or re-casting of the books of the preceding generation! emerson himself has gone into thousands of books in which his name is never mentioned. even history has to be re-written every few years, the long-surviving histories being rather monuments of style and method than accepted treasuries of facts. again, contrary to the prevailing impression that the press has, in large measure, stripped eloquence of its former influence, emerson taught that "if there ever was a country where eloquence was a power, it is the united states." he included under eloquence the useful speech, all sorts of political persuasion in the great arena of the republic, and the lessons of science, art, and religion which should be "brought home to the instant practice of thirty millions of people," now become eighty. the colleges and universities have now answered in the affirmative emerson's question, "is it not worth the ambition of every generous youth to train and arm his mind with all the resources of knowledge, of method, of grace, and of character to serve such a constituency?" but then emerson's definition of eloquence is simple, and foretells the practice of to-day rather than describes the practice of webster, everett, choate, and winthrop, his contemporaries: "know your fact; hug your fact. for the essential thing is heat, and heat comes of sincerity.... eloquence is the power to translate a truth into language perfectly intelligible to the person to whom you speak." * * * * * i turn next to some examples of emerson's anticipation of social conditions, visible to him as seer in his own day, and since become plain to the sight of the ordinary millions. when he accumulated in his journals the original materials of his essay on worship, there were no large cities in the united states in the present sense of that term. the great experiment of democracy was not far advanced, and had not developed many of its sins and dangers; yet how justly he presented them in the following description: "in our large cities, the population is godless, materialized,--no bond, no fellow-feeling, no enthusiasm. these are not men, but hungers, thirsts, fevers, and appetites walking. how is it people manage to live on, so aimless as they are? ... there is faith in chemistry, in meat and wine, in wealth, in machinery, in the steam-engine, galvanic battery, turbine wheels, sewing-machines, and in public opinion, but not in divine causes." in emerson's day, luxury in the present sense had hardly been developed in our country; but he foresaw its coming, and its insidious destructiveness. "we spend our incomes for paint and paper, for a hundred trifles, i know not what, and not for the things of a man. our expense is almost all for conformity. it is for cake that we run in debt; it is not the intellect, not the heart, not beauty, not worship, that costs us so much. why needs any man be rich? why must he have horses, fine garments, handsome apartments, access to public houses and places of amusement? only for want of thought.... we are first thoughtless, and then find that we are moneyless. we are first sensual and then must be rich." he foresaw the young man's state of mind to-day about marriage--i must have money before i can marry; and deals with it thus: "give us wealth and the home shall exist. but that is a very imperfect and inglorious solution of the problem, and therefore no solution. give us wealth! you ask too much. few have wealth; but all must have a home. men are not born rich; in getting wealth the man is generally sacrificed, and often is sacrificed without acquiring wealth at last." we have come to understand by experience that the opinion of masses of men is a formidable power which can be made safe and useful. in earlier days this massed opinion was either despised or dreaded; and it is dreadful, if either confined or misdirected. emerson compares it to steam. studied, economized, and directed, steam has become the power by which all great labors are done. like steam is the opinion of political masses! if crushed by castles, armies, and police, dangerously explosive; but if furnished with schools and the ballot, developing "the most harmless and energetic form of a state." his eyes were wide open to some of the evil intellectual effects of democracy. the individual is too apt to wear the time-worn yoke of the multitude's opinions. no multiplying of contemptible units can produce an admirable mass. "if i see nothing to admire in a unit, shall i admire a million units?" the habit of submitting to majority rule cultivates individual subserviency. he pointed out two generations ago that the action of violent political parties in a democracy might provide for the individual citizen a systematic training in moral cowardice. it is interesting, at the stage of industrial warfare which the world has now reached, to observe how emerson, sixty years ago, discerned clearly the absurdity of paying all sorts of service at one rate, now a favorite notion with some labor unions. he points out that even when all labor is temporarily paid at one rate, differences in possessions will instantly arise: "in one hand the dime became an eagle as it fell, and in another hand a copper cent. for the whole value of the dime is in knowing what to do with it." emerson was never deceived by a specious philanthropy, or by claims of equality which find no support in the nature of things. he was a true democrat, but still could say: "i think i see place and duties for a nobleman in every society; but it is not to drink wine and ride in a fine coach, but to guide and adorn life for the multitude by forethought, by elegant studies, by perseverance, self-devotion, and the remembrance of the humble old friend,--by making his life secretly beautiful." how fine a picture of the democratic nobility is that! in his lecture on man the reformer, which was read before the mechanics' apprentices' association in boston in january, , emerson described in the clearest manner the approaching strife between laborers and employers, between poor and rich, and pointed out the cause of this strife in the selfishness, unkindness, and mutual distrust which ran through the community. he also described, with perfect precision, the only ultimate remedy,--namely, the sentiment of love. "love would put a new face on this weary old world in which we dwell as pagans and enemies too long.... the virtue of this principle in human society in application to great interests is obsolete and forgotten. but one day all men will be lovers; and every calamity will be dissolved in the universal sunshine." it is more than sixty years since those words were uttered, and in those years society has had large experience of industrial and social strife, of its causes and consequences, and of many attempts to remedy or soften it; but all this experience only goes to show that there is but one remedy for these ills. it is to be found in kindness, good fellowship, and the affections. in emerson's words, "we must be lovers, and at once the impossible becomes possible." the world will wait long for this remedy, but there is no other. like every real seer and prophet whose testimony is recorded, emerson had intense sympathy with the poor, laborious, dumb masses of mankind, and being a wide reader in history and biography, he early arrived at the conviction that history needed to be written in a new manner. it was long before green's history of the english people that emerson wrote: "hence it happens that the whole interest of history lies in the fortunes of the poor." in recent years this view of history has come to prevail, and we are given the stories of institutions, industries, commerce, crafts, arts, and beliefs, instead of the stories of dynasties and wars. for emerson it is always feats of liberty and wit which make epochs of history. commerce is civilizing because "the power which the sea requires in the sailor makes a man of him very fast." the invention of a house, safe against wild animals, frost, and heat, gives play to the finer faculties, and introduces art, manners, and social delights. the discovery of the post office is a fine metre of civilization. the sea-going steamer marks an epoch; the subjection of electricity to take messages and turn wheels marks another. but, after all, the vital stages of human progress are marked by steps toward personal, individual freedom. the love of liberty was emerson's fundamental passion:-- "for he that ruleth high and wise, nor pauseth in his plan, will take the sun out of the skies ere freedom out of man." the new national league of independent workmen of america has very appropriately taken its motto from emerson:-- "for what avail the plough or sail or land or life, if freedom fail?" the sympathetic reader of emerson comes often upon passages written long ago which are positively startling in their anticipation of sentiments common to-day and apparently awakened by very recent events. one would suppose that the following passage was written yesterday. it was written fifty-six years ago. "and so, gentlemen, i feel in regard to this aged england, with the possessions, honors, and trophies, and also with the infirmities of a thousand years gathering around her, irretrievably committed as she now is to many old customs which cannot be suddenly changed; pressed upon by the transitions of trade, and new and all incalculable modes, fabrics, arts, machines, and competing populations,--i see her not dispirited, not weak, but well remembering that she has seen dark days before;--indeed with a kind of instinct that she sees a little better in a cloudy day, and that in storm of battle and calamity, she has a secret vigor and a pulse like a cannon." before the civil war the jew had no such place in society as he holds to-day. he was by no means so familiar to americans as he is now. emerson speaks twice of the jew in his essay on fate, in terms precisely similar to those we commonly hear to-day: "we see how much will has been expended to extinguish the jew, in vain.... the sufferance which is the badge of the jew has made him in these days the ruler of the rulers of the earth." those keen observations were made certainly more than forty years ago, and probably more than fifty. landscape architecture is not yet an established profession among us, in spite of the achievements of downing, cleveland, and olmsted and their disciples; yet much has been accomplished within the last twenty-five years to realize the predictions on this subject made by emerson in his lecture on the young american. he pointed out in that lecture that the beautiful gardens of europe are unknown among us, but might be easily imitated here, and said that the landscape art "is the fine art which is left for us.... the whole force of all arts goes to facilitate the decoration of lands and dwellings.... i look on such improvement as directly tending to endear the land to the inhabitant." the following sentence might have been written yesterday, so consistent is it with the thought of to-day: "whatever events in progress shall go to disgust men with cities, and infuse into them the passion for country life and country pleasures, will render a service to the whole face of this continent, and will further the most poetic of all the occupations of real life, the bringing out by art the native but hidden graces of the landscape." in regard to books, pictures, statues, collections in natural history, and all such refining objects of nature and art, which heretofore only the opulent could enjoy, emerson pointed out that in america the public should provide these means of culture and inspiration for every citizen. he thus anticipated the present ownership by cities, or by endowed trustees, of parks, gardens, and museums of art or science, as well as of baths and orchestras. of music in particular he said: "i think sometimes could i only have music on my own terms; could i ... know where i could go whenever i wished the ablution and inundation of musical waves,--that were a bath and a medicine." it has been a long road from that sentence, written probably in the forties, to the symphony orchestra in this hall, and to the new singing classes on the east side of new york city. for those of us who have attended to the outburst of novels and treatises on humble or squalid life, to the copious discussions on child-study, to the masses of slum literature, and to the numerous writings on home economics, how true to-day seems the following sentence written in : "the literature of the poor, the feelings of the child, the philosophy of the street, the meaning of household life are the topics of the time." * * * * * i pass now to the last of the three topics which time permits me to discuss,--emerson's religion. in no field of thought was emerson more prophetic, more truly a prophet of coming states of human opinion, than in religion. in the first place, he taught that religion is absolutely natural,--not supernatural, but natural:-- "out from the heart of nature rolled the burdens of the bible old." he believed that revelation is natural and continuous, and that in all ages prophets are born. those souls out of time proclaim truth, which may be momentarily received with reverence, but is nevertheless quickly dragged down into some savage interpretation which by and by a new prophet will purge away. he believed that man is guided by the same power that guides beast and flower. "the selfsame power that brought me here brought you," he says to beautiful rhodora. for him worship is the attitude of those "who see that against all appearances the nature of things works for truth and right forever." he saw good not only in what we call beauty, grace, and light, but in what we call foul and ugly. for him a sky-born music sounds "from all that's fair; from all that's foul:"-- "'tis not in the high stars alone, nor in the cups of budding flowers, nor in the redbreast's mellow tone, nor in the bow that smiles in showers, but in the mud and scum of things there alway, alway something sings." the universe was ever new and fresh in his eyes, not spent, or fallen, or degraded, but eternally tending upward:-- "no ray is dimmed, no atom worn, my oldest force is good as new, and the fresh rose on yonder thorn gives back the bending heavens in dew." when we come to his interpretation of historical christianity, we find that in his view the life and works of jesus fell entirely within the field of human experience. he sees in the deification of jesus an evidence of lack of faith in the infinitude of the individual human soul. he sees in every gleam of human virtue not only the presence of god, but some atom of his nature. as a preacher he had no tone of authority. a true non-conformist himself, he had no desire to impose his views on anybody. religious truth, like all other truth, was to his thought an unrolling picture, not a deposit made once for all in some sacred vessel. when people who were sure they had drained that vessel, and assimilated its contents, attacked him, he was irresponsive or impassive, and yielded to them no juicy thought; so they pronounced him dry or empty. yet all of emerson's religious teaching led straight to god,--not to a withdrawn creator, or anthropomorphic judge or king, but to the all-informing, all-sustaining soul of the universe. it was a prophetic quality of emerson's religious teaching that he sought to obliterate the distinction between secular and sacred. for him all things were sacred, just as the universe was religious. we see an interesting fruition of emerson's sowing in the nature of the means of influence, which organized churches and devout people have, in these later days, been compelled to resort to. thus the catholic church keeps its hold on its natural constituency quite as much by schools, gymnasiums, hospitals, entertainments, and social parades as it does by its rites and sacraments. the protestant churches maintain in city slums "settlements," which use the secular rather than the so-called sacred methods. the fight against drunkenness, and the sexual vice and crimes of violence which follow in its train, is most successfully maintained by eliminating its physical causes and providing mechanical and social protections. for emerson inspiration meant not the rare conveyance of supernatural power to an individual, but the constant incoming into each man of the "divine soul which also inspires all men." he believed in the worth of the present hour:-- "future or past no richer secret folds, o friendless present! than thy bosom holds." he believed that the spiritual force of human character imaged the divine:-- "the sun set, but set not his hope: stars rose; his faith was earlier up: fixed on the enormous galaxy, deeper and older seemed his eye." yet man is not an order of nature, but a stupendous antagonism, because he chooses and acts in his soul. "so far as a man thinks, he is free." it is interesting to-day, after all the long discussion of the doctrine of evolution, to see how the much earlier conceptions of emerson match the thoughts of the latest exponents of the philosophic results of evolution. the present generation of scholars and ministers has been passing through an important crisis in regard to the sacred books of judaism and christianity. all the features of the contest over "the higher criticism" are foretold by emerson in "the american scholar." "the poet chanting was felt to be a divine man; henceforth the chant is divine also. the writer was a just and wise spirit; henceforward it is settled the book is perfect. colleges are built on it; books are written on it.... instantly the book becomes noxious; the guide is a tyrant." this is exactly what has happened to protestantism, which substituted for infallible pope and church an infallible book; and this is precisely the evil from which modern scholarship is delivering the world. in religion emerson was only a nineteenth-century non-conformist instead of a fifteenth or seventeenth century one. it was a fundamental article in his creed that, although conformity is the virtue in most request, "whoso would be a man must be a non-conformist." in the midst of increasing luxury, and of that easygoing, unbelieving conformity which is itself a form of luxury, boston, the birthplace of emerson, may well remember with honor the generations of non-conformists who made her, and created the intellectual and moral climate in which emerson grew up. inevitably, to conformists and to persons who still accept doctrines and opinions which he rejected, he seems presumptuous and consequential. in recent days we have even seen the word "insolent" applied to this quietest and most retiring of seers. but have not all prophets and ethical teachers had something of this aspect to their conservative contemporaries? we hardly expect the messages of prophets to be welcome; they imply too much dissatisfaction with the present. the essence of emerson's teaching concerning man's nature is compressed into the famous verse:-- "so nigh is grandeur to our dust, so near is god to man, when duty whispers low, thou must, the youth replies, i can." the cynic or the fall-of-man theologian replies--grandeur indeed, say rather squalor and shame. to this ancient pessimism emerson makes answer with a hard question--"we grant that human life is mean, but how did we find out that it was mean?" to this question no straight answer has been found, the common answer running in a circle. it is hard indeed to conceive of a measure which will measure depths but not heights; and besides, every measure implies a standard. * * * * * i have endeavored to set before you some of the practical results of emerson's visions and intuitions, because, though quite unfit to expound his philosophical views, i am capable of appreciating some of the many instances in which his words have come true in the practical experience of my own generation. my own work has been a contribution to the prosaic, concrete work of building, brick by brick, the new walls of old american institutions of education. as a young man i found the writings of emerson unattractive, and not seldom unintelligible. i was concerned with physical science, and with routine teaching and discipline; and emerson's thinking seemed to me speculative and visionary. in regard to religious belief, i was brought up in the old-fashioned unitarian conservatism of boston, which was rudely shocked by emerson's excursions beyond its well-fenced precincts. but when i had got at what proved to be my lifework for education, i discovered in emerson's poems and essays all the fundamental motives and principles of my own hourly struggle against educational routine and tradition, and against the prevailing notions of discipline for the young; so when i was asked to speak to you to-night about him, although i realized my unfitness in many respects for such a function, i could not refuse the opportunity to point out how many of the sober, practical undertakings of to-day had been anticipated in all their principles by this solitary, shrewd, independent thinker, who, in an inconsecutive and almost ejaculatory way, wrought out many sentences and verses which will travel far down the generations. i was also interested in studying in this example the quality of prophets in general. we know a good deal about the intellectual ancestors and inspirers of emerson; and we are sure that he drank deep at many springs of idealism and poetry. plato, confucius, shakespeare, and milton were of his teachers; oken, lamarck, and lyell lent him their scientific theories; and channing stirred the residuum which came down to him through his forbears from luther, calvin, and edwards. all these materials he transmuted and moulded into lessons which have his own individual quality and bear his stamp. the precise limits of his individuality are indeterminable, and inquiry into them would be unprofitable. in all probability the case would prove to be much the same with most of the men that the world has named prophets, if we knew as much of their mental history as we know of emerson's. with regard to the semitic prophets and seers, it is reasonable to expect that as semitic exploration and discovery advance, the world will learn much about the historical and poetical sources of their inspiration. then the jewish and christian peoples may come nearer than they do now to emerson's conceptions of inspiration and worship, of the naturalness of revelation and religion, and of the infinite capacities of man. meantime, it is an indisputable fact that emerson's thought has proved to be consonant with the most progressive and fruitful thinking and acting of two generations since his working time. this fact, and the sweetness, fragrance, and loftiness of his spirit, prophesy for him an enduring power in the hearts and lives of spiritually-minded men. historic highways of america volume [illustration: modern road on laurel hill [_follows track of washington's road; near by, on the right, washington found jumonville's "embassy" hidden in the ravine_]] historic highways of america volume washington's road (nemacolin's path) the first chapter of the old french war by archer butler hulbert _with maps and illustrations_ [illustration] the arthur h. clark company cleveland, ohio copyright, by the arthur h. clark company all rights reserved contents page preface i. washington and the west ii. the hunting-ground of the iroquois iii. the arms of the king of france iv. the virginian governor's envoy v. the virginia regiment vi. the chain of federal union illustrations i. modern road on laurel hill, (follows track of washington's road) _frontispiece_ ii. washington's road iii. a map of the country between wills creek and lake erie (showing designs of the french for erecting forts southward of the lakes; from the original in the british museum) iv. ledge from which washington opened fire upon jumonville's party v. site of fort necessity vi. two plans of fort necessity (_a_, plan of lewis's survey; _b_, sparks's plan) vii. diagrams of fort necessity preface the following pages are largely devoted to washington and his times as seen from the standpoint of the road he opened across the alleghanies in . portions of this volume have appeared in the _interior_, the _ohio state archæological and historical quarterly_, and in a monograph, _colonel washington_, issued by western reserve university. the author's debt to mr. robert mccracken, mr. louis fazenbaker, and mr. james hadden, all of pennsylvania, is gratefully acknowledged. a. b. h. marietta, ohio, november , . washington's road (nemacolin's path) the first chapter of the old french war chapter i washington and the west if you journey today from cumberland, maryland, on the potomac, across the alleghanies to pittsburg on the ohio, you will follow the most historic highway of america, through scenes as memorable as any on our continent. you may make this journey on any of the three thoroughfares: by the cumberland road, with all its memorials of the gay coaching days "when life was interwoven with white and purple," by braddock's road, which was used until the cumberland road was opened in , or by washington's road, built over the famous indian trail known during the first half of the eighteenth century as nemacolin's path. in certain parts all three courses are identical, the two latter being generally so; and between these three "streams of human history" you may read the record of the two old centuries now passed away. come and walk for a distance on the old indian trail. we leave the turnpike, where it swings around the mountain, and mount the ascending ridge. the course is hard, but the path is plain before us. small trees are growing in the center of it, but no large ones. the track, worn a foot into the ground by the hoofs of indian ponies laden with peltry, remains, still, an open aisle along the mountain crest. now, we are looking down--from the indian's point of vantage. perhaps the red man rarely looked up, save to the sun and stars or the storm cloud, for he lived on the heights and his paths were not only highways, they were the highestways. as you move on, if your mind is keen toward the long ago, the cleared hillsides become wooded again, you see the darkling valley and hear its rivulet; far beyond, the next mountain range appears as it did to other eyes in other days--and soon you are looking through the eyes of the heroes of these valleys, washington, or his comrades stephen or lewis, gladwin, hero of detroit, or gates, conqueror at saratoga, or mercer, who was to give his life to his country at princeton. you are moving, now, with the thin line of scarlet uniformed virginians; you are standing in the hastily constructed earthen fort; if it rains, you look up to the dim outlines of the wooded hills as the tireless young washington did when his ignorant interpreter betrayed him to the intriguing french commander; you march with braddock's thin red line to that charnel ground beyond the bloody ford--you stand at braddock's grave while the army wagons hurry over it to obliterate its sight from savage eyes. explain it as you will, our study of these historic routes and the memorials which are left of them becomes, soon, a study of its hero, that young virginian lieutenant-colonel. even the battles fought here seem to have been of little real consequence, for new france fell, never to rise, with the capture of quebec. but it is not of little consequence that here a brave training school was to be had for the future heroes of the revolution. for in what did washington, for instance, need a training more than in the art of maneuvering a handful of ill-equipped, discouraged men out of the hands of a superior army? what lesson did that youth need more than the lesson that right becomes might in god's own good time? and here in these alleghany glades we catch the most precious pictures of the lithe, keen-eyed, sober lad, who, taking his lessons of truth and uprightness from his widowed mother's knee, his strength hardened by the power of the mountain rivers, his heart, now thrilled by the songs of the mountain birds, now tempered by a st. pierre's hauteur, a braddock's rebuke, or the testy suspicions of a provincial governor, became the hero of valley forge and yorktown, the immeasurable superior of st. pierre, dinwiddie, forbes, kaunitz, or newcastle. for consider the record of the washington of , beneath the cambridge elm. twenty-one years before, he had capitulated, with the first army he ever commanded, after the first day's battle he ever fought. he marched with braddock's ill-starred army, in which he had no official position whatever, until defeat and rout threw on his shoulders a large share of the responsibility of saving the army from complete annihilation. for the past sixteen years he had led a quiet life on his farms. why, now, in , should he have had the unstinted confidence of all men in the hour of his country's great crisis? why should his march from mount vernon to cambridge have been a triumphal march? professor mcmaster asserts that the general and the president are known to us, "but george washington is an unknown man." how untrue this was, at least, in ! how the nation believed it knew the man! how much reputation he had gained, while those by his side lost all of theirs! what a hero--of many defeats! what a man to fight england to a standstill after many a wary, difficult retreat and dearly fought battle-field! aye--but he had been to school with gates and mercer and gladwin, lewis and boone, and stephen, on braddock's twelve-foot swath of a road in the alleghanies! it was more than a century ago that george washington died at mount vernon. "i die hard," he said, "but i am not afraid to go." motley's true words of the death of william the silent may be aptly quoted of washington: "as long as he lived, he was the guiding-star of a whole brave nation, and when he died, the little children wept on the streets." if, as professor mcmaster has boldly said, "george washington is an unknown man," it is not, as might be inferred, because the man himself was an enigma to his own generation, or that which immediately succeeded him; it is because the general and the president have been remembered by us, and the man, forgotten. if this is true, it is because our school histories, the principal source from which the mass of the people receive their information, are portraying only one of the fractions which made the great man what he was. it is said: "he was as fortunate as great and good." do our school histories inform the youth of the land why he was "fortunate" to the exclusion of why he was "great and good?" if so, george washington is, or soon will be, "an unknown man." one hundred years ago he was not unknown as a man. "washington is dead," exclaimed napoleon in the orders of the day, when he learned the sad news; "this great man fought against tyranny; he consolidated the liberty of his country. his memory will ever be dear to the french people, as to all freemen in both hemispheres." said charles james fox, "a character of virtues, so happily tempered by one another and so wholly unalloyed by any vices, is hardly to be found on the pages of history." and these men spoke of whom--the general, the president, or the man? if, as legend states, "the arab of the desert talks of washington in his tent, and his name is familiar to the wandering scythian," what of other "fortunate" heroes, of william of orange, gustavus adolphus, and cromwell, who, like washington, consolidated the liberties of their countries, and with an éclat far more likely to win the admiration of an oriental? half a century ago, the attention of multitudes was directed to the man washington in the superb oratory of edward everett. quoting that memorable extract from the letter of the youthful surveyor, who boasted of earning an honest dubloon a day, the speaker set before his audiences "not an ideal hero, wrapped in cloudy generalities and a mist of vague panegyric, but the real, identical man." and, again, he quoted washington's letter written to governor dinwiddie after braddock's defeat, that his hearers might "see it all--see the whole man." was edward everett mistaken, are these letters not extant today, or are they unread? surely, the last supposition must be the true one, if the man washington is being forgotten. and look back to the school histories of edward everett's time. the "reader" and "history" were one text-book in that day, and one of the best known, "porter's rhetorical reader," lies before me, prefaced may, . from it notice two quotations which must have influenced youthful ideas of washington. one is the last verse of pierpont's "washington:" "god of our sires and sons, let other washingtons our country bless, and, like the brave and wise of by-gone centuries, show that true greatness lies in righteousness." the other, from the address "america," of the irish orator phillips; having exalted washington as general, statesman, and conqueror, he continues: "if he had paused there, history might have doubted what station to assign him; whether at the head of her citizens, or her soldiers, her heroes, or her patriots. but the last glorious act crowns his career, and banishes the hesitation. who, like washington, after having emancipated a hemisphere, resigned its crown, and preferred the retirement of domestic life to the adoration of a land he might be almost said to have created? happy, proud america! the lightnings of heaven yielded to your philosophy! the temptations of earth could not seduce your patriotism!" a candid review of the more popular school histories will bring out the fact that the man washington is almost forgotten, in so far as the general and the statesman do not portray him. in one, "young folks' history of the united states" (to name the production of an author whom criticism cannot injure), there seems to be but one line, of five words, which describes the character of washington. could we not forego, for once, what the indian chieftain said of the "charmed life" washington bore at braddock's defeat, to make room for one little reason why washington was "completer in nature" and of "a nobler human type" than any and all of the heroes of romance? mr. otis kendall stuart has written a most interesting account of "the popular opinion of washington" as ascertained by inquiry among persons of all ages, occupations, and conditions. he found that washington was held to be a "broad," "brave," "thinking," "practical," man; an aristocrat, so far as the dignity of his position demanded, but willing to "work with his hands," and with a credit that was "a !" and "when he did a thing, he did it;" and, if to the question, "was he a great general and statesman?" there was some hesitation, to the question, "was he a great man?" the answer was an unhesitating "yes." one may hold that such opinions as these have been gained from our school histories, but i think they are not so much from the histories, as from the popular legends of washington, which, true and false, will never be forgotten by the common people until they cease to represent the _man_--not the patient, brave, and wary general, or the calm, far-seeing statesman, but that "simple, stainless, and robust character," as president eliot has so aptly described it, "which served with dazzling success the precious cause of human progress through liberty, and so stands, like the sunlit peak of matterhorn, unmatched in all the world." the real essence of that "simple, stainless, and robust character" is nowhere so clearly seen as on these alleghany trails. in the west with washington we may still "see it all--see the whole man." to us of the central west, the memory of washington and his dearest ambitions must be precious beyond that of any other american, whether statesman, general, or seer. under strange providential guidance the mind and heart of that first american was turned toward the territories lying between the alleghanies and the mississippi, and it is to be doubted if any other portion of his country received so much of his attention and study as this. washington was the original expansionist--not for expansion's sake, truly, but for country's sake and duty's. if washington was the father of his country, he was in a stronger and more genuine sense the father of the west. it was begotten of him. others might have led the revolutionary armies through the valleys as deep and dark as those through which washington passed, and have eventually fought england to a similar standstill as did washington; at least gates, greene, and putnam would never have surrendered up the cause of the colonies. but of the west, who knew it as washington did? who saw its possibilities, realized the advantages which would accrue to the colonies from its possession, understood the part it might play in the commercial development of the seaboard states? who else had traversed nemacolin's little path before ? if ever a finger was lifted by order of providence it was the finger which fired the first gun of the french and indian war in that alleghany vale. and yet today what would the washington of be called--fighting redskins and foreigners with splendid relish in a far distant portion of the country to gain possession of an almost pathless wilderness? washington had, first, an extraordinary knowledge of the west which he championed. into lord fairfax's wild acres he went in his teens to earn an honest dubloon a day. each step of the young washington in those early years was fraught with the weight of destiny itself, and never has human life showed more plainly the very hand of god directing, preparing, guiding. these years were of incalculable value to the young surveyor, bringing to his cheeks the brown of the forest leaves, to his limbs the strength of the mountain rivers, and to his heart withal the sweetness of the songs of mountain birds--for all the university of nature which he attended in the alleghany mountains saw to it that her pupil was built up in a most holy strength, as he had in him the most holy faith--strength of limb, of mind, as well as soul. then the young man stepped upon the stage of history--not indirectly, or obscurely, or undecidedly, but plain to the world and strong in his conviction of the right of his cause and its ultimate triumph. his mission to la boeuf for governor dinwiddie marks the young washington conspicuously as a man fully alive to the questions of the hour and their hidden meanings. in an unostentatious way he allowed the commander of fort venango to imbibe too freely and rail with many an oath at english presumption in hoping to oust france from the ohio valley. oh that we might know in detail the young man's experience and feelings during that one night on the allegheny! what an example to young men is this first public performance of washington, to do as much more than their mere duty as lies in their power! washington did far more than was expected of him, for, besides getting a clear idea of the genuineness of french hostility, did he not report the strategic value of the point of land at the junction of the allegheny and monongahela, the future sites of fort duquesne and pitt, and the present pittsburg? and that point of land has been, since washington's attention was turned to it, the strategic military position of the central west. as in the first, so in the second act of the drama of - , washington was the chief figure. he signed the first treaty ever drawn up in the central west, with old van braam and villiers, in a misty rain at fort necessity. when, in quick succession, the french fortified the spot washington's genius had selected for a british fort, and the brave bulldog braddock came to his grave in the monongahela forests, washington was perhaps the most conspicuous personage at the bloody ford and battle-field. when, then, in , the young colonel took his bride, martha custis, to mount vernon, he was well acquainted with the west, though it might seem that thereafter its destiny and his were to be far apart. but not so. the days that were passed in his early struggles for fame and fortune were not forgotten. in the quiet of his farm life, and in the drowsy halls of legislation the man could still hear the rippling of the alleghany streams and the soughing of those great forests, and many of his daydreams found their setting in the rough, free land on whose indian trails and in whose meadow lands he had, as it were, found a new world. washington's seven or eight thousand acres near the potomac were not his only landed possessions. he counted his estates in far western pennsylvania, along the ohio and the great kanawha. something of his interest in and solicitation for the future of the west must be attributed to his interest in his own possessions. but his efforts for the west benefited every acre of land and every insignificant squatter, and no one can say with a shadow of reason that washington's hope for the west was a selfish hope. yet his personal interest must not be forgotten by a fair narrator. together with his personal interest must be mentioned the state pride which washington had--and which every healthy, hopeful, patriotic man should have. washington was a virginian of virginians and in view of the vast interests which his native state had in the west (granted by ancient charter), his state pride and ambition must have had large, appreciable influence in his contemplation of western affairs. at times his prejudice made him a much criticized man. prior to the revolution it may be said that washington's interest in the west was largely a personal one. he visited it at various times in his own and in the interest of others. after the revolution, his interest may be said to have broadened--proportionately with the broadening importance of the central west to the new republic whose best interests were ever nearest his patriotic heart. early in the eighties, washington's correspondence shows that his attention was devoted as never before to the commercial aspect of the central west. as we read those letters, how strangely do the problems of transportation, for instance, seem to us of this day! how the sight of a single fast freight speeding from chicago to pittsburg would have made a laughing-stock of the fondest theories of the great and wise men who were at the nation's helm in those days! it is well known how the great transportation companies struggle to get and hold certain strategic acres of land only wide enough, it may be, for a single railway track. who can believe that any portion of this central west, covered with swamps and primeval forests, could have been so greatly prized a century and a quarter ago? yet this was true. it was not the river front at cincinnati, nor the lake shore at cleveland or chicago. these spots then could have been bought for the shortest songs--and what was in that day considered of priceless value could today be bought for $ an acre. these were the portages between the cuyahoga and the muskingum, the scioto and the sandusky, the maumee and the wabash, etc. so all-important were these strips of land in the eyes of washington, that by the famous ordinance of they were voted by congress "common highways and forever free." but this was one of washington's most determined ambitions, that the headwaters of the virginia rivers and the headwaters of the ohio rivers, both north and south, should be surveyed and made ready for the century when the west should pour its riches toward the atlantic seaboard. "the navigation of the ohio," he wrote in to general harrison, "being well known, they will have less to do in examination of it; but, nevertheless, let the courses and distances be taken to the mouth of the muskingum and up that river to the carrying place of the cuyahoga; down the cuyahoga to lake erie, and thence to detroit. let them do the same with big beaver creek and with the scioto. in a word, let the waters east and west of the ohio which invite our notice by their proximity, and by the ease with which land transportation may be had between them and the lakes on the one side, and the rivers potomac and james on the other, be explored, accurately delineated, and a correct and corrected map of the whole be presented to the public.... the object in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance." these words were written little over a century ago, but were they the plans for the canals from the nile to the site of the pyramids they could hardly seem more antiquated. nevertheless they cannot but seem precious to us of the central west, for they portray the anxious, serious heart of the man, and honest, high ambitions for things which seemed to many about him to be the idlest dreaming. had washington not held far different views from many of his contemporaries, it is a moral certainty that the central west would, at the close of the revolutionary war, have been divided up among european powers, who for so long had been sending emissaries to kentucky and the mississippi valley to alienate the border settlements from the contemplated union with the colonies. england was ready at any moment to urge joseph brant into pontiac's old rôle of attempting to arouse the old northwest, and she defiantly kept her flag floating over sandusky and detroit and fort miami for twenty years after cornwallis's bands played _the world's turned upside down_ at yorktown. the world looked for a partition of our west among the powers in as the partition of the great hulk, china, is expected by many today. and indeed we escaped such monstrous catastrophe by a narrower margin than is commonly known. spanish agents among high kentuckians were looked upon with favor, and their plan of joining kentucky to spain (who then held all the trans-mississippi realm) was not without advantages which the struggling, bankrupt, jealous colonies, "one nation today, thirteen tomorrow," could not possibly offer. the cumberland road, of which washington was the father, bound the east and west indissolubly together, and "more than any material structure in the land, served to harmonize and strengthen, if not to save, the union." with this glimpse of this man's ambitions for the commercial advancement of the central west, let us not omit his subsequent interest in the military operations for its subjugation, an item which even the far-seeing washington had not fully anticipated. at the time of crawford's campaign, washington was fully in favor of the advance toward sandusky, and it was through his influence or suggestion that the command was given to his old friend of revolutionary days, colonel william crawford. true, crawford was duly elected by the men he led, but his presence in the expedition was due to washington's influence. when the immortal ordinance was under discussion, washington's attitude was strong in its favor, and it incorporated, as has already been shown, his idea of the value of the portages between the rivers as the future routes of commerce. during the long and bitter war with the western indians, - , washington had a clearer vision than most of his advisers, and with better judgment and knowledge sought to gain the ends best for the nation. his "search for a man" was nearly as pathetic as was lincoln's in another century, but, despite the intense opposition of kentucky with its seventy thousand inhabitants, he placed mad anthony wayne in command, who, in the tall grass and felled trees of fallen timbers, justified his choice, as appomattox justified lincoln's. after the campaign of under harmar and the terrible defeat of the brave st. clair, washington was the hope of the west. to him the nation looked with that same confidence shown in the darker and more desperate days of the revolution. he bore the brunt of criticism and carried on his great heart the sorrows of the bleeding frontier. no one knew better than he the real meaning of the situation. no one saw with clearer eyes the despicable affiliation of british interests with indian in the last hope of limiting the territories of the upstart colonies to the land east of the mountains. and, while jay was heroically working for the treaty which at once quenched the dreams of certain british leaders in america, washington wrote him the whole situation as follows: "all the difficulties we encounter with the indians, their hostilities, the murder of helpless women and children along all our frontiers result from the conduct of the agents of great britain in this country." truly, washington was in a special sense the father of the central west. it is impossible to tell what might have been its history had it not been championed from the earliest day by this great, far-seeing man in whom the people of the nation, as a people, believed and trusted as perhaps no leader in history, with the possible exception of william the silent, has ever been trusted by his countrymen. many of washington's plans seem strange to us, much as the times and customs of his day are strange to our eyes. but his eye was clear; he saw greater possibilities than his advisers; his great heart warmed toward the new west, which in his day was sounding with axes, ringing a pioneer's welcome to a new land. in his heart of hearts washington was led foresee and to believe in the dispensation of providence which has become the wonder of our time. and this belief appeared not in theorizing alone. what could he do toward creating right conceptions concerning the future of the mississippi basin, washington did; and if he had not so done and so believed, it is sure that the progress of these great empires between the allegheny and the mississippi, the great lakes and the blue ridge would not have been what it is. has this been sufficiently realized? have we remembered and appreciated our debt to washington? and when our united appreciation of the fact influences these imperial commonwealths to put on record in lasting form the gratitude which should be felt, let the monument rise tall and stately from whatever site may seem appropriate, but let it show at the summit the young man washington, as he was when he came to know the west best. clothe him in the ranger's costume that he first wore on nemacolin's path to the ohio. place in his hand the old-time musket he bore to fort la boeuf, or carried in his canoe down the ohio to the great kanawha. that is the washington of the west--the fearless, dutiful, thoughtful youth, who came from his mother's knee to the west that gave him a fame which he never could outgrow. chapter ii the hunting-ground of the iroquois it must be next to impossible for one in this day to realize what a tangled wilderness this west was a century and a half ago. "the thing which puzzles us," writes w. h. h. murray, "is not the past but the future; not the door which has been shut, but the strange door which has never been opened.... for who, though knocking with reddened knuckles against it may start even an echo?" true words indeed; yet were the task put to us, it is to be seriously doubted if we of untrained imagination could not draw a truer picture of this land as it will appear a century hence than we could conjure up of the land as it appeared a century ago. suppose the latter picture could be true to the dense growth of bush and tree, the wallowings of the plunging buffalo, the ways of the wild animals tunneled through the tangled maze of bush and vine--true, in short, to the groundwork--would it faithfully picture the tangled tops of the giant trees, where a more intricate network of nature's handiwork might have been seen than on the ground? who but one acquainted with primeval forests can picture the straggling branches of the giant trees reaching out into the etherial battle ground to a last death grapple with its hoary rivals, both weighed down by luxuriant masses of moss and tangled vine? records of early pioneers affirm that when this forest was first invaded by the woodman's ax it was found to be one thing to cut a tree's trunk but quite another thing to dislodge its top from the network of forest overgrowth, from which giant trees have been known to hang suspended in mid-air after their trunks had been severed. felling of trees often began at the top; boys were sent up to strip the branches before the trunk was cut. where are the trees the like of which washington found on the ohio near the great kanawha with a diameter of over fourteen feet? what a sight the woodland rivers must have presented! think of the plunder of the forests which the wabash and kentucky at flood-tide must have carried on their boiling bosoms. picture the gigantic gorges of forest trees, blocked in their wild course down the allegheny and piled in monstrous and grotesque confusion from bank to bank, forcing even the river itself to find a new course through the forests. and so the vistas seen on our rivers today could not have been so beautiful in the old days; perhaps they were never visible on the lesser streams. for the continuous falling of the solid walls of trees which lined both banks must have well-nigh roofed our smaller streams completely over, and the venturous trapper in his canoe must have found the fear of falling trees added to his other fears. when general moses cleaveland attempted to ascend the cuyahoga in a boat from lake erie, the great quantity of fallen trees compelled him to desist from the undertaking. an early kentucky pioneer, in giving directions to prospective voyagers down the ohio river, warns them against rowing at night as the noise of the oars would prevent their hearing the "riffling" of the water about the rocks and sunken logs which made river traveling, especially on swift streams, difficult and dangerous. nor have our rivers always held the position in respect to size which they relatively hold today. it is doubtful if one who knew the old monongahela would recognize the placid, turbid, faithful river which bears that name today. as though these streams of ours recognize in some way that they must needs conform to the state of civilization which they see about them, and may not run wild and free as when amenable only to the caprice of savage aborigines! of course the greater difference would be discoverable in such rivers as have been bound in locks and dams, and deepened by the dredge. such was the rapidity of the current of many of our streams that the time now made by swift packets is more than double the time taken by canoes before slack-water navigation was introduced. with the damming of these streams, local history, in all our states, has lost many landmarks well known in the earliest days of navigation. on the allegheny river, as on the susquehanna on the eastern side of the mountains, rocks, upon which the indians inscribed their hieroglyphics, are now under water, so that these inscriptions are visible only at low tide, and indeed in some cases are never seen above the surface of the water. of all streams the majestic ohio, alone, moves on much as of old; and, though many islands have passed from sight, there is hardly a mile in all her course which does not recall, in name, the days when that river was the great highway through the hunting-ground of the iroquois and of the race of "men who wore hats" who came upon its tide to found the empires which today exist along its sweeping shores. and yet the ohio is soon to undergo great changes which will materially alter its aspect. surveys for dams are being made, which, when completed, will give a minimum depth of six feet between locks. the animal life of the forests one can fancy, perhaps, with more accuracy than any other characteristic, for the deer and turkey, the wolf and buffalo of that day have their antitypes in ours. and yet here one might fall short, for few recall the vast flocks of pigeons that swarmed above the primeval forest, even darkening the heavens as though a cloud were passing, and blighting the trees in which they spent a night. harris, an early western traveler, has left record that from a single hollow tree several wagon loads of feathers have been extracted. the history of this west is a long history of war, from the earliest days even to our own century. this territory between the alleghanies and the mississippi is one of the greatest battle-fields in the world. it is certainly the oldest and most renowned in our america. the first european to enter it looked with wondering eyes upon the monstrous earthen forts of a prehistoric race whom we have loosely named from the relics they left behind, the mound-builders. of this race of early indians the later red men knew nothing, save what the legends handed down by their fathers told of a race of giants which was driven out of the central west, and sent flying down the ohio and mississippi to reappear no more in human history. antiquarians find that these forts and mausoleums reveal little in addition to the bloody story told by crude implements of war, of "old, unhappy, far-off things and battles long ago." in certain instances, great piles of human bones are found at strategic revetment angles where heaviest attack was made and stoutest resistance encountered. here bones are sometimes found pierced by death-dealing arrow-heads. what power hurled the flints of these warriors of prehistoric days? the indian legend, that they were giants in strength, has been easily believed. nowhere else on the continent are found such forts as were built by these ancient defenders of the central west. throughout the eighteenth century this territory was a continual battle-ground. to it, both france and england, in turn, clung with equal determination, and both tried the foolish experiment of attempting to win it back, when once it was lost, by means of the indians who made it their lair. when the first explorers entered the west, early in the eighteenth century, it was found to be the princely hunting-ground of the iroquois, better known as the six nations. of all american indians the iroquois were ever preëminent, invincible. the proud races of the furthest south had felt the weight of their tomahawks and the nations that camped about the shores of lake st. john "kept their sentinels pushed well southward in dread of their fierce invasion." as conquerors of half a continent, the choicest hunting-grounds were theirs, and so the forests, divided by the _oyo_, ohio, which took its rise in the iroquois home-land south of lake ontario, was the nation's choice. still, during iroquois sovereignty over the central west, it is not probable that they alone knew of the treasures of turkey, buffalo, and pike which the land and its streams contained. in the far west the iroquois left the miami nation undisturbed in their old home between the miami and wabash. ottawas, "traders" from the north, who had never built a fire beside more splendid streams than the central west contained, were at times vagrant, frightened visitors to the lands between the great lakes and the _oyo_. other scattered remnants of indian nations are rumored to have built fires in the hunting-ground of the iroquois; if so, they hid the charred embers of their camp fires in the leaves, to obliterate all proofs of their sly incursions. ever and anon, from the iroquois home-land, came great armies into the west in search of game. launching their painted canoes on the headwaters of the _oyo_ (now the allegheny and ohio), they came down with the flood-tides of the spring and fall and scattered into all the rivers of the forest--the kanawha, muskingum, scioto, kentucky, miami, and wabash. other canoes came up lake ontario to lake erie and passed up the cuyahoga and down the muskingum, or up the sandusky and down the scioto, or up the miami-of-the-lakes and down the wabash. then were the forests filled with shouting, and a hundred great fires illuminated the primeval shadows. after the hunters came the warriors in brightly colored canoes, their paddles sweeping in perfect unison. and woe to the arrogant southern nation whose annual tribute had failed to come! down to the south the warriors sped, to return with terrible proofs of their prowess, leaving upon the rocks in the rivers haughty symbols of their victories. but, at last, the supremacy of the arrogant six nations was challenged, and the territory over which they were masters began to grow smaller instead of greater. the white men came to america. their "new" empires were being erected on the continent. "new spain" arose to the south; "new sweden" was spoken of, and "new scotland," "new hampshire," and "new amsterdam;" "new england" was heard of between the st. lawrence and the atlantic ocean, and "new france" was founded amid the canadian snows, with its capital on the tumbling river st. lawrence. though both came from beyond the same ocean, the iroquois found that there was a great difference between the founders of "new england" and the founders of "new france." the former settled down quietly, bought land, cleared it and raised crops. they treated the indian very respectfully--paying little attention to him or his land. the french, however, were different. there was no end to their running about. their arrival was scarcely noised abroad before they were seen hurrying up the inland rivers on missions of various import. and so the iroquois came to hate the french, especially after their first encounter with them on the shores of lake champlain when the white captain, champlain, fired a horrid arquebus which killed two chieftains and wounded another, and liked to have scared the whole indian army to death. this hatred was augmented as the french made friends with the algonquin tribes of the lower st. lawrence, who, having fled from before the iroquois warriors like dust before the wind, now, in revenge, piloted the french up the ottawa and showed them a way to enter the great lakes of the iroquois by the back door, georgian bay. once acquainted with the five great lakes, the french were even less satisfied than before, and down into the hunting-grounds of the iroquois they plunged in search of a great river and a sea which would lead to china. already they had named the portage around one of the st. lawrence rapids _la chine_, believing that the river led "to china"--a country of which the farthest western nations, the fierce chippewas and dacotahs, even, had never heard! as the eighteenth century grew older, the iroquois became too busy with affairs of war and diplomacy and trade to come each year to their western hunting-grounds and guard them with the ancient jealousy. situated as they were between the french and english settlements they found a neutral rôle difficult to maintain and they became fitfully allied now with the albany, now with the quebec governments, as each struggled to gain possession of the great fur trade which was controlled by the six nations who claimed to control the ottawa, st. lawrence, and all the new york rivers. but this hunting-ground was too delightful a land to remain long unoccupied. had providence willed that these forests in and west of the appalachian mountain system should have continued to be unoccupied until the white man came to possess it, many of the darkest pages of american history would never have been written. but the reverse of this happened. not only was it filled with indians, but there came to it from far distant homes, as if chosen by fate, three of the most desperate indian nations on the continent, each having been made ready, seemingly, by long years of oppression and tyranny, for the bloody work of holding this west from the white man. the three nations found by the first explorers in the abandoned hunting-grounds of the iroquois had been fugitives on the face of the earth for half a century, bandied about between the stronger confederacies like outcasts, denied refuge everywhere, pursued, persecuted, half destroyed. the story of any one of them is the story of the other two--a sad, desperate tale. these nations were the shawanese, delawares, and wyandots. the centers of population which they formed were on the scioto, muskingum, and sandusky rivers, respectively. and, with the fierce miamis and the remnants of the iroquois, these tribes fought the longest and most successful war ever waged by the red race in the history of the continent. from their lairs on the allegheny, scioto, and muskingum they defied the white man for half a century, triumphing at braddock's and st. clair's defeats, the greatest victories over the white man ever achieved by the red. the first of these nations to enter the old hunting-ground of the iroquois was the wyandot. their home was about sandusky bay, and along the shores of the sandusky river. originally the wyandots dwelt on the upper st. lawrence, and were neighbors of the seneca tribe of the six nations. as the result of a quarrel over a maiden, as legend has it, but more likely as result of iroquois conquest, the wyandots were driven from their homes, vanishing westward into the land of the hurons, who lived by the lake which bore their name. here the brave jesuit missionaries found them, where they were known as the tobacco nation. the confederation of the iroquois as the six nations sounded the doom of the hurons, and with the senecas at the head of the confederacy, only ruin stared the fugitive wyandots in the face. by the beginning of the eighteenth century they had again fled westward, hopelessly seeking a new refuge. some of the nation continued journeying even beyond the sioux and dacotahs to the "back-bone of the world," as they called the rocky mountains. there, tradition states, they found wanderers like themselves, who spoke a familiar language--wyandots who had come hither long before to escape the revengeful senecas! but the majority of the nation built great rafts and set float on the detroit river. this was a reckless alternative to choose, but it brought the persecuted nation to their long-sought place of refuge. as they passed the present site of detroit they saw with amazement an array of white tents and soldiers dressed in white, keeping watch. the wyandots had found the french building a fort, and fear of the senecas vanished. on the shores of neighboring sandusky bay on lake erie the wyandots built their fires, and the relations between them and the french were most cordial. the year of this memorable wyandot hegira is given as , which, fortunately, corresponds with the founding of detroit. when mad anthony wayne was waging his last campaign against the western indians in , he once summoned to him a knowing frontiersman and asked him if he could not capture an indian in order to get some information concerning the enemy. "can you not capture one near sandusky?" asked the general, as the man hesitated. "no, not sandusky," was the ready reply. "and why not at sandusky?" "there are only wyandots at sandusky." "well, why will not a wyandot do?" insisted the irrepressible wayne. "because, sir," replied the woodsman, "a wyandot is never captured alive." the story is typical of the wyandots throughout all their history for a century--for it lacked but five years of a century when they signed the treaty at greenville after general wayne's campaign. allied, in the beginning, as we have seen, to the french, the wyandots fought sturdily for their cause until new france was abandoned. under pontiac they joined in the plot to drive out the english from the west and win back the land for france. in turn they became attached to the british interests at the breaking out of the revolutionary war and they were as true to the very last to them as they had formerly been to the french. through their aid england managed to retain forts sandusky, miami, and detroit for twenty years after the close of the revolution, despite the solemn pledges given in the treaty of paris. the wyandots came from the far north. the second nation to enter the alleghany forests were the shawanese who came from the far south. the shawanese were the only american indians who had even so much as a tradition of having come to this continent from across the ocean. like that of the savage wyandots, the history of the shawanese before they settled down on the swift scioto is a cheerless tale. too proud to join one of the great southern confederacies, if, indeed, the opportunity was ever extended to them, they sifted northward through the forests from florida until they settled between the cumberland and tennessee rivers. here the earliest geographers found them and classified them as the connecting branch between the algonquins of new england and the far northwest, so different were they from their southern neighbors. they remained but a short time by the cumberland, for the iroquois swept down upon them with a fury never exceeded by the cherokees or mobilians, and the fugitives scattered like leaves eastward toward the alleghanies. by permission of the government of pennsylvania, seventy families, perhaps three hundred souls, settled down upon the susquehanna at the beginning of the eighteenth century. by the number of indian warriors in pennsylvania was placed at seven hundred, one-half of whom were said to be shawanese. this would indicate a total population of perhaps fifteen hundred shawanese. with the approaching of the settlements of the white man and the opening of the french and indian war, they left the susquehanna and pushed straight westward to the scioto river valley beyond the ohio. the shawanese have well been called the "bedouins of the american indians." the main body of the nation migrated from florida to the cumberland and susquehanna and scioto rivers. fragmentary portions of the nation wandered elsewhere. cadwallader cobden said, in , that one tribe of the shawanese "had gone quite down to new spain." when la salle wished guides from lake ontario to the gulf of mexico in , shawanese were supplied him, it being as remarkable that there were shawanese so far north (though they may have been prisoners among the iroquois) as it was that they were acquainted with the gulf of mexico. in the black forest the shawanese gained another and a well-earned reputation--of being the fiercest and most uncompromising indian nation with which the white man ever dealt. they were, for the half century during which the black forest of ohio was their home and the wyandots their allies, ever first for war and last for peace. under their two well known terrible chieftains, cornstalk and tecumseh, they were allied both with the french and with the british in the vain attempt to hold back the tide of civilization from the river valleys of the central west. missionary work among them proved a failure. they made treaties but to break them. not an acre of all the land which lay south of them, kentucky, but was drenched by blood they spilt. incited by such hellhounds as the girty boys, there was no limit to which the shawanese could not be pushed, and for it all they had been trained by instinct and tradition through numberless years of desperate ill fortune. the wyandots and shawanese came from the north and south. the third nation which made the hunting-grounds of the iroquois its home-land came from the eastern seaboard. the legendary history of the lenni-lenapes cannot be equaled, in point of romance, in indian history. tradition states that they lived at a very early period west of the mississippi river. uniting with their neighbors, the iroquois, the two nations began an eastward conquest which ended in driving the giant alleghans, the mound-builders, from the alluvial valleys of the scioto, miami, muskingum, wabash, kaskaskia, cahokia, and illinois, where their mounds and ring forts were found, and dividing between them the atlantic seaboard, the iroquois taking the north and the lenni-lenapes settling in the valley of the delaware, where they took the name of delawares. but not long after this division had been effected the spirit of jealousy arose. the iroquois, receiving arms from the dutch who founded new amsterdam (new york), became expert in the accomplishments of war. the delawares adapted themselves to peaceful modes of living, and their laden maize fields brought them rich returns for their labors. with the confederation of the iroquois tribes into the six nations the doom of the delawares was sealed. by treachery or by main force the upstart "uncles" from the north fell to quarreling with their southern "nephews." seeing that nothing but ruin stared them in the face, the delawares began selling their land to the dutch, the friends of their "good minion," penn. "how came you to take upon yourselves to sell land?" was the infuriated cry of the iroquois, who sent, by their orator cawassatiego, their ultimatum to the weakened delawares; "you sell land in the dark. did you ever tell us you sold land to them?... we find you are none of our blood. therefore we charge you to remove instantly. we assign you two places to go, either to ugoman or shamokin. go!" dismayed and disgraced, the delawares retired from the green maize fields which they loved, and fell back, a crowd of disordered fugitives, into the alleghany forests. sifting through the forests, crowding the shawanese before them, they at last crossed the allegheny and settled down on the upper muskingum, about . here they lived for half a century, fighting with villiers and pontiac and little turtle. here they were visited by armies, and by missionaries who did noble work among them. the delawares, later, fought against the armies of harmar, st. clair, and wayne, after they abandoned the valley which was first their home, and then sank hopelessly into the general rout of the broken tribes moving westward after the battles of fallen timbers and tippecanoe. on the kansas river and its tributaries the remnant of the once powerful lenni-lenape range today over a territory of a million acres, still dreaming, it is said, of a time when they will again assume their historic position at the head of the indian family. a great mass of tradition lives with them of their eastward conquest, the homes on the delaware, allegheny, and muskingum, where the poet had evangeline visit them in her search of gabriel. and still the massacre of gnadenhutten is told to wondering children in delaware wigwams which dot the ozark mountains as they once dotted the alleghany valleys. the total number of indians in the hunting-ground of the iroquois would be difficult to estimate. during the revolutionary war, when the central west was filled with a hundred fugitive tribes, a united states commissioner reported the number of indians affiliated with the iroquois as , , divided as follows: wyandots, , mingoes, , senecas, , mohawks, , cuyahogas, , onondagas, , oneidas and tuscarawas, , ottawas, ; the other nations were given as follows: chippewas, , , pottawatomies, ; scattering, . considering the indian family as consisting of four persons, the total indian population east of the mississippi would be , , probably a very liberal estimate. chapter iii the arms of the king of france in the year fifteen hundred and forty, jacques cartier raised a white cross crowned with the _fleur-de-lis_ of france upon an improvised altar of crossed canoe paddles at quebec, bearing the inscription "_franciscus primus, dei gratia, francorum rex regnat_," and formally took possession of a new continent. two centuries later, in the dawn of early morning, british soldiers wrested from the betrayed montcalm the mist-enshrouded height where that emblazoned cross had stood, and new france fell--"amid the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the very spot of its origin." all the american indians soon found, as the iroquois had, that nothing would do but these newly come frenchmen must run about over all the country. each river must be ascended, the portages traversed, and lakes crossed. every hint of further rivers and lakes resulted forthwith in a thousand questions, if not in the immediate formation of an exploring expedition. and yet there was method in the madness of this running about. in the first place log forts were founded at various points, and when the world came to know even a fraction as much as the french did about the west, it found that these forts were situated at the most strategic points on the continent. for instance, there was fort frontenac near the narrowing of lake ontario into the st. lawrence. this fort commanded that river. then there was fort niagara, which commanded the route to lake erie. there was fort detroit which commanded all access from lake erie to lakes huron, michigan, and superior. there were forts la boeuf, venango, and duquesne to hold the ohio, fort sandusky to hold the sandusky river, fort miami at the head of the rapids on the miami-of-the-lakes, to hold that river, and the portage to the wabash, and vincennes and kaskaskia and other posts in the illinois country. the indians did not object to these forts because they found that they were really no forts at all, but rather depots and warehouses for the great fur trade, where their heavy stacks of otter and sable and beaver skins could be exchanged for such splendid colored ribbons and tinkling bells, and powder, lead, and whiskey. each fort became a trading post where the indians gathered frequently for entertainments--of various character. fancy if you can the emparadizing dreams which must have filled the head of many a governor of new france, as he surveyed with heaving breast the vast domains of the mississippi valley, comprising four million square miles of delectable land, and pictured the mighty empire it would some day sustain--outrivaling the dreams of a grand monarque. fancy, if you can, the great hopes of the builder of quebec who could see the infant city holding in fee all the great system of lakes beside whose sea-outlet it stood--the gibraltar of the new continent. fancy the assemblies of notables which met when a returned jesuit or forgotten coureur-de-bois came hurrying down the ottawa in his canoe and reported the finding of a mighty river, yet unchronicled, filled with beaver and otter; a new, bright gem for the bourbon crown! and so, we may suppose, such assemblies referred mockingly to the stolid englishmen living along the atlantic seaboard to the south. how the french must have scorned england's conception of america. long after the french had passed from quebec to the lakes and down the mississippi to the gulf of mexico, the english had a boat built at home which could be taken apart on the upper waters of the james river, carried across the mountains on wagons, to be put together on the shores of the pacific sea. how the french must have laughed when they heard of this; can you not see them drinking hilariously to the portable boat stranded in the alleghany forests three thousand miles from its destination? and so it was that the wily emissaries of the bourbon throne incorporated the fast filling hunting-ground of the iroquois, with new france. it was an easily acquired country since they brought nothing into it that was not wanted, and took nothing away--but furs! though of these they were particular respecting the number and the quality, and especially that traders from the english settlements over the mountains should not come and get them. but it turned out that the english not only came, but even claimed for themselves the ohio country which lay beyond the alleghany mountains! if cabot and drake discovered the continent, did they not discover its interior as truly as its seaboard? moreover, the english had by treaty acquired certain rights from the iroquois which held good, they maintained, wherever the iroquois had carried their irresistible conquests from labrador to the everglades of florida. and who could then say that this did not hold good beyond the alleghanies, where the iroquois for so long had been the acknowledged masters? thus it was, slowly, naturally, and with the certainty of doom itself, there drew on the terrible war which decided whether the destiny of the new continent should be placed in the hands of a teutonic or a gaelic civilization--whether providence should hold the descendants of the founders of jamestown or of quebec responsible for its mighty part in the history of human affairs. this war has received the vague name of the "french and indian" war. by this is meant the war england and her colonists in america fought against the french and indians. it is remarkable enough that this war, which was to settle so much, began from a spark struck in the west. the explanation of this is found in the fact that a great expanse of forest separated the english settlements on the atlantic seaboard and the great line of french settlements, three thousand leagues in length, which stretched from the mouth of the st. lawrence to the gulf of mexico. the nearest points of contact were in virginia and pennsylvania, for here the rivalry of french and english traders had been most intense. virginians found it a very acceptable part to play--this trying the test case with france to decide who was the real master of the land over the mountains. in , a company of virginian gentlemen received from the king of england a royal charter granting them possession of two hundred thousand acres of the black forest between the monongahela and kanawha rivers. the astonishment and anger of the french on the st. lawrence knew no bounds. immediately the french governor galissonière set on foot plans which would result in the withdrawal of the english colonists. looking back through the years, it may seem very strange that the governors of new france never anticipated a clash with england on the ohio and prepared for it, but it appears, that, of all the west, _lake erie and the ohio river were the least known to the french_. this can be understood by following the romantic story of french exploration: on a wild october day, cartier, who raised the altar at quebec and claimed the new continent, stood on mt. royal, looking wistfully westward. behind him lay the old world throbbing with an intuition of a northwest passage to china and india. before him shimmered in the sun two water-ways. as we know them now, the southern was the st. lawrence, the western the ottawa. it was a strange providence which compelled cartier to set the tide of french trade and exploration over the ottawa rather than up the st. lawrence. by this france lost, we are told, the hudson valley--the key to the eastern half of the continent--but gained the great lakes. this tide of trappers, merchants, jesuits, and adventurers went up the western river, across into georgian bay, through the lakes, down the allegheny, wabash, wisconsin, illinois, and mississippi. some few braved the dangers of traveling in the domains of the iroquois and went up the st. lawrence to lake ontario, then across to lake simcoe and georgian bay. the important result was that lake erie was the last of all the great lakes to be discovered and the country south of it was the last to be explored and claimed by the french. lakes ontario and huron were discovered in , lake superior in , lake michigan in . lake erie was not discovered until --half a century after the two lakes which it joins; and then for a hundred years it was a mystery. champlain drew it on his map as a widened river; other maps of the day make it a brook, river, strait, or lake, as their authors fancied. one drew it as a river, and, in perplexity over its outlet, ran it into the susquehanna and down into chesapeake bay. and as late as , in the map of céloron, is written along the southern shore of lake erie, "this shore is almost unknown." it is a custom peculiar to the french to declare possession of a land by burying leaden plates, upon which their professions of sovereignty are incised, at the mouths of its rivers. this has been an immemorial custom, and has been done in recent times in the pacific sea. la salle buried a leaden plate at the mouth of the mississippi in , claiming possession of that river and all streams emptying into it and all lands drained by them. but, now, more plates were needed. and so céloron de bienville, a gallant chevalier of st. louis, departed from quebec in the fall of the same year with a detachment of eight subaltern officers, six cadets, an armorer, twenty soldiers, one hundred and eighty canadians, thirty friendly iroquois, and twenty-five abnakis, with a load of leaden plates to be buried at the mouths of all the rivers in the central west. two plates were buried in what we now call the allegheny river and one at the mouths of wheeling creek, the muskingum, great kanawha, and miami rivers. at the burial of each plate a given formality was observed. the detachment was drawn up in battle array. the leader cried in a loud voice "_vive le roi_," and proclaimed that possession was taken in the name of the king. in each instance, the _arms of the king_, stamped upon a sheet of tin, were affixed to the nearest tree, and a _procès verbal_ was drawn up and signed by the officers. each plate bore the following inscription: "in the year , of the reign of louis xv., king of france, we, céloron, commander of a detachment sent by monsieur the marquis de la galissonière, governor general of new france, to reëstablish tranquillity in some indian villages of these cantons, have buried [_here a space was left for the date and place of burial_] this plate of lead near the river ohio otherwise _belle rivière_, as a monument of the renewal of possession we have taken of the said river ohio, and of all those which empty into it, and of all lands on both sides as far as the sources of said rivers, as enjoyed by the kings of france preceding, and as they have there maintained themselves by arms and treaties, especially those of ryswick, utrecht, and aix-la-chapelle." ah! but leaden bullets were more needed in the west than leaden plates! this céloron found out before he had gone a dozen leagues. suspicious savages dug up his first plate and hurried with it to the english at albany. is it strange that the indians soon came to the conclusion that there was ever some fatal connection between the art of writing and their home-lands? at logstown, near the present city of pittsburg, he found some detested english traders, and a strong anti-french influence. he drove off the intruders with a sharp letter to their governor, but here his iroquois and abenaki indians deserted him, and, on their way north, tore from the trees those sheets which contained yet more of that horrid writing. céloron hurried homeward by the shortest route--up the miami river and down the maumee and through the lakes--and rendered his alarming report. it was decided immediately to fortify céloron's route. the enterprising successor of galissonière--governor duquesne--sent a detachment from quebec with orders to proceed to lake erie and begin the building of a line of forts down the ohio frontier, from lake erie to the ohio river. this party, under the command of m. marin, landed near the present site of erie, pennsylvania, and raised a fort. the ruins of this fort in the west are still perceptible within the limits of the city of erie. it was a strong work built of chestnut logs, fifteen feet high and one hundred and twenty feet square, with a blockhouse on each side. it had a gate to the south and one to the north, but no portholes. it was first called fort duquesne, but later was named fort presque isle from the promontory which juts out into the lake. from fort presque isle m. marin hewed a road southward, a distance of thirteen miles, twenty-one feet in width, to the rivière aux boeufs--river of buffaloes--later named french creek by washington. this was the first white man's road--military or otherwise--ever made in the central west. it was built in , and though it has not been used over its entire length since that day, it marks, in a general way, the important route from the lakes to the allegheny and ohio, which became early in the century the great thoroughfare for freight to and from the ohio valley and the east. for a distance of seven miles out of the city of erie the old french road of a century and a half ago is the main road south. at that distance from the city the new highway leaves it, but the old route can be followed without difficulty until it meets the erie-watertown plank road, the new shun pike. this plank road follows the road cut by the french general one hundred and forty-nine years ago. those that traveled over the same road in , speak of the trees which were growing up and blocking the thoroughfare. it seems to have been the first intention of the french to make this road a military road in the european sense, leveling hills and filling the valleys. and for half the distance between erie and french creek the road had been grubbed by hauling out the stumps of the trees. travelers refer to the great cavities which were left open, for the road was never completed on the lines originally laid out. it was built with some care and served for the hauling of cannon to the forts along the allegheny and ohio. cannon balls, accoutrements, and pieces of harness were found along the route as late as . in the day of the pioneer, the route was lessened from erie to french creek to thirteen miles. this watertown turnpike was a principal thoroughfare for the great salt trade between the east and pittsburg and louisville. in return, iron, glass, and flour were freighted over it eastward from the monongahela, and bacon from kentucky. the tradition prevails in erie that, when the french abandoned fort presque isle, at the close of the french and indian war, treasures were buried either on the site of the fort or on the old road. spanish silver coins to the value of sixty dollars were found while plowing the site of the old fort within twenty-five years, but these may not have been left by the french. old walls have been excavated again and again but without extraordinary results. pottery of singular kinds, knives, bullets, and human bones have been found. thus, something of the air of romance of the old french days still lingers over this first pathway of the french in the central west. at the end of this road was erected fort la boeuf on the north bank of the west fork of rivière aux boeufs, at the intersection of high and water streets in what is now the city of watertown, pennsylvania. being an inland fort, it was not ranked or fortified as a first-class one; yet, as a trading fort, it was of much importance in the chain from quebec to the ohio. of it washington said, "the bastions were made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at the top, with portholes cut for the cannon, and loopholes for the small arms to fire through. there are eight six-pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pounds before the gate. in the bastions are a guardhouse, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's private stores, round which are laid platforms for the cannon and the men to stand on. there are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwellings, covered, some with bark, and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. there are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, etc." late in the summer of , m. marin sent fifty men to erect a third fort in the chain from lake erie, at venango, just below the junction of french creek and the allegheny river, on the present site of franklin, pennsylvania. possession was taken of the site by captain chabert de joncaire, who spent the winter in the trader frazier's hut, having been opposed by the delaware chieftain half king who said "that the land was theirs, and that they would not have them build upon it." in the spring, however, machinery for a sawmill was brought from canada, and oak and chestnut trees were cut down and sawn into timbers for a new fort which was completed in april. it was not an elaborate work but answered its purpose as an entrepôt for goods going down to fort duquesne. it was named fort machault, from jean baptiste machault, a celebrated french financier and politician and favorite of la pompadour. the fort was a parallelogram about seventy-five by one hundred and five feet with bastions in the form of polygons at the four angles. the gate fronted the river. it contained a magazine protected by three feet of earth, and five barracks two stories high furnished with stone chimneys. the soldiers' barracks consisted of forty-four buildings erected around the fort on the north and east sides. thus, strong in her resources of military and civil centralization, france at last moved swiftly into the west. in this, her superiority over the english colonies was as marked as her success in winning her way into the good graces of the indians. french and english character nowhere show more plainly than in the nature of their contact with the indians as each met them along the st. lawrence, allegheny, and the great lakes. the french came to conciliate the indians, with no scruples as to how they might accomplish their task. the coureur-de-bois threw himself into the spirit of indian life and very nearly adopted the indian's ideals. the stolid english trader, keen for a bargain, justly suspicious of his white rival, invariably distant, seldom tried to ingratiate himself into the friendship of the red man. the voyageur flattered, cajoled, entertained in his wild way, regaled at tables, mingled without stint in indian customs. sir guy carleton wrote, "france did not depend on the number of her troops, but on the discretion of her officers who learned the language of the natives ... distributed the king's presents, excited no jealousy and gained the affections of an ignorant, credulous but brave people, whose ruling passions are independence, gratitude, and revenge." the englishman little affected the conceits of the red man, seldom opened his heart and was less commonly familiar. he ignored as much as possible indian habits; the frenchman feigned all reverence for them, with a care never to rupture their stolid complacency. the english trader clad like a ranger or trapper, made no more use of indian dress than was necessary. the voyageur adopted indian dress commonly, ornamented himself with vermilion and ochre, and danced with the aborigines before the fires; he wore his hair long, crowned with a coronet of feathers; his hunting frock was trimmed with horse-hair fringe and he carried a charmed rattlesnake's tail. "they were the most romantic and poetic characters ever known in american frontier life. their every movement attracts the rosiest coloring of imagination. we see them gliding along the streams in their long canoes, shapely and serviceable as any water craft that man has ever designed, yet buoyant and fragile as the wind-whirled autumn leaf. we catch afar off the thrilling cadences of their choruses floating over the prairie and marsh, echoing from forest and hill, startling the buffalo from his haunt in the reeds, telling the drowsy denizens of the posts of the approach of revelry and whispering to the indian village of gaudy fabrics, of trinkets and of fire water." this was not alone true of the french voyageur, it was more or less true of french soldier and officer. such deportment was not unknown among english traders but it must have been comparatively rare. few men of his race had such a lasting and honorable hold upon the indian as sir william johnson and we cannot be wrong in attributing much of his power (of such momentous value to england through so many years) to the spirit of comradeship and familiarity which underlay his studied deportment. "are you ignorant," said the french governor duquesne to a deputation of indians, "of the difference between the king of france and the english? look at the forts which the king had built: you will find that under their very walls, the beasts of the forests are hunted and slain; that they are, in fact, fixed in places most frequented by you merely to gratify more conveniently your necessities. the english, on the contrary, no sooner occupy a post, than the woods fall before their hand--the earth is subjected to cultivation--the game disappears--and your people are speedily reduced to combat with starvation." m. garneau, the french historian, frankly acknowledges that the marquis here accurately described the chief difference between the two civilizations. in , m. chauvignevie, jr., a seventeen-year-old french prisoner among the english, said that at fort la boeuf the french plant corn around the fort for the indians, "whose wives and children come to the fort for it, and get furnished also with clothes at the king's expense." horace walpole, speaking of the french and english ways of seating themselves in america, said: "they enslaved, or assisted the wretched nations to butcher one another, instructed them in the use of firearms, brandy, and the new testament, and at last, by scattered extension of forts and colonies, they have met to quarrel for the boundaries of empires, of which they can neither use nor occupy a twentieth part of the included territory." "but," he sneers elsewhere, "_we_ do not massacre; we are such good christians as only to cheat." but, while the french moved down the lakes and the allegheny, and the english came across the mountains, what of the _poor_ indian for whose _rich_ lands both were so anxious? an old delaware sachem did not miss the mark widely when he asked the question: "the french claim all the lands on one side of the ohio, and the english on the other: now, where does the indian's land lie?" truly, "between their father the french and their brothers the english, they were in a fair way of being lovingly shared out of the whole country." in , the english paid four hundred pounds to the representatives of the six nations for assuming to cede to them the land between the alleghany mountains. but, as we have seen, the six nations had practically given up their alleghany hunting-grounds to the other nations who had swarmed in, the delawares (known to the french as the _loups_, "wolves"), and the shawanese. so, in a loose way, the confederacy of the six nations was friendly to the english, while the actual inhabitants of the land which the six nations had "sold" were hostile to the english and usually friendly to the french. besides these (the delaware and shawanese nations), many fugitives from the six nations, especially senecas, were found aiding the french as the momentous struggle drew on. chapter iv the virginian governor's envoy a thousand vague rumors came over the mountains to governor dinwiddie of virginia in , of french aggressions on the upper ohio, the more alarming because vague and uncertain. orders were now at hand from london, authorizing the erection of a fort on the ohio to hold that river for england and conciliate the indians to english rule. but the governor was too much in the dark as to the operations of the french to warrant any decisive step, and he immediately looked about him for a person whom he could trust to find out what was really happening in the ohio valley. who was to be this envoy? the mission called for a person of unusual capacity: a diplomat, a soldier, and a frontiersman. there were five hundred miles to be threaded on indian trails in the dead of winter. this was woodsman's work. there were cunning indian chieftains and french officers, trained in intrigue, to be met, conciliated, influenced. this, truly, demanded a diplomat. there were forts to be marked and mapped, highways of approach to be considered and compared, vantage sites on river and mountain to be noted and valued. this was work for a soldier and strategist. after failing to induce one or two gentlemen to undertake this perilous but intrinsically important task, a youthful major, george washington, one of the four adjutant-generals of virginia, offered his services, and the despairing scotch governor, whose zeal always approached rashness, accepted them. but there was something more to the credit of this ambitious youth than his temerity. the best of virginian blood ran in his veins and he had already shown a taste for adventurous service quite in line with such a hazardous business. acquiring, when a mere lad, a knowledge of mathematics, he had gone surveying in lord fairfax's lands on the south branch of the potomac. there he spent the best of three years, far beyond the settled limits of virginia, fortifying his splendid physique against days of stress to come. in other ways this life on his country's frontier was of advantage. here he met the indian--that race over which no man ever wielded a greater influence than washington. here he came to know frontier life, its charms, its deprivations, its fears, and its toils--a life for which he was ever to entertain so much sympathy and so much consideration. here he studied the indian traders, a class of men of much more importance, in peace or war, than any or all others in the border land--men whose motives of action were as hard to read as an indian's, and whose flagrant and oft practiced deceptions on their fellow white men were fraught with disaster. it was of utmost fortune for his country that this youth went into the west in his teens, for he was to be, under providence, a champion of that west worthy of its influence on human affairs. thus he came to it early and loved it; he learned to know its value, to foresee something of its future, to think for and with its pioneer developers, to study its roads and rivers and portages; thus he was fortified against narrow purposes, and made as broad in his sympathies and ambitions as the great west was broad itself. no statesman of his day knew and believed in the west as washington did; and it is not difficult to think that had he not so known and loved it, the territory west of the alleghany mountains would never have become a portion of the united states of america. there were far too many serious men like thomas jefferson who knew little about the west and boasted that they cared less. yet today the seaboard states are more dependent commercially and politically on the states between the alleghanies and mississippi than these central commonwealths are on them. the same divine providence which directed this youth's steps into the alleghanies had brought him speedily to his next post of duty, for family influence secured him an appointment as adjutant-general (with rank of major) over one of the four military districts into which virginia was now divided for purposes of defense, a position for which he was as fitted by inclination as by frontier experience. this lad now received dinwiddie's appointment. as a practical surveyor in the wilderness he possessed frontiersman's qualifications; as an apt and diligent student of military science, with a brother--trained under admiral vernon--as a practical tutor, he had in a degree a soldier's qualifications; if not a diplomat he was as shrewd a lad as chivalrous old virginia had within her borders, still, at twenty-one, that boy of the sixty maxims, but hardened, steadied and made exceeding thoughtful by his life on virginia's great black forest-bound horizon. all in all, he was far better fitted for this mission than any one could have known or guessed. his keen eye, quick perception, and daring spirit were now to be turned to something of more moment than links and chains or a shabby line of virginian militia. it is not to be doubted that george washington knew the danger he courted, at least very much better than we can appreciate it today. he had not lived three years on the frontier for nothing. he had heard of these french--of their bold invasion of the west, their growing trade, their cunning conciliation of the indian, their sudden passion for fort building when they heard of the grant of land to the ohio company, to which his brothers belonged. let who can doubt that he looked with envious eyes upon those fearless fleets of coureurs-de-bois and their woodland pilgrimaging. who can doubt that the few stolid english traders who went over the mountains on poor indian ponies made a sorry showing beside these roistering, picturesque, irrepressible frenchmen who knew and sailed the sweet rivers of the great west? but the forests were filled with their sly, red-skinned proselytes. one swift rifle ball might easily be sent from a hidden covert to meet the stripling envoy from the english who was come to spy out the land and report both its giants and its grapes. yet, after one day's preparation, he was ready to leave a home, rich in comfort and culture, a host of warm friends, and bury himself five hundred miles deep in the western forests, to sleep on the ground in the dead of winter, wade in rivers running with ice, and face a hundred known and a thousand unknown risks. "faith, you're a brave lad," broke out the old scotch governor, "and, if you play your cards well, you shall have no cause to repent your bargain," and major washington departed from williamsburg on the last day of october but one, . the first sentence in the _journal_ he now began suggests his zeal and promptness: "i was commissioned and appointed by the honourable _robert dinnwiddie_, esq; governor, _&c_ of _virginia_, to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the _french_ forces on the _ohio_, and set out on the intended journey the same day." at fredericksburg he employed his old fencing tutor jacob van braam as his interpreter and pushed on westward over the trail used by the ohio company to wills creek (cumberland, maryland) on the upper potomac, where he arrived november . wills creek was the last virginian outpost, where fort cumberland was soon erected. already the ohio company had located a storehouse at this point. onward the indian trail wound in and out through the alleghanies, over the successive ranges known as wills, savage, and meadow mountains. from the latter it dropped down into little meadows. here in the open ground, covered with rank grasses, the first of the western water was crossed, a branch of the youghiogheny river. from "little crossings," as the ford was called, the narrow trail vaulted negro mountain and came down upon the upper youghiogheny, this ford here being named "big crossings." another climb over briery mountain brought the traveler down into great meadows, the largest tract of open land in the alleghanies. by a zigzag climb of five miles the summit of the last of the alleghany ranges--laurel hill--was reached, where the path turned northward and followed the line of hills, by christopher gist's clearing on what is known as mount braddock, toward the lower youghiogheny, and forded at "stewart's crossing." thence the trail ran down the point of land where pittsburg now lies between the "forks of the ohio." [illustration: washington's road] christopher gist, whom washington engaged as guide, knew well this "road of iron" through the mountain, and perhaps was the first white man to travel it who left record of it. on july , , he had been commissioned by the committee of the ohio company to visit their grant of land in the west, and, among other things, "to look out & observe the nearest & most convenient road you can find from the company's store at will's creek to a landing at mohongeyela."[ ] the path started from the buildings hugh parker had erected for the ohio company in on land purchased from lord fairfax.[ ] it followed the course outlined to laurel hill; here it left what was perhaps the main trail to the ohio, and bore westward to the monongahela river which it touched at redstone old fort (brownsville, pa.) it was the course of the shortest portage between the potomac and monongahela. it was the main trail to the ohio over which gist now guided the young envoy. this path had no name until it took that of a delaware indian, nemacolin, who blazed its course, under the direction of captain thomas cresap, for the ohio company. to those who love to look back to beginnings, and read great things in small, this indian path, with its border of wounded trees, leading across the first great divide into the central west, is worthy of contemplation. each tree starred white by the indian's ax spoke of saxon conquest and commerce, one and inseparable. in every act of the great world-drama now on the boards, this little trail with its blazed trees lies in the foreground. and the rise of the curtain shows the lad washington and his party of seven horsemen, led by the bold guide christopher gist, setting out from wills creek on the th of november, . the character of the journey is nowhere better described than in washington's words when he engaged gist's services: "i engaged mr _gist_ to pilot us out." it proved a rough voyage! a fierce, early winter came out of the north, as though in league with the french to intimidate, if not drive back, these spies of french aggression. it rained and snowed, and the little pathway became well-nigh impassable. the brown mountain ranges, which until recently had been burnished with the glory of a mountain autumn, were wet and black. scarce eighteen miles were covered a day, a whole week being exhausted in reaching the monongahela. but this was not altogether unfortunate. a week was not too long for the future father of the west to study the hills and valleys which were to bear forever the precious favor of his devoted and untiring zeal. and in this week this youth conceived a dream and a purpose, the dearest, if not the most dominant, of his life--the union, commercial as well as political, of the east and the west. yet he passed great meadows without seeing fort necessity, braddock's run without seeing braddock's unmarked grave, and laurel hill without a premonition of the covert in the valley below, where shortly he should shape the stones above a frenchman's grave. but could he have seen it all--the wasted labor, nights spent in agony of suspense, humiliation, defeat, and the dead and dying--would it have turned him back? the first roof to offer washington hospitable shelter was the cabin of the trader frazier at the mouth of turtle creek, on the monongahela, near the death-trap where soon that desperate handful of french and indians should put to flight an army of five times its own number. here information was at hand, for it was none other than this frazier who had been driven from venango but a few weeks before by the french force sent there to build a fort. joncaire was spending the winter in frazier's old cabin, and no doubt the young virginian heard this irrepressible french officer's title read clear in strong english oaths. here too was a "speech," with a string of wampum accompanying, on its way from a few anti-french indians on the ohio to governor dinwiddie, bringing the ominous news that the chippewas, ottawas, and wyandots had taken up the hatchet against the english. washington took the speech and the wampum--and pushed on undismayed. sending the baggage down the monongahela by boat, he traveled on overland to the "forks," where he chose a site for a fort, the future site, first, of fort duquesne, and later, fort pitt. but his immediate destination was the indian village of logstown, fifteen miles down the ohio. on his way thither he stopped at the lodge of shingiss, a delaware king, and secured the promise of his attendance upon the council of anti-french (though not necessarily pro-english) indians. for this was the virginian envoy's first task--to make a strong bid for the allegiance of the red men; it was not more than suggested in his instructions, but was none the less imperative, as he well knew whether his superiors did or not. it is extremely difficult to construct anything like a clear statement of indian affiliations at this crisis. this territory west of the alleghanies, nominally purchased from the six nations, was claimed by the shawanese and delawares who, as we have seen, had come into it, and also by many fugitives from the six nations, known generally as mingoes, who had come to make their hunting ground their home. though the delaware king was only a "half king" (because subject to the council of the six nations) yet they claimed the land and had even resisted french encroachment. "half king" and his delawares believed the english only desired commercial intercourse and favored them as compared with the french who had already built forts in the west. the northern nations who were nearer the french soon surrendered to their blandishments; and soon the delawares and the shawanese were overcome by french allurements and were generally found about the french forts and forces. in the spring of the year half king had gone to presque isle and spoken firmly though vainly to the french. in so far as the english were more backward than the french in occupying the land, the unprejudiced delawares and mingoes were inclined to further english plans. when, a few years later, it became clear that the english cared not a whit for the rights of the red men, the latter hated and fought them as they never had the french. washington was well fitted for handling this delicate matter of sharpening indian hatred of the french and of keeping very still about english plans--his past experiences were now of utmost value to him. here at logstown unexpected information was had. certain french deserters from the mississippi gave the english envoy a description of french operations on that river between new orleans and illinois. the latter word "illinois" was taken by washington's old dutch interpreter to be the french words _isle noire_, and washington speaks of illinois as the "black islands" in his _journal_. but this was not to be old van braam's only blunder in the rôle of interpreter! half king was ready with the story of his recent journey to presque isle, which he affirmed washington could not reach "in less than five or six nights' sleep, good traveling." little wonder, at such a season, a journey was measured by the number of nights to be spent in the frozen forests. marin's answer to half king had been no less spirited because of his own dying condition. the frenchman had frankly stated that two english traders had been taken to canada _to get intelligence of what the english were doing in virginia_. so far as indian possession of the land was concerned, marin was quickly to the point: "_you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. i saw that land sooner than you did, before the shannoahs and you were at war:_ lead _was the man who went down, and took possession of that river: it is my land, and i will have it, let who will stand-up for, or say-against, it. i'll buy and sell with the english_, [mockingly]. _if people will be ruled by me, they may expect kindness, but not else._" la salle had gone down the ohio and claimed possession of it long before delaware or shawanese, ottawa or wyandot had built a single fire in the valley. the claim of the six nations only, antedated that of the french--but the six nations had sold their claim to the english for pounds at lancaster in . this, however, did not settle the question. at the council on the following day ( th) washington delivered an address, asking for guides and guards on his trip up the allegheny and rivière aux boeufs, adroitly implying, in word and gesture, that his audience were the warmest allies of the english and equally desirous to oppose french aggression. the council was for granting each request, but the absence of the hunters necessitated a detention; undoubtedly, fear of the french also provoked delay and counseling. little wonder: washington would soon be across the mountains again and the rough frenchman who claimed even the earth beneath his finger-nails, and had won over the ottawas, chippewas, and fierce wyandots, would make short work with all who had housed and counseled with the english envoy! and--perhaps most ominous of all--washington had not announced his business in the west, undoubtedly fearing the indians would not aid him did they know it. when at last they asked the nature of his mission, he answered just the best an honest-hearted lad could; "this was a question i had all along expected," he wrote in his _journal_, "and had provided as satisfactory answers to, as i could; which allayed their curiosity a little." this youthful diplomat would have allayed the burning curiosity of hundreds of others had he mentioned the reason he gave those suspicious chieftains for this five-hundred-mile journey in the wintry season to a miserable little french fort on rivière aux boeufs! it is safe to assume that, could he have given the real reasons, he would have been saved the difficulty of providing "satisfactory" ones. for four days washington remained, but on the th he set out northward, accompanied only by the faithful half king and three other indians, and on the th of december (after four "nights' sleep") the party arrived at the mouth of rivière aux boeufs, where joncaire was wintering in frazier's cabin. the seventy miles from logstown were traversed at about the same poor rate as the from wills creek. to joncaire's cabin, over which floated the french flag, the virginian envoy immediately repaired. he was received with much courtesy, though, as he well knew, legardeur de st. pierre at fort la boeuf, the successor of the dead marin, was the french commandant to whom his letter from dinwiddie must go. however, washington was treated "with the greatest complaisance" by joncaire. during the evening the frenchmen "dosed themselves pretty plentifully," wrote the sober, keen-eyed virginian, "and gave a license to their tongues. they told me, that it was their absolute design to take possession of the _ohio_, and by g-- they would do it: for that although they were sensible the _english_ could raise two men for their one; yet they knew, their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs." for a true picture of this washington (who is said to be forgotten) what one would be chosen before this: a youth from virginia sitting before the log fire in a german's cabin from which the french had driven its owner, on the allegheny river; about him are sitting leering, tipsy gauls, bragging with oaths of a conquest they were never to make: he is dressed for a five-hundred-mile ride through a wilderness in winter, and his sober eyes rest thoughtfully upon the crackling logs while the oaths and boasts and smell of foreign liquor fill the hot and heavy air. no picture could show better the three commanding traits of this youth who was father of the man: hearty daring, significant homespun shrewdness, dogged, resourceful patience. basic traits of character are often displayed involuntarily in the effervescence of youthful zest. these this lad had shown and was showing in this brave ride into a dense wilderness and a braver inspection of his country's enemies, their works, their temper, and their boasts. let this picture hang on the walls of every home where the lad in the foreground before the blazing logs is unknown save in the rôle of the general or statesman he became in later life. how these french officers looked this tall, stern boy up and down! how they enjoyed sneering to his face at english backwardness in crossing the alleghanies into the great west which their own explorers had honeycombed with a hundred swift canoes! as they even plotted his assassination, how, in turn, that young heart must have burned to stop their mouths with a clenched hand. little wonder that when the time came, his voice first ordered "fire!" and his finger first pulled the trigger in the great war which won the west from france! but with the boasts came no little information concerning the french operations on the great lakes, the number of their forts and men. but washington did not get off for fort la boeuf the next day, as the weather was exceedingly rough. this gave the wily joncaire a chance to tamper with his indians, and the opportunity was not neglected. upon learning that half king was in the envoy's retinue, he professed great regret that washington had not "made free to bring him in before." the virginian was quick with a stinging retort: since he had heard joncaire "say a good deal in dispraise of the _indians_ in general" he did not "think their company agreeable." but joncaire had his way and "applied the liquor so fast" that, lo! the poor indians "were soon rendered incapable of the business they came about." in the morning half king came to washington's tent hopefully sober but urging that another day be spent at venango, since "the management of the indian affairs was left solely to monsieur _joncaire_." to this the envoy reluctantly acquiesced. but on the day after, the embassy got on its way, thanks to christopher gist's influence over the indians. when joncaire found them going, he forwarded their plans "in the heartiest way in the world" and detailed monsieur la force (with whom this virginian was to meet in different circumstances within half a year) to accompany them. four days were spent in floundering over the last sixty miles of this journey, the party being driven into "mires and swamps" to avoid crossing the swollen rivière aux boeufs. on the th of december, washington reached his destination, having traveled over miles in forty-two days. [illustration: a map of the country between wills creek and lake erie [_showing the designs of the french for erecting forts southward of the lake; drawn, before the erection of fort duquesne, evidently on the basis of washington's information secured in . from the original in the british museum_]] legardeur de st. pierre, the one-eyed commander at fort la boeuf, had arrived but one week before washington. to him the virginian envoy delivered governor dinwiddie's letter the day after his arrival. its contents read: "sir, "the lands upon the river _ohio_, in the western parts of the colony of _virginia_, are so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of _great-britain_; that it is a matter of equal concern and surprize to me, to hear that a body of _french_ forces are erecting fortresses, and making settlements upon that river, within his majesty's dominions. "the many and repeated complaints i have received of these acts of hostility, lay me under the necessity, of sending, in the name of the king my master, the bearer hereof, _george washington_, esq; one of the adjutants-general of the forces of this dominion; to complain to you of the encroachments thus made, and of the injuries done to the subjects of _great-britain_, in open violation of the law of nations, and the treaties now subsisting between the two crowns. "if these facts are true, and you shall think fit to justify your proceedings, i must desire you to acquaint me, by whose authority and instructions you have lately marched from _canada_, with an armed force; and invaded the king of _great-britain's_ territories, in the manner complained of? that according to the purport and resolution of your answer, i may act agreeably to the commission i am honoured with, from the king my master. "however, sir, in obedience to my instructions, it becomes my duty to require your peaceable departure; and that you would forbear prosecuting a purpose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding, which his majesty is desirous to continue and cultivate with the most christian king. "i persuade myself you will receive and entertain major _washington_ with the candour and politeness natural to your nation; and it will give me the greatest satisfaction, if you return him with an answer suitable to my wishes for a very long and lasting peace between us. i have the honour to subscribe myself, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, robert dinwiddie." while an answer was being prepared, the envoy had an opportunity to take careful note of the fort and its hundred defenders. the fortress which washington carefully described in his _journal_ was not so significant as the great host of canoes along the river shore. it was french canoes the english feared more than french forts. the number at fort la boeuf at this time was over two hundred, and others were being made. and every stream flowed south to the land "notoriously known" to belong to the british crown. on the th, washington was planning his homeward trip. his horses, lacking proper nourishment and exhausted by the hard trip northward, were totally unfit for service, and were at once set on the road to venango, since canoes had been offered the little embassy for the return trip. anxious as washington was to be off, neither his business nor that of half king's had been despatched with any celerity until now; but this day half king secured an audience with st. pierre and offered him the wampum which was promptly refused, though with many protestations of friendship and an offer to send a load of goods to logstown. every effort possible was being put forth to alienate half king, and the virginian lad frankly wrote: "i can't say that ever in my life i suffered so much anxiety as i did in this affair." this day and the next, the french officers outdid themselves in hastening washington's departure and retarding half king's. at last washington complained frankly to st. pierre, who denied his duplicity--and doubled his bribes. but on the day following half king was gotten away, venango being reached in six long days, a large part of the time being spent dragging the canoes over icy shoals. four days were spent with joncaire, when, abandoning both horses and indians, washington and gist set out alone and afoot by the shortest course to the forks of the ohio. it was a daring alternative but altogether the preferable one. at murdering town, a fit place for joncaire's assassin to lie in wait, some french indians were come up with, one of whom offered to guide the travelers across to the forks. at the first good chance he fired upon them and was disarmed and sent away. the two, building a raft, reached an island in the allegheny after heroic suffering, but were unable to cross to the eastern shore until the following morning. they then passed over on the ice which had formed and went directly to frazier's cabin. there they arrived december th. on the first day of the new year, , washington set out for virginia on the little path over which he had come out. on the sixth he met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores "for a fort at the fork of the _ohio_." governor dinwiddie, indefatigable if nothing else, had commissioned captain trent to raise a company of a hundred men to erect a fort on the ohio for the protection of the ohio company. on the th of january the youthful envoy rode again into williamsburg, one month from the day he left fort la boeuf. st. pierre's reply to governor dinwiddie's letter read as follows: "_sir_, "as i have the honour of commanding here in chief, mr. _washington_ delivered me the letter which you wrote to the commandant of the _french_ troops. "i should have been glad that you had given him orders, or that he had been inclined to proceed to _canada_ to see our general; to whom it better belongs than to me to set-forth the evidence and reality of the rights of the king, my master, upon the lands situated along the river _ohio_, and to contest the pretensions of the king of _great-britain_ thereto. "i shall transmit your letter to the marquis _duguisne_. his answer will be a law to me; and if he shall order me to communicate it to you, sir, you may be assured i shall not fail to dispatch it to you forthwith. "as to the summons you send me to retire, i do not think myself obliged to obey it. what-ever may be your instructions, i am here by virtue of the orders of my general; and i intreat you, sir, not to doubt one moment, but that i am determin'd to conform myself to them with all the exactness and resolution which can be expected from the best officer. "i don't know that in the progress of this campaign any thing passed which can be reputed an act of hostility, or that is contrary to the treaties, which subsist between the two crowns; the continuation whereof as much interests, and is as pleasing to us, as the _english_. had you been pleased, sir, to have descended to particularize the facts which occasioned your complaint, i should have had the honour of answering you in the fullest, and, i am persuaded, most satisfactory manner. "i made it my particular care to receive mr _washington_, with a distinction suitable to your dignity, as well as his own quality and great merit. i flatter myself that he will do me this justice before you, sir; and that he will signify to you in the manner i do myself, the profound respect with which i am, sir, your most humble, and most obedient servant, legardeur de st. pierre." washington found the governor's council was to meet the day following and that his report was desired. accordingly he rewrote his _journal_ from the "rough minutes" he had made. from any point of view this document of ten thousand words, hastily written by this lad of twenty-one, who had long since left his school desk, is far more creditable and remarkable than any of the feats of physical endurance for which the lad is idolized by the youthful readers of our school histories. it is safe to say that many a college bred man today could not prepare from rough notes such a succinct and polite document as did this young surveyor, who had read few books, and, it can almost be said, had studied neither his own nor any foreign language. the author did not "in the least conceive ... that it would ever be published." speaking afterward of its "numberless imperfections," he said all that could recommend it to the public was its truthfulness of fact. certain features of this first public service of washington's are worthy of remark: his frankness, as in criticizing shingiss's village as a site for a fort, as proposed by the ohio company; his exactness in giving details (where he could obtain them) of forts, men, and guns; his estimates of distances; his wise conforming to indian custom; his careful note of the time of day of important events; his frequent observations of the character of the lands through which he passed; his knowledge of indian character. this mission prosecuted with such rare tact and skill was an utter failure, considered from the standpoint of its nominal purpose. st. pierre's letter was firm, if not defiant. yet dinwiddie, despairing of french withdrawal, had secured the information he desired. already trent had reached the forks of the ohio where an english fort was being erected. peaceful measures were exhausted with the failure of washington's embassy. england's one hope was--war! chapter v the virginia regiment no literary production of a youth of twenty-one ever electrified the world as did the publication of the _journal_ of this dauntless envoy of the virginian governor. no young man more instantly sprang into the notice of the world than george washington. the journal was copied far and wide in the newspapers of the other colonies. it sped across the sea, and was printed in london by the british government. in a manly, artless way it told the exact situation on the ohio frontier and announced the first positive proof the world had had of hostile french aggression into the great river valley of the west. despite certain youthful expressions, the prudence, tact, capacity, and modesty of the author were recognized by a nation and by a world. without waiting for the house of burgesses to convene, governor dinwiddie's council immediately advised the enlistment of two hundred men to be sent to build forts on the monongahela and ohio rivers. the task of recruiting two companies of one hundred men each was given to the tried though youthful major washington, since they were to be recruited from the northern district over which he had been adjutant-general. his instructions read as follows: "_instruct's to be observ'd by maj'r geo. washington, on the expedit'n to the ohio._ "maj'r geo. washington: you are forthwith to repair to the co'ty of frederick and there to take under y'r com'd men of the militia who will be deliver'd to you by the comd'r of the s'd co'ty pursuant to my orders. you are to send y'r lieut. at the same time to the co'ty of augusta, to receive men from the comd'r of that co'ty as i have order'd, and with them he is to join you at alexandria, to which place you are to proceed as soon as you have rec'd the men in frederick. having rec'd the detachm't, you are to train and discipline them in the best manner you can, and for all necessaries you are to apply y'rself to mr. jno. carlisle at alex'a who has my orders to supply you. having all things in readiness you are to use all expedition in proceeding to the fork of ohio with the men under com'd and there you are to finish and compleat in the best manner and as soon as you possibly can, the fort w'ch i expect is there already begun by the ohio comp'a. you are to act on the defensive, but in case any attempts are made to obstruct the works or interrupt our settlem'ts by any persons whatsoever you are to restrain all such offenders, and in case of resistance to make prisoners of or kill and destroy them. for the rest you are to conduct y'self as the circumst's of the service shall require and to act as you shall find best for the furtherance of his m'y's service and the good of his dom'n. wishing you health and success i bid you farewell."[ ] the general command of the expedition was given to colonel joshua fry, formerly professor of mathematics in william and mary college and a geographer and indian commissioner of note. his instructions were as follows: "_instruction's to joshua fry, esqr., colo. and com'r-in-chief of the virg'a regiment._ march, . "sir: the forces under y'r com'd are rais'd to protect our frontier settlements from the incursions of the french and the ind's in f'dship with them. i therefore desire you will with all possible expedition repair to alexandria on the head of the poto. river, and there take upon you the com'd of the forces accordingly; w'ch i expect will be at that town the middle of next mo. you are to march them to will's creek, above the falls of poto. from thence with the great guns, amunit'n and provisions. you are to proceed to monongahela, when ariv'd there, you are to make choice of the best place to erect a fort for mounting y'r cannon and ascertain'g his m'y the king of g. b's undoubt'd right to those lands. my orders to you is to be on the defensive and if any foreign force sh'd come to annoy you or interrupt y'r quiet settlem't, and building the fort as afores'd, you are in that case to represent to them the powers and orders you have from me, and i desire they w'd imediately retire and not to prevent you in the discharge of your duty. if they sh'd continue to be obstinate after your desire to retire, you are then to repell force by force. i expect a number of the southern indians will join you on this expedit'n, w'ch with the indians on the ohio, i desire you will cultivate a good understanding and correspondence with, supplying them with what provisions and other necessaries you can spare; and write to maj'r carlyle w'n you want provisions, who has my orders to purchase and keep a proper magazine for your dem'ds. keep up a good com'd and regular discipline, inculcate morality and courage in y'r soldiers that they may answer the views on w'ch they are rais'd. you are to constitute a court martial of the chief of your officers, with whom you are to advise and consult on all affairs of consequence; and as the fate of this expedition greatly depends on you, from the opinion i have of your good sense and conduct, i refer the management of the whole to you with the advice of the court martial. sincerely recommending you to the protection of god, wishing success to our just designs, i heartily wish you farewell."[ ] dinwiddie's expedition was in no sense the result of general agitation against french encroachment. and, as in virginia, so it was in other colonies to which governor dinwiddie appealed; the governors said they had received no instructions; the validity of english title to the lands upon which the french were alleged to have encroached was doubted; not one of them wished to precipitate a war through rash zeal. before the bill voting ten thousand pounds "for the encouragement and protection of the settlers on the mississippi," as it was called, passed the house of burgesses, governor dinwiddie had his patience well-nigh exhausted, but he overlooked both the doubts raised as to england's rights in the west and personal slights, and signed the bill which provided for the expenses of the expedition of the virginia regiment. major washington was located at alexandria on the upper potomac in february, where he superintended the rendezvous of his men, and the transportation of supplies and cannon. it was found necessary to resort to impressments to raise the required quota of men. as early as february th, so slow were the drafts and enlistments, governor dinwiddie issued a proclamation granting two hundred thousand acres of land on the ohio, to be divided among the officers and men who would serve in the expedition. this had its effect. by april th, washington arrived at wills creek (cumberland, maryland) with three companies, one under captain stephen who had joined him on the way. the day previous, however, he met a messenger sent from captain trent on the ohio announcing that the arrival of a french army was hourly expected. and on the day following, at wills creek, he was informed of the arrival of the french and the withdrawal of the virginian force under trent from the junction of the allegheny and monongahela, where they had been sent to build a fort for the protection of the ohio company. without any delay, he forwarded this information to the governors of virginia, pennsylvania, and maryland. fancy the state of mind of this vanguard of the virginian army at the receipt of this news. they were then at the last frontier fort with eleven companies of troops. their orders were to push on to the ohio, drive off the french army (which was then reported to number a thousand men), and build a fort there. before them the only road was the indian path, which was hardly wide enough to admit the passage of a packhorse. a ballot was cast among washington's captains--the youngest of whom was old enough to have been his father--and the decision reached was to advance. the indian path could at least be widened, and bridges built, as far as the monongahela. there they determined to erect a fort and await orders and reinforcements. the reasons for this decision are given as follows in washington's _journal_ of :[ ] "_ st._ that the mouth of _red-stone_ is the first convenient place on the river monongahela. "_ nd._ the stores are already built at that place for the provisions of the company, wherein the ammunition may be laid up, our great guns may be also sent by water whenever we shall think it convenient to attack the fort. "_ rd._ we may easily (having all these conveniences) preserve our men from the ill consequences of inaction, and encourage the _indians_ our allies, to remain in our interests."[ ] thus washington's march must be looked upon as the advance of a vanguard opening the road, bridging the streams, preparing the way for the commanding officer and his army. nor was there, now, need for haste--had it been possible or advisable to hasten. the landing of the french at the junction of the allegheny and monongahela already thwarted governor dinwiddie's object in sending out the expedition, "to prevent their [french] building any forts or making any settlem'ts on that river, [ohio] and more particularly so nigh us as that of the logstown [fifteen miles below the forks of the ohio]." now that a fort was building, with an army of a thousand men (as washington had been erroneously informed) encamped about it, nothing more was to be thought of than a cautious advance. and so washington gave the order on the th of april, three score men having been sent ahead to widen the indian trail. the march was difficult and exceedingly slow. in the first ten days they covered but twenty miles. yet each mile must have been anticipated seriously by the young commander. he knew not whether his colonel with reinforcements or the enemy were nearest. governor dinwiddie wrote him (may ) concerning reinforcements, as follows: "the independ't compa from so. car. arriv'd two days ago; is compleat; men besides officers, and will re-embark for alex^a next week, thence proceed imediately to join col^o. fry and you. the two independ't compa's from n. york may be expected in ab'^t ten days. the n. car. men, under the com'^d of col^o. innes, are imagin'd to be on their march, and will probably be at the randezvous ab'^t the ^{th}. inst."... "i hope capt. mckay who com'ds the independ't compa., will soon be with you and as he appears to be an officer of some experience and importance, you will, with col^o. fry and col^o. innes, so well agree as not to let some punctillios ab'^t com'd render the service you are all engag'd in, perplex'd or obstructed."[ ] relying implicitly on dinwiddie, washington pushed on and on into the wilderness, opening a road and building bridges for a colonel and an army that was never to come. as he advanced into the alleghanies he found the difficulty of hauling wagons very serious, and long before he reached the youghiogheny he determined to test the possibility of transportation down that stream and the monongahela to his destination at the mouth of redstone creek. may th, he sent a reconnoitering force forward to gist's, on laurel hill, the last spur of the alleghanies, to locate a french party, which, the indians reported, had left fort duquesne, and to find if there was possibility of water transportation to the month of redstone creek, where a favorable site for a fort was to be sought. slowly the vanguard of the army felt its way to little meadows and across the smaller branch of the youghiogheny, which it bridged at little crossings. on the th, according to the french version of washington's _journal_, he met traders who informed him of the appearance of french near gist's and expressed doubts as to the possibility of building a wagon road from gist's to the mouth of redstone creek. this made it imperatively necessary for the young lieutenant-colonel to attempt to find a water passage down the youghiogheny. the day following, much information was received both from the front and the rear, perhaps most vividly stated in the _journal_ as follows: "the governor informs me that capt. mckay, with an independent company of men, excluding the officers, had arrived, and that we might expect them daily; and that the men from new-york would join us within ten days. "this night also came two _indians_ from the _ohio_ who left the french fort five days ago; they relate that the french forces are all employed in building their fort, that it is already breast-high, and of the thickness of twelve feet, and filled with earth, stones, &c. they have cut down and burnt up all the trees which were about it and sown grain instead thereof. the _indians_ believe they were only in number, although they say themselves they are : they expect a greater number in a few days, which may amount to , . then they say they can defy the _english_."[ ] arriving on the eastern bank of the youghiogheny the next day, the river being too wide to bridge and too high to ford, washington put himself "in a position of defence against any immediate attack from the enemy," and went straightway to work on the problem of water transportation. by the th, a canoe having been provided, washington set out on the youghiogheny with four men and an indian. by nightfall they reached "turkey foot" (confluence, pennsylvania), which washington mapped for the site of a fort. below "turkey foot" the stream was found too rapid and rocky to admit of any sort of navigation and washington returned to camp on the th, with the herculean hardships of an entire overland march staring him in the face. information was now at hand from half king concerning alleged movements of the french; thus the letter read: "to any of his majesty's officers whom this may concern. "as 'tis reported that the french army is set out to meet m. george washington i exhort you my brethren, to guard against them, for they intend to fall on the first _english_ they meet; they have been on their march these two days, the half king and the other chiefs will join you within five days, to hold a council, though we know not the number we shall be. i shall say no more; but remember me to my brethren the english. signed, the half king." at two o'clock of that same may day ( th) the little vanguard came down the eastern wooded hills that surround great meadows, and looked across the waving grasses and low bushes which covered the field they were soon to make classic ground. immediately upon arriving at the future battle-field, information was secured from a trader confirming half king's alarming letter. below the roadway, which passed the meadow on the hillside, the lieutenant-colonel found two natural intrenchments near a branch of great meadows run, perhaps old courses of the brook through the swampy land. here the troops and wagons were placed. great meadows may be described as two large basins, the smaller lying directly westward of the larger and connected with it by a narrow neck of swampy ground. each is a quarter of a mile wide, and the two a mile and a half in length. the old roadway descends from the southern hills, coming out upon the meadows at the eastern extremity of the western basin. it traverses the hillside south of the western meadow. the natural intrenchments or depressions behind which washington huddled his army on this may afternoon were at the eastern edge of the western basin. back of him was the narrow neck of lowland which soon opened into the eastern basin. behind him to his left on the hillside his newly made road crept eastward into the hills. the indian trail followed the edge of the forest westward to laurel hill, five miles distant, and on to fort duquesne. on this faint opening into the western forest the little band and its youthful commander kept their eyes as the sun dropped behind the hills, closing an anxious day and bringing a dreaded night. how large the body of french might have been, not one of the one hundred and fifty men knew. how far away they might be, no one could guess. here in this forest meadow the little vanguard slept on their arms, surrounded by watchful sentinels, with fifty-one miles of forest and mountain between them and the nearest settlement at wills creek. the darkling forests crept down the hills on either side as though to hint by their portentous shadows of the dead and dying that were to be. but the night waned and morning came. with increasing energy, as though nerved to duty by the dangers which surrounded him, the twenty-two-year-old commander washington gave his orders promptly. a scouting party was sent on the indian trail in search of the coming french. squads were set to threshing the forests for spies. horsemen were ordered to scour the country and keep look-out for french from neighboring points of vantage. at night all returned, none the wiser for their vigilance and labor. the french force had disappeared from the face of the earth. it may be believed that this lack of information did not tend to ease the intense strain of the hour. it must have been plain to the dullest that serious things were ahead. two flags, silken emblems of an immemorial hatred, were being brought together in the alleghanies. it was a moment of utmost importance to europe and america. quebec and jamestown were met on laurel hill; and a spark struck here and now was to "set the world on fire." however clearly this may have been seen, washington was not the man to withdraw. indeed, the celerity with which he precipitated england and france into war made him the most criticized man on both continents. another day passed--and the french could not be found. on the following day christopher gist arrived at great meadows with the information that m. la force with fifty men (whose tracks he had seen within five miles of great meadows) had been at his house on "mount braddock," fifteen miles distant. acting on this reliable information, washington at once dispatched a scouting party in pursuit. the day passed and no word came to the anxious men in their trenches in the meadows. another night, silent and cheerless, came over the mountains upon the valley, and with the night came rain. fresh fears of strategy and surprise must have arisen as the cheerless sun went down. suddenly, at eight in the evening, a runner brought word that the french were run to cover. half king, while coming to join washington, had found la force's party in "a low, obscure place." it was now time for a daring man to show himself. such was the young commander at great meadows. "that very moment," wrote washington in his _journal_, "i sent out forty men and ordered my ammunition to be put in a place of safety, fearing it to be a stratagem of the french to attack our camp; i left a guard to defend it, and with the rest of my men set out in a heavy rain, and in a night as dark as pitch." perhaps a war was never precipitated under stranger circumstances. contrecoeur, commanding at fort duquesne, was made aware by his indian scouts of washington's progress all the way from the potomac. the day before washington arrived at great meadows, contrecoeur ordered m. de jumonville to leave fort duquesne with a detachment of thirty-four men, commanded by la force, and go toward the advancing english. to the english (when he met them) he was to explain he had come to order them to retire. to the indians he was to pretend he was "traveling about to see what is transacting in the king's territories, and to take notice of the different roads." in the eyes of the english the party was to be an embassy. in the eyes of the indians, a party of scouts reconnoitering. this is clear from the orders given by contrecoeur to jumonville. three days later, on the th, this "embassy" was at gist's plantation, where, according to gist's report to washington, they "would have killed a cow and broken everything in the house, if two _indians_, whom he [gist] had left in charge of the home, had not prevented them." from gist's, la force had advanced within five miles of great meadows, as gist ascertained by their tracks on the indian trail. then--although the english commander was within an hour's march--the french retraced their steps to the summit of laurel hill, and, descending deep into the obscure valley on the east, built a hut under the lee of the precipice and rested from their labors! here they remained throughout the th, while washington's scouts were running their legs off in the attempt to locate them, and the young lieutenant-colonel was in a fever of anxiety at their sudden, ominous disappearance. now they were found. what a march was that! the darkness was intense. the path, washington wrote, was "scarce broad enough for one man." now and then it was lost completely and a quarter of an hour was wasted in finding it. stones and roots impeded the way, and were made trebly treacherous by the torrents of rain which fell. the men struck the trees. they fell over each other. they slipped from the narrow track and slid downward through the soaking, leafy carpet of the forest. enthusiastic tourists make the journey today from great meadows to the summit of laurel hill on the track over which washington and his hundred men floundered and stumbled that wet may night a century and a half ago. it is a hard walk but exceedingly fruitful to one of imaginative vision. from great meadows the trail holds fast to the height of ground until braddock's run is crossed near "braddock's grave." picture that little group of men floundering down into this mountain stream, swollen by the heavy rain, in the utter darkness of that night! from braddock's run the trail begins its long climb on the sides of the foothills, by picturesque peddler's rocks, to the top of laurel hill, two thousand feet above. washington left great meadows about eight o'clock. it was not until sunrise that half king's sentries at "washington's spring" saw the vanguard file out on the narrow ridge, which, dividing headwaters of great meadow run and cheat river, makes an easy ascent to the summit of the mountain. the march of five miles had been accomplished, with great difficulty, in a little less than ten hours--at the rate of _one mile in two hours_! forgetting all else for the moment, consider the young leader of the floundering, stumbling army. there is not another episode in all washington's long, eventful life that shows more clearly his strength of personal determination and daring. beside this all-night march from great meadows to washington's spring, wolfe's ascent to the plains of abraham at quebec was a pastime. a man in full daylight today can walk over washington's five-mile course to laurel hill in one-fifth of the time that little army needed on that black night. if a more difficult ten-hour night march has been made in the history of warfare in america, who led it and where was it made? no feature of the campaign shows more clearly the unmatched, irresistible energy of this twenty-two-year-old boy. for those to whom washington, the man, is "unknown," there are lessons in this little path today, of value far beyond their cost. whether washington intended to attack the french before he reached half king, is not known; at the spring a conference was held and it was immediately decided to attack. washington did not know and could not have known that jumonville was an ambassador. the action of the french in approaching great meadows and then withdrawing and hiding was not the behavior of an embassy. half king and his indians were of opinion that the french party entertained evil designs, and, as washington afterwards wrote, "if we had been such fools as to let them [the french] go, they would never have helped us to take any other frenchmen." two scouts were sent out in advance; then, in indian file, washington and his men with half king and a few indians followed and "prepared to surround them." laurel hill, the most westerly range of the alleghanies, trends north and south through western pennsylvania. in fayette county, about one mile on the summit northward from the cumberland road, lies washington's spring where half king encamped. the indian trail coursed along the summit northward fifteen miles to gist's. on the eastern side, laurel hill descends into a valley varying from a hundred to five hundred feet deep. nearly two miles from the spring, in the bottom of a valley four hundred feet deep, lay jumonville's "embassy." the attacking party, guided by indians, who had previously wriggled down the hillside on their bellies and found the french, advanced along the indian trail and then turned off and began stealthily creeping down the mountainside. [illustration: ledge from which washington opened fire upon jumonville's party] washington's plan was, clearly, to surround and capture the french. it is plain he did not understand the ground. they were encamped in the bottom of a valley two hundred yards wide and more than a mile long. moreover, the hillside on which the english were descending abruptly ended on a narrow ledge of perpendicular rocks thirty feet high and a hundred yards long. coming suddenly out on the rocks, washington leading the right division of the party and half king the left, it was plain in the twinkling of an eye that it would be impossible to achieve a bloodless victory. washington therefore gave and received first fire. it was fifteen minutes before the astonished but doughty french, probably now surrounded by half king's indians, were compelled to surrender. ten of their number, including the "ambassador" jumonville, were killed outright and one wounded. twenty-one were taken prisoners. one frenchman escaped, running half clothed through the forests to fort duquesne with the evil tidings. "we killed," writes washington, "mr. de jumonville, the commander of that party, as also nine others; we wounded one and made twenty-one prisoners, among whom were _m. la force, m. drouillon_ and two cadets. the indians scalped the dead and took away the greater part of their arms, after which we marched on with the prisoners under guard to the _indian_ camp.... i marched on with the prisoners. _they informed me that they had been sent with a summons to order me to retire._ a plausible pretence to discover our camp and to obtain knowledge of our forces and our situation! it was so clear that they were come to reconnoiter what we were, that i admired their assurance, when they told me they were come as an embassy; their instructions were to get what knowledge they could of the roads, rivers, and all the country as far as the potomac; and instead of coming as an embassador, publicly and in an open manner, they came secretly, and sought the most hidden retreats more suitable for deserters than for embassadors; they encamped there and remained hidden for whole days together, at a distance of not more than five miles from us; they sent spies to reconnoiter our camp; the whole body turned back miles; they sent the two messengers mentioned in the instruction, to inform m. de contrecoeur of the place where we were, and of our disposition, that he might send his detachments to enforce the summons as soon as it should be given. besides, an embassador has princely attendants, whereas this was only a simple petty _french_ officer, an embassador has no need of spies, his person being always sacred: and seeing their intention was so good, why did they tarry two days at five miles' distance from us without acquainting me with the summons, or at least, with something that related to the embassy? that alone would be sufficient to excite the strongest suspicions, and we must do them the justice to say, that, as they wanted to hide themselves, they could not have picked out better places than they had done. the summons was so insolent, and savored of so much gasconade, that if it had been brought openly by two men it would have been an excessive indulgence to have suffered them to return.... they say they called to us as soon as they had discovered us; which is an absolute falsehood, for i was then marching at the head of the company going towards them, and can positively affirm, that, when they first saw us, they ran to their arms, without calling, as i must have heard them had they so done."[ ] in a letter to his brother, washington wrote: "i fortunately escaped without any wound; for the right wing where i stood, was exposed to, and received all the enemy's fire; and it was the part where the man was killed and the rest wounded. i heard the bullets whistle; and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." the letter was published in the _london magazine_. it is said george ii. read it and commented dryly: "he would not say so if he had been used to hear many." in later years washington heard too much of the fatal music, and once, when asked if he had written such rodomontade is said to have answered gravely, "if i said so, it was when i was young." aye, but it is memorials of that daring young virginian, to whom whistling bullets were charming, that we seek in the alleghanies today. we catch a similar glimpse of his ardent, boyish spirit in a letter written from fort necessity later. speaking of strengthening the fortifications, washington writes: "we have, with nature's assistance, made a good intrenchment, and by clearing the bushes out of these meadows, prepared a charming field for an encounter." over and above the anxieties with which he was ever beset, there shines out clearly the exuberance of boyish zest and valor--soon to be hardened and quenched by innumerable cares and heavy responsibilities. thus the first blow in the long bloody seven years' war was struck by the red-uniformed virginians under washington at the bottom of that alleghany valley. he immediately returned to great meadows, sent eastward to the belated fry for reinforcements, and westward a scouting party to keep watch of the enemy. on the th, the french prisoners were sent eastward to virginia and the construction of a fort was begun at great meadows, by erecting "small palisades." this was completed by the following day, june st. washington, in his _journal_ under the date of june th, speaks of this fort as "fort-necessity."[ ] the name suggests the exigencies which led to its erection: lack of troops and provisions. on june nd, washington wrote in his _journal_: "we had prayers in the fort;"[ ] the name necessity may not have been used at first. on the th, gist arrived from wills creek, bringing the news of colonel fry's death by injuries sustained from being thrown from his horse. thus the command now devolved upon washington who had been in actual command from the beginning. on the th, the remainder of the virginian regiment arrived from wills creek, with the swivels, under colonel muse. on the day following, captain mackaye arrived with the independent company of south carolinians. the reinforcements put a new face on affairs and it is clear that the new colonel commanding secretly hoped to capture fort duquesne forthwith. washington's road was finished to great meadows. for two weeks, now, the work went on, completing it as far as gist's, on mount braddock. in the mountains a sharp lookout for the french was maintained, and spies were continually sent to fort duquesne to report all that was happening there. among all else that taxed the energies of the young colonel was the management of the indian question. at one time he received and answered a deputation of delawares and shawanese which he knew was sent by the french as spies. yet the answer of this youth to the "treacherous devils," as he calls them in his private record of the day, was as bland and diplomatic as that of indian chieftain bred to hypocrisy and deceit. he put little faith in the redskins but made good use of those he had as spies, did all in his power to restrain the nations from joining the french, and offered to all who came or would come to him a hospitality he could ill afford. on the th, his road was completed to gist's and eight of the sixteen miles from gist's to the mouth of redstone creek. on this day the scouts brought word of reinforcements at fort duquesne and of preparations for sending out an army. immediately washington summoned mackaye's company from fort necessity and the building of a fort was begun by throwing up entrenchments on mount braddock. all outlying squads were called in. but on the th, fresher information being at hand, it was decided at a council of war to retreat to virginia rather than oppose the strong force which was advancing up the monongahela. the consternation at fort duquesne upon the arrival of the single, barefoot fugitive from jumonville's company can be imagined. relying on the pompous pretenses of the embassadorship and desiring to avoid an indefensible violation of the treaty of utrecht--though the spirit and letter were "already infringed by his very presence on the ground"--contrecoeur, one of the best representatives of his proud king that ever came to america, assembled a council of war and ordered each opinion to be put in writing. mercier gave moderate advice; coulon-villiers, half-brother of jumonville, burning with rage, urged violent recrimination. mercier prevailed, and an army of five hundred french and as many, or more, indians, among whom were many delawares, formerly friendly to the english, was raised to march and meet washington. at his request the command was given to coulon-villiers--_le grand villiers_, so-called from his prowess among the indians. mercier was second in command. this was the army before which washington was now slowly, painfully, retreating from mount braddock toward virginia. it was a sad hour--that in which the virginian retreat was ordered by the daring colonel, eager for a fight. but, even if he secretly wished to stay and defend the splendid site on mount braddock where he had entrenched his army, the counsel of older heads prevailed. it would have been better had the army stuck to those breastworks--but the suffering and humiliation to come was not foreseen. backward over the rough, new road the little army plodded, the virginians hauling their swivels by hand. two teams and a few packhorses were all that remained of horse-flesh equal to the occasion. even washington and his officers walked. for a week there had been no bread. in two days fort necessity was reached, where, quite exhausted, the little army went into camp. there were only a few bags of flour here. it was plain, now, that the retreat was ill-advised. human strength could not endure it. so there was nothing to do but send post-haste to wills creek for help. but, if strength were lacking--there was courage, and to spare! for after a "full and free" conference of the officers it was determined to enlarge the stockade, strengthen the fortifications, and await the enemy whatever his number and power. [illustration: site of fort necessity] the day following was spent in this work and famed fort necessity was completed. it was the shape of an irregular square situated upon a small height of land near the center of the swampy meadow. "the natural entrenchments" of which washington speaks in his _journal_ may have been merely this height of ground, or old courses of the two brooks which flow by it on the north and on the east. at any rate the fort was built on an "island," so to speak, in the wet lowland. a narrow neck of solid land connected it with the southern hillside, along which the road ran. a shallow ditch surrounded the earthen palisaded sides of the fort. parallel with the southeastern and southwestern palisades rifle-pits were dug. bastion gateways offered entrance and exit. the works embraced less than a third of an acre of land. all day long skirmishers and double picket lines were kept out and the steady advance of the french force, three times the size of the army fearlessly awaiting it, was reported by hurrying scouts. no army ever lay on its arms of a night surer of a battle on the morrow than did this first english army that ever came into the west. _le grand villiers_, thirsting for revenge, lay not five miles off, with a thousand followers who had caught his spirit. and yet time was to show that this fiery temper was held in admirable control! by earliest morning light on wednesday, july , an english sentry was brought in wounded. the french were then descending laurel hill four miles distant. they had attacked the entrenchments on mount braddock the morning before, only to find their bird had flown, and now were pressing after the retreating redcoats and their "buckskin colonel." little is known of the story of this day within the earthen triangle, save as it is told in the meager details of the general battle. there was great lack of food, but, to compensate for this, as the soldiers no doubt thought, there was much to drink. by eleven o'clock the french and indians, spreading throughout the forests on the northwest, began firing at six hundred yards' distance. finally they circled to the southeast where the forests approached nearer to the english trenches. washington at once drew his little army out of the fort and boldly challenged assault on the narrow neck of solid land on the south which formed the only approach to the fort. but the crafty villiers, not to be tempted, kept well within the forest shadows to the south and east--cutting off all retreat to virginia. realizing at last that the french would not give battle, washington withdrew again behind his entrenchments, mackaye's south carolinians occupying the rifle-pits which paralleled two sides of the fortification. here the all-day's battle was fought between the virginians behind their breastworks and in their trenches, and the french and indians on the ascending wooded hillsides. the rain which began to fall soon flooded mackaye's men out of their trenches. but no other change of position was made all day. and, so far as the battle went, the english doggedly held their own. in the contest with hunger and rain, however, they were fighting a losing battle. the horses and cattle escaped and were slaughtered by the enemy. the provisions were nearly exhausted and the ammunition was far spent. as the afternoon waned, though there was some cessation in musketry fire, many guns being rendered useless by the rain, the smoking little swivels were made to do double duty. they bellowed their fierce defiance with unwonted zest as night came on, giving to the english an appearance of strength which they were far from possessing. the hungry soldiers made up for the lack of food from the abundance of liquor, which, in their exhausted state had more than its usual effect. by nightfall half the little doomed army, surrounded by the french and indians, fifty miles from any succor, was in a pitiable condition! no doubt, had villiers dared to rush the entrenchments, the english could have been annihilated. their hopeless condition could not have been realized by the foe on the hills. but it all was realized by the sober young colonel commanding. and as he looked about him in the wet twilight of that july day, what a dismal ending of his first campaign it must have seemed. fifty-four of his three hundred and four men were killed or wounded. the loss among the ninety carolinians is not known. at the same rate there were, in all, perhaps seventy-five killed or wounded in that little palisaded enclosure. provisions and ammunition were about gone. horses and cattle were lost. many of the small arms were useless. the army was surrounded by _le grand villiers_, watchfully abiding his time. and half the tired men were intoxicated by the only stimulant that could be spared. what mercy could be hoped for from the brother of the dead jumonville? for these four hundred spartans, a fight to the death, or at least a captivity at duquesne or quebec was all that could be expected--jumonville's party having already been sent into virginia as captives. but at eight in the evening the french requested a parley. washington refused to consider the suggestion. why should a parley be desired with an enemy in such a hopeless strait as they? it was clear that villiers had resorted to this strategy to gain better information of their condition. but the request was soon repeated, and this time for a parley between the lines. to this washington readily acceded, and captain van braam went to meet le mercier, who brought a verbal proposition from villiers for the capitulation of fort necessity. to this proposition washington and his officers listened. twice the commissioners were sent to villiers to submit modifications demanded by washington. they returned a third time with the articles reduced to writing--but in french. washington depended upon van braam's poor knowledge of french and mongrel english for a verbal translation. jumonville's death was referred to as an assassination though van braam englished the word "death"--perhaps thinking there was no other translation for the french _l'assassinat_. and by the light of a flickering candle, which the mountain wind frequently extinguished, the rain falling upon the company, george washington signed this, his _first_ and his _last_, capitulation. it read as follows: "article ^{st}. we permit the english commander to withdraw with all the garrison, in order that he may return peaceably to his country, and to shield him from all insult at the hands of our french, and to restrain the savages who are with us as much as may be in our power. "art. ^{nd}. he shall be permitted to withdraw and to take with him whatever belongs to his troops, _except the artillery, which we reserve for ourselves_. "art. ^{rd}. we grant them the honors of war; they shall withdraw with beating drums, and with a small piece of cannon, wishing by this means to show that we consider them friends. "art. ^{th}. as soon as these articles shall be signed by both parties, they shall take down the english flag. "art. ^{th}. tomorrow at daybreak a detachment of french shall lead forth the garrison and take possession of the aforesaid fort. "art. ^{th}. since the english have scarcely any horses or oxen left, they shall be allowed to hide their property, in order that they may return to seek for it after they shall have recovered their horses; for this purpose they shall be permitted to leave such number of troops as guards as they may think proper, _under this condition, that they give their word of honor that they will work on no establishment either in the surrounding country or beyond the highlands during one year beginning from this day_. "art. ^{th}. since the english have in their power an officer and two cadets, and, in general, all the prisoners whom they took _when they murdered lord jumonville_, they now promise to send them, with an escort to fort duquesne, situated on belle river, and to secure the safe performance of this treaty article, _as well as of the treaty_, messrs. jacob van braam and robert stobo, both captains, shall be delivered to us as hostages until the arrival of our french and canadians herein before mentioned. "we on our part declare that we shall give an escort to send back in safety the two officers who promise us our french in two months and a half at the latest. "copied on one of the posts of our block-house the same day and year as before. (signed.) messrs. james mackaye, g^c. g^o. washington, coulon villier."[ ] the parts in italics were those misrepresented by van braam. the words _pendant une année à compter de ce jour_ are not found in the articles printed by the french government, as though it repudiated villier's intimation that the english should ever return. but within sixty-three hours of a year, an english army, eight times as great as the party now capitulating, marched across this battle-field. the nice courtesy shown by the young colonel, in allowing captain mackaye's name to take precedence over his own, is significant, as mackaye, a king's officer, had never considered himself amenable to washington's orders, and his troops had steadily refused to bear the brunt of the campaign--working on the road or transporting guns and baggage. in the trenches, however, the carolinians did their duty. and so, on the morning of july th, , the red-uniformed virginians and king's troops marched out from fort necessity between the files of french, with all the honors of war and _tambour battant_. much baggage had to be destroyed to save it from the indians whom the french could not restrain. such was the condition of the men--the wounded being carried on stretchers--that only three miles could be made on the homeward march the first day. however glorious later july fourths may have seemed to washington, memories of the distress and gloom and humiliation of this day ever served to temper his joys. the report of the officers of the virginia regiment made at wills creek, where they arrived july th, shows thirteen killed, fifty-three wounded, thirteen left lame on the road, twenty-seven absent, twenty-one sick, and one hundred and sixty-five fit for duty. on august th, the virginian house of burgesses passed a vote of thanks to "colonel george washington, captain mackaye of his majesty's independent company, and the officers under his command," for their "gallant and brave behaviour in defense of their country." the sting of defeat was softened by the public realization of the odds of the contest and the failure of dinwiddie to forward reinforcements and provisions. a characteristic scene was enacted in the house when, colonel washington having entered the gallery, the burgesses rose to express their respect for the young officer who had led the first english army across the alleghanies. the colonel attempted to return thanks for the conspicuous recognition, but, though he had faced unflinchingly the french and the indians, he was overcome with embarrassment at this involuntary, warm tribute of his friends. but the young hero was deeply chagrined at his being duped to recognize jumonville's death as an assassination. captain van braam, being held in disrepute for what was probably nothing more culpable than carelessness, was not named in the vote of thanks tendered washington's officers. but this chagrin was no more cutting than the obstinacy of dinwiddie in refusing to fulfill the article of the treaty concerning the return of the french prisoners. for this there was little or no valid excuse, and dinwiddie's action in thus playing fast and loose with washington's reputation was as galling to the young colonel as it was heedless of his country's honor and the laws of war. washington's first visit to the ohio had proven french occupation of that great valley. this, his second mission, had proven their power. with this campaign began his military career. "although as yet a youth," writes sparks, "with small experience, unskilled in war, and relying on his own resources, he had behaved with the prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran commander. rigid in discipline, but sharing the hardships and solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he had secured their obedience and won their esteem amidst privations, sufferings and perils that have seldom been surpassed." the few memorials of this little campaign are of great interest and value since it marked the beginning of the struggle of our national independence, and because of washington's prominence in it. of the beginning of washington's fort on mount braddock nothing whatever remains save the record of it, which should be enough--though it is not--to silence all who, with gross ignorance of the facts, have imputed to the young commander a lack of military skill in choosing the site in great meadows for fort necessity. criticisms of washington on this score are ridiculous misrepresentations. the fact that washington chose mount braddock for his fort and battle-ground has, unfortunately, never been emphasized by historians. the great meadows, sunny and fair, lie quietly between their hills dreaming even yet of the young hero whose name is indissolubly linked with their own. the gently sloping hills are now quite cleared of forests--save on the southeast, where, as in the old days, the forests still approach nearest the bottom land. for half a century after washington capitulated, his roadway from the potomac was the great highway across the mountains, and thousands of weary pilgrims to the great west camped near the spot where the father of the west fought his first battle for it. at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the cumberland road, the historic highway of america, was built through great meadows, and the northern hill--on which the french opened the first battle of the french and indian war on that july morning--over which the great road was built is named mount washington. on a plateau surrounded by low ground at the western extremity of classic great meadows, fort necessity was built, and there may be seen today the remains of its palisades. the site was not chosen because of its strategic location, but because, late in that may day, a century and a half ago, a little army hurrying forward to find any spot where it could defend itself, selected it because of the supply of water afforded by the brooks. from the hill to the east the young commander no doubt looked with anxious eyes upon this well-watered meadow, and perhaps he decided quickly to make his resistance here. as he neared the spot his hopes rose, for he found that the plateau was surrounded by wet ground and accessible only from the southern side. moreover the plateau contained "natural fortifications," as washington termed them, possibly gullies torn through it, sometime when the brooks were out of banks. here washington quickly ensconced his men. from their trenches, as they looked westward for the french, lay the western extremity of great meadows covered with bushes and rank grasses. to their right--the north--the meadow marsh stretched more than a hundred yards to the gently ascending wooded hillside. behind them lay the eastern sweep of meadows, and to their left, seventy yards distant, the wooded hillside to the south. the high ground on which they lay contained about forty square rods, and was bounded on the north by great meadows brook and on the east by a brooklet which descended from the valley between the southern hills. when, in the days following, fort necessity was raised, the palisades, it is said, were made by erecting logs on one end, side by side, and throwing dirt against them from both sides. as there were no trees in the meadow, the logs were brought from the southern hillside over the narrow neck of solid ground to their place. on the north the palisade was made to touch the waters of the brook. without its embankments on the south and west sides, two trenches were dug parallel with the embankments, to serve as rifle-pits. bastion gateways, three in number, were made in the western palisade. the first recorded survey of fort necessity was made by mr. freeman lewis, senior author, with mr. james veech, of _the monongahela of old_, in . this survey was first reproduced in lowdermilk's _history of cumberland_;[ ] it is described by mr. veech in _the monongahela of old_,[ ] and has been reproduced as authoritative, by the authors of _frontier forts of pennsylvania_, published in by the state of pennsylvania.[ ] the embankments are described thus by mr. veech on the basis of his collaborator's survey: "it [fort necessity] was in the form of an obtuse-angled triangle of degrees, having its base or hypothenuse upon the run. the line of the base was about midway, sected or broken, and about two perches of it thrown across the run, connecting with the base by lines of the triangle. one line of the angle was six, the other seven perches; the base line eleven perches long, including the section thrown across the run. the lines embraced in all about fifty square perches of land on [or?] nearly one third of an acre." this amusing statement has been seriously quoted by the authorities mentioned, and a map is made according to it and published in the _frontier forts of pennsylvania_ without a word as to its inconsistencies. how could a triangle, the sides of which measure six, seven, and eleven rods, contain fifty square rods or one-third of an acre? it could not contain half that amount. [illustration: two plans of fort necessity [_a, plan of lewis's survey; b, sparks's plan_]] the present writer went to fort necessity armed with this two-page map of fort necessity in the _frontier forts of pennsylvania_ which he trusted as authoritative. the present owner of the land, mr. lewis fazenbaker, objected to the map, and it was only in trying to prove its correctness that its inconsistencies were discovered. the mounds now standing on the ground are drawn on the appended chart _diagrams of fort necessity_ as lines c a b e. by a careful survey of them by mr. robert mccracken c.e., sides c a and a b are found to be the identical mounds surveyed by mr. lewis, the variation in direction being exceedingly slight and easily accounted for by erosion. the direction of mr. lewis's sides were n. w. and s. w.: their direction by mr. mccracken's survey are n. w. and s. . w. this proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that the embankments surveyed in and are identical. but the third mound b e runs utterly at variance with mr. lewis's figure. by him its direction was s. - / e.; its present direction is s. e. the question then arises: is this mound the one that mr. lewis surveyed? nothing could be better evidence that it is than the very egregious error mr. lewis made concerning the area contained within his triangular embankment. he affirms that the area of fort necessity was fifty square rods. now take the line of b e for the third side of the triangle and extend it to f where it would meet the continuation of side a c. _that triangle contains almost exactly square rods or one-third of an acre!_ the natural supposition must be that some one had surveyed the triangle a f b and computed its area correctly as about fifty square rods. the mere recording of this area is sufficient evidence that the triangle a f b had been surveyed in , and this is sufficient proof that mound b e stood just as it stands today and was considered in mr. lewis's day as one of the embankments of fort necessity. [illustration: diagrams of fort necessity [_scale feet to the inch._]] now, why did mr. lewis ignore the embankment b e and the triangle a f b which contained these fifty square rods he gave as the area of fort necessity? for the very obvious reason that that triangle crossed the brook and ran far into the marsh beyond. by every account the palisades of fort necessity were made to extend on the north to touch the brook, therefore it would be quite ridiculous to suppose the palisades crossed the brook again on the east. mr. lewis, prepossessed with the idea that the embankments must have been triangular in shape, drew the line b c as the base of his triangle, bisecting it at m and n, and making the loop m s n touch the brook. this design (triangle a b c) of fort necessity is improbable for the following reasons: . it has not one-half the area mr. lewis gives it. . it would not include much more than one-half of the high ground of the plateau, which was none too large for a fort. . there is no semblance of a mound b c nor any shred of testimony nor any legend of its existence. . the mound b e is entirely ignored though there is the best of evidence that it stood in mr. lewis's day where it stands today and was considered an embankment of fort necessity. mr. lewis gives exactly the area of a triangle with it as a part of the base line. . loop m s n would not come near the course of the brook without extending it far beyond mr. lewis's estimate of the length of its sides. . its area is only about square feet which would make fort necessity unconscionably small in face of the fact that more high ground was available. in colonel burd visited the site of fort necessity. this was only five years after it was built. he described its remains as circular in shape. if it was originally a triangle it is improbable that it could have appeared round five years later. if, however, it was originally an irregular square, it is not improbable that the rains and frosts of five winters, combined with the demolition of the fort by the french, would have given the mounds a circular appearance. was fort necessity, then, built in the form of an irregular square? there is the best of evidence that it was. in --fourteen years after mr. lewis's "survey"--mr. jared sparks, a careful historian and author of the standard work on washington, visited fort necessity. according to him its remains occupied "an irregular square, the dimensions of which were about one hundred feet on each side."[ ] mr. sparks drew a map of the embankments which is incorporated in his _writings of washington_ (see plate on page ). this drawing has not been reproduced in any later work, the authors of both _history of cumberland_ and _frontier forts of pennsylvania_ preferring to reproduce mr. lewis's inconsistent survey and speculation rather than mr. sparks's more accurate drawing. it is plain that mr. sparks found the embankment b e running in the direction it does today and not at all in the direction of the line b c, as mr. lewis drew it. by giving the approximate length of the sides as one hundred feet, mr. sparks gives about the exact length of the line b e in whatever direction it is extended to the brook. the fact that such an exact scholar as mr. sparks does not mention a sign or tradition of an embankment at b c, only fourteen years after mr. lewis "surveyed" it, is evidence that it never existed, which cannot come far from convicting the latter of a positive intention to speculate. however, it is well known how loosely early surveying was done. mr. sparks gives us four sides for fort necessity. three of these have been described as c a, a b and the broken line b e d. is there any evidence of the fourth side such as indicated by the line c d? there is! when mr. fazenbaker first questioned the accuracy of the map of fort necessity in _frontier forts of pennsylvania_, he believed the fort was a four-sided construction and pointed to a small mound, indicated at o, as the remains of the fourth embankment. the mound would not be noticed in a hasty view of the field, but, on examination proves to be an artificial, not a natural, mound. it is in lower ground and nearer the old course of the brook than the remains of fort necessity. a mound here would suffer most when the brook was out of banks, which would account for its disappearance. excavations in the other mounds had been unsuccessful; nothing had been discovered of the palisades, though every mound gave certain proof of having been artificially made. but excavations at mound o gave a different result. at about four and one-half feet below the surface of the ground, at the water line, a considerable amount of bark was found, fresh and red as new bark. it was water-soaked and the strings lay parallel with the mound above and were not found at a greater distance than two feet from its center. it was the rough bark of a tree's trunk--not the skin bark such as grows on roots. large flakes, the size of a man's hand, could be removed from it. at a distance of ten feet away a second trench was sunk, in line with the mound but quite beyond its northwestern extremity. bark was found here entirely similar in color, position, and condition. there is little doubt that the bark came from the logs of the palisades of fort necessity, though nothing is to be gained by exaggerating the possibility. bark, here in the low ground, would last indefinitely, and water was reached under this mound sooner than at any other point. no wood was found. it is probable that the french threw down the palisades, but bark would naturally have been left in the ground. if wood had been left, it would not withstand decay so long as bark. competent judges declare the bark to be that of oak. an authority of great reputation expresses the opinion that the bark found was probably from the logs of the palisades erected in . if anything is needed to prove that this slight mound o was an embankment of fort necessity, it is to be found in the result of mr. mccracken's survey. the mound lies in _exact line_ with the eastern extremity of embankment c a, the point c being located seven rods from the obtuse angle a, in line with the mound c a, which is broken by mr. fazenbaker's lane. also, the distance from c to d (in line with the mound o) measures ninety-nine feet and four inches--almost exactly mr. sparks's estimate of one hundred feet. thus fort necessity was in the shape of the figure represented by lines k c, c a, a b, and b e, and the projection of the palisades to the brook is represented by e d k, e h k, or l w k (line b e being prolonged to l). mr. sparks's drawing of the fort is thus proven approximately correct, although mr. veech boldly asserts that it is "inaccurate"[ ] (the quotation being copied in the _frontier forts of pennsylvania_),[ ] and despite the fact that two volumes treating of the fort, _history of cumberland_, and _frontier forts of pennsylvania_, refuse to give mr. sparks's map a place in their pages. it is of little practical moment what the form of the fort may have been, but it is all out of order that a palpably false description should be given by those who should be authorities, in preference to mr. sparks's description which is easily proven to be approximately correct. relics from fort necessity are rare and valuable, for the reason that no other action save the one battle of fort necessity ever took place here. the barrel of an old flint-lock musket, a few grape shot, a bullet mould and ladle, leaden and iron musket balls, comprise the few silent memorials of the first battle in which saxon blood was shed west of the alleghany mountains. the swivels, it is said, were taken to kentucky to do brave duty there in redeeming the "dark and bloody ground" to civilization. on the one hundredth anniversary of the battle of fort necessity a corner-stone for a monument was laid, but that has been displaced and rifled by vandals. will the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary pass without suitable action? is not the site of the first battle of the american revolution worthy of a monument? chapter vi the chain of federal union it is probable that, as early as , after his return from his mission to the french forts, george washington first introduced the subject of uniting the east and west by means of public highways. if england was to hold the west she must have a passageway to it. the project involved very great expense and governor dinwiddie paid little heed to it. had virginia acted on the young washington's suggestion, how much life and treasure would have been saved! braddock could not but have been successful, and that would have made forbes's expedition needless, and perhaps bouquet's also. as it was, braddock's twelve-foot road was almost her only communication with the west. but washington held to his boyhood dream of a highway over the mountains. as the years passed, his plans matured gradually with the unparalleled growth of the west. being a broad-minded virginian of virginians, he early conceived a picture of commercial grandeur, for the old dominion, the colony holding a golden west in fee. this was to be attained by building a highway over the mountains and connecting its eastern and western termini with navigable water-ways, natural or, if necessary, artificial. the building of the canals upon which the commerce from and to both east and west was to be brought to the great portage highway across the alleghanies was the important _coup_ of his plan, and to this he gave the best of his time and strength for many years. when he first became a member of the house of burgesses, in , the subject of a highway connection between the east and the west was not formally introduced. but to the members washington recommended the project as worthy of their consideration; he determined, before it should be formally brought before the legislature of the colony for definite action, to supply himself with all facts concerning the practicability of the undertaking, the expense of the construction and the advantages to accrue. his plan contemplated the improvement of the navigation of the potomac from tide-water to fort cumberland at the mouth of wills creek, or, to the highest practical point of the potomac, and the building of a highway across the mountains to the nearest navigable western rivers, cheat, youghiogheny, monongahela, or ohio. the selection of the best route was of primary importance, and washington during his tours in the west studied carefully this question. maps plotted by surveying parties were examined and materially aided in selecting the most advantageous communication. the colonies on the potomac, virginia and maryland, would especially profit by the navigation of this river and the extension of the communication with the west. certain of washington's letters to friends residing in virginia and maryland with extracts of his journal, including descriptions of the west, were published in the colonial _gazettes_. the project was received with curiosity and interest. when washington made his western tour in , he was surprised to find the change that had taken place in the valley of the ohio. people, he affirmed, were immigrating "in shoals!". believing now the time had come, washington brought his plan of a grand system of communication before the house of burgesses at its session in . it met with much opposition on the grounds of impracticability and expense. accordingly, washington was forced to depart from his original intention. he introduced and moved the adoption of a bill which empowered individuals to subscribe toward such an enterprise and construct a communication at their own expense. even this met with opposition, and, to appease the delegates from central virginia, it was found necessary to introduce an amendment to include the improvement of the navigation of the james river. in its amended form, the bill would probably have passed the house of burgesses. a similar bill was brought before the assembly of maryland, though with discouraging prospects. jealousies regarding western trade already existed between the merchants of baltimore and georgetown, and efforts made in favor of the bill by one party were opposed by the other. with matters in this doubtful condition, the revolutionary war broke out and as commander-in-chief of the army, washington was called to cambridge. but he never forgot the dream of his youth and early manhood and at the close of the war, again took up the enterprise. the dream of the youth became the firm conviction of the man, and, next to his desire for the independence of his country, the chief ambition of his life. for, now, the project was of national importance--to bind the east and the west with the iron bands of commercial intercourse and sympathy. a new nation had been born, but it was divided by mountains, which, to european eyes, seemed imperative boundaries of empire. on the first day of september, , washington left his home for another western tour. his purpose in making a western tour at this time was, chiefly, to look after his land, but a secondary consideration was to make a critical study of the summit range which intervened between the headwaters of the ohio and potomac rivers. upon his return to mt. vernon he prepared an account of his investigations, setting forth his arguments in behalf of this momentous project. this report, together with a transcript of his journal, he forwarded to the governor of virginia. these words were added to the report: "if you concur with me in the proposition i have suggested, and it is adopted by the legislature, it will signalize your administration as an important era in the history of this country." a new, yet old, consideration made the building of a highway to the west of utmost moment at this time. now, as england found, in , the trade of the central west was slipping away down the mississippi into the hands of spaniards, and washington was anticipating already a matter which was to prove a perplexing problem to the nation before it was solved. it is best treated in one of his letters to david humphreys, written july th, : "i may be singular in my ideas, but they are these: that, to open a door to, and make easy the way for, those settlers to the westward (who ought to advance regularly and compactly) before we make any stir about the navigation of the mississippi, and before our settlements are far advanced towards that river, would be our true line of policy. it can, i think, be demonstrated that the produce of the western territory (if the navigations which are in hand succeed, of which i have no doubt), as low down the ohio as the great kanawha, and i believe to the falls, and between the ports above the lakes, may be brought either to the highest shipping port on the potomac or james rivers at a less expense, with more ease, including the return, and in a much shorter time, than it can be carried to new orleans, if the spaniards, instead of restrictions, were to throw open their ports and invite our trade. but if the commerce of that country should embrace this channel, and connections be formed, experience has taught us, and there is a very recent proof with great britain, how next to impracticable it is to divert it; and, if that should be the case, the atlantic states, especially as those to the westward, will in a great degree be filled with foreigners, will be no more to the present union, except to excite perhaps very justly our fears, than the country of california is, which is still more to the westward, and belonging to another power." to henry lee he wrote: "open _all_ the communications which nature has afforded, between the atlantic states and the western territory, and encourage the use of them to the utmost. in my judgment, it is a matter of very serious concern to the well-being of the former, to make it the interest of the latter to trade with them; without which the ties of consanguinity, which are weakening every day, will soon be no bond, and we shall be no more a few years hence, to the inhabitants of that country, than the british and spaniards are at this day; not so much, indeed, because commercial connections, it is well known, lead to others, and united are difficult to be broken." this view of the dependence of the seaboard states on those of the central west, held by washington, is as interesting as it was novel. the bill authorizing the formation of a company to open the navigation of the potomac and james rivers passed the legislatures of virginia and maryland. it is difficult for us to realize how canals were viewed a century ago; how commercial prosperity seemed to depend upon their building. already washington, in fancy, had covered the west with a network of canals. as early as , he wrote to governor harrison urging a survey of the ohio; he added: "let the courses and distances be taken to the mouth of the muskingum and up that river to the carrying place of the cuyahoga; down the cuyahoga to lake erie, and thence to detroit. let them do the same with big beaver creek and with the scioto. in a word, let the waters east and west of the ohio which invite our notice by their proximity, and by the ease with which land transportation may be had between them and the lakes on the one side, and the rivers potomac and james on the other, be explored, accurately delineated, and a correct and connected map of the whole be presented to the public.... the object in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance." washington's laborious method of securing necessary information concerning the west, and his earnestness in not omitting any phase of the project are exemplified in a letter to richard butler, newly appointed superintendent of indian affairs, written in : "as i am anxious to learn the nature of the navigation of beaver creek, the distance, and what kind of a portage there is between it and cayahoga, or any other nearer navigable water of lake erie, and the nature of the navigation of the latter; and also the navigation of the muskingum, the distance and sort of portage across to the navigable waters of cayahoga or sandusky, and the kind of navigation therein; you would do me an acceptable favor to convey them to me, with the computed distances from the river ohio by each of these routes to the lake itself." in a letter to henry lee washington, again, he writes: "till you get low down the ohio, i conceive, that, considering the length of the voyage to new orleans, the difficulty of the current, and the time necessary to perform it in, it would be the interest of the inhabitants to bring their produce to our ports; and sure i am there is no other tie by which they will long form a link in the chain of federal union." washington's eagerness to gain every possible item of information concerning methods of internal improvement is displayed in a letter to thomas jefferson: "i was very much gratified ... by the receipt of your letter ... for the satisfactory account of the canal of languedoc. it gives me great pleasure to be made acquainted with the particulars of that stupendous work, though i do not expect to derive any but speculative advantages from it." to the marquis of chastellux he wrote: "i have lately made a tour through the lakes george and champlain as far as crown point, then returning to schenectady, i proceeded up the mohawk river to fort schuyler, crossed over the wood creek, which empties into the oneida lake, and affords the water communication with ontario. i then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the susquehannah, and viewed the lake otsego, and the portage between that lake and the mohawk river at canajoharie. prompted by these actual observations, i could not help taking a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of the united states.... would to god we may have wisdom enough to improve them! i shall not rest contented until i have explored the western country, and traversed those lines (or a great part of them) which have given bounds to a new empire." to william irvine, washington wrote in : "the letter with which you favored me ... inclosing a sketch of the waters near the line which separates your state from that of new york, came duly to hand.... the extensive inland navigation with which this country abounds and the easy communications which many of the rivers afford with the amazing territory to the west of us, will certainly be productive of infinite advantage to the atlantic states.... for my part, i wish sincerely that every door to that country may be set wide open, that the commercial intercourse may be rendered as free and as easy as possible. this, in my judgment, is the best, if not the only cement that can bind those people to us for any length of time; and we shall, i think, be deficient in forethought and wisdom if we neglect the means to effect it.... if the chautauqua lake, at the head of conewango river, approximates lake erie as nearly as is laid down in the draft you sent me, it presents a very short portage indeed between the two, and an access to all those above the latter." "i need not remark to you, sir," washington writes to harrison, in perhaps the most powerful appeal he ever made, "that the flanks and rear of the united states are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it which lies immediately west of us, with the middle states. for what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? how entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the spaniards on their right, and great britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? what, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the immigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens), will be the consequence of their having formed close connections with both or either of those powers in a commercial way, it needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophesy to foretell. the western states (i speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. the touch of a feather would turn them any way. they have looked down the mississippi until the spaniards, very impolitically, i think, for themselves, throw difficulties in their way; and they looked that way for no other reason than because they could glide gently down the stream, without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long land transportations, and unimproved roads. these causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. but smooth the road and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it.... it wants only a beginning. the western inhabitants would do their part toward the execution. weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of foreigners, or be dependent upon them." the navigation of the potomac was not easily secured and the potomac company relinquished its charter in when the chesapeake and ohio canal company was formed. yet in only one generation after washington's death the important features of his great plan of internal communications were realized. the chesapeake and ohio, erie and ohio canals made the exact connections desired by washington half a century before, and with the very results he prophesied. to crown all, within two years of washington's death, the great highway across the mountains for which he had pleaded for many years was assured, and for the next half-century the first national road in the united states fulfilled to the letter washington's fondest dream of welding more firmly "the chain of federal union." true to his declared conviction, that "the western inhabitants would do their part," the creation of the first state beyond the ohio, was responsible for the building of this great road; and, also, true to washington's conviction, the commissioners appointed by president jefferson to determine the best course for the road, decided in favor of washington's old roadway from fort cumberland through great meadows to the monongahela and the ohio, the course washington always held to be the one practical route to the west and which he had had surveyed at his own expense. for three score years washington's and braddock's roads answered all the imperative needs of modern travel, though the journey over it, at most seasons, was a rough experience. during the winter the road was practically impassable. colonel brodhead, commanding at fort pitt during the revolutionary war, wrote richard peters: "the great depth of snow upon the alleghany and laurel hills have prevented our getting every kind of stores, nor do i expect to get any now until the latter end of april." but with the growing importance of pittsburg, the subject of roads received more and more attention. as early as , a warrant was issued for the survey of the manor of pittsburg, which embraced , acres. in this warrant an allowance of six per cent was made for roads.[ ] six years later, or the first year of the revolutionary war, court met at pittsburg, and viewers were appointed to report on a large number of roads, in the construction of which all males between the ages of sixteen and forty-five, living within three miles of the road, were required to work under the supervision of the commissioners. one of these roads became, nearly half a century later, incorporated in the cumberland road. the licensing of taverns by youghiogheny county in , and of ferries about the same time, indicate the opening and use of roads. within ten years, the post from new york to pittsburg was established over the treacherous mountain road. in , the pittsburg post-office was established, with mails from philadelphia once in two weeks.[ ] through all these years a stream of pioneers had been flowing westward, the current dividing at fort cumberland. hundreds had wended their tedious way over braddock's road to the youghiogheny and passed down by water to kentucky, but thousands had journeyed south over boone's wilderness road, which had been blazed through cumberland gap in . all that was needed to turn the whole current toward the ohio was a good thoroughfare. the thousands of people who had gone, by one way or another, into the trans-ohio country, soon demanded statehood. the creation of the state of ohio is directly responsible for the building of the cumberland road. in an act passed by congress april , , to enable the people of ohio to form a state government and for admission into the union, section contained this provision: "that one-twentieth of the net proceeds of the lands lying within said state sold by congress shall be applied to the laying out and making public roads leading from the navigable waters emptying into the atlantic, to the ohio, to the said state, and through the same, such roads to be laid out under the authority of congress, with the consent of the several states through which the roads shall pass."[ ] another law, passed march rd of the following year, appropriated three per cent of the five to laying out roads within the state of ohio, and the remaining two per cent for laying out and making roads from the navigable waters, emptying into the atlantic, to the river ohio to the said state.[ ] a committee, appointed to review the question, reported to the senate december , . at that time, the sale of land from july, , to september , , had amounted to $ , . , of which two per cent, $ , , was available for a road to ohio. this sum was rapidly increasing. of the routes across the mountains, the committee studied none of those north of philadelphia, or south of richmond. between these points five courses were considered: . philadelphia--ohio river (between steubenville and mouth of grave creek) miles. . baltimore--ohio river (between steubenville and mouth of grave creek) miles. . washington--ohio river (between steubenville and mouth of grave creek) miles. . richmond miles. . baltimore--brownsville miles. there were really but two courses to consider: boone's road and braddock's road. the former led through a thinly populated part of the country and did not answer the prescribed condition, that of striking the ohio at a point contiguous to the state of ohio. consequently, in the report submitted by the committee we read as follows: "therefore the committee have thought it expedient to recommend the laying out and making a road from cumberland, on the northerly bank of the potomac, and within the state of maryland, to the ohio river, at the most convenient place on the easterly bank of said river, opposite to steubenville, and the mouth of grave creek, which empties into said river, ohio, a little below wheeling in virginia. this route will meet and accommodate roads from baltimore and the district of columbia; it will cross the monongahela at or near brownsville, sometimes called redstone, where the advantages of boating can be taken, and from the point where it will probably intersect the river ohio, there are now roads, or they can easily be made over feasible and proper ground, to and through the principal population of the state of ohio."[ ] immediately the following act of congress was passed: _to regulate the laying out and making a road from cumberland in the state of maryland, to the state of ohio._ in the execution of this act president jefferson appointed thomas moore of maryland, joseph kerr of ohio, and eli williams of maryland commissioners to lay out the cumberland road. their first report was presented december , . it is a document of great importance, throwing, as it does, many interesting side lights on the great task which confronted the builders of our first national highway. permission to build the road was gained of each of the states through which it passed, pennsylvania making the condition that the route of the road should pass through the towns of washington and uniontown. on the fifteenth of january, , the commissioners rendered a second report in which it appears that timber and brush had already been cleared from the proposed route and that contracts were already let for the first ten miles west of cumberland. this indicates that the cumberland road was not built on the bed of the old military routes. though the two crossed each other frequently, the commissioners reported that the two roadbeds were not identical in the aggregate for more than one mile in the entire distance. braddock's road and the cumberland road were originally one as they left cumberland. the course met again at little meadows near tomlinson's tavern and again at eastern foot of negro mountain. the courses were identical at the old flenniken tavern, two miles west of smithfield (big crossing), and on summit of laurel hill, at which point braddock's road swung off northwesterly toward pittsburg, following the old buffalo trail toward the junction of the ohio and allegheny, and the cumberland road continued westward along the course of the old portage path toward wheeling on the ohio. contracts for the first ten miles west of cumberland were signed april and may , . they were completed in the following year. contracts were let in , , . in , contracts brought the road to uniontown. in the same year a contract was let from a point near washington to the virginia line. in the following year united states mail coaches were running from washington, d. c., to wheeling, and is considered the year of the opening of the road to the ohio river. the cost of the eastern division of the road was enormous. the commissioners in their report to congress estimated the cost at $ , per mile, not including bridges. the cost of the road from cumberland to uniontown was $ , per mile. the cost of the entire division east of the ohio river was about $ , per mile. too liberal contracts was given as the reason for this greater proportional expense. as early as the year , it is recorded that a single one of the five commission houses at wheeling unloaded , wagons, averaging , pounds each, and paid for freightage of goods the sum of $ , . the subsequent history of this highway and all the vicissitudes through which it has passed, has, in a measure, perhaps, dimmed the luster of its early pride. the subject of transportation has undergone such marvelous changes in these eighty years since the cumberland road was opened, that we are apt to forget the strength of the patriotism which made that road a reality. but compare it with the roadways built before it to accomplish similar ends, and the greatness of the undertaking can be appreciated. over the beginnings of great historical movements there often hangs a cloud of obscurity. over the heroic and persistent efforts of george washington, to make a feeble republic strong through unity, there is no obscurity. america won the west from england as england had won it from france--by conquest. brave men were found who did what neither england nor france did do, settle the wilderness and begin the transformation of it. large colonies of hardy men and women had gone into the ohio valley, carrying in their hands the blessed ordinance and guided by the very star of empire. virginia had given the best of her sons and daughters to the meadow land of _ken-ta-kee_, who were destined to clinch the republic's title to the mississippi river. the old bay state had given her best blood to found the old northwest, at historic marietta. new jersey and connecticut had sent their sons through vast wildernesses to found cincinnati and cleveland, names which today suggest the best there is in our american state. without exaggeration, the building of the binding highway, which, through so many years, washington championed, was the crowning act of all that had gone before. it embodied the prime idea in the ordinance of , and proved, finally, that a republic of loyal people could scorn the old european theory that mountains are imperative boundaries of empire. it was a question whether the expansion of the united states was to conduce to national strength or national weakness. france and germany and italy have expanded to the injury of national vitality, england and the united states to its strengthening. the building of the cumberland road was a means of securing the west to the united states as it was never secured to france or england. the era of canals and national roads and steam navigation brought the farthest west into living touch with the east, and each contributed to the other's power and both were welded into one nation. the population of the three states west of the ohio through which the cumberland road ran increased from , to , , in the generation the road was in active use. the average increase of percentage of permanent population for the first five decades in these states was over per decade. in the second decade of the century indiana's population increased over per cent. this has been equaled but three times in all the phenomenal "rushes" of recent years into the western states. in all this making of "the young empire of the west" the cumberland road had a preponderating influence. this "chain of federal union," forged, under god, by the hand of that first american in the hot fires of revolution, strengthened wisely by the same timely hand in those critical afterhours, has thrown its imperial links, one by one, across a continent. historic washington's road, with all the wealth of history and tradition which attaches to it, was the first and most important link. footnotes: [ ] darlington's _christopher gist's journals_, p. . [ ] a very curious, and possibly the only, view of these buildings in existence will be found in an old "map of fort cumberland," _historic highways of america_, vol. iv. [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, p. . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, p. . [ ] the private _journal_ kept by washington on the expedition of the virginia regiment in was composed of rough notes only. it was lost with other papers at the battle of fort necessity and was captured by the french and sent to paris. two years later it was published by the french government, after being thoroughly "edited" by a french censor. it was titled "memoire _contenant le precis des faits, avec leurs pieces justificatives, pour servir de reponse aux_ observations _envoyées, par les ministres d'angleterre, dans les cours de l'europe. a paris; de l'imprimerie royale, ._" in this memoire, together with portions of washington's _journal_ appear papers, instructions, etc., captured at braddock's defeat in . of the portion of washington's _journal_ published, washington himself said: "i kept no regular one (journal) during the expedition; rough notes of occurrences i certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphised, some parts left out which i remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of, the names of men and things egregiously miscalled, and the whole of what i saw englished is very incorrect and nonsensical." the last entry on the _journal_ is on june th, six days previous to the battle of fort necessity. [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, ,_ pp. , . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, ,_ p. . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, p. . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, pp. - . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, p. . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, p. . [ ] toner's _journal of colonel george washington, _, pp. - . [ ] _history of cumberland_, p. . [ ] _the monongahela of old_, p. . [ ] _frontier forts of pennsylvania_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _writings of washington_ ( ), vol. i., p. . [ ] _monongahela of old_, pp. - . [ ] _frontier forts of pennsylvania_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] craig's _history of pittsburg_, p. . [ ] craig's _history of pittsburgh_, p. . it is interesting to note that pittsburg was on the direct mail route to kentucky--boone's old route through cumberland gap not being a mail route. [ ] _united states statutes at large_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _united states statutes at large_, vol. ii., p. . [ ] _senate reports_, th cong., sess., rep., no. . * * * * * transcriber's notes: . passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_. . obvious errors in spelling and punctuation have been corrected. . footnotes have been moved to the end of the main text body. . images have been moved from the middle of a paragraph to the closest paragraph break. . certain words use an oe ligature in the original. . carat character (^) followed by a single letter or a set of letters in curly brackets is indicative of subscript in the original book.